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n 
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Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 

Covers  damaged/ 
Couverture  endommag^e 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurAe  et/ou  pellicul6e 

Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

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D 
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Bound  with  other  material/ 
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APPENDIX 


TO 


«      :> 


THE    CONGEESSIONAL    GLOBE, 


FOR  THE 


FIRST  SESSION,  TWENTY-NINTH  CONGRESS: 


•■!■,'! .'  ■  :•,;■ 


.#1 


CONTAINING 


SPEECHES   AND  IMPORTANT   STATE   PAPERS. 


BY  BLAIR  AND  RIVES. 


NEW  SERIES ..1845-6. 


#' 


CITY  OF  WASHINGTON : 

PRINTED   AT  THE  OFFICE  PP   BLAIR  St,  RIVES. 

lG4d. 


/S-^ffi-A^ 


■Y 


INDEX 


?  \ 


TO  THE  APPENDIX  OF  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE 


I 


A. 

Adams,  J.  d.,  a  Representative  from  Massa- 
chusetts— 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  -        -    463 
extracts  from  his  lariif  report,        -        -  73(1, 
7S5.  757,  1058 
Adams's,  John,  views.     (See  Taiyff—JSIanu- 

facturts — Prolntion, ) 
Agriculturnl  prortiicts,  the  prices  of.     (See 

Markets.) 
Alexandria,  remarks  in  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives on  the  bill  for  the  retro- 
cession of— 
by  Mr.  Hunter,  of  Virginia,         -        -    894 
Allen,  William,  Senator  from  Ohio — 

remarks  on  Mr.  Cass's  re.iolutioiis  of  In- 

3uiry  into  the  condition  of  the  public 
efenrea, 61 

on  the  Oregon  question  ond  the  rela- 
tions of  tlic  United  States  with  Eng- 
land,     -----       62, 834 
Annuities.     (See  Indian  ^nnuiliea.) 
I  Appointments  to  office.     (Snc  Clerks  in  the 

Public  DepttrlnuHts.) 
'  General  Jackson's  opinion  concerning,  -    737 

\   Appropriation  bills.     (Sec  .Omii/ — Indians — 
Volunleers — Civil  and  Diplmnalic.) 
Archer,  William,  a  Senator  from  Virginia — 

remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  -        -    520 
Army,  annual  report  of  the  Secretary  of  Wnr 
.             on  the  condition  of  the,     -        •        -      13 
speeches  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives on  the  bill  makingappropriatinns 
for  the  support  of  the,  by — 
Mr.  Davis,  G.,  of  Kentucky,         -    916 
Mr.  Hudson,  of  Massachusetts,     -    912 
Mr.  Hunt,  W..  of  New  York,       -    934 
Mr.  Sims,A.D.,of  South  Carolina,    932 
Mr.  Thurman,  of  Ohio,         -        -    928 
correspondence  of  the  War  Department 
with  Generals  Gaines  and  Scott,  con- 
cerning the  prepcrations  for  a  move- 
ment of  the, 649 

speech  in  relation  to  the  pay  of  the,      -    908 
speeches  concerning   the.      (See  Rifle- 
men— Mounted  Riflemen — Military  Aca- 
demy— Sixers,  Miners,  and  Pontoniert 
— Volunteers.) 
Ashley,  Chester,  a  Senator  from  Arkansas — 

remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,   -        -    437 
Ashmun,  G.,  a  Representative  fr9m  Massa- 
chusetts— 
remarks  on  the  furtilicatinn  bill,  concern- 
ing Texas  afliiirs  and  ,the  war  with 
Mexico,    -        -        -    '     -        -        -    809  I 
Atchison,  D.  R.,  a  Senator  from  Missouri —  i 

remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,   -        -    348  | 
Atkinson,  A.,  a  Representative  from  Vir- 
ginia— I 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  -        -    261  ' 

Bagby,  A.  P.,  a  Senator  from  Alabama —  | 

remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,   -        -    261  I 
on  tlie  harbor  bill,      -        -        .        -    974 


Baker,  E.  D.,  a  Representative  from  Illinois- 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  tiue-slion,  -        -    151 
Banking  system.    For  speeches  incidentally 
discussing  the,  see  Independent  Treasury, 
Barringer,  D.  M.,  a  Representative  from  N. 
Carolina — 
remarks  on  the  tariff,    -        -        -        .  1051  ' 
Barrow,  A.,  a  Senator  from  Louisiana —  [ 

remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  -        -    588 
Bayly,  "T.  H.,  a  Representative  from  Vir- 
ginia—  ! 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,   -     133 
on  the  harbor  bill,      -        .        . 
on  the  tariff,       .... 


Bedinger, 


explonalion  by, 
,  H.,  a  Re 
ginia — 


eprcsentativo  fVom   Vir- 


,3.32 
402 
812 
195 


remarks  concerning  the  naturalization 
laws  and  "  nalivism,"    - 
on  the  Oregon  question,     -        .        . 
Bell,  J.  P.,  a  Representative  from  Kentucky — 

remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,   - 
Benton,  T.  H.,  n  Senator  from  Missouri — 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  augmentation 
of  the  navy,    .        -        .        .        - 
on  the  indi>pendent  Treasury  bill, 
on  theniiirication  of  the  Oregon  treaty, 
on  the  French  spolinlion  bill, 
Benton,  C.  S.,  a  Repicscnuilive  from  New 
York- 
remarks  on  the  joint  ruolution  directing 
the  manner  of  procuring  tlie  public 

printing, 

on  the  tariff,       -         -         -         .         . 
Berrien,  J.  McP.,  a  Senator  from  Georgia — 

remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,   - 
Bills  of  credit,  remarks  on  the  power  of  the 
Slates,  to  emit,  liy — 
Davie,  of  North  Carolina, 
Iredell,  of  North  Carolina, 
.Tackson,  Andrew,      -        .        .        . 
Marlainc,  of  North  Carolina,    - 
Mndison,  James,        -        .         -         . 
Marlin,  Luther,  of  Maryland,    - 
Mai«httll,  Chief  Justice,     -        -        - 
Pfiirkney,  Charles,  of  South  Carolina, 

Story,  Judge, 

Web.sler,  Daniel,       .        -         .         . 
Blanchnrd,  J.,  a  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania— 
remarks  on  the  tariff,     - 
Boundary,  Northeastern .  (See  Treaty  of  ff 'ask- 

ington—towa.) 
Towlin,!.  B.jarepresentativclVon. Missouri, 
remarks  concerning  the  naturalization 
laws  and  Native  Americanism, 
on  the  Oregon  question,     - 
Breese,  Sidney,  a  Senator  from  Illinois, 
Brinkerhoff,  J.,a  Representative  from  Ohio — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  - 

on  the  tariff, 

Brodhead,   Richard,  a  Representative  (Voni 
Pennsylvania — 
reniarka  on  the  tariff)    -       ■       -        - 


88 
117 

-    269 


292 

820 
867 

898 


833 

847 

505 


602 
Cd'J 
004 
602 
602 
602 
603 
G02 
603 
603 


-  1003 


43 

77 
378 

101 

784 


976 


Brown,  Milton,  a  Represcniativo  from  Ten- 
nessee— 
remark!  on  the  Oregon  question,  on  the 
bill  to  protect  the  rights  of  American 
citizens  in  Oregon,     -        -        -        -    693 
Buchanan,  James,  letters  as  Secretory  of  Slate 

on  the  Oregon  question,      24,  29,  33,  1172, 
1173,7174,  1175,1176,1177,1178 
his  tariff  views,     -        -        -  1020,1141 

Ballot  box,  speeches  concerning  frauds  on 

the, 64 

Burt,  Armislead,a  Representative  from  South 
Carolina — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  -        -    264 

Cabell,  E.  C,  Representative  from  Florida — 
remarks  upon  the  contested  election  from 

Florida, 301 

Calhoun,  John   C,  letters  as  Secretory  of 

Stale  on  the  Oregon  question,  23,  24,  28,29 
remarks   on  the  Oreson  qucslioij,  and 
the  probabilities  of  a  wu.'with  Eiig- 

hmd, 471 

on  the  tariff  of  1842,  -        -        -        -    761 
Cameron,  S.,  n  Senator  from  Pennsylvania — 

remarks  on  the  tariff,     -        -         -         -  1130 
Campbell,  W.  W.,  a  Kepieacntutive  from 
New  Y'ork — 
remarks  on  ihe  Oregon  question,  -        -    157 
on  the   bill    to    raise    a    regiment   of 
mounted    riflemen,  concerning  the 
proposition  to  limit  the  ciilistinent 
and  appointment  of  oflicers  and  sol- 
diers to  "  Native  Anu'riciins,"         -    619 
Carroll,  C.  II.,  a  Representative  from  New 
York — 
remarks  on  the  tariff,     -        -        -        -  1044 
Cass,  Lewis,  a  Senator  from  Michigan — 
renuirka  on  the  Oregon  (lucalion,  the  de- 
feni:es,  mid  the  probabilitiosa  war 
wall  Kiigluml,        -        -        -        -    422 
.  concerning  ihe  Oregon  question,  and 
thelrcaty  of  Ulreciil,  in  reply  to  Mr. 

lieiilon, 510 

on  the  liiil  providing  for  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  war  with  Mexico,  -         -    645 
on  protection,     -         -         -         -         -  102U 
on  tlur  Oregon  question,  delivered  in 
secret  session  ;  received  loo  hue  On- 
this  volume— (See  Appendix  for  ad 
session  2!)th  Congress.) 
Chalmers,  J.  W.,  Seimlor  from  Mississipjii — 

remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  -        -    556 
Chapman,  John  G.,  a  Represeiilative  from 
Maryland — 
remarks  on  the  tariff,     -        -        -        -  1155 
Chapman,  11.,  a  Representative  from  Ala- 
bama— 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  the  protection  of 
American  settlers  in  Oregon,      -         •     545 
Chase,  L.  B.,  a  Kcpresciitalive  from  Tcn- 
iies.icc — 
remarks  concerning  the   naturalization 

lu-.va  and    'nativism,"  -        -        -      66 


INDEX. 


Ill 


334 
299 
753 


-    687 


243 


Chase,  L.  D.,  a  Representative  from  Ten- 
neasee — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  qucslinn,  - 
on  the  Florida  contested  election, 
on  tlio  tnritr,      -        .        -        .        . 
Choate,  R.,  n  Senator .. ^m  Massachusetts — 

(Sec  r«i-i/;' 0/1842.) 
Civil   and    diplomatic    appropriation    bill, 
speeches  in  the  Houxe  of  Represent- 
atives on  the,  by — 
Mr.  HouRton  of  Alabama,     - 
Clarke,  H.  S.,  a  Representative  from  North 
Ca'olina — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,   • 
on  the  tdrilfqucsuon,         ...  1035 
Clay's  views  on  the  compromise  act  and  the 

tariff  policy, 752, 

755,  757,  758,  760,  995,  1058 
Clayton,  J.  M.,  a  Senator  from  Delaware — 

remarks  on  the  Orej^on  question,  -     318,  319 
on  the  spoliation  bill,         ...    §55 
on  the  President's  veto  of  the  spolia- 
tion bill, 1161 

Clerks  in  the  pul)lic  departments  in  Wash- 
ington.    Remarks  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  on  the  bill  requiring 
the  appointment  of  officers  and,  to  bo 
made  from  all  the  States,  in  proportion 
to  their  representation  in  Congress — 
•     by  Mr.  Sawyer,  of  Ohio, 
Coal  trade,  Pennsylvania  and  foreign,  statis- 
tics of  the,        -  709,  710, 1070,  1072, 1092, 
1093,  1133,  1134, 1147,  1160,  J161 
Coal  trade  of  Virginia,         -        -        -710,1160 
Cobb,  H.,  a  Representative  from  Georgia — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  - 
on  the  bill  to  protect  the  rights  of 

American  citizens  in  Oregon,  - 
on  the  bill  making  appropriation  for 
the  support  of  the  volunteers,  con- 
cerning the  boundary  of  Texas  and 
the  Mexican  war,  .... 
Cocke,  William  M.,  a  Representative  from 
Tennessee — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  - 
on  the  harbor  bill       .... 
CoUamer,  Jacob,  a  Representative  from  Ver- 
mont— 
remarks  on  the  tariff  bill,      ... 
Collin,  John  F.,  a  Representative  from  New 
York— 
remarks  on  the  postage  bill,  concirning 
the  reduction  of  the  tariff,  - 
Colquitt,  W.  T.,  a  Senator  from  Georgia-— 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question ,  - 

Commercial  Statistics 410, 

452,  459,  461,  486,  700,  7,32.  733,  7,52,  795,  ' 

796,  S15,  886,  388,  926,  943,  959,  973,  977,   ! 

1024,  1026,  1027,  1060,  1078,  1079,  1094,  'I 

1098,  1148,  1149,  1150,  1157  l| 

Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office.  i 

iSce  General  Land  Qlftce.)  ll 

Indian  Affairs.     (See  Inrfian  ^/fnirs.)  Ij 

Compromise  act,  and  the  tariff  of  1842.  (See  '■ ! 

i^nir.)  1! 

Conquests  by  Great  Britain,        -        -        -      84  |' 

Connecticut  resolutions;  concerning  slavery  | 

and  the  admission  of  Texas  into  the 

Union,  remarks  thereon  in  the  House 


421 
616 

411 


831 


726 


154 
635 


1101 


93 
444 


960 


821 
219 


-    144 


-    168 
721 


.304 
363 


916 


212 
434 


293 
321 
326 


-    535 


537 
22 


of  Representatives — by 

Mr.  Rockwell,  of  •bnuecticut. 


59  i 
404,  459,  499  1 


1060 


394 


Corn  trade,  concerning  the 

(See  Trade  icilh  England.) 

Corn  and  wheat  grown  m  the  United  States, 

Constable,  A.,  a  Representative  from  Mary- 

lanil — 

remarks  on  the  harbor  bill,   -        .        . 

Constitiuionul  treasury.      (See  Independent 

Treasury,) 
Contested  election.     (See  E/cc(ions.) 
Conventions  with  Great  Britain  in  1818  and 

1H27,         -       103,117,126,266,496,609 
Convention,  Nootka,  concerning  the,  -        -  146, 

415,  441,  495 

Copper,  statistics  of,    -        -        -        -        -    885 

Cotliin,  stplislics  of,     .....  733^ 

795,  8.50,  1027,  1034,  1079,  1080 

Crittenden,  J.  J.,  a  Senator  from  Kentucky — 

remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  - 

Culver,  E.  D.,  a  Representative  from  N.Y. — 

remarks  on   the   bill  to  eslr.blish  post- 

routes  in  Texos,  concerning  Texas 

slavery,  ami  the  Oregon  question, 

explanation  by,    ..... 


-    842 


194 
19^ 


flumberland  road,  remarks  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  on  the  bill  making  ap- 
propriation for  the  completion  of  tlie, 

Mr.  Yancey,  of  Alabama, 
Mr.  Tibbatts,  of  Kentucky    - 
Cummins,  J.  D.,  Representative  fVom  Ohio- 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question    - 
Currency,  for  speeches  concerning  the,  see 
IndenendenI  Treasury — Bills  of  Credit. 
Mr.  Walker's  views  of  Mr.  Benton's 
hard  money  notions,  ... 

D. 
Daniel,  J.  R.  J.,  a  Representative  from  North 
Carolina — 
remarks  on  the  tariff     ....  1077 

on  the  Independent  Treasury  bill,     -  1124 
Dargan,  E.  S.,  a  Representative  from  Ala- 
bama— 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question, 
Darragh,C.,  a  Representative  from  Pennsyl- 
vania— 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,   - 
on  the  tariff,  and  concerning  the  Ore- 
gon question,  -        -        -        -        . 

Davis,  Garrett,  a  Representative  fl-om  Ken- 
tucky— 
remarks  upon  the  Florida  contested  elec- 
tion,     -       .       -       .       - 
on  the  Oregon  question,    - 
on  the  bill  for  the  support  of  the  army, 
concerning  the  boundary  of  Texas 
and  the  Mexican  war,   .        .        - 
Davis,  Jefferson,  a  Representative  from  Mis- 
sissippi— 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  - 
on  the  harbor  bill,     .... 

Davis,  John,  a  Senator  from  Massachusetts, 

remarks  on  the  tariff,    .        -        -        -  1107 
Defences.     (See  .Vottotlii  Defences — Xamj.) 
Dickinson,  Daniel  S.,  a  Senator  from  New 
York- 
remarks  concerning  the  naval  defences, 
in  reply  to  Mr.  Benton, 
on  the  Oregon  question,    .        .        - 
concerning  the  McLeod  case,    - 
Mr.  Webster's  reply  to,  conccrniii^  the 
disbursementofthesucrei-servicemnd, 
and  the  McLcod  case, 
remarks  in  reply  to  Mr.  Webster's  per 
sonni  attack,  and  cimcerning  the  Ash- 
i>urton  treaty  and  the  McLeod  case, 
Diplomatic  correspondence  on  the  Oregon 
question,   ------ 

Dix,  John  A.,  a  Senator  from  New  York — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  quention 

on  the  spoliation  bill,  ...    514 

on  the  warehouse  bill,       .        .     789,  792 
Dixon,  James,  a  Representative  from  Con- 
necticut— 
remarks  concerning  tho  naturalization 
laws  and  Native  Americanism, 
on  the  toriff,      ...        .        . 

Dobbin,  James  C,  a  Representative  from 
North  C(  olina — 
remarks  on  i.;e  Oregon  question,  - 
on  the  graduation  bill  and  concerning 

the  tariff, 1094 

Dodge,  A.  C,  a  Delegate  from  Iowa — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  - 
on  the  bill  to  define  the  boundaries  of 
Iowa,    ------ 

Douglass,  Stephen  A.,  a  Representative  from 
Illinois — 
remarks  on  tho  bill  making  appropria- 
1  tion  for  the  support  of  the  army,  con 

I  cerning  the  war  with  Mexico,    • 

I  Dry  docks,  sectional  floating.     (See  Floating 
I  dry  docks.) 

Duties,  tiic  principles  upon  which,  should  be 
i  levicil,       ...... 

ad  valorem,  concerning,        -     754,  785,  780 
minimum,  concerning,  -        -     754,  775,  997 
specific,  concerning,      .        -        -        .    754 
Henry  Clay,  concerning,      ...    754 
the  effecLs  of  high  duties  and  low  duties 
[  upon  commerce         ....  1027 

!         (See  Tariff.) 
'.  E. 

;  Election,  the  contested  from  Florida,  remarks 
in  the  House  of  Representatives,  by — 
Mr.  Chase,  L.  B.,  of  Tennessee,  -        -    299 
Mr.  Cabell,  E.  C,  of  Florida,      -        -    301 


Election,  the  New  Jersey  contested,  remarks 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  con- 
cerning, by — 
Mr.  Jenkins,  of  New  York, 
England,  the  relations  of  the  United  States 
with,  discussed,         .        .        .        . 
England.    (See  Traik.) 
Ewing,  J.  H.,  a  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania— 
remarks  on  the  tariff,    -        -      .  - 
Ewing,  E.  H.,  a  Representative  from  Ten- 
nessee— 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  - 
on  the  harbor  bill,     .        .        .        . 
on  the  tariff,      -        .        -        .        . 
Evans,  George,  a  Senator  (torn  Maine — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  . 
Expenditures  by  the  Federal  Government  for 
internal  improvements 


455 

634 


734 


189 

500 
987 

-    572 


-  360. 

403,  421,  422,  450,  454,  563, 1023 

Expenditures  for  fortifications,    -        .        -    450 

P. 
Fairfield,  John,  a  Senator  from  Moino — 
remarks  on  the  bill  for  an  augmentation 
of  the  navy,  and  concerning  the  Ore- 
gon question,    -        -        -        -        -    389 
concerning  the  treaty  of  Washington  in 
!  reply  to  Mr.  Webster,       -        -        -    621 

i  Foran,  James   J,,  a   Representative   <Vom 
I  Ohio— 

,         remarks  on  the  harbor  bill,    -        -        -    480 
j         on  the  Oregon  question  and  the  protec- 
i  tion  of  Americans  in  Oregon,    -        -    609 

Federalists,  the  conduct  of,  during  the  war 
with  England,  portrayed  by  their  own 
speeches,  orations,  and  sermons,        -  613, 
613,  614, 615, 930, 931 
Ficklin,  O.  B.,  u  Representative  from  Illi- 
nois— 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  -        -    171 

on  the  tariff, 1051 

Finances,  the  annual  report  of  the  Secretary 

of  the  Treasury  on  the,     ...        8 
Floating  dry  dock,  speeches  jn  the  House  of 
Representatives  on  the  proposition  to 
construct,  by — 
Mr.  Levin,  of  Pennsylvania,        -        -    944 
Florida.    (See  JSfection.) 
Foot,  SolomoUj.  a  Representative  from  Ver- 
mont— 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  -        -    248 
on  the  bill  making  appropriation  for 
the  support  of  volunteers  and  other 
troops,  concerning  the  boundary  of 
Texas  and  the  IVfexican  war,        -  1098 
312,  319  !|  Fortifications.     Remarks  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  on  the  bill  making  ap- 
propriations for  the  erection  and  re- 
pair of,  by — 
Mr.  Wentworth,  of  Illinois,  -        -    450 

Mr.  Ashmun,  of  Massachusetts,  -        .    809 
Mr.  Seaman,  of  New  York,  -        -1137 

expenditures  by  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment for,  ------    450 

Free  trade.     For  speeches  discussing,  see 
Tariff—  Webster— Madison. 
the  Fancuil  Hall  proceedings,  in  which 
Mr,  Webster  participated,  in  favor  of,  1059, 

Fries,  George,  a  Representative  from  Ohio- 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  -        -    286 
Fugitive  slaves,  remarks  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  concerning  the  pay- 
ment of  money  for  fugitive   slaves 
under  the  treaty  of   1845  with  the 
Creek  and  Seminole  Indians,'by — 
Mr.  Giddings,  of  Ohio,         -        -        -    430 
Fulton,  Robert,  remarks  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  on  the  bill  for  the  re- 
lief of  the  heirs  of,  by — 
Mr.  Ingcrsoll,  J.  R,,  of  Pennsylvania,    1138 
G. 
Gaines,  General,  his  correspondence  with 
the  War  Department  concerning  the 
calls  for  volunteers  and  the  prepara- 
tions for  a  movement  of  the  troops 
against  Mexico,        -      654,  655, 606,  6,'>7, 
658,  660,  661,  662,'663,  664,  665,  666, 667 
Gallatin's  tariff  views,         -        -       .-        .    849 
General  Land  Office,  annual]  report  from  tho 

Commissioner  of  the,        -        -        -      37 
Gentry,  M.  P.,  a  Representative  from  Ten- 
nessee 


68' 
1061  > 


107 


344 

668 


-    903  1 


754 


Mr.  Davis,  Garrett,  of  Kentucky,        -    304  i 


remarks  on  the  Oregon  question, 


-    178 


vr 


INDEX  TO 


80 


72 


-    430 


641 


830 

9a» 


109 
712 


115 
341 

84 


598 


123 
647, 


Gentry,  M.  P.|  a  Reprcsentutive  from  Ten- 
nessee— 
remnrks  nn  the  bill  to  raise  two  regi- 
ineniH  of  riflemen,     ....    550 

on  the  tnrifr, 1086 

Graduation.     (See  Public  iMtub.) 
Giles,  Willinni  F,,  a  Kcpresentalive  from 
Maryland — 
remarks  on  the  Ores""  (jntdtion,  - 
Giddings,  Tosliua  R.,  a  Reprcscnlative  from 
Ohio- 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  and 
concerning  Texas  and  slavery, 
on  tlic  appropriation  for  Indian  annu 

ities,  concerning  fugitive  slaves, 
on  the  bill  to  raise  a  regiment  of  sap- 
pers, miners,  and  poiitoniers,  con- 
cerning the  boundaries  of  Texas, 
and  the  annexation  of  that  Slate  to 
the  United  States,  and  the  Mexican 
war,       ...... 

on  the  treasury  note  l.ill,  concerning 
the  boundary  of  Texas,  and   the 
Mexican  war,  and  slavery,    - 
reply  of  Mr.  Thurman  to,     - 
Goodyear,  C,  a  Representative  from  New 
York — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  - 

on  the  tariff, 

Gordon,    S.,    a  Representative  from    New 
York- 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  t,v.;stion,  - 
on  the  harbor  bill,      .... 

Great  Britain,  provinces  conquered  by, 
Grider,  H.,  a  Representative  from  Kentucky, 
remarks  on  the  Independent  Treasury 
bill,   ....... 

Grover,  M.,  a   Representative  from  New 
York- 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  qncstion ,  - 
concerning  an   appropriation  for  the 
construction  of  marine  hospitals     - 
H. 

Hannegan,  Edward  A.,  Senator  from  Indi- 
ana— 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,   -       45,  46, 
307,  319,  376 
explanation  bv,      ....        45,  4g 

Haralson,  Hugh  A.,  a  Representative  from 
Georgia — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  - 
on  the  bill  making  appropriation  for 
the  i-ayment  of  volunteers  and  other 
troops  in  the  Mexican  war,     - 
on  the  bill  to  raiec  two  regiments  of 
riflemen  -        -  ... 

Harmanson,  J.  H.,  a  Repre^^entative  from 
Louisiana — 
remarks  on  the  tariff,    .... 

on  the  Independent  Treasury,    - 
Harbors  and  rivers.    Remarks  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  on  the  bill  making 
appropriations  fur  certain,  by — 
i>..      Mr.  Bayly,  of  Virginia,     - 
Mr.  Cocke,  of  Tennessee, 
Mr.  Constable,  of  MaryUnd,    - 
Mr.  Davip,  of  Mississippi, 
Mr.  Bwing,  of  Tennes-sce, 
Mr.  Faran,  of  Ohio,  .        -         - 

Mr.  Gordon,  of  New  York, 
Mr.  Houston,  of  Alabama, 
Mr.  Hudson,  of  Massachusetts, 
,       Mr.  Jones,  of  Tennessee,  - 

Mr.  McClelland,  of  Michigan,  - 
Mr.  Puyne,  of  Alalmma,    ... 
Mr,  Rathbun,  of  New  York, 
i^t         Mr.  Rlicit,  of  South  Carolina,    - 
Mr.  Severance,  of  Maine, - 
Mr.  Stanton,  of  Tennessee, 
Mr.  Stewart,  of  Pennsylvania, 
H.'.  ■     Mr.  Thomasson,  of  Kentucky, 

Mr.  Tbonipson,  of  Pennsylvanio,     - 
Mr.  Tibbatis,  of  Kentucky, 
Mr.  Wentworth,  of  Illinois, 
Mr.  Winthrop,  of  Massachusetts,     - 
Mr.  Woodward,  of  South  Carolina,  -    399 
Mr.  Yancey,  of  Alabama,  -    355,403 

•tatement  of  expenditures  by  the  Gov- 
ernment for  the  improvement  of,   360,  450, 

454 
speeches  in  the  Senate  on  the  bill  making 
appropriations  for,  by — 
Mr.  Bagby,  of  Alalmnip,   ...    974 
Mr.  Speight,  of  Mississippi,      .        .  lUOl 


267 


864 
476 


744 
417 


-  409 

-  444 

•  391 

-  434 

-  500 

-  48(1 

-  341 

-  (iSJ, 
459,  7.'i.^ 

-  3(iU 

-  327 

-  4.i7 

-  343 

-  447 

-  489 

-  47rt 

-  4!»7 

-  3.")a 

-  4W7 

-  .'■>59 

-  4,50 
483 


Haywood,  W.  H.ia  Senator  from  North       • 
*  Carolina — 

rrinark.s  nn  the  Oregon  question,  -        45,  369 
his  aildress  10  the  people  nf  Norlh  Caro- 
lina, givinii  his  views  of  the  tarifl'bill, 
hikI  the  cause  of  his  resignation,         -  1178 
his  letter  of  acceptance  of  the  election  of 

Senator, 1184 

Hilliard,  H.  W.,  a  Representative  from  Ala- 
bama— 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  -         .     119 
Hogc,  J.  P.,n  Representative  from  Illinois — 

remarks  on  the  Oregon  qucstiini,  -         .    205 
Holmes,  I.  F,.,  a  Representative  from  South 
Cnioliim — 
reniarks  nn  the  Oregon  question,   .        -     165 
explnnaiion  bv,    ....     162,  200 
Holmes,  K.  B.,  a  Rcprcaentotive  from  New 
York— 
remarks  on  the  hill  reducing  the  duty  on 
imnoria— .concerning    the    war    with 

Mexico, 952 

Home  market,  statistics, Ac.,  of  the,  758,  759, 1057 
Hospital.'*.     (i<ce  Marinf  Hosjiilalt.) 
Hough,  W.  .T.,  a  Representative  from  New 
York — 
remarks  on  the  tariff,    -         -        -         .     774 
Houston.  S.,  n  Senator  from  Texas — 

remarks  on  the  Oregon- question,   -         .     637 
Houston,  G.  S.,  a  Representative  from  Ala. 
bama — 
remnrks  on  the  Oregon  question,  .     279,  547 
on  the  civil  and  diplomatic  bill,  in  reply 
to  Mr.  Crnzier,  cnneerning  an  appro- 
priation  for  the  impi'ovement  of  the 
Tennessee  river,         ....     687 
Houston,  J.    W.,  a    Representative  from 
Deliiware — 
remaHts  nn  the  t(,riffj^-        ...  1081 
Hubard,  E.  W.,  o  Reprcllntative  from  Vir. 
gini.i — 
remarks  on  the  tariff,     -        -        .         .    729 
Hudson,  C  a  Representative  from  Masso. 
chnaetta — 
rcmark.s  on  the  harbor  bill— concerning 

the  corn  irailc,        ....     459 
extracts  from  the  above  speech,         -     753 
remarks  on  the  army  appropriation  bill — 

concerning  the  Mexican  war,  ■    912 

on  the  tnriir,       .....    997 
Hungerford,  O.,  n  Rcprcsentolive  from  New 
York- 
remarks  nn  the  tariff,    ....  1023 
Hunt,'\V.,n  Representative  from  NewYork — 
remnrks  cnncernins  the   natnializntion 

laws,  and  franda  on  the  ballot  box,  64 
on  the  Oregon  question,  ...  238 
on  the  army  appropriation  bill,  con- 

cerninj  the  war  with  Mexico,         -    934 
on  the  tariff,  cnneerning  duly  on  salt,      964 
Hunter,  U .  M .  T. ,  a  Representative  from  Vir- 
ginia- 
remarks  nn  the  Oregon  question,  -         -      89 
on  ilie  bill  for  the  retrocession  of  Alex- 
andria,  --.-..    i394 

on  the  tariff, 1025 

Huntingion,  J.  W.,  n  Senator  from  Connec- 
ticut— 
remnrks  on  the  Oregon  question,  -         -     627 
on  the  tnrifl",       -        -        -        -         -  1129 
I. 
Independent  Treasury ,  speeches  in  the  House 
of  Representatives,  upon  the  bill  to  es- 
tablish the,  by — 

Mr.  Daniel,  of  North  Carolina,  .1124 
Mr  firider,  of  Kenincky,  -  .  598 
Mr.  Harinan.wn,  of  Louisiana,  .  417 
Mr.  Ingcrsoll,  CI.,  of  Pcnn.,  -  .Wi 
Mr.  Injersoll,  ,T.  R.,  of  Penn.,  -  594 
Mr.  .Inncs,  of  Tennessee,  -  -  601 
Mr.  Smith,  of  Indiana,  -        -    581 

speeches  in  the  Senate  on  the  bill  to  es- 
tablish the,  by — 

Mr.  Speight, 1002 

Mr.  Benton, 820 

Indian  Affairs,  annual  report  of  the  Commis- 
sioner of, 40 

Indian  annuities,  remarks  in  the  House  con- 
cerning appropriations  for,  by — 

Mr.  Giddings,  ofOhio,  -        -    430 

Indian   npproprinlinn    bill,  remnrks   in    the 
House  of  Representatives  on  the,  by — 
Mr.  McfMernand,  of  Illinois,  -    069 

Mr.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,     -        -    946 


820 


335 
594 

869 
1089 

1128 


284 
592 
69, 


Indiani  and  Indian  trade.     (See  StalulUi.) 
corresponden)^   between   the   Commis- 
sioner of  Indian  Affairs  and  Joshua 
Pilcher,  concerning  the  kind  of  money 
to  pay  the,         ..... 
Ingerioll,  J,  R.,  a  Repreienlalive  from  Penn- 
sylvania— 
remarks  concerning  the  naturalization 
laws  and  "  Native  Americanism," 
on  the  Independent  Trta^ury  bill, 
on  the  bill  to  protect  the  rights  of 

American  citizens  in  Oregon, 
on  the  tariff,       ..... 
on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  heirs 
of  Robert  Fulton,  -     '- 
Ingersoll,  C,  J.,  a  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania, 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  - 
on  the  Independent  Treasury  bill, 
explanations  by,        ... 

92, 100, 113,  144.  102, 179 
Mr.  Webster's  remarks  concerning, 
and  the  McLeod  case,  and  the  dis. 
burscincnt  of  the  secret-service  fund,    535 
Internal  Improvements  by  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment.   (See  Speeckta  under  HarborB 
— Cumherlanil  Road—Expendiltiret. ) 
Mr.  Madison  on,        -        -        329,  357,  487 
Mr.  Monroe  on,-        -        -        329,488,503 
General  Jackson  on,      -        -        -        -  329, 
358,  454,  479,  488,  503 
Mr.  Van  Buren  on,    -        -        -        330,  489 

Mr.  Polk  on, 357 

remnrks  on ,  by  Mr.  Stewart,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania,       .        -        -        -        -        -    497 
expenditures  by  the   Federal  Govern- 
ment for.     (See  S(a(is/ics.) 
in  Michigan.     (See  .Micfcigun.) 
Ireland,    lui  condition,        ....    754 
Iron,  statistics  of,         .        -     720,  750,  756,  775, 
850,  924,  1071,  1092, 1093, 1146, 1147, 1158 
Iowa,  speech  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, on  the  bill  to  define  the  bounda- 
ries of,  by, 
Mr.  Dodge,  A.  C,  of  Iowa, - 

Jackson,  General,  his  letter  upon  the  subjectof 
banking,  n  Bank  of  the  United  States, 
and  the  emission  of  bills  of  credit  by 
,    the  States,         ..... 
views,  concerning  encouragement,   by 
the  tariff,  to  manufactures, 
755,   1019,   1051,  1067,  1071,  1132,  1133, 
1153,1180,1181 
Jarnngin,  S.,  Senator  fVom  Tennessee — 

remnrks  on  the  tariff,     -        -        .         -  1153 
Jay's  treaty,  meeting  in  Philadelphia,  and 

Wa.shington  letter,  concerning,  -         -    374 
Jefferson's  views  on  the  tariff  policy  and  pro- 
tection,     -        691,1051^1070,1131,1180 
Jenkins,  T.,  a  Representative  from  New 
York- 
remarks  on  the  New  Jersey  contested 
election,         ..... 
on  the  tariff,       ..... 
Johnson,   R.,  a  Senator  from  Maryland — 
remarks  on  the  tariff,   .-        -        •        ■ 
Johnson,  A.,  a  Representative  front  Tenn. — 

remarks  on  the  tariff,    -        -        -        54,55 

on  the  Orcgonqucstion,     -        -        -    331 

explanation  byfr-        ...        54,  55 

Jones,  G.  W.,a  Representative  from  Tenn., 

j  remarks  on  the  harbor  bill,   ... 

!  on  the  Independent  Treasury  bill, 

Jones,  Seaborn,  a  Representative  from  Geor- 

i  gi"— 

remarks  on  tlie  Oregon  question,  - 

;  K. 

j  Kaufman,  David  S.,  a  Representative  from 
Texas- 
remarks  on   the  tariff,  and  concerning 
i  Texas  affairs,  and  the  Mexican  war, 

Kennedy,  A.,  a  Rcpresenwtive  from  Indi- 
ana— 
remnrks  on  the  Oregon  question,  -     209,  224 
King,  Thomas   B.,  a  Representative   from 
Georgia — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  -        -    464 
L. 
Labor,  the  wnses  and  liiairs  of,  70,  407,  702,  703, 
759,  700,  928, 974,  10.56,  10.57, 1134, 1159 
Leake,   S.   F.,  a  Rcpiesent»ilive  from  Vir- 
ginia— 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  -        -    9S3 


668 


604 
691, 


455 

798 

1118 


360 
601 


176 


803 


^ 

U 
M 


Ml 
Ml 
M< 

Mc 
Mc 


THE  APPENDIX. 


46 
95 


605 


944 


-    785 


780 
339 


323 


Levin,  Lewis  C,  a  Representative  fVom  Penn- 
sylvania— 
remarks  concerninjE;  the  naturalization 
laws,  and  Native  Americanism,     - 
on  the  Ort.gnn  question,    -        ■        ■ 
on  the  bill  for  raising  a  regiment  of 
mounted   riflemen,  concerning  the 
,  enlistment  of  forcigncra  in  the  army, 

on  the  proposition  making  appropri- 
ation Tor  the  construction  of  a  sec- 
tional floating  dry-dock 
Lewis,  Dixon  H., a  Senator  from  Alabama — 

remarks  on  tlie  tariff',    - 
Lewis,    A.,    a   Representative   from   New 
York- 
remarks  on  the  tariff",    .        -        .        . 
Light-liouses,  act  of  1789,  for.the^establish- 
ment  of,    -       -       -   '    - 
M. 
Madison,  James,  on  the  construction;of  the 

Constitution,     -        .        -        .     487,  503 
on  the  powers  of  Congress   -        -        .    813 
on  fi'ce  trade  and  protection  to  manufac- 
tures, 831, 979, 1U51, 1070, 1131, 1132, 1181 
Mails.     (See  Sleam  mail  Iramporlation.) 
Mallory,  of  Vermont,  his  views  in  1823,  con- 
cerning Oregon,         .        -        .        .    347 
Manufactures,  opinion  i<f  the  framers  of  the 
Constitution,  concerning   encourage- 
ment to, 813 

encouragement  to,  Washington  concern- 
ing,       -        -         691,1131,1180,1181 
Jefferson,-        -        -        -691,1131,1180 
Madison,-        -         691,1131,1132,1181 
Monroe,    -        -        -  691,  1132,  1481 

Jackson,    -         691,  755,  1132,  1133,  1181 
Adams,  John,  -----  1131 
statistics  of,    411, 731, 750,  758, 775,  819, 983, 
925,  926,  927,  928,  974,  1056,  1057,  1078, 
1080,  1136,  1150,  1160 
Manufacturers,  the  amount  of  agricultural 

products  consumed  by  the, 
Marine  Hospitals — 

remarks  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
concerning  appropriations  for  the 
establishment  of,  by — 
Mr.  Grover,  of  New  York, 
Markets.     The  prices  of  agricultural  and 

mineral  products,  462,  693, 711,  720,  748, 
753,  756,  757,  758,  850,922,  925, 1079, 1158 
(See  Home  Market.) 
Marah,  G.  P.,  a  Representative  from  Ver- 
mont— 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  establish  the  Smith- 
sonian Institution,  -        -        -        -    850 

on  the  tariff', 1009 

Martin,  B-iaUeprcscnlative  from  Tennessee — 

remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  - 
Martin,  Luther,  of  Maryland,  on  the  power 
of  the  Slates  to  emit  bills  of  credit, 
McCIean,  M.,  a  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania— 
reiTiarks  on  the  tariff^,    .... 
McClelland,  R.,  a  Representative  from  Mich- 
igan— 
remorks  on  the  harbor  bill,   - 
McClernand,  J.  A.,  a  Representative  from 
Illinois — 
remorks  on  the  Oregon  question,  - 
on   the    bill  to   raise  a  regiment  of 
mounted  riflemen,  -        -        .        . 
on  the  Indian  appropriation  bill,  con- 
cerning the  Oregon  and  Texas  ques- 
tions, and  the  conduct  of  England, 
on  graduating  the  price  of  the  public 
lands— received  loo  late  to  ap|iear  in 
this  volume.     (See  volume  for  the 
9d  session  of  the  29th  Congress.) 
McDowell,  Joseph  J.,  a  Representative  from 
Ohio- 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question    - 
McHenry,J.  H., a  Representative  from  Ken- 
tucky— 

remarks  on  the  tariff",     -        .        .        .  101, 

Mcllvainc,  Abraham  R.,  a  Representative 

from  Pennsylvania — 

remarks  on  appropriation  bill  concerning 

the  military  occupation  of  Texas, 

and   the  pW)per  boundary  of  that 

State,      

McLane,  Minister  to  England,  correspond- 
ence concerning  the  Oregon  question,  1171, 
1173,1174,1175,  1176,1177,  1178 
McLeod  case.    (See  H'ebater — Dickiiuon.) 


1057 


647 


338 
602 


690 


-    327 


273 
420 


670 


74 


649 


579 


Message,  annual,  of  the  President,      -        -        1 
Mexico,  speeches  in  the  Senate  on  the  bill 
providing  for  the  prosecution  of  the 
war  with,  by — 
Mr.  Cass,  of  Michigan,  -        -    645 

Mr.  Pennybacker,  of  Virginia,  -  903 
Mexico,  speeches  in  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives concerning  the  war  willi,  by- 
Mr.  Ashmun,  of  Massachusetts,  -  609 
Mr.  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  -  -  -1101 
Mr.  Davis,  of  Kentucky,  -  -  916 
Mr.  Douglass,  of  Illinois,  -  -  903 
Mr.  Foot,  of  Vermont,  -        -  1098 

Mr.  Qiddings,  ofOhio,  -  -  641,826 
Mr.  Haralson,  of  Gcorg  n,  -  -  864 
Mr.  Holmes,  of  New  Yo  k,  -  -  952 
Mr.  Hudson,  of  Massachusetts,  -  912 
Mr.  Hunt,  of  New  York,  -  -  934 
Mr.  Kaufman,  of  Texas,  -  -  803 
Mr.  Severance,  of  Maine,  -  -  683 
Mr.  Sims,  of  South  Carolina,  -    933 

Mr.  Smith,  of  Indiana,  -  -  .  1115 
Mr.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  -  -  946 
Mr.  Tibbatts,  of  Kentucky,  -  -  908 
Mr.  Tilden,ofOhio,  ...  703 
Mr.  Thurman,  ofOhio,  -        -    928 

Mr.  Yancey,  of  Alabama,     -        -    950 
(For  speeches  indirectly  discussing  the 

war  with,  see  Texaa.) 
ofPicial  account  of  the  battles  on  the  Rio 

Grande, -    675 

correspondence  of  the  War  Department 
with  Generals  Goines  and  Scott,  con- 
cerning tlie  preparations  for  conduct- 
ing the  war  against,  -        -        -        - 
Michigan,  speeches  in  the  Senate  on  the  bill 
to  supply  certain  alternate  sections  of 
the  public  domain  towards  the  com- 
pletion of  works  of  internal  improve- 
ment in,  by — 
Mr.Woodbridge,  of  Michigan,  874,  878 
Military  Academy  at  Wtst  Point,  remarks 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  on 
the  bill  making  appropriations  for  the, 
by— 
Mr.  Sawyer,  of  Ohio,    -        •        -    585 
Miller,  J.  W.,  a  Senator  from  New  Jersey — 

remarks  on  the  Oregon  qnestion    -        -    568 
on  the  treasury  note  bill,  -        -        .  1127 
Miller,  W.  S.,  a  Representative  from  New 
York- 
remarks  on  the  tariff',    -        -        -        -  1075 
Monroe's  tariff' views,         ....  691, 
1051,  1067,  1070, 1132,  1180,  1181 
Mounted  riflemen,  remarks  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  on  the  bill  to  raise 
one  regiment  of,  by — 
Mr.  Campbell,  of  New  York,         -    619 
Mr.  Levin,  of  Pennsylvania,  -        -    605 
Mr.  McClernand,  of  Illinois,  -    420 

N. 
National  defences,  remarks  in  the  Senate  on 
the  resolution  of  Mr.  Cass,  inquiring 
into  the  condition  of  the,  by — 
Mr.  Allen,  of  Ohio.        -        -        -      61 
the  annual  report  of  the  Secretary  of 

War  on  the,       -        -        -        -        -       13 
speeches  in  the  Senate  concerning  the,  -    426 
speeches  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, in  which  the  condition  of  the,  is 
ineidentally  discussed,        -        -       • 
Native  Americanism,  speeches  concerning 
and  the  scenes  in  which  they  were  en- 
gaged in  in  iTiiladelphia,    -    43,  46,  63,  64, 
66,  68,  88,  336,  605,  619 
Naturalization  laws,  speeches  in  the  HousS 
of  Representatives  upon  the  subject  of 
the,  by — 
Mr.  Bowlin,  of  Missouri, 
Mr.  Bedinger,  of  Virginia,     - 
Mr.  Chase,  of  Tennessee, 
Mr.  Campbell,  of  New  York, 
Mr.  Dixon,  of  Connecticut,    - 
Mr.  Hunt,  of  New  York, 
Mr.  Ingersoll,  J.  R.,  of  Penii., 
Mr.  Leviii,  of  Pennsylvania,  - 
Mr.  Sims,  of  S.  Carolina, 
Mr.  Yancey,  of  Alabama, 
Naval  force  of  the  United  States.    (See  Sla- 

tislics.) 
Navy  Department,  annual  reportjfrom  the,  - 
communication  from  the,  concerning  an 
augmentation  of  the  navy, - 
Navy,  American,  its  extent,       ... 


Navy,  British,  its  exicntr    -      321,386,387,440 
Navy  of  llie  United  Slates,  condition  of  the,      17 
speeches  in  the  Senate  on  the  bill  pro- 
viding fur  the  augmentation  of  the ,  by — 
Mr.  Demon,  of  Missouri, 
Mr.  Dickinson,  of  New  York, 
Mr.  Fairfield,  ofMoine,         -    •    - 
Mr.  Speight,  of  Mississippi,  - 
Niles,  J.  M.,  u  Senator  from  Connecticut — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,   - 
on  the  tariff",      -        -        -        -     881, 890 
on  the  post  office  appropriation  bill, 
concerning  fhe  transportation  of  the 
mail  in  steamers,     .         -        -         - 
Norris,  M.,  o  Representative   from    New 
Hampshire — 
remarks  on  the  tariff',    .... 
O. 
Oregon  question,  speeches  in  the  Senate  on 
the  several  petitions,  communications, 
and   propositions  concerning  the  ad- 
just menl  of  the,  by —  • 
Mr.  Archer,  of  Virginia, 
Mr.  Allen,  ofOhio, 
Mr.  Ashley,  of  Arkansas, 
Mr.  Atchison,  of  Missouri,    -    < 
Mr.  Bagby,  of  Alabama, 
Mr.  Harrow,  of  Louisiana,     - 
Mr.  Berrien,  of  Georgia, 
Mr.  Brecse,  of  Illinois,  - 
Mr.  Collioun,  of  South  Carolina, 
Mr.  Cass,  of  Michigan 


893 

8<)3 
■289 
294 

553 


-    984 


920 


H 


-    133 


-  43 

-  88 

-  66 

-  619 

-  68 

-  64 

-  335 
46,  605 

-  63 
43 


17 

291 

449 


Mr.  Houston,  of  Texas, 
Mr.  Huntington,  of  Connecticut, 
Mr.  Miller,  of  New  Jersey,    - 
Mr.  Niles,  of  Connecticut,      -   • 
Mr.  Pennybacker,  of  Virginia, 
Mr.  Sevier,  of  Arkansas, 
the  question  incidentally  discussed. 


-  520 
62,  834 

-  437 
i  -  348 

-  492 

-  588« 

-  50S# 
•  378* 

-  471 
422,  510* 

Mr.  Chalmers,  of  Mississippi,        -    556 
Mr.  Clayton,  J.  M.,  of  Delaware,  318, 319» 
Mr.  Colquitt,  of  Georgia,       -        -    219 
Mr.  Crittenden,  of  Kentucky,    *   -    842» 
Mr.  Dickinson,  of  New  York,        -    321  • 
Mr.  Dix,  of  New  York,         -     313,319» 
Mr.  Evans',  of  Maine,    -        -        -    572 
Mr.  Hannegan,  of  Indiana,    -        -     45, 
46, 307  ,-319, 376 
Mr.  Haywood, of  North  Carolina,  45, 3C9» 

637 
627 
568 
552* 

-  698 

-  389« 

-  289, 
491,  551 

organization  of  the,  and  the  British  Ore- 
gon law,    ------    130 

speeches  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives on  the  several  propositions  for 
adjustment  of  the,  nnd  for  the  protec- 
tion of  American  settlers  in,  by — 
Mr.  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,       -     465 
Mr.  Atkinson,  of  Virginia,     -        -     261 
Mr.  liayly,  of  Virginia,         -     133, 332  • 
Mr.  Rnfl,  of  South  Carolina,-        -     264 
Mr.  Hedinger,  of  Virginio,      -        -     117 
Mr.  Brinkerhotr,  OfOhio,      -        -    101 
Mr.  Bell,  of  Kentucky,  •        -    269  • 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Tennessee,  -  -  693 
Mr.  Baker,  of  Illinois,  -  -  -  151 
Mr.  Bowlin,  of  Missouri,  -  -  774 
Mr.  Campbell,  of  New  York,  -  157 
Mr.  Culver,  of  New  York,  -  -  194 
Mr.  Clarke,  of  North  Corolina,  -  243* 
Mr.  Cummins,  of  Ohio,  -        -     411 

Mr.  Chapman,  of  Alabama,  -        -     545 
Mr.  Coeke,  of  Tennessee,      -        -      93* 
Mr.  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  -        -      154,6,35 
Mr.  C|||6e,  ofTennes.see,      -        -    234 
Mr.  Dnrragh,  of  Pennsylvania,   168,721 
Mr.  Davis,  of  Kentucky,        -        -    363 
Mr.  Dobbin,  of  North  Carolina,    -     107 
Mr.  D.iigan,  of  Alttliania,       -        -     144 
Mr.  Davis,  of  Mississippi,     -        -    212 
Mr.  Dodge,  of  Iowa,     -        -        -    344« 
Mr.  Ewing,  of  Tennessee,      -        -     If'O 
Mr.  Foot,  of  Vermont,  -        -        -     248« 
Mr.  Ficklin,  of  Illinois,-        -        -     171 
Mr.  Faran,  ofOhio,       -        -        -    609^ 
Mr.  Fries,  of  Ohio,        -         -        -    286* 
Mr.  Giddings,  of  Ohio,  -        -      72 

Mr.  Giles,  of  Maryland,         -        -       80 
Mr.  Gordon,  of  New  York,    -        -     115 
Mr.  Goodyear,  of  New  York,        -    109* 
Mr.  Grover,  of  New  York,    -        -    123 
Mr.  Gentry,  of  Tennessee,    -        -    n8* 
Mr.  Hnnter,  of  Virgii*(a,         -        -      89 
Mr.  Hilliard,  Alabama,  -        -">       -     112» 
Mr.  Holmes,  of  South  Carolina,    •    165 


VI 


INDEX  TO 


OregODi  tpeecliea  in  the  Ilnuieof  Ropreseiil- 
ativos  on  the  aevernl  propoaitinns  for 
Ailjiiatnient  of  the,  nnil  for  the  protec- 
tion of  Ainericnn  Hcltlers  in,  by— 


-  8(i9 

-  176 

-  331 

-  4(i4 
a)9,  224 

-  1»3 

-  93 

-  338 

-  74 
273,  67(1 

-  146 
■  697 

-  141 

-  241 

-  495 

-  120 

-  126 

-  297 
83 

11)4 
22(i 
22;» 
253 
256 
671 
3H7 
131 
201 
162 
159 
633 
►  98 
217 
184 
186 
199,  695 
85 


Mr.  Iloge,  uf  Ilinois,     ■      '.        .    905 
Mr,  Hnnt,  ofNtwYork,      -        -    238 

•Mr.  Hiimlson,  of  QeorKin,  -  -  267 
Mr.  Hoiiiiloii,orAhiliannn,  -  279,547 
Mr.  Inj,'er«oll,  C.  J.,  of  Penn.,  -  284 
Mr.  Ingenoll,  J.  K.,  of  Ponn., 
Mr.  Joiicn,  of  Ocorjjia, - 
Mr.  Johnitnn,  nf  Tcnncsaee,  • 
Mr.  King,  of  Ucorpn,  - 
Mr.  Kennedy,  of  Indinnn, 
Mr.  Lenke,  ofVlrifiniii, 

•Mr.  Levin,  of  Pcnnajflvnnia,  - 
Mr.  Mnrtin,  of  TenncHHco,    - 
Mr.  M<-Dowcll,of01iio, 
Mr.  McClernanil,  of  Illinois,  - 

•  Mr.  Owen,  of  Indiana,  - 
Mr.  Payne,  of  Aliiliainn, 

•  Mr.  Pendleton,  of  Virginia,    - 
Mr.  P.Arrish,  of  Ohio,    - 
Mr.  Phclpa,  of  Misnouri, 
Mr,  Pollock,  of  IVnnaylvnnia, 

•  Mr.  Uorkwell,  of  Connerticut, 
Mr.  Reid,  of  North  Carolina, 

;Mr.  Sims,  of  MIsHcniri, 
Mr.  Smith,  Calrli  B.,  nf  Indiana, 

•  Mr.  Sawyer,  of  Ohio,     • 
Mr.  Smith,  of  Illinois,   - 

•  Mr.  SiniH,  of  South  Carolina, 
Mr.  Smith,  of  Conm-cticut,    - 

•  Mr.  Scddon,  of  Virginia, 
Mr.  Starkweather,  of  Ohio,  - 

•  'Mr.  Toomljs,  of  GeorRia, 

•  Mr.  Thompson,  of  Mississippi, 

•  Mr.  Thurman,  of  Ohig, 
Mr.  Thompson,  of  Pennsylvania, 
Mr.  Vinton,  of  Ohio,      - 

•  Mr.  Winlhrop,  of  Massachusetts 

•  Mr.  Wood,  of  New  York,     - 
Mr.  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania, 
Mr.  Woodward,  of  South  Carolina, 
Mr.  Wick,  of  Indiana,  - 

•Mr.  Yancey,  of  Alabama, 
Mr.  Yell,  of  Arkansas,  -        -        -    205 

•  views  in  1823  of  Mr.  Mallory,  of  Ver- 

mont, concerning,  ...        -    347 
of  Mr.  Tracy,  of  New  York,  con- 
cerning, -        .        .        .        . 
Oregon   question,    correspondence  between 
the  Secretary  of  State  and  the  Uritish 
Minister,  concerning  the    -        -     22,1170 
the  English  and  American  propositions 
for  the  settlement  of  the     -        -        -     610 
Oregon  treaty.  President's  niessa^e  commu- 
nicating the,  to  the  Senate,  and  pro- 

•  cecdings  thereon,       .        -        .        .  1J68 
corr<'spondence  of  the  two  Governments, 

anipcedent  to  the,  and    the   protocol 

and  treaty,         -        .         .        .  1170,1171 

•  speeches  in  the  Senate  tn  the  ralificaiion 

of 'he,  by — 

Mr.  Rcnton,nf  Missouri, 

•  Mr.  Cass.     (See  Cum.) 
Owen,  Robert  Dale,  a  Representative  from 

Indiana — 

•  remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  - 

on  the  bill  to  establish  the  Smithsonian 
Institution,     •        .         ■        .        ■ 
«  P. 

Paper  money,  for  speeches  concerning,  see 

Iiule])cn<lenl  Trtftaury.       m 
Parrish,  Isaac,  a  Rcprcscnlulivc  from  Ohio — 

remarks  cm  the  Oregon  question,  - 
Payne,  W.  W.,  a  Representative  from  Ala- 
bama— 
remarks  on  the  harbor  bill, 

•  on  the   bill    to  protect   the  rights  of 

American  citizens  in  Oregon,  - 

•  on  the  graduation  bill, 
Phelps,  John  S.,  a  Representative  from  Mis- 
souri— 

•  remai'ks  on  the  bill  to  protect  the  rights 

of  American  settlers  in  Oregon,  - 
Pendleton,  J.  S.,  a  Representative  from  Vir- 
ginia—       ' 

•  remarks  on  the  Oregon  question 
Pennybarkcr,  Isaac  S.,  a  Senator  from  Vir 

•  ginia — 
remarks  on  tile  Oregon  question,  -        -    698 

'  on  the  bill  providing  for  tire  prosecu- 

tion of  the  war  with  Mexico,         -    9J2 


-  867 

146 

467 

241 

-  457 

697 
t*06 

495 

-  141 


Perry,  Thomu,  a  llepreientative  iVom  Mary- 
land— 
remarks  on  the  tari|r,    ...        -  1070 
Polk,  James  K.,  Iiis  Inriir  views,         •        -  753, 
800,  921,  961,  1003,  1020,  1121 
Pollock,  J.,  a  Representative  from  Pennsyl- 
vania— 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  -        -    120 
on  the  tariir,      -        .       ^        .        .    715 
Postage  bill,  remarks  in  the  House  of  Rep- 
rcsptitatives  on  the,  by — 
Mr.  ThomassoOjof  Kentucky,     -        -1154 
Mr.  Collin,  of  Nfw  York      -        -        -    621 
Postmaster  General.     (See  PoH  Office  De- 

yiirtmrnt.) 
Post  Office  Department,  the  annual  report  of,      19 
remarks  in  the  Senate  on  the  bill  making 
appropriation  for  tlie,  by — 

Mr.  Niles, 984 

Post  routes.     (See  Ttxm.) 

President  of  the  United  States,  the  Annual 

Message  of  the,  ....         1 

message  from  the,  communiojiting  the 
correspondence  of  thn  War  Depart- 
ment with  Generals  Gaines  and  Scott 
concerning  the  preparations  for  amove- 
mcnt  i^fainst  Mexico,  ...  '649 
message  from  the,  transmitting  the  offi- 
cial report  from  General  Taylor  of  the 
battles  on  the  Rio  Grande,  •  -  675 
message  communicating  to  the  Senate 
the  Oregon   treaty,  and  proceedings 

thereon, 1168 

Printing  of  Congress,  remarks  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  on  the  joint  resolu- 
tion directing  the  manner  of  procuring 
the.  by — 
Mr.  Benton,  of  New  York,  -        -        -    823 
Protection,  speech  of,  Mr.  Stewa'rt,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, in  favor  of,         -        -        -    935 
Protection,    for    speeches    concerning,    see     • 
Manvfiiclures  —Tariff'. 
the  Democratic  party  and      .        -        -     7,'>5 
General  Jackson  and,   753,  1019,  1051,  1067, 
1071,11.33,1180 
Miidisnn,  concerning     -979, 1051, 1070, 1180 
Washington,  on    -        -        -        -11.3.3,1180 
Polk,  on        -        -  752,  800,  921,  1003,  1020 
Mo.nnc,on   -        -       1051,1067,1070,1180 
Ruchanan,on        .....  1020 

Cnss,  on 1020 

Van  Ruren,  on      -        -        -        -  1020, 1070 
Jefferson,  on  -        -  1051,  1070, 1180 

Crawford,  on         .....  1181 
Public  lands,  speeches  in  the  House  nf  Rep- 
rrsentalivps  on  the  bill  to  graduate  and 
reduce  the  price  of  the,  by 
Mr.  Rfthbun,  of  J^cw  York,         -        -     773 
Mr.  Thomp.son,  of  Mississippi,    -        -     777 
Mr.  Payne,  of  Alaliama,         ...     806 
Mr.  Dobbin,  of  North  Carolina,    ■        -1094 
Mr.  Sipphcn.i,  of  Georgia,     -        -  1103 

(See  McCUmand.) 
Public  lands.     (See  Michigan.) 

extracts  from  the  President's   message- 
concerning,        .....  1095 
statistics  of,  -        -        -        -799,1106,1107 
R. 
Ramsay,  Alexander,  a  Representative  from 
Pennsylvania — 
remarks  on  tho<toriff  concerning  the  coal 

trade 708,753 

Rnthbun,  G.,  a  Representative  ft-om  New- 
York— 
Umarks  on  the  harbor  bill,   -        -         -     343 
"on  the  tariff  bill,  an  J  in  reply  to  Mr. 

Wick,    -        -        .        -        -        -    771 
on  the  graduation  bill,         ...     773 
Reid,  David  S.,a  Representative  from  North 
Carolina — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,   -        -     297 
Retrocession.     (See  .^/fj-iini/rid.) 
Revenue  under  the  several  tariffs,  strtistica,     751 
Riflemen,  remarks  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives on  the  bill  to  raise  two  regi- 
ments of,  by — 
Mr.  Haralson,  of  Georgia,    -        -        -     476 
Mr.  Yell,  of  Arkansas,  -        -        -     .349 

Mr.  Gentry,  of  Tcimessce,  -        -        -    .351 
Mr.  Tilden,  of  Ohio,    -        -        •        -    564 
Riflemen.     (See  JHoimted  Riflemen.) 
Rivers.     (See  Wi»W)orj — Tennr^sn  river.) 
in  the  West,  declared  common  highways 
in  tlie  Continental  Congress,      -       -    481 


Rhelt,  R.  n.,  a  Representative  from  South 

Carolina^ 
remarks  on  the  harbor  bill  concerning  th* 
right  of  the  Federal  Government  to 
build  works  of  internal  improvement 

in  the  Stales, 

Rockwell,  J.  A.,  a  Representative  from  Con- 
necticut- 
remarks  on  the  resolutions  from  Connec- 
ticut against  the  admission  of  Texas 
into  the  Union,  and  concerning  sla- 
very,     .--... 
on  the  Oregon  question, 
on  the  tariff,       ..... 

Rockwell,  Julius,  a  Representative  from  Mas- 
sachusetts— 
remarks  concerning    the  admission  of 
Texas  into  the  Union, 
Root,  J,  M.,  a  Representative  from  Ohio- 
remarks  on  the  laritf,    -        -        •        - 
8. 
Salt  statistics,      ...... 

Sappers,  miners,  and  pontoniers,  speeches 

in  the  House  nf  Representatives  on  tho 

bill  to  raise  a  regiment  of,  by — 

Mr.  Giddings  of  OMo,  ... 

Sawyer,  Win.,  a  Representative  from  Ohio — 

remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  - 

on  tho  bill  making  appropriation  for 

the  support  of  the  Military  Academy 

at  West  Point,        .... 

on  the  tariff,       ..... 

concerning  tho  apportionment  among 
the  StJttes,  the  appointment  of  ofli- 
cers  and  clerks  in  the  several  de- 
partments at  Washington, 
Scott,  General  Winfield,.  his   letters  to  the 
War  Department  concerning  the  prep- 
arations for  B  movement  of  the  troops 
in  Mexico,        650,  (;5I,  652,  653,  660 
Seaman,  H.  I.,  a  Representative  from  Now 
York- 
remarks  on  the  tariff,    ■        ■      .•        - 
on  tho  fortification  bill,  concerning  the 
defences  of  New  York,  .        -        - 
Secret-service  fund.    Speech  in  the  House  of 
Representatives, concerning  Mr. Web- 
ster's disbursement  of  the,  and  his  po- 
litical course  and   standing,'  by  Mr. 
Yancey,  of  Alabama, 
Secretary  of  tlie  Treasury.    (See  Treasury 

Dejiavlmtnt.) 
Secretary  of  War.     (See  fVar  Prpartment.) 
Secretary  of  tho  Navy.     (See  Aai'i/  Defart- 

menl.) 
Secretary  of  State,     (See  Stale  Dcpartmenl.) 
Seddon,  J   A.,  a  Representative  from  Vir- 
ginia— 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  protect  tho  rights 
of  American  se  tiers  in  Oregon, 

on  the  tariff, 

Severance,  L.,  a  Represfiitative  from  Maine-— ■ 

remarks  on  the  haroor  bill,   -        -        -     489 
on  the  resolution  ot  il.uiiKs  to  General 
Taylor,   concerning  the   war  with 

Mexico, 683 

on  the  tariff  bill,         -        -        -        -    702 
Sevier,  Ambrose  H.,  a  Senator  from  Arkan- 
sas— 
remarks  (in  tho  Oregon  question,  -        -    38D 
Sims,  L.   H.,  a  Representative  from  Mis- 
souri— 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  -        -      83 
Sims,  A.  D.,a  Representative  from  South 
Carolina — 
remarks   concerning   the   naturalization 

laws  f.nd  Native  Americanism,       -       63 
on  the  Oregon  question,     -        -        -    253 
on  the  army  appropriation  bill,  con- 
cerning the  war  with  Mexico,  -    932 
Slavery.     Remarks  concerning.     (See  Con- 
ncc/icu(  resohuions — GiJdings — Culver 
— Fvgilive  slares.) 
Slaves.     (See  Ftigilive  slaves.) 
Smith,  ex-Senator  fion-  Connecticut — 

views  of  the  tariff,  ill  1842,   -        -        -    761 
Smith,  Truman,  a  llepi-escntutive  from  Con- 
necticut— 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  qtiestinn,   -        -     256 
Smith,  R.,  a  Representative  from  Illinois — 

remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  -        -    229 
Smith,  A.,  a  Representative  from  New — 
York- 
remarks  on  the  tariff,    -       -       .       -  1048 


447 


59 
lr36 
743 


50 

1073 

969 

641 
236 


585 
699 


-  726 

,664 

1007 
1137 

-  623 


S 

St 


671 
735 


THE  APPENDIX. 


vn 


Smith,  Cnleb  U.,  a  Repmentative  from  In- 

iliaiin — 
rcmurka  on  the  Orc|^nn  queilion,  -        -    104 
on  tli«  Inilcipendent  Treaiury  bill,     •    5H1 
on  iho  bill  ninkini;  npprcipnation  for 
the  support  of  the  vnluntcera  and 
other  troojig  omployetl  in  tlio  war 
with  Mexico,         ....  1115 
Smitliaoninn  liiatitution.     Hpecrhcs  in  the 
Huune  of  KenrcscniiUivea,  on  the 
^  bill  to  eNtabliali,  by — 

Mr.  Owen,  (if  Inuiiinn,      .        -        .    4fi7 
Mr.  Mnrah,  of  Vermont,  -        -        -    H.'id 
Mr.  Stanton,  of  Tcnnoasee,       ;        -    8!)1 
Speight,  JesMc,  n  Senator  from  Miaaiaaippi— 
remarka  on  the  bill  for  the  augmentation 

of  the  niivy,   .....    294 
on  the  hiirbor  bill,     ....  1101 
on  the  Independent  Treaaiiry  bill,     -  1(102 
Spoliationa,  French,  prior  to   1800,  bill  for 
the  aatiafar.iion  of,  and  the  veto  there- 
of, remarka  upon,  in  the  Senate,  by — 
Mr.  Dix,  John  A.,  of  New  York,  -    514 
Mr.  CInyton,  J.  M.,  of  Del.,     854,  1161 

-■     •■  898 

1163 


D03 
86.3 
86,1 
864 
1S64 


478 
891 


-    387 


355 

751 

360, 


Mr.  Denton,  of  Miaaouri, 
hiatoricnl  extracla  concerning, 
extracts  from  Senator  Bibb 'a  apeech  in 

1834,  cnncerninK        -        -        - 
rejwrtH  of  congreasional  eommitteea  on, 
Tunotliy  Pickcriny'a  letter  concerning, 
Judge  Marahall's  opinion  on, 
John  Adnms'a  opinion  on,     ... 
Stanton,  F.  P.,  n  Rcpreacnlative  flrom  Ten- 
neasee — 
remarka  on  tlie  harbor  bill,   -        •        - 
on  the  bill  to  eHlabliah  the  Smithao- 
nian  Institution,      .... 
Starkweather,  David  A.,  a  Reproaentative 
from  Ohio — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  queation,  ' 
Statiatica  of  labor,  and  the  wagca  and  houra 

of  labor,      -        -        -    70,407,702,703, 
759,  760,  928,  974, 1056,  1057,  1134,  1159 
conniicsis  by  Qreat  Britain,  -        -        -      84 
whale  fiahery,       .....    130 
tolls  onthe  Louiaville  and  Portland  ca- 
nol,   .-..-.. 
of  revenue  under  the  aeverni  tariffa, 
expenditures  by   the  Federal  Govern- 
ment for  internal  improvements, 

403,  421,  422,450,  454,  563,  102.1 

of  the  British  navy,        -     321,  .386,  387,  440 

of  corn  and  wheat  trade  with  England 

and  other  countries,       404,  405,  406,  4.19, 

460,  461,  407,  499,  733,  788,  926,  1027, 

lOfiO,  1061,  1068,  1084, 1151 

of  corn  and  wheat  grown  in  the  United 

Statea, 1061 

of  commerce,       410,  452, 459,  461,  486,  706, 

7:12,  7:i3,  752,  795, 796,  815,  886,  888,  926, 

943,  959,  973,  977,  997,  1024,  1026,  1027, 

1058,  1000,  1078,  1079,  1094, 1098,  1148, 

1149,  1J.10,  11.57 

of  manufacturea,  401,731,750,  758,  775,819, 

923,  925,  926,  927,  928,  974,  lO.W,  1057, 

1078,  1080,  1136,  1150,  1160 

of  tfie  amount  of  agricultural  products 

consumed  by  manufacturers,      -        -  1057 
of  Indians  and  Indian  trade,  .        -    420 

of  the  navy  of  the  United  States,  -        .     440 
of  expenditures  by  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment for  fortifications,       ...    450 
prices  of  mineral  and  agricultural  pro- 
duce,   -       -    462,  693,  711,720,  748,  7.'>3, 
756,  7.'i7,  7.58,  8.50,  922, 925,  1079, 1158 
of  the  killed  and  wounded  in  the  battles 

on  the  Rio  Grande,        -        .        676, 677 

of  cnnl  trade,  Pennsylvania  and  foreicn,   709, 

710,  1071,   1072,  1092,  1093,   1133,  1134, 

1147,  1160,  1161 

of  coal  trade  of  Virginia,       -        -    710,1160 

of  copper, 685 

of  iron,       -        -        720,750,756,77.5,8.50, 
924,  1071,  1092,  i093,  1146,  1147,  11.58 

ofsalt, 969 

of  Massachusetts,  ....    731 

of  wool  and  woollens.   -        -923,1165,1166 
of  cotton,  733, 795,  850, 1027, 1034, 1079, 1080 

of  tobacco, 733, 1027 

of  duties  remitted,  -        -        -        .     734 

of  imports  free  of  duty,  ...     734 

of  sugar  and  molasses,  .      746,922,923 

of  the  public  lands,         -  799,1106,1107 

ofhome  market,  -        -       .    758,759,1057 


22 
984 


946 
1103 


54 

497 
935 


981 


Staliatir*  of  the  balance  of  trade,        -    759, 1060 

State   Department,  cori'eapondence   of  the, 
concerning  the  Oregon  queation, 

Steam  mail  tranaportatinn,  remarka  in  the 
Sen'alo  concerning,  by  Mr.  Nilea, 

Stephen!,  Alex.  H.,  a  Repreaenlative  from 

Georgia — 

remarks  on  thelndian  appropriation  bill, 

and  concerning  the  Mexican  war,  - 

•      nn  tilt  graduation  bill,      ... 

Stewart,  A.,  a  Repreaentative  fVom  Ponnayl. 
vania — 
remarks  on  the  tariff,   .... 
on  internal  improvements  by  the  Fed- 
eral Government,  and  the  tariff, 
in  defence  of  the  protective  policy, 

Strohm,  J.,  a  Representative  from  Ponnayl- 
vania — 
remarks  on  the  tariff,    .... 

Strong,  Stephen,  a  Repreaentative  from  New 
York— 
remarks  on  the  tariff,    ....    761 

Suffrage,  atatiatica  of,  -        -        •        .        -    751 

Sugar  ttnd  nioloaaes,  statiatica  of,       746,  923,  923 
T. 

Tariff,  remarka  in  the  House  of  Renreaent- 
ativea  on  the  bill  to  redue^  the,  and 
on  the  several  communications  and 
prnpoaitiuna  concerning  the,  by — 
Mr.  Barringer,  of  North  Carolina,  .  Ifliil 
Mr.  BInnchard,  of  Pennsylvania,  -  .  1003 
Mr.  Brodheud,  of  Pennsylvania,  -  -  976 
Mr.  Benton,  of  New  York,  -  -  -  847 
Mr.  Bayly,  of  Virginia,  -  -  -  812 
Mr.  Brinkerhoff,  of  Ohio.  .  .  -  784 
Mr.  Collin,  of  New  York  -  -  -  821 
Mr.  Chase,  of  Tennessee,  ...  753 
Mr.  Collainer,  of  Vermont,  ...  Ofio 
Mr.  Clarke,  of  North  Carolina,  -  .  1035 
Mr.  Carroll,  of  New  York,  -  -  -1044 
Mr.  Chnimian,  of  Maryland,  -  -  11,5.5 
Mr.  Dobbin,  of  North  Carolina,  -  -1094 
Mr.  Daniel,  of  North  Carolina,  -  -  1077 
Mr.  Dixon,  of  Connecticut,  -  -  .  1061 
Mr.  Darragh,  of  Pennsylvania,  -  .  721 
Mr.  Ewing,  of  Tennessee,  ...  937 
Mr.  Ewing,  of  Pennsylvania,  -  .  724 
Mr.  Fickhn,  of  Illinois,  -  -  .  10.51 
Mr.  Goodyear,  of  New  York,  -•  .  712 
Mr.  Gentry,  of  Tennessee,  ...  logg 
Mr.  Hudson,  of  Mnsaachusetts,  -  -  997 
Mr.  Hulmrd,  of  Virginia,  ...  739 
Mr.  Hunt,  of  New  York,  -  -  .  964 
Mr.  Hungcrford,  of  New  York,  -  -1023 
Mr.  Hunter,  of  Virginia,  -  .  -1025 
Mr.  Hough,  of  New  York,  -  -  -  774 
Mr.  Holmes,  of  New  York,  -        -    9.52 

Mr.  Hnrmansnn,  of  Louisiana,  ■  -  744 
Mr.  Housion,  of  Delaware,  -  -  -1081 
Mr.  Ingersoll,  J.  R.,  of  Pennsylvania,  -  1089 
Mr.  Jenkins,  of  New  York,  -  -  -  798 
Mr.  Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  -  -  54,  .5.5 
Mr.  Kaufman,  of  Texas,  -  -■  -  803 
Mr.  Lewis,  of  New  York,  -  .  .  7go 
Mr.  Marsh,  of  Vermont,  -  .  .1009 
Mr.  Miller,  of  New  York,  .  -  -1075 
Mr.  McHenry,  of  Kentucky,  -  -  1014 
Mr.  McClcan,  of  Pennsylvania,  -  .  690 
Mr.  Norris,  of  New  Hampthine,  -  -  920 
Mr.  Pollock,  of  Pennsylvania,  -  -  715 
Mr.  Perry,  of  Maryland,  -  -  -1070 
Mr.  Root,  of  Ohio,'  -  -  .  .  ]073 
Mr.  Ramsay,  of  Pennsylvania,  -  708,7.53 
Mr.  Rockwell,  of  Connecticut,  -  .  743 
Mr.  Rathbun,ofNew  York,  -  -  771 
Mr.  Stewart,  of  Pennsylvania,  54,  497,  9,15 
Mr.  Sawyer,  of  Ohio,  -  -  .  -  699 
Mr.  Severance,  of  Maine,  ...  702 
Mr.  Seddon,  of  Virginia,  .  -  -  735 
Mr.  Smith,  of  New  York,  -  -  -1048 
Mr.  Slrohm,  of  Pennsylvania,  -  -  981 
Mr.  Strong,  of  New  York,  -  -  -  761 
Mr.  Seaman,  of  New  York,  -  -  -1007 
Mr.Thompscm,  James,  ofPennsylvania,  748 
Mr.  Tilden,  ofOhio,  -  -  -  -  703 
Mr.  Tiblmtis,  of  Kentucky,  -  -  -1018 
Mr.  Toombs,  of  Georgia,  -  -  -  10,10 
Mr.  Towns,  of  Georgia,  -  -  -  829 
Mr.  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania,  -  -  767 
Mr.  Winthrop,  of  Massachusetts,  -  969 
Mr.  Wick,  of  Indiana,  -        -        -  1040 

Mr.  Woodruff,  of  New  York,  -  -1066 
Mr.  Young,  of  Kentucky,  -  -  -  9.56 
Mr.  Yancey,  of  Alabama,    -       -       -    993  ' 


Tariff,  publio  meetings  concerning,    716,  717,  718 
Mr.  Pulk'a  letter  to  Mr.  Kane,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, concerning  the     -  752,  80U,  MI, 
HMO, 1020 
Mr.  Clay's  Raleigh  apeech  concerning  •    753 
viewa  on  the  compromiae  act,  757,  758,  760 
Tariff,  remurka  in  the  Senate  on  tlio,  by — 

Mr.  Lewia,  of  Alabama,  ...  7^5 
Mr.  Nilea,  of  Connecticut,  -  -  881,890 
Mr.  Davia,  of  Maaaachuaetta,  -  -1107 
Mr.  Jnhnaon,  of  Maryland,  -  -  -1118 
Mr.  Huntington,  of  Connecticut,  -  -  1139 
Mr.  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  -  -1130 
Mr.  Webster,  of  Maaaachuaetta,  -  .  1139 
Mr.  Jarnagin,  of  Teimeasee,  -  .  1153 
Tariff,  revenue.     (See  Ihititi.) 

Walker's  report  on  the,  complimented 

abroad,  .....     753 

extrucMlVom,    -        -        -        -        .  775, 
850,925,997,1108,1113,1181 
the  higher  the,  the  lower  the  gooda,  or 
the  price  aa  effected  by  the,  extracta 
concerning,  from— 
Mr.  Clay's  remarka,      -        -  755,1058 
Mr.  Adams 'a  report,  730,  755,  756, 1058 
Mr.  Webaler'a  remarka,        -        -    756 
Mr.  Gallatin,         -        -        -        -    849 
extracts  from  the  President'a  Meaaage, 

concerning         -      .  -        -        -  961,  1131 
extracta  from  the  "  Union, "concerning  1131, 

1139 
of  1842,  views  of,  by- 
Mr.  Smith,  of  Connecticut,        -        .    761 

Mr.  Choate, 761 

Mr.  Wright,  ....  761, 995 
Mr.  Woodbury,  -  -  -  -  760 
Mr.  Calhoun,    -        -        -        -        .    761 

Mr.  Clay, 995 

Mr.  Buchanan, 1141 

Mr.  Dallas's  views  of  the,  of  1833,      -  1137 
Mr.  Wright's  views  concerning  the  duty 

on  wool,   - 1073 

of  1842,  and  the  compromise  act,  Mr. 

Clay  on  the 760 

Mr.  Webster  on  free  trade  in  1830,        -  7&1, 
993,  10.58,  1059,  1060 
his  tariff  views,  -  758,  993,  994,  1055, 1058 
Whig  views  and  acts  concerning  tlie 

tariff  policy, 757 

Mr.  Madison  on  free  trade,  -        -     831,  979 

Washington's  views  of  the  tariff  policy,  691, 

1131,1153,  1180,1181 

viewa  concerning  a  protective,  by — 

Jefferson,  .        -        -        -         1051,  1070 

Jackson,  ......  755, 

1019,  1051, 1067,  .1070, 1071,  1153,  1180 
Buchanan,    .....  1020 

Cass, 1020 

Van  Buren, 1030 

Polk, 1020 

Madison,  ....         1051,  1070 
Monroe,    -        -        1051,  1067, 1069, 1070 
petition  of  the  tradesmen  of  Baltimore, 

Maryland,  concerning.the,         -        -  1119 
ex-Senator  J^Iay wood's  address  to  the 
people  of  North  Carolina,  concerning 

the, 1178 

resolutions  of  the  Legislature  of  North 

Carolina,  concerning  the,  ...  1183 
(See  Home  market — Staliaiics — Manufac- 
tures— Protection.) 
Taylor,  General,  his  detailed  statement  of 

the  battles^  the  Rio  Grande,  -        -    675 
remarks  in  tllHouse  of  Representatives 
on  the  resoration  of  thanks  to,  by^ 

Mr.  Severance,  of  Maine,       -        -    683 
Tennessee  river,  remarks  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  concerning  an  appro- 
priation for  the  improvement  of  the, 
by- 
Mr.  Houston,  of  Alabama,    -        -    667 
Texas,  speeches  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives concerning  the  admission  of,  as 
a  State  into  the  Union,  by — 
Mr.  Giddings,  ofOhio,  -        -        -    826 
Mr.  Kaufman,  of  Texas,       -        -    803 
Mr.  Rockwell,  of  Massachusetts,  -      50 
Mr.  Smith,  of  Indiana,  -        -1115 

for  speeches  incidentally  discussing  the 

annexation  of,  see  Mexico, 
correspondence  concerning  the  annexa- 
tion of,  and  precautionary  measures 
regarding  the  movements  of  Mexico 
towards     -       -        -       -       -       -649 


VIII 


INDEX. 


T«XH,  ipeerhra  in  the  Hniite  cnnc«rning  the 
liounilarim mid  niilitarjf  iiccu|iniii)ii  of, 
■nil  the  wnr  with  Mexici),  by — 
Mr.  ('iilib,  nl'Ueorgiii,   - 
Mr.  l)»vi«,  of  Kentucky, 
Mr.  Doiifrliui,  of  lllinuia, 
Mr.  Font,  of  VormonI,  - 
Mr.  Uidilnif^,  ufOhio, - 
Mr.  Kiiiil'inan,  of  Tcxn», 
Mr.  Mollvaine,  of  I'eniiayWania,   - 
Mr.  Thurmiui,nf  Ohio, 
Mr.  Tililjntl«,  of  Kentucky,   - 
■ppei'h  in  the  f  loime  on  the  bill  to  cainU 
liah  (wat  routca  in  Texna,  concerning 
the  admiuinn  of,  into  thv  Union;  ala- 
very,  &c.,  by — 

Mr.  Culver,  of  New  York,    - 
declnrntinn  nf  indenendenco  by 
Thomnaaon,  Williiim  i .,  a  llepreientative 
from  Kentucky — 
rcinnrka  nn  the  Oregon  queation,  - 
on  the  postage  bill,    -        -        -        - 
Thompaon,  Janiea,  a  Repreaentative  ft-om 
Pennsylviinitt — 
remarka  on  the  harbor  bill,  ... 
on  the  Oregon  queiilion,     ... 
,  on  the  lariij",      -        -        -        • 

.  Thompaon,  Jacob,  a  Repreaentative  from 
MiaHiasippi — 
remarka  on  the  Oregon  queation,  - 
on  the  gmduntion  bill,       ... 
Thurman,  A.  O.,  a  Repreacntnlive   from 
Ohio- 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  - 
on  the  army  appropriation  bill,  con- 
cerning the  conduct  of  the  Fcdeml- 
isla  in  the  late  war  with  England; 
and  denunciatory 'of  the  Hpecch  of 
Mr.  Qiddingson  shivery  and  servile 
insurrection,  -        .        -        .        - 
Tibbatts,  John  W.,  a  RcprcsentaUTe  from 
Kentucky — 
remarka  on  the  harbor  bill,   . 
on  the  Cumlierlimd  road  bill,  concern- 
ing internal  improvements  by  the 
Federal  Ooveriiment, 
in  relation  to  the  pay  of  the  army,  the 
war  with  Mexico,  and  in  defence  of 
the  President  of  the  United  Sliuea, 
on  the  larifTbill,        -        -        .        . 
on  the  treasury  note  bill,  in  reply  to 

Mr.  Wi.k, 

Tildcn,  Daniel  R.,  a  Repreaentative  from 
Ohio- 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  raiie  two  regi- 
ments of  riflemen,  ■        .        .        - 
on  the  tariff  bill,  concerning  the  war 
with  Mexico,         .... 

Tobacco,  statistics  of  ...  733, 

Tolls  on  the  Louisville  and  Portland  cnnal,  . 

Toomba,  R.,  a  Representative  from  Georgia — 

remarks  nn  the  Oregon  question,   - 

on  the  laritr,       ..... 

Towns,  Q.  W.,a  Repreaentative  fromOeor. 
gia —  . 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  reduce  the  tariff,  - 
Tracy,  Mr.,  of  New  York,  concerning  Ore- 
gon, ....... 

Trade,  concerning  the  balance  of         -  759, 
with  England,  the  corn  and  wheat     4U4, 
406,  459,  460,  4G1,  4fi",  499,  733,  788, 
1027,  1060,  1061,  1068,  1084, 
with  Indians,         -        ''Jh 
(See  Coal — Iitm—CoUnnMtfbacco.) 
Treasury.     (See  Independent  Trlasury.) 
Treasury  notes,  remarks  in  the    House  of 
Representatives  on  the  bill  to  autho- 
rize the  issue  of,  by — 
Mr.  Giddings,  ofOhio, - 
Mr.  Tibbatts,  of  Kentucky,   - 
Treaiury  note  bill,  ^remarks  in  the  Senate 
upon  the,  by — 
Mr.  Miller,  of  New  Jersey,   - 


1101 
916 
903 

1(M)8 
641 
H03 
679 
938 
908 


194 

803 


353 
1154 


487 
159 

748 


301 

777 


169 

928 
559 
616 


908 
1018 

1021 


564 

763 

1027 

355 

131 
1030 


829 


348 
1060 
405, 
926, 
1151 

420 


826 
1021 


-  1127 


Treasury  Department,  annual  report  from 

the ■       -        •        8 

extracts  (Vom  the  tariff  report,       ■     705,  706 
Treaty-making   power,   General   Washing- 

ton's  letter  soncerninf       ...    374 
Treaty  of  Waahington,  (or  tha  Aahburton 
treaty,)  reiimrka  in  the  Senate  con. 
cerning  the,  by — 
Mr.  Welmtur,  of  Maaaaehuaella,    .    524 
Mr.  Uickiiiaon,  ofNewYork,        -    637 
•  Mr.  Fairfield,  of  Maine,         .        •    621 

the  Oregon,     (fiee  Oregon.) 
Treaty  with  the  Crceka  and  .^eminolea,  con- 
cerning       430 

Treaty  of  Utrecht,  Mr.  Caaa  on  the      -        -    511 
Treaty  between  England,  France,  and  Spain 

in  1763,  oxtnicu  from        -        -        -    353 

of  Ghent,  concerning     -        -     381,443,464 

Traatiea,  various  ......    3Hl 

V. 
Van  Buren 'a  tariff  views,     ....  1030 

Vattel,  on  the  rights  of  man,        ...    364 
on  arbitraliun  of  disputes  between  na. 
tiona,         ......    4gs 

Veto  of  Ine  Maysville  road  bill  by  President 

Jackson,  concerning  •        ■      479,  480,  563 
Vinton,  S.  F.,a  Representative  ft-om  Ohio — 
Kniarks  on  the  Oregon  queation,  and 
tlio  bill  to  protect  the  righu  of  Ameri- 
can citizens  in  Oregon,       •        -        .    633 
Volunteers,  concerning  the  calls  for,  by  Gen. 
eral  Gaines.     (See  tiainrj.) 
and  other  troops,  remarka  in  the  Houaa 
of  Repreaentiitivea  on  the  bills  for  the 
payment  and  support  of,  by — 

Mr.  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  ...  HOI 
Mr.  Fool,  of  Vermont,  -        -  1098 

Mr.  Haralson,  of  Georgia,     -        .    864 
Mr.  Smith,  of  Indiana,  .        -        .1115 
W. 
Wages  of  labor.     (See  jiliili«lic>.) 
Walker,  R.  J.,  eximcis  from  his  tariff  re- 

port,    775,  85;),  925,  997,  1108,  1112,  1121 
hia  report  complimented  abroad,   ■        .    753 
War  Departnicr.i,  tiic  annual  report  from  the, 
showing  the  condition  of  the  aimy 
and  national  defences,        ...       13 
letter  from  the,  to  i''e  President,  enclos- 
ing  the  corresp'-    ^ence  with  Generals 
Gaines  and  Scott,  concerning  the  pre- 
)>aratioii8   for  u  movement  of  troops 
iigainsi  Mexico,         ....    649 

letter  from  the,  to  the  President,  commu- 
nicating the  olHcial  account  of  the  bat- 
tles on  liie  Rio  Grande,     ...    675 
letter  from  the,  concerning  the  Califor. 
nia  regiment,     .....    809 

War,  with  England,  for  speeches  in  which 
the  probabilities  of  a,  are  discussed 
inciucntally,  see  A'ava<  dejincei — A'uvy 
— Oregon. 
extract!  from  sermons,  orations,  and 
newspaper  writings,  by   Federalists,' 
against  the,  in  1812,         612,  613,  930,  931 
extracts  allowing  the  disaffected  individ. 
uala  and  States  towards  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  pending  and 
during  the,      ....        614,  615 

with  Mexico,  for  speeches  incidentally 
remarking  upon  the,  see  Military  Jieai- 
tmy — Mexico. 
what  constitutes    ....    645,  646 

Warehousing  system.     Remarks  in  the  Sen. 
atu  on  the  bill  establishing  the,  by — 
Mr.  Uix,  of  New  York,    .        -     789,i792 
remarks  in  tlie  House  of  Representatives 
on  the  above  bill,  by — 
Mr.  Smith,  of  Connecticut,        .        .1164 
Washington,  General,  his  letter  concerning 

the  treaty-making  power,  ...    375 
his  Farewell  Address,   ....    375 

views  on  tlie  tariff  policy,  -        .        .  691, 
im,  1153,  1180,  1181 


Webster,  Daniel,  and  the  McLeod  caae,  re- 
marks ciincerniiig,  by — 
Mr.  Ingei'Holl.C.  J.,  of  Pennsylvania,    39fl 
Mr.  Dickinson,  of  Now  York,  -     326,  637 
concerning   hia  disburaemcnt  nf  the 
■eCret-service  llind.     (See  Setret-ier- 
vice  fund. ) 
on  free  trade  in  1820  and  1833,  -        -     38, 
76:1,  993,  994,  1055 
tariff  views,  758,  993,  994,  1055,  1059 

Webster,  Daniel,  Senator  from  Massachu- 
setts— 
remarks  in  vindirjtiion  of  the  treaty  of 
Washington,  and  concerning  the  trial 
of  McLeod,  and  in  reply  to  Mr.  C.  J. 
Ingersoll  and  Mr.  Dickinson,    -        -    694 

on  the  tariff, 1139 

Wentworth,  John,  a  Representative  flrom  II. 
linois — 
remarks  on  the  fortification  bill,  concern- 
ing improvements  in  rivers  and  har- 
bors,       450 

card  concerning  Mr.  Cocke's  remarks,     101 
explanations  by,         ....    ijijl 

Whale  fishery, 1^0 

Wheat  trade  with  England, concerning.  (See 

Trade.) 
Wheat  and  corn  grown  in  the  United  States,  1061 
Wick,  William  W.,  a  Representative  from 
Indiana — 
^markn  on  the  Oregon  question,   .        .    199 
*  on  the  bill  to  protect  the  rights  of 

American  citizens  in  Oregon, .  .  695 
extract:^  from  his  speech  on  the  tariff,  1021 
on  lh<t  tariff,  in  reply  to  Mr.  Brinker- 

hoff, 1040 

Wilmot,  D.,  a  Representative  from  PonnsyN 
vania — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  -        -    184 

on  the  taritr, 767 

Winthrop,  R.C., a  Representative  from  Mas. 
sachusetts — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  .        -      98 
on  the  harbor  bill,     ....    433 

on  the  tariff, 969 

explanation  by,  .        .      •-        -      64 

Wood,  B.  R.,  a  Representative  from  New 
York- 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,        -    317 
Woodruff,  T.  M.,  a  Representative  from 
New  York — 
remarks  on  the  tariff,    ....  1066 
Woodbridge,  W.,  Senator  from  Michigan — 
remarks  on  the  bill  to  give  lands  to  com. 
pletc  workn  of  internal  improvements 
in  Michigan,      ....     874, 878 
Woodbury's  views  on  the  tariff  of  1843,      -    761 
Woodward,  J.  A.,  a  Representative  from 
South  Carolina — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question,  .        -    186 
on  the  harbor  bill,      ....    399 
Wool  and  woollens,  statistics  of,   933,  1165,  1166 

Y. 
Yancey,  William  L.,  a  Representative  ft-om 
Alabama — 
remarka  on  the  Oregon  question,    -        .85 
on  the  naturalization  laws,  and  cod. 

cerning  "  Native  Americanism,"  -  43 
on  the  harbor  bill,  -  .  -  355,  403 
on  the  Cumberland  road  bill,  -  -  421 
concerning  Daniel  Webster  and  'his 

disbursement  of  secret-service  fund,    623 
on  the  Mexican  war,  and  in  reply  to 
Mr.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,     .        .    9.50 

on  the  tariff, 993 

Yell,  Archibald,  a  Representative  from  Ar. 
kanaas — 
remarks  on  the  Oregon  question    -       -    265 
on  the  bill  to  raise  two  regiments  of 

riflemen, 549 

Young,  Bryan  R.,  a  Representative  from 
Kentucky — 
remarks  on  the  tariff  question,      -        -    956 


•« 


^- 


APPENDIX 


TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL   GLOBE. 


.  i 


i29TH  CiMro......l8T  Sers. 

Tliia  is  llio  firm  iiliecl  of  llie  Appkndix  to  tub 
CdVOBKumoNAI.  Cii.niiK  fiT  iIhm  KcssioM,  (llll!  liisl 
of  llir  iwrnly-iiinth  Ciiii^rrsK.)  In  il  will  lie  romiiJ 
(liC  IVcsiili'iit'H  J8cnsau;(',  iiiid  llic  lti'|><irl«  cif  (lie 
SSi'iicliuicHdf  ilii/riciitiiiry  niid  War  l>i'|iiirtiiii'jilH. 
M'lin  iiexi  inimlwr  will  contain  llin  ll«jiorli'  of  llic 
oilier  Hciiiln  iif  lliu  DepartmiMils  which  ni'dmi 
piinird  tlio  Mpssni;fi  (o  C'i)iisrc«H.  Tin;  nunilicn) 
rvhiili  lire  to  follow  will  contain  nil  tlin  long 
speeches  made  in  holh  Uouscn  of  f'onjireKH,  writ- 
ten out  or  revised  liy  the  N|ieakerH  tlienisclves. 
The  (.'ongressional  (ilolie  \n  printed  in  the  same 
t'orni  as  thfl  Appendix,  and  contains  the  daily  pro- 
ceedings of  the  two  Houses  of  C'oni^re.is,  and  the 
•peechcH  of  the  nieinliera  condensed. 

It  is  expected  that  each  of  these  works  will  mnko 
near  1,0(11)  roynl  quarto  pau;cs  this  session.  The 
price  is  #1  50  for  ojio  copy  of  either;  i^  for  four 
copies  of  either,  or  part  of  both;  jjli)  for  ei^'lit 
copies  of  cither;  and  jjO.)  for  twenty-live  copies 
of  either.  After  the  first  day  of  next  month  (.laii- 
tmry,  1816)  the  price  will  Ins  S'J  a  copy  for  either, 
no  matter  how  many  copies  are  taken. 

The  Conj;rcs,iionaI  (ilobe  and  Appendix  will 
both  he  stereotyped.  We  will  furnish  subscribers 
with  lost  or  missing  numbers  without  making  any 
charge  therefor. 

Messrs.  KiTciiiE  &  IIkiss  have  transferred  their 
subscribers  for  the  "  Congressional  Union  and 
Appendix"  to  us,  and  we  will  send  to  them  the 
Congressional  Globe  and  .Ajipendix.  If  any  sub- 
scribirs  for  the  "Congressional  Union  and  Ap- 
pendix" shall  dislike  ibis  arrangement,  we  will 
refund  the  money. 

We  copy  from  the  "  Union"  tlic  following  no- 
tice of  the  transfer  of  Messrs.  Ritchie  &  IIeiss: 
TKANiSFEIl. 

Wo  have  irnniircrred  our  list  of  Buliscriberii  to  ilie  Con- 
grcisinnnl  Union  iiuii  Appcniliv  to  Mr»srn.  Illair  St  Hives. 

Those  persons  who  hiive  »o  kindly  favorcil  as  Willi  llieir 
nnuw»  Hill  rccoivH,  in  the  pliicc  of  the  Cuiiijrcssional  fnion 
anil  .Appcnilin,  llie  CoiiBrps.ional  (Jliilii'  niiil  AppciKliv,  pulj- 
lislleil,  an  liercloUire,  liy  x\\me  gciitleniea. 

TliiH  arrnnBciiient  niU  not  interfere  with  our  reports  in 
llie  I'nion.  We  inteiul  to  0v..  full  and  aciumti^  proceedinga 
ofConnrcss,  hut  will  not  puhlish  tlieni  in  any  otiicr  form 
(Man  111  our  rejular  piqiirH. 

The  Semi  ttvekltj  I'liion,  conlniliing  the  reports  in  full 
will  he  fiimislicci  for  the  session  on  the  Killowiiin  terms : 
One  copy ^  jy 

^'''"•"P'" i:i()o 

'J'wiive  eopios q.j  qq 

The  Weekly  will  contain  only  a  sjnopsis  of  the  prooccrt- 

inits. 

""""W " $1  00 

Twelve  copies jq  qq 

Twentyllve  copies ay  qq 

Ot?-  Back  nuiahers  of  the  Bcini-weekly  and  Weekly  will 
lie  ftirniahed  from  Uio  coniincnceiniMit  oftlic  session. 

niTClJlE  &  IlEISS. 


Mcstngr.  of  the  Prcsulcnt. 


Nkw  Sf.hics No.  1. 


MESSAGE 

op  THE 

PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UiNlTED  ST\TEa 

f(//oie-t'i(ijftu  oj'ihe  Snuilr 

nnd  House  «/'  J}i]trtse>ilatitrf  ; 

It  is  to  me  a  source  nf  uiiaHi'Cied  Naiisfaelion  to 
ineel  llie  Heprescnl.ilives  of  the  Si,ite.<  and  the  peo- 
ple in  Congress  aHseinbli'd,  as  ii  will  be  lo  ri'ieive 
the  aid  of  their  emiiliiiied  wisdom  in  the  Miliuiiiis- 
lialion  of  piililic  allliii's.  In  perfoniiiiig,  for  the 
fust  lime,  the  duly  iiupii.ed  on  mo  by  the  coiisti- 
imioii,  of  giving  t"  y  "■  inl'ormalion  ot'  the  slale  of 
the  Uiiiriii,  'lid  reenih!,,  iidiiig  to  your  cnnside'ra- 
lioii  siieli  iiiensures  as  in  i.i V  jiideiiieni  are  iieees- 
biiry  and  expedient,  1  am  happy  that  I  can  con- 
gr-Uiilale  you  on  the  cmiliiiiiiil  prosperity  of  oiir 
cuiiiitry.  Under  the  blessings  of  Divine  I'nivi- 
di'iice  and  the  benign  inlli"  I'ce  of  our  fn  e  iiisiiui- 
lioiis,  it  sianils  Ijcforo  the  world  a  K]itctaclc  of  na- 
tional happiness. 

With  our  unexampled  advaneement  In  nil  the 
elenieiils  of  nalioiial  grealiiess,  the  alleelioii  of  tli« 
peojile  is  eonlirnied  for  the  union  of  the  .Stales,  and 
fcr  ihe  doctrines  iif  piipuhir  lilicrly,  which  lie  at 
tlii^  fouiidalioii  of  our  i:nverninenl. 

It  liecdiiii  s  OS,  in  humility,  Ui  make  our  devout 
nckiiowledgments  lo  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the 
Universe  for  the  inestimable  civil  and  religious 
blessings  with  which  we  are  favored. 

In  calling  llie  iitleiilion  of  Congress  to  our  rela- 
tions with  foicigii  I'oweis,  I  amgratilicd  to  be  able 
to  slate,  that  though  with  some  of  llieiii  there  have 
existed  since  your  last  session  serious  causes  of 
irritation  and  misuiidersiaiiding,  yet  no  actual  hos- 
tilities have  taken  place.  Adopting  the  maxim  in 
the  conduct  of  our  foreign  allairs,  to  "  ask  noihing 
that  is  not  right,  and  submit  to  noihing  that  is 
«  rong,"  it  has  been  my  anxious  desire  to  preserve 
peace  with  all  nations  ;  but,  at  the  same  lime,  to  Iw. 
prepared  to  resist  aggression,  and  lo  maiuUiiu  all 
our  just  rigliis. 

In  pursuance  of  the  joint  resolution  of  Congress, 
"for  nmicxing  Texas  to  the  United  Suites,"  my 
predecessor,  ini  iln^  third  day  of  March,  1H4j, 
elected  to  submit  ihe  fust  and  second  sections  of 
that  resoluii(ni  to  the  republic  of  Texas,  us  an 
overlure,  on  the  part  of  ihe  United  Slates,  for  her 
adniissiiiii  ns  a  Stale  into  our  Union.  This  elec- 
liiiii  I  approved,  and  aecordiiigly  the  charge  d'af- 
faires of  the  United  States  in  Texas,  under  iiistrac- 
tiiins  of  the  teiilb  of  .Marc'li,  1845,  presented  these 
sei-iious  of  llie  residulion  for  the  acceptance  of  that 
republic.  The  txeeulive  goveninieijl,  the  Con- 
gress, and  the  people  of  Texas  in  convention,  have 
successively  complied  wiili  all  the  Krms  and  cini- 
dilions  of  the  joint  resolution.  A  constiiiiiion  for 
the  iriivernmei'it  of  tin  Slate  of  Texas,  fiirmed  by 
a  convention  „C  deputies,  is  herewilli  laid  before 
Coiiirrcss.  It  is  well  known,  also,  that  the  jieople 
of  Texas  at  the  polls  lane  accented  the  terms  of 
annexation,  and  ratified  the  eonstilulion. 

I  einnmiuiicatc  to  Congress  the  correspontlence 
betwien  the  Secrclary  of  Sintc  and  our  charge 
d'all'aires  in  Texas;  and  also  the  correspondeiiee  of 
the  latter  with  the  authorities  of  Texas  ;  together 
w;iih  the  ollicial  dochiucuis  transmitted  by  him  to 
his  own  government. 

The  terms  of  annexntion  which  were  olfered  by 
the  United  States  having  been  accepted  by  Texas, 
the  public  faith  of  both  parties  is  solemnly  pledged 
to  the  coiii|iact  of  their  union.     Nothing  reiumns 

I nisiimmate  the  event  but  tii,-  passage  of  an  act 

by  Congress  to  admit  the  Stale  of  Texiia  into  the 


Union  ujiod  all*  cqiinl   ronlhig  will'  \Ue  ori<(inal 

Stales.  Strong  reason  exist  why  ihis  «hoiilil  lio 
done  at  an  early  period  of  tln.^  session.  It  will  bo 
observed  that,  by  the  eonstilulion  cif  Texas,  iko 
cxislini;  fovcrnnieiit  in  only  conlimied  teinjiorarily 
till  CoiigrcHs  call  ai't;  and  that  ihe  ihird  jMoiiday 
of  the  prcKeiit  month  is  tin'  day  appointed  for 
holding  Ihe  first  general  election.  On  lliat  day  a 
governor,  a  lieutenant  governor,  and  both  braiicnes 
of  the  legislature,  will  be  chosen  by  the  people. 
The  I'lisideiil  of  Texas  is  i'ei|uired,  uinnediately 
alii  r  ihenreipl  nf  ollicial  iiilbrinalion  that  the  new 

'  Sialic  has  been  adinilled  into  our  Union  by  Con- 
gress, to  conveni  the  h'gislature  ;  and,  upon  im 

I  meeting,  the  ixisliiig  government  will  be  HUjierso- 
ileil,  anil  llie  Slale  govenimeiil  organized.     Unes- 

'  lions  deeply  iiileresliiig  to  Texas,  in  eimnoon  with 
the  oilier  Slates;  the  extension  of  our  revenue  laws 
and  JMilii'ial  system  over  her  people  ami  territory, 
as  well  lis  measures  of  a  local  elmracler,  will  claim 
tile  early  altenlion  of  CoiiL'ress  ;  and,  therefore, 
lipriii  every  jirirtciple  of  republican  government,  she 
ou'jlit  to  be  represented  in  that  body  without  nn- 
lieees.iary  delay.  I  cannot  loo  earnestly  recoin- 
ineiiil  prompt  action  on  lids  important  subject. 

As  soon  as  the  act  to  admit  Texiu  as  a  State 
shall  Ik^  passed,  the  union  of  the  two  republics  will 
be  consiiminaled  by  llieir  own  voluntary  "onsent. 

'  This  iiceessioii  lo  our  territory  has  been  i>  lood- 
less  acliievi  ineiil.  No  arm  of  force  has  beiii  raised 
te  pi'odnee  the  result.  The  sword  has  had  no  part 
ill  ihe  victory.  We  have  not  sought  to  cxU'nd  our 
territorial  possessions  by  conquest,  or  our  repub- 
lican iiisiiuitiims  over  a  reluctant  people.  Ilwas 
the  deliberate  homage  of  each  people  lo  the  great 
principle  of  our  federative  union. 

If  we  consider  the  extent  of  urrilory  involved 
in  the  ainiexution — its  prosjx'ctive  iiiHuincc  on 
Amerlea — llie  means  by  which  it  has  been  aeeoin- 
plished,  springing  purely  frum  the  choice  of  llie 
people  theinsehes  lo  share  llie  blessings  of  our 

i  union, — the  iiislory  of  the  world  may  be  chal- 
lenged lo  furnish  a  parallel, 

1  The  jnrisdictiati  of  the  United  Slates,  which  at 
the    formalion    of    the    federal    constitution    Was 

\  bounded  by  the  St.  Mary's,  on  the  Atlantic,  has 

'  pas.sed  the  Capes  of  Khiri'da,  and  been  peacefully 
extended  lo  the  Del  Norte.  In  coiiiemplating  the 
grandeur  of  this  even:,  it  is  not  to  be  forgotten 
that  the  result  was  achieved  in  despite  of  the  diplo- 
iiiaiie  interference  of  European  monarchies.  Even 
I'ranee — the  country  whieli  had  bem  our  ancient 
ally — the  country  which  has  a  common  interest 
with  us  in  maintaining  the  freedom  of  the  seas — 

'  the  eounlrv  which,  by  the  cession  of  Louisiana, 
first  opened  lo  us  access  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico — 
the  country  with  which  we  have  been  every  year 
drawing  more  and  more  closely  the  bonds  of  snc- 
eessfiil  coimnerec — most  luiexpcetedly,  and  to  our 
unfeigned  regret,  took  pnrl  in  an  ellbrt  to  prevent 
nnnexation,  and  to  impose  on  Texas,  as  a  condi- 
tion of  the  reeognilion  of  her  iiidepenilence  by 
.Mexico,  thai  she  would  never  join  herself  to  tho 
United  States.     We  may  rejoice  that  the  tranquil 

:  and  pervading  influence  of  the  American  principle 

I  of  self-go  vernmeiil  was  sufficient  to  defeat  the  pur- 
poses of  Uritish  and  I'Vencli  interference,  and  that 
tlic  almo.st  unanimous  voice  of  the  people  of  Texas 
has  given  to  that  uiterferenee  u  peaceful  and  ell'ec- 

I  live  rebuke.  From  this  example  European  gov- 
ernments may  learn  how  vain  diplomatic  arts  and 
intrigues  must  ever  prove  upon  this  eoiiliiieiit 
against  lliat  system  of  self-government  which 
seeiiis  natural  to  our  soil,  anti  wliich  will  ever  re- 
sist foreign  interference 


« 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONCRESSIONAT.  GLOBE. 


[Dec.  8, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sf.ss. 


'Mesunge  of  the  President. 


Senate  and  Ho.  of  Kefs. 


•1> 


If  ■- 


Towards  TcxBS,  I  (to  not  doiiht  lluU  n  li\ii>rnl 
aiid  gcncroua  Bpirit  will  acluate  Coiikii^s*  in  nil  ' 
tlmt  rniicerns  licr  iiiteicxts  iiiiU   prosjieiUv*  und 
tlint  she  will  never  hnvn  c«\i8e  lo  re^'i-et  ifiiit  she  | 
liiis  unilcd  lier  "Jouo  star"  to  our  glorious  coiislel- 
latioii. 

I  ri'Sjrel  to  infonii  you  that  our  relAlioiia  with 
Mexico,  since  your  Inst  sc<ssion,  have  not  lucn 
i<(  lite  nmic«blu  chnraclcr  which  it  in  our  desire  to 
eullivnte  wiili  nil  forcien  nations.     On  ilie  sixth 
day  of  March  last,  the  Mexican  Knvoy  Rxiraordi-  : 
nary  aiul  MinisiterPlenipolcntiary  to  llie  United 
Smtes  made  a  formal  protest,  ni  the  iinme  of  liis 
fjovernnient,  n^;ninKt  the  joint  resolution  passi  d  liy 
t'onRress  "  lor  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the 
TTnited  SiaUs,"  which  he  chose  to  rei;ardas  a  vio- 
lation of  lh«  rinlits  of  Mexico,   and,  in   conse-  ^ 
qnenceof  il,l>e  demanded  his  pasijlnrl*.     He  was  | 
informed  that  the  {lovcrnmcnt  of  the  United  Stales 
did  not  consider  this  joint  resolution  as  a  violation 
of  any  of  the  iiirhls  of  Mexico,  or  that  it  atVordcd  . 
any  just  cause  of  olVence  lo  his  f;ovcrmn<Mil  ;  that 
the  Uepul)licof  Texas  was  an  iialencnilent  Power, 
owing  no  alletriance  to  Mexico,  ami  conslilulini^no 
part  of  her  lerrilory  or  riu:hlful  sovevfisuty  and 
jurisdiction.      lie  was  also  assured  thai  ii  was  the 
..^iiicerc  desire  of  ihis  government  to  maintain  wilh  . 
that  of  Mexico  relntionu  of  peace  nnd  i;ood  under- 
siandins;.     That  fuuclionary,  howevir,  notwiih-  ; 
Rtnndiiig  these  representaiions  nnd  assuiances,  ab- 
ruptly terminated  his  ini.'wion,  nnd  shorlly  .ifier- 
wards  left  the  eounlry.  Our  Knvoy  I'Niraoriliimry  I 
and  Minister  I'lenipotenlinry  to  Mexico  w;is  re- ! 
fused  all  otKcial  ililerconrse  wilh  lliat  ijovermnent, 
nnd,  after  reniainiii:?  several  n'.nnths,  liy  the  )ier-  ■ 
tniiision  of  higown  u'overnmeni,  he  reliirnetl  lo  the 
IJniled  Slates.     Thus,  by  the  nets  of  Mexico,  all 
diplomaiio  intercourse  between  llic  two  countries 
was  Hiupeiuled. 

Since  that  time  Mexico  has,  until  recently,  oc- 
cupied an  attitude  of  hostility  towards  the  United 
Suites — has  been  marshalling  aisl  ori:ani/.in*^  ar- 
mies, issuing  prr)chimntion8,  and  avowiiis;  the  in- 
tention to  make  war  on  the  I'oiieil  Simus,  either 
hy  an  open  declaration,  or  by  invadin'^  'l"ex;is. 

ftoth  the  (.'oniiess  and  Coiivenlion  of  the  | pie 

of  Texas  invited  this  Govermni'nl  to  send  an  army 
into  that  lerrilory,  lo  protect  and  diiend  tl'.eni 
nirainst  the  menaced  altack.  'V\n'  moment  tin; 
t:!nns  of  annexation  oll'ercd  by  the  United  .Stjites 
■wens  accepted  by  Texas,  the  latter  became  so  far 
H  )>art  of  our  own  couiitry  as  to  make  it  oiu'  duty 
to  atlord  such  protection  and  defence.  1  iheiefore 
deemed  it  prt»i»er»  asa  precaulinttary  measure,  to 
order  a  sirons;  Hqundron  lo  the  cohnis  of  Mexico, 
niid  lo  coiicentrate  an  elli  ient  military  force  on  the 
western  fronlier  of  Texas.  Our  army  was  order- 
ed to  lake  position  in  the  ciaiinry  belween  the 
Nuecei  and  the  Del  Norte,  and  to  repel  any  inva- 
irion  of  the  Texiaii  lerrilory  which  nii;hl  be  at- 
t^pted  by  the  Mexican  loins.'  Our  wpiadron  in 
thsgulf  was  ordered  lo  co-operale  with  iIk'  army. 
Bui  ihoiiLrli  our  army  and  navy  were  placed  in  a 
position  to  defend  our  own,  and  the  ri;;hts  of 
Texas,  they  were  ordered  to  conmiit  no  act  of 
hostility  a^aiiLst  Mexico,  unless  she  dei'lared  war, 
or  was  hersi'lf  the  aju'ressor  liy  strikini;  the  lirst 
blow.  The  result  has  been,  that  Mexiio  has 
made  no  aggressive  movement,  and  our  miliiary 
nnd  naval  commanders  have  executed  their  orders 
with  such  discrelitni  that  the  jteace  of  the  two  re-  ; 
publics  has  not  been  disturbed. 

Texas  had  declared  her  independence,  nnd  main- 
tained it  by  her  arms  for  more  than  niia-  years. 
.She  has  had  an  ofjuiized  !;ipvermnenl  in  success- 
ful operaiiiMi  dnrin'^'  that  perioil.  lli'r  sejiamtc 
existence,  as  an  ind(?pendent.Sl;Ue,  had  been  recog- 
nised by  the  United  Stales  ami  the  prini'ipal 
Powers  of  liura|ie.  Treaties  of  commerce  and 
nnvigiiiion  bad  been  conchided  with  her  by  ilift'ereni 
nations,  and  it  had  become  manifest  to  llie  whole 
wo, Id  tlmt  any  further  attempt  oti  the  part  of 
Mexico  to  eonipur  her,  or  overthrow  her  I'ovirn- 
inent,  would  be  vain.  Kveii  Mi'xico  hersilf  had 
become  satislied  of  this  fact  ;  and  whilst  the  (pies-  ; 
tion  of  annexation  was  pending  before  tin;  pefiple 
•  if  Texas,  during  ilic  jwst  summer,  the  srovern- 
nient  of  Mexico,  by  a  form  il  iict,arreed  lo  recog- 
nise the  inilepi  iair.:ioe  of  Texas,  mi  cmidiiion  that 
she  would  not  ann«x  herself  to  any  other  Power. 
The  airreinieiit  lo  acknowledge  the  independence 
uf  'i'exus,  whether  witli  or  witliout  tins  cunditiuii, 


is  ccnclnsive  ngainal  Mexico.  The  independence 
of  Texan  is  n  fact  (^needed  by  Mexico  herself, 
nnd  she  bed  no  right  or  authority  to  prescribe  re- 
Htnctiona  as  to  the  forin  of  governmi^nt  which 
Texas  might  afterwards  choose  M  oisnme. 

Uut  thouL'h   Mexico  cannot  coinplnin  of  the  ; 
Uniuid  Stales   on  account  of  tke  annexntion  of  | 
Texas,  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  serious  causes  of 
misunderstanding  between  the  two  countries  con- 
tinue lo  <     si,  firrowing  out  of  unrcdrtsaed  injuries 
inflicted  by  the  Mexican   authorities  and   people 
on   ihc  persons  and   property  of  citizens  of  the 
United  States,   ihrouixh  a   long   series  of  years,  j 
Mexico  has  ailmiilcd   these   injuries,  but  has  ne-  { 
glccted  and  refused  to  repair  them.     Such  was  llie  | 
character  of  the  wrongs,  und   such  the  insults  re-  ' 
pealedly   olleied  to   American    cili/.ens  and   the  j 
American  lint;  by  Mexico,  in  palpable  violation  of  | 
the   laws  of  natloiiH  and  the   treaty  between   the 
two  countries  of  the  fiftli  of  April,  IKJI,  that  they 
have  lieen  repealedly  brought  lo  Ihi;  nonce  of  Con-  i 
gress  by  my  ]in'decessors.    As  early  as  the  ei;;hih 
of  February,  lt<37,   the   President  of  the  United 
.Slates  declared,  in  a  mcsSage  lo   Congress,   that  '■■ 
"the   length  of  lime  since  some  of  the  injuries  ; 
have  been  committed,  the  repeated  and  unavailing  ' 
applications  for  redress,  the   wanton    characler  of 
.some  of  the  outrages  upon   the  persons  and  pro-  i 
pertv  of  onr  citizens,  upon  the  oHicers  and  Hag  of 
the  L'niled  Smles,  independent  of  recent  insults  lo 
lliis  government  nnd   people  liy  the  lute  Extraor- 
dinary  .Mexican   Mini.'-lcr,  would  justify   in  the 
eyes  of  all  nations  immediate  war."     lie  did  ii'it, 
however,  reeoinmenil  an  immediate    resort  lo  Ihis 
exlreme   mea.';iiie,  wliii'h,  he   declared,   "  should  i 
not  be  used  by  just  and   generous    nations,  conli-  ! 
dim:  in  their  strength,  for  injuries  connnilteil,  if  il 
j  can  be  honorably  avoided;"  hut,  in  a  sjiirii  of  for- 
I  beamnce,  ]iroposi'd  that  another  demand  be  made 
I  on  iMcxico  for   that   redress  which    had    been  >n 
;  long  and  niijnstly  withheld.     In  these  views,  coin- 
mitlees  of  the  two  iloiises*of  Coiurress,  in  reports  ; 
made  lo  iheir  resp(;ctive  bodies,  concurred.    .Since 
these    procceiiiii;,.--    more   than   eiiilit    years   have  ; 
e!:ipse(l,  (liiri;;r,    which,  in  additioii  to  iIk;   wrongs 
then  complained  of,  others  of  an  a'^'u'ravaled   cha- 
;  racier    have   been   commilled  on  the  persiijis  and 
I  iiro)iertv  of  our  cili/.ens.     A   s]iecial    at^ent    was 
i  sent  to  Mexico  in  the   summer  of  IKiH,  wilh  full 
authority  lo  make  another  and   liiiel   demand  for 
I  ri'dress.     The  demand    was   made;  the   Mexican 
i  govrnment   |iromised    lo    repair   the    wron;;s   of  | 
which  we  complained;  and   al'ier   nioeh   delay,  arl 
I  trealy  of  indemnily  wilh  that  \iew  Wi,    concluded  ! 
i  between  the  two  I'ouers  on  ihi;  elevi  nlh  of  .\pril,  , 
lb39,  and  was  duly  ralilied  by  botli  srovernmi  nts.  ! 
Hv  this  trealy  a  joint  commission    was   erealed  lo 
aijjndii'ale   anil    decide  on  the  claims  of  American 
citizens  on  the  government  of  .Mexico.     The  com- 
mission   was    organized   at   Wasliln;;ton    on    the 
iweniy-fil'ih   day   of  An'::ust,    l!^-l(l.     Their   lime 
was  liniili  (I  to  eighiecn   months;  at  the  exph'atioii 
of   which,    Ihey    had    adjudicated    and    dcciiled 
claims    amountin'jr    to   two    millions    iwentv-six 
thousand  om;  hundred  and  tliinv-nine  dollars  ami 
sixty-eit'lu  cents  in  favor  of  citizens  of  the  I'liind 
Stales  against  llie  .Mexican  •rovernmenl,  leavinu;  a 
laru'C  amount  of  claims  undecided.     Of  ihe  latter, 
the  .Vmerii-aii  connnissionei-'.  had  decided  in  la\or 
of  our  citizens  claims  amuuiiiin;!:  to  nine  hundred 
and  tweiity-eii.'lit  Ihonsaiid  six  hundred  and  twen- 
ty-seven   dollars   and    eiu'lity-ei'/lit   eeiils,    whii-li 
were  h  11  unacti  il    in  by  the  umpire  authorized  by 
the  treaty.     Slil     orllier  claims,  anionntin'.' to  be- 
tween three  and  four  millions  of  dollars,  were  Mili- 
miiled  lo  ibe  board  loo  late  lo  be  considered,  and 
were   left   undisposed  of.     The   sum  of  two    mil- 
lions twenty-six  thousand  one  hnndp'd  and  thirty- 
niin;  dollars  and  sixly-eii^ht  cents,  decided  by  the 
board,  was  a  li'piiilated   and   asiert. lined  delit  due 
by  Mexico  to  the   claimanls,   and    there    was   no 
justifiable  reason  for  delaying  its  payment  accord- 
ing to  till'  terms  of  the  treaty.     It  was   not,  how- 
ever, paid.     .Mexico   applii>d    for   further    iiidnl- 
treiice;  and,    in    thai   spirit  of  lll>eralily   nnd   for- 
bearance which  has  ever  m.arked  the  policy  of  the 
United  .Slates  towards   that    republic,  the   request 
was   granted;  and,   on    tho   tlnrlielh  of  January, 
184U,  a  new  treaty  was  cotlclndnl.    Hy  this  trealy 
it   was  jirovided,   that    the   inlercsl    due   on    llie 
awards  m  favor  of  claimants  under   the  conven- 
tion u(  the  elevunlh  of  April,  1H3U,  should  be  paid 


||  on  the  thirtieth  of  April,  184.3;  nnd  that  "tho 
{;  principH^  of  the  sM  nwnrds,  and  ii\e  in:crest 
ji  arising  thereon,  shml  be  pniii  in  five  years,  in 
'  equal  instalments  every  three  months;  the  said 
,  term  of  live  years  lo  commence  on  the  thirtieth 
:  day  of  .\piil,  ]t*43,  ns  nforesaid."  The  interest 
Ii  due  on  tho  Ihirlieth  day  of  April,  1S43,  lUid  'ho 
three  first  of  the  Iwciily  insialments,  have  been 
paid.  .Seventeen  of  iliese  insUilincnts  remain  un- 
paiil,  seven  of  which  nre  now  due. 
I  The  claims  wliioh  were  left  undecided  hy  the 
joint  ciiniml.ssioii,  amounting  to  more  than  three 
ii  millions  of  dollars,  together  with  other  claims  for 
spoliations  on  ihe  projierty  of  onr  citizens,  were 
subsequently  pre.ienteil  lo  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment I'or  payment,  and  were  so  far  recognised 
that  a  Ireatv,  providing  for  their  cxnmination  ami 
sctllement  liy  a  joint  commission,  was  concluded 
and  siij;neil  ai  Mexico  on  the  twentieth  dav  of  iNd- 
veniber,  1813.  This  treaty  was  ratified  by  the 
United  .Stales,  with  certain  aniei|d)ueiits,  lo  wliicli 
no  just  e.vception  coiihl  have  liMn  taken;  bill  it 
has  not  yei  received  the  ralilicalion  of  ihe  Mexi- 
can govermt^nt.  In  the  meantime,  our  citizens 
who  snU'ered  great  losseR,  nnd  some  of  wlioni 
Imve  been  reduced  from  nllluence  to  bankniplcy, 
are  without  remedy,  unless  iheir  rights  be  en- 
forced by  their  government.  Such  a  continued 
and  unprovoked  series  of  wroii-rs  could  never  have 
bi'cn  loleraled  by  the  United  Siales,  had  lliey  been 
cominitlcd  by  one  of  the  principal  nations  of  hUi- 
rojie.  Mexico  was,  however,  a  neighboring  sister 
repulilic,  which,  following  our  example,  hiul 
achieved  hor  inilependence,  atid  for  whose  success 
and  prosperilv  all  our  sympathies  were  early  eii- 
lisieil.  The  United  States  were  the  first  lo  recog- 
nise her  indepeialence,  and  to  receive  her  hilo  the 
fannly  of  nations,  and  have  ever  been  desirous  of 
cultivating  with  her  a  good  undersianduig.  AVo 
have,  theR'fore,  borne  the  repeaK  d  wrongs  she  has 
commitU'd,  witli  ii:i<'at  patience,  in  the  hope  that  a 
relnrning  sense  of  justice  would  nltiniately  i;niile. 
her  councils,  and  ilia'  we  inijhl,  if  possible,  hono- 
rably avoid  any  hostile  collision  wilh  her. 

Without  Ihe  previous  aiilhority  of  Congress,  tho 
ICxecntive  possessed  no  power  lo  adopt  or  enforco 
adequate  remediis  for  llie  injuries  we  had  siiilered, 
or  lo  do  more  than  be  prepared  to  ri'pel  the  threat- 
ened atrtrression  on  the  part  of  .Mexico.  After  onr 
army  and  navy  had  remained  on  the  fronlier  and 
coasis  of  Mexico  for  many  weeks,  without  anV 
hostile  movemcMl  on  her  part,  tlionirb  her  menaces 
were  continued,  I  dreined  it  impormnt  to  put  an 
end,  if  possible,  to  this  siati;  of  ihings.  With  this 
view,  1  caused  steps  to  be  taken,  in  the  month  of 
Se|iiemlier  last,  to  asiiTlain  ilisiinctly,  and  in  ni\ 
nnthiiiiic  form,  what  the  deisms  of  Ihe  Mexican 
government  were  ;  whether  it  was  iheir  iulenlioii 
to  declare  war,  or  invade  'I'exas,  or  wln^lhei;  they 
were  ilisposed  to  adjust  and  selile,  in  an  amicablo 
manner,  ihependin;;  dilVerenciw  lielv.een  the  Iwo 
coinilries.  On  the  ninth  of  iSovember  an  oillcial 
answer  was  received,  that  llie  Mexicnn  govern- 
ment con.senled  lo  renew  the  dijilomalic  relaiions 
which  had  been  suspended  in  Alarch  last,  and  for 
ihat  purpose  were  willihg  lo  accredit  a  ininisler 
from  ihe  United  States.  With  a  sincere  desire  to 
preserve  ]ieace,  and  reslore  relaliom  of  good  un- 
derstanding between  the  two  repulilic's,  I  waived 
all  ceremony  as  lo  the  manner  of  renewini;  diplo- 
iiintic  inter.'oin'se  belween  them  ;  and,  assuming 
the  initiative,  on  the  lenlh  of  November  n  distin- 
guished citizen  of  Louisiana  was  appointed  Knvoy 
Kxlraordiiiary  and  Minis.er  I'lenipolenliary  to 
.Mexico,  cloihcd  with  full  powers  to  adjust,  and 
deliiiitively  settle,  all  |iending  iliirerences  belween 
Ihe  two  coniilrie.;,  iiichiding  those.  (#  bouiiilary 
between  .Mexico  and  llie  Slate  of  Texas.  The 
minisler  avpoinied  has  sia  out  on  his  mission,  and 
is  probably  by  this  time  near  the  .Mexican  capiial. 
He  has  been'mslmcled  U>  brinu'  ihe  nenoiialion 
wilh  which  he  is  clmrped  to  a  conclnsion  at  the  . 
earliest  iiracticable  period  ;  which,  it  is  expected, 
will  be  111  time  lo  enable  nu'  lo  connnnnicale  the 
result  lo  (.'onuress  during  the  prudent  session.  Un- 
til thai  result  is  known,  1  forbear  lo  recominend  to 
CongresH  such  ulterior  measures  of  redress  lor  the 
wroin,'S  and  injuries  we  have  so  Ion;,'  borne,  as  it 
would  have  been  proper  to  make  had  no  such  iif- 
goiiaiion  been  insiiuilcd. 

Congress  approprialed,  at  llie  last  session,  the 
sum  of  two  hundred  and  seventy-live  thuiisaml 


^\ 


k* 


1845.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSTONAi.  GLOBE. 


2{hJH  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


Message  of  the  President. 


Senate  and  Ho.  of  Reps. 


ddllHRi  tot  the  payment  of  tlic  Ai»ri!  and  July  iii- 
fliiilinrnts  of  the  Jiloxicnn  indemimics  for  the  yeiir 
1H44 :  "  Provided  it  ahull  be  Bscfrliiiiied  to  the 
NnliHfrtCticii  of  the  American  Kovcriimciit  tlvit  said 
instnlinrntH  Imvc  been  paid  by  the  Mexican  pov- 
ernmrnt  to  the  assent  ,  ppointed  by  the  United 
•Stales  to  receive  the  same,  in  such  manner  as  to 
dischnrffe  nil  claim  on  the  Mexican  pivcrrmient, 
nnd  said  anient  to  l>c  dclin(|ncnt  in  reniittini;  the 
money  to  the  Unilcd  Suites." 
•  The  'insetllcd  stale  oCour  relations  \vith  Mexico 

lins  \\,  ilvet*  tliis  subject  in  much  mystery.  The 
first  iiilo.T  .ili  III,  !i!  an  nuthenlic  form,  from  the 
nseiit  ,if  tho'Unilei'  feiat«'«,  appointed  under  the 
adininistn  i.dii  pf  my  predeccs: ' . ,  ui^s  received  at 
the  'jlaie  l><iianiiie"nt  jn  tlic  niiilii  of  JNoveniber 
last.  Thi'  is  eouininod  in  ii  letter,  dated  the  se- 
vi^nleenth  o"  October,  adiiressed  by  liim  to  one  of 
our  citizens  'hen  in  Mexico,  wiih  the  view  of  hav- 
ijf  inn  il  coininunicalwl  to  that  department.     From 

I  his  it  appears  that  Ihc  a^Mil,  on  Ihe  Iwenlicih  of 
Septeiulier,  1814,  save  a  receipt  In  the  lieasiiry  of 
Mexico  for  the  amount  of  liie  Anril  and  .luly  in- 
Klalmenls  ol  the  indemnity.  In  llie  same  coinmil- 
iiicatioo,  however,  he  asaerl^  IIimI  be  liad  not  re- 
ceived a  single  dollar  in  cash  ;  but  tlial  be  holda 
such  sec\n'ilies  as  warranted  him  at  ibc.  time  in 
piviiiiT  Ihe  receipt,  and  eiuertnins  no  doubt  but  that 
he  will  eventually  obtain  the  money.  As  these 
instahncnls  appear  never  lo  linve  Iieeii  aclunlly  i 
paid  by  Ihe  jjiivernnient  of  Mexico  to  the  a^reiit, 
and  us  that  governnif  nt  has  not  'heiifce  been  r  :- 
•  leased  ao  as  to  discliar|j;e  the  claim,  i.  lio     .r  feel 

myself  wurraiUed  in  directing'  iiaynienl  to  be  iiiaile 
to  ihe  claimants  out  of  the  treasury,  without  fiu- 
tlicr  legislation.  Their  case  is,  undiuililedly,  one 
of  much  liartlship  ;  and  it  remains  for  (,'onsrccss  lo 
decide  u  lu|ther  any,  and  what,  relief  rmirbl  to  be 
prnnied  to" them.  Our  minister  to  Mexico  has 
been  instructed  lo  ascertain  the  facts  (if  t!ie  case 
from  Ihe  Mexican  govermneni,  in  an  authentic 
and  otlicial  form,  and  report  tiio  result  with  as 
little  delay  as  possible. 

My  ailention  was  early  directed  to  the  neffotia- 
tion  which,  m\  the  fonrtli  of  March  last,  1  found 
pendiii','  at  \Vasbini;ton  between  the  United  Slates 
and  threat  Ib-ilain,  on  the  subject  of  the  Oreiron 
territory.  'I'hix'e  several  attempts  had  been  pre- 
viously made  to  settle  llie  i|Uestions  in  dispute  be- 
t\||ieu  the  two  countries,  by  negjotiation,  upon  the 
principle  of  cinnproniisc;  but  each  had  ])rovcd  un- 
j^.         successful. 

11^-  These  ncijotiations  took  place  at  London,  in  the 

yetu's  IHIH,  1824,  aial  H^'li ;  the  two  lirst  under 
,  ihe  adniliiistration  of  Mr.  Monroe,  and  the  last 
under  that  of  Air.  Adams,  'i'be  neiroliation  of 
IW18  haviuL;'  failed  to  accomplish  its  olijei't,  result- 
eil  ill  the  conveutioii  of  ihi^  tv.enliotb  of  October  of 
ihm  year,  liy  the  third  articli;  of  that  convintion, 
it  was  "aijnied,  that-any  country  that  may  be 
ulaiiaed  by  either  party  on  the  northwest  coast  of 
I'  America,  westward  of  the  (Stony  mounlains,  shall, 
lo'_'ei!ier  wffb  its  harbors,  bays,  and  crecK's,  aial 
ihe  naviiration  of  all  rivers  within  the  same.  In' 
'  free  and  open  for  the  term  of  ten  yi  ars  frcnn  the 
dale  of  the  sii'iiaturc  of  the  present  convention,  lo 
the  vessels,  citizens,  and  subjeets  of  the  two  I'ow- 
crs  :  it  buini;  well  understood  that  this  agreement 
is  not  10  he  constnied  to  the  prejudice  of  any  claim 
which  either  of  the  two  hiu'b  coniraclini;  parlies 
4|,  may  have  to  any  part  of  t|ie  said  counlrv,  nin-  shall 
it  be  taKen  lo  art'ect  llie  einims  of  any  oilier  I'ower 
or  Slate  to  lyiy  jiart  of  the  said  couiilry;  the  only 
object  of  liie  lii^lwonlractin;:  parlies  in  thai  rc- 
snect  bciii_',  to  jirevent  disputes  and  dill'ereuces 
rtmou^  till,    selves," 

The  iieKoiialioii  "ht  1834  was  productive  of  no 
«      result,  and  the  eoiiveution  of  1818  was  left  un- 
ehaii'jed. 

[I'be  nc;;.  Illation  of  189(),  havin?  ii'.so  failed  to 
eftict  an  ailjnstment  by  compromise,  resulted  in 
the  conveiitio'i  of  Auii:ust  the  sixth,  I8'J7,  by 
which  it  was  agreed  to  continue  in  force,  for  an 
indefinite  period,  the  provisions  of  Ihe  ibird  arti- 
cle of  the  cohvenliiin  of  the  twentieth  of  Ociolier, 
1818  ;  aial  if  was  further  ]U'ovideil,  tlint  "il  shall 
he  competent,  however,  to  eiilicr  of  the  conlract- 
inu;  |iarlies,  in  case  cither  should  think  fit,  at  any 
time  after  the  twentieth  of  October,  18-}8,  on  friv- 
ini;'  due  notice  of  twelve  mniiths  lo  the  other  eoii- 
Irnclini;  parly,  to  nimni  and  abrofjate  this  conveii- 
lloii  ;  and  it  shall,  in  such  case,  be  accordingly 


entirely  annulled  nnd  nbro?Bted  after  the  cxpirn-  ]  rejected  rejx^atcd  the  offer  of  the  parallel  of  forty- 
tion  of  the  said  term  of  notice."  In  these  nt-  !i  nine  decrees  of  north  latitude,  which  had  be^o 
tempts  to  0(1  just  the  controverHy,  the  parallel  of  j!  innde  by  two  preceding  adniinistratimis,  but  with' 


the  forty-ninth  decree  of  north  latitude  had  been 
ottered  by  the  United  Stales  to  Great  Britain, 
and  in  those  of  1818  and  1826,  with  a  further  con- 
cession of  the  free  navijialion  of  the  Columbia 
river  south  of  that  latitude.  The  ]mrallel  of  the 
forly-niunh  degree,  from  the  Rocky  mounlains  to 
its  intersection  with  the  rtftrthcaslernmosl  brnncb 
of  the  Columbia,  and  thence  down  ihe  channel  of 
that  river  to  the  eea,  had  been  offered  by  Great 
Urilain,  with  nn  addition  of  n  small  detached  ter- 
ritory north  of  the  Columbia.  Each  of  the.se 
prfipositions  had  been  rejected  by  the  parties  re- 
speeliy^ly. 

In  Octoli«r,  1843,  the  Envoy  Extraordinary 
nnd  Minister  Plciiipolentinry  of  ihc  United  States 
in  London  was  authorized  to  make  a  similar  offer 
to  those  made  in  lHi8  and482().  Thiuji  stood  the 
(|uestioii  when  Ihe  nejotiation  was  shortly  after- 
wards transferred  to  Washington  ;  and,  on  the 
twenly-third  of  August,  IK44,  W'as  formally  opiMi- 
ed,  uiidcr  the  direction  "f  my  immediate  prcilc- 
cesjor.  Like  all  the  |)re\  imis  iiegoliatioiis,  it  was 
lia.sed  upon  principles  of  "compiiimise  ;"  and  the 
avowed  purpose  of  the  parlies  was,  "  to  Ireat  of 
the  r(:spective  claims  of  the  two  countries  to  the 
Oregon  territory,  with  the  view  to  establish  a  per- 


out  proposing  to  surrender  to  Great  Driliun,  as 
i  they  had  done,  the  free  mivigatiojl  of  the  Colum- 
I  bia  river.    The  right  of  any  foreign  Power  to  the 
I  free  navigation  of  any  of  our  rivers,  through  tlio 
I  heart  of  our  country,  was  one  which  I  was  un- 
[  willing  to  conceile.     It  also  embraced  n  provision 
to  make  free  to  Great  Rrilain  any  port  or  ports  on 
the  cap  of  Quadra  and  Vancouver's  Ishuid,  south 
of  this  parall(!l.     Had  Ihia  Ijeen  n  new  cjuestion, 
coming  iiiider  discussion  for  the  fust  time,  thix 
)iropositioii  would  not  have  been  made.    The  ex- 
traordiiiiiry  and  .wholly  inadmissible  demnn4#of 
the  British  govcrnmenl,  and  the  rejection  of  the 
proposition  made  in  di^fcriMice  alone  to  what  had 
ticen  dune  by  my  prcideccssors,  and  the  implied 
obligation  which  their  acts  seemed  to  imixise,  af- 
ford   salisfactin'y    evidence   that  no  compromise 
which  the  Ignited  Stales  ought  to  accept,  can  be 
ed'ecU'd.     Willi  this  conviclioii,  the  proposhion  of 
compromise  which  had  been  made  and  rcdectedj 
was,  by  my  direction,  ?ubse(|ueiuly  witlmrawn, 
ond  our  title  lo  the  whole  Oregon  territory  asserted, 
and,  as  is  believed,  muinlaiiied  by  irrefragable  facts 
and  arguments. 

The  civilized  world  will  see  in  these  proceedings 
a  spirit  of  liberal  concession  on  the  part  of  tlie 


nianenl  boumlary  between  them  westward  of  the  I  United  Stales;  and  this  government  will  he  re- 
Rocky  mounlains  to  the  Pacific,  ocean."  Aeciinl-  !  Ileved  from  all  responsibility  which  nuiy  follow  the 
iiiL'ly,  on  the  tweiity-sixtb  of  August,  1844,  the  j  failure  to  selilc  the  controversy. 
British  pleiii|iotentiary  ollered  to  iliviile  the  Ore-  j  All  attempts  at  compromise  having  failed,  it  hj- 
iron  territory  by  the  forly-uiiith  parallel  of  north  !}  comes  the  duty  of  Congress  lo  considcrwhat  mea- 
sures it  may  be  jiroper  to  adopt  fur  the  security 
and  pnitecriua  of  our  cili/ens  no\;  iidiabiliiig,  or 
who  may  hiMeafter  inhabit  Oreffoii,  and  for  the 
maintenance  of  our  just  title  to  that  territory.  In 
adojiling  measures  mr  this  purpose,  care  should 
be  taken  ibat  nothing  be  done  to  violate  the  stinu- 
lations  of  the  convention  of  1827,  which  is  still  in 
force.  The  faith  of  treaties,  in  their  letter  and 
spirit,  has  ev(  r  been,  and,  I  trust,  will  ever  bCi 
scrupulously  observed  by  ibc  Unilcd  Slates.  Un- 
der that  convention,  a  year's  notice  is  reipiired  to 
be  given  by  either  party  to  the  other,  before  the 
joint  occupancy  shall  terminate,  nnd  before  either 
can  rightfully  assert  or  exercise  exclusive  jurisdic- 
tion over  luiy  portion  of  Ihe  territory.  Tins  notice 
it  would,  in  my  judgment,  be  proper  to  give ;  and 
I  rccommeiid  that  provision  be  mode  by  law  for 
giving  it  iiccordinjly,  and  terminating,  in  this  man- 
ner, the  convcnticin  of  the  sixth  of  August,  1627. 

It  will  become  proper  forCongi'css  lo  determine 
\\liat  legislation  they  can,  in  the  mean  time,  adopt 
without  violating  ibis  cnnventi(m.  Beyond  all 
(piesiion,  the  protection  of  our  laws  nnd  our  juris- 
(iicliou,  civil  nnd  criminal,  ought  to  be  imme- 
diately er.tendeil   over    our    cilizens  in  Oregon. 


laiiliule,  from   ihe  Rocky  mounlains  to  llie  ]ioint 

of   its    intersection    witli    the    norlheastermnost  ij 

branch  of  the  Columbia  river,  imd  thence  down  '] 

that  river  lo  the  sen;  leaving  the  free  navigation  j[ 

(if  the  river  to   be  enjoyed  in  common  by  both  ]j 

;  parlies — the  country  souib  of  this  linn  to  bekmg  Ij 

.  to   the  United  Stales,  and  that  north  of  il  to  Great  || 

■•Britain.     At  the  same  time,  he  propos.'il,  in  addi-   t 

j  tion,  to  yield  to  the  United  Stales  a  delacbcd  ter-    j 

1  rilory,  north  of  the  Cdlumbia,  extending  along,; 

;  thePacifii'nnd  the  Straits  of  Fuc'a,  from  Bullincb's  ;, 

harbor  inclusive,  to  Hood's  caiiid,  and  to  make  jl 

■  free  to  the  United  States  any  port  or  ports  south  j! 
;  of  latitude  forty-nine  dcirrees,  wlii(di  they  ini'_-lit  ■ 
I  desire,  either  on  the  m.'iin  land,  or  on  Ciuadra  and    j 

Vancouver's  Island.    With  the  cxccplion  of  the   , 
free  ports,  this  was  the  same  olfer  which  bad  been  '\ 
made  by  the  British,  and  rejected  by  the  American    j 
government  in   the    neinitlatinn   of    182(i.     Tins 
proposition  was  jiroperlv  rejei^ted  by  the  Ameri- 
can  iilciiipolciiliary  on   the  (lay  it  was  submitleil.    ! 
This  was  the  only  jiropoRilioii  of  cmnpromise  of-   | 
fered  by  the  British  plenipoteiuiary.     The  propo-    j 
j  sition  (Ui  the  "part  of  Great  Britain  having  been  re-  \\ 
j(!Cle(l,  liie  British   pleniiiolentinry  ici|ueslcd  that   J 
a  pro]iiisal   sbonld   lie  made  Iiy  the  United  States    l 
j  for  "an  eipiitable  ailjusiment  of  llie  (|iiestioii."        ,| 
Wlien  1  came  into  oilice,  I  louiid   this  to  be  the    [ 
stale  of  the  nciriniaiioii.     Though  enlerlainiii^  the   : 
sellled  coiivici'on,  that  the   British  prefeiisioiis  of 
title  could  not  lie  maintained    to   any   ]iorliiin  of 
the  Oregon  territory  upon  any  principle  i.f  public 
law  recoiruii-cd  by   nations;  yet,   in  deference  lo 
what  had  been  dour  by  my  ]ircdcccssors,  and  es- 
pecially in  considcralitni  that  )>ropos, lions  of  com- 
promise   had    been  thrice   made   by    two  preccd- 
ui'T  admini'ilraliinis,  to  adjust  the  (|ueslion  on  the 
|ianillel  of  forty-nine  degrees,  and  ill  two  of  ibein 
yieldiii'JT  to  Great   Britniii  the  free  iiavigatiini  of 
ihe   Cohimbia,  and   that  the  iieniliiig  iiegmialion 
bad  been  commeiK  :'d  oil  llie  basis  of  eoin]ir(muse, 
|:  1  deemed  il  to  be  my  duty  not  ala'n]itly  to  break 
{1  il  oir.     In  consideration,  too,  that  iiiulcr  the  cmi- 
!'  vcnlions  of  lf<18aii(l  lKi7,  llie  citizens  and   sub- 
;  jeds  of  the  two  Powers   held  a  joint  occupancy 
of  the  coiniiry,  I   was   induced  to  make  another 
etVorl  to  selth^  this  loiig-pendim:  controversy  in  the 
spirit  of  moderati«tn  which  had  i^iven  birl'i  to  the  * 
renewed  discussion.     A  proposition  was  accord- 

■  insly  made,  which  was  rejected  by  the  British  I 
picu'ipolciitiiiry,  who.  without  submitting  any 
other  propnsition,  snil'ered  the  ncirolialiou  on  his 
part  to  drop,  expressing'  bis  trust  that  the  United 
States  would  offer  what  he  saw  fit  to  call  '*  s(une 
fiirlber  proposal  for  the  seltlemeni  of  the  Oregon 
ipiesiioii,  nnu'e  consistent  with  fairness  and  eiinily, 
and  with  the  rca.sonnble  expectations  of  the  British 

;  Government.^'    The  proposition  thus  ollered  and 


They  have  had  just  cause  lo  complain  of  our  long 
neglect  in  this  particular,  and  have,  in  conse- 
qnence,  been  compelled,  for  their  own  security 
nnd  ]irolection,  to  establish  a  jirovisioiud  govern- 
ment tor  themselves.  Strong  in  their  allegiance 
and  ardent  ill  their  attachment  to  the  United  Slates, 
lliey  havelicen  thus  cast  upon  their  own  i-ea(mrces. 
They  are  anxi(ais  that  our  laws  should  be  extend- 
ed over  them,  and  I  recommend  that  this  be  dime 
by  Coim'ress  wiib  as  little  delay  as  possible,  in  the 
full  extent  to  which  the  British  Parliament  have 
proci^cded  in  ree'ard  to  British  subjects  in  that  ter- 
ritory, by  llieir  act  of  July  the  second,  1821,  "  for 
re'nilaliu!;'  the  fur-trade,  and  estoblishing  a  crimi- 
nal and  civil  jiirisdictimi  within  certain  parts  of 
North  America."  By  this  act  Great  Brilain  ex- 
Icniled  her  laws  and  jurisdiction,  civil  and  crimi- 
nal, ove;  her  subj(>cts  engaged  in  the  fur-trade  ui 
that  territory.  By  it,  the  courts  of  the  province 
of  Upper  Caii;;da  were  empowered  to  take  cogni- 
zance of  causes  civil  and  criminal.  Justices  of 
the  jieacc  and  other  judicial  officers  were  autho- 
rized lo  be  appoinled  in  Oregon,  with  power  lo 
execute  all  process  issuing  from  the  courts  of  ihnt 
province,  nnd  to  "  sit  nnd  hold  courts  of  record 
lor  the  trial  of  criminal  offences  nnd  misdemea- 
nors," not  made  thesubjiH'tof  enpilal  punishment, 
and  also  of  civU  cases,  where  the  cause  of  action 
shall  not  "  exceed  in  value  the  amount  or  sum  of 
two  hundred  pounds." 

Siibsef|neiit  to  ihednte  of  tliis  nctof  Pnrlinnient, 
a  i;riuit  was  made  from  tlie  "  Brit'sh  crown"  to 
the  Hudson's  Bny  Company,  of  the  exclusive 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAI.  GLOBE. 


[Dec. 


29th  Cong 1st  Sgss. 


Message  of  the  Prtsident. 


Senate  an0>Ho.  of  Keps. 


trade  with  the  Indian  tribes  in  the  Oreson  territo- 
ry, subject  t<)  arrsiervalioii  th(V|  it  slinll  not  operate 
to  the  exclusion  "  of  tlie  siibiects  of  nny  foreli;!! 
States  who,  under  or  by  fono  of  nny  convention 
for  the  linu)  bciflg,  bct\v(;en  na  and  such  forciijn  ^ 
Slulesi  rcHjicetively,  may  be  entitled  to,  and  sltuU  ' 
be  engaged  ill,  the  said  trade." 

it  is  miicli  to  be  rcj»relted  tlint,  while  under  this  | 
net  British  subjects  have  enjoyed  the  protection  ] 
of  British    InwE   and   BritiHn   judicial    triliiniala  i 
throughout  the  whole  </f  Oregon ,  Anterican  ciii- ] 
zona,  in  tht  «nnic  te.rritolry,  have  enjoyed  no  such  ; 
proteiiion  from  their  governmenl.     At  the  saine 
tinutlhc  result  illustrates  tlieoharucler  ofour  peo- 
pkaild  their  institutions.     In  spite  of  this  ne<rlrrt. 
they  have  multiplied,  and  their  riUiiiber  is  rajiidly  > 
increasing  iq  that  territory.     'I'hey  have  made  n.>  \ 
appeal  to  arms, but  have  peni-euiUy  I'lMiified  thcin-  j 
selves  in  their  new  homes,  lly  the  adoi)iioii  of  re-  I 
publican  institutions  for   themselves  ;  furniiiliin^  I 
another  e|ciunple  of  the  truth  that  srlf-<rovernmcnt 
is  inherent  in  ihc  American  breast,  and  must  pre-  [ 
vnil.     It  is  due  to  them  that  ihcy  should  be  em-  [ 
braced  and  protected  by  our  laws.  I 

It  is  deemed  iinporiant  that  our  laws  regiUalins;  ■ 
trade  and  iiitcroouise  wiih  the  Indian  tribes  ca»l  of 
the  Rocky  mountains,  -  hould  be  extended  to  sucli  ■ 
tribes  as  dwell  beyond  tliem. 

The  increasing  eniiKratioii  to  Oreion.nnd  tlie 
«are  and  protection  which  is  dne  from  the  govern-  ; 
mcnt  to  its  citizens  in  that  distant  rcLriuji,  niahn.it 
<iur  duty,  RK  it  is  our  interest,  to  cuhivate  amicable 
relations  with  the  Indian  tribes  of  that  territory. 
For  this  purpose.  I  recommend  that  provision  l.e 
made  for eslnl.lishinK  an  Ijidiaii  airmcy,  and  .such 
rtb-egenoies  aa  nmy  be  deemed  necessary,  beyond 
the  Uocliy  mountains. 

For  the  protection  of  emigrants  whilst  on  their 
way  to  Oregon,  against  the  attaiks  of  the  Indian  ; 
tribes  occupying  the  counlry  tliroiisjh  wliii'li  they 
pass,  I   recommend    that  a   suilaiile    m.mher  of  ^ 
fctockades  and  block-house  forts  be  ere  .ted  along  ' 
the  usual  route  between  our  frontier  s..Mt!emcnts  j 
'intlie  Missouri  and  the  Uocky  mouni.iin.s;  and' 
that   an  adequate  force  of  inouiiied   riilemin   be 
raised  to  guard  and  protect  them  on  their  journey.  ; 
The  immediate  Rdojilion  of  these  rei'ommendatioiis 
by  Congress  will  not  violate  the  provisions  of  the  i 
existing  U'ealy.     It  will  be  doini;  nothing  more  for 
American  citizens  than   Uritish   laws  have   long 
since  done  for  British  subjects  in  the  same  territory. 

1 1  requires  several  months  to  perform  the  voyage 
by  sea  from  the  Atlantic  Suites  to  Oregon;  and  al- 
though we  hove  o  largi;  number  of  wlialc  ships  in 
the  Pacific,  but  few  of  them  ulFord  an  opportunity 
of  interchiuiging  intelligence,  without  great  delay, 
Ijetveen  our  settlements  in  that  distant  region  and 
the  U.iited  Slates.  An  overland  mail  is  believed 
to  be  entirely  practicable;  and  the  importance  of  es- 
tablishing such  a  mail,  at  least  once  a  month,  is  nub- 
mitled  to  the  favorable  consiilenitinn  of  (Jongrcss. 

It  is  submitted  to  the  wi.sdoiu  of  Congress  to  de- 
termine whether, at  their  present  se.ssion, and  until 
after  the  cx|iii'ation  of  the  year's  notice,  any  other 
iiica.surcs  may  lie  adopted,  coiisisienlly  with  the 
eniiveution  of  18i!7,  for  the  security  of  onr  rights, 
and  the  government  and  protection  of  imr  citizens 
in  Oregon.  That  it  will  ultimnti  ly  be  wise  and 
proper  to  make  libcnil  gratits  of  land  to  the  patrio- 
tic pioneers,  who,  amidst  privations  and  dangeis, 
leau  the  way  throngh  savau'c  tribes  inhabiling  the 
vast  tvilderness  intervening  between  our  frontier 
settlements  and  Oregon,  and  who  cultivate,  and 
are  ever  n'ady  to  defend  the  soil,  I  am  fully  salis- 
fied.  To  doubt  whether  they  will  obtain  such 
grant«  as  soon  as  the  crmvenlion  lietween  the 
Uniied  .Si. Ill  s  and  (jreat  Britain  shall  have  I'ea.scil  ; 
to  exist,  would  be  to  doubt  the  JMsii(e  of  Con- 
gress; but,  pentling  the  year's  iiolice,  it  is  worthy 
of  consideration  whether  a  slipnlulioii  lo  this  elh'ct 
may  be  made,  consistently  with  tlie  spirit  of  that 
convention. 

The  recnmmcndatiom  v.'hicli  I  Iiavc  made,  as  to 
the  iM'st  manner  of  securing  onr  riiihls  in  Ongon, 
are  subnniled  to  (,'ongress  witJi  great  deterence. 
Khoiild  they,  in  tlieir  wisdom,  devii>e  any  other 
,  mode  better  calculated  to  accomplish  the  same  ob- 
ject, it  shall  meet  witli  my  hearty  o^ncuin'nce. 

At  the  end  of  the  year's  notice,  should  Congress  ' 
think  i;  proper  to  make  provision  for  giviiii;  that 
notice,  we  shall  have  reached  a  perioiiwljeii  dii' 
iiatioual  rights  in  Oregon  must  eitlier  be  abandon-  ^ 


cd  or  firmly  maintained.  That  tliey  c^innot  be 
nbiuidoned  vritliout  a  sacrifice  of  both  national 
hontir  and  interest,  is  too  clear  to  admit  of  doubt. 

Oregon  is  a  part  of  the  North  American  conti- 
nent, to  which  It  is  conlidenlly  affirmed,  the  title 
of  the  United  States  is  the  bestliow  in  existenee. 
For  tlio  gnmnds  on  which  that  title  rests,  I  refer 
you  to  the  correspondence  of  the  late  and  present 
Secretary  of  .Stale  with  llie  British  plenipoienliary 
during  the  negotialioiMt  The  British  proposition 
of  compromise,  which  would  make  the  C'olnnibia 
the  line  south  of  forty-nine  degrees,  with  a  trilling 
addition  of  detachei!  ierritory  lo  the  United  Slates, 
north  of  that  liver,  and  would  leave  on  the  British 
side  two-thirds  of  the  whole  Oregon  territory,  in- 
cluding the  free  navigation  of  the  Cohiiiibiii  and 
all  the  valuabli  harbors  on  the  Pacific,  can  never, 
for  a  moment  'e  entertained,  by  the  United  Stales, 
without  an  abandonment  of  their  just  and  clear  ter- 
ritorial rights,  their  own  Helf-respecl, and  the  national 
honor.  For  the  information  of  Congress,  1  com- 
nninicale  herewith  the  corresponilcnce  which  look 

pi '  between  the  two  govermncnta  during  ilie  late 

ncgiitiaiion. 

The  rapid  extension  of  our  selllcmenis  over  our 
Icrrit'^ries  heretofore  inioccupied;   the  luhlition  of 
new  .Siaies  lo  our  confederacy ;  the  expiuision  of 
free  principles,  and  <mr  rising'  i^realiiess  as  a  na-  ; 
lion,  are  attracting  the  allcniiini  of  the  Powers  of  i 
Kurope  ;  and  lately  the  doclriiie  has  been  broached  , 
in  some  of  them,  of  a  "  balance  of  power"  on  this  i 
continent,  to  check  our  advancement.    The  I'niled 
.Stales,  sincerely  desiroi's  of  preserving  re!ati(Ois 
of  good  nnderslanding  with  all  nali<ni.s,  cannot  in 
.■■ilencc!  permit  any  Kuropean  interference  cm  the 
North  American  continent ;  and  should  any  such 
inicrfercnce  be  atiempted,  will  be  ready  to  resist  it 
at  anv  and  all  hazards. 

It  IS  well  known  lo  the  American  people  and  to 
all  nations,  thai  lliis  governmcnl  has  never  inter- 
fered with   the  rilations  sul.sistbig  I'elwten  other  ' 
governmems.      We    have   ni'ver   nuide   oiirselvet;  i 
parties  lo  ihcir  wars  or  their  alliances  ;  wo  havt 
not  s(night  their  territories  by  ccmqnest  ;  we  hav(^  ' 
not  minirled  with  parlies  in   iheir  domestic  strug- 
gles; and  believing  (uir  own  lonn  of  government  to  ^ 
be  the  be.si,  we  have  never  attempted  to  propagate  ! 
it  by  intrigues,  by  diplomacy,  or  by  forci'.     We  I 
may  claim  on  this  coininent  a  like  extmption  from 
Kuriipean   inierference.    The  nations  of  America  j 
are  equally  sovereign  and  independent  with  thosi 
of  Europe.    They  possess  the  same  rigln.s,  inde- 
pendent of  all  foreign  inlerposilion,  lo  make  war, 
to  conclude  peace,  and  to  regidatc  their  internal  af- 
fairs.   The  people  of  the  Uniied  States  cannot, 
tlicrefore,  view  witli  indifl'ereiice  attempts  of  Eu- 
ropean Powers  to  interfere  with  the  independent  ' 
action  of  the  nations  on  this  continent.    The  Ame- 
rican system  of  government  is  entirely  ditfercnt  ' 
from  that  of  Kurope.    Jealousy  among  the  dill'er- 
ent  soverciiriis  of  Europe,  lest  any  one  of  them 
mii^ht  become  loo  powerful  for  the  rcsl,  has  caused 
them  anxiously  to  de^iire  the  establishment  of  what 
they  term  the  "  balance  of  power."     It  cannot  be 
permitted  to  have  any  ap|>licatinn  on   the  North 
Ameriran  continent,  mid  especially  to  the  Unileil 
States.     We  must  ever  maintain  thejirinciple,  that 
the  |M?ople  (tf  this  continent  alone  have  the  riu:ht  lo 
deride  their  own  desiinv.     Should  any  portion  of 
theni,  cn.istiliiting  an  imfeiienilent  Slate,  propose  lo 
unite  themselves  Willi  onr  ccnifeileracy,  lliis  will  bi^ 
a  question  for  them  and  us  to  ilelerniine,  without 
any  foreign  inter|iosition.     We  can  never  conseni 
thai  European   Powers  shall  interfere  to   prevent 
such  a  union  because  it  might  disturb  tin?  **  ba- ; 
l.tnce  of  pov,'er"  which  they  may  desire  to  main- 1 
tjiin  upon  ibis  eonlinent.     Near  a  quarter  tif  a  cen-  ' 
tnry  airo,  the  nrinciple  was  distineily  announe.ed  to 
the.  world  in  liie  annual  mes.san-e  of  one  of  my  pre- 
deecssios,  ilial  "  ihe  .Vmeriean  conlinenls,  by  the 
free  and   indepenil'nl  i'i>ndilion   which  ihey  have 
assumed  loul    mainlain,  are   henceforth   not  to  be 
considered  as  snitiecis  fm-  t'nuire  colmuzaiitm  by 
any  Enn.pean  Power."    This  prini'i|ile  will  apply  | 
with  greaily  increased  I'orce,  Hhoiihl  any  Eiirojiean 
Power  alliiiipt   to   establish  iniy  new   eidony   ni 
North  .America.     In  the  existing  circumslances  of 
the  world,  the  present  is  deemeil  a  proper  occasion 
to  reiterate  and  reartirm  the  principle  avowed  by 
.Mr.  Monroe,  anil  to  slate  my  cordial  conetirrence 
in  its  wisdom  and  sound  nohey.     The  reasserlion 
of  thin  principle,  eipeciaUy  in  rcfcrenuc  to  Morth 


Aiuericji,  is  at  this  day  but  the  promulgation  of  n 
policy  which  no  European  Power  should  cherisli 
the  disposition  to  resist.  Existing  rights  of  every 
European  nation  should  be  respected;  bui  it  is  duo 
alike  to  our  safety  and  our  interests,  tlat  the  elli- 
cient  proleciion  pt  our  laws  should  l.e  extended 
over  our  whole  territorial  limitH,  and  that  it  should 
be  distinctly  announced  to  the  world  as  our  settled 
|iolii'y,  that  no  future  European  col  ,ny  or  domin- 
ion shall,  with  our  consent,  be  planted  orctlabiish- 
ed  on  any  part  of  the  North  Anierican  continent. 

A  question  has  lecenily  ari.sen  under  Ihe  tenth 
ortii  le  of  the  subsisting  treaty  between  the  United 
States  and  Prussia.  By  tliis  article,  the  consuls  of 
ihe  two  I'otuitJi'ies  have  the  rigll  to  sit  as  judge* 
and  ariiitralor!<  "  in  such  dillereiices  as  may  arise 
belweeu  the  caplains  and  ( /ews  of  the  vessels  l;e- 
Innging  lo  the  iiaticm  whose  interests  arc  committed 
to  their  charge,  without  the  interferenie  of  the  lo- 
cul  authorities,  unless  the  conduct  of  the  crews  or 
of  the  capuiiii  should  disturb  the  order  or  tran- 
quillity ©f  the  country  ;  or  the  said  consuls  should 
require  iheir  nssisuuice  to  cause  their  decisions  ii> 
be  carried  into  cHcct  or  supported." 

The  I'rui.ian  consul  at  T<i:\v  Bedford,  in  June, 
1844,  applied  lo  Mr.  Justice  Story  to  eari"y  into 
cU'ect  a  de.'ision  made  by  him  between  the  captain 
and  erew  of  tlie  Prussian  ship  lionissia  ;  bol  the 
request  was  iefu.sed,  on  the  ground  that,  without 
previous  legislation  by  Congre.ss,  the  judiciary  did 
not  possess  the  power  to  give  ellect  to  this  arlielo 
of  the  treaty.  The  Prus.sian  Government,  through 
their  Minisler  here,  have  complained  of  this  viola- 
tion of  the  treaty,  and  have  asked  the  government 
of  the  United  States  lo  ailopt  the  nece.s.sory  meas- 
nies  lo  ]U'event  similar  violations  hcreid'ter.  Good 
faith  to  Prussia,  as  well  as  to  other  nations  with 
whmn  wc  have  .similar  treaiy  slipulalions,  requiien 
111  It  these  should  be  faillifiilly  olwerved.  I  have 
(leemed  it  pmper,  tliereforc,  to  lay  the  subject  be- 
fore Congress,  and  to  recommenil  such  legislation 
as  may  be  neces.sai-y  lo  give  effect  to  these  treaty 
obligations. 

By  viriiie  of  an  arrangement  made  botween  Iho 
Spanish  government  and  ihal  of  the  Uniied  Suites, 
in  IJecember,  1831,  Anierican  vesseh,  since  the 
iwenly-ninlh  of  April,  I8;i-J,  have  been  admitted 
to  entry  hi  the  ports  of  Spain,  iinluding  llMwe  of 
ihc  Balearic  ar,d  Canary  Islands,  on  payment  of 
the  same  tonnage  duly  of  five  ceiils  per  ton  au 
llioush  they  hail  been  Spanish  vessels  ;  and  this, 
wheiher  onr  vessels  arrive  in  Spain  direiMly  from 
the  United  Suites,  or  indirectly  from  any  other 
country.  When  Congress,  by  the  act  of  the  tliir- 
leenlli  of  July,  1833,  gave  effect  to  this  arrange- 
ment between  the  two  governments,  they  cmifined 
the  reduction  of  lonnagc  duty  merely  lo  Spanish 
vessels  "  coming  from  a  poit  in  Spain,"  leaving 
the  fmnier  discriminatnig  duly  lo  remain  against 
such  vessels  coming  iVom  a  port  in  any  oilier  coun- 
try. Il  is  nianifesily  unjust  that,  whilst  American 
\<!ssels,  arri»iiig  in  the  iiorts  of  Sgioin  from  other 
louiilries,  |)ay  no  more  (Inly  than  Spallilh  ves.sels, 
.Spanish  vessels  arriving  in  the  ports  of  the  United 
Slates  frmn  other  countries  siioiild  be  subjected  to 
heavy  discrimintuing  tonnage  dulics.  I'liis  is 
neither  eipialiiy  nor  rceiprocity,  and  is  in  vioklinn 
of  the  arruigemcnl  ciniehidcd  in  Deeember,  1831, 
between  the  two  c(amtiies.  The  Spanish  govern- 
nietil  have  made  repealed  and  enrnest  renimisiran- 
cesiigaiiiHt  this  inequality,  and  the  favorable  atten- 
tion i)f  C(mgress  has  been  scveml  times  invoked 
lo  the  subjeei  by  my  predecessors.  I  fecoinmcnd, 
as  an  act  of  justice  lo  S|)ahi,  that  tliis  inequaliiy 
be  removed  by  Consrress,  ami  that  the  discriminu- 
lim:  dulii's  which  have  been  levied  under  the  act 
of  the  ihirleeiilh  of  July,  1832,  «n  Spanish  vessels 

niiig  to  the  Uniied  Stales  from  any  other  foreign 

connlry,  be  refunded.  This  recinnmendiilion  does 
noi  embrace  Spanish  vessels  arrivhig  hi  the  irnited 
Siales  from  Cuba  and  Porto  Uico,  which  will  still 
remain  snbiecl  lo  the  provisions  of  the  act  of  June 
3l)lli,lKI4,conccrningt(ninagc-<lulyon.such  vessels. 

By  the  act  of  the  14lh  of  July,  IKt'J,  eoll'ee  was 
exeinpliil  from  duly  altogether.  This  exemption 
was  universal,  without  reference  lo  the  country 
where  it  was  produced,  or  the  national  eharacler 
of  the  vissel  in  which  il  was  imported,  lly  the 
larilf  act  of  the  ibirtieth  of  August,  1.'<4-J,  this 
exeniiilion  from  duty  was  restricted  to  colli  c  iin- 
prnleil  in  Americiui  vessels  from  Ihe  place  of  its 
pruditctiun;  whUal  cuffeu  iuipuned  under  ail  other 


m 


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I 


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V 


1845.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


yOxH  Cong 1st  Skss. 


Message  of  (he  President, 


SSNATE  AND  Ho.  OF  RePS. 


circunutances  vraa  subjected  to  a  duty  of  twenty 
]wr  cent,  ad  valorem.  Under  this  act,  and  our  ex- 
isiiiic;  treaty  with  the  King  of  the  Netherlands, 
Java  colfee  imported  from  the  European  ports  of 
that  kingdom  into  the  United  States,  wliclhcr  in 
Dutoh  or  Amec^can  vessels,  now  pays  this  rate  of 
duty.  The  government  of  the  Netherlands  com- 
ptains  thntsuch  adisi'riminating  duty  should  have 
ticcn  imposed  on  coffee,  the  production  of  one  of 
its  colonies,  and  which  is  chiefly  brought  from 
.Tava  to  the  ports  of  that  kingdom,  and  exported 
from  thence  to  foreign  countries.  Our  trade  with 
the  Nelheriwids  is  highly  beneficiiil  to  both  coun- 
tries, and  our  relations  with  them  have  ever  been 
of  the  most  friendly  character.  Under  all  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  case,  1  recommend  that  this  dis- 
crimination sliouW  1)0  abolished,  and  that  the  cof- 
j^  fee  of  Java  imported  from    the  Netherlands  be 

0  placetl  upon  the  same  fodting  with  that  imported 

directly  IVom  Brazil  and  other  countries  where  it  is 
proiluced. 

Under  the  eighth  section  of  the  tariff  act  of  the 
thirtieth  of  August,  la42,  a  duly  of  fil\cei<  cents 
pur  galloitwiLs  imposed  on  Port  wine  in  casks; 
«hile,  on  the  red  wines  of  several  other  coumries, 
when  iniporlcd  in  casks,  a  duly  of  only  six  cenla 
per  gallon  was  imiMwed.  This  discriniination,  so 
■  far  as  regiu-ded  the  Port  wine  of  Portugid,  was 
<lpemcd  a  violation  of  our  treaty  with  that  Power, 
'  which  provides  that  "  no  h^cr  or  other  dutius 

shall  be  imposed  on  tlK>  imiiortation  into  the  Uni- 
ted Suites  of  America  of  any  article  the  growth, 
produce,  or  manuliicture  of  the  kingdom  and  pos- 
.'sessious  of  Piirtugal,  than  such  as  me  or  shall  be 
fiiynble  on  the  like  nrtirle  being  the  growth,  pro- 
duce, or  nianufi.cture  of  luiy  other  foreign  coun- 
try." Accordingly,  to  give  effect  to  the  treaty,  as 
well  as  to  the  intention  of  C!ongress,  expressi'd  in 
a  proviso  to  the  tarifl'act  itsi  It',  that  nothing  therein 
emitaincd  should  be  so  coiistnird  as  to  intcrfer.' 
with  subsisting  treaties  with  foreign  nations,  a 
treasury  circular  was  issued  on  the  sixteenth  of 
July,  1S44,  which,  annnig  other  things,  declared 
the  duty  on  the  Port  wine  of  Portugal,  in  casks, 
under  the  existing  laws  and  treaty,  to  be  six  cents 
liergalloi'i  luid  dirocied  that  the  excess  of  duties 
whim  had  lifen  collected  on  such  wine  should  be 
refunded,  liy  virtue  of  another  clause  in  the  same 
aeeiion  of  the  act,  it  is  provided  that  all  imitatioi]s 
of  Port,  or  any  other  wiius,  "  shall  be  subject  to 
the  duly  provided  fbr  the  genuine  article."  Imi- 
tations of  Port  wine,  the  production  of  Prance,  are 
imported  to  some  extent  into  the  United  Sintesj 
and  the  government  of  that  country  now  claims 
that,  under  a  correct  construction  of  the  act,  these 
imitations  ought  not  to  pay  a  higher  duly  than 
that  iuipnsed  upon  the  original  Port  u'iiie  of  Por- 
tu;;al.  It  appears  to  me  to  be  unequal  and  unjust, 
that  French  iniitationCof  Port  wiiic  should  be  sub- 
jected to  a  duly  of  fifteen  cenis,  while  Ihe  more 
valuable  article  from  Porluiral  should  pay  a  duly 
of  six  cents  only  per  gallon.  1  theret'pre  recom- 
mend to  Cons;re.ss  such  legislalion  as  may  be  ne- 
cessary to  correct  the  inequality. 

The  lale  President,  in  his  annual  message  of 
December  last,  rec'onunended  an  ap|iropriali(>n  to 
satisfy  lltit  claims  of  iheTexiiui  ^rovcrnment  against 
I  he  United  States,  which  had  been  previously  ad- 
Justed,  so  fill-  t\n  the  powers  of  the  Executive  ex- 
lend.  These  claims  ariBa  out  of  Ihe  act  of  dis- 
arming a  body  of  Texinn  troops  under  the  eom- 
)nm>d  of  .Major  Snively,  by  an  olficer  in  the  service 
of  Ihe  United  Slates,  acliii;;  under  the  orders  of 
our  f;overnment;  and  the  liircible  cnlry  into  Ihe 
cusMni-houseat  liryarly's  I.andinK,  on  Ited  river, 
f  by  cdlJiin  ■■ilizensOf  iheUniled  .States,  and  taking 

41  a ivjiy  therefrom  the  soods  seized  by  the  collector 
of  ihe  cuMonis  as  liirl'citcd  under  the  laws  of  Tex- 
as. This  was  a  liquidated  debt,  nscertained  lo  be 
due  to  lexaa  when  an  independent  stale,  ller 
acceptance  of  Ihelcrmsof  aimexalion  )irriposed  by 
llie  United  Slates  does  not  disc  harjje  or  invalidate 
iiie  claim.  I  recommend  that  provision  be  made 
for  its  payment. 

The  eoimnissioner  appointed  to  China  during 
Ihe  special  session  of  Ihe  Senate  in  .March  last 
shortly  afterwards  set  out  on  his  mission  in  the 
United  .Slates  sliip  Columbus.  On  arriving'  at  Kio 
lie  Janeiro  on  his  p-,ssnge,  the  slate  of  his  healih 
had  become  so  rrilical,  that,  by  the  advice  of  his 
medical  attciulanis,  he  returned  to  the  United 
Slates  eurly  in  the  month  of  October  last.    Com- 


modore Biddle.  commanding  the  East  India  squad- 
ron, proceeded  on  his  voyage  in  the  Columbus, 
and  was  charged  by  the  cmnmissioner  with  the 
duty  of  exchanging  with  the  proper"  nullioritics 
the  ratifications  of  the  tr'.'aty  lately  concluded  with 
the  Emperor  of  China,  Since  the  return  of  the 
commissioner  to  the  United  Stales,  his  health  has 
been  much  improved,  and  he  enlcrtaiiis  the  confi- 
dent belief  that  he  will  80«n  be  nbic  to  proceed  on 
his  mission. 

Unfortunately,  differences  continue  to  exist 
among  «ome  of  the  nations  of  South  America, 
wliiclH' following  our  example,  have  eslAblished 
their  independence,  while  in  othera  internal  dissen- 
sions j)rcvail.  It  is  natural  that  our  sympathies 
shoula  be  warmly  enlisted  for  their  welfare  ;  that 
we  should  desire  that  aP  controversies  between 
them  should  be  amicably  .djusted,  and  their  go- 
vernments administered  ma  manner  to  protect  the 
rights,  and  promote  the  prosperity  of  their  people. 
It  is  cinitrary,  however,  to  our  settled  policy,  to 
i;itcrfere  in  their  controversies,  whether  external 
or  internal. 

I  have  thus  adverted  to  all  the  subjects  connect- 
ed with  our  foreign  relations  to  which  1  deem  it 
necessary  lo  adi  your  allenlion.  Our  policy  is 
not  only  peace  vvilli  all,  but  good  will  towards  all 
the  Powers  of  the  earth.  While  we  an^  just  to 
all,  wc  require  that  all  shall  be  just  to  us.  E.x- 
cepting  the  dill'eiences  wilh  Mexico  and  Great 
"rilain,  our  rclaliinis  with  all  civilized  nation.s  are 
of  the  most  satisfactia-y  character.  Il  is  hoped 
that  in  this  enliKhtencd  age,  these  difTerenees  may 
be  amicably  ndjuslcd. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  his  annual 
report  to  Congress,  will  cmnmunicate  a  full  state- 
ment of  the  condition  of  our  finances.  The  iin- 
Siorts  for  the  fi.scal  year  ending  on  the  thirtieth  of 
lune  last,  were  of  the  value  of  one  hundred  and 
seventeen  millions  two  hundred  and  filty-four 
thousand  five;  hundred  and  sixty-four  dollars,  of 
which  the  amount  exported  was  iifieen  millions 
three  hundred  and  forty-six  thousand  eight  hun- 
dred and  thirty  dollar.s — leavinsn  balance  of  one 
hundred  and  one  millions  nine  hundred  and^  seven 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  thirty-four  dollars 
for  domesiic  consumption.  The  exports  for  the 
same  j'ear  vvcre  of  the  value  of  one  hundred  and 
fourteen  millicms  six  hundred  and  forty-six  thou- 
sand six  hundred  and  six  dollars;c)f  which,  the 
amount  of  domestic  articles  was  ninety-nine  mil- 
lions two  hundred  and  ninety-nine  llanLsand  seven 
hundred  and  seventy-six  dollars.  The  receipts 
into  the  treasury  durnig  Ihe  .same  year  were  twen- 
ty-nine millions  seven  Innulrcd  and  sixty-nine 
iliousand  one  liunilred  and  tliiily-three  dollars  and 
fifty-six  cenlsj  of  which,  there  were  derived  from 
cusioms,  twenty-seven  millions  five  hundred  and 
twenty-ci);hl  thousand  one  hundred  nod  twelve 
dollars  and  seventy  cents;  from  sales  of  jiublic 
lands,  two  millions  .scventy-.seven  thousand  and 
tweniy-two  dollars  and  ihirly  cents;  and  from  in- 
cidental and  miscellaneous  sources,  one  hundred 
and  sixty-three  thousand  nhie  hunilrcd  and  ninety- 
eiiiht  dollars  and  fil\y-six  cents.  The  cxpenili- 
tures  for  the  same  period  were  twenty-nine  mil- 
lions nine  hundred  and  sixiy-ei-rht  thousand  two 
hundred  and  six  dollars  and  nineiy-ci^'ht  cents;  of 
which,  eight  millions  five  hundred  and  eiirhly-eiglit 
llKuisand  one  hundred  and  fifty-.scven  dollars  and 
sixty-two  cents  were  applied  to  the  payment  of 
Ihe  public  debt.  The  balance  in  the  Inasurv  on 
the  first  of  July  last,  was  seven  millions  six  liun- 
died  and  fifly-i.'ight  thmisand  three  hvnidied  and 
six  dollars  aiid  twenty-lwo  cents. 

The  amount  of  the  |uil>lie  debt  remaining  un 
paid  oil  the  first  of  October  last,  was  seventeen 
millions  Bevenly-five  ihou.sand  four  hundred  and 
fiu'ty-five  dollars  and  fifly-lwo  cents.  Purther 
pay'menls  of  tlic  publi''  debt  would  have  been 
made,  ill  anlii'ipaliini  of  the  period  of  its  reim- 
bursement under  tin'  antluniiy  conl'errcd  upon  Ihe 
SeiTclarv  of  the  Treasury  by  Ihe  acts  of  July 
tweiitv-lirst,  1841,  and  of  April  fifieenth,  1842, 
and  Alarch  third,  184.'),  had  not  the  unseltled  state 
of  our  relatioi'  wilh  .Mexico  nienaccd  hostile  col- 
lision wilh  that  power.  In  view  of  such  a  con- 
linuieiicy,  it  was  deemed  prudent  to  retain  in  the 
tri'asiiry  an  amount  unusually  largo  for  ordinary 
purposes. 

A  few  years  ajo,  our  whole  national  debt,  grow- 
ing out  of  the  Revolution  and  Uic  war  of  1812 


wilh  Great  Britain)  was  extinguished,  and  we  pre- 
sented to  the  world  the  rare  and  noble  spectacle  of 
a  great  and  growing  people  who  had  fully  dis- 
charged every  obligation.  Since  that  time>  tiie  ex- 
isting debt  has  been  contracted  ;  and  small  as  it 
is,  in  eomjmrison  with  the  similar  burdens  of  most 
other  nations,  it  should  be  extinguished  at  the 
earliest  practicable  period.  Should  tlic  state  pf  tho 
country  permit,  unu,  especially,  if  our  foreign  re- 
httions  interpose  no  obstacle,  it  is  contemplated  to 
apply  nil  the  moneys  in  the  treasury  as  they  ac- 
crue beyond  whot  is  required  for  ifie  appropria- 
tions by  Congress,  to  its  liquidation.  1  cherish 
the  hojie  of  soott,  being  able  to  congratulate  the 
country  on  its  recovering  once  more  the  lo(\y  po- 
sition which  it  so  recently  occupied.  Our  country, 
which  exhibits  to  the  world  the  benefits  of  self- 
government,  in  develophig  nil  the  sources  of  na- 
tional pros|)erily,  owes  to  mankind  the  permanent 
exam]ile  of  a  nation  fVco  from  tlic  blighting  inflii- 
enci!  of  a  public  debt. 

The  attention  of  Congress  is  invited  to  the  im- 
portance of  making  suitable  modifications  and  re- 
ductions of  the  rates  of  duly  imposed  by  our  pre- 
sent tariff  laws.  Tho  object  of  imposing  duties 
on  imports  should  be  to  raise  revenue  to  pay  thu 
necessary  expenses  of  goveviiment.  Congress  may 
undoubtedly,  in  the  exercise  of  a  sound  discre- 
tion, discriminate  in  arranging  the  laKs  of  duty  on 
different  articles  ;  but  the  discriminations  should 
be  within  the  revenue  sUindard,  and  be  made  wilh 
j  tlic  view  to  raise  money  for  tlie  support  of  govern- 
I  nienl. 

I      It  becomes  imoortant  to  understand  distinctly 
what  is  me.uit  by  n  revenue  siandard,  the  maxi- 
I  mum  of  which  sliouhl  not  be  exceeded  in  the  rales 
!  of  duly  imposed.      It  is  conceded,  and  experience 
I  proves,  that  dulies  may  be  laid  so  high  as  to  di- 
i  minisli,  or  prohibit  altogether,  the  importation  of 
j  any  given  arti<:le,  and  {hereby  lessen  or  destroy 
!  the  revenue  which,  at  lower  rates,  would  be  de- 
i  rived  from  its  importation.    Such  duties  exceed 
!  the  revenue  rales,  and  arc  not  imposed  lo  raise 
j  money  for  the  swpport  of  government.     If  Con- 
j  grcss  levy  a  duty,  for  revenue,  of  one  per  cent,  on 
'  a  given  article,  it  will  produce  a  given  amount  of 
':  money  to  the  treasury,  and  will  incidentally  and 
I  necessarily  afliird  protection,  or  advantage,  to  the 
'  amount  of  one  per  cent,  to  the  home  manufactu- 
rer of  a  similar  or  like  article  over  the  imjiortcr. 
If  the  duly  be  raised  to  ten  per  cent.,  it  will  pro- 
duce a  greater  amount  of   money,  and    afibrd 
greaur  proteelioii.     If  it  be  still  raised  to  twenty, 
twenty-five,  or  thirty  per  cent.,  and  if,  as   it  is 
raised,  the  revenue  derived  from  it  is  found  to  be 
increased,  the  protection  or  advantage  will  also  be 
increased  ;  but  if  it  be  raised  lo   tliirly-one  per 
cent.,  and  it  is  found  that  the  revenue  produced  at 
that  rale  is  less  then  at  thirty  per  eenl.,  it  ceases 
to  be  a  rcvcmie  duly.     The  precise  point  in   the 
ascending  scale  of  duties  at  which  it  is  ascertained 
from  experience  that  the  revenue  is  greatest,  is  tho 
maximum  rate  of  duty  which  ctin  be  laid  for  the 
bona  fide  purpose  of  collecting  money  for  the  sup- 
port of  govcrnmeiil.     To  raise  the  dulies  higher 
than  that  point,  and  thereby  diminish  the  amount 
collected,  is  to  levy  them  for  protection  merely, 
and  not  for  revenue.       \s  long,  then,  as  Congress 
may  gradually  increase  the  rate  of  duty  on  a  given 
article,  and  tlie  revenue  is  increased  by  such  in- 
crease of  duty,  they  are  w  iiliin  Ihe  revenue  stand- 
ard.    When  they  go  In  yiuid  that  point,  and,  as 
they  increa.se  the  duties,  the  revenue  is  diminished 
or  (leslroyed,  the  act  ceases  lo  have  for  its  object 
the  raising  of  money  to  support  government,  out 
is  fi)r  piofeclion  merely. 

It  does  not  follow  that  Congress  should  levy 
'fee  lilghesi  duly  on  all  articles  of  import  whicli 
they  will  bear  within  the  revenue  standard;  for 
such  rales  would  jniibably  produce  a  much 
larger  amount  than  the  economical  administration 
of  the  government  would  require.  Nor  does  it 
follow  thai  the  dulies  on  all  articles  should  bo  at 
ihe  same,  or  a  horizontal  rate.  Some  articles  will 
bear  a  imicli  higher  revenue  duty  than  others. 
Rclow  the  maximum  of  the  revenue  standard 
(.'onin  ss  may  and  ought  to  diseriniiimle  in  the 
rales  imposed,  taking  larc  so  to  luljust  them  on 
dilli'rcnt  articles  as  lo  produce  in  the  aggregate  the 
aiuount  which,  when  added  to  the  jnocccds  of 
sales  of  public  iands,  may  be  needed  to  pay  llie 
economical  expenses  of  the  govcrmuent 


MfHtii, 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Dec.  2, 


i29TH  Cong 1st  Sesa. 


A'essage  of  the  Presidcni, 


Srnatb  and  Ho.  or  Urps. 


I 


In  levying  a  lurifl'iil' duties,  Conji;re8H  excreino  \ 
the  taxin;;  |W)Wor,  niitl'roi-  iHir|Ki»is  <it'  leicmm  , 
may  sclocl  llie  olij<  ii.-i  nf  taxaimn.    Tliiy  may 
cxonij>t  ceruiiii    arlicica   alidgcilier,  anil   |ii;niiu 
their  iniporUition  IVte  uf  duly.     On  chIioih  ihi  y 
may  iuipoKc  low  iluiicM.     In  ihoso  ul.isscd  (jlioiii.i  ' 
1)0  eniliraied  such  ailii'loj)  of  niicssily  lib  ure  in 

jiieral  use,  and  e.speciiiUy  siioh  aa  an:  iim.snnird 
y  the  Uilinier  luiit  the  poor,  as  well  us  liy  ilie 
■wealthy  citizen.  Care  biiould  lie  taken  thai  all  I 
the  j;rcat  interests  of  the  country,  inihiilini;  niaiiu- 
fuctiires,  agriculture,  eoinnrivc,  ii:ivi;;aiioii,  and 
the  mei'liaiiic  arts,  sln)\tld,  as  I'ar  as  may  lie  |inii:- 
ticitble,  derive  eiiual  udvaiitas:es  iVom  lln'  iiuuieii- 
tal  protection  which  a  just  syslffltt  of  ivviinie  ilu-  ' 
ties  may  aflc)rd.  Taxatiim,  direct  or  iialiiccl,  is 
n  burden,  and  it  should  lie  so  iiU|niscd  us  to  Ojic-  j 
rate  as  equally  as  may  he,  an  all  classes,  in  the  ] 
proportion  of  their  aliiliiy  to  \nv.\i  it.  To  make  \ 
tlic  taxiiijT  power  un  acuial  liiia  lit  to  one  da.s.i, 
necessarily  increases  the  liniden  of  the  oiln-is  l;e- 
yond  their  pniporiion,  and  would  lie  iimnifesily 
unjust.  The  arms  "prolc.-iion  to  doniestic,  in- 
dustry," arc  of  popijlar  import;  hut  lliey  should 
apply  under  a  just  system  to  fill  the  vRrions 
branches  of  industry  u>  "U'"  eoiuitrj'.  The  farm- 
er or  planleTwho  \p\U  yemlV  in  his  fields,  is  en- 
{:a;;ed  in  "(loipcslic  industry,^'  and  is  as  nun  h  en- 
titled to  have  his  labor  "pioiecied,"  as  ihe  manu- 
facturer, the.  mart  pf^connnercc,  the  na\  ie;alor,  or 
the  ineclimnic,  who  ore  cnija^'ed  also  in  "domeslic 
industry,"  in  tlieir  difl'«rcnt  iiursiiits.  The  joint 
laliors  of  all  tliese  da.sscs  cnnsliliiie  the  ng:;iT^'aIe 
•f  the  "domestic  iinUisiry"  <if  the  nalioii,  and 
tliey  are  eiinally  entitled  to  the  nation's  "prolee- 
tion."  Noorfe  of  tlieni  can  jrtstly  elaiin  to  he  the 
exclusive  reciiiienia  of  "prolection,"  which  can 
only  lie  nirorded  by  in  reasin*  burdens  on  the 
"domestic  indusirv     of  the  oiliers. 

Jf  these  views  be  correci,  ii  remains  to  iminire 
how  far  the  liirifl"  net  of  ItllJ  is  consistent  with 
tliem.  That  many  of  the  provisions  of  that  net 
are  in  violatinii  of  the  cardinal  principlen  here  laid 
down,  all  must  concede.  The  rales  of  diiiy  ini- 
po.sed  by  it  on  some  articles  are  prohihilory,  and 
on  others  so  high  as  -greatly  to  diminish  importa- 
tions, and  to  produce  a  less  amoniit  of  revenue  than 
n'oiild  be  derived  from  lower  rales.  Tin  y  opeiale 
HS  "  nroleelion  nierdy,"  to  one  bmnch  of  "do- 
mestic iiuiuslry,"  by  laxins;  other  branches. 

By  the  iiitroducuon  of  miainninis,  or  assumed 
and  fidse  values,  and  by  the  imposition  of  specific 
duties,  llie  injustice  and  ineiiualily  of  ihc  act  of 
1B4-,  ui  its  practical  operations  on  ilifferent  classes 
and  pursuits,  arc  seen  and  fi  It.  Many  of  the  op- 
pressive duiics  imposed  by  it  niuler  the  nperalion 
of  these  principles,  ran^'  from  one  )icr  cent,  to 
more  than  two  nundrcd  per  cciil.  They  are  pro- 
hibitory on  Slime  articles,  and  pariiafly  so  on 
others,  and  bear  mosl  heavily  on  articles  of  coin- 
nion  necessity,  and  but  li:;htly  on  ailicles  of 
luxury.  Il  is  .so  fianied  that  much  the  jrieiUi  st 
bnrd-ii  which  it  imposes  is  thrown  on  lalior 
and  the  poorer  classes  who  are  least  able  to  hear 
it,  while  it  protects  caiiiutl  and  exeinpts  lln-  rich 
from  paying;  their  just  propnrlion  of  tlie  taxation 
required  for  the  siiiiporl  ol  government.  While 
it  protects  the  capital  of  the  wealthy  nianuf  icnirer, 
and  in.!reascs  his  pri>fils,  it  docs  not  benefit  ihe 
operatives  or  laborers  in  his  eniployineni,  whose 
wa^a  have  not  been  increa.sed  by  it.  Anicles 
of  prime  necessity  or  of  coar.se  ipialiiy  ami  low 
price,  used  by  the  masses  of  the  pi uple,  arc,  in 
many  instances,  Niibjpcled  by  if  to  heavy  iaxes, 
while  articles  of  finer  quality  and  higher  price,  or 
of  luxury,  which  can  be  used  only  by  the  opulent, 
arc  hfjhtly  taxed.  It  imposes  In  avy  and  unjust 
burdens  on  the  farmer,  ihe  plainer,  ihe  cgnnner- 
eiid  man,  and  those  of  all  other  pmsuils  exce|it 
the  cnpitahst  who  bus  made  his  iiiveslnienis  in 
manufactures.  All  the  ^reiil  inieifsis  of  ihe  coun- 
try are  not,  ns  nearly  as  may  be  practicable, 
equally  protected  by  il. 

The  governmint  In  iheory  knows  no  ilisilriction 
of  persons  or  cla.«scs,  and  should  ml  bi  slow  upon 
some  favors  and  jirivileijeH  wliicli  all  oihers  may 
not  enjoy.  It  was  the  purpose  of  its  ilhislrions 
founders  to  base  the  insiiiullons  whii'h  ihey  reared 
\i|M)n  the  fjreat  and  unchaii^'iim  principlm  of  jus- 
tice and  eipiitv,  conscious  that  if  ad islered  in 

the  spirit  hi  which  liny  were  conceived,  ihey  would 
be  felt  only  by  the  IjeneriUs  which  they  dilfuaed. 


.  and  would  secure  for  themselves  n  defence  in  Ihe 
hearts  of  the  neoj'le,  more  powert\il  than  slandinj 

''H'l'.'     . 
to  sustain  governments  luanded  in  mjustice  und 


than  Biaiiuing 
armies,  and  all  the  means  and  a^ipliunces  inveiiteil 

sustain  j 
ujijiression. 


The  well-known  fact  that  ihe  tiirilT  act  of  1842 
was  ]ia.sMd  by  a  majority  of  cme  vote  hi  tlie  Se- 
nate, and  two  in  the  House  of  lleprcBenlatives, 
and  that  some  of  thos«  who  felt  ihemselves  con- 
sirainetl,  under  the  iiccniiarcircunistani-es  exisiiiif^ 
ai  ihe  time,  to  vole  in  iis  favor,  |irocl. limed  ils  de- 
fects, and  c.\pi'es.seil  their  determiiialion  to  aid  in 
ils  niodilication  on  the  lirst  opporiiiniiy,  jidords 
siroiig  and  conclusive  evidence  that  it  wawfliot  in- 
tended to  be  ]>ermair.:n^  and  of  the  expediency 
and  necessity  of  iis  ihorou;;h  revision. 

In  reoomniendiii^'  to  Coniire.ss  a  reduction  of 
"the  present  rales  of  duty,  and  a  revision  and  modi- 
ticntion  of  the  act  of  li^^,  1  am  tar  from  entcr- 
tainin:;  opitfh)ns  .iiifrieudly  to  the  mannfaeturers. 
t'n  the  contrary,  I  desire  to  see  them  prosperous, 
as  far  as  they  can  be  so,  williont  iinposini;  unc- 
fjiiat  liurilens  on  other  interesls.  The  ail\antn!J^e 
tinder  any  system  of  indinct  taxation,  even  with- 
in tin'  revenue  slandard,  must  be  in  favor  uf  the 
maniilaenirin;;  iiiKiest;  and  of  this  n*  other  in- 
terest w  il!  eoinplaiii. 

1  riconiinemi  to  Con','res8  the  abolition  of  the 
miiiimum  jiriiiciple,  or  assumed,  inbitniry,  and 
fahe  \ahies,aiid  of  specilic  duties,  and  the  snb.sti- 
tuiion  in  llicir  place  rif  ad  valonin  ilutics,  as  the 
fairest  ami  most  equitable  indirect  lax  which  can 
be  imposed.  I!y  the  ml  nlomii  jiriiiciple,  all  ar- 
ticle.., are  taxed  aeioidin:;  to  iheir  cosi  or  value, 
and  those  which  are  of-  inlcrior  quality,  or  of 
small  cost,  bear  only  the  just  ])ro]iortion  of  the 
la.xwilh  those  which  are  of  superior  qnalily  or 
i;realer  cost.  The  articles  coii.sumed  by  all  nre 
taxed  at  the  same  rate.  A  systeni  ot'in/ ri/^orfin 
revenue  duties,  with  proper  discriminatioiis  and 
proper  (funrds  ai;aiiist  frauds  in  I'ollectiin;  llieni,^t 
IS  not  doubled,  will  all'ord  ample  incidenlal  adviin- 
tatri-s  to  the  mannlacturers,  and  enable  them  to 
derive  as  i^reat  prolits  as  ran  be  deri\i-d  iVom  n\iy 
oiher  rci^iilar  business.  It  is  believed  ihat  such  a 
system,  slricily  within  the  revenue  standard,  will 
|ila"  ihe  manuDicturiiig;  iiitere.-:ls  on  a  stable  fooi- 
iii:,',  iiid  inure  to  their  pennanent  advanta;:e  ;  while 
it  will,  as  nearly  as  may  be  practicable,  ev'eiid  to 
all  the  i;real  inleresis  ofthecounlry  the  incidental 
prolcctiini  which  can  be  ail'oi-ilcd  by  our  icvcnne 
laws.  ."Such  a  system,  when  oncw-firmly  estab- 
lished, would  be  pernianent,  and  not  be  subject  to 
the  consuuit  complainrs,  m^itations,  and  i  hainr-t-s 
which  must  ever  occur  when  duties  arc  not  laid 
for  reveniii',  but  for  the  "  jirolection  merely"  of  a 
lavored  interest. 

in  the  deliberations  of  Conjrress  on  this  .'-•uliject, 
it  is  liopcd  tliat  a  spirit  of  mutual  concession  and 
com|ironiise  lietweeii  confliciini;  interests  may  pre- 
vail, and  that  the  result  of  their  labors  may  be 
crowned  wilii  the  happiest  coiisequeni'cs. 

Uy  the  conslilntion  of  the  United  .Stales,  it  is 
provided  that  '*  no  money  shall  be  drawn  (Vom 
the  treasury  but  in  consequence  of  appropriations 
made  by  law."  A  public  treasury  was  undoubt- 
edly <'oineinpl:ili-d  and  inlended  to  be  created,  in 
which  ihe  public  money  should  be  keitt  from  the 

Iieriod  of  collection  until  nei-ded  for  public  uses, 
n  the  colleclion  and  dislnirseineiil  of  the  public 
money  no  HL^cncies  have  ever  been  enniloyed  by 
law,  excepi  such  as  were  appoinli'd  by  itie  ^'overn- 
nienl,  directly  responsible  to  il,  and  under  ils  con- 
Irol.  Tliesai'c-kee|iini,-oflhe  |Miblie  money  should 
be  confided  to  a  puldie  treasury  crealeil  by  law, 
and  under  like  responsibility  and  control.  It  is 
not  to  be  iniai:;ined  that  the  franiers  of  the  eoosti- 
lution  could  have  intended  lhat  a  treasury  should 
be  created  as  a  place  of  deposilc  and  sale-keepin;; 
of  the  public  monev  which   was  irresponsible  to 

|!  the  irovernment.  The  first  Con-rrcvs  under  the 
cnn.sUlnlion,  by  ilic  act  of  the  second  .Scplember, 
PW,  "  to  I'slablish  the  Treasury  Deparlmen'," 
provided  for  the  appointment  of  a  treasurer,  and 
made  it  his  duly  "  In  receive  and  keep  the  moneys 
of  Ihe  United  Slotes,"  and  "  at  all  limes  to  submit 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  and   ihe  Comp- 

i  troller,  or  either  of  them,  the  inspection  of  the 
moneys  in  his  hands." 

That  banks,  IS'aiiinial  or  Slate,  cnnid  not  have 

been  inlended  to  be  used  as  a  suli.-ililule  for  ihe 

-  treasury  spoken  of  in  the  cunstitulion,  as  keepers 


I  of  the  public  money,  is  manil'fsi  from  the  fact  thai 
j  at  tint  thiic  there  was  no  X<in>ional  bank,  und  but 
j  three  or  finir  8iate  banks  of  limited  capital  exisled 
I  ill  Ihe  eonnlry.  Their  employment  as  deposito- 
ries was  at  first  rcs<n'lcd  to,  to  u  limited  extent, 
I  but  with  no  avowed  intention  of  eoiiliiiiiiiif;  iheiii 
!  permancnilv,  ill  place  of  the  treoSury  of  the  con- 
:  siilutiini.  When  they  were  afterwards  from  limn 
;  Ml  time  employed,  it  was  from  motives  of  supposed 
'  convenience. 

Our  experience  lia.i  shown,  that  when  bnnkinp: 
corporations  hnve  been  the  keepers  of  the  publn; 
money,  and  been  tllerebJ^made  in  cftect  the  trea- 
i  sury,  the  pivernmdil  cnn  imvc  no  fjuaranty  that  il 
I  can  coninmnd  the  use  of  ils  own  money  for  public. 
i  purposes.  The  late  IJaiik  of  the  United  Stales 
I  proved  to  be  faithless.  The  Slate  banks  which 
!  were  aflerwards  employed,  were  thithless.  l!ut  ii 
i  few  years  u;;o,  with  niilliDus  of  public  money  in 
their  l(eepin<;,  the  };overiiment  was  ffroutfht  almost 
i  lo  U<nli(uplcy,  and  the  public  credit  seriously  im- 
i  paired,  becnujtc  of  their  inability  or  indisposiiioii 
';  to  pay,  on  demand,  to  ihe  public  crediiors,  in  the 
!  only 'currency  reco^'ui.scd  by  ihe  constitution. 
I  Their  failure  occurred  in  a  period  of  |ience,  and 
[  great  inconvenience  and  loss  w-ere  sutferi'd  by  the 

-  public  iVom  it.  Had  the  country  been  involved  ii> 
a  foreiiiii  war,  that  hiconvenieiiee  and  loss  woiilil 
have  been  much  grealer,  and  nni;lit  have  resulled 
ill  extreme  public  *ibiinily.  Tiie  public  money 
should  nftt  be  minirled  with  the  private  l\mds  of 
lanks  or  individuals,  or  be  used  for  private  piirpo' 
s(-s.  When  it  is  placed  in  banks  for  Hi:fe  keep- 
in:;,  it  is  in  ed'ect  loaned  to  them  without  in- 
leiesl,  and  is  loaned  by  them  upon  interest  to 
the  borrowers  from  Ihem.  The -publio- money 
is  converted  into  banking  copital,  and  iji  used  and 
loaned  out  for  the  private  prolit  of  banU'-ftockludd- 
ers;  anil  when  called  for,  (as  was  the  case  in 
IKt",)  it  may  be  in  the  pockets  of  the  borrowers 

;  from  the  baiiks,  instend  of  beiiig  in  the  publio  trea- 
sury cnutemjilaled  bv  the  constitution.  The  fra- 
mers  of  the  eonstiiulion  could  never  have  intended 
that  the  money  paid  into  the  treasury  should  be 
thus  converted  to  private  use,  and  placed  beyond 
I  the  control  ftf  the  goverimienl.  ' 

Hanks  which  hold  ibe  public  mimey  ore*ftcn 
Icmpled,  by  a  desire  of  gain,  to  extend  their  loniis, 
':  increase  th'i-ir  circulation,  and  thus  slinnilale,  if  not 
produce  a  spirit  of  speculation  and  exlravagun^e, 
which  sooner  or  later  must  result  in  ruin  to  thou- 
.saiids.     If  the  iiiiblic  money  be  nntpermiltcd  lo  be 
i    thus  u.seil,  but  lie  kept  in  llie  treasury  and  paid  out 
i   lo  ihe  piibhc  crediiors  in  ;i;old  and  silver,  the  lemp- 
i   talion  all'orded  by  ils  deposiie  with  banks  to  an 
undue  expansion  of  their  bushiess  would  l.eclieck- 
I   ed,  while  iheamoui.l  of  the  constitutional  currency 
left  in  circiilalion  would  be  enlarged,  by  iis  em- 
I    plovment  in  the  luiblic  colfcctions  and  disburse- 
ments, and  ihe  banks  them.selves  would,  in  conse-f 
quence,  be  found  in  u  safer  und  sounder  condilion. 
!;      At  pi-cseiit,'Slate  bunks  are  employe*  ns  ilepo- 
sitories,  but  without  adequate  regulation  of  law, 
'    whereby  the  I'lillic  money  can  be  secured  against 
the 'ca.siialtiea  and   excesses,  revulsions,  siispen- 
1    sions.and  defalcalions,to  which,  iVoin  over-issui  s, 
[    overtradim;,  an  inordinate  desire  for  gain,  or  other 
can.ses,  they  are  conslanily  exiio.scd.     Tnc  Secre- 
Uiry  of  Ihe  Treasury  has  in  all  fjises,  when  it  was 
'■■  praciicable,  taken  co'lluleruj  security  for  the  amount 
','  which  they  hold,  by  the  pledge  of  Btocks*of  the 
'    United  Slates,  or  such  of  the  Stales  as  were  in 
good  creilii.     ynme  of  the  deposite^bunks   have 
j   given  this  de.scripliim  of  security,  arW  others  have 
y  ilecliiietl  to  do  so. 

!i  Kiiierliiiiiiiig  the  opinion  that'*'  the  separation  of 
]■  the  moneys  of  the  govermnenl  from  banking  ihsli- 
■  tutions  is  indispensable  for  llic  safely  of  the  funds 
'!  of  Ihc  governmcnl  and  the  rights  of  Uie  people,"  I 
\  recommend  li>()ongres(,lhul  provision  be  iiiade  by 
n  law  for  such  separation,  und  that  a  consliluliouul 
!  trea.snry  be  crealed  for  the  safe-keeping  of  the  pub- 
|i  lie  money.  The  coii»til«lioiial  lieasury  recom- 
niendcd  i.s  designed  as  a  secure  dc-posilory  for  the 
I  public  money,  without  any  power  to  make  loans 
!'  or  discounis,  or  lo  issue  any  paper  whalever  an  a 
j  currency  or  eirciilalion.  1  cannot  doubt  lhat  such 
a  treasury  as  was  conlcmplaled  by  the  consiiiu- 
I    lion  should  be  Ifldepciiilent  of  all  hanking  corpora- 

-  lions.     'I'lie  nioney  of  the  iieople  should  be  kept 
ill  the  treasury  of  the  people  created  by  law,  und 

'•  be  ill  the  custody  of  ugenw  of  the  peojile  chosen 


.tf' 


1845.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29tu  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Mesnage  of  tlie  tresuktU, 


Senate  and  Ho.  or  Reps. 


rU  10  bo 

paid  nut 

irmp- 

(i>  an 

■licok- 

•urrcney 

"i.s  cm- 

^luir.sf- 

inae- 

luliliiin. 

il'  law, 
ai;ainrtt 

SUBpi'll- 

>lla'r 

Spcrf- 

ii  wna 

lunotiiit 

ili« 

were  ill 

Imve 

jis  liMve 

atidii  of 
i  iiiBli- 

•■  ruiiri* 

,pl.,'M  ■ 

liuin  liy 

IlllilllUll 

l\r  pul)- 
it'coni- 
I'nr  ibe 
!P  limnH 
vcr  »n  a 
tat  HKc'K 

IIIISlllU- 

iirpora- 
lif  kept 
iw,  anil 
cliuscii 


by  llicnistlvca,  according  to  the  fiiriiuj  o(  llio  con-  j 
Hlilulion;  ageiils  wlio  arc  directly  rfspoiisil.k!  to  i 
the  ^ovcrimicnt,  who  arc  vuidcr  adpf[unte  bonils 
and  oalltN,  and  wlio  arc  suttject  to  .severe  ptitiinli-  ! 
iiieiiis  tor  any  enihezzliiiieni,  private  use,  or  mis-  i 
npplieatioii  ol  the  pul))ie  fiiiids,  and  for  any  I'uihire  ^ 
III  other  rcspcetH  to  pert'orni  llieir  diiliett.     To  say  I 
that  the  people  or  Ineir  government  are  incomjie- 
lent,  or  not  to  Im  trusted  wiili  llie  custody  of  ilieir  i 
own  money,  in  tlieir  own  treasury,  provided  by  I 
themselves,  but  must  rely  on  \\\v.  presidents,  ejish-  i 
iois,  and  stockholders  of  bankiiej  corporations  not 
appointed  by  tlieni,  nor  responsible  to  lliein,  would 
be  to  conccne  that  tbcy  lU'c  incoin))ctcnt  for  sclf- 
govenniienU  ! 

In  reciuuinendins  the  ealablishnient  of  a  rnnsli-  ' 
tutional  treasury,  in  which  the  puldic  money  shall 
be  kept,  !  desire  that  adeqiiale  provision  be  made  ( 
by  law  ibr  its  safety,  and  tliiit  all  cxeuuivc  discre-  i 
tion  or  control  over  it  shall  be  removed,  except 
nueh  as  may  be  necessary  in  directinu:  its  disburse-  \ 
nieiit  in  pursuance  of  appropriations  made  bv  law. 

Under  our  present  land  system,  liinitim;  the  min- 
imum price  at  wliicli  llic  p'ibbc  lands  can  be  enii'r- 
ed  to  one  dollnr  and  twcnly-five  cents  per  acre, 
iar^e  (juantitie.s  of  lands  of  inferior  (juality  remain 
unsold,  because  they  will  not  commanil  tliat  price. 
From  the  rei  inds  of  the  Ueneral  Land  Oliice  it 
iippears,  t!uit  of  liie  public  lands  remainin:;  iiiisoid 
in  the  sev.ral  States  and  Territories  in  which  they 
are  situated,  ihirly-nine  inillions  one  hundred  and 
five  thousand  live  hundred  and  sevcnty-.seven 
<u*re.s  have  been  in  the  market,  subject  to  entry 
more  than  twenty  years;  Ibrty-nine  millions  si\ 
hundred  and  tliirly-eiy;ht  thou.sand  six  liiindred 
and  forty-four  acre.-;  for  more  than  fifteen  years; 
neventy-tliree  million.s  seventy-four  thousand  and 
Kix  hundred  acres  for  more  than  ten  years;  and 
one  liundred  and  six  millions  one  hundred  and 
peventy-.six  thon.sitnd  nine  hundied  and  sixty-one 
ncres  lor  more  than  five  years.  Much  the  largest 
jiortion  of  these  lands  will  continue  to  be  uiisale- 
a!»le  at  the  minimum  price  at  which  they  are  per- 
mitted to  be  sold,  soloni;  as  lars^e  territories  of 
lands  from  which  the  more  valuable  portions  have 
lioi  been  .selected  are  annually  broii^^ht  into  ni;o'-  ■ 
kct  liy  llie  srovenmient.  With  the  view  to  the 
i-alc  and  settlement  of  tlic-ic  inferior  lands,  I  re- 
eonimend  that  the  ])rice  be  sjraduated  and  reduced 
below  the  prcseni  minhnum  rate,  confininir  the 
Halls  at  ibe  reduced  prices  to  .settlers  and  culliva- 
lois,  in  limited  tiuanliiies.  If  ijraduatcd  and  re- 
duced in  price  for  a  limited  term  to  one  dollar  per 
acre,  and  after  the  expiration  of  that  jieriod  for  a  ' 
second  ami  third  term  to  lower  rates,  a  larire  por- 
tion oftlie.se  lands  would  be  piircha.sed,  and  many 
worthy  citi7.ens,  who  are  unable  to  jiay  hi!;:lier 
rates,  could  purchase  homes  for  themselves  and  , 
their  families.  By  adopting;  the  policy  of  gradua- 
tion and  reduction  of  price,  these  inferior  lands 
will  be  sold  for  tlieir  real  value,  while  the  Stales  in  : 
which  they  lie  will  be  freed  fnnii  the  inconveni- 
ence, if  not  injustice,  to  which  they  arc  subjected, 
in  consei|ueiice  of  the  United  States  contimiiiii;  to 
own  lar^e  quantities  of  public  lands  within  their 
l.'orders,  not  liable  to  tttxation  for  the  support  of 
their  local  ;.'overnments. 

I  recommend  the  conliiuiaiice  of  the  policy  of 
grantin;;  pre-em]mons,  in  its  most  liberal  extent,  t.> 
all  those  who  have  settled,  or  may  hereafter  settle, 
on  the  public  lands,  whether  surveyed  or  unsur- 
veyctl,  lo  which  the  Indian  title  may  have  been  ex- 
tin;;uislied  at  the  time  of  sctllcment.  It  has  been 
fiiuiid  by  experieni'e,  that  in  consequence  of  com- 
binalioiis  of  purchasers  and  other  causes,  a  very 
Miiall  i|iiantily  of  the  public,  lands,  when  sold  at 
Jiublic  auction,  commands  a  higher  price  than  the 
mininmm  rate  established  by  law.  The  settlers  mi 
the  public  lands  arc,  however,  but  rare  ly  able  to 
wecurc  their  homes  and  iinprovcmeiits  iit'the  pub- 
lic Hales  at  that  rate  ;  becattse  thesis  combinati<nis, 
by  niians  of  the  capital  they  command,  and  their 
Kiiperior  aliility  to  purchase,  render  it  inipo.'ssiblc 
for  the  settler  lo  compete  with  them  in  the  market. 
Hy  pultiiisp  down  all  coinpciilion,  these  combina- 
lions  of  capitalists  and  speculatois  are  usually  en- 
abled to  |airchase  the  Lands,  including  the  improve- 
inents  ol  the  setllers,  at  the  miiiiniiim  price  of  the 
Hovenimeiil,    and   either   turn  tin  in  out  of  llii  ir 

homes,  or  extort  fnnn  thcni.  ai rdinir  to  tlw  ir 

ability  to  pay,  double  or  iiuadrujile  the  amount 
liaid  fur  tliciii  to  the  government.    It  is  to  the  en- 


terprise and  ncrsevcranco  of  the  Imrdy  pioneers  of 
the  West,  wlio  penetrate  the  wildernes.s  with  tlieir 
liimilieN,  sutler  the  dan<:crs,  ilie  privations,  and 
hardships  alteiuliii'.;  the  Hcttlenieiit  of  a  new  coun- 
try, and  prepare  the  way  for  the  body  of  emi^^ranls 
who,  ill  the  course  of  a  few  yearn,  usually  Ibllow 
them,  that  we  arc,  in  a  ;;reat  de^'ree,  indelited  (m-  the 
rapid  extension  ai  id  a^u:  rand  izement  of  our  country. 

i'jXperience  has  proved  that  no  portion  of  our 
population  are  more  patriotic  than  the  hardy  and 
brave  men  of  the  frontier,  or  more  ready  to  obey 
the  call  of  their  country,  and  lo  defend  tier  riL'l'.ls 
and  her  hmior,  whenever  and  by  whatever  enemy 
as.sailcd.  They  should  be  protected  from  the 
grasphur  speculator,  and  secured,  at  the  minimum 
price  of  the  public  landj,  in  the  humble  homes 
which  they  have  im|iroveil  by  tbi'ir  labor.  With 
lliis  end  in  view,  all  vexatinns  or  unnecessary  re-  i 
strictions  impo.scd  uooii  ihem  by  the  existim;  pre-  | 
emotion  hnvs  shonlil  be  repealed  or  modified.  It 
is  llie  true  policy  of  the  fjovernmeiU  lo  allbid  facili-  ■ 
ties  to  its  citizens  to  become  the  owners  of  small 
portions  of  our  va.st  public  domain  at  low  and 
moderate  rates. 

The  iircsent  system  of  manairinj  Ihe  mineral 
hinds  of  the  United  .States  is  bi  lii'ved  to  be  radi- 
cally directive.  More  than  a  million  of  acres  of 
the  public  lands,  supposed  to  contain  lead  and 
other  minerals,  have  been  reserved  from  s;ile, 
and  numerous  leases  upon  llicm  have  been  I'ranted 
to  individuals  upon  a  stipulated  rent.  The  system 
of  :rraiitiin^  leases  has  ]iroved  to  be  not  only  uii- 
profiiable  to  the  sjovernment,  but  unsatisfactory  to 
the  cilizenf!  who  have  cone  U|inn  the  lands,  and 
must,  if  eontinned,  lay  the  foundation  of  much  l\i- 
ture  iliiriculty  between  the  Kovermnent  and  the 
lessees.  .'Veeording  to  the  otiicial  rci'orils,  the 
amount  of  rents  received  by  the  L'overnment  for 
the  years  1841,  1843,  1843,  and  1844,  was  <i,G,354 
74,  while  the  expenses  of  the  system  duriiiff  the 
same  period,  including:  salariiw  of  supcrinlendents, 
Bijents,  clerks,  and  incidental  expenses,  were 
twenly-.six  thousand  one  hundred  and  eleven  dol- 
lars and  eleven  ccnt.s — the  income  beiiij;  less  than 
one-fourth  of  the  expenses.  To  this  pecuninry 
liLss  may  be  added  tlie  injury  sustained  by  iho 
public  in  conseipicnccnf  the  destruction  of  timber, 
and  the  careless  and  wasteful  manner  of  working; 
the  mines.  The  system  lia.i  ijivcn  rise  to  mucii 
liti;;atioii  between  the  United  States  and  hidividlial 
citizens,  produciiii^  irritation  and  excitement  in 
the  mineral  reirioii,  and  uivolvhi^'  the  irovcrnmeiit 
in  heavy  additional  expenditures.  It  is  believed 
that  .similar  losses  and  cmbarrassmeiit.s  will  con- 
tinue to  occur,  while  the  present  sy.siem  of  leas- 
ing: these  lands  remains  uiichain;ed.  These 
lands  are  now  under  the  superintendence  and 
care  of  the  War  Uejiartment,  with  the  ordi-  ' 
nary  duties  of  which  they  have  no  proper  or  na- 
tural connexion.  I  recommend  the  rejieal  of  the 
present  system,  and  that  these  lands  be  jilaced 
under  the  superintendence  and  manairement  of  the 
General  Land  Office,  as  other  public  lands,  and  be 
hroiutht  into  market  and  .sold  upon  such  terms  as 
Coiiijres.s  ill  their  wisdom  may  prescribe,  reserv- 
iiiL;  to  the  government  an  equitable  per  eenta:;e  of 
the  gross  amount  of  mineral  product,  and  that  the 
pre-emption  principle  be  extended  to  resident 
miners  and  settlers  upon  them,  at  the  niiiiimuni 
price  which  may  be  eslalilislied  by  Congress. 

I  reler  yon  to  the  accompanying  report  of  the 
Secretary  of  AVer,  for  information  respecting  the 
present  situation  of  the  army,  and  its  operations 
during  the  past  year  ;  the  state  of  our  defences  ; 
the  condition  of  the  public  works  ;  and  our  rela- 
tions with  the  various  Indian  tribes  within  our 
limits  or  upon  our  borders.  1  invite  your  atten- 
tion to  the  suggestions  conlaincd  in  that  report,  in 
relation  lo  these  prominent  objects  of  nationid  in- 
terest. 

When  orders  were  given  diirinir  the  jiast  sum- 
mer for  conceniraling  a  military  ibrce  on  the  wi  st- 
ern frontier  of  Texas,  our  troops  were  widely  dis- 
persed, and  ill  small  detachments,  occiipyim^  posts 
reiuotc  from  eaidi  other.  The  prompt  iuid  expe- 
ditions manner  in  which  an  army,  i  nibracing  more 
than  half  our  jieace  eslablisliment,  was  drawn  to- 
gether on  an  eiuer.'^ency  so  sudden,  rellects  great 
credit  on  the  olliccrs  who  were  iniriislcd  with  the 
rxccniion  of  these  orders,  as  well  as  upon  the  dis- 
cipline i.f  the  army  iisclt'.  To  be  ill  strens;lli  to 
protect  and   defend   tlic   people  and  territory  of 


Texits,  ill  the  event  Mexico  should  commence  hos- 
tilities, or  invade  her  territories  with  a  large  army, 
which  she  threatened,  I  authorized  the  general  as- 
signed lo  the  eonmiand  of  the  army  of  occupation 
to  make  requisilions  for  additional  forces  from  sev- 
eral of  the  !St;ites  nearest  the  Texiali  territory,  and 
which  could  mo.st  expeditiou.sly  t\irnish  them,  if, 
in  his  opinion,  a  larger  force  inan  that  uiitler  his 
command,  and  the  au.xdiary  aid  w  liich,  under  like 
riiciimstanccK,  he  was  authorized  to  receive  from 
Texas,  should  be  required.    Tlie  eonlingeney  iinoii 

■  which  tlic  exercise  of  this  aulhm-ity  depended, 
!  has  not  occurred.  The  circumstances  under  which 
i  two  companies  of  State  artillery  from  the  city  of 

New  Orleans  were  sent  into  Texas,  and  mustered 
;  into  the  service  of  tlie  United  Stales,  are  ftdly 
j  slated  in  ihc  report  of  the  Secretary  of  War.  I 
W  ivcommi  nd  lo  Con^ri-ess  that  provision  l>c  made 
I '  for  the  ])ayment  of  tliesc  troops,  as  well  as  a  small 

nuiniierot'Texian  volunteers,  whoi:  'heeommand- 

■  I  iiig  general  thiaight  it  necessary  to|cceivcor  mus- 
ter into  our  service. 

iJiiriiig  the  kust  summer,  the  first  regiment  of 
!  dragoons  made  extensive  excursions  through  the 
'  Indiiui  couiilry  on  our  borders,  a  part  of  them  ad- 
vancing nearly  lo  ihe  pos.sessions  id'theHudsoir.s 
Day  Company  in  the  North,  and  a  part  as  far  as 
the  .South  I'a.ss  of  the  Uocky  mountains,  and  llie 
head  waters  of  the  tributary  streams  of  the  Colo- 
rado of  the  West.  The  exhibition  of  this  mili- 
tary force  among  the  Indian  tribes  in  tho.se  distant 
n  u'ions,  and  tia;  councils  held  wilh  them  by  the 
commanders  of  the  expeditions,  it  is  believed,  will 
have  a  sahiUiry  inllueiice  in  restraiiiuig  them  iVoin 
hostilities  among  themselves,  and  mainlaininK 
friendly  relations  between  them  and  the  United 
Stales.  An  intiMTsting  account  of  one  of  thesu 
excursions  accompanies  the  report  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  War.  Under  the  directions  of  the  War 
Deparlment,  Brevet  Captain  Fremont,  of  the  corps 
of  topo'.;rapliical  en^'ineera,  ha.s  been  employed 
.<ince  184^  in  exploring  the  country  west  of  the 
Mississijipi,  and  1  eyond  the  Uocky  mountains. 
Two  expeditions  have  already  been  brought  lo  a 
close,  and  the  reports  of  thai  scienlilic  and  enler- 
in'isinijotiicer  have  furnished  niuchinli'reslingand 
valuable  information.  He  is  now  engaged  in  a 
third  expedition ;  but  it  is  not  expected  that  tlii.s 
arduous  service  will  be  eompleled  in  season  to 
enable  me  lo  comniunicatc  the  result  lo  Congres^s 
at  the  jiresent  session. 

Our  relations  with  the  Indian  tribes  are  of  a  fa- 
vorable chnracter.  The  policy  of  removing  them 
lo  a  country  desiiriicd  for  their  iiernmneiit  residenep, 
west  of  the  Missi.ssippi,  and  without  the  limits 
of  the  organizi'd  .States  and  Territories,  is  belter 
appreciated  by  Ihem  than  it  was  a  few  yean 
ago;  while  education  is  now  nllended  to,  nhd  the 
haliits  of  civilized  life  arc  gaining  ground  among 
them. 

Serious  diincultiea  of  long  standing  continue  to 
distract  the  several  |mrties  into  which  the  Cliero- 
kees  arc  unhappdy  divided.  The  etlbrts  of  tlio 
government  to  adjust  ihe  dillicultics  between  them 
have  heretofore  proved  unsuccessful ;  and  there 
remains  no  probability  that  this  desirable  object 
can  be  aceom|)lislicd  without  the  aid  of  fVirther 
legislation  by  Con^'iess.  I  will,  at  an  early  period 
of  your  session,  |ircseiit  the  .subject  for  your  con- 
sideration, accompanied  wilh  an  exposition  of  tho 
complaints  and  claiiiyj  of  the  severid  parties  into 
which  the  nation  i'.  divided,  wilh  a  view* to  tho 
adoption  of  such  iiiea.siires  by  Congress  as  may 
enable  the  Kxeculive  to  do  jtlstice  to  them  respec- 
tively, and  lo  put  an  end,  if  po.ssible,  to  the  dis- 
seniions  which, have  long  prevailed,  and  still  pre- 
vail, among  them. 

I  refer  you  to  the  re|iorl  of  the  Secretory  of  the 
Navy  for  the  nreSent  condition  of  thai  branch  of 
the  national  ilefence  ;  and  for  grave  suggestions, 
liaving  Ibr  their  object  the  increase  of  its  efficiency, 
and  a  greater  economy  in  its  nianiigement.  During 
llie  past  year  the  officers  and  men  have  performed 
their  duly  in  a  saiisfactory  manner.  The  oiilers 
which  have  been  gi\'cii,  have'  been  exceiited  with 
promptness  and  fidelily.  A  larger  force  than  has 
otb'ii  formed  fmc  smiadron  under  our  llag  was  rea- 
dily ciuicentrated  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and, 
aji|paiciilly,  wilhout  unusual  elforl.  It  is  espe- 
i  tally  to  be  observed,  thai,  nolwithslaiiding  the 
union  of  so  consideraide  a  force,  no  act  was  com- 
niitltd  llial  even  ihc  jcalou.sy  of  an  irritated  power 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Dec.  4, 


Sih'H  Cong 1st  Sers, 


Report  of  (he  Saxctary  of  the  Trmsnry, 


Sbnatg  and  llo.  or  Reps. 


I        ^ 


could  construe  ns  an  act  of  iiggrt'ssion  ;  nnil  that 
the  commander  n(*  the  Humdnui,  and  his  od'HTrH, 
ill  Btricl  cojifttiiuity  witli  iheu-  iiiKinuMi<ui«,  lioldin;^ 
ihcmsclvert  ever  ready  for  (he  iiumi  atiive  duty, 
huvtj  uelueved  llie  sull  |niivr  j;U)ry  ol"  cimtrilm- 
tin;;  to  lh(!  pre.servalioii  of  [K-afc.  li  iw  liclievtd 
ihiu  at  nil  our  foreign  suuioiis  the  iuuioi  I'l"  nur  Hay; 
lias  been  niaiiilaincd,  and  thai,  ^enn  lily,  our 
Hhipfl  of  war  have  been  diKUiiguished  tor  tlicir 
good  disci|)Unc  and  order.  1  am  lm|ijiy  to  add* 
that  the  disolny  of  umrilime  force  whicii  was  re- 
quired by  tlic  evciita  of  the  auimner,  iui»  been 
made  wholly  wilhtn  the  usual  appropriauoiiB  for 
the  service  of  the  year,  so  that  Jio  auditiunal  uji- 
prophntions  are  required. 

The  e.ommerrc  of  the  United  States,  and  with  it 
the  navijriilnii^  hitcrcst,  have  steadily  and  rapidly 
inoreaaed  since  tlie  or^nuiization  of  our  ^^>vern- 
nicnt,  until,  it  is  believed,  we  are  now  second  to 
but  one  Power  in  the  world,  and  at  no  distant  day 
we  shall  probably  be  inferii)r  to  none.  Kxposed 
as  iJiey  nmst  be,  u  has  been  a  wise  [(flicy  to  aiford 
lo  tlie:se  important  interests  prote«  lion  wiih  our 
ships  of  war,  disirilmied  in  tlie  ^reai  liiijhways  of 
tnide  (hroui^hout  the  world.  For  more  tiian  uiirty 
years  appropriations  have  been  made,  and  aimu- 
ally  expended,  for  the  i;radual  increase  of  our 
naval  forces.  In  peace,  our  navy  perfurnis  the 
important  duty  of  protecting  (uu*  connnerce;  and, 
in  the  event  of  war,  will  be,  as  it  has  beeji,  a  most 
cHicient  means  of  defence. 

The  fliieei'.-slul  ti.-r  ot"  ittcnin  navigiuinn  on  \\\c  oct-nii  litis 
been  rollov\'ril  h\  lliir  nitroilui'tntn  m'  iviir  nteiuiier.H  in  i*ri'iil 
Biid  iiicreaMiiK  iiuiul>orH  iino  iln*  luivic.i  oi  Uic  |»riiiei|i.'U  nmr- 
Uiiiie  Power.'*  (it'tlu!  world.  A  tliu'n-gurU  to  (nir  uwn  wui.iy 
uiidiuiiii  rlttcii-utprntt'cUuii  to  nurVir-*eiUiii  iiK'n'u--iii4i'<uu- 
iiKTce  (loniiuidH  u  ronc>.>'piiiiiliiio;  incrt'Bve  on  uiir  (iiirt.  i\ti 
cuuiilry  tiiis>  im'nttT  larilili' ;4  litr  tlic  euii-^lructiuii  nt  vi>:i.<i-lrt 
ol' tlii!t*dc)^i'riplii)ii  than  uurs,  iir  r;m  iirnini.-c  itM  liKmiii  r 
advuutnge!!  Inun  Uu'ir  eiutiluyiin-iit.  'I'luy  art*  atlimnililv 
adiipted  to  the  prutecliuii  of  mir  L-niniiicit-c,  to  tin-  ntpitl 
tr.'iiiMiiiisyiuii  of  inti'lligunee,  and  lo  the  roiL>>t  ditVncc-.  In 
pi.irttuai)c<!  of  ttio  vvi«e  |M)hi--y  oi'  a  ;;riidiitil  iiktl-u^i*  t>r  our 
navy,  larKu  ^lUppht!^  of  live  oiik  tiinttiT,  un*>  Miiur  inaimiil^ 
iumhip  tiiiildiiig,  have  tH^-ii  col kc ltd,  uikI  .ut  now  iiiuli  r 
hhoiter  and  inn  shite  of  gotid  pre.-crvulion,  whiU>  imn  sti-ani- 
iTK  ean  lit:  huilt  vvuh  gruat  ilieility  in  various  part.s  tn  the 
I'liion.  The  usi'of  jrontuininaterial,  fs|M-riaily  ui  llie  con- 
plructinn  of  .<<lfuiiierit,  which  can  c:a  r  wiiii  !>ait  ty  inanv  i>f 
ihu  hjirhurs  aton^f  our  coast  now  iii:Lr('c.-.'>ilife  to  vi's^il^  tn 
grcattT  draught,  inid  the  pnicticahilit)  of  con^trurniiu  Ihciii 
in  the  inti'rior,  Klroii>.!ly  rr<-oiiiniciMl»  that  hltfrul  appriipna- 
tioTi!)  f(h()iihl  Ix!  niail<:  tor  ih)->  inijiortaiit  oliji-ct.  \\  iii..i;vcr 
may  hnve  hccii  utir  policy  in  tlic  earlier  t>tagc!)  ot  tin-  gov- 
ernnu'iit,  when  the  natiun  was  in  its  Utfancy,  our  ■>liii)}iini{ 
iiitere^is  and  connnerce  coniiwrativcly  small,  our  rrti.im '^ 
limited,  our  iHipnIatinn  r<par>e  and  tcaict-ly  exttitdin^'  bt- 
yond  Uu:  tiinitH  of  liio  nri<nnal  tliiilccn  btiitefi,  ItriU  jhilicy 
niUHt  l>e  cMcntially  diHVn-iit  luiw  thai  we  have  Krown  froiii 
three  to  inon^  than  twenty  nnlliouii  of  pi>oph-,-~lhut  our 
roinmerce,  carried  in  our  own  fhip.-^,  is  fonnd  in  every  Kea, 
and  that  onr  territorial    hcitndiiriert   and  .'etni-nienit>   have 

'%f|M||-kp greatly  cxpainleil.    j\'(  iMier  our  'oiuniercu,  nor  lair 
l&f'iibic  Iff  cutb«t  on  Uie  uceini  and  on  ikie  hikc-^,  can    t.; 

'  •wScMflilly  (letl-ndt.-d  nsaiitsi  foreign  ai^grciisioii  hy  ni<-aii.'> 
offtnifications  idone,  Thett;  aie  essential  at  inipotiant 
connnereiiil  and  uiilitiry  |Hiint>,  but  our  chief  retiiuice  for 
tln» object  iiiuat  be  on  a  wolloraain7.od,  etticieni  navy.  'J'he 
benctit.s  rc^iultiiig  from  Eueh  a  navy  are  nul  eonlined  to  tlie 
Aliantie  .States.  Tiie  productioiH  of  the  iiifrior  which 
seek  a  market  abroad,  are  directly  dep/ndcnl  on  th*-  rafety 
and  freedoni  of  tmr  couimen-e.  'I'hi;  occuiwiliou  of  the  ha- 
lize  below  N'hw  tfrieantt  hy  a  hostile h>rce  would eini>arr:u>r', 
if  nnt  6Uu;nate,  the  whoh'*  e.\|Kirt  tmdo  of  the  .Mi'->i-'.-ippi, 
and  affect  thi^  v;iUt<>  rif  the  a;{ricnltuntl  produet-o  of  the  en- 
tire valley  of  tlial  nnghty  river  and  \\k  tnhularie><. 
It  han  never  tH^eu  our  pohcy  to  niafntnin  large  standhig 

''  arades  ui  time  of  pence.  They  are  t'ontrary  to  the  (itihuH 
otwa  Utm  liiiitttution!>,  would  iutpO:<e  heavy  burdrii-s  on  the 
people,  and  l)e  dnngeroiH  to  public  liberty.  Our  rciiaiiee  for 
protection  ami  det'encc  on  the  laud  nitwt  be  mainly  on  our 
ciUAcu  soldier:*,  who  will  be  evt-r  ready,  a.-*  they  ever  have 
been  ready  in  tonc^  pt^t,  to  ru^th  with  alacrity,  at  the  call  of 
their  country,  lo  her  defence.  Ttiis  {le-^enption  of  force, 
however,  cannot  defend  niir  consr,  lntrlHtr",  and  inland  seah, 
nor  pniteet  our  commerce  on  the  ocean  or  the  lakes.  These 
mnht  be  pnitected  by  our  navy. 

Coiisiilerlii!!  an  hicrea^ed  navnl  force,  and  e.-pecially  of 
■team  veiwelM,  corret<|)onding  with  our  urowtli  and  ini|Kirtanet! 
as  a  nation,  and  pro))ortioni-d  to  the  increased  and  inereibi- 
iiig  naval  i^iwcr  of  other  naliomi.  of  vaj*t  importance  iim  re- 
gardii  our  nafety,  and  the  great  and  urowini;  li)tere:4t/(  to  tie 
protected  by  it,  I  lec-onijuend  tlie  huhj.'ct  to  the  lavoiahh- 
con^ideration  of  ('onizn'ss, 

The  re|»ort  of  the  PiHittna.»ter  fJcneral  Iierev^-ith  cotnmu- 
nicaled,  coiitftin>«  a  deiaih-d  stiiteriient  u\'  the  opemtioiiH  of 
hilt  de|Ktrlment  dunns  the  |ia»t  vcnr.  It  will  Ih>  seen  that 
Uic  income  from  {Kist'iaes  will  tbil  xhort  of  the  e^peiidinires 
for  the  year  th'tween  one  and  two  niillion^<  of  dollars.  This 
defieiency  hait  lieen  caused  by  the  rcduchon  of  the  rates  of 

fMisiag"',  which  was  mnile  b)  the  act  of  tlic  third  of  March 
x^-X.  \o  proiclph'  has  been  inort!  generally  aeipiiewi'd  in 
by  the  iieople  than  that  this  deparlineiit  should  Mtsbiin  iti^elf 
by  limiting  tiK  e\)H>nrliiuri'ii  to  its  inr'onic.  Congress  hrts 
never  ftoughf  to  make  it  a^ource  of  revenue  (hr  general  pur- 
iKMCf,  except  lor  a  short  jienod  during  the  hft  war  with  ; 
Great  Mritain,  nor  should  it  ever  )H<eonie  a  eharge  on  the  \ 
general  treoiiur}'.    If  Cungress  ihall  utUicre  to  Uuh  principle, 


j    a«  I  think  they  nu;jlit,  It  will  lie  iieeei'iiary  ettlier  to  curtail  | 

ij  t!ie  present  niiUI  herviee,  tto  us  lo  reduce  the  expenditureH,  j 

.  or  so  to  nioitily  the  act  ,i>f  the  third  ot  Man'li  last  lu  to  ini-  ; 

prove  It-*  revenues.    The  extension  of  the  mail  Hcrvjee,  and  i 

the  .■t4tdlti<Mnil  llicllities  which  will  be  demanded  by  the  | 

'  ra[iid  exti'iislon  and  increase  of  tMipulniinn  on  our  western  : 
\  Irohtier,  will  imt  mhnit  of  huch  cuiuulnicnt  us  will  niateriul- 
'  ly  reduce  the  prcKcnt  expeiidilnrcs.  In  thi>  adhislment  of 
the  tariff  of  iKistages  ttie  inienvtH  of  the  pi'opTt>  dciiiniid, 
I  that  the  lowcot  nitcH  Im>  adopted  which  will  protluee  the  iiC'^ 
\  cessnry  revenue  to  meet  tlie  expemliliirert  oi'  the  de|Nirtineiit. 
1  invite  tlie  attention  of  Congress  to  ttie  HUgnest*  ms  of  the  I 

ij  ^o^nIlash■r  (^neral  on  this  subject,  iindiT  the  belief  that  j 

riucli  a  moditlcatioii  of  tlic  late  law  nuiy  be  inndc  w*  will 
;  yield  siilticient  revenue  without  further  calls  on  llie  treasury,  | 
I  and  with  ver>- little  changi>iti  the  present  rites  fif  ihistage.      ; 
I      Proper  iiienKUres  have  been  taken,  in  ]inrHUtuicu  oi  tlio  { 

l|  act  ot  Ute  third  of  March  last,  for  the  establi.<.hineiit  of  lines  ' 

,  i  of  mail  stetuners  t>rtwccn  tJiis  miit  foreign  countries.  'I'he  ! 
'  importance  of  this  service  eommnuU  itttclf  (Strongly  to  Hivor-  I 
I  able  consideration.  1 

II      Willi  the  growth  of  our  country,  the  pi.bllc  busjiioM  I 

I  which  devolves  on  the  heads  of  lite  several  Kxecntive  De-  ; 
I  p.'>rtinciit.i  has  greatly  increased.  In  foine  rcsix-ct.",  the  dis-  | 
\  irihulion  of  ilutles  among  them  i^ecms  to  be  In  congruous,  | 

:  and  many  of  liioe  might  bi'  transferred  tVoin  o.ie  lo  nnoUier  i 
Willi  advaiiiage  to  the  public  lu'ereists.    A  more  nui«picious 

;  tiini'  tor  the  cimpiderathui  of  this  itubjcct  by  I'ongross,  witli    , 
n  view  to  >ystem  in  tlii;  organization  of  the  several  de|mrt<    I 
ineiils,  and  a  more  appropriate  division  of  the  public  busi- 
ness, will  not  probably  occur. 

Till' mo^t  itn|K>rtaiit  duties  of  the  Htnte  Oepartmeni  re- 
late lo  our  li)r(  i^n  atliilrs.  Ily  the  great  enlargement  of  the 
tainily  of  nations,  tlio  increni'e  of  our  cnmmeriu-,  and  the 
corresponding  e.\lcnFion  oi'  our  consular  system,  the  busi- 
ness oi'thi;4  de|iartment  has  been  frreally  inrn'nsed.  In  its  i 
present  organi/.alion,  many  duties  **n  domestic  nature,  n,id  ! 
e(insiftin;[  of  details,  arc  dcvtdveduii  the  Secretary  of  mate,  I 

,  whicli  (In  not  appropriately  behnigto  the  foreisn  ile|Kirlinent 
oi'ihe  government,  and  may  pro[H'rly  h4>  transterred  to  sonie  > 

;  other  department,  dm' of*  these  grows  out  of  the  present  \ 
i'lato  of  the  law  conrerning  the  raieul  l  Mlicc,  which,  a  tew  ■ 
yearn  ^inec,  wa*  a  suhonlinate  clerkship,  but  -has  become  a 
di.-tinct  bureau  of  great  im|>ortancc.  With  an  excclicnl  in-  [ 
t'taal  organization,  it  in  still  connected  with  the  Htatc  l)e-  I 
parnnent.  In  the  tmnsaetion  of  it^  businci's,  (picstiuiiH  of  '• 
nincli  importanee  to  inventon',  and  lo  thi!  community.  lYe-  | 
'piemly  arise,  which,  by  existing  laws',  are  referren  for  I 
tlecisinn  to  n  board,  of  which  tAi;  Sccietar)  of  Htati'  is  a  i 
nu'inlier.  <  'i'hese  r|ue<tions  arc  leg;d,  and  the  connexinn  : 
whicli  now  exists  between  the  Htatc  Department  and  the 
I'atent  (iHicc,  may.  with  gri'at  propriety  ami  advantage,  be  \ 
trarisrerrefl  to  tlicAttorney  tieueral.  j 

In  his  lift  annual  message  to  Conpres)*,  Mr.  >Iaihson  in-  ' 
viird  atl>'ntion  to  u  projH-r  provision  for  the  Atl'irney  tVi^n-  i 
eral  as  iin  •*  important  improvenienl  in  the  cxeeutivi-  esijib- 
h-liini'iil.''    This  rcciunmcndation  was  repeated  by  some 
of  his  successors.      'I'he  olhcial  duties  ol'  the    Attorney  \ 
ti'iipnil  have  been  iniicli  increased  within  a  (>  w  years,  and  ' 

I  hi.- ollice  hte^  bccuiiH^  one  of  ureal  importanee.     Ilis  duties  . 

I  may  be  still  further  inereiv-'ed  wnh  aJvanlaL'c  to  Ihe  public  ' 

I  intere>ts.    As  an  cxceulive  otiicer,  his  re-Hlem-e  and  eon- 
.-tant   atlention   at  Ihe  hciit   of  government  are   rcfpiired.  ! 
Lee;:!  ipii'siion-^  involving  iinixirtant  principles,  and  large  j 
amounts  of  piibhc  momv,  are  ccuistantly  relerred  hi  him  hy  \ 
tlic  Tresid'-iit  and  executive  departments  for  his  exatnina-  j 
lion  and  decision.    The  public  business  under  his  ottii-ial  , 
management  beinrc  the  j»iliciary  his  been  so  angnietited  by 
liie  extension  of  oiir  li'rritor>',  and  the  aets  of  Congress  an- 
tliMri/iiig  suitii  against  the  I'nitcd  Slates  liir  large  iMidics  of 
vahialile  piiblii'  lands,  as  ereatly  to  increase  his  hittors  and  , 
rc-ponsiltihiies.     I  therefore  recommend  that  Ihe  Attorney  : 
(i'lieral  lur  placed  on  the  same  rtmiing  with  the  ln-ails  of  the  , 
oIIht  exeenlive  ilepiirimciits,  with  such  milioidinaieoiheers, 
proviih  it  b>  law  liir  his  dipartinent,  'x*  may  he  reiiuinrt  to 
iil>etiar'je  the  additional  duties  which  have  been  or  may  be 
devolved  upon  him.  ' 

Congress  |Hi!>sesH  the  power  of  exclusive  legi.aliition  over 
the  Di.trict  of  Columbia  ;  and  I  comnieiMl  the  interests  of 
its  itihnliitanLs  to  y.inr  lavoralde  consideratio'i.    The  pco()(e  , 
niiliis  Ih-triet  Ita've  no  hhli.'hitive  luNly  of  their  own,  and  ; 
iiiii-j  confute  ih"ir  local  as  well  its  their  general  int-'rest.-  to 
r(  jirt'setiiatives  in  whose  election  they  have  ii»i  vojc)',  and 
over  whine  otiieial  conihiet  they  have  no  control.    Ivich 
member  of  the  iN'ationid  i<egi^')atu^e  slumld  coii-^ider  hini- 
scir  as  their  immediate  rcpre  ientalivi ,  and  should  be  the    ' 
more  ready  to  give  attention  to  their  interests  and  wants, 
iMM-aiise  he  i;*  not  rivponsible  to  them.    I  n?commrnd  that 
a  liberal  and  generous  spirit  may  characterize  your  mea-  [ 
Mircs  in  relation  to  them.     I  shall'  b-.  ever  di!«|H>sed  to  i-how 
a  proper  regard  for  their  wishes  ;  and,  \\'ithin  consUtnlionnl  i 
liinii.«.  slmlt  at  all  times  clieer;ully  co-operate  wiih  you  for  ; 
the  ailvanceincnt  of  their  welfiirc'  \ 

I  •!  («t  it  may  not  be  deemed  inappropriate  to  the  ocea- 
sinii  tor  inc  to  dwell  for  a  moment  on  the  meniory  of  tiie 
ino-it  eminent  eiti/.cn  of  our  countrv,  wl"«,  during  tln'  sum-  , 
riier  that  is  gone  by,  has  descendi-if  to  tin'  t^unb.    The  en- 
joyment of  contcm[)lating,  at  lh(>  advanced  age  <if  near  four  j 
ccore  years,  the  happy  emntition  of  Ids  country,  cheered  the  i 
liu^I  hours  of  Anilrew  Jackson,  who  ileparted  this  llle  in  the 
traiKpnl  ho|H'  of  a  blessed  imniortalily.     Ilis  death  was 
liapp),  as  his  lihr  luid  liccn  emineiiiiy  useful,     lie  had  an  > 
nnlitl'tcring  confidence  in  the   virtue  and  capacity  of  the 
people,  and  In  the  [HTniHiiencc  of  that  free  government 
winch  he  had  largely  contributed  to  establish  and  defend.  ', 
Ilis  great  deciU  had  •"Tured  to  him  the  aH'c  ooim  of  his  | 
lellow  ciiizens,  and  it  Wiis  his  liap(tinc«s  I  >  witness  the  ! 
irrowili  and  ghiry  of  his  country  which  he  .ovcd  so  well.  [ 
Mc  departed  amidst  the  benedietion?4of  mdlions  of  iVeemen.  |, 
The  nation  |Hiid  its  tribute  to  his  men    ''y  at  his  tomb,  j 
Coming  uenenitioiiM  will  learn  frtnn  his  exumpli!  the  love  of 
i'ouniry  and  the  rights  of  man.     In  his  huiiiuag>' on  a  Nimi- 
lar  (HTaliui  lo  On' pn''*''iit.  "I  now  eomini'ml  \<ni,  fellow-  \ 
ciii/.ens,  to  the  guidance  of  Almiulity  <iod,  with  a  Ml  re-  I 
liaiict!  on  Ilis  mereifnl  providem-e  tor  the  maintenance  of  | 
our  free  institutiuiis ;  and  witii  on  earnetit  tiupplication,  Uiat  i. 


whiitover  errom  it  may  be  my  lot  to  commit  In  dlnchar- 
L'ing  tlie  arduouH  diitieii  which  have  tlcvoWed  on  me,  wlU 
lliid  n  reiucdy  in  tlie  hurmony  and  wi«dom  of  your  coun- 

selr"." 

JAMES  K.  POLK. 

WAiHiNaTON,  December  %  1845. 


REPORT  ON  THE  FINANCES. 

Treasury  Department, 

Vectmber  3,  1845. 
In  obedience  to  the  *'  Act  supplementary  to  the 
act   to  establish  the  Treasury  Department,*'  the 
undersigned  respectfully  iiubmits  the  following  re- 
port : 

The  receiptRnnd  expenditures  for  the  fiscal  year 
ending  the  30th  June,  1845,  were  iis  follows  : 

RECEIPTS  AND  MEANS. 

Frtmi  enstomn jJ97,.'ia8,119  70 

Kroni  nalcs  of  public  laiidfi '2,Vr,' ,{!f>2  IN> 

From  iniseellaiieouMitourceB 16.'),99H  56 


Total  receipbt i»n,7*iU,i:«  .VJ 

Add  balance  in  Uic  treasury  Ist  July,  1344 ':,H.'i7,:{79  ti4 

Total  means 37,tiaO,51J  ao 

The  oxpemlitures  during  the  name  fiscal  year 
amounted  to  the  t<um  of. 39,068,^  08 


Leaving  a  balance  in  tlie  lrcn»nry  on  the  Itit 
July,  IM.S  of. 7,058,306  23 


A.S  appears  in  detail  by  accompanying  state- 
mcnt  A. 

The  estininted  receipts  and  expenditures  for  the 
iiscal  year  ending  30lh  June,  l.*46,  ore  as  follows: 

RECEIPTS,  V   /: 

From  cnslomH,  Iwt  quarter,  by  acMnl  letums 

of  Ihe  collectors $8,l?fll,y3a  14 

For  2(1,  .'kt,  an<l  -Ith  ((uarters,  as  estimated ]o,(538,UG7  t^ 


Total  iVoin  cui-tomH 5l..50h.n00  OO 

Frmn  cales  of  public  Iand.s 2,0(K»,000  00 

From  iniKCelhincoiis  aud  iueideiilal  Bourcca l'^,OUO  00 

Total  reccipt<< 

Add  balance  in  tlie  treasury  on  Uie  1st  July, 


..2fi,8:»,000  OO 
....7,G.58,:K)6  22 


Total  meuji8  as  estimated a4,-17e,UO0  03 

EXPENDITURES,  VIZ: 
The  actual  expenditures  tor  ^ 

the  l>t  ipiarter  einhiig  the 

:iiMli  Hepi.,  IK-I.'i,  amounted 

to  the  hum  of. .^3,463,093  41 

As  appears  in  detail  by  necom- 

piniying  sUUement  11.    The 

estimati-d  e.\peiidi tares  tbr 

the  public    servic  •   during 

Ihe   fftliiT    three   quarters, 

from  1st  October,   1'^!.%  lo 

:)i}th  June,  It'.lt),  iure  o^  fol- 
lows, viz: 
Civil  li>t,  loreimi  intercourse, 

and  inisccllaiieou.s  pur[H>ses....(t,730,QII  OG 

Army  pro)K'r *J,.>94,735  Od 

Fortiiications,  ordnance,  arm- 
ing niihna,  «ic 2,340,778  W 

Indian  dcparnnent l.(t-IP,79I  94 

ren*iona l,a'ifi,;Vjt3  03 

Interest  on   public  debt  and 

treasury  notec 8.'i6,9      48 

Hedemption  of  the  residue  of 

the  loan  of  18-11 29,300  00 

Treasury  notes  which  are  yet 

nntstandiiig     and     payalde 

when    pri'>ent--il (187.764  18 

Naval  cstabliahment 4,90'2,h4o  93 


•29,fi07,051  PO 


Which,  deilucted  from  the  total  <if  mrani 
bntbre  staled,  leaves  in  the  treasuiTon  the 
1st  Julv,  ti^IO,  an  estimated  balance  of..... 4,B.'il,2.'>4  39 


Hut  this  hnlance  is  subject  to  be  decrcnsed 
by  such  nddiiionnl  nppropriiitions  ns  Congress 
shnll  make,  to  be  expended  durino;  the  fiscal  vear 
ending  the  30th  June,  IS4(i,  and  to  be  nitered  by 
tlie  sums  which  may  be  presented  for  payment  of 
the  ohi  funded  and  unfunded  debt,  and  old  treasury 
notes. 

The  cfititiinted  receipts,  inenns,  nnd  expendi- 
Inres,  for  the  fiscal  \ef\r  commencing  1st  .Inly, 
IH4(i,  nnd  ending  the  .SOih  June,  lf547,  are  ns  fol- 
lows, viz: 

RECKIPTS. 

From  cusiomM  Dir  the  four  (piaru  rs ,*a2,.')00,000  00 

Fnim  f«alc«  of  public  landH 2,100,(KW  00 

From  miifcullancouH  and  incidental  Bourccs IOO,t>00  00 

TomI  revenue a5,000,000  00 

*  The  sum  of  ;fl,.'>4H,y97  tlir  supplying  deficiency  of  reve- 
nue for  jxi-'bige,  and  also  j§'3U(l,000  for  poittagcs  of  CimirreM 
and  of  cx'cuiive  olHccs,  ore  included  in  tlie  above  aum  of 

S99,6'i7,05l  90. 


1845.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


S9th  Cong I  st  Sess. 


Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 


Senate  and  Uu.  or  Reps. 


Add  estimated  bolnnce  to  be  in  Uio  treasury 
un  Ulu  lat  July,  1845 4,8al,!!S4  39 


:rrnBe(l 
ongresa 
ml  vcar 

rcil  by 
niont  of 
reiisury 


Total  iiit-'nni  fhr  tlir  servipo  of  tlie  fiscal  year 
cndliiK  Uio  3aUi  June,  ltM7 39,8S1,3M  33 

EXPENDITtJRES. 

The  expenditures  duriiij;  the  suiiie  period, 
OS  estimated  by  the  several  Uepiirtinents  or 
Stale,  Treasury,  War,  Navy,  and  Postmas- 
ter General,  viis : 
Ttie  bidanees  ol' former  appropriations  which 

will  be  required  to  be  expijlided  in  this 

year 1,441,457  10 

Permanent  I!  iid  indefinite  u|>- 

proprlaUons 9,997,915  79 

S)>ecifie  appropriations  asked 

lor  UUa  year 91,079,440  43 

Total  estimated  expenditures... .S5,.'ili<,m3  25 

This  sum  is  composed  of  Uie  following  par- 
ticulars: 

For  civil  list,  loreinn  inter- 
course,  and  miscellaneous *5,9a*S,Q92  69 

For  antiy|m>|>cr 3,364,458  99 

For   lurtillcutinns,  ordniuice, 
arinniii  militia,  &.c 4,331,809  93 

For  iwiiMous 9,-,07,100  00 

For  Indian  department 9,dl4,918  18 

For  naval  eswblishinent 6,339,300  W 

For  interest  on  public  debt 835,844  Ti  I 

95,518,P'3  95 

Which,  deducted  IVoin  the  toMI  of  means 
hel'ore  stated,  {{ives  an  estimated  balance 
on  Uie  Ist  July,  1847,  of. 4,332,441  07 


The  receipts  for  the  first  quarter  of  this  year  are 
less,  by  ^,011, Has  90,  than  the  receipts  of  Ihc 
Biiiiiu  ([imiter  hist  year.  Among  tlie  causee  of  de- 
crease is  the  progressive  diminution  of  the  impor- 
tation of  many  highly-proiei'.icd  artides,  and  the 
Bubsiitutiun  of  rival  domestic  products,  t'or  the 
nine  months  ending  June  30,  ISA'S,  since  the  pre- 
sent tariir,  the  average  of  duties  upon  dutiable  ini- 
poits  was  cciiinl  to  37.84  1-10  jier  cent.;  for  the 
year  ending  June  30,  1845,  33. tJj 'J-IO  [icr  cent.; 
and  for  ihe  year  ending  June  30,  1845,  "JU-'JO  per 
cent. — showing  a  great  dimiiiulioii  in  tlie  average 
fier  centngp,  owing  in  part  to  increased  importa- 
tio.i  of  8o;ne  articles  bearing  Ihe  ligluer  duties, 
and  decreased  importation  of  others  bearing  the 
higher  duty.  The  revenue  from  nd-valoreni  du- 
•  lies  lust  year  exceeded  that  realized  from  a|)ccitic 
duties,  although  the  average  of  the  ad-vulorem 
duties  was  only  ii3..57  pcr-ceut.,  and  the  average 
of  Ihe  specific  duties  41.30 — jiresemiiig  another 
strong  jiroof  that  lower  duties  increase  the  re- 
venue. An.ong  the  causes  lending  to  augment 
the  revenue,  are  increased  emigration,  and  the  an- 
nexation of  Texas.  The  estimates  for  the  ex- 
penditures of  184G  are  based  chielly  upon  appro- 
priations made  by  Congress,  The  esinnated  ex- 
penditures of  1847  are  founded  upon  data  furnish- 
ed by  the  several  departments,  (Uid  arc  less  by 
S4,108,"J38  05  than  iIkk-^c  of  the  jircceding  year. 
J'hc'ie  cstimatps  are  submitted,  in  the  full  convic- 
tion ilint,  whenever  Cmigress,  guided  by  an  en- 
lightened economy,  can  diminish  the  expenditures 
■without  injury  to  the  pulilic  inleresi,  such  re- 
trenchment will  be.  made,  so  as  to  lighlen  ilie  bur- 
den of  taxation,  anil  hasten  the  extinguishment  of 
the  public  debt,  reduced  on  the  1st  of  October 
last  to  <^17,075,445  5-2. 

In  suggesting  improvements  in  the  revenue 
laws,  the  following  principles  have  been  adopted: 

ist.  That  no  more  money  should  be  collected 
than  is  necessary  for  <he  wants  of  the  Ciovcrn- 
ment,  ecoromically  administered. 

iJd.  Thi.t  no  duly  be  imposed  on  any  article 
above  the  lowest  rate  which  will  yield  the  largest 
amnii.ii  of  revenue. 

3d.  That,  below  such  rate,  discrimination  may 
be  made,  desocnding  in  ihe  scale  of  duties;  or,  ' 
for  imperative  reasons,  the  article  may  be  placed  I 
in  Ihe  list  of  those  free  from  all  duly.  j 

4tli.  That  the  nvixinuim  revenue  duty  should 
be  imposed  on  luxuries. 

5th.  That  all  minimums,  and  nil  specific  duties, 
should  be  abolished,  and  ad-viiloiem  duties  substi- 
tuted in  their  jilace— care  being  taken  to  guard 
against  fnviidulent  invoices  and  under-valuation, 
and  to  assess  the  duty  upon  the  actual  market 
value. 

"Thefuni  of  siai.O,';.,  for  debt  nssunied  for  tile  cities  in  ! 
the  Ui.itrict  of  t'liiuiiibin,  the  sum  of  ,»1,UUU.OUO  for  suppiv-  ' 
iii{{  de(i4>iciicy  ill  tlie  revciiiii'  fnmi  |ii).^tii:!i:,  and  .^35U,UUU  liir  ' 
postages  for  ('onfiress  and  executive  depiinineiits,  are  inclu-  ; 
ded  ill  the  fbrcgolng  Hum  of  $5,995,999  69.  { 


:  (jth.  That  the  duties  should  be  so  imposed  aa 
I  to  operate  as  ci|uully  as  possible  throiighoul  the 
i  Union,  discriminating  neither  for  nor  against  any 
1  class  or  section. 

I  No  horizontal  scale  of  duties  is  recommended; 
because  such  ii  scale  would  be  a  rcfusiJ  to  dis- 
j  criminate  for  revenue,  and  might  sink  that  revenue 
,  below  the  wants  of  the  Uovernmcnt,  Some  arti- 
j  cles  will  yield  the  largest  revenue  at  duties  that 
would  be  wholly  or  partiidly  prohiliitory  in  other 
!  cases.  Luxuries,  as  a  general  rule,  will  bear  the 
liighest  revenue  duties;  but  even  some  very  coftly 
luxuries,  easily  smuggled,  will  bear  but  a  light 
duly  for  revenue,  whilst  other  articles,  of  great 
bulk  and  weight,  will  bear  a  higher  duty  for  reve- 
nue. There  is  no  instance  within  the  knowledge 
of  this  department  of  any  horizontal  tnrill'  ever 
having  been  enacted  by  any  one  of  the  nutions  of 
J  the  world.  There  must  be  discrimination  for  rcv- 
!  enue,  or  the  burden  of  taxation  must  be  augmented 
[  in  oriler  to  bring  the  same  amount  of  money  into 
I  the  treasury,  ft  is  diHicull,  also,  to  adopt  any  ar- 
bitrary maximum,  to  which  an  inllcxiiilc  adherence 
must  he  demanded  in  all  cases.  Thus,  u]ion  brandy 
and  spirits,  a  specific  duty,  varying  as  an  etpiiva- 
leiit  ail  vahiren  from  one  hundred  and  eighty  to 
two  hundred  and  I'Xty-one  per  cent.,  yields  a  large 
revenue;  yet  no  one  would  propose  either  of  these 
rates  as  a  maximum.  These  duties  are  too  high 
for  revenue,  from  the  eni'ourngement  they  present 
for  smuggling  these  baneful  luxuries;  yet  a  duly 
I  of  twenty  ))er  cent,  upon  brandy  and  s)iirils  would 
be  IVir  below  the  revem.e  siniidard,  would  greatly 
diminish  the  income  on  these  imports,  require  in- 
creased burdens  upon  the  necessaries  of  life,  and 
^vould  revolt  the  moral  sense  of  the  whole  commu- 
nity. Tliere  are  many  other  luxuries  which  will 
bear  a  much  higher  duly  for  revenue  than  twenty 
])er  cent.;  and  the  only  true  maximum  is  that 
which  exiierience  tlemonsirates  will  liring,  in  each 
case,  the  largest  revenue  at  the  lowest  rale  of  duty. 
iS'or  should  maximum  revenue  duties  be  imposed 
■  ujion  all  articles,  for  this  would  yield  loo  large  an 
income,  and  would  ]iievent  all  discrimination 
within  the  revenue  st:uidar(l,  and  require  nece.^^sa-  , 
ries  to  be  taxed  as  high  as  luxuries,  Uut,  whilst 
it  is  impossible  to  adopt  any  liurizont:d  scale  of  du-  ; 
ties,  or  even  any  arbitrary  maximum,  experience 
proves  that,  as  a  genernl  rule,  a  duty  of  twenty  per 
cent,  ad  valorem  will  yield  the  largest  revenue. 
There  are,  however,  a  lew  exceptions  above,  as 
well  as  niiiny  below,  lliis  slandanl.  Thus,  whilst  : 
the  lowest  revenue  duly  on  most  luxuries  exceeds 
twenty  per  cent.,  there  are  many  cosily  m'ticies, 
of  small  bulk  and  c.isily  smuggled,  which  would 
bring,  jierlnq  s,  no  revenue  at  a  duly  as  high  as 
twenty  per  cent.,  anil,  even  at  the  present  rale  of 
.seven  and  a  iialf  per  cent.,  they  will  yield,  in  most 
cases,  a  sm:dl  revenue,  whilst  coal,  iron,  sugar, 
and  molasses,  articles  of  great  bulk  and  weight, 
yielded  lust  year  six  millions  of  revenue,  at  an 
average  rale  of  duly  CAeeeding  sixty  per  cent,  ad 
valorem.  These  iliiiies  are  far  too  high  for  reve- 
nue U]ii'ii  nil  these  articles, and  ought  to  be  reduced 
to  the  '  'venue  slandarii;  ijiit  if  Congress  desire  lo 
obtaii  lie  largest  revenue  from  duties  on  these  ar- 
ticles, .hose  diiiies,  at  the  lowest  rale  f 'r  reveaue, 
woiilu  exceed  Iweiily  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

There  are  appended  to  this  report  tables,  pre- 
pared with  fjreai  care  and  labor,  showing  the  rates 
of  duly  each  year  on  each  of  these  four  articles, 
and  tlie  equivalent  ad  valorem,  from  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  (jovernmeni  down  lo  the  present  pe- 
riod, with  the  reve.itie  collected  every  year  upon 
each,  from  which  tables  Congress  will  be  enabled 
to  jf.dge  how  tar  the  present  rales  exceed  the  low- 
est revenue  duties,  and  how  much  they  must  be 
reduced  so  as  to  yield  a  revenue  equal  to  that  now 
obtained  from  these  articles. 

It  is  believed  that  sulHcient  meiuis  can  be  ob- 
tained, at  the  lowest  revenue  duties,  on  the  arti- 
cles now  subjeeled  to  duty;  but  if  Congress  desire 
a  larger  revenue,  it  slioutd  be  procured  by  taxing 
the  free  arlieles,  ralber  than  Iranscend,  in  any  case, 
the  lowest  revenue  duties.  It  is  ihoughl,  however, 
that,  without  exceeding  ihe  limit  in  any  ca.se,  an 
adetpiale  revenue  will  still  be  iiroducetf,  and  per- 
mit the  addition  to  the  free  list  of  salt  and  guano. 
In  one  of  his  annual  messages,  Mr.  Jellerson  re- 
commended to  Congress  "  the  suppression  of  the  ' 
duties  upon  salt."  A  large  portion  of  this  duty  is  i 
exhausted  in  heavy  cxpciises  of  measuring  salt,  j 


and  in  large  sums  jiaid  for  fishing  boi  ntie  i  anil 

idlowances  in  lieu  of  tlic  drawback  of  the  duty, 

both  which  expenditures  would  fall  with  a  repeal 

of  the  duty — which  re|)eal,  therefore,  can  cause  no 

[  considerable  reduction  of  the  revenue.     Huh  is  u 

1  necessary  of  life,  and  should  be  as  free  from  Uix 

I  as  air  or  water.     1:  is  used  in  large  ijuantities  by 

the  farmer  and  pinnler;  and  to  tlie  poor,  this  ViX 

I  operates  most  oppressively,  not  only  in  the  use  of 

j  the  article  itself,  but  as  combined  with  sailed  pro- 

!  visioiis.    The  salt  maile  abroad  by  solar  evaporti- 

I  lion  is  also  must  pure  and  wholesome,  and  as  con- 

I  scrvutive  of  health ,  should  be  exempt  from  taxa- 

i  lion, 

I      The  duty  on  cotton  bagging  is  ei|uivaleiit  lo 

I  55,'^  per  cent,  ad  vtdorem  on  the  Scotch  bagging, 

j  imd  1:^3.11  per  cent,  on  the  gunny-bag;  and  yet 

!  the  whole  revenue  from  these  duties  has  fallen  lo 

j  ft(i6,Ut)4  50.     IScarly  the  entire  amount,  therefore, 

of  this  enormous  tax  makes  no  addition  to  the 

revenue,  but  enures  to  the  benefit  of  about  thirty 

[  manulUciurers.     As  five-sixths  of  the  cotton  crop 

i  IS  exported  abroad,  the  same  pioporiioii  of  the 

bagging  around   the   bale   is  exported,  and  sold 

abruiul  at  a  heavy  loss,  growing  out  of  a  deduction 

for  tare.     Now,  as  dunes  are  designed  to  operate 

only  on  the  domesiic  coiisiiniption,  there  ought  to 

i:  be  a  drawback  of  ihe  whole  duly  on  cotton   bag- 

ji  giiig  re-cx]iorled  around  the  bale,  on  the  siuiio 

ij  Jiriliciples  on   which   drawbacks   arc   nlloweil   in 

I  other  cases.     The  eotion  planting  is  the  great  ex- 

r  jmrling  inleresi,  and  sutlers  from  the  tarilf  in  the 

i   double  capacity  of  consumer  and  exporter.     Cot- 

r  ton  is  ihe  great  basis  of  our  foreign  exchange,  fur- 

h  nishing  most  of  the  means  to  purchase  inqiorls 

!  and  supply  the  revenue.     It  is  tiius  tlie  source  of 

'  two-thirds   of  the   revenue,   and   of  our  foreign 

'  freight  and  commerce,  uidiolding  our  commercial 

niarjiie  and  maritime  power.     It  is  also  a  bond  of 

i  peace  with  fcreign  nations,  constiuiliiig  a  slronger 

i  preventive  of  war  than  armies  or  navies,  tons  or 

,  arniainents.     At  prese;it  prices,  our  cotton  crop 

1  will  yield  an  annual  product  of  >j7:J,0U0,OOO,  and 

:  the  nianul'aeUired  faiiric  «,o04,000,0U0,  fiiniisliiii^ 

profits  abroad   lo   thousands   of  cajiiialisis,   and 

;  wages  to  hundreds  of  ihoii,saiids  of  the  working 

j  classes — all  of  whom  would  be  deeply  injured  by 

'  any  disturbance,  growing  out  of  u  state  of  war,  to 

i  tlic  direct  and  lulequale  supply  of  the  raw  material. 

If  our  inanufacluiers  consume    40l),00b  bales,  ii 

[  would  c  list  ihem  !jl:;2,000,U0O,  whilst  seiling  the 

I  mamit'acinred   fabric   for  <j84,000,UIIO;    and  they 

I  sliouKl  lie  ihe  hist  Ui  unite  in  imposing  lieavy  taxes 

ujion  ilial  great  inleresi  wliich  supplies  them  with 

']  tlie  raw  inutcrial  out  of  which  iliey  realize  such 

immense  prolils.     Accompanying  the  drawback  of 

tile  duly  on  couon-bagging  should  be  the  repeal  of 

I  liie  duly  on  foreign  coiioii,  which  is  iiioperadva' 

and  delusive,  and  not  desired  by  the  domes, ic  pro- 

;  duiker, 

j      The  condition  of  our  foreign  relations,  it  is  s:ud, 

should  suspend  the   reiliielion  of  the  Uirill',     No 

American  pairiot  can  desire  to  arrest  our  onward 

'  career  in  peace  and  prosperity;  but  if,  unhappily, 

such  should  be   the   result,  it  would  create  an  iii- 

}  creiLsed   necessily  for  reducing   our  present  high 

duties,  in  order  to  obuiin  sntfieirnt  revenue  to  ntfet 

increased  exjienditurcs.     The  duties  for  the  qniu'- 

;  ler  eniiing  the  30ili  JSeptember,  1844,  yielded  )j:2,- 

011,885  UO  more  of  revenue  than  the  quartereiid- 

ing  30ili  Siepiember,  1845 — showing  a  very  consid- 

■  erable  ilccline  of  the  revenue,  growing  out  of  a 

■  diiniiiislitd  importation  of  the  inghly-protecled  ar- 
ticles and  ]>rogrcBsive  snbstilution  of  their  ilomcs- 
tic  rivids.  Indeed,  many  of  these  duties  are  be- 
coming dead  letters,  except  for  the  purpose  of 
prohibition,  and,  if  not  reduced,  will  uliiinauly 
compel  their  advocates  to  resort  u>  direct  taxation 
lo  support  the  Ctoveriuneni,     In  the  event  of  war, 

'  nearly  all  the  high  (lulies  would  become  prohibi- 
tory, tVoin  the  increased  risk  and  cost  of  iniporln- 
tions;  and  if  there  be,  indi'ed,  in  the  opinion  of 
any,  a  serious  danger  of  such  an  occurrence,  it  ap- 
peals most  strongly  u>  their  pmriotism  lo  impose 
the  lowest  revenue  iluiies  on  all  articles,  us  thn 
only  means  of  securing,  at  such  o  period,  any 
considerable  income  from  the  tariff. 

The  whole  power  to  collect  taxes,  whether  di- 
rect or  imlirect,  is  conferreil  by  the  same  claiue  of 
the  Consiiintion.  The  words  are:  "The  Con- 
'  gress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and  collect  taxes, 
■  duties,  imposts,  and  excises.'*    A  direct  tax  or 


10 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Dec.  4, 


i20TH  CoNU 1st  Scsg. 


Report  of  the  Oecretary  of  the  Treasury. 


Sknate  and  Hu.  of  Hcpg. 


cxiiMK,  mil  f(ir  roveiuio  l)ut  flir  pi'nlciMidii,  cluiirly 
would  iiiil  lit!  williii\  the  Ir'.'ilimiilc  nlijiMl  of  liixii- 
lion;  HirJ  yi'l  il  wcnilcl  l"i  hi  imu'li  mo  as  a  iliily 
iin|i(i!i(i(l  lor  11  HJiuihu'  |iiir|ioNi'.  The  piiwiT  is 
'•  In  liiy  mid  collrri  tiixi's,  diiiicH,  iniiiiisis,  tiiid  cx- 
rts4'.s.  A  diilv  niiiHt  lie  hiiil  only  that  il  may  l<c 
volltcUtl;  and,  ii'  it  in  -io  ini|ioN('il  thai  il  Cjinmil  bi.' 
oollerttil,  ill  whoh'  or  in  part,  it  viohilr.s  ihe  dc- 
»-lared  ohirct  of  the  i^rniifed  power.  To  lay  all 
*huieN  HO  iii:;h  thai  none  of  iheiii  could  lie  roliecl- 
ed,  Hoiild  he  n  iirohiliilory  larilV.     'I'o  lay  a  diilv  ; 

on  any  one  arliele  so  lii;!:h  thai  it Id  not  he  i'ol-  ' 

Irtied,  wotild  lie  a  pnihiliitory  lariir  upon  that  ar- 
liele.  Ifa  duly  oroiie  hundi'i'd  per  eenl.  was  iiii- 
]«isi'd  upon  all  or  upon  a  niiiiiher  ol'artiiles,  so  as 
to  diminish  the  revenue  upon  all  or  any  of  iheiii, 
it  would  operate  as  n  partial  prohiliilion.  A  par- 
tial and  11  total  |irohihition  are  alike  in  violiilion  of 
the  true  olijeii  of  the  laxiii;;  power.  They  only 
(liHer  ill  de:,^rec,  and  not  in  prineiple.  If  the  reve- 
nue liinil  may  lie  exe- riled  one  per  cell  1.,  it  may 
he  exceeded  one  hundred.  Ifil  may  I'l'  exceeded 
tipon  any  one  article,  it  may  he  exceeded  on  all; 
and  there  is  no  escape  from  this  ccinclusion,  liui 
ill  conlendini;  that  t.'on;;ress  ni:iy  lay  dutii-s  on  all 
arii' les  so  hi^h  as  Ui  collect  no  revenue,  tuid  ope- 
rate ns  a  total  prohiliilion. 

'.riie  (Joiistiuiiion  dccl.ires  that  "  (dl  liills  for 
'  ra'sin:;  ri  venue  shall  oriu'inale  in  the  House  of 
'  1!(  pr>  senlaiiie*."  A  land' lull,  il  is  ciinceded, 
eui  only  oriuiiiute  in  the  House,  hecae.si,.  ii  is  a 
liill  for  riflviii^'  iTi'Miiif.  Th:il  is  llu'  only  proper 
olijeci  i,f  such  a  liill.  .\  larilfis  a  hill  to  '•  hiy  iiiid 
colleci  taxes."  Il  is  a  liill  lor  "  raisiii!'-  revenue;" 
and  \\ la  never  il  departs  from  ihal  ohjei-i.in  whole 
<ir  ill  pari,  either  hy  lolal  ih'  partial  |iroliihilion,  il 
violates  ihe  purpo.-e  of  ihe  ^'iMliK  (I  power. 

Ill  aiiMii^rni;;  tlie  details  of  the  larill',  it  is  lie- 
lieved  that  the  maximum  i'e\ciiue  duties  slioiihl 
Le  iuijinsed  upon  luxuries.  It  is  deemed  just  that 
taxation,  wheihcr  direel  or  indirect,  sliould  he,  as 
nearly  as  iiracticahle,  in  |iropi.rlion  lo  properly. 
If  ihe  whole  revenue  were  raised  liy  a  lax  inioii 
properly,  llic  jioor,  and  especially  ihose  who  live 
l.y  .he  viMu'es  of  laoor,  would  pay  Ian  a  very  Miia'l 
porlioii  of  siieli  lax;  wliere;iS,  hy  llie  l.inll',  ilu' 
[loor,  hy  ihi'  consumplion  of  various  imporls,  or 
of  doiueslie  articles  enlianced  in  price  liy  the  du- 
lie.-i,  pay  a  much  Iar{_er  share  ot  the  taxes  than 
it' iliey  were  collected  liy  an  assessment  in  propor- 
tion lo  priiperty,  'i'o  eonnteract,  as  far  as  possi- 
Itle,  this  elji'c.i  of  the  larilf — to  e(|uali/.e  its  opera- 
tion, and  make  it  approximale,  as  nearly  as  may 
he,  to  a  svslem  of  tiixes  in  projiortion  to  pro]ierty 
— the  diiiies  upon  luxuries,  used  ainiosl  exclu- 
sively hy  the  rich,  should  he  fixed  at  the  hiL'hesI 
revenue  standard.  'I'his  would  not  he  discrimi- 
lintiii^  ill  favor  I'f  the  poor,  however  jusl  thai 
nii^ht  he  wiihiii  the  revenue  limit;  hut  it  would 
iiiiii'.me,  as  far  as  piaciii  ahle,  that  diKiTimiiiaiion 
r^;uiirfl  the  poor  which  results  from  every  larilf, 
liy  eompellin;.;  iheiii  to  pay  a  lari^er  amount  of  the 
taxes  than  if  assessed  and  collecied  on  all  properly 
i.i  jiroportioii  to  ila  value.  In  accordance  with 
these  principles,  it  is  lielieved  that  the  lar;;est 
Iiracticahle  poriion  of  the  iu:;:reLraie  revenue  should 
be  rai.sed  hy  maxinuiiit  re\enue  duties  iijiou  lux- 
uries, whether  ;.'rowii,  produced,  i.r  inanufaelured 
at  home  or  ahroad. 

All  appeal  has  heeii  made  to  the  poor  hy  the 
friends  of  prolection,  on  the  irroiind  that  il  aii:.:- 
iiii'iils  the  waives  of  lalior.  In  ri]ily,  il  is  con- 
tended that  the  waL'i'S  of  lahor  have  noi  autrmeiiled 
since  the  Inritf  of  IriJ'J,  and  llial,  ill  some  ciises, 
tliev  have  diminished. 

Where  the  mnnlier  of  nianiiftietorirs  is  noi  ureal, 
the  power  of  ihe  system  to  reirulaie  the  wiures  of 
lalior  i.s  ineonsiderahle;  h,  i  as  ilii'  profit  of  capital 
iinested  in  nmnul'.iciiires  is  aiii^meiiied  hy  the  pro- 
teciive  UtritT,  there  is  a  corresponding  increesc  of 
power,  iiniil  *lie  control  of  sucli  capital  over  the 
M  litres  of  lalior  hecomes  irresislihle.  As  this  power 
i.s  exercisrd  from  lime  lo  time,  we  find  il  resisted 
liy  eoinhinalioiis  anion;;  the  workiiiij  i-lasses;  hy 
liirnin;^  oiii  for  lii;;lier  waives,  or  for  shorter  lime; 
liy  trades-union;  and,  in  some  countries,  iiiifor- 
lunatcly,  hy  vinleiiee  and  hloodsheil.  Ilul  the 
Uovernmeiii,  liy  jiroleeiive  duties,  arrays  ilself  on 
Ihe  side  of  the  mamifuetnrin;;  sysleni,  and,  hy 
thus  auumenlniu^  ils  wealth  and  power,  soon  ter- 
Iiiinales  m  its  favor  the  slnm".'le  lielwceii  iiinii  and 
money — hciweeii  cupittil   luid  labor.     When  tliu 


Uirill'of  1^4;i\vuH  eiiaeled,  themaxiiniim  duly  was 
twenty  per  cent.  l!y  that  act,  the  avera;;e  of  diilies 
on  the  proleeled  nrlicles  was  more  lliiiii  doiihled. 
Mill  ihe  wa;;es  of  l.ihor  did  not  increase  in  a  eor- 
i'es)iondiiiK  ralio,  or  in  any  ratio  wlialever.  On  the 
contrary,  whilst  waj;eH,iii  some  eases,  have  diiniii- 
ished,  ihe  prices  of  many  articles  usi'd  hy  the 
worknif;  classes  have  j;really  appreciated. 

A  proieclive   larill'  is  a  )|iiesiion   le^ardili;,'  the 
i  eiilianeemeiit  of  ihe  profits  of  capiuil.     That  is  ils 

I  olijeel,  and  noi  lo  au;;iiienl  the  wa;;es  of  labor, 
which  would  reduce  those  profns.  It  is  a  ipies- 
lion  of  per  centa;;e,  and  is  lo  decide  whelher  money 

i  vested  in  our  manufactnres  shall,  liy  special  le;;is* 
lalion,  yield  a  profit  of  ten,  twenty,  or  lliirly  per 
cent.;  or  whellier  il  shall  remain  salislied  »  illi  a 
dividend  eipial  ui  that  accruin;;  from  ihe  same 
capital,  will  II  invested  in  uijricidlure,  eonmieree, 
or  iiavi;;atiiiii, 

'      The  prisent  larilfis  mijiisl  and  iiiie<pial,aH  well 

i  in  ils  deiails  as  in  the  principles  upon  which  il  is 
foiniih  il.  On  some  articles,  the  duiies  are  eiiiirely 
pidliihiiory,  and  on  oiliers  iliire  is  a  parlial  pro- 
hiliilion. It  discriminates  in  fivor  of  inanul'ac- 
lurcs,  and  ai;aiiisl  a:;riciiltiire,  liy  imposiie^  uiaiiy 
higher  duiies  upon  the  inanufaelured  fabric,  than 
upon  ih"  a:;riculliiral  product  out  of  which  il  is 
made.  It  discrtminalis  in  I'avor  of  the  niamifacliirer, 
and  ic.'ainst  the  nicchanic,  by  many  hiu'her  duties 
iipiiii  ihe  manufaciure,  lliaii  upon  the  lo-ticle  made 
out  of  il  by  the  mechanic.  Il  discriuiinalis  iii  fa- 
vor of  the  nianiifaclurer,  and  ai^ainsl  ihe  na'rchani, 
by  injurious  leslriclions  upon  iradi'  and  coninurce; 
and  iii^aiiisi  the  ship-build  in;;'  and  navii^alin^  inler- 
csl,  by  heavy  duties  on  almost  every  article  used 
in  biiildintr  or  iiavi;;;iiiii;  ve.'..Mls.  Ii  discriminales 
in  favor  of  maiiufacliircs  and  against  exporis, 
which  are  a.f  liiily  the  produci  of  Ann  ricaii  ihdiis- 
Iry  as  inanufaclurcs,     li  discriminates  in  fivor  of 

'  the  rich,  and  a;;aiiisi  the  poor,  by  lii'rli  duiies  upon 
nearly  all  ihe  necessaries  of  life,  and  by  niimmiims 
and  spei'ilie  duties,  renderin;;  ihe  lax  u|iiiii  ihe  real 
value  iiuieli  higher  on  the  elieaper  than  upon  the 
liner  article. 

.Miiiiuiums  are  a  fictitious  value,  assumed  by 
law,  instead  of  the  real  valm;;  and  the  ojieraiion 
of  all  ininimnms  may  be  illuslraied  by  a  single  ex- 
iiople.  Thus,  by  the  larilf  of  ISI'J,  a  duly  of , 'ill 
per  I'cnl.  ad  valorem  is  levied  on  all  mamibiciures 
of  cotton;  but  the  law  furlher  provides  that  colioii 
irodds  *'  not  dyed,  colored,  printed,  or  siaini.d,  not 
'  exceeding:  ill  value  twenty  eenis  )iir.M(|Uare  yard, 
'  shall  be  valued  at  tweiily  cents  persiiuare  yard." 
If,  then,  ihe  real  valiu-  of  lIu-  cluapesl  coiion  ;;oods 
is  bill  four  eeiiis  a  s(|iiare  yard,  il  is  placed  by  the 
law  at  the  false  v;due  of  Iweiily  ceiils  per  sipiare 
yard,  and  ihe  duly  levied  on  the  ficiiiious  value — 
raisin;;  il  live  limes  lii;;lier  on  the  elie;ip  aiiiele 
cousiiined  by  ihe  poor,  ilian  upon  the  tine  article 
pun  h'lsed  by  the  more  wealihy.  Indeed,  by 
llou.se  doeiimenl  Xo.  ;UI(i,  of  the  Isl  session  of 
the  ;.'«ih  ( ■on;;ie.4s ,  this  dill'ereiice,  by  acinal  im- 
portation, was  fi.")  per  cent,  between  the  cheaper 
and  the  finer  artich'  of  ihe  •Jl)-per-ceiil.  minimuni, 

:)  l.'U  per  cent,  on  the  ,'il)-per-;ent.  minimum,  li^JJ 
per  cent,  on  the  yt'^pern-cnt.  miniinuin,  f'-l  per 
ceiil.  on  ihe  till-peri'i  III.  miiiimiiin,  loid  t^l  per 
cent,  on  the  7ri-per-ceiil.  iiiiiinnum.     This  dillir- 

i    encc'  is  founded  on  aeiual  impoiiaiion,  and  shows 

'  an  avera;;e  discriiniiiation  a;;ainsl  ihe  poor  on  col- 
Ion  imporls  of  ^:i  per  et 111.  beyond  what  ihe  l.ix 
would  lie  if  assessid  upon  llir  aciiial  value.  TIk! 
operaiion  of  the  s|pecifie  duly  presents  a  similar 
discriinmaiion  a>;aiMsi  the  poor  and  in  fa\orof  the 
rich.  Thus,  upon  sail,  the  duly  is  mil  upon  the 
value,  but  it  is  eij;ht  cents  a  liiishi  I,  wheiher  ihe 
arlicji!  be  coarse  or  line — showing,  by  ihe  same 
documeni,  from  actual  imporlalioii,  a  discrimiiia- 
lion  of  li'l  per  ;  i-nl.  against  ihe  cheap,  and  m  favor 
of  the  liner  arlicle;  and  this,  to  a  i;r(  aler  or  h  ss 
.  exteiil,  is  the  (Heel  of  all  sprcilic  duiies.  When 
,  we  consider  llial  >;J,H;iJ,fi;Jl  74  cd'llic  revenue  last 
year  was  eotiecled  by  miniinum  duties,  and  !Sl.'t,- 
lliI,IIH5  4(i  by  specific  dniiis,  ihe  discriminalion 
ii;;aiiisl  ihe  cheaper  arlicle  must  ainoiinl,  by  esli- 
iiialis  founded  on  the  same  document,  lo  a  lax  of 
$,'>,U)>''',4*2!i,  exacted  by  miniimmis  and  Hpecific  du- 
iies annually  from  the  poorer  classes,  by  raisiii^^ 
ihiis  ihe  dunes  on  the  i  lieapi  r  arlicle  abine  what 
they  would  be  if  the  duly  were  a.ssesscd  upon  the 
actiad  valiH'.     if  direct  taxes  were  made  specific, 

II  lliey   would  bu  iiuuleruble.     Thus,  if  uii  umiual 


lax  of  lliirly  dollars  was  nssissed  on  all  lioiiseH, 
wilhoiil  respect  lo  their  iieiiud  value,  iiiakin^  ihu 
owner  of  Ihe  hiiinlile  lenement  or  cabin  pay  a  tax  of 
thirty  dollars,  and  I'le  owner  of  the  cosily  mansioii 
a  lax  of  but  thirty  dollars  on  Iheir  respective  lionsen 
— il  would  dilliroiily  in  dei^rec.but  noi  in  principhi 
from  the  same  unviiryin;;  Hiiecifie  duly  on  cheap 
as  on  line  luiicles,  It  any  (liscriminalion  should 
be  made,  il  should  be  the  reverse  of  the  specific 
duty,  and  ol  ihe  minimuni  jiriiieiple,  by  eslublish- 
ini;  a  niaxiiniim  standard,  above  which  value  Iho 
duly  on  llie  finer  arlicles  should  bo  higher,  and  be- 
low which  they  should  be  lower  on  the  e  Ilea  pi  r 
article.  The  lax  upon  the  aeiual  value  is  the  most 
e>|nal,aiiil  ean  only  be  aeeomplislied  by  ad-valo- 
reiii  duiies.  .\h  lo  fraiididenl  invoices  and  under- 
valualioii,  these  dangers  are  believed  lo  be  arresled 
efi'ecliudly  by  the  slrin^'eiit  provisions  and  severe 
pi  nally  (if  llie  ITlli  section  of  the  Uiritl'  of  IH4^'; 
and  now  one-hulf  the  revenue  is  collected  froniiul- 
vaiorem  duties. 

Al  least  iwo-lliirds  of  the  taxes  inipo.sed  hy  the 
present  larill'are  paid,  not  into  tUv  treasury,  lint  to 
ihe  proleeled  classes.  The  revenue  from  imiiort.H 
lasi  year  exceeded  twenty-seven  millions  ot  dol- 
lars. This,  in  ilself,  is  a  heavy  lax;  bill  the  whole 
lax  iiuposed  upon  llie  people  by  tin'  presenl  larilf  is 
noi  liss  than  ei;;lily-oii<;  iniliions  of  dollars — of 
w  hicli  l\\enly-s(  vcn  millions  are  paid  lo  the  Uo\  - 
ernmenl  upon  llie  imports,  and  fifiy-fonr  millions 
to  the  proleeled  classes,  in  enhanced  prices  of  simi- 
lar domeslie  articles. 

This  estimale  is  bused  upon  the  position  that 
the  duly  is  added  lo  ihe  price  of  the  imporl,  and 
also  of  iis-ilomeslic  rival.  If  the  import  is  en- 
hanced in  price  ly  the  duty,  so  must  be  the  do- 
meslie rival  ;  for,  beiiii;  Uac  articles,  their  jirice 
must  be  the  same  in  llie  same  market,  'i'lii;  mer- 
chant advances  in  cash  the  duty  on  the  import,  and 
adds  the  diily,v\iih  a  profit  upon  il,  and  other 
cliai;;es,  lo  the  prici  ,  which  iiuist,  iherefore,  he  en- 
hanced lo  that  exieiil;  unless  the  foreij;ii  jirodiicer 
had  first  deducted  the  duty  from  the  priie.  l!ut 
ibis  is  impossible  ;  for  such  now  is,  and  lon^'  has 
been,  the  snperabuiidauce  of  capilal  and  active 
eompelilion  in  ICtirope,  llial  a  profit  of  six  per 
cent,  in  any  business  is  sulHcient  lo  produce  lar;;o. 
iiiveslmeiils  of  money  in  that  business  ;  and  if,  by 
our  Uiriif,  a  (bity  of  forty  per  cent,  be  exaeti  d  on 
the  proilucls  of  such  business,  and  the  foreign  pro- 
ducer dediieis  that  duly  from  his  previous  pri  e,  he. 
must  siisuiin  a  heavy  Ui.s.s.  This  loss  would  also 
soon  extend  beyond  the  sales  for  our  eonsuoiptioii 
lo  sales  lo  our  nierchanls  of  articles  lo  be  re-ex- 
porled  by  ihem  fioiii  our  porls  will)  a  drawback 
of  duly,  which  would  brin:;  down  their  price 
tliroiiKnont  the  markets  of  the  world.  liul  this 
the  l'oreiu;ii  producer  camiot  ad'ord.  The  duty, 
therefore,  must  be  added  to  the  prii'e,  and  pa"  '.  by 
the  eonsunier — the  duly  eoiistilnlin;;  as  much  a 
pint  of  the  price  as  the  coin  of  produelion. 

Ifil  be  Iriie  that,  when  a  duly  of  forty  per  cent, 
is  imposed  by  onr  larilf,  the  forei;;n  producer  first 
deducts  the  duly  from  the  previous  price  on  ihn 
sale  to  onr  ineriMiaiit,  it  must  be  e(|iially  true  with 
a  duly  ."I,'  one  hundred  per  cent.,  which  is  exactly 
ei|ual  lo  file  previous  price,  and,  when  deduclej, 
would  reduce  llie  price  to  iiolhin;;. 

The  oia-asional  fall  in  price  of  some  articles  afler 
a  larilf,  is  no  pne.f  thai  this  was  llie  ell'eet  of  the 
larilf;  because,  from  improved  machinery,  dimin- 
ished prices  of  ihe  raw  material,  or  other  causes, 
prices  may  fall  even  afler  a  taritV,  but  they  would,  in 
such  cast  s,  have  t'alli'ii  iiincli  more  but  for  the  larill". 
The  iriiesl  comparison  is  between  '-he  present  jirice 
of  the  same  arlicle  at  home  and  abroad;  and  lo 
llie  exieni  thai  the  price  is  lower  ill  the  foreif;n 
inarkci  than  in  our  own,  the  duly,  if  eipial  to  that 
difien  nee,  iiiusi  lo  thai  exieni  enhance  the  price, 
and  in  llie  saiiii'  ratio  with  the  lower  duty.  The 
I  dillcrence  in  price  al  home  and  abroad. is  generally 
alioul  ec|ual  to  llie  dillcrence  in  the  cost  of  produc- 
tion, and  preseiils,  in  a  series  of  years,  the  surest 
measure  of  llie  ell'i  el  of  the  duty — the  enhance- 
iiieni  in  price  bein;;  eoiial  to  that  dilVerenee,  il"  ihe 
duly  be  lii;;her  then  lliat  dillerence  or  ecpial  lo  il  ; 
or  if  ihe  duly  be  lower,  ihen  the  enlianeemenl  is 
!  eipud  to  the  duty;  and  if  Ihe  article  is  produced, 
lik<^  colloii,  more  chea'ily  here  lliiiii  abroad,  ihe 
;  duly  is  inoperalive.  '1  he  fjreal  ari;uineiit  for  llio 
larilfis,  that,  forei;;n  labor  beiin;  cheaper  llinn  onr 
i  own,  the  cost  of  foreijjn  piuduetiun,  it  in  .wid,  is 


-i 


1845.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


11 


29th  Cono liT  Srss. 


Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Trea»ury, 


Senate  and  IIu.  ur  Heps. 


;liiir  pricii 
I'lK  (Ills 
lie  tliily, 
11(1  |m'  '.  liy 
tiM  imu'li  ti 
on. 

per  rent. 

ilueer  lirst. 

riee   mi  llir, 

true  willi 

is  exaetlv 

(leiluelej, 

rticleH  afler 

•X   (jf  IJK! 

^ry,  (liiiiin- 
ler  enuses, 

Wl>lll(l,ill 

ihe  laiill'. 

■eKCllI  priee. 

ml;  Mild   l<i 

,lic  Inreiirii 

lal  lu  thai 

llie  jiriii', 

Illy.     'I'liii 

;(  neriilly 

ol'|inidae- 

llie  nuresl 

eiilianee- 

nee,  il'  ilie, 

iial  Id  il  ; 

leeinenl   is 

|ii'ii(lueeil, 

Lbroad,  titi; 

■lit  for  llie. 

•r  than  eiir 

is  suid,  i^ 


lexHeiied  til  tliat  extent ;  mid  llial  we  niliKt  make 
lip  llii.s  dill'ereiiee  liy  an  ei|iiivaleiil  duly,  and  ii  eiir- 
respiiiidiiij;  eiiliiuieenient  iil'jiriee,  in  ciiir  nwii  iiiar- 
ki  I,  liiitli  lit'  llie  loreii^ii  arliele  and  ut' iln  rival  d<i- 
niesiir.  priMlnet — iliim  teiiileriii);  ilie  (Inly  a  lax  im  all 
eiMiHiimeiN,  far  lli(^  lieiielit  ul'tlic  pmleeled  eluHHes. 
If  llie  niai'Nlial  were  sent  liy  llie  Kederal  OdVerii- 
nieiil  III  eiilleel  a  direet  tax  iipiin  llie  wliiile  peiiple, 
III  lie  paid  over  to  iiiaiiiira<!liiriii|;  eapilalistN,  to  en* 
iiiile  tlieni  to  Hiislaiii  their  liiisinesH  or  realize  a 
hii'ii'T  priilll,  it  woiihl  lie  the  Hiiiiie  In  ilVeet  as  llie 
pioleclive  duly,  wliieli,  when  aiialy/.ed  ill  ilH  Hiiii- 
pli'Nt  eleineiils,  and  reduced  to  iirtnal  reniillH,  is  u 
mere  .siililiaelioii  iil'  so  iiiiieli  money  IVoiii  the  iieo- 
jile,  to  iiierease  the  revenues  of  the  proleeted  elass- 
I's.  Lei^islalioii  for  eliihses  is  a^aiiisi  llie  doetrine 
of  eiinai  rifjhis,  and  repii;;iiaiil  to  the  siiiril  of  our 
free  iiiNliliitiiiiis,  and,  it  is  appreliendeil  liy  niiiiiyi 
niav  In  eoiiie  hut  another  form  for  privih  a:ed  orders, 
ninler  the  iiaiiie  of  proteelioii,  insleiid  of  privilei;e 
— iiidieated  here  not  liy  rank  or  title,  hut  liy  prottls 
and  diviihiiils,  exiraeted  from  Ihe  many,  hy 
taxes  upon  lliem  for  llie  lieneiit  nl  the  W-ik.  jS'o 
pn Juiliei'  is  felt  liy  the  Beerelary  of  the  'I'reas- 
liry  au'aiiisl  iiiaiiiifaelnrerN,  His  oiipiisilioii  is  to 
the  proieclive  Hyslein,  and  not  to  elnsses  or  indi- 
viduals. He  doiihts  not  thai  the  maiiufiielurers 
are  sineerely  persuaded  lliiil  the  sysleiii  wliieli  is 
n  .siinree  ol  so  iiiiieh  profit  to  llieni,  is  lienelieial 
nisii  to  the  iiinnlry.  He  enterlaiiiH  a  eonlrary 
opinion,  anil  elaiins  for  the  opponents  of  the  sys- 
leiii II  settled  eiiiuietioii  of  its  injiirioiis  ell'eel.s. 
Wliilsl  a  due  reiraid  lo  the  just  and  ei|ual  ris;lits 
of  all  elasses  furliids  a  diseriiniiiation  in  favor 
of  the  nuinuHu'tureis,  hy  duties  aliove  the  lowest 
revi'iiue  limit,  no  (lisposiiimi  is  felt  to  diseriminaie 
against  ilieni  liv  redui'lni;  sneli  duties  as  opciute 
in  their  favor  helovv  that  siandard.  Under  revenue 
dulies,  it  is  helievid,  they  would  still  receive  a 
reasonalile  protil — iijiinl  to  that  realized  liy  those 
Clll,^^se'l  in  other  pursuits;  and  il  is  tliiiiiijfit  they 
Blionid  desire  no  more,  at  least  thronsli  the  aiiency 
of  s;overiiiiienlal  power.  Kipial  risjhls  and  piolits, 
so  thr  as  laws  are  mail",  liesi  eontorm  to  llii'  priii- 
ei|ih'S  ii|ion  which  the  Constilutinn  was  founihd, 
and  wiili  an  uiideviatiiig  repiid  lo  which  nil  ils 
■  functions  should  lie  exeieised — hiokinir  lo  llie 
whole  country,  and  iiol  lo  elii.«sis  or  .sections. 

Soil,  climate,  and  other  causes,  vary  very  much, 
in  dillereiil  countries,  the  pursuits  which  are  iiiosi 
protilalile  in  each;  and  the  prosperity  of  .ill  of  them 
will  be  hcst  piiimoled  by  leaviiij;  lliem,  unrestrict- 
ed liy  lc;;islalioii,  to  exehaii;;e  with  eiieli  other 
those  fabrics  and  products  which  they  severally 
raise  most  cheaply.  This  is  elearly  iliiislraled  by 
the  perfect  free  mule  which  exists  anioni;  all  the 
Slates  of  the  Union,  and  by  the  neknowlcdijed  fact 
that  any  one  of  these  Slates  would  be  injured  by 
iiiiposiiu;  dulies  njioii  the  producls  of  the  others. 
Il  IS  i^eiterally  conceded  that  reciprocal  free  trade 
amonir  nations  would  best  advance  the  interests  of 
nil;  but  it  is  eimiended  that  wc  must  meet  Ihe 
tiirill's  of  other  nalions  by  eouiilervailiii!;  reslrie- 
tioiis.  That  duties  upon  our  ex|iort8  by  fofei;.'ii 
nations  arc  |irejiiilieinl  to  us,  is  eonceiled;  but  ' 
whilst  this  injury  is  slightly  felt  by  the  maiiufacui- 
rers,  ils  weisrht  falls  almost  exclusively  upon  ii'irienl- 
ture,  coiniiierce,aiid  iiaviyalion.  If  those  inlerests 
which  sustain  the  loss  do  not  ask  counlervailiim  rc- 
strietions,  il  should  not  be  dciiiaiuled  by  the  maiiii- 
facliirers,  who  do  iioi  feel  the  iiijiiryi  and  whose 
fabrics,  in  fact,  are  not  excluded  by  the  foreiKii 
lesislatioii  of  which  tlii^y  complain.  'Thai  aijrieul- 
lure,  eoniinerce,  and  iiaviLration,  are  injured  by 
foreign  resiriciions,  conslitiites  no  re;isoii  why  they 
should  lie  sill ijeeted  lo  still  severer  Irealmeiit,  by 
additional  reslrictions  and  counlervailiii;;-  larill's  en- 
acted at  home.  Commerce,  a^Tieultiire,  and  iiavi- 
piitioii,  harassed  as  they  may  be  by  foreiiin  reslric- 
tions, diniinishinir  the  amount  of  exclianijeablc 
])roiluels  which  they  could  otherwise  piiiVhase 
nbroad,  are  burileni  il  with  heaviiT  impositions  at 
home.  Nor  will  iue_niieiited  dulies  here  lead  to  a 
reduction  of  i'orei;.'ii  larill's;  but  the  reverse,  by  fur- 
liishinj;  ihe  protected  classes  there  with  the  iilcnti- 
cal  argiimeiil  used  by  the  proleeted  classes  here 
iigainsi  reduction.  I)y  eouiilervailiiii;  reslrictions, 
we  injure  our  own  fellow-citizens  much  more  lliiui 
the  fiiiei;;n  nation  at  whom  we  purpose  to  aim  their 
force;  and,  in  the  eonlliet  of  opposimr  larill's,  we 
sacrifice  our  own  coiiimerce,  airrienllure,  and  navi- 
gation.    As  well  might  wc  impose  monareliieal  or 


nrislorratic  reMriclioimon  our  Uoveriiniriilor  peo- 
ple, liecitiise  that  is  the  courseof  foreign  lei;it,lHlion. 
Let  our  eoniinerce  be  as  free  as  our  political  insti- 
tiitioiis.  Let  us,  with  revi  line  duties  only,  open 
our  ports  111  all  the  world,  and  nation  after  iiatiun 
will  soon  follow  our  example.  If  we  reduce  iiiir 
larilf,  the  parly  opposed  lo  the  corn  laws  of  liii;,'- 
laiul  would  Hoon  prevail,  and  admit  all  our  agricul- 
tural products  111  all  times  freely  into  her  ports,  in 
exehaii!,'!'  for  her  exporls.  And  if  Kiurland  would 
now  repeal  her  duties  upon  our  wheal,  Hour,  In- 
dian corn,  and  other  ai;riculliiral  products,  oiircwn 
restrictive  system  would  certainly  be  doomed  lo 
overthrow.  If  the  iiiiestion  is  asked,  Who  shall 
beu'iii  this  work  of  reciurocal  rediieiioii?  it  is  aii- 
Hwered  by  the  fad,  that  I'^imland  has  already  abaled 
her  dulies  upon  most  of  our  exporls.  fSlie  has  re- 
pealed the  duly  upon  coltou,  and  ureally  ri  diieed 
the  larilf  upon  our  breadstiill's,  proviHions,  and 
other  arlicles;  and  her  present  bad  Iiarvest,  aerom- 
paiiied  by  a  reduelion  of  our  tarill',  would  lead  to 
the  repeal  of  her  corn  laws,  and  llie  niiresiricied 
ailiiiissioii,al  all  times,  of  oiirnL'riciiltiiral  pridiiels. 
The  inanufactiirinir  interest  opposes  reciprocal 
free  trade  with  I'oreiL'ii  nalions.  It  opposed  the 
'/.oll-'Verein  treaty;  and  il  is  feared  that  no  other 
treaty  prodiiein^'  a  reciprocal  leiliii  lion  of  our  own 
and  l'oreif;n  larill's  will  reciiie  its  support.  If  llu-i 
iiiterest  preferred  ii  reciprocal  exehntae  of  niir  own 
for  foieijrn  fabrics  at  revenue  iliitii  s,  il  would  not 
have  desired  a  larilf  opeialiiiL',  witlioiit  exception, 
ii!;aiiist  all  nalions  that  iidoptid  low,  as  well  as 
lii^li  larill's;  nor  would  it  have  opposed  eM'ry 
aniendmeiit  iiroposiiiL',  when  ihe  larill  of  ls.)l!  was 
under  eoiisiileralloii,  a  r(iliiclion  of  our  dulies  ii|  iiii 
the  ex[iorts  of  such  nations  as  would  receixe,  i'lce 
of  duty,  our  Hour  and  other  ai;rieullural  pioibicls. 
If  that  iiueresi  desired  reripioeal  free  trade  with 
other  iialioiis,  it  would  have  desired  a  very  dilli'f- 
eiit  larilf  from  that  of  1S4^'.  It  would  have  soii!;lit 
lo  confine  ihe  liiirli  duties  to  those  cases  where  the 
foreign  importer  woiilil  sell  his  inifuirls  for  cash 
only;  and  admillrd  a  diiiwback  of  one-half  of  the 
duly  where  American  exports  would  be  lakeii 
abroad  in  exeliaii;;e — not  an  actual  barter  of  for- 
eimi  inijiorts  for  an  eiiiial  anioiint  in  \alne  of  our 
products,  but  without  any  luuter,  where  a  sum 
eipial  to  the  value  of  ilieir  exports  was  used  in 
purcliasinir  here  an  eipial  amount  in  value  of  any 
of  our  producls;  and  the  shipnient  made  abroad 
of  these  producls,  upon  ihe  sniiie  |a'ineipte  under 
which  a  drawback  of  duties  is  now  allowed  on  the 
re-exporlalioii  of  foieiaii  iiii|iorl.s.  This  would  be 
less  simple,  and  is  not  recommended  in  lieu  ot'  ilial 
absolute  reduction  of  the  duties,  which  will  accom- 
plish Ihe  same  object  of  iinreslrieled  exchaiiL'e. 
lliit  such  a  provision  woi  Id  be  a  si  If-exccutiiifrie- 
eiproeily  law,  and  .should  b"  desired  by  ihnse  lic- 
lieviiijL:  in  ciuiiitervailiiuj  larill's  airainsi  foreiirn  na- 
tions, but  in  reciprocal  free  Hade  willi  all — llius 
enabliiu;  our  farmers  and  planiers  lo  .^ell  their  pro- 
ducls for  cheaper  foreiuii  niamil'aclures,  L'elliii!,' 
more  for  what  they  sell,  and  payiiiir  less  for  \\  hat 
they  purchase  in  exeliaiiL^e.  Il  seems stnii!i.'r,  ihal 
while  llie  firolil  of  a«!riculture  varies  from  one  to 
eif;lii  per  cent.,  that  of  nianufaciuri^s  is  more  than 
double.  The  iea.«oii  is,  thai  w  liilst  the  hii,'li  duties 
secure  nearly  a  monopoly  of  the  home  market  lo 
the  manufaeiuier,  the  fii'niier  and  planter  are  de- 
prived to  a  ijreiit  i  xteiit  of  the  fori  i^'ii  market  by 
these  duties.  The  farmer  and  planter  are,  fo  a 
great  cxtei  ,,  forbidden  lo  liny  in  the  foreiiin  iiuir- 
kel,  null  eonfined  to  the  doniesiic  articles  enhanced 
in  price  by  the  duties,  'i'lie  larilVis  iliiis  a  double 
benefit  to  llie  maniifactiuer,  and  a  double  loss  to 
the  farmer  and  plaiiter — a  benefit  to  ihe  former,  in 
nearly  a  monopoly  of  the  liiinie  market,  and  in 
enhanced  prices  of  their  fabrics;  and  n  loss  lo  ilie 
laller,  in  llie  paynieiil  of  lliose  liiu'li  prices,  and  in 
total  or  jiartial  exclusion  from  the  foreiirn  market. 
The  true  iiiieslion  is,  wlielln  rllie  farmi  rami  plant- 
er shall,  lo  a  I'rearexleni,  supply  our  people  with 
cheap  iiianiifaclnres,  purchased  abroad  Willi  their 
asriciiliiinil  jiroducis,  or  whether  this  exchaime 
shall  lie  forbidden  by  lii^li  dulies  on  such  iiiaiiu- 
factures,  and  their  supply  thrown,  as  a  monopoly, 
at  lari;e  prices,  by  lii;;h  iarilfs,  into  the  hands  of 
our  own  manufaelureis.  The  number  of  nianu- 
faeturinsjeapiialisls  who  derive  the  benefit  from  the 
lieayy  toxe.s  extracted  by  the  larilf  from  twenty 
millions  of  people,  does  not  exceed  ten  iliousand. 


The  whole  number  (iiieUidiii^'  the  wi 


r  classes 


em.'ii4.'ed  in  our  mnmifactiires)  deriviiit;aiiy  I  eiiefit 
from  llie  tarill,  does  not  exceed  4110,11110,  of  whom 
not  more  lliiiii  40,1100  have  been  bronchi  into  llii.i 
pursuit  by  the  liisi  larilf.  ISiil  this  small  niiinber 
of  40,0IHi  would  Hllll  have  been  in  the  coiiniiy, 
eoiisiimiii'.;  our  agricultural  prodiiels;  and  ill  the 
iiltempi  to  secure  lliem  as  purchasers,  so  small  in 
number,  and  iiol  consuinin;:  one-half  ihe  supply  of 

i  many  couiilies,  ihe  farmer  and  planter  are  asked  Ii> 
sacrifice  the  neirkels  of  the  world,  coiilaiiiiie.;  a 

:    populalion  of  eii'lit  hundiTdniillions, disabled  from 

■  purehasini;  our  iirodiiels  by  cair  liisih  dulies  on  all 
;  I  hey  would  sell  in  exclauii:e.  'Ihe  farmer  and 
;  planlrr  would  have  the  home  market  v\illioiilii 
'  larilf;  and  lliey  woiiliI  have  ihe  foieii'ii  market 
;   also  lo  a  much  greater  exieiit,  but  for  the  total  or 

partial  prohibilioii  of  the  la.-.t  iiuilV. 

We  have  more  fertile  lands  than  any  oilier  iia- 

I    lion,  can  rai.-ie  a  j;realer  varieiy  of  prutliicls,  and, 

;    il  may  be  said,  could  I'l  id  and  clollie  ihe  people  of 

nearly  all  llie  world.     The  home  market,  of  iisell', 

i    is   w  fiolly   iiiailei|uate   for  such   j»rodiicts.     They 

i    must  have  the  foreiirn  market,  or  a  Iiir^e  surplus, 

aeeonipaiiied   by  meat  depression   in  price,  miot 

be  ihe  i-rsiill.     'I'lie  Stales  of  Ohio,  lialiaiia,  ami 

Illinois,  if  cullivaleil  to  their  fulle.-'I  exieiil,  cinili!, 

of  theiiiseUcs,  raise-  more  than  siilllciiiil  food  In 

'   supply    the   entire    home   niarkct.       Missouri   or 

Kenuicky  could   more  than  supply  il  with  hemp; 

already   the  State  of  Alississippi  rai.si  s  more  coi- 

loii   ili'aii   is  siillici"iit  for  all    ihe    home   mmkei; 

Louisiana  is  ia]>.uly  approacliiuir  the  same  point 

as  111  stiirar;  anil   ihere  are  lands  enoiiL'li  ailapleil 

to  ihal  producl  in  Louisiana,  Texas,  and  l-'loiiibi, 

to  .supply  willi  suirar  and  molasses  nearly  all  ll.o 

markets  of  llie  \\  orhl.     If  eoiion  is  depres.ved  in 

,    price   by   the  larilf,  the   eonser|iience  must   be  a 

I   comparalive  diminiitiiiii  of  the   produet,  and  the 

I    raisiiii;-    in    ils  place,    lo   a  ureal   extent,    lump, 

wheal,  corn,  stock,  and  provisions,  which  oiher- 

■  wise  wouhl  be  supplied   fiy  the  leemiiii;  producls 

I    of  the  West.     The  iriowiiii;  West,  in  a  series  of 
years,  must  be  the  i;realesl  siiU'erers  by  ihe  tarill', 
III  depriviiii;  them  of  the  forei;jii  markil,  iiiid  of 
that  of  the  collon-'rrowiiiu'  Slates.      We  ileniaiiil, 
ill  fact,  for  our  ai,'ricullui;d  products,  specie  from 
nearly  all  the   world,    by   heavy   taxes  upon   all 
I    their  iiiaimfiicturis;  and  llieir  I'liirchases  fioiii  lis 
;    must  therefore  be  limited,  as  well  as  iheir  sales  In 
i  us  eiihaiieed  in  price.     Such  a  deniaiiil  for  s]ierie, 
which   we  know   in   advance  cannot  beiomplied 
willi,   is  nearly  er|uivaleiit  to  a  decree  excluding 
nuisl  of  our  airriciiltural  products  from  the  Jf-reiLiii 
markels.     Such    is  the  ri"or  of  our  restrictions, 
'    thai   iiiiihiiiij  short  of  a  faiiiiiic  opens  fiiely  iho 
•    ports  of  Kurope  t'or  our  breadslull's.     Auricultiiri! 
,    IS  our  chief  employnieiil:  it  is  best  e.daplcd  to  one 
:    siliiaiioii,   and,    il    not    depressed    by    the    lerilV, 
!■  would    be  the  most  profilable.     We  can   raise  a 
!ar;;er    surplus    of  a<;riciiliural    |irodiicls,   and    a 
j   irreaier  varieiy,  than  almost  any  oilier  iiaiion,  and 
N  111  cheaper  rates.     Heiuove,  ihe'ii,  from  airricnlliiiu 
;    all  our  restrictions,  and,    by  its  own   unfellereit 
''■    powi'r,  it  will  break  down  all  forei^-ii  reslrictions, 
and,  our  own  l>eiii;;  removed,  would  feed  the  huii- 
'  ;.'ry  and  elm  he  llie  poor  of  our  fellow-men  ihrouL'h- 
:  out  all   the  densely-peo]iled  nalions  of  the  world. 
I    l!ul    now   we  will   lake  iiolhin;;  in  exehaniie  for 
'    these  products  but  specie,  except  at  very  hiirli  ilu- 
I   lies;  and   iioihimr  but  ii  fiuiiine  breaks  down  all 
.    I'oreiirn  reslrictions,  and  npeii.i  for  a  time  the  jiorl.s 
of  I'luroiie  to  our  bieadsiuH's.     If,  on  n  rrduciioii 
I    of  our  iliilies,    l'aif;lauil    repeals    her   corn    laws, 
I    nearly  all    Kurope  must  follow  her  example,  or 
;  i;ive   to  her  mnmifaeiurers  advaiilai;cs  which  eaii- 
i    not  be  successfully  eueoiintered   in  most  of  the 
markets  of  the  world.     The  larilf  did   not  rai.-e 
the  price  of  our  breadstiitVs;  but  a  bad  harvest  in 
|[  I'jifrlaiiil  diicM — ^'iviiifr  us  t'or  the  lime  that  l'orei\;ii 
ji  market  which  we  would  .soon  have  at  all  times,  by 
i'  that  repeal  of  the  corn   laws  which   must  follow 
the  reduciiini  of  our  duties.     IJiu  w'lilst  bread- 
siullls  rise  with  a  bad  harvest  in   Eiijrliind,  cotton 
;   almost  invariably  falls;  because  the  increased  sum 
[    which,   in   that  event,   Eiisrlalid  must  pay  for  our 
!;  breadslull's,   we  wUl  take',   not  In  maniifacturcs, 
ji  hut  only  ill  sjieeie;  and,  not  liavin[;it  to  spare,  she 
brjnss  (lovvii,  even  to  a  frrealer  extent,  the  price  of 
imir  cotton.     Hence  the  resuii,  that  a  bad  Iiarvest 
in  Kiifjland  reduces  the  airirreirate  price  of  our  ex- 
!   ports,  ofieii  turns  the  exehaiiffes  a^'ninst  us,  car- 
rying our  specie  abroad,  and  inllictiiijj  a  serious 


Ii2 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Dec.  4, 


99th  Cono ItT  Sbm. 


Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 


SiiNATe  AND  Ho.  or  Rcps. 


Iilnw  nil  nur  )imii|ierity.      FnrriKn  nntioni  riiiinnt  I 
fur  II  mrten  <il"  yonra  iin|Kirt  iiiiire  tliiiii  they  ex- 
iiiirl;  mill   if  nc  rl<ii<e  nur  iiiitiki'iN  ni^iiiiiiit  tliiir  J 
iiiipiiriM  liy  high  iliillfN,  llii'y  iiiiint  liiiy  lean  of  nur  i 
I'XiiiirlH,  lir  givr  n  lower  (ini'e,  or  liolli. 

I'rinr  to  the  3()tli  of  June,  IW4'J,  b  ereilit  wnii 
(jivoii  for  ihc  |p«ymeiitnf  iliiiiesi  Hiin'e  wliieli  dnte, 
tliey  liiive  lieeii  onlleoled  ill  rim li.     Before  (lie  chmIi  i 
(liilieH  mill  tlic  lurillof  lr<4'J,  our  Iriiile   ill  forei);ii  i 
iiii|iorii<,  re-ex  111  irleil  iiiiroiiil,  ntVorili'd  liirKR  ftiiil 
iirorilnlile.   eni|iloyiiieiit    to    nur    iiirreliiiniH,    iiiul  ! 
IVeii;lil  to  nur  cniiiuieroiiil  iiiiirine,  linlh  for  the  in-  j 
wind  mill  nulwiiril  voyii:;e;  liiil  Hiiioe  llic   IhkI  la-  i 
riir,  tluH  triiilo   iri  heini;  lont  to  the  rnuiitry,  nn  in  ! 
proveil  liy  the  liililiH  Tierelo  tiniiexeil.     The  toliil  1 
iioiount  of  foreip;ii  liiiporiN  re-exported  diiriiii;  the  j 
three  yearn  iiinee  the   hint   taritf.  both  of  free  aiiil  , 
ilutiiihle  !;ood»,  ih  $;I3,3(<4,3'J4 — lieiiii;  far  lesH  than  j 
in  liny  three  years  (exeept  diiriii;;  the  war)  iiiiiee  i 
I7!I3,  mid  lens  than  wan  re-cxporled  in  any  one  of 
eiy:ht   several   years.      The   liiixheNt   m^tjrej^iile  of 
miy  three  years  was  S17y,I()H,WIH,  and  ihe  lowest 
uu'irfijalit  <l41,3iri,70.> — liein:;  in  the  years  n!)4,  : 
IT.I.'i,  and  IVM.     liefirc  IfJII,  the  tree  k-ooiIs  me  I 
not  disiini;iiisliud  in  this  partienlar  from  dutialile  ! 
gnodsi  1)111  siiiee  that  dale,  the   retiiriiR  sliow   the  j 
followiiii;  i-esull:     Duriii:;  the  three  years  siiu'i-  the 
tarilV  of  H4li,   the  \ahie  of  duti'ililu   iniporis  re- 
rxporipil  was  |ir.2,5'Jtl,Hl  I — Uiiii^  less  than  ill  any 
line  of  seven  years  pieeedili^  siiiie  IB'JU;  the  low-  ! 
est  ni^iri-e^alt*  of  any  three   years  sinee  that   date 
lieiii-  :<il4,!)ln,444,  and   ihe'  hiiihesl  S57,7-J",!iy3.  | 
Ev(  n   liefiire  the  eash  diilies,  for  live  years  pre-  | 
eediii;;  the   hij;h  tariif  of  IH'JH,  the  value  of  (liiii-  ' 
iihle  noods  le-exporled  w»s  <«U4,7'.M!,'i41:  and  for 
Ihe  live  years  sueoeedin.;  that  tarill',  St'li.7H4,l'.fJ —  ' 
sliowinira  lossof  <tiS,01;.',()4'.t"f  our  Irade  in  Icneiin  ' 
exporls  afier  ihe  tariif  of  l&Jr*.     The  i;reat  diiiii- 
iiiitioii  of  this  most  valuahle  liraneh  of  eoniioeree 
has   lieeii   the  eoinhlned  iisiilt  of  eash  diilies  and 
of  the  lii;;li  larilfof  1,14;;.     If  tiie  easli  duties  are  ' 
relaineil,  as  it  is  lielieved  they  should  he,  the  inily 
sure  inelhiid  of  res'.onie,'  this  Iradi'  is  the  adopti(Wi 
of  the  warehousiii.;  sysieiii,  hy  whieli  tlie  furei;cn 
imports  ni;iy  lie  kepi  in  store  by  ilie  tioveninieiit  ! 
iimil  iheyart-  ri'quired  for  re-exjiorlaliou  aliroail,or  j 
eousinuption  at  liooie — iiiwliieh  latirreoiitin:;eney,  1 
and  at   the   time    when   for  that  purpose  they  are  [ 
I  i!\eu  nut  of  these  stores  lor  eonsuuiption,  the  du-  ■ 
ties  are  paid,   and,  if  re-expiu'led,   iliey  pay  no  | 
duly,  liut  only  the  expense  of  sloraije.     Under  the 
jires,  lit  sysKin,   llie  iiieirliaut   inlrodiues  loreii.'ii 
imporis  of  the  value  of  ^llll),IHIII.     lit  inusi  now,  j 
liesidi's  the  advanee  for  llie  i;oods,  iiKilie  a  further  , 
itJvaii"e  in  ea»h,  in  many  easi'S  of  ■voil.llUO,  for  the 
iliiiies.    Under  sueli  a  system,  but  a  small  amount 
of  i;.iods  will  lie  iioporied  for  ilrawliai'ks;  anil  the 
hii;he.- tlie  d'lty,  the   larger  must  he  the  aihanee, 
an  I  the  sm;i!ler  the  imporis  fir  re-exiioruilion. 

Tiie  imports  liefore  payment  of  liutieH,  under 
the  same  re:;u!atiniis  now  ajipiied  to  our  imports 
111  transit  to  Ciiiiada,  may  lie  taken  from  wan- 
Iriuse  to  warelioiisi — fi-om  the  l^iist  to  tlir  lakes, 
and  to  Piitsliur;^,  Cinemii  vti,  and  Louisville — from 
New  Orleans  to  Natehez,  Vieksburir,  iMein|ihis, 
an  I  St.  Louis — and  warehoused  in  these  and  ollur  ', 
interior  pons,  the  duties  remaining;  inipaiil  until 
tile  i;oods  ail'  mken  out  of  the  warehouse,  and  out 
of  the  original  paeltatje,  at  sueli  ports,  for  eon- 
sumption;  ihu  1  earryiiu;  our  foreijjii  eomuiene  into 
the  inieiior,  with  ali  the  advaiiuiire  of  au^'iuented 
business  and  idieaper  siijiplics  ihroui^diout  the 
coun'ry.  It  will  iiiirodui  e  into  nur  liip.'O  ports  011 
or  near  the  seaboard,  assorted  eurijoes  of  looils, 
to  be  re-exported  with  our  own,  to  supply  llie  mar- 
kets of  the  world.  It  will  ehcapen  pners  to  the 
einsamer,  by  deduetiii^'  the  interest  and  (irolit  that 
ai'e  now  eluiri^ed  upon  the  advanee  of  duty — bnilil- 
iiijf  up  the  marts  of  our  own  eonimeree,  and  f;iv- 
iiu'  profitable  employment  to  our  own  eommere-ial 
marine.  It  will  ::ready  increase  nur  revenue,  by 
nu:jmeiilini;  our  imports,  toi^elher  with  our  ex-  - 
ports;  and  is  respeeil'ully  reeommciided  to  ("oii- 
^fri'ss  as  an  iinimrUint  part  of  the  whole  system 
now  inoposed  for  their  I'onsidemtioii.  , 

The  aet  of  the  3d    of  Mareh   last,  allowing  a' 
drawbaek  on   foreif^n  imports  exported  from  eer- 
taiii  port.-i  to  Canada,  and  also  to  Santa  l''i;  and 
Oliihuahiia,  in  Mexico,  has  gone,  to  some  extent, 
into  elfect,  under   rei^ulatioiis  prescrilicd  by  this  | 
department,  and  is  begiimin!;  to  produce  the  most  I 
linppy  results— especially  in  lui  tiuijinentcd  trade  ' 


in  the  lupply  nf  fnreif;ii  exports  In  tiuiiiiln  frnin 
nur  own  iinrtM.  Indeed,  this  law  iiiimt  Moon  j^^ive 
to  us  the  wlinle  nf  this  vahmblo  triiile  during  the 
Inii);  period  when  the  St.  Lawrence  is  ehmeil  by 
ice,  ami  11  large  prnpnrtion  nf  it  at  all  seiisnns. 
The  result  wiiiild  lie  still  ninre  benelicial,  If  ('una- 
da  were  idhiwcd  tn  carry  all  her  expnrts  tn  forei^'ii 
nalionn  in  transitu  thriui^'h  our  own  railroiitls, 
rivers,  mid  canals,  to  be  shipped  frniii  nur  nwn 
ports.  iSuch  a  system,  whilst  it  would  secure  to 
us  this  valuable  trade,  wiiii'd  greatly  eiihirge  the 
biisiiiesH  on  nur  rivers,  lakes,  railrnads,  and  ra- 
iials,  as  well  as  luignient  nur  commerce;  and  would 
soon  lead  to  the  purchase,  by  lyanada,  not  only  of 
niir  tbreigii  exports,  bin  also,  in  inaiiy  cases,  nf 
our  domestie  nrnduiis  and  fabrics,  to  eoniplele  an 
assnrlmeiit.  In  this  inminer,  our  commercial  re- 
lations with  (.'aiiada  would  beeoiiie  more  intimate, 
and  more  and  more  nf  her  trade,  every  year, 
would  be  Heeured  to  our  people. 

(-'onnecied  with  this  department  and  the  litimi- 
ees,  is  the  ipieslion  of  tiie  sides  of  the  public  lands. 
The  proceeds  of  these  sales,  it  is  believed,  should 
eontiiiue  to  eonstitule  a  portion  nf  the  revenue,  di- 
miiiishing  to  tliat  extent  the  iimniint  rei|uired  to  be 
raised  by  the  Uirill.  'I'he  nett  proceeds  nf  these 
sales  paid  into  the  treasury  during  the  last  liscal 
yiar,  was  <jii!,U77,(W.'  3U;  and  from  the  first  sales 
in  I7H7  nil  to  the  .'tilth  nf  September  hist,  was 
SllS,(iiri,3.3.'>  !>L  The  average  animal  sales  have 
lieeii  much  less  than  iwn  iiiiUlous  of  acres;  yet  the 
iiggregute  nett  proceeds  of  the  sales  in  1H34,  lH.'i"i, 
IKIli,  and  1H37,  was  )j;)l,yilH,(il7  &i.  'J'liose  large 
sales  were  almost  exclusively  for  speculation;  and 
this  can. only  be  obviated,  at  all  times,  by  confin- 
ing tlie  sales  to  selth'i's  and  cultivators  in  limited 
ipiaiitilii  s,  siitlicient  for  farms  or  plaulations.  The 
price  at  which  the  public  lauds  should  be  sold  is 
an  iniportant  iiuestioii  to  the  whole  country,  but 
especeilly  to  the  people  of  the  new  Slates,  living 
mostly  remote  from  the  seaboard,  and  who  have 
scari'cly  felt  the  jircHeiiee  of  the  (Jovernment  ill 
loi'al  expenditures,  but  ehielly  in  the  exhaiisiion  of 
llieir  means  for  piirrhases  of  public  lands  and  for 
customs.  The  public  lands  are  not  of  the  same 
value;  yet  iliey  are  all  fixed  at  one  unvarying 
price,  which  is  far  above  the  value  of  a  large  jior- 
tion  id'llif  se  lards.  The  ijuiuitity  now  subject  to 
entry  at  llo'  minimum  price  of  ^1  ifo  per  acre,  is 
l.'):),;t(l7,457  acres,  and  lli'J,li:iri,.'i4J  in  mldilion,  to 
which  the  indiaii  title  has  liecii  exiiugiiished — 
being  [111  aiiirregate  of  ^4'.i,34'i,f^t'J  acics,  and  re- 
ipiiriiig  11  cenl'iry  and  a  quarter  to  complete  the 
sales  at  the  rate  they  have  progressed  heretofore — 
without  includini;  any  of  the  uiisrdd  lands  of  Ti'X- 
as  or  (.)re;::on,  orol'the  vast  rei;ion  besides  to  which 
the  Indian  title  is  not  yet  exlingihslied.  It  is  clear, 
then,  that  there  is  a  vast  iitid  annnnily-increasiiig 
suriilus  of  pulilic  lauds,  very  little  of  which  will  be 
S"lu  within  any  n  asonable  period  at  the  )p|isciit 
price,  iiiid  ill  reu'ard  to  which  the  public'  interest 
would  be  prouioied,  and  the  reieime  augmented, 
by  reduciiiL'"  the  price.  The  reduction  of  the  iirice 
of  the  public  lands  in  favor  of  settlers  and  ciiliiva- 
tors,  would  ephnnce  tin.'  wages  of  labor.  It  is  nil 
arjrunient  urued  in  f.ivor  of  tin-  larifV,  that  we  ought 
to  protect  loir  labor  a::aiiist  what  is  called  the  pau- 
per labor  of  Kiirope.  I'liit  whilst  the  laritV  does 
not  enhance  the  wages  of  labor,  llie  sales  of  the 
public  Irtiiils  at  low  prices,  and  in  limited  ipiMiili- 
ties,  to  settlers  and  culiivaltn's,  would  accomplish 
ibis  olijei't.  If  those  who  live  by  the  wages  of  la- 
bor ccaild  purchase  iliree  liiinilred  and  twenty  acres 
of  land  for  <(«(l,  one  hiindn'd  and  sixty  for  '^411,  or 
eiglity  for  S'M,  or  forty-nere  lots  for  SID,  the  power 
ot"lhe  niauuf.icluring  capitalist  111  reducing  the  wa- 
ges of  labor  would  be  greatly  diminislied;  because, 
when  iliesfl  lands  were  thus  reduced  in  price,  lho.se 
«  ho  live  by  the  wages  of  labor  coidd  purchase 
f  u'liis  at  these  low  rales,  and  cultivate  the  soil  for 
themselves  and  fimtlies,  instead  of  working  for 
ottiers  twelve  hours  a-day  in  lite  mmuifaclories. 
Itednce  the  price  whii'li  the  laborer  must  pay  for 
the  public  domain;  bring  tints  the  means  of  pur- 
chase within  his  pnwer;  prevent  all  speculation 
and  monopoly  in  the  pnlilii^  lands;  conline  the  sales 
to  settlers  and  cultivators,  in  limited  (itianlities; 
preserve  these  liuiidredR  of  inillions  of  acres,  for 
aires  to  come,  as  homes  for  the  poor  and  oppressed; 
reduce  the  taxes,  liv  reducing  the  tariif,  and  bring- 
ing down  the  prices  which  the  pnnr  are  thus  com- 
pelled to  pay  fur  ull  the  iiecessuricH  and  comfurta 


of  life-^nd  more  will  lie  done  tnr  the  lienefit  nf 
'  American  l»hor  thnii  if  millions  were  added  to  Ihe 
prnrtts  of  niumifacturing  rnpital  by  the  eniictincnt 
of  a  proleelive  liiriir. 

The  Secrelnry  nf  the  Treasury,  nii  enmiiig  into 
olHee,  found  llie  revrnues  deposiieil  willi  banks. 
'I'he  I'lW  establishing  the  indenendent  treasury  waa 
repealed;  and  the  Secretary  iiad  no  power  lore- 
establish  timt  Kysteni.  Congress  had  lint  nnly  tr- 
'  pealed  that  law,  but,  as  a  Mtihsliuitc,  had  adopled 
the  present  system  of  depni.ite  hnni  ",  and  pro- 
hibited changing  any  niic  of  those  for  anollier 
:  bank,  except  for  specified  itiisoms,  Nonlteritaliva 
was  left  bill  to  enniimie  the  existing  system,  until 
Congress  should  think  proper  to  clninge  it.  That 
ehange,  it  is  hoped,  will  now  be  iiiadc  by  n  return 
,  to  the  Ireiisiiry  nf  the  CniiNlitiitinn.  One  of  the 
'  great  evils  nf  banks  is  the  constant  expansion  and 
i  eonlriietioii  of  the  eurnney;  and  this  evil  is  niig- 
I  meiiled  by  Ihe  dejinsite  nf  the  revenue  with  banks, 
whether  Slate  nr  Niitioiml.  I'he  nnly  proper  coiuso 
for  Ihe  Oovernnient  is,  to  keep  its  own  money 
separate  from  all  hanks  and  hankers,  in  its  own 
ireiiHiiry — whether  in  the  mint,  branch  minis,  nr 
ntlier  (joveriinient  agencies — and  to  use  only  gold 
mid  silver  coin  in  all  reeeiplii  and  disluirseiueiiL'. 
The  business  nf  the  eoiinlry  will  be  mure  sal'e 
when  an  ailei|uale  su|iply  nf  specie  is  kept  within 
nur  limits,  mid  its  circulation  encouraged  by  all 
the  means  within  the  power  of  this  (Jovernment 
If  this  Uovernment,  and  the  Slates,  mid  the  peo- 
ple, unite  in  suppressing  the  use  of  spech',  an  aile- 
ipiaie  supply,  for  want  of  a  deniand,  cannot  le 
kept  within  our  limits;  mid  the  coiidiiion  of  llie 
business  and  currency  of  the  counlry  will  le  |  erll- 
ons  and  nncerlain.  It  will  be  eompletelv  within 
the  power  of  ihe  banks,  winwe  iiaiicr  will  consti- 
Inte  ihe  exclusive  circulation  ot  tlie  whole  eom- 
niuuily.  JS'or  will  it  be  useful  to  establish  a  eoti- 
stitutiiuiiil  treasury,  if  it  is  to  receive  or  disbiirso 
the  paper  of  banks.  Separation  from  the  banks  in 
that  case  would  only  be  nominal,  and  no  addition 
Mould  be  made  to  the  circnhition  of  gold  and 
silver. 

Various  funiR  of  paper  credit  have  been  siig- 
cested,  .'IS  c  iinnecled  with  ihe  operiitions  of  the 
constitutional  treasury;  but  lliey  are  all  eonsidi  it-d 
es  impairing  one  of  the  gnvit  objects  of  such  11 
treasury — namely,  an  augmented  circulation  of 
specii'.  if  paper,  in  whatever  form,  or  from  what- 
ever source  it  may  issue,  should  Is-  introduced 
as  a  circulation  by  the  cmstilulioiial  treasury,  it 
would,  pieciselv  to  ili  iMenl,  diminish  ilH  use 
as  a  means  of  ciri'ul.iiin-  gold  and  silver. 

The  constitiitioniil  treasury  could  be  rendered  a 
most  powerful  auxiliary  of  the  mint,  in  augment- 
ing the  specie  circnhitiini.  The  amount  of  pulilii'. 
luoiii  V  which  can  be  placed  in  the  mint  is  iiov/ 
limited  by  law  to  one  million  of  dollars;  and  to 
iliat  extent  it  is  now  used  as  a  di^pository,  and  as 
u  means  of  increasing  our  coinage.  It  is  suggest- 
ed that  this  limitation  may  be  so  modified  as  to 
permit  the  use  of  our  mint  and  bmnch  mints  for 
a  much  larger  siuii  ill  connexion  willi  the  CHiisti- 
liitional  treasury.  The  amount  of  public  nionev 
received  at  New  York  greally  exceeds  that  col- 
lected at  all  other  poiiiis,  and  would  of  itself  seem 
to  call   for  a  place  of  public  deposite  there.     In 

view  of  wliii'h,   llie   1 iltoti   of  a  branch  of  iho 

mint  of  the  llnited  States  at  that  city  would  1  e 
most  ciniveiiicut  and  useful.  The  argumeut  used 
against  a  conslilntional  treasury,  id' the  alleged  in- 
security of  lli(^  pnblii'  funds  in  the  hands  of  indi- 
viduals, and  especially  Ihe  vast  amount  collected 
at  .New  \'ork,will  be  enlirely  obviated  by  such  an 
establishment.  The  mint  of  the  United  States  has 
now  been  in  existence  fifty-two  years.  It  has  had 
the  custody  of  upward  of  §1 14,()()0,()00;  and  du- 
ring this  long  period  of  lime,  there  never  has  been 
a  loss  of  any  of  its  specie  in  the  mint  by  the  (.iov- 
ernment.  'I'he  mini  al  I'hiladelphia  is  now  con- 
ducted with  great  eHicii'iicy  by  the  able  and  faith- 
ful ollicer  al  the  head  of  that  establishment,  whose 
general  supervisory  authority,  w  iihoiil  leaving  ilio 
parent  mint,  might  1  lill  be  wisely  extended  to  the 
tiraiich  at  Mew  York.  Besides  the  utility  of  such 
a  brunch  as  a  place  for  keeping  safelyanddisbiirs- 
ing  the  public  money,  it  is  believed  that  the  eoiii- 
agc  might  be  greatly  augmented  by  the  existence 
of  a  branch  (d"  Ihe  mint  at  that  great  city.  It  is 
then*  that  two-thirds  of  the  revenue  is  annually 
collected — the  whole  of  which,  under  the  opera- 


1815.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


13 


529'rH  CoNo IsT  Skiis. 


Report  of  the  Serntary  of  IVar, 


Sknatk  ANn  Mo.  or  Hrm. 


(•  liecn  siiR- 
lidiis  nf  lliii 

I  I'clllMilll  1T(1 
I    of  Klllll    H 

Idtinn  i>f 
r>iii  wlml- 
iitroilui'i'cl 


rrndorpd  ii 
»\i!;iii(  111- 
ot'  pulilic 
lilt  is  iiov/ 
iirs;  luul  to 
y,  iiml  iiM 


StI" 


si- 


lls 


llil'll   lis   ID 
lllillls  Inr 

Ihr  rciiisli- 
lic  momv 
lliiit  mi- 
ll'sum 

lIlCIT.        Ill 

■ll  nf  ll,(l 
wiiiilil  le 
mriit  used 
iillcircd  iii- 
of  iiidi- 

I  rnllci-lid 
ly  sut'li  nil 

St'ltl'N  hllM 

It  IlllN  lliid 
10;  mid  dii- 

r  has  lierii 
y  tlie  Gov- 
s  now  coii- 

iiiid  failli- 
riil.  wliosn 
Irnvili^  ilio 
ndod  lo  lliB 
ity  of  HiM'k 

iildislmrs- 

t  till"  roiii- 

II  rxistcmn 
ity.  It  is 
s  niimmlly 
the  o[)cra- 


tion  of  tliii  roiiHtiliilioiml  tronKiiry,  would  \>r  rc- 
('i'i\<'d  ill  Hiii'cii'.  Of  iliut  iiiiiiMiiil,  II  vrry  liirt;K 
Hum  would  Itu  i-iM-rivcd  in  roiii  of  otiiitr  roiiiilrii's, 
mill  l'N|>l'i'lli||y  in  fii|'('i);||  (roll)  coins — nil  of  wliirli 
roiild  1x1  Njiii'dily  I'liiiMrlcd,  ii|ioii  llii!  h|ii>i,  iiilii 
our  own  roins  of  t;olil  mid  Hilvcr.  I'lu:  iiinotiiitf 
iiIho,  of  niirli  foi'i;i);ii  roin,  liroii^'lil  l>y  i'niii;raiilH 
In  iliR  I'iiy  of  jNrw  York,  IH  viry  lonHidiTaliU — ii 
liiri;i:  iiorlion  of  wliiili  would  find  iln  way  to  llie 
liiaiM'ti  of  ihu  mint  for  rr  i'oiiiii|;i',  Tim  fiiri'ii;ii 
Kold  I'oiiiM  (III  mil,  and  it  in  fiiiri'd  will  nol,  riirii- 
liiip  :;ciii'nilly  as  a  riirrnicy,  notwilhslandiiii;  llii-y 
aril  iiiaile  a  trndcr  liy  law,  'I'lic  ram  al  wliii  n 
till  sr  iioiiiH  arr  fixed  Liy  law  is  not  familiar  lo  lliu 
{irojilr,  'I'lii'  dcnominiiiioti  of  stirli  coin  is  iitcoii- 
vciiicnl.  'I'lic  |>arlN  iiilo  wliicli  it  is  ilividi'd  arc  nol 
dn  Imal.  'I'lic  nilcN  al  which  it  is  iiikcii  vary  in 
ilill'crciil  parlsof  llic  I'liion.  Ii  iw  iiiconvcniciii,  in 
ilic  way  of  iTMily  transfer.  In  couiilini;.  It  is  more 
dillli'iili,  in  coiiniioii  iihc,  io  disiiiiKuiah  ilic  t;i'nu- 
iac  from  thr  couiUcrfcit  foreign  coin  i  anil  the 
iMcmu  iijiDii  it  is  not  fiimiliiir  to  ilic  people — from 
all  whii'li  causes,  a  fori  ii.'n  ^'old  coin  does  nol,  and 
will  not,  eiiTiilalc  :;eiierally  as  a  cuiTciiry  anion;; 
llm  people.  In  mnny  ol  ihii  hanks,  nearly  llm 
whole  of  ilicir  specie  is  kept  in  every  varicly  of 
fiirci;;ii  i;olil  coin;  and  when  it  is  leiideied  liy  lliciii 
in  payniciiiof  ilieir  noles,  llie  ^'rcat  liody  of  the 
people,  not  lieini;  familiar  with  lliesi;  coins,  do  not 
receive  lliein;  and  llius  llie  eirciilalion  of  a  i;ohl 
currency  is,  lo  a  L'rciil  exlciil,  defeated.  If  these 
coins  wcif  converted  al  our  mint,  orhranch  minis, 
iiilo  the  eai;le,  the  lialf-ca;;lc,  and  (|iinrter-ca!;le,  we 
ihoiilil  speedily  liave  a  lai;;c  supply  of  American 
^olil  coin,  mid  it  would  very  hooii  he  hroii<;ht  into 
eoinmoii  use  as  a  currency,  and  thus  pive  to  it 
tcrealer  stahiliiy,  and  Kitnlc'  security  lo  all  the 
oiisiness  of  the  eoiuitry.  A  eonsiilcralile  mnoiiiit 
of  fori  ii;n  Kold  coin  has,  diiriii;;  ihe  pnsciit  year, 
under  the  (liirctions  of  this  deparliiienl,  lieen  eoii- 
vcrlcil  into  Aincricmi  i^old  coin;  lait  the  process 
Would  lie  iiuicli  more  rapid  if  aided  hy  the  orijani- 
/.aiionof  the  constitutiiiiiid  Ireasuiy.and  the  estali- 
lishment  nf  a  liranch  of  the  iniiit  at  the  ^reat  eoin- 
inerciiileniporiiiinuf  the  Union.  Willi  thr  mint  and 
liriincli  mints  nx  deposiiorics,  the  sum  remaining; 
ill  the  hands  of  other  receivers  of  puhlie.  inoiicys, 
whether  of  lands  or  custoniR,  would  lie  inconsiiler- 
iilile,  and  the  Oioverninent  could  he  readily  pro- 
lecied  from  all  losses  of  such  sums  by  nde(|iialc 
bonds,  mid  the  power  by  law  to  convict  mid  piui- 
ish  aH  criniinnla  all  who  rnibrzzle  the  public 
iiinneya. 

it  is  believed,  under  such  a  system,  that  no  de- 
faults would  take  place,  and  that  the  public,  niii- 
neys  would  be  safely  kept  and  disbursed  ill  ;;oltl 
mid  silver.  This  Governnient  is  niitde,  by  the 
Constitution,  the  gtiardimi  of  a  siiecie  currency. 
That  curreiiey  ciin  only  be  coined,  mid  its  value 
ici^iilated,  by  this  Governnient.  It  is  one  of  iis 
first  duties  to  supply  siicli  u  currency,  by  an  elli- 
eieut  mint,  and  by  (reneral  regulations  of  the  coin- 
age; but  ill  vain  will  it  attempt  to  |>crforiii  that 
duly,  if,  when  coin  is  nuiile  or  retaliated  In  value, 
this  Government  dispenses  with  its  use,  and  expels 
it  from  eireulminn,  or  drives  it  out  of  the  country, 
liy  subslilutin;,'  the  paper  of  banks  in  lUl  the  traiis- 
nctiuus  of  the  Governnient. 

'I'lierc  is  noiliiii!;  which  will  advance  so  surely 
the  |irosperity  of  the  eounlry  as  an  adequate  sup- 
jily  of  specie,  dilfused  throughout  every  portion  of 
the  Union,  and  constitutini;,  to  a  Ki'eal'cxtent,  the 
ordinary  circulation  everywhere  anion;;  the  pco|ilc. 
It  is  a  ciinency  that  will  never  break  nor  tiiil;  it 
Mill  neither  expand  nor  contract  beyond  the  leijili- 
iiiate  business  of  llie  country;  it  will  lead  lo  no^ex- 
liavai\aiit  speculations  at  one  time,  lo  be  followed 
by  eerlnin  deiiressiun  at  another;  nor  will  labor 
ever  be  robbed  of  ils  reward  by  the  deiirccialinn  of 
such  currency.  There  is  no  daiijter  that  we  shall 
have  too  niueli  g-old  and  silver  in  actual  eircula- 
liiMi,  or  too  small  an  anioiint  of  bank  paper,  or 
that  any  injury  ever  will  be  iullicted  upon  the  bu- 
Niiiess  of  the  eounlry,  by  a  diminution  of  llie  cir- 
culation of  the  paper  of  banks,  and  the  subslita- 
tion  ill  its  place,  to  that  extent,  of  };olil  and  silver. 
Kvcn  their  most  ardent  advocates  must  admit  that 
banks  are  suliject  to  periodical  expiMisious  and 
coiiiractions,  and  that  iliis  evil  would  lie  increased 
by  ;:iviii;;  them  the  funds  of  the  Government  to 
hiaii,  and  by  receiving;  luul  disbursing  nothing  but 
their  paper. 


It  w  belirvril  (hat  the  permanent  intnreiit  of 
every  cla»s  of  the  people  will  be  advanced  by  the 
eHlabliHlimt  III  of  the  coiintiliilional  treaHiiry,  mill 
that  the  inanufaclurerH  especially  will  derive  irreiit 
bi  uelilH  from  its  adoption.  It  will  i;i\e  staluliiy 
lo  all  their  nperatious,  and  iiisnie  them,  lo  a  );rcal 
exient,  a;;aiiist  those  lliicliialioiifi,  expansions,  and 
coiiiraciioiis  of  llie  currency  so  prejudicial  to  their 
interests,  liy  ^'uardin;;  lu^aiiiHt  iiillations  of  ilie 
currency,  it  will  have  a  leiideiicy  to  check  pciiodi- 
cal  excesseH  of  foreign  iiiiportaiions  piirclinsed  in 
flit  upon  credit,  while  loans  from  banks,  or  ilaii- 
^eroiis  ciilari;ciiieiiis  of  iheir  business,  and  exces- 
sive issues  of  Iheir  paper,  will  he  i;really  diiiiin- 
isheit.  Whilst  a  sound  and  stalile  currency  uiiards 
the  uitimifacliii'cr  ai,'iiiiist  excessive  imporiMiions 
fiiim  abroad,  it  protects  liiiii  tVinn  ilisiisicis  a* 
lioine,  and  from  those  ruinous  revulsions  in  which 
so  many  thousands  are  reduced  to  bmikriioicy. 
'I'lie  tarid',  if  followed,  as  in  the  aliscuce  ot  aile- 
iiuiite  ehecks  it  certainly  soon  will  be,  by  an  iii- 
llateil  currency,  whilst  it  thus  enluinccs  the  ex- 
penses of  luaniifictiirin^'  at  home,  will  speedily 
and  certainly  raise  prices  up  to  the  whole  Miiouut 
of  the  duly,  HO  as  lo  repeal  the  operation  of  that 
duty  in  favor  of  the  inaniifiiclurer,  and  inalde  ihe 
forcii;n  importer  a;;ain  lo  llood  the  inarkel,  al  the 
r>iihanced  prices  arisini;  from  an  inllalcd  ciirri'iicy. 
Jbil  soon  llie  revulsion  comes,  and  all  are  over- 
wlielined  ill  a  comuioii  ruin.  The  currcucy  is  re- 
iliiciil  below  the  wanls  of  the  country,  by  a  sud- 
lieii  and  ruinous  eoiitraclioii;  and  the  labor  and 
industry  of  years  are  rei|iiired  lo  repair  the  inis- 
chief,  .Suibilily,  lioih  in  the  liirili'alid  llic  curren- 
cy, is  what  the  inanufacliirer  should  most  desire. 
Let  ihe  larllf  be  |ieriuaiienlly  adjusted,  by  a  return 
to  reasonable  anil  innderiilc  revenue  duties — which, 
e\en  when  imposed  truly  and  in  ;;ood  faith  for 
that  purpose,  will  yield  NUtHcient  luhaiila^'e  lo 
all'ord  reasonable  profits;  and  let  this  pei'iiuuient 
systeiii  (and  none  oilier  can  be  periiianeiil)  be  es- 
lablislieil,  and  accompaiiied  by  a  stable  currency 
— and  the  iiianufacliirer,  in  a  series  of  years,  will 
derive  the  greutesl  benelils  from  the  system.  The 
jircscnt  system  cannot  be  pernuincni.  It  is  too 
unequal  and  unjust,  loo  exorbitant  and  oppressive, 
and  Uio  clearly  in  conilict  with  the  fuiidanieulal 
principh'S  of  the  Constitution.  If  the  niamifac- 
turer  thinks  that  this  system  can  be  periuaiient, 
Icl  him  look  lo  the  conslant  chai|i;es  which  have 
attended  all  aileinpls  lo  establish  mid  eonlinue  a 
proleclive  larilf.  'Vlie  first  larilf  was  based  in  |iart 
uiion  tlie  principle  of  very  inoderale  protection  to 
domestic  nianunu'lures;  and  liie  result  has  been, 
as  appears  by  the  table  hereto  annexed,  that  the 
larilf  lias  been  changed  and  modified  ihir'.y  times 
since  that  period,  beiii;;  more  than  once,  on  an 
averai;!',  for  every  Coiii^resa  siiicc  the  Govern- 
nient was  founded;  and  one  of  these  larilfs  waw  in 
itself  a  syslein  of  sucees.sive  annual  changes,  opc- 
rnling  through  a  period  of  ten  years.  Of  these 
changes,  fourteen  liavc  been  general,  and  sixteen 
.special.  From  ]8]U  onward,  these  changes  have 
been  most  frequent;  mid  it  is  vain  to  expect  per- 
nianeucy  from  aiiytliing  but  a  revenue  larifT.  .Sta- 
bility is  what  the  manufacturer  should  desire,  and 
especially  (hat  that  question  should  be  taken  out 
of  the  arena  of  politics,  by  a  just  and  permanent 
setllement.  A  great  number  of  tables,  illustrative 
of  the  cfl'ccts  of  the  tarilf,  compiled  from  otKcial 
dociimenl.s,  aocompany  this  report.  Home  of 
these  tables  exhibit  the  operation  nf  each  of  our 
tarilfs,  from  the  organization  of  the  Governniein 
to  the  ]ireseiit  period.  In  order  to  enable  the  .Sec- 
rclary  lo  (■omply  with  the  direction  of  the  acts  nf 
Congress,  requiring  him,  in  his  animal  report,  lo 
suggest  "  plans  for  improving  or  increasing  the 
revenues,"  and  lo  give  "  information  to  (.'ongrcss 
in  adopting  modes  of  raising"  the  revenue,  two 
circulars  were  i.-;sued,  published,  and  generally 
dislrlbuted,  pro|ioiinding  various  questions  con- 
nected with  this  subject,  and  requesling  re|ilies. 
Some  answers  have  been  received,  troni  friends  as 
well  as  opponenls,  of  the  tarilV;  but  the  Secretary 
regret3  that  the  nianufaeturers,  with  very  few 
exceptions,  have  declined  answering  these  ques- 
tions, or  coninnmi.'.viing  any  information  as  re- 
gards their  profits  and  surplus,  or  in  relation  to  the 
wages  of  labor.  An  alistract  of  all  that  is  deemed 
useful  in  these  rejilies,  together  with  a  copy  of 
both  the  circulars,  is  appended  to  this  report. 

The  coiujt  Burvey  is  rapidly  piugrcssuif — luivuig 


benn  extended  enNlHiird  lo  the  easlerii  coaat  of 
MiisHachiiHells,  and  Noiilhward  nearly  lo  the  divi- 
ding line  of  Marylaiiil  and  Virg'iii  on  Ihe  ('lii  sn- 
peiike.  Two  new  lentres  of  nper'Mioii  have  been 
opeiiid,  under  llie  sanclion  of  lliis  dejiarliiicnl.  In 
Aiu'lli  Cmolina,  and  on  the  liulf  of  Alexiio,  fioni 
wliii'h  the  weak  may  be  siiread  until  the  pans 
unite.  Iiiiporlaiit  positions  fiu'  foris,  navy-yards, 
hiirbors,  and  lighl-hoiisi  s  iireseiit  lliemsi  hes  idoiig 
iliis  interesting  portion  ol  the  coast  of  Louisiana, 
.Mississippi,  and  Alabama,  anil  the  islmuls  ;;uiird- 
iug  the  interior  channel  belweeii  .Mobile  and  .New 
I  )rleaiis.  Great  economy  exisis  in  the  ailminisira- 
tinii  nf  the  fund  approprialed  fnr  the  cnast  survey: 
and  every  effort  is  made  by  the  Siiperinleiitlenl  to 
press  tlic  work  onward  In  a  enni))leiioii.  Tlireo 
iliarts  rcsiiliiii','  fioiii  the  survey  have  been  pul- 
lislied  vvilliin  llie  past  year,  and  live  iiiore  are. 
nearly  ready  fnr  piiblicaiioii.  This  great  work  is 
iiinsi  honorabh'  lo  llm  science  nf  our  i  oiiiilry,  most 
useful  to  oiirna\yaiid  coiiinienial  inarine,  mid,  in 
coniieclion  with  our  light-liniisis,  iniist  ilccriaso 
llic  cost  of  freii;lit  and  iiisurance,  as  well  as  llm 
risk  of  life  and  properly.  Great  altention  has 
been  uiven  by  this  depariiiienl  In  ihe  very  impor- 
tant subject  of  our  lii;lit-lioiise  syslein.  The  va- 
rious iiiiproveineiiis  siigiicsicd  by  experience  a' 
houie  or  abroad — the  relative  advantages  of  fas 
and  oil,  of  ri'llcclnrs,  lei'licul,ir  mid  revnUing 
lights,  Ihe  locution  mid  conslruciion  of  the  build- 
ings, as  well  as  llie  mode  of  keejiing  ihe  lights- 
are  all  being  fully  and  carefully  invesiigaicd,  anil 
a  report,  ii  is  believed,  will  be  ri'udy  during  the 
present  session  of  Congress.  l''roni  the  Chesii- 
pe  ike  lo  the  Capes  of  I'loriila,  and  thence  west- 
ward, our  coast  is  biiilly  liglued,  as  well  as  thn 
great  lakes  of  the  iinrtli  mid  west;  and  nuiueroim 
wrecks,  often  acconipmiied  with  hiss  of  life  and 
properly,  seem  to  require  the  iiiterjiusitiun  of 
Congress. 

iSucli  portion  of  the  charts  of  the  Exploring  Ex- 
prdilloii  as  were  niaced  under  the  charge  nf  this 
departineiil  were  ilisiribiited  fnr  the  benefit  of  our 
whale  ships.  These  valuable  charts  einbracc  llio 
survey  ot  many  hitherto  almost  unexolored  re- 
gions and  islands  of  ihe  Pacific,  as  well  us  a  )iart 
of  the  coast  of  Oregon,  and  must  be  eminently  use- 
ful for  mnny  purposes,  lait  especially  to  onr  seamen 
and  inerchanls  engaged  in  the  whale  fishery. 

Ill  pursuance  of  a  n  solution  of  Congress,  n 
report  is  in  progress  nf  preparatinn  as  regards  the 
banks  and  currency,  and  also  in  relation  to  sta- 
tistics; and  these,  with  all  other  reports  required 
fi'om  this  denarlmeiil,  will  be  |iresenled  at  tlio 
earliest  practicable  period  of  the  present  session. 

In  iiresenting  his  annual  report,  in  obedience  to 
the  law,  Ihe  yeerelary  of  the  Treasury  submits 
his  views  with  uiidissembled  dillideiice — consoled 
by  the  reflection  that  all  his  errors  of  judgment 
\vill  be  corrected  by  the  superior  wisdom  of  thn 
two  Houses  of  Congress,  guided  and  directed  by 
that  overruling  Providence  which  has  blessed  the 
unexampled  iirogrcss  of  this  great  and  happy 
Union.  R.  J.  WALKER, 

Secretary  of  the  Trcaumj. 

Hon.  Joiiv  W.  Davis, 

Speaker  of  tlie  House  of  Rcpresenlatires. 


DOCUMB\TS  ACCO.MI'.VWIMJ  THE  PnESIDKNT'9 
MK^iSACK. 

[  REPORT. OF  THE  SECRETARY  OE  WAR. 

j  Waii  Depahtment, 

I  frns/iifl/f/oii,  ^'ortmhcr  CD,  ISJfl. 

'  Sib:  Pursuant  to  the  duty  appertaining  lo  the 
lie.id  of  this  departineiil,  I  lierewilh  submit  to  you 
Ihe  repints  of  the  Major  Generid  commanding  the 
army,  and  those  from  the  several  bureaus  under 
my  supervision. 

They  will  be  found  lo  contain  nol  only  a  full, 
and,  I  trust,  satisfactory,  account  of  the  manner  in 
which  the  duties  of  each  have  been  executed  du- 
ring the  past  year,  but  iiiuch  valuable  iiiformatioii 
relative  lo  those  branches  of  the  public  service  lo 
which  they  respectively  refer. 

The  labulir  statements  accompanying  the  Com- 
manding General's  report,  show,  in  delml,  the  or- 
iraiiizatioii  and  strenglh  of  the  army, as  well  as  the 
position  and  distril  ulioii  of  the  troops.  Besides 
the  general  mid  sUttl'  uHicerd,  oud  those  of  distinct 


11 


89tii  ('oNfi 1st  Srm. 


APPENDIX  TO  TFIK  CONCJRESSIONAI.  nt.OBE. 

Report  of  tht  iSirrelary  of  fVar. 


fDrr.  2, 
Sknatb  ANn  Ho.  or  Hr.pn. 


-* 


-%. 


i 


t 


: 


F 


^-y 


rorpn,  thon*  nrr  f^nirlPi'ii  rfiritiitMil« — iwiMif  dm-  ! 
(rftfiiiM,  ftnir  ol'  nrtillrry*  »m(I  ri^'lii  of  inftiiilry.  The  | 
nnmlitr  of  nun-rninitiifHiiMicit  n(RccrN»  inuHiiiiiMN, 
iiiitl  )irivnlrH,nnllii)ri/fMl  liy  huv,  ih  Kevcti  thniiHiiiMt 
I'tvt!  iDiiidrcil  tuid  iiinrly;  Imt,  inrnr(lii)!;  lo  tin- 
iMri'Mt  rt'tiirriM  in'riicil  n(  lli<*  Atijntnnr  (JtMUTiirH 
otlii't',  iIh'  ih'HimI  ('.)|T('  M\nilnl)l('  !nrHir\  ice  dm  n  not 
fXrt'cd  HJx  tlioiiHimd  five  Imndrnl.  'I'lic  dillrriMrr 
Ix'twrni  llii*  niillittri/.rd  i'nnv  iind  lltnl  t'<ii*  uri-virr 
witt  undialily  I"'  nr  no  tiriif  ]troporiinii,'diIy  Uns, 

On  (nir  nnrtlirni  liordnM,  ulom;  (lit*  linr  ot"  ihr 
liriiisli  pniviiirrN,  iVnni  Mjiiru*  lo  Ijikr  Snpfri'ir, 
itii  I'Xti'iil  III'  two  llKMiM.nid  iiiilis,  llii>n'  in  imw 
HiatioiH'd  lint  a  Niii;,'li'  rr";iiM('iit.  l-'mm  ilii-  tMllsol' 
St.  Aiilhoiiy ,  oi)  i!n'  uppiT  lMi^NiHHippi,  nlim:^  ilic 
wrsltTti  (111(1  Niiiiihwt'stirn  iVniiiiir,  iMirdrriiiir  nn 
iIh-  Indian  rountrv  tinrcit  liinulitd  niili  h,  and  v\- 
(rfidinir  HtMitli  III  New  t*i"lcans,  (miy  unr  rfi;iniiiii 
III'  dni:;o(inrf,  and  twn  til"  inr.intrv.  an'  Htaiinntd. 
Tlic  ariilU'ry  rci^init  hIm,  ndiircd  in  Htirni:th  Iiy 
Inivin*;  tnnr  ronipanitn  ditai-hcd  iVoni  cat  li,  mnv 
i'arriMon  n  (Vw  tit  ihr  t'Hrlilii'aliitnH  upon  the  hi-ii- 
luMird  Th'MI  Mrwport,  in  lUntdr  Islmul,  in  Ni-w 
Orleans, — ilu'  rxi'.'ciHii  H  nt*  llic  pnltlir  mrvii-c  hav- 
ini;  rf<|tiiri(l  tln' w  iilidiiiwMvnl  (if  nil  tlic  inmps 
fViiiu  MaswarlniHctis.  New  llauipNliin.nnd  Mniiic. 
The  n'sidnc  of  t!ii'  army — fnnHisiin:.'  of  nnc  n  i;i- 
incnt  (if  drni^ootiH,  sivircn  I'nniptinit  m  of  m-tilN  ry, 
and  fiv<>  iti^lnicntM  of  infantcy,  <  (Miwiinitinir  more 
liinn  half  of  iltc  wlmlc  inilifin-y  fon'c  of  ihr  I'nifrd 
NmiCH — ifi  now  mrvini;  in  'I'l'X.is,  Tliis  important 
rliancT  in  tlir  posuion  of  our  military  foiro  wi\« 
inatli-  in  liii'  r(mn'c '(f  iIh'  la.^i  snmnuT. 

Tlif  ready  nrrrptant-c  on  ilip  pari  of  IVxas  of 
tlir  terms  i  f  aniirxation  ppitrcrcd  liy  tliis  (iovcrn- 
incrif ,  exrin-d  ilir  ill-will  of  the  lioxrnnnnt  of 
Alcxico.  Tlint  it('pul'li<-  inchatcd  ihi^  innin dialr 
coinmencniicnt  of  li'iMiililics  a-.^ainNt  llir  I'micd 
Stairs,  and  S't  on  finit,  ax  it  was  h  dd,  ixii  iiNivc 
|t.f'|iaralion»'  to  in vadf  and  snl'jni,'alr  'I'<\aN.  i'lir- 
Huant  to  yoiir  dirri'iionn,  an  army  of  orrupaiiini 
\Vi\H  asscnililcd  in  tliat  Siatisand  IJrii;adirrliMiind 
'i'aylor  assii^nt'd  to  t!ie  connnand  of  it.  lie  wan 
insirnclcd  lo  n'pt-l  ^ft'xi^'an  ai^iiTCHbioiis,  niid  pr<)- 
ii'i'l  ilic  couMiry  from  Indian  inva.-^ions;  to  ri  u'ilnl 
t\,f  Iviti  di  I  .Norii  as  ii.-.  wrs;rrn  bonjidary,  and  to 
Hclci't  (\  position  fur  liis  fon-rs  witl.  n  ti  icniT  to 
llii.^  frmnicr;  lait  to  ka\c  iimnoh  stcd  Mcxii-an  f-rt- 
llrincnts,  and  alni)  inililary  posts,  .should  tin  n*  lie 
nny  suoli  posis  on  llic  ci'.sc  liank  of  iliat  river, 
whieh  Wert'  in  the  o '<'npan"'y  of  AI(  xican  fcini  s 
|ir<-'vious|y  to  liic  period  when  Texas  assi-nted  to 
Ilif  term^^  of  amiexaiion.  Thoiprh  no  movenn  ill, 
as  yet,  has  heen  made  mi  iht*  pari  id*  Aiexirn  to 
carry  into  ilViei  her  ofun-roju'alpd  nunaecs,  or  to 
chanu'c  tlie  relations  of  pearr  between  her  and  tin; 
rnited  States,  she  ^till  eontiinies  to  manifest  hos- 
t:l(.'  fee!int^:i,  and  t!lrealen^  an  invasion  of  'I'l-xas. 
This  (itiiuidf,  as  liin:^  as  it  shall  continue,  will  re- 
fpdre  ilie  pnsriice  of  a  military  force  in  that  (piar- 
ti  r  at  least  t:i|iial  to  that  now  stati. nud  then  .  It 
is  pne'SUined  ihal  this  eijiiivoeai  slate,  whieli  h;ts 
not  the  «ei;li-d  eharat'ier  tif  peace  or  war,  will  not 
t'G  much  loiiL'er  eontinued.  Shonld  Mexieo  deny 
our  ri:^ht  to  poMsef-H  tin;  couiitrv  up  to  the  Kio  del 
Norie,  lo  thi;  exti  iit  iii.".llv  elnimed  hy  'i^■\as  In- 
fore  auncxiili<m,  tilid  ihe  free  conmion  nsc  of  the 
w:'fers  of  that  river,  it  is  jMisnmed  that  autliority 
Avill  he  irivPii  to  enforce  it  ni  holh  resjieets.  In  the 
event  of  resisianct',  iherr  may  he  occasion  to  em- 
ploy an  aihlitional  I'orec;  mid  authority  should  he 
;^iven  for  raisin^'  it  in  that  coniioirtin'y  In  a  more 
desirahle  slate  of  our  relations  uith  A^/xico,  her 
iinsetiled  political  condition  will  sui::;cst,as  a  wi>e 
precauiioii,  tlie  liiiardiui:  of  that  tVontier  hy  a  con- 
siderable hody  of  troops.  ii<siiles  this  considera- 
tion, t!ur  nniK-xation  of  Texas  \i*ill  hrin^-  into  prox- 
imity to  UN  various  irilnH  of  Indiaiis,  known  under 
I  lie  L'^eneral  denoiiiitiiilion  of  ('amamdies.  Th(se 
Indians,  ui  their  iiabits  and  character,  are  unlike 
iIkisc  who  dwell  on  our  htirders.or  witiiin  ourter-  i 
ritorips.  They  are  (icrce  and  vvurlik* — have  no 
fixed  nlmdes — are  eeiierally  mounted  on  horse- 
liack,and  habitiialcd  to  plunder.  'I'hcy  annually 
rove  over  a  lari,'e  extent  of  country,  make  fe  irt'ui 
incursions  into  ilie  selllemenls  williin  ilieir  rmiLM', 
and,  retrjir.llcsM  fif  life,  fn(pienlly  add  murder  to 
rajdne.  The  fear  of  chastisement  is  the  brsl,  if 
not  the  only  reliable.  Hcciiniv  for  their  ;^ood  con- 
duct: and  i\ic.  prci:enccof  a  military  force,  soorunui- 
i/.cd  as  to  act  pnmiptly  and  eljieientiy  upon  them, 
is  the  moEjt  efl'ticluid  iucujih  of  iu.-ypiriti^  this  fear. 


The  im'r(  afiin;;  enrrrnt  of  eniii^ralion  tn  Orej.'-on  ; 
willciMiiincnd  to  ihp  favorable  coiisidemtioiudTon-  ' 
tcn'SN  the  recommeiulali'ni  to  entiddish  a  chain  of 
miliuiry  poNis  up  to  the  hnsc  of  the  Itocky  niotin- 
laiiiH.     iSoi  douhiint;  that  h'trislativc  sanction  will  ' 
he  <;iven  u    that   meaHuii',  it  is  pn)per  to  af*snme  ' 
that  II  por  ion  of  <mr  troopi  witl  hv  ro(|uiri'd  to 
;;arris  ,i  these  ponts.  , 

Ih  fore  so  lar^r''  i»  porthui  of  liu'  anuy  waH  Hpnt  i 
into  Texas,  the  lon;^  line  of  frontier  borderini;  on 
the  Hrilish  provinces   was  ;;narde(|  only  hy  a  (ew  I 
poHts,  \\  iih  Htuall  detachments  of  troops-,  many  (d'  Ii 
the    fortificaiions   on    the    Atlantic   coast  and  the 
(inlf    of    Mexico    viere    without    i;arrisoiis  ;    nnd  ■ 
those  which  were  uianncd  had,  in  most  inslanci  s, 
a  force  liiilc  mm-e  than  Hullicirnt  to  jruard  ihe  nub- 
ile   properlv   mid    present  t)u>  dilapidation  <d  the 
works.      'Ilu  troops  st.Uioned  on  the  western  and 
southwestern   fronlicis   were  rot   more  than  Piitli- 
cietil  to  atfonl   proiei  lion  to  the  recent  settlements 
in  those  ijuarlers,  by  imposini;  salntarv  restraints 
upon  the  varioiiH  Indian  tribes  in  the  vieinityt  nnd 
to  maintain   peace  amolii;  them.     The  wilh'dniw- 
iii:;  of  the  t  -oops    thus  distributed,  to  cnnslitut(^ 
ihe  (uiny  m  Texas,   has  created  appndieiisions  in 
simie  (jnarters,  and  a   ii:eneral  anxiety  I'or  the  re- 
occupani'V  of  the   iiosts  in  this  manner  vai-ated  or 
wiakeiied  with  at  least  the  usual  iT'irrisons.    This 
measure   seems   to   be  demanded    by  a  proper  re-  \ 
;;ard   to  security  and   protertion;  but  it  cannot  lie 
clle(icd  by  tlie  small  number  of  the  rei;ular  iroojis 
iiitw  III  tia  disposal  of  tiie  ( joverimient.  | 

The  (orc'coih;;  considerations  lead  to  the  cojielu- 
sioii  that  the  exii^eiicics  of  ihe  public  service  will 
re'inire  a  latter  military  force  ihaii  the  jire.-eiil  es- 
tabhshmenl  can  supply.  As  iis  dulies  an- nnilti- 
hlied,  there  seems  to  be  i\  iiec(s>itv  tliat  its  eapa- 
biliiy  of  performinir  tlieiu  should  l)c  increased  in 
a  aorresponilim;'  (h  ;:ree. 

'I'he  proent  army  consists  (d' fourteen  i*ej-iiuenlH 
<Tf  ten  companies  each.     'I'he  infantry  and  urlil-   ' 

I  lery  companies  have  now  only  foriv-lwo  privates  i 

;  each,  aiat  those  of  tlie  dra:;oons  only  lil'ly.  Tho 
nuuirrical  force  of  these  cmnpanicH  miudit  he  more  i 
than  (huiblMl,  if  the  (  xi'^t  ncv  of  the  public  ser- , 
vice  (hinaitded  it.  If  the  sn;ri.'esli(ni  lor  enlar:,Mii^ 
our  imsciil  military  force  be  adopted,  |  reeoin- 
inend  the  increa.^e  of  the  rank  and  )ilc,  as  the  pre- 
ferable mode  of  acciimpiishinT  that  object  Were 
the  )iiV'sent  ecunpanics  of  infmtry  and  artillery 
tilled  uii  to  sixty-eiu'ht  privates,  they  would  cor- 
ns,oinl  in  tin  ir  orLMui/ation  to  tlio.se  of  ihc 
peace-<st;dilishiuenl  in  IMIH  and  iMl.'i.  Ily  i..- 
creasini;  the  privates  in  Ihe  conipanies  of  drairoons 
to  sixty,  iliey  would  <'(mform  to  ilie  innnher  iixed 
by  the  ori^nnal  law  aiilhoriiiiu;  that  corps. 

Should  the  coni|iaiiies  be  ortrani/ed  in  tliis  man- 
ner, the  number  of  otHci  rs  will  be  the  N;ime  as  al 
present,  and  the  army,  thus  incivased,  will  be  less 
than  it  was  in  iM^il,  and  exi-eed  tliat  of  1H(»H  mily 
by  one  thousand  se\en  hundred  and  forty  im  n. 

If  llii.i  aiiLHut  nlalioii  of  the  army  sliould  be  ad- 
judi;((l  to  exceed  what  the  exiireneas  of  tiie  pub- 
lic si  rvice  may  it'iiuire,  it  eau  b*'  broiudit  to  the 
desired  standard  by  redncini;  the  proposed  number 
of  privates  in  ilie  resp«ctive  conipames.  1  woidd 
ri  .speetlully  n  I'timnu-nd,  that  aulhorily  to  increase 
the  number  <if  jirivaies  in  a  eompiuiy  to  any  innn- 
her not  exceeding;  e'irhiy  slumtd  In*  vesti  ((  in  the 
President,  to  be  exen-ised,  at  his  discretimi,  with 
spei  iai  n  t'crence  to  what  the  publii;  iiUcrcst  might 
suddenly  reijuire. 

'I'he  iiaiure  of  tho  sorvice  to  hr  iicrfonucd  on 
the  iMexiran  frontier,  and  in  the  southwest  in  the 
event  of  extendiiiLT  out-posis  towards  the  Ilocky 
mountains,  will  re(|uire  mounted  troops;  or,  at 
hast,  such  troops  lU'C  supposed  to  have  n  uiort^ 
jjcculiar  adaiitaiion  to  this  kind  of  service.  'J'he 
propo.sed  adilition  of  privates  to  the  two  existiiii: 
le^ninenlsiif  drairoons  would  still  leave,  it  is  appr*- 

!  bended,  a  deliciency  <d' thai  kind  of  force.  Shonld 
this  a)iprelieiisiou  be  likely  to  be  realized,  it  will 
thi  n  be  f'Xpedi(-nt  to  raist-  a  re;riiiient  *)f  mounted 
ridemen,  or  an  additional  rri^imeut  of  drairoons. 

I  This  mode  of  eulai'irinjT  the  army,  by  addiiiij  to 
the  rank  and  file  of  the  present  c.ompanieH,  will 
not,  it  is  believed,  im|»air,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
■;cn(;rally  imju-ove,  their  coini>arative  edicieiicy; 
and,  oil  (h;it  accomit,  :is  well  as  on  the  score'  of 
economy ,  is  deemed  preferalde  to  that  (d'ejlectiui:  the 
same  object  by  raisiuL''  new  re;:inients  at  this  time. 

i      it  in  only  in  the  view  ol'  n  probability  that  u 


force  conniderably  larger  than  a  permanent  jieaca 
«iitahtis|iment  mi^Mil  be  soon  rf'i|uired,that  I  should 
prel'er  the  inodr  td' increaHini;  the  army  hy  niiHiii^ 
new  re-^imenis,  or^^aiii/.ed  on  our  pirsrnt  reduced 
scale.  This  srale  is  uiid(Mil>tedly  loo  low  for  (U'.- 
tuid  service,  and  has  iiolhin.;  lo  recoiumeiid  it  to  a 
piefereiice,  under  any  ciiemnstaiices,  hui  the  fa- 
cility il  alliirds  of  expaudinu;  an  army  so  m-<rani/,ed, 
by  increaMini;  tlu^  rank  and  file,  and  of  rendering 
it  ediM'tive  fin"  servile,  in  a  shorter  period  than  new 
rcLiinicnis  could  be  raised,  ori^aiii/.ed,  and  discip- 
lined. 

It  may  be  proper  lo  observe  that,  though  the 
cmirentratmn  of  no  lari^e  a  portion  of  an  army  iii 
Texas  has,  lo  some  i  xtent,  an^^mcnteil  the  expen- 
diture under  some  heads,  particularly  that  of  iraiis- 
portalioit,  yel  the  measure  hiui  Dot  been  without, 
somo  compensatm:;  advantai^es.  The  disiribnliou 
of  the  troops,  as  was  the  t  ase  l.t  fore  the  late  mit\e- 
meiit,  in  small  detiMdiineuts  luid  skeleton  conijia- 
nies,  alonij;  our  \v  idely-exl'iided  tines  of  frontier, 
nreveiited  the  aci{msition  of  much  praciit'td  know- 
Iedi;e,  essential  to  a  hi;ih  stale  of  diseipljne  and  etll- 
ciency.  Iiy  this  opportnnitv,  rei,Mmenis  and  bat- 
talions loiiti;  sepanited  have  heen  brou;;hl  toM-elher 
within  the  same  chain  of  sentinels,  and  iiisiruetod 
in  all  the  practical  dniii  s  of  camp  and  fiekl  service. 

The  propriety  of  or^atii/iiiL;  a  corps,  nioderato 
in  point  of  numbers,  of  miner.-i,  sappers,  mnl  poii- 
loniia-s,  has  herelotore  been  ofleii  prcsi  nied  to  tlin 
consideration  of  < 'oni^ress.  'I'he  reasons  for  siadi 
a  corps  lu'e  becomini^  nna'e  evident  and  ur:::ent,  in 
conse(pience  of  the  military  occupation  of  Te\a«. 
'i'he  connnandinL;  ;:eneral  there  li.is  re(|uisliMl  to 
be  t'nrnished  with  a  pontou  tram,  deemin!^  it  wry 
csscntiid  to  the  nio\enieut  of  the  army  in  that 
country.  In  many  parts  of  it  the  materials  for 
constructiiur  bridges  are  not  to  be  obtained.  WliPii 
that  IS  the  case,  the  inoxements  of  an  army  would 
be  impeded  or  arn  sied  by  the  consiihrnble'streutus 
travei'suiLT  iis  line  ol'openiiions,  unless  it  was  sup- 
plied with  the  necessary  eipiipai^e  for  erossiii£[ 
ih(-m,  and  attended  by  a  corps  instructed  in  iho 
n.se  of  tliis  ei|ui]iau-e.  'I'ln;  name  by  which  this 
corps  is  usually  desimiaicf! — that  o\'  sappers  mid 
miners^ — is  apt  io  mislead  the  judLTUient  as  to  the 
nature  of  its  duties,  and  eons*  ([Uently  as  to  iis  usi*- 
fulnesti  and  adaptaliiiii  to  <uir  service.  The  Hrr- 
viees  reipureil  of  it  in  allai'ks  upon  fortified  ]t|aces 
consiiiute  but  a  small  portion  of  its  appropriate 
duties.  This  subjeei  is  fully  mid  ably  discussed  in 
the  rt)>ort  of  the  i'hief  l-'ae^'ineer,  herewith  submit- 
ted. 'I'iie  rectanmi  ndatioii  in  its  tavor  is  sustained 
by  Strom:  ar:j"uini  nts  and  the  liiyhest  miliiary  lui- 
llimity,aiid  i  irusf will  procur.-  for  it  the  favorable 
action  of  C'mii^resH.  'I'bis  cnrps  in;e(i  not  be  nti- 
nicrous,  one  bundled  enlisted  men  beiiuc  deemed 
sulticicni;  and,  if  pla<  nl  under  the  command  of 
the  present  en'.;iiicfr  olllcers,  it  \V(Mild  not  be  ex- 
pensive. 

Pursuant  to  inslruclions  from  this  department, 
Colonel  Kiarny,  with  ti\e  cnmpanies  of  the  fu'st  re- 
2;iment  of  dra'.;oons,  left  Port  Leavenworth  in  Juno 
last,  cui  an  excursion  throui;h  the  Indian  couuiry. 
In  tie  course  of  it  he  visited  the  South  Pass  of  the 
Itocky  niotmtains,  and  tla;  head  waters  of  some  of 
the  In'outary  streams  id'  the  Colorado  of  the  wtst, 
wlii'di  emp:;.  s  into  the  Ciulf  of  CaUfornia. 

The  presence  of  so  Hne  a  hody  of  troops  ainoni^ 
the  numerous  biuids  of  Indians  scattered  through 
'  that  extensive  re^rioti,  cannot  have  failed  to  niako 
salutary  impressions  upon  then'.  In  the  various 
*•  talks"  wilii  them,  they  were  distinctly  told  "  that 
*  the  road  made  by  the  dra^roous  must  not  be  closed 
'by  the  Indians,  and  that  the  white  people  travel- 
'  liii:;  on  it  must  not  be  ilistnrbed  in  their  persoim 
'or  lU'operty."  They  were  i;ratified  by  soma 
.small  presents  distributed  auioni:  tlu^m,  and  as- 
sured of  Llie  friendship  of  the  l.'iiilcd  States,  so 
Unvx  'If*  they  conducted  themsfdves  in  a  peaceablo 
and  proper  maiuu;r  toward.s  the  while  men  and 
each  other.  While  on  the  "  Oreiron  trail,'*  ike 
drai!;oons  fell  in  with  several  ]iarties  of  emiirranls. 
The  wdi'de  mnnlter  pas.-'iie^  this  season  into  that 
Territory,  by  that  route,  was  ascertained  to  be 
ei!.,dit  hiindred  and  fifty  men,  four  hundred  nnd 
seventy-five  women,  and  one  thousand  children — 
takiii'.;  witli  them  seven  tlumsaud  head  of  cattle, 
tour  hundred  horses  and  nudes,  and  four  linndn  d 
and  sixty  wagons.  The  drai^oony  were  nineiy- 
nine  days  on  this  excursion,  and  marched  a  dis- 
,  tuiice  of  tvvu  tliuusuad  iwu  hundred  niiles.    Tiio 


is-iri.! 


APPENDIX  TO  TMK  CONfiRKSSfONAI.  0[.OBE. 


15 


litl  I  Hlinlihl 

■  liy  riiiHinir 
"Ml   rrilmt'tl 

Iiiw  Inr  n*'' 
iitiiil  ir  to  n 

luit    tin'    t'll- 

t  iipr'uii/cHt 
il'  irnilf'riiiK 
1(1  tliiiii  11''^ 
and  iliHiiit- 

tlHMmli  thn 
nti  hiniy  >>> 
I  till-  rxi'uri- 
liiit  oClrniiM- 
u'(  n  witliniit 

■  iJlNirilMiiioii 
w  Inir  nii'vt- 
i-tiiii  nuiij'M- 

irlifiil  kiMiw- 
tliiir  ntnl  till- 
nin  ami  I'ltt- 
i;:lil  tiiirrlliiT 
1(1  iiii*rrii<Mril 
till  H(  rvicr. 
)>s,  iiioiirrnin 
iTN,  iinil  poii- 
Ht  tiud  III  dm 
(Mim   lor  NiH'li 

■  III  nri::)  lit,  in 
inn  nfl'i-Mis. 
I  innitjiiril  til 
t'luini;  il  vrry 
iinny   in   dint 

niaU'riiiU  I'lir 
aiiitMl.  Wlu'M 
I  army  wmihl 
iri'.ltK'  Hrnums 
ss  it  wan  wiip- 
\\>v  rroKsiu!; 
nu'lril  ill  iIh'. 
»y  wliicti  \\u^ 
\'  tii\\i\)VY!i  ami 
n'\i\  i\n  (o  tlio 
►'  an  til  iiM  iiM'- 
■.  Tlic  srr- 
rlifioil  jtlaciH 
H  a|i|H'ii)iriait^ 
y  (ll8^■^l^^sl'^l  in 
I'wiih  Niilnnit- 
or  is  siiAtaincil 
■»t  niilimrv  nw* 


il 


V  liivmahlo 
nut   In-  nn- 

Hiii':  (Icrtmd 
onimam)  of 

10    nnt   In:  V.\- 

(Irnnrlniriil, 
if  lilt  lirsi  rc- 
■nrtli  in  Juno 
ian  i-nunlrv< 
I  !*nss  of  tfic 
•s  (>r sonic  of 

of  the  wtHl, 
rnia. 

roo|i!H  nmon;^ 
cn-il  tlinaiirli 
lilrd  lo  niako 
the  varion.s 
lly  lniil»Mliat 

liot  lir  closi'il 
|H'nn!r  travrl- 
tlnir  pcr.sonH 
tiid  l)y  soma 
uMii,  and  as- 
ud  Stat.'s,  po 
in  a  pcartahia 
liiU'  nirn  anil 
on   trail,"  t4ni 

of  emi;^  ranis, 
ison  into  llmt 
•riaim-d   to  Iib 

hundnd  and 
ind  cliildrni — 
cad   of  rattli', 

t'nur  Imnilnd 
,  were  nint'ty* 
nrclird  a  dis- 
d  milea.    Tho 


'2\hn  CoNfi Ibt  Skm. 

piirtirularN  of  iliiN  .  xpfdillnn  will  he  found  in  the 
iiiti'iiMtini;  iTport  of  ColonrI  Krarny,  wliicli  nv- 
nMii|>anii'H  iiir  ronimnnirnlion  of  i)ir  <  umniaMdiii); 
t;rii(  nil  tif  ihr  amiv.  Imm  wi.li  MuhmillMl. 

Anollnr  part  o|'  lliin  n:'nmnt  ofdrat^oonH,  nn- 
ilir  the  romnatnd  of  Caplam  Sunim  r,  vinilrd, 
alioiit  (lie  Hanm  (iiiir,  llir  rxlirnir  nurlli,  aial  ix- 
|(  iiilrd  llirir  I Arnr^ion  nearly  to  tlir  line  of  llir 
Uhiird  Siali'M  hclwicn  Lakr  Superior  and  llie 
I.nkr  of  ihr  WooiIh.  Tin  rr  in  nanon  lo  |j(|ii'\r 
tlial  rlir  rr^nltN  of  iIuh  cxpi-dilion  wit!  prove  lo  lif 
e(|iiMlly  aiiHpirions  in  itN  indnener  upon  tjie  pcare- 
fill  rel.iiioMH  wilh  ihe  more  reniliNH  naiivi'H  of  iliiN 
n  hioii*  re^ion.  'I'Iiih  i-xhiliiiinn  of  military  forrr 
amoa!{  Ihrm  in  well  e.ilrnlaled  to  impre^H  upon 
llirni  llie  lielief  that  >vr  have  llie  power  at  hand 
lo   putMNJi  tin  ni  for  their  mindeedH. 

A  somewhat  nunuToiiH  hand,  known  an '*  the 
halt'-I'm  lU  of  (he  Kid  river  of  the  North,*' resi- 
diMi;  within  the  limitNof  tlie  llndMon-Itay  i-ountry, 
have  tor  years  hii  n  in  the  pnu'liir  of  makini;  ex- 
rni'.iions  into  <air  Iririlories,  to  hunt  ihiHaitl'alo, 
and  not  oidy  iiili  rl'i  re,  and  sometinu  h  come  in 
c'liillirt,  Hith  the  Indians  residini;  within  the  juris' 
dieiion  of  the  I'liiud  Slates,  hnt  destroy  a  irreat 
immlier  id'htill'iloe-j — some  years  as  many  as  thirl  y 
tlmnsand.  'I'he  (tovcrnua'iil  lian  laen,  hy  its 
aijenis,  warned  of  tlie  dani;erous  eonscijiniiei  ri 
which  are  likely  to  n'siilt  from  the  annual  visita- 
tions of  these  lijilf-breeds,  nial  eidlid  on,  hy  the 
eiiinplaiiits  of  our  own  Indians,  lo  take  nieasurts 
to  put  a  stftp  to  ihim.  Taplain  Sunnar  had  an 
imt'r\  it'W  with  them,  and  forhade,  iu  a  dei'isi\t> 
mm  ner,  their  liunliMi;  upon  llie  lerrilories  of  the 
rnitrd  SliUi  s.  This  adnioniliou  seems  to  juive 
made  a  serious  impression  upon  them;  fiu'  they 
have  siia'e  made  a  stroi'i;  appeal  to  onrdoveru- 
iiM'nl  {\>v  permission  lo  confimu;  a  jirji'lifc  which, 
tin  V  (■iiy,  they  have  followed  iVoni  tin  ir  childhood, 
aiaf  diclare  to  he  necessary  to  rlie  snhsisuni'e  of 
their  (amities.  They  even  inliniaic  a  williii'.'-ni-ss, 
if  allowed  to  do  HO,  to  remove  from  llie  Uritisli  ter- 
rihirics  and  settle  on  our  side  of  the  line,  in  order 
tosicure  lo  ilieniy<lve.s  the  privilc;;i;  of  liunliiig 
wiiliin  our  hordcrs. 

The  elfeciH  whi.-h  this  military  expedition  has 
had  upon  this  iar^e  and  advenlurous  hand  of  ln- 
diaiiH,  all'ord  sali.-l'actory  evidence  that  the  eniplov- 
nieiit  nf  onr  troop.4  on  these  excursions  has  liecii 
attended  with  a  sjtiulary  intlufiicc  upon  our  ludiau 
n  l.iiions. 

The  reports  which  I  herewith  Ridimit  from  ihr 
tinarlerniaster  (icuera),  the  Coimnissary  (oiieral 
of  Suhsislence,  llic  Paymaster  Cieiierd,  and  the 
Siir'icon  (ienei-id,  will  apprise  yiai  of  the  condition 
ol'  ihesc  several  de]>arlmems,  and  of  the  inama'r  in 
M'liich  the  dniii  s  apperlaiain-j;  to  each  ha\c  heen 
fiiililled  dnriiM^'  the  past  year.  The  sudden  asyein- 
hliii:^  (tf  more  than  (iiie-lialf  of  the  entire  army  iu 
'I'exas — drawn,  as  the  troops  composjn;^  il  neces- 
Faiily  were,  tVom  nearly  all  sections  of  ilip  United 
Si. lies,  without  sudh'ienl  rM)lico  tor  pnparatiou, 
and  at  a  seasmi  not  the  most  f.ivoralde  lor  such  a 
movement — nnavciidahly  occasioned  a  lar^^e  e:;pcn- 
diuirc  for  transportation.  The  appropriation  for 
this  pnrpnse  was  not  miide  with  luiy  referenre  lo 
tliis  extraordinary  nio\i  meal,  and  the  amount 
whii-h  was  piMvidcd  for  the  year — mat,  under  or- 
dinary I'ircumstances,  would  I'lave  heen  sntlicienl — 
was  nearly  exhausled  duriut,'  the  fu'sl  (luarli  r.  It 
will  iherei'me  In  eoua-  nccessjiry  loa^k  tiir  an  addi- 
lioniil  appropriation  to  su|>i)lv  the  deficiency. 
Until  further  reiurns  of  the  expeiiditurr  under  tins 
lu-ad  arc  received,  im  accurate  estimate  of  what 
V  ill  he  reijuired  heyond  the  amount  already  provi- 
dnl  cannot  he  n tail e.  When  these  returns  couie 
ill,  such  an  estimate  wilt  he  prepared,  and  suhmil- 
tetl  to  your  eonsideralion. 

It  is  proper  ilso  to  olisorvr,  liiat  tho  ajmropria- 
tion  for  this  luanclw;f  the  service  was  desijjjncd 
exclusively  for  the  reirulnr  army,  tuit  there  has 
1h  en  some  diversion  of  it. 

'i'lie  exafrt^crnted  accjtunts  of  tlir  Aloxirnn  force 
on  the  Kio  del  Norle,  and  the  prevalent  runmrs  of 
lar:;e  bodies  of  troop.s  liaslcniu;,^  towards  it,  exi'ited 
iu  some  (luariers  lui  apprcluusion  for  the  sntefy  of 
(ieticral  Taylor's  command,  shortly  aller  its  arri- 
val in  Ti'vas.  [.^nder  the  inllucnrc'of  this  alarm, 
ii,e  <:em'r;!l  ct)nunaitdinir  the  western  division, 
V.  ithoul  any  insiruciions  on  tho  suhjecr,  assnnu-d 
the  uuthorify  of  makinjr  a  rciinisition  on  the  Uov- 
truor  of  I  jitisiaim  for  u  portion  of  the  militia  of 


Report  of  the  Herrrtory  of  H'ar, 


Srnatb  ano  IIo.  or  HrPR. 


'  that  HtAtft.    ThiN  rrqiiinition  wtiH  promptly  rom- 
'  plied  with;  and  two  line  coinpaiiieN  of  iirlilttry, 
;  from  the  city  of  New  Orleans,  wens  dcHpatilu  d  to 
Texas,  heforu    thu  knowled^;e- of   thi;    pioctilure 
reaclietl   tliiH   plaee.     The  troops  ha\  nn^  heen  hi  ut 
lo  (jemral   Tiiytort  and   coUNiderahle  (Xpense  in- 
curred, authority  was  j^iven  to  huu  to  receive  ami 
retain  them  in  the  service  of  llie  United  Statin,  if 
I  the  piihlic  exiun-neii-s  iilioutd,  in  his  jud^nuent,  re- 
ipiire  ihem.      In  the  exercise  (d*  this  iliscr»tionary 
I  anlhoriiy,  they  were  taken   into  service,  and   le- 
{  taim>d  tmiil  tin- first  of  the  present  mouih.      It   is 
;  recommended  that  ('oni^ress   should    he   reiniesled 
,  lo  make  provision  for  payiiiL'  ihem,  and  detrayin:; 
the  expenses  of  ihis  procecilin;^.     In  tin*  rstimatc 


for  suppiyi 


im;  the  (lelicit  in  a)>propriation   for  the 

Itrt'seiil  fiscal  year,llieKc  exji<>nHes  will  he  iiu-lndeil. 
t  is  due  lo  the  palrioiic  ciii/iuH  who  mo  prompily 
and  cheerfully  respondiil  to  (his  rail,  to  say,  llmt 
the  commanilim;  ^^ciirral  of  the  army  in  'I'exa.t 
hiirhly  commends  them  for  their  discipline,  eill- 
cieiicy,  and  soldierly  couilu.  I. 

In  view  of  what  mi;;hL  he  the  condition  of  ihiiii^s 

I  in  Texas,  the  general   iu  eonnnaud  of  our   troops 

I  there  was  also  aiithori/ed  to  muster  inio  ihc  ser- 

, '  vice  of  the  United  Siau  s  sueh  auxiliary  fm-ci  from 

that  Slate  as  he  should  deem  necessary  lo  accoui- 

ptish  the  ohjerts  sjiccilieil  in  his  insiructions.    (In- 

dcr  this  aultmrity,  he  has  accrpied  llie  services  of 

four  Te\ian  coinpaiiies  of  mounu  il  men  for  thrre 

.  monltis.     These  troops  have  uoi  heeii  paid,  n«>r  is 

there  aiiy  provision  for  their  payment.     .When  full 

,  'I  iiirns  lire  received,  ail  eslimair  will  also  he  pre- 

'  sent!  d  of  the  aiiininil  reijiiircd  fur  that  purpose, 

I       I  ri*H[ii>c(riilt\  iiiviti>  yniir  lati'htiMii  to  the  \jfWMiiiiil  n-- 

ciiiiiiiicii(taUiihr<  ni'  Ihc  t  'iiiiiiiii''>-ar\  i^mcnil.  I'ii\  iiiiL'>t>'r  <<e- 

ii'-rtil.  iiiiil   Hitr;;r(Mi  liciirriit,  III  o  tiumii  t'l  the  liriiiM-hi's  of 

th»'  imlijic  stTMi-c  Willi  wliuh  tlc-y  iiic  rc--|ii'i-iiv<l>  churui  il, 

A-  liii-  roiill.-^  rd'  iinicliiiil  evprrn-iicr  ami  mIhciv;iUmh,  llu-y 

an-  wi>rlh>  mI'  iniriH'iilar  r-Mit-hli'nini)ii. 

I        A  ri'liTciir.'    In    Hn''ri|)ntl    ii|   llir   i.lticiT  ill   i-hlirtfc  Hi*  the 

I  Oritiiiiiicc  hnri'jia,  will  ^ll•a^  Unit   ihi;*  iiri|Mirliiia  hr;inr-h  ni' 

Ihc    |iiihli<-  M'rVM'i'    hii.H   rei-eivi'il   Ihc    viuilniit   alU'linmi   t*l' 

I  thnsc  In  whnm  it  hU't  hccii  ro-iHiiMliij.     Tht-  it|i|)ri)|Mi;iti'iiet 

.  Iihii'cd  la  ilH  cniitri>l  h;ivc  lieni  hjiilly  iipphcil  in  n h.|''(t!i 

'  ih-i>iiniut<'il ;  anil  thf  ininiitiMiii  nt w.ir  iimtcr  i|.<«  cli:ii;!i>  ciirc- 

i'lilly  prc^rrvi-il  aiid  I'naHih'riihly  iinniiMil. 

'       'I  he  r-tiaiaii'i  Inr  ihc  fii>iiiin.'  ytiir  ihi  nn|  ifri'iilly  v:iry 

'  I'rnm  thn«c  n|  lipniur  >i;ir-<.     'I'hc  itt-ia  liir  (iriiiim;  inrmlt  a- 

lioiiN  i-«  Mii'it-n-ctl  one  hniidri'il   lima^aml   iloltars.     .Many  nl' 

Ihc  l<>rt.->  nti  tilt'  -lahnaot  iiml   IIk'  (iiiirnl'  .Mt-\ii'>i  an*  .-n  lar 

('nrti|ili  tril  a->  In  he  ill  nnihiitsM  in  n-ccivc  tlicir  arinaiacnt. 

'J'hc  aiiMiiait   anw  ask'il   l<>r  witt   In-   iieiili'il   in   pniKtrc 

the  iiicrue*  Inr  iiriiiini!  llic-c  ihrt-*,  Intii'tlur  with  tim^r  in  ilic 

cniir>^>>  nl'  cnll^trachnll,  atiil  ^ll•-h  ntlxT  wnrks  a-4  the  prnprr 

I  iliteiicc  nl  ilir  cniiniry  may  nipiiif.     'I'hi'  lunniiMl  ni'  pnli- 

lie  pnipiTiy  cnnninit")  to  lh<'  >ai't  kfipjic^r  ni  iln-^  <l<  pirt- 

iiiciu  i^  csinnal<-<l  at   ii<  inly  nivcutecti  iiiiUkmis  erilnUar!'. 

Il  i^i  iii<i»tl>  ill  pn.^it'd   I.I   nil'   iiali'iiial  aiiiinrirs  at  Hjiiinv'- 

lli-iil,  Ma-^-urliUMit-,   aiitl    llarpt'i'H   t'«  rr\.  Virutnia,  aial  in 

;  twriiy-lincn  ar.-eiiul>  >itaairtl   iii  varinii- p;iri- nj' the  t  ni- 

Icil  Htati'H.     The  pin  .  T   prn(.-ciuiii   at*  tins  lari;i' aiiiwiitit  nt" 

piiip'Tly  rciiairi"'  aiiiin'miis  nliiici':',  wlie  li  iiiu-t  !•'■  k>'pt  in 

'  repair.     'I'lu-  c>ninai<'s  tnt'  ihix'  n-patrr.,  anil  Inr  iinilinl  ail- 

ilUinas,   arc   hai-cil  lUi  tin-  upiuiniiH  nl"  the  nitirer-i  in  chariic 

nl  the   prn|ii'ri>,  whu-c   ^inlatin|l  i-iiaMcs  tlKm  tn  inriii  an 

I  accarulc  JiiiluiMcnl  nn  ihc  snhj.><>i.     In  'Jic  cstiinalc-i  iiccnin- 

paii>in<!  tli<'   r- pnri   tVom  lln"  Imrcaii  will  he  liiniul  tin- rcu- 

MMiH  iipnii  which  thex'  npininiM  luc  liavii. 

In  Ihc  cnur-r  ntihi-  pasi  saiiiimr,  I  hav  d  i-iiicd  it  niv 
'  dnt)  In  viT-ii  Mil-  two  naiiniial  ai'iiit)rii'^,  ami  inn  iniivinrt'ij, 
iVnin  prr.-nnal  iiiy|H  (-linn,  that  ciJii^iihrahlc  c\pi-iiiliini'c  h 
n  ipnrcd  iil  racli.  litr  the  >-u\\\\  in  thi-  piiUle-  prn|i<-iiy  there 
dipoMlcd — i-nn-istiiitf  mil  mily  nia  laryc  ain<>niit  m'  malrrialu 
and  inannractnrcil  arni^,  hat  nt'  cxpeiiMVt-  niarliim>ry  ami 
vahrililc  hinldin;.'r>. 

.M>  pnih ->nrs  havt    aftrn  ri'cntaiaondeM  the  »'stalili.-!i- 

incnl  nl'  n  natinnal  tnundr>'  thr  cinaiuu.  riidi  ii  r.mndry  i-^ 
dictiM  il  f.-.-t  iiiial,  it"  imi  indi-pcn^ahly  ncc»sr;ar>.  In  im 
pniM' the  ipiality  ami  enn-^lrnciinn  nt' '|icav\  nrdiiini<-c.  It 
1-  nnt  in  cimit'inplalinn  to  have  it  .--» i-\ti'n>ive  iis  in  ^llpl■r- 
f<'ile  the  n-r  uj' p|-i\aic  thtimhii-;  hiil  mk-Ii  a  lonndry,  di- 
\iit<'(l   inainl)    tu  adnptin^'  and  ti'->ina{   nnpiiiM'ini'tit<«,  and 

rniiiishini:  mniht-t  I'nr  tin'  w.trk   tn  he  d at  nihci  e^tah- 

h.^himnt-^.  wiinlil  he  hiiihl>  n-ernl;  and  I  "om-nr  in  ijic 
virws  hercin;urc  prc.<cntiii  in  liivnrot  ■^n^■h  cfitalili^hnicni. 

('iin>ideratilc  (piantitics  id'  unn|>nwdcr  arc.  iind>-r  cxisiim* 
circnni.->iani'e:4,  necessarily  F-tnrcil  near  valnahle  puhlie  and 
private  lniildiau!«,  aiul  in  Ihc  vieiniiv  m'  |in|tnlnns  places, 
't'lic  dangers  JiL-lty  to  In'  npprelii'iidcil  I'rurn  kecpimr  this 
kind  nrpn>]Trrty  in  evpnsctl  i-nndiiinii:*  have  been  lien'tnlhrc 
rcpre.jcntca  In  rnnyrcs:^.  accnmparneil  willi  sim'_'"'>li"iis  m 
liivor  ni'c«lal>lislhnu  a  depot  tin  its  ^-uli■kcepill^  at  :-niiic  cen- 
tral poini,  Hale  in  its  cnn-iirneljim,  and  rcnir>M'd  In  a  M'cnn; 
distance  t'rnin  piihlic  cditices  and  private-  ihv'etliii<:s.  I  aifiiin 
aUiidc  to  this  siilijcci,  in  Ihc  lin|H-  Unit  provi.-hfn  niiiy  hu 
iiiailc  In  carry  laii  these  Miii^'cstinns. 

The  iniiniiccinent  of  the  niinerat  land:*  h:is  liecn  cninniit- 
tcd  lo  the  Orihnince  de[iartim'nl.  The  dcvi'|i>pnients  nl'tlii!* 
kind  of  wealth  dnrinu  the  hu^t  year,  purtictilarly  in  tlin  re- 
uitni  ahnut  Lake  r^npcrhir,  lia\.*fflvea  incrcascil  hnporliinco 
tn  this  snhji-rt,  and  attracted  towards  it  an  aiaisnal  dctjree 
of  pnlilie  atti'iitinn.  Tin;  pn-'t'iit  innile  ol'  openinu  those* 
lands  tn  imtii'iilnal  cnt'Tpri-e  iippeurH  tn  nic  in  he  ohjee- 
tinnahle.  and  m  cessahty  leads  to  si'rious  ditticiiltics  In  rc- 
;:ard  t'p  eniiflieiiiiK  claims  t'nr  IncatiniH,  Fnrllit'r  legisliuioa 
uii  ttad  vuhject  id  rciiuirvil.     Measures  tmvu  bcun  taken  to 


'  nNnln  Rrrtirntn  Indirmatlmi,  a»  wnll  hi  n-taird  to  il pent- 

liotiM  nl' Ihc  prcMcnl  «>i>ti<ni  un  to  ciiiihh'  the  ile|inrliin  n(  to 
prfi|Hi-*ii  Murne  moditlcatintix,  nr  iiii  ennre  chiinai'  nl'  It.  Tint 
mamiurnn  nt  oi  ii  mm-irn  of  thi*  tnitiire,  nln  iidy  Invnlvlni/ 
piililn  and  private  tiitcrci>tf<  ot'  eniifldcrahlc  maKiiintdc,  ami 
rapnllv  iiier<'i>Hlnii  In  InijHirtiim'i*,  Khnnid  nni,  m  inv  epln- 
nm,  1)1'  d  -vnlved  iipnn  a  mlhlarv  Imrcan  nrviinl/.i'd  wllli  r*  • 
iIti'Iicc  to  appropnair  diiticri,  nnd  thnHn  dnlieo  nl'  a  varniH 
and  reiipnniil'ilc  dninictiT,  rciinlrinn  Ihc  vlirihml  unit  i-ini* 
^lllllt  Ktleiitinn  (»('  Ihi'  ntliccrN  clniiu<'d  w  itii  the  {Hrforimnieo 
nt'  ilirni.  It  i^  prniHp-i  d,  lis  r<nnn  IIS  tin-  re*iirns  Troiii  llni 
uueiils  tiir  the  t)>'i'iil  >car  arc  reel  (veil,  ami  (tth'T  maii-ritd^ 
cnllci'tcil,  lo  ciihmlt  lo  your  coii^iihrati'in  ii  tall  niHitl  "ii 
tills  Mntic'cl,  with  NUUKe^tlnns  ni'  cHscnthd  clianLtt-<i  ni  rru:ijd 
to  the  m'«|MHitioit  ami  m.mau>'Nii'nt  ni'  ihi>«  portinn  nt  ihn 
|iuliltt-  [irnpirlv. 

Ammiu  lh<''ri-M[ioiihil)|e  dntirH  cfmimilted  lo  llil'*  dtpurt- 
iin-iii  III  the  linvcrnrm'iii,  i*  thiilot'dlli-inhiu  to  oar  evtcrinr 
d<-leiiceii.  \\'ith  inl  iiid  I'rontitTs  ami  (•caenaHis  of  niiniy 
tlinii-aml  miles  in  extent,  a^^-ailahlc  at  alni<»<l  any  |Hiliit,  it 
Is  ver>  olivimis  Hint  a  s\hiein  nt' iwrnianeiil  tlirlill'ealinns  i>4 
nccsfary  to  our  Hccnriiy.  This^nhjeei  iieeivnl  tin  early 
atti-ntlon  of'  lht<  <ioverniiiei)t,  anil  lias  heen  iiroMci  iiteil  Uy 

e\er.\   sii ediiitf  A(linnii''lriilioii.     As  all  wliii'li  rnpnml 

to  l)c  done  eniilil  lint,  in  ihc  ticttlnnlnir,  he  nt  (nu'e  imihr- 
taken,  the  more  i'.v|Hii>ed  iind  iin|Hirt'nit  |tnt<iliniis  wcr>'  lirxt 
atteinlcit  In;  hnt  points  w'ldeli  iniuhl  havi' hein  nvirlnnkeil 
nr  properly  iliKrci^anhd  in  |ia-'t  y  iirs,  nmv  claiin  -jH-enil 
ennflileralinii,  ill   cnn«i'tinent  e   nl'  til"   pmirrc^- 'it    linprn\e 

nil  III  ami  the  iitcreiiMi!  of  wealth  ami  pnpiiliilinn  in  their 
viiinlly. 

The  permanent  ilet'eneen  now  iiii'i<-r  eonstrneiinti  or  re- 
pair are  Hitnaleil  ahnnt  the  northern  I'mnlnr d  mi  the  >ea, 

ci.M'l.    TtM'  aei'onipanviiiK  report  nl'the  I  "hii  I  rnuineer  pre- 

oriii'i  an  aceiiriili- ami  rnll  nee t  oi' tl •ndnmn  nl*  Ilm 

several  work;*  wlaeh  have  hei-n  under  eitn-irnetinii  diiriiii( 
lilt-  na^t  >ear. 

tIic  c'lminciT  (ilIlecM  have  heen  einplov'd  ilnrinK  that 
tillii' llpnii  Inity  eiL'ht  tiirls.  Ahnilt  lhrt>  nl' |lie<.e  ate  mav 
ready,  nr  on  shtirl  imiiee  eniihl  tie  made  ri  aiK ,  tn  rcMclvn 
their  UiM  armaim  lit ;  ,\et,  iipmi  -everal  nf  tliem.  cnu'ldcr- 
ahle  e\pemlitnri  s  are  reqinreil  to  m  •  nre  ilnin  rmiii  (h-eay, 
ami  to  prn\hl'  ni-i'iU'id  aii 'onnnndatinn  I'nr  trnop.,  Thti 
tit-tmid  in.  n  nhjeet  ha^  t)>-en  tn  rniikc  tliein  availahh'  ns 
deien-tvc  work-> ;  hnt  il  i!<  Important  that  aeeonnnndatinni 
-liniild  iil-n  he  t^iriii'^heil  I'nr  r'iniill  iw-aei-  uarrmnm'.  \cry 
-trnnit  olijections  arc  iir'icd  iiualn>t  lliu  ii<e  of  cascinntcs  n!s 
liti-pitals  and  harr.-n  ks,  lluih  pnljcv  mid  liinniinily  reipiire 
lh'«l  siiitahle  pruvi-inn  -Imnld  he  inade.  mi  nnlv  for  ilie 
cnmDnt  nf  the  ^n'k,  hnt  I'nr  the  pre^ervatiim  nf  the  lieahh  of 

the  «niiiid.      C.^mnutes  |hr  llie  cnn- triletinii  ot'  hn-pital-  mid 

haiTie'kH  lit  siiini'  nf  the  primipal  pnslH  and  foittilealinm , 
ami  Ihr  the  repair^  (•!'  Ihn>e  alreaily  erected,  an;  mihmiltcd 
liir  Ihe  coil.'id''raniili  o('Cnn«re-.y. 

New  Inrtineaiiiins  have  heen  enmmenccd  nt  iKiints  clear- 
ly indn-ated  liy  a  pmper  regard  to  the  pnlilie  fcenrity,  and 
{  tin-  reipiislie  approprnitions  are  asked  I'nr  contiiitiniu    lint 

'  cnnstrnetinil  \t\'  tln-ni.  A  reli  rcnce  in  the  repnrls  nf  till) 
eliii'l' enqimerH  for  >everal  ftn-ees-ive  \earH,  aij  well  nn  Vt 
that  lieicw  iih  siihiiiitn-tl,  KJinws  that  a  l'  vv  nthi-r  new  works 

t  are    (lei-mcil   esrnleil   to   niir   fj-HleiiMil"  exleriial    deli-nee, 

I  The  wi.sc  cnn^ideratinns   which   eninmeml   them   to  the  l!i. 

I  voralile  notice  of  Cimaress  ine  ch-arly  and  cimenily  pre- 

;   hii-lited  In  Ihe.-e    re|inrl-i. 

The  (Irst  in    pnial  of  iiiiportanec  is  the  defence  of  tho 

;  \airnws  at  Slateii  Islanl.  in  the  liar' nr  nf  New  \'ork.  I'or- 
tilleatinns  at  Ihi'^  [ilace  wmilil  he  nmre  i  tlietive,  hevtnnl  a!I 
diopiite,  in  4'o\einit;  that  cily,  tlian  any  ntler  whnli  Iki- 
heen  select. d.  Tin'  prnper  Ml*-  tiir  -m-li  wnk*  In  Imcs  tn 
tin'  Slate  »i'  \<-w  \'nrk,  and,  it  i^  nndersio'iil,  wnnid  htt 
tian-'ferreil  tti  the  I'oited  Si.ii.-..  on  verv  rt  a-iniuMe  leriiis. 
It  miu'lil  I htaim  d.  it  is  heln-veil.  hy  an  ev(-han<!c  li>r  llin 

;  siie  and  materials  nf  I'lirt  (;an>evnnrt,  now  remh  red  iii-e- 

,  less  as  a  hatteiy  hy  the  extension  nf  till' city.  It  lA  reenm- 
ineiulcd  that  aiitlnirily,  aecnmpanied  li>  an  appropriation  tiir 

I  enmmi'iienm  tile  wmk.  shiinhl  he  yi\i  n  tn  eltect  a  jmrclivM! 

j  nr  tian-ti-r.  if  either  ciia  he  mud-  nn  iKlvantaieniiH  term-. 

1  A  ic'W  work  on  ."^nnily  (hiok  lia<  heen  repealedly  reeniii- 
inended,  ns  i i-s.-.ar>  to  tin-  ninn injilete  eonimnnd  of 

'■  the  iiiaUi  ehajniel.  and  iU  imli>pen!-alilc  in  cdiilrni  (lie  un- 
elinra^e  in  the  Inw'i-r  liii>'.  Till-  eoniniand  nf  thi.-  iiiichorn^n 
is  al>n  impnrtanl  in  n-iiaril  tn  the  land  d.-i'enec  nf  the  cjty. 

,  A  linard  nt"  eic^  iieer  ntlieers  is  imw  eiiiplnycd  in  ■•xaininllllt 
llii-^e  po-iiiim-.  anil  the  land  approaches  to  the  eitv,    Their 

,  repnrt,  when  received,  w  ill  iindoiihteilly  sn>iaiii  the  vii-WH 

,  here  presenii-d,  of  Ihe  character  and  ml-t-.-'ily  nf  this  wnrk 

I  as  an  adititinnal  set-ithly  In  tliis  imi.-t  impnriant  pnini  npna 

i  the  Atlanti«-ina-t. 

A  liirtres.s  dc.-i({ni'd  lor  tho  heiter  prntectinn  of  I'hihidcl- 

;  pliia,  Wihninuton,  Nevvcasile,  and  the  entrance  of  tlielh'la- 
w'are  and  t'liesapeaki!  canal  into  helaware  liiiy,  wim  hi  !,'nu 

I  several  years  aijo  on  the  I'ea  Patch  li-land ;  Inil  it  was  ar- 
re^li-il  la'  a  ijMcsiinii  as  to  the  vatiilitv  of  the  title  Iu  the  siln 

'■  lU'iphreii  hy  tiie  t  'nited  tftates,  ami  lias  heen  ever  f-ince  cijs- 
p "iidi  il.  'i'hc  evi>tiii:r  ajiprnpriaii'ia  is  sntlicienl  tor  recom- 
meneinirit;  hnt  i!ie  comhiiMiis  iillaelied  render  il  laiiivail-- 

>  ahlc  at  preocnl.  The  que^timi  us  to  the  title  Is  nuiy  stated 
in  the  report  t'rnin  the  I'^iiuinecr  Ilcpartmcnt.  l-'rntn  the  easn 

'  as  ilnrein  presented. there  wniiht  a|ipciir  to  he  hnl  vcrylittln 

<  lia/ard  in  remoMiii!  the  restrictions  upon  thi!<  uiiprnpritition, 
and  piiK-eedini!  w  itii  the  work.  If,  however,  nnr  tillf!  shonhl 
he  thiHiL'ht  to  he  ipn-stiniiahle,  very  important  iiitorL'Hts  de- 

,  iiKind  th'il  innm-diate  inensiircH  shoiilil  be  taken  lo  perfect 
il,  and  therehy  prevent  a  t'urlher  dcliiy  in  crtvtini;  ihi.s  forti- 

I  ficatinii. 

j  The  neec-^sity  nf  an  adilitiunal  work  in  llif  vicinity  of 
Sellers*  Point,  Inr  the  pnileetioii  of  Italtiiiiore,  is  u]<o  shown 

I  ill  till'  report  nf  llie  I'hief  Kimiiieer.    It  is  iircsiinieil  that  tho 

I  imnnrtaiice  <if  providiiiij  for  the  M'eiirit.\  nf  this  pnpnlniH 
and  wi-allhy  city  will  t-oinmiunl  the  attention  nf  ('nnun-ss 
Several  other  new  works  on  the  soathi-rn  coast — one  at  the 
entranci!  of  the  t'aniherlaml  Hninal,  Oeorniai  nmitln-r  on 
Daiiphiirs  |>taial,  Alahama;  and  a  third  at  Froctur'ti  lauid- 
ini!,  on  Lake  Horiino,  lioiiisiatia— are  deemed  essential  lo 
the  defeiu-i-  nf  that  Nccti'iii  nf  the  laiion,  and  therctbre  en- 
titled to  till!  favoralih?  netinii  of  t'niigress. 
The  prujuctc-il  Ibnilicutiotid  uii  tltc  Tlurida  rcefsisono- 


T 


;■■?■•> 


n'^ 


♦  f 


t 


4       \ 

f 

f  if' 


--4 


IC 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Dec.  2, 


^29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


Report  of  the  Secretary  of  War* 


Senate  and  Ho.  of  Rkps. 


ft'Mt'liry  tor  llu'  iiroti'cii.in  nt'  ilic  piiK"  roiiitiuTcc,  havi-  hei-ii 
ulrcQily  milhuri/.i'd  tiy  ('tij)Kri><4.  'VXw  \\\\\i;\xn\t*^i\\v\\Xi  lu 
proriiniiif  n  title  in'  tin*  |innnt!>«>it  rrqiiircd  lor  Wwav  tie* 
(i'lifcH.  Imvc  ctuisril  j«(iik>  delay;  l>iil  Ittey  iire  in  tin;  uiiv  of 
l).'ii)t;  (ivi-r<'oini>,  iinil  then  tiie  iiii-aiH  ttt  thi'  (lih|H>riuj  of  ilip 
(t.'purlliieiit  will  he  |irnHI|illy  Iippheil  to  •lij<)  nhji'L-l. 

The  Ji'iv)iniH!!e<  Ml"  the  >evt'riil  work  herein  nit'nlinni'd 
me  lp"t  eiir^onn  iiil\erte(l  hi  iji  tlii^  eiunrniirite-ilioii.  Kor  u 
I'lill  ili-v-elopjMenl  ol  them,  itllil  ol'  tile  npcrolioiiM  o|'  llir  \"  *{. 
\n\v,  I  re:ei  t«t  the  eLiliorute  itiitl  ahjy  rt'iwrt  iVuni  (liu  Kiigi- 
lieer  llep;irtint'iil. 

MiiviMu.  ill  the  niurse  nf  Wut  Iti  t  puinmer,  vi.-iled  the 
MihtJiry  Aeiiil.-liiy  HI  \Ve>t  rmiu.  .rid  inleiuled  the  exiutii- 
imlioii  of  the  cndet-.  I  Tee!  il  lo  he  du<-  (o  (hill  lii^tjIlitiiHj  lo 
fipeak  ot"  \U  present  ex'-.'lli-nt  rondinmi.  Progressive  iiii- 
pritveinent  is  lUrejtdy  pireeptilih-  to  those  who  jijive  ex- 
iiiiiined  ihi.4  insiiiiiMoii  ji  thO'ereiit  and  hoin<-\vti;Li  dif<taiit 
penmis.  Ilnniehc''  oriii^inieii.tn  tbrtrifrly  pnr-ued  are  now 
more  ihorou«li'y  tanjhr.  and  oiiii-rs  or"  a  strK-ilv  niililarv 
rliaraeiiT  iiave  hcin  inimiht'-cd.  'I'he  M>|in<c>  iia\e  cdii- 
ferred  a.^  many  and  i\<  ^i^nid  advanlriu''-^  in  iht-ir  apphea- 
tinns  to  Hi'- an  tii*  war  i\*  to  the    art.-  <'oni.eei,'d   uimi  the 

p-uert'itl  iHirsuil-^  "1'  liie;  and.anioiiL'  the  ion iiiit>  ol  na- 

tion-*.  e\pii*.i|  to  In- hionuiil  into  e.iniiiet  \\iili  ta<'li  oiln  r, 
ill  l.ie  eonrse  (ire\tni>,  i!m>r  u  hieh  do  not  avail  liieiii- 
nelves  ni"  tlieir  ailvaiitaL'.s.  will  h.-  alnio-^t  .■*iire  to  pa;,  a 
iK'UVy  penalty  I'or  their  in'iilfet.  in  the  proiit.-*e  waste  m"  "iHe 
aii.l  trea.-tire.  in  \\\\*  view,  a  inilitaiy  ^eIll«p|.  where  tlie 
Feienc;-:*  are  laualu  and  n[iptii  d  to  ihr  an  o|"war.  is  a  liiirlilv 
iTHiKirlaiil  II  iiional  e-tal.lidinn'iit.  The  Araileniv  at  W  i  >i 
I'oiiii  i-.  iti  (111- re-prt.an  in^dintiun  i.t' ureal  ii'-i  tnliir,:-, 
nnd  >hoii!.l  n-.-rive  the  lii^t-Tiii';  eare  of  the  (iuvirinnent.  1 
eo.'ieiir  ill  Ih-  M<\v^  pr.'-enhd  hv  ilie  <'|iier  K.iiiinrer,  ler  a 
l.iard  of  vi^iir-r-  •*i\-v\  .1  from  eivil  life,  under  ^oIno  ur  ult 
<»r  till'  mo.li.iriilon-;  he  ha-^  Mijinei^ied, 

The  report  from  tin-  t'liief  of  ihc  r.irp-  of  'ropni»raphicuI 
Kns'Mie'-r-.  hereto  appended,  ha-  hern  pnpare.l  unh  eare 
and  industry.  It  e.iiiiraees  onjei-iH  nf  meat  pnhlie  e.nieem. 
and  i\nni^iM-s  ino-t  ile-irahte  infortnatton  in  reijard  nui 
only  to  ilie  work:-  ujMMi  wlii<he\p.nditnri>  Imveh.Lii  made 
diiriivi  the  la-^t  sea.>oji,  Imt  t<i  ihn^.'uhieh  iir.-  hk.-h  to  In; 
pro«ci-u(e)|  duriiii  thi-  eii>u-ii:;  \.  ir.  Tim-  detail-  nf  the  op- 
eraiioii-i  and  t!ie  result- of  in  pi>i  year,  furnish  saii-liieiurv 
proof  ty(  till,  advaniayes  nf  r.nitidrii;:  the  rxr.-niinL'.  ii>  weil 
Qi  the  plaiinini:,  of  works  of.thi-  <-liai'aeti-r  to  mm  of  ^ell'n■ 
mle  acipnrenient^.  profr-Honal  -kiH.  and  pja<-tii-id  exp-'- 
rienei'.  Sneii  dntie-^  are  pn.p  riy  a^M-.-neil  lo  iImim-  wlm.  hv 
■duealioii.  enii-^iant  -tmly.  and  Ioiil'.  laljuriuiis  piaetier.  have 


IM'iliiieaiKMi.-  lo  hup'erinii'ini  and 
I  M'  uhjt-ri^  hr(ni;:li|  into  vnw  m 
(liiii'al  Kiireaii  ar<-  not  of  an  ix- 
i'T;  hill  nian>  mi  tht-in,  liowe\rr. 
in  the  lefener  nf  Ihr  (-niinuy.  aint 
works   dtncily  (■.)nni  i-hil   with, 


lU'tpiired    the    nijiii-ite 

pro|>(  rIy  exet-nie  (hrm. 

rfle  report    of  Ihr  'I'op.. 

fiU-iv.'ly  inihiary  t-li.ti 

lta\e  an  intunale  relai; 

ell  are  re-j  .rdeit  as   piinh 

nmlesjieiidal  10,  o.ir  -'\ti-rnnl  or  inh-rnat'i-oiiinier.r.     .Mo-t 

€»f  liuv  '  work-*  wtn   authori/.cd  and  iiiidrrtakin  some  vears 

«i'o;  Iml  li'de  wius  diaie  iip.m   th'-m  dminu  iliepa>r\iar, 

ill  e.,n  efpK'i.re  of  M»e  lUilure  of  tj..-  appropiiation>  for  that 

punx.-r. 

Tile  hikes  were  almost  entirely  desiitiiti'  of  natural  har- 
bors. \avi:falion  u[Min  them  was  expo.-rd  to  iininirienl 
fi;ril:<.  and  not  unfrnpienily  atleiidctl  VMtli  licintfnl  |.i-s  u\ 
lie  and  prop.  riy.  V\  iih  the  -.-ith  nieiii  and  limu  lii  of  tin- 
We-iiTii  enuiilr> .  llie  eoinnnrer  U|)<>ii  tlie>.-  inland  >ras  l,;i.s 
rapidly  ineieas-'d  ;  and  it.>  e-timated  amiiial  ainoiiul  nou  ex- 
coed.s  in  \ahe  til,,  .-(itire  exiM.ris  ui  tin-  produei- and  man- 
nlhctiircs  nf  the  1  'niicd  Siai.--  to  all  forei-n  eouuirn  s.  An 
hilere>l  of  tliH  inaL'iitinde,  ilaiK  aii;;nirtjna;:.  in  whhh  >o 
iinny  ^itije-,  and  >o  |  iri:"  a  iMtriimi  m  nnr  eiiizeii-  paiini 
paled,  naturally  •-ouimanded  the  atienliiin  of  Conare-^.  aitd 
properly  rt-eeivcd  ii-  in-iinni:  eare.  Saf.'  harliors  ».re 
Miieli  needed;  and  a  s>>t.in  of  iniprovein'iils,  with  a  \iiw 
to  pr.)\idi'  tliein,  wa..  euiiiiii'iiii'd  in  I'-Jl  Tin-  incU  aoionnt 
I'Xp.Mided  tipnii  tiie>e  liarUirj  is  >*J,Nil,;t.,l.  'i'he  olij-xL-  lu 
wrn«-h  tlie.^i-  appropriation-  have  lirm  appli--d.  and  the 
ninonms  of  tin'oi  fiom  l>JH-)  the  prcsini  ijnie.  are  .-pni- 
ri-.;d  III  lae  anni>\<-d  r-'port.  lni;.'ih,-r  Willi  an  e>iniiale  of  the 
Inrther  kuiiis  requiml  liir  the  cnMnjitt  lineal  jiar.  'Ihe 
iVurks,  so  fara.- ih>y  have  )ii'<-ri  pro-.r.ted,  uiv."  ahiimlant 
assurnnCL'  th-i  ttie  aiun-ipairil  iidvanl:ii£is  wiM.  in  the  end, 
be  rttoliaed  to  tin'  fiill.M  .  xiint.  It  nia\  I..-  proper  to  re- 
mark, tliat  tnex-  iiniirovejih-nis  ar '   iioi  iviihnnt   I lit   in 

R  niilitar>  point  of  view.  .^Iioiild  it  ever  hrcnnie  in'e.»ary 
lo  haw  a  naval  loree  upon  the^'  lakis.H,.-  numrrons  anil 
rominodioii-;  harhors  thus  provided  hy  D  ■  .lid  of  the  (oiv- 
cniinent  Wilt  eontniaiie  to  it-*  saiiiv  lo  a  'Hrrosfnl  opera- 
tion-. Ursiides,  f'-re  are  now  tniplovcd  m  ilie  i-nmmeree 
nf  tae.sf  lakes  ;i  freat  iiiinilx  r  of  lari-e-M/i  d  and  stoijtly- 
tiiiilt  -t.-an.  -rs,  whieli  wipuld  not  lia\i-  hi-in  plaet-it  ther-'  liy 
iiidiMjual  enl.  rjiri-.-.  hut  h*r  lio-  -al.t>  and  anoniinodation 
iifT'ir.hd  l»>  the-'- harli.ii-.     In  «a-i- of  a   piitjli--   etin 

lilC-e  -I.-anieM  eaij  In    i- V||.(|i|jnn>l>   rnitVilt.  d  llil'i  <  ii; 

vessels  or  war.  aiid  ri-ml'  n  d  -iih-»  im-nt  to  miiita''.  opi  i.i- 
tions.  \nr  are  t:i-  (•.■onniii>  and  laeihh  oi  iran-poitii.a 
troop)',  rnuri  on-  nf  war,  anil  yiipplii's,  lu  h'-  o\  TliMiked  in 
i-st)in:)iinit  the  puhln-  advintaL'e-  of  the  lake  imi  'nM-nMiits. 
It  i'  nl;o  >aid  loai  nnr  ii.-i  -nim.-ii  are  tl.o.-c  uim  |i;i\,.  |,rrn 
ir.ilned  in  the  (ia\ia  iiou  .  '  ■  .,r  lak'-s. 

ITii;  iiiiiiilier  of  laki'diarhor  impio\rmen|s  authorized  hy 
law  U  ti-e:iiv  MV.     (Joo.l  harl.nr-  have  Iwen  made  wh.'r'e 

non-*  eitl^l;.-d  h-lorr  :  and  liir  expenses  xi\', -ini.-tion  have 

not.  in  tlie  Whldc,  nveeeded  the  estlllia|e>.  pro-pri  tl\'  \\  pre. 
peiiied.  Thwp  rtMultJi  dive  av-iiranee  Dial  the  plan^  wire 
jTidieinii-iv  ennrelved,  and  Ih-  work  le.Mioinicatlv  and  skil 

!Ud>'   e\eea1.  d. 

'J'he  pilt.he  ns,'f||lue-s  ..f  Ihe-e  injprovenieiits  will  he  het- 
I'T  apjM-eeiateil  w  li  )ii  It  I-  -'Od-Hhred  ilmi.  I(v  iiieam4  of  tlniii, 
a  ino-i  ihiuR'-roiH  navn.MitoM  ha-  heen  r-i'tdered  ecmipiira- 
ti\.I>  ^aie.  A  lar.'e  sliippniu'  lntere^l  has  h.  en  ereated  upon 
our  laki's  and  ftlellitil■^  and  -.helter  niforded  to  a  eoniineref 
iiftvv  e.tiinaie.t  at  one  Iniitilnd  hiiIIioih  of  dnlhirs  annualU,, 
and  inereaMiit;  with  .Mirpn-nic  raiuditv.  in  uhi.h  .-i\  .^latea 
iifp  ilirerilv ,  and  all  weiinns  of  the  e.piinlry  im  identalh  .  in- 

liTf^led. 

,W'>r  i-  it  >.-nrceI\   h'v,  JMiporlanI  in  a  enniiui  /eial   or  lllili- 

t|tfy  point  9t  rl«H ,  lUat  ilm  iK-ipmi  hand  of  improvtuieiit 


enr\, 


fhould  he  extended  to  the  natural  avenues  for  conveying  (ho 
nhundant  productions  of  Ihe  West  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexieo 
and  the  Alhintie  eoasi— (ho  Ohio  nnd  the  MiDftiflolppi  on  the 
one  »!ide.  and  the  lliid^on  river  mi  the  other.  The  proaress 
of  the  work  on  the  twit  former  rivem,  liaviiig  for  it-*  iiiiiin 
ohiect  tin-  reninval  of  ohMlriiction)*,  hiw  been,  in  a  nienf  ure. 
siisp.'iided  diirinc  the  pii^t  senxnn,  ineBnH  not  having  heeii 
pro\  jded  at  the  last  session  ot'  Coinrresti  fhr  that  piir|«ise.        i 

I.ookiiii!  to  the  vast  interesLs  hulHorved  hy  thin  iinprove- 
inem,  and  to  its  unipie>iio])ahh'  piihlic  ehaVaeler,  sea.eely 
n  doiiht  U  enterlaiihal  that  it  Will  he  resuiin-d.  Ksliinaten 
for  \U  fiirliier  iro?eentioii  are  llierctbre  siihinitted  in  Ihe 
aeeoiiipaii\in-^  report  .a  the  eliiuf  of  the  topll^raphll'al  eli- 
(!iiiei;rs,  In  the  same  rejMirt  will  also  he  llnindaii  elahorale 
and  intrrestiiic  expo-iiiou  nf  the  present  eondition  of  the  i 
llud-on  rner;  of  its  imporianee  in  regard  loeoniuierce  nnd 
lo  military  iiiovenieni-,  a-*  one  of  the  main  avenueji  of  com- 
miiniealion  iVimii  the  W'e-ieni  Slates  ii>  the  i-eahoard,  and 
the  ehannel  Diron.'ii  wiiieh  a  ecinsiderahle  portion  of  ihe 

Iraile   helweru   thi-e   t^tale^  and   liiij   Atlanlie  inurt   t es- 

sarlty  pass;  tifthe  dilhenities  whieli  now  emharrass  iisna\i- 
(.'liion  in  tlie\iejnir>  of  Alhaiiv;  of  the  siieeess  of  liirmer 
expeniliiures.  and  the  pi.tjis  and  piohahle  eo-j  of  tnrther 
inip/oveineiii-.,  i.ilh'd  lor  hy  so  nniiiv  ami  siieh  iniporlani 
pahlie  e.ai'nlL  ratinii^.  That  part  uf  the  report  whieh  hniiL's 
iiiioMew  ihi-  Mi-MMiri,  Ihe  .Vrkiuisa-i,  the  It-d  it\er.  and 
liie  harlior  of  St.  Loui-.  e\po..cd  to  injury  hy  a  lendeney  to 
a  ehaiuTe  Ml  i!ie  eiirreni  nf  iiie  Mi<-issij»pi*  at  that  plaee,  de- 
serve?, srimns  eoii.<ideralion.  Iheent  events,  and  Ihe  open- 
iiii.'  -een*  ■*  III  Ilie  soniliwi>t,  ha\e  (rivt  II  inereaseil  ini|)or- 
l.iiiet-  to  (he  naviiraiiiui  of  the  Arkan-a-  and  Kid  rivern. 
The)  open  direet  ennininuieatioiis  w  nh  an  exlen.-ive  iVon- 
lier.  whieli  ri'ipiiies  to  he  cuardeil  hy  military  posts.  The 
improvenient  nf  these  rivers,  (Ml  Ihifi  aeeminl  as  well  an 
from  enii^iileratiojis  nt'  ji  more  Keiieral  eharaeter,  i^  em 
hraeed  aiiiouL-  i!ie  [inhlie  works  presented  by  the  topopraplii- 
eal  hiiieaii  |o.-  •'  c  palroiirii>e  of  (  omiress. 

All  the  e>[iuia(is  ot'  that   hun  an   iuec'nnliiu'd  to  ohjertM  ■ 
up.in  which  tiie  opinion-  oi'Cnnt;re       lave  la-en  expre.-scd, 
i.ail  upon  !.oine  of  them  in  n-peaietl  m  tanees. 

I  nder  til'' direet!oii<  oi   tli,^   hiin-au.  an  exploration  was 

made,  in  l^l-J.  oftiu ilf>  heiween  the  Slate  nf  .Missouri 

and  the  Itncky  innnniaiii-.  Tlie  very  salis(ae(nr\  n:"mnr 
in  which  It  was  periormed,  and  ilie  amonni  of  valuahie  ami 
intere.-tinu  information  Ihn- ohiaiib'd,  iiiilnccd  the  (iovern- 
1IM  nt  to  extend  II-  re-eanhis  to  reuion,,  still re  n-inote. 

At  the  close  of  the  ia.-t  -ismoii.  a  -eeond  report,  from  the 
inlelliiieai  and  enierpri.-in:'  oilu-er  asstsrned  lo  thi^  si-rviee, 
was  laid  hi-inir'  f.MiL'ie.-s.  Iiut  imt  till  Very  neenily  repuh- 
Ii-hed.  It  i,"  a  doenmi  nt  lull  of  n-'  I'nl  iiHormation  in  rela- 
ti'Hi  to  the  eounir>  lievond  the  l?oek>  moiiniains— to  its 
va.-i  eapaliihties  and  niiiinTon<  resoiiree-. 

The  valu.d.le  ^ervlees  of  Hrevct  Captain  rreniont,  the 
oHieer  who  sn  sneee— fully  enndlieted  the  previous  explnra- 
Iioiis.  are  sertired  to  i)ie  ('iovermiieiit.  Iiy  empliHinc  him  in 
a  third  ex|>ediiion  into  iliai  e\ien>i\e  ami  eomparatively 
unknown  ii'moij.  It  is  not,  however,  evpeeied  that  lii'^t 
laltors  can  he  rnriiplcted  in  sea  iin  to  enahle  iliis  depart- 
iiienl  to  present  the  rcstiltH  of  U.jdi  to  (.'oiitftLtix  ut  its  preH- 
ent  St  >sion. 

Anioin;  the  documents  herewith  tran-niiiled  is  Ihe  report 
of  the  fnninu.-r-ioner  of  Pen-i.-ns.  Til"  amount  paid  to 
p.'ii-inners,  durinu  the  la-l  ti-i-al  \ ear,  was  tw n  millions  of 
dnilars;  and  the  .-iniate  lor  the  next  is  *-l.!IM,mH). 

Tin  iiumUtr  of  pen-ion<rs  of  all  d>  -eiiptioe-*  ji  'JH.Jt-il. 
Of  these.  <t.,-.;.|  are  Uniah-*.  Ihirinj  the  Ia-|  >  r. -J.rni  e.-r- 
liiicales  have  heeii  |<^n^^l  to  pi>oriswlnt  w.  re  not  heliirc 
mi  the  prUMon  rnll>  ;  and  the  ulinlc  immhcr  of  apphcations 
now  peiidini!  hiloit- the  ( ^li|lml>^lnm•r  is  T.Mft.  These  have 
all  heeii  examined,  s.ui f  III. :.;  repeatedly  ;  Iml.  Ihi'  evi- 
dence to  support  ilieni  lieini:  dei.eti\e  or  iiisuiMi-ienl,  the 
parln-s  inie'-esied  hive  heeri  iintiliid  of  the  proniids  of  nh- 
jeeiioii.  It  IS  |irnl)ahle  that  nearlv  all  of  them  will  he  iiiiain 
hrouuhl  up  tor  I'xamiiialion.  Il  isas«'ertaiiied  hy  the  returns 
from  Ihe  sevend  pension  a^'enis  that  l.i;w  [M-iiHoners  have 
died  diiiinii  the  last  year.  Many  others  have  donhtless  de- 
cea-ed  wito  are  not  'rep.irt'  d.  The  hu--iiii>s  ot  the  hureaii 
has  not  deerea-iid  ;  nnr  is  it  rca-oiialde  to  expect  that  it 
will,  tor  soin«   time  to  ennie. 

The  law  e^tallll-hlnL•  tlie  pen. inn  oftiee  w  ill  expire  nn  the 
4lli  of  March  iieM.  ji  will  h  ■  iiidis|MH'-aii|v  iicee^sarv  that 
this  nlliee -h.iuld  he  eontutUr,,.  I  respeetfiillv  simne>t  tl.at 
this  -ulijeel  shoiihl  he  presented  |o  Die  Imliee  of  (  oncre--'. 

Willi  tins  eiaiimunn  atioii.  I  al-<i  suhmii  to  \mi  a  ri'port 
of  a  huhly  int.  re~tiii_'  chiiraet  r  from  the  t'onuni— mner 
of  Indian  Alliers.  In  it,  and  in  tin-  aeeompariMini  re|wirts 
from  tlie  several  agents  and  >uh  .ejeni«.  w  ill  In"-  lonn.l  full 
>taleinents  of  the  londitmnof  the  Indian  Irih-'-' iimhr  tlie 
jUM-dicfioii  of  the  I'luted  Stales,  atid  nf  the  iraii-aeinms 
ot  itf  (iovi  rnne  lit  with  ttniii  ilurinu  Hie  pa>t  year. 

\\  illi  ttie^e  tnlie-  oiir  n  laleni^  are  paeitie.  and  ihejr  erui- 
ilitioii  i'^.  in  the  mam.  iinpin\inL'>  (•raiif>ini!  exoleiieeof 
adv.Deenient  i-^  cvhihiled  ainoiiu  the  itities  nf  ilii>  Smiih 
and  W  e-t;  and  tin n-  is  rea^-nn  to  hope  ihal  those  m  the 
Northwi -I  \\\\\,  III  this  re- ["■•■I-  iimlali'  I'leir  exa  '.\\iW. 

Several  denomiiiaiioo-  -u  nui-tian-  are  ainiiiL' the  de- 
siuns  of  the  (iourhment.  h\  tht  ir  hrm-voh-ril  etinrts  to 
dilfuse  amonu  thein  ih  '  lile»iti<:-'  ot  e.hi -atioii  and  reh-jion, 
aiat  loelevati-  their  po-ilion  li>  ait"lh ''liial  and  moiiil  eiil 
lure.  The  information  r«eeivri|  at  tin-  ilep;irimeiit  H.ir- 
lunt-*  the  liehei  thai  tin  re  i>  ioi  meiea^inu  di-po  iiion  on  the 
pan  nf  the  Indian-^  L'eneratlv  to  a\ail  IImiii  >  Ues  of  Die  np- 
|K>riuniti<--  ntxred  i<ir  imianvenient.  Manual  lalior  !>ehonls 
!iifm  to  I..  |.e.  uhailv  aitapt.  d  I«<  tlnir  eondiiion.  Hv  Ihis 
mod,' nf  111  iiaetion.  wlnli' llie\  are  laniihi  leiieis.  tiny  ae- 
ipiire.  Ill  the  .[line  time,  a  praeiieal  kiiowl-  <liie  of  the  means 
<n  o|iiaiiiiii;t  ^uh  i-p  n<-e  and  eomiorl  h>  tlieir  own  nnliirtiy 
and  skill.  In  many  of  tie'  tnaiie-i.  the  (ei\eriimenl  har< 
taken  cure  in  -ei  apart  fund- ll-r  ihe  purpo-i' of  edni-aiion, 
whnli  hi.\(>  hi'eii  111  mo-i  ea-e-  made  availahle  lo  ilial  de- 
-lalde  nhjeel,  W|m  ii  tin-  ninnv.d-  from  Ihe  S'  it^'s  uild 
nri'ani/.ed  Territories  >haM  he  eompleted.  and  the  irihes  m- 
t< T'-t.  d  la  these  prnvi-i^.n-  >eiilrd  in  tin  ir  m-w  homes, 
the-'elund- Will  all  he  hrmmht  into  elfeeiive  use.  and  made  in- 
^inimeni  il.  m  the  fulle>t  e\ii  nl,  to  tliw  impru^cniL-nt  ufliux 
puriiun  of  th«  human  lainil). 


The  syxtvm  of  trade  and  intercoiirKc  with  the  hidiaiiH  re- 
quires revision,  with  a  vlow  to  impose  more  restrictions  and 
Ht'verer  peimlllea  upon  those  who  inlrodiiee  ardent  spiritii 
amoiifi  tlieiu. 

The  pnhey  of  the  (j^Vfrnmont  in  s(  tllinu  the  Indians  on 
lands  heyond  the  limits  nl'  the  States  and  oiir  nruani/.ed 
Territories,  the  suecpsa  of  which  is  so  e->ential  lo  tlnir 
well  hcina.  is  appan-nlly  f^ainins  favor  ainont;  them. 

The  t'lmetaws  are  in  the;  course  of  removal.    The  Sac* 

and  Foxes  of  the  iMi:«»it(sipni  have  heeii  already  removed, 

pursuant  to  the  tronty  of  iMl'J,  and  the  Seminoh-s  transfer- 

retl  to  the  home  provided  for  them  hy  the  treaty  of  1p*1.'.. 

Several  neuotlatitms  are  now  pending  for  extinuuixhinit 

I  the  Indian  ri^ht  <d'  occupancy  to  lariie  tracts  of  land  in  nr- 

!  gaiiized  Territories,  and  providing  them  with  a  country  west 

;  of  the  .Mis>i->ippi. 

I'ldiappy  dillerenccs  still  exist  nnioiej  the  t'herokepa. 
l)ele>>aiioiid  from  the  several  parlies  into  which  lhal  nation 
\-  >  nled  have  vi-ited  this  place  in  the  course  ot'  the  paht 
<<  on,  to  lay  their  complaints  and  their  elainis  hctore  the 
i^Mvernrnent.      They   lta\c    hecn    ])Hiienll>    heard,    with  a 

-w ri'  ilesire  to  i'om|tosc  their  t'ciids  and  sati-f>'  their  re.a- 

sonahle  tlemaiids.  The  snhjecis  presented  lor  tin;  action  of 
the  Executive  did  not  apfiear  lo  he  iti  mailers  lor  treaty  ad- 
jn:>iiiient;  mu'  cniihl  they  he  othiTWi-e  >-etllcd,  williniit  s|>e' 
eial  Ic'ji-laiive  aniliont>.  T'lese  eaifc-j  of  dis>ntisihction 
and  strife  liciiu:  removed,  our  Indian  relations  will  he  Hot- 
lled  on  a  permanent  ha>i.-,  and  bu  likely  to  reniaiii  ipiict  for 
a  loiiu  lime  to  rome. 

.Vnnexed  to  the  report  of  the  Cmiind^'^iouir  are  several 
hi;{hly  intcre.utint'  eommnnieations.  recci\ei|  in  the  conri'e 
ol  ilie  last  year  from  the  (ndian  snh  aceiil  lesidiiitf  in  the 
,  Territory  of  Oreu(m.  lu  these  doeiiments  will  he  found 
valnahh;  inforimilion  in  relaiion  lo  the  general  features  of 
that  eoiiiitr>,  it-*  climate.  muI,  and  produetimis,  ihe  condi- 
tion of  the  eniiL'raiit-*.  the  provi-ional  tiovernment  estah- 
li<Iii>d  h>  them,  and  its  practical  operatimis;  hut  that  part  of 
the  inl'ormatinii  more  parliciilarly  <-hiiiiiin){  contiideratinn 
frnin  this  dcp.irlmcnt,  relates  to  the  Indian  population  nf 
Orciroii.  The  minihi-r  of  Indians  rc<idini{  tin-rein  is  v<xi. 
mated  to  he  lorty-two  thousand.  'I'hey  are  represented  to 
he  lesi*  warlike  and  sava}fe  than  those  on  this  side  of  the 
Ihieky  momitains,  dis|Hisi;d  fcenrrally  to  cultivate  tricndly 
relations  w  itli  our  eiti/eim  (tpttled  in  that  Territorv ,  and  not 
averse  lo  the  hahils  anil  pursuit''  of  a  eivili/ed  people. 
L'onsiderinc  llicir  vast  superiority  in  niimhers  ovc;  the  emi- 
craiits.  ami  the  ureal  dilliculty  m  siuidinu  aid  to  the  latter  in 
the  i-veiit  of  ho>iiliiies,  it  be<>omes  imporiant  to  ailopi  pro- 
per  mea.-ures  to  preserve,  conlirm,  and  evt.-ml  a  friendly 
iiitereourse  hetween  the  Indian  Irihes  and  our  eiiizens  in 
Oreutui.  To  this  r-ml.  I  would  sum>e>t  that  a  Oill  ai*ency 
I  should  he  e.-tahlished  hcyoml  the  Ui>ck>  mounl^nns,  with 
I  ainpU:  iKiwurs  and  lihcral  means  to  inainlam  amicahle  re- 
i  latioiifi  with  these  irilK-s.  ||  is  also  pndiahle  that  the  piih- 
lic interests  wilt  retpiire  another  ii?"'iil  lo  reside  anioni!  the 
Indians  in  Texas. 
■■  There  was  pahl  to  the  Indian^*,  for  aniiuilics.  and  in  fnl- 
fihnenl  of  other  treatv  st-  ailalions,  in  the  llscal  \  ear  cml:ng 
MiHh  June  last,  the  sum  of  .■tHO.VtiM)  7-^  The  Seeretary  of 
War  is.  moreover,  the  trustee  of  funds  Selnntrtnu'  to  ditler- 
ent  Irilics,  ainoiintins  to  ,5-J,l'10,.'>Ul  :^j,  the  annual  interctit 
i>f  which  is  ;$III,<h9  (Mi.  This  is  exclusive  nf  the  Chicka- 
saw natin  ,al  (liiid  of  .«-U'iT9,.T09  40,  of  which  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  is  the  trustee. 

Tin;  inciune  iVimi  ihe-.c  trust  ftind*^  in  paid  to  the  In- 
dians, or,  if  not  wanted  for  present  purposes.  (■<  invested 
for  their  henetit.  T.icse  paxments,  however,  do  nol  include 
-iMi-iderahle  sums  paid  to  iniiividt.al-  or  t'aimlie^,  derived 
from  the  sale  of  reservations  hehuiLdni:  to  them,  and  sold 
under  the  directions  of  the  (Jovernment. 

In  com^idering  the  ineaim  of  resi>iimi  11  reipn  aajfreopion, 
and  preservjmi  inleriiat  order  and  lram|iiillily,  it  should  not 
he  foryotten  that  "uiieli  reliance  is  w  l^el_^  placed  on  the  mili- 
tia. Tins  reliance  c.\einpis  the  I'niied  SiatcK  from  the  daii- 
jers  and  the  evpense  of  a  larfj  >  •-tandini;  army.  In  propor- 
tion to  the  impoi  lance  of  the  duties  which  may  he  required 
of  tlie  militia.  -hoi, Id  Iw  ilie  caru  of  the  Uovcrnnieiii  to  pre- 
pare this  fniee  Inr  tlh-  perlorniatice  of  them. 

The  law  pmMdnu  "  Ihr  or>;aiiizihi.',  ariiiin|r,  and  discip- 
liiiiiu!  the  mililia,"  \\as  pa>sed  soon  aller  the  (Jovernment 
w  as  esiahli>hed,  ami  has  remained,  with  only  a  tew  slight  alter- 
aiioiis  (iri>at  and  important  e|iito)zes  havi'siie-e  taken  place 
in  our  external  ami  iiit< mal  relations,  iiiiil  some  modiliea- 
iiocs  in  that  law  are  required  to  make  tlie  >\sie<ii  ennfnnii' 
ahle  to  nnr  pre-ciil  eoiidiiion.  Il  i-  helieveil  that  they  may 
he  made  in  ^iieli  a  manner  as  to  impiove  its  eitieieney,  and, 
at  liie  same  tune,  to  iiiinim.-li  ii>  hnrdeiis  iipnn  the  pen|ih>. 
A  ela-:a;ie;itioii  of  |]io-e  suliject  to  enrohiM  nt  has  Iieeri  -HK- 
U'e^I'd  a-i  the  he^t  niode  of  aernmpIi-liiriL'  llil'i  destralile  oh- 
l-et.  'i'he  pie-*eiit  la\.*  direels  the  enrolment  of  all  free 
alile  hodied  whiten  .de  .ili/eas  hetween  eil>)lteeii  and  forty- 
live  \eiirs  nt  atre,  and  niiMMes  them  lo  arm  and  equip  them- 
selves, and  do  mil'iary   hit;. 

A  I- phaiiee  \,ith"l!.is  provision  nc''es«nrily  suhjecis  nil 

person>  (  nmiled  to  a  eousidiriilde  expense  of  tiiin'  and  mo- 
iie)',  ami  amnuf!  iIm m  maiiv  wlio  lia\'e  neither  iil  their  own 
I'ommaiid.  '1  hmuh  <  iM/.eiis  of  ei:ihteen  xiar-  of  aiie  wm 
not  loo  )onni:  1"  hear  aims,  ihi  >  are  not  i:em'rall>  in  a  situ- 
ation to  equip  iheinxhes.  Ill  \'iew'  of  ttie  hnrli'Ms  nmv  im- 
[Htsed,  it  IS  qiiestinnahle  whether  militia  duly  -houhl  he  ct- 
aeteil  from  (lerr-nns  under  the  aye  m  iw.  ni>  nne  \eiir-. 

I  \Mmld  ftiMlier  sUKci'l  <)■"'  Ir-uniniis  ami  in^peeii>ais 
should  heeniilined  In  llinsc  llluhr  the  a'jeof  lliMt>  \  i  arH, 
and  that  only  llijs  elas-.  in  tin-  lir-t  iii<tanee  al  lea--t.  yhoiild 
he  liahle  to  reipii-itions  lor  aitiial  serxiee.     (  haiiiies  in  ilo- 

p'rr-elit  OlL'.Oll/aieHl.  W  nil  a  \iew  to  the-^C  lesllll',  whlli! 
ttiey  'Aoiild  not  Impair  tlie  iltit  n  iiey  nf  the  mililia  systi  m, 
would  imiii!ai<-  11-  itui'i|ual  hmdens.  niiiove  ."ome  well- 
Inmided  eoni)iIaiiits.  mid  aid  in  re-torniL'  the  ennllilenee  and 
enii-ideration  Justly  due  to  ii  as  an  ttixiliarv  to  a  tii'e  uo\  - 
ernmi'iit  and  a  safeijuard  to  puhlie  Iihert>.  It  i*  a  suhjeeiof 
•serious  imporlame,  anu  dcicrves  the  deliherate  atleiiti'^ii  of 
'  'nrejress. 
Uecpeetfiilly  HUhniitted.  W.  I..  MAUCV. 

Si-nctary  oj  War. 

Tu  tlie  PRKSIDUNT  or  TIIK  I'.MTED  tiTATtl. 


•^ 


[Dec.  2, 


)S45.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  COIVGRl^SSIONAL  GLOBE. 


17 


I.  OF  Rkps. 

with  the  tiidiaiis  re- 
mind rcntrifiiotis  mil! 
■odiioi!  nrdi'tii  spirim 

Itliiill  till'  Imliiiimm 
mill  iMir  nrmuii7.i(i 
Ko  i'-^i'iili:il  III  llx'ir 
iimniio  ilii'iii- 
rHiiiiiviii.  'I'lli'  >-w* 
I'll  nlri-ailv  ri'iiiovi'il, 
f I'liiiiioli's  lriiii:<r(r- 
hf  ln-ul\  iillf^l'i- 
11^  liir  l'vliii!!Ui''liinK 
'  trM'\!^  •>(  liiml  i"  ■"■- 
,1  Willi  n  coiiiury  wc»l 

10T12  till-  riiiToki'c". 
iln  wliicli  tlial  nntion 
ic  iMinriio  ol'  till'  iiiiht 
irir  clHilu-*  iH'liiri-  tliR 
inillv  liiiinl.  Willi  a 

anil  Mili-IV  llii'ir  rra- 
■nli'il  liir  llii.'  arliiiii  "f 

lil.iIIiTs  liir  In  aly  ail- 
■  M'tlli'ii,  williiiiil  'li^- 
isi'H  of  iHssali-rai'tiiin 
I  rf!ali<m-i  will  lip  K<;l- 
■ly  lo  rfltiaili  quid  lor 

iiiii?!^iiiiu-r  arr  srvoral 
iTiivi'il  in  III!'  niiiivf! 
h  iiciMiI  ir.-iilin«  ill  llio 
iiui'iils  will  liL'  liiunil 
till'  yriHTal  l'caliiri'>  ol 
irinliii'tiiiii!*.  Ilii'  <''>i"li- 
lal  (Invirnini'iit  I'slali- 
iiiliiiis  Inn  tlial  pan  nf 
laiiuiiiK  I'otisiiliralion 
1'  Iriiliiiii  piipulatidii  of 
("iiiliim  tliiTi'in  i'*  <'^li- 
'hiy  arc  ri'pri'i'i'iili'il  to 
inu  on  Uiis  sidi'  nl'  Hie 
V  til  cullivalr  Irii'iiilly 
llmt  T'rriliir>,  and  not 
(ir  n   H\ili/.i'd   pi'nplP. 
niiiiiliiTs  ovi'L-  tlio  iMiti- 
dinuiiid  to  till'  latlrr  ill 
inipiirlanl  M  adopt  pin- 
,  and  I'M. 'lid  a  Irii'iidly 
lii-^  iiMil  (iiir  cili/oiis  in 
i!!.i'>l  thai  a  Hill  ai!i-nry 
l{ook\  iniiiilitain-'.  with 
1  limitlliilii  :miii-alili'  tr- 
1  priilialil.'  Ihal  llli'  |llll>- 
I'lil  to  rrsiili-  anioiii'  llio 

r  nniiilitifs,  and  in  fnl- 
iii  Ilio  llspBl  year  indlng 
[l  l-i.  Tilt'  SriTi'tavy  of 
jiids  'iplonaiiii!  t"  dill'or- 

:M,  tlin  aiiiiuiil  iiili'ri'ft 
Ixrinsivi'  ol'  tilt'  C'liipka- 

iif  wliicli  till'  ^l^l•rc■lary 

iiul"  i«  paid  M  IlK-  lu- 
ll piirposiTf,  i-^  invcsti'il 
liiiw('Vi'r,do  not  include 
|-,:il-  or  lainilii'«,  derived 

liuini!  to  111 ,  and  sold 

ii'iil. 

tiim  i;  reign  aaiiri'Bfion, 
aiiipiillitv,  it  I'lionld  not 
iM  i.  pliieed  on  till'  niili- 
il  Slates  I'nnii  tin'  dan- 
iliiie  army.  In  propor- 
i\  hull  liiav  be  required 
he  l^ivern'nniit  to  pre- 
>!' till  111- 

ii;.  ariiiinL',  anil  illHoip- 

iilter  the  tJovernnient 

illionlvali'wslidlitaller- 

|h  have  HH'e  taken  plaee 

,  iitiil  Miini'  niodiliea- 

|ke  llie  >\»li'ii  eonr.iini- 

hehevi  il  thai  ihey  may 

II. ve  il>  ellieielli'>,  and, 
Iriliii-i  upon  till'  lieiqile. 
iirolinelil  has  In  in  ^iw- 
•liiliL'  till*  di'siralile  oli- 
irolini'iil  "(  all  Iren 
,. .  n  emiilei'ii  and  liirly- 
Iii  mill  and  equip  lllein- 

■es«arily  siilijeets  all 

kpelise  ot'  time  mid  llio- 
in'ilher  at  their  own 
■hti'i-ii  year.-  Ill'  aue  are 
1  mil  ueiierally  in  a  silll- 
liilltie  hiiriens  now  un- 
llitia  ilillv  ^liiiiilil  he  px- 


Irt.  Illy 


'  lears. 


■minus  anil   in.-pei-tinni 

llhe  "',"'  111  lliinv  vi  ar». 

Iiislani'i'  III  lea^i.  i-honln 

^'niee.    flininies  in  tin' 

I  these  result^,  whiln 

111'  the  inilllla  sysl'  in, 

.   ri  llinve    siinie   well- 

Iriiiu  llie  eonlide Hid 

uiviliarv  to  a  tree  unv  - 

(hern.  It  is  a  siilijeelof 
ill  liheiate  illleliti^n  at 

1..  MMHV. 
Senrlai-y  oj  ti'ar. 
Id  tiTATti. 


.1 


aOTH  Cong 1st  Skss. 

Hi:i>nHT  OF  TIIK  SF.CRETARY  OF  Till'; 
NAVY. 

Kwv  r)i:i'VHTMi;N'T,  Ikr.  1,  18.15. 

Siii:  r>iiriii'r  llic  I'livl  yi  ,ir,  ilic  ii.siuil  si|itmlron.'< 
of  i!io  iNiivy  I'i'  l!h'  ITniliil  .SiiUt'S  huvi.'  In-eii  iiiaiii- 
t:iiiu-ii.  In  i!i('  Mc.literranr.-iM,  C'niiuiiinioi-c  Smith 
liiiil  I'liiiiiiiaiiil  111'  till;  •.'iiiiiln  rliiiiil  I'lnl  till!  Ply- 
iiimiili.  Ill'  wiiiilil  have  ile.'i)iiai  linil  llie  Plyiinmlli 
til  till!  ll'.n.'lc  Si'.i;  liut  Icuvu  \v:is  ri'l'iisi'il  liy  tlio 
Oili  1111:1 11  Pi.rtc.  Hin'onducli'(!min!c\vly-;ilil"iiiittii 
cdiisul  III  'I'iUiLrit'rs,  Mini  in.siiri'd  iiis  rcn-iiUnii. 

(liir  .'<lii|is  in  till'  .Mi'ililr'i'rniie;\ii  liiuc  ii,«iinlly 
Itriii  inuriivn  111  I'-iff  .\Iahnii,  during  liic^  winter; 
llii.^  enii  he  nlivinti'ii  l.y  nil  inii*reliiiiiu:f  rii' seryier.'. 
'I'll!'  I'lyniinilli  liiis,  tin  n  I' ire,  I  icii  iliircicil  In  join 
till*  Ui'ii/.ij  .si|iiiiilriiii;  iiiiii  111!'  Cum)  i-rlniiil  Ims  rc- 
tiinii'il  iiniiii':  their  |ihii'i'.s  will  l/C  l:ilcrii,  ol  llic 
nniiiin^'  ul"  llie  son.'soii,  !>y  ji  jiart  iii"  tin:  [insctit 
AlVicriii  snuiulroii. 

Tin'  AlVifhU  is'iumlroii  v.';ia  or;j::iiii/r(l  Iiy  Cnm- 
iiiiHlni'c  IN  rrv,  liy  whom  i^nnd  sniiilary  rriridilinns 
were  esMililislii-d.  He  was  rehcyed  liy  l.'iMiimo- 
dori'  Sliiiiiii'r,  ill  till'  .lamctowii,  wlici  lins  shown 
ci]iuil  eon.sideiMiiini  lor  llie  liiaiih  ol"  nil  under  hi:j 
eoniiiihiid.  Vet  llie  Prelile  mid  the  'I'l'iixloii  onn- 
Iraileil  disease,  and,  »s  mi  ae|  of  hiinimiily,  were 
iiniered  In  i-etiirn  home.  The  Soiilh 'iiijiloii  Inis 
hern  si'iil  out  wiili  sliii'es,  lo  remain  mi  the  eiia.st. 
The  .Marion  and  no'jdiin  loilov.'i  d  as  a  reinforee- 
ineni,  The  ISoxer  is  deslined  for  the  same  .sia- 
lioii.  and  will  sail  immedialely.  The  (.'iniilierlanil, 
lieariii:;  the  hroad  I'einianl  of  f'omiiiodore  Head, 
will  jiroeeed  in  .laimary  to  reiieye  the  .lainestown 
and  ^'orK■|ow■n,  wliieh  will  ihcn  repair  li)  thoMeili- 
terraneau. 

Oil  the  Hrazil  stalion,  Coinmmlorc  Umi.sscau, 
Ilii'  ilrsi  oiiirer  west  of  liie  AIlee-hanirH  ever  seleet- 
I  d  lo  eonimand  a  S'|iiaJi'oii,  relieves  Ciminiodorc 
Turner.  The  Uariiaii  will  repair  lo  the  home 
.-'[nadroii.  'J'lie  lio.stnn  is  oruei'ed  lo  return  to  the 
I'niled  Stales.  The  Cohimbia,  the  Sainloua,  the 
i'lynionih,  ami  the  I'ainiiridue,  will,  for  the  jires- 
i.ni,  eniisiiliite  the  Ura/.il  stinai  roil. 

I'omiiiodore  I'arlccr,  after  a  very  sueressfid 
eriiise,  reiurned  I'rnnt  llie  Asiatie  .slaiinn  in  iSep- 
ti  nilier.  Iirineiii;;  Inn  •'  the  Dtainlywine,  the  Si. 
l.onis,  and  the,  IVrry.  At  the  liay  of  Islands, 
Cai'lain  Mi-Kecver,  in  llie  Si.  Leiiis,'liad  the  hap- 
]>iin  ^:^  10  render  valualile  serviee  lo  llie  inhahitaius 
of  an  infiiit  I'rilish  sililemenl. 

In  ?.hty,  C'onniiodore  llirhlle  .sailed  for  the  Fast 
Indies,  ill  eomni'iiid  of  ihe  Columlm.s  ship  of  the 
line,  anil  the  Vineennes,  liearin;;  the  Alinislir  In 
t 'I. iiit,  and  the  r.iliried  Ireatv  lielweeii  the  United 
Siai'  s  and  ihe.  ('iiinese  Fmpernr.  TMie  heahh  of 
.Mr.  A.  ii.  I'^venll,  ijie  minister,  hiiviiii;- indneed 
his  redhii,  tin'  exehanj'o  of  the  i-itifu'alions  of  the 
liealy  was  enmniiiled  In  llieeliar::e  of  (.'ominodore 
IJiddle,  who  will  rloiiijdess  show  that  an  al.le  and 
f:-aliaiii  iiji\al  ollieer  emidiieis  s.ulsfaetorily  idl 
nllairs  iniriisted  lo  him. 

The  Consiitiition  :s  mi  hir  relinii  fioni  China, 
efu  r  havinj!;  vi.siti.'d  ihli'en  nt  purls  mid  inlands  in 
ihe  '-^'lian  .seas. 

The  P'leilie  sipi'ulron,  iindi  r  Cnnini'idore  Sinal, 
has  eons..steil  of  the  Savanna!,,  ihe  Levant,  the 
■\V'arrin,and  the  Sharlv.  Tlie  tirst  thi'ee  will  re- 
liirii  in  ISjIi,  ^nid  will  ie  relievi  d  hy  Ihe  C/oii^rress, 
the  l'orl.smonlli,  ami  the  Cyaiie.  'The  dilirenllv 
Hi"  eommiiniealiii'^'  willi  iinr"  ships  in  the  Faeifa' 
makes  it  j. roper  lo  sii','^esi  llie  ailvania're  of  a  piih- 
lie  mail  ihronirli  our  own  lerrilnry  lo  n  ennveiiiem 
port  ill  the  Siraiis  ol"  ,[111111  ile  'Fin-a.  Arraii'^e- 
1111  Ills  should  Ills. I  he  made,  nl  llie  earliest  dav  that 
is  |iroper,  fur  eeiini';-  stiiiplii-i  f.ir  our  iXieilie 
M|Uailron  I'lnni  oiir  ow  n  .soil  and  our  own  eiiizeiia 
in  that  rei^ion. 

Tlie  home  siiiiadroii  has  lucn  iiniler  the  enni- 
tiiaiiil  of  (.'onnnndori!  Conner,  wdin  lia.s  disliii- 
(.nisheil  hiiiiS'ir  ly  somnl  jiid'.'.ineiil  in  the  per- 
I'lirmaiii'e  of  his  duly.  His  foree,  wliieh  eonsisied 
ol'ihe  I'oiomae,  lie-  Falnumili,  the  Vand.dia,  the 
Lawrence,  anil  the  Sinners,  was  weakeneil  liy  the 
leiiirii  of  the  Vandalia,  which  \isiiid  Ilavli',  and 
was  driven  honii'  liy  Ihe  yellow  fever,  eiinlraded 
at  l'inl-aii-l'riii''e,  where  she  had  hi  en  ordered  on 
duly.  'I'he  siiuadroii  was  inereased  hv  Ihe  I'rim'e- 
loii  and  rorjioisc,  the  St.  Mary's,  niid  the  Said- 


lieport  of  the  Sccrdanj  of  ihe.  Ncvij, 

toffa,  under  Conihi'idore  SlocliUm,  and  soon  e.fier 
hy  ihe  .lohn  Adams,  and  ihe  sleamship  Missis- 
sippi. The  aLCi;ree;aIe  force  of  r'nmmoiioie  <!on- 
ii-r  was  much  lartfer  than  hna  iisuallv  rallied  under 
one  American  pennant.  Il  !:ave  elVieieiil  prnicc- 
lion  In  our  inleresls  in  the  tiiilf  of  ?\Iexii:o,  and 
eoimihined  to  spread  a  sense  of  seciirily  over  our 
coiinlry  In  iis  e.vtri  me  limii  of  the  Del  Xorlc. 

Deeminu;  il  of  y'reat  imporlaiice  lo  heenine  nc- 
qiiainled  with  the  n.ivy  yards  and  estalilishmenls 
eonnecied  with  the  navy,  I  have,  tliirin';  the  past 
siiniiner,  \  isiled  idl  of  iln  ni,  excejil  ihose  at  i'cn- 
saeolaand  ai  Alemiihis.  'I'hi  y  are  f;enerally  in  ex- 
eelleiit  order.    The  jirincipai  mtprovenients  in  pro- 

i:;re.ss  at  those  1  visih'd  are  at  lit klyn,  wlere  iho 

work  on  llie  dry-dock  is  advancing;  with  eiil'ieiiey 
and  eeononiv.  The  vicinity  to  a  city  which  is  ihe 
rnipnrimn  ol'  n;i\al  stores,  nntl  is  crowded  with 
.seamen,  ship-liiuhlers,  and  excellent  mechanic.'  ..' 
all  kinds,  j;ives  to  ihal  yard  ^ritat  facilit!. .-.  'oi  liic 
promiil  repair  mid  enuipment  of  ships  ni' war. 

Al  the  .\aval  Asylum  in  I'liiladelphiaiiiore  tliaii 
a  liuntlrcd  veleran  sailors  are  enjoyin:;  the  ample 
jirovision  wisely  resir\i'tl  for  I'le  conif'Ui  of  their 
deeliniii'j;  year.s.  Yel  1  would  earnestly  advise  lliat 
thi;  buililiiiL's  of  the  iwyhini,  tvt  llicir  present  loca- 
tion, lie  nev'r  enli."'eu.  Iv:t  f'"^',  after  it  is  full, 
new  pensioners  siionlil  lie  |,i|aci:d  ill  some  saliil.ri- 
ous  spot  near  the  ocean,  wliere  the  asreil  seaman 
can  wal.'h  ships  as  tiiey  eome  and  eo^  x\,\A  have 
old  familiar  olijccls  williin  his  s:;vht. 

The  ehari^'e  on  the  navy  liospilal  i'nnd,  \v!ii.  h  is 
ilntieitl  ill  liic  eninniunicaiion  fr'im  the  Ihirtau  of 
.Meilicine,  was  inenrred  in  1^14,  oil  the  I'l'Viinmen- 
datinn  of  ihe  eliiel' nf  that  huie.iu,iil  whose  ureeni 
su;r^^^slioll  houses  i'lr  the  L;nvernor  and  snr'jeun  of 
tilt:  asylum  were  milhorii'.ed  to  be  erecud.  The 
expemliiiires  have  been  eirciiiiiscrii.ed;  iinJ  the 
reeonimendalioii  to  cni:roaeli  still  further  on  liic 
I'liiid,  by  erectile;  olher  .U\  tilings  al  other  stalions, 
has  not  been  complied  vtilli.  'i'he  fund  .should  he 
saeredly  reserved  I'lr  the  imnieiliale  ii.il  per.sonal 
benefit  of  those  from  wlin.se  earnin;  s  it  lia.s  ac- 
erued.  JVor  have  I  tlumslit  it  just  in  eonlintic  to 
iijipropriatea  lare;e  partof  ilie  luildiie^s  al  the  asy- 
liiin  lo  the  use  of  Ihe  iin(lslii|iiiieii  who  were  pre- 
parin:;  fur  the  (sudilishid  ex.unilialioii,  previnns 
In  their  passing,'  to  a  liii;lier  Hrnle. 

( 'on:,'re>  s,  in  its  ffreat  d(  sire  to  improve  ihe  navy, 
had  )it'riiiilted  the  de|iartmeiit  In  employ  |irnl'e.s- 
snrs  and  inslruclors,  nt  an  annual  cost  of  ab.oiit 
s'2^i.2il(J;  and  it  had  been  usual,  besides  the  few 
employed  al  the  receiving-  shipa  and  the  Xaval 
Asylnin,  lo  send  professors  w  iili  the  iniilshipmcn 
into  every  occ.in  and  eHme.  ihtl  the  ship  i.s  nni 
I'rieinlly  to  sliidy,iiiid  'lie  ollh'e  ofprnfes.sor  rn|iidlv 
deL^eneraud  inin  a  sinecure;  nfti  11  not  so  iiiie'li 
wa.^  dniie  as  the  i  hier  oirners  would  idn  erfnliy  do 
lor  llieir  juniors;  llio  teachers  on  hoard  the  n- 
ceiviiie;-sliips  pive  liille  instruciion,  or  nnne  wdiat- 
evcr,  .sn  that  the  cxpeiidiuire  was  fruitless  of  o'leat 
results.  iVIany  of  the  pnili  ssi:;'"  „cie  able  and 
willinir.  Inn  the  system  w.-is  a  bad  one.  The  ide.i 
naliirally  sul-'^i  sled  ii.self  of  seizim;  Ihe  lime  when 
the  niid.^hipmen  are  on  shore  and  iip|n'opriatiii",'  it 
to  liieir  euhiire.  Insle.al  of  sendin;;  mii',raiory  prn- 
I'l  ssois  to  sea,  with  each  hiuidfnl  of  midshijunen, 
Ihe  iuidshi|inicii  lliemselves,  in  the  inlerv.ds  be- 
tween sea  limy,  nii::lil  be  collecied  ill  a  body,  lunl 
deV'ile  their  time  10  suitable  inslrnclion.  I'nr  llie 
pay  nl'tlie  instruelnrs  C'nimress  has  provided.  In 
lookiiii;  out  for  It  iiiodesi  I'lelter  for  the  )>upils,  I 
was<  nenuraircd  to  ask  for  Fort  Severn,  at  Aiina|io- 
li-J.  The  transfer  was  rcnlily  made,  by  oriler  of 
the  Sot-retiry  of  AVar,  anil  a  school  \vas  inimr'li- 
ately  or:T'Uii.a  d,  on  an  miosienialioiis  and  fi'nu.il 
)ilaii.  This  instilutiim,  by  yiviiu;  some  pirelimi- 
nary  inslrnciioii  to  the  inidshipnieii  before  llieir 
first'  cruise,  by  exieiidin:;  an  all'cciiniMte  but  linn 
supervision  ovt  r  them  as  thi  y  reinrn  I'rmii  sea,  by 
proviilni';  fr  them  suitabi'^  ciiltine  before  they 
jiass  lo  a  hi'.-her  p-rade,  liy  lejcetiiii;  fioiii  the  service 
all  who  fail  ill  eaincitv  or  in  j-onil  disposition  to 
use  their  lime  well,  will  eo  f,ir  t.i  n  novate nnd  ini- 
piove  the  Amerienii  navy. 

Till!  plan  ptirsut'd  h;is  been  unprelendiinr,  hut, 
it  is  hoped,  will  |iro\>'  1  lilcienl.  A  few  professors 
iii\(!  more  and  better  inslrnclion  lliau  I'mr-aiu!- 
twentv  III  sea.  Xo  supernumerary  nllicer  lias 
been  orderiil  lo  Ainiaiiolis:  no  iille  man  isatlaehrd 
in  the  e'iiablislimeiil.  Cnnnninilcr  I'ltchanan,  to 
whom  tlieoij-aiiiiintion  of  the  noliunl  wit'iiiit  rusted, 


A"r;\v  Skuh'.s No.  2. 

hn.i  carrirti  his  inslrnetions  into  iU'eet  with  prc- 
cisinii  mid  si'und  jiiiLnneni,  and  with  a  wise  ailap- 
talioii  of  simol'iiuiil  moderate  niean.s  ton  i;reat  anil 
noble  end.  Let  not  Congress  inl'er  that  iiev.' ex- 
penses me  to  1)0  ineurred.'  Less  tlian  the  aninmit 
Unit  has  hiihi no  l.i  i  n  ;ii  the  disposilion  of  the  de- 
|iarlment  for  imrimscs  of  culture,  will  support  the 
sehmil,  anil  ripair  nnd  eiilarfje  the  i|uariei'.s  re- 
etived  from  the  hospitality  of  the  mniy. 

Al  WashiiiL'i'in  llie  admirable  inslr'iimenls  pro- 
vided for  tlie  (iliscr\al.iry  liavi'  been  plaad  iiiidcr 
tlie  eliar::e  of  oliici  ra  o'f  Hie  na\y,  \i  ho  are  will 
aware  thai  the  oppotlmiitii  s  alloriled  them  for  nd- 
vancin'^'aslriinoiiiieal  .science  are  nnei)U.i!led  on  this 
co.itineni,  ami  scar.  •  ly  surpassed  in  Knro|ie.  Ite- 
.suits  honor.iblu  lo  ihe  e.oiintry  may,  therefore,  bo 
justly  expected  of  them.  From  'that  insliiulion 
ehans  are  furnished  to  llie  navy  at  cost;  and  the 
instrnmenis  used  at  sea  are  there'preserved,  cor- 
rected, ami  r.-naireil.  AVniild  it  11''.  lie  well  that 
the  phites  of  all  charts  imihorized  by  Con.^'reS'S  in 
be  eii^;ra\ed  .should  be  deposited  there,  as  the 
place  most  uppropriate  for  their  prcservQlio! .  and 
tise.' 

It  was  (I  fulijeet  nf  [rrent  reirrct  tlint  the  juea- 
sure  nf  bu.siness  left  no  opportunity  In  visit  tiio 
yams  al  the  South  and  Sonihwcst.  The  |ilaii3 
t'or  their  iinprovenient  shonld  he  such  ns  wdl  not 
interfere  willi  or  injure  each  oilier. 

i'ensacola,  by  il'i  position,  arrests  public  iitten- 
tion.  The  seeurily  of  mir  n.'ival  power  in  the. 
Criilf  nf  Mexico  dejiend.«,  in  a  ereiit  measure,  on 
ils  condition  and  resources.  The  evmts  of  the 
snnnner  show  eonchisively  the  necessity  for  a  li- 
beral provision  nt  that  siaiion  of  all  ilie  nieai's 
e.s:!ential  to  ii  well-furni;  hi  I  and  eracient  rn\y- 
yard.  A  lar^e  estimate  for  that  yard  's  tliertfoic 
presented,  nlthniu'li  1  desire  In  await  riirllior  iu- 
fonnalion  l.'cf.ire  linally  approving  the  prnposcd 
mode  of  ils  expenditure. 

Memphis,  on  the  contrary,  lieiiin;  in  the  heart 
of  ihe  eouniry,  on  an  ocean  river,  yel  n  thou.sand 
inilrs  from  the  sea,  is  inapprnpriale  for  the  repniis 
of  ships  of  war;  but,  in  buildin;,'  sleain-ships,  it 
may  eanipcle  with  llnsion,  Xcw  Vnrk,  and  I'liila- 
ileljihia — v.'itli  St.  Louis,  (Jincinnaii,  and  Piiis- 
btir'.^.  Il  lies,  niorenver,  just  below  the  threat 
heiiip-rri'ow'im;  rei^ion,  and  is  reennmiended  by  its 
positinn  I'nr  the  establishment  of  the  manufaeture. 
of  cnrda'^e.  A  ropewalk,  with  ihc  kiiest  improvi  - 
ineiits,  is  therefore  proposed,  so  that  the  Wist 
may  lint  only  produce,  but  tnitnufaclure,  the  lieinp 
iisi  ,1  I'nr  the'Ainerican  navy. 

f  have  disapproved  some  of  the  details  of  the 
pl.ui  proposed  f'lr  ihc  navy-yard  at  Mimphis,  be- 
i:.'inse  it  was  iVanied  on  a  scale  of  exlravaj^nnt  ex- 
penditure, which,  for  the  nu  le  work  of  prf.]iara- 
linii,  would  h.ave  consumed  many  years,  and 
wnul'l  havt*  ciist,  by  estimate,  at  least  t^\ll  mil- 
lions of  dollars,  and  which  coiilcmplates  the  resi- 
deiico  of  "■.any  oiKcers,  civil  and  naval,  who  in 
any  o\'.it  would  Ic  useless.  I  rocnnimeiid  that 
CoirTi'Oss  cnnfme  the  ii.se  of.  the  nmiieys  it  may 
apjiroprialc,  lir^t,  lo  the  immediate  construction  of 
a  ropewalk,  and,  next,  to  .simple  arraniremcnts 
for  Intildinu;  and  eiptippin;;  steamers.  To  iiitrn- 
iluee  at  the  AVest  the  iii-'niitfacture  of  Ainericati 
he'aip  t'nr  llie  u.ivy,  will  prove  a  natinnal  benefit. 

The  United  Stucs  shniild  produce  all  the  lienip 
used  in  its  navy.  Knit  r|irisc,  climele,  nnd  soil, 
leave  nn  doidit  lliat  It  may  be  raised  and  jiiejareil 
of  the  liest  iitrility,  and  at  prices  within  the  limit 
prcseril'.ed  by  law.  To  ensure  that  end,  I  gave 
the  suljeit  (arly  and  loniiniied  atteiilinn;  and 
nolhiny;  but  American  hemp  lias  been  received 
under  any  eontraet  made  since  I  came  into  the  de- 
pariment.  Finding,  hy  short  experionee,  thai  to 
insist  on  the  iiispeclinn  at  Charleslown,  as  here to- 
fire  praciisid,  would  be  injurious  to  thr  weslorn 
planter,  I  direiled  that,  wliile  all  who  had  niado 
contracts  at  price.'i  liased  u|ioii  insperlinn  anil  de- 
livery nl  Cluirli  slown  should  he  held  lo  fulfil  their 
eiKi'niromeiits,  ]iiirchnses  should  be  ninde  of  tlireo 
Intudred  tons,  duriiin:  llie  present  fiscal  year,  lo  ho. 
delivered  mid  finally  iii.iiieoted  nl  Loiu.sville  and 
St.  Loui.s.  • 

The  sitbjcct  of  lake  defences  i.s  reserved  for  a 
spcial  eommiinicatioii. 

■^riie  care  of  t!ie  reservations  and  plnntations  of 
live-oak,  1  recomntenil  should  be  transferntl  lo 
tlie  bind  ollicc,  which  nlone  has  the  jiroper  nieaiiB 
of  usccrlaining  titka,  and  which  cmi  aasunie  tliu 


k 


18 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOHE. 


[Dec.  1, 


29th  CoNci 1st  Sess. 


Report  of  the  Sccrclary  of  the  Na^^/. 


Senatp.  and  Ho.  of  Heps. 


.1    1 


chHrsi!  with  losH  rxpensc  aiid  grcntcr  fflii'ioncy 
tlmn  liiis  do;)artniciU. 

1  may  iisit  Icavi^  (lurins  ilie  winior  to  pnKcnl 
snnii'  siiirjri'sliDiia  on  the  or;;aiiizutii)ii  of  tin-  (Ic- 
])ar(mcnt  and  its  l)ure(iiis. 

The  present  conlract  system  requires  moililleu- 
tioi).  so  thai  no  I'nuid  to  the  United  titnles  may 
shield  itself  mnU'r  the  letter  of  tlie  law,  or  eoii- 
Iracts  be  ci^en  out  at  prices  execediii«;  llie  market 
jirii'e. 

The  l)alanee  of  ajipropriations  on  hand  will,  it  is 
lielirveri,  witli  the  exerrise  of  ri;^id  economj',  be 
snfliiicni  for  the  remainder  of  the  fis.'al  yeiu-.  The 
estimates  for  the  next  yiar  ionlem|ilale  no  in- 
crease in  the  force  employed  durius  lite  present. 
Those  lor  the  eivil  deiiartniei?"  are  precisely  the 
same  as  were  ;;ranted  I'or  the  current  year.  For 
the  improvement  of  vanls  and  docks,  1  recom- 
ftf  mend  only  what  the  cliief  of  that  bureau  declares 

J  to  be  alisoliuely  necessary.     .Some  of  the  shore 

I'fr  *"  stations,   which   had  been    needlessly   nmlliplied, 

liave  been  al)olished:  in  transmiltim;  tin- eslunate 
i  IP'  for  the  remainder,    I   am   tar  fiom   expiessiuL;- ail 

<ii»inion  that  no  turther  reduction  shoidil  be  made. 
The  estimate  for  provisions  cud  tliat  I'or  pay  rest 
on  the  basis  of  the  present  rcslriclion  by  law  to 
seven  thousand  five  liundred  men;  biu  the  esti- 
mate for  pay,  without  proper  riiienchiucuts  by 
Congress,  may  prove  delicienl. 

As  the  mariiu-  corps  is  placed  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Xavy  Departmcul,  it  becomes  my  duly 
to  present  tlu;  estimates  tor  its  support,  lis  ser- 
vices on  slap-board  are  highly  vilueil;  its  evil 
consists  in  its  luxury  of  fald  olfe'ers,  who  have 
no  duties  lo  perform  jiro|Hirtionate  to  thiir  pay 
and  emoluments.  Durmi;  the  jiasl  ye.'ir  this  bur- 
den has  been  ijii'iv.ised.  Viy  a  decisuui  of  your 
predecessor,  tui  addition  has  bcni  uuide  to  the  pay 
of  its  g;allant  colonel  eomnumdam ;  and  ahhcnt^iu 
the  procedure  on  which  the  decision  ri'sis  lias 
never  had  the  .sanction  of  the  Hou.-ie  of  I'.e]>ieseii- 
talive.-.,  and  appai-enily  conllicis  with  law,  I  have 
not  felt  justified  in  wilhdrawine:  fioiii  the  consid- 
eriUion  anil  dii-ision  of  CoiiL'rcss  the  esiiiiiatcs  of 
that  officer  for  his  own  iiici<-ased  pay  and  the  pay 
of  his  aid-de-iamp,  ati  offii'cr  heretot'ore  unkjiown 
to  the  corps  and  of  doMbit'ul  |)ropriety.  The  ma- 
rine corjis  is  not  a  briijnde — not  even  a  re;;iinent. 
It  is  never  assembled;  sddom  even  does  a  full 
company  come  to;;ether.  I;  serves  in  small  de- 
iHchmenl.^,  commanded  chiefly  by  junior  otlicers. 
Thouj;h  about  two-thirds  of'the'  corps  were,  in 
summer,  on  ship-board,  all  ihcfuld  otlicers  remain 
on  shore.  Of  thirteen  captains,  but  one  is  at  sea; 
oi'  forty  lieutenams,  abmtt  seven  are  at  .sea.  At 
one  shore-station  a  nmj')r,  a  ca|>!aiu,  and  three 
lieutenants  have  had  charge  of  about  twenty-eij;ht 
men.  An  increase  of  (he  otlicers  of  the  corps  is, 
therefore,  not  needed  for  naval  ptnposes,  even  on 
nn  increase  of  the  men. 

For  the  incrpa.se  of  tlie  navy  no  c'-liniates  are 
presented.  The  department  awaits,  on  tliat  sub- 
ject, tlie  instruction  "of  Conirress.  Yet  it  is  to  be 
observed  that,  in  comparison  witli  other  nations, 
our  navy  is  poorly  suptilied  with  sea-ujoina;  steam- 
ers— which  cannot,  indeed,  in  the  )u-esi-nt  state  of 
science,  form  tlie  main  reliance  of  a  squadron,  Inil, 
a.s  auxiliaries,  aie  of  vast  advaniaae.  Tln'  Mis- 
sissippi and  tlu;  Piincelon  are  our  only  (  Hicicnl 
vessels  of  that  chimtcter  on  the  oce:\n.  Should  it 
be  delcrmiiK  d  lo  incri'.tse  this  diss  of  ships,  it  is 
desirable  that  the  best  experii  ni-c  shmild  be  con- 
B'llted  in  their  consiniction;  and  that  doubtful  nov- 
eliies,  especially  so  b  as  cniitlicl  with  the  known 
laws  of  inechap'ical  lorces,  should  be  disreu'iirded. 
I  ei  ;-iiesily  hope  that  our  cjallant  navy,  durinir 
the  lu-xl  year,  as  heretofore,  mav  perform  its 
whole  (buy,  displaying  the  tla;;  ol'  our  rer'ublic  in 
every  occmii,  protecting'  our  cmnnierce,  exti  iidiii:; 
the  bounds  of  human  knou  ledge,  overawing  .scnii- 
barbarous  nations,  restrainin:;  the  piratical  traffic 
^  in  Afric,'\n  sliucs,  and  by  its  lu'csence  prcmiotin^ 

the  pre:-cr\aiion  id' the  pe'aci-  of  mankiiul. 

It  contains  all  the  elements  of  efficiency.  It  has 
able  and  skilfid  officers,  who  compete  wiih  aliu'rity 
for  every  post  of  danger  or  adventure.  Its  men 
excel  in  seamanship,  courage,  iind  fidelity  to  their 
country.  Unsiuteil  to  purposes  of  ninriiime  do- 
minion, it  inspires  respect  for  the  .■Vmerican  Hag  in 
every  part  of  ihe  world.  Vet  n  regard  for  its  last 
interests,  a  desire  to  promote  the'  welfire  ol  its 
♦        meriloriouii  officers,  and  a  kcnac  of  justice  lo  th* 


;  country,  iudurp  me  to  add,  timt  its  annual  cost  is  ' 
'  disi)roportionale  lo  its  niagnitude;  tnid  the  system  , 
of  Us  lu'gaiii/.alion  and  preferments  deprives  meril 
of  hope,  liy  conferring  ihe  highest  ranlv  in  Ik?  pro- 
fession w  itlioul  mucii  rtgartl  to  capacity  or  prc- 
\ioiis  aciiviiy  in  the  juiblic  service. 

Agi'  aloiu-'  now  claims  precedence — though  llial 
claim  is  iinaulhorized  by  tlic  C'oniftilulion,and  un- 
suslained  Uy  law.  fcicniority  demands  pnmiolion 
as  its  ri^hl,  and  ihe  highesi  rank  and  pay  are 
awarded  lo  the  lougesl  lii'e.  Yd  the  chances  are 
that  ihe  oldest  are  not  ihe  most  mi  ritorious.  Kx-  j 
celleni'e  seeks  the  o|iporluoity  of  displaying  itself, 
and  is  selected  for  tlie  mnsl  perilous  iinil  wasting 
service;  while  mediocrity  falls  lo  be  i  mployed, 
and  obtains  1.  nglli  of  days  in  safe  and  ailluenl  re- 
tirement. Promotion  by  seniority  is  a  premium  | 
upon  inactivity.  ■ 

iMany  of  llic  best  among  the  older  officers  re- 
ceived high  promotion  while  comparatively  in 
cariy  lil'e.  The  ymmger  orticcrs  of  to-day  are 
ciiually  full  of  laknl  and  amliition;  but  the  present 
system  refuses  lo  ihem  the  opportunity  of  com- 
n.and  while  life  is  in  its  vigor,  and  reserves  it  for 
the  decline  of  their  powers,  in  con  ■e(|uence,  the 
average  age  of  captains  i-  .onslanlly  increasing, 
and  is  already  nearly  sixty.  The  average  num- 
ber of  annual  iiromotions  is  aboul  two.  'I'he  ave- 
rage of  commanders,  from  whom  cajitains  are  and 
should  be  taken,  is  not  much  less  than  fifty.  From 
their  gnat  nuiiibi  rs,  ihe  little  sea-service  lo  which 
lliey  are  called  is  favorable  to  long*  vily.  Continue 
the  present  usage  twenly  years  litnL'"er,  and,  while 
hope  will  be  crushed  in  the  young  men  in  Ihe  ser- 
vice, ihe  class  of  eoninianders  will  itself  be  com- 
posed of  none  but  aged  nien.and  there  will  not  be 
a  captain  under  lliri  esi'ore  years  and  ten. 

Tliis  cuslom  discourages  the  nio.st  worthy,  and 
leads  the  incapalile  and  the  indolent  to  clinj  with 
tenacity  to  their  commissions. 

Selection,  it  is  objected,  will  degenerate  into 
favoriiism.  In  jiromoiions  there  certainly  should 
' favor.     'I  be  records  of  the  departineni,  or 


be  111 


the  concurrent  ojiinii-n  of  oHtccrs,  will  disclose  pn 
fcssioiial  meril.  Ifiltcse  I'oulil  be  disregarded,  the 
Senate  may  inti  r]iose.  If  the  Senate  yields,  the 
voice  of  public  opinion,  the  press,  the  vigilance  of 
party,  the  restorative  iuduence  of  the  jiopular  vv'ill, 
wonliljin  the  end,  make  impartiality  a  necessity — 
would  cerlainly  protect  merit  from  neglect.  Iniiis- 
criminaie  proniolion  is  injiislicelo  the  country,  and, 
if  persevered  in,  will  lu'ovi-  fatal  lo  the  navy. 

The  eliicicncy  of  tlie  service  demands  a  reduc- 
tion in  the  number  of  officers  in  active  service  or 
awaiting  it.  Sudden,  indiscriminate,  and  exces- 
sive proniolioiis  compel  the  reconiincndation  of 
such  ,1  rcdiicliou.  '1  lure  are  so  .,;;ny  captains 
and  comiuanders,  that,  under  exisiing  laws,  were 
all  capable  of  commands,  and  each  cruise  lo  con- 
sist of  ihree  years,  each  captain  would  he  at  sea 
once  in  twelve  years,  each  commander  once  in 
eighteen  years.  This  evil  attracted  the  alientiim 
of  the  last  Congress;  and  the  power,  so  necessary 
lo  Ihe  service,  of  placing  a  reluctant  officer  on  fur- 
lough, was  restored  to  ihe  deparlincni.  1  have 
been  informed  that  this  ijowcr  was  granted  with  a 
view  to  have  a  large  pari  of  Ihe  captains  and  com- 
manders put  on  half-pay.  I'm  it  does  not  fully 
appear  so  on  the  record.  The  (xperienceof  the 
summer  li.aves  me  confident  in  ilu.bi  lief  thata  large 
hiinibir  of  captains  and  of  commanders  migiil, 
v,  llh  public  advantage,  be  placed  on  furlough,  and 
smaller  proportions  of  other  gradrs.  Sluaild  Con- 
gress direct  this  |o  be  done,  tin  ir  will  can,  jiirhaiis, 
he  carried  into  efl'e'-t  with  less  division  of  o])imon 
in  the  .SI  rvi(  e  lh;in  niiL'hi  at  fir;-t  lie  aiiprehcnded — 
(specially  if  ihe  fiii'louL^b-pav  were  in  sunir  case:- 
lo  be  one-leilf  of  tin  pi-,  of  ofliccrs  on  dulv  at  si  a. 
A  board  of  ollicrrs,  pi  :ierly  constiiuled,  and  ihe 
ncords  of  the  diparton  i;^.  willi  olher  iiiformaiion 
within  reach,  would  re;nlily  make  the  necessary 
disiTiniinatioii'^^. 

Why  should  the  incapable  be  promoted;  Why 
sliould  lb(  y  be  allowed  lo  postpone  tin  proniolion 
nf  the  capable."  Why  should  gallaniry,  liiiiper- 
once,  integrity  In  the  pnyment  of  debts,  disiincliiiti 
by  service  at  sea,  weigli  no  more  than  opposite 
considcraiionu  r  Why  should  men  deficient  in 
enpaciiv  and  inexprrienccd  in  their  jirolession  be 
iulvnnced,  and,  as  a  coiisci|iieni-e,  lidicers  with 
every  naval  and  manly  virtue,  and  the  brilliancy 
and  vi^'or  of  maU'red  'powers,  be  left  to  wuu  till 


great  age  gives  them  the  preferment  which  genius, 
alacrity,  and  meril  could  not  attain? 

A'o  naval  service  can  luaintain  an  ellieient  and 
elevated  ebaracur  under  a  long  coiitimianee  of  a 
system  which  liivels  merit  and  denieril,  and  U  lids 
lo  change  the  profession  of  the  navy  from  a  career 
of  rewanlcil  honor  lo  a  career  for  a  livelihood.  It 
is  not  str.inue,  under  this  system,  thai  the  navy 
even  eont.uns  a  \ery  few  officers  who  have  si-arcely 
been  at  sea,  and  somii  who  have  not  seen  sea- 
service  enough  lo  accomplish  them  in  the  proper 
(pialificatioiis  of  their  profession. 

Those  that  are  capable — and  our  service  abounds 
ill  them — those  and  those  only  should  be  promoted. 
The  office  of  ca])tain  in  the  navy  is  a  high  execu- 
tive trust.  Likethe  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
he  considers  himself  as  a|ipoiiiled  for  life,  'Ihe 
oldesl  captain,  when  in  service,  receives  a  salary 
eipial  to  that  of  a  justice  of  the  Suprenie  Court  of 
tlie  rnited  Stales;  ihe  pay  of  the  youngest  i  ai>tain, 
e\cii  when  doing  no  duly, and  only  waiting  oi'deis, 
is  nuiidi  above  the  i  ..rage  salary  of  the  dislrict 
judges  of  the  United  .Males.  He  bears  the  flag 
of  (he  country  lo  foreign  climes;  he  h.is  aiiihority 
over  officers  and  men;  he  directs  the  poWM'r  of 
armed  sipiadroiis;  he  is  the  protector  of  the  ])er- 
soiis  ami  inliicsts  of  our  (Utizens  abroad.  The 
body  ol'captaiiis  should  be  a  body  of  chosen  men. 
I'here  should  not  be  among  Ihe  number  one  of 
doubtful  merit.  The  nomin.iiion  and  conftrinatiou 
lo  that  post  sliould  be  acts  of' solemnity,  li.xiiig  the 
atlenlion  of'the  couulry,  eiilianced  in  value  by  ap- 
proving public  opinion,  and  conceded  lo  llinse 
only  wlio.se  characlers  and  career  are  guarantees 
of  lionorable  conduct  and  professional  merit  all 
their  life  long. 

I'he  service  siionld  be  relieved  from  the  burden 
of  carrying  along  so  very  much  greater  a  number 
of  officers  lliiui  can  be  einployed.  Il  is  not  just  to 
the  peoiile  of  the  United  Stales  to  retain  on  fiay, 
as  waiting  orders,  men  who,  since  their  promo- 
tions, have  not  recei\('d  orders, and,  from  the  (excess 
of  olHcers,  and  for  other  reasons,  can  never  receive 
tlieiii.  .None  sliiinld  Inue  the  pay  as  wailing  or- 
ders but  lliose  who  are  one  day  lo  receive  orders, 
and  an  able  and  willing  to  obey  ihi  m.  Some  very 
U'W  hate  lived  at  ease  on  shore  for  so  many  inac- 
tive years,  having  no  conneclion  with  the  navy  but 
to  lake  rank  and  pay,  lliat  a  wuit  of  knowhilge  of 
their  profession  has  become  added  lo  original  iiiap- 
liliide  for  the  service. 

The  benefit  lo  the  country,  by  pursuing'  llio 
course  I  bine  proposed,  would  be  incalculable. 
They  w  ho  know  our  odicci's  will  agree  thai,  alh  r 
proper  diminutions,  vou  might  in  vain  look"  through 
ihe  world  for  a  service  that  would  do  more  honor 
to  its  country. 

Wherever  the  principle  of  discrimination  Inia 
been  applied,  the  mwy  lias  been  benefited.  Soint. 
years  ago,  Ihij  i-iili-  was  cslablished  for  ihe  coi-ps 
of  snrgrons:  and  the  rcstiit  h;is  givi  n  the  inivv  a 
body  of  well-ediii:itcil  and  w ('lt-ir;iiiied  surgeons, 
of  which  any  nation  iinght  be  proud. 

The  same  sysleni  has  ben  applied  durinir  llin 
summer  to  ibe  engineers,  and  w  itli  very  beneficial 
results.  It  is  the  only  sysleni  w  hich  w  ill  shut  the 
doorngaiiisi  liiMir,  anil  picMiil  the  oifjci  s  in  the 
navy  from  becoming  bi-anclies  of  an  iiiitbori/.ed 
pi^nslon  lisi. 

This  is  seen  most  decidedly  in  ihe  case  of'  ma.^- 
ters.  The  I'niiid  Stalls  niuy  liiis  the  grade  of 
master — a  liigh  station,  well  paid,  and  reipiiriug 
L'ri'iii  idiilily  and  experience  at  sea.  Full  pay  is 
:,vivin  to  ibii'ty-oiic  iiiaslers;  of  this  number,  so;. lu 
are,  and  Inue  ever  been,  iiicompeleni  lo  ilieir  duty; 
nor  can  I  learn  that  more  than  six  or  li\e,  or  per- 
h.ips  I'our  or  llirie,  are  able  lo  iiavi!!iili'  a  ship. 
Those  who  arc,  iind  by  an  exiUiiinaiion  |irii\e 
theni.'X'lveH  lo  Inne  (••.er  been,  incoiiipeteiit,  should 
be  (lis.  barged;  ll;e  lest  should  be  ( inployi  d  in  their 
turn  at  sea,  or  be  put  on  hidf-pay. 

To  ihe  younger  branch  of  the  service,  I  liave  felt 
no  scruple  lo  iMiiid  soincwhiil  farther  iliiiii  was 
lieretoloie  iisiial  tlie  principli'  of  discriminalion,  by 
aulhorily  of  the  deparlmeiil.  The  munber  of  mid- 
sliipmen'  has  gradually  become  so  rediiccd,  I  bat 
new  apjioinlnients  be^rin  lo  be  made.  .\  lucdical 
survey,  and  an  examiii'ition  of  the  candidates  for 
appointmeiii,  have  been  prescribed. 

it  would  be  very  desirable  if  a  system  of  free 
coiiip'liiion  for  nppnininienls  could  be  ibvisid, 
which  \yould  preclude  all  iiossibilily  of  favoriiism. 


■f 


1845.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


19 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Report  of  the  Fostmaxtcr  General. 


Senate  and  Ho.  of  Reps. 


ilii'ii  111  nml 
umiii'i'  "la 
,1111(1  Iciicia 
1111  a  1  ai'ciT 
UIiimhI.  It 
It  llui  iiavy 
ivi'  .si'iiici^ly 

it    MlTIl    8011- 

tlie  (iroiicr 

■ice  tiluHUuls 
le  primiott;)!. 

IliiCll  lAl'I'll- 

rriiH'  ('i)iii-i, 
ir  lill'.     'I'ln'- 
li'S  11  siiliiry 
iiic  C'mirt  (if 
uesl  iii|>tiiiii. 
utiiiii  (ii'dcrs, 
■  ilic  (lislriit 
■ais  llic   llai; 
i.i.s  aii'lidi'ily 
lio  (iiiwci-  (if 
1-  uf  liio  lior- 
Ijioad.      rii« 
cliiisii)  men. 
imlicr  "111-  iif 
cDiilimiaiinii 
ilyjixiiiu;  ilie 
1  value  liy  ap- 
ile.l    111    liaise, 
re  guaraiiUiS 
lial  merit  all 

111  tlic  Innilcii 

iter  a  iiimil'if 

t  iy  not  in--^l  l*> 

•etaiii  on  |iay, 

their  |ironio- 

•onl  tliP  excess 

1  never  reeeive. 

as  wiiitiiii;  or- 

reeeive  orders, 

|i.     Some  very 

so  mmiy  inae- 

li  the  navy  lint 

kno\vleilj:c  of 

orii;inal  inap- 

]iiirsninir  the, 
•  iia-aleiilalile. 
tlial.aller 
In  liiolillironsih 
llo  more  lunior 

[iminaliini  has 
lielileil.  Sonn, 
lor  the  eoriiB 
1 11  the  navy  a 
Iniil  sur<;eons, 
ll. 

I  iluriii'.r  ihn 

IV  heiiellcial 

|h  will  shntthe 

ii'iii  s  in  the 

aulhori/.dl 

|o  ease  of  miif- 
the  •irade  of 
iinil  re(|iiirin^ 
l-'iill  |iay  is 
Jinmilier,  scaie 
ll  t.i  iheir  dni)"i 
lor  live,  <n'  jief- 
^viL'ale  a  sliip. 
iiiiaiiiin  |irine 
||ieiri.l,  should 
iluyid  in  ilieir 

ice,  T  have  felt 
llher  iliaii  was 
Iriiiiination,  hy 
Inmher  of  iiiiil- 
rediieed,  iliat 
.  j\  medieal 
■aiididuKs  for 

byslem  of  fre<! 
|<i    he    ihvisdl, 

•  of  favoritism. 


1  ought  also  to  add,  ihiit  many  of  the,  hesi  friends 
of  the  navy  lielieve  the  luimlier  of  nndshi|imen 
should  l)e  liroii;;ht  within  a  -slill  narrower  limit  than 
llial  wliieh  is  at  |ireseiit  eslalilished  hy  law.  If 
(aiii^'ress  also  "(hrnild  he  of  that  opinion,  I  woidd 
rei'onmieiid  iliat  ior  evf-ry  live  vacaneies  which 
miiy  oeeur.  iwo  only  should  liclilled,  tintil  the  num- 
ber is  ^lill  I'arlher  rediu-ed. 

1  re:;r(t  to  lie  ohiiiced  lo  ask  the  interposition  of 
Congress  for  new  lej,'islaii(ni  re.S|ici!tins  'he  (!oriJS  of 
purser.s.  'I'he  law  of  Angiist  3(),  184:i, gives  them, 
*'  on  leave  or  waiiiiej;  orders,  the  sumo  pay  as  sur- 
geons;" that  is,  large  and  increasing  pay  according 
to  the  ininiher  of  years  they  have  been  in  the  ser- 
vice, wiilioui  ri.-iereiice  lo  ifieir  sea-duty  or  present 
merit.  L'uder  ihe  opi  i  ilion  of  this  law,  the  old 
purser,  (loiug  nolhiii,'  on  shore,  is  freciuently  paid 
more  than  iho  faiilMil  young  purser  whom  duty 
carries  round  the  wnrld.  I'lic  conHe(jneiiC(Ms  natu- 
rally a  great  love  of  ilie  shore.  Will  not  Congress 
remedy  this,  and  make  it  for  the  pecuniary  inlerest 
of  pursers  to  perfonn  their  duly  at  sea?  If  this 
call  lie  accomplished,  their  number  needs  no  in- 
crease. 

In  ihe  army,  Hishursiiig  officers  ncriodicttllv  come 
liefnre  the  Senate  to  be  eonlirmed  anew.  Would 
ii  not  lie  well  to  extend  this  princi|ile  lo  ihe  navy, 
and  lo  require  that  jnirsers  should,  mice  in  every 
few  years,  be  subject  to  re-a|ipoinlment .-  Ancl 
would  il  not  he  a  good  rule  that  no  purser  should 
lie  re-a]ipoiiiied  who  lias  not,  within  a  leafionable 
jHM-iod,  pertormed  a  cruise  .- 

Changes  in  ihe  present  law  are  needed  to  protect 
the  treasury,  llalances  are  sometimes  retained  too 
long — for  whicii  the  best  remedy  is  priunpt  setlle- 
iiieiiis.  Three  months  are  now  allowutl  to  dis- 
bursing oIKcers  within  the  United  .Stales,  lo  render 
Iheir  accounts.  The  ellicient  pursers  will  agree 
unanimously  that  for  then  torty-fivo  days  are 
ample  for  the  pnriiose.  It  <  ongrdss  \.  ill  es'ialilish 
that  limit,  I  believe  the  auditor  will  lie  able  l.i  set- 
lie  their  accoimis  wilhin  llie  next  foriy-live  days, 
lo  the  immense  benefit  of  themselves  and  the  iii'ib- 
lie  service.  Minieys  can  only  comi!  into  their 
hands  on  specific  reipiisilions  for  specific  purposes, 
and  ought  never  be  diverted  by  them  to  ihe  pay- 
ment of  their  own  claims,  real  or  pretended, 
against  the  United  States.  These  claims,  in  some 
cases,  extend  back  twenty  years,  and,  when 
traced  to  their  origin,  are  not  uufreiiuenlly  found 
lo  he  based  upon  services  which,  when  reniiered, 
were  recosnized  as  a  regular  duty.  Such  nnfoiind- 
eii  (Iciminds  pursers  sonielinies  pay  by  n  lajning 
piililic  money  in  their  hands,  conslitu'linL-  (lieiii^ 
selves  judges  in  llieir  own  eases,  and  vexaiiously 
persist  in  carrying  lliem  forward  in  their  accounts, 
after  they  liave  been  repeaieilly  rejected  by  the 
Ic^mIIv  constituled  authorities,  'if  pursers  desire 
lo  hold  large  sums  of  public  money  for  the  luir- 
posc  of  c.nilendiug  in  eonrls  airaiusi  the  decisuais 
of  ilie  accounting  olllcers,suslamiil  by  ilie  npiniims 
of  the  Attorney  General,  they  slinulil  first  liecume 
jirivaie  cili/eus;  for  while  I'liey  are  coiiieiidiiiL', 
the  Uoverniueiit  must  lose  their  services,  ur  ex- 
pose itself  to  ihe  charge  of  undue  iidvaiil(i;;e,  in 
sending  tiiem  iVom  home.  Ii  is,  uniremer,  maiii- 
tijstly  unsal'e  m  trust  ihrni,  iiuilei  such  circum- 
stances, wiih  fiirlher  amounts  of  the  public  money. 
This  sulijecl  calls  fir  the  ncliou  of  Congress. 

■|'he  law  of  .lauuary  ;il,  lMO;t.  rcfiuires  that  dis- 
bursiuu  iiiricers,  who  fiiil  m  render  their  accounis 
lor  seitleiueiu  in  due  lime,  .--hall  be  pr.iiii|iijv  re- 
poniil  to  Ihe  I'resiil.iii  ,)f  Ihe  United  States,' and 
dismissed  from  ilu'  |aili|ic  service.  ,Mi-lii  ,u«  llli.^ 
l.iw  hi'  (Mended  with  great  proprii  Iy  mid  advau- 
Mic  lo  ihnse  who.  u{imu  a  seiileiueiii  of  ihcir  ac- 
oiims,  are  re|inrleil  as  Inildiu...-  Iialanees.  ami  «  h,,. 
on  reipusiiiou  by  llie  pivper  aulhoriiy.  refuse  .-r 
ncgleci  1,)  pay  inio  the  ireasurv  ihe  piilihc  iiiou,.v 
reiuaining  ill  ilieir  liaii(ls.=  .Xlilioueh  ihe  au'gie- 
gaie  numiier  of  disliuising  ofiicers  in  iho  si  rvice 
need  iioi  he  increased,  an  improvement  niiulil  I  e 
luaile,  liy  eslablishiii^-,  wilhin  ihe  prist  ni  limil, 
ihe   "rade  of  assisiaiil    pursers.     The  .-:,  r\  let  s   of 


tins  Ltiaile  would  lie  cliii'Hv  called  f.ir  in  ihe  siimller 
vessels,  and  llieir  pay  l.(  iiig  re-iilaiiil  by  llie 
amoiuil  of  Ihcir  respnilHibiluy,  might  properly  bo 
less  ilian  ihai  of  ihe  pursers.  As'vac;incies  occur 
aiiiou;;  the  puisris,  ih"se  assjslauis.  if  mi  eMiiui- 
llallou  ihey  proved  lheiilsel\es  lo  be  fitiv  Irailieij 
for  ihe  higher  duties  of  llieir  prolissioii,  iirerht 
well   be  proinulcd.     A  aystcm   would   tiuui  'be 


formed  whicli  would  prevent  th  -  appointment  of 
the  inex|wrienced  and  ilicompclent. 

The  excess  of  ollicers  exisis  almost  exclusively 
ill  the  higher  grades  ol'  the  navy.     Of  the  forward 
officers,  Ihe  interests  of  the  service  demand   that  ! 
the  iiumlier,  es|ieeially  of  boatswains  and  gunners,  ' 
,  should   be  a  little  increased,     if  permission  were 
I  granted  lo  oppoint  six  acling  boatswains,  and  as 
■  many  ucling  gunners,  it  woidd  be  but  a  ri'asonable 
i  alleviation  to  a  class  of  men  who  now,  from  their 
:  limited  number,  are  almost  always  at  sea. 
i      It  has  been  my  stremious  endeavor  to  make  the 
condition  uf  the  seamen,  in    the   public  employ, 
such  as  C!ongress  desii;ii(  d.     The  apprentice  sys- 
tem, as  heretofore   regulated,  though   it   has  pro- 
duced some  excellent  seamen,  has  not  been  wholly 
successful;  but  it  is   believe(J  that  the  llulure  has 
arisen  from  defects  of  arrangement,  and  not  from 
the  system  itself.     An  attempt  will  be  made  (o  re- 
vive it,  in  a  simjile,  unprelending  form,  and  with 
the  lio)ie  of  beneficial  resulis  in  the  increase  of 
accoin]»lished  American  seamen.     IVUanlime,  our 
merciuiiile  marine,  of  nearly  one  hundred  thou- 
sand   men,   readily   yields   ))aliiolic  and    skilful 
crews  to  our  ships  of  war.  The  limitation  of  these 
to  seven  thousund  five  hundred  men,  has  lit  ver,  in 
the  past  smiiiner,  been  exceeded,  and  has  had  a 
wholesome  eirecl    in   compelling  reductions  at  the 
naval  slalions  at  iunne. 

It  is  Ihe  glory  of  our  navy  that  our  sailors  arc 
Ik  Id  by  all'eclion  and  choice.  Tbcy  enlist  volun- 
tiu-ily;  they  are  freely  discharged  on  lliei-  return 
from  a  cruise;  and,  with  lew  exceptions,  they 
readily  enlist  again.  They  love  the  service;  aiul, 
on  whatever  sea  they  are  Ibund,  they  arc  Ameri- 
cans al  heart. 

Klforts  have  been  made  lo  break  up  a  violation 
of  law  whicli  has  loo  long  existed  on  ship-board. 
The  mercy  of  the  statute  inlriisls  the  power  of  the 
lash  exclusively  to  the  commanding'  orticer.  No 
othcer,  worihy  of  a  command,  will  inllici  pun- 
ishment, exce|it  after  due  examination  iiilo  the 
olleiices  charged.  The  former  custom  of  dele- 
iratiii:;-  this  power  (o  subordinate  olVieers,  is  a  fla- 
grant violalion  of  the  will  of  Congress  and  the 
people.  The  men  have  ri^'hls,  and  must  be  pro- 
lecied  in  lliem.  Kxperieiice  shows  thai  discipline 
is  never  so  !,'-ood  as  when  the  coninianding  oilieer 
'  sets  the  example  of  subordination,  by  obedience 
to  the  laws  of  his  counlry. 

Freedom  lo  enter  the  service;  protection  in  their 
rights  (lurinu:  their  service;  freedom  to  leave  it  after 
a  cruise;  skilful  medical  alienlion,  with  comfort- 
alile  (|iiiirters  ai  naval  hospitals,  in  case  of  sicklies.-;; 
a  pension  in  case  of  disaliiiii\';  a  home  al  lla  naval 
asylum  in  old  age;-— these  pno  isious  show  thai  the 
sailor  has  not  been  iieL'lecied  by  bis  eounlrymeii. 

1  cannot  dose  this  eimimunicalion  w  illiout  ro 
peaiinu'  ihat  the  evils  in  our  navy  lo  w  liicli  I  have 
called  allimlion  spring  from  tlie  defeds  in  the  sys- 
tem that  1ms  been  followed,  railier  than  from  ihe 
want  of  I'roper  personal  ,(,ialilies  in  the  ollic(  is. 
.-V  period  of  peace,  which  ll  is  to  be  lio]ied  may 
continue,  left  (  uiploymeiil  al  sea  w  ilhoul  the  s!r(mg 
atiraciiou  thai  comes  from  the  immiuenee  of  dan- 
■.eraud  llie  prospect  of  winning  renown;  and  the 
ileiiariment,  while  it  posses.ses  aulhorilv  lo  sum- 
mon into  !icii\lly  llie  services  of  all,  w  ilhoul  ex- 
cepiiou.has  yet  had  no  opportunities  of  rev.  ai'din;r 
those  who  di'sliimuisli  lhem.sel\i's  by  alacriiy  and 
capaciiv.  All  exploring  expediiiou  was,  indeed, 
sen;  forili  and  hi  pi  al  si  i  foraloii'-'  series  of  years; 
and  many  cases  of  ordinary  eiupl(i\'ment  ha\('  iiii- 
po.scd  great  hardships  and  privations;  but  not  a 
ill  nienani  in*  a  midshi]iman  has.  in  any  one  iu- 
slauce,  received  so  much  as  liie  sli:;iilesl  adv.iiice- 
iiKMii  b(  yond  those  who  remained  during  ihe  same 
period  on  shore,  or  at  easier  slalions.  Ours  is  ihe 
only  service  where  aciiviiv  and  iiiactiviiy  have 
(lire ll  alike;  and  it  ii;  the  lii;rliest  evidence  of  the 
capai  ily  and  inlegrity  of  our  ofiicers,  and  ihe  vast 
amotuti  of  lalcui  which  a  prop(  r  sysieni  would 
call  lorlli,  ihai,  iii  spile  of  this  usa;.'.e  of  indiii'creuce, 
w  liicli  prevails  ill  no  other  country,  and  ouuht  no 
loiiL'er  lo  prevail  in  our  own,  the  seiilinienis  of 
hoiiur  and  the  pride  of  professional  duly  have  still 
educan  (1  gallant  ofiicers  enough  lo  secure  lo  our 
navy  llie  i  oiifidenre  of  the  country,  and  the  respect 
ol'  Ihe  world. 

GF.ORG  K  IJAXCIiOlT. 
To  the  I'reside.vt  of  the  Ukiteu  State*. 


REPORT    OF 


THE   POSTMASTER    GEN- 
ERAL. 


I  Post  Oiiice  Depaktmext, 

Ihctmber  1,  1«-15. 
Sin;  The  extent  of  the  post  routes  in  the  United 
Stales  over  which  the  miuls  were  transported,  on 
:  the  .lOlli  day  of  .Tune  last,  was  143,844  miles.    The 
I  annual  transportation  of  the  mails  over  these  routes, 
i  on  ihe  same  day  wa.s  y5,(i34,'J(i'J  miles — on  horse- 
back and  in  sulkies,  ll,oi!5,631  miles;by  stage  and 
I  coach,  lT.!i;.'4,04G  miles;  by  sUtamboala  and  rail- 
'  roads,   (),4f4,.V.).'2  miles — which   cost  the  Unilcd 
'  States  jjo,m)ri,riU4. 
i  For  the  service  on  horseback  and  in 

!      sulkies $548,482 

For  llie  service  in  coaches  and  singes..     1,47(5,079 
h'or  ihe   service   on    railroads   and  in 

steamboats 843,430 

For  local  and  mail  agents,  and  mail 
iiKssengers  incident  to  the  service  on 
railroads  and  sleambuat.-i ■'!7,;')13 

)jiij,!)():),.'iti4 

The  number  of  cnntraclnrs  m  thai  day  in  tho 
service  of  the  iltparlinent  was  3,'.277;  mail  lU'enls 
30;  and  mail  messeuueis  114;  the  number  of  local 
agents  13 — all  connected  wiih  the  railroad  and 
steamboat  service. 

It  is  gratifying  lo  find  that,  whilst  the  annual 
trnnsporlaiion  was  grealer  for  the  year  ending  the 
3(lih  .hiiie,  1845,  lh;;n  for  the  precediiiir  year,  by 
l.''J4.fi4r>  miles,  Ihe  cost  was  h.ss  liy  <j(J:.',7!il. 

'hi  l\y:  .'lOlh  .luiie,  184.5,  there  were  14,183  post 
ofiices.  There  were  eslalilished  during  the  prece- 
ding yeai  Vfi  IK  w'  offices,  and  ^(iS)  discontinued. 

ih\  this  (lay  the  number  is  14,003. 

1'here  W(re  appointed,  (hiring  ihc  same  period, 
3,033  poslniasters;  1,WI7  were  iippoinled  in  coii- 
seipieiK  ('  of  deaths  or  resignalions;  17  in  cojise- 
(]m  nee  of  a  e.haiige  ot'  ihe  site  of  the  otlices;  7.J.3 
removals;  14  where  the  eonnuissions  ex]'ired,  and 
:  not  reappoiiileil;  3o2  liy  the  establishment  of  new 
;  ofiices;  ,t1()  of  the  number  of  cimlracKU's  wero 
fined,  or  dednciions  made  from  llieir  jniy  for  omis- 
sions lo  jierform,  or  irregtilarilies  in  llie  perform- 
ance of  llieir  conlrncts — whicli  amounted  lo  $10,- 
501   ."iO,  after  ddlucling  the  remissions  of  fines. 

'I'he  re\"eiiue  of  ihe  ilepurtnieut  for  the  same  jie- 
ri(Kl  amoiml(;d  to  ^4,'-J8'J,841  80.  The  expcndi- 
liire  for  ihe  same  lime  amounled  lo  «;4,320,731  !)!). 

The  nelt  re. enue,  afler  dediicliiig  llic  comniis- 
sioiis  of  postmasters,  conljiiireni  and  incidenlal  ex- 
pen.ses,  amounled  lo  S:.',04:i.;.'l7  '.il. 

Full  relurns  of  posiniasiers  for  llie  quarter  eiid- 
iii'j:  ihe  .'lOih  ol'  September  last  have  not  as  yet 
been  received  and  settled,  so  as  to  enable  the  de- 
parlmeni  lo  make  an  accurate  slalement  of  the  rev- 
enues of'llial  iiuarler.  A  cari.fut  examinaiion  has 
been  made  of  ihnse  received;  and.  Ijv  a  comparison 
of  iheni  wiih  litrmer  relurns  from  ihe  same  olliees, 
I  am  iiKiiice'l  lo  belieie  iliat  llii  re  v.  ill  be  a  filling 
olV  from  ihe  neil  revenue  of  llie  lasi  fiscal  year  of 
about  forly-five  per  cent.  Ansuming  litis  lo  bo 
Irue,  and  thai  the  savings  on  conlracls  lei,  and  to 
be  111,  will  equal  ihc  expense  of  new  routes  to  ho 
pul  in  operalion,  and  llie  improved  .service  that 
may  be  r(ai(lered  necessary  lo  meet  the  demandii 
of  ihe  |iublic,  ihcn  there  will  he  a  diminulion  of 
liie  means  of  ihe  dc|iai'tineiil  lo  meet  the  expenses 
(,f  the  pris,  i>i  year  of  Si  ,3:i').!l!l7. 

The  1,1-ist  evpiii.sive  as  well  as  tho  most  impor- 
lanl  branch  of  business  under  llie  conlrni  of  iliia 
di|)arlnii'ni,  is  llie  Irmisporlalion  of  llie  mails.  To 
adjiisl  the  degree  and  mode  of  service;  to  re;.'uIato 
the  connexions  belwi  en  roules,  so  as  to  elleci  a 
.speedy  inn  rcommunicalion  between  the  several 
parts  of  ihc  couuiry;  to  secure  conlracls  fiir  iho 
faithful  and  puucliial  peformaucc  of  ihe  service;  to 
.sotlle  queslions  which  conslanlly  arise,  involving 
public  and  private  inlensis  lo  ihe  amount  of 
some  millions  of  dollars  each  year:  to  meet  the  ur- 
L"ent  (It  uiauds  of  the  public  for  mail  accommoda- 
llons,  which  the  growth  of  liie  cmintrv  and  its 
rapidly-increasing  popul  uimi  rci[uii(',  wlili  ihe  rc- 
slricle'd  means  of  the  deparlnient,  and  without  im- 
pairimr  the  efficiency  of  llie  present  service,  tqion 
which  so  many  ahil  such  important  inlensis  de- 
jiend — requires  ihe  inmost  vi:;ihinee  and  circuni- 
sp(  ciinn,  and  eainiol  be  presented  in  detail  in  a 
coniniunicution  of  ihis  eharai;tcr. 


30 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  C  'NGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Dec.  1, 


'29i"H  CoN(! I  ST  Skss. 

The  RtatiHliciil  tables  iniirkedi,  3,  3,  4,  5,  and  j 

."i  A,  |m'|mi-cil  I'V  ihi'   Firsl   ANsislnnl  rnsUim.stfr  I 
iJi'inTiil,  mill  iiHiciiliil   (1)   tliin  rcpiirl,  |iresiiitii 
view  111'  Ilio  exu  ill  iiiiil  iiiisl  of  the  tniiis|iiirl:itioii  , 
111"  ilic  iniiilw,  us  « ill  in  llie  huvituI  iSntos  an  for  llie  : 
wluilr  Uiiii'ii.     Thiiy  trivi'  a  niniji;irisi)ii  wi'.li  the 
jirccrdiiijr  ycnr,  nnil  .slmw  the  temleiu'y  to  iiuTense  j 
(11- diminish  lliu  rod  einc-c  the  cniniii.ni.-i'nii  nt  of 
t'lc  ]iri'Si'nt  fi.-!i'iil  yr.'ir,  miJ  llif  miiniur  iii\\liirli  ' 
it  is  |iro.liiccil.  Two  iinportiiin  I'iiviiin^iiinri  .j  hnye 
iiccurrcd  to  ul!i>:'t  llio  iiricps  ol"  tm.is;iortolion  in 
the  nrcMeiit  A'ii\r:  t 

Firal.  'I'h'c  leiieWiU  of  the  eonlrarls  in  Mav  liut  ' 
for  one  scollon  of  llio  Union,  ronijioscd  of  the  I 
States  of  i<i',v  Kni,'lnml  mid  \fw  Yorlc.  | 

Second.  I'litiiii'j;  in  o;i<:riilioii  tlic  iiiM  to  f  slnldiHh  | 
ecrti\in  |>(i.si  rouiiM,  piissed  V.ii  day  of  M^uxli  last,  i 

Takins;  the  oontraots  already  eMculud,  and  es- 
tiniaiin'j;  ilui  eii.  t  of  the  railroad  and  MiAni'ioat 
Kcrviee,  for  wliieh  no  contiiVIs  have  ytl  l.eeii 
made,  at  ihe  minimum  piiecs  which  tlie  di|.arl- 
meut  has  oli'cred  under  the.  recent  act  of  Con;;! ess, 
nnd  it  will  iieseen  that  the  cost  of  lians|iorlini;  the  ' 
mails  in  New  Ijiu'laiid  and  iSew  Ycili  will  lie  re- 
iluced  S-'")9,*'i-  f'"'  the  preseiit  y(ar,  ending;  the 
.■)i)ih  Jane  mxt,  helnw  the  fricea  of  the  last  year — 
hein;,'  a  saviiiu'  of  aooiit  ,'jri  per  cent.,  wilhiml  any 
reduction  of  the  amount  of  service  perfornn  d  iii 
the  preecdnii;  year.  On  the  other  hand,  the  kt- 
tiiii,'  of  the  ncV  routes  to  eontraet  will  add  to  the  ; 
fX|ien8es  of  the  present  year  >)().;3ilt).  ' 

The  cause  of  the  5reat  .-.ivin;;  (over  S''5i),010) 
ill  the  animal  exiieialituio  in  lliat  i-eciion,  may  "'6  i 
traced  to  two  provisions  in  ilie  late  ad  of  Con:;re.si  ' 
to  reduce  the  rates  of  postai^e — one  reijniriii,';  the  i 
Postmaster-l-Jeneral,"ina1l./ii/iiiv  i'i//iii^.i"  of  eon- 
traet.s,  to  ijive  the  Kinie  "  to  the  lowest  bidder  leii- 
'  deriiii,'  snllicient  jruuraniec.-;  I'or  the  iierformanee, 
'  without  oihi  r  reference  to  ilie  mode  of  .such  iiaiis- 
'  porlation  than  may  lie  iieeeuKiry  to  |irovii!e  for 
'  the  due  ei'leiily,  eeruiinty,  and  security  of  -such 
*  transportation:'*  and  annuilii;^  the  iCL'tilation  of 
the  department  whicii  rcipiired  the  uiitliti-liidihr, 
in  certain  cases,  t.)  take  the  .stock  of  me  Uirmer 
contractor.  The  ollur  provision  was  tisat  which 
iliri-eteil  the  l'o;<tmasier  Uenerai  to  classify  the 
railroad  and  steamboat  routes  into  three  clas.^cs,  > 
and  limited  him  to  certain  maxiimmi  rates  of  com- 
)ii  .sation  lor  each  ciass.  'i'he  act  was  pa.*;,  ed  the 
^Id  of  Alareh  last,  to  j;o  into  ojieratioii  on  liie  Jst 
of  Jul) .  The  contracts  for  New  lji;;laiid  and  New 
York  were  let  in  April  and  May  last,  to  },'o  into 
i^fTect  on  the  Isl  of  July,  and  conliniie  in  operation 
four  years.  I  eiuertaiin  d  no  doubt  Unit  these  con- 
tracts should  be  let  umUr  the  provisions  <if  the 
new  law,  nnd  that  such  was  the  intention  of  t'on- 
l^ress.  A  due  reirard  to  the  other  .^i-clions  of  the 
e.ountrv  reipiiri  d  it;  a  fur  trial  of  tlie  experiment 
of  low  postages  deiiundi  d  that  full  ell'i  it  should 
be  iriven  to  the  provi.iions  of  the  law  intended  to 
reduce  the  buril'iis  on  the  posiaue  ftinil,  and  that 
Ihcv  should  ixtt  into  operation  coieiiipor.uieousiy 
with  the  law,  where  jire-cxislin';  contracts  did  not 
)irevent  it.  Notice  was  at  once  y:i\en  of  ihi.s  de- 
terniiniUion,  and  the  coiitracis  were  niadi;  in  con- 
formity to  it.  This  course  was  strenuously  re- 
mgtC'd  bv  the  former  cpntractors,  who  se.incd  to 
expect  higher  rates  of  compensation,  luuler  the  old 
Hyslem,  than  the  rnlap_;ed  field  for  eompf.tidon 
ereat'il  by  the  new  law  would  permit.  Their  me- 
morial and  my  answer  arc  hereunto  annexed,  > 
marked  No.  .5. 

The  provision  referred  to  did  not  direct  the  Post- 
master Genend  to  as.>i;;n  i!i('  contrai  Is,  in  all  cases, 
to  thf  lowest  bidder.  An  exception  is  implieil 
wlieiiever  "  liie  <a.'leritv,  i  erl;.iiily,  and  (eeiiiiiy  of 
the  mails"  rei|nired  a  lii;.'lier  trraile  of  service  tliiin 
that  proposed  by  the  lowest  bidder.  'I'lii.-i  called 
for  the  exercise  of  a  discriiion  unusual  and  m  w 
in  the  practice  id'  the  depiuimi  nt. 

To  render  it  both  just  and  uniform,  n  careful  re- 
view was  taken  by  tlie  department  of  the  diliereiil 
descriptions  of  bids,  d  i.^^k  s  of  route;-',  and  of  ilie 
policy  and  rei|uirement.s  of  the  new  law;  and  an 
opinion  drawn  up,  and  rend  to  the  l.idderu  who 
were  present,  in  i^iviii;;  a  decision  in  one  of  the 
cases,  that  defined  the  p:iiici|j|is  re/idaiin;;  the 
leltiiiffs.     \  copy  is  herewith  appended — .\o.  (i. 

'I'hc  service  ihroii^dioui  the  Union  will  be  placed 
under  the  openitimi  rdtlie  new  law  as  the  old  con- 
tracts cxpiri — which  will  be,  ill  the  we.-iern  sec- 
tion in  May  ue.xt  j  in  the  souilu  m  aei  lion  in  May, 


Report  of  the  I'ostmtsler  Gviicral, 

1847;  nnd  in  llic  middle  section  Li  May,  1H4U;  so 
that,  after  the  1st  of  July,  18l!^,  l.ie  wlnde  service 
will  be  placed  luidcr  the  provisiona  of  the  new 
law. 

I  rejia't  to  stale  that  the  dillicu'tks  and  cmhar- 
nuitimeiits  aiteiiilin;;  the  making  of  contracts  with 
the   railroad    emnpaiiies   have  atjain   been   e.xpe-  I 
rieiiccd  in  New  York  and  New  Kni;land. 

I'fBixty-scven  eases  ie(iuiriii'.r  con  tracts  with  rail- 
road (orporaMiiis,  which  sliouid  have  been  closed 
ill  Jidy  last,  bill  ibirty-five  have,asyel,lii(ain(ljubl- 
ed.  This  is  ovvinsr  to  the  deinund,  on  tliiir  part,  of 
I'ricese.Kcecdin;;-  the  rales  jirescrilied  under  the  act  j 
of  Congress  of  the  'M  March  la.si. 

The  chisiihaiion  ici|niicd  by  that  law  has  been 
made,  aial  the  maxiniiim  pi  iias  allowed  in  each 
(Mise.  This  has  been  done  under  the  most  lilieml 
eoiistruelioii  id"  the  law — one  that  nives  an  addi- 
tional eompeiisatioii,  whenever  the  roail  necisuarily 
ciiiivcys  the  mail  ol'icaia'  llian  once  a  day.  liut 
these  terms,  lavorabie  as  tin'V  are,  have  reeeivid 
but  n  partial  aeeept:incc.  \V'liil.<t  tin  y  liecliiie  exe- 
euling  the  contracts  as  above  slated,  the  service  iti 
f^enerally  performed,  and  the  companies  arc  paid 
the  prills  specified  in  the  circular  which  \\ a;  ad- 
ilre:.sed  to  the  comnanii  s,  iiilbrniiiiL;  ihem  ol' the 
clas.iilication,  and  liie  amount  of  pay  which  had 
been  adopted  by  the  department.  The  circular  is 
hereto  annexed,  marked  No.  7. 

The  maximum  rate.'*  fixed  by  the  act  of  3d  of 
Mairh,  for  the  i.'d  and  lid  classe.-,  is  an  ample 
cmiipeiisation  for  the  scrvicia  performed  by  llieni; 
and  It  is  to  be  re:;retted  that  llic  maxiiiatni  of  com- 
pen.salion  for  the  first  class  had  not  been  riducid 
,ind  (ixed  at  a  price  corrisponilins;  more  nearly  to 
the  iliil'i  reiice  in  tiic  service  perl'ormi  d  by  tin  in. 
Whil.sL  tile  (irsi  class  leeeiv  IS  oui-  nine  percent, 
ot'  the  whole  .amoinit  paid  r.ulroails,  it  does  not 
perform  more  than  two  and  a  half  per  cent,  of  the 
service.  Too  lar^e  an  aiiionnt  of  the  revenues  of 
the  department  is  wiihurav.  ii  from  tin;  u'eneral  ser- 
vice lor  the  pav..'.c:iit  of  niihoads.  The  amount 
withdrawn  liy  till  in,  biyond  a  )  roper  rinuniera- 
lioii  for  the  service  perl'ormtd,  deprives  the  de- 
lartnient,  to  tliat  exteiU,  of  the  nicaiis  to  I'lirnish 
mail  aceomniodaiiona  to  those  sections  of  the 
country  where  they  are  most  needed. 

Railroads  are  eminently  useful.  Their  intro- 
duction eon.>tiliites  an  e|uicli  in  the  march  of  im- 
provement. Creat  and  im|>ortant  ai!vaiita',Ts  are 
eiijoyid  by  tiie  citizens  in  the  redneiion  of  the 
])rice  of  transportation,  travel,  &e.,  and  the  speed 
which  has  hccn  ;riven  by  ilaaii.  iiut  they  have  uni- 
versally increa.-ad  the  jnaee  for  traiisjiortin;;  the 
mails,  and  in  some  insUinces  to  the  extent  of  two 
or  three  liniidred  ]ier  rent,  over  the  former  prices. 
It  would  I  e  dilUcult  to  find  a  satistiictory  reason 
for  the  difference  in  the  price  of  transporliiis  a 
ilioi'sand  pounds  of  newspii|»er3  and  Ii  Iters,  and  a 
thousand  pounds  of  merchandise,  in  the  same  cars, 
between  the  same  ]ilacis,  anil  in  the  same  time; 
yet  more  Iha.n  ten  times  the  anion  U  probably  is 
ill  nimided  for  the  one  than  the  other.  Are  such 
I  xanions  ri^hl,  and  rsi.ecially  toward  a  (jinerii- 
meiii  which  made  ilie  iron  hiiii  en  tluse  reads  free 
of  duty  for  so  many  years,  and  in  niimi  runs  cases 
remitted  the  duliiawhen  jiiiid,  thus  aciually  ad- 
vanciiicr  them  more  than  live  millions  of  dollars 
since  IKJ-Jr 

Tie  service  ]iefornad  by  the  railroads  eonsti- 
tutiM  one-tcnili  jiart  of  the  entire  service  of  ihe  de- 
|>artiiieiil,  whil.-it  they  receive  oiie-lillh  part  of  its 
whole  revenue.  These  exorbiiant  prii  i  s  are  jus- 
tified in  tliia  country  because  similar  priei  s  are  said 
to  be  paid  in  ICn'rlaiid  for  such  service.  'I'!ierc,  it 
may  be  the  poliey  of  the  Cioieninient  to  lii'aiit 
nionopoliis;  to  istablish  and  maintain  privilei;ed 
elas.srs;  to  i:i\c  undue  i^referi  nee  to  wealth  and 
capital  over  labor;  to  sieslain  the  few  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  many.  t)ur  iiistitution.s  are  basi  d 
upon  an  ei|ualily  ainoin:  the  eiii:ans  and  Ilie  dil'- 
I'ereiil  in'erists — ■jiisti-e  to  all,  and  special  (avorsto 
none.  It  is  lii;:lily  i.'ralifyin!;  to  ;:ee  the  i  iiiei-prise 
of  our  citizens  exienilni!.'  the  advaniaires  and  bless- 
ings of  rapid  inlercotmiiunicatioii  over  so  lar^c  a 
portion  of  our  country;  and  it  ali'ords  me  jileasure 
to  add,  that  the  service  rendered  bv  these  emnpa- 
niis  to  the  department  ban  been,  In  the  main,  of 
Ihe  most  acceptable  character.  It  is,  however,  my 
duty  to  inform  you  that  if  these  facilities  for  trans- 
portation and  travel  (aiiitinue  to  increase  as  rapidly 
■  as  they  have  within  the  last  few  years,  and  Con- 


Sk.natf.  and  Ho.  op  Kkpr. 


grcss  cannot  devise  Home  means  to  resist  the  heavy 

exaclions  made  U[ioii  this  department,  its  reveimin 
mu.st  be  aiisorlaal  in  a  I'ew  years  for  the  payment 
of  that  species  id'sea'vice. 

The  dillieailly  heretufore  ixisliiis;  between  the 
di  parlmi  lit  and  the  l'hiladel;ihia  and  lialiiinoro 
liailrond  (-'oinpany, /.'lovviii:;' out  of  the  ri  I'lisal  of 
tlic  company  i  i  take  the  mail  from  i'hiladelphiii 
iinincdiaiely  on  its  arrival  from  New  "\  oik  in  the 
night,  has  been  settled  by  the  eiiL'a;;cineiit  of  the 
company  to  jierforni  that  l'iij,'lily  necessary  and  iiii- 
jioriant  service  on  the  openine;  of  the  sprins;,  after 
they  have  eom|ilLtid  the  repairs  of  their  road, 
which  will  increase  the  di  spaich  of  the  mail  west 
of  llaltimore,  ai.d  south  of  \Vashnij;loii,  ivveiily- 
I'our  liotiis. 

it  is  deeply  to  be  re!;retted  that  the  New  Y'orlc 
iind  riiiladelphia  llaMroaiU'onipany  still  persist  in 
their  refusal  to  convey  mail  ai.'i  ms  for  the  dcpart- 
nieiit  over  their  road.  '1  his  is  a  service  reinlcrid 
by  all  other  comp;inies  where  it  is  desired;  and 
upon  no  ollaa'  louie  is  it  more  neeih  d  than  this. 
I'Voin  this — the  most  imporuuit  route  in  the  United 
.States,  and  I'or  which  they  receive  the  maxinium 
payallovved  by  law — the  mail  ajent  is  excluded, an 
the  service  thereby  malirially  injured,  in  not  liav- 
iiii;  .some  one  on  ihe  road  to  receive  letters  w  i  illen 
aiier  the  elos.ii;!;  of  the  mails,  to  assort  and  liclivir 
the  mails  nt  the  inlerniediate  ol!iees,and,  above  all, 
to  have  one  on  board  the  ears  to  vvatehand  txjiost-, 
when  (Ictc  led,  those  plnnilerers  of  the  jaillie 
revenue  who,  we  have  reason  to  belie, e,  are  yet 
actively  i  ti;;a;:ed  in  lakiii';-  leta  is  out  of  thi;  mails 
over  this  f.;ieal  ihoioiiulitiire.  This  may,  in  some 
deforce,  account  liu'  the  ^'real  falliii!,'  olf  of  the  rev- 
enue at  those  Iwo  oilices  I'or  the  last  quarter,  it 
w.is  confidently  believed,  if  the  business  of  the 
department  was  to  i.icrease,  in  eonsenuence  of  the 
low  piisia;;es,  at  any  points  in  the  Union,  it  would 
have  been  between  those  ?;ri at  cities.  What  rea- 
sons exist  fiir  this  sin;;iilar  refusal  the  department 
cannot  well  ascertain.  That  it  has  the  ell'eet  to 
detract  from  the  character  of  ihe  route  as  an  aj'eiil 
in  the  mail  f  "rvice,  and  abridge  its  usefulness  to 
thi^  public,  there  can  be.  nodoulit. 

it  has  been  siiow  n  that  the  .^avill;;s  in  New  York: 
and  New  Kinrhiad  at  the  lettiio's  last  sornii:  ex- 
ceeded one  ipiiirler  of  :i  million  ot'dollars.  .should 
similar  savin.  .  be  realized  in  the  other  seciieais, 
when  placed  under  the  new  law,  there  will  be,  in 
the  western  section,  after  the  Isi  of  July  next,  a 
reduction  in  the  cost  ot'  the  annual  lranspi>rlation 
of  about  Slla.'i.bllll;  in  the  soullnrn  section,  after 
ihe  Isi  of  July,  l.'s47,  about  vew.llllll  tier  aenuiii; 
and  in  the  niidiUe  .section,  al'iia-  the  1st  of  July, 
184ti,  >lBI),il(iil  per  annum.  The  whole  ri  duelioii 
thus  made,  after  the  1st  of  July,  1H4H,  in  the  trans- 
portation of  the  mails,  will  be  sl.lM);'i,lllil)  per  an- 
iiiini.  It  may  not  be  safe  to  infer,  trian  the  re- 
duction of  prices  of  iransporiaiion  in  New  ^  ork 
and  New  EiiL'land,  that  a  sniiilar  one  may  b.e  made 
in  the  other  set  tioiis  of  the  Union,  when  subjected 
to  the  provisions  of  the  new  law.  In  the  I'oriner, 
the  lii.^her  i;raiies  of  service  had  been  more  ireiie- 
raliy  em|iloyeil,  because  of  the  fireater  laciliiies  fiir 
the  mail  servii  e,  than  in  the  latter.  The  new  law 
only  rer|iiirin.'  that  siiecies  of  service  which  is 
iiec(>ss.u-y  I'or  iln  s.ili*  and  speedy  trans}niriation  of 
the  mails,  would  eiilar;;e  the  field  of  conipetitioii, 
and  reduce  the  prices  more  ill  the  one  than  the 
others.  The  pre  es  fir  transporlinir  the  mails  may 
lo  injuriously  aH'ecied  by  the  .-taie  of  the  trade 
;ind  nr.irketn  of  the  country.  'I'he  exieiit  of  the 
country,  its  inereaslii;;  |)opiilatioii,  will  iletiiand 
additional  and  iinproved  service,  and,  if  extended 
toTexa.'?  and  On  ;;on,wi;!  not  allow  any  reduction 
of  the  expenditures  in  this  branch  of  the  si  rvice. 

'i'he  conipemiaiion  to  postniaslers,  and  the  I'X- 
pi  n.ses  of  their  olfices,  are  the  next  principal  source 
of  expciidimre,  and  aniouuled,  for  the  y.'ar  endhis; 
;iOlli  of  June  last,  to  the  sum  of  >1,4();).h7.')  1H. 

This  class  of  olficers  had  been  paid  by  a  eotn- 
mission  ih  !.eiidiu;;oii  the  anioiint  receivi  d  at  their 
oilices,  aaii  by  llie  fniiikin:; privileije.  'I'lieirconi- 
|iensaiion  under  the  former  laws,  with  Ihe  excep- 
tion of  a  few  at  the  lari'er  olfices,  was  less,  m 
propoi'.ion  lo  the  servii  is  reiiderLd  and  the  impor- 
laiice  of  the  dmies  perfoi  ,,ieil  by  llniii,  than  ilial 
of  any  oilier  officers  under  the  I'l  di  r  d  (ioMrii- 
meiii.  'i'he  new  law  operated  with  peculiar  hard- 
ship upon  them.  It  dejirived  Ihem  of  the  frank- 
ing' privilcLie,  and  diminished  their  compciisalioii 


i 


1845.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAT.  GLOBE. 


21 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


liqwrt  of  the  Postmaster  General. 


Senate  and  Ho.  of  Heps. 


will  di'iiitind 


l'llll'l|ml  KnlllVl! 


It'OlltpullbUUDU 


in  pi'iporlion  to  tlio  rediu'.linn  of  the  revenue,  und 
(trcmly  iiicn^ii^rd  llieii"  li\lmrs.     The  ninnl)er  of 
ri'siffimtiDiis — civcr  two  ihipusund — rcaU'd  iiii  lU)- 
piTlien.siDii    that    the    i>ul)iii".  Kcrvii-e  uii^ht  Hiidi'i*  ' 
iViMii  the  wiiiit  <ir  coiniii-tciit  mid  I'aillit'id  mm  to  ' 
tidio  char;;!'  of  tlio  oDicrs.     The  rtrj;iM\icnts  urijiMl 
liy  the  tVii'iidH  of  the  lilll,  thai  ihc  cheap  rate  of 
pnstaL'e  woidd  increase  liie  bnsin<.'s.s  ot'tii(!  depurt- 
menl,  and  prcveni  a  rednrlion  of  its  revenue — the 
Cenoral  appnipri  itioii  liniitiii;;  iiscx|)endilure.s,and  | 
tliK  apprciiriaiiipn  lor  poHlniaslersi  and  tlicir  clerks 
bein-^  nearly  lUr.  same  as  those  of  the  preeedini^  i 
year,  satisfied  nie  tliat  Conj^resa  had  not  inlcndcu  I 
a  reduction  of  tlieir  pay,  or  that  of  their  clcrlta; 
mi.l  Ihi  refore  I  determined  lo  allow  tl.eni,  for  oaeli 
f|aart(-r  of  l!ie  jiresent  \ear,  the  .sann:  compensa- 
tion they  received  for  tin;  corresnondini:^  (piarler 
of  the  preiM'dinij  vear.     i^anerliiiniii'^  some  doiii)ts  . 
of  my  power  '■>  do  so,  I  snhmilted  the  ([uestion  to 
the  Allorney  Ltenend;  and  his  oj)inion  (iccmnpa- 
iiiis  ill';-'  report,  niarked  ?so.  8.     (lopieH  of  the  or- 
ders made  are  also  annexed,  marlfeil  IS'o.  9. 

These  considerations  leave  hut  little  i^round  to 
liope  that,  within  any  reasonable  lime,  the  ex- 
Itenditiires  can  he  so  reduced  as  not  to  require  the 
aid  of  tin;  Iriasary.  This  lirancli  of  the  |iiihlie 
service  was  founded  upon  the  principle  that  it 
shnuM  sustain  itself,  Coiij^ress  never  nnido  it  a 
t;ource  of  revenue  f  )r  i^eiieral  )Hirposes,  except  fin* 
a  short  period  durini;  the  late  war  with  Great 
Ih'itain,  inn-  permitted  the  i;eueral  revenue.-;  to  he 
a[)|)lied  to  its  support.  To  lax  lliat  class  of  our 
eiti/.eiis  who  do  not  |iartiei|>aie  in  ihe  »dvanta;;es 
ot'  the  mail  service  for  the  liencfn  of  tiujsc  who  en- 
joy its  exclusive  use,  is  so  maail'i  slly  unjust,  that 
it  has  been  seldom  urescnted  lo  the  consideration 
of  ('imi^ress.  . 

The  numerous  aijents  of  the  depurlmeni,  identi- 
fied with  every  interest  in  society,  rcaidiiny,"  every 
neij;hi)(>rliood — iis  tendency  loeulari;e  the  circle  of 
its  operation,  and  to  hierease  its  power  and  patron- 
a'^e,  now  so  large  as  to  be  a  source  of  jealmisy 
ani(Hi„'  Ihe  peoiile — require  lliat  every  ri  slriciioii 
should  bo  thrown  around  it  that  will  not  im|iair  its 
usefulness,  or  interfere  wilii  ils  le;;ilimale  fune- 
tioti-J.  Anions;  the  best  reslrietion  that  can  be  im- 
|>osed  is  the  limitation  of  the  expenditures  to  its 
income.  .Should  it  be  thrown  upon  the  treasury 
fir  ils  su|i)>orl,  there  is  great  daugi  r  that  the  de- 
mands for  an  extension  of  the  service  might  be 
made — a.s  mueh  with  a  view  lo  dislribuiion  of  the 
revenues  in  the  dilfercni  seciions  of  ihe  country, 
as  to  the  iK'ee.5.-;ary  mail  aocianmodaliuns;  that  the 
s.une  watchful  supervision  of  ils  concerns  now  rc;- 
ipiireii  to  ni.'.iiuain  its  credit  may  not  be  kept  up, 
niM'  Ihe  usual  and  necessary  inecautioiis  against 
wastcl'ul  eX|>endilure  of  ils  resources  be  observed. 

.So  Cir  as  e.ilc.nlations  can  be  relied  on,  from  the 
reiurns  lo  Ihe  department  of  the  opirution  of  the 
new  posiage  law  for  the  (juarlor  ending  Sfllh  Sep- 
li'iuher  last,  the  delieieney  for  ihe  current  year  will 
(  xcccd  a  million  and  a  ([uarter  of  dollars;  ami 
there  is  no  reesonable  groniiil  lo  believe  thai,  with- 
out some  amendment  of  lieu  l.iw,  ii  will  fall  short 
of  a  million  of  dollars  for  llie  next  year. 

As  the  pulilie  iutcn  sis  and  convenience  will  not 
admit  of  such  ix  curlaihnent  of  ihe  present  service 
as  materially  lo  reduce  'he  i\p(;nduures,  and,  in 
l)ie  opiiii.m  of  the  iimlersigm'd,  the  deficiency 
siiould  noi  In;  made  a  pi  rmanent  I'luirge  u|ion  the 
l.-easnry,  the  revenues  must  be  increased,  so  as  lo 
proiuice  ihi'  desired  amount  of  moiity,  by  a  revi- 
sion and  niodifiation  of  llie  aci  of  tin-  HiI'Maivii, 
lo  whi.h,  ii:  11  great  (  .'grce,  the  deficiency  inav  be 
(lllnbutell.  ' 

'I'he  rating  of  letters  by  weight,  instead  of  the 
single  sheet,  ns  formerly,  has  leil  lo  praelicis  liitli; 
le-s  injurious  lo  the  ri'venues  ihau  the  expresses 
which  wire  kejit  up  prior  lo  the  passage  of  the  act 
just  referred  to.  Vpolicalio.is  were  made  lo  the 
department,  shortly  after  ils  piissage,  for  permis- 
siini  lo  lake  letters  out  of  ihc  mail  overjiosl  routes, 
Ihe  applicanls  proposing  lo  go  lo  the  post  oHice  and 
prep:iy  the  postage  by  weight.  The  consiMit  of 
Ihe  ilepartinenl  was  soii:.'hl  lo  avoid  the  pcnaltii  s 
f  T  takiie:  leliers  out  of  the  mails  over  posi  roules. 
These  proposilioiis  were  rejected.  The  ri-ht  was 
then  elaiiui-il  of  envelopiiig  leiters  aihlre.ised  to 
parliciil.-ir  individuals,  ami  ilirecimg  lhi>m  to  Iheir 
agents  f  ir  disirilaiiioii,  and  paying  the  posla'.'e  by 
the  hall'-oance,  an. I  proliaidy  receiving  pay  by  ih'e 
tingle  letter.     Tlii.i  prttctieii  is  belic\ed  lo  prevail 


extensively  in  .some  of  the  cities,  produring  grout  ^ 
profit  to  those  engaged  in  ii — probably  more  than  i 
the  foi'mer  express  lines  realized,  ns  the  depart-  | 
inonl  is  now  burdened  with  the  iransiiorlation,  and  I 
those  engaged  in  it  receive  the  ])rolils  of  the  dis- ; 
tribution.     An    iucident  recently  occurred  which  | 
will  forcibly  iilustrati   the  injurious  elVects  of  such  i 
a  pr.ictice  upon   the  revenues  of  llie  departmeni: 
A  large  bnnill' ol'li  tiers  was  enveloped  and  scaled, 
marked  "postage  |)aiil,  jjl  6(1."     liy  some  acci- 
dent in  Ihe  iraiisporialiou,   the  envelop  was  so 
much  injured  as  to  ciiabla  the  |)e,simaslcr  lo  .see  i 
that   it  eoniaimd  one   hundred   letters  lo  ilillirent  : 
individuals,  evidently  designed  tor  distribution  by  ' 
the  person   to  whom  directed,  and  should  have 
been  charged  ten  d.illars.    The  continuance  of  this  ! 
practice  would,   in  a  short  time,  deprive  the  de- 
nartinenl  of  a  large  proportion  of  ils  leL'itimate 
incomi'.      The  deparlmeni   has  no  power  to  sup- 
press it,  further  than  to  direcl  the  postages  lo  be 
properly  ehar^'cd,  whenever  such  jiractiecs  are  de-  \ 
ledeil.    Tiiis  h,\s  also  inlroduced  a  species  of  ihiii, 
light  paprr,   by  which  five  or  six  leliers  may  be 
ptacril  under  one  ''over,  ami  still  be  under  the  half- 
ounce.     Ii,   in  Irnth,  makes  free  the  Iransmi.-sion 
of  notes,   bills  of  exchange,  accc;iia-nces,  drafts, 
receipts,  and   small   parcels  of  money,  the  letter 
alone  paying  the  po.stage,      Ii  renders  the  postage 
lax  more  nner]u.d  upon  ihe  dill'eri  at  classes  nf  so- 
ciety thiiu  Ihe  former  mode  of  ra'ing  by  the  single  ' 
shei'l.     These  devices   to  evade  ihe  l.iw  may  be 
easily  suppressed,  or  renilored  nnieli  less  injitrinns 
to  the  revenue,  by  establishing  one-iiuarter  of  an 
ounce  instead  of  ihe   half-ounce,  or  by  diri"  ting 
Ihe  leitd's  lo  be  raieil,  as  fiirmi  rly,  by  ihe  sinrle 
sheet — which  is  decidedly  heller  for  the  revenues 
of  the  de|.artini  al,  and  more  convenient  in  prac- ; 
lice  for  ihe  depaity  postmasters. 

The  practice  iif  sending  iiackagps  of  letters 
through  the  mails  lo  agenis  for  ilisiribution,  has 
not  entirely  superseded  the  transmission  of  Idlers, 
over  post  roads,  oul  of  the  mails,  by  llie  expresses. 
The  elnuacier  of  this  olVence  is  such  as  bi  ri  nder 
deiection  very  uncertain,  full  proof  almost  impos- 
.sible,  conviction  rare.  The  ]ieiiallies  are  seldom 
recovered  after  eoiniction,  luid  the  deparlmeni 
rarely  secures  enough  lo  meet  the  expenses  of 
prosecution.  If  the  olllcers  of  the  department 
were  luilhorized  in  proper  cases  lo  have  ihe  jier- 
sons  engaged  in  these  \  i'drttion.1  of  the  law  arrest- 
ed, their  packages,  trunks,  or  boxes,  seixed  and 
examined  before  a  proper  judicial  officer,  and, 
\*'hen  detecled  in  violalim;  ihe  law,  retained  for  the 
examination  of  llie  court  and  jury,  it  is  r>elieved 
that  ihe  practice  could  be  at  once  siippri  ssi'd. 
There  seems  no  just  reasini  why  ii;dividuals  en- 
gaged ill  sinuggliiig  leliers  und  robbing  the  dcparl- 
iiicnt  of  ils  Ic'^iiiniate  revenues  should  not  be  |iun- 
i.-lied,  ill  l!ii'  .-aiae  way  and  lo  the  s  une  exiiait  as 
perrons  guilty  of  smuggling  goods;  nor  why  the 
same  means  of  detection  should  not  be  given  the 
Post  Oifiee  Depariment  which  are  now  given  to  the 
Treasury. 

AVeigfit  and  bulk  of  ihe  mails  add  much  lo  the 
cost  of  transportation, which  constitutes  near  tliree- 
fiuirihs  of  the  whole  expenditnix-s  of  Ihe  depart- 
ment; and  if  it  is  lo  be  sustained  on  ils  own  reve- 
nues, il  is  but  just  and  proper  that  all  mailer  pass- 
ing through  t!ie  mails  should  be  ronioelled  lo  pay 
a  fair  in-op  u'lion  of  the  cost  incurred  in  iis  tran>'- 
porlaliou  and  delivery.  A  discrinrnvition  has  usu- 
allv  been  made  in  behalf  of  newspapers  and  other 
pruned  mailer,  bi  cause  Ihey  are  supposed  lo  ad- 
vance Ihe  policy  of  the  Government,  by  eontribn- 
ting  to  Ihe  general  dilVtision  of  inleiligeiice  among 
ihe  people,  upon  wdiicb  deiiend  the  maintenance 
and  perpetuation  of  our  ['rt^r  instituliiuis.  'I'here 
was,  under  the  old  law,  too  grciil  a  diireri'nce  be- 
tween the  lax  upon  letters  and  printed  mailer. 
The  lax  upon  the  I'ornier  was  nune-ess  irily  Iiil'Ii, 
and  became  o|iiu-ivsive  lo  tin;  eiti^^cus:  the  tax  upon 
Ihe  latter  was  not  so  high  ns  malcrially  to  iuter- 
ferc  with  their  general  circulation.  There  are  no 
I  regular  returns  made  lo  llie  deparlmeni,  of  the 
weight  of  the  difi'i  rent  kinds  of  mailer  passing 
Ibrongh  Ihe  mails,  upon  which  an  opiir'ou  might 
be  formed  of  the  actual  cosi  of  the  dilli  rent  kinds, 
'  und  llie  proporiion  which  each  should  pay. 

Due  III  my  prcdece-.'ors,  in  l>!iS,  had  an  arconnl 

'  ki  [It,  for  one  week,  of  the  wei  'hi  of  the  mails,  dis- 

tinruishing   between  the   wei.:ht   of  leliers,  and 

'  news|m|iers,  and  iiamphlets,  in  the  cities  of  JCew 


York,  Pliilnrtelpliia,  Cnltimorc,  Wnsliiugion,  nml 
Richmond — from  which  it  appeared  that  the  whole 
weight  of  the  mails  was  5i.','Jll  pounds:  of  wlu(;h, 

the  newspapers  %yiiglied 4-t,8(!8  pounds. 

The  periodicals 8,1^0?      do. 

Letters,  free  and  taxable l,'.)lfi      do. 

It  is  eoiilidently  believed  that  the  dillerencc  in 
weight  between  the  printed  mailer  nnd  written 
comimmications  passing  llirouyh  the  mails  is  great- 
er Since  Ihc  passage  ot  the  late  law  than  before — 
tiiat  nine-tenths  of  the  whole  weight  of  Ihe  mails, 
nnd  a  greater  inecpialily  in  bulk,  is  composed  of 
primed  mailer,  payinfc  about  one-ninth  of  the  ex- 
]>(;nse.  T'his  great  inequality  in  the  cost  of  trauH- 
porlation  did  not  warrant  the  dilfcrence  in  postages 
under  the  former  law,  and  \vas  most  unjust  lo  tlio 
friendly  and  business  correspondence  of  the  coun- 
try. 'I'he  rednctiim  of  the  letter  jioslage  by  the 
laic  law  was  but  an  net  of  justice  to  lliat  class  of 
our  citizens  who  had  been  .so  long  and  so  oppres- 
sively taxed  for  the  benelil  f     jihers. 

The  same  necessily  did  r  A  exist  for  a  reduction 
of  the  postage  on  jn-inled  matter.  That  had  nl- 
v.-ays  been  low — :;ically  belov/  the  nelual  expense 
of  lis  transporialion,  and  yet  not  so  high  as  to  in- 
terfere malerially  wilh  the  general  policy  of  llio 
Goveniuient. 

I  therefore  recommend  a  eontimmnce  of  I  ho 
rates  of  postage  on  writlen  cbmmuincations,  with 
these  modifications:  ih.it  five  cents  pay  for  each 
single  lelter  for  fiOy  miles  nnd  under;  that  ten 
cenis  pay  lor  each  Idler  for  any  disiance  between 
fi\\y  and' three  hundred  miles,  until  the  30lh  .Tune, 
bs4r!,  and  after  thnt  time  that  the  ten  cents  pay  for 
any  disiance  over  liftyinile'i;  nnd  that  fifteen  cents 
be  paid  on  each  siiiLde  leiter  for  any  distance  over 
tiiri  e  hnniln  d  milrs,  until  the  .'iClli  of  June,  184a, 
when  il  shall  cea:;e.  The  rate  of  fifteen  cents  ia 
added  10  compensaie  the  depariment  for  the  high 
prices  paid  upon  the  contracts  under  the  old  law, 
which  do  not  expire  until  that  lime.  I  recom- 
mend, also,  a  restoration  of  the  former  postage 
upon  all  printed  matter  passing  through  the  mails, 
wilh  the  right  reserved  to  publishers  to  take  them 
oul  of  Ihe  in  ails  over  post  roads.  1  also  recom- 
mend a  limiiaiion  of  Ihc  number  of  papers  that 
edilors  or  pnldishers  may  interchange;  free  through 
Ihe  mails.  There  are  now  uiider.slood  to  bo  be- 
tween sevemeen  and  eighteen  hnmlrcd  priiiiini; 
cslablishnienls  in  the  United  States,  from  \yhiel. 
newspaper:;  issue.  From  this  fiui  alone,  it  wil'  I  c 
readily  seen  what  abuses  mighl  bo  practised  i.poii 
the  deparlmeni. 

it  is  believed  by  the  under.-jigned,  if  it  shall  bo 
the  jileasure  of  C'.nigress  lo  ado)it  these  .suggcs- 
tiim-.  lliat  ihe  chcaii  posUiue  system  may  be  main- 
laiacil.and,  il  is,  hoped,  willumt  any  aid  from  the 
treasury  after  the  present  year.  It  will  be  seen, 
however,  lliat  any  diminuiion  of  tlic  expcndilures, 
or  increase  of  ihe  revenues,  in  the  moile  sugeest- 
e:l,  is  nnd  must  be  eonjeeiural,  aiiii,  if  adojited  by 
Congress,  wiaild  require  conlin:;ent  appropria- 
tions, only  to  be  used  when;  a  deficiency  in  the 
revenues,' to  meet  the  expendilurcs,  shall  render  it 
necessary. 

The  sixth  section  of  llie  new  law  directs  tlint 
c',a:s  of  public.  oHicers  formerly  entitled  to  llio 
franking  privile;;e,  to  keep  accounts  of  all  postage 
chargeable  lo  or  payidih-  by  llain,  upon  letters, 
Ae.,'rrcfirfiJ //.'ceiig.'i  Vic  HHii/s,  loiiehing  the  busi- 
ness of  Iheir  oli'ces,  and  directs  their  payment  out 
of  the  contingent  fund  of  the  departmenis  ami  bu- 
reaus, or  out  of  the  I.ecsury;  but  no  provision  m 
made  fiir  tin;  jiaymcni  ol'  llie  postage  on  nfficiii 
ei'iiuininirri'.ioiii  snit  from  the  departments  to  ofii- 
cei'.s,  or  others,  at  a  di.slancc  from  the  se:il  of  Gov- 
ernment. This  has  produced  occasional  dillicul- 
lies  bciweeii  the  di'puty  postmasters,  who  claim 
the  postage  upon  ihe  delivery  of  the  eomninnica- 
lions,  niid  the  oiricers  lo  whom  they  are  luhlressed. 
It  is  imderslooil,  however,  that  llie  heads  of  de- 
partmenis have  directed  accouius  lo  be  kept  of  all 
siii'h  communications,  and  will  direct  their  imy- 
mcnl,  with  the  other  posiages  of  the  deparimeiils. 
'  It  also  directs  tin-  deputy  |ios|inaslera  to  keep  nc- 
connts  of  such  letters,  ai'id  to  be  allowed  a  credit 
fir  ih.iin,  when  llio  acc'iunt  is  verified,  iijiea  ee/A, 
'  and  the  latter  Iransmilied  ns  n  voucher.  Keveral 
cases  have  occurred  in  which  the  verification,  nil 
colli,  co-its  the  po'itmasler  more  than  the  credit  li> 
1  which  he  is  eulilled,  and  the  rilnilinn  of  ihe  letter 
by  him  is  olteii  ruidcred  necessary  from  ils  eon- 


m 


I.' 


92 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  COXGRESSIOINAL  GT-OTIE. 


[D.. 


29tii  (Jono 1st  Sess. 


The  Ongon  (■Question. 


f 


, 


tenia.  As  the  wlinln  of  the  money  arisins  from 
tlif  l<iT[ilii^r  of  tlirs-'  lu'iaiinis  i'diiics  from  the 
triasiiiy,  ii  i«  Niiir-'t'-''.i'il,  as  worihy  of  cniisiiliTn- 
tioii.wlioihcrilirviiiii^hi  not  hf(lis|ifnsfil  whhaho- 
goth.r.  aiiil  llii:  |".cisM;;iM  paid  liy  an  ii|i|iro|inaiion 
from  l.ii'  treasury,  so  soim  iis  C'onsrrsa  shall  1)C 
eiiablcil,  from  ilii'  aiToiml-i  now  ki-pi,  to  ascertain  , 
willi  nasiiiialili'  iTrlainlyl'i"  iimimiil  wliii'lisliould 
l)c  paiil  I'nr  tliat  m' jiei; 'iiinl  lo  permit  all  otlioial 
comimmi''aiicms  lo  aial  from  ilie  ilrp.irtmeniM  and 
bureaus  lo  lie  roeeived  and  siiil  free,  or  mark  'd  as 
jiaid.  ; 

It  is  iiulispeiisalile  that  all  ci>mmnnicalians  iid-  i 
dressed  lo  thai  elass  of  oHi.'ors  wiio  formerly  had  ' 
the  privile^^e  of  tVaukin;;  should  he  rc'-tii-nl  free  of 
]ioslas:p.     The   privilege   mi^lil,   willi   j;real    |in)-  ' 
priety.    lie   resirielcd   lo   ollieial    eomiimiii"ali'>iis 
from  them;  or  ('on;H;ress  shoiild  pro\iile  titr  tlieir 
payini'nl.     This  should   ineliide  ilepiily  postoias- 
ters  espeeially,  us  a  \i'ry  lar:;i'  mimlier  of  liu'io 
re'^'arded  ihe  privilei;e  as  |iari  of  their  compeosa- 
tion  f  )r  tlie  duties  pert'ormed  by  them,  and  there 
is  helieveil  lo  have  iieen  as  lilili' ahuse  of  ihe  privi- 
lesre  liy  them  as  any  other  classof  officers  to  which 
it  was  extended. 

I'repaymeiil  of  poslaijea  upon  all  mailer  pnssi.i^ 
throui;h  l!ie  miils  has  lieen  tiOeo  reeommemled  jjy 
my  predecessors,  and  is  of  so  much  impori.oi 'e, 
that,  in  mv  judi^meni,  it  cannoi  Ije  loo  sironi;ly 
reccumnendi'l  lo  lla^  favorahle  consiilenuioii  of 
Consress;  and,  if  ailopied.  will  sn|iersedi  many 
of  the  sui^i^cslioiis  made  in  this  report.  The  li-aiis- 
porlalion  of  h'tii'rs  and  oiher  mailalile  mailer  is 
always  at  the  iiislanci!  of  the  (lersoo  who  deposiles 
ill  ihe  posl  oiiice;  and  ihe  risk  of  ihcir  dehvery  to 
the  jiersons  to  whom  ihcV  m-e  eddrc.-^.sed  should 
not  he  thrown  upoa  ihe  deparlnie.il. 

'I'lie  service  is  iieriormcd  in  ihe  transmission, 
mid  should  he  paid  for  at  ihe  lime,  and  by  the 
person  .■■■eekiii'.;  the  aid  of  llie  deparlinenl.  The 
immense  number  of  leUers  iraiismilicd  lo  ilieolliees 
lo  wiiicii  ihey  are  direcu'd,  and  returned  as  dead 
leilers  to  the  departmeni,  allows  ihe  imporlance 
mid  necessity  of  this  change.  It  is  esliinated,  by 
those  liaviii:;  charje  of  ilir-  dead-Idler  olli  'e,  lh.it 
they  avi'raire  about  ihri'e  liuiidred  thousand  qu.ar- 
terly,aml  ihe  fu-st  qnarler  under  the  ]w\v  law  about 
fotir  Imndretl  thrnisand.  Tin*  ih'parlni.'iii  rc.-eives 
111  compensaliMU  for  liieir  Iransmission,  and  is  at 
the  additional  expirnse  of  forwarilin^;  them  ihroai:h 
the  mails  lo  the  dead-letier  oili'e.  In  addition  lo 
this  lo.ss,  nn  imnieiisi'  mass  of  primed  malUT  is 
Keel  lhroUi;h  the  mails,  whicli  is  tie\tr  called  for 
hy  llmse  lo  wliom  directed,  .and  which  is  not  re- 
ijuic  d  to  be  returned  lo  ihe  dead-'eOer  ollii'^, 

'I'lte  prep.-iyinciit  of  iiostai^'i  would  jintaii  eml 
to  the  practice,  too  coniuioii,  of  seiidne;:  anony- 
mous commmhcaiions  tlinnmh  the  mails,  intenihil 
lo  annoy  and  harass  tiii*  pi'rsons  It  wlinm  ail- 
diessed;  as  \^e!l  as  tiie  siill  mare  Ciumii-Mi  pr.ic- 
tice  oj'  siuillerinir  newspaper.s,  ji.innililets,  ijtc., 
throu^'houl  the  whole-  latid,  when  any  parlioul.ir 
object  is  to  be  etl'ected,by  addrc:-sii)'.j  them  to  per- 
t^Miis  iioi  orderini;  them— often  relusini^  lo  i.ike 
them  out— and  for  wliicli,  even  when  t.ikeii  out 
nial  p.iid,  the  department  leceive.'i  no  conipen.^a- 
tion  adeiiuate  to  the  expeii.se  of  earryinu'  iheiii  in 
the  mails.  It  mi^hi  diminish  ilie  number  of  let- 
ters, even  under  the  presinl  low  rates  of  pie'^ta-^-e, 
sent  lhnai','li  the  mails,  but  v.'oiilj  ci'rniiniy  adil  to 
the  re,t*nues  of  liie  dcpartni'iit.  The  p-iv  cei  ti  e 
dead  leltpra  woulil  surely  ex.eed  the  probiible  los.s 
which  iiiiErht  arise  from  a  ilimiimtion  of  cmres- 
pondence. 

The  interesls  of  ihe  di'partmoiil,  as  well  as  of  the 
eitizens,  renuire  a  rev  ision  of  the  law  re;;ulaliiie;  ' 
llie  fees  of  disirici  aliorneys  and  oilier  officcr.s.md 
wiliie.s.ses  attendiinr  the  eonrls  in  cases  >vhei'e  this 
departmeni  'scnncerm  d.  The  suits  are  trenenilly 
for  smal'  jh  of  money,  and  the  cos's  oil, -n  ex- 
reed  lie  lilt  claimed,  in  tie-  eili/.en  as  well  as 

lo  the  .'  ..\eiil.     'I'lie  district  all vs  sliouiil 

be  con. I  ■■>  attend  all   the  ta  .  wlialever 

courts  In  .  without  any  adilitioiinl  fee  lo  iheir- 

re^'iilar  coni;^  .ation,  and  should  be  compelled  to 
pile  security,  and  mike  r.Lodar  reiiirns,  like  all 
iilher  ollicers  colleeiim,'  public  moneys. 

The  SI. note  of  limitaiiim,  for  the  benefit  of  sui-e- 
tiis,  often  ciMiipels  Iwo  soils  f.ir  thi'  same  nimic  v; 
and  the  death  of  lie'  priie'lpal  or  sureties  rer|uins 
additional  suits  in  smne  of  the  .Stales;  so  thai  three 
or  four  suits  are  uul  imusunl  fur  the  same  claim. 


This  multiplication  of  miilH  in  often  nnpreasive  lo  | 
the  ciiizen,  as  well  as  Ihe  department,  hy  tile  great 
iie-rease  of  costw.  | 

It  1ms  bee.i  decitled  in  some  of  Ihe  Stales  that  i 
upon  suits  a^-ainst  postniaMiers  for  lliiir  i|iinrlerly  ; 
dues,  demand  miisl   be  |iroveii  hi  fore  a  recovery 
can  be  bad,  iioiwithslandiiii;  il  is  made  their  duly 
lo  i\v^-  ■  !..'   ill     ni'iuey  in  llie  places  seleirted,  or   ' 
oilnn-wisc  p.iy  over  at    the  eiiil  of  each   ((uarter. 
Tills  produces  ','r(  at  additional  lUlaeantl  expense, 
as  the  eontraciois,  who  usually  make  the  demand, 
ofien  resides  in  se;;lioiis  of  the  eomilry  remote  from 
the  )ilaie  of  Iriul.  || 

C'uii;;ress,al  its  lasl  si  ssiou.iuithori^rd  the  Post-  ' 
masti  r  tieie  ral   to   provide,   by  coiiir.ict,  tor  the 
transpiirtation  of  ihe  .aiatls  betwieu  any  port  of  this   i 
couoiry  and  any  foreign  port,  in  s.iilin..;  packets  or 
sleamsliips.     In  enterin;;  into  coiiirac'ls,  it  author-   ] 
i/.(  d  a  prclt-rence  lo  bi  L;iveii  lo  those  projiosals  for 
llie  sei'vice  that  oilercd  lo  convey  in  sui-li  vessels 
tis  Were,  eapabl"  of  beiiii;  converted  into  sliips-of-   , 
w.ir.     Tills    and   oiher  provisions   iiuliciited   the 
jioliCy  of  brinifi.i;^  priv.ile  enterprise  and  eapilnl,    ! 
aided"  by  appropriations  from  this  deiiarlmem,  to    ] 
he  e\;iended  for  iIh;  irahsp.irtalioii  of  the  mails, 
into  the  con.4irui  lion,  lo  some  extent,  of  a  military 
niariiie. 

After  s'.'ckin;,'  and  ohlainins  iiiformmion  upon  a 
subject  preseniio;^  much  ihai  w.is  unvcl  for  the 
eonsideration  and  action  of  this  deparlnient,  .111  ad- 
verlisejm  III  fir  prop.isais  was  issued,  exiiibitin;: 
llie  schenit'  of  mail  service  between  this  and  other 
couiilries  in  all  the  pans  and  alternatives  that  had 
been  eontemplaled.  A  cojiy  is  iierelo  amiuxedi  ! 
marked  No.  111.  i 

The  succe.~s  of  the  Canard  line  of  sleanier.'),  es- 
tablished under  the  iiulhority  of  the  Ih'ilish  Gov- 
ernment, exf  rcised  no  little  inlluence  in  siiinulalini; 
the  I'literprises  eonleiiijilaled  to  be  pul  in  operation 
under  the  law  rei'erri:d  to.  An  approprialion  of 
about  eiudily-Iive  ihousaiid  pounds  slerlintj  ti  year 
is  iiiaili'  by  llial  (Jovernmenl  to  sustain  llial  line. 
SoirK'  of  lliose  who  wish  M  Like  a  contract  under 
this  Uovernnieiil,  expect  lo  receive  a  suited  sum 
Per  auniun  for  their  inveslment  and  service.  It  is, 
however,  represented  thai  the  expenditure  niiide 
hy  the  LJrilis.i  Liovermneiii  is  fully  reimliursed  b\- 
tiie  nmouiil  of  poslunes  eollecled  from  ihe  mail's 
which  the  line  eonvey.s.  Other  capiiahsis  have 
manifesied  a  willinf;i;iiess  In  en;;ag:e  in  the  si-rvice 
on  the  princ.ip.d  lines  for  ihe  neit  jiroceeds  of  iiosi- 
ai;es  arisiie^  iVoni  them,  lii  the  piTsent  condition 
of  the  fmaii"cs  of  the  deparlinenl,  1  have  deeined 
tiie  maKia:;  of  these  eoiuiacts  of  so  much  imjior- 
laiice,  thai  I  lixjd  the  period  for  m.ikin,'  thi'iu 
when  Contjri'ss  will  be  in  session,  that  I  may  be 
^'uided  by  such  further  direciions  lus  il  may  ihink 
proper  10  f^ive,  when  it  will  have  a  lull  view  of  the 
ca--e  after  llie  proposals  are  made. 

The  e'eclio-m.isiietii'  le!e.,'r.ijih,  inventi  d  by  Pro- 
fessor Morse,  and  put  in  operation  between  the 
cities  of  W'ushinnton  and  Ihillimore,  under  appro- 
priations made  by  Convress,  was  p!a"ed  under  the 
superin'.endenee  of  the  I'oslmasier  (.iener.il,  bv  a 
clause  in  one  of  the  appropriation  acts  of  ihc'.'hl 
iM.  rc'i  last.  Il  hid  been  in  use  tin  previous  year, 
under  the  direction  of  the  .Secrelary  of  the  'i'rea- 
siiry,  but  had  biM'n  conducted  more  with  reference 
lo  the  le.-Uii}!;  of  its  ca|iahiliiies,  and  such  experi- 
nicnls  a.i  tended  lo  perii  ct  and  improve  its  ojieia- 
tion.i.  Haviii'4  been  Iranslerred  10  the  I'nsl  l.^llici 
Departm- 111,  1  at  oni"  ailopied  regulations  to  brim; 
it  into  coiisiaiit  service,  as  a  metins  of  iraiismilliii:; 
inlelli;;eiice  accessible  to  all,  and  prescribed  the 
nite.s  of  posta::c.  The  copy  nf  the  order,  w  liich 
accompanies  this  r.-iiort,  marked  .No.  II,  v.ill  show 
the  re'.oilations  anil  the  niles  of  poslii^'e  lalopled. 
One  half  the  rales  of  poslai,'e  su'.;L'esicd  by  Profe,-- 
sir. Morse  was  adopted  by  me.mehrtlie  hope  thai 
it  would  ^o'eally  increase  its  ri  venues.  It  wmt 
into  'iper.iiion  mi  the  Isi  i.f  .\pril,  ha\in!;(\pi  nihsl 
>)I)'^U  l.'i  bi-fore  the  charge  of  posla'.re  commeiuh  il. 
From  the  Isi  of  Ajiril  lo  the  Isi  of  Ocinber,  the 
expenditures  amnuiiied  to  <>i.'t,','l4  IVJ,  makiiiL;  the 
v.iiiile  expenditure  *i3,!l'!.")  14;  whilst  the  revenin  s 
for  ihe  six  nioiiihs  amounted  lo  llu^  sum  of 
S4i;i  44. 

Ill  1  -liiniliu'j;  the  expetiililiires  of  this  line,  the 
salary  of  Professor  .\1or.se.  perhaps,  ouulit  not  to 
he  added.  It  was  fixed  by  the  re;;ulatioiis  of  the 
treasury,  niid  cimiimieil  in  estiniaies  upon  which 
the  lo-st  aiiiiriipriution  was  founded;  aim  his  time 


Sknatk  and  Ho.  ok  Kf.ps. 

hoii  been  devoted  10  the  Rencral  hilerestH  and  im- 
provements of  the  ielei;raph,  and  a  portion  of  il 
spent  in  Ivirope,  whcn'e,  in  his  judunneiil,  il  <  ould 
be  more  successfully  ilone  than  here. 

I  deem  it  my  duly  to  briiiu'  lo  your  notice  the 
fact,  that  tlie'subjeci  of  lehiji-apliie  coninuiniea- 
lions,  in  ils  fiillcsl  exlinil,  as  niMile  available  by 
means  of  this  exiraorilinary  iiiveiiiion,  is  forciii'^ 
itsell'upon  llr  attenlion  of  llie  public.  Tlie  pro- 
prietors of  the  paleiil  riL'lil,  securing  llie  exi  liisive 
riirhl  of  the  Icleijraph,  have,  siiici-  ilie  lasl  ( 'on- 
l^ress,  taken  the  mosi  active  measures  lo  esiablish 
lines  of  comiimnicntioii  beiween  llie  |irincipiil  cities 
of  the  Union.  Their  sncci  ss  will  iiiirialuce  a  means 
of  communicatinir  inlellijence  amply  sullicieiil  for 
a  irreal  variety  of  purpo.s.s,  ami  ;rrisilly  superior 
in  despalcli  to  ihose  of  the  public  mails,  and  luiisi 
.secure  lo  itself  much  of  Ihe  business  llial  h.is  liirr- 
lofore  been  Ir.msacted  ihrouKli  them,  anil,  lo  tlnil 
exieiii,  diminish  the  ri  venues  of  the  deparlnient. 

II  becomes,  then,  n  i(Ucsiion  of  irreal  import- 
ance, how  far  the  tlovermiienl  will  allow  imlivid- 
uals  to  divide  with  it  the  business  of  traiisiiiilliii^ 
inlelli^-eiice — an  important  duty  eonlided  lo  il  by 
llic  Constilulion,  necessarily  ami  properly  exclu- 
sive. Or,  will  il  purchnsi'  Ihe  teleirrii|ih.  and  coii- 
tlnct  its  oper.itions  for  the  beiietil  of  the  public  ? 
Kxperience  leaches,  that  if  individual  enterprise  is 
allowed  10  perform  such  portions  of  the  biisines.s 
of  the  CTOveiinni  til  as  il  may  find  for  it.i  advaiiKitre, 
the  Ciovernmeiii  «ill  soon' be  left  to  pinl'orm  un- 
profitable porlions  of  il  only,  and  must  be  driven 
to  abamjen  il  enlirely,  or  carry  it  mi  at  a  heavy 
lax  upon  Ihe  pnlilie  treasury.  In  llie  hands  of  in- 
dividuals or  associalions,  the  lelesrnph  may  hi'- 
come  the  most  pnlent  instrument  the  worlil  ever 
knew  to  1  ll'ect  siiilden  and  laru'c  speculalion.s — to 
rob  the  many  of  their  just  ndvanlases,  iinil  con- 
ceiiirale  them  upon  llie  fvw.  If  permilled  by  the 
Govcnimeiii  to  be  thus  held,  the  public  can  have 
no  sec.urily  that  it  will  not  be  wielded  for  iheir  in- 
jury, rathir  than  llieir  benefit.  The  operation  of 
the'leleirraph  In  Iwei  11  this  city  and  I'allimore  has 
not  satisfieil  me  that,  unili  r  any  rate  of  ]iosia.'_'es 
that  can  be  adopteil,  ils  revenues  can  be  made  lo 
equal  ils  expenditures,  lis  importance  10  the  pub- 
lic does  not  consist  in  any  probable  income  that 
can  ever  be  derived  from  it.  Hut,  as  an  a'^eot 
vastly  superior  lo  any  oilier  ever  devised  by  tint 
ireniiis  of  man  for  the  dilVusion  of  intelli'.'eiice, 
which  may  be  done  with  almost  the  ra]iidity  of 
li.'htnini;,  io  any  part  of  the  re|inblic,  ils  value,  in 
all  commercial  transactions,  lo  indiviiliials  Inviiii;- 
the  control  of  it.  or  lo  the  Ciovermneiit  in  lime  of 
war,  could  not  be  esliinated.  The  use  of  an  iii- 
strnmint  so  powerful  for  srood  or  for  evil  cannot, 
with  safely  lo  ih- people,  be  lift  in  the  hands  of 
private  inilividiials,  uiiconlrolled  by  law. 

Very  respeetfullv,  your  obedieni  servant, 

('.  JOHNSON. 
To  Ihe  Pur.sim-,\T  of  tiik  t,'\iTr.n  States. 


Tiif:  ORnoo.v  qi^cstion. 

DOCrMKXTS 
FROM   Tin:   DKPART.MF.NT  01'   STATF., 

ACeoMrANVISO  TlIK  I'HKSIDK.Mt's   .MESSAIil;. 

Mr.  Fnx  In  Mr.  Wch.^tcr. 

Wamiixotiin,  AeiYia/icr  15,  1P4"?. 
Sin:  With  refcrem-e  lo  .nn-  receoi  coiiviTsatioii 
upon  llie  cpiesiion  of  the  ttre;;on  or  Northwistiiu 
boiinil.iry,  when  I  cniivc  yc-d  10  you  llie  desire  of 
her  .Majesty's  Liovermneiii  that  iiisi ructions  should 
at  an  early  period  be  addres.sed  lo  the  I'liiled 
Stalls  .Mii'iisler  in  I.oiulon,  empowering'  him  lo 
Irciil  with  such  pmsoo  as  may  be  iippoiuled  by 
lea-  .Majesty  on  llie  pari  of  Great  Ihitaiii  fo;'  a 
final  seilleiiieni  of  thai  (|Ucslioii,  I  have  now  the 
honor  lo  eie-lose  to  you  the  extract  of  11  ilespatcli 
.iihlnssed  lo  me  iipi'in  the  subject  by  the  Karl  ol* 
Abenh'en.  in  which  the  wishes  of  her  .Majesty's 
GoMrnment  are  fully  . 'mil  salisliiciorily  .set  I'ortli. 
I  fi'el  persiiaihil  that'  the  s'teiii  importance  of  ihe 
mailer  at  issue,  and  the  friendly  anil  conciliatory 
manner  of  Lonl  .'Vberdeen's  pro'posal,  will  iniliice 
the  I'resideiil  of  the  United  Stales  lo  bestow 
lliereiipuii  his  early  mid  serious  alleiition. 


'yf 


*A(r. 


pre.  2, 
41)  Ho.  OK  Rkp8. 

iiu'inl  inlcrcsiN  iniil  ini- 

))ll,  iXlul  II  piM'tillll  of  it 
1    Ills    jllcl'.'ClU'jU,  il  1  iiulll 

tiii'S  III  yi>iir  ii'iiifi'  (lie 
lul(:;m|>liii'  I'niiuiiiiiHca- 
,  a.i  iiu'uli'  aviiihilili'  I'.V 
ry  iiivi'iiiiini,  i?*  tiu'fiit'^ 
r'llic  |Mililii'.  'Till'  piii- 
I,  hrriirin^  llic  iM-liisivo 
vc,  siiirc  till'  lii.ll  ('iin- 
>■<■  incaNitri  s  t<i  f'sut1ili>li 
wicii  ilic  |iriiifi|iul  ciiiiH 
ss  will  iiiiiiiiliicfa  mi'iiiis 
•iTi'c  iiiii|ily  siillic'i.ni  lor 
I'M,  iind  :rrfii!ly  .sniirrior 
■  |nililic  iiiiiil.",  mill  iinis' 
!■  Imsini-s.M  that  li.is  lii-rr- 
hiikIi  llinn,  ami,  to  lliat. 
iii'M  111'  llii'  (lf|iarinioni. 
irsiiiiii  of  prcal  inipoil- 
iiiii'iil  will  allow  iiidiviil- 
biisiiios.*!  of  traiis?nitliiii; 

I  limy  iiiiitiilcil  lo  il  Iry 
rilv  anil  |ini|icrly  cxi'hi- 
•  till'  IcIruTiipli.  ami  ron- 
m>  liPMi-til  of  till-  piililir? 
f  imliviiliial  cnlirpriso  in 
porlioiiN  ol"  till'  laisiiii'ss 
!iy  liiiil  fill'  it-'  ailvantairi', 

II  li(^  lift  to  prrforni  iiii- 
mly,  anil  iimst  lie  ilrivni 
ir  i'iirry  it  on  at  a  luavy 
ii'V.  In  till'  liamls  of  in- 
,  tlic  tili>^'rapli  niny  In'- 
istnimrnt  tlir  worlil  I'vrr 

III  lari^i'  Nperulatioiif* — to 
list  nilvanlafff'H,  mill  roii- 
w.  If  pennitlcil  liy  tin; 
irlil,  tlic  |)iili|ji>  ran  have 
I  til-  wirlilrd  for  llieii'  in- 
icfit.  Tlio  oprration  of 
<  rity  anil  I'altliiiori'  lian 
ilrr  any  rati'  of  posiai.'rs 
rrvcinirs  ran  lio  nuuli-  to 
s  iiiiportaiii'O  to  tin'  piiti- 
iiy  proWalilr  iiiooiiir  that 

But,  as  an  ni;int 

111  r  c^rr  drvisi'il  by  tin: 

ili'usion  of  inti'lliiriMiri', 

almost  till'  rapiility  of 

111'  iTpiililii',  il'i  valiii',  in 

to  iiuliviilnals  liaviii:;- 

OoviTiiniiiit  in  timi'  of 

ilnil.     Till'  \isi'  of  an  in- 

■ooil  or  fur  mil  rannni, 

111'   li  ft   ill   till'  haiiJs  of 

ollril  hv  law. 

boilii'm  srrvaiit, 

c.  jnuNsox. 

;  t'MTr.t)  Statkh. 


QI-nSTlON. 

r.xTs 

IK.NT   OF   STATF, 

l;   INt's   MESS.KdK. 

/■.  Wchslrr. 
,  AiiiviaftiT  15,  lt>4"?. 
iiiir  iTi'i'iit  I'onvrr.sali'iii 
rcirnii  or  Moiiliwi  stt  lO 
il  to  von  tin:  ilisirf  of 
thai  inslriiriioiisslioiilil 
ilns.viii  III  ihi'  riiiicil 
I  iiipowrriirj  him  to 
may  l)i'  iippoiiitiil  by 
111'  Urral-  Hriiain  lb;-  ti 
ii'stion,  I  liavr  now  tin? 
rxirai't  of  a  ili>pat,li 
inliji'i'l  by  till'  Karl  ol* 
sliis  of  hi'r  .Maji'siv'.s 
saii.'iliii'liirily  ."il  fmili 
rrai  im)uirtaiii'i'  ol'  ila 
iniillv  anil  i-oiM'iliaiiny 
I  pni|iiisal,  will  iniliii'o 
nil  Sialis  to  bt.slow 
luud  utlvnlioii. 


1845.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


33 


29tii  Cono IsT  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (^lustion. 


Senate  and  Ho.  of  Reps. 


1 


1  avail  mysi'lf  iil'  this  iii'rasioii  to  ri;iirw  to  you 
llic  iiMHiimnct;  of  iiiy  diHtiiip;iiisli(.'d  roiLsidiratioii. 

H.  S.  FOX. 

Hon.  Danikl  Webstkr,  &<•.  &e.  lic. 
[Kiti'lonarr.J 
FnBF.iiis  Ofiii  K,  Oehbtr  18,  1842.      |, 

,Sin:  Tlid   ralifii'ations  of  ihr  triaty  roiu'liided 
on  till'  !tth  of  Aiisma  lniwii'ii  Grcai  Uritnin  and 
llir  frnilid  Stales  will'  exiliani;i'd  bv  nie  on  the   I 
l.'ith  insimit  with  the  AJinisier  of  the  t'niled  States  I 
iii'i'iTilited  to  the  Court  of  her  Majesty.  | 

The  more   iniporlaiit   ipie.-lion   of  the  disputed 
biimidary  between  her  Majesly's  Norlh  Amerii'ail  1 
priivin''es  and  the  nniteil   .States  bein«^  thus  sel-  : 
lliil.aiid  tlie  lei'linus  whieli   ha\e  been  nmliiully  , 
priiibired  in  tin    piople  of  boili  connlries  by  tliis 
seltlemenl   beiii-^-  eMileiiily   favorabli',    and   inilic- 
ntivr  of  a  i;eni  nil  desire   io  eonlimic  on  the  best 
fooliiii;  with  eni'h   other,  it   has  appeared  to   her  : 
!\taiesly'.s  Govermneiit  that    both   parties    would 
aet  wisely  in  a\ailin'.;  ihemselvea  of  so  mispieioiiH 
a  moment  to  endeavor  to  brinp;  to  a  sctilehiLiit  the 
oiilv   remaining:  subjeel    of  territorial    dilfereiH'e, 
v.hli'li,  ahlionuh   iini  so  liar.ai'dous  as  that  of  tlie  ; 
Xiirtheai-tern  bouiiilary,  is,  iievi  rllielc.s.s,  even  at  ; 
tills  miiment,  not  wilhimt  risk  to  the  ;^ood  under-  | 
Ntaiidin;^  between  the  two  I'nnntrie.s,  and  may,  ill 
eoui'se  of  lime,  be  alleiided  with  llie  same  de.snip-  \ 
tioii  of  daiiL'er  lo  ilu'ir  imitiial  peaee  as  the  ipie.s- 
tiiin  wliii'li  has  recently  been  adjusied — I  speak  of , 
the  line  of  boundary 'west  of  the  Uoeky  moun- 
tains. I 

^'oii  are  nwnri'  thai  Lord  Ashburlon  vvn.s  f\ir-  [ 
liished  wilh  specific  ami  detailed  instriii'lions  with 
respei'.t  lo  the.  tieaiineul  of  lhi.s  point  of  dillereiicr  j 
between  the  two  Governments,  in  the  general  nc- 
iroliations  with  vvhii-h  he  was  entrusted,  and  which 
lie  lia.^  brought  to  a  salisfaelory  issue. 

For  reasons  whiidi  it  is  not  iiceessary  here  to 
state  at  Ieii2;lli,  that  point,  after  haviui;  been  made 
the  snbjei'i  ol'  lunfercnee  wilh  the  Amorie.in  See- 
retaiy  of  Siaie,  was  not  finlher  piessed.  The 
main  ground  allcj;ed  by  his  lordship  fur  abslainin; 
from  priiposinj^  to  earry  on  the  diseussion  with 
respei't  lo  the  ipieslion  iif  lb,;  Xorlhwest  biuinda- 
ry,  was  the  a|ipii.'heiisiiin  lesl,  by  so  doini;,  the 
<i  lllrnieni  of  the  far  more  impiirlaiit  matler'of  the 
Xortheaslern  binimlarv  should  be  impeded,  or  ex- 
posed lo  the  ha/.aid  of  failure.  : 

This  ;;roiind  of  apprehension  now  no  longer  ex-  ' 
ists;  aiui  her  Majesly's  Governmeiil,  iherefore, 
beimr  aiixiiiiis  to  endeavnrlo  riniove,so  far  as  de- 
pend.-' on  them,  all  eause,  however  remote,  of  even 
eoiitinient  risk  to  the  sood  uiiderstandini;  now  so 
happily  ri'stored  between  two  eoimlries  whii'li 
iindil  never  to  be  at  variaiu'e  with  oaeh  oilier, 
have  ilrterniineil  lo  propose  to  t.  e  Govermneut  of: 
the  I'liileil  Stales  to  nirit  them  in  an  endeavor  to 
ailjusl  by  lieaty  the  iinsi  tiled  i|Ueslion  of  boun- 
dary west  of  the  t!o,ky  ivuniiuains. 

On  the  I'l'i'eipl  of  thi.s'despaleh,  tlierel'ore,'!  have  \ 
to  desire  that  you  will  propose  lo  Mr.  Webster  lo  | 
move  the  I'res'idem  i,i  fmiii.sh   tlie   I'nited  Slale.s  I 
Minisiir  at  lliis  enurt   wilh  sueli   iiislnielions  as 
will  enable  him  to  enter  e.pon  the  iii  .puliation  of  this 
mailer  wilh  siii'li  person  as  mav  be  appoinlid  by 
her  Maji  Sly  |',ji-  ihat  objei't.     A'ml  you  will  assure  - 
him.  at  till'  same  linn',  thai  we  are  |irepai'ed   lo  ; 
pi'o.|.|.||  t.i  ih:  •■on.-iileratiua  nfii  in  a  perfe.'l  spirit 
of  falnii'Si.  anil  to  luljusl  il  mi  a  basis  of  eipiilable 
eoni]M'omise. 

1  am,  \yilh  p:i'i'ai  trnili  and  regard,  ^ur,  yonr 
nvist  obedient  humlile  strMiut,  '  , 

AREKDEEX. 

M:  WebsUr  In  Mr.  For. 

TlKI'AllTMI'.Xr  ill-  SrATf,. 

ir'ii.s'/iiiiir(o»,  .N'emii/icr  o;,^  \i<\i. 

i^iii;  1  have  ilie  honor  to  arkiiowledire  the  re- 
ii'ipl  of  yonr  mile  of  ihe  l.Vli  instant,  upon  ilie 
i|iiesliiiii  of  the  Oi'e^:im  or  .Nnrihweslei'ii  liinnida- i 
rv,  wilh  ail  evlrai't  of  a  ih  spaO'h  reeenlly  ad-  : 
lll'esseil  111  yon  on  the  subjeel  bv  llle  F.arl  iif  Abel-  i 
ileen.  explanaiory  of  tlie  'wislies  of  her  Majesly's  ! 
tiovernmeiil;  boih  of  wlii.'h  1  laid  before  the  Pre-  I 
siilenl  a  few  days  iifn-rwards.  I 

I  Ce  iliiei'ti'd  nie  to  .say  ihal  he  coni'iu'red  entirely  i 
ui  the  expeilieniv  of  makiii!:  the  ipie.-lioii  respeet- 
iii',;  the  Ore'j-un  Territory  a  subjeel  of  iimuediale  [ 
ftUciUiou  and  iiegoliuUou  bctwotii  thu  two  Ooveiii-  ■ 


ments.  He  had  already  formed  the  purjiose  of 
cxpressiiif;  this  opinion  In  his  missa;;e  loConiri-ess; 
and,  at  no  distant  day,  a  eomimniiiation  will  be 
made  to  the  Minister  of  the  Uniled  .Slates  in  Lou- 
don. 

1  piay  you  to  aeeepl  the  renewed  as.^uraiii'c  of 
my  disiimiuished  uor.sideralioii. 

DAN'IKLAVEBSTER. 

II.  S.   Fox,  l''..«l.,  &e.  liie.  it  I'. 

.1/;'.  Pnkenham  io  Mr.  I'pahur. 

'VVasiiixotox,  /'liniiii'!/ 2t,  18'1-1. 

Amnns  Ihe  matters  at  ]ire»ent  under  the  consid- 
eraiioii  ot  the  two  Governments,  then'  is  none  re- 
speriin;;  wliii'li  the  liritisli  Gnvenmient  are  more 
anxious  lo  eome  lo  ati  early  and  saiisfaetory  ar- 
ramjenii'iit  with  the  tjovenniii  nl  of  the  Ihiited 
.Stales  th.in  lhat  relalin'j;  to  boimilaries  of  ihu  Oie- 
;;oii  or  the  Culunibia  terrilory. 

The  iindersiijiied,  her  Majesty's  Envoy  Extra- 
ordinary and  Minisier  Fienipoteiiliary,  has  ai'i'ord- 
in;,Hy  been  instrni'li'd  to  lose  no  time  in  euteriiii; 
into  I'omimmieatioii  with  the  Secretary  of  State  of 
the  United  Stales  upon  the  subject. 

In  fnlfilmeni,  then,  of  the  coimnauds  of  his  Gov- 
ernmeiil, the  iindei'sisjiieil  has  the  honor  lo  le'ipiaiiit 
Mr.  Upshur  tlial  he  will  be  ready  to  eonl'er  with 
him,  with  a  view  to  ulterior  neiiotiaiion  on  ihe  sub- 
ject in  i|ueslloii,  whensoever  it  sliiill  suit  Mr.  Up- 
shur's convenirnce. 

The  uiidi'i'sii;ned  is  happy  in  taking:  advantaijc 
of  this  opportuniiv  to  oll'er  lo  Mr.  U]isliur  the  as- 
surance of  his  hiijli  eiinsideratiou. 

R.  PAKEXHAM. 

Hon.  Abel  P.  Upsnru,  Ae.  ' 

•Mr.  Upshur  lo  .Mr.  Pfikin/mi/i. 
DKrMiTMi'.xT  or  Stak;, 
Wuihingtun,  Fchrunrij  'Mi,  1844. 

The  undersigned.  Secretary  of  .State  tif  the  Uni- 
ted States,  has  the  honor  to  aeknowled:::e  llie  re- 
ceipl  of  the  Hole  dated  the  •J4lli  iiislant  tVoni  Mr. 
Pakenham,  her  .Majesty's  Envoy  Exlraoriliiiary 
and  .\finisier  I'll  nipolenliary,  ill  which  he  slates 
that  he  will  be  ready  lo  contbr  with  the  iiiider- 
si<;iieil,  wiiii  a  view  lo  ullerior  ni'irotiatinn  on  the 
siilijeci  of  the  boundaries  of  the  Oreirnn  or  Colum- 
bia territory,  wlieiisin ver  il  shall  suit  his  conve- 
nience. 

Ill  reply,  the  unilersiined  has  the  honor  tn  in- 
form Mr.  Pakenham  that  he  will  receive  him  for 
that  pnrpiise  at  llie  Depai'tinent  of  Slate  tii-moi'- 
row,  ai  i'te\en  o'eloclf.  A.  M. 

The  undei'siiriu'il  avails  himself  wilh  pleasure  ot 
the  occasion  to  oiler  to  ?.lr.  Pakenham  assurances 
of  his  disiim^uishrd  consideration. 

A.  P.  UPSHUR. 

IlieiiAiin  Pakemiam,  Esq.,  &c. 

.)//•.  Piikrnhnm  In  .Mr.  Vdllinun. 

V,'amiinoiiix,,;'ii/!/-«,  Ifi-U. 

Sik:  In  the  arcliivis  of  ihe  Diparlnieiii  of  .Siate 
w  ill  111  fiiiinil  a  lime  which  I  liail  the  lioiior  lo  ail- 
ili'i'ss,  on  ihe  041I1  Fi  briiary  l.isi,  lo  liie  late  .Mr. 
Upshur,  expressin;  ihe  desire  of  her  Aiajesu  's 
Oinei'tmii'til  to  coiilude  wilh  the  Government  ol 
the  United  Stall's  a  satisl'aciory  arran'.:enienl  re- 
speciiu','  the  boundary  of  the  Oreijon  or  Columbia 
terrilorv. 

The  lamented  death  of  .\lr.  Upshur,  which  oc- 
curreil  within  a  \\w  days  after  the  dale  of  ilial  note, 
the  interval  wliicli  look  place  between  that  event 
and  llie  apitoiiiinient  of  a  successor,  ami  the  iir- 
irency  and  niiporlaiice  of  various  mailers  which 
otrei'ed  ihemseU  I  s  lo  votir  alieiition  immt'iliaiely 
ai'ler  your  accessinn  to  olHi  e,  siitlii  ii  ally  I'xplain 
why  il  has  not  hiiherto  been  in  the  power  of  your 
Ciovermneiii,  sir,  to  attend  to  llie  impoi'laiit  mai- 
lers In  which  I  refer. 

Pill  ihe  .session  of  ('oniri'iss  havin:;  been  brought 
111  a  close,  and  the  present  lieiii'4'  ihi:  season  of  the 
year  when  the  least  public  business  is  usually 
iralis.icied,  il  occurs  to  me  thai  yon  may  now  t'eel 
at  leisure  to  prncced  to  the  eoiisiileration  of  that 
sulijeci.  Kt  all  eveiiis,  il  becomes  my  duty  to  re- 
call it  to  your  recollection,  and  to  repeat  the  earn- 
est desire  of  her  .Majesty's  (Tovermnciit  lhat  a 
iiui'stioii  on  which  so  uuich  interest  ia  felt  lii  botli 


coiiniriis  should  be  dispo.sed  of  at  the  earliest  mo- 
ment eonsisienl  with  ihe  eonvenieiici:  of  llie  Giiv- 
ernnient  of  ihe  Unilcil  Stales. 

I  have  the  honor  lo  be,  with  high  eoiiHideralioii, 
sir,  your  obedient  scrvani, 

n.  pakexham. 

lion.  John  C.  Cai.iious',  &c. 

»)//•.  Cdl'ioun  to  Jlr.  r<tkenh(im. 
Or.pvnTMENr  of  State, 
Waahingtnn^  .'ixh^ml  ;i)ii,  1844. 
.Sir;   The    various    subjects    which    necessarily 
claimed  my  iiltenlion   011  eiilerius  on  the  duties  of 
my  ollice  !ia\e  heretol'oie,  as  you  juslly  suppose 
in  your  note  of  the  'i'M  of  July  last,  preventeil  mn 
iViim  iippoiiitinii^  a  time   10  confer  with  you  mid 
enter  on  the  neimliation  in  rcflrenee  to  the  OreL'on 
Territory. 

The.se  have  nl  length  been  despatched;  and,  in 

ply  to  the  note  which  you  did  me   the  honor  10 

address  to  nie  ot'lhe  dale  above  mentioned,  I  have 

to  inl'iiini  you  lhat  I  aiu  now  ready  to  enter  on  the 

neijiiiialion  ;  and,  for  that  puipo.sc,  propose  a  con- 

!i  fiiiiice  to-morrow,  at  one  o'clock  P.  M.,  at  ihc 

'■  neiiartmcnl    of  Stale,    if  perfectly  eonvcnienl    lo 

you;  but  if  not,  at  any  other  which  it  may  suit 

your  convenience  to  ajipoinl. 

^riie  Government  of  the  United  Slates  parliei- 
palis  in  Ihe  anxious  desire  of  lhat  of  Great  Britain 
thai  the  subject  may  be  early  and  satisfactorily 
arranijed. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  wilh  hi!;h  consideration, 
sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

J.  C.  CALHOUN. 
'      The  Ri','lit  Hon.  R.  Pakexmiam,  &e. 


.Mr.  PnA-rii/inm  to  .Mr.  Cnlhoim, 

AV'AsiMX'dTo.N,  .iiiifii.s/  S3,  1844. 

Sin:  1  have  had  llie  honor  lo  receive  your  Hole 
of  this  morniim's  dale,  in  which  you  siijnify  your 
readiness  lo  enter  on  the  neirotiation  ill  reference 
to  the  Orcijon  Territory,  proposinij;  to  me  to  meet 
you  in  confLi'unee  on  iliat  suiijeet  lo-mono\v  at  one 
o'clock. 

In  reply,  I  have  the  honor  to  acquaint  you  that 
I  shall  li.'ive  Ki'i  at  ))li'asure  in  waiting  on  you  at 
the  Deparimeni  of  State  at  the  hour  j)roposcd. 

Be  pleased  lo  acccjit  the  assurance  of  my  distin- 
guished consideration. 

R.PAKEXHAM. 

The  Hon.  J.  C.  Cai.iioin,  &c. 


Protocols. 

On  the'  2:iil  of  Aii:;usl,  1844,  a  conference  wan 
Ill-Id  by  appoinimeiii  at  ihe  nlFice  of  the  Secretary 
of  Stale,  in  till'  city  of  Wa.shin.'.'liin,  lielween  iho 
Honorable  Jnhii  C'  Callioiin.  Secretary  of  Slate  of 
tile  United  tStales,  and  the  Ui^'ht  Hiniiirable  Rich- 
ard Pakenham,  her  Hritannic  Majesty's  Envoy 
Exlraoriliiiary  and  .Minister  Plenipotentiary,  botiv 
duly  authoiizeil  by  their  respective  Governments 
lo  trial  of  the  n  ^pective  claims  of  the  two  coun- 
tries 10  the  Oregon  Tirritory,  vvitli  the  view  to  es- 
tablisli  a  permaniiit  boundary  lielween  the  two 
C'lUntriis  westward  of  the  Rocky  mounlains  to 
tile  Pacific  ocean. 

The  eont'erence  was  opened  by  assiirancrs  on 
biilli  sides  ot'ilie  desire  of  their  respective  Govern- 
mcnis  lo  approach  llie  i|Uestiiin  with  an  earnest 
disire,  and  in  the  spirit  of  ciimproinise,  lo  cll'ect 
an  adjiislmenl  consislent  with  the  honor  and  just 
inlen'sis  of  eilliei'  paily.  The  Plenipotentiaries 
then  pi'oceedeil  to  examine  the  actual  stale  of  llio 
(pieslion  as  ii,  stood  at  the  la.sl  unsuccessful  at- 
tempt to  .adjust  it. 

This  done,  the  Ameriran  Plenipotentiarv desired 
t'l  receive  fiom  the  British  Plenipotentiarv  any 
fresh  proposal  he  iiii:;'lit  be  instructed  to  olVer  on 
the  ]iai't  of  his  Governmeiil  Inwards  eti'eclintf  an 
ailjuslmi'ut. 

I'lic  Brilish  Plenipotentiary  said  he  would  ho 
,  ready  to  oll'er  such  a  proposal  at  their  next  con- 
.  fereiice,  hopiiii,-  lhal  llie  American  Plenipotentiary 
'  wnnlil  be  ready  to  present  a  ]iroiiosal  on  the  }iart 
of  his  (.{overiimi  111.  The  conference  adjourned, 
lo  meet  on  Mondav,  the  IJdlh  insianl. 
I  ■  J.  C.  CALHOUX. 

U.  PAIvEXilAM. 


S4 


AI'I'KNDIX  TO  'I'llE  CONCiRKSSIOIVATi  GLOIM-:. 


[Dp 


I  : 


i  • 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 

On  llic  Sfiih  of  Ausrunt,  le?JI,  tlic  Btcond  run-  ' 

f-ivnoo  \n>M  III  III  liclwi'iii  till'  iTi|i('clivr  I'loiiind-  ' 
tciitini-ii'.-i  111  llii'  oliiri'  ('('  llii'  KoiTilnry  dl'  Stale.       , 

The  Diilinh  Pliiii|iiiIriiliMry  nH'i  reel  .i  |i:i|iim;  roii- 
tniiiiiii;  i.  |ii-i)|ii'-i;il  I'lr  I■,llj^'•^■.ill•.'  llii'  roiilli.'liii;; 
diiimii  111"  Mil'  iHii  rmiiii.il  I.  'I'lii-  Aimiiiiiii  lliiii- 
poteniiiiry  ilefliiu'il  llic  |>i-i>|iOr:iii,  Jinnic.  iciimrkM 
followril  ill  11  liiriiri'  lo  llic  tiaiiiw  i«(*  llie  two 
coiiiitrit's  In  ilii'  iij-iliiiry,  whin  il  l.tiiiim'iii'j'uiiiit 
thill  n  niuii<  I'liil  uiidt  rsi:iiiiliii'j  oCiluir  i(K|ii'i't- ' 
ivf  \ic\VH  in  rtiVri  lu'o  to  iln'iti  wns  nofONjiaiy  at 
this  siuiri",  ill  unlii'  in  (in-iliiiH'  I'miur  |irii<iiil- 
inss.  It  WHS  m'i'oi'ilin!;ly  imn  rd  llial  writlcii  , 
^t.llnlllMlI.M  ronlainiii^  tlifir  viivvs  .-ilHnitd  Lo  )irf- 
si'iUim!  lirl'.nv  any  I'milit-r  iitu'iiij't  .hImuM  lit  ii.aUo 
tu  atljiiNt  ilii'iii. 

I:  waa  also  nirccd  llial  tlic  Arm  lii'aii  Pliiiij'O- 
tPiitinry  filiimid  inosiiit  a  Klali'iiuMil  at  llic  m  \t 
I'unlViviiri' ;  and  lliiii  lir  slnatid  iiU'i'in  ilir  iii-iirdi 
i'leiiiimltiiiiary  wliiii  lie  wa-i  ur  nan  d  t.i  Imlil  il. 

n.  iA!a;.MJAAi. 


Pfnjiiim/  offcrci/  bi/  the  Brilish  Pkvijioicn- 
tiiiri/  (if  l/ie  urcoiul  Vi)nferi:!ice, 

AVIiori'a.s  ihr  iirnpoHiils  iiiiiilu  on  liotli  i-.idcK  in 
llii'  riMirsi"  of  ilu'  lasl  nr^' uiaiiiiii  liad  lirrn  uai- 
tiinlly  ill  I'liiii'd,  liiT  .Majc.iy'.H  tinn  iiiniral  mcii' 
Jirppand,  in  addiliim  to  uliat  had  alri:iily  Iktii 
olFeiTd  nil  till'  jiart  o!'  Grt'iit  I'lriiaiii,*  and  in  i>ii..il* 
of  their  rarncsl  di'Mire  to  nrrivf  at  an  aiTanu'iaiiciil 

*  Till'  iiri'ii:!!'  miliiri'  iiml  tcrim  nf  Uin  iitli-r  on  tin-  piirf  i.r 
nrt'iit  llriuini  here  n-Ii-m  il  lu,  inr  .*lut\vii  li>  liii-  liilliavi.a,' 

evtrai't.s    n>>lll    111"    (irtilnrt.l-i  at'  lf)t>  cUllall'UL-L'd  wlitcll  In 'i\ 

lihu'i'  lit  Luiidna  111  l^Ji  unit  in  I'-Jli: 
Protocol  if  llie  (ifi nlij-lhinl  rviifcrtnce,  Juhj  13, 
loJ4. — K.ilracllro:ii  the  iJi-iJis/i  ;w//<i'. 
"'I'lit'  iHiiiMil.in'  Ijrif  In  H\  ra  till!  l.Tiilori -ft  rlaliiM'il  liy 
IiIh  llril.lMh:<  .M.iV'-t>  mi<l  lliu^i'  il.ui.ii  <l  hy  t..i.'  I  nihil 
htalcH.  la  itif  wi'-l  in  Iji.tli  la.-.'s  111  llir  INn-ky  llmuiilain-, 
hliail  IK'  ilr.iuii  ilili-  M-'.a  iiluaiE  tai-  loily-niiila  |tti.iii>'l  nf 
liurtti  lalitiiilr,  to  lti>'  jK'iiit  xMiLTi' thul  lurallcl  ^l^lKl^-f  llii- 
gr.  .a  llnrlliivi^h'iiilao*!  I<i.i;u'll  tiT  lii<' I  ii.  umi  or  ( '•iinalna 
riv-T— iiiiirki'tl  ill  llir  liiiiin  ii> -Mi'tnllivr.iy 's  nvrr;  Ilu  la-c 
ihava  iiloii^  llii-  iiiiilillt'  of  till-  Urtuoii  or  Cnliiiiiljia,  I'l  It-i 
jliiiiiii'a  wall  tin*  i'ai'ii'k'  oi'r.ai  ;  III;-  i/,ivi:!.aioil  ul"  llir 
ivli.'l.'  fliiuiurl  lii'liii:  [).'rii'tii;ili.i   iVf"  to  ili.    Miliji'i  is  niiil 

Clti/.rlis  nf  liiilll  IHtni'.-.;  lIlc  .-.ail  Mlljifl---  ill.ll  itli/.i  Il^  Ik'- 
i'A'j.  aUo  rt'vipri.c  Illy  at  liliiily.  anna:;  llii'  Iiilii  i>ri'-ii  Jimki 
fi'oiu  tin;  iluu'  liiTi.-iit'.  to  [i;i>^  anil  rrp.i.-!-  hy  liiiitl  anil  li>  w.i- 
ti'r ;  uiiil  to  iia\ii:a[.'.  \Mtii  llaar  vi  .•^c!!■  iiial  ini.frliiliiiir^i'f 
nil  llii' rivris,  Ici}.-,  ItarlHifH.  uail  rrc.ki,  as  Jifti-toliaf,  on 
I  illii-r  {iiilii  oi'tliiMiliiivi-' iiaiiu.iai'il  liiii'l  ami  lo  Ira.i.'  Willi 
ull  ami  .iiiy  of  tin'  lailinn-'  ri>'f  oi'iliii\  ur  iiii[i.>  t  oi  an;,  kiail, 
milijoi'l  only  to  , -mil  1ih-;iI  rainiriliaii.--- ii>,  la  ollivr  ri  >i«  el-, 
eiilicr  of  llti-  lv\'o  r'liiitraclij,!^  p.iili.'H  may  liiiil  il  a-  f.>r;i,y 
tu  fliliin-i- aitlini  it'  own  liiait>,  iniil  |aoiitl>ili-.l  fiMia  I'lir- 
in>ttlnK  ;au  null Vi-it  Willi  nnanai-  ii.al  uoiiT  <-M-c|aioti.iI.lo 
(ifiicli-..  to  111'  ln'ri;alVT  laiiini'Tnt.'d  ;  lohl  it  i-i  riiriii.-r  i  [v- 
cialiy  ;u,'ri;i-ii  lliiiI  laillli'i-  of  tin"  lii:ai  I'olitni'-uaii  |iartl«-.-., 
Unir  ri-jin-Ilvc  .-iihiri't-i  or  '■ili/.'ii-.  slii.ll  In  ji  ■i-li.rwiir.l 
form  any  m-iII.  linni'i  witlan  lli  limits  a-^i^n^■l!  la-rt'li;  to 
lia*  otll'T,  W't  of  tin-  l{o"kv  inoii.il  1I.I-:  11  1..  1114  at'lli- 
fciiiai;  Ilia.- until  r^lallll  tl.;u  any  ^i  Hit  naiil'-  iilmidy  loran-il 
liy  111.'  Iliiti"!!  10  tlie  i->'(illi  mill  I 'ft  of  till' liiuiiiliny  liui' 
aliovr  (l''M'rilii'il.  or  ti.v  I'lti/rlm  of  tin'  rii;l<  il  Stat';ji  io  Ilu' 
Iiorlli  anil  \v'i'!«t  of  llii-  Minn'  liii''.  i-lnill  .ontinlli'  to  lir  ort-n- 
Iili'il  iiiiii  ciyoyril.  at  tli-;  iilfn.-iio'  m'tiii'  pri-i-ia  prupiii-inis 
ur  oi'cnpant.''.  ivitiionl  ii'l>irlaiii|i-riiiit-<'  of  any  kjiiil,  until  ttif 
expiiation  of  iliu  uli'ive  int'iiUuiK-ii  Iirin  ot  jcarji  fioni  tilt' 
d;ito  in'rl'iif." 

ProlMi'l  iiftlie  tliir.t  Cmifcrnict,  IkcitiJitr  1 , 1'-^'.'G. 

"'X'lio  llrili»li  I'li'iiipol'iiuani's.  ill  nnl.  r  10  .'Viin"!'  tlif 
nrnrst  ili'-irt*  of  tin  ir  (.''Ornaiii'iit  l-i  iili'ail  f\,r<  l.nilit)  lo 
til'-  fln.il  a  ]ia.-lui'  iil  oi  iln-  i|iii'-li'in  'ii  lji>liiiilar>,  -I'l'liniti-il 
111'-  l.illiiwnu  I'  riiis  of  ni'foninmiliili'ni.  uitii  a  Mtw  hi  lai  ir 
K-hT.  ii<-('  to  till'  Anii-rii  an  (I'lai-riiiiirni ; 

■•  'Tlial,  i-on-iiiii-riim  li-nl  itii-  p.i-  -rbMnn  of  :i  -!il'<-  ainlroiii 
ino'tioii^  [Hi-i  on  till'  nnrtt.Wf^i  (■0'l^l  of  .\iii>'rii  a,  liih  il  lor 
till' r.i'tpli'in  of  l!ir;;i' i-litps.  iiiiL'l'l  In- .'111  I'I'ii 'l  01  t'0';il  in 
t' rr-I  anil  nnpi'ii.tn.i'  lo  tin'  I  nnnl  .-^.Mh  s.  .ii.<t  tinii  n.i 
Mi'-h  poll  vva.-i  In  I'.'  inin.il  1.,  nv.  in  tin:  Ions  >■  mini  lii  En  •' 
of  fililMilr  'ir'l  Ii'.'  I'l.IiniiJriu  riv.  I.  t^.'-at  lliilaiii.  in  .-nil  .nl- 
InTini;  In  tint  i-ivit  a-  a  liaM^,  wai  willnia  ^o  I.ir  to  ninilay 
Ilir  inrini  r  prn|Mi.-.iI  an  lo  ('.nn'iili',  an  lar 'i-i  r-i.t- w.i*  coii- 
r..rn.-i|.  t'l  liii-  I'mi.  il  M;'t. ,.-,  lia- [M.-M'.-.-nin  of  Tort  J'l-ro- 
v.T>,  a  iii'i-I  \:ilii;ili|.' I.nrhnr  iin  111.'  ^"nllllTn  cim'-i  of  lli' 

Kil'-;t's  iiih-l ;  mill  In  aninv  tin  nhi  ;ill  tli.it  trH'-t  of inlry 

r'.nipri-.'.l  williin  n  lii.i'  t'l  In-  ili  iwn  iVoiii  ('.'ip.- ri.ilnn, 
lil'ina  till'  sniiitiiTll  ^^'l'f'■  III  11''  1  intN  o.h'l.  In  I'ninI  \\  ll- 
Fnn.  at  Iil''  nortlnv.'^l.-i'i  .Mfi-iinlv  ni  A.iiiiiijiny  iiii.l:  limn 
llntioc  tilnii'i  111.'  \\i  .-t-  Ml  .-lion  n:  Itiiil  ml. I.  iii-r..-.  tin'  ni- 
Ir.in.'i-  nf  llnnil'a  iiil.l.  m  tin' p'.inr  nf  l:iiiiliiii..  lOrinin^' llin 
norlhi'ii-h'rn  i-xlrcinity  of  tin-  -.ahl  inli  i;  Irnin  llicn'...  nloni.. 
111.'  I  ii-hrii  -linri'  nt  tiiiil  nil' t  I.i  tti..  .-oiiin.  rii  i  \ti.  iiilty  of 
tfh'  -niiii';  irnin  llii'in-fiiini  I  In  llir  mini;,  rii  p'linl  ol  lir.iy  '.i 
liarN'T;  frin  tin  n.'i'  iil'.iiy  tli.'  -lion;  nf  llie  Th.  ilic  to  (iip.' 
ri-itriTV.  lis  hi'furt'  nnndninil. 

"I'J'iii'j  wiTi' fiiillii'r  wiilintr  In  i-tipnliiti'  iltal  no  works 
tIniilM  at  iilij  liiiii' I.I' irii-iiil  ill  ill"  iiilrain.'  of  ii|.' riv.'r 
•  ■oliiinliia,  or  upon  Iti..  Iiioik-nf  ll"',-:oii'  ,  tliaf  ini.;lit  hn  i-.tl- 
mlat.'il  toiin!i.-ili' or  1  iii.l.r  ihr  In"'  muiijiiUon  Iln  n'of  I  y 
the  vcsHt'ls  or  iKiiits  ofiitn'r  parly.'*' 


77/c  Oi-jgnn  (-^itcslion. 


Sknatk  an»  IIo.  ok  Hr.vs, 


Huiinlilo  to  Iho  iiilfiT.stn  nml  wlslicg  of  laitli  (nir-  ||  the  dnimH  nf  llio  Uiiileil  Ktntea  lo  llio  terrilnry 

lies,   to   tindiTiidd.'    lo   ninkn   fun   In   the  I'nilftI  1    iio.:i' nC  the  vulhy  nt'tlii' Cnlnniliin. 

Sl.iU's  nny  imil  im'  I'ori.s  whi.li  (he  ITiiiiid  tsiiiii-.s  ,  .l.\.MI''S  i;ii('II.-\NAN. 


Oiivi  niDii'iit  iniirhl  tli  sive,  eilln  r  <m  the  innin  Iniid 
III'  nil  V'liiieniitur'i*  i»lniid  iinilli  nf  hlliliidi  411'^. 

On  the  il  nf  yr|ileinlier,  1.-<4'I.  the  third  e.Mifei'-  ' 
eiiT  w.ns  hi  III,  nt  till'  nlllie  nf  the  ^el■lell^ry  nf 
Muile,  111 ''nrdiiii;  til  ii|ipi'iiiiiinnt.  The -Nini'rh'aii 
l'li'iii|ioti'iili;',ry  |jri"a  mill  n  wiiiteii  yton  ineiit  nf 
Ins  vIewH  of  the  I'liiini'i  nf  the  Liiiled  .Sinte'S  In  the  ; 
pnilinn  nf  tl'.e  territory  diiiiiud  l.y  the  wiilers  nf : 
ihe  Cnlnniliiii  river,  ( marked  ,A,)uiid  eniilniniiii;  i 
his  I'easniiH  j'nr  ile.'liiiiinr  m  nt'i-rpt  the  prnpiiNal  i 
iilfi'ieil  I'y  the  liiiliuli  I'iniipnli  iili.iiy  nl  tiieir  m'C- 
Olld  enlilrreln'e.  > 

J,  ('.  cAi.iior.N.    ; 
u.  i'Ai;i;.NiiA.\i.    ! 

On  l!ie  IQlh  Septemher,  l^*ll,  the  fmirtli  ennfer. 
enie  was  In  !d  nl  the  nlliee  nf  li.e  terreMry  nf 
S.nte,  wIkii  the  Miiiiuli  I'leiiinnti  iilinry  pri  seiiti  d 
Ills  si.iU'ineiil,  tiinirlied  IJ,)  iniuiler  In  llnit  nf  the 
Ainerii'aii  I'lenipnli'iitinry,  (nuirl.id  .'\.)  presented  ] 
at  liie  pieeeiliiii,'eonleieine, 

.T.  C.  C.M.IIOUN,      ' 

I  i;.  i'AJi.f;.NHA.M. 

At  the  firth  eiiiifeieiue,  held  nt  the  iiUiee  nf  the 
.Sceretary  nf  Siaii',  nil  li.e  'JOih  nf  .Ve|iti  niler,  the 
.■Vlniiii'nn  I'll  ninnlilliiinv  ili'livil'cd  li  the  Dlitish 
I'lenipnieiuiary  ii  flan  nniii,  (inailu'il  i',)  in  le- 
joiiijer  to  lii'S  eonuier  siatenicni,  ^niaiki  d  A.) 

.1.  C.  C.M.IIiH  iV. 

I!.  r.V'-.K.Ml.V.M.      i 

The  nixih  cnnlerein'e  wns  held  nii  ilie  iMlli  Sep-  1 
lein!.ei',  v.luii  liie  l>i''l:sli  I'll  iiipnii  ntiary  stilled: 
tli'il  lie  had  reail  w.t'i  dm'  atleiiiinn  tin  sintenient, 
(iiinrked  i!.')  presT'iiied  liy  the  .•\iiierie.iii  I'leiiipn. 
tentiary  nl  the  list  iinifeienee,  hut  lliiit  it  hail  lint 
wenUein'd  the  impici'sinii  previously  eiilerlnined 
liv  hiiii  Willi  leniird  In  the  elaliiis  null  n'.'hl.s  nf 
(.Treat  Ih-ituiii.ns  eN|.!aini  .1  in  tli.'  paper  l.ili  ly  pre- 
Ki'iileil  liy  him,  (iniirUed  U.)  Thai,  ieseiviii',' fur 
n  lliliire  ueea'Siuii  .siii'.h  nl  si  rvntinns  as  ho  niioht 
winli  lo  present,  liy  way  nf  explaiiniimis,  in  ivply 
In  the  staieineni  Inst  I'lresi'iiUd  hy  the  Ann  rienii 
rieiiipineiitiary,  lie  wa.i  lor  ilie  ini'Siiii  iMi|i;;iil  In 
de.'lnre,  with  Vcl'i  reiiec  In  the  eniieUniinj;  pinl  nf 
liuu  st'ileini.nt,  that  he  did  tint  feel  nnihniiwd  In 
i.'iiter  into  disenssinii  re.speelini,'  the  territory  iinrtli  ! 
nf  llic  fnrty-ninth  imrallel  nf  latitude,  wliiili  wns 
Uiulerslnnil  liy  the  iiriiish  (inveriiim  nl  m  fniiii  the 
li;isi'S  nf  111 '.-'iliatinii  ml  llie  side  nf  the  rnited 
.Suue.s,  as  ihe  liiienf  ihe  (Jnhiinhia  funned  that  nii 
llie  hide  nf  Cii'ial  Iniliin.  That  the  prnpnsal 
wliieli  lie  lind  presented  was  nU'ei'id  hy  (Jrni  I!ri- 
tdiii  n.s  nn  hinioriiliieennipi-iniii.se  of  the  i-laiins  ami 
pi'i  ti-i.:<'ons  nf  hnth  pnri'is,  and  thai  il  wmild  nf 
eoiii-'Se  lie  uml.  istn-.d  iis  hn\ino  hcin  mude  Miliji-et 

to  the  (-niidiiinii  I'l nied   ill    llie   prm il   nf  the 

iliird  eniiferenee  held  iielween  llie  respi-elive  I'leii-  1 

ipulenUiU'ies  in  Lniiilnii,  in  IJeii  inlier,  l~'.'li.»  1 

.1.  C.  f\l.lll)r.\.       i 

li.  i'Aivi;mia.\i. 

The  .si'ventli  eniifi  reiii-e  was  held  nl  the  Depiirl- 
nn-nt  nf  .Suite,  mi  the  JliUi  .Inly,  l-^-t.'i,  In  Iwi-eii  the 
linn.  Janie.s  jhn'linnaii,  Si  i-n-lary  nf  Stale,  the  ■ 
.\nii-i-i.-Mi  Pli  iii|-nle;iliarv, -■nnl  llie  lliihi  lloiinra- 
hle  lU'-hai-d  r.ikeiihani.ide  Ihili.sh  I'h-iiipntenlinry, 
Hl.enlhi-  pi-niliiii;ne-.',iillalioii  rei-jif  elhiu'ihe  Onqon 
Tirrilnrv  «ns  i-isiiniid.  The  .'\nn-ri'.in  I'lenipi.- 
ti  iiiiiiry  preia  iiieil  tn  iln-llriii.-li  riinipnlentiary  a 
sl'ilenieni,  (ii.arkid  .1  li.;  beariio;  dale  I'.'ih  .Inly, 
1S4.-),  Hindi-  In  eninnliiiii'  e  wiili  tin'  i-er]ih  a  nf  the 
laiu-r.  1-omaiiii-d  ill  111.'  stall  iiieni,  ( markeil  l,>.)  tliiil  . 
the  Ainern-iiii  I'lenipnlei  tiary  would  pnpnse  nn 
nrranni-mi  lit  for  nn  ei|iiilaiile  ndjiisliin-nl  nf  tin- 
(pii-.>iinii,  and  nisn  ilellne  ihe  nature  and  exn  nl  nf 

•Till'  inllilitlllll  lli'r.'  ri  ll-rr.'ll  In  i..  tin-  y.ro^.s/enllIililll'll  ill 
Iln-  (iillnwiiis:  i-\tr:ii'l  fmni  tlie  itxt^rai  of  t/t(>  Ifiinl  rovftr-  '• 

n;ri:  In-I.l  on  Iln-  iM  Dm Ii.-r,  I'-Si;    "The  l;|■ili^ll  I'll  ni 

p'.t -nli:iM.-s  ■  *  "  pn)li--*l.il  iil'iiiiint  till' nlli  r  of  ,-nii,-i.h. 
Moii  so  niiiili.  Iii-iiiu  I  Vi-r  tiiki'ii  in  iiiiy  wii\  In  pn-.nnln-r  llie 
el.iiii.s  nl  tni'iil  llrihan  nn-liiil'-il  in  In  r  |in:;ici-iil  nf  If-.'l  ; 
anil  il-i  I  a"!  I'liit  tin-  nlii-r  ii.".\  nniili'  v.;i-  i-.n^o'l'  i'  il  l'\  tin- 
llrili-ti  (.'-.i'.  rinnrnt  as  nnt  i-iill.-il  Inr  hy  ;in>  iil-t  ronipiiri-on 
of  11..' L'rniili'is  ol  tlinsi*  I'lnini"  iiiiit  of  liir  i-oiinh  r  ,-I:iini  of 
tilt-  I  nil'-. I  .-triti'-.  lint  rinlii-r  a-  n  sin-iifi.-i'  wltn-li  iln-  llril 

i-li  lo>\(-iiniii-nl  iiiiil  1- 111.  il  In  iii.iki-,  uilli  a  xi.U'  lo 

olivi^m-  nil  1 1  lis  I'f  iiioin'  iliir.  ri-ni-i'  in  re-pi  el  to  tin-  terri- 
tory   -"-I  of  the  Koek.\  inuinitaiiis.''  ' 


U.  I'AKK.MIA.M. 

(.■\.) 
AV  vsiiis'i.roN,  :\tl  .sVyi/i m'nr,  1^44. 

The  nndei-i;i^'iii-d,  Anierieaii  I'li  iiiiinKnlinry,  de- 
elii.es  the  prnis  sal  nf  llie  Ih'ili^h  Pit  iiij'nlentinry, 
nil  till-  irroinni  tlinl  il  would  lnue  ihe  i  ll'ei-l  nf  re- 
su-ii  liii:^  ihe  pos.sisyinn.s  of  the  I'nileil  Stalls  III 
liniils  far  innie  eiri'iiniseriln-d  than  their  elninis 
ele.u-ty  entitle  them  tn,  Il  iirnpnses  tn  limit  their 
niirlhii'ii  liniiiidary  hy  it  line  ilrnwii  frnni  the 
U-ii'hy  innuiil.iiiis  i.Iihi'l;  Ihe  4'.hh  iLiralli-l  nf  liili- 
inile  tn  tin-  innlhi  ast'-niiiinsl  hi-ain  ii  nf  iln-  f'nhiin- 
hia  rill  r,  niid  llii-in  e  ilnwn  iln  iniildli-  ui'  llial  river 
III  the  sen — oivinj;  In  Oreal  Ih-ilnin  nil  the  eniinlry 
iinrtli,  niid  In  the  T'nitetl  .Stales  nil  sniitli  of  llinl 
liin-,  r\i-i-iit  n  ilet.i.  h'  '.I  n n-liory  exli  inliiie;  nn  tlin 
raeilic  mill  the  .Siniil.i  nf  l''ni-ii,  iVoni  liiilfnieirH 
hiU'hnr  In  Mnnd's  i-aiiiil.  Tn  v.-hieh  il  isprnpnsed, 
in  nddilion,  In  innke  free  lo  ihe  I'nili  d  .States  any 
purl  wliieli  the  Unilid  .Slates  (Jnveniniiiil  mi;;lil 
di'.sire,  t  illier  nil  the  nniiii  Innd  nr  on  Vuiieoiiver*.s 
i..lani!  s.Hilli  nf  l.iiilinh-  411°. 

liy  inrniii^'  In  iln-  iniip  hereto  nniiexed,  nnd  on 
whii'h  the  prnposid  Imundnry  is  niniK<d  in  peneil, 
il  will  he 'sei  II  llnit  il  nssi^^ns  tn  lirent  rriiain  nl- 
iii'i.s|  the  I  mire  re';lnn  (nil  its  iinrlli  side)  diniiK-d 
liy  the  Colnmliia  riM-r,  lyino;  on  its  inirlherii  IniiiU. 
It  is  not  d(  i-nit-d  iie.'i-.ssai'y  In  sinle  nt  lart;e  tliii 
el.iinis  nf  the  I'liiled  Si.iUh  t-i  this  ti  rril.n-y,  1111(1 
Ihe  ;;rniiiiils  nil  wlii.-li  lln-y  rest,  in  nidi  r  In  iiiake 
!;.iod  llif  le'serlinn  that  il  resliii-ls  llie  poHsi  .ssiniis 
of  Ihi-  I'liiled  Stales  wiihiii  lianiiwer  hoiiiiils  than 
tliey  are  eh-arly  enlillid  In.  It  will  he  .'aillieietil 
fnr  ilii.H  pnrpoM'  In  slmw  that  llo  y  are  I'lirly  enti- 
tled 1.1  llie  i-ntire  n  t^inii  ilrained  hy  the  rivi-i-;  and 
I.)  the  esialilisjinieiit  of  tlii.s  pnint  the  iiiiilersiijned 
prnpnsea  neeordiiif;ly  tn  limit  his  remarks  at  |irc- 

Sl  ill. 

Our  elan. Is  tn  ihe  jiortinii  of  the  ti-rritnry  drained 
liy  Ihe  t'oliunhin  river  inny  he  divided  inlo  llnise 
we  have  in  our  own  proper  rii'lil  niiil  tlinNe  we 
have  ileri\ed  iVniii  l'"r.aiee  mid  Sjniiii.  AVe  j;roiiiid 
the  former,  as  ii:,'aiiist  Oreal  liritain,  on  prinrity  of 
ili.si-nvery  and  priorilv  of  explnration  and  siiile- 
1.1.  nt.  \W  rest  mil-  i-!aiiii  In  disrnvery,  .is  in:aiiist 
her,  nn  llini  nf  Caplniii  lii'.iy,  n  i-ili/eii  nf  ihe  Uiii- 
leil Slates,  whn,  in  llie  ship  Cnlnniliin,  nf  Ihisinii, 
pnssril  iis  hnr  niid  iiiiihnrrd  in  ihe  riyi  r,  ten  miles 
nhni'-  its  ninuili,  mi  the  llili  nf  .May,  1711^';  and 
whn  al'ierwnril-  saili  .1  up  |he  rivi  r  twel-.e  or  lil'leeii 
inile:  ,  and  li  i't  ii  nn  ihi'  rjliili  it'  the  sniiie  iiininh, 
I'.illiii'^  il  "  Co/iiiii/iiii,"  nfii  r  his  shin,  «  hieli  imnie 
it  siill  relailis. 

Oil  these  fael.s  our  i-hiiin  lo  the  ili.-i-.ivi  ry  iiiiil 
enlr.ini'e  iiiln  the  river  nsis.     They  nre  loo  well 

nltesti  il  In  h nii-'iii-rted.     nut  tiny  lime  hei  n 

nppnsid  hy  the  alle'.ced  disi-iui  riis  nf  Aleni-es  and 
A'aninimr.  It  is  true  thai  the  IViriin-r  exploiid  il 
pnrlinii  nf  llie  enest  ihrniejli  whiili  the  I'l.liinihiii 
ilnws  into  the  oeonn,  in  ITM,  (fue  yi  ars  lel'nre 
( 'aplain  (Jrav  ii'ns.--i  d  lie-  hnr  and  niiehnn  d  in  the 
rivi  r,)  ill  n.ili  r  tn  iisi'i  rlaiii  whellier  ihe  river,  as 
l.iiil  ilnwii  in  the  Spniiish  eharts.ainl  eiiUed  the  St. 
line,  exisied  nr  mil!  hut  it  is  (ipnilly  Iriie  thai  he 
did  mil  even  disi-nver  il.  Oi\  (lie  (-oiiirnry,  In-  e\- 
pri  ssly  I'ei-Iari  s  in  his  ai-' nnni  nf  ilu-  vny.i'ji  .  .-is 
till'  ri  .Hiill  nf  his  nhser\aiiiins,  ihi'l  *' in-  mil  n"ie 
S'iffhi  tisuft  lliftt  llinr  is  lit!  ftiicli  rin i' ti.s  llitil  of  tin- 
SI.  /.'nf,  ((.Willi/ i/iii'n  ill  Ihi  .V;.inii../i  rhiirls ;"  ■<ni\, 
I'-l  if  In  perpetilnle  his  ili.-..ip!i"ililini  111,  he  enlli  ll 
tin-  proinnntm-y  lyiiiir  nnrtli  nf  ilie  inlet  where  he 
(-\pei-led  In  ilifi-iiMr  ll  Cape  DiKappoiniineni,  nnd 
the  inli'l  ii.-.ilf  |iii-ipl".ii  hay.  Il  is  also  Irne  that 
A'ani-niiM-r.iii  .\pril,  I7il'i,  explnn-ii  tlies.-imeenast; 
I  ill  ifisnnlisssn  Ihal  he  faihd  In  disenver  llie 
iiM-r,  nf  wliieli  his  nwii  jiini'iinl  furnishes  the  innsi 
einn-|iisi\e  i  villi  lii'e,  as  uell  lis  his  slrin!'r  enlivie- 
t'oii  that  no  siii-h  river  exisleil.  ."^o  sinner  was  it, 
iiiili-id,  tli.ii  when  he  1.  II  ill  with  ( 'aplniii  (irny 
sliiirlly  afierwai'ils,  iniil  was  iiifoi'iin-d  hy  him  ilini 
he  had  heeii  nli'the  iininth  nf  n  river  in  Iniitnde 
■MP  10',  whose  niiilet  was  s.i  stnni;;:  as  tn  previ-nl 
his  iiitriinu',  he  ri  niMiiii'd  laiil  inei-idnlmis,  nnd 
i-trnnLcly  expn  ssi  d  liimsrlf  In  that  i  lli  el  in  his 
jnurnal.  Il  vv.is  slinrtlv'nfnr  litis  inlerview  llnil 
Cnpliiin  Ciray  n';:niii  visliid  iis  ninnih,  crossed  its 
hnr,  and  .sailed  up  ihe  river,  n.s  lia.s   hteil    ntated. 


1845.] 


APPENDIX  TO  TMK  CONGRESSIOXyM.  fir.OHE. 


a5 


S9th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


_\%  its  ni;aiti.st 

't'lllC  I'lii- 

.1'  I'minhhi, 
,  ii'ii  iiii!i.-4 
\-M;  .m.l 

I'  cl-  lil'lc  c  Jl 

>vi  rv  ami 
(  ino  udl 
liav.'  I<r(ii 
M.,iiv:<  and 
■Npl'ii  (I  a 
('i.llllrll'ia 
us  I  I  ll.n- 
>r<il  ill  llh' 
l'i\rl*,  as 
lilt  ihr  Si. 
11'  llial  In; 
l-y.  Ii.  IX. 
\ .  .y.i':i  ,  as 
f'lll  i}"l>* 
Hull  rf  Ihr 
(l/^;"':nMl, 
III'  lallill 
will  !■!•  lie 
IIIK'lit.  anil 
I  Irlp'  lilal 
llllf  I'nast; 
inivrr  till'. 
1  ihi'  niiiHt 
irr  rniivii'- 
ili";  was  il, 
lain  <iiay 
V  liini  Hiat 
in  lainiiili' 

tti  ]irr\lMI 

iiliins,  anil 
liri  in  Ills 
vii'W  lliai 
•nissi  il  iiH 
.cii    i.t;Uid. 


I 


Aflnr  ho  left  it  lie  viNitcil  Niintkii  Kmnid,  whciT  liu  i 
riiinminiii'alotl  liisdiMi'nvi'riiH  loCluiiiIrn,  tlir  Spall-  ' 
isli  riiiiinianilanl  at  thai  )>liii'r,  ami  isnvr  liim  a 
I'liarl  ami  ilr.iri'l|>iliin  nf  ilir  iniailli  III' till' riM'i'. 
i\Orr  liin  (li'|iai-Uin',  V'aiiriMivrr  aniviil  linn'  in 
(Si  |ili  nilii-r,  wlirii  lia  was  iiilinini  il  nl'  llic,  ilim'iiv- 
iiii'.s  1. 1'  ('ii|iiaiii  Uriiy,  anil  nlilaiin  il  iViim  tlnailia 
i'ii|iii  s  III'  llii'  rhni't  III'  liail  li  I'l  \\  itli  liiiii.  Ill  I'on- 
Ni'iiinnri'  iil'  llir  inliii'iiiali'.in  lliiis  iililMiaiil,  lir  waH 
iiiiliirril  to  visit  ii^ain  tliiit  piii't  nt'  tlio  C(>aHt,  It 
vas  ilnriii'j!;  lliis  visit  thai  In  riilrriil  llie  rivrr  on 
till'  'Jlllli  Oi'lolii'i-, and  niaili'  liis  survey. 

l''rian  llnsi'  I'arts  it  is  inaiiirisr  iliat  thi*  iilli'ii;rd 
ilisi'iiM'i'iiH  III*  iMiari'N  and  \'aiii'iMi\ii'  ninnot  in 
Ilia   Nliulilrst   driirra   shake    iIki  cliiini  id"  C'aplaiii 
(-irav  III  priority  ot'  disrovrry.     Imlrfil,  ho  roii-  i 
cliis'ue  is  ihi'  I  viilriiri'    ill   Ilis    lavor   llml   it  lias 
liiiii  allriii|iliil  III  ivaili-'  iiiir  rlaiin  on  llic  novrl 
iiml  wliiilly  iinii'iialili'  r^'i'oiinil   llial   his  ili.si'ovi'ry 
was  miiili'   not  in  a  naiimial   Init   privntn   vcs.si'l,  ; 
Siii'li,  and  so  ini'oniislalili',  is  tlir  I'vidiiiiT  of  our  I 
I'laiiii  as  liiraiiisl  lii-ial    r.rii.iin — iVoiii  priority  ol' 
disi'ovrry  as  to  ihr  nioiilh  ol'lhr  rivir,  rrossini;  ilM  ' 
liar,  I  nliriii'^  ii,aiiil  suiliii;.;  iqi  its  slri'iuii  iiii  llic 
viiya'jc  oft  'aplaiii  I  iray  alona;  willnnil  caltiii'.;  iiiio 
roiisidiriiliiiii   Ihr  prior  dismxiry  ot'  llir.  Spanish 
navi'^'alor,  IliTila,  whirh  will  liu  lUori;  iiarliriilar- 
ly  ri'lirrrd  lo  hrrral'mr. 

Xor  is  till'  I'vidi'tii'ii  ot'  the  priority  of  our  dis- 
covi-ry  of'  liii'  liiail  liraia'hi  s  of  llii'  rivrr,  anil  ils 
i'X|iloialioii,  Il  ss  I'oiii'lnsivr.  lli  run  llir  trraty 
was  ralilird  liy  wliii'h  vc  ai'.piirril  Ijonisiana,  in 
I'SII.'j,  an  rxprdiiinn  was  ))liiniii  d  (at  tlir  lirad  of 
wliii'h  wi  rr  |ilai'iil  Miriwrllar  Lrwis  and  Wil- 
liam ''larKr)  III  I Aplorr  ihr  rivrr  Missouri  and  ils 
P''im'ipal  hraiii'lu'S  In  tKrir  Nonrrr.s,  tiinl  ihrn  lo 
Hcrk  and  traro  to  ils  trrniiiialjiin  in  thii  I'arifir,  ' 
nomr  slrrain,  "  ir/ii'//ir)'  llie  ('uliimhia,  Ihr  Ongmi,  ' 
^tlif  rr/uria/ri,  tti'  tniii  otltvy  ii'lilrli  iiiiii'/i/ij^/ir //if  tiiosl  . 
*du-fi'l  iiud  jtrttcticitlik ivalcr-fniiinitiu'wiituiti  ticritss  the 
*i'ii;itintulytiirtltit  purjU'Sf  r/'c/iiinjicn'c."  'I'lir  jiarly 
lir^'aii  to  ii.srrnd  ihr  .Missouri  ill  .May,  ]f*i)4-.  and, 
ill  tlir  sinniiirr  of  hsiri,  rrarhrd  tlir  lirad-watirs 
of  llir  Coliiniliia  rivrr.  .Afirr  rrnssin^r  niaiiy  of 
the  slrriuns  falliiiir  irito  il,  liny  rriu'lnd  ihr  Koos- 
kooskrr.  III  l.ailudr  i'.P  '.iV — d'sn  iidril  ihal  In  ihr 
priiii-ipal  norlhrni  l.ram-h,  whirh  ihry  rallrd  L."W- 
la's — folliiwid  that  lo  iis  jinii'iion  wiili  llir  iriral 
iiorlhrrn  hrain  li,  whirh  liny  rallrd  l.'larkr — and 
tlirnrr  drsri'iiilod  In  lln;  raoiiih  of  ihr  rivrr,  wlirrr 
liny  liniilid,  and  i'main|iid  on  llir  norlh  sidr,  nii 
Capr  Disappoiiiini:  111,  and  wiiiirnd.  'I'hr  inM 
,s|iriiiL'  ihry  rniunii  iirril  ihrir  rrliirii,  anil  rnniii'iird 
thrir  rxpinralioii  up  llir  rivrr,  nolinir  ils  various 
liraurhrs,  and  Irariiij;  sonii!  of  ihr  priiiripal;  and 
iinally  arrivril  at  Si.  I.oiiis  in  Srplrnilirr,  l.-^'Uli, 
al'irraii  ahsrni'r  of  two  yrars  and  four  iminilis. 

Ii  was  ihis  iiiijiorlani  ixprdilion  wiiii'li  Irons^Iit 
to  ihr.  KiiowIi'iIl'i'  of  the  world  lliis  yreat  rivrr — 
tlir  '.jrontrst  liv  far  on  tiir  wrslrrn  side  of  this  rnii-  | 
tinriii — with  il.s  niinirrons  hraniln  s,  and  llir  vast 
11 'lions  lhrnii;;!i  wliii'h  it  llnws,  iilioMj  Ihr  |ii>;nis 
to  uhii'h  (.iiay  and  Vam-'iiivrr  had  asriiiilrd.  it 
took  ]ilac'r  many  yrars  lirlnrr  il  was  visiii d  and 
cxplorrd  liy  any  'siihjrrt  of  Cirrat  Hrilain,  or  of 
ii'ivoihrr  riiilizi'd  niilinn,  so  fir  as  we  am  in- 
fiiinril.  li  as  rlrarly  rnlilhs  us  In  llio  rlaiiii  nf 
prinriiy  nf  disrovrry^  as  In  ils  hrad  hranrhrs,  and 
tin- rxploralioii  of  I'lio  rivrr  am!  ri  u'ion  ihroniih 
whirh  il  passrs,  as  ihr  vnyirri  s  o,'' ('aplain  (iriiv 
and  ihr  Spanish  navi'i-iilor,'  lie  ma,  riilitlnl  iis  to  ' 
prinriiy  in  rrfri'oncr  lo  its  moulli,aml  the  rliliiiiice 
liiio  ils  rh.iniii'l. 

.\nr  is  oar  priority  of  srlilminit  lrs.s  rrrlain.  ' 
I'lsiaiilishinrnis  W(  re  fornird  hv  Anirriraii  riiizrns 
on  Ihr  Cnlnmliiii  a,s  early  as  iSin)  and   It-KI.     In  i 
llir   lallrr   vear,  a   rnmiianv  was  fornird  in  .\rw  i 
■^ork,  al  Ihr  Inail  of  wliirli'  was  .loliii  .Taroh  .As- 
lur.  a  wrallhv  liirrrliaul  nf  llial  rilv,  ihr  ol.jrri  of 
wlinh  was   in   firm  a  ri;:ii!ar  ria.iii  .if  rsiiililish- 
iiirnls  on   ihr  ('ohnidiia  rivrr  ami  the  riiiiioiKinH 
roasis  of  Ihr   I'arilir,   for  rominerrial    |iii,nosi's. 
Marly  in  ihr  lairiiii;- of  ls|l,  lin  v  iiiailr  ihri'r  first 
eslaiilislinirni  mi  ihr  smuh  sidr  of  ihr  rivrr,  a  fi  \v  ■ 
mill  s  aliinr  L'oinl  Uroiirr,  win  rr  ihry  wrrr  visiird 
ill  .l"ly  fnllnwin:;  liy  Mr.  'I'lioinpsoii,  a  siirvrynr 
and  aslronoiiirr  of  Ihr  XorihwrsI  C'ompanv,  and 
his  parly.     'I'lny  had  hreii  srni  out  liy  thai  rom-  | 
paiiy  In  forrslall  Ihr  Ainrrirun  r,iiiii|iany  in  iirni- 
pvimr  ihr  mniiili  nf  i!ir  rivrr,  Inn  fmind  Tin  insrlves 
drf  alrll  ill  ill.  ir  nlijrrl.      'I'hr  Ami  riiali  ri'iiiiiany 
formed  two  other  connecled  eataldislimeiits  liijrlR'r 


The  Oregon  (Question. 

up  Mm  river:  one  nt  llio  cdiidneiirc  nf  the  Okeiic- 
i;aii  with  llie  niirlli  I'ranrli  of  the  (^'ohimhia,  nliont 
six  hinidriil  iniirs  aliove  ils  nioiilh;  and  the  oilier 
nil  Ihr  Spnkaii,  a  slrriini  filling;'  iiilo  llie  norlh 
lirani-li,  sonir  lifiy  iiiiirs  iiliovr, 

'I'lirsr  poslH  passed  into  ihr  poHNCHsinn  nf  Cireat 
lirilain  dnriiir;  Ihr  war  whirh  was  drrlaird  the 
111  XI  year;  lull  il  was  proviih  il  liy  ihe  lirsi  arlirlr 
of  ihr  Irraiy  of  (ihi  III,  whirh  leiiniiialrd  il,  llial. 
*'  all lenitiirifs^  jiliifis,iiinl jwssiss'Kinn vhiih rrr, hikfn 
hij  rillicr  piirlij  /'iiiiii  llic  allitr  ihiriii!^  Hit  vnr,  nr 

•  ,i'/iir/i  iiiiii;  Ik  Uil;in  iij'kr  llie  si^iihii;  rf  Hit  Irtiilji, 
'  i'.irr;i(iii!;'//ir  i^hiiiilx lirmillrriiuiiiiimttt,  (ill  Hit  lliiij 
'  !•/ Iviiihi,)  uliiill  he  nstnttil  leillioiil  i/r/«i/."  I'lidrr 
Ihis  provision,  whirh  einlirares  all  thr  estahlish- 

:  iiienls  of  the  AiiK'rii'an  rompniiy  on  the  (.'nlnin- 
liia,  .'\sloria  was  fill nially  ristoird,  nil  ihe  (Iili  of 
ftrlnl.rr,  1H|(<,  liy  r^-rnt.s  duly  allthni  i/.i  ll  on  ihr 
|iarl  of  Ihe  llriiish  (Joveniiin  nt  In  rrsiorr  llir  pn.";- 
srssion,  mid   lo  an  a'.;rnl  duly  iiuihori/rd  on  the 

'  pari  of  the  Govrrnnirut  of  the  t'niled  iSialis  lo 
rrreive  il — which  pliu'ed  nnr  piis.wrssinn  wlirrr  it 
was  hrfoie  it  pas.scd  into  the  hands  of  Urilish  wili- 
jerlM. 

.Siiili  (ire  Ihe  fails  on  whirh  we  rest  our  e'ainis 
to  priority  itf  ilis''overy  iiiid  priority  of  rxplora- 
lioii and  SI  itlrnu  nt,  a.i  iiL'iiiii.sI  (irral  nrilain,  to 
the  i'e<.:inii  diainid  liy  the  Colnniliia  river,  .'^'o 
niin  h  for  ihr  rlaims  we  have,  ill  our  own  proper 
ri'xlil,  In  llial  ii";ion. 

'I'll  till  sr  wr  havr  added  the  rliiims  nf  F'nincc 
and  Spain.  The  fnriiierwi'  oluainnl  liy  the  livaiy 
of  Louisiana,  raliliid  in  IHII.'J;  ami  the  laior  hy 
Ihe  irealy  of  l'"li.riil.i,  ralilied  In  ISjrt.  liy  th'e 
Iniiner,  v.r  ai'i|iiii'i  il  all  the  ri<'.lils  wliah  l''ranre 
h,id  lo  Lniiisiaaa   '•  In  Hie  txleill  il   lire' /iii.s  ( ISII.'j) 

'  '  ill  Ihe  liiiiiils  nf  Sjiaiii,  ami  Ihal  it  haif  vhtn  IVaiiee 
'  iioHsesseil  il,  aiitl  siitli  i/.s  il  sh'uild  be  iff.'ti'llit  Ifeiitieii 

*  .Mi/iir'/iii'ii//i/  eiilend  iiiln  Inj  Sjiiiiit  ami  ntlite  .SVii^v." 
liy  the  laller,  hi.;  Calhnlii'  Alajisiy  '^  tided  In  Ih.- 
I'llittd  i<lateii  nil  tii^  ,ij^/i/,'i,  thiiiilf,  and  pi'i/i'Kvinji.s'' 
'o  Ihr  roniilry  Iviuir  wrsi  of  ihr  Unrky  iiioiinlains, 

and  nnrili  nfa  linr  drawn  on  ihi;  forlv-s ml  par- 

iillrl  of  laiilnde,  frnni  a  pniiil  on  the  sniitti  iiank 
nf  llir  .Arkaiistis,  in  that  parallel.  In  ihe  Smith  si  a  ; 
lliii  is.  In  Ihr  v.hnir  rei^rimi  rhnniril  livS|iaiii  west 
III  llnisr  ni'innlaiiis  and  noi-iii  nf  ihal  )iiie. 

The  erssimi  of  Louisiana  '^>i\o  ii.s  undisputed 
title  west  nf  the  .Mississippi,  extei!iliii;j  to  the 
sninniit  of  llir  liorky  monnlaii's,  and  siretrhini;' 
sniilh  111  Iwerii  Ihal  i'i\i  r  ami  thosr  inniintaiii.s  to 
ihr  ),ossissiiiiis  of  .Sjtain,  ihr  line  lieiwei  n  whirh 
and  nnrs  was  aflrrwa.nl.i  dm  iniinrd  iy  I'-e  Irealy 
of  l''loi'ida.  Ualso  added  iiinrli  lo  ihr'siren^^ih  lif 
our  title  lo  llie  rmion  lieyoml  the  Ilorky  iiionn- 
l.iiiis,  liy  rrsinrinn;  In  us  ihr  iiapiuianl  link  nf  roii- 
linnily  wr. .tward  lo  ihr  Peiilir,  wliii  li  had  l-ei  ii 
siirrrndrrrd  hy  thr  lir;ily  nf  17(i!! — as  will  lie  In  rc- 
ixflrr  shown. 

That  ronliunily  furuishi  s  a  just  fnimlalinn  for 
n  rlaiin  of  trrriiory,  in  riinni  xion  wi:li  thnsr  nf 
'  ilisi'overy  and  nrriipalimi,  would  si  nil  I'lnpn  s- 
liniialile."  It  is  admitlrd  hy  nil  that  neiilii  r  nf 
thrill  is  limited  hy  the  prrrise  spnl  ilisrovered  or 
orrupied.  It  is  evideiii  ihal,  in  order  lo  make 
either  availal'tr,  il  niiisl  exn  nil  at  hast  siinir  liis- 
laiirr  hryoiid  ihal  ai'Inally  ilisroverrd  or (irriipiid  ; 
I'lif  hnw  far.  as  an  a'lslrart  ipte-.iinn,  is  a  iiiattrr 
of  uinrrlainly.  It  is  snlijril,  in  i  arli  ea.sr,  lo  Ir 
inllnriii'ed  by  a  varieiv  of  ri'iisidrraiions.  In  llir 
easr  of  an  island,  il  has  lieeii  iisimlly  niainlaiiinl 
in  prariirr  lo  rxlrtid  the  riaini  of  disrovrry  or 
orenpanryln  ihr  wholr.  So,  likewi.se,  in  thr 'ease 
nfa  rivrr.  il  has  hei  n  usual  lo  rvirnd  ihein  to  ihe 
enlire  i'ei;inii  draiiuil  hy  il ;  more  esoreially  in 
eases  ol  a  ilisrovery  and  srillrnient  at  the  inniiih; 
and  eni|ihaiii'ally  so,  when  lu'roinpaiiied  hy  rx- 
ploralioii of  llir  ri^ei'iiml  reirion  thrmiirh  whirh  it 
ilows.  Siirh,  ii  is  helirvdl,  ma\'  lie  afllrnird  m 
hr  the  o|iinioii  and  prartlrr  in  sia  h  rasrsslner  ihr 
ilisenM-ry  nf  ihis  rnnliiiriil.  How  far  Ihe  rlaini 
of  roniiiniily  may  (xlrnd  in  nllirr  easrs,  is  Irss 
|irrt'ri'ily  ih  liiird,  and  rtiii  hr  sellled  only  hv  ret'- 
erriii  r  lo  iheriri'innslaiii'is  iillrnilinirrarli.  AVheii 
this  rnnlineiit  was  first  diseoveied,  Sjiaiii  riaimrd 
Ihr  whole,  in  virliir  nf  the  L'rani  nf  ihe  I'ope;  Imt 
a  rlaini  so  exlra\ai.:anl  tinil  nnreasonaidr  was  not 
.aripiirsrrd  in  liy  oihrr  ronntrirs,  and  rould  not  he 
Inni;  inaiiuained.  Dllier  nations,  es-perially  Kii?"- 
laiid  iiiiiI  l''raiirr,  at  an  i  .'.r!','  jii  rind,  rnnli  strd  Itn' 
rl.iini,  Til,  y  tillril  nut  vnyatrrs  of  disrovrry,  iinil 
iiuidc  iicttleint'iit.i  on  the  eastern  coiisls  ol' jSorth 


Sknate  and  IIo.  op  Ukps. 

Aiueiirn.  They  elaimrd  for  their  xetileiiirnKi, 
nsnidly,  s|irrifir  hniil.s  iiloiu,'  thr  eonsis  or  hayn 
on  whirh  Ihry  wrrr  fninuil,  and,  '.'i  nrrally,  ii 
re'.rinii  of  I'orresponiliii!^  width,  exleiidiii'.^  nrtoHH 
thr  riiliie  I'linlinriil   to   ihr   I'lu'ilie  orriin.     Snrli 

■  \\\l.^  the  ehararier  nf  the  limits  assiL'lird  hy  Liia:- 
l.ilid  ill  llir  rharlrrs  whirh  slir  trraiilrd  In  her  for- 
mrr  rolonii'S,  now  ihe  I'liiteil  States,  win  n  tliero 
were  no  npi  rial  reiiHiins  I'or  Mir^'iinj  from  il. 

llowMroiiir  shereirarded  her'rlaiiii  In  ihe  region 

I  eniiveyed   hy  the.se  rharlers,  and  eviriidiinr  U'CMt- 

wiiril  iiflirr  srtilrineiiis,  the  wrr  I'llwim  (ler  mid 

l''rinii'e,  mIuiIi    was   Irnninatrd   hy  Ihr  Inatv  of 

I'aris,  nii.'t,  fnriiishrsa  sirikin',' illusinilinn.   'I'll. it 

ri'i'iil  rnntrst,  whirh  ended  sn  r"Inrionsly  fnr  l'!iu.'- 

land,  and  rlfrrlril  so  ^'real  and  diiralileii  rhaii.'-e  on 

Ihis  ennliiielil,  riiininrurrd    in  ll  rnllllirl    lirlwrrll 

lirr  rlainis  and   llmsr  of  l''ranre,   rrsilin.j  on   hrr 

I  sidr  on  this   vrry  ri^lit  of  ronlnniily,  exlrntliin; 

'  westward    from    Inr    srlllemi'iils    to    the    rnelfie, 

'  orraii,  and  on  thr  part  of  l-'runee    on    llie   stinn' 

rirlii,  lint  exlnidinT  lo  the  ri'.'inn  dr.iined  liy  the 

.Misussipin   nnd    its    waiirs,    on    the    i:rniiiiil    of 

si'Itli  nienl    and    evplnralinn.      Their     rrsiiri'iiie 

i'''iinis,  whirh  led   In  ihr  war,  lirsI  elaslird  ml  Iho 

'  Ohio  ri\rr,  the  w.ilrrs  nf  whirh  the  enlnnial  rhar- 

ti  IS,  in  their  v.rKlrrii  exlriisinn,  rnvrrril,  hut  whi.'li 

l''rani'e  had  In  in  niiipir.«liniiiilily  ihr  llrst  lo  srttli) 

'  ami    ixplorr.      If  thr   rrlali\i'.  'slrrii'.;ili    ef  thr..i> 

!  diirrreiil  rlainis  iniiy  he  lestnl  hy  ihe  resiili  nf  ilmt 

I  rem;irka'.|r  mairst,  that  nl' roiitlniiily  Wr.:twiii'd 

must  hr  prniioiinri  d  lo  he  the  sIi'on',''eriif  llii'  iv.o. 

I  l'"ii'.^laiid  has  had  at  leii'-l   the  nilvaiiliiire  of  ihe  re- 

i  suit,  and  would  seem  to  hr  liirrrlosrd  lu'ii'itst  ror- 

ti  stilly'   the   |iriii'ipl( — pariirnlarly  as  a'Miust  lis, 

'  who  rmitrilinlrd  so   iiiiirh  lo  thai  rrsull,  and  on 

'    whom  that  eonlest,  nnd  lirr  exani|i|e  and  jnrn  n- 

sinns,  from   ihe    lirsI  srtllrmint  of  our  rnnniry, 

;    li.'ivr  roiilrihiited   to  imiire.ss  it  so  deeply  and  in- 

.'  delihlv. 

I'm'  ihe  Irr.Tty  of  ITfiD,  whirh    leriniuati  d  tliat 
"  memnriihle  end  evrntfnl  sli'in.;;r!r,  yii  Idrd,  as  hiiM 

■  lireii  staled,  the  r'aims  am!  all  the  rhnrtered  ri'fhin 
'    nf  the   enlnnirs    lirynnd    ihe    .Missi.^sippi.     The 

j  seventh  ariii'lr  rslahlishes  that  rivrr  as  llir  permn- 
nriii  hnuiidarv  helwern  ihe  j.nssi  ssinns  i^f  Cireat 
iirii.iin  and  l-'riinre  nn  this  rmiliiirni.  .Sn  nnteli 
lis  rrliilrs  In  liir  suhjert  is  ill  the  fnllnw  iiii;  v.orils  : 
"  7*/ii'  cniijiiien  Intteten  the  i!f  iiiiiiioiifi  nf  hin  Hiihiii- 

'  '  llir  .Mnjeflu  ill  Unit  /'ini  if  Ihr  inirlil  {the  r.oi/.'iii  at 
'  if.'hiviitii)  !hnll  hr  Jived  iniVnivhhl  h,i  ii  linr  draitn 

•  ii/rii.?  ;/»•  iiiiddl- if  Ihe  lirre  Jli^'-is  ipii,  J'li  in  ilH 
'  .'■'iKrcc  In  Hie  river  Ihrrrillc  andfriiii  tlnnre  hit  a  i<iie 
'  dnnni   atniis;  Ihe  inidille  nf  Ihii''  rirw  and  Hie  lahis 

*  ,Ui/iiM'pii,v  and  I*niilrhiii'triiiiii  to  Ihe  .tfi/,*'  i,'r. 

Tlii.-i  iniporlant  slipnlalion,  v.'lii.  h  thus  e.«;tnh- 
lishfs  ihe  Mississippi  as  ihr  linr  *\li.veil  irri  rrcrt/i/ii" 
•hrlwrrii  the  dnmininns  ol  llie  Iwn  rouiitrirs  on  this 

•  rnniinenl,  in  elVrrl  rxiin'i:iiishes  in  favor  of  I'itoh  o 
,  wlia'ever  riaiiii  Grrai  Britain  may  li.'vvr  had  lo  iha 
rririnn  lyintr  west  of  the  Mississippi.  Il  of  rnios' 
rnnid  not  alVrrt  t!ir  ri'_dils  of  .Spain — ihe  onlv  I'thei- 
iMiInii  whieli  ha'.l  aiiv  preleiire  of  rlaini  wrsl  of 
thai  riM'r:  hnl  it  previ'iitcd  llie  riirhl  of  mniiniiilv 
prrvinnsly  rhiiiiird  hy  (Irrat  I'rilain  frnni  rxli  ni(- 
inu' heyniid  it,  and  transferred  il  In  Frain'e.  The 
Iriaty  nf  L^'lii^iana  rrsinred  and  vesti  d  in  ihn 
Fniird  Sta'es  all  the  elnims  ari|nired  hy  I'^i  ;inre  atal 
snririalrii  d  ll^•  Grri't  lirii.iin,  under  thr  provisim'.< 
111'  ihiil  Irealy,  In  the  roiiiiiry  wrst  of  llir  Missis- 
sippi, and  anions'  olhrrs  llir  one  in  iptrsiinn.  t.'er- 
hiiii  it  is  lli;ii  Kranre  had  the  raine  riirhl  of  eon- 
litiuilv.  ill  virtue  of  hrr  pnssrssion  of  Lnr.isian^, 
and  ihr  exliiiL'nishmriit  of  i!ie  ri"lit  of  l''.iii;liiml, 
liy  Ihr  ireily  nf  JTli.'t,  lo  the  w  linle  rniintrv  wist 
of  Ihe  I'orky  inounlains,  and  Iviin.'  wrsl  of  Loiii:- 
iaiia,  as  a-^ainsi  Spain,  whirh  V'.iir^lanil  hud  In  ih.; 
riiiiiiiry  wrslward  nf  thr  .■\llr"'I'any  ui'iiinlains.  a-i 
in_',ni!si  I'ranrr— with  this  ihilirnirr,  ilnii  Spain 
had  inihini;  lo  nppnsr  In  llir  i'!a>in  nf  l-'raii-r.  al 
Ihr  linir,  lull  Ihe  rir-lil  of  dis.oMry:  and  even  that 

j  Kuul-iml  li.is  .siiirr  (Iriiied  :  while' l''rali"e  had  op- 
posed In  the  Hl'-IiI  nf  iMi'iland,  in  In  r  rasr,  that  nf 
disrovrry,  explomtinn  ,niid  s.'ltlrnirnl.  It  is.  ihrir- 
t'lrr,  not  at  all  surprising  that  h't'iiiirr  shonlil  rlaiin 
the  roinnrv  wrst  ol'lhr  It  nrkv  moiinliins.  (as  may 

I  he  iiil'rrrril  frmii  lier  inaps,^  on  ihr  same  prin.'ipir 
that  (j real  lirilain  had  rlaimed  and  dispossrs.ril 
hrr  of  the  i'r'i:ions  wrsl  of  the  .Alleirliany:  or  ihat 
the  I'niiril  Stall  s,  as  snmi  as  ihry  had  arrpiirrd 
thr  ri-his  nf  I'l'aurr,  sh.iiiild  assert  the  siiiiie  rluim, 

'  and  talit  incabuies  ininiedintely  after  li>  explore  il, 


TT 


86 


API'KNniX  TO  Tlin  CONORF.SSlONAIi  GLOBF-. 


(Dec.  „», 


IJOth  Cong Ut  Scbs. 


The  Orcifon  (^/^ir/i)/!. 


Skn\tk  and  IIo.  or  Ukhr. 


wilh  B  view  Ui  iii-OHpillioii  bimI  wlllrimiiit.  Ilul 
Dliwv  llicii  wr  linvf  iilifni.'lluiMil  imr  lilli,  l.y|  mld- 
iii:;  III  <iiir  nw  ii  iuhiht  rliiiniM  und  (liiwr  cif  l''niiii'i' 
llif  cLiiiiH  iiUm  "rM|iaiii,  liy  ll"'  Iriwily  iil'  Klnnilii, 
Ita  liiiN  lici'ii  Niali'il. 

Tlir  ilninis  wlihli  wi'  1i«M'  iiiijiiin  il  from  liir 
l)OI«i'i'n  llii'  liiirky  iiimiiiliiinH  iiiiil  llir  Pa.  il'ic  n  si 
on  111  r  prioriiv  ofili-si-nvrry.  .Niiiiu  r.>iiK  Miyai:i» 
of  discMV.  rv.  I'i'iiiin.iiriicy  w  iili  ilial  ol'  .M.ildniiailii 
in  l.VJH,  ami  riidlii::  ^^  illi  lliai  iiiidrr  (liillaiai  and 
Vuldi'K  III  IT'.l'J.  V.  1 II  i.iiili'n.iKrn  liv  lar  aiilliurily, 
bIdiii;  ill!'  iiciilliv.isii  111  iiiafl  nl'  Nuilli  Ann  riia. 
Tli'il  llii  y  ilii<-iniTc'd  and  I'xidnrid  nut  iinlv  llii' 
I'lllirr  nia*Ni  nt'\\liai  is  now  riiUcil  tin  Diriimi  Tt  r- 
ritnry.  laii  mill  l\iillirf  innlli,  in  a  I'.irt  tun  wi  II 
I'nialdisln  il  111  ill'  rinliiiMriiil  111  this  ilav.  'I'll'' 
viiyiUTiH  wliirli  tin  y  |i(d'(iiiiiiil  will  ai'i'iirdiimly  Ik' 
pHsni'd  iiviT  .11  i.riNrnl  williniil  licini.'  iniili.-nlarly 
/•Undid  til,  wall  the  oxir|itiiiii  nl'  llial  III'  llri-iia. 
His  di.iriivi  rv  ..r  ilii'  niiiiilli  ul'  llir  ( '.ilniiiliia  rixir 
lia.-i  liicn  alii  ady  rilVmil  tii.  It  was  iiiadr  mi  ilic 
l.Sili  cif  Aii^'iisi,  ITT.'i — iiiiiny  yi'iirs  antirinr  to  tlir 
vnyiii:i'.<  III' Allans  and  V'aiirniiMr,  and  was  piinr 
Id  Clink's,  «  ll'i  dill  lint  ri'ili'll  tin'  nnrlliwrstclll 
roast  iiiiiil  \'i'!<.  Till'  rlaiins  it  u'avc  in  i^imiii  "I" 
priiirity  ul'  dis.'nvi'ry  wrrt*  transt'iMfi  d  In  us,  willi 
tt!l  otliiTs  lirliiiiL'ini;  In  liiT,  liy  tlu'  Irraty  "I'  Klnr- 
ida  ;  w  liirli.  addiir  tn  tlic  dis'invirii  s  ul' Cnjitaiii 
Gi-av,  |ila.  'S  inii-  rii:lit  tn  tlio  ili-^i'nvi'ry  nl  llit' 
iiinulli  ami  ciilraiirr  iiiui  the  iiilot  mid  rivir  Ijcynnd  ^ 
all  i'iiiitrii\rrs\'. 

Il  lins  1.1 1  !i  iiliji'i'lrd  tliai  "ivc  rlaiiii  uiidcr  vaiiniis 
niid  iniilliiinif;  llilis,  wliiili  iiuiiiiallv  drstiny  rai'li 
iillicr.  Sinli  nii._'lit  indri'd  be  lln'  I'ln'l  wliilr  liny 
wore  lii'ld  liy  dilVrrnil  |iaitiis;  iml  siiirc  wi'  Inur 
ri^litt'iilly  ai'i{iiind  Imlli  lli'isf  nl' Spain  and  Fiaiiri', 
and  I'liin-ciitraliil  tin'  wliiilc  in  nnr  hands,  tiny 
iiuiliially  hiriid  witii  tacli  mini-,  iiinl  riniii  niic 
Htriiii^  niul  I'lmiiri'icd  idiaiii  nl'  titli-  a:;aiiisi  ilir  ii|i- 
(Hisiii!;  rlaiins  iil' all  ntliiTH,  iiii'Uuiiii^' Cii'iat  Uri- 
Uiiii. 

In  order  tn  pri'smt  inmo  fnily  and  prrt'rily  tlii' 
grounds  on  wliioli  nnr  i  laiins  to  ilic  ri  U'inii  in  (|iii  s- 
tioii  n'SI,  it  will  now  lie  iii'('(s,sary  to  liirii  Inn  1;  to 
the  tiinr  wlii'ti  Astoria  was  rt'sion d  to  us,  iinili  r 
lliii  pi'ovisiiins  of  lln  ti|.,iiy  ol'(ilii  nl,  and  In  irarr 
wlial  has  sliiiT  orrlUTMl  hrlwtt'tl  lln-  Iwo  nilin- 
trius  in  i-friiTiii'e  to  tlir  territory,  and  inipiiir  vln- 
tlii-r  their  nspci.tivf  ilainis  have  lietii  alVei'lid  liy 
the  Keitleini  iilN  Hinei.  made  in  the  territory  liy 
Ureal  Itriiain.or  the  oeeurreni'es  wliieh  have  siiiee 
taken  I  la.'e. 

The  ristiiraiion  ol' Astoria  took  pla.'e,  under  lln- 
provisii'iis  ol'  the  treaty  ol'  Uln  nl,  mi  the  tlih  day 
of  Oi'toher,  1^|H — the  ed'eet  ol"  whiill  was  tn  put 
?.Ir.  Prevnst,  ihe  afieiil  mitliorized  liy  onr  Liovi  rii- 
iiieiit  to  rei-eivc  it,  in  possessimi  ol' the  i  sialilisli- 
lir'nt,  Willi  Ihe  risrhi  at  all  tiiiiei  to  lie  reinslaied 
and  e(ln^l(lerl■d  the  party  in  possi  ssimi.  as  was  i  \- 
plieitly  ailiiiilii  d  liy  Lmd  t  asili  reie^li  in  the  fusl 
nei^otiation  between  the  twoCioveniUKiits  in  rel'er- 
cncf  to  the  treaty.  Tin-  worils  el"  Mr.  Itnsh,  niir 
I'lenipoleiiliary  mi  that  reeasion,  in  his  li  iter  to 
Mr.  Adams,  then  Seerel.'iry  ol"  .Sl.iO  ,  nl' ilie  Mili 
of  l''eliriiarv,  IHl,-^,  reportiiiir  whin  passed  I'ltwim 
him  and  his  lordship,  are,  *' //in/ i.en/ f'ii.if/f|.|ii;.''/i 
'  a  fiiiilltit  in  tlir  /m.-s/  dinpte  (Xttnl  eio'  ri,:^/i/  /a  lit  rt- 
'  tii,-/ii/ii.',  mi! Iiihtllif  piirlijin  />Oisn>i<in,vliili  licni- 
'  iiii,' '//  Ihv  lillc." 

That  iM:,Miiaiimi  ti  rniinated  in  the  ioii\eniiiin 
of  the  A'lh  III'  Oi'ioher,  lt(]f< — the  thiid  ariiide  ol' 
whieli  is  in  the  I'ljllowiiii;  words: 

"  It  is  asrei-il  liuil  any  rmiiiiry  that  may  he 
'  claimeii  liy  either  party  on  the  iinrihwi  st  luast  ol" 
'  Ainerica.  wesiwaol  ul'ilie  Sti.ny  nininilaiiis,  shall, 

*  Ioi;c'lher  wiMi  its  harbors,  bays,  and  ern  ks,  and 
'  the  iinvi.ratioii  of  nil  rivMs  within  the  same,  be 
'  free  and  open,  for  the  term  of  ten  years  from  the 

*  dale  of  the  sii'iiainre  of  the  present  eoiiveiiiimi, 

*  to  the  VI  SSI  I.-;,  ritiziiis,  and  siibjeeis  of  ihi.  two 
'  Powers:  il  beinu'  well  nndiislonil  that  this  lerrei- 
'  nielll  is  nut  to  tie  eonstrind  to  ihe  piejndlee  of 
'  any  elaiiii  whieli  ( iilier  of  the  two  hisih  eontrin  I- 

*  ini:  parties  iiiav  have  to  any  part  of  the  said 
'  eoillitry.  liur  sliall  it  be  taken  to  alVeet  ihe  ehiinis 
'  of  .my  other  I'mver  or  SSinle  to  any  pari  of  the 
'  said  I'liiiiiiry:  tin-  only  objeet  nf  ih,.   hi^'l ii- 

*  trai'iiii'j  parlies,  in  lliat  respeei,  Ixlni:  to  prevent 

*  dispiiiis  and  diii'erenres  anionic  themselves.'' 

The  two  :.rls.  the  resloralion  ul'  i.iir  possession 
and  ihe  sti:iijuine  of  the  emiveniimi,  v\ere  nearly 
contcniporaiieuui> — llie  latter  Utkiiij;  jilttct;  biitfuur- 


lern  dayi  Hiiliseqiiciitly  to  ilic  foniier.  Wo  wi'r<'  j 
then,  118  adiiiitlid  by  Lord  CnHtlerui^li,  eiilitli  d  to 
be  I'liiisidered  as-ihe  party  in  possessiuii',  and  the 
eniiMiition  wliieh  sii{iiilatiil  thai  the  lerriiory 
shiiiild  be  t\tv  and  npeii,  I'or  the  term  of  ten  years 
iViini  the  date  of  its  sii,'iiatiiie,  to  the  vesmls,  liii- 
/.ellN,  and  silbjeilH  nf  ihe  two  eninilries,  Wlthiitll 
ini jiidiee  In  any  elaiiii  wliieli  eilher  parly  may 
have  III  any  part  ol'  the  same,  )ire.ser\<d  and  iier- 
peiualed  afl  niir  elainis  in  the  territory,  inelnililii; 
the  ai'kiiowledi;ed  riulil  lo  be  emisidend  the  parly 
in  piissessioii,  as  perl'eilly  dnriiii^  the  peiind  vf  its  ; 
eniilimianee  as  they  were  ihe  day  lln  eoiiMiilioii 
W.is  signed.      I  If  this  lllere  eall  be  no  dolllil. 

.Vfli'r  an  abortive  atleiiipi  to  ailjnsi  ihe  elainis  of 
the  two  parlies  to  the  ti  riitnry,  in  b's-J-l,  aiinthi  r 
111  ;;oiialion  wa.s  I'oniineni-ed,  in  IH'JIi — wliieh  ler- 
ininatid  in  reiievMii^;,  on  the  lilli  of  Aiiiliisl,  |h:>7, 
the  lliiril  artiile  nf  the  eoiueiiiioii  of  IHIH,  prior  lo 
IIS  expiration.  Itprinid'd  for  the  iiiili  finite  ex- 
tension of  all  the  provisioiiM  of  the  third  artiele  of 
that  eoiivention;  and  .i!so  lliat  either  parly  niiulit 
lermiiiati'  it  at  any  lime  it  niii;ht  think  lit,  by  i;iv- 
iiiu'  one  year's  ni.tiic.  alii  r  tin  omi,  ui' Deiuln-r, 
l.i'.'H.  li  look,  linwiu  r,  the  preeauiimi  uf  prnvi- 
dini;:  expressly  that  "  ni>thiuf^  t-i'iituiiuit  in  lliit  re/i-  : 

*  iriUiitnt  «i'  in  tin-  third  urtirlr  t>t'  thr  cvnvrniiuti  of 

*  Ibr  'Jil//*  Orltititr,  If*].*^,  hrrelnj  rtniliinirtl   in  furre, 

*  shut!  lir  conatrnrfl  Iti  ini/an'r  m*  in  (iiii;  laiiiiittr  nlhrt 
'thr  cliiinm  vhirh  i  i//ii  r  e/  //n  rea/riii/iiiif  iiiir/ici 
'  nifty  hiifr  tn  ini'j  jinrt  i;/'  thr  ronnlrij  irtMirnni  nl  thr 

*  Slanij  or  Uvrkij  /iii-i(ii/i/iii.5."  That  eiinveiition  is 
now  ill  foree,  and  has  eontiiiued  In  be  so  Hiiiee  the 
expiration  of  that  of  jHlf.  l!y  the  iuiiil  opiralion 
of  Ihe  two,  our  riirhl  to  be  eunsiileied  the  iiarty  in 
pos.sessimi,  and  all  ilie  elainis  we  Inid  In  the  terri- 
tory while  in  pos.sissimi,  are  prisirM  d  in  as  full 
vium-  as  ihey  were  at  the  ilalr  nf  its  n  sloialiun  ill 
IHIH,  witliiiiil  III  ill','  all'ei'ied  or  iiii|iaired  by  the 
sellleineiils  siiiee  made  by  the  siibjeels  of  Ciieat 
I'ritain. 

Time,  indeed,  so  f.ir  fiuin  imjiairin;.;  onr  elainis, 
has  i;riatly  sti'ein;ilieiiid  lliem  siiiee  that  period; 
for,  siiiee  then,  the  treaty  of  I'lorida  transferii  d  lo 
us  :ill  ihe  rii;lils,  i-laiins,  and  preinisiniis  nf  ."^p,  in 
to  llii'  whole  territory,  ii.s  has  hi  i  ti  si.iieil.  In  emi- 
seijiii  iii-e  ul  ihis,  onr  elainis  In  ihe  |imiiun  dritin-  d 
by  the  Culiiinbia  river — the  poiiii  nnw  the  siibji  i-l 
111'  eonsideralimi — have  been  iiitnli  slreni;llieiiei|, 
by  ;.'i,iii:r  ii--<  ihe  liieonieslable  ehiiiii  to  ihe  diseo.- 
iry  of  the  nionlli  nf  the  ri\ir  b\  lleeela,  Jilii.\e 
stall  d.  Pan  it  is  nut  in  this  pariiinlar  only  that  it 
has  I. pi  rail  ,1  in  onr  liuor.  dur  well-foiinded  elaiiii 
^'runndid  mi  euniiniiity,  has  ;.'really  sirens;theiied, 
diiriie:  ihe  same  pi  rind,  by  llie  rapid  aiUanee  of 
onr  p..).iiliiiion  towards  the  territory — its  irreai  iii- 
ereiisr,  i  speeially  ill  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi  i 
— as  well  as  the  i,'really  inereased  faiilily  of  pass- 
iii^Mii  the  |i  rritory  by  iiioie  mi-essible  iiniies,  and 
the  far  stronirer  and  lapidly-swilliiii;  tide  ufpupii- 
laliun  ihiit  has  ri iiily  emnmenii'd  llnwini^  iiiloii. 

AVln  n  ilie  first  eonveiiliiiii  was  emii'luded,  in 
I8IH,  onr  wliule  popnlalinn  did  iiol  i  xi  eeil  nine 
inillimis  of  peuplr.  'i'he  porlimi  of  it  iiih.ilnlin!,' 
the  SlHlis  in  tin  :;reiit  vaihy  of  ihe  .Mississippi 
WMs  prubabtv  under  one  millimi  seven  hiiiidied 
thniisaud — III'  whieli  I'lil  iiiine  than  two  liiindii  d 
lliousand  v\ire  mi  the  wt  st  sideufthe  ri\er.  Now, 
mil  popii!:iiion  mi'V  be  '.iil'  ly  istiieiiied  at  not  less 
llnii  inialeen  niillions — of  \i  hii  h  at  leasl  ei^di' 
nnllioiis  inhabit  the  Stalls  mid  'I'erriinrii  s  in  ihe 
valley  of  the  .Mississippi,  and  of  whi.h  iijiwards 
.  if  one  million  are  in  ilw  .Sia'es  and  Territories  wi  si 
of  tlial  river.  This  puriimi  ol"  our  pupulalimi  is 
iiuw  iii.-iiaslnj;  fai  in. ire  rii)iidly  than  e\er,  and 
uill,  ill  a  shurt  time,  fill  ihe  whole  tier  uf  Slates 
on  its  western  bank. 

T.I  this  ijreat  nn  lease  of  popnlali.in,  es]iti'ui!l\' 
ill  the  valley  of  tlie  .Mississippi,  may  be  ailih  d  ihe 
iii.ri  a.si  d  faeilily  uf  ri.a'hinK  ihe  On  ..,1111  Ti  rrilmy. 
ill  e..lisei|neni  e  ol'llie  ilisemi  ry  of  the  ninarkable 
liass  in  the  Porky  inulinlains  al  the  hi  ad  of  the 
La  Platte.  The  de|irtssiiiti  is  so  ..'leal.  mid  the 
pass  S.I  sniooih,  ihal  luaded  wai^oiis  now  travel 
w  illi  lae i lily  from  Missouri  III  the  1  an ii:abli  v\aters 
iif  the  Culumbia  ri\er.  Tin  sr  juint  eaiisi  s  have 
h.id  ilie  eli'i-ei  of  inriiiiii;  the  eiirn  nl  ot'mir  pupii la- 
lion  toward.i  the  territory,  and  an  emti^iatimi  i  sii- 
inated  at  not  less  than  one  ihmisaiid  diiriiiLr  the 
last,  and  lifieeii  himdied  the  present  year,  has 
lloued  into  It.  The  I'lirrint  thus  eiinnni  need  will 
110  duubt  cuiilinuc  lo  llow  with  iiicixused  vuluinu 


licreaner.  Tliere  i-aii  thuii  he  no  doiilit  nnw  llint 
the  operation  of  the  same  eaiiseN  wliieh  iliipelhd 
onr  popnliitioii  wistward  fnnii  the  slinriH  nf  llie 
Allanlie  aeniBs  llie  Alliu'liany  lo  the  valley  of  the 
MisHissippi,  will  impel  llieiii  niuvnrd  vvii'li  iioeii- 
miilaliiiK:  lime  aerosN  ihe  lioeky  inuniitaiiiN  into 
llie  Milley  of  the  Cohinibiii,  and  iliiil  the  whole  n- 
:;ion  ilraliied  by  it  is  desliiied  In  he  pi  upled  by  lis 

Siieli  are  onr  elainis  to  lliat  pmiion  of  tin' li  rri- 
tory, nnil  the  (;niimds  on  whiili  they  list.  The 
lindel'simied  bl'lieves  lliim  In  be  w  ell-iiilllillell,aiilt 
triisls  ilnil  llie  Ib'iiish  Plenipoieiiiiary  will  see  in 
ihiiii  siiriii'ient  nasiiins  why  he  shnnlil  di  eline  Urn 
prmiosal. 

'rlie  iindei'sii:iied  Pleiiipnieiitiarv  abstains,  for 
llie  pn Mill,  fnini  presentiii!,'  the  elainis  whieli  the 
I'nitid  SialeN  niuy  have  to  oilier  portions  of  ilio 
n  riiiiiry. 

The  niiilersiL'tiiil  mails  himsilfof  lliii  orenHion 
to  n  new  to  the  Ibitish  Pleiii|ion'iitiary  iisHiiraiieeM 
of  his  hi^di  eonsideriition. 

J.  ('.  CALHOUN 

K.  PakenhaMi  Emp,  &e.,  &i\,  i&c. 

SKt'Ti:MnF.n  12,  1844. 

The  iiiidersi.^iieil,  liritish  Plenipoieiiiiary,  has 
studied  with  niiieli  inlen'st  anil  iilieniiun  the  siale- 
iiieiit  (marked  \)  |in  seined  by  ihe  Aiiierii  1111  Pleiii- 
|ioieiiiiary.  Hettin.j;  linlli  the '::roiiiids  on  wliieh  he 
ill  i-lines  ihe  proposal  oll'en:d  by  llie  Priiish  Pleni- 
poieiiiiary as  a  eompniinise  uf  ihe  dillieilllies  uf  lln: 
Ore^rnn  ipii  slimi.  The  nrraiiiri  iiient  emitemplniiil 
by  the  uniiirsal  would,  in  the  estinnilion  of  the 
Air.,  rii  .11  I'leiiipoteiiiiary,  have  the  ell'eet  of  n'- 
slrietini:;  ihe  possessions  of  the  United  StaO's  to 
liinilN  liir  nime  1  innmarribed  than  their  eliiiin.s 
elearly  entitle  them  lo. 

The  elainis  of  the  I'nited  States  In  the  purlion  of 
territory  drained  by  the  Culumbia  river  me  divided 
into  those  addn.'eil  by  the  I'nited  Slates  in  their 
own  proper  ri^'lil,  and  thnse  wliieh  they  have  de- 
rived fnnii  Fraiiee  anil  Spain. 

The  foniier, as imainsU ileal  Britain, they  ijroinid 
on  priority  of  di.seovery  and  prioriiy  of  exploralioii 
and  .seitlemeiii. 

The  elaiiii  derived  IVmii  Kninee  ori._'iiiiiles  in  the 
treaty  of  ISO.'I,  by  wliieii  Lmiisiiina  was  eeiji  d  to 
the  f'nited  .States,  with  all  lis  riulils  and  iippiirie- 
iKiiiees,  as  lolly  anil  in  the  same  nmniier  as  tin  y 
had  been  iii-ipiired  by  the  I'reni'h  repiibln- ;  and 
the  I'laiin  derived  iVnm  .Spain  is  loniiiled  mi  ilio 
treaty  eoiiiliided  with  that  Power  in  the  year  l^lll, 
whereby  his  Catholii-  .Miljesiy  eeded  to  the  I'niled 
Stales  all  his  ii:,dils,  elainis.  and  pnlensions,  to  the 
lerriloiies  lyiie.'easl  and  north  ofaeerlain  line  ter- 
minatiii:;  nil  the  Pueilie.iii  the  forty-seemid  deijno 
..f  iiorlh  laiioide. 

nepariin:,'  I'nnn  the  order  in  which  these  tlirei! 
SI  |.aiale  elainis  an'  presenleil  by  the  Ameriean 
Plenipoieiiiiary,  llie  lirilisli  Plenipoieiiiiary  will 
fust  lieu'  leave  10  obsi  r\e,  with  reiianl  to  the  elaiiii 
derived  fniiii  r'ninee,  lliat  In  has  not  been  able  10 
diseover  any  evidenee  lendiier  loisialilish  the  be- 
lief that  Louisiana,  as  nri:i:iiially  pussessed  by 
rratiee,  afii  rwards  traiistiried  to  Spain,  then  re- 
tniiedeil  by  .Spain  lo  K.-ailee,  and  lllliinalely  eeded 
by  liie  l.iliir  Powi'r  lu  the  I'lllled  .Stales,  exti  ruled 
i.i  a  weslerly  direi'iion  bevund  the  Hm-ky  niniiii- 
laiiis.  There  is,  on  liie  niher  hand,  siroin^  reason 
lo  suppose  that  al  the  time  when  Luiiisiana  was 
eeded  lo  tin-  Cniied  Siales  iis  neknow  ledii'ed  wesi- 
I  rii  boundary  was  the  lioeky  iienintaiiis.  Sie-li 
appear.-  lo  have  bei  ;i  tin'  opiniuii  ol  Pnsiileiit  .lef- 
(erson.    niili  r  wln.se  auspi.es   the  aei^nisiiimi  of 

LoiiisMiia  w.is  ill mphshed. 

Ill  a  letter  vvriiien  by  him  in  Ani;n«t,  1NI3,  arc 
lo  be  liiinnt  the  I'ollowiinr  words: 

"  The  buninbiriis  (of  Louisiana)  wliieh  I  deini 
'  mil  ailiniuiin:  (pii'sliiin  are  the  ln:rli  lands  tn]  ihe 
'  wesiern  sidr  of  ihe  Mississippi,  iiielniliiiL' all  its 
'  waters — the   .Missouri    ut   eniirse — and   termina- 

*  tile:  in  the  line  dr.iwii  I'ruiii  the  norlliwest  p.iiiit 
'  uf  the  Lake  of  the  Woods  to  the  nearesi  soiiree 

*  of  ihe  .Mississippi,  ;.s  lately  s). tiled  between  Gnat 

*  Ib-iiain  and  the  ITuiied  Stales." 

in  aniiiheraiid  nion:  formal  doeiinienl,  dated  in 
July,  1.^117 — tieit  is  to  say,  nearly  a  year  after  liie 
return  of  Lewis  and  Clarke  I'rmii  their  expedilioii 
tn  the  Paeilie,  and  lil'ieen  years  after  CJray  had  eti- 
Iciud  llic  Culiiiiibia  river— la  recorded  Mr.  Jelltr- 


I 


184R.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  rONORESSinXAT.  GLOnE. 


97 


*^Oth  CoNn I  ST  Srsi. 


The  tlrrjj^on  (■^mution. 


Iiilll'l  How  tllllf 
ivllil'll   illllli'llill 

Hliim  8  III'  ihc 
!■  Milli  y  III'  ihr 
ml   Willi   niTii- 

UnllllllllllN    init) 

I  ilii'  u  liiiii'  n- 
u  ii|it<'(l  l>y  IIH 
iiiii  ot'  till'  ((  ri'i- 
lii  y  n  "I,  'I'liP 
]|-ii>iiiiilril,iui(t 
iiry  w  ill  fif  in 
lulii  ilci'liiie  liiH 

V  iiliHliiiiL-,  I'lir 

lilll^   wllirll  lIlR 

KirtiiiiiM  lit'  ilin 

f    tllil    llC'CllMilill 

iiiry  immiraiu'ca 
ALHOUN 


iF.n  12,  1H44. 

loli'iiliiiry,  li.in 
■iilirin  the  Nliili'- 
Uiirririin  I'lciii- 
Is  on  u  liicli  lir 
■  lirilisli  I'liiii- 
illii'iillirK  iifilie 

II  r(>iiiriii|ilnl<'il 

illlMlioll  of  llll' 
If     I'lli'l-t     Ol"   11'- 

iiiti'il  Still's  III 

III  tlii'ir  rliiiiiis 

0  ilic  jiorlion  of 
iviT  iirr  ili\iilril 
SuiUH  ill  lliiir 

1  lliiy  Imvi'  ilc- 

liii.lliiynroiiiiil 
'  (i|"rX|p|oriilioii 


iiinli'.x  ill  ilw 

WMS  I'tlll  ll  III 

iiitil  apinuH' 
iiicr  as  ilii-y 
lilii';  nun 
iiitf'il  on  llic 
!■  yrnr  I8I!I, 
1  llll-  I'liiinl 
sioiis,  ll)  (hi; 
rliiiii  liiii;  liir- 
11(1  (lisriTC 


1  llirsc  iliiri! 
Anii'i'ii'.'in 
ilriiiiiiry  will 
III  ilir  cliiini 
lirrii  iiMi'  lo 
llilrsll  tlir  1.1- 
.issrll  liy 
,  flirn  rr- 

lil.ilrlvi-i'lloil 
iNlillllril 

Hiirky  1111)1111- 
iroiiu''  riii.S'in 
iiiisiiiiia  W;IH 
Iciliii'il  wrsi- 
laiiis.  tSii'-h 
ri'siili'iil  ,li  I'- 

ir(|uiNilion    of 


iisi.  lMi;t,  arc 

vllirll  !   di'IPl 

liiiiils  on  ihr 

'liiililii:  all  il  I 

III    Irnilllia- 

llllWISI  |l.lllll 

I'lirrsi  soiiric 
i'twi;rii  (-tn  at 

111,  (laird  ill 
iir  al'irr  ilic 
r  (  \|i('ililiiiii 
iray  liail  ( ti- 
ll Air.  J  elk  r- 


DDtl'ii  (iiiininn  III'  llir  ini|i<ilii'v  of  t;lviii.;  olVcni'c  In 
Sjiain  liy  iiiiy  inlinialion  ifiat  llir  rlaiiiiH  ot'  llii' 
Liiilril  Slaii'KrxIcndnl  to  I  lie  I'aiMlii",  anil  wi'  liaM' 
the  iiiillioi'ily  of  an  Ainii'iiini  liislorian,  disiiii- 
jjiiiHlicd  Tor  the  atliiiiinii  and  ii'uniirli  wliirli  lir 
li.is  liisinwid  on  till'  wlioir  siiljicl  ol'  llir  ()rri;on 
'rcirilory,  I'm'  lonclndini;  llial  lln  wish'in  lininida- 
ri<H  ol'  Louisiana,  iiM  il  was  I'ldril  l>y  l''nnirr  lo  llii' 
llnilnl  iSialiH,  wciT  llin.d'  indiralid  liy  naliirc — 
nniiirly,  llir  lii'ili  lands  si|iaraiiir,'  llir  w  alris  of  llii; 
Mis-4issi|i)ii  I'roiii  lliosr  tiillni;  into  ilic  I'liciHr. 

Kroin  nil' a<'i|iiisiiioii,  thru,  of  I.oniNitiiiH,  as  it 
was  rt'irivtil  rroin  l''r:ini'r,  il  snins  rlriir  llial  tlii' 
Uiiiti'il  Slates  ran  ilcilni'i'  no  rliiiin  to  li'iTitory  west 
of  llll'  ItiH'liv  inoniilaiiis.  Dnli'vi'ii  it'll  wrri'  ollicr- 
wit"'',  .Old  il'  l''raiiiT  had  i-vin  [lossi  ssiil  or  assi  rli  il 
a  rlaiin  lo  n  iriloiy  \ii  si  of  llw  Idii'ky  inonnlaiiis, 
lis  a|i|n  rtaiiiiii';  lo  llir  tci-ritoi-y  of  Louisiana,  ihiil 
(.■laiiii,  wliiiti'i  'I'  it  mi^'lit  he,  was  nci-isMarily  Iraiis- 
ftncd  In  .S;iiiiii  wlirn  Lonisiaim  was  ceded  lo  that 
power  ill  ll(i'),  anil  of  eonrse  lieeanie  snlijeet  to  the 
provisions  of  the  trcalv  liclweeii  Spain  and  (ireat 
Ih-ilain  of  I7'.MI,  wliieli  ilfeeiiially  aliro^ated  lite 
cliiim  ol*  Spain  to  exelnsive  (loininioii  over  the  nil- 
oi'i'iipiid  parts  of  the  Anierii'iin  conlincnl. 

To  the  ohservalioiis  of  the  Aiiicriean  Plrnipo- 
leniiary  n  speiiiii','  the  etl'eel  of  I'oniiiinity  in  tiir- 
Iiisliiin:  a  elaini  to  teiritorv,  tin'  uiiilersii;ned  has 
not  failed  to  pay  line  aitent'ion  ;  lint  hesiiliinits  llial 
what  is  said  on  this  head  niav  more  proiierly  lie 
eoiisidereil  as  dinionstraliiie;  tfn-  ;^'reater  (le^rce  of 
interest  wliieh  the  United  Stales  jmssess  liy  reason 
of  contii^niiy  in  a''qnit'iii>;  territory  in  ihiit  iliree- 
tinii,  than  usalleetin;^',  in  any  way,  the  (luesiion  of 
HkIi'. 

The  nndersisneil  will  endeavor  to  Hhow  herrat^er 
that,  in  the  proposal  pnt  in  on  the  pari  of  (ireat 
Hriniin,  the  natural  expei'ialions  of  the  United 
Slates,  on  the  ^n-oiiiul  of  eonti^'iiity,  have  not  lieen 
disreijardei' 

Next  roiiieH  to  lie  examined  the  elaim  di  rived 
from  S|min. 

It  must,  indeed,  lie  neknowhd^ed  that,  tiy  the 
treaty  of  IHli),  Spain  did  eoimy  to  the  Uiiileil 
Slai4's  a'!  thai  she  had  tiie  power  to  dispose  ol'  on 
the  northwesi  ■■oast  of  Anieriea,  north  of  the  4M 
parallel  of  lalitnile  ;  liiil  she  eoiild  iioi  liy  llial  traiis- 
lu'lion  iiiinnl  or  invalii'iie  the  riirhts  wliieh  she  had, 
liy  a  previous  transuclio.  .  acknowlcdi^od  to  beioiiLT 
to  another  i*ower. 

By  the  treaty  of  '-J-lih  (Vtii'ier,  IT'.ll),  Spain  ae- 
knowleil'^'eil  in  (ileal  llrilaiiiiM  'lain  ri;;hls  with  rc- 
spei't  to  those  pans  of  thewestei.'  coast  of  Anieri- 
ea not  alreadv  ort'iipied. 

'I'lics  aelinowliil:;nienl  had  reforciice  espociiilly 
to  the   territory  wlii^h   forms  the  snljeet  of  the 

present  neL;otiation.     If  Spain  < Id  not  make  eooil 

lier  own  rii^lit  lo  ex 'Insive  iloiniiiion  over  those 
rei;ioi,s,  still  less  coiilil  she  eonl'er  siieli  a  ridil  on 
anolher  I'owrr:  and  Iniiee  Cli-eat  Dritain  ar';iii  s 
llial  from  noihiiii;  ileiln,  ed  from  ilie  irialy  of  iMll) 
enn  the  Uniteil  Slates  assert  a  valid  I'laiin  lo  exelii- 
Hive  (loininioii  o\eraiiv  part  of  the  (^rc^^on  Territo- 
ry,' , 

There  remain''  to  le  eoiisidereil  the  elaim  ail- 
vnnrnl  liy  the  United  Stales  on  the  irronnil  of 
piior  discovery  and  prior  exploration  and  settle- 
ment. 

In  'hat  jiart  of  the  memorandnin  of  the  Ameri- 
ean  I'li  iiipoientiarv  which  .spi  aks  of  the  Spanish 
title,  il  is  slated  th'al  ihc  month  of  the  river,  afler- 

warils  called  the  ("oliimlna  river,  was  first  ilis 

vered  liy  llie  Spanish  navistator  llecela.  The  ail- 
niission  of  this  ad  would  appear  to  lie  Hlioijether 
irreeoneihililewilh  a  elaim  to  |iriority  of  discovery 
from  anylliinir  accomplished  liy  ('aptain  Gray. 
To  one,  anil  lo  iiiie  only,  of  ihose  eomniandcrs, 
ran  he  eoncechd  the  me'i it  of  lirsi  discovery.  If 
ileceta's  elaim  is  acknowleil^'ed,  then  Captain 
tiray  is  no  lon^'er  the  discoverer  of  the  ("'olninliia 
river,  if,  on  ilie  other  hand,  prel'erci)i'e  is  sriven 
to  the  achieveiiienl  of  Capiain  (irav,  then  Ilece- 
ta's discovery  cea.-.cs  to  lie  of  any  value.  Hut  il 
is  ai'V'iied  iliat  ihe  United  .States  now  represent 
both  lilies — the  title  of  Heeeta  and  the  title  of 
Uray:  and,  therefore,  llnit,  under  one  or  the  other, 
il  niiiiiers  not  which,  emnn^h  can  lie  shown  lo  es- 
talilish  a  case  ot'  prior  discovery,  as  ii^ainsl  Cireat 
lirilain.  This  may  lie  irne  as  far  as  relales  t^i  the 
act  of  first  seeins;  and  first  enlerimr  tin'  month  of 
the  Colnmliia  river;  hnt  if  the  Spanish  claim  to 
prior  discovery  is  to  prevail,  whatever  riyhts  may 


llnreon  he  foiinded  are  neeessarilv  reslricinl  liy 
the  hli|iiiliilions  of  the  treaty  of  I't'.IU,  which  foi- 
liid  a  claim  In  exelnsive  pn»seN^ioll. 

If  the  act  of  I'apliiin  tiriiy,  in  pnKsiiiL'  the  liar 
and  aciiially  eiiieriiiu  the  river,  is  in  siipi  rseile  the 
discovery  of  the  entrance — which  is  all  tliiil  is 
iiltrilinted  lo  lleeeia, — then,  the  principle  of  iirii- 
unessive  or  !;rinliiiil  discoverv  Ikiiii^  iidntiiieil  ii^s 
conveyinix,  in  pnij-ortton  to  the  exti  nl  of  diseov- 
ery  orexploration,  superior  ri^'hls,   the  opeiatioiis 

"  of  Vaiieonver  in  enteriie,',  siirveyhnr,  and  explor- 
inL'.  lo  a  eonsideralile  ilislimce  inland,  the  rivc'r 
Cohmiliia,  would,  as  a  ni  cessarv  eoiiseipienci , 
supersede  llie  discovery  of  Captain  (iray,  to  say 
iioihini^  of  the  net  of  Inking  possession  in  the 
name  of  his  soverei'.;!! — which  cemnonv  was  duly 
performed  and  aiitheiilieally  recoided  liy  Capiain 
v'aneonver. 

This  liriiiL's  us  In  an  exnmiliaiion  of  the  eon- 
flictini;  elainiM  of  Cireat  lirilain  and  the  Unitnl 
States  on  the  irronnd  of  discovery,  which  may  he 
said  lo  form  the  essential  point  in  the  disciissinn  ; 
for  it  has  aliove  hei  n  shown  that  Ihe  claim  ile- 
rividfrom  France  ninst  lie  eoiisidereil  as  of  litile 
or  no  wciuhl,  while  that  derived  IVoni  .Spain,  in  as 
far  as  relates  to  exclusive  dominion,  is  neiitrali/.ed 
liv  the  slipiilaiion.,  of  the  .N'ootka  eoiivi'iilion. 

It  will  he  admiltiil  that  when  the  I'nited  Stales 
lieeatne  an  iiiile|ieiii|eiit  iiiiiioii,  they  po.-'sessed 
no  claim,  direct  or  indirect,  in  the  ( 'olimihia  Ter- 
ritory. Their  western  hoiindary  in  those  days 
was 'denned  hy  llie  Irialy  of  17'^:t.  (ireat  Mriiain, 
on  ihe  contraiy,  had  at  thai  time  already  directeil 
her  attention  to  the  northwest  coa.-l  of  .\iiierica — 
as  is  Miitlicienllv  shown  l>y  the  voyatre  and  discov- 
eries of  Captain  Coolc,  who,  in  1778,  visited  mid 
explored  a  srreal  portion  of  il,  from  lalilnde  44'' 
northwards. 

That  (ir(>al  lirilain  was  the  first  to  aeipiire  what 
may  he  called  a  lienelicial  interest  in  those  re;;ioiis, 
liv  iMinmercial  intercoiir.se,  will  nol,  i  illier,  he  de- 
nied. In  proof  of  this  P.ici,  we  have  the  voyatfes 
of  several  Hritish  sulnecis,  who  visiled  the  const 
and  adjiicenl  islanils  previoifly  to  the  dispute  with 
Spain  ;  and  that  her  commerce,  iicinal  as  well  as 
prospective,  in  that  part  ot'  the  world,  was  consi- 
dered a  matter  of  ureal  national  importance,  is 
shown  liy  the  resolute  measures  which  she  took 
for  its  protection  when  Spain  manifested  a  dispo- 
sitioii  to  interfere  with  it. 

The  (liseovi.'i'ii  s  of  .Men res  in  17HH.  and  the  eoni- 
plele  snrxey  of  the  co.'iin  and  its  adjacent  islands, 
from  ahoiit  liiiitiide  411'-'  northwards,  which  was 
(ll'eiMi'd  liy  Captain  Vancouver  in  17!I'J.  17!l.'i.  and 
17114,  would  appiar  to  srive  to  Cireat  lirilain,  as 
ll^ainst  the  United  Stales,  as  stroiii:  a  claim,  on  the 
'.:ronn(l  of  discoverv  and  e>  iilor.itiim  eote^iwise,  as 
can  well  he  iiiia'^ined,  limited  onlv  l.y  what  was 
acconiplished  hv  CJapiain  Ciray  at  the  month  of  ihe 
Colninhia,  which,  as  t'ar  as  discovery  is  eoiicerned, 
t'ornis  till!  Htronir  point  on  the  Ameriean  side  of  the 
i|iiestion. 

In  point  of  ivcnracy  and  anthenlieily,  it  is  he- 
lievi'd  thai  the  perl'ormances  of  Cook  and  'Vnneon- 
ver  stand  i>re-eniiiiently  sti]>erior  to  those  of  any 
other  eoiintrv  whose  vessi'ls  had  in  those  days 
visiled  tile  Xorthwest  coasl  ;  while  in  point  of  value 
and  imporlaiice.  surelv  the  discovery  of  a  simple 
liarhor,  althovn^h  at   the  month  of  an   important 

i  river,  cannot,  as  triviin.:  a  claim  lo  territory,  he 
placed  in  conipelition  with  the  vast  extent  of  dis- 
covery and  survey  acconijilislied  liy  the  Itrilish 
naviu;atois. 

I      As    re;rards    exploraiioii    inland,   eiilire    instiee 

,  must  he  done  to  the  mnnoralile  exploit  ot'  Lew  is 
mid  C'larke;  Inn  those  ihsiiiurinsheil  iravellers  were 
not  Ihe  (irsi  who  iirecieil  a  pass.e^e  across  llie  Ore- 
i^on  Territory  t'roni  the  Uocky  nioimtains  to  the  Pa- 
eifio.     As  l!iV  hack  as  17'.i:t  ihai  f.ai  had  lieen  ac- 

'  comphshed  hv  Ahe  keir.'.ie.  a  Ii''iiisli  siil.ject.  In 
the  course  of  this  expedition,  Maekeir/.ie  explored 
Ihe  upper  waters  of  a  river,  since  called  l''i-i':er's 
river,  v-hicli.  in  process  ot'  time,  was  traced  ui  its 
jiinciion  v.'ith  the  sea,  near  ihe  41lih  de'  ice  of 
ialitiide,  llins   I'lirmine,  in  poini  of  exjiloraiion.  a 

j  eonnterpoise  to  the  exploration  of  llial  part  of  the 

I  Colnmliia  whicli  was  first   visited  hy  Lewis  and 

I  Clarke. 

Priority  of  settlement  is  the  lliiril  plea  on  which 
the  American  elaim  proper  is  made  to  rest. 

In  ISll  an  estahlishment  for  the  piii'poses  of 
trade  was  fonuud  at  the  south  side  of  ihc  Colum- 


Srnatk  and  Ho.  nr  Kf.pi. 

Ilin  river,  near  lo  ilN  iiiontji,  hy  certain  ,\iiii  rienil 
eili/eiiH,  This  esiMlilinhinenl  passed  diiriii!;  the 
war  iiilo  the  liaiids  of  llritish  Hiih|eeis:  Inn  it  wiiN 
I'l'sioi'iil  to  the  ,'\iiierican  (lovi  riiiin  ill  in  the  year 
IdH,  hy  III)  llliderslalidillL'-  helweell  llie  twoC'iov- 
erinnenis.  Siiiee  ilnii  it  has  not,  how  ever,  heeii 
in  reality  occupied  hy  .Vmericans.  This  in  llie 
ease  of  iiiiorily  of  seitlVnii  nl. 

The  .Ann  riniii  I'lenipoieiiliary  lays  some  mren-i 
on  ihe  admission  iitiiihnied  to  Lord  Casttereauh, 
then  Principal  Seen  lary  of  State  for  l''on  iuii  .\f- 
I'.iiis,  llial  "llie  Ameriean  (iovi  riinn  ni  had  ihe 
•  most  ample  ri'jht  to  he  reinstateil,  iniil  to  he  eon- 
'  siilered  tile  parly  in  possession  while  tiiiiliinr  of 
'  ihe  title."  The  iiiiilersii;tii'il  is  not  inclined  to 
di.''piile  an  nsserlion  rrsiinix  on  such  respectaldc 
antnorily.  Put  he  nniKi  oliserve,  in  llie  tirsi  place, 
that  the  resirMilion  iniplied  hy  ihe  words  "while 
treaiiiiL,'  III'  the  title,"  exi'lnde  any  iiil'eience  which 
mi'.'hl  otherwise  he  ilrawii  iVinii  the  precedin:; 
words  pri  jiiilieial  lo  the  title  of  (ireat  riritaiii;  ami 
fitrtlnr,  thai  when  the  a.ithority  of  the  .Americaii 
.Minister  is  thus  .idmilted  foran  ol  si  rviilion  which 
is  phadeil  ai.'ainsi  ICiiL'land,  il  is  hiil  I'.iir  thai  on 
the  pari  ol'ihe  United  Stan  s  I'ledil  should  he  iriveii 
lo  I'.n!,daii(l  t'or  the  antheiilicitv  of  a  despatch  iVoiii 
Lord  Ciisllereai'h  to  the  Itrili.sli  Minisnr  at  Wasli- 
imrlon,  v\  liicli  was  coninnniicated  verhallylo  the 
fiovernnient  of  the  Uiiiiid  Stales,  when  the  ri  sin- 
ration  ot'llie  estalilishinenl  called  .'\storiti,  or  Foit 
(-ieort;i  ,  was  in  eonteinplation,  co.itaininir  a  eom- 
lih'te  ri  servaiion  of  ihe  rit;lils  of  h'tiuland  to  iho 
territory  at  the  momli  of  the  Columhia. — (.Slate- 
mi  111  of  the  llritish  PlenipolentiarieN,  Uceemher, 
IH'JH.) 

In  line,  the  present  slate  of  the  rpieslion  between 
the  two  Ciovermneiits  ii|i]>ears  to  be  this:  Cireat 
Pritaiii  possesses  and  exereises,  in  eoinmon  with 
ihe  I'liili  (I  .Stales,  a  ritil'.t  of  joint  occiip.incy  in  tin- 
OieL''oii  Territory,  of  vvliieh  rielil  she  can  he  di- 
vested, with  respi  cl  to  nnv  part  of  tluil  territory, 
only  by  an  <(pntahle  partition  of  ihe  whole  he- 
Iween  ihe  Iwo  Powers. 

It  is,  I'or  ol. villus  reasons,  esirable  thni  such  a 
partition  slionid  lake  iilace  us  soon  as  possible  ; 
and  the  dilliciiliy  a|i|ieiirs  to  he  in  devisiin;  a  line 
of  deniarcaiion  which  shall  leave  to  eaeli  party  that 
precise  portion  of  the  territory  best  suited  lo  ils 
interest  and  eonveiiienre. 

1'lie  Pritish  Ciovirnmenl  entertained  the  hope 
thai,  h\'  the  proposal  lately  Mthmiiied  ("or  the  eon- 
sideralioii  ot  the  .Americaii  Ciovertiineiit,  that  ob- 
ject would  have  been  aceiiniplislKil. 

Accorditii^  to  lite  arran'/emeitl  therein  coniitn- 
plaied.  the  northern  bonnilary  of  the  Uiiilid  Siaiis 
west  ot'  the  Uocky  nionnttiins  would  I'or  a  consid- 
erable disianee  be  earrii  d  jiloiiir  the  same  parallel 
of  latilude  which  forms  their  norihern  boundnrv 
oil  the  eastern  side  of  those  moiniiains — thus  imi- 
tii,','  the  pi'i'sent  eastern  boundary  of  the  I heijoii 
Territorv  with  the  western  bonuiiarv  of  the  riuti.d 
Stales,  iVoin  the  h>rlv-niiiili  (•■aralh  1  dow  iiward,-. 

From  ihe  point  where  the  4'.lili  deL'rei'  of  l.ititndp 
intersects  the  iiorlheaslern  braiieh  ot'llie  C'.inmbia 
river,  (called,  in  ihal  iiart  of  its  eourse,  Alcl.iilli- 
vray's  river.)  the  imiposed  lineof boundary  wonlil 
be  aloiiir  the  middle  of  thai  river  liil  il  joins  ihe 
C^olundda  ;  then  aloiu^  ihe  middle  of  the  ( 'oiumhia 
to  the  ocean — the  iiaviL'nlion  of  the  rivi  r  n  niainii::; 
per|ietnallv  i'nr  toiioth  parties. 

In  addition,  CJreal  l!ritaiii  oll'ers  a  separate  terri- 
torv on  ll'.e  Pacific,  po>sessin;r  an  i  xci  lleiil  harbor, 
with  a  I'iniher  iniderstandini^  llial  luiv  porl  or 
ports,  whether  on  Vaneonver's  island  or  on  the 
ennlinent  .<onth  id'  the  4!lth  parallel,  lo  which  the 
United  .Stales  niiKliI  desire  lo  have  aceesi",  shall  be 
made  f'lee  ports. 

It  is  helievi'd  thai  by  this  arrans-em'tit  ample 
justice  wonld  be  done  lo  the  claims  of  the  Unilid 
States,  on  whatever  irroond  adv. meed,  with  rela- 
tion lo  llie  CreLron  Territory.  .-Vs  rcL-aivIs  extent 
of  territorv,  they  would  obtain,  acre  for  acre, 
nearly  half  of  Ihe  entire  territory  lo  be  divided. 
As  relales  to  the  naviiration  of  the  principal  river, 
iliey  would  enjoy  a  jierfeci  eqnahiy  ot'r'iiht  with 
Cireat  lirilain;  and,  with  respect  lo  harbors,  it 
will  be  seen  that  (ireat  lirilain  shows  every  dispo- 
sition to  eotisnlt  their  convenience  in  that  pjirtici.- 
lar.  (In  the  other  liiuid,  were  Cireat  lirilain  to 
abandon  the  line  of  the  Columbia  as  a  frontier, 
and  to  surrender  her  riirlit  lo  the  iiaviL^ation  of  that 
river,  the  prejudice  occasioned  to  her  by  such  an 


88 


ai'im:m)ix  to  tiik  coNciUKssioisAi,  r.i.()ni:. 


fDiic.  '2, 


U\H\i  I'osii |yr  Skhh. 


The  Oirifon  (■^ni-.iiinn. 


Srnatk  anu  Ho.  »p  Hr.rs. 


iirriiiiii<<in»nt  woiilil,  licyniiil  nil  nniiHirlinn.  rxorpil 

llii  iiili.iiii.iac  iKMriiiiii;  III  till'  I'nitiil  Mnicii  (Viim 
ilic  p.ix.  ••-irM  nl'n  liw  iiiiirc'  ii.|iiMri'  iiiili  :<  mI' lirri- 
lorv>  l>  iiiii-<i  I  r  iilitiiiiiH  iix'M  rv  iiii|'iir»al  liiviH> 
lisiUi'f  "I'  llii'  Hiilijrii,  lliiil,  ill  mllnTiii;  III  ilii'  liiif 
lit' tilt' (iililiiilii«.t<ii'iil  llriiiiiii  ix  Mill  iiilliii  Mi'i'il 
liV  ni'ilitin  III' iiiii''iiiiiii.  wiili    ri  r  rriH'i'   In  rxirni 

oi'  ll'ri'll>>l'\  ,    l>MI     liV  l'llll'*lllrl'lll|i<IIH    III'  IllilllV,  llnl 

III  Htty  niri  i*Hti  V',  >N  liii'l)  riniMiil  It  IiihI  Npjit  ol*.  ami 
I'lr  u liii'li  mIImU^iiii'i'  iiiiitlil  III  III  iiiiiili ,  III  nil  nr- 
rriiiL'i'iiii'iiI  |iriit'ri«.'<in'x  In  lir  liani'il  nn  rniiMilfi'iiliiiMH 
(It'llllllll  il  i'<lll\rii:nirr  lltlil  Mllv.llllaL^r.  i 

'I'hr  MMili'rNi'.'iiril  li'lii'Vi.t  till  III'  liiiii  iiiiw  till- 
tiiMil  nil  lliciir.'iiiiiiiiiH  mlMmii  il  \v  tin'  Aiiiirli'nii 
l'li'iij|iiili'liliary  ii<  onlcr  In  nIiiw  t'lial  llir  I'liitiil 
Siati'.H  iiri'  lairlv  I'litiilcJ  In  tin'  nitirc  ri  nimi  (Iniinril 
l>v  till' i'liliiniliiii  rnrr.  Hi' miii'inly  I'i'LTiIh  lliiil 
llii'ir  vii'WN  nil  tliJK  Muliji'i't  njiimlil  liitlii'  In  nu  iimiiy 
i-HM''iitial  ri  NjM'i-i". 

Il  I'  111  liiiM  I'nr  liiiii  in  ri'i^iirNl  llint,  iii'  llir  Aiilcr- 
iraii  I'll  iii|iniontiary  ili'i'liiiis  tin-  iini|i'i.«al  iill'rrril 
lilt  till"  |>.iil  nl't  ir"al  llrilniii,  lir  will  liavi'  llir  icmiil- 
iii'HM  to  8iiiin  wimt  nrraii:ri'iiii''il  I"'  i^i  mi  iIh'  part 
111'  llir  I'niii'il  Siiiti'N,  jiri'i'and  In  jirniiii;*!'  I'nr  nil 
f'lliiiiahlr  nilpi.-  :iiii  iii  nl'  tin'  (iin';*linii ;  niiil  nmiT  i-s- 
Iifi'i.illy  lliiii  In;  will  Irivi'  tiir  jrnnilni.''»  In  ili  tiiin 
Ihii  iiaiiiii  mill  rxniii  nl'  tin-  rlaiiin  wliirli  ilic 
l;'niti'(l  Ktairs  limy  linvo  lo  ntlii'r  ]inriinii.<  n|"  llii' 
lirrilnry,  In  wliii'li  alliisinii  is  inaili'  in  llii'  mii- 
I'liiiliiii;  part  nt'  hi'*  Nt.iiMiiMit;  a>i  ii  i^  nliviniiM  that 
li'i  firranu'i-nu'iil  ran  I'O  tuailr  \\  it!i  rr^in'ri  In  a  |inr- 
linn  nl'  tilt'  Irrritnry  in  iliMimlr.  wiuir  a  I'laiiii  ia 
rc»'r»i'(l  In  niiy  |inriinii  n|'  ilic  I'l'iiiaiiali'r. 

Tin-   limlir«iL.'m'il,   liriii^li   l'lriii|i"iiiiiiary, 
till- liniinr  In   n  iirw   li   till'   Ann  ri'aa    I'lr    ■ 
tinrv  tin'  iinMiraiiii'  nl'  In.i  Ifi'.li  ri  n.-'ilri-aii 

It.  I'AlvK.MIA.M. 


IniH 
li]int(ll- 


(ii.) 

nKPAIlTMfAT  nr  StATK, 

fri/-*.'iiaif/('ii.  ijejilnitiicr  *ll,  ir4'l. 
Tln'iniil'rMi'.Nii'il,  Aiinrii-an  I'li'iiipiilriiiiary.liaH 
rraii  with  llltrlllillll  tlir  ('nlltlt('r-»lall'll1('nt  nl*  llic 
Hriti^ll  I'll  iji|i.iii'iitiarv.  Inn  w  itlimit  w  i  akiiiinir  liis 
cniirnli'iirc  in  iln  valiiliiy  nl'ilic  tiili-  nl'tlir  1 '1111111 
Slater  In  thr  ti-rrilni  •,■,  as  ni'I  I'tirtli  tii  Ins  siaii'iiii'iil, 
(niarki'il  A.)  As  tlirri  in  fi'i  I'lnili,  il  ri  sin,  in  tlir 
lii'.^t  [liai'c,  nil  priniiiy  nl' ilis''n\t'ry«  Hiislaiiiril  liy 
llii'ir  own  prnperi'laiins,  anil  ilmsi;  durivcii  ficm 
Sr.ain  tlimuffli  tin'  tiialy  nl'  Klnrnla. 

'The  llll'Icr'ajlKll  ll'iis  lint  llnili'.-stallll  llll>  rnllll- 

li'i'-siaii'iilfi.'  as  (liiiyiiiu'  llial  tin'  Mpainsli  niiviiin- 
Iniit  wf'pe  till-  lirsl  In  iliscnvcr  anil  rxplnrii  the 
fiitiri-  enast.'.  nl'  ilic  Ori'irnii  'I'lrrlinry ;  imr  that 
H"i-i'ta  was  till'  drat  wlm  disinvi'ii  il  tlio  iiiniitli  nf 
llio  r'nlipiiliia  rtvi'r:  nnr  that  t'ajitniii  liiav  was 
the  lirst  tn  |iass  its  liiu'f  enter  its  iiimith,  anil  -ail 
lip  iis  simiiii;  nnr  llitii  lln'sp,  il' jninily  lii'l.l  liy 
ill'*  I 'r.iU'il  .States,  wnnid  «;ivt'  tin  III  the  piiurily 
nl' ilisrnvi'n'  wliii'li  ihey  I'laini.  On  the  I'niitriiry, 
ii  wniilil  SI 'in  tlial  llie  r.nuntcr-slan  iiient,  fnnn  ihe 
frmuilil  it  Uiltes,  lldnlils  i-llell  wnlllll  he  the  ease  nil 
that  .iippnsiiinii;  i'nr  il  iisKiinies  thai  Spain,  hy 
the  .Nnntlta  Sniiiid  eniivnilinii  in  niiO,  (li»este'il 
liersi  It' of  all  olaini.'i  lo  the  n  niiniy  I'niiiided  iiii 
ti'e  prinr  ilis'-nverv  niid  explnraliniis  nf  her  iia\i- 
;!;iln:-s ;  and  ihal  slie  fniild,  eniisriini-ntiy,  tniiisrer 
imiie  tn  the  I'liited  fetalis  liv  tin-  triaiy  m' I'lnrid... 
Iij\iii-;  put  aside'  the  claims  nf  .S;»ain  hy  (his  a.s- 
p-nmiitinit,  the  eniiiiter-siaieineiit  iii-\l  attempts  In 
npiKise  llm  r'aiins  nf  the  nnileil  .Sla'es  liy  thn.-e 
I'llllided  nil  the  VnvlU'es  fif  * 'aplaiil-i  T'""!;  and 
Aleares,  a  ill  I  In  siijh  i>ede  the  dlsenvi  rv  nf  t  "a,  iM  111 
(irav  cm  the  u:i"nniid  that  N'aiieniiver  .ailed  I'ariln  r 
lip  the  (adiiinhia  river  than  lie  did,  alihmi^'li  he 

I  il'e"ieil  it  hy  the  aid  nf  his  cli>envciriea  null  eharls. 

It  will  lint  he  e\|ii  oil  d  nf  the  nndei'siiiiird  thr.t 
he  slinlilil  siiinuily  niahrlake  In  repel  what  he  is 
rniisiraiiied  tn  rei^ard  as  11  mere  as^'.nnplinii,  1111- 
HUNUtiiieil  by  any  reasnn.  It  is  siitii'ieiit,  on  his 
pari,  In  say  iliaf,  in  his  npininii,  ihern  is  nnihinu; 
111  ihe  N'  'i''!\'-;  Sniind  rnnveiiii'iii,  nr  in  the  traiisai-- 
liniis  wltieh  led  In  1I,  nr  ill  the  eireimislain'es  ai- 
teiidiiii.'  It,  In  wurraiit  the  assumplimi.  The  enii- 
velllinll  11  late  s  wlinllv  tn  nihi  r  Mllijeels,  and  enli- 
laiiis  lint  a  wnrd  in  ri-ferenee  In  the  eliim.snl"  Spain. 

II  is  nn  this  nssnniplinn  lliel  the  ennnter-st  iiemenl 
rests  iiK  nhipetinii  In  liie  well-fniiiiileil  Amerieaii 
elaims  In  piinrily  nf  di-senvi  ry.  Wiilnait  il,  there 
wmild  lint  he  a  plansllile  nhieili'in  lelt  tn  lln  le. 

'i'lie  two  next  c:liuiiiii  011  which  the  L'liiltd  9uica 


ri'Kt  ihnlr  liilr  In  llii<  Irrritnry,  i\«  irt  fiirth  in  Hintc-  II 
iiieni  A,  are  fniiniled  nil  their  nwii  priiprr  riirlil,   ' 
anil  I'annnl   pnysihly  lie  alii  in  d   hy  ihe  iinsiimeil 
elaiiiis  nf  Ureal  llritaiii,  ili  ri\id  finm  the  Mnnlka 
ronvenlinii, 

'I'll"  lirsl  nf  lliesr  is  prinriiv  nf  diseovery  niid 
explnnilinii  i>(  ilie  head-wali'is  and  iinpir  pnrliniis 
nf  the  ( 'nlnnihia  river,  hy  l,e»  is  and  Clarke,  liy 
whi'lilhil  irreal  stream  was  liisl  liviuiiju  In  the 
kiinwledi'e  nf  the  wnrld,  Willi  llie  exi'i  pliiiii  nf  II 

siiiall  |inrtinn  near  tin eaii,  iiiehiiliii'^r  iis  nmi'lli. 

'I'IiIb  the  eniinler  slaleiiieiil  nilinilH,  Inn  alli  nipia  In 
Hi'l  nlVn'rainsi  it  the  prinr  ilis' nvi-ry  nf  .Maikeii/i'e, 
nf  the  head-Halers  nf  h'lasi'r's  ri\i'r — i|iiili'  1111  iii- 
fi  rinr  sliiniii,  wlin  It  drii'iis  the  iinrllierii  |iin'tinii 
nf  Ihe  lerrilnry.  It  is  elear  that,  wliali  ver  ri'j;hl  ' 
(Iri'iil  llriliiiii  tiiay  derive  frniii  liis  diHenMrv,  il 
eiiii  ill  nn  de'_-ree  all'eei  the  rii'lil  nf  the  riiiled 
Slater  In  the  re'.'inii  diiiiliiil  liy  llic  (aihimliia, 
whieli  may  he  eiii|ihotii'ally  culled  llie  river  cif  llie  i 
lerrilnry. 

'I'lie  lleM  nf  lliesp,  Inillllleil  nn  llliiriitt'll  pin^ler 
ri!;hl,  is  prinriiy  nf  si'itleineiil.  Il  is  iinl  di  iiieil 
In-  l!i"  eiamler-siaieiin  III  that  we  I'm-med  llie  lirsl 
seiilemenis  in  the  |'nrlinii  nf  llie  terrilmy  ilniined 
liv  the  Cnliiiiiliia  river;  nnrdnes  it  deny  ihal  .As- 
Inria,  the  tiinsi  I'nnsideraMe  cif  tliein,  was  n  stored, 
under  the  tliinl  nriieli'  nf  llie  Irealy  nf  (iliriil,  liy 
a'-eiils  nn  the  pari  nf  (.'real  llvilaiii,  duly  aiitlmr- 
ized  In  Illlike  Ihi'  n  »lnralinn.  In  all  a  rein  on  the 
part  of  the  I'niled  .Siatis,  duly  n'lllmri/eil  to  re- 
eeive  il.  Nnr  lines  il  deny  thai,  in  viitne  tin  n'nf, 
they  have  ihe  rl'riil  In  he  reinslali  il,  and  eniisidi  red  - 
the  party  in  jmssessinii  while  tri-atiii'.''  nf  the  tiile, 
as  was  admilied  In- r.nrd  ('asllei'ea:;li,  in  the  ne- 

I'liliaiinn  itf  ]H\H:  imr  llial  llii nvenlinn  nf  1H|S, 

s'L'  led  a  few  day  iifler  the  resMralinn,  and  thai  nf 
l-",'",  wliiili  is  siill  in  l'iir"i,  lia\i'  preserved  and 
perpeiimt'd,  until  iinw,  all  the  ri'.dils  they  pos- 
sessed In  the  lerrilnry  at  the  lime.  iiielniliii'.r  llial 
nf  lic'iii'^  reill^•tMll'd  mid  eniisidered  the  par.y  in 
pnssess'nn,  while  ihe  cpieslinii  of  title  is  clipend- 
iiM',  a.'i  is  now  the  i'a-.e.  Il  is  true  it  aiif mnis  tn 
weaken  the  etViet  nf  these  iinpliid  ndmissiniis:  in 
llie  first  |i!aeo,  hy  desiu'iialin/  posiiive  treiilv  stipii- 
laiinits  as  0  ;ni  iindersi  indiii!:  liel'\feii  llie  two 
(inverliniellltl'."  Iml  a  ihall'^'e  nf  nla-as.  nlnv.y  ean- 
iini  pnssihiy  tr'iiisl'nrm  trraiv  nhli'^^-iiinns  into  a 
mm'  iinilerstniidiiiTi  niicl,  in  ih"  next  plaee,  liy 
sMiiiii;  thai  we  have  iint,  siiiee  the  reslnralinii  i^( 
Aslnria.  iif'tiially  ni-enpied  il;  Init  llint  eamini  pis- 
silily  all'i''!  nnr  ri'.'iil  tn  he  reinsiatecl,  and  tn  he 
eniisiderr-d  ill  pnssessinn,  sei'lired  tn  lis  Iiy  llie 
treity  of  (ihent,  iniolied  in  tlie  art  nf  resloralinn, 
and  siii-'e  preserved  hy  positive  treaty  slipnla- 
tinns.  ,\nr  eaii  the  remnrks  of  iho  eniinler-sliite. 
nient,  in  refeienee  to  Lord  Caslleii-ir'.h's  111I1111.S- 
satn,  weaken  our  ri'^hl  ot'  pnssessinn,  seenred  l>y 
the  treaiv,  and  its  Inrmal  and  uneoiniitional  n-sto- 
rtilion  liy  duly  niithori/.ed  le.'eiils.  It  is  mi  these, 
(ind  not  on  ihc>  cleiiial  of  the  niiiheiiiii'iiy  of  Lord 
t'.istlereasli's  despaii  II,  that  the  rniliil  States  rest 
their  ri','lil  of  p""iessinii,  whatever  verhel  eomniii- 
nienlinii  the  I!iiii-.li  Alinis'ir  may  have  ma  le  at 
the  time  to  nnr  Se-reiarv  of  Siale;  aad  ;'  i.>  on 
these  ihnt  they  may  «atc'',y  rest  it,  setlii  i;  asalii 
alt'i'-ellier  the  adniis-'inn  nf  Lord  ('asll";"  iji. 

The  next  eiaims  nn  whieli  niir  litle  in  ihi  lerri- 
l'ir\'  res'  ara  tli"se  di  ri\i  d  I'r. iin  Spain  Ity  I l-e  1  rent y 
fidiii'.'  I.nnisiaiia  In  llie  I'nin-d  .Sia'es,  ill- Indiii'j: 
liaise  she  der'M-d  iVnm  t'creal  r.riiaiii  l.v  the  treaty 
>t\*  ITIi.'l.  It  e^llalllished  the  Mississippi  as  *' llie 
in-i'Voeahle  tinimil  ir\'"  In  Iv.i'  n  the  li-rrilnries  ol" 
l''ranee  and  Ureal  iirilain,  and  Ihei-rliv  Ihe  lain  r 
snrri'jidi  red  In  l-'i-aie-e  all  her  eiaims  on  tlii>:  eniiii- 
iient  wi  si  nf  that  river,  iiiehidintr,  nf  oniirse,  all 
within  the  eharli'i-ed  limits  of  her  then  enlmiies, 
v.hi -Il  exiended  to  the  l'a"lfie  neean.  On  lliese, 
miiteil  with  those  of  Krain'o  as  the  possessor  of 
Lniii-'iaiia,  we  iTst  nnr  elaim  of  eontinnily,  iis  ex- 
teiidiii'.r  to  that  necaii,  wi'hniil  an  nppnsiiiL:;  elanii, 
I  evi'epl  Ih'it  ni'  Sniin,  \\  hieli  we  have  sinee  ae- 
i|iiiriil,  and  eoiisi  (|uenlly  r'.ninved,  hy  the  lieniy 
nf  l-'lnriila. 

The  exlslenee  of  these  claims  the  cniillter-stale- 

nieiii    denies  nn   the  iiiilhnrilv  nf  Mr.  .lell'ersini; 

i  lull,  as  it  aiipears  in  ihe  ,iiideisi'_'iii  d,  wiihnnt  ad- 

ic|nale.  irasniis.     He  lines  nnl  nndc-siiind  .Mr.  .lef- 

I  fersrin  us  dcnvintr  that  the  tliiited  ."Stales  aei^iilied 

any  ■  'aim  In  llie  (')ii"_'nii  'I'lrriinrv  hy  ihe  ai-niiisi- 

liiiii  nf  !_,niiisiana.  eilhei  ill   his    li' lle'r  nf  iMI!!.  re- 

"  ftrrtd  tohy  llie  cnniitcr-stattniuil,  and  I'luin  which 


il  ffivni  nn  cxiruel.  or  in  llis  tlnctinient  nf  IWI7,  In 

whieli  il  nlsn  roll  iM.  Il  is  iiiaiiillsi,  IVnin  thr  cx- 
imcl  itself,  llnl  the  nli|eil  nf  M  i'.  .Iill'ersnli  was 
lint  In  slate  the  extent  of  the  eliiiiiis  ai'iinired  uilli 
Iciitisianii,  Inn  simply  in  stain  how  far  lis  iinijiieH- 
tinned  linimdarieM  extenihili  and  llicHe  he  liiiiil'* 
wisiwarilly  hy  llie  limky  niniiiiiains.  Il  is,  In 
like  manner,  inanili  si,  t'rnm  the  ilni  iinii  nl  as  eileil 
hy  the  niiniler-siateiiii  nt,  that  his  nli|eil  was  not 
III  ih'iiy  lliat  our  eluinis  exinided  to  the  lerrilnryi 
hill  sliiiply  tnexpri  ss  his  niiininii  nf  the  iinpnliey< 
in  the  iheii  siale  of  oiir  relaliniis  wiih  Spain,  of 
hriie.'in,-  tin  111  forwaril.  This,  so  far  t'niin  ih  iiyiie; 
that  we  had  claims,  adiniis  lln  m  hy  the  elcari  st 
iinplieaiinii.  If,  iinh  1  d,  in  eillier  ease,  his  opin- 
ion had  lieeii  eipii\ncally  exprissed,  ihe  prnmpl 
measiirea  adnplcd  l>y  Iniii  In  1  xplnre  the  lerrilnry, 
Mller  the  treiily  Mas  nc  ■.niiali  d,  Init  hrl'inc  11  win 
ralilii  d,  clearly  slinw  thai  it  Was  his  nniiiinii  lint 
only  Ihat  w  had  acipiiinl  claims  to  il,  lint  hnjlily  , 
imiinrliint  claims,  \\  liicli  ih  sirMil  prninni  alientinii. 

In  addiiinn  In  iliis  ih  aiiil  of  nnr  claims  to  llin 
lirrilorv  on  the  aiillmrily  nf  .\lr.  .Ii  trcisnn,  vvliicll 
tile  e^  illellee  relii  d  nil  t\nvri  lint  sei  ill  In  silslain,  llie. 
cnnnler-stnlenicnt  innm.ile-'  an  n!'(cclinii  In  cnn- 
limiily  as  the  I'niinihnimi  of  11  ri^rlit,  nn  the  ^rniind 
that  II  may  iiinri'  pi-nperU-  he  eniisidcreil  (In  iisn 
his  own  wnrds)  as  demniiMr.niint  the  greater 
de-yrec  nl'  innrcst  whieli  the  rnilicl  Sl-ilis  pns- 
si  ased  liy  reasnn  ttf  eniiti',niiiy  in  actjiiiriin::  lerri- 
lnry ill  a  weslv.ani  ilireclinii.  ( 'niili'.'inly  may, 
indeed,  he  re<.:arcleii  MS  niie  nf  the  c  Icmenis  const  1- 
iiiliii'r  the  riu'lit  of  coniinnily — which  is  more  coni- 
preho.isive — and  is  necessarily  assm-iali  d  with  iho 
riu'hl  nf  ni'citp.incy,  as  has  hern  siiiiwn  in  stalc- 
ineiil  A.  Il  also  (ilinws  that  the  laws  which  iisai'i) 
lia.M  esl.ilihslied  in  the  apniieatinii  nf  the  ri'4'lit  In 
this  eniltilli  III,  u'ive  In  llie  Kiirnpeaii  seiilemenis  nil 
its  eastern  cnaslsiin  iiidi  f  iiiie  exlcnsinii  wcsiwaiil. 
Il  is  iinw  Inn  kill'  I'nr  Ureal  Ih'iidiii  In  deny  a  ri;.'ht 
on  whi'li  she  has  aeled  so  Inmr,  iiiid  liy  which  sini 
Iris  prnliii  d  sn  iiiiich;  or  In  reheard  il  as  a  mere  fa- 
cility, not  alfci'liii';  in  any  way  ihe  c|iii  slinii  nf 
rii^lit.  "11  whai  oilier  ri'-l'it  has  she  exiended  her 
claims  wcslwanlly  tn  the  I'acil'ic  nceaii  I'rniii  her 
selile'iieni.-i  iiriiimd  Hiid  iin's  liny-  nr  expelled 
l''i-uice  finiii  Ihe  east  side  nf  the  Mississippi,  ill 
llie  win'  which  icrimnaied  111  I7li.'l.' 

As  to  Ihe  a-isiiiii|iiinn  nf  the  eouiiler-Hlateinenl, 
that  Lonisi.in  \  while  in  the  possession  nf  Sp.iiii, 
hecaine  .snhjc.  1  10  ihe  .Nnnika  .Sniind  cimveniinn — 
which  it  is  allc'n'd  a'nn'_',i|ed  all  ihe  claim. 1  nf 
Spain  to  tli"  leriit-irv,  iiicliidiie;  thnse  iic'|uired 
with  Lniii-iana — il  will  be  time  c  iioiii;li  tocnnsalr.r 
il,  iil'ler  il  shall  he  ailennaed  in  he  slinwii  ill. it  Mich, 
in  reality,  w.is  the  ell'ecl.  In  ihe  mean  lime,  tliii 
I'lliled  Slates  milsl  ennliime  10  believe  Ihal  liley 
iiccpiired  I'miii  I'r.iiire,  by  llie  treaty  nf  Lmiisiaiia, 
imnnrlant  and  siilisiaiitial  'l.niiis  in  the  Ii niinry. 

The  iiiidersii^iied  .'innint  a.wiii  In  the  ennchisinii 
In  which,  nil  a  revie\y  nf  llie  wlinle  i,'rniiiiil,  iliii 
coiintei'-slalenic  nt  arrives,  iliai  the  pre  seal  si.'ie  of 
the  cpiesiinii  is,  that  (.ire.ii  Ih-iiaui  |inssi  sscs  anil 
I  XI  rci.ses,    in  nimmnii  Willi   the  rmled   .Sams,   11 

riu'lil  nf  jniiit  c npaiicy  in  the  Orc^-nii  'I'erritnry, 

'  of  which'  she  can  be  divesled  only  by  an  eipiilablu 

parliiimi  nf  the  wlmle   between  the  Iwn  r.iwers. 

He  claims,  and   he   thinks   he  has  slinwii  11  clcr 

lille  nil  the  pin-l  nf  the  Uliilcd   Sta'es   to  the  wlinle. 

ii'^'ion  diMiiieil  by  till'  (.'nlnmbi.i,  willi  the  riL;lit  nf 

lieiii'^  reinstated,  and  eniisidered  the  piii-iy  in  pns- 

.se.ssinn,  \yhili'  tiT,ilin'_'  nf  the  lille — ill  wlii'li  eliar- 

acter  he  niiisi  insist  mi  th,  ir  beiii'.' cniisiih  red,  in 

cnnfnrniiiy  w  iih  pnsiti\e  irraiy  siipiilalii'iis.      lln 

:  eamint,  ih'eiel'nre.cnnsciil  ihi.tihi  y  shall  be  rcu'anl- 

ed,  diiiin!,'  the  iic;;-iiiiaiini1,  merely  as  ncinpaiiis  in 

I  cnnimnii  wiih  (inat    llriiain.     Xnr  can  ha,  while, 

thus  rei'ardiii.'r  liieir  rit'liis,  presi-m  a  enimiei-pni- 

pnsal,  based  nn  llie  silppnsilimi  nf  jnillt  nccn]iaii.  y 

1  meri-ly.nnlil  tlii' ciiiesiinii  of  lille  In  the  lenitnry  is 

fiilly  ilis.'iissid.     Il    is,  111   his  npininii,  nnly  iil'ler 

siicli  a  discnssinii,  which  shall  fully  present   the 

'  lilies  nf  llie  |iarlies  respeciively  In  Ihe  lerrilnry.  iliat 

their  chiiiiis  Init  can  be  fairly  and  .satislacmrily  ad- 

'  jusieil.     The  United  Sinlps  desire  nnly  wlial   ihey 

inay  deem  ihrm.selves  jiisily  eniiiled    tn  ;  and  ain 

iiii\Villiir_'  In  i.'ike  less.     Vv'illi  llieir  pre.seiii  npininii 

nf  llieir  title,  ihe  Hritish  Pleiiipnientlary  must  sen 

that  the  prnpnsal  which   lie  made  at   ihe  second 

eniil'ereiice.  and  wliicli   he  more  filly  sets  fniili  in 

his  emiiii' i--slalcmeni,  falls  far  short  of  vvlint  they 

■  believe  themselves  justly  eiitided  to. 


# 


irt-ir,.] 


Al'l'KiNDIX  TO  THK  CON(JURSSIOIVAI<  (;i,()HE, 


90 


2!Itm  Cono IsT  Hunt. 


'Vhv  Orffriin  (^iiinilon. 


IT-HlMlinOMll, 

.1'  ^il.llll, 

iMVciiiinn — 

SI!   arijiiiri-il 
liMiMi.~"(lri- 

I  lli.d  Mi'li, 

II  llulr,  |!|M 
ll.Mt  tliry 

'  l.niiisiariii, 

If  iiilni-y. 
'Il''lilslfiil 
lUlhl,  lhr_ 
SCIIl  SU'll*  111' 
SSI  ssis  lutil 
ll  Minus,  II 
11  'I'l  ri-iiory, 
ill)  ('i|iiiiiilik> 

tW-l    I'llWI  IN. 

iw  II  II  rlr.'i' 

I  lili'  uli 

Illi'  rll;lll  Hi' 

IV    III     pilM- 

wh'i  h  I'liiii'- 
si.lni'il.  ill 

III. .lis.  111! 
ill  lir  ri-:i.i!- 
iil]..lllls  ill 
,11    l|.\   Wl.ili', 

iiiiU'i-|ir.i- 

I  u.-cii]i:iiii  V 

li-nitnrv  in 

iialy  iiViiM- 

niM-'liI    lliif 

rril.ii-v.  lii.-il 

iii'lnnly  iiil- 

■  wliiil  tliry 

(II ;  iiikI  iii'f! 

'I'tll  ii|iiliio;l 

V  iiiiisi   s.'.' 

'ill.'    yr.-.ill.l 

Mcls  I'.irili  ill 
I'wlial  iliiy 


III  iT|ily  111  llir  ni|ii.yl  111'  ihr  llrliiuli  I'liiiiipii- 
tiiilinry.  iliiil  iIk'  iiuilnKr^iii'il  xliniiiil  ilirmi.  ilir 
I  iHiri'  mill  I'Miiil  III'  ilir  riiiiniM  wlii.  ll  lln'  Unilril 
I'^iiiiiH  liiiMi  111  ilii' iiiiii  r  |iiiiiiiiii'i  iifilii.  iirniiiry, 
mill  (ll  wliirli  iiIIiinIiiii  in  iiiihIi'  in  llir  rum  liiilii'i.; 
|iiil'l  111' K'lili'iiii'lit  A,  ilii  I'.iH  lliii  liiiiiiii' to  iiir.iriii 
liiiii,  ill  K'l  iK'ral  liiiili'i  lliut  liny  iii'ii  diTiviil  frmii 
i''|iiiiy  liy  ill''  I  I'll  ill"  Irriiiy.  mill  iiri'   I'miiili  il  lui 

I  lie  ills  'ii\i'ri(.i  mill  i'\|iliir.iiiiiiis  of  lirr  niu  i.jiil.in* ; 
mill  wliirli  ilii'y  iiiiisi  11  ..'mil  ii.i  civim;  ilii'inn  lis'lil 
to  llir  •'Mi'iil  111  \\  lili'li  llii'V  I'liii  111'  ('HiiililiHiii  ll,  nil- 

ll'MH  11  lll'ttl'l'  I'llM  lie  llllllllXI'll, 

J.  ('.  c.NLiim'.v. 

'I'lli'  Ili'ijll    lli'll.   II,   l'AKl;NltAM,lVl'. 

.)/;■.  P<if,rii/iii/ii  III  .Mr.  ('.i/'ioin).  I 

\VAllllVHTii'.'i./'llllli/r!/   I.">i   iHl,"!. 

Sill  :  I  iliil  nut  I'lil  III  riiiiiiiiiiiiii'iiii  to  lii'i'  iMii- 
j.si'-'s  (J.ivrniiii' 111  nil  iliiil  liMil  luiss.il  liriwri'ii  iih 
Villi  I'rI'i  I'l'liri'  111  llii'  liili'sliuil  III  llir  Orrljiill  lioilli- 
lIlll'V,  ll|l  111  till'  I'llil  III    lllsl    Sr{l|i'lllln  r,  IM  lll'lilill'll 

111  till'  wi'iiti'ii  Mlaii'iiii'iilH  inln'i'liiiii','i(l  liy  iim,  iiiiil 
ill  llii'  |ii'iiliiriil»  nt  iiiir  I'liiili'ii  IH'i'''. 

'riiiisi'  piipi'M  I'i'iiiiiiii  iiiiilir  till  riiiisiilri'iilion  111' 
lii'i-  Aliiji'sly's  ( i'ovii'iiiiiiiil ;  imil  I  liiivr  ri'iisiiii  lo 
I'clicvr  lliat,  111  no  ilisliiil  |ii'riiiil,  I  iiliii'.l  It  |im 
in  |iiiMsrHsioii  111'  till'  \ii'\\'s  ut'  lirr  .\lnjrsty*M  <.»iiv- 
•'riniii'iit  nil  ill"  m'm  nil  imiiilH  wliirli  liri'.inii'  ninsl 
|iniiiiiiii'iit  ill  llii ii'si'  111' till'  ilisc'iisiiiiin. 

IIlll  rllllNi^l^|■i!l..,^  nil  lln*  iilii'  ll.liiil,  till'  illl]ia- 
til.'111'i'  wliirli  is  iiLillil'i  siril  ill  till'  I'liili'il  iSlnll'S  Cor 
ri  si'lllriiirnl  of  llii.s  i|iii'siioii,  mill,  nn  llin  iillirr, 
till  liiiTili  111'  tiinr  wliirli  wimlil  |iviil  iilily  liti  Htill 
rri|niiiil  In  rll'i'i'l  n  s  iliyliirtiil'y  iiiliii.slnii  lit  iil'  il 
I'l'iwrrii  tliii  tw.i  (lovn'miii'iitH,  it  liiiH  ii.'riii-i'i-il  In 
Inr  M.iji'HIy's  Onvi'i'iiinrnl  tlial,  iimli  r  siii'li  rir- 
I'liiilsiani'rM,  nn  ni.irr  I'.iir  or  Imiiiii-.ilili'  lu.iili.  nl' 
iii'llliiiU'  lliii  (|ii('sliiin  cniild  I.I'  ii(lii[ili'il  than  tlial  nl' 
iirKili'a  111)11. 

1'lii.s  iimpwiitinn  I  am  ai'TOrilin'^'ly 'inllwiri/iil  In 
fill'i'l'  I'm'  tllP  cnlisiili'i'lilinn  nl'  lIu'  (inviTliini  ill  nf 
till'  Uiiili'il  Siai'  s;  mill,  iinilir  ||||.  s'i|)iinsilinn  tliat 
il  may  111'  rmiiiil  iii'i  r|ilalili',  I'lii'llii'i'  In  suL'.'^rst 
that  tli.'i'iiiisi'iit  nl'linth  |ini'ti<.'.<  In  sii.'li  ii  rniirsi' nt' 
lirni'pnliiii,'  hciiii;  I'crnvili'il  liy  iin  iiitii\'liaiii.'e  nl' 
iinli's,  ihc  I'hni'i'  nf  all  arliiii'r,  luiil  tlin  nnuh'  in 
whi.'li  Ihiir  ns|.iilivi'  rn.-,s  shall  \<v  lai.l  iirrnrc 
him,  may  liiri.it'tir  ho  ni.iili'  llio  .siilijii't  nf  a  nmre 
Cnnn  ll  iiLTiiinrnt  hctwci'ii  tliii  two  Liovii'nnu'nl.'^. 

I  li.ivii  the  linnnr  In  In',  with  iiii;li  cniiHiUcmtinii, 
i.ir,  viiiir  iilicilici  t  Korvmit, 

U.  P.VKKNflAM. 

linn.  .Iiniv  C.  Cai.iiiii'\. 

.Mr.  CnUiDUn  lit  .Mr.  Pfi/:iii/ifim. 

J*i;i'An':'MK\'r  up  Stati'., 

I)'ii*.'iiii.ff(ii)i,  ./nil.  n],  ls4,'i. 

Sin:  I  Imvfi  laid  In  fon'  tlir  I'rrsiili  nt  yniif  coni- 
niniii.'atinn  nl'  tlii'  l.'iili  in.-tani,  iiH'rrin;;,  mi  the 
jiai'l  nf  llir  Ataji  sly's  (Jnvrrnnii'iil,  In  Kiiliniit  tlio 
Hiith-nn  111  of  till'  i|ui'slinn  lii'lwt'rn  the  Iwn  cnnii- 
trii's  in  n  feri'iice  lo  the  Origoii  Tcnilnry  lo  arln- 
Iniiiiiii. 

'I'hc  I'l'rsidoiit  iii.itriu  l.s  mo  to  iiil'irni  yon,  that, 
wliih-  ho  nnilps  wiili  hir  Majcsly'aGovirnnn'iit  in 
the  di.slrc  to  si-i-  tlm  iiuisiiim  scllird  nn  rarlv  as 
iii.iv  lie  jirarlirahlc,  he  ninnot  ai-iTili'  to  lln-  nl'i'i  r. 

AVaiiiiit;  all  oihir  rcasona  for  ili'i'liiiiiig  il,  it  i.s 
mliii-ii'iit  In  sl.iic,  that  ho  I'nininui-'.i  In  (.iilinain 
till'  hn].i'  ihiii  tlio  (inrsiion  may  lie  si'tilnl  \,y  the 
in'L'nliiitinii  now  jiiiKliii'.'  hi'twi'di  the  two  ('onn- 
Iriis;  mill  lli.it  hi'  Ik  of  tin;  n|iiiiiiin  it  would  In; 
iiiMilvi.-.ali|i-lo(nli'i'taiii  a  ].rojiiiKal  In  ri'snrt  In  any 
iitlirr  niiiilu  so  liMii;  i.s  lla-ri'  is  hniu'  nf  arriviii.;  at 

II  .lalisfaclnry  .scUli  luint  liy  nri^oiiaii.in ;  and  ospc- 
riaily  In  line  whi.'h  mi. -hi  riuher  icl.inl  than  cx- 
IHililp  iis  lin.il  ailjnstnHiii. 

I  av.iil  niysrlf  nf  this  nrcaslnn  In  irnnw  lo  ynu 
tlip  assiiraiU'C  of  my  disliii^nii:  In  d  .  oiisidi'ratinn. 
J.  ('.  CALUUUiV. 
llie  Uia;lit  lion.  IX.  rAKtxiiAM.vti.-. 

(JTb.) 

r)i:r\HT,Mr.NT  or  .Statf,, 

\lmliin:xlun.liilii  |n,  184,-,. 
The  nndersijnoil.  .Soi'ieiary  nf  .Siaie  of  the  T'ni- 
till  Sialrs.  nnw  proi'iTils  in  lesniiU'  llii'  la  ■,;oiiaiinn 
nil  till'  (Iri'iron  r|uo.slinn,  at  the  point  \vln.ri.'  il  was 
kfl  by  lii.'i  iirodeccssor. 


Till'  Mrilish  I'll  iii|i. Ill  unary,  in  Iiin  iinlc  tn  Mr. 
f'lillioiinof  till'  I'Jili  Si  piinilii  r  IimI,  nuin  siji'Mlini, 
'  a.s  till'  .Aiiii'i'ii'an  I'liiiili  iili'iiliiiry  ilri'liiH'M  till'  prn. 
'  nil  III  iiljeri'il  nil  ilii'  p.iri  nf  Ur.iil  Ihli  lin,  Im  »  ill 
'  ll. nr  ihr  .,'o..,1iii  ;  H  lo  si. lie  wliiil  arr.iii;;!  iniiil  In- 1,.*, 
'on  till'  p,u't  of  lliii  IJnili'd  Stalls,  prparnl  In  prn- 
'  pom'  for  ,111  ripiil'ilili'  iidjiiNimi'iil  nf  (lii'  ipicslinni 
'  mill  iiiiiii'i  spiiiiilly  ihanin  will  liiivi'  llir  .;noilnPtiM 
'  loili  fi.ii.  ihi'  until  I'l'  aiidi'Mi'iil  of  llieil  liiii.s  wliii  h 

•  ihe  Uiiiii'dSlali'Hiii.iy  liaM'Innihi  r  pnrlioii.s  nf  llir 
■  ti  rriiiiry  to  wliii  li  iilliniinii  i.i  iiiaili'  in  tlir  i  nnrlii- 
'  diii^'  part  itf  IiIn  Ntalriiii'iil,  as  il  U  iiii,  inns  tlial  nn 
'  arraii':.  mnil  ran  hr  madr  wiiii  rrsprrt  in  n  part  iit' 
'  Ihr  lirriioi'v  ill  dis.iiiii.,  «  hilr  a  rlaini  in  ri'diTVid 
'  to  nwy  |iorliini  of  ilir  rrniatinli  r." 

Till' .Sirri  laryof  Siair  will  now  prorcrd,  (rrvirs- 
ill',:  the  oi'iler  in  wlii'li  llirse  ri'i|iii'»tM  have  lirni 
ma'lr,)  in  Ihr  tii'st  plan',  lo  pi'iMiiii  ihr  title  of  llir 
rnilril  ■*>iali  a  lo  llir  irrrilory  imrlli  of  the  viilli  y  of 
tlir  Coliimliia  ;  iinii  w  ill  lln  n  pi'o|i.i.sr,  on  llir  pari  of 
llie  I'lrsi.li  lit,  ihr  irriiis  upon  wliirli, in  hi ■■  opinion, 
iIiIk  long-pi  ndiii','  ronlroni'.sy  may  lie  jumly  iiini 
eipiiiahly  leniiiii.ilril  lii'lwvi'ii  the  pailiis. 

Till'  lltlr  of  llir  I'liiled  Sialni  to  thai  portion  nf 
ihe  (lri':;iin  Trrrilory  hrtwrni  ihr  valhy  of  ihe  (_'n- 
liiinhia  and  llir  lln.ssiaii  liiir,  in  .'14'-'  tli'  nnrlli  lali- 
liidr,  in  ri'i'iirdid  in  llir  l.'l.a'iila  Irraiy.  Uiiihr  llii.H 
Irriily,  iliilid  on  llie  ij'id  l.'rhrimry,  IMIII,  .Spain 
ri'iled  tn  llir  T.Inilnl  Slalr.<  all  lirr  "  ri.,'lil.s,  I'laiiiiH, 
and  pi'i'li  niiniiH"  In  aiiv  Irrrtioiir.'i  wr.st  nf  (lie 
Iloi'l<y  nionni.iins  and  nni'ili  nf  llir  4'M  paralli  1  of 
iMtilnilr.  Wr  rill  111  lid  1  ha  I,  111  llir  ilatr  of  lliisrrs- 
sion,  Spain  had  a  .;ooil  liile,  a.s  ai.raiii.st  Cri'rai  Dril- 
aiii,  lo  ihr  wlinle  OirLrnii  Terriloryi  and  if  tlii.'<  he 
esialiliiliril,  ihr  (pie,'«iinii  Ih  llirn  decided  in  favor  of 
the  Miiilril  Stales. 

liiil  ihr  Aineriran  title  i.i  nnw  enrniiii'ereil  at 
every  sli  p  liy  ilirlai'inionM  thai  wr  li.ild  it  snhjrri 
to  all  ihr  I'nn. lilinin  nf  llie  >ioi.!k,i  Sonnil  ronvcii- 
linii  helwrrii  (li'ral  I'riiain  and  Spain,  .siijnrd  nl 
Ihr  l';si'nriii|  on  llir  '.Nih  of  Ortnlirr,  UllO.  Ureal 
Iti'il.iin  ennirndH  thai,  iiiulrr  lliin  I'onvrnlioii,  llir 

liile  of  Spain  was  limiird  in  a  nier iininon  ri'jlit 

nl  jnint  nrnipaliry  wilh  hrrsrlf,  nvir  tlir  wllnlr 
lerritnry.  Tii  einnloy  the  laiiirna.;e  of  the  llritish 
I'lenipoienliary:  "  If  S.iaiii  eonid  mil  malte  .'.'iiod 
'her  own  ri'rht  of  i  xrlnsive  doniinion  ovrr  tliosr 
'  rr",'iniiM,  siill  less  ronKI  she  I'oiifrr  sMi'li  a  ri;;li'  on 
Minnilier  I'nwer;  and  lirni'r  I  ii'rat  Ih'iiain  ai'irnis 
'  that  from  nolhiinjdedni'ed  I'l.iin  tlir  treaty  nf  l.'Slll 

*  ran  the  rmird  Slates  assert  a  valid  elaiin  I')  evelii- 
'  sivedoiiii  'on  uvrr  any  pan  nl'  iln'Orr^nn 'I'rrri- 
'  Inry.  '  I  Iriirr  it  is  ihal  Cirrat  liritaiii,  rrsiiii;-  hrr 
piririiiiniis  (\n  the  Xniiilia  .■^niiiid  ei'iivrniinn,  has 
iie.e.ssarily  limited  her  elaiin  In  a  mere  ri'^'hl  of 
joint  oeriipanry  ovrr  the  whole  territory,  in  roni- 
iiioii  wilh  the  iMiiti'd  .States,  as  the  snrressor  nf 
.Spnin,  Iraviiej;  the  ri^'lit  of  exriusive  dnmininn  ill 
aheyaure. 

It  is,  thru,  nf  the  first  iniporlanee  that  we  slinuld 
nscertain  ihe  true  eonsinniinn  and  nieaiiiiii^  of  ilie 
Nnolka  ScDind  eoiiveniion. 

If  it  .shnnlil  appear  that  this  treaty  wn.s  Irnnsionl 
in  ils  very  iiainrr;  that  it  eonfriTrd  upnii  Qreal 
lirilain  nn  ri-rht  InU  that  of  merely  tradintr  wilh 
Ihe  Indians  wllil^t  the  lainmry  should  rein.iin  nn- 
selttrd,  and  inakini;  the  neeessary  esuililiriliinents 
for  this  purpose  i  lliat  it  did  tint  interfere  wilh  the 
nliiiiiale  sovereiu'iily  nf  .Spain  nver  tile  territory; 
and,  ahnve  all,  tli.il  it  w.is  aniiiilleil  l.y  the  uar  la- 
Iwrrn  Spain  mul  Ureal  Hrilain  in  IT'.lli,  and  has 
never  .siiire  lieen  renewed  liy  the  parties, — then  the. 
I!ritisli  rlaini  In  any  portion  of  this  Icrritory  will 
prove'  lo  he  iiesiii\iie  of  I'nind.iiioii. 

It  is  inineres,  ary  lo  detail  the  eiiTitinslanees  out 
of  whirli  this  emtveniion  arose,  ll  is  siilKeient  m 
aay  that  .lolin  .Meares,  a  liriiisli  snhierl  .-.ailinu; 
nndrr  the  l'ortii;;nesi'  (lair,  lamle.l  at  Nnolka  .Soniid, 
in  l~t*-^,  and  iiiaile  a  lemiiorary  eslalilisliinent 
there  t'or  ihr  piirpo.se  nf  luiildiinr  n  vessel  ;  and 
that  the  Simniards,  in  IT.'^ll,  teok  possession  of 
this  eslahlishinent  under  the  nrlirs  nf  Ihr  Virrrny 
of  Me\ien,  who  rlaiinrd  for  ."-^piiii  llir  eM'liisi'c 
Movcrei;,'iily  nf  ihe  whnlr  trrrilory  nn  Ihe  iior.h- 
west  enasl  nf  Ameriea  tip  In  the  lUissiaii  line. 
IMeares  appealed  to  the  I'nilish  Unvernnient  for 
redress  air.iiiist  S|iain,  and  the  daii..xer  nf  war  be- 
tween Ihi'  iwn  ii.iiions  lieeanie  iinniinent.  Thi.~'  was 
lirevenlid  by  the  rone,hi.sion  of  the  Xoolkn  Sninid 
e.invenli"ii.  Thai  e.niveiition  provides,  by  its  first 
and  .-eeonil  arlirlrs,  for  the  restoration  of  llie  lands 
and  bnildiiiyn,  nf  wliieli  the  Bubjccla  nf  Great  Uri- 


Si..v,vrf'.  AM)  III),  OK  Hkph. 

I'liii  liait  hreii  ilispoesi'sHed   by  the  Spiini.irils,  iiiiil 

I    the  piiynii  111  nf  nil  liiilenniity  for  llie  inpu'ies  siin- 

,    laiiiiil.      This   iiidrmiiily  w.is  paid  l.y  Sp.iiil  i  but 

no  Milli.'li  nl  I  vidi'iirr  has  hreii  iidiliii'eil,  thai  riilirr 

,    .Nnolka  .Soniiil,  or  linv  ollii'r  spot  upon  llir  loasi, 

i    MiiH  ever  mil. ally  Mirrendered  by  ihal  I'mvrr  to 

Urriit    lirilain.     All   wr   know  with  eeitainty,  is, 

lliat    .Spain    roiiliniird    in    possession    of    .Noolliii 

Sound  iiniil   I7!l.'i,  v\  lim  shr  voliini.irily  iil'inidon- 

id  ihr  phier.     Sinee  thai   period,  no  inii  iiiiil  has 

lieeii  111. llir  (iinlesii  very  I'l inly )  by  ( ileal  litilani, 

or  her  snl'jii  K,  to  oeiiipy  i  illier  iliis,  or  any  i  !hi  r 
|iiirt  of  V'.iiH'iiiiMr'H  isl.nid.  It  in  lliiiii  ni.'niil'rst, 
lliat  siir  (lid  not  f.irnirrly  nl  iirli  iiiiieh  i.iioiii'iaiirn 
I  to  till'  rM'i'eisr  of  the  li.'hls,  whiilever  liny  iiiiiy 
liavelii.e|i,wlii.'hNlii'lii'diieipiireil  iniilerllieiSiinlkii 
.Sound  i'iiii\eiilion. 

The  only  oilier  poriion  of  this  eonvi'iillon,  ini- 
poi'tanl  for  the  presein  ilis.'iissiini,  will  be  I'niind  in 
the  third  and   the   llfili  annli  s,     They  are  a-i  I'ol 
h'US!   "..Vrl.  ;i.    In  iniler   In   slielli;llleli   llie    hnnils 
i    '  nf  friendship,  mni  in  pi'eser\e  in  future  n  perl'iiet 
j    '  liiirmnny  mill    r-nnil    nnih  rslaiiJiii:;  helv.'erii  tho 
P  '  two  roinrariiier  parlies,  it  is  ai;ried  that  their  re- 
!    '  s|ieriivi'  siiliji  els  shall  iinl  111'  ilisiiirlii'd  nr  innlrsi- 
'  ell,  eiilirr  ill  iiavi'.vilii|._' nr  larrviir.'  on  ilieir  fislie- 
^    'ricsiii   the   I'a.'ilii'.  nreiiii,  nr  in  llie  Sunlit  sr    ., 
I    '  or  in  l.nidint;  on  the  I'n.ists  nf  thnsr  sens,  in  '.aicen 
'    '  nnl  iilri'iiily  neeilpied,  fnr  the  |inrpn,se   .i  earrv- 
'  iiM?  nn  lliiir  eiiinmerre   wilh   Ihe  iiiuvrHnf  the 
'  1  oiiiiiry,  or  nf  inakiii'.;   selllrnienis    llirrr  j    ihii 
'whnlr  snlijrei,   iirverihili  ss,   lo  the   leslrielion.s 
'  speeilied   in   llie   three  fiiUnwiii!;  arlii'les,"     TIni 
I    iniiterial  one  id'  wliieli  is  :  ".\rl,  5.  As  well  ill  the 
'  plans  wliii'h   .ire   to   be   reslnred   tn   llii.  Urilish 
i    '  siil.jeeis,  liy  virtue  nf  tlir  iirsi  arlirlr,  as   in  all 
'  nllirr  purls  of  llir  ii.M'lhwrstrrn  roasls  of  North 
'Aineriia,  nr  of  thr  isliinils  ailjai'iiil,   siiiialr   lo 
■  l!ie  north  of  Ihii  ii.n'ts  nf  Ihe  said   eo,    i  already 
'oeenpieil    by    Spiin,    wherever   tin;       ibjeets    ol' 
'  either  of  the  two  Powers  s!i;ill  have  iiiaile  sellle- 
'  inrnls  siiii'o   llie   inonili  of  April,  IIK.I,  nr  Hhall 
'  lirrr.ifier  iirike   any,   the   snliieets  nf  the   niher 
'  slmll   have  free  tieerss,  and  hIiiiII  i  irry  on  thrir 
I    '  trade  witliniil  any  distnrhiilice  nr  mn.  -sLilinn." 
It   may  be  nbserved  as  a  strikiie.,'   fiirl,  wliieli 
ninif  have  an  inipoii.nii  braj'iier  a'.;aiiisi   the  rlaini 
of  Ui'ral  lirilain,  thai  ihis  i-onvenii.in,  wliieli  was 
ilii'l.iled  by  her  tn   Spain,  enniains  nn  provisimi 
iiiipairin;;    the    iiltiniate   siivereiijnty    wliieh    lliiit 
Power  had  asserted,  for  nearly  thi'cn   centuries, 
over  the  v.'hnle  wesirrn  side  nf  .\orlh  Ameriea,  as 
f.ir  nnrlii  as  ihr  .•ii.-;ty-!h'st  deirree  of  liuilnde,  and 
,    wliieh  had  never  been  uerinnsly  ipirsiinnnl  by  any 
!    U^iiropran  nation.  Tlii.s  ri^hi  had  lircti  maiiilaini a 
i'  by  .Spain   wilh   the  most  viu:i!aiil  jealousy,  ever 
sinee   the  dise..ivery   of  the   Am.  ri.'an  enntinenl, 
and  had  been  a.'ipnesced  in  by  ail  l-'.nropeaii  ;;ov. 
I    ermnenls.     It  had  been  ailmiiird  even  In  yoiiil  ilio 
I   I  iiiindr  111'  .'iio  .10'  norih,  by  llnssia,  tin  n'tli"  onjy 
■    I'owrr  haviiej;  rlaiins  wliieh  eonUl  eonie  !.i  n  lliHinn 
5  with  Spain  ;  and  lhal,  loo,  under  a  .soverei.jn  |ie- 
li  eiili  irly  leiiaeii.i.s  of  the   lerrilorial  ri^'hls  nf  hir 
empire.    This  will  appear  from  ih.-  letter  of  ( 'mint 
de    Kernan   .Xiine/.,   the  Spanish  Ambassador   at 
I'.iris,  t.)  AI.  de  Abmlmirin,  ihe  Seerelary  nf  the 
ForeiLrn  Deparlnieiit  of  Kraiiee,  dated  I'aris,  ,Tiiiin 
Kiih,  IT'.K).     Kroiii  this  letter,  it  seems  that  e.om- 
plaiiiis  had   been   m.iilo  by  .Spain  to  the  eonrt  of 
lliissia.  aL';aiiisi  liiissi.in  snlijei'ls,  for  violatin.'C  ihn 
.Spanish  terriiory  on  the  northwest  eoast  of  Ame- 
riea, aonth  of  the  .sixly-first  deL;ree  of  north  lati- 
mde;  in  rons-.ipten.'e  of  wlii  h,  that  eonrt,  wilh- 
onl  delay,  assured  llie  Kiiii;  of  Spain  "  that  il  was 
'  e.vtrcmely  sorry  that   ihe.  repealed  orders  issued 
'  In  prevent  ihe  snlijee.s  of  llnssi.i  frniii  vinlalin;:, 
'  in  the  smallest  de'jrce,  llie  territory  belnn'..'in:;  In 
'  aiinlher  Pnwrr,  Nhnnld  have  hern  ilisobeye.l." 

This  ennveiiiinn  nf  17i)(l  reenp;nize.s  no  rii^lil  in 
Ureal  Urilain,  eillnr  |iresenl  or  pvnsperiive,  tn 
plant  pri.'inain  nt  colonies  nn  the  nnrlliwesl  eoiLst 
nf  Ameriea,  or  to  exerri.se  sinh  cxelnsive Jnris- 
dielimi  nver  am;  pnriian  nf  il  as  is  ts.senlial  lo 
snverei.,'nty.  Ureal  I'i'ilain  obtained  frnni  Spain 
all  she  then  de.sired — a  mere  eie.r.riemrnl  thai  her 
siibjeets  slionld  "not  he  disturbed  or  molested" 
"in  hniiliieron  iheeoastsof  lluise  seas  i"  ,.'caees  not 
'  already  oeeiipied,  for  the  pnrj   ■    ■     .  earryiim;  on 

'  their  eoniinei wilh  Ihe  nalive:  of  the  eonntry, 

'  or  of  inakini.'  selilriiienls  there."  AVliat  Kind  nf 
"  settlements. ■"  This  is  not  .sperified  ;  but  surely 
their  elianicler  nnd  duration  m-e  limiu;d  by  llic  ub- 


# 


m 

i\ 

it 


no 


APPEXDIX  TO  THE  COAGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 


[Dec. 


,  i      # 


^ 


•^iiTH  (^'oNO 1st  SkSS. 


The  Oregon  (^mstlon. 


Senate  and  Ho.  of  Reps. 


\iH-i  wliii'li  ihc  ( (iiilnuiiiii;  piniicN  liiul  in  view.  I 
I'lii  y  iini^i  \u\\r  Ihtm  .-uih  (Hilvii.-*  were  iicrfssni-y 
and  iiropi'i-  •'I'm'  ihi  |iiir|'iis(  nl'  r.in-yin^'  nn  Cdiii- 
mei-iT  Willi  ilic  ii;iini«  111' ilii' I'tiiinny."  'SVrn' 
these  Ktllli'mi'ii:s  iiUiiiiliil  id  expand  inio  i-dln- 
iiii'S,  111  ("Xpd  llif  ii:ilivi's.  Id  iliMirivi'  fSpaiii  of  liiT 
sDViMTi'.'ii  ii;;lii.<,  iiiiil  111  I'lMiHr  ilic  (  ^criiisivi'  j'lns- 
ilirliciii  Dvcr  ilir  wliulr  liiTimry  mi  (.inal  liiil  liiir 
Siirrly.  S|iiiin  ih'mt  (lr.sij;ii("il  any  siuli  nsiills : 
niul  it'  Uii'iU  Hriiain  has  Dliiaiiictl  ilu-sc  nuu'rs- 
sidiis  liy  llio  .NdiiiKh  Sniiiiil  I'nnvcnlinn,  il  li;is 
iu-t  li  l'\'  ilii*  iiiDsi  cMraiirilinary  ('Diistnirliiin  t\(r  i 
inipDM'it  U|ii'ii  liumaii  laiiLniajr*'.  iSul  ihis  fonvrii- 
liDii  also  siiiiiila't's  thai  to  ilirse  i4ciMrin<'i  s  uhiili 
nui;lii  I"'  nwnif  bv  ihi'  diic  j'ariy.  *'  'lif  siihjti-is  d1" 

*  the  iiihfi-  shall  iia\c  tVcf  itri'iss,anil  shall  fari\'  nn 
'  thrir  Irailc  wilh"iii  any  disiiiriianci'  iir  mtilcsla.- 
'  licin."  Whal  iradi':  I'lalaiiily  ihal  ••  willi  lln- 
natives  tif  ilie  I'lminrv,"  as  |ireserilMd  in  liie  iliirii 
nriiile  :  anil  liiis.  tVnin  the  wiv  nature  nl'  ihini;s. 
eouid  eiininaie  niily  wiiiisi  ilie  eimnlry  shoulil  re- 
niiiin  in  llie  pdssession  nt'  ihe  Indians.  Oil  no 
other  I'linsiniilion  ean  ihis  eniiYenliiin  escape  froin 
!l»e  niisiifihties  nllrilailed  In  il  by  IJrilish  staies- 
mi'ii,  vvlieii  under  (lis. Missiiin  l.(  Inrf  ilu'  llimseDf 
Conunims.     ••  In  e\ery  }ilai'e  in  whieh  we  miijiit 

*  settle,   (said   Mr, — al'ierwards   Karl — Lirey,)  ae- 

*  eess  was  lel'i  t'or  the  Spaiiiunls.  NV'here  we 
'  mi::hl  fiiriM  a  seiilenieni  nn  inn'  liill.  lltey  niii;hl 
'  eit-et  a  liirt  on  another  :  and  a  inerehani  ninst  rnn 
'all  the  risks  of  a  disemiry,  and  all  the  expenses 
'  id'  an  esialilisliment,  t'nr  a  pi    perly  whieh  was 

*  liable  to  he  the  snbjee:  id'  eDiilinnal  dispnie,  and 
'  eould  never  be  placed  npon  a  pernian*i;l  I'unlini:.*' 

Must  ciriaiiiiv  this  ireatv  was.  in  iis  verv  na- 
ture, tinipiirarv  :  and  the  fludils  id'  Ureal  liriiain 
under  it  \\«  re  never  inieiidcd  to  "be  placed  npim 
a  pernianciii  I'nniinir. "  It  was  id  eiidnie  nn  Knii^er 
than  Ihe  existence  iif  tlmse  pt  ■itliar  canses  wlitch 
ejilled  il  inin  beinij.  Such  a  trealv,  cii-ittiie^  Hrii- 
ish  and  Sp'iiisli  seltlenn-nts  inn  r':}inL'leil  with 
eaoii  iilher,  and  dulled  nver  lln  wlmh  surface  nl' 
Ihe  lerrUory,  wherevcM-  a  I'rilisli  or  Spanish  iner- 
:  haul  eiinlii  lind  a  Hiint  Tavnralile  for  trade  with  the 
Indians,  never  i-diiIiI  have  been  intended  Inr  ;i  per- 
manent nrnni^renient  between  civili/.ed  imiintis, 

Hnl  \vhaie\er  niav  iie  the  true  cinistruciiDn  id"  the 
\Doih'a  Snimd  cinncniiun,  it  has,  in  the  DpiniDU 
id' the  undersit^ncd,  Inni:  since  ceased  In  exist. 

Tho  ceneral  rule  nrnatiiinal  law  is,  thai  war  ter- 
minates all  subsisiinu:  treat cs  belwcen  the  bellii:i  r- 
eni  powers.  Greiil  Hritain  lias  inainlained  this 
rule  111  lis  ntinii.-i  extein.  l.nrd  llailnn.-l.  in  iie- 
i:olialing  with  Mr.  Adams  in  lt*l."),  siys,  ••  that 
'  tireal  liritain  knows  of  no  exceptioi;  to  the  rule 
'  that  idl  treaties  are  put  an  end  to  b\  a  siibsetpient 
'war  between  ihe  se.iiie  parties.''  I'eihaps  tlie 
only  exceptiiin  to  this  rule — it"  Mich  it  may  be 
.stylid — is  that  nf  a  in'aty  re  oirnisin:,'  1 1  riain  so\- 
erei^ru  riirhls  ««  bilouirniir  in  a  nation,  w  huh  Imd 
previiaisly  existed  independently  of  ai  y  treaty  en- 
^.'a'Xenieni.  'I'hese  riirhts,  which  llii^  ireaiydid  not 
create,  but  mireli-  acknowled:red,  c.nniiii  be  di- 
siroval  ''V  war  .leiwrtn  the  parin  s.  Such  was 
the  i.clvnovh, anient  "f  the  I'aci  by  (inal  llriiain, 
under  the  detinilive  treaty  of  I7.0,  that  the  rniteil 
States  were  "free,  siivei-ciu'n,  and  indenendeni."' 
It  will  s.  .ircelv  be  col, 'ended  ihai  lln-  rs'noliia 
Sound  coiivenlion  beloiiL^s  In  this  chi^s  of  treaties. 
Il  is  dilHcnli  to  iiiijiirinc  aiiv  case  in  w  hich  a  trejiiy 
eoiiiaininsr  iniiiual  eniraiT' ments.  still  renminimr 
iniexci  iinil.wiiidd  not  be  abrou'aied  by  war.  'I'lie 
Nootka  Sound  convention  is  sirietlv  of  tins  char- 
iieier.  'I'hcdcclaraiion  of  war,  iherefov:',  bv  Spain 
.leain.st  Orenl  llribiiii,  in  Ociolier.  IT'.lli,  annulled 
its  provisions,  cnu  iVced  the  parlies  from  its 
oblisnlioii.".  'i'liis  w  hole  treaty  consisted  of  nni- 
tnil  cxp.esa  en^tiLremi  nis  to  be  performed  by  the 
eonlractinif  parlies.  Its  most  important  article 
(llie  third)  ill  referincr  to  thr  pre.i  nl  dinctission, 
doeB  not  iMii  L'lani.  in  Urinative  icrnis,  the  riuht 
to  the  coiitriicimcr  partiea  .o  trade  with  the  Indians, 
and  to  niak.'  seiiiemeiiis.  Il  mei-ely  eniraires,  in 
neirntiie  terms,  thnl  the  Kiiiijecis  of  llii'  eontraciini; 
niiriies  "sliiill  not  be  disturbed  nr  molested  '  ni 
the  ex  rcise  of  these  Irciity  prl\  ih'L'es.  Snri  Iv 
tills  is  not  snch  an  eierairenient  as  will  continne  to 
exist  in  despite  nl'  war  between  ih<"  parlies.  |i  is 
t^one  forever,  unless  it  Ims  been  revived  in  exiiress 
terms  by  the  treaty  of'  iieace,  or  sotue  other  ireatv 
bet'Aeen  lie  )in.-lii  ..■.  .Silih  is  tin  principle  of  pub- 
lic law,  mid  Iht  pruciice  of  civilized  iiatioiw. 


Han  the  Nootka  Sound  eoiivention  been  thuM  \\ 

re\i\fd.-  This  depends  entirely  upon  the  true! 
construclion  of  the. additional  articles  to  the  trrtity 
of  .M.idrid,  which  were  sii.;neil  on  the  ;2Mh  of 
.Vne'iist,  1H14,  anil  eontiini  the  only  a^'reenienl 
between  the  parlies  since  the  war  of  i71Mi,  for  the  ^ 
reue"ai  of  cnirai^eineiits  exisiinc-  previously  to  the 
latter  dale.  The  first  of  the  ailditional  articles  to 
ihis  treaty  provides  as  follows  :  "  It  is  a'.:rei  d  that, 
'  peiidiiii:  'lie  iif irotialinn  of  a  new  Ireatv  id'com- 
■  iiierce,  (<,'eal  lirit-'in    diall  be  ailnulleif  to  trade 

•  with   i^pain   upon  the  same  conditions  as  those 

•  wliicli  existed  pri  vioiisly  to  HUli :  all  the  treaties 

•  of  eomnici'ce  whii  h  at  that  period  .siilisisied  lu- 
'  tw c  II  ilie  two  nations  beiiii;  hereby  ratified  and 
'  conlirmed." 

The  first  observation  to  he  made  upon  this  arti- 
cle is,  that  it  is  ctnilincd  in  ii  rnis  to  the  iradi'  with 
Spain,  tiitd  tines  not  embrace  her  colonies  or  n - 
mote  territories.  Thi'se  had  always  been  closed 
ac;ainst  fnrii'j'n  Powers.  Spain  had  ne\cr  con- 
ceded the  privilcsre  of  tradni!;  with  her  colonies  to 
any  nation,  except  in  the  siiiiile  instance  of  the 
.As'ienio,  which  was  abro;raied  in  1 7411;  nor  did 
iinv  of  the  trcaliis  of  eomnierce  which  wire  in 
f'or'ce  between  iiie  two  imlions  previously  to  I7!).'). 
make  such  a  concession  to  Cireiit  llritain.  That 
this  i.s  the  true  eonstrnction  of  the  first  additional 
article  of  the  treaty  of  Madrid,  a|ipears  conclu- 
sively 'Vom  another  part  of  the  iiisirnmeiii.  ( Ireai 
liritain,  by  an  irnsislible  inlereiice,  admiit.d  that 
^lie  had  U'-qitirid  no  riirht  under  il  to  trade  with 
ihe  colonies  or  remote  territories  of  Spain  w  hen 
she  obtained  a  siipiilallon  in  the  same  treaty,  that, 
"  in  the  event  of  the  commerce  "f  the  .'Spanish 
'  .Vniericnii  pos^essioiis  heiii:,'  opened  to  f.irei_'ii 
'  u. It  ions,  his  I 'in  III. lie  Maj.siy  promises  i  hat  (ireat 

•  Uriiain  shall  be  aduillieii  to  trade  with  those  pos- 

•  sessions  as  the  most  flivored  nation*" 

lint  even  if  the  first  adiliiional  article  rl'  the 
treaiy  of  IS14  were  not  thus  expressly  limited  to 
tlie  revival  of  the  trade  of  (ileal  liritaill  with  the 
knieilom  of  Spain  in  Mnrope,  wiihoul  leferin.f  to 
anv  other  poriion  of  her  dinninions,  the  Nooika 
Sound  eonvi-ntion  can  never  be  '  mbraced  iiiider 
the  ilenomination  of  a  trealv  of  eonituerce  bciw.eii 
the  two  Powers.  Il  contains  no  provision  what- 
ever to  i;raiit  or  to  re;:nlale  ti*ade  lietwi  en  British 
and  Spanish  subjects.  Its  essential  pan.  so  far  as 
concerns  the  pre.sent  (incsiion,  relales  not  to  any 
trade  or  conmierce  In'iweeii  the  snbjecis  of  the 
respective  Powers.  It  merely  prohibits  the  -ab- 
jecis  of  either  from  distnrbiiiL^  or  inolcstiiii;  those 
.d'llie  oiher  ill  tradintr  w  ith  third  parut  s — the  na- 
tivi-s  of  the  counirv.  'I'ln  "  L'"ranl  of  niakin.;  sr-t- 
ilemcnts,''  whether  understood  in  it.s  broadest  or 
most  restricted  sense,  relales  to  territorial  acipiisi- 
lion,  and  not  to  trade  or  eomnierce  in  any  im.iL'in- 
able  form.  The  .N'ooika  S.iinid  convei'iion.  then, 
cannot,  in  anv  sens.',  he  consiilerid  .  Ire.ity  of' 
connneree ;  and  was  not,  theref'ore,  revivi  d  by  tile 
trealv  of  .Mailrid  of  lf<14.  When  the  war  com- 
menceil  between  (ireat  liritain  and  Spain  in  179(1, 
several  treaties  siitisisicd  between  them,  which 
were,  biiih  in  title  and  in  siibsi.iuce.  In  aiies  of 
eomnierce.  These,  and  I'lese  alone,  were  revived 
by  the  tri-atv  of  1K14. 

That  the  I'ritish  (Tovernmc.ii  itsell'lind  no  idea, 
in  I.">IH,iliai  tlie  .Nootka  Sonud  .■oi.vcniion  was 
then  III  fon'c,  may  be  Ihiriv  inferred  t'rom  iheir 
silence  upon  ilic  siibjei't  diiriiez  iht^  whole  ne.j-o- 
tiali.iii  of'that  year  on  the  (ireiioii  (piesiion.  This 
.'oiiM'iition  wic,  not  fince  relirri'd  to  by  the  Ilritish 
I'lenipotcniiarieM.  They  llmi  ri  sli'd  their  ilaims 
upon  other  Ibi.Mdatams.  Surely  that  whi.'h  is 
now  th.'ir  iiiain  rei.auci'  would  not  liave  esraned 
the  observaiion  of*  such  statesmen  had  ihey  llien 
supposed  it  was  in  existence. 

Ill  vii'W  of  all  these  coiiKiderations,  the  iiniler- 
siirned  re.*ipei'if'iiilv  suliniits  that  if  (in-iii  liritain 
has  valid  claims  to  any  porii.in  of  the  OreL"'in  Ter- 
ritorv,  lliev  must  rest  upon  a  better  f'oundtiiion 
ihan  ihat  ot'lhe  .Nootka  Sdu'kI  coiivenlion. 

It  is  I'.ir  front  the  iiileniion  of  the  tintlei'si;^ned  to 
rcpi'ju  he  ar:fuinent  ii\' wlii-'h  his  predecessor  (  Mr. 
Catiio  I)  has  d.'iiionsirali'l  the  American  title  '•  to 
■  the  entire  n  L'ioii  draineil  by  the  (.'.nunibift  river 
'anil  its  biiuichei."  He  lets  shown  llial  to  the 
rnitid  Slates  hr'loni^s  the  discovery  ol'tli  Colutn- 
bia  river,  ami  lhat  Captain  (iravwas  the  (i.si 
civilized  man  who  ...,r  'oieied  its  mouth,  mid 
.mailed  up  us  chuiinel,  biiptizinij  the   river  iiatll' 


with  the  name  of'  hi.-;  vessel :  that  MesHrn.  Lewis 
and  Clarke,  niitlcr  a  I'ommission  iVom  their  Gov- 
iinminl,  liisl  exj  lored  the  w:iii  is  of  ihis  river 
almost  from  its  head  spriii;;s  to  the  Pacific,  p.issiny; 
the  wiiiler  of  ISD.'i  ami  IHllli  on  ils  northern  shine, 
near  the  ocean  ;  i!  ihe  fir.st  sett  lenient  upon  this 
river  was  matle  l.-,  ;i  ciiizen  of  the  United  Si.ite.s 
at  .-Vstoria;  and  that  the  Ilritish  (iovininnnl  so- 
li iiuily  reco._'nizeil  our  ri;;lii  to  the  possession  of 
ihis  setilemcnt,  which  had  been  captured  dnrini; 
the  war.  I;\'  snrn'nderini:  it  up  to  the  Piiited  States 
on  the  liili  day  of  Ocioher,  iNlf',  in  obedien.'e  to 
the  treaty  of  (ilieni.  If  the  discovery  of  the  mouth 
of, I  river,  f'ollovved  up  within  a  rcasonahle  time  by 

the  first  exploraiion,  both  of  ils  nciiii  .1 nil  and 

its  branches,  and  appropri;ited  by  the  lirsl  selll  - 
iiienis  on  its  banks,  do  not  eonslitnle  a  title  to  the 
icrrili  rv  drained  by  ils  waters  In  the  nation  per- 
Ibrmiiiu  lliiwe  acts,  then  the  priiicipli  s  conseerated 
bv  the  pracii.'c  of  civilized  .laiions  ever  siii.c  the. 
discovery  of  the  iSew  ^N'oii.l  iniist  have  lost  their 
f.irce.  Tliesi'  principles  were  in  eessary  lo  pre- 
serve the  iieace  of  the  world.  Ilinl  they  not  been 
enfon'ed  ni  practice,  I'lashiii:;  claims  to  newlv- 
dis.-overed  territory  and  perpetual  sirii'.' amonjj:;  the 
nati.ins  w  >iild  have  been  the  inevitable  resnii. 

The  title  of  ihe  t'nited  Slates  lo  Ilie  cnlin'  reljion 
drained  liy  the  Columbia  river  and  its  bran,  lies 
w;is  perfe.'l  and  nnplete  bei'ore  the  date  of*  the 
liealies  of  ioiiii  occupation  of  (Iciober,  Isis,  anil 
.-Vtimisi,  Is07;  and  under  the  express  provision  oi" 
these  treaties,  this  title,  whilst  they  cniliue,  can 
never  be  inipaind  by  any  act  of  the  I'niiish  Gov- 
ernment. In  the  sti  .1^'  laii'^nie.'e  of  Ihe  Iriatyof 
l"-'7,  "  noiliiii'.'  .oulained  in  this  eoiivention, or  ill 
'  the  ihini  article  ofihe  eonveiitinn  of  l^l^',  hen  by 
'  continued  in  I'or.'e,  shall  be  c.insirned  to  impair, 
■  or  111  any  manner  airct,  the  claims  w  hich  either 
'  of  the  coiiiraclinir  parlies  niay  have  to  anv  part 
'  of  the  counirv  westward  of  the  Stony  or  ["loeky 
'  m.aiiilains."  Il;id  not  the  convention  eonuviiieil 
this  phuii  pnnisioii,  which  has  piev.  nied  ihe  re- 
speciive  panics  fr.nu  lookiii;^  with  jealousy  on  tlie 
occupation  of  porlions  of  the  lerrilory  by  the  citi- 
zens and  snlijccis  of  each  other,  its  cliii  i'  object — 
which  was  to  pr. 'serve  |ieaceand  pnvent  collisions 
in  those  distal'.  n-L;ioiis — would  Imve  been  eiiiirely 
det'eali'd.  Il  i-i.  then,  manilisi  ilnii  neither  tliu 
;;raiii  of  this  lerrilory  I'm' a  term  of  yciu's,  ni:nie. 
by  (ire;  I  Uriiain  lo  the  I  Indsoii  Ihiy  <  'omp;uiv  ill 
December,  I.-<'.'I.uor  Ihe  ixii  iision  of  this  L'raiii  ill 
IKls.  nor  the  s.itlinieiits,  ii-adiii'.'  posts,  anil  forts, 
whii'li  have  been  .'siablishid  by  ihal  coiii';;i.iy  un- 
der it,  can,  in  the  .'Ji:'hiesi  di".:-ree,  slreiii,ahen  tins 
Uriiisli  or  impair  the  Ameri.'aii  title  to  ,iny  portion 
of  till'  Ore:;oii  Terrilory.  'I'lie  Urilish  claim  is  nei- 
ther better  nor  vorse  llnui  il  wn.'  on  llie  ■JiMh  Oc- 
lob.-r,  HH,  the  date  of  ill.   first  ronvenii.ci. 

The  title  of  till'  rnitid  Sntis  to  the  v;illey  of  the 
Coliniibia  is  older  than  the  Kloriila  tniity  of  I'\'b- 
rnary,  1^11),  under  wiiicli  the  rnitid  Pilules  ac- 
ipiired  all  the  riiihts  of  Sp;tiii  t.i  ihe  northwest  coast 
of  Ane-'-e  ..  and  exists  iiidependeiilly  of  its  pro- 
visions. !''.vcn  snp)'osiiiir,  then,  ilnii  the  Urilish 
c.iiistre.ction  of  the  .Nootka  Sinnu  ■■onveiitioii  was 
correct,  it  could  no  aiiply  to  this  lorlion  of  the 
lerrilory  in  disp.ite.  .'V  convention  between  (ireat 
liritain  and  Spain.  ori;iiiaiiiiL'  f'loni  a  ilispme  eon- 
.'eniiiiLT  a  petty  ir;iditi.,'  esiablishm.  nl  at  '. '"itka 
■Sound,  could  noi  abridc:e  lie  ri'.i!iis  of  other  na- 
tions, lioth  ill  public  and  private  law,  an  airrer- 
meri  between  tv.o  p;iriies  can  never  bind  a  lliird 
wiiiioiit  his  c.nisenf,  exprt  ss  or  implied. 

Tin  exiraiirdinary  pniposiiion  w  ill  s.  an',  ly  be 
aLjain  urireil,  that  our  acuni'-itioii  of  lit  ri'^l-.s  of 
■■^paiii  under  the  I'l.iriila  treaty  can,  in  a    y  in. inner, 

weaken  or  inipaii r  pn-i  xislini;  iliie.     It   may 

often  become  expedii  nl  (iir  nations,  us  il  is  for  in- 
dividuals, lo  iiurdiase  an  ontstandiiej;  title  men'ly 
fir  the  sak  •  of  peace:  and  it  has  iievei  hcrctofon' 
been  jinai;ineil  that  ihe  acipiisiilon  of  .su.'h  n  new 
title  rendend  Ihe  old  one  less  valid,  ruder  t'^s 
principle,  a  party  liavinu  iwo  liihs  would  be  con. 
liniil  lo  Ills  worsi,  and  wiinid  f.irfeit  his  best.  Our 
,. '  piisiiio  I  of  the  ri','hls  of  Spion.  tin  n,  under  the 
I'lorida  Ireiitv,  whilst  il  cannot  allci  tiie  prmr  li'lo 
oi'il;.'  rniteil  States  to  the  valley  of  the  Coliunbia, 
has  p'tidereil  it  more  cli  ar  anil  uni|nesiioiiable  be- 
f'ore  the  world.  We  have  a  perfecl  riu'lit  lo  claim 
iuiil''r  both  these  titles;  anil  the  Spanish  title  aloii.  , 
evi  n  if  it  were  nee.  ssiirj  'o  conllne  ourselves  to  it, 
.  would,  in  the  ujiiniun  of  llic  Prcbidenl,  be  good 


1815.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


31 


M 


afh-H  Cong Ist  Sess. 

US  nc;iiiiist  Oi-i'nt  jirilaiii,  iint  ineri>ly  t'>  lln"  vnllry  j! 
(>!'  tlio  CulmnljiM,  Ipiit  tlie  whcile  ton-ilory  nf  On-  |i 
cmi.  ;' 

Our  invn   Amrricmi   title,  to  tlin  oxtciit  of  the 
lalivy  iif  llic  CMiliimliiii,  irsiiti";  ns  il  dcics  on  ilis- 
riivcry,  rx|>lonilioii,  and  iiosscssion — ;i  jiossiKsion 
111  kihiwIiMkri'd  liy  ii  most  .solmiii  aitt  of  l\u:  Britisli 
(iiiviiiii.ii'iil  ilHc'll'— isasnilirii'iil  iiN^aimiice  au'iiinsl  ' 
nil  iiiMoKiiid;  whilst  oor  so|.i'nuldcd   lilli;  derived  i 
iVoni  Spain  extends  our  ixe.liisive  rii^lilB  over  tlie  ^ 
whole  territory  in  disimie  as  a.^ainst  Great    Bri- 
tain. 

Sni'h  lieinj  the  opinion  of  the  President  in  re- 
gard to  the  title  of  the  Uniti'd  Stales,  he  wonld  not 
have  eonsenied  lo  yi<'ld  any  portion  of  the  On  L;nn 
'I'errilory,  had  he  not  found  himself  einharrnssed,  | 
if  not  (■[imuiilied,  l>y  the  acts  of  his  predeeessiirs. 
They  had  iihiloinily  pnieeechd  upon  the  principle 
of  eompromisi'  in  all  iheir  iie^joliations.  Indei d, 
the  lirsi  qtiesliiu;  presented  lo  him,  afli'r  enter' 
upon  the  duiii'S  of  his  olfice,  was,  whether  i.  j| 
should  ..hrnptly  tiiuuimle  tiie  neiroiiation  whieh 
liad  !>een  etmimrneed  and  coudueled  helween  Air. 
Calhoun  and  .Mr.  I'akeiihnni  on  the  (.rineiple 
iivoived  in  the  first  )M-oto-ol,  not  of  eoniendinK 
for  the  whole  territory  in  ilisputi,  lint  of  trealina: 
of  the  respee.live  cl.ums  ot"  tiie  parlies,  ''with  the 
'  view  to  I'stahlish  a  pirnianeni  iioundary  lielween 
'  the  two  countries  westward  of  the  Itockv  moun- 
'  tains." 

In  view  of  these  facts,  the  President  has  deter- 
mined to  pursue  the  jiresent  iie'j;otiation  to  its  eoii- 
ehision  upon  the  principle  of  coinpnimise  in  which 
it  eonnneni'ed,  i\iu\  to  make  one  more  elforl  to  ad- 
just tins  lonn-pendiiii:  (  onlroversy.  In  this  deiei- 
ininalinn  he  trusts  lliat  the  Uriiish  Clovermnent  will 
recognise  his  sincere  and  anxious  desire  to  <'ul!i- 
vate  till'  most  friendly  rel.itions  hctv.een  the  two 
eounliies,  anil  to  manifest  to  the  world  that  lie  is 
acliiati'd  hy  a  spirit  ot' moderation,  i'e  has,  tlien'- 
fon.',  insirnc.ted  the  undirsi^'iieil  usaii  '.i  |in'|iose  ' 
toi|ie(iiiverninenl  of  Gn'at  Ihitain  that  I'le  Oreu:on 
Territory  sliall  be  divided  lielween  the  two  conn- 
tries  by  the  foriy-nintli  parallel  of  norlh  laiitude 
from  the  Rocky  inouniains  lo  th»'  Pacilic  ocean; 
oll'erintt,  at  'lie  .s.ime  time,  to  make  free  to  tireat 
IJrilaiii  any  port  or  ports  on  Vancouver's  island, 
siHilh  of  this  ])arallel,  V  hiidi  llie  Hrilish  Govern- 
ment may  desire.  He  irusts  tliai  Cheat  Ihiiain 
may  receive  this  i..oposiiion  in  the  tViendly  spirit 
hy 'which  it  v.  as  dictated,  and  that  il  may  jimve 
the  sialile  fotindation  of  lastiie.'  peace  and  harinony 
li"l H'cen  the  two  countries.  The  line  proposeil  will 
carry  oul  the  principle  ot'  eontinii.iy  eipially  for 
hen  parties,  liy  ext' ailimr  the  limits  holh  oi' an- 
eieiii  Louisiana  and  Canada  to  the  Pacilic,  alon^; 
the  same  |iarallel  of  laiiiude  w  Inch  divides  them 
e.i.si  of  ilie  Ilocky  inonniainci;  md  it  will  sei'uriMo 
each  a  siitlicit'in  numher  of  eemmodious  harliors 
on  ihe  northwest  coast  of  Ar.erica. 

Tlie  .nidersii^ned  avails  '  Imsidf  of  this  occasion 
to  r  law  to  .Mr.  Pakenliam  the  iis.sunuice  of  his  t 
disiiniiuished  ccmsideralion. 

.lAMES  BUCHANAN. 

The  Ri^'ht  Hon.  II.  Paklxham,  &c, 

(II.  P.) 
'\V*5iitxi;Tox,  ./ii/ii  if),  1^4."). 

Notwithstandinir  'he  prolix  discussion  wlrch 
the  siiiijeci  has  alr":ty  under'  one,  the  inidersii;ned, 
tier  IJri'annic  .\li.|estv's  Kn\oy  Kxtraovdinary  and 
Miiiisier  Pleiii'ioIe'Uiary,  iVels  ohliired  to  place  on 
record  a  lew  aiservation-'  in  reply  lo  the  sialianrnl 
(marked  .1.  1!.)  which  he  had  il:e  honor  lo  nceive, 
on  ihe  jliih  of  tins  neniili,  fnnn  llie  hands  of  the 
Secretary  of  Stale  of  the  I'niied  Slates,  terminaliii!; 
with  a  pniposition  on  the  part  of  the  I'niied  Slates 
lor  the  scltleiiieiu  of  the  On"i'on  (piestiiin. 

In  this  luper  It  is.  .il.lhat  "  lit.- title  of  the 
'  I'mted  Stales  to  itiat  portion  ol'ihe  Ch'eijon  Terri- 
*  lory  helween  the  \  alley  of  the  Colniiiliia  anil  the 
'  liitssian  line,  in  ,''>4'^4ii'  norili  hoiiuile,  is  rerorueil 
'  in  the  Klorida  Irea'v.  ruder  this  ireiiiy,  il",ni  on 
'  ;J'il  I'Mmiary,  |S|!),  Spain  ceded  to  the  I'niied 
'  Stales  all  her  vi:;lils,  claims,  .mil  pn'iensions  to 
'  any  territories  v. est  ot*  the  liocky  niounlaiiis,  and 
'  iio'rih  of  thet-Jd  parallel  of  laiitiii'ie."  "  \Vi' eoii- 
'  tend,  (.says  the  Secretary  of  State,)  thai  at  the  date 
'  of  this  emivention,  Spain  had  a  :;oo(l  tiile.  as 
'  ai^ainst  Greai  Ih'iiaiii.fo  the  wholeOrcLronTi  rrilo- 
'  ry;  and,  if  litis  bu  ciilaUiiihed,  the  iiueatiuii  in  then  . 


The  Oregon  (Question. 


Senate  and  Ho.  of  !Iei's. 


'  decided  in  favor  of  the  United  Stales,"  the  coii- 
veniion  helween  Grea.  I'ritain  and  Spain,  siiriied 
al  Ihe  I'lsciirial,  on  the  UHth  of  October,  17UU,  iioi- 
wilhslandiinj. 

"If,"  says  the   American  Plenipotentiary,  "it; 

*  should  appear  that  this  treaty  was  transient  in  its    ; 
'  very  naliin';  that  it  conferred  upon  Gnat  Britain 

'  no  'riijht  lint  that  of  merely  trailiiii;  with  the  In- 

*  dians,  whilst  liie  conntry  should  remain  unsei- 
'  tied,  and  making  llie  necessary  esUiblislinieiils 
'  for  this  purpose;  that  it  did  not  inlerfere  with  the 
'  ultimaie  sovereifriily  of  Spain  over  the  Territory: 
'  and,  above  all,  thai  it  was  annulled  by  the  war 
•helween  Spain  and  (Jieat  Uriiaiii,  in  ITlMi,  and 
'  has  never  since  been  renewed  by  the  parties,  then 

'  the  British  claim  to  any  portion  of  the  Territory  ; 
'  will  pnive  to  be  destiiule   if  foundation."  : 

The  inalersiirned  will  endeavor  to  show,  not  ' 
only  thai  «  hen  Spain  concluded  with  Oie  rnilcil 
Staies  the  treatv  of  l.-i|l),  eommonlv  called  the 
l''loriila  Iri'aly,  the  eonveniion  coiicluiled  between 
the  firmer  Power  and  Great  Britain,  in  IT'.K),  was 
considered  by  the  parties  to  it  to  be  slill  in  force; 
but  even  tliat,  if  no  snc|i  treaty  had  ever  existed. 
Great  Britain  would  stand,  with  reference  to  a  : 
claim  to  the  Orc'i'on  Ti  rritory .  in  a  position  at  lea.st 
as  favorable  as  ihe  Cniied  States. 

The  treaty  of  IT'.X)  is  not  appealed  to  by  the 
British  Governmenl,  as  t!ie  .'Vmerican  Plenipoten- 
tiary seems  to  suppose,  as  their  "main  reliance" 
in  the  jiresent  discussion;  ii  is  appealed  to  to 
.show  that,  by  the  treaty  nf  IMl'.l,  by  which 
"Spain  ceiled  to  the  iJiiited  Slates  all  her  rights, 

*  claims,  and  pretensions  lo  any  territories  west  of 

'  the  Uockv  mountains,  and  north  of  the  4'Jil  ]>;u':il-   ' 
'  lei   of  latitude,"   the  United   Slates  acipiind   no 
ri'.'ht  lo  exclusive  dominion  ovei    any  part  of  the 
Oreu'on  Territor)'. 

The  tn'aty  of  171)0  eniln\aeed,  in  fact,  a  variety 
of  objects.  It  jiartook,  in  some  of  its  stipulations, 
of  the  nature  of  a  commercial  convetitioii ;  in  oilier 
respects,  it  must  be  considered  as  an  ackno\^  Inli;- 
metit  of  existiii*;  riirliis— an  admission  of  ceri.iin 
principles  of  international  law,  not  lo  be  revoked 
at  the  pleasure  -if  either  party,  or  to  he  set  aside  by 
a  cessation  of  friendlv  relations  between  them. 

Viewed  in  the  tinnier  li^'ht.  its  sii|uilaiio,is  niialit 
have  hern  considered  as  cancelled  in  coiiNrrjuence 
of  the  war  which  subsef|uenlly  took  place  between 
the  eontractiiii^  parties,  were  it  not  that,  bv  the 
treaty  eonelnili'd  at  .Madrid,  on  the  O.Mli  Auirust, 
|H14,  it  was  dei-lanal  that  all  the  treaties  of  com- 
merce wliich  subsisted  belwe-'U  the  two  itatimis 
(Great  llrilain  and  .Spain)  in  17!)!)  were  thereby 
ratilieil  and  cinifirmed. 

Ill  the  ]:i|t,>r  poinl  of  view,  the  restoration  ol'  n 
stale  of  peace  was,  ot'  itsell',  sutlicient  to  restore 
the  admissions  contained  in  the  eonveniion  of  17!)() 
to  their  full  oi'i!.^inal  liu'ce  and  \  i^'^or. 

There  are.  htsiui's,  very  jiosiiive  reasons  for  \ 
concludiii'^  thai  .Sjiain  d...  iioi  consider  the  sti|iu-  ' 
lations  of  the  Xooika  conventioii  to  have  been  re- 
\'oked  bv  the  war  of  ]7!)lt,  so  as  to  reipiire,  in  or- 
der to  be  binding  on  her,  thai  they  should  have 
been  e.^pressly  re\iveil  or  renewed  on  the  restm-a- 
liou  of  peace  lii'iween  the  two  coiiniries.  Had 
Sp'iin  eoiisidenil  thai  eonveniion  to  have  been 
ammlled  by  the  w,ir;  in  other  words,  had  she 
considend  lierM'It'  restored  to  her  former  position 
and  pret.'uslons  with  respect  lo  the  exeluslv" 
dominion  over  the  unoceupieil  [larts  of  tin-  .Noiih 
Amerieiin  continent,  il  is  not  to  be  iniaL'ineil  thai 
she  would  have  passively  submitted  lo  .-*<■  the  eon- 
teiidii  L'  claims  of  Gn' it  Britain  and  Ihe  United 
Sial.-s  lo  a  poi-iion  of  that  territory  the  subicci  of 
ncirotialion  and  I'onnal  iliplomaiic  Iransacuoiis  be- 
tween those  iwo  iiMtions. 

It  is,  on  liie  c'liilrary,  from  her  silence  wiili  re- 
spei'i  to  the  contii.O"d  occupaiion,  by  the  Brilish,  , 
of  their  selileinenis  ii  the  Cohunbia  territory,  .sub- 
siiiuently  to  the  eonveniion  of  I.SI4,  nnilwhen, 
as  yei,  there  had  been  no  transfer  of  her  ii:;his, 
claims,  or  prele.islons,  to  '■■  United  !<iales:  and 
fnim  her  silence,  also,  while  onporMu;  neiioiialions 
respectinu;  the  Cohunbia  lerritory,  incompatible 
allo'j-ether  wit'i  her  ancient  claim  lo  exclusive  do- 
minion, were  in  proirnss  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  Stales,  tiiirly  lo  be  inferred  that 
.Spain  eniisidered  the  siipnralion  of  llie  Xnolkn 
eonveniion,  and  the  principles  therein  laid  down, 
to  be  still  in   Ibrce. 

Hut  the  Anicriciiii  Plenipotentiary  goes  so  Par  as  . 


to  .'"Hy  thai  the  British  Governmenl  iisi'lf  hall  no 
idea,  in  |M|H,  that  the  Nootkn  Soniiil  eonveniion 
w.is  then  ill  Ibr'e,  because  no  reliniice  was  made 
to  it  on  llie  part  ol'  Kiii^land  dnrii.^  ihe  nemniatiuil 
of  that  ye.ir  on  the  Ore!:oii  question. 

In  n-ply  lo  ihis  ai-Kument,  it  will  be  suflirii'iit  for 
the  «ndeisi;;iieil  to  remind  the  Aniericin  I'lenipo- 
ti  nliary  ilial  in  the  year  lH|r^  mi  claim,  as  derived 
t'roiii  .Spain,  was  nr  could  be  pni  forili  hy  ihu 
United  Stales,  seein;;  that  il  was  not  iniiil  lite  lol- 
lowiii'.^  year,  (llie  year  l.-^lll,)  ihat  the  treoty  wa.s 
eonelnded  by  which  Spain  transferreil  to  the 
Uniied  States  her  n;ilits,  I'laims,  and  pretensions 
to  any  le,'ritories  we;;I  of  the  llockv  mountains, 
and  norlh  of  ihe  4'Jd  parallel  of  laiiiiide. 

Hence,  it  is  olivimis  thai  in  the  year  Irtl^l  no  oc- 
casion had  arisen  tor  appi  alinsr  to  liie  <|ualiticd  na- 
t.n-e  ot'  the  riixlits,  claims,  and  pretensions,  so  Iran:  - 
ferreil — a  ijiiatificatioii  imposed,  or  al  least  recoi;- 
nised  by  ihe  eonveniion  of  ,Nooil:a. 

'J'lie  iiilr  of  the  I'mieil  Stales  In  the  valley  of 
the  ('olumhia,  the  .'Vmerican  IMenipotenliarv  ob- 
serves, is  older  than  the  Florida  In  ly  of  FVbr.t- 
nry,  IHlit,  and  exists  iiidepeiideiiily  of  ils  pro- 
visions. Even  supposint.',  then,  that  the  British 
eonstructioii  ol'  the  Xooika  Soiniil  convention  waa 
correct,  it  could  not  apply  to  this  portion  of  the 
territory  in  dis|aile. 

The  undersiu'iied  must  be  pei-milied  res|ieotl\dly 
to  inquire  upon  what  principle,  unless  il  be  upon 
the  )iriiicip!e  which  forms  the  foniidation  of  the 
.Nooik.i  convention,  could  the  United  States  have 
acquired  a  title  to  any  part  of  ihe  On  "/on  terrilorj', 
previously  lo  th.  treaty  of  1H]|),  and  iiidependently 
of  its  pnivisions.-  By  discovery,  exploration,  sei- 
lleineni,  will  hi'  the  answer. 

But,  .says  the  Am 'rican  rienipotentiary,  in 
another  |)art  of  his  stalee'ent,  the  ri'.'lits  of  l^lpain 
lo  the  \vest  euasl  of  Amen  :a,  as  far  north  as  the 
lilst  deirree  of  laiitude,  were  so  eoirplete  as  never 
to  have  been  seriously  questioned  b\-an\'  European 
naiion.  'i'hey  had  been  maintained  by  Spain  with 
the  most  vij;ilanl  jealousy  ever  since  the  discovery 
of  the  American  eontineut,  and  had  been  ac(|uies- 
ced  in  by  all  Ennipean  Powers.  They  had  been 
admitted  even  by  Russia,  and  that,  too,  under  a 
soverei'.rn  peculiarly  leimcioiis  ol'  the  territorial 
riijhts  of  her  empire,  who,  when  eoniolainls  had 
been  made  lo  llie  court  of  Kii.'-sia  njrainsi  Ru3si;m 
sulijecis,  for  violaiinu;  the  Spanish  territory  on  the 
northwest  coast  ol*  America,  did  not  hesitate  to  RS- 
snre  the  Kiiii;-  of  Spain  tli  it  she  was  extremely 
sorrv  th.'it  the  repealed  orilers  issued  'o  prevent  the 
subjecls  of  Russia  from  violalin^,  ia  llie  .sntullest 
ileirn'e.  the  territory  beloiiiriii'.;  In  another  Power, 
sliMuld  have  been  disobeyed. 

Ill  what  did  this  aUesied  vi.ilation  of  territory 
eonsi>t ;  Assuredly  in  some  allempted  acts  of  dis- 
covery, I'Xploralion.  or  seltlem*  i.l. 

Al  iliat  'ime  Russia  stood  in  precisely  the  same 
posilion  with  reference  to  the  exclusive  riijhls  of 
Spain  as  ihe  United  States ;  and  any  aeis  iiiconira- 
venlion  of  those  riichls,  whelhi  r  enianatin»  from 
Russia  or  from  the  Uiiiled  Stales,  v.  oiild  necessiu'i- 
ly  be  Jiidsiil  by  one  and  lie-  same  rule. 

How,  till  ,1,  can  it  be  pnieniled  that  acts  which, 
in  ihe  case  of  Russia,  \vf\f  considen'd  as  criminal 
violation  of  the  Spanish  Territory,  .-should,  in  thn 
case  of  eiti/.ens  ..t'  the  United  Stales,  be  appealed 
lo  as  -"oustiiniiii/  ,■  valid  title  (o  the  terriiitry  af- 
fected by  them;  and  ycl  fnun  ihis  i.aa  nsistency 
the  Amerieaii  Plenipotentiary  cnnnol  escape,  if  he 
persists  in  considerinir  the  American  tide  lo  have 
been  pert'eeied  by  discovery,  exploration,  and  si  t- 
llemeni,  when  as  yel  Spain  had  made  no  transfer 
of  her  riu'his,  if,  to  use  his  own  wonl'i,  "  that  title 
*  is  older  ihan  ihe  Uloriila  treaty,  and  exists  inde- 
•pendeutly  ol'  iis  provisions." 

A  onlliiu'  to  the  doctrine  of  exclusice  dominion, 
the  exolor;'tion  of  Lewis  and  I'larlte.  .uid  the  es- 
tablislm.ciil  founded  at  lliemoiiih  of  the  Cihunhin, 
mils;  be  coiitieioMcd  asencroacinnei'is  on  ihe  terri- 
torial riu'lits  of  .Spain. 

Aeeorilinirioihe  opposite  principle  '  y  which  dis- 
emery,  expiualion,  and  seiiicineiit.  are  considered 
MS  niviiuj  a  '  1  claim  lo  iirciiory,  iliose  very  iicis 
an'  refern  d  m  the  course  of  the  same  piu'-'r  a.s 
eonstiuitin;  a  ooinplete  title  ill  favor  of  the  Uniied 
States. 

Ilc^iidps,  hnw  shall  we  reconrile  this  hiL,'h  cslima- 
lion  iif  the  tenitorid  ri'.^hts  of  Spain,  considered 
indopeiidciitly  of  the  Zsuoika  Sound  convention. 


n'2 


APPEXDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GT.OHE. 


[Dpc. 


fit 


t     ♦■ 


H 


II 


29th  CoNfi 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (Question. 


Senate  and  Ho.  of  Reps. 


wW.  llic  I'linrsc  olisrrved  tiy  llii'  I'liiled  Slali's  in 
their  (lt))lnn)nlir  trtiiisactioiis  A\iih  Crr^.x  Britiiin, 
iircviiinsly  m  the  I'oiK'lusioii  of  tin'  Klnvida  In-Mly  • 
The  I'liiiiM  ;i(lviiiiiTil  fiir  llin  rrKiitiilioii  iil'  I'liri 
1  it  (»i';je,tuul{rllif-rirs(  jirtii  It'of  iltr  treMty"l't.ilioiit ; 
ttio  arnincrinoiit  coin'luii.'ill'or  tin' jni!!t  cn'cn}Kiti"ii 
t»!'  llio  Ort'irmi  Tcri'ilory  I'V  (.irc.il  lirimiii  ami  ihc 
Uiiid'd  Stiiirs;  and,n!">vc  all,  ll'r  proprwal  iii'limHy 
iiiadr  (Ht  the  ]>art  oi"  ilie  I'liilei!  Sia'os  torn  pnrtitiit'i 
(if  till'  Ori'!,'(m  Tcrriinrv ;  nil  wliirli  transacliniiK 
toiilv  phicc  in  the  y.ir  1^'H.  whrii,  lis  yd,  .S|iaiii 
liad  niado  no  transirror  ^'(*s^it>Il  iit"  luTri^lil.s, — ap- 
pear In  he  as  little  veediicilnble  willi  any  regard  tor 
those  rights  while  Mtill  visKd  in  Spain,  as  the 
rlii;a  fi-'Huied  on  <l:s-n\crv,  exploraiinn,  antl  set- 
lieaient  atenniplisherl  pre\!iiMsly  lo  the  translcr  ipf 
thase  riichtM  to  the  Tniled  Sc-.tes. 

Snp])nsin':r  the  arrani^enient  proposed  in  the  year 
V'^IH,  or  any  cilicr  arran'_^eniejit  lor  the  parliiion  ot". 
the  Oroi,'on  Territory,  I"  have  tieoii  eoneluded  in 
thii»e  days  l)i  Iwvcn  Cireit  Ih'itain  and  this  eoun- 
try,  what  xwndd-  in  thai  ease,  have  boeomc  of  the  ' 
cxeii'sixe  riL''hts  of  Spainr  ! 

Tia  re  wiinld  havebeen  no  refnje  for  the  United  , 
Stales  i)ut  in  an  appeal  to  ilu    i»riia'iples  lA'  the 
rsonika  eonventi'in.  I 

To  deny,  llu'n,  the  validity  of  the  Nootlva  eon-  : 
ve..:!(tn,  is  to  proelaini  the  illeijality  of  an\'  title 
foinuled  on  diseoverVi  exploration,  or  scttleineni,  ] 
previons  to  the  efineliision  of  the  Florida  treaty.       i 

To  ajii>e"l  lo  the  Florida  lre;iiy  as  eonveyinj;  lo  1 
the  TTrntcd  titiiles  anv  e\.dasi\     riirhls,  is  to  altaeh  ;! 
a  eliaraeter  ot  eni'i'oaehntenl  ami  of  vini;!titin  ofth.* 
riirliis  of  Spain  to  every  net  to  uhieli  ihe  United 
iStales  app'  altd  in  the  nej:otiation  of  ]S1H,  as^iviii:; 
llieni  a  elaiin  to  territory  tui  the  iiorllnvest  eoast. 

Tiiese  eonelusions  iippcar  lo  the  undersigned  to 
be  irrt-sistahle.  '    ■  :' 

The  United  Stales  ean   ftititui  no  elaim  on  dis-  , 
e.pvcrv,  exploration,  and  settlenient,  elfeeted   jjre- 
viously   lo   the   Florida  treaty,  vvitlnait  admitting 
tiie  prineiples  of  the  Xofttka  convention,  a'ld  the  ^ 
eonseqnent  vslidily  of  the  parallel  elaims  of  Urent  i| 
IJrita'ii  (inualed  on  like  net-j ;  nor  ean  they  appeal  , 
l>  any  exclusive  riiriit  as  acoiiired   l«v  tlu'  Floritlri  ■ 
to'aty.  without  tiusetlin;:  all  ciainis  addnceil  in  their  : 
own  proper  riain,  liy  n'iison  of  Jiscoviay,  exnlora- 
tioii,andseitli'nieiil,antcee(l'nttotliiit  anaau'i  in"iit. 

The  undersi(^ned  tnts'  .u  he  has  now  shown 
tlau  the  convention  of  I7!H1,  (liii"  Nootka  Sonnd 
convenlion,)  has  continued  in  fiiH  and  conijilele 
tiiive  up  to  the  prrseiit  moment — 

V>y  reason,  in  llie  first  place,  of  the  eomniorcial 
i'harnctcr  of  sonie  of  iis  ]>rfivisions,  as  such  ex- 
iircssly  renewed  hy  the  eonveniion  of  Au'^iisi,  1^14, 
hctwfcn  Gn'at  Ih'iiaiM  and  Spain  : 

I*V  rcnsoji,  in  the  next  place,  of  ihearajuiescence 
of  Spain  in  various  trnnsaeiions  to  which  ii  is  not 
to  he  supposed  that  that  Pout  r would  have  assent- 
ed, had  she  not  fiU  '"'•uiid  hy  thi'  provisions  of  the  ;| 
I'oMveMtion  in  (,nesuon : 

And.  thinlly,  l:y  re-ison  of  repeated  nets  of  the 
(loverninent  of  '1|<' United  States,  previons  to  the 
c-ouelnsion  of  tlie  Floiida  treaty,  tn  'festinij^  au- 
hfreme  lo  the  principlesof  the  \oa  a  convention, 
or  at  least  dissent  from  the  exilusive  lux'tcnsions  of 
(Spain. 

1  lavin^lh*  plied, and, he  hopes. satisf!ic|f)ril'.', 
to  the  ol.sei  vations  of  the  Amerie:'ii  I'lenipoien- 
tiary  with  rcgnect  to  ilieelleciof  ihe.Vootka  Sound 
r'on\ention  and  the  F!  trida  treaty, «'is  l>earin'4  upon 
thi  suUjici  of  the  present  d:scii>-sirni,  the  nnder- 
fii'.rni  d  nuist  ende.udr  to  show  that  even  if. the 
No'itka  Soinitl  (''invention  had  never  existed,  the 
position  f>l*C.i rial  Itrilain  in  r>  irard  lo  her  claim, 
whedier  to  tic  whole  or  to  any  parti''ular  portion 
of  the  Iln'_'ini  Terrilory,  is  ill  least  ns  good  as  tliat 
of  the  Uinted  Sia'es. 

This  Itraiich  of  the  suhjeet  must  he  eonsiilercd, 
fir^^t,  with  refei-ence  n  (Manciple — to  the  ri'_^hi  oi" 
i;itl;er  party.  Great  llritain  or  the  United  States,  lo 
I'Xplore  or  mai<e  setllemeius  in  the  (>re^on  Terri- 
tory without  \iol''ion  ofilu'  riiihts  f»fS[iain;  and, 
next,  ;-upposin'.r  the  frst  to  lie-  di:rided  allirnuuive- 
ly,  with  n  ferencc  to  the  relative  value  and  iinoor- 
l.iuep  of  the  ai'ts  of  discovery,  exploration,  and 
Hctllemenis,  nll'ected  hy  ea''li. 

As  relates  to  the  (pu-slion  of  principle,  tin'  ini- 
dersiji'ned  ihiidi-'  he  can  furuisli  no  hcltei- nf.Mnue.ii 
llini:  that  c.nitain'd  in  tin'  followiiii;  words,  whi.li 
helms  idready  oii'-e  ipioti  il  frmn  the  btutciiicnt  of 
the  Amcriciiii  I'leiiipolentiary : 


"  The  tiili'  of  the  I'niied  Slates  to  the  valley  (if 
'  Ihe  Columliia  is  older  Ihan  ihe  I'lin'ida  trealyofl 
'  I'llirnary,  Ifl!),  under  which   the  United  Stat( >■  i 
'  ac'iitired  all  the  4'i^'hls  of  Kpai'i   lo  the  northwest 
'  eoa-a  of  America,  ami  exisis  indepenilcinlv  ol*  its 
'  provi. .    IS."  Andaa-ain:  '■  The  title  of  ihc  I'liind 
'  Slates  to  thr   'utire  re^n(Ui  drained  by  the  ( 'ohnu- 
'  hia  river  nml  its  branclips,  was  )  criect  and  c(Uu-  j 
'  plete  I.efore  the  dale  of  the  treaties  of  joint  oceu-  ' 
'  pancy  of  October,  ]S18,  and  Aiejusl,  IKiiT."  ' 

The  title  thus  referr(  il  to.  nnisi  I  e  that  reslin; 
on  dis''overy,  explon'ti(m,  atul  s(  tth meat. 

If  this  liile,  then,  is  ;;'Ood,  or  rather  was  ^ood, 
as  a.^ainst  the  exclusive  pretensions  of  Spain,  |ire- 
viously  to  the  e(ualtisioii  of  the  I'Morida  treaty,  so 
must  the  claims  of  (ireat  Lh'itain,  resting;  on  the 
same  njroonds,  he  ^'ood  also. 

'J'hiis,  ilien.  it  s'-t  nis  manifest  ihat,  with  orvvith- 
(Uil  tile  ai(l  of  the  ?>ootka   Sonnd  eonveiuion,  the 
claims  of  Gr(  at   llritain,  restin-^  on  disi-overv.  ex- 
ploration, and  settlenient,  are,  in  point  of  principle,  I 
e(pially  valid  with  those  of  the  Untied  States.  ' 

Let  us  now  see  how  the  comparison  will  stand 
when  tried  bv  the  reialivo  value,  importance,  and 
anllu'iuiciiv  ol'  each.  ' 

liejectiiu;  )>re\  ions  discoveries  north  of  ilic  42d  j 
parali(  1  of  latitude  as  not  sullicicnlly  anlhenticati  d, 
it  will  be  seen  on  ll'.e  side  of  tireai    Ih'ilain,  that,, 
ill  n'rt,  Cajitiiin  Cook  discovered  Cape   Flattery,  j 
the  southern  entrance  of  the  straits  of  l''itea.   Cook  : 
innst  also  be  cnnsidcrid  the  discoverer  of  Nootka  ! 
Sonnd,  in  eiuir^rpu'iiee  of  the  want  of  authenticity 
ill  the  alh'L'cd  previons  discovery  of  tiial  jiort  bi' 
Pere;-. 

In  I7S7,  Cnutain  fierUeley,  n  riritisli  subjiwt,  in 
a  vessel  under  Austrian  colors,  discovered  the  slrail' 
f)f  Fuea.  I 

In  tlie  s!ime  year,  Cap'ain  Duncan,  in  Ihc  ship 
"  Princess  'loyal,"  entered  the  straiLs,  and  traded  ] 
at  ihe  V ■  II:  LTc  (')f  Classel.  | 

In  17(^',',  .Means,  a  Ilritish  sulijecl,  forr.\ed  the  j 
establishment  at  S'ool.ia,  which  irave  rise  to  the 
inemomble  discussion  willi  tlic  Spani.sh  Goveru- 
nienf,  endiuir  in  '''c  recoc-eilion,  by  that  I'ower, 
of  the  riiiht  of  (in  at  Hriiain  to  form  selll-'inents  in 
the  unoccupied  parts  of  the  iKu'lhwesi  poriion  of 
the  American  eontiiieiil,and  in  Ml  enira'Temeut,  on 
the  part  (^f  .Spain,  lo  reinstate  Mear(s  in  the  piis- 
session  fnmi  which  he  had  bten  ejected  by  tiie 
SpanisI;  commaniiers.  ; 

In  170U,  Vancouver,  who  had  In'en  S' "t  from  , 
Eni^land  to  wittiess  the  fnlfilnietit  of  I  aboit- 
nieiitioned  eni^iirement,  an'l  loefl'e('t  a  survey  of  the 
northwest  eoast,  ihpartiuij;  iViuii  Xoolka  S(aind, 
entci-ed  the  straits  of  F.n'a  :  i.'id,  at'ter  an  accurate 
survey  of  the  coasts  and  inh  ts  on  liotli  sides,  dis- 
covered a  pass.airc  norihwards  into  the  Pacific  by 
which  he  reiuracil  to  .Vooilc.i — havint;  thus  eir- 
eumnavi'zati  (I  the  island  which  now  bears  his 
name.  And  In  re  we  have,  as  far  as  rel.iles  lo 
Vancouver's  island,  as  comph  te  a  case  of  di.S('o- 
very,  exploration,  and  sc'tlement,  as  can  well  be  ', 
presented,  ;,rivin:,'  lo  (In  at  Ih'ilain,  in  any  arraiije- 
nunt  that 'may  be  made  with  re'rard  lo  ihe  terri- 
tory in  dis]nite,  the  stnm^i  st  ]iossibiti  claim  lo  the 
exclusive  possession  of  ihal  island. 

^V!li]e  \'ancoiiver  was  prosccuiim:^  discovt'ry 
and  exploiiiiion  by  sea,  Sn'  Alexander  Macken- 
zie, a  partner  in  the  Northwest  Cimipany,  cmssed 
the  Rocky  monnlains,  disidvered  the  head  waters 
of  the  river  since  called  Frasi  r's  ri\er,  and.  fol- 
lowiiii^  for  sonie  lime  ihe  e,un'se  of  that  river, 
eireclcd  a  passa'.'c  lo  the  sea — beiiiij  the  first  civil- 
ized man  who  traversed  the  continent  of  Amerii  a 
('r'Un  sea  to  sea  in  ihose  latitmhs.  (In  the  return  ' 
of  Atacken/.ie  to  Canada,  the  Xorthwi'Sl  Company 
esiablished  tradiii','  pests  m  the  cimnlry  lo  tin 
westward  of  the  It'icky  niomn  lins. 

In  l^^ll!  and  HI  I ,  respectively,  ihe  same  cmn- 
p  my  esiablished  posts  oil  ihe  Tacoutche,  Tcs.so, 
and  the  (;olnmliia.  i 

In  the  year  1H|I,  Thonpison,  the  luslrono  ler  of 
the  \  irthwest  Company,  di.-i  .,vi  ml  the  nonliern 
head  waters  of  the  Columbia,  and,  folhiwinit  its  ' 
course  lilt  ioini '1  by  the  riv(  rs  pre\  iously  discmcr- 
ed  bv  l.iwis  and  ('laike,  he  coniimted  his  journey 
to  llie  I'iK  i(ic. 

I'nnn  thai  time  until  the  year  b-<18.  when  the 
arraiircment  for  ihi  joint  occnpancy  of  the  terri- 
tory was  concluded,  the  Norlhwe-a  I  'ompanycon- 
iinni(l  to  extend  their  op(  rations  ihiouLrbonl  the 
(Jieyoii Terrilory  1  mid  to  "oceuiiy,"it  may  beHaiUi . 


as  far  as  occiipaiiun  can  be  efl'eeled  in  regions  so 
inaccessible  and  destilule  of  resoiireca, 

While  all  ihis  was  passinc:,  the  f  lowinir  events 
occurred,  vihieh  constitute  the  Aintriean  claim  in 
tin  Ir  own  |iniper  risht : 

'n  17:):.',  Gray  entered  the  niiailh  of  the  Colum- 
bia riier. 

Ill  IWI."),  Lewis  and  Clarke  eO'ccled  a.pas'^airu 
acniss  the  lioeky  mounlaiiis,  imd,  diseovirins  a 
bnnich  o'"  the  (.'olnmbia  river,  followed  it  until 
they  naehed  ihc  ocean. 

In  1^1 1,  the  iiailiii!,'post,  or  selilemenl,  of  Asio- 
rift  WIS  (siablished  at  the  month  of  the  Cohiinbia, 
on  ihejiiu'thern  side  of  that  river. 

'^I'bis  post  or  >citlement  passed,  (liirin<;  the  last 
war,  into  British  liaoils,  by  the  vohiiiiary  act  of 
the  persons  in  ('liai'^':e  of  itr—a  fact  most  clearly 
established.  It  was  resUired  to  tlie  United  Stales 
in  b-tl8,  with  certain  well-authenticated  rescrva- 
ti'iiis:  but  it  was  never  aciuully  re-occupied  by 
American  ciii.'.eiis,  having',  from  the  momeiil  of 
Ihe  (U'i(,'inal  n-ausfer  or  sale,  eimlimied  to  be  occui- 
pied  by  Rrilish  subjects. 

These  are  the  acts  of  discovery,  exploration, 
and  selilemenl,  referred  lo  by  llie  United  Staus, 
as  i;iiin^'  ihein  a  claim  lo  the  val|evo'"iliu  Colum- 
bia, in  their  own  pniper  ri^'h'. 

']'he  Ibiti.^b  '..:.  •crnnK  II'  arc  disposed  to  view 
them  in  the  most  liberal  sense,  Bnd  to  ijivc  to 
them  Ihe  uimosi  v.'ilue  to  which  Uiey  can  in  fair- 
ness be  entitled:  lint  there  are  circumstiinccs  nt- 
tendin'r  each  and  all  of  tin  in  which  must,  in  the. 
opinion  of  any  ini|iarlial  inveslii^aior  of  the  sub- 
ject, lake  iVom  them  a  'j:n:\l  deal  of  the  ell'ect 
which  the  .■\niiri''aii  ne^(itiat(ns  assign  to  then'  a.1 
L'ivini;  to  this  ('(miitry  a  claim  lo  the  entire  reg.on 
draiiud  bv  the  (-'oh.aibia  and  its  brai.ilu  ■ 

In  the  (Irsl  place,  as  rehucs  u.  Ihi  di-- ,  'T  ■ 
Gray,  it  must  be  remarked  lliat  he  w.is  a 
naviiralor,  sailinu' principally  for  Ihc  imrp  '  ,a  ol 
trade  ;  which  fact  csiablishes  a  wi'le  dilfercnce,  in 
a  na.'ional  point  of  view,  between  the  discovi  ri(  h 
aeeoi  iplished  by  hhn  and  those  (  fiecleil  by  Cook 
and  Vancouver,  who.saihd  in  .hipg  of  the  royal 
navy  of  Great  Uril.un,  and  v.'.o  were  sent  to  ilio 
niu'lliwest  eoast  fir  the  ex  pre  s  pur|)Ose  ofexplor- 
ation  and  disciivery. 

In  the  next  place,  if  is  a  e'n'umstancc  not  to  be 
I(  SI  si_'  1  of,  that  il  was  not  for  .sev(  ral  y(ars  fol- 
lowiil  lip  by  any  act  which  could  <rivc  it  i.dne  in 

national  puintof  view:  it  was  not,  in  truth,  ni.ido 
known  lo  the  world,  eitln  r  by  the  discovenr  iiiu- 
self  or  by  his  (jovernment.  .So  recently  as  tin? 
Vcar  Ifili,  Ihe  .\meriean  Pienipoteiitiarirs  in  Lon- 
ilon  remarki  d,  with  u'V(  al  correctness,  in  one  of 
llieir  reports,  that,  "  nspcctinu:  the  mouth  of  the 
*  Coliunbia  river,  we  Know  notiiinj^  of  CJray's  dis- 
'  coveries  but  lliniiii;h  Krillsli  accounts." 

In  the  next  iilace,  the  connexion  of  Gray's  il!;;- 
covery  with  that  of  I,ewis  d  Clarke,  is  inter- 
rupted by  the  in!i  rvcniie.'  e>|ilor,ition  of  Li(  nlen- 
aiil  lh-oii!;hion,  of  the  rn-iii.--li  siirieyin;^  ship 
"Chtuham." 

Willi  11  sped  to  the  expedition  of  Lewis  and 
CI  like,  il  nuisl,  on  a  close  exaniinniion  of  iho 
route  |inisned  by  them,  be  (-onfessed  that,  ii(  ilhcr 
on  tin  ir  outward  journey  to  the  Pacific,  nor  on 
their  homeward  journey  lo  the  United  Slatis,  did 
they  tinicli  upon  the  bead-waters  of  the  principal 
branch  of  the  (,'ohimbhi  river,  which  lie  far  to  the. 
norlh  of  the  i  iris  of  the  country  traver.sed  and 
exi'lored  by  tncui 

Thonipson,  .if  the  Prilish  Niu'lhwest  Co'npanv, 
was  the  first  civilized  person  who  nai  iirali  d  ifio 
northern,  In  ri  ality  the  main,  branch  of  the  Co- 
himiiia,   or   traversed   any   ,  '  the    eonnlry 

drained  by  it. 

It  was  I'ly  a  tributary  of  the  Columbia  lliat  L"W- 
is  and  Clarke  made  tin  ir  way  lo  llie  main  stream 
of  that  river,  which  they  naehed  at  a  )ioiiil  dis- 
lain,  il  is  beliived,  not  mm'c  llian  Iwohimdnd 
mills  iVom  the  point  to  which  the  river  had  al- 
ready 111  •  n  explored  by  Pninuhlon. 

These  f.iets,  the  uiidersiened  eota^eives,  will  bo 
found  sntliiieiii  lo  reduce  ihe  vahie  of  Lewis  and 
(Ilarki 's  explonilion,  on  the  ('olmnbia,  to  limits 
which  would  by  no  means  justify  a  claim  lo  ihn 
whole  valley  diained  by  Ihal  river  and  its  branches. 

As  to  si'til.  inenl,  Ihe  (pi.diliiil  nainn  of  the 
ri':bis  devolved  to  the  United  SliU- ,  by  \  irtiK  of 
the  reslilulioii  uf  Fori  Aatoi'ia,  has  already  bun 
puinled  out. 


%? 


[Dec.  2, 
OF  Rkps. 

I  ill  rt'gioii!)  Hi> 
cs. 

lOwill^'  CVflllM 

.rii'iui  rhiim  in 

of  till?  ('..Iiiiii- 

tcil  ;i.ii:'.s-M'j(' 
(lisiMVi  rill;;  ii 
liiwcd  it  until 

iiiciil,of  Anio- 
thc  Coliiiiiliin, 

nviii'j;  llio  li'st 
(luiilary  net  of 
I  iiiiisi  I'li'iiriy 
Uiiiti'il  SlatiM 
(■:itf(l  resrrva- 
V-nC0U|li('(l  liy 
K'    lllllllllllt    of 

n'd  to  Ijt'  ocru- 

'.  ryplori'tioii, 
Uiiili;d  States, 
o'"  the  Coluiii- 

iposi'd  lo  view 
(lid  tu  ijivo  ID 
ey  fan  ii'  ("air- 
punistaiu-cs  at- 
1  niiisl,  ill  tlic 
iir  lit'  till'  "iili- 
il  ol"  the  rd'ci-t 
ii:;ii  lo  tlic'iv  iiH 
c  I'lilire  rcg.on 
i\ialH  ■ 

lb  dis'  ,■  ;ry  1^1 
!  was  a 

i;  )air|i  '  .;  m 
e  dilrVrciK't ,  in 
lie  discovfi'icM 
Vrtid  !>v  Cooli 
)8  of  iliV  royal 
're  sent  to  llio 
lOsc  of  e-^plor- 

aiiee  not  to  l>r 
<-raI  years  fnl- 
\i:  ii  value  ill 
truth,  made 
seoverer  i  'in- 
eiitlv  as  the. 
rics  ill  Leii- 
in  one  of 
uiniitli  of  the. 
fCiray'sdis- 

■  (jray'H.!;s- 
rlii',  IS  iiiter- 
of  Lil  lllen- 
eyilii;    sliip 

T.ewis  mill 

laiioii  of  llio 

iliat,  neither 

fie,   nor  on 

I  Slates,  did 

prineipnl 

I'll-  to  the 

rsed   and 

.1  ('"op'iiiy, 
ia\  iiiati  il  lliij 
..f  the  Co- 
t!a'    eoiiiilry 

lin  tiial  T,"w- 
iiiaii)  stnam 
a  ]ii»iiil  dis- 
t\^'o  liiindied 
I  r  had  al- 

'ives,  will  he 
f  Lewis  and 
lia,  to  liinila 
elailil  to  tho 
its  hranehes. 

lIllIT     of    thi^ 

hy  virtiii'  of 
illcady  hi  i  it 


1845.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


-*r 


.33 


SiDrn  CoNC 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  (Question. 


New  Series No.  3. 


It  will  thus  he  seen,  the  undersigned  eoiifidently 
believes,  thiit  on  the  grounds  of  discovery,  explo- 
ration, and  setllcnient.  Great  Britain  has  noihing 
to  fear  from  a  comparison  of  her  claims  to  the  Ore- 
eon  Territory,  taken  as  a  whole,  with  those  of  the 
United  States. 

That  reduced  to  the  valley  drained  by  the  Co- 
liimhia,  the  fUcts  on  which  the  United  States  rest 
their  case  are  fi\r  from  beintj  of  that  complete  ond 
(Exclusive  character  which  would  justify  a  claim  to 
the  whole  valley  of  the  Columbia ;  antl 

Tlmt,  especiidly  as  relates  lo  Vancouver's  island, 
taken  by  itself,  the  preferable  claim  of  Great  Brit- 
ain, in  every  point  of  view,  seems  to  have  been 
clearly  demonstrated. 

After  this  exposition  of  the  views  entertained 
by  the  British  Government  respecting  the  relative 
value  and  importance  of  the  British  and  American 
claims,  the  American  Plenipotentiary  will  not  ba 
surprised  to  hear  that  the  undersigned  does  not  feel 
at  liberty  to  accept  the  jiroposal  ofl'crcd  by  Uic 
American  Plenipotentiary  for  the  settlement  of  the 
ijuestion. 

This  proposal,  in  fact,  offers  less  than  that  ten- 
dered by  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  in  the 
negotiation  of  1826,  and  declined  by  the  British 
Government, 

On  that  occasion  it  was  proposed  thai  the  navi- 
gation of  the  Columbia  should  be  made  free  to 
uoth  parties. 

On  this  nothing  is  said  in  the  proposal  'a  which 
the  undersigned  has  now  the  honor  to  reply;  while, 
with  respect  to  the  proposed  freedom  of  the  ports 
on  Vancouver's  island  south  oP  latitude  49°,  the 
facts  which  have  been  appealed  to  in  this  paper,  as 
giving  to  Great  Britain  the  strongest  idaun  to  the 
possession  of  the  whole  island,  would  seem  to  de- 
prive such  a  proposal  of  any  value. 

The  undersigned,  therefore,  trusts  that  the  Ame- 
rican Plenipotentiary  will  be  prepared  to  oft'er  some 
further  proposal  for  the  settlement  of  the  Oregon 
question  more  consistent  with  fairness  and  eqiuty, 
mid  witli  the  reasonable  expertations  of  the  British 
Government,  as  defined  in  tlie  statement  (marked 
D)  which  the  undersii^iied  had  the  honor  to  present 
to  the  American  Pleiiipotentiary  at  the  early  part 
of  the  present  negotiation. 

The  undersigned,  British  Plenipotentiary,  has 
the  honor  to  renew  to  the  Honorable  James  I3u- 
i'honim,  Secr,,tary  of  State  and  Plenipotentiary  o( 
the  United  Suites,  the  a.ss'irance  of  lu.s  hi'j;li  con- 
sideration. R.  PAKEMiAM. 

lion.  James  Buchanan,  &a. 

(J.B.  2.) 
Dkpautment  of  Statk, 
IVashinglon,  .lugust  30,  1845. 
The  undersigned,  SeereUiry  of  Stale  of  the  Uni- 
ted Slates,  deems  it  his  duty  to  make  some  observa- 
lii'iis  in  reply  lo  the  sUitement  of  her  Britannic  Ma- 
jesty's  Knvoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Pleni- 
p IV  MUiary,  marked  R.  P.,  and  dated  dUth  of  Jtdy, 

.'i-eliminary  to  the  discussion,  it  is  neecs.sary  to 
hx  '  <•  atlcntion  upon  the  precise  question  under 
<^>i  'leration,  in  the  present  stage  of  the  negotiii- 
'io  1.  This  question  simply  is,  were  the  titles  of 
.3pHi'i  111  the  United  States,  when  united  by  the 
Floriuii  treaty  on  the  aSd  of  February,  1H19,  good 
as  against  Great  Britain,  to  the  OreL'i.n  Territory 
as  far  north  as  the  Russian  line,  in  the  latitude  of 
.54p4n'?  If  they  were,  it  will  be  admii'ed  that 
this  whole  T  iiorynow  belongs  to  the  STnited 
States.  ^ 

The  undersigned  again  reinaiks  that  it  is  not  his 
purpose  to  repeat  the  argument  by  which  his  pre-  I 
deiessnr,  Mr.  Calhoun,  has  demonstrated  the  Anie- 
rieaii  title  "to  the  entire  reL'ion  drained  by  tlie 
Cohinihia  river  and  its  branches,"  He  will  not 
thus  impair  its  force. 

It  is  contended, -on  the  part  of  Cireat  Britain, 
that  the  United  States  ai'quired  and  hold  theSimn- 
ish  title  subjeet  lo  the  leriiis  and  conditions  of  the 
Ni  ii\u  Sound  convention,  eonehided  between 
Ire.'t  Britain  and  Spain,  at  the  Escuriid,  on  the  I 
UHth  October,  171)0.  | 

In  opposition  to  the  argiinieiit  of  the  nndersign- 
cd  coiilained  in  his  statement  marked  J.  B.,  niiiiii- 
taiiiing  thai  this  convention  had  been  annulled  by  i 
the  war  between  Spain  and  Great  Britain,  in  17%,  I 
mid  has  never  since  been  revived  by  tlic  parlies,  I 


-*(> 


3 


the  British  Plenipotentiary,  in  liia  statement  mark- 
ed R.  P.,  has  taken  the  following  positions  : 

1.  "That  when  Spain  concluded  with  the  Uni- 
'  ted  States  tlie  treaty  of  1819,  commoidy  called 
'  the  Florida  treaty,  the  convention  coneludeil  be- 
'  twecii  the  former  Power  and  Great  Britain,  in 
'  1790,  was  considered  by  the  parties  to  it  to  be 
'  still  in  force." 

And  2.  "  But  that,  even  if  no  such  treaty  had 
'  ever  existed.  Great  Britain  would  staad,  with 
'  reference  to  a  claim  to  the  Oregon  Territory,  in 
'  n  position  at  least  as  favorable  as  the  United 
'  Slates." 

The  undersigned  will  follow,  step  by  step,  the 
orgument  of  the  British  Plenipotentiary  in  support 
of  t!i  ;se  propositions. 

The  Brili.sh  Plenipotentiary  states  "ihat  the 
'  treaty  of  1790  is  not  appealed  to  by  the  British 
'  Government,  as  the  American  Plenijiotcntiary 
'  seems  to  suppo.se,  as  their  'main  reliance'  in  the 
'  present  discussion;"  but  to  show  that,  by  the 
Florida  treaty  of  1819,  the  United  Slates  acquired 
no  right  to  exclusive  dominion  over  any  part  of  the 
Oregon  Territory. 

The  uiidcrsigiied  had  believed  that  ever  since 
1826,  the  Nootka  convention  has  been  regarded 
by  the  British  Government  as  their  main,  if  not 
their  only,  reliance.  The  very  nature  and  ]icculi- 
arity  of  their  claim  identified  it  with  the  construc- 
tion which  they  have  imposed  upon  this  conven- 
tion, and  necessarily  excludes  every  other  basis  of 
title.  What  but  to  accord  with  this  construction 
could  have  caused  Messrs.  Hiiskisson  and  Adding- 
toii,  the  British  Commissioners,  in  specifying  their 
title,  on  tile  16th  December,  1826,  to  declare  "  that 
'  Great  Britain  claims  no  exclusive  sovereignty 
'  over  any  portion  of  that  territory.  Her  present 
'  claim,  not  in  respect  to  any  |iart,  but  lo  the  whole, 
'  is  limited  to  a  riglit  of  joint  occupancy  in  com- 
'  mon  with  other  Stales,  heaving  the  right  of  ex- 
'  elusive  dominion  in  abeyance."  And  again: 
"  By  that  convention,  (of  IVootka)  it  was  agreed 
'  that  all 'parts  of  the  northwestern  coast  of  Amcr- 
'  ico,  not  already  occupied  at  that  time  by  cither 
'  of  the  contracting  parties,  should  thenceforward 
'  be  equally  open  to  the  subjects  of  both  for  all 
'  purposes  of  eonuiiercc  and  settlement — the  sover- 
'  eignty  rcmainiiiL'  in  abeyance."  But  on  this 
subject  we  arc  not  letl  to  mere  inferences,  however 
clear.  The  Brilisl'  Commissioners,  in  their  state- 
ment from  which  tlie  undersigned  has  jiisl  quoted, 
have  virtually  abandoned  any  otl-  ■  title  which 
Great  Britain  may  have  previously  asserted  to  the 
territory  in  dispute,  and  expressly  declare  "  llial 
'  whatever  that  title  may  have  been,  however,  ciili- 
'  er  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  or  on  the  part 
'  of  Spain,  jirior  lo  the  convention  of  1790,  it  teas 
'  lliencijbneard  no  longer  to  be  traced  in  ragiu  nnr- 
'  ratires  ofiliscoreries,  several  of  tliein  admitted  lo  6» 
'  apncryp'-^'  but  in  the  text  and  slipulutions  of  that 
'  conven,.      .tself." 

And  again,  in  summing  up  their  whole  case, 
they  say: 

"  Admitting  that  the  Uniled  Stales  have  acquired 
'  all  the  rights  which  Spain  possessed  up  to  the 
'  treaty  of  Florida,  either  in  virtue  of  discovery, 
'  or,  OS  is  pretended,  in  right  of  Louisiiuia,  Great 
'  Britain  maintains  that  the  nature  and  extent  of 
'  these  rights,  as  well  as  the  rights  of  Great  Brit- 
'  ain,  are  fixed  luid  defined  by  the  convention  of 
'  Nootka, "lie.,  &c., (Sic. 

The  undersigned,  after  n  careful  examination, 
can  discover  nothing  in  the  note  of  the  present 
British  Plenipotentiary  to  Mr.  Calhoun  of  the  12lh 
September  last  to  impair  the  force  of  these  declara- 
tions and  admissions  of  bis  predecessors.  On  the 
contrary,  its  general  tone  is  in  perfect  accordance 
■villi  them. 

Whatever  may  be  the  consequences,  then,  whe- 
ther for  good  or  for  evil — whether  to  strengthen  in- 
to destroy  the  British  claim — it  is  now  too  late  for 
the  British  Governnienl  lo  vary  their  position.  If 
the  Nootka  convention  conlVrs  upon  tlieni  no  such 
rights  as  they  claim,  they  cannot  at  this  late  hour 
go  hrhind  its  provisions,  and  set  up  claims  which 
in  182G  they  ailniitled  had  been  merged  ''  in  the 
text  and  slipiilatio  is  of  that  convention  itseif  " 

The  undersii;'  .d  re;;rets  that  the  British  Pleni- 
polentiarv  h-.j  not  noticed  his  exposition  of  the 
inie  consiruction  of  the  N.ioi!;a -onvention.  He 
had  endeavored,  and  he  believes  sucocsslVdly,  to 
prove  that  this  treaty  wns  transient  in  its  very 


nature ;  that  it  conferred  upon  Great  Britain  no 
right  but  that  of  merely  trading  with  the  Indians 
whilst  the  country  should  remain  unsettled,  and 
making  the  necessary  estahlishmcnls  for  this  ]iiir- 
po.se;  and  that  it  did  not  interfere  with  the  ulti- 
mate sovereignty  of  Sjxiiii  over  the  territory.  The 
British  Plenipotentiary  has  not  attempted  to  resist 
these  conclusions.  If  they  be  fair  and  legitimate, 
then  it  would  not  avail  Great  Britain,  even  if  she 
should  prove  the  Nootka  convention  to  be  still  in 
force.  On  the  contrary,  this  convention,  if  the 
conatntction  placed  upon  it  by  the  undersigned  bo 
correct,  contains  a  clear  virtual  admission  on  the 
part  of  Great  Britain  that  Spain  held  the  eventual 
right  of  sovereignty  over  tlie  whole  disputed  terri- 
tory, and  consequently  that  it  row  belongs  to  the 
United  Slates. 

The  value  of  this  admission,  made  in  1790  's 
the  same,  whether  or  not  the  invention  has  co.i- 
timied  to  exist  until  the  present  day.  But  he  is 
willing  to  leave  tliis  point  on  llio  uncontroverled 
argument  contained  in  his  former  statement. 

But  is  the  Nootka  Sound  convention  still  in 
force.'  The  British  t-ieniiiotcnliarv  aoes  not  eoii- 
test  the  clear  general  principle  of  puldic  law, ' '  that 
'  war  terinine.'es  all  subsisting  treaties  between  the 
'  belligerent  Powers."  He  contends,  however,  in 
the  fir.st  place,  that  this  convention  is  partly  com- 
mercial; and  thai,  so  far  as  it  partakes  of  this 
cliuracler,  it  was  revived  by  the  treaty  concluded 
at  Madrid  on  the  98th  August,  1814,  which  de- 
clares "  that  all  the  treaties  of  commerce  which 
'  subsisted  between  the  two  parlies  (Great  Britain 
'  and  .Sjiain)  in  1796,  were  thereby  ratified  ond 
'  confirmed;"  and,  2d,  "  that  in  other  respects  it 
'  must  be  coasidered  as  an  acknowledgment  of  sub- 
'  sisling  right.s — an  admission  of  certain  principles 
'  of  international  law,"  not  to  be  revoked  by  war. 

In  regard  to  tlie  first  proposition,  the  undersigned 
is  satisfied  to  leave  the  question  to  rest  upon  his 
former  argument,  as  I'ue  British  Plenipotentiary 
has  contenled  himself  with  merely  asserting  the 
fact,  that  the  comnierciid  portion  of  the  Nootka 
Sound  convention  was  revived  by  the  treaty  of 
1814,  withost  even  speciiying  what  he  considers 
to  be  that  portion  of  i  it  convention.  If  the  un- 
dersigned had  desired  to  strengthen  his  former 
position,  he  might  have  repeated  with  great  effect 
the  argiinient  contained  in  the  note  of  Cord  Aber- 
deen to  the  Duke  of  Sotomayor,  dated  30tli  June, 
1845,  in  which  his  lordship  clearly  established 
that  all  the  treaties  of  commerce  subsisting  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  S|iain  previous  to  1796 
were  I'onlincd  to  the  trade  with  Spain  lUone,  and 
did  not  embrace  her  colonics  and  remote  posses- 
sions. 

The  second  proposition  of  the  British  Plenipoten- 
tiary deserves  greater  attcntiuu.  Docs''  J  Nootka 
Sound  convention  belong  to  that  clas ,  of  treaties 
coiitaiiiing  "  an  acknowledgment  of  subsisting 
'  rights — an  admission  of  certain  princi])les  ofinler- 
'  national  law,"  not  to  be  abrogated  by  war.'  Had 
Spain  by  this  convention  acknowledged  the  right  of 
all  naiioiis  to  make  discoveries,  |)lant  settlements, 
and  establish  colonies,  on  the  northwest  coast  of 
America,  bringing  with  tl'cMii  their  sovereign  juris- 
diction, there  would  Ivive  been  much  force  in  the 
argument.  But  sue  i  lui  admission  never  was 
made,  and  never  was  intended  to  be  made,  by 
Spain.  The  Nootka  convention  is  arbitrary  and 
artificial  in  the  highest  degree,  and  is  anything 
rather  than  the  mere  acknowledgment  of  simple 
and  elementary  principles  consecrated  by  the  law 
of  nations.  In  all  its  provisions  it  is  expressly 
confined  to  Great  Britain  and  Spain,  and  acknow- 
ledges no  right  whatever  in  any  third  Power  to 
interfere  witli  the  northwest  coast  of  America. 
Neither  in  its  terms,  nor  in  its  essence,  does  it 
contain  any  acknowledgment  of  previously  sub- 
sisting territorial  rights  in  Great  Britain,  or  any 
other  nation.  It  is  strictly  confined  to  future  eii- 
gageinents;  and  these  are  of  a  most  peculiar 
character.  Even  under  the  construction  of  its 
provisions  maintained  by  Great  Britain,  her  cl.iim 
does  not  extend  to  plimt  colonies ;  which  she  woulil 
have  had  a  right  to  do  under  the  law  of  nations, 
had  the  country  heeii  uiia|ipropriated ;  but  it  is 
limited  to  a  mere  right  of  joint  occupancy,  not  in 
respect  to  any  part,  hut  to  the  whole,  tlie  sover- 
eignty remaining  in  abeyance.  And  to  what  kind 
of  oiTupancy  ?  Not  separate  and  distinct  colonies, 
but  s(»tlcrc(l  settlements,  intermingled  with  each 


-t 


•!6&.^ 


34 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Dec.  '2, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess, 


The  Oregon  Question. 


Senatk  and  Ho.  of  Rkps. 


11  ' 


other,  over  ihe  whole  surface  of  the  lerritury,  lor 
the  single  purpose  of  Imding  with  the  Iiidiiiiix,  lo 
all  (if  wliiih  till!  suhjects  of  riicli  Power  shoiilil 
li.ivo  IVec  iu<-e«-i,  the  ri<,'lit  of  exchisivo  (loniiiiiiiii 
rem.tiiiiiifr  .Hu»|>eiiiltil.  Hiirely,  it  iiiiiiiot  lii^  aiic- 
ressl'iilly  lOiilejided  thiil  .lueh  u  Irealy  is  "  ■m  nd- 
uiissiiiii  of  rerlaiii  principleMof  iiiU'riKiliiiiml  law," 
so  cncred  mid  wi  perpetual  ill  their  iialun'  iis  iiiu 
lo  lie  aiiniilleil  liy  war.  On  the  eoiitiniy,  fmni  the 
eharacler  of  its  provisions,  it  eiiiiiiot  lie  siijipcHed 
for  n  siiiftle.  niomciit  that  it  was  intended  (or  any 
purpose  Out  ihiU  of  n  mere  tenipoinrv  ariaujfenu'iit 
lirtween  Great  Uiitain  and  Spain.  The  law  of  na- 
tiona  reeopnisps  no  such  principles  in  resjird  lo 
iinnpi»ro]>nated  territory  as  those  einliraeed  in  this 
treaty,  ami  the  British  I'lenipotentiary  must  fail 
in  llie  atlenipt  to  prove  that  it  eonlniiis  "an  ad- 
mission of  eertiiin  principles  of  interniitioniil  law'* 
which  will  survive  the  slioik  of  war. 

But  the  British  I'lenipotentiary  contends,  that 
from  the  silence  of  Spain  duriiiij  the  nej^otintions 
of  1818  between  Great  Britain  and  tlie  Uiiik'd 
iStatea  res|)cc.tinyr  the  Orejron  Territory,  as  well  as 
"  from  her  silence  with  rcK|«'ct  to  the  continued 
'occupation  hy  the  British  of  llieir  settlements  in 
'  the  Columbia  Territory,. sulisequeutlv  to  the  eon- 
'vention  of  lsl4,"  it  may  fairly  "  lie  Inferred  that 
•Simiii  considered  the  stipulations  of  the  Nootlia 
'convention,  und  the  principles  therein  laid  down, 
•  lo  lie  still  in  force." 

The  undersigned  cannot  imai;ine  a  case  where 
the  ohli^ttiona  oi*  a  treaty,  once  extinguished  by 
war,  can  be  revived  without  a  positive  ai^reemeiit 
to  this  clTect  between  the  parties.  Even  if  both 
parties,  after  the  conclusion  of  peace,  should  per- 
form positive  and  uiieiiuivocal  acts  in  accordance 
with  Its  ])rovi.sions,  these  must  be  construed  as 
merely  voluntary,  lo  be  ilisenntinued  by  cither  at 
pleasure.  But  in  the  present  case  it  is  not  even 
jiretended  that  Spain  performed  luiy  act  in  accord- 
ance with  the  convention  of  Nootka  Sound,  al\er 
her  treaty  with  Great  Britain  of  1814.  Her  mere 
silence  is  rcliad  u|)on  to  revive  that  convention. 

The  undersigned  iui.serts  confidently,  that  neither 
by  public  nor  private  law  will  the  mere  silence  of 
<ine  party,  whilst  another  is  encroachiiiij  upon  his 
rights,  even  if  he  had  kiiowledtre  of  thlsencroaoli- 
meiit,  deprive  him  of  the.se  rights.  If  this  princi- 
ple be  correct  as  applied  to  individuals,  it  holds 
with  much  greater  lorce  in  rei;ard  to  nations.  Tin 
feeble  may  not  be  in  a  coiidiiioii  to  complain  against 
the  powerful ;  and  lluis  the  (ncroachinenl  of  the 
strong  would  convert  itself  into  ii  perfect  ''tie 
against  the  weak. 

In  the  present  case,  it  was  scarcely  possible  for 
Spain  even  to  have  learned  the  iKiidcney  of  iie- 

Siiiiations  between  the  United  Stales  and  Great 
Iriiain,  in  ixlation  lo  tlie  northwest  coast  of 
America,  before  she  hud  ceded  all  her  rights  on 
that  coast  lo  the  former  by  the  Florida  treaty  of 
22d  February,  1819.  The  convention  of  Joint 
occupation  between  tlie  United  States  and  Great 
Britiiin  was  not  signed  at  London  until  the  2(lth 
Ociober,  1818 — but  four  months  previous  to  the 
date  of  the  Florida  lieaty;  and  the  raiificatioiis 
were  not  exchanged,  and  the  convention  pub- 
lished, until  the  30th  of  .Tanuarv,  1810. 

Besides,  ''■<•  negotiations  which  terminated  in 
the  Florida  caty  had  been  coniniem  id  as  early 
as  Derembir,  1815,  and  were  in  full  progress  on 
the  aOth  October,  1818,  when  the  conveiuion  was 
signed  between  Great  Britain  and  the  I'nited 
States.  It  does  not  appear,  tlierefore,  that  Spain 
had  any  knowledge  of  the  existence  of  these  ne- 
gotiations; and  even  if  this  were  otherwise,  she 
would  have  had  no  motive  to  complain,  as  she 
was  in  the  very  act  of  transferring  all  her  rights  to 
the  United  States. 

But,  says  the  British  PIcnipoienliary,  Spain 
looked  in  silence  on  the  conliniied  oeeupalion  by 
the  British  of  the  sMileinents  in  the  Columbia 
Territory  suliseinienily  to  the  convcniloii  of  18H  ; 
and,  therefore,  slie  considered  the  Noottta  Sound 
eoMvention  to  be  still  in  force.  The  |Kriod  of  this 
silence,  so  far  as  it  roulil  allert  Spain,  eoniineneed 
on  the  28th  day  of  August,  1814,  the  daU'  of  the 
Hildiiioiml  iiriicles  to  the  treaty  of  .Madrid,  and 
terminated  on  the  Siid  February,  181!),  the  date 
of  Ihe  Florida  treaty.  Is  there  the  least  reason 
from  this  silence  lo  infer  an  admission  liy  Spain  of 
the  continued  existence  i.f  the  Nooika  Sound  con- 
vautiou?    In  tlie  first  pluce,  tliis  cuiiveiitiuii  was 


entirely  confined  "  lo   Imuling  on   the   coasts  of  i 
'  those  seas,  in  places  not  already  occujiied,  for  the 

*  purpose  of  carrying  on  their  commerce  with  the 
'  natives  of  the  (■ountry,  or  of  making  settlements 
'there."  It  did  not  extend  to  the  interior.  At 
the  dale  of  this  convention,  no  person  dreamed 
that  British  traders  ftiim  Canada,  or  Hudson's 
bay,  would  cross  the  Uocky  moinilains,  and  en- 
croach on  the  rights  of  Spam  fruiii  that  qimrter. 
Great  Briliiin  had  never  made  any  scttlenient  on 
the  iiorthwcBtern  cmist  of  America,  from  the  dale 
of  the  Nootka  Sound  eonveiiiimi  until  the  '2'M 
Fehriiarv,  181!);  nor,  so  far  as  llie  undersigned  is 
informed,  has  she  done  so  down  to  the  jiresent  ; 
moment.  S[iain  could  not,  therefore,  have  com- 
plained of  any  such  si  ttlenient.  In  regard  to  the 
encroachments  which  had  been  made  from  the  in- 
terior by  the  Xorthwest  Company,  neither  Spain 
nor  tlie  rest  of  the  world  had  any  specific  know- 
ledge of  their  existence.  But,  even  if  the  British 
Plenipotentiary  hud  brought  such  knowledge  home  i 
to  her — which  he  has  not  attempted— she  had  been  ' 
exhausted  by  one  long  luid  blomly  war,  and  was 
then  engaged  in  another  with  her  colonies;  and 
was,  besides,  negotiathig  for  a  transfer  of  all  her 
rights  on  the  northwestern  coast  of  Amcriealo 
the  United  States.  Surely  these  were  sutlicicnt 
reasons  for  her  siicnee,  without  inferring  from  it 
that  she  acquiesced  in  the  contuiued  existence  of 
the  JNoolka  convention.  If  Spain  had  entertained 
the  least  idea  that  the  Nootka  (Convention  wtis  still 
in  force,  her  good  faith  and  her  iiationitl  lionor 
would  have  caused  lier  to  comniunicatc  this  fitct 
lo  the  Uiii,  '  'ales  before  she  had  ceded  this 
territory  to  ,i  ,i  r  mplc  (!onsiderali(m.  Not 
the  leu.st  iuti.  a  \\a  kind  was  ever  com- 
municated. 

Like  Great  Brila  ,         1818,  Spain  in  1819  had 
no  idea  that  the  Nooik.i  Sound  conveniion  was  in  i 
force.     It  had  then  passed  away,  and  was  forgot-  j 
ten. 

The  British  Plenipotentiary  alleges,  that  the  > 
reason  why  Great  Britain  diif  not  assert  the  ex-  I 
istfiiice  of  the  Xootka  convention  during  the  nego-  j 
tialions  between  the  two  Governments  in  1818,  ' 
was,  that  no  ocea.sion  had  arisen  for  its  intcrposi-  ; 
tion,  the  American  Government  not  having  then  1 
acquired  the  title  of  Spain.  It  is  very  true  thai  ! 
ihe  United  Sl«ies  had  not  then  acquireif  the  Span-  ; 
ish  title ;  but  is  it  possilile  to  imagine  that,  through-  ! 
out  the  whole  negotiation,  llie  British  Commis-  \ 
sioners,  had  they  supposed  this  convention  lo  have 
been  in  existence,  would  have  remained  entirely  j 
silent  in  regard  to  a  treaty  which,  us  Great  Britain  j 
now  alleges,  gave  her  equal  and  co-ordinate  rights  I 
with  Spain  to  the  whole  iiorlhwest  coast  of  i 
.Vmerica.'  .Vt  thai  period,  Greet  Britain  confined 
her  claims  to  those  arising  from  discovery  and  1 
iiurchiuie  from  the  Indians.  How  vastly  she  could  [ 
nave  sirenglheiied  these  claims,  had  she  then  su|i- 
iiiised  the  S'o'itka  conveniion  to  be  in  force,  with  j 
ner  present  construction  of  its  provisions.  Even  ' 
in  I804  ii  was  first  iiilrodueed  into  the  negotiation, 
not  by  her  Coniinissioiicrs,  but  by  Air.  liush,  the  i 
i  American  PlenipoK'iitiary.  | 

I  But  the  British  Plenipotenliarv  argues,  that  "  the 
'  Uniled  Stales  can  Ibiind  no  cfaini  on  discovery, 
'  exploration,  and  seltlenieiit,eflecled  previously  to 
'  the  Florida  treaty,  without  adniillingtlu;  princiiiles 

*  of  Ihe  Nooika  convention  ;"  "  nor  can  th(-y  appeal  ' 
'  10  any  exclusive  right  as  acquired  by  the  Florida 
'trealy,  without  iqiselling  all  claims  adduced   in 

*  their  own  priqier  right,  by  reiuson  of  disctivery, 
'  ex|iloration,  and  setileincnt,  antecedent  tu  that  ar- 
'  rangicmenl." 

This  is  a  most  ingenious  method  of  making  two 
distinct  and  inde|iem]eiit  .ittes  held  by  Ihe  same 
nation  worsi!  than  one — of  arraving  them  against 
I'arh  other,  and  thus  destroying  llie  \alidily  of 
liiith.  Does  he  forget  that  llic  Uniled  Slates  own 
both  these  lilies,  and  can  wield  lliein  either  sepa- 
rately or  eonjoinilv  airainst  the  claim  of  Great  Bri- 
tain at  their  pleasure?  From  the  course  of  his 
remarks,  it  might  be  supposed  that  Great  Britain, 
and  not  the  Uiiiled  Stales,  had  acquired  the  .Span- 
ish title  under  the  Florida  trealy.  But  Great  Bri- 
tain is  a  third  parly — an  entire  stranger  to  both 
these  titles — and  has  no  right  whatever  to  marshal 
the  one  against  the  other. 

Bv  what  authoriiy  can  Great  Britain  inierjiose 
in  lliis  manner?  Was  it  ever  iniagineil  in  any 
cuurl  uf  Justiue^tluii  th«  ucc^uiiuliuii  uf  a  new  tillie 


destroyed  the  old  one  ;  and  rice  rersn,  that  the  pur- 
chase of  the  old  title  destroyed  the  new  one?  In  a 
qtiestion  of  mere  private  right,  it  would  be  con- 
s'ciiied  absurd,  if  a  stranger  lo  both  titles  should 
say  to  the  party  who  had  made  a  sctUement,  You 
shall  not  avail  yourself  of  your  possession,  l.e- 
cause  I  his  was  taken  in  violation  of  another  out- 
standing title  i  and  lUthough  I  must  admit  that  you 
have  also  ncqiiireil  this  outstanding  title,  yet  even 
this  shall  avail  you  nothing,  because,  having  taken 

Cossession  previously  to  your  purchase,  you  therc- 
y  evinced  that  you  did  not  regard  such  title  n« 
valid.  And  yet  suih  is  the  mode  by  which  the 
British  I'linipotenliary  has  attempted  lo  destroy 
both  ihe  American  and  Spanish  titles.  On  thu 
contrary,  ni  the  ease  mentioned,  the  possession 
tuid  the  outstanding  title  bcMig  united  in  Ihe  siuiie 
individual,  tliese  conjoined  would  be  as  perfect  as 
if  both  had  been  vested  in  him  from  tne  begin- 
nini". 

The  undersigned,  whilst  strongly  asserting  both 
these  titles,  antl  Iielieving  each  of  them  separately 
to  be  good  as  against  Great  Britain,  lias  studiinisly 
avoided  iiistituling  any  couiparison  between  them. 
But  admitting,  for  the  sake  of  the  argument  mere- 
ly, that  the  discovery  by  Captain  Gray  of  the 
j  month  of  the  Cohimliia,  its  exploration  by  Lewis 
I  and  Clarke,  and  the  settlement  upon  its  banks  at 
j  Astoria,  were  encroai'hmcntH  on  Spain,  she,  ami 
she  alone  had  a  right  to  complain.    Great  Britain 
I  was  a  third  iiarly  ;  and,  its  such,  had  no  right  to 
i  interfere  in  the  question  between  Spain  and  the 
United  States.     But  Spain,  instead  ol  compKiining 
t  of  these  acts  as  encroachmeiils,  on  the  2!2d  of  Feb- 
j  niary,  1819,  by  the  Florida  treaty,  traiislerred  the 
whole  title  to  the  United  Suites.     From  tliat  mo- 
ment all  possible  condict  between  the  two  titles 
was  ended,  both  being  united  in  tin   same  party. 
Two  titles  which  niiglit  have  conflicted,  therefore, 
were  thus  blended  together.     The  title  now  vested 
in  the  United  States  is  just  as  strong  as  though 
every  act  of  discovery,  exploration,  ana  settlement, 
on  tlie  part  of  both  Powers  had  been  performed 
by  Spain  alone,  before  she  had  transferred  all  her 
rights  to  the  United  States.    The  two  Powers  are 
one  in  this  respect ;  the  tw o  titles  iu«  one  ;  and,  as 
the  undersigned  will  show  hereafter,  Ihtv  serve  to 
confirm  and  strengthen  each  other.     If  Great  Bri- 
tain, instead  of  the  United  Slates,  had  acciuired 
the  title  of  S|miny«h- might  have  conlcndetl  that 
those  acts  of  the  United  .Slates  wept  encroachments; 
bill,  standing  in  the  attitude  of  a  strniiger  lo  boUi 
lilies,  she  has  no  right  to  interfere  ill  the  matter. 

The  undersigned  deems  it  unnecessary  lo  pur- 
sue this  branch  of  Ihe  .subject  ftirther  than  to  state, 
that  the  United  Slates,  before  they  had  acquired 
the  title  of  Spain,  always  treated  that  title  with  re- 
spect. In  the  negotiolion  of  1818,  the  Ameri- 
can Pleiiipoieni'aries  "did  not  assert  that  the  Uni- 
'  led  Slates  had  a  perfect  right  lo  Ihol  country ; 
'  but  insisted  ll  at  ttieir  claim  was  at  lea.';!  good 
'  against  Great  Briuiin  ;"  and  the  convention  of 
October  2(1,  1S18,  unlike  thai  of  Nooika  Sound, 
reserved  the  claims  of  any  oilier  Power  or  Slate  lo 
any  part  of  the  said  coiiiilry.  Tliis  reservation 
could  have  been  intended  for  .Spain  alone.  But, 
ever  since  the  United  States  »eqiiired  thi'  Spanish 
title,  tliev  have  always  asaerled  and  maintained 
their  riglit  in  the  strongest  terms  up  lo  the  l{u.s- 
siiin  line,  even  whilst  oU'ering,  for  the  sake  of  har- 
mony and  peace,  to  divide  ilie  territory  in  dispute 
by  the  49th  parallel  of  latitude. 

The  British  I'lenipotcnliary,  then,  lins  entirely 
failed  to  sustain  his  posilign,  that  the  Pniied 
States  can  found  no  claim  on  discovery,  explora- 
tion, and  selilemcnl,  without  admilling  the  princi- 
iiles of  the  Nooika  conveniion.  Thai  convention 
died  on  the  comineiicenienl  of  the  war  beiweni 
Spain  and  Fnglaiid,  in  1796,  and  baa  never  since 
been  revived. 

The  British  PIcnipoienliary  next  "endeavors  to 
'  prove,  thai  even  if  llie  Nooika  Sound  convention 
•  liad  mver  existed,  the  posilion'of  Great  Britain  ill 
'  regard  to  her  claim,  whether  lo  the  whole  iir  lo 
'any  particular  portion  of  the  Oregon  Territory, 
'  is  at  least  as  good  as  that  of  the  United  States," 
In  order  to  establish  this  position,  he  must  slii  \v 
that  the  British  claim  is  equal  in  validity  lo  the 
lilies  both  of  Spoin  and  the  Uniled  States.  These 
can  never  now  be  separated.  They  are  one  and 
the  same.  Diircrcnl  and  diverging  as  they  may 
hav*  been  bcfor*  the  Florida  trttuty,  they  are  now 


V 


1845.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


35 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question. 


Senate  and  Ho.  of  Reps. 


rsd,  timt  Ihe  pur- 
new  one?    Ill  (I 

I  wuiild  lip  nm- 
otli  litloH  mIiiiiiIiI 
sctUcmcnl,  Ymi 

possession,  l;p- 

ol'  iiiiotli>:r  onl- 

t  ndniit  tliut  you 

}g  tilli',  yt't  even 

so,  having  liiken 

hasc,  you  tlirre- 

;nril  Kueh  litlc  n« 

lie  by  which  Iho 

iptci  to  di'slroy 

tillos.     On  lh« 

the  ]iossri>i8inii 

iled  in  tlic  sanie 

he  ns  perfect  ns 

from  the  bfigin- 

y  asacrtins  ''"•^ 
them  separately 
I,  has  studiously 

II  between  them, 
arginncnt  mcre- 
in  Gray  of  the 
ration  by  Lewis 
pon  its  banks  at 
Spain,  slic,  and 
.  Grciit  Brilnin 
,  had  no  right  (o 
I  Sjmin  and  the 
I  ol  oomplaining- 

the  i22d  of  Feb- 

,  transl'erred  the 

From  tliat  mo- 

n  the  two  titles 

;lii   same  party. 

licted,  therefore, 

title  now  vested 

ronff  ns  though 

,  ana  settlement, 

been  performed 

iinffcrrcd  all  her 

two  Powers  are 

ire  one;  and,ua 

r,  thcv  serve  to 

If  Great  Bri- 

s,  liad  acquired 

eonlcnded  that 

encroaohmenis; 

trnnifer  to  bolli 

n  the  matter. 

K'pssiiry  to  pur- 

r  iliiin  to  slate, 

iind  acquired 

I  title  with  re- 

8,  the  Anieri- 

t  that  the  Uni- 

thal  country; 

at  lenf.t  good 

conventioii  of 

oolka  Soiuul, 

er  or  Stale  to 

I  reservation 

I  alone.  But, 
Id  ihc  Spanish 
Id  inaiiilained 
Ip  111  Ihe  Kus- 

s;ike  of  har- 
bry  in  dispute 

lins  enlirely 
the  Tnited 
|<ry,  explora- 
lij;  the  princi- 
lii  convenlion 
\\uy  lieiweru 

I  never  since 

endeavors  lo 

II  convenlion 
lal  Rritain  in 
I  whnle  or  lo 

I  Terrilory, 
ed  Slates." 
J  iniisi  sli-  \v 
lidily  to  the 
lies.  These 
lire  one  and 
they  may 
ey  are  now 


blended  together  and  identified.  The  separate 
discoveries,  explorations,  and  Helllenienls,  of  the 
two  Powers  previous  to  that  dale  must  now  be 
considerid  ns  if  they  hud  all  been  made  by  the  i 
United  Suites  alone.  Under  this  palpable  view  of 
the  subject,  the  undersigned  was  surprised  to  find 
thai,  in  the  coinparisou  and  contrast  inslilute,d  by 
llic  Urilisli  Plenipotentiary  between  the  claim  of 
Great  Britain  and  that  of  the  United  Suites,  he 
had  enlirely  omitted  lo  refec  to  the  discoveries, 
explorations,  and  setllcmenls,  made  by  Spain. 
The  undersigned  will  endeavor  i"  supply  the 
omis.sion. 

But,  ll.       .■  he  proceeds  lo  the  main  nrgumeiit 
on  this  1 1        ,  be  leels  himself  constrained  to  ex- ' 
press  his  surprise  that  the   British  Plenipotentiary  I 
should  ngniii  have  invoked  in  support  of  the  Bril-  , 
isli  lillo,   the  inconsistency  between  the  Spanish  i 
and  American  branches  of  the  tide  of  the  United  i 
Slates.     The  undersigned  cannot  forbear  to  con-  | 
gralulate  himself  upon  the  fuel,  that  a  gentleman  | 
of  Mr.   Pakeiihani's   acknowledged    ability   has  j 
been  reduced  to  Ihc  necessity  of  relying  chiefly  i 
upon  such  a  support  for  suslaining  the  Briiish  I 
pretensions.    Staled  in  brief,  the  argument  is  this :  | 
The  American  title  is  not  good  iK;aiiisl  Great  Brit-  j 
ain,  because  inconsistent  with  that  of  S)uiiii ;  and  : 
the  Spanish  title  is  not  good  agaiimt  Great  Brit-  ' 
oin,  because  inconsistent  with  that  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.     The  undersigned  had  expected  some- 
thing far  different  I'rom  such  an  argument  in  a 
circle.     He  had  anticipated  that  the  British  Pleni- 
potentiary would  have  atlcniptcd   to   ])rove  that 
Spain  had  no  right  to  the  northwestern  coa-st  of 
America ;   that  it  was  vacant  and  unappropriated ; 
and  hence,  under  the  law  of  nalions,  was  open  to 
discovery,  exphiratinn,  and  settlement,  by  nil  na- 
tions.    But  no  such  thing.      On  this  vital  point  of 
bis  case,  he  rests  his  urgumeiit  solely  on  the  dec- 
laration made  by  the  undersigned,  that  the  title 
of  the  United  States  lo  the  valley  of  the  Colum- 
bia was  perfect  and  complete  before  the  treaties  of 
joint  occupation  of  OcUiber,   IrtlS,  and  August, 
1837,  and  before  the  date  of  the  Florida  treaty  in 
1819.      But  llie  British  Plcnipotemiary  ought  to 
recollect  that  this  title   was  asserted  to  be  com- 
plete not  against  Spain,  but  against  Great  BriUiin ; 
that  the  argument  was  conducted  not  against  a 
Spanish,  but  a  British  Plenipotentiary ;  and  that 
the  United  States,  and  not  Great  Britain,  repre- 
sent the  Spanish  title.      And,  further,   that  the 
statement  from  which   he  extracts  these  declara- 
liona  was  almost  exdusividy  devoted  to  prove,  in 
the  language  quoted  by  the  British  Plenipotentiary 
himself,  that   '*  Spain  had  a  good  title,  as  against 
'  Great  Britain,  to  the  whole  of  the  Dregon  Terri- 
'  tory."    The  undersigned  has  never,  as  he  before 
ob.served,  instituted  any  comparison  between  the 
American  and   Spanish   titles.      Holding  both — 
having  a  pcrlbct  right  to  rely  upon  both,  whether 
jointly  or  separately — ho    has    sirongly  asserted 
each    if  them  in   their  turn,  fully  persuaded  that 
either  the  one  or  the  other  is  good  against  Great 
Britain ;  and  that  no  human  ingenuity  can  make 
the  Spanish  title,  now  vested  in  the  United  Stales, 
worse  than  it  would  have  been  had  it  remained  in 
the  hands  of  Spain. 

Briefly  to  illuslrale  and  enforce  this  title  shall 
be  the  remaining  task  of  tliu  undersigned. 

And,  in  the  first  place,  he  cannot  but  commend 
the  frankness  and  candor  of  the  British  Plenipo- 
tentiary, in  departing  from  the  course  of  his  prede- 
cessors, and  rejecting  all  discoveries  previous  to 
those  of  Captain  Cook,  in  the  year  1778,  as  foun- 
dations of  British  lille.  Commencing  with  dis- 
covery at  a  period  so  late,  the  Spanish  title,  on 
the  score  of  antiquity,  presents  a  strong  contrast 
to  that  of  Great  Britain,  The  undersigned  had 
slated,  as  a  liistorial  and  "striking  fact,  which 
'  must  have  nn  imp  ulaiil  bearing  against  the  claim 
'  of  Great  Britain,  ilial  this  coiiveiiiion,  (the  Noot- 
'  ka,)  which  was  di.'.;itcd  by  her  lo  Spain,  con- 
'  lains  no  provision  impairing  the  ultimale  sover- 
'  eignly  wliich  that  Power  had  asserted  for  nearly 
'  three  centuries,  over  ihc  whole  western  side  of 
'  North  America,  as  far  north  as  the  sixty-first  de- 
'  gree  of  latitude,  and  which  had  never  been  seri- 
'  ously  queslioiied  by  any  European  nation.  This 
'  had  heeii  maintained  by  Spain  with  the  most  vini- 
'  hint  jealousy  ever  since  the  discovery  of  ihe  Ame- 
'  ricaii  continent,  and  had  been  acquiesced  in  by 
'  all  European  govcmineuts.   It  had  uccii  admituid 


'even  beyond  the   latitude  of  54'^  40'  north,  by 
'  Russia,  then  the  only  Power  having  claims  wliicli 
'  could  come  in  collisjon  with  Spain,  and  that,  too, 
'  under  a  sovereign  peculiarly  tenacious  of  the  ler- 
'  riUirial  rights  of  her  empire."    These  historical 
facl«  had  not  been,  ns  they  could  not  be,  conlro- 
vertfd  by  the   British    Plenipotentiary,   although 
they  were  brought  under  his  particular  observa- 
tion, and  were  even  quolcd  Ijy  liim  with  approba-  [ 
tioii,  for  the  purpose  of  showing  the  incousisleiicy  i 
of  the  several  titles  held  by  the  United  Slates.     In  i 
j  the  language  of  Count  Fernan  de  Nunez,  the  Span-  > 
j  ish  Ambassador  at    Paris,  lo  M.  de  Moiitnuirin,  j 
I  theSecrelary  of  the  Foreign  Department  of  France,  ! 
'  under  date  of  June  Kith,  17'.)0:  "  By  the  treaties,  i 
'  demarkalions,  takings   of  possession,   and    the  j 
'  most  decided   acts  of  sovereignly  exercised  by  i 
;  '  the  Spaniards  in  those  stations,  from  the  reign  of  \ 
',  '  Charles  II.,  and  authorized  by  that  monarch  in 
I  '  11)92,  the  original   vouchers  for  which  shall  be 
i  *  brought  forward  in  the  course  of  the  neijotialion,  ' 
I  '  all  the  coast  to  the  north  of  the  western  America,  i 
t  '  on  the  side  of  the  South  sea,  as  far  as  beymid  : 
1  '  what  is  called  Prince  William's  Sound,  which  is 
'  in  the  sixty-first  degree,  is  acknowledged  to  be- 
j  '  long  exclusively  U)  Spain." 
I      Compared  with  this  ancient  claim  of  Spain,  ac- 

auicseed  in  by  all  F.uropean  nations  for  centuries, 
ic  claim  of  Great  Briuiin,  founded  on  discoveries 
I  commenced  at  so  late  a  period  as  the  year  1778, 

must  make  an  unfavorable  first  impression.  \'. 

j      Spain  considered  the  northwesl  coast  of  Ameri- ii 

;  ca  as  exclusively  her  own.     She  did  not  send  out  j; 

expeditions  to  explore  that  coast  for  the  jiurpose' 

of  rendering  her  title  more  valid.     When  it  suited  ' 

;  her  own  convenience,  or  promoted  her  own  inter-  j 

;  est,  she  filled  out  such  expeditions  of  discovery,  i 

■  to  asceruiin   the  character  and  exient  of  her  own  |i 

,  territory;  mid  yet  her  discoveries  along  that  const 

arc  far  earlier  than  those  of  the  British. 

That  Juan  de  Fuca,  a  Greek,  in  ihe  ser\  ice  of 
Spain,  in  1592,  discovered  and  sailed  through  the 
strait  now  bearing  his  name,  from  its  southern  lo 
its  northern  extremity,  and  thence  returned  by  the  ! 
same   passage,    no    longer  admits   of   reiusonable  ! 
\  doubt.  An  account  of  this  voyage  was  published  in 
London, in  l()25,iuuwork  called  "The  Pilgrims," 
liy  Samuel  Purchas.    This  account  was  received 
[   from  the  Iqis  of  Fuca  himself,  at  Venice,  in  April,  j; 
,  1590,  by  Michael  Lock,  a  highly  respectable  Lng-  ! 
j;  lish  merchant.  '■'. 

'•  During  a  long  period,  this  voyage  was  deemed  ,; 
;  fabulous,  because  .subsequent  navigators  had  in  ' 
I  vain  attempted  to  find  these  straits.  Finally,  after  i, 
I  they  had  been  found,  it  was  discovered  that  the  i' 
'  dtsc.ripiion  ot'De  Fuca  corresponded  so  accurately  i 
1  with  tlieir  geography,  and  the  fuels  presented  by;; 
j;  nature  upon  the  ground,  that  it  was  no  longer  pos-  I; 
i<  sible  to  consider  his  narration  as  fabulous.  It  is  I! 
'  true  that  Ihe  opening  of  the  sirails  from  the  south  i. 
I  lies  between  the  48iliaiid  49lh  parallels  of  latitude,  {' 
I  lid  not  between  the  47th  niid  48tli  parallels,  as  he  j 
had  supposed;  but  this  mistake  may  be  easily  ex-  |j 
'  plained  by  the  inaccuracy,  so  common  throughout  I 
i  the.,sixleenlli  century,  in  ascertaining  the  latitude  j 
j,  of  places  in  newly-discovered  countries.  ' 

j       It-is  also  true  that  De  Fuca,  after  passing  through  ' ' 
i   these  straits,  supposed, he  had  reached  the  Atlantic,  ' 
I   and  had  discovc'red  the  passage  so  long  and  so  '. 
1   anxiously  sought  alter  between  the  two  oceans; 
but,  from  the  total  ignorance  and  misapprehension 
which  prevailed  at  that  early  day  of  the  geogra-  I 
phy  in  this  iiortion   of  North  America,   it   was 
natural  for  hiin  to  believe  that  he  had  made  this 
important  discovery.  j 

.tnstice  has  at  lenglh  been  done  to  his  memory; 
and  these  strait.^  which  he  discovered  will,  in  all 
future  time,  bear  his  name.  Thus,  the  merit  of  ^ 
the  discovery  of  the  sirails  of  Fuca  beloiiirs  to 
Spain  ;  and  lliis  nearly  two  centuries  before  ihey 
had  been  entered  by  Captain  Berkeley,  under  the 
Austrian  Hag. 

It  is  unnecessary  lo  detail  the  discoveries  of  the 
Spaniards,  as  they  regularly  advanced  to  the  north 
from  their  settlements  on  the  western  coasts  of 
North  America,  until  we  reach  the  voyage  of  Cap- 
tain Juan  Perez,  in  1774.  That  navigator  was  com-  I 
missioned  by  the  Viceroy  of  Mexico  lo  proceed,  ] 
in  the  corvette  Santiago,  to  ihc  (jOlh  degree  of  north 
latitude;  and  from  that  point  to  examine  the  coast 
down  to  Mexico.  He  sailed  from  San  Bias  on  the 
35th  of  Jtuiuury,  1774.    In  the  pcrfunuaiice  of  ihis  ; 


commission  he  landed  first  on  the  northwest  const 
of  tiueen  Charlotte's  island,  near  the  54ih  degree 
of  norih  latiUide,  and  thence  proceeded  south, 
alon^  the  shore  of  that  island  and  of  the  great 
islands  of  Cluadra  and  Vancouver;  and  then  along 
the  const  of  the  continent,  until  he  reached  Monl"- 
icy.  He  went  on  shore  and  held  inlrrcourjie  W'ith 
the  natives  at  several  places,  and  especially  at  the 
enlranre  of  a  bay  in  latitude  49i  degrees,  which  ho 
called  Port  San  Lorenzo — the  siime  now  known 
by  the  name  of  Nootka  Sound.  In  addition  to  the 
journals  of  this  voyiuce,  which  render  the  fact  iii- 
cuiuestable,  we  have  the  high  auihority  of  Baron 
Humboldt  ill  its  favor.  That  distinguished  trav- 
eller, who  had  access  lo  the  manuscript  document."! 
in  the  city  of  Mexico,  stales  that  "  Perez,  and  lii.i 
'  pilot  Eslevan  Martinez,  left  ibe  port  of  San  liliui 
'on  the  24ih  of  January,  1774;  on  Ihe  9tli  of 
'  August  they  anchored  (the  first  of  all  European 
'  navigators)  in  Nootka  road,  which  they  called  the 
'  port  of  San  Lorenzo,  and  which  the  illustriou.i 
'  Cook,/eHr  years  aflertcards,  called  King  George's 
' sound." 

In  the  next  year,  (1775,)  the  Viceroy  of  Mexico 
atiaiu  filled  out  the  Santiago,  under  the  command 
of  Bruno  Heceta,  with  Perez,  her  former  com- 
mander, as  ensign,  and  also  a  schooner,  called  the 
Sniiora,  commanded  by  Juan  Francisco  de  la  Bo- 
dega y  CXuadra.  These,  vessels  were  commissioned 
to  examine  the  northwestern  coast  of  America  as 
fiir  as  the  ()5lh  degrc^e  of  latitude,  and  sailed  in 
company  frmn  San  Bias  on  the  15th  of  March, 
1775. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  enumerate  Ihc  dilTcroiit  places 
on  the  coast  examined  by  these  navigators,  either 
in  company  or  separately.  Sutlice  it  to  say,  that 
they  landed  at  many  places  on  the  coast  from  the 
41st  lo  the  57ili  degree  of  latitude,  on  all  of  which 
occasions  they  look  pos.session  of  the  country  in 
the  name  of  their  sovereign,  according  to  a  pre- 
■scribed  regulation  ;  celebrating  mrjfs,  reading  dec- 
larations asserting  the  right  o  '  Spain  to  the  terri- 
tory, and  erecting  crosses  wiili  inscrijuions,  to 
commemorate  ll'.e  event.  Some''of  lht:se  crosses 
were  allerwards  found  standing  by  British  naviga- 
tors. In  relation  Ui  these  voyages,  Baron  Hum., 
boldt  says:  "In  the  following  year,  (1775,  after 
'  that  of  Perez,)  a  second  expedition  set  out  from 
'  San  Bias,  under  the  command  of  I  "cela,  Ayala, 
'  and  Cluadra.  HeceUi  discovered  the  mouth  of 
'  the  Rio  Columbia,  called  it  the  Enlrada  de  Hece- 
'  ta,  the  peak  of  San  JaeinUi,  (Mount  Edgecomb,) 
'  near  Norfolk  buy,  and  the  fine  port  of  Bucareli. 
'  I  possess  two  very  curious  small  maps,  engraved 
'  in  1788,  in  tl;e  city  of  Mexico,  which  give  the 
'  bearings  of  the  const  from  the  27lh  to  lhc^58th 
'  degree  of  latitude,  as  they  were  discovered  in  llie 
'  expedition  of  Ciuadra." 

In  the  face  of  these  Incontestable  facta,  the  Britr 
ish  Plenipotentiary  says  "  that  Captain  Cook  must 
'  also  be  considered  the  discoverer  of  Nootka 
'  Sound,  in  consequence  of  the  want  of  aulhcntici- 
'  ty  in  the  alleged  previous  discovery  of  that  port 
'  by  Perez."  And  yet  Cook  did  noteven  sail  from 
England  until  the  12ih  of  July,  177C — nearly  two 
years  after  Perez  had  made  this  discovery.  The 
chief  object  of  Cook's  voyage 'was  the  discovery 
of  a  northwest  passage ;  and  he  never  landed  at 
any  point  of  the  continent  south  of  Nootka  Sound. 
It  Is  true  that  in  coasting  along  the  continent  before 
he  reached  this  place,  he  had  observed  Cape  Flat- 
tery; but  he  was  enlirely  ignorant  that  tliis  was 
the  southern  entrance  of  the  straits  of  Puea.  In 
his  journal  he  .admits  that  he  had  heard  some  ai> 
count  of  the  Sjiauisb  voyages  of  1774  and  1775, 
before  he  led  England ;  and  it  is  beyond  question 
thai,  before  his  departure,  accounLs  of  the  voyage 
of  Ciuadra  hud  been  published,  both  hi  Madrid 
and  London.  T'lom  Nootka  Sound,  Cook  did  not 
again  see  land  until  he  reached  tlie  57th  degree  of 
north  latitude. 

In  1787,  il  is  alleged  by  the  Briiish  Plenipoten- 
tiary that  C'aplnin  Berkeley,  a  Briiish  subject,  dis- 
covered the  straits  of  Fuca ;  but  these  straits  had 
been  discovered  by  Juan  de  Fuca  nearly  two  cen- 
turies Isifore.  B"sides,  if  there  had  been  any 
merit  in  this  discovery  of  Captain  Berkeley,  it 
would  have  belonged  to  Austria,  in  whose  service 
he  was,  and  under  whose  colors  he  sailed,  and  am- 
iiot  be  appropriated  by  Great  Britain. 

And  here  it  is  worthy  of  remark,  tlint  these  dis- 
,  covcrics  of  Cook  and  Berkeley,  in  1778  and  1787, 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAf.  GLOBE. 


[Dec.  y, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (Question. 


Senate  and  Ho.  of  Keps. 


arc  nil  those  on  which  the  British  Plenipotentiary 
reheg,  proviouB  to  tlie  dnte  of  the  Noolka  Sound 
rimvenlion,  in  O-tolicr,  1790,  lo  ilolViit  llif  nnciont 
(SiuiiiiHh  litlc  lo  (he  iimlliw  t">l  "■•«i'<l  of  Ann  rim. 

The  uiuleisijjncil  will  nnw  liikr  a  poxiliun  w  liiili 
rannoi,  in  his  iipinicm,  Ix-  Kinwusrully  hsbiuIciI  ; 
imd  ihiH  ia,  timt  no  iliacovory,  cxplomlion,  or  scl- 
llcnient,  made  liy  Gnat  Britain  on  the  norlhwpst 
mast  ol'  America,  after  the  date  of  the  Noolka 
tiiuniil  fcinventii)n,  and  before  it  was  Icrniinaicd 
liy  lln^  war  of  17S)6,  can  be  invoked  by  that  Power 
ill  favor  of  hir  own  title,  or  oijaiiist  the  title  of 
■Spain.  Even  aecordins;  to  the  IJiitisli  conalrnc- 
lion  of  that  ronveiition,  the  .•JoveiTisjnly  over  the 
territory  wn.s  to  remain  in  abeyume  during  its  eon- 
tinname,  as  well  in  ii'ijard  to  Ureat  BriUiiii  as  lo 
Spain.  It  would,  therefore,  have  been  mi  open 
violation  of  fnilli  on  the  ^  Art  of  Great  Itrilain,  after 
haviiiij  seeured  the  privilejjis  eonfc^rrcd  ujion  her 
by  the  eoiiventioii,  to  turn  round  iu;aiiisl  her  part- 
ner and  iwrtorin  any  nets  ealeulated  lo  dtvest 
Spain  of  lier  ultimuie  sovereiijuly  over  any  por- 
tion of  the  ootiiitry.  The  palpulile  meaning  of 
the  convention  wa^,  that  during'  iLs  eontiniianee 
the  ri?;ht.s  of  the  res|ieei.ive  parties,  whalpver  lliey 
may  have  been,  should  remain  just  as  lliey  had 
existj'il  at  its  eommeneeiuem. 

The  Government  of  Great  Britnin  in  not  justly 
cliarijeable  with  any  sueh  brearh  of  faith.  Captain 
Vancouver  acted  without  instructio.iH  in  attempt- 
inEt  lo  take  possession  of  the  whole  norihweslern 
coast  of  America  in  the  name  of  his  sovereisrn. 
This  olficer,  sent  out  from  lMi;;lanil  to  execniethc 
convention,  did  not  carry  with  him  any  authority 
to  violate  it  in  this  outraireous  manner. 

Without  this  treaty,  he  would  have  been  a  mere 
intntder;  under  it.  Great  Britain  had  a  riijlit  lo 
make  discoveries  and  siirvrt'S,  not  thereby  lo  ac- 
quire title,  bul  merely  to  enalilc  her  .subjects  to 
select  spots  the  mostadvantajjeons,  to  use  the  laii- 
Rnaije  of  the  convention,  "  for  the  purpose  of  car- 
'  ryiiis  on  their  conimerce  with  the  nali\es  of  the 
'  country,  or  of  makiiii;  settlements  there." 

If  thi.s  consiruction  of  the  Nooika  Sound  con- 
V  iilion  be  correct — iuid  the  undersiijiied  does  not 
jierceive  how  it  can  be  rpiestioned — then  Vancou- 
ver's passiii^e  throiio;h  the  straits  of  Knca,  in  17i>*J, 
and  Alexander  Mackenzie's  jonrney  across  ibn 
eontiiienl,  in  17'J!J,  can  never  be  transformed  into 
elements  of  title  in  favor  of  Great  liritain. 

But  even  if  the  undersi'^'iied  could  be  iiii.stake". 
in  these  positions,  it  would  be  eitsy  to  prove  thai 
Captain  John  Kendrirk,  in  thf-'  Amrrican  sloop 
Washiniftoii,  passed  thiMii^li  tlie  straits  of  Fnea 
in  178J,  three  years  before  Caolain  Vaiieonvir 
performed  the  same  voya(,'e.  The  very  iiistnie- 
tions  to  the  latter,  before  he  left  fclii^land,  in  .lan- 
liary,  17'J1,  refer  to  this  fact,  which  had  been  com- 
municated to  the  British  Govcriiiiniil  by  Lieuten- 
ant Metures,  who  has  rendered  his  name  so  notori- 
ous b-  U"  annexion  with  the  transaitioiis  preced- 
inglhoj-.'M'"  \8ound  convention,  li  is, moreover, 
well  knoN.ii  that  the  whole  southern  division  of 
the  straits  had  been  explored  by  the  .Sjianish  navi- 
gators, Klisa  and  Ctuimpikr — tln'  first  in  1790,  and 
the  latter  in  17!)1. 

After  what  ha.-,  Iwen  said,  it  will  lie  perceived 
how  little  rea.son  the  British  Pleuipoleiuiary  has 
for  stating  that   his  Goveniment    has,  "  as  {"ar  as 

•  relates  to  Vaiicouver'-s  island,  as  complete  a  case 

•  of  discovery,  explm'aiion,  and  settlemriit,  as  can 
'  well  lie  ))reseiiled',  tjivin^  to  Great  iiriuiin,  in  any 
'  nrrans;ement  that  may  be  made  with  regard  to  the 

•  territory  in  disjuite,  the  slron'.;est  possible  claim 
'  to  the  exclusive  jvwHcssion  fif  that  island." 

The  discovery  llius  relied  upon  is  that  of  Nootka 
Sound,  by  Cook,  in  177H-  wlieii  it  has  hern  de- 
monstrated that  this  port  was  first  discovered  by 
Perez,  in  1774.  The  exploration  is  that  by  Van- 
onnver,  in  imssin?  thnnii^h  the  straits  of  F'uca,  in 
]7'.>2,  and  examiiiiiii;  the  coasts  of  the  territory  in 
dispute,  when  de  Fniui  himself  had  passed  Ihroiii^h 
these  straits  in  15i)d,  and  Kendrick  ei^aiii  in  \li^'.)\ 
and  a  complete  examiiiolion  of  the  western  const 
had  iMien  made  in  1774  and  177.'>,  both  by  Perez  and 
(Quadra.  As  lo  possession,  if  Meares  was  ever 
nctually  restored  to  his  possessions  at  Nootka 
Bound,  whatever  these  may  have  l«'eii,  the  nnder- 
aigncd  has  never  seen  any  evidence  of  the  fact.  It 
is  nol  to  be  found  in  the  journal  of  Vancouver, 
nlthou!;h  this  oIKcer  was  sent  from  Kiigliuid  for 
the  avowed  purpo.'it!  of  witne8i<in>r  such  a  restora- 


tion. The  undersigned  knows  not  whether  any 
new  underslandinij  look  place  between  the  Brilish 
and  fepnni.sh  Governments  on  this  subject;  bul  one 
fad  is  placed  iieyonil  all  doubt,  ihal  llie  Spaniards 
coMtmueil  in  the  ihitlislurbed  possession  ol  Nootka 
Wound  until  the  year  17'.tr>,  when  lliey  voluntarily 
abandoned  the  )ilace.  Great  Briliiin  l\a»  never  at 
any  tiiiie  since  occupied  this  or  any  other  position 
on  Vancimver's  island.  Thus,  on  the  score  of 
either  discovery,  exploration,  or  pi  session,  this 
island  seems  lo  be  the  very  last  poriioii  of  the  ler- 
rilory  in  dispute  to  which  she  can  luisert  a  juiit 
claim. 

Ill  tlie  mean  lime,  the  United  Slates  were  prn- 
ceedina;  with  the  discoveries  w  hich  served  to  com- 
plete and  confirm  the  Spanish  American  title  to  the 
whole  of  the  disputed  territory. 

Ciuitiiin  Robert  Gray,  in  June,  1789,  in  the  sloop 
Washingtoti,  first  explori^d  the  whole  eastern  coast 
of  tlueeii  Charlotte's  island. 

In  the  auiumii  id'  the  same  year.  Captain  John 
Kendrick — haviiii;  in  the  mean  time  surrendered 
the  conimand  of  the  (^'ohmibia  to  Captain  Gray — 
sailed,  as  has  been  already  slated,  in  the  sloop 
Washiiiijloii,  entirely  throuf^h  the  straits  of  Kuea. 

In  17'JI,  Caiuain  Gray  returned  lo  the  north 
Pacific  in  the  Columbia;  and,  in  the  suimiier  of 
that  year,  examined  many  of  llie  inlets  and  nas- 
stujes  between  the  .'>|iitand  56lh  de}j;reea  of  lati- 
tude, which  till'  undeisis^ned  considers  it  unneces- 
sary to  specit'y. 

(in  llic  7ili  May,  1703,  he  discovered  and  enter- 
ed Bnltiiich's  harbour,  where  he  remained  nt  an- 
chor three  days,  tradini;  with  the  Indians, 

On  the  Uth  May,  17!)a,  Captain  Gray  entered 
the  mouth  of  the  ('oliimbia,  and  completed  the 
discovery  of  that  ureal  river.  This  river  hiul  lieen 
liiii,:  sought  in  vain  by  former  iiavigalors.  Both 
Mc.ircs  and  Vancouvir,  after  examination, had  de- 
nied its  existence.  Thus  is  the  world  inilebted  lo 
ihe  enterprise,  perseverance,  and  intellii;ence  of  an 
American  captain  of  a  tradiiii^  vf  sse!  for  their  first 
kiiowledire  of  tliis.tlie  greatest  river  on  the  western 
coast  ot' America — a  river  whose  head-springs  flow 
from  the  gor^'cs  of  ilie  Rocky  mountains,  and 
whose  branches  extend  from  the  4ad  to  the  5'M 
panillels  of  laliuide.  This  was  the  lesl  and  most 
iinporlaiit  discovery  on  the  coast,  and  has  per- 
pctnated  the  name  of  Robert  Gray.  In  all  future 
lime  this  i;real  river  will  bear  lln^  name  of  his  ves- 
.•^cl 

ll  is  true  thai  Bruno  Heceta,  in  the  year  177.'i, 
had  been  opposite  the  bay  of  the  Columbia;  and 
the  currents  and  eddies  of  the  water  caused  him, 
as  he  remarks,  lo  believe  thai  this  was  "  the  mouth 
'  of  sonic  i;reat  river,  or  of  solium  passage  to  another 
*si\i;"aiid  bis  opii  !  n  seems  decidedly  lo  have 
'  been  that  this  was  the  opening  of  ihe  strait  dis- 
covered by  Juan  de  lAica  in  IJit'J.  To  use  his  own 
language:   "Notwithstanding  the  great  dill'erence 

*  between  the  ])osilioii  of  this  bay  and  the  passage 
'  nientioiied  by  De  I'lica,  I  havi^  little  difficulty  in 

*  conceiving;  that  they  maybe  the  same,  having  ob- 

*  served  eipial  or  irreater  diirercnces  in  the  latitudes 
'  of  other  capes  and  ports  on  this  coast,  as  1  shall 
'show  at  its  propir  time;  and  in  all  cases,  the 
'  lalliudes  thus  assigned  are  higher  than  the  real 

*  ones." 

Heceta,  from  his  own  declaration,  had  never  eii- 
teri'd  the  Columbia;  and  he  was  in  doubt  whether 
Ihe  opening  was  the  numlh  of  a  river  or  an  arm 
of  the  sea;  and  suliseipicnt  examinations  of  ihe 
coast  by  other  iiaviLmlors  had  rendered  the  opin- 
ion universal  that  no  such  river  existed  when 
Gray  first  bore  the  .\nieri<'an  flag  across  its  bar, 
sailed  up  its  channel  for  twenty-five  miles,  and  re- 
mained in  the  river  nine  days,  trading  with  the 
Inilians. 

The  British  Plenipolentiarv  ntlenipts  to  depre- 
ciate the  value  to  the  United  folates  of  Gray's  dis- 
covery, because  his  ship  (the  Columbia)  was  a 
trading  and  not  a  national  vessel.  .\s  he  furnishes 
no  reiLson  for  this  distinction,  the  unilersigned  will 
confine  himself  to  the  remark  that  n  luercliant  ves- 
sel bears  the  flag  of  her  country  at  her  niasl-head, 
and  continues  under  its  jurisdiclimi  and  protection, 
in  the  same  manner  as  lliongh  she  had  been  com- 
:  missioned  for  the  expiiss  purpos>  of  making  dis- 
coveries. Besides,  Ikeyond  all  doubt  this  discovery 
was  made  by  Gray;  and  to  what  nation  could  the 
belli  fit  of  it  belong  unless  it  be  lo  the  United 
Stales.'    Certainly  not  to  Great  Britain.     And  if 


I  to  Spain,  the  United  Slates  are  m>w  her  repro 
senlulive. 
I  Nor  does  the  undersigned  perceive  in  what  man- 
ner the  value  of  this  great  discovery  can  be  lessen- 
ed by  the  I'acI  that  it  was  fir.st  pnblinhed  lo  the 
world  through  the  journal  of  (.'a|ilain  Vancouver, 
a  Brilish  authority.  On  the  contrary,  its  aiilhen- 
licity  being  thus  acknowledged  by  the  parly  having 
an  adverse  interest,  is  more  lirmly  established 
than  if  it  hud  been  first  published  in  the  United 
Suuea. 
!  l''niin  a  careftil  examination  and  review  of  the 
,  subject,  the  inidersii^ned  ventures  the  assartion 
that  to  Spain  and  Ihe  United  Slates  belong  all  llm 
merit  of  the  di.scovery  of  the  northwest  coast  of 
Aniorica  south  of  the  Russian  line,  not  a  spot  of 
which,  unless  it  may  have  been  the  shores  of  some 
of  the  interior  bays  and  inlets,  after  the  entrance 
to  llieiii  had  been  known,  was  ever  beheld  by 
British  subjects  until  after  it  had  been  seen  or 
touched  by  a  Spaniard  or  an  American.  S]iain 
proceeded  in  this  work  of  discovery  nol  as  a  meaiiii 
of  acquiring  title,  but  for  the  purpose  of  examining 
and  surveying  territory  lo  which  she  believed  slio 
had  an  incontestable  right.  This  title  had  been 
sanctioned  for  eeulnries  by  the  ucknowledgmenl 
or  acc(niesieiice  of  all  the  European  Powers.  Tim 
United  Stales  alone  could  have  disputed  this  title, 
and  that  only  to  the  extent  of  the  region  watered 
by  the  Columbia.  The  Spanish  and  American 
lilies,  now  united  by  the  Florida  treaty,  cannot  bo 
justly  resisted  by  Great  Britain.  Considered  to- 
gether, they  constitiiic  a  perfect  title  to  the  whole 
lerrilory  in  dispnte  ever  since  the  lllh  May,  175)9, 
when  Captain  Gray  passed  the  bar  at  the  moutli 
of  the  Columbia,  which  he  had  observed  in  Au- 
gust, 178f<. 

The  undersigned  will  now  proceed  to  show  that 
this  title  of  th(^  United  Stales,  al  least  to  the  pos- 
session of  the  territory  at  the  mouth  of  the  Co- 
lumbia, has  been  acknowledged  by  the  most 
solemn  and  unequivocal  acts  of  the  British  Gov- 
ernmeiil. 

After  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  from  France, 
the  Government  of  the  United  Slates  fitted  out  an 
expedition,  under  Messrs.  Lewis  and  Clarke,  who, 
in  ISO.'),  first  explored  the  Columbia,  from  its 
source  lo  its  moiilli,  preparatory  to  the  occupation 
of  the  lerrilory  by  the  United  Slates. 

In  IHll,  the  setlleme.it  at  Astoria  was  made  by 
the  Americans  near  the  month  of  the  river,  and 
several  other  posts  were  established  in  the  inliTior, 
along  its  banks.  The  war  of  11^12,  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  Suites,  thus  found  the  latter 
ill  peaceable  possession  of  ihat  region.  Astoria 
was  captured  by  Great  Britain  during  t'lis  war. 
The  treaty  of  peace,  concluded  at  Ghent,  in  De- 
ceiuber,  1814,  jirovided  that  "  all  territory,  places, 
'  and  possessions  whalsover,  taken  by  either  parly 
'  from  the  other,  during  Ihe  war,"  &c.,  &c.,  "  shall 
'  be  restored  without  delay."  !n  obedience  to  the 
provisions  of  tins  treaty.  Great  Britain  restored 
Astoria  to  the  United  Stales;  luid  thus  admilted, 
in  the  nmsi  solemn  manner,  not  only  that  it  had 
been  an  American  territory  or  possession  at  the 
commcncemenl  of  Ihe  war,  bul  that  it  had  been 
caiitnri'd  by  British  arms  during  its  continuance. 
It  is  now  too  late  lo  gainsay  or  exjilain  away  these 
fads.  Both  Ihe  treaty  of  Ghent,  and  the  acts  of 
the  British  Governnienl  under  it,  dis(irove  the  alle- 
I  gallons  of  Ihe  British  Plenipotenliary,  that  As- 
I  toria  ]iassed  "  into  Brilish  hands  by  the  voluntary 
;  '  act  of  Ihe  jiersoiis  in  chaise  of  it,"  luid  "  that  it 
'  was  restored  lo  the  United  States  in  1818,  wiin 
'    'certain  well-authenlicaled  reservations." 

In  reply  lo  the  first  of  these  allegations,  it  is 
true  thai  the  agents  of  Ihe  (.Vnierican)  Pacific  Fur 
Company,  before  the  capture  of  Astoria,  on  Ihe 
Killi  October,  IRIS,  had  transferred  all  that  they 
could  transfer  (the  (irivate  property  of  the  ciiinpn- 
ny)  lo  the  (British)  NorthweKt  Company;  but  it 
will  scarcely  be  contended  that  such  an  arrange- 
ment could  impair  ihe  sovereign  rights  of  the  Uni- 
ted .Stales  to  the  territory.  Accordingly,  the  Ameri- 
can flag  was  still  kepi  '(ying  over  the  furl  until  the 
1st  December,  1813,  when  il  was  captured  by  hi" 
Majesty's  sloiip-.if-war  Rac'koon,  and  ihc  British 
flag  wiis  llieii  sulislllnted. 

Thai  it  was  not  restored  to  the  United  States 
*'  willi  certain  well-aulhenticaled  reservations" 
fully  appears  from  the  acl  of  resloralion  itself, 
liearing  dale  Ctli  October,  1818.     This  is  as  ab- 


[Dec.  'J, 


.  OF  KkP8. 

IM)W  her  repro- 

ivc  in  what  man- 
ry  ran  hf  Irafen- 
iiililixlicd  Id  iIio 
ilaiii  Vunriiiivcr, 
mry,  ils  Hiillicn- 
llie  parly  havins 
■inly  I'RinliliHlii'il 
•il  II)  ilie  Uiiiit'il 


1(1  review  of  thii 
OS  llie  n».s«rtion 
t'H  belong  all  iho 
rlliwcMt  ('oast  of 
ine,  not  a  Hpot  of 
le  slutrea  of  some 
ller  tlie  entranci! 

ever  beheld  by 
id  been  seen  or 
nicrieaii.  S)iaiii 
ry  not  aH  n  iiieai)» 
ose  of  exaiiiiniiiK 

she  believed  hIio 
is  title  had  been 
aeknowlcdgment 
in  Powers.  Tho 
sputed  this  title, 
e  reijion  watered 
Il  and  Anieriean 
ti-crtty»  eniinot  l;e 
Considei-ed  tn- 
litle  to  the  whole 

11th  May,  17'J2, 
jar  at  the  moutli 

observed  in  Au- 

!ecd  to  show  that 
least  to  the  pos- 
aoutli  of  the  Co- 
'd  by  the  most 
the  British  Gov- 

na  from  Prance, 
jtntcs  fitted  out  an 
tmd  (Marke,  who, 
unibia,  iVom  its 
the  occupation 
tes. 

was  made  by 
the  river,  and 
in  the  int<'rior, 
between  Great 
innd  the  latter 
ion.  Astoria 
uring  ''.lis  war. 
Ghent,  in  De- 
rritory,  places, 
by  either  party 
,&e.,"  shall 
ledience  to  the 
ririlain  restored 
thus  admitted, 
nly  that  it  had 
ssession  at  the 
It  it  had  been 
ts  continuance, 
lain  away  these 
lid  the  acts  of 
sprove  the  alle- 
iary,  that  As- 
the  volunlnrv 
'  luid  "  that  It 
s  in  1H18,  witli 
ion.s." 

IcEjations,  it  is 

ui)  Pacific  Fur 

storia,  on   llie 

all  thai  they 

of  the  compa- 

Impany,  but  it 

'i  an  arrniiijc- 

Is  of  ihc  ITni- 

;ly,the  Ameri- 

fort  until  the 

tured  bv  hi" 

d  the  Biilish 


J  845.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


37 


29th  Cong 1st  Srss. 


Report  of  Committioner  of  General  Land  Office, 


Senate  and  Ho.  or  Reps. 


ob( 


t 


lUiiiled  Slates 
1  reservations" 
liiration  itself, 
This  is  as  ab- 


Bolule  and  unconditional  as  the  Kiidish  Iniisuai^e 
ran  make  it.  That  this  was  accorilin:;  to  the  in- 
tention of  Lord  Custlereagh,  clearly  ap|ieais  fnnii 
his  previous  admissio.'i  to  iVlr.  Rush  of  the  ri)cht 
of  the  Americans  to  be  reinstated,  and  lo  lie  the 
jiarty  in  po33es.sioii  while  treatiiii;  on  the  title.  If 
British  ministers  afterwards,  in  despatchcji  lo  their 
own  agents,  the  contents  of  which  were  not  coni- 
iiuinicatcd  to  theGovernnienl  of  ihe  United  Slates, 
thouKhl  proper  to  protest  ncaiiist  oiir  title,  these 
were,  in  etVect,  but  mere  mental  rc-Mcrvalions, 
which  could  not  aifcct  the  validity  of  their  own 
solemn  and  uncondilionnl  act  of  resloralion. 

But  the  British  Ph'inpotentiniT,  notwillistanding 
the  American  iliscovery  of  the  Columbia  by  CapU 
Gray,  and  the  exploration  by  Lewis  and  Clarke  of 
several  of  its  branches,  from  their  sources  in  the 
l?ocky  mountains,  as  well  as  its  main  channel  to 
the  ocean,  contends  that  because  Tlionipsoii,  a 
Kritish  subject  in  the  employment  of  the  Norlh- 
M'ttit  Company,  was  the  first  who  navigated  the 
northern  branch  of  that  river,  the  Brilisli  Oovern- 
nient  thereby  acquired  certain  rights  against  the 
T'nited  States,  the  extent  of  which  he  doiis  not  uii- 
derlake  to  specify.  In  other  words,  that  afler  one 
nation  had  discovered  and  explored  a  great  river, 
uod  several  tributaries,  and  made  selllemenis  on 
its  banks,  another  nation,  if  il  could  find  a  single 
branch  on  its  head  waters  which  had  not  been  ac- 
tually explored,  might  apjiropriate  lo  il.iclf  this 
branch,  together  with  the  adjaceni  territory.  If 
this  could  have  been  done,  it  woiild  have  produced 
))erpctual  strife  and  collision  among  the  nalions 
uftcr  the  discovery  of  America.     It  would  hare 


violated  the  wise  principle  con.'<ecrated  by  the 
practice  of  nalions,  which  gives  the  valley  drained 
iiy  a  river  and  its  briinehes  to  the  nation  which 
hiid  first  discovered  and  approjiriated  its  motilli. 

But,  for  another  rea.><on,  this  alleged  discovery 
of  Thomiison  has  no  merits  whatever.  His  jour- 
ney was  undertaken  on  behalf  of  the  Northwest 
Companv  for  the  mere  purpose  of  anticipating  the 
TJiiited  States  in  Ihe  occupation  of  the  mouth  of 
the  Columbia — a  territory  to  which  no  nation,  un- 
less il  may  have  been  Spain,  could,  with  any  show 
of  justice,  dia|nite  their  right.  They  had  actiuired 
it  by  discovery  luid  by  explomlion,  and  were  now 
in  the  act  of  taking  possession.  It  was  in  an 
enterprise  undertaken  for  such  a  purpose,  llint 
Thompson,  in  hastening  from  Canada  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Columliia,  descended  the  north,  ar- 
bitrarily assumed  by  Great  Britain  to  be  the  main, 
branch  of  tliis  river.  The  period  was  far  too  late 
to  impair  the  title  of  either  Spain  or  the  United 
States  by  any  such  proceeding. 

Mr.  Thompson,  on  his  return,  was  accnmiianied 
by  a  party  from  Astoria,  under  Mr.  David  Stuart, 
who  established  a  post  at  the  confluence  of  the 
Okiiiagan  with  the  north  branch  of  the  Columbia, 
hIjouI  six  hundred  miles  above  tho  mouth  of  the 
latter. 

In  the  next  year  (1812)  a  second  trading  post 
was  established  by  a  party  from  Astcuia,  on  the 
Spokan,  about  six  hundred  and  fifty  miles  IVom 
the  ocean. 

It  thus  appears  that,  previous  to  the  capture  of 
Astoria  by  the  British,  the  Americans  had  ex- 
tended their  possessions  up  the  Columbia  six  hun- 
dred and  fifty  miles.  The  mere  intrusion  of  the 
Northwest  Company  into  this  territory,  and  the 
eslablisinneiit  of  two  or  three  trading  posts,  in 
1811  and  1813,  on  ihe  head-waters  of  the  river, 
I'an  surely  not  interfere  with,  or  impair  the  Span 
ish-Aiiierican  title.  What  this  company  may  have 
done  in  the  intermediate  period  until  the  2Uih  Oc- 
tober, 1818 — the  date  of  the  first  treaty  of  joint 
occupation — is  unkiinwn  to  the  undersigiied,  "from 
llie  iin|>enelrable  mystery  in  which  they  have 
\  ciled  their  proceeding.--'.  Afler  the  date  of  this  1 
iK-aly,  neither  Great  Britain  nor  the  Uiiiied  States  i 
could  have  |Kuforined  any  aclulTecting  their  claims 
to  the  disputed  K-rritory. 

To  sum  up  the  whole,  then,  Great  Britain  can- 
not rest  her  claims  lo  the  Northwest  coiisl  of  Ame- 
rica upon  discovery.  As  lilile  will  her  single  claim 
by  seillcmchl  at  Nootka  Sound  avail  her.  Even 
Belsham,  her  own  liistorian,  forty  years  ago,  de- 
clared it  to  be  cerlain,  from  the  most  authentic 
information,    "  that    the    Spanish   flag  llyhig  at  j 


Tho  agents  of  the  Northwest  Company,  peiie- 
1  traliiig  the  continent  I'roni  Canada,  in  1-fttiii,  estab- 
lished their  first  trading  post  west  of  tlit  Rocky 
'  niniintaiiis,  at  Fraser's  lake,  in  the  .OJlli  degree  of 
I  latitude;  and  this,  with  the  trading posis  establisli- 
ed  1^  Thoinp.soii — to  which  tho  undersigned  has 
■  just  adverted — and  jiossibly   some  others   urter- 
wards,  previous  to  Octoiier,  1818,  constituto  the 
claim  of  Great  Britain  by  actual  .selllcnieiit. 
i      Upon  the  whole:  From  the  most  cm'eful  and am- 
:•  pie  examination  which  llie  undersigned  has  been 
I]  alile  lo  lieslow  upon  the  subjecl,heisstilislied  that 
j    the  Spanish-Aineririui  title,  now  held  by  the  Uiii- 
j    led  Stales,  embracing  the  whole  territory  iielween 
1^  the  pariUlels  of  4^  and  54°  4U',  is  the  bcfit  title  in 
ji  existence  to  this  entire  region  j  and  that  the  claim 
1  of  Great  Britnin  to  any  jiortion  of  il  has  no  sufii- 
;  cieni  foundalion.     Even  British  geographers  have 
'■]  not  doubted  our  title  to  the  territory  m  dispute. 
There  is  a  large  and  sjdeiidid  globe  now  in  the  De- 
I  partment  of  State,  recently  received  IVom  liondon, 
]  and  published  by  Malby  and  Company,  "  manu- 
facturers  and  |Hiblishera  to  the   Society  for   the 
I  Diffu.sii«i  of  U.seful  Knowleilue,"  wliii-h  u.s-;igns 
i  this  territory  lo  the  United  Slai' s. 
'      Noiwithslanding  such  was  and  still  is  the  opinion 
of  llie  President,  yet,  in  the  spirit  of  comproniise 
a'ld  concession,  and  in  deference  to  ihe  action  of 
his  predecessors,  the  undersigned,  in  obedience  lo 
his  lustructioiis,  propo.sed  to  the  British  Plenipo- 
:  tenliary  to  settle  tho  controversy  by  dividin;:  the 
i  territory  in  disiuile  by  the  4!)th  |iarallel  of  laliiude, 
P  oll'ering,  at  the  same  lime,  to  make  free  to  Great 
Britain  any  piu't  or  ports  on  Vancouver's  island, 


veray  may  yet  be  finally  adjusted  in  such  n  man- 
ner as  not  to  disturb  the  peace  or  inlernipt  tli« 
harmony  now  so  happily  HuUsL-sting  between  tho 
two  nalions. 

The  undersigned  avails  himself,  &e. 

JAMES   BUCHANAN. 

Tho  Right  Hon.  R.  Pakeniiam,  itc. 


south  of  this  Imitude,  which  Ihe  British  Govern- 
ment might  desire.  The  British  Plenipotentiary 
has  correctly  suggested  that  the  free  navigation  of 
the  Columbia  river  was  not  embraced  in  ihis  pro- 
piLsal  lo  Great  Britain  ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
use  of  free  ports  on  the  soiitliernexlremiiy  of  this 
i.sland  had  not  been  included  in  former  ofl'ers. 


Such  a  prnnosiuonastliat  which  hiui been  made, 
never  would  have  been  authorized  byllie  President 
had  this  been  a  new  question 


Upon  hisaccc-iision  to  office  he  found  the  present 

I  negotialion  pending.     It  had  been  in.stituted  in  the 

spirit  and  ujioii  the  princijile  of  compromise.     Its 

',  objecl,  lus  avowed  by  the  negotiators,  wiu-<  not  to 

I  demand  the  whole  territory  in  dispute  for  either 

I  country;  liut,  in  the  language  of  the  first  protocol, 

"  to  treat  of  the  respective  elaim.s  of  the  two  coun- 

'  tries  lo  the  Oregon  Territory,  with  Ihe  view  W 

'  establish  a   permanent    boundary  between  them 

'  westward  of  the  Rocky  mouiUarns  to  the  Pacific 

*  ocean." 

Placed  in  this  position,  and  considering  that 
Presidents  Monroe  and  Adams  had,  on  former  oe* 
casions,  ollered  to  divide  the  territory  in  dispute 
by  the  49th  parallel  of  lalilnde,  he  felt  il  to  be  his 
dilly  nol  abruptly  to  arrest  the  negotialion,  but  so 
far  to  yield  his  own  opinion  as  once  more  to  make 
a  similar  oll'er. 

Not  only  respect  for  the  eiuiduct  of  his  predeces- 
sors, but  a  sincere  and  anxious  desire  to  ))romotc 
peace  ami  harmony  between  the  two  countries,  in- 
nuenced  him  lo  jmrsuc  this  course.  The  Oregon 
question  presents  Ihe  only  intervening  cloud  which 
intercepts  ilie  prospect  of  a  long  career  of  mutual 
friendship  and  beneficial  commerce  between  the  two 
nations,  and  this  cloud  he  de.-<ired  to  remove. 

These  are  the  reasons  which  aciiiated  the  Pre- 
sident to  oiler  a  projiosition  so  liberid  to  Great 
Britain. 

And  how  has  this  proposition  been  i-cceived  by 
the  Piritish  Plenipotentiary?  It  has  been  rejected 
without  even  a  reference  to  his  own  (^rovernment. 
Nay,  more;  the  Briiisli  Plenipolentiary,  to  use  his 
own  limguaire,  "  trusts  thai  the  American  Pleniiio- 
'  tenliary  will  be  prepared    to  oll'er  some  furtlier 

*  proposal  Ibr  the  settlement  of  the  Oregon  qneslion 

*  nu  '  fotisiMeiit  iei//t  famiess  and  equity^  mul  vith 
'  thi.  •■easonabU  expcctaliona  nf  Ihc  Biilish  Govem- 
'  nteni." 

Under  such  circumslances,  the  undersigned  is 
insirncted  by  the  President  to  say,  that  he  owes  il 
to  his  own  country,  and  a  just  appreciation  of  her 
title  to  the  Oregcm  Territory,  to  withdraw  the  pro- 
position to  the  British  Government  w  liich  had  been 
made  under  his  direction  ;  and  il  is  hereby  aeeord- 


'  Noolka  was  never  struck,  and  that  the  terriiory  i   ingly  wiihdrawn. 

'  has  been  virlually  relinquished   by  Great  Brit- 1       In  Inking  this  necessary  step,  the  President  still 

'aiu."  clicriahes  the  hope  that  this  long-ponding  coiilro- 


REPOUT  OF  THE  COMMISSIONER  OF  THE 
GENERAL  LAND  OFFICE. 

Gen'khal  Land  Office, 

.Vuiieiiiifr  29,  1845. 
\  Sir:  I  liavc  the  honor  to  submit  lo  yon  a  report 
j  in  relation  to  the  oj^ialions  o""  this  branch  of  the 
1  puldic  service;  accompanying  the  same,  agreeably 
i  to  your  request,  with  the  snggeslionsof  such  me  - 
ificaiions  in  regai-d  to  the  existing  land  system  as, 
j  in  my  judgment,  arc  necessary  for  the  jiuulic  good, 
or  culled  for  by  the  voice  of  the  pcojile. 
j  During  the  year  1844,  the  sales  of  the  public, 
j  lands  amounted  lo  1,754, 7li.'J  acres,  and  the  receipts 
I  into  the  land  offices  were  i(i2,207,678;  and  dunng 
1  Ihe  first,  second,  and  third  quarters  of  the  present 
j  year,  the  sales  amounted  lo  1 ,26G,C68  acres,  and 
I  ihc  receipts  into  the  land  offices  were  ij;l,6ni,389, 
I  as  will  appear  fnnii  the  statistical  cxluljts.  A,  B, 
nndC. 

The  aggregate  qtmutity  of  public  lands  in  nil  the 

Slates  and  Territories,  adverlisiul  for  sale  in  the 

I  present  year,  amnunls  to  .'5,557,584  acres,  the  par- 

'  liculars  whereof  will  be  found  set  forth  in  exhibit 

D. 

The  aggregate  quantity  of  surveyed  land  not  yet 
in  market  is  9,397,615  aci-es;  of  which  quantity, 
,1,207,737  aci-ejj  are  necessarily  withheld  for  various 
reasons,  (immovable  only  by  further  legislation,) 
which  are  pailiculari/.ed  in  exhibit  E;  showing, 
uNo,  11,355,(100  acres  as  the  estimated  qua  ity  of 
new  lands,  the  surveys  of  which  are  expi-  ■  •  to 
be  returned  to  this  office  in  the  year  184G  * 

In  the  State  of  Ohio,  all  the  public  lands  "inve 
been  brought  into  market,  with  the  exce|ilion  of 
some  small  isliuids  in  Ihe  Maumee,  Miami,  and 
Scioto  rivers,  of  inconsiderable  extent.  The  Wy- 
andot reserve,  ceded  lo  the  United  Slates  by  treaty 
of  March  17,  1842,  was  the  last  body  of  public 
land  lo  be  brought  into  innrkcl  in  that  State.  Tho 
whole  of  that  reserve,  and  also  a  similar  but 
smaller  cession  in  Micliignn,  were  ofi'ered  at  pub- 
lic sale  in  September  and  October  last,  and  the 
portion  thereof  sold  in  Ohio,  (35,394  acres,)  co'<i- 
manded  at  such  sale  the  sum  of  fJ120,007  15,  in- 
clusive of  the  Indian  improvements,  assesseil  at 
$14,135.  By  treaty  stipulations,  the  Wyandols 
are  lo  be  rcimbur.scd  the  value  of  those  improve- 
ments. 

In  Indiana,  the  only  important  bodies  of  land 
remaining  to  be  brought  into  market  are  those 
I  ceded  by  the  Miami  Indians,  by  treaties  concluded 
in  1834,  1838,  and  1840.  As  the  lerm  stinulnted 
by  the  last  treaty  for  the  removal  of  those  Indians 
from  the  State  expired  in  the  fall  of  the  present 
year,  instructions  iiave  been  issued  for  the  comple- 
tion, as  soon  as  practicalde,  of  the  surveys  of  those 
lands.  The  quantity  of  public  land  (including 
reserves)  ceded  by  the  two  first-named  treaties, 
(1834  and  1838,)  nmounling  to  365,8(J8  acren,  has 
been  surveyed ,  and  is  available  for  market  when- 
ever the  lands  arc  organized  into  a  new  district,  or 
attached  lo  some  existing  district.  A  large  por- 
tion of  the  cessions  alluded  lo  is  covered  by  selec- 
tions made  by  tho  Stale  under  the  grant  for  tho 
Wabash  and  fcrie  canal,  which  have  been  approved 
according  to  law. 

In  Michigan,  the  great  southern  peninsula  has 
all  been  surveyed,  and  the  lands  oli'ei-ed  for  sale, 
with  the  exception  of  a  body  of  twenty-three  town- 
ships, reported  to  be  of  inferior  quality.     In  the 
present  year,  4fi2,741  acres  lying  in  the  northern 
peninsula,  have   been  surveyed,  and  are  now  in 
readiness  for  market.     That  portion  of  the  State, 
herein  termed  its  northern  iieninsula,  lying  between 
Lakes  Superior  and  Michigan,  and   north  of  tho 
straits  of  Miehilimiickiiiac,   which   includes   this 
body  of  land,  is  not  regarded  as  being  -ompri.sed 
!  by  law  within  the  limits  of  any  organized  land  dis- 
!  Irict.     Those  lands  are  now  attracting  milch  alteii- 
j  lion  in  consequence  of  the  mineral  deposiles  and 
valuable  fisheries  in  that  region  of  comitry.     The 
•  necessary  preparation  should  therefore  bo  made  for 


! 


88 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIOIVAL  GI.OBE. 


[Dec.  2, 


99th  Conq 1st  Sebs. 


Report  of  Cominusiontr  of  General  Land  Offict, 


Senate  and  Ho.  or  Reps. 


briii!;in!;  tliom  iiilo  niiirki't.  V:<e  ilii'  priMrnl,  rlicy 
ini^'lit  bo  atLii'lii'd  in  tin'  liciuKci'  ami  Inula  cIim- 
tricl.s,  liy  the  txli-nsinii  of  the  iiiif  imw  ilivlilini,' 
thofM!  two  (liMiru'CH,  iiiut  n  iliNrriiiomtry  pnwrr  lie 
viHloil  ill  ilic  Kxt'i'iilivc  In  (■(•iilMisli  II  nv.vi  (liNinci 
north  of  l]i<>  HirailH  nl' Mirluliiiiai'kiiuK-,  and  in  nji- 
liniiil  lanil  olliiTrs  wln'iicvci'  llic  sales  nf  the  lahiin 
bIiiiII  l)ci-niiii'  NiilHcioiil  to  justitV  llif  iiii'a^^ui'c. 

Ill  Illinois,  till'  |iublii',  lands  have  liicii  all  Biir- 
veycil  and  l)rou:;lit  into  niarUet,  wilh  the  cxi'iiuinn 
orilSiUMiu'rcsiwhiih  iiii'hidc  ilii'i|naiiiity  nl'r'IJ,- 
4U1)  aiTes,  withheld  ti-nm  salu  in  const'ijnL'ncL'  nl'  its 
siniposod  inimial  tuialilios. 

In  Missouri,  lliere  have  liecn  nlVered  at  piililie 
Bale  this  year  ill  the  Sprini;tield,  l''ayetle,  Clinlnn, 
iindl'lallshiirKdi8trict.s,7d'^>l".';i  acres;  anil  there  are 
now  prepariKl  for  market 'J,!;)?,!?!!  aeres,  lyini;  in  ; 
nil  the  dislriets  of  the  State,  ^exl•epl  St.  Lniiis,)  nl" 
whieli  18:2, .'IIHI  aeres,  .siliiuteii  in  the  eo|i|ier  rei;inn 
on  Ciirrenl  river,  and  in  the  *' l'latnnri;an"  ( l.oin 
(ill  the  .Tai'kHnii  distriei,)  have  hcen  detained  iVnni 
market  to  await  any  farther  legislation  in  ie'j;ard  in 
the  former,  mid  to  olfir  iiii  opportunity  for  a  jii-  : 
dieial  iiivt-»ti^ation  of  the  latter.  \ 

In  Wiseoiisiii,  ihc  only  iinporlnnt  nuldie  sale 
diirini;  the  year  was  of  land  in  the  tireen  liay  ilis- 
triet,  between  Wolf  and  I'ox  rivers,  aiiionniiiiu;  to 
;)77,70G  iieres.  There  are  at  this  lime  ;)!)l,','l>H 
prepared  tor  sale  in  tliis  Territory — nearly  all  lyini; 
ill  the  Mineral  I'oiiit  distriet,  and  north  of  Wisecni- 
sin  river — the  plals  of  which  liave  been  recently 
received  at  this  otHi'c. 

In  lowii, there  wen^  advertised  for  sale  this  year, 
lai'fje  bodies  of  land,  anionntiii'^  to  :.',;i,-»(l,547  acres, 
nearly  ecpially  diviiletl  l'(.''wecii  the  districts  of  iJii- 
Iminie  and  Fairfield.  The  sales  ndvi  rli.-Ned  for  Knir- 
fielu,  hr)wever,  were  snbseqrteiitly  poslpnned  iinlil 
the  months  of  May  and  June  next.  Tlie  quantity 
of  land  ot  this  time  ready  for  market  in  the  Tirri- 
torv,  exclusive  of  the  postponed  sales,  nniouiils  to 
(>0:^,IUU  acres;  conipri.iini:,  hovievf  r,  yMr),l'JG  acres 
<h-'tained  from  market  in  consequence  of  its  su|h 
pn.sed  mineral  (pialitles.  ■ 

III  Arkansas,  there  has  been  olVercd  nt  public  sale  I 
duriiii;  the  year,  an  ai;icrei4;ate  of  I,(r2',>,;)2ti  acres, 
divided  amonj;  the  .several  land  districts  in  the  State, 
except  Helena,  and  indudiliLj  the  new  district  of 
('Immpiufnole,  iiisiiluled  liy  an  act  approved  'M\\\ 
February,  \S\^.  The  i|uanlity  ol' lands  now  ready 
for  market  in  all  the  districts  m  thi.-i  State  is  2.111),'?,- 
(il9  acres;  of  thisqnaiiiity  l-tri.lx!:!  acres  arc  Milhiii 
the  limil.s  of  the  IJe  |jasIro|)  cliiim,  yet  undeier- 
mined;  and  the  quantity  oj*  ll*J,7(>H  acres  is  report- 
ed to  be  hiirhly  productive  of  lead  mineral. 

In  Louisiana,  the  principal  s.iles  advertised  this 
■year  have  been  of  lands  comprised  wilhiti  the  !.in- 
ils  of  the  Opelou.-sas  district  and  lyiim  I'liielly  mi  or 
near  the  Gulf  coast  and  the  Calcasieu  river,  enilira- 
cinfj  ll!4,t23;i  acres;  various  nsidiiary  fractions  and 
deuiclied  tracts  in  the  yoniheasli;rii  district,  aii': mill- 
ing to  .30,014 acres,  were  oll'ercd  forsaleat  New  Or- 
leans durinij  the  same  period.  There  remain  in 
this  State  4d 1, 305  acres  surveyed,  and  not  yit  of- 
fered for  hale,  the  major  portion  of  which,  (sur- 
veyed many  years  af;o,)  interleres  wilh  the  lari^e 
claims  of  IJnulerive  and  UelSastrop,  viz  :  ;)(i'J,5.'18 
lures  with  the  former,  and  i!"J,400  acres  wilh  the 
latter. 

In  Mississippi  it  appears  that  there  are,  in  the 
Orenado  dislricl,  1  ,'J7;'),4.'t'.l  acres  of  land  surveyed 
luid  remaining  to  be  oll'ered  at  public  sale,  winch 
yet  await  a  report  of  the  iiiial  action  of  the  AVar 
Department  on  the  Choctaw  Indian  claims.  There 
are  also  l.'),~i,t)'.).')  acres  sniiib  nftlie  ;)I^  id'  iinrth  lati- 
tude, ill  the  Aujusin  district,  suspended  from  mar- 
ket until  the  final  Imallnn  and  adjiislnieiit  of  the 
]>rivalc  claims,  sn  lus  tn  identify  ond  connect  llieiu 
with  the  public  sur\eys.  Ah  presenting;  some  iiiler- 
fstiiii;  details  relative  tn  lands  in  the  Chicka.H,iw 
cession  of  iK'ia,  the  L'reati'r  pmlion  of  which  is  .sit- 
uate in  this  Slate,  I  siilmiit  paiicr  1'",  indicating  the 
proLi^efis  of  the  business,  and  a  reduction  of  ex- 
penses connected  wiili  laml  operations  of  #6,2i'i() 
]ier  annum,  and  a  cniiscqueiit  saving  of  that  amount 
\n  the  Indians. 

In  Alabama,  only  the  quantity  of  about  three 
townships  of  pulilic  lands  remains  to  be  broimhl 
into  market;  tills  is  slluiiled  in  ihe  .St.  Stephens 
uiid  Sparta  di.stricts,  soiiih  of  the  :tl°  of  iiorih  lati- 
tude, and  has  been  susp"Mded  from  market  uwailini: 
the  linal  Incntinii  of  the  private  claims  now  cmii- 
pletcd,  within  the  limits  of  the  respective  tovrnships. 


In  I-'lorida,  Ihere  wereadverlised  to  be  sold  dur- 
ini;  this  year,  (itHi.lHti  acres  in  all  llie  distrii  Is  in  the 
Slate;  the  sales  ol'which,  however,  have  been  post- 
pniird  until  earlyiii  llii^  ensuiii!;  year.  There  are 
nnw  prepared  t'nr  sale  in  this  Slate  the  quantity  of 
I,l.'li),!ll7  acres  ol'  new  lands,  which  embrai'e  a 
diHirict  of  country  on  and  near  the  .\tlanllc  enasl, 
extendiiii;  from  \1iiNqiilln  inlet  tn  Itiscayiie  bay,  a 
pnrlion  (Iielii4  about  tin'  iiuaiilily  often  full  town- 
ships)  situate  iiorlh  of  'I'anipa  bay  immediately 
west  of  the  Slime,  and  on  the  Muniilee  river  at  its 
junction  wilh  the  bay. 

Under  llie  "  act  In  provide  for  the  armed  occupa- 
tion of  the  uiiKcllled  part  of  the  peninsula  id'  Kast 

lorldn,"  approved  Auijust  4,  IM43,  the  number  of 
'  pernnls"  saiiclinned  is  104H,  coverim;  l(!7,7HO 
acres;  and  in  Sl.'i  cases,  where  the  proj;ress  of  the 
pniilic  surveys  has  admilted  of  so  di»lii,i;,  the  f^ran- 
lees  (d'siicli  pernhls  have  lumle  llie  lu'onfnf  settle- 
ment reipiired  by  the  fourth  cnndilinii  and  stipula- 
tion of  tlie  first  Hi'cilon  of  that  act. 

In  order  not  to  liansi,'ress  the  llniils  which  I  have 
assisned  to  myself  in  this  report.  It  is  found  neces- 
sary to  omit  reference,  under  the  fnrei^oiiie;  lu'iuls. 
In  Slime  nbje.'isof  impnriancc,  not  yet  linally  acted 
on,  to  which  the  attention  of  (!on»;ress  appears  to 
have  been  invited  in  former  reports  from  lliisollice. 

It  is  deemed  usct'ul  to  present  herewith  the  ex- 
hibit (t,  as  showliii;  the  extent  of  the  operations 
in  rci^ard  In  the  seleciimis  of  lands  i;ranud  to  cer- 
tain Slates  by  the  act  of  September  1,  1841,  enlilled 
*'  An  act  to  appropriate  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of 
Ihc  public  lands,  and  to  Kraiil  pre-emption  rights." 

'Ihe  surveys  of  the  publti'.  lands  and  private 
claims  generally,  have  been  progressins;  in  a  most 
satisfaclory  manner,  and  arc  ''apidly  drawing  to  a 
close  ill  several  of  Ihi!  Si.ites.  In  Klorida,  how- 
ever, niueli  delay  and  illfficiiliy  have  occurred  in 
locating  private  cialnis,  owing  to  vague  and  imper- 
fiM't  calls,  and  failure  on  the  part  ol'  claimants  to 
indicate  their  boundaries.  After  locations  have 
been  inadej'rom  the  best  data  on  hand,  it  ofleii 
becomes  necessary  to  make  corrections  by  resiir- 
veys,  thus  producing  alleralions  in  the  plats,  tend- 
ing to  cnnl'use  tlieiii,  and  I'requently  causing  con- 
lllcls  with  settlers.  Te  obviate  these  dilliculties, 
I  conciirwilli  the  Siirveyor-lieneral  in  recommend- 
ing thiit  ]irovisioii  be  made  by  law,  authorizing  the 
Incatinii  of  such  claims  according  to  the  lines  of 
the  jaiblii;  surveys,  and  so  as  to  embrace  the  an- 
cient improvements,  where  the  claimants,  iiHer 
notice,  fall  to  identify  the  calls  of  their  grants. 

tireat  eirnrls  have  been  made  by  tliis  oriice, 
which  are  ably  seconded  by  the  Siirveyors-Cfcii- 
cral,  to  insure  cnriTclness  in  the  .survey^s  and 
prnniptness  in  their  riiiirn.  The  new  system  of 
paying  the  deputies  dirrrt  from  the  Irtmmij  has 
contributed  inncli  In  eU'ect  this  object,  as  it  re- 
quires the  .siirvi'ys  to  be  examined,  approved,  and 
tlie  |ilats  returned  to  this  ntiice,  with  the  accoiuits 
ol'  the  deputies,  before  such  accounts  are  paid. 
This  sysi:in  gives  general  satlsfacllnii,  securing, 
as  far  as  practicable,  the  interests  nf  the  Uovcrn- 
nieiit  and  of  the  surveyors,  mid,  at  the  same  lime, 
avoiding  the  accmmiraliuii  of  funds  in  the  hands 
of  disliursing  agents. 

Early  i>rnvision  should  lie  made  by  law  (as  the 
surveys  are  now  progressing  in  ih.il  cpiarter)  for 
surveying  nnd  properly  marking  that  portion  of 
the  boundary  between  Michigan  and  AV  Iscoiisin, 
from  till!  Menomoiiie  tn  the  Montreal  river,  which 
is  nnt  clearly  defined. 

The  bnuiid  ry  (|iicsiiim  between  Missouri  nnd 
Inwn,  so  t'ar  as  this  oHice  is  odvised,  has  not  yet 
been  determined  under  the  act  of  Congress  of  l^th 
.lime,  1844.  lis  early  settlement  is  cerlainlv  of 
the  inmost  cmisequence  to  the  true  interests  of  the 
parlies  in  conlroverMy. 

The  thirly-lirst  degree  of  north  laliliide,  which 
forms  part  of  the  south  boudary  of  Mississippi 
and  Alaliiuna,  was  originally  fairveyed  by  Andrew 
Kiliott,  Ksq.  On  exainiiiing  Ills  journal,  it  ap|iears 
he  marked  his  nindoni  liia>,  which  varied  consid- 
erably to  the  north,  and  indicated  the  true  line  by 
oll'sels  at  the  end  of  each  mile.  In  some  cases,  it 
Is  believed,  the  deputies  closed  their  work  on  the 
random,  and  in  others  on  the  true  line;  and  it  is, 
nerbaps,  owing  to  this  that  doubt  exists  whether 
Florida  or  Alabama  has  jiirisdictinn  over  the  strip 
of  terrilnry  between  them,  called  the  "neutral 
ground." 

Wolf  island,  in  the  Mississippi  river,  between 


I  Kentucky  and  Missniiri,  has  been  surveyed  and 
j  partly  sold  by  the  (Jniled  Stales,  and  nlsn  by  the 
[  Slate  of  Kentucky.  MeaHures  were  taken  by  this 
oHice  to  determine  the  shore  to  which  this  island 
I  originally  belonged.  In  a  rrport  from  the  Siir- 
I  veyor-'ieiieral  of  Missmiri,  it  is  held  to  becleiu-ly 
I  wiilnn  the  jurisdiclion  of  Missouri.  It  has,  how- 
ever, been  deemed  proper  In  suspend  sales  of  the 
;  land  until  the  final  detcrniiiialion  of  the  matter  by 
■■  Congress. 

I  I  invite  attention  to  the  propriety  of  increasing 
I  the  salaries  of  the  Surveyors-General  for  the  district 
of  Arkansas  mid  that  of  Iowa  and  Wisconsin,  from 
Jil,.']!!!)  tn  (ji^.tHMl  pernnnum — the  latter  being  the 
sum  which  others  receive,  whn.se  duties  are  not 
more  responsible;  and,  in  consideration  of  the  ex- 
Iremely  arduous  and  najfiiirn/iiiif  duties  of  the  able 
and  experienced  Surviyor-Genernl  of  Florida,  I 
refer  tn  the  sirniig  rcasnns  presented  by  him  for  an 
increiirie  of  compensalloii  in  that  district. 

F  "r  details  (d  operaliona  the  past  year,  in  the 
surveying  deparlment,  nnd  also  those  cniiU'inplated 
ill  the  ensuing  ,  I  refer  to  the  reports  herewith  of 
Ihe  Siirveyois-Oeneral.  The  dnciimenl  marked 
H,  is  the  esllniate  of  the  expenses  of  surveying  the 
public  lands,  and  of  Ihe  othces  of  the  Surveyora- 
General  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  the  ,'lOlh  .luno, 
1847;  and  that  marked  I  is  the  estimate  of  the 
salaries  and  conlingenl  expenses  of  this  office  for 
the  siniie  perintl. 

I  am  gralilicd  to  he  able  to  stale,  that  the  quar- 
terly accounts  of  tin*  receivers  of  public  moneys 
have  been  examined  nnd  settled  at  this  office  to 
the  end  of  the  last  expired  quarter,  (30lh  Septem- 
ber, 184.1;)  and  that  the  public  money  has  been 
paid  over  by  those  agents  with  commendalile 
promptitude  and  fidelity.  The  o]ienitions  of  the 
ollicc  in  other  respects  have  been  condurtcd  with 
great  elHcieney.  A  larp;e  number  of  patents  Inivtj 
lieeii  issued  on  old  claims,  which,  owing  to  a 
variety  of  perplexing  causes,  have  remained  for 
many  years  in  a  stale  of  suspenslfin  ;  most  of  these 
cases  are  found  to  exist  in  Louisiana,  owing  mainly 
to  anomalies  in  Ihe  surveys,  growing  nut  of  the 
peculiar  geographical  features  of  the  country,  and 
the  negligent  conduct  of  .some  of  the  former  sur- 
veym's.  Suspended  cases  of  pre-emption  entries 
in  that  State  have  become  the  subjecl  of  exnmio'V 
lion  al  this  ollice,  under  a  resolution  of  *'■  oeiioie 
of  the  United  States  of  the  last  session,  and  a  spe- 
cial report  has  been  prepared  upon  the  subject. 
('a."es  of  .suspension  for  various  can.ses  exist  in  all 
the  Stales  nnd  Territories  in  which  the  public  lands 
are  litiiated.  These  have  been  accuimilaling  since 
the  comniencemeiit  of  Ihe  present  public  land  sys- 
tem, and  give  rise  at  the  present  time  to  an  amount 
nf  correspondence  very  embarrassing  to  the  opera- 
tions of  the  office.  In  many  instances  patents  are 
withheld  from  claimants  for  causes  wholly  irre- 
movable under  existing  legislation;  and  yet,  on 
principles  of  substantial  justice,  the  piirclmsers  are 
entitled  to  their  patents,  .^s  it  is  utterly  imprac- 
ticable to  provide  by  law  for  each  particular  case, 
and  as  it  is  neces.sary  that  these  suspensions, 
which  are  increasing  from  year  to  year,  be  finally 
disposed  of,  I  would  saggiest  that  the  Secretary  nf 
the  Treasurv,  the  Attorney  General,  and  the  Com- 
missioner ol'Mie  General  Land  Office,  he  authorized 
by  law  to  act  tocfether  as  n  board,  nnd  examine 
and  deteriulne  all  cases  of  suspensions,  upon  prin- 
ciples nf  equity  and  justice.  In  this  way,  honest 
and  bniiafiile  purchasers  will  be  able  to  obtain  their 
patents,  and  claims  that  are  unjust  and  inequilahle 
can  be  finally  rejected.  Some  nieasure  of  this  kind 
is  indispensable  to  relieve  this  office  from  embar- 
rassment, and  remove  the  doubt  and  uncertainty 
which  hang  over  the  titles  of  some  of  our  citizens 
to  the  very  farms  on  which  they  have  resided  for 
years. 

I  deem  it  my  duty  to  call  your  serious  attention 
to  the  present  inineral-land  system.  This  is  a  sub- 
ject deeply  interesting  to  settlers  in  sniiie  of  the 
northwestern  States  and  Territories.  The  ci.ndl- 
lion  of  the  mineral  region  and  the  manner  in  which 
its  operations  have  been  managed,  are  but  very 
imperfectly  understood  by  the  public,  nnd  perhaps 
intimutely  known  to  none  but  those  who  have  re- 
sided a  number  of  years  in  that  district. 

The  Government  has  attempted  to  reserve  from 
sale  all  lands  upon  which  actual  diacoreriea  of  ore 
were  kiiovin  to  have  been  made,  and  also  those 
lands  in  which,  ftoni  certain  geological  indications, 


i 


[Dec,  2, 


1815.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


m 


».  o?  Kep«. 

•en  mirvcyi'd  and 
,  luifl  nNi)  Ity  tlir 
err  lnKcii  by  this 
A'hii'h  iliiH  ixlaiiil 
•I  IVdiii  Ihi'  Siir- 
lirUi  to  1»'  t'lfiirly 
ri.  Il  liiirt,  lidw- 
|iciiil  khIch  of  the 
of  tlie  mnllcr  l>y 

I'ly  of  iiiorcnnin; 
nil  for  tlic district 
AVi»con8iii,  frciin 
!  Initcr  lirin^  tlie 
c  (liitics  lire  iiol 
inlion  of  the  nx- 
liltipa  of  tlip  able 
nl  of  Kloriilu,  I 
1(1  liy  him  for  aij 
iHti'iot. 

last  year,  in  the 
ose  coiitcniplatcd 
nrls  licrewilh  of 
ii'iiineiit  marked 
of  survcyini;  tlie 
r  the  Siirveyora- 
s;  the  .'lOlh  June, 
estimate  of  the 
of  lliia  office  for 

Ic,  tlint  Ihc  fiiinr- 

"  [uililic  moneys 

at  this  office  to 

r,  (3()ili  Septem- 

money  has  t)eeii 

h   connnenihililo 

perationa  of  the 

I  coiuhieted  with 

of  patents  have 

ich,   owing  to  a 

e  remained  for 

II ;  most  of  these 

ia,o\vinj!;nininly 

ivins  "'"  o'  '''6 

llie  country,  and 

former  sur- 

mption  entries 

"  examin'i- 

'■    senate 

n,  and  a  spe- 

thc  subject. 

s  exist  ill  all 

e  public  lands 

lulalins;  since 

blic  land  sya- 

to  an  amount 

to  the  opern- 

:s  patents  are 

wholly  irre- 

and  yet,  on 

urchnsers  are 

ttcrty  iinprac- 

tarticulfir  case, 

suspensions, 

'ear,  be  finally 

Secretary  of 

and  the  C'oni- 

lic  authorized 

and  examine 

1,  upon  prin- 

way,  honest 

;o  obtain  their 

lid  inequilalile 

c  of  this  kind 

from  embar- 

d  uncertainty 

our  citizens 

resided  for 


•29-TH  CoNO IST  Se88. 


Rejiort  of  Commiasioner  of  General  Lnnd  Office, 


Senate  and  Ho.  or  Rem. 


the 


ous  attention 

his  is  a  sub- 
Hoi;ie  of  the 

riie  ciii'.rli- 
iner  in  wliicli 
tre  but  very 
and  perhaps 
vim  nave  re- 

t. 

reserve  from 

V tries  of  are 

also  those 

indications, 


niiiieial  was  supposed  to  exist.     The  maiiii{;enieiil 
of  the  mineral  i-e;;iun  was  taken  from  lliu  (.ieiieial 

iiid  Office  in  the  year  1821,  and  placed  under  the 
control  of  the  War  Uepartment. 

The  a;;eiits  of  the  War  Department,  appointed 
to  HuperintiMid  tin  mineral  lands,  had  no  uffiuiiU 
connexion  with  the  General  Land  Office,  and, 
coiisecpieiiily,  but  a  very  imperfect  kniiwled^e  of 
the  |)iiblic  surveys.  In  most  cases,  they  were 
wholly  uimc(|uainted  with  the  location,  according 
to  the  public  surveys,  of  even  the  mines,  i%giiiif», 
and  (/isfoeerifs,  under  their  au|ieriiitciidence,  and 
were  obliged  to  rely  uiion  miners  and  settlers  for 
infbrmalioii  on  this  subject.  From  this  inforina- 
tioii,  (not  always  disinterested,)  lists  of  supposed 
mineral  lands  were  compiled  by  the  ngenlH,  and 
transmitted  to  the  War  Dei)artniciit  and  local  land 
olliies,  and  tliiTc  marked  on  the  plats  us  mineral 
lands,  and  reserved  from  sale.  A  large  portion  of 
the  lands,  however,  embraced  in  these  lists,  con- 
tain lai  discoveries  o(  ore,  and  are,  in  fact,  amongst 
the  richest  agricultural  and  best  tinibereil  lands  in 
the  whole  district. 

Additional  reservations  have  been  made  in  the 
land  offices,  upon  datii  ecjuolly  loose  and  unrelia- 
ble: that  is,  upon  indications  which  surveyors  and 
geologists  supposed  to  denote  mineral.  The  lists 
of  mineral  agents,  and  the  suppositions  of  survey- 
ors and  geologists,  constitute  llic  basis  of  the  i>res- 
ent  mineral  reservations. 

All  lands,  not  thus  reserved,  arc  subject  to  sale 
and  entry;  and  conseciuenUy  land  officcus  are  sell- 
ing mineral  lands  from  day  to  day  without  biding 
conscious  of  it.  The  evil,  however,  does  not  .stoj) 
here.  AVhen  the  mineral  agents  discover  that  min- 
eral lands  have  been  solii — sometimes  with,  and 
sometimes  without  the  knowledge  of  purchasers — 
they  consider  it  their  duty,  in  order  to  jirotcct  the 
interest  of  the  Government,  to  institute  judicial 
proceedings  to  set  aside  the  sales  and  recover  back 
the  mines.  The  dockets  in  some  of  the  north- 
western States  luid  Territories  are  crowded  at  this 
time  with  suits  of  this  character.  These  suits 
are  likely  to  be  strenuously  ctuitcsled,  and  after 
u  lapse  of  years,  and  large  outlays  of  public  mo- 
ney, the  Uiiitcii  Stales  may  succeed  in  recov- 
ering back  a  quantity  of  iaim  stripped  of  timber, 
and  exhausted  of  ore.  The  system  itself  is  odi- 
ous to  the  people.  Its  tendency  is  to  convert  the 
Government  into  nn  immense  landlord,  and  the 
.■settlers  into  tenantry.  Upwards  of  a  million  of 
acres,  mbraclng  some  of  the  richest  agricultural 
lands  of  the  northwest,  are  reserved  from  sale  and 
permanent  settlement,  under  the  mistaken  notion 
of  ]ireserving  the  mineral  wealth,  in  which  the 
country  is  supposed  to  abound,  for  the  use  of  the 
Government,  whereas,  in  fact,  there  exists  no  pos- 
sible process  by  which  the  exact  locality  of  min- 
eral can  l)e  determined  by  superficial  indications. 
A  million  of  acres  at  the  p  "sent  minimum  price 
would  bring  |il,2.W,000  into  the  treasury,  the  an- 
nual interest  upon  which,  at  the  rale  of  six  per 
cent.,  would  be  jl75,000;  while  it  appears  by  the 
report  of  the  Secretary  of  War  of  the  Ifith  Feb-  , 
riiary,  1845,  that  the  whole  amount  of  rent  lead 
received  by  the  Gsvernment  for  the  years  1H41 
and  1842  was  only  74,'.)24  pounds,  worth  about 
ft) ,600— a  sum  hardly  sufficient  to  pay  the  annual 
.salary  of  one  of  the  superintendents.  This  report 
clearly  shows  that,  in  a  financial  point  of  view,  the 
United  Slates  are  not  likely  to  be  much  benefited 
by  the  reservation  of  the  mineral  lands.  The  ex-  j 
lubits  of  1843  and  1844  will  make  this  still  more 
evident.  From  a  statement  of  the  War  Depart-  i 
mcnl,  now  before  me,  it  a]ipcara  that  the  Govern- 
ment has  ex;'cnded  on  account  of  the  minemi  ; 
lands,  includii:";  officers,  agents,  laborers,  &e.,  for  • 
the  yeors  184^1  and  1844,  the  sum  of  #20,73!)  11;  ' 
while  the  rent  eceived  for  the  same  period  only 
amounted  to  245,814  iiounds  of  lead,  worth  about  : 
§4,8.')(i  28,  at  Gulena.  Here  is  an  actual  loss  in 
cash  of  $15,872  8,1,  upon  the  mineral  system,  ! 
within  the  hist  two  year.s;  and,  to  effect  this  ex-  ' 
traoi'diiiary  result,  the  settlement  and  orosperilv 
of  a  large  portion  of  our  country  are  rei.ip'eti,  litl-  | 
gation  promoted,  and  an  opj)ortunity  alforded  for 
the  practice  of  the  most  enormous  frauds  upon  the 
public.  To  enlarge  upon  this  view  of  the  subject, 
W(Hild  extend  it  far  beyond  the  limits  of  a  report. 
I  therefore  respectfully  but  caruesdy  rcconnnend 
that  the  mineral  region  be  opened  to  public  sale 
and  private  entry;  and  that  the  pre-emption  prin- 


ciple be  BO  extended  as  to  embrace  the  diggings, 
discoveries,  and  improvements  of  resident  miners  ' 
and  settlers  in   that  region.     With  regard  to  the 
jirice,  I  am  convinced,  from  a  consideration  of  all 
the  eircumstiuices,  that  a  higher  rate  than  the  [^irc-  ^ 
sent  minimum  would  be  unjust  and  inoperative.  ■ 
It  would  be  unjust  to  those  who  have  settled  un- 
der the  auspices  of  the  present  system,  and  who 
are  too  poor  to  pay  a  higher  rate;  and  it  would  be 
comparatively  inoperative,  as  the  jieople  would  re- 
gard it  only  as  the  substitution  ol^  a  lesser  evil  for 
a  greater.    The  greater  part  of  the  so-calleil  min-  ] 
eral  lands,  as  I  lii.ve  already  cideavored  to  show,  ] 
is  no  more  valuable  than  the  lands  already  in  mar- 
led; and  even  where  mineral  actually  exists,  the 
coiise(|Uciit  value  of  the   lands  is  str.uigely  and  i 
grossly  exaggerated,     it  must  be  recollected  that  I 
the  diggings  and  discoveries,  as  they  are  termed,  1 
are  not  mines,  in  the  proper  acceptation  of  that  ' 
term;  and  it  is  well  known  to  miners  that  the  time  I 
employed  in  the  search  of  ore,  and  the  money  and 
labor  expended  in   extracting  it  when  found,  are 
scldimi  compensated  by  the  amount  of  mineral  ob- 
tained.    The  course  here  recommended  has  been 
adopted  in  relation  to  Missouri;  and  impartiality 
requires  that  the  same  jiulicy  bo  extcndcil  to  other 
States  and  Territories. 

I  would  also  reiommend  the  propriety  of  making 
certain  modifications  in  the  present  iirc-emption 
law,  which  may  contribute  to  carry  out  in  a  more 
liberal  spirit  the  beneficent  policy  of  Government 
in  the  enactment  of  such  laws. 

The  first  modification  I  would  suggest  is,  the  ex- 
tension of  the  pre-emption  principle  to  all  settlers 
on  unsurveycd  public  land,  after  the  extinguish- 
ment of  the  Indian  title.  This  change  is  ciUlcd  for 
by  considerations  of  justice  and  policy. 

The  emigration  to  tlie  West  is  increasing  so  rap- 
idly that  the  settlements  on  the  frontiers  me  ex- 
tendiii"  far  in  advance  of  the  public  surveys.  The 
men  who  form  tho.se  settlements  are  justly  entitled 
to  the  ])rotection  and  favor  of  Governniciit:  anil 
yet,  strange  as  it  may  appear,  the  whrlt>  of  this 
class  is,  by  c.xisthig  legislation,  excluded  from  the 
privileges  of  jire-eniption;  while  claimants  of  no 
greater  merit,  under  tne  UioHinido  eettleinent,  and 
Florida  armed-occuiiation  act,  are  limited  by  no 
such  restrictions. 

1  consider  the  spirit  of  the  pre-emption  principle 
violated,  when  the  first  .settlers,  who  open  the  way 
for  succeeding  emigration,  are  tJepriveil  of  the  ben- 
efit of  their  settlements,  becuuise  they  have  been 
made  on  unsurveycd  public  land;  and  despoiled  of 
their  homes,  perhaps  by  the  very  men  whom  they 
have  pioneered  into  the  country,  merely  because 
the  latter  happen  to  become  the  first  settlers  on  the 
land  after  it  is  surveyed.  The  law  in  this  respect 
ten  Is  to  reward  cupidity,  and  fuvtu-  s|ioliulion, 
and  ought  to  be  modified  at  once  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  to  prevent  the  commission  of  such  flagrant 
injustice. 

The  second  change  I  would  recommend  is,  the 
extension  of  the  right  of  iirc-cmp'O'  fiettlers  on 
surveyed  laud,  whose  setllements  ;  '  inenccd  prior 
to  the  first  of  June,  1840.  The  act  of  4th  Septem- 
ber, 1841,  only  makes  provision  for  seltlements 
eoininenced  since  the  1st  of  June,  1840;  while  prior 
settlers,  wiio  cannot  secure  their  rights  under  the 
acts  of  18.'!8  and  1840,  in  eonsequt nee  of  the  re- 
strictive provisions  of  these  acts,  are  excludeil  from 
the  privilege  of  pre-eiiii)tion,  and  their  imjirovc- 
ments  are  liable  to  be  entered  by  others  who  may 
have  settled  on  the  premises  subseqtieiu  *o  the  1st 
of  June,  1840.  The  fir.st  settler,  who  continues  to 
inhabit  the  land,  should  be  preferreil  in  all  such 
cases,  and  the  law  s.  ■  uld  be  so  modiiied  as  to  al- 
low him  the  privilege  of  entering  his  improvement  1 
by  pre-emptimi.  ] 

My  third  recommendation  is,  to  extend  to  owners  i 
and  residents  on  land  the  right  of  pre-emption  to  j 
so  much  ailjoining  or  neighboring  laud  as  may  bo  [ 
nccessiu'v  for  fuel,  fencing,  and  other  similar  pur- 
poses.     In  some  of  the  iiorlhwesterii  States  and 
Territories,  the  fiirms  of  ninny  of  the  settlers  arc 
situated  in  prairies,  and  are  wholly  dependent  on  | 
the  adjoining  hinds  for   timber.     Uy  the  existing  1 
law,  each  settler  is  confined  to  the  quarter-section  | 
on  which  lie  resides,  and  jirevcntcd  from  obttiiniug  \ 
by  pre-emption  an  adjoining  tr  icl,  without  which,  i 
perhaps,  his  improvement  cannot  be  enjoyed.    By  ' 
permitting  such  stiller  to  enter  a  tract  of  woodland 
near  his  farm,  a  great  benefit  will  be  conferred  on  ■ 


him,  and  no  detriment  occasioned  to  the  Govern- 
ment. This  woulil  prevenl  the  surrounding  limber 
lands  from  being  enlered  by  unscrupulous  pre- 
em|ilors,  whose  sole  object  is  to  speculate  upon 
the  nec(  ssilies  of  settlers  on  the  prairie. 

My  fourth  reconimcndation  on  this  head  would 
be,  to  nindify  the  law  so  lis  to  enable  a  .settler  to 
enter,  if  he  desires  it,  a  forty-acre  tract,  or  a  quap- 
ler-quartor  seclion.  The  subdivisions  created  by 
the  act  of  the  5lh  of  April,  18.')2,  to  wit:  quaner- 
quariei  sections,  are  now  only  liable  to  privato 
entry  after  the  land  has  been  proclaiined  and 
offered  at  public  sale,  and  then  only  under  certain 
restrictions.  If  the  law  would  anihorixo  pre- 
emption entries  of  .such  tracts,  it  might  be  of  soma 
advantage  to  that  class  of  settlers  whose  scanty 
means  prevenl  them  from  enterinj;  a  larger  quan- 
tity. Tl  y  would  thus,  by  obtaining  an  interest 
in  the  soil,  have  stronger  inducements  to  make 
permanent  improvements,  instead  of  being  mero 
UnaniM  at  will  to  either  private  individuals  or  lli6 
Government.  Some  of  tliese  sujjgestions  may  not 
»))pear  to  be  of  material  moment  to  those  unac- 
quainted with  the  wanu;  or  privations  of  the  fron- 
tier settlers;  but  il  will  bo  recollected,  that  what- 
ever alTects  the  well-being  of  the  humblest  citizen, 
is  never  too  Iriviol  for  the  consideration  of  a  liberal 
and  enlightened  Government.  The  general  exten- 
sion and  enlargement  of  the  pre-emption  principle, 
in  a  spirit  of  line  liberality,  to  all  persons  over  the 
age  of  eighteen  years,  who  are  settlers  on  public 
lauds,  whether  surveyed  or  unsurveycd,  to  which 
the  Indian  title  has  neon  extinguished,  will  have 
the  most  beneficial  efTcct  upon  the  moral  and  social 
condition  of  the  frontier  settlers,  without  occasion- 
ing ihe  slightest  detriment  to  the  public,  or  to  the 
interest  of  the  Government. 

The  aggregate  proceeds  of  the  public  lands  ex- 
ceed but  little  the  minimum  price  per  acre;  and 
this  being  the  case,  there  can  be  no  objection  to  a 
general  prc-einplion  law,  on  'he  suppositiini  that 
it  tends  to  diminish  the  revenue.  1  would  take 
the  libert<'  still  further  to  suggest,  thai,  as  the  pub- 
lic have  j\j'  become  accustomed  to  the  mode  of 
operation  under  the  present  law,  these  modifica- 
tions should  be  made  in  sucii  a  manner  as  not  lo 
change  its  c  cntial  features;  but  simply  to  extend 
iis  provisions,  and  rid  it  of  all  unnecessary  restric- 
tions. 

I  wish  also  to  call  your  attention  to  Ihe  propriety 
of  a  graduated  reduciio.i  in  Ihe  price  of  public  lands. 
But  few  subjects  of  (  qual  importance  have  been 
more  earnestly  pressed  upon  the  efuisideration  of 
Congress  than  this,  and  none  have  hitherto  been 
less  .succc.s.sfnl.  The  recominendations  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive, concurred  in  on  several  occasions  by  the 
Senate,  the  resolutions  of  legislatures,  the  petitions 
of  Ihe  people,  and  the  advocacy  of  the  first  talents 
of  the  nolion,  have  failed,  as  yet,  to  obtain  the  in- 
troduclion  of  a  system  by  which  the  public  lands 
might  be  rated  according  lo  quality,  and  sold  ac- 
cording lo  value.  Among  those  who  feel  the  un- 
equal operation  of  the  present  system,  and  with 
whom  the  question  is  not  merely  a  speculative  one, 
the  veiieated  failures  of  this  favorite  project  havis 
been  tlie  cause  of  deep  mortification  and  di'sappoiiil- 
inent;  and  they  have  been  •eadyattinieslochargeits 
oiiponents,  not  with  the  want  of  practical  infonim- 
lioii  on  the  subject,  but  with  secret  hostility  lo  the 
growth  and  prosjierity  of  the  new  Stales.  This 
suspicion  is  ill-founded;  but  unfortunately  it  has 
suiiK  deep  in  the  minds  of  the  people  of  that  re- 
gion, and  if  not  removed  in  time,  may  yet  lead  to 
a  system  of  reprisal,  both  discrcdilabfeand  injuri- 
ous to  the  character  of  the  whole  country.  The 
present  is  a  propitious  lime  to  terminate  the  agita- 
tion of  Uiis  question;  and  with  this  view  I  recom- 
mend the  establishment  of  such  a  graduation  sys- 
tem as  will  satisf,  the  reasonable  demands  of  those 
States  in  which  the  public  lands  iiic  situated,  with- 
imt  doing  the  slii.'.uesl  injustice  to  any  other  section 
of  the  country.  I  assume  that  the  primary  object 
of  every  enlightened  system  of  policy  relutiag  to 
the  public  lands,  is  occupation  and  settlcmei.t;  and 
thai  revenue  is  only  lo  be  rejjarded  as  a  sei.op.dary 
and  subordinate  object.  Indeed,  a  libe'al  policy 
would  only  seek  sufficient  revenue  frov  this  source 
to  indemnify  the  Government  for  all  outlays  and 
expendiuires  incurred  in  relation  to  t.  To  fticili- 
tjite  settlement,  il  is  necessary  to  reduce  the  price 
of  public  land  lo  such  an  extent  as  to  bring  its  ac- 
auisilion  within  the  limited  means  of  the  great 


r 


40 


APPEiNDIX  TO  THI-:  CONGUESSIONAL  GI/JBE, 


\i 


2{>rH  CONO IST  SE88. 

Vrtiily  of  first  «oltle™.  ThiHcoiisidirntioii  is  wholly 
ilinnsnnlfil  nt  |)rc«iiu.  Tim  iivcriifio  nii\xiiiiiini 
prioi'  111'  the  bcal  (iimlily  of  piililic  IiiiiiIh  him  lifcii 
I'lmml  l)y  cxpericmc  tn  be  uiily  «tl  U7  per  wit; 
wliili'  tlid  miiiiiiuim  inioe  iil*  llii:  wnml  (|iiiilily  JH 
^l  X>  per  «('«'.  Tfiin  Idiiks  Hnmrwlmt  itliHuril, 
rvrn  in  lhei>ryi  Init  in  priu'lii-p,  it  in  nut  only  iilj- 
«unl,  Imt  it  ia  rmli'iilly  unjiisl. 

When  It  ilimiiit  of  hind  is  proclninKil  nl  puhlir 
«iiir,  non-rrsidcnt  oiipiiiilnita  um  srlci  t  nil  the  viil 
liable  IiuuIh  ill  Huoh  dialri-t,  not  prrviimsly  Henired 
liy  pro-omption,  nnd  punliiisf  the  naniu  at  an 
nvonis'!  of  )^l  27  per  luio;  wliile  siiliHecpient  Bel- 
tlcrs  are  compelled  to  piirehaHe  inferior  landH  at 
$1  1!')  per  aere,  or  );ive  an  exorbiuint  priee  to  these 
luipiialisiH  and  HpceiilHton.  It  is  idle  to  talk  about 
coin|>etitioii  in  niieli  a  x'iwf.  There  Ih,  in  faeti  no 
coiii|iciilioii,  execplamoiiKKt  s|K'eulatorH,  and  ihiy 
nre  always  fioii^ieioiia  cnoui;h  to  arran-^e  the  ex- 
tent of  it  beforehand.     It  liaH  been  extinmled  tli:U 


Report  of  Commlaaioner  of  Inilian  Ajj'niri, 


[Doc.  a, 

Srnate  and  Ho.  or  Heps, 


nboiii  an  averiiu;e  of  one-tenth  of  the  imblic  do- 
main  in  unsaleaiile,  beinj;  eoniponed  of  NWiinipH, 
marshes,  barrens,  niountaiiis,  and  other  lands  of  a 
very  inferior  qoalily.  The  residue,  or  saleable 
lands,  may  be  divided  aieiudiiii^  to  tpiality  into 
five  elnsses.  As  *^\  27  is  the  avera;,'e  nuixiinuin 
priee  of  the  best  quality  of  lands,  it  must  be  ad- 
mitted that  ^1  25  |H>r  arre  will  be  a  sutlieient  niiii- 
imuin  prire  ibr  lands  of  the  first  elass,  !>il  for  the 
Her(Mid,  75  rentM  for  the  third,  51)  cents  fiu'  the 
fourth,  and  25  cents  for  lands  of  the  fifth  class. 
This  will  do  away  with  the  iiicon;;rully  of  hold- 
iiia;  lands  of  every  kind  and  mialily  subject  to  sale 
nt  the  same  minimum  rate.  The  priviue  owner  of 
II  p.irtieular  commodity,  who  should  act  upon  llie 
principle  of  the  jiresent  public-land  system,  would 
lie  regarded  as  impolitic;  and  surely  such  policy 
i.<  no  less  objectionable  in  the  Oovernment,  whicli 
i»  not  80  much  an  absolute  owner,  as  a  trustee  of 
the  guiblic  lands  for  the  public.  1  have  already 
Htatcd  that  the  Government,  in  the  exercise  of  an 
inli^htencd  spirit  of  liberality,  should  be  satisfied 
willi  indemnification  for  all  expenses  incurred  in 
relation  to  the  public  lands.  The  scheme  here 
recommended  must,  in  every  possible  event,  do 
more  than  indemnify  the  Government.  The  esli- 
mate  of  the  whole  expense  of  purchasina;  territo- 
ry from  foreis;n  natimis,  extiiiiruishiii';  the  Indi.ui 
u'tlo,  and  surveyins  and  sclliii!;  the  public  domain, 
is  na  an  nverasB  of  2;j  cents  per  acre.  By  taking; 
the  data- already  given,  and  liy  allowing  a  Io.'js  of 
23  cents  per  acre  on  one-tenth,  lieing  the  whoI»;  of 
the  unsaleable  lands,  the  residue,  or  nine-tenths, 
will  amount,  nt  these  guulnated  rates,  to  an  average 
of  67j  cents  per  acre — thus  leaving  an  e.xcess  of 
44J  cents  jier  acre  to  meet  all  possible  contingen- 
cies. These  calculations  nre  based  upon  reliable 
data,  not  exact,  it  is  true,  in  a  mathematical  sense, 
hut  accurate  in  a  gencnil  and  practical  sense.  1 
will  even  hazard  the  prediction,  based  upon  expe- 
rience, that  a  gi'aduated  system,  conducied  on  the 
plan  proposed,  will  derive  a  larger  amount  of  rev- 
enue from  the  whole  of  the  public,  domain  than 
the  present  system.  This  position,  which  nii'_-ht 
nt  first  nppear  j)aradoxical ;  is  to  be  accounted  t"or 
by  the  quantity  of  land  unsaleable  nt  present, 
which  would  be  selected  and  purch.ised  at  reduced 
prices.  The  graduation  system  has  been  tried  on 
the  Chickasaw  cession,  and  the  experiment  has 
proved,  to  the  full  extent,  the  tnith  of  every  posi- 
tion which  I  have  advanced  iqioii  this  subieet. 
The  Chicka.saw  territory  einbniccs,  after  deduct- 
ing Indian  reservations,  4,.11G,925,  74-1(1(1  acres  of 
surveyed  ;)iii/i>  land.  Of  this  area,  8,205  .S-VldO 
acres  were  sold  under  the  old  system  as  being  in 
the  Choctaw  country,  before  the  line  of  the  Chick- 
iisiws  was  established;  leaving  a  net  nren  of 
4,3(18,720  19-100  acres  in  the  Chicka-saw  cession 
subject  to  the  operation  of  graduation.  Of  this, 
adding  3G,0(I5  (iH- 100  acres  of  orphan  reservation 
sale.'!,  nnd  makuig  a  surface  of  4,344,725  acres, 
there  were  sold,  up  to  the  .'jOlli  June  hi.sl,  3,4fi!),;t20 
95-100  acres — being  within  the  spac.e  of  nine  and 
a  half  years.  The  residue  of  the  public  Chicka- 
saw lands,  being  H75,404.  92-100  acres,  is  in 
process  of  speedy  sale.  The  lands  thus  already 
sold  under  graduation  brought  Ji.3,181,219  24  ; 
being  an  average  price  all  round  of  91.69  cents 
per  acre. 

I  will  now  take  an  adjoining  territory  of  equal 
extent,  mainly  select(-d  on  account  of  fertility  and 
the  wants  of  settlers,  which  has  been  in  market  an 


I  equal  iiiimbor  of  yean  under  tlio  operation  of  the 

!  old  system,  and  C(Unpnre  results. 

Of  4,344,710  acres  in  the  .Stales  of  Arkansas  and 
L.ouiHiana,  which  have  bev  ii  in  marki't  about  the 
same  number  of  years  as  the  ChickaBaw  lands, 
3,(iH7,9l9  acres  leiuaiii  unsold — only  t!.')(i,791  acres 
having  been  sold;  the  proceeils  of  which,  at  <(l  25 
cenis  per  acre,  amiuint  to  |^.'<20,9HS  75-100,  leaving 
a  balance  of  3,H12,530  acres,  and  of  82,3ti(l,230  49 
of  purchase-money  in  favur  of  the  graduation  sys- 
tem. 

To  this  muat  be  added  tiie  advantage  to  the 
Slates  in  Iheseiilenientand  improve  lueiil  of  wasies 
and  barrens,  swamps  and  morasses — an  advanlare 
not  only  to  the  prosperity,  but  salubrity  of  a  ccmn- 
try,  which  cannot  be  calculaird  in  dollars  and 
cents.  The  principle  to  be  adopted  in  the  classifi- 
cation of  the  public  lauds,  is  the  next  considcra- 
lioii.  It  cannot  be  accomplished  by  personal  in- 
siieclion;  and,  besides,  experience  .shows  that  in 
those  .Stall  s  v.hcre  taxes  are  assessed  upon  lands 
according  to  personal  valuation,  greater  disparity 
and  inequality  exist  than  in  .Slates  where  lands 
have  been  arbilrarily  classified  and  assessed  by 
legislative  assemblies.  Neither  will  indications  on 
maps  and  plats  atlbrd  any  better  index  to  valua- 
tion. This  has  been  tried  in  the  mineral  region, 
and  has  resulted  in  throwing  the  land  syslein 
of  that  whole  country  into  inextricable  disorder. 
Schemes  like  these  appear  very  plausible  some- 
times in  theory,  but  -ire  wofully  delVctive  in  prac- 
tice. The  best,  in  fiict  the  only  practicable  oasis 
lor  this  classification,  is  (imc — the  time  the  land 
lias  conlinued  in  market  unsold.  And  this,  upon 
strict  scrutiny,  will  be  found  to  be  an  excellent 
general  criterion  of  quality.  It  has  been  ascer- 
tained by  experience,  that  all  the  firsiratc  land  in 
any  pnriiciihu-  district  i.»  generally  selected  within 
the  first  five  years  after  it  is  brought  into  market, 
aiul  so  in  pnqiorlion  through  any  given  series  of 
years;  anil  that  the  refu.si:  which  remains  unsold 
111  such  district, after  the  lapse  of  twenly-llTe  years, 
will  scarcely  indemnify  the  Goverimicnt  for  the  ex- 

,  pense  incurred  in  its  superintendence  and  manage- 
ment. Considerable  quantities  of  land  which  have 
been  in  market  twenty-five  years,  have  been  do- 
nated to  particular  .Stales  for  )«irposes  of  public 
improvement;  and  win  ii  these  arc  deducteil  from 
the  general  statements  on  this  head,  the  residue 

i  will  be  so  inconsiderable  as  to  bear  me  out  ill  this 
assumption.  1  therefore  recommend  that  all  lands 
that  have  been  in  market  not  exceeding  five  years, 
constitute  the  first  class;  more  than  five  and  not 
exceeding  ten  years,  the  second  class;  more  than 
ten  and  not  exceeding  fifteen,  the  third  class; 
more  than  fifteen  and  not  exceeding  twenly,  the 
fourth  dims;  more  than  twenty  and  not  exceed- 
ing twenty-five,  the  fifth  class;  and  that  all  the 
residue  in  market  over  twenty-five  years,  and  re- 
maining unsold,  vest  absolutely  in  the  parliciilnr 
States  in  which  they  arc  .situated.  With  an  in- 
considerable additional  lorcc  in  this  office,  all  the 
public  lands  now  in  market  c<iii  be  classified,  and 
the  system  put  in  opemtion  in  six  months.  Lands 
brought  iiilo  market  hereafter,  should  graduate 
through  these  classes  in  such  a  manner  as  to  coii- 
timie  subject  to  sale  five  years  nl  $1  25;  five  year.'^ 
more  at  SU  five  more  at  75  cents;  five  nmrc  nt  GO 

'  cents;  five  more  at  25  cents;  anil  all  the  residue 
remaining  unsold,  after  p.-i.ssing  through  this  series 
of  [.'laduations,  should  vest  forever  in  the  Suites. 

This  will  ccuistitutc  a  species  of  sliding  scale, 
v»-hich  will  glean  and  clear  out  districts,  and  give 

.  the  new-  Slates,  within  a  reasonable  time,  the  con- 
trol of  the  lands  w-ithin  their  limits.  Objections 
mav,  perhiqis,  be  made  to  the  quantity  of  land 
w-hlcli  this  prociss  of  classification  will  vest  at 
once  in  some  particular  Slates.     It  will  vest  420,- 

,  329  acres  in  Ohio,  1,285,095  acres  in  Indiana, 
3,9G5,104  acres  in  Illinois,  2,307,225  acres  in  Mis- 
so.ri,  4,14fp,H7H  acres  in  Mississippi,  ],141,()05 
iicr-s  in  Louisiana,  4,510,895  acn-s  in  Alabama, 
and  27  12G  acres  in  Michigan.  I  can  obviate  these 
anticipated  objections  by  stating  that,  according 
to  our  esiiinaies,  only  a  comparatively  inconsider- 
able portion  of  this  large  mass  of  land  is  either  sale- 
able or  valuable;  and  tliat  it  is  likely  to  continue  a 
source  of  ex|)ense  rather  than  profit  to  the  Govern- 
ment, so  long  as  suiierior  lands  can  he  obtained  nt 

. ,  the  same  rale  by  going  westward.  It  is  unworthy 
a  liberal  spirit  to  cavil  iibiait  the  value  of  sucii 

li  lands.     What  though  a  small  quantity  of  valuable, 


nmniigst  a  mass  of  worthless  land,  be  trnnsferreil 
to  n  few  particular  States ;  is  the  Government  to 
conliniie  ils  present  machinery  over  nil  the  ponds, 
lakes,  swamps,  mnrslies,  iiiianilainK,  and  preci- 
pices, in  the  new  Stales  forever,  lest,  if  relin- 
quished now,  they  may  perchance  Include  \wrr 
and  there  a  valuable  tract  of  land,  which  has  (  aii- 
pened  to  escape  the  vigilance  of  purchascr.<  and 
speculators  for  Iweiily-five  years?  On  the  contra- 
ry, it  istheduty  of  Government  to  relinquish  tliese 
lands  nt  once.  This  is  the  only  way  in  which  ii 
can  indemnify  these  .States  for  the  injustice  already 
done  them  by  withholding  their  lands  so  long  frinii 
selllement.  It  will  be  the  pidicy  of  the  .Stales,  in 
siune  instances,  even  to  give  bounties  to  sclllers  to 
drain  swamps  and  marshes,  and  reclaim  biirrcii 
wa.^tes,  in  onler  to  render  the  lands  salubrious, 
and  capable  of  contnli.iting  In  the  support  of  the 
local  governments.  The  interference  of  Wedcral 
officers  in  the  iiilernal  afi'airs  of  States,  should  be 
prevented  as  much  as  possible,  by  withdrawing 
the  machinery 'if  ihc  public-land  system  fromeiicli 
State  in  succession  as  soim  as  practicalde.  This 
machinery  exercises  an  induence,  at  this  time, 
over  ten  States  and  two  Territories,  and  it  will 
continue  to  do  so  forever,  unless  there  is  n  change 


of  iiolicy. 
In  I 


order  to  gunrd  against  sppciilntlon,  the  bene- 
fits nf  reduction  may  be  confined  to  pei-sons  piir- 
chnsins,',  for  the  purpose  of  setllement  or  culiiva- 
tion.  This,  lliough  a  judicious  restriction,  is  by 
no  means  as  essentini  now  as  it  was  formerly. 
Capitalists  and  companies  who  hav  speciilaled 
largely  in  western  lands,  have  not  only  injured 
settlers,  but  have  in  most  rases  mined  themselves, 
nnd  will  conseijuently  be  much  more  cnmioiis  in 
operations  of  this  kind  hereafter.  The  graduation 
system,  when  once  in  permanent  opcrntiim,  will 
otfer  no  greater  inducements  for  speculation  than 
the  present  system;  and  preventive  restrictions  nre 
never  so  efl"eetual  to  check  speculation  as  correc- 
tive impositions,  in  the  shape  of  taxes,  laid  by  tho 
States  on  the  lands  of  non-residents. 

The  change  here  recommended,  if  carried  into 
opemtion  by  Congress,  will  have  a  most  beneficial 
ellect  upon  the  prosperity  of  the  States  in  which 
the  public  lands  arc  siluated,  and  will  be  received 
with  satisfaction  by  the  patriotic  inhabitants  of  that 
region. 

All  which  is  most  respeclftilly  suhmitled. 

JAMES  SHIELDS,  Coiimiijisionfr. 

Hon.  R.  J.  Walkeh, 

Stcvelnnj  of  the  Trtasury. 


REPORT  OF  THE  COMMISSIONER  OF  IN- 
DIAN AFFAIRS. 

Wai;  Departmknt, 
•  Office  Imlian  .'Iffiiin,  A'ovemher  24,  1845. 
Sill :  Since  the  last  aniuud  report  from  this  office, 
the  emigration  of  Indians  to  the  west  of  the  Mis- 
sissijipi  has  been  much  greater  thi.-  ,'or  several 
years  past.  This  is  chicfiy  owing  to  lie  removal 
of  f'hoctaw-s  frmn  the  State  of  Mississippi  tr>  tho 
territory  .set  apart  Ibr  them  west  of  the  Arkansas. 
Under  the  contract  entered  into  with  Messrs. 
Anderson,  Forrester,  Cobb,  and  Pickens,  Ibr  the 
emigration  and  subsistence  of  these  Indians,  oper- 
ations were  commenced  nboiit  the  1st  of  January 
Inst,  and  a  parly  of  eleven  hundred  and  eighty-two 
have  removed, and  are  now  under  snbsisicme,  •  t 
a  cost  to  the  Government  of  $26  7^  for  removal  per 
capita,  and  ^'20  for  subsii.lencc  of  every  Indian 
twelve  montlis  after  his  nrrival  west.  I-rom  tliu 
latest  information  received  :'.t  this  office,  another 
large  party  is  prcjiared  to  start,  and  w-ill  probably 
set  out  in  the  course  of  the  present  month,  as  that 
portion  of  the  scrip  to  which  tl'-y  nre  entitled  has 
lieen  sent  to  Major  Wni.  Armstrong,  the  acting 
superintendent  ot  Indian  Aflaiis  fiir  ihe  western 
territory,  who  has  been  charged  with  the  superin- 
leiUlcncc  of  their  emigration.  This  office  has  ren- 
dered all  possible  aid  to  eflect  the  removal  of  these 
|ieojde  to  their  new  homes,  and  thereby  render 
their  condition  more  happy  and  agreeable  to  them- 
selves than  it  has  been.  It  is  made  obligatory  on 
these;  people  that  they  must  remove,  or  signify 
their  intention  so  to  do,  belbre  any  portion  of  tho 
scrip  due  them  can  be  Lssued;  and  it  is  confident- 
ly exjpcctcd  that,  before  another  year  has  gone 
rounil,   the  Choctaws  still    remaining  east  wil 


(Doc.  2, 
or  Rep(. 

I,  lie  tmiml'iTriil 
(liivrniiii'iil  to 
'r  III!  llio  |icin(U, 
liiiH,  mill  lurri- 
',  IcKl,  if  rclin- 
■)•  iiii'liiilr  heir 
whii'li  hiiH  i.''»|>- 
|iiiri'liiiKr'rn  iiml 
Oil  tlic  lonlrii- 
n:liii>|iiiNli  (lii'iin 
H'ny  III  wliii'li  it 
njiiHtii't'  iili'caily 
hIn  ho  loiii;  rroni 
if  till'  Sinus,  ill 
lii'N  In  wrltliTH  t(i 
iTchiim  iiiirron 

llll!l    Ntlllllll'loilS, 

'  9M|i[irirt  of  Ihn 
ncf!  of  Fcdiriil 
itatf'H,  hIioiiIiI  Ih; 
liy  withdrnwiiii; 
yslrm  from  cnili 
ipticiililc.  Thin 
',  nt  this  tiinc, 
ten,  mid  it  will 
here  in  ft  cimiigo 

ntinn,  (lie  benp- 

to  [)f  rNons  jiiir- 
iiciu  or  I'lillivii- 
I'Blrii'iioii,  iH  liy 

was  forniorly- 
mx"  fijM'rtitnU-d 
It  only  injiircil 
iicd  tliemNflvpfl, 
norn  raiuloiis  in 
Tlin  i;mdiialioii 

opcralion,  will 
peculation  timii 

rcHlric.tioiiH  nrn 
ation  iiH  correu- 
XPH,  laid  by  the 

,  if  curried  into 

moNt  beneficial 

inles  in  wliich 

III  be  received 

liituntH  of  that 

mitted. 
'owimijjiontr. 


)NER  OF  IN- 


|u:nt, 
1-  ^.M,  1845. 
oni  ihiHolKce, 
u  ^if  the  Mis- 
.br  several 
lie  removal 
insippi  to  the 
|he  Arkansa.s, 
Ivilli    Mes.srs. 
Ikens,  lor  tliu 
Indians,  opcr- 
it  of  Janiiury 
id  cif;hty-two 
[ilmisteiu'e,   .t 
removal  per 
^vciy  Indian 
trom  llie 
Rce,  another 
ill  prolialiiy 
>nth,  as  that 
entitled  has 
f,  the  acting 
the  v\-esterii 
ihc  Nuperin- 
ce  has  rcn- 
-al  of  these 
cby  render 
|b!c  to  tlieiii- 
liliyitory  on 
or  signify 
Irlion  of  the 
|n  confident- 
has  gone 
east   wil 


1645.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


4I> 


aOrii  CoNo IsT  Ses8. 


Report  of  VommUsioner  of  Indian  Ajfuirs. 


Sknate  and  Ho.  or  Rbpi. 


h.ivo  joined  their  brethren  in  the  western  territory, 
wi'eio,  once  again  iiniled,  they  will,  under  the  pro- 
lectlni;  and  Ibslerint,'  care  of  tin;  Uovermncnt,  be- 
cim  e  an  eiitii;litened  and  contented  people, 

T'lc  few  reinainin;;  frecks  in  Alabama  and 
("<coi,'ia,  amonntin^  in  innrilier  to  about  one  hun- 
dred and  sixty,  iiicludin;;  slaves,  are  ]ircparcd  to 
renio'e.  The  latest  intellineiice  leeeiyed  from 
llieip  represents  that  they  are  only  awaitin;;  ft  rise 
in  the  waiers  to  einii;raie.  Insiruclioim  have  been 
ftiven  to  llie  actini;  Nii|icrinlendent  west  to  eontrftct 
for  iheir  Hubsistencc  for  one  year  after  their  arrival 
in  the  Creek  coiiniry.  The  contract  for  their  re-  ] 
mnval  was  entered  into  in  Au^'ust  last,  at  a  cost  of 
$47  ^V)  per  cajiila. 

The  New  York   Indians,  or  rather  ft  portion  of  1 
them,  liave  repeatedly  aiiplied   to  the  department  ! 
for  the  proper  steps  to  tie  taken  for  their  eniigra-  | 
lion.     It  was  not  deemed  expedient  to  enter  into  [ 
any  arran^enienls  for  this   purpose  until  the  de-  I 
pailment  was  assured  that  ft  siilKcient  number  to  ' 
inslify  till!  expenditure  incident  to  the  appointment  | 
\<(  nii  nsent,  was  piepareil  to  remove.     A  deleija- 
lion  of    these  pei    le   h.ivinij  a  short   tiinc   since  j 
visited  Washin!;ton,  und  reiterated  their  desire  to  ' 
go  wist,  they    were    informed    that   their  wishes 
should  be  (^ratified  in  case  two  himdi'cd  and  fifty 
would    be    prepared    to   emiftrale.     An  aj,'cnt  was  i 
nppoinled  to  siiperinlend  their  cmi^ralion,  and  the  j 
deparlment  havin;?  lieen  advised  thai  the  requisite 
nninber  were  ready,  the  necessarv  rtmds  have  been 
placed  in  his  hands,  to  conduct  tliem  to  their  new  i 
lioincs,   for  which  they  were   expected   to  leave  i 
nboiii  the  SOlh  instant. 

Within  Ihc  last  year,  ftccording  to  the  muster-  | 
rolls  received  at  this  oilicc,  about  one  liundred 
r'hickasaws   have   removed   to   the  west   of    the 
Mi.'isissippi,  and   it  is  believed   lliat  very  few  of 
tliise  people  are  now  east  of  that  river.  1 

Bv  the  treaty  entered  into  with  the  Mlamiea  on  , 
the  'i>8th  November,  1840,  they  obli-iated  them-  I 
selves  to  remove  at  the  end  of  five  years  from  that 
time.  A  conirftct  wiis,  therefore,  entered  into  for 
their  removal,  und  it  was  expected  that  they  would 
have  set  out  last  sprins;,  the  agent  having  been  in- 
structed to  leave  nothing  undone  to  elfect  the  desir- 
ed, result.  Contrary  to  the  aniicipations  of  the 
deparlnicnl,  the.se  people  yet  remain  in  Indiana; 
but  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  they  will  be  emigrated 
in  the  course  of  the  ensuing  year. 

The  Sftcs  and  Foxes,  according  to  the  stipulft- 
tions  of  the  treaty  entered  into  with  them  on  the 
11th  October,  184ii,  to  remove  to  their  new  homes, 
in  a  country  to  be  set  apart  for  them  within  three 
years  fiom  the  date  thereof,  have  commenced  their 
rniigralion.  This  was  much  to  be  desired,  as  the 
incursions  upon  them  by  the  whites  rendered  ft 
change  of  loention  highly  necessary,  calculaicd  as 
it  must  be  to  render  their  situation  more  advan- 
t;i;;eous  to  themselves.  Faithful  to  their  obligations, 
these  people,  reputed  brave  and  noble,  and  Iblly 
iinderslnnding  the  benefits  which  must  naturally 
follow  sucli  ft  course,  have  taken  up  their  march 
for  the  counlry  assigned  them  for  their  future 
homes,  two  tracts  having  been  olfered  them,  to 
choose  that  one  which,  on  examination,  they  may 
think  best  suited  to  their  wants.  Some  dinicully 
occurred  in  locating  these  people,  as  they  express- 
ed ft  desire  to  have  their  homes  on  the  Kanzas;  but 
this  wish  could  not  be  complied  with,  in  conse- 
ipiencc  of  the  Kanzas  country  being  owned  by  the 
tieople  of  that  name.  They  made  applieation, 
liowevcr,  to  be  allowed  to  vvinter  on  the  Kanzas 
river,  but  were  refused  permission  to  do  so  by  iny 
predecessor,  and  there  the  matter  rests.  About 
twenty-two  hundred  of  them  have  removed  at  dif- 
ferent times,  according  to  the  accounts  received 
from  Captain  John  Bench,  the  agent  in  charge, 
Powsheik,  and  his  band  of  Foxes,  being  the  last 
who  were  reported  to  be  encamped  on  the  banks 
of  the  llftckoon  river,  and  who  were  expected  to 
cross  the  Missouri  by  the  11  lb  of  October.  For 
the  iironipt  manner  in  which  these  people  have 
fulfilled  their  treaty  stipulations,  and  the  fidelity 
which  they  have  shown  in  meeting  their  engage-  1 
inenls,  they  are  entitled  to  the  highest  regard  and  , 
commendntion  of  the  Government.  | 

A  tripartite  treaty  was  concluded,  on  the  4th  of 
January  last,  between  the  United  States,  the  Creeks, 
and  the  Seminoles.  By  the  Htipulations  therein 
entered  into,  the  Semiiioles  have  been  permanently 
located  nnioiig  the  Creeks,  und  the  uaiids  of  the 


ibrmar  wlin  had  settled  without  niitliority  on  trneui 
bclonginf;  to  other  tribes  Inive  been  united.     This  \ 
RrranKoment  is  highly  gratifying;  und  'l  is  to  be  | 
hopetf  that   these   Inilians,  who  have   given  the  ^ 
(bivernnieni   at  dilbrent  limes  so  niiieii  trouble,  i 
will  now  become  settled,  and,  following  the  exam- 
ple of  the   tribes  by  whom   they  nrc  surrounded, 
limy  become  a  contented  and  happy  people.  , 

The  ftccoiiipanying  statement  (marked  1)  cX-  < 
liibits  the  numlier  of  the  various  tribes  of  Indians 
east  and  west  of  the  Missis.iippi  river,  whether 
lialivc  of  or  emigrant  to  the  country  wcsl ;  those 
emigrated  since  the  last  annual  report,  as  well  us 
those  remaining  east;  also,  that  portion  under  sub- 
sislence,  luid  the  cost  of  the  same.  It  is  proper, 
however,  to  remark,  that,  respecting  those  tribes 
with  whom  there  are  no  iigeniH  ot^  the  Govern- 
ment, the  population  is  estimated  by  conjecture 
and  such  data  as  is  furnished  by  traders  and  oi  hers 
who  have  tmvelled  among  them.  More  accuracy 
is  given  to  the  numbers  of  those  irilics  immediately 
under  the  care  of  the  Indian  agents  and  sub-agents, 
by  the  several  census  and  musicr-rolls  returndd  to 
the  department.  1 

I  am  sorry  to  inform  you,  that  nothwithstand-  1 
ing  the  ellbrts  which  have  been  made  to  treat  w  ilh  I 
the  Wilinebagoes  on  fiiir  and  liberal  terms  for  the  I 
sale  of  the  territory  held  by  them  within  the  limits 
of  what  is  usually  called  the  Neutral  Ground,  all  ■ 
attempts  at  negotiation  have  failed.     It  was  hoped 
that  a  trcnty  might  be  niaile  with  these  Indians 
during  the  iiast  season,  and  instructions  were  ac- 
eorilingly  given  to  his  lixcelleiicy  Governor  Uodge, 
I  of  Wisconsin,  to  elfect  this  object.    He  was,  liow- 
j  ever,  unsuccessful.    1  would  rcspectt\illy  refer  you 
to  his  report  (2)  on  this  subject  for  ull  tlie  circum- 
stances connected  with   this  ellbri,  as  well  as  the 
recommeiidutions  inftde  by  him  in  order  to  insure 
success  in  any  fuUire  attempt  that  may  be  made  in  ; 
this  matter.     Coming,  as  these  do,  from  one  so  iii- 
timiitely  aeqiminted  with  the  Indian  character,  and 
so  worthy  of  confidence,  as  Governor  Dodge,  they 
:  deserve  the  most  respectful  consideration. 
j      Negotiations  are   at  present  pending  with  the 
'  Chippewfts,  Ottowus,  and   Fottawatoniits  of  the 
Council  BlufTs  sub-agency,  with  a  view  to  provide 
for  their  removal  t'rom  their  present  location,  and 
their  esl«blislinient  in  a  district  of  country  where 
they  w  ill  be  free  from  tlie  incursions  of  the  whites  i 
ugion  them.  j 

Governor  Dodge  has  been  instructed  to  treat  i 
with  the  Oneidas  of  Green  Bay  for  the  purchase  of 
their  lands  in  that  section  of  Wisconsin,  and  tlieir  i 
removal  to  the  southwest  of  the  Missouri  river.  ; 
Nothing  has  yet  been  heard  from  him  on  the  sub- 
ject, but  hopes  are  entertained  that  he  will  be  suc- 
cessful. 

Herewith  you  will  find  fiscal  tables  (3)  sliow- 
:  ing — 

1.  The  amount  drawn  out  of  the  treasury  bc- 
;  tween  the  3Uth  June,  1844,  and  30tli  of  June,  1845, 

inclusive,  on  account  of  approiiriations  for  the  halt* 
calendar  year  ending  the  30lli  of  June,  1843,  and 
the  balance  remaining  undrawn  ; 

2.  The  amount  drawn  between  the3(hh  of  June, 
1844,  and  the  .3()lli  of  June,  1845,  inclusive,  on  ac- 
count of  appropriations  under  the  act  of  the  3d  of 

:■  March,  1843,  for  other  purposes  than  the  forego- 
ji  ing,  and  the  balance  remaining  undrawn  ; 

I  3.  The  amount  drawn  between  the  30th  of  June, 
'.  1844,  and  the  SOtli  of  June  1845,  inclusive,  on  ac- 

;   count  of  the  appropriations  for  the  service  of  the 

I'  Indian  department  t'or  the  fi.«cal  year  commencing 

||  1st  of  July,  1843,  and  ending  .lOtli  June,  1844,  and 

'.\  the  balance  remaining  luidrawn  ; 

[  4.  The  amount  appropriated  for  the  service  of 
'■  the  Indian  department  for  the  fiscal  year  com- 
i  mencing  July  1st,  1844,  and  ending  June  30th, 
;  1845,  inclusive,  and  the  balance  remaining   un- 

jl  drawn. 

There  is  likewise  annexed  an  exhibit  of  the 

['  amount  in  stocks  held  in  trust  for  various  Indian 
i  tribes,  as  well  as  of  the  sums  on  which  Congress 

jl  appropriates  the  interest  annually,  as  CiJled  for  by 

I I  certain  treaties,  instead  of  investing  the  same  in 
li  stocks.  (4.) 
ij      The  annuities  and  other  payiuents  for  the  year, 

!  to  meet  treaty  stipulations,  have  been  promptly  re- 
;  mitted,  and  have  either  been  paid  or  are  in  Jiroccss 
of  payment  to  those  entitled  to  receive  them. 

'I'lie  records  of  this  office  show  that  a  large  num- 
ber of  claims  connected  with  rescrvntions  and 


grania  of  Innd  to  individiml  Indians  hnve  been  di«- 
posed  of  during  the  past  year.  The  greater  por- 
tion of  them  were  those  of  Choctaw  Indians,  under 
the  14ili  article  of  the  treaty  with  that  tribe,  of 
Hepleniber,  18311,  which  have  been  the  subject  of 
frciiuent  actinn  by  Congress  since  I83U. 

'1  he  coinmiasioners  appointed  under  the  "  Act  tn 
'  provide  l\ir  the  satisfaction  of  elnims  arising 
'  under  the  14lh  and  lOtli  nrticlei  of  the  treaty  of 
'  Dancing  Babbit  creek,  concluded  in  Seiiteiiibcr, 
'  1830,'  approved  23d  August,  1842,  made  a  filial 
report  of  their  proceedings  to  the  Presideni  on  the 
Kith  of  June  last.  The  claims  reported  on  by 
them,  so  far  as  the  decisions  of  the  comiuiHsionerM 
were  favorable  to  the  claimants,  received  your  coii- 
cmience,  and  have  been  acted  on  by  this  oHice, 
with  ft  view  of  placing  in  the  possession  of  the  va- 
rious Indian  clalniuntH  the  evidence  of  the  admis- 
sion and  settlement  of  their  claims,  and  that  no 
fiirlher  delay  should  operate  to  prevent  the  remo- 
val of  the  claimants  and  their  families  from  the 
State  of  Mississippi  to  the  counlry  occupied  by 
their  kindred  west  of  the  State  of  Arkansas. 

According  to  the  provisions  of  llieuct  passed  at 
the  last  session  of  Congress,  confirming  t)ic  valua- 
tions made  by  Messrs.  Caldwell,  Waggoner,  and 
Justice,  of  the  improvements  on  the  lands  in  Ohio 
ceded  by  the  Wyandols  under  the  treaty  of  the 
17lh  of  August,  1842,  funds  were  placet!,  during 
the  past  season,  in  the  hniids  of  the  agents  of  tliu 
deparlment  for  payment  to  the  claimants,  It  was 
a  condition  precedent  to  the  liquidation  of  the  va- 
rious amounts,  that  the  sums  tlius  paid  were  to  bo 
"in  full  .-^isfuction  of  ull  claims  and  demands," 
under  the  5tli  article  of  that  trenty.  This,  1  am 
informed,  bus  met  with  much  opposition,  the 
agent,  on  the  I3tli  October  last,  reporting  that  but 
few  had  accepted  the  teriiis,  embracing  but  about 
one-third  of  the  sum  to  be  paid  over;  the  lialanco 
refusing  to  receive  the  amount  of  their  vnluiUions. 

The  alleged  dilliciiliics  among  the  Cherokecs,  I 
regret  to  state,  rchiain  still  unsettled.  A  ilelega- 
tioii  of  the  imrly  holding  the  uulhoi'ily  of  the  iiii- 
ti.m,  at  the  head  of  which  is  Mr.  John  Ross,  the 
principal  chief,  bus  been  ill  Wasliinglon  for  some 
,  time  past.  Several  of  the  ilclegation  of  the  old  set- 
tlers' iiarty  have  also  been  here,  and  delegates 
from  tlie  treaty-party  it  is  understood  may  shortly 
be  expected.  It  is  much  to  be  ilesircd,  and  1  ani 
;  in  hopes  tliut  during  the  winter  the  questions  in 
which  the  difliculties  among  these  people  have 
their  origin  may  in  some  manner  be  definitively 
se.tlled. 
I  It  is  scorcely  necessary  to  enter  into  an  analysis 
of  the  various  reports  from  the  superintendents, 
{  agents,  and  sub-agents  of  Indian  affairs.  They 
will  be  found  appended  to  this  report,  numbered 
from  5  to  30.  Upon  referring  to  them,  however, 
it  will  be  seen  that,  with  n  very  few  unimpurlanl 
exceptions,  the  condition  of  the  various  Indian 
tribes  under  their  charge  has  been  peaceable  anil 
well  disposed,  and  tlint  but  little  change  has  taken 
place  since  the  last  annual  report  from  this  ortice. 
A  disposition  to  improve  their  condition,  by  adopt- 
ing the  habits  and  conforming  to  the  pursuits  of 
the  white  man,  continues  to  manifest  itself  to  n 
very  considerable  luid  gratifying  extent.  The  use 
of  ardent  spirits  among  n  few  of  the  tribes  has 
been  soinewliat  increased,  while  with  most  of  them 
it  has  greatly  diminished.  This  increase  ari.ses 
from  the  inailequacy  of  the  existing  Ui\.s  to  sup- 
press the  whiskey  trade.  It  may,  with  proper  ex- 
I  ertions,  be  kept  out  of  the  Indian  country  where 
the  United  States  has  exclusive  jurisdiction;  but 
abandoned  white  men  living  within  the  limits 
of  the  Staines  and  oiganizeil  Territories  bordering 
on  the  Indian  country  continue  this  nefarious  traf- 
fic, and  alford  the  Indians  ample  opportunities  of 
obtaining  this  liquid  poison,  so  injurious  to  their 
:  peace  ond  destructive  of  their  race.  The  laws  of 
the  United  Stales  cannot  reach  sue  i  cases,  and 
nothing  but  restrictive  laws  passed  jy  the  States 
themselves,  und  rigidly  enforced,  can  ever  abate  or 
remedy  the  evil.  These  are  called  for  by  almo.st 
;  every  report  received  from  the  agents  of  the  Gov- 
'  ernment,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  some  measures 
may  be  taken  to  direct  the  attention  of  the  local 
;:  Lesishitures  to  this  important  subject. 

The  cause  of  education ,  destined ,  as  it  ever  must 
'  be,  to  improve  not  only  the  mentftl  but  also  the 
'  moral  condition  of  the  human  race,  is  gradually  ex- 
:.  tending  its  influence  among  the  Indiuii  tribeu.    lis 


i'i 


APPKNDIX  TO  THE  CONGRF.SSIONAI.  CLOBK. 


[Dec.  «, 


WtH  CONO IST  SrIS. 


i 


I      ' 


i 


coiirrw  in  nn  oiiwiinl  niie,  ttii<l  in  ll  we  miMt 
look  III  fiiliiif  to  ri  roriii  till-  cliarncler  niiil  luiiclioi^ 
Klc  III"  rniiiliiion  of  till-  ml  iiiiiii.     ('oiii|iuriillvily 
fi'W   ii'norla  liini-  liriii  rniiviil  (Voni  llif  siitiiriii- 
li'iiili-lim  of  mliooU  ill  ill''  liiiliiiii  I'liiiiiliy.     V'roiii 
llic  inroniinlioii  ciiiiKiirinl  In  llii'ii',  liowpvrr,  wi' 
limy  rinaoimlily  niili<i|mlf  llml  licforo  mmiy  ycnin 
nllllll  lllivp  rlrl|Wi'll   noini'    kliowli'ih,-!'  of  IflllTS,  iif  J 
njriiiilliiir.iinil  of  ilii- iiH'Imiin'  nriK.will  Ih'  wiilily 
illlfiL^pil  niiioni;  ili«  Iniliium,  iiikI  llmt  lliry  U'ill  llini  ! 
ni'i'  llir  niTi^aiiy  of  iircini;  iijion  all  tliiir  |ii'0|ili"  a 
I'liiirw  of  lifi'  wliii'li  will  ii'iiit  lo  proiiioii'  ilicir  ini-  | 
iiii'iliatf  li»|i|iini'tH  Mid  pcriiirtiii'iit  wi  Ifari'. 

Ii  Ihh  licrn  ilm  milijcri  of  n'liiark,  in  forniiT  rr-  | 
porl.H  of  tliix  olHri-.  lliiU  lln'  Clioiiaw.s  have  I'arnril 
for  lliniiHi-lvcH  nil  riivialiliv  ri'|mlalioii  liy  llirlr  al- 
liirlinu'iii   to  llir  faimo  of  riiiii'alioii,  and  tilt' roll- I 
nniiiiMil  iin{iroviiii'ni  that  liiin  lakin  plni'ii  in  llir  | 
roiidilioii   of  tlic'ir  pi(i|i|p.      I   mil  liappy   lo  Hinlo  ' 
ilial  tlii-y  still  roiiiiimi'  liiithly  si-imililr  of  tli«  liini- 
filK  wliii-li  tliry  are  donvmu;  iroin  llir  ndiooln  wluili 
tliry    linvfl  eriliililislird    III    tlirir  nation,    and    llir  ! 
I'XmilpIc  thii«  not  liy  llitni  in  ilcflliiii'il   to  I'Xi'rl  an 
important   inllinMiri- on    nil  llu' niMuliliorinir  Irilii'.i. 
'I'liny  will  sfi'  tlir   nrfvaiitai;i'H   nmiltins  IVoni   llic 
rllorlK  madn  liy  theee  jivopli',  and  strivu  to  fiillow 
in  their  roitrMO.  | 

Tlip  report  of  Clovrrnor  Biillpr,  Inle  nijent  for 
llie  Clii'roKi'i'H,  ftiiniHlifH  tlin  mom  llailerint;  «i- 
i-oiint  of  thn  HcliooU  anions'  timl  people.  'I'licy 
are  prineipnily  what  are  e.illed  "  iiei:;liliorhood 
xelioold,"  and  are  rei>re'<ciileil  to  lie  niiineroiin  anil 
ill  a  lloiiriHliiii';  eonditlon.  Iji.^l  year  they  niiin- 
liered  twriilyH'is;lii. — all  mipporled  out  i<  their  own 
fiinilB,  reserved  liy  treaty  and  apiiroprialid  for  that 
piirpone  ;  the  ii'porl.H  from  wliieh,  mi  far  un  lliey 
liave  eoine  to  liaiiil,  fiirniHli  nliundaiil  evidence  of 
increnac  and  im|irovenieni.    • 

A  spirit  of  emulation,  eaiised  hy  the  example  of 
their    nei:;liliors,    the   Ohoelawn    and    (llierokee.t,  [ 
seenH    lo    have    rcaehed    and    now    prvaden    the 
("reeks.  They  have  already  several  Hehool.s  aiiloii'.;  [' 
llleill,   eomllleled    ml   an   exlilisi\e  seale,  ill  wlljeh 
are  laii','ht  the  prim  iry  and  more   useful  liraiM'hes  , 
of  Irarnini;,  and  one  of  whieh   is   on  the  niaiiiinl-  I 
lahor  priiii'Iple.     These   peoiile  have  recently    re- 
niiested  the  ap)>lieation  of  all  their  »''hool  fiiiids  lo  ' 
tile  esulilishment  of  two  additional  inaniial-lahor 
iirhools ;    and   arran','einenls  are    in    progress  fur  ^ 
their  erection,  as  desired,  tinder  the  aiiperinteiid-  | 
eii'e  of  the  Presliyteiian  Hoard  of  Missions.      It  ' 
is  expeeti'd  llidt  one  of  them   will  lie  ronimeiieed  i 
111  XI    spring,    and   be   in   full    operation    by    the 
antiimn. 

The  Chicknmws  have  likewise  naked  fiir  the 


Htport  oj  I  'ommiminner  of  Inilinn  Affniri, 

Phicfly  I   U  du«  to  the  ftforts  made   for   years   past    hy  iln 
ini'tiiu-.  ii  hpiifvolent  and   distin<;iiisliiMl    founder,  the   Itoii, 


ScNATi:  AND  Mo.  or  Reps. 


Itii'liard  M.  Johnson,  to  sustain  it,  who,  iiotwitli- 
st.iiidiiii,'  his  nniiieroiis  eiii;a:;eiiienls,  both  iirivate 
and  ofKeial,  hiu*  never  erased  lo  feel  the  deepest 
iiilen-st  in  the  welllvre  of  tlii'    Indian  youth  there 

ed lied.      The     sii|ieriiitendeiit     represcntit    the 

present  iiiiiniH-r  of  stiidenls  at  (JH. 

Oiher  sehool.s  tVom  wlinh  reports  have  liei'ii  re- 
eeiveil  appear  to  have  I'lainlained  their  iisefiilness, 
mid  lo  |ia*e  a>l'led  their  iiillnenee  to  tliii  general 
improveneiii  in  <lie  condiiion  of  the  Inilians. 
Most  o,'  these  sehools,  as  well  as  those  above  re- 
lerred  lo,  aie  either  aided  by  the  (bivernmeiit,  out 
of  the  fi'iid  Treated  and  set  apart  for  the  eivili/.ii- 
lioii  of  Indiana,  or  are  sustained  by  treaty  stipu- 
lalions. 

The  tnmilnr  iili\tpment«,  nttmhcr»d  79  to  81, 
show  the  loi'iition  of  the  several  sehools,  the  mini- 
lier  of  Hrholnrs,  Ae.,  the  amoiiniB  expended  for  the 
ediiealion  of  ijie  several  tribes,  and  the  applieu- 
lion  of  the  fund  for  the  eivilizalion  of  Indians, 

Kxperienre  has  elearly  demonslraled  the  sii- 
iieriorily  of  scliooU  eoiuliiend  on  the  niaiiiuil-la- 
Iior  system.  The  mere  teaeliini;  of  letters  to  the 
saviii^e  mind  is  not  suHleient  to  i^ive  a  new  direr- 
lion  lo  his  pnrsniis,  or  render  him  useful  to  his 
people.  It  is  known  llmt  slroni;  prejudiieN  exist 
anion;;  many  of  the  tribes  against  sehiiols,  mid  it 
IS  only  by  aetiiiil  obHervatinn,  by  demoitstralini; 
the  advnotn^'rs  of  leariiint;,  that  llii  Iiidinii  enii  be 
made  lo  feel  its  imporlanee.  This  eaii  only  be 
done  by  eomliiniiu;  with  letters  siieh  studies  tt.s 
eall  (^irth  the  enertjieH  of  the  body,  and  inspire  a 
i.isle  for  the  arts  of  eivilizeil  life;  for  lo  the  siuio 
exlenl  that  ihe  rdiieated  Indian  apprei  iates  his 
own  knowledu'e,  it  fre(|iianlly  occurs  that  he  is 
depreciated  in  the  estimation  of  his  tribe.  He  is 
viewed  as  bein;;  iinfiited  for  the  clia-se,  and  is  eon- 
deinned  and  ridiculed  by  hi.n  fellows,  who  are  un- 
able to  iimlerstand,  and,  of  course,  u;i:irh  no  iiii- 
portaiicr  lo  his  acipiirements.  Thus  left  withoiil 
as.ioi'iates,  or  eommiinily  of  fn  liiii;  with  the  few 
he  may  have,  he  seeks  the  haunts  of  the  depraved 
white  men  who  swnrin  on  the  borders  of  most  of 
the  trils's,  resorls  lo  drinkiii!;,  uaniblini;,  and  other 
evil  pnieiices,  and  ends  his  career,  not  uiilVeipieiit- 
ly,  liy  violence  and  blootlshed.  But,  by  eonibiiiiii!^ 
manual  labor  and  the  mechanie  arts  wiih  the  aeiiiii- 
'  .^itioii  of  letters,  he  rises  above  liie  prejudices  of  liis 
less-favored  people.  He  can  make  feiiceH;  plouijh 
and  cultivate  the  fields;  ca'i  raise  all  the  iiecessa- 
,  ries  of  life;  nianufn''ture  the  re<piitiite  utensils;  re- 
I  pair  his  <;iin;aiiil  in  short  supply  all  his  own  wants, 
and  exert  a  iisifiil  inlliience  anioii";  his  people.   Him 


establishiuent   of  n    maininl-labor   school    anion;    '  bn'lhren,  however  iiiilrtlered,  cannot  be  mistaken  in 


llleill,  and  requested  that  a  portion  of  their  sclioid 
money  may  be  applied  lo  that  object.  To  this  i 
they  propo.se  to  aild  out  of  their  other  tVinds  such  i 
additio  .al  sum  as  may  be  tiullicient  lo  carry  on  the  •', 
same  The  approval  of  tlu  depnrliiii  -'t  has  been  \ 
t'iven  to  this  armiiifemeiii,  and  the  buililitigs  will 
be  immedintely  commenced.  i 

Ureal  praise  is  due  to  Major  William  Armstrong,  ' 
the  able  and  etPicient  aclini;  siipeniilejideiit  of  In-  \ 
di.iii  atfairs  for  the  Western  territory,  whose  whole  1 
energies  seem  to  be  devoted  lo  the  diseharu'e  of  lii.s  ! 
ardiioii.s  diiiies,  and  the  improveniHiit  and  advance- 
iiienl  of  the  tribes  under  his  eliarije  in  civili/.iilio'i, 
the  knowledge  of  letters,  aijricii.  are,  and  the  ine- 
ehanie  arts.     To  him  is  ilue  the  credit,  in  an  e;iii- 
nent  detrree,  of  ori^inatiiii;  and   rarryint;  out  the 
f^real   Bcheme    of  education,   ii|)oii    Itie    extensive  ' 
scale  on  \»-liich   il  h  is  been  introduced  Rinoiig  all 
within  his  aupcriu'endency. 

The  Fort  Lenvenworlh  manunl-lubor  school, 
under  the  char;;*-'  and  direction  of  ilie  Methodist 
ICpi.scop.nl  .Society,  has  lost  iiolhiii<;  of  its  former 
interesl  and  usefulness,  thoui^h  there  seems  to  be 
a  s.iiall  decroii.sc  in  the  ii'imber  of  il.s  si'liolars 
wince  last  year.  Its  condition  is  represented  by  the 
Huperintendeiit  as  hii^lily  flatteriiiL'";  attended,  as  it 
still  is,  by  l.'i*  scholars — HI  males,  and  4fi  females. 

The  h'rieiids' minual-lalior  school,  in  the  same  ; 
nu'iucy,    has   40   scholars,    (an   e(|ual    niinibiT  of 
eiiher  sex,)  and  is  likewise  represented  lo  be  pros- 
perous and  (loiirishin<r. 

'I'lie  Cliocuvw  academy,  in  Kcniuekv,  establish-  , 
r  I  as  early  as  the   year  18'.35,  with  the  as.seiit  of 
the  Indians,  and  continued  to  llic  present  time,  is 
reported  to  be,  in  a  condiiion  equal,  if  not  supi;- 
rior.  to  thai  of  any  previoun  period.     Great  jiruise 


the  ad\ untaxes  of  all  this,  fir  what  he  sees  he  can 
imdei'stand.  Oive  him  food,  and  show  him  how  it 
is  raised,  and  there  is  a  strons;  re.ison  to  believe 
he  will  very  soon  endeavor  to  imitate  the  example 
of  the  industry  that  produced  il.  Thus  by  .slow 
but  sure  means  may  a  whole  nation  be  raised  from 
the  depths  of  barbarism  to  comparative  eivili/.a- 
tioii  and  happine.sis. 

The  report  of  the  Governor  of  Iowa,  (,''i)  and  thai 
of  the  a^ent  of  the  Sioux,  (H)sli-iw  that  the  liritish 
half-breeds  of  the  .North  Ited  river  still  eonlimic 
their  annual  incursions  upon  the  huiitiii;,'-!,'iouiids 
of  the  Sioux  within  our  territory,  and  sluuu-hter 
larife  nuiiil«'rs  of  biiHalo,  the  meat  of  winch  is 
dried  and  used  for  the  .sitbatstence  of  the  trader.s 
connected  with  the  Hudson's  Hay  Company,  and 
also  kill  other  animals  valuable  for  llieir  furs. 
These  half-breeds  are  the  siibject.s  of  a  forci;;n 
power,  and  oii;;lit  not  lo  be  permitted  lo  hniit 
within  onr  boundaries,  to  the  injury  of  our  Indians, 
ami  the  citizens  of  the  ITniied  Stales  who  are  Ira- 
din:;  anion;;  llu  ni.  These  iiicurMioiis  have  led  lo 
qiiairets  and  disputes  between  iIkmii  and  theSioiix, 
some  of  w'hicli  are  saiil  to  have  Is'en  allended  with 
fatal  eonseipiences.  The  Hrilish  hnli'-breeds  com- 
plained of  are  represented  a.s  iiuuii'icms,  warlike, 
and  well-armed,  and  consequently  come  into  our 
territory  prepared  to  resist  any  allempt  on  the  part 
of  the  Sioux  lo  drive  them  away. 

The  continued  crnnjilainis  in  relation  to  these 
ex]iedilion3  induced  you  to  order  a  detacliment  of 
dne.'oona,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Sumner, 
to  visit  these  liiilf-brcedH  and  inform  llieiii  that 
they  would  not  be  permilled  to  hunt  within  our 
boniidaries.  This  order  was  carried  into  effect  in 
July  Inst,  and  they  promised  to  comply  with  the 


iniiinctions  thus  imposed,  but,  at  the  same  time, 
claimed  that  th«  lauds  once  lieloii;;ed  lo  their  In- 
di;in  ancestors;  and  have  subsequently  transmilted 
a  petition  lo  our  liovernnieni,  reqmstini;  permis- 
sion to  contiiiue  their  huiititiK  iiicurnioiiH  on  our 
territory. 

Thai  pctilioii  was  referred  to  ine,  and  t  had  llin 
honor  lo  report  thai  "  my  opinion  is  siroii;;  and 
■decided  that  the  United  Slates  should  al  oiicii 
'  remoiiKlrale  to  the  Dritish  Governmenl,  of  which 
'  the  intruders  are  siibjeciN,  apiinsl  the  incursions 

*  of  these  half  breeds;  and  should  employ  its  strong; 
'  arm,  if  iieceHsary,  in  protectin;;aiid  aiding  our  In- 

*  dians  and  others  in  opposiiu;  their  visits,  in  which 
'  they  destroy  the  i;ame,  trade  with  our  people,  and 
'  introduce  whiskey  into  the  couiilry  in  direct  op- 

*  position  to  the  provisions  of  the  iiiiercourse  act  of 
'  1h;M;"  and  I  have  yet  seen  no  cause  to  alter  or 
chnn;;e  that  opinion. 

The  annexation  of  the  Ilepublic  of  Texas  lo  the 
United  Stales  will  make  it  necessary  lo  oifani/.o 
ail  agf  iicy  or  branch  of  this  department  within  its 
boundaries.  The  su|ieriiileiideiiey  of  Indian  Af- 
fairs for  the  western  territory  includes  all  the  In- 
dians south  of  the  line  of  the  St.  Louis  snperili- 
tendeiicy ,  and  as  far  west  as  the  Kockv  mountains, 
.-nil  north  of  the  line  of  Mexico  ami  Texas.  This 
is  a  lai(;e  district,  am)  reipiires  the  undividi'd  atten- 
tion of  the  present  eiricienl  siiperinlendenl.  Owinj; 
lo  the  unsettled  coiidilion  of  the  ('amnnches,  Wil- 
chetaws,  and  other  tribes,  who  lead  a  wandeiin;; 
lift — sometinies  lieiiiH;  in  Texas  and  sometimes  in 
the  United  States — it  has  been  impossilile  lo  extend 
ovir  them  the  eye  of  tlii.-i  department.  They  hava 
neither  beloii;;eil  hitherto  to  the  one  Government 
nor  the  other;  and  aUlioii<;h  several  attempts  liavn 
been  made  to  ne;;olial<^  with  them,  every  eHort  of 
the  kind  has  thus  liir  proved  unsnccessfiil.  A  com- 
mission has,  this  full,  been  sent  out  under  morn 
favorable  auspices,  and  it  is  confidently  expected 
that  a  treaty  or  treaties  of  |M>aceand  fVieiidslup  will 
he  entered  into  with  these  w;iiiderini;  tribes. 

Humanily  calls  upon  the  Government  to  take 
the  proper  sleps  to  redeem  the  iinforliinate  whi 
whomllieBe  people  hold  ill  captivity — men,  we 
and  children — amoiiniini;,  it  is  said,  to  a  lar!;c 
her.     in  iie;;oliatin!;  with  these   Indians,  tli< 
missioners  have  been  instructed  to  employ  all  |o..j.- 
er  means  in  their  power  to  eirect  the  emancipation 
of  these  prisoners,  and  to  iir;;e  upon  the  Indians 
the  necessity  of  absiaininqin  future  from  the  cap- 
ture of  while  persons,  and  lo  point  oni  iln  conse- 
quences which  nmsl  inevitably  follow  a  repetition 
of  their  former  practices  in  this  particular. 

Two  inlereslin;;  and  very  instructive  reports 
have  been  received  from  the  suli-a;;ent  west  of  the 
Rocky  mountains,  (83  and  f  1.)  They  present  that 
country  in  a  new  and  impoi'ant  lig'tt  to  the  con- 
sideration of  the  public. 

The  advaiiceiuent  made  in  civilization  by  the  nu- 
merous tribes  of  Indians  in  that  remote  and  liitlii  r- 
10  neglected  portion  of  onr  territory,  with  so  few 
ad\anlai;eM,  is  a  matter  of  surprise.  Indeed,  tlic 
red  iiieu  of  that  re;;ion  would  almost  seem  to  be 
of  a  diirerent  order  IVom  those  with  whom  we  have 
been  in  more  familiar  intercourse.  A  '"•w  years 
since  Ihefaceof  a  white  man  was  almost  unicnown 
lolliem; — iiov,  through  the  benevolent  policy  of 
the  various  Christian  chiirches,  and  the  indefali^'a- 
ble  exertions  of  the  missionaries  in  their  employ, 
they  have  prescribed  and  well-adapted  rules  lor 
their  "overimment,  which  are  observed  and  re- 
spei'ted  to  a  degree  worthy  of  the  must  intelligent 
whites. 

Numerous  schools  have  grown  up  in  their  midst, 
at  which  their  children  are  acquirintr  the  most  iiii- 
porlant  and  useful  inforination.  They  have  al- 
ready advanc'd  to  a  degree  of  civilization  that  pro- 
mises the  most  benefieial  results  to  iheni,  and  their 
I  .etliren  on  this  side  the  inoiuilaiiis,  with  whom 
they  may,  and  no  doubt  will  at  some  future  period 
be  brought  into  mten-ourse.  They  arc  turning 
their  attention  lo  agricultural  pnrsuit.s,  and,  w  itii 
I  but  few  of  the  iiecessniy  iilensils  in  their  po.sses- 
:  sion,  already  produce  suificieiit  in  Boine  jilaces  to 
meet  their  every  want. 

Aiiiimg  some  of  the  tribes  hunting  has  been 
nlmo.1t  enlirely  abandoned,  many  individuals  look- 
ing wholly  to  the  soil  for  support. 

The  lands  are  represented  as  extremely  fertile, 
and  theelimale  healthy,  agreeable,  and  uniform. 

Under  these  circumstances,  so  promising  in  ilieir 


(Dec.  tf, 
>.  or  Reps. 


I  till'  Mixuw  llnii', 
iri;;f(l  In  llii-ir  lii- 
I'liily  IriiiinniilU'il 
i|U('allji;;  IiitmiIk- 
iiii'iirHidiia  (III  iiiir 

K',  mill  I  Imd  tliii 
inn  In  .Hilling  unit 
Nliinilil  lit  iiiii'n 
ninriil,  III'  wliii'li 
Ht  llir  itli'lirHiDllFt 
■iiiploy  iiHNtrnni; 
III  iiiiliii^r  iiiir  in- 
ir  viHiin,  III  wliii'li 
lour  pi'djilti,  und 
ilry  ill  ilircit  n|i- 
iinriiiiirNc  ucl  nf 
cuuHc  1(1  iilicr  (ir 

•.  ofToXM  tollio 

iiu'y  lo  ni'^'»ni/.(t 
rliiii'iil  williiii  iiri 
y  «(  Iniliaii  Ai- 
'iiidcx  (ill  dm  III- 

.   LolliH    NII|t(Till- 

iii'ky  miiiiiiliiiiiN, 
111  Tcxa.i.  This 
uiidividcil  atli'M- 
leiidi'iil.  Owiiif; 
niiiaiichin,  Wil- 
acl  n  waiidiTiii;^ 

lid  HdlllClilllcH  ill 

isNililc  hii'Mi'iid 
■111.     Tlii.'y  liiivi! 
Ill'  Govcinnicnt 
d  nll('iii|itM  liiivH 
,  ivciy  flVoit  of 
I'l'.'isfuf.  A  coni- 
(iiit  under  minn 
dciuly  i'X(ir('i(il 
I  (ViciidNliip  will 
ni;  IrilicH. 
riiiiiiMil  111  lako 
ii'tiiiiate  will 
I — men,  vn 
Ida  lar<;( 
JiaiiN,  till 

liiy  all  !>.,.,,• 

iiiancij'atioii 

le  Indiaim 

from  the  eap. 

u  lilt,  eonsc- 


1845.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


!ii9rii  CoNn 1st  Skdi. 


Naturalization  Lawn — Mr.  Yaneey  and  Mr.  liowlin. 


Ilo.  or  IIkpi. 


i.pi 


'  a  repelilMii 
iilnr. 

rlivc  reporia 
west  (ifllii! 
present  lliat 
lo  llic  con- 

I'V  lIlCIIM- 

niid  hilliir- 
wilti  Md  few 
Iiiileed,  'lie 
■'(■('Hi  Id  lie 
dill  we  liavo 
"w  years 

dHt  lllli.'IIOWII 

Ml  pulley  of 
indflfaliga- 
leir  eiii|)l(iy, 
;ed  rules  Uir 
•veil  and  re- 
iiitelli^'cnt 

llicir  iiiid.il, 
he  iiidst  iiii- 
ey  have  al- 
011  that  prii- 
II,  and  ilieir 
with  Hhdiii 
nine  period 
arc  lurnini; 

mil,  Willi 
K^r  pdssen- 

Jilaecs  lo 

has   lieeii 
iuaia  Iddk- 

lely  fertile, 
iiiifdrni. 
Mg  in  their 


eoilKeiineiiMeii,  and  ijralcfiil  Id  llie  fi^fliiinii  of  tli« 
idiiliiiiihrdpinl,  li  Wiiiild  K.chi  Id  \ir  ihiiliiiy  df  ilie 
Udverniiiciildr  the  Uniled  SiaK  mIii  eiiciHiriiKe  llieir 
advaneciiicnl.iind  ulill  ftirllier  aid  llicir  pi-di^rcKM  in 
Ihu  pallin  of  eivilizalidii,  I  llieii  I'dii^  icMpei-ll'iiJly 
rt'ediniiieiid  llie  eBlaMitdinienl  iinidiii;  ihenidf  a  full 
n);eniy,  wilh  power  lo  ihe  I'reMideiil  to  inaki!  il  an 
neliii^jBiiperiiilendency,  and  loappiiiiit  iniiMir  more 
i«i|li-n;,'eiilH  wlieiieKr,  in  liiii  jiidumeiil,^  ihe  miiiie 
may  liecdine  iieceMNary  and  proper.  'I'liiM  aijeiil, 
to  1  e  iiHefiil   111(1  ellicM  ni  al  lliat  remote  point  I'rolii 

the  neat  of  tiover ml,  hIioiiIiI  lie  paid  a  lilienil 

salary,  and  elollied  ivilli  Hiillieienl  aiillionly  li)  en- 
idile  him  to  earry  onl  the  lii  nevdleiit  piiliey  of  the 
deparlmeiil,  anil  lo  edminaiid  ihe  renpeit  of  the 
liumeriiim  trilies  in  Ore(,'on.  The  Indians  would 
look  upon  siieh  a  person  as  a  pidlecKir,  and  refer 
to  his  arliiliaiiieiil  and  deeisidii  tlioNe  disputes  and 
eaiiHcs  of  enmplainl  which  have  oeeasionidly  laid 
the  fouiidallon  for  lilondy  and  lung-i'oiitinued  fuuda 
aiiidiii;  the  dilferenl  liaiids. 

All  whieh  IS  respeill'iilly  subiiiilled. 

W.  MEDILL. 

Hon.  Wm.  L.  Makcy,  Sectttar\)  of  W«r. 


NATURALIZATION  LAWS. 
SPEECH  OF  HON.   W.  L.  YANCEY, 

OF    ALABAMA. 
In  th«  Hol'sk  or  IIephehentatives, 

irniiieji/rii/,  December  17,  1845. 

The  Resolutions  of  llie  Slate  of  Massnehiisclta  in 
favor  of  an  amendment  nf  the  Natiirali/ation 
Laws,  heiiis;  under  eonsideniiion,  Mr.  Levin 
moved  their  reference  Id  a  Select  (JouimiUce. 
Mr.  BiioniiKAD  moved  that  they  he  referred  lo 
the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary. 

The  question  liciiig  on  their  reference  to  the  Com- 
mittee (III  the  Judiciary — 

Mr.  YANCEY  rose  and  said  :  Dinerin;;,ns  I  do, 
Mr.  Speaker,  from  my  friend  and  colleague  (Mr. 
Payne]  on  this  matter  of  reference,  I  heg  the  iii- 
diilu;ence  of  the  House  while  1  shall  give  a  few  rea- 
sons wliy  1  shall  support  the  motion  of  the  gentle- 
man from  Pennsylvania  for  a  select  committee. 

I  lielii've  that  il  is  a  usual  parliamentary  practice 
to  refer  matters,  which  eonii^  up  in  a  delilicralive 
liody  for  reference,  to  those  friendly  lo  the  siiliject 
to  lie  considered  upon.  Now,  the  chairman  (if  the 
Judiciary  Commiltee  had  liiit  just  informed  the 
House  llint  he  himself  was  in  favor  of  a  reference 
of  the  resnliitidiis  to  a  select  Cdinmittee;  for,  if  re- 
feiTed  to  the  Commiltee  on  the  Judiciary  he 
should,  at  its  first  nieetin<;,  ask  to  he  discharged 
from  any  IVirlher  consideralion  of  them. 

Allhnn^li  I  cannot  speak  authoriialivcly  con- 
cerning the  opinions  of  llie  balance  composiiii;  that 
conimillee,  1  think  that  I  may  well  venture  to  say 
that  nearly,  if  not  (piite  all,  agret  with  iheir  chair- 
man as  to  the  propriety  nf  this  course.  In  facl,  I 
had  almost  said  that,  i»  Hit  nature  of  Ih'wgn,  such 
would  he  their  course  1  Under  these  circunistancea, 
those  in  favor  of  these  resolutions  could  not  obtain 
an  opportunity  of  bavins  llieir  peculiar  views  ini- 
bodied  in  the  t'cirin  of  a  report,  and  sent  forth  for 
the  cunsideiation  of  this  House  and  the  people. 
Upon  a  fair  and  leg;itiiiiate  subject  of  legislatii^u 
(aiich  as  the  naluraliziuion  laws  certainly  are)  they 
have  a  liijht  to  be  lii-ard;  and  not  only  to  be  hearil, 
but  to  have  an  opportunity  of  presenting,  in  the 
more  permanent  and  auihoritutive  form  of  a  re- 
port, the  facts  and  arguments  upon  which  they 
would  base  desired  legislation,  in  order  to  a  full 
and  fair  invesligaiion  of  them.  That  opportiiiiiiy 
would  not  be  allorded  by  llie  Judiciary  Commit- 
tee; for  I  understand  that  there  is  not  dnc  upon 
it  from  whom  even  a  minority  repon  could  be 
expected.  This  is  a  (|uesiioii  of  high  import — a 
que.><tion  of  citizenship  involved  in  these  resdlii- 
tions;  and  while  the  rrsulls  which  they  aim  at — the 
guarding  of  the  purity  of  the  hnlloi-box — I  conceive 
not  to  be  within  the  ri.nge  of  our  legislation  here, 
the  matter  of  naluralization  is  wholly  so.  I  would 
smother  no  iiupiiry  in  relation  to  the  subject. 
While  all  my  sympathies,  I  freely  confess,  are  in 
favor  of  throwing  wide  open  the  (loors  to  this  our 
f«ir_leiuplc  of  freedom,'tuid  of  giving  all  the  freest 


access  to  wiirsliip  111  her  iiliar — while  I  fully  agree  I 
wilh   genilcnicn  in  desiring  even  lo  see  lhi«  liiiid  ^ 
the  home  of  Ihe  free  and  the  rel\i^(!  of  llie  exile,  I 
am  not  disposeii  to  deny  lo  any  respectable  por- 
lioiiof  my  unlive  fellow  (ili/.cns  the  lairesi  dppiir- 
liinily  fdr  a  ealiii  and  delilMrale  iiivc-ligalidli  of  a  , 
inailer  df  grave  naiional  import  upon   Ihe   lloor  nf 
an  American  House  of  Uepresenliilives. 

It  has  been  said,  hdweier,  lliat  this  was  nil  iit- 
leinpt  Id  get  up  a  faclidii;  that  this  was  ihe  germ  < 
df  a  Kiction,  and  should  receive  no  nolice  from 
this  body.  If  so,  then  I  wdiilil  say  to  my  friend 
and  cdlleagiie  [Mr.  Payne)  lliat  tlii^  best  way  of  > 
nipping  this  germ,  of  dissipaiing  ihis  factidii,  is  to  j 
meet  the  mailer  iVillVi  to  give  those  composing  i 
it  an  opportiinily  of  (le\eldping  their  views  before 
tile  whole  iiali(m.  Then  tliose  views  and  iiriiici- 
ph  s  can  be  discussed  and  invesligated.  'Ihe  in- 
tellect and  the  pairiolisiii  of  this  body  can  be 
1  brought  to  bear  upon  ilo  iii.  A  faction  never  long 
I  survived  an  exposure  lo  ihe  In  allhl'iil  liglil  (if  trulli. 
The  fiiciidus  iiaUire  of  its  designs  being  iindcr- 
slood,  Ihe  faction  will  die.  Deprive  Iheiii,  bow- 
el er,  of  a  fair  hearing,  and  send  ilieir  represenla- 
lives  home,  with  Ihe  adviinlugc — advantage  to  a 
factioinsi,  eerlainly — of  saying  lo  their  eonstiiii- 
eiits  that  an  American  reprcscnlalive  had  bi^en  de- 
nied the  privilege  of  presenting  on  llus  floor  the 
'  great  ipieslion  of  what  shall  consiilute  cilizenship, 


ferred  to  n  Hflert  Cnmmlller,  with  insinieiioni  In 
iii'piire  whi^ilier  any,  and  wliai,  alieraiioni  nrs 
re(piired  in  the  exisling  naliiralizalion  laws. 

'Jd.  Ily  Mr.  1!h(iiiiikaii,  llial  ihe  resoliilions  ha 
referred  lo  the  slimding  Comi.liltee  on  the  Judi- 
ciurv. 

Mr.  IIOWLIN  said  that,  were  it  not  for  lliB 
Old  thai  he  represenled  a  Cdmmimily  deeply  In- 
Icresled  in  this  (pieslidii,  he  would  nol  Iroiilile  ihn 
lldiise  with  any  remarks  upon  it;  Inn  he  coiiiil 
not  sit  in  silence  and  wilness  an  allenipt  to  enable 
a  small  body  of  men  to  propagate  llieir  sentiinenis 
in  opposilion  lo  iho  riuhln  of  our  adopted  citizens, 
under  the  implied  sanciidii  of  Ihis  Hduse.  They 
had  the  same  political  rights  here  as  any  other 
faction — for  it  would  be  a  gross  abuse  of  lerins  to 
call  il  a  parly — and  no  nidre ;  and  an  appeal  to  our 
cdurtesy  came  wilh  a  very  bad  grace  iVoni  those 
w  ho  were  indeliled  for  llieir  ndhesive  (lualily  lo 
the  fell  spirit  of  peisecution  and  political  liilol- 
eranee  against  some  (if  our  very  best  citizi  lis.  He 
knew  the  faction  well;  it  had  gained  a  small  foot- 
ing in  his  own  ( ily,  and  had  a  liltle,  miserable  or- 
ganizalion  there.  He  knew  the  characters  that 
cdinpdsed  it;  and  he  was  bold  lo  say,  that  reli- 
gious toleration,  equality  of  rights  and  privileges- 
principles  which  hiy  at  the  foundation  of  our  glo- 
rious iii:(l'i'itions — were  mtt  to  be  found  in  the 
alalogiie    of  their  pnlitii'al  virtues;    but,  on  Ilia 


ami  you  liave   vainly  sought   to  smother  u  llanie,  ■;  contrary,  lliey  were  a  selfish,  exclusive  body,  who 


which  but  fteds  upon  suppression 

The  merits  of  the  great  issue  involved  in  these 
resolutions  are  not  fairly  before,  iiiin  i  question  of 
mere  reference.  I  shall  not,  therelbre,  undertake 
to  discuss  them,  iiuiliiig  as  is  the  ilieme.  It  is 
that  they  may  be  opened  to  us,  when  the  peculiar 
friends  of  these  resolutions  shall  have  had  an  op- 
portiinily, through  a  cdiuniiltee,  of  presenting  and 
clearly  delining  their  views  and  position,  that  1 
also  desire  a  refereiirc  lo  a  select  commiuee.  I 
trust  that  this  com       will  be  taken.     If  it  is,  it 

I  will  oU'end  no  man  sensitiveness  here,  nor  sub- 
ject one  lo  be  calhil  "In  order,"  to  refer  to  that 
distinguished  man,  whose  |Mirtrait  hangs  upo.i 
your  left,  sir,  [La  Kayelte,]  and  whose  history  is 

:  redolent  wilh  individual  and  national  glory,  as  a 
simple  of  what  foreign  valor  has  iloiie  lor  us,  und 

'  what  cniigralioii  and  naturalizalion  may  do  for  us; 
or  to  thai  other  hero  and  sage,  whose  portrait 
hangs  on  your  right,  Mr.  Speaker,  [Washiiigloii,] 
who  received  the  young    Freiichniaii    wilh    open 

;  aruLs,  at  once  recommended  Congress  to  give  fiim 
a  high  cdinmission  in  their  army,  and  in  whose 

'  ^real  soul  rankled  no  fears  nor  jealousy  as  to  the 

i  iiilluence  upon  our  councils  of  our  foreign  friends! 

'       Give  the  reference  asked  for,  that  llie  doors  of 

'  the  past  may  be  opened  to  us,  and  these  geiillemcn 
reminded  oi'  a  Kosciusko,  a  Steuben,  a  Ue  Kalb, 
and  a  Pulaski — the  last  of  wlnnu  fell  gallantly 
doing  his  devoir  upon  the  jilains  of  Savamiali, 
pouring  out  his  life's  blood  in  defence  of  a  banner 
which  the  hands  of  Americiui  beauiy  had  woven, 
and  had  cominilted  lo  the  kce|iiiig  of  Polish  valor. 
The  memoricrt  of  such  events  go  largely  to  make 
up  the  sum  of  our  naiioiial  glory.  Hut  1  musl  re- 
frain from  any  I'urlher  allusion  io  them  at  present, 
und  will  conclude  wilh  the  hope  thai  this  House 
will  treat  the  I'ew  here,  who  consiilute  "  the  Na- 
tive American"  porlion  of  it,  with  that  magna- 
nimiiy  which  il  always  well  becomes  the  many 
and  the  powerl'ul  to  exercise. 


NATURALIZATION  LAWS. 

SPEECH  OF  HON.  J.  B.  BOVVLIN, 

OP  iMissouni, 

In  the   HofSE  UF   UEniESENTATlVES, 

Thursiluy,  Iheembcr  18,  1845, 
On  the  reference  of  Ihe  Massacliiisells  Resolutions 
on    the    Naturalization    I..aws,    with    instruc- 
tions. 

As  soon  as  the  Journal  had  been  read — 
The  House  resumed  the  consideration  of  the 
resolutions  of  the  Oeneral  Assembly  of  Massachu- 
setts in  favor  of  such  aniendmenls  to  the  natural- 
izati(m  laws  as  will  protect  the  ballot-box  from 
frauds,  which  were  under  debate  yesterday.  The 
motions  pending  were — 
1st.  By  Mr.  Levi:;,  that  tlie  resolutions  be  re- 


drew their  political  alimenl  from  the  tiameaof  per- 
scciilidii.  .•Vnd  vet  these  men,  iictualed  by  such 
nidiives,  impelled  onward  by  such  aims,  had  ihn 
modesly  to*iisk  of  this  I  louse  that  a  rod  of  iron 
miglil  be  placed  in  their  hands,  lo  wield  against 
the  adopted  cilizens  of  this  country.  He,  for  one, 
had  no  ear  for  such  appeals.  He  had  no  heart  to 
eneoiirage  the  re-enacting  of  tragedies  which  had 
already  disgraced  some  of  the  cities  of  the  Re- 
public. 

Yet  sr.me  of  our  friends  on  this  side  of  the 
House  had  expressed  great  generosity  towards 
this  panvi  on  account  of  the  paucity  of  its  num- 
bers. He  regretted  to  hear  il,  and  would  lake 
dccasion  here  to  remind  them  ihal  there  was  such 
a  thing  as  being  more  generous  than  jiisl.  Ho 
was  constrained  lo  atlribiite  this  generous  burst  of 
feeling,  on  the  part  of  those  genllemen,  to  a  want 
of  knowledge  of  the  true  motives,  end,  and  aim 
of  this  new  party.  It  was  almost  unknown  in  the 
pure  alniosphere  of  the  country;  and  genllemen 
seemed  lo  regard  it  as  liltle  dangerous  in  sowing  the 
seeds  of  discord  everywhere  else  as  there.  Ihit 
he  cdiild  tell  them  thai  this  Native  American  parly 
had  been  generated  into  cxisience  by  the  corrup- 
tions n'  (ir  great  cilies.  It  wis  a  parly  actively 
engaged  ..  uiing  the  llames  of  religious  and  po- 
litic.il  tiersecutimi,  and,  as  such,  had  slender  claims 
upon  (lis  generosity,  and,  he  hoped,  as  liltle  upoji 
llie  generous  impulses  of  any  other  De.nocrat, 
What  were  they  asking  at  our  hands.-  He  ap- 
pealed to  gentlrnien  to  say  if  they  were  nol  seefc- 
ing  to  give  the  sanclion  ot  this  House  to  thai  fell 
spirit  which  had  carried  fire  and  sword  into  the 
hearts  and  homes  of  adopled  cilizens  of  this  coun- 
try. In  the  great  cities,  where  it  alone  existed  lo 
any  extent,  it  was  a  party  active,  agitating,  per- 
secuting, and  proscribing;  always  on  llie  alert  lo 
invade  the  privileges  of  IJemocrais  of  foreign  birth; 
and  while  we  were  nsked  generously  lo  let  the 
a.ssault  be  made  here,  he  would  ask  in  turn,  who 
was  here  lo  defend  the  rights  of  the  adopted  citi- 
zens.' This  was  a  mere  issue  between  n  party  of 
pro.scriptionists  and  a  ]iorlion  of  our  fellow-citizens. 
And  are  gentlemen  prepared  to  give  even  the  im- 
plied sanction  of  this  house  to  the  abuse  which 
the  former  were  desirous  of  bestowing  upon  the 
latter.'  Who  would  here  raise  his  voice  in  favor 
of  such  a  proceeding.'  l'\)r  one,  he  never  would. 
And  he  asked  gentlemen,  who  were  Ihe  men  that 
were  to  be  thus  assailed.'  Were  they  net  ainonj,' 
the  noblest,  most  upright,  and  useful  '.i  American 
citizens.'  Mr.  H.  iqipealed  to  his  friends  to  with- 
draw the  implied  sanciio"  ".■Inch,  out  of  mere 
generosity,  they  had  manifested  a  disposition  to 
give  to  the  assailants.  He  repeated  it — the  parly 
assailing  had  its  liirlh-place,  its  being,  amidst  the 
corrupiions  of  the  great  cities;  in  the  pure  alnio- 
sphere of  the  country,  it  could  not  live.  Who  ever 
heard  nf  a  Native  American  meeting  in  a  country 
school-house?  Nobody,  he  presumed.  Ijike  some 
noxious   plants,  it  flourishes  in  corruplion,  but 


44 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Dec.  IP, 


'29th  Con« 1st  Sess. 


Naturalization  Laws — Mr.  Bowlin. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


pines  away  and  dies  in  a  pure  and  lieolthy  ft'mo- 
splierc. 

But,  Mr.   B.  would  ask,  what  was  to  bo  the 
prnciical  ellcct  of  sucli  a  r(U)ort  as  gcntlcnien  pro- 
posed, when  it  came  in  ?  Was  it  o  produce  union  ' 
and  harmony,  or  was  it  (o  sow  Itroadciidt  the  «'^''''<»  ' 
of  discord  iii  the  land?    He  could  tell  ge'.itlenien —  | 
for  those  who,  like  himself,  lived  in  the  cities,  where  , 
these  men  carried  on  their  agitations,  knew  them,  ! 
and  could  imt  be  deceived  as  to  the  character  of ; 
their  desifjns — it  was  to  awaken  animosities,  ar-  i 
ray  classes  a;:;ainst  each  other,  blowup  the  storm,  ] 
and  jjMiher  fragmonls  from  the  wake  of  destruction 
it  ^'"ould  leave  l)ehind.   They  sought  to  draw  sup- 
p)rt  from  our  native-born  citizens,  by  appeals  to  1 
the  worst  passions  of  our  nature — the  purse  and 
religious  prejudices.     It  was  a  plnusilile,  yel  ftilse  ; 
but  lending  doclrine  of  theirs,  and  conslnntly  ap- 
|;e,ik'd  to,  that  foreign  emigration  ought  lo  be  ex- 
cluded from  our  country,  lest,  through  their  coui- 
peiiliou,  the  wages  of  labor  should  \>c  reduced. 
This  was  one  of  their  great,  plausible,  and  false 
theories;  and   utterly  unsound  as   it  was,  it   was 
one  wliirh  had  perhaps  as  much  weight  in  making 
proselytes  as  any  other.     It  was  but  a  new  Whig 
S'heme  of  appealing  to  the  pockets  of  men;  for 
the  truth  was,  that  these  Native  Americans  v.erc  : 
notliing  mon'  nor  less  than  a  wing  of  the  AVhig 
|iarty.     And  he  would  ask  his   friends,  who  were  - 
K;i  very  generous,  whether,  if  it  were  the  Whigs 
W'ho  ask^d  such  a  committee  to  set  such  a  irpcnM  io 
bolster  up  their  doctrines,  thev  would  be  disposed 
lo  grott  such  a  request .'     Yet  this,  he  rejiejited  it, 
was  but  a  i  iog  of  'he  Whig  parly.     'Jihry  had,  it 
was  true,  a  dillerei;iimme,  and  ap|iarciuly  a  sepa- 
raie  or^aniznli'in;  but  no  sooner  ditl  iiiiv  great  e!ec- 
liou  approtich   in  the  country  .than,  with  military 
precis'on,  they  wlieiled  into   line,  and  acted  and 
voted  with  their  Whig  lirilhirn. 

There  had  been  one  exception  to  this,  within 
his  own  obser,.Mion,  and  the  sequel  will  prove  the 
folly  of  their  temerity.  In  1,'<41,  the  Xallves  or- 
ganized in  ."51.  Louis,  anil  in  the  cour.se  of  a  year 
shouted  themselves  into  the  belief  that  they  were 
a  prodi^rioiis  j)artv.  In  lir*4:},  thev  had  the  temer- 
ity, in  the  face  i>(  iheb'  natu?-al  allies,  the  Wliiirs, 
M  venture  ferth  separate  c:  .idiilaies.  .\iid  what 
was  the  result.-  The  Dcmocrat.s  crushed  the  sep- 
arate di\:sioii»;  of  the  Whim's  ajid  Natives,  and 
in  six  weeks  the  Native  Ilatr  was  hauled  dowr  - 
the  Native  press  was  driven  to  an  abandomuent  of 
the  faith.  For  .some  I""  years  Nativisii  -vas 
dead  at  that  point;  but  the  llaine  was  anani  i..  up 
by  the  Iniriiiiiir  lorrlies  i>l"  I'iiilatlel[ihia.  In  the 
elections  of  l-<44,  .hey  helneil  the  Whi;;s,  and  in  tlii' 
convention  <'l('(;iion  of  1H45  the  Natives  brought 
out  the  ticket,  and  the  Wliii's  he Ipeil  them.  They 
professed  a  separate  aetioii,  inveigled  a  lew  l^emo- 
enits  into  thi-ir  ranks  by  the  Ibrrc  of  hucns-poeus, 
and  when  the  lime  for  action  eaine,  they  all  wheel- 
ed into  lint*  again,  and  sncceedetl  in  carrying  olf 
some  on.  a-  two  huniired  votes  I'rom  the  Ueino- 
erati-  puny  of  .St.  Louis.  No  sooo'r  did  they 
f:et  <uch  men  into  their  meshes,  llum  they  invt  i- 
frled  them  into  e;nir.ts,  anil  the  result  -tlmost  in\a- 
rial)ly  wa:',  that  they  end'd  by  vntii;i;  a  mutual 
lickei.  Thev  were  W'.-i, and  notliini;  but  Whi'^. 
liinier  a  l,' .'cnt  u.ti  ,.  .  They  failed  In  vrtte  with 
the  Whigs  once,  and  tiii?n,as  a  party,  died  in  sixty 
days.  Now,  ii.  e.-  ^ed,  would  liis  friends  consent 
lo  sow  broaihast  lhr(»ugh  this  country  a  Whi^ 
report,  under  i.*»e  -  n  ■tiim  of  thi.s  ('ontrress.'  He 
Iru.sted  not.  (}]i\  Imt  it  was  gi-nerous,  ttnd  the 
HI rong  could  alVord  to  be  mat^nanimous  lo  the  weak. 
Thus  the  ecnerosity  of  o.ir  IViiiids  ^r<  w  out  of 
the  pani'.ily  t>f  nuini»ers  of  thcisc  (reii'leinen;  b.it 
dill  they  rilleii  4in  ih.^  infoiitr'  anio  nit  of  evil 
which  the  measures  of  iheF'  persons  were  ealcit- 
luled  to  inlliri  (tn  t''*»  w'lo!.  bf  ' ;'  of  aiir  nalunil- 
ized  citizens.'  If  :'.ey  did,  he  oust  consider  their 
f^en'-Tosily  as  soin.  what  misphved. 

There  was  anoih.  r  nliM  which  had  been  acl- 
vaiM!ed,  and  which  Mr.  it.  tnici  resist  and  re[ii'l. 
The  gentleman  from  Penos'yivania,  [Mr.  I.K\iv,j 
who  seemed  tni  \r  leader,  had  proudly  anil  In- 
inn|ihaiilly  |.oinle(l  to  !iai  |  ictiin'  lllie  portnot  of 
Wiishingt'inj  .;  :  ihe  portraii  ol"  the  man  who  was 
the  foitniler  and  the  initig  iinltodiinenl  of  their 
(ientinienis  and  principles.  .Now,  Mr.  l(.  very 
Will  kiie«  lo  what  portion  of  Washin:,'ton's  wrl- 
tiiu:*  that  u'emliinan  alludiil  when  he  maile  stich 
an   assertion,  and   he   |>ruiiimiiced  it  one  of  the 


grossest  and  '  -  foulest  libels  tl  at  had  ever  been  ' 
attempted  lo  be  cast  on  the  iinsi  'lied  and  the  sa- 
cred name  of  George  Washingloii.  Washington  | 
never  had  been  a  Native  American  in  their  sense 
of  the  term;  he  had  never  breathed  their  spirit 
nor  acted  on  their  principles.  He  had,  indeed,  in 
his  ever-memorable  Farewell  Address,  warned  his 
countrymen  on  the  subject  of  "foreign  inlluenee;"  ; 
but  by  that  expression  he  certainly  did  not  intend 
to  allude  to  tlie  influence  of  those  very  foreign  ! 
citizens  whom  he  had  himself  invited  to  our 
shores.  It  was  the  broad  and  patriotic  doctrine  of 
the  patriot  fathers  of  the  Republic  that  taught  the 
oppressed  foreigner  that  there  was  an  asylum  in 
this  laud  of  liberty.  No  selfish,  contracted,  and 
nroscripti">  views  found  a  lodgment  in  their  hearts.  ; 
Their  philanthropy  was  broad  enough  for  human- 
ity; ineir  patriotism,  to  embrace  ihe  land  they  had 
freed,  the  land  they  loved.  They  invited  ihe'i 
to  come  and  partiripate  with  us  in  jireserving  .ae 
glorion*  charge  (Mimmitted  to  their  care.  No, 
sir;  the  foreign  influence  against  which  V,  nsh- 
inglon  warned  his  countrymen  was  not  the  true- 
liearttd  emigrant,  who  sought  our  shores  as  an 
asylum  from  despotism;  who  sought  our  shores 
from  an  innate  love  of  liberty.  The  Ibreign  in- 
fluence against  which  Washington  wtirned  his 
countrymen  was,  the  influence  of  their  political 
systems:  it  was  the  influence  of  the  banking  sys- 
tem, of  the  larifl'  system,  and  this  odious  Native 
American  system  of  exclusive  privilei^es — it  was 
to  influences  like  the.se  that  he  so  patriotically  al- 
ludeil.  When  Mr.  Jellerson  (who  entertaineil  the 
same  opinions  unon  this  subject)  .said,  in  one  of 
his  letters,  thiit  lie  wished  the  ocean  were  a  wall 
of  fire,  he  meant  that  it  niiirht  separate  us  I'voin  the 
systems  of  the  Old  World — such  as  the  banking 
system,  by  which  a  few  individuals  in  one  of  our 
Atlantic  cities,  niiirht  control  the  currency — ilie 
lite-blood,  the  very  Mlals  of  tnide.  He  also  iiie;iNt  ' 
ihe  larilf  system;  by  which  one  half  of  the  com- 
munity was  burdened  and  oppressed  by  the  oilier, 
uiid'r  the  falacious  pretence  that  it  was  awarding 
lo  labor  its  dues.  This  w;if  that  foreign  iiitluence 
against  which  both  warned  tUeir  coniurymen;  and 
this  very  Nalivism  itself  w..s  a  part  and  parcel 
of  the  same  evil  system.  The  En^:lish  policy  on 
this  subject  was  exactly  the  Native  doctrine — it 
was  against  naturalization.  Vi'hat  was  natural- 
ization in  England r  and  how  was  it  obtained.' 
Only  by  a  special  act  of  Parliament.  And  why.' 
Because  it  was  not  a  part  of  their  system  ol*  poli- 
cy. And  what  would  lie  wise  policy  in  her,  situ- 
ated as  she  was,  would  be  egrc'^ious  mailiies.^  in 
us.  Her  little  crowded  island  had  scarcely  room 
t"or  its  iiilKibitanls;  and,  of  cimrse,  she  had  not  the 
same  motive  tor  eiicmiraging  eniigraiioii  which 
operated  with  so  much  pov.cr  in  this  vast  Ilepiib- 
lic.  The  whole  thing  was  a  Ibreign  system, 
aila)iled  lo  tiireign  countri'  >.  and  not  lo  llus  coun- 
try; and  was  included  in  i  e  memorable  warning 
of  AVashingtmi. 

The  genUeinan  [.Mr  Lkvin]  had  toal  them  that 
it  was  Ibr  from  the  di'si:;ii  of  tlu'se  .Native  Ameri- 
cans lo  discoura::e  the  emigration  ol'  i'oreigners 
anioiii;sl  us.  Such  a  iiesi;;n  it  might  not  he  politic 
io  avow:  liiii  what  were  the  indiicemenlH  the  gen- 
ilemiin  held  cut  to  rc*pe'Mal>le  tbreiirtiers  to  trans- 
fer ihcm.selve-  and  their  all  to  the  llniled  Stales.' 
DiK'S  the  geiil'eman  ►, appose  liial  they  came  here 
for  a  mere  living — foi  the  mere  privilege  of  breath- 
iii::r  That  they  cnuld  obtain  anvwhere  on  terms 
ei|iia!ly  good.  Fo  the  man  deprived  '  political 
riirhls  ali  (iovernnienis  were  the  same.  I'liere  ivas 
no  (tisiinctiiiii  in  mere  ternis  to  hioi  who  w;is  alike 
the  sa  ijeri  ill'  oppression  in  "iilier.  Supposing 
him  to  come  here,  and  let  the  i;eiiileiiiaii's  syslem 
pre\ail,  and  th.it  inan*s  ondition  wouhl  be  about 
as  i;ooil  undei  a  Turkish  despotism  as  in  this  free 
country.  If  he  cone  here,  it  \\as  to  have  all  hi 
p.iUiii'al  ri::hts  taken  awi>y,  and  to  remain  a  dis- 
franchised man  tor  twenty-one  years.  The  gen- 
tleman's jiarty  does  ii  it  close  the  doors,  but  only 
renilerstheni  impassal.le  to  every  man  of  lionurable 
feiliM'.;s.  The  geiitlem.in  well  knew  the  impolicy 
(iiot  to  say  uiipopuiiirily )  of  atiempiing  to  shut  up 
the  doors  of  a  land  which  had  milr  uis  of  acres, 
yes,  millions  of  square  miles  of  its  l.'Mile  soil  yet 
unsettled.  Hence  he  denied  their  doctiines  were 
lo  exilude,  but  lo  pnril'y  thi^  poliiieal  Hysiiau.  lint 
;  he  (.\!r.  II.)  asked  in  liirii,  if  the  whole  system 
was  not  exclusivu  to  nil  who  were  worthy  to  weiur 


the  name  of  an  American  citizen.'  Who  would 
come  in  under  such  a  syslem  of  laws  as  the  doc- 
trines of  that  ])arty  prescribcdi'  None  but  such  as 
would  be  fu  tools  for  tyranny;  not  one  whoso 
hcnrl  throbs  for  liberty,  and  whose  impulses  har- 
monized with  the  cause  thnt  proclaimed  the  righls 
of  man.  Their  doctrines  placed  Ihem  upon  the 
horn  of  a  dilemma.  They  were  for  either  keeping 
foreigners  out,  or  they  were  no..  If  they  wished 
to  keep  ihem  out,  their  [lolicy  was  detestable,  and 
never  could  receive  the  sanction  of  the  people  of 

i  this  country.  If  they  did  not  wish  to  keep  then) 
out,  their  policy  was  still  more  detestable,  because 
sucli  an  invitation  could  apply  only  to  those  who 

'  are  so  regardless  of  the  righls  of  freemen  that  they 
would  be  unfit  lo  he  anywhere;  for  while  with 

I  one  breath  they  invited  them  to  come,  with  the 

\  other  they  bla.sted  everything  worthy  of  coining 

,  for.  He  might  choose  whichever  horn  of  the  di- 
lemma he  liked  best. 

The  only  true  iiolicy  for  n  Government  like  ours 
was,  to  throw  open  the  doors  to  imniigration.  We 
wnnled  population.  We  lind  a  country  vast  in  ex- 
tent, fertile  in  soil,  and  embracing  every  variety  of 
climate,  and  capable  of  sustaining  ten  times  the 
liopnlalion  that  ii  does.  We  had  one  great  valley 
loniaining  more  than  thirteen  hnndreil  thou.sund 
square  miles  in  extent,  with   less   than  ten  mil- 

I  lions  of  ponuli  lion,  and  where  thirty  niilliiuia 
would  be  iinnetely  better  olf  than  ten.  \es,  the 
valley  of  the  Mississippi  alone  would  siistain  its 
Inuidreds  of  millions  comfortably,  ai.rt  yet  with 
less  ihan  ten  we  are  called  uiion  lo  check  I'nimigra- 
tion.  And  why,  forsooth.'  Because,  certain  would- 
be  privileged  cla.sses  did  not  like  to  see  so  stroiifj 
a  tleinocratie  infusion  into  the  body  politic.  Could 
it  1)1'  the  policy  of  such  a  Government,  wilh  such 
a  country,  to  retard  selllement,  and  heap  up  obsui- 
cles  in  ihe  way  "•■  iimuigration  f     Even  western 

1  Missouri  was  scarcely  half  way  across  the  great 
valley,  and  we  had  nothing  that  could  he  called  a 
selllement  beyond,  and  but  a  sparse  one  within 
that  limit;   and  yet  we  were  invited  to  elo.se  the 

.  doors  against  genius  and  enterprise  and  woilh, 
and  lea,e  it  open  only  to  those  who  hatl  not  spirit 
enough  to  spurn  the  wrongs  proposed  lo  be  heaped 
upon  them.  Away  with  such  dm  Irincs.  Let  them 
(onu,  let  llinn  come  from  nil  iIh  earth;  we  had 
space  and  a  hearty  welcome  for  them  all.  This  is 
the  huiguage  that  the  genius  of  our  institutions 
holds  out  to  them,  and  il  will  find  a  glorious  r<- 
spoiisc  in  the  bieasl  of  every  genuine  lover  of 
liberty. 

TInn,  if  it  is  our  policy  lo  iiivile  them  here,  is 
il  not  e<(ually  sound  policy  to  all'ord  them  an  op- 
liortunity  at  the  earliest  possible  period,  of  identi- 
fying the  nselves  ::»  interest  wilh  the  Government 
of  theirehoice.  The  true  rule  on  this  siihji'clwus, 
lo  make  every  nan  a  curator  of  the  i^reiU  cause 
of  linnian  lilierly,  as  soon  as  he  iii.ule  choice  of  his 
country,  and  manifested  an  inclination  to  make 
his  re.sii    nee  permanenl.      They  come  here  from 

,  choice,  prompted  by  an  innr.te.  love  of  liberty;  and 
our  t'rvti  institutions  can  never  be  in  danger  from 
men  who  hive  abandoned  ."o  niinh,  and  periled 
SI  I  much,  lo  enjoy  the  blcs.^ini;s  they  bestow. 
The  sooner  they  are  made  citizens  after  becoming 
acquniiiicd  with  our  institutions,  the  belter  for  us, 
the  belter  for  lliein;  and  the  shortest  period  for 
aeqiiirnii:  that  inlbnnatton,  sliontd  be  the  term  of 
prolialioa  for  natnralizalion.  The  lime  is  already 
long  eiiuiiLrh  in  all  reason.  The  people  demand 
no  cliaiu'c;  and  if  they  did,  it  would  be  in  accord- 
ance with  soiniil  policy  lo  shorten  it.  Who  de- 
inaiul.-  the  extension,  but  a  few  restless  spirits  in 
our  overgrown  ciiies,  inllanied  by  bigotry  and  the 
spirit  of  persecntion.-  ■  c  statesmen,  at  this  en- 
li:.'hteiicd  day,  ;ind  in  l'  "•■  c  country,  would  be 
st.irileil  at  so  lU'iiisiro  proposition  as  that  of 

peopling  a  count  v  wilh  inhabitants,  and  deiiving 
till  111  all  iiiteresi  in  its  (bixernnient.  It  is  nothing 
more  nor  less  th.-tn  a  prnposiiimi  lo  fill  the  country 
wilh  internal  foes  to  onr  institutions.  He  en- 
vied I  ol  the  feelings  of  'uu  mail  who  would  not 
scorn  any  system  o**  Gov.  rmneiit  that  completely 
tind  ell'eciually  din  uichised  him  from  all  partici- 
pation in  its  alVairs.  Every  (-Toverinni-nt  wasarbi- 
Irary  and  desjioiie,  no  niaticr  what  its  forms  or 
name,  to  the  man  di.sfranclii.scd  from  all  political 
righls.  What  need  he  care  tor  fonni  who  is  strip- 
ped of  his  riu'hts  and  pi  i\  i leges  miller  any  and  e\  cry 

I  form?    To  liiir.  how  much  more  fuscinuling  would 


-r- 


[Dec.  IP, 


1845.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


45 


I.  OP  Reps. 

n  ?  Wlio  would 
Inws  lis  the  doc- 
S^onc  but  such  na 

not  one  whoso 
se  iiiipulsos  har- 
luinied  tlie  righla 

Ihem  upon  the 
or  nilhcr  keepinK 

If  they  wislied 
s  lietesluhlc,  and 
of  the  people  of 
*h  to  keep  ihenj 
lestablc,  because 
Illy  to  those  who 
recmen  llint  they 

for  while  with 

tome,  with  tlui 
irlhy  of  coming 
r  horn  of  the  di- 

rnmcnt  like  ours 
iniigration.  We 
untry  vast  in  ex- 
eveiy  variety  of 
IS  toi  limes  the 
one  t;reat  valley 
nidred  thousand 
s  than  Ion  mil- 
Ihirty  miMiinis 
1  ten.  ■*  es,  the 
■ould  siistain  its 
',  ai.d  yet  with 
I  check  I'lnmii^ra- 
e,  certain  winild- 
I  to  see  so  stron;^ 
'politic.  Could 
mom,  with  such 
il  heap  up  obsta- 
Evcn  westoni 
ncross  the  j;roat 
:ould  be  called  a 
arse  one  within 
led  to  clo.se  the 
rise  and  worth, 
to  hail  not  spirit 
sod  10  be  heaped 
inos.  Let  them 
irth;  we  had 
all.  This  ia 
■  mstitulioiia 
I  ijlorious  n- 
liiie  lover  of 

ihoni  lioro,  is 
llicin  ail  op- 
ioil,  of  idonti- 
'  Govoniinent 

I  subject  was, 
i^rt-at  cause 

c'liiiicc  of  his 
uoii  Id  make 
here  from 
libcrly;  and 
ilaiiifor  from 
and  periled 
I' y  bcslow. 
■r  lioconiiiii; 
potior  for  us, 
t  iicriod  for 
'  tiio  ti-rm  of 
10  is  already 
'pic  demand 
lie  in  accord- 
Who  dc- 
less  spirits  ill 
iilry  and  the 
I,  at  this  rn- 
ry,  would  Se 
as  ihal  (if 
and  denviiii; 

II  is  iioihin^ 
ihodiumry 

Ho  en- 
lo  would  not 
It  complolely 
111  all  partici- 
oiil  was  arbi- 
ils  forms  or 
all  political 
ivlio  IS  slrip- 
tiy  and  every 
laling  would 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Oregoi. — Mr.  Haywood. 


Senate. 


be  our  Republican  institutions  than  a  Turkish 
despotism!  No;  our  true  policy  is  to  cnjouraijc 
immi,:;ration  by  all  lefjitimate  means;  and,  when 
secured,  to  make  them  at  the  earliest  possible 
period  joim  inheritors  of  the  glorious  cause  com- 
mitted to  our  charge. 

The  ircntleman  Mr.  [Lkvin]  had  frc  piently  talk- 
ed about  shoals  of  forcij,'iiers  being  inrown  upon 
our  shores  by  the  despotic  Governments  of  Eu- 
rope. This  was  against  1  ict  and  ajtaiiist  common 
sense.  It  was  the  policy  of  no  Goveriiinent  in  the 
world  lo  drive  oil'  her  own  citizens.  And  not  t  ily 
were  ihere  no  facts  to  prove  il,  but  facts  proved  the 
contrary.  Had  not  the  Government  of  Germany 
recenily  pa.s.'iod  an  edict  excludinf;  Amcri'an  ]ia- 
pers  from  circulation  in  that  country,  and  tbat  lor 
the  avowed  reason  that  their  pinctical  iiitluencc 
was  to  draw  oif  population  from  tne  empire  ?  Yet 
I'ontlcmen  would  have  the  country  belie vc  that  it 
was  Gennaii  policy  to  send  us  her  emi>;i'ants,aiid 
that  she  throw  ll.ein  olT  as  a  slough  and  an  incnni- 
branco.  This  was  only  to  render  foreign  popula- 
tion infamous  among  us.  Uiit  those  men  were  not 
n  burden  anywhere;  they  were  the  Hue  lovers  of 
liberty;  thty  had  abandoned  their  h.imes  and  all 
that  was  dear  to  them  because  of  their  superior 
love  to  freedom.  Their  politicid  instincts  were 
right;  they  were  democratic  at  the  start,  and  hence 
the  violent  opposition  of  certain  gentlemen  against 
them.  Was  this  not  manifest?  No  opposition 
was  made  to  English  emigrants  or  Scotch  emi- 
grants :  it  was  all  against  the  Irish  and  the  Dutch: 
against  these  men  the  Native  American  jiarty  and 
their  Whig  allies  seem  to  have  enterc'l  into  a  cru- 
sade. The  I'jnglish  andtiie  Scotch  were  very  wel- 
come, because  their  prejudices  were,  for  the  most 
part,  against  the  American  Democratic  party;  but 
the  Irish  and  the  Dutch  must  '.y  all  means  be  kc|/t 
out,  because  they  thicked  a>  imiiirally  inta  the 
Democratic  ranks  as  rivers  sought  the  sea.  This 
is  the  true  .sc<  ret  of  all  this  violent  opposition  to 
the  adopted  ciiizen.  If  they  were  what  the  gen- 
tleman pictured  them  out — fit  tools  for  the  op- 
pressor, they  would  be  a  most  acceptable  boon  to 
that  party  who  seek  lo  govern  this  country  rather 
by  monopolies  than  laws.  It  is  their  very  virtues 
that  mark  them  out  for  persecution.  It  is  that 
stern  political  integrity  and  lofty  patriotism,  cling- 
ing with  devoted  allection  to  the  country  of  their 
adoption  .md  her  cherished  institutions;  the  innate 
love  of  liberty,  and  utter  detestation  of  tyranny, 
which  mark  their  lofty  character;  that  renders 
tlicm  .so  obno.'cious  to  those  who  would  rule  this 
country  by  stratagem,  and  not  by  the  voice  of  a 
free  people. 

To  the  propagation  of  doctrines  like  these,  at 
war,  as  he  .solemnly  believed,  with  the  best  inter- 
ests of  the  country,  and  witli  tendencies  fatal  to 
her  prosperity,  he  would  never  vote  the  sanction 
of  that  House.  Let  those  Massachusetts  resolu- 
tions go  the  slaiidiiifl;  Conmiittoe  on  the  .ludiciary, 
whore  they  appn-in-iately  belong.  Wl  at  is  there 
to  endear  us  !■.  this  calumny  upon  our  adopted  citi- 
zens that  tiicy  should  have  a  select  conmiiitee  in 
preforeiice  to  other  and  worlhier  objects?  If  an 
old  soldier  comes  here,  marked  with  honorable 
scars,_  with  his  jielitioii  fur  a  pension,  and  should 
ask  for  a  select  commilleo,  siii'h  a  propo.siiion 
would  quickly  bo  frowno'l  down.  Yet  Into  a  po- 
litical sect,  opposed  to  'iie  best  interests  of  the  coun- 
try— not  the  vindical.irs  of  their  own  ri!,'hts,  but 

the  avowed  asiailaiils  of  iho  rights  of    lliers had 

the  modesty  lo  a.<k  for  such  an  honor,  ,ind  very 
modosilj'  iiilil  the  House  that  inhorwi.sc  their  iiio- 
nnu'ial  would  bi'  sniothciod.  Lot  it  be  suiuhered  if 
il  oaiinol  stand  before  the  integrity  of  a  regular 
'•onmiitloo  of  this  House.  Ho  for  one  was"  not 
prepared  to  license  calumny  and  aliuso  tipun  the 
ailoiitod  citizens  of  this  coin'ilry.  liesiilcs,  he  was 
no  friend  of  these  modern  refu'iners,  either  in  poli- 
tics or  n.  irals.  Wo  had  hail  Uio  miicji  ^^(  them 
wilhiii  lh,<  few  past  voars.  I  le  was  heartily  sick  of 
tlioMi.  We  had  our  .Abolition  roforniors,  our  Native 
Americiiii  rclbiniors,  and  even  good  old-liishioned 
Toniponinci nil  iiol  gel  along  withoni  its  roforni- 
ors. 1 1  held  till  rii  all  as  bad  in  their  londciicies; 
llii'V  all  :'  ..Ml  ll  tlie  (lame  of  discord  and  animosity, 
and  had  thoir  origin  In  sources  illv  caicul.iled  to 
a'ivanic  '.he  cause  of  good  morals.  (lew.is  nlii'Hy 
opposed  lo  the  whole  system,  and  it  should  never 
receive  any  faeilitieu  Irom  hm  vote. 


OREGON. 
SPEECH  OF  HON.  VV.  H.  HAYWOOD, 

OF  NORTH  CAROLINA, 

In  THt  Sena .e  of  the  United  States, 

Dectmber  30,  1845. 

The  following  resolutions,  offered  yesterday  by 
Mr.  Hannegan,  were  called  up: 

1.  Resolved.  Tlmi  the  country  incliidpil  within  the  parul- 
lels  of  42"  uikI  .54'  40'  north  liitituile,  and  extending  from  the 
Rocky  inountainti  to  the  I'acili !  oce;in,  kianvn  iis  the  Ter- 
ritory of  Oieuon,  ia  till)  pminTty,  niid  part  and  parcel  of  tlie 
tiTrilorics  of  the  United  riliUus. 

a,  ResoU-pilf  That  tlicre  exiiitd  no  power  in  ttiia  (.iivcrn- 
uicnt  to  tmiii*fer  its  rioil  and  the  alle<ilance  of  its  eiti/.ens  to 
the  dominion,  authority,  ccnitrol,  and  siilijcctioii  of  any  for- 
ciitn  power,  prince,  state,  or  sovereiitnty. 

"U.  R.'mUtiIj  Tliat  the  abaiidonmeiit  or  surrender  of  any 
portion  of  the  Territory  of  Uregon  would  lie  tui  abandnn- 
nieiit  of  die  honor,  eliaractcr,  and  tlie  best  interests  of  tlic 
American  iwople. 

Mr.  CALHOUN  moved  to  amend  the  same  by 
striking  out  the  whole  after  the  word  "  Uesoived, 
and  inserting  the  following: 

That  the  President  of  the  United  Hlntes  has  power,  "  by 
and  Willi  tlie  advice  and  connenl  of  the  Henale,  to  make 
treaties,  provided  two-tllirds  of  tlie  Senate  present  con- 
cur." 

RcioUxtlj  That  the  power  of  mnkina  treaties  einhrnces 
thai  of  settlinn  :;u(i  lixinc  boundaries  between  the  territo- 
ries and  possessions  of  the  l.'niled  .Slates  and  those  of  other 
i'owers,  ill  cases  of  conflicling  cliuins  between  them  in  re- 
ference to  the  same. 

Resolrc'l,  Tlial,  liowrver  clear  their  claims  may  be,  in 
their  opinion,  to  "ihe  country  included  within  the  parallels 
of  4'^"  and  3-P  40'  north  latitude,  and  extendiiiij  fVom  the 
Itoeky  mountains  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  known  as  llie  Ter- 
ritory of  Oreifon,"  there  now  exists,  and  have  long  exist- 
ed, contlicting  claims  to  the  (wssessio-i  of  the  same  be- 
tween them  and  t.rcatnritain,  the  adjustment  of  which  have 
been  freuiienlly  the  subject  of  negotiation  between  the  re- 
spective governments. 

Resolved^  Ifiercforr^  That  the  President  of  the  United 
States  has  rightfully  tlie  power,  under  the  Constitution,  hy 
and  wiUl  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  provideil 
that  two-diirds  of  the  memhei-s  present  concur,  lo  adjust  hy 
treaty  the  ehtiins  of  the  two  countries  to  the  said  territory, 
by  tixing  a  boundary  hetween  their  respective  possessions. 

Kmo/i'CiI,  That  the  President  of  the  United  Estates,  in  re- 
newing the  olVer,  in  die  spirit  of  pence  nnd  ennipromise,  to 
establish  die  49th  degree  of  north  latitude  as  u  line  between 
the  possessions  of  the  two  countries  lo  the  said  ti'rritnry, 
did  not  "  abandon  the  honor,  the  ehnracK-r,  and  the  he's' 
interests  of  die  American  people,"  or  exceed  the  p'>'*.  er 
vested  ill  him  hy  the  t'onsdtution  lo  make  ireuties. 

Mr.  H/VYWOOD  said  that  when  he  gave  notice 
of  his  inlention  yesterday  to  move  lo  lay  this  whole 
matter  upon  the  table,  he  had  ;ibslained  from  enter- 
ing into  the  discu.ssion,  because  his  motive  was 
then,  and  still  was,  lo  prevent  premalnre  discu.s- 
sioiis  upon  our  foreign  negotiations.  The  remarks 
of  other  Senators,  however,  had  imposed  upon  him 
the  duty  of  explaining  his  views  a  little  more  at 
largo,  and  he  prayed  the  indulgence  of  the  Senate, 
whilst  he  pledged  himself  that  no  species  of  provo- 
cation should  drag  him  into  a  discussion  of  the 
"  Oregon  t|uestion"  at  this  time,  nor  into  any  di  - 
claralion  of  his  own  opinions  upon  the  ques'tio.s 
existing  between  our  Government  and  that  i  '" 
Great  liritain.  When  those  questions  caino  up  in 
proper  lime  and  order  before  the  Senate,  ho  should 
lie  ready  to  meet  them,  ho  hoped,  ill  a  spirit  of  do- 
V'lliuii  10  his  own  counlry,  and  to  act  upon  ihoiii 
accordingly,  in  Iho  fear  of  God.  He  protested 
against  the  .Senate  pushing  it.solf  in  advance  of  the 
Executive,  and  to  the  i  elusion  of  the  I'rexiilcnl, 
thus  snalchiiig  from  him  iiis  rightful  jiowor  of  con- 
ducting i.nrnogotiatioi.s  with  foreign  Governmonts. 
He  protested  airainst  this  the  more  strongly,  when 
it  was  obvii MS  lo  o\cry  body  (nnd  he  appealed  to 
the  concurrence  of  Senators  for  its  truth)  tli.'il  the 
end  and  aim  of  it  all  was  to  IrMiisfer  our  foreign 
negotiations  to  the  cnnrt-yardsaiid  hnstin^'s,  which 
was  a  still  worse  trilnnial  for  sneli  topic  s  than  a 
Senate.  Ho  professed  to  bo  a  Democrat,  and  ho 
believed  bo  was  one;  but  lie  w.is  a  rf/irMfn/nd'rc 
Domoi-ral.  The  iloniormcy  id'  bis  Slate,  ho  fell 
certain,  and  ho  supposed  the  people  ovorywbere, 
knew  and  bad  alway-i  nnilerstood  that,  for  very 
good  cause,  they  had'  lodged  the  power  ofcarryin'g 
o:i  their  business  with  foreign  coini..,os  in' the 
hands  of  ihoir  iiKi'nKsr,N,-TAriM;s,  viz.  the  /Vcsi- 
i/rn(,  with  the  Sciialo  as  his  mlnsvn.  lie  llioiiglil 
Noiili  (.'aroiina  was  well  salisliod  v.illi  that  ar- 
raii'_'ciocnt  of  the  Consiitiuiou,  and  lie  know  they 
ought  lo  bo  so,  and  he  felt  called  upon  lo  resist  tlii's 
movement  as  an  attempt  ai  the  practical  subversion 


I  of  the  Constitution.  The  people  had  no  desire  to 
]  thrust  them.sclves  into  the  President's  ulace.nor  "o 
sec  us  snatch  from  him  his  re-sponsibility  and  his 
1  trusts  for  any  such  purposes,  or  for  any  purpose. 
No  good  coidd  come  of  it  lo  the  country;  none 
]  whatever;  but,  on  the  contrary,  much  evil,  at  home 
j  and  abroad,  in  the  Senate  and  out  of  it. 

Mr.  H.  said  he  had  other  obicctions  to  this  form 
!  of  jiroceediiig.     He  had  slatcdj  when  first  up,  that 
he  did  not  like  the  original  resolutions,  because 
i  they  would  be  a  censure  upon  the  President ;  nor 
!  the  amendments,  although  they  lauded  the  Presi- 
dent.    The  appropri.'te,  dignified,  and   constilu- 
i  tioiial  duties  of  the  Senate  were  to  legislate  by 
!  jiractical  mandatory  laws  as  a  part  of  Congi'ess, 
or,  in  Executive  session,  to  advise  when  asked  lo 
do  il,  and  even  when  advice  was  not  asked  in  pe- 
culiar cases,  but   not  barely  to  declare   opinions 
1  which  might' reflect  honor  or  censure  upon  the 
!  President  and  agitate   the   people   of  the  nation. 
Both  the  Senators  had  taken  excejition  lo  the  maii- 
■  nor  in  which  he  had  been  obliged  to  characterizo 
their  resolutions.     The  Senator  from  Indiana  de- 
:  nied  that  his  resolutions  were  n  censure  of  the 
Presiilent.     Now,  Mr.  H.  thought  the  proposition 
was  ns  plain  as  tlic  way  to  the  President  s  lunn- 
sion.     He  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  Senator's 
intentions,  but  with  his  resolutions,  and  they  did 
contain  a  censure.    The  Senate  was  called  upon  to 
declare  by  ihem,  in  substance,  if  not  in  words, 
that  any  ofl'er  to  compromise,  &c,,  would  be  an 
overture   to   do   that  which  was  contrary  to  the 
Conslitulion  and  dishonorable  lo  the  nation.    The 
President  had  informed  us  in  his  Message  that  ho 
had  done  that  very  thing.    He  had  offered  lo  com- 
promise, i*k:c.     The  simplest  rules  of  logic  justified 
a  conclusion  from  such  jiremiscs  that  the  President 
had  done  an  act  in  violation  of  our  honor,  and  had 
'■  offered  to  consummate  an  act  which  w.'is  against 
the  Conslitulion.     Men  must  have  formed  singu- 
I  lar  notiinif  idiout  what  was  or  was  not  a  censure, 
!  who  assorted  that  there  was  no  censure  in  this.    It 
i  wasa  denunciation  of  what  had  jiasseil,  in  'he  form 
[  of  a  threat  if  it  should  bo  done  again.     That  was 
1  the  exact  character  of  the  original  resolutions,  and 
'  the  candor  of  the  Senator  from  Indiana  would  com- 
pel him  to  admit  that  the  very  end  and  dcsi'gn  he 
j  had  chiefly  in  view  was  lo  notify,  to  forewarn  the 
I  President  of  what  he  miirlil  reckon  upon,  if  he 
should  accept  from  the  Ih'ilish  Government  his 
own  ofl'ers  to  that  Government  for  a  compromise; 
"for  the  resolution;-  .say  to  him,  "  We  distrust  you; 
take  care  what  yon  do." 

Mr.  H.'VNNEOAN  said  that  was  exactiv  his 
i  object,     llii  anote  published  in  the  "  Union, ''Mr. 
Hanneoan  states  that  this  assent  was  given  only 
to  the  assertion  that  llie  President "  should  be  care- 
ful how  he  proceeded  in  fuUiro."] 

Mr.  HAYWOOD  siid  that  he  knew  he  could 
not  bo  mistiikon.  I'lie  language  was  too  plain  to 
mistake,  and  the  motive  too  obvious  lo  escape  de- 
tection. Aui'  was  that  not  a  '■  censure  of  the  Pre- 
sident?" Was  'hat  no  insulting  reference  lo  what 
the  President  hud  do.-t "  There  was  no  Inngiiaire 
by  which  a  Senator  of  'he  United  Stales  could 
'  more  directly  ami  unequivocally  censure  a  Presi- 
dent, unless  they  should  descend  lo  borrow  terms 
for  the  )mrposo  from  the  voenbulnry  of  black- 
guards. Did  the  Senator  fVom  Indiana  suppose 
that  he,  or  any  other  Senator,  had  the  capacity  lo 
frame  a  censure  in  any  language  suited  lo  a  Senate's 
n.so  more  daiuniiig  that  his  rosoluiion?  Mr.  H. 
doubled  it  vervniuch.  What!  "  dishonorable:"  a 
'*  surrender  ot  iho  iuilh)»*s  /lonor  "  by  the  Chief 
Magistrate;  "  a  violation  of  the  Constitution  "  he 
hnd  sworn  lo  support;  no  eotisure! 

The  ainoiidments  otrored  by  the  Senator  froir; 
.Sontli  Carolina  wore  liable  lo  similar  objections. 
The  only  dill'oronce  was,  the  original  n solutions 
eeiisiired  wluit  the  amondmouls  lauded  the  President 
foi  having  done.  The  .Senator  from  South  Caro- 
lina had,  with  some  warmth,  denied  ihal  he  had 
l<(iided  the  Piositlont.  He  (Mi.  Havwood)  was 
,  not  to  be  considered  by  that  Senator  as  intending 
,  lo  be  disrespoetful  to  him  personally,  because  liu 
did  not  at  oiieo  more  precisely  define  his  position. 
Ho  certainly  did  mil  mean  to  charge  (/i(i(  .SViin/iM- 
with  oll'ciing  jirai.se  lo  the  Chief  Magistrate;  but 
he  meant  to  assort  that  the  amoiidmcnts  which  he 
had  proposed  wore  laudatory  in  like  manner  as 
the  original  ri'sohtlions  were  condemimlory.  The 
Senator  would  himaelf  ogree,  that  if  a  respectful 


46 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Dec.  18, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Naturalization  Laws — Mr,  Levin. 


Ho.  OF- Reps. 


eniinciatinn  of  what  was  believed  to  be  a  fiiir 
Olid  necessary  interpretation  o(  a  motion  or  res- 
olution oflercd  to  the  Sennio,  was  to  be  regarded 
as  in  any  di'irree  personal  towards  the  author,  we 
would  tl'iereliv  he  iniposiuy:  a  violent  restriction 
upon  the  freedom  of  debate.  [Mr.  Cai.H(pi:v  nod- 
ded his  nsseni.)  He  must  still  maintain  the  truth 
of  the  propo.«ilion,  that  the  (iiufm/mfn/.^  were  res- 
ohitiiins  to  praise  that  which  the  original  resolu- 
tions eensureit.  That  which  the  original  resolutions 
declared  to  l>e  dishonorable  and  unconsiilutionnl, 
the  amendnientM  declared  to  be  honorable  and  con- 
Riituiionul.  The  Senator  himself  had  shown  that 
the  original  resolutions  were  a  ceusiire  by  implica- 
tion ;  ami  the  consequence  was  inevitable  that  the 
amendments  were,  to  the  same  extent,  lamlatonj  by 
like  implication.  Neither  the  one  nor  ihe  other 
looked  ocvond  this  declaraiinn  of  opinions  by  ihe 
iScnatc.  Both  stopped  short  of  any  practical  legis- 
lation. 

The  original  resolutions,  aa  well  as  the  amend- 
meiiis,  took  into  the  Senate's  hands  prematurely 
the  suiiject  of  our  nei;oiintions,  before  the  Kxecii- 
(ire  had  done  iri(/i  il;  before  the  Senate  had  inquired 
of  him,  or  otherwise  knew,  whether  he  had  done 
with  it;  and  before  the  Senate  had  adviseil  him  to 
tcmiinutc  his  negotiatiojis,  and  turn  it  over  to  our 
legislation.  Whether  that  were  to  be  done  by 
re.solulions  of  censure  or  of  praise  made  no  sort  of 
dirtcreiice:  it  would  be  on  unauthorized  intrusion 
on  our  part;  a  premature  action  of  the  Senate,  and, 
in  his  judgment,  un.safe,  unwise,  uniiignitiid,  uii- 
coiistitulnmal:  and  he  hoped  that  Senators,  for  the 
sake  of  the  country  and  the  Senate,  would  on  all 
sides  put  a  stop  to  it  ut  (Uicc.  Although  he  did  not 
go  into  any  examination  of  our  o  goiiatio:ij  with 
Ureat  Britain,  but  abstained  fr  i  it  at  Ikis  lime 
cm  })urpos.  ,  he  did  not  doubt 'tlu.l  this  manner  of 
bringing  t.)rr'^on  into  the  Senate  would  embarrass 
those  negoliationa;  and  the  adttplion  of  these  rrso- 
hiiionsor  of  ihe  amendiiieiilt^,  would  put  ourcoiui- 
try,  as  well  a-s  the  President  and  Senate,  in  a  false 
position.  If  he  might  Ije  excused  such  a  ligure  in 
the  ISeiiale,  he  would  say  he  was  willing  to  take 
hold  of  Oregon  whenever  it  came  iiiio  the  Senate 
liraJ  forimosl,  but  not  drag  it  in  tail  fureiiwsl;  and 
when  it  was  legitimately  there,  he  viould  only  in- 
({uiie  irhal  il  btcamt  Hit  L'niled  SInlts  Iv  ilo,  regard- 
It  ss  of  the  lavor  and  fearless  of  the  complaints  of 
other  iialKuis.  The  President  hud  this  subject  in 
his  charge,  under  the  Cotislitution,  and  if  any  be- 
lieved he  was  not  the  beat  qualified,  or  not  so  well 
cpialilicd  as  lliey  were  lo  luaiiuge  its  negotiation, 
still  he  was  the  President,  and  had  the  couslitti- 
lional  right  and  power  to  do  it,  until  he  had  l"s'  J 
negotiation.  The  original  resolutions  \»  ouhl  en- 
tirely disarm  him:  the  amendments  would  irenAfti 
our  position,  as  well  as  his;  for  whellirr  so  de- 
signed or  not,  still,  in  the  eyes  of  (Jreat  Britain, 
Ibey  would  appear  to  be  a  Senatorial  oiler  of  the 
line  at  A^  for  a  compromise,  aficr  that  oiler  hud 
just  been  refiiAed^  ami  the  President  iiiT'irniid  tlie 
nation  he  had  forthwith  v.  iihdiawn  it.  An  olVi  r 
made  with  that  sin't  of  busty  zeal,  or  the  appiar- 
ance  of  il,  might  exciu'  ex|iceiations  abroad  fatal 
to  the  linal  settlemenl  id'  the  controversy. 

Bol  (Mr.  [1.  saidj  the  Senator  from  Indiana  had 
mainnoiied  that  ^'  ne:rotiations  had  ended,"  and, 
with  an  air  of  trinni|jli,  he  had  read  i[Uotaliinis  from 
the  Presid-nt's  .Message.  All  this  might  be  so; 
and  what  then  .•  If  the  President  had  already  taken 
ground,  ns  the  Senaf<pr  supposed,  for  all  of  tiregon 
or  none — if  he  h:id  already  committed  hinisetf,  and 
the  nation  lo  that  position,  then  what  niori:did  tlie 
.Sernior  waul .'  l''or  what  purpose  should  .1  be  reas- 
serted every  dav  :  Did  not  tlie  Senator  apprehend 
liiat  these  oft-repealed  ami  violent  assertions  of 
oiirriglilsaiid  bi^ili  rcsidves  niiglil  bring oureourage 
(o-  our  smceniy  into  (jueslion  before  the  v\ortd.' 
l.>id  be  not  see  tltiii  tirciit  Britain  would  be  misled 
by  it  to  suppose  that  we  were  actually  alarmed,  and 
disposed  to  play  a  game  of  brag  tor  Oregon,  and 
that  we  talked  lo  keep  np  our  nalional  icairage? 
If  th''  President's  Mess.ige  was  corniily  inter- 
|M-i  lid  by  the  SenaUir,  then  had  the  Chief  Magis- 
ti'ale  done  precisely  what  the  >Setial<n'  wished:  and 
yet  he,  a  friend  of  the  President, di  sited  the  Senate 
lo  say  to  him,  by  his  resolutions,  that  we  doubted 
his  ability  to  stand  iirin  ;  that  we  questioned  his 
firmness  in  maintaining  the  (^oiistiiutioii  anil  the 
nalional  honor,  and  therefore  the  Senate  had  found 
il  cxp«Uiuut  to  tUr«ttt«in  luiii  willi  th«  u>iuie4uciiciiii 


if  he  slinuld   recede  an   inch.     And  this  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  Stales !     This  was  a  proposi- 
tion of  the  Senator  to  the    Democratic  farlij,  too; 
I  to  the  President's  friends;  to  the  President's  own 
!  political  household!    The  incidents  of  the  morn- 
]  nig  had  shown  the  nrobabilily,  nay,  the  certainty 
j  of  a  lenr,  if  this  course  wn..  ,^. severed  in.    Hedid 
I  not  mean  n  icnr  with  £ii;/um..','  for  he  declared,  in 
I  all  sincerity,  that  although  he  should  regard  such 
a  wnr  as  perhaps  ilic  gnatest  calamity  that  could 
I  befall  Ihe  civilized  wiuid,  yet  for  hiniself  he  had 
I  not  lost  im  hour's  sleep  for  the  apprehension  of 
!  it ;  that  he  did  not  believe  there  was  the  slightest 
peril   of  a   war  Iteltrern   England  and   Ihe    Lniled 
i  IStates  at  this   time;  none  whatever.     But  the  war 
.  he  predicted  (and  it  was  the  inevilable  consequence 
of  this  sort  of  proceeding)  wa.s  a  war  in  the  Senate, 
a  iKMiie-contesi,  a  domestic  nd'air  altogether;  a  war 
I  amongst  the  PiTsident's  political  friends;  aSenato- 
j  rial  war  in  the  Democratic  party,  of  leader  against 
leader,  which  would  be  more  of  an  octagon  battle 
]  than  an  Oregon  war.     lie  appealed  to  Ueinocralic 
Si'iiiitoir  frankly,  and  in  the  face  of  our   political 
'  opponents,  to  stop  this  thing.     And  in  view  of  the 
coiisider;itiotis  already  feebly  urged  upon  their  pa- 
triotism, he  liid  not  abate  one  iota  of  his  demands 
J  upon  Seiiati'rs  of  all  p,arties  for  their    hearty  co- 
operation in  securing  to  the  President  the  benefit 
of  an  armisuce.    Lci  the  President  have  two  moons 
to  settle  our  ali'airs  with  foreign  Governments  be- 
fore the  rein  is  madly  sua  died  from  his  hands. 
Congress  had  been  in  session  less  than  a  month, 
and  iialf  of  the  time   had  been  a  liolyday;  and  il 
was   surely  expecting  very  little  of  liis /rienih  lo 
allow  him  one  monih  or  even  two  months  more, 
and  lair  united   support,  to  conclude  a  dispute  of 
nearly  half  a  eenlury  with  Ureal  Britain,  in  which 
the  whole  coiiiilry  was  so  deeply  iiiierested.     If 
be  did  not  command  our  coiilideiu' ,  or  if  for  any 
oilier  reason  ihe  Senate  were  too  <.calous  to  wait  a 
litile  while  upon  him,  why  no',  at  any  rale,  let  the 
door  be  closed  upiui  our  iingialienl   coiin.sels,  and 
address  a  rcsjieciful   inquiry  to  him  whether   he 
had  really  abandoned  iiegoii:itioiis.'    Or,  if  he  had 
not,  and  the  Senate  choose  to  do  it,  advise  him  lo 
stop  all  further  negoiialioiis,  and  to  inform  the  Sen- 
ate i)C alt  Ihal  hiislieen  done  by  him.'     The  Senate 
would  still  have  time  lo  acl,  and  the   informatian 
thus  to  be  derived  from  the  Kxeculivc  would  aid 
their   counsels,    or   it    iniu'ht   even    modify    soinc 
of  their  opinions.     At  all  events,  the  President's 
friends  ought  not  to  do  less  than  that  before  their 
jiidgmetil  was  proiKuinced  in  the  premises. 

Thct'residenl  had  not  coininutiicaled  to  the 
Senate  all  the  coirefpondtuce  on  this  subject  of 
Ori>gon,  as  had  been  staled  ill  the  debate.  He  had 
not  professed  to  do  so;  not  at  all.  if  the  Senator 
from  Indiana  v\'ould  read  the  .Mes.sage  iigain,  he 
would  see  that  the  President  therein  informed  the 
.Senate  that  in  Orlnbir,  IHJ.'),  the  ,'lmerican  .Vinistir 
to  London  icii-s  anthoriztd  lo  f;//'fr  a  roinproinise,  &(c. 
He  did  not  coniiouiin-ale  all  or  any  of  the  curres- 
pinidence  willi  that  Minister  or  his  successor.  He 
had  not  said  nor  intimated  thai  tiicse  instructions 
hiid  been  revoked  by  our  Ciovernnie.  I.  He  had 
said  iiiuliing  upon  that  point  (itlier  way.  True, 
he  had  made  an  oll'er  and  withdrawn  i'  /icrr; 
wlieiher  il  was  the  same,  or  mily  "  siniil.ir"  lo  the 
oiu:  which  the  .American  .Mniisler  had  authorily  lo 
oiler,  who  knows.-  He  realiirmed  our  title  to  all 
Oregon,  to  be  sure;  ijiit  as  .'or  that  he  had  again 
and  again  as.serled  our  title  to  all  of  Oregon  in 
every  |jart  of  his  correspr,ndciii'e  with  the  llrilish 
Minister,  and  in  the  very  ai-t  of  iiroposing  a  ciun- 
promise  he  did  all  that.  He  (Mr.  H.)  did  not 
Know  any  more  abinit  the  slate  of  our  relatimis 
and  mgoliations  with  (ileal  Britain  than  other 
Senaliirs,  bnl  these  facts  were  i«  fore  the  nation, 
and  tliey  niii^ht  be  deiiued  wm  li  i^onsideration 
before  tlie  Senate  should  assume  s  a  point  settled 
— a  '•  fixed  fact" — with  the  Sen.  '"r  from  Indiana, 
that  "negoiialioiis  had  endeil.  '  He  certainly 
might  well  insist  upon  them  aa  aliuiid  ditly  siilli- 
cieiil  lo  excuse  all  inquiry  of  llie  President,  when 
Uiken  in  coniiex  on  with  i'..  lapse  of  time  since 
the  date  of  the  '-isi  •  orrespoiiilence  sent  to  the 
Senate,  and  the  im  .  sil  |e  resumption  of  negotifttioii 
ijy  him  with  llie  lliiiHli  .Minister,  before  the  Presi- 
dent's own  frieniU  voted  to  displace  him  from  hia 
approjiriale  duties — to  censure  him  by  implicution, 
or  to  threaten  hini  by  anticipatiiai. 

[Suiue  iiiierlucutury  renuuku  were madti  belwesn 


Mr.  Hannegan  and  Mr  Haywood,  which  the  re- 
porter did  not  hear  so  as  to  render  them  with  cer- 
tainty; after  which — 1 

Mr.  HANNEGAN  said  that  the  President  had 
given  the  information  in  his  Message  as  plainly  as 
A,  B,  C     And  where  was  the  necessity  of  asking 
i  him  whether  we  s'lould  move  or  not.'     He  who 
'  could   not  understi  ml  the  jilain  language  of  the 
j  President,  that  the  i  egotiatioil  wasat  an  end.must 
j  have  a  singular  obhiiul'y  of  menial  vision.     Ho 
(Mr.  H.)  had  then  only  to  pursue  his  own  course. 
If  hcreaiter  he  should  see  proper  to  pursue  any 
I  particular  course,  he  would  move  without  nskina; 
j  the  President's  permission.     So  far  as  etiquette 
I  was  concerned,  he  eared  nothing.     It  was  the  siih- 
I  stance  which  he  desired.     Rut  he  would  ask  the 
i  particular  friend  of  the  President,  as  the  Senator 
'■  appeared  to  be  on  this  occasion,  how  would  he 
defend  him  if  the  negotiation  was   still  pending, 
:  and  the  President  had   |)ublished  his  message  ito 
i  the  world.'     Did  he  not  call  on  Congi-ess  to  act.' 
Did  he  not  recommend  notice  to  be  given  to  Great 
;  Britain  for  the  lerminalion  of  the  joint  occupation? 
that  we  should  occupy,  lo  n  certain  extent,  the  ter- 
ritory, and  erect  stockades  and  forls.'     He  said 
!  that  the  negoliation  was  at  an  end;  and  yet  we 
I  were  to  ask  the  President,  was  it  time  to  net!    The 
Senator  from    North    Carolina    appealed   to   his 
friends  to  stand  by  him  in  rejecting  these  resolu- 
tions; but  he  (.Mr.  II.)  called  on  him,  as  main- 
mining  llie  principles  of  the  Baltimore  Convention, 
to  stand  by  the  iirodaniation  of  his  party.     In  the 
same  resnhiiion  Texas  and  Oregon  rose  and  met, 
and   should   be    niainiaiiied.     ^Vere   we  divided 
there?     He  asked   the  Senator   not   to  adhere  to 
men,  but  lo  adhere  to  the  declaralions  of  partv, 
made  in  solemn  convention.     By  this  he  was  wil- 
ling to  live  or  die.     No  compromise  at  forty-nine; 
the  people  in  his  country  would  never  con.sent  to 
such  a  surrender.     He  repealed,  in  the  words  of 
his  resolutions,  that  it  would  be  dishonorable  and 
cowardly  to  surrender. 

In  reply  to  .Mr.  H.^nnf.g  w's  allusion  to  him  as 
the  peculiar  friend  of  the  President,  Mr.  HAY- 
WOOD made  some  further  remarks,  the  substance 
of  which  was,  lliat  it  was  due  lo  the  President  to 
stale  that  he  had  held  no  cimference  with  him;  that 
his  motion  and  his  remarks  were  suggested  alto- 
gether by  the  events  of  the  morning;  and,  in  Irulli, 
he  had  seen  the  President  only  once  since  the  piT- 
seni Congress  cmnmenced,  excepting  when  he  paid 
Ihe  fornail  visit  lo  his  family,  customary  among 
Senators  upon  their  first  arrival.  It  was  due  lo  the 
.Senator  from  Indiana,  luuvever,  thai  he  should  ad- 
mit that  he  (.Mr.  Havivooo)  was  a  " pecniinr  friend 
of  the  President  ;*^  thai  he  was  the  President's 
friend,  and  Presidents  and  other  politicians  between 
the  capes  which  bounded  ibis  District,  he  had  found 
out,  had  few,  very  few,  sixrF.nr.  friends.  Where- 
fore, lo  be  a  ".viarrrf "  friend  is  to  be  a  "prcii/iflr" 
friend  of  the  President,  and  doubtless  the  Senator 
knew  that  meaniiig  of  the  word,  and  in  that  sense 
he  had  corrccdy  applied  it. 


NATURALIZATION  LAWS. 
SPEECH  OF  HON.  LEWIS  C.  LEVIN, 

OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 
Iv  THE  Hnt'sE  OF  Rephesentatives, 
Deeemlier  IH,  184.'), 
On  a  motion  for  a  Select  Cmnmilllee,  with  iiistriic- 
lions,  lo  iiu|uire  whether  any  alterations    were 
required  in  our  jueseni   naliiraliziuion  laws,  for 
the  proleciion  of  American  insliliitions. 
.Mr.    LIJVIN   said:    The   gentleman   w':..    last 
occupieil  the  lloor  has  been  anxious  '.i  proclaim 
the  dentil  of  Native  Anit:ricanism      Sir,    it   is  a 
principle  that  can  never  die.     Il  's  pan  and  panel 
ol'lbe  i-mintry  itself,  and  as  natar.vl  to  our  soil  as 
the  moiinlains  lliat  rise  in  the  diM.ds,  or  the  rivers 
that  walir  lair  plains.     The  prii.ciple  which  binds 
us  logelher  is  one  so  irresistibly  allractive,  as  to 
promise  us  a  large  majority  of  ll  e  people  of  these 
Uiiili-'d  Slates  as  friends  and  sup:iorters — arrayed 
in  the  armor  of  truth,  and  iiispir  -d  by  the  enlliii- 
siusm  of  patriotism.     That  principle,  sir,  is  a  liv- 
ing iiriiiciple.     It  is  no  abstrai'tisn.     It  is  an  em- 
liudied    vitality  of  all  that   is  pure   in   life,    lofty 
in  pttlriolisin,  and  sublime  in  achievement.     It  is 


W 


1845.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


47 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Naturalization  Laws — Mr.  Levin. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


inn  to  liim  ns 
,  Mr.  IIAY- 

llii'  siibsinnce 

President  to 

111  liini;  that 

iji;este(l  nltn- 

il,  in  triuli, 

nee  the  pre- 

■  en  he  pnid 

miirv  iiniiiiig 

due  tn  the, 

sinuihl  f\\\~ 

illav  ffiejid 

IVcsidenl's 

ns  between 

lind  toiiiid 

Where- 

'*;jfrn/irtr" 

'le  Scimtor 

titat  st'iKse 


IVES, 

■itli  instnie- 
linnfl  were 
n  laws,  fur 

':..  last 
•  t  )irtti'lfutn 
ir,  it  is  a 
and  pan-el 
lur  »r)il  an 
■  the  rivem 
hieli  liinilH 
live,  as  to 
le  of  ihcne. 
1 — arrayiil 
the  cnihn- 
r,  is  a  liv- 

is  an  ini- 
lile,    loCly 

lit.     it  m 


identified  with  the  birlli  of  the  Republic — the  day- 
flash  of  our  liberty — the   maturity  of  our  inde- 
pendence, and  the  e.stablishnient  of  our  glorious 
Constitution.      It  is   n^eoniiiscd   as  fame.      It  is 
eonsecmted  as  clory'.     The  farmer  at  his  plough 
fiel.s  it.'j  warmth  in  his  heart.     The  boy  at  school, 
a.s   his   peach-lilnoiu    cheek    flushes    with    pride, 
shoots   a  l)r;shter   (j'ance  from   his   eye,  at   the 
ihounht  of  the  name,  that  is  itself  that  principle, 
and  which  equally  defies  slander,  repels  calumny, 
con(|uers  argument,  and  soars  above  scorn,  con- 
tempt, and  hatred.     Is  it  ncces.sary  that  I  should 
mention  the  name,  when  there  is  but  one  that  cor- 
responds with  the  defiiiitiini.'    And  yet,  so  lieavjr 
liave  become  the  foreit;n  mists  that  obscure  men  s 
minds,  who  lose  all  jiride  of  the  past  in  the  selfish-  ji 
ness  of  the  present,  that  I  find  myself  conslrained  'j 
to  give  breath  to  a  cliai-m  that  sliiUl  usher  our  ad- 1 
versaries  into  the   very  flood  of  noonday  light,  i 
The  name,  sir,  that  einiiodiesour  principles  is  that  | 
of  George  Washington!     If,  then,  any  discredit  i 
can  attach  to  being  a  Native  Americon,  I  for  one 
jilcad  guilty,  and  fling  myself  upon  the  mercy  of 
an  age  n^creant  to  the  principles  of  the  Revolution, 
and  dead  to  the  claims  of  country.     Will  those 
who  jirefer  to  worship  the  Pagan  idols  of  foreign 
altars  (I  speak  jiolitieally)  show  mercy  to  one  who  i 
claims  the  feelings  and  .lympatliies  incident  to  a  ] 
fellowship  of  birthright  with  George  Washington  i 
— one  vvho  dare,  without  quailing  before  ridicule,  j 
or  blushing  at  the  ribald  icst  of  the  infidel  scorner,  1 
lay  his  hand  u))on  the  Dible  as  the  rock  of  his  J 
faith,  and  hold  the  Constitulion  lo  his  heart  as  the  i 
monitor  of  his  political  duty — one  who,  whatever  : 
may  be  bis  Pate  on   this  stage  of  action,  is  con-  ■ 
tent  to  abide  by  the  verdict  of  u  tribunal  in  which  ! 
human  frailty  has  no  share. 

As  Native  .Americans,  we  desire  to  erect  nddi-  j 
tional  bulwarks  for  the  protection  of  American  ' 
institutions  from  foreign  influence;  and  no  sooner 
is  the  proposition  malic,  than  we  are  told  that  we  ! 
are  indebted  to  that  very  foreign  influence  for  tiie  | 
birth  of  American  freedom.    The  gentleman  from 
Maryland  [Mr.  Gii.es]  reminds  u.s  of  a  debt  of! 
gratitude  we  owe  to  France,  for  her  friendly  aid  ; 
in  achieving  our  independence!     Ha.s  the  gentle-! 
man  forgouen  that   Krancc  has  been  paid  some  j 
fifty  millions  of  dollars  for  all  her  services,  out  of 
the  spoliations  of  her  cruisers  on  American  com-  ; 
nierce;  that  the  brave  Lafayette  has  been  enriched 
by  our  bounty;  and  that  money  and  pensions  have  ', 
been  liberally  showered  upi"<  all  foreigners  worthy 
of  that  bounty?    As  far,  tlun,  as  foreign  aid  eon- 
tributed  to  our  independence,  it  has  been  repaid 
with  a  generosity  without  u  parallel  in  the  history 
iif  nations,  and  to  an  extent  that  leaves  not  much  ] 
for  the  parties  to  boast  of  on  the  score  of  disin-  ! 
terested  chivalry  or  heroic  lov.  of  freedom,  so  well 
paiil  for  has  been  every  blow  struck  by  foreigners  ! 
in  the  cause  of  our  independence.     AVhi'ii  grati-  ' 
tude,  then,  is  appealed  to  as  a  sentiment  whose  ] 
force  ought  to  disarm  justice,  reverse  the  decisions  ; 
of  reasnii,  and  peivcrt  the  true  American  policy  - 
friiiii   the  attituilc  of  .self-defence  rgaiiLst   foreigii  ' 
coniiuninalion,  let  us  not  forget  that  all  its  romance  ; 
has  vanished    in   the  jingling  pur.ic   that  has   so  ! 
amply  paid  for  what  eventually  resolved  itself  into  , 
a  mercenary  .service.     1  now  speak  ol  France,  and 
the  foreiuiu  oflicers  paid  for  their  services.     With  ' 
no  ccminiou  plen.surc  do   I  recurd   Lifayette  as  a 
i:lorious  excepliun  lo    the    rule.     With  generous 
ardor  did  he  sacriliee  in  the  cause   of  American 
fieedom;  with  generous  ardor  our  proud  Uepulilic 
has  repaid  the  voluniary  homage  of  his  virtuous 
(levoiii)n   to  the  cause  of  human  rights.     What, 
then,  is    ijur   debt  of  gralilude  to  forei''ners  Ibr 
American   indi'pendence?     An   account    hi-.s  been 
nnilered,  and  the  balance  sirnek;  a  receipi  in  \\\\\ 
has  passed   beuveeii  us;  and   yet,  after  this  plain 
iiiercaalile  transaction,  we  are  orten  n'mindicl  of 
the  debt  of  trratitude  we  owe  lo  the  Old  World  for 
Ainerie.'ui  iVeedoin.     I  low  nicMislnius  the  paradox, 
that  till'  New  World  should   be  indebted  to  the 
CM  IVoild  for  .\iiiericau  freedom!     Let  us  look 
at  this  .|Ues'ioM  in  ils  actual  relations. 

Tie  tpiarrel  of  the  nionarchs  of  Kurope  brought 
'IS  I'l-anci- as  an  illy,  not  because  lier  king  cuulil 
feel  or  fight  for  freedom,  (for  the  idea  is  preposter- 
lais  and  absurd,  that  a  king  would  prepare  iheele- 
iiienls  of  desiriiciion  for  the  overthrow  of  bis  own  ' 
throne,)  but  becaii.se  he  did  feel  hatred  of  a  rival 
monarchy  (Liiijland)^  tuid   »ou;;hl  to   crush  her. 


Who  before  has  ever  pretended  that  wlien  France 
sent  Ik  armies  to  tliis  country  she  so  acted  from 
love  of  liberty,  instead  of  hatred  of  England }  A 
boy  at  the  first  form  would  spurn  the  ridiculous 
idea  that  France,  an  absolute  monarchy  of  feudal 
origin,  would  engage  in  our  battles  of  freedom 
from  love  of  those  principles  that  must  eventually 
undermine  her  own  despotism.  liut  it  may  be 
said  tlint  there  is  a  .-ientiiiieiit  of  gratitude  iu  every 
human  breast,  which,  rising  superior  to  oil  merce- 
nary considerations,  ennobles  him  who  feels  it. 
No  doubt  there  is  such  a  sentiment.  Sacred  be  its 
throbs !  But  who  will  urge  such  a  scmiment  as  uii 
argument  for  the  destruction  of  his  country 's  inde- 
pendence, or  the  overthrow  of  the  rights  of  mail  1 
Shall  this  sentiment  urge  us  to  the  adoration  ol" 
nionarcI:y  ?  Shall  this  sentiment  wean  us  from  the 
homage  iliat  every  republican  pays  to  iVeedom.' 
On  the  contrary,  the  heart  that  swells  with  grati- 
tude is  the  lietirt  that  burns  with  patriotism,  Uajm 
at  the  thought  of  freedom,  and  would  sooner  [ler- 
isli  than  yield  one  jot  of  that  freedom  to  a  foreigii 
cabal. 

Since  our  last  national  conflict  with  England,  the 
nionarchs  of  Europe  have  changed  their  tactics, 
not  abandoned  their  object,  invulnerable  as  they 
have  found  us  to  be,  to  all  their  belligerent  assaults 
by  physical  power,  they  have  since  resorted  to  a 
moral  and  political  warlare,  to  compel  our  free  in- 
stitutions to  conform  to  their  feudal  tstablishmenls. 
The  conflict  is  the  same;  but  the  weapons  used 
are  new  ones — the  ballot-box,  the  naturlizatiun 
law,  and  u  class  alien  vote — all  of  which  can 
achieve  greater  destruction  than  their  armies  or 
their  navies.  Am  t  asked,  how  is  this  manifested  .- 
i  answer,  in  the  moral  impression  made  on  the 
minds  of  the  peojile  who  are  hourly  brought  to 
sympathize  with  foreign  monarchies, and  to  esteem 
the  royalist,  hot  from  the  ulinosphere  of  thrones 
us  equal  to — nay,  as  superior — to  the  native-born 
American,  iiur.sed  in  the  lap  and  nourished  from 
the  bo.som  of  Democratic  institutions!  Yes,  supe- 
rior— lor  that  is  the  term  iniule  use  of  to  the  native ; 
because,  as  the  genileinun  from  Maryland  had  as- 
serted, "the  idien  is  a  citizen  from  choice;"  and 
choice  implies  preference  of  a  Republic,  which  im- 
plies sujierior  virtue  and  patriotism.  Now,  sir, 
are  aliens  citizens  by  choice .'  To  make  aliens 
"  citizens  by  choice,''  they  must  luive  no  motives 
of  a  compulsory  character  to  drive  them  from  ilieir 
native  homes  to  seek  a  fore  i::.i,  .strange,  and  re- 
mole  land.  Eveiy  circuin.st.uei'  of  moral  enjoy- 
ment and  physical  enniforl  luusi  be  equal  to  w  ii'ia 
they  expect  to  liiid  in  this  country,  to  consti- 
tute choice.  W  nation  of  Euro|ie  presents 
an  e(|ualily  wii:  i  nited  .'Slates,  in  any  of  the 
rationid  bles.siii,  i  uii  I  know  of  iicne.  The 
epicure  of  London,  nr  uounnand  of  Puis,  may 
prefer  them  for  the  dib  .i  ;.  ^  of  the  table;  and 
1  am  ready  to  confes.s  th.ii  epicures  do  not  swell 
the  tide  of  foreign  emigration  m  Uie  present  era 
of  our  history.  The  philosophei.s,  uiUMnarians, 
and  literati  of  Euro]ie,  may  cling  to  tin  n  moss- 
covered  Museums — to  l^ion,  Cambridge,  and  Ox- 
Ibrd — with  reverential  Ibndness ;  and,  perhaps, 
ill  ancient  lore  and  modern  cookery,  we  may 
rank  even  inferior  to  I'"rance  and  liritain.  l!ut 
in  all  that  ennobles  the  human  mind — in  all  that 
sheds  the  halo  of  true  glory  around  the  brow 
lit'  inan,  standing  erect  iu  all  ihe  god-like  dignity 
of  freedom,  i  challenge  any  ciaintry  upon  earth  to 
show  her  claim  to  an  equality  with  the  United 
Slates  of  North  America.  Bui  this  is  the  feeblest 
point  in  the  whole  argument.  ?Ian  must  eat  first, 
and  think  iit'ier  .raids.  Show  -.e  a  nation  on  the 
I'lce  of  the  earth  where  mankind  can  obtain  so 
111  uiidantly  all  the  cumt'oris  of  life,  at  so  little  cost 
of  i.-.b.-,  a.s  in  the  I'niud  States,'  Show  me  any 
nation  of  Europe  where  the  mass  of  population 
do  not  sull'er  for  want  of  subsistence,'  Here  is  the 
grand  necessity  which  drives  the  swarms  of  Eu- 
rope to  our  shores.  Is  not  this  necessity-  The 
vorsl  of  1,11  necessities — tlie  physical  force  of 
famine.  Can  such  men  say  they  come  here  from 
"  choice  " — from  love  of  lli'eedom,  or  IVom  love  of 
bread  ?  We  may  pity  their  destitution,  but  Heaven 
save  us  from  lavishing  ridiculous  apphiuse  upon 
their  patriotism  for  having  chosen  this  country  as 
their  abode.  In  the  time  of  Mr.  Jell'erson's  ad- 
minialration,  what  was  the  general  impulse  that 
drove  Ibieiijneis  lo  emigrate  from  Europe  to  this 
coiuilry?    It  was  not  "  choice,"  but  political  per- 


secution. The  French  Revolution  had  kindled  n 
blaze  of  liberty  oround  every  European  throne. 
The  emigrant  came  to  our  shores  then,  as  a  refuge 
from  the  fiery  persecution  of  kings,  whose  crowiiH 
had  been  made  to  tremble  on  their  brows.  It  was 
not  "choice,"  however,  but  necessity.  If  they 
lemaiiicd,  their  heads  would  have  been  brought  to 
llie  block,  where  the  bloody  axe  of  the  executioner 
was  eager  for  the  work  of  death.  Could  a  more 
dire  or  cruel  case  of  necessity  exist.'  Yet  they 
made  their  own  welcome  by  their  love  of  republi- 
can principles;  they  had  ventured  all  their  deiircBt 
hopes  at  home,  to  establish  Hec  government  on  a 
sublime  basis,  and  they  came  among  us  then,  not 
to  infect,  to  disturb,  or  undermine  our  institutions, 
but  to  cement,  confirm,  and  strengthen  them.  Antl 
many  a  rich  treasure  of  morals,  intellect,  science, 
and  virtue,  did  they  bring  with  them.  The  natu- 
ralization law,  then,  was,  as  it  ought  to  have  been, 
liberal,  free,  and  aflbrding  every  fticility  to  the  ex- 
patriated republican  to  become  one  of  the  sovereign 
people  of  this  great  republic.  But,  alas !  he  had  no 
"  choice."  A  stern  necessity  compelled  him  to  so- 
journ and  abide  in  this  New  World,  at  the  sacrifice 
of  all  those  fand  ties  and  sickening  longings  after 
home,  which  bow  down  even  the  spirits  of  the 
most  depraved,  but  which,  to  the  heart  of  refine- 
ment and  sensibility,  surround  it  with  the  darkest 
clouds  of  wo  and  des[)ondeiiey.  Never,  sir,  never 
did  a  virtuous  man  tear  himself  away  from  tlie 
native  bUss  of  his  homestead  from  "choice." 
There  is  no  such  "patriotism"  in  the  human  bo- 
som. Think  you,  the  pilgrims  of  the  Mayflower 
would  ever  have  touched  I'lyniouth  rock  with  their 
iVail  bar(|ue,  had  England  allbrded  them  a  land  in 
which  liljcrty  of  conscience  could  have  been  en- 
joyed, free  from  the  forfeiture  of  pains,  penalties, 
and  disabilities?  No.  Believe  it  not.  in  all  cases 
of  emigration,  some  sort  of  necessity  begets  the 
impulse — whether  it  be  moral,  physical,  political, 
or  religious.  Danger  of  life,  from  political  |)ow(  r 
—danger  of  suirvation  from  poverty — danger  of 
iinprisoninent  for  non-contbrmity — or  the  certain- 
ty of  degradation  from  the  high  dignity  of  man- 
hood. To  the  visions  of  the  poet,  or  the  dreams 
of  the  orator,  then,  let  us  consign  this  figment  of 
"  choice,"  as  the  feeling  that  impels  the  wanderer 
to  seek  our  shores. 

But  grant  that  some  score  or  two  in  a  thousand 
have  made  this  country  their  abode  from  "choice," 
and  not  from  dread  of  famine  or  lust  of  gold,  what 
does  it  prove?  Does  it  furnish  any  reason  why 
those  who  lire  driven  among  us  from  necessity 
should  contaminate  our  ballot-boxes  by  spurious 
votes,  polled  under  the  dictation  of  foreign  agents? 
There  exists  ni>  rea^"ii  why  we  should  bow  down 
to  foreigii  dictators,  liecause  a  few — a  very  few — 
republicans  liav  made  "  choice"  of  this  country 
for  their  iiboih  -because  they  preferred  a  frceGov- 
erimieul  to  a  royal  tyranny?  No,  sir:  we  have 
no  alii  MS  who  are  citizens  from  "choice."  Abuso 
not  til.  understanding  by  sophistry  so  sirangc — 
pervert  not  the  dignity  of  language  by  urguuient 
so  false  and  untenable. 

But  we  hai  em  lold  that  we  belong  to  a  party 
of  »'  one  idea.  Ir-  ibat  a  re.ison  why  we  should 
11. ii  be  privileged  lo  iiriiig  this  great  subject  ill  pro- 
I"  I  form  to  the  full  consideration  of  the  House? 
*  iie  term  conveys  no  disparagement;  and  if  de- 
igned as  a  sarcasm,  it  has  lost  its  point  in  the 
literal  truth  of  the  praise  that  lies  enveloped  in  its 
meaiiiiiii-.  All  great  aebievenicnis  orii^inate  from 
"one  id'- 1  ''  Our  opponents  may  say  we  have 
but  one.  ,ill  we  refer  such  charges  to  want  of 
■  '  want  of  candor?  The  attainment  and 
lon  of  national  character  is  by  no  nieans 
lib  a."  <-)ii  the  contrary,  it  is  one  of  the 
most  complex  ihat  man  can  conceive,  and  em- 
braces a  coinprehension  and  variety  of  retbrms, 
interests,  principles,  and  measures,  superior  to  all 
other  parlies.  I  thank  the  geiitleinan  from  Mas- 
saehuselis  t"or  drawing  the  line  so  broad  and  deep 
between  "  Whigs"  .-uul  "  Xalive  Aiiiericaus."  1 
well  knew  that,  nolwithslanding  the  patbelic  ap- 
peals so  lately  made  to  llieni  in  the  city  of  Boston, 
no  real  syinpalhy  existed,  or  could  e.xist,  between 
those  who  advocated  -riiE  lUuiITS  of  the  i>f,oi>i.£ 
and  those  who  advocate  the  is'tchests  of  a  I'.vh- 
TY.  Democracy  is  "  one  idea" — the  popular  ele- 
ment in  the  ase.endaiit,  though  it  be  the  foreigii 
eleinenl.  Whigism  is  "  one  idea" — an  arisioeraey 
of  talent,  ur  the  coatiervatisiu  uf  the  iiioueyed  in- 


sen-- 

pi. 


48 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Dec.  18. 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


Jytaturalizaiian  Laws — Mr,  Levin. 


Ho.  or  Ukps. 


tercst.  The  two  old  pnitirs  arc  nioa,  cni|plmlicully 
based  on  "  one  iden."  Mot  so,  liowfer.  il'c.  iNii- 
tive  Anioricn::  Our  great  object  is  to  attain  to 
unity  of  national  oliaracler;  and  -xa  necessary  to  ] 
tlmt  end,  we  enibnire  every  measure  and  policy  i 
decidedly  American,  or  llial  can,  in  the  most  remote  \ 
dcrce,  contrilinle  lo  establish  the  nationid  charac- 
ter. AVe  go  for  everything  Amcric^in  in  contra- 
distinction to  everything  foreign.  That,  too,  may 
be  called  "one  iaca;"  but  It  is  a  glorious  idea.  I 
For  seven  years  Washington  and  Ilia  copatriols 
battled  through  blood,  carnage,  and  intense  sufl'er- 
ing  for  "  one  idea;"  and  they  at  least  accomplished 
the  great  nehievement  which  gained  us  national  , 
independence,  sell'-governmenl,  a  free  eni|iire,  re- 
ligious and  civil  freedom,  ni>'.;.  the  glorious  fabric 
of  an  eternal  Republic.  The.^e,  sir,  were  the  noble 
fruits  to  be  reaped  from  sowing  "  one  idea."  I  ac- 
knowledge that  the  Native  Americans  do  cherish 
one  idea  of  the  character  I  have  just  described,  that 
generates  a  thoiLiand.  A  gencralive  idea,  sir,  is  the 
test  of  a  great  and  growing  partv.  Apply  ours  to 
any  .sound  sul<jecl,  and  it  wu'  i  rodnce  fruit  gratify- 
ing lo  the  luari  of  every  Aineiic«:i.  If  our  na- 
tional charactiT  is  perfect,  we  sliall  want  nothing 
to  add  to  its  lustre.  If  it  be  del'cclive,  we  shall 
require  every  aid  that  patriotism  can  devise.  Is 
our  national  character  perfect  ?  Are  our  free  in- 
8tilutions  pla"ed  beyond  danger  ol*  corruption  ? 
Has  liurope  ceased  to  lust  after  our  Government, 
or  aim  at  our  subjugation?  Do  the  jiotentates  of 
the  Did  World  plot  and  conspire  to  induenc;  our 
destiny  na  a  nation  ■  .Vrc  we  cerinin  that  our 
children  will  inherit  the  blessings  of  frcedinn  bc- 
(Ueathed  to  them  l)y  their  lathers.'  Is  our  .'onsti- 
Inlion  placed  above  the  danger  of  subversion  by 
the  influx  of  that  hnnle  of  aliens,  who  coi;ibine 
to  break  down  its  bairicrs,  \liat  they  may  ciim- 
niand  iii  the  cil.idel,  or  overrun  the  land-  And  do 
you  propose  to  siille  inrpiiry  on  questions  liki' 
iliese,  and  iheji,  in  jusiilicaiion  of  yonranii-Ameri- 
ean  coui-se,  tell  us  that  we  bchuig  to  a  party  of 
'*  one  idea  r"  Yes,  sir;  we  have  one  great  leading 
idea  on  ail  great  tpieslions  involving  free  institu- 
tions, as  well  as  nalion;\l  policy,  whicli,  when 
traced  to  iis  root.s,  or  followed  out  in  .all  its  rami- 
fications, ia  Ibnnd  to  embrace  the  perfection  of 
every  science  and  principle,  every  art  and  scheme  i 
of  life,  lliai  stamps  man  as  an  immortal  and  re- 
sponsible bein^.  Other  ))arlies,  sir,  may  iioast  ; 
their  ten  thousand  ideas  of  imbecility  aial  corrnp- 
tiiin.  We  boast  of  but  one;  and  that  one,  thank 
God,  is  honest,  wise,  benevolent,  coinpreheneive; 
and  last,  not  least,  American.  Hut,  even  on  the 
snppositioti  that  we  aimed  at  but  one  idea — the  ex- 
tension of  the  naturalization  law  to  twenty-one 
years — still  that  would  not  subject  ns  to  the  iinpu- 
t  itlon  of  on"  idea;  for  such  a  law  involves  more 
ideas  thac.  some  "tf  our  opponents  appear  able  to 
cnmpre'iend.  Not  that  1  am  disiiosed,  Mr.  Speaker, 
to  taltj  the  imputation  asaiell  uiscredilablc.  When 
Newton  felt  the  apple  fall  on  his  head,  it  struck 
hin'.  lilerallv  with  "ime  idea;"  and  that  led  to  the 
wliole  fabric  of  philosophy  that  bears  the  illus- 
trious name  of  the  di.scoverer,  and  has  made  us  all 
fatniliar  with  the  physical  laws  itf  nature. 

Does  not  a  na'nralizatlon  law  extend  to  the  idea 
of  the  ballot-bffX?  Does  not  that  ideagenerate  the 
idea  of  the  good  citizen,  of  the  sound  republican, 
of  the  glorious  patriot?  Never — oh,  never  say 
ftM;;ht  airainst  the  one  idea,  when  it  cotulucts  ns  to 
HO  sublime  a  result,  which  clusters  around  us  in 
one  overpowering  and  resplendent  halo  all  the 
brilliant  renown  of  .\tlietis  and  Lacedeuum — of 
Venice  in  her  palmy  days,  and  ('artlmse  in  her 

fu'ide  of  poucr.  Never  let  the  feeble  voice  of  man 
)e  raised  airaiiisi  "  one  idea,"  when  he  remembers 
the  great  conception  that,  at  the  fiat  of  Jeho\ali, 
usiuTcd  tt  universe  into  existence,  and  suiriled  cre- 
ntion  by  the  glittering  image  of  its  own  beauty. 

Do  you  expect  to  ridicule  a  man  out  of  love  of 
country,  by  telling  him  he  belongs  to  a  party  of 
"one  idea?"  No  man  loves  bis  eoiinlry  less  for 
that.  Vou  may  tell  him  for(--ver  that  he  belongs  to 
the  "one  idea"  party,  but  he  will  Hlill  prefer  his 
own  country  to  foreign  kInu'S  and  tiireigii  king- 
ilonis.  The  "  one  idea"  that  suggested  ridicule  or 
ealmnny  to  the  foreign  party,  to  juit  down  Native 
Ainericanisin,  sir,  is  an  aljortion.  It  is  not  half 
an  idea. 

If  one  idea  can  disenthral  this  great  ccmiuiy  from 
tli«  vawalujfe  in  which  llie  foreign  vute  binds  it  tu 


I'lurope,  it  will  do  more  than  nil  the  myriads  of 
ideas  ever  engendered  by  our  opponents.  The 
value  of  any  principle  ia  to  be  tested  by  its  ea|m- 
city  to  prouuce  grand  results.  Imbecility  never 
prodnceu  one  idea'  so  vast  as  that  we  act  ujioii. 
The  eternity  of  freedimi  is  not  the  coneeplion  of  a 
party  of  a  iay,  or  one  that  will  be  likely  to  aban- 
don its  object,  either  from  the  fli^^pancy  id"  s.areasm, 
or  the  murderous  muzzle  of  foreign  rilles.  Aa  well 
might  you  call  the  whole  North  Amerienn  conti- 
nent one  idea,  and  laugh  at  it,  as  apply  that  term 
to  Native  Americans  with  a  sneer  c;  derision.  We 
aspire  to  be  identical  with  the  country.  VVc  aim 
to  convert  the  whole  population  to  our  Washington 
creed,  because  it  was  the  creed  of  Washington, 
and  because  it  'in'nis  the  letter  and  spirit  of  our 
glorious  Coiistit<'iion. 

To  find  how  tl.is  one  idea  is  cherished  by  the 
American  people,  you  must  go  among  our  mothers 
and  their  daughters,  our  fathers  and  their  sons — 
not  among  babbling  politicians  and  noisy  dema- 
gogues. It  is  jH'cnIiarto  the  tainily  circle  ;  it  ,..  the 
darling  and  cherished  principle  of  the  doincsiic,  tire- 
':ide.  The  tnrithersatid  daughters  of  America  have 
been  fa>liiiiiicd  too  niucli  in  the  mould  of  the  hero- 
ines of  '7(i  to  become  allVighted  at  an  imaginary 
evil,  or  warn  their  country  of  a  peril  not  real  and 
menacing.  Was',  with  them  Native  Americanism 
is  not  one  idea — one  sensation — one  me.asnro. 
Tho.sc  who  have  wept  over  the  dead  bodies  of  their 
sons  ruthlessly  slaughli '.'cd  by  the  rifles  of  foreign 
desjieradoes,  teel  that  a  worlii  ot  tlion;:lit — a  world 
of  emotion — .t  world  of  agony — of  hope,  and  ex- 
pectation, are  all  embraced  in  the  cause  of  that 
freedom,  to  maintain  which  sent  their  children  to 
a  premature  anil  bloody  grave.  Is  there  matter 
for  fri'.rid  s.ircasm  in  the  martyrdom  of  ti'ii  Ameri- 
can citizens,  iinniolated  on  the  alter  id'  our  consli- 
tntional  freedom?  I  trust  not.  I  trust  that  )iarty 
spirit,  however  fierce  in  its  rage  to  seize  ihe  spoils, 
or  beat  down  an  adversary,  has  not  yet  become  so 
relentless  and  nnreleiuiiig. 

The  gentlenian  from  Alabama  has  likened  our 
cau.se  to  that  of  abolition.  Is  this  charge  ju.st?  Is 
it  true?  Abolition  scei.<  lo  overthrow  an  institution 
which  exists  under  the  Constitution,  and  which 
abolition  is  willing  to  overleap.  Native  Americau- 
isin  seeks  to  defend  every  instit.ilioii  that  exist.s 
under  that  glorious  Constitution,  which  we  vene- 
rate as  the  ark  of  our  political  eovcicii.l.  Surely 
the  geiitli'iuan  from  Alabama  has  iioi  been  made 
acquainted  wiili  the  origin  of  the  .N.itive  American 
movement  in  that  State  which  I  have  the  honor  to 
represent  in  part.  A  I'oreign  dcmagogne  addres.ses 
a  political  missive  to  a  cert/iin  body  of  so-called 
American  citizens,  banded  together  a."  a  distinct 
political    organization,  and    tells    them,  "  Wiikhe 

vou  HAVE  lllE  ELKCrlVK  rilANClilSE,  lilVE  Vol  II 
VOTES     TO     NOSE     BIT     THOSE     WHO     WIl.l,     ASSIST 

vol-  IX  CAnnvixo  otT  the  intentio.vs  " — of  wlii" 
The  American  Cimsiitution?  01i,in)!  Of  v  ' 
American  freedom  ?  Oli,nol  Hut  poll  you  .  -S 
to  carry  out  the  intentions  of  a  foreign  Uedpoi, 
who  aims  m  the  overthrow  of  American  iiisii- 
lutions.  Was  it  a  crime,  sir,  for  Native  Ame- 
ricana to  repel  this  iu;gression,and  proclaim  to  the 
world  that  no  foreign  potentate,  or  a','int,  or  dem- 
agogue, slionld  invade  the  eonstilutioiial  righi 
of  any  portion  of  our  American  populaimn?  Ami 
now,  sir,  when  we  propose  to  eri'ct  In  Iwarka  in 
defi'iice  of  .\mericaii  rights,  American  hi-iilutions, 
and  the  American  Consiilntimi,  a  spuriuns  appeal 
is  made  in  behalf  of  Ihe  lianil'  .1  loreis;n  hgnm, 
and  We  are  asked  to  substitute  iiie  liberal  spirit  of 
the  IJi'claration  of  American  Independence  for  the 
venerated  charier  of  our  republican  rights.  This 
sugirestion  has  long  since  been  made  by  the  dema- 
gogue of  Kurope  to  whom  I  have  alliided,  and  1 
lilnsli  to  find  it  re-echoed  on  our  republican  shores. 
l\y  which  doi'innent  are  we  bound  as  citizens  of 
these  Uiiiteil  Suites?  The  Deilaration  of  Ameri- 
can Independence  is  an  exposition  of  the  rights  of 
in:in,  which  applies  to  the  whole  human  fitnily. 
The  ('onslilntion  ia  a  settled  system  of  (ioverii- 
iiient  for  tlii'  .^lnericall  people  o^ily.  The  cry 
raised  here  of  natural  rigiits,  under  an  organized 
Government,  is  little  betier  than  the  ravings 
of  Insanity.  Natural  rights  are  the  ollspring  of 
revolution,  that  struggle  through  ananhy  to  set- 
lled  system  of  law.  Nations  have  a  natural  right 
to  independence,  but  individuals  under  an  organ- 
ized Uuveriiniuiit  can  claim  iiu  rights  nut  tiiibruced 


in  their  legal  institutions.  Life,  liberty,  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness,  arc  recognized,  ilefined,  and 
limited  by  the  law.  All  such  fallacies  produce 
mischief,  Mr.  Sjieaker,  and  none  more  than  that 
which  supposes  iintiiralizalion  to  be  n  right,  a 
boon,  or  a  favor  granted  to  the  alien.  No  alien 
has  a  right  to  naturalization;  neither  is  it  granted 
aa  a  boon.  We  grant  it  in  self-defenre,  as  a  pro- 
tection to  Amerienn  instilutiona;  it  is  one  of  the 
political  fortifications  of  our  free  system  of  Gov- 
ernment; it  is  a  Bunker-Hill  entrenchment  to  repel 
foreign  a.ssaull.  Kxcliision  ia  the  original  object  of 
naturalization — not  admission  lo  citizenship;  fiir, 
if  that  were  the  object,  we  should  have  no  natural- 
ization laws;  in  which  ease,  nil  fmeigncrs  won'il 
become  American  citizens  the  m  nuiu  they  lai..i- 
ed  on  our  sliorea.  To  picviin  ,:s  universal  ad- 
mission lo  citizenship,  we  fnoae  naturalization 
laws,  and  preacribe  forma  that  o|ierate  as  a  cluck 
upon  the  inlerferenee  of  foreigners  in  our  instilu- 
tiona. At  theepoch  of  the  Federal  convenlioii,  the 
broad  line  was  drawn  between  native  Aniericnns 
and  foreign  emigrants.  The  Consiiiution,  while. 
it  prescrilied  nativity  as  the  qualific.alion  of  our 
American  rulerb,  also  vealcd  in  Congress  the  power 
to  pass  uniform  laws  o(  naturalization  as  cnrres- 
])onding  checks  and  supports  of  the  preeedenen 
given  lo  natives  in  the  first  and  Kecoiiilary  oCb'es 
of  tl.;- Republic.  Why,  I  ask,  was  this  p  -,  > 
ves  ed  ii  Congress?  Cciainly  to  protect  Ameri- 
eai  inst  Intiona  from  foreign  influence — to  secure 
<J  mgres<IVoin  foreign  inflneiiee — lo  prevent  aliens 
from  filling  Ihe  oflicesof  the  Republic — and  lo  pre- 
V  .t  the  Siates  from  naturalizing  alii^ns  to  suit  the 
cupidity,  ambition,  and  intrigue  of  local  dema- 
gogues. 

Hill,  sir,  I  have  no  desire  nl  thia  time  to  enter 
into  the  merits  of  the  question,  or  enlarge  upon 
the  argument  which  I  hope  lo  make,  when  the 
question  is  brought  in  proper  form  before  the  full 
consideration  of  the  llonse.  I  cannot,  however, 
refrain  from  noiicing  the  remarks  of  the  honoralili- 
geiulemaii  fVoni  I'eunsylvania,  [.\Ir.  HauDiiKAD,) 
Vlio  seems  to  have  mistaken  my  vehenicnee  for 
"  menace."  With  me,  sir,  that  vehemence  iscon- 
stiiutioual.  I  was  born  in  a  sunny  clime — in  the 
good  old  Slate  of  South  Carolina,  whose  sons, 
find  them  where  yiai  may,  are  distinguished  aa 
much  for  magiiiiiiimity  of  heart  as  for  vehemence 
of  manner.  This  was  manifest  ill  the  position  oc- 
cupied by  the  honorable  gentleman  who  represenl.s 
.\labaina,  |.\lr.  Yancey,]  who,  although  o|)po.sed 
to  onr  principles,  is  yet  willing  to  give  us,  as  Aini'- 
ricaiia,  a  fair  opporliiiiily  of  bringing  the  (pieslion 
before  the  House.  To  me,  sir,  it  is  n  source  of 
regret  that  we  cannot  have  his  powerful  aid  in  the 
advocacy  of  our  noble  cau.se,  accuston.ed  as  he  is 
to  fling  out  Ilia  intellectual  treasures  with  a  lavi.sh- 
ness  th.il  knows  no  limit — hanging,  like  the  soiilli- 
ern  sun,  a  jewel  on  every  grass-blade,  and  solving 
the  earth  at  large  with  orient  pearl. 

Sir,  I  bring  no  charge  of  warmth  or  vehemence 
of  manner  against  the  honorable  geiitlemai  from 
Pennsylvania;  for  his  manner  is  eidd  and  iVosly- 
spiriied,  his  cli-arness  wintry  and  congi  ale.l — his 
(it  lings  apparenlly  on  one  side,  and  Ins  reiisons  on 
till'  other.  If  the  gentleman  supposes  ine  to  be 
a  political  gladiator,  l;e  ha.:  wronged  :n2  indeed. 
I  have  no  fi-clings  Si  j;ra'.ify  on  this  floor,,  save 
iliose  which  sprim,  froi';  lovi'  of  country,  t  .seek 
iHr  revenge  on  men.  I  desire  to  inflict  no  pang  on 
any  huiii:ui  hcirt  from  uiinlon  sport  or  lust  of  ven- 
geance. IJiii  truth,  freedinn,  and  country,  inuRt 
and  shall  be  defended  at  every  peril — though  not 
at  my  hands  by  any  weapon  common  lo  the  mid- 
night assassin,  the  ocean  pirate,  in-  the  eastern 
thug.  I  acorn  to  rail  like  wanton  women,  or  vi- 
tuperate like  aii:ry  school-boys.  I  delest  tlifi 
poisoned  dagger — I  lo.iihe  to  slab  in  the  back  as 
much  as  1  do  the  sneer  of  hiilred  that  conies  dis- 
guised under  ihe  hypocritical  smile  of  afi'ectiMl 
amenity  or  false-hearted  good  nature.  For  such 
weapons  i  have  neither  l.istf  nor  iiicliiiatioii. 
When  I  cannot  li- ''lid  a  measure  successfully  on 
ils  intrinsic  men  .  I  will  abandon  it.  When  I 
cannot  oppose  a  |tcruicions  pnmet  w  itliout  resort- 
ing lo  personal  invective.  I  will  yield  lo  the  lor- 
reiil  ol  error,  till  I'fleclioii,  awakiiiing  remorse  in 
the  guilty,  shall  iiMilfcr  atoiiennnl  for  ihe  wrong. 

Uiit  to  ret'ini  1(1  the  subject.  Sir,  when  1  ask  the 
House  for  tin  jiassiige  of  this  resolution,  it  is  not  on 
the  cuniinon  ^louiids  that  relate  tu  fraud,  jiei  jury ,  ur 


?!-' 


[Dec.  18. 


1845.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOHE. 


49 


,  OF  Reps. 

ibcrty,  and  llio 
nil,  ilefiiiod,  and 
iillncica  produre 
!  iiioro  tliiiii  thnt 
I  1)1!  a  risli'i  11 
ilicn.  N"  iilicn 
her  is  it  fjmntcd 
?f«Mice,  an  a  pro- 
it  is  one  of  tlin 
fystcm  of  Oov- 
icliinciit  to  rrprl 
iri^iiml  ohjecl  of 
citizcnsliip;  for, 
Imvc  no  nalural- 
nrriifiicrs  woii'il 
niiril  they  huni- 
is  universal  ad- 
'  naturahzatlon 
crate  as  a  check 

I  in  our  institu- 
convenlion,  llin 

itive  Americans 
istilution,  whili!a 
liHcation  of  our 
iijress  the  power 
nation  as  corres- 

tlie  nri'ccdencn 
ecoiidary  ol'ices 
vas  thin  p  V,  I 
)  protect  Anieri- 
lence — to  Neciirn 
o  prevent  aliens 
ilic — .uu!  to  prc- 
liens  to  suit  the 

of  local  dema- 

lis  time  to  enter 
:>r  enlarfje  upon 
nakc,  when  I  he 

II  hefore  the  full 
Jinnl,  however, 
iif  tlie  honoralilc 
Ir.  HnuDiiKAD,] 
;  veheinciice  for 
hemcnce  is  con- 
fy  clime — in  tin; 

whose  sons, 
Istingnishcd  as 
for  vehemence 
IP  positifui  oc- 
who  re])rcseiits 
houi;h  ojiposed 
ve  us,  as  Auie- 
^  the  ([ucstion 
is  a  source  of 
erful  aid  in  tlie 
toned  as  he  is 
with  a  lavish- 
like  the  soiilh- 
c,  an  I  soA'intj 

or  veh"rnpnee 
ntlcmjii  from 
Id  anti  frosty- 
ongialcl — his 
Ills  reasoiiN  on 
ISIS  lite  to  In; 
I, I  im  indeed. 
is  lloor,  3uve 
miry.  I  seek 
cl  no  paiii;  on 
or  lu.^1  of  vcn- 
I'ountry,  must 
lhoiu;h  not 
1  to  the  mid- 
tlie  caslern 
voiiicn,  or  vi- 
delcsl  tliR 
1  till!  hack  as 
t  comes  dis- 
of  aH'ccicil 
For  such 
inclination, 
'essfiilly  on 
II.  When  1 
tliout  resort- 
Ill  the  tor- 
j;  remorse  ill 
ilie  wriiiiy;. 
hen  I  ask  the 
11,  it  is  not  on 
I,  perjury,  or 


idTH  CoNO I  ST  SeSS. 


Naturalization  Laws — Mr.  Levin. 


New  Series No.  4. 


■M 


evasion,  or  any  oilier  criminal  corruption  growing  i 
out  of  a  general  law.     But  the  scope  of  the  reso-  j 
hilioii,  which  I  have  the  honor  to  ofl'cr,  reaches  to  | 
a  higher  ]ioini,  and  extends  to  a  wider  limit.     Itji 
proposes  an  impiiry  iiilo  iho  present  relative  influ-  | 
nice  of  the  population  of  Kurope  upon  the  instilu-  i. 
lions  of  this  counlry,in  comparison  with  those  rela-  ;; 
lions  as  they  exisled  in  times  gone  hy — say  forty  i 
years,  or  half  a  ienmrya^;o;  so  I  hat  we  may  distinct- 
ly imderstanil  llie  position  which  llie  fore|c;n  popii-  \\ 
h'llioii  now-  licai-s   to  ours,  and  which  the  I'irciim- j 
Niaiic.es  of  this  eoiiiilry  now  hear  towards  ICiirope.  i 
The  i|uesiioii   is  lii^  with   importance.     Il  caiiiiol 
lie  doiililed  liiit  llirtt  this  iiii|iiirv,  confided  to  com-   ! 
jpeieiii  hands,  will  prove  iniensely  iiilinsiiii!;.    l?ul  ;1 
that  is  a  minor  con.siileration.     Can  il  fail  to  prove  | 
eiuiiieiilly  iisifuir — useful  in  il.s  most  eiilar!;ed  and 
comprehensive  sense?    The  rcvoliiiions  that  occur    : 
umoiie;  nations,  and  their  relative  iullueuce  towards  ;; 
(Mudi  other  during  a  period  of  half  a  century,  are  ; 
loo   sliipeiKloiis  and    slarlliii;,'  lo  he  treiiled   with  '' 
silent   iniliflereiice   or  stolid   aiiathy.      The    wise  i 
siiilcsniau  is  always  awake  to  llic  chiiu'^es  ol'tiiin'.  ., 
lie  who  shimliers  on  them   must  sink  in  the  liil- 
lows  llial  he  (i;;-.lil  lo  ride.    A  loiii,'  period  of  peace, 
unparalleled    ill   ilie    liistory  of  modern    Kurope, 
has  lieeu  slicddiu      ■;..  inlliiences,  lor  good  or  for 
evil,  over  the  i  '  jlinies  id'  llie   world.     Wlielher 
heneficent  or  ol'. orwi.se,  it  has  I'ceii  our  lot  lo  shale 
in  the  results,  monil  and  poliiii'nl,  of  this  triMiieu- 
dous  event.     We  owe  it  to  (uirselvcs  to  inquire 
ill  what  manner  il  has  approached  us,     W(!  owe  it 
to  our  children,  for  wliov-e  lienefit  we  hold  in  tnisl 
their  jtreat  estate  of  freedom.     We  owe  il  to  God, 
who,  ill  his  inlinile  love  and  mercy,  has  eiven  lis 
this  suhliiie  syslcm  of  Irovernmeut  as  a  means  of 
elevaliii!,'  the  human  cliu-acler  to  the  liii;liest  point 
of  perleciioii,  hy  a  full  devi  lopmeiil  of  all  the  lie'-  ' 
villies  of  mail  as  a  rational,  responsilile,  and  si  If- 
j^'U-erned  heinij.     And  here  I  eoiue  lo  the  very  pith 
and  marrow  of  the  whole  ar;:rnment  that  [in  sses 
noon  ihe  niuioii — the  wisdom  and   policy  of  this 
iii'iuiry.     Unlike  the  peojile    of   J'.urope,  we   are 
Kclf-i::ovei'iied,  and  in  all  lliioi^s   v.'e   present,  not 
only  a  perfect  contrast  to  their  eonililimi,  lint  llie  , 
di-'icrrpatcy    hetween   us  leeds    lo   )ierpeiual    col- 
lision, either   moral   or  physical,  and   not   inifre- 
ipiemly  hotli.     This  coiitr.ist   ])ervades  every  re-  i 
l.ilion  of  lili',  2:ovi:rnincnl,  morals,  and  manners.  ; 
A  contrast  like  tlii;',  riiniMii?]:  lliroii*j;li  all   the  va- 
rious and  coin]ilicaied  relations  of  a  country,  must 
necessarily  he  atlendcd  by  a  coiilrasi  of  feeliu;rs, 
opinions,  and  syiupalhies,  and  this,  too,  on  jioinis 
vilally  anectinu;  our  repiihlican  inslilulions.     Willi  \ 
exceptions,   too  frivolous  lo  merit  eoiisid.  ration,  ' 
I'airopc  is  under  llie  iiiiivii.,..!  sw-iy  (,i"kiii;;s,  who 
frovern  by  e.  power  superior  lo,  and  aho\e,  lliiit  of  j 
the  peojiie,  and  wliicn  imposes  u|ion  lliem  the  iron 
feller!  of  abject   shivery,  "divine    riirlit,"     Such 
marked    and    decided    I'ontrast    of  opinion    could 
Iiarlly  fliil  to  be  alleniled  by  collision,  biuli  moral 
I'liii    fdiysical.      Naiionallv,    we    have   seen    this 
111  initesled  in  our  N\'iirs  wlih  Kurope.     In  a  social 
111. .'ion,  we   have  seen   it  displayed  in  the  terrific 
viols  li.  u  have  dehi'i;ed  the  streets  of  onr  cities  in 
blood,     '.'"his  collision  broke  frii^lilfully  upon  our 
Kcnses   w  leii    it   scattered    a  peaceful    mceliui^  of 
American    citizens,    assembled    at    IMiiladelphia, 
iiniler  till  iri;is  of  ihe  Coastitiition,  to  devise  meas- 
ures for  the  preservalion  of  their  riulils.     Drilled 
hands  o''  armed  foreigners  rushed  with  inipeliious 
fury  Ujioii  native-born  Amrricaus,  who  carried  no 
wca|ioiis  but  what  equal   rii:lils  had   given   them, 
li'  the  majesty  of  freemen,  they  siooil  armed  only 
with   moral   power.     The  eleiueiu  opposing  llieiii 
rt-a.s  physical  force.     It  was  an  imported  element — 
nn    Kiiropean   v.-eapon — one   peculiar  only  to   the 
feudal    inslilulions   of  the   Old    World,    and    one 
which  never  could  have  come  in  collision  with  the 
opinions  of  a  i'fri'   people,  had    not    the    barriers 
of  their    rights    been    rudely   broken    down    hy 
the   inroads  of  foreign    cabals,     dluervi'   the    pe- 
culiar Irails  of  this  oulragc.    The  cili/cns  of  a  tiis- 
tiil    in    Keusinglon,    in   which    they  were   born, 
call    a    public    meeliiig    in    iheir   own    ward.      Il 
is  broken  up   by  an   armed   band — ilic   followi  is 
and  disciples  of  the  deiiiago;;iie  lo  wlioni  I  have 
alluded,  on  the  assumed   ground   that  il   was  an 
Irish  quarter,   within  whose   liiniis  no  .\mericaii 
dare  lo  tread,  except  at  the  peril  of  his  life.      Here, 
then,  you  behold  an  ■•  Irish  quarter"  in  .Anierica — 
toveriKid  by  Irisdi  laws,  Irish  iiaasiuiis,  and  Irish 


prejudices — all  iiiimicul  lo  freedom  of  speech — all  n 
combining  lo  Hlrnngle  freedom  of  thought.     It  is  !j 
the  same  thing  if  you  expunge  tlis  word  "  Irish,"  !j 
and  Huhslilute  that  of  I''reiii!h,  Soanisli,  or  Italian.  |^ 
I  speak  to  the  priiiei|ile  involveil  in  the  argumeni,  • 
without  appealing  lo  the  prejudices  coiled  tip  williin  '! 
a  name.     Hut  thai  oulrage  is  now  a  part  of  our   ! 
history.    It  was  an  oulrage  of  that  f  ireigii  popula-  J 
lion,  known  as  the  followers  of  "  IJaniel  O'Coii-  !] 
iiell,"  who  had  claimed  the  dislrict  for  a  series  of  |j 
years  as  an   "  Irish  quarter,"  sa''red  from  ihe,  in-  [j 
inision  of  American  laws,  Aiiieiiean  slierii     .  and  ii 
.'tmericiui    iiistitulioiis.      Here,  sir,  I    rejicMi,  we  'l 
come  lo  history — tlie  history  of  lliose  collisions  1| 
nail' -ally   incident   lo  tlie,    unbridleil    passions   of!! 
those  Ibreigners;  who,  having  been  accustomed  in  ;! 
the  Old  AVorlil  to  physical  force,  are  slraiii^ers  to 
coiisliliilional  rights,  and    ignorant  of  the   moral  i 
flower  o'"  opinion  ihat  gives  sanciity  to  law  with-  ; 
out  an  appeal  lo  the  rille,  ihe  musket,  or  the  biiyo-  ' 
net.     Ha  I  an  outrage  of  a  similar  ehari  '-ler  been  , 
eommillei  on   the  deck  of  an  Aniericin  ship,  by  j 
any  of  ihi    Powers  of  Kurope,  who  could    have 
braced  iheiuselves  to  the  damning  act  of  Ireading  '; 
under  fool  tin  t  Hag  that  now  finals  in  triimipli  over 
llie  dome  of  this  Ca|)itol,  and  of  a.ssassinaliiig  in  '. 
cold  blood  ten  .Vmericau  citizens,  martyrs  to  free-  j: 
iloni,  would  il  not  justly  have  |irovoked  us  into  a  I; 
war?    As  siirrly  a,s'lhal  there  throbs  one  pulsation  ' 
of  honor  in  an  Americiui  heart!    Wlial,  sir,  would  ' 
be  just  cause  for  war  with  a  foreign  Power,  1  re- 
jieat,  is  ample  cause  tor  iiupiiry  into  the  ehiracter  j' 
and  tendency  off  ireigii  cabals,  malnreil  in  ihe  very  |l 
heart  of  our  coinitry,  to  wage  an   exlcrmiiialing  i 
war  against  American  citizens,  for  the  purpose  of 
perpetuaiing  in  this  country  passions  and  feelings  ' 
that  have  no  uatiind  alliiiity  to  onr  insliliilions, 

I  will  not  attempt  to  portray  the  biiist  of  iiidig- 
iialion  that  would  have  swept  over  this  l.ii  d  of  iVee-  ; 
doni  if  the  outrage  perpelraled  in  ihe  "  lii,-;h  i|iiar-  | 
ler"  had  been  com.iiilled  on  the  deck  of  an  Ameri-  , 
call  ship  by  any  ol'  the  subjects  of  her    iriiannic 
Majesty,     Ao  laiigiiage  could  convey  an  ,ideiiiiate 
idea  of  the  )iopiilar  fury  that  would  have  raged  ill  ! 
thi;  hearts  of  the  American  peo|ile:  the  fire  of  vcu-  Ij 
gcaiiee  would   have  shot  frieii   every  eye;  every  ' 
bosom  would  have  heaved  with  iuiligiiation;  e\ery 
tongue  would  have  evoked  eiirsi  s,  loud  mid  deep,    I 
on  til.- wrong-doers,  lill  Uie  whole  land,  shaken  by  il 
one  wild  cry,  would  have  pierced  the  very  skies  ] 
w-illi  the  dames  of  war.     Why  v.as  ii!I  so  calm —  " 
content?     Il  happeni'd  lo  be  on  the  eve  of  a  Presi- 
denliid  election,  when  boili   partii .:  were  equally  ,i 
anxious  to  seize  upon  this  m.-ukeliible  commodity,  '. 
which  is  now  boasl^d  of  as  the  controlling  vole  of  ; 
the   Itepnblic — the  "balance   of  power"  belwecn  j 
the  coiillicliiig  Whigs  and  Deuioirals.  :' 

III  Iheir  eagerness  to  seciiic  that  banded  foreign 
vole,  they  emulated  each  olher  in  their  ellorts  to  , 
misrepreseul  and  distort  the  facts,  in  order  that 
they  miglit  disease  and  poison  the  popular  mind. 
The  Democrats  succeeded,  it  is  true,  in  securing 
that  vole,  but  il  is  slill  a  miirkelable  arlicle;  and, 
like  llie  elc|ilianls  of  Pvrrhus  of  Kpirus,  that  seal-  ' 
lered  de.siilaiiiin,  not  idrongh  the  army  of  C'uriiis 
Denlaliis.  but  ihroiiL'h  his  own,  so  may  this  s'u- 
pendous  army  of  foreign  voters,  so  sedulously 
guarded,  and  so  proudly  confided  in,  prove  ulti- 
mately mil  the  shield  of  their  strcngtli,  but  the 
very  insirmncnt  of  their  deslrnctiou. 

It  is  not  for  me  to  give  a  name  to  that  awful 
apathy  wtiich  ]iervatles  ihe  *wo  old  parties  of  the 
country  in  reference  to  tlrs  brand  of  shame  on  the 
brows  of  the  nation.  What  outrage  d.d  (jreiii 
I'riiain  commit  anterior  lo  the  Ifevohilion  of  HTli 
equ  il  lolliis?  I  mean  any  oulrage  on  principles  or 
on  persimsr  Kxaininc  well  into  all  her  offences — 
contrast  them  with  lliis  oulr.igc — ;iiid  ilii  ii  say 
whether  the  line  of  the  milk-white  dove  is  not  the 
color  that  coulrasis  with  this  black  and  bloody 
tinge  of  the  Iragedy  in  this  "  Irish  rjnarter?"  This 
aL'irression  is  not  a  (lersonal  one.  It  was  not  a 
parly  aggression,  tliongh  commilted  upon  natives. 
Il  was  not  a  iiaiive,  but  n  nalional  dc^rradation. 
The  Constilution  conferred  sanctity  on  that  in(!et- 
iinr.  The  Hag  of  the  Union  gave  prolectiini  lo  the 
exercise  of  a  legal  right.  The  insult  is,  then,  on 
the  republic,  and  the  repiililic  must  viiidicain  its 
independence,  or  rest  under  the  reproach  of  the  ig- 
nominious wron:'-. 

I  adduce  thesi!  facts,  not  with  the  view  of  inibo- 
dyiii;;  them  hito  u  report,  b«l  a»  just  cause  for  in- 


quiry. I  am  aware,  sir,  thnt  various  edbrtB  have 
been  made  hy  our  opponcniH  lo  throw  incidenla 
into  our  cause  which  never  were  intended  to  form 
a  iiarl  of  our  political  creed,  niid  which  do  not  now. 
We  have  been  denounced  as  scclariaiLS — as  faiait- 
ics  anil  bigots.  Can  such  a  charge  lie  against  us.> 
If  the  blackened  walls  of  St.  Augustine  and  St.  Mi- 
ehael's  leinain  to  tell  of  the  oiitniges  commilud 
by  a  mob,  there  slaiids  the  church  of  St.  Philip  de 
>ieri,  a  nioniimeiii  of  the  protective  power  of  nn- 
tive-born  Aniericaiis.  Who  defended  tliiil  churell 
at  thejierilot'their  lives  but  native-born  Americans, 
of  Soiithwark,  willi  Thomas  D.  CJrover  at  their 
head,  who  determined  to  save  the  chiircli  or  perish 
in  Ihe  ruins?  i\o,  sir;  we  wage  no  war  against 
freedom  of  conscience!  It  requires  no  demonslrii- 
lion  lo  assure  iis  of  the  iiuportaiice  of  reliu'ion  lo  all 
the  secular  interests  and  sensual  passions  of  life. 
To  the  king  on  his  ilirone,  or  the  peasant  at  Ilia 
plough — the  mi.ser  on  his  nioney-bags,  or  the  beg- 
gar gnawing  his  crust — the  privilege  lo  worship 
Uod  after  the  dictate  of  our  own  heart  is  the  most 
precious  gill  th.it  hnniaiilty  can  enjoy.  If  the 
pages  of  history  were  not  crowded  with  illnslra- 
tii.ns  of  Ihe  fact,  the  llirobs  of  every  immortal  spi- 
rit that  panis  lo  enjoy  a  hereafter  would  alone  bo 
suHicieiit  to  attest  the  solenmily  of  the  passion 
which  cluslcrM  around  the  grave  all  the  majesty  of 
an  eternal  lite,  the  )iassage  lo  which  must  be  ob- 
structed by  no  liiimaii  power — darkened  \>y  no  su- 
peisliiious  shadow — taxed  by  no  avaricious  tyran- 
ny. Sli.ike  the  ci-owi|.from  the  brow  of  the  king — 
hurl  the  llirone  from  the  emperor's  feel — dash  the 
sword  friMii  the  warrior's  grasp — take  pomp  from 
the  proud,  or  ijageaiiiry  I'roni  the  powerful — blast 
love  by  perfidy,  or  |iiiisoii  friendship  hy  deceit; — 
all  these  are  trivial  calamities  that  have  their  euro 
ill  Iif'-,  or  Iheir  balm  in  time  :  but  there  is  no  reme- 
dy for  the  frauds  of  religion — no  balm  for  the 
wroUL'S  of  viohiled  conscience. 

Sir,  I  thank  l.lod  that  I  have  this  opportunity  of 
disaiinsing  the  popiiliir  mind  of  the  .«!purion.=i  im- 
pression, iliat  the  people  whom  I  have  the  honor 
lo  represent  cherish  any  desire  to  fetter  or  interfere 
with  the  sacred  righls  of  conscience,  which  no  men 
on  earth  respect  more  profoundly  than  tiii^y  do. 

So  ftr  from  inlerlering  w-illi  freedom  of  con- 
science, sir,  we  will  resist  any  sect  that  shall  ever 
attempt  to  invade  its  sanctity — we  will  resist  any 
sect  thai  atlenipts  lo  combine,  as  such,  to  accom- 
plish ajiolilical  object,  whether  that  sect  be  l!a|ilist, 
.Methodist,  Presbyterian,  Kpi.scojialian,  or  Roman 
(.'aibolic.  Let  llieiii  aileiniil  it  when  and  where 
they  may,  and  they  will  encounter  fnmi  lis  the 
most  determined  hostilily,  the  most  unyielding  re- 
sistance. If  this  be  tiiiialicism,  if  this  he  bigotiy, 
let  geiillemen  make  the  niosl  of  il. 

Mr.  Speaker,  all  that  I  have  .said  has  been  drawn 
from  me  by  Ihe  latitude  tliai  has  been  given  lo  this 
debate,  which  ought  lo  have  been  confined  to  the 
naked  question  of  reffrence.  I  have  avoided  touch- 
ing upon  the  merits  of  the  main  question,  which  we 
ask  to  bring  in  proper  form  to  the  conside'-alion  of 
the  House,  and  which,  1  repeat,  a  select  co  nmilteo 
will  alone  enable  us  to  accomplish.  AVill  tin  IIou.so 
permit  us  lo  iilace  before  the  nation  such  ri'cm'ds, 
drawn  from  the  proper  departments,  as  v,i|l  show 
that,  unless  some  remedy  be  applied  to  this  great 
and  growing  evil.  Tilt;  hay  is  nut  far  dista.st 

Wlir.N  TlIK  AMiniCAX-DURX   VOTKB   WILL   PIXO  IIIM- 

sF.i.f  IX  A  Mixoiin  Y  IN  IMS  ow.v  LAND !  Or  will  you 
coiiliiuie  to  tell  us  that  because  vc  are  not  as  liberal 
as  we  might  be  to  foreign  ignorance  and  foreign 
rime,  yon  will  shut  out  this  ap|ieal,  which  comeji 
up  to  you  ill  all  its  freshness  from  the  hearts  of  the 
.Vmerican  people? 

God  has  implanted  in  those  hearts,  ',ir,  the  prin- 
ciple on  which  we  act.  It  is  that  love  of  home, 
or  love  of  native  land,  wl'ich,  in  times  of  perd, 
rises  lo  a  glory.  Shall  we  deny  to  the  jieople  cf 
other  lands  wliat  we  claim  for  ourselves  ?  Vet, 
miscalh  d  liberality,  ill  some  of  our  Whigs  and 
Democrats,  would  deny  this  sublime  attribute  lo 
the  foreigners  who  llock  among  us.  They  com- 
plimenl  them  by  the  denial  of  a  virtue,  whose  lus- 
tre is  the  pride  anif  boast  of  all  men  and  all  na- 
tions, and  iliis  slander  on  their  character  they  call 
"  liberalily;"  and,  with  that  inconsistency  which 
always  disiiuguishes  men  who  confound  n.-iuirnl 
rehilioiis,  and  who  forget  that  love  of  America  and 
love  of  American  iiisiitutions,  if  a  virtue  in  us, 
would  be  u  vice  iii  Ihcm,  they  charge  the  Xulivo 


.^». 


■T-i^ 


60 


AITF.NDIX  TO  TNI-:  CONOKKSSIONAL  (JIA)BK. 


I  Dec.  K;, 


iiiDrii  CoNc. 1st  Sess. 

Americmis  with  beiiii;  "  illiberni,"  bnoniiHD  ihcy  l| 
nre  true  to  tliR  ctcriml  iintirijili-s  of  cnlighlcnpd  t. 
fri'odoni!     SImll  we   ho  "lilicrnl"  to  fiirei'^'ii  ii,'iio-   1 
rancT,  mid  say  llmt  iintnro  lias  rcvirsrd   her  Inxin,   | 
liecimse  "iiroi'drnl"(ir  "iiori'S.'<ily"drivi'.s  the  alii'ii    1 
rroin  IiiH  homi'Ntead,  W'lierr   liis   lu\trt   Ims  slruck    I 
dt'pp  ils  root.i,  nnd  his  alii'*  tittiis  hiui;  loudly  I'his-    i 
K'Mm'd — or  .shall  we  lir  laitiit'iil  to  our  own  rri-cd 
ol'IVfi'dom,  to  our  own  Coiistilulioii,  lo  thi"  sarrrd    ; 
dli'latcs  of  niituro  niid  thr  ctrriial  laws  of  Crod,  liy 
tiKkioi;  that  tlie  alien  shall  he  naturalised  in  ininil, 
in  heart,  in  n)ul,  hy  a  residence  sullioienily  hiiiu;   i 
to  Wean  him  from  his  fnsl  love,  aiul  enirrafl  on  his 
iinderstandin;;  the  lininvled^e  that  dis;nil'ii's  a  free-   1 
liian,  as  wise  anil  |>alriotie,  in  cxereise  id'lhc  riijht    i 
of  sutVra^(??    It  is  an  t.isy  niatter  to  play  t!ie  »yvo-    ' 
pliant,  the  llatliTer,  or  the  denia;;omie,  even  on  this   | 
iloor,  in  order  to  win   the  smile,  or  enax  the  vote    I 
of  the  foiTiirner.     And  eould  this  he  clone  without    ' 
peril  to  lair  freedom,  we  ini','lit  lie  saved  the  Ircaihlc 
of  preferring  justiee  lo  siood-iialiire.     Hut  n  rrisis 
has  now  arrived,  will  !i   the  s  pleinii   nia.;niliicle  of  ^ 
this  question  forhids  that  it  slunild  lie  treated  with 
the  indiirerenee  or  leviiy  that   would  arhiinite  its 
deeisiiin  by  a  frivolous  sentinii'ut      Sir,  I  dis-laiin 
all  prct'iisions  lo  ••  liberality"  on  this  i|ue.stion,  in 
wliieli  lies  f'lihil  up  the  I'luure  happiness  or  mis-  |( 
ery  of  millions  of  iiiiborn  Anieriean  eitizens.    We    j 
Bre  now  slnnii-jlins  I'or  national  eharaeler  nnd  na-   ' 
lioiial  identity,  and  not  for  the  meed  of  courtesy, 
or  the  extent  of  a  generous  disposition.  We  slauil 
now  on   the  very  vcrije  of  ^ve;■throw  hy  the  ini- 
prttions  force  of  invading'  foreiixners.     Kurope  can 
no  longer  rontain  the  ;;rowitii;  pnpul.iiion  that  is 
swelling  her  to  InirsiiiiL''.     .She  iniisi  (lis^'oi'L'c  it  at 
nny  price,  no  matter  what.     ICaeh  hour  will  be- 
hold liiis  liile  of  fon'iirn  eioii^ration,  risiiiu^  liii^her 
(\nd    hiu'lior,  sri'owiii^'  siroiiLjcr  and  sli'on;j;er,  and 
rushing- bolder  and  boKler.  : 

The  past  fiirnishi  s  no  lest  of  the  future,  nnd  tho  j; 
future  threatens  to  transcend  all  ealculation.s  ofi| 
this  formiclablc  evil.  ji 

View  this  ^'leat  .snbjei't  in  any  liu'ht,  and  it  .still  '■-. 
flin*rs  back  upon  us  the  reflected  rays  of  reason,  ' 
patrioiism,  and  jihilanrnropy.  The  love  of  our  : 
native  land  is  an  innate,  holy,  and  irr.idiiiible  pas- 
sion. Distance  only  slreie^'ihens  it — time  only 
ron.ciUrates  the  leelins;  that  causes  the  tear  to  i^usli 
from  the  eye  ol'ihe  emijrrant,  as  old  ai^e  peoples  by  ! 
the  vivid  memory  the  active  present  wiih  the  hap- 
py past.  In  what  land  do  you  lieliolil  the  for- 
oiirner,  who  denies  this  passion  of  ihehenri?  It 
f>  is  nature's  most  holy  decree,  nor  is  it  inhuman 
power  lo  rejieal  the  law,  which  is  passed  on  tlii' 
♦  mollier'.s  breast,  and  conlirmed  by  ihe  f.iiher's 
voice.  The  best  policy  of  the  wise  suitcfinan  is  l.i 
iniiiblhis  law.-,  on  the  holy  onlinances  of  nature. 
If  the  hea-t  of  ihe  alien  is  in  his  native  land— if  all  '■ 
his  dc.iri'st  ihouijhis  nnd  f  indist  all'cctions  elnsier 
nroiind  the  altar  of  his  native  ^ods — let  us  not  dis- 
tnrli  his  enjoyments  by  plaeiie.'  this  burden  of  new 
nflrelions  on  his  bosom,  ihrouirh  the  moral  force 
of  an  oath  ofalle^'iancc,  and  the  onerous  obliiration 
of  political  duties  ihal  jar  au'auist  his  sympathies, 
and  call  on  hiin  to  renouncL'  fiM|ii,;;s  that  he  can 
never  expel  from  his  bosom.  Let  us  secure  liiiii 
the  privileu-e  ai  least  of  mourning  for  his  native 
lami,  by  witlilioldin?  o!ili;ations  that  he  eaiinot 
discharire  either  with  fidelity,  abiliiy,  or  pleasure. 
tiive  him  time,  sir,  lo  v  ean  hini-self  froni  his  early 
love.  Why  should  h'  no  like  our  own  sons,  in-  ■ 
joy  twenty-one 

eal  cares,  >■      -       ,  ^ 

t!ie  new  .  iie  ie  which  he  finds  himself  plarcd  — 
become  acrpiainled  «  illi  all  the  H'W  and  intricate 
relations  by  which  man  is  niadi  a  soveiei:,'ii  by  the 
voice  of  his  fe|low-inan,  and  yet  still  retains  all  llie 
responsibilities  of  the  citi.'.in,  even  while  he  exer- 
ei.ses  all  the  power  of  n  monarch.  A  lorn:  list  of 
innumerable  duties  will  eii:,'ac;e  all  his  atlention 
duriiiir  his  political  noviciate,  in  addi  on  lo  iliose 
comprised  in  reforniiie,'  the  errors  and  pri  judices 
of  the  nursery,  and  in  ereatiii'.;  and  formiii'^'  new 
opinions,  eoiejienial  to  the  vast  field  which  lies 
spread  befoi-c  him  in  morals,  polities,  and  lite.  A 
due  rclleclion  will  convince  every  alien,  win  u  his 
passions  are  not  inflamed  by  ihe'insiili.ius  appeals 
of  selfish  deniasoffiies,  that  his  hiijliest  position  is 
timl  of  a  moral  a'^ent  ill  the  full  enjoyineiit  of  all 
the  attributes  of  civil  friH'dom,  prepariiK;  llicniind.'i 
uiid  hearts  of  his  ehildri  11  to  become  faithful,  in- 
telli|;cnl,  and  virtuous  republicans,  born  to  a  riirlit 


Atlmhsion  of  Texas — Mr.  Julius  Rockwell, 

lliiit  vindieiitcs  itself  by  the  h.ily  tics  of  omnipo-  ' 
lent  nature,  nnd  which,  while  God  sanctions  and  \ 
consec.ales,  no  man  ean  dispute. 

We,  as  Native  Americans,  and  thepeopleofthe.se 
United  Slates,  as  |ialriols  nnd  republicans,  have 
now  allained  tliat  climax  of  foreiftn  influence,  when 
lo  pause  ill  our  onward  can  er  of  refoiiniii'4  the 
abuse  that  sulijecis  us  lo  the  iletjradalion,  is  lo 
surrender  forever  the  lii;;h  diijnity  of  moral  inde- 
pendence, and  the  peculiar  exalled,  distiiiclive 
cliaratler  of  a  liomoirciieous  nation. 


Ho.  OF  Heps. 


of  in,  Hit  fVei  doni  from  poliii- 
iniiind  him,  i;row  familiar  with 


ADMISSION  OP  TEXAS. 
SPEECH  OF  JULIUS  ROCKWELL, 

OF  M.\SSACHUSETTS. 

In  the  IIoisk  or  RKriii:sK\'T.\TivEs, 

7't(f.s(/iii/,  Ih'Cemini'  ItJ,  IH45, 

Upon  the  finesiion  of  the  admission  of  Texas,  as  a  1 

Slate,  into  Ihe  Union.  | 

The  (incslioii  beini;  ujion  Ihe  passasje  of  the  fol-  > 

lowinu: —  \ 

Jiiiiil  Uosoliiiiiins  liT  the  iiili.ii><sinn  nf  Mm  .^inte  of  Texna 

into  Ihe  t'niiiii.  j 

Wlicreas  tlie  rniipre^.i  nl'  ttie  t'liiteil  Slates,  liy  n  "Joinl  i 

roM/ii/iiiM,"  npprovi'il  Miircli  the  liriit,  einlitecii  tiuiittreif  anil 

liirly  live,  itiil  ciiiHcnt  that  tlic  |i  ■riliiry  iiriiniTly  incluih  il 

wiiiiiu,  anil  rictiiriilly  lii'Iinicini:  In,  the  lle|iuiilic'ni"  'I'exa^, 

liiiillit  III'  iTi'Cli'il  iiilii  n  lieu-  .'^tiiti'.  lit  he  rjilleil  Ihe  Stall'  nf 

'IV'Mi!.-,  Willi  a  ri'piitilican  liirin  iilL'iorrnini'nl.  t;i  lie  mlniili'il 

liv  the  pi'iiplc  III'  i*aiil  Ui'piililic.  Ii;.   ili'[iiitii's  in  (-niivcnttnii 

aiiii'inlili'il.  Willi  tlie  cnuM'iil  nl  the  eM..|iiia  Ciivi'rniaeiit.  in 

or-liT  tliiit  till'  fiulii'  iniu'lil  lie  iiilinitti'il  as  iiiii'  nl  the  .^^Mti^i 

III' Ihe  riiiiin;  wliieli  enn.;i'iii  nl"  I'nnuri'fis  wiw  iriven  ii|iiiii 

I'lTIiiiit  i"m(liliiiii-<  i.pcci!ii'il  111  llic  llfft  anil  mccoikI  secilnns 

nrsaiit  inint  ri'i'iilnlimi:  Ami  whereas  llic  iienpl,.  ni'Uie  saiil 

Iti'imlilic  III" 't'i'\iii.  Ii>'  ili'piilirs  i M  iiliiin  as.'Ji'nihli'il, 

viilli  11.1'  ciini'-inl  III' llie  e\i-iMi'.'  <;ioirni it.  iljil  ailup:  a 

ciiM-tiliainn  anil  eri'i'l  a  new  Stale.  \miIi  a  ri'piihtii-an  tiirni 
nriinvrrnniciit.  aim  in  Ihe  iiaiiii'  orilie  pt'iiple  nl'Tevas,  ami 
liy  their  ainhiiriiy.  iliil  nril.iiii  ami  ileelaie  lhai  ihey  assented 
111  anil  iicci'pti'il  the  |irii|iii.^al..  I'linililinii- ,  ami  unaraiilit's 
eiMilaini'il  in  t'le  ^aiil  lir.-l  aiiit  -eeoini  seelidii'i  (if  i.aj(l  resii- 
lllliiili:  .\inl  uliereas  the  .<ai(l  edn^titntiMli.  with  the  prnprr 

eviilenec  of  its  atluplinn   hy  the   l pie  nl"  the  lleplllilie  nf 

'I'l'vas  has  heen  IraM-nillteil  I'l  Ihe  I're.-nlenl  cif  the  rnip'il 
.^lale.-.  anil  lalil  le'liirc  I'liimres-..  in  cnnrnnnily  tn  Ihe  pro- 
visiiiiis  nl'i-aiil  jiiint  re.iiihitiiin:  'rherefore, 

/,'i'vo/ri'i'  lit  'Ac  .SVii.;/c  (III-/  Uniixr  of  /ic;irr<cit,i/ier*  of  the 
Vnihil  .S7.'/it  of  ,h)ii-ri<'t  in  (V)iii;ic«  i.'A.M'inMc.',  'I'ha'l  the 
Slate  (II  'I'i'vas  shall  lie  one.  anil  i-^  lierehy  ilcel.-ireil  in  he 
line,  III*  Ihe  rnitiil  St;ili'>  iirAnieriea.  ami  aihniUeil  into  the 

I'ni Ill  ei|U'il  liMitini.'  ^^itll  II riuinal  .Shite.s,  in  all 

re-|ii'('ts  whatever. 

ff.r.  a.  .'Jiel  Ir  il  fiirlhri-  iimrleJ,  That  iliilil  the  llepre- 
senlalives  ill  I'liiisiri'ss  stiall  he  appiirlioneil  aeennlina  in  an 
aelii.'il  eniinieralinn  of  the  inhaliitants  nl'lhc  I'liiteil  .sitate-i, 
Ihe  .silate  (if  Te.vaH  sli.tll  lie  entitled  to  clKinse  Iwu  Uepre- 
senlalives.  I 

Mr.  KOCKWKLL  addressed  the  Hou.se  as  fol- 
low. :  ' 

Mr.  .Si'F..\KEH:  I  rise  to  oppose  the  passage  of 
these  resolutions.  1  seize  upon  this  opportunity, 
as  1  am  sure  that  no  member  upon  this  side  of  the  , 
House  will  he  able  lo  gel  the  floor  upon  this  ipies- 
tion  at  any  oilier  lime.  I  have  been  the  more  anx- 
ious for  this  (ip|iortuiiity,  because  I  am  the  only 
member  of  the  (Vonimillce  on  the  Territories,  from 
which  these  rcsoliiiions  were  reiiurleil,  ojipo.scd  to 
their  adoption.  ; 

On  Wednesday  last  tliiil  portion  of  the  Presi- 
dent's .Mi'ssaije  which  relaies  to  the  admission  of 
Texas  as  a  Slate  of  this  Union  was  referred  to  that 
coiu'iiiili  ('.  On  Thursday,  afier  one  brief  meeting 
of  the  eomiuittee,  these  resolutions  wi-re  reporle-'l 
to  the  House;  and,  iip.in  motion  of  the  cliairnian, 
|.\Ir.  Doroi. \-s,l  their  eonsideralion  was  especial-  , 
ly  assiirneil  for  this  day.  In  be  takdi  up  and  dis- 
posed of,  to  the  exclnsion  of  other  business.  At 
the  liiiie  that  report  was  made  1  endeavored  lo  eet 
the  floor,  to  movi'  their  refeienei!  to  the  ('oiumitlec 
of  the  whole  House  on  ihe  state  of  the  Union,  in 
which  they  mi  Jil  liavi'  been  diseiisseil  and  amend- 
ed, wilhoul  beiii^--  subject  to  tho  eireet  of  the  pre- 
vious (piistion.  I  was  then  unable,  to  do  so.  'I'his 
moi'iiini;,  wlicji  tlie  resolutions  first  came  up,  upon 
the  rpieslion  of  their  jiassa'.;e  to  be  enerossed  for  a 
third  readinu',  Ihe  previoui  question  was  imme- 
diately applied;  and  iiiiiler  that  they  passed  that 
sialic.  I  h  ive  reason  to  believe  that  the  nioiiient  I 
yield  till'  floor  il  will  a;:aiii  be  apiilii  (1,  and  there 
will  be  no  fiinher  opportunity  of  (lelialin;;  them  in 
this  House.  The  const  ill  il  ion  of  Texas,  in  prinltd 
firm,  was  laid  mi  our  tables  only  yesterday,  (Mon- 
day,) anil  lielbre  that  liiiie  1  hail  no  opporlunily  lo 
examine  its  details.     I  am  not  now  fully  :iripminted 


with  all  its  provisions,  for  want  of  time  to  examine 
them,  and  iimnot  expect  even  to  allude  to  all  the 
ohjeeiions  that  may  fairly  be  raised  apiinst  it. 

iJnt,  sir,  I  shall  proceed  briefly  to  hci  forth  some 
iiroinnieiil  leieson.'-'  of  my  opposilion  lo  these  reso- 
lutions, Impelled  not  only  by  my  own  conviclioiin 
of  duly,  bill  also  by  the  renionsirances  of  many  of 
my  immediale  coiisiiiiieiiis,  a;;ainsl  ihe  admi.ssloii 
of  Texa.-i  as  a  .State,  with  its  present  I'onslitiilion; 
and,  furlher,  by  the  remonstiuiiees  of  i;reat  iium- 
liers  of  ihe  people  of  the  Stale  which  I  in  part  rep- 
ri'sent,  presented  by  all  my  eolleasjnes;  and,  further, 
by  like  remonsiranceH  iVom  citizens  of  niaiiy  other 
Stales  of  this  Union.  Ill  their  name  and  behalf  I 
speak  my  brief  hour  this  day  a<;ainst  the  adini.ssion 
ot' Texas  as  a  Slate  of  this  Union,  with  the  provis- 
ions of  the  eonsliliilioii  now  presented  to  this 
House. 

These  remonslrants,  sir,  beloufi:  exeluaively  In 
no  political  paiiy.  i  am  well  assured  that  iliere 
are  found  aiiioii^-  them,  in  consiilerable  numbers, 
nieinbers  of  bmh  the  two  leading;  political  |iiirlies 
of  the  country,  as  well  as  of  the  party  known  as 
Ihe  Liberty  party.  I  shall,  therefore,  place  my 
opposilion  to  this  measure  of  j;ravest  tnomeni  lo 
my  country  upon  no  parly  ground,  lis  ]ire-enii- 
iieiit  iinporiance  lo  ihe  illler"^■ts,  present  and  fu- 
ture, ol'ihe  entiv!  Union,  and  all  tiie  people  there- 
of, demands  iliai  its  discussion  shall  be  divested  of 
all  partisan  feeli.i:;s  and  iiilliiences. 

In  oiht  I  iispecis,  sir,  I  shall  place  my  opposition 
to  this  measure  upon  no  narrow  "ground.  L'ertaiidy 
not  upon  the  ;;roiind  of  repnu'iiance  to  the  erection 
of  new  Sillies,  upon  the  terrilory  riL;hlfiillvac(piireiI 
and  possessed  by  this  nation  whenever  tfie  ciiciini- 
slances  of  our  citizens,  by  whose  enlerpri.se  anil 
labor  il  is  broii:;lit  w  itliin  the  area  of  cultivation, 
shall  require  the  oriianizalion  of  new  .Stales,  aiitl 
their  iidmi.ssion  into  the  Union.  Neither  by  the 
letter  or  spiril  of  the  remoiisirances  to  which  I 
have  alluded,  coniinq:  tVoiii  the  people  ot'  many 
Slates— ol' new  as  well  as  old  Slates — of  Western, 
as  well  as  Kasiern  and  Middle  Slates — am  I  author- 
ized to  place  this  oppoNiiion  upon  any  such  narrow 
]irinciple.  The  sentimenls  of  the  peoiilc  of  .Mas- 
sachusetts— the  Slate  w  hicli  I  have  ihi^  honor  in 
part  to  reprisent — so  far  as  I  know  tiieiii,  are  of  a 
dill'creiil  and  more  iilieral  spirit.  As  the  periods 
of  lime  roll  on,  wh.eii  fresh  and  ;^reat  acccssio.  i  to 
the  area  of  culiivation,  civilization,  and  Chrisliaii- 
ilv,  are  made  by  our  people  upon  the  terrilory  be- 
yond our  iSiates  westward,  secured  lo  us  by  na- 
tional ri;;lit  and  honorabh^  nei^otialion,  the  people 
ol'  Massachusells,  in  my  ju(l;;ment,  will  not  be 
found  reluctantly  aalinu;  in  extendin;;  the  federative 
principle  of  the  (,'onsiiiulioii,  in  the  or^aiiization  of 
new  .Slates  even  lo  the  Pacilii;  ocean.  Their  chil- 
dren w  ill  be  ihere.  Their  palrioiie  sympathy  w  ill 
jro  with  them.  The  people  of  the  Lasicrn  Suilis 
will  not  be  tiiund  rcpiniiii;  at  the  greatness  and 
prosjierity  of  the  West.  In  the  country,  and  in  the 
(.'abinel,  ihey  have  exhibited  a  dillerent  sjiirit. 

Look  al  llie  negotiations  in  relauon  lo  the  Ore- 
gon Terrilory,  which  have  been  iiregressiiig  duriie^ 
a  part  of  the  period  ot' the  last  Adininislralion  ami 
the  present.  I  acknowledtre  and  honor  the  ability 
with  which  our  el. vim  and  title  have  been  set  forili 
and  inainlaineil;  but  the  eouiiiry  has  not  failed  to 
see,  nor  will  history  fail  lo  record,  that  more  than 
a  (piarter  of  a  ceiitiiry  a;;o  a  work  was  done  in  the 
t'air  field  of  the  diplomacy  of  the  country,  without 
wlii'*h  the  armmicuis  now  presented  would  be  vast- 
ly less  conclusive.  That  work  was  done  by  the 
.\dmiiiistriiliiiii.  111'  which  my  venerable  collea;riie 
befire  me  [.\Ir.  Au.i.Ms|  was  a  member,  and  iSee- 
reiary  of  .Stale.  His  heart  and  his  genius  were  ill 
that  work.  Uod  bhs.-  him,  sir,  and  preserve  hiH 
life- -until  the  ear  t'lal  heard  the  guns  of  ri'inker 
Hill  shall  listen  M  the  breaking  of  the  waves  of  the 
I'aeifii;  upon  ;iie  shores  of  sovereign  Stales  of  this 
Union;  in.iil  the  eve  iliai  saw  the  llames  ot"  burn- 
ing (^'harlesiowii,  shall  behold  llie  miilliplied  stars 
and  Nlrijies  of  the  Kepiiblic  "beyond  ihe  .Stony 
mountain.","  upon  icrriuiry  peacefully  scciirid  by 
honorable  negoiialion. 

I  repe.it  il,  sir,  I  will  not  iilace  any  part  of  the 
objeciions  which  I  make  lo  lliis  measure  upon  the 
,.!.„i.U  "f  any  unwillingness  lo  extend  the  federa- 
tive princip;"  of  our  ('onsiitutioii,  e\eii  from  one 
ocean  to  the  oi'ier,  by  the  adniission  of  new  Slates, 
whenever  their  population  has  sutlteienlly  pro- 
gri'ssed  upon  ten  tory  righlfully  our  own.     1  fol- 


t'l 
i 


*19> 


I  Dec.  1(5, 


1845.] 


APPKNDIX  TO  TFIIC  CONOUESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


SI 


o.  or  Kefs. 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Ailmisnion  of  Texas — Mr.  Julius  RockweU, 


Mo.  OF  Rf.ps. 


>l  tinip  In  i-\(iiiiijiR 
I  nlltuir  Id  all  llii* 
«'il  iipiinsl  it. 
'  to  Hi'i  liirlli  Hiimo 
lion  lo  tlu'Hf  n-Ho- 
'  own  i'iinvirli(in:< 
riUKTH  ol'  iiianv  iif 

IIM    llio  ncllllir'sillll 

I'si'iil  I'cinsliliilidii; 
'c'S  of  };r(iu  iiiiiii- 
iiicli  1  in  jmi'l  ri'|i- 
!;m's;  anil,l'cirllii'r, 
'Fjs  (il'iiKiny  Dihi'r 
anil'  ami  liclialC  I 
iiLHl  the  attiniN.si<ni 
I,  willi  llic  priiviH- 
inesiiitcd   ici   tliiH 

nf;  cxcliiHivf'lv  li> 
iSKnii'd  that  llioie 
tlerablf  niinilxTM, 
is;  |ioliti('al  |>arlit'H 
party  known  as 
Ti'tort',  |ilare  my 
;ravc9l  nKMncnl  lit 
inH.  lis  prc-fini- 
,  prpscni  ami  ru- 
tin' pi'oplf  iln'K'- 
lall  Ijc  divt'Mli'il  of 

H, 

urn  n»y  opposition 
Toniiii.  Ci'ilainiy 
H'f  to  tlic  ei-pcliim 
iu'lilliillva('(|nii'i'ii 
iii'Vi'i'  tfn'  riicnni- 
se  I'nU'i'prjs*'  and 
•t-a  ot*  cullivaliun, 
r  new  .Sillies,  and 
.  Ncilhi'i-  liy  llie 
inces  lo  wliicli    1 

proplf  oT  many 
ili'N — ot'Wc'sicrn, 
Ics — am  I  antliiir- 

any  sncli  narrow 
ic  ptoplo  of  Mas- 
ave  ilio  honor  in 
iw  llipni,  are  of  ii 
As  the  period;* 
I  ai'cessir).  {  to 
and  Cliristian- 
le  lerriun-y  lie- 

10  us  liy  na- 
il, llie  }ieople 

t,   will   not   he 
the  federativo 

■1,'ani/ali if 

.  Their  cliil- 
<vnipalliy  w  ill 
Ka.siern  8l:>us 
reatiu'ss  and 
iiry.and  in  the 
lit  K|iirii. 

11  to  the  Ore- 
ressin;:  (liirini^ 

listraiioii  and 
iiior  the  ahiliiv 

been  set  fnrili 
s  not  failed  to 
thai  more  than 
as  done  in  llie 
miry,  wilhout 
would  be  vasl- 
1  iloiie  by  till' 
alile  eolleaij-no 
liber,  and  See- 
;eiiins  were  ill 
id  }ir('serve  his 
ins  of  [I'lnker 
le  waves  of  I  ho 
1  Stuns  of  tins 
allies  of  biirn- 
iiiliiplied  slai-H 
lid  ihe  Stony 
liy  see.ured  by 

tiy  part  of  I  he 
asure  upon  ihe 
end  the  federa- 
e\eii  from  one 

iif  new  .Stales, 
ilileienlly  pro- 
r  own.     1  fol- 


low the  fiilhers  nf  the  Onnslitulion  in  iIuh  pjirticu- 
lar,  rei'Oj^nisin;^  llie  distinction  taken  by  Mr.  Mad- 
ison lis  early  as  177H,  between  a  IVinocruey  anil  a 
Kepiiblie,  as  lo  their  n'laiive  cajmbility  of  exten- 
sion.    Tliesi'  are  bis  words: 

"  Aftlie  the  naiiiral  hmiisnf  n  Demneraev  is  that 
«  dislanro  from  ilieeonlral  point  whieli  will  just  per- 
'  mil  ihe  most  remole  rili/ens  to  iissemblo  as  ofieii 
«  as  their  piilili'-  fimelioiisih'iiiand,aiid  will  inehide  \ 
•  no  greater  niimlier  lluni  eaii  join  in  ihesi'  fniieiiona,  j 
<  HO  iho  natural  limit  of  a  llepiiblii',  is  llial  dislnnee  \ 
'  from  the  e.enlre  whirh  will  merely  allow  the  repre-  \ 
'  srnldlh-rs  of  the   jice/i/c  tn  meet  lis  often  as  inay  j 
'  be  necessary  for  the  administration  of  iiiiblio.  af-  I 
'fairs."  .       i 

i  nin  prepared   to  believe,  sir,  that  by  the  im-  i 
prnvenienis  of  the  present  »i;e  in  the   means  of 
vomminiiealion,  locomotion,  and  the  tmnsniiB.sion  I 
of  inlellis;enee,  that  this  "  imlnral  limit  of  a  Repiib-  I 
lie"  may  extend  nltinintely  to  the  nlmost  limil.s  of  i 
IVorlli  America.     I  mil  prepared  lo  put  my  faith  j 
in  this  cxiension   of  nnr  federative  principle,  and  | 
this  expansion  of  our  Federal  ti.n'ermneni,  when-  . 
t'Ver  and  wherever  it  can  be  done  in  strict  accord-  ' 
.ain'ewilh  the  principlesofiheCon.stimlion,  with  llie 
true  ideas  of  perfccl,  miivei-sal  fieedcnn,  conlained  i 
in  the  Dcrlnraiion  nf  our  Independence,  and  in  eon-  ! 
formily  will)  the  .'■eilled  law  of  nalioiis.   I!iit  these, 
sir,  an  indispensable  conditions  to  my  faith.     The  ; 
ambition  of  nalional  au't;i'andi7.emenl,  the  unbridled 
lii.sl  of  dominiim,  was  never  in  the  hearts  of  the  : 
founileiK  of  the  Uepiililir,  and  they  have  mode  nn  ; 
provision  for  their  ;;ralilicalinii.  | 

The  mailer  now  in  hand  is  the  acqnisilion  of  the 
territory  and  Jiirisdiclion  i^( i\  loreiijn  State,  whos-e  ' 
indepen.ieiice  of  lis  and  of  all  the  world  we  have 
fully  ackiiow!ed'J:ed.  IJelwcen  this  and  the  i 
lion  of  new  Simics  upon  mir  own  territory  llie  ijs- 
tinction  is  so  broad  ami  deep,  iliat  all  men  readily 
and  clearly  perceivi- ii.  The  Iraiismiion  we  are  | 
now  called  upon  to  cnnsmniiiale  has  ronfessedlv 
no  precedeiil,  and  1  deny  that  ii  has  any  constiiil- 
lional  warrant.  In  the  last  ('oii'i;ress  ihe  doctrine 
of  mniexalinn  by  leijislalivcenaclmenls  was  denied  ' 
at  its  first  inception,  and  most  Ktremionsly  resisted 
in  both  Houses  tn  the  last,  at  every  slep,  and  lo 
the  very  moment  of  the  passage  of  the  joint  resoln-  ! 
(inn.  tt  was  at  thai  lime  earnestly  maintained  that 
(he  Consliliilinn  bad  provided  for  nn  such  case; 
that  the  ]ienpl;  had  conferred  upon  ni>  branch  or  ' 
braiielics  of  ilie  Government  the  power  lo  admit  ii 
foreij.i  Slalc  iiilo  the  Union:  ihal  it  could  only  lie 
<loiie  by  the  consent  of  the  people  of  each  of  the 
oxislini;  Slates;  thai  this  consent  was  as  clearly 
rsseniial  as  llie  consent  of  all  the  members  of  a 
eomniercial  partnership  to  the  inlrodiiclioti  of  new 
associates.  It  wa-s,  moreover,  insisted  that  if  pre- 
cedent could  be  allowed  to  supply  the  wants  of 
.'nnslilnlional  power,  the  precedent  of  the  jnir- 
eliase  of  Louisiana  by  treaty  located  ilial  |i(iwer  in 
till!  Irealy-mnkins  branch  of  the  tiovernment  lo 
Ihe  exclusion  of  all  oiheis:  that  Mr.  .Icll'eison,  ]\Ir.  • 
Madison,  and  nllicr  iVamers  of  llie  Coiisiiiiiiion 
then  livin:;,  and  at  llie  head  of  atfairs,  conceived 
of  no  other  ai^ency  for  such  casse  but  ihe  Irealy- 
makins;  power;  llial  such  was  the  iicci'ssity  of  that 
case,  such  the  importance  of  that  aii|iiisili'on,  as  a 
inaiter  of  self-defence  and  nalional  jn-eservaliou, 
that  the  treaty  pnwer  wa.'<  invoked,  eoi  as  a  coni- 
plete  conslinnional  power,  but  in  anlicipaiinn  that 
lis  exercise  would  be  suliseqiienlly  made  consiiln- 
tional  by  an  amendment  of  the  (Jonsiiiution,  ap- 
plicable lo  that  extreme  case  alone,  and  excliiitiii!; 
it  as  a  precedent.  And  ninoiii:  oilier  tliiui^s,  the 
letter  of  Mr.  .leirersnn  lo  Mr.  Breckenrid:;e  was 
cited,  ill  whirh  he  expressly  slates:  "  The  Consii- 
'  tiilioii  has  made  no  provision  for  our  linldiii'.;  for- 
'  ei^n  territory,  still  less  for  incorporaliiii;  fnreii^ii 
'nations  iiilo'niir  Union,"  and  in  which  be  sn«- 
}resls  that  the  treaty,  afier  its  ralificaiion  by  the 
Senate,  and  afler  tile  aciinii  of  f 'oii;.'ress  in  p'rovi- 
diiiir  nieaiiK  for  carryim,'  out  its  slipuhilinns,'  iiiiist 
be  snbinilled  lo  the  iialinn,  "for  an  addilinniU. 
'  ariicle  to  the  Consliliilinn,  approviiii;  and  cnii- 
'  lirmiii'janaci  wliicli  the  nation  had  not  previous- 
'  ly  aiiiborizcil." 

The  Tyler  Adniinisiniiion,  after  Afr.  Up.shnr 
beciime  S'ecrciary  of  .Slate,  soni;h|  to  ell'ect  an  an- 
nexation of  Texas  by  the  Ireaty-makin'!;  power. 
A  treaty  was  ne'rniiated,  subinilied  to  llie  Seiiale, 
and  rejecieil.  This  treaty  'ireseiued  a  fresh  and 
full   a-.'knowledgnient   llni'i    I'exas  wa,"  a   foreiuMi 


nntiaii,  tn  (lie  torrilory  of  wliicli  we  had  no  claim 
wlialever.  It  was,  in  the  last  (Joniiress,  conleiidert, 
and  the  position  siipporied  by  the  most  slrin!;ent 
arj^unieiits,  that,  in  the  relalioiiM  exiHtins  between 
Mexico  and  Texas,  by  the  laws  of  natiims,  Mexico 
miiNt  of  necessity  be  a  )iarly  lo  treaties  which 
should  annex  Texas  lo  the  Uiiiled  Slates.  Atk'r 
llie  rejeclinii  of  tliis  Irealy,  afier  its  utter  failure, 
when,  as  it  was  ihen  contended,  (here  was  an  eiiil 
lo  all  rnnstitiitional  proceediii},'>'  to  eireet  annexa- 
tion, llie  unprererlenied  expedient  was  resorted  to 
ofaimexiiiE^  Texas  by  a  law  of  Coiii^rej.s,  propos- 
in;,'  lerniH  of  annexation,  lo  be  ai:ceptei,l  by  Texas. 
The  conHlitntional  jiowerof  Conjiress  loaitmit  new 
Slates  into  the  Union  was  suddenly  ex|iiiniled  into 
a  power  which,  by  ils  inherent  vii;or,  could  create 
the  niaterials  upon  which  il  was  In  ooenite.  It  is 
not  my  present  iiileiiliim  to  reiterate  llie  ari^nmenta 
by  whicli  this  false  reading  '>'"  the  (Jonstitutinn  was 
resisted  and  exposed.  It  is  sutHcient  for  my  prca- 
ent  |iin'posc  lo  say,  thai  all  these  objeclinns  lo  the 
amiexalion  of  Texas  remain  in  their  full  force  to 
this  day.  In  relation,  however,  to  llie  objections 
jjrowini;  out  of  the  relalions  of  .Mexico  lo  Texas, 
I  am  free  m  .say  I  will  not  at  lliis  inomenl  insist 
upon  that.  We  are  informed  by  the  President's 
Message  that  ii  'lislini^nished  citizen,  and  an  cs- 
tei';ned  member  of  this  House,  is  now  eiiti^ajjed  in 
neiiotiatinn  with  the  Mexican  Government;  and  1 
will  not  ur;;e  anydiin;;  ill  my  ]ilaci'  here  which 
niishl  by  any  possibility  embarrass  the  neijoiia- 
tioiis  of  my  counlry  with  any  foreiijn  Power.  lint 
the  other  objeciions  to  the  incf'ption  of  this  meas- 
ure remain  in  iheir  full  slienirlh.  In  ihe  lifjht  nf 
the  ('onsiiliiiion  and  of  precedeiil,  1  inainlaiii  that 
the  least  solemn  form  in  which  a  forcipi  .Stale  can 
be  annexed  in  ibis  nation  is  by  Irealy,  ratified  by 
Iwn-tbirds  o\'  the  Senators;  and  thai  all  that  has 
lieen  done  is  of  nn  bindinii:  lore"  upon  this  Con- 
!;re.ss,  to  compel  lis  here  lo  carry  i  i  this  measure 
of  annexation.  Do  we  ^il  here  with  no  oilier 
power  upon  this  sulijec,  i  'in  \'.\,\^  ly  and  subser- 
viently, at  the  beck  of  the  ^.l.cecnlive,  to  re;;ister 
the  edicts  of  a  former  Coinjress.'  Was  iliis  the 
doctrine  of  the  fathers  of  the  Conslitulion.'  Is  this 
llie  democnitic  doctrine  of  the  present  day.'  These 
joint  rcsoiutions  of  the  Iwe  ily-eii^hlh  Coni^ress 
have  no  otht-r  (orce  and  vclidity  ilian  the  oilier 
hiws  enacted  by  that  le^jislatuie.  Like  them  nil, 
lliey  are  subject  lo  repeal ;  miicli  more  then  lo 
modification,  amendmenl,  and  parliai  reiieal. 

iVeiiher  do  1  conceive  that  the  action  of  the 
Leijislanire  and  jieople  of  Texas  has  lakeii  from 
ibis  Coiijress  the  power  nf  aniendment,  mndifica- 
lion,  and  repeal.  What  has  in  llicl  bei'ii  done,' 
'I'he  twenlv-ei^hlh  Congress  ailnpied  a  joint  res- 
ohilinn  irivinu;  the  consent  of  that  Coii::;ress  lo  the 
foriiialion,  by  Texas,  of  a  .Slate,  which  niipht, 
williin  a  certain  lime,  and  upon  certain  conditions, 
present  here  its  ronslitiiiioii,  and  apjily  for  admis- 
sion as  a  Stale  of  this  Union.  ()n  the  basis  nf 
that  cnnsent  alnne,  the  whole  subseqneiil  aelion  nf 
Texas  iirnceerled.  It  was  known  to  everybody 
in  and  out  of  Texas,  that  fjreat  and  strenuous  oli- 
jectinii  wa.4  made  in  that  I 'oiii:;ress  ay:ainst  fjiving 
llial  conseni,  and  ils  i-oiisiitulional  power  lo  do  so 
steadfastly  denied.  The  annnncialioii  of  this  con- 
seni was  borne  lo  Texas  by  the  joint  resnlulion. 
Texas  saw  that  ibey  contained  the  con.scn;  oft'oii- 
};iess  merely,  and  took  the  chances  llial  that  eon- 
sent  nii'^ht  lie  cliaii'4;ed  in  ils  cnndilions,  or  wholly 
withdrawn  by  ihe  aciinn  nf  a  ftUiire  Coiei:ress;  for, 
by  the  terms  of  those  resolutions,  the  li-ansaction 
v.a.s  set  forth  as  a  lliinir  not  perfected,  but  v.hich 
was  lo  be  siibniitled  lo  the  present  Conjrress  for  ils 
d(  lilieraiion  and  final  action.  That  all  this  may 
moi'e  fully  appear,  I  ask  leave  lo  read  the  resolu- 
tions nf  ihe  twenty-eighth  Congress,  as  they  were 
sent  to  Texas. 
"  Joint  Ri'soliilinn  for  aniicxhii;  Texas  to  the  I'liilcd  Pliil".<i." 

'•  Kc.«o.'nvf  /.;/  the  Semite  ami  Ilouae  of  Rcitreseufafiee^  of 
the  Vtiiteil  Sl!itis  of  ^iinerica  hi  f'oHgrV^t  iiswiiililedy  'I'lillt 
t-'aiiyresH  rfot/i  eomrni  Hint  llie  tprrilnry  iirniierlv  niclinted 
within,  luiil  rljhn'iill.v  lii'hiii|;inii  to,  Hie  Ilc|iiilihc  nl'  Tcvas, 
tllii.v  lie  crrctcil  into  n  new  Sliilc,  In  lie  culled  Ihr  Sinle  nf 
Texas,  with  .1  rrimhlicaii  farm  nf  Oiivci-iiiiiciil,  tn  lie  ii(ln|it- 
ed  l>y  iIh'  [li'iipIiMif  ..iiid  Hepiililit',liydf'|iiilii'!i  in  ctmvcntinn 
ll<^i'lllllleil,  Willi  llic  cniiselil  nf  the  cxislili|;  GdVcniiaeilt,  ill 
nrilfrllml  the  sumc  luuifhe  mtiiiitfeil  as  one  of  the  States  oftliis 
t'aioti, 

'"3.  *^itii  liC  il  fnrtfier  resolreiK  ThnI  the  forcpniiiK  coii,ffH( 
"fl'ol|..!re^■Hi,l;ivcn  upon  Hie  I'nlhmiim  cniidiliniis.iuid  with 
Itic  ftillnwin:!  ciiarinitic.-.  In  wil ;  firs/.  Said  Sliile  lo  '  ■ 
fiirineit,  Kiihifi'i  tn  Ihe  lidiii.-liii.'iil  hy  this  Gnveniliii'lit  nf  ,ill 
qtieslinns  of  liniiiidiiry  th.'il  limy  iiii-^e  with  other  (inveni- 


iiit'iitsi  and  the  conntlludon  (liercor,  with  Uiii  |iro|H.r  evi- 
(luiicu  nf  Its  aduptlnii  hy  Uin  people  ut'  tuiid  Itepiihlic  of 
'J'exiis,  Himll  h"  trani-liiitlt'd  tn  tlie  I'rcfiideiit  of  Itic  tjiileil 
Htnlc*,  Id  lie  Intd  liefnre  l'ini}iresH/t<r  i/t  fwat  action^  nii  (ir 
lieliire  the  HrMt  day  (if  Jiuiuiiry,  llMH.  Seeojut.  t'liid  Hliilc^ 
when  mliiiiiiiid  itiia  tJie  t'tiinn,  niter  eediiii;  in  ilie  I'liiieil 
Stiller  nil  piitilic  ediltees,  fnrlillciitiolis,  liiirraek^,  perls  mid 
liaihorH,  navy  iiiid  navy  >ard.<,  dneks,  iiiajiaKinci,  tiriiis  anil 
nniiiniiein.j,  anil  nil  oilier  prnperly  iiiid  means  pertnitiiim  tn 
IJK!  pilhlie  defence  belnlnfini;  tn  tile  fllitl  lleplllllic  nf 'i'exils, 
hIiiUI  ri'Ulin  all  llie  piihlie  liindH,  deliL-*,  (axes,  luiil  diicj.  iit 
every  kind  which  niiiy  beloni;  tn,nr  he  due  and  owini{  In  Ihu 
i<nid  Ue)iiilitic  ;  niid  xliall  n1.-<n  retain  nil  the  vnennt  mid  iln- 
ftppmpniitcd  Innd.H  l.vini;  williin  Iih  limits,  tn  he  nppHed  to 
Ihu  iwyiiicnt  of  the  debts  and  liiihiliticiof  faid  Kepnhlif:  nf 
Texiuj;  null  the  rcsidiie  nri.aid  landsi,  nfii'rditiclDirginf!  fiiid 
drills  and  liiibililies,  tn  he  dis|H)sed  nf  ashnid  Hliue  iiiny  di- 
rect ;  lint  in  nn  event  are  Kiiid  delilsnnd  liiiliililiestnlH-rninn 
n  ehurac  upon  the  Rnvernineiit  nf  Ihe  llniled  Htales.  T/u'ni. 
New  Htales  nf  eiinvenient  wize,  n*it  eAceedilttt  fnur  in  llilin- 
lier,  ill  ndditinii  to  t^aid  ^^|jlte  of 'I'exas,  and  having  siilVieieul 
pnputaliiin,  lliny  hercnlter,  hy  the  consent  of  Mtiil  Htllte,  be 
fnrnied  out  nf  the  territnry  thercnf,  which  i^hiill  be  enliltcd 
tn  nilinl.4!iinn  under  the  pnivijiinns  of  the  Fcdrnil  ('oiislilu- 
tinn ;  mill  Mitch  Ktaie..'  n.4  may  be  funned  nut  nf  tlint  portion 
nf  said  territnry  lyiiin  Kouth  nf  lliirly  ^ix  decrees  thirty  niin- 
ule5  north  Inlitnde,  enmninnly  kiinwn  as  Hie  Missouri  cnin- 
prnmise  lini',sliiill  lie  ndmitled  into  the  I'liinn,  wilhnrwitli- 
out  slavery,  11.4  the  pi-npl.  nf  each  Htnte  lukiiiR  ndiiiisi>ion 
may  desire;  ind  in  siicli  Slate  nr  Stnteo  as  rthall  be  fnrincd 
nut  nfsaiil  lerrilnry  iinrlhnf  ...aid  IMiwsnuri  eninprninisn  line, 
slavery,  nriiivnluiitaryservituilc,  (except  fur  crime,)  Khali 
be  prohibited." 

Here  is  the  con  sen  (  of  ihnt  Congress  declared, 
with  Ihe  inridcnls  of  that  mere  consent  by  joint 
resolution,  amoii]»  which,  nf  course,  was  the  pos- 
sibility of  ils  repeal.     And,  further,  the  consent  is 
j  declared  upon  the  condition  that  the  coiislilulion  to 
I  be  formed  should  be  laid  before  this  Con^';res3  /er 
I  ils  final  aelion.     Can  it  now  be  said  that  this  Jiruil 
I  action  w.as  delinitelv  jirescribed;  llint  this  delilicra- 
I  live  body  has  not  the  power  to  ilelibeiale;  that  it  is 
the  mere  niinislcrial  agent  of  a  former  Congress, 
to  do  ils  bidding.'     Wliy  send  it  here  at  all,  then.' 
Why  was  not  all  ftilnie  ;i  lion  entrnsted  to  the  Kx- 
[  ecutivc.'    Why  was  it  not  made  the  duty  of  the 
President,  when  this  consiiiiiiiun  of  Texas  was 
laid  before  him,  to  amiounre  the  union  of  the  two 
nalions  by  jn'oclamation.'    For  one,  sir,  I  am  not 
disposed  m  yield  ibis  despotic  poxver  lo  the  re.so- 
lution  of  a  former  Congress.     I  hold  lhal  this  Con- 
gress is  now  to  deliberate  upon,  and  determine  the 
question,  whether  Texas,  xvilli  its  ]iiescnt  consli- 
lutiiin,  shall  be  admitted  as  a  Slate  into  this  Union; 
that  we  have  the  pnwer  to  look  into  this  constitu- 
tion, and  reject  il,  or  give  our  nbEoliile  or  qualified 
consent,  as  shall  seem  meet  to  us.     In  this  manner 
have  the  people  read  and  understood  tlif.se  resolu- 
tions.    To  this  Congress  they  look  for  the  "fiiii.l 
action."     They  will  hold  this  Congress  responsi- 
ble for  the  admission  of  Texas  ns  n  Slutc  into  this 
Union. 

I^iil,  .sir,  if  I  could  be  brought  to  admit,  that 
wliieb  I  utterly  deny,  that  the  2Hib  Congress  acted 
strictly  wiiliin  ils  constiuitional  power  in  passing 
ils  joint  resoluiion,  and  that  that  resolution,  with  iis 
conditions  and  guaranties, are  literally  binding  upon 
the  comitry  and  upon  this  Congress,  still  1  main- 
tain, tlint  one  of  those  conditions  at  least  is  directly 
violated  by  ihe  coiislitulion  of  Texas  now  befiire 
us.  1  call  your  attention  lo  the  third  paragraph  of 
the  second  seclion  of  the  joint  resolutions  wi.'cli  I 
hr.ve  just  read.  Literally  cnnslrued,  sir,  the  co:'- 
dition  in  regard  to  slavery  does  not  attach  to  the 
Slate  of  Texas,  now  npii'ying  for  admission  inio 
this  Union.  This  is  not  one  of  the  four  "new 
Slates  to  be  formed  out  of  the  territory  thereof" — . 
it  is  ihe  original  Stale,  o  it  of  whicli  tlio.se  new 
Stales  may  liereafier  bo  foimed,  "  hy  Ihe  consent  if 
siiiil  SInle;"  and  to  this,  lhal  condition  or  guaramy 
does  not  altiich.  It  comprises  the  whole  extent  of 
Texas,  norili  as  well  ns  south  of  "  thirty-six  de- 
'gices  tliirly  miim.es  north  latitude,  commonly 
'  known  as  the  Missouri  compromise  line."  As  to 
this  Stale,  the  slavery  question  is  still  open,  wilh- 
out condilions  and  without  guaranty  of  the  former 
Congress.  This  question  is  to  be  decided  by  us. 
We  have  the  responsibility,  and  we  cannot  avoid 
il.  Nor  can  it  be  objecteil,  that  this  is  a  narrow 
and  lechnical  aspect  of  a  great  question.  We  have 
a  right  to  demand  a  literal  construction.  Even  011 
a  point  of  doubtful  meaning,  we  have  n  right  to 
thai  conslruclion  which  may  have  been  given  lo  it 
by  those  members  of  the  last  Congress  who  gave 
the  most  reluctant  vole  in  favor  of  the  resolution. 
It  is  well  known  that  this  resolution  passed  in  the 
lasi  Congress,  after  the  agony  of  spirited  debate  in 
both  Houses — a  debate  of  course  cut  olT  in  this 
House,  in  the  midst,  liytheu.se  of  the  previous 


69 


APPKNOIX  TO  THE  CON(.UESSIONAI.  GLOnK. 


[Dec.  16, 


S9th  CoNo.....laT  Srsi. 


qiiratinn— n  '..imte  InTolvIng  this  ulnvery  qHcWion 
— liHKspil,  sir,  iifjiiiiiHt  II  mi-oii!;  iniiicnily  in  IidiIi 
llmiNiH,  iinil  III  mil'  l>y  a  iiiiijiuiiy  n(  Inn  u  «iii.','l<' 
viiti'.  TliiM  slaviiy  iMiiiditiim  wiis  llir  piiiiit  wlurh 
iinmlin-.i  m'  iliosi'  win)  vmcil  fur  tlirHf  rrsdliitiiiiiN 
nin.si  ri-liii'l:inily  yirlilril.  We  iiri'  ImhiiuI  In  lirlii'Vc 
iiiul  iiiMiMi,  ili.ii  llii  y  yii'Iili'il  III)  iiiiirt'  iliaii  the  Ictii'i' 
111" till-  ri'siiliiliiiim  clcaily  ilirlarcH. 

Mill,  sir,  if  ilii'  lilrnil  nuaiiiiiir  I'f  iIip  r- loliilinn 
is  III  III'  roji'i'li'il,  anil  lin-y  ari'  m  l>i'  rnnMir.a'il  ar- 
I'lirdiiii:  t'l  llifir  npiril,  Huri'U  it  will  not  lu' I'linlcnil- 
ril  lliai  ilavny  wax  srimianiii'd  In  llic  w  liiili'  rvli-ni 
iif  this  li-rrilory,  mill li  nnil  snnili  of  ilir  riim|irii- 
inisi'  line.  Tin'  nlinnsi  iliai  can  lie  I'laiinnl  in,  llial 
liy  llie  H|iiril  ati'.l  inlrnl  of  iIiumc  rrsolniioiiH,  ilir 
jiionli'  nf  Ti'XiiH,  Honili  of  llial  linr,  weri'  left  five 
tn  eiinose  wlu'llier  lliey  would  liave  Nlaveiv  or  nol, 
and  llial  .da\erv  was  in-oliiliiuil  iiorlli  of  iliiil  line. 
Tliis  iSi.'iie  of 'fexas,  now  iipiilyiiiu:  for  admission, 
rnniprrlnnds  the  eiitirr  (erriiory,  iiorlli  niid  lonlli. 
This  eonstiiution  esialdislies  slavery  iliroiiL^liout. 
Ii  fiirltitls  failure  emniieiiialioii  liy  llie  1*1  i;isliUnre. 
Aew  iSlati'S  may  or  may  nol  lie  liereafier  ereeiid 
out  of  iis  territory.  Tliey  never  eaii  lie,  Inil  willi 
llie  eonseiit  of  ilie  Slate  now  admitted.  If  no  new 
Slates  are  ereelrd,  doiuesiie  slavi  ry  is  made  |ter- 
peliial,  iiorili  and  soulli.  It'  any  new  Slates  are 
ereeied,  their  ereriioii  leiinires  llie  eoiiseiit  of  this 
Stall'.  lis  l.,e!;islatiire  can  i^ive  no  ennsenl,  eoiii>led 
villi  eniaiiei|iati,in,  to  the  admission  of  any  Stale 
norlh  of  the  eiini|iromise  line,  .\nd  ii]ion  llie  ail- 
niis.-^inii  of  the  State  of  Ti'.vas,  w  iih  iis  )irisenl  enn- 
Blilnlmn.  in  eiiimexion  v.ilh  llie  joiiil  resoUilioii  of 
the  last  C'on^^ress,  what  lieeonies  of  llir  sjiiril  iiiid 
inleiit  iif  that  ri'soliiiion  in  rei;m'd  to  slavery .'  If 
this  Sliiie  is  now  adnillled,  llie  oiilyetriel  uf  llie 
last  elaiise  in  llie  jniiit  resiJulion,  iniil.iliiin!;;  sla- 
very "  ill  sui'li  Stale  or  Slates  as  shall  lie  formed 
oiil  of  lerritorv  north  of  se.iil  Missmiii  eomjiroinise 
line,'*  will  iia\e  lieen,  "  lo  kei-j^  llie  |iromise  lo  llie 
ear,  and  lireak  it  lo  the  liope. " 

In  this  eoiniexion  aimOier  faet  presents  itself, 
\ihieh  the  eoiiiilry  ran  never  for^el.  The  joint  ii'- 
soliilioii  eoiild  not  ha-  "  i  ecu  adojileil  in  llie  form 
in  wliieh  it  now  appears.  \  majorily  in  ihe  Sen- 
ftle,  and  n  porlion  of  the  niajoiiiy  wliieh  il  reeeiveil 
in  the  House  of  Uejm  ^:eiilalive>,  was  ohlaiiied  liy 
means  of  llie  followiiiL;  nineiidmeiil,  wliieh  made 
n  part  of  the  resohilions  as  iliev  were  thially  adopt- 
ed.    The  amendment  was  in  tliese  words: 

.•).  "./ill?  6f  il  furlherrfsolrid,  That  if  the  Presi- 
'  deni  of  iRe  United  Slates  shall,  in  hiJi  Judmnent  and 
'  disiTelion,  deem  it  mnsl  advisalile,  iiisiead  of  pro- 
'  reedinij  lo  submit  the  fore'.roiii:i  resolniion  lo  ilie 

•  llepulilie  of  Ti  \as.  jis  an  nvi'ruire  on  the  nan  of 

*  the  I'niied  Slali  s  for  admission,  lo  negoliale  wiih 
'  llial  Kepiililie;  Then — 

"Hi  il  i-esnirtti,  That  a  Slate,  lo  he  formed  oul  of 

*  the  preseel  Repniilio  of  'i'exas,  with  siiiiahle  i-x- 

*  tent  and  Uound.iries,  and  with  two  repre.senlalives 
'  ill  Coii'jress,  iinlil  the  nexi  apporiionmenl  of  rep- 

•  rfseiilaiion,  shall  he  adnmied  into  the  I'nioii,  hy 

•  virtue  of  ihis  ael,  on  an  eqiie.l  fnotin^  \\  ilh  ihe 

*  existing  Slates,  as  soon  as  liie  terms  and  eoiidi- 

*  tion  of  sneh  ndmission,  and  ihe  eissnn  of  ilic 
'  remaiiiinj;  Texiaii  lerritorv  lo  ihe  United  ,Stali's 
'  ehnll  he  airreed  upon  liy  the  Gnvernmeiils  of 
•Texas  and   llie  Uriied  Stales:  Thai  llie  sum  of 

•  one  hundred  lliousand  dollars  he,  and  the  same 

•  is  hereby,  appropriated,  to  defray  the  ex]ienses 
'of  missions  and  ne'^otiations,  lo  nirree  upon  ihe 

•  Ifrms  of  said  admission  and  ee^^ioii,  either  I'V 
'  treaty,  to  be  sulimilled  lo  the  Senate,  or  by  aril- 

*  eles  10  be  snhmilled  lo  the  two  Houses  of  Uoii- 

*  o;rfSs,  as  the  ]'re:idenl  may  direel." 

riiis  pan  of  the  iLsohitto'i  rei  oirnises  vr^rtialinn: 
B\ithnri7.PS  llie  President  "to  lu'.'oiiaie  wilh  lliul 
Rcpublie,  if,  in  his  jiidirinenl  .and  disejelion,"  iie 
should  deem  it  advisable;  and  haves  the  slavery 
question,  ns  well  as  other  (pieslions,  enlirely  open 
and  misetlled.  This  resohiiioii  lieen  me  u  law,  bv 
the  approval  of  ihe  Piesiib  in,  on  ihe  first  d:iv  lif 
M.treli,  1S45.  "On  the  third  day  of  Mareh,  \ni'>," 
the  late  President,  as  v  e  are  inforue-d  liy  ihe  .An- 
nual Message,  "  cleeied  to  snlmiit  the  firsl  and  .-^ee- 
'  ond  seelions  of  that  resohiiiuii  to  llie  Itepiililie 
'  of  Texn.s,  as  aii  overture  nil  the  pari  of  ihc  Uni- 

•  ted  States,  for  her  udniissioii  as  a  Stale  inin  ibe 
'  Union."  Tliisclection  was  approved  by  Pa-sidcnt 
Polk,  and  his  instructions  issued  accordin^lv.  bear- 


Ailmiaaion  of  Texas — Mr.  Julius  Itockwrll. 

joint  miohilinn  wsi  an  if  il  Imd  never  been,  and 
williiii  ten  days  all  hope  of  il  was  iroue  forever 


inc  dale  the  tenth  d.\y  of  the  name  -March.  SVithin 
passa;,'e,  this  tliird  section  uf  Uie 


lernill  which 


It  was  but  ihe  siuvared  eriisi  of  tin 

eoiild  not  otherwise  have  been  lake 

has  remained,  in  llie  minds  of  a  pnriinii  of  mir 


T 


till  lh< 


peo| 


iile:i  llial  llie  "  liiiiil  ai'lion"  of  this  ( 'on-  i 


cress,  upon  Ihe  admission 
111   itreveiil  llial   vast  re 


of  T 


e\as  !is  a   Sl.-ite, 


1 
ol  II,  trom  irreeov 


■rably  pi 


im,  or  al  least  a  part 
lu'  williiu  the  area  of 


iilul 


ions  now 


slavery.     Uy  ihe  passiu'-e  of  ihi 

before  us,  wilhout  iimeiiilmi  iil,  that  lesl  liojie  will 

he  e\liii:;uistied. 


Ikn 


iw  II  IS  snmelimes  clnimei 


, Ihat ih 


'  pen- 


|»ie  of  iheeoimlry  have,  in  some  sense,  passed  upon 
this  i{uesiioii   ill  the  late  Pn  I'illeiilial  eleclion,  be- 
cause llie  opiiuoi 
were  known  in 


iif  llii 


en  eleeii d  Presidiiit 


lie   fa 


able  I 


o  aimexaltoii. 


Put 


will  anybody  eonlend  ihal  liie  ri'iiiisand  rein/i/iiiii; 
of  ihe  aimexation  wire  decided  on  by  the  jieople 
.And  ainiini^  mauv  reasons,  losliow'  thai  a  iii;iji)riiy 
of  ihi 
Ihis  e 


peo| 


lie  ilid  nol  so  decide  in  llial  election,  is 


elusive  one,  llial  in  some  of  ihe  .Slates,  and 
llin.^e  amnii'4;  the  larj;esl  and  most  populous,  the 
Presidcnliitl  eltetors,  whose  vons  were  ,'riveii  for 
the  present  Chief  .Ma'_'"i.'li'ale,  were  elected  by  mi- 
norities— the  niajorlies,  divided  into  ibll'ereni  par- 
ties, beini;  airainsl  annexalinn.  I'!vi  ry  mail  kiinws 
the  varielv  nf  warrinix  eleiin 


vhicli 


iillei'  i 


two  days  itfier  ila  passa;; 


thai  eleelioii,  and  llie  power  of  p:irly  ori;ani/.aliiiii  : 
over  iheni  all.  liesides,  sir,  I  know  thai  I  have  ; 
here  presenleil,  and  so  ha\e  niaiiy  other  irenlle-  ' 
lueii,  renioiisiniuces  ai^jiinst  this  iiie;isnre,  anionu: 
llie  M!;naluris  to  which  are  many  of  the  names  of 
persons  whose  voles  were  :;i\eii  at  the  last  I'resi-  I 
dcntial  election  in  f.ivor  of  ilie  present  l'',\eciilive.  ! 

I  sliall  not  u'n  into  liie  circiimslaiicesallendin'^  that  ' 
eleciinn,  for  il  is  fir  from  my  purpose  lo  have  any 
tuu'iiey  in  exciiiii':  a  liimuli  of  pari\'  feeling  in  this 
House.  I  liojie  lo  treat  litis  iiuesiion  in  couform- 
ily  viitli  llie  rules  of  the  llniise,  with  Parliamen- 
tary rules,  mid  with  tliiil  dcciirinu  which  becomes  ! 

II  representative  of  the  people  upon  this  tloor.  | 
I  Inist,  sir,  lliai  I  lia\e  .';1iii\mi  iIkii  ibis  ( 'nnirress 

has  llie  rii.'lil  tn  deliberaie  iipnii  ihis  siibjeii  ;  ihai, 
whether  we  ai'e?;iiided  by  the  leiur  nr  spiril  of  ilie 
jniiit  re<oluiinn  of  the  l;isi  Conirri -^s,  we  are  bound 
lo  lake  oiir  "  final  aeiion"  as  a  I,e^'slainre — a  ilelib- 
eraiitebodv — asseriiiii:  all  our  eonsiiiuiinnal  pnw- 
ei-s,  exiendhii;  in  llie  adoptinn  nf  the  eonsiiiiition 
oll'ered  by  Texas,  or  its  rejeilinn,  iiiili  ns  amended 
in  llie  particulars  which  may  be  ])niiiied  oul  by  | 
amendment  in  llie  resohilions  under  discussion. 

I  Inue  said,  sir,  lliat,  owim;  to  the  hasle  in  w  liieli 
these  proi  eediiii:s  liavi-  tollowed  one  npnii  another,  ' 
I  have  leii  had  |ime  lo  eximiine  llie  details  of  ih,-  ! 
eoiisliiutinii  as  fully  as  tiny  renuire.  I  am  aware  \ 
lliere  are  otlii'r  olijictions  besides  the  luiiin  one  j 
which  I  shall  set  f nth,  and  those  of  a  in-ave  char- 
acter, which  I  shall  not  l.e  able  lo  iiivesii:;ale;  and  ' 
as  inlindiieiiirv  In  llial  main  obieciion,  I  refer  auaiii  . 
to  one  poriioii  of  liie  history  of  these  triinsaciions,  , 

Amidst  all  the  heal  and  dnsi  which  this  Texas 
fpiestion  has  raised  llirniiii;lioiii  the  eoiiiiir>-;  amiitsi 
all  llie  Miphisirv,  misrepresenuiiion,  inirii:ue.  and 
unscnipiilous  ell'nrls  nf  e\cry  kind,  which  have  al- 
leiidi  il  Its  prnj^revs.  there  siands  nni  mie  lioinvt 
dedaraiion,  on  the  p:irl  of  the  .'\(lminislniiion,  of 
itie  Irui'  reason  why  the  aimevatiou  of  Texas  was 
so  veheiuenlly  desired.  Kroiii  llie  observation  of 
the  (leople.  in  some  seetimis  of  ih,  ,  ,iii,iivy,  it  was 

III  the  neiiii  eoneealed  durie'r  llie  Pnsidi  until  can- 
vass. It  was  shadowed  forth,  :is  I  ihink,  with  a 
'_rood  de'.:riee  of  distinctness,  in  the  eorrespondeiire 
nf  a  lameiiied  ,Secreiary  t>i'  St;iie,  iio\\-  deceased. 
Put  il  was  distiiicily  staled,  withoni  div'.riii.-e,  by 
his  immediate  successor,  ihe  einiiieni  staiesmau  of 
Souih  ('arnlina.  When  not  only  ihis  C'nierress, 
but  this  .\dmiiiisiiiiiion,  sinill  h  ive  passed  away, 
and  much  ili;it  liasaiii-nibil  ilie-e  irausaetions  sinll 
have  been  forL;niien,  il  will  appear,  in  ihe  lisrlil  of 
ini|iarlial  hi''ior\-,  llial  the  leadim;  reasnii  fnr  the 
annexalinn  of  Texas,  jivowed  by  the  .American 
■Seeretarv  of  .Siaie  lo  the  Minisier  of  fireat  Pritain. 
in  llii'  fai'e  of  boih  eoiinlries  and  of  the  world,  in  a 
diplomatic  enmiminie'iiinn  diled  the 'J7ili  of  .April, 
1H44,  w;is  declared  to  be  to  )ireserve  certain  domes- 
lie  insiiiiitions;  meaniiii^  iheribv  the  institulinns 
of  doniestie  slaverv,  bmh  in  the  ('iiiled  Stales  and 
in  Texap.  Urom  ihat  communioaliun  1  read  the 
follnwine  parnjrapli : 

"The  United  States,  in  eoncludinj  the  treaty  of 
'  '  aiuicxutiuii  wilh  Texas,  arc  uol  dixpoued  lo  shun 


Ho.  or  Hrpi. 

'  i\ny  ri'itpniisiliiliiy  whirhnmy  fiiirlvnltneh  tn  thein 

*  on  aecoiint  of  the  Iriiiisaelioii.  Tue  meiiHiirc  was 
'  adopted  with  the  miiliial  conseiil,  and  for  the  mii- 
'  lual  and  |>eriuiineiii  welfare,  of  the  two  cniintries 
'  interesieil.  It  was  made  iiicessary,iii  order  lo 
'  preserve  doinestie  insiitiiiioiiH  placed  under  the 
'  :.ciiaraiity   of  their   respeclive    eoiiHiiiiitions,  and 

*  deemed  essential  lo  their  sal'ely  an'  prosperity." 

There  will  remain  forever  llie  liislorieal  reiiHoii 
i;iven  by  our  liovernmenl  for  llie  aimexaliiin  of 
Texas  to  llii.-i  Uiiinu.  Mow,  sir,  representiiiit  llio 
declared  opinions  nf  llie  scores  of  llioiisaiids  of  llie 
people  of  lliis  eoinilry,  whose  reninnslrani  .'s  urn 
pouring  in  upon  us,  and,  as  I  believe,  the  real  sen- 
tiiuenls  of  millions  more,  I  lake  lhal  i.ssiie,  and  I 
impose  the  tidinissinii  of  Texas  as  a  .Stale  nf  ibi.i 
Uiiinii;  fnr  ihis  reason  especially,  becimfie  iis  eon- 
slilulion,  as  far  as  it  emi,  supports  and  perpeluah  n 
doiiiesiie  sl:ivi:ry.  I  find  in  this  eonsliiiilinn  an 
article,  ihe  liile  nf  which  is  a  wnril  uiikiinwn  In  ihe 
I'nnsliu.tinn  of  my  eoiiulry.  This  is  the  article  in 
the  eonsliiiilinn  oi"  Texas  in  which  I  allude,  and 
ask  especial  alleiilion: 

AllTlel.K  Vm. — Sl.AVl.s. 

Si-e.  I,  The  leL'i--lnliire  hIkiM  have  no  power  In  pnsi*  hiw» 

liir  Itte  cil|i|lii'l|illlliill  of  I'hiveH  vvllhnlll  111' IHi'lil  lit  llieir 

iivvll'T.!,  Iinr  Wllhniil  luivinit  Itieir  lavaeri*,  |ircvioll-<  lo  Miell 
eiiiiiiicipiiliiiii,  II  l>ill  cipiivalciil  ill  iiiiiiii'v  liir  llie  nliivcs  so 
eiiiiiiicl|iiilcil.  'rtie>  i-hlill  have  nii  jHiwer  lo  prcveiil  enil- 
Unu.H  III  tllt'«  Stilii-  irnlll  lililiulllit  ivjill  Iheiiir^lli'h  piTrinie.  IIS 
arc  liceilH'il  >liiveii  liy  llie  laws  of  liliy  nt  Itic  I'liilcil  Hlalc^, 
I'll  liiiiif  ir*  any  persiiii  fiflhe  fiiiiie  line  iir  ilcMTiptimi  kIiiiII  tin 
cuiiliiiiii'il  ill  fllivcry  liy  the  hovs  iit  ihis  ."^liile:  y'lunVfif, 
Tltnl  iili'Ii  .'•hive  1m'  liie  hoii't  fulr  pr(i|ierlv  orMlcli  eiiiesiiiils; 
/'loiiilci/,  iWi.i,  'I'liie  laws  Mh'iill  lii'piixscdloiiihiliit  Ihc  iiiln>- 
ihieliitii  iiiln  lliii*  Suite  nt*  i-hivi's  who  have  efiininillcil  hiu'h 
erliiies  in  nilicr  Sliili  ^  or  'rcriiltine.,«.  'I'liej'  shall  liiive  iIih 
richl  III  pais  laws  tu  p-niill  tlie  owners  ul*  slaves  to  eiiiiiiici- 
piile  iliein,  .^a^iaii  llie  ri!''it  uf  I'leiiilors,  iiiiil  (ircveiiliiiff 
llii'lil  I'liilii  licciiiiiiiii!  II  pilhhc  I  h;ii<ii'.  'I'hey  shall  have  lull 
IKIIMT  III  p:iss  laws  uhiell   Ulll  iililnjc  the  nwilers  iif  shivi'H 

to  licit  thiiii  Willi  hlllliaiiilv;  li»  pnoiilc  liirlhcir  at s^iuy 

liiiiil  mill  eleltiiiiui  III  tilisliini  trniii  nil  iii.liincs  to  ihciii,  e\- 

ti  iiihim  to  lil'c  III  liiiiti;  anil,  in  ca t  lliiir  iicitlecl  er  rc- 

lilsiil  lo  eoiiiply  Willi  llic  itirectioiis  III' Mich  liiws.  III  have 
such  shoe  er  slaves  liiki'ii  I'riiiii  such  iiwiier,  iiiiit  sniil  liir 
Ihe  lielictit  ol  such  iiw  tier  iir  iiwaers.  They  iiiliy  Jttlsii  hnvs 
III  prevciil  slaves  tViiia  hi'lllg  lirolllllit  illUi  Itiis  State  as  liicr- 
ehilliilise  eiiti . 

Hi  e.  'I.  Ill  till'  priiseclilion  of  shves  lor  erillies  iit"  Il  hillher 
cniilc  than  pent  linceiiy, Ihe  lenishiniie  sliiill  have  no  |H)wer 
li'ih  liiive  lliciii  lit  III parUiil  Iriill  hy  a  pelil  Jury. 

Sn  .  ;i.  Vhv  pei-iiii  i\hii  shall  iiialicimi-ily  (tisiiieiiiht'r,  or 
ih'|in\'i<  a -hoc  nt'lifc, '■liiill  suiter  such  iiiiiii.-hiiicni  us  wniihl 
he  inlhrteil  ill  I  iise  llic  liiie  otl'cliee  hull  .  ceil  coilllllilleil  upon 
a  liee  while  pii-iin,  aiiil  on  Ihe  like  prisil',  except  iae;l-e  uf 
111.  iirrcdMiii  of  such  >liive. 

Now,  sir,  ihis  OIK  slion  of  the  eslablisliinent  of 
slavery  in  Texas  is,  in  its  most  prominenl  nupeet, 
n  new  (]'       ■on,  reaelniiir  farlher  :inil    wider  than 

nnv  i|ues if  this  naliiri' heiilofire  raised  in  the 

history  of  the  (iovernmenl.  I'y  a  decree  of  ihi; 
government  of  Mexico,  made,  I  ihiiik,  in  X^'i'.K 
slavery  was  abohshi'd  in  ihat  eoinitrv,  inclniling 
Texas'.  Ill  the  confused  slate  of  afl'airs,  it  has, 
however,  been  ennliimed,  as  I  iinderslnnd,  in  u 
mndiiied  fnrm,  and  has,  lo  some  exleiil,  iiicre:ised 
ill  limited  poriions  of  Texas,  Il  looks,  however, 
for  its  security  and  exti'iision  lo  this  nie:isurenf  aii- 
nexalion — to  its  admission  asaState  into  this  enioii 
wilh  iis  present  eonstiiiiiion.  And  il  is  now  lo  be 
decided  wbetiier  the  cloud,  now  "  no  bigirer  than  ii 
man':-  hand,"  shall  be  dissipated,  or  sliall  over- 
spread llie  whole  heaven  nf  Texas;  w  hellier  ihe 
.same  act  which  briiiL's  iiilo  the  Union  this  vast 
leriitory,  shall  preserve  to  il  forever  llie  inslitu- 
lions  of  domesiic  slavery.  The  imporlance  of  this 
niea.sure  eannnl  be  overslati  d,  even  if  we  confine 
our  view  to  Texas  it.-elf.  The  territory  of  Texas 
is  represented  lo  be  "  larger  ihaii  !•' ranee,  eipial  in 
'  exlenl  lo  the  whi.li'  (iennan  Kiiipire,  ihree  times 
'  as  large  as  the  United  Kiiiirdom  of  Ureal  P,rit:iiii 
'and  Ireland;''  with  a  variety  of  eliniale,  soil  and 
prodiietions:  great  |Mirlions  of  il  excellent  in  all. 
Diiraid  and  our  voles  are  now  rerpiired  lo  expel 
this  vasi,  fiir  mid  fertile  re;;ion  from  the  area  of 
freedom,  and  place  it  within  llie  area  nf  shivery  ; 
mill  nol  only  sn,  but  to  as.sent  to  the  deprivii.-;  ila 
leeislaluri'  of  all  power  to  aller  in  this  respeel  iis 
fiiUire  conililion;  for  such  will  be  lulmillpd  lobe 
ihc  intended  and  aciiial  elfeel  of  its  eonslilinioii. 

Pin  an  enli^'hiened  and  jiidiciims  forecast,  as  il 
seems  to  me,  will  invest  this  iransnctinn  with  still 
irrealer  impnrlanec  and  interest,  from  observa- 
tion of  the  [irnirress  of  events — of  the  eondilion  and 
charaeler  of  other  /  'nericnn  (.iovernmenls— of  ilin 
true  interests  of  Kuropenn  (iovernmenls  in  rela- 
tion to  jurisdiction  iipou  lliis  conuucnt— opinions 


,   I 


fDpc.  16, 
o.  or  Krps. 

ii'lVMltiirli  10  them 
'V'\f  iiH'UMuri'  \\i\f* 
i(,  nii't  fur  ilii-  1IIII- 
llir  IW'n  (■(MitltrifH 
HMiiry,  in  (*iilcr  lo 
1>Iiu'(m|  nridi-r  iIm' 
I'ltiiHiiiutiiiiiH,  mik) 
nn  '  |ints(|)('rily." 

IlisllM'ilMl    rcMNnii 

111'  iiniu'Xfitinn  of 

r,  iT|n(  Mcntiiii,'  lh« 
riliniiNaiiits  (it  (Itn 
ii-nmiiNtniin  .\h  nro 
lirvr,  the  I'cmI  srn- 
•  lIiMl  i.sMiir,  nrul  I 
HH  u  Slnir  iif  ilii.4 
',  hri'uiiflc  ilN  ('(Hi- 
ts and  |)rr)ii'tuiiiirt 
iH  ciinNtitutinii  nn 
(I  unkniiwn  in  ili(> 
lis  \t*  tlic  iii'ticN'  ill 
licit  1  allmlr,  niid 

(I  pnwcr  lo  pns«  lnw'n 

t  til' iisi-nt  lit'  ilicir 

i('r>«,  prrvioiM  lo  kiipIi 
nicy  I'or  the  ^lllV(•H  !*tt 
wiT  III  itri'Vf'iil  pfiii- 
tlif'iii  siii'h  pcmoiis  im 
111"  ihi'  ('ii)i(-<l  SijiU'm, 
ir  ilft-iTiptinii  (•hull  )>n 
Llii-*  Slate  :  /*i-M  ii/ff/, 
Iv  (»r>in'li  iTtii'^imil-*: 
-(hoiiiliihit  tlx-  inin»- 
liiivr  i'(tiriiiiltr<'i|  |ii<.'h 

Til)  y  Hhall  Imvi'  tlitt 
ui'  mIuvi-h  t(i  i>iiiiii)ci- 
(tir^,  anil  (irfvcniiiig 

'I'Im  V  >hall  Imvrriili 


)  ^45.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THF.  CONGRESSIONAL  GL03E. 


ii\)rii  CoNo 1st  Skss. 


AilmUaion  of  Ttxai — Mr.  Julius  liockwell. 


l^lo.  or  Rr.ps. 


Mil'    OWIMTt  •»(■ 


•lllVl' 

•II  ry 


Ji'  iWrllic'ir 

Jil.liirifM  to  ihV 

II'  tlitir  iiri;li>i>t  iir  ri'- 

t-IU'h    lilHi*,    til   tlllV'W 

iiMiHT,  luill  mill  tor 
Tlii'v  itiiiy  pnsA  Uwvi 
ilu  lliii*  Stall'  as  iiu-r- 

)r  rriijii-H  of  a  liiutirr 

Klitill  havi'  no  [mwiT 

II  petit  jury, 

ly  ili^niiMiitii'r,  or 

i.Oiiiii'iit  111  ivoiiUl 

oiiitiiitt<'«Iii|ion 

of,  cxi'i'iit  in  f  asc  of 

talilislitnrnt  r»f 
iiiiirtit  (ifcipcrt, 
1(1  \\'iiln'  tliMii 
(■  iviisitl  ill  tll(> 
ilii'icc  111"  tin; 
liiiiK,  ill  IS-Jil, 
irv,  iiK-luiliii:^ 
iirjiirs,  it  luiN, 
idn'sliiiHl,  ill  a 
t'lit,  iiicrc.-iMotl 
MikM,  liowTvrr, 

IKMSIIIPiifllll- 

iiicilliisi'niuii 

II  is  tltlW  til  lit; 

t  liii^tycr  ttiMii  II 
vy  slmll  ovcr- 
;  «  hiilicr  till' 
iiini]  tiii.s  viist 
rr  tilt'  institu- 
lortanrc  ot'tlii.s 
it'  «i'  ronliiie 
tiiry  iif  TrxiiM 
niiiri',  e'lpiiil  in 

c,   tllfl'f   tillll'S 

Cifi'iit  PiMtaiii 
nintc,  Niiil  iinil 
xcclk'Ht  III  nil. 
uiiTii  lo  oxpol 
nil  tlio  nrt'ft  of 
n  (if  slavf  rv  ; 
('  (l('|irivit.'j  ita 
his  n'H|te(^t  its 
lulniittpil  t(i  he 
inistitutidii. 
fin'i'Cast,  tis  it 
tiiin  Willi  still 
rom  observa- 
ioonilitioti  mill 
nicnls — (il'tlin 
iieiiisi  in  ipln- 
eiit — opinions 


il 


I" 


1" 


ih 


urn  now  ontcrlninctl,  in  qimrtrnt  i-niillnd  lo  iIih 
liitrhi'Ni  rcipcct  ill  tiiiH  ciiiinlry,  mid  iihroiul  nimi, 
liy  tliiiw'  wIkimc  pnxilidiii'niiiili'H  llicni,  pcrhiipK,  In 
mice  Mtill  in(ii'i>  iiiipiit'tinl  iiiiil  philiiMiipliic.  views, 
ihiil,  Hnnner  or  Inter,  I'or  evil  or  I'nr  i^ooil,  the  con- 
Htitnliiiniil  (iovi'rnineiit  III' the  (Initcd  StiiteH  will 
ino.sl  prolmlily  In;  exieniled  over  the  entire  nreii  of 
North  Americn.  And,  in  llie  face  of  such  author- 
ity, we  are  not.  only  iiiithori/.ed  lint  olilii^ed  lo  re- 
p;ai'd  tliiH  qneHtiiin  iih  iiireclili!;  all  that  part  of  thin 
eoniineiit  whii'li  lies  Nonth  iiiid  west  of  Texas. 
The  mere  possiliility  of  siieli  evenis  ia  Hiiirieienl  lo 
tuvaken  this  added  interest — to  invest  the  (pteslion 
with  this  increased  iniporliini'e.  This  is  the  firsl 
men;  a  nii:.'luy  stride  In  itself,  iiiid  irrevomlile. 

Upon  tliis  ipiestion  of  slavery  I  will  speak  wilh-    ' 
out  res'-rve — eoneealiii'^  no  opinion  and  alKitint^  no    | 
itr(>:iiiiiciil  wliiirh  niyliniu  will  allow.     I  shall  Imve    j 
iinlhin;,'  III  say  of  llie  Slates  of  our  lieloved  I'nion    ' 
where  slavery  now  exists.     Where  they  have  in-    I 
lieriled  this  institiitinii,  where  they  possess  il  under 
the  eoniiiion  eonstiliilion,  it  is   their  own  all'air  ;   | 
theirs  lo  inanii!.'e,  limit,  or  aliolisli,  as  they  liesl    j 
iiiiiy.      lint  I  appeal  lo  all  men  tii  sny,  whether  the    ' 
fiirest  portions  of  the  earili,  in  wliieli  the  inslitn-    i 
linn    of  iloniestie  slavery   has   liien    found,    have    ■ 
ronie  up  to  llial  de^'ree  of  prosnerily  and  Hoeiid    j 
liappinrss  wliieh  (iod,  liy  his  aliiiiiihint  ^'ifls,man-    1 
ifesily  enalileil  them  to  aitaiii.    (  appeal  to  the  his-    ! 
lory  of  the  world,  I  ask  diliLjent  and  eanilid  in-   ' 
qniry  inlo  the  en    litiiin  of  nil   eivili/.ed  iiniioiis, 
null  I  snliniit  that  the  eoni'lnsion  eannol  fnirlv  ha    ' 
resisted,  lint  must  lie  admilteil,  that  whenver  ii    i 
plaee  has  lieen  found  for  doniestie  slavery,  its  per-    i 
maiienl  inllnenee  has  lieeii  evil  and  injnrions  to  the 
entire  eo.niminily — lo  the  raee  tluilis  serveil,  as    ; 
well  as  to  the  race  that  serves.     On  the  eontrarv,    ! 
where  slavery  exist.s  not — where  perfeef  eminlity,    I 
so  far  as  laws  and  ijovernment  may  have  iiiMiienee, 
prevails — where  no  race  of  men  is  snli.servieiit  to 
anolher — where,  of  eonseipienee,  lalior,  phvsieal    i 
labor,  is  lioiioi'able,  and  tliepnvilei;e  of  all — there, 
I  siilimit,  in  the  li^lil  of  the  same  history,  has  been    i 
the  !,'iTaiest   atiMnnl  of  labor,  physicnf  and  intrl- 
leelnal,  performed  by  the  preatesi  number,  and  of 
labor's  richest  reward:    mid   there  has  been  the 
freest  scone  all'orded  lo  the  cultivation  of  virtuous 
and  moral  sentiments   and  correct   views.     In  re- 
gard to  the  hiirhest  exhibitions  of  inlellertual  ac- 
quisition and  power,  1  may  admit  that  iiitiiviilunl 
instances  may  be  found  in  both  states  of  society; 
but  I  claim  that  in  eomniniiities  eiilirely  free,  there 
is  by  far  the  frreatest  ajri^reijnte  amiiinit  of  culti- 
vated intellectual  and  moral  power;  and  this,  I  in- 
sisl,  is  the  only  true  test  of  eomparison  and  eon 
tnist.     There  are  now  rp;;ions  of  the  earth  where 
domestic  slavery  has  loti-j  existed,  the  eradication 
of  which  would  be  soon  followed   by  a  donblini; 
and  quadniplini,' of  population,  drawn  from  free 
Slates,  wealth  and  resource.s  of  every  kind,  with 
nn  aiiirnieniation  of  private  comfort  and  happiness 
in  a  still  [greater  proportion;  and  upon  this  point  I 
abide  the  decision  of  intelli^r|,„t   (Veenien    within 
those  resjiims,  as  well  as  wiiliont.     1  deny  the  va- 
lidity of  ar^umenls  ni^ainst  these  general  trnlhs, 
drawn  from  the  oondition  of  colonies,  distant  <Vnm 
their  ]iareiit  countries,  now  in  their  transition  state, 
with   the   institution  just   broken  up.     This  is  a 
((uestiou  of  time,     hi   its  practical  application  to 
the  subject  now  m  hand,  to  this  new  and  vast  ter- 
ritory, it  is  a  question  of  decades  of  years nav 

more,  of  centuries.  Here,  especially,  the  ar^'umeiit 
that  the  two  races  cannot  exist  t02;etlipr,"cxeept 
where  the  one  is  enslaved  to  the  other,  has  no  ap- 
plicnlion.  The  very  question  is,  whether  both  races 
shall  be  here  driven  in  top;ether.  The  exclusion 
of  the  enslaved  race,  the  abstainiiia;  from  active 
measures  to  introduce  them,  for  which  we  nrc 
Blrenunusly  contending',  w^onld  forever  exclude  this 
arrcuineiit,  both  as  to  tlie  condition  of  that  race 
when  enslaved  and  when  made  free  from  slavery. 

lint,  sir,  however  these  views  may  fail  lo  con- 
vince others,  they  arc  the  sentiments  of  those  who 
remonstrate  nfjainst,  and  resist,  this  !;reat  measure 
now  iirjed  upon  us.  And  further,  sir,  I  am  re- 
quired, by  the  circunislnuces  in  which  1  am  placed, 
and  by  the  opinions  which  I  represent,  to  present 
a  further  nrsument  asainst  this  vast  extension  of 
these  doniestie  institutions.  I  do  this  in  obedience 
to  those  who  (iitertain  these  opinions  upon  which 
the  ar^'umeni  is  founded — many  of  whom  nrc  my 
immediate  coti.stitiiciiW— and  in  nccordmice  with 


my  ownconvintionn.  They  look  ufion  the  cxlfln- 
sinii  of  slavery  as  n  threat  national  siii — an  ofTeti'C 
in  the  sij;'  I  of  Ood,  wilhoiu  whose  lileHsiiii'  no 
nation  can  i  .er  remain  prospi'rous  and  happ;— as 
directly  opposeil  lo  the  iliclatcs  of  inspiri  i!  triilli; 
and  tli"y  lielieve  that  \f  they  do  not  resist  it  lo  the 
nimoHt  of  their  power,  even  lo  tin;  point  whet"  re- 
sistance liecomes  hopeless,  they  will  eypo.sp  tin  ni- 
selv.'S  niiil  their  country  to  that  Diviii';  illspleasiire 
and  chastiHeimtit  which  must  ever  follow  upon  na- 
tional trans;;ressioii.  We  resist  this  i  leasure  here, 
because,  whalcver  may  be  the  issue,  ce  niiist  and 
will  be  in,  and  of,  and  for  our  eoiintrj  ,  now  and 
ever,  whati'ver  of  blessini;s  or  of  bli'jlu  may  be-  '. 
tide  thai  eomiTion  country,  I- 

I  am  aware,  sir,  lleii  nnrumenlM  a:-  insi  lliis 
measure,  coniiii':  from  the  Suite  ,vliicli  1  in  oart 
represent,  are  ^•ollletitnes  viewed  in  c.ertain  qi,-ir- 
ters  with  a  jealousy  which  I  know  lo  lie  iinl'oundi  d 
in  the  si'iiiinieiitH  and  condiici  of  the  citi/.ens  ot 
that  Slate,  On  yesterday,  I  think  il  was,  sir,  while 
one  of  my  cojlea'.oii's  wiw  prcsenlim/  remonstrau- 
ces  a'_^aiiist  this  iiii-isure,  an  extract  from  a  news- 
paper, published  in  ihe  piovinci'  of  Alassichiisella 
liny,  I  believe  in  the  yeiir  1741,  was  sent  lo  llie 
Clerk  III  be  read,  coutaiiiiiu';  some  adverliseinents 
of  the  sale  of  ne'.'roes,  and  for  ne'^roes  rim  away 
from  their  masters.  Ilowfar,  or  in  what  sense, 
this  was  iiilended  as  a  reproach  to  Massachn.selts, 
I  have  mil  inquired;  nor  i.H  ii  at  all  material,  l!iil, 
sir,  it  i^ives  me  the  opportunity  to  refer  lo  the  viti- 
dicalioii,  from  a  source  of  undoubted  imparlialilv, 
of  the  |ieople  of  Massachusetts,  in  their  eolonml 
condition,  in  rcijard  to  the  inatierri  involved  in  this 
dcliale,  Mappy  is  the  Stale  or  n.ilion,  sir,  (and 
may  this  iiallon  and  .'dl  its  ,Stiites  Ik;  ever  1'ound  so,) 
which,  in  the  hour  of  altcmpleil  disparaijenieni, 
can  jioitit  lo  the  ilecidid  lestitoony  of  those  who 
have  no  motive  but  llie  love  of  irnih,  upon  the 
pii'_'e  of  iiTiinortal  history,  lo  vindicate  her  fair  I'lnie, 
I  read,  sir,  from  Cirahnmc's  History  of  the  United  i 
Slates: 

"  Amour;   other  subjects   of  dispnle   wilh    the 

'  nriiish  (lovermneiit  and  its  ntliiers,  was  one  more 

'creditnble  lo  Miissachuseits  than  even  her  m:i'.r-   1 

*  nanimons  concern   for  the   liberty  of  her  citizens 

'and   llieir  fcllow-colonisty,      Nei^ro  slavery  still 

'  subsisted  in  every  one  of  the  American  [irovinces; 

'and  the  nnhapoy  victims  of  this  yoke  wrra  ra|i- 

'idly   niulliplied    by  llie  projre.ssion  of  the  slave 

'  trad(\     Geori^ia,  the  yoniiifest  of  all   the  States, 

'  contained  already  fourteen  thousand  nei;roes;  and 

'in  the  course  of  the  present  year  alone,  more  than 

'six  Ihonsaiid  were  imported  inlo  South  Carolina,    ■ 

'  In  New  Kni;latiil,  the  numlier  of  slaves  was  very 

'  iiisis;nificaiil,and  their  tnalment  so  mild  and  hu-  ■ 

'  mane,  as  in  some  measure  to  veil  from  the  piiii- 

'  lie  eye  the  iniquity  of  their  boiidau'e.     But  the 

'  recent  discussions  with  ri"j;ai'd  lo  liberty  and  the 

'  rights  of  humnii  nature,  were  calculated  to  awak- 

'en,  in  fi;enerous  minds,  a  juster  inipressiuii  of 

'  ne;;ro  slavery;  and  durini;  tlie  latter  part  of  Gov- 

'  eriior  Bernard's  adiiiinistralion,  a  bill  proliibiiory 

'  of  all  traliic,  in  iiei^rocs  was  passed  by  the  iVIa.s- 

'  sschusetts  Assemldy,    Bernard,  however,  in  coti- 

'  fornii';' to  his  instructions  from  llie  Crown,   re- 

'  fused  lo  allinii  this  law;  and  thus  oppo.sed  hiiii- 

'  self  to  the  virtue,  as  well  as  to  the  liberty  of  the 

'  people  wdioin  he  governed.     On  three  subsequent 

'occasions,  laws-aliolishiii'i;  the  slave   trade  were 

'passed  by  the  same  Assembly,  diiriii!:  Hutchin- 

'  son's  admiiiistraliou;  but  all  were  in  like  manner 

'  negatived  by  the  Governor,     And  yet  it  was  at 

'this  very  period,  wdien  Britain  permitted  liermer- 

'  chants  anmialty  to  make  sl)U'"s  of  more  than  fifty 

'thousand    men,   and    refnse«,     i  permit  h^^r  col- 

'  onists  to  decline  a  participation  in  this  injustice, 

'  that  her  orators,  poets,  and   statesmen,   loudly 

'celebrated  the   !;enerosity  of   Einrlish    virtue    in 

>  '  sulferinir  no  slaves  to  exist  on  Eii«,;lish  :i:roiiiid,  and 

'the  transci'iiihrnt  equity  of  her  pnlicial  tribunals, 

'  '  in   liberatinj   one  iieirro  who   Intd    been  carried 

'there,   Thoiiijh  Mas.'--achuselts  was  thus  iireveiit- 

'  ed   from  abolishin>;;  iIk  slave  trade,  the  relative 

j  'discussions  which  took  place  were  by  no  means 

'  unproductive  of  giood.     A  srcal  ninefiorHlioii  Ije- 

'  came  visible  in  the  condition  of  all  the  iiei;roe,s 

1  '  in  the  province;  and  most  of  the  proprietors  i^ave 

'  liberty   to   their  slaves.      This  just  action — for 

'such,  and  such  only,  it  deserves  to  be  termed — 

'  has  obtained  hitherto  scarcely  any  notice  from 

'  mankind;  while  the  subsequent  and  .similar  con- 


'  dtint  of  the  UunkerH  in  Pennsylvania  hns  bf on 
'cei.'brated  with  wurni  and  neneial  eneoniium — no 
'cupriciiins  ia  the  diHlribntion  of  faiiii',  and  so 
'iiuieli  advanliuri:  does  the  riputiilioii  ofvirlu!:  du- 
'  rive  from  alliaiico  Willi  aeuturiiui  aidritniid  inter- 
'est." 

This,  sir,  in  llie  history  of  provincial  Mansn- 
cIiusetlH.  An  iNirlv  as  ilTA.  and  )>reviouKly,  four 
of  her  animal  IjeviNlatiires  Inid  passed  eiiuelineiitrt 
prohibito-y  of  nil  Iraltic  in  neuToes,  the  ell'ect  of 
which  wasprevi.nli'd  by  the  MloeHof  Itiitish  K'iV- 
oriiors.  When  foiled  in  litis  i;-eneral  altem|.t.  her 
citizens,  for  the  most  part,  n.ive  liberty  o  llieir 
slaves.  When  she  shook  olf  the  yoke  of  'trill. ih 
oppression,  she  recoi.;iiised  the  pniieiiiles  o''  iiir- 
versal  freeilom.  When  she  prescribed  for  he.'iu  ,f 
a  free  eoiislitiitioii,  she  shook  from  th"  hem  of  l."r 
ijarmenis  every  vestin;e  of  colonial  slavery. 

I  |ioint,  sir,  lo  iliis  passu.;!'  from  the  liiritory 
wriiii'ii  by  an  iiiipai-lial  lbri'i:';ner,  not  merely  to 
vindicate  ihe  eiirly  spirit  of  the  people  of  lliat  Slate, 
but  to  liriiii;  lo  vii;w  her  wiibseqiient  career,  and  by 
that  f'Miinple,  the  .same  which  lias  i.ppeared  in  tlio 
career  of  the  oiher  free  States,  to  fortify  the  posi- 
tions which  I  maintabi.  'I'iii..  alt  'nipt  at  her  (lis- 
p.ine.'-ement  fully  jistifies  such  ai'!,'iiment.  What, 
fir,  wonlil  Miissachuseits  have  been  nl  this  day, 
with  dotnesiic  slavery  continued,  and  ever  increns- 
iii.'."-,  witliin  he-  borders?  Circnmscribed  in  her 
teriilory,  her  s  dl  for  the  most  jiart  hard  and  bro- 
ken, her  sky  col  qiaratively  ml  kind,  and  her  elimalo 
severe,  ■■'I, I.  has  soni;lit  the  .sonrceH  of  her  iinfailini; 
prosperity  in  tin;  principle  of  perfect,  imivcrHal 
ireedom,  Siislaiiiiin;  her  evi-increa.sin';  popula- 
tion, she  hay  annually  sent  forth  her  children,  by 
thousands,  to  aid  in  taliiiej;  up  and  carryinj^  ibr- 
wiiil  lo  Ihe  West,  the  froiilier  of  civilization,  i^ll 
they  ilemand  is  freedom  mid  the  privilege  of  labor. 
.\s  the  lla:r  of  our  eoiinlry  moves  on  over  prairia 
and  nionniain,  they  assist  in  he,-irin<;  its  snuidard. 
The  capital  and  enterprise  of  iMas.saehiisells  iire 
aidiiit;  in  the  exlension  of  the  (,'i"eat  t'loniie^hl'ares 
of  inland  eommerce  wherever  production  invites 
tlie'.n.  Maiisacluisi'its  is  wilh  and  I'or  the  West— - 
with  and  for  the  whole  coiiniry.  She  repines  not 
that,  as  the  Uepublic  '!;atliers  i^reaini'ss  and  extent, 
her  relalive  iii!liience  will  be  ever  dimiiiishins;.  If 
the  words  "an  occan-boniid  Kepiiblic,"  now  emp- 
ty and  iniairinalive,  shall  ever  becoinc  desciiptivB 
of  reality,  the  spirit  of  Mas.sachnsetts  '..-ill  be  found 
inviijoratimr  the  irreat  idea,  demandins  that  tho 
hiirhways  of  commerce  slriii  iravr-rse  ihe  continent; 
that  commercial  and  poliueal  intelli;,'ence  shall  pass 
from  ocean  lo  ocean  wilh  the  electric  lluid,  Tlien, 
as  now,  ill  minoriiies  or  in  in.ajoriiie,'i,  the  opiiiiona 
of  the  people  of  Massachnsetis  will  be  everywhere 
freely  expies.-(ed.  Then,  as  now,  the  enlarf;enieiit 
of  the  country  will  not,  by  their  consent,  be  coupled 
with  the  extension  of  domestic  slavery.  They  will 
demand  then,  as  now,  that  the  extension  of  the 
ReMiblic  shall  be  not  in  specious  profession,  but 
in  truth,  "  llie  extension  of  the  area  fif  freedom." 

The  eot'ibined  action,  sir,  of  those  wli  i  have  eS'. 
lablished  themselves  in  Oresron,  has  prohibited,  as 
far  as  can  now  be  done  by  them,  the  existence  of 
slavery  upon  that  ref,'ion,  (,'iiuld  such  a  prohibi- 
tion be  extended  to  other  portions  of  our  territory, 
where  the  climate  and  soil  nrc  of  a  more  peiiial 
chiiracter,  how  soon  would  the  obstacles  which 
now  keep  back  the  popnlation  and  improvement  of 
some  of  the  finest  portions  of  our  national  inherit- 
ance be  remo\ed. 

Mr,  Speaker,  I  need  not  observe  that,  if  my 
ability  were  at  all  equal  to  the  occasion,  and  if  my 
limiied  time  would  permit,  the  further  insisting 
upon  reasons  and  ar:;iiments  here  asainst  this 
measure,  or  any  of  its  features,  can  be  of  possible 
avail.  Bill,  sir,  I  speak  for  those  who  have  re- 
monstnui'd  and  protested  ac.ainsi  the  admission  of 
Texas  with  its  (ireseiit  constitution,  but  whose 
remonstrances  have  mostly  been  Inid  upon  your 
1  table  without  the  slightest  examination.  Many  of 
iheni  come  from  the  people  of  districts  and  States 
who,se  representatives,  could  they  have  opportu- 
iiiiy,  would  enforce  their  views  with  vastly  more 
ability  than  I  can  hope  to  do.  Those  represennv- 
tives  cannot  be  heard  :  such  is  the  haste  with 
which  the  iiiiijority  are  determined  to  pres.s  through 
this  fiieasuii';  such  the  power  which  the  rules  of 
this  House  fjive  to  its  majority.  It  is  my  duty, 
'  therefore,  at  this  last  moment  ol  opportunity,  in  iho 
.1  nuiue  of  these  reuionstrants,  and  of  those  who  en- 


n 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Dec.  V, 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Stewart. 


Ho.  or  Uepi. 


trrtnin  the  (wme  ojiiiiion»,  to  ewer  their  Milenin 
jmiloHl  miniiiKt  the  piiaiaite  i)f  these  rewilulions, 
mhiiitlii):,'  'IVxim  nn  n  .Siiile  iirlo  thi-  Uiiinn,  w  iih 
the  |)nivi»iiiiia  of  il.-»  ciiimlilution  in  reliiiiiui  lo 
sliivriv: 

Ilciiiiisi'  the  mhiiisaion  of  this  Sinlc,  wilh  those 
pro\i.'4ioiix,  wi-iiies  to  iis  free  white  poinilntinii  n 
repreiieiilnlioii  in  ihin  ItoiiKi',  not  iiiiMSiin'cl  iiiiit 
hmiled  IIH  ill  the  free  Mlale»,  hy  their  own  iiiiiii- 
hers,  lint  iiii'n'nsnl  liy  mhlins;  ilirei -liAhH  of  their 
»lnvi:f — It  priiii'i|>le  ol'imrCoiiKliintioii  iiUviiy.i  iin- 
ei|;iiil;  nml  ihin  exIenHion  uf  wliieh  over  iJic  v«Ht 
lirrilory  liy  thin  net  aniiexeil,  is  mil  only  iineqiml, 
Inn,  in  onr  helief,  ii^nimi  ihe  Hiiirit  nnil  Inteni  of 
the('niiHliliili<in,iiii'onsistent  willi  repnhhcnii  prin- 
I'iples,  tiiid  iinjuHt.  neeiu'.Me  that,  in  our  opinion, 
the  iii»lilutioii»  of  (hmieHtie  slavery,  lo  piei<erve 
wliieli,  in  the  United  Suites  iinil  In  Texas,  are 
nnions;  the  purposes  and  elVeetsof  thisiinnexiition, 
are  pernianentiy  injurious  to  the  ln-st  inti'rests  of 
the  whole  eoiiiilry,iind  loall  the  Aineriean  people, 
and  must  prove  -lo  lo  the  pei>|ile  of  the  Stale  now 
odtnitted,and  ot  ilinse  new  States  wliieli  iiiay  hert-- 
afier  lie  eireled  within  it.y  territory,  lii  eanse  the 
extension  of  the  an  a  of  kIhvitv,  with  llie  exteii- 
v'nm  of  our  jiirisdictioii  over  a  new  piu'tioii  of  thia 
eonitneni,  imisl  t;iTatlv  wnxken  the  moral  iiithi- 
rnee  of  the  example  of  this  nnlioii  in  favor  of  ri- 
puliliejin  prineiples  and  free  ijovennneiits.  l!e- 
eanse  it  wan  luu  in  the  eonlemplalion  ol"  the  re- 
vered frniners  of  onr  C'onaliliuion  that  doiuestic 
slavery  should  ever  he  thus  vastly  extended;  hut 
rather  that  it  would  \ni  liniitetl,  eontrolled  hy  the 
pro!;ress  of  just  opiniinis,  mid  finally,  hy  moral 
a*;eiieies  and  ciinHtitnliiinal  means,  removed  from 
the  Slates  in  which  it  existed.  Uirause,  if  W' 
ghould  aid  in,  or  eonseiit  Ui,  llie  exlensinii  of 
slavery,  the  net  would  he  in  violation  of  onr  elenr 
convictions,  that  human  slavery  is  at'ainst  hiiinan 
rights;  and  we  should  he  eompelled  to  feel  that  our 
net  had  c;iven  a  more  lerrihie  energy  to  the  nrord- 
ed  words  of  one  of  the  falliers  of  the  He|iulilie,  a 
citizen  of  Vir!;inia,  the  author  of  the  Deilaraliini 
of  Independenei',  that  **  he  tn-miiled  I'or  hiseouiitry 
when  he  redectid  thai  fiod  is  jiiM.'' 

As  the  cinlv  imthod  in  wlilili  it  ean  now  he  done, 
sir,  in  accortlanee  with  the  rules  of  this  House,  I 
move  that  these  resolutions  he  reeomniilted  to  the 
committee  who  reported  them,  with  instructions  to 
report  the  followiin;  aiuendmenl  to  ilieni: 

"  /Vorii/frf,  That  slavery  and  involuntary  servi- 

•  tilde  (except  for  rriine)  lie  proliihiled  in  the  S.ale 
'  by  these  resolutions  ndiallte<l  into  the  Unioi,  and 

*  tiiat  all  t]ie  provisions  of  the  eoiistitiilioii  of  that 
'  Slate,  iiieon.'iistent  with  this  proviso,  slmll  ue  null 
'luid  void." 


THE  TARIFF, 


SPEECH  OF  HON.  A.  STEWA^, 

OF  I'ENNSVT.VANMA, 

\S  THE  HutSK  (IK  IIkimikskntatives, 

Tiiesdmi,  December  it,  iHl,"), 

On  the   portion   of  the  President's  Messnire  nnd 

Treasury  Report  relalins;  to  the  Tariff. 

The  Hon.se  havin;  under  consiileration  the  res- 
olution to  refer  that  portion  of  the  President's 
Messiipc  in  relation  to  the  tarill' to  the  Commit- 
tee of  Ways  and  Meaiu: — 
Mr.  8TF.W.\UT  moved  lo  amend  the  resolu- 
tion, hy  iiisertini;  thereefier  inivtrnetions  to  the 
C'lmmittee  lo  report  "as  the  sense  of  this  House 
lliat  the  lurifl'oMHW  oniflit  nm  in  lie  disturlied.'' 
In  supjiorlim;  this  motion,  Mr.  S.  said,  that  he 
thonijlil  the  House  miifht  lo  ineii  iIiIh  ipiestion  at 
onee,  and  give  an  expression  of  Its  views  and  pui- 
rio.ses.  Tlie  people  had  heard  with  alarm  'he 
Irmj^uage  of  the  Kxerntive  Messatre  on  the  su*'ject 
of  the  larirt".  .Mr.  S.  was  in  possession  of  letters 
just  received  tVom  individuals  who  had  commenced 
manufarlurint;  eslahllshmenls,  and  who  wished 
to  know  whetlier  it  w<iu!d  he  safi;  for  them  to  pro- 
ceed. Their  inrjulrv  of  liini  was,  what  was  E^olnj; 
lo  he  done?  Whetlier  ihe  entire  svslem  of  pro- 
tective policy  was  to  he  overturned,  as  had  hecii 
recommi-ndi'<l  hy  the  F.xecntlve?  That  inquiry 
•vas  ciniiini;  n\\  fnnu  all  parts  of  ihe  cmiulry.  He 
could  not  answer  ilnimand  he  ihousjhl  it  the  duly 
of  this  House  lo  reply  to  tlie.se  lnr|ulries,  and  to 


let  the  people  know  nt  once  whetlier  the  policy 

of  prolectini;  Amerlciin  industry  wa.s  to  he  nuh- 
verled  or  CHtiil'lislu'd.  Surely  it  was  their  ohvlous 
duly  lo  come  up  lo  the  qiicsiion  fnirly  and  openly, 
niiij'  nt  onee,  and  j^ive  u  distincl  expreiiaiun  of  their 
views. 

It  had  lieeii  inllinaled  hy  n  ceellenian  from 
Alahama,  over  llie  way,  [.\lr.  Pavni.,)  lliat  ihe 
report  from  the  SeiTclary  of  the  Treasury  was  a 
most  extraordinary  do'-uinitil.  ICxtraorfUiiMry  it 
eertainlv  was,  and  many  new  and  very  extranrdl- 
iiury  doctrines  did  it  cont,iin.  Mr.  S.  concurred 
very  liearlily  with  the  ni'iilli  man  in  thus  inurli  of 
what  he  had  said.  The  repm-l  was  a  doi'uiiii  lit 
selilti!^  forth  doi'trlnes  In  polilical  ecoiioiny  such 
as  never  hefore  hinl  I  ei'ii  proiniil;^ated  hy  any 
nulhorizeil  olficcr  of  Uoveniimnt,  and  ihi'  posi- 
lions  tliere  assiiiucil  were  such  as  had  slarlleil  the 
country.  It  was  iherefure  manifislly  proper  anil 
hl<;lily  ohli^iUory  on  ihls  liody  that  It  should  i^lve 
as  prompt  an  expression  as  possible  of  its  views 
and  inlciition  in  the  premises.  Mr.  S,  proposed 
lo  draw  forth  lo  view,  and  lo  piihllc  evaminallon, 
ill  as  hrlef  a  mainier  as  he  cotilil,  some  of  these 
opinions  and  doctrines. 

The  first  docirine  which  he  Hliould  notice,  and 
which  was  most  distinctly  avowed  in  the  Seire- 
lary's  report,  was,  that  the  prolei'live  policy  was 
unrimslitiiHonal:  and  if  so,  ihere  must  he  an  end 
of  it.  The  Sei'iclary  .said  expressly  that  the  tarill' 
of  h'^4^  was  *'  1(111  une(|nal  and  niijiisl,  too  exorhi- 

*  tant  and  oppressive,  and  too  clearly  in  eonllld 
'  with  the  fundamental  principles  of  ihc  Oiiisll- 
'  tution." 

These  were  his  express  words,  that  ihc  laiill'of 
IHIiJ  was  clearly  hi  contlict  with  ihe  fundamental 
principles  of  the  Conslitutlon  ;  and  he  had  made 
an  uri;uinent  to  prove  this.  lie  i|iioted  the  Coii- 
stlliilion,  and  then  ar^ind,  hy  way  of  inference, 
that  the  power  lo  lay  a  duty  for  jiroteclion  was 
iiol  III  llils  tiovcriniu'iit.     ills  ri^port  says: 

0  A  juiflial  and   a  Inttit  prohiliitit't}  are  alike  hi 

*  viitliitiou  of  the.  true  ohjeet  fj' Hif  tiuiuf;  yiitcr. 
'  They  only  dlll'er  in  de;;ree,  and  not  in  principle. 

*  If  the  revenue  ilinil  may  he  exceeded  ear /ire  ri  a/., 
'  it  may  he  (exceeded  (nie  hundred.  If  il  may  I  e 
'  exceeded  upon  any  one  article,  il  may  he  ex- 
'  ceedcd  on  all;  and   there  is  no  escape  from  this 

*  conclusion  hiii  in  ciuili'iidiiis;  thai  (.'on;;ress  may 
'  lay  duties  on  all  arlidcs  so  lii;;h  as  In  colh'ci  lui 

*  revemic,  and  operale  as  a  total  proliihillon.'' 

"Till;  t'onstltulion  declari  s  lliat  'all  hills  fur 
'  raism;;  reveiuie  shall  (nli;liial('  in  the  House  of 
'  Represeiitalives.'  ,\  larilV  lull,  it  is  c(niceded, 
'can  only  (nlu'lnale  in  the  House,  heraiise  It  Is  a 
'  hill  for  riihini;  rereiuie.  That  is  the  only  proper 
'oliject  of  such  a  hill.  .1  /«ci// isa/nW/ to  '  lay  and 
'  colhd  taxes.'  Il  Is  a  hill  '  for  raisin;  revenue;' 
'  and  win  lever  it  departs  from  that  olijecl,  in  whole 
'  or  In  ;i(ii7,  either  liy  ttitttl  or  jtaiiitd  prolilhltion,  it 
'  tinlalc.i  the  iiiirimse  of  the  fpenileil  /miccr." 

Mr.  .S.  Ill  re  relerreil  to  the  .Missa'.'es  of  Wasli- 
in','lon,  .leli'ersou,  Maillson,  and  Monroe,  all  of 
whom  over  and  over  ai;r.',ii,  in  the  Ntroiiiest  nnd 
most  einphalic  laiiunaije,  urired  upon  (-'on^ri  ssthe 
proprlelyof  prolectin;;donieslic  niainif.iclurca.  He 
then  came  lo  ihe  .\le.(sau:e  of  tieneral  .Tackson — 
a  name  which,  he  should  suppose,  wituld  still  have 
some  small  mea.-aire  of  authority,  at  least  with 
those  who  once  professed  iheinsehes  pre-eininenl- 
ly  his  friend.-.  .Mr.  S.  would  place  in  distlnci  and 
opiiii  ciintradlctloii  the  opinions  hi  Id  hv  ihe  present 
Hxecuilvc  and  his  Secretary  of  the 'I'n  asiiry,  as 
contained  In  the  incssase  of  ihe  one  and  therepor! 
of  the  othir,  and  the  opinions  of  .\iiiliew  .lacksnn 
as  contained  ishis  I')xei-ii[ive  .VlessaL'cslot'oni^rcss. 
He  had  already  pre.Mnted  the  doclrines  of  the  ex- 
IsiIhl;  Adminisiralion  as  they  were  linlxidicd  ill  the 
report  of  the  Seen  lary  "f  the  Treasury. 

1  le  Would  now  proceed  to  r(  ad  a  parau'raph  ftiim 
the  .\Iess:i!re  of  President . lacksnn,  hy  w;iy  of  re- 
freshlii;,'  yenllenien's  recolleiilon  as  lo  what  had 
lieeji  ihe  opinions  on  ihis  siihjrct  avowdl  hy  that 
distiniruislied  man.  Mr.  S.  cinisldercd  the  [tassaire 
In;  was  ahoiil  lo  (piotc  as  contalniin;  mie  of  the 
clearest  and  sirniiL'cst  vindications  of  ihc  conslitu- 
tinnal  ]iower  lo  lay  duties  for  the  purpose  of  pro- 
tection, that  had  ever  hcen  put  forth  to  the  world. 
Here  11  Is: 

"  The  power  to  Impose  duties  upon  imports 
'orlKinally  lpe|on;;ed  to  iIk'  several  Stale.;.  The 
'  rlijlittoailju.sl  these  duties,  with  a  view  lo  the  eii- 


I  ■  coumip^menl  of  doineitio  induitryi  U  w  complete- 
'  ly  identical  with  that  power,  that  it  in  dilliciilt  in 
'  suppose  theexislence  of  the  one  wiihout  the  oilier. 
'The  Slates  have  del<7taled  iheir  whole  aulhonly 
'  ()V(  r  ImporlM  lo  the  ( Jeneral  tiovernment,  withonl 
'  limilalion  or  restriciion,  saving;  the  vei  y  liadiisid- 
'  eralile  rcs(  rvalion  relaliiit;  lo  the  iiispectioii  laws. 
'This  miihority  liaviin,'  thus  enllrely  pa»«(  d  from 
'  Ihe  .Stales,  the  ri>;lil  to  exercise  il  I'or  the  purpos« 
'  of  prntei  lion  doeu  mil  exist  In  ihini;  and,  coiihe- 
'(pienlly,  if  it  lie  not  possessed  hy  the  Cicncral 
'  (ioveiiimcnl,  it  must  lie  exllncl.  Our  political 
'sysieiu  would  thus  present  llie  anomaly  of  a  peo- 
'  pie  .strippiii  of  the  ri;;hl  to  foster  their  own  in- 

*  diisirv,  and  lo  connleracl  the  most  aelfish  and  de- 
'  struclive  policy  «  hi  h  iiiinht  he  adopted  hy  fori  ij;ii 
'  nations.  'I'his  surely  i  iiiniol  lie  the  case;  ihis  iii- 
'  dispeiisahlc  power,  thus  sutreiulcred  liy  llie  Stales, 
'  luiisl  he  w  ithni  the  scupe  of  iiuthorlly  on  Ihe  fjuh- 

ject  exi'rcssly  d(  h  i:al(  (1  lo  Conuress.  In  ihisctin- 
'  elusion  I  am  ci.iiliriiied,  as  W(  II  liy  the  opinluiifi 
'of  Pri  sidenis  Washini;lon,  .leli'ersou,  iMadisoiit 
'and  iMonroe,  who  have  each  repeatedly  reconi- 
'  mended  this  rii.;lil  under  the  Constitiillon,  as  hy 
'  the  innform  praciiin;  of  ('(iii;.^re;JS,  the  contlniK  (I 

•  acipiicsci  nee  of  ihe  States,  and  the  general  iindei- 
'  standiiii;  of  the  people. "—^«c/aoH 's  secomi  uiiiiuat 
.Messiij^e. 

Vet  now  f'on(;ress  waslo  learn,  fur  the  fnsi  time, 
hy  Kxecullve  liislrui'tions,  that  they  |iossessed  no 
eoiiHtilntiomil  pt.fver  to  protect  onr  own  home  indns- 
Iry — no  power  lo  coiinlcrvall  the  Injurious  resula- 
lioiis  of  other  cnnulrli  s — no  p(»wer  to  priilect  lh« 
iahor  of  our  own  citi/.ens  troiii  the  in  slructlon 
which  must  lie  liroui;lil  upon  It  hy  an  iinreslrlcled 
coinpelllion  with  the  pauper  Iahor  of  F.urope;  Ian. 
onr  own  hardy  sons  of  loll  must  he  Impoverished 
and  i^rouiid  down  so  lone'  a.-(  the  wretched  laici^ars 
iind(:r  a  foreign  Cjovermneiii  were  ciiiu))ell( d,  hy 
iheir  necessities,  lo  Inhdrat  lowir  rales  than  free- 
horn  y\mericans.  Such  were  the  ilocirliies  dlHlincl- 
ly  proninli^ated  hy  the  Preslileiit  hi  his  Messa;:e, 
and  I  specially  hy  his  Sei  relary  of  the  Treasury. 
Well  might  lliey  he  called  extiaordiiiary,  I'or  such 
Ihey  certainly  were.  W(,'rc  the  Ainerie;ui  peiiplc 
prepared  to  sustain  opinions  like  ilie.se.=  Would 
lliey  suhscrihe  lo  the  dogma  thai  lliclr  own  Ciov- 
criiiiient  had  no  power  to  protect  lliemr  Thai  waa 
Ihe  doctrine — ihere  was  no  evading  it;  and  Mr.  S. 
desired  to  know  whether  this  House  was  prepared 
lo  irUi;  Il  die  Impress  of  lis  saiicllon. 

This,  howev(  r,  was  hut  one  of  the  extr,iordliia- 
ry  doctrines  in  this  most  exiraorillnary  produetlon. 
It  contained  others  equally  strange,  eipially  new, 
ei|ually  iicruicloiis  in  tendency ,  equally  di  siruetlve 
in  practi(;d  operation.  Would  the  people  helieve 
it.-  This  document  from  the  Secretary  ri.'com- 
mendeil  the  Imposition  of  an  excise  on  Amerii'iiii 
niaiiufaciuriy — to  take  ihe  dnt'es  oti'Urilish  goods, 
and  ,rut  them  on  the  .\mericaii. 

Mr.  .loiixsiix,  of  Teiinissee,  lure  iiiierposed, 
and  desired  lo  ask  him  a  quesiion:  When  the  (-iov- 
eriimeiil  protec[';d  these  inanufaclures,  who  paid 
the  dnliesr 

Mr.  Sri.ivAUT  di.sliked  lliese  inlerniptions;  hut 
aince  the  iinestlini  was  put,  he  would  answer  It. 
The  gentleiiiaii  asked  liliii  who  paid.  The  gcnlii  ■ 
man  and  his  friends  held  the  doeirliii' that  the  ciai- 
siinier  always  paid  llie  duty,  and  llie  Secretary  told 
the  nalioii  thai  the  poor  man  was  t.ixeil  ei;;liiy-two 
per  lent,  on  cotton  goods  over  the  rich  man.  Yes, 
this  poor  man  .seemed  a  special  t'avorilc  of  the  lion- 
oralile  Secretary.  He  Imii  introduced  him  ten  tliin  s 
in  ihe  course  of  two  paragraphs  of  llie  report.  I  Us 
sympathy  was  greatly  excited  that  this  unhappy 
"poor  man"  was  taxed  one  hundred  and  lifiy  per 
cent,  on  his  cotton  shirt,  liecnii.se  there  was  a  spe- 
cific diitv  on  imjiorted  cotton  goods  of  jiiiie  cents  a 
yard.  S'ow,  If  Ihis  specific,  duty  of  nine  cents 
ainoiinled  to  a  hundred  ami  fifty  per  cent,  ml  raln- 
ifia,lliat  fixed  the  price  of  the  colioii  lo  the  "poor 
man"  at  hut  six  cents  a  yard,  for  nine  cents  was 
just  one  hundred  nnd  fifty  pir  cent,  on  six  cents. 
So  the  prnclicnl  ell'cct  of  This  horrid  lax  was,  that 
this  "poor  man"  got  a  good  shirt  at  sixpence  a 
yard.  And  Mr.  S.  would  nil  ihe  gi'iitlin;:iu  an- 
other thine:  when  those  most  aliominaljli'  mini- 
mums,  w  liich  so  excited  the  wrath  of  the  Secreta- 
ry, had  first  lieen  introduced  in  IHlfi  hy  William 
Lowndes — one  of  the  purist  patriots  and  most  en- 
lightened statesmen  lliat  had  ever  ivraced  the.se, 
leglshitivc  halls,  and  sustained,  too,  hy  John  C. 


'Vt- 


{Dec.  9, 
i>.  OK  Hkm, 

ry,iH»i)  i'iiiii|>lt'if 

III   it    in  llltlic'Ull  III 

wiiliimlllicoiliir. 
r  vvlinlc  aulltiii'iiy 
niiiiii'iii,  wiilKiiit 
111'  Miy  iiiriiiiMicl- 
'■  iiiH|)r(-ti<in  law  ^. 
inly  jiiiBWil  iViMii 
il  I'lif  llii-  i>iir|MMrt 
lirni;  mill,  ciiiimi- 
I  l>y  llir  (irncnil 
1.  Our  |inlilinil 
iioiiiiily  ot'a  ]itit< 
IT  llirir  own  iii- 
iKl  acllisli  (tni)  llr* 
ili>{iU'illiy  I'lirii;;!! 

tint  ril^H'*,  tlliN  iii- 
rt'il  liy  tlir  Slllti  .4, 
unity  IMI  lIll'Slll)- 

I'HH,  111  this  roil- 
I  liy  llir  iipiniuiis 

i'l'tlDII,     MlllliNOIIf 

ij'i  .ititily  rri'oiii- 
iiiMlitiitidii,  IIS  liy 

.■»,  till'  Olllllilllll  il 

ic  mniTiil  iimlii- 

h\i  SCCOlllf  llllMllll^ 

fur  the  fiiMt  limr, 
iry  pitssrs^i'd  imi 
MVMi  liuiiii'  imliif- 
iiijitrioiiH  rfi^iilit- 
I'f  Id  priilt'ct  lli« 

llii'  ilixli'iirliiiii 
y  nil  iiiiri'Mii'irit'il 
■  Ml'  Kiirii|ir;  Ilia 
III'  in>|Mivirislii'(l 
\'rt'trln(l  lnici;ur>i 
■('  i'iuii|)vllnl,  liy 
'  niira  tlitiii  iVit  - 
(jfli'iiirs  itiHliiii'l- 

iii  his  Mcssai;!', 
il'  till'  Tn'MHtiry. 
iliiiai-y,  I'lM'  siii'.li 
Vini'iii-.ui  hi(i|ilc 

ihlMt'j       WiMlIll 

liii'ir  own  CiDV- 
11111?  That  wn» 
i;  it;  anil  ^Mr.  .S. 
waB  |pi-r|iiirccl 
in. 

Ill'  cxlfaiii'diiia- 

,iry  )>n)iln('iii>ii. 

iqually  new  , 

y  ilrsiriii  live 

|ii'iiji!r  lii'liuvi' 

I'tary   rt'i'inii- 

1111  Aiiii'i'ii'aii 

l!riti»h  {jooils, 

ri'  inli'rpoHid, 

W'lii'ii  the  tiii\- 

ircH,  who  jiaii! 

rrii|illi>iisi  hut 
ikl  aiiKWtr  il. 
The  -nill,- 
lllat  till'  roll- 
Si'i'li  laiy  loitl 
il  ii;,'lity-l\vo 
Il  inaii.  ^'r.s, 
ilr  orilip  lloii- 
luiii  tni  titiii  .-t 
n|Mii'i.  ]lis 
Ihi'^  iiiihnjipy 
I  anil  lifiy  pii'r 
'I'c  wa.s  a  .spc- 
riiiiie  ciTils  u 
III'  iiiiio  ceiil.s 
I'i'iit.  ml  vnln- 
tlii;  "  poor 
f  ci'iits  wa.s 
11  .six  rrnls. 
lax  was,  that 
at  sixpoiioi'  a 
^■ntliuian  mi- 
iiiiialili-  iiiiiii- 
t'  llic  iSri'R'ta- 
(!  liy  Williaiii 
mil  most  cn- 
LVi'ai't'il  thi'sfi 
hy  John  C 


39th  Cono 1st  Skhs. 


A1MM;NI)1X  to  TIIK  (JONGUKSSIONAI.  GFA)HK. 


I  II 


Calliniin,  Donrccly  Ipniidintineiiinhcil — India  cotton 
(■niiils,  ol'thr  vrry  roarNi'»ti|imhty,  known  to  every 
hilly  nl  ihii  tiiiir  hy  the  Iiaiiii'  oi'  linni-lniniH,  roHt 
tliiriv-ihiri'i'i'nl.i  a  yni'il;  ho  thai  tlii'  "  poor  man" 
wonlil  llifii  linvi'  had  to  pay  I'oiir  dollars  I'or  twi'lvo 
ynnls  of  it,  and  the  cH'i'Ct  ol'  tho  infamons  mini- 

iniiins  had  hi'in  Ihat  cvrry  poor  man  in  tin iiii- 

try  niiild  now  L'i't  a  hi'ttrr  iirlirli'  I'or  six  and  a 
i]iiarli'r  ri'iils.  That  was  tho  way  tin'  pi'0[ilii  wri'c 
taxed  and  oppri'ssid  liy  iIib  iiroicitive  system!  and 
this  was  till"  inniiiier  in  wliirh  tlie  "  iiiior  man" 
viiH  mound  down  to  the  dust  to  lieiirfil  lln'  rich  mo- 
nopoli.Ht!  The  Si'rrelary  persiiailed  this  poor  man 
that  he  was  laxrd  ei;;hly-lwo  per  eenl.  more  than 
the  rieli  man,  niiil  this  was  i|nile  iiisiilVeralile;  yet 
(le  paid  only  six  eeiils  for  what  fornierly  I'ost  liini 
thinv-six  ei'iils,  and  of  an  inferior  ijiialily  at  that. 
On  that  thirty-six  eeiilH  the  larifl'  of  IHKI  laid  n  duty 
of  nine  eeiits,  wlileh  was  then  liul  twenty  five  pi'r 
eent.  ml  vnlnrtm;  it  i.^  now  one  hundred  and  fifty 
per  eent.i  and  why.'  Heoaiise  the  priie  is  reduced 
from  ihirtv-Hix  to  .six  eenls  per  yard. 

Thi'.-ic  (Ireiidfnl  miiiimiims  had,  in  their  prnctieal 
eonsei|ueni'e!»,  iriveii  the  farmers  a  market,  (yiven 
their  ehildren  eiiiploynienl,  made  their  land  protil- 
iilile,  filled  the  eounlry  with  llie  hum  of  ennleiiled 
industry,  and  had  lirouurht  down  the  prire  of  the 
poor  man's  elolhini;  from  thirty-six  eeiits  a  yard, 
ilown — down — down,  as  the  svslcm  proreeded,  till 
at  last  it  irave  it  to  him  at  six  ei'iils  a  yard.  Now 
the  Secretary  cried  out  that  the  duly  on  these  eot- 
toiis  was  a  hiimlred  and  fifly  )ier  cent,  nil  valorem! 
Knormous!  Horriil!  And  why.'  The  duty  hail 
not  chanced,  hut  the  price  had.  As  the  price  went 
down  the  duty  went  np.  At  thirly-six  ceius  jier 
yard,  nine  reiils  duly  would  he  Iweiity-five  per 
cent.;  at  six  cents  a  yard,  the  ilniy  would  he  one 
iiunilred  and  filly  per  cent.',  and  if  the  jirice  de- 
Mieiiilcd  to  one  celit  a  yard,  then  the  the  duly  would 
lie  nine  luindrcd  per  cent.!  The  poor  maiiVolihed, 
plundered,  and  o|ipresseil  liy  a  duly  of  nine  liiiii- 
drei'.  per  cent.,  simply  liecau.se  he  iret.s  a  yard  of 
eolleii  fjoods  for  one  cent  a  yard!  Let  the  niaiiu- 
factnii'r  run  up  the  price  to  thirly-six  cents  as;ain, 
mid  the  oppression  is  all  over;  the  duly  of  nine 
cents  ft  yard  fall.s  inslanlly  to  twenty-five  per  cent., 
n  moderate  revenue  ditty.  No  more  complaint; 
these  frioiuls  of  the  "  poor  man"  me  ]ierfectiy  Niit- 
isfied. 

Such  wns  the  practical  operation  of  these  odious 
iiiiiiiinunis  which  had  reduced  the  poor  man's  cot- 
ton coods  from  twenty-five  niid  thirty  ceiils  per 
yard  to  six  and  ei;;hl  cents.  Yet  this  was  llie  sys- 
tem wliii'h  must  he  eiveii  up;  this  was  the  opera- 
tion which  was  so  oppressive  and  so  iinnnn/idi- 
liiinal  that  it  must  be  siili'ercd  to  exist  no  longer 
11110I1  our  stnlute  liook!  The  duty  was  to  he  taken 
olV  the  foreign  ffoods,  and  put"  vipon  Ameticuii 
luamifactiircs.  Such  was  the  doctrine  of  this  re- 
port  and  message,  which  say.s - 

Mr.  JoiivsiiN',  of  Tennessee,  here  ncain  asked 
Mr.  .Stk.waiit,  if  the  larilf  liroiii;lit  down  the  prices 
of  articles,  why  did  the  manufacturer  want  it,  and 
wlinl  was  it  that  hrought  down  tlie  price  of  other 
goods  in  projiortioii .' 

Mr.  Stkw.vrt  replied,  lhat  such  was  not  the 
fact.  Other  ^oods  not  maimfticlnred  here — siks, 
velvels,  &c. — had  not  declined  in  the  same  ratio, 
nor  had  wa^es  or  agricultural  |iroducc;  lieeause 
the  protective  tarilf  had  incrcnscd  llic  supply  of 
domestic  Koodsby  iiicrca.sini;eonipelilioii,aiiii'liad 
sustained  wages  and  agriculiural  produce  hy  ere- 
ating  an  increased  demand  for  both.  If  the  Rcn- 
tlenian  could  comprehend  that  demand  and  su|iply 
regulate  |irice,  il  would  be  all  plain  lo  him. 

Yes,  sir,  and  could  the  Secretarv  accomplish 
what  seems  lo  be  his  pur)iose,  the  deslriiclion  of 
our  domestic  cotton  manufactures — which  he  says 
now  amount  to  miiin  v-iiuii  mii.i.ioxs  ]ier  anniiiu, 
and  which,  of  course,  add  that  much  aniiiiiilly  lo 
our  iialional  wealth — strike  this  out  of  existence, 
destroy  this  immense  eompclitioii  and  supply,  and 
coon,  very  soon,  the  "poor  man,"  without  employ- 
ment and  wilh  diminished  means,  would  have  to 
pay  the  foreiirner  two  or  three  times  the  price  he 
now  pay.s  at  home.  Such  are  the  favors  ihis  Ad- 
tninisiration  would  confer  upon  "poor  men."  The 
penileman  asks,  if  protect:...,  -educes  prices,  why 
do  niaiiufaeturers  want  it,'  It  was  not  increased 
jiricc.-,  but  increased  linsiiiess,  they  w.inteil— a 
wider  market;  il  was  tl'e  advantage' of  improved 
inachiiiery,  inereiused  Bkill,aiid  enlarged  .sales,  that 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Stewart. 

reduced  priccH.  S  percent,  profit  on  ii  bnMincsn  nf  1 1 
jt.";,!!!)!!  a  year  was  more  than  ^0  per  cent,  profit  on  jj 
•^1,1101);  and  the  .sale  of  six  pairs  of  nhocs  a  day,  i 
at  ten  cents  profit,  was  bctler  than  the  sale  of  ohm  ' 
pair  at  fifly  cenls  prnlil.    Is  the  gcnili'iiian  satisfied.' 

When  interrupti  d,  he  had  liien  conlrovertiiig  the 
doctrines  put  forth  by  ihe  Sicniary  in  his  report. 
He  had  nl'i  Tied  to  a  table  which  had  been  leiiorled 
by  the   Comniitlee  of  AN^ays  and   iVIeaii.-i,  lor  the  ' 
purpose  of  showing  the  enoniious  tax  which  was  ]' 
nnposed  by  iheHystein  of  Hiiaimioii.<i,'  but  when  the 
Secretary,  by  the  assistance  of  the  honorable  ehair- 
iiiaii  of  the  i.'oinmil^tce  of  Ways  and  Menus,  was 
preparing,  with  gi'eat  labor  and  pains,  this  docu- 
ment, he  seemed  to  forget  that  he  was,  at  the  same  ! 
inonient,  furnishing  matlieniatical  proof  of  the  ex- 
act exleiit  to  which  protci  timi  had  reduced  prices.  ! 
liy  converting  specific  into  ml  valuiiiit  duiics,  the 
duty  runs  up  precisely  as  the  price  runsdinvn  ;  so,  ; 
by  showing  an  increased  rate  of  duty,  the  ijenil,;-  ■ 
men  have  only  shown  reduced  prices.  i 

"The  duty  is  fixed,  and  cannot  vary.  The  ml 
ra/oreiii  duties  are  always  the  same.  None  were 
impiwed  by  the  larilf  of  1«4J  above  ,'i()  per  cent. 
IIow,  then,  does  the  I'resident,  in  his  Message,  gel 
dulies  it(-M>  percenl..'  This  can  only  be  done  iiy 
converting  the  .syieci/icduiies  intO(i((  lului-tin  duties; 
and  when  Ihis  is  iJoiie,  a  high  duty  only  shows  a 
low  price.  If  the  duty  is  Ml)  per  cent.,  the  price 
miisl  be  oiie-foinlh  only  of  the  duly.  'X'hiis,  we 
are  told  that  gla.ss  pays  the  enormous  duty  of  UUO 
per  ecnl.;  and  why.'  lieeause  the  duty  is  ;J4  per 
l)ox,  and  the  price  *;!  per  box;  Iml  if  the  '-'ass  went 
down  to  <il  per  box,  the  duly  would  be  4UU  |ier 
cent.  Thus,  we  are  tolil  by  the  Secretaiy  of  the  ; 
Treasury  that  the  people  paid,  in  all,  a  lax  of 
eighty-four  niilliniis,  of  which  but  Iwenly-seven 
wenl'to  thetiovenimeiit,  and  fil'ty-four  totlie  man- 
ufacturers; and  he  rcl'erred  to  a  lisl  of  .sixty  or 
seventy  articles  paying  ,';irc>'c  duties,  which,  when 
converted  into  ml  valiiiiiii,  ainounled  to  moie  than 
KM)  per  cent.  Very  well;  and  what  did  this  prove.' 
Why,  simply  ihat'the  prices  of  those  articles  had 
been  greativ  diminished,  as  in  the  case  of  cottons. 
The  same  iluty  which,  when  levied,  had  been  but 
3;')  per  cent.,  had  now  become  ITiO  per  cent. — sim- 
ply because^  the  price  had  gone  down  to  one-fourth 
part  of  what  il  was.  So  the  main  result  of  all  the 
labor  and  ciphering  of  the  Secretary  and  chairman 
of  ihc  Comniiltee  of  Ways  and  Means  had  been 
to  furnish  to  the  whole  country  ollicial  demonstra- 
tion that  prices  had  been  reduced  by  a  proteclive 
larilf  to  one-fourth  or  onc-fifih  of  what  they  had 
been  in  IHKl.  Take  a  plain  illustration  ;  The  tarilf 
im|io.sed  a  duty  of  4  cents  per  pound  on  nails:  the 
price  of  nails  in  IHKi  bad  been  Ilj  cents  per  pound; 
so  that  the  duty  was  then  2,"i  per  cent,  on  the  price. 
liitt  the  same' duty,  we  are  told  in  this  report,  is 
now  Itm  per  cent.;  and  how  so.'  Lieeaiise  llie  price 
had  fallen  from  Hi  cents  to  4  cents  per  pound.  Very 
oppressive  on  the  "  poor  man,"  who  has  thus  to 
pay  IIKI  per  eent.  on  nails!  The  expl  illation  of  all 
this  was  )ierfectly  jilaiii  and  easy.  The  elfect  of 
eompetition,  ma.'linn  ry,  skill,  and  industry,  had 
increased  the  sujiply;  and,  by  an  increased  siijiply, 
in  this  lus  in  all  otlu'r  eases,  liad  reduced  the  price 
of  gla.ss,  cotton,  ivc.;  whilst  it  had  ri  iidi  n  d  the 


!  i 


whole   coiiiitry   prospirous,  by 


by  till 


reused  ile- 


niand  for  all  the  jiroductions  of  the  farnicrs. 

Mr.  S.  thanked  the  Secretary  for  lii.'i  reference 
10  this  document.  It  had  furiiislied  lo  hini  and  the 
country  undniiable  proof,  from  the  highest  au- 
thority, to  what  an  exient  prices  had  been  reduced, 
insom'iich  that  the  duly  on  one  article,  though  rea- 
sonable at  first,  had  Iiow  risen  to  three  liiindred 
and  eiulily-nine  percent,  ml  en/umii,  broughtabout 
solely  by' the  irdiicliuii  of  the  price.  Mr.  S.  de- 
lied  escape  from  this  iiosiiion.  Let  any  genlh"!i;'n 
lake  the  report  and  ex;iiiiiiie  it,  and  tue  lie  re 
lliey  examine  the  nion'  they  would  be  covinced 
lhat  this  wns  a  true  e.xplanaiion  of  tlr,-  whole  mat- 
ter. Yet  this  was  held  forth  for  the  purpose  of 
exciting  alarm.  Il  fiiniislied  a  topic  'l.r  pojiular 
declamation.  Ii  might  peisuade  the  "  poor  man 
that  he  was  greatly  oppressed,  because  In  paid  n 
tax  of  two  hundred  per  eent.  on  his  windov' glass; 
and  he  perhaps  would  not  uudcrstaiul  that  f  glass 
fell  to  a  dollar  a  box,  he  v.'oiild  be  taxed  '".air  hun- 
dred per  cent.,  or  if  by  any  iniprovee.eiil  in  the 
niamil'.icturehe  should  lie  eii'iblcU  to  gil  his  glass  at 
filly  cenls  a  box,  why  llun  la  wiuiUl  be  paying  the 
,  enormous  imhcard-oi' lax  of  eight  liumlnd  per  cent. 


Ho.  or  Rrps. 

Tliiii  inmo  "poor  iiinn"  of  (lin  Secretary  ■nine- 
limes  wanted  lo  buy  n  f'«>v  nails,  and  the  Secretary 
alarmed  him  by  the  intelligence  thai  nails  wei« 
taxed  a  hnndied  iMrceiit.on  their  value.  .So  they 
wi  re  ;  hut  what  ilid  he  pay  for  them  ?  I  le  iisiil  lo 
pay  sixteen  cents  n  pound,  but  this  wicked  op- 
pressive larilf  had  brought  them  down  lo  four 
leiils.  Now,  who  did  not  see  lliat  if  a  specilie, 
iliily  of  four  cenls  a  pound  on  nails  was  converleil 
into  an  ad  valorem  duly,  it  amounted  to  it  hundred 
percenl.;  and  should  nails  be  hmiight  down  to  ii 
eeiil  a  pound,  the  duty  would  he  four  Iiunilred  per 
cent..'  What  an  oporcssion  to  get  nails  at  a  penny 
a  pound  !  Surely  the  "  poor  man"  wim  likely  to 
he  ntlerly  eruHlied  and  ruined. 

Mr.  S.'said  he  had  wL-lii  d  lo  point  out  soinn  other 
of  the  extraorilinary  doctrines  conl.aiiied  in  this  pa- 
per oft  he  .Secretiiry,  and  llierewasoiK^  which  would 
startle  the  country.  It  was  covered  up  in  I'liulioiot 
language;  but  when  the  veil  was  drawn  aside,  and 
the  truth  exposed,  he  again  warned  genilemeii 
that  it  would  startle  the  country.  This  free-lrado 
Sicrelary  bad  reeomnienih  d  an  I'.xeisc  on  Ameri- 
can niaiinfaclures.  Yes,  that  was  the  pruteclioii 
iie  had  iirovided  for  American  industry  ;  it  was  lo 
lake  od  the  duty  from  f  ireign  maiiul'actures,  and 
put  it  on  our  own.     I  lear  him  ; 

"  In  accordance  wilh  these  principles,  il  is  lie- 
'  lieved  that  the  lar:;est  pr.-teticable  portion  of  the 
'  aggregate  ri  vi  nue  should  be  raised  by  maximum 
'  ruvciiiie  duties  upon  luxuries,  whether  grown, 
'  |irodiiced,  or  nianufiictnred  at  Iwme  or  iihroud." 

[.It  mechanics  ,iiid  maiiufacturer.s  hear  that. 
Kvery  American  artisan  .should  hear  it.  The  duly 
was  to  be  on  articles,  iVc,  whether  grown,  pro- 
duced, or  manufactured  at  home  or  abroad.  Here 
was  an  American  Secretary  distinctly  recommend- 
ing to  levy  the  highest  rate  of  revenue  duties  on 
goods  manufactured  at  home.  What  was  this  but 
an  excise.'  What  else  was  an  excise  than  a  tax 
on  the  niaiuifictiiri'il  goods  of  this  country  ?  Yet 
this  was  the  Secretary's  recommendation.  'How 
would  Ameii    111  people  like  il .' 

liolh  ill  the  .Messii'.'e  and  in  the  report,  the  Admin- 
istration had  given  ils  own  definition  of  what,  ae- 
eordiiig  to  ils  understanding,  was  a  revenue  stand- 
ard of  duly;  and  this  was  the  language  of  tlio 
President's  Message  ; 

"The  precise  point  in  the  ascending  scale  of 
'  duties  at  which  it  is  ascertained  from  experience, 
'  that  the  revenue  is  greatest,  is  the  niaxiniuin  rate 
'  of  duty  which  can  be  laid  for  the  bona  Jitle  pur- 
'  pose  of  collecting  money  for  the  support  of  Gov- 
'  ernment.  To  raise  the  duties  higher  than  that 
'  point,  and  thereby  diminish  ilie  amount  collected, 
'  IS  to  levy  them  for  protection  merely,  and  not  for 
'revenue.  As  long,  then,  as  Congress  may  grail- 
'  ually  increase  the  rale  of  duty  on  a  given  article, 
'  and  the  revenue  is  increased  by  such  increase 
'of  duly,  they  are  williin  the  revenue  standard. 
'  When  they  go  beyond  that  point,  and,  as  they  in- 
•  crea.sc  the  dulies,  the  revenue  is  diniiiiished  or 
■  deslroveil,  the  act  censes  to  have  for  its  object 
'  the  rafsiiig  of  money  to  supiiort  the  Govcrimient, 
'  but  it  is  I'or  protection  niereiy. " 

Here  was  tiie  rule  by  which  luties  were  to  be 
laid.  The  moment  an  Ani'.ican  manufacturer 
had  succeeded  ill  siipiilying  our  own  market,  and 
began  lo  thrive  in  hii-  business,  that  would  be  a 
proof  that  the  duty  i.'as  too  high  for  revenue;  it 
was  no  longer  a  revenue  duty,  but  a  i>rnliclire 
duty,  and  it  must  forthwith  be  reduced.  As  the 
American  furnished  more  goods  to  the  country, 
less  foreign  goods  would  be  imported,  revcnuu 
would  be  diminished,  and  the  duty  must  come 
down  :  that  was  the  rule.  And  iiow'Mr.  S.  would 
ask,  under  such  a  rule  as  this,  what  mall  in  his 
senses  would  vest  a  dollar  in  nianufaetures .'  What 
was  the  prospect  before  him  .'  The  moment  when, 
by  industry  and  enterprise,  he  should  succeed  in 
getting  the  better  of  Ins  foreign  competitor,  down 
with  llie  duty.  If  a  shoemaker  or  a  hatter,  by 
making  better  or  cheaper  hats  or  shoes,  had  got 
■  possession  of  the  market,  the  eye  of  this  free-trade 
system  was  fastened  on  him  like  n  vulture.  The 
,  Secretary  found  he  was  doing  too  well,  and  the 
duty  must  be  reduced  to  let  in  the  foreigner.  Such 
was  the  plan  of  this  Administration.  "The  meclui- 
iiic,  finding  his  proleelion  thus  diminished,  and 
Inning  no  other  resource  but  bis  business,  would 
go  on  to  work  longer  and  to  work  linrder  than  be- 
fore, and  when,  by  working  out  of  hours,  he  had 


50 


APPENDIX  TO  TIIK  CONGRF-SSIONAI-  fil-OBE. 


[Dec. 


'^S)tii  Cono 1st  Scsi. 


7'A«  Tariff— Mr.  Stewart. 


Ho.  or  Itp.PR. 


rcmlrivfd  to  jtcl  out  llm  opi'iiiiitiiiti  of  liin  own 
ih  uTiiniiiil.  ami  IiIh  fnniirii  riini|Mlilor,  mid  In-- 
(jaii  111  nil  liii;('llii'ra  linlr  iinilil,  ilir  niiiic  diu'liim' 
would  repeal  llii'  |>ii"'ckh;  iIic  duly  woulil  i  nmIciiI- 

\y  \<e  loo  lii:;li — down  willi  il !     'I'lir  "  | r  nmn" 

would  now  laki'  hi^t  I'liddnn  IVmh  mliool  and 
brmu'  ihrin  into  thr  hIio|>  'I'Io'v,  loo,  wiodil  iio'v 
Woil<,  whili-  till'  nmn  Inni'ill' worlicd  li.inlcr  ami 
hardiT.  Ilnl  w  lial  wonid  l>i'  llii'  ivMnlt?  Il  \vi>nl  I 
uiily  lii'lni;  liiin  nndi'r  lin'  rnsidinrH  rnir;  lli'' 
dnly  nnmc  lie  lurain  lowi  ird,  and  Hiill  ;;o  on  lo  In' 
lowtTf'd,  inorr  and  nnnv,  nil  at  lai«t  iIiIn  iVre-hoi'ii 
Anii'i'ican  nnisl  lir  cioinal  down  Ity  lln*  ni'lion  ol' 
hix  own  (jiovirinni  Ml  lollii-ili;;iaclid  and  wntiln  il 
rnndiiion  ol'aii  l'!n:;liNli  |iau|>i  r  or  a  ItiiNHlan  hi  it'. 
Tin'  nnnncnl  an  AnH-rifini  Ial'<nTr  Hoi't'crdrd  l»\' 
hlx  I'XrrlioiiH  in  Hlniliin'^'  onl  I'lniLrn  roin|>rlilion, 
tin'  l'or('i);ni'r  nnisl  Iw  Irl  in  and  |int  i>vrr  liiin, 
AVIuU  Norl  ofa  rule  WiiM  this?  I'nr  whom  wonltl 
onf  Hnppoflr  it  to  h*'  nmdr?  I'or  tin'  Ann'i'irnii 
inannliu'lnrrr  or  llir  Ktiropran?  Cliarlyil  wis  ii 
mil' lor  llii'  1)1  111  111  of  I  ho  (oiTi','mr.  And  roiiM 
nil  indi-pi'iidiiii  and  iiiti-lluriiit  AinniiMii  I'onscnt 
to  live  'nidir  sui'li  a  nilc  .'  Tlir  nioiniiit  tin'  jViiirr- 
tran  risrs  in  Iiih  I'ni,  in  this  siinir'jii'  with  I'ori'i'^iii'ri 
lor  ihr  Anwrii'iin  inarkri.  lir  is  to  lir  knockfil  dow  n 
by  this  I'Ai '■iilixi'  fji't.ri-,  and  trnlkul  rrrr  hy  hi;' 
fii-i-rilary  Walliir.  [A  laiiuli.]  And  this'  \va;- 
till  ir  ./mrrid/u  siis/iiii.  Mr.  S.  iii»i.-.lrd  il  was  n 
British  HVNli  in.     It  wiis  just  mirli  a  Nysinn  as  iSii" 

Kolicrl  I'ci'l  would    havi'  r Miiiniiiili'il,  roiild  In' 

ha',  f  hjiokni  throiiL'h   Prrsidi'iil  i'lilli  as  hin  Inmi- 

fii-t;  its  {aai'lii'.il.  it.s  iiiiivfisal  oiiiTation,  woiilil 
10  \\  hat  III'  had  just  now  d»s''ril»id.  Ami  wmiM 
tlic  lliiiM'  riiilor,  r  a  sysliin  likr  this-  'I'liis  was 
lite  lar-t'ami'd  *'  fi-fe-lratlf  Hysttni,"  now  (or  llir 
flrat  liino  iiroiiiulgutcd  by,  nii  Aincriraii  liiiral 
ollii^er. 

Sini'C  tiio  iinprovrnifnt.s  in  Hti'ain,  lln*  rn«l  of 
transjioit.-iiion  was  rotiipnriili\i-ly  notliin':.  Takr 
(ill'lini  ilnty,  and  tin'  Itntisli  winkshnps  would  lio 
lironiiht  to  onr  doors,  .^upposi'  ilirsc  (Irilisli  la- 
honrs  wtrc  in  .Mi'xanilria,  workim.;  at  twrnly-livo 
crnls:  was  any  man  so  blind  as  not  to  si-c  that  iIhv 
must  Kimn  hri'.ili  down  thr  wurkiiirii  of  Washin-- 
tnn,  who  wi'rr  riri-ivitii,'  sf  \riiiy-li\r  ri'tiis  a  day* 
Tlic  rinploViT  would  soon  bi-u'in  to  t.ilk  to  thi'm  in 
n  \rry  inlillii;iMi'  laii;,'niu;i  :  "  .My  i '.iiipitil'ir.s  in 
AUxaiidria  i:rl  l.iKor  for  Iwrnlv-livi' iinis  a  day, 
and  yon  tniisi  lakf  tin'  samr,  fn-  qiiii."  Aow, 
whore  was  tho  diU'oniii'i',  w  hillirr  tlio  dislanoi;  was 
n  littU'  ercntcr  or  a  lillli'  loss  •  Tho  prmiii'iil  opor- 
nlion  of  till-' systoin  would  lioju.«iI  tho  Kamo.  And 
this  was  tlio  lilis.icd  .sysloni  of  IVco  tr.ido!  Tlio 
workmen  of  l'jiii;land  ami  l''raiireoiiiild  woikohoap- 
or  liiaii  oars,  and  froo-tnnio  doririiio  in  Id  that  wo 
nmst  buy  wliore\or  wo  eould  buy  rhoapest.  l>nwii 
wont  tho  duly,  in  oaino  forei'.'ii  '.'ooils,  out  winl 
Ainoiicnn  nionoy;  and  mil  and  out  it  wont  nil  uo 
bad  no  more  money  In  ^on.I,  ninl  tho  pfopio  ami 
their  Uoverinnont  booamo  bankru))t  loootlior.  This 
was  tho  lilossiio^  whiih  liio'  oonipassioiiaro  Sorro- 
tary  had  in  store  for  the  "  poor  man  I"  (Hi,  how 
lie  loved  liini!  llebroushl  in  "the  ]ioor  man" 
ton  times  in  two  paraLjraplis!  Ibn  his  lovo  would 
bo  very  apt  to  operate  like  the  lovo  a  oerlain  boar 
oMoo  hud  fiira  "  poor  man,"  win  n  In^  ini',';;ed  liiin 
t.  death.     [A  l,au;;li.l 

Mr.  H.  had  soon  Mr.  Walker's  name  ainiounood 
fir  llie  Prosidoni-y.  Now,  an  nneharilalile  ob- 
Rirver  iniiiht  jierhaps  wiy  that  Mr.  Walker  was 
lookni!;  to  bo  the  "  poor  nian'.N"  oamlidati'.  If  so, 
ho  iiroposed  ft  wise  plan,  tor  his  svslom  wontd 
soon  make  all  tho  poojilo  poor,  and  then  lie  would 
go  in  by  acelaniaiiini.     [Mui-li  inorriment.] 

Tlio  Seirotary's  system  niiijht  not  inaptly  bo 
terne  I  a  plan  to  mannfai'inrc  "  poor  men."  Sinh 
win  Id  be  its  praotii'id  result,  and  tlieio  would  bo 
no  la-apini;  il.  Li  i  the  i:eiiiloman  from  Alabinim 
j.Mr.  I'ayshj  oxauiino  tlie  n'port  as  looLr  as  iio 
|ilea.sed,nnd  see  if  heenuld  make  anyihin:;  else  onl 
of  it.  And  now  Mr.  S.  would  a.sk  the  inoinbors 
of  ihis  IIiiiiso,  and  his  ronntrvnien  concmlly, 
whit'ier  the  adojition  of  siioli  a  plan  would  not  no 
eijuiv.ilonl  10  iiassitn;  a  law  that  Iionoofortli  no  fur- 
ther oapital  slionid  be  invislod  in  mannfaoturcH - 
It  was  in  the  natiire  of  n  iiotioe  btforehaiid,  and  it 
ran  in  this  wi.se;  "Gentlemen,  you  may  invest 
'  your  money  in  «neh  way  as  yon  deem  best,  but 
*  we  here  iiotifv  you  liint,  a.s  soon  as  you  shall 
'  have  aupplieil  the  Ainorioan  market,  and  we  find 
'  tliut  in  cuiise({ucncc  of  your  Huoccas  imjiurU  bc- 


'  i;iii  to  diniinixh,  the  dntirs  must  bo  rrdnood,  iinil 
'  foroiirn  ^.'oodsinnst  bo  lot  in  until  wo  !;i'l  rovotino 
'  (iioiiuli  lo  pa\  all  tbivominoiit  ollirers."     Willi 
siioli  a  niilii'd   bebno   liini,  who  would  i'ii;;a!;o  in  i 
niamifai  liiri'H?     Who  would  invest  the  oapital  he 

had  ri ived  by  inhi'rition'o  or  in-rntnnlan  d  by  his 

own  ontoi'pri.io  and  toil,  w  iili  the  eeilainly  liolbio  ^ 
Ins  eyes  that  jnsl  as  soon  as  ho  lieiran  to  fallier  a  ''\ 
litilo  stroinjth,  III  ai'i|niro  'greater  skill  to  iiuprovo  : 
the  modes  of  ,   bor,  nnil  to  roali/o  ils  rowaril  by 
Kottini;  the  bolter  of  lbrei','ii  oonipi  lilioii,  lie  nnisl 
lie  kniH'kod  down,  and  ilio  fiii'ei'„'iior  In  in  to  ruin 
him  .'    This  iniL'lit  bo  eiilli  d,  iu  oerlain  pans  of  ilio 

1 nirv,  "  lo'.'siiii;  for  llio   llriliili."     (iontloinon 

from  tdo  West  under  loml  what  was  inoaiil  liv  llio 
term  "  leir'.rint.'."  |Ves,  vos,  and  it  liiui;li.]  Tins 
riito  would  i:naranly  tin  Ainorioan  market  lo  the 
forei'^'iior  forever,  or  niiiil  Ameriian  laior  was 
droimil  down  nnil  ilo>4;railed  lo  the  hall'siarved  and 
wreli'hod  oondition  of  the  sorts  loul  paiipei-H  of 
Miiriipo;  and  the  Anierioan  masses,  ihiis  deprived 
ol'ilio  means  of  odnealin^'  llioir  ehildri  n,  would  bo 
obln'od  111  work  as  in  Miiriipo,  from  llio  oi-adle  to 
the  tri'avr,  and  llieir  .ntmil  and  jwlilifiil  eoiidilion 
Would  bo  in  the  end  no  belli  r  lliaii  tlieiiM.  j 

Snoli,niosi  oil  ally,  must  bo  the  praelieal  and  ill-  ' 
ovit.iblo  operation  of  tins  nilo,  if  oiirrieil  out      And 
are  these  the  boiiolifs  and  blrssiin^s  this  Ailiniiiia- 

tialion  has  iii  reserve  fur  the  "  | r  man  •" 

lliil  the  .Soi'rotiny  of  tlio  Treasury  had  made 
other  very  woiidei't\il  iliseovorios  in  fmanoo.  What 
did  ho  toll  us?  ** Kfiinitiirr  yn'oi'ci  that,  as  a  iroii- 
'  end  rule,  a  duly  of  b'-rii/i/  ;irr  nil/,  ad  valorem 
'  will  vieid  llio  hii'.'isi  revetnio."  ^'ls;  cryirriVmr 
|ini\ed  thai  an  ml  vii!<-titi  duly  of  iwoiity  per  rent, 
would  }"ii  Id  till'  meaiesi  amiiinil  of  revenue.  Tw  on- 
ly poroonl.  yield  tlio  L;ioaleHi  revenue!  WliVi  w  hat  , 
w,'isthoi,'real,li|imil,iuiiM  rsally-kiiownoxporioni'o 
of  the  niiiiMry  '  N.'o  hnl  a  lanll'of  twonly  in  r  oeiil. 
in  l^l  I-"  I'i,  and  what  was  our  revenue  ?  Not  ono- 
italf  of  what  it  was  now.  Tiio  whole  ainoiint  of 
rovomio  from  imports  was  then  about  lliirloen  inil- 
li'iii.s,  and  this  year  it  was  Iwonly-si-von  niillions. 
Was  il.irti  1 II  more  ihiin  t  ,veiily-so\en  ?  If  so,  tho 
So.-roiary  is  ri'.'lit;  if  not,  ho  was  oloarly  wroinr. 
.\iid  what  was  tho  i  Hi  et  of  their  tweinv  poroonl. 
liori^.-nital  dutv.'  ruder  ils  operation  tlie  eoiintry 
wa.s  jiriislraled,  the  (ioveriimont  itself  was  bank- 
rupt, and  tho  people  woio  liillo  boiler.  Yet  this 
man  omild  say,  in  the  faoe  of  these  well-known 
firls,  and  of  the  .An.orii'ini  peofilo,  any  oiio  of 
wlioin  knew  better,  thai  an  avorairo  duly  of  Iwoiity 
ni  r  eoiil.  yielded  the  lii:;Iiosl  ainounl  of  ro\onue. 
Tho  Seoii  lary  had  even  ^'oiio  further  yet  than  lhi.<; 
ill  his  f.initiiH  eiri'iil.-ir  ho  had  assumed  ihat  Iwiln- 
(nul~:i-}iatf\wr  oeiit.  hnrimnliil  was  tho  true  ri  venue' 
standard.  Some  Wesiern  seribbler  asked  him 
lliroii!,'li  the  press,  how  luni'li  rovonno  Vi\  nor 
oont.  would  <;ivo  on  one  hundred  niillions  of  ini- 
porls  r  (ihal  bf  in^  more  than  tho  avonn'o  ainounl.') 
Tho  answer  must  be,  twolve-and-n-half  niillions: 
then  doiluol  iliioi-and-a-lnilf  millions,  the  expense 
of  oolloi'lion,  and  but  nine  inillinns  of  iii  It  roveinio 
would  bo  loft  to  pay  iwonty-six  millions  of  expend- 
itures. To  inako  up  the  levenno,  you  niusi  add 
inoio  than  oiio  humlrod  niillions  to  your  imports, 
w  bile  your  w  hole  spot  io  has  iio\(r  boon  estimaleil 
at  more  th.iii  oi:;hly-fivo  millions',  lh''n  all  your 
spoiio  ijoos  for  your  fust  year,  and  wliero  will  you 
irol  money  for  tho  next  year?  These  i|nestions, 
beintj  rather  IroiibleNoino,  were  never  answ'ered. 

Tho  triilli  was,  thai  llio  revenue  ro.siilted  from 
tho  tarilf,  and  followed  il.  When  the  larilf  was 
low,  the  roveinio  was  low:  wlion  tho  tarilf  was 
hiirh,  the  roveinio  v::-  hi'.'li.  That  had  been  the 
nnirorm  oxperi'.ioe  of  the  ooniitry,  and  lie  olial- 
lrn'.ri  d  jreniloinen  to  show  the  contrary.  It  must 
bo  so;  it  ooiild  not  bo  <ilhorwiso.  And  why?  Ho- 
eau>o  the  resiill  of  proioiiinn  was  lo  make  ilie  peo- 
ple riili,  and  laknnr  olf  proleofion  was  to  make 
'  them  poor.  When  the  people  wororieh  tho  treas- 
ury was  full;  ay  the  '"niiilry  boeanio  poor  the  tri'iis- 
ury  wasinipoverishod.  In  this  roiiiilrylhe revenue 
was  a  riiliinlarij,  and  not,  as  in  the  Hiati  s,  a  cimi- 
piihorij  oonbibiition,  made  by  the  peo]ile  to  the 
Govornmcnl.  The  oondition  of  the  treasury  was, 
in  faet,  n  polilioal  therniomotor,  to  tost  the  proK- 
pority  of  the  country.  Aceordinj  to  the  national 
pros]iority,  so  would  tho  roveiiue  ever  be  found. 
When  moll  wore  impoverished,  oonld  they  piir- 
rliase  i^onds  fi-ooly  ?  Certainly  not.  When  pros- 
perous, their  wives  and  daughters  could  purclitiae 


ooslly  elolhiii';  and  rich  fiirniliiro,  and  llion  many 
i;ooils  won'  always  imported,  lliil  when  the  ooiiii- 
try  W'liH  impoverished,  by  tho  rniii'ins  polioy  now 
rei'ofinnondeil,  inoii  wontd  wear  their  old  eoais, 
llio.r  wives  and  daU!;liierH  stay  at  lioino  and  inoiid 
llieiii,  iiiorohantH  O'lild  not  i;ol  mom  y  to  import 
t;oods,  and  llio  treasury  would  bo  liaiikinpt. 

Under  llio  I'ompi'iiniii"'  law  the  ilnlios  ran  down 
lilt  ihey  reai'hod  tho  point  ol'  twonly  per  eeiit,; 
ihon  was  the  iroiiileman's  Utopia;  Ilioii,  aooordin^ 
lo  the  Si'oretary,  the  revenue  oiiijht  lo  have  been 
abiiiidaiil:  but  who  had  yet  foi'i^rotii'n,  or  coiikl 
otor  for^'et,  what  had  been  then  the  eondition  of 
the  lieasnry,aiiil  of  this  oniiro  nation  ?  The  troaa* 
iiry.was  so  perfoolly  bankrupt,  that  it  einihi  not 
borrow  omi  dollar.  Tbe  Htnles  wi-ro  everywherfl 
repudialiin;  tlioir  debts,  anil  the  national  eliaraeler 
lay  proslrato  and  bleedinir.  That  was  the  oondi- 
lion,  and  oMTybody  knew  il,  lo  whii  h  a  twenty 
per  oont  tarilf  had  broU'.;lit  ihis  land;  and  yet,  at 
this  day,  the  first  lisi-al  otlleer  of  llnr  (io\rriiin<nit 
had  the  fVoiit  lo  I'oeoimiiend  a  rolinn  to  that  stalB 
of  Ihinirs.  Ill  our  *.rieat  huinilialion  and  distress, 
the  lanlf  of  'I'J  oamo  in  like  a  deliveriii'.r  an;^'ol :  it 
raised  and  rostorod  llio  revonue;  it  reploiiialioil  a 
famished  treasury;  it  broui^ht  ropndiatiou  iiilo  ills- 
ropiiio  ;  il  made  a  bankrnpl  law  useless;  in  a  word, 
il  sirui'k  the  whole  eonnlry  as  with  the  wand  of 
an  enehanler,  and  broii:;ht  baok  plenly,and  eredit, 
and  enlerprise,  and  hofx',  and  publio  ohnraotor. 
Why,  linn,  disiinb  il '  What  inisohief  has  it  done? 
Tho  Seirotary  dopreoaled  aL'il'ilioii;  but  who  a*/i- 
l.nod  the  emniiiy?  It  was  tho  .Soeretary  liimself, 
and  his  friends.  The  friends  of  protoi'tioii  ovory- 
whoro  rriitl  out,  "(iivo  the  enimtry  repose;"  "Uive 
the  riiinitry  prosperity  and  pe;iie  iiiidir  the  tarilF 
as  il  is." 

His  hour  I  Mr.  S.  said)  was  I5i»t  drawini;  to  n 
olo.so.  I  le  iinist  hasten  on,  airl  inorolv  ;:lani'e  at 
many  of  the  ri  niainiin:  topies  of  the  Mi  s.sa'.:o  and 
report,  some  of  whieh,  had  tiino  periinltod,  lu' 
.'dioiild  have  been  !;lad  lo  have  nolioed  snini  w  hat 
tniiro  at  lariro.  The  report,  for  the  first  liiiio  in  itn 
rffirUil  form,  had  promulLiati  d  tho  doi'lrme  of  "free 
trade,"  wliieli  is  openly  and  distiin  lly  avowed; 
and,  to  enforie  the  iiri^utnent,  referonoe  is  made  to 
lho"lVoo  undo"  oxisiiiif;  anion,','  ihe  States:  and 
il  is  doolared  that  "  rooiprooal  f'l  rr  (ria/f  111110112;  na- 
tions would  best  promoie  llio  inioiesf  of  all;"  that 
"  the  maiiufai'turiii;;iiitorosl  opposes  reriproonl  /'ore 
(riii/r  willi  Ibieiirn  nations  ;"  "and  if  il  desired  re- 
'  oiproral  ;V(e  Iniilr  with  other  nations,  it  would 
•  have  desired  a  very  dill'oroiil  tarilf  from  that  of 
'IHI'J." 

These  are  his  positions,  and  they  fully  .siistaiii 
the  doiirine  of  "  inEK  rmnn." 

Unt  tho  polii'v  roooiiiiuonded  by  this  Adminis- 
Iralion,  if  earriod  nut,  would  be  rninons  lo  I'l  iin- 
sylvania,  booauso  her  iron  and  other  nianufarturcs 
are  earriod  on  mostly  by  tiKtiiutd  litbni\  and  not,  as 
ill  Now  l''n!xl:iiid,  bv  lahor'fnvh}p;  tiuirhintrti;  and 
therefore,  to  induoe  iho  iiivostnieni  of  eapii.il  and 
the  noquisiiion  of  skill  and  ex[iorioiieo,  she  must 
bo  ]irolootod  a'jainst  a  too  free  oompelition  with  the 
depii  s.'iod  and  low-pri''ed  labor  of  bairopo. 

The  report  i-opro.ionts  the  foroi:r'i  market  as  all- 
important  lo  the  I'armer,  whilst  tlie  home  inarkoJ 
il  eoiisiders  of  small  oom|iaiiilive  oonsoiiiionee:  yet 
it  appears  from  offieiiil  doeimients  that  our  annual 
exports  tifinrrii'iilturnl  pnulni'ls  (dodnoliin;  eotlon, 
I  lobnooo.and  riee)   have   not  for  a  series  of  yonis 
exoooded  an  avorn'je   of  ten   niillions  of  ilollars; 
whilst  the  ilomoslic  market  ninoiints  to  inoro  than 
'  fifty  limes  that  sum.     Mas.saolnisells,  it  is  ascer- 
tained, imports  and  oonsnniea  aiimially  thirty-three 
niillionM  of  dollars  worth   of  the  airricullural  pro- 
duets  of  tho  other  Slates;  whilst  Clront   I!ritain, 
from  wheiieo  we  iiTijiort  aiioul  fifty  millions  of  dol- 
lars worth  of  mamifaotnred  srooils  annually,  (one- 
half  of  the  whole  value  of  whieh  eonsists  of  («,'ri- 
I    onltnral  prodin'e,  raw  material,  and  the  .subsisienCB 
of  labor,)  does  not   take,   of  all    the  a!;ri™llurnl 
prodnotioiis  of  the  Uiiiied  Stales,  (exeludinp;  cot- 
1    ton,  lobaeoo,  and  rice,)  two  and  a  half  millions  of 
I   dollars  worth  a  year:  thus  ostimatinf;  one-lialf  the 
I'  value  of  our  imports  to  ennsist  of  agrionlturnl  pro- 
I    dine  converted  into  cnods,  it  follows  that  we  im'- 
'    port  and   oonsuine  nboiit  twenty. five  niillions  of 
I    lirltish  ni;rioiiltHral  [irodnee  in  the  form  of  manii- 
1    faeturos,  while  she  t.ikea  less  than  two  and  a  half 
i    from  Its;  so  that  we  nureha.ie  and  consiiine  ten 
il  dollara  worth  of  Urilisli  agricultural  [irodiive,  con- 


•fT 


lfl45.1 


aOTH  CONO IHT  Sess. 


APPEIVniX  TO  THE  C0\fiRKSSI01VAT,  Of^ORE. 

n_: :_-_ Lj — L^-  —1., -  — ..,7.,  -'■;-„ -l— :-; 

The  Tariff— Mr.  Skwnrt. 


til 


Ho,  or  rirri. 


,  1111(1  ilii'ii  iniiny 
I  wlint  llic  I'titiii- 
imiiH  iHilicy  iiiiw 
llirir  iilil  I'oiiiN, 
hiiiiK'  ntid  ini'iitt 
iiiiiii  y  li>  llii|iiirt 
lii|jikrii|>l. 
iliillcH  rill)  ilnwn 
iiiiiy  pel-  iTiit.i 
llii'ii,  iiri'iirilin^ 
:lit  h)  liavi'  lii'cii 
,'iill('ii,  iir  ciiiild 
llie  I'linililioii  III' 
ion?  'I'lii' IriiiH- 
liiit  it  riiiili)  mil 
HIT  iviiywhfifl 
iliiiiml  rImriii'liT 

it   WIIK  till'  I'lllllll- 

wliii  li  »  twcniy 
iiul ;  anil  yii,  ill 

llic  OlIMTIIIIHMll 

nn  til  lliiit  NiiiiH 
HI)  iiikI  iIkvIitmh, 
i\»*riii',r  nrii^i'I ;  it 
it  ii|i|riiislii'(l  a 
iiliathiu  lull)  ilJH. 
•liNs;  in  n  woril, 
il)i  the  waijil  i,r 
inly,  anil  ni'ilii, 
inMii*  rhararler. 
'hii'l'lias  ii  (lone? 
ii;  lint  Willi  a'.'l- 
TiTiary  hinmull', 
iriiti'i'iKii)  fn]  V- 
iT|in»i';"  "Ciivc 
niiiirr  iliu  tuiill' 

it  (Irawii)!^  to  ii 
Dli'l-riy  ;;liii)ix"  at 
III'  MrsMi'.-r  anil 

■  |irniiilti'<l,  111' 
plirril  Miiini  wliat 

■  Ill's!  liiiio  in  nil 
iipi'lriiii.'  Ill' "fire 
iiini'lly  avnwiil; 
■I'liiT  is  inaili!  Ill 
llic  States  ;  iind 
/ii«/r  iilniin;^  mi- 
ni'all;"  lliat 

leripriieal  /Vic 
'  it  df.siri.'ii  le- 
io)is,  it  wiinlil 
IVdi))  that  of 

■y  fully  mistaiii 

this  Ailminis- 
iniis  111  I'l  ))li- 
nianiil'ar.iiircs 
',  anil  not,  as 
(ii-hlnenj;  anil 
f  i-apiLiI  anil 
e,  she  must 
iiion  with  till; 
iro|.e. 

larkel  a»  all- 
niiii-  nmrkefi 
■<|iienee;  yet 
at  our  nnnnal 
letiiiij  rotton, 
rics  of  veniH 
f  tlollaiN; 
to  mnri'  than 
',  il  ia  nscer- 
y  tliirty-three 
inillural  pro- 
real  niiiain, 
"ions  of  (lol- 
nually,  (one- 
Mists  of  fii^ri- 
0  .sniisisiencB 
lUIi-irultuml 
xcluflinp;  cot- 
If  millionN  of 
;  one-half  th(! 
icnltiiral  pro- 
s  that  we  im- 
e  millions  of 
rni  of  manii- 
"  and  B  half 
eonsnme  ten 
induce,  coii- 


hi 


Iv 


verted  iiilo  elnlli,iroii,  nnd  nllier  eooiln,  to  one  did- 
lar'H  worth  of  the  name  iirtiilis  dhe  takes  from 
lis.  Yi'l,  iiiTordiii:;  lo  llie  iiporl,  ihe  forrii^n  niiir- 
kel  lo  the  farmer  ia  everylhiiii,',  and  the  liomi:  mar- 
ket niithiii<;. 

The  reiiorl  aaya  that  jiro/cftirf  diilied  nre  levied 
exeliisi»ely  for  llie  lienilil  of  the  rieli  mo)iopolisln 
HI  the  expense  of  the  firmers  and  laliorerH.  Now, 
lie  I'liiileiiiled  thill  jiisl  llie  reverse  of  this  was  ihe 
Irutli.  That  ihe  praelleal  ell'ei'l  of  proleetion  was 
to  inereaHi'  llw!  niimlier  of  niannnii'liirin;  ealiili- 
lishmi'MiN,  and  ihiis  deiiroy  moiumnlij  liy  promo- 
liiii;  imiiiirliliniii  anil  that  1iy  willidniwiim:  liilior 
from  iitTH'iiIliire  lo  miiniiliu'lnres,  yon  not  only 
dlminiHli  ihe  iiijiji^i,  lint  at  the  same  llnie  iiiereaau 
the  (Ifimind  for  imrieiiluiral  proiliiee,  and  of  eoiirse 
iiiei'i'iisn  iis  prii'i",  wliilMl,nn  the  oiher  lianil,  liy 
inrreasiii:;  mannfai'liiriiiij;  rsialilislimrnlH  you  in- 
crease the  Hiipiily  id*  miimtlai'Uiri'd  ^omls,  iiiiil  of 
course  rnliire  llieir  priee,  so  ihal  ihe  furnier  is  thus 
enalilcd  In  nrltfhr  moi-r  ttmlliitij  for  trH.t.  If  demand 
nnd  aii|  |ily  re!,'iihilc  price,  lliis  eiiiicliision  is  iiicvil- 
alile.  Yi'i  the  reporl  siiys  "  ihc  tanlV  is  n  linuhlc 
'  lir»rfil  lo  the  munufucturer  and  a  double  (ou  lo  the 
'farmer." 

The  Seerclnry  of  Stale  (Mr.  Buefmnnn)  under- 
Htood  tins  inneli  helier,  when  he  scnl  a  toast  sonie 
tinii;  siiire  to  ihe  niannfacliircra  of  Pnislniv^,  to 
this  ell'cci  :  "The  eleciioi)  of  James  K.  I'olk  has 
'saved  the  niaimfacuircrs  froin  lieiii'.;  riiiifd  and 
'overwhelmed  liy  excessive  eompciiiion."  lie 
was  ri'.;hl.  It  ceriiinly  did  liivorilic  jnvesicd  cap- 
ital, Ihe  mniioy)o/i.i/%  liy  checkini;  conipelilion,  iiiul 
thcreliy  Ueepinp:  down  the  wii:;cs  of  liilior  and  the 
]iiodiiic  of  llic  farmer,  which  would,  in  a  dill'erciil 
rcsiill,  have  lieen  ciihaiici'd  in  price  liy  an  increased 
demand.  This  is  illnsiraiid  liy  ihe  I'd  ilial  at 
Pitlsliiir'^,  shoitly  licfore  the  l:\rill' of  IHI-J,  the  la- 
liorcrs  in  the  fieiories  wore  put  on  liiilf  work,  and 
of  Course  half  pti'i;  and  aliiiosl  inimedialely  nficr 
its  passage  liny  vcrc  restored  to  full  w  ck  alid./'ii// 
;in.(.  It  was  O.r  the  siikc  of  the  lahorer  and  the 
fanner,  Iherofore,  thai  he  ailvocalid  llic  proleeli\e 
policy,  and  not  for  iho  "rich  miiiiopolisis" — ihc 
only  class  that  will  lie  lieiictiled  liy  ihc  cnu'se  of 
'his  Adininisiralion  in  the  check  llicir  policy  will 
give  to  eniH/ir/i/iiiii  nnd  new  invesimcnls  of  ca|,iial, 
\vhilc  tlie  "poor  laliorer"  and  the  farmer  wdl  lie 
the  only  sulTcrers  l>y  it. 

1  suliniit  to  every  man  of  praeiicid  common 
iien.se,  whclhcr  .such  must  not  lie  the  result.  And 
yet  we  are  (gravely  told  liy  Imlli  the  .Messii^'c  and 
llepnrt,  thn\  prnti'rtivp  diihca  operiite  exclusively  for 
the  henefil  of  ihe  rich  capilalisls,  al  the  expense  of 
tUe  "poor  laliorer  and  the  farmer!" 

Iiiit,  finally,  this  whole  ipieslion,  so  inlcreslinT 
to  the  .American  people,  liiriis  iipiin  a  simple  ipics- 
tioii  {<(  fart:  "Do  jiri'liclirc  diilics  ullimately  ia- 
crfiiic  or  rriliire  the  (n'ices  of  the  nrticles  on  \vhich 
they  are  levied?" 

Now,  the  Message  and  the  tleport  amwie  (hut 
fail  to  jirove  in  a  single  iiislancc)  that  inotcrlife 
diilies  have  increased  prices,  and  are  llierel'ore 
nppresiiivc  and  liurdciisoine;  while,  on  the  other 
linnil,  he  asserted,  and  was  reiiily  to  prove,  liy  llic 
documents  refei-red  to,  liy  every  price-current  and 
every  )ncrcl)ant  in  ihe  country,'  lliat  the  prices  of 
pralri'trit  !,'oods  have  hccn  reduced  liy  conipelilion 
since  llie  odious  iiiialiiM(ii).«a)id  speeillc  duties  wcie 
first  imposed  for  prolcclhn  in  IHlli,  lo  one-iialf, 
oiie-lliiid,  one-fourth,  and  in  some  instances  to 
one-sixth  part  of  wliiit  they  were  at  that  time,  ns 
in  the  case  of  coarse  cotton's,  glass,  iron,  nails,  &c.; 
yet,  in  the  f.ice  of  ihesc  undeniahle  facts,  it  is  as- 
Bertcd  that  the  duly  (nine  cents  a  yard — l.'iO  per 
cent.)  is  added  to  llie  price  of  the  domislic  ns  well 
na  the  imported  i,'oods,  and  is  paid  liy  the  con- 
sumer, nnd  that  the  "  poor  man"  is  thus  taxed  oil 
liis  coarse  cotton  -ooils  SO  percent,  more  than  the 
rich;  when  the  fuel  is  ndmiiicd  ihiil  the  poor  man 
now  fjets  a  lieller  article  made  at  home,  and  paid 
foi'  in  labor  or  produer,  at  one-foiirlh  of  llie  price  he 
paid  in  ISlfi,  when  llie  minimum  duties  were  first 
)in]iosed;  while,  nn  the  other  hand,  the  wai;es  of 
lahor  and  the  produce  of  the  farmer.  Hour,  ijrain, 
ineat,&c.,  have  undertrone  lillle  or  no  reduction  of 
prii'e,  cwin;;  to  the  increased  demand  iiroduced  liy 
the  increase  of  manufactures.  Such  lias  lieen  the 
clfecl  of  ;)ro(cc(ii,f  duties.  liut  rcfeiiiic  duties,  lev- 
ied on  nrticles  not  pioduccd  or  mainifactured  at 
lionie,  may  and  do  eienerally  increase  prices,  he- 
cause  they  do  not  produce  competition  und  iiicreaj- 


fd  tupiilij,  riiil  to  the  fads.  1  cull  upon  the  PrcK- 
ident  and  Secretary  for  their  proojii,  Show  ma  ihe 
evidence  llmt  in  a  sinijle  insiaiice  prolrrlive  diilicn 
have  pi'rmancnily  increased  prices.  This  you  as- 
sert, and  I  deny.  This  is  an  issue  i\f  fuel,  and  mil 
of  ar^'iiment.  I'roiliice,  ilien,  your  evidence  that 
prolrclirr  ilulics  have  |  ermani  ntly  increased  prices,  i 
and  then  I'o  on  and  ilenoiince  pnilcclion  a.s  plilli- 
iler,  riililiery,anil  opprcssioii.  l!ni  first  jjroi'f  your  i 
fitrh,  und  liien  make  your  ar^imient.  I  .isk  the  ^ 
.Secietary  as  a  lawyer,  would  any  court  in  Chris-  ' 
leiidom  lolerale  for  a  moment  ihe  course  you  piir- 
s  .■  >  You  lirinj;  a  suit  aiiainst  A,  who  denies 
your  claim;  are  you  at  lilierty  lo  tiuume  the  f.icls, 
wilhonl  pniof,  li  he  just  ns  you  want  tlieni,  and 
llieii  make  your  speech,  ami  ii^ik  a  verdict?  Sure- 
ly not.  Yet  such  is  ihe  course  pursued  on  lliis 
(^rral  i|iii  >iion.  You  fi.isiuiic,  wilhniit  proof,  that 
prnlirlfi  ilulics  iivriMse  priies,  and  then  eonlend 
ihiU  ihe  "  poor  man" and  ihc  farmers  are  ojipress- 
eil  and  pliiiiilereil  liy  llie  liirilV.  Now,  if  this  he 
found  to  he  uiilriie  in  poini  of  fuel,  and  ihiil  llie  re- 
verse is  hue,  iliiil  ihey  rri/iirc  prices,  and  ofcfiurse 
/iMscji  liurdens,  llieii  \\  hiil  liccoines  of  all  your  iir- 
pumenls  and  speeches  n.-riinst  the  oppressions  of 
the  larilV?     They  llill  lifeless  lo  ihe  ground. 

He  denied  llie  rii;lil  of  llie  eiieiiiiis  of  the  larilT 
lo  f/>siiiac  ihese  I'e-ls,  and  called  on  Ihein  for  llie 
proof.  The  facis  lie  at  the  liiuinlalioi)  of  ihe  whole 
ipieslinn,  and  he  trusted  lliey  will  he  furnished. 

The  President  nnd  Secrei.ary  tell  us  lliey  want  a 
revenue  i-.vHV — a  l.irilf  llial  will  just  yield  revenue 
enouirli  to  meet  expendiiiircs,  and  no  more.  Well, 
accordin;;  tfi  llieir  own  showini;,  llic  presciil  tarilV 
is  the  very  ihiie;  liny  want.  They  lell  us  otliciiilly 
lliat  the  expenditures  ihis  year  have  heeii  •iit2'.),!MW,* 
21)7,  and  the  i-cvenue  has  I'leen  <J!i'J,7GI),l;i3.  Now 
is  it  possililc  lo  i;it  the  larilV  nearer  ri'.;lil  than  it 
is?  Why,  then,  disliirli  or  clinnuc  il,  when,  ac- 
cording^ In  their  own  ilieory,  it  is  exaeily  rii;Iit? 
Ij'ist  session  we  wen:  threalened  willi  a  l;,r';e  sur- 
plus, and  were  then  Inld  we  nuist  "reduce  the  ta- 
rilT to  lYr/iicp  ihe  revenue."  Now  vie  are  told  we 
must  "  reduce  the  larilV  to  inrrfdiic  the  revenue." 
So,  whi  llier  there  was  too  much  or  too  lillle,  the 
remedy  was  always  the  .same  ;  "  reduc  the  tarill', 
reduce  the  larilV."  Or.  .San^rado's  cure  for  all 
tliinss — "  lileediiiir  anil  warm  water."    [A  hiiicli.] 

IJtil  we  are  told  l>y  llic  Scci-etary,  that  the  n)aii- 
ufacDjrers  are  all  niakini;  immense  profn.s — iweniy 
or  thirty  per  cent.  IJiit  can  this  he  possible  ?  Is 
not  capital  free  everywhere?  and  will  it  work  fir 
four  or  five  per  cent,  at  nsricnlinre,  as  is  alle^'cil, 
when,  hy  jroini;  inlo  innnufaclnres,  it  could  reali/.e 
IweiUy  or  lliirty  per  cent.:  If  this  were  iriie,  the 
rush  of  capital  inlo  ninmifaclures  would  soon  he 
so  ijreal  as  to  reduce  it  lo  ihe  very  lowest  rntrs  of 
prolit.  Iiul  if  ihe  ni'imilaclnrcrs  supply  i^oods  at 
one-fourih  of  their  former  cost,  und  slill  make 
)noney,  why  complain?  .'Vnd  why  hrcak  down  or 
drive  away  this  profilahle  liusiness,  where,  hy  the 
use  of  lahor-saviii;;  machinery,  one  hand  will  do 
the  \\'ork  of  forty  r  Why  drive  this  lliirly  ]ier  cent, 
husiness  abroad,  and  continue  lo  labor  here  at  four 
or  five  per  cent,  piofil,  and  exclinni^e  the  produc- 
tions of  forty  hard-workiiu;  men  here  for  the  labor 
of  one  woman,  with  the  aid  of  labor  savin:;  ma- 
chinery, abroad  ?  AVIiy  not  keep  this  jirofuahle 
;  business  in  our  own  country? 
I  The  .Secretary,  in  his  reporl,  tells  na  that,  "on 
coal  nnd  iron,  tlie  duties  arc  far  too  hijli  for  rev- 
enue," and  lliat  llieyou2;ht  to  be  reduced  to  the 
"  revenue  standard,"  which  he  assumes  to  be  about 
twenty  per  cent.  Now,  if  the  averas;e  duly  nn 
these  nrlicles  exceeds,  as  the  Secretary  al|cL,-cs, 
sixty  per  cent.,  then,  according  to  his  views,  more 
than  two-lhiids  of  the  duty  must  he  taken  olVof 
iron  nnd  coal,  which  would  exlin'j:ui»li  the  fires  of 
every  furnace  and  every  fori:e  in  Pennsylvania, 
dcslroyin;:  milliojia  of  capital,  and  seiidni;;  mil- 
lions abroad  to  purchase  Ihe  a^riculuiral  produce 
of  foreiirn  countries,  com  cried  into  iron.  'Lry  this 
anli-.American  system,  and  hear  what  Peiiii~yl- 
vaiiia  has  to  say  lo  il.  I  need  not  nniioipate  her; 
she  will  speak  for  herself.  This  is  not  what  she 
understood  by  the  Kane  letter,  and  she  will  say 
so. 
'  The  Secretary  says:  "  IVherc  Ihe  mtmbernf  man- 
'vfaclories  is  Jiol  greal,  llie  poicer  of  the  fyslcm  In 
'  rcf^vlale  Ihe  ifugcs  of  labor  h  incomiderable;  hut  as 
'  Ihe  profil  of  capital  itireslcd  in  mamifaclurcs  is  avp;- 
'  menled  by  the  protective  tari£',  there  ia  a  corrcspond- 


•  tng  iiirrenne  of  pwivr,  uulil  the  control  tfsnch  capi- 

•  tal  over  the  trai^is  of  tabor  hfroiius  trrr^iatibte.**  Was 
there  ever  n  i;realer  error  enler-d  inlo  the  lmai;iim' 
lion  of  man  ?  There  Is  not  a  lihoriiiK  man  ill  this 
coiinlry  who  does  not  know  lliat  ipiile  the  re 
verse  of  this  is  iheflicl;  that  where  llie  ileninnd  for 
hilioc  is  siiiall,  viat^es  i;o  down;  and  as  maimflic- 
toricM  mnlliply.and  ihrdenianil  fur  labor  increases, 
waces  :;o  i,p.  Yet  the  .Secrelary  has  il,  llial  when 
Ihe  deiiiaiid  for  labor  is  small,  wn|,'es  arc  hiilh;  unit 
when  Ihe  demand  iri  i;real,  \*'a:.'es  are  low!  I 

The  .Secrelary  tells  us,  exiilliii:;ly,  that  "  TiKr- 
land  has  repealed  her  diilics  on  coiloii,  and  reduced 
llieiii  on  hiead.-iliifl's."  True;  but  is  not  this  the 
work  of  the  protective  policy?  The  Amerieaii 
i))ai)ufiicliirer  is  abroad  tbi'oii:;hiiiit  hjirope  with 
Ilia  L'oods,  iiiiilerscllim;  Kni'land  even  in  her  own 
markels.  I  lence  she  Is  obli;.eil  to  take  every  liiir- 
ileii  olVher  niaiiifacturcis  to  enable  iheni  lo  mam- 
lain  the  conipelilion.  Hence  lliey  repeal  the  duly 
on  collon  and  provisions,  not  lo  taviir,  bill  to  bent 
us — not  lolieiiefil  us,  bill  to  save  theinselves.  Tito 
Secrelary  biiiisis  of  llrilisli  liberality,  with  the  no- 
torious lai*t  bet'ore  his  eyes,  thai,  except  oil  collon, 
the  iivera:,'e  ihilies  levied  at  this  niomenl  in  Lireiit 
Itrilaiii  oil  all  our  imports  e\ceeils  three  hiimlred 
per  cenl.;  while  our  diilies  on  her  iinporla  do  not 
averau^e  tliirly-lhi'ee.  This  is  Ih'ilisli  lilierahly,  so 
exlolled  nnd  eiilo^'i/cd  by  ihe  .lin^rican  Secrd'ary. 
iMiu'hiud,  we  are  lolil,  will  follow  our  example,  if 
we  iiilopi  "  free  trade."  Will  she?  Hear  what 
she  savs  on  this  subject  lliroiiirh  her  Ministry. 
The  l)iike  of  \\S'lliiit;loii,  very  recmlly,  in  reply 
lo  Karl  (Jrey  and  olhcrs,  slaleil  in  the  House  of 
Peers,  "  that  when  free  trade  was  talked  of  as  ex- 
'  isiiii:;  in  F.ni;liiiid,  it  was  an  alsiirdily.  There 
'  wiis  no  such  ihiiin-,  and  there  could  be  no  such  (/iiii,r 
'  nsfrie  Innle  in  that  rounlnj.  W'e  proceed  (says 
'  he)  on  the  sysleiu  of  proteclin;^  our  own  maun- 
'  faiMiircs  :iiid  iiiirin\ii  produce — Ihe  produce  of 
'  our  labor  and  our  soil :  of  proieciiiii;  tliem  for  ex- 

•  )iortalioii,  and  prolectiii'.;  llicm  for  homeconsiiiii]i- 
'  lion;  and  on  that  universal  syslcm  of  protection 
'  il  was  absurd  to  talk  of  free  liaile." 

The  Secretary  says,  if  we  do  not  take  Rriliah 
floods,  lliey  will  have  lo  pay  cash  for  our  cotton; 
and,  "  nol'harinjf  il  lo  snare',"  they  will  buy  less, 
and  at  lower  prices.  We  must  nase  manufaclur- 
iii:;,  and  seiitl  our  money  lo  Kni^hind,  so  (hat  slia 
may  have  "  money  lo  spar  '"  lo  buy  Soiilhcrn  cot- 
Ion.  This  is  ihe  Idea.  The  North  and  West  are 
lo  be  sicrili'-eil  lo  make  a  )narket  for  Southern  col- 
lon. liut  docs  not  the  .Si'crctary  see  lhal,  by  im- 
povei'isl.in:;  the  North  and  West,  a  worse  result 
would  follow?  They  would  toon  be  unable  lo  buy 
aiiylbin:;;  whereas,  if  prolecied  and  prosperous, 
liavin'a;  ihe  means,  lliey  would  have  llie  will  lo  pur- 
chase and  consume  forei'.:n  '.roods.  Thus  ihe  Sec- 
relary's  "  five-lrade"  plan  would  most  ctfectually 
defeal  his  own  purpose,  if  carried  on/. 

Hut  I'',iigland,  we  are  told  liy  the  .Secretary,  will, 
if  wc  rel, IX,  repeal  her  corn  laws.  She  may,  for 
the  moment,  lo  avoid  starvation,  and  not  an  hour 
lonjer.  P>nl,  if  repealed,  would  it  inure  tj)  our 
benefit?  Would  she  not  obtain  her  supplies  of 
wheat  much  cheaper  from  the  North  .Sea  and  the 
Hallic,  from  Odessa,  Warsaw,  Dail/.ic,  and  Ham- 
bnrijh,  where,  for  seven  years,  ending;  with  18-10, 
the  price  of  wheat  was  sevenly-si  von  cents  per 
bushel,  while  here  il  was  one  dollar  aiiil  forty  cciuh 
nn  the  seaboard;  and  fiei:;lil  from  ihere  was  but 
ihirleen  cents  |icr  bushel,  and  from  here  thiriy-six? 
At  this  time  the  jirice  there  is  ninefy  cents,  nnd 
here  one  dollar  and  fifteen  cents,  liit  the  repeal 
of  the  corn  laws  would  ei|ually  ftivor  ihc  wheat  of 
the  Lialtic,  while  n  creat  portion  of  our  wheat  finds 
lis  way  to  Oreat  Urilain,  through  Canada,  at  the 
colonial  duties,  thus  escaping  the  oiierution  of  the 
com  laws. 

Hut  let  this  Adminislrntion  adopt  iis  sysleiu, 
and  let  the  manuf'acturers  close  their  doors  aii.-l 
turn  out  .seven  or  ei^ht  hundred  tlioii.;:'iid  people 
to  be;;  or  starve,  and  they  will  soon  lieur  a  .pice 
that  will  make  them  tremble.  Y'es,  and  Ihis  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury  himself  will  hast-'n  lo  de- 
clare, ns  did  the  Kmpcror  of  Russia,  who  tried 
i  this  system  of  free  trade  liira  short  time,  but  soon 
!    renounced  il  in  this  emphaiic  lantjitaye: 

"  .??ricii/(iii't,  lift  irilhont  markels,  industry  wilh- 

'  cat  protection,  LANGUISH  AND  DECLINi:. 

,   '  SPKCIK  IS  EXPORTED,  AND  THE  MOS'l' 

■  '  SOLID  COMAlliRCIAL  HOUSES  ARE  SHA- 


»■* 


58 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


fDec.  9, 


I  I 


::^dTii  Cong... ..1st  Skss. 

*KKN.  Till' puhlic  in-os|iorifv  would  siioM  too!  t\\v  ' 
»  \vi  'Mill  inlliiU'd  nil  privme  rt>rliim\s»  if  .icw  it£;u-  j 

*  laiiuiis  (lid  not  promptly  cluui^o  Uu  actual  suiie  i 

*  ofuft'iirs. 

"  tUrnts  haw  in-orrt!  that  our  AGUU'ULTUnK  ! 

*  atiit  (Hir  rOM.Mi:iU'i:,  iw  tnll  (w  our  MAM:- 

*  FA(   rriM.NCi  LNDrsTllV.rtJY  not  mi/i/  tuua-  , 
» /(/cf./,  lUIT  UIlOUGiiT  TO  THli  UUir^JK  01<^  , 

*ut;iN."  : 

^Sul•|^  wmihi  W  iho  ufTi'ct.s  of  llie  aystt'ni  now  re- 
(-(MHiiu-iiflfd  t'or  (Mir  iuIitptii)M,  and  siu-)i  wonld  soon 
lie  lilt'  hin^ua^r  this  Alimil^^'ll•atiull  ur  its  succcs- 
mjTA  would  hv.  ohli^rd  tii  dopt.  Sir,  il'  I  lovtd 
uiy  pnrtfi  iiioiv  t'lan  my  roi  j/ri/,  I  would  icjoire  u» 
ytf  iliis  Adniinistmtion  I'any  (uit  its  iiirjiHurt'w,  lor 
its  Niicrdy  ovrrilnow  woulil  hv  inrvitalilr. 

.\lr.  S.  s.iid  In:  would  lunv  prcsi'iit  ihc  docirir.  < 
ol'ihis  AdiuiiiisiiMtiiui  in  dirict  opposition  toTho- 
iiiiiM  Jctlttson  iUid  Andri'W  .lacKsoii,  ami  let  ilio 
proplc  tlcridc  tor  lliiiiiNclvt's.  Pri'lci'iion  is  not 
only  (It  nouiuMil  tty  tlti.s  Adiiiini.slraiioa  ns  tiiii'Oii- 
aiifutit mil,  liut  also  astipprcs.-^ivc  in  ilu-  tarnifr  and 
lal'on  r.  AVtll,  whal  hays  Ciciicral  Jack.son  ou  this 
."".ul'jn'lr     Ur  Sitys  ; 

'•  Ifwi'  oiuit  or  rrfiise  touso  tlir  ?::irts  whii'li  God 

*  li.is  fxtt'udt'd  to  us,  Wf  dr.srr\<'  iii'l  ttir  continiia- 
'  liiiji  of  lii.-^  t'liN^in^s,  Ml*  has  liiltd  our  nioun- 
'  Mins  and  our  pliiins  with  niiiu-rals — wiili  hail, 
'  iron,  and  cppprr;  and  ^i\<  a  us  climan' ami  soil 
'  lor  lln'  rrmvinir  ot"  luiup  und  w  ol.  TIm's**  Iirini; 
'  the  i^rand  luntt  rials  ol'  our  naional  di  rmi-r,  tluv 

*  ouirlit  lo  ha\r  cxumicd  i"  -iitni  aihuualc  ami  fair 

*  {n'ot^('l'ltl)^^  tliat  our  (tw-    luamitactoncs  aiul  lahor- 

*  trs  may  he  phui'd  ■  ..  a  I'.tir  »'onip<'litioii  with  those 

*  ot'  l-aivojM\     '  will  ask,  what  is  tlu'  real  siuiatioii 

*  oC  ihf  i',.n'uUurisl  ?     AVhcrr  has  the  Ann  ricaii 

*  lanmr  u  uiark.'t  for  hi  ■  .■surplus  pnalui'lr  l-'xccpt 
'  for  cotton,  ho  hixs  nr,  ,ur  a  t'liftii;!!  or  liouic  luar- 

*  kti.     I>ocs  not  ll  tN  fharly  orovf,  winii  tin  re  is 

*  !io  niarkii  i  iihtr  at  homi'  or  alToad,  that  ihcrt'  is 

*  loo  nni'"h  lat'or  fnij'Ioyrd  in  aLrrirulmrr,  and  that 

*  iho  I'tianni'lN  tor  l.ihor  should  he  niuliiplird  r  Com- 
'  iron  fitnst'  jivints  nit/,  ul  viwc,  the  n  innhj.  Draw  tVonx 

*  ai:Ti('u!lun'  tliis  supnahundant  laintr;  tinploy  it 

*  :n  1   ichanisni  and  nianut'acturi's  ;  thi-rchy  rrratini: 

*  a  h'  MMO  laaikf  t  f'r  your  lurad-stulls.  and  dislriii- 

*  lin;^  lahor  to  \]iv  iaof*l  i>rofua*iit'  art'our ' ;  and 

*  lien*  ti's'o  the  country  will  rrsull.  Take  iVoi.  aj^ri- 

*  <'uiturf,in  ihprnili'd-'<taU's,si\  lui'Mircil  thousand 
'  nuMi,  wonun  and  cl    !dirn,  and  y.m  will  at  oiu'c 

*  ::ivca  home  in.ukc  for  inort' hrrad-slurts  than  all 
"■  ICuropc  iHiw  I'nniishi's  ns.    In  short,  sir,  we  hn\e 

*  hccn  tf^o  lorn:  sulijt  el  to  tJU'  t)oli('y  of  the  I'rilish 

*  lut  rrhanls.     It  is  tinn    lliat  \\v  shonlil  hrionn'  a 

*  liith'  moT''  .■/)H**MV(jJii:ti(;  and,  instt  ad  of  li  rdiny; 
Mho  ]ianiH-rs  ar  '   lahori'rs  nf  Eiti^lamh  i'ml   our 

*  I'fii;  or  t'lsc,  in  a  sliort  linio,  by  cunliimiii^-  our 

*  prcsdit  policy,  wc  sliall  all  he  rendered  paiijurs 
'  oun*elvert/' 

The  Sci'rt'iarv's  report  says  we  onuht  not  lo 
adopt  prnUi-livf  dulirs  litffto.se  oilier  nalionc  do  so, 
and  s;\y>,  "  with  rrvmnc  duties  tiiily  throw  open 
I'ur  ports  to  all  tin'  wnrhl."  lint  w  l^at  s,iv.s  Tho- 
mas JelVcrson  '  Here  aiv  lln  \\  orils  of  tlial  pro- 
ftamd  and  patrioiie  su\lrsnmn  in  his  report  inC'on- 
^ivss  fin  this  suhje'"!  : 

"  But  slniiild  any  nation,  o<uitmry  to  our  wishes, 
'  suppoM'  it  may  hetti  r  fi.iil  ii-^  advaniiii^e  hy  con- 

*  tinuin;;  its  i;y>teut  of  prtiliihiiiciis, duties  and  reiru- 

*  latioiis,  it  htlinnrts  us  to  prlirt  I'ur  citiztti>^  thrir 

*  rommcrrr  anti  luivii^tttiou,  hy   -nunlrr  /inWnbi/ioi.i, 

*  di-''"s  ami  vt  i:ulatitnis  aNu,     i  Vee  emuuieree  and 

*  na\  ii:ulion  art  not  to  Ue  irlven  i.i  e\i-hant:e  tor  re- 
'  Mrii'iions  and  \'Xai  inns,  nor  are  tin  y  liki  ly  to  ppi- 

*  duce  II  relaxati'in  of  them.      Where  a  nain>n  iin- 

*  jnt>es  hi'ih  duties  on  our  piodin-iiors,  or  prohihiis 

*  them  alti'i^eiher,  it  may  he  proper  for  ns  to  do  the 

*  same  hy  ilitinr.  lust,  lairdenin^  tir  exchiilni^'  tho^e 
'  proi'uciious  whi 'h  theyliriiiir  lure  in  eunipi  tilion 

*  •.yiiii  onr  own  of  itie  same  Knnl:  seleriiii;^  next, 

*  sueh  nmmifactun  .^  ns  we  lake  from  them  in  the 
'  ;;rrate.'!i  (juantily,  and  whi<'h,  at   tlie  same  time, 

*  wr  eould  tin*  sni.nesi  furnish  to  oip'sehts,  ur  <►!•- 

*  tain  froni  other  eounlnes;  impDSim::  on  tht  in  tlu- 

*  ii>M,  hu'hter  at  lirst,  hut  ui.tMiu  aiul  iikahmi  af- 
'  terwards,  as  oilier  ehaiUM  Isof.'.uppl)  open.  Such 

*  (tutiti  ftrtriiiff  t'lr   f£u-t  of  itnlinvt    'rieoii(-i(i{-nn(  nf  to 

*  iloinf^l'tr  imiMii^if/iirf  i  of  the  sauu;  kim),  mtii/ in- 
'  ciiirc  litf  ijn(iH''i(f/uri r  lo  coint   hinvitlj'  into  thtse 

Now,  PreNidenl  Tolk  s;'yM,  :.'...l  duties  ran  lie 
iiii|Hi!ii-d  only  for  rerrniw,  and  ii'Jt  for  protectiviit 


The  Tariff— Mr.  ^Stewart 


H(K  OF  Rkps. 


and  that  when  t!ir  home  supply  diininishefl  reve-  ^ 
nue,  the  duties  oui;ht  to  he.  rcdueed  ho  as  to  increase  '' 
iniportH.     l^ut  Jeirerson'H  rule  is  precisely  the  rt>  | 
verHO.    He  .say?**  »«  the  domestic  supply  increaseH, 
the  duties  ou;;hl  lo  he  iiicittisid^  not  rc(/i(rr(/,  aH  Mr. 
l*olk  has  it.     Tho  duties,  aicoriliuji;  to  Jellerson's 
piai),  (mj;!it  to  he  nnid*;  luuvier  and  htavivr  to  favor 
itic  Anierieaiitj.    Polk'n  lighter  n:id  ligiiter  lu  favor  li 
foreii^ners.  p 

AViiieh  is  rii;ht,  JeflVrsou  or  Polk?    One  or  the 
iptlier   nuist  ho  uiistaken,  as  tliey  are  direetly  a*  ' 
i.ssuer 

Here  they  stand  directly  o))posed — wliicli  side, 
as  Am  rieaiiH,  oipjht  we  to  take?  He  had  always 
hreii  and  still  was  ailaelied  to  the  old  ./(.//J  rvtiiiioi 
(Umocninj,  the  oppi'siie  of  modern  {irof^irysivf  lU- 
uiornicfr,  and  lu'  believed  thai  a  majority  of  the  old 
and  h^mest  Ih  inoerais  of  Peimsyhania  would  still 
he  found  failht'ul  to  the  tried  and  true  .leH'crsonian 
principles,  when  hroo-^ht  to  the  test. 

On  ihe  suhjei'.t  of  the  laritf  Jeileison's  plan  was 
ihe  (Uily  true  i»ne,  '*  seleet  the  artii-les  we  eaii  ii:id 
'oii'^ht  to  manufarlure  for  ourselves,  ^ive  them 
'  full  and  ailequale  proteelion,  *  Ii;;hter  at  lu'st,  hut 
'  lieavier  and  hea\ier'as  the  donitsiie  supply  in- 
*  creases,  and  for  re\enue  incrensin^  the  dulus  on 
'luxuries  eoiisnmed  hy  the  rirh.'*  Tliis  is  the 
true  Ameriiali  sysleni  ns  exponmied  iiy  Thmnas 
.Ti'lUisoii  himsilf;  it  is  ihe  snonhird  around  whnh 
all  his  iViemis  shtnild  no  v  rally — and  those  who 
(h-.serted  tliis  standard  ate  traitors  to  his  prinri- 
pies. 

.Mr.  S.  said  he  wished  to  eonsidiT  for  n  moment 
ihe  tarilf  as  connected  with  a;;rii*nltui-e,and  il  mit^ht 
slat  lie  the  .Si'''ietary  lo  tell  him  that  Ala>saehiisrlts 
now  exported  to  forei-^n  markets  nion"  a';rii'ultural 
produce  than  any  olio  r  State  in  tin;  Uu'on,  She 
exported  it  as  the  Priti.sh  im)iorled  it,  not  ui  its  raw 
for.n,  hut  c. inverted  into  maiiufa<-iures;  and,  wh.it 
was  slil!  more  important  to  the  i^rain-^Tiowin;; 
Stales,  slie  exported  ll  in  a  form  nol  lo  cmnpele 
wiih,  or  alall  ailed,  t lie  price  of  produce,  in  iis  raw 
condition,  in  tlie  foreiirii  markets.  And  it  ini^ht 
startle  the  Secretary  still  more  lo  lell  him  that  mil- 
lions of  dollars  \v<tri!i  of  hay,  oats,  straw,  ijiass  ami 
corn,  were  transported  ainiuallv  over  the  mountains 
to  ihe  Ailanlic  markets,  from  <'>hio,  Keiuu"ky,  aia! 
the  oilier  Wesleri"  States.  I'ui  is  it  not  hirictlyand 
undeni.ilily  truer  Noi  in  iis  original  f«irm,  hut  like 
liiilish  iroods,  conveited  and  changed  inloai'ondi- 
tion  in  which  il  can  he  iraiisportcd  lo  market — emi- 
vcrled  into  ho;  s,  horses,  and  fi'  cattle;  An' what 
are  these  hut  the  corn,  oats,  and  hay,  of  ihe  west- 
ern farmer,  chain-*  d  into  animated  forms,  and  made 
lo  f ((rn/ ('■'■'(/  t»' mark*  t.  A  ial  ho^  carries  ri;j;ht 
or  I'-n  huslu  Is  of  corn  lo  market,  and  a  fine  west- 
ern hor.-ie  carries  seventy  or  eiirhlv  dnlhir.s  worth 
(tf  hay  ami  oats  to  ihe  eastern  iuar!\<t,\\uh  ihe 
fanner  on  lop  of  it,  which  he  sells  tor  the  i'ash, 
I'.mi  returns  home  to  repeal  ihe  process.  And  thus 
toreii;ners  coiueri  lluir  agricultural  produce,  not 
into  li')i:s  and  hcoses,  luit  into  i  loth,  iron,  hats, 
sluMs,  everytliin;::  ytm  find  on  the  in-it  haul's 
shelf,  ami  senil  them  here  for  sale  uinl  eonsumji- 
lion.  (hir  unn-hanis  ihron^hout  the  country,  so 
far  as  tli'V  sell  fnrei;:n  LM>ods,are  in  fact  hut  retail- 
ers i>\'  loi-ei:;u  ai!;riculluial  nroduce,  i-on\e'ied  into 
:;oods  anil  st  nl  here  tor  .sale;  and,  when  we  look 
ahroad  at  lln  ir  vast  numhers.  is  it  8urprl^*lnj^  that 
aioney  should  he  scarce?  ll  has  heen  clearly 
pro\ed  that  more  than  hall*  the  value  of  a  yard  of 
eloth  consists  of  wool,  and  the  suhsisteiice  of  ihc 
lah(U'  emplnyid  in  iis  luamilUciun'.  i'hat  nine- 
lenihs  of  tin:  value  of  pii^-iron  consists  of  a,:j:riinl- 
liiral  prodnc' ,  and  (hat  e\en  a  yard  of  lace  is  hut 
tittle  else  ihan  tlie  sub.s'tsttuct  of  the  foreii^n  pauper 
lahor  employed  in  its  tahrii'ation.  Vet  tlie  farmer 
seems  ml  to  he  aware,  that  when  he  pays  jjt'Jll  for 
a  sail  ol'  Ih-itish  cloth  he  sends  ^111  ot'  the  :>ll  in 
hunt  money  (they  take  no  paj'i  r)  Ui  pui i  hase 
I  Ih'tiish  wool,  and  hread,  and  meat,  while  he  has 
no  market  tor  his  own.  Vet  is  it  not  true?  And 
is  nol  this  the  policy  recdninieiided  hy  tliis  Admin- 
i.'-lialiipn  r  He  was  admonished  to  he  hriet",  liul  he 
I  Would,  while  on  this  pnmt,  stale  another  fact  sas- 
"cplihle  of  ih<'  clearest  demonstratimi,  thai  the 
ei  nstiuieuls  (d'  every  ineiiiher  in  this  Hoi'se  frmn 
<>h(<»,  Indiana,  llliMius,  a'ld  all  the  irrain-iirowini^ 
Siait  s,  are  at  ihis  .Monienl  pnrchasini;  and  eon- 
suimn'_'  fi\e  cl.dlars  wiuth  of  ilriii^h  aL'riculiu- 
ral  [iioduee  to  one  didlar's  worih  iireat  Ihiuuii 
,  takes  of  thciia.     By  rclcirin^^  to  the  ollicial  reportu 


on  eonunerco  and  navijrntion  for  ten  or  twenty 
years  back,  it  would  he  found  that  our  impoi:>;  of 
Itritish^oods  amount  lo  nearly  lifiy  millions  a  year, 
while  she  has  taken,  of  all  the  a<<;iicuhnral  p^i- 
ducis  (if  the  iirain-i;rowin^  Stales  of  this  IF:, ion, 
dour,  t!;rain»  meat,  vVc,  less  iliaii  two  millions  and 
a  hall.  >iow,  if  only  half  the  value  (aid  it  was 
nuu'.ti  more)  of  these  t;-oods  eonsisled  of  i><;rieullurid 
uroduee,  this  wouhl  t^\\c  twenty-five  jiiilliims  of 
IJritish  auricullural  produce,  taken  anuually  liy  us, 
to  two  and  a  lialf  uiiUions  <d'  ours  taten  hy  iheni, 
jnsi  tin  tti  eiir.  Now,  assuming  that  coiisuiuplion 
IS  in  proportion  to  popnlMtion;  then  iluse  wt  stern 
ueiil it  men 's  constituents  are  eonsuuiin;:;  noiyjrr  hut 
Ini  (tolUtis*  worth  of  r>rilish  a'^ricuhural  produce  to 
oiiv  (.ileal  Ih'itain  takes  tVtmi  tin  ni;  and  yet  llui 
Secretary  is  not  .si  ti.sfied,  hut  wishei  lo  inerense 
the  iiupurl  of  foreiL^n  ^ooiIh  to  favoi  the  farmers  f 
Ueduee  the  duties,  says  the  Administration,  to  iii- 
<-rease  imports;  and  auMMi,  say  most  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  these  western  farnu'rs.  Hut  what 
w<m!d  these  farmers  say  to  their  represeiilali\es 
when  they  come  to  look  /M(i(7icn//_(;  ami  not  throrH- 
icdllij  n\  this  niatler?  He  (Mr.  S.)  inlendi  d  to  call 
llieir  a'tenlion  to  it.  1  le  intended,  at'ler  the  exam- 
ple of  the  Secretary,  to  luldress  some  iiuestions  to 
llie  farmers  of  this  country,  and  he  hoped  soon  lo 
have  their  attswcrs  to  lay  hefore  the  House;  ho 
wanted  the  facts  on  hotli  sii'  s.  He  would  ask, 
for  instance,  how  much  a^ti.-ultural  produce  theiv 
was  in  a  yard  of  donie.stic  eloth,  (U"  a  ion  of  iron? 
and  whetlier,  if  hrouiiht  from  I'ln^dand,  (where  it 
was  made  of  the  same  nnUerials,)  ihey  did  not 
jiurchase  l''.in;lish  wotd  and  ]trovisions  eonverleil 
into  cloth,  iron,  iVc,  when  they  had  no  market 
lor  their  own f  lie  Would  ask  llie  merchants  and 
manufacturers  what  were  the  prices  of  eolUni  ami 
woollen  ^^oods,  i;lass,  iron,  nails,  iSiv.y  in  IHIti, 
when  the  first  protective  tarilf  wa.-;  adopted,  and 
w  hat  they  were  miw  ?  1  le  would  ask  the  workiiii^ 
uien  what  would  he  the  ell'eci  of  '-free  hade, 
recommended  hy  the  Secretary  of  the  TreasurVi 
on  ihe  waives  of  Iah(U"  In  this  efuuilry  ?  Sueh 
(|uestions,  in  his  judgment,  would  not  only  furnish 
important  facts,  hut,  what  was  more  iniporlanl,  it 
V.  oulil  iniui;  the  farmers  and  lahorers  to  investi- 
irate  ihis  siilijeci  in  a  ctmimon-seiise  practical  point 
of  view,  and  to  fii;ure  it  out  for  ihemsfdves;  in  this 
way  mnre  would  t)e  done  to  inin;;;  ihe  people  to  a 
rii^ht  umleistandiii'j;  of  this  hii;hly  interestinij  suh- 
ject,  ilian  hy  ail  the  speeches  made  here  or  ehsc - 
where. 

'i'he  Message  'nils  u.s  that  o  protective  tar\(fUc]io- 
fits  the  rich  at  the  expense  of  the  lahiiriny;  poor. 
No,  sir;  it  is  jusi  tlu^  reve.se.  The  taritV  i.s,a 
ramj>art  thrown  aroiiml  our  national  talior,  ihe 
:rreat  ehiuenl  of  our  national  we.Mh.  The  tarilK 
furuislit  d  the  only  sicurily  our  lahon  r  had  ajraiiist 
llie  de;;radini;  and  levellini;  ellecis  of  an  in.rertrict- 
ed  coinpetiiioii  witlithe  pauper  lalior  of  Kuropo. 
As  you  ndue  this  wall  of  protection,  you  reihne 
the  wai;cs  of  lahor.  As  you  rechne  lahor,  you 
reduce  the  pational  wealth,  which  is  the  sum  of 
your  productive  indusiry. 

Sir,  I  stand  here  ihe  advocate  id'  lahor — liilMir  in 
the  falds  and  iu  the,  worship'! — this  stniu'i^le  for 
naiional  pnthctlon  is  a  slruu^h'  lor  natiinud  pros- 
perity. Who  e;ui  esiiinate  the  value  id'  our  lUl- 
tional  lahor.  I-  amounted  to  hundreds  of  millions 
of  dollars.  A  po(M-  man's  lalior  is  his  capital;  if 
lie  <'arns  only  jil'Jt)  per  anmini,  this  is  eijual  lo  n. 
eajiital  of  S'J,IH)lh  at  six  per  cent.;  if  you  have  a 
milliun  I  Illy  of  lahorers,  this  iii\es  you  a  capital 
of /irrf //naoinn/  millioii.H  of  itoilurs;  and  is  this  not 
worth  your  care  and  your  protection?  Must  this 
vast  American  lahor  he  prostrated  and  Iroddeii 
down  lo  make  a  market  for  foreii:n  (^oodsr  to  in- 
crease reviinie  hy  ineichsinLC  the  imports,  sendin*^ 
millions  ahroad  to  sustain  loreJi,'n  lMl)or,  to  obtain 
a  few  lluuisand  dollars  of  revenue?  The  nakdl 
ijuesiion  pre.-'enltd  is.  Shall  we  favor  foniuii  iii- 
(luslrv  or  our  ow  nr  Shall  we  take  the  thni-^n  or 
the  .)mt}iiau  side  in  this  !::real  stru;ri:le  \\n'  the 
American  market?  This  is  the  j^reat  and  iriui 
qutstiou  mvolved  in  this  issue  of /Tn/nVi/ni  or  no 
prolectiou.  This  Administralimi  lias  lakeii  the. 
l'oreiL;ii  side  of  tlie  ijuesiion.  'i'hey  deni'unce  nil 
pri'ltit'wn  as  unrovstittiluituil.  !  lake  the  Amerienn 
side.  And  I  harlessly  appi  al  to  the  ^conil  sense, 
the  en!i',^lilened  palriolism,  ol"  the  Anii-riean  peo' 
pie,  the ./''cmcrs  and  /(i/ienrs,  whose  interests  are  at 
stake,  to  decide  this  <|u<.stion.     The  issue  is  now 


[Dec.  9, 


1845.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 


59 


t>.  OF  Rfipa. 


>!•  tin  or  twenty 
at  our  inipniis  nt* 
"ly  niillionHiiynu-. 
a^iiruitiiral   p;o- 

VS    of    (IliN    Uiiillll, 

two  millioiiM  ami 
■aliiL'  (nitl  it  WHM 
iti'd  ort><:ri<-(illuri.l 
'-live  iuillioitN  of 
n  an:umlly  1>V  us, 
■s  talcMi  l»"y  ifKiii, 
thiK  <'ori.siiin|ttion 
irn  lIuMe  W(  ^l^.'lll 
iniiiii'^not^MT  Init 

uIIUIm!  |H(m1||CI'  Io 

t  ni;  Mhd  yd  iltr 
i.-ihci  to  iiirn^a.st; 
ivii)  lilt-  fiinnersf 
iniiti-iition,  to  hi- 

llHt    of  till!    i-ojM(;- 

lU'jH.  Itiit  what 
r  n'|)rt!M-nlatiM!H 
'i(  an<t  not  tfuoiet- 
.)iMr(^n(l(<t  to  rail 
I,  at'tiT  the  cxain- 
:HHo  (iiHiHiions  to 
Ik:  lio)>t'it  NOdti  it> 

'     tllO     IltMINf;     h,! 

ilt!  Would  a.sk-, 
lal  |)nnlurc  llieii; 
or  a  ton  (»{'  iron  ? 
,1,'lnnil,  (whri-f  il 
^,)  they  aid  not 
iwionn  nnivorli-d 

lual  no  niarltct 
I?  ninriiiuils  nnd 
rs  of  cotton  ami 
1,  tVr.,  in  ISKi, 
as  adopttd^  aiaj 
ask  the  worKirii^ 
r  "  iVt'r-  irado,  ' 
r  tlu-  TieaHiiry, 
coniitry?  8m'-li 
n»it  only  furniNh 
*rv  itn|torlaiii,  ii 
iror.s  to  inv<'sli- 
*^linu-iifid  poini 
niscIvTs;  ill  iliin 

liir  |U'0|)|i-  In  II 

inicrrstnii;;  suli- 
htrc  vr  cKsc  - 

re  tariff)' he ]iv" 

ialHU'iiiy;  pdur. 
tarill"  i.s,a 
aal  lidjor,  ilio 
The  laiiiK 
( :•  hadairainsl 
an  UhrcMrict- 
1)1*  of  Kiiropr. 
,  you  rrdui-n 
iv  l.dMir,  you 
tin:  Huni  of 

liihor — liilior  in 
iiuu'i^Io  tiir 
latiuniil  jN'OH- 
iv  (if  our  mi- 
ls ofnnllionM 
is  '-aiiilul ;  if 
!■■'  iijual  to  ft 
yon  Inivc  a 
|>o  a  Oiipital 
d  is  (Ills  not 
'  .MuNi  ttllM 
and  inxlden 
oiidsr  to  in- 
ilN,  sendint; 
lor,  Io  oliiiiin 
'i'ln-  nidvid 
)r  Ionian  in- 
luni^n  or 
i^rcU-  fur  tfip 
at  and  iruo 
ttrtitni  or  no 
f*  laLrn  ilii> 
drnounrc  nil 
he  Anirricnn 
iitiod  scuKc, 
I'-iit'an  [n'(i- 
ti  rests  Mil'  at 
its.suu  iH  now 


29Tn  Cong 1st  Skss. 


Connecticut  licsoluiiom — Mr,  John  A,  RockwclL 


Ho.  OF  Kkps. 


■':'<^- 


fiiirly  made  up,  and  mu«l  lie  decided.  I»  protec- 
lioiH'.oiiMtilulionalor  not?  IlasiJonicrrRH  the  |)Ower 
Io  prolcet  the  nalionat  induslry?  Sir,  let  j^enlle- 
nien  pnll  down  this  wall  of  iiroteclion  thrown 
jirnnml  tin;  nalitmal  indiislry  hy  the  Inrill"  of  IH4li, 
iiiumlale  tin;  eountrv  av,:iin  witli  fortMijn  ;;onds, 
H;nd  all  our  money  aliroad  to  pny  for  them,  ai^aiii 
hankrnnl  tin?  people  and  llm  treasury  aa  in  IH41; 
Itt  i;('mlemen  do  this,  and  ji'o  home,  to  inet't  tho 
iVownH  of  an  indigtmnt  and  ruined  people, 

APPENDIX. 

Hni'WK  UK  ItKl'tlKHKNTATlVKS, 

(riw/d'an/oii,  W(-TCHiAt'j' 9,  Ift-lii. 

I)FMi  Sni :  \\\\\  yiHi  Inivp  tinr  tfondiirss  In  iiii.Hwrr  Knuic, 
fir  fhi'  whnl.',  nf  Ilir  lullnwiiiy  (|tirsnitii«,  lU  vniir  oirlinst  ; 
cMMViriicnri',  'I'lir  tucts  yon  rtmnTiunicalc  iirny  It"  iiiitHir-  j 
tiiri>  In  Ihe  (liHcns^iun  ol'  (tin  iiirill'  iiui'^^lioii  nnw  |ii>ii<llnir  ; 
licliiri'  ('Kimn-.-s.  'I'lic  Scrn-uiry  iif  ilir  'I'miKury  liiw  m'\\\  \ 
nut  ni'veriil  cirfuliiM  tn  nliniin  liict-i  nn  <nn'  siitc  (li'iln-  (pii'M 
liMii,  and  it  is  cli'i-nicil  Itnt  ri!;lit  M  t;iki>  infusnn-s  to  olitiiin  i 
sitriM'  nil  till-  oilier.  <  I 

The  wlmli-  i)|i|Hi.-iiiinii  |o  tln^  prfHrrtirr  jifilicy  is  Im-rd  | 
U|i<>ii  till*  iisiinniilion  of  tUi'  liici,  (wirlinnl  priml',)  linU  iirofvr- 
/m f  ilnth'N  MirK'iW!  the  iiiici'^  ni"  liiith  (InnH-fiif  hihI  |hrri::n  I; 
i;«nii|-i.  luul  art'.  tliere(nre,n|i|(ri'ssivi'  anil  hiinli'ri'*MitH'  In  llii-  " 
jirnplf.  Now,  itlliis  ispruviMl  In  ln'  nniriie  in  [Kiinl  of  iSn-t,  ' ; 
ilieii  tliiMvlmlr  LTonriil  ni' opposition  to  Itie  proKH'tivi;  pn|ir\'  i; 
|:ill-  In  till-  cmiiiKl. 

It  is  ailniittril  Hint  rnrniir  (Inli)'H,  ItM'jcd  on  nrliflfM  it',' 
;-)■"''(.  r<'  or  miinu/'trt  unl  ill  Iliis  cniiiilrj ,  lUliy,  Illid  jifln'  , 
rail)  'I.I,  inrrt'U-i'  priees ;  liiii  jirolrrtirv  fliilics,  li-vit'd  nn  ' 
ai'iicli  >  \vi>  ran  riiriii.>'li  at  lionii',  it  is  conti'iiilrtl,  ultiinali'ly  ;, 
ri"fii'-r  liic  prircs  hy  iiiliodncinii  rofiiprlilioji,  hkill,  inaclii-  |: 
inry,  anil  inr-ri'a'rd  supply,  and  that  siu'h  is  the  nntvi'r.'<al  \\ 
t'X|»Tinii'»'  nil  ||ii>  Miliji-.-f.  ■  i' 

Vnii  pcrcivi*,  ihiri-t'orc,  iliat   lln'  wliojf   nnifhT  re^olven  ;  | 
it-rlliiiln   a  <|iH':.iiiMi  nt" /ij,/v;  and   il   m   in  a.-r('rtaiii   llin-i-    | 
J.-rls  iliai  I  iiavclak.-n  ilir  lih-rly  toaddrr>s  >on.   Will  you,  , 
ilii'li,  he  sn  unoil  as  to  ri'h'r  to  joiir  Imnlts  ami  hills,  ami  fur- 
nish <ii\.wns  t'i  the  foHou  iu'j.  ipivttiuus  :  \ 

T»     MKIK  IIVNTS,  MANIIAt  TI  ItKllS,  ANU  OTIir.RS. 

I.  What  \\:i-i  the  prii-c  ni*  cotton  (jnnd-',  sliei  linL'-^,  shirl- 
iii','<.  kr..  Ml  iHlti,  whi-ii  till'  rniniiinnii  diiiicM  wcrf  llr>t  iin- 
pn-.il  inr  ihiir  pniioi-hrm  ?  What  tin'  prn-e  when  iht!  ta.id' 
ui"  \>*-i-*  wii-^  pa>!-i'd,  niid  what  is  tin'  prn-i-  now? 

*.'.  Wlial  till'  prices,  at  ilic  dale  indKatcd,  of  calicoes, 
l\s  i-t.  yarn.  ^ic.  •*  and  arc  ilicy  not  rcdncct'  t'l  ahoiit  one 
loiirtii  ni*  what  ihcy  were  hcion-  they  were  pnilccted  bv  tin- 
taritl  olh-^Ml: 

;i.  What  was  tlic  price  nl"  wn.ith  n  l!<iod-j.tlaniie|s,Milini'I-*.  ' 
.Vc.,  ai  tlic  p -rinds  aluivc  nienlii.ncil.^  and  arc  they  nni  nnw  ! 
I'iirni-h'[|  nt' donie'ilic  inatinrachirc  f'nr  |i'<s  ihan  halt' llie  ; 
prii-c  paid  when  rM-in-sivcly  iiiiprnlcd  Irnrn  ahmail? 

I.  li  IS  cstiinalcij  hy  the  Secretary  of  ilie  Treasury  in  hiM 
T'  port,  thai  ue  rnannrnc'tnri'd  riuhty  I'onr  niilliinis  oi'dnllars 
worth  of  cnii.in  fioods  in  Ilic  t'liireit  Stale,  and  I  assiinu' 
half  thai  aiii'iiirit  of  wnolleiin.  what  wnild  lie  ihe  elh'ct  on 
priivs  at  homr-  and  abroad,  were  this  iiunieiisc  supply  de- 
stroyed nrwiMidrawa  iVom  ihe  niarkcisnf  the  world? 

."».  Wliai  were  the  prit-cs  of  window  ami  oHut  ylass  in 
l>^Iii.  am)  at  tin*  dales  of  Ihe  tarill  nf  IHJl,  IHJH,  and  what 
n'*\v?  ]•*  aUit-*  imt  nnw  siipphi-d  at  Imine  for  lens  than  nne- 
IniHlli  nf  Die  price  paid  in  IHJti,  and  (or  less  timii  the  anioiiiit 
ol   Ihe  dnty  iin|toscd  ("or  its  proleclinii? 

II.  What  were  Ihe  prices  of  iron.  naih.  and  niher  inaiui- 
faeiiires  of  inniand  steel  in  IHifi?  What  atihe oilier  pein)ds 
ictcrrcd  tn,  and  what  are  the  prires  now?  Are  not  many  of 
these  ariiclcM  nnw  made  nt  home  t'nr  one  half  and  unelVnirlh 
uf  Ihi'ir  former  price,'' 

T.  What  Wire  i!ic  prirea,  at  the  .ilinvc  dates,  of  huIi,  paper,  J, 
and    if  sncH  ntticr  artielcs  as  may  seem  to  yon  ealcidateii  to 
nIiow  Ihe  eirecl  ol"  jiratrrtivf  diKics  lipno  pri<   •«  L'em'iaMy?       j 

H.   Hri  (lie  other  liami,  pleasi;  s'ate  whellii  ;    the  urtjch's 
not  proiliiced  or  inannractnnd  in  '.lis  cnniiir\,  on  which  tln- 
Itc-  tor  rn-nnif  t;..  rely  and  not  to.  //ro/c  Yj  mi  ni- !,.\  j.-il. -uch 
a-^   -llks.   vchel>.   laces.    &,..,   hive    lieeii    ri'diiced    In    pi  Ice 
Mtice  isltt.  or  have  tliey  tieen   r-'dncrd   in  am  ihini;  like  (he    : 
i.itio  of  rcdnction  thai  has  o.  .i.rrcd  in  the  prices  of  ihc  pm     i 
icci.d  arueles:     What  is  the  rea-nii  of  ihr  diderencc  ?  and  ,j 
I'  Il  not  unc  that  fmXcrlirc  diiin  s,  in  tlieend,  rnlwv  prices,    ] 
•A'hile  reiTiMic  dnn<'«  •:irrr..'Ke  tliein.  ' 

'.».  While  ;'ro/r.7(i-c  duties  have  redm-ed  the  piiretiof  nrin-  | 
niacinnd  jjonds,  Inih  not  Die  inercased  deinand,  resuIiiiiR  t 
I'nin  the  lmTea-.e  of  mannfaetnrnm  csiiihli>hmcnts  through-  |I 
out  the  eniiniry.  -H-^laiiird  ami  kepi  up  the  wajjcs  of  lahor,  > 
and  Ihe  pruhiee  of  ihc  farmer— Hour.  i,'ra  in.  provl-inns.  &c.,  I 
at  as  hmti.  iinil  in  snnie  rasi-s  eviii  hiiiher  rate-,  than  they  I 
were  in  Hiii;  ,\,„|  ,|,,  |„„  j„ot,.,iirr  dnties,  tlMrcforc,  hy  i 
iiii-rca>iii:i  itie  tify,,,/.,  ..f  inaniifacuired  t-nod--.  whde  they  iu-  i 
cr.a>e  the  <^v/i,  .;■/ fur  ihe  raw  material  and  hread-'tutrs"  en-  i' 
iil'le  the  (*HrtmTM  in    rlljhr  uwrc  ami  htm/or  tess  I  ' 


ajrrieiilliinil?  DnuH  not  Urciit  ItrilaJn  make  iron,  cloth,  (;lass, 
Sic.,  niit  nf  tlin  Kanie  iimterlah  that  we  do?  and  when  we 
import  the^i!  articles,  do  we  not  import  the  Itntish  nurienl- 
liiral  prodaec  wi>rked  up  in  iheiii.'  And  in  the  pidjej  of  re- 
ilaeii)f{  diitieH  to  ineii-a^c  imports  Mieh  a  policy  as  oii^ht  m 
he  susUiined  hy  ynnr  nprcjentativeri?  V<Mir  answer  will 
liiforai  them. 

Vni.  What  proportion  of  ihe  value  of  tlie  whole  of  oiir  for- 
eljiii  imports  consisiri  of  foreign  ii(!rlenltiir;tl  produce,  e^li. 
malinif  the  raw  matehat  and  the  .-nhsi-teme  nf  the  labor 
employed  in  their  prodnctinn?  Is  it  not  ^reatl) more  than 
one  half.' 

II.  V.  ilmatinc,  then,  iMie-halfof  the  value  of  mr  imports 
tn  111-  auociiltiiral  prnduec,and  (nir  imports  ol'  IIri1i^h  inann- 
I'uetini;  (a.s  appears  by  ollieial  flocnrneuH)  having  exceeded 
fur  ten  year!*  pa.-t /'(o/iy  niillious  a  year,  Hhilc  she  has  lakeii, 
for  the  Mime  lime,  of  all  the  ai;ricMMiiral  products  of  the 
Krnin-Krowin«  rtiatcs,  tinnr.  lirain,  meat,  and  provisinns  td' 
(>very  kind,  less  than  iwo  miltions  ot'dnllars"  wnrth  per  year 
from  u-v;  does  it  imt  I'rdlnw  thai  we  enriMinie  aiiitiially 
twenty  milliniis  of  dnllars'  worth  of  jtrilish  au'ric-iiliural  pro- 
dliec  to  two  iiiilllonsnflhe  same  thai  she  eon-nnics  nf  ours.' 
and  oiii-lit  Ihe  cMcosion  of  Has  >4v<>|em  of  policy,  by  uhieli 
\vc  are  made  lo  cnn.-nnic  l,-n  ilolf.tis^  v\orin  nt'  llrslish  wn(d, 
Kiain.  ami  pmvi-ions,  in  the  fnrni  of  Itritish  iinnd^'.  to  tjiit! 
ilnllai's  vvnn'i  -^hc  lakes  frnm  ns.  lo  he  advncaicd  liy  llie 
.AaierK'iin  people  or  Iheir  Iteprcst-ntalives? 

tilKM'lOSS  TO   I.AHOKKItS   AM)  OTMKIIS. 

I.*i.  With  oiir  presinf  liinliiies  of  iiili'tr*oursc  u  iih  I'urope 
hy  steam,  wniild  not  "  frei-  trade"  red  nee  iMc  ^val,'es  of  labor 
lieic  in  evi  ly  (Icparlineni  of  iiidn>lry  to  the  level  of  the 
waue>  ol'  labor  iln-re,  ju>t  as  ecriaini.v  as  the  removal  of  a 
WiiU  SI  paraliiej  t\M»  iineipial  hndics  id'  water  uotild  reduce 
Ihe  one  In  the  led    if  the  <.iher? 

Mi.  If  Ihe  prodnetioits  ni  r'.iiro[ii>an  labor  wnrkint;  at 
twenly-hve  eenl->  per  ilay  in  makiiiu'  .-line-,  liafs,  cloth,  ami 
cver>iliini;  else,  weri*  admitbd  iiiln  our  port.--  irec  of  duly, 
tiiusi  lint  (iir  niecliiinics  and  laborer,-  come  dtiwn  ami  work 
as  Inw  as  llicy  do,  or  i>ivc  up  (he  inarKet,  |n>I  a-;  certainly  as 
that  labor  on  one  side  ota  street  nr  river  workintrai  iwenty- 
tivi!  eeiiis  woiibl  reduce  M'vcnty-livc  cent  lahor  on  ilm  olhtT 
Midi'  to  it.s  own  level? 

17.  'I'lie  ,Messai,'"*  says  lie'  lariir  '•impo.-cs  heavy  and  iin- 
jii-I  hiirdrns  on  thefarne'r."  General  .laekson  sa>s  "  the 
'  lariif,  b>  laktiii!  >-\\  hnndred  ihou-and  iinti.  women,  and 
■  ctiihhen  I'lnni  aurniih  lire,  and  eiiiplo>iii::  thete  in  manulac- 
'  lure.-,  would  create  a  tmiue  iiiar!;el  Inr  more  bread  slitlls 
'  lliaii  .'dl  i;nrn|(c  nnw  Inrni-lf^  '* 

1^.  The  .Mcssaifc  at.-n  ^us  -.duties  nin.dii  to  u-  iin|Hised  for 
revenue  oiil>',and  whenever  they  are  so  hii''!  as  lo  (liiiiini>li 
imports  ajiil  nvcniie,  nev  mudil'  lo  he  reilnci  d  to  the  rev- 
enue si,ii  I  ml.  '1  homa-*  Jei|ir.-oii.  in  hi-  report  In  Con- 
yri-s.  sa  Ic  Irne  .-.i-iiin  i-  jn-t  the  rc\er-e  ot  Ihis.  Ho 
>a>s  I'nteji- -s  should  select  >iic||  articles  a-  we  can  maim- 
taciurc  toi  niirsclves,  "  iinpn,-iii'.»  on  lliem  duties  ln,diter  ;ii 
'  itrrl,  hill  tir.fin-  ami  hr.uivr  aiU'rwards,  as   nilier  ihuunviH 

' '!/ "-"/V'','' <*7"  "."'     'I'ht e   s.ij-i.  a:-  the  .Aiiier.caii  supply 

increases,  jei/ufc  the  duties  so  as  Vt  inrn::M-  iniiinrfs ;  ||a> 
oilier  says,  (ts  the  .\nierican  snpply  inerea'cs,  (/nt*m'ic  the 
dunes  so  as  to  dimim.-M  impnri-.  Here  Jackson  and  Jeil'er- 
soii  both  stand  direetl>  oppo-cd  tn  polk.'    Wlmdi  is  ,-i«bt? 

The  uiionnalioii  >oiii.rnt  hytliis  letter  mav  be  add^c^scd  to 
any  Iriend  ot' the  taruf  in  rnnyress,  -laiiii:!  uljclher  tlie 
nanii'  n\'  \\w  wriiir  mav  he  u-ed  puhhclv t. 

I.elters  are  received  trniil  all  jiails  nf  Uie  eoniltry,  an.\- 
inu-l>  in(puriii<:  u  heiber  ttit  lai  ill  will  be  put  down  or  nol, 
I'loni  pn  -cut  mdn  afioii-;,  I  think  tic  /m-./o.'  le  p:yVnii\^  m 
L'jeal  daiiL'er  of  b.  uvj.  cntoc!\  nvertlirown.  Tlie  encmic-j  of 
ilif  larilf  arc  endcavorniL.'  in  iriakc  it  a  ynhn\\\'  iion.ajHl  to 
rail>  the  .Adinini-iratiDii  yji.i/i/ a<;aiiist  it  on  /  Wi/ i^mnnds. 
If  they  .-ueciTd,  Ihe  pn.teetive  iiojicy  aiiil  the  pii-ii:nt  tarill' 
inn>I  i;o  down.  Suppo>iii!.'  it  to  h;i\e  cm  ry  Whij,' vole,  it 
uill  rcipiire  thirtv  li\'e  \diriini>lr;ilinii  votes  lo  save  it. 
Where  .re  ihe\  to  <oiiie  from  .'  I'cnn  •>  Ivania.  \cu-  Vnrk, 
and  (  dill),  cnnid  lmvc  iliem  ;  bin  will  tlie>  tlu  w  j  Nut  m  my 
judmnent.  iinb->  the  pi'o|ib'  liiemseKe-,.  cnnic  spiMbly  to 
the  rc-r-iic.  I'lile-s  itiey  prompti;,  semi  in  renMur-tranecs, 
sinned  withmildisiinctifMi  of  |iarly,  aniuisi  tuakiiiii  the  larltf 
a  pait\  ipiestion,  and  aiiaiest  the  inodiiicatinn  nr  repeal  of 
Ihe  land  of  ISI-J,  I  tear  all  will  he  lo-l  ;  bill  :i  prompt  ami 
pllriotic  ap[ie,il  lo  ConLTes-  by  the  piiijde,  without  (ll-linc- 
liiM)  of  party,  n:ay'a\e  the  eoiintr\  from  the  pending  danger  ; 
and  iiothirn:  else  in  mv  opininn  can  do  it. 

Vniirs,  re.-piritull\,  A.  S'l'PAVART. 


Qt't'.sriONH    ro  KAIIMKRS,  MF.lH AKU  B,  (lo,  | 

10.  What  part  nf  Ihe  value  of  a  \ard  nf  ctnili  eonsi-ts  nf  ' 
wool,  bre;id.  meat,  ami  niher  aiiri.'iillnral  prodnds?     Ami  is 

a-'t  a  p f  Manuel,  inaniiilieiiircil  bv  a  farmer  in  his  nwn 

lamily.  a-i  nim-|i  a  proihieiinn  of  bis  farm,  ami  as  hiriclly 
a'.'neiiltnral,  as  a  barrel  nf  ibmr: 

11.  What  pnninii  nf  (he  price  offnreian  hats,  shoen,  axen,  ' 
bncs.  ylass,  salt.   Site.,  cniiM-N  .,f  iorci.;ri  aiiric-iiKiiral  pro- 
doe, ■,  raw  material,  and  the  Milc^l^ciiee  of  labor -and  when 
\\e  H'lid  niir  money  ahrn.'id  m  inirchase  thesi-  ariiclcs,  do  we 
ma  vend  ii  lo  .iipporl  and  enrich  lorcinn  Ihrmers  aad  me-  ! 
I'lianies  to  it'c  iiijiny  (d'mir  nw  u  ?  ' 

l-J.  Whit  p'Tlion  nfihi' value  cd'a  tniMd'pic  iri>n  rnnsists  ' 

nl'  aL-rieii|trii,il  pin,luee.  I'sIimatillL'  Hm'  «uli-i~|i'nec  of  nien, 
Imm>cs,  nxeii.  (kc,.  cmplnyid  i:-  KUppl\  iliu  the  ore  ami  ennl. 
aMdcimvertuiJiiiuitniron?   Ih  iioi  seven  ri«liths  ofilH  value  ' 


,       CONNECTICtTT  IIKSULUI'IONS. 

REMARKS  OF  AIR.  ROCKAVELL, 

ur  r(^\xKCTicuT, 

J\  TllK  llniM:  or  HKriu.sKNTATivi:s, 

Uniisr  tif  i^rjtrfsvntal'nis.  ihrruihrr  ||,  jH-l.'),  ATr. 
Riu  Kwi.i.i,,  of  rnnn.-'iiiiii.  pnsrnud  the  fdll'tv,- 
in;^  resohiiions,  whieh  he  mov(  d  should  ho  prtntf  d; 
wim  h  mniion  was  olijeeted  lo,  and  the  resolutions 
were  laid  over: 

"  At  a(i 'ral  .\siejnbly  nf  the  State  of  t'onneriicut.  hold- 

'en  ut  Hartford,  in  said  State,  on  Ihi'  (ir-t  Wedne.s.hiv  of 
'.Mav,  A.  I)..  iHi:,: 

"  Hrsntrrtt  hii tliis  .■fsirnihhi.  Thai  the  power  to  admit  into 
'  the  rninn  iieu  Slates,  not  Ihrmed  frniii  Ihe  original  terii- 
Mory  nf  the  failed  State.s,  is  inn  conterred  upon  Coimres.i 
<  hy  thi'rim-mniion. 

"  lli-^nlvnt.  Thai  the  arinevatinii  of  n  larse  stavelioldine 
'  tcrranry  by  the  (.'ovcrnmcnt  oi  the  I'nitcd  States,  wuli  the 

•  ihelaiio  iiifeniinii  of  m\ina  -trcni.'lh  to  iln-  institution  at' 

•  doiiiotic  s|avcr>  III  the-e  Slate-,  ih  an  alarmint!  ener-  aeh- 
'aieiit  upon  the  rijihls  of  the  I'nmnien  otthu  Inion,  a  pir- 


'versinn  of  tin.' prineiples  of  repnhlican  xoveriinient,  a  dc- 

■  lib.  rate  asuniilt  Upon  tlieefimprtnniseo  of  the  l'(.nsr|f,!tioii, 

I  and  di'inands  tin-  Hiremions,  united,  and  perfeverinuopiio- 

'  '  Hitinii  of  all  pcrhoiiH  who  elaiin  to  he  the  friiuid.^  of  jiuman 

liberty. 

•'  ItisDlicil,  'I'lial  tlie  vote  Kivi-n  by  .John  M.  NlLLt",  a  Seii- 

'  atnr  olTfuiiiecilcnt  in  the  Senale  oi'tlie  I'liited  .'lates,  in 

'  favor  ol'tlie  Joint  rcsolutinns  ,it  iln*  ('onsrci^s  of  the  Ifnitcd 

'Stall's,  in  i''idtriiary  hi.4t,  pinvidiiiK  ihr  the  annexation  of 

*  Tc\as  ami  tin"  adiniHftioa  of  five  mw  Stales  fVoiii  its  ii-rri- 
'  (nry,tne\|erHl  and  perpetuate  ihi!  system  of  human  slavery 

*  and  add  In  it.s  already  prcdnmtminl  iiithienec  in  the  na- 
'  iional  I'oniicils,  in  in  oppf»-iii..n  lo  Hie  e|e!trl>  evprc-'-iil 
'  will  of  the  people  of  Conmi  iieiji,  and  ol'a  larire  porlimi  nt* 
'  the  people  of  the  l.'niied  Slate-;  and  thai  tletse  re>oliiiions 

*  are  inc.inipatildc  with  the  spirit  of  the  Iieclaralion  of  In 
'depr-mlencc,  with  the  romproMii-'cs  rtt"  Ihe  rederal  ron.-ii 

'  Intiou,  and  with  thecreai  gmrposcs  for  which  n  is  ileclaied 
-  by  the  people  lo  have  been  ordatlii'd  and  estahli^ht  d. 

"  /icv.t/iT(/,  That  a  men-itre  so  imfnundcd  in  principle,  ro 
■dani<crous  ha  a  precedciii.and  sn  de-triieiive  in  its  t 'iiden- 
♦ey  In  (be  [leace  atiil  pr.isperity  of  the  eniiniry,  and  llie  oh 
'  jects  of  Ihe  I  'nion,  can  never  receive  ihu  hanelion  of  the 
'  people  ol  (*nnnec]ici|l. 

"  lti-s;ilir-l.  That  the  tjnvernor  le-  rerpn-sted  to  forward 
'copies  oftIie.se  resolutions  to  each  nf  Ihe  Senators  and 
'  Kepresi-ndilives  of  this  Stale  in  the  (.'nnijress  of  (lie  I  'niled 
'States,*' 

House  uf  lifjnrreutftfiiTs,  nrrvmhvr  I.'),  IH.).'),  the 
Si'KAKf.a  aimoiiiiTd  tlu'  resniniious  id' tiie  (leiieral 
A.s.^enihlj  of  ( 'oimeeticiit,  ai^.iiiist  ihe  admi.s.-^ion  of 
Texas  n.s  a  Stale  in'o  the  nnioii,  hereltd'orc  pii'- 
sentcd  by  Mr.  Unr  kwu.i,,  a  memlier  from  lluil 
State,  and   laid  over  iiiider  llie  riili-  for  dehate. 

Mr.  IKH'KWKLL  moved  that  (he  resolntion.s 
he  eoniuiill''d  to  the  Cummiitce  of  the  \Vhole 
[louse  on  the  state  of  the  Union,  and  tlutl  they  he 
printed. 

'Die  re.snlulicms,  upon  (he  ejdl  of  several  metn- 
ber.s,  liiivihi,^  liecn  ii-;ul  l>v  tin-  Ch  rK — 

.Mr.  R0(;K\VI-:LL  addi-es.sea  the  House  as 
follows: 

Mr.  Si'KAKF.n  :  Il  is  wjih  sineere  rejrret  tla-t  I 
feel  niy.self  (ilduf  d,  Ity  the  eouise  taken  m  f  lalion 
lo  llie^r  icsiilutioiis,  lo  trcsp;i;-s,  fura  few  moment.'^, 
on  the  liiiie  luul  jialietier  (it  the  llniisi-.  I  had  not 
desii^ned,  at  (his  early  period  <>f  the  sf^ssiim,  bav- 
in:; so  recently  talien  my  Nent  in  this  Mmise,  to 
have  spoken,  at  leiiu'lli,  "n  this  or  any  other  (pies- 
lion  In-lnre  ii;  mul  ahhou-i^b  t  am  fm*eed  to  do  so, 
I  do  not,  de.si;^n  to  enter  iiitu  a  leie;thened  dise.ns- 
sioii  of  the  various  aial  exeeedinj^ly  important 
qtiestion.s  eonneeted  with  the  annexation  of  Texas, 
hut  shall  eonfnie  my.self  strielly  to  the  fincstiou, 
ami  t'l  such  brief  stalenients  of  my  view;^  on  the 
sulijeet  of  anne.xation,  «s  arc  appropriate  on  the 
pre.sfiit  oeeasion. 

I  tnah.Tsiaud,  from  the  oldest  and  most  exjie- 
rieiiecd  memhers  of  this  btnty  near  mo,  that  the 
praetiee  has  h(;en  unilomi.  when  desired,  to  refer 
to  a  eoinmitlee,  and  toprml,llie  resohttifMis  of  a 
;  .sivereio;!!  State  of  the  T'oion,  uddressed  to  Con- 
U'ress.  This  has  lieen  tla-  ('ducsi-,  so  Ihr  as  I  ran 
'  learn,  without  a  sin;;U:  exeeption.  It  isaeourte^y 
I  whieh  has  never  been  denied  by  this  IIou.se  to  ihe 
States  of  the  irnion;  and  hast  of  all  did  I  expect  to 
meet  op[(ositioii  frrmi  iIh'  sf'veral  ^retitleuien  who 
have  raised  this  ohjeetion.  It  ill  became  those, 
who  profes.s  to  be  the  peculiar  friends  of  Stale 
rijjhts,  to  adopt  any  emirse  tlirowin'4  eontenipt  on 
a  sovereiun  State.  On  ihe  vi'ry  day  when  these 
iTsoluiioiis  W(  re  presenied,  tlm  Hoii.se,  without 
oltji'ctiou,  received,  and  ordered  to  be  prinnd.  ilie 
resoluli'insof  .several  State.;  of  ihe  Union.  Why 
should  this  eourti  sy  In-  dvnied  to  the  State  of  (.'on- 
neciicul  ?  It  was  not  denieil  in  relation  to  two  se- 
ries of  resolntious  of  thai  Stale  presented  by  me 
on  ihe  .same  dav,  ahhouL'li  in  relation  to  the  reso- 
lutions eonccrnimr  the  Slal*'  of  Uhoile  Ishuid  some 
e;ciilh'mea  seemed  disiiusi d  to  object.  I  am  to  in- 
fer, then,  that  it  is  because  tumorable  memlurs 
dislike  the  subject-matter  of  ibi;  res'dutions,  and 
wish  to  prescribe  the  topics  on  wliieh  the  se\cial 
States  of  tiiis  Union  shall  bi-  heard  in  ('omjress.  I 
will  not  bejirve  thai  this  House  are  prepared  to 
adopt  this  unheard-of  and  pn  jiosterous  doetrine. 

lint  let  us  look  at  the  subject-matirr  of  thcNe 
resolutions.  They  relate  to  no  uurely  alistraet 
ouesiion,  but  one  of  a  hiijhly  praciieal  character. 
Heretofore  objections  Iiave  been  raised,  n»ost  un- 
wisely indeed,  and  improperly,  but  with  siuue 
plausibilily,  aL,'ainst  the  reception  of  petitions  for 
the  abolliion  of  slavery  in  ihe  Dislriet  of  Columi'ia, 
and  other  kitulred  (|uestions,  because  it  was  claim- 
ed that  Coii::re.ss  had  not  the  eonslitutioual  power 
to  arrant  the  pi>iition:i ;  but  no  such  olijeciimi  ap- 
I  I'lies    iiere.     Thia    very   ([i:eslion   is   now    before 


60 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAI.  GLOBE. 


[Dec.  15, 


S9th  Cono 1st  Srss. 


Connectiait  Remhuioiu — Mr.  John  A.  Rockwell , 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


m 


Cnngross;  willf  n  mnsl  iiulocciU  Imsic  it  Ima  lieen 
prosspd  fo;'\viii(l,  nnd  assi;;iicil,  s|i«fiiilly,  for  ntiii- 
sidor.ilion  to-niorniw;  iiiui  it  is  uiidpralood  tlint, 
Hliliuiiiili  ut  tli(  mnmciii  in  wliioli  1  uin  s|ic«kins, 
we  linvc  Inid,  for  llio  liiHl  liiiv,  on  our  dfi<Ks  the 
copy  of  the  coiislitiition  of  Texas  and  ti\e  arcoin* 
paiiyiiii;  |«i|iers,  it  is  not  only  to  be  lirouglit  for- 
ward, liiit  10  lie  (lecUleil  to-ii\orro\v,  by  tlie  appli- 
ralii^n  of  tlie  prrvioua  question.  It  is,  tlterefore, 
a  pendinir  qtiestiou,  or  rallicr,  an  impcnditip;  ouv. 

Hut,  Mr.  Speaker,  it  is  nWo  a  most  iniport;:nt 
question;  far  more  iinport.uit,  as  1  conceive,  tlian 
any  whicii  lias  lieretttfor*'  occtipied  the  attention  of 
Con^rresa.  It  involves  the  additittii  of  n  very  large 
tirriiory  to  this  Union.  In  the  limits  last  claimed, 
not  le.ss'  than  4(10,01)0  snmire  miles,  equal  to  'J,')0,- 
000.000  of  acres,  are  emnraced — an  empire  in  itself. 

It  is  the  addition  of  a  /(»rfiif)i  territory,  in  clear 
vioKiiion  of  the  provisions  of  the  l.'onsiitntion  of 
the  ITnitetl  Slates.  The  power,  bv  the  third  sec- 
tion of  ihe  lonrlh  arti.'le  of  the  (/onstitulion  of  the 
I'nited  Slates,  I'onfcrred  upon  Ctnii^rcss  to  admit 
rew  Stales,  it  is  perl'ei  tly  apparent  from  the  whole 
Keciion,  is  not,  by  any  fair  consiructioir,  embraced 
within  the  Iclier  of  ih'e  t'onsiuulion.  It  is  in  well- 
known  violation  of  its  siiiril,  iind  entirely  incon- 
sisleut  with  tile  ]»rinciple  fjf  comi>r<tniise  upon 
which  the  (\insiit  iiimi  is  ba.'^ed.  When  Lonisi- 
aiid  was  to  be  purchased  anil  nddi'd  to  the  t'liioii, 
iVIr.  .TelVerson  expressly  .*^.tateil  thai  it  was  willioiit 
any  warrant  whatever  In  the  (*onsatutioii,  and  the 
measure  was  only  adopteil  from  (he  olivioiis  neces- 
sity of  controllin;;  llie  oiillet  of  the  .Mississippi,  and 
by  the  p>nenil  acquiescence  of  all  llie  Slates. 

The  mode  of  its  admission  is  clearly  nnconsti- 
tiiiional — by  a  Joint  resoluiiou  of  both  Hoiuses  of 
Ceiii^iTss.  It  never  could  iiave  been  admitted  by 
the  consent  of  the  Senate,  if  tlirft  had  been  the  only 
alternalive  ntfercd.  It  was  dearly  a  case  for  the 
treaty-makini]^  power,  rripiiriiv:;  a  vote  of  two- 
thirds  of  the  Senate  to  ratify  the  act.  Such  was 
the  opinion  of  a  ni:ijorily  of  ih-  Senate;  such  was, 
nnd  is,  (he  o]iinion  of  the  most  iniel!i;;^eiit  men  in 
the  eoiintrv,  almost  wilhoiil  exception.  Siune  of 
the  most  distin£,'uis!ied  advocates  of  the  measure, 
nt  the  Smith,  acknowledired  thai  ii  was  n  clear  vio- 
le.iion  of  the  Consliliition,  but  declared  that  self- 
preservalion,  in  the  form  of  the  preservaltim  and 
perpelualion  of  their  peculiar  tiJ,v7ifu/ion.v,  jnsiified 
nnd  required  its  adoption.  Ibil  there  were  some 
Northern  men,  who,  allhou'.;h  not  particularly 
Bcrupuli'iis  when  called  upon  tn  .submit  to  the 
modest  demands  of  their  Soiiihern  allies,  reqiu'cd 
some  slight  excuse  f.ir  violaliiiir  the  diet.-iles  of 
their  own  ronsciencrs,  and  actinij  and  volin;^  di- 
rectly contrary  to  tlieir  well-k.iown  and  oflen  ex- 
firessed  opinions.  The  faire  was  need  out,  of 
envin;^  With  the  President,  whose  opinions  were 
welt  known,  to  adopt  i-iiher  the  course  of  a  treaty, 
or  to  ;i  t  umier  tlie  joint  resolutinn,  as  he  mifiit 
deem  besi;  ami  as  if  to  render  iliis  e\asion  the 
more  lidiculous,  the  then  aclioc  President,  as  mie 
of  his  last  acts,  despatched  a  inessi  nger,  wiili  rail- 
road spneil,  to  consummate  thi.s  j^lorious  act  betbrc 
lie  retired  from  ortiee. 

Such  is  one  of  the  mary  most  important  ques- 
tions which,  le'.'itiniately.  and  most  appropriately, 
is  presented  for  the  eonsideralion  of  t'onirress, 
when  called  upon  to  admit  Texas  to  the  Union, 
nnd  to  carry  out  the  unconsiiiiilional  nils  of  the 
last  session,  nnd  the  consequent  nct.s  of  Texas  and 
the  President. 

Iltit  fiiither;  Mr.  Speaker,  by  the  joi'  t  resolu- 
tion of  the  last  session,  for  the  aimexaiioi  of  Texas 
to  the  United  Slates,  it  was  provided,  in  the  sec- 
ond seelion,  that  *•  the  fore^om^  ro.'»  nt  of  Con- 
'  eress  is  "iven  Upon  the  following  condiiums,  and 
'with  the  followini  iruaranties  ;" — one  of  which 
Vfls  as  follows:  "  \fw  Slates,  of  cnnvenient  size, 
'  not  exceedini:;  four  in  miniber,  in  addition  to  said 
'State  of  Texas,  and  having'  sullicieiil  population, 
'  may  liereafte.',  bv  the  consent  of  said  Si.ite,  be 
'  formed  out  of  the  lerrit'uv  thereof,  which  shall 
'beenlithd  to  ndmission  under  the  provisions  of 
'the  Federal  Conaliiniion.  And  ."uch  Slates  as 
'may  be  formed  out  of  that  porlion  of  said  terri- 
'  tory  lyiiiL'  soiiih  of  thiriy-six  dei^rees  thirty  niin- 
'  uie's  iiorth  latitude,  co'mmoulv  known  as  the 
'  i\ii»meiri  romiiromise  line,  shall  be  udinitti'd  into 
'  the  Union  with  or  without  slavery,  aa  the  peop  e 
'of  ench  Stnte  aakiiiL' admission  may  di.sire;  and 
'  in  tfucli  Sutle  or  States  ua  ahull  b«  funned  out  of 


'  said  territory  north  of  said  Misaouri  compromise  | 
'  line,  alnvery  or  involuntary  servitude,  except  for 
'  crime,  slinll  be  prohibited.  '  j 

The  ineivninj;  of  this  provision  is  entirely  plniii.  !' 
It  was  introduced  in  order  to  quiet  the  eonsciences  | 
and  secure  the  voles  of  some  northern  men.     There  j, 
was  (o  be,  in   no  event,  any  slavery  north  of  the 
line  called   the  compromise  line.     Whichever  of 
the  five  Slates  carved  out  of  that  territory,  not 
lyins;  north  of  that  line,  was  lo  be  a  free  .State.    If 
the  four  new  ones  to  be  formed  out  of  the  enlirt^ 
territory  should  la^  south  of  that  line,  the  remain- 
ing original  Slate  must,  ofeouise.  be  free;  and  if  the 
Slate  of  Texas  remained  in  its  oriijinal  undivided  . 
stale,  the  eompromi.«e  required  that  no  slavery  was 
to  be  allowetl   norlh   of  that   line.     Such  was  the  ' 
compromise,  to  secure  nm'thern  votes;  and,  what 
is  far   more   important,  such  was  the  residuiion 
|>assed  by  C'ongresa.     The  conslilulion  of  Texas,  . 
upon  which  we  are  to  be  called  to  act  to-morrow, 
expressly,  and  in  the  most  ollensive  maimer,  vio- 
lales  this  compromise,  and  the  resululiona  of  Con- 
gress of  the  last  session. 

In  ihe  first  section  of  the  Hth  article  it  provides, 
that  "  The  Lcnislatiire  shall  have  no  power  lo  pass 
'  laws  for  the  eniaiicijialioii  of  slaves,  wilhout  the 
'  coiiseiil  of  llieir  owners,  nor  without  paying  thiir 
'owners,   preiioiis  to  such   emancipaiioii,  a  full 

*  equivaleni,  in  money,  for  the  slaves  so  enianei- 
'  paled.  They  shall  lia\e  no  power  to  pri'vent  eiiii- 
'  (;ranls  to  this  Stale  frimi  brincini;  with  them  such 
'  persons  as  are  deemed  slaves  by  the  laws  of  any 
'  of  the  IJnilcii  Siaies,  so  loni;  as  any  person  of  the 
'  s.une  ii'^'c  or  description  shall  be  continued  in 
'  slavery  by  the  laws  of  this  State.  Provided,  that 
'"such  slave  shall  be  the  lionafule  properly  of  such 

*  emi;;rants,"  &e. 

I  slop  not  to  dwell  upon  the  monatrona  character 
of  these  provisions  in  'he  conslilulion  of  Texas; 
upon  the  fact  that  a  few  years  since  ihis  tenilory 
was  n  free  territory,  made  so  by  the  aulhorily  of 
Mexico;  thai  Ou*  llie  firsl  time  in  the  liisuu'V  of  llie 
couittrv,  a  conslilulion  is  hroiii^ht  before  Con^rc.ss 
for  llirir  sanclion,  prohibitim;  the  Li'i^islalure  of  a 
.Stale  from  abidishiiii,'  slavery,  and  this  retrou-radc 
movement,  too,  in  tlii^  nincteeiitli  century.  I  leave 
these  questions  lor  a  nnu'e  appropriate  occasion. 
What  1  now  claim  is,  thai  in  adoptin;;;  the  eonsli- 
liition  there  has  been  a  breach  of  faith  and  a  viola- 
lion  of  ihe  provisions  of  the  resolutions,  adopted  in 
the  spirit  of  compromise,  ai  the  last  session — com- 
promise, I  ine.-ui,  so  far  as  the  friends  of  ihe  ineas- 
nrc  from  llie  .\orlli  in  the  two  Houses  of  Congress 
are  concerned. 

These  resolulioiis  speak  in  direct  terms  of  ihc 
".V*«7oo-i  r"»i/iroaii.«f."  I  slop  not  lo  impure  how 
far  ihnt  is  bindm;;  on  anyone.  It  is,  1  understand, 
el.-iimed  to  be  so  in  the  slave  Slates.  It  cannot  any 
lonijer  be  claimed  to  be  so  if  this  conslilulion  la 
saneiiime.l  by  Cou'rress.  The  present  .Si.iie  of 
Texas  embraces  tlie  territory  iior//i  of  .'Ui^.'iO',  and 
provides  not  only  lliai  slavery  shall  exist,  but  thai 
the  Lc'jislaliire  shall  never  |iroliibit  it  in  any  por- 
tion of  the  territory.  It',  therefore,  this  conslilu- 
lion IS  ralifted  and  confirmed,  the  coinpromi>e  is  at 
an  ciid.  It  has  been  violaud  liy  the  slave- holdin;^ 
.States,  and  (/if;/  cannot  claim  its  being  observed  in 
fuiiire. 

Airain.  i!y  llie  foiisiimiionof  ihe  United  States 
it  is  provided,  "  Thai  no  jieison  shall  beaReprcsen- 
'  lative  w!io  shall  i.oi  have  In  en  seven  years  a  ('ili- 
.en  of  the  Uniud  Stales,  and  who  shall  not,  when 
'  elci'ted,  be  an  inhaliitaiil  of  thai  .'^lale  iii  which  he 
'  shall  be  chosen,"  and  that  "  no  person  shall  be  n 
'  .Senalor  who  shall  not  have  been  nine  yearsaeiti- 
'  zen  of  ihe  I'liiKcl  Stales,"  <V'-.  I!y  these  pro- 
vismns  of  ihe  Consliulion  il  is  inanii'esi  that  the 
addition  of  a  new  foreign  terriiory  was  never  coii- 
Icmplaled,  and,  ifadniilied,  the  .Slate  ofTexasean- 
noi,  by  law,  be  eiiiiiled  to  reprcsi'iiialives  in  i-ilher 
Housi!  of  Comrri  ss;  as,  if  citizens  (if  Texaa  are 
el'Ticd,  ihev  will  noi,  of  eouise,  have  been  rili- 
zens  ol'  the  I'niied  Slates  ftir  the  lime  required  by 
the  CoiiHiiiiiiion  of  the  Uniled  .Stales. 

Ill  relalion,  too,  lo  llie  lesoluiions  proposed  for 
the  admission  of  Texas.  In  all  previous  eases  the 
bimmlfirifx  of  llnr  new  States  were  reqiiircii  to  be 
defined,  and  were  defined,  and  reco;,mised  by  Con- 
i;ress,  beliire  the  admission  into  the  Union.  In  the 
present  instance,  neillier  by  the  aci.-;  of  ihe  last  ses- 
sion, nor  by  those  projiosed  at  ihe  preseiil,  are 
tlieie  any  such  buundaiies,  or  aiiytlunu'  indiculing 


ntnll  the  extent  of  the  territory  included  in  the  new 
Slate — whether  mie,  lwo,or  llireeinilliona  of  nereg 
— whether  enibraeii;^  or  not  provincea  claimed  to 
belnna;  lo  Mcxicj,  and  in  her  posscasion  and  juris- 
diction. 

A  provision  is  also  contained  in  the  reaolution.T 
that  Texna  shall  be  entitled  to  two  repreaeiil.itiveg 
in  Consjress.  The  resolution  flir  the  admission  of 
Texas,  at  the  last  ses.sion,  provided  that,  in  ca.se  of 
Ihe  election  by  the  Presiilent  of  proeeeilins;  to  ne- 
i^oliate  a  treaty,  the  Stale  of  Texaa  should  be  enti- 
tled to  two  representatives,  but  no  sueli  provision 
was  ninde  in  cnseof  its  ndmiaaion  by  joint  reaulu- 
tioii. 

The  Conatitution  of  the  United  Stotea  requires 
that  "  representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  np- 
'  porlioned  anions  the  several  States,  which  may  bo 
'included  within  this  Unimi,aecordin£r  lo  their  re- 
spective nnmliers;"  nnd  the  uniform  course  has 
been,  from  the  year  1W03,  when  Ithio  was  admit- 
ted into  the  Union,  lo  I8I)(!,  when  MiehiRnn  wns 
admilled — by  some  oHieial  enumeralion  of  the  in- 
habilanla  within  the  specilied  boundaries — to  ds- 
eerlain  whether  the  requisite  number,  even  for  one 
representative,  existed  in  ihc  Slate  asking;  admis- 
sion. In  relation  to  Texas,  there  is  no  such  olH- 
eial  evidence  of  there  beini;  Ihc  requisite  number 
of  persons,  and,  so  far  as  iliere  is  any  evidence  on 
ihe  subject,  it  is  decidedly  that  llie  requisite  num- 
ber of  inhaliilanla  for  two  members  of  Cons^ieBS 
does  not  exist  in  Texas,  allhoiiKh  the  compulation 
be  made,  in  relation  to  slaves,  accordinc;  to  the 
provisions  of  the  Conslilulion.  The  only  evidence 
appearing  before  (.'oiisresa  is  the  otticial  return  in 
the  papers  befoi-e  this  Hou.se,  showini;  that  only 
4,iV^I  votes  were  polled,  for  and  a;;aiiisl,  on  tho 
ciiiesiioii  of  annexation  to  the  United  Slates.  So 
lliat,  ill  ils  inception,  and  in  every  sla^eof  its  pro- 
i::ress,  tin  re  has  been  the  most  total  disrej;ard  and 
violation  of  Ihe  provisions  of  the  Conaliiniion  of 
the  Uniled  Stales.  The  ri;;hts  of  the  free  States 
have  been  thron^houl  d'srei^arded,  and  their  re- 
monslraneea  Healed  willi  contempt. 

Siieh  and  .so  imporiaiil  is  the  subject-matter  of 
llie  resohtiions  of  llie  Stale  of  (ronnecticut,  which 
I  ask  to  have  referred  and  jirinted. 

Is  there  any  thini^tdijeelionable  in  the  resolutions 
themselves.'  The  first  resolution  presents  a  eruve 
question  of  conslitutional  power,  to  which  I  have 
already  alluded,  now  pendint^  before  Coiipress, 
which  we  are  to  fousulo't  or  rather  which  we  are 
to  nrt  upon,  to-morrow. 

"^riie  second  resolution  is  ex(»resaed  in  atron^j 
and  emphalic  Iaii2;'ia;;e;  there  is  no  •nislakiiiij  ihc 
ineaniii;^  of  the  Le;;islalure  when  they  say  that  the 
proposed  aimexalion  is  "  an  aliirmhtf^  fucrottrh- 
'  inrnt  upon  the  i-i-^hh  of  the  frtfmni  of  the  L'ltion; 
'  a  pervtysit/ii  of  the  principhs  of  republican  ^oemi- 
'  ment;  adelibtrate  asmtiU  upon  Otc  contpromisrsofthe 
'  Cons/i/a/ion  * — tliey  mean  what  they  Noy,  and  in 
so  sayiiu;  they  express  the  deep,  sironi;  feeling, 
Ihe  deliberate  opinion,  of  the  people  of  Conneeti- 
ciil.  Tliev  eimsider  themselves  irrongriU  their 
rights  as  treemen  of  the  Union  ouiia'.red;  that 
'■  the  compromises  of  the  Conslilnlicui,"  upon 
which  the  Union  is  based,  have  been  violated— 
shamefully,  deliber.ile'y,  understandingly  violated 
— by  the  course  pursued;  and  il  ia  in  obedience  to 
their  wishes  and  i  ly  own  sense  of  duly,  that  I 
would  make  "  strei<ituiisand  perseveriuf;  opposhion^* 
to  this  measure. 

.Mr.  Speaker,  we  have  no  hoatilily  lo  our  south- 
ern brethren;  far  otherwise.  We  have  no  desire, 
directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere  with  slavery  in 
the  .several  .Slates.  Uor  good  or  for  evil,  (anil  for 
myself  I  consider  il  unmixed  evil,)  il  is  for  them 
to  do  in  that  matter  as  their  sense  of  duly  and  a 
just  regard  for  their  true  inieresls  may  dictate. 
.\Iy  own  .State,  and  other  northern  .Stales,  not 
from  any  superior  virtue,  bnl  owini:  lo  the  small 
number  of  the  slavi'  oopulalion,  and  lo  i;  -  uncon- 
genial character  of  llie  climate,  have  been  earlier 
in  the  movement  of  a  gradual  einaneijialion.  1 
most  ardently  hope,  1  most  devoutly  jiray,  that 
lho.se  Slates  in  whicli  this  evil  still  continues  may 
be  w  illiiig  and  ready,  and  in  their  own  way,  to  ritl 
lliemselves  of  Ihis  institution. 

We  mean  to  abide,  in  its  spirit  and  letter,  by 
the  Constitution,  and  the  spirit  of  compromiaH 
with  which  it  wua  adopted,  and  wilhout  which  it 
never  could  have  been  adtqited;  and  we  insist  that 
the  other  Stutea  in  thin  Union  vliuli  do  tliu  hmm. 


[Dec.  IS, 


1845.1 


0.  OP  Reps. 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

National  Defences — Mr.  Allen. 


Gl 


Senate. 


uliidcd  in  the  new 
p  inillinnn  ol'ncres 
liners  oinimed  to 
session  und  juris- 

n  the  rrsolulion:! 
i-o  reprracMit.itives 
tlin  iidniiKsion  of 
I'd  tliiil,  in  case,  of 
proceeding  to  Me- 
ns slioidd  lie  enti- 

10  such  provision 

11  by  joint  reaolu- 

'd  States  requires 
axes  sliiill  l>e  np- 
es,  wliicli  may  lie, 
irdins  lo  tlieir  re- 
il'orni  course  lias 
iMiio  was  adniil- 
Mi  Micliiffnu  wag 
'ration  of  the  iii- 
iinidaries — to  its- 
ilier,  even  forono 
le  aslfiiifr  ndinis- 
•-  is  no  such  odi- 
reipiisite  nuniljer 
i  any  evidence  on 
0  rei|uisiic  nunt- 
ers  of  (.'oni^ress 

the  compulation 
iccordini;  to  the 
he  only  evidence 
otKcial  return  in 
owini;  that  only 

n^jainst,  on  the 
lited  Slalcb.  So 
■  stage  of  its  pro- 
al  disre^'ard  and 
:  Coiislilulidli  of 
r  the  tree  Slatis 
d,  und  their  re- 
il. 

uhject-innttpr  of 
iinecticut,  wliich 

^1  the  rcsolulions 
sents  u  erave 
whii'li  riinvc 

'tori'  Conf^ress, 
which  we  niB 


HSed    in   strnni* 

'uislakinu;  ihe 

y  say  that  the 

iii^"-   eiirrottclt- 

oflhe   L'liinn; 

btifan  froverii- 

mpromhts  of  lite 

V,  and  ill 

rrnti;  I'eeiin^^ 

of  Connecii- 

■onfrcii^   their 

iiiii'.;eil;    that 

lion,"   upon 

violated — 

nirly  violaled 

oliedience  to 

duly,  ihat  I 

»i' (/;i/rasi(toii" 


'•> 


lo  our  south- 

'  no  desire, 

til  slavery  in 

tvil,  (an<f  for 

il  is  for  Iheni 

of  duly  and  a 

may  dirtuic. 

II   Slates,   not 

lo  the  small 

10  li  -  niicon- 
lieen  earlier 

nci|iaiion.  I 
y  pray,  lliut 
iniiuues  may 

11  way,  lo  lid 

lid  Idler,  liy 
coinproniisH 
oul  which  il 
ive  insist  llint 
I  lliv  iiaiiie. 


I 


The  Liberty  party  at  the  North  is  coinpaiiilively  j 
a  small  one.     It  is  made  as  large  as  it  is  by  the  j 
course  pursued  at  the  South  on  lliis  question,  and  ' 
ea|)ei-.ially  by  the  course  pursued  in  thisVIouse.   A 
false  issue  lias  been  made.     The  petitions  of  nu-  \ 
melons  citizens  have  lieeii  rejected  and  Ire.itcd  with 
contempt,  and  this  oppression  has  produced  sym-  | 
palliy  and  siippoit.     I  am  not  responsible  for  the  t 
course  piirsiicil   by  that  party.     While   1  respect 
most  of  ihem,  not  only  as  ir.eii  of  f^ood  intentions, 
but  of  inielliijencc  11111!' (j;,)od  sense,  i  abominate  the 
e.ouive  lliey  have  piosued  011  the  fpiestion  of  the 
annexaiiioi  of  Tr.\as.     I  think  their  course  iiiex- 
eusable.    Very  likely  they  may  return  the  comiili-  | 
nienl.     Certain  it  is  that  il  is  not  as  tiie  candnlate  [ 
of  that  party,  or  by  llieir  aid,  that  I  am  here.  i 

At  the  same  time  that  1  say  this,  I  bej  leave 
also  distincily  to  say,  that  the  feelin;^  in  the  free 
Slates  is  ;dl  one  way  on  this  subject  of  domestic 
slavery.  The  opinion  that  slavery  is  an  evil  and 
a  wronj;  of  a  most  decided  cliaracler,  is  almost 
unanimous.  They  look  forward  to  the  future  with 
the  most  serious  apprehcMision.  They  regard  it, 
sir,  as  an  enormous  evil — hnmcdicubUe  rulmis — a  \ 
corrosive,  malignant,  bilier  wound,  not  to  be  tam- 
pered with  by  quacks,  or  slighlly  healed,  but  re- 
ciuiring  the  most  wise,  niid  prudent,  and  thorough 
treatment. 

I  have  a  few  words  to  say  in  relation  to  the 
coui«e  pursued  in  this  House  in  relatiim  lo  peti- 
tions and  resolution!!  on  the  subject  of  slavery. 

A  mild  course,  Mr.  Speaker,  is  the  best  course. 
Tlie  feelings  of  the  Norlli  have  been  irritated  by 
the  course  heretofore  taken  in  relation  to  petitions.  : 
They  feel  deeply  wounded  and  aggrieved  al  the 
wrong  which  lias  been  commilled  in  relation  to  the 
anuexalion  of  Texas.  The  petilioiis  on  this  sub- 
ject (Uight  to  have  been  respectfully  treated  and 
relt-rred  to  an  appropriate  comniiltee.  It  does  no  : 
good  to  pui.su(!lliec(airse  which  has  been  pursued,  \ 
and  is  slill  continued.  The  odious  twenty-first  rule, 
allhough  nominally  repealed,  is  practically  ado;  -• 
ed.  The  feeling  at  the  IS'orlb,  even  of  the  most 
ardent  on  the  subjeet  of  slavery,  can  be  reasoned 
willi,  can  be  conciliated,  but  it  cannot  lie  coerced; 
anil  he  is  n  bold  man  who  shall  think  it  prudent  or 
.wfi' lo  irille  with,  and  insult,  and  exasperate,  and 
allenipl  lo  drive  the  people  of  the  JCorth.  1  say  lo 
you,  Mr.  Speaker,  ihat  the  man  who  does  any 
such  aei  a.-i  ihat,  knows  not  what  he  is  doing,  nor 
the  people  with  whom  he  is  dealing.  They  are  in- 
deed "  slow  unto  anger,"  and  [larly  alliances  may 
for  a  while  repress  ijie  growing  feeling  on  ibis  .sub- 
ject, but  they  will  not  always  lie  as  mild  and  . 
missive  under  wrong  and  insult  as  they  have  been 
hcrdofore. 

The  course  pursued  in  relation  to  the  various  pe- 
titions on  the  siibjccl  of  annexation,  and  indicated 
ill  relation  to  these  resolutions  by  the  objections 
from  various  geiiilenien  in  diiferent  parts  of  this 
Mouse,  has  been  entirely  unprovoked.  There  has 
been  no  factious  opposilinn  from  lliis  side  of  ihe 
House.  It  is  in  bad  tasic  for  the  majorily  in  this 
House  to  ]uirsue  this  course.  That  majority  is  so 
large  that  lla  y  can  alVord  to  be  magnaniinoiis  even; 
till  y  surely  can,  to  lie  jiisl.  The  course  is  enlirely 
unnecessary  and  without  e.xeiise,  the  very  '*  super- 
fluity of  naughliness." 

1  li.ipe,  sir,  in  relation  to  this  subject,  and  all 
mailers  connected  with  it,  in  this  Hiaise,  ihat  wiser 
and  kinder,  and  more  prudent  councils  will  (ircvail, 
and  thai  geiuleinen  will  not  seek  to  do  olfensive 
acts  in  the  most  olVcnsible  possible  way. 


N.\T10NAL  DEFENXES. 
REMARKS  or  MR.  ALLEN, 

OF  OHIO, 
In  Sr.MATK,  Ihcvmhcr  l(i,  18-15, 
On  Mr.  C.vss's  Kesoluiions,  inquiring  into  the  state 
of  Ihe  Public  DelViices. 
Mr.  ALLEN  said:  This  discussion  Imd  under- 
gone a  change  since  yesterday,  whii'h  made  n  ex- 
cusable ill,  if  not  necessary  for  him  lo  submit  a  few 
general  observations.     Yesterday  the  ipastion  be- 
fore the  Senate  seemed  lo  be  the  proprieiy  of  pass- 
ing the  resolutions   previously  siibmitled   '.ly  ihe 
Seiialor  from  Michigan,  [,\lr.  '(;\sii.]     To-day  the 
diacussioii  wuK  iimdu  tu  turu 


[Here  Mr.  Arciieh  rose  and  said:  Will  the  Sen- 
ator be  correeled  by  me.'  He  is  in  error.  My 
understanding  is  dinereiit  in  that  respect.  My 
friend,  [Mr,  iVlAsr.rM,]  who  addressed  Ihe  Senate 
yesterday,  also  thinks  that  he  is  entirely.  I  eom- 
mcneed  my  observations  ly  staling  that  no  one 
with  whom  I  acted  would  oppose  the  object  of 
these  resolutions.] 

Mr.  Allkn  proceeded:  Be  that  is  it  may,  the 
discus.sion  lo-day  seems  lo  turn  chiefly  on  the  taste 
and  )iropriety  ol'  the  speech  delivered  by  the  Sen- 
ator from  Michigan,  [Mr.  Cass.]  It  is  tliouglil  by 
.Senators  on  the  other  side  to  have  been  a  speech 
calculated  '.0  excite  unnecessary  alarm  in  the  pub- 
lic mind — a  speech  not  called  tor  by  the  exigencies 
of  the  times — by  the  condition  in  which  the  mili- 
tary afiliirs  of  the  counlry  are  known  to  be,  or  by 
the  proprieties  which  usually  characterize  the  or- 
der and  arrangement  of  business  in  ihe  Senate.  I 
desire  to  say,  in  answer  lo  these  several  sugges- 
tions, thai  1  cannot  agree  that  such  business  as  this 
before  us  sliould  be  transaclf?d  in  silence.  I  do  not 
agree  that  it  would  be  possible,or  that,  if  possible, 
it  would  be  proper,  for  CJoiigress  to  proceed  in 
secrecy  and  in  silence  to  adopt  measures  looking  to 
the  coiitiogeiicy  of  war.  Can  .such  measures  be 
adopted  without  disi'ussiour  and  will  not  discussion 
give  publicity  to  Ihem.*  Can  measures  which  may 
lead  to  an  increase  of  the  military  force — and,  if 
so,niiist  lead  loan  increase  of  taxes — be  adopted  by 
a  repiesenti  live  body,  with  a  free  nation  for  Us  con- 
stituency— '~  dopted  111  silence,  without  iliscussion — 
adopted  beli.nd  the  backs  of  the  people?  Would 
t  be  possible  —would  it  be  proper,  to  adopt  such 
i.'casiires  wilhi.'it  the  knowledge  of  the  people? 
^^'ould  it  be  right  to  ad"|it  met:sures  justified  only 
by  Ihe  possibilii^  ,  perhaps  the  |  'obaliility ,  of  war, 
and  yel.  by  car  silence,  try  lo  ciiivincc  ihe  nnliim 
Ihat  we  appieheiid  m  danger  if  war?  If  il  were 
possible  to  pass  such  ireasiiref  without  discussion, 
would  not  our  very  silence,  coiitrasted  with  the 
grave  and  extraordinary  cliaracler  of  the  mciisures 
themselves,  alarm  the  counlry  more  deeply  by  far 
than  an  open  aad  honest  discussion,  plainly  selling 
forth  the  facts  and  reasons  upon  which  those  meas- 
ures are  predicated  ?  Would  not  the  people  ima- 
gine, and  with  reason  loo,  from  the  very  fai't  of 
your  ellbrt  at  coiicealnieiil,  that  you  vonrsilves 
thought  ih.e  danger  so  near  as  to  forbid  discussion, 
and  reqiiiic  despatch,  in  order  to  meet  it  ?  Should 
these  resolution!;  pass,  bills  may  follow  lo  increase 
the  army  and  navy.  Should  these  bills  pass,  an 
i'lcrease  of  taxes  iiuiy  follow;  and  shall  the  repre- 
seiilaiives  ofa  'ivt^v-  peojile  send  the  tax-gatherer  to 
a  freeman,  and  yet  refuse  lo  give  a  reason  f<ir  the 
ta.<?  The  Senators  on  the  oilier  side  rcgri-t  the 
tone  of  the  speech  of  the  Si'uat(U'  from  Michigan, 
[Mr.  Cass;]  and  regret  it  mainly  because  the  Sen- 
ator from  iVlichigan  expressed  it  as  his  opinion 
that  in  cerl:iiii  coiilingencics,  war  would  be  inevit- 
able. »Tliis,  they  think,  is  calculated  to  excite 
ahiriii ;  and  the  alarm,  they  think,  may  derange 
the  business,  pertieiilarlv  the  commercial  business 
of  the  conntrv.  I'ul  I  have  said  that  our  silence, 
coiilrastcd  wbh  our  measures,  would  excite  an 
alarm  slill  (i.^i'iier,  and  therefore  more  deeply  de- 
range men's  business.  And  now,  I  ask,  what 
would  be  the  cinisequence  if  it  were  possibli^  to 
adopt  such  measures  in  silence  and  secrecy  ?  If  il 
w^e  [losaible  to  increase  the  military  force,  to  in- 
crease taxes,  to  make  every  preparation,  to  do  all 
this  with  a  veil  lietween  us  and  ihe  people — if  it 
were  po.ssililc  thus  lo  keep  the  nation  111  utter  igno- 
rance of  all  our  doiiiL'S,  of  all  our  d^ingers,  up  to 
the  very  luomenl  w.ir  may  be  declared — if  this 
were  nossible — if  this  were  done — if  the  people 
wereilius  lulled  into  a  false  security  up  to  the  very 
day  of  battli',nnd  llien  for  the  first' time  the  terri- 
ble reality  of  war  slnailil  break  upon  them,  wlint 
then  would  be  ilic  condition  of  men?  What  tlie 
condition  of  their  luisiness  ?  What  then  would  be 
Ihe  condition  of  the  mercliaiit,  with  the  world's 
diameier  and  the  enemy's  fleet  between  him  and 
his  cargo. 

Could  this  Government  then  justify  itself  to  the 
citizen  for  having  thus  couccaied  the  public  dan- 
ger from  him,  and  by  that  very  concealment,  f:ilse- 
ly  proclaimed  a  .sccii'rily  which  did  not  exist,  but 
which,  being  proclaimed  by  the  very  guardians  of 
the  piiljlic  safety,  induced  him  In  cmumit  his  for- 
tune to  tiie  waves,  and  lo  the  mercy  of  a  hostile 
fleet? 


But,  sir,  it  is  now  admitted  that  these  resolu- 
tions ought  to  pass;  that  they  are  preparations  for 
war,  and,  as  such,  ought  to  pass  as  Ihe  best  means 
of  avoiding  war.  This,  on  all  hands,  is  admiiied. 
We  ought  then,  as  all  admit,  to  prepare  for  war, 
as  the  surest  conservation  of  peace.  Well,  then, 
what  kind  of  preparation  is  the  best?  What  kind 
of  preparation  will  impress  Great  Britain  in  the 
most  solemn  manner  with  this  important  truth, 
that  if  she  desire  peace,  she  must  respect  the  rights 
of  the  American  people?  That  if  she  wishes  lo 
avoid  war,  she  must  withdraw  her  baseless  and 

i  arrogant  pretensions  lo  ihe  rightful  soil  of  the 
United  States?    My  answer  is,  Ihat  union  of  will, 

■  of  heart,  of  energy,  among  the  people,  in  support 
of  the  interests  aiiti  lienor  a'C  the  country,  is  ihe 
sort  of  preparation  best  calculated  lo  excite  a  dis- 
position for  peace  in  the  breast  of  England.  It  i.s 
a  kind  of  preparation  without  which  all  others  are 
unavailing  in  our  counlry,  but  with  which  ibis 
nation  lias  nothing  to  fear  from  united  Europe  in 

,  arms.  The  Uovernnicnt  of  this  counliy  is  not  in 
the  cily  of  Washiiiglon.  Il  is  to  he  found  difi'uscd 
through  the  breasts  of  twenty  millions  of  people, 

\  who  are  iheinselves  difl'used  over  a  surface  eight 

;  thousand  miles  in  eircuuiference.  The  strenglli  of 
this  Uovernineni  is  to  be  found  ill  the  union  of 
these  hearts.  It  is  this  union  which  must  consii- 
tute  a  lueiiaralion  for  war.  How  is  this  union  to 
be  en'ecteo?  Is  il  to  be  ell'ected  by  the  silence  of 
Congress?  by  withholding  from  the  peo|ile  the  real 
slate  of  faels?  by  concealing  the  true  state  of  o.ir 
rt!lations  wilhtireat  Britain?  by  suppressing  dis- 
cussion ?  by  refusing  to  give  reasons  to  the  people 
for  what  we  are  doing?  No,  sir.  If  we  utnild 
awaken  the  desire  for  peace  in  tlu'  bosom  of  I'^ng- 
..uid — if  we  wmild  rt!iider  America  invincible  111 
battle — we  must  prep;o'e  the  lieiirl  of  the  nation  for 
the  defence  of  iis  rights  and  iis  honor,  by  honirstly 
telling  the  people  the  real  slate  of  facts,  and  by 
giving  them  the  reason  frr  the  measures  we  adopi. 
Let  them  I'lit  know  the  whole  truth  of  the  mailer; 
let  tliein  but  see  the  reason  for  your  nifasiircs; 
let  them  but  understand  that  there  is,  in  the  threat- 
ening aspect  of  public  allairs,  a  clear  and  urgent 
necessity  for  the  measures  you  propose,  in  inder 
to  maintain,  against  amiiitious  {'England,  ihe  in- 
terests and  glia-y  of  the  United  Stales.  Let  the 
American  people  but  understand  these  things  by 
all  honest  iliselosure  of  facts  and  reasons,  ami,  so 
far  from  exciiing  in  lliem  any  uiiiiece.ssary  alarm, 
you  will  but  call  up,  in  their  undivided  soul,  that 
great  spirit  which  made  the  iialion  viclor  ill  its 
childhood,  and  will  make  it,  in  the  future,  what- 
ever it  desires  to  be. 

1  say,  llien,  that  the  speech  of  the  Senator  from 
Michigan,  so  far  from  being  open  to  the  reproach 
of  cxeiliiig  unnecessary  alarm,  was  called  tor  and 
justified  by  every  consideration  of  prudence  and 
of  policy.  I  say,  sir,  that  under  a  form  of  Gov- 
eriuneiit  like  ours,  to  adopt  without  di.scussion, 
without  publicity,  a  system  of  extraordinary  mea- 
sures, all  looking  to  the  conlingeiicy  of  war,  would 
be  absolutely  impossible.  If  this  were  possible, 
such  a  cour.se  would  be  the  exlieme  of  fatuity  as  a 
matter  of  policy,  and  of  injiisiice  as  regards  the 
rights  and  iiiterests  of  the  people. 

Having  thus  repliid  to  ihe  observations  of  the 
Senator  trom  Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Wkiister,] 
upon  the  pipinl  of  exciting  alarm  in  the  public 
mind,  I  will  jiroceed  to  consider  those  made  by  the 
Senator  from  (ieorgia,  [Mr.  UtaniEN.]  That  Sen- 
ator ihinks  that  a  war  belween  two  such  nations 
as  the  United  Slates  and  Great  lirituin,  fiirsuch  an 
ohject  as  the  territory  in  question,  would  be  an  out- 
rage upon  humanity,  so  great  as  lo  call  down  upon 
the  li(!ads  of  its  authors  the  accumulated  execra- 
tions of  all  succeeding  ages.  And  as  the  Senalor 
cannot  desire  lo  see  any  body  of  men  bending 
uiidcr  the  weight  of  so  many  curses,  he  is,  of 
course,  of  opinion  that  we  should  surivnder  the 
whole  territory  lo  Gre:it  Ilritaiii,  rather  than  fight 
for  it.  Sir,  I  am  not  of  this  opinion,  nor  are  the 
American  people,  l-.i  far  froiu  il,  they  would  com- 
pel llieir  Government  Ui  fight  fiir,  rather  than  sur- 
render Ihe  terrilory.     If  the  Government  itself  eu- 

terlaiiied  the  opinions  of  the  Senator 

[Here  Mr.  BKnniiiN  rose  and  said:  The  Sena- 
tor does  not  design  to  misrepresent  mc,  I  said, 
that  fur  two  nations  ^o  intimately  connected  as  we 
are,  lo  go  to  war  fiir  so  ineoiisidcrable  an  object, 
witliuut  fust  exhausting  every   utlicr  inoutis   uf 


(;-2 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAl.  GLOBE. 


[Dec.  30, 


29th  Conc 1st  Sess. 


Oregon  Territory — Mr.  Allen. 


Senate. 


I    ! 


amicable  ndjiislinenl,  would  subject  themselves  to  j 
the  expcrntiiins  which  he  siinke  ol'.]  i 

Mr.  Ai-i.F.v   restnned;  So  iucojisitterahle  nn  ab- 
ject!    Is  it  indeed  true  that  a  territory  of  twelve  mid 
II  hnlfdeirrccs  ollaiimdc,  and  exiciidini;  from  the 
lloclcy  mountnins  to  the  Pacific — n  territory  of  fif-  j 
teen  hundred  miles  upon  that  ocean,  measured  by 
the  indenlalions  of  its  shores,  is  iiii  nlijerl  so  iiieoii- 
shlerablef    Rut,  sir.  vast  ns  this  territory  is,  and  ' 
utterly  incalculable  ns  is  its  value  to  the  United  , 
States,  the  rtf:;bt  constitutes  an  object  even  fijrenter  ' 
j. ^  than  the  territory  ilself,  and  would  constitute  such 

nn  object,  iC  it  coveird  but  a  sinj^le  acre  of  soil.  ; 
'("lie  American  jienjile  oirii  the  territory.  They 
have  a  i-^A(  to  it — a  ripli.l  which  nati<inal  honor 
ai'd  national  interests  require  them  to  luainlain  ; 
to  nmintain  the  more  inlley.ihly,  the  more  punctil- 
iously, becnnse  it  is  unjustly  and  nrroi^inlly  dis- 
]iuleil  liy  a  t-iovernnicnt  wliose  ambition  claims  the 
world,  and  whose  anna  threaten  the  indrpendeiicc 
of  all  nations. 

In  connexion  with  the  hope  which  the  Senator 
from  Georgia  expressed,  llint  further  negotiations 
might  brins  this  controversy  loan  amicable  adjust- 
ment, he  expressly  declareu  that,  by  adoptini;  the 
princijile  of  compromise  iis  the  basis  of  negotia- 
tion, each  Government  had  acknowledged  the 
rigltia  of  each  other  in  the  territory;  that  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  Siaiee  had,  therefore,  al- 
i-eady  acknowledged  that  Great  Britain  had  n  right 
in  the  territory,  or  to  siuiie  part  of  the  territory. 

This  proposition  I  ullerlydcny.  I  deny  tliat  ihe 
proposition  of  comproniis'',  wln'ther  made  or  .■'.c- 
cepted  by  the  Unilrfl  Stales,  is  an  acknoH  Icdmiienl 
of  any  rij^hl  in  Great  BrilnIn  to  any  pnrt  of  ilie  ter- 
ritorv.  A  jn-oposition  to  comnromi.se  acknowledges 
no  Wg/i/,  no  title,  no  pntiripl^.  It  acknowledges 
nothing  but  a  fuel.  It  aikncnvledges  tlie/trf  of  ex- 
isting elaiins,  not  existing  righta.  But,  on  the  con- 
trary, the  very  idea  of  a  cuiupromise  is  a  negation, 
by  the  party  who  proposes  it,  of  the  ri/r/i/s  of  the 
party  to  whom  it  is  aitdnssed.  Did  the  Senalor 
ever  hear  of  a  nation  ]iroposing  to  f(;Ki;n-oiiii.«,"  its 
rig/;/.*,  or  acf  epting  h  pr<tposition  askini*  it  to  eoni- 
}a'nmise  its  rights,  until  it  bad  been  subdued  by 
ornis,  and  compelled  to  accept  the  terms  olfored  by 
its  conipierors  ? 

A  rfniiii  is  one  thin?,  a  riglil  is  another;  the  first  is 
n  fact,  the  secopii  is  a  principle.     If  a  )iroposition 
to  compromise  were  an  acknowledgment  of  right, 
that  very  acknowledgment  would  end  the  eontro-  , 
\ersy,and  leave  no  subjectinalter  of  compromise. 

No  sir;  neither  by  tendering,  nor  by  accepting, 
propositions  of  eoinproniise,  nor  by  either  id*  tin? 
^  two  conventions^,  nf)r  in  any  state  paper,  nor  by 

any  fact  or  argument,  has  the  Government  of  th<; 
Uiiiled  States  ai'knowledgcd  the  li^Al  of  Gre.it  Bri- 
tain to  a  single  inch  of  earth,  or  drop  of  water, 
upon  the  Anurican  side  of  the  I'acific  ocean.  The 
eonvenlions  of  eighteen  hundred  and  eighteen  and 
eighteen  hundred  and  Iweiitv-sevcn,  both  guard,  by 
^  express  language,  and  in  the  most  explicit  terms, 

-^-  against   the  possible  conclusion  that  the  ri}::lils  of 

either  party  wi're  acknowled'^eil,  or  in  any  man- 
ner afieeted  by  those  con  enlions.      The  very  rea- 
son for  those  conventions,  and  for  the  several  pro- 
fHisition^  since  subiuitled  as  the  basis  of  negotia- 
tions, was  that  neitheriiarty  tcoti/d  acknowldire  the 
»igft(.(  of  the  other.     The  fienator  from  Georgia  is 
mistaken,  therefore,  in  suj>)iosing  that  ourGoverii- 
ment  has  at  any  time,  f)r  in  any  manner,  wrukened 
A         our  claim  to  the  wli.ilc  territory,  or  abandoned  our 
~        right  to  any  part  of  it,  by  an  express   or  iinjilied 
'  acknowledgment  of  the  incompatible  ri^ht  of  Great 

Britain  to  one  acre  of  that  territory. 

In  connexion  with  this  part  of  the  subject,  and 
with  the  suggestions  which  have  been  made  as  to 
the  possible  results  of  future  negotiations,  I  deeiu 
it  projwr  to  make  simte  observations  upon  the  st.air 
n,' the  eontrftversy  as  presented  in  the  President's 
Message  and  ihecorrcspondencc  he  has  laid  before 
us. 
•  I'rom  these  documents,  it  appears  that  the  pres- 
ent Uxecnlivc  did  siilimil  to  the  British  Govern- 
ment the  propo.silion  which  his  ]nTdeeessora  had 
before  submitted — to  adopt  the  torty-ninlh  parallel 
of  latitiule  as  the  line  of  boinidary.  But,  in  this 
proposition,  the  President  did  tm/,  as  his  predeees- 
Hors  hml  Wetif ,  include  a  crnieessmii  to  (ireat  Britain 
of  the  joint  navigation  of  the  Colniiibia  river. 
The  proposition  thus  submitred  was  j>romptly  and 
Ktvriily  rejected  by  the  Uritiah  Miniatcr,  in  u  tune 


but  little  milder  than  thnt  of  arrogant  defiance.  It 
was  then  as  promptly  withdrawn  by  the  Presi- 
dent, but  in  language  more  com|iatible  with  the 
dignity  of  diplomatic  intercourse,  and  with  the 
calm  consciousness  of  right.  This  withdrawal  was 
accompanied  by  an  arguinenlnlive  I'nper,  addressed 
by  the  .Secretary  of  Stale,  under  the  directions  of 
Ihe  President,  to  the  British  Minister,  enforcing  our 
claim  to  the  whole  territory  in  tiiiestion. 

Such  is  the  condition  in  which  this  last  effort  to 
negotiate  has  left  the  subject.  Its  whole  aspect  is 
changed.  It  is  no  longer  the  same  ([iiestion  it  was 
liefi)re.  The  circumstances  under  which  the  last 
[ironosition  was  made,  those  which  attended  its 
withdrawal,  and  the  .submission  of  the  whole  mat- 
ter to  Congress,  by  the  President,  have  placed  it 
out  of  the  power  of  Great  Britain  riglKl'iilly  to 
complain — out  of  the  power  of  the  world  justly  to 
condemn  the  course  of  our  Government — and  out 
of  the  power  of  our  Government  ilself  to  recede 
below  the  parallel  of  .54°  4U',  without  receding 
iiniler  n  clond. 

The  British  Minister  had  inriW  our  Government 
to  submit  a   proposition.     Our  able  Secretary  of 
Slate,  [.Mr.  BttiiANAN,]  in  the  name  of  the  Presi- 
dent, accepted  this  invitiiiion,  and  did  accordingly 
submit  a   proposition      In   the  very  papiM'  which 
closed  with  that  pro]iosilion,tlie  Secrct.iry  of  .Slate 
set  forth,  with  gn-at  clearness  and  ]io\vcr,  the  evi- 
tlence  of  our  title  to  the  whole  territory.     In  that 
paper,  he  distinctly  inft>rnicd  the  British  Minister 
that  the  President  entertained  the  opinion  that  our 
title  to  the  whole  territory  was  clear  and  perfect; 
that  "such  being  the  opinion  of  the  President  in 
'  regard  to  the  title  ofthe  Cnited  Stales,  Ac  iroii/i/  ml 
'  hare  emisenttd  lo  ijield  iinij  portion  oftlie  Oi'cgoii  ler- 
*ritnnj,  hail  he  not  found  himself  embarrassed,  if 
'  not  eoininilted,  by  the  acts  of  his  predecessors." 
These  things  the  British  .Minister  knew  when  he 
received  the  jironosition,  because  they  had  been  of- 
ficially coninninicaled  to  him  with  the  )n'oposilion 
itself.     He  knew  lliat  the  proposition  was  made 
against  the  individual  judgment  and  feelings  of  the 
President,  as  to  our  title.     He  knew  lliat  the  Pres- 
ident had  submiited  the  proposition,  under  eirenm- 
st.inces  which   he  felt    to   impose   some    restraint 
upon  the  freedom  of  his  own  judgment.    The  .Sec- 
retary of  Slate  had  expressly  told  the  British  .Min- 
ister that  the  President  iro»ld  not  hare  sidiinilted  l\w 
proposition  had  he  been  freed  from  the  embairass- 
ment  which  the  acts  of  his  predei'essors  had  im-   [ 
po.sed   upon   him.      The  British   Minister  knew, 
therefore,  what   must  follow  the  rejection  of  the    ; 
pro). osition,  made  iindcrthese  circiiniatances.     He  Ij 
Knew  that  if  he  did  reject  the   proposition,  that  'j 
very  rejection  would  of  ilself,  and    l)y  necessary  ii 
con.seqiienee,  free  the   PresidiMit  from  the  enibar-  |1 
nissments  under  which  the  proposition   had  been  '| 
made,  compel   him  to  williilraw  the  proposition,  [\ 
and  to  resume  the  pi»sition  \v!ii''h  his  noic  iiiiftii-  ■] 
liiinnisfd  judgment  ilictaied  as  being  iiei'e,s*iry  to    i 
the  preservation  of  the  rights  and  honor  of  his  ' 
country.      AVMth    a    knowledge    of    those    conse-  i 
quences,  the  British  MiniMer  did  promptly,  stern- 
ly, and  oU'ensively  reject  the  ]iro|iosilion,  withinit 
submitting  nnolber  in   its   ste.ul,  without   even  a    , 
word  of  explanation  calculated  to  sol'ien  the  harsh-  ' 
ness  of  the  act;  but,  on  lint  contrary,  in  a  nuinncr 
indlcati\e  of  his  final  pornose,  to  close  forever  the 
door  of  ncgoiiiition.    Willi  his  Government,  tliwe- 
fore,  miisi  rest  the  responsibility  of  all  succeeding  j 
consequences.  |i 

The  President  is  a  m.in  preemini  ntly  endowed 
with  those  qualilies  whirli  renilcr  a  public  man 
mi>sl  valiialile  lo  his  connlrv — inlegriiy  of  purpose 
and  strcngtii  of  will,  sustained  by  clear,  coin|)re- 
bensive,  practical  sense.  Hi  fell  and  he  appre-  , 
ciated  tile  I'lrcnnistanees  under  which  the  first  na- 
tion in  the  world  had  placed  him  in  the  firsi  ollice 
the  w«>rld  had  to  give.  He  was  aware  that  some 
of  his  eoiintrynien  had,  pending  the  election,  as- 
cribed to  him  and  liis  political  tVieiids  an  inordinnle 
thirst  for  war — a  fixed  determination  lo  grasp  iIk; 
coniinent,  ri'ckless  of  all  rigliLs  and  of  all  cnnse- 
qiiences.  When  he  eaine  into  power  he  found  ihe 
(iovernment  deeply  coiiiinillcd  to  the  propositions 
for  the  adjiisiment  of  the  conlroversy  by  a  divis- 
ion of  the  territory.  This  was  not  his  laiill.  It 
was  a  fact  \\  liich  he  found  to  exist.  Il  was  a  fact 
which  be  regrdled,  but  it  was  a  past  fact  which  he 
could  not  change.  It  was  a  fact  which  he  deemed 
loo  iinportuiit  for  him  iitlcrly  to  disiegiird.    It  was 


a  fact  which,  he  thought,  eoinpclled  him  to  ask 
himself  the  questions.  Shall  I  suspend  my  own 
convictions. >  Shall  I  yield  to  the  embnrrassmenla 
imposed  upon  me  by  my  predecessors  ?  Shall  I 
submit  once  more  the  proposition  to  compromise  .> 
Shall  I  do  this,  and  thus,  in  the  event  of  rejection 
by  I'.i:gland,  free  myself  from  all  the  enibarrass- 
rier.is  which  hitherto  oppressed  me  ?  free  the  Gov- 
ernment n(  my  counlry  from  the  imijiitatinn  of  a 
feckless  de.. ire  for  war?  place  the  Government  sn 
solidly  upon  the  strong  foundation  of  right  ns  to 
biiiigio  iis  8u|iporl,in  the  maintenance  of  its  claim 
to  every  inch  t^f  il'c  terrilory,  the  judgment  of  Ihe 
world,  and  the  alroni,-  arm  of  the  whole  American 
people .'  These  vserc  tii<,  questions  which  circuin- 
stances  fiirced  the  President  ti.  consider  and  to 
solve.  He  took  his  course.  He  has  laid  the  re- 
sult before  Congress.  He  has  told  us  in  hia  Mes- 
sage that  "all  atlempts  to  comprimiise  having 
'fiiilid,  it  becomes  ihe  rfiii'i;  of  Congress  to  con.sitler 
'  trhnt  measures  it  may  he  proper  to  adopt  fin*  the 
'  security  and  prolerlion  of  our  citizens  now  inliab- 
'  iliiig,  or  wh  >  may  hereafier  inhabit  'hegon,  and 
'for  tlu  maitiienance  of  our  just  title  to  that  terri- 
'tory." 

Such  being  the  state  of  the  ease,  I  repent  it,  that 
ihisGovcrmnenI  ought  neverbereaflerloreceive  be- 
low the  fifiy-i'iiirlli  degree  and  forly  minutes,  what- 
ever may  lie  the  consernienees.  ^or  can  il  ever  so 
recede  without  d'liiig  so  niiiler  a  cloud  which  lunst 
obscure  iis  glory  in  the  eyes  of  the  world ,  and ,  wiint 
is  \vorse,  in  the  eyes  of  the  .\merican  people,  wlnwe 
rights  would  be  .sacrificed  and  honor  insulted  by 
such  a  result.  Most  deeply,  lliercfore,  diil  I  regret 
to  hear  the  suggestion  of  a  .Senator  in  this  discus- 
sion, that  this  (|ueslion  might  yet  be  settled  by  the 
ac.ce|...uice  of  the  4!hli  ]iaiallel  on  the  part  of  Great 
Britain.  The  withdrawal  of  tliii  proiiosiii  ni.and 
the  siibniission  of  the  whole  subject  to  Congress, 
would  seem  siiflicient  to  negative  ihe  possibility  of 
such  acimcliision,  or  any  other  result  short  of  the 
absolute  sovereignly  of  the  United  Slates  over  the 
whole  Terrilory  of  Oiegmi. 

Bui,  sir,  as  in  this  unexpected  and  incidenlal 
disciis.simi  it  was  my  iiilention  to  make  but  a  few 
observalions,  1  shall  resume  my  seal,  with  the  ex- 
pression of  my  thanks  to  the  Senale  for  having 
indulged  me  in  extending  my  remarks  nmch  be- 
yond what  1  mj'self  inlended  on  rising. 


OREGON  'J'KURITORY. 
REMARKS  oTmR.  ALLEN, 

OK    OlIKi, 
Is  Senati.,  December  30,  1S45, 
On  the  Resolutions  suluniiied  by  Mr.  HAVNEGiM 
and  Mr.  Caliioi.n,  relative  to  the  Oregon  Ter- 
ritory. 

Mr.  ALLEN  .-laid  lie  shcnild  take  no  part  in  the 
general  discussion  iqion  these  resolutnnis.  He 
merely  desired  to  say  that  he  did  not  think  with  the 
Senator  from  Siuitht  'arolina,  that  the  Seimie  ought 
to  keep  back  all  measures  of  praclical  utility,  in 
order  to  make  room  for  a  barren  discus.sicui  upon 
abstract  propositions.  He  understood  the  .Senator 
fnun  South  Carolina  to  .say  that  a  discussion  ought 
lo  be  had  upon  the  whole  snbjei-t  in  rclalion  lo  Ore- 
gon. However  willing  I  .nay  be  (coiitinued  Mr. 
A.)  to  go  into  a  discussion  u])on  the  subject,  I  do 
not  want  any  discussion  or  action  of  this  body  to 
precede  that' action  which  will  produce  results.  1 
refer  lo  the  iiolice  to  be  given  to  Great  Briuiin  for 
the  terniination  of  the  joint  occupancy  of  Oregon, 
and  which  will  secure  our  rights  and  .he  ulliniatc! 
pacificatimi  of  the  coiilrovevrty.  That  is  all  I  liavo 
lo  say. 

W'heiher  these  resolutimis  contain  a  true  nnnlysiH 
of  the  powers  of  this  Government,  according  to  ihe, 
provisions  of  tlie  Conslitution,  it  is  not  my  piir- 
]io.se  at  present  to  alfirin  or  deny.  I  rose  solely  for 
the  purpose  of  saying  that  I  will  hud  my  agency 
to  any  effort  which  may  be  made  in  the  pioper 
spirit  to  give  the  questiini  its  proper  direction  be- 
fore the  country,  by  giving  nolice  to  Great  llrilain, 
and  by  extending  the  jiirisdiclion  of  this  Govern- 
ment over  the  lerriliuy. 

War  and  a  war-parly  have  been  apokenof.  If  it 
be  meant  by  this  that  there  is  a  class  of  men  who 
want  war  lor  ihe  sake  of  war,  it  descrilii's  a  class 
with  which  1  am  entirely  unacquiiiiiled  |  iii.d  it  is 


[Dec.  30, 


1845.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


63 


Senate. 


29tii  Cotio 1st  Sess. 


Naturalization  Lows — Mr.  A,  D.  Sims. 


Ho.  OF  IIrpi?. 


ipclled  him  to  nsk 
siispeiiil  my  own 
lie  cinbnrraN.stni'iita 
Icrcssois?  Slinll  I 
on  to  t'ltnipnuniKp? 
'  t'vnit  f^f  rt'jrcMon 
nil  llir  I  inlmrrnss- 
I  nic  ?  IVcr  tlip  Gov- 
llin  imjMilnlion  of  n 
lip  QovcrnnirnI  so 
lion  of  liglit  afl  to 
tninnrp  of  its  rlniiii 
lie  jml^mcnt  of  tlio 
10  wliolo  Amprirun 
ons  which  cirniin- 
1.  consider  nnd  to 
11(1  hns  laid  llic  re- 
told us  in  Ilia  Mcs- 
impriiniise  liiivin^- 
'oni^rcas  to  roiisider 
r  111  adopt  for  the 
'itizenM  now  inliiih- 
dinliit  OiT^on,  iind 
1  title  to  that  teni- 

Re,  I  repent  it,  that 
enflertoreccivelie- 
irty  minutes,  wliat- 
rvor  onii  it  ever  so 
cinud  which  must 
p  world,  and.wnnt 
icnn  peo|ile,  whose 
honor  insulted  hy 
iefoic,did  I  regret 
I'or  in  this  discus- 
'l  he  settled  liy  the 
1  the  part  of  (jieat 
ii  pinjiosiii  m,  and 
iject  to  Compress, 
?  the  possiliiiity  of 
rpsiill  short  of  the 
ed  Slutes  over  the 

ted  nnd  incidental 
o  make  but  n  few 
sent,  with  the  ex- 
Sennle  for  having 
emarks  much  he- 
risJiiK. 


)av. 
ALLEN, 

1845, 

Mr.  HAVNnciw 
be  Oregon  Ter- 

no  pari  in  the 
>liitiohN.  lie 
think  with  the 
le  Senate  ouf;!it 
icnl  utility,  in 
ssiori  npini 
)d  the  Senator 
Iscussion  ouu;lit 
relation  loOrc- 
iMtinued  Mr. 
suljjecl,  I  do 
f  this  liody  to 
ICC  results.  I 
■eat  Hrii.iin  for 

yofOn- 

d  .he  nitiniale 
lat  is  ail  1  Imvi; 


intruenimlyfiiH 
•I'ordiiii;  to  the 

noi  Illy  pnr- 
rcisc  solely  for 
ml  my  nijeney 
in  the  |)ioiii'r 

direction  Kc- 
Grent  Urilaiii, 
r  this  Uoverii- 

pokenof.  If  it 
s  of  men  who 
scribes  a  class 
lied  ;  ui.d  it  Is 


therefore  that  I,  in  my  inmost  heart,  rejjrct  to  henr 
from  the  lipsof  thepn^miiiciit  (for  I  will  not  stop 
at  the  term  eminent)  Ssnator  from  South  Cnrolinn, 
thnt  liny  proposition  inlrodneed  into  this  body 
mi?ht  have  the  cfl'eet  to  divide  the  body  in  such 
way  as  lo  make  it  appear  tliat  tin  re  were  men  lierc, 
or  anywhere  in  this  country,  wlio  desired  war  for 
the  sake  of  war. 

Without  referring;  to  the  necessities  which  some- 
times exist  for  brinpnf!;  into  action  the  martial 
cnei-ffies  of  the  country  for  the  protection  of  nn- 
^'  tional  honor  nnd  iiiuional  interests,  if  the  Senator 

desired  to  be  understood  as  sayiiit;  that  those  who 
W'  K"  *^""  ''""  ^*'"''<'  "'  Orejjon  are  to  be  denounced 

i'3-  as  the  niainlainers  nnd  iironiolers  of  wnr,  merely 

because  thev  cover  with  their  afl'ections  the  whole 
soil  and  herUn^e  of  the  connlry,  the  Senator  will 
find  that  sort  of  a  war-party;  Enijland  will  find 
that  sort  of  a  war-party  in  tliis  couiilry ;  she  will 
find  that  sort  of  a  war  spirit  deeply  implanted  ill 
the  bosoms  of  iiinc-teiithsof  the  American  pennle. 
They  will  find  that  we  arc  not  to  be  friijhteiicil  or 
terrified,  or  in  any  manner  deterred  from  the  pro- 
secution of  our  le^al  rights,  by  beinf;  told,  "  If 
vou  dare  advance.  Great  Britain  will  declare  war." 
feir,  I  have  heard  this  wiuwry  on  more  occasions 
than  one  within  my  brief  experience  in  public 
ntl'airs.  I  have  heard  this  cry  raised  so  loiiil  and 
long;  with  rcL'ard  to  the  eastern  end  of  the  saine 
line  of  boundary,  as  to  induce  n  Senate  lo  ratify 
n  treaty  which  pave  away  a  partof  oneof  the  .sov- 
ereign States  of  this  Union,  after  the  same  Senate 
had  unanimously  declared  the  un.piestionnble  ri^ht 
of  the  Union  to  every  inch  of  her  territory.  I  saw 
tliia  produced  by  the  clamor  of  war,  raised  for  the 
piirpo.se  of  startlina;  nnd  terrifyiiii;  the  commercial 
inleicsts  of  this  country,  lUKl  producing;  a  total 
aliandonmcnt  of  the  national  honor.  Mini  liavins: 
properly  embarked  in  commerce  were  frightened 
because  that  jiroperty  was  endangered,  and  they 
were  thus  induced  to  stillc  their  American  feelini;S, 
and  to  throw  their  whole  inlluence  into  the  scale 
of  the  common  enemy.  And  now  are  we  lo  have 
the  cry  set  up  that  we  dare  not  assert  the  whole 
of  our  rights,  as,  if  we  do,  we  slinll  uiinvoidably 
be  involved  in  a  war?  Though  oiir  claims  are  in- 
disputable, we  are  nevertheless  to  surrender  them, 
because,  if  we  do  not,  we  must  fight,  and  we  must 
sustain  some  losses  of  property.  It  seems,  then, 
that  the  national  honor  is  lo  be  cnlcniated  by  dol- 
lars and  cents ;  thnt  we  are  to  consider  how  much 
of  pecuniary  means  we  can  save  by  an  abandon- 
ment of  our  just  rights  and  llie  sacrifice  of  our 
national  honor.  But  peace  we  must  have,  peace 
at  any  rate,  nnd  on  any  terms.  This  is  the  cry, 
and  thus  it  is  that  Great  Britain  has  been  able  to 
encroach  upon  us  in  times  not  long  gone  by;  to 
burn  our  stimmers  in  our  peaceful  harbors,  and 
send  lliem  with  the  helpless  crew  into  the  foaming 
cataracl;  and  llien  In  stand  before  the  world,  on 
the  floor  of  Parliament,  and  deny  thai  even  an 
apology  had  been  made  us.  And  are  wo  now  to 
be  bullied  and  alarmed  by  the  denuncialions  of 
Hcnnlors  hero.''  Are  we  t.i  be  intimidated  by  the 
cry,  "  If  you  do  this,  wnr  will  follow?"  Arc  we 
thus  to  be  intimidated  and  restrained  in  the  jier- 
fiirmance  of  the  diitv  which  ihe  Constitution  has 
cominitted  to  our  hmids,  and  which  the  country 
doninnds  from  us.' 

It  was  In  reference  to  this  wnr-cry  chiefly  that  I 
ro.se,  and  to  say  that  no  denunciations,  nnd  that  no 
panic,  artificial  or  natural,  that  enn  be  conjured  up 
in  the  Un.stern  States,  will  ever  induce  mc  to  sacri- 
fice a  large  part  of  the  rightful  dominion  of  the 
American  people. 


NATURALIZATION  LAWS. 
REMARKS   OF~MR.  A.  D.  SIMS, 

OF  SDUTH  CAROLINA, 

In  tiik  IlursE  of  Remiksentatives, 

•      /Jmm(ifi-3(),  1H4.'>, 

On  the  nesolntions  from  Ma.'isaihusetts,  asking  n 

change  of  the  Naturalization  Laws. 

Mr.  SI.MS  rose  and  said: 
Mr.Si'EVKC.a:  llul  for  tbc  eloipipiil  remarks  which 
havejnsl  fnllen  from  the  geiiltemiin  from  V'iiviiiia, 

I  Mr.   1!kiiinoek,{   I  would  not  have  Iroubled  the 
louse,  having  eheri.slicd  the  hojie  thut  llii.s  Uebule, 


already  so  protraclcd,  would  come  to  a  speedy  ter- 
niinntion.     I  have  fell  pleasure  in  rending  the  uc- 
count,  so  well  described  by  the  gentleman,  which  | 
is  givec.  hy  Weems  in  his  Life  of  Rlnrion,  of  the  ; 
feeli:ig  manner  in  which  the  Kallier  of  his  Country  I 
had  expressed  himself  on  visiting  the  spot  where 
De  Kail)  is  sleejiing;  and  the  srntiinents  to  which 
Washington  gave  ulternnce  on  that  occasion,  find  a 
ready  response  in  my  own  bosom.     But  I  feel  that  j 
it  is  my  duty  to  add  one  fact  to  the  information  pos- 
sessed by  the  gentleinttu  in  relation  to  tlie  grave  of  I 
which  he  spoke.    lie  remarked  that  Ihe  sacred  3|iot  ! 
is  still  unmarked  hy  stone  or  monument.  ] 

Sir,  the  last  remains  of  Do  Knlb  sleep  in  South 
Cnrolinn,  ill  the  bosom  of  that  town  in  whose  de- 
fence he  gallantly  sacrificed  his  life,  but  they  sleep  ; 
not  in  neglect  or  forgetfnlness.  Aliove  his  ashes  j 
stands  a  beautiful  monument;  and  the  marble  which 
a  generous  and  willing  gratitude  has  then;  piled  up, 
while  it  bears  appropriate  inscriptions  of  the  brave 
and  distinguisheil  soldier  of  freedom,  records  also 
the  noble  tribute  of  a  iieople  wliinn  he  died  to  de- 
fend, to  the  worthy  foreigner,  ll  leaches  now, 
nnd  for  generations  to  come  will  utter  the  same  lan- 
guage, hospitality  to  ihe  stranger;  and  while  it  per- 
petuates the  memory  of  Oe  Kalb,will  i'(|iially  per- 
petuate the  sentiment  of  South  Carolina  on  the  sub- 
ject of  Native  Americanism.  While  thnt  monument 
sUinds,  South  Carolina,  at  least,  will  ojipose  lliese 
new  heresies. 

But  not  only  is  the  spot  thus  appropriately 
marked.  Perhaps  nothing  could  be  more  toucli- 
ingly  benuliful  or  thriUingly  sublime  than  the  cir- 
cumstances in  which,  on  a  most  happy  occasion, 

'  the  grateful  design  was  commenced.  Wlieii  that 
other  ilhisti'ions  foreigner,  who,  some  half  century 
before,  had  left  the  gnyoties  of  Paris  to  mingle,  a-s 
a  volunteer,  with  the  defenders  of  our  ri^'hts,  made 

:  his  last  visit  to  this  countrv,  nnd,  passing  in  tri- 

:  umphni  procession  through  tlio  limits  of  tlie  Union, 
was  received  into  South  Carolina  with  suitable  dig- 
nities nnd  hospitalities  as  the  Slate's  guest,  he  was 
called  upon  lo  lay  the  corner-stone.  Ves,  the  hand 
of  Lafayette,  amidst  an  admiring  throng  of  Caro- 
lina's worthiest  sons  nnd  fuiresl  dangliters,  then 
assembled  at  Camden,  (daced  the   first  stone  on 

!  whirli  the  patriotic  feelings  of  the  people  of  that 
State  were  to  rear  a  becoming  token  of  ros])ect  to 

'  tliememory  of  the  brave  and  -nod  I>e  Kalb.  Here, 
ill  the  livingand  ihe  dead,  iscxhibiled  a  scene  pow- 

]  erfuUy  suiricient  to  teach  us  a  liberal  policy  to  the 
foreigner  wlio  seeks  an  asylum  nnioiig  us. 

i  I  rose  principally  lo  make  this  explanation;  but, 
since  1  am  up,  I  will  add  a  few  remarks  on  the  sub- 
ject more  immediately  before  the  IIou.so.  The 
question  is  on  the  reference  of  certain  resolutions 
of  the  Legislature  of  Massaclmsetts,  which  were 
presented  by  a  respected  Ripresoiilativc  of  that 
State.  From  n  carel'ul  exaniiimtion  of  those  reso- 
lutions, 1  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  is  im- 
proper they  should  be  referred  at  all.  Should  they 
be,  they  will  receive  a  destiny  very  did'erent  from 
that  intended  for  tlieni  by  tlieir  authors.  They 
first  point  out  what  the  Legislature  please  to  re:  aril 
as  mircbiefs  connected  with  the  laws  of  natura.iza- 
lion,  and  then  claim  the  agency  of  her  Represen- 
latives  in  obtaining  a  remedy.  They  are,  ill  fact, 
resolutions  of  inslruction  lo  the  Senators,  and  of 
request  to  the  Re[iresentatives  in  Congress  from 
that  Stale.  They  are  not  directed  to  this  House, 
no*  do  they  appeal  to  Congress  for  any  answer. 
Tlie  Governor  is  directed,  in  terms,  to  furnisli  co- 
pies of  tlieni  lo  till*  Senators  and  Reprisentaiives, 

;  with  a  request  that  they  will  use  their  best  ellbrts 
lo  eflecl  the  purposes  indicated.     As  resolutions 

I  from  a  State  Legislature,  they  are  entitled  Ui  all 

j  proper  i-espect;  but  aflor  the  Hoii.se  has  so  far  en- 
tertained ,!  -in  as  lo  receive  tlniu,  nnd  hear  them 
read,  their  pi.  ;ie;  destination  would  bo  to  lay  llieiii 
on  the  table.  'L'''ii  is  as  much  as  the  Iloiisi'  can 
be  asked  to  do — u  is  niori^  than  the  resohilions 
themselves  nsk. 

On  the  main  subject,  the  House  has  been  very  elii- 
nuently  appealed  to  by  the  gcnllenian  fioiii  Phila- 
delphia, [Mr.  Lemn'.J  It  is  not  my  design  lo  in- 
dulge ill  any  dei'lamation  in  reply.  I  will  content 
myself  with  following  the  ariiinicnt  which  that 
geiillcman  has  so  beautifully  elaborated;  and,  alter 
condensing,  will  endeavor  to  aiisHTr  it,  ll  was 
slated  that  Euroiie  was  pouring  out  her  ignorant 
pauiier  popnlnlion  upon  us;  and,  to  break  the  force 

.  of  llie  eunuhision    ruwii  from  the  life  and  services 


of  Laliiyette  in  vindication  of  our  policy  to  foreign- 
ers, it  wns  urged  mat  those  who  come  ainoiig  us 
generally  were  very  unlike  lo  him  in  werdlli  and 
intelliirence.  The  whole  argument,  disrobed  of  its 
drapery,  is  substantially  embrared  in  this  slnle- 
nient,  and  amounts  to  the  nftirmation  that  forei:;n- 
eis  should  be  postponed  in  the  rights  of  citizenship 
for  twenty-one  years,  because  they  are  poor  and 
ignorant.  Here  are  three  distinct  considerations 
presented  for  the  proposed  change  in  the  laws  of 
naturalization,  in  conlormity  with  the  views  of  the 
Native  Americans:  first,  they  are  ignorant;  sec- 
ondly, they  ore  jioor;  and,  thirdly,  that  they  are 
foreigners. 

1  do  not  propose  to  go  into  the  argument  at  length 
against  this  old  Federal  heresy,  recently  revived 
uniler  the  name  of  "  nativism;'  1  will  slinw  that  by 
proving  loo  much  it  resulls  in  the  esiablibhment  of 
nothing.  Ignorance  and  poverty  nrc  as  predicuble 
of  one  people  as  another;  nnd  if  there  be  rpnsoii,on 
ibis  account,  to  exclude  foreigners  re.sidelil  among 
us  from  the  exorcise  nnd  enjoyment  of  political 
rights,  the  reason  for  a  similar  exclusion  of  our 
own  people  who  bear  the  same  misfortune,  is 
equally  strong.  The  argument  resolves  itself  into 
this:  That  wealth  nnd  education  ought,  of  riuhl,  to 
govern  the  masses.  What  is  this  but  llieexplodf  ti 
heresy  whiidi  produced  the  struggle  of  our  R  ivolii- 

'.  lion,  the  revival  of  jirinciples  and  practices  which 

I  we  have  ever  resisted  .'  If  it  shall  prevail,  it  will 
establish  in  this  country  the  dogmas  of  F-umpean 
tyranny,  the  fundamental  maxim  of  which,  as  ex- 

!  hibited  in  the  frame-work  of  their  Governinenis, 
is,  that  high  birth,  education,  nnd  wealth,  should 
govern  the  masses  of  the  people.  Now,  1  am  very 
sure  that  neither  the  gentlcmnn  from  Philadelphia, 
nor  any  of  those  who  act  with  him,  will  contend 
for  ihc  principle  to  this  extent;  yet  this  is  in  fact 
hi.)  argument,  and  this  the  legitimate  extent  of  its 
comprehension.  Because  these  peoiile  are  poor  and 
ignorant,  thev  are  to  be  excluded  from  citizenship 
nmong  us.  How  so.'  Evidently  because  wealtii 
and  science  should  govern  the  masses  here,  as  in 
Europe.  The  proposed  argument  in  advocacy  of 
the  system  results  in  this,  nnd  in  its  operation  sub- 
jects the  civil  rights  and  labor  of  the  great  mass  of 
the  American  people  to  the  control  of  combined 
capital  and  science.  Such  is  the  doctrine  contend- 
ed for;  and  to  state  it  is  its  snfllcient  rcfulaiion. 

But  the  other  branch  of  the  argument  is  rested 
on  a  (lill'orent  position.  The  fact  of  alien  birth  is 
relied  upon,  in  connexion  with  the  known  feelings 

'  of  the  liuman  heart  towards  the  spot  of  unlive 
home,  to  siibstantinte  the  argnmcut.  It  is  said 
that  it  will  be  impossible  lo  eradicale  from  the 
breast  of  foreigners  the  opinions  nnd  associations 
of  their  youth;  that  they  will  cast  a  longing,  liuir- 
cring  look  back  upon  the  scenes  of  their  childhood. 
It  is  true,  no  one  can  forget  the  place  of  bis  liirth, 
the  sacred  associations  of  his  earliest  years,  or  the 
sweet  remembrances  of  his  childhood's  home? 
It  is  the  instincl  of  nature,  and  it  may  not  be  criid- 
icaled. 

Throush  .all  the  scenes  of  busy  manhood,  no 
'  Uter  how  wo  waiub'r  into  distant  lands,  this  fair 
vlream,  more  brightly  or  more  dimly  visible,  will 
follow  us.  It  is  nature's  law,  and  I  would  not 
alter  il.  But  the  answer  to  ih.e  objection  is  nvo- 
fold  :  first,  il  rests  on  a  falre  concejition  of  the 
origin  and  object  of  civil  government;  and,  socond- 

[  ly,  it  refutes  It.self  in  the  admission,  that  at  any 
|)eriod,  even  attbeexpirationoftweniy-une  years, 
It  may  cease  to  operate. 

There  nrc  two  species  of  governmoni  fxistinir  in 
hiinian  society,  of  coucurront  object  and  operation, 
the  one  subordinate  to,  nnd  sustained  by,  the 
other;  but  for  the  |ireservation  of  good  order,  each 
equally  is  important  and  elficient.  They  co-exisi  in 
every  country,  and  make  up  the  complele  sysieni 
of  govprnment:  the  one  is  liimily  governnient;  the 
oilier  civil  government.  rainily  goveriimenl  is 
founded  in  the  natural  nlfectiniis  of  the  heart,  and 
is  intended  to  rest,  for  its  eniciencyand  happiness, 
on  these  I'eelings.  The  domestic  relations  of  hus- 
band and  wile,  and  parent  and  child,  as  a  moment's 
reflc-tion  tenchrs,  are  founded  in  that  element  of 
the  human  constitution  known  under  the  name  of 
love;  and  'roni  these  relations  result,  and,  of 
course,  resting  on  the  same  funihimenlal  eloinent, 
the  rights  and  duties  of  family  government,  wilh 
all  the  |ileasing  and  iniportaiit  incidents  which  al- 
tiich  to  il,    Civil  government  has  ius  origin  in  a. 


64 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Dec.  29, 


2^H  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


Naturalization  Laws — Mr.  Washington  Hunt. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


■■# 


:W 


different  clement  of  our  nolure,  more  glern,  but 
not  less  useful  than  that  other  element  just  men- 
tioned: it  is  denominated  justice.  To  oLtain  and 
sp  Hire  this,  men  submit  to  the  restraints  of  gov- 
rnmcnt;  and  it  is  the  sole  ori£;inal  principle  and 
object  of  civil  government.  While,  therefore,  ftim- 
ilv  eovernment  flows  spontaneously  froin  the 
nftections  of  the  heart,  unuer  the  necessary  opera-  ' 
tioii  of  those  kind  impulses  which  Providence  has 
implanted  in  our  nattin",  civil  eovernment  is  the 
result  of  calculation;  atitl,  though  so  far  natumi  us 
to  look  to  an  original  element  in  the  constitution 
of  man  for  iis  origin,  is  in  fact  an  artificial  combi- 
nntion  of  hunan  contrivance  for  inirposes  of  util- 
ity. It  is  ni  sickly  dream  of  cnildhouJ's  recol- 
lections, but .;  stern  reality  of  actual  life. 

The  difference  between  tlie  domestic  affections 
and  our  love  of  country,  generally  ctlled  patriot- 
ism, is  eq^iiully  and  cluiractcristically  dislnicti\e. 
Like  the  institution  in  which  they  originate,  and 
h-we  their  sweet  and  holy  exercise,  the  domestic 
Hit'ections  flow  from  the  native  cliarilies  of  the 
heart,  and  are  as  undying  as  nature  is  imunitable. 
JS'ot  so  in  patriotism.  It  is  an  nccommmlaied  and 
eulculating  feeling.  True,  the  element  out  of  which 
it  grows  Li  iiatunilj  but  that  element  i.s  a  sense  of 
justice,  and  requires  the  observance  of  justice  on 
the  part  of  the  Government  to  keep  it  alive  in  the 
bosom  of  the  ciiizcii.  While,  then,  the  simple 
practice  of  justice  in  the  Goverinnent  may  chi nsh 
and  warm  into  an  enthusiasm  covctoiis  of  danger 
and  death  for  the  country,  in  times  of  dilliculiv, 
this  feeling  of  iiatriotisni,  it  is  manifest  that  the 
practice  of  injustice  must  erndica'e  it,  because  ii 
wars  upon  the  very  elenient  of  its  existence.  iVow, 
the  Government  which,  in  ils  consiitutinn  and  ad- 
niinistratinn,  brings  int.uprrali|e  inconveniences  to 
the  individual,  is  to  him  uiijusr,  luid  though  he  may 
not  be  able  to  trace  the  nieiaphysical  chain  of  idea.s 
by  which  to  connect  the  cause  and  effect,  his  heait, 
ill  ils  love  of  justice,  teaches  him  iiislindively  that 
he  is  the  victim  of  a  sy:;iem  which  works  better  for 
some  than  others.  This  he  feels  to  be  unjust ;  and 
to  bim  it  is  the  same,  whether  injustice  come.--  I'luni 
design  in  the  individual  act,  or  is  the  necessary  re- 
sult of  a  system.  All  men  hate  tyranny,  and  hate 
it  no  less  in  svs:cms  thiui  in  the  iidiniiiistralorM  of 
systems.  It  is  this  principle  which  leads  forcign- 
eis  to  leave  a  land  in  which,  though  it  may  he  the 
place  of  their  birth,  they  have  failed  to  enjoy  the 
conveniences  and  l)lc.«singsofGoveriiment  in  which 
they  have  felt  opprcssiim  and  injustice  in  the  aclinii 
of  ihe  very  system.  It  is  this  principle  which 
makes  them  willing  to  exchange  native  home  and 
all  its  sweet  delights  for  an  alien  strand,  where  a 
jusier  system  may  be  finiiid.  It  is  the  operati<iii 
of  the  siitne  principle,  in  a  modified  form,  which 
continually  induces  our  citizens  to  seek  the  wilder- 
ness and  erect  new  States.  By  so  doing  they  re- 
move themselves  from  what  at  first  sight  appears 
to  be  an  injustice  of  the  best  system,  though  a  ne- 
ces.sary  injustice,  bccau.se,  without  it,  no  system 
could  well  exist,  to  a  more  equal  field  for  exer- 
tion. 

The  argument,  then,  being  founded  in  a  total 
misapprehensiini  of  the  inic  origin  and  object  of 
civil  Government,  is  equally  false  in  its  apjihcation 
and  inferences. 

liut,  in  the  second  place,  the  argument  contains 
ils  own  refutation.  It  admits  that  citizenship  may 
be  prudently  conferred  <m  the  alien  alter  residence 
of  twenty-one  years  among  us.  If  the  objection 
of  foreign  birth,  for  the  reasons  given,  is  good  up 
to  the  period  of  twenty-one  years,  it  is  equally 
good  to  every  period,  and  ought  to  inhibit  naturali- 
sation entirely.  At  the  period  of  twenty-one  years, 
no  moi-e  tliiui  at  a  shorter  period,  do  foreit^ners 
cease  to  have  been  born  abroad;  nor  do  they  lose 
the  dreams  of  childhood  ;  on  the  contrary,  as  age 
advances,  and  the  more  busy  scenes  and  cares  of 
life  ore  intermitted  in  obedience  to  the  demands  of 
ijitirmity,  memory  becomes  more  pleased  in  the 
retrospection  of  the  pa.^fl,  and  recollection  more 
delighted  with  the  siines  of  early  years.  The 
very  poetry  of  old  ace  is  imboiiied  in  its  own 
favorite  expression,  *'  When  I  was  a  boy."  All 
its  drtams  and  notiims  of  excellence  run  back 
into  that  innocent  and  witching  iwriod  of  existence 
The  argument  is  therefore  suicidal,  as  it  applies  as 
forcibly  at  the  end  of  its  pnqjoseil  limit  as  at  any 
other  period. 

In  raakine  the  motion  which  I  propose  to  sub- 


mit before  resuming  my  seat,  I  wish  to  be  under- 
j  stood  that  it  proceeds  from  no  disrespect  to  the 
I  source  from  which  the  resolutions  proceed.     I  am 
I  an  admirer  of  much  in  the  history  of  Massochu- 
i  setts,  however  I  inay  be  opposed  to  whot  have 
I  generally  been   her  (lomiimnt  political   opinions. 
j  There  is  much  of  poetic  feeling  which  associates 
Itself  with  the  character  and  adventures  of  the  pil- 
grim fathers  ;  and  the  Mayflower  is  ii  sort  of  fairy 
ship,  and  those  who  came  in  her  arc  invested  willi 
i  all  the  charm  which  is  found  in  the  creations  of 
poetry,  or  the  fabled  heroes  of  romance.     Who 
,  can  ever  remember  the  early  scenes  of  our  slriig- 
gle  for  A-eedom — who  can  think  of  Bunker's  Hill, 
or  contemplate  the  scenery  about  Boston,  and  not 
be  sensible  of  emotions  of  a  welcome  pleasure.' 
There  ari'  many  points  there  on  which  miniory 
delights  to  linger;  and  that  lofty  shaft  which  pierces  ■ 
the  skies  in  the  vccinity  of  Cbarlcstown,  marking 
;  the  first  blood  consecrated  to  the  cause  of  Ameri- 
■  can  liberty,  does  honor  to  the  people  who  raised 
'■■  it,  and  among  whom  it  stands.     \et  it  is  not  for 
'  these  lecolleciionsihat  I  would  dojuslice  to  Mas- 
.  sachusetus.     That  would  place  her  rights  on  the  [ 
insecure  basis  of  caprice  or  laslc.     No;   it  is  be-  , 
cause  she  is  one  of  the  sovereign  States  of  this  j 
Union,  and  entitled,  by  the  compact,  to  be  heard, 
that  I  am  willing  to  hear  her.     I  have  heard  her 
voice   respeciftilly,  but   it  does  not   address  this 
House;  it  speaks  to  her  servants  touching  tlieir 
action  in  regard  to  a  certain  subject. 

[Mr.  WiNTiiHoi"  here  rose  to  explain;  and  the 
rtror  being  yielded  to  him  for  that  purpose,  he 
proceeded  to  say,  that  the  form  of  these'  resolu- 
tions, which  the  gentleman  from  South  Carolina 
appeared  to  regard  as  fital  to  the  motion  for  their 
reference,  was  only  the  same  form  which  was  em- 
ployed in  every  resolution  sent  here  fmin  the  Le- 
gislature of  Miiasacluisetls.  They  all  came  ill  this 
same  form  of  inslrnctions;  yet  they  had  all  been 
presented  here  by  the  representatives  of  the  State, 
and  had  been  considered  and  actid  on  by  the 
House.] 

Mr.  Sims  resumed.  The  gentleman  seems  to 
have  misapprehended  me.  1  have  not  meant  to 
comrlaiu  ihat  he  has  presented  these  resululions  to 
the  IIou.ie.  It  was,  perhaps,  proper  for  him  to 
ilo  so;  and  having  done  so,  it  was  proper  for  the 
House  to  hear  them;  but  beyond  that  the  House 
had  nothing  to  act  upon.  As  that  is  the  ciisloinnry 
form  of  proceeding,  1  w.as  willing  that  the  resolu- 
lions  sluaild  be  read  ;  but  nfier  that,  I  conceive 
that  there  is  no  disrespect  in  laying  them  on  the 
table.  They  ask  for  no  specific  action  on  the  part 
of  the  House.  They  call  for  action  on  the  part  of 
the  Representatives  from  Massachusetts.  If,  in 
obedience  lo  the  request  of  bis  Slale,  the  limior- 
able  gentleman  had  any  Jilan  to  snbniit  in  relation 
to  the  laws  of  natui-alizatioii,  let  it  be  respectfully 
received  and  impartially  considered.  But  1  sub- 
mit that,  after  so  long  a  discussion,  and  especially 
as  the  House  posses.ses  no  con.stiliitinnal  |iowcr  to 
touch  the  right  of  sotl'mgc,  or  reach  the  liallot-box 
;  in  any  way,  it  i  le  to  bring  this  debate  to  a 
conclusion.'  I  will  ttierefoie  move  that  the  resolu- 
tions, with  the  motion  of  reference,  be  laid  on  the 
table. 

Mr.  S.  con.sented  to  withdraw  this  motion,  how- 
ever, upon  request,  as  other  gentlemen  were  de- 
sirous of  speaking,  and  it  was  understood  thayhc^ 
debate  would  close  that  day. 


NATURALIZATION  LAWS. 
SPEECH  OF  HON.  W.  HUNT, 

OF  NEW   YORK, 
In    the   Hot'SE    OF    llKPnESENTATIVES, 

«fcfiiitcr29,  1845, 

On  the  Naturalization  Laws,  and  Frauds  on  the 
Ballot-box. 

The  House  having  resumed  the  consideration  of 
the  resolutions  heretofore  presented  by  Mr. 
WixTimor,  from  the  General  Assembly  of  the 
State  of  Massachusetts,  for  such  anuiidinents  lo 
tlie  naturalization  laws  as  will  protect  the  ballot- 
box  and  the  elective  franchise  from  abuses  and 
frauds; 

The  (lending  questions  were — first, on  a  motion  by 
1      Mr.  Levin  tu  refer  tlicve  resolulioiia  to  a  select 


committee,  with  instructions  to  inquire  whether 
any,  and  what,  altcraliotis  are  required  in  the 
existing  naturalization  laws;  and,  second,  a  mo- 
tion by  Mr.  BnoDiiKAn  that  they  bo  referred  to 
the  Commulec  on  the  Judiciary. 
Mr.   HUNT,  being  entitled   to   the   floor,  re- 
marked, that  he  had  no  doubt  our  present  natural- 
ization laws  are  in  some  resiiecla  defective,  or  that 
.serious  abuses  exist  in  Iheir  odministration.     He 
was  convinced  that  enormous  frauds  have  been 
perpetrated,  as  well  by  conferring  the  high  immu- 
nities of  citizenship  upon  those  who  were  not  enti- 
tled to  the  privilege  under  existing  laws,  as  by  the 
usurpation  and  exercise  of  the  right  of  suffrage  by 
aliens  who  have  never  complied  with  any  of  the 
legal  formalities  of  naturalization;  not  to  speak  of 
colonizing,  double  voting,  and  other  forms  of  cor- 
ruption, which  can  be  rea"lied  only  by  Slate  legis- 
lation.    He  desired  to  see  such  a  revisal  of  the 
code,  such  new  and  stringent  provisions,  as  shall 
efl'ectually  prevent  these  abuses  in  I'nUire,  and  put 
an  end  lo  the  abominable  traffic  in  illegal  voli\s 
which  has  become  the  scourge  and  disgrace  of  onr 
larger  cities.     The  evil  has  arrived  at  a  magnitude 
so  startling,  and  has  of  l:"e  been  marked  by  such 
boldness  of  atrocity,  as  to  call  loudly  for  redress; 
and  nothing  less  than  ample  and  ell'eciive  legisla- 
tion, adapted  to  the  case,  aflbrding  a  remedy  which 
shall  renovate  the  body  politic,  and  stay  the  pro- 
gress of  eorniption,  will  satisfy  the  ccmntry.     The 
purity  of  the  elective  franchise  is  our  only  pledge 
ibr  the  preservation  of  free  inslitnlions.     The  in- 
tegrity of  the  bttllol-box  is  the  palladium  of  consti- 
tutional liberty.     It  is  the  first  dni\'  of  the  legisla- 
tive power  to  prescribe  such  guards  us  shall  pre- 
serve its  inviolability,  and  place  it  above  suspicion. 
When  the  ballot-box  shall  ceu.se  to  furnish  a  true 
exponent  of  the  popular  will,  when  the  confidence 
of  the  people  in  the  fidelity  of  ils  responses  shall 
have  been  forfeited,  the  experiment  of  self-govern- 
ment may  be  pronounced  a  failuie.     That  abuses 
exist  which  demand  a  corrective  will  not  be  denied. 
In  all  remedial   measures,  calculated   to  eradicate 
the  evils  so  generally  complained  of,  he  was  pre- 
pared to  co-operate,  and  would  proceed  as  far  as 
tho.se  who  go   I'arlhest.     The  party   with  which 
it  was  his  pride  to  act  in  the  supjiort  of  what 
he  conceived   lo  be  great  national  measures  and 
beneficent  pur|)oses,  are  united  as  one  man  upon 
this  vital  principle  of  preserving  the  right  of  siif 
frage   unprotaned   and    itnpolliited,   as    the  most 
sacred  birthright  of  a  free   people.     The  WhigH 
of  the  nation  call  upon  the  political  majority  of 
this    House,   on   whom    re.Us  the    responsibility, 
to  guard  and  defend  the  elective  franchise.     Hon- 
est men  of  all  parties  demand  it,  whether  native  or 
ado|iti'd.     The  adopted  citizen  who  has  complied 
with  our  laws  in  good  faith,  and  who  desires  to 
identify  his  personal  honor  with  the  welfare  of  the 
country,  must  feel  a  double  motive  to  protect  the 
privilege  of  citizenship  from  unlawful   eiieroach- 
mcnis.      The   resolutions   of  the   Legislature   of 
AbLssiichusetts,  which  had  given  rise  to  this  dis- 
i  cussioii,  if  he  rightly  understood  them,  contempla- 
ted notliing  more    than   inquiry  into   frauds  and 
abuses,  and  such  legislation  as  may  be  necessary 
'  to  prevent  corrupt  ,iiid  illegal  practices.     It  may  be 
doubted   whether  any  remedy  will  prove  effectual 
until  our  courts  of  justice,  lo  whom  is  eiilru.sled 
:  the  ndministrution  of  the  law,  shall  have  been  puri- 
.  fied  of  parly  influences.     If  there  be  a  character 
:  on  earth  which,  more  than  any  other,  deserves  the 
execration  of  God  and  men,  it  is  a  political  judge 
who  pollutes  the  ermine  of  justice  and  prosiitules 
bis   sacred  functions  to  the  furtherance  of  party 
schemes  and  purposes.     1  consider  it  the  most  de- 
plorable and  appalling  evil  of  the  time  that  the  un- 
clean spirit  of  parly  has  been  perniilled  lo  invade 
the  tribunals  o*'  pislice,  and  enter  the  judgmeiii- 
seat,  to  inffanie  tlic  counsels  of  sworn  judges.     As 
a  spectacle,  it  shocks  every  virtuous  manly  .sensi- 
bility; as  a  pruclice,  it   is  the  prolific  inolher  of 
mischief  and  i^orniption.     It  is  undeniable  that  too 
many  of  onr  courts,  ill  the  exercise  of  this  brandi 
of  their  powers,  following  the  baneful  example  of 
oiher  departments  of  Government,  have  lent  them- 
selves to  party  exigencies,  and  become   part  anil 
parcel    of  the  political  machinery  for  controlling 
and  carrying  eleciioiis.     On  the  eve  of  important 
elections  they  operate  as  a  parly  ap[iarams  for  the 
manufacture  of  a  sufficient  supply  of  voters,  frc- 
1  qucntly  coiiferriiig  cilizeiuiliip  wiUiuut  udecjunte 


__  [Dec.  29, 
lo.  OF  Reps, 

to  inquire  whether 
re  required  in  the 
nnd, second,  a  mo- 
hey  bo  referred  to 

to  the  floor,  re- 
ur  present  nnluml- 
a  defedivr,  or  ihnt 
Imiiiiatratinn.     I(<; 
finuda  have  been 
IS  the  hifjli  imniu- 
.vho  were  not  emi- 
ng  lawa,  ns  by  ihe 
ight  of  auflVaiie  l>y 
d  with  any  of  ibn 
i;  not  lo  apeak  of 
llier  forma  of  cor- 
nly  by  Stale  leiris- 
ii  a  rcvisal  of  the 
roviaiona,  as  shall 
in  future,  and  put 
fie  in  illegal  voli-s 
nd  diagriioe  of  our 
red  at  a  ma^nitiulc 
II  iniirked  by  such 
oudly  for  redress; 
.1  ed'eclive  legisla- 
ii;a  remedy  which 
and  stay  the  pro- 
lie  cmintry.     The 
ia  our  only  plednje 
tiiliona.     The  in- 
lladium  of  cnnati- 
nlV  of  the  legisla- 
irds  as  shall  prc- 
t  above  suapicion, 
!  lo  furnish  a  true 
len  the  coiifidcnrn 
a  reaponses  shall 
Mit  of  self-ji;overn- 
le.     That  abuses 
vill  not  be  denied, 
aled   to  eradicate 
:d  of,  he  was  pre- 
proceed  aa  fur  as 
irly    with  which 
support  of  what 
al  measures  and 
one  man  »pnn 
the  right  of  sof- 
as   the  most 
The  Whi.L's 
ninjoriiv  of 
sponsibiliiv, 
■anchise.     IIdu- 
'tber  native  or 
has  oomplicd 
wlio  desires  lo 
welfare  of  the 
lo  protect  the 
All  encroach- 
.e^'islature   of 
c    to  this  di:i- 
m,  contcnipla- 
lo  frauds  and 
ly  be  necessary 
IS.     It  may  be 
prove  elfectual 
iin  is  entrusted 
liave  been  pari- 
'  e  a  character 
■,  deserves  the 
political  judije 
luid  prosl'itutes 
™nce  of  party 
it  the  ninst  de- 
le that  the  un- 
tied to  invade 
judsmeni- 
njudu'es.     As 
s  manly  seriai- 
ilic  nioiher  of 
liable  that  too 
nf  this  branch 
d  example  of 
ive  lent  ihini- 
iine  part  anil 
)r  eonlrollini^ 
of  iinporlunt 
uralus  for  llie 
if  voters,  frc- 
•ut  udequnle 


1845.1 
29th  Cong 1st  Sesb. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


65 


Naturalization  Laws — Mr.  Wathington  Hunt. 


New  Series No.  5. 


al 


I 


proof,  the  artfl.d  and  seeming  compliance  with  | 
forms  serving  only  to  agsravale  the  mocltciy  of  I 
dubstantiid  law  and  justice.     Unless  this  promna- 
lion  of  judicial  ]iowers  is  frowned  upon  by  the  j 
righteous  sentiment  of  the  connlry,  if  we   have 
reached   that  stage  of  profligacy,  where  partisan 
courLs  will  be  tolerated  ny  popular  opinion,  then  is 
it  time  for  us  ns  a  |)eo)ile  lo  repeat  the  exclamation, 
"  We  are  rotten  before  we  arc  ripe." 

Put  he  rejoiced  in  the  conviction  that  a  more 
healthy  tone  of  public  feeling  prevails.     Notwith- 
standing the  inroads  of  protjigaey  and  corrui)tion, 
a  sentiment  of  virtue   pervades  the  body  of  our 
countrymen  which  will  yet  be  heard  and  felt,  de-  ! 
manding  integrity  and  fidelity  in  the  discharge  of  ' 
public  n  I'iMinsibililies.    It  will  ri.se  above  the  train- 
lilcls  of  parly  discipline,  and  visit  severe  condem-  [ 
nation  upon  all  who  seek  to  gain  political  or  per-  |, 
sonal  asrendancy  by  dishonorable  exfaidients.         jj 

InrcOTrd  to  the  particular  reference  of  these  reso-  ;, 
hitions  he  had  but  little  to  say.  He  preferred  to  I: 
leave  that  question  to  the  political  majority  here, 
M*ho  alone  liave  the  jiower  to  reform  abuses  and  j 
vindicate  the  violated  sanc.ity  of  the  elective  fiaii-  i 
chise. 

Mr.  H.  said  he  regretted  that  this  proposition  lo 
prevent  frauds  on  tlie  integrity  of  tlic  ballot-bnx   ! 
should  have  been  made  the  occasion  for  adisciission  I ! 
of  a  radical  change  in  the  fundamental  principle  of 
our  system  of  naturalization.     He  viewed  that  as 
a  very  did'erent  question, and  believed  the  proposed 
change  of  system,  by  which  it  is  intended  to  ex-  , 
elude  foreigners  from  a  participation  in  the  rights   i 
of  citizenship,  would  find  but  little  favor,  either  in  '■: 
this  House  or  the  country.     He  wished  to  speak  ]\ 
with  all  due  respect  and  kindnes.sof  that  portion  of 
our  citizens  who  have  thought  it  their  duty  to  form   i 
a  political  n.ssociation  under  the  designation  of  iVa-  ■', 
live  Americans.     To  many  of  them  he  freely  nc-   J 
corded  the  highest  integrity  and  patriotism  of  jiur-   ; 
pose.  !- 

It  was  unnecessary  to  .say  to  the  representatives  |l 
here  of  that  party  frinn  his  own  Slate,  that  he  en- 
tertained towards  them  personally  the  most  cordiid 
sentiments  of  friendship  and  esteem  ;  und_com|X'l- 
led  as  he  waslo  difl'er  from  them,  lie  assured  them 
it  was  "  more  in  sorrow  tlmu  in  anger."  Bui,  in 
the  discus.sion  of  imporuuil  questions,  there  wns 
but  one  course  for  him  to  pursue,  compatible  with 
his  self-respect  and  sense  of  duty;  that  is,  to  ex- 
press his  convictions  with  firmness,  sincerity,  and 
independence,  without  respect  of  persons  or  of  con- 
sequences. To  the  principle  which  aims  to  exclude 
foreigners  from  citizenship,  or  to  extend  the  length 
of  previous  residence  beyond  the  term  now  estab- 
lished by  law,  he  was  constrained  lo  declare  his 
unqualified  and  irreconcileable  hostility.  When  a 
great  elementary  reform  is  proposed,  allecLuig  so 
vital  a  right  of  free-born  men,  we  are  bound  to  in- 
quire, in  aspirii  of  candor,  'liM,  whether  Ihechange 
is  ilesirabtt ;  Mu\ ,  in  the  ne-.t  place,  if  desirable,  whe- 
ther it  be  nttiiinnlile.  Up m  either  of  these  tests  he 
considered  the  plan  utterly  inadmissible. 

The  condition  of  our  counlry,  the  nature  of  onr 
insliiutions,  and  the  spij-il  of  our  people,  are  all  in- 
compatible with  an  illiberal  pohcy  towards  emi- 
grants from  foreign  lands,  who  seek  our  shores  to 
better  their  condition.  We  are  impelled  by  every 
generous  impulse  to  embrace  them  as  friends  and 
brothers,  insleadofrepulsing  them  from  us  asaliens, 
unworthy  til  share  Ihe  fruits  of  our  glorious  political 
hi'ritage.  They  come  hillier  as  our  latliers  came, 
to  seek  a  home  fcu'  tliem.selves  and  their  posterity. 
They  come  to  subject  themselves  to  our  laws  and 
iiibtitulions,  to  aid  us  in  the  work  of  constitutional 
liberty  and  human  advancement;  in  a  word,  lo 
unite  with  us  in  cmnmo.;  wrils  and  a  comnKin  des- 
tiny. Why,  then,  shall  we  attempt  to  dciirive 
tliemof  a  jiisiand  equal  iiarlicipation  in  the  choice 
of  public  agents,  and  the  adoption  of  laws  whii-h 
are  no  less  applicable  lo  them  tiian  to  <mrsclvea? 
A  reasonable  term  of  probation,  KUlilcieiit  to  lest 
their  intention.s,  to  acquaint  them  with  the  condi- 
tion nf  onr  allaiis  and  the  tendency  of  measures,  to 
inform  them  of  our  laws,  manners,  and  instiiu 
tions,  is  undoubtedly  requisite  ;  but  I  believe  that 
the  term  of  five  years  now  established  is  sullicieiit 
for  these  purposes.  A  prolongaliou  of  ti,^  period 
would,  in  my  judgment,  produce  no  .-litigation  of 
evils  which  nrejustly  complained  of,  and  would  on- 
ly serve  to  inllamedisconlent,  engender  discoid,  and 
keep  alive  unnatural  and  dangerous  disliiiclions.  if 

5 


it  be  said  tlint  foreigners  are  ignorant,  I  would  in- 
quire if  ignorance  may  not  be  found  amongst  too 
inaiiy  of  our  own  American-born  [leoplc  who  par- 
ticipate, by  connnon  consent,  in  the  sovereignty  of 
the  country.'  That  many  eniigriuiui  arc  ignorant 
is  undeniable ;  but  that  many  of  them  are  fitted 
by  their  intelligence  for  the  highest  usefulne«s  is 
eipially  certain.  If  it  be  .said  that  many  of  them 
are  factious,  let  me  ask  wlio  is  more  Ui;ngeious  or 
more  worthy  of  onr  deiiiinciatioii  than  the  domes- 
tic demagogue  "  to  the  manor  born,"  who  neeks 
to  perpetuate  and  mislead  ignorance  to  his  own 
base  uses.'  Yea,  sir,  the  domestic,  demagogue,  the 
cvernresent  curse  and  foe  of  all  good  euii.nis, 
whether  native  or  adopted  !  If  it  be  said  that  they 
are  poor,  it  may  lie  replied  that  poverty  is  not  pe- 
culiar to  any  nation,  nd  it  sliinild  be  the  boast  of 
ours  that  here  a  bro  field  is  open  where  honest 
industry  may  find  a  sure  reward,  and  win  for  itself 
comfort,  independence,  and  respectability.  Wcall 
know  that  many  foreigners  ciniie  amongst  us  poor 
and  needy,  but  a  majority  of  these,  if  I  may  speak 
from  my  own  observation,  bring  with  them  honest 
hearts,  manly  resolves,  and  strong  hands,  ready 
to  toil  and  snil'er  in  the  pursuit  of  a  virtuous  liveli- 
hood for  themselves  and  their  families. 

Sir,  I  disdain  to  employ  the  language  of  flattery 
tow  aids  any  man  or  class  of  men,  native  or  foreign. 
Instead  of  addressing  them  as  gods,  1  have  never 
feared  to  remind  the  people  of  the  imperfections 
which  are  inseparable  to  human  condiliun,  and  to 
warn  them  of  the  dangers  to  which  they  are  ex- 
posed from  vice,  ignorance,  and  the  seductive  arts 
of  party  politicians.  Thai  the  emigrant  is  exposed, 
in  a  peculiar  manner,  to  the  wiles  of  the  dcm.igoguc, 
is  known  to  us  all.  He  is  tuo  liable  to  be  misled 
by  false  aspersions  and  unmeaning  professions.  He 
is  soon  sought  out  by  that  disinterested  cla.sa  of  pa- 
triots who  drive  i\  trade  in  politics.  He  is  over- 
whelmed with  lavish  protestations  of  generosity, 
friendship,  and  devotion;  and,  to  heighten  at  once 
his  gratitude  and  wonder,  he  is  assured  that  a  large 
portion  of  our  eounlrymenare  hostile  to  liberty,  at 
war  with  Ihe  poor,  and  iiilent  on  establishing  the 
modes  of  aristocracy  and  dcsnoiism  which  prevail 
ill  the  Old  World.  His  iniiid  i.jinllaincd  with  false 
prejudices  towards  his  best  i'lieiid.s,  who  are  strug- 
gling lo  advance  the  interests  and  welfare  of  all  our 
jieople;  and,  inlisted  under  party  colors,  he  some- 
times follows  the  path  which  leads  lo  his  own  dc- 
struclion.  That  he  should  yield  to  tiic  arus  of  the 
seducer  is  not  more  strange  than  that  our  first 
mother  should  have  lisieiicd  lo  the  primitive  dema- 
gogue who  whispered  di.sconieiit  in  Paradise,  it 
is  lo  be  deplored,  as  a  public  niisforlune,  that  for- 
eigners, ill  die  niorniiigof  llieir  residence  here,  are 
exposed  to  these  malign  elfurts  and  iiiduences.  The 
ri'sponsibiliiy  rests,  nut  iijioii  the  innocent  victims 
of  delusion,  but  upon  the  nativc-buni  politician 
who  leads  them  astray.  Whilst  all  good  men 
should  regret  that  the  more  ignorant  )iorlion  of  our 
|)eo|)le,  native  or  adopted,  are  so  liable  to  be  misled 
from  llieir  own  true  happiness  by  parly  spirit;  it  is 
idle  lo  indulge  feelings  of  iielulancc  or  coniplaiiil, 
or  10  attempt  changes  wliich  shall  exclude  any 
class  from  a  ])arltcipiilion  in  public  concerns,  it 
would  be  equally  wise  to  coinphiin  that  men  are 
not  angels,  and  abandon  tlic  great  experunent  of 
free  government. 

If  it  be  inquired ,  what  is  to  be  done .'  arc  the  for- 
eigners in  our  country  to  be  inarslialled  in  hosts 
against  the  welfare  of  their  adojiled  land.'  and  is 
there  no  remedy .'  i  would  say  to  those  who  pro- 
pose a  system  of  exclusion,  that,  in  my  judgment, 
they  have  misuiken  the  nature  of  the  disease,  and 
the  extreme  resort  lo  ampnuitioii  will  but  lend  to 
inc.'ease  the  evil,  and  render  it  incurable.  "JN'a- 
tive  Ameiiauiism"  is  not  Uie  true  remedy.  There 
are  political  as  well  n.s  idiysicid  disorders,  furwhich 
time  is  Ihe  only  infallible  physician.  i''oreign  enii- 
grnnlB  may  be  deluded  for  a  seiuion  ;  but  for  this, 
time  is  the  unfailing,  the  only  corrective.  Denun- 
ciation, reproacii,  intolerance,  violence  of  language 
or  of  conduct,  will  but  retard  the  consummation 
which  all  true  Americjins  should  desire.  Kxpc- 
rience,  observation,  intercourse  with  our  people, 
will  rapidly  ./HirricaniH  the  foreigner,  oim  divest 
Ilia  mind  of  unfounded  prejudices.  It  should  be 
our  aim  to  inform,  to  enlighten,  to  elevate,  imd  unde- 
ceive him.  Thousands  of  emigraiUH  have  already 
discovered,  and,  if  a  kindly  "]iolicy  is  pursueu, 
every  year  will  swell  tlie  number  of  those  who 


perceive,  the  wgrthlessneas  of  unmeaning  flattery 
and  sounding  professions,  and  the  true  importance 
of  wise  and  beneficent  measures  of  Government. 
Those  who  complain  that  five  years  is  too  short  a 
term,  would  do  wisely  lo  reflect  tliat  years  are  roll- 
ing on,  and  at  every  annual  revolution  the  foreign- 
er is  becoming  more  thoroughly  naturalized  in 
mind  and  heart,  and  more  inliinntcly  incorporated 
with  the  body  of  our  people.  Kew  ties  multiply 
around  him,  and  his  constant  progress  in  know- 
ledge and  improvement  fix  him  more  finnly  to  our 
soil,  forming  him  a  wiser  and  a  belter  citizen. 

Conceiving,  as  I  do,  that  the  doctrine  of  the  Na- 
tive American  party,  which  is  inibodied  in  the 
proposition  to  extend  the  term  of  residence  of 
aliens  to  twenty-one  years  before  naturalization,  is 
not  lo  be  desired,  it  may  be  thought  superfluous 
to  proceed  further,  and  contend  that  it  is  unattain- 
able. But  I  must  say,  that  to  my  mind  it  seems 
utterly  impracticable.  The  principle  is  repugnant 
to  the  liberal  spirit  which  pervades  Ihe  grfcat  body 
of  the  American  people.  In  Ihe  southern  Slates, 
where  there  are  no  foreigners,  cofnparalively  speak- 
ing, the  idea  of  a  national  party  on  this  question 
must  be  regarded  ns  visionary  and  absurd.  In  the 
nmlliem  portions  of  the  Union,  where  foreigners 
abound,  it  is  only  in  the  larger  cities  that  the  slight- 
est success  has  attended  the  experiment.  In  our 
agricultural  districts  the  emigrant  is  welcomed  ;  he 
shares  the  common  burdens,  and  they  are  appre- 
ciated as  neighbors,  citizens,  ond  friends.  The 
masses  of  our  people,  Americana  by  biiih,  are  ns 
little  inclined  to  favor  ihcir  exclusion  as  the  for- 
eigners themselves, 

A  political  parly,  based  upon  n  single  proposi- 
tion so  narrow  in  its  import,  must,  in  the  nature 
of  things,  be  evanescent.  The  magic  power  of 
"  one  idea"  was  delineated  in  glowing  terms  by 
the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvanin,  [Mr.  Lf.vik.] 
All  will  admit  that  one  idea,  containing  the  germ  ot 
new  and  mi"lity  principles,  may  and  sometimes 
has  produced  vast  revolutions  and  wonderful  re- 
sults in  science  and  philosojdiy,  and  in  the  moral 
and  political  world.  But  a  national  Gnvermnent 
requires  more  than  one  idea.  In  the  administra- 
tion of  its  allairs  a  wide  and  varied  range  of  duly 
is  presented  to  the  statesman,  it  must  be  his  study 
to  consult  and  comprehend  the  condition  of  the 
country,  its  resources  and  diversities — the  chamc- 
tcr  of  the  people,  their  sentiments,  righls,  and  in- 
terests; and,  in  tlie  adoption  of  measures,  lo  legis- 
late with  a  just  perception  of  the  world  of  realities 
ariiund  him,  yielding  a  wise  regard  to  the  complex 
concerns  and  relations  of  human  society.  Politi- 
cal wisdom  is  circumscribed  by  no  visible  circle;  it 
is  bounded  only  by  the  past,  the  ]n-eBenl,  and  the 
future — the  nations  of  the  earth  and  their  history 
falling  wilhin  its  ken. 

This  single  idea  of  Tfative  Americanism  con- 
cerns it.self  sidely  with  the  mnfertel  of  the  constit- 
uent body,  having  no  reference  to  the  ullerior 
action  and  duties  of  public  agents,  and  leaving  the 
Government  to  pursue  its  course  without  chart  or 
comjiass. 

Mr.  11.  said  he  sincerely  regretted  the  attempt 
which  had  been  made  lo  give  this  discussion  a 
partisan  character.  As  the  spirit  of  democracy 
liad  been  invoked,  eulogized,  and  per.sonified  by 
so  many  gentlemen  .across  tlie  Hall,  he  wns  un- 
willing to  be  suspected  of  any  want  of  respect  to- 

j  wards  this  popular  divinity.  Democracy  seems  to 
be  regarded  as  one  of  the  moral  graces,  whose 
possession  is  to  be  inferred  from  ostentatious  dis- 
play and  swelling  professions  of  devotion.     From 

i  the  vehemence  with  which  gentlemen  rushed  for- 
ward  lo  the  rescue,  one  would  naturally  apprehend 

i  tlint  the  democratic  principle  was  in  danger,  anil 
that  the  majority  were  about  to  be  dej>rived  of  the 
power  to  govern.  But  where  the  invisible  foe  lies 
concealed,  or  whence  the  assault  is  to  come,  no 
one  has  deemed  it  prudent  to  disclose.  Certainly 
none  of  us  in  the  minority  have  oifered  to  disturb 
ihc  slumbering  lion.  Sir,  our  fatliers  established 
a  Republican  Government.  The  principle  that  a 
majority  of  the  people  shall  rule,  lies  at  the  founda- 
tion of  our  system.  This  is  the  essential  doctrine 
of  democracy.  Has  any  one  proposed  to  reverse 
the  theory  of  our  Government,  luid  deprive  the 
majority  of  their  power.'  Until  the  attempt  is 
made,  this  endless  vindication  of  democratic  prin- 
ciples seems  like  a  waste  of  eloqueitce  in  auticipa- 


*,i 


66 


29tii  Cono.  ...1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

I^'altirnlizatioit  Lnwi^Mr.  Chase, 


[Dec.  18, 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


tion,  iind  n  JiHiiliiy  of  imirintUm   |iuitly  liypo- 
t\\eum\. 

Tlicre  nre  two  iheorica  of  ilcmnrracy,  ns  wide 
nsiiiiiiler  in  thfir  natiiro  niiil  lri\dcii<^y  h8  ilnrkneiiH 
mill  lisciit,  or  fiilsn  niid  true  religion.  Tlic  liisl  was 
exhibited  to  our  HdniiriiiK  view  liy  llie  ^iitlfniiui 
from  Mioliignu,  (Mr.  Ciiu'mas.)  it  m  the  deinoc- 
mcy  of  i^iiomnrc;  nml  lie  inforiiu'd  iiH  it)  nicluii- 
rholy  Hccciitii  lliat  education  is  liic  riiief  I'^uise  of 
the  wnrfnre  willed  upon  it.  Li<;ht  and  knowledge 
appear  to  him  »»  the  arch  enemy  of  tlie  faith. 

[»Mr.  Ciiip.MAS  roHe  to  explain, and  said  his  for- 
inir  reinurkii  iiiid  liien  the  Nuljjcct  of  misrepro- 
nentulion.  lie  liad  then  aaid  iliat  men  were  by 
nature  Dcmocrnta,  nud  if  any  were  Whij,'s,  they 
were  made  so  by  educatioi\  He  did  not  say  by 
knuwlcd^^e,  but  by  warrini;  oi^iiinst  the  designs  of 
Omnipotence,  lie  made  a  distinction  between  ed- 
ucation niid  knowledge.] 

Mr.  Hi'NT  proceeded.  I  In  had  accustomed  liim- 
self  to  lielicve  tlierc  was  some  leju^itiinale  connexion 
between  cducaiion  and  knowh'dij^e,  and  that  inie 
iiaturnlly  precedes  'he  oilier,  as  the  only  means  of 
attainment :  but  as  the  grntlenmn  had  found  a 
sboiier  road,  )ie  wished  him  every  advantage  of 
the  disicovcry.  According  to  Ms  doctrine,  if  we 
would  enjoy  the  full  jicrfcctio'i  of  political  know- 
ledge, aim  reali/.i  the  golden  age  of  democracy,  we 
must  revert  to  the  stivai".  state,  and  extiiiraisli  the 
lights  of  civili^.utioi'i  in  our  downward  course. 
But,  however  fancilul  or  iiitercstlng  the  pnllc- 
man's  theory,  llie  prevailing  democracy  of  our 
day  is  ;)i'(i|rrt»iiT  ;  advancing  wiih  rapid  slridc* 
from  one  mca.snrc  to  anmlicr,  discarding  the  indi.H- 
pntable  truths  of  yesterday  us  the  fatal,  pcrliaps 
treasonable  heresy  of  to-day,  and  raising  up  new 
idols  of  parlis;in  worship  In  suit  the  exigencies  of 
tlie  hour  and  '.'ic  varying  ini|>idse  of  popnliir  ca- 
price, regardless  alike  of  the  warnings  of  Omnip- 
otence and  the  nccnnuilatcd  wisdom  of  past  agis. 
This  species  of  democracy  s(  eks  Ut  govern  man- 
kind through  the  ignorance  of  iln  ir  understanding 
and  the  blindness  of  their  passimis.  It  rtallers  and 
stimulates  the  worst  of  human  vices,  and  wars 
upon  all  that  is  most  valuable  in  human  society. 
It  seeks  to  array  man  against  man,  class  against 
class,  adopted  against  native,  poor  again.<it  rich, 
and  lets  loose  all  the  f-lements  of  the  state  in  fierce 
warfare  upon  each  other.  It  is  a  mniisler  of  hid- 
eous mien,  in  its  onward  course  scattering  abroad 
envy,  jealousy,  hatred,  discord,  ami  disccujtenl. 
'(Sialic  ruirui'd  roekV  liani  entrails  ;r)ive  llice  liirjii, 
And  raj;iiig  ^eiis  prmluceil  tliee  jii  a  stiiriii  " 

But  there  is  a  jirinciple  of  democracy,  or  popular 
liberty — call  it  what  you  will — of  diviner  origin, 
more  attractive  in  its  form,  more  benign  in  its 
teachings,  more  noble  in  its  aims.  It  seeks  to 
elevate,  to  purify,  to  inform — to  promote  the  liber- 
ty and  happiness  of  mankind,  by  inspiring  lluin 
with  a  jusler  sense  of  their  rights,  their  respnnsi- 
bilities,  and  their  true  destiny.  It  unites  the  di- 
▼ersified  jiarts  and  ronreriis  of  human  society  "  in 
one  compendious  whole,"  from  the  greatest  variety 
evolving  the  most  beautiful  uniformity.  It  aims 
to  [icrpetuate  In  edoin,  by  making  men  capable  of 
self-government;  proving  its  faiili  by  its  works, 
without  vain-boasting  or  jiharisaical  professions. 
It  dares  to  admonish  the  jiiople  of  their  errors,  and 
to  warn  them  of  the  dangers  to  which  man  is  ex- 
posed from  ignorance,  from  evil  counsellors,  and 
from  the  unresiraineil  license  which  too  often  des- 
ecrates the  name  of  liberty.  It  venerates  law  and 
order  "as  the  ark  of  safety,"  and  looks  to  popular 
intelligence  as  the  only  foundation  of  rational  lib- 
erty. This  is  ll/iig-rffmacrnr!/,  which  mainitiiiis 
truth  and  right  through  evil  as  well  as  good  report, 
which  seeks  to  iircscrvc  and  not  destroy,  and  which 
is  destined  in  good  time  to  s|)read  hippiness,  cim- 
tentment,  and  prosperity  over  the  face  of  our  glo- 
rious land. 

Mr.  H.  said  he  hardly  knew  whether  to  be  more 
nmazed  or  amused  at  the  terrific.  denuncJBtions  of 
Native  Americanism  which  had  been  heard  IVom 
the  opposite  side  of  the  IIounc.  It  was  certainly 
interesting  to  hear  gentlemen  denounce  a  faction 
from  which  tlicy  have  derived  the  sole  advantage, 
and  yet  more  strange  that  they  should  endeavor  to 
hold  the  Whigs  responsible  ftira  movement  which 
turned  the  day  against  them.  He  wished  to  deny 
emphatically,  once  for  all,  that  the  Whig  party, 
so  for  as  he  understood  its  sentiments,  is  in  ony 
seuiM  connected  with  the  Native  American  parly 


in  its  orguni/.alion,  I  lull  thiiy  are  in  lavor  of  its 
I  single  doclriiie,  or  have  endeavored  to  advance  its 
[I  pur|i08cs.  On  the  eonlrary,  thoy  have  had  too 
inueh  entiso  to  ivgret  its  exiHlence.  In  irgnrd  to 
i  this  mailer,  he  iiilrnded  In  s|ieak  in  candor,  in  a 
i  spirit  of  justice  to  both  parlies,  desiring  only  to 
correct  some  misrepresenlalions  which  have  been 
made  in  I  he  course  of  the  debate.  The  Iriilli  is, 
that  neither  parly  is  exclusively  responsible  for 
Native  Amencamsm,  but  each  has  contributed  a 
portion  of  its  numbers.  He  asserted,  liowever, 
I  without  fear  of  contradiction,  that,  as  a  gi'iieriil 
llict,  and  in  all  material  pninis,  the  Whig  party 
were  the  principal  snlVerei's,  and  the  dominant 
,  parly  the  oidy  gainers  from  the  organi/alion  of 
this  new  party.  The  exceptions  arc  too  few  to 
weaken  the  general  position.  Il  is  not  niuterial  to 
trace  the  origin  of  this  third  party,  and  he  would 
not  enter  upon  it  rtirthcr  than  had  been  made  ne- 
cessary in  .self-defence,  and  in  vindication  of  the 
truth  of  history. 

He  had  always  understood  and  believed  that  in 
the  city  of  New  York  nativism  had  its  origin  in 
the  disputes  of  the  Tammany  party  concerning  the 
itivision  of  the  spoils.  Cerlain  .Native  Oemoerals, 
coveting  olliccs  and  emplovmcnts  which  had  been 
conferred  on  nalurali/.ed  citizens  of  their  own  par- 
ly, renounced  their  allegianec,  and  proclaimed  a 
new  party,  to  be  calleil  the  Native  .\merican.  The 
continual  appeals  of  the  dominant  parly  to  Ibivign- 
ersas.siich,  by  which  large  numbers  of  ihmi  were 
iinbodieil  as  a  class,  the  fr.uids  in  natiirali/alion, 
mill  a  feeling  of  ili.seontenl  in  regard  to  nuiuici|Kil 
alVairs,  greatly  faeililated  the  inovenienl.  Hun- 
dreds and  iliousaiids,  including  many  of  great 
worth  ill  both  panics,  inlisleil  under  this  new  liau- 
.  ner.  They  moved  forwerd  with  a  poonlar,  though 
temporary  impulse,  till  ihe  city  whicli  had  given  a 
Oemoeratic  niajority  for  a  series  of  years,  elcelcd 
Ihe  Native  American  Inkel  by  a  majorily  of  sev- 
eral tiionsaiids.  How  this  was  done  williout  the 
aid  of  some  portion  of  the  Democratic  parly,  may 
be  one  of  llic  wonders  of  iiioilrni  ilemocracv. 
How  was  il  in  Philadelphia.'  There,  unless  he 
was  greatly  misinformed,  most  of  the  prominent 
"  Native  Amcrioan  hailers"  came  (rom  the  ranks 
of  the  Deniocracy.  Several  had  been  naiiied  to 
him  in  proof  of  ihe  fart.  Certain  it  is  that  the  two 
Congressional  dislrii  is  now  represenlcd  here  by 
members  of  that  party  were  previously  IJeiniurallc 
by  decisive  niajiirilies.  Of  the  .six  ilislricis  now 
represented  by  Native  Americans,  tour  were  pre- 
viously nemocralic.  How  was  it  areoinplislied 
without  the  aid  of  ileniocralic  voles.'  Yei  il  has 
been  asserted  here  thai  the  Whigs  and  the  Native 
Americans  are  identical,  and  thai  ilicy  me  neling 
in  common.  How  wa;}  it  in  I!aliimori?  When 
I  heard  the  Ircmeiiilous  philippic  upon  nati\i.sin 
from  the  member  iVoni  tliat  city,  [Sir.  (jit.Ks,l  I 
could  with  dillicully  persuade  myself  that  it  was 
the  Native  inoveiient  which  proilnced  his  election, 
and  dejirived  the  Whigs  of  the  invaluable  services 
in  this  Congress  of  Ihe  able  and  nalrioiic  Kenne- 
dy.    Such,  however,  is  the  veritalile  fact. 

Though  the  remark  may  not  be  applicable  to 
every  local  result,  I  have  asserted  that  on  a  gene- 
ral scale  the  Whigs  have  been  ihe  exclusive  suf- 
ferers from  the  organization  of  the  Native  .Ameri- 
can party.  On  this  point  I  thank  my  colleasrue 
|.\Ir.  Groveb]  for  the  frankness  of  his  admission, 
that  the  movement  in  Philadelphia,  and  the  seem- 
ing conjuction  belwcen  the  Whigs  and  the  .Natives 
ill  the  (Ictober  election,  changed  the  result  in  New 
York,  and  enabled  you  by  the  vole  ofoiir  .Slate,  to 
elect  Mr.  Polk  to  the  Presideiicy.  I  wish  to  add 
my  lesiiniony  to  the  tnilh  of  his  a.s.seriioii.  To 
that  unfortunate  coineidtnre  in  October  do  we  owe 
it  that  Ihe  Whig  cause  was  borne  down  in  1844, 
and  tlif-'t  you  gained  the  triumph  which  so  many 
who  contributed  to  it  have  lived  to  deplore. 

Mr.  Hi.NLKV  ro.se  and  inquired  of  Mr.  H.  if, 

'  in  a  speech  made  by  him  at  the  last  session,  he 

had  not  aitributed  the  Presidential  result  in  New 

York  to  the  separate  action  of  the  Abolition  parly,' 

Mr.  Hint  replied,  that  he  considered  either 
cause  sutficient  to  clionge  the  result,  and  the  con- 
current force  of  both  were  doubly  irresistible.  I  le 
regretted  the  existence  of  any  third  party  organi- 
zation on  detached  queslions,  of  a  partial  or  sec- 
tional nature,  and,  in  all  respects,  all  such  parlies 
may  be  placed  in  the  same  category.  They  are 
prejudicial  to  th«  success  of  great  niiil  useful  meas- 


ures and  romnrehensivo  principles  which  form  tlio 
I  only  durable  oasis  of  a  naiional  party.  They  tenil 
i  to  divert  lli«  minds  of  many  from  queslloiis  of 
1  vittd  import  to  the  prosperity  of  the  country.  Du- 
ring the  early  part  of  the  Presidential  contest 
'  thousands  of  iiilopted  citizens  were  Whigs  in  prin- 
ciple, and  earnestly  labored  for  the  success  of 
Whig  measures.  The  result  in  Philadelphiu 
I'haiiged  Ihe  scene.  They  were  told,  with  a  plausi- 
bility which  proved  convincing  for  the  moment, 
that  the  Whigs  and  the  Natives  were  identical,  and 
that  our  success  would  be  but  the  prelude  to  their 
disAanchisenient.  Under  ihisapprehcnsion  many 
who  are  opposed  to  all  your  measures  gave  yon 
their  votes,  and  turned  the  wale.  U  was  one  of 
iliosc  niifoieseen  accidents  which  you  know  how 
lo  .seize,  and  which  always  operate  in  your  favor. 
Then  why  alVect  to  deplore  the  |ilayful  eddies  in 
the  political  waters  which  saved  your  barque  from 
shipwreck.'  Why  tnutidize  the  Whig  party  with 
having  erected  the  briilge  which  carried  you  safely 
over  t 

Unlit  is  no  agreeable  rclrospecl,and  I  dwell  upon 
it  no  longer.      I'lial  the  great  body  of  boih  iiolitical 

iscil 


parties  111   the  eounlry  are  lirnily  oppos 

or  by  the  Nati\o 


to  iho 
doctrine  of  exclusion  coiiiended  iIl 
1  American  party,  I  sincerely  believe.    I  hope  the  al- 
i  tempt  will  not  lie  pei  silvered  in.    No  good  can  come 
I  of  il,  and  lo  my  mind  il  threatens  unqualified  mis- 
,  chief.     It  can  only  serve  lo  kuiille  the  prejudices  of 
the  emigninl,  and  place  him  more  entirely  under  the 
.  sway  of  the  ilein.-nrogue.     It  has  been  repeatedly 
,  asserted,  in  the  course  of  the  present  debate,  that 
,  the  Whigs  are  hostile  lo  foreigners,  and   tliot  the 
Dcmoeralic  party  are  their  nalural  iViends  and  al- 
lies,    I  deny  the  irulli  of  the  impnlation  and  the 
jiislioe  (if  the  claim.     Il  was  unnecessary  to  be  told 
that  yon  assume  lo  be  the  exclusive  friends  of  tho 
alien,  the  poor,  of  all  men  in  general,  and  every 
man  in  particular,  who  has  a  vote  to  bestow'.     Ihit 
;  1  indulge  a  eoiiviition  that  Ihe  lime  is  approaching 
when  the  foreigner  and  the  poor  man  will  pause  to 
contrast  the  overllowing  promise  wilh  ihc  lean  iicr- 
forinanre.      AVhat  measure  or  principle  of  your 
iiiirly  is  calculated  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  la- 
lioring  man,  whether  native  or  foreign  born  ?    The 
emigrant  conies  hither  in  search  of  honest  efliploy- 
,  menl.    The  larilliif  184:2,  which  pnitects  the  iii- 
dustry  of  the  laborer  on  our  own  .soil  in  prefereneo 
i  to  the  labor  of  liiirope,  is  of  more  value  to  the  liardv 
j  foreigner  than  all  the  glowing  professions  whicli 
can  be  lavished  upon  him  in  exchange  for  his  vole. 
The  Whig  policy  of  public  expcndilnre  in  the  ini- 
provement  of  internal   navigation  confers  a  more 
siibslaniiiil  ''hssing  on  the  honest  emigrant  ilinn 
the  larg       ,...inhiHi  of  (lattery  and  blarney.  Whrn 
you  shall  have  destroyed  the  protective  policy,  and 
establislicd  a  specie  currency  under  the  suli-Ireas- 
iiry  system,  the  laboring  men  of  our  country,  no 
iiiatler  will  nee  they  come,  will  be  ground  down 
"  between  the  np|)er  and  the  nether  millstone." 

The  Whig  parly  will  continue  lo  move  forward 
in  Its  high  mission  wilh  a  firm  step,  an  nnbrnkeii 
froiii,  an  eri'ct  and  unsubdued  spirit,  turning  nei- 
!  tlier  to  the  right  hand  nor  the  left.  lu\i.-  ready  lo 
coiipcrale  in  support  of  all  measures  tiniling  to 
|iromote  ihe  welfare  of  the  country,  from  whatever 
quarter  they  may  emanate,  it  will  enter  into  no 
"  enlangliiigalliances."  Animated  by  a  sincere  de- 
sire lo  presi.-rve  our  iiislilutions  in  their  purity,  we 
shall  sirngL'le  on  In  defence  of  the  Constitution  and 
the  l.iws,  contending  for  the  honor  and  prosperity 
of  the  nation,  and  the  just  rights  of  the  people.  In- 
leiii  on  these  high  and  patriotic  purposes,  the  Whigs 
of  the  Union  will  not  be  diverted  fVom  the  path  of 
,  duty  and  safety  by  the  formation  of  any  new  jiarly 
,  on  collateral  or  subordinate  questions. 


|i  REMARKS  OF   LUCIEN  B.  CHASE, 

„  OF  TENNESSEE, 

Im  the  House  of  REpnESENTATivEn, 
I  Drcrmher  iS,  ISHr,, 

Upon  the  motion  of  Mr.  Lkmk,  "  calling  for  (I 
reference  to  a  select  committee  of  the  subject  of 
I      a  revision  of  ,he  Naturalization  Laws,." 

Il  is  not  my  desire,  during  the  present  session 
I  of  Congress,  to  occupy  much  of  the  time  of  this 
i  House  in  debate.  As  one  of  the  youngest  mem- 
'  bets  uf  this  body,  il  may  well  become  inc  to  listen 


ti* 


Ilo.  or  Reps. 

pteH  wliicli  form  ilio 
I  piuly.  They  tond 
f  iVoni  qucminiin  of 
if  the  c'oiinlry.  Oii- 
I'lfsiileiuiiil  eoiUeHl 
vntv  \Vliit,'siii  priii- 
for  the  mici'i'HN  of 
U  ill  riiiltul<'l|iliiii 
•■  Inlil,  willi  a  )ilaiif>i- 
ip;  for  tlio  inoinriit, 
<  WTrciilFiitical.iiiiit 
llir  |iri'lu(li'  to  tlioir 
np|iiLliin:iioii  ninny 
nt'HKUrcs  ^ave  yoii 
ale.  It  wim  onr  of 
ii-h  you  know  lunv 
oruto  ill  your  (iivor. 
ic  jilayful  cdilii'N  in 
il  your  linrque  from 
e  \Vliif;  party  with 
1  carried  you  safily 


eve,  ihopcllical- 
No  sjood  can  oonio 
n»  unqualified  mi.s- 
lle  the  prejudieCHof 
I'  entirely  under  tho 
IS  heeii  repeatedly 
resent  deliate,  that 
neis,  and  that  the 
ual  friends  and  nl- 
inpulatioii  and  tho 
iccessary  to  be  told 
sivc  friendrt  of  tho 
jeiicral,  and  every 
te  to  heslow.  lint 
iiie  is  a|)proacliiii'x 
man  will  pause  to 
B  with  the  lean  pei- 
l>riiiriple  of  your 
e  welfare  of  the  l,i- 
"leii^'ii  horn  ?  The 
of  honest  etliploy- 
h  protects  the  iii- 
I  soil  in  preference 
value  to  the  hardy 
professions  wliidi 
laimo  for  his  vote, 
iidiliire  in  the  ini- 
n  confers  a  more 
'■<t  eiiiiKrani  than 


1845.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONCIUESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


87 


aOxH  CoNO 1st  Sk8S. 


Naturalization  Lawn — Mr.  Lhaie. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


leir  purity,  we 
'onsiituti(Mi  and 

and  prosperity 
the  people.  In- 
oses,tlieWliii;a 
roni  the  path  of 
'any  new  parly 
>ns. 


'  eallinff  for  n 
'  the  subject  of 
lawb. " 

resent  session 
'.  time  of  thiu 
[Puns;eRt  iiieni- 
ic  luc  to  listen 


rather  than  to  ~pealc.  When  the  question  was  | 
bron^;ht  up  on  yesterdsy,  I  had  no  expectation 
that  I  would  address  the  liouse;  hut  as  the  deljiUc  , 
^iroceciled,  I  became  interested.  'I'lie  question  ' 
ti^suined  a  hi2:her  importiuice,  and  I  therefore  fi^el  , 
it  to  he  niv  duty  to  give  my  viewM  upon  the 
subject.  \Vilh  my  collea!;iie,  1  had  i!ioii?lit  the 
<liscussion  should  have  been  confini'd  strictly  to 
tlie  (piestion  of  reference;  and  1  was  really  Kur- 
prised  at  the  latitiiile  of  debate  taken  liygentleinen 
•on  yesterday.  I  was  mitehnmuscil  at  the  remarks 
of  my  friend  from  .Michigan,  [Mr.  Cimpman.] 
He  had  observed,  during'  his  speech  on  yesterday, 
that  it  was  a  subject  of  re«;ret  to  him  that  he  was 
born  In  the  Slate  of  Vennoirt;  and  it  had  been 
slated  by  some  persons  who  had  heard  bim  upon 
that  occasion,  that  he  [Mr.  C'ihp.man]  nhtn  staled 
4liat  his  father  and  inother  wvrv  married  in  the 
8lale  of  Ma.'isacluisetis,  and  that  ho  was  their  first- 
born.  That  I  belii^ve  is  not  correct  ;  it  wa.s,  I 
^iresiime,  merely  intended  for  a  jolic.  I  am  not 
at  all  jileascd  with  the  doctrines  advocated  by  the 
<lominant  party  in  the  Slate  of  Vermont.  I  have 
110  sympathy  whatever  with  the  factions  little  band 
.  of  Abolitionists,  whose  object  is  political  ellect, 
«nd  who  will  be  driven,  ere  lon^,  into  the  obscu- 
rity they  deserve  by  the  coinmon  action  of  both 
Whiffs  and  I>eniocrals  in  that  .Slate.  Hut  I  vene- 
rate the  State  of  Vermont  for  the  bravery,  virtue,  and 
(lalriotisin  of  her  sons,  I  honor  her  fiir  the  ability 
«nd  moral  worth  of  her  dolei,'»iiini  upon  this  floor. 
I  love  her  Rreen  hills  anil  lovely  plains,  for  there 
was  the  place  of  my  birth,  and  the  home  of  my 
•childhood.  Around  her  mountains  and  eascades, 
her  hills  and  vales,  the  memory  of  youthful  asso- 
c'aliinis  will  fori'ver  elinpr,  and  their  only  rival  in 
my  allections  will  be  the  land  of  my  adoption. 
.She  has  a  rii^hi  to  claim  the  respect  of  her  sons, 
and  when  assailed  by  one  of  them,  well  may  she 
-(exclaim,  in  the  languiig«  of  tlic  dying  Cicsar,'  "  Et 
IH  linile." 

I,  for  one,  shall  vole  that  the  resohilions  be  refer- 
red to  the  .luiliciary  Committee,  and  lor  the  reason 
that  that  eoinmitlee.  is  i-omposed  of  able  and  intcl- 
lisrenl  men,  who  arenhle  and  willing  to  discharge 
their  duty  to  this  House  and  to  the  country.     I 
would  vole  lor  a  reference  to  that  coinmiltee,  be- 
eaiise  such  is  the  practice.     I  am  opposed  to  the 
appointment  of  a  select  commillee,  lor  the  same  ] 
reason  that  the  advocates  of  such   a  reference  are 
in  faviu-  of  it.     Accm^diiii,'  to  parliamentary  usasjc,  '< 
llie  select  committee  is  compopeil  of  the  t'riends  of 
the  measure.     A   ivport  would   be  made  by  those 
{rentlemen,  having  nil  the  weight  and  inlln'enee  of  ■ 
a  docurneiil  emanaiing  from  a  emnmillee  appoint-  ; 
<cd  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  Slates,  whicli  : 
\vould  assail  with  the   utmost  violence  an  impor-  ' 
•taut  portion  of  our  fellow-citizens  who  were  de- 
prived of  the  privilege  upon  this  lloor  of  defending 
themsclve.s.  i 

The  gentleman  froin  Alabama  [Mr.  Yancf.t]  re- 
marked that  the  Native  Anierieana  upon  this  floor 
were  so  few  in  number,  that  it  would  be  the  part 
of  magnanimity  to  be  generous.  While  he  was 
speaking,  1  fell  the  same  impulses  which  nctnnted 
him;  but  we  should  be  careful  that  onr  generosity 
is  not  mistimed.  Il  is  Iriie,  we  could  allbrd  to  \!e. 
penerons  in  our  conduct  toward  the  Native  Ameri- 
cans \ipon  this  floor;  but  there  are  others,  whose 
eharacter  and  reputation  are  involved.  The  tliou-  i 
sands  of  hoHcsl  and  patriotic  naturalized  foreigners  ' 
inight  appeal  to  our  jus/iff,  to  withhold  friau  the 
Natives  the  power  of  assailing  them,  by  issuing, 
with  the  apparent  sanelion  of  C'laigress,  the  peiit- 
up  iVeliiegs  of  wrath  and  indignation  which  they 
entertain  towards  foreigners.  Upon  this  gnainif, 
I  am  opposed  to  the  appointment  of  a  select  eoni- 
tuitlee.  1  am  willing  that  the  House  should  in-  : 
struct  the  jiidicird  committee  in  reference  to  the 
resolutions  of  tli,-  gentleman  l^-om  Massachnsctls. 
I  was  auvious  to  hear  the  speech  of  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania,  [Mr.  Lkvin.]  He  seeiued  so 
desirous  to  address  the  House,  that  I  was  willing 
to  gratify  him.  1  was  desirous,  too,  that  all  the 
nrgtimeiits  in  favor  of  his  proposition  might  be 
heard;  and,  if  any  reasons  could  be  given  which 
had  not  been  advanced  before,  I  was  desirous  to 
hear  them.  Well,  the  gentleman  had  spoken  with 
much  eloquence;  we  were  all  pleased  with  his  style 
and  his  ingenuity;  yet,  I  could  come  to  no  other  con- 
clusion than  that  it  was  one  of  the  stump  s|icechcs 
uf  that  gentleman,  which  hud  b«en  comniitttid  to 


memory,  and  often  recited  before  the  entliusiastic 
cilirena  of  I'hiladelphia.  1  listened  for  some  new 
nrgonient,  |H)werful  and  convincing,  such  an  the 
gentleman  iVom  Peiinsylvaniii  [Mr.  Levin]  alone 
had  the  ability  ol*  advancing,  and  which,  bearing 
ihc  imjiress  of  his  genius,  was  destined  to  fon- 
found,  if  not  to  eoniinrr.  Hut  I  lisleiicd  in  vain. 
I  heard  nothing  but  a  rehearsal  of  arguments  used 
by  the  great  Whig  party,  inmiedialely  after  their 
defeat  in  1H14,  at  the  linie  when  there  wan  a  pros- 
pect of  the  disorganiz.ation  of  that  iiarty,  and  a 
union  under  n  diflereni  name — a  i-esultwliich  was, 
in  part,  pivveutcil  hy  the  advice  ofn  celebrated  geii- 
lleman  of  Keiiliicky,  who,  we  were  informed  by 
the  gentleman  from  Illinois,  [Mr.  Hakf.r,]  had  n- 
lirul  III  the  walks  of  privaU'  life.  It  hiul  been  said 
by  the  gentleman  fiiim  .Massacliuselis  jMr.  WiN- 
■riiunrl  that  the  delegation  fnim  his  State  coin- 
cided in  opinion  with  the  Native  Americans.  Con- 
sistent in  their  course,  they  Mill  prefer  to  foMow 
Ihe  lead  of  the  dislinguiahid  Senator  ill  the  other 
end  of  this  Capitol,  [i\[r.  Wkbhtkh,!  to  tho  advice 
of  tlic  distinguished  genlleman  of  Kentucky,  (Mr. 
Clay,]  who  lias"rf/irf(/ to  the  walks  of  private  hfe. " 

1  was  much  surprised  at  the  asserlions  of  the 
gentleman  from  Pcnnsylania  on  yeslerilny,  that 
the  debt  due  to  foreigners  for  their  assisleilce  du- 
ring the  Revohilionary  war,  was  discharged — that 
it  was  a  money  transaction,  and  that  the  balance 
had  been  struck  and  the  dilfei-nnce,  paid.  Krom 
my  boyhood  I  have  felt  emotions  of  gratitude,  as 
1  have  read  that  portion  of  my  country's  history 
which  dwells  upon  the  self-sacrilicing  spirit  of 
Ko.sciusko,  Pulaski,  P.aron  Do  Kalli,  Lafayette, 
and  others,  who  left  their  homes  to  fight  the  stran- 
ger's battles.  And,  sir,  I  have  felt  my  cheek  tinge 
with  shame  that  tho  voice  of  my  cotintrv  was  not 
raised  in  tones  of  loud  and  elleclual  rebiike,  when 
Poland,  tho  home  of  the  •;,illaiit  and  the  brave,  be- 
came the  prey  of  thi^  powers  of  Tairopc. 

Mnr  we  hear  a  doctrine  ail  viiicid  upon  this  floor, 
that  the  bo.som  fii'uds  of  Wa^:hingtou  were  »ifr- 
nnarin,  and  that  if  there  was  a  debt  due  them,  it 

lias  long  ago  been  discharged.     I  ciii t  envy  the 

feelings  of  any  man,  however  dcspemie  he  may 
be,  \ylio  cnn  entertain  such  opinions,  or  niter  such 
sentiments.  I  suppose  the  same  arguments  might 
be  used  in  reference  to  onr  revolulionnry  sires; 
many  of  whmn  drew  pay  for  their  services  as  the 
just  tribute  of  their  countrv'sgralituiie.  Many  of 
them  have  departed  to  their  long  homes,  covered 
with  honors;  others  survive,  and  God  grant  that 
they  may  long  be  spared  to  enjoy  the Vruils  of 
their  patriotism  and  valor.  The  (|uestion  will,  I 
suppose,  be  brought  U|)  by  such  men  as  the  gen- 
tleman from  Pennsvlvania,  for  the  purpose  of 
showing  that  the  debt  to  them  is  discharged— that 

the  whole  was  a  mere   mercantile  transaction 

merging  love  of  eounlrv, gratitude,  and  cveryoiher 
pure  and  elevated  emotion,  in  the  jingle  of"  their 
liension  money.  No.  sir:  1  hope  these  doctrines 
will  never  be  sustained  by  this  House  or  the  coun- 
try. If  they  were,  it  woiild  go  far  towards  bring- 
ing the  conviction  to  my  mind,  that  we  are  unwor- 
thy of  our  ancestiMs,  and  deserve  not  the  rich  in- 
herilance  which  they  have  be(|iieathed  to  n.s. 

Great  fears  are  expressed  by  the  Native  Ameri- 
cans u]ioii  this  Horn-,  that  onrliberties  are  in  dan- 
ger from  the  votes  of  naturalized  foreigners.  Is 
there  any  thing  peculiar  in  the  soil  or  climate  of 
this  conlineiit  by  which  the  natives  are  nalmal- 
hnrn  republicans?  that  ilicy  alone  should  resist 
tyranny,  and  possess  the  capacity  for  self-gov- 
ernment? So  far  from  sncli  being  the  fact,  the 
first  settlement  of  this  country  was  caused  mainly 
by  a  dclenuinalioii,ii|ion  the  part  of  the  pilgrims-, 
lint  to  submit  to  the  oppression  of  the  luollier 
country.  It  was  the  right  of  thought,  the  freedom 
of  expression  and  of  action,  which  prompted 
them  to  prefer  a  wilderness,  with  all  its  dair'-ers  and 
tods,  to  the  luxuries  and  attractions  of  the  Old 
World.  Who  contributed  their  aid  to  terminate, 
successfully,  Ihe  siruggic  f'orindepeii(leiice>  Many 
of  them  were  born  in  Europe;  they  certainly  were 
tint  the  less  qualified  to  guard  and  protect  the 
ris:hts  w-e  had  acquired  in  that  contest.  Several 
of  the  American  generals,  helbre  the  Revolution, 
had  fought  in  the  armies  of  England  against 
»•  ranee;  yet  it  was  thought  prudent  to  entrust 
Iheni  with  important  commands;  one  of  lliem  was 
the  Commander-ill  Chief  of  our  armies,  and  the 
firm  Prasidem  of  the  United  Slates.    Will  it  be 


said  Uiat  the  men  of  the  Revolution  had  suffered 
from  the  ellecis  of  liritish  rule,  and  tlial  therefore 
power  could  the  better  lie  entrusted  to  ihem  than 
to  the  nreseiit  Niibjecls  of  foreign  Governments?  It 
must  lie  recollecled,  Mr.  S|H'akcr,  at  that  lima 
Ihc  principles  of  self-government  only  existed  in 
theory,  withoul  luiving  been  reduced  to  practice. 
Many  individuals  of  the  llevoliition  were  so  doubt- 
ful niion  the  subject,  of  whether  the  people  were 
capable  of  silf-g'overnmeiit,  that  they  abandoned 
the  country  to  its  fate,  and  joined  their  arms  to 
those  (d"  the  enemy.  When  our  lilierties  were 
achieved,  self-govermuent  wius  an  ex|K"rimeiit,  so 
regarded  by  all,  and  by  several  proininent  indi- 
viduals as  a  itoitlitfiU  one. 

Most  gloriously  did  the  principle  triumph,  until 
at  thifi  day  it  is  not  questioned  in  this  country. 
The  time  has  long  since  nasaed  when  the  votes  of 
foreigners  could  create  atanu.  If  ever  there  was 
danger,  it  was  when  our  Government  was  in  lis  in- 
fancy, when  foes  from  without  and  false  friends 
within  could  level  their  shafts  against  the  fabric  he- 
fore  it  had  acquired  its  present  strength.  It  is  not 
from  any  love  which  foreigners  feel  towards  their 
own  Government  that  induces  ihem  to  aliandon  it 
and  to  cmignite  to  this  country.  They  do  so 
rather  to  fiei  themselves  from  oppression,  which 
cannot  be  resisted  siicecssfnily.  Will  it  be  iLssert- 
cd,  that  having  escaped  from  one  evil  they  would 
willingly  involve  themselves  in  aiiothor,  by  ib- 
stroying,  if  it  was  in  ilieir  power,  the  Government 
which  extends  to  them  the  blessings  of  equal 
rights,  and  where  justice  ia  weighed  as  if  in  a  bal- 
ance? 

Ill  the  days  of  the  Revolution,  it  was  matter  of 
doubt,  in  the  minds  of  eminent  individuids,  whe- 
ther mankind  were  capable  of  self-government ; 
and  just  at  that  time  foreigners  were  ]ilaced  in 
command,  and  proved  more  true  to  the  trust  re- 
posed in  them  than  at  least  one  native  American 
traitor — Renedict  Arnold.  When  a  foreigner  now 
lanils  upon  our  shores,  he  ia  surrounded  by  intel- 
ligence, virtue,  ami  patriotism.  All  around  him 
assert  the  capacity  of  mankind  to  govern  them- 
selves; all  assert  the  superiority  of  our  form  of 
Government  over  every  other  devised  by  the  wit 
of  man.  Experience  piochiims  its  truth.  If  the 
foreigner  would  raise  his  voice  against  us,  he 
would  act  ill  opposition  to  every  motivs  by  which 
men  are  suiipoaetl  usually  to  be  governed.  IJut 
the  position  these  Native  Anicrinans  have  assumed 
is,  that  foreigners  must  remain  in  this  country 
twenty-one  years  before  they  are  allowed  to  vote. 
This  IS  a  very  grave  subject,  and  one  involving  in 
the  principle  much  more  than  is  usually  supposed. 
The  very  basis  of  our  va^l  yet  perfect  .snperstrue- 
lurc  rests  upon  the  capacity  of  the  jieoplc  to  goT- 
ern  themselves.  This  doctrine  we  promulgate. 
History  has  proved  its  trulli.  Its  applicability  is 
not  confined  to  American  .soil.  This  truth  is  find- 
ing iis  way  into  Germany,  where  they  see  proper 
to  suppress  the  circulation  of  our  papers.  In 
France,  the  great  personal  influence  of  Louis  Phi- 
I  lippe  prevents  an  outbreak.  When  he  leaves  the 
stage  of  action,  |iopular  sentinienl  will  burst  forth 
with  all  the  violence,  but  with  higher  and  nobler 
ends  in  view,  than  characterized  the  l''rcncli  Revo- 
lution. In  England  they  are  slumbering  upon  tho 
verge  of  a  volcano,  which  may  at  any  hour  burst 
upon  the  heads  of  those  who  live  upon  the  corrup- 
tions of  that  Government.  A  fearful  confiict  in 
waging  between  the  rights  of  man  and  concentrated 
wealth — between  the  principle  of  eqiudity  and  des- 
I'otism.  If  the  Powers  of  Europe  are  appealed  to 
for  a  decision,  they  will  be  prompted  by  self-inter- 
(St  to  decide  against  the  principle  of  equality. 
The  people  of  this  country  may  be  regarded  as  the 
only  impa'-tial  arbiiers,  and  a  majority  would  pro- 
nounce immediately  that  man  is  capable  of  self- 
government.  I'ut  >fative  Americanism  would  de- 
ny the  proposition,  entertaining  the  same  opinion 
,is  the  Powers  of  the  Old  World.  If,  in  their  es- 
timation, it  requires  twenty-one  years  to  qualify  a 
foreigner  to  discharge  the  duties  of  ii  freeman, 
where  he  is  surrounded  by  tho  people  of  this  coun- 
try, and  where  he  inhales  the  spirit  of  our  insti- 
tutions, he  would  never  be  qualified  to  assume  the 
rights  of  self-government,  where  he  is  shut  out 
from  the  exercise  of  the  rights  of  speech,  thought, 
and  action.  The  eyes  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
I  Old  World  are  upon  us.  Despots  look  with  jeal- 
I  ou»y  upon  the  only  Government  which  cndan- 
geri  their  supremacy,  while  to  Ihe  poor  and  op- 


06 


aPpkndix  to  the  CONORKSSIO\AL  Cr^OBK. 


[Dec.  30, 


9i>rH  CoNo 1st  Suss. 


Naltirallznlion  Imhs — Mr.  Dixon, 


Hn.  OF  Hepf. 


!      « 


i 


preMcd  It  is  llir  lirnom-lijilit  upon  whirl)  hofw 
hiiidly  clins;".  We  aliimlil  imuKo  well  nml  niiiKiil- 
er,  liefi>r«  we  iiiiikp  «  ili'i-ision  npim  wliiili  m> 
mwrh  (lr|icnil»,  the  Idiilcni  y  m'wliiili  is  to  .•iiiHtiiiii 
i>rvii)liui;  n  t'l'™!  mill  sarri'il  nrinoiiilc. 

Aiiiillier  qiieMliim  i»  invnlviil  in  llii:<  Nnlive 
Aniciiciin  ilnrlriiic.  Men  tin  ii^il  pnHHess  the  mo- 
ti\iH  Id  niiiko  piiiid  oili/.cns,  uh'ish  lliey  Imvc  mime 
inteiv.-it  in  tile  sdvernnieni  iiiiilei'  llic  liilliii'in'p  cf 
wliii'li  tliey  live.  Il'ihey  iiri'  perinilliil  I')  pnrlii'i- 
imte  in  llie  seleelion  o('law-niakein,  llicy  «"ii  llie 
imire  elieerfiilly  enmply  w  illi  (lie  iTi|iiiiiineiit«  nf 
the  !iiW8  vvliii'li  lire  fiiiieleil;  liiil  il"  thin  piivilet'e 
in  willilieldf  the  snnie  di8siiiisfa''tiMii  witl  I'levaii 
wliicli  i-e.iiilleil  in  llie  Anierlran  (!evnliit'..ii.  Iliiw- 
fver  di.sennlenled  Ihey  nmy  'k'.  yl  tlie  respeel  iind 
venemlinn  nl"  the  Aniirieaii  peiiple  fur  the  ('ni.Kli- 
tvitiiiii  niid  laws  will  iirevenl  i  iVeiiiial  nilM  nf  viu- 
leiiee  nv'ainst  them.  It  is  iniieh  l.i  Her  tii  hiiiil  tin' 
ri>rei^ner  to  his  adopted  eimnlry  I'y  the  lie.s  nt' 
rP!<peet  and  Krntittide,  lliiin  to  alienate  llie  I'celina.s 
whieli  iiaiiirally  lairst  I'orlli  win  n  he  hiiaU  iipnii 
the  Aineriran  soil.  The  txhleitrt  e/'  our  (ieivin- 
mrnl  i/rfirinb  iipea  Ihe  iilliirliiUf»l  I'J'iiir  ciUzrns. 

Hut  II  In  said   Ijy  the    Native  .Xmorii'ans,  lliiit 
dan^ern  ihrtaten  our  inHtiliition.s  it'  loreiiiners  are 
ftllt>\ved  so      nil  to  exereiwe  tlie  rii;ht  ol*  {.-ufiV't'^e. 
MillinnMol'(iur  liest  eiii/.eiisare  foveii;nerM,  or  their 
deseendaiits.     Aineriiaii    lilooil   llowii  not    in    the 
veins  of  all  our  freemen;  and  Iheie  is  no  law,  )iii- 
man  or  divine,  whieli  esialilislnv!  liie  exaet  amoiinl 
of  Native    Anieriean    lilood    which    mnst   enur«e 
throuffh  till'  sVMtem,  to  ipialify  an   ii. dividual  lor 
Felf-uoveriimenl.     AV'liv,  Kir.  all  of  u.i   Iniee  inir 
nneeslry  'o  the  Old  World,  v.iihniii  fecliri,'  emo- 
tions ol*  shame  or  reirret.     We  arc  liul  a  hiMmh  of 
Ihesreat  hnninn  family,  and,  in  common  niih  ihe 
other  iimions  of  the  elirlli.  rweive  the  {jills  of  an 
overruling    Providence.     I)iir   experience   lea'diei 
us  that  foretjrners,  nnturali/.ed  under  our  present 
just  and  enliuhtcned  sy.slem,  have  liecome  worthy 
mid  esiiinahle  eitizens.'and  have  nol  nfiener  proved 
recreant  to  the  hijli  trust   reposed  in   lluni  than 
Native  Americans.    For  zealous  aitacl.nieni  to  our 
institutions,  and  a  steady  and  firm  disiiosiiion  to 
defend  them,  they  arc  unsurpassed;  anil  in  a  crisis 
where  danirer  threatens  the  Kepunlic.  they  will  he 
found  among  the  first  to  linn^  their  lireasts  in  the 
defence  of  tlieir  adopted    eouniry.     When  nian- 
kiml  experience  the  evils  which  How  from  the  cor- 
rupt systems  of  the  Old  World,  they  are  belter 
prepared   to  appreciate  the  hlcssiiiiiHwhicli  llow 
from  our  plan  of  n;overnmeiit.    It  is  very  (picsiion- 
nldc  whether  this  (;eneration   ho  fully  apjireciale 
Ihe  .sarred  principle  of  equality  of  li^jits,  as  iliose 
who,  for  seven  years  upon  the  tented  field,  sur- 
rounded liy  di.sease  and  death,  with  the  snillows 
nnd  sUirvatioii  starinjjthem  in  the  face,  maiiiLiiiied 
the  honor  o(' their  coiintrv  airaiiist  the  tyranny  of 
England.     As  danger  and  ^;u(l"ering  licciime  indis- 
tinct liy  the  lapse  of  lime,  so  the  ohjecl  for  whii-li 
they  were  met  and   surmounted  is  not  fully  ap- 
preciated.    The    foreigners    who   land    upon    our 
Bhores  have  experienced  the  operations  of  a  Gov- 
ernment adminisl.red   for  the  I  emfit  of  the  few; 
where    splendor    prevails    aniid.st   poverty,    and 
where  wealth  is  obtained  nt  the  ex|x-iise  of  tiers 
nnd  agony.     While  siandiiig  as  living  and  breath- 
ing cvideiioes  of  the  eflecls  of  such  a  syslcm,  «  ill 
they,  by  the  slighlesl  word  or  act,  jnoslrate  the 
only  Government  which  is  ba.seil  upon  the  doctrine 
of  equal  rights  and  equal  privileges?    Mr.  Sjieaker, 
if  our  career  is   not  obslruciid    by  this   Native 
American  niovement,  the  influence  of  the  princi-  , 
ides  of  free  goveiiiiiient  will  einlnre  and  extend, 
be  iring  along  a  moral  and  political  power  which 
will  revolutionize  sy.stems  and  governments;  anil 
when  from  every  hill  and  dale  shall  be  proihiiiniil 
the  supremacy  of  the  sni'ied  principle  ofcipiality, 
tlun  shall  we  have  eom|)lrted  our  de.siiny.  i 


SPEECH  OF  iVR.  JAMES  DIXON, 

OF  CONNECTICL'T, 

■In  the  HofsE  Of  Repri-;<ent.vtive«, 

Decemher  30,  184.'"). 

On  the  subject  of  the  Naiuralizaiiou  Laws,  and 

the  origin  of  the  Native  A  .icrican  parly. 

Mr.  DIXON  addres«ed  the  House  as  follows: 

Mr.  SpEAiiKR:  Had  the  dclmte  on  this  uubjeci 


been  confined  to  the  rpu-stioii  appropriately  before 
the  House,  I  should  have  made  no  objeeilon  to  the 
lel'erence  of  ihe  iiHidnlions  oll'ired  by  the  geiille- 
nian  front  .\lassacliiuieti.-t,  to  nitv'  comniillee  which 
till'  tViends  of  ihe-measuns  Ihcif  in  rerommcnih  d 
might  have  desired.  Diil,  since  ihe  discussion  has 
taki  M  so  wide  a  range  as  to  embrace  the  whole 
queHlion  of  whni  is  called  Nalivi'  Americnni.<ni, 
nnd  Ihe  vole  on  the  (|uesiioii  of  reference  is  likely 
to  be  understood  as  a  li  •'I  of  niir  opinions  on  the 
general  subjei't  under  consideration.  1  cannot  con- 
sent to  record  my  vote  as  iii  favor  of  the  doclriins 
of  the  Native  American  parly.  The  true qttfslioii 
now  to  be  decided  is,  not  the  rneslion  of  reference, 
Init  whether  this  Mouse  will  inilliori.'.e  the  cimi'lu- 
sion  that  its  nieiiibd's  are  vv  tiling  to  e.xleiid  luiy  ilc- 
gr'-e  of  I'avor  to  these  doctrines. 

What,  Ihen,  are  the  priiiciple.iof  lluH  new  party.' 
If  I  uiiderMand  them  ihey  are,  firsl,  an  eMrnsion 
of  the  time  required  by  ihe  existing  law  'iil'.ni 
naturalization  i.s  jierniilli  d;  and,  srcondly,  the  dis- 
frinchisement  of  all  foreiL'ti-born  citizens,  by  de- 
claring them  ineligible  lo  public  ollhe.  1  am  aware 
that  the  reH.dnlioiis  hctbrcuMdo  iintgoihar  length; 
but  these,  I  Ihink,  lu'e  among  ilie  iicknow  ledgi-d 
■  principles  of  Ihe  party.  .Now,  sir,  while  1  am  wil- 
ling to  go  as  far  as  any  one  in  preserving  the  pn- 
riiy  of  Ihe  ballot-box,  I  have  no  hesiialion  in  de- 
claring my  entire  and  decided  opposition  to  boili 
these  principles.  The  pi  liod  of  probation  now 
renuired  before  naturali/..\iion  is,  iii  my  humble 
jnijgmcnt,  suBicieiiily  long,  and  I  am  opposed  to 
ils  extension;  still  more  am  I  opposid  to  that  nar- 
row bigotry  which  would  deny  to  the  (orcigner  the 
right  to  holil  oHice.  If  the  people  choose  to  si  led 
for  any  oiliie  within  their  gifl  one  no;  born  upon 
our  soil,  iliey  ought  to  have  the  privilege  of  so  do- 
ing, without  any  restri*  lion  whatever.  To  them 
the  question  ot'  qualification  may  bi>  left  with  en- 
tire salVtv,  r.nd  there  is  vt'ry  lillle  flimger  that  too 
treat  a  deitree  of  hberalny  will  be  exercised,  or 
that  sectional  jirejuilic's  will  be  too  easily  overcome. 
The  evil,  if  any  exi^ls,  isof  anolher  character,  and 
from  another  soun-e;  it  lie.s  not  in  the  existing  law, 
but  ill  the  frauds  perpelrateil  tipon  il;  frauds  which 
Ihe  wisest  hgislalioii  cannot  enliiely  preveiil.  and 
which  woiild  )irobably  be  incri':ised,astlie  motives 
for  their  eonmiission  were  strengthened  by  ex- 
tending the  term  of  prnbalion. 

Ibllil  is  not  my  iutenlimi  to  oecnpylhe  time  of  the 
Ilou.se  ill  discussing  the  principles  of  the  Native 
American  parly,  i  coiife.--s,  hovvi'ver,  that  I  do  nol 
.share  in  ihe  fears  of  those  who  ajiprchend  danger 
to  our  iiistimiions  from  the  increase  of  our  foreign 
population.  Those  who  enleriain  this  apprehen- 
sion mistake,  I  think,  the  nature  of  these  iiisiiiu- 
tious,  and  fail  to  compnliend  fully  the  spirit  of  the 
age  in  which  we  live.  We  have  tried,  successfully  ' 
thus  far,  llic  experiment  of  .self-government,  I'ounil- 
ed  upon  free  and  universal  siitlVage.  It  has  been 
our  policy  to  invite  and  encourage  ( iiiigralion  by 
extending  to  the  emigrant  the  same  civil  and  reli- 
gious ))rivihges  which  we  enjoy,  and,  from  every 
land  where  man  is  o]ipn  ssed  by  the  iron  hand  lif 
despotism,  and  Iniiiian  hopes  and  energies  are 
crushed  by  usages  grown  inviolable  by  limi — from 
the  worn-out  principalities  of  Kiirop?,  perhaps 
even  at   some    future   period    from    the  populous 

kiiigd sof  Asia,  the  liih'  of  eniitrralion  will  )iour 

in  upon  our  eouniry-  The  popiilaiifui  which  ve 
shall  thus  receive  will  mingle  with  lair  own:  the 
lapse  of  a  few  years  will  riinove  them  and  us  from 
this  stage  of  existence,  and  iheir  children,  like  ours, 
will  be  native-born  Americans.  l^liall  we  fear, 
tluii.tiiat  ihis  stream  nf  emigration  may  eudaiiger 
the  piiriiy  of  our  iioliiical  iii:lilulion.s?  A.i  well 
mii'lii  we  indiiLe  tlie  a]ipreheii5.irii  ilial  the  llion- 
saiid  rivers,  which,  from  ihe  mow-clad  snnimilsof 
a  thfinsaud  niouutains,  are  pouring  their  mighty 
torrents  into  every  .si;a,  may  frcsluii  the  waters  (if 
the  ocean.  '  I 

V.nl  I  have  entered  upon  this  di.scussion  with  ! 
the  view  of  taking  another  view  of  the  subject,  it 
ha.")  been  .said,  during  the  progress  of  this  debate, 
by  a  genileman  mi  the  other  side  of  llic  House, 
that  the  .\alive  American  parly  is  nut,  as  it  pro- 
fi-sse.s  to  be,  an  independeiil  political  organi/.alioii,  : 
but  i.s,  in  reality,  only  a  wing  nl'  the  Whig  party. 
This  charge  I  tilierly  deny,  and  shall  attempt  to 
show  that,  HO  far  from  ori^'iimting  or  being  in  tiny 
way  connciMcd  with  the  Whig  party,  ill",  native 
faction  had  il.t  oii;;iii  in  tlie  mrong-hulda  of  modern  ' 


IVniocmcy,  and  Imn  been  encotiraged  nnd  lipheltl 
by  the  leaders  of  the    Demia'ralii'   party.       I'hey 
brought  il  iiiio  exisleiicc,  they  parlicijiiiled  in  tho 
riolH  and  innrderH  whii'h  accompanied  ii.s  progress, 
they  shareil  Ihe  palroiiage  il  iiispi  used  in  Ihe  hour 
of  iis  triumph,  llieir  party  alone  reaped  ils  b.  nefilH, 
and  it  was  not  until  the  elforls  of  patriotic  Whigs 
in  \cw  \nrU  and  I'liihidilphiu  had  laid  il  prostrate, 
lliu  their  voices,  with  lew  exeeplions,  wi  re  rai.sed 
,j  in  lis  comb  nmalimi.     At  lliis  hue  hour,  when  ihn 
bailie  has  been  Iboglil  and  won  by  the  Whigs,  who 
threw  ihi'Uiselves  into  the  breach  legiirdlesH  of  per- 
sonal delVat,  and  slemniid  the  tide  of  native  pro- 
scriplion,  shall  we  be  charged  with  being  allies  of 
Nalivism.^     ,\o,  sir;  ii  was  m  the  inordinate  pas- 
j    sioii  for  Ihe  spoils  of  oliice,  in  the  pursuit  of  which 
I    the  |!eiiioiTatic,  parly  had  iilrcHdy  iullicted  such  ix 
';  countless  train  of  evils  npim  the  country,  that  the 
i  Native  nioveinenl  origiimtetl. 

I  Permit  me,  Kir,  to  refer  to  flicls,  which  provR 
conclusively  ihe  connexion  of  the  party  which 
eidls  ilself  Itemocnilic,  vvilh  the  first  inoviinenls 
and  rapid  irrowlh  of  Native  Americanism.  If  I  ant 
wrong  in  any  of  my  statements,  I  shall  be  happy  to 
be  corrected.  And  firsl,  let  me  ask,  in  what  por- 
tion of  llie  country  it  originaied  ?  It  was  first  heard 
of  ,'is  a  parly  in  lln-  neighborhood  of  ihe  city  tif 
Philadelphia — not  in  the  city  proiier,  but  in  the 
Heinoeriilie  precincts  luljoining.  I'hrre  is  a  vast 
political,  not  to  say  moral,  dillerence  between  the 
vVliig  city  of  Philadelphia  and  Ihe  Democratic 
district  in  the  vicinily;  and  while  ihe  former  has 
never  be  'n  tainted  by  the  Native  heresy,  the  latter 
was  till!  place  of  ils  birth,  and  the  scene  of  the 
frightful  outrages  which  Bitended  its  early  pro- 
gress. 

It  ha|  pened  that  in  one  of  these  nemoeralio 
precinct.',  ailjoining  Philadelphia  an  Irish  citizen, 
named  I  lugh  <  'lark,  was  about  six  years  ago  nomi- 
nated to  an  otlice  id'  considerable  importance  by  n 
Deni.  rratic  I'onveulioii.  This  noniiii.ilion,  though 
III  in  entire  accordance  with  the  usages  of  the 
||  ,  gave  greal  dissalisl'.iclion  to  a  portion  of  the 
l)i  n.icnicy.  They  could  not  enibire  the  idea  of 
coiil'rring  an  oliice  upon  a  foreigner.  In  their 
'  opinion,  the  adopted  citizens  should  serve  their 
eouniry  in  another  capacity — as  voters — not  as  of- 
fice hoiilers.  According  to  their  idea  of  Democ- 
racy, the  duty  of  a  foreigner  was  to  vote  the  IJem- 
ocralic.  ticket;  but  when  it  wa.s  suggested  that  one 
of  ihi'se  men  should  be  rewarded  I'm'  his  services 
to  Ihe  cause  by  an  oliice,  their  .sen.sibilitiis  were 
shocked,  and  their  palriotisin  took  the  alarm.  Ac- 
cordingly, when  the  day  of  election  arrived,  a  suf- 
ficient number  of  Itemocrai.s  *'.9/io/tf(/,"  to  use  their 
expressive  word,  ihe  name  of  Hugh  (JIark  from 
tin  ir  ticket;  and  while  all  the  other  Drmocratii'  can- 
didates were  elected  by  a  large  majorily,  he  was  de- 
fealed  by  a  vote  equally  decisive;  anil  this  for  the 
ostensible,  avowed  reasmi,  that  he  was  an  Irish- 
man, lie  was  i;ol  burn  on  the  rijrht  side  of  the 
water. 
i  The  election  passed,  and  nil  was  apparently  quiet. 
■  The  event  w.is  b\  many  forgotten,  but  not  by  the 
Iri.shmen  of  thai  lintrid.  They  leniembered  the 
injury  and  insiill  lie  v  had  siiU'ered,  and'they  only 
awaited  a  favorable  opporlunily  to  avenge  the 
wrongs  of  their  brother.  .\n  opnorluiiity  soon  pre- 
seiiled.  Three  years  afterwanls  another  election, 
similar  to  that  just  inenlioned,  look  place,  and  the 
Democratic  Irishineii  of  that  precinct,  with  Hugh 
(_'Iarlc  among  their  nuriber,  abandoned  their  for- 
mer political  associates,  and  voted  for  the  excellent 
Whig  caiididale  for  .sherilf,  .Morton  McMichael, 
and  for  the  whide  Whig  ticket,  which,  by  their 
aid,  was  siiccessl\il  by  a  large  majorily. 

On  discov.'ring  the  cause  of  their  dr'feal,  the  rage 
of  the  Denioi'ratic  leaders  knew  no  bounds.  The 
Irish  voters  were  deiiouiiced  with  a  biiierness  fur 
exceeding  in  degree  llie  servility  with  which  they 
had  111  lore  been  Haltered.  No  terms  of  reproncli 
vv're  too  strong — no  opprobrious  epithets  were  loo 
^cve^e,  to  be  heaped  upon  the  lu'aas  of  the  t'oreign 
population.  1 1  would  seem  that  the  Democratic  lead- 
ers had  supposed  the  voles  of  foreigners  to  be  their 
own  properly — that,  in  their  iqiinion,  adopted  citi- 
zens were  bound  soul  ami  body  in  the  thraldom  of 
Demoei';icy,  and  that  lor  ihem  to  think  and  act 
fill  themselves  vvu3  a  crime  deserving  the  most  con- 
dign punishment.  They  seemed  to  lie  astounded 
by  the  discovery  that  their  Irish  fellow-eiiizens  had 
had  the  unpui'iillelcd  audacity  tuuci  with  the  iiide- 


[Dec.  30, 
Mo.  or  Heps. 

•cuimiicil  niicl  ujiIipIiI 
rniii'  |MUly.  Tlicy 
y  |uirlicij)iiiiMl  ill  tli'd 
i|iniiii'(l  lis  |inii;nN», 
lr<|il'liNl'il  III  llii'  liiMir 
!•  r™|ir(l  il.H  liflll  lilH, 

111'  |«ilrii)lic  \Vlii;rH 
liiiil  laid  il  iiniNlraU', 
I'I'lioiirt,  wi.rr  niixtd 
liilc  liiMir,  wlirn  ilm 
liy  Mill  \Vlii^'N,  wild 
'li  ir','iirilli'Ns  iil'|ii'r- 
liilr  iif  iiiiiivc  |iiii- 
wilh  lirins;  mIIIih  nf 
the  iiiiirdiimti'  |iiis- 
lii'  iniisiiitiirwliirh 
(uly  iiillii'lod  audi  n 
le  country,  that  the 

flirts,  wliiili  provo 
I'  tlif  |inily  whii  1, 
111  I'liat  iiiiivniiniiN 
irrii'iiiiisiii.  If  I  mil 
,  I  sliiill  lie  linp|>y  to 
<■  iisk,  ill  wliiit  I'liir- 
?  Il  wiiN  firm  hniril 
liniiil  of  llic  ciiy  of 
lu-ojicr,  lull  ill  ilin 
:.  i'liore  in  a  ynut 
(icnrn  lii'lwopii  llie 
III  iIk!  DiMioi'nilir. 
Iiilr  ilii-  fiiniipr  lias 
(■  licnsy,  the  latipr 
il  tlif  .SL'ciii'  of  (lie 
ileil   its  tally  pio- 

llirsp  nciiuirrnlin 
a  nil  lii.sh  ciiizpii, 
ix  yi'ai-s  au'o  noiiii- 
Ic  iiii|ii>i'laiii'C'  liv  ft 
"niillaliilll,  tlliili:;!! 
till!  usairi'H  (if  iho 
Ilia  piiriiiiii  (if  thf 
'iiilure  till-  idea  nf 
rcipiiT.  Ill  ilii-jr 
lioiild  serve  llieir 
viilers — mil  as  iif- 
r  idea  iif  Ueinne- 


1645.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLODE. 


to  V 


<  111 

III  1 

lleil 

il-l 

l> 


am 


lite  the  IJcm- 
Krsied  that  one 
liis  serviees 
Miliililies  were 
le  alaiiii.  Ae- 
irrived,  a  Niif- 
'  lo  use  their 
Olark  from 
miieralie  eon. 
y,  he  was  de- 
il  this  for  the 
was  nil  Irish- 
lit  side  of  the 


pa  reiitly  quiet. 

Ill  iiol'ljy  the 

iiii'inliered  the 

aiid'tliey  only 

nveii'je    tlia 

lily  soon  |ire- 

iher  eleelioii, 

jilai-e,  and  Ihu 

I,  with   lluirh 

iiied  lliiir  for- 

ihe  excellent 

Me.Mieliael, 

ieli,  Ijy  their 

("eal,  the  raije 
oniids.  'J'he 
hillerness  far 
Il  which  they 
f  reproacli 
liels  were  too 
)f  the  foreiKii 
iincrnticlend- 
rs  lo  lie  llieir 
adopii'd  citi- 
Ihraldoni  of 
ink  and  net 
he  most  eoii- 
e  nstounded 
-citizens  had 
ith  tlie  iiidu- 


39tu  CoNo..mliT  Smi. 


Naturalixalion  Laws — Mr.  Dixon. 


Ho.  or  Rkh*. 


pemlenee  of  <rpemen  i  «nd  whfil  Ihey  were  nent- j 
ally  proved  tfiiilly  of  liavliis;  voted  with  the  Whits, 
the  eiirat;cd  and  disappointed  leaders  of  llir  Dciiio- 
eralic  parly  picpared  to  inllict  the  punlsliinent 
which  the  eiioriiiily  of  the  crime  deinnnded.  'I'lieii 
il  wiiH  that  ilie  oiiicry  was  raised  airainsl  foreiv-ii 
voters  ;  then  lici^aii  the  persei  iiliiiii  of  Irislimeii  in  ' 
the  vicinity  of  I'liiladelphia  ;  then  were  lirsl  held 
those  JS'allvu  nieetin);s,  called,  and  principally  at- 
tended, liy  imiive-liorii  Democrals,  who  had  lost 
the  eniolunieiils  of  ollice  hy  foreign  voles.  These 
^Native  nicetiiiiis  were  the  cause  of  that  exciteiuent 
which  ended  in  llie  riots,  the  iniii'dirH,  the  iiiiniiii^: 
of  eluirclies,  with  which  weaie  too  faniili  ir.  They 

never  would  have  liecii  held  liut  for  tin liKMalion 

whii'h  the  adonied  cm  lis  of  Kensiii;;loii  and  that 
ncii^hliorhood  litid  aroused  in  the  l»reasts  of  Ueiii- 
ocrats,  liy  merely  exercisinj;  penceahly  the  right 
of  sullnif;!',  and  voliii.;'  the  Wliii;  licUet, 

And  now,  sir,  to  prove  coiu'hisi\ely,  lieyond  the 
Bliadow  of  a  doiilit,  that  tiiese  laineiihilile  and  dis- 
^Tiieefid  scenes  liad  their  orii^ni  uiili  the  leaders 
of  the  Democratic  parly,  let  me  stale  one  fact: 
'I'lie  same  intViriated  iiioli  which  iierpelrated  those 
<-noniiities  to  whii'h  1  have  alluded,  proceeded 
direelly  from  their  linrrid  worl;  nf  nuirder  and 
devaslalioii  to  the  house  of  this  ^'allle  llui^li  C'liirk, 
(whose  friends  had  caused  a  Wlii;;  Iriiimpli  at  the 

Iirecediii'^;  election,)  and  literallv  sacked,  disem- 
lowelled,  and  lefi  it  in  ruins.  Was  this  a  Wliij; 
tiiob,  think  you.'  No,  sir;  it  was  a  mob  of  in- 
furiated Democrats,  wreakini;  their  vengeance  on 
nil  Irishman  who  had  liy  his  inlliienec  aided  the 
Whii;  narty.  And  still,  sir,  in  the  face  of  these 
facts,  tliere  are  not  wantiiii,'  those  in  this  House, 
and  elsewhere,  who  have  liaU  the  hardihood  (o 
assert  that  the  riots  of  Keiisiii^toii  and  the  Nortli- 
rrii  Liljcrties  iiris;inaled  with  the  Whiffs.  This 
wicked  falsehood  has  lind  its  day,  and  has  jiro- 
dueed  in  some  nu'asure  the  ell'ect  fur  which  it  was 
intendel;  il  has  alienated  for  a  time  manyado|ileiI 
citizens  from  the  cause  wliich  they  know  lo  he  the 
cause  of  the  eountry  ;  hut  its  day  is  past,  and  its 
tftects  eanuot  be  repeated. 

I  mieht,  if  it  were  necessdry,  eive  the  names  of 
individual  members  of  the  Democratic  party  who 
were  active  in  ori;iiinlin^  the  Native  organization 
in  the  city  of  I'liiliidelphm;  but  1  shall  forbear  to 
do  so,  unless  it  shall  be  rendered  necessary.  I  will, 
however,  stnto  that  I  have  been  informed,  and  I 
believe  it  to  be  true,  that  the  only  two  clergymen 
ill  the  city  of  Philadelphia  who  were  found  so  fur 
to  forget  the  duties  of  their  sacred  calling  na  to 
ntteiid  .Native  American  meetings,  and  by  their 
harangues  excite  to  mndness  tlic  iiinst  niali<:nant 
passions  of  the  huniaii  breast,  and  add  new  biller- 
iiess  to  the  iinfounilcd  prejudices  which  already 
existed  against  adopted  citizens,  were  open  and 
uvowed  politicians  of  the  Democratic  stamji! 

In  what  ponioii,  let  me  ask,  of  the  coiiiily  of 
riiilndelphia  have  the  Native  disturbances  oc- 
curred, and  where  has  the  Native  party  been 
strongest?  The  city  proper  has  been  the  scene  of 
none  of  these  riots — none  of  this  cliiirch-bnriiing 
—none  of  this  triumph  over  the  ashes  of  ihc  dwell- 
ings of  foreigners— ending  in  a  political  triumph 
over  the  spoils  of  ofHc,e. 

[Mr.  CiiARi.Ks  ,T.  IxoEnsoi.i.  here  interposejl 
Biid  said,  that  in  the  very  heart  of  the  city  a  church 
was  burnt  in  the  presence  of  the  mayor.'] 

Mr.  Dixon  resumed;  But  the  iiinli  which  burnt 
It  came  from  other  quarters;  nor  is  the  geiillcnian 
from  Pennsylvania  right  in  saying  that  the  cliuivh 
of  which  he  speaks 'was  in  the  heart  of  the  city. 
It  was  situated  upon  its  northern  confines, and  the 
mob  which  broke  down  like  "  fierce  barbarians" 
upon  the  AVhig  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  destroy- 
ed this  church  of  iSiu'nt  Aiigiisiiiie,  was  a  Demo- 
cratic mob  from  the  Democratic  iireciiict  of  the 
Northern  Liberties! 

.So  much,  sir,  for  the  liiMory  of  Native  .\meri- 
cnnisin  in  the  place  of  its  birth.  The  lenders  nf 
modern  Democracy  brought  it  iiuo  existence,  and 
nursed  its  infancy.  As  il  increased  in  strength, 
they  directed  its  energies,  and  led  it.s  infuriated  par- 
tisans to  the  excesses  of  which  they  weii!  guilty. 

Let  us  now  trace  the  history  of  liiis  party  in  the 
city  of  New  York.     AVas  not  that  city  sulliciently  : 
Democratic  in  the  spring  of  184:!.'  The  Democratic  I 
candidate    for   mayor   was    then   elected   by   the 
astounding  majority  of  five  or  six  thousand  votes, 
and  llie  parly  seemed  safely  emliioiied  in  power  ; 


for  iin  Indefinite  period.  Hut  il  Imppened  lierf,  us  d  nrmjr,  ymi  find  the  Wlii)f  pitrty,  in  iubufqucnt 
in  the  vicinity  of  I'liiladelphia,  that  some  of  the  elections,  refusing  all  cniiiieetion  w!  li  the  Native 
most  proniiiiini  Demociais,  anion';  whom  was  ihe  fiietion  ;  and  the  Democratic  iinrty  of  the  city  of 
celebrali'd  .lob  I  laKkell,loiik  olfeuce  ai  the  appoint-  New  York,  now  ridnced  by  the  deli .  lion  of  great 
mini  of  a  lew  Irishiuen  to  otliee.  It  was  claimed  numbers  of  ils  members  who  have  united  with  iho 
by  ihcm  lliiil  foreigners  were  entitled  to  hold  no  Natives,  to  a  miserable  minority,  is  only  able  lo 
oilicewhatever,  and  loeslublisli  this  iirinciph,  some  preserve  ils  sickly  ascendancy  by  the  refusal  ofthu 
of  the  most  proiiiiiient  leaders  of 'I  lunmnny  Hall  Whigs  lo  unite  with  the  Native  narty,  though  by 
originated  llie  Native  parly.     That  it  was  wholly   I  so  doing  they  might  give  a  finishing  blow  lo  tlio 


a  D( 


nioerntic  movement  in  ils  nrisin  in  New  'V  oik, 


the  el 


long 
t  saw  the  liu'hl,  none  will  aitempt  to  deny.     At         What,  sir,  has  been  the  history  of  the  Native 


iind  lliat  Tammany  Hall  was  the  place  wl 


lere  it   .  cm 


Id  enemy  with  whom  they  have  been  so 

itendii 


electiMii  III  the  fall  of  It'-I.'l,  this  pariy  luid,  in 
the  short  spaeif  of  six  moiiihs,  become  so  large  as 
to  eiicoiirnge  ils  friends  lo  i  oniiiiiie  their  exertions; 
and,  in  the  spring  of  1841,  .Nalive  Amerii  iiiiism,  in 
the  Deinocrniic  city  of  New  York,  pievailed  by  a 
plurality  of  more  ihiiii  four  tliouMiiid  voles.  How 
was  tlii.i  result  elVeeled  v\  iihoiit  the  aid  of  Demo- 
erntie  voles,  in  a  cilv  which  had  a  nemocratic  ma- 
jority of  six  thousand  one  year  bel'ore?  A  refi  r- 
iiice  lo  the  election  reliiriis  of  18411  mid  1H44  will 
show  to  what  party  the  Native  Americans  were 
indebted  for  their  victory  in  the  lalter  year. 

Ill  l^■l.'),  the  Whig  vole  in  the  cily  of  New  York 
was  i;),817.     This  was  the  whole  Wliitr  strenglli 
ill  a  liard-foueht  conicst.     t)f  lliesc,  r),-JU7  adhered 
to  the  Whig  nomination  ill   1844,  when  there  was 
confessedly  not  the  sli^^hlest  prospect  of  success, 
leaving  about  14.0(11)  Whigs,  who,  knowing  they 
i*ii'ild  not  succeed  with  their  own  ticket,  voted  for 
.lames  Harper,  or  for  Mr.  Coddinu'ton,  the  Demo- 
cratic canilinate.    1 1  is  well  known  that  ureal  num- 
bers of  the  Whics  of  the  city  of  New  York  voted 
for  the  Democratic  eaiididati's,  know  ing  that  there 
was  no  possibility  of  succeeding  with  their  own. 
Probably  nearly  all  the   adopted    citi.'ens   of  the 
Whig  party  'bus  voted,  hopiiif,  then  by,  t"  defeat 
the  Nalive  Ihkel.     This  iiccoiinls  for  a  large  por- 
tion of  the   Whig  loss.     !\Ir.    Harper's  vote  was 
24,.')I0;  and,  adiiiitliii.!:  that    nil   the  Wliius  who 
abandoned  their  own   candidate    voted    t'or   him, 
which  is  adiiiilliiig  all  that  our  Democratic  friends 
i  claim,  w  here,  1  ask,  were  the  lO.IIIMI  votes  obtained 
I  which  were  rccpiired,  ill  addition  to  the  votes  cast 
'  by  llie  Whigs,  to  coniplete  the  full  nniii'    r  given 
1  to  Mr.  Harper?     It  is   reiluccd  by  the  e,<  ctioii  re- 
!  turns  to  a  malhematical  eerlainty,  that  no  less  than 
j  1(),0()0  Democrats  of  "tinv  Y'orlc,  with  all  their  pre- 
I  tendetl  love  for  the  foreigner,  abandoned  their  own 
tiekei,  when  success  was  certain,  had  they  liei  ii 
I  true  to  their  candidates.     Now,  sir,  it  iiuisl  be  re- 
membered that   the   Whi.';s    who  voted    for  Mr. 
;  Harper,  the  Nalive  candidate,  had  many  rensons 
for  so  doiiin:,  aside  from  their  rci:ard  for  the  prin- 
eioles  of  the  Native  creed.     They  despaired  of  the 
,  election  of  their  own  candidate.     It  wa-  natural 
that  they  should  be  willing  to  vole  ill  such  a  man- 
ner ns   lo   defeat   the   Deinocratic  candidates  in 
whose  political  principles  they  had  no  confidence, 
nt^ninst  whom  they  had  so  long  been  stiiiL'gling, 
and  who  were  personally  odious  to  the  great  nia^s 
of  llin  Whig  parly.     lint  what  excuse  had  the 
10,001)  Democrats  who  joined  in  the  crusade  irgninst 
naturalized  citizens?   Their  party  was  Hushed  with 
victory,  and  confident  of  success.     Their  caiidi- 
(lales  were  popular,  and  had  their  entire  confitleiice 
There  was,  tlieii,   e\ery  rca; 


aillicie  toUicirown  ticket,  and  noiliingbul  the  most 
iiilinse  hatred  of  adnited  citizens,  and  devotion  lo 
the  narrow,  illiberal  doctrines  of  ,\alivisiii,  eoiilil 
:  have  induced  this  army  of  10,000  Democrats  lo 
aiiandon  their  ])iulv,  in  the  hour  of  its  triiimph, 
and  deride  the  doiililful  contest  in  favor  of  the  Na- 
tive parly,  and  against  ilu'ir  own  friends. 

T'lie  victory  wliic,li  Democratic  voiijs  had  thus 
given  to  the  Natives  in  New  York  enured,  it  must 
not  be  forgotten,  lo  the  benefit  of  llie  Democniic 
leaders,  with  whom  Xativism  originated,  .bli 
Haskell,  one  of  its  principal  movers,  was  elevated 


Anierii  111  parly  in  tlosionr  Dial  city  has  licen 
MS  ileciiled  ill  UN  political  chnrncler  as  the  city  of 
New  York.  It'  the  one  lias  been  strontly  Demo- 
cratic, the  other  has  heeiuis  decidedly  Whig.  And 
now,  sir,  let  us  see  wliiil  has  been  tlio  fate  of  Na- 
tiviain  there.  The  new  party  made  its  nomina- 
tions in  il iiy  of  Uoslon.     If  both  the  old  purticH 

had  remained  true  to  their  noiiiinations,  or  if  even 
(I  poriion  of  the  Diinocrncy  had  persevered  in  vei- 
ling for  llieir  candidates — as  did  the  lioblc-henrtcd 
Whigs  of  New  Y'ork  on  a  similar  ocension — Na- 
tivisiii  would  never  linv,!  succeeded  ill  Uostnii,  But 
while  the  Whigs  remained  true,  and  refused  to 
abandon  their  caiididaUs,  after  five  desperate 
charges  they  lost  the  election;  for  behold,  the  De- 
mocracy of  Boston  withdrew  their  own  nomiiin- 
tioiis,aiid  cast  their  votes  for  the  .Native  Ameriemi 
caiiiliilates!  Were  they  awingof  the  Whig  army? 

Thus  il  will  be  seen,  that  while  in  the  Whig 
city  of  Philadelphia  Nativisni  has  scarcely  been 
known,  il  has  had  ils  greatest  triumph  in  the  Dem- 
ocratic city  of  New  York,  and  has  had  a  short- 
lived ascendancy  in  Boston,  through  the  treacher- 

I  ous  connivance  of  the  Democracy  of  that  city.  So 
much  for  the  nnion  of  Democracy  with  Native 
Americanism  at  the  ballot-box. 

B'li  my  proofs  of  the  intimate  connexion  between 
the  lenders  of  the  Democratic  pnrly  and  Native 
Americanism  do  not  sloii  here.  A  few  evenings 
bel'ore  the  Presidential  election  of  1844,  which  re- 
siilied  so  disastrously  for  the  eountry,  nn  immense 
procession  of  Native  Ameiicnns  paraded  through 
the  sircels  of  New  York.  It  was  probably  the 
largest  political  procession  ever  fomied  in  this  or 
any  other  country.  The  whole  city  seemed  to 
pour  forth  its  thousands  of  inhabilnnts  lo  swell  the 
countless  throng,  mid  both  the  old  political  parties 
were  struck  with  dismay  at  the  spectacle,  Duriiiir 
the  man  h  of  that  procession,  an  event  occurreil, 
which  siaiiijis  the  political  character  of  the  Native 
American  party.  The  procession,  in  its  triumphant 
progre.ss,  took  ils  coiiiso  to  Tammany  Hall,  the 
Mecca  of  political  pilgrims,  where  nil  true  Demo- 
crats, after  long  wandering  from  the  faith,  niny  rc- 

1  turii,niid  catch  n  new  spark  of  the  celestial  fires  of 
modem  Democracy — as  comets,  nfter  a  wide,  ec- 
centric sweep  into  infinite  space,  are  said  to 

('ran 

To  the  cniliriices  of  the  sini,"' 

to  replenish  theirfires.  Here  the  procession  halted, 
and  then  went  up  a  shout  wliich  ninde  the  welkin 
ring,  and  pierced  the  very  skies,  for  Wright  niirf 
'lariiiicr,  Polk,  Dnllas,  inid  Virlnrti.  For  proof  of 
this  fact,  I  rel'er  to  ihe  New  York  Plebeian,  then 

. I  a  most  decided  and  alile  iidvoeatc  of  Air.  Polk's 

why  they  should^  election,  and  now,  under  a  difl'erent  name,  a  sup- 


to  the  high  ollice  of  a   judge;  and  his  associates  ;i  cans  should  vole  a; 
were  rewarded,  not  only  by  seeing  oil  ftircigners   '  It  is  as  follows: 


porter  of  his  Administmtion.     Let  me  ask,  sir,  if 
this  procession  was  a  wing  of  the  Whig  army.' 

But  further,  sir,  if  further  |iroof  is  necessary. 
In  October,  1844,  the  .same  paper  (the  New  York 
Plebeian)  published  in  its  columns  several  extracts 
from  Mr.  Clay's  speeches,  in  which  he  (Mr.  Cliy) 
advocated  the  rights  of  naturalized  citizens,  and 
that  paper  thus  inlluenced  the  Natives  lo  east  their 
votes  against  the  man  ti'Ao  leiu  loo  favorable  to  for- 
figncrt.'  Permit  me  lo  read  an  exlract  from  a 
sp"ecli  of  Mr.  Clay,  which  you  will  find  thus  quo- 
ted by  thai  paper,  as  a  reason  why  Native  Ameri- 


raiiist  him  unil  for  Mr.  Polk. 


excluded  from  f>tlice,  but  by  seeing  thenisches  ap' 
pointed  The  Native  parly,  having  the  entire  con- 
trol of  the  immense  palronage  of  the  cily,  thought 
themselves  secure  in  their  power.  And  now,  sir, 
if  this  Native  triumph  was  such  in  form  only,  and 
'  was  in  substance  uWliig  victory,  what  hnd  the 
'  Whigs  to  do  but  unite  with  the  Natives  in  main 


The  honest,  patient,  and  industrious  Gerninn 
'  readily  unites  with  our  people,  establishes  him- 
'  self  upon  some  of  our  fat  land,  fills  his  capacious 
'  barn,  and  enjoys  in  tranquillity  the  abundant  fruits 
'which  his  diligence  gathers  around  him,  always 
'  ready  to  llv  to  the  standaril  of  his  adopted  coun- 
Irv,  or  lo  the  defence  of  ils  laws,  when  called  by 


laining  their  ascendancy?     Hut,  inslcnd  of  such  a   ^  '  tiie  duties  of  patriotism.     The  gay,  the  yersntil 
coalition,  such   concert  of  action,  between  whnt     '  the  philosophic  Frenchman,  ftccoinmodaling  hini- 
geutlemcn  here  call  tlie  two  wings  of  the  time  li  '  self  cheerfully  lo  nil  the  vicissitudes  of  life,  in- 


10 


AI'FKNDIX  TO  TffK  CONCIlKSSIONAf.  GrX)»K. 


|f).r.  no. 


9{h-H  CoNn ItrSau. 


Nntiirallziition  Lairn — Mr,  Diton, 


Ho.  or  Ilr.Pi. 


«    • 


•  i-orimrMtM  liimiwir  without  iliflloiilly  in  our  ioul-  [, 
'fly.      lliil    of  nil   forficiiiTH,   iinnn  iiinnlpiimmi)  ! 

•  lli'cMiinolvi'ii  «i  qiiicklv   «ilh  our  iicii|iIp  a«  llip  i 
'  iiHliM'.i  of  tlic  Kmi'nilil  l"ii'.     In  wiiiii'  of  llu'  vih- 

'  iorm  «  liirli  Imvp  |m»iiiil  (hroimli  my  iiiiiiiniiitjoii,  ; 

•  I  liHve  auiipowrl  lluu  In  liiml  Km  nriuinnlly  purl 
•mill  (iirrt'l  oflliis  I'oiiliiii'iil,  iinil  llnl  \>y  sonirrx-  | 

•  Irniirdiimiy  I'onvuliiioii  nf  imuiri'  ii  was  lorn  (Voiii 
'  Ami-rirn,  iiml  ilnlbiii;  mroh^  the  o'liui,  wii»  pln- 
•irtliii  ihr  miforiiiii.ilr  vii  liiily  of  liniil  Hritiiiii. 

' 'I'lio  Willie  iipni-lM'artiMlni'i's,  llw  minii'  iciicrrnm  '^ 
'  tiniipilallly,  ill'"  "aiiir  ran  li  •«  mid  iini-aliMilaliii:; 
'  inilill>rriii-i'  iiliout  liiiiiiiin  lil'f,i'li.ir,icMiil/i'  ilii'  in- 
'  lialiiuiiitfioflMith  r<aiiiin<'-<.  Kc'iitiirjiy  liiiH  moiiii'- 
'  limin  Itch  cnllc'il  ilir  liiland  ol' Ainiriiir.  iiiiil  I 
'  linvc  no  iloiilit,  lliat  if  llic'  cMiirciit  ot'cniii'iiiiimi 
'will'   reviT'i'il,  ami  ml  t'niiii  Anu'iirii  upon   tlir 

•  chiircii  of  Kiiro|M',  inntriiil  ol' ll(■arill^'  fliini  Kii- 
'  ropi"  to  Ainrrii'a.i'vory  Aiiii'iii'aiH'nii'.'iaiil  lo  liv- 
'hull  woiilil  tlirrr  I'liiil,  aH  cvrry  lii'li  nniirnml 
'  liiTi-  liiiil.i,  a  lii-arly  wrlioiiii'iiiiil  a  liappy  lioiiic!" 
.Uii//iiri/N  Life  !>/  Itrnrti  C/iiii,  vol.  'J,  )i.  I!). 

Tliiii  i.i  the  lanu'iia'u'i-  "I"  I  Iniry  Clay,  of  Kril- 
liii'ky,  qiinli'il  liy  llin  Icailiiiv  iliiiiooralii"  paper  of 
iXew  York  an  Hiirtii-ieiil  in  iim  If  lo  pi-evi'iil  lii»  re- 
reivint;  the  voles  of  liie  iS'aiivc  Ainerieaii  deiiio- 
rnilM.  Il  had  il.s  elfeei,  uiidoiililedly,  in  eonlinn- 
iii;:  tlio  linsiilily  of  Nalivr  luirliMniis  lo  Mr. 
('lav.  And  yet,  In  llie  fiie  nf  facH  like  llieie,  ihr  ^ 
poliliral  n;*soeiflies  of  the  editor  of  llial  pa(»er  are 
now  altenipiini;,  on  ilie  Hour  of  tlii.ii  Floiiw,  lo 
fonviiicc  the  eoniilry  thai  the  .Niilive  parly  Im  a 
wiiiij  of  lilt!  Wliif;  arinv,  and  llial  llie  dciiioeniey 
Hfr  ihe  exeliisive  lneiiil«  of  foreiiriiersl 

When,  where,  anil  hy  wiml  iiiea^nres,  hnvfi  the 
Detnoeriilie  party,  (liiLxely  no  eailed,)  tihowii  any 
pviileiice  of  iheir  rei.'ard  foroiirl'orii^ii  popiilaiioii.' 
Is  ihi--^  frieniJMhip  nianJii'Hied  hv  oppoMiiioii  to  a 
tariir,  wlileh  not  only  pimeils  their  lahor  from  a 
niinoii.s  <'oinpetition,liiil  jrives  liieiii  eoii.iinnl,  well- 
paid  eiiiploymeiil-  Id  it  shown  liy  aliemptinj;  to 
rediiec  our  eurreiiey  to  the  spi-i'ie  staiidanlf  mid  lo 
hrini:  down  the  rate  of  \\a:ris  lo  Ihe  Miiropi-an 
level?  la  il  a  mark  of  friiiiilshiii  in  ihe  eiiiiL'ranI 
lo  t'Xeiie  his  prejudiees  a^^iinm  a  class  of  eili/.ens 
cnmpriHin^  one-half  of  our  eniire  iin|Milati'in,  and 
fo  ciideiivor  lo  aronsc  in  ri  Inrii  unkind  feelings  to- 
wards him  ill  the  minds  of  lliif*  L^reiit  lioily  of  our 
jitjiipler  Do  llie  iiucresis  of  foreii^ners  reijiiire 
that,  even  after  iheir  nalni'ah/.aiion,  they  slioiihl 
rontiniie  a  separate  ehiss  in  liie  midst  of  our  eonn- 
IryniOii,  and  ns  sneh  he  ap[iealed  lo  hy  poliijeal 
demaifo^ues,  who  may  desire  llnir  voles?  ,Sliii\i|(| 
they  not  mlhereea.se  lo  feel  and  net  like  foreimi- 
irs,  when  tiny  llir  nv  otf  their  alle'.'iaiie,'  to  llie 
erowned  head,  under  whose  dominion  they  were 
born,  and  as  lliev  have  hi'-oine,  hy  iheir  own  vol- 
untary Bit,  repiililieniis,  kimw  no  oiher  eharaeier 
than  llittt  of  t'ree  Ameriean  eiijzens.'  The  men 
who,  here  mid  elsewheii',  make  such  lond  preien- 
Rions  of  rei^ard  for  toreiirners,  sei-m  nnwilliiiLT  liie.l 

they  should  h me  I'.inatiiaiiiated  wilh  oiir  native 

population,  and,  wiih  no  iVelinu's  of  elas.s  or  elan, 
vote  lis  they  may  jiid'^e  lu*.ii  for  iheir  eomilry, 
wilhoul  relVreiii'e  lo  llieir  oii','iu;  lail  lliey  deshe, 
by  eonslnnt  appeals  lo  ihi  in  as  a  separate,  inile- 
)>eiideiit  class  of  eiii/.ens,  lo  hold  ihein  apart  (Vnm 
the  (jreut  body  of  the  peoph — anions  us  liul  not 
of  US — lo  kfi'p  alive  every  imau'lnary  diHirenec,  lo 
excite  every  hnlf-forsriuien  |irejiidii'e,  and  prevent 
the  |>crfect  union  which  would  oiherwise  i.ike  place 
between  the  foreigner  and  ihe  iialive.  'Ihe  inier- 
eal  of  selfish  |Hiliiicians  in  this  smte  of  iliinijs  is 
siifliciently  manifesi,  bin  it  is  not  cnnsislciil  wilh 
the  true  inteicsia  of  the  people  at  l.ir^'c.  The  fur- 
ei:riicr  should  never  act  as  t\  foreiiriier,  nor  ihi-  na- 
tive as  ft  iiaiive;  Inn  both,  fori^eitinir  fvery  con.sid- 
eration  but  the  !;ood  of  iheir  coinmnn  couniry, 
should  ncl  as  .-\niericans.  Icilli  woiilH  llnii  be  lii- 
(hienced  in  iheir  voles  bv  iheir  own  views  of  ihe 
corn-clness  of  the  (iriiiciples  and  measures  siilnnil- 
led  for  their  derision:  and  ihe  result  would  I.e 
that,  as  difl'creiil  individuals  lake  dill'ireiil  vic'w  of 
subjects  presented  lo  iluir  eonsiileralioii.  ihe  for- 
eiirnei  would  no  lonjii-  he  classed  as  such,  on 
either  side  of  the  L'mil  ipieslions  of  the  dny,  bin, 
blendiu'^  wilh  our  popiiliiiion,  would  be  known  only 
(W  an  Americ.in.  Tiiat  such  a  condition  of  ihiii^rs 
would  roiidiice  L^'reaily  lo  ihc  best  inteiesi:'.  of  all, 
rannoi  admit  of  u  doiilii.  ||  was  the  loo  success- 
ful elToris  of  iiiitive-born  ileniocrals,  lo  array 
adopted  ciiiw  iiB  in  a  scpuiale  tia.ss — lo  cxcilc  the 


nilitunl  |irpjuilicr«  of  iiniiicH  imd  foreisnera,  Rnil  ' 
lolllducronrforfi'.'ii  volerslo  acl  in  a  iiias.^in  favor 
of  ihecaudidaiesol'lhe  I  hinocratic  parly, (while,  al 
the  same  limc.no  foi'eii;iier  was  allowed  lo  hold  any 
lm|>ori.ini  olhci  ,^which  :,mvc  birlh  in  the  Name 
periy  in  llie  viciniiy  of  I'iiilailrlplnii.  Nnch  w.i.iilie 
le.;iliin.ile  result  of  the  priienihd  IVicnilship  of  ihe 
i)cmocralic  leaders  for  fori  tellers!  Mow  mtich 
more  nolilc,  how  luiicli  iiioic  in  acciirihiin'c  w  iili 
ihe  Inie  inlci-esis  of  all,  is  ihc  policy  of  ihe  Whi:,' 
parly  oil  lliis  subjeci — miikiiu;  no  appeals  cilher  lo 
iialivcH  or  foreimicrs  as  suili — scoruint.'  all  narrow, 

illihcrni,  scciional  views — lookiiu;  at  II rniiiry 

wilh  ils  iliM'i-sified  popiilaiion  as  iiite  ^'real  whole, 
null  knowini;  no  siicli  ihinu'  as  a  fori'ii,'uer  in  this 
land  of  fricdonr,  bui  iccoi,'iii.siiiit  all  who  dwell  on 
our  soil,  and  lucalhe  our  air,  no  mailer  on  what 
side  of  Ihe  .Vilantic  may  liiive  bieii  iheir  liirili- 
(ilace,  as  .\incricaii  cili/eiis.  Could  such  lie  ihc 
t'ccliii'.;  of  all  clauses  of  poliiicinns,  the  (pic.i(|i(in 
of  Nali\e  .Viiicricanisiu  wonlil  never  nirain  I'c 
heard  of.  l.ci  us  sec  how  far  the  conilnci  nf  "Ihe 
iUinorriinj"  h.is  proved  ihc  irulli  of  lluir  profes- 
■iiuiH, 

It  is  well  known  lo  every  f'enllcman  who  hears 
llie,  ihal  ll'c  silf-slyled  Oeinocralic  parly,  by  wny 
of  proof  nf  Iheir  exclusive  friendship  for  our  for- 
e'LTii  \  ol  ers,  esj  iccial  1 V  fort 'a  ill  111  ics,  preach  lii  I  hem 
loudly  ill  favor  of  tolcralion,  and  the  rii;lils  of  con- 
science. Now,  sir,  if  Iherc  is  a  .Slat"  in  lliis  (liiion 
wliich  is  blessed  beyond  all  oiliers  willi  the  liu'hl  of 
denioi  racy  in  all  ils  purity,  il  is  ihe  Siale  nf  New 
Uampsiijre.  Il  is  her  boarl  llial  slie  is  itie  triicsl 
of  the  Iriie;  lliat  Ihe  winds  of  henvi  ii  thai  kiss  her 
silver  lakes  arc  mil  more  pun  ,  Ihe  elcriml  snows 
llial  L'liileroii  her  innuiilaiii  Inps  are  not  more  im- 
sullicil.  than  llic  dcmocracv  of  her  sons.  Il  is  iiol 
iiiv  pri  seiii  pnrposi'  lo  deny  lier  iiiirli  claims  lo  dis- 
lliiciion  ill  lliis  rcspci  I,  hill  I  wisli  lo  call  the  atleii- 
lioii  of  the  House  lo  a  few  exiracis  which  I  pio- 
lio.se  In  read  from  tlie  consiiiulion  of  this  ihrice 
l)eiiiocnitic.'>!taie,as  a  speciineii  of  ihc  consisicncy 
nf  niodcrn  denincracv,  and  ihe  love  of  ihc  Demo- 
craiic  parly  for  t'iiiii::ncrs,aM  well  as  their  lilientliiy 
lowards  ihe  relijion  nf  a  majnrily  nf  niir  aihiiiied 
cilizcns.  In  llic  lonsliiiilion  of  ihe.Siale  of  .Ni'w 
Hampshire,  prinlcd  in  ihe  year  If^^.'i.hy  the  order 
of  llie  House  of  ItcpiTsenliitives  of  lliat  Si:iie,  1 
find  the  follow  iiii;  beautiful  Mpecinieiis  nf  Donio- 
craiic  loleraiain  and  liheralily: 

*'Seetio»  14.  I'.vcry  niemlicrofihe  House  nf  Hep- 

*  resenlaiives  shall  be  chosen  hy  ballnt.aiid  for  two 
'  years  al  least  next  preceilinL;  his  ejcciion  shall 
'iKnebceii  ail  inhabilaiit  of  lliis  .Slate;  shall  have 

*  an  eslale  wiihin   ihe  districi  which   he  m,iy  be 

*  chosen   lo  represent  of  ihe  ^.allle  of  onr  hinutre<i 

*  jwtinth,  one-half  of  wliicii  lo  I.e  a  freehold,  where- 
'of  he  is  sr'!/ed  ill  his  own  rii'lil:  shall  be  al  ihe 
'  lime  of  his  eleciinii  an  iiihabiiani  nf  ihe  tnwn, 
'  parish,  or  place  he  may  be  chnseii  to  represent; 

*  \htilt  lie  rf  the  I'l-ntexttnit  rtliirii>n;  and  sliiill  cease 

*  lo  ii-prcst-nt  sucii  town,  parish,  or  place,  iiumedi- 
'  aiely*  on  his  ceasini^  lo  be  ipialiiied  as  at'ori  said.'* 

1  lind,  also,  a  similar  provision  with  regard  to 
the  Senate,  as  I'ollnw  s. 

"  Seftitm  'J!l.  Pyovitled,  tirerrlhehsx^  Thai  no  per- 

*  hnii  shall  be  capable  nf  beiiiir  elei-ted  a  .Senator 

*  irfto  in  Uf't  of  Ihe  VrtilesUtnl  rtt'r^ioti,  and  seized  of 
'a  freehold  eslali  in  his  own  riyhl,  uf  the  value  of 
'  Iv.o  hiindreri  pounds,"  iVc. 

And  further — 

"  ^'ic/ioM  -Pi.  ,\o  pi'i'son  shall  be  eli^>ib|e  to  llie 
'  nllice  of  Uovernor  unle.s.s  he  shiill  hare  i/ii  eslnle  rf 

*  Ihe  rahir  i\fj\ve  hitnitrrftp"iiiiih,  one-half  of  w  hicii 
'  .shall  consist  nf  a  I'nehold  in  his  own  riL'lu  within 
'  this  Stale,  and  tinlnts  he  shull  he  nf  Ihc  I'roltxlunl 
'  n/i^iejt. '* 

.Sinli  are  the  provisions  of  llip  consiiiulion  of 
the  Democralic  .State  of  .New  Hampshire,  iS'ow, 
sir,  let  IIS  siipiiose  that  a  forei!,'ner,  a  son,  perhaiis, 
of  the  Kinerald  Isle,  was  nlionl  In  leave  his  iialive 
shores,  and  cniiu'rale  lo  this  land  nf  liberty,  lie- 
fore  le.ivin;.'  his  home,  should  he  iii(|uire  what 
political  party  in  the  United  States  was  iiiiisl 
friendly  to  Irishineii,  he  would  of  course  he  loid 
that  the  Democratic  parly  jirofcssed  llie  warmisl 
friendKlii(i  lowards  .ill  fnreiu'tiers,  and  claimed  in- 
deed lo  be  their  exclusive  friends.  If  he  ftirther 
ini|iiired  which  of  the  Suites  nf  the  I'nioii  was  ninsl 
deiuncraiic,  he  would  be  told  that  all  the  sislcr- 
luiiid  of  Stales  yielded  the  palm,  in  thi;;  respect,  lo 


N«v  Hnropihin! — tlmt  there  neniocriicy  ixiMert 
ill  ils  iriiliiY  [Uilily — (Ihr  ilemisr.icy  di  s<'ribed  by 
■  he  i;entleiiiiiu  of  ,\!li  hurati,  pure  and  iinsiillicd  a* 
\\'heii  llraicn-born  il  first  desci  nded  from  iliii 
'kicK'l — iind  he  would  wilhont  a  moinenrs  hesila- 
tion  selecl  .\e\7  HaiopHliire  ns  his  adopled  home. 
Uy  the  aid  nf  the  •.-lorions  Wliis  tririH',  which  liai* 
ililliised,  and  is  still  dilfiisiii>i,  inniiiMci'iible  blesH- 
in>.:s  I'lr  and  wide  tliriiiu^hont  the  land,  he  is  m  ii 
few  years  etialilrd  lo  overcome  the  lirsl  obslaclo 
placed  in  the  way  nf  his  political  proiiioliou,  by 
the  tleiitiirralic  ennsiiiiition  nf  New  HiiiripslMre, 
and  ncr]um'S  prnptrfy  nf  the  value  of  )(!()  pnuiids. 
He  if  ic'iainalcd  as  a  candidate  for  Ihe  l.ei^isla- 
tiire,  and  is  elected,  (priiviiliil  always  thai  he  is 
not  ••  fiinlleil,"  like  lliu'h  Clark,  of 'l'liihiilel|i|iiii, 
by  hi"  deiiioiraiic  brethren  for  beiii!;  an  Irishnian.) 
llnl  as  lie  is  abniil  In  take  Ins  sp.il  he  finds  aimthcr 
iibjection  111  his  way.  lie  is  asked,  In  fore  beiiii; 
permitted  to  rcl  as  a  leiri.'lator,  what  is  hit*  reli 
i.'ion.  *'  I  mil  a  Caihohc,"  is  his  reply.  "  Thi'ii, 
sir,"  he  i.s  told,  '•you  ciimmt  sit  in  the  .New 
Hamp'liiic  l.e';islalure;  Ihe  eonslitiition  of  that 
democratic  Sliile  periiiils  no  Calliolic  lo  liiitil  cer- 
tain offices.  Von  ini'sl  either  c'  aii;e  your  reli- 
t:ion,  or  relinijuish  your  seat."  Non-,  sir,  what- 
ever else  may  be  said  of  ihe  Irish,  their  worst 
enemicN  will  admit  that  an  Irlshiunn  adlieri  s  with 
sullicient  len. icily  to  the  failli  of  his  falliers.  Ilu 
will  uol  hesitate  hill!,' on  this  point,  but  will  abiin- 
doii  his  seal,  ami  probably  at  the  firHt  opporlUii.ty 
will  sell  mil  liis  property  mid  leave  the  deiiiocraiic 
Slate  of  New  Hainpshir'e,  thinking' il,  iis  Dr.  ,!ohii- 
son  said  nf  a  cerbtin  other  country,  "  oil  rxeellent 
plnrr  In  gn  frum." 

Ill  wiiat  1  have  .said,  l\Ir.  Speaker,  I  mean  ii(» 
diiresn.  ct  to  the  Stale  of'  New  Hampshire.  Th« 
illuNlrions  i;ciiileniaii  from  Mass;"  husetls,  |Mr. 
AiuM»i,|  the  oilier  day,  in  presciitin'j  a  reiuoii- 
hlraiice  from  ihiit  .State,  cxcl.inned,  "Hoil  hletn  Ihi 
Sliilr  ii/',N'fir  lliimp'.hiril"  .And  well  may  every 
WlwL'  t  iiite  in  that  evcLwiaiion.  Yes,  sir,  Uoil 
bless  the  State  of  .New  1  laiiipshire  !  Hound  a.i  hIiit 
has  been  in  the  iron  fellers  of  party — steeped  lo  ilu? 
very  lips  in  the  felse  Democracy  of  tlic  preseni 
day,  thrice  distilled — she  is  now  last  luirstinu'  tlui 
chains  which  have  so  loni;  bound  her:  the  rloud,< 
are  sweepini;  frooi  her  sky,  and  she  is  emerL'iiu,' 
into  day.  Her  ^Vhi!r  sisters  are  prepared  to  hail 
her  lis  iilniost  rei;eiicrated  ;  and  I  vcniiue  the  pre- 
diciiiin  that  one  of  the  first  acts  of  the  Whiir  party 
of  New  Hampshire,  should  they  conic  into  power, 
would  be  lo  propose  mi  amendmeiit  nf  the  cniisti. 
Iiition,  by  striking;  mil  the  aiili-ri  publican  property 
ipialilicaiion,  and  the  odious  reli;;ious  Hat,  whicli 
now  di^'^-aces  the  Stale. 

W'lici,  sir,  has  been  the  cirect  of  the  onrnnizalinii 
of  the  .Naiive  .American  parly  upon  iliecniiniryr  It 
seems,  frnm  the  course  which  this  debate  has  taken, 
llial  ceriiiin  "eiillcmen  in  this  Hiinse  hopi' i.i  ^'ive 
currency  to  the  opininii  that  they  and  their  party  are. 
llic  peculiar  t'rieiids  nf  the  torci'TPer.  They  nowexe- 
crate  the  .Native  parly ,  while  they  have  insli^'iiled  its 
worst  acts,  and  owe  in  a  ^'rcat  uieasiire  to  ils  ex- 
istrnce  their  own  asceialency;  precisely  as  in  some 
districts  ol'  the  country  they  have  evecraled  Ihe 
.Miolitinmsts,  \\hose  political  action  lliey  have  also 
(jicoiini;'ed,and  lo  whom  they  hit  LMcatly  indebii  i| 
for  the  power  ihev  now  possess.  It  has  been  llieir 
policy  to  denounce  these  iiarlies  in  public,  while 
III  privale  lliey  have  nided  and  encourniri d  them. 
I  know  ef  no  benel'it  which  has  :tccruril  to  any 
pnrlinn  of  llie  country  troni  either  of  these  parties 
except  In  the  Deinocialic  party.  Indeed,  I  do  not 
believe  that  the  exisience  of  a  third  parly  can  ever 
result  ill  any  |ioliiical  ijood  to  the  country  al  latije. 
.Such  a  pariy  can  be  productive  nf  noihini;  but  nn- 
mitiiraled  evil.  If  any  L'ood  is  ever  lo  rcsnll  to  our 
nation  ihroiiL'h  any  political  organization,  it  must 
be  throUL'h  one  of  the  i;real  exisiiiii;  parlies  which 
now  divide  Ihe  couniry.  I,  of  course,  believe  that 
it  is  from  the  AVliii;  pai1y  alone  thai  the  coiinlry 
can  hope  to  receive  benehcial  leirislatioii.  Uenlle- 
men  of  dilicrent  political  seiitiuienia  nerhnps  as 
natiinilly  ciiterlaiii  a  similar  opinion  willi  regard  to 
their  own  jtarty.  One  thin:_%  however,  is  certain, 
llinl  one  or  the  other  of  these  paities  must  bear  ruin 
in  this  couniry.  Perhaps  Ihey  will  take  turns,  and 
I  confess  1  believe  our  turn  will  soon  come.  Tim 
gentleman  from  Illinois  [Mr.  DntMiiAnsl  has  just 
sneeriiurly  spoUeti  nf  the  "late  lyhig  itarhj.^*  I 
ihi.ik  the  jjeiillcmaii  may  wioii  di.sco\er  that  our 


aisES: 


(f).r.  .1(>, 

I'o.  or  Kki's. 

Dcmopriiry  rxixlrct 
"■rnry  di  »i^nl>nl  l.y 
111'  Mini  iiiixiillh  il  n« 
I-Nl'lllllll  IViijii  iliii 
i>  iiinriii'iil'N  lii'.siiii- 
IwK  iiili>|.ii'cl  hiiinc. 
i?  i:in(r,  wliich  liim 

illlllllMI'IMllI)'    MlHN. 

Ill'  lllllil,  III'  in  III  It 
1'  llii'  liiNl  iilmtiii'lii 
i™l  |>i'i<nii>lliiii,  liy 

-New  llMiniwIiirr, 
I'll'  ipl"  llllllHiiiiiilx. 
"■    liir   llir    l.i'i;islil- 

alwiiy.s  Ihiit   III.  ,„ 

C,    III' 'l'llilllll('||. 1,1,1, 

"■iniriin  li'isliiuMii.> 
Ml  III'  rniilnnnmlii'i' 
ikrii,  lic't'ini'  licjnt; 
.  wliiil  1.1  lli^<  itIi 
i.iii|ilv.  "'riii.ii, 
't  "il  m  ilip  .\i  w 
inNliiiiiiiin  (,(•  i|u,[ 
lliolif  Id  liiilil  ,.,.|. 
!■' iiii'Ti'   yiiiir   rili- 

.\clll-,  nil-,    *||,||- 

Irisli,  ilii.i|.  u,ii»t 
IIIMII  MilliniM  Willi 
'  lii.i  tiillii'i'N.  Ilii 
III,  ImiI  will  iihiiii- 
•  Im'hI  (i|i|Miriii,i.ly 
VI'  llii'  (It'inorriHii: 
ii;il,ii.s  l)i'.  Jiiliii- 
lyi   "  uii  rxctllrni 

"ilifr,  I  mi'iin  iii» 

llllJI|ls|li|.|..       'I'liB 

'Ki' lii'.-ii.|i.s,  (Mr. 
'(■iilin'r  ji  ii'iiiuii- 
'il,  "(":,/  hliiH  III/ 
wrll  niiiy  rvi'i-yr 
■     >'i«,  .'^li-,  UiiiJ 

f  I      I>n||ii(|  lift  nIii? 
y — .■Ml'l.|l|.ll  III  III,; 

y  I'l'  111!'  Jilrmiii 
l'i..ir  liiii'slin:,'  I  lid 
lii'r;  III,.  iImikI., 
.sill'  is  cinir^'iii^r 
I'l-i'imriil  III  liml 

VI'lllllli'  llic  |,|.|.. 

Wliii'  imrly 

nil"  iiilo  jiiiwii-, 

III'  (li(.  (■(niNii- 

'lii'iiii  |)ni|ii'i-|y 

■I1.S  ti.st,  wliicli 


iai5.] 


'iOm  CoNo Ut  Skns. 


APPF.INDIX  TO  THK  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBK. 

Naturalization  Lnw» — Mr,  IJiron, 


71 


Ho,  or  Ui:pi. 


Ill' 


liiiiri.'aiiiziiticiii 
lii'i'iMiiiiry.'    It 

llllll.'  Illl.l  li'llv|.||, 
»•'   ll"|l('   1.1  ^'ivB 

'I  iliiir|,ailyiirB 
'I'lipyiMiwi-xe- 
ve  in>tii.'iU(i|  liH 
i-iire  III  iis  ,\. 
ni'ly  im  ill  Hiiutf. 

I'Vi'i-rnliil  tlie 
llii'V  Imvi'  niso 
ri'iilly  iiiili'liliil 

liii.M  hiiii  ihi.jf 

I'lililii',  while 
cnirniriil  ilnm. 
nifil  lo  iiiiy 
r  ilii-.si'  |iariiea 
iliiil,  I  do  iiiit 
|iiirly  ciii  rviT 
iiiiiy  111  hia'i'. 
illiiiii;  hill  iiii^ 
>  ii'.itili  III  iMir 
iiii'iii,  il  imi,.<t 
|iiirliis  wliii'li 

,  hcliivi'  lliju 

I    till'    nilillli-y 

iiiii.     Ciiiilli-- 

iri'linps  i\H 
mil  ri'^.iril  I,) 
II',  i.i  I'prlniii, 

I  hi'nr  ruin 
lip  liiniN,iiiirt 

1110.      'I'hi; 

I  hu»  iii.st 
Z  /ini'/i/."  I 
Mr  Iliat  mil- 


liarty  in  itill  in  rxutriirv,  I  nrorem  nii  prnph«l)c 
vUliiii,  but  if  I  worn  prrniiltnl  to  iittrr  lo  Ihr  i;i.|i. 
tleiiiiiii  u  null'  i>r  wiiriiiii:r,  I  wniilil  miy  In  liiin:  ( jn 
on  with  llii'  mull  null  rn'l<li'iiM  iiiriiKiiii'n  nf  ymir 
(iiirty.  Hi'i'imi't  tlir  nilimw  Niili'I'niiNiiry  Inw, 
wliirli,  Imviiiif  Inn. II  llirrr  linn's  I'l'iuiilintril  hy  ihi' 
pno|ili',  iiiih'  awiiilH  llii'ir  in-iion  In  Mi'cin'  iis  liini'ili 
rnnili'Diiiiiiiiiii — a  inriiNiiri' wliii'h  lias  licin  ihr  ruin 
ol'niii'  Ailinliiislralinii,  anil  will  m'  I'rrlaiiily  lir  ilir 
mill  111'  ihi'  prrsi'iit;  rany  il  mil  hnni'slly  anil  I'liir- 
ly — i'i'ri'ii>  mil'  I'lirrcnry  nf  (jnlil  iiml  sihiT  I'nr  nllii'i'- 
liiilili'is,  anil  iniiillnr  I'lirriin'y  iiCihiiri'i'liiliil  pajirr 
Til'  llii'  pi'iiiili — ri'iH'iil  llii'  prnnctivr  iViilnvi's  nl'mir 
Wlii;;  larilV,  liy  wliicli  |iriis|iirity  linn  liii'ii  rislnri'il 
,.*;'^^  Ill  till'  I'onnlry — ili'strny  mir  nmiinriirtiiri.'s,  anil  ili'- 

piivr  till'  pi'iipli'  ol'  lliMl  liiini'Hl  anil  riiiislant  nii- 
|iliiyinriil  liy  wliii'li  liny  livi'  anil  jiriispn';  niny 
lint,  in  slini'l,  all  the  nnasiiiTH  nl"  vmir  parly,  willi- 
iiiil  shrinliiii!;  fmni  lln'  ii'spuiis'lliiliiy  yim  linvr 
niiii'li'il,  mill  I  iinsnri'  lln  tjciilIi'iiiiiM  lliiii  all  tlii' 
iirls  iif  |iri-:<iiii..iiiiii,  nil  llii.'|iiittir.s  iif  (hupii'in'r, 
wliirli  hi' mill  his  pnlilii-al  I'rii  nils  nii  iliin  llnnr  may 
iMissrsH,  will  111'  iiisiitlic'ii'iil  111  1 1'lain  llir  piiwrr  tin  y 
riiur  iilinsi'il  wiihiii  llir  i,'iii;<|i  nl"  ihr  slin'riiin^'  and 
lialsird  hands  iifninili'i'ii  l)i.iii.ii'ra''y. 

.Sir,  tin;  Whi^'  parly  lian'  nii  fillawNliip  with  llip 
iIiM'IrinrH  nl'  .\ali\i'  Aini'rirmiisni.  iililniii:;!!  llicy 
nil'  always  ri-aily  In  pnril'y  ihi'  Imllnt-linx,  and  lii 
pi-rvnil  and  piinisli  rriind.'  Tin'  rlni-i;i'  nf  in.iliu'ii- 
tini;  riolM,  iniinlrrs,  anil  rlmnli  lmrniiii;s,  is  ftilsi-, 
mid  tiny  hurl  ii  hark  iipnii  ilnir  ai-riisirs.  Tin' 
Wliii;  parly  ari'  nrillirr  rliiinh  lairncrs  iinr  yrt 
"(mill  (iiiriif  r.s. "  Onr  win;;  nl'  tlii'  Oinini'ralii: 
parly  has  laKm  to  ini'irihi'  vrry  apprnpriati' iiiiinr 
of  barn  linnii'r.i.  Wlii'lliir  ihV  nthir  wiiiL'  mav 
with  i'i|nnl  prnprii'ly  hi'  I'alliil  rhini'li  luirni'rs,  I 
will  nut  nciw  unili'rli'ikr  lo  di-iidr-.  Inn  llir  vili'  ipi- 
Ihrl  raiinot  lii'  fnsli'iii'd  upon  llio  Whii;  parly. 

M'hi'  1,'ri'al  rvil  with  ri'uaril  In  fiirii'.'ii  votirs  is, 
tli.'ii  ih'innL'ofurs  allinipl  lo  dihnlr  ihein  iiitii  tin; 
lii'lii'f  lliai  till'  Diniocriiiii'.  parlvan^  ihi'ir  fxrln- 
nivi'  frioncls,  and  nl'irn  with  too  I'nnrli  sih'it.ss;  ilii' 
ftiri-iirni'r  lii-in;,'  nii'i'.>siirily,  nl  fii-si,  uiiai'ipiaiiili  d 
willi  Ihr  real  i-liarni'lrr  iil'polilinil  niirlirs  in  this 
I'ininiry.  ISiii  ilu'  rrmi'ily  for  llii.s  is  not  in  form-  i 
ins  a  new  parly,  to  pcrsci-iile  mid  iippirss  ilic  for-  i 
eifjner.     No,  sir;  the  rrmi'dy  is  a  dill'i'i-nit  nne. 

It  was  hiiiti'il  nt,  a  few  days  sini-e,  liy  the  ;'en- 
llenimi  from  Miehiiran,  when  lie  said  in  a  meinn- 
ralile  speei'li  llial  h'.iliicniinn  miiile.  iriir  h^io'iij/  Ite- 
mncriinj  !  True,  the  si'iitleniaii  has  sinee'explnined 
liis  liiniriia!;e,  and  I  am  willing;  lo  allow  liim  llie 
full  benefit  of  bis  explinialioii;  hut  trnlli  sits  on 
the  lips  of  sonii:  men,  mid  leaps  into  laiiij;iiii2;i'  ere 
tboy  arc  aware  J  and  lliirc  was  eerlainly  more  of 
iriilli  in  the  gentleman's  remark  than  he  liiin.''i'lf 
wnppose.l.  tienniiie  lieimlilie.'inisiii — pure  Deino- 
rrney — is  the  linndinaiil  of  l''.diir.iiion.  Ihit  the 
false  Demoeraey  of  the  present  ditv — the  hasejin,'- 
liixt.M  by  whieh  denia;;o;;iies  ofien^'ain  a  tempora- 
ry trimnph — the  eoveriiiv'  over  of  a  foni  desi;;ii  hy 
u  fair  prelenee — ran  have  no  ;;renler  eiicmv  Minn 
cdnention.  Lei  me  speeify  a  few  of  the  tMse  pre- 
teiii-es  of  modern  Denioirary,  whieh  edueallon 
teiiehes  both  the  native  and  lli'e  I'orei^ner  lu  under-  | 
stand  and  despise.     For  example;  i 

AVhen  the  proposition  to  annex  Texn.s  to  Ibi.s 
Union  was  first  diseii.sseil,   the   sialesmen   of  the  ' 
Sonlh   had   llin   bonesiv   lo   )i!aee   il    on    iis   imp 
gronnds.und  openly  avowed  their  objeet  lo  be,  the 
proteiMiiin  of  their  own  donnslie  ii'islilnlions  by 
the  perpetnaiion  of  slavery.      While  the  Wliiu's  iif 
the  Norlh  diH'pred  from  llieiii  on  the  subject  ofan- 
lirxalion,  we  eonid  not  bnt  admire  the  I'lonesly  of 
the  friends  of  the  measure  at  the  South,  in  hiiiior- 
ably  and    openly   nvowins  their   real    iiitpntions.  i 
Theylmd  no  eoneealmeiit,  no  Riiblerfnges,  no  false 
prcttnrns.     Hm  what,  think  yon,  was  the  ^'ronnd 
then  inkeii   by  Ihe   nortlierii  'denioeraey  ?     While 
their  sniilhern   brethren  deelared  their  objeet  to  be 
llie  pxiension  and  [lerpelnniion  of  their  "  peculiar  i 
insliUiiinnH,"  the  leading  Demoernl.s  of  the  Norlh 
udvoeaicd  aimexnlinn  under  the  false,  the  base,  Ihe  ! 
Iivpocritical  pretext  that  it  wonlil  be  tin-  means  of ; 
nbnlishin;,'  slavery,  and  would  thus  sirengilicn  Ihe  i 
JNiiilh,  and  "  extend  Ihr  arret  of  fieedcm."*    This  1 

*  Hiin.  Ali'.<aiiilpr  II.  Everett,  n  iliiitnii(iii.4hcil  mcnibfr  of 
llin  l>i'iiliH'rBtie  party,  who  liiis  receivi'il  Irani  .Mr.  I'lilk  tlie 
u|i|Hiiiiiiii(.|ii  of  .Minister  to  I'liiim,  in  lii,<  eilelmitiMl  letter 

nil  IheTexiui  ijllestllin.  [lIlMifheil  ill  tlie  Di'liiaernlie  Hpvjew, 

Vol.  X  V,  jiiiBc  S."i9,  thus  Bddrcssc's  liniiseliiu  llie  iiortlicrn 
liicUuu  111!  linn  Hiibjui't ; 


was  llie  ■j^ri  lit  iirtfuniPiil  of  Di'niormpy  in  Ihe  free  \ 
Slali'H.     Siieli   liyjini'risy  iiiiml   one  day  ri'ap  its 
rewani,  niiil   iieeils  only  to  be  understoiid  lo  be  I 
delesled.  , 

Au'iiin:   T'dnenlioii  will   leneli   iiur  eilizens,  for- 
eiu'iiei-M  an  welt  ns  niili\i:i,  llieir  true  intereKis,  with 
!    re'.Mi'd   to   Ihe   proieriinii   of  Ameriemi    iiidiisiry.  ' 
i    .Many  of  our  iidopleil  eili/.eiis  Pome  from  n  eonn- 
;    Iry  w  here  the  rule  of  wa;;es  is  NO  low  thai  seiin  ely  i 
i|  a  liare  snlisisleiipe  eini  be  oliliiiiieil  by  haril,  ineps-  | 
sunt  labor.   'I'hey  liiive  only  In  innlei'slmid  llie  iiiili.  i 
I    jeet,  and  they  will  see  th.U  snrh   a   rale  of  wnu'es   \ 
oii;;lit  not  to  satisfy  an  Amerieiin  eili/.eii,  whether 
he   is   Hiic'h   liy  ailo|,iion  or  by  bii'lli,  mid  thai  Ihe    j 
poliey  whieh  prolreis  ihem  I'loiii  e.>iii|ii'iiiion  wiili 
this  ill-i«iii|  labor.  IS  Ihe  polie.y  whnh  they  ought 
to  Niisliiln  by  ihi-ir  voles." 

And  111  re  perinii  me  to  nlluile  to ii  remm'k  wliiili 
fell,  dnriiiL'  iImk  debate,  from  the  L'i'lilleniiiii  friiin 
Missouri,  (Mr.  IIimviiv.)    I  le  informed  the  House 

I- 1  ri'iH'jil.llii'reliire.'ViiO-  .Mr.  I'.ven-n,  "  Hint  Hie  ui'iieriil 

•  rl•^llll  nt  llll^  liii'iHiiri'  will  lie  III  riiliiree  liinre  ertei-liliilly, 
.  ill 'ri'Xil".  till'  exi'clllliill  III  the  tliws  imiiinit  the  Ifireliiii 
I  wliO'e  tr(iii,'--tn  rrtineuUh  i/iirery  iii  trrmit  nfthr  nitl  W.ri r 
'  HnliliiHi  Sfiiirs,  mill  In  llirrri'M',  /■rl/'Oi/iOH.l/f",  Ihf  uri';hl  nf 

•  tlie  I'lrr,  lU  I'liiifiiirpit  i'-i//i  ttt'tt  of  Ihe  fhitrhnliliuu  Slitlvi  in 
'  *lill:,.rr«.*  Ill  Hlliirl,  In  exereliie"  a  i.|r'inuer  hilllleliee  lliiin 
I  liny  iither  ini'ii.iiire  llinl  lull  yi'l  Is'eii  hiii/ii('n|i  il  in  tlivnriir 

•  Ihe  Brniliiiil  reiitrielinii  mill  Ihial  til^Hlion  n/iiwrrii.     Hneli 

<  Ih.Iiik  the  fn*v,  liy  the  iri'lieriil  ikIiiimhIiiii  urilii.  iniiNt  ililel- 
'  liuetit  null  /.<. 1111111.1  Klip|iMrli'ri4iil'linlli  i.iili'ii  nt'lhiri  l|1ll'^liul|, 
'  it  is  reiilly  i.|iiiriiliir  Hint  Hiiy  'me  I'liniiiit  iiliji'ft  in  it  mi  iie. 

•  eniuil  III*  its  -lllipnueil  teiiiii'liel'  In  Pllenil  mill  tnerenne  llie 

<  iiilllinire  iir-liivery;  anil  lel  II  eiinnnt  tie  ilnnlileil,  that  an 
I  erriinenllH  view  nf  the  n|ii'rutiiiii  or  till'  iiifaMiire,  in  llii..i 
I  rPN|H'p|.  Ih  lint  only  titini'^llv  iinil  Keriuii.ly  enlirliiini'il  hy 
f  niain,  Iiiii.iiIVt  all  llial  Iiiih  lieeii  saiil  nrilie  ritlliM  iiI'Mev- 
'  ien,  i-  the  jirilleipill  eaiHe  of  tlie  ii)>|i(ii'i|lnli  niiiile  In  11  at 

<  the  Niirlli.  'I'lii'tireat  iiniiM"' nrcliininliiKaiiit  Juliii  (Jniii- 
'  I'y  Ailinii.,  hail  laki-ii  llie  |inlitie  iniiiil  liy  i.tir|iriiie,iiiiiluivi'ii 
I  |Hi|inhiiii>  lo  Hie  vti'ivH  iillnili'il  In  li'liire  Hie  itneiiion  tiiiii 
'  lieeil  tlinriiimlily  eiiiiv(i-,.iiil.     When  the  iH.ieiH-inti  wliieli 

•  it  In  innv  iniileriininir  ?"liall  have  litiit  it^  elll-el.  Hie  einreiil 
iiiropiiiinii  will.  I  think,  lake  ii  new  ilireetiini ;  anil  I  lie- 
I  lieve  Hie  eniinent  anil  truly  |iliiliinHir'i|ii('  nn-n  whinii  1 
'  lilO'i!  jll-t  nn'iiliiiiM'il  IIS  n]ipniii'iil^  orilli' lileilsnre,  emilil 

•  they  uti\s\  ivIHi  iiiiniN  entirely  niihiaH.weil,  liink  nl  il  iiiiiIit 
'the  lien-  Iluliis  that  have  fcnlly  lieen  tlimwii  iiiioii  it, 
'  wnnl'l  hi'  till)  tlrst  to  dive  il  ilifir  hearty  anil  deliberate 
'..laneliiiii." 

I       In  111'' Minin  voliniie  ol'tlie  Deniorratio  R''Vl('w,  pane  II, 
niayberoniiil  the  r.illowiit::. 

"  Sii  liir  rrnin  perpeniatlinr  slavery  in  Hie  I'nlted  Htan'K, 
'  Hie  aiini'viiliini  ol'Tcxa.*,  or  ol'  Hie  Kliiveli'ililirit  portion  of 
•it,  ciM's  111"  only  well  (.'rninnleil   lioiii',  ai't'ordiiiK  lo  all 

•  pn'senl  iipp.'aranees,  for  il.*  iillininte  evtinetiini  I'' 

Till'  friends  of  annexation  at  the  Honlli  will  riee.  from 
llie-e  tun  s[i<.i'iinf'ns  nl' Hie  reafinini-'  of  norllnTll  Deiiio- 
er:il.i.  the  itnuniils  on  wliirli  iinnexalion  was  h\-  Hteiii  advo- 
I'lil.'il.  IMr.  A.  II.  K\ereil  lliinks  even  IMr.  .AilaniH  would 
have  laviired  llii.  na'a^iire.  it  Iii.  eonld  only  have  seen  how  ' 
eerlainly  it  would  abolish  >lavery  !  i 

*  ir./t'r»  III  /'Vaiirr.— I'uliiis,  eoniiiifin  laborers,  7id.  per  ' 
'ho-.  Willi  liiiard  and  wilhiint  ilwelhiij;;  Ibinht-nie,  .-,il.  per 
ihiy,  lln.  lio. ;  Niintes,  s,I.  per  day.  witlnnit  liniird  and  willi- 
ont  'Iwellinir;  Mr.rseiI!''S,.|il.ln  Tit.  per  d;iy,  willi  iMinrd  and  ; 
wlHiont  'hvi'llinit.  The  Inoil  in  some  ilislriels  "  ponslsls  In  ' 
'  rye  hreiiii.  s'lnp  made  ot'inillel,  eakes  made  of  Indian  porn,  | 
'  1,01"  roll/ //icji  Mime  Halt  provisions  ami  vptti'tables  ;  rarely,  i 
'it'-ver,  Iiiili'li'T's  nii'iit."  In  others,  "wbealeii  breiiil,  ' 
'  soup  iiiaih'  Willi  vi'e*'labli's,aiid  a  litth'  cn-ase  or  lard  twiee  I 

•  a  dav,  iKitatnes  or  other  vetielaliles  ;  but  scldnni  lilltelier's 
'liiea't."  [ 

Unrilnu — Til''  daily  waees  ol"  a  skilled  ni'rii'iiltitrlst  are 
Td.  or  !i'l. ;  wliile  unskilled  nhlaiii  no  more  than  ltd.  or  Id., 
and  board  lliemselves.     .Xurieiiltnrists  in  the  soiilliern  pro- 
vinei's  live  upon  salt  llsli  and  polaloes;  in  ihenortliern  pro-  ' 
vim-es  porridiie  anil  rye  bread  liiriii  their  liind. 

B'lriitiit. — "  LnlHirersare  paid  at  the  rate  nl"t?d.  per  day  in 
the  eoiuitry,"  w  itboilt  board. 
'       Bflstiim — ''.\  skilhil  arlisan  may  earn  in  sniiimer  N.  Od. 
Mo  Is.  .liil. :  in  winter.  I'riiinlllil.  tols.'.M.;  nnskilhd,  balfiis  : 
'  iiineli,  wilhonl  boiiril :  live  upon  rv  bread,  iHilatoes,  anil 
'milk."     Aurieliltnral  labnrers  have  less.  j 

Oernuiftii. — I)iiiil?.i|i  laborers  -IJd.  in  Td,  per  day,  wilhnnt 
board;  IMeekleiibnrii,  7d.  piT  day,  do  ;  llolslein.  Td.  per 
day,  witlinnt  boiinl. 

Xcthnhimls — South  riollanil  laborers, :iil.  to 'Id.  per  day, 
with  board;  N'orlli  Holland. 'Jll.l,  per  ibi>-,  wit'ioiit  board; 
-Antwerp,  .^'1.  pi'r  day,  do. ;  West  I-'landers,  OO-i.  to  10-ls.  |M'r 
year,     .Ui  linard.  ' 

Until — Trieste  laborers,  l'3d.  per  day,  willioiit  board  ;  do.  || 
I  fiil.pr-r  day,  Willi  board  ;  Istria.  Sd.  lo'intl.  per  day,  withnnt  (' 
board;  do.  4d.lo  .lid.  per  day,  with  board  ;  I.ombaVdy.  4d.  to  j: 
1*11  i»er  day,  do. ;  <;enoa,  .'id',  to  M.  per  liav.  do.,  and  'without  j 
lodKings;  Tiiseaay,Bd.  per  da;  .without either.  ] 

SciTOiii, — "In  1837,  a  man  emplov-ed  in  his  own  loom,  1 
I  '  w-orkiim  very  dillKPiitly  from  Moiidf}-  morning  to  Saturday 
I  nijrllt.  from  ."i  o'eloek  ill  the  mornins  until  dusk,  and  pvpn 
'at  tinn's  with  a  lamp,  llin  wifp  assistint!  him  in  flnisbiiift  , 
I  *niid  lakiiiB  him  the  work,  eonld  not  possibly  earn  more 
;  '  than  W  groselicn  [alsiiil  6n  pent"]  per  week.    Nor  rould  { 
'  'one  who  had  three  eliililren,  ajted  twelve  years  and  up-  ; 
'  wards,  all  working  at  the  loom  as  well  as  himself,  wilii  bis  . 

•  wifr  employed  doiiis  Up  the  work,  earn  in  Hie  whole  more 
'IhiuiSil  weekly."  ! 


Ililil  he  WHS  opposed  In  nil  the  refiirinN  whieh  nro 
now  rife  111  the  eoiinlry,  licit  even  exp.pp'idif  ilia 
li'iiipiTuiier  rpfonimtinn.  Now,  sir,  I  eiiii  mshiiic 
the  ^1  ntleiiinn  lliiil  in  tlwit  oppoNilioii  be  will  not 
be  snpporled  by  ijip  nntjvea  nf  ihe  Knierald  islr. 
The  wonderful  refonnaliiiii  whieh  Iiiin  lliere  been 
pU'eetPil,  under  llip  iiillneiirp  of  heniwii  grf at  iipoH- 
iIp  of  teinpirnnei ,  Ims  envrred  Inland  with  Jjlory, 
and  lias  so  raiNiil  the  morni  tone  of  her  inhabitniiiK, 
llml  lliey  have  liepu  Piiabled  to  meet  in  the  inoHt 
(rig'iiilie  umHsi  s,  mid  yet  In  the  most  ppiippiible  and 
orderly  inmiiipr,  for  ihe  purpose  of  ellpeliiiK  ii  re- 
peal of  their  union  with  (Jrrat  Itriiiiin.  There  wiu 
a  nine  when  tliii)  uoulil  lin\o  been  impu  fible. 
This,  loo,  in  uiiu  uflliv  greut  benefitadrri^ed  'rum 
ediieation, 

'I'lie  .StaIn  of  Coimielienl  proi  ideN  by  licr  Iiiwn 
for  the  pnrily  of  the  ballol-box,  but  the  people  of 
ihiit  Stall  are  not  in  fnviir  of  erealin;;  a  new  parly, 
on  III''  narrow,  bignled  ground  of  iN'ative  Anu'ri- 
I  '-miism.  .She  prolei'ls  llie  ballol  box  by  lier  li')>i»> 
'  lalion,  mid  she  prepiires  bereili/ens  for  their  polit- 
ienl  ilniiis,  by  ide  edueation  whieh  she  gives  every 
'•hilil  wiihin  her  limiis,  native  and  foreign.  Slio 
has  weli'onii d  to  hi  r  slioriM  eniigranls  from  every 
elime,  and  she  lias  never,  as  yet,  had  reason  In  re- 
gill  Ihe  pre.senie  of  llie  adoiiteil  eili'/.eiiH  who  liiive 
ihos'ii  lo  reside  williin  her  iMirdcrs.  They  are  in- 
dnslrioiis,  holiest,  mid  peiu'eable;  and  their  skill  ill 
agrii'iillnre,  iniinnfai'lureN,  and  the  ineehani''  ails, 
w  liile  it  liiiN  brought  In  their  own  firi'Hiden  prosper- 
ity mill  lin|i|iiiii'ss,  liuN  opened  In  nil  our  eiti/.eni 
new  soui'ies  of  weiilth,  and  greally  benefilted  tli6 
Slali  .  In  Ihe  distriet  whieh  1  represent,  tliero  in 
II  body  of  foiei'.i^ii  voters,  rt'om  llie  dilferent  eoun- 
Iries  III' I'^ii'iipi',  respeelablo  both  in  iininborN  uiid 
in  eharailer.  Whilher  their  piililieiil  opinions  aro 
at  all  lo  be  a'Iribiiied  In  edueallon  or  not,  I  xyill  not 
uiiderlakn  In  siiy;  but,  that  lliey  are  exeeedingly 
well  inform'  d,  no  one  who  knows  ihem  will  ilenyj 
mid,  sir,  I  should  like  In  Imvp  lliu  gentleman  from 
.Miehigan  wilnes.s,  as  I  linvc  done,  the  energy  aiiij 
zeal  with  whieh  they  war  Rguiiiat  his  kind  of  de- 
iiioerae.y. 

Hut,  sir,  if  there  were  no  other  rcnsoii,  this  is  not 
II  time  for  assailing  our  foreign  population.  It  in 
lliouglil  by  siniip  who  ought  In  lie  well  informed, 
and  is  whispered  here,  a.s  well  as  elsewheip,  ihut 
we  are  now  on  the  eve  of  u  war  with  the  nution 
from  whose  shores  most  of  our  emigrants  come. 
Is  this,  then,  it  time  for  cxeiting  the  animosily  of 
iidopied  piii/.ens  against  any  pnrlinn  of  our  own 
cninitrymen.'  I  do  not  believe,  for  one,  that  war 
'  will  result  from  the  dispute  now  pending  between 
this  Ciovernmenl  and  lliatof  Great  Britain.  While 
I  make  no  prol'e.-isions  of  poiifidenee  in  the  present 
Adininislniliiiii,  I  give  them  too  inneli  credit  for 
pulriolism  and  diplomatie.  skill,  lo  suppose  for  a 
luoment  that  ihev  are  so  destitute  of  both  a.s  to  be 
unable  to  settle  this  question  hniiorably,  and  nt  the 
i  same  time,  amicably.  I  fully  behcve'it  will  be  so 
I  settled,  and  that  the  greatest  object  in  the  way  of 
I  such  a  settlement  is  the  inurdinule  ambition  of  cer- 
tiiin  iiidividiinls,  who  are  now  making  professions 
of  patriotism,  wliicli  ihcy  hope  may  ill  sonic  future 
time  iniiie  to  their  own  personal  advantage.  There 
is  reason  In  believe,  judging  from  oH'crs  of  coin- 
promise  which  have  uliendy  been  made,  that  the 
fault  is  not  with  Ihe  Adiniiiislralion,  but  with  the 
nuiuerous  would-be  candidates  for  tlie  Presidency 
in  IH4tl,  who  are  now  vying  with  each  other  in 
empiy  threats  nnd  high-sounding  vrojission.1  of 
pniriolisin.  These  men,  I  trust,  will  be  foiled  in 
their  uttenipl  'o  scatter  the  prolific  seeds  of  wrulcli- 
edness  and  mi.sery  throughout  lliu  world. 

Uut,  sir,  suiiposc  lliey  should  be  8iicces8f\il,Hiicl 
this  nation  slioiild  become  involved  in  war:  To 
what  ]ioriion  of  our  countrymen  could  we  look 
with  greater  eonfideiipe  llinii  to  the  adopted  cilizeiis, 
whose  homes  are  by  the  aide  of  our  own .'  To  for- 
eign arms  we  were  deeply  indebted  in  our  revolu- 
tionary struggle.  The  nrms  of  adopted  citizens 
were  raised  in  our  defence  in  the  second  ronlest 
with  Great  Britain,  nnd  to  them  we  should  un- 
doubtedly be  deeply  indebted  in  the  event  of  an- 
other war.  All  tliese  sectiona!,  iinrrow  (jucstiona 
of  origin  nnd  of  birth-plncc  would  then  be  forgot- 
ten, ns  all  party  coimidernlions  would,  I  trust',  be 
also  forgotten;  nnd  the  native  nnd  foreign  born 
citizen  would  unite  in  defence  of  their  common 
country  oj^ainst  the  invading  anniea  of  a  cuniinun 
enemy. 


72 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  6, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Que$lion — Mr.  Giddings. 


Ho.  or  Heps. 


%■■.., 


OREGON  aUESTlON. 
SPEECH   OF  MR.   GIDDINGS, 

OF   OHIO, 
In  the  Hoi'SE  or  RErnESENTATiTui, 

Jmxuarx)  T),  184(i, 
Upon  the  Ecsol.itiou  for  tci-miim'.ing  the  joint  oc- 
cupation of  Oregon. 
Mr.  GlDDlNGS  said  it  was  due  m  liimneir  to 
Btntc,  that  wlien  tliis  subject  was  lirforc  n  former 
Consrress,  lie  had  I'lcn  opposed  to  eiving  the 
notice  conteinpl-vtcd  by  the  resolution  before  the 
House.  I  then  (.  aid  he;  acted  with  a  view  to  llie 
circumstances  wiil\  whicli  we  were  a\nioundcri. 

Bu!  ns  llie  circumstances  wliich  led  nie  to  oppose 
the  measure  at  that  period  Imve  inidergonc  a  prcul 
clinngc,  I  am  compelled  to  shai)c  my  jiresent  policy 
to  the  situation  in  which  the  Govermncni  is  placed. 
Wiien  tliis  subject  was  before  us  at  a  former  ses- 
sion, our  G'  vernin;'!!  had  not  adopted  llie  policy 
of  extending"  its  powers,  by  the  ucquisiuon  of  new 
terriioiy.  1  llien  preferred  that  llie  I'l  iin,  wliieb 
had  been  formed  by  our  fathers  of  the  Kevohuiop, 
should  remain,  and  lie  per|)etuaied.  I  saw,  or 
thought  I  saw,  difiicultics  and  dangers  in  atlempl- 
ing  to  bring  other  govcnnnenis  under  our  jurisdic- 
tion. I  had  seeu  in  this  llnll,  since  the  day  on 
which  1  first  entered  it,  n  conllict  of  interest  be- 
tween ditfcrent  portions  of  the  Union,  which  in 
my  view  Ihreatened  tli^  fuial  overthrow  fif  our 
Governnicnl,  if  confined  to  its  then  exisling  lim- 
ils.  Even  tlien,  a  spirited  coniest  had  I  ecu  car- 
ried on  for  many  years  betwe.'n  the  soulhern  and 
northern  portions  r"'"  Mic  I'nion,  in  reirard  to  our 
protective  tiirift".  -it  on  lime  it  had  acliinlly  ar- 
rayed in  arms  one  member  of.  the  confederacy 
against  the  ]>owcr  of  the  FetlemI  Govermnent. 
That  controversy  still  coininues,  and  is  'ikcly  to 
increa.se  in  interest. 

Another  coiuroversy,  between  the  eastern  and 
western  portions  of  the  Union,  lias  long  been  car- 
ried on  in  respect  to  the  disposiiinu  of  our  public 
lands.  That  controversy  sliil  conlinue.-i.  liut,  sir, 
a  conflict  of  a  more  nb.sorbing  characti  r,  hi  tween 
the  slavcholding  interests  of  the  Smith  and  tlie  ad- 
vocates of  freedom  at  the  North,  bad  been  iii:'reas- 
ing  and  extending  among  all  r!us.sca  of  snciely, 
both  in  the  free  anil  in  the  s'ave  Stati-.s.  There  Wi.s, 
then,  a  large  iialaoce  of  pnlitic':il  pdwcr  in  I'avor  of 
the  free  Slates;  while  a  liberal  and  perliaps  Cdm- 
mendable  policy,  on  the  part  of  the  .Xurlh,  h.id 
given  to  the  slavcholding  terrilory  an  equiil  num- 
ber of  .Stales,  and  of  <:ourse  an  (Miual  i-eiirrsenta- 
lion  in  the  .'•ienale  with  tli.,1  of  the  free  .Suites,  i 
thin  liclieved,  niitwithsti.nding  all  these  seclimial 
conflicts,  that  our  Union  might  be  pre.si  rved,  if  the 
Government  were  confined  tn  its  then  exisiing  lim- 
its; but  I  WIS  most  solennily  impressed  vviili  ihe 
opinion,  llni.  if  our  terrilcy  were  extended,  and 
the  interests  of  diflVrinl  sections  thereby  rendered 
mo  e  conflicting,  the  permanency  of  the  Union 
would  be  endani'ered.  These  views  v  ere  based 
u|)on  the  irrevocable  laws  of  nature.  The  soil,  and 
climate,  and  products  of  Texas  are  iolally  dillrrent 
from  the  soil,  and  climate,  .md  products  of  New 
Engl  md;  but  they  arc  not  ninre  (lift'ereiu  ihan  are 
the  Tal  iniensts  of  the  neople  in  those  scriions 
oi"  the  eountni'.  It  will  be  a.s  impossible  for 
Congress  by  any  laws  of  our  enactment,  lo  recon- 
cile the  interests  of  Texas  and  MassachuMtis,  ns 
it  would  for  us  lo  tompel  the  cotton  and  sugar  of 
Texas  to  grow  on  New  England  soil,  or  the  man- 
ufactures of  .Vew  England  to  flourish  in  Texas. 
So,  too,  with  O.egon.  Tlie  principal  commerce  of 
that  territory  must  be  with  the  Sjndwich  Isbsand 
with  China;  ours  with  F>iro|.e,  No  law  of  ours 
can  reverse  or  rec'-ncile  these  inlerest.  ,  founded 
upon  ''le  diflVrent  positio  ,  o.  he  Atlantic  and  Pa- 
cific coasts  Wemayexiend  out  InwsoverOregon. 
We  mayadiiiii  he-  as  a  new  Kiale  to  our  t'Mioii,ns 
we  have  already  admitted  Texas;  bm  time  will 
dcminslrnle  to  the  people  of  Texas,  and  of  Ore- 
gon, that  I'levgaiii  nothing  by  theessocialion;ard 
our  [icople  of  the  East  and  ihc  Nonh  will  find,  by 
fiture  experience,  I'lat  n  iiiiion  with  llre,..n  t,.'i 
Texas  will  reipiire  of  them  the  sacrifiee  of  a  [Kir- 
lion  of  their  own  inlen'sls,  without  in  aiiv  degree 
adding  to  the  happiness  of  the  human  nuuily. 
When  these  things  shall  be  fully  seen  ami  fill  by 
all  portioiLt  of  llie  Union,  a  Hepa'ralion  will  be  in- 


;  evitabic,  and  such  new  confederations  will  then  be 
fonued  as  shall  be  thought  mora  conducive  to  the 
general  good.  With  these  views,  I  preferred  Ihe 
indepemlence  of  both  Texas  and  Oregon,  rather 
llicii  sec  them  united' with  us.  1  was  fully  aware 
lliRt  ihe  tide  of  emigration,  which  was  selling  from 
I  our  wcalern  Slates  to  Oregon,  would  people  that 
territory  with  those  who  understand  the  value  of 
our  free  inslitulions,  and  who  are  devoted  lo  the 
cause  of  civil  liberty.  Their  wisdom  and  patriot- 1 
ism  would  soon  erect  n  Government  there,  mod- 
died  nfier  our  own,  while  it  would  be  free  •"  ill  the 
errors  to  which  ours  is  subjected.  U.ider  these 
circiimslances  and  with  Ihese  impresrions,  I  felt 
that  the  great  interests  of  all  would  be  ftir  heller 
subserved  by  their  becoming  independent  Govern- 
nienis,  than  they  would  by  llieir  being  members  of 
our  eonfuderacy.  Indeed,  I  fell  that  the  policy  of 
lucei  iiig  them  as  members  of  our  Union,  would 
eventually  prove  fatal  to  our  confederation.  Of 
th.1t  result,  I  eiiterlaiiied  no  doubt.  Nordo  I  now 
entertain  any  doubt  whatever  on  that  point.  I 
therefore  voted  aiiainst  terminating  our  joint  oc- 
cii|iaiion  of  Oregon,  anil  agiiinsl  all  political  asso- 
cialion  wiih  'I'exas.  Yet,  sir,  the  policy  of  ter- 
ritorial aggnindizemcnl  has  hicn  aihplcil.  It  has 
been  done  without  my  consent,  and  against  my 
will.  For  the  resultinir  conscf|uciices,  I  am  not  re- ; 
sponsible;  nor  is  the  parly  willi  Avliom  I  Imve  had 
the  lion^ir  to  aei.  iliii,  sir,  since  this  subject  of 
Oregon  was  Ivloic  us  during  tt  former  Coii'.;ress, 
the  policy  of  the  nation  has  been  changed.  Indeed, 
llie  Goverrment  itself  b.as  been  cliaii!.'ed  in  its  es- 
sential eieinems;  its  fundamental  principles  have 
I'cen  ovcrliirown.  The  Union,  formed  by  our  ven- 
erated preilecessnrs,  has  been  dissolved,  and  a  new 
sluveholilinrr  conrederacy  with  a  foreign  Govern- 
iiiiiit  has  been  fornud. 

It  is  true  that  ihe  action  of  this  body  and  of  the 
L'.xecuiixe  in  rr^rard  to  the  annexation  of  I'exas, 
I  has  imposed  no  mor;d  or  political  obligation  upon 
llic  people  of  Ohio,  or  of  any  free  Stale,  lo  enter 
liito  this  new  slaviholdini:  conledeniey.  Hut,  from 
jircsent  iudic;i lions,  they  will  all  submit, and  become 
parlies  to  the  new  Union.  This  cannol  be  fully 
ihtermined  until  aller  the  S-  iiaiors  :..id  liepre.seii- 
l.uives  of  Texas  slnill  tapic  llieir  seals  in  Con- 
L'le.ss.  Then,  if  Ohio  shall  ihereaftcr  elect  mem- 
bers of  CoiiL'ress  lo  come  here,  and  aci  wilh  those 
ol'  Ti";as  in  passiiur  laws  to  govern  our  people,  we 
sli:ill  iliereby  become  parties  to  the  new  lompaei. 
Dut,  sir,  our  .Stale  will  become  a  pn'ty  under  the 
ex|iecialioii  that  llie  polirv  of  adiiln;:  new  Si;iii's 
shall  be  coniiniied,  iiniil  the  balaiue  of  power  sliall 
be  restored  lo  the  noriliern  sieijon  of  ihe  Union. 
It  is  the  annexaiion  of  Texas  that  has  lenileied  the 
ic/i(i/f  of  t'>regon  neeessnry  lo  restore  thai  balance 
nf  power.  Hy  the  annexation  of  Texas  the  slave 
Stales  now  have  a  majority  in  the  Senate.  Tliev 
will  continue  to  retain  that  majoriiv,  unless  we  adil 
terrilory  lo  our  northweslern  border.  Ily  the  an- 
r.exation  of  Texas  the  protection  of  the  fi-ee  labor 
of  the  North  has  been  surrendered  to  the  control 
of  ihi  .ilive  power;  our  consiiiulioiial  ri^^his  and 
the  honor  of  our  free  Slates  are  delivered  over  lo 
ihi'  keeping  of  slaveholders.  Iiubed,  our  people 
ol  the  free  States  have  been  polilically  bound  hand 
and  loot  and  snrreiiderecl  to  the  rule  and  govern- 
nieulol  a  s!aMli<ilding  oli.'arehy.  This  has  been 
I  done  by  the  parly  in  povver,  under  the  declared 
po'icy  of  ottaining  Texas  and  retaining  the  trhoir 
i\f(>rrgon.  But,  having  oliiained  Texas, a  portion 
of  the  puny  now  [iropose  to  give  upa  part  of  Ore- 
gon. Their  |i!an  is,  to  odd  fintory  to  llie  South, 
luid  surrender  up  terrilory  on  ihe  North:  toinerease 
their  power,  to  decrease  ours;  to  enlarge  the  area 
of  slavery,  to  diminish  the  area  of  freedom.  Bui 
while,  liy  their  arM,  ihey  are  .«ayiiig  these  things, 
they  ajipear  to  hive  suddenly  con.'pived  a  sort  of 
hoi'-  iiorrorol'sectional  views,  and  of  ■.isiional  feel- 
in.{S.  East  year  lliey  openly  nvowiil  their  anxiety 
for  Texas,  In  ordcrtoiiierease  theirpoliiiral  power. 
T  hey  have  obtained  Texas,  and  with  it  an  i  lerease 
of  politic/,  power,  niiil  they  have  now  siildenlv 
become  impressed  with  the  impropriety  of  seciioii- 
al  feeling,  liul  if  invlliing  be  well  calciilated  lo  i  x- 
cit>!  sectional  f  it  is  sectional  in|Usiiee.  | 

Wehaveh.'  .i.iant  denionstraliotis  of  h<  mh-  ■. 

em  feelln-s  ill  I'garri  to  ■lorlhern  inleresu.  'Ve 
know  it  IS  \ani  liir  us  to  talkof  ni.iinlaininu  ihe  in- 
terests of  Ihe  nvtinitaclurers  of  I'ennsylvai  i.  New 
\urk,aiid  New  K.nghii.d,  while  Ihc  poliiical  power 


of  tlic  nation  is  swayed  by  those  who  have  always 
been  inexorably  opposed  to  them.  No  man  of  re- 
flection can  for  a  moment  believe  that  southern 
statesmen,  who  have  from  lime  immenioiial  striven 
lo  destroy  ull  proleclion  of  northern  labor,  will  now 
turn  around,  when  they  have  the  power  in  their 
hand.s,  and, for  the  first  time,  lend  tlieir  aid  tn  sus- 
l;-iM  norlhern  industry.  No,  Mr.  Speaker,  it  be- 
comes ud  to  act  like  men;  lo  look  our  dilRrullics  in 
the  face,  and  to  pursue  the  best  mode  of  retrieving 
the  advantages  which  have  been  thrown  away. 
That  cnn  only  be  done  by  restoring  the  balance  of 
power,  by  adding  new  Stales  at  ihc  west  and  norlli- 
wcsl.  lo  admit  new  Suites  on  llir.t  border,  we 
must  have  the  territory  out  of  which  such  States 
may  be  formed.  But  southern  genllemen,  whose 
voices  at  the  last  session  were  heard,  loud  and  long, 
in  favorof  Texas  and  the  jcAo/c  r/Oicgon,  now  se'j 
"  a  lion  in  ihe  way."  They  were  then  cliivalrouti; 
now  they  are  all  foi  peace.  Then  they  v.  axed  'i-.lianl 
when  war  willi  Mexico  and  England  v»as  alluded 
to;  now  ihey  "  -oar  you  gently  as  su'king  doves." 
But  a  year  ago  their  motto  was,  .\bic  or  nirer;  at 
this  lime,  "  II  miK/tWj/ innc/ici/i;"  is  their  maxim. 
Last  year  they  spoke  in  strains  of  fervid  eloquence 
of  the  glory  of  extending  llie  .\nierican  sway  over 
new  territory,  and  of  adding  new  Stales  lo  our  bril- 
liant constellation;  now  llicv  call  upon  their  north- 
ern friends  to  slop  this  mad  cjirecr  of  extending  the 
power  of  our  Government,  and  to  leave  the  political 
control  of  the  nation  in  their  hands  for  ufcw  years, 
until  Great  nrilain  shall  cpiietlygive  u()  her  claim.'j 
to  that  territory.  The  northern  portion  of  the 
Dcmocraiic  party  say,  that  they  stand  pledged  to 
maintain  our  rii:hts  to  the  ir/io/eof  t)regon  by  their 
Baltimore  resolutions;  and  they  demand  of  iheir 
southern  allies  to  aid  in  carrying  out  their  solemn 
pledge.  Here,  then,  is  the  i.v.sue  between  the 
'  southern  and  northern  portions  of  the  Democratic 
parly.  The  ,\orlh  desire  to  act  in  goci/  ,/iii(A,  and 
the  South  insist  upon  n  violation  of  their  pledge; 
and  the  Whigs  are  called  upon  to  decide  which 
sir.ll  be  done !  I  have  no  liesiialion  whatever  in 
answering  for  myself.  I  shall  vole  to  give  the 
notice,  and  to  terminate  the  joint  occupancy  of 
that  territory.  It  is  said,  that  the  giving  of  notice 
will  produce  a  war.  Bui  war,  in  my  o|iim'on,  will 
,  not  necessarily  follow  the  notice;  still,  it  is  said 
'  that  the  subsequent  taking  possession  of  the  whole 
of  Oreijoii  will  be  followed  by  a  war.  I  am  in- 
clined to  that  opinion,  (hi  this  poiiil,  I  diflcr  from 
my  venerable  friend  from  ■Mas.sachuselts,  (.Mr. 
.\UA>|9.]  I  do  so,  however,  with  the  greatest  ilifli- 
denc;  for,  in  nine  cases  out  of  ten,  t  have  found 
myself  in  error  when  I  have  diU'crcn  from  him. 
^*et,  being  impressed  with  this  o)iiniiin  ,  I  am  bound 
lo  loiik  to  that  as  a  possible,  or  iiiihei  as  a  jiroba- 
lile  result,  from  taking  posses.sion  of  the  tchole  of 
Oregon. 

Under  these  circumstances,  I  must  choose  be- 
tween a  war  wilh  Kiiirhind  on  the  one  hand,  and  a 
supine  inglorious  submission  lo  the  siaviholding 
power  on  ihi'  other.  I  have  seen  enough  of  war 
to  form  an  idea  of  the  sufl'ering  it  brings  upon  « 
nation.  I  have  wilnes.sed  its  devaslaling  ellecls 
upon  public  morals,  and  the  consequent  misery 
which  it  intlicis  upon  those  who  are  doomed  to  feel 
its  curse.  Vet,  sir,  w  nil  all  iis  hi.rrors,  revolting 
us  they  are  to  llie  feeliiiL'S  of  humaiiily,  I  preler 
meeting  il  tor  a  few  years  rather  than  see  ihc  peo- 
ple of  the  free  Slates  sit  down  in  qiiiel  indiffcrcnc* 
under  the  control  of  the  slaveholding  power.  I 
am  aware  that  some  who  have  reflected  bi;t  little 
upon  the  subject  will  disagree  with  me  on  thu 
point:  but  when  I  reflect  upon  the  manner  in  which 
ibis  tiovernmciit  his  been  used  as  the  instrument 
to  uphold  the  insliiiilion  of  slavery  for  the  last  half 
cenlury.  and  to  sustain  the  slave  irade  in  this  dis- 
iriei  and  on  the  soulhern  coasi;  Ihe  manner  in 
which  our  army  has  been  employed  in  iniirdcrinj 
fugitive  slaves;  and  v.  hen  I  relied  that  the  peo|ile 
of  the  free  .Slates  are  thus  involved  in  crimes  of  the 
di'epest  sruill.and  of  the  ijreatesl  magnioide;  when 
I  reileit  ihal  the  whole  people  of  the  nation  are,  lo 
some  extnil,  involved  in  llie  sacrifice  of  thirty 
thousand  human  lives  aninially  to  the  Moloch  of 
slavery;  when  I  look  bark  but  a  few  days  to  the 
vole  of  norlhern  nun  in  this  Mall  to  unile  in  polit- 
ical brotherhood  w  ilh  a  Slate  whose  eorsillution 
provides  for  eternal  slavery;  and  when  I  reflect 
that  this  heaven-provoking  iniquity  has  rcarcely 
calleu  forth  a  nolc  of  disajiprobalion  from  the  pub- 


mmm 


[Jan.  6, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


73 


Ho.  or  Keps. 


^9x11  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Giddings. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


those  who  have  always 
3  ihciii.     No  mail  of  re- 
.  believe  that  aoulhcrn 
inie  immemorial  strirrn 
lorlhi'in  labor,  will  now 
iwc  the  power  in  their 
le,  lend  tlieir  aid  to  nua- 
S'o,  Mr.  Speaker,  it  be- 
D  look  our  dillirultic8  in 
best  mode  of  retrieving 
•e  been   thrown  nwny. 
restoring  the  balance  of 
»  al  the  west  and  norlli- 
ea  on  llr.t  border,  we 
:  of  which  such  Slates 
lern  grntlemon,  whose 
■e  heard,  loud  and  long, 
hole  rf  Ihrgon,  now  se'j 
y  were  then  cliivaiioufij 
hen  ihcy  v.  axed  >:;linni 
I  England  was  alluded 
Illy  as  su^'king doves." 
wiiK,  Abie  or  ntrer;  at 
iyilij"  is  their  ninxini. 
liiis  of  fervid  eloquence 
e  American  sway  over 
newyialestoour  bril- 
•  call  upon  their  north- 
career  of  extending  the 
lid  to  leave  the  political 
hands  for  a  few  yenis, 
nlygive  up  her  claims 
rthein  portion  of  the 
Ihey  stand  pledged  to 
W)/f  of  Oregon  by  their 
lliey  demiind  of  their 
yiiig  out  their  solemn 
le  issue   between   the 
MIS  of  the  Democratic 
'  act  inj^oail  fiiilli,  and 
ilion  of  iheir  (dedgc; 
ipon  to  decide  which 
icsiinlion  whatever  in 
hall  vole   to  give  the 
L'  joint  occupancy  of 
U  Ihe  giving  of  notice 
r,in  my  opinion,  will 
|olice;  still,  it  is  said 
•ssion  of  the  whole 
:i  war.     I  am  in- 
oinl,  I  di/Tcr  from 
'snchusells,    [\Ir. 
I  Ihe  greatest  (lifli- 
I,  I  have  found 
fl'ciea  from   bim. 
inion,!  am  bonii(l 
iiilier  as  n  iiroba- 
ni  of  the  lehoU  of 


lUl 

if  t 
<l 


innsi  choose  be- 
■■  one  hand,  and  a 
the  I'lavi  holding 
en  enough  of  war 
it  bring.s  upon  a 
va.-slatiug  eU'ecls 


conscfjuent  niiscrv 


I  ('  (loomed  to  feel 

i.rrors,  revolling 

manily,  I  prefer 

than  see  the  peo- 

qniet  indiircrencs 

ilding  po'ver.     I 

•(leetcd  bi,t  hitle 

with  me  on   this 

manner  in  which 

the  inslniment 

.  for  the  Inst  half 

trade  in  this  di.i- 

llie  manlier  in 

yed  ill  iniirderiiiif 

I  thai  ihe  people 

I  in  Climes  of  the 

nngnii'ide;  when 

ihe  nation  are,  to 

rilice  of  thirty 

>  tlie  Moloch  lif 

few  days   to   llio 

to  uiiile  in  polii- 

ose  corsiiiiiiion 

when   I    icllect 

ity  has  rcarcely 

n  iVoiii  the  pub- 


lic prciisj — when  these  things  rush  upon  the  recol- 1 
leetion,  I  am  compelled  to  eay  that  I  prefer  war  to  I! 
seeing  the  people  of  the  free  States  submit,  in  sii-  ![ 
pine  apathy,  to  the  government  of  those  accus- ' 
turned  to  torture  their  fellow  men  into  subjection, 
and  who  deal  in  human  flesh.  I  have  sons  whom  , 
I  tenderly  love;  and  I  declare  that  I  would  rather  '', 
see  them  fall  in  battle,  contending  for  freedom,  than  '] 
tasee  our  people  of  the  North  ingloriously  surren- 
der  up  the  blood-bought  privileges,  won  by  the  valor  i 
of  our  fathers  to  the  keeping  of  men  who  deny  the 
"  self-evident  truths"  on  which  our  hopes  of  free-  , 
dom  are  founded;  dooming  those  who  shall  bear  ; 
iny  name,  in  coming  time,  to  the  degradation  of  [ 
living  anil  dying  the  subjects  of  a  slaveholding  j 
tyranny.  I' 

I  am  aware  that  a  war  with  England  must  be  1; 
attended  with  great  destruction  to  the  commercial  : 
wealth  of  the  North.     Their  ships  will  be  captured, 
their  porta  blockaded,  and  their  commerce  for  the  { 
time  being  destroyed.     I  fully  oppreciate  the  feel-; 
ings  and  moliv 's   i""  the  gentleman  from  Massa-'. 
chuselis,  [Mr.  Wistiirop,]  who  the  other  day  i 
made  so  able  and  so  eloquent  a  speech  in  favor  of  ; 
peace.     He  represents  the  great  commercial  empo-  ' 
rium  of  New  England,  and  must  of  course  feel 
deeply  an.tious  on  the   subject.     But   it   is  well 
known  that  that  gentleman  was  the  first  distin- 
guished statcsmun  of  New  England  who  publicly 
avowed  his  submission    to   the  new  slaveholding 
confederation  witli  Texas.     His  Stale,  like  Ohio, 
Vermont,  llhodc  Island,  and  Connecticut,  had  de-  ' 
dared,  in  substance,  thai  neither  this  body  nor  the  ■ 
Federal  Government  could  impose  any  ol)ligation   i 
upon  the  people  of  her  Slaie,  to  enter  into  this  new- 
union  wil'i  Texas.     The  ])roposition  is  so  obvi- 
ously coirect,  that  I  think  few  statesmen  will  deny 
it.     No,  sir,  if  Ohio  shall  unite  in  the  proposed   , 
confederacy,  it  will  be  from  the  choice  of  her  peo- 
ple, and   not   in   consequence   of  any  obligation 
which  the  action  of  Congress  bus  laid  them  under 
to  unite  with  slaveholding  Texas.     If  our  gallant 
Slate  shall  become  a  parly  to  the  new  compact,  it 
will  not  be  done  because  we  believe  that  the  exir- 
cise  of  usurped  powers  by  this  Govermnent,  can 
tran-ifcr  us  from  the  Union  formed  by  our  fathers 
to  a  new  confederaiion  formed  with  a  t'oreign  peo- 
ple upon  the  principles  of  eternal  slavery.       The 
people  of  the  free  Slates  are  not  yet  llie  subjeels  of 
sale  and  transfer,  like  oxen  in   the  slinmliles,  or 
slaves  in  a  southern  market.     I  have  at  all  times 
desired  that  the  people  of  Ohio  should  not  enter 
into  the  new  union.     Before  Heaven,  1  think  it 
would  be  I'ar  better  for  them  not  to  do  so;  and  if 
my  colleagues  agreed  in  opinion  with  me,  no   rep- 
resentative of  Ohio  would  retain  a  sent  in  this  Hnll 
beside  those  of  Texas,  until  the  voice  of  our  people   ' 
should  be  distinctly  known. 

But  the  gentleman  .fioin  .\Iassachu.selts  yielded 
Ins  assent,  in  advance,  of  the  people  of  his  Stale. 
He  must  have  been  aware  of  the  position  in  which 
they  would  lie  placed,  by  becoming  a  party  to  this 
new  conipact.  He  was  aware  that  the  dominant 
party  had  pledged  themselves  to  maintain  our  claim 
to  ihe  ivhole  of  Oregon .  If  dangers  of  a  war  now 
arise,  from  carrying  out  that  policy,  it  will  lie  no 
more  than  he  bad  reasiin  to  ixpcci.  Indeed,  I  can- 
not believe  that  he  would  now  be  willing  to  leave 
the  nation  subject  to  the  policy  of  the  slave  Slaies. 
li  is  very  quesijonal'le  whcilicr  the  commercial  in- 
terest of  his  Stale  would  sutler  more  by  a  war  tluin 
the  niannfaciuring  interest  would,  by  being  sub- 
jected to  soulliern  rule,  I  bave  very  serious 
douiii^  whether  a  state  of  war  would  prove  more 
destructive  to  New  England  commerce,  tlinn  south- 
ern control  would  prove  to  New  England  mauu- 
facturea.  So  far  as  ihe  mere  pecuniary  interests  of 
the  free  .Sio  Irs  a  re  concerned,  I  think  it  quiie  ininia- 
torial  whether  we  have  war  or  peace.  If  Massii- 
ehuselts  shall  voliinlarily  untie  in  the  new  confed- 
eracy, knowing  the  iiobcy  ihnt  crntrols  il,  she  ' 
ought  cheerfully  to  submit 'm  the  consequences. 

The  leading  merchaiiis  of  Bosion,  distinguished 
for  '.heir  suiiesmanship,  are  .said  to  have  been 
among  the  first  eilizens  of  Massnchusella  who  de- 
clared "lliat  Ihe  time  for  opposing  the  political 
connexion  wilh  Texas  had  gone  by."  Being  the 
."'■St  U,  submit  to  this  gross  iisiirpalion  of  power, 
they  oii'lit  to  be  the  last  to  ccnnplniu  of  conse- 
quences wliiili  iniisi  have  liceii  I'harly  foreseen. 
Iiiile.  d,  il  would  be  wioiiii,  for  llieiii  now  to  oppose 
thill  lucesure,  in  order  to  .juvc  their  intereut,  and, 


by  its  defeat,  to  surrender  up  the  whole  manufac-  ]' 
turing  interest  of  the  nation  to  that  destructive  poll-  '. 
cy  recently  ovowed  by  the  Executive.     How  will 
the   Representatives  of  Pennsylvania  net  on  this 
subject?    A  distinguished  citizen  of  that  Slate  said  i| 
to  ine  yesterday,  that  the  repeal  of  the  tarifl"  would  ;' 
be  worse  for  the  jiecuniary  interests  of  that  Com-  ; 
monwealih  than  a  war  with  England.     Of  the  cor-  1| 
redness  of  the  proposition   I  entertain  no  doubt  I' 
whatever;  nor  have  I  any  doubt  that  it  would  apply  !  i 
to  the  whole  of  New  England  with  as  much  force  11 
as  it  would  to  Pennsylvania.     I  verily  believe  that  ' 
the  laborers  of  the  free  Slates  would  sutler  less,  in 
a  pecuniary  point  of  view,  by  a  war  with  England, 
than  they  will  by  a  quiet  surrender  of  their  inter- 
ests to  the  control  of  the  slave  power  of  the  Soulli. 
I  mention  the  laborers  of  the  free  States,  including  ' 
ihe  agricultural  interests  of  the  West,  as  well  as 
the  manufacturing  interests  of  New  England  and 
Pennsylvania.    Indeed,  a  war  wilh  England  would 
create  a  market  for  our  provisions,  and  increase  the 
price  of  our  products  generally. 

I  am  aware  that  1  shall  be  charged  with  enter- 
taining secUonnl  views  and  sectional  feelings.  The 
charge  is  true.  When,  at  the  Inst  .session  of 
Confess,  1  read  the  Executive  correspondence 
speaking  'f  nouthcm  institutions,  soiithcrn  inie.-- 
eslSjSoii'.  tij'  ])olicy,  and  the  extension  of  souf/ifiu 
influence,  cjid  when  1  heard  those  sentiments  reit- 
erated in  this  Hall  by  almost  every  southern 
speaker,  proclaimed  by  every  southern  political 
convention,  and  heralded  forth  in  every  southern 
newspaper,  I  began  to  think  it  was  time  for  us  to 
speak  of  «o;'//ient  interesls,  norlhern  rights,  and 
noithern  honor. 

When  I  rellect  that  the  Executive  has  been 
deeply  engaged  in  efforts  for  the  last  year  and  a  ■ 
half  to  extend  and  perpcinate  slavery,  and  I'lat 
Congress  has  lent  its  elVorls  to  the  same  purpnse, 
1  really  think  it  time  for  Ihe  lovers  of  liberty  to  b<- 
gin  to  speak  in  favor  of  freedom,  of  those  ."clf- 
evideni  truths  on  which  our  fathers  based  their  po- 
litical laith.  The  slave  power  has  compelled  us 
to  ihink  and  speak  of  our  rights,  and  of  the  rights 
of  man;  and  if  we  lamely  surrender  llien\  to  the 
keeping  of  those  who  deny  their  existence,  wc 
may  bid  a  final  adieu,  not  only  to  our  prosperity, 
but  to  our  honor  and  to  our  political  privileges. 

If  war  should  result  iVom  carryiiur  out  this  mea- 
sure, as  il  inav,  tlie  jiectple  of  llie  North  possess 
wiihiii  themselves  the  means  of  di'fcncc.  There, 
sir,  all  are  freemen,  and  all  have  an  interest 
in  sustaining  our  insiiiutions  and  our  laws.  We 
have  tlie  industry,  the  enersv,  the  patriotism, 
which  may  well  defy  the  world  in  arms.  But,  .sir, 
our  greatest  ditlicully  will  not  consist  in  defending 
ourselves,  or  in  taking  Canada.  No,  sir;  our 
principal  burden  will  be  the  protection  of  the 
S  iiih — the  weak,  helpless,  dcpendenl,  slavehold- 
ing South.  Should  n  war  with  England  lake  place, 
Ma.ssachuselts  and  Ohio,  and,  indeed,  each  of  the 
iVee  Slaies,  will  be  compelled  to  contribute  double 
the  amount  of  money  and  of  blood  to  protect  llie 
miseral)ie  slavcliolders  of  Texas,  ih'il  they  will  in 
defending  themselves.  I'bc  luillions — n  ly,  Ihe 
lens  of  millions — which  we  shall  Ije  <'oni  idled  to 
expend,  and  the  iboiisands  of  lives  which  must  be 
sacriliced  in  defcirUng  ihi'  beaven-|irovok!ng  in- 
stitution of  slavery,  and  those  who  sustain  it  in 
Texas,  will  cinisiitule  a  most  striking  ilhislr.ition 
of  the  argument  urged  upon  us  at  the  last  ses^ion 
of  Congress,  '*  that  it  was  necessary  to  annex 
Texas  ill  Older  to  ;iro(cr( our  southwesiern  frontier." 
The  protection  of  Texas  will  require  fifty  thousand 
troops,  and  ancxpendiiuie  often  miilioiis  of  dollars 
annually. 

But,  sir,  we  shall  not  only  be  compelled  to  pro- 
tect Texas,  but  we  shall  be  under  the  necessity  of 
furnishing  troops  iVom  the  North  to  defend  every 
slave  Stale  lyiuL'  upon  the  .•Vtlanlic  coast.  Each 
of  those  .Stales  conlniiis  a  Inrire  populaliim,  who 
are  not  only  the  most  hitler  and  unrdenling  foes 
to  those  who  scoiirue,  and  torture,  and  op|)rcss 
them;  but  thev  are  equally  hostile  to  the  (ioverii- 
lUfMit  that  lends  its  aid  ,uul  power  to  deuradc  and 
to  hold  thrill  in  bondage.  In  case  of  war,  they 
will  be  more  dangerous  than  four  times  their  num- 
ber of  foreign  enemies.  We  are  all  awnre  that  in 
I7.''!l  Soulli  Carolina  scut  a  special  ilelegaiiiui  to 
Ihe  Coulinenlal  Congress,  inliu'iniiit,'  that  boily 
lliat  it  required  all  her  troups  to  proleci  the  people 
against  their  slaves,  mid  that  that  chivulruus  State 


must  depend  upon  her  norlhern  sisters  to  defend  her 
against  the  common  enemy.  These  scenes  will 
again  be  acted  if  we  should  engage  in  another  war. 
In  such  case,  all  the  slave  States  collectively  would 
be  unable  to  do  more  than  protect  themselves 
against  their  internal  foes,  and  northern  troons 
must  be  relied  upon  to  defend  the  coast  from  the 
Delaware  Capes  to  the  Rio  del  Norte,  the  Mexi- 
can frontier,  and  the  whole  western  botjndary. 
The  expense  would  be  enormous;  but,  in  niy 
opinion,  not  more  destructive  to  the  pecuniary  in- 
terests of  the  free  Slates  than  the  IVee-trade  policy 
of  the  present  Administration.  I  am  fully  aware 
that  the  soulliern  portion  of  the  Union  must  sufler 
most  in  case  of  war.  I  have  noticed  the  alarm 
manifested  in  souihern  papers  at  the  distant  (pros- 
pect of  war  wilh  England.  Tliey  now  onticipate 
destruction  to  the  colton-growing  interest.  Slave 
labor,  thev  say,  will  be  depreciated,  and  slave 
projicrty  will  become  v.aludess.  That  is  doubtless 
correci.  Put  this  policy  of  extending  our  terri- 
tory is  theirs,  not  mine.  It  originated  with  souih- 
ern'statesmen,  and  was  forced  upon  the  nation  for 
the  express  purpose  of  perpetuating  slavery.  If 
God,  in  his  providence,  slmll  overrule  their  wicked 
designs  to  the  subversion  of  that  curse,  I  shall 
greatly  rejoice.  Last  year  our  southern  friends 
expressed  ereat  anxiety  for  "Texas  and  the  ic/w/o 
ofOreiron."  Havimr  obtained  Texas,  and  with 
it  Ihe  balance  of  political  power,  ihey  now  demand 
an  abandonment  of  their  policy,  and  that  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  nation  be  left  in  their  hands,  ond 
Oregon  remain  as  it  is.  They  now  see  diflicultiea 
before  them:  daiiL'ers  present  themselves  to  the 
further  pursuit  of  their  plan  of  territorial  aggran- 
dizement. Thev  have  .suddenly  called  to  mind 
the  declaration  of  Ilriiish  slaleshien,  that  "  n  irn' 
ici//i  Ihr  I'nilal  Slalei,  trill  be  o  tear  cfemnnripntinn." 
Thev  see  in  prospect  the  black  regiineiits  of  the 
British  West  India  islands  landing  among  them, 
and  ibeir  slaves  flockini  to  the  inemy's  standard. 
>'ervile  insurrections  lorinent  their  hnagiimiions; 
rapine,  blood,  and  nnirder  dance  before  their 
aflVi;;hled  visions.  They  an-  now  seen  in  every 
put  of  the  Hall,  eallini.'  on  "\Vhii;s  and  Democrais 
to  .save  them  from  the  dreadful  coiisequ'Uices  of 
Iheir  own  policy.  AVell,  sir,  I  reply  to  them, 
This  is  i;oiir  policy,  not  (Uirs:  Yoti  have  forced  us 
into  it  against  our  will  and  our  utmosiopposiiion: 
you  have  prepared  the  poisoned  chalice,  and  we 
will  press  it  to  your  lips  until  you  swallow  the 
very  dreirs, 

r  would  not  be  understood  as  desiring  a  servilo 
insurrection;  but  1  say  to  southern  gentlemen,  that 
there  are  hundreds  of  thousands  of  honest  and 
patriotic  men  who  •'  uill  /niigft  al  your  calamilii, 
mill  <!•  ill  mock  ivlicii  iioiir  fen r  mmrlh."  If  blood 
and  mnssai-rc  should  mark  the  struggle  for  liberty 
of  those  who  for  aces  have  been  oppressed  and 
ile'_'raded,  my  prayer  to  the  God  of  Heaven  shall 
be,  that  juslire — alern,  invjii-liliiig  jmlire — may  be 
nwnrded  lo  liotb  master  and  slave.  I  desire  that 
every  human  beiinr  may  enjoy  the  r  gilts  with 
which  ihe  God  o"  i,a;u,v' nas  endowcij  him.  If 
those  rights  can  In  rci:ainerl  b\'  t' e  lown-lrodden 
sons  of  Africa  in  our  snuthern  Sta'es  liy  quiet  and 
peaceful  means,  I  hope  they  will  pursue  such 
peaceful  nieassure.".  But  if  they  cannot  regain 
Iheir  God-given  rights  by  peaceful  measures,  I 
nevertheless  hope  they  wi'l  reiraiu  them;  and  if 
blood  be  shed,  I  should'certainly  hope  that  it  might 
be  the  blood  of  those  who  sinnJ  between  them  and 
liY?dom,  and  not  the  blood  of  those  who  have 
long  in-cn  robbed  of  their  wives  and  children  and 
all  they  hold  dear  in  life.  It  is  true,  that  when 
those  scenes  shall  occur,  northern  freenun,  our 
sons  and  neighbors,  must  march  to  Texas,  and 
bare  their  bieasls  to  the  shafts  of  battle,  in  a 
snul-dcL'rnding  defence  of  slavery.  In  .such  a 
laiisc  who  would  not  be  a  coward  ?  Our  fallicra 
fought  for  the  inalienable  rights  of  man  :  our 
sons  must  face  the  cannon's  mouth  in  defence 
of  slavery.  Shouhl  ihe  black  rcL'iincnls  of  ihe 
West  Indies  land  upon  our  smithem  const,  our 
freemen  of  the  Norlh  will  be  jihu  ed  in  a  position 
the  coniemiilntiun  of  which  is  most  revolting  to  the 
feelings  of  humanity.  For  the  people  of  t!ie  free 
Xorlh  lo  march  lo  our  sinilhern  Slates,  and  stand 
bclween  the  emancipated  slaves  of  the  Wesi  In- 
dies and  smilhcrn  slaveholder!-,  and  ddVud  tluiu 
while  they  llo;r  their  liondmen  into  submission, 
,  w  ill  be  degradation  without  B.  parallel,  except  it  be 


74 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  5, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  ^uestidn — Mr.  McDowell. 


Ho.  OP  RgP8. 


' 


found  in  llie  quiet  siilimisaion  of  our  prople  to  the  I 
)iolitical  coiitiol  of  I  host'  wlin  Iniv  iiiid  sell  tlii'ir  ; 
iHlnw'-men,  and   nmke   iMercliandiiio  of   human 

flPHh.  i 

SliouUi  llii'  scenes  to  wliidi  I  hiivc  alluilcd  tak«  j^ 
plnre,  one  i:reiil  tulviiniiiire   'lould   resuh.     Wt- 
Iin|is  no  stoiesman  doubts  ihnt  a  wnr  wiih  I'^.nijliind   ; 
nniMl  prove  llie  death  of  slavery.      The  Hritish  J! 
iTOverninenl  now  have  no  shives  in  their  West  In-  :[ 
dii\  islands,  as  in  llie  last  wnr,  to  rcslrnin   them  |i 
from  raisin*^  the  i\i\^  of  «Mnaneipali(Mj.    The  parii-  ii 
Iv^in^' elleeis  whieli  that  institution  exerls  upon  l' 
the  physical  energies  of  the  nation  would  lie  ex- 
hil>iled  to  the  vvorhl.     Our  people  of  the  North 
would  be  constrained  to  look  upon  the  evil  as  it  j' 
really  is. 

The  slave   power  would   lose  its   charm — onr 
citizens  of  the  Nnrlh  \V(udd  lie  aroused  from  the 
lethariTV  which,  for  half  a  century,  has  helil  their 
hcnsibifilies  in  a  lorpid  inactivity  toward  the  op-  , 
]ire»sed  of  our  land.     We  should  then  lind  means 
to  sever'tlu'  cords  which  have  so  Ion:;,  luu'oiisli-  | 
lutionally,  hound  us  to  the  putrescent  carcass  af: 
Hliwiry.     Great  Iniiain  would  noi  be  likely  a'^ain 
111  pay  siiulherji  slaveholders  lirelvr  Innxilrcd  lliou- 
s.iiirf  ilolliirs  (m  human  caltle,  who  shall  have  stray- 
ed friun  iheir  owners,  as  was  done  at  the  close  of 
the  last  war. 

Ihit  etiother  consenuence  wonlil,  in  all  hiunan 
probahiliiy.  result  from  a  war  with  Ktiu;hitid.  Wc 
Nhotild  ol'-  lin  the  Canadas,  Xova  Scotia,  iuni  New 
Hrunswick,  adilin:;,  at  least,  six  new  Stales  lo  llie 
northern  porliini  of  the  I'nion,  each  pos.sesaing 
double  the  population  of  'I'exas.  Tlie.se  Stales 
would  restore  to  the  Norili  that  balance  of  power 
which  was  surreiidcrctl  up  by  the  mnn«\aliou  of 
Texas.  It  would  be  in  slricl  accordance  with  the 
policy  a\owed  by  the  partv  in  power,  and  which 
was  in  part  carried  into  practice  by  the  aiiiiexalion 
of  Texas.  1  iherefnre  s:iy  lo  the  nienibeis  of  thai 
parly,  Cirn;  on/  your  ;m/iri( .'  l!y  ailoptinsr  it,  yon 
have  bn>n;rht  us  under  the  po>ver  of  the  .slave- 
lio'diis:;  Stales;  coiuimie  yiuir  polii  v,  and  vou  will 
relieve  us  frinn  our  prisent  position,  and  reslore 
to  us  the  rishls  you  have  taken  from  us.  I  will 
viile  lo  remhr  you  every  facility  fir  earryinj  for- 
ward your  plans;  il  lieiinr  iindersiooii  at  all  lijnes, 
tint  1  regard  llie  measure  as  ultimately  lalal  to  the 
I^nion;  bin  not  as  iumicdialely  sn  as  it  would  be 
to  leave  the  t ioAcrntnent  where  il  now  is.  The 
reeponsibihiv  must  rest  upon  those  who  have 
Bvowed  and  adopied  the  syslein.  To  tlieni  bclon;; 
the  lionora  .mid  the  responsibilities  of  ihe  policy; 
we  cJaim  no  portion  of  one,  nor  will  we  share  in 
tlie  other. 

Out,  Mr.  Speaksr,  I  ain  unwilling  lo  resume  my 
seat  until  J  express  inv  perfect  conviction  that 
llii.s  policy  cannot  be  carried  tail  by  the  jiarly  in 
po'Aer.  The  northern  Oeiuocrais  will  soon  be 
de-serted  by  ihrir  southern  shivehcildinir  allies. 
They  hove  In  en  biMr.tved  by  the  slave  jiower. 
Texas  is  ad.uitieii,  and  the  souihern  win:;  of  the 
Democruiii'  parly  will  now  desert  their  norihern 
friends,  and  have  Ori'L'oii  vhen'  il  is.  They 
tint  like  the  militia  capiain  who,  when  coiinr  inlo 
batth',  inroniied  Ins  men  iImi.  "as  he  was  lame, 
he  would  eommeiKe  his  rtreat  then;  but  his  sol- 
dierx  bein^  i{iiiek  upon  the  foo;,  he  ilioii:;hi  ihey 
could  overtake  him  if  lliey  wailed  uiilil  afl.'r  the 
balile."  If  this  resolution  shoulil  be  adopted,  the 
Kxecuiiv?  would  lind  means  lo  i  scape  from  the 
dilemma  into  whic  h  ihia  souihern  policy  has  pre- 
eip!t;iied  him.  Il  is  nuisl  obvious  lo  mv  judirment 
llml  he  ciumot  bedtiven  iiiio  n  war  with  Kn:;laiid. 
.\s  I  have  already  slated,  a  war  with  that  n.iihiii 
must  prove  the  l"ial  overthrow  of  slavery.  Km  ry 
rcfleriins;  siatesiimn  must  see  this  as  clearly  as  any 
event  can  be  lop  lnh!  by  linniaii  perccpiion.  I 
do  not  think  the  s!a\tlioldiiiLr  portion  of  the  Demo- 
cratic panv  were  awin',  thai  llie  carrvin:r  out  of 
their  Unltnnore  resolulions  would  aacrilice  ihal  in- 
blilutioii.  Tin  V'  rather  belie\ed  that,  by  obtHiiiin:; 
Texas,  the  price  of  hunmn  flesh  would  be  en- 
hanced,luid  slavery  sup|inrled.  The  ctmscpiences 
of  Bei/.in:;  upon  **  Mr  whole  of  Orr^oti"  were  not 
ronsiriered.  .Mr.  Polk,  in  his  iiiauioirnl  address, 
and  in  hiil  unnual  locssinre,  e\idc  uily  overlookid 
the  inMnatiious  elfePt  which  his  twice  d.'clareil  pol- 
icy wouhl  prndu'i  upon  llieslave  inti  resl,io  ubieh 
he  is  inditSolnbly  wedded.  He,  mikI  his  cabinet, 
and  Ills  parly,  hue  made  u  f  mil  bliindi  r.  They 
will  soon  discover  llnar  .rror,  and  v.ill  re-'i  de  from 


their  position.  With  the  same  deOTcc  of  confidence 
thai  1  liave  in  my  own  existence,  1  declare  that  Ihry 
in'//,  h(^l'nr'  the  iiii/ioii  and  Ihe  iroi/i/,  hack  uut  frnm 
Iheir  anired  polieij,  and  irill  surrender  iij)  all  Ihal  par- 
lion  nfOrr);nn  nmihofihe  Wlh  parallel  of  lalilmie,  or 
let  the  subject  remain  as  il  innv  is.  I  wish  lo  place 
this  prediction  on  record  for  future  relV-renee.  Nor 
would  1  confine  my  remarks  to  the  Democraiie 
party.  Those  southern  slaveholdin;;  Whiira  who 
volell  forTexas,  will  now,  if  necessary,  turn  round 
and  vole  lo  f;ive  n]>  a  part  of  Orcf^on.  Il  is  a  qiies- 
lioii  bi'lweeii  ihe  slave  States  and  the  free  Stales; 
and  the  vote  w  hen  taken  will,  with  few  exceptions, 
exhibit  that  ebar.icier.  The  u'real  master-spirit  of 
souihern  |)oliey  has  lefi  his  relirement,  and  taken 
his  position  in  the  other  end  of  the  Capitol,  for  the 
avowed  purpose  of  now  dcfealin:;  the  idenlical  pol- 
icy, the  proinolion  of  which  occupied  his  whole 
alteniion  only  twelve  luonlhs  since.  I  le  is  an  adept 
in  this  political  versatility.  He  will,  however,  car- 
ry the  I'resident  and  ihe  souihern  statesmen  frene- 
rally  with  him:  and  will  defeat  llie  measure  to 
which  he  and  his  parly  slaiul  solemnly  pled»^ed. 
Yes,  sir;  should  this  resolution  pa.-s  boih  Ilon.ses 
of  ("on:;ress,  ihe  President  will  find  means  lo  cive 
up  a  |)arl  of  Oregon,  or  even  ihewhcdi' of  il,  rnllier 
ih.'iii  subjeci  Ihe  inslilnlion  of  slavery  to  the  sure 
dcstrnction  which  a  war  with  l'ni:rland  would  brine; 
upon  il.  I  asain  repeat,  what  I  have  endeavored 
lo  impress  imon  ^enllemen,  that  this  policy;  is  iiol 
mine:  I  wash  inv  bands  of  ii.  I  feel  a  deep  and 
an  nbidiie.:  com  ictioii,  that,  if  carried  out,  it  \v\\\ 
inevitably  overllirow  our  (fovernment,  and  dis- 
solve Ihe  I'liion;  but  that  these  conseqiiein'es  will 
be  relariled  by  a  coiiiinnance  of  llie  policy,  niiher 
than  iiy  lc;ivin:;  ihe  Government  siilijecl  to  the  slave 
power,  as  il  now  is.  Hy  carryin::  out  the  policy. 
It  will  )ilace  the  northern  and  soutlierii  poriinns  of 
llie  I'liiuii  U|iim  lenns  approximalin:;  lo  er|nalily. 
And  U'lieii,  iVom  its  broad  exleiit,  this  Uepublic, 
like  the  Umnan  Kmpirc,  shall  fall  asiiniler  of  its 
own  wei:;lii,  the  tree  Stales  will  redeem  and  imrify 
ihemsehrK  from  the  foul  disijrace  of  siipporline;  an 
insiitulion  haled  of  men  and  ciu'Hcd  of  God. 


OIUCGON  aUKSTIO.V. 

UK.MAKKS  OF  IIOX.  J.  J.  McDOWELL, 
OF  OHIO, 

l.\  TIIK.   llorsK  OF  Rr.rRESENT.VTlVES, 

.*/eii(/n;/,  January  5,  184h'. 

The  ipiesiioii  in  iic'  on  a  reference  ii»ilie  Cominii- 
tee  of  ihe  AV'hoie  the  resoiuiion  repmied  by 
Mr.  ('.  .1.  IvcEiihui.!,,  from  ihe  Committee  on 
Forei-rn  Relations,  reiptt  sliii:;  the  President  of 
the  Uniled  Slates  to  l'ivc  notice  lo  Great  Britain 
of  ihe  terininiitioii  of  the  joint  occiqiancy  of  the 
Oii'.'on  Territory — 
Mr.  MeDOWF.LI,  siiid  : 

Mr.  Si'i;\Kr.ii:  It  is  with  exlreme  embavrass- 
nieiit  thai  I  ri^ie  to  iiilrlress  ihis  ,listin:.'nished  and 
iiilelli::fail  bodv  at  any  liic.e,  and  more  especially 
so  now  from  ifie  fact  of  ihe  i:ri-at  imnortance  of 
llie  subjeci  under  I'onsidcraiion,  and  llie  practical 
risiilisihal  must  llow  fniiii  tlii'  decision  luaile  upon 
it  by  this  Coiiu'i'ess  on  the  weal  or  wo  of  Ihis  ^'real 
Uepublic.  Ills  scarcely  necissary  for  im'  lo  an- 
noiiiiee  ils  imporlance;  the  fact  is  attested  by  tlr: 
deep  interest  nianili-sicd  by  every  member  on  Ihis 
floor,  and  b\*  ihe  iiiiiliitude  of  our  fellow-ciiizet.s 
ih;it  look  upon  us  from  the  :|-alleries  of  this  splen- 
did Hall.  -Nor  is  the  deep  inieri St  taken  in  this 
:rreal  subject  conliiied  lo  us.  or  lo  ihose  who  are 
aiixiotisly  wMichin^  our  course  here;  the  whole 
public  mind  of  ihis  inie:lily  nation  is  deeply  ULMia- 
ted  from  its  cenlre  lo  iis  circuinferenee.  and  Iweiily 
millions  of  .\nierican  citizens  are  this  day  looking' 
with  iniense  anxieiy  lo  the  a'  lion  that  Ihis  H  "ise 
may  laki'  upon  this  ([iiesuo.i  lo  s<-cnre  the  rights 
and  honor  of  the  union.  .Sir,  as  one  of  ihe  lium- 
ble  represeiualives  rif  thai  portion  of  ihis  l.^nion, 
denominaled  llie  :.'reai  valley  of  llii'  Mississippi, 
that  ties  tieiw  ecu  the  .\llc:'-haiiN'  iinii  Rocky  nioiin- 
laiiis,  and  between  lln  u'real  .Attatnic  and  Paeif.c 
slop,  s,  1  f,  1 1  the  respcoisibiliiy  of  my  posiuon.  and 
will,  ifiife  iscMMtinned  tome.w  heiillie  vole  islakeii 
on  the  niea.-urcs  now  before  llii'  House,  and  desitn- 
ed  for  the:  full  oceupation  of  Ihi  ,^011,  cast  iny  Mite 


fbr  the  whole  of  them,  let  the  eonseqnciice  he  waror 
not.  Sir,  dnriiiK  the  last  aersion  of  Coii^rcsa,  and 
pendiin;thcdiacuHainn  of  the  joint  reaulutionsof  the 
iIoHse  for  the  annexation  of  Texas,  it  hud  been 
truly  icnmrked,  ihot  the  Baltimore  Convention, 
that  nominated  Mr.  Polk,  had  innde  the  (iiiestioii 
of  annexation  an  issue  to  be  snbinilted  lo  the  people 
of  the  Uniled  Slates  in  the  Preaideiilial  election  of 
1844,  and  that  the  (leople  had,  in  the  election  of 
Air.  Polk,  responded  iriumplinntly  lo  that  issue, 
and  demanded  of  Coiu;resa  to  execute  their  decree. 
To  the  truth  of  this  position  I  f^ave  my  hearty  as. 
sent,  and,  with  a  lar';e  majority  of  the  Western 
and  Northern  members  here  ihen,  slood  shoulder 
10  shoulder  with  onr  Southern  friends,  breasu'd 
the  slorin  of  opposilion  that  niel  us  at  euTy  step, 
iliinc;  luanfully  10  the  one-starred  banner,  passi  d 
the  joint  resiihiliona,and  thus  carried  Iriumplianlly 
the  banner  into  the  Vlnion,  there  lo  niiin;le  11s  niys 
with  the  consiellalions  that  played^ilhin  her  orbil. 
Sir,  bill  a  few  days  ai;o  this  (.'oniiress  had  glo- 
riously consunnnated  what  the  last  had  liei;un; 
annexation  is  now  complete;  and  the  new  planet 
is  fully  launched  inlo  our  system,  and  it  will 
shortly  be'.,'in  lo  revolve  in  the  orbit  we  have  as- 
sin;neil  lo  il.  Sir,  il  is  an  net  of  which  the  last  and 
present  Conirress  should  be  justly  proud.  It  wau 
i;reat  in  its  conception,  :;reat  in  iis  consummation, 
mid  will  be  {rrealer  in  its  eonsequences  upon  the 
w  hole  interests  of  this  country.  It  is,  perhaps, 
one  of  ihe  mosi  iiiiporlaiit  moves  that  this  Govern- 
nienl  has  ever  made  upon  ihe  polilical  chess-board 
of  nalions:  it  has  completely  clieckiualed  I'aigland, 
whose  diplomacy  had  been  inosi  skilfully  exer- 
cised upon  Mexico  and  a  few  in  Texas,  to  miable 
thai  Government  lo  make  subsidiary  to  her  inter- 
esls  the  produciive  (Hiwers  of  ihe  soil  of  Texas, 
in  furnishinu'-  her  with  the  irreal  staple,  cotton,  10 
the  successful  ".^rowlh  of  which  ils  climate  and  iiii 
soil  were  so  eoiiL'cnial.  The  eour.se  pursued  by 
us  on  this  ipiestion  has  t;iven  the  di  alh-blow  10 
the  hopes  of  (ileal  Hrilain,  that  promised  her  n 
supply  of  ccuiou  from  Texas  under  muliial  trade 
reu'iilalioiis.  thai  would  have  released  her  from  her 
:rallins  dependence  upon  the   I 'tiiieil  .Slates.     Sir, 

■  the  coiisunimaiion  of  ihal  creai  measure  had  put 
into  our  possession  the  best  eoiion  country  011 
earth,  aniK'ave  us  a  power  over  Ilriiish  spnidles 
and  llriiisli  ludusiry  thai  is  more  poient  in  re- 
straining' her  rapacity  than  would  be  lil\y  war  ves- 
sels on  our  coasts,  or  an  army  slaiioned  at  our 
forlilicalions  of  one  hundred  ihou.sand  men. 

Ihit  yreat  as  lliis  qucsiiou  was,  and  the   happy 
resulis   ihal  promised  to  Ibiw  from  11  lo  the  inter- 

■  ests  of  this  nalioii,  if  adopied  and  carried  0111,  yi't 
il  was  mil  the  only  measure  or  issue  made  and 
siibmilled  by  ihal  ever-memomble  Conveniion  for 
the  decision  iif  the  .Vmerican  people.  Ng,  sir;  it 
was  one  only  of  a  series  of  issues  subnnilid  and 
decidcil  at  that  eleciioii.  The  srri'al  qiieslion  new 
under  discussion  was  made,  subniiia  .1,  and  deci- 
ded; and  is  scarcely  second  in  importame  to  ll4;it 
of  which  I  have  been  s|ieakiiii,'.  Another  of  the 
series,  too,  w;is  the  modilicalioii  of  the  liuilf,  and, 
iliou:.'li  lasl.  iiol  Icasl,  in  the  |irinciplcs  involved 
ami  their  uliiiuale  eii'ccl  upon  liie  liberlies  and  in- 
liTesls  of  this  nation.  Sir,  lliose  issues  liaMiij;  all 
been  decided  by  the  pi-ople,  aa  we  desired  them  10 
be,  they  must  ell  be  i-onsuinnia'ed  by  our  acinm, 
or  the  plory  of  the  victory  of  '44,  uiid  ilie  splendor 
of  the  achievement  of  aiiiicxation,  will  sink  under 
a  clo.id  of  public  indiL'iialion,  that  will  burst  in 
fearful  irrandenr  upon  our  deiolcd  heails.  Sir,  I 
am  ::lad  lo  si  e  around  me  so  many  of  that  iioblo 
band  wilh  wlnnn  I  was  proud  to  aci  at  the  last  sis- 
Ki,,ii — the  Texas  liiriurihlti.  Will  ihere  be  one  of 
that  band  who  will  liiher  111  his  elVorl  lo  consnniinale 
the  public  decree  on  ihis  Mulijeclr  Is  there  onn 
who  IS  lo  be  :darnied,  ami  prevenied  from  respontl- 
iii:;  lo  the  call  of  public  omnion  on  this  ^'real  Ore- 
gon ipieslion,  by  the  croakniu's  of  our  eiiemii'S,  or 
ihe  prophteies  (if  Abolilionists?  Will  the  opinions 
so  unforiiuialelv  and  mconsidcralcly  expressed  by 
my  collenL'iie  |  .Mr.  Giihii.nuh]  thia  inormni.',  as  to 
the  resulis  of  war  iquri  the  .South,  (which  in  one, 
breath  he  alfirnnd  and  ill  the  next  denied,)  deier 
any  Uetnocral  who  represents  the  South  here  tVoni 
aidniir  us  of  the  \Vi  si  and  North  in  cariyin-  out 
Ibis  importani  measure.'  .Shall  his  wish,  and  the 
wish  of  wnnewho  may  iici  wilh  him — that  war 
may  STOW  out  of  ibe  course  pnipoacd  by  the  meas- 
uie.5  now  under  discussion,  and  thut  its  dc.solatioim 


[Jan.  5, 


18.16.1 
29th  Cong 1st  Se  s. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


75 


The,  Oregon  Question-^Mr.  McDowell. 


Ho.  OF  Rkps. 


may  fall  u\ton  the  South,  to  fiuililnle  a  result  that 
he  and  Imh  frioiids  ilcHii-e — he  seizi'd  upon  hh  the 
inovino;  ohjirt  in  uryini;  now  the  Bettlemcnt  ot'thiH 
fjuestion  by  im  friiunls?  Unci  forliid.  Sir,  1  wish 
to  say  1"  "iiv  llml  may  lie  operated  upon  hy  aiirh 
ren.soniiijri  'I'"'  'hey  mislake  the  friends  of  this 
meaunre,  anil  the  niiitivcs  that  actimtu  iheni.  Sir, 
If  war  HJiall  rcMull  from  our  eoursc,  I  Nhall  re^rel  ^ 
il  as  nnii  li  an  any  une;  l)ul  I  cannot  shrink  from  ! 
my  duty  in  proseeutin^j  nii'a.snreH  designed  to  se- 
I'liVe  tli:'  inicMTsi  and  honor  of  my  country,  if  war 
should  conic.  And  pirnnt  me  to  Hay  to  Southern 
jientli men  iicrc,  ilial  if  tlial  war,  predicted  hy  my 
cnllcngue,  I  Mr.  CJiniiiNtiS,)  shall  come,  nnil  llie 
lirilisli  llai'  shall  lie.  unfurled  on  the  sunny  field.s  of 
the  ^iouthi  and  guariled  hy  the  lilack  reginu'iUs  of  ^ 
which  he  siiealcs,  that  are  io  he  imported  there  from 
the  West  India  islands,  its  triumph  w  ill  he  short, 
and  as  ;;looniy  as  (he  resinicrils  over  which  il  was 
inifurled.  Mil',  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands 
of  (he  iiolile  sons  of  the  iN'orth  and  West  would 
soon  Iransporl  ihelu.selves  to  your  sunny  shin-es, 
and  cause  lliatlhi;;  to  strike  in  in>;lorious  defeat. 

lint,  Mr.  Smaker,  I  enlerlain  no  fears  thai  the 
Soulh,  upon  111.  •  occasion,  will  lie  touiid  less  chiv-  j 
alrous  and  steaii''u!t  to  the  interests  and  ijlory  of 
iliis  Uepiihlic  thai,  on  occasions  t^onc  by;  lint,  on 
tie  eoulrary,  that  ler  name  will  be  min(;led  in 
all  that  can  conlril  ite  to  the  consuminatioii  of 
eitlii'r.  ! 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  liav  ■  departed  .somewhat  from  i 
the  course  1  had  intcnil.  •!  to  pursue  in  the  remarks 
I  desired  to  make  on  this  -ccnsion,  and  must  haslen 
to  oilier  jioinis  involved  ii  ihe  measures  presented 
for  our  iiciioii;  and,  sir,  >  will  say,  in  the  first 
place,  thai  1  do  not  think  tlu,.  the  question  of  our  ■ 
tille  to  Orei;on  is  one  now  to  ht,  made  or  discussed, 
or  that  should  be  di.icussed.  In;:'-,  for  my.self  1 
shall  so  consider  it,  and  will  not  do  it  iin  !  islice 
of  sulijccliiiji;  it  apiin  to  arKinueiil.  'I'he  able  letler 
I  hrlifin  my  hand  from  the  pi  n  of  the  Secretary 
iif.Siale,  (.Mr.  Buchanan,)  in  ri'ply  to  i  he  positions 
assiuiK'd  liy  Mr.  I'ukenham,  the  iirilish  Plenipo- 
teniiary  here,  is  conclusive  and  uVianswemble;  and, 
in  my  hiimlile  judn'meiil,  is  characteri/.td  by  as 
much  abilitv  as  any  of  the  kind  that  lias  ever  ema- 
niiled  iVom  thai  deparlincni. 

The  approjiriate  issues  arisiiiij;  out  of  the  meas- 
ures sulmutleii  on  the-  suhjectof  occupyiniiJ t)re:;on 
are,  it  seems  lu  nic,  these;  possession.  Hie  riglil  to 
possession,  and  (if  these  are  in  our  favor)  then  Ihe 
liest  niean.s  of  availing  oursches  of  the  liill  enjov- 
meiil  of  these  rights  as  agtiinsl  mere  si|uatlers,(.'k:c. 
'To  determine  these  qiiesiioiis,  it  might  be  well  to 
look  back  al  some  incidents  in  ihe  liistory  of  Ihe 
Iwo  nalions  Inucliing  lliese  i,ssues,  that  we  may  be 
able  lo.begni  right  in  the  argiinient.  'i'he  Secretary 
of  Slate  (.Mr.  liucliuiian)  shows,  in  his  argument, 
lliiil,  at  ibe  time  of  the  I'ecia  aliiiu  of  war  by  llijs 
iiaiioii  agiunst  (ireat  lirilaiii,  ,re  had  ihe  liill  and 
exl•|ll^ive  possession  of  Ih'egoii  as  against  Kng- 
laiul;  llial,  some  time  afltr  ihe  war  had  coni- 
iiieiii'ed.  Cireal  Urilaiii,  llirough  her  navy,  tbrcilily 
seized  llie  poilils  ociupiecl  by  our  citizens  in  Ore- 
gon; and  iluit  the  possessiitn  w  -is  not  restored  again 
III  tins  (foverniiienl  iiiilil  smne  iliri-e  or  four  ye.irs 
al'iir  ihe  ireaty  of  (.ilieiil,  wliii  li  wa.s  in  Ueceinber, 
1HI4,  the  first  ariicle  of  which  reads  llius:  "Thai 
'  all  leriiiory,  places,  and  possessions,  \\  lialsoever, 
'  lakeii  by  either  parly  from  the  other  during  the 
'  war,  or  which  may  be  laken  after  the  signing  of 
*  tills  treaty,  exccpuni!;  only  the  islands  alterwards 
'  immed  in  llie  I'/iiy  of  Fundy,  shall  be  resiored 
'  wiihoul  delay." 

The  siirreniler  or  reslornlion  of  Oregon  under 
lliis  clause  of  the  ireaty  of  'ihent  was  formally 
made  under  an  order  llint  proceeded  from  ihe 
[■•riiice  Uegeiil  of  (•iiiglaiid,  and  directed  by  Ivirl 
1!iitliiH>ii  lo  llie  partners  or  iigeuts  of  the  Norlli- 
wesl  (Joiiipaiiy.  The  follouiiig  is  llie  report  of 
the  Niirreiider  by  the  proper  ollicers: 

"  III  obedience  lo  the  commaud  of  his  Royal 
'  lllijhuess  the  I'lince  Kegcnl,  in  a  despatch  friim 
'  Ihe  Right  Honorable  llie  Karl  l!aihurst,iiddrfnsed 
'  lo  the  parlners  or  agenis  of  ihe  Morihwest  ("oiii- 
'  panv,  bearing  dau'  ihe  'J7ili  of  January,  IHIH,  a'ld 
'  in  oliedience  lu  a  subaeoiiciii  order  d.iled  llie  rJlilh 
•of  July,  IHIS,  from  William  H.  Sherilf,  Ksip, 
'  Caplain  of  I  li.<  Maje^'v's  ship  Andmiii'iclie,  we, 
'  Ihe  uiulersigiieil.  do.  li,  cinrnriiiily  to  me  lirsi 
'  article  of  ih.'  In  alv  of  tihi  ill,  reslore  lo  the  tii.v- 
'  eriimcnl  of  ihe  United  Stales,  through  il»a;;eiii,  J. 


'  B.  I'revost,  Est).,  the  Bettlcment  of  Fort  George 
'  on  the  Ctdumbia  river. 

"  Given  under  our  hBuds.&e.,  the  sixth  day  of 
'  October,  1H18.  P.  HICKUV, 

"  Cant,  of  His  Miikslii'a  sh'nt  Blossom. 
"J.  KKITH, 
"  Of  the  ^'ortl^xcest  Cumpany." 
"  I  do  hereby  acknowledsje  to  have  received  this 
'  day,  in  behalf  of  ihe  Government  of  the  United 
'  Slates,  the  po.ssession  of  the  seltlemenl  designated 
'  above.  111  conformity  to  the  tirat  article  of  the  trea- 
'  ly  ofGliiiii. 

"Given  under  my  hand,  in  triplioalc,  at  Fort 
'  George,  Columbia  river,  the  (ilh  dav  of  October, 
'1818.  J.  I5.PREV0ST." 

It  is  proper  here  to  remark,  thai  in  liarl  lia- 
thurst's  despatch,  and  in   Lord  Casllereagh 's  iii- 
struc.lion  lo  the    Hritish  Minisier  at  Wusjiingtoii, 
a   reservation  is  made  that  ihe  snrii  iiiler  of  pos-  '■ 
session  shoiiM  not  be  deemctl  an  admission  «if  ihe   | 
I  ubsoliiK^  and  e.Ncliisive  rlglil  of  dominnin  claimed   , 
hy  the  LJniled  Suites;  but,al  llie  same  lime,  in  e.\- 
plaiiation  lo  Mr.  Iliisli,  as  slaleil  in  a   |mblic  des- 
'  patch,   "Lord  Casllereagh  admitleit,  in   'he  niosi 
'ample  extent,  oiir  right  to  be   reiiistalcd  in  the 
'  '  possession,  and  to  be  the    parly  in   possession 

'while  tre;iling  of  the  liile." 
i      ^Jow  il  will  be  perceived  by  the  foregoing,  that 
i  the  United  Slates,  ihroug';  i.'-r  agent  Mr.  Prevost, 
(  had  been  restored  lo  he  origin, >'  po.>,>t.;sioii  of  the 
lerriuiry,  by  the  lirilisli  Government,  in  Oclober, 
181H,  and  thai  after  tl'.al  resloralion  of  possession, 
Lord    (..'astlereiigh,    i  i    some  explanation  to  iVlr. 
Hush,  had  ailiniiu  d  the  jiisiice  of  the  resloralion, 
and  lliat  this  Governnieiit  was   righlfully  in  pos- 
session of  Ihe  eoimtry  whilst  llie  two  nations  were 
ticaling  of  Ihe  lille.     Our  possession,  then,  up  lo 
,  Ihe  dale  of  die  convention,  which  is  falsely  called 
'  the    treaty  of  Joiiii    occupancy,  dated  about    two 
■  weeks  after  ihe  surrender  of  ihe  teriilory  as  afore- 
I  said,  was  full  and  pio-fect.     Aow,  by  the  lerms  of 
I  that  trealv,  did  we  dispossess  ourselves,  or  in  any 
way  weaken  our  right  to  possession  r    To  ,leler- 
1  mine  this  i|nesiion,  [  will  give  you  the  arlieles  of 
that   eonveiilton  which  are  material  to  the  argii- 
loeiil,  in  order  ihat  my  i-ourse  may  lie  directed  by 
llic  facts  in  this  controversy.     They  read  us  fol- 
lows: 

AllTICLKS  OF  COVVKNTlOS. 

liy  Ihe  ihird  article  of  the  convenlion  of  1818. 
"  It  is  agreed  that  any  eounlry  that  may  he  claimed 
'  by  either  panv  on  il  e  norlliwest  coast  of  Aine- 
'  rica,  westward  of  the  Siony  moiinlaiiis,  shall,  lo- 
'gelherwiih  ils  liarboi  j,  bays,  and  creeks,  and 
'  the  iiavigalioii  of  all  ri\ 'm-s  wiihin  the  same,  be 
'  free  and  open  for  the  terir  o:'  ten  years  from  the 
'dale  of  ihe  signature  of  li.e  )ire.seni  convenlion, 
'to  the  vessels,  citizens,  and  siibje'is,  of  ihe  two 
'  powia's ;  it  being  well  unders'ood  that  this  agree- 
'  ment  ia  not  to  be  consiriied  lo  the  prejudice  of 
'  any  claim  which  eillier  of  the  wo  lii;;h  coiiiracl- 
'  iiig  parlies  may  have  to  any  uarl  of  the  said 
'  ciiiiniry,"  &c. 

By  Ihe  joint  arlide  of  18Q7,  "1'  is  agreed  ihat 
'  llii'  provisions  of  the  tirsi  iirlicle    if  llic  conveii- 

•  (ioi;  of  l''i|8,abov(^  reciled,  shall  be,  and  they  are 
'  hereby,  indelinilely  extended  and  coiiliniied  in 
'  forci',  in  llie  .same  maimer  as  if  all  ihe  provisions 
'  of  Ihe  said  article  were  herein  sjiecilically  re- 
'  died." 

By  ihe  second  article  it  is  nifrecd,  "  Il  shall  be 
'  compeieni,  however,  to  eillier  of  Ihe  cnnlniciing 

•  parlies,  in  caseeiiher  should  iliiiik  til  al  any  time 
'  afier  Ihe  -Jlllh  of  October.  IfM,  on  giving  due 

•  notice  of  IwcKe  monllis  to  tin;  oilier  conlraclinj;: 
'  parly,  lo  annul  and  abrogale  this  convenlion  ; 
'  and  il  slmll  in  such  case  be  enliri-ly  annulled  and 
'  alirogali'ii  after  Ihe  said  term  of  noli, -e." 

The  lliiril  article  saves  all  rights  and  claims  of 
,    the  parlies. 

'I'he  lirsi  remark  is,  that  lhe.se  convciilional  pr.  - 
vision  coiilaiii  no  refi'reiice  whatever  lo  ih"  pos- 
session, which,  by  the  Ireaty  of  Ghi'iii,  and  siib- 
seqnent  acis  under  il.  was  acl  novtcili;i d  to  ho  in 
i!ie  United  Stales,  in  the  most  formal  mtuincr,  .I'ld 
which  could  not  be  divested,  except  in  an  eijiially 
formal  inainier.  The  reservation  iiiiide  by  Lord 
t-'asllereagh  canniil  alfect  the  possession,  became  il 
did  not  allude  to  that;  and  if  il  did,  his  siibseipient 
ailiiiissions  III  Mr.  Itnsh  are  lo  be  I'onsiriied  as 
i'iviu;;  up  that  resrrvalion.    Then,  1  will  ask,  how 


stands  the  case  now,  ns  between  the  possessory 
rights  of  these  two  Govern  men  Is  and  their  r'l'i'^n 
and  subjecls?  Did  the  terms  of  the  articles  Cj  o'/d 
from  this  convenlion  rcfiosaess  Great  Britain  or 
her  svibjccts  with  what  she  claimed  under  conquest, 
and  before  the  suriender  made  to  us,  as  before 
sho'vi.?  Clearly  the  convention  did  no  such  thing, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  has  left  us  in  the  posses- 
sion, with  an  ageeciiient  on  our  port  that  her  siib- 
jecla  might  cnur  the  country  and  exeirise  mere 
easements  there,  in  the  way  of  commerce  and  Irade, 
and  the  navigation  of  the  rivers  of  the  country. 

If  the  position  I  take  be  sustained,  as  I  think  it 
is,  by  the  liisUiry  and  ('acts  of  the  case,  then  hav- 
ing the  possession  and  right  of  possession,  (ho 
right  of  sovereignly  over  the  same  necessarily  fol- 
lows as  an  incident.  There  is  no  plainer  axiom 
Ihiiii  Ibis  to  be  found  in  international  law;  and  it  is 
laid  down  by  a  very  celebnUeil  aullior  on  national 
law,  (Vatlel,)  that  where  one  Government  po.s- 
sesses  ilself  of  a  country  not  pre-occupied  by  any 
oilier,  that  liieii  ihe  empire  or  sovereignty  and  do- 
main are  in  such  Government.  Now,  is  there  any 
obsiarle  in  the  way  of  this  Government's  exei- 
cising  ils  sovereignty  over  the  whole  territory  ? 
Conid  she  not  organize  a  lerrilorial  CJoveriimeiit 
there,  protect  her  citizens, and  parcel  out  her  territo- 
ry ill  such  manner  as  besi  ;iuiled  her  inleresi:;,  w  ilh- 
oitt  injury  lo  si  ■■'•i  rights  :is  the  convenlion  con- 
fered  on  llie  su'i  eels  of  Cfreal  Britain?  In  ollii  r 
words,  could  we  not  exercise  sii<  h  altributei-j  of 
j  sovereignly  over  the  soil  and  eilizens  of  that  cotin- 
]  try  as   would  .secure  all    we   desire,  but  in  sinli 

■  way  as  iiol  to  violali^  any  of  the  slipiilatinns  of  the 
convention.'  But  why  sliall  we  regard  Sfi  sacri.-dly 
Ihe  provisionsof  that  convenlion,  when  Great  Urii- 

•  ain  (the  other  pirty  lo  it)  has,  thi-ough  the  Iliid- 

:  son's  Bay  Company,  violated  ils  letter  and  spirit, 

by  taking  possession  of  lae  soil  ol'Oregoii,  fuelling 

out  parcels  ofii  to  iheirempli)yees,and  eslablishing 

municipal  re;;iilaiions,  not  only  over  Oregon,  lint 

■  over  all  territory  noi  under  the  ojieration  of  our 
Uiw.s?  She  has  not  only  her  civil  and  criminal 
laws  in  exercise,  but  an  armed  soldiery  lo  .see  lo 
Iheir  exeeiilion.  Our  eilizens  have  in  some  cas (  s 
been  lorn  from  their  homes  and  families,  and  car- 
ried lo  Canada,  lo  sutler  the  iienaliies  of  British 
law.  .Sir,  are  we  bound  to  observe  Ireaty  slipula- 
liiuis,  whilst  she  in  her  action  disregards  iheni  all? 
Shall  we,  afnr  all  her  acts  of  bad  faith,  refuse  lo 
act,  iiiilil  the  provision  in  il  providing  for  a  noL'-e 
shall  h.ive  been  complied  with."  Sir,  I  iiisi.vt  Unit 
her  bad  liiilli,  in  relation  lo  the  treily,  li«s  leleasi  d 
this  (iovernmenl  from  all  obligalion  lo  observe  the 
jirovisions  of  that  coiiveniion,  and  that  il  is  virtu- 
ally abrogated  by  the  course  of  that  (joverninenl; 
anil  that  having',  on  the  part  of  ibis  Government, 
no  nieaiis  of  enforcing  ils  provisions  peai^eably, 
we  lire  at  liberty  to  proceed  to  the  full  occupation 
of  ihe  whole  couiury  now. 

Al  the  last  session  of  Congress,  when  the  qiies- 
lioii  of  notice  came  uj)  in  connexiini  with  litis  snli- 
jeci,  ihe  neniocratir  memberi:,  iiicluilmg  niyself, 
lioiii  the  West  and  South,  with  scarcely  an  exeeii- 
lion, voted  against  the  notice,  for  reasons  that  weie. 
then  satisfuciory.  .My  opinion  has  undergone  no 
change.  Ihil  as  I  am  here  lo  represent  the  opinions 
of  my  eonsiiuienls,  which  to  some  extciti  h.ive 
been  lecenlly  expressi  d;  and  as  the  President  (for 
whose  opinion  I  have  a  high  regard)  has  reconi- 
niended  il  in  his  Message  as  necessary  lo  dis- 
charge win  t  he  conceives  lobe  convontioiialoblii'a- 
lioiis;  ami  as  siedi  course  nny  belter  answer  puiilic, 
expectation,  and  the  expedalions  of  utlier  nations, 
than  the  policy  I  believe  lo  he  right,  1  shall  waive 
my  iiiili\iiliial  opinion,  and  stislain  tho  notice  by 
my  vole,  believing  that  il  cannot  be  objected  to  by 
Great  Bri'tiin.  having  assenteil,  a.s  she  did,  lo  ilia 
provision  in  the  coiiveniion  thai  requii-es  it. 
The  iioiice  is  not,  jicr  ,?p,  a  dei  hiralion  of  war; 
'  bill,  oil  the  conliary,  was  designed,  when  provided 
,  ('or,  as  a  means  of  preventing  it.  And  if  the  Bril- 
]  ish  Goverinnenl  shall  think  proper,  after  the  limo 
provided  for  by  the  notice  expires,  lo  hold  on, 
through  her  siibjecls,  to  the  possession  she  acqiiii"- 
cil  by  trespassing  on^oiir  ;-iglils,  in  violation  of  the 
spirit  and  terms  of  the  convenlion  of  1818,  she  I  y 
that  course  will  be  the  aggressor,  and  the  eonse- 
qiteni  '  thai  may  result  from  this  course  on  her 
part  inusi  rest  upon  her.  If  she  resists  our  taking 
posses-jion  at  the  expiration  of  twelve  monlhs,  she 
would  now,  iinlcsa  il  would  be  such  servile  po.saes- 


»*»?• 


w 


76 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  5, 


2{h?H  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Queiition---Mr.  McDowell. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


I 


toryl 


sion  ns  would  lie  of  no  iimc  i  ■  us.  As  I  rcmurked 
before,  I  nm  willina;  to  tnkj  the  reaponHibiliiy  now 
of  taking  possession,  or  ul  llie  cxpii-niion  of  twelve 
tnontlis;  but  pnssessi'm  will  and  must  be  tuken  of 
the  country,  resarcliesa  of  all  consequnnoea,  at  tlie 
time  thnt  slmll  Ik.  fixed  upon  by  this  Government. 
If  reason  fiiil.",  then  the  sirorgesi  of  all  nriiumenis 
must  ensue — physieal  power.  I  ennnoi,  however, 
with  due  cieference  to  the  opinions  of  others,  see 
what  iliero  could  be  in  •\ny  phase  this  queslion 
mighc  assume,  ihat  could  ju.iufy  Great  Rriinin  in 
er.iDroilinj  herself  in  a  war,  lhat  would  begin  wiih 
us,  but  end  in  one  with  all  her  neighbors.  What 
can  she  expect  to  gain  in  territory  on  this  conti- 
nent, or  in  con\i)i<rce?  She  niusi  lnse  in  both. 
Why,  if  she  could  even  hold  Oregon  by  it,  it  would 
be  a  shoit  lease,  for  which  to  surrender  Canada. 
Indeed,  she  cannot  hold  Oregon;  causes  both  moral 
and  physical  forbid  it,  separated  ns  it  is  by  twen- 
ty thousaiul  miles  of  ocean  from  the  centre  of  her 
power',  and  strong  though  lhat  power  be,  yet  the 
Government  caimot  impart  its  vigor  through  a  line 
of  such  vast  extent,  to  any  colonial  form  of  gov- 
ernment that  she  might  create,  so  as  to  give  it  power 
or  respectability  or  energy  enough  to  resist  the 
popular,  moral,  and  politie.il  intliienccs  that  now 
e.xist  there,  and  which  the  proximity  of  the  lerri- 
•  to  ours  would  f..cilitaie  and  increase, 
t^ir,  KnL'laitd  lias  only  to  cast  her  philosophic 
eye  back  half  a  century  upon  the  history  of  the 
progress  of  po|.ul:<tion  here,  to  satisfy  her,  il 
seems  to  me,  that  any  hope  of  n  pernianenl  foot- 
hold in  Oregon  is  chimerical.  In  I8UI),  our  popu- 
lation was  about  four  and  a  half  millions,  and  it  is 
now  (in  1846)  about  twenty  millions — showing 
on  increase  of  upwards  of  three  per  cent,  per  an- 
num, compounded,  upon  the  population  of  1800. 
This  ratio  of  incren.se  applied  to  the  twenty  mil- 
lions for  the  next  twenty  years,  will  cive  us  more 
than  thirty -five  millions  of  people.  This  ratio  up- 
(tli  the  popidaiion  of  18(10,  has  lillcd  the  country 
east  ot'  (he  .Vlleirhanies,  and  thrown  from  six  to 
eiirht  niiltions  of  jnople  l»eyruul  it  into  the  valley 
of  the  Mississippi  inlorly-live  years.  Now,  what 
power  on  earth  can  stay  the  tide  of  increase  u|)on 
twenty  millions  from  sweening  over  the  Rocky 
ntountains  and  on  to  the  shores  of  the  Pacific  ? 
Its  current  is  daily  increasing,  and  spreading  it.sclf 
over  a  greater  and  greater  surface,  and  such  will  be 
the  momentum  impixiled  to  it  by  a  few  years  of 
time,  that  il  must  spread  itself  over  the  whole 
country  within  Ihe  geographical  limits  of  North 
Amt?rica.  In  this  view  of  the  subject,  can  it  be 
possible  that  England,  to  attain  all  olijeei  against 
the  probabilities  of  which  there  are  so  many  un- 
conquerable reasons,  will  sacrifice  the  large  profits 
her  citizens  derive  from  the  manufacture  ol'eotuui, 
and  dry  up  one  of  the  most  active  luul  exiensive 
Bources  ot  her  cninmeree,  as  well  as  of  tmphiy- 
nient  and  of  sujii^ort  to  thousands  of  her  suiiiectsr 
Will  she  jeopard  her  commerce,  fi-oni  wliiili  she 
derives  alllier  wealth?  And  more:  will  she  hazard 
the  exi.stence  of  her  monareliy,  v.liose  foundations 
have  beneath  them  elements  nf  coinljusiion  that 
will  iirniie  and  explode  upon  the  ftilling  of  the  fii.^t 
spark  that  is  stricken  by  the  lilo'.v  of  her  sword 
from  Ihe  hrlniet  or  shield  of  hi  r  aniagonisi,  and 
entomb  her  greatness  beneath  the  ruins  of  the  ca- 
tastrophe .'  Sir,  it  nuiy  be  the  destiny  iliat  t'aie 
has  assigned  to  her,  but  nothing  less  could  account 
for  her  lolly  and  her  weakness.  But  suppoitc  she 
dtlerniines  on  war,  as  her  haughty  spirit  may  dic- 
tate, after  our  course  shall  have  been  taken  on  this 
subject,  ere  her  circumstances  such  as  place  her 
in  a  condition  that  should  inspire  us  with  fear.' 
What  if  she  has  an  army  of  one  hundred  and  thir- 
ty-three rcfiiinents,  lontainin:;  133,000  men,  (as 
her  Army  Ihgiater  of  1844  sh^ws;)  of  that  number 
nxiv-ihrtc  regiments  are  rm  ■ntd  to  keep  in  siib- 
jtelion  her  atar\iiig  people  a!  Kome;  thiriy-lhrce  to 
watch  O'Coimi'll  and  his  IIK.OOU  ri^pi  ;iler.i  in  Ire- 
land; twenty-three  to  proler  ;iie  patriots  from  over- 
thiowins:  her  jiower  in  tit-  (.'niiadas;  thirlien  are 
stationed  at  Gibraltar,  iiint  in  the  Ionian  islands, 
two  in  India — and  they  thf  only  retrimenlslliat  li.-ive 
ever  been  in  battle  of  thf  \\li<de  of  her  pre.-scMit  ar- 
my; thi'  liiilancein  IJernoidus,  .lamaica,  .\uslralia, 
and  Chusioi.  These  re;:uneiits  are  all  needed  at 
those  points;  indeed  iheir  presence  is  indispensa- 
ble to  ihe  .security  nf  her  iMjssessions  at  each  and 
nil  of  them,  and  she  eould  not,  wiiiioul  great  haz- 
ard, wiiiidi-ttw  at  any  tune  more  than  five  of  them 


to  add  to  her  strength  in  Canada.     It  is  true  thnt  j 
our  army  is  small — perhaps  eight  thoiisjuid  men  in  1 
service;  but  what  are  our  resources  in  citizen  sol- 1 
diers?    Sir,  if  an  exigency  should  arise,  wu  have  ' 
three  millions  of  citizen  soldiers  that  would  be  ren-  | 
ily  to  defend  the  honor  of  the  country  and  our  ; 
;  rights  from  the  attack  of  an  enemy.     We  would  1 
be  stationed  upon  our  own  soil  omiu  plenty,  whilst  | 
j  she  would  have  to  transport  her  men  ond  provi- 
;  sions  here  at  an  enormous  exptnse  to  meet  us  in 
'  battle  array.     Her  navy,  too,  that  would  be  avail- 
able to  her  in  such  a  contest,  would  not  exceed 
eighty  ships,  and  many  of  them  of  an  inferiiu' 
grade.     On  the  other  hand,  with  the  vessels  now 
eomplet*  and  those  that  are  nearly  so,  we  could  in 
a  short  time  put  to  sea  war-vessels  equal  in  num- 
,  her,  suiwrior  in  size,  and  carrying  more  guns.  The 
large  and  splendid   merchant  vessels  and  whnle 
ships,  amounting  to  five  or  six  hundred,  eoiild  be 
procured  at  once  by  this  Government,  mounted 
with  guns,  mill  many  of  lliein  with  steam-engines,  j 
;  and  imt  into  elVcclive  service  in  a  few  weeks;  and 
t  besides  these,  there  are  at  least  fourteen  hundred 
steamboats,  of  various  dimensions,  that  could  be 
most  cfleelively  employed  in  our  harbors,  buys, 
and  at  the  inoiiihs  of  our  rivers.  The  British  fleet, 
like  her  army,  is  jmrcelled  out  around  the  globe  to 
protect   her  interests,   and  cannot  be  withdrawn 
without  imminent  hazard  of  loss  at  the  points  from 
which  taken.     I  see  no  cause  in  all  this  for  trepi- 
dation; we  have  met  her  befiu'c  on  sea  and  on 
land,  under  circumstances  much  less  auspicious, 
nnd  cut  out  with  our  swords  an  undying  fame.  Our 
gallant  navy,  though  small,  carried  the  American 
eagle  in  triumph  through  the  seas,  to  bathe  his 
wing  in  liberty's   sunlight,  while  he,  in  his  up- 
ward flight,  bore  away  the  tattered  canvass  upon 
which   the  lion  reposed,  a  trophy  of  victory,  in 
his  beak.   Our  army  of  citizen  soUiiers,  loo,  taught 
the  world  that  batiles  were  best  t'ought  and  won  by 
the  arm  that  freedom   and  liberty  nerved  for  the 
contest,  and  that  the  glory  of  victory  is  more  com- 
plete when  enjoyed  by  freemen. 

Mr.  Speaker,  i  winilil  like  to  say  more  on  this 
part  of  the  subjert,  but  the  lime  allotted  to  me  by 
a  rule  of  this  flotise  admonishes  nie  to  liiirrv*  on. 
Sir,  I  confess  that  I  have  been  pained  to  hear  some 
lemlemeri  here  desiring  no  dcftnitivc  aciion  on 
this  subjert  now,  in  order  tint  forlher  time  might 
be  iriven  tor  negoiialion.  I  had  hoped  lhat  ttego- 
lialion  was  closed  on  tbif.  subject  for  ever,  if  ne- 
srotiatiou  meant  a  surrender  of  any  portion  of  Ore- 
gon Territory  to  our  ania<;oiiist.  1  care  not  ihoiigh 
the  tcrriiorv  be  as  worth. ess  as  some  geiiiieinen 
here  have  represented  it,  it  is  ours,  aiul  tli-il  con- 
sidenition  is  sutlicieiit  fir  me.  Sir,  worthless  or 
not,  it  contains  a  surface  <f  near  six  hundred  llioii- 
saiid  sipinre  niiles — just  twice  as  large  as  IVance, 
and  about  half  as  large  as  the  United  Stales;  and, 
as  enmpari  d  with  the  Atlantic  slope,  it  has  double 
the  number  of  square  miles,  and,  if  I  am  correctly 
informed,  is  fir  superior  in  rlimate  and  in  the  fer- 
tility of  the  soil,  in  this  view  f)f  the  subject,  and 
in  view  also  of  the  great  coimnercial  position  il 
occupies  on  the  Pacific,  (which  will  give  it  the  coin- 
niand  of  iis  trade,)  and  its  eontigiiiiy  to  sonic  of  the 
most  wealiby  naliona  on  earth,  I  ask  if  there  is  a 
Western  Uepresentalive  lure  who  is  willing  to 
surrender  an  acre  of  it  to  buy  peace  from  the  ilic- 
lalor  of  the  world  r  Is  there  an  American  liepre- 
sonlaiivc  here  who  would,  in  view  of  the  indignant 
rejection  by  the  British  Minisier  here  of  the  pro- 
positions of  compromise  submitted  by  the  Presi- 
denl,  advise  or  consent  that  they  should  again  be 
olleredr  God  forbid.  I  honestly  protest  against 
fiirllier  neguiialioii.  I  doubt,  and  seriously  doubt, 
ihe  power  of  the  Presidi?nt  and  Senate  conslilu- 
tioiially  to  transfer  the  soil  of  this  country,  and  her 
I'iiizeiis  upon  it.  to  any  toreign  Power  whatever. 
tSucii  an  exercise  ol  power  would  be  inronsistent 
wiili  the  spirit  and  irenius  of  our  iiisiiiutions,  and 
dangerous  to  the  lilierlies  of  the  people. 

I  lliink,  from  what  the  President  has  said  in  his 
Message,  'lint  the  iloor  of  negoiialion  is  closed, 
Hiid  that  the  time  for  action  is  arrived;  and  if  the 
prophecies  of  gentleiucn  arc  to  be  relied  on,  that 
war  is  inevitable,  that  action  should  not  be  a  mo- 
iiieiii  delayed.  The  defeu'iless  londilion  of  our 
roasts  from  east  to  west,  and  Irom  iiiu'th  to  soiilh, 
and  the  hum  of  war  pieparaiions  beyond  the  At- 
I  lniilie,al  least  aduionisb  us  to  di'fettliive  prepara- 
li  tioii.     1  am  sick  of  the  cry  uf  uejjuliution  and  pro- 


crastination, when  we  cannot  maintain  our  ri'.  hta 
and  have  cither,  while,  if  sagacious  genllemen  aero 
be  correct,  tlte  elements  of  war  are  ihickming 
around  us,  and  threaten  shortly  a  great  moind  ex- 
plosion that  would  wake  up  the  civilized  world 
from  its  slumber,  to  witness  a  collision  of  powers 
and  principles,  throughout  its  broad  extent,  that 
would  remould  its  history,  its  institutions,  its  des- 
tiny, perhaps  fiir  centuries  yet  to  come. 

It  has  been  said,  and  not  inaptly  cither,  that  the 
systems  lhat  govern  the  moml  world  are  not  un- 
like those  that  govern  the  planetary;  dill'ering  in 
this,  though,  that  the  orbits  of  the  inortd,  though 
as  variform,  arc  not  as  unalterable.  The  orbit 
of  Ihe  iMiglish  Government  has  no  settled  bounds, 
and  her  revolutions  and  conquests  for  the  lost  cen- 
tury serve  to  demonstrate  her  powers  of  exten- 
sion, by  the  corresponding  diminution  of  the 
spheres  of  the  systems  that  revolve  in  conliguous 
•^pace,  and  whose  political  and  commercial  vitali- 
ties have  been  absorbed  by  her  power,  and  buried 
in  its  vortex.  Who  ever  dreamed,  when  the  East 
India  Company  was  created  for  mere  commercial 
purposes,  and  thrown  out  as  a  stem  of  the  Gov- 
ernmental Iree,  lhat  it  would  strike  deep  its  roots 
hilo  the  soil  of  India;  and  that  now,  in  the  nine- 
teenth century,  England,  through  iis  instrumeU" 
Uilily,  would  be  wielding  her  imperial  sceptre  over 
the  vast  empire  of  Ilindosiaii,  and  the  destinies  of 
her  one  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  people?  Who 
would,  nrter  tracing  the  history  of  her  progress 
there,  and  looking  upon  the  blood-marked  boun- 
daries of  the  .conquests  she  has  there  made,  trust 
her  professions  of  ulVection  fur  our  country  and  its 
prospective  destiny  ?     No  American,  1  hojie. 

Sir,  I  regretted  the  other  day  to  hear  it  said  upon 
this  floor  that  we  should  subject  ourselves,  by  our 
eagerness  for  the  acquisition  of  Oregon,  to  the 
charge  preferred  iigaiiist  us  by  England,  of  lusting 
for  piivver  and  the  aeipiisition  of  territory.  Sir, 
wilh  the  permission  of  the  Mouse,  I  will  read  from 
the  "  Democratic  Review"  a  few  extracts  that  have 
been  imbodied  in  that  work,  taken  from  British 
papers,  showing  the  principles  that  govern  the  ac- 
tion of  that  Government  in  relation  to  acquisitions, 
&c.     They  are  as  fcdiovv; 

"  '  In  India  we  [the  British]  shall  Is  impelled 
'irresistibly  to  extend  our  dominions  till  tre  hnvt 
'reached  the  nalural  limils  of  Ihe  emjiirr,  when  the 
'  impulse  of  conniiest  will  cease  of  ilself.' 

"  We  are  furllier  told  thai '  Growth  is  now,  and 
'  must  for  sometime  continue  to  be,  theiiorimi/  state 
'of  o,r  [Englautrs]  exi.^tfnce  in  the  East.  In 
'  accordance  wilh  which  doitrine,  we  l.\niericnnsj 
'  miglil  well  ask,  what  are  those  natural  limils  of 
'til'-  United  States,  where  the  impulse  of  annex- 

*  atii'ui  will  cease  of  ilself? 

"And  is  not  growth  the  normal  slate  also  of  Ihe 
'  Federal  fm'on  .'  Another  of  those  who,  as  JGii^- 
'  lishmen,  regard  with  such  holy  horror  the  ambi- 
'  lion  of  the  United  Slates,  proceeds,  as  cnim.sc//or  of 
'  the  East  India  I'oinpatiij,  to  hold  the  following  lan- 
'  irtiaire:  'The  pear  hangs  mellow  on  the  Iree,  ready 
'  to  be  shaken  down.  Ho  the  fate  of  the  Piiiijaul) 
'  's  sealed;  it  is  to  be  taken  into  subsidiary  allianec, 
'and  to  follow  the  fooisleps  of  Hyderabad,  onil 
'Oude,  and  Gwalior,  and  some  score  other  of 
'  ihilish  allies  and  tributaries,  if  so  they  are  to  he 
'  called.  Of  couiTic  the  necessity  of  this  movement 
'  is  undeniable.  A  Suite  whkh  cannot  govern 
'  ilself  must  be  governed  by  its  neighbors,  for  the 
'  interests  of  humanity  are  at  stake.  V/iihout  an 
'  cflicient  government,  a  territory  soon  becomes  a 
'public  nuisance — the  harbor  of  disafl'eciion  and 

*  outrage — the  focus  of  intrigue — the  nursery  of 
'revolution*  and  vvai'^.  It  is  enough  that  a  terri- 
'  lory  is  in  bo  disordinv  a  condition  as  to  entail  on 
'  its  neighbors  the  iierts.siiy  of  continual,  ineon- 
'  venient,  and  ex|>en»n  e  pieenuiions.  It  is  enough' 
'  lhat  it  involves  a  ni-ire  oppressive  police,  a  large 
'  slanding  army,  or  any  oilier  aiterference  wilh  the 
'  liberties  and  iiimiuiiilies  of  [leaee.  .Such  is  the 
'  state  of  all  that  region  enclosed  within  the  Upper 
'  Indus  nnd  its  tributuries.  Bloody  revolutions,  an 
'  insolent  and  rebellunis  soldiery,  i  ruined  nnd  dis- 
'  iracicd  people,  keei  .Northern  India  in  perpetu.d 
'alarm.     Selt'-jiresen-.tilion  com(>rls  the  neighbors 

*  111  abale.  the  nuisai»e.  >Sueli  is  the  necessity,  if 
'  nnt  the  duty,  whiili  now  devolvis  on  that  ffreat 
'  Power,  which  Providence  has  made  the  ceiiire  of 

1  '  amity  and  source  of  order  to  the  whole  ^s'liinsii- 
,  ■  Ul.     Uritain,  which  uuwliulds  Uie   .tceptru,  xuc- 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSION;  L  GLOBE. 


77 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Bowliu. 


Ho.  OF.  Reps. 


now,  and 
normid  stale 

Kiiat.  In 
.nicrivnnsj 
irnl  liniils  of 

of  annex- 

aho  of  the 

11,  as  £11;^- 

n'  llir  nml)i- 

cnunsello}'  of 

lowini;  Inn- 

ticOircndy 

I'nnJBUU 

uyalliuncc, 

pr;il)inl,  and 

illicr  of 

■y  are  to  he 

miivement 

null  t;nveni 

)ora,  ("or  the 

Viihout  an 

becomes  a 

ffeciion  mid 

nnrsery  of 

tlial  II  lerri- 

lo  entail  on 

nn!,  incon- 

t  is  enough 

ire,  a  lar^e 

1100  willi  the 

•Sni.'li  IS  lite 

1  llie  I'pper 

ointinim,  nn 

led  and  dis- 

n  perpeiii.tl 

iieiKliljMiM 

oessily,  if 

1  tliut  j^reat 

iie  centre  of 

le  girninsu- 

;i-|itre,  sue- 


t 


'  cessivcly  wielded  by  so  many  barbarous  conquer-  ; 
'  ors,  is  llie  pacifier,  the  uniter,  in  a  word,  the  j 
'  anrreme  trovcrnor  of  Hindostnn.'  " 

Who,  I  fttil^,  alh'r  this  recital  of  principles  that ! 
dictate  the  action  of  the  British  Goveniinent,  will 
nuote  her  opiiiioiis  on  morals,  hninanily,  and  re-  [ 
licjion,  in  the  discussion  of  a  question  like  this,  and  | 
especially  when  she  is  deeply  interested  in  it,  and  ; 
the  manner  of  its  settlement?  No  /Vmcricaii,  lliojie.  I 
Who  that  has  witnessed  her  liypocrif  y  in  takuif; 
the  choir  of  mnrols  for  the  worhl,  to  lecture  Russia 
on  her  cruelties  upon  the  Circassians,  I'Vance  on  | 
her  barbarities  upon  the  Alfferiiies,  and  the  United 
Slates  upon  lier  lust  for  ncquisilion  and  her  slave  ' 
Rvstcm — whilst  at  the  moment  of  its  delivery  she  , 
w-as  tearing  from  Central  America  the  "  Musquito  j 
shores,"  cuttin;  to  pieces  the  troops  of  Gwalior, 
posnesains  herself  of  Borneo  and  Chusaii,  and  pre-  j 
paring  for  the  conquest  of  Pniiiaub,  to  complete  her 
power  over  Hindoslan — could  respect  her  profes-  J 
sions  of  abhorrence  for  what  she  denominates  lust 
for  power  and   acquisition?    That   Government  ! 
seems  to  have  adopted  Sir  Robert  Peel's  noli  ,.i,  | 
tliat  political  morality  is  a  nmller  of  eengraphy,  i 
that  the  laws  of  right  depend  upon  latitude  and 
longitude;  and  that  in  Ihe  Kant  liulies  they  are  alto- 
getlursusjtenileilinjavnroj'lhe  Compmiy, 

And  now,  Mr  S|ieaker,  let  me  turn  the  .•utenlin'. 
of  this  House  to  the  hisioiy  of  the  fludson's  Bay 
Comjiany,  l*>  show  the  close  aiiu  striking  analogies  j 
bctttcen  it  and  the  Kast  India  Company.  'I'he 
Hudson 'sBav  Compn.iy  was  cliarlereu  in  the  reign 
of  Charles  the  Second,  as  a  trading  commercinl 
company,  and  its  boundaries  were  fixed  by  the 
Bf.urces  of  the  streams  that  eminied  into  the  bay 
of  its  own  name.  Where  is  lliat  Company  now- 
Why,  it  has  transported  and  transplanted  ilself 
■west  of  the  Rorky  inountainH,on  the  shores  of  the 
Pacific,  far  beyond  its  original  location,  antl  has 
dotted  our  territory  with  some  thirty  fortifications, 
and  is  now,  backed  by  the  Government  that  gave 
it  vitality,  contesting  with  this  Go\eriinicnt  for  llie 
title  and  empire  of  the  wlinli:  of  ilic  Oregon  terri- 
tory, and  is  perhaps  this  day  whetting  tlie  Indian 
Fciilping-knifc  and  grinding  their  tomahawks  to 
drench  our  own  soil  with  the  innocent  blood  of  niir 
unprotected  citizens.  Thus  vou  perceive  that  Brit- 
ain has,  through  the  instrunientalitv  of  this  coni- 
Jiaiiy,  llirnst  herself  into  our  territory,  refuses  one 
lialf  of  it  to  compromise  riglils  she  never  had, 
eiainis  all  of  it  to  satiate  her  ravenous  maw,  and 
threatens  us,  if  we  attempt  tn  lake  possession  of  it, 
Willi  such  treatment  as  slic  has  visited  upon  other 
refractory  Govcrmiienls.  Miall  we  submit  longer 
to  her  dictation,  or  be  alarmed  al  her  threats?  Shall 
we  leave  her  Ioniser  lime  to  streiiiithen  herself  in 
the  possession  she  now  wrongfully  holds?  Is  the 
Amciiean  heart  dead  thai  pulsalcd  so  nobly  and 
palriolicnltv  in  days  trone  by  ?  Is  there  no  remain-  ' 
Ills:  love  fur  the  frraves  of  our  ancestors,  our  honor, 
and  our  liberty?  No,  that  heart  is  not  dead,  thank 
God!  I  heard  the  voice,  the  other  day,  on  this 
lloor,  of  an  aged  and  venerable  nieniiier  iVoin  Mas- 
sacluisciis,  who  lived  far  back  in  the  eij,hleciiili 
century,  asserting  that  the  whole  of  (.)r.;:on  was 
ours,  and  thai  llic  [|iiesiicni  nu^lit  now  to  be  settled. 
Sir,  my  heart  Ihrolibed  a  warm  resiimise  to  ihal  pa- 
trioiii-  declaration,  coming  t'roin  oiiewho  lias  lived 
and  acled  with  that  noble  bund  of  pairiois  that  gave 
birth  to  Ihis  Repnl'lie,  imiiaried  to  it  that  vilality 
nnt'  .irir  that  command  the  hive  and  admiration  of 
all  ■  ::.  can  appreciate  the  liberality  of  her  priiici- 
Jilcuo,  Ihe  siiblimily  of  her  ticsimy^  Sir,  beseem- 
ed to  lie  llie  only  reniainiii;;  one  of  that  group  of 
intellectii.il  conslellalions  iliat  shone  in  times  gone 
by,  and  :lirew  a  liisire  upon  ihe  liimory  nf  their 
tiwii  coin  iryaiid  of  I  lie  world,  ihat  lime  nor  circuiii- 
«.iniice.<  can  ohsi-iire  or  deslniy.  Sir,  tliouuh  the 
ravages  of  lime  nrevisilile  in  the  palsied  hand  that 
was  raised  in  allestation  of  our  right  to  Oregon, 
and  the  s|iray  "f  llie  poliiicnl  .Inrilan  he  bad  jiassed, 
with  other  wnrlliies  ihat  were  no  inure,  slill  was 
will  upon  his  locks,  yet  there  beat  in  that  iio.soin 
on  iiis  iinesliiniun  An'ierican  hcarl;  ny,  sir,  it  pul- 
Kiiles  willi  a  warmth  thai  was  imparieif  i.i  n  by  the 
fire  thai  t'eil  upon  it  ffinn  the  allarjif  liberty,  at 
which  lie  and  the  I'iiliers  of  Ihe  ('onslitiitioii  wor- 
Fliippeil  liiirelher  In  days  ^oiieliy.  ^\,\y  its  genial 
inal  be  nnparled  tn  ilie  heart  of  inry  man  in  this 
House,  luid  to  ihe  hearts  of  the  whole  American 
people! 

Sir,  I  fancy  that  I  heiu'  the  people  of  ilie  Wtat 


responding  to  the  sentiments  uttered  by  that  vener- 
able man — that  the  mighty  heart  of  that  great 
giantess  has  begun  to  pulsate  with  a  double  vigor, 
and  that  I  hear  the  echo  of  its  throbs  across  the 
Alleghanies.  Yes  I  I  fancy  that  I  sec  gathering 
upon  her  brow  a  tempest  of  indignation,  that  will 
burst  upon  the  devoted  heads  of  any  set  of  men, 
or  party,  that  would  defeat  the  consummation  of 
the  measures  before  the  House  for  the  full  occupa- 
tion of  Oregon,  and  the  protection  of  our  citizens; 
or  that  would  surrender  one  foot  of  our  territory 
there  to  satiate  the  cupidity  of  Great  Britain.  Sir, 
her  sons  would  prefer  making  Ihe  territory  north 
of  forty-nine  degrees  their  btirying-ground,  rather 
than  sefd,  by  its  surrender  to  buy  peace  from 
England,  the  infamy  and  eternal  disgrace  of  their 
conntrj'.  They  ask  nothing  hut  what  is  just, 
and  will  nnt  submit  to  anything  that  is  wrong. 
She  ofltrs  the  noble  bo.soms  of  her  sons,  as  a 
living,  unconquerable  bulwiuk,  to  protect  the  coun- 
try and  our  rights.  .She  asks  the  boon  at  the 
hands  of  this  Government  of  rearing  aloft  the  stars 
and  the  stripes,  and  planting  them  on  every  hill-top 
and  valley  in  Oregon — ay,  sir,  on  the  shores  of  the 
mighty  Pacific,  there  to  guard  them  with  her  no- 
blest sons,  and  there  to  let  them  wave  in  triumph, 
till  the  glorious  principles  of  liberty  .ind  Christi- 
anity shall  have  begirt  the  world,  ami  consumma- 
ted universal  liberty,  civil  and  religious,  to  inai.. 


OREGON  QUESTION.; 

SPEECH   OF   MR.   BOWLIN, 

OF  Mis.souni, 

I>f  THE  IIOfSF.  OF   REPnF.iSF.XTATIVES,  j 

Januiirtj  (i,  1846.  j 

Upon  the  Resolution  for  terminating  the  joint  oc- 
cupation of  Oregon. 

i\fr.  BOWLIN  said:  He  regarded  this  ques- 
tion of  Ihe  occupation  of  Oregon  as  one  of  I  he  most 
vil.al  importance  that  had  agitated  litis  Govern- 
ment since  its  foundation.  It  not  only  involved 
the  value  of  the  territory  in  question,  but  princi- 
ples of  the  most  sacred  character  to  the  nation. 
No  matter  In  what  liu-ht  we  viewed  it — whether  in 
regard  to  the  value  of  the  territory  in  question,  to 
the  national  honor  at  stake,  or  the  mijlity  Power 
with  whom  it  might  probably  brini:  us  into  enlli- 
sion — it  was  every  way  ciiually  iniporlant.  The 
issue  .seemed  now  In  be  made  up.  N(  L'miatinn, 
which  had  been  amusing  and  robbing  iis  for  llie 
last  quarter  of  a  century,  was  now  al  iin  end,  and 
the  time  fortirlion  bad  come.  The  i  risis  had  ar- 
rived: and  we  had  to  decide  upon  principles  which 
involved  llie  unity  or  disniembermenl  of  the  isoil 
of  the  Republic.  If  this  nation  shoiild  give  way 
on  this  point,  she  would,  in  the  very  bloom  of  her 
youlh,  sland  degraded  in  the  eyes  of  the  world, 
and  a  lasting  .tiaiii  would  be  iidlicied  n|iiiii  her 
honor.  If  she  resisted  this  airgifssioii,  war  niiirht 
be  Ihe  consci|uencc:  and  even  if  it  should  be,  who 
would  hesitate  in  the  performance  of  a  irreat  na- 
tional duly,  demanded  by  honor  and  justice,  to 
avoid  its  calamities?  The  very  imporlancc  of 
the  question  rendered  more  imperalive  our  duly 
to  bring  the  country  out  of  it  with  iintarnisheil 
honor.  Was  this  to  be  aceomplisheil  by  a  lime- 
serving  inactive  policy?  Were  we  to  escape  dis-  ] 
honor  by  leaving  a  foreiirn  colony  upon  our  soil  ? 
No;  the  brand  had  been  already  fixed  upon  the 
nation's  brow,  by  miserable  iliploinacy,  and  every 
hour  It  was  .sullen  . I  lamely  and  (|iiielly  m  remain 
bill  fixed  the  impression  (feeiieranil  deeper.  He 
repudiated  ilie  iniseralde  policy  thai  could  lamely 
ealcniale  the  cost  upon  n  question  of  this  import- 
ance to  the  national  interests,  lo  the  national  honor 
and  glory. 

U|ion  the  question  of  our  claims  to  Oregon,  he 
did  not  propose  lo  trouble  the  Mouse  His  views 
upon  it  liail  already  been  fully  snbniillcd  at  a  for 
mer  session  of  ( 'ongiess,  and  he  should  i-nly  loiicli 
upon  ihem  as  liny  might  ineidenlally  be  involved 
ill  the  review  of  the  trenlien  made  tqion  ibis  snb- 
jecl.  He  proposed  lo  leave  the  qncslion  of  title 
where  the  decision  of  ilu'  last  Congress,  in  confor- 
mity with  that  of  the  Baliiiiiore  Convention,  li.id 
placed  it,  and  which  ihe  peo)ile  of  iliia  nation  iiaii 
ratified  liy  a  solemn  and  decigivo  vote,  viz:  that  it 
8  uuqucittioimbly  in  us 


The  title  of  Oregon,  then,  is  oura;  ond  is  estab- 
lished by  the  best  authority  in  this  country.  That 
being  the  case,  had  we  done  anything  lo  place 
that  title  out  of  our  hands,  or  lo  bring  it  into  jeop- 
ardy ?  And  here  permit  him  to  state,  at  the  out.iet 
of  his  arguinent,  that  no  act  .vhicli  we  might  pos- 
sibly do  111  relation  lo  Oregon,  so  long  as  we  leave 
the  rivers,  bays,  and  creeks  of  that  territory  open 
to  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  and  allow  them 
the  right  of  trading  with  the  Indians,  could  be  in 
violation  of  that  convention.  We  might  establish 
a  territorial  Government  regardless  of  the  notice; 
we  might  build  our  forts  and  fortifications;  we 
might  send  our  people  there;  we  might  organize 
the  territory  into  a  State;  and,  in  his  humble  opin- 
ion, there  would  be  no  violation  of  the  treaty  stip- 
ulations between  us  and  England. 

The  error  into  which  genilemeii  seem  to  have 
fallen  upon  this  subject,  was,  in  .supposing  that 
we  had  negotiated  (inrselves  out  of  llic  right  of 
disposing  of  our  territory  in  Oregon  ns  we  pleased 
without  giving  just  cause  of  olfence  to  others. 
This  doerine  grew  out  of  the  idea,  so  busily  pro- 
mulgated by  the  English  usurpers  of  our  terriiory, 
that  there  existed  by  treaty  a  "joint  occupation" 
in  Oreiron.  This  he  utterly  denied.  There  never 
wos  such  a  thing  an  "joint  occupation"  secured 
to  Elngland  in  the  treaty;  and  it  was  only  an  adopt- 
ed phrase,  ingeniously  invented  to  bolster  up  the 
pretensions  of  the  aigressors.  It  exists  in  none 
of  the  treaties  either  with  Spain  or  with  us.  It  is 
a  modern  invention,  to  turn  a  treaty  strictly  com- 
mercial into  u  treaty  of  territory  ami  boundaries — 
into  a  treaty  invclving  the  sovereignty  of  soil. 
What  he  proposed  now  lo  show  was,  ilint  no  ex- 
ercise of  sovereignty  over  the  territory  of  Oregon, 
on  our  pan,  was  a  violation  of  any  ol'ilie  ireaiics, 
while  British  subjects  were  llicrc  permitted  to  en- 
joy the  freedom  of  navigation  and  trade,  end  while 
that  privilege  might  and  could  be  better  proteeted 
unilcr  an  organized  govenmierit  of  the  loriitory  by 
us  than  at  present;  iuid  that  it  was  i^ur  right  to  an- 
nul and  abrogate  it  at  our  will  and  pleasure,  with- 
out just  cause  of  olTenee  to  any  one. 

Then  he  might  ask,  what  has  England  gained 
by  treaty  on  this  subject? 

The  first  foundation  of  her  pretendad  claim  was 
the  treaty  of  JNootka  .Sound;  and  upon  this  her 
own  eminent  statesmen  had  pronounced,  on  the 
fioor  of  the  British  Parliament,  that  they  had 
gained  nothing  that  they  had  not  before.  They 
had  bullied  Spain  into  that  negotiation:  they  had 
kicked  her  into  it  by  votinj,'  supplies  to  the  King 
for  carrying  on  the  war.  Bui  Spain  oul-gcneralea 
them,  and  lliey  gained  nolhioi;  but  fine  words. 
They  gained  nothing  but  the  right  of  iiisress  and 
egress  in  that  territory,  the  right  to  trade  with  the 
natives,  ami  to  make  temporary  huts  and  ware- 
houses. Ay,  they  gained  a  lo-s  by  that  very 
treaty:  for  they  irained  the  privilege  of  the  com- 
merce of  the  South  Sea,  am!  took  it  as  a  boon  at 
the  hiuiils  of  a  nation  which  they,  at  the  same 
lime,  held  ill  pretended  scorn  and  contenipt.  Yes, 
sir;  she  acknowledged  the  sovereignty  of  Spaiii 
over  the  South  seas,  iind  took  as  a  boon  from  her 
the  privileges  of  llii  ir  connnerce.  That  was  strict- 
ly a  commercial  convention,  and  had  nothing  lo  do 
wilh  the  sovereignty  of  the  soil  of  Oregon;  and 
every  privilege  granicil  could  have  been  exercised 
consistently  with  Spain's  sovereignty  ovi  r  the  soil. 
The  following  is  the  third  article  of  the  tremy  of 
Nootka  Sound,  specifying  the  privileges  conferred: 

1-  .^llTlil.E    IIF.    t'l    oriicr   lo    fitreiiiflhcli   die    ImniU    of 

*  frieiuliiliip.  and  t<  tn-f  rve  in  fuuire  perlcct  Imriiioiiy  and 
1  n  boimI  iimlerstnii.  llii  lienveen  the  nvocoiitmcliliij  parties, 

*  it  ii*  nsrecil  ttiiit  11,.  r  re!i|HM'liv     milijcrls  »liall  not  tw-  liis- 

*  nirlicil  or  iiii»l"sic(l,  either  in  iiiiviiftitiiiii  or  cHrrviim  *>n 

*  their  ftsheries  in  the  r«citie  oi'eiili  iir  the  Sniitli  urns,  or 
'  of  Iniuliiiu  on  Ihe  coa.ilH  of  llliiKe  ncnn,  in  plncen  not  iil- 
1  rciiiiv  occupied,  tor  the  purpi»*e  nl'  i  arrv  iiie  on  their  com- 

*  liieree  wilh  llie  iiiitivcH  nl'  the  cniititrv.  in  of  iiiiiliinii  eel- 
'  tlemeiits  there :  Ihe  whole   ^iihject,  iieverlhelcs'(,  lo  tlio 

*  restrictions  sp.-.cilh*d  in  tlic  tliree  loliovviii^  articles." 

The  iiaMre  and  ehamcler  of  the  settlenieiils  aro 
rtilly  explained  by  the  proviso  to  the  sixth  arlicle, 
ill  llie  following  words: 

1'  /VoeWfft.  'flmt  the  naid  respeelivii  Ntihjpots  xlmll  rcLtin 
1  the  lihcrty  of  iHndliij;  on  tliecniuiln  liliil  jslitniN  se  situated 

*  fur  the  piirpone  ol' their  liiherv,  Riiil  ot  erecnuu  thereon 
1  huts  nau  other  leinporRry  buildings  serving  only  Ibr  tiiosu 
'  piirjHwci." 

.Now,  if  tliis  treaty  was  not  completely  abro- 
gated by  the  war  which  immediately  after  fol- 
lovved  between  Great  Britain  and  Sjiain,  what  dirt 
she  guiij  by  ii?    Freedom  to  l(cr  commerce  and 


78 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  fi, 


2^11  CoNo 1st  Srss. 


The  Oregon  Quettion — ]\lr.  liotvlin. 


Ho.  OF  Rgpb. 


■ 

r  ^ 


trade  ill  those  reKioiis;  nothiiif;  iiioro.  A.11J  whiil- 
evcr  mny  have  been  her  nmbilioiia  designs  upon 
the  territory,  Spain  conceded  no  more,  nnd  intend- 
ed to  concede  no  more. 

The  next  thinjr  in  the  Iu«tory  of  negotintinn.hy 
which  bIic  pretended  timt  she  ncqiiired  any  rishts, 
was  in  the  celcbrnteil  treiity  with  the  Uiiiled  St«tea, 
in  18!(l.  The  terms  of  that  tremy  were,  |ierhnpfl, 
liimiliar  to  every  Kenileniiiii  in  this  House;  but  he 
wished  to  call  the  ntieniion  of  eentlcincn  iwrlicH- 
Inrly  to  it  03  cnmnaivd  with  other  Irentiiis  of  tlie 
United  Stjites  willi  (Irent  Hrilnin,  that  tliey  nii^ht 
see  whether  ehe  ever  enincd  any  more  riirht  of 
soil,  or  other  rights,  under  it  than  slie  lind  gained 
under  oilier  treaties,  with  refrard  lo  which  she  had 
made  no  such  preiensions.  What  did  the  treaty 
of  1818  L'ivB  thrill .'  The  third  article  of  that  treaty  i ' 
wiuj  as  follows:  '    | 

"Artici.k  III.  It  Ih  nfreril  that  any  country  that  amy  bo  !  \ 

*  ctniltli'it  liy  citlicr  IMrly  mi  ttic  nnrtlnVcit  roust  nf  Allicricii  . ; 

*  WP>twnrd'or  iJie  Slnn'y  iiinui)tir>nH,  tihiill,  loitPtlifr  with  ji-f  jj 
'  1iiii-h,ir!<,  hay»>,  and  rrci-li!.,  nnil  l)ir<  nnviimtion  of  nil  rtvrn<  { 
'  wtttiin  the  same,  be  tree  and  open  fi>r  tlie  ti-riii  of  ten  yinria,  1  j 
'  t'roni  ttie  date  of  tbp  himiniiirc  m'  the  prcwcnt  convenlion,   1 

*  tfi  the  vossij!*,  citizcnii,  iiiid  «iibji'rtj4  of  the  two  powcrti ;  it  ;  I 
'  bf  inn  well  iinderitoiHl  llint  thi-*  Hcn'cmcnt  is  not  to  bo  con-  j ' 

*  sinipti  to  the  prejudice  of  any  claini  wliicli  citlicr  of  the  1 1 

*  two  hiyh  contractinc  partica  inny  have  to  any  iiart  nf  the  i' 
'  said  country;  nor  shall  it  lie  taken  10  altVct  tile  claims  of  I, 
'  any  oiImt  power  nr  >tatc  to  any  pun  of  tlic  said  coiinlry —  ]\ 
'  the  only  object  of  the  liich  conlrnctinjr  panics  in  that  re-  ;j 
<s|>oct  '>cin2  to  prevent  disputes  nnd  dill'crrnces  among 

*  Ihemwivcs."'  !' 

Now,  he  cnntendcd  that  while  wc  prcFcrve  to   ' 
them  the  freedom  of  trade  in  that  iCTitury,  and  j 
preserve  the  creeks,  liays,  and  rivers  open  10  their  ' 
communicntion  with  the  waters  of  that  country,! 
there  was  no  violation  of  the  spirit  of  tlint  treaty. 
This  idea  if  "  jciiiit  oiviipation,"  ;:lowin;:  oiii  of  j 
that  treaty,  arose  from  the  peculiar  coiidi*i<in  of  the  : 
case,  aiidnot  from  the  words  of  the  treaty  orfnini 
luiy  known  principles  of  inicrimtional  law.     When  i 
we  a^rec  t<i  let  a  lountry  inoi  coinmercijd  traiisac-  | 
tioiis  with  a  savage  people  on  our  territory,  it  lie-  i 
cessarily  carried  with  it  the  idea  that  they  may  for-  j 
tify  themselves  with  stoclcndcsand  lemporary  forts; 
and  that  iiesets  the  idea  of  |ierinaneni  linlii'tation,  i 
permanent  location;  and  this  licffels  ihe  idea  wilh  | 
«  i;ras[iiiiij  nation  such  as  Great  Hriiaiii  that  there  \ 
nay  be  some  claim  to  territory  arisiiii:  under  it.  i 
An  example  of  a  similar  treaty  was  tiiat  which  was 
conchidcu  with  Knsland  in  17!I4,  known  as  Jay's  ' 
treaty,  by  which  the  I'ree  iiavi;ralion  of  the  Missis- 
sippi river  was  expressly  iirovidcd  for.     And  I  he 
nr'ii'Ie  in  that  treaty  was  alniost  in  identical  tcnas 
with  the  arti'-le  ■>?" 'l-i-i  ivenlv  in  relation  toDrcuoii.  , 

Mr.   B.   re.  d  the  'oilowi'ng  extract   from   this 
treaty:  I 

"The  rivi'r  Mississippi  shall,  tinwcvcr.  nccnrdinc  10  the  '■ 

*  tftidty  of  peacf,  be  cnlt^  ly  o|icn  to  both  p:irlics  ;  and  it  is 

*  liirlhcr  iiErced  ilinl  nil  lln-  p<irls  nnd  plnrcs  on  its  custt-rn 

*  side,  10  ^^i^^c^l«o,•\•r•r  of  the  parties  bclonitiiiir.  niny  frc-ly 
<  be  resorted  to  and  nsed  by  liotli  parties  in  as  nitiplc  a  nmii-  ^ 

*  ner  as  any  of  the  .Mlnntic  [vins  or  places  of  the  I.'nitcd  , 
»  States,  or 'any  ef  the  pons  or  plai-cs  of  his  .Mujcsty  in  (ircat 

*  Britain." 

Almost  precisely  the  lai!;uns;e  used  in  relation  to 
Ores^or       Now,  suppose   that  t.ireat^Uriiaiii  had 
created  one  of  her  ffreat  monopoliz.ins  compaiiics, 
and  had  placed  it  on   the  .soil  of  Mississippi  and 
Tennessee:  who  would  have  believed  (or  a  moment 
her  claim  to  any  ri^hl  of  territory  there,  iiniler  a 
treaty  which  irnve  to  her  the  riirht  of  inirress  and  ' 
e»ress  in  thai  rivi-r.-     Who  would  have  supposed 
that  she  hod  any  risht  to  prevent  us  from  oriraniz-  j 
intra  civil   srovfrninent  there.^     And  yet  the  privi- 
lecres  co  ifern  d  upon  her  under  Jay's  treaty  111  re- 
l.ation  to  the  .Mississippi  river  \ver<:  just  as  cMen- 
give  as  those  which  this  treaty  in  rclaiion  to  <  lieu'on 
conferred  upon  her,  and  siilf  it  never  eiilcred  the 
heads  nf  British  sialesnien  that  they  had  any  ri:;ht  j 
to  the  territory  nlnif  tin  shores  of  llic  Mississijipi,  j 
the  Alissonri,  .nid  ilic  .Arkansas;  and  the  idea  of 
her  righl*  in  Orc'.'oii  had   her  11  lietfoiien  alone  by 
this  continual  •^raspiiiir  spirit  on  h'l  imri,  fostered 
by  our  own  suni'nciK  ss  nnd  inncnon,  and  by  ilo 
remoteness  of  this  territory.     They  would  nevir 
jinve  tried,  under  the  tiinty   '(  Ii^lH,  to  plant  a  Icr- 
rdory   under   our  own   view.     I'o(|/f  the   treaty  , 
which  conferreil  upon  us  the  rielit  of  fishinffoii  the  | 
banks  of  Newf  lundlanil,  we  were  aullinrized  to 
build  liiitsand  warehouses,  to  dry  our  (isli  and  pre- 
pare and  store  tlieiii  for  iiidrkel;  and  yet  it  never 
enured   into  the  cjincepuiin  of  ninn  that  beeause 
OrtHi  I'niain  hid  i:ivcn  us  ihi  ..e  privileKen,  thai 
terrilury  ur  siiy  portion  of  it  wa«  ouri      IJiiqiica-  . 


tionablv  it  had  never  entered  into  the  tlinii<;lit8  of  j 
Great  Britain,  thai  if  she  saw  fit  to  oiL'aui/.e  o  ler-  ; 
ritory  there,  she  was  first  to  come  nnd  Buk  its.    Ami  ; 
he  asked  gentlenien  to  thriiw  aside  the  idea  which 
had  been  eni;cnilered,  nnd  which   served  only  to 
confuse  and  lead  astray,  that  Great  ITritain  had  any 
rishls  which  woulil  be  iiiierfered  with  by  the  viii- 
dicnlion   of  our  claims  to   that   territory.      Her 
trtaty  with   Iluasia,  in   IHi'i,  conferred  iipon  her 
almost  the  same  privilee:es  as  the  treaty  with  us  in  1 
1818;  yet  she  had  never  dared  to  plant  any  colo- 
nies there;  she  had   never  even  raised   the  claim  1 
that  Hussia  hnd  surrendered  any  portion  of  her 
terrilory.  i 

The  leadintr  articles  in  the  treaty  between  Great  ' 
Britain  and  Hiissia  are  as  follows: 

o.Artici.k  VI.  It  is  understood  that  the  subjects  of  his 
'  Hritannic  Majesty,  from  whntcvcr  quarter  they  mny  arrive, 

*  whether  from  the  ocenii  or  from  the  interior  of  the  conti- 

*  nenl,  shnll  t'lircvcr  enjoy  the  riabt  of  nnviirntinit  fn'cly,  and 
»  witliom  any  bindcriince  whatever,  nit  the  rivers  ami  streiims 
'which  in  their  course  towards  llic  I'lieillc  ocenii  may  cross 

*  the  line  of  dcinarcnlion  ii|hii)  the  line  of  coast  described  in 

*  nrtieli'  ;ld  of  tlic  present  convention.*'  ; 

'*.-\rtici,k  \l\.  It  is  (i|.o  nnilerstiiod  that, for  the  sp:l^e  of 
'  ten  years  from  the  sisnntiircof  the  present  convention,  the  j 

*  vessels  of  the  two  Powers,  or  those  helomtiiis  to  their  re-  1 
»  sp,'ctive  siibjectsj  sliiill  niiiliinlly  be  nt  liberty  to  frequent, 

'  without  any  liinilerance  whatever,  nil  the  inland  seas,  the 

*  ciilfs,  tiiivciis,  and  creeks,  rin  the  coii>t  nientioncd  in  nr- 

*  tide  :iil  for  the  purposes  nf  lisliinft  and  of  trading  wiUi  the  . 
<  niilives." 

Now,  he  appealed  to  fjentlemeti  wliether  the  con-  ' 
cessions  in  these  respective  treaties  were  not  ^ery  ; 
similar  in  character.  Yet  it  is  not  prelended  that 
Great  Britain  ever  set  up  any  claini  to  the  Russian 
territory  in  the  northwest,  under  the  stipulations 
of  this  treaty.  She  never  dared  to  set  u]i  any 
prelenee  of  the  kind,  because  she  knew  there  was 
no  divided  power  in  lliiit  country:  and  the  haughty 
Autocrat  would  have  s[niriied  the  fraii<tiilciit  de- 
sii^n  to  usurp  his  territories.  Kiin;laiid  knew  there 
was  no  divided  councils  there  ;  no  slriii^ejles  for 
sectional  power;  no  petty  interests  at  war  with  the 
unity  of  the  empire;  but,  upon  the  contrary,  she 
would  have  to  encounter  that  powerful  despot, 
whose  councils  are  a  unit,  whose  word  is  law, 
whose  honor  is  deemed  his  country's  honor,  and 
whose  miirhty  power  was  sutlieicnt  to  shake  the 
rotten  systems  of  the  Old  World  to  their  I'ouiiihi- 
tion.  I'liese  may  lie  the  reastiiis  for  Russia's  ea- 
capiiiff  that  eeneral  devastation  which  marks  the 
course  of  her  colossal  march  to  univer.sal  empire. 

He  called  upon  u'ciitlenien,  then,  to  look  at  this 
subject  in  the  ri^'lit  aspect.  This  is  .Anieriean  ter- 
ritory. No  rights  have  been  eone.edcd  except  the 
ritjhls  of  trade;  and  so  loni;  as  our  harbors,  bays, 
and  creeks,  are  let't  ojieii  lo  her  cirizens  for  tliis 
purpose,  so  loiisr  we  violate  110  rii^lils  of  hers,  al- 
thou«;li  we  eo  on  to  take  possession  of  it,  by  or- 
^aiii/in;  a  (iovernineiii.  anil  lakiiii;  the  proper 
iiiea8Ure>4  for  the  protection  of  our  citi/ensand  our 
soil.  When  we  closed  the  nuvi^'atioii  of  liie  Mis- 
sissippi river  to  ihem,  were  we  ilireateiied  wilh 
war.'  When  we  eloscil  oilier  riicrs  to  llieiii,  were 
we  thiv.iiined  with  war.'  No:  it  had  not  been  llie 
praeliee  of  this  ]  loiisi*  to  aiiiieip;ite  war  on  such 
;;nuiin|s.  They  were  looked  upon  as  coninicrcia! 
trans:ictions.  No;  (rreat  Briiain  never  would  have 
dreamed  of  sayin;;  thai  she  had  any  claims  ujion 
()re;,'on,  had  it  not  In  en  for  the  laL"_'"rd  spirit  of  ihe 
Anierican  people,  7uid  which  had  crept  into  certJiin 
portions  o''  this  I  louse.  This  was  the  ori?in  of 
the  ffraspiiii;  spirit  inanifested  by  Ku'.:l;ind  on  this 
subject,  and  which  well  nceurded  with  the  (,'rasp- 
iiijsoiril  with  which  she  was  now  fi'.;htiiu;  the  New 
Zealanilers,  to  .strip  llieni  "f  ilieir  little  terrilory, 
and  was  denuiiiieine;  them  as  rebels.  She  had 
now  drawn  her  ibrtittcalioiis  froni  the  Norlh  of 
Kii;:land  il.self,  in  one  conlinuoiis  inilitarv  line,  all 
Ihe  way  around  to  the  I'.ast  Indies;  she  had  forti- 
fied tiiat  route  so  as  I  o  con  una  ml  tli<-  trade  of  < 'hi  11a, 
and  .she  dors  not  want  llre^-iiii  for  ilsill".  No;  .-he 
Would  rejoice  to  see  Dreijoii  one  biiruiiiir  volcano, 
IIS  far  as  she  is  coinMriied,  liecau.se  she  has  already 
foriiMed  one  route  to  secure  11  monopoly  of  the 
India  trade,  at  a  cost  of  hundreds  of  inillions,  and 
she  i«  not  prepared  to  ere,  1  a  n< w  line  of  forlificn- 
tioiis,  to  eiintrol  the  desiiny  of  llie  coiniuerce  in 
the  I'aeiiic.  No;  she  does  not  want  (I1V5011  f.ir 
itself,  but  she  jrrasps  it  to  keep  out  '^'aiikee  enter- 
pri<e.  The  conn  . I  of  the  commCRC  of  the  world 
13  the  .sei  ri  (  of  hei  vast  and  luisjlily  power.  Let  a 
successful  blow  be  stnick  ai  ilial,  and  that  mighty 
fitbric,  which  liuti  been  reared  upon  the  awttal  and 


blood  of  her  own  people,  and  the  plunder  of  na- 
tions, will  soon  crunible  to  the  dust.  She  has  seized 
upon  the  usual  route;  she  has  forlified  it  at  every 
point;  and  she  fell  secure  in  the  possession  of  her 
eoiitrolliii!;  power,  until  Anierican  ceiiius  and  eii- 
lerprise  devised  a  new  rinite,  wilhout  the  reach  of 
her  battlements.  In  her  hniitls,  she  would  never 
snll'er  C)re;;on  to  develop  her  great  coniiuerrial  re- 
sources, beenuse  it  would  cive  a  new  direction  to 
trade,  ond  produce  a  perfect  revolution  ill  eslab- 
lished  systems.  It  would  draw  that  commerce, 
which  has  enrieheil  every  nation  that  ever  controll- 
ed it,  from  the  direction  of  Europe  to  the  American 
coast.  If  she  can  cripple  us, nnd  prevent  emi;;riu  on 
nnd  settlement  in  Oregon,  that  is  all  she  desires, 
to  preserve  her  supremacy  over  the  coiniuerce  nf 
the  world.  I''.very  move  upon  the  political  cliess- 
boanl  is  but  another  illuHtrnlioii  of  her  vast  designs; 
and  justice  nnd  enuity  flirni  no  barrier  to  their  ac- 
complishment. A  beautiful  specimen  of  Knglisli 
justice  is  now  devchipin;:  itself,  which,  if  carried 
out,  ought  to  brand  her  with  eternal  disgrace.  Iti 
the  Chinese  war  she  captured  the  beautiful  island 
of  Cliiisaii,  which  comniands  the  entrance  lo  Ninj;- 
po,  the  commercial  depot  to  Peking,  the  capital, 
and  the  nuuith  of  the  Yang-lse-kiang,  ihe  great 
river  of  China.  I5y  the  terms  of  the  peace,  aim 
extorted  some  twenty  inillions  of  dollars  from  that 
peace-loving  people,  and  in  return  was  to  restore 
Imck  this  i.sland  in  December,  1H45.  The  money 
has  been  paid — China  has  kepi  her  faith.  And 
now  we  behold  the  spectacle  oi  ihe  l-'nglish  presH 
— yea,  the  press  thai  speaks  the  sentiments  of  the 
GoverimienI — declaring  that  this  island  is  not  In  bo 
surrendeiTd,  and  that  avowedly  for  the  purpose  of 
controlling  the  coiumerce  of  tlie  Vani-tse-kiang — 
that  great  artery  of  Chinese  trade.  They  eiuiirce 
the  portion  of  the  treaty  beneficial  to  themselves, 
and  then  claim  a  change  of  cireumstances  as  a 
jiislifieation  for  a  violation  of  national  faith.  They 
luive  got  the  money,  and  they  refu.se  to  siirrender 
back  the  island,  because,  they  say,  forfooih,  "  it 
would  be  pulling  it  into  the  hands  of  our  great 
rival,  Krance.  It  is  too  iniporlanl  to  surrender; 
we  must  keep  it,  and  prevent  Kraiiee  from  coiuiuH; 
into  possession  of  it."  This  is  British  nioraliiy! 
.And  why  do  lliey  keep  it?  Becau.se  it  is  the  near- 
est harbor  to  Oregon. 

He  now  culled  upon  gentlemen  to  look  frankly 
ujion  this  treaty,  and  to  see  that  there  have  been 
no  rights  conferred  under  it,  as  claimed  liy  gentle-  - 
men  in  this  House;  and  wheiher  we  give  the  no- 
tice or  not,  we  have  as  tuuch  right  to  organi/.e  a 
li'rritory,  to  fortify  it,  and  put  our  troops  in  it,  nswe 
had  iiiTciinesseeor  Mississiiipi  under  Jay's  trenty. 
It  was  no  grant  of  territory,  liiil  merely  a  comiuer- 
cinl  treaty;  nnd  (ireat  r.riiaiii  could  justly  take  no 
otl'eiice  ftt  our  action,  so  long  as  we  protected  the 
rights  nf  tmile  of  her  citizens;  but  if  she  saw  fil  lo 
take  oH'ence  at  it,  let  it  come. 

But  the  gentleman  from  South  Carolina  [Mr. 
Rhk.ttI  yesterday  told  them  if  war  came  it  woultl 
be  a  war  of  aggression  on  our  part.  Our  soil  (said 
Mr,  B.)  is  c|uarteied  ujioii;  fortifientioiis  are  erci't- 
ed,  and  the  territory  is  actually  taken  possession 
of;  and  beeaiise  we  see  fil  to  do  the  same  thing,  in 
the  exercise  of  our  rights,  are  we  to  be  told  ilmt, 
in  case  the  result  of  this  action  is  war,  it  is  a  war 
<if  aggression  011  ourjiarir  It  reminded  him  of  the 
old  fable  of  the  porcupine  nnd  the  snakes.  The 
porcupine,  being  overtaken  by  a  storm,  called  at 
the  den  of  the  snakes,  ami  sought  )trotection  (roui 
the  inelcmencv  of  the  wea'licr.  He  \\iis  taken  in; 
and  when  he  gni  tired  of  bis  compaiiN',  he  ihrew 
out  his  sharp  (piills  into  their  soft  sMiis.  They 
iiiviu  d  him  to  leiire.  "  No,"  he  tol  1  them;  "  he 
'  had  been  allowed  lo  coine  in,  and  be  was  very 
'  well  satisfied;  those  who  wished  lo  could  go  out." 
So  with  British  traders.  They  had  been  allowed 
to  come  in,  and  they  bad  taken  po.-session  of  this 
territory;  nnd  now.  when  we  wauled  lo  get  them 
out,  they  tell  us  they  arc  very  well  satisfied,  and 
those  who  are  dissatisfied  may  wilhilr.aw;  and  then 
tlie  gcnlleinaii  says  if  we  undertake  lo  put  the  por- 
ciininc  oui,  it  is  an  nggre.ssive  war.  He  (Mr.  It.) 
ditl  not  so  undersiand  i'  It  wmm  nothiii;;  nioro 
nor  less  than  a  war  of  ilcfeiice  aeainst  lite  en- 
croaelunents  of  an  o\er-graspiiig  I'uwer.  An  "of- 
fensive" war!  Why,  one  would  suppo,se  from 
the  speech  nf  the  geutleniiui  that  we  were  engaged 
in  some  grand  aei|iii.si.ion  of  foreign  lerrilory. 
Wan  that  lite  fuel.-     li  not  UrcKuii  uum.'    iJid 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


79 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  Question — JV/r.  Bowlin. 


Ho.  OF  Repa. 


It  IM  n  win* 
him  of  llin 

ni,  rnllod  nl 
Oft  ion  ('mm 
iH  ijtlii'ii  in; 
,  \\v  llircw 
nf.  'I'lioy 
llii'Mi;  "  hn 
'  wiiH  vorv 
lid  L''t  o\ii.'* 
in  iiIIiuvmI 
inn  III'  tliis 
t(»  uri  iliiin 

islirll,  niill 

:  Mini  ilii-n 

It  till'  |.ii(*- 

■  (Mr.  li.) 

thnn;  nnn'o 

isl   tho  in- 

•.    Aii"iif- 

i[Mt,sr  tVnin 

IV  ent^ntj:cd 

1    tirrilnrv. 

lUJi-     Lliil 


any  one  doiiht  it  at  this  dity  ?  And  if  it  was 
ours,  wlint  wuh  our  duty  in  rcs^nrd  to  our  citizeiiH 
nnd  <nii'  territory?  Tlie  Ksf'cnmn  from  South 
Cnrotinii  )m<l  told  them  timl  to  give  tlilH  notice 
would  lie  tn  iissume  excliiaive  jiiriHdiilion  over 
the  territory,  and  to  nnsume  cxeUisive  jurisdiction 
would  lie  wnr;  mid  furllier,  tlint  it  would  be  i\  wnr 
of  iisiiression  on  our  pnrt.  Ho  agreed  with  the 
(fcntleiimn,  that  giviii?  the  notice,  as  the  matter 
now  Blomi,  was  necessary  to  asmnie  exclusive 
jurisdiction;  hut  as  to  the  remainder  of  his  posi- 
tions, ho  dilfcred  with  him  ill  toto.  To  give  the 
notice,  and  to  nssuine  excliiNivc  jurisdiciion,  lie 
(Mr.  11.)  conteiiiled  did  not  ncce.ssarily  invite  to 
war;  nnd  if  wnr  should  follow,  it  woulil  lie  a  war 
iif  airsiission  on  the  part  of  Ens^liuid,  to  Like  from 
nsa  |inrt(ifiiur  ri'j,'litfiil  territory;  and  uwnr  which, 
lie  Ini.sted,  if  it  once  was  fiirced  upon  us  by  the 
rtipacily  of  Great  Uritain,  would  never  cease  until 
she  liiui  not  11  foot  of  land  upon  the  continent  of 
Americji.  Let  her  distinctly  understand  that  this 
was  the  sentiment  of  llii.s  House  and  of  the  other 
bouse  of  Conijress;  and  that  they  are  sustained 
ill  it  by  the  American  people;  that  wc  are  not 
fjoing  111  cower  before  Iter,  and  to  surrender  our 
just  territory;  that  we  are  not  the  poor  eoiiteinpt- 
ible  creatures  iliat  she  is  commitlins;  her  depreda- 
tions upon  in  South  Africa,  in  Hinilostan,  or  New 
Zealand;  and  let  her  distinctly  understand,  that  if 
she  makes  a  war  of  agsrcssion  in  order  to  take 
from  us  any  portion  of  onr  territory,  it  will  never 
cease  so  loiiy;  as  she  owns  one  inch  upon  our  con- 
tinent. Tlie  gciitlemaii  from  South  Carolina  also 
dwell  at  some  length  upon  the  policy  of  allowing 
things  to  remain  as  they  now  arc,  and  of  leaving 
to  lime  to  settle  this  question.  We  had  been 
allowing  it  to  go  on  in  this  nu.iincr  for  fifty  years, 
and  what  had  lime  accomplished  i"  It  hadbroughl 
into  question  the  title  of  a  territory  to  which  onr 
claim  was  as  good  as  that  upon  which  this  Capitol 
stands.  Our  diplomacy,  our  concessions,  our 
negotiations  from  time  to  time,  had  bronglil  the 
matter  into  this  position.  Wlnit  was  linn;  going 
to  do  ?  He  would  toll  them:  It  was  to  leave  that 
country  in  the  po.sscssion  of  the  British,  willi  cii- 
courageinent  to  fortify;  and  the  rcspoiusihility  of 
changing  the  stale  of  things  which  we  |Hisillan- 
imon.sly  slirink  from  will  be  iis.sunied  by  our  pos- 
terity ;  and  KiTiiiont's  pass  in  the  Rocky  inoiint^iins 
will  be  anollicr  Thennopykc  to  drive  liaclt  the  in- 
vading Persians  upon  the  rights  of  freemen.  The 
gentleman  was  mistaken  in  his  tlieorv.  Time 
BulK.ieiit  hiid  already  elapsed  to  develop  what 
would  be  the  result  ot  this  policy;  and  it  was, 
that  Kngland  has  iweniy-fonr  foris  i'n  that  territory, 
and  that  we  had  none;'lhat  Eii;:laml  has  an  organ- 
ized ffovernment,  we  have  none;  that  ICngland  lias 
military  forces  lliere,  we  have  none;  and  that  she 
has  absolute  possession  of  a  territory  to  which  she 
has  HO  claim  but  the  pretciidcd  one  iiiider  this 
treaty.  That  w;is  llie  operation  of  time;  and  time 
would  work  wonders  !  AVe  would  drive  them  o(f 
eventually,  or  make  them  American  citizens;  but 
he  scorned  to  leave  to  onr  posterity  what  we  ought 
to  do  ourselves — to  vindicate  our  claim  to  a  titrri- 
tory  to  which  our  title  was  as  good  as  it  is  to  the 
territory  of  Virginia. 

The  gentleman  seemed  to  think  it  absurd  to 
think  of  possessing  Oregon  He  (Mr.  I!.)  dif- 
fered wilh  him  here,  nli-o.  Let  us  pa.ss  (his 
measure;  let  ns  encourage  our  people  to  go  there, 
and  iel  the  English  attempt  to  resist  ns,  and  he 
would  guaranty  that  one  hundred  thousand  swords 
would  leap  from  their  scabbards,  and  would  be 
wielded  for  the  defence  of  onr  riglils  in  Oreu-on, 
by  those  who  would  go  determined  to  drive^  olf 
onr  enemies  from  the  last  inch  of  the  soil  of  the 
llcnublic. 

Absurd  to  possess  our  own  soil — absurd  to  resist 
British  nffgressions  upon  onr  own  territory ab- 
surd to  protect  the  national  lioiior  from  the  burn- 
ing disgrace  of  foreign  colonizalion  within  onr 
established  linills  !  Mr.  II.  frankly  confessed  tliiit 
he  could  not  comprehend  the  force  of  such  logi.\ 
No  achievement,  liowever  brilliant  or  stu[iendous, 
backed  by  the  mighty  power  of  ihu  Hepublie, 
could  merit  the  epithet  of  ,\lisiirdity;  much  less 
one  which  had  jnsiiivi  for  its  guide,  nnd  (he  pre- 
servadon  of  the  iialional  domain  and  (he  nulioiial 
lionor  I'or  i(a  aim. 

The  genlleman  [iVtr.  Uiiett]  had  (reatcd  ni 
some  len|;th  of  tint  eft'ecig  of  war  upon  our  institu- 


tions, nnd   lind  seemed  to  dread  something  lilce 
despoiism  rcHiilting  from  it.     In  this  he  diflercd 
from  that  gentleman;  and  he  regarded  it  as  a  poor  ; 
compliment  to  our  system  to  assume  its  inetliciency 
for  any  and  every  emergency.     He  regarded  our  i 
system  of  Government  the  best  that  had  been  de-  j 
vised  by  human  wisdom,  either  for  peace  or  for 
war.     It  was  no  frail  bark,  formed  alone  for  proa-  I 
iierous  gales,  and  to  be  shivered  amidst  the  storm; 
out  one  formed  for  every  contingency;  and  well 
has  it  realized  the  best  hopes  of  its  patriotic  found- 
ers.    It  has  stood  the  test  of  war-tempests  when 
tho  Republic  was  in  its  infancy,  nnd  brought  us 
out  gloriously  and  triumphantly.    The  anticipated 
evils  of  the  gentleman  were  no  part  of  the  fruits 
of  tliat  glorious  slrui'glc,  but,  on  the  contrary,  it 
,  nrou.sed  a  noble  and  enthusiastic  patriotism  among 
!  the  people;  a  renewed  devotion  to  our  cherished 
institutions,   which    had   borne   them   unscathed 
amidst  the   conliict;  and   its  fruits  were  nalloniil 
i  honor  and  national  glory.     A  war,  he  nuilntnined, 
;  occasionally,  was  no  positive  evil,     it  engendered 
among  the  peo]ilc  a  self-relying  conlidence,  and  a 
i  warm  aad  patriotic  devotion  to  their  country.     It 
I  secured  respect,  by  teaching  others  that  we  are 
'  not  to  be  assailed  with  impunily.     China  is  an 
,  example  of  a  nation  which  never  wars — which 
.1  spends  millions  of  money  to  build  walls  to  hedge 
herself  around,  instead  of  relying  on  the  breasts  of 
!  her  sons  as  a  bulwark  of  defence.     On  the  con- 
I  trary,  Kngland,   France,  and  Germany  were  na- 
I'  lions  that  were  pre)iared  to  defenil  their  rights. 
||  He  did  not  regard  war  as  a  positive  evil,  if  it  was 
:  forced  upon  us  by  aggression  and  injnsiiec:  and  he 
told  the  gentleman  he  might  look  to  the  West  for 
defence  for  any  war  which  might  come  upon  us. 
••     On  the  point  of  honor,  it  was  a  subject,  ns  he 
,1  had  before  remarked,  of  vital   impoilance  to  this 
1  country.    The  eyes  of  the  world  arc  upon  us,  and 
I  their  estimate  of  our  national  character  was  more 
or  less  to  be  formed  U]ion  the  issue  of  this  contest. 
If  the  Territory  of  Oregon  was  a  barren  rock,  if  it 
,  was  a  burning  volcano,  still  it  wm  oars;  and  he 
I  trusted  in  God  that  there  w-.as  in  llie  hearts  of  (he 
people  that  strong  idea  of  national  honor  which 
1]  would  forever  preserve  it  from  dismemberment, 
from  desecration,  from  being  yielded  up  to  the 
li  aggressor.     Trom  the  manner  iii  which  gentlemen 
'  talk  upon  this  lloor,  we  might  suppose  that  the 
idea  of  national   honor  had  become  extinct  in  the 
;  land.     Had  we  any  such  thing  es  national  honor? 
Wc  thought  we  had,  when  Congress,  a  (ew  years 
ago,   |)iitriotically   voted   millions   to   the   diserc- 
tiiimry  control  of  the  PriMilcnt,  to  protect  our 
rights   In  the  northeast.     'I'lieii  we  Celt  as  a  brave 
i  and  pa(riolic,  peojilc  should  )i  el — llnK  (he  cost  was 
jj  not  eounled  when   honor  was  at  stake.     In  four 
I  short  years  that  di.sputed  territory  tell  a  victim  to 
our  splendid  schemes  of  diplomacy.     Maine  was 
dismembered,  and  a|)oition  of  her  people  trans- 
;  I'erred  to  despotism  nnd  tyramiv.anil  she  |iaid  for 
the  priceless  sacrifice  nut  of  the  pulilic  treasury; 
and  this  in  uirn  was  deemed  an  honorable  trans- 
action.    J!nt  he  sincerely  trusted  that  this  was  the 
;  last  of  that  splendid  system  of  iliplomacy;  and 
that  such  disgrace  would   not  be  SL'aiii    iiillicted 
upon  the  ciiniitry.     I'pon  this  subjeci  wc   might 
derive  M    Host   beantifol    lesson  froin  the  ancient 
Roman"       Aniongst   the  fabled  deilies  of  the  Ro- 
mans, tliey  iiad  a  god  of  boundaries  called  Termt- 
inis,  who  was  lepresenlrd  withiuit  teet,  indicating 
that  he  had  no  power  of  retreating  from  the  snot 
where   lioinan  valor    had   placed   him.     To  this 
.  fabled  deity,  the  homage  of  patriotism,  courage, 
and  a  sacred   tailh   in  the  prowess  of  their  arms, 
V  .-'re  rendered  up  with  divine  honors.      Religion 
and  p'lirioiism  combineil  in  the  preservation  ot' the 
soil  of  the   iteiiublic.     In  snoporl  of  litis   sacred 
principle  nf  Itoniao  I'ailli,  of  ttoman  piiiriolism,  it 
was  ordained    liial   any  one  who  proposed  (o  re- 
move (his god, and  disinembcr  (he Republic, should 
lie  decreeil  infamous.     Armed  alike  with  religious 
eiitlinsiasin,  a  devolion  lo  this  god  of  limiis,  and 
an  ardent  nnd  biiriiing  palriotism,  (lie  liniiKin  peo- 
ple not  only  preserved   from  disnieinbi  rnienl   the 
soil   of  the   Republic   for  more  than  a   ibonsand 
yenrs,  but  planted  the  slalne  of  their  (avoriie  deity 
in  Hrilain  on  the  North,  on  the  iMiphmtes  in  the 
East,  Miiiini.iiiia  in  the  .South,  and  (he  pillars  of 
Hercules  in  (de  West,     lioni  \ii  ariiis  and  Roman 
valor  carried  him  to  the  utmost  limits  of  the   then 
known  habitable  globe.     Iinpiied  bv  a  holy  faith 


in  their  tutelary  deity,  they  could  look  undismayed 
amidst  the  slaughters  of  Cnnnte  and  the  ruthless 
plunder  of  the  Gauls.  Eveo  in  her  grcntesi  ex- 
tremity, no  senator  dared  counsel  peace  at  thn 
sacrifice  ofnn  acre  of  her  soil;  no  diplnmntisi  had 
the  temerity  to  breath  ^hc  thought  of  removing 
the  favorite  deity  from  his  pedestal  at  any  price. 
Where  Roman  genius  and  Roman  enterprise  creel- 
ed the  sacred  symbol,  Roman  valor  was  there 
ready  to  defend  it.  Under  the  benign  inlluence  of 
this  mingled  aeiniment  of  religion  and  patriotism, 
Rome  grew  and  spread  until 

Slie  vcilcil 
F.nrtli  wilh  her  hniiuhty  plmitnw,  iini)  (lispliiyed, 
riitd  llie  o'er-caiio|iicil  hiirj/.nn  ftiileil, 
Her  nisliing  win(fs--oh  !  «he  who  wiw  Almighty liailcd. 

From  this  beautiful  story  of  the  fabled  divinity, 
let  us  learn  to  draw  lessons  of  wisdom  and  patriot- 
ism. Let  us,  like  the  Romans,  inculcate  a  sacred 
reverence  for  the  unity  of  our  soil,  for  the  untar- 
nished lustre  of  our  honor.  Let  us  enshrine  in 
our  iiearls  our  stars  and  our  stripes  ns  the  patriotic, 
emblems  of  onr  faith.  Let  us  plant  them  upon 
the  utmost  limits  of  the  Republic,  and  invoke  exe- 
cration upon  the  head  of  him  who  would  counsel 
their  withdrawal  or  their  dishonor. 

He  trusled  that  this  illustrious  example  would 
not  be  lost  on  our  Inter  Republic,  but  the  same 
spirit  which  had  glowed  in  millions  of  Roman 
hearts,  would  continue  lo  pulsate  in  every  Ameri- 
can bosom,  iintd  our  iianie,  and  our  principles,  nnd 
our  I'ree  instiuitions,  had  spread  and  covered  thn 
earth  with  their  benign  influence.  National  pridn 
nnd  national  honor  were  sentiments  in  the  Ameri- 
can breast  which,  lilce  the  vcslal  fires,  (lamed  eter- 
nal upon  the  sacred  altar  of  the  hearts  of  freemen. 
To  oflend  that  pride  ir  that  honor,  was  ns  holy  a 
cause  of  wnr  as  lo  strike  the  indignant  blow  at 
liberty  itself.  In  the  gentleman's  [Mr.  Riiett] 
illustration  of  the  cau.scs  of  war,  he  differed  with 
him  eiuirely.  There  were  other  cau.scs  than  the 
oppressor's  blow  ipon  the  liberty  of  a  nation. 
There  were  other  causes  than  the  mere  dread  of 
being  trodden  in  the  dust  by  the  iron  heel  of  pow- 
er. In  the  honor  of  a  nation  there  were  points  ns 
nice  and  delicate,  and  even  more  so,  than  in  that 
of  a  ]irivnte  individiiid.  Our  revolutionary  fathers 
had  spilled  their  blood  on  a  hundred  battle-fields 
on  an  nbslrnct  technical  principle;  not  becnnsn 
they  were  taxed  higher  than  they  could  bear — for 
(hey  taxed  theniselves  much  higher  afterwards — 
but  because  they  were  taxed  by  those  who  had  no 
;  right  111  tax  them.  To  tax  iheni.selves  was  the  ex- 
ercise of  the  glorious  right  of  freemen — lo  submit 
to  be  taxed  by  others  was  the  dcgrndalioii  of 
slaves. 

The  gentleman  had  said  something  nbrut  north-  * 
e:-n  and  western  chivalry .  which  could  conlemnlate 
the   flowing  of  blond  fo  •  national  honor,  and  yet 
would  award  a  felon's  giave  lo  an  individual  who 
would  combat  on  a  point  of  private  honor.     He 
could  tell  the  genileman  that,  as  far  as  the  West 
was  concerned,  he  had  wholly  mi.staken  the  cliai- 
actir  oC  her  people.     And  he  could  fiirlher  (ell  (he 
geiHleiiKin  (hat  that  high  sense  of  pride,  ilinl  deli- 
cate sense  of  honor,  which   impelled  man  lo  call 
another  to  the  field  of  private  combat,  was  to  the  full 
i  Jissirongin  the  West  ns  il  was  in  South  Carolina. 
1       [Mr.  WonnwABO,  of  South  Carolina,  here  in- 
terposed, and,  as  his  collengue  was  absent  I'roni 
the  House,  would  lake  the  liberty  of  saying  on  his 
behalf  that  he  thonghl  the  genileman  from  Mis- 
souri had  mistaken  his  meaning.     Me  had  made 
I  no  such  reference  to  the  people  of  the  West,  nor 
'  to  any  individual   in  the  West.     He  had  merely 
i  said  tliat  there  were  some  individuals  such  as  ho 
\  described.] 

j  He  claimed  no  peculiar  credit  for  I'le  chivtilry  of 
!  the  West;  he  only  claimed  for  her  an  ecpial  parli- 
'  ripntion,  wilh  the  rest  of  ihi^  conl'cdcracy,  in  that 
'  commonsentiment  of  American  valor  which  nuidfl 
the  lilood  of  her  citizens  n  free  oil'ering  upon  the 
altar  ot"  their  country's  glory. 

There  was  nnolher  branch  of  this  subject  lo 
which  lime  would  only  perinil  him  lo  alliide,  and 
that  was  the  cominercial  iinporlance  of  this  terri- 
tory. And,  ill  the  lirst  place,  he  would  call  the  at- 
tention of  gentlemen  lo  the  ("act,  thai  from  the  At- 
liiiuic  coast,  through  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi, 
on  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  we  were  by  nature,  ay, 
I  we  were  st;unped  by  the  hand  of  Ctod  himself,  ai 
'  on*  nation  of  men.     Look  at  the  geographical  con- 


80 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GTXDBE. 


[Jan.  9, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


3%e  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Giles. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


ill 


formation  of  our  country,  niiil  conlrasc  it  with  the  i 
other  (^unrtpni  of  the  ftlolie,  mid  no  mnn  cnn  doulit  || 
ihnt  high  destiny  whifh  is  nmiiileat  from  our  «itu-  il 
ation.     Niiliire  liaa  mnrked  tlie  diHtinctinn,  mid  ii  1; 
would  be  folly  in  the  eVfenic  to  shut  our  eyes  to  j: 
the  ftiiurn  glory  of  the  Republic.     On  the  other  | 
great  continents  of  the  world,  nature  has  placed 
their  massive  mountain-chains  in  the  centre,  from 
which  ihetr  rivers  diverge  in  every  direction  to  the 
ocean.     Each  grwit  nver-valley  from  the  niouii-  I| 
tain  to  the  sea,  is  marked  as  the  abxile  of  a  scjia-  | 
rale  and  distinct  people.     Watiiie  hits  ordained  the  i 
distribution  of  natioiis  upon  the  continents  of  the 
Old  World;and  every  attempt  to  consoliilate  them  j 
has  proved  fruitless,  and  will  continue  to  prove  i 
fruitiess.     Not  so  with  our  own  continent.     Our  ' 
mighty  mounmin-bairiers  are  not  in  the  centre,  i, 
but  arc  distributed  into  two  great  chains  upon  the 
East  and  the  West — from  which  tiieir  waters  con-  | 
verscotoa  common  centre  throui;h  the  great  valley 
of  the  Mi.ssJHsippi,  and  discharge  ihenuselves  by  ; 
one  common  trunk  to  the  ocean.     This  great  val- 
ley, more  than  thirteen  hundred  thouwnd  square  ' 
miles  in  extent,  is  marked  by  the  liand  of  destiny  r 
as  the  abode  of  one  people.     It  is  marked  as  the 
great  body  of  the  Republic,  to  which  the  Atluiitic 
and  Pacilic  slopes  are  but  wings  of  cumniuuica- 
tloii   with  the   commerce   of  tiie  world.      These 
three  parts  of  the  Itopublic  arc  inseparably  bound 
togcllier  by  the  chains  of  a  common  interest,  of  a 
common  destiny.     And  it  is  wisely  arranged  ihat 
tliat  portion  of  the  confederacy — the  grmt  valley 
of  the  Mississippi,  which  cannot  do  wiiliout  the   ; 
Union,  to  preserve  her  commercial  connexion  with 
the  seus — is  destined,  in  all  time,  lo  jiossesa  tlie  j 
power  to  preserve  il.  •  j 

A  iialf  century  has  scarcely  elapsed  since  the 
wa'e  of  population  lirsi  passed  the  great  barriers 
of  the  -Vlleghany  into  the  Alississippi  valley,  which 
I'.ow  contains  ncuily  lea  millions  of  people,  located 
upon  a  s  III  unsurpus.scd  t\ir  iciiility  uiioii  the  globe. 
'1  lie  surplus  productions  of  this  valley,  now,  are 
more  thiin  sutiicicni  to  supply  all  the  demands  of 
Europe  and  America;  and  judging  of  ihe  future  by 
the  p:ist,  the  time  is  nut  disuiiii  when  it  will  be 
Cjiiailruplcd  in  surplus  production  as  well  as  popu- 
lation. To  control  the  trade  of  the  surplus  prod- 
uce of  this  rich  valley,  has  called  fortli  tlie  un- 
ceasing ellorts  of  every  commercial  ciiy,  iVom 
Uostoii  to  tiavannah.  'I'iiat  iiiiglity  mountain  bar- 
rier of  the  great  valley  has  been  passed  ovcrot 
a  variety  of  pcuiits,  with  improvt  lueuis  and  at  a 
cost  of  more  than  a  hundred  millions  ol'  dollars, 
to  seciu'e  this  great  tra'le  i'\'  the  West.  IJostmi 
has  her  railroad;  New  York  has  her  irnai  Erie 
can.ll  and  railro.ids;  Philadelphia  has  her  railroads 
and  canals  ;  Uahimore  has  iier  railroad  and  the 
Chesapeake  and  Ohio  canal,  t'orming  a  junction 
wall  the  national  road;  and  so  the  catalogue  might 
be  c.onlimied  along  the  whole  line  of  Eascern  cnies 
to  iSavaiuiah.  And  though  a  great  amount  is  drawn 
oiV  through  the.-^e  sources,  yet  scarcely  enougii  to 
make  an  imprfssnui  upon  the  vast  surplus  produc- 
tion of  tluit  mighty  region.  i 

Now  he  would  u.sk  Easlern  gentlemen,  who  are  ; 
opposing  the  proviMon  of  a  new  ouilet  for  this 
great  trade,  to  look  for  a  moment  at  its  elUcis 
upon  the  agricultural  inlcresis  of  ilii  Kasti ui 
Sutes.  It  is  to  llood  your  markets,  and,  by  ihe 
force  of  competition  with  a  cheaper  agricultural 
country,  to  destroy  your  agnculiurul  interest.^. 
'I'he  productions  of  the  W  est  and  Soulluvcsl, 
coming  into  competition  with  Eastern  produc- 
tions, are,  all  kinds  of  grain,  hemp,  tujacco,  col- 
Uin,  wool,  pork,  beef,  and  every  variety  of  live 
■lock— all  of  which  can  be  produced  at  prices 
there  mfmilely  less  than  the  cost  of  produ<:tion  m 
the  East.  And  every  year  the  anioinit  of  this  coin-  ' 
petition  is  iiicreased'.  'I'his  may  build  up  maguili- 
cent  cities  in  the  East,  at  the  expense  ol  the  lariii- 
imj  and  planting  interest.  And  ho,v  can  gentle- 
men 111  the   Ea.sl,  in  view  of  this  pros|.ert  before 

them,  liesiuite  t d  us  in  opening  a  new  market 

for  this  rich  tiade  .- 

llutwheii  it  IS  brought  into  the  eastern  markets, 
where  is  your  Ibreign  outlet?  Eiiroijc — a  country 
of  some  two  hundreu  millions  of  piople, all  rivalling 
us  in  ih  same  produciimis,  and,  coiisequtnlly,  ai- 
fordiiig  a  poor  piosjiecl  of  a  market  for  our  surplus. 
Oo  till  other  hand,  give  it  u  direciion  weeiwiird, 
Hud  let  Asuiria  become  the  rival  of  V^w  York  in 
cumuwice,  oiid  wtuil  arc  the  prospvcU .'    The  ports 


of  eastern  Asia  are  as  convenient  to  Oregon  as  the  , 
ports  of  Europe  are  lo  the  eastern  slope  of  our  con-  i 
fcderacy,  with  an  infinitely  better  ocenn  for  navi- 
gation. In  China,  .lapan,  (.'ocliin  Cliiiin,  and  the 
llirman  empire,  wc  have  an  a!.'gregale  of  four  hun- 
dred and  tifiy  millions  of  Ihe  llnest  artisans  and 
manufacturers  in  the  world,  as  a  pif)iiilation  lo 
consume  the  surplus  productinnn  of  the  great  val-  ' 
ley.  In  return  for  our  brendslutfs  to  feed  iheir 
starving  millions,  they  could  give  us  tea,  porce-  ' 
lain,  silks  raw  and  manufactured,  satins,  velvets, 
cra|ies,  ivory  ware,  fine  woollens,  cottons,  metals, 
gums,  pai'iis,  and,  from  the  Philippine  Islands, 
c:oftee,  sugar,  and  spices.  Here  is  tlic  natural  out- 
let for  the  surplus  productions  of  our  country ,  aril 
a  direct  inlet  to  that  commerce,  which  has  enricheil 
every  country  that  has  enjoyed  the  benefits  of  il, 
from  the  earliest  period  ol  recorded  history  to  the 
present  diiy.  This  is  the  prospective  value  of  Ore- 
gon. To  the  ^Vest  she  is  to  give  a  glorious  mar- 
ket, and  partially  relieve  the  Kjist  from  a  withering 
competition.  Then,  with  this  view  before  them, 
who  are  prepared  to  treat  il  as  a  local  <(uestion? 

Let  us  perform  our  duly  in  relation  to  this  terri- 
tory, (he  urged,)  and  if  war  was  forced  upon  us 
he  trusted  in  (jod  ihat  we  should  not  be  Ibiinil 
alVnid  to  meet  il,  and  that  we  should  not  cravenly 
postpone  it  for  our  posterity.  Let  us  piescrve  our 
territory  from  dismemberment,  and  ourselves  from 
eternal  ilishonor  and  disgrace.  There  was  not  a 
heart  in  the  nation,  he  trusted,  that  did  not  leap  at 
the  glorious  thought  of  meeiiii?  our  enemy  in  such 
a  cause  as  this  if  war  was  forced  upon  us,  and  of 
]iressing  forward,  not  stopping  until  we  should 
drive  our  invaders  from  the  American  continent. 
There  was  no  dilUculty  on  this  point,  however. 
Great  Britain  was  not  going  to  declare  war.  Did 
she  declare  war  on  liussia  when  she  resumed  the 
territory  on  winch  she  had  given  her  the  right  to 
trader  or  upon  us,  when  we  had  resumed  the  right 
of  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  river,  which 
we  granted  her  under  .lay's  treaty  .'  No;  she  wos  . 
not  «;oing  to  declare  war  now;  ami  he  regretted  that  ' 
any  part  of  the  lc<rislatioii  of  this  House  should  be 
tinctured  \\  illi  a  Urltish  feeling — with  n  fear  that 
(ireat  Britain  would  not  approve  our  action  in  re- 
gard to  our  own  territory.  lie  utterly  denounced 
and  deprecated  such  a  course;  and  he  invoked  this 
Iloiise  to  continue  to  leirislaic  upon  our  own  soil 
preci.selv  as  if  (jreat  Uritain  did  not  e\i-;t  as  a  na- 
tinn — precisely  as  if,  \\illi  an  aggressive  spirit,  she 
was  not  spreading  her  dominion  far  and  wide  over 
the  bounds  of  tlu'  habitable  globe.  We  h;ul  our 
rii:hts;  and  let  us  dare  maintain  thein.  This  alone 
was  worthy  of  a  great  people,  and  would  lead  us 
on  lo  true  ulory. 

fceiitlemen  bad  talked  thereabout  propau'andisla, 
and  assimilated  our  deicrminalioii  lo  proiect  our 
own  soil  from  aggression  to  a  proposition  to  ex- 
tend and  spread  our  peculiar  insiituumis  over  man- 
kind by  force,  and  cited  France  and  ihe  Ercnch 
Uevoluiiim  us  a  terrible  example  of  that  kind. 
There  was  the  spirit  of  propagandism  in  tlnit  con- 
test, but  it  was  not  in  France,  bul  in  the  combined 
Powers  of  Europe,  lo  force  a  syst(  in  of  govern- 
ment upon  her  against  the  solemnly  expicssid  will 
of  her  people.  En;;land  led  in  tlii'  ellorts  to  resist 
the  march  of  liberty  in  France,  and  force  upon  her 
n  monarchic^il  Uovermneni  against  her  will;  and 
he  gloried  in  the  tact  that  Friim-e  rose  in  hermighl 
and  drove  back  the  invaders  with  defeat  and  dis- 
grace. Ill  the  hour  of  peril  to  thiir  country,  the 
French  were  as  one  man.  He  admired  the  French 
for  their  love  of  country,  and  their  devotion  lo  lib- 
erty and  I  utional  honor  and  glory.  He  denied 
that  she  had  ever  exhibiud  a  spirit  of  propagand- 
ism, and  attril)iucd  her  whole  career  in  Eiirojie 
iluriii::  the  Uevohitimi  to  a  noble  resistance  ot  a 
design  to  criujli  her  liberties.  She  had  but  resisleil 
her  ofipressors,  and  carried  the  battle  into  their 
own  (ields.  He  tri'sted  that  when  wc  were  as- 
sailed, we  should  be  animated  by  the  same  spirit 
and  crowned  with  the  same  success.  It  was  ab- 
surd 10  talk  of  conquering  twenty  millions  of  peo- 
ple, enlightened  and  free,  and  intrenched  in  the 
.nounuiin  pusses  of  such  ii  country  as  (Utrs.  We 
never  could  be  con(|uered  by  force  of  arms,  and 
this  r.rilain  well  knew.  She  wcuild  make  war  upiui 
us  in  a  dill'erent  form;  she  would  carry  on  against 
us  that  same  war  of  cidiuiization  whicli  she  had 
waged  against  all  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and  by 
which  sliu  had  vaiujuished  llie  iliiiduus,  cuiiquerud 


Ceylon,  attached  New  Zealand,  overrun  Afl'ghan- 
ialan,  and  even  stooped  to  use  her  fleet  and  her 
soldiery  against  the  little  islands  of  the  Paeitic. 

lUit  if  war  should  cimie,  it  would  be  n  mighty 
struggle,  and  one  that  would  convulse  the  civili7.ed 
world;  there  wmdd  then  be  a  clash  of  system*. 
The  aggression  would  not  be  on  our  part,  but  with 
the  monarrhiea  of  the  Old  World,  in  their  frantic 
efforts  to  destroy  Kepublicanism  and  banish  it  from 
the  earth.  A  struggle  like  this  held  out  hope  and 
encouragement  to  the  lovers  of  liberty  everywhere, 
and  to  the  oppressed  millionB  all  over  the  whole 
world.  To  talk  about  referring  our  disputei  to 
arbitration  was  absurd — the  despols  of  Europe 
were  our  natural  foes.  No,  we  stood  alone;  we 
had  no  friend  among  thein,  and  nothing  to  expect 
at  their  hands.  If  our  quarrel  was  submitted  to 
such  an  n  bitrament  ami  the  award  should  take 
from  \\!i  H  portion  of  our  own  territory,  he  for  one 
would  try  lo  awaken  his  countrymen  to  arms,  and 
urge  them  instantly  to  retake  that  which  was  their 
own.  We  never  had  negotiated  but  wc  were  cheot- 
ed.  He  would  hear  of  no  more  negotiation  for  ter- 
ritory. The  result  of  it  was,  first  to  prove  our  title 
good,  and  then  to  surrender  it  to  our  oppiuients. 

Mr.  H.  eoiicluded,cxprcs»ing  his  confidence  ihat 
the  unfeeling  sentiments  of  ilie  gentleman  from 
Ohio  [Mr.  liiiiDiNnH]  expressed  on  yesterday, 
would  have  no  inlluence  upon  this  House.  No 
true  friend  of  Oregon  entertained  such  feelings. 
When  the  gentleman  drew  his  horrible  picture  of 
war,  of  English  black  regiments,  and  of  insurrec- 
tion in  the  ISouth,  he  (.Mr.  Ii.)  could  charitably 
have  hoped  ihat  the  '*  wish  was  not  father  to  the 
thought,"  had  not  the  gentleman  coolly  remarked 
that  Ihe  .'^outh  had  brought  this  upon  themselves. 
Oregon  wanted  no  such  advocates,  ujion  such  mon- 
strous principles  of  inhumanitv.  Her  true  Iriends 
repudiated  them,  and  he  would  say,  in  the  spirit 
ol*  the  Litany  of  the  church,  from  such  advocates, 
and  from  such  inlummiiity,  good  Lord  deliver  us. 


OnEOON  QUESTION. 
SPEECH   OF    MR.  GILES, 

01"    MARVLAND, 
In  tiie  HoisE  OF  Repbf.sentatives, 
Junuary  9,  184C. 
Upon  the  Resolution  for  terminating  the  joint  oc- 
cupation of  Orciron. 
Mr.  GILES;  who  was  entiUed  to  the  floor,  rose 
and  said: 

Mr.  tiiAiRHAx:  There  are  some  questions  whoso 
importance  and  whose  greatness  arc  such  as  to 
swidlow  u[>  t(u'  a  time  alt  others,  to  chain  the 
minds  of  men  to  their  consideration,  and  to  com- 
pel them  to  yield  their  undivided  attention.  Of 
such  a  I'liiiracter  is  the  subject  which  we  are  now 
discussing. 

Its  niiporlanee  is  co-cxtcnaivc  with  the  Ameri- 
can continent,  and  lasting  as  the  American  name. 
Its  Interest  Is  fell,  and  lis  decision  anxiously  look- 
1  ed  for,  upon  every  spot  where  live  the  principles 
of  American  liberty.  The  merchant  in  his  count- 
ing-house, the  mechanic  at  his  daily  toil,  the  farm- 
er as  he  tends  ihi'  Held  of  promisi:,  the  hunter  aa 
he  presses  over  the  boundless  pruirii';  even  the 
tnivelli  r,  as  he  pursues  his  solitary  way  by  the 
banks  ot'  the  <  'tduiubia,  t'eels  its  interest  and  looks 
anxiously  for  our  decision. 

Hut,  sir,  its  iinporiance'goes  further.  As  it  re- 
lates 10  peace  or  war,  it  iilfecls  all  C'hrislendmii. 
Ak  il  may  invidve  two  of  the  greatest  commercial 
nations  on  the  earlh  in  war,  Il  inieie.«!ts  and  alliets 
I  \cry  man,  every  civilized  man,  on  whatever  spot 
he  may  dwell.  To-day,  sir,  our  commerce  whi- 
tens every  sea.  The  industry  and  the  enterprise 
of  our  countrymen  have  been  made  known  in 
every  part  of  tiie  habitable  globe.  Our  Christian 
philanthropy  has  plained  the  institutions  of  re- 
deeming mercy  in  llic  centre  of  llie  great  conlinent 
of  Asia,  in  the  isles  of  the  Pacific,  and  even  on 
ihe  dark  and  dreary  coast  of  western  Africa,  sti 
coi.sed  by  "  man's  Inhumanity  to  man."  Am  I  In 
error,  then,  in  saying  that  this  ipieslion  interests 
every  civilized  man.'  Oris  it  sirangc  that  an  in- 
terest should  be  excited  in  this  Hall  whicli  bclo- 
,  kens  the  greatness  and  imporiance  of  the  subject, 
I  tuid  thul  even  buauty  Hliuuld  furiuilie,  furaseaiion, 


[Jnn.  9, 


or  Reps, 


1 846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


81 


99th  CoNfl l8T  Sksb. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Oiks. 


New  SBRtKs.....No.  6. 


crriin  Alli;hBii- 
r  flei't  anil  licr 
llic  I'ncific. 
I  b(!  n  mighty 
He  (he  civili7.ed 
rIi  o(  nynleinii. 
r  pnri,  but  with 
ill  their  friuitic 
I  bniiinh  it  Trom 
1  out  hope  and 
ly  everywhere, 
over  the  whole 
lur  di»piitei  to 
)IB  ot  Europe 
lood  alone;  we 
hin;;;  lo  expect 
s  submitied  lo 
I'd  shouhl  take 
ory,  he  for  one 
•n  to  arms,  and 
viiieh  was  iheir 
we  were  elieat- 
otiatinii  lor  ter- 
piovc  our  title 
ir  oppiineiils. 
confidence  that 
;eiilleman  from 
on  yesterday, 
is  House,  ^o 
such  reelings, 
rrible  picture  of 
ind  of  insuirec- 
luild  chnritably 
lot  father  to  the 
oolly  remarked 
1011  themselves. 
Lipon  such  mon- 
ler  tioie  friends 
y,  in  the  spirit 
such  advocates, 
ord  deliver  us. 


GILES, 

ITATITEI, 

iig  the  joint  oc- 
)  the  lloor,  rose 

lesiions  whoso 
arc  such  as  to 

,  to  chain  thn 
and  to  coni- 

atteiition.  Of 
icli  we  arc  now 

ith  the  Anicri- 

inericrtn  name. 

uixiiiusly  look- 

!  the  principles 

III  in  his  count- 

toil,  the  faiin- 

the  hunter  as 

aiiie;  even   the 

y  way  by  the 

crest  and  looks 

licr.     As  it  re- 

(,'hristeiidom. 
•St  commercial 
CMS  and  allccts 

whatever  spot 
•ommerre  wlii- 

the  enterprise, 
aile   known  in 

Our  Chrisliiiii 
:itutions  of  rc- 
greiit  ccinlinent 
and  even  on 
crn  Africa,  so 
lan."  Am  1  in 
?siion  interests 

;c  that  an  iii- 
ill  which  lictii- 
of  the  subject, 
c,  fur  a  season, 


lier  cay  and  flowery  walks  to  smilo  upon  our  de- 

liberiilKins.' 

It  is  ii  question  \*'liicli  outrides  all  parly  distinc- 
tions, which  sweepH  away  all  piuiy  lines,  and 
shows  us  that  upon  all  preat  quesiions  of  foreign 
policy,  we  are,  as  a  people,  oik!  in  sentiment,  us 
we  arc  in  history,  and  shall  be  one  in  dcsiiny.  I 
believe  that  when  'his  ijrciu  (|iicntion  eomes  up  for 
final  action,  this  House  will  be  found  nnaniinoiis 
in  the  pursuit  of  such  measures  as  may  be  deem- 
ed necessary  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  the  occa- 
sion. 

However  we  may  ililTer  as  to  thf.  initiatory  steps 
proper  for  the  as.serlion  of  our  title,  (and  these  are 
points  on  which  I  kniivN-  there  are  honest  dilfer- 
ences  of  opinion  amongst  men  of  all  parties,)  yet 
when  no  other  resource  is  left — when  nl!  negotia- 
tions fail — when  all  hope  of  settling  the  matter  by 
trcatv  shall  have  pa.«sed  away,  and  men  come  to 
consider  what  ■oiirse  we  oui;ht  to  take  for  the 
tniiinlcnance  of  ihiit  title,  they  will  throw  olf  the 
I'inled  livery  of  parly  and  put  on  the  unifiirin  of 
our  common  country. 

.Sir,  the  dcliale  which  wo  have  had  in  this  Hall 
lias  been  gratifying  lo  every  American  heart.  There 
was  only  one  porlion  of  tlio  argument  which  I  re- 
gretted. 1  did  deeply  regret  that  the  honorable 
gentleman  from  Ohio,  [Mr.  OinuiNns,]  who  first 
addressed  the  cdinmiltc,  should  have  permitted 
himself  lo  turn  aside  fiom  this  lofty  thcmi!,  and 
hurl  a  shaft  at  one  of  the  insiiiiitions  of  the  coun- 
try. 13iit,  sir,  during  the  debate  we  have  heard  n 
voice,  I  iniglit  almost  say,  from  the  past.  The 
vi'iierable  gentleman  fxnii  Massaehusetls  [Mr. 
Adams]  has  .spoken  out;  and  I,  for  one,  rejoiced 
to  see  that,  although  his  locks  are  bleached  with 
the  frosts  of  more  than  seventy  winters,  yet  the 
fires  of  patriotism  still  burn  briglitly  on  their  aii- 
*'ictii  altar. 

Mr.  Chainnan,  I  was  one  of  those  who  were  in 
fiivor  of  |iost|ioniiig  the  discussion  of  this  great 
i|uestion,  as  jiroposed  by  the  honorable  chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  [Mr.  C  .T. 
IvoKiisoi.L.]  1  wished  to  see  what  would  he  the 
elVect  ill  England  of  the  present  aspect  of  theqiies- 
tiiin,  as  it  is  presented  in  the  iate  correspondence, 
which  has  brought  from  the  archives  of  diplomacv 
into  the  full  light  of  day,  the  fulness  and  clearness 
of  our  title — n  coriespondeiice  vt-hich  will  add  to 
the  herctofinewi'le-spiead  fame  of  the  Secretary  of 
fstnte;  a  fame  wIio-jc  laurels  time — which  corrodes 
and  destroys  so  much  of  human  achievement — will, 
year  after  year,  only  freshen  and  renew.  After 
that  correspondence,  if  we  must  go  into  this  con- 
test, we  shall  feel  the  full  force  of  the  sentiment: 
*'  Thrice  is  lie  urniM  wlio  liitti-,  jtiii  quarrel  jiisL" 

If  this  contest  is  lo  come — for  we  are  not  per- 
mitted to  lift  the  veil  of  futurity,  and  sec  what  is 
in  reserve  for  ns — humanity  will  weep.  The 
iingcl  of  peace  will  unfurl  his'fairv  wing,  and  take 
liis  ca^le  fliu'ht  to  the  sky.  It  w'ill  he  a  contest 
that  will  not  only  sweep  from  the  ocean  a  vast 
imrtion  of  conim'eice,  but  will  retard  the  great 
iHiievolcnt  operations  of  the  day,  and,  as  1  believe, 
arrest  the  march  of  civilizalion  for  more  than  half 
ii  century.  It  was  for  considerations  such  as  these, 
that  1  was  anxious  to  pause,  that  we  might  see 
whether  our  o))ponenls  would  plant  themselves 
direcilv  it)  the  face  of  the  President's  Message,  of 
our  title,  and  of  the  correspondence. 

Hilt  the  House  has  de;  iiled  otherwise.  We  are 
here  discussing  this  g-e:M  question,  and  in  a  few 
days  we  must  vote  upon  it.  f  shall  now,  there- 
fore, brjeilv  and  planny  give  li-  the  committee  the 
reasons  wliicii  have  operated  on  my  mind,  and 
which  will  induce  me  to  vote  for  the  resolution 
which  the  chainnan  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Alliiirs  subniilli:d.  " 

Much  has  been  said  about  the  consequences 
of  a  eonrtict  between  Great  Britain  and  this 
coiinlry.  If  it  comes— and  I,  for  one,  covet  not 
for  my  country  "  the  plumed  troop,  the  big  wars, 
Ihe  shrill  trump,  the  siiirit-slirring  drum,  the  ear- 
piercing  fife,  mid  all  the  pride,  "pomp,  and  eir- 
cnnistance  of  glorious  war" — but  if  it  comes,  it 
will  do  one  tliiiiu:  for  us  that  has  not  yet  been  meii- 
tiiiiied;  it  will  free  us  forever  from  'the  looms  of 
Manchester  and  the  workshops  of  Birmingham. 
It  will  emancipate  us  forever  from  the  manufac- 
tures of  Great  liritain.  She  will  lose  one  of  her 
best  customers;  and  that  I  believe  lo  Imve  been 

G 


IIV, 

ish 


one  of  Ihe  great  pn'vailing  consideiMiions  which 
have  hitherto  lielil  her  in  peuceftil  relations  with 
us. 

Mr.  Chairman,  after  the  most  careful  consider- 
ntion  which  I  have  been  able  lo  give  to  this  ques- 
tion, I  conscientiously  believe  that,  if  war  is  to 
come,  it  will  come  whether  you  give  this  notice  or 
not.  I  believe  that  we  have  now  reached  a  point 
in  Ihe  history  of  the  Oregon  territory  which  will 
tin  longer  admit  of  this  joint  occupation.  I  should 
like  to  know  IVmn  British  statesmen  how  long  this 
chrysalis  slate  of  civilization — this  inchoate  system 
of  government — is,  in  this  state  of  things,  to  last. 
It  was  very  well  in  1818 — it  was  well  in  1897 — 
when  this  great  country  wos  uscul  only  as  a  place 
to  receive  from  Ihe  Indian  tribes  the  furs  they  col- 
lecleil,  and  as  a  iilace  at  which  our  whulemen  and 
other  ships  mii;lit  water.  It  was  very  well  while 
Great  Britain  and  ourselves  merely  used  the  terri- 
tory for  the  purposes  of  cmnmerce,  without  refer- 
ence to  actual  settlement. 

But,  sir,  in  pursuance,  I  suppose,  of  that  destiny 
lo  which  my  eloiiucnt  friend  frinn  Indiana  referred 
the  other  day,  whose  onward  jirogresa  we  cannot 
resist,  our  people  rapidly  have  passed  to  Oregon, 
not  for  the  purpose  of  conimerce,  not  to  obtain  the 
furs  of  that  vast  cininlry,  but  to  settle,  to  build 
houses,  and  to  till  the  soil.  In  this  slate  of  things, 
look  for  a  moment  at  the  eomlition  of  Oregon. 
Our  citizens  are  now  there  without  a  governineiil, 
and  without  protection  from  the  coiintry.  They 
arc  entitled  to  both.  Uefiise  to  pass  a  hill  to  pro- 
vide that  government  ami  to  give  that  iirotection, 
and  what  condition  arc  you  in.*  Why,  if  a  British 
subject  assaults  and  beats  an  American  citizen,  by 
whom,  under  the  present  system,  (which  some 
gentlemen  wish  to  continue,)  is  he  to  be  tried .'  B 
your  American  judiciary?  No;  but  by  o  Brit 
court.  If  there  is  no  British  court  near,  then  he  is 
sent  to  some  distant  cslablishmeiit  of  the  Hudson 
Bay  Company.  Can  any  man  I  elieve  that,  look- j 
ing  to  this  eonllict  of  jurisdiction,  if  it  is  contin-  , 
lied,  peace  can  longer  he  mainlained?  Daily  and 
hourly  must  be  the  cmiflict.  An  American  citizen  | 
is  indebted  lo  a  citizen  of  Great  Britain;  where 
is  he  to  be  sued? — In  an  American  court.  If  a 
British  subject  is  indebted,  he  must  be  sued  hi  a  | 
British  court.  i 

But  the  iibsnrdiiv  of  the  thing  does  not  slop  , 
here.     Our  i-itizens  liave  gone  to  that  territory  for 
the  purjiosc  of  settlement.     From  whom  are  they 
to  obtain  their  titles  to  the  soil?     The  treaty  .says  ' 
that  the  sovereignty  is  in  alieyance.     I  appeal  to  j 
the  good  sense  cf  gentlemen  to  say,  whether  it  can  \ 
longer  be  left  so?     It  has  been  said  by  travellers,  ; 
that  the  collin  of  Mahomet  is  suspended  between 
heaven  and  earth;  but  a  greater  miracle  will  be 
seen  if  this  matter  of  title  to  ilie  sovereignty  of  this  ' 
soil  can  longer  be  kept  in  abeyance.     Whether  you  i; 
give  the  notice  or  abstain  from  g'ving  it,  a  couHict  i 
must  come  unless  this  mailer  is  arranged  by  treaty,  i 
Thill  it  may  be  so  arranged,  I  fervently  and  sin- 
cerely liojie.     I  do  not  see  that  the  giving  this  no- 
tice can,  in  any  nnumcr,  either  advance  or  retjirdn 
settlement  by  treaty.     I  am  forgiving  Ihe  notice,  j 
because  we  are  bound  to  protect  our  citizens  who 
have  gone  to  that  country  upon  the  fiiith  of  that  ' 
title  which  we  have  again  ami  again  asserted.     I  : 
am  in  favor  of  giving  it,  because  we  must  follow  it  ' 
up  by  provision  for  a  goveriniRMl  lo  protect  and 
defend  our  citizens  who  have  planted  our  banner 
on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific.     I  am  in  favor  of  ler- 
iiiipating  this  joint  occupancy,  because  we  cannot 
give  an  efficient  goveriiinent  and  a  proper  prolec-  ;• 
lion  to  our  citizens  whilst  it  remains. 

But  I  am  in  favor  of  it  for  another  reason.   How  ii 
many  citizei.s,  lo-day ,  of  the  United  States,  are  on  1 1 
the  northern  bank  of  the  Cohiinbia  river?    Not  | 
one,  of  whom  I  have  any  information !     What  is 
the  reason?    The  British  Government  has  now  ',! 
established  there  u  regular  system  of  governmeiit —  j ' 
Ihe  Hudson  Bay  Company,  with  their  forts  erected  i 
on  Ihe  northern  side  of  the  Columbia,  who  so  ar- 
range matters  that  no  American  citizen  shall  make  j 
a  liermancnt  selllement  on  the  northern  side  of  that 
river.    They  have  not,  I  learn,  infringed  upon  the 
treaty;  but,  with  their  great  power  and  wealth,  and 
looking  lo  the  secrecy  with  which  that  company  [ 
operates  over  the  whole  Nortli  American  conti- 
:  nent,  they  have  brought  other  means  lo  bear  than  | 
I  that  of  liircc  to  turn  the  emigration  from  the  United 
'  Stales  south  of  Ihe  Columbia  river.     I  will  read  nn  1 


cxlract  from  a  work  which  describes  this  organizn- 
lion.     I  (iiioie  from  Greenhow: 

"In  nddition  to  the  assistance  and  prolnclioii 
'thus  received  from  the  British  Goveriimcnl,  llni 
'  constitution  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Cnnipuny  is  such 
'  as  to  secure  Ihe  utmost  degree  of  knowledge  and 
'  prudence  in  its  councils,  and  of  readiness  and  ex- 
'  iictness  in  the  execution  of  its  orders.  Its  alfuirs 
'are  superintended  by  a  governor,  a  deputy  gov- 
'ernor,  and  a  committee  of  directors,  established 
'  Bt  London,  by  whom  nil  general  orders  and  reg- 
<  Illations  are  devised  and  issued,  anil  all  reports 
'  and  accounts  are  examined  and  controlled.  The 
•  proceedings  of  this  body  ure  enveloped  in  pro- 
Mbiinil  secrecy,  and  the  comiiiunicatioiis  made  to 
'  the  Government  in  writing,  which  are  likely  to  bo 
'  published,  are  eipreased  in  terms  of  studied  cnu- 
'  tion,  and  afford  only  the  details  absolutely  re- 
'  (|uircd." 

Here,  then,  (continued  Mr.  G.,)  is  n  perfect  or- 
ganization— an  established  governnient  operating 
in  ftivor  of  British  subjects  on  the  northern  bank 
of  the  Columbia. 

I  am  in  ftivor  of  giving  the  notice  for  another 
and  yet  stronger  reason.  This  matter  has  been 
again  opened  by  negotiation.  The  American  Gov- 
ernment, in  that  spirit  of  liberality  which  has  ever 
characterized  its  intercourse  with  foreign  nations, 
has  again,  and  for  the  fourth  time,  made  the  most 
liberal  oilers  for  a  settlement  of  the  controversy  by 
compromise.  The  American  Government  bus 
again  proposed  lo  divide  this  territory  liy  the  49th 
parallel  ot  latitude,  which,  in  reference  to  the  ex- 
tent of  territory  on  the  northern  and  southern  side, 
is  ainost  liberal  oflcr  of  compromise,  and  will  bo 
so  pronounced  by  the  diplnmatists  of  Europe.  It 
gives  England  nearly  one-half  of  that  magnificent 
territory.  Did  nol  the  offer  go  even  furtlier  than 
that  ?  Let  inc  read  an  extract  from  the  leller  of 
the  Secretary  of  State,  of  the  laih  of  July,  to  the, 
British  Minister. 

Mr.  Buchanan  says: 

"  He  [the  President]  has  therefore  instructed  the 
'  undersigned  again  to  propose  lo  the  Government 
'  of  Great  Britain  that  the  Oregon  territory  shall  bo 
'  divided  between  tlie  two  countries  by  the  4!)lh 
'  parallel  of  north  latitude,  from  the  Uocky  mouii- 
'  tains  to  the  Pacific  ocean." 

That  (said  Mr.  G.)  was  a  most  lilieral  offer,  but 
it  did  not  stop  there.     It  further  says: 

"  OU'ering,  at  the  same  time,  lo  make  free  lo 
'  Great  Britain  any  port  or  ports  on  Vancouver's 
'  Island,  south  of  this  parallel,  which  tlie  British 
'  Goveriiinent  may  desire." 

Can  there  (said  .Mr.  G.)  be  a  more  liberal  pro- 
position than  that  which  our  Governnient  thus  sub- 
mitted? 

Why,  sir,  if  one  were  unacquainted  with  the  his- 
tory  of  Great  Britain,  be  would  be  struck  with 
amazement  that  such  a  proposition  should  be  re- 
jei^lcd.  But  wl.en  we  trace  her  history  from  the 
day  that  the  Norman  conqueror  )ilanted  his  iron 
heel  ujion  that  sea-girt  isle,  down  the  stieani  of 
lime  until  the  day  that  she  chained  her  honor  to  the 
rock  at  St.  Helena  with  its  royal  captive,  when 
lias  Great  Britain  evtn'  abandoned  any  claim  of  ter- 
ritory she  has  made,  esrept  she  has  obtained  the 
lion's  share  by  treaty,  or  has  first  tried  Ihe  wager 
of  battle  ?  W  hat  is  her  proposition  now  ?  What 
has  it  always  been?  "  Give  me  the  north  of  the 
Columbia  river.  Give  me  two-thirds  of  this  ter- 
ritory U)  which  I  acknowledge  I  have  no  claim; 
give  me  more  tlian  two-thirds  of  that  territory  in 
which  I  iiave  never  claimed  the  sovereignly  of 
the  soil."  Now,  sir,  however  we  may  dilTer 
upon  llie  offer,  or  acceptance  of  the  parallel  of  49 
degrees,  I  do  not  believe  that,  from  Nova  Scotia 
to  "Texas — from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific — there 
breathes  a  single  man  even  ihis  day  who  will  ever 
permit  Great  Britain  to  conic  south  of  the  49th 
pandlel. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Great  Britain  is  perfectly  con- 
tent with  the  jouit  occupancy.  It  effects  all  her  ob- 
jects; antl  she  is  willing  to  trust  to  time  to  give  her 
all  she  wants.  It  gives  her,  Mr.  Chairman,  nil  she 
ever  asked  or  contended  for,  ns  I  shall  show.  The 
joint  occupancy  is  all  she  ever  asked  or  contended 
for.  Now,  what  is  the  basis  of  her  title?  Why, 
sir,  in  the  negotiation  at  London  between  Mr.  Gal- 
latin and  the  British  plenipotentinries,  in  1827, 
wliat  was  the  claim  then  advanced  by  Great  Brit- 
ain ?    Did  she  dream  at  that  day  of  claiming  any 


83 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jnn  9, 


39tm  Conq 1st  Sess. 

■overeisniy  of  liile  to  nny  piiri  n(  the  auil  of  Die- 
Ron?  Let  ns  hear  her  own  l'lcni|ioiciitinry.  In 
hiH  imitnciil,  he  hi>lds  lliin  lanKUn^e  : 

"  Great  Brimin  claiiiu  no  txehuive  focertignlii 
'iirtr  oni/  portion  of  thai  lurilory.  Hit  prcaent 
'  claim,  not  in  respect  to  nny  part,  l)ul  to  the  whole, 
'  ia  limited  to  n  riRlit  of  jonit  occupancy,  in  com- 
'  mon  with  the  other  S'lnten,  leaving  the  right  of 
'  exclusive  ihmiinion  in  abeyance." 

Tlicre  is  where  hIic  wants  to  leave  it  now.  Why, 
■Jr.'  Why?  Becauu  iht  Itaa  no  title  beyond  that. 
Klic  never  aHkeil  for  anythini;  Imt  the  joint  occu- 
|uincy.  Well,  upon  what  hn«  she  foiiiiiled  her 
ciniiii?  Why,  at  the  cIuho  of  thi:*  protocol,  iihc 
holds  this  language: 

"  Such  liring  the  result  of  the  recent  negotiation, 
'  it  only  remains  for  Great  Itritain  to  nmintnin  and 
'  uphold  the  ((ualitied  rights  which  she  now  pos- 
'  senses  over  the  whole  of  the  territory  in  question. 
'  These  rights  are  recorded  and  defined  in  the  con- 
'  vention  of  Nooiku.  They  embrace  the  right  to 
'  navigate  the  waters  of  those  countries,  the  right 
'  to  sritlc  in  and  over  any  part  of  them,  and  the 
'  rit;ht  freely  to  trade  witli  the  inhabitantu  tuid  oc- 
'  cuniers  of  the  s;inie." 

She  cliviuicd,  then,  no  sovereignty,  no  title  to  the 
soil,  but  a  risrht  in  that  territory  merely  for  the 
usual  purposes  of  coniincicc;  a  right  there  to  pur- 
sue her  coniineri  iiil  operations,  founded  ujion  the 
treaty  of  Nootka  Sound. 

Well  now,  sir,  that  was  her  claim  in  1HJ7.  That 
was  the  opinion  of  hcrMinisterof  herclaim.  Was 
it  correct,  or  was  it  not .'  Can  nny  man  believe — 
if  at  that  day  she  believed  hcrs.-lf  to  possess  any 
title  to  the  soil  of  Oregon — it  would  not  have  been 
embraced  in  the  protocol  of  her  I'Uiiipotcnliary? 
She  founded  her  cliiim  upon  the  Nootka  Sound 
treaty.  Now,  this  |)rolocol  irivca  you  the  opinion 
of  her  Minister  in  18d7,  that  that  treaty  !;ii.c  her 
no  right  to  the  soil — that  it  «ave  her  but  a  "  qiiali- 
ficd"riglit.  Was  it  in  exisiciice  in  lHi7?  Out 
of  what  did  it  grow?  There  is  something  about 
the  history  of  that  trenly  which  speaks  a  hsson  as 
to  the  l'orei'j;n  policy  of  Great  Britain.  Why,  sir, 
in  I7'.)0.  the  King  of  Great  Urituin  made  a  commu- 
nicatiim  to  his  I'ailinment,  that  two  Hrilish  vessels 
had  been  seized  by  the  Spanish  Governor  upon 
the  northwestern  coast  of  America.  Now,  I  a.Hk 
(rentlenien  to  look  at  the  conmiunicntion  made  to 
the  Pnrliumcnl  of  Great  Biilain  upon  the  5ih  of 
May,  1790,  and  which  was  the  commencement  of 
the  Nootka  Sound  ditliculty .  Does  any  geiiilcmiui 
believe,  if  Great  Uritain  at  that  day  believed  she 
had  any  claim  to  the  soil,  that  when  her  King  was 
sneaking  to  his  own  I'arliamenl  he  would  not  have 
alluded  to  it  ?  That  w  hen  he  was  calling  down  at- 
tention to  an  ouiiage  committed  on  a  portion  of  (he 
citizensof  his  kingdom,  he  would  not  have  spoken 
of  it  as  being  committed  in  a  country  over  which 
hcclaimed  the  sovereignty,  or  in  which  he  claimed 
the  right  of  soil  •  But  we  hear  not  one  word  of 
this.  He  speaks  of  the  injury  to  the  ves.sels-,  but 
in  the  whole  communication  Jiere  is  not  one  word 
that  upon  the  soilof  the  country  Great  Brildin  had 
nny  claim.  He  docs  not  speak  of  the  loss  of  land;. 
No,  sir.  He  does  not  speak  of  the  deslruction  of 
houses;  but  he  complains  of  the  caj>ture  of  two 
ships  and  their  cargoes.  Well,  Spain  took  great 
pains  to  clear  up  this  matter.  Slie  behaved  in  a 
liberal  mid  noble  way;  and  she  addressed  a  memo- 
rial to  the  courts  <if  Europe  in  justification  of  her 
conduct,  in  wliicb  she  holds  this  language: 

"  The  high  and  menacing  tone  and  manner  in 
•  which  the  answer  of  the  British  minister  was 
'  couched,  at  a  time  when  no  certain  information  of 
'  the  jinrticulars  had  airived,  made  the  Sjianish 
'  Cabmetentertain  some  suspicions  thalitwns  made 
'  not  so  much  for  the  purpose  of  the  dispute  in 
'  question,  as  a  pretext  to  break  entirely  with  our 
'  Court  J  for  which  reason  it  was  thought  necessary 
•to  take  some  precaution  relative  to  tlie  sul(ject.'' 

Well,  sir,  when  affidavits  came  to  be  made  in 
London  to  bring  this  claim  properly  before  Par- 
liament, the  word  "  lands"  is,  for  tiic  first  time, 
introduced.  The  Spanish  Government  look  great 
pains;  it  obtnined  certificates  of  two  American 
captains  who  were  there  at  the  lime,  not  only  giv- 
ing the  details  of  all  the  trnnsiictinns,  but  to  them 
ia  propounded  the  question,  whether  any  buildings 
or  lands  were  owned  by  Captain  Meares,  who  was 
the  complainant.  Now,  what  did  they  say?^ 
IIer«  M  wliat  llicynay;    "Interim,  we  ubucrTc  ' 


The  OngoH  Question — Mr.  (iiht, 

'  you  wish  to  lie  acqiiainti'it  what  house  or  eslab- 

*  lishment  Mr.  Meares  had  at  the  time  Ihe  Hpniiiarda 
'arrived  there.  Wo  nnswer  in  n  word,  nmir." 
I'hcy  had  no  land,  nor  no  title  to  the  soil.  And 
yet  you  find,  when  the  Nootka  8<nind  treaty  came 
to  be  made — made,  no  doubt,  under  the  incnaco 
of  a  British  licet — that  the  word  "  lauds"  is  intro- 
duced. But,  taking  that  treaty — ilic  whole  and 
enlire  treaty  together — it  gives  iiiilhiiig,  as  I  have 
said  before,  to  the  British  Uovcrninent  but  what 
her  minister,  in  1I^J7,  termed  "  i|ualilied  rights," 
Well  now,  sir,  here  is  a  view  that  has  struck  iny 
mind,  independent  of  the  argument  which  is  put 
forward   by  the   Secretary  of  Slate,   "  that    this 

*  treaty  was  entirely  abrogated  by  the  war  which 
'  enuucil  between  Spain  and  Great  Britain."  And 
it  is  this  :  that  any  grant  from  any  I'ower  to  an- 
other, of  a  qualified  right  of  that  kind,  must  he 
tnkeii  to  conlimie  only  so  long  as  that  (pndified 
right  can  lie  fairly  exercised  in  reference  to  the 
progress  and  settlement  of  the  country.  Spain 
iicver  could  have  inlendeil,  and  never  did  intend, 
to  give  to  Great  Britain,  by  that  treaty,  the  right, 
if  she  should  hereafier  settle  and  cultivate  that 
country,  to  any  purtion  of  its  sovereignty.     It  was 

,  a  right  to  trade  on  an  uncivilized  const — aright  for 
proiection  for  her  ships  in  storms — a  right  only 
which  could  be  exercised  wilhoiit  injury  to  Spain, 
while  Spain  had  not  yet  settled  upon  the  territory, 
but  which  could  not  be  considered  to  extend  be- 
yond the  period  when  Spain,  or  any  other  Power 
to  whom  she  should  transfer  her  sovereignty, 
should  settle  and  cultivate  thai  Sdil.  So  I  read  that 
trcaiy,  sir.  It  is  temporary  from  the  very  nature 
of  lliings,  and  must  have  been  intenilcil  to  be  end- 
ed when  till'  stale  of  the  coiinlry  had  become  en- 
tirely changed  from  what  it  was  when  the  treaty 
was  niade.  Now,  upon  that  trcaiy  of  Nootka 
Sound,  Great  Britain  plants  hersclC,  not  claiiniiij;, 
as  I  said  before,  the  sovereignly  to  one  tVmt  cii'the 
soil,  but  merely  the  right  jointly  to  occujiy  it  for 
the  purpose  of  imde. 

Air.  Chairman,  in  I8H,when  the  convention  of 
that  day  was  made,  joint  occutiancy  suited  both 
the  higii  contracting  pariieii.  In  IHIH,  no  citizen 
of  the  United  Slates,  except  possibly  those  cnn- 
nectcil  with  the  l\ir  trade  at  .\storia,  had  become 
an  inhabilani  <>f  ihat  territory.  Great  Brilaiii  and 
the  United  Slates  looked  to  its  use  ineiely  as  a 
place  for  carrying  on  llie  fur  trade,  and  possibly 
as  a  iilace  for  watering  their  shijis  engaged  in  the 

I  whale  fishery  ill  the  Pacific.  Jiiiiit  occupancy, 
then,  was  all  ihat  the  Uniled  Sliilcs  wanted;  joint 
occupancy  was  then,  and  is  now,  all  that  Great 
Britain  wants.  In  1^:27,  things  remained  in  the 
same  condition;  and  that  whii'h  was  but  tempo- 
rary, by  ils  own  llniitaiioii,  was  made  lo  continue 
during  thcjileasureof  bo'h  parties.  But  what  does 
itbearon  its  face?  Why,  it  bears  on  its  face  the 
opinion  of  both  the  high  cnnlracling  parlies,  that  a 
I  leriod  would  come  when  this  joint  occuiiancy  would 
no  longer  be  advisable.  It  reserves  tlie  right  for 
either  party  to  terminate  this  joint  occupancy  upon 
twelve  months'  noiice.  They  looked  then,  as 
they  did  in  lf<lH,  when  they  made  this  convention 
teiuiwrarily,  tliey  hmked  to  the  fact  that  the  day 
would  come  when  this  joint  occupancy  would  no 
lontrer  exist.  Now,  I  may  be  in  error — we  are 
liable  to  error — but  I  think,  sir,  that  that  day  has 

,  arrived.  Now,  as  I  said  before,  we  difl'cr  upmi  this 
initialoiT  step  towards  the  assertion  of  our  title. 

[  We  dilTer,  and  I  nu'rcl,  Mr.  Chairman,  exceed- 
ingly, that  I  dilTer  in  opinion  with  a  distinguished 
statesman  in  llie  other  end  of  Ihe  Capitol,  who.se 

f airily  of  life  and  comprehensiveness  of  intellect 
lave  marked  him  as  one  of  the  masler-s|)irils  of 
the  age,  and  who  has  shed  n  halo  around  the 
American  name;  a  man  to  whom  the  American 
people  can  point  as  llie  living  model  of  what  an 
American  statesman  sliiuild  be.  But  we  have  all 
our  individual  responsibility.  We  are  all  bound 
to  bring  to  the  consideration  of  this  question  the 
best  intelligence  which  nature  and  education  have 
brought  within  our  reach,  and  to  follow  out,  after 
patient  and  retircd'study,  the  dict<ilcs  of  our  own 
judgments.  I  believe,  sir,  the  day  has  come  for 
the  cessntior  of  this  joint  occupai.cy.  Your 
Government  has  thought  so  too.  She  has  again 
held  out  the  ohve-branch  of  peace  to  the  Gov- 
ernment across  the  water.  Slie  has  again  said 
to  lu'r  opponent  in  this  questiim,  "  Although  we 
believe  our  title  clear  to  the  w  hole  of  this  territory. 


Ho.  or  UcpR. 


yet  we  will,  for  Ihe  Ibiirth  tiiiic,  oiler  to  divide  it 
with  you  by  a  parallel  of  latitude,  which  is  tho 
same  that  divides  our  territory  from  tho  Ijike  of 
tho  Woods  to  Ihe  Ilorky  mountains.  We  will 
extend  this  |>nrallel  lo  Ihe  Pacific  ocean,  and  givo 
you  nearly  one-half  of  this  ningnilicenl  territory. 
VVewill  give  it  to  yiui,too,  when  you  never  claiiii- 
ed  ihe  mucreignty  of  the  soil,  but  I'laimed  merely 
its  temporary  occniiancy."  Sir,  I  believe  that  the 
rejection  of  thai  oiler  by  the  British  Minister  wa» 
nish  and  impolitic;  and,  1  believe,  over  it  humiuii- 
ly  will  weep. 

Sir,  the  gcnllenian  from  Indiana  who  addressed 
Ihe  cominillee  a  day  or  two  ago,  asked  where  was 
the  power  of  '  ongiess,  under  the  Constitiilioii,  li> 
pass  this  resolution.  I  point  him  to  section  thiril, 
in  tide  fourth  of  the  (  onslituliun,  which  read* 
thus  : 

"The  ('cmgress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of 
'  nnd  make  all  needful  rules  and  regulations  re- 
'  specting  the  territory  or  other  projierty  bclong- 
'  iiig  lo  Ihe  United  Stales." 

Now,  here  is  a  power  given  in  the  Constiution 
to  pass  nil  rules  and  legulaiiona  res|iecting  our  ter- 
ritory. O,  bill,  says  the  gentlemen,  it  behnigs  to 
the  treaty-making  power.  But  no  coiifiict  can 
ever  come  between  Congress  and  the  treaty-nia- 
king  power  on  a  qiiestiim  of  this  kind  lo  which 
Conj;riss  iigrccs.  I'o  wliimi  is  the  power  given 
under  this  lesolulion  ?  To  the  fiouse  of  Ileprc- 
senlalives,  the  President, and  the  Senate.  Who  is 
the  treaty-making  |iower?  The  President  and 
Senate.  Whatever,  then.  Congress  improves,  th» 
Irculy-making  power  will  sunciion.  "There can  bo 
no  coiifiict  between  them. 

The  hmioiable  gentleman  from  Alabama,  [Mr. 
Yancey,]  to  whose  remarks  I  listened  with  so 
much  delight — it  was  the  glowing  eloquence  of  tho 
sunny  South — asked  what  the  late  war  had  acliiev-  • 
ed.  Sir,  that  was  not  a  war  for  territory;  it  was 
a  war  for  the  freedom  of  the  sea.  Great  Britain 
had  claimed  supreinacy  upon  Ihe  ocean;  and  her 
poet  hud  boasiingly  siud  of  her — 

o  nrilniiiiin  aceilK  no  bulwark, 
No  tiuvirrt  nIniiK  the  hlccp; 
Hit  iMfirch  it*  n'l-r  tlii>  nioiinlain  WAVt>, 
Iter  hnnic  is  dii  llic  diM-p." 

We  met  her  on  that  element;  nnd  again  and  again 
nnd  again  «as  Ihe  red  cross  of  St.  George  struck 
before  that  starry  banner  around  which  cluster  the 
gushing  alleciiims  of  our  hearts.  Yes,  sir,  upon 
It,  before  we  entered  that  struggle,  we  inscrilied 
"free  trade  and  auilors' rights."  'I'hey  were  glo- 
rimisly,  nobly  maintained  ;  and  nt  the  treaty  of 
Ghent — over  which  was  placed,  as  ime  of  ils  min- 
istering spirits,  the  venerable  gentleman  from  Mas- 
sachiisells,  |Mr.  Ad.vm«1 — the  American  eaglo 
Happed  its  wings  triumphantly  over  the  crouchmg 
licm. 

Mr.  Chairman,  much  has  been  said  of  what  the 
West  will  do  in  case  of  a  contest.  I  hojie,  I  fer- 
vently hope,  ihat  this  contest  may  not  come;  but 
if  we  are  lo  have  it — if  wcare  lo  Iiavc  the  battle  of 
the  warrior  "  with  conl\i.sed  noise  and  garments 
rolled  in  bio, id" — I  tell  my  friends  from  the 
rich  and  glorious  West,  that  those  I  have  the  hon- 
or to  represent  will  not  be  found  last  when  the 
muster  roll  is  called.  Sir,  the  patriotism  and  the 
valor  of  my  constituents  need  no  eulogium  from 
me.  They  have  been  written  on  the  field  of  battle 
with  llic  heart's  blood  of  the  proud  invader;  and 
the  same  valor  nnd  the  same  palrioti.sm  which 
more  than  thirty  year<!ago  impelled  them  lo  throw 
themselves  between  their  own  loved  homes  and  the 
warrior's  desolation,  which  led  theni  to  encounter 
the  veterans  of  Wellington,  flushed  with  the  victo- 
ries of  the  Peninsula,  animates  their  bosoms,  and 
will  again  nerve  their  arms.  Sir,  in  our  infant 
stniiTirle  for  liberty,  in  the  army  which  carried  us 
so  successfully  through  that  trying  crisis,  there 
was  one  divisiiui  who.sc  name  has  become  an  epi- 
taph of  glory.  It  was  the  Maryland  Line — "firstin 
the  fight  and  last  in  the  retreat."  Although  How- 
ard, of  F.uUiw,  and  the  gallant  Smith,  now  sleep 
beneath  the  soil  of  that  country  which  their  elforts 
aided  to  redeem  from  a  foreign  bondage,  their  spir- 
its walk  abroad. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  believe  if  this  contest  is  to  come, 
it  will  not  be  for  a  iVw  miles  of  territory.  It  will  be 
a  strife  lietween  the  monarchical  principles  of  the 
Old  World  and  the  rising  greatness  of  the  Western 
Empire.    Our  light  lias  bccoinc  to  brijjht  as  to  be 


[Jan  U, 


)r  Ucpg. 

er  to  (Uviile  il 
wliic'li  Id  tlia 
n  the  Dikr.  nf 
na,  W«  will 
'Clin,  mill  kIvu 
itiit  Iririlnry. 
11  iirvor  I'lniiii- 
IhIiiiimI  iiirrely 
irlii'Vi'  tliiit  the 
MiiiiNlrr  wna 
vir  it  huiiuuii- 

vho  uiIilrrHNrd 
;i'il  wliniit  wii» 
iiiiiililiiliiiii,  ti> 
HciMiiin  (liii'il, 
wliiuli   nndii 

r  to  ilinpnsc  of 
rc};iilaliiiii.s  re- 
jptrty  Lcluii^- 

10  CllllHtllltioD 

itclint;  mil'  ler- 
,  It  III  liiii|;N  to 
)  ciiiillict  dill 
;lie  (ri'iily-nm- 
<iiid  til  whieli 
e  power  t;ivcn 
lime  of  Ut|)rc- 
latc.  Who  in 
I'rrniileiit  anil 
iiip|irnvi:H,tlii» 
There  cull  lio 

\li\lmnin,  (Mr. 
iteni'il  Willi  so 
iiqiieiiie  of  the 
ar  hull  arliiev-  • 
rritory;  it  wn» 
Great  lirilairi 
ceuii;  mid  liisr 


{rnin  and  Uj;;ain 

eor^e  Htriiek 

Il  cliisler  the 

en,  sir,  iiiioii 

wo  iiisi'rilied 

ley  were  glo- 

"le  treaty  of 

le  of  its  min- 

iiiii  from  MiiK- 

neriean    raijlo 

the  crourhiiig 

id  of  what  the 
I  hope,  I  fer- 
lot  eome;  hut 
c.  the  battle  of 
and  ^arnierls 
ds  from  tlin 
have  the  lion- 
nst  when  the 
I  ism  and  the 
iiini  from 
fielil  of  battle 
invader;  and 
ioti.sm  which 
leiii  to  throw 
lonicH  and  the 
I"  encounter 
ith  the  victo- 
bosoms,  and 
in  our  infant 
ih  carried  us 
crisis,  there 
?come  an  epi- 
iinc — "first  in 
lioiif^h  How- 
h,  now  sleep 
h  their  elforts 
^e,  their  apir- 

:3t  is  to  come, 
y.  It  will  be 
iciples  of  the 
f  the  Western 
right  as  to  be 


1840.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


B» 


iiOTH  CoNa.....t8T  Seis. 


The  Orriron  (Question — Mr,  L.  H.  Sinu. 


Ho.  or  Rbps. 


flushed  across  the  ocean,  anil  to  lijht  up  the  ilark 
places  of  Kiiropei  our  (jlorious  rcpulilicnn  institu- 
tions have  eiiKeitdcred  a  jealousy  beyond  the  wa- 
ters; anil  If  the  contest  conies,  it  will  be  an  clforl  to 
break  down  llie  resources,  and  to  cripple  the  encr- 
pm  of  this  mighty  nation.  Sir,  if  this  contest 
comes,  I  look  down  the  distant  future,  and  I  see 
no  speck  or  cloud  upon  our  political  horizon;  no 
vlmdc  of  doubt  crosses  my  mind  as  u>  the  final 
issue  of  that  conflict;  for 

"  rrcedmnN  linllle  once  tirfliin, 
ll'iliicntlinl  Iniin  lileciiinn  Klre  to  son, 
I'lioiigh  bnilli'd  nil,  is  ever  won  " 


OREGON  aUESTION. 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  L.  H.  SIMS, 

OF  Missorni, 

In  the  IIoIIIIE  of  UKPRF.nGNTATIVEa, 

Jiiniuii°!/  .'>,  184(i. 
The  resohitioim  reported  to  the  House  by  the 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreij;n  Relations, 
giving  notice  to  Great  Uritaui  of  the  terininalion 
<if  the  treaty  of  lai8,  in  relation  to  the  jniiit  occu- 
pancy of  Oregon,  being  under  consideration- 
Mr.  SIMS  obtained  the  floor,  and  addressed 
the  House  as  follows ; 

He  ought  probably  (he  said)  to  apologize  to  the 
House  for  cliiiming  their  attention;  but,  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Hall,  he  saw  a  colleague  who, 
with  himself,  resided  on  the  western  frontier  of 
Missouri,  in  the  region  which  was  nearest  the 
Oregon  Territory;  and  it  must  lie  conceded  by 
gentlemen,  that  those  who  lived  in  that  tiimrter 
took  a  deep  interest  in  this  subject.  It  might  be 
recollected,  too,  that  tlie  people  of  far-famed  Mis- 
souri, and  their  Representatives  here,  had  ever 
taken  an  anxious  interest  in  the  Oregon  question. 
He  would  be  wanting  in  his  duty,  therefore,  to 
the  people  of  Missouri  if  he  failed  to  make  some 
reinarkH,  though  lie  did  not  profess  to  be  able  to 
enlighten  them  on  this  important  subject, 

Mr.  Speaker,  well  may  you,  as  well  as  every 
member  on  this  floor — nay,  the  American  people —  \ 
recollect  the  deep  and  ardent  interest  which  the  [ 
lamented  Linn,  formerly  of  the  United  States  Sen-  i 
ate,  from  Missouri,  felt  on  this  subject.     He  it 
was,  to  a  very  gveat  extent,  who  prepared    the 
minds,  not  only  of  the  people  of  Missouri,  but  of 
the  whole  Uiiiort,  on  this  important  subject  that  i 
now  prevails,  with  such  unanimity  of  feeling,  on  { 
the  immediate  steps  necessary  to  lie  taken  for  the 
successful  occupation  nf  the  territory  in  dispute.  ! 
He  it  was  who  adhered  to  the  rights  of  his  own  i 
I'ouiitry,  and  nt  the  same  time  had  respect  for  the 
rights  of  others. 

Sir,  the  fust  proposition  which  I  intend  to  con- 
sider I  will  put  in  the  form  of  an  interrogatory.  I 
a.sk  this  vast  and  enlightened  nation  whether  Ore- 
gon is  ours  or  not?  I  have  heard  no  man  yet  who 
ilnieil  to  say  that  our  right  was  not  gooii  to  the 
whole  territory.  Now,  sir,  if  we  have  a  right  to 
Oregon  iiji  to  the  4lhli  parallel  of  latitude,  wo  have 
the  right  to  it  up  to  i,i°  W. 

I  beg  leave  to  refer  tlie  House  to  the  act  of  de- 
livery of  Astoria  from  the  British  Government  to 
that  of  the  Uniied  States,  wliicli  is  in  tlie  following 
language,  to  wit: 

"111  obedience  to  the  commands  of  his  Royal 
'  Highness  the  Prince  Regent,  signified  in  a  de- 
'  snatch  from  the  Right  Honorable  the  Earl  Ba- 
'  tliurst,  addressed  to  the  partners  or  agents  of  the 
'  Northwest  (Company,  bearing  date  the  27th  of 
'January,  1818;  and  In  obedience  to  a  subsequent 
'  order,  dated  the  26tli  of  .Tulv,  from  William  H. 
'  Sherill',  Ksquire,  captain  ,>il.s  ,^Tl,;esty's8hipAn- 
'  dromache,we,  tlieunde  ~i','ned,  (in  in  conformity 
'  to  the  first  article  of  the  Tieaiy  oC  3hent,  restore 
'  to  the  Government  of  tli  llnitii'.  States, through 
'  its  agent.  J.  B.  Prevost,  Iv^  jiilir,  i  e scttlementof 
'  Fort  George,  on  the  Colun.  Mil  .'ivc.  Given  under 
'  our  hands,  in  triplicate,  lU  Foi'  lJ;orge,  Columbia 
'  river,  this  6th  day  of  October,  1818. 

"  P.  HICKEY, 
"  Cnjifoiii  of  his  Majeshi's  ship  niossom. 
"J.  KEITH, 
"  Of  the  Mirthtcesl  Company." 

I  will  also  refer  the  House  to  the  acceptance 
thereof  by  the  American  commissioner,  which  is 
laid  down  in  the  following  language,  viz:  ^ 


"  I  do  hereliy  acknowledge  In  have  this  day  re- 
'  ceiveil,  in  behalf  of  llif  Government  of  the  United 
'  .States,  the  jiossension  of  the  setllenient  designa- 
'  ted  above,  in  conformity  to  the  first  article  of  the 
'  treaty  of  Ghent.  Given  under  my  hmid,  in  tripli- 
'  cate,  at  Kort  George,  Columbia  rivi  i .  ihis  (ith  of 
'October,  1818. 

"J.  1!.  PREVO.ST, 
",%ni//(ir(Af  Uniied  Slatef." 
Shortly  after  the  interchange  of  this  correspond- 
ence, the  British  fliig  was  hauled  down,  and  thn 
American  ensign  placed  in  its  stead. 

Sir,  I  iisk  the  members  on  this  floor  what  means 
would  have  been  more  efl'cctive  in  the  mrrender  of 
the  Oregon  Ttrritorij  than  the  above? 

It  inny  be  true  that  the  people  of  Missouri, 
whom  1  have  the  honor,  in  part,  to  represent,  feel 
a  more  warm  allcction  for  Oregon  than  others  in 
this  nation.  I  cannot,  myself,  help  feeling  for  it 
the  warmest  afl'ection.  If,  therefore,  I  should  say 
anything  calculated  to  wound  the  feelings  of  any 
who  hear  me,  I  assure  them  that  it  is  not  my  in- 
tention. I  have  witnessed,  with  deep  solicitude, 
the  tears  of  the  mother  in  parting  with  her  sons 
and  daughters,  when  I  have  seen  them  take  u[)the 
travel  for  Oregon,  which  has  been  said  by  gentle- 
men to  bo  a  route  so  impracicable  iind  so  full  of 
danger;  and  I  have  .lymivuhized  in  the  feelings 
of  the  aged  father,  when  his  children  were  depart- 
ing for  that  country,  where  they  desired  to  find  a 
fertile  home  on  the  borders  of  the  Pacific. 

I  will  notice  what  the  gentleman  from  South 
Carolina  [Mr.  Riiett]  said,  if  it  be  in  order,  as  to 
this  country  being  the  rel'ugc  of  liberty,  and  free 
to  all  emigrants  from  every  nation  who  are  siiU'er- 
iiig  under  tyranny  and  oppression;  and  I  was  sur- 
prised that  he  was  willing  to  let  Oregon  alone,  and 
thus  close  it  to  those  who  may  seek,  under  our  pro- 
tection, a  home  in  that  country,  which  I  conceive 
will  be  the  probable  results  if  we  lliil  to  adopt  the 
pending  resolutions.  He  would  leave  our  rights 
111  Oregon  the  subject  of  negotiation  with  a  nation 
which  never  yielded  anything  in  its  diplomacy  to 
us,  or  to  any  other  people. 

We  have  here  openly  discussed  every  branch 
of  this  question,  anil  our  views  upon  it  arc  known 
to  all  the  world.  But  you  can  never  tell  what  are  | 
the  purposes  of  Great  Britain  from  the  debates  in  ! 
her  Parliament,  for  the  decision  of  such  questions  j 
does  not  depend  upon  the  small  portion  of  the  pop-  ' 
uliir  principle  which  is  imposed  in  her  system  of  i 
government.  Being  a  resident  of  the  frontier, 
where  I  have  cast  my  lot  for  life,  I  feel  very  deep- 
ly the  necessity  of  giving  notice  to  Great  Britain  1 
lif  our  purpose  to  terminate  the  joint  occiiiiancy  of 
Oregon.  The  gentleman  from  South  Carolina  asks 
for  reasons  why  we  should  do  this,  and  I  wUlgivo 
them.  Proposition  after  proposition  have  we  made 
to  Great  Britain  for  the  setllenient  of  the  question, 
and  the  division  of  the  territory  between  her  and 
us.  All  these  she  has  .steadily  rcfu.sed,  and,  had  I 
been  with  the  President  when  he  ofl'ered  the  last 
compromise  of  the  49th  parallel,  I  would  have  ad- 
vised him  against  it.  But,  sir,  the  gentleman  from 
New  York  [Mr.  Kinc;]  was  mistaken  when  ho 
said  that  the  Presiilent  had  not  made  that  offer  in 
sincerity.  Sir,  I  have  known  the  President  inti- 
mately for  many  years,  during  his  whole  public 
and  |irivate  career.  I  have  known  his  whole  his- 
tory, and  have  marked  his  devotion  to  republican 
principles  ill  every  station  that  lie  has  filled,  and 
he  has  occupied  no  small  portion  of  his  country's 
history.  lie  never  made  nn  offer  in  bad  faith.  In 
making  this  proposition  he  supposed  that  it  would 
be  accepted,  anil  he  intended  to  be  bound  by  it. 

(Mr.  Preston  Kino  inquired  of  the  gentleman 
from  Missouri  if  he  referred  to  any  thing  which  ho 
had  said,  when  he  spoke  of  the  faith  of  the  Gov- 
ernment .> 

Mr.  Sims  said  :  I  reffcr  to  the  rumor  spoken  of 
by  the  honorable  gentleman  from  New  York. 

If  so,  said  Mr.  K.,  I  desire  to  say  that  I  said 
nothing  on  the  subject  of  the  faith  of  the  Govern- 
ment. The  question  of  faith,  good  or  bad,  was 
not  at  all  involved  in  the  ofier  last  made  by  our 
Government  to  Great  Britain.  If  it  had  been  ac- 
cepted, our  Government  would  have  been  bound 
by  it,  and  the  line  settled  nt  49°.  It  was  for  this 
reason  he  had  said  he  would  not  have  made  the  of- 
fer. The  ofliT  was  rejected  by  the  British  Gov- 
ernment, and  we  were  saved  from  all  injury.  He 
(Mr.  K.)  felt  nn  ienaitiveness  on  this  subject  of  the 


fcith  of  the  Government.  The  honor  of  thn  coun- 
try wiw  in  safe  hands,  in  the  care  of  the  Adminis- 
tmtion.  His  acis,  and  the  votca  of  tliose  who  sent 
him  here,  were  the  testimonials  of  hia  faith  for  the 
past,  as  they  would  be  for  the  future.] 

Mr.  SiH<  ri'N  lined.  It  is  ao  common  on  thi« 
floor  for  inexpei . diced  members  to  make  apnlogiia 
for  their  embarnissmenls,  I  will  not  ofTcf  niiy  I'or 
mine.  I  hone  gintleinen  will  underxland,  wlial  I 
have  heretidore  said,  that  1  do  not  intend  to  make 
any  personal  alhiMioiis  to  any  gentlemen  here  de- 
signed to  Imi  ofTensiw.  I  find  so  much  dilHciilty  in 
getting  along  with  all  the  oiiestioiis  that  may  bo 
raised  by  the  North  or  liy  tne  South,  and  by  law- 
yers, and  inetaphyHieiaiiH,  and  learned  doctors, 
who  abound  here,  that  I  shall  be  compelled  to 
travel  slowly  in  my  remarks,  I  hope,  tlierefore, 
that  gendenien  will  keep  cool,  and  sutler  me  to  gel 
through,  I  was  about  to  say,  when  interrupted  by 
the  gentleman,  that  the  fact  of  the  President's  hav- 
ing ofl'ered  the  4!)th  degree  as  a  compromise,  is  no 
rea.snn  why  he  should  make  it  again,  or  that  he 
sliould  take  it,  if  now  ofl'ered  by  the  Ibitish  Gov- 
ernment. 

Sir,  suppose  that  I  have  a  cargo  of  flour  in  the 

Fort  of  Boston;  a  gentleman  may  come  to  buy  it; 
ofler  it  for  six  dollars  per  barrel,  and  he  rel\ise« 
it:  suppose  that  he  goes  out  on  the  wharf,  and 
finds  that  flour  is  worth  eight  dollars  per  barrel,  am 
I  liound  to  take  the  ofler  of  six  dollars  per  barrel 
on  his  reUirn  and  demanding  it,  or  would  it  bfl 
good  sense  to  make  a  similar  proposition,  thereby 
losing  two  dollars  on  each  barrel  ?  This  is  pre- 
cisely an  analogous  case, 

A  great  deal  has  been  said  hero  about  war,  I 
wish  to  be  distinctly  understood  what  banner  I 
fight  under — it  is  for  Oregon,  all  or  none,  now  or 
ncrrr. 

Not  only  I,  but  the  people  of  Missouri,  whom  I 
in  part  represent,  will  stand  up  to  this  motto. 
Around  it  we  will  rally,  and  for  . '  we  will  fight,  till 
the  Briti.sh  lion  shall  trail  in  the  dust.  The  lion  ha.'f 
cowered  before  us  before;  and  I  have  no  fears,  in  the 
event  of  our  being  iinifri',  but  ha  will  do  so  again. 
I  believe  that  there  is  unity  and  strength  enough 
in  the  American  people  to  enforce  ilieir  rights  and 
repel  aggressiona.  Talk  of  whipping  this  nation  ! 
Sir,  it  is  fully — the  height  of  folly.  I  have  not 
been  br  might  up  in  the  tented  field,  nor  accustom- 
ed to  make  war  an  exercise,  and  do  not  so  much 
thirst  for  marshal  renown  as  to  desire  to  witiies,i 
.such  a  war  as  America  and  Britain  would  make. 
Sighing  and  moaning  would  be  its  consequences; 
deep  aflliction  would  locate  itself  in  the  cities, 
towns,  and  rural  scenes  of  our  wide-spread  coun- 
try. Notwithstanding  all  this,  I  cannot  fear  the 
war,  nor  doubt  its  success  on  our  part,  should  we 
be  forced  to  meet  it. 

The  gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Giddings]  had 
brought  several  other  topics  into  view:  and  I  be- 
lieve that  he  would  sufler  much  if  he'  did  not  say 
something  about  abolition  and  slavery.  As  he  is 
now  delivered  of  his  tiring  load,  I  liofie  that  he 
will  not  again  impose  upon  this  House  similar  re- 
marks. I  do  not  wish  to  say  anything  against  the 
South.  No,  God  forbid;  for  she  has  too  often  dis- 
played her  patriotism  on  the  battle-field,  and  her 
devotion  to  democratic  principles.  I  do  not,  sir,  de- 
sire to  witness  the  shock  of  war,  its  pomp  and 
parade,  and  its  bloody  fields;  nor  do  I  wisli  ever  to 
iienr  the  shoiiLs  of  those  triumphs  which  I  feel 
that  we  should  achieve  in  this  struggle;  but  I  do 
hope  that  we  shall  never  submit  to  British  dicta- 
tion. 

When  I  was  a  boy,  sir,  a  small  boy,  in  1815, 1  was 
with  my  father  at  church,  where  he  was  ofi'ering 
his  prayers  to  the  Almighty;  and  it  was  tlien  that 
tlie  news  of  the  victory  of  New  Orleans  reached 
the  spot.  I  never  felt  so  happy  as  at  that  moment. 
At  that  moment  my  love  of  country  commenced," 
and  from  that  hour  it  has  increased  more  and  more 
every  year;  and  I  shall  be  ever  ready  to  peril  every- 
thing in  my  power  for  the  good  of  my  country. 
Sir,  I  do  not  fear,  if  the  resolutions  now  being  de- 
bated are  adopted,  tliat  war  will  be  the  result.  Will 
Great  Britain  make  war  upon  us  for  taking  and  using 
that  which  is  our  ov/n  ?  Will  she  do  this,  when 
the  treaty  itself  provides  that  either  Government 
may  terminate  tne  joint  occupancy  by  giving  no- 
tice? If  she  desires  to  have  a  war,  let  ner  see  to 
1  it.  Sir,  I  am  for  the  whole  of  Oregon,  and  for 
I  nothing  else  but  the  whole.     Should  it  require  of 


li. 


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APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  5, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


'JTie  Oregon  Question — Mr.  h.  H,  Simt. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


us,  in  seir-(li;lciico,  lo  iiinkr  bloody  the  ilccks  of  oiir 
Btiips,  crimson  our  rivrrn  IVom  their  ijiotintnin 
sources  to  the  ocean,  and  cover  our  land  with  the 
slain  in  baltle,  we  are  prennred  for  the  sacrifice. 

I  cannot  hold  tlio  idea  tnat  some  gentlemen  do, 
that  Britain  could  defeat  lis;  the  thing  is  impossi- 
ble. Why  did  she  not  coifqncr  us  in  iormer  sirug- 
(,'les?  Because  we  were  strasjijlini;  Tor  liberty  and 
the  rights  of  man.  Our  elfoits  were  aided  by  the 
Ruler  of  the  destinies  of  nations,  and  the  strong 
arms  of  the  lovers  of  liberty — ay,  that  very  liberty 
which  dreads  mt  comparicon  with  glorvl 

Why  should  we  give  up  Oregon,  and  cut  olTtlic 
West  from  the  trade  with  China,  and  give  it  all  to 
Engl.'ind?  If  we  show  that  wc  are  afraid  of  (ircat 
Bri'ain,  the  loss  of  the  countr,  will  lie  certain. 

What  is  peace  without  honor?  If  we  once  give 
way  on  one  point,  we  shall  be  soon  called  on  to 
vL'ld  another,  and  so  on,  till  we  have  nolbing  to 
l.ise.  The  situation  of  things  on  the  Northeastern 
boundary  I  do  not  wish  to  st^c  in  the  West.  Those 
iieighhoi^s  on  one  side  of  the  line  see  in  those  on 
the  other  bittir  foes.  Talk  about  settling  the 
cnuntry,  extdiding  our  laws  with  the  joint  occu- 
pancy in  existence,  is  a  great  absurdity.  To  see 
two  judicial  tribunals  on  the  same  square  mile — 
one  under  the  Uriiish  Crown,  the  other  under  that 
of  the  United  Siittes — American  militia  and  British 
soldiers  niusteriuL':  in  the  same  field  in  the  time  of 
peace — would  be  the  result  of  the  ]«ilicy  unjcd  by 
gentlemen  oppo.xing  the  notice.  IVr|ietunl  hos- 
tility must  be  expected  whenever  two  Govern- 
inents  attempt  or  desire  equal  jurisdiction  and 
rights,  held  and  relaiued  on  tlieir  respective  pans. 
It  would  be  tnniatural  to  expect  peace  and  har- 
raony  to  prevail  under  such  exisfing  circumstances. 

Mr.  Sijoaker,  I  slunild  have  much  at  risk  in  the 
event  of  war — not  in  wcalih — but  I  h.ivn  a  wife 
and  children,  and  I  love  them  with  all  the  heart 
and  soul  that  I  possess.  No  one  can  love  his 
family  more  than  I  do  mine,  unless  his  stronger 
intellect  may  irive  him  more  strength  of  atl'ection; 
and  that  family  would  be  exposed  to  the  merciless 
savages,  who  will,  as  ever,  become  the  allies  of 
Great  Britain  in  every  war  with  us.  They  will 
be  exposed  to  the  horrors  "f  the  tomahawk  and 
scalping  knife  of  the  cruel  anu  unrelenting  sriva!;e. 
But,  sir,  in  the  face  of  this  ilanger,  the  peitple  of 
the  frontiers,  wiih  all  the  West,  will  daringly 
press,  with  the  rillc  in  one  hand  and  the  imple- 
ments of  hnsbauilrv  in  the  otlwr,  to  the  valley  of 
the  Columbia.  AVith  the  former  they  will  mark 
their  enemies;  with  the  latter  subdue  the  forest, 
and  erect  habitations  lor  themsrives  aiul  laitiilies. 
It  is  not  inipo.ssible  that  I  may  In-  nmon'rs'  those 
who  will  be  seen  in  this  onward  and  western  march. 
I  am  far  west  tVinn  the  home  of  my  birth.  In 
early  life,  eri^  my  mind  nasmied,  I  w:i.s  conveved, 
in  the  laj>  of  my  mniher,  across  the  mituntains, 
and  was  located,  without  the  volition  of  my  own 
will,  on  the  waurs  of  Cumberland,  Middle  Ten- 
nessee. I  have  since  that  time,  by  choice,  foinid 
my  (iresent  home  on  the  Ozark  Hri'.'lits,  in  .sniitli- 
western  Missouri,  where  the  sisins  of  savage  life 
r«n  yet  be  traced,  but  where  the  inroails  of  civiliza- 
tion are  obliterulin;r  the  footstei»s  of  tin*  warlike 
Kickapoos.  The  Indian  and  the  white  man  alike 
love  tin;  tonibs  and  the  rtjstin;;  plact!  of  their  sires; 
but  destiny  moves  them  both;  yet  their  spirits 
linsrer  about  the  Innues  of  their  birth. 

We  talk  about  aL'gfession  ir)ion  liritish  rights.  I 
hold  in  my  hand,  and  submit  to  the  hnuo.able 
membersupon  thisflnor, a  compiled  catalogue  of  the 
foreign  raimcities  of  Great  Britain,  which  shows, 
eonclusi\'plv,  her  thirst  for  power,  ajul  wantonness 
in  her  seizures  of  ilie  rights  of  others,  and  her  grns))- 
ing  desire  ti-  bird  it  over  land  and  sen.  But  to  the 
catJtlogue; 

THE  FOHElr.S  nAr\CITlES  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN. 
Names  of  Prorinff i.  From  vkom         Date,     Sq.  mites. 

Iiiken. 

J«mnica Spain Ifi.'i.')...  .(),a.')0 

Honduras Spain I(i7(t.. .  ..l.fiOO 

St.  Helena Dutch Mu'.i 4fi 

Oibmltar Spain 1704 'i 

LowerOnada France I7.')!I..2,')().(HK) 

Upper  Canada Prance 17110.  .KMI.OOO 

Grenada France I7fi2 

Dominica France 17(i;) 

St.  i'incent France 17().1 


Trinidad.. 
Malta 


2,000 
...98 


Tobago France 1703 H8 

Ceylon  (in  part) Dutch 1796. ..  12,500 

'France  and  )  ,_, 

••••  \     Spain...  <*'' 
<  Knights  of)  ,„,^, 

••••\     St.  John,  r**"" 

Go7,za do IHOO 

Deiuarara Dutch 18U;j  ) 

lOssequibo Dutch 180:i  )  7fi,000 

Berbice Dtitch ISOH  ) 

St.  Lucia Dutch 1803.. .  .3,000 

Cape  of  Good  Hope. .  .Dutch 1806.. 13(1,000 

Heligoland Denmark..  ..1807 .I 

Mauritius Prance 1810 75G 

hnian  Islnnils,  viz: 

Corfu Pmiice 1814 227 

Cephnloiiia Prance 1814 348 

Zante Prance 1814 l.'iG 


Barbadoes IfiO.'i. 

Rcriniidas 1(!09. 

St.Kitts 1()23. 

Gambia 1(131. 

Montsemit ifi32. 

Antimia iri;)2. 


1814 180 

1814 44 

1814 116 

1814 2G 

181.i..  12,000 


.1844. 


.800 


.do. . . 

...17i;.'. 

.do. . . 

...17(i(i 

.do... 

...1715 

.do... 

...1770 

.do. . . 

...1778 

Bahaniu^. 


S  France  and 
it      Spain. 


17c3.... 5,424 


Santa  Maura France 

Ilaca Pnince. . . 

Ceeigo France. . . 

Paxo Prance. . . 

Ceylon  (in  part) Native kinj 

Chusan China.. . . 

Ilrilish  India,  i-i:: 
Twenty-four  Pcrgun- 

nahs Native  princes.  17.')7 

Mnsalipaliui do Itiri 

Burdwnn do 1760 

Manapoor do I'tiO 

Chiltagong do 17t)0 

Bengal ..." do 176,1 

Bahar do 1765 

Orissa do 17(i5 

('hingleput  .?, 

Northern  Ci(;ars 

Geniindarv  of  Benares. . 

Island  ofSalsctte 

Nagore 

Gtmt<n>r  Circars do 1778 

Pido  I'enang do 1786 

Malelmr. ilo 171)2 

Dindignl do ]7!12 

Salem do 17112 

Barramahl do 1792 

Coriulmtorc do 17!l!l 

Canara do 179!) 

Wynaad do 17!)!) 

Tanjore io 1799 

Dist's  of  Tippoo  Saib lo IKIK)  I 

V:'   ttic do imii 

Goruckpore do |8<ll 

Lower  Doab do 18111 

Barcdy do |MII| 

Bundlecund  (in  part) ilo )M(|o 

Cutach do |HI3 

Balasore lo I H03 

Upper  Doab do |H()3 

Delhi  territory do IMII.'t 

Gujrat  (in  part) lo |H(I5 

Kuniaon do IH15 

Saugiir  and  Huttnh do 1817 

Darwar do*. . , .  ,1817 

Ahmedabad. ; do Isl7 

Cajidish do IHI8 

Ajmere <lo 1H18 

I'oonah ilo 1818 

Couian d( 1818 

Mahratta  country  (in  part), do 1818 

On  the  Nerbinld'a do 18|S 

</'oncan  (in  part) lo |h->I) 

Bejnpoor  (in  part) do Ikoo 

Sins;apore do 18'>4 

Malaccti do \f^'iii 

Assam do |K'J6 

Aracan lo |H'>6 

Tavov do IHOfi 

Ye..; do I,-;.'6 

Coorg do Ip;i4 

.ISLOaO 

Slates  poifing  black  ma',  in  Iniliu,  ri:; 

Bernr,  Oudc,  Mysore,  Tr^wiincore,  Cochin,  Salln- 

rah,  Dominions  (»f  the  Xizani,  Doniiriions  of  the 

Ibijpoot   chief.  Dominions   of  the    Bundlecmnl 

i      chief. 433,000 

'       SrHtemeiits  of  (t'rent  Urit.iiii.  T)nte.       .SV/twrc  mites. 

'  New  Brunswick 1.T10 27,704 

.N'ovaScniia ,  . .  .1510  (  ,„  ,.,, 

Cape  Breton 1510  l "'•'''-• 

Prince  F.dwanI 's  Island 1510 9,131 

Newfoundland 1510 35,913 


...1G4 

....67 
....20 
....46 
...  108 

Portola 1666 43 

Sierni  Leone 1787 SO- 

New  South  Wides 1787  > 

Van  Dieman's  Land 1803  \ 50,000 

Western  Australia 1829  ) 

New  Holland,  parts  unsettled 3,000,000 

RECAFITULATIUN. 

SiiUiiremitm, 
British  nccptisition  by  seizures  from  oth- 
er riaitons 1,620,694 

British  acquisition  by  peaceful  settle- 
ments        135,007 

British  acquisition   by   claim  without 

settlement   3,000,000 

Sir,  you  will  see  from  this  catalogue  llint  Great 
Britain  has  acquired,  by  force,  one  million  six  hun- 
dred and  twenty  thiaisaiul  sjx  hundred  and  ninety- 
four  square  miles;  by  peaceful  settlement,  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty-five  thousttnd  and  seven  squaro 
miles;  by  claim,  without  settlement,  three  millions 
of  square  miles.  What  nation  has  she  not  plunder- 
ed of  her  territory  ?  Ask  Prance  how  she  (Kiig- 
land)  got  the  Canadasi'  France  will  answer,  by 
conquest  and  blood.  Ask  Spain  and  India,  nay 
the  world,  how  she  has  acquired  posses.sions  be- 
longing to  them.  And  shall  the  American  people 
or  the  .\mericnii  Congress  invite  (jieat  Britain  to 
come  here  and  take  from  our  children  their  inher- 
itance ? 

It  has  been  said  that  the  r»ute  to  Oregon  was  im- 
pnicticable;  that  it  is  \)eset  with  dangerous  ene- 
mies, and  that  we  could  not  send  troops  to  Oregon, 
'nor  provisions  to  feed  them.  Now,  sir,  we  of  Mis- 
•ouri  cini  fit  out  ten  thousand  wagon  loads  of  pro. 
visions  for  Ori^gon  at  any  lime,  and  ten  thousand 
wagon  boys  to  drive  them,  who,  with  their  wagon 
whips, can  beat  and  drive  oil"  all  the  British  and 
Indians  that  they  find  in  their  way. 

Sinue  say  that  the  ships  of  England  will  bring 
soldiers  aim  provisions, and  block  up  theiiiouth  of 
the  Columbia,  qiiarier  her  troops  upon  the  terri- 
tory, and  starve  us  out  of  the  country.  Both 
parties  would  have  to  participate  in  this  ;  and, 
take  my  word  for  it,  Her  Majesty's  troops  woulil 
have  their  share  of  h';nger,  from  the  fact,  that 
her  hireling  muskets  could  not  com,  .e  with  llio 
deadly  aim  id' the  western  riflemen  in  felling  game, 
sc  plentiful  in  that  portion  of  our  western  do- 
main. 

If  the  Pilgrims,  who  landed  at  Plymouth  over 
two  centuiies  a;;o,  h:id  landed  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Columbia,  the  .same  lare.ssiiy  for  wcupying  the 
whole  North  American  cinitinent  would  then  have 
existed  that  now  exists.  We  shoulil  have  pressed 
easlwai'il,  until  we  occupied  the  shores  of  thc'At- 
laniic,and  Houihward  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

We  have  heard  it  said  that  Oregcni  is  poor  and 
sterile.  Then  why  does  Great  Britain  want  it? 
We  have  agricultural  lands  in  the  vast  valley  of 
the  .Mississippi,  and  we  desire  to  have  some  ii'in- 
uliiciurers  mi  the  Pacific,  and  a  share  in  its  loni- 
menc  lo'd  navigation.  If  the  fact  does  exist,  that 
a  portion  of  the  <'oun(ry  is  not  so  well  adapted  to 
fariniiff,  it  is  only  an  argument  in  favor  of  our 
holding  on  lo  it ;  for  it  is  evident  that  this  Govein- 
nienl,  at  a  fuliire  day,  must  enter  largely  into  iho 
manulhctui'c  of  her  products;  for  even  now,  afler 
supplying  In  iself  at  home  with  articles  to  satiate 
her  peojde,  the  remaining  surplus  is  so  large,  in 
connexion  with   that  of  other  countries,  that  our 

f'n>ilncers  are  poorly  rewarded  for  iheir  industry. 
t|  then,  itntsf  happen  that  on  the  Colnmiiia  and 
the  Pacillc  there  u  ill  be  established  (as  at  the  Kiist 
find  .Vorth,  upon  the  Atlantic  and  the  lakes)  man- 
ufactinies;  that  portion  of  our  country  adajiled 
to  agriculture  is  iob(!f'>unil  in  the  fertile  vaiiey 
of  the  t\lissi.s.sippi— 110  part  of  the  habitidde  globe 
being  its  e(pial.  If  t)regon  is  not  so  well  supplied 
with  VMiter  power  as  somi'  have  urged,  the  •>bjci'- 
tifui  it!  Iftsi  by  the  successful  operation  of  steam 
upmi  machinery.  But,  sir,  much  of  Oregon  is  a 
fine  grazing  country.  There  are,  already,  Hocks 
of  cattle  leediiig  upon   her  luxuriant  and  fi'rtile 

fasture,  continuing  ihroiigh  all  seasons  of  the  year, 
ler   bills   beneath    the   Niiow-peaks    are   alriady 
bleached  with  Ihe  (leece  of  the  sheep,  giving  reward 


[Jan.  5, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGiiESSIONAIi  GLOBE. 


Sir 


o.  OF  Reps. 

1605 1G4 

lliO!) 'JO 

1(123 fi7 

ifisi eo 

1(132 4(i 

l(i;)9 ion 

lf,6(; 43 

1787 SO- 

1787  > 

1803  S  ....50,000 

1839  i 

3,000,000 

Square  milps. 

)m  otli- 

1,C20,694 

sfUle- 

135,007 

without 

3,000,000 

Inloffiie  timt  Grcnt 
le  million  six  liiiri- 
imdrod  and  ninoty- 
lllenient,  oneliiin- 
and  Hcvcn  sqiinn; 
lent,  three  millions 
us  she  not  plundor- 
'.e  how  she  (En;r- 
e  will  answer,  liy 
in  and  India,  nny 
id  possessions  lie- 
:  American  people 
e  (ireat  liritnin  to 
lildrcn  their  inher- 

to  Oregon  was  im- 
li  dangerous  ene- 
1  troops  to  Orei^on, 
ow,sn',weof  Mis- 
ii;,'oii  loads  of  |iro- 
and  ten  thoiisiind 
,  with  their  waj;on 
>ll  the  British  and 
•ay. 

Midland  will  liriner 
k  lip  theinoulli  of 
IS  upon  the  lerri- 
;  country,  limh 
iile  in  this  ;  and, 
ily's  troops  would 
om  tbe  fact,  that 
com,  .e  with  llio 
en  in  fellin);  same, 
our  western  do 


Plymouth  over 

the  mouth  of  the 

r  (K'eupyinfi;  llio 

would  then  have 

iild  have  pressed 

iciiTS  of  the  At- 

if  Mexico. 

'>.'iin  is  poor  and 

liriliiin  want  it? 

the  vast  valley  of 

have  some  n"in- 

liare  in  its  >om- 

t  does  exist,  that 

well  adapted  to 

t  In  favor  of  our 

lh.it  this  Govein- 

r  lar;^ely  into  iho 

even  now,  afler 

articles  to  satiate 

IS  is  HO  lrti\'e,   in 

iiinlries,  that  inir 

r  llieir  industry. 

le  C'olumhia  and 

■d  (as  at  the  East 

1  the  lakes)  nian- 

counlry  adapted 

the   fertile  vaiii-y 

'  haliitahle  ^lohe 

so  well  supplied 

urired,  the  ^Mijcc- 

leraliiin  of  sleani 

h  of  t)rei;on  is  a 

ulr'Nidy,  flocks 
iriant  and  ferlili- 
iisons  of  the  year, 
nks  ar'.'  alriady 
ji,  srivin^  reward 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Yancy, 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


and  comfort  to  our  settler  there.  Go  with  me,  in 
imns;intttion.  to  the  plains  of  Oregon.  Let  us  i^iko 
an  impartial  look  at  this  lovely  country.  What 
do  you  heliold?  Rich  and  fertile  lands,  awaiting; 
only  the  industry  of  toilinp;  thousands,  soon  to  be 
rewarded  with  an  increased  and  plentiful  harvest 
— with  every  wave  that  shall  leave  the  shores  of 
the  Pacifiir,  bearing  olT  her  surplus  products,  in 
exchanije  for  the  gold  of  India  and  the  manufac- 
tures of  China. 

How  it  '8  possible,  sir,  that  gentlemen  from  the  1 
South  should  feel  so  ir.difTercnt  to  the  ^acquisition 
<if  Oregon,  I  cannot  sec.  I  belon  T,  morally  and 
pengraphicttlly,  to  tlie  country  south  of  Mason  and 
Oixon's  line.  I  am  identifieil  with  \s  destiny,  and 
will  labor  fiir  its  interest,  peace,  arJ  prosperity,  at 
nil  times  and  under  all  eircumstan  'cs.  Hut  I  look 
xipon  this  as  an  American  questi  )n,  and  upon  the 
country  of  Oregon  as  belonging  to  every  portion 
of  the  American  jwoplc,  and  worthy  of  the  united 
clVorts  of  this  nation,  from  Maine  to  Louisiana — 
from  Boston  to  the  farthest  settlement  in  the 
West. 

Without  speaking  for  the  people  of  other  Stales, 
I  must  be  permitted  to  sny  for  the  people  of  Mis- 
aouii,  that  there  is  but  one  voice  and  one  hear' 
nmong  them  on  this  question.     If  l!ie  wholi?  peo- 
ple of  that  gallant  .Stale  could  be  collected  in  a 
hollow  square,  and  the  line  of  49°  put  before  them, 
and  the  line  .54°  40',  they,  with  entire  unanimilv 
of  thought  and  action,  would  choose  the  latter.    If  i 
you  put  lo  them  the  question,  Notice  or  no  notice;  ; 
ihey  would  all  go  for  the  notice,  and   inimediute  i 
notice,  and  risk  the  irar.  i 

The  inore  you  cry  out  "war,  war,  wc  arc  in  i 
danger  of  war,"  the  stronger  they  will  go  for  Ore- 
gon and  for  tmk  notice.     It  is  not  iii  character 
with  the  western  people  to  be  thus  intimidated. 
Their  luve  of  enterprise  and  national  rigliLs  makes  ' 
the  ii  willing  to  dare  and  suffer.     They  have  triid  ' 
their  Vidor  on  the  plains  of  New  Orleans,  a  bright 
page  in  our  country's  history ;  and  if  the  venerated 


nnd  resumed  the  consideration  of  the  Jo'nt  resolu- 
tion reported  by  the  Committee  on  Koreirn  Affairs, 
providing  for  tlie  termination  of  the  convention  of 
1827. 
Mr.  YANCEY  said- 
Mr.  Chairman:  Events  of  no  ordinary  magni- 
tude have  been  rapidly  thickening  the  path  of  our 
progress  as  a  nation.  Hut  yesterday,  a  magnifi- 
cent empire,  IVuitful  ill  all  the  elements  of  nuual, 
political,  and  commercial  greatnciss, obtained  peace- 
ful ingress  within  the  pale  of  our  liberties,  and  a 
full  fruition  '  .*■  our  laws  and  institutions.    But  ves- 


ly  n  Southron  may  well  claim  that  sacred  rela- 
tionship lo  the  sons  of  the  West,)  that  if  some  of 
us  of  the  South  aie  di.sposed  to  put  a  curb  on  this 
hot  impetuosity,  we  shall  not  be  deemed  their  en- 
emies on  this  great  issue.  liike  them,  I  nin  for 
all  of  Oregon.  With  them,  i  believe  our  title  to 
it  to  be  complete  against  the  world.  My  only  de- 
sire is,  that  we  so  regulate  our  movements  as  lo 
be  able  to  secure  it  all.  To  do  so  is  not  with- 
out great  difficulty.  On  whichever  side  yon  turn, 
that  difficulty  stares  you  in  the  face.  To  overcome 
it  requires  moderation — calculation  as  well  as  firm- 


terday,  and  the  representatives  of  a  land»wfiic.h  i:  ness.     Haste  nnd   impetuous  valor  may  lose  us 


had  long  been  the  El  Dorado  of  Spanish  hopes  in 
the  palmy  days  of  that  once  splendid  monarchy, 
took  their  scats  in  the  councils  of  the  Federal 
Union.  Around  me  I  see  the  representatives  of  sev- 
eral sovereign  Stales — of  .States  rj\rved  from  a  ter- 
ritory capable  of  furnishing  to  the  Union  as  many 
more — a  territory  whiidi  is  drained  by  the  mightiest 
rivers  Oi'tho  earth,  whose  sources,  in  the  beautiful 
and  striking  phraseology  of  another  upon  another  || 
!  occasion,  are  amidst  perpetual  snows,  but  whose  i' 
''  outlets  are  amidst  perennid  flowcra.  j 

This  nini;nificent  picture,  sir,  is  but  a  grouping  : 
of  l/ie  resiilh  nf  peace — of  a  nea<'e  lionorably  form-  ','[ 
ed,  and  honorably  kept,  wilii  the  whole  world — of  ! 
a  peace  which  is  sheddini;  its  radiant. influences,  " 
\  and  pouring  from  its  "  horn  of  plenty  "its  choicest 
i  blessings  upon  institutions  framed  to  receive  them,  ' 
\  and  over  a  people  capable,  I  trust,  of  appreciating  ' 
them.     It  has  ueen  a  peace  which  has  enabled  our 
commerce  to  ex]ilorc  every  sea  in  sertrch  of  their  ' 
treasures,  and  our  fla»  to  become  known  to  the  i 
world  as  that  of  a  peo])Ie  whose  dominions  are  ex- 
tended by  civilization  and  by  Reason,  and  not  by 
I  arms  and  by  blood.     It  has  been  to  us  a  period  of  ; 
I  repose,  during  which  our  canvass  has  been  unfold-  ' 
!  ing  and  spreading  its  snowy  sheets   over  every  ' 
I  wuv,  quietly  but  efiectually  driving  EngUuid  from  ! 
I  her  commercial  supremacy  on  the  deep.     Under 


.  .  its  benign  and  inspiring  inliuences  ibe  energies  and 

mlriotand  so  dier  who  now  sleeps  ui  peace  and   i  inlcllectof  our  people  have  beeiuliiicted  intochan- 

lionor  111  the  shades  of  the  Hermitage,  he  who  re-   i  „els  in  wlii(-h  they  have  develojied  many  of  the 

be  buried  in  the  tomb  of  a  king,  could  be   |  bithcrto  hidden  and  my.stcrious  powers  of  nature, 

and  made  them  siib.^ervient  to  the  great  interests  of 


fused  I 

per.tiitlcd  to  give  us  his  advice,  he  would  say — Go 
for  Oregon,  and  for  the  whole  of  Oregon— go  for 
the  nolire,  nnd  thul  notice  iioic.  England's  threats 
were  idle  tales  to  him.  Her  eagerness  to  gnisp  the 
property  of  others  was  by  him  despised.  He  uni- 
versally exhorlcd  his  countrymen  "to  ask  nolhins 
but  what  was  right,  and  submit  to  noihinc  tliat  was 
wrong."  Let  us  follow  his  example.  1  must  be 
excused,  Mr.  Speaker,  for  speaking  of  one  who 
was  my  friend;  of  one  that  I  delight  to  honor:  un-  ' 
der  the  roof  of  hiin  who  has  shown  me  kindness, 
from  whom  I«liave  imbodied  my  political  crec(l„ 
one  who  took  the  Constitution  of  his  counlry  and 
used  it  as  a  political  lelescnjic,  through  it  saw  his 
duty,  and  beheld  his  eountrvs  interest;  he  straight- 
way performed  the  one  and  advanced  the  other. 
He  prized  the  Constitution  of  his  country,  llie  most 
effectual  ornament  and  guide  to  our  republic«n  in- 
stilntions. 

Should  our  countrymen  si  iiv  into  the  roads  of 
anarchy,  wc  will  disinter  th.  bones  of  lli(>  patriot 
.lacksoii,  and  point  them  to  the  man  who  struggled 
for  liberty  and  independence,  and  who  giianled 
Willi  vigilance  the  bright  inheritance  of  his  much- 
loved  c.ounlry.  He  loved  her  in  bis  youth— age 
impaired  it  not— and  dying,  his  exclamations  were 
for  his  country. 

Ill  conclusion,  1  call  upon  you,  my  countrymen, 
"lo  .'omc  to  the  rescue"  of  Y'ouiig  Hickcn-y'iii  the 
adiustnwnt  of  the  Oregon  question,  tcithoui  the  toss 
oj  one  fqmirc  mile. 


humanity;  and,  as  a  part  of  these  results,  we  can 
nowsec  the  magnilicent  ship,  with  every  sail  flirted, 
moving  with  sdent  and  terrible  majesty  into  the 


all,  or  give  us  but  a  part. 

I  desire  to  give  a  very  brief  review  of  the  man- 
ner in  which  we  have  become  connected  wiih  Eng- 
land in  this  matter.  Asserting  our  title  as  derived 
from  discovery,  exploration,  and  settlement,  we 
were  confronted  by  England,  claiming,  through  a 
conventioii  enlcicn  into  between  her  and  Spain, 
and  commonly  called  the  Noolka  Sound  conveii 
tion,  a  right  of  jointly  occupying  the  country  of 
Oregon,  nnd  therefore  opposing  any  exclusive  pos- 
session in  us.  Unable  to  settle  the  difTerei.ce  sat- 
isfactorily and  amicably,  on  the  90th  of  October, 

1818,  both  parties  ngi-eed  to  a  convention,  which 
left  tlie  title  ill  abeyance,  but  gave  to  the  citizens 
of  both  countries  the  right  of  entering,  trading,  &c., 
for  the  space  of  ten  years. 

Shortly  afterwards,  on  the  22il   of  February, 

1819,  Spain  ceded  to  the  United  Slates  all  her 
rights  to  nny  territory  on  the  Pacific  coast,  norlh 
of  latitude  forty-two  degrees.  We  thus  became 
possessed  of  all  the  rights  to  the  territory  of  Ore- 
gon, save  such  as  Great  Britain  might  deduce  from 
the  Nooika  Sound  convention;  under  which  she 
only  claims  a  right  of  joint  occupancy,  expressly 
admitting,  as  I  understand  her,  that  she  lias  no 
exclusive  title  to  one  inch  of  the  territory. 

Two  other  nitenipis  at  scttlins  this  question  be- 
tween us  have  failed.  On  the  (ith  of  August,  1827, 
this  joint  convention  was  indefinitely  renewed — u 
provision  being  inserted,  however,  that  either  party 
might  terminate  it,  by  giving  to  the  other  twelve 
months'  notice  of  the  intention  to  do  so. 

This  convention,  then,  and  its  renewal,  was  the 
result  of  a  failure  to  reconcile  the  conflicting  claims 
of  the  two  Governments  in  1818,  1824,  nnd  182(). 
In  1818,  Mr.  Monroe,  and  in  1826,  Mr.  Adams, 


very  te'eth  nf  the  wind,  as  if  propelled'  alone  by  the  '   offered,  as  a  compromise,  to  give  to  Great  Britain 

•    --■  .  <    .        t|]e  free  navigation  of  the  Columbin, and  exclusive 

title  to  all  of  the  territory  north  of  forty-nine  de^ 


unseen  and  submerged  hand  of  Neptune,  and  dash- 
ing opposing  waves  in  niigry  spray  from  her  prow 


IVKS, 


OREGON  QUESTION. 
SPEECH   OF  i\[R.   YANCEY, 

or  ALABAMA, 
In  the  Huiise  ok  Rei'Kksentati 
Januanj  7,  IS4G. 
On  the  rcsnlnlion  giving  Ihe  twelve  monihs'  iiniice 
for  Ihe  termination  of  the  joint  occupancy  of  the 
Oregon  Tenilory. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Yancev,  the  House  re.inlvcd 
ilscif  into  (Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  slate  of 
Union,  (Mr.TiiiliATTs,  of  Kentucky,  in  the  chair,) 


wlii^^  intelligence  is  t'lireading  from  city  to  city 
upon  the  wings  of  the  lightning. 

It  has  been  a  peace,  which,  as  if  to  laugh  to 
scorn  the  bounties  of  war,  has  given  to  us  territo- 
ry afler  territory,  more  magnificent  in  domain,  and 
more  prcL'iiant  with  nalioual  grandeur,  than  any 
that  tlie  blood-dripping  laglcs  of  imperial  Rome 
ever  Hew  over  in  their  conquering  nnd  devastating 
career. 

Yet,  though  such  arc  ihe  fi-uitsof  such  a  poli- 
cy, I  see  around  me  crowds  of  American  sliitcs- 
men,  yearning  to  break  this  mi!;hly  and  glorious  !; 
spell;  whose  hearts  arc  /wii/iiig  for  tear,  whose 
bands  ilrh  to  grasp  the  sword,  whos-c  tret  are  ' 
raised  to  trample  the  olive-liraiicb,  whose  every 
impul.se  is  to  grapple  with  EnitlamI,  lo  decide  by 
the  terrible  law  of  arms  a  territorial  right. 

Sir,  I  respect,  though  1  nusl  disapjuov  of,  the 
feeling  which  aniinales  ,  j  men  of  the  West  on 
this  question.  .Sympathy  for  their  friends  in  (he 
far-off  Oregon ;  impatience — indignant  impatience, 
it  may  be — at  any  rcairaint  which  England  may 
have  thrown  in  the  way  of  a  full  assertion  of  our 
rights  there;  and  a  longing,  natural  lo  brave  hearts, 
to  avenge  the  ojiprcssions  which  thai  haughty  , 
Power  may  have  commilled  for  ceiuuries  upon  the 
'  nations  of  the  carih,  arc  all  fci  linss  which,  how- 
ever much  1  may  deem  well  calculated  to  chaid 
the  imhvniciil  upon  a  mailer  of  such  grave  import, 
arc  likewiNe«wcll  calculated  to  elicit  a  synipalliclic 
response  from  every  American  heart.  fiinMur,  too, 
in  all  tlic  elemeiils  of  greatness  and  strength,  we 
may  not  fear  a  conicst  with  any  iiiilion. 

But  we  should  be  I'arelVil  Icst'prosperily  and  ron- 
linued  success  should  blind  us  to  consequences — 
lest,  in  our  pride,  we  do  not  fall.  Sir,  it  cannot 
be  treason — it  cni.not  be  cowardly — it  cannot  be 
unwise,  for  us  eabnly  and  dispassumatcly  to  con- 
sider our  true  position  in  this  mailer;  and  I  be::  of 
our  friends — of  Ihc  Wisl  in  particular,  (and  sure- 


grees  of  latitude.  In  1824,  Mr.  Monroe  niso  of- 
fered to  give  to  Great  Britain  all  above  the  forly- 
ninlli  degree  of  north  latitude.  Each  of  these  very 
favorable,  nnd,  it  seems  to  me,  conciliatory  oflers, 
were  promptly  rejected  by  the  English  i^iioverii- 
nicnl.  Afler  the  first  rejection,  if  negotiation  bad 
then  closed,  what  would  have  lieen  the  result.' 
liithcr  wc  would  have  bad  to  fierce  Eniland  front 
'  her  joint  occupancy,  or  have  igiioniiiiioii.-;ly  "aban- 
doned" our  rights.  To  avoid  such  an  issue,  what 
did  Mr.  Monroe  do?  He  entered  into  a  joint  cnn- 
veiition  tor  ten  years.  I  put  it  now  to  the  reason 
ami  candcn-  of  gentlemen,  was  not  that  measure 
a  siihulilnte  for  vnr?  or,  what  is  far  more  w  tchcd 
and  withering,  if  war  was  not  to  ensue,  wo-;  t  nut 
a  subsiiiute  ibr  national  disgrace? 

After  the  second  promjit  rejection  of  the  result 
of  nine  years'  net'otiatiou  by  England,  our  Gov- 
ernment again  conaenls  to  an  indefinite  renewal  of 
ihe  treaty— lUid  why?  For  the  same  cause  that 
induced  its  original  formation — to  avoid  the  un- 
pleasant allernative  of  nn  apiienl  to  arms;  for 
Grent  Britain  positively,  and  tlirce  times,  had  re- 
fused to  yield  a  joint  occujinncy  of  that  terriuiry, 
nnd,  of  course,  n  failure  to  renew  the  eonveniion 
would  have  forced  us  cither  to  drive  her  from  it, 
;  iir  to  abandon  it  to  her!  I  repeat,  then,  that  this 
convciiiion  was  (I  .suisliline /ur  icnr. 

Ii  is  no\.' pro]>osed  lo  give  iioiice  of  our  desire  to 

terimnate  this  convention,  or  lo  subsiiiule  resulla 

'    for  these  terms;  il   is  now  proposed  thai  we  niiiiiij 

ll  this  subslilute  for  war,  and  to  u.se  ihc  sword  lo  cut 

I   this  "gordian  knot,"  which  twinty-eight  years  of 

!    nrsotiiition  have  been  uniible  lo  uiilie — to  do  thnt 

which  Mr.  Monroe,  under  precisely  similar  cir- 

cumslances,  deemed  it  unwise  to  do  in  1818;  nnd 

which  Mr.  .\diuus  absiained  fVom  dointr  in  1827, 

under  far  more  liivorable  circunislances.     I  said, 

unde.   fur  more  favornlile  eiicuinsUinces;  for  our 

Stales  were  not  then  loaded  down  with  those  ciior- 


86 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  7, 


2^H  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Queition — Mr.  Yancey. 


Ho.  OF  Rkps. 


t 


mous  debu  which  the  paper-money  syatem  has 
^nce  bequeathed  to  them  as  its  dying  legacy,  and 
our  antagonist  wos  not,  as  now,  armed  to  the  teetli. 
It  will  be  conceded,  I  believe,  by  all,  air,  that 
Great  Britain  has  never— even  in  the  moment  when 
placing  her  foot  upon  the  prostrate  form  of  that 
mighty  genius  of  war.  Napoleon — been  as  com- 
pletely panoplied  in  all  the  means  of  defensive  and 
of  a«rgressive  war  as  she  is  now.  At  peace  with 
all  the  world,  and  having  prepared  the  monarchies 
of  Europe  for  her  moTements — amongst  whom  it 
is  well  said  we  have  not  a  friend  to  whose  arbitra- 
tion we  daro  trust  this  case — she  has  been  hus- 
banding her  resources,  recruiting  on  a  large  scale 
her  naval  marine — has  built  an  enormous  stenm- 
fleet,and  sent  them  round  the  world,  in  the  peucc- 
ftil  gaib  of  mail-steamers,  exploring  the  coasts  and  \\ 
harbors  of  other  nations;  whilst,  too,  she  has  been  !| 
constantly  augmenting  her  already  immense  mili-  I 
tary  resources.  j 

But  my  colleague,  [Mr.  HiLLitno,]  who  so  elo-  i 
quently  addressed  the  House  yesterday  upon  this  \ 
question,  says  that  he  will  not  pause  lu  count  the 
armie«  if  England,  or  to  number  her  ships,  or  to  [ 
consid  ,r  of  her  resources.  Sir,  with  a  feeling  of  ; 
sincere  sympathy  for  that  warm  nnd  gushing  im-  i 
pulse  which  would  fear  no  danger  incurred  in  the  j 
CAUse  of  our  common  country,  I  must,  however,  ' 
be  allowed  to  express  the  opinion  that,  in  this  in-  i 
BUince,  it  is  not  "folly  to  be  wise."  It  is  wisdom 
to  obtain  a  knowledge  of,  and  to  reflect  upon,  the  i 
strength  of  our  foe.  A'Washington  has  jeopar-  i 
dized  not  only  the  lives,  but  the  honor  of  brave  j 
men,  in  order  to  find  out  the  strength  of  the  enemy.  ! 
I  cannot  but  sy  mjutthize  with  this  noble  ardor,  this  ' 
high-toned  American  spirit,  that  irfflashing  up  over  j 
Ihe  whole  nalion;  but  when  it  would  advise  us  that 
this  is  victory,  I  must  reject  the  advice.  I  know  I 
that  it  is  equel  to  half  tlie  battle;  and  if  the  right —  ' 
if  truth  and  justice  decided  the  swaying  ranks  of  I 
war — freely,  heartily,  and  joyftilly  would  I  now  j 
commit  this  issue  to  that  fierce  ordeul.  But,  sir,  ! 
that  is  not  the  case;  not  justice,  but  might,  rules  : 
npon  the  blood-reeking  battle-field;  and,  knowing 
this,  it  becomes  the  legislator  not  only  to  know  the  • 
means  of  destruction  which  tlie  enemy  possesses,  ; 
but  to  see  to  it  that  his  own  country  is  not  thrown  | 
into  tliat  arena  with  nothing  but  the  naked  breasts  1 
arid  weaponless  hands  of  her  brave  sons  to  main-  ' 
tain  their  cause.  A  nation  that  blindly  and  pas-  ' 
■ionatcly  plunges  into  a  conflict  of  arms  with  an 
opposing  power,  deserves  no  higher  meed  of  priiise 
than  should  be  awarded  to  the  prairie  bull,  that,  ; 
shutting  his  eyes,  furiously,  but  blindly,  rushes  ' 
upon  the  object  of  his  hate — the  flag  flaunting  and  . 
armed  matador. 

The  question  arises,  then,  are  we  prepared  for 
this  issue  of  arms '  Alas !  sir,  "in  peace"  we  have 
not  "prepared  for  war."  From  the  very  Wcit, 
which  now  seeks  to  involve  the  co\nitry  in  its  vi- 
cissitudes and  horrors,  htt.'<  come  a  long-continued 
opposition,  as  I  am  informed,  to  any  .such  increase 
of  our  galliuit  and  glorious  navy  as  the  wanis  of 
the  country,  it  seems  to  me,  imperiously  di!inand. 
Many  of  our  hhips  are  rotting  on  the  stocks,  or 
lying  idly  in  harbor;  and  our  officers,  of  courie, 

Sjrmilted  to  roam  over  the  land,  instead  of  the  sen. 
ur  army  is  so  small  that  even  at  this  moment,  ns 
I  learn  from  the  chairman  of  the  Cnminiltee  on 
Military  Affairs,  there  is  not  a  single  United  Suites 
soldier  in  the  State  of  Alal)ama — none  to  lisihl  a 
match,  if  a  hostile  force  enters  the  waters  of  Mo- 
bile bay. 

At  this  very  time,  too,  when  war's  dreail  horrors 
are  laughed  at  by  young  members  of  this  H(mac — 
full  of  courage,  doubtless,  but  with  no  experience 
^-cven  now,  when  we  are  about  to  dare  old  Eng- 
land to  cross  swords  with  ua,  serinus  opposition  is 
made  to  passing  the  bill  of  your  Military  Connnit- 
tee  providing  for  the  raising  of  a  single  regiment 
of  riflemen  ! 

Entirely  nnpreparcil,  then,  for  such  a  terrible 
conflict  an  that  oetween  oursilves  and  Great  ISritain 
must  incvilably  l)e,  will  it  be  deemed  treasonable, 
dishonorable,  or  cowardly,  in  one  who  here  reprc- 
»cnt.H  a  portion  of  the  people  who  are  to  be  affected 
by  it,  U)  advise  that  "discretion,  that  belter  pari  of 
valor,"  warns  us  to  avoid  it,  if  it  can  be  done  wilh 
honor? 

But  I  nm  here  met  with  the  assertion  that  this 
notice  is  a  iimcr  nuayurc.     Would  that  1  could  be-  . 
lieve  so.     uul  I  c:iuniui  shut  my  eyes  to  the  con- 


trary, written  as  with  a  pen  of  iron,  both  on  tlie 
notice  i  <elf,  and  on  ihe  facts  attending  it.  As  yet 
I  have  listened  in  vain  to  some  hulf-4i-dozen  hour 
speeches  in  its  favor,  for  a  single  argument  show- 
ing it  to  be  such.  On  the  contrary,  nearly  every 
advocate  of  notice  being  given,  runs  into  enlhusi- 
asm  in  contemplating  the  glories  to  l)e  achieved  in 
revenging  the  long  unredressed  injuries  which  Eng- 
land has  committed  upon  the  world  I  I  will  not 
repeat  my  argument  showing  that  the  convention 
was  adopted  as  a  subslitvU  for  war,  and  that  there- 
fore its  termination  involves  war,  or  an  abandon- 
ment of  tlie  claim  of  one  or  the  other  nation.  I 
will  now  show  how  it  is  viewed  by  its  supporters, 
peace  advocates  though  they  are  asserted  to  be. 

In  the  first  place,  the  President,  it  seems  to  me, 
does  not  view  it  as  a  |ieace  measure.     1  have  had 
no  conversation  with  him  upon    the  point,   and 
therefore  speak  only  by  that  chart  of  his  opinions 
officially   communicated   to  Congress — his   mes- 
sage.    In  that  document  he  informs  us  that  "no 
compromise  whiili   the  United  Slates  ought  to 
accqit  can  be  eff'ected."    "All  attempts  at  com- 
promise   having    failed,"  he    recommends    that 
"  measures  be  taken  for  the  maintenance  of  our 
just  title  to  that  country."    Now,  sir,  if  England 
will  accept  of  no  compromise  that  we  ciin  offer, 
and  we  arc  to  maintain,  by  "  measures"  now  to 
be   taken,  "  our  just   title,"  what    must    those 
"  measures"  be.'     "Measures"  of  a  character  to  i 
force  England  to  acknowledge  "our  just  title,"  of  . 
course;  and,  n-  one  of  those  measures,  ihe  Presi-  \ 
dent  recommends  that  this  notice  be  given;  and 
very  properly  and  wisely  informs  Congress  that ' 
at  ihe  end  of  the  year's  notice,  "we  shall  have  I 
'  reavhed  a  period  when  Ihe  nntinnal  rights  in  Orc- 
'  goii  must  cither  be  abaniloned  or  Jmnhj  nminjoin- 1 
'erf."   And  Aoie,  is  now  a  iierlinent  question,  and 
against  whom .'    The  answer  is  easy — by  armies, ' 
by  fleets,  by  war  against  England,  if  she  does  not ; 
abandon  a  claim  which  she  rclVised  "  all  attempls"  j 
to  compromise.  i 

I  say  that  it  is  written  on  the  very  face  of  the  as- 
pect which  this  question  presents,  that  giving  this  | 
notice,  and  taking  exclusive  possession  of  Oregon,  \ 
as    the  President  recommends,  is  n  war  move,  j 
How  are  we  to  carry  it  into  ell'ecl  ?     How  are  we  ; 
to  dispossess  our  adversary  from  her  thirty  forls 
in  Oregon.'    Certainly,  tho.ie  who   know  Great 
Britain  will  not  dream  that  a  mere  rending  of  our 
law  lietoie  those  forts  will  cause  their  commanders 
to  strike  the  cplss  of  Si.  George,  and  qui'  ily  give 
us  exclusive  possession.      Gcnllemen  hiun  ran- 
sacked her  history  to  .'<ome  advantage  in  llils  de- 
bate, and  have  learned  that  for  centuries  she  has  I 
been  acquiring  colonies,  and  urging  herself  up  the 
scule  of  territorial  accretion,  till  now,  as  has  been 
beautifully  and   no  less  forcibly  said,  "the  sun 
never  sets  upon  her  dominions." 

Have  they  yet  found  a  case,  when, after  so  long  ' 
and  so  persevcringly  persistiiii;  in  a  claim,  she  at 
last,  cm  the  first  show  of  opposil ion, quietly  iibaii-  : 
doned  it  ?  If  so,  1  am  yet  to  be  informed  of  it. 
Then,  to  execute  ycuir  law  for  asserting  "  our  just 
title," /orce  must  be  an  ingredient  of  the  means 
used . 

The  venerable  gentleman  from   Mnssacluisetls 
(Mr.  Adams]  has  so  argued  this  question;  tliimgh,  ! 
at  the  same  time,  saying,  in  what  I  conceive  to  j 
have  been  carefully  selected  phraseology,  that  he  I 
"  did  not  believe  at  all  in  any  danger  of  war  «( Ihis 
/imp."     Whether  he  desiijned  to  cover,  wilh  his 
belief,  llie  clo.se  of  the  twelve  nionlhs  given  by  llie 
convention,  he  has  not  infoinud  us.    At  all  events, 
his  arguments  brealhed    a   fierce,    energetic    war 
spirit.     Truly  and  well  ilid   he  deiiict  the  whole  j 
cliaracter  of  this  move,  when  he  ilhislrated  it  by 
reciting  a  celcliralcd  event   in  hJNtory,  exclaiming 
wilh  very  great  einpliaHiH,  "  7'/ii.s  is  lite  miiUttry  iray  \ 
j  of  rfniiig  business.        His    illuslnitioii  was  drawn 
from  the  memoirs  of  Frederick  the  Great.    "  1  had  ' 
snnic    excellent  old     preleiiKlons,"  Viiite   Fred-  : 
crick,  "to  an  Auslriaii  province,  which  some  of 
'  my  ancestors  had   owned  one  or  two  hundred 
'  years  before,  and  I  sent  an  ambtissador  to  the 
'  court  of  Vienna,  stating  my  claim,  and  present-  | 
'  ing  a  full  exposition  of  my  right  to  Ihe  province. 
'  The  same  day  that  my  ambassador  was  received 
'in   Vienna,    I   eiiterecl   Silesia  with  my  army." 
Without  reilecling  upon  the  bad   faith  which  ap- 
pears tome  to  have  marked  the  proceeding  of  the  1 
PruNsiiin  iiioiiiirch — and  which  seems,  therefore,  ' 


to  be  a  strnnge  cxampk  for  so  venerabla  u  slates- 
man  to  offer  to  our  councils  as  an  illustration  of 
the  course  to  be  pursued — 1  accept  it  as  indica- 
tive of  the  turn  which  affairs  are  expected  to  take 
after  our  ambassador  gives  notice.  I  only  coulil 
sincerely  desire  that  my  own  country  was  as  well 
prepared  to  assert  its  title  with  a  hundred  thousand  . 
men  as  Frederick  was;  for  as  assuredly  war  fol- 
lows our  notice,  as  did  the  long  and  devastating 
war  which  the  king's  movement  led  to. 

[Mr.  Kennedy,  of  Indiana,  here  remarked, 
"  Half  of  tlint  number  would  be  suftirienl."] 

My  friend  on  my  left  says  that  half  of  the  num- 
ber will  answer.  It  is  easy,  air,  to  talk  of  con- 
quest— not  30  easy  to  effect  it.  My  western  friends 
here  talk  of  war  with  England  as  a  mere  nuitler 
of  amusement!  England, tlicy  say,  will  fall  in  tho 
contest;  and  wo  might  readily  suppose  that  they 
think  that  in  a  collision  wilh  us  she  would  "  dissi- 
pate into  thin  airl"  Do  they  know  or  reflect  for 
a  moment  upon  the  responsiliilitiei  and  dread  con- 
sequences or  a  cotlisioii  between  twenty  milliom* 
of  people  on  either  side,  ftiriously  seeking  each 
other's  destruction?  Or  are  they  not  rather  liko 
young  Norval,  who  says  that — 

^  On  tlie  Uminpian  liilts  liis  thihcr  f^d  his  Hock, 
A  frugal  Hwaii) ," 

but  that  the  good  old  man  had  kept  liim — 
"  An  only  son,  nt  lioiue.^ 
But— 

"  Uo  harl  heard  ofhntllcs,  nnd  lonced 
To  follow  to  tlie  field  some  wnrlike  lonl." 

This  impulsive,  valorous  furor  which  is  raging 
in  this  House  reminds  me  somewhat  of  the  brave 
young  Norval.  Now,  iny  friend  from  Missouri 
[Mr.  Sims]  has  said,  "All  of  Oregon  or  nonej 
now  or  never."  There  is  no  man,  sir,  with  n 
purer  or  braver  heart  than  he.  Single-handed 
and  equally  armed,  I  would  risk  him  in  a  contest 
wilh  any  Englishnmn;  but  I  would,  as  his  friend, 
and  the  friend  of  the  gentleman  on  my  left,  [Mr. 
Kennkdy,]  pause  before  I  would  consent  to  ex- 
pose the  defenceless  breasts  of  two  such  gallant 
spirits  to  .such  an  armed  and  skilful  adversary  an 
they  so  heedlessly  dare  to  the  arena.  Give  eitlier, 
however,  a  bayonet,  or  a  western  rifle,  (their  favor- 
ite weapon,)  and  I  would  confidently  abide  the  re- 
sult. So  would  I  act  with  my  country.  Not  cal- 
culating on  Ihe  cowardice  of  our  great  adversary, 
I  would  hold  the  Union  from  an  unequal  conflict, 
which  neither  the  pnvate  nor  Ihe  ,)ublic  code  of 
honor  ever  demands  under  such  circumstances; 
and,  like  the  brave  Scottish  chieftain,  would  say  to 
her,  "Btife  your  lime." 

My  friend  from  Missouri  [Mr.  Bowlin]  ns  cer- 
tainly looks  upon  this  notice  as  a^ar  measure, 
Tlnd  seeujcd  to  revel  in  the  idea  of  the  conflict.  He 
likened  the  situation  of  the  two  nations  to  the  por- 
cupine and  snakes  in  the  fable.  During  a  storm 
a  porcuiiine  desired  to  take  shelter  in  a  den  of 
snakes.  They  permitted  him,  and  he  commenced 
rolling  and  shooting  his  quills  abov.t  t.)  such  an  an- 
noying degree,  that  the  snakiM  begged  him  to  leave. 
The  nrmeil  reptile  quietly  lephed  that  those  who 
desired  to  leave  could  do  so;  as  for  himself,  he 
should  remain.  The  cases  are  not  analogous. 
England,  it  is  tnie,  is  in  our  den;  but  she  is  quiet, 
and  observes  the  good  faiih  demanded  by  '.ho 
■  treaty.  Armed  all  over  she  is,  however,  li!<e  tho 
porcupine;  and  we  should  learn  this  wisdom  from 
the  faille,  not  lo  provoke  her  to  roll  over  us,  and 
stick  her  quills  into  us,  unless,  perchance,  like  the 
snakes,  we  shall  be  forced  to  quit  our  own  den! 
If,  indeed,  a  porcujiine  is  in  our  midst  by  inviia- 
tion,  and  our  scales  are  not  proof  against  his  mis- 
siles, it  is  wise  in  us  not  unnecessarily  to  provoke 
him. 

Ill  this  connexion  I  desire  to  notice  these  »ni- 
mated  atuicks  on  England;  these  burning  appeals 
to  lur  palriolisni;  these  outbreaks  of  enlhiisiaslic, 
love  of  country;  and  firm  resolve  to  resist  en- 
cidaehmeiil  and  insult.  I'or  my  life,  I  cannot  help 
but  respond  heartily  to  them  all.  My  indignation 
is  excited;  detestation  of  English  arrogance  and 
iiLsiilt  is  given  bir'.h  In;  an  ardent  love  of  my  own 
country  and  its  institutions  is  duly  raised  by  these 
appeals.  Fhil  I  look  around  in  vain  for  a  point  to 
whii'h  to  apply  all  this  pent-up  ammunilion.  Eng- 
land is  cpiiet,  resting  under  a  tiialy  framed  be- 
Iwern  ns  twenty-eight  years  ago,  anil  is  on  Ihe  eve 
of  so  modifying  her  corn  laws  as  to  admit  Ihe  ci  n- 
•  tenia  of  western  granaries  lo  be  emptied  upon  l.er 


-^ 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


87 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Queation — Mr.  Yancey, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


enernbls  u  statcs' 
on  illustiotioii  of 
:c|<t  it  lis  iiidirn- 
cxpectcd  lo  take 
;e.  I  only  could 
ntry  wns  iih  well 
lundrcd  thousnnd 
!sundly  wiir  Cnl- 
:  nnd  devastating 
led  10. 

luTC  remarked, 
suffirienl."] 
IiuH'of  the  nitni- 
,  to  talk  of  con- 
y  western  friends 
IS  n  mere  nuitlia- 
y,  will  fall  in  tho 
ippose  that  llicy 
i«  would  "  dissi- 
ow  or  reflect  for 
■  and  dread  con- 
twenty  million* 
ily  seeking  eaeli 
not  rather  like 


which  is  ra{;in^ 
hat  of  the  brave 

from  Missouri 
hegon  or  none-, 
lun,  sir,  with  it 
Single-handed 
liim  in  a  contest 
d,  as  his  friend, 
in  my  Ici>,  [Mr. 

consent  to  ex- 
\o  such  gallant 
ful  adversary  an 
h.  Give  cither, 
|tle,  (their  favor- 

ly  abide  the  re- 
ntry.    Not  cal- 

eat  adversary, 
ne'iual  conflict, 

.lublic  code  of 

circunislnnces; 
would  suy  to 


shores.  This  is,  then,  it  seems  to  me,  a  useless 
waste  of  patriotic  enthusiasm,  unless  gentlemen 
fear  that  there  needs  exercise  to  prevent  its  rust- 
ing. 

I  can  well  imagine,  however,  how  such  a  course 
will  operate  upon  the  public  mind — how  the  honest 
farmer,  on  reading  such  furious  denunciation  of 
what  he  is  accustomed  to  think  his  national  enemy, 
nnd  of  her  rapacity,  &c.,  can  have  his  feelinp 
wrought  lip  under  the  idea  that  his  country  is  the 
object  of  English  rapacity  and  overbearancc;  and 
therefore  he  sliould  demand  that  not  an  iot^i  of 
our  claims  should  be  yielded  to  her.  And  1  much 
fear  that  this  is  the  surest  way  of  accounting  for 
this  strong  popular  ferment  in  relation  to  this 
Tpieslion. 

Mr.  Pakenliam's  letter,  I  humbly  think,  has 
been  subjected  unnecessarily  to  this  severe  and 
trying  orueni.  On  repcrusing  it,  I  cannot  but  think 
that  his  remarks,  which  have  excited  so  nuicli  in- 
fUgnation,  were  designed  merely  to  refer  to  the  fact 
that  he  had  been  invited  to  open  the  negotiation  in 
n  spirit  of  compromise,  and  that  he  found  our  Gov- 
ernment rcceduig  from,  instead  of  meeting  him  in 
that  spirit,  more  liaving  been  oflercd  to  England  at 
jnevioHS  dales — ofl'ers,  too,  which  he  considered  1 
more  equitable  nnd  fair. 

This  notice,  then,  if  given,  would  be  n  ip«r  mouf .  | 
It  is  argued  as  such.  Mr.  Polk  evidently  deems  it  j 
as  such.     In  itself,  it  is  such  a  move. 

What,  then,  is  the  object?  I  am  told,  to  obtain 
all  of  Oregon,  I,  too,  go  for  all  of  Oregon.  I  go 
for  it  up  to  54°  40'.  I  nm  desirous  of  attaining 
that  end  in  a  way  most  "latent  with  the  interests 
and  honor  of  the  couiid/,  and  most  likely  to  be 
elfeetual.  Will  war,  will  the  strong  hand,  be  that 
best  mode?  I  think  not,  nnd  am  therefore  opposed 
lo  giving  the  notice  at  this  time. 

In  the  event  of  war,  it  certainly  would  not  bo 
waged  in  Oregon.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  too  re- 
mote from  our  resources,  both  of  material  and  men, 
for  us  to  operate  there  successfully.  It  would 
lake  an  army,  fully  equipped,  and  carrying  its  own 
supplies,  (for  there  are  none  in  Oregoii,)  full  four 
months  to  march  from  our  frontiers  into  Oregon, 
sealing.  Napoleon-like,  in  their  progress,  the  Amer- 
ican Alps.  England,  mistress  of  the  sea,  by  means 
of  her  mnnerous  fleets  could  much  more  readily 
transport  troops  and  provisions  to  that  point. 
With  us,  it  would  be  equal  to  a  foreign  and  ag- 
gressive war,  to  carry  it  on  in  Oregon.  For  such 
a  war,  it  is  not  treason  to  sny  we  are  weak.  Our 
instilulions  do  not  fit  us  for  it.  England,  then,  I 
lake  it  for  granted,  would  soon  have  |)Osscssion  of 
the  whole  territory,  and  would  soon  fortify  the 
passes  against  any'invasion  of  it  on  our  part  here- 
after. 

The  war,  however,  would  be  fiercely  waged  on 
the  ocean  nnd  in  Canada.  Riding  in  large  fleets, 
the  cross  of  St.  George  might  jiass  triumphant. 
In  HUigle  and  more  eqiial  combats,  it  woulil  be  as 
certauily  lowered  to  the  stars  nnd  stripes.  Canada, 
too,  would  yield  to  oiir  valor;  and  when  l)oth  par- 
ties became  tired  of  the  contest,  in  which  the  vllalllii 
of  neilher  would  luue  been  touched,  Oreiron  woulil 
lie  tound  111  the  hamis  of  England,  and  Canada 
would  be  in  our  possession.  England  cares  but 
liltle  for  Canada.  To  her  it  is  an  expensive  and 
comparatively  useless  colony.  For  Oreo-on  she 
cares  much  ;  for  whoc^ver  is  planted  there  w"ill,  from 
lis  splendid  ports,  command  the  trade  of  the  great 
1  acilic  Under  such  cirrumstances,  peace,  in  all 
human  probability,  would  be  made  between  the 
two  counlrics,  by  which  England  would  be  left  in 
possession  of  Oregon,  and  the  Uniled  States  in 
possession  of  Canada.  Tho  North  and  Ea.st,  and 
porla.ns  of  the  South,  nnd  even  the  West,  would, 
r.fler  a  long  and  exhausting  slrii^sle,  consent  to 
such  terms,  and  thus  would  the  object  of  Ihevar  be 
hsl.  The  blood  and  treasure  of  the  eallaiit  Weal 
will  have  been  poured  out  in  vain,  while  the  North 
and  East  will  have  reaped  the  greatest  benefits  for 
their  sacrifices. 

There  miirht  be  one  oilier  result.  Both  parties, 
worn  out  by  the  slrusrgle,  might,  as  in  the  Inst 
war,  stipnla  e  to  return  all  that  either  had  eon- 
ipiered;  and  thus  the  coiinlry  would  be  left  where 
it  wilt:  when  it  bognn  the  foolish  eoiuesl  of  strength. 
I  said  "  the  country  wcnild  be  left  where  it  was." 
I  ened,  air;  far  otherwise  will  be  the  result.  We 
are  now  on  the  very  portals  of  siieceaa  in  carry- 
ing out  those  noble  principles  of  aovcrnmcnl. 


which  our  fathers  bequeathed  to  us,  nnd  which,  if 
once  wholly  in  operation,  will  do  more  than  any- 
thing else  to  advance  the  cause  of  liberty  and  hap- 
piness. We  have  just  purged  tho  old  Republican 
party  of  that  system  of  baatmd  Refiublicnmam, 
which  the  war  of  1819  bequeathed  to  the  country, 
and  have  infused  into  it  a  new  life  and  energy. 
Tlie  Message  of  Mr.  Polk  is  amongst  tho  best  evi- 
dences of  it;  and  the  noble  and  masterly  report  of 
Mr.  Walker — making  clear  that  which  before  was 
intricate  and  confused — taking  high  constitutional 
grounds  on  the  great  subject  of  revenue — illustra- 
ting it  with  new  and  irresistible  arguments — a  doc- 
ument which,  side  by  side  with  his  great  Texas 
letter,  will  commend  him  to  immorlalily.  Is  another 
of  those  fruits.  Tiie  bill  of  my  friend  from  Vir- 
ginia, [Mr.  Dhomgoole,]  for  establishing  a  con- 
stitutional treasury  is  another — all  together  form- 
ing a  system  of  noble  meuMures,  well  calculated  to 
cause  tne  heart  of  a  true  Republican  to  throb  with 
joy,  if  successfully  carried  through  the  ordeal  of 

I  legislation. 

I       >Ve  are  on   the  point,  too,  of  purchasing  the 

I  magnificent  territory  of  California,  which,  with 

;  Oregon,  would  give  us  a  breadth  of  Pacific  coast 

I  suited  lo  the  grandeur  and  commercial  importance 
of  our  Republic. 

I      ,111  lilts  would  be  blighted  by  xcar.     California 

I  would  be  lost  to  us;  Oregon  would  be  lost  lo  us.  A 

j  debt  of  five  hundred  millions  would  be  imposed 
upon  the  country.    The  paper  system,  in  its  worst 

I  form,  will  necessarily  have  been  imposed  upon  us. 
The  pension  list — that  spring  of  life  and  immor- 

j  talily  to  patriotic  valor — would  be  almost  indefi- 
nitely increased.  The  Government  will  have  be- 
come ccnlralizeil;  its  checks  weakened;  Iia  admin- 

'  istration  federalized  in  all  its  tendencies.  The  fabric 
of  State  rights  will  have  been  swept  away,  and 

:  remain  only  as  a  glorious  drcAiii;  and  a  strong  mili- 

I  tary  bias  will  have  been  given  to  the  ftiture  career 
of  our  country,  which,  \vhile  it  may  be  splendid 
in  appearance,  will  bear  within  itself  the  certain 

I  elements  of  destruction. 

Sir,  this  picture  is  not  over-wrought.  It  is  a 
melancholy  truth,  too  well  attested  to  be  disputed , 
that  republiejiiiism,  which  grows  in  the  genial  smi'  j 
of  peace,  shrinks  from  the  clash  of  arms,  and  yii  as 
to  the  fiercer  bearing  and  swelling  or  orgies  r;  its 
antagonist  principle,  the  one-man  pi  wer — i  prin- 
ciple which  thrives  upon  the  wants,  and  fattens 
upon  the  distresses  of  the  country. 

I  I  sny  this  in  behalf  of  the  whole  country,  and 
not  merely  fiir  my  own,  my  native  land — the  sun- 
ny South.     In  such  a  contest,  come  when  it  may, 

]  she,  at  least,  hasncverfalleicJ  in  her  allegiance  to 
the  whole  country;  and  it  is  now  a  pride  and  a 
pleasure  lo  her  sons,  lo  remember  that  the  actions 
of  our  gallant  ancestry  have  been  such,  that  no  slur 
ca.i  be  cast,  even  by  the  malignant  fanatic,  upon 
her  escutcheon  that  history  does  not  give  the  lie 
to.  Strong  in  all  the  elements  of  governmenl,  her 
peculiar  ins'.itutions  (she  has  been  accustomed  to 
think,  and  cxperl  .cc  sustains  her)  but  strenghen 
her  for  a  war. 

Dreadful,  however,  as  tho  results  of  war  must 
necessarily  be,  they  arc  to  be  endured — and  (uily 
lo  be  thiiught  of  to  enable  us  the  better  to  prepare 
for  it — i/i(  is  necessavij .  Is  tear,  then,  necessmij  at 
this  time  7  The  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  [Mr. 
Adams]  intimates  that  he  has  "heard  of  some  ques- 
tion being  made  in  England,  whelhor  they  shall  not 
give  us  notice  of  the  KM'niination  of  the  joint  occu- 
pancy." I  apprehend  that  England  will  do  no  such 
thing.  Her  title  is  derived,  she  proclaims,  from 
her  convention  with  Spain;  and  iiiiiler  it  she  claims 
no  exclusive  right  to  an  inch  of  Oregon.  A  notice, 
then,  lo  us  would,  in  some  degree,  impair  the  force 
with  which  she  urges  her  risrbls  iiiulcr  that  conven- 
tion. A  notice  that  she  designed  to  take  exclusive 
possession  of  any  part  of  Oregon,  would  be  a  iio- 

'  lice  that  she  abandoned  her  position  under  the 
Nootka  Sound  convention,  which  gives  her  no  ex- 
elusive  right,  by  her  own  interpretation,  and  that 
she  vested  her  title  upon  other,  and,  I  must  think, 
weaker  g"nunds. 

Does  honor — "  that  blood-stai:ied  god  at  whose 
red  allar  sit  war  and  homicide" — require  us  to 
plunge  into  a  war  with  Great  Britain .'  If  so,  I  am 
vet  to  hear  the  first  argument  in  support  of  it. 

,  The  proposition  recently  rejected  by  England  wns 
rejected  in  1894,  and  yet  Mr.' Monroe  thousli'  it 

'  no  cause  for  war.    A  similar  but  more  favorable 


propo.?ition  to  England  was  rejected  in  1818  and 
189(5;  and  yet  neither  Mr.  Monroe  nor  Mr.  Adorns 
thought  that  our  honor  had  been  insulted  to  such 
a  degree  as  lo  demand  blood  to  efface  it.  General 
.Tackson,  Mr,  Van  Buren,  General  Harrisoii,  and 
Mr.  Tyler,  rested  quietly  after  such  rejection  of 
our  oflers  of  compromise,  and  deemed  not  that  it 
was  necessary  to  give  this  notice  to  save  the  honor 
of  the  country. 

Do  the  lounlsof  our  fcllow-citi/.cns  require  war? 
No.  While  we  have  millions  of  vacant  and  fertile 
land  this  side  of  the  Rocky  mounlains  unappro- 
priated, there  are  in  Oregon,  we  arc  told,  but  7,000 
j' souls  inhabiting  a  vast  country  as  large  as  the 
original  thirteen  States — nine  hundred  miles  long 
by  seven  hundred  broad !  So  far  from  tlte  wants 
of  the  emigrants  to  Oregon  requiring  it,  they  are 
actually  under  obligations  to  the  Iludsoii  Bay 
Company  to  such  an  extent,  for  kind  and  hospit- 
able acts,  as  to  form  what  is  even  now  ailed  there 
an  English  party,  who  dread  a  war ! 

The  only  other  objects  to  bo  ntlained  by  thin 
agitation  of  war,  have  been  given  vent  to  by  a 
represenUilive  of  a  miserable  faction  in  Ohio,  [Mr. 
Ginnixr.s,]  and  by  the  gentleman  from  New  'V  ork, 
[Mr.  King.]  Of  the  former  I  will  say  nothing;  and 
of  the  latter  only  that  this  game  of  President-ma- 
kinj;,  at  Ihe  expense  ofsuch  great  interests,!^  worthy 
of  being  mentioned  but  to  be  denounced  by  every 
patriot.  As  to  the  great  and  pure  man  at  whom 
he  aimed,  [Mr.  C*i.hoon,]  he  is  far,  far  above 
his  reach.  That  English  arrow, even  though  shot 
fVom  a  New  York  bow,  and  even  though  the  gen- 
tleman may  have  conceived  it  to  be  K'right-lij  s\]ot-, 
fallj  harmlessly  at  the  feet  of  that  great  statesman. 
It  vN'ill  not  turn  him  from  the  ]iath  of  duty,  even 
though  duty  to  his  country  may  prove  a  sacrifice 
of  high  and  honorable  hopes,  which  a  portion  of 
tho  country  may  have  eniertnined  in  relation  to 
him.  With  him  such  sacrifices  have  been  but  too 
common,  that  he  should  now  be  deterred  in  his 
career  by  any  miserable  insect  that  may  have 
crawled  there. 

I  have  tlius  endeavored,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  de- 
monstrate that  giving  to  England  notice  that  w*- 
design  to  take  exclusive  possession  of  Oregon,  will 
jiroduce  a  war;  that  war  will  either  terminate  in 
the  loss  of  Oregon,  or  in  effecling  nothing  towards 
perfecting  possession  in  us;  that  England  will  not 
give  the  notice,  and  that  neither  the  honor  nor  the 
wants  of  the  country  require  us  to  do. 

I  now  propose  to  show,  sir,  that  a  system  of 
peaceful  nienatires  will  lend  much  more  ejlcetually 
to  give  us  "  all  of  Oregon"  than  warlike  move- 
nienls  will. 

I  would  say,  then,  pass  your  military  bills.  I 
nm  willing  to  vote  to  increase  the  niimiier  of  our 
j  companies  fifty  or  even  one  hundred  per  cent., 
and  to  raise  mounled  regiments  sullicient  to  pro- 
tect emigration  to  Oregon  over  our  vast  western 
plains. 

I  am  ready  to  vote  to  build  block-houses,  not 
only  on  the  route  to  the  South  Pn.ss,  but  to  build 
them  in  Oregon,  as  England  has  done. 

I  am  ready  to  build  such  a  station  at  the  South 
Pa.ss  as  will  enable  the  emigranis,  as  they  reach  n 
point  from  which  they  can  look  upon  the  vast  At- 
lantic slope  on  the  one  hand,  and  that  of  the  Pa- 
cific on  the  other,  to  recruit  and  refit  there. 

I  am  ready  to  cover  our  people  there  with  tho 
ffgis  of  our  laws  to  the  extent  that  England  has 
protected  her  subjects. 

I  am  ready  to  ofl'er  such  other  and  more  'empt- 
ing  inducements  to  its  settlement  ns  gentlemen 
may  devise,  in  order  that,  in  five  years'  time,  one 
hundred  thousand  men  may  i;e  'rown  in  the 
vales  and  amidst  the  hills  of  thi.,  A      ,iled  land. 

Amongst  such  a  population,  would  readily  be 
found  at  least  Itrcnlij  tlunimnd  riflemen  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  country,  hardy  and  enterprising, 
and  each  well  trained  to  a  skilful  use  of  his  splen- 
did national  weapon.  With  such  a  force  there,  I 
winild  enlevlain  no  fears  of  any  ntlempt  to  dispos- 
sess us  of  the  country.  It  would  then  be,  by  pop- 
ulation nnd  the  means  which  I  have  marked  out,  a 
pari  and  parcel  of  our  Union.  As  such,  it  never 
could  be  eoiinuered.  It  is  differently  situated  now. 
But  England — who,  as  I  have  repeatedly  said, 
claims  no  exclusive  jurisdiction — would  not  war 
with  us  for  it  under  such  a  stale  of  facts,  nnd  must 
Iherefbre,  by  the  laws  of  necessil  V  and  population, 
be  quietly  rooted  otit.    Perhaps  her  Hudson  Bay 


88 


^- 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBfi." 


[Dec.  18, 


29th  Cong Ist  Sess. 


Naturalization  fjaws — Mr.  Bedinger. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


Company  wnuld  have  to  be  rfiiir.ncratpd.  The 
Maine  treaty  fiimislies  n  prefcdcnl  by  which  tliat 
ran  readily  be  done.  Let  this  be  done,  and  we 
•hall  have  realized  the  prophecy,  and  I  sinrercly 
believe  what  was  the  wisli  at  the  time,  of  Lord 
Casllere-.gli,  expressed  twenty  years  ago  to  our 
minister — "Why  are  you  Americans  so  anxious 
to  puih  this  nreotintion?  In  a  short  time  you 
would  conipicr  Oregon  in  your  bedchambers." 
And  most  assuredly  iliis  will  not  be  deemed  trea- 
son in  nie,  if  I  say  that  such  a  mode  of  perfect- 
ing possession  of  that  disputed  land  is  far  prefera- 
ble to  any  more  bloody  issue. 

But  if,  dissaf'sfird  with  this  course,  Great  Brit- 
ain becomes  alarmed ,  and  appeals  to  the  tword , 
then  will  the  memories  of  every  ftloriom  battle- 
field, where  we  have  proven  our  steel  with  her, 
animate  our  people  to  do  their  duty.  In  that  event, 
the  West,  nerved  by  a  recollection  of  the  atrocities 
committed  at  the  river  Uaisin — tlie  East  and  At- 
lantic board,  excited  by  a  renunibrancc  of  this 
burning  Capitol  and  their  desolated  towns — and 
the  South,  animated  by  the  spirit  which,  on  the 
plains  of  New  Orleans,  protected  from  British  lust 
and  rapine  its  "  beauty  and  booty" — will,  shoul- 
der to  shoulder,  and  with  one  common  nalinnal  im- 
pulse, rush  to  arms.  Then,  if  you  plenae,  let  every 
lon^-unredressed  injury,  inflicted  by  that  linughty 
power  upon  the  weak  in  every  climc,  nerve  our 
arms,  and  make  battle  welcome;  and,  while  tlie 

fiery  cross"  goes  speeding  round  our  land,  and  ' 
our  brothers  gnlhcr  for  the  conflict,  let  our  motto 
be—"  Do  or  dit!" 

In  the  burning  language  of  the  gallant  Lochiel,  i 
(some  little  altered  to  suit  us,)  and  which  an  Amer- 
ican may  well  quote,  then  ,  ! 
"  Wplcoinc  Iw  riinil>crlnncl'8  steed  to  the  nhock, 
l.ct  him  tlash  his  prourl  t'oniii  like  a  wnvo  (iii  Uie  rook  ! 
But  wo  to  his  kiiidriMl,  and  wu  tu  hif*  muse, 
When  '  Columbia'  lior  rlayiiinrp  inillmmiitlv  draws— 
When  lier  *  fionoplifd  warriors'  to  victorj-  crowd— 
Tlie  limvf  henrlid  and  Irue— tlie  dauntless  nnd  |irouil— 
*  Their  swords  are  a  million,*  their  liosoms  are  one— 
They  are  true  to  tlie  Inst  of  their  Wood  and  llieir  lirealh, 
And,  like  reapers,  descend  to  the  harvest  of  death." 

That  such  a  fearful  tribunal  for  the  setllemeni  of 
our  rights  may  never  be  forced  upon  us  is  my  sin- 
cere prayer,  sir.  But  if  it  niu.'<t  ever  be  so,  then 
i  most  ardently  hojie,  as  1  believe,  that  ilie  coun- 
tiy  will  be  united,  and  resolved  to  do  its  duly.        , 


NATURALIZATION  LAWS. 
SPEECH  OF  HON.  11.  BEDINGER, 

OF  VIKGI.MA, 
Im  the  HorsE  OF  REfnKSESTATIVES, 

ntcember  18,  1845. 
On   the  Resolutions  of  the  Legishiinro  of  Mas- 
Hnrliiisetts  asking  a  change  in  the  Naturaliza- 
tion Laws. 

Mr.  Speaker:  It  is  with  a  great  deal  of  diffi- 
dence, and  with  some  reluctance,  that  I  hale  pre- 
vailed upon  myself  to  take  part  in  the  discussion 
which  the  resolutions,  now  pending  before  thin 
House,  have  elicited.  And  I  am  .sure  I  should 
gladly  avoid  it  if  I  thought  that  I  could  do  so  in 
strict  nrcordance  with  my  duly.     Hut  after  what  I 

Jiave  heard  in  the  course  of  this  disciissinn iiftir 

the  turn  which  this  debate  has  taken — nflcr  the 
I  nuiirintinn  of  some  of  the  doctrines  which  have 

been  avowed  by  the  advocates  of  the  resoliiiioiis 

nnd  especially  after  the  eloquent  and  beautiful  re- 
marks of  the  gcntlenmn  from  Pennsylvania,  [Mr. 
Levis,]  I  feel  comjielled  to  add  even  my  poor  mile 
of  opposition,  not  so  much  to  the  moiiiin  itself  tor 
a  select  committee,  as  to  the  si  nliiuenls  inibodicd 
ill  the  resolutions,  and  the  doctrines  avowed  by 
their  advocates. 

I  have  said  that  ihe  reiiinrks  of  llie  gemlemnii 
from  Pennsylvania  (.\Ir.  LevivJ  were  clotnieni  nnd 
beautiful,  nnd  I  need  iifit  repeal  il,  for  the  House  is 
aware  of  the  fact.  That  gcnileman  is  not  in  his 
seat,  I  believe,  sir,  nnd  I  regret  the  lesH,  as  what  I 
shall  Kay  of  him  will  be  spoken  in  lil.t  prai.se,  and 
I  prefer  to  say  it  in  his  absence. 

John  Randolph  once  Kaid  iinon  this  floor,  that 
any  one  who  cmild  hold  tliis  lleuse  in  silent  and 
respectful  iilli-iition  wa.<  an  orator.  Certainly,  in 
John  Rundolph's  acccpuilicjii  of  the  term,  the  gen-  i 


ticmaii   n-om    Pennsylvania  is  an  orator;   for  no 
more  attentive  audience  ever  encouraged  a  public 
speaker  than  this  House  while  he  addressed  il. 
And  wliiLst  the  stream  of  his  eloquence  was  poured 
out  upon  us,  I  could  not  but  exclaim  IVom  tlie  bot- 
tom of  my  heart,  Would  to  God  Bueli  noble  efl'orls 
were  iniule  in  a  lietler  cause.     For,  sir,  I  must  be 
pardoned  for  saying  that,  in  my  poor  judgment, 
the  cause  which  has  been  so  ably  and  beaiitifiilly 
advocated  here  is  unworthy  of  the  efl'orts  whicli 
have  been  made  to  sustain  it,  unworthy  of  the  zeal 
I  manifested  for  il,  iinwurlhy  of  the  heads,  and  iin- 
,  worthy,  I  hope,  also,  of  tlie  hearts  of  its  iidvi- 
cales.     And  noiwithstaiiding  the  confident  prcdic- 
:  tion  which  we  have  heard,  that  its  course  is  oii- 
;  ward,  ihnt  there  is  a  spirit  now  rising  from  hill 
nnd  valley  throughout  our  whole  liuid,  whiih  will 
"  laugh  to  scorn  all  opposition,"  noiwithslnnding 
this  prediction  so  triumphantly  made,  I  must  ven- 
:  lure  iny  own  poor  prophecy — and  if  I  possessed 
any  reputation,  I  v.ouln  venliire  it  all  on  the  result 
— thnt  when  a  few  bi:,f  years  shall  have  passed 
;  away,  this  cause  will  have  gone  down  quietly  to 
i  the  tomb  of  the  Cnpiilels — will  have  sunk  to  utter 
I  oblivion,  to  be  heard  of  no  more  forever.     It  must 
i  go  down,  sir;  and  why?    Not  because  it  has  not 
giant  arms  and  giant  inlellecls  to  support  and  de- 
fi'iid  it — not   becau.HC   there   are  not  hundreds  of 
honest  and  excellent  men,  ready  to  devote  tliein- 
;  selves,  heart  nnd  soul,  to  its  support — no;  but  it 
must  fall — it  iiiiisi  speedily  be  abandoned  and  for- 
:  goilrn,  because  it  lacks  thai  spirit  of  vitality  neces- 
sary to   render  it  iruian'l.'il ;   because    it   is   not 
based  upon  any  great  fiiiidnnicnlal  principle,  by 
the  successful  advancement  of  which  the  ciuidition 
ofiheluiniaii  ince  would  be  ameliorated  and  im- 
proved; because  it  is  anli-ri'publicnii  in  ils  lendin- 
cy;  because  it  is  wholly  selfish  in  ils  olject  and 
origin;  because  ihe  voice  of  humanity  is  against 
il;  and  because  it  wnnis  the  broad  foundation  of 
justice  nnd  truth  to  sustain  it. 

Sir,  what  do  the  advocates  of  this  cause  desire? 
They  would  soaker  and  modiry  the  present  exist- 
ing iintnmlizalion  laws  as  lo  extend  the  period  of 
iadlmlion,aiid  deprive  fmeigners  coming  amongst 
us  of  the  rii.'hls  and  privileges  now  guaranlicd  lo 
them,  nnd  thus  di.scournge  and  check  emigralion. 
And  Ihe  cry  goes  forth  ihroiishoul  the  length  nnd 
brendlli  of  iliis  land,  that  the  in.siituiions,  the  free 
institutions  of  our  counlry,  are  in  jeopardy  from 
the  prejndircs  and  prcpossessimis  of  this  class  of 
iiiir  popnlnlion,  who,  for  ellcci's  sake,  are  lernud 
foreisners.  Now,  sir,  let  lis  look  at  ihisqneslion 
for  a  moment.  I  do  not  mean  even  lo  atienijit  to 
armie  it  closely,  lest,  pe*rad\emiire,  1  should  be 
considered  out  of  order.  But  let  us  look  at  it  luie 
luoincni.  1  have  waited  very  palicnily  during  the 
discussion  of  this  subject  for  the  y;ir/s"ii|)on  which 
genllemen  rely  ii'  order  to  sustain  iheii  theory, 
that  there  really  is  ilanger  lo  be  apprehended  fnnn 
the  ignorance  <n-  luejudice  of  our  imliirnlizcil  citi- 
zens. I  confess,  sir,  1  linvc  wailed  in  vain.  I  have 
heard  fine  specimens  of  rlii'loric;  Imve  seen  beauli- 
ftil  flidils  of  fimcy,  and  wiinessed  fine  bursts  of 
elornieiire.  Hut  [hrf,irh  for  which  I  have  waited, 
and  \yhich  I  should  have  supposed  iii'cessary  to 
sustain  the  position  awumcd,  have  not  been  fo'rih- 
coining,  and  the  inference  is  that  ninie  such  exist 
in  ihehislory  of  our  counlry;  for  if  they  did,  sure- 
ly the  ingenuity  of  gcntlcnien  would  have  pro- 
duced them  in  support  of  their  cause.  On  the  coii- 
tiary.sir,  not  only  is  oiirpast  history  utterly  Imr- 
ren  of  nny  occurrences  oilciilaled  lo  strenu'lhen  the 
iniprcs.siiiii  endeavored  lo  be  made,  but  our  whole 
experience  is  directly  oppo.sed  In  this  groundless 
theory  of  Nativisin.  Not  only  is  there  no  solila- 
ry  insianr'c  recorded  in  onr  history  of  any  ailrnipt 
upon  the  part  of  cair  nntunilized  cilizeiis  ngainat 
the  institutions  of  our  counlry,  but  our  whole  I'x- 
perience  teaches  us  that  they  are  among  the  very 
first  to  sln»d  by  those  iiisii'tiitions;  that  they  are 
er|ually  as  much'  attached  lo  ibein,  if  not  more  so, 
than  many  of  our  "native"  citizens;  and  that,  if 
need  be,  they  are  often  among  the  first  In  resist 
foreign  aggression,  nnd  lo  arm  in  defence  of  those 
inslitntions.  And,  so  Inlp  me  Heaven,  I  believe 
that  if  the  dark  spot  which  now  lowers  upon  our 
polilical  horizon  shall  swell  into  the  storm-cloud  of 
wnr,  an  army  of  emigrants  from  the  "(ireen  Isle" 
inii^lit  be  ihrown  by  us  lliere  with  such  ellect  as 
should  slinke  the  iiiistrc.s.i  of  the  world  on  her  sea- 
girt throne. 


But,  sir,  it  was  said  with  much  emphasis   thnt 
thigportionof  our  population  did  not  come  apiong 
us  through  choice,  or  from  any  love  of  ourinslitu- 
tions  and  form  of  government;  that  they  for.sook 
not  ihe  tottering  despotisms  of  the  East  because 
they  loved  the  young  Republic  of  the  West,  but 
because  they  we're  driven  thence  by  the  strong  nrm 
of  power,  by  the  relentless  hand  of  oppression,  or 
by  the   sleni  ncce»"ity  of  seeking  a  refuge  from 
starvation  nnd  misery.     It  was  eloquently  said  thnt 
no  one  voluntarily  exoalriates  himself,  and  that  it 
must  be  some  dire  m.ressity  whicli  compels  us  to 
desert  the  haunts  of  our  childhood  and  the  graven 
of  our  ancestors!  Grant  the  fact,  sir;  shall  we  then 
be  told, in  the  very  next  breath, that  thosewho  have 
been  driven  from  their  native  land  by  the  oppres- 
sions of  a  tyrannical  government,  aim  have  come 
fresh  from  the  rcnienibranccof  its  oppressions  nnd 
wrongs  to  this  glorious   land  of  ours,  with  their 
souls  expanded  and  elevated  by  the  great  princi- 
ples of  onr  Revolution,  will  look  back,  neverthe- 
less,  with  longing  eyes  Jo  the  very  despotism  which 
crushed  Iheni;  that  they  are  prepared  to  overlurii 
or  undermine  our  institutions,  and  r  ^r  in  their 
stead  the  ohl  system  of  o))pre8sioii  while  the  pain 
of  its  yoke  is  still  galling  them?  It  is  preposterous, 
'  il  is  monslrous  to  sujipoHc  it.     Sir,  but  few  of  these 
!  emigrants  leave  any  flesh-pots  to  long  for  in  the 
j  Egypis  from  whence  they  come.     And  though  the 
I  ties  of  kindred  nnd  of  blood  will  often  call  iheir 
memories  bark — though  they  muy  often  sigh  for 
1  the  green  hills  or  sunny  plains  of  tlieir  native  land, 
I  it  is  only  for  those  familiar  scenes,  and  not  for  tlier 
institutions  of  their  counlry  for  which  they  pine. 
The  exiled  Swiss,  when  some  familiar  strain  salutes 
his  ear,  will  doubtless  sigh  for  his  snow-covered 
I  mountains:  and  the  son  of  the  "  Emerald  Isle"  will 
j  often  weep  ftir  Ihe  land  of  his  birth;  but  the  same 
j  memory  which  summons  the  tenr  to  his  eye  will  fire 
his  heart  with  indignation  against  the  system  of 
I  o]ipression  which  drove  him  away. 
!      But  it  has  been  said  that  the  origin  of  "Naliv- 
ism"  may  be  traced  to  a  certain  letter,  written  by 
;  a  certain  foreign  demagogue  to  certain  citizens  in 
this  counlry — alluding,  as  I  suppose,  to  the  famous 
Idler  of  Di'iniel  O'Connell.     And  shall  it  be  said, 
sir,  that,  because  a  foreign  demagogue  chooses  lir 
[  write  an  impertinent  lellcr,  the  American  Govern- 
ment and  people  must  change  their  laws?    Shall 
the  nod  of  the  Irish  Jovi; — who  cannot  even  thun- 
der without  the  brogue — intimidate  us  into  nn  al- 
teration of  our  iiLsiitutioiis,  in  order  to  guard  us 
againsi  abject   slaves  who  trembleil    at   his  nod ' 
No,  sir;  I  hope  such  a  spectacle  will  never  be  ex- 
hibited lo  the  world. 

Sir,  il  is  vain  lo  deny  the  fad,  that  our  country 
has  been  greatly  benefited  by  ihe  good  will,  the 
capital,  and  the  exertions  of  foreigners.  It  is  vain 
to  deny  lliat  we  are  many  years  in  advance  of  tho 
position  we  would  now  occupy,  if  we  had  never 
received  aid  from  abroad — even  if,  indeed,  wo 
slnnild  be  nn  iiidepeiidcnt  nati(Ui  at  all.  Our  his- 
tory teems  with  tluMirools  of  this. 

The  character  of  Lafayelle  has  been  eloquenlly 
nnd  appropriiiiely  allnded  to.  Let  me  remind  gen- 
tlemen of  one  other  illustrious  example,  one  whicli 
seems  now  to  be  almost  ftirgotlen,  but  one  worthy 
to  be  cherished  nnd  remembered  forever.  Those 
among  lis  who  have  read  the  hislory  of  Marion,  by 
Weem.s — I  am  aware,  sir,  that  il  is  a  book  whicli 
we  read  at  school,  a  schoolboy's  book,  if  you 
choose,  but,  nevertiielcss,  it  is  a  gcoii  book,  an  es- 
cePcnl  and  an  eloquent  book,  anil  one  worthy  to  be 
read  and  remembered.  I  know  of  nolliing  better 
calculated  lo  awaken  in  the  youllilnl  bosom  that 
pnlriolism  and  love  of  counlry  which  cannot  be  loo 
early  instilled  into  mir  niiiid.s,  llian  many  of  the 
scenes  so  glowingly  dcscriiicd  in  that  win'k.  Tlio.~e 
of  us  who  have  read  it  will  remember  li.e  descrip- 
tion there  given  of  the  brave  old  Baron  De  Kalli — 
one  of  those  generous  strangers  who  left  his  own 
home  lo  fight  our  battles;  and  having  given  us  a 
description  of  his  character — one  marked  by  excel- 
lence and  goodness — nnd  having  described  also  his 
glorious  dealh,  when,  upon  the  plain  of  Canidi  ii, 
he  fell  "rotTi'fii  icilA  t7fiifiHTOiiii(b,"  the  eloquent 
old  author  goes  on  to  sny,  that  years  al'ierwards, 
when  Ihe  great  Washington  visiled  Cnmdeii,  ho 
eagerly  inquired  for  the  grave  of  De  Kalb — il  was 
poinlcd  (Hit  to  him — he  stood  over  it  loin;,  with 
a  counlcii:ince  marked  with  th<aiglil;  at  length, 
brealhinga  deep  sigh,  he  c::claimet',  "  So  there  hes 


1815.J 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


89 


'i9TH  CoNO 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Hunter, 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


emphHiia  thnt 
ot  come  ni'iniii; 
eof  our  iiisiiiu- 
it  they  fnivniik 
e  Ea»t  bccHUNu 

the  West,  liiil 
till' strniij;  iiini 

oppression,  or 
B  lefiiaff  from 
iicnlly  t>n\A  thnt 
self,  mid  tlint  it 

coiiipelH  us  to 
and  the  graves 
",  slinii  we  then 
those  who  have 
liy  llioopprcK- 
.110  Imvc  coiiin 
pprcssioiiB  and 
iirn,  with  their 
e  grcot  prinri- 
inck,  iieverthc- 
spolism  wliich 
•ed  to  overturii 

r  5ir  in  their 
while  the  pain 
i  preposterous, 
lit  few  of  tliese 
(111^  for  ill  tlie 
lid  thoiiirh  the 
fteii  rail  their 
often  sijjh  for 
'ir  niuivn  hmd, 
nd  not  for  tha 
ich  Ihey  pine, 
rstniin  salutes 
snow-covered 
mid  Isle"  will 

but  the  same 
lis  eye  will  (ire 
the  system  of 

n  of  "  Nativ- 
r,  written  liy 
ilii  citizens  in 
to  the  famous 
ill  it  lie  said, 
lie  chooses  tir 
iian  Govcrii- 
liiws?  Shall 
ot  even  tliuii- 
is  into  an  al- 
to i;imrd  us 
at  his  nod  ^ 
never  be  ex- 


'  the  brnvo  De  Kalb,  the  generous  stranger,  who 
'  left  11  foreign  land  to  fight  our  battles,  oniTto  woter 
'  with  his  liTood  the  tree  of  our  liberty  I  Vould  to 
'  God  he  had  lived  to  share  its  fruits!"  '  .,itwas 
a  grntcfnl  and  n  beautiful  sentiment,  and  one  wor- 
thy of  the  Father  of  his  Country,  and  when  I  hear 
this  ungracious  and  idle  clamor  which  is  constantly 
raised  against  our  adopted  citizens,  I  call  up  in  my 
iiiinginatiiin  the  revered  form  of  the  illustrious 
Washington,  standing  over  the  humble  grave  of 
i!uit  "  generous  stmnger."  No  storied  monument 
ri<cs  to  tell  of  his  virtues,  or  claim  a  mournful  trib- 
iiU'  to  his  fate,  but  the  rank  grass  and  the  green 
com  alone  are  waving  over  it.  I  imagine  the  Fa- 
ther of  his  Coiiiitrv  standing  there,  and  as  his  mind 
reverts  to  that  daiK  period  niiil  those  fearful  scenes 

those  scenes  wliicli  "tried  men's  souls" — from 

which  his  country,  aided  by  generous  and  noble 
*(raiigfis,  had  but  then  emerged — or  as  with  the 
far-reiicliing  eye  of  genius,  he  looks  into  the  dim 
future,  and  beliolds  his  beloved  land  advancing  with 
giant  strides  along  the  paths  of  greatness,  prosper- 
ity, luid  grandeur,  liaiipy  nt  home,  and  respected 
Hliroaii,  reclining  uniler  her  bright  constellation 
"  like  the  chiseled  Apollo,  a  model  to  the  world" — 
I  can  imagine  this  glorious  vision,  this  delicious 
dream,  suddenly  dispelled  and  put  to  flight  by  the 
harsh  voice  of  some  modern  "  Native  American," 
who  .shouts  in  his  ear  the  watch-cry  of  his  party, 
"  Down  with  the  foreigners — down  with  the  for- 
eigners!" 

Sir,  I  hope  that  I  shall  not  be  regarded  as  trifling 
wiih  a  subject  which  I  deem  of  much  importance, 
and  whii  li  I  would  treat  most  soberly.  But  verily, 
when  this  ungenerous  outcry — this  wild  war- 
whoop  of  the  "  Natives,"  is  borne  to  my  ears,  I 
cannot  help  being  forcibly  reminded  of  the  anec- 
dote of  that  respectable  old  lady,  who,  having  been 
compelled  nearly  all  the  days  of  her  life  to  borrow 
tt  washing  tub,  had  at  length  one  of  those  useful 
articles  of  domestic  economy  presented  to  her, 
w  hereupon  the  old  lady  exclaimed  in  an  ccstiicy 
of  joy,  "Well,  well;  I  have  been  borrowing  a 
wa!.li-lub  all  my  life,  but  now  I've  got  one  of  my 
own;  and  from  this  time  forth,  with  the  blessing 
of  God,  I'll  neither  borrow  nor  lend,"  Can  gen- 
tlemen |icrceive  no  analogy  between  the  cases.' 
AVe  were  all  foreigners  once — at  least  our  fathers 
were,  unless,  indeed,  some  of  us,  like  Randolph 
of  Hoaiioke,  may  have  the  .<;ood  fortune  to  be  Je- 
scended  from  the  aborigines — and  throughout  the 
'  whole  of  our  niuioiinl  existence  we  have  been  well 
pleased  to  borrow  aid  from  abroad.  But  now 
that  we  have  become  strong  and  powerful,  and 
able  to  stand  eliiiie — now  that  we  are  able  to  main- 
tain the  proudest  position  among  the  nations  of 
the  earth — now  that  we  have  procured  a  tub  of  our 
own,  .sir,  shall  we,  Diogenes-like,  creep  into  it,  or, 
imitating  ilie  example  of  the  old  woman,  solemnly 
resolve  that  henceforth  we  will  neither  borrow  nor 
leialr  I  hope  not,  sir.  Common  gratitude  forbids 
such  narrow  and  selfish  iiulicy;  the  sjiirit  of  the 
Anuricnn  people  cries  out  against  it;  Jt  ctui  never 
lirevail  ill  tliis  country. 

But  it-has  been  said  that,  whatever  aid  we  may 
have  derived  f:oni  foreign  nations  or  individuals, 
has  been  amply  repaid  by  the  generosity  of  our 
Oiiveiiinient  and  people;  and  the  gentleman  from 
Peiiiisyivaiiia  [Mr.  Lkvin]  declared  that  France 
bad  beiMi  am|ily  coni|iensaled  for  whatever  aid  she 
rendered  us  in  the  darkest  hour  of  our  country's 
hislcuy ,  by  the  payment  to  her  of  some  ij50,OUO,OOU. 
^  lie  drew  the  accounts  between  this  country  and 
France,  and  struck  a  lialance  in  our  favor.  Sir,  it 
is  the  first  time  in  my  life  that  I  have  heard  i; 
avowed,  tli.it  a  debt  of  gratitude  could  be  dis- 
charged by  the  nayinent  of  dollars  and  (cuts.  The 
fust  lime  that  1  have  witnessed  the  freedom  and 
happiness,  iirosperity  and  glory  of  this  great  ciuiii- 
iry — |)laced  in  the  lialaiicc  with  fifty  millions  of 
dollars,  and  made  to  "  kick  the  beam."  No,  sir; 
pile  up  your  gold  mountain  high,  you  can  never 
iiy  that  means  extinguisli  ihe  dcb't  of  gratitude 
which  this  country  owes,  and  which  this  country 
acknowledges,  to  those  who  generously  stood  forth 
to  aid  in  achieving  her  liberty. 

But,  again,  we  are  told  that  we  owe  the  aid  which 
we  derived  from  France,  not  to  her  love  for  us,  but 
to  her  hatred  of  her  great  rival,  Enslaiid.  Sir,  the 
liisloiy  of  the  l''rciicli  iialinii  contiiiilicts  the  asscr- 
lion.  For  we  know  that  a  few  years  after  our  Uev- 
ol'itioii — wrought  to  madness  by  the  remorseless 


deeds  of  her  proud  oppressors — crushed,  and  bleed- 
ing at  every  pore — "mutilated  and  gory" — she 
rose  in  the  majesty  of  her  strengtli,  and  with  one 
mad  elTorl  of  frantic  power  shook  the  proud  pillars 
of  monarchy  to  their  foundations. 

Sir,  the  danger  to  the  institutions  of  this  country 
is  not  to  be  looked  for  from  the  quarter  which  seems 
to  excite  so  much  apprehension  on  the  part  of  our 
vigilant  "Natives."  There  may  be  men  among  us, 
and  I  fear  me  that  there  ore — God  grant  they  may 
be  few — who,  to  advance  the  schemes  of  their  own 
paltry  personal  amliition,  would  not  hesitate  to 
strike  at  the  heart  of  the  Constitution,  and  destroy 
forever  this  Government,  so  ill-.suitcd  to  the  success 
of  their  unholy  designs !  There  may  be  such  men, 
but  credit  me,  they  are  not  to  be  found  among  our 
adopted  citizens.  Let  gentlemen  look  for  them  in 
other  quarters,  and  throw  in  their  safeguards  else- 
where. I  apprehend,  sir,  that  the  true  ground  of 
opposition  to  this  portion  of  Our  population  may  be 
found  in  the  fact  that  they  are,  ns  a  class,  too  par- 
tial to  the  repubhcan  tendency  of  our  institutions, 
and  too  ready  to  cast  their  siiflmges  in  such  man- 
ner as  shall  increase  that  tendency.  It  is  not  that 
they  vote,  sir,  but  that  they  do  not  vote  as  their  n]>- 
ponents  would  have  them,  which  calls  down  upon 
them  such  patriotic  indignation.  If  they  were  not 
loo  partial  to  the  principles  of  Democracy,  I  think 
it  pos.sible  this  Ilcmse  and  the  world  might  have 
lost  much  of  the  eloquence  and  patriotism  where- 
with they  have  been  edified  of  late.  I  repeat  once 
more,  that  our  real,  our  most  threatening  dangers 
are  not  to  be  found  in  that  quarter.  They  procceil 
from  a  very  difl'erent  source.  The  teal  danger  is  to 
be  apprehended  fnmi  that  parly  upon  whom  for- 
eign influence  does,  indeed,  work  wonders;  who 
look  with  eager  anxiety  to  all  that  pas.ses  on  the 
other  side  of  the  water;  who  catch  the  lone  of  their 
loliticiil  sentiments  from  abroad  and  look  to  foreign 
aws  for  all  ihey  deem  worthy  of  imitation. 

That  party  who  could  justity  foreign  interference 
in  American  afliairs,  who  could  see  nothing  wrong, 
nothing  to  de]irecale,  nothing  to  re.-ent,  when  Great 
Briiain  and  other  European  I'ower.s  stretched  out 
their  hands  to  meddle  with  negotiations  bcuveen 
sovereign  States,  and  set  limits  to  our  acquisition 
of  territory; — that  |iarty  who  could  look  quietly  on, 
or  smile  and  applaud,  when  the  Government  of 
Gre  t  Britain,  with  armed  hand,  would  cram  a 
poi'  lined  drug  down  the  throats  of  a  weak  and  un- 
oir  iidiiig  people,  and  when  tlie  injustice  was  rc- 
siited,  would  crush  that  resistance  amidst  seas  of 
b.iiod  and  carnage ! — this  is  the  cpinrter,  sir — this 
is  I  he  ipiarler,  from  whence  the  danger  to  our  in- 
stitiilioiis  will  come,  if  come  it  ever  .shall'. 

Sir,  I  did  not  design,  at  present,  to  discuss  this 
qiH'Siiiui  III  length.  Upon  some  more  a|>pro|irialc 
occasion  I  shall  be  glad  tti  have  an  optiorlunitv'  to 
do  so.  AV^Iien  I  rose,  I  did  not  intend  to  say  lialf 
so  iiiiich  as  I  have  said.  I  regret  that  I  have  tr:-s- 
pns.si'd  so  long  upon  the  lime  and  jiatieiice  of  the 
Iloiise;  and  shrill  conclude  by  .sa'Miig,  llml  I  .<hall 
feel  nivself  coiupelled  to  vole  agai  ;'t  the  molirm  to 
refer  tlie  resohilioiis  to  a  select  coi.imittee,  for  the 
reasons  1  have  given. 


la 


OREGON  UUESTION. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  HUNTER, 

OF   VIRGINIA, 
In    the    IIiUSF.    of    RKI'ni.5KNT.\TIVES, 

Jiinuttrij  10,  lS.l(i. 
Delivered  in  ("'omniitteeof  the  Whole,  on  the  reso- 
hitiiui  from  the  Committee  on  l''iireigii  .Vtl'airs, 
requirinir  th<;  President  to  noiil'y  Gieal  Britain 
ot'tlie  iiileiition  of  the  ITnitcd  States  to  leniiinate 
the  joint  occiqiancy  of  Oregon,  and  to  abrogate 
the  convention  of  18!27. 

Mr.  HUNTER  rose  and  addressed  the  House 
as  follows: 

Mr.  Chairman:  I  was  mie  of  those  who  regret- 
ted that  this deliate  should  have  arisen  when  it  did. 
I  regarded  it  as  premature  and  iinfortunate,  and  I 
feared  that  it  miglitadd  to  the  diflicultics  in  the  way 
of  a  wise  and  dispa.isionate  Hciilemcnt  of  the  ques- 
tion before  us.  But  so  much  has  now  been  said, 
thai  a  yet  fuller  development  of  the  opinion  of  this 
House  is  perhaps  due  tu  the  country,  and  ourselves. 


!  For  myself,  I  have  been  the  more  anxious  to  ex- 
;  press  my  opinions  at  an  early  stage  of  the  debate, 
;  because  I  foresaw  that  I  should  be  separated  from 
I  many,  perhops  from  most  of  my  political  friends 
;  upon  the  question  befm'c  us.  I  am  happy  to  be- 
lieve, however,  that  the  diflerences  between  us 
are  not  so  wide  and  deep  as  to  be  irreconcilable. 
This  diflerence  relates  not  so  much  to  the  end 
which  we  all  desire  to  attain,  as  to  the  meane 
by  which  it  is  to  be  pursued.  From  what  X 
have  gathered  of  the  opinions  of  this  House,  I 
believe  that  all  des're  the  possession  of  Oregon, 
not  only  up  to  the  parallel  of  49°,  but  to  that  of 
54°  40'.  Nearly  all,  so  far  as  I  am  informed,  be- 
lieve that  our  title  to  this  country  is  good,  not  only 
to  the  49th  parallel,  but  up  to  that  of  ,54°  40'.  1, 
for  one,  entertain  thnt  opinion.  The  whole  ques- 
tion betA'ecn  us  is  as  to  the  best  and  wisest  means 
of  attaining  an  end  which  we  all  equally  desire. 
Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  expressed  the  opinion, 
that,  without  regard  to  the  distinctions  of  party  or 
of  sections,  all  of  us  desire  the  possession  of  ilio 
whole  territory  in  Oregon,  to  which  we  arc  enti- 
tled. There  is  no  man  with  an  American  heart  in 
his  bosom  who  could  be  insensible  to  the  prospect 
of  planting  our  flag  and  our  settlemeiils  upon  the 
shores  of  the  Pacific.  There  is  no  such  bosom 
which  would  not  swell  with  emotions  of  hope  and 
of  pride  at  the  prospect  of  the  iiilliieiicc,  comnier- 
cial,  political,  and  military,  which  we  should  de- 
rive from  a  position  on  the  shores  of  Oregon  and 
California,  should  we  bo  so  fmtunate  ns  to  be  able  to 
obtain  the  last  by  just  and  equitable  means.  Loidc- 
ing  to  the  map  of' the  glolie,  and  taking  the  world 
over  with  a  view  to  its  social  and  political  relations, 
and  to  physical  characteristics,  there  is  no  such  |)Osi- 
tion  for  military  strength  and  commercial  suprem- 
acy, as  we  shall  occupy  if  our  setilcmenis  shoiilil 
cover  the  whole  brenutli  of  the  continent  froiii  the 
Atlantic  to  tlie  Pacific  ocean,  under  our  iii-esenl 
form  of  Governmenl.  In  the  centre,  lies  the  vast 
valley  of  the  Alississippi,  destined  to  be  not  only 
the  hive,  but  the  slorehoiise  of  nations,  and  iiii- 
pregnably  secured  behind  the  Alleghanics  on  ilio 
one  .side,  and  the  Uiicky  nioiintaiiis  on  the  other. 
in  time  of  war,  a  niignty  reserve,  ready  to  de- 
bouch on  either  the  Allantic  or  the  Pacific  slope, 
to  overwhelm  with  irresistible  force  any  foreign 
invasion,  and  able  in  time  of  peace — teeming,  us  it 
will  be,  with  people  and  resources — to  clierisii  anil 
sustain  u  vast  commerie  on  either  sea.  From  the 
Chesapeake  northward,  our  harbors  and  rivers, 
commuiiicating  with  vast  inland  seas,  give  us  tlin 
most  conimniiding  commercial  position  on  the  vast 
basin  of  the  Atlantic,  which  receives  the  waters 
and  the  comnierce  of  most  of  the  large  rivers  of 
the  world.  With  Oregon  and  California,  oi;r  jio- 
siiion  on  the  Pacific  would  be  nearly  as  conniiand- 
iiig.  AVe  sliouhl  hold  the  advanced  posts  on  the 
line  of  commercial  iiilerchanges  between  the  civil- 
ized portion  of  the  world,  and  most  of  that  which 
is  .semi-civilized  or  barbarous;  and  we  should  prob- 
alily  become  the  centre  of  commercial  transit  be- 
tween the  two  seas.  The  possession  of  Oregon, 
and  the  peaceful  acquisition  of  Califiu'iiia,  would 
place  this  Union  in  a  position  of  impiegnublo 
strenglli  and  stalih>  greatness,  with  one  arm  on  ibo 
Atlantic  sea  and  the  other  on  the  Pacific  shore, 
ready  to  strike  in  either  direction  wilh  a  rapidity 
and  an  elficiency  not  to  be  rivalled  by  any  nation 
on  the  earth. 

I  know  that  these  speculaliiais  on  the  future  aro 
uncertain  and  ofieii  dangerous;  but  it  would  seem 
to  be  next  to  impo.ssible  that,  with  this  position, 
and  wilh  all  these  elements  of  military  sirengih, 
and  of  political  and  eomniercial  gi-ealiiess,We 
should  not  be  able,  not  only  to  comniand  the  largest 
share  of  the  commerce  of  both  sea.s,  but  also  to 
proieci  and  advance  the  march  of  civilizaiioii 
tliiimghoiit  the  eiilire  extent  of  this  coniinenl. 
With  these  views  of  the  subject,  how  could  1  In 
insent-'ible  to  the  importance  of  niaintaining  our 
claims  ui  Oregon  ?  Bm  shall  we  best  promoie  our 
purpose  by  adopting  the  recommendation  of  iho 
Coiiuniltee  on  Foreii;ii  Alliiirsin  relalinii  to  the  no- 
lice?  Willi  u;ieat  ilelerence  to  their  matured,  and 
peihaps  beller  opinion,  I  must  s,iy  that  I  think  not. 
I'o  determine  iliis  question,  it  will  be  necessary  to 
a.scertaiii,  as  far  as  possible,  the  probable  conse- 
quences of  cither  ciairse,  as  we  may  give,  or  refuse 
to  give,  the  notice  for  the  teriiiinntioii  of  the  coii- 
I  vention  of  joint  occupancy. 


90 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


4-J 

[Jan.  10, 


2^H  Cong 1st  Sess. 


ITle  Oregon  Q^uettion — Mr.  Hunter. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


Let  us,  then,  Mr.  Chnirmnn,  examine  tliia  qvies- 
tion  calmly  and  dispnssioiinlely.  Let  lis  view  ihiB 
•iiliject  under  none  of  tlie  luilluoinntions  of  national 
priae;  let  ii8  approach  it  in  no  boastful  or  braggart 
■piril.and  with  no  ilisposition  to  u»e  it  as  the  mere 
means  of  tlatt^ring  national  vanity.  Let  us  come 
to  it  in  that  higher  spirit  which  conscious  strength 
should  iiispirc^with  the  feelings  of  those  who  arc 
too  well  satisfied  of  our  lillc  to  the  respect  of  the 
vorld,  ond  of  our  ability  to  hold  our  own,  to  be- 
lieve that  it  can  either  bo  necessary  or  dignified  to 
deal  in  extmvagant  pretension  or  oxaggenited  as- 
sertion. If  there  be  such  a  spirit  of  inquiry  in  this 
body  to  which  I  may  address  myself,  1  would  oik, 
what  are  to  be  the  consequences  if  we  givr  the  no- 
tice ?  If  the  notice  be  given,  ilie  best  result  which 
can  possibly  flow  from  it  will  be  an  adjustment  of 
the  diflicuhy  by  treaty,  upon  the  basis  of  n  bound- 
ary on  the  49lh  poralfel  of  latitude.  Under  exist- 
ing circumstances,  we  can  expect  no  better  treaty; 
and  it  is  manifest  that  we  will  take  noibing  worse. 
It  is  al'surd  to  suppose  that  Great  ISriiain  will  olfer  ' 
to  give  us  more  tlian  we  have  agreed  to  take.  If  [ 
this  matter  he  amicably  adjusted,  it  is  evident,  un- 
der the  existing  state  of  the  negotiations,  thai  we  ] 
get  nothing  beyond  the  49tb  parallel.  Now,  Mr.  | 
Chairman,  siic^  an  adjustment,  in  my  opinioii,  j 
would  be  iar  better  than  the  doubtful  chances  of  a  I 
war,  under  the  circumstances  which  at  present  ' 
surround  us.  But  I  should  certainly  iircf.'tlie 
whole  country  up  to  ,54°  40',  if  there  lie  neaiis, 
compatible  with  the  pence  and  honor  of  ihe  Uiition,  ' 
as  I  think  there  ore,  by  which  we  should  probalily 
obtain  the  whole  territoiry.  Hut  how  do  those  \ 
gentlemen  stand,  who  sitjiport  this  resolution  as  a 
peaceful  meiisure,  and  yet  maiiitahi  that  we  can 
take  nothing  less  than  our  whole  clnint  <m  Oreeoii .'  ; 
If  the  measure  be  peaceful,  is  it  not  manifest  that, 
by  adoptii^T  it,  Ihey  es.seiiiinlly  abandon  the  whole 
country  north  of  the  49ih  parallel?  If  they  adopt] 
it  as  the  means  of  ohljiinmg  the  whole  country,  ' 
they  cnji  only  do  .so  upon  the  supposition  that  it  is 
to  lead  to  war,  and  that  thus  we  shall  obtain  the 
whole.  I  shall  presently  endeavor  to  ascertain 
what  would  be  the  probalile  consequences  under 
that  conjuncture  of  circumstances.  But  here  I  must  \ 
pause  to  say,  that  I  do  not  mean  to  disparage  or 
disapprove  the  proposition  made  by  the  Adminis-  [ 
Iration  to  settle  the  question  ainir'altly  upon  the 
basis  of  a  bomulary  along  the  49th  parallel.  Un- 
der the  circtinistanccs  (u»d  from  the  course  of  pre- 
vious neffotiaiions,  the  President  could  have  done 
no  less  than  to  have  made  such  an  ofl'er.  It  was 
due  to  public  opinion  at  home  and  abroad;  it  was 
due  to  our  national  character,  and  the  ijreat  inter- 
fsis  of  humanity,  that  he  shoidd  manifest  a  desire 
to  do  much  for  nu  honorable  peace.  The  terms 
which  he  olTcred  would  have  i)een  consiilered  by 
each  pnny  to  the  dispute  ns  falling  short  of 
the  fidl  measure  of  tlu-ir  just  claims;  but  in  the 
more  impartial,  Iml  perhaps  less  informed  opinion 
of  the  residue  of  the  civilized  world,  they  \could 
June  been  re;rar<led  as  fiiir,  equitable,  and  honor- 
able to  both  countries.  He  woidd  have  done  much, 
too,  for  the  country  in  thus  securing,  by  peaceful 
and  honomble  means,  an  advanced  post  for  our 
population  up  to  the  49lh  parallel.  He  wouhl  have 
acqitired,  ns  far  os  I  have  been  able  to  inform  my- 
self, mtich  the  most  valuable  portion  of  the  coun- 
try, both  for  commercial  and  agricultural  purposes. 
I  know  that  th>>  chainnan  of  the  t.'ounnittce  on 
Foreign  .Ailoirs  has  expressed  a  ditTcrent  o|)inion; 
but,  with  ijreat  deference  and  respect  for  that  opin- 
ion, I  must  be  allowed  to  declare  my  dissent  from 
it  The  ^ipimsite  rniinion  expressed  by  Mr.  Green- 
how,  to  who.--e  eidiirhtened  researches  the  country 
is  so  much  inilelited,  seems  to  me  to  b(f  sustained 
noon  better  ^'rounds.  The  harbor  of  Port  Disenv- 
ery,  of  which  VancmtVfT  speaks  in  terms  so  hii^h, 
and  the  harbors  cm  Ailmiralty  inlet,  are  said  to  be 
admirably  adapted  to  the  uses  of  commerce,  I 

As  I  am  informed,  they  are  better  not  only  in 
natural  capacity,  but  from  position,  than  those 
hiirher  up  on  the  coast.  Of  the  superior  agricul- 
tural advantages  of  the  portion  of  the  territory  be- 
low the  49th  parallel  I  presume  there  can  be  no 
doubt,  and  I  think  ihey  are  very  generally  odmit- 
ted.  The  President  might  well  suppose  that  he 
would  vfft^ri  nnich  in  securinir  the  peacel'ul  progress 
of  our  inlioit  settlement  in  Orejon  up  to  the  49th 
parallel;  and  this  being  done,  he  might  safely  leave 
It  to  time  and  American  enterprise  to  d<j  the  rest. 


But,  Mr.  Chairman,  let  mo  return  to  the  inquiry 
into  the  probable  consequences  of  givitig  this  no- 
tice.   I  have  said  that  the  liest  possible  result  would 
be  an  adjustment  of  the  basii  of  a  boundary  along  ' 
the  49th  parallel;  but  I  have  seen  nothing  as  yet  to 
convince  nie  that  it  was  the  most  probanle  rcsitll. 
If  the  Minister  from  Great  Britain  refused  to  con- 
sider this  proposition,  when  made  in  the  course  of 
an  amicable  and  courteous  correspondence,  is  it 
very  probable  that  she  will  be  more  inclined  to  ac- 
cept it  when  wo  give  the  notice  under  circumslntices 
which  imply  that  she  must  cither  agree   to  our  I 
proposition  or  go  to  war  for  the  whole  country?  If  j 
the  British  Minister  represented  the  real  views  of  ' 
his  Government,  is  it  probable  that  with  their  dis-  j 
positions  tliRt  Government  will  be  the  more  in-  : 
clined  to  accept  our  offer  on  account  of  the  threat  i 
which  it  may  suppose  to  be  implied  by  our  giving 
the  notice.'    If  she  reidly  designs  to  go  to  war,  ' 
rather  than   compromise    upon   upon    the    terms  | 
we  proposed,  is  there  anything  unreasonable  in  i 
supposing  that  she  might  think  the  present  time 
and  circum.ilances  as  favorable  as  any  likely  to  oc-  ! 
cur  for  striking  the  blow.'     If  she  really  attaches  j 
the  importance  to  her  whole  claim  on  Oregon  which  i 
many  seem  tonmagine,  and  regards  a  wiu"  for  it  as 
inevitable,  will  she  not  think  that  the  sooner  she  : 
strikes  the  blow  the  belter  for  her.'    Or  if,  on  Ihe  ■ 
other  hand,  she  is  anxious  to  settle  Ihe  question  ami-  ] 
cably,  anil  desires  nothing  more  than  terms  which  ' 
may  be  regarded  as  honorable  by  her  own  people 
and  by  the  world,  will  this  spirit  be  conciliated  oy 
our  giving  the  notice,  and  by  the  circumstnnces  un- 
der which  it  will  be  given .'  To  sum  up  the  whole, 
is  it  not  manifest,  on  the  one  hand,  that  if  this  step  ' 
should  lead  to  war,  we  give  to  Great  Britain,  in-  ; 
stead  of  reserving  it  to  ourselves,  the  advantage  of  ; 
choosing  her  own  time  for  it.'    If,  on  the  other 
hand,  this  be  designed  ae  a  peace  measure,  is  it  not  ' 
more  likely  to  defeat  than  to  encourage  n  renewal 
of  negoiiations  in  a  sensitive  and  high-spiriled  peo- 
ple?    Such  seems  to  me  to  be  its  probable  tenden- 
cies; and  unless  Great  Britain  should  think  this  ' 
disputed  territory  to  be  of  little  value  to  her,  how- 
ever important  it  might  be  lo  us,  and  unless  she 
enlertains  a  strong  desire  for  peace,  I  can  see  no 
other  result  lo  (low  from  this  notice  so  probable  ns 
that  of  war.      One  thing  is  perfectly  clear:  this 
measure  must  either  lead  to  n  settlement  on  the 
basis  of  a  boundary  along  the  49lh  parallel,  or  it 
must  ]iroducc  war.     Our  western  friends  say  that 
they  will  be  content  with  nothing  less  tlnui  the 
whole  extent  of  our  claim;  and  if  this  be  so,  is  not 
war  inevitable  under  present  circiimstances?     If 
war  is  to  be  the   mode  of  settling  this  (juestion  at 
Inst,  it  would  seem  lo  me  that  it  w(nild  be  farwi.ser 
to  preserve  the  present  state  of  afTiirs,  that  we  may 
be  able  to  choose  our  own  time  for  fightinir.  and 
selei't  a  period  when  we  were  lietler  jirepared  for 
the  contes;,  mid  when  the  allendant  circumstances 
might   be   more   propitious.      Let   us   look,   Mr. 
Chairman,  into  the  circumstances  under  w  hich  this 
war  would  now  bo  waged,  and  ascertain,  if  we 
can,  its  probable  eonsetniences.     Have  we  made 
any  of  the  military  jireparations  necessary  for  such 
an  event?     Wcntid  niie,  or  even  two  years,  siitrice 
('or  the  preparation  propi-r  (or  such  a  cnniest  ?     If 
war  be  inevitable,  is  not  our  internal  condition  such 
as  to  make  delay  desirable?    The  whole  country 
is  just  recovering  from  a  deep  financial  depression. 
.Ma'ny  of  the  Slates  are  either  unabli',  or  barely  tible, 
lo  p;iy  their  own  debts.     They  are  not  in  a  C(nidi- 
lion  to  bear  the  weight  of  internal  taxation,  which 
mii.-^t  be  one  of  the  main  resources  of  tin;  war.     A 
frw   years  hence  a  dilferent  and  more  favorable 
state  of  things  miirlit  be  fairly  expected.     What, 
let  nic  ask,  would  be  our  position  in  the  public 
opiiiiim  of  the  world?    We  break  oft'  the  negotia- 
linii  because  our  jiroposition  was  not  accented,  and 
we  give  the  notice  under  circumstances  which  pro- 
claim that  there  must  be  war,  unless  she  will  settle 
the  tpicsiion  upon  our  own  terms.    She  has  olTered 
ns  a  mode  nf  settling  this  dispute,  now  universally 
regarded  nmongst  civilized  iinlitois  ns  a  fair  and 
honorable  method  nf  adjuslini:  national  controver- 
sies— I  mean  nrbilratimi.     This  we  have  already 
refused  ;  nor  rio  I  disapprove  of  that  refn.sal,  under 
the  circumstances  then  existing.    She  will  probably 
iid'er  it  acain,  and  we  slioll  again   re(>ise  it.     I  do 
:  not  stand   here,  Mr.  Chairman,  as  the  advocate  of 
arbiiratinii;  upon   that  (luestion  I  have  nothing  lo 
.  say  nt  present',  I  tun  merely  dealing  in  facts,  with 


a  view  to  the  consequences.  Wc  shall  again  re- 
vise arbitration,  Mr.  Chairman,  and  why?  Be- 
cause wc  say  then-  are  none  of  the  nations  of  the 
world  whose  Govtrtimenis  arc  honest  and  impar- 
tial enough  to  decide  this  controversy  between  us. 

This  may  nil  bo  so;  but  will  a  rcfusol  of  arbi- 
tration for  such  reasons  be  likely  (o  win  us  much 
of  the  sympathy  of  the  world?  Under  these  cir- 
cumstnnces, am  1  wrong  in  supposing  that  the 
world  will  1)0  apt  to  regard  us  os  the  airgressor? 
The  public  opinion  of  Christendom  would  be  thus 
defieil  ot  the  time  when  Great  Briloin  has  a  bet- 
ter understanding  with  the  conlincnlal  slates  of 
Europe  than  she  has  ever  enjoyed  at  any  previinis 
jieriod  of  her  history,  so  far  us  I  am  ncquaintt^d 
with  it.  The  "  cordiid  undersUmding"  between 
herself  and  Kraiice,  her  ancient  enemy  and  our 
former  ally,  is  notorious  throughout  the  world. 
Under  these  ciicumslances,  whot  chance  should  we 
have  for  either  sympathy  or  assistance  from  any 
of  these  Powers  m  the  event  of  a  war?  But  this 
is  not  the  whole  view  of  the  existing  stati  of  our 
foreign  relotioiis,  luid  its  connexion  with  our  pros- 
pects in  n  war.  If  we  hove  a  wor  with  Great  Brit- 
ain obout  this  time,  shall  wc  not  probably  have 
Mexico  also  on  our  hands  ?  It  is  known  tliot  she 
is  sore  under  recent  occurrences,  ond  it  is  equally 
notorious  that  she  is  much  under  British  influ- 
ence. Wc  should  probably  have  n  war,  not  only 
for  Oregon,  but  forTexas  oKso.  The  Indian  tribes 
beyond  Ihe  Rocky  mmintoins  arc  known  lo  be  un- 
der the  influence  of  the  Hudson  Boy  Company, 
and  it  is  probable  that  most  of  the  western  Indians 
would  lake  sides  with  Greot  Briloin  in  the  event 
of  a  war  between  her  and  this  country.  Under 
these  circumstanccR,  what  would  become  of  Ore- 
gon, and  of  our  infant  settlements  on  Ihe  Colum- 
bia? I  believe  it  is  the  opinion  of  our  best  milita- 
ry authorities — anil,  indeed,  the  very  generni  opin- 
ion— that,  during  tlie  wor,  Oregon  itself  must  bo 
abandoned,  ond  that  we  should  have  to  strike  in 
Canada,  ond  upon  the  sens.  And  yet  gentlemen 
coolly  demand  war,  or  what  will  lead  to  war, 
as  a  duty  which  we  owe  our  people  in  Oregon, 
when  it  i*!  manifest  that  the  very  first  step  of  that 
war  would  be  to  obandon  them  unprotected  to 
British  troops,  to  the  Hudson  Bay  Company, 
and  their  savage  allies — to  a  war,  unless  they  at 
once  made  terms  for  themselves,  as  likely  to  be 
signalized  by  all  Ihe  circitmstonces  of  barbaric 
atrocity  as  any  of  which  we  have  an  nccoiint.. 
Those  unt'ortunnle  people  might  well  ask  the  chair- 
man of  Foreign  Afl'airs  if  this  be  what  he  calls 
"  backing  of  his  friends?"  In  such  a  contest  is  it 
not  probable  that  Oregon  would  be  lost  only  to  Im 
recovered,  if  ever,  by  another  war,  to  be  underta- 
ken ot  a  more  auspicimis  jieriod?  If  this  strug- 
gle were  now  to  be  commenced,  I  do  not  belie\e 
lliot  there  would  even  be  an  efi'ort  made  lo  send 
troops  to  Oregon.  It  would  be  regarded  as  a 
waste  of  men  ond  means,  at  n  time  when,  with 
Mexico  to  the  southwest,  with  the  Indian  tribes 
on  our  western  frontier,  with  British  and  Cana 
diaii  troops  on  our  north,  and  with  British  fleets 
covering  the  eastern  and  southern  line  of  o  ir 
coast,  we  shoulil  be  encircled  as  with  n  wall  of 
fire.  I  doubt  not  but  that  we  should  emerge  from 
it  victorious.  It  is  not  on  the  soil  which  we  occupy 
that  we  can  be  conquered,  or  even  be  worsted.  I 
have  ftill  (^litli  in  Americon  spirit  and  patriotism. 
But  I  do  not  believe  we  should  pass  unscathed 
through  that  fiery  trial ;  nor  ought  we  to  task  loo 
highly  those  great  qualities  of  our  people  by  ex- 
posing them  to  unnecessary  difliculties,  ns  wo 
should  do  if  we  engage  in  o  war  before  wc  are  pre- 
pared for  it,  or  if  we  make  war  to  attain  what 
might  be  hail  far  more  certainly  and  honorably  by 
peaceful  means.  That  we  should  come  out  of 
such  o  cinitest  with  honor,  I  do  not  doubt ;  but 
llinl  we  should  lose  ns  much  or  more  of  Oregon 
thou  would  be  given  up  by  any  treaty  likely  to  bo 
made,  I  regard  as  also  probable.  If  warbe  the  only 
mode  of  maintaining  our  rights  in  Oregon,  that 
war  ought  lo  be  deferreil,  as  it  is  manifest  that  our 
chances  for  success  must  increase  with  evci-y  year 
of  delay.  But  if  there  lie  peaceful  and  honorobln 
means  (as  I  shall  endeavor  to  show  hereafter) 
which  would  more  probably  give  us  the  whole 
territory,  we  owe  it  to  ourselves  oiid  to  the  world 
to  adopt  them. 

But  gentlemen  have  promisi'd  that  ifwarbeonce 
commenced  with  Great  Britain,  wc  shall  terminate 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


91 


-««• 


2{>rH  CONO l9T  Sk99. 


The  Oregon  ^ueition — Mr.  Hunter. 


Ho.  OF  Rrps. 


D  shall  agnin  re- 
and  why?  Dc- 
c  niUinna  n(  tho 
mcst  nnil  iinpnr> 
■sy  between  u», 
refusal  of  nr))i- 
to  wi.i  us  mui'h 
Under  theflc  rir- 
ipodin^;  that  thn 
»  ihe  HcsjresBor  ? 
in  would  lie  thus 
rllnin  has  a  lict- 
incntal  states  of 
at  any  previous 
[  am  ncmialnti'd 
nding"  between 
enemy  and  our 
hout  the  world, 
hance  should  wc 
ilancc  from  any 
I  War?  But  tills 
in;;  slati  of  our 
111  with  our  pros- 
with  Great  Hrit- 
t  probably  h;ive. 
known  tliat  she 
Hid  it  is  equally 
cr  British  influ- 
a  war,  not  only 
'he  Indian  tribes 
known  to  be  uii- 
Bay  Company, 
western  Indians 
ain  in  the  event 
ounlry.  Under 
bceomc  of  Oic- 
011  the  Coluin- 
'our  best  milita- 
ry n;eneral  opiii- 
I  itself  must  bo 
nvc  to  strike  ill 

I  yet  gentlemen 

II  lead  to  war, 
iple  in  Oregon, 
list  step  of  that 

unprotected  to 

Bay  Company, 

unless   tliry  at 

as  likely  to  be 

es   of  biirliarie. 

ve  an   ncroiini., 

I  nsk  the  chaii- 

what  he  dills 

h  a  contest  is  it 

!  lost  only  to  bo 

I  to  be  underla- 

If  this  slni";- 
do  not  believe 
t  made  to  send 
regarded  as  a 
me  when,  wilh 

Indian  tribes 
ish  and  Cana- 

British  fleets 
n  line  of  o  ir 
with  a  wall  of 
Id  emerge  from 
ii('h  we  occupy 
be  worsted.  I 
!iiid  patriotism, 
inss  unscathed 
wc  to  task  too 
people  by  ex- 
ciillies,  as  wn 
ore  we  are  pie- 
to  attain  what 
I  honorably  by 
I  come  out  of 
lot  doubt ;  but 
lore  of  Oregon 
ity  likely  to  he 
varbe  the  only 
I  Oregon,  that 
inifcst  that  our 
ith  eveiy  year 
and  honor'abln 
low  hereafter) 
us  the  whole, 
1  to  the  world 

.  if  war  be  once 
ihall  tcrminato 


it  by  driving  her  from  this  continent,  and  deprivinj; 
her  of  all  that  she  claims  or  fiossesscs  upon  it.  1 
lio  not  stand  here,  Mr.  Chainuaii,  to  Uiko  issue 
with  that  proposillon;  I  mean  neither  to  alRmi  nor 
deny  it.  1  will  not  even  ask  if  our  "old  men  see 
visions  and  our  youn||f  men  dream  dreams."  I  will 
suppose  the  anticipation  to  bo  true ;  and  I  shall  en- 
deavor to  trace  such  a  war  as  this  would  be  to  its 
coii3cqueiices,  to  sec  if  the  chance  or  the  certainly 
of  acquiring  Oregon  a  few  years  sooner,  would 
compensate  us  for  tlicm. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  know  of  no  instance  in  which  a 
nation,  pretending  to  independence,  and  the  equali- 
ty suiiposed  to  result  from  it,  has  yielded  up  the 
whole  aubjecl  of  dispute  which  had  led  to  the  war. 
Tliere  is,  it  is  true,  more  than  one  shining  instance 
in  which  a  iialioii  has  connucrcd  its  independence 
without  iinnairing  the  position  of  equality  of  its  op- 
ponent. There  arc  inswnces,  too,  in  which  a  con- 
quered people  have  yielded  all.  But  I  know  of  no 
treaty  in  modern  limes,  between  equals,  in  which 
one  of  the  ])arlies,  after  a  war,  has  given  up  the 
whole  subject  in  controversy  without  an  equiva- 
lent. There  may  be  such  inctances,  but  I  do  not 
remember  one,  c\en  in  the  most  successful  period 
of  the  career  ofNaimlcon.  Neither  Marengo  nor 
Auslcrlilz  ever  gave  liiin  such  results  in  his  t.-eaties 
with  Austria.  Of  all  the  liuropean  nations.  Great 
Britain  in  the  most  distiiiguishen  for  the  pertinacity 
wilh  which  she  has  hitherto  struggled  for  her 
rights  and  lier  honor.  Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  is 
there  a  man  amongst  us  who  supposes — does  the 
wildest  dreamer  of  us  all  believe — that  she  would 
ever  close  a  war  by  yielding  not  only  the  whole 
Kiibjeit  in  disimie,  but  her  own  undoubted  territo- 
ry until  she  had  first  waged  it,  and  been  defeated 
ill  it,  as  a  war  not  only  of  mastery,  but  of  exist- 
ence? Would  her  sagacious  statesmen  be  slow  to 
perceive  that  any  treaty  which  branded  her  with 
the  visible  stamp  of  inferiority  after  a  war,  would 
be  the  sure  precursor  of  her  downfall?  She  knows 
that  the  hungry  and  expectant  eye  of  continental 
Europe  is  fixed  upon  the  prey  wliich  a  division  of 
her  mighty  empire  would  uflord.  She  is  aware, 
too,  that  tlie  calculation  has  already  been  made  as 
to  how  far  the  invention  of  steam  has  destroyed  the 
security  of  her  natural  defbiiccs — of  her  insular  po- 
sition. She  no  longer  feels  able  to  continue  the 
proud  boa.st  that  "Biitannia  needs  no  bulwarks,  no 
lowers  along  the  steep;"  for  she  is  now  engaged  in 
constructing  coast  defeiices.  She  must  feel  that  the 
whole  chariii  of  her  jiower  lies  in  the  idea  of  her 
invincibility  on  the  sens  and. in  her  colonial  posses- 
sions. To  dcsiroy  by  her  one  act  this  idea,  wouhl 
be  to  holil  forth  the  signaj  tbr  the  eagles  to  gather 
to  the  Imnqnel,  and  would  involve  the  loss  of  pow- 
er, empire,  and  cliaractcritself.  Can  1  be  mistaken 
in  supposing  that  a  war  which  brought  her  to  such 
11  ronclu.^ion,  would  probably  lie  the  longest  and 
bloodiest  ever  known  in  the  annals  of  mankind  ? 
(.lentlemen  have  promised  that  tlii.s  thing  shall  be 
done.  1  do  not  stand  here  to  dispute  it  In  the 
event  of  a  war,  I  wish  that  they  may  be  able  to 
make  good  their  words.  But  before  this  can  be 
accomplished,  wc  must  track  the  British  lion  in  his 
blood  from  the  rising  to  the  setting  sun.  Wemu.st 
hunt  him  from  stronghold  to  stronghold,  until  we 
have  ]iiirsncd  liiin  throughout  the  circumference  of 
the  globe.  Every  sea,  every  clime  must  become 
familiHr  wilh  llie  noise  of  ilie  terrific  strife.  Far  dis  • 
taut  peofilc,  nations  to  whom  as  yet  we  are  scan.'e- 
ly  known,  must  be  startled  at  tlieap)iai'ilion  of  this 
new  power  which  is  to  struggle  wilh  Ureal  Britain 
for  ihe  ninslery  in  places  where  she  had  long  reign- 
ed the  most  supreme.  From  Aden  to  the  Ionian 
isles  we  must  pnisue  her  over  wave  and  lliroiigh 
fortress,  on  one  coiitinuoiiH  line  of  blood  and  fire, 
until  we  have  swept  her  (lag  from  the  seas,  and 
buried  her  llcci.s  in  the  ocean.  We  must  throw 
down  her  places  of  strength',  we  must  despoil  even 
her  gardens  of  "pleasaiince. *'  Yes,  sir;  to  this 
dreadl'iil  extremity  must  we  bring  her,  before  she 
can  agree  lo  conclude  the  coniesl  upon  terms  which 
would  destroy  her  most  I'hcrishcil  Kciitimcni  of  na- 
tional pride,  and  probably  lead  to  the  dcsiruction. 
of  the  mightiest  empire  which,  as  yet,  the  world 
has  known. 

If  we  arc  to  obtain  what  gentlemen  have  prom- 
ised us,  such  must  be  the  war  which  we  are  to 
wage.  What,  Mr.  Cliairnian,  must  be  the  c.oiisi;- 
qncnces  of  such  a  war  upon  ourselves  and  our  in- 
sliliuions  ?  Who  -an  foresee  these  conseqiieiiccs  in 


all  their  extent,  or  undertake  to  measure  the  results  ? 
How  great  would  be  the  danger  of  a  centralization 
of  all  power  in  the  Federal  Government,  and  of  an 
obliteration  of  the  lines  of  State  authority  ?  How 
many  hundreds  of  millions  of  debt  should  we 
entail  on  ourselves  and  our  posterity  ?  How  far 
should  wc  fall  into  the  lower  depths  of  the  paper 
system  ?  To  how  distant  a  day  in  tlie  Greek  cal- 
ends should  wo  postpone  those  great  democratic 
reforms  which  wo  had  fondly  hoped  we  were  about 
to  introduce,  and  for  which  we  have  labored  so 
long  and  often  with  such  doubtful  success  ?  Wc 
should  go  into  the  war  a  (Vcc,  happy,  and  moral 
people.  Who  can  undertake  to  foretell  the  extent  | 
and  nature  of  the  transformations  which  we  may  ; 
undergo  before  wc  come  out  of  it,  or  who  can  | 
measure  the  waste  of  all  the  elements  of  human 
happiness  and  social  order  which  such  a  war  would 
occasion  ?  Should  we  be  justified  in  the  eyes  of 
God,  or  of  mankind,  for  thns  perilling  the  great  i 
inlercsls  of  our  country  and  of  humanity  for  the  ] 
sake  of  obtaining  possession  of  Oresoii  a  few  years 
earlier,  when  we  are  sure  of  acquiring  it  a  little 
later  by  honorable  and  peaceful  means  ?  Could  we 
be  justified  in  exposing  the  country  to  such  e.v- 
tremily  if  there  be  even  a  probable  chance  of  ac- 
quiring the  territory  by  means  not  only  peaceful 
but  compatible  with'oiir  honor?  Or  if  war,  and 
such  a  war,  be  inevitable,  ought  we  not  to  postpone 
it  until  wc  have  more  men,  more  means,  more  re- 
sources, and  more  auspicious  circumstances  for  its 
commencement?  But,  Mr.  Chairman,  it  may  be 
said  that  in  my  view  of  the  probable  consequences 
of  such  a  war  as  that  must  be  which  should  lead  to 
such  a  conclusion  as  is  promised,  I  have  virtually 
admitted  that  the  republican  system  of  policy  is  ] 
practicable  only  in  time  of  pence.  Such  is  not  my  j 
opinion.  We  have  not  had  lime  as  yet  to  introduce  | 
or  mature  our  system.  The  ideas  upon  which  they  , 
rest  are  not  fully  possessed  by  the  public  miial. 
They  rcfiuire  time  and  a  period  of  peace  for  their 
full  development.  But  if  once  matured  and  devel- 
oped, I  believe  they  would  enable  our  Government 
and  people  to  stand  the  shock  and  |)ressiirc  of  war 
with  far  greater  ease  and  buoyancy  than  under  any 
other  course  of  policy.  I,  for  one, am  of  the  opin- 
ion that  if  we  were  now  to  ])luiigc  into  war  we  ' 
should  fall  into  some  of  the  worst  forms  of  the  pa- 
per system,  owing  to  the  remains  of  what  I  believe  ' 
to  be  a  wrong  idea  once  implanted  in  the  puiilic 
mind;  and  yet  I  believe  that  the  expenses  of  a  war 
could  be  far  better  sustained  without  these  abuses 
of  that  system  than  with  them.  I  have  long  thought 
that  we  sull'ered  almost  as  much  in  the  last  war  : 
from  such  abuses  as  from  the  British  troops.  Bui, 
Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  yet  another  answer.  The 
genius  of  our  institutions  is  pacific — they  were  not 
organized  for  distant  and  ofVensive  warfare.  For 
defensive  war  I  believe  they  are  the  strongest  in  the 
world,  for  ihev  bring  lo  its  aid  the  united  hearts  of 
our  people.  We  were  not  organized  for  a  career  i 
of  war  and  conquest,  and  I  thank  God  (or  it;  for 
then  we  should  nave  required  a  (iir  more  despotic 
form  of  govermnciit,  and  we  might  have  stood  as 
fair  a  chance  as  any  to  become  the  curse  of  man- 
kind, instead  of  being  their  benefactors,  as  I  main- 
lain  wc  have  been  by  the  example  of  our  iiislitu-  ' 
tions  and  our  progress.  We  have  always  been 
proud  lo  believe  that  ours  was  a  higher  and  more 
glorious  destiny;  we  have  believed  it  to  be  our  des- 
tiny to  achieve  our  triumphs  in  the  n.scful  arts  of 
peace,  to  siibdi.e  Ihe  dilHcultics  aftd  master  the  se- 
crets of  nature,  to  adorn  and  cultivate  the  earth,  lo 
introduce  a  new  and  a  higher  civilization,  lo  de- 
velop better  forms  of  social  and  political  organiza- 
tion, and  to  minister  to  ilic  progress  and  the  uni- 
versal peace  and  happiness  of  mankind  by  the  be- 
neficent example  of  a  free  and  happy  people,  who 
v.'cre  wealthy  wilhout  rapine,  strong  without  crime, 
great  withmil  war,  and  peaceful  without  fear.  To- 
wards these  great  and  beneficent  ends  we  have  al- 
ready done  much,  and  in  doini;  it  we  ^lave  won 
ninre  true  glory  than  if,  liki^  Tamerlane,  we  had 
IctV  pyramids  of  human  heads  as  'he  monuments 
of  victory,  or  like  Atlila  or  Alaric,  the  .scourge  of 
God  and  the  pest  of  natiiuis,  ravaged  and  desolated 
the  earth  in  the  .'Jlorm  of  our  warlare.  Our  thou- 
sand of  miles  of  railroads  and  canals  which  have 
thrown  down  the  barriers  of  nature  to  the  affiliatiim 
of  our  people,  and  to  ihe  ciiminon  and  kindly  inter- 
change of  so  much  that  ministers  to  the  happiness 
'  of  man,  are  far  nobler  monumeiits  lo  the  genius  of 


tt  people  than  the  column  of  Trajan  or  the  nalace  of 
Blenheim.  These  are  the  monumenta  wiiieh  are 
worthy  our  name  and  our  destiny. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  return  to  the  inquiry 
which  I  was  pursuing.  I  have  endeavored  to  give 
gentlemen  the  advantage  of  their  own  suppositionsi 
and  in  whatever  way  I  have  turned  the  tapestry 
for  them,  the  picture  has  seemed  to  bo  forbidding. 
But  most  so  in  that  aspect  which  gavo  us  the  pic- 
ture of  war  waged  to  such  extremities  as  some 
gentlemen  have  promised.  But  is  there  a  real 
luiibability  that  tlio  war  wou'd  be  waged  to  siicli 
extremities  by  two  nations  whose  powers  of  mu- 
tual annoyance  are  so  great,  and  whose  capacitiea 
for  mutual  benefit  arc  so  large?  Is  it  not  likely 
that  both  nations  would  tire  of  a  contest  so  destruc- 
tive and  bloody,  and  agree  lo  terminate  it  by  an 
arbitration  which,  in  the  universal  opinion  of  tho 
civilized  world,  is  considered  a  fair  and  honorable 
mode  of  aajusting  national  dill'ercnces?  .Sir,  I  be- 
lieve that  if  there  sho'dil  be  war,  it  will  most  prob- 
ably terminate  in  an  arbitration;  and  thus  wo 
should  have  an  arbitration  and  war,  when  wo 
might  have  had  an  arbitration  without  a  war. 
Could  any  man  hesitate  between  such  altcrnalives? 
But  gentlemen  here  are  against  an  arbitration.  I 
myself  wish  to  avoid  it;  and  1  believe  this  may 
easily  be  done  by  means  which  most  probably 
would  secure  un  the  whole  territory  in  |icace  anil 
honor.  Let  tis  refuse  to  give  the  notice;  leave  tlie 
negotiations  to  stand  where  they  are;  for  wc  have 
now  done  all  that  it  becomes  us  to  do  in  the  lino 
of  negotialioii.  We  have  olfired  a  conipromiso 
upon  liberal  terms  which  has  been  refused,  and 
we  have  manifested  a  proper  desire  tor  peai-e.  Let 
us  now  rely  imoii  our  superior  means  of  coloniza- 
tion. Great  Britain  has  elected  lo  leave  the  ulti- 
mate possession  of  the  territory  to  depend  on  our 
relative  capacities  for  settling  it.  In  this  conicst, 
the  advantages  are  on  our  side,  and  it  must  end 
in  putting  us  in  possession  of  all  that  we  claim. 
Wc  thus  avoid  the  chance  of  losing  the  territory 
altogether.  There  arc  gentlemen,  I  know,  who 
are  disposed  to  smile  at  this;  but  let  me  remind 
them  that,  in  comparing  ourselves  with  Great 
Britain,  they  must  remember  that  there  are  some 
theatres  where  we  are  her  superior,  there  are  others 
where  we  are  her  equal,  and  there  are  olhers,  again, 
upon  which  peculiar  and  sometimes  transient  cir- 
cumstances give  her  the  superiority.  In  a  war 
for  Oregini,  at  this  time,  she  pos.sesses  superior 
advantages  in  her  long-established  and  sedulously- 
cultivated  influence  over  the  Indian  tribes,  in  the 
command  of  the  forces  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Com- 
]iany  which  arc  at  hand,  and  in  the  facility  with 
which  she  could  transport  troops  from  her  various 
stations  on  the  Pacific.  But  if  we  wait  a  few  years, 
the  balance  of  power  must  change.  Circumstances 
will  cast  it  on  our  side  as  they  now  do  on  hers; 
and  in  a  contest — if  contest  there  must  he  for 
Oregon — we  shall  be  found  the  stronger  party  in 
that  territory.  But  it  has  been  said  that,  if  we 
refuse  lo  give  this  notice,  we  shall  violate  our  na- 
tional honor.  How?  Has  our  .sensibility  on  llii.i 
point  been  just  now  awakened?  From  bSIS  lo  this 
day  wc  have  never  felt  this  joint  oi-cupation  to  bo 
a  slain  upon  our  national  honor.  Has  it  ever  been 
pretended  until  recently  that  it  wa.i  a  disirnice  to 
continue  the  convention?  Is  there  anything  dis- 
honorable in  adjourning  a  dispute,  without  the  least 
surrender  of  our  rights,  and  upon  terms  which  give 
us  every  chance  of  ai-quiring  peaceably  all  that  wo 
claim?  The  other  party,  with  her  eyes  open,  has 
in.si.sled  upon  placing  the  determination  of  ihe  con- 
troversy upon  this  issue,  in  which  the  advanlages 
arc  all  on  one  side.  Is  it  not  a  wi.ser  as  well  as  a 
more  moderate  niude  of  disposing  of  the  matter  lo 
abide  by  ihesc  terms  ?  Let  things  remain,  then,  as 
they  are,  and  let  us.{iass  such  measures  as  may 
encourage  our  settlements  in  the  disputed  territory 
without  contmveniiig  any  treaty  stipulations. 
Thousands,  or  even  hundreds  of  thousands,  ex- 
pended in  judicious  measures  for  colonization 
wciuld  do  far  more  for  our  ultimate  possession  of 
the  lerrilory,  and  be  far  belter  appropriated,  than 
millions  lavished  on  the  uncertainties  of  an  unne- 
cessary war.  I  ]Hit  it,  sir,  to  considerate  western 
men — to  those  v.'lio  desire  Oregon  more  than  war — 
if  such  a  course  of  policy  be  not  the  wisest  which 
we  can  pursue  wilh  reference  even  to  the  singlu 
end  of  acquiring  the  territory  which  they  so  much 
desire.     1  know  that  the  gentleman  from  Indiana 


i)2 


3i>rH  CoNO Ibt  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

!Z%e  Oregon  Quettion — Mr.  Hunter. 


[Jan.  10, 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


(Mr.  Owkn]  linH  uniil  thm  the  Hiiil»mi  Buy  Com- 
jiaiiy  woiilu  interpone  ohstnclcB  to  our  sclllcnient  ]i 
iiorlh  of  llie  Columbia  river,  liy  liuyiiii;  out  tlioHe 
of  our  citizpiiii  who  nllempU'd  to  plant  ihcmnclyrH 
1111  thnt  aide.  He  hiia  iiieiitioiied  one  onmi  in  which 
lie  has  known  that  to  he  (hnie,  Posnihly  there 
■nay  have  been  more;  hut  m  not  that  dililiiiKiiish- 
eil  j;enllemeii  too  well  aware  of  the  great  lawH 
oT  Intde  to  siippoHe  that  they  would  hmi;  kei'p  up 
thai  ^ranic  r  ItesiileN,  this  in  a  faille  at  wiiich  more 
thnii  one  niijilil  play.  Docs  he,  or  any  other  man, 
believe  thai  il'our  settlemenlunn!  onee  firmly  plant- 
ed soulli  ol'llif  Ciihimbia,  the  crack  of  our  Ameii- 
tnn  ntiii,  and  the  Hound  of  the  axe  of'iiir  wcslern 
pioneer  will  not,  in  due  lime,  be  heard  not  only  . 
north  of  that  river,  but  iionh  of  the  4'.)lh  parallel.-    i 

l!ut  it  ia  Haid  tiiat  Kn;;hind  will  not  allow  thiH, 
loid  that  if  (luM  course  of  policy  be  attenipled,  Hlie 
will  ere  Itui^  ijive  notice  heryclf,  and  declare  war 
upon  us.  Lei  her  if  Nhe  choo.Mca;  let  her  if  Hhe 
ihuc.^.  She  ihuu  would  become  the  airirresxor,  and 
in  such  n  war  we  should  be  sustained  not  (Uily  by 
our  t>wn  conviction  of  ri^ht,  but  by  the  ijcneral 
sympalhies  of  niMiikind.  Il  would  unite  our  peo- 
ple inHtanlly  and  eircclually;  and  wilh  one  henrl 
mill  wilh  one  uiiud,  lliey  would  rally  to  the  rescue 
of  national  rii^hts  and  national  honor  with  all  the 
ailvanlaircs  of  previous  pi-e]mratit>n,  and  wilh  the 
siiril  whidi  lia.s  hcielofore  (listinsiiislicd  tlieju. 
Hut  is  it  probable  that  she  would  do  tlii:^:  Is  she 
in  a  position  to  do  it  with  her  own  expressed  siews 
of  the  Rrouiids  of  her  tille-  She  claims  a  richt  to 
j  lint  ftccii|mtiiiii  in  Orcu'^m  under  the  I'oiivenlioii 
made  ill  181S,  and  indtfniitily  conlinned  in  18:^7. 
While  this  cnnvenlion  eoiiiinues,  she  enjoys  the 
jiiiiit  oecupancy  by  a  liilc  to  which  we  a.sseiit.  , 
Suppose  she  were  to  put  an  end  lo  llii!) convention, 
she  would  but  revert  lo  her  lille  under  tliot  of 
.Nooika  .Sound,  by  which  she  herself  cliiiniu  only 
a  right  of  joint  oi-cu|)aiicy,  and  under  which  her 
own  cfmiinissiitners  havi;  disclaimed  a  lillc  lo  ex- 
clusive sov«ieit,'iilv  in  any  portion  of  the  territory. 
If  she  were  to  •jive  the  nolice  to  terniinale  our 
convention,  under  these  circunistances  slie  would 
si  mil  in  the  altiiiide  of  abiiiulouini;  a  ri:;lit  which 
siie  held  by  a  tille  to  which  we  nssenlcd,  lo  claim 
il  again  bv  another  which  we  refused  to  ackiiow- 
lcd;:e.  Slie  would  thus  place  herself  before  the 
world  as  seekitii:  war  for  war's  s:ike,  ami  assume 
the  position  of  an  iiiiprovoked  and  wanton  aggres- 
sor. In  this  alliliiiie  of  atVairs,  how  could  she 
bold  up  her  head  in  the  face  of  Chrislendom,  or 
invoke  the  blessings  of  the  God  oi'  battl(>s  in  a 
coniest  which  she  had  .^o  insolently  and  wantoiily 
provoked?  Itiil  could  she  have  aiiv  adeipiale  mo- 
live  for  s.i  vtantoii  an  onlrager  .Slie  can  have  no 
iiileiisi  in  llie|ieriiianeiit  po.ssesslon  of  this  .\orlh- 
wisl  eoasl.  .She  finds  far  more  eligibli:  sites  of 
colonization  in  New  Mollanil,  New  Zealand,  the 
('a|H?  of  Good  Hope,  and  in  the  Caimdus.  These 
eolonif  s  wo. lid  conlribule  to  the  consolidation  and 
strength  of  her  empire.  They  lie,  loo,  in  the  path- 
way of  her  coinnierce.  She  has  here  terrioiry 
enough  to  ab.sorl)  all  her  inr.iiediale  and  prosoci'i- 
ive  means  of  culoiiizatioii  for  a  century,  |ierliaps 
for  centuries  lo  conie.  It  mav  be  import^uit  lo  her 
lo  hold  there  for  a  time  cerlaln  subordinate  rights 
of  occiipalion  sliOii  of  the  sovereiirniy  of  the  coiin- 
Iry  in  Oregon,  iiiit  of  what  use  can  it  be  to  her 
to  settle  her  citizens  on  the  north  Pacific  coast.'  It 
is  iiol  in  llie  pathway  of  her  comineri'e,  although 
il  is  invaluable  to  us  for  ours.  She  has  no  back 
country  lo  supply  throusrh  the  little  strip  of  set- 
tlement which  she  might  ntlenipt  upon  the  coast; 
but  we  have,  and  its  products  seek  an  oiiilei  by  our 
commerce  on  the  western  ocean.  I!ul  grani  that 
she  desires  it  ever  so  much;  must  she  not  know 
perfectly  well  that  the  thing  is  hojieless?  She  may 
desire  it  as  ibi'  means  of  keeping  us  out,  but  with 
what  probability  of  success?  The  mighty  wave  of 
loir  population  is  yearly  advancing  westward  at 
I  lie  rale  of  half  a  deirree  of  longitude  on  a  line  of 
more  than  three  hundred  leagues.  Could  she  e.x- 
peci  her  feeble  seliliineiiis  on  ihe  western  coast  lo 
n  .-nsl  ihe  viuit,  increa.sing,  and  resistless  pressure, 
when,  with  the  mighty  weight  of  our  population 
from  ihr  Atlantic  to  the  Iloi'ky  inouniaius,  this 
wave  shall  pour  down  the  Pacific  slope?  Ilcr 
."latisinen  are  too  wise  lo  exiieci  ii;  and  il  is  not 
likely  thai,  for  the  sake  of  llie  little  advaiita;;e 
which  she  might  have  in  that  (piarter,  she  would 
expose  herself  to  the  consljini  hazard  of  a  war  with 


ua.  Our  mutuni  menna  nf  amioynnee  are  too  grent; 
our  mutual  intcresis  in  n  reciprocal  commence  ore 
too  vast  for  her  to  be  willing;  to  risk  the  rnnsn- 
quenees  of  a  war  for  an  tibject  so  pcUy  lo  her, 
however  iniportant  it  might  he  to  ua. 

Hut  It  has  been  said   by  some  g:entlemen  that 
Great  Dritnin  posseasi  a  as  great  facilities  for  eolo- 
nizalion  in  Oregon  as  we  do;  and  it  iiiia  been  ap- 
prehended lliat  she  might  give  this  new  direction  ' 
to  the  lideof  her  emigration.     I  have  no  fears  upon 
this  Hubject.     1  rensoii  n-om  the  pusl  lo  the  future,  i 
If  she  has  not  done  il  heiflofore,  il  is  not  likely  I 
that  she  will  do  it  liereaOer.     She  can  have  no 
stronger  indncemenlH  to  this  policy  for  the  fulure 
than  she  has  already  had  in  the  past.     Emigraiils  i 
ftom  the  Old  World  would  no  more  auit  Oregon 
than  Oregon  would  suit  them.     It  is  only  by  a  ; 
|ieople  irained  like  our  western  pioneers,  lliiil  ibis 
territory  ran  ever  he  reduced  to  the  permaneiil  use 
and  occupation  of  man.     The  superiority  of  our 
niiaiis  for  coloiii/.atiou  is  already  evinced  by  the  , 
dull  lencein  the  cluiiacler  of  the  selllcmeiiis  of  the 
two  counlries.     Our  jieopledo  not  go  lo  Oregon  to  , 
hunt  and  fish,  and   lake  up  a  icinporary  abode 
Ihcre.     Tiny  go  lo  settle  Ihe  country — lo  eultivnle 
and  improve  llie  soil — and  lo  leave  an  inheiilanee  , 
to  their   poslerily.     The    lirilish  selllemcnis,  on 
llic  oilier  liaiid,iire  temporary  and  fugitive.    They  ■ 
m>  there  for  hunting  ami  for  Indian  trade.     Il  is  no 
part  of  the  Hrilish  policy  lo  cidonize  Oregon,  and 
it  never  will  be.      The  fact  that  she  rests  her  tille 
on  the  Xooika  Sound  convention,  and  claims  no- 
thing more  than  the  right  of  joint  occupiiney  itntlei- 
il,  would  seem  to  indicate  iliat  she  considers  it  as 
a  lemporary  siaiion,  and  looks  forward  lo  ils  ulii- 
mnte  abaiiflonmenl.     If  this  couiilry  is  fit  for  agri- 
cultural setlleiuenls,  and  our  people  should  seek 
il  for  llial  purpose,  then,  by  a  most  "  inanifesldes- 
tiny,"  it  must  be  ours. 

Mr.  C.  .T.  I\'(iKRsi>i,i.  speaking  across.     How, 
if  lliey  should  set  up  for  lliemselves? 

The  honorable  chiiirm.'in  has  asked  me  wlntlier 
ihe  ]ieople  of  Oregon  will  set  up  an  indeppiident  ' 
vrovernnienl  for  themselves.  I  have  no  idea  that 
they  will.  If  this  nation  shall  proceed  in  ils  pres- 
ent cour«',  gradinillv  occupying  and  taking  pos- 
session of  the  entire  brendlh  of  llie  continent,  from 
llie  Alliuilic  lo  the  Pacific  eoasl,  we  shall  possess 

a  cohesive  < ''rom  our  social  organization, 

and   |ihysic-  ngraiihiivd   posiiion,   which 

iniiHl  bind  11.  'issoluble  union.     Inslead  of 

forming  sepiira  ,i    independent  eomnmnilies, 

our  ponulaiioii  would  present  lo  ihe  world  the  glo- 
rious spectacle  of  a  I'epublic,  the  irrcatest  and  the 
widest  that  the  earth  ever  saw,  with  inlerests  dif- 
ferent,bill  not  hoslile,  wilh  regions  disliiict,  indeed, 
bill  not  ill  opposition,  each  auxiliary  to  the  oilier, 
and  all  contributing  to  the  general  strength  and 
prosjierity.  ' 

Mr.  C.  J.  IstiEiisoi.i.,  speakine:  acro.ss.     But 
how,  if  there  should  be  a  black  tarill? 

Mr.  II.  eonliimed.  Let  this  slale.  of  ihinirs 
once  come,  and  I  tell  the  genlleinan  that  we  shall 
hear  no  more  alioui  the  "  black  mrilV. "  0|ien  lo 
us  the  vast  Pacific  market  in  aihtilion  to  ihiil  which 
we  now  enjoy  on  the  Atlantic,  Irl  the  productions 
of  the  country  take  their  natural  and  unreslricled 
course  lo  jiour  iheniselves  into  both,  and  there  will 
be  no  dioiger  of  hostilerivalrv,  of  separation,  or  of 
a  new  Republic  selling  lip  for  itself.  The  lies  of 
union  would  siretiglben  with  every  hour — imitnal 
briiefils  and  mutual  inlerests  would  link  us  iiidis- 
solulily  toireilier.  There  is  no  danger  nf  disunion. 
Our  greatest  present  danger  is  frfini  rushing  into  a 
wiir  before  we  are  jirepiired  for  il. 
Mr.  I'bairmaii,  I  airaiii  appeal  lo  all  candid  and 

■  rellecting  men  from  the  West — to  those  who  go 
for  Ores^on,  and  the  whole  of  Oregon — lo  those 
who  miglii  desire  war  for  (Oregon,  but  who  do  not 

,  desire  Oregon  for  war — I  ap|ieal  lo  these  men  to 
say  if  the  coiu-se  of  policy  which  would  lead  lo 
such  a  coVsunimiition  as  I  have  de.'icribed,  be  noi 
the  proper  line  to  be  pursued  ?  Ifwe  would  see 
iliis  )irospect  realized  certainly,  though  gradually, 
we  must  lei  tliis  controversy  remain  as  it  is.  Let 
us  not  renew  ihe  negotiation;  make  no  more  ofters 
lo  (-Jreat  Hriuiin;  but  let  ¥»  trust  to  the  process  of 
colonization  now  so  rapidly  in  jirogress,  and  we 
shall  qnii'tly,  peaeenbly,  and  cerlniiily,  obtain  the 
whole  of  what  we  claim.      I  care  not  how  glorious 

.  the  war  may  be,  it  would  be  heller  to  avoid  it  ■,  for 


it  is  ill  this  way  alone  that  we  may  reasonably 
hone  to  nbuiin  what  genllenien  so  ardently  desire — 
"the  whcde  nf  Oregon."  Let  lliimrs  remain  as 
llicy  are.  Il  would  seem  to  be  inipossible  that 
Great  Itrilaiii  should  put  an  end  lu  the  joint  occu- 
pancy as  long  as  she  rests  her  lille  on  ilie  Nootka 
Sound  eoiivemioii,  under  which  she  claims  joint 
oecupancy,  and  iiolhiiig more.  In  the  mean  time, 
let  us  go  on  and  fill  the  eouiilry ;  let  us  pii.ss  such 
measures  as,  withiml  violating  the  treaty,  would 
conlribule  lo  that  end;  and  then  ifwe  should  find 
il  necessary  ullimnlely  to  go  to  war,  we  can  choose 
our  own  time  for  doing  it. 

Hut  my  western  friends  aeem  di.snosed  to  re- 
proach ihe  South  ill  this  luattcr,  as  if  it  were  un- 
grateful in  them  to  resist  thai  mode  of  oblainiiig 
Oreiron  which  so  many  of  Iheiii  regard  as  the  best. 
iNoiliing  could  pain  me  more  than  sueli  an  iinpnla- 
lioii.  The  Soulli  acknowledges  ils  obli>;atioiis  to 
our  western  friends;  we  feel  II,  feel  it  meply  and 
strongly,  and  would  most  gladly  requite  it.  This, 
I  believe,  we  may  do  by  pursuing  such  a  course  of 
policy  as  presents  thi^  only  hope  of  obtaining  all 
Oregon,  whilst  it  would  save  us  from  llie  dangers 
and  sacrifices  of  a  war  for  which  we  are  unpre- 
pared, and  into  which  we  must  enter  under  cir- 
cumstances less  propitious  than  lliey  are  ever  likely 
lo  be  hereafter,  lint  whilst  I  advocate  this  as  the 
wisest  and  most  statesmanlike  policy,  I  trust  that 
my  wesiern  friends  will  understand  me.  Whilst 
in  this  matter  I  piiivue  the  palh  wliii'h  I  have  Uikeli 
under  convictions  of  duty  ipiite  as  deep  and  alroiig 
lis  their  own,  1  hope  they  will  permil  me  to  follow 
it  withoul  reproach,  so  long  as  least  no reprimehes 
im  them  for  choosing  a  diireient  route,  which  1  re- 
^'iird  as  much  more  perilous,  not  only  to  the  great 
inlerests  of  the  counlry,  but  lo  our  enanees  for  the 
ultiinatc  po.ssession  of  Oregon.  I  will  aid  them  in 
such  measures  ii.i  I  believe  would  most  certainly 
enable  us  lo  obtain  ]iosse.ssion  of  the  whole  coun- 
try; but  I  cannot  a.ssist  in  those  wliiuh  would  prob- 
ably defeat  that  object. 

Sir.  Chairman,  I  am  not  one  of  those  who  have 
ever  said  or  thonglil  that  Oregon  was  not  worth  ii 
war.  If  it  were  a  barren  rock  in  the  ocean,  if  it 
were  a  mere  idle  strip  of  seashore  sand,  the  eouii- 
lry ought  lo  fight  for  il  sooner  lliaii  sutler  itself  lo 
be  disposses.sed  by  violence.  To  depress  the  na- 
tional lone,  to  degrade  the  national  spirit,  would  be 
farwoi.se  than  war  itself.  I  feel  the  soleiim  re- 
sponsibility which  reals  upon  us  to  defend  by  war, 
e\en,  (if  war  should  be  iieces.sary  as  the  only 
means  for  that  purpose,)  every  inch  of  American 
soil  throughout  the  whole  length  of  our  posses- 
sions, from  the  extreiiic  regions  of  the  frozen  iiorlh 
down  to  the  siumy  sloped  which  look  to  the  hiirii- 
iiig  line,  throughout  iheimvhole  breadth,  from  the 
rising  to  the  selling  sun,  from  the  "steep  Atlantic 
striain"  to  the  far  Pacific  wave.  Hut  wlilst  wo 
iidinii  the  truth  of  these  sentiments,  let  us  emeni- 
ber,  nt  the  same  time,  that  war  is  never  juslifiablo 
until  il  becomes  necessary;  and  beibre  that  'an  bo 
shown  we  must  first  have  exhausted  all  honorauio 
and  proper  measures  to  preserve  our  rights  in 
peace.  1  maintain,  sir,  that  there  are  such  means 
at  our  disposal,  and  by  adopting  them  we  may  not 
only  avoid  the  dangers  of  war,  but  probably  the 
chance  of  losing  Orei^on. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  go  farther.     If  from   the 
action  of  this  lloiisir,  or  from  any  oilier  circum- 
stances, war  should  occur,  although  there  may  be. 
;    southern  men  who  believe  that  it  (;ould  have  been 
avoided,  yet  I    lake  litis  occlusion   to  say  to    the 
'    West,  that  when  il  becomes  clearly  nec.e.ssary  and 
presents  the  only  remaining  mode  of  obtaining  our 
I    riL'his,  lliey  will   find   the  South  slanding  by  the 
eounirv  and  by  them  with  heart  and  band.     Yes, 
when  that  hour  comes — and  God  grain  that  there 
may  never  be  a  necessity  for  it — llie  maxim  of  tlio 
gallanl  Decatur  will  find  one  universal  aeceplalion 
amongst  the  whole  American  people — "  Our  coun- 
lry, right  or  wrong."     Many  may  he  found  deep- 
ly deploring,  indeed,  the  niismanagenient  or  the 
;    necessity,  which    has    plunged    the   country  into 
1    war;  but  they  will  not  pause  to  settle  the  question 
I    of  responsibility  until  they  have  first  done  all  that 
becomes   them   to  preserve   national    rights  and 
honor.     I  must,  however,  here  declare,  in  a  spirit 
of  entire  frankness,  thnt  if,  by  giving  this  notice, 
we  .should  ultimately  either  lo.se  Oregon  or  be  led 
into  an  unnecessary  war  lo  obtain  il,  tlio,se  who 
1   ^ive  this  notice  will  be  held  responsible  at  the  pro- 


I84(i.| 


iihii  CoNO IbtSrm. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Orcffon  (^ncslion — Mr.  Locke, 


m 


Ho.  or.  Reps. 


per  limr,  for  all  ila  i-oiiBcqiaru'i'd.  It  in  llic  iiri- 
Uoiililrd  tluly  ot'evt'ry  Hccliiiii  of  iIiIh  c'lintVdiriiry, 
Ni)rlli,  Hdiiln,  En«l,  mid  West,  tn  difiiid  ihu  na- 
tloiial  aoil,  iiiid  proliM't  llic  imtliiiinl  liiiiior.  liiu 
wc  own  it  to  (iiirsclvcs,  lo  our  poHlcrily,  niid  to 
the  threat  iiitfircslH  of  Imniniiily,  to  exhaust  all 
lionnralilc;  iiicaiiH  of  pence  before  we  pliin!,'e  (lii^ 
lialioii  iiilo  war.  Wo  to  the  lu'iiplc  nmoiip;  whom 
M'nr  hei'iiiiK  n  n  faiiilhar  and  a  linuschohl  word,  and 
wo  lo  ihe  Htiitrxnian  who  eullivatis  a  Hpirit  ofvio- 
leii™  amona;  ihcwe  whom  lie  influeiiceii,  hiHlead  of 
I'heriMliiiiir  a  dispooilioii  to  pcaep.  In  tliis  lon- 
nixioii,  Mr.  Cliahniaii,  I  nuisl  he  permitlrd  to 
expiTCK  the  profound  regret  with  whiih  I  have 
liearil  some  of  the  reinarkH  nmde  in  lliis  deliaie. 
Tliere  are  elemeiitH  eii(ai};h  (d'  strife  ahroad  in  llie 
puhiie  mind  wilhimt  cnliMiin;;  llie  imnNion»  further 
in  llie  work  of  luivoc.  and  rain.  It  wius  with  tlie 
deepest  re;;ret  that  I  heard  inemberH  upon  this 
floor  Inunlini;  Ihe  Administration,  and  declaring; 
ihe  belief  that  it  would  "  hark  mit,"  and  that  it 
ennid  no'  he  "  kieked  into  awar."  Theses  aoniids 
fell  on  my  car  like  ihe  cehoes  of  Romethins;  of 
whirl)  I  had  heard  liefore,  and  which  eonlrihuKd 
lo  th(  same  result  upon  another  oeeitsiia) — a  result 
for  which  a  necessity  then  existed,  however  un- 
fortiniate  it  might  be  now. 

There  neverwas,  there  never  enn  be,  nn  Admiii- 
istralion  elected  by  the  people  of  tliis  etamlry 
whieh  rould  iel\ise  a  war,  if  national  lichlH  and 
■honor  required  it.  None  lait  a  timid  Adniinistin- 
tion  can  be  "  kicked  into  a  war"  by  d(miestie  op- 
ponenl.s.  It  requires  far  more  eoura;re  lo  resist  a 
war-cry  than  to  yield  to  it.  It  sometimes  reiiuires 
more  moral  firiniiess  and  irreater  and  higher  quali- 
ticH  of  mind  to  withstand  the  fiisi  oulburst  of  the 
war  feeliii!;,  and  calmly  to  appeal  lo  the  sober  sec- 
ond Ihouijlu  of  a  reflcetins;  people  for  ullinmie  in- 
structions tlmn  t()  he  the  lieroof  ahnndred  fields. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  now  sny,  and  I  desire  mv 
\yords  lo  be  noted,  that  if  any  Kenlleitinn  here  be- 
lieves that  this  notice  will  lead  lo  a  war,  and  yel 
voles  for  it  under  the  hope  that  the  President  will 
back  out  sooner  than  face  the  result,  he  is  utterly 
mistaken.  This  Adminislrntion  will  not  back  out 
from  any  position  which  it  has  taken  in  the  face  of 
the  W(U'1(I,  and  before  the  .\meri(;un  people.  Who- 
ever, therefore,  votes  for  this  measnre,  foreseeing', 
but  not  dcsiriii};  its  cimseriuence.s,  will  be  far  more 
re.s]ionsible  for  the  nsult,  in  a  moral  point  of  vic'w, 
than  the  Administration,  which  has  acted,  as  I  be- 
lieve, from  an  honest  though  erroneous  conviclioii 
of  duly. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  conclude  by  observing;, 
that  I  am  fully  aware  that  nothinij  which  1  can  .say 
will  induence  the  action  of  this  House.  I  never 
expected  that  it  would.  But  I  have  presented  my 
views  upon  this  subject  fully  and  frankly,  in  oriler 
thai  1  may  place  myself  fairly  before  my  constit- 
uents and  friends,  who  alone  feel  an  inlerest  in  my 
course.  My  .sole  aim  Im.s  been  to  vindicate  my.self 
wilh  them.  Would  to  God  that  I  had  Ihe  power 
to  reacdi  the  heart  of  the  House  and  the  nalicni! 
AVould  lo  God  that  I  could  i)ersuaile  them  to  be- 
ware, ere  they  precipitated  themselves  into  a  war, 
and  exnosed  themselves  lo  con.sequeiiccs  which 
no  eye  but  that  above  can  measure  or  pursue.  I 
would  beseech  my  countrymen  first  lo  exhaust  all 
Ihe  means  of  preserving  peace  wilh  luHior.  They 
owe  this  lo  themselves  and  iheir  posterity,  to  the 
eharaeter  of  the  comitry,  to  the  hopes  of  our  raie, 
and  the  great  interests  of  humanitv.  If  these 
measures  should  fail,  and  war  should  become  In- 
evitaiile,  we  shoulil  go  into  it  u  united  people,  wilh 
one  heart  and  w  itli  one  mind.  We  should  go  into 
it  wilh  those  high  feelings  wilh  which  eonscicm.s 
iTctiliide  and  an  outraged  spirit  can  alone  inspire  a 
man  or  i  people.  We  should  carry  with  us  the 
Bynipalhies  of  Chiisuindom;  and,  more  than  all, 
we  might  devoutly  invoke  the  blessing  of  the  God 
of  battles  in  n  contest  which  we  had  done  nothing 
lo  provoke,  and  we  hail  sought  hy  all  honorable 
nil  ..IIS  lo  avert.  If  war  should  become  the  only 
reinedy  for  wiaindcd  honor  and  violated  right,  all 
will  rally  lo  the  rescue  of  the  country,  and  to 
avengi!  ils  wroie.'S.  As  devotec4  as  any  in  the  glo- 
rious band,  I  will  venture  to  say,  the  sons  of  the 
.South  will  be  found  at  the  post  of  duty — not  stand- 
ing by  as  cold-hearted  spectators,  or  as  laggards 
in  the  day  of  trial.     No,  sir;  they  will  be  found 

True  to  lliR  lust  ill' their  blood  luiil  Uicir  lircsth. 
And,  like  reaper",  ik'soeliil  to  lllc  Iwtvest  of  dciitti. 


ORKGON  UUi;.STION. 
SPEECH  OF  mITw.  C.  COCIw-^, 

OP  TKNNESSEE, 
In  tiif.  Hoi'se  of  Rf.i> nr.sENTATiTEiii  I 

Junnanj  15,  IHIU, 
On  llio  Reaolution  for  termimiling  the  joint  occu- 
pation of  Oregon, 

Mr.  COCKE  addressed  the  coinmitlee,  and  eoni- 
nienced  by  observing  thai  it  was  but  yesterday  i 
when  our  country  oresented  a  scene  of  peace  and  ' 
of  iirosperilv  wliicii  filled  every  Ana  ricaii  bosom 
witli  joy.  We  saw  under  our  ripublican  form  of 
GovernnienI  a  people  prosperous  and  eniitenled: 
thi^  liuBliaiidmnn  was  at  home  in  his  field,  enjoy- 
ing the  (|uiet  happiness  of  rural  life;  the  meclmnie 
was  busy  in  hi.s  workshop,  Ihe  menliaiil  at  his 
books,  and  all  was  peace  throughout  the  land.  In- 
dustry received  its  adequate  reward;  and  trade  and 
enlerpri.se,  after  being  for  years  iiaraly/.ed,  Inal  re- 
gained its  vigor  and  strength,  ouch  had  been  the 
ease  when  Mr.  C,  not  ten  weeks  since,  had  lelV  his 
home  and  set  out  for  this  place,  as  Ihe  representa-  I 
live  of  a  gallant  neo|)li'.  Hut  the  glorious  speclacle 
which  then  filled  the  breast  with  a  patriotic  delight  ' 
had  undergone  a  sudden  (■hange,  and  all  the  scene 
was  now  Iransformed.  If  we  looked  abroad  in  any 
direction,  wc  beheld  a  dark  cloud  hanging  wilh  low- 
ering and  threatening  aspect.  The  miitlerings  of 
the  rising  tempest  arc  distinclly  heard  in  the  dis- 
tance; and  the  hurried  c  loiids  and  furious  wind, 
which  have  been  raging  around  us  here,  ndiiion-  r 
ish  us  of  its  speedy  approach.  Yes,  in  that  House 
some  gentlemen  were  found  bold  enough  to  stand 
forth  far  beyond  the  line  which  wisdom  and  pru- 
dent ciamsels  would  mark  out,  and  baring  their 
bosoms  to  the  shock,  had  almost  invoked  its  ven- 
geance and  deficit  ils  power. 

The  sound  of  Ihe  war  bugle  had  fallen  upon 
the  ears  of  the  nation  like  n  thunder-clap  in  a  clear 
sky.  They  had  not  seen  the  diiim-er,  nor  bad  they 
anticipated  its  approach.  AVell  iniiv  they  ask,  wiili 
painful  an.viety.  What  docs  all  this  mean  ?  I  an- 
swer thai  it  has  grown  out  of  the  first  effort  of  the 
Rxecutive  lo  settle  our  diHiculties  with  a  foreign 
Power,  with  reference  lo  party  eonf.ideratioiis,  ,j 
which  Mr.  C.  would  endeavor  lo  iiotiee  iiilirc  at  ,1 
Ieni;th  in  the  course  of  his  argument.  ji 

Mr.  C.  had  no  intention  to  east  injurious  redcc-  i' 
tionsoii  those  who  had  preceded  him  in  this  debate.  '' 
He  trusted  that  they  had  all  been  actuated  by  the    . 
imresl  and  most  patriotic  niotivca.     If  he  knew  his 
own  bosom,  and  did  not  mistake  the  impulses  of 
his  own  heart,  he  was  ready  to  go  as  far  as  he  who 
went   farthest  to  sustain   the  interest   and  honor 
and  integrity  of  the  nation.    'His  colleague  over  , 
the  way,  [Mr.  SrA.s'Tosr,]  who  had  addressed  the  ' 
House  on  yesterday,  bail  vouched  for  the  palriot- 
isni  of  gentlemen  of  his  own  politicid  school,  and    ' 
seemed  fondly   lo  hope  that  his  colleagues  who  ; 
difl'ered  from  him  in  political  opinion  would  ex- 
liiiiit  the  same  patriotism  on  the  present  occasion.  , 
In  this  remark  hi.s  colleague  .seemed  to  entertain  a 
doubt  on  that  point,  but  .Mr.  C.  could  assure  him,  ■ 
and  assure  the  country,  that  his  colleagues  on  this  1 
side  of  the  House,  thiiugh   they  might  diller  with  ' 
the  honorable  gentleman  ill  their  political  course,  j 
were  actiialed  by  as  high  and  patriotic  motives  as  I 
any  gentlemen  on  that  lloor.    He  fell  that  he  should  [ 
be  iinworthy  to  represent  any  iiortion  of  the  gallant  \ 
]ieople  of  Teiine.s.see,  could  he  now  betray  a  cow- 
ardly Olid  recreant  spirit,  liint  feared  to  bear  alotl 
the  banner  of  his  country.     Yes,  the    people  of 
Tennessee  had  proved  their  patriotic  spirit  in  many 
a  hard-fought  battle-field,  and  never  yel  had  been 
found  wanting  in  niainlaining  the  honor  of  their 
native  soil.     iVeed  he  allude  lo  the  various  memo- 
rable spots  where  they  had  poured  lait  llieir  best 
blood  in  her  cause.'   Need  be  name  the  battle-fields  ; 
of  the  Horse  Shoe,  of  TolladcL'a,  and   of  F.nuie-  , 
fan.'    There  might  be  seen  their  courage  and  |ia- 
Iriolism  brightly  manifested.     Mr.  C.  wonid  be 
unworthy  lo  represent  them  could  hi?  act  a  eowenl-  , 
ly  part,  or  should   he  be  actuated  by  a  pitiful  and 
dastardly  spirit  on  a  great  national  question  like  ; 
this.     No:  he  was  actuated  by  no  such  motive.  : 
He  wished  not  heedlessly  and  recklessly  fo  ap- 
proach the  consideration  of  a  question  which  so 
deeply  involved  the  peace,  prosperity,  and  happi- 
'  ness  of  his  country.     Ho  lliougbt  they  all  should 


n[>proai'h  it  wilh  due  di'libernlion,  prepared  lo  act 
ns  it  liecame  Anierican  sialesinen.  tie  had  said 
that  on  Ihe   issue  of  this  ipiesiion,  as  it  hiiil  been 

fireseiiteil  in  ihe  report  of  the  honorable  chairman 
i"om  Ihe  Conimitlee  of  Koreign  Albilrs,  ilependid  v 
the  pea'B  of  the  nation.  On  this  siibjeel  hi'  Irusied 
that  he  should  be  able  lo  cite  an  authority  wllch 
would  be  considered  among  the  highest  that  could 
be  adduced  by  gentlemen  on  both  sides  of  the 
House. 

It  would  be  iinneceNsary  for  him  upon  Ihe  pre- 
sent occasion  to  trace  the  grounds  of  the  Anierican 
title  to  the  Oregon  lerrilory:  Ihey  had  been  placed 
before  the  country  by  the  publication  of  the  liistfu'y 
of  our  negoliiilion  on  that  subject  since  181H,  and 
the  connlry  seeined  lo  be  well  apprized  of  every 
link  in  that  chain  of  title  by  which  we  claimed  the 
connlry.  Hut  Mr.  0.  was  not  one  of  those  who 
affirmed  that  Great  l.rilain  had  no  rights  in  Ore- 
gon. He  claimed  the  rights  which  belonired  to 
us,  and  his  constituents  stood  ready  to  risk  their 
lives,  their  forlunes,  and  all  they  po.Hsessed,  to  de- 
fend those  rights.  But  Great  llrilain  also  claimed 
rights  there  which  iierlnined  lo  her.  If  those  rights 
should  be  wholly  denied — if  noihingbul  the  whole 
of  Oregon  would  satisfy  our  demand,  as  some  gen- 
tlemen had  insisted,  an  injurious  refiection  would 
necessarily  be  cast  ujioii  ih'e  adminislralionsof  Mr. 
Monroe,  \Ir.  Adams,  and  even  the  present  Kxeci,- 
tive,  as  well  as  on  a  large  portion  of  bis  Demo- 
cratic friends  in  that  Hou.se.  He  was  unwilling  lo 
cast  such  reflections — il  was  not  his  purpose  lo  re- 
fleet  improperly  upon  any  one — but  when  the  qms- 
'  lion  was  examined  we  should  see  where  Ihe  high 
fiinetioniirica  of  the  nation  had  placed  tliia  contro- 
versy. 

Our  Government  upon  four  successive  oecnsinn.i 
liaa  ofli'ird   to  divide  the  OrcL'on  Territory  with 
Great  Hrilnin  by  the  4!l>h  parallel  of  north  latitude. 
In  the  negotiations  of  1818,  1894,  and   I80fi,  we 
olfered  Great  Ib'itnin  lo  divide  f)regon  with  her  by 
the  4!lth  deeree  of  north  latitude,  and  on   two  lif 
these  occasions  we  had  added  the  concession  of  the 
free  navigation  of  the  Cohinibia  river.     The  ven- 
erable genlleinan  from  Massachusetts,  thcaigh  now 
'  foremost  in  the  clamor  for  the  whole  of  Oregon,  yet 
in  1818  and  1824,  then  intimaicly  associated  with 
j  Mr.  Monroe,  as  .Secretary  of  State,  made  no  oppn- 
I  silion  to  the   propositinn  to  give  to  Great  I'ritinn 
i  one-half  of  the  country,  with  all  the  lights  before 
'  him,  though  now  he  insisted  so  strenuously  on  our 
'  riglit  to  the  whole.     Again,  when   the  venerable 
.  gentleman  came  into  the  Presidential  chair,  he  of- 
fi'red  to  compromise  the  ditticiilty  by  adopting  this 
4nili  piirallel  as  a  boundary.     If  the  British  Gov- 
ernment had  no  rights  in  Oregon,  I  put  il  lo  the 
genilcninn  to  tell  the  country  why  it  was  that  upon 
lhe.se  several  occasions,  he,  as  nn  American  slates- 
man  and  diplomatist,  wa.s  willing  to  grant  to  a 
foreign  power  a  country  to  which  he  now  seems  to 
'  think  our  title  so  remarkably  clear.     The  present 
;  Executive,  through  his  Secretary  of  State,  (Mr. 
!  Kuehannn,)  has,  during  the  past  siininier,  again 
'  repeated  Ihe  olVer  to  Great  Britain  of  the  49tli  par- 
allel, and  many  of  his  Oeniocrntic  friends  had  not 
been  backward  in  declaring  ihat  it  was  fair  and 
honorable  and  just  in  the  President   to   go  that 
length. 
i      Mr.  C.  did  not  wish  this  great  question,  of  so 
j  much  public  concern,  to  assume  in  this  discussion 
n  party  character.     Let  us  have  our  jiarty  dissen- 
!  sions  at  home;  but,  in  considering  our  foreign  re- 
hitions,  let  us  soar  far  above  mere  party  dictation, 
\  and  look  alone  to  the  best  interests  of  our  country. 
It  was  not  a  siiliject  tm  mere  ])arty  strife;  it  wiis 
a  national  question,  in   the  strictest  sense  of  the 
term,  and  shmild  be  placed    biah  above  all  parly 
j  influences.     The  feelings  and  associntimis  of  mere 
party  politics  should  not  be  sulVered  to  a]ipri>:icli 
i  it.     But  Mr.  C.  must  he  permitted   to  allude  tii 
'  what  bad  been  the  course  of  some  of  those  genlle- 
!  men  who  weic  now  most  clamorous  for  ihe  instant 
I  obrngation  of  the  convention  of  1827,  and  for  as- 
!  sertiiig  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon,  let  the 
j  consei|Ucnces  be  what  they  might.     He  desired  to 
refer  such  gentlemen  lo  the  resolutions  of  the  Eal- 
;j  limore  Convention  in  1H44,  and  which  the  Demo- 
il  cralie  party  stood   pledged   lo  act  upon.     These 
resolutions  declared  that  we  must  go  for  the  whole 
of  Oregon:  tlii.s  formed  one  prominent  topic  in  the 
Baltimore  democratic  creed.     What  had  the  Pres- 
ident declared  in  his  inaugural  address .'    He  liad 


94 


39th  Cong I  at  Sr.xt. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONORESSIONAI.  GLOBE. 

The  Oregon  t^tuslion — Mr.  Cocke, 


[Jmi.  ir., 


Ho.  or  Uefh. 


! 


reilirmiil  tlir  iirliicli.lf  inilHulicil  in  iliii  Hnliinmni 
tranliitinna.  Vi^t,  liciu-  liitil  ho  ncled  in  ri'liTcnre 
III  Ihoar  prnfriiNiiinri  nnil  plrilirca  when  li«  linil  nli- 
tiiiiird  poimcHiiiri  nf  llin  Kxcnulivo  >'bnir?  Kor- 
fCe[M  o(  llic  Dnliimoit^  roHiiluliniia;  I'lirKPiriil  of 
llir  Iprmii  ol'liia  nwii  iniiiicuriil;  forKetAil  i>(  tliime 
arOrloR  in  llie  Uovrriniirni  nrficial  and  in  llin  iIp- 
inDi'mlio  |in|v'rii  of  \f»»  nntiiriely  thrcini;licmt  the 
riinntrv  I'liiiniin);  "  ihr  whcilo  nf  (Ireifiin  or  mine," 
lie  liiid  turned  liis  Imrk  npon  hiH  own  nvowi'd 
priiii'ipIrN,  iind  liiid  otlcrcd  to  crdd  awny  oni'-liiiir 
of  II  Irrrilory  to  wliicli,  n»  lir  hiid  Mini'o  (Iciliiri'd  in 
lii»  Mi'HMiijp  tolliiK  llonsc,  llie  Ainiriiiui  lilln  v,nv 
"  I'leiir  III  d  niu|ueslinniilili',"  mid  wliicli  aiiind  upon 
"  irrcfm<r<lilc  fiicm  iiiid  nrpnniiniit. "  Snoli  Imd 
liern  tliv  liintory  of  lliiit  ipiealion;  lint  now  tliii 
whole  of  Ori'sron  wna  ilninipd  in  the  Meosiifje,  in- 
xi'lini;  thni  our  title  to  the  whole  ninat  lie  nmiii- 
tained  at  nil  Im/jirda;  niid  mime  (^entleinen  in  ihnt 
Hniise,  unmindful,  ton,  of  former  plediicn,  when 
they  had  naivrtiiined  that  the  I'resideni  had  left 
the  iiiicof  .'i4°  411',  and  had  eonie  down  lo  the  line 
of  41P,  endoraed  tliat  poaition  na  a  fair  and  erpiit- 
alile  propoaition;  yet  when  the  Preaident  rel'iiaea 
to  alnnd  lo  hia  offer  of  4iC-',  and  returna  to  the  prin- 
riplea  of  the  nallimore  reMohilinna,  and  naaerta  our 
title  to  the  whole  of  Oretfon,  they  inaianily  follow, 
and  declare  that  our  title  to  the  whole  territory 
nuiat  lie  inainlained.  Yet  my  eollea^ue,  [Mr. 
Stastiin,)  ill  hia  apeeeh  on  yeatertlay,  remarked, 
in  the  llicc  of  the  present  poaitiiin  of  the  President 
and  of  many  of  hia  friends,  that  if  (jreat  Uritain 
should  now  aeicpt  the  oiler  of  the  4'.tiii  parallel, 
no  Amerii'nn  atatesman  would  aay  our  Govern- 
ment should  not  aeci^pt  that  rompromiae;  indeed, 
Hiii-h  have  lieen  the  sentimenia  of  iimnv  of  the 
friends  of  the  Executive  who  have  nddreased  lliia 
House.  After  the  piv.seiit  Kxeeiuive,  ihroiurh  hia 
Secretary  of  Slate,  liad  od'ered  to  the  British  Gov- 
ernment to  jjive  up  one-half  of  this  territory,  liy 
adoptini;  the  4!lili  parallel  as  n  houndary;  after 
Ihnt  orter  had  heea  rejected  liy  the  llritish  minialer 
and  then  withdrawn,  ami  our  title  to  the  whole 
B'^am  asserted,  the  (puation  presented  itself  in  this 
view,  and  no  other:  The  Pieaident,  alter  havini; 
nlfered  to  five  away  one-half  of  C)re;on,  now  call- 
ed upon  the  nation  to  mainlain,  at  nil  ha/arda  and 
liy  every  saeritice  which  eouia^e  and  pairiutiam 
eould  promjii,  our  risrlit  to  that  portion  of  the 
eouniry  which  he  li.id  himaclf  very  coolly  olfered 
lo  v'ive  awav. 

It  is  a  little  remarkable  to  oliaerve  what  course 
had  been  pursued  liy  some  of  tho.ie  moat  conspicu- 
ous in  the  nation  for  the  zeal  profegsed  hy  them 
on  this  (Ireffon  r|ncslion.  To  Mr.  C.  that  cour  .e 
appeared,  in  no  small  decree,  inconsi-^ient  and  un- 
mcounlalile.  What  coursi',  for  example,  had  lieeii 
pursued  by  the  Committee  on  Territories  in  that 
House  two  years  aso,  in  the  session  of  lh4,')  •  The 
pround  assumed  in  their  report  had  Isien,  that  the 
House  of  Uepresentatives  possessed  no  ]iower  to 
jiasfl  a  joint  resolution  K'vine;  notice  to  Kngland  of 
the  tcrminaiion  of  till!  convention  of  IH-JT.  They 
look  j^ronnd  directly  airaiiist  the  iioiice,  miiintain- 
iii'.;  that  it  belonged  to  the  treaty  power,  and  not  to 
the  National  Le<;islalure,  to  !;ivcit,and  that  the 
President  would  doubtless  tjive  the  notice,  when- 
ever, in  his  pidsmem,  the  public  interest  slinuld 
reipiire.  Althouirli  he  was  not  now  jirepared  to 
endorse  this  o|iinion,  and  wnivin;;  it  for  the  jires- 
fiit,  he  yet  desin  d  to  refresh  the  inemoiics  of  gen- 
tlemen. Ht  would  lake  the  liberty  of  reiiilin;,'  an 
(•xtraet  IVoni  the  report  then  made  by  a  eoimuittee, 
the  chairman  of  which  was  the  standard-bearer  of 
the  Oemocratie  party  ill  Tennessee: 

"As  to  the  twelve  months'  notice,  required  to  be 
'  ?iven  by  the  tonvention  of  IH'JT,  the  committee 
'  (lo  not  ri;^ard  that  as  at  all  necessary,  in  order  lo 

*  ojien  the  way  to  such  action  as  is  coiiteniplated 
'  by  this  bill.  The  committee  do  not  know  that, 
'  for  the  purpose  of  organizing  such  a  government 
'  as  is  now  contemplated,  it  is  at  all  important  to 
'  amml  or  abrogate  that  convention.  That  country 
'  is  large,  and  there  is  cvidenily  room  enough  for 
'  the  subjects  and  citizens  of  both  countries  in  the 
'  exercise  of  all  their  enterprise  in  trade  and  coni- 
'  nieree.  All  that  will  be  required  of  them  is,  to 
'  conform  to  the  laws,  and  to  respect  the  instilu- 
'  lions  which  wc  may  establish.  Doing  this,  we 
'  shall  never  envy  the  equal  participation  in  the 
'  bene6l8  and  advantages  to  be  derived  from  a  well- 

*  organized  ityatem  of  goveninient.    Any  puaaiblc 


1  '  inconvenience  arising  from  the  coniiiuianie  of  the 
'  eonvention  of  |H'J7,  not   now  nnticipnted  by  the 

*  eoiiimitl<-e,  can,  and  doulilleaa  will,  he  looked  to 
'  by  the  Kxecutive,  who  can,  nl  any  lime,  abro. 
'  gate  the  same  by  giving  the  notice  eontemplateil 

,  '  in  it.    The  giving  of  that  nolico  being  n  matter  of 

■  iicaty  aiipulation,  helonga,  perhaps,  excluaivly 

,  '  111  thn  Kxecutive,  on  whoaa  provinco  there  i«  no 

'  nccnaion,  and  ih«  cominittee  nave  no  inclination, 

'  to  intrude.'* 

.Now,  he  would  ask,  who  waa  the  chairman  who  j 
made  this  report  lo  the  House?     It  was  the  prea-  I 
enlGoverncirofTennessei ,  the  Hon.  A.  V.  Ur.iwn,  i 
a  promiiienl  member  of  the  last  Congreaa.     Anil  ] 
of  whom  did  the  committee  consiat.'     It  consiated 
of  the  Hon.  Mr.  Daniel,  of  North  Carolina;  the 
Hon.    Mr.   [Inuston,   of    Alabama;    the   prcaent 
elmirman  of  thia  committee,    (.Mr.  Tibliatia,    of 
Kentucky,)   and   the    Hon.  Mr.   VVenlworth,   of 
Illinois,  the  same  gentleman  who  had  on  yester- 
day spoken  with  so  much  earnestness  in  behalf  of 
the  notice;  together  with   Mr.  Duncan,  of  Ohio.  , 
Of  these  six  genlli men,  four  were  now  niemliers  j 
of  this  House.     The  report  contested  the  right  of 
Congress  tr  interfere  with  the  question  of  niilice, 
inasmuch  as  thai  belonged  to  the  treaty  power, 
and  the  committee  had   neither  the  right  nor  the 
inclination  to  infringe  upon  the  duties  of  the  Kx- 
ecutive Department.  , 

[Mr.  Wkvtwiihtii  here  interposed,  and  said  he 
had  not  heard  the  remark  of  the  gentlenmii  in 
which  his  name  was  introduced.  He  woidd  thank 
the  gentleman  to  repeat  it. 

^tr.  r.  said  he  had  named  Mr.  W.  as  one  mem- 
ber of  the  f.'oinmillee  on  Territories,  in  the  lust 
Coiigres.<,  from  which  a  report  had  been  made  that 
Congress  had  no  power  lo  give  nich  a  notice  as 
that  now  proposed  ;  and  the  production  of  the  re- 
porl  at  the  present  moment  did  lint  prove  the  truth 
of  the  old  ailaire  which  declared  that  "  old  doc- 
tinicnls  are  dangerous  things." 

Mr.  Wkvtwiiutii  said  that  no  man  on  that 
floor  would  accuse  him  of  advocating  any  such 
doctrine.  The  report  had  been  drawn  up  by  Mr. 
A.  V.  Brown,  and  Mr.  W.  ha  '.  disclaimed  thi' 
position  in  a  minority  report. 

Mr.  C.  said  tlicre  was  no  minority  report  on 
file.  i 

Mr.  Wevtwobth  then  requested  Ih  the  ex- 
tract to  which  the  gentleman  had  ret'-rred  might 
be  read  by  the  Clerk,  and  it  was  read  accordingly 
at  the  Clerk's  table. 

Mr.  W.,  having  listened  to  the  extract,  said  that 
it  aniomited  to  nothing  more  than  what  he  had 
said  ycstcniav.  He  had  been  in  favor  of  passing 
the  (iregon  bill  withoui  the  notice,  or  passing  the 
notice  without  the  Oregon  bill,  and  that  the  tloiisc  j 
should  take  one  or  the  other,  but  not  lake  both  lo- 
ueilier. 

Mr.  C.  Yes;  but  the  report  said  that  the  giv- 
ing' of  the  notice  belonged  to  the  President,  and 
not  to  Congress. 

Mr.  AV.  rejdicd  that  it  had  been  written  by  Mr.  ; 
Brown. 1 

Mr.  C.  now  resumed.  Such  had  then  been  the  ' 
doctrine  of  a  leading  gentleman  from  Temies.see, 
lliouu:h  not,  as  it  now  appeared,  of  the  gentleman 
from  Illinois.  In  the  speech  of  the  same  genlleinan 
from  Tennessee,  delivered  on  the  27th  .Tamiary, 
l':l4."i,  the  same  ducirine  was  iiirain  avowed  and  , 
further  enforced.  Mr.  C.  read  from  that  speech 
the  following  extract: 

"  There  might  be  collisions,  lo  he  .sure,  in  joint 
'occupation;  and  when  they  »ro.se,  they  must  be 
'  provided  for;  but  the  question  of  the  probaliilily 
'of  collision  was  not  one  which  addressed  itself  to  . 

*  this  House  at  all.  That  was  a  question  for  the 
'consideration  of  the  Kxecutive,  whether  we  should 
'give  ihc  notice  contemplated  by  the  convention  of 
'  18d7.     Now,  the  Cominittee  on  Territories  lie- 

,  '  lieved,  when  lliey  reported  lliis  bill,  that  they  ' 
,  '  v.ere  acling  sirii  tly  and  exclusively  within  the  le- 
'gislalive  powers  of  Congress;  that  i  hey  wereleav- 
'  lug  the  Executive  to  act,  when  and  how  it  plea.sed, 
'  will:  regard  to  giving  this  notice  to  terminate  what 
'was  usually  called  the  joint  occupation  of  this 
'  country.  That  was  a  question  with  which  they 
'  did  not  intend  to  interfere." 

In  reply  to  thia  speech,  the  honorable  gentleman 
from  AlussarhuselLs  [Mr.  Auams]  had  made  the 
following  remarks: 
"  He  would  give  the  twelve  montlii'  notice,  be-  j 


I  '  CMUae  in  that  reaped  he  dilli  red  rHHentiiilly  iVom 

'the  principle  advanced  by  the  ihnirinan  of  the 

I  '  (.'iimmittee  on  Territories,  that  this  House  had 

;  '  nothing  lo  do  with  the  terniinniion  of  the  joint  nc- 

I  'cupaney.     On  tin iitrary,  he  believed  that  this 

'  House  had  e»erythiiig  to  do  with  it,  liecnuse  it 
'  was  war;  iinil  lliai  war  power  was  ixpiessly  given 
'  to  Congress  by  the  C, institution." 

That  waa  the  positimi  then  taken  by  the  venera- 
ble genlleinan.  In  hia  reply  he  llieii  said  thai  the 
notice  waa  war;  now  he  says  that  it  is  not  war, 
but  peace.  He  then  contesied  the  opinion  of  lh« 
!  chairuiiin,  who  denied  the  power  of  the  lloiian 
.  to  pass  the  notice,  expresuly  upon  the  ground  that 
I  the  notice  amounted  to  war,  anil,  therefore  the 
I  House  ought  to  he  a  party  to  it,  because  the  House, 
by  llie  Constitution,  jiosaeaseil  the  power  of  ile- 
rlarin:;  war.  The  gentlenian  then  sounded  thn 
note  of  war,  iimisliiig  that  Congreaa  iilom  could 
I  give  the  notice, and  that  the  Preaident,  without  tho 
Ciingivsa,  could  not  give  it,  because  Ciingre.'4s,nnd 
not  the  Preaident,  waa  the  war-making  power.  At 
that  time,aci'iirding  to  llie  gentleman,  to  give  the  nn- 
licewas  lo  declare  war;  the  nolice  was  war.  Yea, 
and  pasa  thia  resolution  or  nmendmeiit  now  iinili  r 
consideralion,  in  the  exiating  state  of  the  lagotia- 
tiiin,  anil  carry  out  the  recommendations  of  thn 
Kxecutive  in  ns.serting  our  title  to  the  whole  of  the 
Oregon  Territory,  and  war  with  all  its  horrors  will 
be  the  inevitable  eonsequenco.  What  was  the  ex- 
isting stale  of  the  negotiation  .'  We  had  been  trying 
for  years  to  settle  our  dilHciilties  with  Great  Britain 
on  this  Oregon  question,  and  I  ad  not  succeeded. 
The  British  envoy  during  the  last  summer  made 
u.i  an  ntVer.  which  we  had  rejecteil.  Our  Oovcrn- 
nienlthen  proposed  again  tofJreat  Britain  tlieforly- 
ninlli  pamlli )  asa  penuanent  boundary  between  the 
two  Governmenl.s — an  offer  which  waa  not  so  fn- 
vorablc  as  llio.se  we  had  made  on  two  former  ocia- 
aiona.  !t  waa  refused.  Where'ipon  our  minister, 
by  the  direction  of  the  Presiilent,  had  inalantly 
withdrawn  it.  This  appeared  lo  Mr.  C  rather  a 
petulant  and  childish  act,  and  he  had  no  doubt  it 
had  been  done  in  a  temporiiry  fit  of  ill-tenipir. 
W^here  had  been  the  necessity  to  withdraw  it  ? 
The  British  envoy  had  not  withdrawn  his  olVcr  on 
its  rejection  by  ua,  and  the  country  was  now  to  be 
involved  in  war  for  the  "  whole  of  Oregon,"  one 
half  of  which  the  President  had  oflered  to  trive 
away.  The  American  people  were  always  ready, 
if  war  was  inevitable,  lo  breast  the  storm  and  stniiil 
by  their  country  riglil  or  wrong,  and  they  would 
pledge  united  hands  and  hearts  to  its  triumphant 
prosecution.  Hut  who  did  not  desire  that  thn 
grounds  of  our  quarrel  should  he  Just,  that  we 
should  be  ninnifeslly  right  before  the  world;  be- 
cause then  we  should  have  the  sympathieMof  miin- 
kind  with  us;  and  because  then  we  might  willi  ren- 
Kon  hope  that  the  .Spirit  of  the  living  (iod — llial 
same  Spirit  which  had  "raciously  hovered  over  our 
arms  herelofore — w  onlj  again  spread  his  wings  f.r 
our  defence  and  inspire  our  nrniies  with  determined 
valor?  He  had  been  with  ns  in  our  llevoliilionary 
struggle,  and  in  our  lust  contest  with  the  same  im- 
perious Power  he  had  again  appeari  d  for  our  help, 
and  had  nerved  the  arms  of  our  soldiers  and  mar- 
shalled them  on  lo  victory.  Let  our  cause  he  as 
just  now  as  it  had  been  fieretofore,  and  we  could 
invoke  hiu'h  Heaven,  and  God  himself  would  lead 
us  forth  again  lo  victory. 

Mr.  C.  thought  that  he  had  shown  that  if  the  no- 
tice in  its  present  form  was  given  lo  Great  I'rilnin, 
war  was  the  inevitable  conserpience  unless  the  Ad- 
ministration shnidd  nliandon  its  present  posiiion. 
What  was  the  proposition?  It  was  that  we  should 
terniinale  the  convention  of  joint  occupation.  Tlin 
President  asked  tjiat  our  riirhts  to  the  whole  terri- 
tory should  lie  as.serled  and  maintained,  although 
we  Imd  four  times  oilcred  to  divide  the  country  with 
Great  Britain.  If  we  should  enter  on  the  occupa- 
tion of  the  whole  territory,  who  did  not  ,'ce  that 
war  would  be  inevitable?  It  was  so;  disguise  it  as 
we  might,  war  with  all  ita  tenors  and  all  its  mise- 
ries and  sacrifices  would  he  the  result.  Such  be- 
ing the  case,  as  the  assertion  of  our  right  to  the 
whole  of  the  Oregon  territory  did  not  in  his  opin- 
ion involve  at  all  the  queslion  of  the  national  honor, 
we  might  with  great  propriety  look  at  the  condi- 
tion of  the  country  and  its  state  of  preparation  for 
war. 

Mr.  C.  had  said  that  this  question  did  not  involve 
uur  nttliuiml  hunur,  and  here  let  liini  aak  gentleme 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CO*  GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


95 


iiOrii  CoNO liT  Skm. 


The  OrefTon  (^ueitlmi — Mr,  Lrvin. 


Ho.  or  Rkpr. 


int  if  Ihc  un- 
lit I'rilain, 
ilcfs  tlip  Ad- 
■nl  posiiinii. 
lit  wn  sliniilil 
iilidii.   Tim 
wlinlo  liTri- 
0(1,  iililioiicli 
!cninlry  willi 
tlm  cuTiiiia- 
iiiil  fee  lliat 
;uise  it  ns 
all  its  misi'- 
Sucli  Im- 
ri;;ht  til  tiio 
ill  liii4  npin- 
iiiiial  lionor, 
till'  I'cinili- 
punitioii  for 

I  iinl  involve 
k  gciitli'iiie 


wild  wrrf  «o  rlnmoroiig  ii|Mm  lliiH  nri'iinion,  uixm  ' 
wiiul  Kcn  linil  Orrnl  Uriluin  iiiHulliil  (iiir  lliiK?  Wlicii 
liiiil  mir  ({nlliuit  WrM  Imtm  ini|)ic»ii(Ml  into  her  iiit- 
vii'R?  WliiuAnK'i'ii'oiirili/.eii  liiulliren  viailcil  with 
<i|)|ir<'Hiiion  by  licr?     IViiiit  liiiii  in  tli«  limo  mid  I 
|ilaii',  uliow   liilil  ft  "iiil,'lu  inmiimu  wlicii  Miir.li  u  j 
lliiiitr  liad  mki'ii  |iliii'o,  and  then  hr  wan  Kail^  V  gn  | 
an  Ilir  an  lie  wliii  went  farllii'Ht.    Wlicii        li  n  'net 
hIiiiiiIiI  lie  enlaliliHlied  lie  Mtiicid  re :idy  and  iirejmrid 
III  viiidieule  the  risjhlM  (if  mir  eilizeiiH,     IJiitil  thiM 
Hlidiild  n|i|M.ar,  lie  iiumt  nut  riiHlily  piiHii  the  Uiilii- 
eoii,  wliii  h  (iiiec  pnNaed  there  eiuihl  lie  no  reeedinsc. 
'I'liiH  icsoliiiiiin   wiiH  the   lliiliienn;  paHH  it  in  ilH 
priHent  Nhape  and  the  (jioveriinii^iit  niiiHt  K"  ""  !'' 
111!  liazaidM.iir  miiHl  ediileiil  itxelf  to  retire  within 
the  4!lth  parallel.     Mr.  (J.  Hliould  not  riiBhly  plui'o 
the  riMiniry  in  that  p(i»ilinii. 

He  had  xaiil  that  the  iiatiim  was  not  prepared 
for  nucha  eonleHtj  and  in  this  poNilioii  he  was 
lioriio  out  hy  our  pant  history,  iia  well  nd  by  llio 
prcHent  coiulitinn  of  the  eimntry .  Should  not  our 
(Jovernnient  eoiiKidcr  well  that  condition  ?  Look 
at  llio  Slalen  of  the  Union  Kroaiiiiij;  under  the 
weiulit  of  heavy  indcliledneHS  they  eaiinol  inecl. 
Did  lliey  not  owe  more  than  two  hundred  millions 
of  dollarH,  the  inlercNl  on  wliieli  alone  aniouiila  to 
more  than  twelve  niillioiiH  annually  ?  The  States 
were  iiimlilc  to  discharRe  this  now,  and  wlii^n  was 
it  to  be  met?  PcniiHylvnnia  owed  forty  millions; 
Illinois  owed  frniii  lifieen  to  twenty  millions,  was 
largely  indebted,  and  eould  not  even  pay  the  in- 
terest on  her  liabilities.  Would  Kcnlleinen,  under 
eireuinstaiices  like  these,  unless  the  honor  of  the 
imtioii  required  it,  plunite  the  eouiilry  headlong 
into  a  wilii  anil  preeipitjite  war.'  He  trusted  not. 
How  was  our  present  debt  to  be  met?  and  how 
were  we  to  pay  the  niillions  more  whii'li  Huch  a 
war  would  impose?  Affain,  he  repeated  llial,  our 
national  honor  not  beiiiK  at  stake,  we  should,  be- 
fore taking  sueli  a  liusly  step,  look  well  tu  the 
fearful  o.onsequeiieps.  | 

lint  what  more  was  there  in  our  siluntion  whieh 
makes  this  so  parlieul.vily  iimpproprinle  a  time  to 
enter  upon  ufrreat  military  contest  ?  What  was  at 
)iresent  in  coiilcmplation  by  a  majority  on  that  . 
Hour?  The  i'  liririan  of  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  .Means  was  emiaecd  in  preiiarin|i;  a  bill  to  re-  ; 
(luce  the  exi^tini^  tarilV,  under  the  iirofcssed  pre- 
text of  increasina;  the  revenue.  The  Hou.se  iiad  , 
been  cxpei'liiij;  it  for  sonic  time,  and  it  would 
imibably  be  hrouffht  in  within  a  few  days.  The 
larilVof  1H42  was  to  be  largely  reduced;  and  when 
that  should  have  been  dime,  where  would  be  our 
revenue  to  carry  on  the  war?  The  present  tarilf 
produred  us  some  twenty-seven  or  lwenty-eii;ht 
millions,  and  our  rei^ilar  peace  eslablishinenl  re- 
(piired  at  least  twenty-five  millions  of  that  amount. 
Lessen  the  duties,  and  what  amount  would  be  col- 
lected ?  Ortaiiily  not  a.s  much  as  at  present  if 
peace  shouUI  continue.  But  how  much  might  be 
expected  should  we  go  to  war?  Not  over  five 
millions.  War  must  necessarily  check  our  com-  i 
merre  and  prevent  importations,  and  bring  desola- 
tion and  ruin  on  our  revenue.  There  would  a'l 
once  be  a  deficit  of  twenty  millions  for  a  iieace  j 
eslablii'limi'iit,  and  how  much  more  wimld  be  re-  ; 
(|uired  for  war?  At  least  thirty  millions  annually; 
and  thus  we  should  want  a  revenue  of  lil'tv-fivc 
millions  annually.  Where  arc  we  to  get  it?  !f"roin 
the  larilf  now  to  be  revised  and  reduced  ?  No;  nor 
by  the  tarilTof  1842  without  reduction;  nor  by  any 
other  tariff.  Resort  must  be  had  to  direct  tjixa- 
tioii.  The  last  resort  to  collect  annually  the  sum 
of  fifty  millions  by  direct  taxation  upon  the  labor 
and  toil  of  a  people  already  oppressed  with  liabili- 
ties under  the  suntrcaaury  system,  which  rctpiirea 
all  Government  dues  to  be  collected  in  gold  and 
silver,  would  m  intolerable  oppression  upon  the 
country. 

Again,  therefore,  he  insisted,  that,  as  no  ques- 
tion of  honor  was  involved,  it  would  be  right  to 
pause,  to  look  at  the  bearing  of  so  great  and  hazard- 
ous a  measure,  and  not  ra.slily  compromit  the 
labor,  and  treasure,  and  peace,  and  blond  of  the 
nation.  Gentlemen  .should  not  approach  such  a 
question  like  ziialnis,  but  like  statesnuMi. 

Till!  favorite  sy.slem  of  the  geiillenian  from  Vir- 
ginia behind  him  [Mr.  DnuMGouLK]  was  soon  to 
come  into  view.  Instead  of  returning  again  to  the 
cursed  paper  system,  as  it  had  been  termed,  the 
gentleman's  favorite  subtreasury  was  to  be  held 
out  for  the  adoption  of  tlic  House;  mid  till  the  cur- 


rency of  the  conniry,  at  least  in  i.ll  (Jovernmenl 
transaclioiiH,  was  to  ronsist  exclusively  of  K<>ld 
and  silver.  And  how  did  the  very  Icarneil  gen- 
llemrn  expect  that  we  were  to  get  a  revenue  of 
fifly-five  millions  of  dollars  ainiuiiily  to  In  fsiid  in 
Kold  and  silver?  It  was  a  waste  of  time  to  think 
of  such  a  thing;  and  the  allempt  to  exact  it  would 
impoverish  the  eiuintrv.  Th<^  Keiilleman's  fine 
nmcliine  would  not  work,  and  no  such  monstrosity 
ought  to  bo  engrufled  on  the  policy  of  our  Uoverii- 
nieiit. 

A  gcnileman  from  Ohio  (Mr.  UniNKKHiiorr)  had 
on  yesicrday  rcjoicetl  greaily  in  lliiding  himself  in 
company  with  tlie  venerabh'  grntlenian  from  Mas- 
sachiisettHon  this  (|neslioii.  He  had  lauded  him  to 
the  skies,  as  rllier  gcnileiueii  over  tli  •  way  had 
dniin  (luring  this  d(^liale,  who  had  Ibrmerly  been 
accustomed  to  abuse  him.  CJcntlenien  who  had 
lived  and  breathed  with  defiiniations  of  that  venera- 
ble man  upon  their  lips,  were  now  ready,  with  one 
accord,  to  iiliicc  his  name  on  the  fairest  page  of  his 
conniry 's  liislory.  Mr.  C.  did  not  really  know 
what  ilio  genlleman  had  done  tn  bring  on  him  so 
suddenly  this  provision  of  praises. 

He  said,  if  It  was  proper  to  give  to  Great  IJrit- 
ain  notice  of  our  delerminalion  to  abrogate  the  con- 
vention of  1827,  lei  an  iiddilional  clause  be  iMigraf\- 
ed  upon  the  resolutions,  coniainiiig  assiirancpH  of 
a  friendly  disposition  on  our  pari,  declaring  that 
wc  iiri^  ready  to  renew  the  negotiation,  and  seltlo 
this  only  question  of  dill'ereucc  between   the  two 
Governmenls.     Such  a  clause  accompanying  llie 
notice  would  lend  to  check  the  mad  car  1 1      '  both 
nations.     While  it  would  show,  on  the  one  Ir  "id, 
that  we  were  determined  to  maintain  so  mm  b  of 
our  rights  to  Oreijon  as  were  clear  and  uii(|ucstiim- 
able,  it  would  invite   l^ngland  to  renew  llio  nego- 
tiations in  a  spirit  nf  compr(imi.He.     Peace  was  our 
i  manifest  policy.     Under  its  mild  and  gentle  .s.v^iy 
J  the  nation  had  grown  up  from   infancy  to  man- 
hood, while  a  prosperity  which  increa.sed  every 
hour  had  been  spread  around   ils  path.     Lit  us 
i  persevere  in  the  same  course,  yielding  nothiii;.;  of 
i  our  right,  claiming  nothing  that  was  wrong. 
]      Gentlemen  might  clamor  ns  much  as  tiny  chose 
I  for  war,  and  do  tliis  at  very  little  sacrifii^e,  liccause  j; 
'  it  was  not  lliose  who  were  generallv  most  noisy  ' 
J  for  war  that  usually  fought  our  batlles  when  war  ! 
came.     Wiio  was  it  that  fiiced  the  gliilering  front 
I  of  hostile  arms?     Who  was  it  that  band  bis  bo-  | 
som  to  the  death-shot  and  bayonels  of  the  foe?  i 
Not  usually  those  in  high  places,  or  noisy  politi-  | 
;  ciaiis.     It  was  our  gallant  and   hardy  log-<'abiii 
boys,  frnin  the  hills  and  from  lli(^  mountains,  who  j 
maintained  on  the  bloody  field  the  honor  of  their  f 
I  country.     Mr.  C.  had  often  ihniight  that  justice  , 
,  never  had  been  done  to  lliose  siill'enng  and  iiiipre-  ' 
i  tending  men.     They  eiilcred  the  Iciiied  field,  and 
I  in  the  deadly  shock  of  arms  they  fi'll  covered  willi  '■ 
1  glory  and  with  blood,  and  in  a  few  hours  they  were  ] 
j  thrown  into  a  ))romisi'iious  gr.ive,  when  the  green  ; 
'•''  Kod  soon  coverc'd  their  dust,  and  their  names  and 
the  plac(>s  nf  burial  were  forever  forgotten;  while  j 
he  wh<»  leaped  ovt-r  their  dead  bodies,  and  niarclied  ■ 
j:  through  their  yet  warm  anil  gushing  blood,  enjoyed  1 
I   all  the  IViiiLs  and  all  ihc  glory  of  viciory,  aiid  the 
poor  soldier  slept  in  the  bosom  of  the  land  of  his  | 
lathers  and  was  forgolleii. 
1;      And  here  it  would  not  be  nut  of  place  to  allude  I 
'  fnr  a  moment  to  the  distribution  policy.     He  in- | 
'  vnked  gentlemen  to  carry  that  policy  out, and  thus 
lo  let  the  poor  soldier  kiiow  that  when  he  left  the 
;,  wife  of  his  bnsnm  and  the  pledges  of  love  for  the  ; 
sultry  march  to  the  field  nf  death,  if  he  fell,  iliat 
'  his  Government  would  educate  his  children.    This  ; 
!.  refiection  would  llirice  arm  him  for  the  coiillici. 
]      In  conclusion,  Mr.  C  inquired  who  it  was  ihat  j 
■would  check  our  onward  march  to  fiilure  great- 
I;  ness    and  glory?     Under  our  ]>resent  syslem  of 
|:  Government,  with  wi.se  laws  and   their  fiiithfiil 
maintenance,  a  noble  destiny  awaits  us — a  destiny 
i    the  contemplation  of  which  fills  every  American 
1' bosom  with  patriotic  emotions.     Heboid  this  glo- 
rious galaxy  of  Stales,  how  beaiilil\il  lliey  .shine, 
cemented  together  ns  they  are  by  the  blond  of  our 
revolutionary   sires!      Aiid  noiii^    in  this   cluster 
shines  more  brightly  than  my  own  native  Tennes- 
see.    Christianity  herself  smiles  at  the  scene,  and 
regards    this   favored   country   ns    licr  cherished 
home,  as  she  beholds  untold  millions  nf  the  sons 
and  daughters  of  freedom  worshipping  in  the  tem- 
ple of  liberty,  and  at  the  altar  of  the  living  God. 


nut  if  war,  that  gcnurRe  of  nations  with  which 
u  ri|rbl  ins  I'rovidriicn  punishes  guilty  man,  was 
destined  for  our  chastisement — if  all  negotialions 
am!  every  en'ort  for  peace  slioiild  finally  fail,  and 
our  only  honorable  rcsorl  should  be  In  the  sword — 
then  welcome  war,  with  all  its  elements  of  dc- 
striiclioii  and  death.  When  the  voice  of  war  shall 
be  heard  calling  ti  e  brave  lo  the  field,  Tennessee 
will  be  Willi  the  foremost  lo  the  rescue;  and  in  the 
darkiMt  hmir  of  her  struggle,  where  balls  fall  thick- 
est, in  the  hottest  of  llie  battle,  will  be  seen  her 
bravo  and  gallant  sons,  willi  strong  arms  and  pa- 
triotic hearts,  bearing  alol'l,  amid  the  raging  storm, 
(Mir  Hag  with  "the  stars  and  the  itripes,"  until 
the  shouts  of  the  brave  and  the  true  shall  proclaim 
it  victorious  again,  or  until  they  fall  and  perish  for 
the  land  of  their  fathers  that  cannot  be  saved. 


OREGON  aUESTION. 
SPEECH   OF  ^^R^  L.  C.  LEVIN, 

OF    PENNSYLVANIA, 
In  the  HoimE  OF  RKrnr.iENTATivEa, 
January  <l,  I84G. 
On  the  joint  residuiion  of  noiico  to  Great  Brilnin 
tc  annul  the  convention  relative  lo  the  joint  oc- 
cupancy of  Oregon. 

Mr.  Li;VIN  rose  and  said  :  Mr.  S|ifaker,  the 
ciueslion  before  the  House  1  conceive  lo  \w  iden- 
tical with  national  indeiiendeiice.  l'"nr  what  are 
we  called  upon  lo  decide?  The  delVnce  or  surren- 
der of  American  territory  to  the  exactions  of  an 
ambitions,  grasping,  and  aggressive  foreign  Power. 
I  will  not  fiitigiie  the  House  by  an  examination  of 
the  title  under  which  wc  claim  to  hold  the  Oregon 
territory.  I  consider  that  qncNtion  settled  on  nriii- 
ciplca  llio  broad  and  deep  to  be  now  doubled  by 
the  most  iiifiilualed  advocate  of  foreign  usurpation. 
On  this  point  learning,  slalesmansliip,  and  elo. 
quenci!  have  exhausted  their  resources,  and  left  no 
(Mindid  mind  free  from  the  conviction  of  the  jiistiire 
of  our  claim,  and  the  insolence  of  the  foreign  pre- 
tension that  allempts  to  invalidate  it.  Assuming 
lliis  point,  which  I  lake  to  be  invulnerable,  how 
can  we  think  of  making  a  .surrender  of  established 
rights,  by  n  dismemberment  of  Ihe  Americiin  em- 
pire? Hut,  belbre  I  cuter  upon  this  branch  nf  the 
argument,  sn  prni  fie  in  cnnsideratinns  nf  great 
weight  and  iniportnnee,  I  beg  lo  call  the  atlentinn 
nf  the  cnmmitlee  to  the  eircnmstauces  nf  title  lhat 
stand  f  irlli  as  jire-existent  lo  any  treaties  wiili,  or 
alleged  discoveries  by,  foreign  Powers.  And  here 
I  mainlain,  sir,  that  American  soil  cniinnt  !,o  alieii- 
alcd  even  by  treaty:  it  eaiinnt  bo  dismembered  ; 
nor  can  discoveries  of  countries  on  any  pint  of  the 
continent  of  North  America  vest  a  title  in  a  foreign 
:  Power  to  the  soil  so  alliiged  to  have  been  discover- 
■  ed,  or  authorize  that  foreign  Power  tn  colonize  any 
part  or  portion  of  it.  The  ground  I  now  assume 
was  clearly  laid  down  by  Mr.  Monroe  in  1K2,1,  and 
emphatically  responded  to  by  the  voice  of  the 
American  nenple. 

Am  1  asked  nn  what  I  found  this  principle  of  in- 
herent and  pre-existcnt  right  ?  I  answer,  on  Ihe 
genius  of  American  insiitutioiis — on  tlii^  spirit  nf 
republicanism,  that  permits  nnl  the  conlaniinatin? 
proximity  of  monarchies  upon  the  soil  that  we 
liave  consecrated  tn  the  rights  of  man,  and  the 
sublime  machinery  of  the  sovereign  power  of  the 
people;  on  the  eternal  laws  nf  God,  which  have 
given  the  earth  to  man  for  a  habitation,  and  told 
him  lhat  the  natural  boundaries  to  a  country  only 
lerminate  where  oceans  intervene,  and  cimtiguity 
is  obslriicled  by  some  formidable  obstacle  wliiili 
separates  natinius  and  me.rks  nut  their  native  linmo 
as  distinctly  as  if  drawn  by  the  lines  of  military 
art.  Natural  boundaries  and  the  jjenins  of  a  peo  ' 
pie  always  harmonize.  As  their  limits  are  expan- 
sive, so  will  their  enterprise  be  boundless  and  their 
spirit  swelling.  The  natives  of  an  island,  in  the 
midst  of  wide  nccans,  or  of  mountains  inaccessible 
to  intruders,  like  (linsc  of  Switzerland,  will  lie  still, 
contented  with  their  cribbed  and  narrow  confines, 
Uiit  an  island  adjacent  to  an  immense  continent 
will  aspire  to  grasp  the  continent,  as  does  England, 
whose  natural  features  are  so  doubtfully  defined  by 
narrow  channels  separating  her  from  a  great  conti- 
nent. Her  kings  have  been  crowned  in  Paris,  and 
Waterloo  subjugated  all  Frmice.  Consequently, 
we  have  always  seen  her  endeavoring  to  eoiUroi 


W'^Jk^iik 


^■jFT, 


i)G 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  TIIK  COINCJRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Levin. 


[Jan.  <), 


Ho.  OF  Kepr. 


; 


till-  luljni'i'nt  I'liiilinonl,  iiriil,  wlidi  Imlllcd  in  llial 
ol'joci,  thriiwiiif;  her  iiniiiis  mid  iiiu  ics  iutoss  dis- 
tiinl  Dceniis,  lo  8ul)jiiKnlr  liy  cnnqucsl  llic  lirlplr.sM 
Hinilon,  or  cxicrmiiiiite  liy  llic  sword  iln'  inuro 
wiirlikc  Amcrii'nii.  Hor  |inBNfsNii)ii»,  tlirrctnit', 
HIT  posjtrstjjons  ofconfiucsl;  tlir  mi^ht  of  phyHirnl 
fiiiiT,  not  the  jnslion  of  I'liiini, derived  from  Ircniy, 
opciipaiioM,  cullivntion.  oriiiiy  of  Ihe  nrls  hy  wliicli 
riviliziilioii  iniimris  vniiu'  lo  wlint  slio  I'ltiima,  nnd 
wliirh  o(^nstitiues  tiic  jnstiro  of  ftnr  claim  lo  the 
iprriTory  of  On'u:o]i  lo  ilie  I'Mrcmr  shores  of  llic 
I'Hciiic,  us  fur  north  lis  .'i4'^  40',  lo  wliich  Cireiii 
liriiiiin  pnis  forlh  h  iIooIiiI'uI  claim  of  discovi'ry 
SMlisi'(|ncnt  lo  our  own:  ihe  irradnal  cncroachnient 
of  niiliiary  posis,  and  ihe  spinions  niilhorily  of 
Irt'Mlies  (iictalcd  hy  licr  own  amhilion,  and  havim^ 
no  indej>cndenl  exislence  itnl  of  the  sniicre  of  her 
own  intcrcsl.  Oiuinr  part,  wc  star!  with  the  natu- 
ral fdiindation  of  all  le;;illmale  claims  lo  national 
territory;  and  if  that  principle  |)nshcsiiiir  aihcrsa- 
ry  from  every  foot  of  soil  iipo'i  onr  continent,  it  is 
a  conseinience  thai  I  iicitlier  icar  nor  rcL'rcl;  for,  if 
tile  principle  he  soniit!,  it  \\'ill  pnsh  its  way  into 
universal  operation,  in  spite  ot'  tlie-lVail  impedi- 
minis  incident  to  liini's,  circumstances,  and  s»  .- 
sons,  illl  it  prevails,  as  it  ever  has  done,  hy  the  n- 
resistihlc  power  of  its  trulh.  I  mean  the  principle 
of  comia-uity,  free  from  the  interveninir  harriers  of 
formidalile  oceans,  wliicli,  in  ilie  <'iisc  of  (ireal 
Urilain,  presents,  althe  outset,  a  foal  hlow  lo  her 
ciaini  lo  any  portion  of  the  continent  of  rS(n*ih 
Americn. 

In  illustration  of  this  obvious  principle  I  must 
direct  yourL'aze  to  Louisiana,  hclil  liy  ^mneo,alld 
on  the  imnaiiiral  tenure  of  nhslraci  ri^ht,  wliicli 
thousands  of  miles  of  iurervenini:  ocean  exploded, 
iiptm  irrounds  of  impractical  iiun^ssihilitv  that 
sovercisjniy  should  exist   upon  a  principle  winch 

V  ii>Iated  the  eternal  harriers  of  nature  and  of  (lod. 
^  el  Louisiana  was  held  hy  uininestionalilc  till,  s, 
liolh  on  tlie  pan  of  Krance  and  Spain.  It  may  he 
said  wc  acoiiircd  Lo'iisiaiia  hy  purchase.  I  an- 
swer, that  does  not  iillect  the  natural  principle  on 
which  she  must  incvilalilv  have  liecnnie  ours,  ptn-- 
chase  or  no  |inrchas.  .  \Vlio  can  for  a  moment 
suppose  that,  if  we  had  not  accpiired  Louisiana  liy 
pureha.se,  we  should  have  acipiired  her  hv  oilier 
means.'  Umptestiouahly  v>'0  should.  Tjonisiana 
is,  hy  the  eternal  laws  of  naiure,  as  much  part 
nnd  )iurcel  of  the  United  Slates  as  Ohio,  or  as 
Wales  is  of  Kiiu'land,  or  .Scoilaml  or  Irilaiid;  all 
of  which  have  come  into  the  irreai  national  whiil- 
pool  ol'  KiiLrlish  central  power  hy  the  force  of  the 
same  inevitaiile  law.  R<hold  the  Kloridas,  too; 
once  the  priile  and  hoast  fif  the  Spani.sli  crown — 
a  i^em  that  she  would  m  \ei'  surrender — a  jewel 
iliat  even  protracted  the  sickly  dream  of  lor  undv- 
iiiir  i^randenr,  even  at'ter  Kin^''  .loscph  had  despuil- 
ed  her  convents,  and  Xapolcon  had  dcinoiisirated 
lier  imhecilny  liy  liesiriiliiiT  Inr  in  her  downfall, 
with  her  monarch,  i''erdinaiid  \'ll..  for  prison- 
er, tiiid  her  crfiw'ii  twirlini^  on  his  flicker  like  a 
child's  loyl  l.'oulil  Spain  have  retained  the  Klm-i- 
(las,  even  had  she  so  rcsohed  in  the  most  riijid  <te- 
terminalion  of  a  proud  royally:  We  know,  we 
.ill  know,  that  the  mere  idea  is  as  visionary  as  the 
spectres  that  haunt  a  sick  man's  dream.  I-'lorida 
was  ours  hv  a  natural  law — the  law  of  c,,ntii:iiiiy — 
llie  same  law  which  marks  out  the  tiuiits  of  ,-dl 
nations  on  ilie  lio  of  earth,  which  'j:ives  nleuiiiy 
to  iSpaiti,  consolidation  to  l-'rance,  individualitv  lo 
the  tterman  empire,  natural   features  lo  Italy  and 

VI  Kiissia,  and  unity  to  (ireat  liritain  in  Kin.'land, 
Wales,  Scotland,  and  Ireland. 

And  inav  I  not  hriii'/  this  illnstralion  thiwn  to 
the  last  ooini  of  national  ailraciioii,  as  seen  in  the 
annexation  of  Texas?  ('oiild  there  he  a  more  de- 
e'sive  and  diiichinir ar'^nmeiit  in  fivorof  our  claim 
to  (tre;:on  than  the  .innexatiiut  of  Texas,'  .Not 
that  I  mean  lo  sivvte  had  any  claim  to  Texas, 
d  '-ived  from  lreatv,or  any  me.ans  short  of  that  , 
na.iral  law  on  wlio-e  irn  sislilile  power  I  l;iy  an  ' 
eiiij  !..iiic  affirmative.  \\*e  li;id  rec.M^nisfd  the  ni- 
dependence  of  Tcxbb.  The  ireat  I'owers  of  Ivi- 
rope  had  also  recoirnised  her  as  an  inilependcni 
repuhliei  yet,  liehuM  the  f.iialiiy  of  the  natural 
l:iw  lliai  s  )  suddenly  nnd  hy  one  hlow,  places  an 
ixliic-uishcr  upon  all  her  nalionnl  L'lorv,  and 
hrinirs  her  into  the  hosoin  of  the  l''eileral  Union — 
**  the  liiiic  ::iiir."as  has  heen  so  iHaiilifullv  re- 
marlieil  hy  the  I'.xe.uiive,  "  beuuinmg  uiic  uf  the 
gloriuiis  r.oiisitelltitiun." 


!  Let  nie  not  he  misunderstood,  sir.  I  do  not 
H)ieak  as  liavinc;  heen  an  advocate  for  the  aniiexn- 
tion  of  Texas  (M  rt  ,S7(i/r,  thou!,'li  willing;  to  see  her 
cmne  in  as  territory  of  the  I'liiled  Stati'.s.  When 
I  east  my  vote  aiialnst  the  annex  ition  of  Texts, 
I    lixcd   my  eye  upon  C'aiiadn,    he  principle  of 

I  whose  aimi'xalion  exists  in  iiatnrt ;  and  I  tremliled 

'  nH  I  lhou!;hl  of  the  il«y  wiien  Canida  minhl  point 
to  the  precedent  you  have  estahlisiied,  and  ask  for 
an  immediate  represei  -lion  on  Ihi.s  tloor — a  re- 
preNcinaiion  liasial  on  uic  most  niicompromisin;; 
miuiarchists  on  the  face  of  the  udohe  !  If,  then, 
there  was  imythm:;  in  my  nitituile  on  that  (|ues- 
lion  which  mii;ht  lead  our  southern  frieniis  to  sup- 
po.se  that  1  \\'as  arrayiiiij  tnvsclf  a;:aiu.^t  them,  I 
Irnsi  they  will  ilo  ine  the  justice  to  helieve  that  I 
was  at  least  watcliini;  over  their  children's  riirlils 
and  interests.  Hut,  sir,  I  merely  alluile  to  Texas 
now  lo  show  the  iinmen.se  array  of  attractive  iii- 
leresiN  that  cmicentrated  to  a  ponii  to  uphold  Tex- 
as an  independent  empire,  and  all  of  which  ini;lo- 
rionsly  failed  lief  ire  the  all-suhduim;  potency  of 
an  eternal  law  of  Nature,  thiit  coiilii;uons  territory, 
however  rcinoii',  must  eventually  melt  into  one 
irovernmeni  hefore  tin'  irresistihle  and  expansive 
force  of  popni.'ili'ni,  power,  the  social  atiracilon  of 
;:ravilatioii,  and  the  intensity  of  the  central  inthi- 
ence  to  control  the  extrcmilies,  as  in  the  human 
hody,  where  lh<'  heart  and  the  head  fjovern  idl  the 
ineinhers. 

I  am  aware  thai  this  nrsHinent  inny  he  opposed 
hy  the  I'ai't  of  her  Uritamiic  Majesty  now  liavim; 
aclual  possession  of  a  portion  ol  territory  on  the 
northern  liinh  of  onr  continent,  and  that  a  lai';,'e 
trad  of  .Maine  lias  heen  ceded  hy  our  Uovcrmiunt 
lo  lliat  l*ower.  'I'o  this  I  answer  that  that  I'act  is 
ail  acci<li'iit  of  time  and  o<>casion,  liaviin;  no  appli- 
cation to  a  principle  in  nature,  which  is  eternal, 
and  must  evciilnally  tniiinpli. 

Who  can  suppose  I'or  a  moment  that  Kn^laiid 
will  continue  to  reiain  tlin  ic:ii  all  I'liliirc  lime  her 
.American  possessions.'  Like  i''r.uice  at  one  time, 
she  now  thinks  she  will  never  siirrendir  them,  hn; 
expend  her  last  shilliin,'  and  her  last  sii;li  in  their 
dcteiicc.  !■' ranee  thouuht  the  same  ot'  Louisiana; 
Spain  till  \'.rlil  the  same  of  l''lorida.  In  tiu'  years 
Lni^land  may  he  ;.'lad  to  rid  her.iclf  of  every 
foot  of  soil  upon  our  contineiil,  in  order  lo  con- 
centrate her  undivided  eiteruies  to  preserve  her 
India  prnviiici's,  or  secure  hrcathini:  space  nearer 
the  seal  ot'  her  natural  empire  at  home.  I  say 
natiiriil  empire,  and  1  heix  attention  to  this  jialpahle 
di-tmcliou,  so  necessary  to  the  present  discns.sion. 
Xatiotis  have  heretot'ore  i^itverned  hy  uamral  and 
arlulei.,1  tmpires;  natural  in  their  homestead  or 
limits  of  coninmity.  Mid  arlilicial  wli"ii  exercisiic,' 
assumed  power  over  cnioie  provinces.  Nations 
of  artificial  j,'iaiidi'nr  comineuc  e  their  power  with 
provinces  reinole  and  distant;  they  end  their  ca- 
reer hy  ilieir  timely  siirr'iidcr,  if  they  survive  the 
siran;.'liii'.'  emhrace  of  their  unnaluriil  children. 
What  has  Spain  dwindi'd  to  since  .-^jic  lost  her 
proMiices  in  .North  and  South  .'Vmi  re  a  ■  What 
INtrtUL'-al.'  h'r.ince,  to  comjtens.iic  for  similar  losses, 
has  esiahlisheil  Mi^eria.  \V  ho  lielievesshe  can  re- 
lain  it.-  Vii  such  is  the  fatalism  of  kiie^s,  who 
only  thnirish  hy  a'.'ercssioii,  and  who  are  sure  to 
lircaiiie  iheir  list  w  hen  ciinlined  to  tin  ir  honicsiend. 
Is  l''.ii^'laiiil  now  aeiincr  ,i]\  the  lesson  fnrni.-lnil  hy 
her  royal  predecessors  in  the  road  to  ruin.'  it 
Wfiuld  really  seem  so. 

lint,  lo  I'onie  hack  lo  ihe  snhject  i,f  claim,  sir. 
'['here  is  one  [ground  of' title  \\iii'-h  no  power  on 
earth  can  i-nniioverl  or  take  aw  t'roni  us.  It  is 
that  nieniorial  of  the  people  of  <  h'ei;on  askiiii;  fiir 
the  exti-nsioii  of  onr  laws  and  constitiiiion  over 
tliul  eiiinlrv.  This  hrln'js  the  i|iii'Slion  directly  to 
the  orniciples  oi"  the  .American  llcMihitioii — self- 
Lroveriimi  III,  ih.-  rights  ol'  man,  and  the  soverei;;nly 
of  the  p'-ople  The  people  (i|  tirei:ollare  free,  sov- 
*Teiirn,and  independent.  Thee  ask  to  he  iniverncd 
hy  .\niericaii  laws,  which  they  h;ivc!  a  riu'lit  to 
adopt,  and  which  we  have  a  rl^jht  to  irraiit,  and 
wlii'di,  on  no  priie'iple,  have  we  a  ri'.'ht  to  refuse. 
.As  we  now  siand  in  relalioii  to  Oieijiiu,  w'e  never 
couhi  airree  thai  she  should  li meat  liritish  prov- 
ince, I'veii  if  l'',ii','land  had  an  nniinestionalile  riijlit 
to  ihal  lininense  coimlry.  Wilhoul  l'oiiiu' into  an 
elaltorite  iiru'iimetil  on  the  details  of  claim  set  up 
oy  liriat  Ih'il.iin,  it  isenoie.'li  for  us  to  know  that 
she  has  no  cluim  snjierior  to  onr  own.     Unt,  fur 

I  llie  mike  of  nrijumeiit,  let  tis  Hupposc  ilieni  tu  lje 


equal.  On  what  srround  can  I'jinjland  lay  claim  to 
a  territory  peopled  hy  emia:raiits  from  llie  United 
States — It  territory  eoiili,e;nons  lo  thia  Union,  part 
of  the  continent  of  North  America,  and  nssii;iied 
hy  the  fiat  of  uattirc  to  the  same  "  nmnifcNt  des- 
liiiyr"  Here,  sir,  we  meet  a  claini  to  thewlmleof 
that  territory  which  snhtle  diplomacy  and  interna  • 
tioiial  law  in  vain  «.SNail — the  riirlit  of  .American 
horn  citizens  to  free  fjovernnient,  and  their  liherly 
lo  choose  their  own  laws,  wilhoni  the  interference 
of  a  fiirei;;n  monarch  llioiisand.s  of  miles  reinoit; 
from  their  homestead. 

I  deny  that  (ireat  Hrilnin  possesses  any  inie  prin- 
ciple of  property  in  her  favor  lo  the  'I'erritory  of 
Orej^oii.  She  has  no  riirhl  of  oriijinal  discovery, 
as  clearly  apjiears  f'rom  documenis  in  our  posses- 
sion; and,  it' she  hail,  she  can  show  none  hy  actual 
seltlemenl,  which  is  iiidispensahle  lo  eslahlisli  a 
claim  hy  discovery;  for  no  one  will  venture  to  as 
sert  that  trading'  slations,  or  their  necessary  aecom- 
|>animeiits  in  a  country  like  that,  (military  posts,) 
eonstilult  settlement, asdelined  hy  Vattel,aiid  other 
writers  on  the  laws  of  nations.  AVhal  other  title 
can  she  have.'  Will  she  claim  continuity — will  she 
tell  us  that  Orei^on  is  more  contimious  lo  (.ireat 
Urilain  than  she  is  lo  ns.'  Surely  not,  sir;  for  wlial- 
ever  may  be  her  faull.s,  Lnijland  never  eommiis  an 
ahsnrdily. 

On  our  side,  onri'Iaim  to  Oreijon  is  clear,  ui.q)ies- 
tionahle,  omniimteiii — derived  from  treaties  with 
Spain — derived  from  partial  discovery — from  actual 
setllemenl,  and  t'rom  the  ri;;litof  the  people  ofOre- 
U'oii  to  choose  their  own  tiovernment,  and  in  pur- 
suance of  that  riylit  selectin;,'  the  laws  of  the  repnh- 
lic  in  which  they  lirsl  drew  hrealli.  Deseendants 
llmnselves  of  tlie  heroes  and  sai,es  of'  I77fi,  who 
<'an  I'or  a  monient  suppose  that  they  would  pass 
tinder  lliat  fireiijn  yoke  which  their  nnccstors  li.iil 
spurned  with  such  si i^nal  success  .-  Make  themsuh- 
jecisof  a  kin;:  !  (io  liiod  llie  wave  of  the  Atlantic, 
or  chain  the  \^  liirlwind  in  il.s  madness.  .American- 
horn  ciiizciis  have  made  a  permanent  seltkniient  iii 
that  wild  country.  Not  mere  eoinpanii-s  of  trap- 
pers, with  their  militarv  forts  and  garrisons,  who 
onlycnhivalc  sntlicient  land  f'or  their  presi  at  iicas- 
siiies,  hut  the  settlcuienl  <d' families  who  hiiild  and 
pi. ml,  and  lliere  abide  forever  to  Iransinil  the  soil 
to  their  children.  .Now,  sir,  the  Hritish  have  no 
.such  selllemeius,  and  the  Americans  have.  There 
is  more  liiie,  sir,  in  a  plain  f'aci  like  this,  lliaii  in  .ill 
the  treaties  that  ever  were  made  hy  which  the  ah- 
siract  riirlit  of  discuvery  was  soti^ht  lo  he  Iraiis- 
I'crred  to  another  nation,  w  ho  slionld  also  hold  il  as 
i.j  abstract  riuht.  We  reco^nisi'  this  principle,  as 
far  as  il  ;;oes,  in  all  onr  pre-emplion  laws.  We. 
make  the  labfir  aiiil  occupancy  ni^  the  soil  the  ci.ii- 
sideration  paid  I'or  its  proprietorship.  True,  ilii.s 
does  not  reach  lo  ilic  dispiii*  il  i-l.iiins  of  nations  I'or 
the  same  tract  of  territory;  bnt  il  ilinslratcs  by  an- 
alo;ryilie  true  principle  of  property:  for  I  mean  lo 
contend,  sir, that  it isco very  ;,'oes  f't.r  nothiir.^,  unless 
fillowcd  liy  aclual  sctlleini'iii,  and  on  lliis  ground  I 
deny  all  f'orei^n  claims  wliate\,  r;  and  if' ours  i..;  not, 
actual  setlleniciii,  then  was  aclual  seltlemenl  never 
made  in  any  country  by  any  people. 

'I'll  cstahiish  valid  liile  lo  OreL;oii,  on  ihe  pari  of 
(jreat  Ihilaiu,  she  must  show — lir.sl,  title  by  dis- 
covery, ae(|nired  byiri.iU';  si  coiid,  actual  setih - 
mr-iit  as  a  permanent  abode  by  ihe  snbjeclsof'  ler 
kmuilom;  third,  coiili'.;uity.  Now,  hji^laiid  can 
show  not  eviai  one  of  these  titles.  On  onr  part  we 
exhibit  them  all.  I''irsl,  disiiivery  by  ( 'apt.  (iray, 
of'ijoston;  second,  acipiircd  by  tiealies  with  rraiiee 
and  Spain  from  ■l','^  up  lo  ,"i4'^  -Itr;  tliinl,  hy  aclual 
seltlemenl;  and,  I'oiirih,  by conliuniiiy.  A  coinph  le 
chain  of  valid  t:'.lc.  ('oiii'ii.oiity  is  always  of  ai  oni- 
paraliveiialnre.  1 1  doc  snot  imply  eoiil;iel,  alt  liou'.ili 
the  couiiiieul  of  Norili  .America  is  one;  and  all  iis 

pans  may  stricily  be  said  lo  be ilii,'iious,  tliiMcili 

five  hundred  iiiilisiii:iy  separate  one  si  it  leinent  fiom 
aiiotlicr.  Nor  is  it  necessary  that  our  setilcmeiiis 
should  be  public,  poliiical,  or  under  the  exprivs  aii- 
tliority  of  uovernmc.nt.  'I'lie  lla^'of  ihe  Union  (as 
we  an-  told  by  IiiltIi  aiiihorily  )  nalionali/.i  s  all  imr- 
chain  vessels  ihai  are  private,  and  the  eiuimant  h.is 
all  the  ri;;lits  of  llic  fliur  of  his  native  land.  I  shall 
not  ;ro  to  the  customs  of  I'aiiiipi'  for  aiilliori'y  mi 
this  point:  if  (Ireat  I'riiain  makes  all  seiilenieiiis 
in  the  name  of  ihe  kin;:,  it  does  not  t'ullow  that  wc, 
a  f'lce  and  republican  iieuple,  are  to  ac(|nire  a  tiile 
to  our  own  lerrilory  liy  similar  means.  In  fai  t 
and  in  truth  onr  modi;  of  extending  territory  in 


[Jan.  <), 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


m 


).  OF  Repr. 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


2'Ae  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Levin. 


New  Series No.  7. 


;l.'iiul  lay  claim  In 
(Vdin  tlio  L'liiicd 
iIiIh  Union,  pari 
icM,  iilid  nsNi^ncd 
I'  "  niiinilrNl  (Ics- 
in  (i>  till'  wliiilciit' 
uicy  and  inrcrna  - 
U'lil  of  Anici'iian 
and  llicir  lihi'rty 
I  ilii'  inldi'i'i'i  ni'H 
of  miles  rt'inotu 

sosnnv  oncprin- 
tlic  'I  crritfn-y  nl' 
ii,^inal  diHrnvci'V) 
Is  in  i)ur  ]iHs.sos- 
w  ni)nn  hy  a<'lui(l 
le  lo  csUihlish  a 
ill  vrnlurc  in  as 
Hjccssary  lUToni- 
(mililary  nofls,) 
Valii'i.and  (itlii  r 
"Wlial  olhcr  lillc 
liirniiy — will  slir 
liL^unus  If)  lii'i'at 
ml,  sir:  lur  wlial- 
luvi-r  coniniiis  nn 

I  is  cicnr,  ur.qnca- 
om  Ireatics.wiili 
cry — fi'nniacuial 
;p  ppnplo  (if  OiT- 
iicnl,  and  in  piir- 
iws  of  the  rcpnli- 
h.  Dcs.-cndanl.s 
.cs  of  1771),  wln> 
ihcy  would  pasM 
I'ir  ancestors  had 
Make  tliinisul)- 

0  of  the  Atlantic, 
CSS.  Anicrictni- 
icnl  scltlcnicm  iji 
iniianiis  of  Irap- 

1  icarrisons,  who 
iir  prcsi  nl  nccts- 
rs  who  luiilil  and 
trintsntit  the-  soil 

Uritish  have  no 
ns  have.    There 
this, than  inall 
w  hich  the  idi- 
il  to  he  Irans- 
also  holll  it  as 
is  prini-iple,  as 
111  laws.     We 
'  soil  the  con- 
1.     Tnie,  this 
of  nations  for 
stratcs  hy  ali- 
tor I  mean  lo 
lothiiii;;,  niilcs.s 
1  this  ground  [ 
il  if  ours  is  not 
■ttlemeni  never 

cm  the  part  of 
<t,  title  hy  dis- 
,  actual  seiih  - 
iiilijccis  of  her 
I  l''n;;land  call 
[In  our  part  we 
■  y  '  apt.  Uray, 
i(  s  wiili  I'rance 
hud.  hy  aiMlial 
y.  .\  comph  10 
ways  ol'a  cimi- 

iiaci,alth(ini;h 

lie;  and  all  its 
lu'uous,  ihou:;li 
s(  ttleuienl  from 
lUr  Nclilcinenis 
tlieexpress  ail- 
t'  ihe  Lnifm  (it.s 
nali/.i  s  all  iiiir- 

I'  cmiuranl  has 

huid.  I  shall 
r  auihori'.y  on 
SI  tilemeiits 
follow  that  wi', 

acquire  11  titio 
laiis.      In  fact 

i;;  Irrrilory  in 


by  the  axo,  the  pick,  and  the  rifle,  n»  pionccra,  ns  ; 
planters,  iis  limiter.s,  and  not  ns  ii  military  cohort,  ,. 
iiy  the  force  of  the  sword  and  the  musket.     The  i 
cliuiil  of  freedom  ia  the  charm  that  we  employ  to  j 
acquire  territory,  not  the  clash  of  arms — ilie  shrill  i 
hiast  of  the  trumpet,  the  crack  of  the  rifle,  the    onr  I 
(if  cannon,  or  ihc  cry  of  death.   With  us,  the  spade,  ! 
the  a.xe,  and  the  idougli,  under  the  protecting  folds 
of  our  glorious  llaj;:,  iiationidizes  all  settlements.  I 
■\Vc  linvc  no  "  roynl  charters"  to  grniit  to  pliant' 
courtiers  or  monopolizing  companies,  conferring  on 
them  ns  a  free  gifl  the  remote  quarters  of  the  globe, 
inhaliilcd  liy  an  industrious  race  of  people,  who  i 
n:ust  he  slaughtered  by  myriads  to  make  good  iho 
gift.     Far  from  it.     We  nationalize  bv  the  lircnlli 
of  freedom.     Wherever  a  native-born   American 
))laiits  his  fool,  the  spirit  of  liberty  consecrates  the 
spot.     You  may  plant  him,  as  d'd  tlie  genilenian  ' 
from  Pennsylvania,  with  his  coniitry  's  flag,  "  con- 1 
dor-like,"  upon  some  bleak  and  blasted  ,  innaclc,  j 
yet  around  it  humanity  shall  gather;  forliiorc  is  an 
iiiicoiKpierabilily  about  an   American,   when   he 
stands  u|ion  the  rights  of  native-born  Amcrican.s, 
and  none  but  foreijrn  dcsjiots  or  liome-niade  petty 
tyrania  trembli;  to  hear  it. 

Sir.  we  shall  endeavoi  to  maintain  the  elevated 

fiosition  on  wliicli  we  liave  been  placed;  witli  our 
icacon-liiht  in  one  hand,  and  our  country's  flag 
ill  the  other,  wlio.se  .streaming  ellulgenee  shall 
beckon  and  lead  on  American-born  citizens  to  the 
summit^of  national  glory  and  national  renown. 

We  have  been  tolil  by  tin;  honorable  gentleman 
on  my  right  that  the  territory  of  Oregon  will  be 
speedily  peopled  by  imraigi'aiil.s  from  China;  so 
that,  while  Europe  is  Hooding  our  country  with 
her  refuse  population  on  our  Allanlic  coast,  Asia  i 
may  lie  pouring  her  myriads  upon  the  Pacific!  It 
may  be  so,  sir;  and  if  so,  I  trust  tluit  they  will  not  be 
endowed  with  the  political  rights  of  American  cit- 
izenship the  moment  they  land  upon  onr  soil;  for 
the  entire  hisuiry  of  the  world,  from  the  very  cap- 
ital of  China  to  the  shm-eii  of  the  liallic,  is  hut  a 
sohnnn  illustration  of  the  great  principle  of  nature, 
that  two  distinct  ]ieoplc — natives  and  foreigners — 
cannot  subsist  tosether  without  one  obtaining  and 
maintaining  an  ascendancy  over  the  other.  Amer- 
icans must  rule  America,  or  foreigners  will.  lie- 
sides,  sir,  what  motive  have  wo  in  allbrding  prii- 
tifgfs  to  the  alien  which  we  deny  to  the  native 
born,  as  a  tucaiis  of  inducing  foreign  immigration.' 
Our  unbounded  territory  is  no  longer  nn  uiiten- 
nnlcd  wilderne;  ,  sighing  for  the  embruce  of  the 
coy  inhnbilnnts  of  oilier  hemispheres.  Already, 
sir, a  native  populatior,,ofsufliciem  density,  presses 
its  mammoth  swarms  upon  onr  westeni  States, 
filling  every  vacant  space,  till  the  lieaving  wave  . 
of  lil'e  overflows  upon  the  soil  ,of  Texas,  flinging 
iis  blight  soray  into  distant  Oregon,  nnd  cresting 
even  the  plains  of  Californin  with  the  Jewels  of 
hardy  freemen,  bold  in  heart,  undaunted  in  spirit, 
and  flowing  with  iiatrioiism. 

The  West,  sir,  lias  grown  into  a  founlain  that 
can  people  the  West  Man,  born  in  the  lap  of  la- 
bor, cdiiciilod  in  schools  of  hardship,  and  with 
whom  coura:;e  and  generositv  ai-e  the  natural  el- 
ements of  warm  hearts  and  clear  heads,  abound 
as  the  pioneers  of  remote  lands.  The  natural  im- 
imise  of  the  »ii/iiT  (lioiirtr  of  our  own  Stales  is  oii- 
wuril.  Il  is  his  destiny  to  improve,  and  his  pas- 
sion lo  seek  the  wild  iintamed  land  lliat  lies  be- 
yond ihe  reach  of  his  a\e  and  the  bullet  of  his  ri- 
fle, that    he  may  reclaim  the  ■  and   enjoy  the 

pame  procured  by  the  other.  Sir,  we  have  more 
lliaii  eniumh  in  any  three  i.\  our  oldest  western 
.Stales  to  peopie  more  land  tl.nn  W"  shall  ever  ac- 
ipiire.  With  iindirn/ elenien,  of  settlement  such 
as  these,  which  form  our  bonsL,  while  they  prove 
our  lilessiiig,  what  motive  ha.e  we  for  extending' 
facilities  riiherlo  Kiiropcans  or  Asiatics  to  come 
over  and  take  possession  of  the  country.' 

Sir,  we  obieci  not  to  iininiiriatioii  when  il  brings 
with  it  a  useful  or  industrious  cl  iss  of  foreigners. 
Let  them  come,  and  let  them  be  conlent  with  the 
eiijoymenl  of  every  civil  and  religious  privilege 
that emanate  from  a  free  and  ri'publican  Gov- 
ernment irslrirltil  only  when  ihey  attempt  lo  en- 
ter the  political  circle.  Al  that  circle,  sir,  liospi- 
Inlity  ends.  Chit  rights  arc  the  common  property 
of  emancipated  man.  We  [irotcct  all  in  the  en- 
joyment and  I  ,  suit  of  happiness,  the  ncquisilioii 
of  propertj,  nnd  the  security  of  person.  Why 
Hhoulil  we  gram  a  privilegu  to  alieiw  which  we 


withhold  as  n  right  from  our  own  sons,  who  arc 
in  every  way  better  qualified  to  become  the  respon- 
sible sovereigns  of  a  great  republic;  and  when  we 
know  by  ample  experience  that  the  grant  must 
pollute,  and  eventually  overturn  and  destroy,  our 
glorious  system  of  Government,  so  famous  for  its 
symmetry,  iw  solidity,  and  its  grandeur.'  Need  I 
point  to  the  materiel  out  of  which  universal  suf- 
frage would  make  Ihe  sovereign  electors  of  n  self- 
crenled  Government,  whose  stability  depends  upon 
the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the  people.'  Need  I 
point  to  its  ilegrnding  influence  upon  Americans, 
who,  forgetful  in'  their  country,  arc  found  making 
bargain  and  contract  with  the  foreign  voter,  to  se- 
cure liiiTi  in  honor  nnd  oftlce,  in  prcferenre  to  his 
own  brother — the  son  of  the  same  soil — the  child 
of  the  same  mother,  and  nestling  on  the  same  ina- 
terna!  bosom  .- 

\flpr  ni'  the  iinporlance  that  we  so  reasonably 
attach  to  the  efl'ort  now  being  made  to  arrest  the 
alien  imkience  from  an  undue  participation  in  our 
political  system,  let  us  never  forget  tlint  the  prin- 
ciple applies  ns  much  to  the  heirt  of  the  Americun  ! 
as  to  the  person  of  the  foreigner.  An  alien  heart  i 
in  a  native  bosom  is  the  great  "  monster"  auainst 
whose  unimtiiral  ferocity  we  have  to  combat.  It 
is  this  "monster"  wliioli  has  invested  with  such 
overwhelming  power  the  intrinsic  political  insigni- 
ficance of  the  alien  cnbnls,  who  combine  with  alien- 
hearted  Americans  to  sell  their  birthright  for  the 
spoils  of  ollice,  and  compared  with  whom  the 
foreign  siranser,  with  all  his  ignorance,  his  pas- 
sions, and  his  prejudices  clinging  about  him,  be- 
comes, in  ihe  eye  of  the  patriot,  a  pardonable  cul- 
prit.  Whatever  the  olTence  of  the  alien,  il  is  in 
some  measure  mitigated  hy  his  early  allachmeiits 
lo  his  unlive  hirlh-plncc;  by  ediienlion,  by  the 
hnbils  of  infancy,  by  the  force  of  nssocialion,  and 
by  his  destilulion  "of  knowledge.  But  for  the 
American,  who  becomes  in  heart  and  deed  nn  nlien, 
by  making  alliance  nnd  common  cnusc  with  n 
foreign  faction,  organized  and  nourished  by  the 
crowned  heads  of  Europe,  there  does  exis:,  there 
call  exist  no  eircumslnnees  of  ajiology,  extcnun- 
tion,  or  excuse.  ! 

Hy  what  power  is  il,  sir,  thnt  we  find  the  foi-eign-  ' 
ers  swanning  over  the  land,  and  coveting  the  ofliees 
'vliich,  after  all,  are  the  gift  of  the  .Jiiifiifnii  pcojile  ? 
I  need  not  enter  into  details  to  show  the  itiilhons  , 
nnminlly  drawn   from  the  Irensiiry  of  the  United  ' 
Stales,  and   jiaid  to  the  "  foreign  guard"  ns  a  re- 
wanl  for  their  "  pibi.ic   skrmchs;"  nor  shall  I  j 
inquire  what  portion  of  the  sum  is  forwarded  to 
Daniel  O'Comiell    lo   enable    him    to  accomplish 
"  Irish  repeal"  as  a  means  of  "  bringing  down  the  ■ 
jVmerienu  easle  in    its    mide  of  flight."      As  an 
American,   I  turn  with  loathing  from  .such  a  pic- 
ture, to  the  consider.ition  of  the  subject  immedi- 
ately before  the  House,  and  which  equally  involves  i 
the  preservation  of  our  rights. 

1  maiiitaiii  thai  we  are  hound  to  insist  on  our 
claims  to  Oregon  as  tiir  north  as  .")4°  41)',  without  ' 
reces.sion  iif  any  sort.  The  principles  of  justice 
sustain  us  in  this  claim,  as  well  ns  fidelity  to  the 
genius  and  spirit  of  our  free  government.  The 
fail  mentioned  a  day  or  two  ago  by  the  honorable  , 
genlleninn  from  Inilinna,  that  the  English  were 
buying  ofl"  Americnn  selllers  nt  the  rale  of  eiiilit  | 
hundred  dollars  a  head,  amounts  to  a  conclusive 
proof  thai  Urilain's  claim,  even  in  her  own  esli- 
mation,  is  ai  least  doubtful;  and,  if  doubtful  so 
fiU',  how  can  it  have  (xistencc  over  that  principle 
of  pregress,  expnnsion,  and  seltlemeni,  which  the 
Inws  of  God  ordnin  to  a  conligiious  people  in  their 
naliiral  homestead.  This  principle  I  hold  to  be 
parnniniim  over  nil  others,  save  the  decrees  of  tile 
Constilution,  whose  behests  are  supreme  over  all 
other  laws. 

Il'we  have  rights,  sir,  we  must  dare  to  assert 
and  maintain  them;  for,  look  at  Urilain's  policy, 
and  tell  me  when,  in  her  entire  history,  she  ever 
failed  to  act  upon  a  jieople's  fears.'  Wliiie  1  would 
avoid  ))recipitalioii  on  Ihe  one  hand,  I  would 
equally  oppose  that  vexntions  delay  which  is  the 
next  thing  to  defeat,  and  which  loo  often  passes 
imter  the  name  of  dehbernlion. 

Sir,  I  am  no  advocate  for  hoslililies.  1'liere  is 
bui  one  party  in  this  country  thai  covets  w  ar,  and 
that  war  not  for  the  purpose  of  mnintaining  the 
honor  nnd  dignity  of  this  nnlioii,  but  becniise  they 
think  thnt  a  eonllict  w  ith  Great  Uritnin  would  en- 
nbld  them  to  nccompliidi   "Irish    repeal."     The 


unanimity  with  which  they  ask  for  war  sliows  the 
tremendous  power  exerted  over  them  by  Daniel 
O'Connell,  who  is  the  secret  spring  of  all  their 
movcmcnls,  and  who,  in  the  event  of  a  struggle, 
would  recommend  their  witlidrawal  Jiome  forty 
miles  beymid  tide-water — a  mandate  wljich  they 
would  obey  with  equal  unanimity. 

If,  liowever,  war  must  come,  sir,  it  will  find  u» 
defending  the  integrity  of  American  soil,  which  no 
foreign  monarch  must  ever  be  permitted  to  pollute 
by  his  daring  tread.  When  once  our  stars  and 
stripes  have  floated  over  the  land  they  consecrate 
to  freedom,  there  must  that  flag  continue  to  wave 
at  every  peril,  in  defiance  of  all  treaties  that  may 
have  been  concocted  in  a  spirit  of  seeming  conces- 
sion. Let  it  not  be  imagined,  sir,  Uiat  I  desire  to 
reflect  upon  the  venerable  gentleman  from  Massa« 
chiisetts,  whose  name  is  associated  with  that  treaty. 
I  would  not,  if  I  could,  fling  one  shadow  on  his 
pathway  to  glory  !  Since  1  have  had  the  honor 
to  occupy  a  seat  in  this  House,  I  have  seen  enough, 
and  heard  enough,  and  felt  enough,  to  satisfy  me 
that,  though  wintry  wreaths  may  stream  around 
his  wearied  brow,  the  flowers  ol  patriotic,  feeling 
still  bloom  around  his  heart;  for  those  gray  huirs, 
like  snows  above  Vesuvius,  only  tell  of  the  pure 
American  fire  that  dwells  below. 

I  allude,  sir,  to  the  wily  and  defrauding  diplo- 
matislsof  Europe's  kings,  who  sit  in  their  crimson 
chairs,  and  point  their  pens  to  degrees  of  latitude 
(111  a  map,  and  cry,  "  Ours  of  right  by  treaty — 
ours  of  right  by  di.scovery!"  Let  them  point  to 
any  principle  of  human  nature,  any  law  of  God 
that  colliers  on  them  a  monopoly  of  God's  earth 
for  the  aggrandisement  of  a  monarch,  while  mil- 
lions of  natives  of  the  soU  claim  it,  hold  it,  culti- 
vate it,  as  necessary  to  satisfy  their  hunger  and  af- 
ford them  room  for  habitation.  Can  they  point  to 
any  law  of  God,  or  nny  law  that  He  has,  in  his 
inhnite  wisdom,  written  on  the  heart  of  man,  in- 
stead of  a  degree  of  latitude,  or  tiie  clause  of  a 
tri^aty,  which  invests  them  with  a  just  claim  to  a 
territory  far  removed  from  their  homestead,  inac- 
cessible to  their  enterprise,  nnd  only  gratifying  to 
the  vanity  of  kingly  emiiire? 

"  Is  Oregon  worth  llic  cost  of  a  war?"  Let 
England  niiswer  that  question.  Americans — na- 
tive-born Americans — never  stop  to  ask  what  may 
be  the  cost  of  national  honor;  they  will  preserve 
it,  cost  what  it  may.  Considerations  ol  "com- 
merce," considerations  of  "trade,"  arc  not  to 
govern  us  when  the  limits  of  our  empire  are  to  be 
dismembered  by  the  hands  of  foreign  spoliators, 
who  grnsp  at  territorial  jurisdiction,  not  to  promote 
Ihe  haiipmcss  of  the  people,  but  to  degrade  and 
enslave  them. 

To  resist  the  iiivnsion  or  dismemberment  of  their 
I  einpiie  is  the  most  .solemn  obligntion  that  patriot- 
ism  can  impose  upon  republicans,  who  hold  their 
riirhis  ill  trust  for  the  benefit  of  their  posterity. 
Can  we  pause  in  the  vindication  of  these  sublime 
I  interesis,  because  wc  are  told  "Oregon  may  in- 
voUe  us  in  a  war.'"    iSii,  1  well  know  that  war 
;  is  not  a  frivolous  subject;  there  are  evils  hanging 
.  aboui  it  horrible  to  gaze  upon,  sickening  lo  con- 
'  template;  but  still,  as  an  argument,  I,  as  a  Native 
American,  am  not  willing  to  use  it.     The  true  at- 
1  titude  of  patriotism  is  based  on  right,  truth,  jus- 
tice.    If  our  claims  are  jiisl,  we  cannot  pau.se  in 
the  assertion  of  them,  without  rushing  upon  evils 
tenfold  aiealer  than  llio.se  of  war.     Is  our  cause 
I  jiist  r     A  Native  American  asks  no  other  question. 
I  Thi.s  carries   him   ihroiigh   nil   ditticultics — over- 
'  comes  all  barriers-  and  sweeps  with  overwhelm- 
ing power  lo  n  glorious  triumph. 
t      It  is  said  llmrwe  nre  "unprepared  for  war."    I 
I  deny  the  fiict,  ilimigh  I  am  no  advocate  for  hoslil- 
ilies.   Are  we  not,  the  American  people,  independ- 
I  eni  and  free,'    That,  itself,  is  a  preparation  for  war. 
i  Have   we   not  firm   Imnd.s — brave   sons,'    That, 
itsell',  is  preparation  for  war.     A  brave  nnd  free 
:  ]ieople  never  can  beumucpnred  to  rejiel  an  enemy 
or  (  xpcl  nn  invnder.     Jvlornl  power  is  at  nil  times 
superior  to  physical.     The  latent  energies  of  our 
I  country  only  require  to  be  called  into  action  by 
our  inlelligent  sons,  to  prove  superior  to  any  pre- 
paration of  a  foreign  enemy  of  a  hundred  years' 
growth.     I  rest  these  declarations  on  the  events  of 
our  own  history.     Where  was  our  preparation  in 
'  177G,  or  in  1812.'    Why,  sir,  at  that  time,  even 
Ihe  wrath   of  majesty  moderated  when  it  gazed 
upon  the  insij;nificiuic8  of  its  foes!    A  regiment  of 


98 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  3, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Winthrop. 


Ho.  OF  Rcps. 


*i 


if; 


^! 


i, 


"  red  ronts,"  said  King  G«orge,  will  disperse  the  i' 
aiidnciniis  rebels,  and  crush  the  outbreak  in  the  j 
bud.  But  the  regiment  was  cut  to  pieces.  An  | 
army  followed,  proud  in  the  mailed  splendor  of| 
their  crcsts^iut  it  vnnixlicd  like  the  res;uiiciit,  and  j 
was  lost  in  tne  smoke  of  Yankee  rifles.  Another  I 
Clime,  and  another  fell.  And  still  another,  headed  | 
by  valiant  Inlshls  and  plumed  earls,  who  bowed  | 
beneath  the  yoke  of  American  valor,  and  cried  I 
"quarter"  fVom  half-clad  Aies,  whose  |)ule  cheeks  { 
disclosed  the  gna\vinu;s  of  famine!  | 

With  such  papes  in  our  history,  will  you  tell  us,  j 
sir,  that  we  are  unprepared,  when  our  jiresent  re-  j 
sources  are  a  perfect  {;ianl  as  contrasted  with  our 
nakedness  in  i77fi  and  1«12?  True,  our  want  of 
physical  preparation  invites  attack;  but  that  is  no  i 
reason  wny  we  should  surrender  our  rights,  when  i 
we  stand  thrice  armed  by  bavin;  our  quarrel  just.  : 

I  am  one  of  those  w'ho  do  not  believe  "Oregon" 
to  be  the  real  cause  of  the  present  belligerent  atti- 
tude of  England.  The  controversy  between  us  is 
rather  to  be  traced  to  the  conflict  between  feudal 
institutions  and  republican  systems  of  Governmtiil. 
Our  exttmph^  of  free  goverrunent  is  thought  to  be 
dangerous  to  ilie  permanencv  of  Europe's  thrones; 
and  England  has  been  put  forward,  as  she  was  in 
the  case  of  republican  France,  to  hciid  llie  combi-, 
nation  of  kings  against  the  cause  of  fii  tUom.  Our 
glorious  flag,  which  flutters  from  the  ninst-head  of 
every  American  ship,  Ihroniring  every  port  of  the 
world,  has  at  last  awakened  the  monunhs  of  Eu- 
rope to  the  danger  that  gleams  from  the  niiijesiic 
emblems  of  liberty.  Let  Em-ope  combined,  if  she 
will,  strike  at  the  cause  of  American  freedom,  by 
makingOregon  a  pretext  for  war;  there  is  a  power 
in  the  freeman's  prayer  that  pales  with  fi'ur  ilie 
face  of  tyrants,  and  makes  ilieni  tve'mble  on  their 
thrones.  There  is,  in  this  country,  a  laient  ener- 
gy, which,  when  roused  to  action,  will  overw  helm  , 
tlic  most  stujiendous  alliance  that  de.iimiisni  can 
rally  to  tlie  aid  of  tyraiiis.  Here,  as  Anieritans,  , 
wc  battle  with  natui-e  on  our  side — here  we  ilci 
battle  for  freedom, on  freedom's  stage,  with  moun- 
tains for  our  shields,  oceans  for  ourgairisons,  Gml 
himself  for  our  ally  ■  Self-defence  is  the  first  riirht 
of  nature;  self-frchrratimi  the  fust  law  of  Ciod; 
and  while,  as  native-born  Americans,  we  shall  be 
found  vindicating  our  right  to  every  inch  of  mir 
own  soil,  let  it  not  be  supposed  that  we  shall  ovir- 
look  the  republican  institutions  of  our  country, 
■which  have  no  other  ba.'is,  no  other  .security,  than 
the  purity  of  the  ballot-box.  Our  object  is  conser- 
votive  of  freedom,  our  aim  ihc  preservation  of  this 
great  country  as  an  asylum  for  all  the  world.  We 
r.re  bound  by  every  obligation,  holy  and  sacred,  to 
defend  not  only  our  soil,  but  ora  BiarnntMiT, 
from  all  invasion  '■  Shunning  the  fate  of  notions 
buried  in  disaster,  avoiding  their  errors,  and  imita- 
ting the  wisdom  nf  niore  forlunatc  empires,  let  us 
concentrate  our  energies  to  build  up  the  national 
character  of  the  American  iieople  one  and  eniiie — 
free,  glorious,  and  indit'isilili — with  no  divisions 
to  distract  us — no  corniinions  to  eat  into  the  luait 
of  our  institutions — no  lartjons  to  tear  us  asiiniler 
— no  finds  to  seduce  us  into  treason;  but  pure, 
free,  exalted,  and  incorruptible,  moving  in  one  solid 
column  to  Ih."  great  victory  marked  out  for  us  by 
rur  great  leader,  the  acknowledged  model-patriot 
of  the  world,  before  the  majesty  of  whose  virtue 
all  nations  of  the  earth  bow  down  in  reverential 
admiration.  Let  us  achieve  that  sccofid  indepen- 
dence from  foreiifn  intluence  and  foreign  power 
which  is  the  consuminaiion  of  its  parent  in  all  that 
glorifies  man  in  the  perfection  of  his  being  and  the 
matchless  excellence  of  government — which  aims 
at  the  happiness  of  the  many,  ihe  civil  freedom  <if 
all,  and  the  elevation  of  the  whole  hiiinnn  family  in 
the  sinle  of  love,  intelligence,  and  subordination. 


OREGON  (QUESTION. 
SPEECH  OF  MtTr.  C.  WFNTHROP, 

OF  .MA.'iSAnilSETT.s, 
In  the  Hoi-«k  nr  IIki'iiesemtathes, 
Jnnuanj  .'),  lf<4(). 
The  House  having  under  consideration  the  Kill  re- 
IMirtcd  by  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs, 
"  '".provide  for  raising  two  additional  regiments 
of  riflemen,  und  for  other  purpoaes;''  and  tlie 


question  being  upon  the  motion  to  commit  the 
bill  to  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state 
of  the  Union,  and  Mr.  John  Q,iiiNcr  Adams  and 
Mr.  C.  J.  Inoersoh.,  and  others,  having  ad- 
dressed the  House  at  length — 
Mr.  WmTHROP  obtained  the  floor,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  say,  that  he  understood  the  Chair  to 
have  decided  that,  u|ioii  the  m'uding  motion  to  re- 
fer to  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  slote  of 
the  Union  a  bill  for  raising  two  regiinents  of  rifle- 
men, the  whole  question  of  Oregon  v.ns  ojien  to 
debute.    The  House,  too,  had  virtually  sanctioned 
this  decision,  by  declining  to  sustain  the  previous 
question  a  few  moments  since.     Mr.  W,  could 
not  altogether  agree  in  the  fitness  of  such  a  de- 
cision, but  was  unwilling  to  omit  the  opportunity 
which  it  ad'orded  for  expressing  some  views  upon 
the  subject. 

My  honoroblc  colleague,  |Mr.  Adams,]  in  his 
remarks  yesterday,  and  the  chainnan  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Foreign  Atfairs,  [Mr.  C.  J.  Inoersoll,] 
this  morning,  have  alluded  to  the  course  pursued 
by  them  last  year,  and  have  told  us  that  they  both 
voted  lor  giving  immediate  notice  to  Great  Britain 
of 'our  intention  to  tcrminaie,  at  the  earliest  day, 
what  has  been  cidled  the  convention  of  Joint  occu- 
pation. Though  a  much  luimblor  member  of  the 
House,  1  may  be  iierniittcd  to  allude  to  the  fact  that 
1  voted  against  that  proceeding  last  year,  and  to 
add  that  1  intend  to  do  so  now.  I  may  be  al- 
lowed also  to  remind  the  House  of  a  series  of  res- 
olutions upon  this  subject,  which  I  ofl'ered  to  their 
consideration  some  days  ago.  I  know  not  whe- 
ther tho.se  resolutions  will  ever  emerge  from  the 
pile  of  matter  under  which  they  now  lie  burled 
ujion  your  table.  If  they  should,  however,  I  am 
by  no  means  sure  that  1  shall  not  propose  to  lay 
them  aside  again  without  dl.scussion.  Nothing, 
certainly,  was  further  f'nmi  my  purpose  in  ollering 
tliein  than  to  involve  this  House  in  a  stormy  de- 
bate about  iicace  and  war.  Such  deliiUes,  1  am 
quite  sensible,  are  of  most  injurious  influence  on 
the  public  ipiiet  and  prus|icilty,  and  I  have  no  dls- 
•,)osition  to  lender  niy-idf  nsiionsilple  for  a  renew- 
al of  tloni.  I  drsind  only  liicn,  and  desire  only 
now,  to  iilace  bcf'oie  the  Uoiise  and  before  tlie 
country,  before  ii  Is  too  late,  some  plain  and  pre- 
cise opinions,  which  arc  sincerely  and  strongly 
entertained  by  myself,  anil  which  I  helieve  to  be 
no  less  sti'inigly  iiiterlaiiii-il  by  many  of  those  with 
whom  I  am  politically  asscii-iateil,  in  regard  to  the 
present  most  critical  stalcof  our  foreign  relations. 

I  desire  to  do  this  on  many  accounts,  and  to  do 
it  witlioot  delay.  An  idea  seems  to  have  been 
gaining  ground  I'n  some  quarters,  and  to  have  been 
someMhal  ill(lllstrloll^ly  propa^'aled  in  all  quarters, 
that  there  is  no  diflcreiice  of  sentiment  in  this 
House  In  rctcrcnce  to  the  course  which  has  thus 
far  been  pursued,  or  whii-h  seems  about  to  be  pur- 
sued lier(al\er,  ill  regard  to  this  uiifortiinnle  t)i-e- 
gon  conii-ovcrsy.  .\ow  ,  sir,  upon  one  or  two 
points  cocMccted  with  it,  llii  re  may  be  no  ditl'er- 
eiiceiif  opinion.  I  believe  lliere  is  none  upon  the 
point  thai  the  I'nited  .Stales  have  ri^-hls  in  Oresion 
which  are  not  to  be  relininiishiil.  I  believe  ihere 
is  none  upon  the  point,  that  if  the  controversy 
w  lib  Gri  at  lirilain  should  lesnll  in  war,  our  coun- 
try, and  the  rights  of  our  country,  on  both  sides 
of' the  Kocky  inountaiiis,  are  to  be  maintained  and 
defended  with  all  the  power  and  all  the  vigor  we 
possess.  I  believe  lliiie  Is  none  eiilie.-  upon  the 
point,  that  such  is  tin-  slate  of  this  c-oiiiroversy  at 

tlie  preseiii   m em,  iliul  we  owe  it  to  lairselves, 

lis  giiai-iliaiis  of  ihe  publii-  safety,  to  bestow-  sonie- 
ililiig  more  iliaii  tlie  oidiimry  annual  iittenllon — I 
mlL'lit  bitter  say  the  ordiiiary  aiiniml  imi/(fii/ion — 
upon  our  nationnl  ileliiiics,  and  to  place  our  coun- 
try 111  a  post'ire  of  |ir(piiriiiioii  f'nr  meeting  the 
w-orst  iHiisi'i|nini'es  wlili  li  in;iy  bi  I'lil  ii. 
.'^o  far,  Mr.  .^piaker,  1  \,t  lieve  tlirre  are  common 
I  opinions,  united  tlioimlns  and  lonnsils,  in  biuh 
branches  of  Congress,  and  indeed  throughout  the 
country,  withoiil  diMiiii-iinn  of  party.  Hut  cei- 
laliily  tliere  are  wide  dltU-reiicea  of  ecnlimint 
among  ourselves  and  aiiiMng  our  idnslitueiits,iipiin 
other  no  less  inleiesiing  and  substantial  points. 
And  I  am  not  one  of  those  who  believe  in  the  ne- 
cessity, or  in  the  expediency,  of  concealing  these 
diflerences.  1  have  very  little  faith  in  the  An** 
policy.  1  have  very  little  faith  in  the  wisdom  of 
Kee|iing  up  an  appearance  of  eiiiire  unanimity 
.  ujran  u  qut'stiuu  ak«  litis,  where  nuclj  untuiiiuiiy 


does  not  exist,  for  the  sake  of  mere  stage  efllect,  and 
with  a  view  of  making  a  more  profound  impres- 
sion upon  the  spectators.  Every  uodyundcrstanuii 
such  concerted  arrangements  ;  everybody  sees 
through  them,  whether  the  theatre  of  their  pre- 
sentment be  oil  one  side  of  the  Atlantic  or  the 
other. 

Bec-.use  .Sir  Robert  Peel  and  Lord  John  Russell, 
and  Lord  Aberdeen  and  Lord  Palnierston,  thought 
fit  to  unite  in  a  common  and  coincident  expression 
of  sentiment,  in  the  two  Houses  of  Parliament, 
eight  or  nine  months  ago,  during  the  well-remem- 
bered debate  on  the  President's  inaugural  address, 
1  do  not  know — I  do  not  believe — that  the  people 
of  the  United  States  were  any  the  more  awed  from 
the  maintenance  of  their  own  previous  views  and 
purposes  in  regard  to  Oregon,  than  if  these  distin- 
guished leaders  of  opposite  parties  had  exhibited 
something  less  of  dramatic  unity,  and  had  in- 
dulged rather  more  freely  in  those  diversities  of 
sentiment  which  ordinarily  lend  interest  to  their 
discussions.  Nor  am  1  of  opinion,  on  the  other 
hand,  that  a  similar  course  on  this  side  of  the 
ocean  is  to  have  any  material  influence  on  the  ac- 
tion of  the  British  Gove  iment.  1  hold,  at  any 
rate,  that  it  is  better  for  us  all  to  speak  our  own 
minds,  to  declare  our  own  linncst  judgments,  and 
to  look  more  to  tlie  influence  of  our  remarks  upon 
our  own  people  and  our  own  policy,  than  upon 
those  of  Great  Britain. 

I  may  add,  sir,  that  in  presenting  these  resolu- 
tions at  the  earliest  opporuinity  which  was  aflbrd- 
ed  me,  I  was  actuated  by  the  desire  to  put  my  own 
views  upon  record,  before  ihe  returning  sfcamera 
should  bring  back  to  us  from  England  the  angry 
recriminations  to  which  the  late  message  of  the 
President  may  not  improbably  give  occasion,  and 
before  the  passions  of  our  people  were  inflamed  by 
any  violent  outbreaks  of  British  feeling,  which  that 
document  is  so  likely  to  excite. 

I  am  perfectly  aware,  Mr.  Speaker,  thai,  ex- 
press the  views  which  1  entertain  when  1  may,  I 
shall  not  escape  reproach  and  imputation  from 
some  quarters  of  the  House.  1  know  that  there 
ni-e  those  by  whom  the  slightest  syllable  of  dissent 
from  the  extreme  views  which  the  .\dministration 
would  seem  recently  to  have  adopted,  will  be 
eagerly  seized  upon  as  evidence  of  a  want  of  what 
(Aft/ Clin  patriotism  and  American  spirit.  I  spurn 
all  such  imputations  in  advance.  I  spurn  the  notion 
that  patriotism  can  only  be  manifested  by  plunging 
Ihe  nation  into  war,  or  that  the  love  of  one's  own 
country  can  only  be  measured  by  one's  hatred  to 
any  other  coiiiiiry.  Sir,  the  American  spirit  that 
is  wanted  at  the  iiresenl  moment,  wanted  for  our 
highest  honor,  wanted  for  our  dearest  interests,  is 
that  which  dares  to  conlVont  the  mad  impulses  of 
.■.  superficial  popular  sentiment,  and  to  appeal  lo 
the  sober  second  thoughts  of  moral  and  intelligent 
men.  Every  schoolboy  can  declaim  about  honor 
anil  war,  the  Hriilsli  lion  and  the  American  eagle; 
and  it  is  a  vice  of  our  nature  that  the  calmest  of  us 
have  lieartstrlnL's  which  may  vibrate  for  a  moment 
even  to  .such  viihrar  touches.  But,  (thanks  to  the 
Institutions  of  C'lucation  and  religion  which  our 
fathers  foiindi'd,)  the  great  mass  of  the  American 
people  have,  also,  nil  intelligence  and  a  moral  sense, 
which  will  .sooner  or  later  respond  to  appeals  of  a 
higher  and  nobler  sort,  if  we  will  only  have  the 
firmness  to  make  them.  It  was  a  remark  of  an  old 
English  courtier,  n  ceiitury  and  a  half  ago,  to  one 
who  thn-atened  to  take  the  sense  of  the  people  on 
some  important  (|iiestioii,  that  lie  would  take  the 
nonsense  of  the  people  and  beat  liini  twenty  to  one. 
And  it  mlclit  have  been  something  belter  than  a 
irood  joke  ill  relation  to  the  peo|ile  of  England  at 
the  time  it  w  as  iitleied.  But  I  am  not  ready  to  re- 
gard It  as  a|>plicablc  to  our  own  Intelligent  and  edu- 
cateil  American  people  at  the  present  day.  An  ap- 
]>eal  to  ilie  nonsense  of  the  American  people  may 
succeed  l>ir  an  hour;  but  the  stern  sense  of  the 
country  will  soon  reassert  itself,  and  will  carry 
the  (lay  in  the  end. 

But,  Mr.  .Speaker,  there  are  other  reproaches, 
beside  those  of  my  opponents,  lo  which  I  may  be 
llionght  to  subject  myself,  by  the  forinnl  proimilgn- 
lion  of  the  views  which  I  eiitertain  on  this  subject. 
It  has  been  said,  In  some  quarters,  that  it  was  not 
Kood  parly  policy  to  avow  such  doctrines;  that  the 
friends  of  the  Administration  desire  nothing  so 
much  as  an  excuse  lor  branding  the  Whigs  of  the 
I  Union  aa  llie  peace  party;  and  liial  tlie  only  courw 


I 


[Jan.  3, 

F  RrpS. 

ige  effect,  ond 
luiid  impros- 
iruiidcr8lan(iii 
!ryl)ody  sees 
of  their  pre- 
lunlic  or  the 

John  RusHcll, 
ston,  thought 
in  expression 
f  Parliament, 
well-rcmem- 
i;urftl  address, 
mt  the  people 
ire  awed  from 
Ills  views  nnd 
'  those  distin- 
lad  exhibited 
nnd  had  in- 
diveraities  of 
ercBt  to  their 
on  the  other 
8  side  of  the 
ice  on  the  «c- 
hold,  at  any 
peak  our  own 
idg;ments,  and 
remarks  upon 
:y,  tluiii  upon 

these  resolu- 
■li  was  afl'ord- 
:o  put  my  own 
riing  steamers 
iiid  the  nnirry 
icssnjje  of  the 

occiision,  nnd 
re  iiilliimed  by 
iig,  which  that 

iker,  that,  ex- 
vhen  1  may,  I 
putution  from 
now  that  there 
nl)Ic'  of  dissent 
Mniinistrntion 
pled,   will   bo 
want  of  what 
it.     1  spurn 
rn  the  notion 
by  plunging 
of  one's  own 
*s  hatred  to 
iin  spirit  that 
Einteu  for  our 
interests,  is 
impulses  of 
to  nppoal  ID 
nd  intelligent 
about  honor 
crican  ra^rlc; 
ainicst  of  us 
n-  a  moment 
inks  to  the 
which  our 
American 
moral  sense, 
appeals  of  a 
nly  have  tli« 
niuk  of  nn  old 
If  np:n,  to  ono 
the  people  on 
iiiUI  take  the 
weiily  to  one. 
'letter  than  a 
f  Knjriaud  at 
It  ready  to  re- 
lent and  edu- 
Iny.     Anap- 
people  may 
sense  of  the 
id  will  carry 

r  reproaches", 
ich  1  limy  be 
ml  promultrn- 
I  this  subject, 
lat  it  was  not 
ines;  that  the 
noihinii;  so 
Whies  of  the 
e  only  coiuw 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


99 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (Imntion — Mr.  fVinthrop. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


I'll 

lb: 


(III 


for  us  in  the  minority  to  pursue,  is,  to  brag  about 
our  readiness  (br  war  with  those  that  brag  loudest. 
Now,  I  am  entirely  sensible  that  if  an  opponent  of 
the  pre!ent  Administration  were  willing  to  make  a 
mere  party  instrument  of  this  Oregon  negotiation, 
he  nii";ht  find  in  its  most  recent  history  the  amplest 
materials  for  throwing  back  upon  the  majority  in 
this  House  the  imputations  in  which  they  have 
been  heretofore  so  ready  to  indulge.  How  easy 
and  obvious  it  would  he  for  us  to  ask,  where,  where 
was  the  heroic  dclerminatiion  of  the  Executive  to 
vindicate  our  title  to  the  wholt  of  Oregon — yes,  sir, 
"  THE  WHOLE  OR  none" — whon  tt  deliberate  ofter 
of  more  than  five  degrees  of  latitude  was  recently 
made  to  Great  Britain?  Made,  too,  at  a  moment 
when  the  President  and  his  Secretary  of  Slate  tell 
you  that  they  firmly  believed  that  our  right  to  the 
whole  was  clear  and  unquestionable !  How  easy 
it  would  be  to  taunt  the  Secretary  of  Slate  with  the 
policy  he  has  pursued  in  his  correspondence,  of 
keeping  back  those  convincing  arguments  upon 
which  he  now  relies  to  justify  him  in  claiming  the 
whole  of  this  disputed  territory,  until  his  last  letter 
— until  he  had  tried  in  vain  to  induce  Great  Uritain 
to  accept  n  large  pan  of  this  territory — as  if  he 
were  afraid  to  let  even  his  own  eouniry  understand 
how  good  our  title  really  was,  in  case  he  could 
succeed  in  etrecting  a  compromise ! 

For  myself,  however,  I  utterly  repudiate  all  idea 
of  parly  obligations  or  parly  views  in  connexion 


of  the  day;  and  all  our  diflcrences  are  thus  reduced 
to  the  question.  What  constitutes  an  honorable 
peace  ? 

Undoubtedly,  Mr.  Speaker,  the  answer  to  this 
question  must  depend  upon  tlio  peculiar  circum- 
stances of  the  case  to  which  it  is  applied.  'Vet,  I 
will  not  yasH  to  tho  consideration  of  that  case  with- 
out putting  the  burden  of  proof  where  it  belongs. 
Peace,  sir,  in  itself,  in  its  own  nature,  nnd  of  its 
own  original  essence,  is  honorable.  No  individual, 
no  nation,  can  lay  a  liisher  claim  to  the  honor  of 
man  or  the  blessing  of  Heaven  than  to  seek  peace 
and  ensue  it.  Louis  Philippe  may  envy  no  moii- 
umeiit  which  ever  covered  human  dust,  if  it  may 
justly  be  inscribed  on  his  tombstone,  (as  has  re- 
cently been  suggested,)  that,  while  he  lived,  the 
pence  of  Europe  was  secure  !  And,  on  the  other 
nniid,  war,  in  its  proper  clianicler,  is  disgraceful; 
and  llie  man  or  the  country  which  shall  wilfully 
and  wantonly  (irovokc  it,  deserves  the  execrations 
of  earth  and  Heaven.  These,  Mr.  S])eaker,  are  tlie 
general  principles  which  civilii.ation  nnd  Chris- 
tianity have  ut  length  engrafted  upon  the  public 
code  of  Christendom.  If  there  be  exceptions  to 
them,  as  I  do  not  deny  there  are,  they  are  to  be 
proved  specially  hy  those  who  allege  them.  Is 
there,  then,  anything  in  the  Oregon  controversy, 
us  it  now  stands  beuircus,  which  furnishes  an  ex- 
ception to  these  general  principles  r — anything 
which  would  remlor  a  pacific,  ]iolicy  discreditable, 


with  this  quesiion.     I  scorn  the  suggestion  that  the  (|  or  which  would  invest  war  with  any  degree  of 


peace  of  my  country  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  mere 
pawn  on  the  polilicol  chessboard,  to  be  perilled  for 
any  mere  party  triumph.  We  have  seen  enough 
of  the  mischief  of  mingling  such  queslions  with 
party  politics.  We  see  it  at  this  moment.  It  has 
ijecn  openly  avowed  elsewhere,  and  was  repented 
by  the  honorable  member  from  Illinois  (Mr. 
douGLASs)  in  this  House  yesterday,  that  Oregon 
nnd  Texas  were  born  and  cradled  together  in  the 
Uallimore  convention;  that  they  were  the  twin  off- 
spring of  that  political  conclave;  and  in  that  avowal 
may  be  found  the  whole  explanation  of  the  diilicul- 
tics  and  dangers  with  which  the  question  is  now 
attended. 

I  honor  the  Ad  ninistration,  Mr.  Speaker,  for 
whatever  spirit  of  conciliation,  compromise,  and 
peace,  it  has  hitherto  manifested  on  this  subject, 
and  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  so.  If  I  have 
anything  to  reproach  them  with,  or  taunt  them  for, 
it  is  fur  what  appears  to  me  as  an  unreasonable  and 
precipitat'!  abandonment  of  that  spirit.  And  if 
anybody  desires  on  this  account,  or  any  other  ac- 
count, to  brand  me  as  a  member  of  the  peace  party. 


(rue  honor?  I  deny  it  altogether.  I  reiterate  tlie 
giropositions  of  the  resolutions  on  your  table.  I 
maintuin — 

1.  That  this  question,  from  its  very  nature,  is 
peculiarly  and  eminently  one  for  negotiation,  com- 
promise, and  amicable  adjiustinent. 

2.  That  satisl'aciory  evidence  has  not  yet  been 
afforded  that  no  compromise  which  the  United 
States  ought  to  accept  can  be  eflected. 

3.  That,  if  no  other  mode  of  lunicablc  settle- 
ment remains,  arbitration  might  to  be  resorted  to ; 
and  that  this  Government  cannot  relieve  itself  IVom 
its  responsibility  to  mninlain  the  peace  of  the  coun- 
try while  nrbilialion  is  still  untried. 

I  perceive,  sir,  that  the  brief  time  allowed  us  in 
debate  will  compel  ine  to  deal  in  the  most  sum- 
mary way  with  these  jn'opositioiis,  and  that  I 
must  look  to  other  opjiortunities  fordoing  full  jus- 
tice either  to  them  or  to  myself.  Let  me  hasten, 
however,  to  do  them  what  justice  I  may. 

There  are  three  distinct  views  in  which  this  ques- 
tion may  be  presented,  us  one  pecnliiuly  for  nego- 
tiation and  compromise.      In  the  first  |ilace,  there 


I  bare  my  bosom,  I  hold  out  both  my  hands,  to  li  is  the  character  of  the  subject-matter  of  the  con 


receive  that  brand.     I  am  willing  to  take  its  first  I 
and  deepest  impression,  while  the  iron  is  sharpest  ! 
and  honest.     If  there  be  anything  of  shame  in  such  i 
a  brand,  I  certainly  glory  in  my  .shame.     As  Cicero  1 
said,  in  contemplation  of  any  odium  which  might 
attach  to  him  for  dealing  in  too  severe  or  summary 
a  manner  with  Catiline,  "£o  aniiiio  sriiiper  fui,  ut 
ini'iilirim  t'ir/u(efiarfam,gf/ona»i,  lion  iflrii/tniii,;mf(i- 
rem  I" 

But  who,  who  is  willing  to  l>ear  the  brand  of  being 
a  member  of  the  war  party  ?  Who  will  submit  to 
have  that  Cain-mnrk  stamped  upon  his  brow  ?  I 
thank  Heaven  that  all  men,  on  nil  sides,  Ik.vc  thus 
far  refused  to  wear  it.  No  man,  of  ever  so  ex- 
irenic  opinions,  has  ventured  yel  to  speak  upon  this 
question  without  protesting,  in  the  roundest  terms, 
that  lie  was  tor  peace.  Even  the  honorable  mem 
ber  from  Illinois,  [Mr.  Uouolass,]  who  was  for 
giving  the  notice  to  quit  at  (he  earliest  day,  and 
for  proceeding  at  once  to  build  forts  nnd  stockades, 
and  for  nssertin"  an  exclusive  jurisdiclion  over  the 
whole  Oregon  i'erritory  at  the  very  instant  nt 
which  (he  twelve  moiilhs  should  e.\'pire,  was  a,. 
stout  as  any  of  us  for  preserving  peace.  My  vener- 
able colleague.  [Mr.  Adams.]  loo,  from  whom  1  al- 
ways ditler  with  great  regret,  but  in  dill'ering  from 
whom  on  the  present  occasion  1  conform  mil  more  to 
my  own  conscientious  judgment  than  to  the  opinions 
of  my  constituents,  and  of  a  great  majnrity  of  the 
people  of  Massachusetts,  as  1  understand  tlieni — 
tie,  too,  I  am  smo,  even  in  that  very  torrent  of 
eloquent  indignation  which  cost  us  for  a  niomeul 
the  order  and  dii;nily  of  the  House,  could  have 
had  nothing  but  tlie  pence  of  the  counlry  at  heart. 
So  far  as  peace,  then,  is  concerned,  ii  seems  that 
we  are  all  agreed.  "  Only  it  must  be  an  honor- 
able peace;"  that,  I  think,  is  the  stereotyped  phrase 


troversy.   Unquestionably  there  may  be  rights  and  [ 
claims  not  of  a  nauire  to  admit  of  compromise,  i 
and  as  to  wliii'h  there  must  be  absolute  and  uncoil-  1 
ditional  relinquishment  on  one  side  or  the  otliC',or  ' 
a  conllict  is  inevitable.      1  may  allude  to  the  im- 
pressment of  our  seamen  as  an  example — a  prac- 
tice which  could  not  be  renewed  by  Great  Britain 
at  any  moment,  or  under  any  circumstances,  with- 
out |iroducing  immediate  hostilities.     But  here  we 
have  as  the  bone  of  our  coiitiniion,  a  vast  and  ! 
vacant  territory,  thousands  of  miles  distant  from 
both  countries,  entirely  capable  of  division,  and  ! 
the  loss  of  any  pan,  1  had  alinnstsaid  of  the  whole,  I 
of  which,  would  not  be  of  the  smallest  practical 
moment  to  either  of  tliem — a  territory  the  sover- 
eignly of  which  might  remain  in  abeyance  for  a  i 
half  century  longer  without  serious  iuconvenieiicc 
or  detriment  to  anybody,  and  in  rei'eience  to  which 
there  is  certainly  not  tlie  slightest  pretence  of  a 
iitcessiiy  for  simimary  or  precipitate  acliuli.     We 
need   ports  on  the  Pacific.     As  to  land,  we  have 
millions  of  acres  of  beller  land  still  unoccupied  on 
ibis  side  of  (be  mountains.     What  a  spictacle  it 
would  be,  in  the  si^jlit  of  men  nnd  angels,  for  the 
two  counirics  wliicii  claim  lo  have  inaile  the  great- 
est advances  in  eivlli/.ation  anil  Christiaiiily,  and 
which  are  bound  tngether  by  so  many  ties  of  na- 
ture and  nrl,  of  kindred  and  of  cinnmerce,  each  of 
1  them  with  possessions  so  vast  and  varioua,  to  be 
.  seen  engaging  in  a  conllict  of  brute  force  for  the 
iiiimedialc  and  exclusive  occupation  of  the  viliole 
of  Oregon  !    The  annals  of  barbe  ism  would  all'ord 
no  parallel  lo  such  a  scene  ! 

In  the  secoiiil  placi;,  sir,  there  is  the  character 

of  the  lille  lo  this  territory  on  both  sides.     I  shall 

attempt  no  analysis  or  history  of  this  lille.     lam 

'  certainly  nut  disputed  lu  vindicate  the  British  title ; 


and  J  to  the  American,  there  is  nothing  to  be 
added  to  the  successive  expositions  of  the  eminent 
statesmen  and  diplomatists  by  whom  it  has  been 
iHustrated.  But,  after  all,  what  a  title  it  is  to  fight 
about  1  Who  can  pretend  that  it  is  free  from  all 
difficulty  or  doubt?  Who  would  take  an  acre  of 
land  upon  such  a  title  as  an  investment,  without 
the  warranty  of  something  more  than  the  two  regi- 
ments of  rillemen  for  which  your  bill  provides? 
Of  what  is  the  title  made  up?  Vogue  traditions  of 
settlement,  musty  records  of  old  voyages,  conflict- 
ing claims  of  discovery,  disputed  principles  of 
public  law,  acknowledged  violations  of  the  rights 
of  aboriginal  occuimnts — these  are  the  elements — 
I  had  almost  said  the  beggarly  elements — out  cf 
which  our  clear  and  indisputable  title  is  com- 
pounded. I  declare  to  you,  sir,  that  ns  often  as  I 
llireud  the  mazes  of  this  controversy,  it  seems  to 
me  to  be  a  dispute  as  to  the  relative  rights  of  two 
panics  to  a  territory,  to  which  neitlier  of  them  has 
any  real  right  whatever;  and  I  should  hardly 
blame  the  oilier  nations  of  the  world  for  insisting 
on  coming  in  for  scot  and  lot  in  the  partition  of  it. 
Certainly,  if  we  should  be  so  false  to  our  charac- 
ter ns  civilized  nnlioiis  as  to  fight  about  it,  the  rest 
of  Christendom  would  be  justified,  if  they  had  the 
power,  in  treating  us  as  we  have  always  treated 
the  savage  tribes  of  our  own  continent,  and  turn- 
ing us  both  out  altogether. 

Why,  look  nt  a  single  fact  in  the  history  of  thi« 

controversy.     In  ISlti,   we  thought  our  title   to 

Oregon  as  clear  and  as  unquestionable  as  we  think 

it  now.     We  proposed  then  to  divide  it  with  Great 

Britain,  without  tlie  slightest  reference  to  any  third 

party  in  interesl.     Yet  at  that  very  moment  Spain 

was  in  posses.sion  of  those  rights  of  discovery, 

which,  since  they  were  transferred  to  us  by  the 

treaty  of  Florida,  we  consider  as  constituting  one 

of  the  strongest  elements  in  our  whole  case.     It  is 

,  a  most  notable  incident,  that  in  the  discussions  of 

'  1818  not  a  word  was  said  in  regard  either  to  the 

rights  of  Spain  or  to  the  Noolka  convention.    Yet 

now  Great  Britain  and  the  United  Stales  are  found 

1  jilacing  Ihciir  principal  reliance  on  these  two  sources 

'  of  title.     Is  there  not  enough  in  this  historical  fact 

10  lead  us  lo  distrust  our  own  judgments  and  our 

'  own  conclusions,  and  to  warn  us  of  the  danger  of 

fixing  our  views  so  exclusively  on  our  own  real  or 

imagined  want.i  or  interests  as  to  overlook   the 

rights  of  others? 

Let  me  not  be  misunderstood,  Mr.  Speaker.     I 
have  no  hesilnlion  in  saying  that  I  hon'^slly  think, 
upon  as  dispassionate  a  review  of  the  correspond- 
ence as  I  am  capable  of,  that  the  American  title  to 
Oregon  is  the  best  now  in  existence;  but  I  honestly 
think,  also,  that  the  whole  character  of  the  title  is 
'  too  confused  and  complicated  to  justify  any  arbi- 
i  trary  nnd  exclusive  assertions  of  right,  and  that  a 
compromise  of  the  question  Is  every  way  consistent 
with  reason,  interesl,  and  honor. 
I      There  is  one  element  in  our  lille,  however,  which 
I  confess  that  I  have  not  named,  and  lo  which  I 
I  may  not  have  done  entire  justice.   I  mean  that  new 
revelation  of  right  which  has  been  designated  as 
'  llie  right  of  our  manifest  ilestinij  to  spread  over  this 
irhote.  continent.     It  has  been  openly  avowed  in  a 
lending  Adminiftration  journal  that  this,  after  all, 
I  is  our  best  and  strongest  title — one  so  clear,  so  pre- 
eminent, nnd  so  indisputable,  that  if  Great  Britnin 
bad  all  our  other  titles  ill  addition  lo  her  mvn,  they 
would  weigh  nothing  against  it.     The  right  of  our 
manifest  destiny !    Tliere  is  n  right  for  n  new  >  iiap- 
ler  in  (lie  Inw  of  nations;  or  rather,  in  the  special 
laws  nf  our  own  country;  for  I  suppose  the  right 
of  a  manifest  destiny  lo  spread  will  not  be  admit- 
ted  lo  exist  in  any  nation  except  the  universal 
Yankee  nation!     This  right  of  our  manifest  des- 
(iny.  Mr.  Speaker,  reminds  me  of  anoiher  source 
j  of  ilile,  which  is  worthy  of  being  placed  beside  it. 
;  .Spain  and  Portugal,  we  all  know,  in  the  early  port 
|!  ol'the  sixieenib  cemury,  laid  rlnim  to  the  jurisdic- 
I  tinn  of  this  whole  northern  continent  of  America. 
'  Francis  I.  is  said  to  have  replied  to  this  pretension, 
'  that  he  should  like  to  sec  the  clause  in  ^Idam'a 
I    IVilt  in   which   their   exclusive   tide  was   found. 
|;  Now,  sir,  I  look  for  an  early  reproduction  of  this 
I ,  idea.    I  have  no  doubt  that,  if  due  search  be  made, 
1  a  copy  of  this  primeval  instrument,  wilh  a  clause 
'  giving  ns  the  wliole  of  Oregon,  can  be  somewhere 
hunted  up.     Perhaps  it  mov  be  found  in  that  same 
Illinois  cave  in  which  the  Mormon  Testament  has 
;  been  discovered.     I  commend  ihi  subject  to  tlie 


100 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  3, 


[ 

li'i 

h 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 

attention  of  those  in  tJiat  neighborhood,  &nd  will 
promise  to  withdraw  all  my  opposition  to  giving 
notice  or  taking  possession,  whenever  the  right  of 
our  manifest  destiny  can  be  fortified  by  tlie  pro- 
■visions  of  our  great  first  parent's  Will ! 

Mr.  Speaker,  there  is  a  third,  and,  in  my  judg- 
ment, a  still  more  conclusive  reoson,  for  regarding 
tliis  question  as  one  for  negotiation  and  com|irn- 
misc.    I  refer  to  ils  history,  and  to  the  admissions 
on  both  sides  which  that  history  contains.     For 
thirty  years  this  question  has  been  considered  and 
treated  as  one  not  of  titU,  but  of  hoiim/o>-i/.     To 
run  a  boundary  line  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  Suites  from  the  Rocky  mounUiins  to  the 
Pacific  ocean — tliis  has  been  tlie  avowed  object  of 
each  successive  negotiation.     It  has  been  so  treat- 
ed by  Mr.  Monroe,  and  Mr.  Adams,  and  Mr.  Gal- 
latin, and  Mr.  Rush,  and  by  all  the  oilier  Ameri- 
can statesmen  who  have  treated  of  it  at  all .     Oflers  1 1 
of  compromise  and  arrangement  have  been  repeat-  i  j 
edly  made  on  both  sides  on  this  basis,    lliree  || 
times  we  have  offered  to  Great  Britain  to  divide  \\ 
with  her  on  the  49th  parallel  of  latitude,  and  to   [ 
give  her  the  navigation  of  the  Columbia  into  the  j| 
bargain.    Mr.  Polk  and  Mr.  Buchanan  ihcmBelvcs  |i 
have  acted  upon  the  same  principle  up  to  the  mo-  [< 
ment  of  the  iinal  abrupt  Icrniiimtion  of  the  nefjoli- 
aiions.     They  have  onercd  again  to  make  the  4'Jih  i 
parallel  the  boundary  line  between  the  possessions  < 
of  Great  Britain  and  tiicri;;t,r!  Suites  in  the  North- 
western Territory.     With  v. hat  face,  then,  can  wo 
now  turn  round  and  declare  that  there  is  no  bouii-  [  t 
dary  line  to  be  run,  nothing  to  negotiate  about,  tmd   j 
that  any  such  course  would  involve  a  cession  and 
aurreniler  of  American  soil !     Such  a  course  would    ' 
be  an  impeachment  of  the  conduit  of  the  distin-  ; 

ftiished  statesmen  whose  names  I  have  menliniied. 
t  implies  an  imiiutation  upon  the  present  President 
of  the  United  states  and  his  Secretary  of  State. 
And,  explain  it  as  we  may,  it  would  be  regarded 
Bs  an  unwarrantable  and  ollensive  assuniption  by 
the  whole  civilized  world.  ! 

Sir,  I  am  glad  to  perceive  that  the  language  of 
the  President's  Message  is  in  some  <icgree  conlnrin- 
able  to  this  view.  He  tells  us  that  the  history 
of  the  negotiation  thus  fur  "  affords  satisfactory 
evidence,"  not  that  no  conproniise  ought  to  be 
made,  but  tluit  "  no  compromise  which  tlie  United 
States  ought  to  accept  can  be  elfcctcd." 

And  this  brings  me  to  another  of  my  proposi-  ij 
tions.  I  take  issue  with  the  message  on  this  point. 
1  deny  that  the  rejection  of  the  precise  olfer  wliirli 
was  made  to  great  Britain  hi.st  summer,  has  fur- 
nished satisfhctory  evidence  that  no  compromlHC 
which  the  United  States  ought  to  accept  can  be 
effected.  CerUtinly,  I  regret  that  Great  Brit;uii 
did  not  accept  that  offer.  Ceriaiiily,  I  think  that 
this  question  might  fairly  be  sctllwl  on  the  biwi.s 
of  the  49ih  parallel;  and  I  believe  sincerely  liial, 
if  precipitate  and  offensive  steps  be  not  fcikeii  on 
our  part,  the  question  will  ultimately  l)e  selilcd  on 
that  basis.  But  there  may  lie  little  deviations  ; 
from  that  line  required  to  make  it  accepUible  to 
Great  Britain;  and,  if  so,  we  ought  not  to  hesi 
tite  in  making  them.  I  deny  that  the  iirccise  offer 
of  Mr.  Buchanan  is  the  only  one  which  the  United 
States  tught  to  accept  for  the  .sake  of  peace.  Such  i 
a  suggestion  is  an  ini|ieachmciit  of  thewisiloni  and 
patriotism  of  men  by  no  means  his  inferiors,  who 
have  made  other  and  more  liberal  offers.  1  think 
that  we  ought  to  ncce|)t  a  compromise  at  least  as 
favorable  to  Great  Britain  as  the  one  whitli  w:  have 
tliree  times  proposed  to  her.  If  wo  an,  uinvilling  to 
give  her  the  navii;aiioii  of  the  Columbia,  we  sImmiUI 
provide  some  equivalent  for  it.  If  the  questinn  is  to 
be  amicably  settled,  it  must  he  settled  on  terms  roti- 
lislenl  with  the  honor  of  both  imrties.  And  nobody 
con  imagine  that  Great  Britain  will  rc'.'ard  it  as 
consistent  with  her  honor,  to  lake  a  line  less  favor- 
able toiler  inleresls  than  that  which  she  has  tliiee 
times  declined  within  the  l.isl  thirty  years.  Let  I 
me  say,  however,  in  regard  to  the  navigation  of 
the  Columbia,  that,  if  I  understand  it  aright,  it  is 
of  very  little  imporUince  whether  we  give  it  or 
withhold  it,  as  tlie  river  in  believed  not  to  lie  navi- 
gable at  all  where  it  is  struck  by  the  forty-ninth 
parallel  of  latitude.  I  trust  that  we  shall  not  add 
folly  to  crime,  by  going  to  war  rather  than  yield  i 
the  navigation  of  an  unnavigabic  river.  ' 

And  here,  sir,  I  have  a  word  to  say  in  referinrc 
to  a  remark  made  liy  the  honorable  member  IVom 
NjW  York  who  has  just  taken  liis  seat,  [.Mr. 


The  Oregon  Qiiestion — Mr.  Winthrop. 

Preston  King.j  I  understood  him  to  say  that 
tli^  Administration,  in  making  the  offer  of  the  49tli 
parallel  to  Great  Briuiin  during  the  last  summer, 
did  it  with  tlie  perfect  understanding  that  it  would 
be  rejected.  I  appeal  to  the  honorable  member  to 
say  whether  I  have  quoted  him  correctly. 

Mr.  P.  Kino.  I  said  I  had  heard  it,  and  believed 
it  to  be  so. 

Mr.  Winthrop.  There  is  an  admission  to  which 
I  wish  to  call  the  solemn  attention  of  the  House 
and  of  the  country.  I  ti-ust  in  Heaven  that  the 
honorable  member  is  mistaken.  I  trust,  for  the 
honor  of  the  country,  that  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  All'uirs  will  obUiin  official 
authority  to  contradict  this  statement. 

Mr.  Cf.  J.  Ingerhoi.l.  I  will  not  wait  for  tmy  au- 
thority.    1  deny  it  most  unqualifiedly. 

Mr.  P.  King.  1  have  no  other  authority  on  this 
subject  than  public  rumor,  and  this  I  believe  to  be 
correct. 

Mr.  WiNTiiKop.  It  cannot  be  correct.  What 
sort  of  an  Administration  arc  you  stipportiiig,  if 
you  can  believe  ihem  to  have  been  guilty  of  an  act 
of  such  gro.ss  duplicity  in  the  face  of^  the  world,  in 
order  to  furnish  iheniselvcs  with  a  pretext  for  war  ?  j 
I  would  nut  hate  heard  their  enemy  suggest  such  ! 
an  idea.  \ 

Mr.  P.  King,  (Mr.  W.  again  yielding  the  floor 
for  explaniuion.)  Any  man  of*^  common  sense 
might  have  known  that  such  a  proposition  to  the 
British  Government  would  be  rejected,  as  it  has 
been,  without  even  being  remitted  across  the  water. 

Mr.  WiNTimop.    Better  and  better.    I  thank  the  i 
honorable  member  even  more  fi  r  the  admission  he 
has  now  made. 

Mr.  P.  Kino.     You  arc  welcome  to  it. 

Mr.  WiNTiiiiop.  I  am  under  no  particular  obli-  : 
gation  to  vindicate  the  course  of  the  present  Admin-  I 
istration.  But,  as  an  American  citizen,  without  re- 
gard to  party,  and  with  a  single  eye  to  the  honor  of 
my  country,)  would  indignantly  repel  the  idea  that 
our  Ooverimient,  in  whosesoever  hands  it  might 
be,  could  be  guilty  of  so  scmdalous  and  abomina- 
ble an  act  as  that  which  has  now  been  imputed  to 
it  by  one  of  its  peculiar  defenders.  But  llie  hon- 
orable member  iidmits  that  any  man  of  common 
sen.se  must  have  understood  tliat  the  minister  of 
Great  BriUiin  « ■  iild  refuse  the  oiler  which  was  thus 
made,  (bypociiiically  made,  as  he  bdicvca,)  and  ' 
would  refuse  it  precisely  as  it  has  been  refused, 
without  even  transmitting  it  ac,ro.--s  the  water. 
What,  then,  becomes  of  all  the  indignation  which 
has  been  expressed  and  implied  by  the  Admiiiis- 
Iriilion  and  its  friends,  from  the  SecreUiry  of  Slate 
downwards,  at  the  rejection,  and  more  particularly 
atilie  manner  of  the  rejection,  of  that  oll'rr?  Why, 
it  seems,  after  all,  that  the  honorable  member  and 
myself  arc  not  so  very  fur  apart.  This  admirision 
of  his  is  entirely  in  accordance  with  the  view  which 
1  have  olready  expressed,  that  if  any  compromise 
whatever  was  to  be  maili ,  (and  i  rejoice  to  find 
that  evt  n  the  chairinun  of  the  Committee  on  For- 
eign Affairs  has  this  inniiiing emphatically  denonii- 
natcd  himself  a  com;iro»ii.«fr,)  the  rejection  of  this 
precise  oiler  does  not  authorize  us  to  leap  at  once  to 
the  ciini'lusion,  that  **  no  compromise  which  the 
United  Slates  ought  to  accept  can  be  effected."  If 
our  Government  has  thus  far  made  no  offer,  except 
one  which  "  any  man  of  common  sense  might  base 
known  would  lie  rejected  preci.scly  as  it  has  been," 
1  trust  it  will  bethink  itself  of  making  anolliir  here- 
after, which  will  atlord  to  Great  Britain  a  less  rea- 
sonable pretext  for  so  siiiiiiiKiry  a  jiroieedin;;. 

But,  Mr.  Speaker,  it  is  crruiiiily  possible  that, 
with  the  best  intentions  on  both  sides  of  the  water, 
all  ellbrts  at  negotiatiiiir  a  I'omnromise  may  fail. 
It  may  turn  out  hereafter,  tlioiu^li  i  deny  that  it  is 
:  yet  proved,  that  no  cumiirninisi'  which  the  United 
.'Stales  ouglil  to  accept  ciui  be  clVccud.  Wliiit  then- 
Is  there  no  resort  but  war:  Vis,  yes;  there  is 
Biill  another  easy  and  obvious  nuide  of  averting 
that  fearful  alleniali\e.  I  mean  urbilrntinn;  n  re- 
sort so  reasonable,  so  just,  so  conforinalilc  to  the 
principles  which  govern  us  in  our  daily  domestic 
affairs,  so  conformable  to  the  spirit  of  civilization 
,  and  Christianity,  that  no  man  will  venture  to  .say 
one  word  against  it  in  the  absliaet.  But  then  we 
cjin  find  no  impartial  arbiter,  say  gentlemen  ;  and, 
therefore,  we  will  have  no  arbitration.  Our  title 
is  so  clear  and  so  iiidi.siiutable,  that  we  can  find 
nobody  in  the  wide  world  impartial  enough  to  give 
it  a  fiiir  consideration  '■ 


Ho.  or  Reps. 

Sir,  this  is  a  most  unworthy  pretence ;  unwor- 
thy of  us,  and  offensive  to  nil  mankind.  It  is 
doing  injustice  to  our  own  case  and  to  our  own 
character,  to  assume  that  all  the  world  are  preju- 
diced against  us.  Nothing  but  a  consciousness  of 
having  given  cause  for  such  a  state  of  feeling  could 
have  suggested  its  existence.  The  day  litu)  been 
when  wo  could  liold  up  our  heads  and  apfieal  con- 
fidently, not  merely  for  justice,  but  for  sympathy 
and  succor,  if  they  were  needed,  to  more  tlian  one 
gallant  and  generous  nation.  We  may  do  so  again, 
if  W(i  will  not  wantonly  outrage  the  feelings  of  the 
civilized  world.  For  myself,  there  is  no  monarcli 
in  Europe  to  whom  I  sliould  fear  to  submit  ihia 
question.  The  King  of  France,  the  King  of  Pnu- 
Bia,  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  cither  of  them  would 
bring  to  it  intelligence,  impartiality,  and  ability. 
But,  if  there  be  a  jealousy  of  crowned  heads,  why 
not  propose  n  commission  of  civilians.'  If  you 
will  put  no  trust  in  princes,  there  are  profound 
jurists,  accomplished  liistoriuns,  men  of  learning, 
philosophy,  and  science,  on  both  sides  of  the 
water,  from  whom  a  tribunal  might  be  constituted, 
whose  decision  upon  any  question  would  com- 
mand universal  confidence  and  respect.  The  ven- 
erable Gallatin ,  (to  name  no  otlier  American  name,) 
to  whose  original  exposition  of  this  question  we 
owe  almost  all  that  is  valuable  in  the  papers  by 
which  our  title  has  since  been  enforced,  would  add 
the  crowning  grace  to  liia  long  life  of  patriotic  ser- 
vice, by  representing  his  country  once  more  in  a 
tribunal  to  which  her  honor,  her  interests,  and  her 
peace  mischt  safely  be  entrusted.  At  any  fate,  let 
lis  not  reject  the  idea  of  arbitration  in  the  abstract; 
and,  if  the  terms  cniuiot  be  agreed  upon  afterwards, 
we  shall  have  some  sort  of  opology  for  not  sub- 
mitting to  it.  General  .Tackson,  sir,  did  not  regard 
arbitration  as  a  measure  unfit  either  for  him  or  his 
country  to  adopt.  Indeed,  it  is  well  understood 
that  he  was  so  indignant  at  the  King  of  Holland's 
line  not  being  accepted  by  us,  that  nc  decliiied  to 
take  any  fiirthcr  steps  on  the  subject  of  thcNortli- 
eastern  boundary. 

I  cannot  but  regret,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  the  Presi- 
dent, in  making  up  an  ipsue  before  the  civilized 
world,  upon  which  he  claims  to  be  relieved  from 
all  responsibility  which  may  follow  the  failure  to 
settle  this  question,  has  omitted  all  allusion  to  the 
fact,  that  arbitration  on  this  subject  of  Oregon  ha.s 
been  once  solemnly  tendered  to  us  by  Great  Britain. 
I  am  willing,  however,  to  put  the  very  best  con- 
struction on  this  omission  of  which  it  is  suscepti- 
ble, and  to  believe  that  the  President  desired  to 
leove  himself  still  uncommitted  upon  this  point. 
Without  some  such  explanation,  it  certainly  has  a 
most  unfortuiialc  and  disingenuous  look.  This 
omitted  fact  is,  indeed,  enough  to  turn  the  scale 
of  the  public  judgment  upon  the  whole  is.iuc.  Ar- 
bitration olfcred  by  Great  Britain,  and  peraevering- 
ly  rejected  by  us,  leaves  the  responsibility  for  the 
liiesirvalicm  of  peace  upon  our  own  shoulders. 
The  Administration  cannot  escape  from  the  bnrdeii 
of  that  resp.insiliility;  and  a  fearful  responsibility  it 
is,  both  to  man  and  to  God! 

Before  concluding  my  remarks,  as  the  clock  ad- 
monishes me  1  soon  must,  1  desire  to  revert  to  ono 
or  two  points  to  which  1  alluded  briefly  at  the  out- 
set. I  linvu  already  declared  myself  opposed  to 
the  views  of  my  honorable  colleague,  [Mr.  Adams,) 
as  to  giving  the  niitice  to  Great  Britain.  1  honestly 
liclieve  that  the  termination  of  that  convention  of 
joint  occupation,  (I  call  it  by  this  name  fiir  con- 
venience, not  perceiving  that  It  makes  any  material 
difference  as  to  the  real  question  before  us,)  at  this 
moment,  under  existing  circumstances,  and  with 
the  view,  which  my  honomble  colleague  has  ex- 
pressed, of  following  it  up  by  the  immediate  occu- 
pation of  the  wluile  of  Oregon,  would  almost  una- 
voidably lerininnte  In  war.  I  see  no  probable,  and 
hardly  any  possible,  escape  from  such  a  conse- 
qneni'e.  And  to  what  end  are  we  to  invidve  our 
country  in  such  a  calamity?  I  appeal  to  my  hon- 
orable eolleaffue,  and  to  every  niember  oil  this 
floor,  to  tell  me  what  particular  advantage  is  to  be 
derived  from  giving  this  notice  and  terminating  this 
convention  at  this  precise  moment,  and  in  advance 
of  any  amicable  adjustment.  The  honorable  mem- 
'  ber  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  C.  J.  lMiEiisoi.i.|  has 
said  that  this  convention  is  tlie  own  child  ot  my 
honorable  colleague.  It  has  been  twice  established 
under  his  auspices,  and  with  the  advice  and  consent 
I  uf-etatesmcn  as  jiatriotic  and  discriminating  at  any 


.»..•*• 


*,: 


[Jan.  3, 


or  Reps. 


1845.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


101 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Tke  Oregon  Queition — Mr,  Brinkerhoff. 


Ho.  OP  Reps. 


tence;  uiiwor- 
[inkind.  It  is 
id  to  our  own 
Drill  are  prcjii- 
n!iciou8iici<!i  of 
f  t'celing  could 

duy  liiiti  been 
lid  npiwiil  oon- 

for  syinimiliy 
more  than  one 
ly  doBO  ognin, 
feelings  of  tlie 
is  no  monarch 
to  Hubmil  this 

King  of  Pnis- 
i(  tlicm  would 
f,  nnd  ability, 
ed  heads,  why 
lians?    If  you 

are  profound 
;n  of  IcariiinK, 
sides  of  iho 
be  constituted , 
11  would  corn- 
ed. The  ven- 
merican  name,) 
is  question  we 

the  papers  by 
ced,  would  add 
of  patriotic  ser- 
once  more  in  a 
.crests,  and  her 
kl  any  rate,  let 
in  llie  abstract; 
ion  iifierwards, 
;y  for  not  sub- 
,  did  not  regard 
r  for  him  or  his 
fell  understood 
\e  of  Holland's 

nc  decliticd  to 
MoflheNortli- 

,  that  the  Prcsi- 
rc  the  civilized 
^  relieved  from 
w  the  failure  to 
allusion  to  the 

of  Oregon  hiiH 

Great  Uritain. 
very  best  con- 

il  IS  sHscepli- 
lent  desired  to 
ion  this  point, 
certainly  has  ii 
IS  look.     This 

turn  the  scale 
olc  is.^ue.  A  r- 
nd  perscveriiu;- 
[isibiMiy  for  the 
iwn  shoulders, 
rom  the  burden 
'esponsibility  it 

IS  the  clock  ad- 

II  revert  to  ono 

ielly  at  the  out- 

If  opposed  to 

[Mr.  Adams,] 

ijn.    1  honestly 

convention  of 

lame  for  con- 

s  any  material 

'ore  us,)  at  this 

N,  and  with 

;ue  has  ex- 

nnicillate  occii- 

ild  almo.al  uiia- 

1  probable,  and 

Hiii'li  a  conse- 

lo  involve  our 

Mil  to  my  lion- 

inilicr  on    lliis 

aiitiij^e  is  to  lie 

I'riniiiating  this 

and  in  advance 

onorable  niini- 

N(itnsoti.l  h.is 

'n  child  ot  my 

■ice  eslablislicd 

ice  and  consent 

liiiatiiig  us  any 


The  honorublo  member  ft-om  Pennsylvania  has 
pven  us  a  rich  description  of  the  rapid  influx  of 
population  into  that  territory.     He  has  presented 
IIS  with  a  lively  picture  of  I  know  not  how  many 
thousand  women  and  children  on  their  winding 
way  to  this  promised  land  beyond  the  mountains. 
Let  them  go.     God  speed  them  !  There  is  nothing 
in  the  terms  of  this  convention  which  impedes 
their  niissage,  nor  anything  which  [irevents    us 
.  from  tlirowiiig  over  them  the  protection  of  a  lim- 
ited Territorial  Government.     I  am  ready  to  go 
ns  far  as  Great  Britain  has  gone  in  establishing  our 
jurisdiction  there;  and  no  interest,  either  of  those  || 
who  arc  going  there,  or  of  those  who  are  staying   i 
here,  calls  on  us  to  go  further  at  present.     The  Ij 
best  interests  of  both  parties,  on  the  contrary,  for-  H 
bid  any  such  proceeding.     Gentlemen  talk  about 
followni;.'  Ill)  this  notiiw  by  taking  immediate  jios-  | 
session  of  the  territory.     This  is  sooner  said  than  ' 
done.     What  if  Great  Britain  should  lmp[)en  to  ; 
get  tlie  start  of  us  in  that  proceeding?     Such  a 
thing  would  not  be  matter  of  very  great  astoiiisli- 
meiit  to  those  who  remember  her  celerity  in  such 
movements,  nnd  her  power  to  susuiin  them  when  • 
once  made.     V/ here  should  we  be  then?     Would! 
there  be  no  war .' 

And  whet  would  lie  the  consequences  of  a  war 
under  sudi  circumstances — the  consequences,  not  : 
upon  cotton  or  upon  commerce,  not  upon  Boston, 
or  Charleston,  or  New  York,  but  what  would  be  | 
the  ooiusequenccs  so  far  merely  as  Oregon  itself  is  ! 
concerned.'    The  cry  is  now,  "  the  whole  of  Ore-  \ 
goii  or  none,"  and  echo  would  answer,  under  such  ; 
circumstances,  "  none  .'"     I  see  not  how  any  man  ] 
in  his  senses  can  resist  the  conviction  that,  what- 
ever compensation   wc  might  console   ourselves  I 
with,  by  a  cut  out  of  Canada,  or  by  the  whole  of  i 
Canada — that  under  whatever  circumstances   of 
success  we  niidit  carry  on  the  war  in  other  quar-  I 
tors  of  the  world  or  of  our  own  continent,  the  adop- 
tion of  such  a  course  would  result  in  the  imme- 
diate loss  of  the  whole  of  the  territory  in  dispute.  ; 
This,  at  least,  is  my  own  honest  opinion.  | 

As  a  friend,  then,  to  Oregon,  witn  every  dispo-  i 
sition  to  maintain  our  just  rights  to  that  territory, 
with  the  most  sincere  ili  sire  to  see  that  territory 
in  the  possession  of  such  of  our  own  people  as 
desire  to  occupy  it — whether  hereafter  as  an  inde-  'r 
pendent  nation,  as  was  originally  suggested  by  a  :i 
distinguished  Senator  from  Missouri,  [Mr.  Ben-  ; 
TON,]  and  more  recently  by  a  no  less  distinguisli- 
ed  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Webster,] 
or  as  a  portion  of  our  own  wide-spread  and  glo-  ■ 
rious  Republic — I  am  opposed  to  tlie  steps  which 
arc  now  about  to  be  so  hotly  pursued. 

Sir,  1  feel  that  I  have  a  right  to  express  some- 
thing more  than  an  ordinary  interest  in  this  mat- 
ter. There  is  no  bettor  element  in  our  title  to  Ore- 
gon than  that  which  has  been  contributed  by  Bos- 
Ion  enterprise.  You  may  talk  about  the  old  navi- 
gators of  Spain,  and  the  Florida  treaty,  and  the 
sculoment  at  Astoria,  and  the  survey  of  Lewis  and 
(.Jlarke,  as  much  as  you  please,  but  you  all  come 
back,  for  your  best  siUisliiciion,  to  "  Auld  Robin 
Gray"  in  the  end.  Captain  Robert  Gray,  of  Bos-  ' 
ton,  in  the  good  ship  Columbia,  gave  you  your  ' 
earliest  right  of  foothold  upon  iliat  soil.  i 

I  have  seen,  within  a  few  months  past,  Mie  last  ' 
survivor  hardy  crew,  still  living  in  n  green  ' 

old  age,  and  exhibiting  with  pride  a  few  original 
Hketehes  of  some  of  the  scenes  of  iliat  now  memor- 
able voyage.  My  cunstituciits  all  feel  some  pride 
in  their  connexion  wii'i  the  title  to  this  territory. 
But  ill  their  name  I  protest  against  the  result  "of 
their  peaceful  enterprise  being"  turned  to  the  ac- 
count of  an  iinncccs.siiry  and  destructive  war.  1 
protest  against  the  )nire  current  of  the  river  which 
they  discovered,  and  to  which  their  ship  has  given 
its  noble  name,  being  wantonly  stained  with  either 
American  or  British  blood  !  i 

But  while  I  am  thu.s  opposed  to  war  for  Oregon ,  i 
or  to  any  measures  which,  in  my  judgment,  are 
likely  to  le.id  to  war,  I  shall  withhold  no  vote  from 
any  measure  which  the  friends  of  the  .\dministra- 
tion  may  bring  forward  for  the  defence  of  the 
country.  Whether  the  bill  be  for  two  regiments 
or  for  twenty  regimeiils,  it  shiill  puss  for  all  me. 
To  the  last  file,  to  the  uttermost  llirtliing,  which 
they  may  require  of  us,  they  shall  have  men  and 
money  Ibr  the  public  protection.     But  the  rcspon- 


who  now  hold  the  helm  of  ourQovemment.  What     sibility  for  bringing  about  such  a  state  of  things 
evil  has  it  done .'    What  evil  is  i£ now  doing?  shall  bo  theirs,  and  theirs  only.    They  can  pre- 

'  vent  it  if  they  please.     The  peace  of  the  country 

and  the  honor  of  the  country  are  still  entirely  cnm- 
paiiblo  with  each  other.  1  he  Oregon  q,ue8tion  is 
still  perfectly  susceptible  of  an  aniicablo  adjust- 
ment, and  1  rejoice  to  believe  that  it  may  still  be 
so  adjusted,  "wc  have  had  omens  of  peace  in  the 
other  end  of  the  Capitol,  if  none  in  tliis.  But  if 
war  comes,  ihc  Administration  must  take  the  re- 
sponsibility for  all  its  guilt  and  all  its  disgrace. 

APPENDIX. 
The  resolutions   referred  to  in  the   foregoing 
speech,  and  wliich  were  ofl'ered  by  Mr.  Wimtiirup 
in  the  House  of  Heprcsentalives  on  tlie  19lh  of  De- 
cember last,  were  as  follows  : 

itMolierf,  That  the  (litTcroncc  lictwcen  tlie  United  Btntca 
niul  Grcnl  hrilnln,  on  the  Buhject  of  tlio  Oregon  Territory, 
urn  sun  n  nt  »lll>Jcct  t'nr  ncgiitlatinii  and  cnMipriiiniMC,  nnd 
tlint  sftlislhctnry  evidence  liiw  not  yet  liei.-ii  nirorded  tluit  no 
cninprnmisc  wliich  Uie  United  tiintca  nuslit  to  ucccpt  can  be 
oU'ected. 

Hemhal,  Tlint  it  would  lie  a  dinlionor  to  tlie  nje  in  wllieli 
WC!  live,  nnd  ill  Uiu  liinlieet  ili  (jree  discrcditnlile  to  liotli  tlie 
nnlinna  cdiiceriieri,  il'they  sliniilil  slilTcr  tlieniKclveino  lie 
drawn  into  n  war,  upon  n  qui^Htion  nl'  no  iniuicdiute  or 
pnietienl  inlcriwt  to  eiltier  ot'ttieni. 

Resohed,  'I'lint  if  no  other  mode  for  the  nmii^abin  ndJiiEt- 

nient  of  this  (|iie>ition  reinainv,  it  is  due  to  tlie  priiiciplex  of 

civiliznUon  and  Clirifliimily  Unit  a  report  to  nrliitrntion 

filiould  be  Imd;  nnd  that  tllia  fioveniini'nt  cnnnot  relievo 

itself  from  nil  responsibilily  wliicli  may  follow  tlic  fnilure 

to  Hcltle  tile  eontrovert«y  wliile  tliirf  reunrt  in  »till  untried. 

Renohedy  That  nrhiinition  does  not  neecusnrily  involve  n 

I  reference  10  crowned  headu;  nnd  tliBl,if  a  jealimi^y  of  sucli 

I  n  reference  is  entertained  in  any  qiiarlcr,  a  commission  of 

{  nble  and  (lispaiisioni(te  eitizcns,  eitller  from  tlic  two  cnlin- 

I  tries  concerned  or  from  Uie  world  at  larRe,  offers  itself  as  un 

obvious  and  luiotiJecUonuble  nlterimUve. 


House  of  Representatives, 

January  26,  ld46. 
i      Messrs.  Blair  &  Rives  :  The  reported  speech 
i  of  Mr.  Cocke,  of  Tennessee,  has  the  following: 
"  Mr.  U'entwohth  said  tiiat  no  mnn  on  tliut  floor  would 
neeiwe  iiini  of  ndvocnting  any  such  doctrine.    The  report 
hniUieen  drnivn  up  liy  Mr.  A.  V.  Drown ;  nnd  Mr.  W.  had 
I  dlMniined  the  iiosiUnn  in  a  ininority  report." 

j      Which  is  nil  correct,  save  that  I  made  no  allu- 
sion to  aiminority  report,  and  there  was  none. 
So  unimportant  an  individual  as  myself  would 

;  hardly  be  justified  in  imposing  a  minority  report 

I  on  the  House  for  such  a  qualified  expression  as  the 

j  following : 

"  The  iiiving  of  that  notice  lieing  a  matter  of  treaty  slipil- 

I  Intion,  lielnnKs,  rEllll.XrH,  exclusively  to  the  Exeeutivo, 
on  wliose  province  tliere  is  no  occasion,  nnd  Uie  committee 
have  no  inclination,  tu  intrude.'* 

I  My  voles  for  all  measures  tending  to  the  imme- 
;  diate  and  direct  giving  of  the  notice,  and  immedi- 
i  ate  and  direct  possession  of  all  of  Oregon,  to  the 
i  Russian  boundary, «pcak  without  any  "pcWiiijw," 
i  and  are  the  best  definition  I  can  give  of  my  iiosi- 
'  tion.  And  as  I  have  voted  for  all  Oregon  bills, 
i  singly  and  united,  giving  that  the  preference  only 

which  is  the  most  Tikelv  to  (wss,  I  would  not  care 
i  who  gave  the  iiciticc,  the  President  or  Congress, 

provided  that  it  be  given  immediately. 

J.  WEN'l'WORTH. 


THE  OREGON  aUESTlON. 


REMARKS  OF  MR.  BRINKERHOFF, 

OF   OHIO, 
In  the  House  of  Representatives, 
January  14,  184C. 
The  Resolution  from  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Alfairs,  requiring  the  Presiileiit  to  notify  Great 
Britain  of  the  inlention  of  the  United  States  to 
terminate  the  Joint  occupancy  of  Oregon,  and  to 
abroffute  llie  convention  ol*^  18i!7,  being  under 
consideration  in  Committee  of  the  Whole — 
Mr.  BRINKERHOFF  addressed  the  committee 
as  follows  : 

Mr.  Chairman  :  When  I  declare  that  it  is  with 
great  reluctance  that  I  have  brought  my  mind  to 
1  the  conclusiim  to  take  part  at  all  in  this  (lebate,  and 
'  that,  consulting  niv  own  feelings  alone,  I  should 
i  not  liave  attempted  to  do  so,  it  will  probably  gain 
i  very  little  credence  here.  It  is,  nevertheless,  true. 
'  I  [design,  however,  to  say  a  few  words,  and  but 


a  very  few  words,  on  the  resolution  before  tho 
House,  and  that  solely  for  the  purpose  of  placing 
the  {jround  of  my  action,  upon  a  question  which  is 
admitted  to  be  one  of  so  much  moment,  before  my 
own  immediutc  constituency. 

Throughout  the  whole  course  of  this  debate  hero, 
and  in  all  the  discussions  of  this  Oregon  ques- 
tion, which  have  occupied  the  public  press  through- 
out the  country,  ono  gratifying  fact  has  manifested 
itself,  and  that  is,  the  entire  unanimity  of  Congress 
and  of  the  country  as  to  tho  validity  of  the  Ameri- 
can title  to  Oregon. 

From  the  venerable  gentleman  fVom  Massachu- 
setts, [Mr.  Ai>AMs,]  wlio  has,  with  so  much  spirit 
and  energy,  odvocatcd  the  notice  proposed  by  the 
pending  resolution,  to  the  gentleman  from  South 
Carolina,  [Mr.  Rhett,]  who  with  such  impassion- 
ed vehemence  opposed  it— on  every  hand,and  upon 
all  sides,  it  is  not  only  admitted,  but  insisted,  that 
the  American  title  to  Oregon  is  "clear  and  un- 
questionable," indicating  that,  whatever  may  have 
been  the  extent  or  the  Tjitterness  of  onr  partisan 
differences  on  other  queslions;  whatever  may  be 
the  consc({Ucnces  to  arise  from  our  action  here,  we 
•  shall  present  to  the  country  nnd  to  tho  world  a 
united,  an  unbroken  front. 

1  have  just  risen  f\om  a  somewhat  careflil  read- 
ing of  the  correspondence  between  the  plenipoten- 
tiaries of  the  two  nations  in  regard  to  this  contro- 
versy. I  had  been  told,  previous  to  the  reading, 
of  the  triumph  of  the  American  negotiator — of  th« 
conviction,  amounting  almost  to  absolute  demon- 
stration, which  his  clear  and  masterly  exposj!  of 
our  rights  was  calculated  to  produce — of  the  per- 
fection of  our  title,  as  against  Great  Britain,  to  that 
country;  but  I  must  say,  like  tlie  (^ueen  »{ Sheba, 
whnn  gazing  on  the  architectural  wonders  of  Jeru- 
salem, that  I  had  not  heard  the  half  of  it;  and  I  be- 
lieve that  any  unprejudiced  man,  of  any  country  or 
of  any  party,  who  will  rend  that  correspondence, 
must  feel  tliDt  the  honor  of  our  country  is  enlisted 
in  the  maintenance  of  our  posessions  there,  be- 
cause— and  that  is  reason  enough — because  that 
country  i.«  of  right  our  oxvn.  I  agree  with  the  gentle- 
man from  Indiana  j^Mr.  Kennedy]  upon  this  point — 
and  not  upon  this  only,  but  upon  many  others, 
I  may  say  upon  all  other  points  I  agree  with  him— 
that  when,  for  nil  the  purposes  of  this  debate,  it  is 
admitted  that  Oregon  is  ours,  we  may  make  our- 
selves easy  as  to  the  consequences  that  arc  to  fol- 
low from  the  assertion  of  our  title;  for,  whatever 
these  consequences  may  be,  we,  who  take  the  re- 
sponsibility of  that  action,  may  fall  back,  with  con- 
sciences quiet  and  ensy,  upon  the  consciousness  of 
h.iving  been  actuated  by  a  sense  of  duty,  and  by  a 
regard  to  the  rights  and  the  honor  of  the  country. 

1  go  for  the  notice,  sir.   I  have  all  along  been  of 
the  opinion  that  tlie  notice  should  be  given;  but  I 
will  say  that  I  am  extremely  gratified  to  find  my- 
self in  this  position,  in  the  company  with  which  1 
am  surrounded.     I  was  extremely  happy  to  learn, 
from  the  report  of  the  debate  on  this  floor,  (for  I 
had  not  the  pleasure  of  listening  to  the  gentleman,) 
that  the  venerable  gentleman  from  Massachuset'j  , 
had  taken  that  position.   Firm  ns  are  my  own  con- 
;  victions,  I  confess  I  nm  glad  to  fortify  them  by  so 
'  high  authority;  and  I  am  glad,  further,  that  the 
i  reproach  which  had  begun  so  extensively  to  be 
!  insinuated  through  the  country,  that  all  this  move- 
i  ment  is  the  result  of  the  action  of  hair-brained,  hot- 
I  headed  young  men,  trying  to  play  the  sUitesman, 
!  has  been  removed  by  tlie  stnntt  which  that  gentle- 
man  has  token  upon  the  question.    It  is  not  the.«o 
!  hair-brnincd,  hot-headed  young  men  alone  thatad- 
!  vocale  this  measure.    It  lias  the  advocacy  of  sage 
i  experience — of  a  man  who  literally  stands  in  tho 
'  midst  of  posterity,  whose  life  is  in  the  past,  and 
I  whose  only  ambition  is,  not  for  the  f\iture,  but  for 
!  tlie  correct  discJiarge  of  those  responsibilities  which 
'  attend  the  close  of  human  existence. 
I      But  although  it  is  admitted  throughout  that  the 
American  title  to  Oregon  "is  clear  and  unquestion- 
able," yet  the  fact  of  the  joint  convention  of  1897 
exists.     We  have  by  the  terms  of  that  convention 
admitted  Great  Britain  to  a  kind  of  partnership  in 
it;  she  has  a  recognised  tenancy  there  which  can 
only  be  terminated  by  one  year  s  notice;  and  tho 
question  is  not  ns  to  the  original  propriety  and  pol- 
icy of  this  convention.    It  exists;  and  the  question 
is,  Shall  wc  dissolve  this  partnership?    Shall  wo 
get  ri(i  of  this  tenancy,  by  giving  the  other  party 
notice  to  quit  ?  It  is  said  this  is  a  warlike  measure. 


■pa 


102 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  14, 


29th  Cono 1st  Serb. 


The  Oregon  ^uestion^Mr.  Brinkerhoff. 


Ho.  or  Rkpr. 


But  I  repeat  what  others  have  said  who  have  epo-  ! 
ken  before  me,  that  1  caniiol  discover  luiylhmg  of  , 
that  character  in  it.    We  dissolve  tlie  purtncrahin,  , 
■ir  1  but  we  do  it  in  strict  conforniilv  with  llie  I 
■tipulations  of  the  articles  of  parlnei'ship;  we  give  I 
tlie  tenant  notice  to  ijuil,  but  it  is  in  accordance  ^ 
with  (he  express  provisions  of  the  lease.     So  fur  j 
fVom   violaiHig    any    treaty— which    everybody  | 
knows  would  Be  a  cause  of  war — v^e  are,  in  giving  j 
notice,  acting  in  strict  conformity  wiili  the  provis- 
ions of  the  treaty,  and  are  carrying  out  a  measure, 
foreseen,  anticipated,  provided  for  by  tlie  treaty 
which  is  to  beaurogated.   It  is  not  tlien  a  warlike, 
it  is  a  treaty  measure,  a  peace  measure,  and  nolliiiig 
else. 

"  But,"  ask  gentlemen,  "  why  should  the  part- 
nership be  termuiatcd .'     Why  should  the  conven- 
tion be  abrogated .'     What  reason  exists  for  il?" 
We  might  properly  ask  tlicin  to  advance  nosilivtly 
what  reasons  exist  for  Its  conliiiuaiite.   '1  hey  have 
given  no  satisfactory  reason  of  that  kind — at  least  '■'■ 
no  reason  satisfactory  to  my  mind.     1  will,  lunv- 
ever,  stale  briefly  the  reusoiis  why  I  am  in  I'uvor  '•': 
of  abrogating  the  convemion.    And,  in  lhelii-.st[i 
place,  I  am  m  favor  of  it — in  favor  of  giving  lhi:i  , 
notice — because  Great  Britain,  as  n  matter  ol'fuci,  |' 
has  under  this  coiivenlion  all  she  asks.  tircatUrii-  ,; 
oin  has  oflcred  to  compromise  on   the  line  of  the  ;, 
Columbia  river.    We  nave  offered  the  line  of  49°.  j 
Who  has  llie  intervening  territory  between  thesie  •' 
two  points.'     I  ask  you,  sir:  Have  we?     If,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  we  had  the  possession  and  ociu- 
pancy  and  the  usufruct  of  the  diaputed  territory    , 
between  the  Columbia  river,  which  vioa  her  oiler, 
and  the  line  of  49°,  which  was  ours,  then  tliere   ! 
might  be  a  cause  for  conlinuing  the  convention  in 
force.    'But8heliasil,as  a  inatlerof'fact;  and  ihius 
she  is  actually  in  possession  of  all  she  claims  and    , 
all  she  asks.     We  have  a  small  population  in  that   i 
territory,  I  grant;  but  none  of  il  north  ol'4G°.  We   : 
have  not  a  solitary  family  north  of  the  Columbia   ' 
river.    They  are  excluded  from  il  by  thecircum-  ' 
stances  of  the  case,  by  the  British  occupancy  of 
the  northern  bonk  of  that  river,  by  the  adverse  in-   ! 
fluenees  whicli  are  brought  to  beiu-  on  American    i 
settlers  there.     The  fUct  stated  by  the  honorable 
gentleman  from  Indiana,   IMr.  Owen,]  that  an   ; 
American  settler,  who  had  undertaken  to  plant 
himself  on  the  uortlieni  bank,  had   licen  bought   ^ 
out  by  the  Hudson  Bay  Company  Iw  the  iiHymeiii,  i ; 
on  its  part,  of  a  liberal  sum — thut  tact  speaks  vol-  |j 
unies  on  tliis  subject.    It  is  true  that  the  "enllenian 
from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  Rhett]  unucnodk  to 
ridicule  this,  when  considered  as  nii  objectionable 
fact,  by  intimating  that  it  was  a  favorable  specula-   \ 
tion  for  tlie  settler.     But  suppose  that  you  admit 
that  it  was  advantageous  to  the  individual  settler, 
the  question  is,  whetlier  it  is  policy  for  us  to  |H'r- 
rait  su'  li  influences  to  exist  there?     Il  may  bt  lii-   ; 
vorablc  to  the  individual  setllcr,  but  is  it  favorable 
to  the  American  interests  in  Oregon .'     And  when 
the  Hudson  Bay  Company — unquestionably  desir- 
ous of  peace,  so  long  as  their  interests  can  be  main-  |; 
taiiied  to  the  full  extent  by  peaceful  measures — are  : 
willing  thus  to  wicrifire  their  money  to  reuiin  the   ' 
territory  north  of  the  Columbia  river,  what  mea.s- 
ures  would  they  not  be  willing  to  resort  lo,  if  tlieae  i 
peaceful  measures  should  fail  lo  accomplish  their  : 
ends.     This  fact  shows  the  existence  of  a  determi-  ; 
nation  on  the  part  of  Great  Briuiin,  or  of  her  agent, 
the   Hudson   Bay  Company,  "  peaceably  it'  she 
con,  forcibly  if  she  must,"  to  keep  |)ossession  of 
the  northern  bonk  of  that  river.     And  this  is  all  ' 
Great  Britain  asks  even  when  treating  upon  that 
subject.     Our  position,  therefore,  cannot  be  made 
worse  by  giving  this  notice.   Great  Britain  desires 
the  conimuance  of  this  convention;  and  the  suppo- 
sition on  her  part  that  the  notice  will  not  be  given,  V- 
that  the  convention  will  be  preserved  in  force — that   ; 
she  can  thus  continue  to  derive  all  the  advantages  [j 
from  the  existing  convention  that  she  would  derive  |{ 
from  a  treaty  on  the  Imsis  of  the  Columbia  river,  \< 
is  a  reason  why  our  liberal  and  generous — too  lib-  ; 
eral  and  generous — offer  of  compromise  on  tlie  49th  i| 
degree  was  so  summarily  rejected. 

The  gentleman  from  South  Carolina,  [Mr.  ! 
Rrett,]  in  attempting  to  frighten  us  and  the  inuii- 
try  from  ihe  vigorous  maintenance  of  our  rights  in  \ 
Oregon,  tells  us  that  the  cross  of  St.  George  waves  ' 
over  thirty  British  form  in  Oregon,  and  Jiai  when  n 
you  asseri  ilit.sc  rights  you  must,  by  force,  tear  ; 
down  the  cross  and  place  our  flog  there  in  its  slead.  ' 


A  strange  argument  this  for  R  gentleman  to  use  who 
advocates  the  continuance  of  this  convention!  This 
state  of  things  has  occurred  under  the  existence  of 
this  convention;  it  is  while  thin  convention  has 
been  in  force  that  Ihcsp  forls  have  been  erected  and 
maintained;  and  if  twenty  years  have  resulted  in 
the  erection  and  manning:  of  thirty  British  semi- 
military  posts  there,  while  we  have  not  one,  what 
ore  we  to  expect  from  the  further  coiilinuonco  of  it.' 

\;jain,  sir:  I  would  give  the  notice  because  the 
President  has  recommended  it.  The  Constitu- 
tion has  confided  to  him  Ihe  conduct  of  the  for- 
eisrn  relaliona  of  the  countrjj.  He  has  had  charge 
ol^  the  hvle  iiegotialionH  on  this  siibjc-et;  ho  knows 
— what  wc  do  not  know,  mid  cannot  know — all  the 
secrets  of  these  negiitintinns;  and  n  recommendn- 
lioii  coming  from  snob  a  source  has  weight  in  my 
mind.  Who,  in  connexion  with  this  question, 
doubts  either  the  entire  patriotism  of  the  President, 
or  the  eminent  ability  ol  the  disiinguislied  Secretary 
who  has  been  more  particularly  charged  with  this 
subject?  No  one,  sir;  I  venture  to  say,  no  one. 
They  have  taken  the  re-'ponsibility  of  this  reeom- 
menilation:  letu.inot.ihrink  from  the  responsibility 
of  sustaining  them.  Let  us  present  to  our  adversary 
and  to  the  world,  not  only  a  united  people,  but  a 
united  Ooveninieiil.  Let  there  l.e  no  oontlict  be- 
tween Congress  and  the  Kxccutive  on  this  question 
with  a  foreign  power.  How  sadly  will  our  posi- 
tion be  weakened  by  any  siicli  conflict!  Should 
we  refii.se  to  follow  iiptlie  ICxecutive's  recommend- 
ation and  give  Ihe  noiire,  what  wili  be  .ne  re- 
iill?  Great  Britain  will  be  emboldened,  and  the 
arm  of  the  Kxecnlive  paralyzed,  by  ihe  supposi- 
tion ihal  he  does  not  po«,>(ess  m\x  confidence;  and 
she  will  fling  into  his  teeth  the  bitter  taunt — hti- 
miliating  alike  tn  him  and  lo  the  country — "You 
do  ni'l  pos.'iess  the  roiifidciice  of  your  nation;  you 
have  not  the  /loicfr  lo  carry  out  Ihe  measures  which 
your  judgment  ilictales;  you  arc  the  constiliilional, 
out  not  the  real,  orfaii  of  your  nation's  will;  the 
rei^resentatives  of  yourown  people  have  made  you 
impotent  alike  fur  good  orevil;  and  I,  happily,  am 
conlcnt  with  my  present  position."  Sir,  is  there 
a  man  on  this  floor  that  will  willingly  subject  the 
President  of  the  United  Suites — no  matter  lo#hat 
party  he  may  belong — in  his  intercourse  with  a 
foreign  Gov(  rnnieiil  already  sufficiently  haughty, 
lo  the  nccessily  of  listening  to  language  like  this? 
A  man  who  would  thus  embolden  the  heart  and 
strenglneii  the  arm  of  our  adversary.' — ilius  palsy 
the  (h  |iarimrnl  of  our  Goveriinienl  which  is  our 
only  medium  of  imetcoiir.'w;  with  the  powers  of 
the  world?     I  hope  not,  sir;  I  devoutly  hope  not. 

But,  sir,  there  is  another  reason  why  this  notice 
should  be  f;iven.  Our  people  are  hi  Oreiron;  ihey 
demand  to  be  proleeted  there.  They  have  gone 
there  without  law;  they  have  none,  except  such 
as  they  have  temponinly  esuiblished.  They  ask 
the  exieiision  of  our  laws  oi*er  them;  they  ask  a 
legal  title  to  the  lands  which  they  are  reclaiming 
from  the  wililerness,  and  rendering  valuable  by 
cultivation  and  improvement;  and  to  be  protected 
in  "life,  liberty,  and  the  piiiauil  of"  properly 
and  "  happiiKSs;"  and  against  the  impending  force 
of  Rurronndiiig  savajes  under  ICn^^lish  iiiluience 
and  subsidy.  They  have  hearts  of  tiiie  allegiance 
towards  us;  and  wecaiiiiol  deny  that  request  with- 
out alieniting  their  affections  from  us.  Can  we?  I 
ask  any  gentleman,  whatever  his  opinion  on  this 
subject,  to  answer  me  this  question:  can  you  con- 
tinue lo  retain  the  allegiance  of  those  settlers  in 
Oregon,  if  you  refuse  to  protect  them  ?  The  Hud- 
son Bay  f'ompany — weliave  it  ofKcially — are  al- 
ready urging  these  settlers  lo  set  up  for  them- 
selves, and  to  declare  themselves  iiide))emlenl  alike 
of  lis  and  if  every  other  nation.  Let  us  delay  a 
little  longer,  and  tlial  appeal  will  acquire  force;  for 
allcgiiuice  and  protection  are  recijirocal  obligations. 

"  But,"  say  gentlemen,  "  we  intend  to  extend 
our  laws  over  our  ciiiz-eiis  in  that  territory.  Great 
Britain  has  done  the  same  thing.  We  huve  a  right 
lo  the  same  action."  Very  well;  some  are  of 
opinion  that  wc  have  not  that  right.  But  suppose 
we  do  thus  extend  our  laws;  you  will  have  a  king- 
dom within  a  kingdom;  you  will  have  the  laws 
and  jurisilictions  of  two  nations  overlapping  each 
other;  you  will  have  the  British  laws  over  one 
man,  and  the  American  laws  over  another,  in  lb" 
same  cabin;  and  how  will  you  prevent  the  conflict 
of  jurisdiction,  resulting  inevitably,  necessarily, 
speedily,  in  the  conflict  of  men,  of  force,  of  power. 


I  think  the  argument  of  a  distinguished  Senator 
from  Michigan,  [Mr.  Cass,]  as  reported  in  the  pub- 
lie  papers  to  have  been  made  upon  his  resolution 
of  inquiry  into  the  slate  of  the  public  defences, 
ujion  this  point  is  conclusive  ana  unanswerable. 
Lxlend  your  jurisdiction  over  American  citizens 
in  Oregon,  aiid  it  necessarily  comes  in  conflict 
with  the  British  jurisdiction  over  the  same  terri- 
tory. And  this  conflict  of  jurisdiction  will  inevit- 
ably bring  on  a  conflict  of  a  difl'erent  and  more 
serious  character. 

Your  settlers  have  gone  to  Oregon  under  the  im- 
plied pledge  of  your  protection.  Voiir  continued 
claim  of  right  lo  the  territory  has  justified  them  in 
going  there,  and  in  expecting  to  receive  the  bcne- 
hiH  of  your  legislation,  and  to  be  covered  by  the 
shield  of  yiuir  power.  Will  ycu  continue  to  deny 
them  a  tillc  to  their  lands?  You  cannot  grant  it 
while  (he  convention  remains  in  force;  and  hence 
the  necessity  of  its  abrogation. 

The  question,  then,  must  be  settled,  matters 
must  be  brought  to  a  crisis — not  necessarily  or 
even  probably  lo  a  warlike  crisis,  but  to  a  crisis.' 

II  must  be  met.  Great  Britain  is  monopolizing 
the  whole  trade  of  that  country.  Her  represent- 
ative there  is  the  Hudson  Bay  Company.  She  is 
ready  lo  adopt  the  acts  of  that  corporation,  for 
corporations  arc  the  favorite  instruments  of  Brit- 
ish aggression,  and  for  the  extension  of  her 
power.  The  Hudson  Bay  Company,  then,  and 
the  Brilirh  Government,  are,  for  all  the  purposes 
of  this  debate,  one  and  identical.     They  have  mo- 

i  nopolized  the  trade  of  the  country;  they  have  sub- 
ji  sidized  the  Indians;  the  half-breeds  are  under 
j;  their  control;  they  have  military  possessioi  ,  not 

only  between  Ihe  Columbia  river  and  the  r<irallel 
I  of  lorty-nine  degrees,  (which  is  the  terriiory  ac 
i|  lually  in  dispute,)  but  they  have  brought  down 
ij  their  military  posts  to  williin  thirty  miles  of  the 
ji  southern  boundary  of  the  Americjin  claim  in  Ore- 
I,  gon.    Look  at  Fori  Hall.    It  is  directly  on  the 

route   of  American  emigration  lo  Oregon;  com- 

I  manding  that  route;  and  from  which  (ive  have  it 
j  authcnlically)  the  British  emissaries  have,  during 
'  the  last  summer,  met  our  emigmnis,  and  have  at- 
j  tempted,  and  in  many  instances  succcisfully  at- 
;  tempted,  to  divert  them  into  California  and  shat 
i   dire'aion,  by  false  accounts  of  Indian  hostilities  on 

the  lower  Columbia.  Fort  Hall  is  within  thirty 
[  miles  of  the  southern  boundary  of  Oregon.  They 
;  have  thus  not  only  got  the  whole  of  the  territory 

II  actually  In  dispute, Imt  they  have  got  military  pos- 
sesi-ion  of  the  whole  of  it;  and  if,  in  order  lo  assert 
our  rights,  we  must  tear  down  the  cross  of  Si. 
George  from  thirty  British  forts,  as  the  gentleman 
from  South  Carolina  says  we  must,  we  had  better 
begin  immediately,  or  we  will  have  double  that 
number  soon;  they  have  got  the  whole  of  them; 
we  have  none  there. 

"  But,"  snv  gentlemen,  "all  this  will  result  in 
war."  AVor!  By  whom?  By  the  United  Slates  ? 
We  begin  no  war;  we  declare  no  war;  we  pri.posB  ■ 
no  war;  we  deprecate  all  war;  but  we  assert  our 
rights — rights  which  we  have  demonstrated,  so  ir 
as  diplomacy  ran  do  it.  Great  Britain  has  taken 
military  possession  of  the  country,  alike  open  to 
us  and  to  her;  and  if  war  come  from  the  assertion 
of  our  rights,  we  will  not  make  it.  I  deny  the  po- 
sition of  the  gentleman  from  South  Carolina,  tliat 
the  Aai^-if  war  come — will  be  a  war  of  aggression 
on  our  part.  It  is  not  so.  It  would  be  a  war  of 
aggression  on  her  part;  and  on  her  would  rest  the 
responsibility;  upon  her  the  judgment  of  God 
and  the  anathemas  of  the  world. 

What  do  gentlemen  on  the  oihcr  side  propose  to 
do?  The  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.Wi.N"- 
TiiBop)  has  hinted  at  arbitration.  Very  well;  can- 
not we  arbitrate  as  well  nflcr  the  notice  as  before  ? 
But  I,  for  one,  do  not  propose  to  submit  the  ques- 
tion to  arbitration.  Is  it  possible  for  a  crowned 
head  to  be  impartial  between  a  brother  monarch  on 
the  one  hand  and  a  Republic  on  Ihe  other?  Doubt- 
ful, sir.  But  suppose  it  possible;  where  will  you 
look  for  an  impartial  arbitrator?  Louis  Philippe, 
regardless  of  the  sympathies  of  his  people,  anil  in- 
Viit  only  on  the  perpetuation  of  his  dynasty  on  the 
throne  of  France,  is  sacrificing  Ihe  dignity  of  his 
nation  in  the  cultivation  of  a  "cordial  understand- 
ing" with  her  ancient  enemy,  for  the  purjiose  of 
securing  her  influence  in  favor  of  that  dynasty  on 
his  own  demise.  Austria  and  Prussia,  dreading  the 
ombiliun  of  France  on  the  west,  and  the  colossal 


[Jan.  14, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


103 


.  or  Rf.ps. 

fished  Senator 
)orled  in  the  pub- 
n  his  reBolutioii 

rublic  defences, 
unanswerable, 
merican  citizens 
)mes  in  conflict 
'  the  same  lerri- 
ction  will  incvit- 
I'crent  and  more 

in  under  (he  im< 
Vour  continued 

justified  them  in 

eceive  the  bene- 
covered  by  the 

:ontinue  to  deny 
cannot  ersnt  it 

brce;  and  hence 

settled,  matters 
I  neresfarily  or 
,  but  to  B  crisis.' 
is  monopolizing 
Her  represcnt- 
mpnny.     She  is 
•orpornlion,  for 
uments  of  Brit- 
tension   of  her 
iiuiy,  then,  and 
ill  the  purposes 
They  have  mo- 
they  liave  sub- 
verts  arc   under 
posKi-ssioi  ,  not 
and  the  r«rallel 
he  lerptory  ae 
brought  clown 
•ly  miles  of  the 
n  claim  in  Ore- 
dircclly  on  the 
Oregon;  coni- 
ich  (ive  have  it 
PS  have,  during 
8,  and  liave  at- 
Buccf  wfully  at- 
:irnin  and  that 
n  hostilities  on 
i  within  thirty 
)reKon.     They 
if  the  territory 
!>t  military  pos- 
ordcr  to  assert 
e  cross  of  St. 
the  Kcntleman 
we  had  belter 
e  double  that 
'hole  of  them; 

8  will  result  in 
United  States  ? 
ir;  we  pn.poss 

we  assert  our 
irtratcci,  so  ir 
tiiin  has  taken 

alike  ojien  to 
I  the  assertion 
I  deny  the  no- 
Carolina,  that 
■  of  aggression 
d  be  a  war  of 
srould  rest  the 
nent  of  God 

ide  propose  to 
tts  [Mr. Win- 
ery  well;  con- 
ice  as  before  ! 
iniit  the  qnes- 
or  a  crowned 
!r  monarch  on 
ilher?  Doubt- 
liere  will  you 
luis  Philiope, 
eopio,  antJ  in- 
vnoMy  on  the 
fignity  of  his 
1  understand- 
ic  purpose  of 
t  uynasly  on 
dreading  the 
the  colossal 


29th  Cono IsT  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Air.  Brinkerhoff. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


1 


power  of  Russia  on  the  north,  are  pursuing  the  same 
policy;  anlKussia  herself,  having  large  territory  on 
the  northwest  coast  of  America,  cannot  bo  impar- 
tial, for  the  reason  that  she  must  gready  prefer  the 
British  fur-trader  and  the  Bois  bruU  for  her  neigh- 
bor, rather  than  the  active,  enterprising,  indefatiga- 
ble, and  multiplying  Yankee.  The  secondary  Pow- 
ers of  Europe  are  but  puppets  in  the  hands  of  the 
five  great  Powers;  and  the  Republics  of  Mexico  and 
South  America  are  in  convulsions.  I  know  of  no 
arbiter,  therefore,  to  which  tlie  adjustment  of  this 
question  could  be  safely  committed.  We  once  tried 
tnis  project  of  arbitration,  sir,  in  the  case  of  the 
northeastern  boundary;  and  the  award  of  the  King 
of  the  Netherlands  presented  a  decision  so  utterly 
regardless  of  treaty  stipulations,  and  so  absurd  in 
itself.as  to  be  instantly  rejected.  Wc.sir.areour- 
selvcii  the  best  guardians  of  our  own  rights. 

What  do  gentlemen  expect.'  let  me  again  nsk.  Do 
you  expect  your  Governmtnt  will  otter  anything 
more  favorable  than  the  parallel  of  49°.  Wncre  is 
the  gentleman  in  this  House  that  will  get  up  and 
say  that  he  expects  or  wishes  his  Government  to 
oner  anything  more  favorable  than  that.'  There  is 
not  one,  I  venture  to  say;  not  one.  Is  Great  Brit- 
ain going  to  ofl'er  anythnig  more  favorable  than  she 
has  already  done .'  la  she  going  to  ofl'er  anything 
we  can  reasonably  and  consistently  with  our  honor 
accept.'  If  so,  she  can  ond  will  i3o  it  as  well  and 
as  readily  after  the  abrogation  of  the  convention  as 
while  it  femaina  in  force;  and,  I  have  already  re- 
marked, she  cannot  justly  take  offence  at  the  notice; 
because  it  is  n  treaty  measure,  antici|)aled  and  pro- 
vided for  by  the  convention  itself.  But,  sir,  she 
never  will  make  any  such  offer,  while,  by  the  con- 
tinuance of  this  convention,  she  gels  nil  she  asks: 
ncrfi'.  Abrogate  the  convention;  then,  if  she  has 
made  up  her  mind — and  she  doubtless  has  long  ago 
made  up  her  mind  specifically  what  she  is  going  to 
do  on  this  subject — abrogate  the  convention,  and 
then  if  she  has  made  up  her  mind  to  ofl'er  such  terms 
OS  we  can  accept,  she  will  do  it,  and  do  it  at  once. 
But  if  not — if  she  has  not  made  up  her  mind  that 
she  will  offer  us  anything  we  can  accept — give  this 
notice,  abrogate  this  convention;  and  does  it  bring 
war .'  No ;  the  very  worst  it  can  do  is  Ut  hasten  a 
little — and  but  very  little — the  war  which  must 
come  at  all  events.  I  repeat,  if  Great  Britain  has 
made  up  her  mind  that  she  will  not  ofl'er  anything 
we  can  accept,  we  having  irrevocably  detenninea 
(as  we  have)  that  we  will  not  offer  anything 
better  than  49°,  the  notice  cannot  produce  war;  the 
worst  it  can  do  is  to  hasten,  and  hasten  a  very  lit- 
tle, the  war  that  is  inevitable.  So  that,  unless 
gentlemen  shall  conclude  to  recede  from  our  po- 
sition, to  ofl'er  somelliin»  more  favorable  to  her 
than  49°,  fwhen  all  feel  that  we  have  a  better 
title  than  she  has  to  54°  40',)  we  must  meet  the 
question  direcdy;  and  war,  either  directly  or  con- 
sequentially, cannot  be  chargeable  upon  us — for  it 
must  come  nt  all  events. 

"  But,"  say  gentlemen,  "  postpone  it.  We  are 
not  ready  now.  Great  Britain  has  fleets  and  ar- 
mamenu."  Well,  fleets  and  armaments  site  al- 
ways will  have.  "We  have  no  fleets  and  arma- 
ments." Well;  when  have  we  ever  had  fleets 
and  armaments  before  war  came.'  Is  there  any 
gentleman  uiion  this  floor  who  dreams  that  we 
ever  shall  be  ready  for  a  vigorous  prosecution  of 
war  before  it  is  upon  us .'  If  so,  it  strikes  me  that 
he  has  studied  with  little  attention  the  history  of 
the  country  on  this  point.  We  have  heard  gen- 
tlemen talk  of  our  "  manifest  destiny;"  but  it 
strikes  me  that  our  "  manifest  destiny"  is  never  to 
prepare  for  war  till  war  comes.  It  arises  from  the 
character  of  our  institutions— from  the  character 
and  habits  of  our  people,  who  arc  a  peace-loving 
people  and  devoted  to  the  industrious  pursuit  of 
the  arts  of  peace.  But  a  few  J„ys  ago  there  Whs 
introduced  from  the  Seiiate  into  this  House  n  bill 
to  raise  a  oomr.nR>  of  one  hundred  men—of  one 
hi'.ndred  sappers,  miners,  and  pontonicrs— with  a 
view  to  complete  the  mere  skeleton  organization  of 
our  army,  which  proposed  to  create  no  additional 
expense  for  our  army;  and  yet  I  venture  to  say 
that  it  will  be  opposed  here,  and  perhaps  success- 
flilly.  The  Committee  on  Military  Afliiirs,  of 
which  I  have  the  honor  to  be  a  member,  reported 
a  few  days  since  a  bill  for  the  raising  of  two  regi- 
ments of  riflemen,  (not  mounted;)  and  on  all  siiTes 
of  the  House  I  heard  the  exclamation,  "  I  go  for 
no  such  measure."    That  is  tlie  spirit  that  pre- 


vails here.  It  always  will  prevail.  You  never 
will  prejiare  for  war  until  war  is  upon  you;  and 
you  may  postpone  it  until  "hope  deferred"  sholl 
have  made  sick  the  hearts  of  your  settlers,  and 
worn  out  their  allegiance,  and  still  war  will 
find  us  unprepared.  Shall  we  therefore  surren- 
der our  rights?  Shall  we  therefore  expect  dis- 
aster and  defeat'  No.  We  may  cxjierience 
it  nt  first;  but  the  recuperative  energies  of  our 
people,  animated  by  their  undying  love  of  coun- 
try, their  attachment  to  its  institutions,  their 
determination  to  maintain  inviolate  every  foot  of 
our  soil — having  within  them  a  burning  hatred  of 
the  tyrannies  of^  the  Old  World,  from  the  galling 
bonds  of  which  their  forefathers  freed  themselves — 
will  be  surticicnt  to  meet  and  to  bear  us  triumph- 
antly out  of  any  emergencies.  But  that  we  slioll 
ever  be  prepared  for  war  in  n  manner  to  accord 
with  the  notions  of  adequate  prC|.uriition  entertain- 
ed by  military  men,  or  in  such  a  manner  as  true 
pruiience  would  perhaps  dictate,  until  war  actually 
stares  us  iii  the  face,  no  man  can  believe.  We 
shall  therefore  gain  nothing,  in  this  respect,  by 
postponement — nothing  at  all. 

But,s  lid  the  genilemiin  from  "Virginia,  [Mr.  Hun-  ! 
TER.J  before  you  think  of  war,  you  must  think  of  ! 
tracking  Great  Britain  with  a  stream  of  fire  and  ! 
blood  around  the  world;  you  must  meet  her  on  ev-  ' 
ery  sea,  and  in  all  her  possessions — all  her  colonies,  \ 
from  Aden  to  the  loniiui  Isles,  fr  m  India  to  the  ! 
Lord  knows  where.  We  must  exhaust  and  conquer 
British  power  everywhere,  before  we  can  expect  to 
take  or  to  keep  cither  Oregon  or  Canada.     Well, 
now,  I  believe  in  no  such  doctrine  as  that.     His- 
tory teaches  no  such  doctrine;  it  leads  us  to  no 
such  conclusion.    Great  Britiiin  dcjirived  France 
of  all  her  colonial  possessions;  she  left  Napoleon 
without  a  solitary  colony  on  the  face  of  the  globe; 
she  confined  him  to  the  continent  of  Europe;  and 
-nt  thst  very  time  he  rode  triumphant  and  irresisti- 
ble over  that  continent,  and  trampled  in  the  dust 
the  subsidized  allies  of  the  imperial  pirate.   Why.' 
Because  there  were  all  his  resources.     Great  Brit- 
ain may  keep  her  Chiisan,  her  India,  her  Mediter- 
ranean possessions;  she  may  keep  them  oil.    Docs 
it  Wlow  that  we  cannot  beat  her  on  this  continent? 
It  does  not;  for  here  are  our  resources,  and  hers 
are  distant. 

"  But,"  say  gentlemen,  "  this  battle  forOregon, 
if  it  come  at  all,  is  to  be  fought  in  Canada."  Ibe- 
lieve  it;  and  I  am  glad  that  Great  Britain  has,  in 
the  present  conjuncture,  an  assailable  point  here, 
where  we  can   reach   her  with  efl'ect.     And  the 
gentleman  from   Alabama   [Mr.  Yancey]   tokes 
especial  pains  to  arouse  the  jealousy  of  western 
men  by  telling  us  tliat  "  we  will  get  Canada,  and 
then  Oregon  must  be  given  up."     Now,  does  any 
man  suppose  that  the  present  Administration,  or 
that  any  Administration  possible,  holding  Canada 
as  a  conquered  pledge,  would  give  up  Oregon?     I 
do  not.    1  do  not  believe  that  there  is  a  man  in  the 
United  States,  capable  of  being  elected  President — 
or  of  getting  there  cither  by  "  accident,"  as  has 
been  said  of  one,  or  "  by  the  grace  of  God" — who 
would  be  either  such  a  fool  or  such  a  knave.    It  is  \ 
,  impossible.     Take  Caiada,  and  Oregon  would  full  ■ 
'  into  our  hands  as  a  mr  'er  of  course.    But  I  do  not  ! 
I  appi-ehend  any  diflici   .y  of  this  kind.     I  believe  j 
I  thatGrcat  Britain  with  olds  nil  amical)le  settlement 
!  because  she  is  sntislieU  with  her  present  position,  i 
;  Abrogate  the  |)resent  convention;  throw  your  laws  | 
I  over  your  citizens  in  that  territory,  and  manifest  a  . 
j  disposition  to  assert  and  maintain  your  rights  there,  | 
I  and  then  .she  will  come  up  to  the  work  of  negotia-  | 
i  tion  and  seltlenient  in  eniiiest.     She  is  vulnerable,  ' 
]  and  she  knows  it,  as  well  as  we.    War  would  bring 
I  to  her  calamities  ns  greiit  as  it  would  to  us,  aim 
greater.   We  can  live  without  her:  she  cannot  with- 
:  out  us.    We  can  do  without  her  luanufactures,  and 
I  li.ivc  use  fornoneof  her  raw  material;  she  depends 
I  upon  our  raw  material  for  her  munufoctures;  it  is 
j  the  very  breath  of  her  existence,  and  without  it  her 
pcopic  would  die  from  starvation.     Where,  then, 
IS  out  fear  of  war?     I  have  none;  and  yet  I  am  no 
advocate  fbr  war.    God  knows,  I  appreciate  its  hor- 
rors a?  keenly  as  any  man  that  lives;  for  my  very 
earlicFt  recollections  ore  of  the  scenes  war  brings — 
the  tears  of  the  young  wife,  of  the  mother,  of  the  sis- 
ter; 'he  partings  which  break  young  hearts.  These 
I  remember,  and  I  have  no  wish,  as  God  is  my 
jujge,  to  see  them  repealed.    But  yet,  looking  war 
>alinly  in  the  faee,  I  sny,  "Be  just  and  fear  not." 


I  know  the  consequences  which  may  result,  per- 
A«pj,  (only  perhops,  sir) — I  know,  and  I  should 
deprecate  the  consequences  which  may  perhaps  re- 
sult from  the  vigorous  assertion  of  Amencan  rights. 
War,  if  it  should  be  the  result,  would  bring  with  it 
the  destruction  of  trade,  heavy  taxation,  heavy 
losses,  the  necessity  of  personal  services  and  sacri- 
fices. You  and  I,  perhaps,  might  be  called  to 
leave  the  peacef\il  walks  of  ci\  il  life,  and  to  parti- 
cipate in  the  hardships  and  the  dangers  of  the  camp 
and  of  the  tented  field.  What  then?  Are  we  Ame- 
ricans ?  Are  we  the  descendants  of  men  cotempo- 
rary  with  the  youth  of  the  venerable  gentleman 
from  Massachusetts?  or  are  wc  the  cowardly,  cra- 
ven wretches,  that  would  not  dare  to  do  what  our 
feeble  colonies  (altogether  not  equal  in  strength  to 
the  single  State  of  New  York  nt  this  moment)  did 
— assert  and  maintain  our  rights?  I  think  not. 
That  is  not  the  spirit  of  the  people  I  have  the  ho- 
nor to  represent.  I  have  not  them  before  mc,  but 
I  have  in  my  room,  resolutions  deliberately  adopt- 
ed by  a  recent  convention  of  that  part  of  the  peo- 
ple of  Ohio  with  whom  I  act  politically,  declaring 
the  expectations  they  have  of  the  action  of  their 
teprcsentetives  here,  for  the  vigorous  maintenance 
of^our  rights  to  Oregon,  and  pledging  "  their  lives, 
I  their  fortunes,  and  their  sacred  honor"  (such  is  the 
;  language  used)  to  sustain  tham.  Sir,  we  do  not 
;  want  war,  but  if  we  niiial  have  it,  we  would  a 
great  deal  rather  fight  Great  Britain  llian  some 
other  Powers,  for  we  do  not  love  her.  We  hear 
much  said  about  the  ties  of  our  common  language, 
of  our  common  origin,  and  our  common  recollec- 
tions, binding  us  together.  But  I  say  wc  do  not 
love  Great  Britain  at  all;  at  least  my  people  do  not, 
and  I  do  not. 

A  "common  language!"  It  has  been  made  the 
vehicle  of  an  incessant  torrent  of  abuse  and  mis- 
representation of  our  men,  our  manners,  and  our 
institutions;  and  even  our  women — it  might  be  vul- 
gar to  desip;nate  our  plebeian  girls  as  /<uili<s — have 
not  escapecfit;  and  nil  this  is  popular,  and  is  en- 
couraged in  high  places.  We  have  a  "  common 
origin !"  though,  perhaps,  numerically,  one-half 
of  the  peo|)le  of  this  country  are  not  English  by 
descent;  but  a  "  common  origin"  did  not  prevent 
that  infamous  power  from  employing  the  savage 
to  tomahawk  our  old  men,  to  scalp  our  women, 
mid  to  brain  our  infants,  and  from  paying  them  for 
these  barbarous  deeds  and  infernal  trophies.  The 
British  Government,  (against  the  British  ptopte  I 
have  no  animosity,)  I  confess,  I  do  not  love;  and 
while,  for  the  sake  of  the  British  people,andof  my 
own  country,  I  would  avoid  war,  yel,  if  war  must 
come,  let  her  be  our  enemy  by  all  means. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  been  led  ofT  upon 
these   points,  not  because  I  conceive  them  to  be 
necessarily  connected  with  the  discussion,  but  be- 
cause gentlemen  upon  the  other  side  have  lugged 
them  in ,  and  attempted  to  frighten  us  from  giving 
this  notice;  and  when  I  reply  to  them  ns  f  have 
'  done — and  in  so  doing,  I  speak,  I  am  persuaded, 
;  the  sentiments  of  the  people  of  Ohio — I  do  it  to 
;  show  that  no  such  considerations  can  move  us,  and 
t  for  no  other  purpose. 

I     Mr.  B.  concluded  by  repeating,  ns  he  had  stated 
at  the  outset  of  his  reniarks,  that  he  had  risen  for 

■  the  purpose  of  saying  but  a  few  words.  He  was 
;  not  in  the  predicament  of  the  gentleman  from 
;  Michigan,  (Mr.  Chipman,)  who  felt  that  the  houi-- 

rule  was  nn  intellectual  straight-jacket;  and  having 

said  all  that  now  occurred  to  his  mind,  begging  the 

I  pardon  of  the  House  for  having  occupied  so  much 

'  of  its  time,  he  would  yield  the  floor  to  some  of 

those  around  him,  who  were  so  anxious  to  dialin- 

■  gutjh  themselves  in  the  rising  en  maise  which  was 
sure  to  follow  his  conclusion. 


APPENDIX. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  3d  article  of  the 
convention  with  Great  Britain,  of  20th  October, 
1818. 

".Article  III,  It  is  agreed  that  any  coontry  that  may  he 
claimed  by  either  party  on  the  norlliweiit  coast  of  America, 
wi'»lwnrd  ofthe  y  tony  inoiintiiins,  flmll,  together  Willi  its  hsr- 
bors,  bays,  and  creelts,  und  the  nnvignUon  of  ail  rivers  with- 
in  the  same,  be  free  und  open,  for  the  term  often  years  from 
the  date  of  the  signntiiro  of  the  present  convention,  to  the 
vessels,  citizens,  snd  subjects  of  the  two  Powers — il  being 
well  umlerstoml  that  Uiis  nureement  is  not  to  he  constnied  to 
Uie  prejudice  of  any  oluini  which  ciUier  of  ilie  two  high 
ctuitrtictiug  parties  may  tmve  to  niiy  part  of  the  said  conn, 
try ;  nor  shall  it  be  taken  to  alfect  the  claims  of  any  otiicr 


104 


29rH  CoNO IsT  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 
The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  V.  B.  Smith. 


[Jan.  7, 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


Power  or  ttnte  to  any  purt  of  Ihe  Mid  counU)- ;  the  only  ob- 
ject of  tli«  high  ooiKmctlM  piirtiri,  In  that  rCTprct,  beliif 
to  nravent  dlipiitei  and  diflurencea  iunon|il  tlieiiue, .«." 

And  the  following  is  «  copy  of  the  Ist,  SJ,  nnd 
3d  articles  of  the  convention  of  the  6th  of  August, 
1827,  which  comprise  all  the  existing  treaty  stipu- 
lations at  present  existing  between  Grtat  Urituin 
and  the  United  States  on  the  subject  uf  the  Oregon : 

"AsTirLS  I.  All  the  ptnvi»lnn«  of  the  3d  nrtlrle  of  Ihecon- 
Telitiun  rnnrliidcd  b4>lwt>eii  Ihn  Unitt^d  HmifH  of  Aincrit'u 
aiui  hii<  MnJcKty  the  Kiiu  of  tlH>  l/Liitrd  KiiiKdoin  of  (ireat 
Brilnill  and  Irelniid,  iin  llli'  90lli  of  rHlolwr,  It!l6,  ilmll  lie, 
and  tliey  arc  licrt'by,  ninlM>r  liidennltcly  pxtendod  nnd  con-  '< 
tinned  in  force,  in  the  ftunie  niunnrr  ni*  if  all  the  proviaionB  of  ' 
the  Hoid  article  were  herein  uiM-cilirally  reeited.  1 

**AlmCMt  II.  niAa/l/i«c(WHfr/efi^AotrCf«T,!oclthcroftho  ; 
eontmrtintt  nortieH,  in  cUMe  eitlier  rttxmld  think  Hi,  nt  any  i 
time  after  tlie  SOtli  of  OeKiher,  IKM,  on  sivinK  due  notice 
of  twi-he  months  to  ttie  otiier  enntrnctinft  liarty,  to  anmU  ^ 
and  ahrofale  tfih  convention;  and  it  nhali,  in  wueli  eoAe,  be 
accordingly  entirely  annulled  und  abrogated  alter  the  ci- 
pirntlnn  ol  said  tenn  of  noUrc.  < 

'*Arti('I.k  III.  Nothing  contained  inthl»ronventinn,orln 
the  third  article  of  the  eonveniiiui  of  the  'JOiii  (>etolM>r,  IPIP, 
hereby  continued  in  Ibrce,  abnil  be  eonttmed  to  inifHilr,  or 
in  any  manner  aflecl,  the  claims  which  either  of  tlie  eon- 
truciing  imniet,  may  have  to  any  port  of  the  country  west- 
ward of  tlie  Htony  or  Kocky  mountains."  | 


forei|;n  foe,  yet  it  cnnnnt  be  denied  that  a  wnr,  at 
ihiB  time,  with  Great  Orilnin,  would  greatly  haz- 
ard its  loss. 

It  has  been  iir^ed  that  the  West  is  inclined  lo 
favor  n  war  upon  the  OieRoii  tpicstion,  because,  it 
is  nlle);cd,  that  our  people  are  remote  from  the 
point  of  danger,  and  tnat  n  war  would  ocensioii  un 
increiiscd  innrkrl  nnd  an  cnhiiiiecd  demand  for 
their  agricullural  iiroducls.  It  is  a  trrcnl  mistake, 
sir,  to  suppose  that  the  people  of  llic  West  will  1 
not  be  exposed  to  diiiiper  in  the  tvent  of  a  war.  ' 
They  are  not  so  insulated  in  their  position,  or  so  I 
divided  from  ihtir  brethren,  iia  to  relieve  them  from 
n  share  of  the  common  dangers.  The  hiatory  of 
llie  country  abundantly  provea  that,  in  the  day  of 
her  neccsBily,  they  we're  not  so  far  distant  but  ibut 
they  conid  hear  her  cnll,  and  were  not  too  unmind- 
(\il  of  her  welfare  to  lly  lo  the  i-escue,  nml  spill 
their  best  blood  in  her  defbnce.  lu  the  event  of  a 
war  with  Great  Britain,  the  Canada  border  would 
become  the  principal  scene  of  the  contest.  Those 
portions  of  the  West  which  lie  contiguous  to  our 
northern  lakes  would  lie  iminedialclv  exposed  lo 
the  inroads  of  the  enemy,  and  the%Vc8t  would 
furnish  her  full  share  of  the  armies  upon  whicli 
the  Goverimiciit  would  rely  for  cither  defence  or 
invasion. 

Nor  is  there  iiny  more  tnith,  sir,  in  the  assump- 
tion that  the  nfriicullunil  products  of  the  Missis- 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  CALEB  B.  SMITH,   '  «ippi  valley  will  derive  an  increased  value  from  a 

foreign  war.     A  war  with  Great  Britain  would  at 


OREGON  aUESTION. 


OF    INDIANA, 

In  the  HovtE  of  Representatives, 

January  7,  1846. 

The  Committee  of  the  Whole  House  on  the  slate 
of  the  Union,  having  under  consideration  the 
Joint  Resolution  reported  from  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Alfairs,  directing  the  President  to  give 
notice  to  Great  Britain  that  the  United  States 
will  tt  rminate  the  convention  between  the  two 
Governments,  jiroviding  for  the  joint  occupation 


once  cut  olf  our  exports.  Our  ports  would  be 
blockaded  and  our  foreign  markets  destroyed.  The 
productions  of  the  West,  instead  of  finding  ainar- 
I  Ket,  as  they  now  do,  in  Europe,  would  be  com- 
I  pelledloseck  purchasers  at  home;  and,  as  a  iiccck- 
!  snry  coiiKequencc,  their  value  would  be  greatly 
■  diminished.  But,  sir,  I  must  be  allowed,  on  bc- 
1  half  of  that  porlioii  of  the  people  of  the  West 
j  whom  I  have  the  honor  to  represent,  utterly  to  dis- 
claim and  repudiate  any  considerations  so  sordid 


and  selfish.  I  should  Iilush  to  acknowledge  any 
of  the  Oregon  territory,  at  tlie  expiration  of ;  connexion  with  them,  if  I  could  believe  them  cn- 
twelve  months —  j,  pnble  of  harboring  u  desire  to  involve  the  country 
Mr.  CALEB  B.  SMITH,  having  obtained  the  :  in  a  war  that  they  might  speculfic  upon  the  blood 
floor,  said,  that  an  impression  seemed  to  prevail,  ;  and  sulVerings  of  other  portions  of  the  cou^Jry 
........  .  ■■       "    ■         'n  tli( 


not  only  with  gentlemen  here,  but  tlirough  the  pub- 
lic press,  that  the  Oregon  question  was  peculiarly 
a  western  question.  Appeals  had  been  addressed 
to  western  members,  which  seemed  to  indicate  an 
opinion  that  the  West  alone  had  an  interest  in  the 
question.  It  has  also  (said  Mr.  S.)  been  fi-e- 
quently  intimated  that  the  West  desiretl  to  involve 
tlie  comitry  in  n  war  with  Great  Britain.  The  gen 


No,  sir,  if  th.re  is  any  pecidiar  feeling  in  the 
West — any  speciui  sensitiveness  on  this  question 
in  relation  to  the  tiii  ^  of  this  Qovcrnmenl  to  the 
Oregon  territory,  i  .^iirings  from  higher  and  nobler  1 
considerations,  h  is  the  result  ol  a  patriotic  de- i 
sire  to  see  the  integrity  of  the  na'ion  maintained, 
and  the  rights  of  our  common  country  preserved. 
It  is  no  mere  sertional  question;  and  I  trust  that,  ] 


1' 

tieman  from  Alabama,  [Mr.  Yancev,]  who  has  '  when  it  may  become  necessary,  all  sections  of  th^ 

just  taken  his  seat,  has  made  an  eloquent  appeal  to   ;  country  will  be  found  uniting  in  any  efiiirl  and  any 

western  members  to  abate  their  warlike  propensi-  "^  ~ ' '"'  '  " 

ties,  and  to  suflcr  the  jicace  of  the  country  to  con- 
tinue undisturbed.  As'a  western  man  myself, 
identified  with  the  people  of  that  section  of  the 
country,  and  sympathizing  with  their  views  and 
feehngs,  1  disclaim,  utterly,  on  their  behalf,  the 
sectional  character  with  which  it  is  sought  to  stamp 


sacrifices  which  may  be  necessary  to  vindicate  tlie 
nutiniial  honor. 

I  cminot  pretend,  like  the  gentleninn  from  Illi- 
nois, [Mr.  Baker,]  to  answer  for  the  Whigs  of 
Illinois,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  and  Michigan.  I 
can  pssume  only  to  speak  for  those  whom  1  rcprc- 
seiil.     There  may  be  a  more  niarlial  feeling  prc- 


this  question.     I  deny  that  it  is  to  be  regarded  in     vailing  in  some  portions  of  the  West  than  is  to  be 


any  peculiar  sen.se  as  a  western  question,  or  that  it 
should  be  determined  with  any  special  reference  lo 
western  interests.  It  is  tnie,  Mr.  Chainnan,  that 
the  people  of  the  West  feel  a  deep  interest  in  this 
question,  and  look  with  anxiety  for  its  ultimule 
settlement.  It  is  true  that  they  appreciate  fully  the 
importance  of  the  Oregon  tenilory,  n«  well  as  the 
title  by  which  Our  Government  claims  it.  It  is  true 
that  there  is,  throughout  the  whole  valley  of  the 
Mississippi,  an  ardent  desire  that  the  honor  as  well 
as  the  interest  of  the  United  States  should  be  pre- 
served in  the  maintenance  of  the  just  rights,  not  of 
the  West  alone,  but  of  the  whole  country,  in  the 
Oregon  territory.  But,  sir,  I  do  not  believe  that  the 
people  of  the  Wcs',  ony  more  than  those  of  oilier 
sections  of  the  Union,  cicsire  war  with  Great  Brit- 
ain, or  any  other  nation.  I  do  not  Ivelieve  tliat  they 

desire  that  the  settlement  of  this  question  should  be  ii  vantage  to  them",  and  honor  to  themselves;  a  por- 
submitted  to  the  stern  nrbiirani.»nt  of  tlie  sword,  j  tion  of  whom,  if  report  ha.i  not  erred,  have  won 
while  other  means  of  an  honorable  adjustment  are  J  for  themselves  unfading  laurels  in  boih  of  those 
left.  A  war  with  England  would  not,  in  my  opin-  ;i  wars.  [Here  Mr.  Baker  remarked,  "  I  wish  the 
ion,  be  the  most  certain  means  of  securing  our  i  gentleman  would  specify."]  Sir,  (said  Mr.  S.,) 
rights  in  Oregon.  Without  wnr  they  will  be  main-  ■■  1  fear  I  should  cull  the  iduah  of  modesty  lo  that 
tallied.  The  arts  of  peace  will  more  certainly  and  i  gentleman's  cheek,  should  I  recount  the  brilliniit 
securely  accomplish  what  we  desire  than  war.  j  achievemeiils  which  mmor  has  attributed  to  him 
For,  although  I  cannot  lielieve  that  the  strong  arms  ij  in  those  memorable  wars.  And,  sir,  the  distiii- 
and  patriotic  hearts  of  the  American  people  will  ''  giiished  gentleman  before  me,  the  honorable  chair- 
ever  Buffer  tho  territory  to  be  wrested  from  us  by  a  ji  man  of  the  Committee  on  Territories,  [Mr.  Doug- 


fnund  in  Indlnim.  The  gentleman  from  Illinois 
may  be  ambitious  of  covering  his  brow  with  the 
laurels  which  arc  to  lie  acquired  amid  the  "din  of 
conflict  and  the  strife  of  arms."  Far  be  it  from 
me,  sir,  lo  rail  in  question  either  the  valor  or  the 
chivalry  of  the  people  of  Illinois.  They  have  suc- 
cessfully establis-hed  their  claim  to  both,  not  only 
in  the  celebrated  Black  Hawk  war,  which  was  con- 
ducted lo  a  most  glorious  result,  but  in  tlic  more 
recent,  though  no  leas  glorious  wnr  in  which  liny 
were  engaged  with  the  gicot  and  powerful  Mor- 
mon nation.  The  shouts  of  triumph  which  arose 
from  the  hard-fought  field  on  whicjj  the  Mormons 
wtre  riMilcd  and  overthrown,  are  yet  ringing  in  our 
cars.  Much  less,  sir,  would  I  bo  disposed  to  ques- 
tion the  valor  of  those  genllemen  nlio  represent 
that  chivalrous  people  here,  with  distinguislied  ad 


LAii,]  is  well  understood  to  be  n  sharer  in  the  same 
distinction,  although  his  great  modesty  and  well 
known  diffidence  might  prevent  him  iVoin  chiiir  'ng 
the  meed  of  applause  to  which  he  is  so  justly  ei. 
tied.  But  I  beg  leave  to  assure  the  gentleman ,  that 
a  grateful  country  will  l\illy  appreciate  the  valcu- 
he  has  displayed  amidst  those  marliiU  scenes;  and 
his  (irnises  wdl  yet  ho  sung  until  they  resound 
from  the  hills  una  valleys  of  the  great  West. 

It  is  not  my  design,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  the  dis- 
cussion of  this  queution,  to  enter  into  an  examina- 
tion of  the  title  liy  which  we  claim  Oregon  territo- 
ry. The  grounds  of  our  title  have  been  shown  with 
;  signal  ability  by  the  able  diplomatists  to  whom  the 
[  nigotialions  have  been  enlriisled  by  our  Govern- 
ment. There  is,  however,  one  ground  of  title  upon 
which  our  rights  have  been  most  eloiiuently  urged 
.  here,  which  is  so  novel  and  peculiar  in  its  charac- 
ter, that  I  must  for  a  moment  allude  to  it.     I  reltr 
to   the   title  of  "  iim«i^ifs(  deslhiy."     It  has   been 
urged,  with  much  zeal,  that  "  Oregon  is  ours  by 
I  manifest  destiny."     I  have  examined,  with  some 
i  attention,  the  elaborate  and  able  correspondence 
[  \yhicli  has  taken  jilnee  between  the  plempolcnlia- 
;  ries  of  the  two  Governnienls  in  relation  lo  the  title 
;  to  the  Oregon  territory;  und  although  it  is  admitted 
!  by  idl  that  our  Secretary  of  Slate  has  displayed 
our  title  with  great  force  and  perspicuity,  yet  I 
have  looked  in  vain  to  that  eorrrspondence  for  any 
I  reference  to  this  new  and,  as  some  gentlemen  seem 
to  suppose  it,  irresistible  title.     It  is  cerlJiinly  rea- 
sonable to  presume  tliat  our  negotiator,  in  his  anx- 
iety to  convince  not  only  the   British  plenipoten- 
tiary, but  the  world,  of  the  validity  of  our  title  and 
the  justice  of  our  claims,  would  have  cited   and 
urged  all  the  evidences  of  our  title  which  be  sup- 
'  posed  could,  by  any  possibility,  strengthen   our 
i  claimsor  ju.^lily  our  pretensions;  yet  I  do  not  find 
that  he  has  al  any  time  urged  that  we  have  a  title 
i  to  Oregon  by  "  mniii/fs(  desliny."    Vattel  and  Uio- 
,  tins,  us  well  as  all  other  writers  upon  the  law  of 
'  nations,   will   be    searched   in    vain    for   evidence 
'  of  the  existence  of  such  a  title.     This  title  is  cer- 
/  tainly  a  very  comprehensive  one;  and,  if  estab- 
■i  lished,  will  efl'ectunlly  put  to  rest  all  doubts  and 
;   quibbles  in  regard  to  a  title  !iy  treaty,  discovery, 
.  exploration,  or  settlement.      It   would    cerlaiiily 
'   possess  one  very  important  advantage  over  all  the 
titles  which  have  been  recognised  by  civilized  na. 
I  tions.     Every  nation  must  be  allowed  to  judge  of 
,  its  own  destiny,  nnd  of  the  rights  which  that  des- 
;  tiny  confers  upon  it.     We  can,  therefore,  extend 
;  our  possessions  nnd    increase  our  dominions  until 
I  they  correspond  with  the  grand  conceptions  wo 
I  may  form  of  our  destiny.     If  Oregon  is  ours  by 
j  "  manifest  destiny,"  so  equally  is  Colifornia,  Mexi- 
co, Canada,  and  all  of  the  British  piovinccs  upon 
I  this  continent.     If  our  deBtiny  gives  us  a  right  to 
'  them,  we  may  as  well  at  once  commence  the  pro- 
cess of  annexing  or  "  re-annexing"  them  to  the 
I  United  States.     It  has  been  recently  rumortd  that 
I  our  Qoveriimeiit  has  furnished  our  newly-appoint- 
ed minister  lo  Mexico  with  instructions  to  open  ne- 
gotiations with  Mexico  for  the  inirchnsc  of  Cali- 
!  t'ornia.     Would  it  not  be  as  well  to  save  to  our 
j  treasury  the   money  which  it  may  be  proposed 
I  10  expend  in  this  pnrcha.se,  and  assert  a  title  to 
I  California  by  "manifest  dritimi P'    Our  i.luim  lo 
that  province  upon  llic  grountl  of  destiny  is  cer- 
I  Uiinlv  as  strong  as  the  title  by  destiny  to  Oregon. 
(.'aliAirnia  is  separated  from  Oregon  by  no  natural 
barrier.    They  are  divided  but  by  an  artificial  line; 
and  if  the  one  is  ours  by  "  mnni/ts(  destiny,"  I  see 
not  why  the  other  is  not  equally  so. 
.      Sir,  I  have  too  much  confidence  in  the  strength 
;  and  justice  of  our  claims  to  the  Oregon  territory, 
ji  to  consent-to  base  our  title  upon  pretensions  so  ri- 
i;  dicidous  and  absurd.     What  may  be  the  ultimale 
1  designs  of  Providence  ill  regard  to  our  nation,  or 
I  what  may  be  our  ultimate  destiny  is  not  yet  made 
manifest.     It  cannot  be  disguised,  that  there  is  in 
'   this  country'o  rapidly-increasing  lust  for  national 
;  oggrandizement — a   thirst  for  territorial   acquisi- 
;;  lions — n  longing  for  increased  dominion.     Il  is  a 
■   spirit  full  of  danger,  and  if  fostered  and   eiicour- 
;   aged,  it  needs  not  the  spirit  of  prophecy  to  make 
manifest  our  destiny.     Under  the  induence  of  this 
j  feeling,  we  have  already  cast  wishful  and  longing 
eyes  upon  the  provinces  of  our  neighbors.     The 
,  jealousy  of  other  nations  is  already  aroused  iii;aiiist 
,  Uf,  and  we  have  reason  to  fear  that  the  govern- 
meiiln  of  Europe,  tui  well  as  of  our  own  continent, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


105 


29th  Conq 1st  Sgss. 


The  Oregon  QveiiUon — Mr.  C  B.  Smith. 


Ho.  or  Repb. 


will  lio  united  a^iinHt  ua  to  check  our  encroaeh- 
nieiits  upnii  the  rights  of  olhura. 

The  nilverso  cliiinifs  of  Ihn  United  States  nnd 
Qieiu  Uritahi  to  the  Oregon  territory,  based  bb  they 
are  upon  discoveries  and  explorationn  made  byr.il- 
i/.ens  of  both  countries,  as  well  as  upon  treaties 
iniiile  by  both  (iovcrnments  with  Spain,  are  neces- 
sarily, to  some  extent,  uncertain  in  their  cliuraclcr, 
nnd  present  a  tit  subject  I'or  nei;otiation  and  com- 
jiKiniiMC.  I  have, however,  no  hesitation  in  saying 
iliatwe  bavcajrood  title  to  all  of  the  territory,  as  far 
ncirtli  us  the  forty-iiinlli  parallel  of  norib  latitude; 
anil  1  would  not  desire  to  see  our  Ciovernmcnt  ma- 
king; anv  coniessions  to  Great  lirituin  beyond 
those  wliirb  have  already  been  olfered.  The<pie»- 
lions  in  dispute  between  the  two  countries,  in  rela- 
tion to  the  title,  have  been  a  subject  of  did'erenco 


thus  bearding  the  British  lion  in  advance,  and  de-  i 
nouiicing  in  terms  of  vehement  bitterness  those  j 
who  beloro  had  olfered  to  concede  a  portion  of  this  i 
territory  to  Great  UriUiin  for  the  sake  of  acompro-  • 
misc,  would,  within  the  fiist  half  year  of  its  exist-  i 
ence,  ufl'er  to  concede  to  the  Dritish  Oovrrnment 
tt»  large  a  portion  of  the  Oregon  territory  as  bad  I 
been  olfered  under  the  instructions  of  Mr.  Clay  i 
while  Secretary  of  Suite.    While  I  was  canvassing 
for  a  seat  in  this  House,  during  the  last  summer,  i 
rumor  whispered  that  llie  President  bad  olfered  to 
surrender  the  country  north  of  forty-nine.     The 
j  rumor  was  there  most  stoutly  denied  by  bis  friends. 
Tliat  which  was  then   but  rumor,  lainlly  wliia- 
i  i)ercd,  is  now  rendered  a  certainty.    Tiic  Mes»a;;o 
[  of  the  President  has  officially  informed  us  that  lie 
lias  renewed  the  oiler  of  compromise   formerly 


i)ciwten  us  for  nearly  thirty  years.     Kftbrts  have  i|  made,  with  the  exception  of  the  iVee  navigation  of  ' 


been  made  to  coniproniise  ilieni,  at  diiferent  per 
od.s,  and  under  dilVcrcnt  administrations,  but  with- 
out success.  As  early  as  1818  it  was  agreed  that 
the  territory  in  dispute  should  be  open  and  free  to 
the  citizens  and  subjects  of  both  countries.  In 
18:i7,  this  agreement  was  renewed  for  an  indefinite 


the  Columbia  river.     He  has  on'ered  to  surrender 
to  the  British  Qovernment  all  of  the  territory  which  { 
lies  north  of  the  forty-ninth  parallel  of  nortb  lati-  ' 
tude.     Where  now  are  the  muttering  thunders  of 
Oeniocratic  vengeance  which  have  been  so  pro- 
fusely poured  out  uuon  Mr.  Clay  for  sanctioning 


jieriod,  with  a  stipulation  that  it  might  be  lermina-  :   a  similar  offer.'    Wliere  now  aie  the  oft-repealed 
ted,  by  either  Government,  on  giving  to  the  other  1   denunciations    against    "British   Whigs,"    who 


,hy  .       .,       „ 

twelve  months'  notice.    It  is  proposed  by  the  reso-  j;  would  be  willing  to  surrender  any  portion  of  the 
bilion  now  before  the  House,  that  we  shall  give  the  '   "  ■  -      ■       ,.  . ,    r,,, 

year's  notice  to  Great  Britain,  required  by  the  joint 
cunvenlion,  to  terminate  it.  A  (juestion  as  iin- 
porumt  as  this,  and  one  which  involves  coiise- 
qiicnies  to  the  country  of  the  greatest  nuignitudo, 
should  be  viewed  and  delermined  without  any 
reference  to  ]mrty  politics.  Intrust  it  will  be  so 
considered,  and  that  party  spirit  may  bo  suffered 
to  exercise  no  inHuence  in  its  settlement.  It  can- 
not, however,  be  concealed,  that  efforts  have  been 
made  to  give  it  a  party  complexion.  Previous  to 
1S44,  the  country  universally  acquiesced  in  the 
propriety  of  continuing  the  joint  convention  with 
tJreat  Britain.  But  in  the  memorable  political 
contest  of  that  year,  efforts  were  made  to  mingle 
the  Oregon  question  with  the  elements  of  political 
strife,  and  to  make  it  subservient  to  partisan  tri- 
umph. The  democratic  convention,  which  as- 
sembled lit  Baltimore  in  May,  1844,  and  nomina- 
ted the  present  incumbent  of  the  Presidency  as 
the  cnmlulate  of  the  Democratic  party,  presented 
the  questions  of  Texas  and  Oregon  as  the  twin 
offspring  of  democracy.  Our  title  to  all  of  Oregon 
was  a.sserted,  as  well  as  the  determination  to  sus- 
tain that  title.  During  the  canvass  which  follow- 
ed, it  will  be  recollected  that  an  effort  was  made 
to  create  the  impression  that  the  Democrats  were 
the  peculiar  friends  of  Oregon,  and  that  the  Whigs 
were  in  favor  of  surrendering  a  jiorlion  of  it  to 
Great  Britain  by  negotiation.  Mr.  Clay  was  re- 
peatedly denounced,  not  only  through  the  press. 


Oregon  territory  to  a  foreign  Government?    The  j 
offer  to  surrender  has  been  niudc  by  a  Uemocratic  ; 

'  Administration — by  an  Admiiii.«ratioii  brought 
into  existence  unuer  the  vaunting  resolutions  of  i 

I  the  Baltimore  Convention.  i 

!      I  have  not,  Mr.  Chairman,  referred  to  these  mat-  i 
ters  for  the  purpose  of  denouncing  or  censuring  the 

;  President  fcjr  the  offer  which  he  has  made  to  com- 
promise this  vexed  question.  I  approve  of  that 
offer,  and  only  regret  that  it  has  not  been  accepted 
as  the  basis  of  a  compromise.     The  country  may 

'■  find  in  the  liLstory  of  this  question  a  useful  lesson. 

j  They  may  learn  to  place  a  proper  estimate  upon 

1  the  self-praised  patriotism  of  tnose  who  liave  de- 
nounced all  coinpiomise,  and  have  charged  with 

:  partiality  to  a  foreign  government  those  of  our  own 

j  citizens  who  have  sought  the  means  of  preserving 
the  peace  of  the  country  in  attempts  to  settle  the 

I  coi^troversy  by  fair  and  honorable  negotiation. 
This  is  not  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  parties 
when  men  have  leached  power  upon  pledges  which 
jhey  found  it  utterly  impossible  to  carry  out.  The 
gentleman  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Adams]  has 
told  us  that  he  believes  we  shall  have  no  war  upon 
thi.s  question,  and  as  one  reason  for  his  opinion  he 
predicts  that  the  Administration  will  "  back  out  " 
from  its  own  positions.  1  shall  not  attempt  to  pre- 
dict or  to  [irejudge  the  Adminislration.  Those 
who  have  been  placed  by  the  peoiile  at  tlie  head  of 
the  Government  have  assumed  tlie  responsibility 
of  the  negotiations  upon  this  question,  and  to  the 


but  upon  this  lloor,  because,  while  Secretary  of  jl  country  must  they  answer  for  the  manner  in  which 


Suite,  he  had  instructed  our  minister  to  England 
to  offer  to  surrender  to  Great  Britain  all  of  the 
Oregon  territcu'y  which  lies  north  of  the/or(i/-iiinlh 
parallel  of  north  latitude,  as  a  compromise,  iil- 
iliough   he  believed  our  title   to   be  good  lo  the 


their  responsibililies  are  discharged 
j      Hut,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  come  more  immediately 
i  to  the  ipiesticin  before  the  House;  I  desire  to  pre- 
I  sent  some  of  the  reasons  which  will  induce  me  to 

vole  against  the  joint  resolution  now  under  discus- 


whole  country  un  to  fifty-four  degrees  and  forty   ]  sion.  This  resolution  proposes  that  Congress  shall 


minutes.  We  all  know  the  result  of  that  contest. 
Mr.  Polk  was  elected,  and  it  was  immediately  an- 
nounced that  the  public  voice  had  decided  that 
Texas  must  be  annexed,  and  that  our  title  to  all 
ofOregon  trust  be  maiiiuiined.  The  annexation 
of  Texas  was  pressed  I'orward  with  hot  haste,  and 
its  immediate  consummation  urged  with  a  zeal 
which  would  admit  of  no  delay.  That  measure 
having  been  disposed  of,  expectation  was  of  course 
exciieil  as  to  the  course  which  was  to  be  pursued 
by  the  incoming  Administration  in  relation  lo  the 
Oregon  question.  We  all  recollect  the  sensa- 
tion which  was  produced,  not  only  in  this  coun- 
try, but  in  Europe,  by  the  rhetorical  flourish 
r>I  the  Presitleiit,  in  his  inaugural  address,  re- 
specting our  right  lo  Oregon.  Our  title  was 
"clear  and  unquestionable,"  and  must  be  main- 
tained, was  authoritatively  announced.  This  man- 
ifesto was  shortly  after  followed  by  an  equally 
emphatic  declaiallon  of  our  rights,  and  of  the  de- 
termination of  the  Government  to  sustain  them,  in 
the  "  otHcial  organ"of  the  Administration,  herald- 
ed to  the  world  under  the  imposing  luiption  of 
"  the  whole  of  Oivgon,  or  none."  Who  for  one 
moment  could  have  supposed  that  an  Adminislra- 
tion, thus  coming  into  power,  with  siicii  lofly  and 
high-sounding  pietensions  upon  this  question — 


terminate  the  convention  now  existing  between  this 
Government  and  the  Government  of  Great  Britain, 
whii'h  provides  for  the  joini  occupancy  by  the  citi- 
zens of  the  two  countries  of  the  Oregon  territory. 
I  cannot  regard  the  notice  required  to  terminate 
tha.  convention  as  a  legislative  act.  As  a  member 
of  theCommittce  on  l'"oreign  Affairs  my  views  ujion 
this  point  have  already  been  submitted  to  the  House 
in  the  repiMl  of  the  minorty  of  that  commiuee.  I 
believe  llie  positions  assumed  in  tliat  re|)ort  to  be 
sound  and  well  founded.  The  Coiistiluiion  has 
wisely  divided  the  powers  of  the  Government  be- 
tween (lifTereiit  deiiartments.  Tiie  line  which  sepa- 
rates those  departments  is  clear  and  well  defined. 
The  legislative  ilepartnienl  ought  not  lo  trench  upon 
or  invade  the  province  of  the  other  departments.  It 
will  find  enough  to  occupy  its  attention  in  its  own 
legitimate  sphere  of  action.  The  power  to  dissolve 
the  convention  with  Great  Britain  is  a  power  which 
belongs  to  the  treaty-making  department  of  the 
Government.  By  that  department  was  the  con- 
vention created,  so  far  as  this  Government  had  an 
agency  in  it,  and  by  it  alone  can  it  be  terminated. 
Congress  can  neither  make  treaties  nor  alter  or 
modify  those  already  in  existence.  The  joint  con- 
vention by  which  the  two  counlrios  have  agreed  to 
regulate  the  rights  of  their  citizens  to  ingress  to  the 


country  between  the  Ilocky  mountninaand  the  Pa- 
cific, is  a  treaty  between  iheni.  An  abrogaliuii  of 
that  part  of  the  treaty  which  creates  the  right  of 
joint  occupancy  would  be  an  alteration  of  that 
treaty,  and  this  alteration  can  only  be  effected  by 
the  same  (lowcr  which  created  it.  The  eoiiventiuii, 
as  originully  created  in  1818,  waa  limited  by  ila 
own  terms  to  a  period  of  ten  years.  Before  llie 
expiration  of  that  time  it  was  renewed  for  un  in- 
dehniU!  period,  to  be  lerminaied  by  either  party 
upon  one  year's  notice.  This  notice,  by  which 
the  convention  is  to  be  thus  determined,  must  b« 
given  by  one  of  tlie  parties  to  the  treaty  to  the 
oilier. 

The  treaiy-making  power  of  the  Government, 
it  seems  clear  to  my  nund,  is  idone  capable  of  giv- 
ing the  notice.     Congress,  it  is  true,  may  adopt 
resolutions  advisory  in  their  chanicler,  and  cal- 
culated 10  sliniulatc  the  Executive  in  the  discharge 
I  of  the  duties  properly  pertaining  to  that  branch  of 
the   Government.      But  such  resolutions   would 
have  no  weight  beyond  the  moral  power  atuiched 
to  them,  as  the  opinions  of  those  who  iminediale- 
;  ly  represent  the  people.     The  respo'iaibility  of  the 
measure  is  ]>iaced  by  the  Constitution  in  the  handn 
of  the  Executive,  and  I  see  no  good  reason  why 
that  responsibiliiy   should    be   Uiken    from  that 
branch  of  ihc  Goveininenl  and  exercised  by  Con- 
gress.   There  are  other  reasons,  of  great  weight 
in  my  mind,  v/hy  the  question  of  giving  the  notice 
should  be  left  Willi  the  Executive.    The  propriciy 
i  of  giving  it,  will,  of  ctmrse,  depend  much  upon 
'  the  state  of  negotiations  with  Great  Briuiin.     At 
;  the  coinuicncemcnt  of   the   prese  '   se.ssion,  the 
President  informed  ua  that  the  neg(Uialioiis  hud 
been  brought  to  a  close.     They  may,  however, 
be  renewed,  and  rumor  is  rife  that  they  have  been 
renewed.     Great  Britain  may  reconsider  her  hasiy 
rejection  of  the  proposition  which  has  been  made 
by  the  Presiilent;  and  I  hesitate  not  to  say,  that, 
should  she  do  so,  and  agree  to  accept  the  forly- 
1  ninth  jiaruUel  as  the  boundary  line  between  us, 
i  it  would  be  the  duty,  as  well  as  the  interest,  of 
j  this  Government,  lo  settle  the  question  upon  that 
i  ba.sis.     The  President  will,  of  cour.ie,  at  all  times 
be  advised  of  the  slate  of  the  negoiialions,  and  can 
better  judge  than  Congress  of  the  time  when  it 
would  be  proper  lo  give  the  notice. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  if  it  should  be  admitted 

that  the  notice  to  terminate  the  joint  convention 

I  can  only  be  given  through  the  action  of  (Congress  , 

!  it  becomes  us  to  delibiTiite  maturely  before  we 

lake  that  step.     Our  action  in  this  matter  may  ii> 

I  volve  cinisequences  more  serious  than  are  now  ai  - 

ticipaled.     The  step,  when  once  taken,  cannot  Le 

retraced,  and  wc  should  look  well  lo  the  effect 

which  the  measure  may  produce,  before  we  adopt 

it.     I  am  free  to  confess,  that  I  have  not  been  able 

to  discover  reasons  sufficient  lo  satisfy  me  that  we 

i  should  give  life  notice  at  this  time.     The  joint 

I  convention  between  the  United  Slates  and  Great 

Britain  has  now  been  in  force  twenty-seven  years. 

During  that  period,  no  effort  has  been  miule  by 

I  Great  Britain  to  trrminatc  it,  except  by  such  nego- 
tiations as  would  settle,  definitively,  the  whole 
queslion.  Until  within  the  last  two  years,  but 
few  in  the  United  Suites  have  expressed  the  opin- 
ion that  we  should  terminate  it.     There  is  no  point 

;  of  national  honor  which  requires  us  lo  terminate 
j  it.  Its  continuance  involves  no  sacrifice  of  priii 
I  ciple  or  of  interest.     Our  title  to  Oregon  has  lost 

nothing  of  its  strenglli  by  the  continuance  of  the 
i  convention,  and  surely  will  not  become  weaker  by 
1  its  Icniger  continuance.  But  what  is  to  be  the 
[1  effect  of  giving  this  notice  ?  Those  who  advocate 
Ji  the  resolution  lo  give  notice  assure  us  that  it  is  a 
ji  pacific  measure,  and  cannot  be  the  means  of  pro- 
i!  duciiig  war.  If  there  is  any  gentleman  here  who 
j!  desires  to  precipitate  the  country  into  a  war,  he 
''\  has  not  the  boldness  to  avow  it.  All  are  iippo- 
■  ■  rently  the  advocates  of  peace,  and  di'sire  lo  adopt 

such  measures  as  will  produce  pacific  results.     Is 

I I  this  a  measure  of  that  character?  I  confess,  sir, 
:  I  am  not  without  serious  apprehensions  as  to  its 

,i  result.-).  The  language  used  by  the  President  in 
1  his  Message,  to  my  mind,  very  clearly  indicates 
jl  that  he  regards  it  as  the  commencement  of  a  series 
'  of  measures  which  must  result  in  war.  I  know 
I  not  what  are  his  private  opinions,  or  what  opinions 

he  has  expresseil  in  his  intercourse  with  others. 

I  can  only  judge  of  his  opinions  from  his  oIKcial 
1  declarations.     In  his  Message  he  says: 


-i- 


IM 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


rJtn.  7, 


39th  Cono.  ...Irt  Sr.s8. 


The  Ongon  Qv««(ion — Mr.  C.  B.  Smith. 


Ho.  or  Keps. 


"The  (txtrnnnlinary  nnd  wholly  .'oadmiMihle 

*  dtmandi  nf  Ihr  liritiih  liovrrnmenl,  i<nd  the  re- 
'jcclion  of  the  prnpotition  made  in  delerenre  alone 

*  lo  what  had  been  done  by  my  predeeeiaon,  nnd 

■  the  implied  oblipition  which  (heir  acta  aeemed  to 
'  impoae,  all'ord  snlinfai'torv  evidence  that  no  com- 
'  promiae  which  the  Uiiiled  State*  niis^ht  to  accept 

■  can  be  afl'ct'ted.     With  thia  conviction,  the  pro- 

*  poaition  of  eompromiae  which  had  been  made 

*  and  rejected,  waa,  by  my  direction,  aubacquently 

*  withdrawn,  and  our  title  to  the  whole  Oregon 
■territory  aiurrted,  and,  aa   ia    lielieved,  main- 

■  (ained  by  irrefragable  fjcta  and  argumenla." 

In  thia  part  of  the  Meaaan^e,  the  President  aa- 
•umea  that  "no  compromise  which  the  United 
Slatei  ought  to  accept  can  be  effected."  Well, 
air,  if  the  President  believes  that  "  no  compromise 
which  the  United  tjtatea  ou^ht  lo  accept  can  be 
efl'ected,"  what  muat  we  infer  ia  his  opinion  aa  to 
the  reault  of  ihc  mieslion?  He  certainly  cannot 
believe,  if  Ureat  Britain  will  agree  to  no  reason- 
al>le  compromise,  that  she  will  surrender  uncon- 
ditionally all  cleim  to  the  territory,  nnd  suffer  our 
Government  to  lake  undisputed  possession  of  the 
whole  nf  It.  The  inference,  then,  Is  irresistible, 
that  he  believes  the  question  must  be  settled  by 
the  arliitmment  of  the  sword.  This  inference  is 
atrens^hencd  by  bis  languoi^c  in  another  part  of 
his  Me8s«ge,  ill  which  he  snys: 

"  At  the  end  of  the  year's  notice,  should  Con- 
<  press  think  ii  pro)>cr  to  make  provision  for  giving 
'  that  notice,  we  shall  have  reached  apeiiod  when 
'  the  national  richts  in  Oregon  miisteiiner  be  ohnn- 
'  doned  or  fimily  inainliiined.     That  ihey  cannot 

*  be  abandoned  without  a  sacrifice  of  both  national 
'  honor  and  interest,  is  too  clear  to  admit  of 
'dnubl." 

I'he  opinion  of  the  President,  then,  ia  clear  and 
undiaguiaed,  that  if  this  notice  lo  terminate  ihe 
joint  convention  shall  be  given  to  Great  Britain, 
we  shall  be  compelled,  at  the  expirnlion  of  the 
year,  lo  assert  our  claims  to  Oregon  at  the  point  of 
thebavonet.  In  this  opinion  I  fully  concur.  When 
the  joint  convention  shall  be  terminated,  we  muat 
tlicn,  at  all  hazards,  take  possession  of  the  country, 
and  compel  Great  Britain,  by  force,  to  abandon  her 
pretensions.  A  wnr,  tlien,  can  only  be  avoided  by 
Great  Britain  surrendering  her  claims.  Have  we 
any  reaaon  to  anticipate  that  she  will  do  this  f  If 
(he  has  refused,  upon  negotiation,  to  make  any 
eompromiae  which  our  Government  can  accept, 
can  we  believe  that  ahe  will  be  driven  by  menace 
to  an  unconditional  surrender?  The  pride  and  ar- 
rogance which  she  has  at  all  times  manifested  in 
the  assertion  of  what  ahe  has  claimed  as  her  rights, 
however  they  may  be  calculated  to  excite,  on  our 
part,  feelings  of  inilignalion  and  hostility  to  her,  yet 
iiilly  show  riml  we  hove  no  reason  to  count  on  her 
forbearance  in  the  present  coiitroversy.  The  giving 
of  Ihe  no'ice,  it  ia  true,  is  not  of  itself  a  wor  meas- 
ure. Had  the  notice  been  given  by  the  Executive 
while  the  negotiations  were  progressing,  it ;«  highly 
probable  that  no  injury  could  have  resulted  from 
It.  It  might,  indeecf,  have  ltd  to  an  earlier  settle- 
ment of  ihe  whole  subjectof  controversy;  because, 
while  it  could  not  then  have  given  any  ground  of 
olTence  to  the  British  Government,  it  would  have 
impressed  upon  the  iiegoiiators  of  both  countries 
the  necessity  of  an  early  and  definitive  settlement 
as  the  only  means  of  preserving  iieace.  The  state 
of  affairs,  however,  hns  materially  changed.  The 
President  haa  abruptly  terminated  the  negotiations, 
and  withdrawn  the  proposition  of  compromise 
which  he  had  made,  olleging,  at  the  same  time, 
that  he  had  only  made  that  proposition  in  defer- 
ence to  the  opinions  and  acts  of  his  predecessors, 
and  ugaiiiBt  his  own  convictions  of  right.  At  the 
■ame  time,  he  recommends  to  Congress  to  give 
the  notice,  as  the  preparatory  step  to  the  asser- 
tion of  the  claims  of  thisGovcinment,  not  nionc  to 
the  territory  w.  fur  north  as  forty-nine,  but  to  the 
whole  of  the  Oregon  territory — to  the  Russian  line, 
Bt  fifty-four  forty.  He  distinctly  informs  us, 
that  at  the  expiration  of  the  year,  we  must  eitlier 
firmly  assert  our  rights  to  the  territory,  or  aban- 
don them  altogether.  The  plain  and  simple  mean- 
ing of  this  is,  that,  at  Ihe  expirntion  of  the  year, 
we  must  take  po.saession  of  the  whole  of  Ihe  coun- 
try, and  drive  the  subjects  of  the  English  Govern- 
ment from  every  part  of  it.  At  the  same  time, 
the  discussions  upon  this  i^ucstinn,  both  in  Con- 
gress and  through  the  pubUc  press,  ore  conducted 


in  a  spirit  of  self-lniidalion  and  boastful  eulogy  nf 
ourselves,  and  of  billerand  vehement  denunciation 
against  Great  Hrilain,  calculated  lo  excite  feelings 
of  reciprocal  hoatilily  between  the  people  of  the 
two  rountriea.  If  this  notice  ia  now  given  under 
these  cin'.umstances,  with  the  avowed  declaration 
on  the  part  of  our  Government  that  it  is  intended 
aa  a  pre|>aralnry  measure  to  Ihe  aaseriion  of  our 
claims  to  all  of  Oregon — with  the  angry  passions 
of  the  people  of  both  coiintriea  stirred  up  into  mu- 
tual hatred— can  we  hope  that  negotiations  will  be 
renewed  f  Can  we  flnllcr  ouraelves  into  Ihe  belief 
that  we  can  so  ofierute  upon  ihe  fears  of  Great 
Britain  aa  In  extort  (Vom  her  by  menace  that  which 
she  haa  refused  oa  a  propoailion  of  compromise? 
If  she  has  refused  the  offers  which  we  have  already 
made,  will  the  assertion  of  a  determination  on  our 
j  I  part  to  force  her  into  a  submiaairn  lo  our  demands, 
I  induce  her  at  once  to  abandon  her  pretensions? 
1:  Sir,  I  cannot,  for  one  moment,  believe  it.  I  am 
I  irresistibly  led  to  the  conclusion,  that  the  giving 
of  this  notice,  at  this  time,  in  the  manner  nnd  un- 
der the  ..'ircumstances  in  which  it  is  proposed  lo 
give  it,  will  effectually  close  the  door  lo  all  Allure 
iiegoliations,  and  leave  this  controversy  lo  be  set- 
tled by  the  stern  arliiliameni  of  the  sword.  By 
this  measure  we  aliall  "  cry  havoc,  and  let  slip  Ihe 
dogs  of  \y.ir"  lo  desolate  the  country.  It  may  not 
lie  dIHicnIl  lo  get  into  n  war,  but  it  may  be  ex- 
Iremcly  difficult  to  get  out  of  il.  After  years  of 
fighting,  after  the  sacrifice  of  millions  of  our  treas- 
ure, ami  the  lives  of  (lionsands  of  our  citizens,  we 
shall  still  be  compelled  lo  settle  Ihe  controversy  by 
negotiation.  May  not  negotiation  be  as  success- 
ful now  as  then;  and  would  it  not  be  good  policy 
to  exhaust  the  means  of  diplomacy  and  negotiation, 
bertire  we  resort  lo  harsher  or  sterner  measures? 

But,  Mr,  Chairman,  if  this  r|ueslion  must  be 
ullinialely  settled  by  the  sword — if,  lo  secure  our 
just  rights  in  the  Oregon  territory,  it  is  necessary 
that  we  should  engage  in  war  wilh  Great  Britain, 
I  would  ask,  are  we  in  a  condition  to  commence  n 
war  at  this  time?     Does  not  every  consideration 
of  prudence  nnd  discretion  recpiire  that  we  should 
make  some  preparation  before  we  commence  hos- 
tilities wilh  the  most  powerful  nation  inthewarld? 
Every  one  who  is  familiar  wilh  the  history  of  the 
last  war  wilh  Great  Britain  is  well  aware  of  the 
difficulties  we  encountered  from   the  unprepared 
condition  of  Ihe  country  when  we  engaged  in  il 
The  Government  was   crippled  in  its  operations 
from  the  want  of  effective  means  lo  carry  on  llie 
war.     Il  is  true,  sir,  that  our  gallant  navy  won  for 
itself  imjierishnble  renown  by  its  brilliant  achicve- 
mem.H;  it  is  true  that  the  cross  of  Si.  George  was 
compelled  to  yield,  upon  its  own  favorite  element, 
in  many  a  fierce  contlict,  to  the  stars  and  stripes; 
it  is  true  that  our  valiant  army  covered  itself  with 
laurels  vi'henever  it  could  meet  the  enemy  upon  a 
fmr  field,  and  without  loo  great  a  disparity  of 
force.     But,  sir,  these  successes  only  show  how 
much  more  effective  might  have  been  our  opern- 
lions,  and   how  much  more  brilliant  might  have 
been  our  success,  if  the  resources  and  energies  of 
the  nation  had  been  properly  marshalled  for  Ihe 
conflict  before  its  commencemeni.     And  ought  we 
not,  sir,  to  profit  by  the  experience  of  the  past  ? 
Shall  we  derive  no   inatiuclion  from  Ihe  lessons 
which  we  have  so  abundant  reason  lo  remember? 
Every  gentleman  here  must  know,  and  does  know, 
that  the  countrv  is  not  prepared  for  war.     With 
no  navy  but  a  few  vessels,  barely  sufficient  to  af- 
ford protection  to  our  commerce  in  time  of  peace; 
wilh  no  army  but  a  few  regiments,  constituting 
I  merely  the  nucleus  of  a   military  force;  without 
fortifications  or  other  m'^ans  of  defence  upon  our 
coasts;  with  our  harlKirs  unprolectMl,  and  our  At- 
I  lantic  cities  defonceli'ss,  we  are  called  upon  to  adopt 
'  measures  cnlcul.tled  to  involve  us  at  imce  in  a  wnr 
I  wilh  a  nation  fully  prepared   and   armed   at  all 
I  points.     Great  Britain  is  ftilly  prepared  for  a  con- 
;  flict  of  the  most  desperate  character.     During  the 
I  past  year  all  her  immense  resources  have  been  ap- 
I  plied  to  the  increase  of  her  naval   and   military 
\  power.     She  has  at  this  lime  a  navy  exceeding  in 
efficient  fbrce  any  which  has  ever  before  been  afloat. 
j  Even  now  she  is  engaged  in  rapidly  increasing  her 
{  already  immense  means,  of  both  offensive  and  de- 
I  fensive  warflirc.     At  peace  with  all  the  world  be- 
i  sides,  she  cuii  concentrate  all  her  energies  and  rc- 
|i  sources  for  the  contest  with  us,  if  a  contest  must 
iJ  ensue.    We  cannot  be  inscniible  to  the  extraordi- 


nary prapAfKliona  made  by  the  British  Govern- 
ment during  the  [loat  year.  What  may  be  the  ob- 
ject of  them  we  are  left  lo  conjeciure.  Whether 
that  Government  is  arming  lo  defliiid  ila  claim*  to 
the  Oregon  territory,  or  whethar  it  may  be  to 
meet  any  other  object,  we  of  course  nave  no 
means  of  knowing.  But  whatever  may  he  the  ob- 
ject of  Iter  preparations,  they  place  her  in  a  condi- 
tion to  operate  moat  efl'ectively  against  ui  should 
we  engage  in  hostilities. 

Sir,  if  we  are  lo  have  war,  we  should  at  onc« 
commence  active  preparations  to  meet  it.  If  wa 
are  to  adopt  a  measure  which  is  to  involve  us  in 
hostilities,  we  should  immediately  provide  means 
for  the  defence  of  the  country.  The  gentleman 
from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Adams]  said,  a  iVw  daya 
since,  wilh  much  force  and  eloquence,  while  we 
are  talking  about  raising  two  regiments  nf  riflemen, 
and  organizing  a  corps  of  miners  and  sappers. 
Great  Britain  is  arming  her  steamers,  and  prepar- 
ing for  a  crisis,  with  on  energy  nnd  vigor  unparal- 
leled in  the  history  of  eivilizol  nations.  Shall  we 
neglect  the  warnings  which  aie  around  us,  until 
we  are  aroused  from  our  stale  nf  fancied  security 
by  Ihe  thundering  of  the  enemy's  artillery  upon 
our  coasts,  and  the  flamea  of  our  burning  cities? 

Mr.  Chairman,  if  the  measure  now  under  con- 
sideration, and  which  I  cannot  regard  in  any  other 
light  than  a  war  measure,  shall  pass,  our  duly  to 
Ihe  country  will,  in  my  opinion,  require  us  imme- 
diately to  iidopl  efficient  means  lo  place  the  coun- 
try in  a  slate  of  defence.  1  would  not  "  prepare 
the  hearts  of  the  people  for  war"  by  appealing  lo 
their  passions,  and  exciting  their  national  preju- 
dices; but  I  would  prepare  their  arms  for  vigorous 
and  successful  defence.  If  we  must  have  wor,  let 
us  funiinh  the  Administration  with  the  meons  of 
prosecuting  it  vigorously  and  siicx-essfully.  What- 
ever may  be  my  want  of  confidence  in  ihose  in 
whose  hands  the  control  of  the  Government  has 
l)eeii  placed,  my  vote  shall  be  freely  given  for  any 
oppropriations  they  may  ask  to  enable  them  to  de- 
fend the  country  or  protect  its  citizens.  Unpalata- 
ble as  taxation  may  be  to  my  constituents,  I  shall 
not  hesitate  to  aid  in  imposing  upon  them  any 
amount  which  may  be  necessary  to  meet  the  crisis 
Should  war  unfortunately  come,  however  gentle- 
men may  attempt  to  make  political  capital  by  rais- 
ing the  cry  of  "  British  party,"  no  such  party,  I 
feel  assured,  will  be  found.  When  that  crisis  shall 
come,  we  shall  be  one  in  sentiment  as  we  are  one 
in  destiny;  and  Ihe  fVee  millions  of  the  American 
ncr  '•<  will  unite  their  energies,  and  vie  wilh  each 
o,..er  in  sacrifices  to  place  the  stara  and  stripes  of 
our  national  flag  in  triumph  on  every  (i'  Id  and 
every  sen. 

I  believe,  sir,  tliat  no  injury  can  result  to  this 
Government  by  a  continuance  of  the  convenlion 
with  Great  Britain.  The  territory  is  rapidly  filling 
up  wilh  a  hardy  American  population.  Thechnir- 
mnii  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  has  in- 
formed us  that  there  arc  already  seven  thousand 
American  emigrants  there.  In  a  very  short  period 
Ihe  number  will  be  quadrupled.  The  British  Gov- 
ernment is  making  no  effort  to  colonize  Oregon. 
The  only  British  subjects  in  the  territory  are  those 
who  are  connected  with  the  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany. Their  number  is  but  small,  and  Uieir  ob- 
|cct'  is  not  to  make  permanent  settlements,  but  to 
corry  on  a  traffic  with  Ihe  Indians.  Every  year  is 
giving  to  Ihe  American  settlers  additional  strength. 
Let  peace  but  continue,  nnd  but  a  short  lime  will 
elapse  until  they  will  have  strength  sufficient  to 
protect  themselves,  and  defend  the  country  against 
any  power  which  may  be  brought  against  them. 
I  am  willing  lo  aid  in  the  adoption  of  any  meaa- 
iires  which  may  be  neces-sary  lo  their  protection 
and  security,  consistent  with  the  treaty  stipula- 
tions into  which  we  have  entered.  Let  us  afford 
to  them  the  protection  of  our  laws.  Let  ua  in- 
crease the  facilities  of  emigriitioii;  and  by  stockode 
forts,  or  any  other  means  which  may  be  necessary, 
enable  ihcm  safely  and  securely  lo  reach  the  coun- 
try. There  can  surely  be  no  pressing  necessity 
for  the  immediate  organization  of  a  territorial  Gov- 
ernment for  the  accommodation  of  a  population  of 
but  seven  ihousand — a  population  hardly  equalling 
the  half  of  the  population  of  an  ordinary  county 
in  one  of  the  Slates.  In  the  meantime  opporluniiy 
may  be  afforded  for  the  peaceful  settlement  of  the 
conlroveray  wilh  Great  Britain  in  regard  to  the 
title.    If  tlie  controversy  cannot  be  settled  peace- 


).  or  Kcpi. 

Britiah  Govwn- 
tt  may  be  the  ob- 
clure.  Whether 
IViid  ita  ciRimi  la 
r  it  mnv  be  to 
courae  nave  no 
ir  may  be  the  ob- 
e  her  in  «  condi* 
;:ainiit  ui  ihuuld 

■hnuld  at  once 
meet  it.     If  we 
to  involve  ui"  in 
>»  provide  mean* 
The  gentleman 
snid,  a  IVw  dayi 
lencc,  while  we 
enia  of  riflemen, 
■  and  enppera, 
cr»,  and  prepar- 
1  vigor  unpnral- 
inna.    Hholl  we 
iroiind  ua,  until 
ranoird  aecurity 
B  artillery  upon 
liming  citiea? 
low  under  con- 
rd  in  any  other 
as,  our  duty  to 
quire  ua  imme- 
place  the  coun- 

not "  prepare 
•y  appealing  to 
lationnl  preju- 
na  for  vigoroua 
I  have  war,  let 
I  the  means  of 
isfully.  What- 
ce  in  thoae  in 
ivcriiment  has 

given  for  any 
)le  them  to  de. 
la.  Unpalata- 
iiuenls,  I  ahall 
ion  them  any 
lect  the  criaia 
iwever  gentle- 
apital  by  raia- 
Buch  party,  I 
ml  crisia  ahall 
aa  we  arc  one 
the  American 
vie  with  each 
and  alripcs  of 
ery  f!'  Itl  and 

reault  to  this 
le  convention 
rapidly  filling 
1.  Thechnir- 
iflaira  haa  in- 
vcn  thouaaiid 
'  short  period 

British  Qov- 
mize  Oregon, 
ory  are  those 
'a  Bov  Com- 
und  tficir  ob- 
Tients,  but  to 
ivcry  year  is 
nal  strength, 
ort  time  will 

aufficienl  to 
intry  against 
rainst  them, 
f  any  meaa- 
ir  protection 
•my  slijmla- 
^ct  us  atfurd 
Let  us  in- 
by  stockoda 
e  necessary, 
:h  the  coun- 
ig  necessity 
itorial  Gov- 
opulalion  of 
ly  equalling 
ia;y  county 
opportunity 
iient  of  the 
gard  to  the 
tiled  peace- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


107 


2(h'H  CoNO l8T  Scss. 


The  Oregon  QtMf^!on— Mr.  Dobbin. 


Ho.  or  Repr. 


fully,  and  we  shall  be  compelled  to  aettln  it  by 
"  itKiger  lif  iaille,"  we  may,  in  the  meantime,  col- 
lect nur  reaourcea,  and  place  ouraelvea  in  a  peti- 
tion to  defend  the  territory  successfully. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  cannot  brine  my  mind  to 
the  belief  that  two  nations  like  the  United  States 
and  Oreat  Britain  will  suffer  ihemaclvea  to  be 
forced  into  a  war  upon  a  question  like  this.  We 
have  repeatedly  offered  to  surrender  to  Great  Brit- 
ain all  of  the  territory  which  lies  north  of  forty- 
nine.  She  has  offered  to  surrender  to  us  all  that 
lies  south  of  the  Columbia  river,  That  atrip  of 
territory  between  these  boundaries,  and  which  ia 
the  territory  in  dispute  between  the  two  Govern- 
menia,  is  but  trifling — trifling  in  extent,  and  trifling 
in  importance,  when  compared  with  the  calamitous 
consequences  which  must  result  from  a  war  be- 
tween two  such  nations.  But  a  short  time  has 
elapsed  since  we  discharged  the  last  of  the  national 
debt  contracted  during  the  late  war.  A  war  with 
Oreat  Britain  now  would  compel  us  to  contract  a 
debt  greatly  beyond  any  we  have  ever  before  con- 
tracted. Hunarcda  of  millions  would  be  required 
to  carry  us  through  it,  and  when  peace  anould 
again  dawn  upon  us,  we  should  have  a  load  of  na- 
tional debt  resting  upon  our  shoulders  which  would 
require  the  energies  and  sacrificca  of  generotions  to 
remove.  But  this  evil,  great  as  it  might  be,  would 
be  one  of  the  smallest  resulting  from  a  war.  The 
destruction  of  our  property — the  loss  of  our  com- 
merce with  other  nations — the  sacrifice  of  the  lives 
of  many  thousanda  of  our  beat  citizcna — the  de- 
moralization of  the  country,  alwaya  a  conaequcncc 
of  war — and  the  shock  which  would  be  given  to 
the  principles  of  free  ftovernmcnt — would  heap  up 
an  accumulotion  of  evil  from  the  effects  of  wnicn 
it  would  require  many  years  of  peaceful  prosperity 
to  enable  us  to  recover.  From  these  evils  I  cannot 
but  moat  carneatly  desire  to  aee  my  country  ea- 
cape.  They  are  ev'ila  which  ought  not  to  be  lightly 
incurred;  ond  I  cannot  consent,  aa  one  of  the  rep- 
rescntativea  of  the  people,  by  any  vole  of  mine, 
to  aid  in  bringing  the  country  to  a  crisia  in  which 
thev  mnat  be  incurred. 

There  ia  no  principle  of  neceasity,  there  is  no 
point  of  national  honor,  which  rcqui.-ea  us  to  incur 
them.  Instead  of  vindicating  our  national  honor, 
we  should  incur  moat  deep  diahonor  by  hurrying 
precipitately  into  a  war  upon  a  question  whicn 
may  lie  well  and  honorably  adjusted  without  it. 

I  deny,  sir,  the  pronosiiion  which  has  been  as- 
serted ,  tnal  there  is  no  longer  any  prospect  of  a  com- 
promise of  this  question.  I  believe,  firmly,  that 
if  the  notice  to  temiinntc  the  joint  convention  shall 
not  be  given,  we  shall  have  a  siicedy  and  honor- 
able adjustment  of  the  matter  with  the  Government 
of  Great  Britain.  It  has  been  stated,  and  upon 
what  many  suppose  to  be  good  authority,  that  the 
British  Government  did  not  entirely  approve  of  the 
hasty  rejection,  by  Mr.  Pakenham,  of  the  ofler  of 
cornpromise  made  by  Mr.  Polk,  In  making  that 
offer,  I  think  Mr.  Polk  acted  wisely;  and  however 
loudly  some  of  his  friends  may  raise  the  shout  of 
".ill  of  Oregon,  or  none  .'"  he  will  be  fully  sus- 
tained by  the  approving  voice  of  the  nation.  It  is 
too  Inte  to  any,  that  the  rights  of  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States,  in  the  Oregon  territory,  are  not 
a  proper  subject  of  compromise.  Our  Govem- 
ment,  for  the  last  thirty  years,  in  all  the  negotia-  j 
tions  upon  this  subject  has  admitted  that  Great 
Briuun  haa  some  rights  there;  and  has  repeatedly 
offered  to  surrender  to  her  a  large  portion  of  the 
territory.  We  cannot,  if  we  would,  disregard  the 
previous  negotiations.  We  cannot  now  repudiate 
the  previous  admissions  and  acknowledgments  of 
our  own  Government,  and  insist  u|ion  an  uncondi- 
tional and  absolute  surrender  of  all  claim  on  the 
part  of  the  British  Government.  By  pursuing  this 
course,  we  should  not  only  array  Great  Britain  in 
hostility  against  us,  but  the  sympathies  of  other 
nations  would  be  enlisted  in  her  favor. 

I  do  not  believe  that  Great  Britain  desires  to 
eng^e  in  a  war  with  us  upon  this  question.  Her 
desire  for  peace  is  evidenced  by  tne  offer  which 
she  has  madu  to  settle  the  controversy  by  arbitra- 
tion. I  avail  myself  of  this  opportunity  to  express 
my  deliberate  conviction,  that  it  is  llie  imperative 
duty  of  this  Government  to  accept  of  tlial  mode  of 
settleinent  of  the  controversy,  rather  than  to  en- 
gage ill  a  war.  It  is  objected  to  a  settlement  of 
the  question  by  arbitration,  that  ony  monarch  to 
whom  it  might  be  referred,  would,  from  prejudices 


against  a  republican  Government,  make  an  award 
against  our  claim,  Uir,  it  is  not  necessary  that  we 
anould  submit  the  question  to  any  monarch.  It 
might  be  referred  to  arbitratoiv,  consisting  of  emi- 
nent citizens  of  nur  own  country,  in  connexion 
with  citizens  of  Oreat  Britain  and  other  nations  of 
Europe.  Should  we  hnvo  any  reason  to  doubt  or 
distrust  an  umpirage  of  this  charncler?  1  believe 
not,  air.  I  believe  the  interest  and  the  honor  of 
this  country  would  be  safe,  confided  to  such  hands; 
and  I  can  see  no  sufficient  reason  why  our  Govern- 
ment should  refuse  to  submit  to  such  an  arbitra- 
ment. By  a  reference  of  the  qu-'slion  in  dispute 
to  arbitrators,  we  make  no  concessions  inconsistent 
wiih  the  honor  of  the  nation.  If  our  title  is  "  clear 
and  unquestionable,"  we  have  no  reason  to  fear 
that  a  decision  will  be  made  adversely  to  us.  Be- 
yond all  doubt,  we  should,  by  on  award  of  disin- 
terested arbitrators,  obtain  terms  of  settlement  at 
least  ns  favorable  as  those  which  we  have  now  at 
four  different  periods  offered  to  Great  Britain.  All 
peaceable  means  of  settling  the  question  should  be 
exhausted,  before  a  resort  should  be  had  to  arma. 
The  civilized  world  will  justly  hold  ua  responsible, 
if  wc  adopt  measures  calculated  to  disturb  the  gen- 
eral peace,  while  it  may  honorably  be  avoided. 

Efforts  have  been  made,  both  in  this  country 
and  in  England,  to  inflame  the  public  mind,  and 
produce  feelings  of  mutual  hostility,  which  have 
doubtless  exercised  a  prejudicial  influence  upon 
the  negotiations.  This  is  greatly  to  be  regretted. 
A  course  of  this  kind  can  effect  nothing  but  evil. 
We  shall  gain  neither  the  reaped  nor  the  good  will 
of  other  riationa,  by  swelling  praises  of  our  own 
patriotism,  or  vauntings  of  our  valor.  A  settle- 
ment of  the  controversy  cannot  be  facilitated  by 
indulging;  in  eulogies  upon  ourselves  or  abuse  of 
Great  Britain. 

I  am  not  insensible,  Mr,  Chairman,  to  the  dan- 
ger of  denunciation,  to  which  I  expose  myself,  by 
advocating  pacific  measures.    I  know  that  there  is 
a  chord  in  tlie  popular  mind  which  can  be  made  to 
vibrate  sensibly  by  the  warlike  appeals  which  are 
made  to  the  feelings  and  passion  of  the  people.    I 
know  the  influence  which  may  be  excited  by  sneer- 
ing allusions   to  the  "peace  partii.'^     But,  sir,  I 
cannot  suffer  myself  to  be  swerved  from  the  con- 
scientioua  discharge  of  the  duty  which  I  owe  to  my 
constituents  by  any  ftar  of  dfenunciations,  or  by 
any  regard  for  personal  considerations.     I  feel  as- 
sured that  their  interest,  and  the  interest  of  the 
whole  country,  will  be  best  promoted  by  peace. 
I  know  that  the  spread  of  free  principles,  and  the 
triumph  of  republican  institutions,  can  only  be 
secured  by  peace.   I  know  that  wor  is  a  great  and 
terrible  calamity,  only  to  be  endured  in  the  last 
extremity — n  resort  for  the  settlement  of  national 
difliculties,  imposing  unmitigated  evil  upon  both 
pnrtics,  and  never  to  be  justified,  but  as  the  only 
means  of  preserving  the  honor  or  the  rights  of  a  ij 
nation.     We  have  not  reached  a  crisis  when  it  is  I ! 
necessary  for  the  mointenance  of  either  our  honor   j 
or  interest  that  wc  should  resort  to  this  extreme  i 
mode  of  settling  our  difficullics.     I  cannot,  there-  jl 
fore,  give  my  support  to  a  measure  which  I  believe  i  i 
is  calculated  to  place  us  in  a  position  in  which  war  jl 
v/ill  be  inevitable.     I  prefer  rather  to  pursue  that  I 
course  which  will  lend  to  pacific  measures  and  ' 
honorable  results;  trusting  and  believing,  ns  I  do 
most  confidently,  that  I  shall  find  my  vindication 
in  the  sober  and  discreet  judgment  of  my  own 
constituents. 


OREGON  QUESTION. 
SPEECH  OF  mITj.  C.DOBBIN, 

OP  NORTH  CAROLINA, 
Iv  THE  House  of  Representatives, 
Janumij  15,  1846, 
On  the  Resolution  authorizing  the  President  to 
give  the  notice  for  tli-  termination  of  the  joint 
occupation  of  the  Oregon  Territory. 
The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole 
on  the  state  of  the  Uiiion — 

Mr.  DOBBIN  addressed  the  committee  as  fol- 
lows: 

Mr.  Chairman;  I  do  not  arise  with  the  design 
of  inflicting  an  hour's  speech  upon  the  committee; 
and  while  I  have  not  the  vanity  to  indulge  the  i 


hope  of  entertaining  the  committee  with  the  charms 
of  splendid  declamation,  or  of  illualrating  this 
vexed  question  more  elegantly  or  more  clearly 
than  other  gentlemen;  yet,  air,  such  is  its  magni- 
tude, such  the  solemn  responsibility  its  decision 
impnaea  on  every  Representative,  auch  the  deep 
and  intense  interest  with  which  our  countrymtn 
are  all  watching  our  deliberations  here — that  I  feel 
excused  and  justified  in  proclaiming  with  undis- 
guised frankness  and  candor,  and  as  succinctly  as 
possible,  at  least  a  portion  of  the  numerous  rea- 
sons which  animate  ma  in  the  course  I  feci  con- 
strained to  pursue. 

Sir,  I  believe  the  present  is  an  interesting  crisis 
in  our  national  history,  when  legislation  should  be 
the  offspring  of  calm,  dispassionate,  unexciled,  pa- 
triotic, and  statesmanlike  deliberation;  when  the 
illiberal  and  contracted  suggestions  of  sectional 
prejudice  should  be  sternly  discarded;  when  party 
animosity  should  bu  sacrificed  and  forgotten,  and 
this  grave  American  question,  involving  American 
honor  and  American  rights,  Ijc  settled  by  the  sug- 
gestions only  of  American  patriotism. 

Mr.  Chairman,  had  a  stranger  entered  this  Hull, 
and  listened  to  the  thrilling  and  beautiful  disserta- 
tions on  the  loveliness  of  peace — the  frightful  de- 
scriptions of  the  horrors  of  war — his  mind  would 
surely  have  been  impressed  with  the  opinion  that 
we  were  really  disciissin"  the  question  of  declaring 
war  against  England  I  For  myself, I  avow  my  de- 
termination to  vote  for  the  resolution  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Foreign  Affairs,  to  give  notice  lo  Great 
Britain  lo  terminate  the  joint  occupancy  of  Oregon, 
in  pursuance  of  the  treaty  of  1SS8.  I  repudiaie 
the  charge  that  this  is  a  war  measure,  I  fling  back 
the  war  ciy.  If  there  be  a  war  party  and  a  peaie 
party,  I  belong  to  the  peace  party.  But,  sir,  this 
incessant  alarm-shout  of  war,  war,  war,  shall  not 
deter  me  from  voting  to  give  this  notice,  when  I 
entcrlain  the  sincere  conviction  that  national  honor 
demands  it — good  policy  demands  it — fidelity  to 
treaty  stipulation  demands  it — justice  to  our  ad- 
venturous pioneers  in  Oregon  demands  it;  and,  in 
my  humble  opinion,  the  public  peace  will  be  more 
Burely  promoted  by  it.  Mr.  Chairman,  gentlemen 
who  have  ingeniously  sought  to  make  this  a  wor 
measure  may  express  surprise  at  the  declaration; 
but  heie  in  my  place,  before  this  House  and  the 
country,  I  declare  my  solemn  belief  that  gentlemen 
who  oppose  this  measure  are  openly  advocating 
and  proposing  a  course  of  policy  far,  far  more  cal- 
culated to  plunge  our  happy  country  into  an  early 
war  with  England — more  evasive  and  violative  of 
the  spirit  of  our  treaty  stipulations — more  sure  to 
multiply  difliculties  in  the  adjustment  of  this  al- 
ready too  long  protracted  controversy,  and  more 
inconsistent  with  the  candid  and  honorable  bear- 
ing of  this  proud  and  great  re|iublic.  What,  sir, 
is  the  relative  position  of  parties  on  this  question.' 
All,  all  believe  oiir  country's  title  to  Oregon,  if  not 
perfect,  is  at  least  the  bat.  All  concur  in  the  opinion 
that  the  emigration  of  our  citizens  and  of  British 
subjects  to  that  territory,  and  the  difficulties  and 
confusion  necessarily  produced  by  conflicting  ju- 
risdiction and  laws,  loudly  call  for  a  termination 
of  the  present  convention  between  the  two  coun- 
tries. All  noio  reject  the  fonnerlij  avowed  policy 
of  "  masterly  inactivity,"  and  propose  actimi.  But, 
sir,  I  invoke  the  attention  of  the  House  to  the  char- 
acter of  the  policy  of  gentlemen  who  discourse  so 
vehemently  against  this  notice  as  a  war  measure. 

The  distinguished  gentleman  from  Virginia,  [Mr, 
Ht/NTER,]  whose  eloquence  and  patriotism  all  ad- 
mit, proposes,  not  "  inactivity,"  but  the  passing 
of  "  such  measures  as  may  encourage  our  eettle- 
'  menis  in  the  disputed  territory  without  contra- 
'  vening  any  treaty  stipulations.'  He  thinks  that 
thousands  of  dollars  may  be  judiciously  expended 
for  colonizing  the  territory;  and  thai  if  our  settle- 
ments are  once  firmly  planted  south  of  the  Colum- 
bia, the  crack  of  our  American  rifles,  and  the  sound 
of  the  axe  of  our  western  pioneer  will  in  due  time 
be  heord,  not  only  north  of  that  river,  but  north 
of  the  forty-ninth  parallel!  Another  gentlemein, 
opposed  to  the  notice,  ventures  the  hope  that  soon 
a  Hundred  thousand  American  emigrants  could  be 
encouraged  to  settle  Here,  and,  among  them, 
twenty  thousand  good  riflemen !  Other  gentlemen 
who  concur  in  this  miscalled  pacific  policy,  concur 
also  in  the  opinion  that  this  is  the  wisest  policy 
to  secure  the  territory,  not  only  to  the  forty-ninth 
degree,  but  "  the  whole  of  Oregon;"  some,  even, 


108 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  15, 


ik(9rH  CoNo 1st  Srrb. 


The  OrtgoH  (^mstim — Mr.  Dohhin. 


Ho.  or  Rbpi. 


ill  their  nnlor,  atoiiily  ■ciiiitiiiK  the  idru  of  ever  L  cniiirnvt-riiy,  and  rxtrcmng  •civcrriKiily  «irr  Orr-  i 
alio  will);  to  Uri'nt  llrilniii  n  |k>uiiiI  iiI'  ila  rnrlli,  n    I  con,  or  of  inking  iioHHinnliiiiot'll,  wciirc  li<iiiiirnl>ly 
rock,  n  irt-e,  ornliruli!     And  lliiii,  Mr.  I'liniriiiiin,  I:  Imiiiid  l>y  llii'  tmiiy  of  IWJHio  givr  IwvIvk  inontliH' 
i«  gravely  urftA  liy  );i-iillenii:ii  a*  llii!  ptactful  inodv      iioiiir  to  Clrrat  llriliiiii,  or  ha/aiil  our  imiioniil  rrp- 
of  at'i'iii'iiiK  lilt  "whole  of  Ori'ifoli."     Kor  wliat      nialioii  dir  lidi'lily  lo  troaly  i>li|iiiliilloii.     Il  In  well 


are  eiiii;;riiiilii  to  b«  eiicouraKed  to  |;o  lo  Orejcoii  ? 
'Jo  iwue  |>o!iara<iioii  of  il^  What  are  llie  iiii|ile- 
1111  Ills  lliey  U'lir  with  thcin^  The  axe,  and  the 
r\)U  too.  What  ia  lo  lie  heard  afler  lliey  rcaeli 
tlicrc.'  The  aoiiijd  of  Ihu  axe,  liiit  the  rrqril  i>/'('i<' 
r(/lr  alao.  What  part  are  they  to  oec'u|>y/  Kiral, 
tliey  are  lo  aotlle  loiitli  of  the  C'oluiiihm;  Iml,  in 
due  tuo«>,  itiey  are   to  pri'SH  on   north  of  the  Co- 


known  that  llriliah  Hinleainen,  and  eminent  maien 
men  in  our  own  eoiinlry,  and  'n  ihia  Houm-,  deny 
thai  It  waa  a  irealy  for  "join  oeeiipnlion,"  lint  a 
rmiimfrriff/  ronvention  •*"■  ihe  pnrtioNeN  of  tratir 
and  riiniHirrrr.  If  thai  he  the  Iriie  oonNlnii'lion,  I 
ank,  eaii  we,  with  that  trealy  atarini;  iia  in  ihe  faie, 
deeline  f;i\ini^lhe  noliee,nnd  paaa  ineiiMitreN  to  col- 
oni/.e  Oreijon,  for  the  uroirfd  jmriMMr  of  idlimalely 

luniliin,  and  north  of  ihe   fiirtv-mnth  parallel !     I      Iktrrhy  Neizini;  the  "  whole  of  Uiej;on,"  eten    lo 

uak,  W'Imi  iiieana  ihia  riiah  of  enuKianu,  liearini;      !)V  4ii' .' 

not  the  olive-hraneh  of  peine,  hot  the  nmlrumelit    |      The  eoinmitler  will  mark  llii'  iiianifeat  diHiiiielion 

ofwarr    Docs  thinplan,  even  at  llic  Marliiif;  ooint,  ',  helween   ;iro/if(iii(r  onr  adviiiliinniH  pniineiH    in 

wear  the  iwpei't  of  peace*?    I  detaniin'e  theacnenie,  '    ^*  '  -    -'         -       -t  -     i  r  i,     .•      ._ ,  i 

while  I  resi.evl  ila  orit^inatora.     Il  dinihllina  waa 

•ntijealed   liy  a  deaire  for  peace;  but  il  ia  decep- 

ti\e,  and  iniiat  lead  to  war.     Uejerl  ihlH  iTanhitioii, 

aial  rel'uae  lo  i;ivi:   Ihe   noliee  in   aeenrdunie  with 

Ihe  Iri'uiy,  and  adopt  the  otlier  potiey,  and  what 

wdl  the  iinii.'ih  Uo\ eminent  aay-  What  llie  liiid- 

aoii  Day  Cinnpanv  ^     What  the  other  I'livraof 

the  world  nay:     Would  not  the  Uriliah  iMinialer 

here  inform   hia  Uoverninvnt  thai,  alilmngh  the 

t.'oin;a-aa  laid  refuaed  to  i;ivc   tnniee,  not  to  he 

lulled  into  apathy,  that  the   Anieriean  Coni;i'eaa 

had  diai'uaaed  the  polley  iif  i;ivin^  the  noliee,  lint 

thai  aoine  dialini;uialie(t  ge'iliemen,  lieini;  alarmed 

leal  il  iniKht  produee  war,  had  |Krauaded  the  adop- 
tion of  another  poliey,  culled  the  peace  policy,  liy 

which  eniit,'ranta,  uniler  tlie  );iiiac  of  aeiilin^:  the 

vounlry,  were  lo  {;o  armed  wiih  rillea;  that  lliey 

were  lirat  lo  plant  theniaelvea  aonlh  ijf  the  C'olum- 

hia;  but  thai,   "in  due  aeaaon,"  ihe  cmck  of  the 

American  rille  waa  to  be  heard  even  north  of  4!P.' 

And  that,   by  lliia  plan,  "  the  whole  of  t)regoii" 

waa  to  11'.'  secured! 
Tliink  you,  air,  that  the  Uriliah  Culiinet,  ever 

Kcnaitive  lo   liritiah   Inlereal,  would   hear  all   thia 

and  he  idlf  ?     Would  Ihey  not  promptly  and  ener- 

getieully  adopt  a  coiilileractlii;;  policy,  alartted  al 

the   development   of   this    new    Heheine   of  onra .' 

WiHild  ihey  not  eiieourai^  Uriliah  cinigranta,  and 


()rej;on,liy  throw  lli^  ihe  ahield  of  our  law  a  around 
<  them,  tind  eiiciiiKai;in<^  them  lo  aetlle  there  for  ihn 
avotti'd  pohcy  of  aei/.ini;  the  country,  to  the  ulti- 
iniile  excliiHion  of  ihe  lCni;liNli. 
;      iMr.  Chainnan,  ataleamen  ahniild  ever  licaiinlo 
mill  ponder  will  when  naiional  honor  and  naiional 
Ihilh  ia  al  alaki!.     And,  air,  with  u'rcal  deference  lo 
Ihe  eminent  pritliincn  w  ho  dill'er  wilh  me  on  ihia 
(jcieation,  lappcal  lo  <;enllemen'a  aenae  of  honor  and 
i  tnink  and  manly  dealin::,  if  ihe  policy  of  emiijrnllou 
andcoloni/alloii,  for  the  purpoac  of  iakin;;the  lerri- 
j  lory  virtually /if/orr  i,'ivini,'lhe  noliee,  coinjioila  w  ell 
i  wlili  the  ma>;n.tnlinona,  hold,  and  maiity  liearin^of 
a  proiid  and  lii;;h-mind<  d  iiulion.     Will  not  ihe  na- 
,  tiona  of  the  world  taunt  tia  wilh  il,  as  an  nmnanly 
piece  of  manai;eineiil,  parlaklns  more  of  the  char- 
acter of  an  artful  pune  llian  ot' candid,  independent, 
nndlai;nlsed  aclion.'     And,  sir,  will  they  not  lia\e 
too  much  eniiae  lo  do  it.'     I  lieaeech  Kenlhnien  lo 
!  panae,  lopauae  loni;,  before  our  iialion  is  made  lo 

act  a  part  e\en  borderini;  on  diahnnor. 

I       Itut,  iMr.  I'hairinaii,  when  1,'enllemen  aeem  ron- 

j  vinced  of  Ihe   Importance  of  tcnuinaliii^  this  dia- 

I  pule  with  Kin;land,  and  lliatdillicultiea  areannnal- 

Iv  accuiniilalln;;,  their  ima^inatloi.a  are  haiinird  by 

llic  lernfic  war  scenes  ao  ingeniously  diplcted  here, 

llial  w  hile  Ihey  nilk  with  burnins;  palriolism  aliout 

j  "  the  whole  of  tlieson,"  lliey  ur;,'C   the  policy  of 


wilh  pride  Ihe  mnaterly  rorreapondenre  of  our 
present  eminent  Necielary  of  .Stale,  who  hit>  alao 
failed  ill  hia  elVorla  at  ni't;iillalioii  ?  When  t.oril 
Aahburioii  eiiini'  from  KnKland  aa  a  special  niinia- 
ter  to  adjnat  lair  ennlroveraiea,  do  not  gentlemen 
remember  well  that  the  cry  then  waa  lo  *'  hnali  up 
diacuaaion" — the  iinlieewill  be  considered  a  ll.real, 
and  ciieck  iiei;<ilialioii  ?  And  do  not  Keiitlenn  ii 
know  Ihal  hia  lordahip  returned  home  ennleiit  wilh 
the  laurela  and  land  he  aci|uired  in  the  norlheaal, 
leaviii;;  it  lo  some  foriunale  aucceaaor  to  ac(|nir>i 
laurels  and  land  hi  the  northweat?  Waa  noi  thn 
same  aii<^t;ealioii  iiindo  when  it  waa  iiniionnced  that 
Mr,  Pakenham  wna  cinnlni,'?  And  i,'eiilleineii 
know  Ihe  reanli  of  the  elforl  lo  ncdotiale  with  hiin. 
And  yet,  Mr.  ('Imirinnn,  after  all  these  liberal  cnn- 
eesaioiia,  tlieae  anxious  etbirta  at  ne|rotlallon  leilh- 
mil  unlicr,  by  our  moat  eminent  and  harm  d  dlplo- 
matlata,  ali'UL:i;liii;;  in  ii  spirit  of  compromiae,  t'or 
n  ipiiiiler  of  a  ciuiliiry,  we  are  lold  lo  wail  a  whilis 
loni.'er,  lo  pause  still,  and  thenby  literally  allow 
flritain,  by  time,  to  strenclhen  her  iirelensions  to 
title,  and  iiicreaac  the  dlllicultiea  in  llie  way  of  ad- 
jnsimeiii.  Sir,  I  think  our  path  of  duly  ia  clear 
and  plain.  Kidellty  to  our  treaty  deinanda  that 
we  first  i;ive  the  notice,  ftir  we  are  bound  lopiiiiect 
and  defend  i>iir  people,  who  are  daily  llockiii^  to 
that  lerriiory,  under  the  belief  th.it  it' is  uura,  and 
thai  thia  notice  will  he  );iven. 

(jcntlemi'ii  aay  that  perhaps  war  may  follow.  I 
trust  not,  and  triist  that  Kn!;1and  will  do  lier  duly. 
Dill,  air,  miisl  we  he  alarmed,  fn(;litcned  from  thn 
dischar),'!'  of  what  honor  and  iustice  to  our  peoiiln 
coimniiud'i  US  to  do,  beriinac  Lln^laiid  may  in  her 
folly,  without  cauae,  involve  us  ill  war/  I'eaco 
has  lis  cliarma,  ami  war  its  horrors.  The  mind 
delluhta  to  conlemplalc  the  holy  and  benign  indii- 
ence  which  an  honorable  peace  exeria  on  nations, 
science,  niorala,  anil  n^liijion.  The  man  that  would 
recklcNsly  cheek  it  in  its  proijreas,  priimoliiif;  happi- 
nv!'!'.  and  proapiriiy  in  our  beloved  country,  has 
neitherthe  henrtof  a  patriot  orat'hristian.  All — 
all  shrink  wilh  abhorrence  from  eoiiieinidating  ihn 
cainnee,  and  bloocbhed,  and  wretcheilneaa  thai 
mark  the  deaolalini;  track  of  war.     Hut  let  us  "  he 


of  lime — wait—  nep;oilation — has  been  rai.sed  and  j  LnfayetiB  eouhl  revisit  us,  llicy  would  not  blush  at 
sounded  here  for  tttenty-eif;hl  yeaisl  DitKcidliea  ;|  onr  degeneracy  in  slirlnkiiiR  Irom  duty  at  this  cry 
are  constaiilly  muliiplyinj;,  luiu  siill  llie  same  cry  i|  of  war?  Would  they  not  remind  us  of  nur  early 
is  made.  Gentlemen  nr;,Tie  as  If  piviin^  this  notice  i|  hi.slory,  and  tell  us  that  the  "  rare  is  not  always  m 
is  deelariiiiir  war.  All  admit  it  ia  of  ilaelf  «o(  cause  '  the  swift,  nor  the  battle  lo  the  strong,"  but  that  a 
of  war;  and,  .Mr.  Cha'rman,  inslead  of  producing  I  just  Uod  rniilrols  the  destiny  of  nalions  and  of 
war,  and  shiittiiii;  Ihe  door  of  neijoiiation,  I  advii-  1  men?  Sir,  while  I  listened  wilh  pleasure  at  the 
ate  it  because  I  firmly  believe  It  teiida  lo  ;)ruHio/e    j  eharmiiiK  eloquence  of  an  honorable    f;enlleinaii 

thi."  inorulii!;,  who  vindicated  ao  ably  our  title  ui 
little  surprise  al  a 


Ionization, and  say  if  warnni.''l  e(Mne,time,  time,  j  just  and  fear  not,"  uS  has  ofi  been  aaid.     Think 
aeiid   Uriliah  soldiers,  too,  to  setlle  in  Oregon,  lo  j:  lime   ia    to  achieve    our    triuuiph.     Sir,   this  cry     "you,  air,  if  ihe  greal  and  frallant  Washington  and 
save  it  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Anieri-  i 
cans?     Wi'uld  ihey  not  feel  aroused,  even  to  ex- ' 
clleinent,  on  learning  thai,  iiialead  of  giving  notice,  ! 
we  had  resolved  on  resorting  to  a  sclieme  profess-  j 
ing  peace,  but  ulliinately  designed  for  the  exclu- 
sive seizure  of  "  the  whole  of  Dregoii  >"  j 
And,  Mr.  Chairman,  when  the  American  emi- 
graiila  and   the   llr.liah   emigrants   reached   there, 
what  would  follow  ?    The  cross  of  St.  Lieorge  and  ^ 
the  stars  and  stripes  would  be  seen  Uoatiii''  in  dan-  . 
geious  pi'oximily.     Under  the  one  wonlu  he  seen 
rallying  the   Hudson   iiay  Company,  with  their  ^ 
savage  allies  and  British  soldiers;  under  the  other, 
Ihe  hardy  and  advenlurons  Americans,  attached  lo  ' 
their  sol),  and  benl  on  its  exclusive  possession.        i 

liow   long,  sir,  could   sui'U  jealous  adversaries  j 
eye  eac.Ii  other  aw  contending  rivals  for  sovereignty  j 
ill  Uregon,  and  remain  unexclted  and  peaceful  ?    la  j 
It  not  to  be  expected,  sir,  under  such  circunislancea, 
that  aoon  there   wouhl   be  collisions,  aklnnlshes,  , 
and  violent  outbreaks?     Woulil  not  the  report  of! 
the  first  guji   be  the  signal    for  general  coiillict?i 
AV'ould  not  the  news  be  hurried  o\erthe  inouniains  . 
to  our  hold  and  during  counirymeii  in  the  Wi  si, 
who  would  mail  to  the  defence  and  aid  of  tin  ir 
sons  and  brothers  in  Oregon  ?  Would  not  the  new  » 
Hy  to  lingland  ?    And  then,  sir,  would  not  all  the 
horrors  of  war  he  the  early  fruit  of  thia  piacel'ul 
mode  of  saving  Ongon? 

Much  has  III  en  aaid  in  this  debate  about  the  Im- 
portance of  having  the  syiiipjithies  of  other  I'ow- 
eia  in  the  event  of  war.      Would  not  Kni:lan(l,  in 
such  a  war,  lia>e  the  advanlige  in  that  particular? 
Would  she  not  say  to  the  other  Powers,  when  ; 
naked  what  [iroduced  the    war,  that  Aiiiericiiiis  ! 
refused  lo  give   the  nonce  necording  to  treaty,  bul  I 
avowed  a  determination  to  seize  it  by  oilier  means, 
and  that  slid  was  bound  to  defend  or  be  recreant? 
I  appeal,  sir,  to  gentlemen  to  look  calmly  at  these 
natural  conse(iucnce8  of  their  policy,  and  tell  ine  if 
ila  peaceful  character  can  commend  itself  to  tlnir 
judgment.     Sir,  it  would   begin  in  an  undignified 
seriimlilc  for  hind,  and  end  in  war. 

Again,  .Mr,  Chairman,  I  eannoiuvoid  tlie  convic- 
tion, thai  if  we  have  resolved  on  terminating  ihis 


and  hnslen  Hf^o/iiilinn  and  to  preserve  jirnrf.     Sir, 
have  we  not  struggled — yea,  s/riig/f/rd — for  more  , 
than  a  quarter  of  a  cenliiry  lo  ncgoliale  wilh  Kiif.'-  i 
laud  ii'i//ioiil   giving    this    notice?     And   after  the  ] 
lap.se  of  that  lime,  can   il  be  colled  rashness,  war, 
madness  to  give  the  notice?     May  we  not— <on-  j 
fidently  relying  on  the   strength  of  onr  title  and  j 
ri::hteoiisne?'S  of  fiiir  cause — indulge  the  hojie,  that, 
when  the  notice  Is  given,  Kngliuid  w  ill  relTcct,  will 
appreciate  our  eari'ealness,  will  be  aroused  by  the 
pressing  importance  of  prompt  action   to  act   the 
I  part  ill  negotiallon  of  her  own   proposals,  which 
I  lier  own  sensi'  of  justici'  w  ill  dictate  and  the  piili- 
1  lie  sentiment  of  the  world  will  admonish   her  she 
I  <aii;ht   lo  do:     .Sir,    I   applaud   the   Preaidenl   for 
i  his  cliort  to  aeltle  this  question  in   that  spirit  of 
.  liberal   cmicession,  so  creditable  lo  his  heart;   but 
I  e([u;il!y  ap}itaud   ihe  promptnesa  with  which  he 
look  an'  independent  and   firm  position,  when  the 
I'rltish  minister  ao    hastily    rejecied    that    lllicnil 
oll'cr.     With  a  lllle  which  no  candid  man  can  la  si- 
late  to  pronounce  better  than  hers,  he  atill,  in  the 
spirit  of  cnncesslon,    npiiroaclied  her.     i^iie  dls- 
laiihil   our  oti'er.     We   linve  done  our   part   for 
coinpronii.ic;  if  she  desire  it,  let  her  \iow  act.     Sir, 
lei  us  do  our  duty,  and  give  the  notice,     lias  not 
negotiation,  without  the  notice,  baillcd  the  eJlorts 
I  of  onr  wisest  siaiesmen  ?     Did  not  Mr.  Clay,  with 
his  lofty  geniii.-f,  the  admiration  of  so  many  of  his 
I  e.onntryinen,  try  and  fall?     Did  he  not  suggest  the 
I  most  liberal  oiler,  while  he  said  I  hat  England  had 
!  no  "  color  of  lllle  lo  any  portion  of  the  country?" 
;  Did  not  Mr.  Monroe,  Rush, and  the  able  (iailutin, 
also  attempt  it,  and  fall?     Has  not  Mr.  Calhoun, 
I  whose  giant  intellect  can  grasp  any  subject,  ami 
■  who  has  evinced  .so  much  desire  lo  adjust  il,  at- 
'  templed  and  failed?     And  have  we  not  all  perused 


i  Oregon,  I  was  struck  with  no 

1  part  of  Ills   arKument   for  delay — for   lime,  and 

ag.iinst  the  notice— ^juile  evincive  of  the  scarcilv 
I  of  more  solid  reasons:  It  was,  that  John  Ihill 
]  was  iietllng  older  every  day,  and  that  already  ho 
I  had  gray  hairs  upon  his  head,  and  that  therefori) 
;  time  would  do  much  for  us!     An  adver.siiry  does 

us  much  wrong,  and  keeps  from  us  our  own — w  n 
I  must  bear  it  in  patience — and  if,  upon  oliscrva- 
'  lion,  we  discover  a  few  gray  halr.i  on  his  head, 
i  we  lire  to  leave  him  for  the  present  to  persist  in 

his  wrongs,  i-,.hnly  consoling  ourself  that  a.i 
'  our  adversary  is  already  a  liltle  gray,  he  will  be- 
I  c.oiiie  older  ond  weaker  ill  the  decline  of  years, 
land  Ihrn  the  light  shall  be  made!  And  shall  an 
i  American  Congress  seriously  act  upon  this  priii- 
;  ciple,  in  reference  lo  our  valuable  territory  in  the 
\  Noi.hwest,  in  which  we  have  already  suiiered  so 
'  iTiiicli  by  delay?     Surely,    surely  not,  air.     Suji- 

piise  ourance.<tors — the  glorious  sons  of  '7(i — w  hen 
'!  iMit  three  millions  only,  writhing  under  a  sense  uf 
j;  uiijiial  oppression,  and  indignant  at  the  unholy  at- 
;  tempts  lo  cniali  them  with  still  mine  iiilolerablo 

burdens,  had  concluded  that  "aliliongh  Great 
'  Urifiin  is  rudely  inesslng  us  down  with  the  yoke 
'  of  tyranny,  we  will  wail  until  she  gels  older!" 
■\  Instead  ol  tills  proud,  independent  Uepublic,  Amer- 
!  ica.  In  all  probability,  would  now  be  in  n  suite  of 
i  colonial  vassalage.  I!ul,  sir,  such  timid  rounsels 
i|  prevailed  not  in  the  days  of  Wiushington,  and 
■  Adams,  and  Franklin.  No,  sir,  no;  the  moment 
i|  they  felt  that  the  principles  of  true  liberty  were 
,,  violaled,  and  their  remonstrances  despised,  they 
1:  Hew  to  arms,  and  .s|iilled  their  blood  on  iniuiy  a 
,!  battle-field.  Suppose,  air,  in  our  last,  onr  second 
.  war  of  independence,  our  patriot  luid  gallant  slates- 


1840.] 


'iOrii  CoNn I  AT  Ski*. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONORESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

7'Ae  Oretron  (^ueitinn — Mr,  ($uotl>/ciir. 


109 


Ho.  or  Uepi. 


iiii'ii,  ill  llio  kI"I'>"<>''  (''i)IIK<'<''"<  ■>(  lliKt  <l».Vi  li'ol 
imli'iirU  let  mii'ii  liiiiiil  c-iiiiiim'Ih  ofwiiitii^;  lor  Joliii 
Hull  til  i;rt  olilir,  iiiiil  liiiil  lircii  hiiIiiii^iI  mill IVii;lit- 
rni'il  liy  lliu  |imiii'.  cry  dl'tlii'  liiirriirii  iil'  wiir :  u  liii, 
Hir,  fall  iikw  I'Diiw  iv«  iif  iln  inlliiiiiru  nil  llio  ripii- 
laliiiii  anil  (Irmiiiy  nf  our  liaiipy  iiuiiitryr  Our 
liiirily  liii'H,  |>irliu|iii,  wmilil  atlll  in:  iin|>roH>i<Ml,  mir 
llat;  'till  iimulliul,  iiuil  mir  iiiircliaiil  vchhoIh  |iIuii- 
iltri'il  on  vvtrv  mui.  itiit,  liiNtvail  ol' lliia,  llii'  Aiiicr- 
li-aii  I'rriK  n  llirill  of  |ia(iinUe  iloll|;lit,  an  IiIn  iniiiil 
ruvrrlH  In  llic  iinlila  triuin|iliii  of  lliat  wari  ami  (liu 
laiiirli  won  on  lanil  anil  on  ai'U,  by  |iroinjitly  dur- 
ing to  inaiiitalii  our  ri^litN. 

Air.  Cliairniuii,  m'liili^inpii  linvcMniil  niiu'lioruiir 
want  III'  |nT|mialioii  for  war.  1  do  nut  cx|iiM't  war; 
liut  if  It  IH  ini'viUililu,  iiiir  lirnl  forliliratinjiH  will  bo 
fiiinid  in  tlio  nolilii  liriirtx  of  our  patriotii'  rininlry- 
incn;  our  lust  pri:|>uration,  to  lit  tiia  |i<'o|ile  uiidcr- 
Kland  llicir  rit;litH.  A  litr^eaUtiidinKanny  and  nuvy 
liavti  liiji'i'iol'oi'u  liciiii  i't'i;urdc'd  an  ronlrary  to  the 
Ki'iiiuH  of  llrpulilii'H.  tSui'.li  ui'o  n  few  of  llio  rcii- 
Hona  tliat  KUidu  iiiu  on  tliia  (|Ui'Ntion.  I  yield  to 
other  i;t'iitli'ini'n  who  aru  <'a:;iir  (o  partin|iatc  in 
thill  di'liMic,  and  will  add  but  little  more. 

1  bclicvi',  in  the  |in'Meiit  state  of  thin  conlrovcrHy, 
our  national  lionor  will  be  impaired  if  wc  now  fal- 
ter or  hiHiuilc  to  ^ive  thin  nolii'.e.  KirmiieNn  and 
uiidaiinled  courn<;e  only  lan  win  iVom  Kn).',land  re- 
Hpeit,  and  exact  from  her  jiintice.  An  umieccBna- 
ry  war-cry  lian  been  thrum  into  thin  debate.  I  do 
not  anticipate  it;  but  if  it  conic,  let  us  bci;iii  it  in 
honor,  and  it  will  end  in  triumph.  England  will  be 
the  n^'sjrisnor.  And  if,  nir,  for  the  want  of  prcpa- 
raii'  I,  cloiuU  and  darkncNs  obncurc  our  hori/.oii 
aw  .ic,  I  believe  the  Name  proteclini;  power  that 
bore  un  NiicccHHl'iilly  throu^'h  the  dark  and  perilous 
ilayn  of  the  Ucvolution  will  siiHtiiiii  unH<;ain.  And 
if  hi.ntory  informs  un  that,  in  the  war  of  1HI2,  de- 
feat and  dinanier  cant  a  (,'looni  over  our  country  for 
n  neanoii,  hintory  iiIho  infornis  iih  tiiat  nooii,  with 
a  host  of  other  {jiillant  Bpirils,  we  hud  a  Brown, 
and  a  Scott,  and  u  Jackson,  to  make  it  terniinatu 
ill  a  blaze  of  f^lory  on  land;  and  our  Hulls,  and 
I'errys,  and  Lawrences,  to  break  the  sjiell  of  Urit- 
ish  invincibility  on  sea. 

Mr.  Cliairnian,  I  will  detain  the  committee  no 
lonijer.  It  is  my  misfortune  to  dill'er  on  thin  oc- 
casion with  many  with  whom  it  is  my  pleasure 
generally  to  concur.  While  I  re^'ret  it  much,  I 
feel  animated  with  a  cnnsciousncss  nf  the  recti- 
tude of  my  motives.  The  peculiar  crisis,  sir,  de- 
mands firmness  as  well  as  prudence,  and  true  patri- 
otism admonishes  the  statesman,  in  the  glowing 
language  of  another — 

"  Ho  jiistt  iiml  Icnr  not ; 
Let  III!  till*  i'iul.-4  lliiHi  aiiiiVt  at  tic  thy  rnimtry'ti, 
'I'liy  GiiilV,  iiihI  iriilliV  1  llien,  if  lliou  fali'st, 
Ttiou  liilivt  a  blctiticd  martyr." 


OREGON  QUESTION. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  C.  GOODYEAR, 

OF  NEW  YORK, 
In  the  HuiiaE  of  Uei'Iiksentatives, 

Jiiiiiinri/  IG,  1H4(1. 
The  Committee  of  the  Whole  House  on  ilie  slate 
of  the  Union,  having  under  considcnition  the 
Joint  Hcpolution  reported  from  ihe  Conimittec 
on  Koreign  All'iiis,  direciing  the  President  to 
give  notice  to  Lircal  lirilain  that  the  United 
.Slates  will  termiiiiilethecniivciitinn  between  the 
two  Governments,  pro\i  ling  for  ilie  joint  occu- 
])ation  of  ilie  Oregon  territory,  at  tlie  exjiimtion 
of  twelve  mniitiis — 

Mr.  GOODY KAR  spoke  as  follows  : 
Mr.  CiiAiK.M.vs:  I  observe  that  the  interest  in 
this  discussion,  though  not  ii.  the  subject,  has  ne- 
cessarily, from  ils]initri\i'ted  character,  very  much 
aliated;  and  I  cainiol  hope  to  claim  Ihe  allcntinii 
of  the  Hiaise  lo  any  lengthened  exposition  of  my 
view.s  ill  regard  to  it.  1  therefore  prn])ose  .simply 
a  very  brief  detail  of  the  considerations  which  will 
cnnlrol  my  action  in  connexion  with  the  vole  w  hich 
I  shall  deem  it  my  duty  to  give  upon  the  final  dis- 
jiosition  of  the  questimi.  In  the  early  part  of  this 
deliate  the  matter  seemed  to  take  a  sectional,  and 
somewhat  local  character;  it  was  said  to  be  a 
western  measure,  so  far  as  any  advantages  arising 
from  Oil  addition  of  territory  uiid  safety  from  for- 


'ign  invaNion  in  cniicrined;  and  lo  have  a  southern 
a.Hpee.t  ho  fitr  lu  ihe  desolating  rlVcctn  of  war  were 
to  be  apprehended  iVnm  ilH  piiiaeciilinn.     It  might  | 
bt?  dillii'iitt  to  give  any  very  good  reason  for  either 
view  of  the  mailer.     I  cannot  conceive  how  the  I 
Weal  can   claim  any   advantages  over   tha   reat 
of  ihe  Union,  either  by  way  nf  exemption  from  [ 
luiliiary  burdenn,  in  case  nf  war,iir  by  theailditioii 
nfa  tract  of  uninhabiled  territory  iipnii  the  outer  | 
verge  of  ita  already  ulinont  boundleaH  wilderness: 
nor   linw   the  iSoiilli,  unless  she  may  be  deemed  ' 
inore  vulnerable  in  ioiiHci|iience  of  her  own  pecii-  ' 
liar  iiisiiiutions,  i  an  claim  any  exclusive  interest  ' 
in  till'  iH'aceable  selllcmeni  of  thinconlrnverny  over  I 
niher  Slates  ei|ually  expiiseij,  and  with  far  more 
valuable  interests  at  stake.     Hut  how  ever  that  may  I 
be,  the  West  and  the  South  had,  for  a  time,  the 
debate  almost  exclusively  to  tlieinsel\es,  and  cnn-  I 
ducted   it  an  if  they  alone  were  inleresled  in  the  I 
issue;  and  yet,  sir,  in  looking  over  the  map  of  this 
cnnfedeiacy,  even  a  casual  observer  would  be  like-  | 
ly  to  discover  that   New  York,  as  well  as  oilier 
Alhintic  Slates,  must  necessarily  have  some  slight 
interest   in  any  ipiesiioii,  the  agitation   nf  which  ' 
threalencd  a  rupture  of  our  ociu'eable  relaliona  with  I 
foreign  I'owers.     Willi  a  lake  and  Allanlic,  coast 
more  extensive  and  exposed  than  that  of  any  other 
Slate,  and  wiih  a  eominerce  more  valuable  than 
that  of  the  whole  residue  of  the  Union  together,  a 
war  with  Great   Ibilaiii,  at  this  lime,  would  fall 
iipnii  her  interests  and  resources  with  a  crushing, 
a  blighting  inllneiice;  and  yet,  sir,  I  stand  not  here 
to  ask   for  the  Slate  of  ?Vew  York  any  peculiar 
svnipalhy  on  account  of  her  doubly  exposed  coii- 
dilion,  nor  to  claim,  in  iniilatinn  of  the  example  nf 
most  geiillenieii  who  have  spoken  iipnii  this  sub- 
ject in  behalf  of  their  respective  Stales,  any  parti- 
cular merit  for  patrioiic  devotion.     It  i.<  siilhcient 
for  me  lo  say,  that   she   iisks  no  exclusive  regard 
for  her  interests,  iiimI  that  now,  as  at  all  times,  she 
is  ready  to  discharge  her  whole  duty  to  the  enm- 
mnnwealth.     And  if  nalinnal  rights,  interests,  or 
honor,  shall  demand  the  sacrifice,  she  cnimsels  nn 
craven  policy,  though  the  issue  should  involve  the 
amiihilatinn  nf  her  commerce,  the  decimation  of 
her  citizens,  and  the  exposure  nf  her  towns  and 
cilies    to  plunder  and  conllagralion;  she   is  even 
now  speaking  upon  this  momentoiiH  subject  through 
the  medium  nf  her  own  State  Legislature,  and  I 
doubt  not  that  her  voice,  when  heard,  will  awaken 
a  sentiment  in  every  bosom,  and  an  echo  from 
every  lip,  worlliy  in  all  respects  of  the  Empire 
Stale. 

I'ut,  sir,  without  regard  to  any  action  of  my  own 
'  Slate  upon  the  subject,  I  had,  in  the  early  singes  of 
'  this  debate,  for  reasons  salistactory  to  nu'self,  conic 
to  the  conclusinn  that  this  resniiition  slioiilil  pass 
this  House,  and  that  the  President  should  take  im- 
\  medial.;  nciion  under  il.     Thirty  years  of  unsuc- 
1  cessful  iiegolialinn  would  of  itself  seem  to  demand 
!  some  more  ctKcic;it  action,      lliplmnacy  has  ex- 
hausted its  skill,  and  a  more  auspicit)us  period  has 
been  sought  in  procrastination;    but  the  one  has 
only  nildeil  In  iis  einbaiTa.ssinenls,  and  the  other 
innjiipiii'd  its  iliiiicnlliesand  dangers. 

May  I  I.e  permitted  to  ask  irenilenien  who  coun- 
sel tiirther  delay,  when  they  propose  to  tenniiU'.te 
ihis  conlroveisy  ?    Are  we  to  beipieath  this  deferred 
ipiarrel,  rendered  doubly  complicali     by  delay  mid 
unsiicce.'.sful  negotiation,  as  a  legacy  to  our"  chil- 
dren ?     Ah,  sir,  evi'ii  if  that  liniid  and  Inrily  policy 
could  be  deemed  honorable  and   palriolic,°il  is  no 
longer  praclicablc.     The  lime  has  gime  by  when 
safely  might  be  fiiuiid  in  su))iiieness.    T!ie  relations 
of  the  two  countries  growing  out  of  this  controversy 
have  assumed  a  critical  and  alarmiiigailitude.   The 
feverish  and  excited  state  of  the  public  mind  de- 
niiiiids  immediate  action, and  mighly  inleitsls  await 
the  result.     Tiio  jirovisions  of  llic  joint  ('imveiitimi 
will  not  be  observed,  in  fact,  though  they  be  coii- 
timied  in  form.     The  ellbrls  nf  the  two  counlries 
will  be  slimulated  by  recently  excited  jealnusics, 
lo  fortify  and  defend  their  respcclive  claims.    Con- 
I  fideiice  and  friendly  intercourse  will  be  destroyed, 
andallthccoimiieri'ial  relationsof  the  two  countries, 
I  ond  with  the  real  of  the  world,  will  be  consliaiiied 
j  and  emiiarrassed  by  the  ever-rei-iirring  danger  of 
jl  an  iinniediale  and  fatal  collision.     The  effect  of 
H  the  existence  of  this  sale  of  things  between  two 
J  of  the  greotest  commercial  nations  upon  earth  is 
il  ti>o  apparent  to  leave  room  for  i\  doubt  that  it  caii- 
;i  not  long  continue.     Every  nerve  and  fibre  of  tlic 


binly  politic  ia  tnimbli.igly  nlive  lo  the  slighleRl  In- 
dication of  meiiacn  or  iiggreaaioii;  niterpriav  ia  m- 
nlraiued,  buHinena  nt  u  aland;  tlie  pub'.i"  pula«  i» 
madly  bounding  with  excitement;  and  if  the  iid- 
jUHIment  of  the  dilllciilly  be  much  longer  deferred, 
liiher  11  niirrendcr  of  the  whole  terrilnry,  or  war, 
with  all  iln  eniiaeipiencea,  will  be  Niiiiglit  iia  a  re- 
lief from  lliia  wild  fever  tif  upiirelivnaion  and  aua- 
peiise. 

Itcviile,  sir,  I  aaid  there  were  mighty  inlereiti 
awaiiing  ihe  isaiie.  The  progrcsn  of  cvenia  with- 
in the  few  past  years  liaa  vastly  enhanced  the  valiift 

nf  ihin  lerriuiry.      When  tin nvenlion  was  first 

entered  into,  the  disputed  domain  was  deciuen  of 
llllle  moiiicnl;  il  has  even  been  ipieslioned  whether 
it  \Coiild  not  more  properly  coiihliiute  an  inilepeiid- 
eiit  aovereignty  than  a  jmrt  of  our  cin.fedcracy .  Hut 
recent  Imprnvenienln  in  the  facilities  nf  tranaport- 
lUinn  and  intercourse  have  rendered  the  porta  on 
the  Pacific,  coast  contiguous  to  our  territory  of  im- 
mense imporlaiice.  It  can  no  longer  be  doubled 
thai,  unless  llie  oiiwiiril  progress  of  our  cminlry  in 
checked  by  a  devasiaiing  war  with  Kiirnpe,  the 
inniiih  of  the  Hudson  and  the  Coliimbin  will,  ere 
long,  by  means  of  the  railroad  and  luiigiictic  wi'ci, 
be  brought  into  close  communion.  However  i  tii- 
pcndous  the  project  may  appear,  its  early  accnm- 
plishnieiit  is  neverlheU'SS  within  the  limits  of  the 
enterprise  and  highly  stiinulaled  energies  of  the 
day.  The  lale  revolution  in  the  Ibreigii  policy  of 
('hina  has  awakened  the  alli'iitioii  of  the  public  to 
the  importancenf  this  overland  conimunlcalioii  be- 
tween our  Pacific  and  Allanlic  coasts.  I  can  con- 
ceive  that  the  whole  trade  nf  the  (,'( Icslial  Kmpire 
may  be  diverleil  through  this  eliannel,  anil  that 
Kiii-ope  may  find  her  India  imrkei  w lure  she  now 
imrchaees  her  cotton,  tobacco,  and  corn. 

l)ut  the  first  step  in  the  prosecution  of  this  vast 
enterprise  cannot  be  taken  iiiiiil  this  convenlion  for 
a  joint  occiuiancy  is  abrogaied.  Again,  nir,  our 
ciii/eiis  lire  flowing  into  thai  territory  ill  one  con- 
liniioiis  tide  of  emigration.  They  leave  behind 
them  the  gravis  of  ilieir  ancestors,  but  carry  with 
them,  together  with  our  language,  our  manners  and 
cnslonis,  and  all  those  natural  nll'eclions  which  at- 
tach them  lo  the  land  of  their  birth.  They  demand 
the  protection  of  our  laws;  but  this  we  cannot 
grant  them  during  the  existence  of  this  treaty  for 
joint  occii|miicy.  Perfect  protection  lo  the  citizen 
ailmils  of  nn  divided  snvereigiiiy.  And  yet  we 
caiinnt  deny  it  lliem,  wilhout  being  recreant  lo  our 
duty,  and  faithless  lo  our  trust.  Sir,  I  lulmit  that 
1  the'lioman  Republic,  although  frerpiemly  alluded 
t  to  by  gentlemen  in  the  progress  of  ibis  debate, '''ir- 
[  nislies  no  model  for  our  imilalion.  1  should  deep- 
ly regret  to  read  our  future  in  the  page  of  bleiidiHl 
virtue  and  crimes — of  jusiice  and  oppression — of 
magnanimily  and  meanness — of  fidelity  and  trea- 
;  son — of  profuse  generosity  and  the  most  grasping 

I  cupidity — of  glorious  victories  and  wide-spread 
]  desolation,  which  mark  her  pathway  to  universal 
I  empire.  The  deep  shadows  of  lier  decline  and 
;  fall  stand  out  too  ready  and  pertinent  a  conimem- 
j  ary  upon  the  crimes  vvliieh  contribiiled  to  lier  ele- 
1  valioii.    The  justice  which  broke  the  sceptre  of  her 

power  was  liio  prompt  and  relribulive,  and  her 
final  degradation  was  too  dark  and  iles|iairing,  lo 
make  lier  career  the  object  of  rational  nmbiiion.  I 
I  cherish  the  hope  of  a  brighter  page  for  my  coun- 
j  try's  history — one  less  bes[)otted  with  blood,  less 
I  sullied  with'  tears.  Hut  the  varied  page  is  before 
I  us;  mill,  Willi  a  disposition  to  [irofit  by  the  teoch- 
||  ings  of  the  past,  we  may  select  the  viriues  and  re- 
Ij  jeci  the  crimes.  If  in  the  whole  history  of  Roman 
l'  greiitneis  ihcre  is  any  one  trail  which,  more  than 

I I  liny  other,  challenges'  imilalion  and  approval,  it  in 
|i  Ihe  protection  which  her  policy,  in  conjunction 
ii  with  her  power,  all'orded  her  citizens.     In  ihntaL'e 

I  even  of  lawless  violence,  Roman  citizenship — alike 
j;  in  Ihe  wilds  of  Europe,  the  wastes  of  Asia,  and 
;l  the  deserts  nf  Africa — was  a  talisman  which  in- 
I  vested  its  fortunate  possessor  with  an  invulnerable 
])anoplv.  Our  citizens,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  are 
entitled  lo  o  like  protection  within  our  own  lerri- 
;j  tory  and  upon  our  own  soil. 

But  it  is  said,  sir,  that  all  our  purposes  may  be 
I  accomplished  liy  ilelay.  As  far  as  I  have  ueeii 
j  able  to  ascertain  the  state  of  parties  uponihis  sub- 
|i  ject,  there  are,  among  others,  two,  both  of  which 
j!  claim  the  whole  of  Oregon,  but  widely  dilTer  in  the 
r  means  of  obtaining  il.  The  one  proposes  lo  give 
:;  the  notice,  and  immediately  ou  iu  expiration  tako 


no 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  16, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Goodyear. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


'  \i 


1  'I 


a  forcible  poRsesaion  of  the  whole  territory;  the 
other,  to  defer  the  notice,  nnd,  by  n  masterly  in- 
activity— or,  in  the  more  expressive  «nd  menning 
phrase  of  the  fenileman  from  VirjLcinia,  [Mr.  Hed- 
INOER,]  by  n  quint  bill  etfiiient action — accomplish 
tlie  same  "pir  ose.  The  fir.it.as  I  shall  nltemiit  to 
shnwlierenAcr,  would,  in  my  view,  he  inexpedient 
and  unjust;  the  other,  utterly  impraclirable.  With 
En!;laild  awakened  to  the  suKjccl — Knffland.that 
never  slept  upon  her  rights  or  left  her  inleresls  iin 
guarded — it  would  be  worse  tlmn  folly,  il  would 
be  madness,  to  hope  to  pain  by  stealth  what  we 
dare  not  demand  by  open  defiance.  Hasten  on,  as 
you  please,  the  einlsrant  armed  with  the  axe  and 
the  rirte,  nnd  for  every  hundred  men  who  crossed 
the  Rocky  mouiitnins,  F.nslnnd  would  erect  an- 
other fort,  mount  il  with  her  cannon,  nnd  garrison 
it  with  her  troniw;  she  would  draw  around  her  in 
closer  alliance  the  Indian  tribes, and  arm  them  willi 
the  im|ilcments  of  their  savaa;e  warfare;  and  after 
the  lapsc  of  any  given  period  of  "  masterly  inac- 
tivity," we  should  find  either  the  British  in  quiet 
military  posscwion  of  the  whole  territory,  or  the 
war  precipitated  with  all  its  horrors,  which  the 
gentleman  so  much  deprecates  and  dreads.  Then, 
indeed,  in  the  gentleman's  own  eloquent  language, 
misht  we  hear  burdening  e>ery  breeze  from  the 
ves'  the  sava<;e  yell  and  the  shriek  of  torture; 
then  might  we  see,  not  in  imagination  but  in  fact, 
I'  ''-...ifs  of  the  emigrants  whitening  the  prairies, 
ami  his  ovn  fav'.iite  eagle  uttering  his  wild  cry 
rihovc  their  mutilated,  blackened, and  fesieiiiig  bo- 
dies. No,  sir,  ifwewi.-ih  to  avoid  the  horrors 
which  the  gentleman  hns  so  eloquenlly  depicleu, 
we  must  settle  this  question  of  disputed  bound- 
ary bel\)re  our  people  are  madly  thiiisii  upon  the 
danger.  What,  sir,  is  it  proposed  to  send  our 
citizens  forward  into  the  wilderness,  fur  beyond 
i!ie  reach  of  aid,  expose  ihcm  to  nil  the  vicissitudes 
of  a  forest  life,  and  the  more  terrible  wea|i"iia  of  a 
powe^l^ll  nation,  united  with  a  savage  ■  c — and 
when  their  prowess  and  fortitude  shall  1  >e  over- 
come all  obstacles,  and  their  industry  inmlc  the  for- 
est bloom  around  ihem,  to  exemplify  ilie  benign 
influence  and  protecting  care  of  our  Government 
by  kindly  extending  over  tliem  our  laws,  and  visit- 
ili;  them  with  the  tax-gatherer.'  Such  was  the 
protection  which  Knglnnd  vouchsafed  fn  her  colo- 
nies, nnd  which  they  indignantly  hurled  back  upun 
her.  In  my  j.idgment,  thiti  policjf  pursued,  ihe 
war  will  be  speedy  and  inevitable;  am:  by  giving 
the  notice,  it  will  be  equally  certain  to  lie  nvoi'led. 
The  notice,  if  given,  will  be  in  pnrsunnre  of  a 
treaty  stipulation;  and  its  effect  will  be  siinplv  to 
throw  into  our  exclusive  possession  a  large  portion 
of  this  territory,  the  title  to  which  is  undisputed, 
and  leave  the  residue  to  be  settled  by  negotiation, 
accompanied,  however,  with  an  admonition  which 
may  uc  1  be  disregarded  as  to  the  necessity  of  its 
sp(-edv  adjustment 

War  cannot  be  the  direct  or  necessary  result  of 
the  notice  to  abrogate  this  convention.  That  con- 
tingency will  depend  upon  another  nnd  far  more 
iinporlacii  qiu'stion,  to  which  I  shall  presently  al- 
lude. I  confess  that,  if  war  were  to  be  the  neces- 
sary consequence,  as  some  seem  to  apprehend,  of 
the  passage  f»f  ibis  resoliiiion,  I  slioulit  hesitate,  at 
all  events  un'''  a  certain  other  measure  had  first 
found  Us  wa_  lugli  this  House — »liat  of  provi- 

ding for  the  public  defence.  I  do  nc  subscribi'  to 
the  oft-i epe.ited  doctrine,  that  the  genius  of  our  in- 
stitutions must  necessarily  subject  us  to  defeat  in 
the  comnieiKiment  of  n  war.  We  need  not  be 
pretiaied  for  nll'ensive  operations;  we  want  no 
Dtandiiig  army,  Inn  the  material  fo'defence  should, 
at  all  liinFR,  lie  complete;  we  sitould  be  satisfied  by 
the  report  of  eoin|ietent  eiiL'ineers,  that  the  rtqiu- 
site  mrjiber  of  guns  are  mounted  u[>on  oui  dc- 
fen-es  and  fit  lor  service;  we  can  at  all  limes  find 
hands  to  man  them.  I  c-oitid  not  consent  that,  by 
any  hasty  aciic:tn  ftf  onr.s,  ihe  iinpcirlant  seaports 
#)f  the  Atlantic  coast  should  be  exposed  t(i  a  sud- 
den nnd  fatal  attack,  nor  that  our  country  should 
ever  again  be  disgraced  by  having  the  very  walls 
of  her  Capilcil  blackened  by  the  t(M:'h  of  an  inva- 
ding fie.  But  no  war  need  be  apprehended  from 
this  measure.  These  ccniflictiiig  claiiUH  existed 
before  tins  convention  wan  entered  into,  and  no 
war  ensueil;  they  may  exist  again  upon  like  terms. 
Ilui  111'- gentleman  frotn  Alabama  [Mr.  \  anckv  j 
•ays  the  convention  was  a  substitute  for  war.  No, 
■tr;  It  wua  a.  wretched  siibsuiuie  fur  firui  and  effi- 


cient negotiation;  it  was  this  putting  oflT  the  en- 
countering of  difficulties,  which  time  alone  hns 
rendered  fonnidable.  There  have  been  several 
periods  at  which  this  controversy  might  have  been 
'ivorably  ndjiisled.  It  is  now  well  known  tlm 
Lord  A.shbiil-ton  had  flill  instrurtions  from  hisgov- 
ernment  upon  t'  s  question,  and  it  is  believed  that 
he  was  pri  pared  to  make  libernl  concessions  in  the 
northwest  for  lie  advanlagea  which  he  actually 
•ained  in  the  ne.lhensl  without  l!.em.  IflheGov- 
ernment  had,  it  that  time,  firmly  insisted  upon 
connecting  the  two  questions,  we  should  not  now 
be  troubled  with  this;  but  the  then  .\dmini8tration 
preferred  the  continuance  of  this  snbslitule  for  di- 
plomatic firmness  and  efficiency.  Happily  we 
have  at  length  arrived  at  a  period  when  neither  the 
stale  of  Ihe  affair  itself,  nor  the  inclination  of  tlie 

;  .Vdministratioii  will  admit  of  longer  delay. 

I      But  1  proceed  to  the  consideration  of  the  more 

I  important  question — that  of  the  extent  to  which 
our  right  to  the  possession  of  the  territory  should 
lie  asserted  under  ihe  notice.     It  is  the  uncertainly 

1  of  the  policy  i>f  our  Government  upon  this  ques- 
tion, which  has  alone  niulliplied  the  chances  of  war. 

j  Upon  this  branch  of  the  subject,  after  looking 
over  the  whole  ground,  I  cannot  rid  myself  of  the 

I  conviction  that  K.ngland  has  some  rights  in  Ore- 
gon— rights  commv  ncing  in  some  pretensions  to 
early  discovery,  continued  by  a  partial  occupation, 
and  confirmed  by  Ihiriy  years'  negotiation  nnd 
numerous  treaties — negotialions  entered  upon  and 

'  conducted  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  settling  a 
boundary,  not  the  title,  and  terminating  in  treaties 
for  the  joint  occupation  of  the  whole  territory,  but 

'  conceding  no  superior  rights  or  pa'nmnunl  title  .o 
either  party.  It  is  with  this  view  of  the  matter  ihal 
I  arrive  at  the  conclusion  that  the  action  of  our  own 
Oovernment  has  conceded  to  Kngland  some  rights 
in  the  territory  of  Oregon.  But  the  extent  of  those 
righl.s — we  having  the  belter  title — must  depend 
entirely  upon  our  sovereign  will  and  pleasure.  The 

j  determination  of  that  will  has  been  repeatedly  ex- 
pressed by  our  fioveriiment,  and  recently  signified 
to  Ihe  RiitiKli  minister  resident  in  tliiscilv,bya  pro- 
position to  diviile  the  territory  by  the  4flth  parallel 

I  of  latitude.  This,  sir,  1  take  it,  is  the  extreme  liml 
to  which  concession  will  be  carried.    This  division 

■  of  the  territory  has  been  repeatedly  oflered  to  Great 
Britain;  ,nid  those  oflVrs  ccinslilute  almost  the  sole 
foundation  of  her  title.  Whether  it  be  viewed, 
then,  in  the  light  of  n  gratuity,  or  a  concession 
for  compromise,  the  just  pride  and  acknowledged 
power  of  the  nation  alike  forbicl  the  resumfilion  of 
the  gift.  The  .American  people  should  scorn  to 
retract  the  charitable  boon.  But  I  have  said  thai 
Britain  has  claims  to  this  territory  which,  by  our 
own  concessions,  have  ripened  intoiichls.  I.et 
us  lir  a  moment  reverse  the  picture,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  aacerlaininj  the  more  clearly  w!. ether  this 
position  be  tenable.  Suppose  (which  is  the  Inilli) 
the  two  countrifs  had  cotifiicting  claims  to  the 
whole  of  this  territory,  claims  resting  somewhat 
ill  illy  nulhenticatcd  journals  of  im\iffnloi-a  and  in 
vague  tradition;  suppose  (which  is  \\U«  the  tnoh! 
lliat,  for  the  purpose  of  settling  these  conllirimg 
claims,  ncgotialioii  shouM  be  resorted  to,  and 
shoe'd  result  in  uiisticcessrul  propositions  on  both 
sill  s  to  divide  the  territory,  but  by  diliereot  line.<, 
mill  .<liould  finally  termmaie  i:i  a  convention  for  the 
joint  occupntion  of  the  whole  territory,  comecling 
exclusive  rights  to  neither;  that  this  sinte  of  things 
should  continue  for  the  period  of  sumc  thirty  years, 
and  in  the  mean  time  ilii*  citizens  of  both  countries 
should  make  partial  setllcmeins  upon  those  por- 
tnuis  of  the  territory  which,  by  all  the  proposi- 
tions on  be  th  sides,  were  conceded  to  be  the  exclu- 
sive propet'y  of  their  rispeciive  -■ountries.      Sup- 

,  nose,  ihi'ii,  that  Biitnin,  with  the  same  show  of 
netler  title  which  we  now  exhiliit,  should  turn 
upon  us  and  claim  the  whole:  what  would  be  our 
answer'  We  would  say:  you  ha\e  concedi-d  to  us 
rights;  our  citi/ens  have  taken  piiisessiou  accord- 
ingly; they  are  entitled  to  our  itotecticui,  and  an 
iinnartial  world  will  justil'v  us  in  iiutinlaining  those 
riglils,  if  necessary,  by  a  rescu'l  to  arms.  And  we 
wcuild  do  It.  We  wciuld  feel  it  unnecessary  to  go 
further  back  for  title,  but  would  uiihesit'nliiiL'ly 
hurl  back  tlie  tlirealii  uf  England  by  a  stern  de- 
fiance. 

'  1  am  aware,  sir,  that  a  claim  in  our  favor  pai-a- 
mouiil  In  all  others  hnn  been  set  up — tliatof  mani- 

I  feiit  dcminy      It  rum  lliua:  Uud  hath  giveu  tu  this 


nation  the  western  continent  and  the  fulness  there- 
of This,  as  I  understand  it,  overrides  all  titles, 
and  seta  at  defiance  all  reasoning.  This  claim  to 
universal  dominion  was  put  forth  in  the  commence- 
ment of  this  debate,  nnd  has  been  frequently  urged 
in  the  course  of  it;  and  more  pnrlicninrly  by  the 
genlUman  fl-nni  Michigan,  [iMr.  CiiirniA.v,]  as  a 
final  nnd  conclusive  argument.  I  regretted  to  hear 
the  senliment  avowed  in  an  American  Congress, 
because  it  implies  a  doubt  of  the  validity  of  our 
own  peifecl  title,  nnd  bceniisc  it  has  ever  been 
u.sed  to  justify  every  act  of  wholesale  violence  and 
rapine  that  ever  disgraced  the  history  of  the  world. 
Il  is  the  robber's  title;  but  its  record  is  nc.compa- 
!  nied  by  the  insirnctii  lesson  that  it  ultimately 
1  meets  ihe  robber's  (loom.  The  Macedonian  con- 
j  qiicror  consulted  the  Delphic  oracle,  and  having 
]  obtained  from  the  priesiess  an  eeiuivocal  answer, 
which,  in  his  construction,  gave  him  the  right,  by 
;  manifnt  ilrslhxj,  to  conquer  the  world,  he  pn-sued 
i  his  career  of  victory  amid  sighs  nnd  tears  and 
'■  blood,  over  homes  and  hearths  made  desedale,  cities 
[  wasted,  and  prostrate  thrones,  until,  standing  on 
the  verge  of  the  then  habitable  globe,  he  wept  that 
he  had  not  another  world  to  conquer.  Confident 
ill  the  omnipotence  of  his  fuie,  be  drew  around 
him  his  imperial  robes  and  prcrudly  boasted  of  the 
endless  duintion  of  his  dynasty  and  his  throne, 
liui  death  struck  the  conqueror  iii  a  drunken  revel, 
Old  his  fated  empire  was  broken  into  fragments, 
cud  disa|)peared  from  the  earth,  like  the  sand  be- 
fore the  simoom  of  the  desert.  Koine,  too,  con- 
sulted her  oracles,  and  sought  in  omens  and  signs 
her  title  by  i  ■aiiilist  destiny  to  universal  empire. 
The  response  ,'.f  the  priest  was  propitious,  and  her 
legions  proceeded  in  execute  the  decree.  The  title 
lost  nothing  of  its  force  while  there  was  wealth  to 
plunder  or  nations  to  subdue;  under  it,  the  rapacity 
of  the  Roman  pra:tor  knew  no  bounds,  bis  cruelly 
no  remorse,  she  checked  not  her  career  of  vic- 
tory until  the  spoils  of  every  nation,  from  the 
pillars  of  Hercules  to  the  Indian  ocean,  swelled  the 
triumph  of  her  conquerors,  and  o.inlribuled  to  the 
luxuries  and  magnificence  of  what  she  fondly 
Icrincd  the  Ktertial  City.  "  While  the  CoHisenin 
stands  Rome  shall  stand,"  was  her  proi.j  boast. 
The  Colliseu'n  still  stands,  majestic  in  ils  ruins; 
L.it  the  I'.ieninl  City,  long  since  despoiled  of  ils 
glory  and  ils  power,  is  now  only  known  to  the 
traveller  as  the  city  of  shaltered  columns  anil 
niiL,hty  recollections.  The  modern  conqnenn' — the 
man  of-  ibcating  heart  and  iron  nerve,  who  pur- 
sued h  ..  purposes  'viih  like  unbending  firuuuss 
upmi  the  sands  of  Egypt  and  the  snows  of  Russia 
— whose  eye  never  quailed,  and  whose  heart  never 
faltered — who  asserted  ard  proved  his  liile  at  the 
cannon's  mouth,  ur'il  victory,  even,  seemed  the 
doomed  minisler  of  his  stern  and  unrelenting  will — 
be,  loo,  iioinied  to  his  star  and  talked  of  desli;iyj 
but  that  ljrii;ht  luminary  has  set  in  perpetual  night, 
and  the  eye  that  gazed  upon  its  brighlness  was 
closed  forever  upon  a  barren  rock  in  the  sleep  At- 
lantic wave. 

Who  bath  read  the  book  of  fate,  or  fathomed  the 
purposes  of  the  .Vlmighty  .'  Sir,  we  may  read  the 
future  by  the  past.  I  have  no  doubt  of  our  des- 
tiny, if  we  limit  our  ambition  to  the  dcvelopmeiit 
of  the  liuniau  faculties  and  tlie  cul  ligation  of  the  arts 
of  peace.  With  a  territory  capable  of  suslaiiiing 
a  larger  population  in  comfort  and  opulence  than 
any  other  coiiniry  iiiiiler  one  Uoveriiineiit  upon 
earth,  the  liiunan  mind  can  scarcely  liiiiii  the  pro  ■ 
gress  ol'our  dominion,  either  in  duration  or  exieni. 
I!ut  if,  on  the  other  hand,  we  should  be  sUnudaUcl 
to  terriloril  aggrandi/.euient  by  the  prospect  of 
suc-cesslVi!  war,  1  have  as  little  dmibl  tlial  the 
western  contineiit  would  soon  be  fcniiid  too  narrow 
a  sphere  for  otii  ccmi|uesls.  I'm  Willi  this  brilliant 
prospect  before  lis,  we  should  retnembcr  that  all 
liistory  comes  burdened  with  the  admonition,  that 
the  naiioii  which  is  destined  to  extend  ils  territory 
by  coii(|uest,  is  ec|iially  fated  to  perish  in  the  midst 
of  ils  vicionis.  It  is  due,  sir,  to  the  .\mericun 
propli'  to  know  that  their  title,  in  this  instance, 
needs  no  such  equivocal  alliance.  In  the  appro- 
priate language  of  the  gentleman  from  Tennessee, 
[.VIr.  Sta.mtov,]  our  right  is  our  desliny,  not  our 
destiny  our  .ight.  Bui  we  are  led  to  cmioider,  in 
this  i.onnexiini,  the  tli'ty  of  our  (loverninent,  in 
ease  England  should  propose  to  renew  the  negotia- 
tion upon  the  basis  of  the  division  of  the  territory 
.  m  the  spirit  of  oniicaUe  adjustuiem.    I  aiiswefi 


%k:^ 


r^( 


w 


'V**" 


[Jan.  16, 
.  or  Reps. 

lie  fiilncsa  therc- 
errides  nil  titles, 

This  clnim  lo 
II  the  cnmnicnce- 
iVeqiif  nlly  ura;cd 
rliculnrly  l)y  the 
CiiiPMAM,]  ns  a 
logrelted  to  licnr 
iricnn  Congress, 
validity  of  our 
has  evrr  been 
ale  violeiire  and 
iry  of  the  world, 
ord  is  aocoinpa- 
iit  it  ultimately 
laeedonian  con- 
'le,  and  having 
iiivocal  answer, 
in  the  right,  by 
rid,  he  |)ii'sued 
and  tears  and 
e  desolate, cities 
til,  standing  on 
le,  he  wept  that 
tier.  Confident 
c  drew  abound 
f  boasted  of  the 
ind  liis  throne. 
1  drunken  revel, 
into  fnismcnis, 
ke  the  sand  lie- 
{onie,  too,  con- 
nicns  and  siijns 
liversal  einiilre. 
pitious,  and  her 
■crtc.  The  title 
e  was  wealth  to 
•it,  the  rapacity 
nds,  his  cruelly 
r  rareer  of  vic- 
ition,  from  the 
'an,  swellwl  the 
nlributcd  to  the 
lal  she  fondly 
'  the  Colliscuin 
r  proi.j  honst. 
io  ill  its  ruins; 
Sespoiled  of  its 
known  to  the 
columns  ami 
•onqueror — the 
irve,  who  pur- 
idin?  firmiuss 
lows  of  Kiissia 
use  heart  never 
his  title  at  the 
,  seemed  the 

lenting  will — 
l<ed  of  destiny; 
■rpitual  niirht, 
irmlitnrss  was 
I  the  Sleep  At- 

r  fathomed  the 
may  read  the 
bt  of  cmr  dcs- 
)  (levtlnpmciit 
ition  of  the  arts 
of  sustaining 
opulence  than 
criinieiit  upon 
limit  the  pro- 
lion  or  exicni. 
le  siimuluud 
le  prosiiect  of 
oiilit  that  the 
id  too  narrow 
li  this  brilliant 
mber  that  all 
noiiition,  that 
id  lis  territory 
h  ill  the  midst 
tlie  .\nierican 
this  instance, 
111  ihe  appro- 
im  Tfiuu'ssee, 
tiiiy,  not  our 
o  consider,  in 
'Vrrnment,  in 
w  the  iie^'oiia- 
f  the  territory 
I  aiiswer, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


Ill 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Goodyear, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


she  should  be  met  in  the  same  spirit;  and,  in  case 
she  should  oiler  the  terms  recently  tendered  and 
withdrawn  by  this  Government,  they  should  be 
unhesitatingly  ncccpteil.  If  it  was  consistent  with 
the  duties  of  Government  to  make  the  oli'er  then,  it 
is  proper  lo  accept  it  now.  The  interests  and 
rights  of  the  two  countries  have  in  no  respect 
changed  in  regard  to  this  territory.  I  do  not  say 
that  the  negotiation  should  be  reopened  at  our  in- 
stance, nor  that  any  more  favorable  terms  should 
be  oU'ered  or  accepted.  On  the  contrary,  1  tliiiik 
GUI'  Government,  in  the  maiiifestution  of  its  dispo- 
sition to  adjust  tliis  difficulty,  has  appronched  the 
extremest  limit  which  the  rights,  the  interests,  or 
the  honor  of  our  country  will  warrant:  and  if  Eng- 
land should  nrcfer  to  try  the  issue  of  a  resort  to 
arms,  we  shall  then  be  restored  to  our  belligerent 
rights,  and  may  claim  and  take  the  whole.  Eiig- 
huid  well  knows  that  v/ar  is  a  game  wiiich  more 
than  one  can  play  at. 

Sir,  the  inference  1  draw  from  this  view  of  the 
matter  is,  tliiit  the  notice  beiii"  given,  the  joint  oc- 
cupancy terminated, and  lingland  remaining  quiet, 
oui  rights  to  exclusive  jurisdiction  should  be  as- 
Si  rtcd  only  uptothe  49th  parallel  of  latitude.  This 
being  understood  to  be  the  policy  and  determina- 
tion of  our  Government,  the  cliances  of  war  are 
entirely  removed.  England  will  not  incur  the  haz- 
ards ol  a  war  for  un  inconsiderable  tract  of  unpro- 
ductive wilderness,  the  tide  lo  which  she  knows  is 
clearly  and  unquestionably  in  us.  This  being 
known,  the  excitement  upon  this  subject,  as  well 
in  England  as  in  this  country,  would  entirely 
subside,  and  we  should  hear  little  more  of  Oregon. 

Hut  if  the  extreme  policy,  of  the  whole  or  none, 
urged  by  a  few  gentlemen  upon  this  floor,  is  to  be 
carried  out,  Icuiinotsce  how  awarcan  be  avoided. 
England  cannot,  consistently  with  her  iiati<inal 
honor,  accept  less,  in  the  division  of  this  territory, 
than  has  been  repeatedly  olVered  her;  and,  how- 
ever rcluctmit  she  may  be,  I  see  not  how  she  can 
escape  a  resort  to  this  last  dread  alternative. 

I  proceed  to  consider  for  one  moment  wlicthe.'  it 
is  our  inierfsl  to  drive  her  to  this  extremity. 

Our  luiliona'  l.'iiior  is  no  way  concerned  in  the 
matter.  13y  d  ■  ling  the  49ili  parallel  ns  ourboun- 
dary  we  miiivi.  i;ur  own  terms,  and  dictate  them, 
too,  somewhat  imperiously  to  the  haughtiest  and 
most  powerful  nation  upon  earth.  It  is,  then,  a 
mere  nmitcr  of  expediency,  and  as  suci.  I  propose 
to  consider  it. 

The  value  of  the  territory  in  dispute,  compared 
will'  'he  expenses,  the  sacrifices,  the  sulferiiigs, 
I  ivMidshed,  and  horrors  of  u  war,  is  the  question  at 
issue.  !Sir,  I  address  not  my  argumciils  to  those 
suiilimalcd  gentlemen  who  assert  that  the  existence 
of  a  right  precludes  the  consideration  t>f  conse- 
quences in  it.<  nsseriion.  The  genllenien  have  for- 
gotten, or  haply  nevi  r  learned,  lliiit  a  regard  to 
umscipiences  is  the  first  July  of  a  statesman;  that 
it  is  thai  alone  I'or  which  imparl iat  liisinry  will  :^ive 
liini  credit  lor  sitgai'ily  and  wi.sdom.  The  nolioiis 
of  tlie.^e  ireiitlcmcii  are  somewhat  too  ubslract  and 
traiisccndeiital  for  niy  present  purposes.  On  this 
branch  of  the  subject,  1  prcler  addressing  the  gen- 
tlemen upon  this  lloor  who  have  been  educated  in 
a  less  ethereal  school  of  stall  smaiiship. 

h'irst,  then,  llie  ler.  lory  i-onipri.ses  some  six  de- 
grees of  latitude  north  oi'pariillel  of  4'.(.  The  cli- 
mate in  that  latitude  nui.si  necessarily  be  sevc.-e, 
the  face  of  the  country  is  broken,  and  we  have  no 
eviileiu'c  llial  any  part  of  it  possesses  anv  peculiar 
advantages  I'or  purposes  of  cultivation.  Indetd,  in 
that  view  the  lerrilory  is  ( iitirely  valueless  lo  us. 
AVe  liavi'  now  a  lerriior)  which  ccniiiries  of  the 
most  uninterrupted  nalioiial  prosperity  cannot  pop- 
iilale  to  llie  full  cMenl  of  ils-capaiiilily.  1  am  well 
auare  of  the  adventurous  siiirit  and  impaticn''e  of 
contiguity  ol'llic  \Vi  si;  but  I  iliiiiK  if  ihe  niiisl  zeal- 
ous pioiiei  r  will  join  a  caravan  for  the  inouili  of  the 
(.'olumbia,  and  inirsue  his  pilgrimage  tiir  some  six 
nioiiihs  over  a  boundless  expanse  ot'  forest  and 
prairie,  witliout  the  sign  of  n  luunaii  habitation  and 
scarce  the  sign  of  human  lili',  \\  liere  the  wild  liorse 
and  the  bufialo  have  revelled  for  ci'iiliiriis  in  the 
|,rol'nsion  of  nature's  bounties,  he  will  be  most  ef- 
feelunlly  cured  of  all  siTUjiles  on  llio  score  of  deii- 
sily  of  population.  Mor  is  this  purtiun  of  the  ler- 
rilory of  any  greater  value  with  a  view  lo  that 
commerce  to  wIulIi  1  have  heretofore  alluded.  The 
4'Jih  parallel  secures  lo  us  the  Straits  of  Fuca  and 
Pugct'g  Kouiid — tlm«  furnishing,  (br  all  the  coiii- 


meree  of  the  East,  the  best  harbors  on  the  coost  of 
the  Pocific  ;  ond  for  this  territory,  so  volucless,  in 
every  respect,  to  the  United  Suites,  gentlemen  pro- 
pose to  take  Ihe  chances  of  at  beat  a  disastrous 
war  with  Great  Britain. 

Sir,  I  am  not  satisfied  by  the  remarks  which 
have  fallen  from  the  gentlemen  who  insist  upon  the  i 
whole  or  none  of  the  territory,  that  they  themselves 
have  any  very  clear  conception  of  the  means  neces-  | 
sary  to  accomplish  their  purpose.     The  one  por- 
tion of  these  gentlemen  propose  what  has  been  ] 
tenned  a  "  masterly  inactivity;"  the  other,  imme-  : 
diate  and  coercive  measures.     Though  I  question  ' 
not  gentlemen's  sincerity,  nor  doubt  their  valoi, 
yet  1  much  fear  that  the  lofty  pretensions  of  the 
Srst,  compared  with  their  supmeness  of  action, 
will  pass  in  the  eye  of  the  world  us  a  very  shallow  | 
covering  for  timid  counsels — a  sort  of  whistling  lo  ' 
keep  one's  courage  up.     The  other  has  more  of  the 
bravado  in  it,  but  seems  equally  wide  of  its  pur-  '■ 
pose.     True,  the  gentleman  from  Michigan  [Mr.  ' 
Ciiipman]  pledges  the  Slate  of  Michigan  alone  to 
take  Canada  in  ninety  days.     This,  at  all  events, 
looks  like  action;  but  it  might  have  occurred  to 
that  gentleman  that  in  the  last  war  General  Hull 
proposed  a  somewhat  similar  feat,  and  issued  a 
ike  boastful  proclamation;  and  in  less  than  twenty 
days  thereafter  he  and  his  goH-.it  arni^  oa""'  1  L, 
nealh  the  caudine  forks.    I  intend,  sir,  no  iinproper 
coinnarison  between  Michigan  llien  and  Michigan 
now;  I  merely  allude  to  it  for  the  purpose  of  show- 
ing that  lot^y  jiretensions  and  high-sounding  prom- 
ises arc  not  always  the  best  evidences  of  faithful  and 
ellicient  performance.     Perhaps  the  gentleman  will 
make  the  application.     Another  gentlfman  seems 
to  think  there  will  be  a  great  deal  of  valorous  bush- 1 
fighting  in  Oregon,  and,  in  the  exuberance  of  his 
fancy,  talks  about  the  founuiiiui  of  the  Pacilic  const 
spouting  blood  until  they  shall  have  tinged  the 
broad   ocean  with   their  crimson   currents.     Sir, 
there  will  he  no  fightii;,;  .'  i  Oregon.     The  few  in- 
hiUiitniils  of  that  vast  forest  will  be  content  to  re- 
main quiet  and  await  the  fearful  shock  which  is  to 
uproot  and  unsettle  the  nations  of  the  earth.     The 
war  will  be  in  Canada,  in   the   British   colonial 
islands,  on  our  own  frontiers,  on  the  ocean,  wher- 
ever the  two  nations  may  be  deemed  most  vulner- 
able, or  can  meet  in  deadly  and  mortal  combat. 
The  blood  and  resources  of  the  two  nations  will  be 
exiianslcd  in  the  fruitless  struggle.     All  the  worst 
passions  of  the  human  race  will  be  aroused  and 
lirought  into  fierce  action;  commerce  will  be  de- 
stroyed, civilization  retarded,  and  the  progress  of 
improvement  rolled  back  for  half  a  century;  the 
hoiidsof  society  will  be  ruptured  and  the  iilfeciions 
crushed;  the  page  that  records  the  triumph  will  be 
streaked  v.'ilh   blood,  and  the  cheer  that  hails  the 
victiu'y  will  meet  villi  no  respmise  at  the  desolate 
fireside  and  in  the  breaking  heart.  i 

It  is  well  said. that  no  little  war  can  hereafter  be  i 
wa'jed  between  tnese  two  great  and  powerl'ul  na- 
tions; no  war  of  outposts  and  dctnchmeiits.  It  will 
be  England,  with  all  her  Iremendous  military  ic 
sources,  matched  with  the  aroused  and  terrible  en- 
ergies of  a  nation  of  freemen — the  loiig-ileferred 
conn  st  for  Ihe  dominion  of  the  western  continent 
and  for  maritime  supremacy — the  fearful  dealh- 
strugirle  with  which  foe  griqiples  foe,  and  falters 
not  nor  yields,  until  deaili  uimcrvis  the  mu.scle 
and  re!;iM's  thc'grasp.  It  would  be  well  for  gen- 
tlemen who  talk  thus  llippanlly  of  a  contest  where 
iilows  are  In  be  given  and  not  received,  where  lau- 
rels are  lo  be  won  willnuil  the  cypress,  lo  I  rii  their 
alliniioii  for  a  little  to  the  magn'ilude  of  hostile  pre- 
piiralioiis,  and  lenrn  lo  look  the  realities  of  war 
steadily  and  slernly  in  the  face.  The  time  I'or  the 
exen-ise  of  all  their  couraiie  and  palrioiism  may  he 
nearer  than  lliey  siqipose.  War  will  not  ensue 
from  any  disputed  boundary  in  Oregon,  unless  it 
be  jirecipiiated  by  our  own  indiscretion.  It'  we 
yield  lo  Eiisrlnnd  ihe  territory  north  of  the  49lh 
parallel — and  more  than  that  she  should  not  have — 
and  war  then  ensue,  the  dispiilcd  boundary  will 
be  the  pretext,  not  the  cause.  It,  in  her  newly- 
awakened  ap|>reheiu:ioiiR  for  the  safety  of  her  colo- 
nies on  the  western  continent,  it  is  the  purpose  of 
l''.ii'j:land  ut  this  lime,  In  conjunction  with  other 
European  Powers,  to  humble  the  pride  and  crip- 
ple the  resources  of  this  Ilepuhlic,  concession  mi 
our  part  would  be  worse  ihiui  useless.  Give  her 
the  whole  of  Oregon,  and  she  will  find  a  pretext  for 
the  quarrel;  she  will  find  it  in  California,  in  Mex- 


ico, on  the  reefs  of  Florida,  or  the  banks  of  New- 
foundland. She  will  find  it  wherever  the  red  cross 
meets  the  flag  of  the  Union  on  the  ocean.  Concts- 
sion  on  our  jinrt  would  not  prevent  nor  long  post- 
pone the  struggle;  and  the  more  resolutely  we  meet 
it  in  the  assertion  of  the  principle  of  demanding 
nothing  but  what  is  clearly  right,  and  submitting 
lo  nothing  wronsr,  the  more  readily  may  we  hope 
for  a  sjieedy  and  favorable  issue. 

Sir,  the  danger  may  be  remote — apprehension 
may  be  causchss.  !  am  inclined  to  think  that  tlie 
time  ha.s  gone  by  when  the  combined  iiiteresis  of 
European  monarchies  could  seriously  think  of  ar- 
resting the  progress  of  human  rights,  at  least  on 
Ihe  western  continent.  But  "  coming  events  cast 
ilieir  shadows  before."  The  insidious  suggestion 
of  a  balance  of  power  upon  this  continent  manifests 
a  trembling  apprehension  that  the  Atlantic  is  not 
brood  and  deep  enough  to  protect  the  East  from  the 
all-encroacliin'r  i.iHuences  of  rational  but  progres- 
sive r^.i...i.iicy.  The  political  atmosphere  of  Eu- 
rope lias  become  dark  and  lurid;  elements  never 
before  combined  are  now  found  in  close  allia  cc. 
Our  ancient  friend  and  ally  is  prompt  to  suggest  to 
its  ancient  and  hereditary  enemy  the  readiest  niean.'< 
of  checking  the  progress  of  the  fur-reaching  lie- 
public.  The  gathering  storm  is  preceded  by  the 
deep  mutierings  of  the  distant  thunder.  Is'o  hu- 
man foresight  can  foretell  the  fearful  catastrophe 
which  may  be  produced  by  the  bold  assertion  of  a 
political  right,  when  the  contest  is  stimulated  by 
the  passions  engendered  in  the  warfiire  of  conflict- 
ing principles.  Hampden,  by  resisting  the  collec- 
tion of  a  sixpenny  tax,  aroused  a  spirit  in  h^iigland 
which  never  again  slept  until  it  had  overturned  the 
throne,  and  brought  the  head  of  its  monarch  lo 
Ihe  block.  The  colonies,  by  resisting  an  equally 
trifling  tax  upon  tea,  dismembered  the  British  em- 
pire, and  laid  the  foundation  for  n  great  and  now 
powerful  Republic.  What  mighty  revolutions 
may  now  be  on  the  verge  of  their  accomplishment, 
it  is  impossible  for  us  to  foresee.  In  the  mean 
tini'  ,  it  IS  our  policy  to  await  coolly  the  progress 
of  events,  with  a  firm  reliance  upon  our  undoubted 
riu'lits,  and  a  stern  determination  to  maintain  them 
at  all  and  every  hazard. 

Sir,  my  tdlotted  time  has  nearly  expired,  and  I 
have  but  a  word  more  to  say.  I  hope  that  the 
bounilary  of  the  49th  jiarallel  may  be  understood 
to  be  our  tdtimale  ofl'er,  and  that  it  will  not  be  re- 
newed, but  that  it  will  be  considered  the  limit  of 
our  claim,  whilst  the  peaceful  relations  of  the  two 
countries  remain'unl  roken;  but  if,  contrary  lo  my 
judgment  and  my  sense  of  justice,  the  doctrine  of 
the  whole  of  Oregon  or  none  should  prevail  with 
the  .■Vdministration,  I  would  then  say  that  I  .am 
fully  aware  of  the  objections  to  engaging  in  n  war 
wilh  Great  Britain  upon  the  issue  presented  in 
this  controversy.  Perhaps  no  American  citizen 
now  living  could  be  persmially  benefited  by  the  re- 
sult of  the  contest.  Iiowevf  r  favorable.  It  would 
imply,  then,  a  large  drau'^'.it  upon  our  national 
leelings  to  expect  a  co>"'.ial  and  unanimous  assent 
to  measures  which  must,  of  necessity,  involve 
such  a  mighty  ."sacrifice.  But,  sir,  I  can  easily  un- 
derstand that  there  may  be  condiiions  of  national 
rights  and  national  honor  which  imperiously  de- 
mand this  last  evidence  ofdevntion  to  one's  country. 
Fully  impressed  with  the  fearful  responsibility 
resting  u|i(ui  the  representatives  of  ihe  ]ieople,  I 
would  then  cease  to  inquire  into  the  justice  or  expe- 
diency of  maintaining  the  stand  taken  by  the  Ex- 
ecutive: I  would  merely  counsel  the  most  prompt 
and  lilieral  nppro|irialions  for  the  public  (lefence, 
and,  if  war  be  inevitable — as  I  b  licve  it  would  be 
in  that  cortingeiicj — for  prosecuting  it  wilh  vigor; 
for,  while  my  sanguine  hopes  for  her  future  pros- 
perity prompt  the  patriotic  sentiment — "My  com. 
try,  Inay  she  ever  be  right,"  yet  the  knowledge 
that  my  fortunes,  by  inclination,  if  lot  necessity, 
are  inseparably  connected  with  hers,  impels  ine  to 
add,  "  but  right  or  wrong,  still  mycountry."  My 
feelings  and  sympathies  are  assocniled  indissolubly 
v.iih  the  Itmd'of  my  birih;  and  if  her  fair  pnunise 
and  high  hopes  are  to  be  realized  in  her  future 
greatness,  I  shall,  in  common  with  the  rest  of  my 
countrvnien,  enjoy  the  glory  of  the  alliance;  but 
if  the  cloud  which  is  now  lowering  is  to  burst  with 
fatal  fury,  and  her  bright  star  is  destined  to  set 
in  darkness  and  gloom,  I  cannot,  I  seek  not,  to 
■iepiirate  my  fortunes.  I  and  mine,  and  all  that  I 
IJrize  and  love,  iniisl  share  lier  fate. 


■*» 


119 


APPENDIX  TOJTHE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan  6, 


i 


! 


I 


■4- 


^ 

a 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Hilliard, 


Ho.  OF  Heps. 


OttEUON  (iUL'.STION. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  H.  W.  HILLIARD, 

OF    ALABAMA, 
In  the  House  ok  KErR£si:N°TATivEa, 
Januaf<j  6,  lb4(>. 
Ou  the  nesolulion  for  terniiimiiiig  the  joint  occu- 
pation of  Orci^on. 

The  SiT.AKER  iiiindHnced,  ns  iho  unfinished  Imsi- 
ness,  the  following  joint  vcsolulion,  rc]>()ited  liy 
Mr.  C.  ,1.  IxtiERSOLi.,  from  tlic  Ciunniittcc  on  l''or- 
ei;;n  All'airs: 

"  Uesohtil  by  the  Semite  and  lloufe  of  Bcjn-esenta- 
'  tices  of  the  I'liileil  Ulalis  oj\lmeriea  m  Coiitp-cssas- 
'  semhli'd,  'I'hiit  the  President  of  the  United  SUiti-s 
'  forihwilh  enuse  notice  to  lie  given  to  the  Govern- 
'  nuMil  of  Great  liritmn  that  the  convention  be- 
'  iweeii  the  United  Slates  and  Great  Urilain,  con- 
'  cerning  the  Territory  of  Oregon,  of  the  sixth  of 
'  August,  1827,  sigiie(l  at  London,  shall  be  annulled 
'  anii  abrogated  twelve  months  after  the  expiration 
'  of  the  said  term  of  iiolice,  conformably  to  the  sec- 
'  ond  article  of  the  said  convention  of  the  sixth  of  ' 
'  August,  1M7." 

Mr.  MILLIARD,  being  entitled  to  the  floor,  rose  ' 
and  said: 

Mr.  Speaker:  In  entering  upon  the  discns-oion 
of  the  srreat  question  ul  pre.stju  before  the  House, 
it  will  be  proper  for  a  mnnitut  to  recur  to  the  his- 
tory of  the  relations  of  ilie  Uovernmenl  of  the  Uni- 
ted Stales  with  that  of  Ureal  Briuiin  in  re::ard  lo 
tlie  Terrilcuy  of  Oregon.  It  is  well  kia>wu  that, 
after  .several  fruitless  allempis  laid  been  made  to 
fidjuGl  ihe  dill'erence  lieiv.ien  them  ih  relation  to 
til  '  sovereignly  t>f  that  district  of  country,  both 
j\iweis  liad  at  lengih  iu;recd  lo  adjourn  the  cpu-s- 
tion  over,  anil  they  had  mutually  entered  into  the 
eonveniion  of  ISlN  by  which  treaty  it  was  uii'.'er- 
Hlocid  lliat  tlig  luo  parlies  were  to  enjoy  cc'.iiu 
priviieircs  in  regard  lo  the  territory,  which  were 
clearly  specilii  d  and  defined.  In  the  suinuur  of 
lS'2'i,  when  this  convention  was  alioul  to  expire, 
by  Its  own  liiiiiiation,  provision  was  made  lo  per- 
pi  male  this  iniiliial  uiiileistanding,  simply  with  the 
j'Urpose  of  pi,  >er\iiig  peace  between  ihc  partus, 
end  wiiliout  yielding'  any  poriion  of  tlii'  original 
eliiiins  which  had  been  respectiiely  put  forlli.  It 
is  now  projiosed  in  this  House  to  teriiinia:e  ihat 
convention,  conformaiily  to  a  provisional  article 
imhodied  in  the  iiisiriimcnl  iisilf.  - 

Slionid  lhat  leriniiialion  In-  lirought  about  ns 
jiroposeil,  what  will  be  ll.c  n  lalive  posiiions  of 
this  I'.ouiUry  and  of  Great  I'ritain  in  ri'gard  to  the 
Oregon  territory.-  lor  an  answer  to  ihis  question 
we  are  relern  d  back  to  ihe  relation  siibsisiing  be- 
tween ihcni  before  ilie  coii\cntion  was  titereil  into. 
Tlial  ri  laumi  must,  ilieii,  be  renewed;  and  llie  Iho 
nations  will  stand  as  cinille'ting  claunauls  before  the 
1  ivilized  world  for  the  enlire  control  over  ihe  whole 
territory.  Here,ilirn,  conies  in  the  ((ucstion  nsto 
our  title — whether  founded  on  disco\t  ry,  explora- 
tiitii,  and  setilemeni,  by  our  own  citizens,  or  resume 
on  the  claims  ol'  .Spain;  for  we  shall  bring  both  our 
own  lilleand  the  tide  of  .Spain  to  liirlify  our  position, 
M  hen  we  meet  our  i-oiitpi  Iitor  in  the  presence  of  the 
eivili/.ed  Wfiiid.  I  shall  not  enitr  on  this  quesiion 
of  title.  It  lias  recently  leeii  exhibiiid  w  iih  great 
ability,  and  J  should  only  render  myself  udious  by 
repealing  argiini(-nis  uhich  lia\i^  already  been 
placed  fi  the  clearest  light.  I  simply  ih  sire  lo  say, 
that,  em  the  ipieslion  of  our  title  to  Oicgtui,  I  rely 
mainly  on  the  previous  liile  of  Spain,  although  1 
am  far  fri>m  iniderr.itnig  the  merils  -if  disei)\eries 
and  settlements  ni  llutt  re  itmbyonroHii  i  iiier- 
prising  citizens.  I  admit  ihise,  and  duly  ajipre- 
fiatethem,  but,  as  1  have  already  s:ud,  my  niaiir 
I'tlianre  is  plact  d  on  the  Spanish  tub — a  liile  which 
v.e  did  not  possess  at  the  lime  our  dispiiie  with 
Kitgland  arose;  lor  it  is  my  belief  that,  had  this 
title  lliell  been  ours,  ihi' coilM 'lliiill  of  IhlH  Wiaild 
never  have  had  an  exisienie.  So  long  as  this  ti- 
tle rimaineil  in  the  hands  of  Spiiin,  Great  Ilrilain 
treated  il  Willi  the  cii:iii'mpi  which  marked  all  her 
eonduci  towards  that  Tower.  I'in's  rooted  aver- 
sion l<i  .Spain  is  well  kiiouni  lie  iiilieriti  d  il  iVoin 
his  father,  and  il  made  itself  nianil'esl  in  all  his 
]iublic  condui'l  when  the  oicasmn  pnn.iked  it.  In- 
deed, il  was  but  the  seniiment  of  the  l!ritish  na- 
tion ;  lu  that,  iiUUuu|ili  the  mural  puwtr  uf  that 


title  was  as  great  as  it  is  now,  it  was  not  regarded   ; 
with  the  resjiect  which  was  due  to  it.     That  tilli   , 
has  been  recenlly  so  convincingly — 1  may  say  so   1 
triumphantly — pleaded  by  our  present  Secretary  of  j 
Slate,  that  it  must  have  carried  actual  dismay  into 
Ihe  IJritish  cabinet;  and  it  hiw  certainly  placed  our 
own  claim  lo  the  country  upon  more  elevated  and  ; 
coinmandingL  ground  tliun  it  ever  stood  on  before.  ■ 
It  is  now  an  .Vmericaa  title;  and  with  whatever 
contempt  Great  Uritain  might  have  felt  herself  war-  | 
ranted   in  treating  it  when  in   the  possession  of : 
Spain,  she  will  iiui  so  treat  it  when  it  is  put  forlli 
before  Ihe  world  us  the  claim  of  the  United  Stales. 
1  do  not  speak   this  boastfully;  but  1  desire   that 
Great  Uritain  shall  know  lliat  we  comprehend  our  ' 
rights,  and  1  thank  God  wc  are  able  lu  muiiittiiii 
lliem. 

1  do  not  desire,  sir,  to  be  understood  as  pulling  i 
out  of  the  iiueslion  our  own  Aiueriaui  litle. 

A  lateSecretary  of  Stale,  (Mr.  Cai.iiocn,)  whose 
fame  is  commensurate  with  ihe  e.vlent  of  eivilma- 
tioii,  has  placed  Ihe  American  claim  on  Cuptam 
Gray's  discovery  of  the  nioulh  of  the  Columbia 
riier.and  on  thai  admilied  jiriiicipleof  interlKilional 
i  law,  lhat,  by  whatsoever  naliou  the  mouth  of  a  ■ 
river  is  discovered,  to  that  nation  beloni;s  the 
whole  of  the  valley  which  is  drained  by  its  waters. 
1  feel  this  claim  Ui  be  of  great  conseipience;  and  1  i 
must  confess  that  1  felt  me  greatest  anm^cment 
when,  in  the  deliate  of  SaturUay,  a  disunguished 
gentleman  from  Ma.s.sacliusetls  ^Mr.  \\  inthuoi'] 
disclaimed  all  reliance  u)ion  it.  liich  as  Alassa- 
chuselis  is — and  1  acknowledge  her  rich  m  uU  that 
can  give  elevation  lo  a  State — I  do  not  think  her, 
however,  in  circunistiinces  li>  abiunlon  such  an  hon- 
10-  as  this  discovery.  The  gentleman  came  lo  this 
House,  as  i  havc^  underslond,  with  a  rich  inherit- 
ance (if  ancestral  fame,  U)  which  he  has  largely 
added  in  well-merited  repuUUion  of  his  own;  but  if 
he  thinks  himself  entitled  M  di.sclaim  and  cast 
away  lliis  discovery  by  (.  aplaiii  Gray,  1  will  tiike 
it  up.  If  .l/i(,,Ma7ii'i,«/(s  east  him  oil,  1  «ill  claim 
him  for  the  i'uiltd  Mii/ts.  The  gentleman  has  nM 
ilial  Captain  Gray,  as  a  iiaMgaior  in  the  waters  of 
Ihe  Pacific,  had  no  lliouglil  of  making  discoveries 
on  behalf  of  Ins  country,  in-  of  adding  anything  to 
her  territorial  claims,  liiii  had  simply  been  prose- 
cuting a  lilile  harmless  trade  in  lish  and  peltry. 
This'may  be  .so;  but  sull  he  coasted  those  shores 
in  a  vessel  of  his  jwn,  willi  our  national  Hag  wav- 
ing over  his  head;  in  a  vi  sscl  which,  aceorumg  lo 
Ihe  doclrine  of  lui  eminent  siatesman,  whose  tame 
belongs  alike  to  Massacliuseti.s  and  to  his  whole 
country,  was  part  and  parcel  of  ihe  American  soil. 
-Mr.  U'elisii  r,  in  Ins  conespondence  with  Li  id 
.Vshburion,  states  the  dot  irine  with  great  cleavness 
and  fnrce: 

'•  Kill,  nevertheless,  the  l.vw  of  nalioiis,  as  I  have 
'  suited  II,  and  the  sUiliiles  cjf  Goveininenls  found- 
'  eil  on  that  law,  as  1  lia\e  referred  to  them,  show 
'  lhat  enliu'hiened  nations,  in  inodern  limes,  do 
'  clearly  hold  that  Ihe  jurisdiction  and  laws  of  a 
'  natuiii  acciiinpany  her  ships,  not  only  over  the 
'  hmh  seas,  bin  into  ]iorls  and  harbors,  or  where- 
'  sillier  else  they  may  be  water-borne,  lor  ilie  gcn- 
'  eial  purpose  of  i;overiiing  and  legiilaling  ihe 
'  righi.s,  dunes,  and  olilimumns  of  llio.'-i  on  Ooard 
'  Ihereof;  and  thai  to  the  e.vlent  of  the  exercise  of 
•  this  jurisdiction,  they  arc  considered  as  jiarts  of 
'  the  lerniury  of  the  nation  her.self;" 

This  priiiii|ile,  thus  laid  down,  i.i  not  likely  to 
liedispuud  heriafur  ainiiim-civiiizeil  nations;  and 
il  results  from  il,  lli.it  while  ihe  juri.sdiiiion  of  the 
iiatitm  silently  ai-coinpanies  the  ves.sel  in  all  its 
cour.se,  extending  om  r  it  sh  eph  ss  and  elticient  pro- 
leiiiun,  all  ihi-  disciivciies  which  thai  vessil  makes 
are  fur  iln'  natinn.  It  was  m  lliis  .-pint  lliiii  Cup- 
lam  Gray,  when  in  thai  distant  region  be  i  iitcred 
ihe  mouth  of  that  great  stieaiu  which  had  never 
before  been  enieied  by  any  navigalor,  gave  In  il  ihe 
name  of  his  ship — Ciii.rMiiiA  ;  thus  idcniirying 
Willi  il  ihroiigh  all  time  memories  of  his  eounliy 
and  bis  home. 

l-Mr.  Wi.vriiRoi'  rose  to  explain; and  tin-  floor 
being  yielded  to  him  I'or  lhat  iiurpo.-e,  he  went  on 
Ul  sayi  thai  the  lionoiable  genllinian  from  Alabama 
seemed  entirely  In  have  misiindcistood  him.  .So 
I'lr  iVoin  diselanniiig  or  casting  away  this  discovery 
of  Captain  Gray,  he  had,  on  the  contrary,  express- 
ly said  thai  he  consiilereil  it,  alter  all,  as  our  best 
le.sorl,  and  as -ont. lining  in  U.self  tin'  beslcUiim  sve 
cuulU  shuw  lu  Ui«  pusveiiiuuii  uf  Ore{;uii  ;  and  ha 


had  added,  that  Massachusells,  and  especially  the 
people  of  Bjston,  felt  proud  of  Gray  as  a  fellow- 
citizen,  and  of  his  discovery  as  slicilding  a  lustre 
upon  llie  city  of  his  birllt  and  the  Stale  uf  which 
he  was  a  Citizen.] 

Mr.  Hilliard  resumed,  and  said  he  was  glad  to 
be  set  right,  and,  if  he  had  niisiipjirchendcd  the  gen- 
tleman, 10  have  lliat  misapprehension  corrected. 
He  certainly  had  not  intended  to  misreiirescnt  him. 

[Mr.  WiNTiiRop.     "Oiiainly  not.    J 

Slill,  sir,  it  seenia  to  me  that  the  gentleman  at- 
taches too  little  value  and  importance  lo  the  litle, 
of  any  suiU,  which  we  hold  lo  the  Oregon  country. 
When  Capuiiii  Gray  trod  the  deck  of  his  slnji, 
having  the  American  colors  at  his  masl-head,  what- 
ever new  territory  or  river  he  discovered  was  for 
us,  the  people  of  the  United  Slates.  1  congiatii- 
lule  Massachusetts  ihatoncuf  her  native-born  sons 
has  by  his  enterprise  added  so  much  splendor  to 
the  records  of  early  discovery  on  this  contincni. 
Honored  be  the  name  of  Gmy  I  1  am  prepared  to 
stand  by  the  title  uf  which  he  has  furmsheil  so  val- 
uable an  element.  As  to  the  gentleman  from  Mus- 
suchusells,  [Mr.  Wintiirop,]  I  can  say  with  en- 
lire  truth,  thai  1  greatly  admire  his  spirit  and  bear- 
ing; on  most  points  we  entirely  agree  ;  bul  1  can- 
not consent  with  the  gentleman,  in  any  degree,  to 
disparage  our  lille,  because  it  is  to  he  set  against 
thai  uf  a  powerful  and  imperious  natiim.  I  will 
not  yield  a  tittle  of  it.  The  gentleman  talked 
slighlmgly  about  musty  records.  1  do  not  share  in 
this  feeling;  I  reverence  musty  records,  and  hold 
them  as  precious.  With  lumisty  record  I  can  u|i- 
lurii  the  whole  face  of  human  society.  Willi  the 
musty  record  of  Magna  Cliarta  in  my  hand,!  can 
revolutionize  the  face  of  Europe,  if  permitled  lo 
present  .Is  principles  to  the  minds  of  her  popula- 
tion. 1  trust  that  if  the  dust  of  age  and  neglect 
should  ever  gather  ou  the  sacred  volume  of  our 
Consiiiuiion,  and  there  be  a  descendant  of  mine 
on  this  lloor,  representing  a  Sivulhern  people  as  I 
do,  he  will  be  able  to  call  up  from  that  musiy  rec- 
ord a  mond  |iower  polcnt  enuugh  lo  shield  llieir 
lilierlies,and  Ui  resuscitale  and  bless  the  condition 
of  society  throughout  this  land. 

On  the  evidence  contained  in  musty  records  I 
found  my  belief  lhat  every  inch  of  Oreijiin  is  ours. 
1  can  see  no  break  in  our  title  from  latitude  AiP  to 
latitude  i")4"  411'.  1  do  not  say  that  1  would  not 
arrange  fur  any  poriion  of  the  territory  lyiiiir  be- 
tween those  parallels.  Il  is  not  for  me  lo  make 
any  such  arrangement.  Thai  power  has  been 
placed  by  the  (.'onstitution  in  the  hands  of  another 
branch  of  this  Government.  It  is  alio'_'clher  |iro- 
per  lhat  the  I'residenl  should  rcLrard  ail  the  iiieiit 
mlerests  of  the  country  in  adjusting  a  dilHcutl  na- 
tional question.  !  am  not  disposed  to  ilisiurli  his 
fimclions.  1  do  not  wish  to  commit  the  House  on 
that  point.  Km  1  hold  our  title  to  be  so  clear  and 
so  callable  of  demonsiralion,  thai  but  for  the  eiilns- 
.sal  powir  of  Great  Hritain,  and  the  hanghtiness 
with  which  she  has  been  accusiomed  lo  ticat  all 
olher  nulions  in  the  cmidncl  of  her  diplomacy,  1 
cannol  liiil  believe  that  she  would  withdraw  from 
the  cunlest  oMrwIielmed  by  the  force  of  argument 
which  she  cannol  reluie. 

Hut  there  are  soinewho admit  that  Great  llrilain 
cannot  mainlain  her  claims  lo  ihc  icrrilory  in  dis- 
puli;  upon  the  grounds  lo  which  I  have  rclerifd, 
;  who  yet  insist  that  she  may  extend  her  possessions 
:  in  lhat  regiun  iipun  the  principle  of  emithuiitij  'jf* 
ddmuhi.     What  right    has  lireal  Uritain  to  set  nji 
a  claim  lo  Hi-egun  on  the  ground  of  conliniiily  "f 
lerrilory.'     Is  llic  seat  of  lier  sovereifxiily  on  this 
conlineiitr     No;    her   possessions    here   and    her 
riiihis  here  ari^  colonial.    This  euntiiM  nt  is  llie  sent 
uf  our  einpiie.     In  this  view,  the  vemr.ilile  L'eiiile- 
.  man  Iroin  Massachusetts,  [.\lr.  An\Ms,|  and   all 
j  who  have   I'Xiimiiieil   the  subject,  will,  I  am  sure, 
'  coni'ur;  and  they  will  bear  me  out  in  sayiiiL',  lhat 
I  tliisoii;;ht  to  oiilweii;h  every  oilii  r  eoiisiileraiion  in 
a  quest  ion  of  this  i'haraeici-.  The  stat  of  l-'.i  upland's 
Kovereigntv  is  across  the  Allaiiiic.     Holding  here 
only  euluiiial  pussessions,  she  seeks  lu  extend  litem 
still  l\irllier,  when  neither  the  cmipaclness  nur  the 
security  tt(  her  empire  requires  it,  and    when  her 
I  claims  Clinic  in  cmillii  I  with  those  uf  a  iiaiion  hold- 
ing their  original  sovereignty  on  this  contimu!. 
If,  thiMi,  our  lille   to   Ihe 'icrrilory  of  I lie^uii  is 
;  cle;ir,  the  next  question  which  prescnls  iiself  is  as 
I  lo  our  wisest  course  to  perfect  thai  lille.     What 
I  cuurs«  uu^ht  wc  tu  lake  lu  aecurs  the  puMcvwoii 


f 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


113 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Tlie  Oregon  Qiiestion — Mr.  Hilliard. 


New  Series No.  8. 


sly  iTctirds  I 
■c^'iiii  is  mil's, 
ililiiilc  4-J<^  Id 

I  Wimlil  lint 
oi-y  lyiiiir  lif- 

iiie  lo  iiiiiKe 
rr  liiis  hfcii 
Is  ut'niuiilifr 
I(>i:ctIifT  pro- 

lul    llll'    ^l-l'ilt 

11  ilidiriiii  iin- 

(lisliii'li  Ins 

lie  liiHisc  cm 

'n  (-li  ar  iiiiii 

'or  tlif  cdlop- 

hmii^iitiai'ss 

I  III  lii'al  nil 

(lil'Ioniiu-v,  I 

llnll'ilH'   (VnlU 

rariiumnir 


of  that  which  is  ours  by  title?    In  my  judgment,  I 
nnd  I  make  the  nssertion  with  profound  deference  1 
to  the  opinions  of  others,  "  inactivity"  is  no  Innser  | 
"masterly."     I  repeat  it,  inaclimlii  is  no  longer' 
masterli).    There  are  occasiiuis  when,  to  save  what  i 
is  dear  to  us,  it  bepomes  necessary  lo  acti)romptIy  1 
— to  act  with  decision,  and  lo  aci  immediately,  is  j 
often  the  only  way  lo  act  w  iili  ((reel.    I  do  not  see  I 
that  we  have  any  cour.si'  i.  I'l   but  to  act,  whether  ] 
we  resrard  the  perpetuiiy  uf  peace  or  the  posses-  } 
sion  of  the  territory  in  dis|nite.    If  we  would  avoid  j 
war,  we  must  have  the  causes  of  war  pas.icd  upini 
and  setiled.     It  is  not  always  by  adjournini  over  i 
great,  and  dilficull,  and  delicate  iiuestions,  that  war  ; 
can  be  avoided.    Our  condition  in  rctiard  to  Oic2;on 
is  such  as  to  demand  action — inlcllisent,  pronipl, 
decisive,   comprehensive   ai'tion.      If   wc   should 
leave  this  rjucstion  ojien,  in  the  present  siale  of  the 
two  coiinlrics,  who  can  avoid  seeing'  iliat  war  is 
inevitable? 

When  Lord  Ashburton  returned  to  F.n;2;land, 
after  having  successfully  arranged  the  difliculties 
nliout  the  northeasiern  boundary,  and  wius  con- 

fralulaied  in  ihc  Driiish  Parliament  on  his  success, 
believe  that  experienced  slate.-iman  said  that  the 
national  sliy  was  then  clear  and  without  a  cloud, 
savin"  one  minute  speck  upon  the  horizon,  which 
he  did  not  doubt  would  soon  disaniiear.  But  how 
has  his  prediction  liccn  fulfilled  ?  That  little  speck, 
then  no  bigger  than  a  man's  hand,  and  scarce  per- 
ceptible on  the  far-off  margin  of  the  heavens,  has 
since  Income  a  dark,  and  lowerin;;,  and  portentous 
cloud;  it  has  swept  over  the  face  of  the  sky,  and 
hangs  all  over  our  norihweslcrn  frontier,  gloomy 
ns  night.  The  whole  aspect  of  the  queslion  is 
changed;  and,  if  we  wish  now  to  maintain  our 
po.silion  as  the  friends  of  peace,  it  is  lime  we 
awoke  to  action.  Wo  must  assert  our  rights;  we 
must  shun  a  temporizing  policy;  we  must  adopt 
vigorous  measures,  and  carry  them  to  the  try 
farthest  verge  lo  which  they  can  be  maintained 
without  a  violation  of  the  terms  of  the  convention. 
Olherwi.se,  we  shall  find  that  the  population  of  the 
two  nations  intermixing  in  that  remote  territory, 
carrying  with  tlieiii  the  prejudices  and  the  heat  of 
the  contending  panics,  protected  by  and  amenable 
to  conflicting  jurisdictions,  entering  into  the  eager 
compelitioii  of  trade — will,  at  no  distant  day,  pie- 
ci|iitate  us  into  a  war  wiih  Great  liritain. 

Nor,  sir,  is  the  danger  of  war  all  that  is  involved 
in  the  adjournment  of  this  question;  we  incur  the 
danger  of  losing  the  territory  altogether.  And 
why  do  I  think  so?  Trom  the  whole  colonial 
history  of  the  liritish  empire.  There  was  a  time 
when  Sji.iin  possessed  great  and  extensive  colo- 
nies, but  they  have  dwindled  away.  There  was 
a  time  when  li'ram.e  could  boast  of  her  colonies, 
but  thev  have  dwindled  away.  There  was  a  time 
when  rtolland  swept  the  seas  with  her  lliets,  and 
held  impoilaiU  colonial  possessions,  but  tliey  have 
dwindled  away.  In  the  mean  time  Great  liritain 
has  gone  on,  growing  in  strciigili,  extending  her 
jiower,  and  spreading  her  armiis  abroad,  into  eve- 
ry part  of  the  habitable  worlil.  lier  language, 
hir  laws,  her  military  pniwc'ss,  fill  both  hemi- 
spheres, while  she  has  belted  the  globe  with  her 
fortresses,  to  say  nothing  of  lur  colonies.  The 
Rritish  people  and  their  Government  well  under- 
stand the  inanageinciit  of  colonies.  When  in 
r.nrope,  a  slicu't  time  since,  adisiinguished  Hritish 
diplmnatisl  said  to  me,  "  Sir,  Kiaiice  does  not  iiii- 
derstand  how  to  manage  colonics;  we  do  under- 
stand il;"  and  he  spoke  the  truth.  Since  the  year 
KiO!),  Great  Biitnin  liasaci|nircd  no  less  than  lorty- 
one  colcmies,  twcnty-fiMir  of  which  she  has  obtain- 
ed by  settlement,  nine  by  capitulation,  and  eight 
by  cession.  In  the  posse.s.sioii  of  Oregon,  she 
seeks  to  plant  herself  there  permanently,  and  is 
employing  all  her  power  and  ell  her  skill  to  estab- 
lish her  authority  over  the  greater  part  of  that 
region.  _ 

At  Willamctle  Falls,  in  latitude  •l.'i'^  -20',  there  is 
B  prosperous  and  growing  settlement;  a  I'acloiy, 
establishi'd  by  the  Hudson's  llay  (loinpany,  is  in 
operation  there,  under  the  con'irol  of  IJr.  Mc- 
Laughlin, factor  III  that  Company,  and  whose  eo- 
partncr  is  her  Majesty's  inauistrate  fur  that  dis- 
trict. This  seltlemenl,  somtiimcs  called  Oregon 
city,  is  under  llie  iii/Uieiice  of  liiis  Dr.  McLaugh- 
lin, a  man  of  fine  person,  of  (inislieil  and  winning 
milliners,  of  ijreat  wealth  and  unbounded  hospual- 
ily— an  inlelhgent  man,  long  ex|)erienced  in  busi- 


ness, and  well  informed  on  nil  subjects  connected 
with  his  position.  Under  the  auspices  of  such  an 
individual,  have  we  not  reason  to  expect  that  Great 
Britain  will  go  on  to  plant  herself  in  the  possession 
and  occupancy  of  the  country  in  such  a  ntanner 
that  we  cannot  expel  her,  at  least  not  without  a 
severe  struggle?  I 

If  we  refuse  lo  protect  the  thousands  of  our  own  > 
citizens  who  are,  and  the  multitude  more  who  soon  [ 
will  l)e,  in  Oregim.may  they  not  conclude,  us  they 
arc  neglected  by  their  own  Government,  lo  throw 
off  their  allegiance  and  go  over  lo  a  government 
which  never  refuses  and  never  forgets  to  protect 
its  citizens  in  every  part  of  the  world  ?  Their 
right  to  do  so  is  a  recognised  principle  of  interna- 
tional law.  If  the  Government  refuses  its  protec- 
tion, citizens  may  throw  olf  their  allegiance,  and 
transfer  themselves  lo  the  jurisdiction  of  a  govern- 
ment that  will  do  its  duty.  Or,  they  may  deter- 
mine lo  set  up  for  themselves,  and  rear  an  inde- 
pendent and  rival  government.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, I  am  decidedly  in  favor  of  extending 
to  them  our  laws  and  protection. 

I  propose  now,  sir,  to  consider  the  action  we 
should  take  in  carryin,"-  out  this  important  policy; 
and  first,  as  to  this  qiicstimi  of  tiotirc.  I  think  we 
ought  at  once  to  provide  for  giving  the  notice  so 
ol\en  referred  to  in  this  debate;  nay,  I  think  we 
must  do  it.  Yet,  I  am  not  for  doing  it  either  in 
the  form  proposed  in  the  bill  reported  by  the  hon- 
orable chairman  of  the  (amimiltee  on  Territories, 
[Mr.  DouoLAss,]  or  in  the  resolution  more  recent 
ly  reported  by  the  distiiiirnished  chairman  of  the 
C'lmimittee  on  I'oreign  Ail'airs.  It  is  my  misfor- 
tune to  dill'er  in  opinion  from  both,  and  it  is  my 
purpose,  before  resuming  my  st.'at,  to  offer  an 
ainendmenl,  striking  out  in  the  resolution  the 
winds  which  refer  to  giving  this  notice  by  a  joint 
act  of  both  Houses,  and  insi-riing  a  provision,  em- 
powering the  President  of  the  United  Slates  to 
give  such  notice,  when,  in  his  opinion,  the  public 
welfare  shall  reipiire  it.  I  was  at  first  inclined, 
with  the  gentleman  from  Iventiicky  near  me,  (Mr. 
Davis,]  lo  consider  the  gi\iiig  of  this  notice  as  an 
exercise  of  the  Execiilive  power  with  which  the 
House  had  nothing  to  do;  but,  on  further  rellee- 
tioii,  I  have  changed  that  fipinion.  It  is  very  true, 
that  the  formation  of  such  a  convention  is  an  ex- 
ercisi!  of  the  treaty-making  power;  but  it  does  not 
therefore  follow  that  the  dissolving  the  convention 
must  be  the  exclusive  act  of  that  power.  That  is 
a  dillerent  question;  liecau.se  the  "  Government  of 
the  United  States,"  aeeording  lo  the  terms  of  the 
convention,  was  one  of  the  high  conlracting  jiar- 
ties;  and  of  that  Government,  this  House,  as  well 
as  the  President  and  Senate,  constitute  a  part. 
Yet  there  are  grave  reasons  why  Congress,  inslead 
of  taking  the  power  into  its  own  hands,  should 
lodge  it  in  tli(\  hands  of  the  I'resiih'iit.  1  shall 
not  be  suspected  of  a  disposition  to  increase,  iiii- 
neces.sarily,  the  power  of  the  Pi-esidenl;  but  I  am 
willing  to  give  the  present  Executive  the  power 
which  he  asks  in  this  matter.  I  am  for  giving  to 
the  Kxecutive  all  the  energy  and  etiiciein'V  which 
he  requires  to  act  in  a  matter  of  this  kind.  The 
country  has  placed  the  President  where  he  is,  and 
the  rcsponsiliilily  is  his.  When  the  Government 
of  Great  liritain  learns  that  he  is  clothed  with  this 
power,  they  will  comprcbend  what  a  mighty  ele- 
ment it  is,  and  will  lie  the  miu'c  inclined  to  act 
with  deference  to  him  and  lo  us.  It  seems  to  me, 
that  :dl  the  t'riends  of  peace  in  the  House  should 
consent  to  sncli  an  arrangement.  It  has  been 
said,  very  generally,  that  negotiations  have  been 
renewed  at  London. 

(Mr.  C.  .1.  lN'i;i:asiii.i.,  chairman  of  the  Coni- 
iniiiee  of  Foreign  .VfVairs  :  •'  That  is  not  a  fact. 
They  have  not  been  renewed."] 

If  not,  they  may  yet  be.  I  trust  they  will  be. 
I  am  lor  nniltiplyinir  the  chances  for  adjiisimcnl  anil 
jieace.  The  Presideiii  will  have  the  whole  field 
lietore  him,  and  1  am  tor  lodging  \\iiti  him  this 
gnat  element  i>f  iii:goliatioii.  As  pniposed  by  the 
bill  from  the  Committee  on  Territories,  and  by  the 
resolution  now  under  coii.-'ideration,  the  notice  is 
made  absolute — it  goes  fiirtli  ii.  a  hostile  shape,  and 
no  choice  is  hft  lo  the  President  as  to  times  and 
seasons,  which  are  often  mailers  of  great  import- 
ance. The  power,  it' given  as  I  propose  it,  will  be 
quite  as  cfl'ectiial  as  if  exercised  absolutely  by  the 
House;  yet  il  will  leave  lo  tin.  \.isilom  anil  discre- 
tion of  tlie  Executive  the  bclectiou  of  the  manner 


nnd  time  of  giving  the  notice.  It  imposes  on  him 
no  responsibility  which  any  Executive  ought  to 
ivish  to  shun.  It  places  him  in  a  grand  position, 
invested  with  ample  power,  conferred  by  the  con- 
fulencc  of  his  country,  nnd  it  opens  before  him  the 
opportunity  of  accomplishing  great  good  for  the 
nation  and  for  the  world. 

I  wish  to  present  another  view.  I  desire  the 
adoption  of  a  different  plan  from  that  which  has 
been  reported  from  the  Committee  on  Territories, 
as  to  the  extension  of  our  laws  over  Oregon.  It  is 
a  part  of  the  plan  proposed  by  the  conimitlce,  to 
make  donations  of  laim  lo  actual  settlers,  and  this, 
while  ihc  convention  still  continues  in  force;  this  I 
cannot  but  consider  as  a  violation  of  the  spirit  of 
that  instrument.  I  do  not  think  so  as  to  the  prin- 
ciple of  settlement — our  peo|>lo  may  go  1u  that 
country  in  any  numbers,  and  they  ought  to  be  pro- 
leeled.  The  bill  provides,  loo,  for  the  extension 
of  the  laws  of  Iowa  over  Oregon.  This  will  be  a 
mere  nmninal  extension  of  jurisdiction,  and  will 
result  in  no  practical  good.  It  will  serve  only  to 
make  the  settlers  in  that  remote  district  of  country 
acquainled  with  our  laws  by  their  threatenings,  but 
the  measure  can  afford  ihem  no  ellicient  proleelion. 
1  should  prefer  the  establishment  of  a  territorial 
government,  so  organized  as  not  to  conflict  with 
the  provisions  of  the  convention.  My  jilan  woul! 
be  lo  send  them  out  a  governor,  a  SBgacious,  pni- 
deni,  experienced,  cautious  man,  who  woulil  be 
able  to  sweep  the  whole  field  with  his  eye,  and 
give  information  and  counsel  to  the  Government 
here  as  to  what  was  doinir,  and  what  ought  to  be 
done.  If  any  gentleman  doubts  our  power  lo  es- 
tablish such  a  government  over  the  whole  nf  the 
territory,  or  a]ipreliends  collision  with  the  British 
aulhorities,  then,  I  say,  place  your  governor  south 
of  the  Columliia  river;  tli:.',  at  least,  is  a  portion 
of  the  territory  which,  I  pn  'ume,  no  gentleman  in 
the  Hoii.se  is  prepared  to  surrender.  The  lan- 
guage of  every  one  here,  I  doubt  not,  would  bo 
like  that  of  the  poet: 

"And  nmny  a  banner  sliall  lit  torn. 
Ami  many  a  kiii'.'iit  tii  urniii  il  In*  hnrne, 
Ami  nmny  a  sheaf  or  sli:ill.>  lie  spent. 
l^re  ycolliiiiil's  jiini!  sliiill  nn^^  the  'I'rciit." 

The  ollicers  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  are 
there,  and  British  magistrates  of  some  description 
are  there  also;  why  should  not  our  ollicers  and  our 
magistrates  be  there  too?  Will  not  llieir  authority 
cai-ry  with  it  resjiect  for  the  American  laws  and 
Government? 

Besides  the  measures  which  I  have  just  been 
I'onsidering,  cerlain  resolutions  have  been  iiitro- 
diiced  here,  which  I  desire  for  a  moment  to  refer 
lo.  Tlio.se  oU'enal  by  the  genllemaii  from  Massa- 
chusetts, [Mr.  AViNTiiRor,]  which  look  to  the  nd- 
juslmenl  of  ilie  Oregon  dispute  without  war,  I  cer- 
tainly admire.  The  spirit  in  which  they  are  pre- 
sented calls  for  my  profoundcst  respect,  and  I  hail 
litem  as  the  exponent  of  the  sentiment  of  an  cn- 
lii'litened  and  Christian  age;  and  yet  1  cannot  vote 
liir  them.  In  my  huinble  indgmenl,  the  matter  to 
which  they  refer— the  mode  of  adjusting  a  jiending 
political  ([ueslion — beloii'S  to  another  branch  of 
this  Governineni,  and  their  adoption  by  us  might 
seriously  interfere  with  the  exercise  of  its  func- 
tions. "As  lo  the  eonuter  resolution  intniduced  by 
the  gentleman  from  Illinois,  (.Mr.  Douglass,]  I 
'  am  decidedly  o]iposid  to  it.  It  dj'clares  that  lite 
whole  of  Oregon  is  ours  up  lo  parallel  ,'i4°  40',  and 
is  intended  lo  coiumil  this  House  against  any  lie- 
golialion  which  brings  us  less  than  that  extent  of 
territory.  Now,  l  have  alreiuly  stated  my  per- 
sonal conviction  as  lo  the  extent  of  our  rights,  but 
1  will  not  eoiisenl  lo  express  any  Icgislativi'  opinion 
lUi  a  iiiatua-  which  clearly  belongs  to  another  de- 
parliuent.  1  am  for  giving  the  Execniive  full  dis- 
en'ticin  and  the  amplest  senile.  This  is  no  parly 
qucjlion — it  sweeps  beyond  all  such  considera- 
tions, and,  in  the  measures  connected  with  it,  parly 
feelings  and  influences  should  be  far  from  every 
mind.  The  country  is  in  a  crisis.  I  feel  it  to  be 
a  crisis;  and  1  am  ready  to  say,  God  speed  to  the 
man  who  shall  carry  us  honorably  and  safely 
tluough  il.  At  an  hour  like  this  1  will  vote  for  no 
resululioiis  imbodying  opinions  on  the  one  hand  or 
the  other.  Let  the  Government  take  ground  which 
is  iinpn'gnnble,  and  maintain  it  with  a  firmness  that 
shall  command  respect. 
;  And  now,  sir,  I  am  met  with  the  question,  "Sup- 
pose these  measures  should  lead  to  war.'"_  I  do 


114 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  6, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Hilliard. 


Mo.  OF  Reps. 


%: 


•  Hi 


!|r 


not  think  they  will  lead  lo  wur;  they  ought  not. 
But  we  nrc  not  nl  liherly,  in  this  mutter,  to  turn 
Rway  from  a  just  ronsiilcrnlion  of  ilie  niitioiial 
righls  and  the  national  honor,  to  look  at  nonsc- 
qupiiiTS.  Wo  are  jioin;  onward,  as  wr  dliould, 
proiei-iing  our  own  citi/.iMi.s.  Wi'  are  follciwin;;  the 
example  of  the  Uepnlilii-  of  Rome,  which  canned 
Roman  law  to  prevail,  und  the  regis  of  Roman  pro- 
tection lo  l)C  extended  wherever  Roman  eilizena 
passed.  I  abhor  war.  ReviewM  have  no  eharms 
for  nie.  The  detailed  history  of  liatiles  and  all  the 
slanghlers  of  victory  do  Imt  disi;u8t  me.  I  never 
look  with  adniinilion  upon  scenes  like  these,  un- 
less it  is  when  1  sec  a  brave  and  sulVcrins  people, 
borne  down  by  oppression,  risini;  up,  with  united 
heart,  to  heat  back  their  o]iMressor». 

In  re^'ard  to  the  lust  of  coiiquest,  which  has  been 
spoken  of  an  beini;  a  derogation  to  our  national 
character,  1  nm  ready  to  coulVss  that  I  have  heard 
with  regret  the  lanffua^^e  held  by  some  i;enilemen 
here  about  pushing  f<irward  otir  acquisiiions,  ami 
planting;  the  Americaji  eagle  on  varu)us  points  of 
this  continent,  and  all  over  the  wculd.  The  ex- 
pression of  suc.i  sentimenis  is  the  very  course  to 
arm  all  the  world  against  us.  The  Krencli  revolu- 
tion has  operated  mori;  than  all  other  things  to  dis- 
eracc  and  overthrow  all  rejiublican  ideas  in  Europe. 
And  why?  Because  the  lust  of  conquest,  wluch 
grew  out  of  and  accompanied  that  revolution,  rose 
so  high  as  to  become  a  terror  to  the  world,  l-'ranci' 
— reiHiblican  France — sent  her  armies  abroad  iji 
every  direction.  Their  ntovements  evinced  the 
highest  militjiry  skill,  and  were  followed  every- 
where by  the  most  splendid  vii  tories,  uiilil  Friiich 
valor  was  at  once  the  adminilion  and  the  dread  of 
nil  surrounding  naiiojis,  and  the  name  of  I'Vance 
ivas  like  the  sound  of  a  trumpet  to '1110  remotest  I 
bounds  of  the  world.  Bui  what  was  the  ellVci.'  A 
terrible  retribution.  And  the  memory  of  those 
conquests  and  those  cosily  victories  is  now  so  link- 
ed to  the  notion  of  republicanism  in  Europe  that 
nothing  can  break  the  a.ssociaiion.  Ri'pnblican  ; 
ideas  must  siruirglc  up  for  half  a  century  before  i 
they  can  reach  the  position  ihey  held  in  Kuro|ie  } 
before  that  great  convulsion.  1  wish  for  ni>lhlng  ! 
of  the  kind  mnoiig  us.  1  deprecate  every  indica- 
tion of  such  a  spirit.  I  believe  oiu*  system  of  Ciov- 
ernnienl  to  be  the  wisest,  and  our  inslilutions  llie 
happiest,  which  the  world  ever  saw;  aiul  regarding 
r.s  1  do  the  happiness  of  my  race,  I  hope  they  will 
spread  throngliout  mankind;  but  let  litem  spread 
bv  their  own  inherent  moral  |io\\  er,  niilil  ihe  hap- 
piness they  jiroiluce  shall  creale-  a  sneci;ic!e  for  ibe 
world  to  see  nnil  lo  admii'e.  Lei  lhi>  l«e  Ihe  tri- 
innpli  of  my  country.  I  desire  her  to  nali/.e  ihe 
prophetic  descripti<ni  (if  .\rcli bishop  ('ranmcr — 

"Wjierever  the  hrJL'lit  ^tni  nf  heaven  shall  Bhiiic 
Hit  hiMiiiF  iimlllic  i:re:uiiess  (il*  her  naiiic 
Shall  h.',  mill  in:ikc  new  niitinTiK  ;  sli<-  >!iall  llniiriKh, 
Ami,  like  a  iiiiiitiil'ttti  ci-ih'r,  reach  In  r  lirariehe!* 
I'll  All  Ihe  (iliiiii-  alioiit  hi'l  — 
Our  children's  chililren  shiill  see  thm. 
And  bless  IIcum  ii." 

Peacet'ul  lriuni|ibs  alone  ai-e  ihose  which  I  seel; — 
the  benign  victories  nf  rcasor.  and  Irulli.  Tbese  I 
desire,  and  none  oiher.  If,  however,  wliile  pur- 
suing such  a  policy — IV  policy  wise,  vigorous,  but 
eoncilialorv — war  should  come  npou  us,  I  irust  liie 
country  will  be  prepared  lo  oieei  it.  Ifii  should 
come  upon  us  as  llii'  result  of  a  moderali  but  firui 
assertion  of  our  nalional  rights,  the  rispouse  in 
every  American  bosoui  must  be,  "  Let  ii  come." 
The  venerable  gentleman  from  Massachuseiis  near 
me,  (.Mr.  Adams,]  in  tones  which  rang  on  mv 
heart  like  a  Immpei,  reininili  il  me  iif  ihe  days  of 
our  levolniionary  glory.  The  nlil  firewbicli  |,(,i7,mI 
so  briirblly  in  llial  ever  nieinnrable  slru'r'_'!e,  seem- 
ed lo  be  llashing  up  wilbin  him;  and,  whilst  I 
listened  to  his  p"irioiic  sirains,  I  fell  assured  ihai 
in  such  a  cause  we  should  nil  ad  as  one  man.  If 
we  should  go  into  the  war  in  ilus  spirit,  1  should 
feel  lillle  anxiety  as  to  bow  we  should  cnine  out  of 
it.  The  power  of  ICnL'land  is  fast  culininaling  to 
iia  highest  point.  It  must  so.m  reach  tlmt  cliiuax 
in  the  history  of  nations  from  which  lliey  have, 
one  after  another,  eomnieneed  iheir  der'line;  and 
she  ought  not  to  enter  into  a  eonlest  with  a  greiii 
piiwer.  If  wise  counsels  prevail,  she  will  not. 
Yet,  if  she  should  be  so  irrational,  on  the  groiiiirl 
of  such  a  controversy  as  that  of  Oregon,  to  rush 
into  such  a  contest,  I  Irust  that  she  will  be  driven 
back  from  these  ihores  shorn  of  her  splendor;  and 


•he  may  be  very  sure  that  when  this  happens,  it 
will  prove  no  temporary  eclipse.,  but  will  endure 
for  all  lime  lo  come;  niul  she  will  be  left  a  portent 
in  the  political  heavens, 

I'  ."Shedding  difltinlniuif  twilisht  over  halfllic  nntlonfl.o 

I  know  her  power — I  know  the  mullitude  of  Iter 
tieels — I  know  the  bravery  and  discipline  of  her 
nrmies;  but  in  «  war  thus  brought  upon  us,  we 
might  not  lo  waste  a  moment  in  looking  at  these. 
We  ought  lo  feel  confident  in  inir  position — confi- 
dent in  our  resources — confident  in  the  patriolisin 
of  our  people — and,  above  all,  confident  in  the 
blessing  of  ihe  great  Ruler  of  nalions.  With  these, 
and  with  a  just  cause,  1  feel  that  this  country  is 
able  to  resist  any  attack;  and  1  am  confident  thai 
we  should  be  good  against  n  world  in  arms. 

But  1  am  admo'iislicd  by  the  clock  that  I  must 
hasten  to  some  other  topics  which  yet  remain. 

I  now  invite  gentlemen  to  turn  iheir  attention,  I 
for  a  moment,  to  the  importance  of  Oregon,  for  I  ] 
i  believe  that  its  intrinsic  importance  has  been  over-  ' 
hioked  or  much  undervalued.  And,  first,  looking 
at  it  in  a  polilical  view,  il  musi  be  admitted  to  he 
of  great  vjiJue  lo  ns.  England  has  a  frontier  to  the 
north  of  u.s  extending  three  thousand  miles,  and  | 
slrclching  entirely  across  the  continent.  If  we  per- 
ntit  her  lo  come  from  that  line  some  five  hunured 
miles  down  ihe  const  of  llie  Pacific,  we  shall  give 
her  lh<^  opporlunily  of  filling  up  the  only  break 
which  now  exists  in  that  line  of  continuous  forlifi- 
cation  wiih  which  her  energy  and  vast  resources  ^ 
have  encompassed  the  globe.  Why  is  il  thai  she 
presses  with  so  much  earnestness  and  pertinacity 
for  a  strip  of  land  along  our  western  borders  ?  I.s 
il  the  soil.'  Is  i' the  trade?  No.  She  could  en- 
joy Ibe  trade  if  ihe  territory  was  ours;  and  it  cer- 
lainly  would  be  in  that  view  belter  to  resign  a  strip 
of  territory  than  lo  lose  a  good  neighbor.  These, 
however,  are  not  the  eonsideralious  which  make 
her  so  anxious  and  so  persevering.  It  is  the  politi- 
cal value  of  the  territory  which,  with  her  accus- 
lomed  sagacity,  she  .-fees  and  appreciates.  Slales- 
ineu  ought  not  lo  bound  their  view  by  things  which 
are  at  the  miniient  will. in  the  range  of  iheir  eyes. 
They  ought  to  lift  ibeir  vision,  niilil  il  embraces 
ihe  broad  field  which  belongs  to  the  future  also. 
This  the  Brilish  stalesinen  are  in  thi'  haliit  of  do- 
ing; and  we,  if  we  are  wise,  will  follow  their  ex- 
ain)ile.  Before  we  count  ihe  value  of  Oregon,  we 
must  look  across  ibe  Pacific,  and  estimate  ibal 
liade  with  China  and  the  ensiern  .Archipelago, 
which  is  soon  to  open  iqion  us  in  all  ils  riches, 
grandeur,  and  niaL'iiificence.  As  things  now  exist, 
onr  vessels,  returning  from  ihe  ports  of  easleru 
.\sia,  have,  as  il  were,  lo  run  Ihe  gaunllel  Ihrongh 
a  long  line  of  British  naval  jiosis,  from  which  llicy 
are  exposed  lo  ailack.  Her  numerous  naval  sla- 
lions  enable  her  to  keep  her  fleets  in  every  sea,  and 
however  widely  sprejul  ibis  ensiern  cmumerre  may 
be,  and  bowe\cr  ineslimable-ils  value,  il  is  subject 
in  a  inomeni  to  be  arresled.  Bui  if  we  eslabjish 
(tur  posLs  and  plant  our  setllemenls  on  the  shores 
of  Ihe  Pacific,  our  commerce  will  lloat  in  com]iMra- 
live  saf'cly  over  the  iranquil  bosom  of  ihat  wide- 
speail  ocean.  Surely,  in  this  view  of  the  subject, 
il  would  be  poor  jtoficy  in  us  to  yield  v\'hat  is  es- 
sential lo  llie  prosperity  of  our  commerce  in  ilial 
part  of  the  world. 

.•\gain:  I  rcirard  Ibis  controversy  respecting Ore- 
L'fin  as  a  nalional  question,  in  the  siriclest  sense  of 
the  term.  I  ilill'eied  fioM  smue  of  my  Whig  friends 
respectiinr  ihe  nnnexation  of  Texas;  for  1  viewed 
il,  as  I  view  Ibis,  as  a  nalional  qneslion.  In  adopt- 
ing my  conclusions,  and  in  conforming  lo  them 
my  course  of  aciion  in  rel-ition  to  tlml  importniil 
subject,  I  was  not  conscious  ofoiu'  panicle  nfself- 
isli feeling.  Whai  I  did,  I  did  for  my  country,  for 
Ihe  whole  counirv — for  the  wiH'.ire  and  ng'jraiidi/.r- 
menl  of  this  naiion.  I  was  in  l-'.iirope  when  thai 
question  was  first  agitated,  and  witnessed  the 
jealousies  of  European  Cabiiieis  in  regMrd  lo  il, 
and  Iheir  inlriLoies  nnil  coiubinaiions  lo  diCent  the 
nnnexalion;  and  I  fell  my  American  blooil  i-oused 
al  ihe  speclacle,  I  look  on  Oretron  in  jnsi  tiie  same 
way;  wiib  o.i  il  is  no  northern,  no  soiiiliern  ques- 
tion. I  have  cmne  U|i  here  as  a  national  repre- 
seniaiive.  True,  1  ctmnot  wholly  divest  myself 
of  feelings  wliii'h  were  born  with  me,  and  of  (•iirly 
metniu'ies,  wliii'h  nothing  can  elface  ;  bul,  (_jO(! 
helping  nie,  I  intend  to  do  iitrict  and  equal  justice 
to  all. 


In  my  course  in  this  Hall,  I  shall  look  alone  to 
the  national  aggrandizement  and  the  national  glory. 
And  I  know  well,  that  in  such  a  course,  the  iieoplo 
I  represent  will  sustain  inc.     I  have  not  been  long 
'  enough  their  representative  to  say,  with  John  Ran- 
dolph,  that  no  man  ever  had  such  consliluenls;  but 
I  I  have  lived  among  them,  und  know  them,  and  1 
I  know  Ihey  will  sustain  me.     I  shall  enter  into  no 
I  movement  of  n  merely  parly  character,  nor  shall 
I  be  found  entering  into  a  combination  lo  cicvale 
i  or  to  depress  any  section  of  the  country  at  the  ex- 
I  pensc  of  another.      My  political  career  may  bi> 
;  short,  and  the  accoinphshmcnt  may  fall  far  short 
!  of  the  piir))ose,  but  the  conception  of  duty, at  least, 
,  shall  be  glorious;  and  if  an  earnest  effort  lo  coin*! 
up  lo  il  cmisiilules  glory,  then  my  career,  long  or 
short,  shall  be  glorious.     Gentlemen  have  spoken 
of  the  ]iolicy  of  President  Monroe,  who  declared 
to  the  nalions  of  the  old  world,  that  Ihey  would 
not  be  tolerated  In  any  interference  with  the  bal- 
ance of  power  on  this  continent,  ,ind  that  they  must 
establish  no  more  colonies  on  our  slnu'cs.    I  am  in 
favor  of  this  jiolicy ,  so  far  as  it  can  with  justice  1  e 
carried  out.  Where  Europcnu  nalions  have  alreail  v 
possessions  on  this  continent,  they  should  be  sul- 
fcred  to  hold  them  without  molestalion;  but  we 
may  well  oppose  Iheir  planting  new  colonies  on 
Ibis  our  western  world.     The  honor  of  this  scnli- 
meiit,  however,  it  is  but  fair  (o  any,  belmigs  justly 
as  much  lo  ihe  genlleman  from  Massachuseiis  [Mr. 
Adams]  as  it  does  lo  Mr.  iVIonroe;  for,  although 
the  latter  was  Ihc  Chief  Magisirale,  the  former  waa 
ut  the  .same  lime  Secretary  of  .Stale,  and  if  he  did 
not   suggest,  be  certainly  fanctioiied   the  policy. 
The  present  Executive  inainlaiiis  the  same  doc- 
trine; and,  !  doubt  not,  the  whole  country  will 
heartily  come  into  it. 

I  have  some  fads  hearing  upon  the  commercial 
value  of  Oregon  to  us,  which  I  deem  of  the  first 
moment.  Eiidaiid  and  llie  United  Slates  are  the 
only  compelilors  for  the  tradt?  of  southern  China; 
the  trade  of  the  northern  portion  of  China  is  in  llie 
hands  of  the  Russians,  and  is  mainly  conducted  at 
an  annual  Inir  held  at  Kiachla,  lasting  for  about 
two  monlhs,  at  which  the  traders  of  tlit!  two  na- 
tions assemble  and  carry  on  their  commercial  Irans- 
actions;  bul  south  China  is  in  the  hands  of  Eiig- 
!  land  and  this  country,  who  are  competitors  for  the 
)U'ofils  of  the  trade.  England  imports  every  year 
I'our  hundred  and  fif^y  ihousMid  chesls  of  tea, 
!  while  we  import  two  hundred  ihou.sand,  besides 
muslins  and  silks,  and  other  commodities  of  great 
,  value. 

In  ihis  gainful  Irnllic  England  regards  us  a  rival 
'  power,  and  she  is  by  no  means  disposed  to  give  it 
j  up.    The  coasl  of  Oregon  fVonls  that  nf  China,  and 
presenls  greni  facilities  for  carrying  on  this  impnr- 
lani  branch  of  our  commerce.     Fully  to  avail  our- 
selves, however,  of  these  advantages,  we  ought  to 
connect  Oregon  with  the  Slate  of  Alissouri  by  the 
i  eoiislrucliou  of  a  railroad.     This  is  not  so  wild 
]  and  visi<inary  a  scheme  as  at  the  first  view  some 
gentlemen  may  be  dispn.sed  lo  consider  it. 

I, el  theiii  rcllcct  thai  il  is  hut  about  fifteen  years 
since  Mr.  I  luskisson  lost  his  life  in  an  cxpeiimenl- 
■  al  trip  liclwecn  Liverpool  and  Manchesler,  over  the 
;  firsi  milroad  ever  constructed  in  England.  \ud 
what  rs  she  doing  in  that  system  now  ?  And  then 
look  oil  the  contiuenl,  and  .^I'c  already  coinpteted 
a  large  part  of  one  contiimons  line  of  railroad, 
which  is  to  stretch  otit  twenly-seven  hundred 
miles,  enlircly  acr<iss  Europe,  from  Odessa  to  Bre- 
men; while  aiioiher  line  will  presenily  extend  fi'oni 
ihe  Adriatic  for  near  a  Ibousand  miles.  jViid  yi  I 
some  ganllcmcn  staiiil  nr.d  look  asvhast  wlun  niiy 
one  speaks  nf  a  niilroad  across  our  conliiient,  as  if 


il  were  something  wondrous  and  allogelher  un- 
heard of  before.  Should  such  a  road  be  coiislruct- 
rd,  il  will  become  the  great  highway  of  the 
world;  we  sh.;ll  before  long  monopoli/.e  Ihe  Irade 
of  ihe  eastern  coasts  of  .Asia.  Al  present,  il  is 
slated  that  ih"  shortest  possible  voyage  from  Lon- 
don lo  Canlon  occupies  seventy  diys,  bul  it  is 
estimated  over  sitcii  n  railroad  a  Ir.iveller  might 
pass  frinn  r.ondon  lo  Canlon  in  forty  days,  There 
IS  no  wildiiess,  no  exiravagaiice  in  the  idea,  but  it 
is  a  matter  ol'  sober  sense  and  plain  calculation. 
What  a  magnificent  iilea  does  it  present  lo  ihe 
mind,  and  who  can  calculate  the  results  lo  v'lich 
it  will  lead?  With  a  route  so  short  mid  so  direct 
ns  lliis,  might  we  not  reasonably  hope  lo  command 
both  Ihe  Irade  and  the  travel  of  the  world.     En- 


1 


[Jan.  6, 
OF  Rcps. 

I  look  alone  to 
natinnni  fjlory. 

iirsp,  the  ]i('0[)le 
p  not  hpcn  long 
ftilli  John  Raii- 
3nsliliicnls;  but 
iw  Ihcni,  and  I 

II  enter  into  ni> 
ni'trr,  nor  shall 
iilion  to  elevate 
mtry  at  the  cx- 
carcer  may  be 
y  fall  far  short 
f  duty, at  least, 
I  effort  lo  eoni(; 

career,  loni;  ov 
n  have  spoken 
,  who  ileclarrd 
init  they  would 
;  with  the  bal- 
I  that  they  must 
liorea.    I  am  in 

with  justice  be 
us  havealrenilv 

should  lie  suf- 
lalion;  but  we 
Dw  colonies  on 
>r  of  this  senti- 
,  beloun^s  justly 
sachusells  [Mr. 
■;  for,  nlthousli 

the  former  was 
e,  and  if  he  did 
led   the  policy. 

the  same  doc- 
e  country  will 

the  eommercittl 
em  of  the  first 
I  Slates  are  the 
oulhern  China; 
China  is  in  the 
ly  conducted  at 
ilin^  for  about 
nf  the  two  na- 
mmercial  Irans- 
hands  of  Eng- 
pelilors  for  the, 
nrts  every  year 
chests  of  tea, 
n.'and,  besides 
)ditics  of  great 

ards  us  a  rival 
sed  to  o;ive  it 
of  China,  and 
on  this  impor- 
y  to  avail  our- 
s,  we  ought  to 
i.ssouri  by  the 
s  not  so  wild 
rst  view  some 
lir  it. 

It  fifteen  years 
n  cxperimetu- 
ler,  over  the 
iffland.     And 
V  ?    And  then 
uly  completed 
e  of  railroad, 
ven    hundreil 
)dessa  lo  Hre- 
y  extend  n-oin 
s.     And  yet 
1st  win  II  anv 
iiliiieni,  OS  [f 
iltni;t'ther  un- 
tie eonsiriict- 
liway    of  the 
ilize  the  trade 
present,  it  is 
i^e  from  Lon- 
lys,  lull   it  is 
vcller  ini'^jht 
111  vs.  There 
le  iilcn,  bill  it 
1  calciilaliiin. 
enl   to   the 
ults  lo  vitich 
and  so  direct 
•  to  coininaiiil 
world.     I'.n- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAI.  GLOBE. 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Gordon. 


Ho.  OF  Rf,ps. 


grafted  on  this  plan,  and,  as  its  natural  adjunct,  is 
the  extension  ot  a  magnetic  telegraph,  which  will 
follow  the  course  of  the  road;  unite  these  two,  and 
where  is  the  imagination  which  can  grasj)  the  con- 
sequences.' Whale  ships,  returning  from  their 
long  and  hazardous  voyages,  might  touch  upon 
the  Pacific  coast,  and  instantly  transmit  across  the 
continent  tidings  of  their  safety  and  their  success. 


In  either  of  the  views 


safety 
which 


I  have  presented, 


it  is  impossible  that  the  importance  of  Oi'cgon  can 
be  overlooked.  I  trust  that  theso  great  results  will 
be  realized,  and  I  hope  at  no  distant  day  to  sec  a 
nuiil  line  esiablished  acro.sa  the  eoiitinent,  Eng- 
land has  very  recently  been  engaged  in  an  exper- 
iment in  ascertaining  the  shortest  overland  route 
across  the  Continent  to  the  East  Indies;  and  I  be- 
lieve llio  Oriental  Steam  Companv  has  determined 
upon  that  through  Uermany,  by  Trieate;  but  if  we 
construct  tlii'i  railroad,  she  will  then  be  dependent 
on  us  for  the  shortest  and  most  eX|)edilioiis,  as 
well  as  the  safest  route  to  China  and  her  East  In- 
dia possessions.  Is  not  Ihe  language  of  Berkley 
in  the  progress  of  fulfdment,  when  he  wrote  that 
iiiimorlal  line — 

"  Westward  llic  star  oreaipiro  taitca  its  way  ?*' 
AVlien  Oi-cgon  shall  be  in  our  possession,  when  we 
shall  have  established  a  profitable  trade  with  Chi- 
na ihrough  her  pons,  when  our  ships  traverse  the 
I'.icil'ic  a.s  they  now  cross  the  Atlantic,  and  all  the 
countless  consequences  of  such  a  stale  of  things 
begin  to  How  in  ui.on  us,  then  will  be  ftillllled  that 
vision  which  rapt  and  filled  the  mind  of  Nufiez  as 
he  gazed  over  the  placid  waves  of  the  Pacific. 

I  will  now  address  myself  for  a  nioment  to  the 
moral  aspect  of  iliis  great  t[Ucsiion.  Gentlemen 
have  talked  much  andelocjuently  about  the  horrors 
of  war.  1  should  regret  the  necessity  of  a  war;  I 
should  deplore  ita  dreadful  scenes ;  but  if  the  pos- 
session of  Oregon  gives  us  a  territory  opening  upon 
the  nation  prospects  such  as  I  now  descrilie,  and 
if,  for  the  siin|ile  exercise  of  our  rights  in  regard 
to  it,  Great  Britain  .should  wage  upon  us  an  unjust 
war,  the  regret  which  every  one  must  feel  will  at 
least  have  much  to  countcriialanee  it.  One  of  Eng- 
land's own  writers  has  said:  "The  possible  des- 
tiny of  the  United  States  of  America,  as  a  nation 
of  one  hundred  millions  of  freemen,  stretching  from 
the  .\tlanlic  to  the  Pacific,  living  under  the  laws  of 
AlfVed,  and  speaking  the  language  of  Shak.speare 
and  -Milton,  is  an  augu.st  conception." 

It  is  an  august  conception,  finely  iinbodied;  and 
I  trust  in  (iod  that  it  will,  at  no  distant  time,  be- 
come a  reality.  1  trust  thai  the  world  will  see, 
through  all  time,  our  people  living,  not  only  under 
the  laws  of  AltVed,  but  lliat  lliey  will  be  heard  lo 
speak  throiigliout  our  wide-spread  borders  the  lan- 
guage of  Sliakspeare  and  Milton.  Above  all  it  is 
iiiy  prayer  ihat,  as  long  as  our  ])osterily  shall  turn- 
tiiiuelonihabii  these  mountains  and  plains,and  hills 
and  valleys,  they  may  be  found  living  under  the  sa- 
cred iiislitutions  of  ('lirisiianity.  Put  these  thin>rs 
together,  and  wbal  a  picture  do  they  preseni  lo  ilic 
mental  eye!  ( 'ivili/ation  and  intelligence  started 
in  the  East;  they  have  travelled  and  are  slill  trav- 
elling westward;  bul  when  lliey  shall  have  com- 
pleled  the  circuit  of  the  earth,  and  reached  theex- 
Iremest  verge  of  the  Pacific  shores;  then,  unlike 
the  fabled  god  of  the  ancients,  who  dipped  his 
plowini:  axle  in  the  western  wave,  tliey  will  there 
take  uptlieir|i(rniauent  abode;  then  shall  we  enjoy 
the  sublime  tiestiny  of  returning  these  blessings  lo 
llieirancient  seat:  then  will  it  be  ours  lo  give  Ihe 
priceless  liencfil.s  of'  our  fVce  institutions,  and  the 
pure  and  healilil'iil  light  of  llii'.  (lospel,  back  lo  the 
dirk  f'aniilv  which  has  .so  long  lost  bo'  i  Ipitli  and 
fivedoni;  liien  may  t.'hrisliaiiily  plant  herself  there, 
and  while,  with  one  hand  she  points  to  the  Pidy- 
nesian  isles,  rejoicing  in  the  late  rd'overcd  treasure 
of  revealed  Irutli,  with  the  otlii>r,  present  the  Hible 
to  the  Chinese.  It  is  our  duty  to  aid  in  this  great 
Wfirk.  I  trust  we  shall  esteem  it  as  much  our  hon- 
or as  our  duly.  Let  us  not,  like  some  of  the  Brit- 
ish missionaries,  give  them  the  Bible  in  one  hand 
and  opium  in  ilii'  other,  but  bless  them  only  with 
the  pure  word  "f  truth.  I  hope  the  day  is  not  dis-  ; 
tain — soon, soon  may  its  dawi;  arise — to  shed  upon 
the  farlhest  and  llii^  most  benigliled  of  nations  the 
splendor  of  more  lluni  a  trojiical  sun. 

Mr.  HiLiiAnu  closed  by  olTering  an  amendment,  '. 
such  as  !ie  had  indicated  in  Ihe  course  of  hig  rc- 
mnrku. 


OREGON  aUESTION. 
SPEECH  OF   MR.   GORDON, 

OF  NEW  YORK, 
In  the  House  of  IlEPnESENTATivEs, 
January  14,  1846. 
The   resolution   from  the   Committee  on  Foreign 
Afl'airs,  requiring  the  President  lo  notify  Great 
Britain  of  the  intention  of  the  United  States  to 
terminate  the  joint  occupancy  of  Oregon,  and  to 
abrogate  the  convention  of  1827,  being  tmder 
consideration  in  Commillee  of  the  Whole — 
Mr.  GORDON  obtained  the  floor,  and  said  thai, 
at  this  late  and  protracted  stage  of  the  debate,  his 
disposition  to  take  part  in  it  was  much  less  than  it 
had  bccnat  its  conimcnceinent.     Indeed,  so  much 
had  been  said,  in  such  a  variety  of  forms — from 
the  grave  to  the  gay,  and  from  tlu^  sublime  to  the 
ridiculou.s — that  it  was  almost  impossible  to  say 
anything  new,  or  anything  old  in  a  new  fonn. 
Still,  having  manifested  quite  an  early  disposition 
to  address  the  committee,  he  had  a  few  words  to 
say.     He  had  a  vote  lo  give,  and  reasons  lo  assign 
for  that  vole,  for  which  he  alone  was  res|Hmsible. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  (continued 
Mr.  G.)  has  recommended  to  Congress  the  termi- 
nation of  the  joint  convention  of  I8i7,  by  the  giv- 
ing of  the  twelve  monllis'  notice  jirovided  for  by 
that  convention ;  and,  in  order  to  justify  that  recom- 
mendation, he  has  stateil  his  reasons  lor  it.  lie 
has  inliirmed  us  of  the  offer  of  compromise  made 
to  the  British  Government,  through  her  Minister 
resident  here;  and  he  has  also  reviewed  the  whole 
history  of  the  negotiation,  from  the  year  1818  down 
lo  the  date  of  his  Message:;  and  the  question  now 
is,  shall  Congress  adopt  the  recommendation  of  the 
President?  Shall  we  direct  that  notice  to  be  given 
which  he  believes  necessary  to  be  given,  to  secure 
the  rights  of  the  United  Stales  in  the  Oregon  Ter- 
ritory.'' Or  shall  we  decline,  and  refuse  lo  execute 
and  carry  out  the  reccnnmendation  of  the  Presidenl, 
and  present  to  the  civilized  world  the  siieciacle  of 
a  great  nation  divided  in  its  councils — divided  not 
only  among  ourselves  into  partifs,  but  even  the 
Deniocralic  parly  s|ilit  up  into  fiictions  on  so  great 
aiitl  grave  a  subject  ? 

I  will  not  discuss  our  tille  to  Oreiron.  That  duty 
belonged  to  another  department  of  this  Govern- 
ment, and  most  ably  was  it  performed.  Our  min- 
ister in  the  late  negotiation  exhibited  our  claim  in 
the  clearest  and  strongest  light.  No  one,  however 
able,  can  do  it  belter;  and  whoever  shall  nllemiit 
lo  fortify  his  posiiions  will  utterly  fail,  and  only 
weaken  and  obscure  that  which  now  is  .so  plain 
lliil  he  who  runs  may  read  and  undersianu.  I 
would  not  add  or  alter  a  syllable.  He  is  entitled 
to  our  respect  for  the  great  ability  with  which  he 
conducted  the  argument,  and  the  skill  and  power 
with  which  he  brushed  away  the  cloud  of  mist  in 
which  previous  negotiation  had  seemingly  involved 
our  riiilits. 

Gentlemen  say  that  the  notice  is  cause  and  ground 
of  war,  and  thai  we  are  not  preimred  for  war.  I 
deny  that  the  giving  this  notice  is  either  a  just 
cause  of  war,  or  any  ground  whalsoevor  of  war. 
It  is  provided  for  in  the  convention  itself.  We 
have  the  same  right  to  give  the  notice  to  lerniinate 
that  convention  that  Great  Britain  herself  has;  and 
who  will  dare  lo  say,  lieie  or  elsewhere,  in  .scdemn 
and  serious  argument,  that  if  Great  Britain  gives 
us  notice,  we  have  a  riL'lil  to  dei'lare  war  a:;ainsl 
that  Power  for  the  adoption  of  a  measure  provided 
tor  in  the  very  treaty  now  under  coiisidernlion.'  Sir, 
it  is  not  this  notice  which  would  lead  lo  war,  or 
that  would  be  the  cause  of  v.ar.  If  war  is  lo  c;iow 
out  of'  this  controversy  in  the  Oit'zoii  Territory,  it 
will  come  of  those  measures  which  everybody 
avows  himself' ready  to  go  f'or;  which  measures,  in 
that  distnnl  rcirion,  wmild  bring  British  subjtM'ts 
into  conflict  wiili  American  citizens,  and  the  Amer- 
ican Government  with  the  British  Governnienl. 
This  it  is  that  will  enkindle  the  flame  of  war,  if 
war  is  to  prow  out  of  ihe  controversy  between 
these  two  Powers. 

Ctenllemen  have  painted  the  hornn's  of  war  in 
the  most  vivid  colors  and  the  most  haggard  fea- 
tures. But  what  have  we  ever  lost  by  war  that  we 
should  disparaiie  it  ?  Nothing.  On  the  contrary, 
we  have  gained  everything  by  it.  Por  what  we 
are,  and  what  we  possess,  we  arc  indiibtsd  to  wn 


The  old  French  war  nursed  in  its  tent  the  young 
Hercules  of  America,  and  trained  him  up  wr  the 
Revolution — a  general  'he  bravest  of  the  brave, 
whose  fame  as  a  warrior  outshines  that  of  Akx- 
ander,  Ca;sar,  or  Nn|K)leon.  His  deeds  in  arms 
are  the  pride  and  boast  and  honor  of  the  great  na- 
tion he  founded.  The  revolutionary  war  resulted 
in  the  establishment  of  these  United  States.  The 
last  war  with  Great  Britain  gave  the  freedom  of 
the  seas  to  the  commerce  of  the  world.  The  next 
war  with  that  power  will  expel  her  from  this  conti- 
nent. Tliougn  a  ]ieare-loving  people,  we  are, 
when  aroused  in  defensive  war,  tlie  most  warlike 
race  ever  clad  in  onnor.  Let  war  come,  if  it  will 
come;  boldly  and  fiimly  we  will  meet  its  shock, 
and  roll  back  its  wave  on  the  "  fast-anchored  isle 
of  Britain, "  and  dash  its  fVirious  flood  over  those 
who  raised  the  stomi  bntcuuld  not  directits  course. 
Ours  is  the  last  people,  in  u  craven  spirit,  to  beg  for 
peace.  In  a  just  war,  as  this  would  lie,  on  our 
part,  the  sound  of  the  clarion  would  be  the  sweet- 
est music  that  could  greet  our  ears.  It  will  not  do 
to  attempt  to  intimidate  the  citizen  soldiers  of  *'  i> 
great  Republic  with  threats  of  aggressive  we  ,  if 
you  mean  to  preserve  the  peace  of  nations. 

Should  war  lie  declared.  New  York  would  not 
be  absent  nt  the  call  of  tlie  roll.  Her  position, 
commercial  and  geographical,  is  such  that  she  must 
sustain  the  brunt.  From  that  responsibility  she 
would  not  nlirink,  but  freely  and  fearlessly  assume 
it.  She  prefers  peace  to  war,  but  war  to  dishonor. 
But,  sir,  there  will  be  no  war — there  will  lie  no  war, 
because  our  rights  are  paramount  to  Great  Bril- 
ain's,  and  because  Great  Britain  is  aware  of  our 
delermiiiation,  our  valor,  and  our  resources. 

The  growing'  disposition  of  England  for  fren 
trade  is  favorable  to  pence  With  the  annexation 
of  Texas  we  own  nearly  all  the  cotton  lands  in  the 
world.  She  is  de|)eiidant  on  us  for  cotton.  One 
week's  supply  of  cotton  wanting  in  the  factories 
of  iMisIaiid,  jilaces  the  country  on  the  verge  of  a 
revolution.  The  jiowerful  bankers,  the  princely 
merchants,  and  the  cotton  lords,  backed  by  the 
middling  classes,  whose  daily  gains  depend  on  the 
prevalence  of  peace,  are  too  strong  for  ihc  English 
oligarchy  to  resist.  The  salvation  of  England  de- 
pends upon  uninterrupted  relations  in  commerce 
with  the  United  States.  The  niaintenancc  of  these 
relations  is  of  great  importance  to  the  United 
States;  but  it  is  not  vitally  so.  The  United  Stales 
could  stand  the  shock  of  a  rupture,  but  England 
would  crumble  under  it.  The  United  States,  as 
the  great  coiion  grower  of  the  world,  posses.ses  a 
vast  pow  I  r.  It  is  understood  and  felt  by  the  civ- 
ilized world.  With  this  power  they  control  the 
commercial  world,  and  by  this  power  they  can 
command  peace,  at  least  for  thein.selves.  She  there- 
fore desires  no  war.  She  would  hesitate  long 
before  she  would  declare  war,  even  if  her  rights 
were  invaded  by  the  United  States.  The  income 
tax,impo.sed  to  pay  the  interest  on  her  vast  national 
debt,  is  the  last  resource  of  revenue.  Everythiii!' 
else  had  been  taxed  lo  Ihe  utmost.  She  would 
have  lo  resort  to  f  irccd  loans  for  the  means  of  war. 
She  is  not  only  dependant  on  us  for  cotton,  but  we 
are  her  best  customer,  at  least  would  be,  under  a 
judicious  and  reciprocal  adjustment  of  the  respect- 
ive larill's  of  the  two  countries,  by  which  our 
breadslufl's  and  agricultural  products  would  en- 
t'jr  her  jiorts,  and  lier  manufactures  ours  in  ex- 
cliaiiL'e.  We,  however,  can  live  without  her,  ta- 
ritfor  no  lariil',  peace  or  war;  but  she  cannot  exist 
without  us  in  relations  of  peace  and  commerce. 
We  have  the  resources  and  niternal  trade  of  a  con- 
liiienl.  She  is  limited  lo  a  small  island,  and  her 
famishing  millions  live  from  hand  to  tnoulh,  de- 
pendant on  Ihe  cotton  trade.  Stop  their  looms, 
and  you  slop  their  daily  bread.  War  with  the 
United  Stales  would  be  the  most  suicidal  policy 
she  could  pursue:  and  she  is  not  so  blind  as  not  to 
see  ii.  The  whole  of  Oregon  is  of  vastly  less  im- 
portance lo  her  than  a  year's  supply  of  raw  cotton. 
The  habits  and  business  of  her  people  are  deeply 
and  vitally  identified  with  the  miuiufacture  of  cot- 
ton, and  the  cotton-goods  market  of  the  world. 
Our  breadslufl's  are  iiecoming  quile  important  to 
her.  Hence  there  will  be  no  war  declared  by  Great 
Britain  for  this  territory,  even  if  we  should  take 
all  east  of  the  Russian  line,  and  west  of  the  line 
of  the  Rocky  mountains,  up  to  the  polar  ocean. 
But  we  want  only  what  belongs  to  us  uy  clear  and 
unqucgtiauablc  title,  and  that  wa  will  have.     Al 


116 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  14, 


2^H  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


7%e  Oregon  ^ustion — Mr,  Gordon, 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


'■.HP  >;•"> 


5^.'" 


It 

i,i 
• 

i! 
li 


if 


th«  United  Slates  Imve  to  do  to  preserve  pence,  is, 
to  uphold  their  rights,  and  cnrry  oiit  the  grnnd  doc- 
trine, that  no  pnit  of  the  contiiiciu  of  North  Amer- 
ica! at  lens  is  open  to  further  rolonizntion  or  set- 
tlenient  by  oiiy  foreign  or  moiinrchicHl  govern- 
ment. 

But  it  is  said  we  are  not  prepared  for  war.  Sir, 
wo  are  as  much  prepared  aa  we  ever  were,  or  as, 
I  trust,  we  ever  slinll  be,  in  time  of  pence.  We 
nre  as  mucli  prepared  now  n»  we  were  wlien  the 
Revolution  broke  out;  we  arc  as  much  prepared  as 
we  were  when  war  with  Great  Britain  was  last  de- 
clared. If  love  of  country  and  a  devotion  to  repub- 
lican institutions— if  the  right  of  citizens  to  ocar 
arms  in  time  of  peace — is  preparation  fur  wnr,  then 
nre  we  prepared.  We  have  more  than  two  millions 
of  fightmg  men,  with  arms  in  their  hands,  luid  we 
have  eighteen  millions  of  people,  ready  and  able  to 
feed  and  clothe  and  sustnin  them  in  the  condicl. 
AVe  have  all  the  raw  inaltriel  of  wnr;  we  have  the 
requisite  skill,  capital,  and  machinery  to  make  that 
niahricl  useful ,  and  to  convert  it  into  iustrumenls 
ofdeft;nce.  We  are  prepared  fiir  w.ir — not,  to  be 
sure,  by  a  large  expensive  navy,  nor  by  a  standing 
nrmy.  It  is  not  our  policy  to  suckle  armies  anil 
dry-nurse  tlic  land;  mid  until  I  shnll  be  sati.<!fit'<l 
that  war  is  to  come,  nnd  that  we  nre  to  have  an 
aggressive  war  by  Great  Rritain,!  shnll  not  be  prc- 

rared  much  to  enlarge  either  llie  army  or  the  navy, 
repeat,  then,  we  nre  as  much  prepared  for  wnr 
to-dny  as  wc  ever  shnll  be,  or  ever  ought  to  be,  in 
time  of  peace.  I  would  rntlier  lose  bnltlos  dining 
the  first  year  of  a  war  than  1  would  consent,  in 
time  of  peace,  to  build  up  a  large  and  expensive 
navy,  or  to  establish  n  standing  nrmy,  when  no 
war  mi":ht  come.  The  co.st  of  the  iymy  and  the 
nnvy,  the  injury  to  our  free  institulions,  would  be 
greater  fhr  tfinn  any  declaration  of  war,  coming  un- 
expected upon  us,  even  though  for  the  first  year 
we  might  sufTcr  defeat.  But,  sir,  I  repeat,  wc  are 
ready;  we  have  two  inilliDiiB  of  bravo  men,  ready 
at  the  call  of  their  country  to  march  to  the  front  of 
the  battle  whenever  and  wherever  the  cloud  of  war 
might  lower. 

In  order  to  ascertain  whether  this  notice  slinuld 
be  given  or  not,  it  is  necessary  to  undcr.stand  what 
are  the  rights  of  Great  Britain,  and  what  the  righls 
of  the  Uni.-'d  States,  under  this  joint  convention 
of  1818,  indetii.i'ely  continued  by  the  convention 
of  1827.  By  this  convention  it  was  provided  ilint 
the  citizens,  suliiecls,  nnd  vessels  of  Great  Biiuiiii 
nnd  ilie  United  Slates  should  be  free  to  enter  this 
territory,  its  baye,  lin  liors,  creeks, nnd  rivers,  there 
to  trade  with  tlie  ^mtives.  There  is  no  pnwer 
given  to  Grent  Criinin  to  exercise  sovereign  acts  of 
authority;  but  undfrihis  treaty,  which  gave  certain 
privileges  to  Criti^li  subjects,  but  none  to  tlie  Brit- 
ish Government,  what  has  that  Government  done." 
In  the  first  place,  she  has  incorporated  the  Hud- 
son B»y  Company — a  second  East  India  Compa- 
nv— nnd  she  has  given  to  it  the  monojioly  of  the 
*hole  trade  of  this  Norihweslern  territory — thus 
denying  to  her  own  subjects  those  very  rights  nnd 
privileges  which  were  ceiled  to  tlicni  by  iliis  con- 
vention. She  has  gone  on,  in  violntion  anil  in  de- 
fiance of  this  treaty,  to  establish  courts  of  civil  and 
criminal  jurisdiction,  to  build  her  forts  in  every 
section,  and  to  establish  a  mili'ary  government 
over  the  entire  territory.  Tlit  Government  of 
Grent  Britain  is  nt  this  moment  firmly  esinblishcd 
in  all  that  territory.  Under  this  joint  irenty,  which 
pnve  to  her  subjects  certnin  trading  privilejics,  of 
which  she  hns  deprived  them,  and  confiTied  upon 
a  corporation,  Grent  Britnin  hns  gone  on  to  estab- 
lish n  government — military,  civil,  nnd  political. 
Her  flng  is  erected  on  every  fort — numiiering  some 
lliirly — and  she  is  now,  by  her  ling,  prodniining 
her  right  of  dominion  over  this  Icrriiory.  And 
what,  in  the  mean  time,  have  we  done?     Nolhinz. 


While  we  have  been  slcepp 
of  this  "  masterly  inacti 
hns   been   encroaching   < 
claiming  it  as  her  own. 
pies  about  this  treaty,  sii 
point;  and  instead  of  sull 
there  and  trade,  she,  under  th 


under  the  inniieiice 
'  she,  step  by  stejt, 
this  territory,  nnd 
i'-  we  have  lind  scru- 

iolnted  it  nt  every 
cr  Hubjects  to  go 

i.ietence  of  taking 


•  are  of  them,  and  keeping  in  check  the  savage  In- 
di.m  tribes,  has  established  a  government  there  as 
complete  nnd  as  perfect  as  iliat  existing  under  the 
Kast  India  Company  charter,  h  may  \>c  said  that 
this  government  is  neces.sary  to  control  these  In- 
(liitii  uibes,  to  regulate  trade,  and  to  protect  her 


own  subjects.  If,  in  connection  with  these  acts 
of  sovereign  power,  she  had  not  claimed  the  terri- 
tory itself,  there  might  be  some  pretext  for  the  nr- 
gunient.  But  the  niioanimo  of  these  nclshnd  been 
made  manifest  by  tier  claim  to  the  territory  itself. 
She  hns  e.xerciscd  the  highest  sovereign  power, 
and,  nt  the  same  time,  hns  clnimcd  the  territory 
nnd  the  soil,  and  refuses  to  acknowledge  our  rights 
within  it. 

I  belie^•c  that  no  gentleman  who  has  spoken  in 
this  House,  nor  any  one  out  of  it,  has  pretended 
that  we  are  to  surrender  nny  territory  south  of  49°. 
And  yet,  unless  we  give  this  notice,  and  extend  our 
laws  and  jurisdictiiui  over  this  territory,  all  the  ter- 
ritory south  of  49°,  and  north  and  west  of  the  Co- 
lumbia river,  is  as  certnin  to  fall  into  the  hands  of 
Tircnt  Britnin,  as  it  is  certain  that  she  is  now  there 
asserting  her  claim.  Until  the  notice  is  given,  and 
suitable  measures  are  adopted  for  their  protection, 
I  will  venture  to  .say  that  no  American  citizen 
will  undertake  to  settle  north  of  the  Columbia. 
The  territory  norlh  of  the  C'ohimhia  has  been 
occupied  by  British  forts,  and  settlements,  and 
subjects;  nnd  not  nn  American  citizen  has  gone, 
or  will  dare  to  go,  north  of  the  Columbia  for  set- 
tlement. Whether  they  are  to  be  bought  up,  or 
tomahawked,  or  to  have  the  Indiansset  upon  tiiem, 
is  immaterial.  Go  there  they  will  not,  until  such 
time  as  this  Government  shall  assert  its  just  righls, 
and  show  the  people  there  that  they  nre  to  be  pro- 
tected by  all  its  power,  under  the  just  claim  which 
we  )ioascss. 

What  will  be  the  elTect  of  continuing  this  con- 
vention .'  It  will  give  all  this  territory  south  of  4!)° 
and  north  and  west  of  the  Columbia  river,  to  Great 
Britnin;  and  this  is  what  is  called  "  masterly  inac- 
tivity." Oregon  on  time!  the  South  Carolina  poli- 
cy I  which  would  to-morrow  fiercely  wage  wnr 
ngninst  the  world  for  the  conquest  of  CubnorCnli- 
foriiia,  (1  will  not  say  Mexico,  becnuse  I  do  not 
believe  she  wnnis  it,)  but  would  rather  that  the 
whole  of  Oregon  down  to  4d°  should  belong  to 
Great  Britain  than  to  the  United  Stnles.  Yes,  sir; 
this  is  the  .South  Curolinn  policy! — n  policy  iilenti- 
cal,  in  regard  to  that  territory,  with  the  British 
policy  itself. 

Grent  Britain  has  numerous  forts  south  of  49°,  or 
in  that  part  of  the  territory  which  lies  north  of  the 
Columbia;  and  she  even  has  one  fort  two  hundred 
miles  .south  of  the  Columbia  river — Kort  Umqua. 
Are  gcnllenien  jne]iared  to  give  up  this  territory 
south  of  4!P.'  Gentlemen  say  this  subject  should 
be  left  in  the  hands  of  the  President — that  it  is  an 
executive  concern.  But,  sir,  the  giving  this  notice 
will  not  take  from  the  Executive  department  of  the 
Ciovcrnment  its  projier,  indepeniliMit  juris(licti()ii. 
That  will  remain  where  it  is,  in  slatti  iiitn.  Whether 
any  treaty  is  to  be  ratified  between  this  Govern- 
ineiit  and  Great  Britain,  or  whether  any  oilers  are 
to  be  made  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  I  know 
not,  nnr  will  I  intcrrere  with  that  question.  I  will 
not  inquire,  nor  anticipate  w iiat  citlir  the  Execu- 
livc  would  rc<'civc,  or  Great  Britain  make.  But 
if  any  oiler  should  be  made,  I  trust  that  the  Ex- 
ecutive will  ratify  no  treaty  that  would  not  re- 
reive  ihc  sanctiim  of  the  nation,  and  accord  witli 
the  jiisi  rights  of  our  people.  1  mn  willing  to  leave 
thiit  nmlter  in  the  hands  nf  the  Kxciiiiive,  where 
this  ni)tice  would  lca^e  ii,  where  it  now  is,  and 
willi  which  wv  cannot  iiitcrtVre. 

Great  Britain  has  manil'esied  a  disposition  to 
contend  not  only  fur  the  territfuy  norlh  of  forty- 
nine  degrees,  but  fnr  that  north  of  the  Columbia 
river.  And  if  we  are  to  contend  for  any  part  of 
this  territory,  we  mny  ns  well,  if  the  conllict  is  to 
come,  contend  for  that  north  of  forly-ninc  degrees 
as  for  that  between  forty-nine  degrees  and  the 
Columbia. 

I  believe  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  up  to 
54^' 40' is  "clear  and  unquestionable;"  and  that 
below  4!l°,  under  no  circunulancea,  is  an  inch  of 
this  territory  to  be  surrendered  to  the  British  Gov- 

eiit.      VVhellier  ihe  orritory  norlh  of  49°  and 

.1  of  M'~'  41)'  IS  a  matter  of  compromise,  nego- 
tiation, and  settlement  be  Iween  the  two  Govern- 
ments, 1  will  not  now  iiiiilerlake  to  say.  It  is  aiirti- 
cient  for  me  to  repeat  the  exprcssiini  of  my  belief 
that  our  title  up  to  ,'>4'-  4t)'  is  "  clear  nnd  unques- 
tioimbie." 

Much  hns  been  snid  nboiit  Ihe  power  of  Great 
Biitain,  and  the  danger  of  entering  upon  a  war 
with  her;  that  we  mum  forego  our  treaty  rights. 


because  she  is  n  powerftil  and  n  dnngerous  foe; 
that  her  colonies  and  her  po.i8essions  encircle  the 
world  fhim  north  to  south,  ftnm  east  to  west;  and 
that  this  would  be  no  little  war,  but  n  contest  be- 
tween systems — n  long,  prolrncled,  nrduous,  nnd 
bloody  wnr.  Now,  if  Grent  Britnin  encircles  the 
world  with  her  possessions,  it  only  argues  her 
wenkness,  not  her  strength.  She  hns  to  mnintniij 
Inrge  armies  in  the  East  Indies,  nnd  a  military 
force  in  Canndn.  In  all  her  settlements,  it  is  ne- 
cessary for  her  to  mninlain  a  military  establish- 
ment; nnd,  therefore,  I  sny  that  her  extended  col- 
onies, her  vast  power  in  that  re.spect,  is,  in  fact, 
only  lier  weakness.  And  if  a  declaration  of  war 
should  come — and  if  it  comes  at  all,  it  must  be 
from  her  nnd  not  from  us — it  will  be  tlie  signal  of 
herdi.s.solution.  Her  restless  colonies  would  llien 
have  nn  oi)portiiiiity  to  strike  n  blow;  and  at  this 
moment  slie  is  weaker  than  slii,  ever  was  at  any 
lime  since  she  became  niLstresa  of  the  seas.  The 
defeat  of  her  nggressive  attack  upon  the  Chinese 
would  have  proved  her  downfall.  Let  her  once 
becimic  engaged  in  wnr,  and  let  Canada  or  Irclnnd 
evince  n  disposiiicm  to  regiiin  their  lost  independ- 
ence, and  the  British  empire  will  he  nt  nn  end. 
She  knows  it.  She  is  less  rendy  to  go  to  wnr,  and 
less  able  to  maintain  a  war,  either  oflcnsive  or 
defensive,  than  either  France,  Russia,  or  the  United 
Stales.  She  has  too  many  colonies.  They  require 
armies  and  navies  to  keep  them  in  subjection.  She 
wants  more  concentrated  power.  The  extended 
canipnigns  and  the  numerous  coihiucsIs  of  Napo- 
leon consigned  him  to  banishment  at  St.  Helena; 
nnd  the  extensive  conquests  of  Great  Britnin  will 
be  iK'r  grave . 

I  do  not  know  thnt  I  shall  dread  the  conflict,  if 
it  come;  and  I  venture  to  say  that  Grent  Brinin 
dreads  it  more  than  the  Uniied  Stnles.  Sir  Robert 
Peel,  indeed,  in  a  speech  made  in  the  British  Par- 
liament responsive  to  the  Inaugural  Address  of  the 
President,  blusteixd  about  wnr;  but  it  wns  intended 
to  operate  on  the  weak  nerves  of  the  American  peo- 
ple and  Government.  He  had  tried  this  course  of 
action  in  the  c«se  of  McLeod,  when  other  men 
were  at  the  helm  of  this  Government;  nnd  he  had 
found  that  bluster  nnd  bravado  had  had  their  el'- 
feet  upon  the  men  then  in  power.  The  British 
Government  was  now  resorting  to  the  same  mcan.i 
of  intimidation;  but,  thnnk  God,  they  lind  to  denl 
willi  (liirerent  ngents  on  the  part  of  ihis  people. 

I  linve  no  prejudice  ugainst  the  British — I  mean 
against  the  British  people.  I  admire  them;  I  ad- 
mire those  who  toil  in  her  work-shops  and  her 
fields  of  agriculture;  nny,  if  you  plense,  I  ndmiro 
her  annies  and  her  navy.  1  like  them  for  their 
bravery — for  their  love  of  liberty — their  virtue — 
their  industrv.  Why  should  I  not?  They  are 
blood  of  our  blood,  bone  of  our  bone,  and  flesh  of 
our  flesh;  wc  speak  the  same  language;  we  are 
descended  from  the  .''ame  common  ancestry.  But  I 
must  hold  them,  as  I  bold  the  rest  of  the  world, 
"  Friends  in  peace,  enemies  in  war."  But  1  draw  a 
distinction  between  the  British  peo|)leand  the  Brit- 
ish Goverimicnt.  T  abhor  nnd  detest  the  Brit- 
ish Government.  Would  to  God  that  Ihe  British 
people — the  Irish,  Scotch,  Welch,  and  English — 
would  rise  up  in  rebcliion,  sponge  out  the  national 
debt,  confiscate  the  land,  and  divide  it  among  the 
people.  Never,  in  the  world,  will  they  reach  the 
promised  land  of  eqiinl  rights  except  through  this 
Red  .sen  of  lilond.  Let  Grent  Ilritain  declare  war, 
and  I  fervenlly  hope  that  the  British  |)cople — at 
least  the  Irish — will  seize  the  occasion  to  rise  and 
as.sert  their  independence. 

Such  are  my  sentiments  in  relation  to  the  British 
Goveriinient  and  the  British  people.  In  a  con- 
troversy beiween  France  and  Great  Britain,  or 
Ru.'sia  and  Great  Britain,  I  woiihl  nither  thai  the 
British  Government  should  triumph  than  that  she 
should  fall;  1  wmild  ralhcrstc  the  British  peojile 
the  siibjc'-ls  of  the  British  Government  than  the 
subjects  of  France  or  the  serfs  of  Russia.  I  be- 
lieve lliey  arc  bctler  ofl"  under  the  British  Govern- 
ment than  ihey  would  lie  under  a  foreign  yoke; 
but  I  again  rejient  that  1  nblior  that  Ciovernment; 
1  abhor  that  purse-proud  and  pampered  aristocracy, 
with  its  bloated  jiensinn  list,  whii'h,  for  centuries 
past,  has  wrung  lis  being  from  the  toil,  the  sweat, 
and  the  blood  of  thai  people.  This  was  the  scnti- 
menl  of  the  illustrious  l-jninet,  when,  on  his  trial, 
he  declared  '*  if  the  French  came  as  invaders,  ho 
'  would  meet  them  on  the  bench  with  a  sword  in 


[Jan.  14, 
or  Reps. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


117 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  ^uettion — Air.  Bedtnger. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


dttnscproui!  fofi; 
mil  encircle  the 
St  to  went;  mill 
ut  n  rontcst  be- 
,  nrduous,  and 
in  encircles  the 
ily  arfrucii  her 
liiis  to  iiininlaiit 
nnil  a  military 
menls,  it  is  ne- 
ilary  eslnhlieh- 
r  extended  col- 
lect, ia,  in  fact, 
Inralion  iif  war 
nil,  it  nnist  he 
jC  tlie  sii;niil  of 
lies  would  I  lien 
>\v;  and  at  thifi 
,'er  was  at  any 
ihc  sens.  The 
on  the  ChincHn 

Let  tier  oncn 
nnda  or  Ireland 

lost  independ- 

he  «t  nn  end. 
I  gn  to  war,  and 
cr  oficnsive  or 
a,  or  the  United 
They  require 
iilijcctinn.    She 

The  extended 
iicslH  of  Napo- 

at  St.  Helena; 
eat  Britain  will 

i  the  conflict,  if 
t  Great  Britiiii 
IS.     Sir  Rolicrt 
he  British  Pur- 
Address  of  the 
it  was  intended 
AniericBii  ])eo- 
J  this  course  of 
lien  other  men 
nt;  and  he  had 
d  liail  their  ef- 
.     The  British 
he  same  means 
icy  had  to  deal 
ihi.s  people. 
Irilisli — I  mean 
ire  ihem;  I  nd- 
shops  and  her 
lease,  I  admire 
llicm  for  their 
their  virtue — 
1?     They  are 
e,  and  flesh  of 
uagc;  wc  are 
cestry.    But  I 
of  the  world, 
But  I  draw  a 
le  iind  the  Rril- 
icsl   the  Brit- 
Ht  the  British 
mid  Kiii^lisli — 
ut  the  national 
e  it  anion;!;  the 
iliey  reach  tlio 
It  t1irou;,'h  this 

II  declare  war, 
isli  people — at 
ion  to  rise  and 

ilo  the  British 
In  a  con- 
at  Britain,  or 
-itliiT  that  the 

than  thiit  she 
British  peo]ile 
niciit  than  the 

iiHsia.  I  lie- 
rilish  Govcrn- 
foreifn  yoke; 

(iovernnient; 
M  aristocracy, 

for  centuries 

il,  the  sweat, 
was  the  .seiiti- 
III  his  trial, 
s  invaders,  hn 

III  u  sword  ill 


hi 


'  one  hand  and  a  torch  in  the  other;  he  wnul()  raze 
'  every  house,  and  burn  every  blade  of  grass,  and 
'  the  last  intrenchment  of  IVeedom  should  be  his 
<  grave." 

We  should  have  no  eonlrovcrsv  with  the  British 
leople,  separate  and  a|iart  from  tnc  aggressive  and 
lostile  action  of  their  Government,  and  we  should 
liavc  and  express  no  prejudice  against  them  sim- 
ply liecttiiae  they  are  Englishmen,  or  subjects  of  the 
British  Government,  It  is  not  their  fiiult  that  tlicy 
nre  its  subjects.  They  were  born  in  allegiance  to 
it,  and  are  kept  undci'  by  military  force,  and  tlie 
power  of  wealth.  For  the  Government,  as  it  ex- 
ists and  exercises  its  functions,  we  have,  and  can 
liave,  no  respect  whatever.  If  wo  manifest  the 
feeling  we  oii^ht  to  possess  towards  them,  they 
would  have  no  special  hatred  towards  us;  and  i 
even  in  a  war  between  the  two  Powers,  one  of  the 
great  obstacles  to  her  vigorous  prosecution  of  it 
would  lie  the  indisposition,  if  not  the  absolute  re-  | 
piignnncc,  of  our  transntliuitic  brethren  to  fight  us  i 
nnil  spill  fraternal  blood,  in  a  contest  in  which  our  I 
Government  would  lie  in  the  right,  and  theirs  in 
the  wrong.'  The  colonists  in  the  Revolution  had 
fearless  defenders,  even  in  Parliament ;  and  the 
mass  of  the  British  people  were  not  half  so  iiiimi- 
eal  to  us  as  the  king,  tiis  ministers,  and  the  nobil- 
ity. Much  of  their  prejudice  is  artfully  engender- 
ed by  the  machinalioirs  of  the  nobility,  to  keep 
nut  of  the  minds  of  the  people  an  infusion  of  the 
leaven  of  Democracy.  We  should  have  the  saga- 
city to  see,  and  the  wit  to  counteract  it,  and  not 
play  into  the  hands  of  the  enemies  of  self-govern- 
ment, in  that  respect,  by  an  unnecessary  exhibi- 
tion of  senseless  spleen.  Not  that  we  should  have 
cause  to  dread  them,  one  and  all,  though  actuated 
by  the  bitterest  animosity.  But  their  ^ood  opinion 
is  just  as  well  as  their  ill  will,  and  quite  as  cheap- 
ly purchased.  In  this  friendly  relation  of  good 
ojiinion,  natural  to  a  common  ancestry,  language, 
and  religion,  I  would  place,  as  well  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Lsland  of  Great  Britain  itscit',  as  of  all  her 
colonies  and  dependencies,  near  and  remote. 

Our  sympathies  for  the  oppressed  of  all  nations 
are  so  strong  that  we  open  our  country  to  them  as 
an  asylum.  Our  naturalization  laws  are  extremely 
lenient;  and  the  shortncssof  the  term  of  probation, 
before  aliens  can  become  citizens  of  tlie  United 
States,  is  a  proof  of  our  friendship  for  every  white  i 
man  under  the  light  of  heaven,  and  not  less  for 
Englishmen  than  Frenchmen,  Germans,  or  any  '' 
other  class  of  the  human  family.  ' 

Should  Canada,  Irelond,  or  other  portion  of  the  | 
British  empire  strike  for  liberty,  our  sympathies  ' 
would  be  sure  to  lie  enlisted  on  their  side,  and  our  ' 
most  fervent  prayers  would  ascend  to  heaven  for  I 
their  safe  deliverance  from  the  galling  chains  of  ; 
feudal  bondage  and  military  oppression.     I  would 
not  guaranty  that  directly  or  indirectly  our  people,  ; 
in  tlic  struggle,  would  not  give  them  more  sub- 
stantial aid  and  comfort  than  mere  prayers  and 
sympathy.    Our  controversy,  then,  if  controversy  ! 
wc  have,  is  with  the  Government  per  je,  and  not  : 
its  subjects  any  farther  than  they  are  connected  '. 
with  the  Government  in  the  contest;  and  let  them 
so  understand  it.     Should  a  hostile  army  invade  i 
the  enemy's  country,  it  would  be  a  stroke  of  poli- 
cy in  the  commanding  general  to  promise  and  give 
protection  to  the  people  <if  the  invaded  district  who 
would  join  his  standard,  or  not  oppose  his  march,  j 
It  is  no  less  wise  in  us  to  conciliate  the  good  will 
of  the  British  people,  and  weaken  their  respect  for  [ 
their  own  Goveriinieiit,  rather  than  to  force  them,  i 
by  senseless  slander,  to  hate  our  institutions  and 
love  their  own,  whether  with  a  view  to  a  possible 
or  probable  state  of  war  or  a  change  of  their  const  i-  I 
tulion,  vesting  the  power  in  the   people  and  abol- ' 
i.-<hing  the  royal  |irerogBtivc.     The  press  of  fjiig-  ; 
liiiid,  by  acting  on  this  principle,  exasperated  the 
liritish  people  against   tlie  dynasty  of  Napoleon;  i 
and,  to  some  considerable  extent,  disaflected  the 
French  to  his  prejudice.     If  history  be  philosophy  ; 
teaching  by  example,  let  us  profit  by  it. 

It  is  high  time  that  this  Oregon  I'lintroversy  was  ' 
forever  settled  and  put  at  rest.  Its  conliiiiiul  agi-  ' 
talion  injuriously  nlVecls  the  currency  and  busi- 
ness of  the  country.  Currency  and  commerce 
mutually  act  and  react  on  each  other.  They  nre 
NO  sympathetic,  and  intimately  and  vitally  con- 
iicctiMl,asto  flourish  and  fade,  rise  and  fall,  to- 
gether. Our  actual  currency  is  essentially  paper  or 
credit,  and  is  made  the  gambling  capital  uf  the  ' 


stockjobbers  and  brokers,  the  bulls  and  bears  of 
Wall  street;  and  those  harpies  on  the  public  pros- 
perity never  lose  the  opportunity  to  blow  hot  and 
cold,  up  and  down,  and  spread  panic  as  ot'ten  as  our 
foreign  relations,  of  serious  adjustment,  nre  moot- 
ed. For  this  cnuse,  among  oihers  of  graver  im- 
port, it  is  the  boundeii  duty  of  lliis  Qovernnient 
nolo  to  bring  this  dirticully  to  a  crisis,  and  give 
repose  and  stability  to  the  business  of  the  coun- 
try, having  constant  regard  to  the  just  rights  and 
honor  of  the  nation.  In  my  humble  judgmcni  the 
giving  of  this  notice  is  the  first  step  to  be  taken  in 
the  final,  sjiecdy,  peacetVil,  honorable,  ami  just 
selllement  of  this  vexed  question. 

Now  why  do  wc  want  Oregon.'  It  is  a  large 
country,  extending  some  twelve  and  a  half  degrees 
north  and  south,  and  some  seven  hundred  miles  in 
breudtli  from  east  to  west,  with  a  salubrious  cli- 
mate and  a  fertile  soil.  It  is  the  key  of  the  Pacific. 
It  will  command  the  trade  of  the  isles  of  the  Paci- 
fic, of  the  East,  and  of  China.  We  want  Oregon, 
liecausc  it  is  coiiti<!;uous  to  the  United  Stales;  to 
establish  there  the  institutions  of  freedom;  to  plant 
there  the  tree  of  liberty ;  to  erect  there  our  standard; 
and  to  wave  there  the  star-spangled  banner  upon 
the  highest  and  most  remote  boundaries  of  that 
territory,  in  honor  of  those  institutions  consecrated 
by  the  blood  of  the  Revolution,  and  founded  by 
our  Washington,  our  Franklin,  our  Jelferson, 
and  our  Adams.  We  want  it,  sir,  became  it  is 
ours;  because  the  British  want  it;  because  it  will 
make  a  liapny  home  for  unborn  millions  who  are 
to  emigrate '  tVom  these  Slates  to  the  west  of  the 
Rocky  mountains;  wc  want  it  because  our  people 
have  gone  there,  wish  to  go  there,  and  will  go  there, 
to  make  permanent  seltlcmcnts,  to  establish  homes 
for  themselves  and  their  posterity  forever. 

I  repeat,  sir,  unless  we  give  this  notice  and  fol- 
low up  the  giving  this  notice,  by  the  extension 
of  our  laws  and  protection  over  our  settlers  in 
Oregon,  that  they  never  will  go  north  of  the  Co- 
lumuia  river  to  settle;  that  the  whole  territory 
north  of  the  Columbia  is  certain,  in  the  end,  to 
fiiU  into  the  hands  of  Great  Britain.  She  now  has 
Fort  Vancouver,  Fort  George,  and  various  other 
forts  located  on  the  Columbia,  with  her  settle- 
ments about  them;  and  our  citizens  will  not  go 
there.  If  we  fail  to  carry  out  the  recommend- 
ations of  the  Executive,  which  to  me  seem  rea- 
sonable and  just,  our  citizens,  instead  of  bend- 
ing their  course  to  the  northward  of  the  Columbia 
river,  will  eventually  go  down  to  California,  and 
make  their  settlement  in  the  south;  and  thus  will 
carry  out  that  "  mustely  inactivity"  policy  to 
which  I  have  adverted.  j 

When  I  rose,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  did  not  expect 
to  occupy  the  full  time  allowed  me.  I  have  briefly 
glanced  at  the  leading  conaideraiions  that  have 
governed  me  and  brought  me  to  the  conclusion  I 
have  attained,  that  wc  are  bound — bound  by  the 
honor  of  this  nation,  and  by  that  justice  which  is 
due  to  our  settlers  in  Oregon — to  give  this  notice; 
to  unfetter  ourselves,  and  to  extend  our  laws  and 
our  jurisdiction  over  this  people,  that  they  may 
receive  that  encourngenient  which  is  necessary  for 
the  occupation  and  the  peopling  of  this  territory. 
It  appears  to  me — and  so  I  think  the  British  Gov- 
ernment will  rcgord  it — that  if  we  ^in7  to  give  this 
notice,  and  to  pass  those  measures  which  are  re- 
commended to  us,  and  which  gentlemen  say  they 
will  pass,  that  the  British  Goveriinieiit  will  regard 
it  as  an  indication  on  the  part  of  Congress,  at  least, 
that  the  territory  south  of  4!)°  as  well  as  north  of 
49°,  is  n  matter  for  negotiation,  for  compromise, 
and  for  division.  Now,  is  there  any  gentleman  on 
this  floor  who  is  prepared  to  sny  that  the  terri- 
tory south  of  4!t°  dors  not  belong  to  us?  And  is 
there  any  one  on  this  floor  prepared  to  intimate 
to  the  Executive  or  to  Great  Britain  that  the  tri- 
ritory  south  of  that  parallel  is  open  for  nri^otia- 
tion.'  I  trust  not;  and,  having  submitted  these 
views,  I  yield  the  floor. 

APPENDIX. 
Oonventifin  hctiivcn  fhc  Vnilat  SItttes  of  ^ftmrrirn  and  Great 
Britain,  /tinned  at  London,  Oviober  'JO,  IHlni. 
Article  -J.  fl  M  (unrol  tliat  u  line  (Iniwii  trnni  Itin  innut 
nnrtliwetiti'rii  point  of  the  l.iilte  of  the  Wnnf)^,  iUoiir  the 
forly-nintli  piir.ilh-1  of  iiorili  tatittide,  rir,  if  th«^  ^aid  point 
shiill  not  Ik  in  tlie  Dirt) -iiliith  iHiriiHil  oi  iiorlh  liititute, tlicn 
timl  11  line  ilrnwa  tVoin  the  huIiI  point  due  north  or  sotitii,  tin 
the  cnflc  iniiy  he,  until  the  itiuA  line  Hhall  inlcr.<)i'ct  the  snid 
parallel  uf  uortli  lutituile,  and  truiu  ttic  jioiiit  otsueli  inter- 


I  Rection  due  went  alonu  and  witli  the  naiil  panllel,  ihtdl  b« 
I  ttie  line  of  deinarkaiion  between  tin-  territoriuH  of  the  IJnito4 

Htnti!A  nnd  ilnine  of  lits  Itrilannic  MiiJcHty ;  n'\d  that  tlie  lald 
j  line  Hhnll  form  the  northern  iHiundnry  of  ttie  Hnid  tcrTitorie« 
I  of  ttie  Unitt^l  MtntcH,  and  the  nouthern  honndo/y  of  the  Icr- 

ritorioa  of  liiH  Hriuuinie  Mujcaty,  from  the  Lake  of  tlie 

VVoodi}  to  (lie  Htony  inonntiiins. 
j      Art.  3.  It  in  agreed  that  any  euiintry  that  may  bo  claimed 
j  by  either  party  on  the  nortliweat  eoniit  of  America,  wcRtward 
I  of  tlic  Htony  inoiintaiim,  Hliali,  togetlier  witli  itii  harbnrii, 

bnyx,  and  creekH,  and  the  navigation  of  nil  riveni  within  tlie 

Raniu,  foe  free  nnd  opi-:i  fbr  the  term  of  ten  yearn  from  the 
I  date  o'llie  Hiijnnture  of  the  present  convention,  to  the  ven- 
I  BCln,    itizenx,  nnd  Huhjectfl  of  Uic  two  Poweni;  it  being  woH 

undemtood  that  thin  agreement  in  not  to  In'  cnn»li  ucd  to  ilia 
I  prejndiec  of  any  claim  wliieh  either  of  the  two  high  eon- 
'  traoting  partten  may  have  to  ony  part  of  tlie  niiid  country, 
I  nor  !«hnll  it  lie  taken  to  ad'eet  the  claiinn  of  any  other  Power 

or  Htnte  to  any  part  of  the  said  country;  the  only  object  of 

the  high  enntrarting  pnrtien,  in  that  nisi'ii't,  being  to  prevent 

dlnputen  and  diHerciicen  among  tlioninelven. 


Convenlion  tietween  tftc  Ignited  States  and  Great  Britain^ 
limned  nt  London,  ^u^wt  6,  IH37. 

Artici.r  1.  Alt  the  provisions  of  the  third  arlicle  of  the 
ennventi(ni  concluded  between  the  I  fnited  Htaten  of  Amer- 
ica and  Ilia  Ml\jesty  th«  King  of  the  United  Kingdom  of 
(ireat  llriuiin  and  lrela,.u,  on  tlic  SOtll  of  tVtolicr,  1818,  nhall 
be,  nnd  they  are  hereby,  fnrther  indeAniU'ly  extended  and 
continued  in  force,  in  the  name  manner  as  if  lUl  llie  pro- 
visionnofthe  naid  nrlicle  were  herein  specifically  recited. 

Art.  2.  It  nliatt  be  competent,  however,  to  either  of  tlio 
cnntrncting  parties,  in  case  ciUier  nhonld  think  fit,  nt  any 
time  after  the  aoili  Octob<'r,  18JK,  on  0ving  dnc  notice  of 
twelve  mnnUin  to  the  other  eontrneling  party,  to  annul  and 
abrogate  this  conventiim;  and  it  htuilt,  in  such  case,  lio  ac- 
cordingly entirely  annulled  nnd  abrogated,  alter  the  expira- 
tion of  the  snid  term  of  notice. 

Art.  3.  Nothing  contained  in  thin  convention,  or  in  the 
tliird  article  of  the  convenlion  of  the  20th  Octolier,  181>5, 
hereby  continued  in  force,  shall  be  construed  to  impair,  or 
in  any  manner  nfl'ecl,  the  claims  wliieh  either  of  the  con- 
tracting iiarties  may  have  to  any  part  of  the  country  west- 
ward of  the  tiinny  or  Rocky  mouiitiunn. 


OREGON  aUESTION. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  H.  BEDINGER, 

OF  VIRGIMa, 
I  In  the  House  of  Representatives, 

j  January  15,  1846. 

On  the  Resolution  authorizing  the  President  to 
!      give  the  notice  for  the  termination  of  the  joint 

occupancy  of  the  Oregon  Territory. 

The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole 
on  the  state  of  the  Union — 

Mr.  BEDINGER  addressed  the  committee  aa 
follows: 

Mr.  Chairman:  The  magnitude  and  great  im- 
portance of  the  question  at  present  under  discus- 
sion, the  intense  interest  manifested  by  the  whole 
country  in  its  progress  and  in  its  decision,  and  the 
very  able  manner  in  which  it  has  been  treated  by 
those  who  have  already  participated  in  its  discus- 
sion, cause  me  to  approach  it  with  the  greatest 
hesitancy. 

But  it  is  due  to  those  whom  I  have  the  honor 
to  represent,  as  well  as  to  myself,  that,  before  re- 
cording my  vote  upon  n  question  of  such  magni- 
tude nnd  grave  importance,  I  should  render  a  rea- 
son for  the  vote  I  shall  give,  and  for  the  course  of 
conduct  I  shall  deem  it  my  duty  to  pursue.  I 
therefore  respectfully  solicit  the  attenuoii  of  the 
committee  whilst,  in  as  brief  a  manner  as  I  pos- 
sibly can,  I  proceed  to  state  the  causes  which  have 
influenced  me,  and  led  my  mind  to  that  conclusion 
at  which  it  lias  arrived. 

I  confess,  sir,  that  this  question  has  been  to  me 
one  of  exceeding  perplexity,  doubt,  and  difficulty; 
and  although  I  have  succeeded  in  convincing  my 
own  mind  as  to  the  course  which  it  is  proper  that 
this  Mouse  luid  this  country  should  jairsue  in  re- 
gard to  it--allhough  I  have  found  reasons  amply 
Stttislaclory  to  my  own  judgment — yet  1  nm  far 
from  believing  or  hoping  that  I  shall  have  the 
ability  or  good  fortune  to  convince  othei-s — in  this 
Hall  at  least — that  my  judgment  has  not  led  mo 
into  false  positions  and  untenable  ground.  That 
this  question  should  appear,  to  one  of  my  small 
experience,  difficult  and  perplexing,  should  not 
excite  the  wonder  of  any  person;  for  older,  and 
wiser,  and  more  experienced  heads  than  mine 
have  licen  much  puzzled  by  its  consideration,  oiid 
many  nn  anxious  hour  of  painful  hesitation  has  it 
occasioned  those  who  have  most  carefully  exam- 
ined it,  and  are  most  familiar  with  it. 

Wc  have,  on  the  one  hand,  the  masterly  view 


118 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  15, 


29th  Cong Ist  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Bedinger. 


Hu.  OF  Keps. 


i:  f 


of  the  subject  Inken  !iy  the  Executive  in  that  ad- 
mirable urate  paiitr,  liia  Annual  McesaBc,  and 
doubtlem  the  weight  iif  lii»  npinion  and  ircom- 
mendatinn  is,  as  indeed  it  ohould  be,  very  scnei- 
bly  Mt  bolh  here  and  elsewhere.  The  opinion  of 
the  Excciilive  is  suatained  and  strengthened  by  the 
beautiful  and  invincible  reasoniiif;  of  the  Secretary 
of  Slate,  who,  by  the  triumph  which  he  has 
achieved  over  the  Rritioh  diplomatist,  has  con- 
vinced the  world — tlie  rational  and  imparliiO  world 
at  least — that  iheclainisnf  his  country  are  founded 
in  truth  and  justice,  m  il  cannot  he  overthrown  by 
sophistry  or  fraud,  this  opinion  is  supported, 
moreover,  by  many  iililo  heads  and  patriotic  hearts, 
both  here  and  elsewhere — by  noble  and  irallnnt 
spirits,  who  seciu  already  lo  be  |>antin>;  for  an  op- 
portunity to  hurl  the  gnunllel  lo  our  haughty  op- 
ponent and  rival,  and  challciiije  her  at  once  to  mor. 
ml  conilmt;  and  I  ccuifcss,  sir,  that  when  I  re Ikcl 
111)01)  the  overbearing  and  doniiueorino;  spirit  of 
Ureal  Britain,  I  feel  as  much  disposed  as  any  one 
else  possibly  can,  to  raise  my  voice,  and,  if  need 
be,  my  arm  also,  in  opposilion  to  her.  No  man's 
heart  slow  with  fiercer  indipnalion  ihnn  mine, 
when  the  wrongs  and  ainrressions  of  ihat  relent- 
less power  are  arrayed  before  me.  Nevertheless, 
sir,  I  must  be  allowed  to  express  the  fear  that  it 
has  been  with  others  as  it  was,  at  first,  with  my- 
self— they  hnvc  suffered  their  patrioti.«m  lo  obscure 
their  iud!;;ments,  and  their  indijrnalion  ngain.'Jl 
Great  Britain  to  hurry  thrm  into  a  line  of  conduct 
not  the  most  politic,  and  not  the  most  wise.  For 
myself,  sir,  havin-j  the  character  at  home  (and  I 
fear  elsewhere  also)  of  being  rather  lioi-headcd,  I 
have  felt  a  little  afrnid  of  surrendcrinj;  myself 
wholly  to  the  impulses  of  my  nature  in  this  mat- 
ter; and,  exerting  myself  to  die  ulnios'i  to  subdue 
my  belligerent  .>iplril,  I  hove  .succeeded  in  arrivins; 
at  the  conclusion,  that  although  Great  Britain 
richly  deserves  from  us  a  thoroush  drubbina:,  yet 
she  can  afford  to  wait  for  it  awhile,  (it  will  come 
ill  time,  sir — it  will  come  in  time,)  and  we  can  af- 
ford to  postpone  the  infliction  of  it  at  least  for  the 
present.  And  for  this  reason,  among  others,  I  do 
net  think  it  politic  or  vise,  ol  litis  moment ,  to  throw 
down  the  gauntlet  to  her  by  so  suddenly  dissolv- 
ing the  present  existing  slate  of  affiiirs  between 
lier  and  ourselves  in  our  disputed  territory. 

Let  us  look  at  this  question  for  one  moment,  if 
we  can  possibly  do  so,  calmly  and  dispa.ssionalely . 
I  know  that  gentlemen  generally  use  these  words 
by  way  of  preface  to  the  fiercest  outbursts  and  luost 
impassioned  appeals.  But  I  would  resj)eclfully  beg 
gentlemen  tc  calm  themselves,  and  look  carefully  at 
this  question.  First,  then,  I  will  cheerfully  admit 
that  the  man  who  now  doubts  that  our  title  to  the 
irAo/e  of  Oregon  is,  as  against  Great  BriUiin,  "clear 
mid  unquestionable,"  must  be  cursed  by  nature 
with  remarkable  stupidity,  or  he  must  be  blinded 
by  ignorance  and  prejudice.  If  any  such  person 
there  be,  1  refer  him  to  the  correspondence  between 
the  Secretary  of  Slate  and  the  British  Minister.  If 
Ihat  does  not  convince  him,' I  give  him  up  in  de- 
spair. It  would  be  presumption  in  nie  lo  attempt 
to  satisfy  such  a  judgment.  And  this  is  all,  sir,  that 
I  intend  to  say  upon  this  part  of  the  .^ubieit.  Ore- 
gon is  ours— every  acre,  every  poor  ro(«i  of  it — and 
we  must  and  trill  have  it.  There  is  another  fad 
equolly  £is  clear  and  unqueslionaljlc  as  the  one  just 
admitted — "an  axiomatic  fact,"  in  the  words  of 
the  gentleman  from  Georgia,  [Mr.  Codb,]  and  one 
as  little  10  be  questioned  as  the  former — oiid  that  is, 
that  this  great  territory  is  of  such  immense  value 
and  importance  to  this  Union,  that  we  would  de- 
serve to  be  regarded  as  idiols  by  the  civilized  world, 
if  we  should  suffer  any  portion  of  it  lo  be  wrested 
from  us  by  any  power  upon  earth.  No  gentleninn 
e^n  possibly  desire  ihese  facts  lo  be  more  broadly 
and  clearly  admitted  than  I  am  willing  to  admit 
them.  And,  sir,  it  is  for  ihese  very  rea.son.s — on 
account  of  these  very  facts,  thus  admitted — becttii.sc 
Oregon  u  ours — becau.se  we  should  not  surrender 
one  pound  of  Oregon  earth,  one  rock,  one  |iebble, 
one  tree,  or  one  shrul) — that  I  cannot,  for  the  life 
of  me,  perceive  the  wisdom  of  terminating  thus 
abruptly  and  hastily,  the  convention  between  this 
country  and  Great  Britain  iii  regard  to  that  terri- 
tory. And  if  I  luid  any  weight  or  influence  here 
or  elsewhere — if  I  did  not  know  that  the  poor 
words  which  shall  escjjpe  my  lips  will  fall  cold  and 
dead  on  the  unheeding  cars  of  those  around  me,  lo 
be  forgotten  even  before  the  ccliocK  of  my  voice 


■hall  have  died  in  Ihjs  Hnll — if  I  were  not  discour- 
aged by  this  apprehension,  I  would,  with  all  the  j 
earnestness  anil  all  the  sincerity  of  my  nature,  call 
upon  those  who  so  zealously  advocate  il,  and  im-  • 
plore  them  to  pause  before  iiushiiig  this  policy  to 
the  extreme;  they  jeopardize  or  defeat  the  very  ob- 
ject they  have  in  view.  Mir,  how  should  a  grave 
and  deliberative  body,  such  as  this  House  should 
be,  act  upon  a  matter  of  luuh  vital  importance.' 
What  line  of  policy  should  n  great  ualion,  such  as 
ours,  pursue  in  a  crisis  such  as  this  ?  I  beg  that  I 
may  not  be  deemed  presnmptuous,  if  I  dare  lo  sug- 
gest what  occurs  to  my  poor  judgment  ns  the  wisest 
course  we  could  possibly  pursue. 

First,  then,  this  thing  should  slop  where  il  is. 
Not  another  word  should  be  spoken — not  another 
I'  effort  at  compromise  or  negotiation  nllempled. 
i  The  negotiations  have  censed — ihey  are  dead,  and 
thus  Ihey  should  remain,  tir rrr  again  lo  be  revived. 
j  If  any  proposition  should  hereafter  come  from 
'.[  Great  Britain — if  she  should  now  offer  lo  take  the 
i  49lli  degree — nay,  if  she  should  declrt;c  herself 
[  conient  lo  receive  the  one-half  of  whot  we  formerly 
' !  offereil  her — Ihouch  we  should  not  scout  her  propo- 
jt  silion,  yet  we  should  promptly  reject  il.  We 
j.  .should  .say  lo  her,  "We  ciinnoi  agree,  and  we 
j!  want  no  compromise:  twenty-five  yeai-s  of  nego- 
!J  lialion  have  Ihiled;  we  shall  try  llial  no  longer;  we 

■  have  demonstrated  our  lillc,aiiil  we  arc  determined 
I  lo  maintain  it,  but  we  choose  to  bide  our  lime." 
■What  next,  sir?  "Masterly  inactivity"  on  our 
]'■  pnrl.'  No,  sir;  no  inactivity,  niasleily  or  otiier- 
h  wise,  but  action,  action, action,  prompt,  ready,  en- 

!  ergeiic,  immediate, and  cnntinueu  action, on  thepnrt 
]■  of  this  Government.     Kverv  possible  iiiducemeiil 

;  should  be  held  out  to  our  brave  emigrants  lo  go 
'  forth  and  po.iscss  the  land,  which  we  should  give 
il  them  as  an  inlu  rilaiice.  A  territorial  government 
:  should  be  formed  there,  and  a  governor  appointed 
|i  at  once.     Where  the  cross  of  St.  (Jeorge  waves 

'  over  one  fortllicatioii  in  that  lemlory,  the  stars  and 

i  stripes  should  float  over  ttro.  Forts  and  block- 
!:  houses  should  dot  the  whole  of  the  "Oregon  trail;" 
I  armed  troops  should  guard  our  citizens  in  Iher  emi- 
j!  gnilions  thiiher;  the  flag  of  their  country  should 
j;  float  over  them;  the  countenance  of  their  coiiiilry 
I  should  be  upon  lliein;  the  arm  of  their  country 
r'  should  be  stretched  out  to  protect  them,  and  the 
American  eagle  should  fly  before  them,  hemlding 
them  on  the  rich  lands  of  Oregon.     They  should 

I  have  no  cause  to  cry  out  that  their  country  neglects 

or  deserts  them.    The  overland  mall  recommended 

i'  by  the   F.xecutive  should  be  established  at  once. 

"  Every  borrier  which  might  impede  the  lideofemi- 

I  gralicm  should  be  broken  down;  every  inducement 

I  which  might  increase  it  should  be  oflered.  The 
tribes  of  Indians  now  disposed  lo  be  hostile  lo  us 

'  should  be  conciliated  and  quieted  by  Indian  agents 

■  who  should  be  appointed,  and  who  should  have 
ptirsrs,  which  they  might  use  lo  some  purpose. 
Sir,  it  does  seem  to  me  if  this  policy  Mere  pursued, 
amplified,  and  improved  as  it  might  be  by  the  con- 
grccated  wisdom  of  this  nation,  il  does  .seem  to  me 
that  all  the  powers  upon  earth  could  not  rend  from 
our  grasp  the  rich  prize  fiir  which  we  an;  contend- 
ing. See,  sir,  if  I  have  not  some  tolerable  omhnr- 
ily  for  the  course  1  have  recommended.  I  find  in 
the  TJniiMi  of  the  7th  instant  n  very  able  article  up- 
on this  <|uestlon,  from  which  I  beg  leave  lo  read 
the  following  extroct: 

"The  posture  of  our  ittlrrrsts  in  Orri;ott  is  ns  iiete 
'  as  this  new  aspect  of  our  title.  Our  citizens  have 
'  now  gone,  and  are  going  fi)rlh  in  ma«f.f,  to  pos- 

*  sess  themselves  of  their  broad  patrimony  there. 

*  Before  Cnn«rress  rises,  ten  thousand  American 
'citizens,  tilling  the  soli  of  that  terrllory,  will 
'  slretcb  out  their  arms  lo  us  for  the  protection 
'  which  is  their  most  miinlfest  right,"  &c. 

So  it  seems,  llml  before  this  Congress  shall  rise, 
ten  ihou.sftnd  liarily  settlers  will  have  established 
themselves  in  Oregon.  AVhen  this  Conirress  com- 
menced Its  ses.slon  there  were  bill  seven  thousand; 
when  it  shall  rise,  there  will  be  leu  thousand.  .\rid 
this,  too,  wilhoiil  any  positive  guaranty  upon  the 
part  of  iheir  government  of  its  countenance  and 
proiectinii.  .Sir,  if  there  shall  be  ten  thousand 
settlers  in  tliot  territory  when  Congress  shall  ri.se, 
how  many  may  we  fairly  infer  there  will  be  there 
al  the  expiration  of  five,  oreven  ihree  brief  years? 
The  calcnlalion  is  easily  marie,  sir;  I  beg  gentle- 
men to  pause  and  make  il.  We  shall  haveasoffi- 
cicnl  number  to  bid  defiance  to  the  Uudsoii  Bay 


Company  and  all  its  agrnia;  cnnuf(h  of  themselves 
lo  maintain  and  defend  the  whole  lemlory  ;  or,  at 
least,  enough  to  raise  provision  to  maintain  any 
army  we  may  send  i..'  re  lo  aid  and  defend  them. 
And  cannot  gentlemen  wait  five  short  years  ?  Can 
Ihey  not  wait  ihree?  Can  they  not  even  larry  till 
Congress  shall  rise?  Sir,  the  territory  will  not 
take  to  Itself  wings  and  fly  away;  it  will  not  be 
swalloMcd  u|)  in  the  Pacific,  nor  be  wholly  de- 
voured by  the  British  lion.  If  we  will  but  "  larry 
at  Jericho  till  our  beards  shall  prow  out,"  Oregon 
shall  be  onrs  when  our  faces  shall  be  covered  wi'lh 
hair!  Am  I  lo  be  answered  in  the  words  of  the 
honorable  gentleman  from  Indiana,  |Mr.  Kenne- 
nv,]  that  this  would  be  "  stealing  llie  country;" 
that  il  would  be  "creeping  and  crawling  into  the 
connlry,  and  acting  in  bod  faith."  No  such  thing, 
sir.  All  this  should  be  done  in  the  broad  face  of 
Heaven  and  the  world.  We  have  said  lo  Great 
Britain,  "  Oregon  is  ours;"  and,  we  should  add, 
"  we  mean  to  maintain  our  rights  to  every  portion 
of  il;  «-e  do  not  choose  lo  fight  for  h  al  this  mo- 
meiil,  but  we  are  getting  ready ,  and  we  mean  lo 
get  ready."     Would  (*i,i  be  acting  in  bad  faith? 

Shall  I  again  be  answered,  that  unless  this  no- 
lice  is  given  immediately  emigration  will  cease? 
That  Great  Britain  is  establishing  herselfmoie  and 
more  firmly  every  day,  and  that  in  a  short  lime 
our  citizens  will  be  iilVald  lo  venture  there?  It  is 
loo  late  to  urge  this  objection,  when  they  have 
already,  even  without  the  countenance  and  protec- 
tion of  our  Government,  poured  on  in  one  contin- 
ued stream  lo  that  country.  It  would  be  utterly 
impossible  Air  the  Hudson  Bay  Company  lo  resist 
or  check  this  tide  of  western  rmigralion  if  thus 
encouraged.  That  company,  will)  all  the  hunters 
and  troppers  it  could  inusier,  would  present  no 
stronger  barrier  lo  iJiis  tide  of  emigration,  than 
would  a  mud  wall  to  the  swelling  waters  of  the 
broad  Potomac. 

Shall  il  be  said,  that  in  the  mean  time  the  Hud- 
son Bay  Company  will  be  exhausting  the  fur 
trade,  aiid  reaping  all  the  profits  lo  be  derived  from 
il?  Sir,  if  we  claim  Oregon  only  for  the  sake  of 
its  beaver  skins,  it  occurs  to  me  that  we  have  been 
shamefully  negligent  heretofore.  For  the  fur  trade 
is  diminishing  rapidly,  and  hitherto  Great  Britain 
has  derived  almost  exclusively  the  benefit  from  il. 
But,  sir,  we  desire  Oregon  for  purposes  far  more 
importjint.  Meanwhile,  as  the  fur  trade  dimin- 
ishes, as  the  buffalo  recedes,  and  the  beaver  is 
hunted  out,  .so  will  the  servants  and  agents  of  the 
Hudson  Bay  Company  gradually  retire,  ond  leave 
us  in  possession  of  llie  territory.  Or  shall  this 
policy,  which  I  have  had  the  temerity  to  propose, 
meet  whh  the  objecilun  urged  with  much  plausi- 
bility and  force  by  another  gentleman  from  In- 
diana, [Mr.  OivEN,]  namely,  that  our  emigration 
would  not  extend  itself  north  of  the  Columbia 
river,  or  north  of  latitude  49^*?  I  admit,  sir,  that 
there  is  a  great  deal  of  plausibility  and  some 
sliength  in  that  objection;  for,  although  it  is  fan- 
ciftil  and  chimerical  to  suppose  (with  ihot  gentle- 
man) that  the  Hudson  Bay  Company  can  afl'ord  lo 
buy  up  our  citizens  like  ciilllcin  the  market,  at  the 
high  price  of  eight  hundred  dollars  per  head,  yet 
it  is  quite  probable  that,  under  the  existing  stale 
of  things,  our  settlers  will  in  a  great  mea.'ure  con- 
fine lhcm.selves  lo  that  portion  of  the  territory 
south  of  40°.  Bui,  sir,  with  all  due  deference  lo 
the  gentleman  from  Indiana,  Mr  .  Owen,]  I  do 
not  rare  If  they  do.  It  is,  fiir  all  purposes  of  Al- 
lure anion  and  defence,  belter  that  ihey  should. 
They  will  be  more  conccntrotcd,  and  consequently 
stronger.  There  Is  land  enough,  heaven  knows; 
ond  for  many  years  lo  come  there  will  be  no 
crowding.  And  il  is  certainly  more  desirable  that 
our  citizens  should  for  the  present  be  ns  compact 
and  concentrated  as  possible,  than  thai  they  should 
be  scattered  over  the  whole  territory.  But,  sir, 
we  arc  Iriumplianlly  asked  by  the  gentleman  from 
Georgia,  [Mr.  Cobb,]  "what  shall  we  gain  by 
delay — what  have  we  ever  gained  by  delay?"  Sir, 
we  shall  gain  time — Time,  to  us  more  precious 
than  great  riches  or  many  jewels — Time,  the  lomb- 
biiilder  and  the  overlurner  of  thrones — Time,  who 
strikes  the  old  with  decrepitude,  ond  lends  vigor 
and  strenglh  lo  the  young.  Sir,  there  is  aiiollu  r 
"  nxlomalic"  fart  which  may  be  gathered  from 
records  of  history,  and  il  is  this;  that  nations, 
like  indlviiliials,  paws  through  the  stages  of  liU'nncy , 
manhood,  ami  old  ajjc  ;  we  see  thuin  sprin^in^  up 


[Jan.  15, 
OF  Reps. 


1816.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


119 


29th  Cono IsT  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Bedinger. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


I  of  lliemnelves 
•rrilory  !  nr,  at 
I  maintnin  any 
il  defend  tluiri. 
Ill  ycur»  ?  ('nil 
I  even  lurry  till 
ritory  will  not 
it  will  not  be 
be  wholly  de- 
H'ill  tilt  "  tarry 
v  out,"  Oreffon 
le  roverrd  wfth 
»e  witrdH  of  the 
,  (Mr.  Kennf.- 
;  Uic  rounlryi" 
nwlinpr  into  the 
No  such  thing, 
,c  brond  face  of 
snid  to  Great 
we  should  add, 

0  every  portion 
r  it  at  this  nio- 
nd  we  mean  to 
in  Imd  fuith? 
unletis  this  no- 
ion  will  reuse.' 
erselfnioieund 
n  n  short  lime 
re  there?  It  ii 
lien  they  have 
nee  mid  prolec- 

in  one  ronlin- 
ould  be  utterly 
iiipany  to  resist 
gration  if  thus 
nil  the  hunter* 
uld  present  no 
iiigi'ution,  thnii 
;  waters  of  the 

time  the  Hud- 
iustin»  the  fur 
le  derived  from 
for  the  snitc  of 
t  we  have  licen 
iir  the  fur  trade 

1  Great  Britain 
benefit  from  it. 
loses  fnr  mors 
r  tmdc  dimin- 

the  benvcr  is 

il  agents  of  the 

tire,  nnd  leave 

Or  shall   this 

ty  to  propose, 

much  ptuusi- 

niaii  from   In- 

lur  emiffrnlion 

he  Columbia 

dmit,  sir,  that 

ly  and  sonic 

High  it  is  fon- 

lli  that  ecntle- 

•an  afl'ord  to 

iinrket,  at  the 

per  head,  yet 

existing  state 

measure  con- 

ilii'  territory 

dclerence  to 

f*ivr.N',]   I   do 

rpoacs  of  fu- 

iliiy  should. 

consequently 

avcn  knows; 

will  be   no 

desirable  that 

je  na  compact 

t  they  should 

But,  sir, 

nileman  from 

we  gain  by 

delay.'"   Sir, 

ore  precious 

lie,  the  lomb- 

Timc,  who 

1   lends  vigor 

re  is  another 

ithered   from 

hat   iinlions, 

I'S  i>f  iiUiuicy, 

piin^in;;  up 


from  small  beginnings — mere  germs  as  it  were — 
growing  up  by  degrees,  increasing  daily  and  lioiir- 
ly  in  strength  and  power,  until  they  reachtlie  very 
summit  of  earthly  greatness,  mid  *'  play  ftiiitastic, 
tricks  tiefore  high  heaven."  Then,  with  old  age, 
come  dissolution  nnd  decny;  and  as  in  the  liiimnn 
body  decrepitude  nnd  disease  mark  the  ravages  of 
tune,  so  in  the  body  politic,  corruption  rears  her 
hmthsome  form,  one  shock  niter  another  smites 
llie  totlering  flibric,  nnd  each  nnd  every  symptom 
declares  how  surely  and  how  rapidly  she  is  de- 
Bcending  into  the  tomb  of  age.s. 

Thus  is  it  with  ourselves  and  our  haughty  rival. 
AVe  are  in  the  vigor  of  youth,  inciensing  every 
year  in  prosperity  and  power.  Great  Rrilnin, 
though  she  may  imt  have  reached  that  period  when 
we  may  look  fiU'  her  speedy  toppling  downfall,  yet 
slic  has  evidently  pn.ssed  her  prune.  She  smacks 
of  age.  Many  gray  hairs  are  discernible  upon  her 
brow,  and  somcsyni|ilonis  of  dotage  are  manifestly 
ncrcenlililo;  and  although  I  will  admit  ibnt  old  ,Tohn 
Itull  is  a  stout  old  bully,  yet,  ncverlhcless,  each 
wave  that  dashes  from  the  ocean  of  Time  saps  and 
undermines  some  portion  of  his  wide  doniinions, 
whilst  its  every  heave  is  lifting  aloft  this  giant  re- 
piililic  of  the  western  world.  Let  me  not  be  mis- 
understood. I  believe,  if  compelled  to  measure 
our  strength  with  Great  Ilrilain,  we  are  even  now 
more  than  a  match  for  her,  though  1  nm  reminded 
of  a  very  sensible  remark  made  to  me  on  a  certain' 
occasion  by  one  of  my  constituents,  n  man  of  gi- 
gantic- physical  powers,  and  remarkable  for  his 
bravery,  as  well  as  for  his  good  naliirc.  He  had 
n  neighbor,  also  u  Hercules  for  strength  and  prow- 
ess, who  wus  constantly  disturbing  him  with  petty 
annoyances.  He  freiiuenlly  complained  to  nie  of 
this  neighbor's  conduct;  and  I  snid  to  him,  upon 
one  occasion,  "Why  do  you  not  lick  him .'  you  arc 
alile  to  do  il."  "Vcs,  sir,  (he  replied,)  1  fcnotc 
that  I  can  lick  him,  but  it  will  sirain  me  to  do  il; 
and  I  don't  choose  lo  undertake  it  until  I  am  actu- 
ally compelled."  Now,  sir,  there  was  wisdom  in 
the  remark.  Mnv  we  not  profit  by  it.'  I  know 
that  we  con  lick  trreat  Britain  ;  hut  believe  me  it 
would  "strain"  us  lo  do  il;  and  we  had  belter 
postpone  it  until  there  is  no  allcrnalive,  and  then 
we  icii(  do  it. 

Thus,  sir,  we  shall  gain  time  by  postponing  thia 
matter; and  every  hour,  every  moment  imis  gained, 
is  of  vital  importance  lo  us.  And  in  reply  to  the 
rpiestion,  "What  liave  we  gained  by  delay?"  I  an- 
swer, we  have  gained  this  at  least :  we  have  gained 
seven  or  ten  thousand  hardy  emigrants  in  llic  dis- 
piiled  territory;  we  have  gained  the  advantage  of 
having  demonstrated  our  title  in  the  face  of  the 
world;  and  once  more,  I  repeat,  we  have  gained 
lime.  Will  any  man  pretend  to  say  that  we  are  not 
better  prepared  now  lo  defend  our  rights  in  Oregon, 
than  we  were  under  the  ndministiations  of  Mr. 
Monroe,  or  Mr.  Adams,  or  General  Jackson.'  Sup- 
nose  we  had  suffered  ourselves  at  that  time  to  have 
Iieeii  hurried  headlong  into  n  contest  about  this  mat- 
ter, does  any  one  doubt  that  wc  would  have  jeop- 
ardized, if  we  had  not  absolutely  lost,  the  whole 
of  the  territory.'  Has  this  time,  then,  been  lost  to 
us.'  Have  we  rested  on  our  oars  for  nothing.'  No, 
sir,  we  are  better  prepared  now  than  wc  were  then, 
and  we  shall  be /»/(;/  prepared  in  a  few  brief  years, 
liut  gentlemen  ask  ir/icii — when  will  wc  be  prepar- 
ed lo  assert  our  rights?  1  answer,  we  arc  ready 
»iO!C,  if  the  worst  comes  to  the  worst.  We  are  ready 
lo  maintain  them  by  arms  even  now,  if  we  shall  be 
com))elled  to  do  so.  But  of  this  there  is  no  dan- 
ger, if  we  pursue  a  wise  and  prudent  policy.  And 
we  shall  be  infinitely  heller  prepared  when,  at  the 
expiration  of  a  few  years,  wc  shall  have  twenty  or 
thirty  thousand  rifles  in  Oregon,  and  emigrants  suf- 
ficient to  cultivate  the  soil,  and  raise  corn  and  beef 
to  maintain  any  army  we  may  send  to  prolecl 
them.  An  army  which  siiiuild  be  sent  there  now, 
would  have  to  subsist  upon  "mule  and  dog" — [see 
rreinont's  expedition] — poor  food  for  fighting  men, 
I  take  il,  sir;  but  in  a  few  years  we  shall  have  citi- 
zens there,  the  IVuilsof  whose  labors  will  maintain 
any  army  sent  to  protect  them.  Then  we  will  be 
ready,  sir,  and  then  wt  will  alrikc. 

But,  again,  it  was  said  by  the  gentleman  from 
Georgia,  [.Mr.  ConBj  that' unless  this  notice  be 
given  immediately,  England  and  the  world  will 
be  induced  lo  believe  that  the  American  Congress 
and  people  are  disposed  not  lo  sustain,  but  to  de- 
Bcrl,  the  Kxecutivc  and  the  AdniinisUutiuii.    But 


can  any  such  inference  be  fairly  drawn,  if  wepnr-  ; 
sue  the  proper  policy  ?    Suppose  wc  adopt  every 
step  proposed  and  every  measure  recommended 
by  the  hxeeutive,  barring  only  this  solitary  one  i 
o'ininiedinte  notice;  suppose  we  Ibllowlhc  reciun-  j 
mcndalions  of  the  President  as  to  the  establish-.; 
ment  of  n  tcrrilurial  government,  the  nppoinlnieut 
of  n  governor,  and  Indian  agents,  the  erection  of  |, 
blockhouses  and  foils  lor  the  prolectinn  of  our  cit- 
izens, the  overland  mail,  and  llic  inducements  lo 
emigration,  Ac. ,  will  any  man  go  forth  from  this 
Hall,  and  say  that  wc  arc  disposed  lo  desert  the  ; 
Adminisiralion?    ^'  ill  il  have  that  appearance  in  ■ 
the  eyts  of  llie  woilil?     No,  sir,  it  is  ungenerous  ' 
and  unjust  lo  make  this  clinrge  airainsi  us;  and 
whoever  will  make  this  charge  against  me  will  do  ,' 
me  foul  injustice  and  slander  me.    But  once  again: 
it  is  urged  that  the  honor  of  the  country  is  at  [ 
stake;  and  if  the  notice  be  notgiven,  il  will  suirer 
in  Ihe  estimation  of  the  world.    Sir,  liy  the  course  1 
of  policy  which  I  have  projiosed,  the  American  ; 
eagle  shall  not  moult  a  feather,  he  shall  not  droop 
a  wing.     American  honor  shall   remain   as  pine 
nnd  intact  as  before;  nnd  Ihe  American  name,  for  j 
prudence,  moderation,  and   wisdom,  shall   stand  | 
even  higher  than  it  now  does  among  the  nations  i 
of  the  earth.     What,  sir,  have  wc  slumbered  thus  I 
long,  through  more  than  a  tpinrler  of  a  century,  1 
upon   this   convention,  forgetful  of  our  national 
honor,  lo  awake  thus  suddenly  and  find  it  iissaili'd 
or  tarnished?   What  hasGrent  Britain  so  recently  ; 
done  in  this  mntter,  to  impugn  our  honor?    We 
j  have  demonstrated  lo  the  world  the  validity  of  our 
title;  nnd  we  now  say  to  Great  Britain,  "  Oregon 
is  ours,  nnd  we  mean  in  time  to  i)os.sess  ourselves 
j  of  every  inch  of  it."    Will  the  national  honor  suf- 
I  fer  by  this  cour.se?    I  think  not,  sir. 
j      Bui  now,  sir,  allow  me  to  call  the  attention  of 
ij  the  committee  to  the  other  side  of  this  question. 
i  Imagine  that  lo  be  done  which  I  am  afraid  will  be 
j:  done  shortly.      Imagine  this  notice  lo  be  given, 
I  Great  Britain  lo  have  received  il,and  the  next  vcs- 
I  sel  that  leaves  her  island  to  bear  to  us  from  her  n 
;[  proposition  to  this  effect:  "  We  have  failed  to  com- 
promise this  mntter  ;  you  linve  ordered  us  out  of 
the  territrtry;  wc  feel  no  dispcsition  to  fight  with 
j!  you;  we  do  not  desire  war;  give  us  now  that 
II  which  you  have  three  several  limes  offered  us; 
!  I  divide  the  territory  at  the  49th  degree  of  north 
:  latitude  ;  wc  will  cheerfully  tjike  the  northern  por- 
;i  lion,  leaving  you  the  southern;  this  matter  shall 
;  end,  and  we  will  sit  down  by  you  as  friends,  and 
i  shaifc  hands  with  you   as   urolhers."     Imagine 
such   n  proposition   as  that  coming  from  Great 
I  Brilainimmediately  after  notice  given.    Is  the  pos- 
i  sibiliiy  so  very  remote  tlint  gentlemen  cannot  give 
I  it  their  reflection  or  considi'ratioii?     Every  advo- 
cate of  immediate  notice  persists  in  declaring  that 
Great  Britain  cannot  fight,  and  will  not  figlit  for 
Oregon.     Then  if  she  cannot  and  will  not  fight,  I 
say  the  chances  are  ten  lo  one  that  she  will  make 
simie  such  offer  as  I  have  mentioned.     And  if  she 
shall  do  this,  I  respectfully  beg  of  the  next  gentle- 
man who  shall  take  this  tloor  on  that  side  of  the 
question,  to  inarch  up  manfully  and  at  once  to  Ihe 
question,  and  inform  me  what  course  the  country 
and  the  Administration  should  pursue  ?   Should  the 
Adminisiralion  accept  the  proposition,  or  should  il 
reject  it  ?     I  already  sec  gcnllemeii  around  nie — 
"  immediate  notice''  men  too— who  are   nodding 
assent,  nnd  by  significant  gestures  intiinnling  that 
such  a  proposition  should    be   accepted.       I    sec 
others,  warm  advocates  of   notice  also,  shaking 
their  heads,  and  by  indignant  frowns  answering 
"  never !  never !" 

Sir,  the  thing  is  palpable.  Great  Britain,  by 
Kuch  a  proposition,  after  muice  given,  would  place 
the  Administration  in  a  dilemma  from  which  it 
would  have  no  resource  but  in  selecting  the  bluiiler 
or  the  softer  horn;  for  if  ihe  Administration  should 
accede  to  the  proposition,  it  would  raise  such  a 
storm  of  opposition,  north,  .south,  east,  and  west, 
as  would  shake,  if  not  entirely  overthrow  it.  The 
clamor  would  be  raised,  the  cry  would  go  forlli, 
"You  have  sacrificed  our  rights;  you  have  forfeit- 
ed our  interests;  you  have  frittereil  away  the  belter 
portion  of  our  glorious  territory;  you  have  acted 
with  timidity,  imbecility;  you  have  backed  out; 
we  can  no  longer  support  you."  If,  on  ihe  con- 
trary, the  Administration  should  reject  such  a 
proposition,  jiublic  dissati.sfaction  would  be  even 
mure  violent,  and  more  to  be  dreaded;  for  il  would 


be  said  that  they  had  wantonly  iiliinged  us  in  o  a 
war,  when  they  niiglil  have  avoiiled  it  by  compro- 
mise! Will  gcndemen  condescend  to  give  this 
view  of  the  question  their  consideration,  mid  an- 
swer il  frankly  and  fairly  if  they  can? 

Now,  take  ihe  other  v^iew  of  ihis  subject.  Sup- 
pose Great  Britain,  after  having  reci'ived  our  no- 
tice, shall  make  us  no  proposition,  and  reftise  to 
compromise.  The  only  question  which  can  then 
arise  is  this:  Will  she,  at  the,  expiration  of  the 
twelve  months,  abandon  what  she  considers  her 
rights  in  Oregon,  or  will  she  prepare  to  maintain 
them  by  arms?  1  think,  sir,  no  one  can  be  found 
who  sericuisly  enlcrtains  thi?  opinion  that  she  will 
quietly  pull  up  her  stakes,  chain  her  lions  together, 
and  remove  to  Canada,  leaving  us  in  possession  of 
Ihi'  territory  for  which  she  has  been  contending 
tliirly  years.  If  she  will  not  do  this,  sli«  must 
fight;  and  if  she  does  fight,  I  ask  gentlemen  what 
will  be  the  consequences  of  the  contest?  I  speak 
now,  not  of  the  eonsenuenees  to  the  North,  or 
South,  or  East,  or  West,  but  to  Oregon  itself;  and 
I  call  upon  gentleman  to  inform  me  by  what  pos- 
sible means,  in  case  of  war,  that  territory  can  bo 
preserved  to  this  Union?  Ye  gentlemen  of  the  West, 
I  call  upon  you  to  answer  me  thia  question.  Boltl 
and  during,  patriotic  and  generous  and  fearless  as 
you  are,  by  what  means  shall  you  rescue  Oregon  in 
case  of  war?  You  have  the  wills,  you  have  the 
hearts,  ymi  have  the  patriotism  more  than  sulTicient, 
but  trust  me,  gcnllemeii,  you  have  not  the  power. 
You  cannot  do  it — 1  ull  yi)U,  you  cannot  do  it. 
You  may  eontiuer  Canada — you  mny  whip  Great 
Britain  on  land  and  on  sea — you  may  astonish  tho 
wiuld-by  the  success  of  your  onus — but  the  first 
result  of  the  war  will  be  the  loss  of  Oregon;  and 
if  it  is  ever  recovered,  it  will  only  be  after  the 
fiercest  and  most  bloody  contest  ever  recorded  in 
your  country's  history.  You  must  lose  Oregon, 
bccnuse,  before  any  army  which  you  can  possibly 
send  to  protect  it,  the  steamers  of  Great  Britain 
will  already  have  arrived  there.  The  Hudson  Bay 
Company,  with  the  thousands  of  Indinn  senlping- 
knivcB  nt  its  command,  are  there  nircndv.  Tlin 
mouth  of  the  Columbia  nnd  the  whole  Pacific  would 
he  guarded  by  British  vessels,  from  whence  sup- 
plies could  easily  be  furnished  to  British  armies  in 
the  territory.  Whilst  our  army,  even  if  it  should 
orrive  in  time,  would  find  no  possible  means  of 
subsistence,  ond  must  either  speedily  return  or 
perish.  And  having  once  gotten  possession  of  the 
territory,  you  would  find  that  years  of  desperate 
fighting  would  not  expel  Great  Britain  from  il, 
though  a  few  years  of  peace  will  inevitably  do  it. 

But  again,  air,  we  have  some  seven  tliousnnd 
citizens — men,  women,  and  children — now  in  that 
territory;  and  while,  with  one  breath,  gentlemen 
arc  calling  upon  us  lo  come  to  their  rescue,  to 
guard  and  protect  our  brave  emigrants  in  Oregon; 
they,  with  the  very  next,  are  ndvocnting  a  mea- 
sure which,  next  month,  perhaps,  will  unshealh 
j  the  knife  which  is  to  shed  their  blood. 
'  Sir,  while  the  eloquent  gentleman  from  Intlinna 
[Mr.  Kennedy]  was  speaking,  and  convulsing  the 
committee  with  his  wit  and  humor,  1  eoulil  not 
help  thinking  how  discordantly  those  sounds  of 
merriment  would  full  upon  the  ears  of  our  citizens 
in  Oregon,  if  it  were  possible  they  should  reach 
them. 

Sir,  I  appeal  to  that  gentleman  now,  I  appeal  lo 
him  in  behalf  of  the  women  and  children  now  in 
Oregon — in  liehalf  of  those  companions  of  his  boy- 
hood, of  whom  he  spoke — those  connexions  of 
kindred  blood,  reared  at  the  same  hearth,  and 
taught  in  the  same  school-house  with  himself.  For 
them  I  appeal  to  him,  and  ask  him  how  he  can  ex- 
pose Ihem,  thus  cut  olf  aa  they  are  from  the  pro- 
tectimi  of  their  country,  to  such  cruel  dangers. 
Sir,  I  say  to  that  gentleman,  in  the  words  of  one 
of  America's  most  distinguished  statesmen,  "  the 
'  voice  of  humanity  issues  from  the  shades  of  the 
'  wilderness;  it  exclaims  that,  while  one  hand  is 
'  lil\ed  up  lo  dissolve  this  convention,  the  other 
'  grasps  tne  tomahawk.  It  summons  our  imagina- 
'  tion  to  scenes  that  will  open.  It  is  no  great  effort 
'  of  the  imagination  to  conceive  that  events  so  near 
'  have  already  begun.  I  can  fancy  that  I  listen  to 
;  '  the  yells  of  savage  vengeance,  and  to  the  shrieks 
'of  torture !  Already  they  seem  to  sigh  on  the 
'  western  wind;  already  they  mingle  with  every 
'  echo  from  the  mountains."  Sir,  is  all  this  idle 
.  declamation  ?    Is  tlierc  no  reality  in  the  picture  f 


130 


29th  CoNO IST  SC88. 


APPENDIX  TO  TFIE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 

The  Oregon  (^lustion — Mr,  Pollock, 


[Jan.  16, 


Ho.  or  RErn. 


ii 


I 


M 


;   I 


Arc  not  our  brave  emigrants  tlierc  wholly  willioul 
Hrrcncr,  wilhout  prntectioii  ?  Tliev  nrc  llicrr  willi 
their  wivi'K  iiiiil  their  hllle  niieii,  eultiviiliiif,'  the  "oil 
in  iH'iK'e.niimins  '•'"'  wihleriicM  to  lihiciiu  nanKm- 
deii.  Biitifwiir  Bhoiihl  he  ileehireil,  h>ii^  hefore 
niiy  proii'iiioii  ciiii  nw'h  them  fnun  us  their 
lilnckeneil  dwellliiK''  will  slniid  na  Biiioiildcriiij,'  . 
nioiiiiiiieiitg  of  our  neglecl,  while  their  mnttcred  ' 
bones  will  whiten  the  jiniiries.  They  will  either 
he  taken  prisoners,  nnd  foriildy  converted  into 
Dritish  sidijcctu,  or  else  they  will  be  ),'iven  over  to  ^ 
the  tomahawk  and  ncnlping-ktiifc.  I  limiw  they  i 
have  siroiij;  arms,  and  sliait  nnil  ftnrh  s«  henilKj  j 
but  they  eannot  eope,  unaided,  with  the  niilitnry 
power  of  Great  Hriiain  and  her  savage  idlics.  And  j 
when  they  ery  to  iis  for  help,  is  it  by  such  iioliey  i 
as  this  that  fjenilenien  are  prepared  to  help  tliem  ? 
And  now,  sir,  I  woidd  renpeetfnlly  ask  my  west- 
ern iVienils  to  plaee  a  little  more  eonlidrnee  in  ihc 
pledges  of  their  Miuthirii  brethren.  It  is  not  riijht 
l)or  1,'cncrous  in  th' 1.1  to  aicnse  the  South  of  the 
Bellir'h  dispo.silion  li.  avoid  this  contest  on  her  own 
neiMinit,  and  in  i-onsideraiion  of  her  own  inteiesia 
only.  AVe  pleihre  them  southern  inteirity  and 
S(>nihern  honor  that  we  will  ."tand  by  them  in  the 
hour  of  111  ed.  We  dilVer  with  them  as  to  the  poli- 
cy propi  !■  to  lie  pursned  ;  we  do  not  think  the  lime 
has  arrived  for  leniiiiialinu;  the  prcseiil  ennvenlioii. 
Uut  if  ^emleinen  will  do  it — if  they  choose  to  lis- 
BUine  the  responsibility — then,  when  the  deed  is 
done — when  the  die  i.n  cnsl — wiien  the  Itubictni  is 
crossed — turn  your  eyes  to  the  Siouth,  and  if  vim 
find  one  recreant  liosoin  there,  call  me  no  prooliei. 
Meanwhile,  all  that  I  ask  of  the  Kcntlenian  from 
Indiana,  [Sir.  Ke.vnkhv,)  who  dcilared  that,  in 
the  notion  uiioii  the  Texas  f|uestioii,  "  the  AVe-'t 
went  it  bliml" — all  that  I  ask  of  him  is  that  he  will 
not  "go  it  blind"  upon  Ore^'on.  Lit  gentlemen 
study  well  the  stops  they  are  about  to  take,  and 
when  tliry  are  taken  the  Siaith  will  not  llineli. 
We  will  lend  our  best  exertions,  nnd  pour  out  our 
best  blood,  to  snatch  Oregon  froiu.  tlic  grasp  of  the 
foe.  But  it  is  not  kind  or  gencnms  to  tjiuiit  us 
now.  The  South  dreads  not  tliis  contest  on  lur 
own  account  more  than  other  portions  of  this 
Union,  and  po.ssibly  not  half  so  much  ns  some. 
And  it  i.sn  foul  aspersion  upon  herchnrarter  to  say 
tlint  she  ireiubles  because  she  is  "weak  nnd  help- 
less, defenceless  nnd  slave-holdiii!;."  And  I  will 
sny  to  the  person  [.Mr.  Oiddinos,  of  Ohio]  who 
threw  out  the  base  .suggestion,  that  the  South  is 
able  to  defend  her  rights,  not  only  on  her  own 
sunny  plniiis,  ngainst  tlie  bloody  efforts  of  reckli'ss 
incendiaries,  but  on  this  floor  and  cl.sewliere, 
agninst  the  Federal  encronchments  of  him  nnd  liiu 

rirty  upon  the  Constitution  of  the  eountrv.  And 
say  to  him  further,  that  there  are  boiiifsinen  in 
the  South — negro  slaves  their,  who  have  ever  been 
more  true  nnd  more  faithful  to  their  nmsiers — to 
the  hnnds  whicli  feed  and  cherish  them — than  he 
ha.s  ever  been  til  his  country  or  its  C'onstitution. 
And  should  he,  and  his  I'herished  allies  and  frii  nds, 
the  "  black  regiments  IVom  the  West  Indies,"  at- 
tempt an  invasion  of  southern  soil,  there  are  ne^:ro 
slaves  there  who  would  meet  him  at  the  thresholds 
of  their  masters' dwellings,  and  scourge  him  home  ! 
[liere  Mr.  BLiiis'r.Eii  was  called  to  order  by  the 
Chair  on  the  ground  of  personality.) 

A  great  dent  has  been  said  in  this  House  against 
the  character  of  (ireat  U  itnin,  and  genilemeii  have 
seemed  to  vie  with  each  other  in  the  use  of  oppro- 
brious epithets  ngninst  her.  I  do  not  desire  to  be 
bchindhnnd,  even  in  this  matter,  sir,  nnd  I  hnvc 
therefore  selected  fronv  a  very  humorous  lilter- 
writer  to  the  New  Vork  Herald,  ei  rUiin  expres- 
sions ndmirably  suited  to  the  occasion.  That  wri- 
ter declares  that  Great  Britain  i.s  a  "  damned,  in- 
corrigible, insatiable,  unappeasable,  unsatisfiuble, 
unrelenting,  never-yieliling,  always-grasping,  nev- 
er-receding, always-encroaching,  unconscionable 
bloody  pirate  I"  i\i>t  having  skill  sufficient  tofind 
words  of  my  own  wherewitli  to  express  my  indig- 
nation against  Great  Rritjiin,  I  have  lieen  compclhd 
to  borrow  them;  and  if  any  gentleman  can  find 
stronger,  or  more  appropriate,  I  should  like  to 
hear  them.  But,  sir,  what  has  this  to  do  with  the 
cjuestion?  And  why  do  gentlemen  waste  their 
time  and  their  energies  in  such  idle  vituperation.* 
Sir,  when  the  strong  man  girds  his  loins  nnd  nervo^ 
his  arm  fyr  some  death-grapple  with  a  foe  worthy 
of  his  elTorls,  if  he  be  wise  lie  is  generally  chary 
of  hU  breath,  and  wastes  not  his  wind  in  idle  in- 


vectives, vi'hich  he  knows  will  fall  unheeded  on 
the  earn  of  his  ndversnry.  Will  the  railing  ngiiinst 
Ijri^t  Britain  spike  one  of  her  guns,  or  burst  the 
boilers  of  one  of  her  steamships?     1  fear  not. 

Much  also  has  been  spokei,  here  in  piaise  of  the 
American  eagle;  and  that  bird  has  been  ciiniielled, 
of  late,  to  take  a  vast  deal  of  niiiieeessary  exercise, 
"  phiniinghis  wings  and  soaring  aloH, "and  "soar- 
ing alol\  and  |dniiiing  his  wings." 

Sir,  1  happen  to  know  something  of  the  nature 
of  that  great  monarch  of  the  feathered  tribe. 
Those  who,  like  inysilf,  have  stood  amid  the  sub- 
lime scenery  at  Harper  s  Keriy,  nnd  watched  him 
there  in  his  favorite  haunts,  now  perched  in  soli- 
tary grandeur  on  some  tall  iieiik  or  towerirtV  <"rng 
— now  wheeling  into  the  lieavens  with  his  eye 
ii|ion  the  siin — those  who  hnve  di  lighted  to  watch 
hini  thus,  know  something  of  his  nature  and  his 
habits.  They  know  that  he  is  never  rash,  that 
hi'  niekes  no  uiinicessary  noise,  or  idle  lliittering; 
that  he  never  strikes  niiiil  he  is  rtailij,  nnd  when 
he  does  strike,  it  is  with  the  rnplilily  and  deadly 
certainty  of  heaven's  lightning  !  I  witnessed  there, 
upon  one  occasion,  sir,  a  scene  which  I  wish  1 
had  the  skill  or  nbilily  to  depict  to  this  committee, 
I'lir  it  was  very  betmtiful.  There  was  a  binck, 
lowering,  anil  portentrais  cloud  in  the  west,chnrged 
with  tlinnder;  oier  its  dnrk  bosom  the  red  light- 
ning glennud  and  danced,  and  the  voice  of  the  thun- 
der came  forth  in  I'mcs  which  shook  the  hills.  An 
engle  cniiie  swooping  on  from  the  east,  directly 
ill  the  face  of  the  cliaid  itsell".  Onward  he  came 
with  the  riipidity  of  an  arrow,  seemingly  resolved 
'.o  penetrate  the  dark  barrier,  and  make  his  onward 
way  in  spite  of  all  resistance.  Now  he  plunged 
into  the  dark  bosom  of  the  cloud,  us  if  determined 
to  snatch  the  liglitninj;s  of  Heaven.  Anon  he 
will  eled  aloft  as  if  resolved  to  scale  its  summit; 
and  his  sliiii  k  came  forth  in  fierce  defiance  of  the 
angry  thunder.  But,  suddenly,  he  made  one  mn- 
jesiic  swoop — not  backward,  sir,  no  retreat  in  liis 
nature — but  directly  along  the  very  verge  of  the 
iloiid,  skirting  the  Blue  Ridge,  nnd  perched  him- 
self upon  one  of  its  lol'tiest  peaks.  He  naused  one 
nnuuent,  with  bowed  wings  nnd  glancing  eyes — 
the  cloud  bh'W  over  wilhout  even  the  smallest  pat- 
tering of  rain,  the  sun  came  out  again  from  the 
cloudless  heaven,  the  eagle  sprang  from  his  perch, 
nnd  pursued  his  course  far  in  the  dim  regions  of 
the  trni'klcss  west ! 

So,  sir,  might  it  be  with  us,  if  we  could  but  curb 
our  impelnosiiv  nnd  imprudence;  if  we  could  but 
pause  nnd  ponibr,  nnd  wnit,  for  n  brief  period,  the 
dark  clmid  now  lowering  upfui  our  politicnl  hori- 
7.(ui  would  ]>nss  nway,  withonl  dilficulty  or  dan- 
ger, and  the  "  .Vniericnn  engle"  wcinld  take  itsmi- 
ward  flight,  unresisted  nnd  nnoppo.scd,  to  the  rich 
regions  of  Oregon. 


OREGON  aUKSTION. 
I      SPEfX'H  OF    MR.  J.  POLLOCK, 

OF    PEN.VSYI.V.\MA, 
!  In  the  IIoisk  of  Rf.prksentatives, 

January  Ifi,  1846. 
On  the  Resolution  for  terminating  the  joint  occu- 
pation of  Oregon. 
Mr.  Cihirman:  I  design  briefly  to  di.scuss  the 
subject  now  under  considerntiim.  I  am  aware  that 
the  House  is  already  wearied  by  so  long  and  pro 
tnicted  a  debate:  the  suliject,  tlnuigh  not  exhaust- 
ed, has  lost  its  novelty;  the  interest  it  excites  re- 
mains unabated.  .\lth(aigli,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  be- 
lieve I  have  a  "clear  and  unquestionable"  title  to 
the  whole  hour  under  the  rule,  yet  I  am  willing  to 
compromise  with  the  flouse,  and  perhaps  ..ot  go 
lieyond  forty-nine  minutes,  or  nt  furthest,  upon 
'  the  principle  of  progression  and  expansion,  I  may 
be  inclined  to  occupy  fifty-four  minutes  forty  sec- 
onds. 

In  common  witli  many  gentlemen  who  have 
preceded  me,  I  may  be  pcrmitteil  to  congratulate 
the  House  and  the  country  that  this  t|uestion  has 
now  risen  above  party  consideratiims.  Its  magni- 
tude nnd  importanci^  require  that  it  should  do  so. 
Parties,  I  acknowledge,  sir,  are  not  without  their 
uses  in  Republican  Governments:  they  are  as  ne- 
cessary for  the  preservation  nnd  purity  of  republi- 
can iiistiluliona  as  the  storms  that  agitate  old  ocean 


are  for  the  pnrificatiiui  of  its  mighty  muss  of  wa- 
ters. But  this  question,  n«'|Hiratpd  ns  it  should  bn 
from  all  local  feeling  and  sectional  prejudices,  is 
nil  Anierienn  iiiiestion — a  question  of  Amrrieaii 
sovereignty— ot  Ainericnn  rights  to  American  soil: 
a  (piestion  involving  the  honor  of  our  country  in 
the  niamtenance  of  rights;  and  I  do  most  earnest- 
ly protest  against  itji  being  degraded  to  a  mere 
party  question. 

Sir,  we  have  rights  in  Oregon — wo  have  rights 
ro  Oregon:  this  will  be  admitted  by  all,  nlthough 
geiilleinen  inny  honestly  diller  as  to  the  extent  of 
those  rights.  Out  rights,  then,  whntever  they  are, 
or  whatever  irlny  be  their  extent,  must  be  main- 
tained; they  can  never  be  h(Uioiably  abandoned. 
Sir,  to  those  propositions  no  dissenting  voice  will 
be  heard. 

I  proiHise  briefly  to  refer  to,  not  to  investignte, 
our  riglits  in  and  our  title  to  (Iregon.  l'"ioin  the 
best  examination  I  hiivc  been  enabled  to  mnke  of 
tliis  question,  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  is 
superior  to  that  of  any  other  imtiim  on  the  face  of 
the  globe.  Our  title  to  4"J°  is  dear,  and  ought  to 
be  unquestionable.  Between  4'.l'^aiid  .')4°40'  there 
is,  it  must  be  admitted,  some  room  to  cavil.  No 
gentleman  in  this  House  pretends  to  deny  that 
Great  Britain  has  r/niiiM  to  the  conntry  north  of 
49°.  Whether  thesis  cluiius  oinount  to  rights — 
rights  to  be  iigarded  by  the  ITnited  States  nnd  to 
be  enforced  by  Great  Britain,  is  another  question; 
anil  that  these  c/iijiiM  have  beep,  to  some  consider- 
able extent,  repeatedly  recognised  by  the  United 
Stales,  must  al.so  be  ndmitteil  with  equal  unanimity. 
Our  title  to  Oregon  hns  been  set  forth  and  main- 
tained with  clearness  nnd  signal  ability  by  the  hon- 
orable gentlemen  to  whom  the  dijilomacy  of  the 
conntry  has,  at  ditVerent  periods  in  our  liistory, 
been  committed.  Ticsi  discussions,  from  tno 
tinie«  of  the  venernble  Gallatin  down  to  the  pres- 
e'lt  Secretary  of  State,  hnve  been  chnrncterizcd  by 
as  much  talent,  skill,  nnd  profound  knowledge  of 
the  subject,  ns  the  ilijdomatic  records  of  any  Gov- 
ernment can  exhibit.  The  question  of  title,  thus 
determined,  thus  spread  out  upon  the  recorcl,  hns 
been  submitted  to  the  country.  The  argument  of 
the  Secretary  of  Slate,  so  far  as  regards  the  claim 
of  Great  llriiain,  is  conclusive  and  irresistible. 
The  British  Minister  himself  hns  failed  to  refute 
them.  The  only  right  she  has  to  claim  anything 
from  the  United  States  rests  exclusively  on  the 
fact,  that  we  have  recognised  some  right  on  lier 
|iart  to  the  territory  in  rtispute,  in  the  negotiations 
nnd  treaties  with  her  in  IKlH,  1824,  182(1,  1(*37, 
nnd  lastly  in  1845.  This  recognition  has  been 
made  by  iisaldifl'erent  |ieriodsaiid  in  various  ways. 

Throwing  asiile  for  the  present  the  Spanish  title, 
which  is  ours  by  jmrcluise,  mir  own,  independent 
of  that,  is  in  itself  superior  to  any  which  can  be 
set  up  against  us  by  any  of  the  nations  of  the  earth. 
The  di.scovery  of  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  river, 
by  Captain  (iiuy;  out  settlement  on  its  banks,  not 
only  at  its  mouth,  nt  .\storin,  l>ut  at  a  distance  of 
several  hundred  miles  up  the  stream,  which  settle- 
ments have  been  recognised  by  Great  Britain,  in 
the  treaty  nt  Ghent  in  lH14,nnil  the  .sulmequent  res- 
toration of  Astoria  to  the  United  Slates  in  pur.-^u- 
am  e  of  that  treaty  in  1818;  llie  exploration  of  the 
whole  river  nnd  most  of  its  blanches  by  Lewis  nnd 
Clarke  in  IHUJ;  the  fact  of  its  contiguity  to  our 
own  territories;  all  recognistd  ns  they  are  by  the 
law  of  nations  as  elements  of  title,  combine  to  in- 
vest U3  with  H  title  to  the  territory  which  would  be 
good  ngainst  the  world.  The  principle  isgenernlly, 
if  not  universally  recognised,  that  llie  discovery  of 
:lie  niouih  of  a  river  before  unknown,  gives  u>  tlia 
nation  di.scovering  it  a  right  to  the  entire  region 
drained  by  its  walers.  We  are  the  discoverers  of 
the  Columbia,  and  our  ghts  extend  us  far  as  its 
tributiiries  extend,  unices  some  of  those  tributaries 
had  been  visited  prior  to  our  discovery,  of  which 
there  is  no  authentic  evidence.  If  it  be  true,  ns  is 
asserted,  and  as  geographers  have  established,  that 
the  Columbia  river  drains  the  country  up  to  .'i.'iO 
north,  then  the  discovery  of  the  river  gives  us  a 
title  up  to  that  latitude;  thus  leaving  1°  40'  of  dis- 
puted territory.  But,  sir,  in  addition  to  our  own 
utic  thus  derived,  the  S|ianish  title  was  acquired 
subsequently  to  our  discoveries  by  the  United 
States,  and  is  now  fully  vested  in  us  by  virtue  of 
the  treaty  of  1819  with  Snain.  This  title,  although 
it  might  have  been  consiuered  whilst  outstanding  as 
aiiiagonisticnl  tu  ours,  yet  in  our  hands  it  has  been 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


m 


S29TH  CONO IbT  S.  S8. 


Tht  Oregon  ^ttion — Mr.  Pollock. 


Ho.  or.  Kepi. 


ly  inuM  of  WR- 
nH  it  iihnuld  tin 
.!   prcjiiilirra,  is 

II  of  Amrriciiii 
)  AmericBii  soil: 

oiircminiry  in 
n  nioul  I'-nrncnt- 
ided  to  a  mere 

wo  linvc  riRliti 
!iy  nil,  iillliou);li 
1(1  the  rxiciil  of 
Bliver  ihoy  nrc, 
iiitiiit  Itr  miiin- 
ilily  nlmndoiit'i!. 
ntiiig  voice  will 

I  to  inrriitif^Htc, 
;on.  I'Voni  the 
liU'd  1(1  iiinke  of 
)|p  of  Orciron  \a 
n  on  ili«  fucc  r)f 
>r,  niul  oii|;lit  tn 
iiid  54040' there 

III  to  cnvil.  No 
Im  to  deny  thnt 
oiinlry  nnrlh  of 
lunt  to  ri;;hls — 
mI  .Suites  mid  tr> 
loiher  queslion; 
I  some  roiiaider- 
1  liy  the  United 
qunlunnnimity, 
oi'th  and  nmin- 
ility  by  the  hoii- 
ijilunim-y  of  the 
III  our  liistory, 
ions,  from  the 
iwn  to  the  prcs- 
'hnmcteri/.ed  by 
d  knowledge  of 
rds  of  any  Gov- 
on  of  title,  thus 

the  rerord,  hns 

"he  iirKiinient  of 

'(.'nrds  the  rlnini 

nid    irresistible. 

fniled  to  refute 

ritilni  nnylhing 

liisively  on  the 

le  right  on  lier 

neKolintinns 

24.  182(1,  1827, 

ition   has  been 

nvftrioiis  wayn, 

IP  Spnnish  title, 

n, independent 

whirh  CUM  be 
ins  of  the  enrtli. 
Coluniliin  river, 
n  its  banks,  not 
at  u  dist.uii'e  nf 
n,  whii'h  settle- 
iTiit  I'riliiin,  in 
suliseqncnt  res- 
Siiiles  in  pur.-iii- 
pliiraiion  of  the 
sby  Lewis  and 

iii^'uity  to  our 
hey  are  by  tbo 

combine  to  in- 
wbich  would  be 
)le  is  generally, 
lie  discovery  of 
rtli,  {jivislo  I  ha 
c  fiilire  region 

'li.srovrrtra  of 

nd  as  far  as  its 
hose  tributaries 
very,  of  which 
it  be  true,  as  is 
stablished,  that 
Iry  up  to  ,5;P 
ivcr  gives  us  a 
1°  4U'  of  dis- 
lon  to  our  own 
e  was  acquired 
l>y  the  United 
us  by  virtue  of 

title,  although 

outstanding  as 
lids  it  has  been 


united  to,  and  itren^itheni,  if  need  be,  our  own 
title,  thus  rendering  it  rertaiiilv  and  unqualilkdly 
better  than  the  British  title.  If  (J real  liriuiiii  has 
any  claims  based  upon  prior  discovery,  they  ran 
only  be  those  surrendered  to  her  by  Smiin.  But 
whin  we  regard  the  fact  that  the  Spanish  claims  tn 
discovery,  which  were  unnueslioimlily  prior  to  hers, 
and  ndiiiilted  so  to  be  by  Lnglund  herself, have  now 
come  into  our  possession,  however  inconsistent 
they  may  be  with  that  which  we  possess  in  our 
own  right,  both  being  now  merged  into  one,  no  na- 
tion ean  on  that  uocoiint  now  object  to  our  claim. 
Two  titles  may  In  their  nature  lie  antagnnistical, 
but  when  both  unite  in  the  same  party,  who  can 
objert  because  of  their  inconsistency  ?  Not  Great 
Britain  certainly.  S|min,  jirior  to  our  purchase 
from  her,  might  liave  objected  and  protested  against  \ 
our  occujiation  and  settlement  of  the  country,  yet, 
having  by  purchaso  succeeded  to  all  her  rights, 
our  title  therefore  to  the  whole  of  Oregon,  allhoufjh  [ 
perhas|i  not  perl'ect  and  free  from  ditficulty,  is  in  ■ 
every  respect  superior  to  any  claim  or  title  that 
England  may  have  in  or  to  the  disputed  tcrri-  , 
tory.  .      I 

()n  the  other  hand,  sir,  upon  what  is  the  claim  j 
of  the  Itriiish  Government  to  any  porlicui  nf  the  j 
Oregon  territory  founded?    It  is  based  principally, 
as  1  understand  it,  upon  the  rights,  if  aiiy.actjuir- 
ed  by  linglnnd  from  Hpain,  by  virtue  of  ilicNoot-  \ 
ka  Sound  convention,  signed  at  the  Escurial  in  ; 
1790.     By  the  stipulations  of  that  treaty  the  right 
to  trade  with  the  Indians,  to  make  settleinenls,  and 
to  esuiblish  colonies  on  the  territory  was  yielded 
to  England,  to  be  exercised  in  common  with  Spain,  ' 
whilst  the  right  of  sovereignty,  instead  of  being 
vested  in  England,  was  expressly  held  in  abey- 
ance.    This  treaty,  however,  being  annulled  and 
abrogated  by  Uie  war  of  ITJti  between  England  and 
Spain,  all  the  rights  of  England  under  that  treaty 
were  at  the  same  time  aniuillcd  and  abrogated,  and 
fell  with  the  treaty.  j 

I  have  referred,  sir,  to  the  Nootka  Sound  con-  \ 
venlion  for  the  purpose  of  directing  the  attention 
of  the  House  to  another  branch  of  the  claim  of 
England  to,  the  Oregon  territory,  which  claim, 
though  not  fiiunded  upon,  yet  arose  during  the  ex-  , 
istence  of  that  convcn'ion.  I  refer,  sir,  to  the  dis-  ] 
covery  of  Frazer's  rivci  bv  McKenzie,  n  British  j 
subject,  in  1792,  and  the  suliseq'ent  settlement  of  j 
that  river  by  the  Hudson  Bay  Coi,.;iany.  It  has  i 
been  contended  on  the  part  ol  Great  'Britain  that 
this  discovery  of  Erazer's  river  gives  to  iT'igland  a 
right  to  all  the  country  drained  by  the  wu  -^rs  of 
that  river  and  its  tributaries,  upon  the  same  prin- 
ciple that  the  discovery  of  llic  Columbia  gives  to 
the  United  Stales  a  right  to  the  territory  drained  by 
its  waters.  This  would  be  true  if  the  discovery  of 
these  respective  rivers  had  been  made  under  simi- 
lar circumstances,  and  equally  iii'iependent  of 
Spain.  But,  sir,  in  1792,  when  Erazeis  river  was 
discovered,  England  and  Spain  were  thejoinloc- 
I  iipanis  of  the  very  region  drained  by  this  river, 
by  virlue  of  the  cnnvenlion  tn  which  I  have  rtfcr- 
rcd.  England  being  in  possession  by  agreement 
with  Spain,  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  tenant  in  com- 
mon with  her,  and  thus  the  acts  of  one  or  both 
would,  upon  every  principle  of  civil  and  national 
law,  inure  to  the  benefit  of  each  other.  When, 
therefore,  discoveries  and  setllemenls  were  made 
«iihiii  the  territory  subsequent  In  the  convention 
of  1790,  the  whole  benefits  of  such  discoveries  and 
seillenients  inured  as  much  to  the  benefit  of  Spain 
OS  of  Great  Britain;  the  settlement  of  the  one  be- 
comes the  Rcltlement  of  the  other,  and  both  derive 
a  miilual  benefit  IVom  the  acts  of  the  other;  neillier 
parly,  during  the  existence  of  the  convention,  be- 
ing conipelcnt  to  derive  any  exclusive  right  to  the 
territory  thus  held  in  common  from  their  own  acts. 
And  although  Spain  may  have  made  no  seltle- 
iTients  whatever  on  Frazer  s  river,  still  Spain  being 
a  jiarly  in  interest,  is  as  such  enlitleil  to  a  full  share 
of  all  the  beneficial  acts  done  by  Great  Britain. 
We  have  since  become  the  owners  of  the  Spvnish 
title,  and  the  convention  of  Noolku  Sound  being 
nlirogated  by  the  subsequent  war  between  Spain 
and  England,  and  the  rights  of  England  under  that 
convention  being  annulled,  we  continue  to  hold  the 
Spanish  title  even  to  the  country  drained  by  Em- 
zer's  river,  our  own  title  being  thus  strengthened 
and  sustained  by  the  discoveries  and  settlements 
of  England  herself.  Our  title,  therefore,  to  the  ter-  I 
ritory  in  dispute,  as  against  England,  is  tlius  far  , 


the  better  title.    There  ore  circumstances,  how- 
ever, that  must  control  the  United  States  in  the  fu-  | 
turc  settlement  of  this  question.  r 

Such,  then,  being  our  title  to  Oregon,  the  im-  ' 
portant  question  arises,  what  is  the  best  policy 
to  be  pursued  in  relation  to  this  controversy  with  j 
Great  Britain?  A  great  deal  has  been  said  of  the 
policy  of  "  masterly  inactivity;"  much  in  ils  praise, 
much  in  ils  condemnation.  At  one  time,  sir,  I  was  { 
the  firm  and  uiiconinrcunisiiig  advocate  of  this  pol- 
icy. The  |iast  and  present'  condition  of  Oregon 
indicated  that  this  policy  was  not  only  "  masterly," 
but  "  wise,"  and  the  result,  if  it  had  been  iierniit- 
led  to  onerate,  would  have  proved  the  wisdom  of 
those  who  advocated  it.  The  arguments  in  sup- 
port of  this  policy  were  invincible — they  appealed 
to  the  reason  and  common  senspof  all;  and  if  gen- 
tlemen desired  to  obtain  the  "whole  of  Oregon," 
no  more  certain  means  of  accomplishing  this  result 
could  have  been  adonted.  Oregon  is  distant  IVom 
us  three  thousand  miles;  the  whole  region  compara- 
tively without  poindatiuir,  a  wilderness  uninhabit- 
ed; at  present  witliout  benefit  either  to  England  or 
the  United  States,  and  cannot  be  of  any  practicid 
utility  for  years  to  come.  It  is  in  precisely  such  po- 
sition OS  to  enable  us — by  encouraging  einigration, 
sending  tliere  the  hardy  pioneers  of  the  West,  with 
their  strong  arms  and  stout  hearts,  armed  with  the 
axe  and  the  ritle — to  Uike  such  possession  of  the 
country  that  no  nation  could  take  it  from  us. 

The  nositioii  taken  by  the  gentleman  from  Geor- 
gia, |\Ir.  TociMBH,]  that  so  long  as  the  convention 
of  1818,  which  was  renewed  in  1827,  between 
England  and  the  United  States  reninined  in  force, 
we  could  not  perfect  our  tijle  to  Oregon,  by  emi- 
gration or  otherwise,  is  certainly  a  correct  position, 
and  constitutes  wilh  me  n  strong  argument  in  fa- 
vor of  the  notice  contemplated  by  the  resolutiiin 
now  under  consideration;  for  although  wave  after 
wave  of  population  may  How  into  that  great  Ta- 
cific  country;  though  we  may  fill  it  with  cities, and 
crowd  it  wi'tli  towns  and  villages;  erect  palaces  nf 
justice  and  temples  to  the  Most  High;  yet,  sir,  all 
this  process  of  settli  meiit  would  not  perfect  our 
title  or  extinguish  the  claims  of  England,  so  long 
as  the  convention  of  1827  remains  in  full  force  and 
virtue. 

What,  sir,  will  be  the  condition  of  Oregon  in  n 
quarter  of  n  century  from  this  time?    Turning  to 
the  past,  and  examining  what  has  been  done  in 
other  portions  of  our  country,  we  may,  to  some 
j  extent,  answer  tlio  question.     What  was  our  coii- 
j  ditioii  less  than  li.ill  a  century  ago?    Our  popula- 
tion did  not  exceed  five  millions  of  souls — our  cities 
were   few — towns   and  villages  fiir  distant   IVom  ' 
I  each  other — our  commerce  feeble,  and  the  iiidus- 
1  try  of  the  country  just  awakening  into  life  and 
j  activity.     Vast  regions  lay  siill  in  a  stale  of  na- 
ture, and  the  Allcgiuiies  then  constituted  the  uUhna 
tliule  of  American  civilization.     No  adventurous 
!  spirit  that  had  climbed  to  llie  summit  of  the  steep, 
and  cast    his  eye  over    the  boundless  waste  be- 
I  yond,  had  as  yet  even  in  dim  prospect  conteni- 
;  jilaled  that  wide  and  glorious  valley,  through  which 
flows  the  lUllier  of  waters;  none  had  as  yet  ven- 
I  tured  his  footsteps  into  that  land  unknown.     But, 
sir,  the  scene  has  changed.     The  tide  of  our  ud- 
I  vancing  population,  like  the  waves  of  a  mighty 
sea,  has  d^ulied  over  the  steeps  of  the  .\lleganies, 
and,  rolling  through  the  valley  of  the  iVIississippi, 
has  covered  and  filled  it  all;  and  even  now  has 
■  reached  the  foot  of  the  Rocky  mountains,  and 
assails  every  gorge  of  that  miglily  chain.     That 
barrier,  lofiy  and   insurinounialile  ns  it  afipeius, 
is  beginning  to  yield — it  will  be  cro.-fsed — it  has 
been  crossed,  and  already  our  hardy  pioneers  were 
found  beyond  them  on  their  advancing  way  to  the 
Pacific.     The  operation  of  the  inevitable  laws  of 
population  would  lia\e  secured  Oregon  to  us,  in  a 
manner  (icaceful  and  efficient:  we  liavc  increased 
in  less  than  half  a  century  from  five  millions,  until 
we  now  number  over  twenty  millions:  we  have 
increased  in  wealth,  in  strength,  and  power  and 
infiuence,  until  we  rival  the  first  of  the  nations  of 
the  earth.     Our  experience  in  years  piuit  apjieals 
with  irresistible  |iower  in  favor  of  the  system  of 
"  masterly  inactivity." 

But  circumstiuices  have  now  changed.  It  was  a 
wise  policy;  but  it  is  no  longer  wisdom  to  pursue 
it.  We  are  now  compelled  to  oct — compelled  by 
circumstances  over  which  we  have  no  control.  The 
agitation  of  the  whole  coiuitry,  and  the  prevailing 


excitement  upon  this  ciutstion,  prevent*  the  con- 
summation or  B  p<dicy  hitherto  wise.     Thisugila- 


tiiiii  has  been  produced  by  the  act  of  the  dominant 

fiarty,  whii:h  has  added  another c' 
Itical  discords  that  distract  us. 


larty,  whii:h  has  added  another  clement  tn  the  po- 

The    Baltimore 

Convention  int.— duced  into  its  creed  the  two  trnnd 
articles  nf  faith,  "Texas  and  Oregon,"  in  "  uisas- 
tioiiB  conjunction,"  in  the  estimation  of  many  gen- 
tlemen now  upon  this  lloor,  but  who,  at  the  lime 
of  their  ado|ition,  submitted  most  cheerfully  and 
willingly  to  the  decrees  of  ihut  body.  Sir,  the  in- 
troduction of  great  nalioniil  questions — questions 
involving  our  relations  with  foreign  nations — into 
llie  political  arena  of  party  strife,  is  an  experiment 
of  most  doubtful  tendency.  Terriuiriid  aggran- 
dizement has  of  late  become  a  popular  idea;  (uitri- 
otic  appeals  are  made  to  the  people  ;  an  extension 
of  our  boundarieif  beyond  their  present  territorial 
limits  is  urged  with  vehemence  and  zeal;  the  spirit 
nf  conquest,  bloodless  indeed  as  yet,  is  rife  amoiigiit 
us;  tlie  policy  of  the  country  has  lieeen  changed — a 
change  that  must  be  met  by  corre«|iondcnt  action 
prompt,  efficient,  and  without  delay. 

1  am  not,  sir,  the  advocote  of  the  extension  pol- 
icy; I  have  opposed  it  heretofore,  and  am  opposed 
to  it  now,  unless  in  a  manner  perfectly  in  accord- 
ance with  the  Constitution  of  our  country,  and 
with  the  spirit  of  our   institutions.      Republican 

Crinciples  must  and  will  spread.    Vet,  sir,  I  do  not 
old  to  the  doctrine  that  we  are  bound  to  extend 
our  country  with  them.     Nothing  can  resist  tho 
spread  of  the  principlesof  republican  liberty.  You 
might  us  well  attempt  to  chain  the  lightning  in  ils 
course,  or  stay  the  ihunderbolt,  as  Ui  orrest  their 
onward  progress.    The  glorious  principles  of  iVee- 
doni  will  continue  to  spread,  until  thrones  and  dy- 
nasties shall  crumble  into  dust,  until  thedespoiism.s 
:  of  the  earth  shall  have  passed  away,  and  until  thii 
world  shall  feel  and  acknowledge  their  power.  But 
1  I  cannot  consent  to  join  the  cry  that  the  whole 
1  American  continent  must  come  into  our  confcdera- 
']  cy,  that  the  United  States  must  extend  from  "  sen 
j  to  sea,"  and  IVom  "  the  rivers  to  the  ends  of  the 
'  earth."    It  is  impracticable,  it  is  dangerous  to  the 
integrity  of   the   Union,   and  calculated  to  burst 
asunder  the  cords  which  bind  us  os  one  peo|)lc. 
This  fatal  lust  of  extension,  I  fear,  will  soon-  •  or 
later  bring  down  to  the  dust  the  last  Republic  the 
world  will  ever  see.     If  by  our  folly,  sir,  we  jeop- 
ard the  existence  of  our  Union — if,  liy  our  reckless 
policy,  wc  perish  as  a  nation,  with  us  will  perish 
the  last  hope  of  frccdnm  to  the  human  race.     Let 
our  )iriiicinles  extend,  give  them  the  "  wings  of  the 
morning,"  and  letlhein  "  fly  to  the  uttermost  parts 
of  the  sea:"  God  speed  iheir  progress;  but  I  be- 
seech gentlemen    to  stop  the  career  upon  which 
they  seem  to  have  entered.   The  spirit  of  conquest 
is  abroad  in  the  land — that  spirit  that  has  written 
the  history  of  the  world  in  Ijlood,  and  bowed  tho 
proudest  nations  of  earth  to  the  dust.     Sir,  there 
is  a  morbid,  sickly  appetite  for  territorial  cxici  - 
sion,  that  must  be  checked,  or  we  must  full.     I 
1  care  not  from  what  quarter  it  comes,  it  is  perni- 
I  cious,  and  llire^itens  our  dearest  interests. 

Sir,  we  have  territory  enough — a  territory,  in- 
cluding Oregon,  the  most  magnificent  the  world 
ever  saw.     Why,  then,  seek,  in  this  spirit  of  ag- 
'  grandizemcni,   to    extend    our  territorial   limits? 
Gentlemen    have,  during   this  debate,  spoken  in 
:  :;lowiiig  terms  of  the  greatness  of  our  country,  its 
i  honor,  ils  power,  and  ils  grandeur.    A  proper  de  • 
glee  of  national  pride  is  commendable.     It  is  es- 
sential to  the  preservation  of  the  national  rights 
and   national   honor;  but  ns  with  individuals  so 
wilh  nations,  there  is  "  a  pride  that  goeth  beforo 
deslrnclion,  and  a  haughty  spirit  that  goeth  beforo 
a  fall."   If  we  have  not  reached  that  eminence,  wu 
are  at  least  rapidly  apmoachingit — a  giddy  height, 
from  which  we  may  lie  dashed  to  nieces.     In  the 
naUiral  history  of  man,  wc  are  tolu  that  when  an 
individual   is  raised  to  a  great  elevation,  placed 
upon  some  lofty  height,  there  is  lui  almost  irre- 
,  sistible  impulse  to  dash  liimself  IVom  his  giddy  el- 
evation— to  perish  by  the  liill.    This  principle  is  as 
a|iplicable  to  nations  as  to  individuals.     Let  gen- 
[  tlemeii  look  at  the  past,  and  learn  wisdom  front 
I  experience.     Sir,  they  can  gather  precious  politi- 
I  cnl  truths  among  the  ruins  of  empires. 
j      Sir,  the  principles  upon  which  I  oppose  the  im- 
j  politic  and  dangerous  extension  of  the  limits  of 
■  our  republic  do  not  apply  to  the  territory  of  Ore- 
gon    That  is  a  question  of  rdeiifion  not  uf  ezfcti- 


199 


i  ' 


l^9rH  CoNn Irt  Skii. 


APPKNDIX  TO  THE  CONORESSIONAT.  GLOnE. 
7%e  Orcfron  (^iieilion — Mr,  I'oUork. 


[.Inn.  16, 


Ho.  or  Urps. 


I' 


limtl  not  iifniliiiiiiKiiin,  Inn  dl'  lli.'  nMrrtinii  nriiiir 
riKhla,  mill  nil  liiiiinrnliir  ilrtrriiiiimiiiiii  In  mniiiuiin 
tlinii. 

In  nililiiKin  lo  iIip  ulnlr  of  our  roiintry,  Ihr  »lnlF 
ofonr  toiTii;ii  rrliitjoiiii  is  niinihrr  rinioii  ninkiiie  it 
nri-i'ntnrv  to  nliniiitcni  llir  poliry  en'  "  niiinlirly  iii- 
aoiiviiy.''  iinil  iulo|p|  ■cniiB  oilitr.  Inmiivily  lins 
Cfnmil  in  I"'  «  i«r.  Wi-  Imvr  liicn  inrorini'il  liy  llie 
I'rinuleiil  ol'llir  I'lillcil  Stnire,  in  liin  iinnnnl  miH- 
■n^p  lo  iNnii;rrKH|tlnl  ilic  iic'^oliiilionN  hrlNM'i'ii  tlin 
two  ronnirii'ii  i>ii  this  t>rf'j;ini  (|itrH(ion  Imvf  hrrn 
nlwindonnl;  limt  llic  oiler  of  roniproiiilnc  he  liiul 
ftll  lionnil  to  iniilii',  hnvinj  liri'ii  rijcrliil  liy  ilic 
Urilisli  Minmttr,  had  ln-rn  willnlniwn;  ihnl  llit-rc 
Wii«  no  prolmliiliiy  ol'  any  liilnri'  olIrM  ol'  niroiii- 
niKilnllon  w  liiili  wi>  I'oulil  aore|il  u  iili  ii  iliir  ri';'iir(l 
lo  iIk>  niuiinuil  lionor.  Ilo  iiTonnnrinls  thai  tlir 
notiiT  It.'  yivrii,  and  llnii,  at  ilic  cvinraiitni  of  tlir 
twrtvr  months*,  the  Iiiiic  will  liavp  ai  I'ivrd  wlitri  our 
national  rivMiiH  inni<t  ciilirr  lir  aliaiidonid  or  I'iriiily 
liiainlaini'ir.  If  no,  wliai  is  now  lo  lir  done  >  MomI 
we  Miami  hiMI;  niiint  we*  under  i>in'iiniHtani-i-H  like 
tlioHe  winrli  now  mark  our  loreiL^i  relniioriH,  fold 
(Mirnrninand  lurnul  I'.iiL'land  loiiinaiiiin  i|niel  pos- 
■riiKion  ofllie  whole  of  Oreiron?  'I'lir  priKenl  in  ii 
rriainwhii'li  denianilHpioii'.pi, united, iir!;enlaeli(ni 
'i'he  I'reHidenl  hoH  reeoi'iiiiended  thai  noliee  lie  iin- 
mediately  pi^eii  of  llu-  teiininatioii  of  the  exiNlini; 
ronveiilion  lieiwieii  iih  and  I'.iiL'land  in  relation  lo 
OiT'^oii.  i\ow,Hir,allhoiij:h  1  happen  to  diller  Willi 
the  I'reNident  in  polilieal  opinionH,  yil,  tins  Ijiinc; 
nil  Amerieaii  fjuestiini,  it  Iteeonien  the  duly  of  e^ery 
Anicrieaii  rilizeii  to  iniiO'  in  Kivini;  liiin  that  priniipt 
and  eirieieni  piippoil  in  this  ini  ;i»iire  thai  whall  i;iw 
liim  a  moral  power  vhii'li  will  lie  lell,  not  only 
fnnii  ore  end  of  iIoh  eoiiliiieiit  lo  the  oilur,  hill 
from  one  end  of  the  IJrilish  domiiiioiiM  lo'lhc  other. 
I  do  not  wish,  in  a  (|iieslioii  of  iliin  rhaiaeler,  lo  Nee 
the  Ameriran  I'oiipresH  8landiii<^  in  oppoNitioii  to 
the  Anirricaii  I'rifidini.  I'or  ilii»,  amoii;;  other 
reasons,  1  am  in  flivor  of  piviii:;ilie  notiee.  I  pre- 
fer it  to  he  Riven  in  the  inanner  proposed  in  the 
mnendinent  otlVred  hy  the  penlleman  IVoiii  Ala- 
bama, (Mr.  llii.i.iAiuii]  lint,  sir,  if  that  anieiid- 
nieni  .shall  be  rijeeied  hy  the  House,  I  am  reaily  lo 
go  for  the  re.iohition.s  iniroduced  by  the  honorable 
chairman  of  the  Ciniiniitlee  on  ToreiiVii  .Vtl'airs. 

I  would  refer  this  notirc  to  the  I't.'sidenl  of  the 
United  .Slates,  with  authority  lo  pive  It  '.vlienever, 
in  his  iiidi.'iiicnl,tlie  mlerestof  ihe  eoiinlry  ie(|iiired 
ii.  Ii  may  be  said  thai  we  are  not  sincere  in  the 
advocacy  of  the  notice,  when  the  notice,  as  oro- 
fiosed  by  the  tTiillenmn  from  .Vlabama,  devolves 
the  rcsjionsibiliiy  on  the  President  of  the  United 
f>lale».  It  is  bill  devolviiii;  tipo.>  him  the  exercise 
of  hii  constitutional  liiihl.'*,  and  iio  'jiraler  res|inn- 
sibiliiy  than  pro|»rly  perlalna  t.i  llie  hii;li  olliee 
whicli  the  peopleof  the  i  oiinlry  lias  conferred  upon 
him.  The  President,  aided  by  his  ('abinet,  is  the 
proper  person  to  decide  upon  the  propriety  or  im- 
propriety of  siviiiK  this  notice.  He  is  acijuainted 
with  the  whole  course  of  neijolialion  on  the  sub- 
jeei.  He  is  b,  hind  the  seem  .i.  lie  understands 
all  the  secret  niachineiy  that  is  at  work,  and  which 
has  not  been  cxposetl  lo  the  public  eye.  With 
him  rests  llie  responsibili'y,  and  npiui  liim  would 
1  devolve  it.  iNor  woulu  I  do  it  out  of  aiiy  disre- 
spect lowaiils  him  or  the  pohiical  parly  of  which 
be  is  the  head,  but  because  it  belongs  lo  iiim  to  set- 
tle this  (iiiesiion. 

.\notlier  rea.son  why  I  am  opposed  lo  passins 
the  resolution  declariiii;  absolnlely  that  the  ni>lice 
should  be  i,'iven,  is,  thai  thereby  the  President 
would  be  deprived  of  the  exercise  of  his  discre- 
tion, in  case  eircumslances  should  hereafter  lie  so 
cliHiiged  ns  to  render  it  unadvi.sable  to  !;ive  il.  liul, 
if  the  House  should  noi  concur  in  these  views,  I 
sliall  vote  for  the  proposition  of  the  (.'ommitlee  on 
Foreign  All'aiis,  for  llie  ijivin:;  tlii-*  noii'-e  without 
the  intervention  of  the  di.scr<;lion  of  the  Presideiil. 

II  has  been  .said  thai  such  iioiice  iiinst  necessa- 
rily lead  to  war;  not  that  it  is  in  itself  a  declara- 
tion of  war,  but  thai  war  niusl  naturally  and  iiiev- 
it.ibly  follow  as  a  i.onsequeiice.  Hut  I  appeal  lo 
gentlenicii  who  have  held  this  lanL'wnze  that  this 
notice  is  not  a  v:t<r  measure;  it  is  only  the  exercise 
of  a  rijlit  provided  for  in  the  treaty  of  1H27,  and  as 
such  cannot  iiONsib.y  be  acausc of  olTenre.  Kn^land 
has  a  right,  by  lb"  same  treaty,  lo  o^ivc  the  ncilice 
to  us;  and  w'oiill  pentlemen  regard  such  'loticc 
from  Oieiit  Briut  ii  as  just  cause  of  war.'  ferlaiii- 
ly  noi.    WImt  ii.ay  result  from  it  at  the  expiration 


of  the  year  is  another  ipieslion.    Il  is  meanwhile  all 
iner."  coiijeclure — a  speculation 


nmi| 


pr 


iluibilities — a 


e  expression  or 


f  personal  opinioiw.  The  re' 
mote  roiisriiuences  of  present  aciiiui  rannot  be  fore- 
seen. No  (.entleman  will  pretend  to  pronounce  ab- 
solnlely the  ri'snil.  It  is  for  ns  lo  determine  what 
n  lo  do  lime, 
permit  the  ipieslion  lo  rest  in  its  present  coii- 


T( 


dilion,  wilhoiil  aclion  on  the  part  of  our  (bivern- 
enl,  will  more  eerli'inly  lead  lo  the  lesulls  which 

lion  now  pio- 


Henllemen  wish  lo  avoicf  than  the  art 


posed.     driL'on   is    now  lillinii;   rapidly   up   wiili 
ni;  the  past  year,  sevei 


nicricaii  ciii/.ens. 


Dm 


ihonsnnil  have  U([  their  friends  and  homit  on  this 
side  of  ihe  mountains,  and  are  now  in  the  valleys 
of  Dn'cou.  'I'hey  have  earned  wilh  iheiu  the  ha"l»- 
ils,  feeliiu's,  and  llie   palriotisin  of  American  cili- 


/I'lis.  .lealims  ol  llieir  nijlits,  uilli  a  ciHislilulioniil 
haired  lo  opprcs.-.ioii;  ever  dispo.ned  lit  oppose  llie 
anibiilons  ilcsiiTiis  of  Kii;,'land,  and  iiiiwilliiii;  lo 
siibmil  lo  the  {iirisdiclion  of  her  laws,  which  have 
iii'en  extended  over  lliis  ii'rriiory;  dariiii,'  and  im- 
petuous; e(dlisions  niiisl  lake  place  belweeii  llie 
American  einii^raiit  and  the  llriiish  subject  in  the 
employmenl  of  ihe  Hudson  Hay  Company.  The 
very  nl'ilation  of  llie  ipieriiim  in  this  I  louse  creates 
a  necessily  for  immediali'  aclion.  The  ilebalis 
her.'  will  be  read  by  our  cinitilrymeii  on  ihe  shores 
of  llie  I'iii'ific;  Iheir  spirit  will  be  stirred  williin 
them  when  they  read  ih.'  nlowin;^  aiipeals  made 
lo  American  palriolism;  ilieir  halreil  lo  Ibiii.sh 
oppression  will  be  excited  when  lliey  hear  the 
fien'e  deiitincialioiis  of  Hrilish  rapacity  made  by 
inemheis  upon  this  floor.  A  coiirtici  is  inevitable 
there  unless  our  rii^liln  are  deiei-mineil  anil  main- 
tained by  our  action  here,  by  which  alone  a  speedy 
and  honoraldo  Hettleiiient  of  thii  vexed  ([ueaiioii 
can  be  ell'ccled. 

.Sir,  if  the  notice  is  ^iven,  it  does  not  Oillow  as  a 
mailer  of  course  ihiii  we  are  to  lake  armed  |ios- 
session  of  l)re:;oii;  il  does  not  follow'  that  wi'  are 
lo  ailempl  lo  drive  out  every  Knsilish  selller,  or 
that  we  are  lo  taki'  military  possession  up  lo  V.P, 
so  as  lo  :;ivo  (dleiice  to  l''ii;:laiid.  liy  the  nonce, 
we  only  say  lo  Kni:tand  lliat  we  are  unwilliic;  that 
our  present  connexion  wilh  her  in  relalion  lo  llie 
Ore!,'o'i  lerrilory  should  any  loimer  be  I'onlinued; 
tliat  we  are  desirous  loiletermine  llie  exlenl  of  our 
riirhls,  and  to  enjoy  them  in  exclusive  jiossession, 
and  to  extend  to  our  citi/.ens  there  the  protection 
ofonr  laws. 

I  am  in  favor  of  the  notice,  Mr.  riiairman,  as  a 
measure  of  peace.  Il  is  a  measure  of  peace,  and 
not  of  war,  and  the  sif|uel  oflliis  controversy  will 
establish  tlie.se  cohcIuskuim.  A  system  of  hra^ira- 
docio  and  L'asconadiiiir  has  been  practised  not  only 
in  the  l/niled  Stales  but  in  KtiLdand  in  relation  lo 
this  LTeat  <]neslifiii.  Holh  pailies  are  eniraued  in 
il;  we  stand  here  on  this  side  of  the  waliT  and 
shake  our  lists  at  .bihii  Hull,  and  .lolin  Hull  in  re- 
liirn  hurls  back  defiance  upon  us.  This  in  the 
relalion  of  ihe  parlies,  both  knuwiii::  and  under- 
sinndiii!;  well  the  trickery  attemitled  lo  be  |)layed 
:  on'u)>on  each  other. 

Sir,  let  Ihe  notice  be  piven.  Il  will  prove  to 
ourselves  that  we  are  in  earnest  on  this  i^p-al  and 
absorbiii::  ipiesliou;  that  this  svsleiii  of  bnllyint? 
Is  at  an  end:  that  this  riuesiion  has  assumed  a 
ina'^nitude  ihai  demands  tlial  our  ri'.'hts  to  Dre^'on 
shall  be  inainlaiiied;  that  the  allenipis  to  make  it 
a  party  rpieslion  n  ^y  be  defeated  and  abandoned, 
and  that  it  be  placed  before  the  country  in  its  true, 
its  national  chiiracier. 

Airain,  sir;  I  am  in  favor  of  the  nniice,  to  prove 
t'l  l'',ni;laiid  that  we  are  in  earncu.  !She  has  neter 
believed  il;  .she  never  will  believe  it  until  she  ri  - 
(cives  notice  from  the  President  of  the  United 
Stales  that  we  no  lon«.;er  desire  to  hold  that  terri- 
tory ill  the  manner  we  now  hold  it.  Let  Kiitrland 
be  coiniie'ed  we  are  in  e.'irnesl;  let  our  p.'ople  be 
so  convincetl  also;  and,  my  word  Ibr  it,  iicijo- 
tialioiis,  when  reopened,  will  be  conducted  in  a 
very  dilli'ienl  spirit  from  that  which  lias  hereto- 
fore characteri'/.ed  them. 

Let  the  notice  be  eiven  to  prove  to  the  world 
that  on  this  (piesiion  we  are  in  earnest.  Other  na- 
tions are  loolinj;  on  and  watehinc  the  process  of 
lliis  eonlroversv  with  anxiety  and  deep  inleresl. 
The  issues  of  lliis  f|uestion  involve  e-real  and  iiio- 
mentous  eonseqiien'-es,  not  only  to  lairseUes,  but 
lo  ih"  world.  Should  war  be  the  result — should 
Il  till)  Ivo  jjieattst  iiaiions  of  the  \i\vhe  eii;;n£(;  in  a 


long  and  bloody  war — nations  which  are  the  bul- 
warks of  C.'hriaiiaiiitv,  of  moral  and  reliKioiis  civ- 
illr.alioii — it  will  mit  im  eonniird  lo  the  original  nar- 
lirs — lo  Ortiat  lirilaiii  and  the  United  Siales.  Sir, 
the  brrakini;  out  of  aueh  a  war  v  otild  put  ilia 
match  lo  a  iiia)(azine  whose  explosion  would  con- 
vulse till"  world. 

There  is  aiioihrr  reason  why  this  notice  should 
be  t;inn.  'I'he  counlrv  is  now  in  an  at;iialed  anil  iiii- 
seiiicd  I'miditioii.  A(l  is  iloubi.  Uncerlainiy  every 
where  prevails.  Il  allecls  every  branch  of  iiidiia- 
Iry;  i!  paralyzes  the  business  of  the  coiinlry  anil 
unnerves  llie  siroiii;  arm  of  the  niFchanic.  Tlia 
comnirrce  and  fnianies  of  the  iialiim,  thii  ri  vrmieil 
of  the  (■overnmenl,  and  all  the  pursiiilK  of  active 
life,  must  siiirei,  and  suffer  severely,  tViun  a  longer 
coiiiinuaiice  of  ihe  uncerlainiy  wilh  whii'li  lliis  sub- 
ject is  surroiindi'd,  This  uncerlainiy,  lliis  i/iin.«i 
war,  imiKl  be  reinoved.  This  can  be  ell'eited  by 
till'  notice  proposed.  Il  will  i;ivo  ns  peace.  Let 
llie  cniiiilry  know  what  lo  ex|M'ci.  Kiilier  let  ihem 
be  eerlilied  ihai  ihere  will  be  no  war,  or,  if  war 
niiisI  cinne,  lei  ihe  fact  be  known;  and  if  war  is  lo 
be  the  result,  let  it  come  now.  Let  us  iiol  ilesira 
lo  delay  il,aiid  thus  reserve  its  horrois  for  our  pos- 
terity. This  Would  I owardice.    If  ii  is  locouie, 

let  it  fiill  on  our  own  heads — on  the  heads  of  ihosn 
who  have  occasioned  il.  This  cowardly  shrink- 
liiLf  from  pi'i'Mi  nt  responsibilily  is  incomoalible 
wilh  llie  honor  of  the  .\iiiericaii  statesman,  wilh 
the  honor  of  the  American  character.  .Should  iha 
c  ontlici  come,  the  rifrhts  and  the  honor  of  the  coiin- 
lry will  be  nobly  siisiainid — sustained  wilh  all  the 
eiieriry  of  a  ^real  and  powerful  iialioii  ;  sustained 
by  the  iiniled  hearts  and  uiiiled  arms  **t'  a  bravs 
and  generous  people.  Dill,  sir,  there  will  be  no 
war. 

There  is  yel  another  reason  for  ihe  notjce.  If 
we  wish  1(1  perfei'l  our  title  lo  ()re;,'on,  we  must 
U'ive  the  nonce.  So  lim;;  as  lliis  eoiivenlion  con- 
tinues in  force  this  eaniiot  be  done.  When  thn 
eonvenliim  shall  have  been  annulled,  then,  sir,  all 
the  setllemenls  made  there  by  our  emi;;ranls  will 
inure  lo  our  beuelil,aiid  our  litle  acipiire  addiliinial 
streiii^th  frimi  possession  and  occupalirtn.  The  set- 
tlement of  the  country,  in  itself  considered,  durini; 
the  exislence  of  ihe  joint  occupancy,  evidently 
(fives  us  no  title:  it  confers,  however,  one  iin|Hir- 
laiit  benrfil — it  irives  its  the  power  lo  maintain  our 
ri:;liis  Ihere.  We  retpiire  additional  numerical 
force  ill  Oieson.  To  secure  this,  dis.solve  all  con- 
nexion wilh  Knsland;  cxiend  in.  i  our  citizens  the 
protection  of  our  laws;  (jive  them  aid  and  security 
111  iheir  toilsome  march,  and  soon  the  wild  spirit  of 
wesiern  adventure  will  crowd  your  mountain- 
passes  with  hardy  eniiijranls.  Then,  .sir,  llie  Ame- 
rican selller,  as  lie  wends  his  way  lo  the  Kocky 
moiinlains,  and  lakes  up  his  abode  in  that  far-off 
couniry,  will  find  (join;;  wilh  him  the  protection  of 
American  laws;  that  protection  will  he  with  him 
in  his  journeyins;s  Iry  the  way;  in  his  slumbers  in 
llie  dark  defiles  of  the  Iloi'ky  iniamlai:is;  will  be 
with  and  around  him  when  in  the  valleys  of  Ore- 
(;oii  he  pilches  his  tent  and  builds  his  cabin,  to  re- 
main there  an  Ameriran  citizen,  near  the  hhorts  of 
the  ^Tcat  Pacific.  Let  us  eiieouraije  emigration: 
lei  oiir  peo  .l,  ^o  armed  with  the  physical  means  of 
self-defenr<  -  t ,  nj  then)  with  the  unerrinif  western 
rille;  w'lli  liei  Is  true  to  tlicmselvcs  and  their  couu- 
Iry.  a.,il  iV'  .roii  will  be  (mi's. 

It  has  I',  'II  said,  sir,  that  En;;land,  wilh  hercnr- 
moniut  i\|. petite  for  dominion,  ntver  reltnquislies 
her  L'rasp  iipim  territory  when  once  within  her 
power:  llial,  ill  her  iiejoliations,  she  seldom  re- 
cedes from  the  posiiions  she  assumes.  I  will  not 
deny  ihe  skill  and  success  of  Hrilish  diplomacy. 
.She  varies  il  lo  suit  the  character  of  the  nation 
with  which  she  negotiates.  She  tramples  upon 
the  week,  flatters  Ihe  timid,  and  betrays  the  strong;. 
Yet,  notwithslandiii'.,'  her  power  as  a  ration,  and 
her  skill  in  diplomacy,  the  lion  of  Eiiijland,  like  the 
kin:;  of  the  forest,  will  quail  and  cower  before  the 
iinfliftehin;;  Ijaze  of  stern  and  determined  resist- 
ance. With  Ihe  memorable  example  before  us  of 
the  thirteen  .'Vmerican  colonies  wrested  from  the 
Hrilish  Crown,  flnil  their  inilependence  acknowl- 
edged by  that  Power,  it  is  too  late  lo  say  that  Eng- 
land never  yields.  Did  lime  permit,  1  could  refer 
gentlemen  to  the  history  of  the  treaty  of  peace  at 
Ghent  lo  prove  that  even  l^nijland  can  recede  fVom 
projioaiiions  declared  by  her  commissioners  to  be 
"  sine  i/uii  iion"  in  tlic  udjubtinciit  uf  existing  con- 


\M6.] 


99rH  CoNo liiT  Sbm. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAI,  0I.OBE. 

The  Oregon  Qwttion — IMr.  (frnrrr. 


)« 


Ho.  or  Kepi. 


I 


l.'nvpr«irpi.  In  tlin  nroRiTM  nf  Ihdl  np^ntintlnn ,  ihr 
(liMiiiiiicli'cl,  nn  n  "  nnt  qua  iion,"  the  |mriAcnlliin  of 
thr  Iniliiiii  iriliM,  mill  ill  cfVii'l  tlirir  rrr>ii;iiiiion  by 
Ihd  I'liiicil  Mtiilm  n*  iiiclrpciiilciit  imlioiiit  wllhiii 
fiiir  lirriinry.  A  pri>|iiMilion  so  |)riniimpliiou«,  it 
ii  iii'i  iIIi'hh  to  Hilil,  wnn  iiialniitly  rnirtiil  by  thn 
Aiiii'iii'iiii  riiniiiiiHHidiirrK.  Hbe  fiirifiir  (lommulml 
tbal  lilt'  I'liiinil  Slnti'n  ulinuiil  nbunilnii  lirr  niivni 
|ii>wrr  ii|Hiii  llir  liikiK,  iinil  iliainiintiii  lu'r  liirliflia- 
lliiiin  ii|iiiii  llicir  Nhiiiin  iinil  nliniK  lliii  liiKMil*  iiiir 
imrlhi'iii  iViiiilii  r.  I.iito  liir  nthrr,  it  wim  promptly 
nji'Clril,  anil  Kiiu'ImiiiI  viry  priiilfiitly  rrreiii-il  liniii 
)it'|-  liotil  **  siiir  i/iia  Mon"  propo?iilioii?4,  lirthr  roti- 
ilui't  ol'  iii'uoliiiiioiH  mill  of  tliix  coMlrovomy,  wr 
niiiHt  look  r.nu'liinil  firinly  in  iIip  life.  To  ifoiibl, 
to  liimilaie,  to  bclmy  Byniplomd  of  IViir,  in  to  Iohp 
ull. 

Kir,  tlirrc  will  be  no  wnr.  Tln^  tniitiinl  inlrrcMtH 
of  lioili  lomiirirH  I'orliiil  it.  'I'lii'  (•oiiiiiic'rrinl  riln- 
liotiH  111'  ibc  two  iintioiiN  nlivioimly  rfi|iiiro  pem-e, 
mill  no  I'lanoii  now  ixi.im  or  laii  arlNo  rrom  iiiir 
piTNiMil  arlinn  wby  tliiso  rrliilionii  hIioiiIiI  lir  iliB- 
tiirbril.  (iinlli'iiirii  liavo  poinlril  im  to  Kn!;laiiil, 
to  hrr  rxtrijsivi'  warliki'  pruparaliiilis,  brr  Hti-iim- 
iTN  of  wnr,  anil  tlir  lortifirnlioii  of  lirr  roiiNt,  anil 
have  anki'il,  wliiit  iiiiaiiM  all  iIiIh  prrpiiralinn  at  lliin 
ri'iniv?  I'jiir|iin<l,  notwillnttaiiiiinu;  li<:r  rxtcnnive 
warlilii'  prrparalioiis — nlllioii<.'li  sbn  niny  bo  niaii- 
iiiii!;  liir  llri'l.s  anil  lloaliiiK  <>n  ibe  oriaii  licr  wnr- 
Kti'aiiirrii  by  liiinilrcilN — will  not  ciinr  into  a  con- 
If8i  uitb  IIS.  All  tliiii  in  not  intpiidcil  for  tlin 
Airirriran  nation.  Another  iiiir.sliiin  is  soon  to  be 
Bolml  in  Kiirope;  lliere  is  aiioilirr  Nlningle  diion 
to  eoiiic,  that  will  iTipiire  all  her  fori'r.  All  l''.n- 
ropc  is  now  awaitini;  in  iiitcn.ie  iiiixiily  the  Imp- 
Jpeniii'.;  of  an  event  that  will  be  prri;iiant  with  the 
fate  of  einpiri'N.  I  refi  r,  .lir,  to  the  ileath  of  Loiiix 
riiilippe  of  Kranre.  Ilis  iliiitli  (anil  I  am  not 
nliine  ill  this  opinion)  will  be  the  Hi;;nal  for  a  crent 
8lru;,",'li'  ihrou^'hiiiit  the  whole  of  Kiirope.  'I'lien, 
sir,  will  come  that  eoiilliei  of  syNlems  of  govern- 
ment to  wliiili  (,'enlleiiien  have  sn  I'rriuicntly  alluil- 
eil — a  war  of  iepiiblienni.sni  ai^ainst  ueapntiMiii,  of 
iiopiilar  rislils  iiijainst  oppreNsion  ami  tyranny. 
This  M  the  eoiitiii^eney  whii'h  the  ICn>;li.sli  dreail 
more  than  they  do  the  (Ire^on  qncstion,  and  ihia 
is  the  reason  for  her  inimen.sc  preparation!).  Diit 
if  i;entleinen  suppose  she  is  doin;^  all  this  in  refer- 
enei.'  to  n  contest  with  ms,  arc  we  jnirsning  a  ]ini- 
dent  course.-  If  Urilain  is  putting  on  her  armor 
to  lishl  «itli  lis,  it  would  be  surely  wise  in  ua  to 
follow  her  example.  If  gentlemen  really  believe 
that  she  has  such  a  purpose,  let  them  remember 
that  when  lOnsiland  strikes  she  strikes  swiftly, and 
always  siriUis  the  first  blow,  and  often  with  tre- 
nieiiiloiis  elVt'cl.  Sir,  in  onr  present  relations  with 
Kn>;lMiid,  I  feel  inclined  to  adopt  the  sentiment  of 
the  old  Irish  baronet,  whose  very  bhinder.s  \iere 
full  of  praciical  frood  sense  and  sound  philosophy, 
"  that  the  besi  way  to  avoid  danger  is  to  meet  it 
|ihinip."  fSir,  let  us  be  prepared  for  any  contin- 
gency— always  ready,  always  willing  to  defend 
our  country  and  maintain  her  honor. 

Again,  sir,  as  a  proof  that  there  will  be  no  wnr, 
and  that  .inch  an  event  is  not  anticipated  by  those 
\\lio  liuld  the  reins  of  Ciovernnieiit,  I  refer  genllc- 
iiiin  to  the  fact  that,  although  the  Administration 
lia.s  lolil  US  that  negnlialions  are  ended,  yet  no  pre- 
parations are  recommended  or  appropriations  asked 
for  the  navy  or  for  the  army;  tliat  no  slepe  have 
been  taken  to  place  the  country  in  a  slate  of  de- 
fence. Hut,  instead  of  all  this,  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  .'■■il.H  down  deliberately  in  his  otllce 
and  computes  that,  after  a  certain  mimber  of  years, 
there  will  be  a  cerlaiii  sum  of  money  in  the  Treas- 
ury, and  nt  the  same  time  reeoniniends  that  the 
taiilf  of  18J'J  be  repealed,  and  that  duties  be  re- 
duced to  the  revenue  standard;  thus  bestowing 
upon  I''ngland  the  greatest  favor  she  could  iiak 
from  the  American  Government.  Such  facts  arc 
utterly  inconsi.slent  with  the  idea  of  war. 

But,  sir,  what  is  to  be  gained  by  war.'  C.in  we 
conquer  England .'  Can  she  subdue  r.s.*  The  idea 
is  preposterous.  Neither  nation  can  enter  into  such 
a  contest  wiihoul  immense  sacrilices.  We  may 
expend  millions  of  treasure  and  shed  oceans  of 
blood,  and  yet  our  cnnirnvergy  with  Knirland  be 
no  more  near  it.s  tenninalion  thim  when  the  first 
gun  was  fired. 

We  have  been  told  during  tlii.'*  debate  that  we 
must  not  look  at  coiwequcnces.  No;  but,  like  the 
"  uiithiiikinj  horse,  must  rush  into  the  battle."    1 


cnn  adopt  no  such  principle  of  aciion  on  this  i|iii'n- 
tion.  It  is  our  duty  to  sit  down  like  wiie  men  and 
count  the  cost;  to  consider  well  what  we  are  alioiit,  . 
ami  what  we  are  going  to  do;  lo  consider  our  ad- 
versary in  her  sireiigtii,  her  meaiia  of  attack,  and 
her  ability  to  infiire;  to  consider  our  own  power, 
our  means  of  ileleme,  our  ability  lo  resist  amti' s- 
sion.  'i'his  is  wisdom;  and,  having  thus  actr  I,  if  j 
war  must  come,  we  will  And  ihol  it  was  not "  folly 
to  be  wise."  I 

It  has  been  asserted  here  that  a  compromise  nf 
this  ipiestion  under  existing  circumstances  would 
be  disboiioniblc,     In  this  sentiment  I  do  not  con- 
cur.    Though  the  pievioiis  negotiation  may  have 
closed,  I  cannot  be!icve  thai  negotiations  have  been 
abandoned.     This  Itoverinnent,  in  IHIH,  in  IH'il, 
and  |H'J(i,oircreil  terinsof  compromise  to  England. 
A  similar  otl'cr  was  made  by  the  present  Adminis- 
Iratioii  111  IHI.'i.     Hir,  if  compronii.se  is  dishonora- 
ble now,  it  was  dishonorable  at  the  rcspictive  pe- 
riods to  which  I  have  referred.     We  have  repeat- 
edly, by  our  eonveniions  with  I'.nglanil  and  oilier- 
wise,  recognised   her  claim  to  Oregon.     To  seltle  i 
and  adjust  those  claims  we  have  proposed  lo  her 
an  eiputable  division  of  the  territory  in  ilispule;  and  } 
we  now  should  be  bound  by  the  honor  of  our  iia-  i 
lion,  if  an  oiler  came  (Vom  Knglaml,  to  accept  any  \ 
proposition  which  shall  be  as  good  as  we  ourselves 
liavo   ollcred.     Hut,  sir,  we  cannot,  consistently  ', 
with  honor,  renew  the  proposition.     Kngland  has 
reiected   our  terms,     alio  ulone   must  ruiicw  the  : 
olTer.  I 

.Sir,  it  is  my  firm  conviction  that  if  notice  be  ' 
given,  before  the  expiration  of  the  twelve  months 
negotialions  will  be  reopeneil,  and  some  amicable 
mode  of  ailjiislment  be  nil"iiled.  It  cannot  be  that 
two  nations  elevated  in  civilization,  distiiiguishi'd 
for  everything  that  adorns  the  national  character, 
will  rush  blindly  iiiin  war,  the  eonseipicnces  of 
which  no  human  iniaginalion  can  trace. 

I  regret  to  have  heard  genileineii,  in  the  course 
of  this  discussion,  talk  so  lightly  and  llippnnlly  of  • 
war.     War  has  its  horrors;  war  has  no  charms 
for  me.     iSir,  I  have  never  wilnesaed  "  the  liatlle  > 
of  warriors,  with  ils  confused  noise,  and  garmeiiis  ' 
rolled  ill  blood;"  I   desiie  never  to  witness  such  j 
a  scene.     I  have  never  heard  the  shriek  of  agony,  ^ 
wrung  from  the  bosom  of  llie  dyinir  soldier,  nson 
the  battle-field  he  yielded  up  his  life;  his  anguish 
rendered  more  poignant  as  the  thoughts  of  home 
and  friends  rushed  in  upon  his  soul.    I  have  never 
heard  ihe  groan  of  the   widow,  from  whose  em- 
brace the  rough  bloody  hand  of  war  has  lorn  the 
idol  of  her  hi  iirl;  nor  thf    s  i;li  of  the  orphan,  de- 
prived ofa  fond  and  a  lie  , .Mate  parent.     I   never 
wish  to  hear  such  smunls.     Amid  the  shoiiiin<;s  i 
of  victory,  such  notes  of  wo  are  blended  that  they  ! 
fall  discordantly  on  ihe  ear.     The  laurels  that  en-  i 
circle  the   brow  of  the  victor  and   llie   hero  are 
stained  with  llie  blood  and  steeped  in  the  tears  of 
thousands.     The  aspirations  ol  every  patriot  and 
Chrislian  heart  should  ascend  to  the  throne  of  the 
Eternal, that  ihe  evils  and  devaslations  of  war  may 
be  averted  fiiiiii  our  beloved  couniry.     Sir,  not-  ' 
wilhslanding  my  abhorrence  of  wnr,  I  hope  ever 
to  be  found  an  advocate  of  the  preservation  of  our 
nuliimal   honor  and  our  national  ri'jhls,  at  every 
ha/.ard  and  at  every  sacrifice.    Hut  war,  to  be  jiisi,  ' 
must  be  necessary.     We  must,  in  accordance  with 
the  strict  principles  of  national  honor,  have  ex- 
hausted every  means  in  our  power  to  bring  about 
an  amicable   .wtllenient  of  tlie   conlroveisy  now 
wn^ed.     Without  it,  war  cnn  never  be  justified. 
Have  nil  these   means  been  resorled  lo,  so  that 
nothini,  remains  but   war.'    The  question  is  still 
open.     The  Imnor  of  the  country  is  not  involved, 
so  as  to  prevent  ils  amicable  adju.slment.     What,  , 
sir,  is  iiaiioiial  honor.'     Is  it  thai  sii'kly  sensibility 
to  imagined  insult  and  injury  that  prompls  men,  ' 
ill  the  spirit  of  modern  eliivalry,  to  imbrue  their  ' 
hands  in  the  life'.s  blood  of  their  fellow-men.'     It  i 
is  a  nobler  and  more  generous  senliment;  it  i.s  a 
principle  founded  upon  that  grand  sentiment,  *'  do 
unto  others  as  you  would  that  others  should  do  I 
unto  you."     Nnlionnl  honor  mu.st  have  its  foun- j 
dations  ileep  in  Ihe  eternal  principles  of  truth  and 
justice.     All  other   honor  is   n  bubble;  it   might  j 
glitter,  but  only  to  deceive  and  to  betray. 

There  are  oihcr  consiilcraliiuis  which  induce  me 
to  the  course  nf  policy  I  have  indicated,  but  I  for- 
bear to  detain  iJie  committee  longer. 

IJo  ^'cntlemen  doubt  the  policy  of  giving  this 


noticed  If  doubts  exist,  I  am  always  in  fttvor  of 
resolving  them  in  sue  h  manner  as  to  protert  and 
defend  the  rights  and  interesis  of  ihr  country.  To 
doubt  on  this  question  I*  to  jeopard  the  interests  of 
the  nation. 

*'  (iiir  (IniihlN  ore  trnltnri  i 

Aitil  iiiaki*  un  IdHf,  ihc  tffmd  we  might  sltsln, 

Uy  IvHrins  to  uiicia|ii.'' 

I  believe,  sir,  the  issue  of  our  present  dilhculties 
on  this  subject  will  be  peace — an  honorable  peace. 
IIill  whilst  such  is  my  opinion,  let  us  be  prepared 
for  any  conlingeney.  I  would  say  to  the  country, 
be  ready  for  war.  Are  we  in  that  eonilllloii  now? 
I  do  not  wish  unnecessarily  to  disclose  our  want 
of  prepnrntioii  to  the  world.  Diir  actual  condition 
is,  however,  well  known.  I'reparalioii,  prompt 
and  eincient,  is  necessary,  and  I  am  willing,  to- 
morrow, lo  vole  approprialioiiH  for  liuihli.ig  forty 
iron  sleamrrs  of  war,  if  so  niaiiv  be  re(|Uired.  (.V 
voice:  "  Of  I'mnsylvoniii  ironf"|  Vcs,  of  I'eiin- 
sylvaiiia  iron,  and  thus  nlVord  incidental  protection 
lo  the  iron  interest  of  I'eiinsylvaiiia,  notwithslnnd- 
ing  the  geiitlemaii  from  Virginia  [Mr.  Ill  ntkr) 
has  expressed  his  regret  that  the  iigilalion  of  iho 
Oregon  question  had  pievenli  d,  ami  was  likely  to 
prijvent,  Ihi'  Deuiocmtic  parly  from  coiiKiiMimaling; 
their  favorite  measure,  the  nitral  of  the  larilf  of 
IH4'J.  To-morrow  1  am  ready  to  vole  appropria- 
tions of  fifly  millions  of  dollars  to  place  our  coun- 
try ill  a  stale  of  readiness  lo  meet  every  emergency, 
nllhoiii;li  direct  taxation  iiiiglit  be  the  result.  The 
eitizciia  of  Pennsylvania,  already  pre.s.sed  down 
Willi  a  burden  of  taxation,  will  be  ready  to  meet 
this  additional  burden,  if  necessary  for  the  defence 
of  the  interest.^  and  honor  of  the  country.  Their 
fiatriotism  niid  valor  need  no  praise  from  me.  In 
the  day  of  trial  lliey  will  be  loiind  at  ihe  post  of 
danger;  in  the  field  of  bntlle  they  will  ho  found 
"  first  in  the  fight,  anil  last  in  the  retreat." 

.Sir,  I  cannot  conclude  wilhoiit  recurring  to  the 
sentiment  of  the  gallant  Uecaliir,  as  expressive  of 
my  own  feelings,  and  applicable  to  the  piesent 
crisis:  "Our  country!  may  she  always  be  right; 
but  right  or  wrong,  our  country!" 


OREGON  QUESTION. 
REMARKS  OF  MR.   GROVER, 

OF  NEW  YORK, 
In  the  Hoi'se  or  Ruprehe.wtatives, 
Juminrti  26,  I84(i. 
The  resolution  from  the   C'ommillee  on  Foreign 
Aliuirs,  ret|uiiiiig  the  President  to  iioiify  Great 
l}ritniii  of  the  Intention  of  the  ITiiitcd  Suites  to 
terminate  the  joint  occupancy  of  Oregon,  uiid  to 
iibroL'ato  the  convention  of  Itfil,  being  under 
coiisiilcration  in  Committee  of  the  Whiile — 

Mr.  C;R0VER,  who  was  entitled  lo  the  floor, 
rose  and  said: 

Mr.  CiiAiiiMAN:  At  the  conimencement  of  this 
debate  I  did  not  design  to  lake  any  part  in  it,  for  I 
was  aware  that,  in  comparison  with  many  gentle- 
nieii  on  this  flom-,  I  possessed  but  nliinited  kiiowl- 
ed'.'e  of  ihe  subject  of  our  title  toOregon,     I  deem- 
ed it  a  cour.«e  more  becomin;-  in  me  to  listen  to 
those  who  had  more  thoronghly  investigaled  iho 
siibjecl,  and  were  better  acquainted  wilh  ils  bear- 
ing.-<,  than  to  trespa.ss  upon  the  time  of  the  coni- 
niitlee  myself.     1  did   not   clmnu'e  that  intention 
until  1  oliserved,  from  the  various  conllictingvifws 
presented  by  gentlemen  in  the  progress  of  the  dis- 
cussion, thai  my  own  miglil  be  misunderstood  by 
my  constituents  and  by  the   Mouse,  should  i  not 
\  give  a  brief  exposition  of  them.    I  have  been  highly 
gratified  with  much  that  has  occurred  during  the 
proijre.-is  of  the  debate,  while  I  have  not  been  able 
lo  hear  other  portions  without  poignant  regret.     I 
regard  the  |)ending  question  before  the  1  lou-se  as 
one  of  the  greatest  importance — a  question  upon 
i  which,  it  has  been  saitl,  the  momentous  interests 
of  peace  and  war  are  suspended.     I  rejoice  to  say 
that,  in  its  discussion,  as  yet,  no  distinctive  party 
lines  have  been  drawn;  on   '''  ■  contrary,  several 
i  gentlemen,  whose  political  tc-ts  are  opposed  to 
1  my  own,  have  mo.st  ably  and  eloquently  advocated 
'  Ihe  policy  of  giving  the  noiice  to  Great  Briuiin  ter- 
nunnting  the  joint  occupancy  in  Oregon.     And .  on 
the  other  hand,  some  gentlemen  agreeing  \,  " 
I  cidly  with  nic,  have,  wltU  ctiual  ability  and  ear.)- 


184 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  2(5, 


2^H  CoNo IsT  Skss. 


The  Orcffon  (Question — Mr.  Grover. 


Ho.  or  Rkps. 


estnrw,  oiiposi'il  it.  'I'liin  wiis  iw  il  cvei  hIioiiIiI 
lie.  Mi-ir  <|iHNIJiiiiN  111'  I'liily  |"ililii'«  oiif;lil  "ol  t» 
hiItikIi'  with  the  luiiifiti  irlHlliiiis  of  tlir  couiiliy. 
lliiwcvcr  iiiiich  we  iiiiftlil  dill'cr  with  ctuh  olhcr 
iiiKiii  i|iii'siicinH  III'  doiiitatii'  pnhoy,  iind  however 
billtr  mil  Miiifin  iiiiulil  liwoiiii',  we  tihuuhl  iilwayH 
in  (iiir  tniiiHurLiiiiiN  with  other  iiatitiiiN,  regard  otir- 
selns  IIS  iiiic'  |«ii|iU' — huviiiR  «  roniiiioii  iiiti'irNt, 
eiiiluirkrd  ill  the  same  Ixittoiii,  niid  dixliiieil  to  e\- 
|ieiieiiie  «  eniiinKni  fate.  'I'here  was  one  ihiiip; 
w  liii'h  I  eaiiiiot  hut  deeply  rei;r<^l,  and  that  ia,  the 
a|i|i' ai*tiiieeH  ot'a  Mninewliat  hical  and  aeclioDal  di* 
visiiin.  1  Ntill  more  deeply  deplore  the  allusion 
made  liy  the  Kentleiiiaii  I'rom  Smith  (Jariihiia,  |Mr. 
UiiKTT,)  *Mo  rumors  that  Iheemirse  ol'mmiep'ti- 
'  tieiiien  was  iiilhiene.ed  l>y  other  lliiui  patiiolio  mo- 
'  Uvea;  that  the  ^eiitlemeii  front  the  West  weir  min- 

*  ^hnit  up  W'iL*   iSis  oiieNiion  Hehenn's  and  hojiea  in 

*  lizard  to  the  next  ('residential  eanvass;  and  that 
'  the  delegation  from  Mew  York  were  moved  liy 
'  mdii^natioii  ^jiowlni;  out  of  evems  eoinieeied  w  illi 
'  ihe  late  eanvass."  ISew  York  indiiiianl!  Why 
fthoiild  ahe  be,  sir?  1  will  take  the  liberty  to  tell 
(P'lillemen  here,  and  the  eouniry  at  lars^e,  that  .New 

Y  ork  entertains  no  sueh  leeliii^s.  No,  t'ar  from  it; 
pleased  with  the  present,  i;ratilied  with  thu  past, 
New  Y'ork,  Willi  eoiilidenee,  leaves  the  l\iture  in 
the  hands  of  iho.so  to  whom  it  belongs — ihe  people 
of  the  nation,  I  know  she  iie>er  ean  de.seend  to 
ai'l  I'rom  so   base  a  motive.     The  people  of  New 

Y  ork  know  of  no  reason  w  liy  Ihfii  should  he  dis- 
plia.sid  with  the  exisiini;  .ilate  of  our  politieal  af- 
fairs. 

The  eetiileman  from  'Virginia,  [Mr.  Pknolk- 
TiiN,]  w  ho  had  a(ldre.ssed  the  llon.j'  this  nioriiini.', 
alhhled  lo  the  lialuniore  roineniion,  mid  to  what 
he  ileenied  llie  very  siian!;e  results  that  liad  tlieiu 
transpired.  ""  e  deles;ales  of  a  f;real  and  power- 
ful politieal  party  a.ssenibled  at  thai  place — a  puny 
winch,  with  very  brief  exceplioiis,  have,  since  llie 
eoinmencemeiit  of  the  iiiiii  tenth  eenliiry,  eon- 
trolled  the  uesiiniea  of  thia  nation.  These  deliv- 
srates  were  eha'i;cd  w  iili  the  duty  of  selectim; 
e.iiulidates  to  iie  supporled  by  the  parly  for  the 
lushest  oliiees  in  the  nation  in  the  iliin  approaili- 
iiii:  contest.  It  is  true,  thai,  when  ibiis  asseni- 
l.ieil,  tlieiv  were  ur:;ed,  by  their  respeilive  I'neials, 
with  ^'lial  zeal  and  earllislness,  ilic  clalins  of  tlnir 
particular  favoiiies,  and  a  soiiiew  hat  veheiiieiit 
ibscnssioii.  (iccupyiii:;  se^eraldays,ells^ied,<  lositii^ 
wiih  ihe  unaiiiniiiiis  iionilnation  of  the  pie.si'nl  in- 
euhil'i  III  oi'  ihe  Kxeciiiive  eliair.  This  srciiis  pass- 
111^  siraii;.'e  lo  ilial  :;t  iilieiiian;  but  Ins  astoni>li- 
nniil  at  a  result  like  ilii.s  will  lie  soniiw  hat  abali  d 
by  a  heller  kiiowleil:;e  of  the  real  nature  and  true 
eliaiacier  of  thai  s;ieal  and  palrioiic  iiariy  there 
repiTsinied.  YViih  the  Deniocrucy  ot  llie  coun- 
liy,  Hint  are  a  eecoinlary  eoiisaleration;  ihey  re- 
pirded  their  /iniiriyi/f.t  of  vastly  fjrraier  in.poit- 
nii.-c.  Priiicioles  liel'ore  men,  ever  have  been,  and 
I  hoi  "  evi'r  \\  ill  be,  tlirir  inollo.  KindiiiK  these  iii- 
.•icriUid  upon  tlnir  biinin  rs,  iliey  ri'-aid  as  of  little 
iiionieni  who  are  the  candulaies,  provided  they 
be  "honest,  faiilit'iil,  a-id  apabV."  It  is,  niileij, 
true  that  ISiewYorKwas  i!.t  ply  disapnoinled  in 
the  result.  Thai  iiaiiie  which  s!ie  had  loii^  '.le- 
sired  to  see  selecied  a.i  the  choice  of  ihai  conven- 
tion was  pa.-ised  b\ .  'I'he  news  eaiue  upon  Inr 
w  nil  sinnuliiL'  ell'i  ci.  The  impiiry  pa^sl•d  I'roiii  man 
lo  man,  What  eausi-s  can  ha\e  etiecied  thisr  Mie 
^eal'ched  for  the  cause,  and  found  that  it  was  the 
iii!'"hinations  of  the  eoininon  enemy.  They  hud 
atmh-d  iliemHelve.s  of  the  saint?  itfTency  employed 
of  old  III  iiiibice  .iliab  lo  pi  up  to  U'ainoih  (jil- 
ead  to  liaitle.  I-',ii'  anti  wide  had  tlii-y  iii..<idiously 
whispered  thai  he  could  not  be  ■'!:  vied,  antI  in  some 
t|Uartri.s  had  produciil  that  lielief.  We  held  lliein 
rtsptiiiMbie;  and  ere  vhe  itles  of  >ioveiiilier  paid 
the  dclii,  New  Yolk  was  fully  sali.died  with  tin! 
principles  proiiiul;;aied  by  that  coiivetitton,  ami 
v\  lilt  llie  man  nf  iis  chnice;  and  beiii^  lliii..  iissitretl 
that  her  prilicipli  s  vm  re  sat'e,  she  soon  shook  otf 
the  inonienuiry  pan;;  of  disappointmeiil,  and  in  i- 
ijiir  expres.setl  nor  fell  any  dissalisl'acinin  at  the 
ri' mil.  Sueh,  I  trust,  v*  ill  i\er  be  her  eoiir.se.  It 
isiiiu^iUininitiusand  wise:  anil  I  hope  that  so  ;;tiotl 
an  example  w  lil  Ik?  followed  by  every  friend  of  IJe- 
ino.  laiic  principles  thrt'Ui:hout  the  entire  cmimry. 
Lei  lull  this  spirit  previul,  and  the  exultation  of 
tirt  eeiiili'iiiaii  al  the  r',i,<;hl  diirerencea  of  opinion 
exhilaied  here  will  be,  as  it  ever  has  lit  t  n  with 
hull  uiid  liu  pulilictU  iriciids,  sliurt' lived  indetd. 


Let  him  init  lay  ihe  tIatteriiiK  (tnctinn  to  hisiioul, 
that  iVtim  imy  eauiieH  now  iiiicnitiiii;,  or  likely  to 
nperale,  the  |iarty  is  doomeil.  With  these  pr<>- 
liminary  romarkN,  1  will  now  nddress  myself  to  llm 
<|iteslion  iminediately  before  the  Mouse,  and  will 
stale,  as  brielly  as  possible,  my  views  theiToii. 

1  have  alreiuly  s  ..leil  that,  at  the  oiilsel  of  the 
ilebate,  1  knew,  comparatively,  lililn  of  tin?  iioints 
involved.     I   hnti   not,  at   that  time,  earefnlly  ex- 
ainineil  our  title  lo  the  le:-itory.     I  knew,  indeed, 
that  III  niHI  Ureal  Kriliiiii  anil  Spc n  In,  I  mutually 
nKiieil  that  each  should  jointly  enjoy  the  rii,'hta  of 
trall-ciiif;  with  the  Indians  llirmil'hont  llie'.  coun- 
try; or,  rather, thai  Spain  had  pei'milteil  Kn^'land  to 
exercise   jiiinlly  with    her  lliosc  riKhts.     'I'o  this 
Iransaelliiii  llielliiiled  States  were  not  parties — Ihey 
liati  iiiitliinK  to  duwilh  il.     Their  claims  eonlil  not 
be  alleeted  by  that  arraii«;enie.iii.     I  knew,  fnrlher, 
I  Ihut  ill  lr<IM,  and  wliili'  Lireal  Hrilain  now  claims 
that  the  above  ari'ani;enient  with  S|iain  wa.s  in  full 
force,  a  eonvenlion  had  been  entered  into  hetwien 
(ireat   liritain  and  the  liniled  States,  by  ihe  pro- 
I  visions  of  which    l'!iii;laiid   Imd   aj;reeii    thai  we 
should    have  a  joiiil   oceuimney  with   her  of  the 
whole  of  ()rei;oir,  or,  at   [cast,  as  some  insist,  a 
''  lilierly  to  iiiivi;;ale  its  riveiH,  cri?eks,  and  harbors, 
antI   lo  trade  with  the   Indian  tribes;  in  all  these 
;    I'spects  placini;  us  on  an  eipial  footing  with  lier- 
!  seil',  and  a^reein^  that  the  <|iiestion  of  title,  in  the 
||  ineuiiwlille,slimiltl  ret,.:'in  in  abeyance.     I  further 
h  knew  that,  in  IHID,  we  aeipiired  all   the   riirhls  of 
j  .Spain   to   the  terrilory    by   virliie  of  the   I'lmiihi 
I  tiraly.     Now,  if  we   liaii,  as  emiceded   by  Kni;- 
I  l.uid  in  IH|H,an  eipial  ri:;ht  with  herself  to  ihe  ter- 
ritory, ami  Spam,  as  she  insisled,  also  possessing; 
at    that    lime  an  eipial  rlKlit,  it  seems  to  me  clear 
that  when  we  hud  acipiiretl  the  ri^hls  of  Spain  by 
purchase,  we  then  possessed,  at  le.st,  «  ri^ht  in 
title   11  lirt)-lhiiils  of  the   lerriliiry — our  own  and 
Spam's.     So  iinieh  I  knew;  but  I  had  never  look- 
etl  nilti  the  "  joiirnalH  of  ohl  voyages  ol' discovery, 
nor  turneil  over  those  musty  recortls,"  of  which 
the    :;enlleiiiaii    from   Massachusetts    [Mr.    Wt\- 
Tiiiiiie|    bail    spoken     with    such    slinlil  respect. 
'  lUil  V.  hen,  si.bsetpienlly,   1   examined    the  oliicial 
corresjiontleiice  between  our  n<-i:oliattirs  ami   tht? 
llniish    envoy,    my     former    tipinion     had    been 
chaii^-ed,  and  now,  instead  of  thnikiii^  we  had  only 
two'lhirils   of  the   title,  I   have  become  eonvincetl 
ilial  we  are  entitled   to   the  leAnlc,  and   that  (ireat 
Ihitain    has  no   riirht  lo  the  terrilory  at  all,  bin  is 
only  a  "  leiiani  at  will."     i  Iherefore  was  not  siir- 
prisetl    that    the   i:eiiih  nian     fniin   V'ir;;iiiia   [Mr. 
i'K\i>i.K'iti.i4[  shoiilil  t  xpress  his  regret  at  the  pub- 
lication ol'  the  cor't'spuntlfiice,  and  slimild  speak 
ofila.^an  Kxei  nine  imliscrelion.     I)it|  I  enlenniii 
llie  views  of  that  ^eiilleni.ui,  I,  Ion,  would  cevlaln- 
ly  regret  it.     "  Ifdieuon  is  nut  worth  a  farlhinu; — • 

II  -I  retpiires  the  ijetims  of  a  .Sliakspeare   to  paint 

III  htiriiira,"  1  shmilil  regret  iliat  the  jieople  have 
Il  ,d  such  a  ilociimeiit  Niibmitled  In  llieir  eMuiiina- 
I  in;  from  the  perusal  of  which,  I  iloiibt  not,  they 
uill  III  come  satislied  that  llieir  lille  is  irood  no  to 

I  am  at  n  Iilss  how  lo  nnderslaiid  that  sentlt?- 
man.  In  one  )>ar'.  of  htr  ar^'iimeni,  he  iiiMsIs  that 
ihe  territory  is  iiiterly  .vorihless;  in  aiiolher  pan, 
ilial  It  is  siiiiated  at  loo  ^real  a  distance  ever  lo  be- 
come a  part  of  our  confederacy;  and  in  sl;ll  anoiher 
part,  he  obiecis  In  i^iviny;  the  nolice.for  the  reason 
that  he  lliinkN  by  so  iloin^  we  shoiilil  not  be  able 
to  obiaiii  tin  whole  of  It.  Ofoi-.e  tliiiii;  th.it  (;eii- 
lleinan  iii.iy  bt  assiirtd,  thai  iilinmi^'h  he  may  •<•■ 
;;ard  It  indiscreet  in  ihe  Isxei  ;i|ive  to  publish  the 
correspondence,  ihe  pc.iple  vmII  .i..i.  'I'lii  y  never 
will  linu'ive  one  of  till  ir  le/enls  for  willilioldini; 
from  ihcni  informaiii.ii  as  to  iheir  title  to  any  por- 
iiiin  of  their  ler.iliiry.  They  resaril  n  as  aireelini; 
llieir  ri|;lils,  ami  will  insist  upon  their  public  ser- 
\aiils  1,'iMiii;  them  ihe  earliest  and  fullesi  liifirma- 
lii.ii  coiiceriiin;;  iheni.  IIul  if  after  the  perusal  of 
these  docunieiits  I  could  stilt  enlerlain  any  doubts 
as  to  our  iikIii,  ihey  would  be  el'.ectuallv  reimved 
by  what  InuN  liillcn  from  the  (;i'iilleiiiaii  iVoni  Mas- 
sacliusett.i,  [.\lr.  Win  Mliti|'.|  Th.il  f;eiulenian 
brought  to  the  exiimni.  .ion  of  this  i|iieslioii  the 
energies  of  his  ^lu'anlic  niiiid  and  ail  llit?  tii?asines 
of  Ins  leuiil  learmii;;;  ami  after  a  ihoroiif^h  iiivesu- 
milioii  of  the  whole  ipiestiiin,  lold  the  eommitice 
oiir  title  III  the  wliolt!  terril.iry  was  th  'irsi  of  the 
two.  This  is  eiitiui;li  for  me.  ('an  there,  i  ask, 
I  U'  Itco  good  titlkii  to  the  iiniuc  territory  held  by  tw  o 


Is  il  a  le^iliniale  iiiodu 
.  because  we  have   i;til   iilolli; 


difloront  nulinns  lU  iho  same  lime?  If  two  claini- 
aiitH  hold  titles  to  the  same  farm,  can  otiv  of  them 
be  eood  ns  at;ainst  the  otht.'r,  and  yul  Ihe  other  bet- 
ter? It  is  lui  absurdity.  A  eliiiin  must  he  eitlinr 
jjoihI  or  miod  for  notlitii);. 

With  one  or  two  exeeplioiis,  ■  one  who  has 
engased  in  this  debate  has  exiiit  ssed  a  shade  of 
doubt  as  lo  our  lille.  A  eolleai;iie  of  my  own 
[Mr.  CjotinvKAH]  said  that  (ileal  Itrilain  hiiu  rights 
III  Oregon.  No  doubt  of  it;  bin  what  live  ll.ey? 
The  ri);lil  of  lradiii}t  with  the  Indians— a  ri^hl  shii 
extorted  from  Spain  in  IT'.III;  and  llie  siiine  rinlil 
wasassenteil  to  by  us  by  the  eonvenlion  of  lf<IH, 
renewed  in  IH^i.  These  are  her  rli;lils,  and  all 
the  rii^hlH  she  has  there.  Now,  iiie  .  these  eir- 
eimislances,  what  titles  tin?  I'residenl  reeommendP 
To  ijive  the  notice  pi  ivided  for  by  the  latter  i?oii- 
veiition,  terminatini;  T  c  joint  occupancy  iil'ler  Iho 
expiration  of  twelve  nionlhs.  'I'liis  will  strip  her 
of  the  ri^lit  she  now  liohls;  and,  if  sln?eonliiiiies  ill 
the  possession  of  the  territory,  will  converl  her 
into  a  lres[iasser.  She  is  now  a  '*  teiianl  a;  will.'* 
Afler  iiolice  to  iiiiit,  she  will  be  a  Irespasser — 
neither  more  nor  less,  lliil  the  hoiiorabh?  ;;eiitle- 
iiiiiii  t'roni  MassachnsellN  [Mr.  VVintiikui'I  told 
the  eoininillee  there  wm.  no  need  whatever  of  set- 
tling this  ipnslion  now;  ti.  it  il  may  remain  in  its 
ptT.sei't  posilion  just  as  well  as  no'  for  lifly  yeaiH 
toiMime.  Is  il  no?  Can  any  allemive  observer  of 
the  pro;;res^:  of  our  people  in  snbdnini^aiid  settlini^ 
this  iMnlinent — any  man  who  relleets  upon  what 
actually  has  happeiieil  within  the  last  lii'ly  yiirs  — 
ihe  i|uadriipliin;  of  our  popiilatioii,  'iiid  llie  vast 
amount  of  lerrilory  sellled — possibly  suppose  that 
the  ijiiesilon  of  title  may  still  remai'n  in  ahevanen 
for  lil'ly  years  to  come?  '  ■  •*  ■■  i--='"' 
of  reasiiniii<;  to  nr;;e,  bei 
peaceably  since  IHIH,  that  we  ean  still  coiiliiiiie  lo 
do  so?  Is  il  not  wiliiin  the  last  year  or  Iwo  only 
that  our  people  have  eommeiiced  any  consider- 
able setlleinents  in  tin?  lerrilorv?  Itoes  not  every 
one  see  that  loni;  before  the  lapse  of  fifty  years,  llio 
settlements  by  our  cili/ens,  as  well  as  those  ol' 
Ureal  Liritain,  will  have  inerea.sed  to  such  an  ex- 
tent as  to  render  a  joint  occiip-iticy  iinpossibli?,^ 
A  short  retrospeet  of  tiiir  natio'ial  proi^ress  must, 
surely,  eonvinct?  any  man  tie. I  further  delay  of  a 
ipieslioii  like  this  will  be  dani^erons — that,  instead 
of  niakini;  the  liiial  seitleinent  easier,  il  will  but 
eonijilicate  its  dilliciiliie-i. 

Another  view  of  the  siibjeet  linfl  been  presenled 
to  our  cousider'-lion,  denoniinaled  at  first  '*  inas- 
lerly  iiiacli\ily,  '  bin  recently  "  mi  slerly  activity.'* 
Those  who  advo-'Hte  this  plan,  ih.iii^li  opposed  to 
Kiviiit;  the  notice,  have  nnitidl''  expres.seil  their 
opinion  that  our  tilh'  to  ibe  wliol'  territory  is  clear 
and  indisputable,  loy;etlier  witliiislrtini!;ilesire  (veii- 
tiiallv  to  oliiaiii  the  whole.  Let  ns  brielly  exatii- 
IIK  tlieir  system  of  measures.  They  j)ro|  ise  tr> 
yet  the  co,.iiiry  peopled  with  American  citi/.(?iis. 
I  low?  liy  iin'ociiii;  our  peoph?  tti  y;o  there  and 
st?ttle.  Y\  hat  prospects  do  lliey  present  to  iiidueo 
ihi'iii  lo  do  thus?  When  they  are  impiired  of, 
'*  Have  you  any  title  lo  tiie  eoinitry  ?*'  the  reply 
iiiusi  be,  no,  not  yet,  only  the  risht  of  joint  oceu- 
paie".';  when  thai  terminale.",  it  is,  is  yet,  uni?er- 
taiii  whether  yon  iiiiisi  apply  for  a  iile  lo  your 
firms  to  lis,  or  to  Ureal  I'rilaiii.  V/ill  men  be 
very  likely  to  }ro  iniiler  such  an  indiicemi  i .'  Is 
this  siiltieieiit  to  tempt  our  people  to  seek  lioineM 
for  themselves  and  ilieir  posterity  in  a  wilderness? 
Uenlleineii  may  say,"  We  will  !;ranl them  lands." 
Unl,  can  we  do  this?  II  ive  -.ve  not,  by  the  con- 
vention, i,'iven  lo  Ureal  Ihitain  the  eiijoymeiit  of 
eirlaiii  ri;;lils  in  the  enure  terrilory?  Whili'  that 
reniains  in  foi-t-e  will  she  not  complain,  and  justly, 
too,  it' we  take  any  slt?ps  teiidini;  to  al-rid^e  those 
riirhts?  lint  snppost?  \ee  overcome  this  i.'.slaele: 
cannot  Ureal  lirilaiii  pre;.(  nl  to  her  seltlers  the 
sanif?,  if  not  i^reiiter  indiici  ineiiis?     Tvlay  she  not 

I  also  make  grains  of  land  ill  tin?  territory  ?  ( 'learly 
so;  and  when  we  (rive  thousands  to  our  people, 
will  she  mil  ;;i\e  iiii!li"ir  lo  hers:  When  this 
scheme  has  In  I'li  o|.eialiii;;  for  a  few  years,  how 
then  will  slaiiil  the  tpiesiion  ?     (jiii  eithi'r  Ureat 

;  Ib-itain  or  tiiirselcs.  with  honor,  nv'iioiiate  away 
the  territory  to  which  lilies  have  been  (jranled  ? 
Clear'y  not.     Kach  will  he  hound  lo  defend  their 

■  own  ;;ranis  at  all  hazards.  They  iniisi  do  il. 
Have  t,'enllenieii  duly  considi  .ed 'his?  If  they 
have,  they  suri;ly  wi'l  aliandoii  all   !.o|ie?)  arisinir 

'  from  ihu  idea  that  W'l  can  siU'ely  let  tliiii  ipiestioii 


i 


' 


[Jan.  2(5, 

II.  <IK   KkI'S. 


B?     If  Iwn  iliiim- 

,  I'llll  IIIIU    III'  llll'lll 

yd  llir  nllirr  lii'l- 
III  iiiiist  lie  rillior 

,  nil  «ii«  who  has 
•I'sMcil  II  hIiikIi^  (if 
:ii:iir  nf  my  own 
linliiiii  liiiii  I'l^lils 
1  wimi  IMC  il.iy? 
I  Inns— II  rijjhl  hIio 
III  III)'.  aiiiiiH  riuhl 
nvi'nliiiii  III'  IHIH, 
r  rii;lilH,  iiiiil  iili 
,  iin  .  ilii'Mi'  I'ir- 
ilrnl  ri'i'oiiinii':iit? 
Iiy  llii'  lallrr  i-oii- 
rii|inni'y  iirirr  tlin 
liiH  will  Hli'i|i  lirr 
rNlinconlinni'M  in 
will  I'onvi'il  her 
"  Irimnt  nl  will." 
tv  a  trcN|iiiNHi*r — 
lionoriililr  ^I'lillc- 

VVlNTIIIlUI'l    llllll 

I  wliatrvrr  ofHri,- 
nay  I'l.'inain  in  ilN 
iri.  for  lifly  yiaiN 

'nlivi'  oltMCrviT  of 

:liiin;;iiiiil  Ni'iilini; 
fli'i'lH  upon  wimt 
laat  lii'ly  y"»i'H  — 
in,  'inil  tlir  va.sL 
ilily  Hn|>|ioHc'  that 
nam  in  iihryani'O 
.  Ir^ilinuili'  iiiodo 
r  liavr  !,'iil  alon^ 
I  Ntil]  contiiuir  to 
yvni  or  I  wo  only 
■il  any  nin.sidi'r- 
|)(i('M  not  rvrry 
of  filly  ycniM,  ilia 

Wl'll    MS    ihllNC     ol' 

il  to  Niirli  an  ex- 
iiii'y  iiiipoNsihlr  ? 
I  |irojj:ri'NH  iniiHl, 
thir  ili'Iny  of  ii 
IIS — that,  instrail 
iHiur,  it  will   liiit 

*  hron  prosnnii'il 
il  al  tirst  "  inas- 
sii'rly  ni'liviiv'.'' 
in^h  opposrd  to 
I'xpri'SNi'il  ihrir 
li'rrilory  is  clear 
roni!;iIrsirc  rvni- 
is  lirirdy  fxaiii- 
licv  pro|  isp  lo 
ii'ricviii  riti/.iMis. 
i^o  ihiTi'  and 
I'l'snil  to  indtiri! 
aro  inqnirrd  of, 
try  f''  ihi^  <''']<<) 
It  of  joint  oci'ii- 
,  1"  yi,  nine  r- 
II  illn  to  yotir 
V/ill   nii-ii  111! 

idlUTIIK    •!  r      Is 

lo  si'i'k  hoiiii'H 
n  a  witilrrnrsN? 
lit  thrill  laniU." 
nl,  liy  thr  con- 
•  rnioyini'iu  of 
v.-  AV'hili'  llial 
aiii,  and  jiislly, 
al  rld;;c  those, 
I'  this  i;''siarl(!; 
■irilli'is  tha 
Vlay  sill'  not 
iloryr    Clrarly 

lo    our    |il-oplr, 

Wlii'ii  linn 
yrars,  how 
n  rilhi'r  Unal 
K'iioiiatc  away 
Im'iiii  (rrauli'd  ? 
o  (Icfcnd  tliuir 
y  iniisi  do  it. 
'Ills-  If  ihry 
'..opi'H  aiisnit; 
I  tliia  (liaatiuii 


1810.] 


lli})TlC  CONO 1»T  SkHS, 


APPKNDIX  TO  THE  CONOUESSIONAT.  GI,onE. 

Tliv  l)nf^on  (■^ueslion — Mr,  (trover. 


196 


llll.  IIK   ItRPt. 


irtnain  in  .s/iidi  i/ii"  for  fifty  yraiH,  or  for  any  '^oii- 
Kidciiililr  pirioii  of  liuic. 

'I'lir  f^mlli'iiiaii  iVoiii  Alahanm  |Mr.  Yanckt) 
lias  advisi  cl  lis  lo  wail  iirilil  wi'  Inive  Iwriily  llioii- 
NMiid  rilh's  thi'i'i',  iind  iiini  lo  iis.i  llinii,  anil  Hiif- 
fu'ii'iil  {irovisions  to  siippiirt  an  army.  Arn  wn, 
Ihi'ii,  I"  "ay  lo  rniif;i'aiits:  'I'liir,  wi'.  ran  {;ivii  you 
no  litlr,  lint  ncvrr  yon  iiiiiid)  liiUa  your  iixnH  and 
rilliH;  no  on;  ),'rt  inio  llio  Irrritory;  work  away, 
clear  lip  Ihc  cimnlry  inilil  you  can  laiKi!  provisions 
I'lion^li  III  niainiain  an  army',  anil  when  voii  f;i'l 
Ktroii({  cnouf;h  in  iirnis  aiiil  iiuinliers  to  ilrive  iifl' 
Ihc  lirilish,  and  us,  loo,  then  our  hind,  paternal 
(iovennueiil  will  iiilerfere;  then  wi'  will  assert  onr 
title  lo  the  whole  territory,  send  onr  army  there  lo 
jiriilirl  ycai,  and  eat   up  the   provisions  you   have 


i.  the  provisions  you   1 

raised  for  onr  Iroops;  then  wi^  will  dot  your  coun- 
try over  with  lair  land  ollices,  pediMe  iiiil  to  you 
the  .soil  yiai  have  rcclaimeil  from  the  sava^;cs,  and  Ij 
pnl  the  money  into  onr  tre.isnry'     I.h  not  this,  af-  { 
ter  all,  pretty  mneh  the  amonnl  of  the  ai'^iimcnl .' —  i 
W.iil  iiiilil  yon  I'lin  .susi.iin  yourselves;  then  let  us  ; 
in,  and  we   will   open   for  ourselves,  and  for  yon,  h 
all   ihosc   fnie  avenues   for   llie   coniineree  ot   Ihc  l| 
world    that    liiue    fij^iircd    so   lari^ely   in    this   lie-  II 
hale.      "  Ihit   how   arc  wi;   lo   he  iforrntid  in  the  i; 
mean  while.'"  ihe  eini;;rant  will   impure,     (ienlle- j| 
.iicii    may  an.swer;    Uest    perfectly  easy  on    that  il 
H,  Mie;  you  shall  he  ;;ovcriied  to  your  heiirrs  con- Ij 
tent    yon,  ni  this  reapcct,  sh.'ill  he  doulily  hlcHSed; 
( Jreat  lirilain   has  cMeiiih  d  In  r  laws  over  the  ter- 
rilory,  and   we   will   ours!     Von   shall   enjoy  the 
lilessiiifjH  of  two  CiovernmenlH;  two  sels  ol'olficers 
lhroii'.;hoiil;  two  iiide|)enilent  jiidieiaries;  two  sets 
of  eyecntivo  ami  niinislerial  ottieers,  amenahle  lo 
ililVireul  Powers,  iidminislcriiii;  dill'erent  syslenis 
ofl.iw!     How  will  llii.s  operale.'     Suppose  a  con- 
Iroversy  arisri  lietween  an   .American  anil  lirilish 
Hciller.     Kacli   will  mil  to  the  trihniial  of  )iis  own 
coioili'y,    pri'cure    proct  ;;:i,   anil     start    with     the 
marshal  in  hot  pursuit  of  his  anta^oniHt,  meeting; 
perhaps  inidwr.y.      What  now  ensues.'     Who,  at 
all  aci|Uiiiiilcil  with  the  ilisposilion  of  the  Aiiieri- 
■  .-.11  people,  will  expect  that  they  will  i|uietly  snr- 
render  lo  the  lirilish  authority.'     Who,  hnowiiiK 
ihe  nature  of  John  itull,  expects  liiiii  lo  surrender, 
and  stilfcr  himselt'to  he  marched  up  ipiietly  to  the 
American  trihniial.'    I  presume  none.    What,  then, 
will   he  the  consei|Uciice  ?     A   fii;lil   .iiMiies.     The 
eoiinlrytneii  of  the  respective  *.iiiiies  rush  in,  and 
parliclpale  in  the  contest;  the  inlelli^ctiee  spreads; 
each   parly  cxMspcrated  against  the  other,  and  eu- 
tertainin^   ("celin^s  of  the    diepesi    hostility,    war 
anions  them.  In  its  most  horrid  form,  hecoiue.s  ii  - 
I'vllaiile.     True,  puice  niny  exist   In   Huston  an. I 
Churleslon.      'i'lie    cltl/ens   of    these   cominerc.al 
maris  may  pursue  their  IraMic  undlslnrhi.'d—  ilieir 
ships,  tia  ir  homes,  and  their  families  may  In  safe, 
lint  can  this  he  called  an  honorahle  peace.'     (loax 
our  cill/.riis  to  t)ret;ou  for  the  purpose  of  ^ceurin;; 
rur  tllle  to  Ihe  coiinlry,  involve  tlieni  o,  war,  anil 
then,  tor  the  purpose  ot'  preserving;  peace  for  itiir- 
selves,  ahandcHi   llieiii  to  their  I'ate  I     The  Ameri- 
can people  w  ill  never  do  this;  no,  never.      1  assure 
^'enlliiueii   that  all   hopes  of  preserving   peace  in 
this  way  are  ileliLsive.      I  re^iird   this  as  a  species 
•  if  "aclivily,"  or  "inaci.vily,"  call   it  what  you 
will,  that  may  well  heeoinc  tlin  American  j.eoplc 
'I   let  alone. 

.Ve  must,  it  nppear8tome,rhooH0  lirtwcen  two 
alternallves — either  hack  out,  I  y  ahando  in;;  our 
title  lo  the  ti", rilory,  or  meet  I'ne  iiueslion  at  once 
i:i  I  manner  that  hecomes  th'  di^mlv  ot'the  niitioii. 
'Ihe  fi'.nier  I'oiirsi;  is  in  ,  lo  lie  tlioii^rhl  of;  the 
people  iif  all  parties  will  scout  al  the  idea.  What 
then?  We  ninsi  takt  the  other  conr.so,  £;lve  the 
iiotii^e  recominemlcil  hy  the  hixcciillvc,  llul,  we 
arc  lold,  this  will  lead  to  war.  Will  it  do  so.'  I 
do  not  know.  I  cannot,  with  certainty,  pnilii't. 
I  do  not  helleve  it  will.  Why  should  this  produce 
wai  .'  It  w  ill  he  hut  the  exercise  ofii  rii-ht  ii  sencd 
to  holh  {larlles  hy  the  convention;  and  how  can 
(iicat  llrilam  lake  iiinhra^i;  from  this.'  ^'et  she 
may,  I  do  not  helievc  she  will;  hut  if  otherwise, 
he  It  so;  w'e  cannot  help  it,  'I'he  (^enlleman  from 
liosie.n  [Mr,  WiNTiiiiai'l  has  told  llie  commiltee 
"  thai  a  war  urowin;;  nil  of  Ihis  ipicsllou  will  he 
an  i.ternal  dis^-race  to  h.ith  nations."  To  one-half 
Id' Ihis  proposiiion,  I  ajiiee.  It  will  he  an  eternal 
ilisijiace  lo  Ureal  llriirilii  lo  ti'<  'o  w.ir  on  this  ac- 
couiil;  to  pi  iMisI  lo  that  exlremlly  in  her  nnhul- 
lowtd  ulltnipts  lo  loh  us  of  our  territory      i^iot  so 


with  UN.  We  would  he  hut  dclindini;  niir  own 
Boil— ilischarKini;  the  most  sacred  dill'  a  K;overii- 
meiit  owes  Its  citl/ens,  hy  extending'  io  them  the 
protection  of  our  laws  and  preserving  the  inle^rily 
of  onr  terriha-y.  If  v^'ar  ^row  oiil  ofHtich  a  course 
on  our  part,  I  trust  in  (lod  we  shall  hear  the  iiiiiied 
rirspoiisn  from  our  people — I  ,el  it  come!  I  feel 
Slim  that  Kiicli  will  lie  ihe  voice,  of  the  ^reat  Slate 
I  have  the  '  lor,  in  parl,lo  represenl.  '1  hn  K''"' 
lleiiiaii  from  .'Jahaina,  |Mr,  Vani  r.v,|  and  Iwoor 
three  fioni  Viixinia,  have  lold  us  there  is  no  dis- 
grace in  our  leltini;  thin;;s  remain  as  lliey  are.  No  \ 
ilisfjriice,  in  permiltiiii;  (Jreat  llrilniu  to  occupy  j 
American  sod — to  exercise  her  soverilL'iily  over 
it — lo  compel  American  citizens  to  siihmil  to  her 
triliiinalH!  Will  the  ;;eiilleinen  say  so,  it' (treat 
llrilain  occupies  a  iiart  of  Virginia?  I  pri  siiine 
not.  1  caiinol  yiehl  my  assent  to  this  ilofMriiie, 
Willi  llie  II  miiKes  no  dlirerence  wlielhi  r  ( in  al 
Itrllalii  allemplH  lo  exercise  her  aulhorily  over 
Attieriean  territory  in  Ihe.  iNorlli,  the  iSoolli,  or  in 
Ihe  far-oil' regions  of  Ore^'on,  i  will  hi:  ei|nally 
prompt  to  resist  her  in  all  ilirections,  Onr  safely, 
as  well  as  our  honor,  will  not  permit  us  to  slop 
short  of  lliiH,  Will  il  he  no  ili.si,'race  lo  a  iieople 
who,  more  ihan  Iwenly  years  a;;o,  proclaimed 
ihroiiLjIi  iheir  Kxeciitive  "  that  liny  no  longer  re- 
garded this  I'oiuineiil  as  open  for  future  hjiiropeaii 
coloiii/.ation.'" — a  people  who  are  even  now  re- 
peatini;  this,  and  yet  cannot  and  date  noi  lake  pos- 
si'shIoii  of  territory  iindouliledly  iheir  own,  for  fear 
of  a  war  with  iMi^laml?  If  this  is  so,  let  iim  hide 
onr  iliminlslied  heads.  I,et  lis  no  longer,  like 
hran;.^arls,  he.  talkiiii;  ahont  rct^iilatln;;  ihe  eoursi: 
of  oilier  imlions  In  planlliii^  eolonii's,  until  we  can 
protect,  wllliont  the  aid  ot'1  Jreat  llrilain,  American 
citi/.cns  upon  Anierli.,ii  soil! 

llul,  say  ^aiillemen,  "llie  notice  will  lend  lo 
war,  and  war  is  a  dreadful  lliim,'."  Where  was 
ihe  prospect  of  warr  iN'onecould  regret  its  oci*ur- 
-  .ice  more  than  myself;  anil  sure  1  am,  if  it  de- 
pniilH  upon  Ihe  people  of  this  country  alone, there 
will  he  no  war.  I'hey  desire  no  w-iir.  They 
claim  no  more  than  iHlheiiown.  They  demand 
only  what  heloni^H  to  them  ;  and  if,  for  adviin- 
ciii^  and  |iei'slstiii|;  in  a  just  claim,  war  should 
come  upon  them,  it  will  he  ii  war  of  at^j^ression, 
and  the  responsihility  will  he  upon  the  air^ressor. 
We  can  stanil  in  llie  face  oj'  the  world,  and 
proclaim  ourselves  Innocent  and  hlamclcss.  (Jen- 
llenien  li.ivi:  told  the  committee  "  il  will  he  nil 
almost  endlesH  war — the  most  bloody  and  liio- 
mentous  the.  world  has  ever  seen  ;  ihat  it  will 
conlimie  until  either  ( jrcal  llrilain  or  ourselves  art: 
enlirely  conipiered  ;  lhat  Mni'land  '.vill  never  yield 


n| 


Oregon  unlil   her  lion   has   hcen  driven    fro 


litroiif^liold  lo  stronghold  ;  In  short,  that  II  will  he 
a  war  of  systems — a  war  wherein  the  monarchical 
will  he  arrayed  against  the  democralic  principle." 
Will  it  he  such  ?  Do  ^eiillemen  suppose  lhat  wi; 
Ml  the  North — wlioni  I  presume  the  L'cnllcniaii  from 
Soiilh  (,'arolina  j.'Vlr.  UiiK'rr{  referred  lo,  as  "  lie- 
in;;  dwellers  under  an  Octoher  sun" — will  ever  ill  ink 
of  underiakm;;  a  war  to  Impose  upon  other  nations 
a  repnlilican  form  of  Goveriiinenl  P  I  assure  the 
;;entlenian  we  will  not.  W^e  have  never  so  learned 
our  erc"  '.  "We  liellcve  thai  democratic  princi- 
ples would  wilher  and  die  in  siiili  anaMeniiii.  We 
would  as  soon  think  of  propairalin;;  llie  principles 
of  our  holy  religion  liy  the  sword  and  ta;;ot !  I 
helleve  lhat  a  slriii;'.;le  helween  those  sysleiiis  is 
Inevilahle  ;  that  It  is  already  iroin;,'  on  llirou;;liont 
the  world  ;  lint  in  Ihe  contest  our  ilocirlnes  are  not 
proclaiiiied  hy  ihe  'liunderin;;  voice  of  ihe  cannon. 
No!  Such  colli' St  has  no  alliance  with  the  mili- 
tary chieftain  In  his  epaiileltc..j  and  plumes.  iNone 
of  the  pomp  and  noise  of  w.vr  is  needed.  The  al- 
lies are  widely  ilill'eri  nt  from  all  llicse.  They  are 
the  hunihle  sclioiilmaster,  i|uie'!v  iierformiii'.;  his 
ollicein  ediicatini;  the  world,  aide.!  liy  ihai  inluhly 
eii;;iiie — the  prinlin;;  press!  scatlerin;;,  hroadcast, 
knowlcd;;e  and  iiilelll;;cncc  ihrou^'hoiit  the  earlli. 
These,  and  these  alone, are  the  weapons  used;  and, 
1  do'ihinnt,  they  will  prove  victorious,  [ 

Here  I  wIinIi  lo  noilce  the  caution  !,'iven  liy  the 
;;enlleiiiau  from  Alahama  (Mr.  Vani  Kv]  In  our 
western  friends  lo  liecariful  of  us  norlherii  men  in 
Ihis  liiisiiicss:  clalmin'.;  lhat  we  would  like  lo  i;et 
('anathi  and  the  other  Hrliish  provinces  north -^f 
us,  and  when  we  had  ohiaiiied  them,  we  wonM 
turn  round  and  he  for  nc^^utiiiiln;;  away  and  yletd- 
iii({  up  Oregon.     Docs  the  North  wish  to  eoi»iutr 


(!aiiaila,  sir  ?  an  I  how  and  when  haHslie  proposed 
loiloil:'     True,  Ihe  North  can  drive  out  the   Mril- 
isli   troops,  destroy   their    forlresseH,  and    remove 
fVoni  them  every  vesli;;e  of  Itrllish  pow;  r.     What 
more  call  she  do?     !\olhiii;;  atall.      I'IiIh  ell'ecled, 
she  must  withdraw,  and  leave  the  people  of  Can- 
ada perficily  free  lo  choose  a  form  of  i;overnnienl 
for  iheniselves.      If  they  preferred  a  inonarehlcal 
form  of  t;overnmeiit,  so  lie  It — let  them  estalilish  it. 
I  If  they  choose  to  relnrii  to  .i  stale  of  colonial  de- 
pcnilenee   upon  (j'eat  lirltain,  or  enter  into   lhat 
relation  Willi  any  .illier  I'airopean  I'ower,  it  woiihl 
i  he  their  rl(;lil  no  to  do,  and  we  could  not  complain. 
j  If  they  hIiouIiI  desire  a  repnlilicaii  form  of  t'overn- 

I  mem,  anil  seek  admission  Inl ir  confederiicy,  we 

I  should   open   wide   our  iloiirs,  and   hall   llieiii   as 

lircihren.   This  is  nil  we  mean  liy  lakiiii;  (,'anada — 

I  simply  removiin;  every  ol.slacli — every  forei;;ii  iin- 

pedimelit  to  Ihe  I'lee  aclioll  of  her  people.      In  ease 

I  id'  war  helween  us  and   (treat  llrilain,  I  have  no 

ilonlit   we  should  speedily  do  this.     Such   iff  all 

ihe  eom|Uesls  we  can  t;vttr  make.      Wi;  can   never 

I  esl.'ildish  colonies  or  impose  forms  of  ;;overimieiit 

I  upon  a  coni|iiereU  people.     The  iri.nius  of  our  iii- 

stlinlions  forliiils  it.      We  niusi,  fioiii  the  very  na- 

lurt!  of  our  (!onslliiitloii   and    laws,  have  the  free 

I  consent  of  tin:   people   with    whom    we   arc   c.ini- 

i  necleil. 

M       I  have  hcen  niiitdi  amused,  as  well  as  ileli;;hled, 
ji  liy  the  picture  so  well  and  so  ;;niplilcally  drawn  hy 
j  the  ;;entleiniiii  fioiii  Viruiiila,  |:VIr.  ll>:fiiNiir.n,|  of 
!  the  course  of  the  ea;;le  at  I  larper's  l''erry.    Would 
that  that  (>enileman,  and  his  fiieiids  in  tills  dehaO',! 
would  imllale  the  example  of  the  ea;,'lt:  In:  had   so 
iinpressively  descrilied.     He  rcpreseiiled  that  no- 
hli;   hirtl,  wlien  a  dark   and   poitcntons  eloinl  was 
aitvancin;;  from  ihi:  West,  as  da.Mlilii;;  holdly  inio 
its  ihitdieHt  ;.'lo'im;  attain  and  ai^aiii  alltrm'plini;  lo 
penetrali!  and  i  at  lis  way  lhroii;;li  II,  hiil  as  linalty 
sweeping;  around  It  and  seltlin:;  on  the  loftiest  peak 
I  of  the  iiei;;lil)orin;;  iiioniilain;  and  then  tin;  elond':! 
I    passlie;  over  without  a  drop  of  rain  liavlii;;  faileii 
I  I'roin  it.     ThcMi:  t;eiiileinen  ima^int;  llit-y  heliotd  a 
porlcntons  cloud   arising;  out  of  this  notli-t;;  hut 
when  they,  in   fancy,  see   its   ilark   foltis   haiKjin'.; 
i  like  nielli  over  ilieni  and  threatening;  to  ilelti;;'-  llie 
i  lanti,  do  llii:y,  like  tliii  eii;de,  dash  inio  lis  thickest 
;;looni  ?     Not  at  all.     They   slop   their  (li^^iit  and 
ilriio|)   'heir  wiii;;s  liefori:  they  l'iI  wlihiii  twelve 
months' ri  ac.li  of  tin:   cloud!      Why  not,  ;;enlle- 
men,  really  imiinle  yourea;;le  of»hi:  cloud.'     (.'irr 
\  thr  aofjrr,  and  then  if  yon   slop  upon   the   motin- 
jt  lam's  peak, yon  will  not  have  lo  lany  Ion;;  hefore 
'  you  will  fniil  the  tloiid  pimsiii;;  over  and  no  war- 
like drops  shed. 

Sever.'il  L'enlli'inen  have  protested  ii'^aiiist  ;;ivinE; 
the  notice,  for  the  reason  lhat  it  will  fasten  iijioii 
the  f;oiinlry  the  paper  system  and  lis  Icindrid 
ahiisen  for  a  Ion;;  series  of  years.  No  one  can 
re;;anl  lliis  as  a  ;;reatf:r  c.aliinuly  than  myself;  hut 
I  cannot  hrlni;  my  mind  to  helieve  sin  li  f:vlls  will 
follow.      l)o  ;;enlteiiien  mean  Lo  address  this  e.r;;u- 


iiii  lit  lo  their  prominent  ally  on  this  oucstion,  the 
;renileman  from  .Massiichnselts  (,\Ir.  Win-i  iiiioerj 
I  ilonlit  whether  the;'  call  make  him  helleve  n.  If 
they  succeed,  I  rather  think  lie  will  hccome  less 
hoslili:  to  the  Jiieasure.  iSliall  we  ;;ivi:  this  notice? 
"  Not  yet,"  say  the  i;eiillenien.  Why  not  r  !i'- 
causi;  we  are  not  ready.  .Many  of  the  .States,  they 
lell  us,  are  liepply  involveii  In  ilehl,  and  are,  coii- 
scipienllv,  unalilc  lo  sustain  the  I'tirileiis  of  a  war, 
should  II  ensue'.  I  llsieneil  e.'iL'erly  .'  the  eiiiiincr- 
ation  of  such  .Stales,  to  ascertain  wlit;lher  New 
York  was  coinpri  liendeil  in  the  list.  I  found,  lo 
my  ;;reat  satistaction,  llial  she  wi.h  not.  A  new 
lli;lii  liroke  in  upon  my  niiiiil.  I  have  evi:r  liet:ii 
anion;;  those  opposed  lo  the  creatltin  of  these  enor 
inoiis  delii.'i  hy  llie  .Stales;  I  liave  l,eeii  ho  for  the 
reasons  lhat  the  hi:nefit.*i  conferred  upon  the  people 
hy  tin:  expendiiiire  of  the  nioiiey  ohtaliiett  imist 
ever  he  coiifmed  t'l  :;  pari  only,  while  the  hurdeiiH 
they  impo.seil  extemi  lo  all,  and  llial  there  ever 
iniisl  111;  more  or  Ic^s  of  injiisliie  in  everything 
alfccied  hy  iliein.  When  I  view  them  in  lhi« 
li;;lit,  and  see  how  they  cnpple  the  resourcirs  i'lid 
palsy  the  arm  of  this  n  'nn — how  they  lend  lo 
render  her  iiimlile  to  as;'  and  inaititani  her  Just 
i'i!;lils,  lliey  appear  iiilin  ly  more  odious.  'Thi.'t 
(ttveriimeiit  must  procure  the  sinews  of  war  from 
tilt;  peopli;  of  tin;  States.  It  has  no  other  resourtt;; 
and  If  tin;  States,  liy  improvident  leglHlation,  h.ivi: 
Uesiroyctl  their  cruuil,  unU  ruudured  their  people 


1S6 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  IG, 


I 


t      aT 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  J.  A,  Rockwell. 


Ho.  or  Keps. 


unable  to  contrilnite  their  quoin  to  Biistain  this 
Gnvrrnmrnt,  jl  ia  |iowerl('»s.  The  nnlioii  ennnnt 
nmintnin  her  riehis,  nnr  redress  hcrwroniia,  how- 
ever (ln!;ninl.  New  York,  althoiisrh  larffely  in 
iiel)l,  1  am  happy  to  say,  ia  not  in  this  dilcinma. 
True,  a  (cw  years  a^o  iihe  was  on  the  vcr!;c  of 
barkrupley.  Omlitude,  eternal  gratitude,  I  cannot 
hut  feel  is  due  to  the  n)cn  who  so  riohly  rcscucil 
her  from  this  humiliating  position;  and  honor  to 
her  citizens  who  so  cheerfully  subiniiied  to  the 
burdens  necessarily  imposed,  and  so  warmly  sup- 
pnrii-il  those  they  clinri;ed  with  thai  treiiiendoua  ' 
nil  lul  duty.   Yes,  I  am  proud  to  say  to-day, 

thai  hi     I'atrioue.  giuis  of  Mew  York  are  ready  to  ! 
meet  every  eniersrency,   and  to  discharge  every 
<ibli<;ation  she  ia  under  to  the  Union.     Go  on,  sir, 
in  the  |wlh  of  duly,  and  ihrini^li  weal  or  tlirout;h 
MO,  New  York  will  be  with  vou.     I  have  |)er-  : 
ceiveil  that  most  of  those  who  liave  preceded  me 
in  this  debate  have,  in  ci\se  of  war,  placed  their 
constitnenis  ill  the  front  of  the  fijlii.     Willi  this 
1  am  contont.     Take  tlic/roiif,  gentlemen,  leave  to 
New  York  the  rrni',  and  1  assure  you  there  will 
lie  no  retreat  while  a  Uritisli  Hag  waves  on  iJiii  ; 
cintinent!  1 

Why  not  give  this  notice  now?     We  are  told 
our  coasts  are  del';  nceless — our  r.avy  ineliicient — 
our  arniv  small,  lUiii,  but  a  few  days  aijo,  a  coiii- 
muiiicati'oii  was  read  to  us  by  the  c  ntlcinan  from 
Coiiiieiticui,  [Mr.  Rockwei.i.,]  romiiig  from  Slo. 
ninijton,  inforiuing  us  tb.at  tiiey  bad  a  larire  nun' 
her  of  w  liale  ships  out  at  sea,  wiuili  millions    if 
•  dollars,  mid  ihat  some  of  ilieni  would  not  return  in 
two  m-  three  years.     Wben  will  llicy  h:ive  a  loss 
n  inilier  out.'     1  would  blvc  to  know.     They  fur-  i 
tlicr  advise  us  that  one  steam  fri;r.Ue  could  burn  ! 
their  town  and  destroy  it  in  two  hours  !'    Oiracious 
Ileavi-iis!  is  this  so?     A  town  as  large  as  that, 
possessed  of  millions  of  properly,  niid  yet  unable 
to  defend   iiaelf  for  two  hours  against  one  steam 
frigate  1     My  liist  impulse  was  to  say,  let  them  : 
:iurii  ;  but  when  I  roflecicd  upon  the  enervaiiiur  t 
f^ndcncy  of  wealth  and  luxury,  to  the  influence  of 
Mbich  that  people  had,  probably,  long  been  sub- 
jected, I  llioui:lit  it  liiticr  to  semi  some  of  the  more 
spirited  men  there  lo  lake  c.ire  of  ilinni  until  their 
r.;iilors  returned,  and  then  we  should  bear  a  Jillci'- 
eiil  story  iVcuii  them. 

Tlie  ::enileniaii  tVom  Virginia  [Mr.  I'F.Nb....TOx] 
told  usiliai  New  Vork  eity  would  experience  some 
of  the  first  I  iii(*r  fruits  of  the  war  )ioiicy — tlial 
she  would  be  -  -tlier  laid  in  ashes  or  under  contri- 
bution. I  will  liiforni  that  gentleman  liiat  he  need 
give  liiniselt'iio  uneasiness  about  New  York.  She 
can  take  cue  of  licrsi  If ;  and  if  ilie  enemy  dared 
to  attack  her,  they  would  very  soon  wish  tlieiii- 
Bi;lves  alicnrd  of  their  sieam-ships,  with  a  full 
bead  of  sle.iiii.streriiii  for  the  oiiaii.  'I'his  talk 
nlioul  au.ickinu'  New  York  reminds  iiie  of  an  inci- 
dent that  iS  said  to  have  occurred  on  board  a  lirit- 
i-^li  ship  during  the  hue  war  of  tliii  country  and 
(irrat  ilriiaiii,  ^)el\^■ccll  two  .Amenc-iii  sailors,  who 
bail  lieeii  ;nipresscil,  and  a  lirilisa  tnr.  The  Uni- 
on first  iiinuired  of  one,  where  he  was  I'roni .'  Uos- 
ton,  was  the  answer.  I'll,  then,  you  will  socui  be 
relerisi'd,  said  the  Kiitrlisliman  ;  our  licet  is  shortly 
goinij  to  Boston.  'i"lien  itror""  idinsr  the  same 
riie>tion  (o  the  oiber,  receive.,  u>i"  an.swer  :  New 
"i'nrk.  Ah,  ha!  exclaimed  the  L^ritisii  tar,  you 
will  have  to  ride  it  out.  tlieii  ;  we  are  not  ctuiig  to 
New  ^'ork.  The  \'ork<'r  «a\'s,  yon  had  better  not; 
i!'  vou  do,  vou  will  find  old  Tll^ll•KI^^  ilo  re  !  Lei 
t'leiii  C'Uiie  now.  It"  iliev  choose,  and  instead  of 
titidiiiL'  one  dariiur  man  lliey  will  fnitlyf/'/i/l/ieKsinii/. 
Wluii.  sort  of  jireparaiion  for  war  do  L'"entlenieii 
wish  for.'  Will  liny  wait  tor  years,  and  expend 
Jarre  sums  of  money  in  or'ianizinir  an  army  and 
biiildin-.'P  iiavv,  that,  at'ier  all,  ten  eliancea  lo  one, 
will  nev^'r  be  wanted.'  I  do  not  believe  the  people 
\\'ill  apnr'tve  ol'  liiis.  .Ml  ilie  prci-aratioti  I  des're 
ia  siiiij  !v  tlii.s — to  have  the  people  united;  firmly 
conviii  cd  that  ihey  are  rliarly  in  tin'  riu'lit,  and 
R-tti.slied  th;it  Knyland  was  intent  upon  wresting 
fr  nil  tlieiu,  bv  forre,  terriiorv  iiidisimialdv  theirs. 
This  would  lie  enoiiL'h  ;  and  inonev  would  be  t^u'- 
liished  ;  arms,  and  men  in  use  them,  would  be 
fiiiind  as  if  by  ninL'ic  1  ha\e  I'lill  conlidence  in 
the  people  of  this  loiintry.  Let  the  eiMerjeni'v 
eciine,  iind  tiny  will  unive  tlieiiis.Ues  worlliv  of 
their  revolutionary  I'atlierH.  Will  it  come.'  'I'liere 
ore  many  reasnns  ihat  bad  me  in  dnnbl  ii. 

Rnglajid,  ntthoui,'li  ponscising  a  lar|;«  army  and 


nn  immense  navy,  lias  many  obstacles  to  encoun- 
ter. Her  enormous  debt  ia  like  an  incubus  upon 
her  prosperity.  In  a  time  of  profound  peace,  shf! 
was  compelled  to  impose  Krxes  upon  her  people 
that  were  driving  them  'o  madness.  Already  has 
she  n-achcd  the  maxiinui..  slic  is  able  to  extort 
from  her  lulling  millions  of  subjv  jIs.  No  more  can 
he  forced  out  of  her  manufacturers  and  ill-paid 
laborers.  Kven  now,  her  neccssiiie»  have  coni- 
I  pii'lled  her  to  impose  an  income  tax.  This  impo- 
sition, which,  until  recently,  has  been  her  last  re- 
sort in  war,  and  always  reliictaiilly  resorted  to, she 
is  now  obliged  to  adopt  as  her  permanent  policy. 
Under  eirciimstnnceN  like  these,  will  she  be  likely 
lo  engage  in  an  unprovoked  war  with  us?  Her 
aristocracy  control  her  policy,  and  they  perfectly 
tiiiderstnnil  that  every  dollar  expended  in  such  a 
contest  must  he  taken  IVom  their  pockets.  Her 
land  tax  for  years  has  been  so  oppressive  upon  the 
owners  of  her  soil,  that  they  ueclare  ihemsclves 
iinabli'  to  sustain  it,  unless  jirotected  by  prohibi- 
tory duties  upon  the  produce  of  foreign  countries. 
All  adherence  to  this  policy  is  slowly  but  surely 
ruining  her  manufacturers.  It  has  been  adhered 
to  until  famine  stares  the  operatives  in  the  face. 
They  surely  have  difficulties  and  embarrassments 
ei'niigli  on  hand  nearer  home,  and  more  imme- 
diately affeoliiig  ilieni,  than  any  territorial  claims 
upon  our  northwest  corst. 

The  friends  of  this  measure  have  been  asked, 
whether  ilicy  would  negotiate  after  the  notice  hiul 
been  given?  As  one  of  lh?m,  \  would  answer, 
moa*  certainly.  I  beiievetbat  thiscoursc  will  lead  to 
a  renewal  of  negoliationa  between  the  two  Govern- 
iiients.  Peace  is  too  valuable  liijlitly  to  be  cast 
away.  The  genius  of  the  aire  in  which  we  live  is 
not  warlike.  The  interests  of  both  countries  most 
slionirly  incline  them  to  peace.  The  increase  of 
knowiedire,  the  extension  nf  civilization,  and, 
above  all,  the  spreading  of  the  genuine  principles 
of  Chriaiianity,  have  that  lendcncy.  I  hope  that 
the  future  history  of  the  world  will  contai.i  less 
and  less,  each  year,  of  the  direful  history  Oi'  bat- 
tles and  the  cmillicts  of  inan  with  laii,  uiiiil  the 
remeiiibrance  of  them  wilt  be  banished  from  the 
earth.  I  trust  that  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when 
nations  will  learn  that  their  true  interests  are  las 
jiroinoted  by  doing  good  to,  instead  of  inllictnu 
injuries  upon,  each  other;  when  they  will  cease  to 
entertain  jealousies  about  a  "balance  of  power;  ' 
when  goveriinii  iits  will  be  relieved  iVcnii  every  ne- 
cessity for  standing  ariniea  and  navies  lo  protect 
them  from  foiei'_'n  aggression,  and  the  people  (Vom 
the  support  of  iliem.  i 

Kiitertaining  these  hopes,  I  again  repent,  that  by 
all  means  1  would  negoiiate  if  our  naver.s.iry  de- 
sired; by  all  iiicans  I  would  make  an  honorable, 
amicable  settleineiit  of  this  question,  if  possible. 
Aliout  the  terms,  1  have  notliing  to  say.  The 
people  have  coiilided  that  matter  to  other  hands, 
riiere  let  it  remain.  My  conlidence  In  the  Exe- 
cutive 18  such  thai  I  entertain  no  fears  for  the  lioiior 
or  diirnily  or  rights  of  the  country  while  uiiiii-r 
control.  Let  ti.i  do  our  duty,  by  p.assins;  the 
.csolulioiis  under  consideration,  leaving  others  un- 
trammelled in  the  di.scliarge  of  lAcirs. 


the  liiKli  cnntrHrtinKpnrtlen,  in  that  respect,  beiiin  lo  prevent 
disputes  and  (liircrrnccs  nnioiic  tlicinselvi'S. 

amii<n>ion  hrtwcm  the  I'mteil  Sliiln  mid  Crcnt  Briliiin, 
signed  at  Loudon,  .ftuuttsl  0,  1h;>7. 

Aanei.i!  1.  All  tlie  provislnna  of  tlie  tliinl  nrticlc  of  ilis 
convonlion  cnncitnli'd  ''onveen  Hie  I'liitcil  Slntei  of  Aiiinr- 
lc«  and  Ills  Mnjcuty  llic  KIni!  of  tlie  t'liiUMJ  Kinitilnni  of 
Great  Rritiiin  Rnil  Ircliiiul.  on  Ilia  90th  m  (liliilicr,  I'rli',  niiiill 
he,  nnil  they  arc  herehy,  Airtlier  imli'lliiili'lv  exliiiilril  nnil 
continued  in  force,  in  the  same  inniiair  ii»  if  nil  the  pri)\i.s- 
ions  of  tlie  snid  nrticlo  were  herein  sjiecili^nlly  ri'eili'it. 

-Art.  9.  Itshnll  be  eainpeli'nl,  liowrvi^,  tii  iIiIiit  of  tho 
enntrnctinil  iinrties,  in  cane  rilhcr  hIioiiIiI  think  lit,  at  any 
lime  niter  the  20lh  t>tnlie.-,  it*9H.  on  (livinc  due  nnticc  o"t 
twelve  ninnlllfl  to  tlie  oltier  "o^iirnetini;  pnrt>.  Inniuinl  mid 
nhrnifnlo  lliiH  eoiiventinn ;  and  itshnll,  in  Hiicli  eieii-,  lie  iio- 
enrdiiiBly  entirely  aninilh'd  and  alirngiittd,  alter  ilie  e.\pirn- 
tinn  III"  thennid  Icrin  of  notice. 

Art.  a.  NothiiiE  cnntnined  in  this  convention,  or  in  the 
third  article  of  the  eonventimi  of  the  DDIh  tletciliir,  IHlR, 
liercliy  enalinued  in  force,  shall  hftconstriicd  lniin|Kiir,nr  in 
any  manner  nlTt'Ct,  tlicelniins  which  either  or  the'cnntrnei- 
init  parties  inny  have  to  any  part  of  the  country  westward  of 
the  Hiony  or  lioeky  ninuniains. 


OREGON  aUESTKiN. 


'  APPKNOIX. 

C^nfCtilton  /rlicciti  tfic  t'niird  St>itei  of  *1mfrira  arut  Great 
llnl.im,  tiencrf  <i/  London,  Oiiahit  -JU,  1S18. 

.AFTici.r  Q  It  is  (lureed  that  a  line  drawn  Irum  the  ninsl 
nnrtliwe-h'rn  piiliil  nl  ihe  Lake  of  the  W'lioil.^,  itlniis  the 
lorlrniiilli  jiiir.illrl  of  nnrth  hititiulc,  or.  if  the  k;iiiI  (inlnt 
idiiiil  lint  tic  in  tile  t'urly  iiitilli  )i.iralli-l  nriinrlh  laliliiili.  ihi'n 
that  a  line  drawn  rrmiittii'  «anl  pxiiit  due  niirlli  it  -ntilh.  a- 
till'  ca>i'  may  Ik-,  until  the  riaiil  line  kIiiiII  oiIitm-im  the  ^alll 
parallel  i>l'  mirth  lalilnili-.  anil  Iroiii  the  iiniiit  >il  ^mh  iiil'T- 
i.i'<-lion  line  wriit  iilniiu  ami  wilh  the  i-aiil  paralli-l,  tilinit  be 
till-  Iiiir  nfilriiiarraliiili  hi'twi'i'iithi'ti'rrilnrit'r'iil  llh'  l^aili'd 
Stall's  anil  thimi'  nf  liii  Itritannio  Maje^'tv;  niid  Ihnt  tliewnid 
liiM'  Nliall  liirlii  the  nnrthi-rn  iMinndnry  nl  the  find  ti-'rritnries 
(il  till'  1  ■tiili'il  r^mii  1,  loid  titf  "nitilM-rn  linninlnry  n!  th"  t-r- 
ritnrirH  nl  lii^i  itrilaniue  Majesty,  t'rnni  the  Lake  el  the 
Wnmls  In  tlli'  Htiiliy  innnntainx. 

.\e  r.  ;i.  11  IS  a^'ri'ii!  Hint  any  country  thai  may  he  claimed 
b\  ritfii-r  parly  nn  the  mirth  went  eimut  of  A  im-rien.  westward 
oi  the  Slmiy  innuntaiiiK,  sliall,  tniri-ther  with  Its  hnrhnrs, 
ba>i.  anil  i-reeks,  and  the  liavivaliiin  nf  all  ii\rri,  within  tlii- 
h.'.Mie,  be  free  and  npeti  liir  llif  trnii  nf  ti-ii  yrari*  Irnni  tin- 
dalf  i>f  the  dlsniinire  ni  tbe  |in'nentrniivrlill<ili,  tii  tin'  vi'« 
n'li.  iiii/ens.  and  miIijitIh  nf  the  two  rnwcrs  ;  ii  hi'omwi-ll 
unilt'r.t'Kid  that  thu*  Hitrceiaent  in  nut  In  t'e  emi-li.ii'd  tn  the 
prrjiidii  u  nl  any  eiiiun  whifii  iitli«r  of  the  iwn  huili  inn 
tractiiii.'  partiei  may  have  tn  any  pari  of  the  nan!  cniintry, 
nor  -ii:"ll  11  li''  tnkrn  to  lOlret  the  ehiiniK  of  anynther  rnwi-r 
or  titsty  to  any  pun  uf  tha  suid  ouuatr)  ;  th«  only  object  of 


I   SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  A.  ROCKWELL, 

;  OF  CONNECTICUT, 

In  the  House  of  RErnEst,.,-\TivEs, 

I  January  16,  184G. 

'  The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  and 
hnviii',' unde;  consideration  the  joini  resolution 
I  reported  fiom  theCominitteeon  roreijn  Affairs, 
directinu'  the  Presi  lent  to  give  notice  to  Great 
Britain  that  the  United  States  vyill  terminnie  the 
convention  between  the  two  Government.')  pro- 
viding for  t  le  joint  occiipalion  of  t':^  Oregon 
tcriilory,  at  the  expiiation  of  twelve  months- 
Mr.  ROCKWELL,  of  Connecticut,  having  ob- 
tained the  lloor,  said — 

Mr.  Chairman:  I  have  been  desirous  of  odd reas- 
inir  the  committee  on  the  exceedingly  imporiant 
question  befoie  them,  from  the  interest  which  t 
takei,.  tlieilecision,  and  because  a  portion  of  ibos'j 
whom  I  represent  here  feel  an  interest  still  deejior 
and  more  vital  than  my  own. 

The  district  which  lam  honored  b-,  represent- 
ing on  this  floor,  with  only  one  eyceplion,  ia  riore 
extensively  ergageil  in  ti.e  whale  lishery  tbnr  nny 
in  lliia  country.     'I  here  arc  more  than  one  linntlred 
and  t"     ity  ships  uid  barques  now  eiiga!;ed  in  that 
fisliei  .  I'rom  that  distriit,  nil  at  sea,  and  niosi  of 
them  expected  not  to  return  in  less  than  one,  two, 
or  three  years.     The  |iroperty  tbiis  at  risk-  isabmit 
four  niillions  of  dollars,  alinost  the  whoK-  of  which 
would  be  cut  otV  ill  case  of  a  war  with  Great  Hril- 
aiii.    My  ronslitiieiita  naturally  feel  a  deep  interest 
in  this  rpiesiion.     I  have  before  nieapeiiiioii  tVom 
New  Loudon — wilh  the  exce|ilion  of  .New  Hedferd 
the  most  extensively  engaged  in  the  whale  iisi      y 
of  any  port  in  this  conniry  or  K.urope — forwr.rded 
me  by  a  former  valued  member  of  this  House,  [.Mr. 
Williams.]  extensivelyaii^ned,  without  distinction 
of  parly,  by  the  citizens  of  that  place,  urging  iifioii 
Congress  to  adopt  eerly  meaaures  for  the  amicable 
1  settlement,  by  negotiation, arbitration,  or  sonic  oth- 
I  er  mode,  of  this   vexed  iiuction;  anil   this   very 
I  morning  I  have  received,  from  a  friend  at  Stoning- 
i  ton,  a  letter,  iVoni  which  I  will  read  sinne  extracts; 
I      "  h'rom  Mvsiic  and  Stoninsion,  44  ships,  1.1,,VI7 
!  '  tons— 1,3011  men  employed ;capr."ityiirall,  I  iri.tlOO 
'  barrels.     My  iinpress'on  is,  that  iliiee-fnurilis  of 
'  the  above  ships  and  oullitsare  owned  by  the  citi- 

*  zona  of  StoniiiL'toii  and  Mystie,  riiiil  that  they  are 
'  paid  fur.  Say  five  nr  six  may  be  expected  honr'" 
'  next  sprin;:;  the  balance  in   one,  two,  and  i    . 

'  years.     These  ships  and  the  dwellinirs  we  oei,M- 

*  py  constitule  llie  bulk  of  all  the  property  we  have. 

*  In  ihei'vcnt  of  war,  om- ships  would  certainly  bo 
'  exposed,  and  as  lo  our  dwrdliiiL's,  a  sleam-sliiii 
'  miihi  (  Iter  our  harbor  and  burn  every  biiildiii!r  in 
'  our  vibaL'e  in  two  hours.  This  beiii;;  our  situa- 
'  lion,  you  innsl  not  be  surprised  atouraiixiety  to 
'  have  an  honorable  and  peaeenlile  si'ltienieiit  of 
'the  Orci^iui,  and  :ill  oilier  qui  slioiis  wliieli,  if  not 

*  settled,  ini^'lii  lead  to  wnr."  •'  We  shall  hojie 
'  for  the  best,  and  patiently  wait  tlie  result.  .'>liould 
'  war  eiiiue,  anil  we  be  robbed  of  all  our  propeiiy, 
'  we  think  we  should  be  loiiiid  as  sirvii  cable  in  de- 
'  H'lidiii'i  our  conniry  ns  the  (renilemen  in  Congna.^ 
'  who  talk  so  much  of  spilling  their  last  drop  of 
'blood." 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


127 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  J.  A,  Rockwell, 


Mo.  OF  Heps. 


1 


And  so  I  think,  Mr.  Clininnan.  I  assure  p;on- 
llcnipn  llial  if,  by  llie  unwise  ci)uns(!ls  |ircvuiling 
M'iili  the  A.dminiHtrntion,  iir  llir  rickless  policy  iii- 
flicatod  by  tlio  nmiority  in  this  Ilonsr,  llio  coiin- 
Iry  should  be  involved  in  n  Wiir,  nnd  iliry  bo  rob- 
bed of  ilieir  property,  they  teill  fight  nt  lensl  na 
fiiiilifiilly  in  defence  of  their  country  as  the  most 
v.ilinnt  on  tliis  floor. 

[Mr.  JoiiNso>f,ofTennessec, and  others — "I  hope 
it  w.ll  prove  .so."] 

I  knov  it  will,  sir.  They  are  not  n  timid  peo- 
ple Their  couriiije  nnd  patriotism  linve  been 
shown  ill  repeaieil  instances. 

There  are  some  poiMt.s  on  whirli  we  nil  seem  to 
be  nsrecd.  All  profess  themselves  very  desirous 
of  })frt;c.  There  is  not,  professedly,  an  advocate 
for  war.  Those  who  advocate  the  notice,  say  they 
do  it  because  it  is  a  peace  measure;  and  those  who 
opjiosc  it,  do  so  beeuuNo  they  wish  to  avoid  a  war. 
We  are  also  all  exceedingly  patriotic,  and  all  unite 
in  tin;  very  unnecessary  (leclaration,  that  if  we  are 
brought  into  a  war,  whether  by  the  wisdom  or 
folly  of  the  Adniiiiistration,  we  will  defend  the 
country.  This  patriotism  is  of  the  very  chea|)est 
kiiul,  and  these  declarations  are  very  harmless,  as 
the  probability  is,  that  the  blood  which  is  to  be 
pheil  will  come  from  the  veins  of  others,  and  not 
of  them.  They  may  do  the  talking,  but  others  viill 
do  the^ff/i(iiig-.  And,  in  relation  to  our  claim  of 
the  title  to  the  territory,  I  agree  with  others  iji  .say- 
ing, that  I  think  our  claim  is  the  best  claint  to  that, 
country;  nnd  if  I  thought  otherwise,  I  should  not 
be  inclined  to  perform  the  ungracious  task  of 
pointing  out  the  defect.s  of  our  own  title.  In  our 
private  affairs,  we  never  feel  called  upon  to  pro- 
claim a  flaw  in  our  title  deeds,  if  any  exists.  Such 
defects  arc  soon  enough  detected  by  our  vigilant 
and  acute  antagonists. 

Nor  is  this  a  parly  question.  Gentlemen  on  both 
sides  of  tlie  House  adopt  diflbrent  sides  of  the 
question.  It  is  one  of  sueh  paramount  importance, 
nnd  on  which  the  future  destiny  of  the  country  so 
much  depends,  that  it  would  be  deploral)le  to  have 
it  a  subjert  M'  mere  party  warfare.  Kor  my  own 
part,  sir,  "I  ask  luit  whence  the  wind  cometh,  but 
whither  it  goeth;"  anil  if  any  measure  proceeds 
from  honorable  gentlemen  on  the  oilier  side  of  the 
House,  which  has  for  it.s  object  the  public  good, 
the  pieservaticni  of  the,  honor  and  peace  of  the 
country,  "  my  linrk  is  ready." 

On  a  former  occasion,  in  the  discussion  of  this 
question,  n  very  distinguished  gentlem.m  recom- 
mended n  "wi.sc  and  masterly  inactivity" — the 
wisihun  of  doing  notliiiig.  It  wa.-<  a  happy  re- 
m'u'k,  iiiatle,  I  believe,  at  an  earlier  period,  by 
Jidm  Itaiiilolph,  in  a  debute  ill  ibis  House,  and  be- 
fore him,  by  Mr.  I!urke.  And  for  my  own  part, 
sir,  I  not  only  think  the  remark  a  happy  one,  but, 
nl  the  time  It  was  made,  it  pointed  out  the  true 
)ioliey  of  ihe  country.  It  was  unwise  even  to  have 
agitated  tbis  (lucstion  at  that  lime,  by  any  move- 
ment of  .^111  ov  n.  No  dillicullies  whatever  bad 
arisen  i I  -'i  ;"'mtry — no  collisions  or  conlrovcr- 
sicR  r'  V  Iviinl-  Our  own  people,  in  con.'^iderable 
nuuii>    ■  -     .etiling  the  country,  and,  at  ihe 

pnmc  .;  i  '.'Ih  "*  the  question  in  our  lavor.  In- 
dee  .  li  :,;■■  :io'>  ■vas  settling  itself.  The  palri- 
(ircfcaj  ni.ui'  ',  '  iilshly  lauded  by  the  ehainnan 
oftheConmi  '  on  Coi-eign  AlVairs,  was  undoulit- 
pdly  the  best  po;'  ,  .  I  thoujlit  the  honorable 
chairman  was  somewhat  inconsislent  in  the  sug- 
gcslions  of  the  benefiis  arising  from  the  occupation 
of  Ihe  eounlrv  bv  the  winnen  and  children,  the 
flocks  and  the  lienis,  and  the  lirn  niiliinns  ofChinrse, 
which,  facetiously,  I  dn'  '  not,  allhoiiirh  with  a 
grave  face,  be  said,  woiilil  o/cupy  and  Mil  the 
country  in  two  years  iVom  this  lime:  and,  al  the 
same  lime,  reconiniending  measures  which  would 
bring  this  quesijon  to  a  very  sudden  and  p<  rhaps 
hostile  issue.  He  ipuUed  fnnn  SliaKspeare.  'J'here 
is  an  older  and  biirher  authoi'ity,  which  savs  'Mie 
rr\';'*ul  and  multiply,  and  replenish  the  earlli,  and 
^x.„ :  ■•  it."  Now,  the  just  consiiuelion  of  llns 
eniui  laiid,  accompanied  with  a  blessinir,  is,  that 
■■■>\:  •  at  piogcnilor  and  bis  posterity  should  sii/i- 
i/i  ■ 'I,,  tartit;  duiuld  turn  the  subsecpii'iil  curse  into 
II  be  ,i<iiig;  Miould  overthrow  the  "  lliorns,  also, 
and  t)ie  thistles,"  and  with  the  sweat  of  their  face 
should  cut  their  bread,  and  earn  il,  too:  shoulil 
bring  into  sub{ection,  nnd  under  the  dcnninion  of 
Adam's  posterity,  that  ground  that  was  cursed  for 
Ilia  sake.    Uut  the  iiUa  which  my  hkiiurnblc  friend 


seems  to  have  is,  that  these  women,  and  children, 

and  Chinese,  must  »ii6(/iii'  the  peopL  already  there. 

15ut  although,  .Mr.    Chairman,  this   iiirtclii'tM/- 

fiolicy  was  doulilless  our  true  policy,  it  is  no 
nngcr  so.  Although  preripitnnaj ,  of  all  things,  i.s 
to  be  most  avoided,  any  long  dttuy  in  settling  this 
question,  is  cxceetiingly  dangerous;  we  wish  no 
hnslij  action,  nnd  ns  little  any  long  postponement  of 
the  question.  The  difliculty  in  question  shoidd  be 
at  once  compromised — negotiations  ought  to  be  re- 
sumed. I  enie  not  by  whom  the  proposition  to  re- 
sume the  negotiation  is  first  made.  So  long  as  the 
real  honor  of  the  country  is  not  compromised,  it  is 
unmanly  trifling  for  eiiher  party  to  risk  a  war 
upon  some  punctilio  o.-iliplo.ialie  ceremony,  as  to 
who  is  to  make  the  first  advance  toward  negotia- 
tion nnd  peace. 

In  the  present  excited  stnte  of  the  public  mind, 
there  is  .serion.i  diuiger  that  the  question,  if  leti 
open  and  unsettled,  will  ineviudjly  lend  to  a  collis- 
ion between  the  two  Governments.  It  will,  in  the 
first  instance,  lead  to  n  collision  in  Oregon;  and  we 
all  know  that  in  ca.ie  of  such  a  collision,  tlie  death 
of  one  person,  as  surely  as  the  death  of  one  hun- 
dred, would  lead,  in  all  probability,  to  a  war. 

That  this  result  will  almost  certainly  follow  from 
delay,  let  us  look  with  some  care  at  the  existing 
laws  of  Great  Britain  in  relation  to  this  territory, 
ar.d  the  proposed  legislation  of  Congress  of  pre- 
cisely the  same  character.  I  consitler  this  ques- 
tion of  quite  nsmuch  importance  sis  the  question  of  | 
notice,  and  intimately  connected  with  it.  | 

It  is  a  somewhat  singular  fact,  that  the  nature  - 
and  provisions  of  the  Engli.sh  laws  on  this  suljject 
have  been  misconceived  in  the  various  discussions  j 
and  negotiations  heretofore  had.     It  has  been  taken  ] 
for  granted  that  the  English  statute  of  1821, 1  and 
2  Geo.  IV,  extended  only  to  Uritish  subjects;  and 
that  American  citizens,  either  by  express  excep- 
tion or  impliedly,  were  e.\cluded  from  the  opera- 
tions of  the  law.     The  President  himself,  in  liis  j 
annual  Message,  observes: 

'•  They  are  anxious  thnt  our  laws  should  be  cx- 
'  tended  i}ver  them,  and  I  recommend  that  this  be  i 
'  done  by  Congress  with  as  little  delay  as  possible, 
'  in  the  full  extent  to  which  tin  liritish  Parliament 
'  have  proceeded  in  regurd  to  lii^lisk  sulijects  iii  liiit  ' 
'  tnrilory,  by  their  act  of  July  the  second,  IB21,  i 
' '  for  regulating  the  fur  trade,  mul  establisliing  a 
'criminal  and  civil  jurisdiction  vithiu  certain  parts 
'of  iVortli  America.'     By  this    ict,  (jreat  Britain 
'  extended  Iter  tmrs  and  jurisdietimi ,  ciiil  and  criini-  i 
'  mi/,  orcr  her  subjects  cUf^aged  in  Ihe  fur  trtulc  in  thi ' 
'  territunj.     liy  it,  the  courts  of  tbc  province  o. 
'  Upper  Canada  were  empowered  to   take  cogni- 
'zanceof  causes  civil  ami  criminal.     Justices  of 
'  Ihe  peace,  and  other  judirial  olHeers,  wereauthor- 
'  ized  to  be  appointed  in  Oregon,  with  powiT  lo  e.v- 
'  ccute  all  process  issuing  from  the  courts  of  that 
'  province,  and  to  'sit  and  hold  courts  of  record 
'  for  the  trial  of  crimina'  oiVences  ami  misdemean- 
'  ors,'  not  made  the  s'  t  of  capital  punishniint; 

'  and  also  of  civil  cases,  where  the  cause  of  a^  lion 
'  shall  not  '  exceed  in  value  the  amount  or  sum  of 
'  two  hundred  pounds.*  "  j 

1 1  is  not,  however,  the  fact,  that  the  act  of  the  i 
lirilish  Parliament  (pf  1821,  or  a  preceding  act  of  ; 
Italia,  (-in  Geo.  111.,)  is  confined   lo    lirilish  sub- 
jects.   On  the  contrary.  Great  llrilain  neic  exercises 
crclusive  surereinntij   over  Oirgoii.     . /((  the   inhub- 
ilinilsiifthc  territorij  are  siilijtclid  lo  Jirilisli  lines  nnd 
to  be  tried  bij  liritish  tribunals.     There  is  nolhing  in  ' 
;he  slalule.s  of  1."<U;)  or  1M21  which  recognises  any  | 
cleini  or  rights,  except  that  American  fur  traders 
are  allowed  to  trade  with  the  Indians  without  her 
Alaje.-iy's  grant  or  license. 

As  ti'.'s  view  is,  so  fur  as  I  know,  diflerent  from 
any  whicl'  has  heretofore  been  advanced  in  the 
discussion  of  ibis  qucsiicin,  1  must  ask  ihe  allcn- 
lion  of  the  con.miltie  to  a  careful  examiualion  of 
these  statutes.  ^ 

The  act  referred  lo  in  the  Pre.<:ident's  Message,  ■ 
passed  in  1821,  (1  and  2  Geo.  IV.,  c.  «(!,)  eniitlcd  ' 
"An  act  for  rei,'nlaiing  the  fur  trade,  and  islali-  : 
lishing  a  criminal  and  civil  jurisdiciimi  within  ! 
certain  parts  of  North  America,"  recites,  in  a  i 
preamble,  among  oilier  things,  that  "  Whereas, 
'  the  aniinosiiies  and  feuds  aris'cigl'rom  such  com-  1 
'  pelilion  have  also,  for  some  ,eais  past,  kept  the  ; 
'  interior  of  Ainericn,  to  <'..c  noilhward  and  west-  :^ 
'  ward  of  the  luovinces  of  Upper  and  L'.  .vv  Can-  h 
'  uda,  and  of  the  territories  of  llie  Uiiiti  d  tJlulca  of  i. 


'America,  in  a  state  of  continual  disturbance;" 
"  and  whereas  many  breaches  of  the  peace,  and 
'  violence,  extending  to  the  loss  of  life  nnd  con- 
'  sii'erable  destruction  of  proiierly,  have  cimtin- 
'ually  occurred  therein,"  and  it  is  necessary  to 
have  "  more  ell'cctual  regulations," &c.  And,  in 
the  first  section,  provides  for  giving  authority  to 
the  King  "  to  make  grants  or  give  license  to  ony 
'  |ieraon  or  corjioration   for  exclusive  liberty  to 

•  trade  wiih  the  Indians  inull  such  parts  of  North 
'  America  as  slinli  be  specified  in  said  grants  or 
'  licenses,  not  being  part  of  the  lands  heretofore 
'granted  to  the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  and  not 
'  being  part  of  any  British  provinces,  or  of  any 
'  lands  or  territories  belonging  to  the  United  States 
'  of  America.''  The  second  section  provides  that 
no  grant  shall  be  for  a  longer  period  than  twenty- 
one  years.  The  third  section  requires  that  the 
persons  or  corporations  receiving  the  grants  shall 
keep  lists  of  persons  in  their  employment  nnd 
make  return  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  slin!  give 
security  to  bring  criminals  to  trial,  to  observe 
reirnlaliims  fur  diminishing  or  preventing  sale  of 
aiilent  spirits,  mid  promoting  moral  and  religious 
improvcmeni,  &c. 

'riie  fourth  section  of  this  act  is  the  only  part 
Of  it  in  which  there  is  any  reference,  directly  or 
indirectly,  to  the  conventicii  between  the  United 
States  ami  Great  Britain.  That  section  is  as  fol- 
lows : 

"  1.  And  whereas,  by  a  convention  entered  into 
'  between  his  Majesty  and  the  United  Stales  of 
'  America,  il  was  stipulated  and  agreed,  that  any 
'  country  on  the  noihwest  coast  of  America,  lo  ihe 
'  westward  of  the  .Stony  mountains,  should  lie  free 
'and  open  to  the  citizens  and  subjects  of  ihe  two 
'  powers,  for  the  term  of  ten  years  from  the  dale. 
'  of  the  signature  of  tha:  convention,  be  it  tliere- 
'  fore  enacted,  that  nothing  in  this  act  contained 
'  shall  be  deemed  or  construed  to  nulhorize  any 
'  body  corporate,  company,  or  person,  to  wiioin 
'  his  Majesty  may  have,  under  the  provisions  of 
'  this  act,  made  a  grant  or  given  a  license  of  exclu- 
'  sive  trade  with  ihc  Indians  in  sucli  parisof  Norih 
'  America,  ns  nloresaid,  to  claim  or  exerci.'-e  any 
'  such  exclusive   trade  within  the  limits  specified 

*  in  the  said  article,  lo  the  prejudice  "r  exclusion  of 
'  any  ciiizcnsof  iliesaid  United  Stati  of  America, 
'  who  may  be  engaged  in  the  said  trade:  Provided 
'  always,  that  no  British  subject  shall  trade  with  the 
'  Indians  within  such  limits  wiihout  such  grant  or 
'  license  as  is  by  this  act  required." 

Wiihout  reaifing  every  .section  of  this  net,  which 
I  have  examined  with  "irreat  care,  1  wtiuld  refer 
geiiilemen  to  the  act  itself,  and  only  refer  to  a  few 
additional  sections. 

In  the  sixth  section,  it  is  expressly  provided 
that  the  couri"  in  Canada  shall  have  full  jurisdic- 
tion "  within  the  Indian  territory,  and  ot'  -r  pans 
of  America  not  williin  the  limits  of  eitlic-  of  the 
provinces  of  Lower  or  Upper  Canada,  or  of  any 
civil  government  of  the  United  Slates."  It  not 
only  enib;'accs  the  enlire  terriuiry,  but  includes 
all  persons  in  the  territory.  In  relation  lo  contracts, 
llie  sixth  section  provides,  "  lliat  till  nnd  every 
foiilract,  ngreemeni,  debt,  liabiliiy,  and  deiimnil 
whatsoe\er,  made,  entered  into,  incurr'd,  or  aris- 
ing within  Ihe  said  Indian  territory,"  shall  be  cog- 
nizalile  by  llie  comis.  Also,  in  ri  c:iiion  to  lovjii^'s 
ami  eiril  injuries,  the  same  section  provides,  that 
"  all  and  eeenj  wrong  and  injury  to  the  person  or 
properly,  real  or  personal,  eomniiiied  or  done 
williin  ihe  same,"  shall  be  cognizable  in  ihe  some 
manner. 

The  same  av  t  also  provides  for  transporting  all 
persons  to  Canada  wlio  resist  ihc  service  or  pro- 
I'css,  iHfsjif  or  liiial;  also,  in  all  civil  cases  w  hero 
the  amount  in  conlroversy  is  d.'2[H)  or  upwards, 
and  erimliial  cases,  where  the  punishment  is  death 
or  liaiis|iorlalion. 

The  eighili  .section  provides,  that  "  in  ease  nni; 
person  or  persons  vhutsoever,  residing  or  beiiii' 
williin  the  s.iid  Indian  lirritorics,"  shall  refuse  to 
obey  process,  &c.,  shall  be  cinmniilcd  lo  ciisiody, 
ill  order  lo  bis  or  their  being  conveyed  to  Upper 
Canada."  "  And  shall  be  conmiille'd  to  jail  until 
till  jii'bjrmenls  and  costs  are  paid." 

-  Iiesc  proceedings  are  siringcnt  and  severe  in 
their  character,  especially  those  which  provide  fr 
iransporting  persons,  bijhre  trial,  lo  (Jaiiada.  One 
of  the  most  severe  of  punishments  precedrs  the 
lieurinj; — a  journey  of  a  tliousand  or  two  milei 


128 


APPENDIX  TO  TFIE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLORE. 


[Jan.  1«, 


29tii  Cong Ist  Sess. 


The  Orciron  (^lestion — Mr.  J.  A.  Jioclvelt, 


Ho.  OF  Rfpr. 


i 


throusli  timl  wild  unci  saviipp  rounlry.  The  only  j 
jiiclii'ial  priic'Oi'dirii;^  nl  nil  aimiliir  In  ificao  nro  tliosr 
iiritii"  fiil)IP(l  rniirl  of  Hliiulnmmillms,  llio,  jmlf;r  nl'  I' 
tlic  inlVi'iiiil  rruiiiiiK,  of  wlmin  il  is  siiiil  "  cuslinal  i 
que,  iiiii/i/  c/iif  " — 111'  i>iniii<l\i'(l  first,  nml  lu'nrd  iilloi-  j^ 
wanln. 

Ill  till'  mil  nnd  Vi\h  srctinnH,  tlinjiiRtirrii' courts 
nrc  vi'sii'd  wiili  full  iiiniinnl  jiirisdirtidii  tii alt  fairs, 
p\i-('[»l  wlicrr  the  putiishiiu'iil  is  dratli  m'  trniiHporl- 
nlion;  nor  is  this  jinisdii'lioii  limited  to  Urilish  nuIi- 
jpiMs. 

The  Bi-t  of  43  Ooo.  Ill,  c.  138,  paaspd  in  1803,  is 
rMi'iidcd  hy  this  net,  and  so  I'ar  as  it  is  not  iili'on-  | 
sisli'iil  willi  llio  act  111'  1831,  is  slill  in  foiTc;  lint 
tlirre  is  nolliin;;  in  that  niM  varyini;  in  the  IrasI  the  1 
vii'w  already  taken  in  relalion  to  einilraiMii  or  eivil  ! 
injuries,  li  is,  indeed,  provideif  in  tlie  4lh  seetion  I 
of  that  aet,  "thai  if  any  rritne  ov  ollenee  eharijed  i 
'and  |iriisernled  under  ihis  aet  shall  lie  found  to 

*  have  lieeii  e<nninilted  by  any  person  or  persons  ! 

*  not  heiii!^  a  siibjeel   or  suhjeels  of  !iis  Aiajesty,  j 
'  nii(/  iil^o  within  the  limits  of  any  eolony,  settle-  ' 

*  menl.or  terrilor*' helon^jiiiijloany  I'-uropean. Slate,  ! 

*  the  eourt  before  which  sueli  proseenlion  shall  be  : 

*  had   sluill  forlhwilh   ae(|nil   sneli   iierson  or  per- 

*  sons,  not  bein*;  sneh  sulijeel  or  sufijeels  as  ivlorc-  1 

*  said,  of  sneh  ehari;e.''  lint  this  proviso  exlends  i 
only  to  eriininal  otVenccs,  nnd  not  to  eivil  eaiises, 
in  niation  lo  whieh  ilwre  is  no  liinilation  in  either 
iii't  lo  Hrilish  snlijeels,  bnl,  by  express  f;eneral 
terms,  extends  to  all  persons  oeoiipynig  the  terri- 
tory described.  .'\nd  in  relalion  to  criminal  olfences, 
it  is  not  (ally  pri>\ided  that  they  shall  be  foreifjii- 
rrs,  1)11/  also  lie  in  a  fort>iu:n  "  seltlemenl,"  Ac.,  in 
order  to  be  embiaeed  in  the  exeepliona  of  the 
Matute. 

Such  are  the  rnirlish  statutes.  Similar  laws  are 
recommended  by  Ihe  President,  and  have  been  re- 
]iorled  lo  t'oiii^rcss  by  the  (\itnniillee  on  Territo- 
ries, and  will  douliiless  be  passed,  extending  over 
the  same  lerriiorv. 

Thus  we  shall  have  two  dilferent  svslems  of 
laws  by  two  dllVerent  Oovernmei.ts,  eacli  t'XIend- 
iiii;  over  the  whole  po[mlation  of  the  s.ime  couii- 
Irv.  llrilish  subjects  are  to  be  tried  by  the  laws 
ot*  Iowa,  and  American  citizens  are  to  lie  sent  to 
Canada.  The  courts  of  neilher  country  will  re- 
cognise the  decisions  of  the  oilier.  The  contlici  of 
juri-sdiciion  in  relalion  to  land,  the  enforcini^  of 
cmitmeM,  tisstmlt  and  bnttcry, &c.,  must  eoaslantly 
nrise. 

The  lavi'-nmkins:  power  is  the  liii;hpsl  act  of  sov- 
prei!;nty,  and  incindis  every  oiher.  The  very  ilef- 
initio'i  iii»the  horn  book  of  the  lawyer's  profession 
is,  that  **  law  is  a  rule  of  eivil  action  prescribed  by 
tilt  siiprtme  pmrrv  I'J' ii  SInU."  The  eslablishnieni 
of  conrL-*,  of  a  jmliciary  system,  wilh  a  complele 
code  t'or  enforenii;  nil  conirn»*ls,  aw.'irdin^  <lam- 
itsres  for  trespasses,  and  other  wronirs  and  injuries, 
nnd  punishiiii;  all  crimes,  is  Ihe  most  iinportant 
exercise  of  the  law-niakini:  power.  Indeed,  sir, 
the  judiciary  is  at  the  t'oundalion  of  all  povernmcni  -. 
nnd  ill  ils  iniernal  alVairs  the  oilier  branches  of 
every  well-orsmi'.'ed  emninunity  are  mainly  valu- 
nble  to  L'uard,  fortify,  a  '  (  nfoice  the  decisions  of 
the  judiciary. 

^Sovereiil;llty  is  Huprenie  power,  nnd  a  joint  sov- 
ereiirnly  is  uuerly  imjiraclicnble.  Then'  may  be 
joint  possession,  joint  oecnimtion,  joint  tiile,  if 
vou  please,  but  there  can  be  no  joint  snvereii;nty. 
ll  is  n  conlradiclioii  in  terms. 

What,  then,  may  we  Bntici|Wle,  would  be  the 
result  with  llie.se  two  sy.slenis  of  laws'  Knii^ration 
is  rapidly  increasing,  the  coiinlry  is  filling  with 
people  iVoin  these  States;  and  without  the  Chinese, 
there  w  ill  be  n  cousidemble  number  of  our  own 
eiiizens  in  that  eonnirvin  a  simrle  yiar.  The  very 
first  conlri>versy  beiueen  a  cili/.en  of  our  own  and 
n  liriiish  sniiji  ct  will  lend  lo  a  collision.  Roth  par- 
ties are  ainaily  excited.  Tliev  will  become  more 
nnd  moiT  so;  and  if  this  mailer  remains  open  a 
single  year,  n  controversy  is  niinosi  inevitable. 

It  is  very  obvious  that  this  act  of  the  Driiish 
Parliament  is  in  violation  of  the  spirit  of  the  eon- 
veniion  of  IHIM,  and  of  the  formal  express  slale- 
meni  of  .Messrs.  Unsktsson  and  .Addiii'.'ton  lo  Mr. 
OiUlaiin,  December  Hi,  1H"-'II,  ill  relalion  to  renew- 
in;.' the  iii'Hiy  of  joint  ocen|iation. 

•'  Great  lirliain,"  they  say,  "  claims  no  exclii- 
*  siv<  sovereii:nly  ovtrniiy  porti'Ui  of  this  lerrilo- 
'  ry.  Iler  present  claim,  .'lot  in  resfiect  of  any 
'  part,  but  the  whole,  is  limited  to  a  right  of  joint 


'  oec.iipnnry,  in  common  with  other  Slates,  Icnving 
'  the  ncht  of  exclusive  iloinitiion  in  abeynnre." 
'      It  is  due  lo  (ireat  Hritain  lo   remark,  that  in  no 
instance  has  there  been  any  effort  to  enlorce  these 
laws,  so   far  as  we  know,  af,niin»l  luiy  Anuriean  |' 
I  eiti7.en,  and  il  is  a  reniarkabli'  fact  that  no  collision  |; 
I  Ims  heretofore  existed   between   the  eili'/.ens  nnd  1 
I  subjects  of  the  two  coiinlries.      Hut  ('oiijjre.ss  will  I 
pass  a  similar  law,  niid  the  two  systems  cannot  co-  q 
exist  wilhoul  producini^n  collision  nnd  violence, 
and  probably  bloodshed,  whieh  will  lend  moat  sure-  ' 
ly  lo  war.  i 

In  relation  to  the  Hudson's  Bny  Company,  about 
which  so  much  has  been  said,  I  wish  to  say  a  few 
words. 

The  orii;inal  chnrler  of  the  Miidsoii's  I!ay  Com- 
pany was  granted  by  Cliailes  II,  in  Kili'J.     They  ; 
were  described  as    "  Lords   Proprietors,    holtliuc; 
I  lands  in  free  and  common  socen:;c."    This  i;raiil 

embraced  no  pari  of  ihi'  l>rej;on  territory.  j 

I  In  IH-Jl,  December  ai,  llie  Hudson's  Hay  Com-  ! 
pany  and  the  .NorthweU  Company  were  niiiled,  ! 
anil  a  ijrantwas  iiiaile  by  the  Kini;  of  the  exclusive  ' 
trade  with  the  Indians,  lor  a  limited  time,  to  the  , 
Hudson 's  l!ay  Company.  This  grant  provides 
that  the  Ciovernor,  Ac,  "shnJl  also  I'liler  into  and  • 
,  '  give  security  lo  us,  (the  Kin*j,)our  heirs  ami  sue-  , 

*  cessors,  in  the  penal  sum  of  live  thousand  pounds, 

:  *  for  insuring,  so  far  as  in  them  may  lie,  the  due  : 

I  *  exercise  of  all  the  criminal  processes,  and  of  any  . 

'  '  eivil  process  in  any  suit  wlicic  the  matter   in  dis. 

'  pute  shall  exceed  ^'^01),  1.       I.    olficers  and   per- 

'  sons  legally  empowered  to        r*       ^n.'''  orocesses  ; 

'  within  all  ihe  territories  inch.  .<  air  grant; 

'and  for  the  producing  and  deliii  '  safe  ens- 

'  tody,  l"i'  purpo.ses  of  trial,  any  ;.         i  ill   their  i 

'  employ,  or  acting  under  their  niltlioiiiy,  within  | 

'  ihe  said  terrilories,  who  may  be  charged  with  any 

'  criminal  oHence." 

.\  similar  grant  was  made  in  about  the  yenr  1824, 
conlainiiig,  as  in  the  former  case,  no  grant  of  any 
j  land,  or  tille  In,  or  inlercsl  In  il,  but  merely  "  the 
sole  and  exclusive  privilege  of  trading  with  the 
Indians  for  the  full  period  of  twenty-one  years;'' 
and  11  bond  was  also  rctiniredof  a  similar  charac.ter  ' 
to  ensure  tin*  ent'orcingnf  ihe  laws  ngainsl  persons 
in  the  einpl"\  of  the  eoinpany. 

We  have  h,  aril  this  company  denounced  in  no 
measured  icrnis,  and  especially  have  we  heard  of 
the  extens'.in  of  Hrilish  power  in  t)re::oii — of  iier 
nrniies,  lier  minierons  tbrlitications — of  the  en-  ■ 
croac.hnienls  ot"  thai  overgrown  corporation,  nnd 
till'  permanent  .setllemeiils  in  the  terrilory. 

These  are  very  slraii;;c  declartitions  m  view  of 
well-known  facts.  I  am  informed  that  there  is  not 
a  single  liciUsh  snhlier  under  the  British  tinvern- 
meiil  in  Oirgon.  .She  lia.i  erected  no  forlifications; 
and  ullliongn  in  the  rraiils  lo  the  Hudson's  Hay 
Cnnipaiiy  she  rcserveil  the  right  to  establish  cnlo- 
nles,  she  has  not  done  so.  'The  Hndson's  Hay 
Cimipjuiy  are  not  the  owners  of  a  sini^le  acre  ot' 
land,  but  have  nu'ri'ly  a  "  license  "  or  "  grant  "  to 
Hade  vvilh  ll;e  Indians.  That  company  have 
formed  various  sellleinents,  and  forlilicil  them  I'm- 
their  protection  a;;aiiist  the  Indians,  and  ariiicd  the 
]iersons  iii  their  ein]iloynient;  but  there  is  no  well- 
rounded  coinplainl  of  any  ill-lreatmeui  by  iheconi- 
pany,  or  any  of  its  ngeiils,  of  American  citizens; 
but  the  tesliniony  is  umforin  of  ilieir  kindness  to 
shipwrecked  .■\meriean  seamen,  and  nihcis  in  waul 
and  distress.  Tliat  they  haveavailed  iheinsclves  of 
their  position  ill  securing  lo  themselves,  like  other 
trading compnnies,  as  far  as  possible,  the  exclusive 
trade  of  the  Indian  trities,  is  undoubtedly  Hue;  bnl 
they  have  been  ^rnilly  of  no  violence  .owards  our 
own  ciii/.ens.  The  very  nicmorial  of  our  own 
citizens  in  Oregon,  presented  by  the  chairntan  of 
the  Commillee  on  Koiiign  Kelniions  at  the  com- 
inenccmenl  of  the  session,  has  the  f  illowin^'  Ian- 
guaire;  "We,  the  citizens  of  Ihe  United  Slates, 
I  have  no  canse  to  complain  either  of  exactions  or 
1  of  ojipressinn  at  ihe  bands  of  llii'  siibjeels  ofCireal 
j  Hritain;  on  the  contrary,  il  is  but  just  lo  say,  that 
their  condiici  towards  us  has  been  most  friendly, 
liberal,  and  philanthropic."  How  dill'erenl  lins 
bi'cn  the  language  used  on  this  llnor! 

Hut  there  i,i  iiiipfiirl,  which  Is  stateil  by  the  gen- 
ilenian  frinii  Indi'oia,  (.Mr.  I-)wkv,)  that  the  com- 
pany, or  some  of  ils  ageiils,  paid  to  one  of  our 
citizens  eight  hundred  dollais  to  remove  frimi  the 
north  to  the  south  side  of  the  Columbia!  This 
IS  really  a  very  serious  afl'iur — n  most  dnngerous 


enernnchment  on  onr  rights  in  Origoii !  Hut  il 
will  be  a  most  expensive  mode  of  retaining  pos- 
session of  Ihe  country  north  of  the  Colnmliin. 
They  will  have  freijuent  ojiporliinilies  to  repeat 
Ihe  same  oll'er,  and  ilonbtless  with  similar  success. 
Diir  people  would  I'onsider  this  boiiinv  for  settling 
Oregon  iiiiile  etpial  lo  any  olVeiid  liy  onr  own 
(ioverninenl,  and  ihe  enii;;raiils  to  that  coiinlry 
would,  at  this  rale, be  .so  munerous,  that  we  should 
need  the  railroad  to  the  Pacific  vvliich  my  honor- 
able friend  from  .'Mabama  |.Mr.  llii.i  iaiiii|  consid- 
ers HO  very  feasible  a  project.  Anil  ihis,  Mr. 
(.'hairniau,  is  the  whole  foundnlinn  of  the — what 
shall  I  call  it.' — uproar  in  this  House  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  encroaehmeiils  and  wrongs  conimiilcd 
liy  the  Hudson's  Hay  Company  nnd  ihe  (iovi'rn- 
mcnl  of  (ireat  Hrilain.  It  reminds  me  of  I'ar- 
trid'_'i',  in  Tom  .Tones,  wlio.se  little  pig  got  into  the 
inclosure  of  his  neighbor.  His  neighbor  sued 
him,  nnd  he  was  charged  wilh  having  eniiri'd  wilh 
a  drove  of  swine,  and  broken  down  the  fenci'S, 
nnd  Irampled  down  the  grass,  and  destroyed  the 
crops,  nml  oilier  grievous  wrongs  and  injuries  were 
cliarc;e<I;  so  that  Partridge  declared  that  the  law- 
ycr.'i  made  such  a  noise  about  his  little  pig,  ihey 
would  have  thought  him  the  grealcat  l;og-dealer 
in  all  the  coiinlry. 

In  thus  eonsiilering  the  operations  of  the  laws 
of  the  two  countries  over  Oregon,  I  have  occupied 
llie  time  of  the  coniiniltee  on  a  subject  fiir  more 
important  to  the  peace  of  the  eonnlry  than  the 
ipiestion  of  giving  the  proposed  notice,  or  the  time 
nml  manner  of  giving  it. 

Notice  cerlnmly  is  not  ntffssnri/i;  tt  war  niens- 
ure.     It  was  provided  for  in  the  convention  ilselt', 
I  nnd  mighl,  under  other  circumstances,  have  been 
I  given,  withnut  being  regarded  eillier  as  n  measure 
'  of  peace  or  of  war.      Hut  this  iioiiie  must  be  taken 
in  connexion   with  the  ileelaralions  of  the  Presi- 
dent in  his  Message,  and  the  running  coiinneiilary 
in   this   House  and    elsewhere,   by  distinguished 
men,  nnd  by  iiieii  holding  distinguished  positions. 
What  is  the  latiixniige  of  the  Message? 

"The  exiraordiniiry  and  wholly  inailmissibli! 
'  demands  of  the  Hrilish  tiovernmeiil,  and  the  re- 
'  jectiou  of  the  proposition  made  in  deference  alone 

'  lo  what  had  been  done  by  my  pred 'ssors,  nnd 

'  the  implied  obligation  which  their  ".cls  seemed  to 
'  impose,  all'ord  saiislaclorv  evidence  that  no  com- 
'  promise  whii'll  the  llnilei'l  .Slates  ought  to  accept 
'  can  be  eU'ecled.  With  lliis  conviction,  the  prop- 
'osiiioii  of  coniprnmise  which  had  been  made  and 
'  rijectcd,  was,by  my  ilireciiini,siibse(|iieiitly  wilh- 
'  drawn,  and  our  lille  to  the  whole  Oregon  territo- 
'ryasserled,  and,. 'is  is  believed,  mnuilnined  by 
'  irrefrngnble  facts  and  argiiineiits." 
Au'ain ; 

"  At  the  end  of  the  ycnr's  notice,  should  Con- 
'  gress  think  it  proper  to  make  provision  for  giving 
'  that  iiolice,  we  sh.ill  have  reached  a  period  when 
'  llie  national  ri'.rhts  in  ttrei^on  must  either  be  nban- 
'  dolled  or  lirmlv  inainlained.  That  they  cannot 
'  be  abandnned  without  a  sacrifice  of  both  nalional 
'  honor  and  iiiKresl,  is  loo  clear  to  admit  of  doubt." 
Such  is  the  lauguaL'c  of  the  President,  and  im- 
measurably mori'  belligerent  is  the  lnii;;nage  used 
in  Cmigress  towards  Great  Hrilain.  We  should 
'  remember  the  eireunistnnces  under  which  the  ne- 
gotiation was  broken  otf,  that  it  is  broken  oil',  and 
has  not  been  resumed.  The  I'hairiuan  of  l''nri'i'rii 
Afl'aii's  informs  us  that  there  is  no  iie;;otiation,  and 
1  learn  the  same  from  the  best  authority.  It  is  in 
this  connexion  that  a  notice  is  proposeil  to  be  niv- 
en — a  iinA'i'l  iliificf,  under  the  express  declaration 
that  Ihr  nalional  ritxhls  in  (h-cpnn  '•must  hr  Jirmlii 
maintaineil:"  and  the  fiirlher  declarntiou,  that  "  mi 
r(>iii/)r(iHii.<f  which  the  [Inilcd  Slalts  ought  to  aecejit 
can  he  r^er/fi/. " 

Siicli  a  iiniice  is  certainly  not  n  declaration  of 
war,  but  it  furnishes  the  most  serious  inipedimcnt.s 
to  the  resiiinpiion  and  prosecution  of  negotiation. 

Will  Great  Hrilain  olbr  lo  neiroliaie  under  such  a 
notice?  Can  she  do  it  without  sacriRi'iugher  nation.il 
honor?  It  thus  verv  minecessarily  and  most  si  i  i- 
oiisly  embarrasses  this  embarrassing  subject.  Hut 
ilistiii;;uislied  gentlemen,  rrnj  dislingnished  genlle- 
mcn,  on  this  llnor,  have  told  us,  wilh  the  mnst  per- 
fect conhiess,  llial  all  lluit  we  have  to  do  is  lo  give 
the  iiolice,  and  at  the  end  of  the  year  take  posse.s- 
sioii  of  the  country — military  possession — and  for 
such  a  trilling  nfl'air  as  this  Great  Hritain  has  no 
right  tocoiiipluiiii  (U)d  if  she  is  sovry  uni'cusoiia 


-v\ 


[Jnn.  H>, 
s'  Kfps. 

;(in !     Kilt  it 

iMiiiiiiiiK  |ic)N- 

V  ('oliiin)iin. 
IN  111  rr|iri\l. 
liliir  Niii'i'i'sM. 

V  I'nr  HrllliiiK 
l)y  mir  own 
lliiit  I'nnnlry 
lilt  we  sliiiulil 
li  my  liiiiiiir- 
lAlinl  riiiiNiil- 
iiil  this,  Mr, 
lit'  llir — wiml 

nil  llic  Niili- 
:m  ciiiiiniiilril 

llii'  Hiiviiii- 
<  III!'  Ill*  I'lir- 
^'  Ciil  ililii  llic 
I'iKliliiir  Niiril 
;  inlirril  with 

II    till'    iVllcl'H, 

li-sliiiyril  llic, 
I  iiijiini'H  war. 

Illl'll   llld    liiw- 

illlr  piir,  lliiy 
,'Sl  licig-driiler 

m  of  the  InwK 

IllUT  1 Il|lil'll 

iji'rl  far  iniirii 
iiiry  tli.'in  iliR 
cc,  or  the  time 

I]  n  wnr  mons- 
ivcntiiin  ilsiir, 
OH,  linvc  Illl'll 
■  lis  a  mrn,siin' 
niiisl  111'  lakni 
I  of  lliii  riTHJ- 
'j;  ooiilllli'llliil'y 
diNlin^iiislicil 
illl'll  iiiisitioiiH. 
*v  ? 

y  iiimlinis,xililii 

III,  mill  tin;  re- 

li'lVrciii'ii  iilnnn 

iIi'i'i'SHOVH,  am! 

".rta  srciiii'il  to 

I'  llmt  no  rom- 

^ht  to  ni'rr|it 

n,  till'  luop- 

11  iiiiiilc  anil 

(iiiMilly  wilh- 

a;iiii  irrrito- 

nainlainud  by 


should  Coii- 

sioii  fill'  iji^'ii'i^ 

pi'rioil  wlirii 

iiliir  111"  aliaii- 

tliry  lannol 

liiilli  iialinnni 

niiiordiiiilit." 

iiliiil,  and  im- 

Iniipms;!'  usi-d 

vfn  ,slioiild 

whii'li  tlir  iii-- 

ir.iUi'ii  oil",  mill 

111'  l''iin'i!;n 

iti,itiiin,aii<l 

liny.     It  in  ill 

used  to  111'  i;iv- 

dci'lanitiini 

11111,11  111'  Jiniily 

itioii,  lliat  "nil 

oughl  (0  nrce/il 

loi'laratioii  of 
iinpi'ilinii'iits 
f  iii'i;(iliaticiii, 
n  niuli'i'  siii'h  ii 
mlier  national 
and  must  si'ri- 
;  sniiji'ct,  r»iit 
;nisliod  ;;i'nlli'- 
ilii'  most  pir- 

)  do  i,s  to  (jivii 
ir  tnki'  possra- 
,ssiiiii — and  fill' 
Uritiiin  lias  no 

ry  unrcosoim 


1846.1 


Stoii  Cowo IsT  Sksh. 


APPKNDFX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAT.  Gr^OBE. 

The  Orciron  (■^iKsiion — Mr.  J.  A.  Horkwell. 


J29 


Nkw  Skhiks No.  9. 


ble  01  to  And  fniill  with  our  just  rrHiiniiuK  our  ri)>;liti). 
nnd  tnlting  posHosdioii  of  the  trHolr  cimiitry ,  wii  will 
"  HWPt'p  licr  from  thn  continiint."  Hut  iliny  Biiy 
this  would  not  lend  to  war,  liiit  in  dru'idcdly  njirnct 
nioasum!  I  should  likir  to  know,  sir,  tin;  nuiilwi 
ofirramli  of  this  ptncnMe  mililimj  poMHcHKion.  If  it 
miiiiiN  that  wr  will  (ill  no  llio  loiiiilry,  and  iniiko 
Hcttlrniniils  in  uiioi'CiipiMl  piutioiiw  of  it,  and  lirinf; 
the  military  foire  to  siilidiie  the  hoslili.'  soil,  it  is  ii 
very  harmless  operation  inileid— is  just  wliiil  we 
ore  now  doiiifi;  under  the  joint  eonveniion,  and  aU 
ways  have  Illl'll.  lint  if  we  are  to  lake  the  carc/u- 
jii'e  possession  of  the  coiiniry,  what  is  to  lieeoine 
of  the  llritish  snlijcrls  in  it  territory — the  fur 
traders,  the  sloekaile  I'orln,  I'orlilled  iiosis  of  the 
Hudson's  Hay  f'ompnny,  ilieir  urnieu  men!  Of 
course  no  Anierii'iiii  eaii  diiulit  liul  thai  we  eiiii  rap- 
ture them  with  j;reiit  ease.  It  would  lie  treason  to 
intimate  any  siieh  doiilil  on  this  floor.  Hut  sup- 
pose they  should  he  so  unrensiiiialile  as  to  resist, 
and  have  to  lie  taken  liy  fiiree,  and  a  few  of  them 
linpi^en  to  lie  killed:  eould  a  war  lie  avoided,'  f'an 
gentlemen  lie  serious  in  mieriiii;  lan;;iinf;e  like  this,' 
Would  Oreat  Uritain  allow  for  one  nninient  any 
Kiieli  roinse  to  lie  taken  willi  ii  Hritisli  snlijeelM 
Why,  sir,  Iheie  is  not  on  the  fare  of  ihe  glolie  a 
Iialion  whii'li  nfl'iirds  sueh  perfeet  anil  eflii'ient  ]iro- 
tei'lion  to  her  siilijeels  as  that  powerful  nation;  nnd 
it  is  the  idlest  thiiifi;  possilde  lii  Miiiipose  that,  under 
flui'li  rircuinslniii'ew,  a  war  eould  lie  avoided. 

What,  then,  is  our  true  eoiirse  on  this  Nulijerl? 
I  have  eiiileavored  to  show  that,  althout;h  "inue- 
tivily"  tem  oiir  true  policy,  it  is  so  no  lonfi;cr;  that 
the  joint  necupatioii  cannot  with  safely  lon^  con- 
tinue; that  a  iiiilice,  if  j;iven  with  merely  the  dee-  ; 
l.iralioiis   :if    the    rriMidcnt   and    his   eonfideiitial 
friends,  and   othiT   nieniliers  of  this  lliiuse,   will 
fji'catly   impeile,   if  not  entirely  (irevenl,  iiei^olia- 
tion,  and,  if  followed  up  liy  niililiiry  possession, 
lead  to  violence  and   war.     Under  these  eireiim-  | 
stances,  in  my  own  view,  the  wiser  course  is,  lo 
niilhori/.elhe  I'^xeciitive  to  fjive  the  notice,  expres.s-  i 
ins  upon  the  face  of  the  resolutiini   which   shall  i 
aullioriiie  it,  that  it  is  done  with  the  view  of  lirinf-  i 
ins  ''"'  nesotiiition  to  a  speedy  and  aniicalile  ter- 
iniimliiin  of  the  differences,  reconimendiiis  that  ne-  ' 
ffotiatioii  lie  renewed,  nnd  that  the  iimlter  should  , 
lie  settled  as  civili'^ed  men  should  settle  such  a  ipies- 
tion.     Under  these  circumstances,  it  is   my  opin- 
ion that  it  is  more  likely  to  lead  to  pence  to  pass 
such  n  rcsiilulion,  Ihiin  to  take  no  action  on  the  suh- 
jccl, 

I   shall,  iiccordinslyt  licfore    I  close,  offer  an 
nmendment,  or  rather,  a  substitute  for  the  original  { 
resolutions.  i 

All  .say  that  they  desire  pence.  IIow  is  that  to 
be  obtained.'  It  is  not  to  be  olitained  by  llireiiten- 
insi  in  n  boastful  .strain,  to  sweep  Knsland  from  the 
continent,  or  lo  tnke  Canadii  in  ninety  days,  and 
give  it  back,  and  Uvke  it  n^ain  in  ninety  days — to 
drive  her  licet  from  the  ocean.  It  is  not  to  lie  pre- 
served by  the  use  of  abusive  epithets,  or  repealed 
nnd  iinccasins  iitlacks  upon  Great  Dritniii.  Much 
of  this  has,  indeed,  been  very  harniless.  It  has 
licen  only  ridiculous.  .'Ml  the  fourfootcd  beasts, 
nnd  creeping  ihinss,  and  fowls  of  the  air,  and  nni- 
phibious  animals,  too,  have  figured  in  this  debate,  i 
The  poor  lion  is  utterly  destroyed,  nnd  the  casle  is 
n  most  persecuted  bird — the  bear  and  the  crocodile, 
nnd  the  serpent  and  the  anaconda,  have  not  been 
fiirsottcn.  In  relation  to  the  American  enijle,  these 
fi'j;urntive  gentlemen  should  have  remembered  that 
he  'jnisps  llie  olive  lir.'inch  as  well  as  the  arrows; 
nnd  I  hope  that  this  emblem  may  not  prove  false 
by  the  prevalence  of  rash  nnd  imprudent  counsels, 
and  n  thirst,  an  unholy  thirst,  for  cominion. 

Two  other  republics — one  of  ancient,  loid  the 
<ither  of  modern  limes — hnvi;i;oi'e  forth  to  Imttle 
nnd  to  slaughter,  under  the  nuspi  'es  of  this  noble 
bird.  The  llomancnsle  of  ancient,  and  the  French 
eai;le  of  modern  times,  had  the  nrrows,  but  not 
the  olive  brnnch.  Let  us  take  wnrnini;  from  their 
example  nnd  their  fnle.  This  unbounded  appetite 
for  conquest  nnd  territory  ruined  them.  In  the 
one  case,  falling  to  pieces  by  its  own  weight,  and  in 
the  other,  by  n  union'of  the  whole  civilized  world, 
ns  nsninst  .'\conimon  enemy — hoslis  hinumi  (ff ne ri,?. 

The  view,s  freely  expressed  on  this  floor  accord 
with  the  course  of  policy  pursued  by  the  French 
reiiulilic— like  the  farmer,  who  eoiisiilered  himself 
very  modernte  in  his  views,  we  only  want  all  the 
Innil  which  joins  us.    Texas  we  have  taken,  nnd 

9 


now  wo  hear  proposed, 

take.  Cnlifornin,  and  Mexic 


li  apparent  sincerity, 
thnt  we  take  Onlifornin,  and  Mexico,  and  Culm; 
nnd  that  we  Hwi!ep  nil  oilier  nations  from  the  en- 
tire continent.  "All  ocean-bonnd  republic,"  will 
only  sniisfy  the  nmbiiioiiH  criiviiiss  of  these  senile- 
iTieii,  (Mr.  Dixon,  "and  Inland. "|  Ves,  and  Ire- 
land, too;  nnd  some  have  been  so  viilianl  as  lo  pro- 
pose to  cnptiire  the  island  of  l'"iislmid  ilself.  In- 
deed, gentlemen  decHire  publicly  on  this  lloor  that 
the  matter  in  conlroversy  CMiinot  be  seliied  by  a 
reference,  because  there  is  not  one  of  nil  the  nn- 
li'ins  of  tlie  earth  lint  what  is  hostile  to  us.  This  ' 
ei  sheer  madness.  We  have  Mexico  on  oiir,soiilli-  ' 
erii  fronlicr  really  to  altack  iisnt  any  iiioiiK'iit  when 
she  Clin  do  so  with  siiii  ess.  The  I'resident  has 
deemed  it  wise  to  say  oU'eiisive  ihiin's  in  relation 
111  l''i'ani'e,  and  yet,  in  the  midst  of  our  most  seri- 
ous diHinillies  with  Filmland,  we  are  defyiiiir  the 
rest  of  Ihe  world,  and  iiiforin  Ihem  llial  the  entire 
continent  is  ours — by  what  title  I  know  not — by 
what  pali'iit,  derived  from  llie  .Mini',.'lily  or  else- 
where, I  cannot  imagine,  I  know  of  none  but  llie 
lii-alheniNli  and  absurd  idea  of  ttrsliiitj — "  matiij'mi 
ilinlhuj." 

Mr,  Chairman,  I  think  the  Adniiiiislration  great- 
ly in  fault  ill  the  eoiirse  which  ihey  have  pursued 
on  this  siibjict.  If  there  is  the  prolinbilily  of  an 
amii'iibleselllemcnt  of  this  innttcr — if  I  here  are  any 
fills  wilhiii  Ihe  kiiinvlidse  of  the  AdminiMtraliiin 
which  show  there  will  be  no  war,  and  they  mean 
to  pursue  such  a  course  as  will  lend  to  peace — why 
are  the  leaders  of  the  Adininislration  parly  in  thfs 
Hiiiise  and  elsewhere  alariiiins  the  country  by 
these  warlike  indicaiions,'  Why  this  stiniifte  ac- 
eotiipaninicnt  to  |iaeilic,  nrrniisenienls? 

If  lliere  are  no  sueh  fuels  in  ihe  knowledge  of 
the  Kxeenlive — ifllii'vilci   not   nicin  in  insoliale 
and  setlle  this  diHicully^why  arc  the  ili  fenci  s  of  i 
Ihe  coniilry  ill   this  miserable  conililion ,'     Are  no 
iireparations  to  be  made  for  a  possible  collision  f  I 
Is  Ihe  war  to  be  a  war  of  woiiIk.'     Why  are   no  1 
nrranseinents  iiinile  for  nnnins  ihe  forlilicalion.s —  [ 
for  the  incrense  of  the  army,  as  there  have  been  i 
for  the  partial  and  very  inadeipiate  increase  of  the  | 
navy — for  putting  the  eoniilry  into  a  state  of  com-  | 
plete  defence?     I   shall  rejoice  to  sive  my  vote  for  ' 
any  such  measures.     Any  appropriation,  to   any  | 
atuoiint,  recommended  by  the  Kxeenlive  for  these 
|iurposcs,  will  meet  with  my  most  cordial  support; 
and,  so  far  as  I  know,  that  of  my  political  assnci- 
ntes  in   this  House.     And  allhoiish   I  consider  a 
war  enlirely  uniieeessary,  and  one  which  can  come 
only  by  the  worst  possible  management  on  both 
sides,  yet  there  is  siillieient  danger  of  it  to  require 
the   most  active  measures,  and   the  nirist  (ler-ideit 
and  thorough  |ireparalioii.     If  war  iniistcomi.',  we  | 
must  and  shall  all  stand  by  the  counlry;  but  "  wo 
to  that  man  by  whom  the  offence  comelh." 

In  coneliision,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  stale  n  few 
words  as  to  the  coiir.'ie  which  I  shall  deem  it  pro- 
per to  pursue,  Althoush  I  nnd  those  whom  I 
represent  here  ire  opposed  to  a  war,  and  lo  nil 
war  measures,  and  nllhoiish  we  believe  them 
wholly  unnecessary,  and  although  W'e  shall  hold 
responsible  for  tin;  war,  if  it  e.ome,  the  Adminis- 
tration and  those  who  ailvocnle  nnd  ur^e  the  adop- 
i  lion  of  these  mensiires,  it  is  not  necessary  for  me 
1  to  say,  that,  in  the  hour  of  need,  Connecticut  will 
not  be  found  faithless.  She  has  never  been  so  in 
Ihe  hour  of  danger.  Her  patriotisni,  her  couiase, 
and  spirit  of  sacrifice,  have  not  liien  expended  in 
idle  boastiiiir.  It  is  a  iimlter  recorded  in  history, 
and  undisputed,  that,  during  the  war  of  the  Uevo- 
lulion,  no  Slate  coniribuied,  in  proportion  to  its 
numbers,  so  much  of  blood  and  treasure  ns  Coii- 
neelient:  and  during  the  last  war,  no  troops  were 
more  valiant.  I  have  my  witnesses  at  hand.  The 
disliiisuisheil  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Fiir- 
eis"  .\ffairs  has  already  siven  his  testimony  in  an 
endiirini;  form;  and  that  most  learned  and  acciim- 
'  plishcd  historian  now  at  the  head  of  the  Navy  De- 
partment, has  made  his  faithful  and  luminuus  re- 
,  cord.  The  strnnser,  na  he  rapidly  traverses  the 
State,eonstantly  meets  with  the  monumen  sof  the 
noble  deeds  of  her  fathers.  Not  a  mimniain,  or  a 
stream,  or  a  water-fall,  but  what  is  memorable  as 
connected  with  the  wars  of  the  Indians,  or  of  the 
Uevolution,  or  the  last  war.  From  my  own  door, 
I  can  look  u|iiin  the  monument  which  rovers  the 
remains  of  Uiicns.  the  last  of  the  Mohicans;  and 
his  noble  enemy,  the  chief  of  tile  Narragaiisetts, 
lies  buried  near  liim. 


I      And  the  very  men  who  petitioned  and  protested 

at^ainst  wnr  nnd  wnr  incnHures,  will  be  found,  if 

war  eonie,  quite  ns  fnithfiil  to  their  country  ns  u;r.n- 

itenien  who  l.ilk  the  bnidest  and  declaim  with  iiiosl 

i  vehemence  on  this  floor.     Indeed,  sir,  I  say,  witli- 

oill  fear  of  eontrailictioni  that  a  more  hardy,  reso- 

I  lute,  determined  set  of  men,  or  who,  in  ihe  hour 

'  of  danger,  are  more  to  be  relied  on,  are  not  to  he 

'  found  in  this  or  any  other  country,  than  those  cin- 

!  barked  ill  the  whale  fishery  in  my  district.     Intel- 

lii'ent,   with    indiislrions,   frugal,  and    temiierutc 

linbits,  their  whole  life  has  been  a  course  of  lii.scip- 

j  line.     The  inlerest  which  every  snilor,  in  common 

wilh  the  innsler,  lins  in  the  nsiilt  of  the  voyajjc, 

wilhout  inlerferins  with  the  discipline  of  the  ship, 

icivis  inili'pendeiiee  nnd  energy  to  the  charncler, 

and  Ihe  eonslant  pcrsiiiial  ilanseru  In  which  they  are 

exposed,  render  haliiliial   that  cnlm  and  resolute 

!  connive  iinly  to  be  relied  upon  in  the  hour  of  dnn- 

I  ser.     Ihit,  sir,  they  have  no  ciiiiru|;e  to  hottxt  e/, 

and  they  will  not  thank  me  forsayint;  what  I  have, 

i  and  for  adding  that  they  are  almost  ns  much  to  be 

relied  iipoii  for  m// service — for  erluii/ danger — iw 

the  most  pairiolic  speaker  aniJ  " i^nnUM  tlmnder- 

[  er"  in  the  country. 

j      I  am  alniosl  nshanied  to  be  found  iiidiilsins  in 

this  course  of  remark    in  lelalion   lo  that   noble 

Sinte.     She  hns  been  senernlly  eoriU'iit  to  do  her 

j  duty,  mill  allow  others  to  claim  the  (.'lory.     There 

I  is  no  doubt  what   ciniise  she  will  pursue.     If  by 

j  bad  manatremenf  a  war  is  brought  upon  us,  the 

country,  though  abused,  will  Ntill  be  ourH,  and  itn 

I  honor  must  be  vindic.nted. 

I  As  qnolniiiins  seem  to  lie  the  order  of  the  dny 
;  here,  ('„'i'iilli:men  need  not  be  alarmed,  I  am  not 
1  soins  lo  qiiole  Shakspeni-e,)  there  is  one  which 
;  crosses  my  mind,  in  the  prospect  of  the  sufferiiiKS 
I  and  losses  which  a  war  will  briiis  upon  us.  The 
hero  of /l'"iiead  was  reiiresenteil  as  sarins  on  the 
I  walls  of  (^arthase,  and  ,seeins  sculptured  there  the 
!  lamentable  ruin  of  Troy,  was  made  to  exclaim — 

I  "Ulli*  liiellH 

I  (iiirr  rcRJo  in  IcrriM  iiur-tri  anil  lOenii  laliorin," 

I      This  passage,  I  know,  has  been  soinelimes  np- 
i  plied  to  the  growth  of  our  iiatien,  and  the  exten- 
sion of  its  ciinimereial  jirosperity  unto  all  climes. 
;  liiit  the  words  of  yl'',iieas  were  uttered  in  no  sueh 
lioastfiil   spirit — he  spoke   them  "  (nc/ii-i/tiwiiLii" — 
weepins    over    the    niisfortunes   of  his   country. 
.Such  a  fate  is  in   reserve  for  us,  if  we  shall  pro- 
ceed in  our  present  mail  spirit  of  acquisition,  seiz- 
;  ins  I'll  territories  all  around  us,  and  provokins,  in 
,  a  spirit  of  defiance,  a  |iower  which,  whatever  may 
be  her  history  ,  we  are  bound  to  re;;ard  us  in  peace 
a  friend. 

I    propose,   ns  n  substitute  for  the  resolutionH 

I  now  before  the  committee,  the  followins: 

I      "  Whereas,  by  the  convention  concluded  on  thn 

p  3l)th  day  of  October,   181H,   between  the  United 

,  Stales  of  America  and  the  Kins  "f  ''ic  United 

[    ICinsdom  of  Great  lirilnin  and  Ireland,  for  the  pe- 

:'  rind  often  years,  and  afterwards  indefinitely  e.x- 

I    tended  and  continued  in  force  by  aiioiher  eonveii- 

'  tion  of  the  same  parties,  concluded  the  fith  day  of 

il  Aiisus'i  IHii7,  it  was  nsreed  thnt  any  country  that 

!  may  be  claimed  by  either  iiartv  on  the  nortnwest 

I   Coast  of  America  westward  of  the  Stony  or  Rocky 

ii  moiintnins,  now  commonly  called  ilic  DresoiiTer- 

I  ritnry,  should,  tosether  with   its   harbors,   bays, 

I  and  creeks,  and  the  nnvisation  ol"  all  rivers  within 

1  the  same,  be  "  free  and  open"  to  the  vessels,  citi- 

I  zens,  and  subjects  of  the  two  powers,  but  without 

prejudice  to  any  claim  which  either  of  tTie  parties 

I  niisht  have  to  any  part  of  said  country;  and  with 

■  this  furiher  provision  in  the  Hd  article  of  the  said 

convention  of  the  (ith  of  August,  1827,  that  either 

party  misht  ubrosntc  and  annul  said  convention 

on  siv'ins  due  notice  of  iwclva  montlisto  the  other 

eoiitractins  party: 

"And  whereas  it  ha.s  now  become  desirable  thai 
'  the  resjiective   claims  of  the  United   St:ites   and 
Great  lirilnin  should  be  definitively  settled,  and 
that  said  territory  mny  no  longer  than  need  be 
remain  subject  to  the  evil  consequcnfcs  of  the  di- 
vided nlleslnnce  of  its  Amcricnn  nnd  British  popu- 
I  lation,  and  of  the  confusion  nnd  conflict  of  national 
I  jurisdictions,  dangerous  to  the  cherished  peace  and 
I  good  understanding  of  the  two  countries  : 
['■      "  Wilh  a  view,  therefore,  that  steps  be  taken  for 
i|  the  abrosnliiiii  of  said  convention  of  the  6lh  of 
August,  1827,  in  the  mode  prescribed  in  its  second 
■'  article,  luid  that  the  attention  of  the  GovermncnUi  of 


130 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Jlie  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  J.  A.  Rockwell, 


[Jan.  1(1, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


both  cmintiirs  mny  be  ihe  nwrc.  <iiriiestly  iiiul  im- 
mcdinlcly  directed  to  renewed  elTorls  for  the  settle- 
ment of  Ml  their  ditrerencea  iind  dispiiteH  in  reapeet  ! 
to  Ruid  territory:  i 

"Ueilrnotieilbijthe  Senate  aniUlouse  of  llepresnit- 
alirnoflhf  I'niled  Stales  of.linfricii  ill  Coiiif/fss  as-  I 
seinbleil,  Tlint  the  President  of  the  United.  Siiilea  1 
be,  and  he  is  hereby,  niithorized,  nt  bin  diseretiun,  ; 
to  give  to  the  Uritish  Government  the  iiotiie  re-  j 
quired  by  its  siiid  second  urtiele  for  the  iibnii;alion 
of  the  siiid  convention  of  the  {!lli  of  AwsusI,  18:37: 
Proriiird,  lioirerer,  Thnt,  in  ordiT  to  nllord  iiinple 
lime  and  opporlnnity  for  the  imiicHble  settlement  iuid 
ndjuslmcnt  of  all  their  ditlerences  and  dis|Hites  in 
respect  to  said  territory,  said  notice  onirhl  not  to 
be  fjiveii  till  nl\er  the  close  of  the  pres<;t  session 
of  Confess." 


APPENDIX. 

The  male  R»»iti/.— VVliole  niiialMT  nf  vessels  einiployei! 
in  llie  wlinle  llshery;  Jnauary  1st.  l*iri:  (Mtsliiiw  luiJ  luitk-, 
:m  briiw,  '.Jl  8cli(Mtii*erH,  I  slwip — Totul  7:lti. 

TrauuVg!. 2KI,1III 

Offit'cw  iind  iin*n r.t..iM) 

Eittimnti'd  value,  iiicludiiii;  eateliiiigs $'J9,-I  lU.OOO 

iMPonrs  DiniNci  lt^45. 
157.700  hBircUpiMTm  oil,  nt  HPcpntniMTunl- 

l„n , $4,:ci,iitoo 

37'i,B(>9  tmrrelx  wluile  nil,  (it  :CJ  I  ;t  criit't )»  r 

ininnn a.tffii.4i)i:a 

y,iy5,0M  lb8.wl»ULlM)iie,Hl33l-3criil«p«rlb.      l,()tJ.VIlH  tm 

,*H.:«)o.a''ifi :« 


OttOANIZATION  OF   THE   OKKGON  TKURITOKV— 

THK  BHlTISli  OHKtiON  I.AW. 
Tiie  foliowinsaet  ni"  tlic  Mriti:*!!  Parliuiin'iit  uas  pasjtiil  the 

ii(l(!ay)ir'Jiilv.  ill  Hie  yt'ar  leiJl,  lulithil  "An  ml  lor  n-aii 

latins  the  lu'r  tmdc,  and  fj^tnUi shins  »  ("ivil  imd  rrinniial 

jnri^diriinn  in  ctTiain  parts  of  NnrUi  America;"  and  m 

now  in  force; 
"ANA<*Trnr  reenlatintf  Iht*  fnr  iradc.  and  csinl'li-liine  a 

criminal  and  etvil  jurisdu'tiwn,  williin  (*t.Ttiun  iKirUt  of 

Nnrtii  Ann  rica. 
"  WIhtciw  the  comiMtitinn  in  Uu' fur  trade  between  Hie  finv- 
eriior  and  Company  iH"  Adveiiiun  rsof  Knuland  tradinif  into 
Hndson*!*  Rav, and certninasrt<xialion*> of  perfon.-tnuhng  un- 
der the  niune  of  *  The  Nortli  \Ve^tl-'omlHmyot'Montreal,'haJ^ 
been  inund,  for  [<ome  yuars  pa.<l,  to  Ik*  prodiieiive  of  (jrent 
inrunvenieni'c  and  bts;',  not  only  to  the  said  eumpany  and 
a^soeiations,  hut  in  the  paid  traile  in  cneral,  and  al-^o  ot 
pn-ai  injiiryto  the  native  lndiaii-s.and  of  other  perwms.j-uh- 
jet'L^iof  nis'.Majesiy:  And  wlierriuiihe  animoj^itii  s  and  feuds. 
ari>ini!  Irom  -u"-U  <oiiipi'tiiii>n  ii.ive  al">  lursunie  ye:ir^  pit--l 
kepttheinierinrof  Am.  liea,  totlienortliward  iiud  we-twanl 
of  the  proxinee."  of  f 'pper  and  Lower  ("atiada,  aiul  of  ilic 
territories  of  Ihe  rnileil  f^Uiteonf  Anieriea,  in  a  state  of  eon- 
tinned  diitturlHinci;.  And  where:t'<,  many  hreaehes  of  the 
jH'aee,  ami  viokhec  (!.\teiidinj{  t<i  thi;  ItMs  of  liveH,  and  tcni- 
tilderable  dr-strueiinn  of  properly,  havecoiiilmmllyotTurnd 
therein  :  And  wherea.-,  lor  reniedy  of  sueh  evilit,  it  is  e\pc- 
itient  and  iiecein>:iry  tlial  some  more  ellVetual  reculaltonH 
I'bnidd  Ih.'  ertUldiKlied  for  the  appruheiidin;,  seetirins,  and 
brin}>tngto  jucliee  all  >ef.^oii:4  committing  ^^ueh  otlences,.uid 
iJial  liio  Maje-^ty  s'.Mv  '  :  'mweri'd  lo  reuulate  the  said 
trade:  And  \vherea!*,(ii.  r: !.-  ^  .ve  hem enterlauied.  whether 
tlie  provittinntt  of  an  act  juv-.i-ed  in  tlu-  finy-third  jenmf  ihi* 
reii^i  of  liiti  late  .Majettty  King  (ieurtje  tlie  'J'inrd,  intitub-d 
An  act  forexlemhna  the  jmiBdietinnnf  llie  eonrU"  of  justice 
in  the  pntvinres  of  flower  and  Upper  <'anada,  to  Uie  trial 
and  puni»>hm"nt  of  |M'r(«onj»  awilty  of  orinies  and  olfeneis 
within  certain  |»artM  of  Nortli  America,  luijoininij  to  the  xaid 
pro\inceif}  exlended  to  the  tenitortcH  uninted  hy  charter  to 
the  (^aid  (tovernor  and  I'ompany;  and  it  i.-*  rxpeiiicnt  tliai 
Fueh  douhtiK  tthould  he  removed,  and  thai  the  i^aid  act  .^iKnihl 
be  further  extended: 

"  Be  it  thcrcfoTe  eiuutcti  hy  Ike  Kind's  most  eri  clU'ut  A/.i/re/iy, 
hy  nnd  uiih  fh'c  ndriire  and  cntuicnt  oj'  the  Lonh  vyivUuul  tiiui 
temitoral,  uie/  Com:nom,in  this  mrsnit  l^'Hiaiiifiit  m\emUci!y 
ntufhyft/tfauthoiityofthciitmey  That  from  and  arter  thepiLsn- 
iiiK  oif  thi^  act,  It  shall  l>e  lawl'ul  for  hit^  Majesty.  Id:^  heirs  or 
ttuecifrtors,  to  make  urants  or  (pv<;  hin  royal  license,  under 
the  liiirnl  wtd  Meal  of  one  of  his  Majesly'tt  rrJncipai  ^eereui- 
ries  i.f  Htale.  to  any  body  ertrpfirate,  or  eompan> ,  or  person 
or  per'onfi,  of  or  for  the  exelnsive  privilege  'd'  tradinu  with 
tJie  Indiana  in  all  kucIi  |>ariA  of  North  America  an  tthall  hi- 
ttpecilied  in  any  such  uranln  orliceiiNeH  res|M'eiivi-ly,  not  Ihj- 
iiifl  part  of  the  laiuli'  or  lerrilorieii  ticrctofore  jiraiited  lo  the 
«nid<t<tvemor  and  cnniiwny  nf  adventurers  of  Kriidaiid  Iradinu 
to  Mnd»on*F4  Ihiv,  ami  not  htUis  part  of nnyof  his  Maji'>tv'» 

{irovinceH  in  N'urih  .America,  or  of  any  lands  or  territories 
>eliini{iitii  ti>  llie  I'niied  Hiale-i  of  Amerien;  ntnl  all  Mich 
gnmts  and  licnues  sliall  Ih-  nond,  valid  and  etreciual  for  the 
pur[K>FP  of  weeiirirn  to  all  cueh  bodien  corporate,  or  compa- 
nwff  or  |M'rnoiif<,  the  wde  and  e\elusiv(>  privilefe  of  tradini; 
witJi  tlie  Indiana  in  all  hiich  part^of  North  Ani'^rica,  ^except 
an  hereinatter  excepted,)  a.<<  clinll  bu  Fpecilled  in  HUchRrantu 
or  licen^eii;  anytliini;  contained  in  any  act  or  aetM  ofi'arUa- 
ment,  or  nnv  law  to  tJie  eontniry,  notwiUisiamlinc- 

II.  l*roiitlfd  iUua}ft,iitul  he  UJurlhrrenitftcd,T\ii\l  nonneh 
grant  or  license,  imidi!  ur  Riven  by  Iuh  iVInjecty,  his  jieirn  or 
■uec''r"ors,  ol  any  such  exclusive  privihui'S  ofiradjoR  with 
the  Indian*  in  such  pHrl>4  of  North  America  an  afrirei^aid, 
■hall  be  made  or  jriven  tltr  any  loniter  perio<I  than  twcnt>- 
one  yean*;  and  no  rent  sliall  he  reipnrcd  or  demanded  htr  or 
in  ref>[n;ei  (if  nay  •■iieh  iirani  or  licensf,  or  an>'  privilfiic* 


(liven  llierehy  under  the  pnivisinns  of  ihiH  act,  for  the  ttrwt 
jHriod  of  twent\  one  vearn  ;  and  lYimi  and  nrter  Uie  expira- 
tion ofHUch  tirs'l  period  gf  twenty-one  ycari»t  it  Hball  be  law- 
ful for  hin  Majesty,  hm  lieir«,  nr  unceesHorn,  to  reserve  such  ^ 
rents  in  any  lliture  ((raulH  or  licenses  to  be  made  to  the  | 
f«ame  or  any  other  parlii-H,  as  shall   he   deemed  ju*t  and  , 
reasonable,  with  security  Oirilie  pa>meuttbereof ;  and  hiich 
rents  shall  he  deemed  part  o(  ilic  laud  reveuucH  of  Iuh  Ma    i 
]et(ly,hii4  heirs, and  wuecessors,and  be  implied  and  account    ■ 
edfor  iu»  the  oilier  land  leveuueiicif  hU  Majesty,  hi.s  heir-^  or 
\  micees.Hors,  shall,  at  the  time  of  payment  of  any  such  rent 
,  beinii  made,  he  applied  and  ai'eouiitcd  for. 
'      Ill.Wnd/'C  i7  Ittrlttcr  eiKiiitil,  'I'liiil  (Wnn  and  aller  the 
'  pa.-sinn  of  ttiiw  act.  the  tiovernor  autl  fompany  of  Advcii- 
'  turers  iradiju:  to  llndsoirs  Ihiy,  and  every  hoily-corporale 
and  company,  and  i«'r!<itn,to  whom  every  fuch  pninl  wu- 
license  shall  be  made  or  «iven.  a:*  aforesaid,  nlmll  re-peet- 
I  ively  keep  accurate  reuislent  (»f  all  persono  in  their  employ 
in  any  parts  of  North  America,  and  shall,  once  in  each  year, 
;  return  to  hi-  Miijesiy's  .'^ceretaiies  of  Stale  aceurat"'  dupli- 
]  catrs  of  Hucb  refiislers,  and  tthall  al^o  enter  Into  such  seeii- 
rily  iw  shall  be  reipiired  by  hi)*  Majesty  liir  the  due  exceu-  • 
tlun  of  all  processes,  criinimd  and  civti.  a.-*  well  within  the  : 
territories  inclndeil   in   any  such  ^rant,  as  within   thoH'  ; 
eranted  bv  charter  to  ilu"  (Jovernor  and  Company  otAdveii- 
'  Hirers  tri'dim;  to  Hudson's  Hay,  and  for  the  prodneiim  or  ; 
delivrnnn  into  sulV-  cn>loily.  for  pnriMise  of  trial,  of  alt  |>er-  1 
!    sons  in  tlieir  employ  4>r  aeliiiu  under  their  authoiiiy,  who  | 
'    shall  he  charni'd  wiil'i  any  i'riminr.l  olleiice.  and  also  for  the  i 
;:  due  and  liiithfiil  obsi  rvaiice  of  all  such  rules,  recuhitions 
'    and  stiiMiIatniii"  a-i  sliall  be  eoritanied  in  any  siteh  urani  or  ' 
'  Iie.■n^"•,  eith.-r  for  dnmiii>hiii«  or  prevenlinu  the  sale  or  ilis- 
i    iriliuli'mor>piritous  litinors  to  the  Indians,  or  for  promotiiiK 
:[  their  nmral  or  reti-iions  nnprovenieut,  or  lor  ariy  oilnTolijtit 
!'  wliieh  hi- Majesty  mny  deem  necessary  for  llie  remedy  or 
!'  pn'v<-nlion  of  the  other  evils  which  have   hittierto   hcen 
\  t'oiiiid  to  exin.  1 

IV.  And  whereai',  by  a  eonventinn  entered  into  between  i 
his  Maj.>ty  and  the  I'nited  Htales  of  America,  it  xvas  «lipu-  , 
I. lied  and  agreed,  thai  any  country  on  Ihe  iiorlliwest  coast 
!  of  Ann  rica,  to  the  westward  ot  lliet^tony  tnotinlains,  should  ■ 
.[  be  tree  ami  fipen  lo  the  citi/.ens  and  Hiibjectti  of  the  two  ' 
:■  powers,  for  the  tcrin  of  ten  yiars  from  tlie  dale  of  the  siu-  1 
h  nature   of  that   ronveiiiion,    He  it  thcrrjore  nuicfcd,  Thai 
I  noibim;  in  this  act  eohlaiiK  it  shall  hi'  deemed  or  cou^^trued 
I  to  auth*ii/.e  any  1  >  il\   ci>r|M)rate.  rompany   or  |HTson,  to 
''  whom  hi:*  .Maje^n  mat  Innc,  uiub-r  llie  provision!*  of  tlilM 
'  act,  made  a  Rrant  or  uiven  a  license  of  exclusive  trade  witli 
I  the  liidiantt  in  such  p.irl.-*  ol  \<»rth  .\im  rii'a,  as  aforesaid,  to 
,  claim  or  <\i'ri'isean>  such  e.\elii.-ive  trade  within  the  limits 
,    speeilied  m  llie  said  article,  to  the  prcjiidic-i'  or  exclusion  of 
;inyeiti/.4nsof  llie  said  I  'iiited  >'tati'sof,\merica,wliomav  be 
I  emraced  in  the  said  trade  :   I'roviilid  n/ici.jvs.  That  no  nriii>b 
]'  subjei*t  tthall  trade  with  the  Indians  witbiii  such  tiniiis  wilh- 

oiit  such  iirani  or  license  as  is  hy  tluH  acl  reipiired. 
I        V.  .^iiW  U  it  ilejitrvil  mid  cmirlciU  That  the  said  act  passed 
l'  in  Ihe  forty-third  year  of  the  reiirn  of  his  late  Maje-iy.  in- 
I    tituled  an  act  for  exti'iidimi  the  jnrisdieiittn  of  the  eourls  of 
"  ju-iticcH  in  tlie  proviiiccH  of  Lower  ami  I'pper  Cnaada.  to 
the  trial  an>.   puni-hmcnt  of  prr-'ons  piiilty  of  criims  anri 
otlciiei-s  within  certain  parlsof  North  .AmiTica  adjoii.inc  to 
the  said  proviiiei's.  and  all  the  clauses  and  provisos  therein 
contaiiieil,  shall  he  deemed  and  con-tiued,  and  it  is  and  are 
Iierehy  resperiively  d<'e|ared.  |o  extend  to  and  over,  and  to 
']  he  in  full  liirce  in  ami  tliroiii;h  all  the  territories  In  retolore 
'    cranleit  to  tin'  cmnpany  of  ad\eiiturcrs  of  t:n(.dand  tradinc 
to  lliid-oiiVs  |ta\  :  aii\ii)iriL'in  atiyaci  or  acts  of  Parliameiii. 
or  tills  net,  or  in  any  L'nuil  or  charter  to  the  comiKmy,  to  the 
contrarv  uotwithsiandiiiK- 
VI.  Shtd  Ic  it  fiDthor  riuiitcd,  Thai  f'om  and  aller  thi* 
passing  of  this  act.  the  courts  of  judieiitii>--  now  exist ints  or 
,    winch  may  he  lnreatterestalilislicd  in  the  province  of  I'pper 
Canada,  shall  have  the  same  rivil  jurisdiction,  po\^-er,  and 
'■    authority,  a.s  well  in  the  comiizanec  of  suits,  as  in  the  is«u- 
in^  process,  mesne  and  liiial.  and  in  ail  oihiT  respt  cts  wtiat 
'    soever,  within  tin-  said  Imliae  territories,  and  otlnr  parts 
' '  of  America  not  within  the  limit-'  of  ijilier  of  the  prox  inees 
ol"  Lower  or  Ipper  Canada,  or  of  any  civil  ijovermnent  of 
the  Cnited  rotates,  as  tin- said  conrtti  ha\e  or  are  iii\esii'd 
with,  within  the  liirnts  of  the  said  pioviueis  of  Lov^eror 
I'pper  Canaila.  respectively ;  and  that  all  and  e\  r'ry  i-ontruet. 
agreement,  dehi.  liahihty.  and  demand  whatsoever,  made, 
enltn'd  into,  incurred,  or  arisiii:;  within  the   said  Indi.oi 
territories  and  othiT  parls  of  America;  and  all  and  every 
wronaand  injiiry  to  the  pi-rson  or  to  property,  reiU  or  pi-r- 
sniml,  committed  or  done  within  the  >;inie.  shall  he  and  he 
deemed  to  be  of  the  saine  naiure.  and  he  cttrnt/alile  by  tin' 
Slime  courts,  inaaist rates,  or  justice.-'  ot'  the  pi'aee,  and  lie 
tried  ill  the  same  manner,  and  snli.ieei  to  the  s.ime  c<uise. 
ipienee.4,  in  all  rcspecUt,  as  if  tlie  satne  had  hei-n  made,  en- 
tered into,  incurred,  arisen,  eommilff  d  or  done  within  the 
said  province  of  r'p|)er  Canada;  anytlfina  in  anyaet  or  nets 
of  rarliament,  or  ttnint  or  charier,  to  the  contriu-y  notwilh- 
standina:    Proridi-d  itliruiis,  'I'bat  courts  have  or  inve.-ted 

witli  within  the  limits  of' the  said all  sneh  suits  mid 

actions  relatina  to  hinds,  or  to  any  claim-*  rn  respect  ftt'limd, 
not  iH'ina  within  the  provinci-  of  t'ppet  Canada,  -hall  iir-  d-' 
<-idei|  ;i(-eordina  to  tin-  laus  of  ihut  part  of  ilie  Iniled  Kinu 
(loin  called  r.ni:laiid,  and  shall  not  he  ^u)ljeeI  to  or  alleeted 
hy  any  local  act,  ^talntes.  or  laws  of  the  tif^i^lature  of  rp[K>r 
»':mada. 

VII.  ,'liut  he  it  furtlirr  rtKhlc't,  TIeit  all  process,  writ", 
orders,  jinlameni-;.  di-crces,  and  acts  \vliatsoe\er,  lo  he  is- 
sued, made,  (li'livered,  aiven,  and  done,  hy  or  tnidei  the 
authority  of  ihr-  said  court-',  or  eitln-r  ofttiem,  shall  have  iln- 
saine  force,  authoriij'.  and  elli-et  witliin  tin-  said  Indian  ti  r 
rilory,  and  other  part-*  of  America,  as  nihrcsaid.  as  the  saim- 
iiow  have  uitliin  ttie  saiil  province  of  I'pper  C.jrinfla. 

VII L  ^hut  hp  it  fitrthtr  rn^.r/r,/.  That  it  shall  he  lawful  for 
tin- fjovcrnor,  or  Lieiitenaiil  (.'ovenior,  or  person  Hilminis- 
teriiia  the  (lovernnient.  for  the  time  Iwina.  of  Lower  Cana- 
da, by  commission  under  his  hand  a'ld  seal,  to  aulhori/.e  all 
persoiift  who  shiUl  be  ap|Hiiiilrd  jnsiiees  of  the  peace  under 
the  provision^  of  ibis  act,  within  the  ••aid  Indian  tcrritorn.-, 
IT  older  parts  of  .America,  as  afon-said,  or  any  oHmt  p  r^on 
who  >hall  he  apeeiall\'  named  in  -'uch  coiiinii--ion.  tn  net  a>> 


a  commissiouer  within  the  same,  Ibr  the  purpose  of  execil- 
lina,  enforcina,  and  carryina  into  etl'cct,  nil  such  proeess, 
wriu*.  orders,  judament^j  decrees,  and  aet.«,  which  shall  he 
issued,  imide,  delivered,  Kiveii,  or  done  hy  the  said  courts 
of  judiealurt-,  and  which  mayrcipiire  to  be  eiiloreed  ande.Y- 
ceiited  witliin  the  said  Imliim  terriiorics;  or  such  oilier  pnrtJ* 
of  North  America  as  aforesaid;  and  in  case  any  pt-rsou  or 
persons,  whatsoever,  residina  or  beina  within  the  said  In- 
dian h-rrilories,  or  such  other  parts  of  America iisaforesaM, 
shall  refuse  to  obcyorperlurin  atiysucli  pHK-ess,  writ,  order, 
jiidirnuiit,  deerei',  t.r  net  of  the  said  eoiirl,  or  shall  nsist  oi 
-  :  |Niv|.  the  execution  tiiereof,  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  tor 
the  said  jiisiices  of  the  peace  or  commissioucrs,  and  ihey 
or  any  of  them  are,  and  is  hereby,  reipiired,  mi  the  same 
beina  proved  helore  him.  by  the  oath   or  atlidavit   ol  out- 
crediMe  witness,  |o  conimit  the  said  person  or  persons  m) 
oiremtina  as  aforesaid,  In  custody,  in  order  to  bis  or  their 
heina  conveyed  to  CpiMT  Canada;  and  that  it  shall  he  law- 
ful tor  any  such  justice  of  the  peace  or  commissioner,  or 
any  |ierson  or  [lersmis  aelina  iinderhisaiilhority,  toeonvey, 
or  cHiise  to  be  conveyed,  such  person  or  persons  so  ofli-tiil- 
ina  ns  aforesaid  to  Cpiwr  Canada,  in  pursnance  orsucli 
process,  writ,  order,  deciee.judL'inenl,  or  ad  ;  andsur-h  per- 
son and  persons  shall  be  conimilled  to  jail  hy  the  said  court, 
on  his,  her,  or  their  heina  so  brought  into  llie  said  province 
I  of  rppcr  Canada,  hy  whif  h  siieli  process,  writ,  order, decree, 
;  jndLMnent.  or  net  was  i<.ned,  made,  deliven'il,  aiv^-n,  or 
dcMie,  until  a  limd  jmlaineiit  or  decrei;  shall  have  bei-n  prn- 
noimccd  in  such  suit,  and  shall  have  hcen  diil>  perliirined  ; 
and  all  co.  t^  paid,  in  cii-c  such  person  nr  p*  i-ons  slitdi  hi'  a 
party  or  partii's  in  such  suit,  or  until  the  trial  of -neh  suit 
shnli  have  been  emielmled,  in  case  siieli  person  or  pcrstuis 
shall  he  a  witness  or  witnesses  therein:  Py-orided,  n/ic".,>, 
TInii  if  any  person  or  persons  so  npprcliended  as  aloreNiiid 
shall  eriti-r  into  a  hmid  recnanizaiice  to  any  such  justice  of 
the  peace  or  couiiiiissioner,  with  two  suincient  sureties,  to 
the  satisfaction  of  such  justice  of  the  fM-ace  or  eoniinissicnj- 
r-r,  or  the  said  courts,  coimnissioned  to  obey  and  iierforni 
such  process,  writ,  order,  jiidynicnl, decree,  or  act.as  ntore- 
said,  tlieii  and  in  such  case  jt  sha  1  and  may  be  lawi>il  for 
the  said  justice  of  the  peace  or  coininlssjoiicr,  or  the  said 
eourtj",  to  dlseharffe  such  person  or  periiniiK  ont  of  custody. 
I      IX.  lAiid  he  it  furl  her  eututrtl.  That  in  case  such  perMin 
I  or  persons  shall  not  perform  and  luUil  the  condition  or  con- 
I  ditt<ms  <if  sneli  reroani/.anee,  then  luid  in  such  case  it  ^hall 
I  and  may  be  lawful  for  any  such  justice  or  cominissiotier, 
i  and  he  is  herehy  rei|uired,  to  iL-isiiiu  such  recouni/.ance  |o 
I  the  plaintitf  or  plaintilfs,  in  any  suit  in  which  such  pmccs, 
writ,  order,  rieeree,  jiidament,oraet,sIiall  havelH'en  i-sm  d, 
made,  di  livered,  aivcii,  or  done,  who  may  inaMitain  aii  ae 
tioii  in  the  s.iid  courts   in   his   own   name  atiainst  tlte  •laid 
snretn-s,  and  ri-eovcr  naaiiist  such  sureties  the  full  amount 
of  ^ueh  loss  or  ilamaae  as  such  phuntill'  shall  prove  lo  have 
hcen  sustiuned  by  him,  by  ri'jtsoii  of  the  oriainal  caiisi;  of 
action  in  res|M-ct  of  which  such  process,  writ,  onler,  decree, 
judirnient.  or  acts  of  tlie  said  courts,  were  issued,  made,  de 
livereil,  aivcii,  or  done,  as   al'oresaid,  noiwithslandiiia  an>  - 
Ihinn  eonlained  in  any  charter  aranted  lo  the  sahl  (h)veriii»r 
and  Company  of  Adventurers  of  England  trading  hi  Hud- 
son's bav. 

X.  ^•tiui  he  il  further  mart fd.  That  it  shall  be  lawful  for 
his  Majesty,  if  he  sliall  deem  it  conveni(-nt  so  to  do,  to  issue 
a  commission  or  commissions  to  any  person  or  iN-rsons  to 
he  and  act  as  justices  of  the  pi-ace  within  sm-ti  parts  of 
Ainerii-a  a-*  aforesaid,  a-;  well  within  any  territories  bereto- 
llire  siraiited  to  the  Company  of  Adventurers  of  Kntiland, 
tra^iii'i  to  Hiiilson's  lia> .  as  within  the  Indtan  territories  of 
such  niher  |Kirtsi>f  Ann  rieaas  aforesaid;  and  it  shall  be  law- 
ful lor  Ihe  conrl  in  the  province  of  Cppi-r  Canada,  in  any 
CISC  in  which  it  shall  appear  expedient  to  have  any  evidence 
taken  tiy  cominission,  or  any  tiicm  or  issue,  or  any  i-aiise  or 
suit  aseirtamed,  to  issue  a  ommii.sslon  to  any  three  or  moru 
of  such  justices  to  tiike  such  evidence,  and  reiurii  the  same, 
or  try  such  issue,  and  for  that  purpose  to  Indd  courts,  and  to 
is-Jiie  siihpieims  or  other  processes  to  compel  altendanee  of 
plaintill'-^.dt-iendaiit,  jurors,  witnesscH,  and  all  other  person<i 
reipii:-ite  and  essential  to  ihu  cx-'eulioii  of  the  several  pur- 
poses for  which  such  cmnmis.^ion  or  commissions  had  is- 
sued, and  Willi  the  like  povM-r  and  authority  n»  are  vesh-d  in 
the  couits  of  the  said  province  of  I'pper  Canada;  ami  any 
order,  verdict,  judmnent.  or  decree,  that  shall  he  niade, 
found,  declared,  or  pohhslied,  hy  or  before  any  court  or 
c<-nrls  held  under  and  hy  virdieof  such  commission  or  com- 
mi--ion"'.  shall  he  considered  to  be  of  as  full  elleet,  and  en- 
j  forced  in  like  manner,  as  if  the  same'  had  been  made,  found, 
I '  dr clan  d.  or  pnliiishcd,  within  the  jurisdiction  of  tin-  court 
of  the  said  province;  and  at  the  lime  of  issuiua  ^ueh  cmn 
mission  or  cnmmission-^  shall  hi-  declared  the  pl:i(-i-  [ir  places 
where  such  eommissirm  is  to  be  opened,  and  the  coiiris  and 
'  proeeeiliin!-'  Thereunder  iiehl ;  and  it  shall  be  al  the  satne 
time  pro\nlt'd  how  andhy  what  meiiiiH  ihe  expenses  of  siicti 
r-oiniiii->-i(>ii,  and  Ihe  cvecntion  thereot',  bhall  be  raiseil  and 
[ipivided  tor. 

XI.  ^iiid  he  it  further  ennrled.  That  it  shall  he  lawful  for 
his  .M;ijesty,notw-irhstaiidiiiL'  aiivthina  contained  in  thi.s  act, 
or  111  any  charter  Rranlcil  to  the  saidtjovernor  andCoinpHuy 
of  .Vdvetiturers  of  Kncland  tradina  to  Hudson's  hay,  from 
time  to  time,  by  any  cormui''siou,  under  the  a^eat  seal,  to 
authorize  and  eliijv>wer  any  such  piTsons  so  appointed  ju«- 
tiees  of  the  peace  as  atoresaid,  to  sit  and  hold  courts  of  ree- 
iiid  for  Ihe  trial  of  criminal  olt'ences  and  imsdenieHnors,aiid 
aNo  of  1  ivil  eaii-*e-:;  and  it  shall  be  lawful  for  his  Majesty  lo 
,'  order, direct,  and  anthori/.e  the  appoinimenl  of  proper  of- 
':  (leers  to  a<-l  in  aid  of  such  courls  and  jn-tiees  within  the  jii- 
risdit-tiou  iissiu'iied  to  siicli  cuuris  and  jnstiees,  in  any  fuicIi 
commission;  imviliiiia  in  tlii-'  act,  or  in  miy  charter  of  the 
(iovenior  ami  Company  of  Merchant  Adventiireis  of  Kna- 
laml  tradina  lo  liudsoirs  bay,  to  the  contrary  notwitli- 
slaiidiii'i- 
I  XII.  l'iv\i-hd,  nhrmis,  end  he  it  fiiither  vmuivd.  'Rial  t^ucli 
courts  shall  he  eimstiliiteil,  as  to'tlm  niimher  of  justices  lo 
preside  tlietein,  and  as  to  such  places  within  the  said  terri- 
tories of  tin-  saiil  com)Hiiiy,  or  any  Indian  li'rrilories,  or 
oth'T  parlsof  \orih  Anieiiea.  as  atoresaid.  and  the  times 
and  niitnner  of  tioldina  the  same,  as  his  Majeiity  nball,  from 
time  lo  iim--.  'irdi'i  ami  (hrtet;  hm  shall  iiol  hy  any  olfendtr 


fJnn.  16, 
or  Reps. 


'"T.v 


'"<  J> 


1846.1 


29th  CoNfl 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGFiESSION.M,  GLOBE. 
The  On^on  (^eslion — Mr.  Toombs. 


131 


Hu.  Of  Reps. 


|mrpi)sv  (>('  f!xi!cu- 
,  nil  siirli  priKTftN, 
I'ti*,  wllldl  hIiiiII  tin 
hy  the  tiniit  coiirtH 
H'  ciilbrfrd  iimlcr- 
urhiit'liothi'r  \mtv* 
fluiv  iKiy  iMTsnu  in 
willlin  (he  snid  Iii- 
ilcrlrniiMnturD'niiJ, 
iroffsH,  writ,  nrili-r. 
rt,  nr  Hliall  roi^t  or 
I  iiiiiy  til-  lawful  liir 

tissiimiT!',  !UI(I  tlll'V 

iiiri'il,  nil  lilt'  fuitu: 
nr  iitliiliivil  III'  oiii- 
iT^'iiii  nr  |HT!-niis  Ml 
iriirr  tn  his  nr  tlnir 
linl  it  Htmll  li|i  law- 
r  cniiiiiutihiiiiirr,  ur 
iitlMirity,  toronviiy* 
r  iHTiiiiiiK  Hn  ofli-nd- 
lilirHlmncc  or  hui'Ii 
r  tiPt;  iiiiilniii-h  [ii'r- 
jl  liy  the  unjil  court, 
tn  tlic  naiit  jinivitti'r 

I  «rit, nritrr,itri'riM', 
trlivrn'it,  civ^'li,  iir 
hall  Ivivii  lii'iMi  pni- 
I'li  itillv  prrliirinrit ; 
ir  |ii  r^niiH  fttiill  III-  ii 
I*  trial  of  Mli'li  suit 

II  pi'ruoii  or  jiiTiiniiH 
I :  i*roi-iitei1,  fi/ii- .,». 
ilrliitril  iiH  iiliirrsHiii 

(Hiy  iiui'li  justii'i'  of 
ilini'iom  siiri'tirs.  ti> 
'iici'  or  (•nmmi[*f--|nii- 
>  iibuy  mill  iH>rliirni 
•rets  or  act.  as  ntiiri-- 
ll  iiiny  tic  lawl>il  for 
ii]4!iioiicr,  or  (III'  saiil 
iimiK  nut  of  ciistoily. 

ill  CtlfC  KllCti  IHTsOII 

he  coilllilinn  nr  cnll- 
ill  such  case  it  sliall 
p  or  cniiiiuiH.-iiiucr, 
llch  rpcnidiiy.anci'  to 
wliicli  iillcti  prncciis, 
all liavp Ihm'ii  i>suiil, 
my  iiiaiiitaiii  an  ac- 
uiie  nL'nJiisT  the  uaid 
^lieff  the  full  ninoiiiit 
r  iihnll  prove  to  have 
he  original  cauHe  of 
i.writ.imler,  ili-cree, 
-re  issui'it,  iiiaile.  (le  ■ 
intwidisiaiiiliim  uiix- 
to  ttic  Haiti  Covcriinr 
mil  trattiiig  tn  IIuil- 

uliall  he  lawful  for 
cut  HO  to  itu,  to  itisuc 
jicrHoii  or  iienniuH  to 
villiiu  such  parts  of 
ly  territories  liiTttn- 
■ilturiTS  iif  Knulaiiil, 
liiiliail  terrilfines  iif 
,  itiitl  it  shall  he  law- 
iper  Caiitttla,  ill  any 
liaviMlliy  evitJciice 
iHUe,  nr  any  cause  or 
to  any  tlirt''e  <ir  inoro 
ftnti  return  ttic  Haine, 

0  liolil  cnnrls,anil  tti 
nnipel  atleiiilanre  of 
uiil  all  other  piTsiiuii 

1  iif  the  suverni  pur- 
oniiiiissioiis  tiad  iti- 
irily  IIS  are  vested  in 
T  t'atiatla  ;  aiitl  any 
tiat  shall  lie  iiiiiile, 
hefore  any  cniirt  or 

iilllinissinn  nr  cnlll- 
full  elli'it,  anti  en- 
itl  tieen  made,  fnnnd, 
llii-liot)  of  tile  court 
issitintr  such  cnin 
(1  ttic  pliicc  nr  placcH 
I.  anil  the  cniirls  and 
'lialt  he  lit  the  same 
llic  CXpensi'Horsllctl 
'llilil  tie  raiseil  ailit 


It  sliatl  tie  lawful  for 
nnlaineil  ill  ttlis  act, 
riTiinr  aiiiU'oiiipHny 
IIikImiii's   hay.  I'rnni 
T  ttie  (ircat  scat,  In 
11-  so  appniiilcil  jiiH- 
(1  linl.t  ciiiirlH  nf  rep- 
<t  nitstlcuicaiinrs,and 
I  Inr  tiis  Majesty  In 
niciit  nf  proper  of- 
fices wiltiin  the  jil- 
jiislii'fs.  in  any  sticll 
my  cliarlcr  nf  the 
.\it\inlilicts  t)f  I'liL'- 
nntrary  notwitti- 

?r  ewictetK  Ttlal  such 
illliilier  of  justices  In 
.vitliiu  tlie  said  terri- 
ridiaii  territories,  or 
esaiil,  ntlil  ttie  times 
1  jMalesty  sliHll,  frtiiii 
t  unt'tiy'liny  oirelnlcr 


upon  nnyrhnrRn  nr  Indietnient  fnr  any  felony  made  the  sut)- 

Jcet  of  eopital  piiiilsl nl,  or  llir  any  nllcnce,  or  pilssiiiK 

Bciileuee  all'eetiiiK  the  lite  of  any  oli'ciitler,  nr  ailjiitlffe  or 
cause  unyotreiitter  to  suiter  capital  piinisluuenl  or  Iriliisjiort- 
tinn,  nr  take  cn«ni7.nuee  nf  or  try  any  civil  aelioii  or  suit,  in 
which  the  ctiiise  of  siieli  suit  or  action  shnll  exceed  in  value 
the  nmountfir  sum  of  two  hundred  [Huinds;  nnil  In  every 
ease  of  any  iilleiieti  suhjeclint!  the  person  coniuilttiutf  the 
same  to  capital  puiiishiiieiit  or  transiMirlation,  ttie  court,  or 
any  jiidae  ol'any  such  court,  or  any  justice  or  justices  of  llio  j 
peace,  hetore  wlioni  niiy  such  nifeiKter  shall  he  broualtl,  i 
sliiill  (oniinit  such  olfender  tn  suli;  eustoity,  ami  cause  such 
iilTeiiilcr  to  he  si'iit  in  such  custody  llir  trial  in  the  court  of 
the  province  of  T'pncr  Cannila. 

XIII.  ^l7idheU  fiirlhiT  ctuirlml,  That  all  Jltdirinents  (tiven 
in  niiv  civil  suit  shall  he  sutijeet  to  nppeal  to  his  .Majesty  ill 
Council,  in  like  inaiilierns  in  olln'r  ciises  In  his  .Majesty's 
province  ofrpper  Canada,  and  also  ill  any  case  in  which 
the  ritltit  nr  title  to  anv  land  sliall  he  in  qui'sliiiii 

XIV.  .'Iml  y  It  furlhrr  enadcd.  That  nolhini!  in  Hits  act 
contained  sliall  he  taken  or  eonstriietl  to  elfcct  any  rinlii, 
privileue,  aultiority,  or  JurisdicHon,  which  llie  Uovernnruiid 
Ctiinpaiiy  of  Adveiiliirers  tratlini;  to  Hudson's  hay  are  liy  j 
law  entitled  tn  claim  and  exercise  under  their  charter  j  hut 
that  all  such  riclits,priviteut'8,auttiiirities,  and  jurisdictions,  | 
shnll  remain  in  as  tiitl  liirce,  virtue,  ami  ellect,  as  if  this  act  1 
tiati  never  been  mauc,  anything  in  this  act  to  the  f  ontrory  j 
iintwithstaiiding. 

CAP.  C.XXXVIII.— An  act  for  extendiiiK  the  Jurisdiction 
of  the  Courts  of  .lustice  in  the  l*rovilice8  0f /.ou'ernnd  f'/'- 
pcr  n-oiin^ii,  to  the  trial  anil  ptinishment  of  persons  i!uilly 
nf  crimes  and  ofleiiees  wiltiin  certain  parts  nfjVor/A  ^flmrr- 
iVii,iulJoiniuij  to  the  said  I'lovinccs — [[Ilk  Jliirfiisl,  ISII.'!.] 
*'  Whereas  crimes  anil  otrences  have  been  cnuimittcd  in 
the  Titiiiitn  territori"s  and  other  parts  of  .'Ziiicricn,  not  within  ' 
the  limits  of  the  Provinces  of  Ixtirer  or  f '/ijiiT  Cmuiilii,  or 
either  of  them,  or  of  the  jnrisdietion  of  any  of  tlie  courts  es-  , 
tahiished  in  those  provinces,  nr  within  tlin  limits  of  any 
civil  aovernnient  of  the  I'nitcd  Slates  of  Jimcrlcii,  and  are  ; 
therefore  not  enmii/.alile  hy  any  jurtsdictiou  whatever,  an. I  j 
hy  reason  thereof  crent  crimes  anil  olfenees  have  cniie,  and 
may  hereartcr  no,  iiiipiinishetl,  anil  ureatly  increase :"  I'nr 
ren'iedy  whereof,  may  it  please  your  .Majesty  that  it  may  he 
enacted,  and  lie  it  enacted  hy  the  Kind's  mo.sl  eseellcnl  Ma- 
jesty, by  and  with   the  advice  niitl  consent  of  the  Lords 
Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  Cninnions,  in  this  present  Par- 
liament assemhied,  and  by  the  authority  of  tlie  same,  'I'hat 

from  and  after  the  pnsracc  of  this  Act,  nil  ollencos  c niil- 

icil  within  any  of  ttie  huliim  territories  or  parts  <}{,1mcrim 
not  wiltiin  the  limitsof  either  of  the  said  provinces  of /".oiccr 
nr  f"|ipcr  fi..ii.ii/.i,  or  of  any  civil  Boverninent  nf  ihe  I'nitcd 
Stales  of  Jtmcrif'fj  sliall  he.  and  tic  deemed  to  be,  tilfences 
nfllie  same  nature,  ami  shall  be  tried  in  the  same  manner 
and  sutijeet  tn  tite  same  punisliinent  as  if  the  same  had  heeu 
cnmniitlcd  williiii  the  provinces  nf  i.oiirr  or  t'lijicr  V,in,vlii. 

II.  ^ndheitfurlhcren.irlcil.  That  it  shall  be  lawful  for 
the  fiovemnr  nr  Lieutenant  liovernor,  nr  persnn  adininis- 
tcrini!  the  Coverninent  fiir  the  time  ticiim  nf  tlic  I'rnvince 
of  £o"cr  Ciiii'i'Iii,  tiy  commission  under  his  liatiil  and  seal, 
to  authorize  and  empower  any  person  or  persons,  wliere- 
sncvcr  resident  or  heiilB  at  the  time,  to  act  as  civil  inattis- 
trates  and  justices  of  the  peace  for  any  of  ttie  hitiinn  terri- 
tories or  parts  nf  .^viieri'M  iint  witliin  the  limits  of  cillier  of 
ttie  said  Provinces,  or  of  anv  civil  t;.>veriiiiieiit  nf  the  I'ni- 
leil  ,«tatcs  of  .Inierfcii,  as  well  as  within  ttie  limits  of  either 
111'  the  saitl  Provinces,  either  iipnii  infnrination  taken  or 
Civen  witliin  the  saitl  Provinces  nf  /.nicer  or  i'jwcr  Coiiiiin, 
nr  out  nf  the  snid  Provinces  in  any  part  of  the  luilUni  lerti- 
Inrifs  nr  parts  ul\'imerirtt  aforesaid,  for  the  purpose  only  of 
tieariii!!  crimes  and  nft'enccs,  and  conmiitlin!.'  any  person  or 
persons  miilly  nf  any  eriiiie  or  otlenee  to  salt'  eustndy,  in 
nrtler  to  Ills  lir  their  heiiip  cnnvcycil  tn  Ihe  said  i'rovince  of 
iMwt'r  C.dkk/ii,  to  he  dealt  Willi  necordinu  to  taw;  anil  il 
sliall  he  lawliil  fnr  any  person  or  persons  whatever  In  np- 
preliend  and  take  hefore  any  persons  so  conunissioned  as 
ntfiresnid,  or  tn  iipprciieml  and  convey,  or  cause  to  be  safely 
conveyeuwilti  all  conveiiieiil  speed  to  the  Prnvinceof /.oiicr 
t\tnafi,i,  anv  person  or  persons  ijiiiity  of  any  crime  or  of 
fence,  tlieie' to  he  delivered  inio  safe  cusloily  for  the  pur- 
pose of  heliic  dealt  with  accnrtlinp  to  law. 

III.  .find  he  il  furlltrr  ciKictcit,  That  every  such  ort'onder 
may  and  shnll  be  proseciitetl  and  trietl  in  the  courts  of  tile 
Province  of  ioiicr  C<iiin(/*nor  if  llic  Governor  or  i.ieutcnant 
tioveriior,  or  pi.-rsnn  administering  the  (Government  thr  the 
time  heiiie.  shall,  from  any  nf  tlie  circumstances  of  the 
crime  or  olfenec,  or  ttie  local  situation  of  any  of  the  wit- 
nesses liir  the  pi:osecuIion  or  ilctVnee,  ttiiiik  that  justice 
may  more  coiivciiicnily  be  ntliniiiistereil  in  relalinn  to 
meti  crime  or  otlenee  in  ttie  Prnvilice  uf  Vpprr  f'iniaihij 
and  shall  hy  any  inslrliiiii-nt  under  the  fjreat  seal  of  the 
Province  of  J.oiccr  t'untirfi/,  declare  the  Hiiinc,  then  that 
every  sucli  ollender  may  ami  shall  he  prosecuted  and  tried 
in  the  court  of  tlie  Province  nf  f/jijier  Cfouwii/,)  In  which 
crimes  or  nilences  of  ttie  like  nature  are  usually  tried,  ami 
wliere  the  s;nne  wiiiihl  have  hcen  tried  if  such  crime  or  of- 
fence had  been  coniiiiitti  l  witliin  the  limits  nf  the  Province 
wliere  the  saiiie  shall  be  tried  under  this  acl;  and  every 
olleniler,  Irieit  ind  coii\  ictcil  iiuiler  this  act,  shall  he  liable 
and  subject  to  sir  li  punishment  as  iiiiiy  hy  any  law  in  force 
in  ttie  Province  \\  iiere  he  or  she  shall  he  trietl  lie  inflicted 
for  such  crime  or  nli.'iice  ;  and  slicli  crime  or  ofl'encc  may 
and  shall  he  laid  and  cliurged  to  have  been  committed  witliin 
Hie  juristllction  of  such  cniirl,  and  sucti  coiirtmay  and  shall 
proceed  therein  tn  trial,  juditnieiit  and  cxeciilion,  or  other 
punisliinent  fnr  such  criiiie  or  olfenec.  in  the  same  manner 
111  every  respect  as  if  such  crime  or  olVence  had  heeii  really 
cnniniiited  within  the  jurisdiction  of  suell  cnilrt;  and  il  sliatl 
alsn  he  lawful  for  the  judiies  and  other  otBcers  nf  the  said 
courts  to  issue  vubptpuas  and  other  processes  for  enlbrcinn 
llln  lUtendaiice  of  witnesses  on  any  such  trial ;  anil  such 
sulipicnas  and  other  processes  sliall  be  as  valid  niiil  elfecllial, 
mill  be  in  full  force  and  put  in  execution  in  any  parts  uf  the 
fnih'im  lerritorips,  or  other  parts  of  Jtmerica  out  of  and  not 
witliin  tlie  limits  of  the  civil  Cjovernnient  of  the  I'liited 


Hfates  of  JiincrU'Ai^  as  well  as  within  ttie  limits  of  i  ittier  of 
the  said  Provinces  ui hni'er  or  I'mirr  (Aiiindit,  in  reiiitinn  to 
tile  trial  of  any  crimes  or  nni'iie.  s  liy  tills  act  made  eo|iiii/.a- 
bte  in  such  court,  or  to  llic  more  speedily  and  elVcctually 
hrini?inpanyoni'iiiler  or  oMeuilcrs  to  Justice  under  this  act, 
as  fully  and  amply  as  any  siibpierias  or  oilier  processes 
{;  are,  within  the  iiinits  of  the  JiiriMlletion  nf  the  court  from 
'.'■  which  any  such  stibpn-nas  or  processes  shall  Issue  as  afore 
said ;  nny  act  or  acts,  law  or  laws,  custom,  usaije,  niatter 
orlhiiK  to  the  contrary  notwithslandini;. 
I  IV.  ProiHilpd  ii/iciii/f,  ami  i/c  UJurther  enncletl^  That  if  any 
crime  or  otfence  eliarttcd  and  prosecuted  under  this  act, 
shall  he  proved  to  have  been  coiiitnltled  hy  any  person  or 
persons  not  heina  n  subject  or  Hiilijects  of  bis  .'VIiijcsiv,  and 
also  within  llie  limits  of  nny  cnlnny,  seltlentent  or  ti.'fritory 
helnnniiiii  to  any  Kiiro/icnn  Suite,  the  cniirt  before  which 
suell  prosecution  shall  he  had  shall  forlhwilli  nciiuit  such 
person  or  persons,  not  heius  such  sutijeet  or  sutijeets  as 
aibrcsaid,  of  such  cliari.'e. 

V.  I'roiidcd  neivrlhclns,  'riint  it  sliall  and  may  be  lawful 
I  fnr  such  cniirl  to  prnceid  in  llie  trial  of  any  iilinr  person, 
■  beiiiB  a  subject  or  sulijects  of  his  Majesty,  who  sliall  he 
'  charged  with  the  sniiie  or  any  other  otlcn^v,  nntwithstand- 
j  iuK  such  otlenee  sliall  appear  tn  have  been  ennilnitted  within 
I  the  limits  nf  any  colony,  settlement  or  territory  belonciiii' 
to  nny  Ktiropfim  State  as  aliiresaiil.  [Kitendcd  to  llic  Itud- 
i  aon^s  liny  Companyy  tec  I  ft  -J  CI,  II',  c.  (iti.J 


THE  OREGON  QUESTION.  1 

1 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  R.  TOO  M  B  S,  ] 

OF    l.EORGIA,  ! 

In  the  Iloiisf.;  OF  RKPnp;sKNT.\rivF.s,  I 

.fiimianj  Vi,  184(). 
The  Committeo  of  llie  Whole  on  the  .sLite  of  the 
Union  hiivitio;  iiiider  coiisiilofulioii  ii  resnlution 
rejiiii-tcil  by  tlic  ('iimniitlec  on  Fofciiin  Atraiis, 
cmitled  "  A  re.iiiluiiiin  of  notice  to  Gie.il  Uritaiii  ' 
to  iininil  mill   nlunsate  llie  eoiivcntioii  lietwecn  ' 
Grent  l!i-iliiiii  mid  the  Uiiiteil  .Stales,  of  Atij^ii.st 
the  litli,  18:Q7,  relative  to  thecoiiiilry  on  the  north- 
west ciiasi  of  America,  wc.itwaril  of  the  Stony 
moiinlnins,  comnionly  called  Oregon" — 
Mr.  TOOMBS  oljluined  the  llmir,  and  proceed- 
ed to  address  the  comnnitec  us  follows: 

Mr.  C'liAitiM.VN,  I  have  n  stroiii;  opinion  in  favor 
of  the  ndoptioii  of  the  resolution  now  before  the 
eonimiltec,  or  some  other  similar  in  its  character.  ' 
Inlendin!,'  that  niy  vole  upon  it  shall  be  the  true 
record  of  my  opinions,  I  have  listened  attentively 
to  the  deliate,  hopini;  to  be  instructed  by  it.   That 
opinion,  .sir,  i.s  unshaken  ;  and  I  am  the  more  dc-  ■ 
sirous  of  ^ivins:  the  reasons  which  have  conlrolled  ' 
my  (lelertnination  upon  this  question,  because  I  do  ' 
not  wholly  agree  with  those  who  act  with  nie  upon 
it,  and  1  am  utterly  unwilliti;:  that  my  vote  sliall 
be  placcil  u|itin  the  i;i'ouiid  cliosen  for  me  by  the 
oppiiiienis  of  this  resolulitin.     The  two  im|itirtant 
questions  to  be  here  considered  are:   1st.   What 
rie;lit-s  have  the  United  States  in  the  Oitsoii  terri- : 
toryjiind  adly.  Is  it  cxjiedient  and  jiroper  to  be- 1 
^'in  the  a.s.sertion  of  those  rii^hts  by  terminiitinn;  the 
joint  convention  of  18:J7,  nccordinir  to  its  own  pro- 
visions.    It  has  suited  the  convenience  of  the  op-  ! 
lioncni.s  of  this  resolution  to  mainttiin,  with  i^reat 
earnestness,  that  its  adoption  would  inevitably  in- 
volve this  country  in  a  war  with  Great  liiitain. 
Whether  it  will  or  not,  is  not  so  much  a  question 
to  be  eonsitlered  by  us,  as  whether  it  would  give  ' 
jn.st  cause  of  war.     Ueitii;  .satisfied  that  its  adop- 
tion would  a:ive  no  just  cimsc  of  oU'eniie  to  any  na- 
tion, and  that  it  is  necessary  ^nd  proper,  for  the 
miiimenitnce  of  the  just  rii^hts  of  the  country,  I  nm 
lirepareil  to  adopt  tliem.  | 

War.s  are  ollen,  indeed  mo.st  ttsually.  produced 
amoiitf  civdized  nations  by  the  violation  of  treaty 
stipulations;  the  siinjile  exerei.se  of  ris^hts  and 
powers  secured  by  treaty,  and  in  the  manner  iioint- 
ed  out  by  the  treaty,  i.s  n  new  cause  ol  war, 
for  tlie  discovery  of  which  we  are  indebted  lo  the 
opponents  of  this  resolution.  If  f^entlcmen  mean 
only  to  arf;uc,that  measures  may  iir  will  lie  adopt- 
ed, after  the  aiirosation  of  this  convention,  which 
will  endanger  the  eaceof  the  country,  I  have  only 
lo  reply,  that  we  .ill  consider  them  when  they 
shall  be  presented.  It  is  true  that  it  has  not  been 
alleged  that  the  passage  of  this  resokition  will 
give  just  cause  for  war;  but  it  has  been  argued, ' 
and  in  some  cases  assumed,  that  such  will  be  the 
int|vitablc  eonsequeiu'e;  aiul  hence  the  arguments 
ottered  by  the  opponents  of  the  resolution  would 
generally  have  been  equally  appro|)riaie  upon  a 
resohilioii  declaring  war.  'I'liis  direction,  which  ' 
ihe  debate  has  been  adroitly  made  to  assume,  has 


given  an  nilvnnlage  to  the  opponents  of  tliia  reso- 
lution, 10  which  (heir  position  does  not  entitlo 
them.  And  that  advantage  is  not  confined  to  t'lin 
Hall.  The  newspapers,  those  potent  manufac- 
turers as  well  ns  exponents  of  ]iiiblie  opinion,  have 
seconded  the  cry  raised  in  these  walls  for  peace, 
pence;  and  their  appeals  to  the  fears  and  pockets 
of  the  people  are  not  unfreqitently  mixed  tin  with 
denunciations  of  those  who  have  indictiteil  their 
determinilion  to  support  the  resolution,  and  in  that 
way  to  begin  the  assertion  of  the  lights  of  the  na- 
tion in  Oregon,  rights  undisputed  in  this  Uall,  but 
admitted  on  nil  sides  to  be  "  clear  and  unquestion- 
able." 

I  nm  prepared  to  yield  nothing  to  this  mode  of 
treating  the  (|uestion.  I,  too,  am  the  friend  of 
peace — honorable  peace.  I  yield  to  none  in  deep 
and  heartfelt  iqipreciatiiin  of  its  blessings.  Hon- 
orable peace  is  the  mother  of  all  the  virtuous  hopes 
of  humanity,  of  ])rogress,  of  political  and  social 
truth,  of  civilization,  of  tnte  nutiontd  greatness; 
but  dishonorable  peace  is  "  the  body  of  death," 
chained  to  the  national  chnrnctcr;  like  "  the  leprous 
dislillation  of  the  fabled  Upas  tree,"  il  silently 
drops  it.s  deadly  poison  upon  the  nation's  lienri, 
and  withers  and  paralyzes  it:  in  comparison  with 
such  a  peace  war,  with  its  acknowledged  honors, 
would  be  a  nalional  blessing.  I  admit  il  to  be  iha 
highest  duly  of  every  jiubhc  man,  by  all  proper 
means,  to  preserve  honorable  peace.  Wlint  is 
honorable  peace .'  As  some  gentlemen  who  have 
preceded  me,  while  elor|Ucntly  eulogizhig  the  bless- 
ings of  peace,  have  been  indilfcrent  to  this  distinc- 
tion, anil  have  not  tioublcd  the  House  with  nny 
expression  of  their  opinions  upon  this  distinction, 
I  will  define  what  I  mean  by  honorable  peace.  It 
is  peace  maintained  without  the  surrender  of  any 
imporliinl  nalional  right,  by  observing  justice  and 
practising  good  faith  to  all  nations.  Within  these 
limits  1  will  go  "  as  far  as  he  that  goes  farthest." 
1  will  not  transcend  them.  I  shall  endeavor  to 
govern  my  conduct  on  this  floor  towards  all  na- 
tions by  these  principles;  froin  them  1  shidl  not 
be  driven,  either  by  clamor  from  within  or  clam- 
or from  without;  nor  yet  by  the  oft-repealed 
arguiuent  of  llie  tens  of  thousands  of  British  can- 
non, riding  upon  their  ocean  homes,  upon  every 
wave,  null  looking  out  Iheir  .sullen  defiance  from 
British  forts  iqion  every  continent  of  the  earth, 
and  almost  every  isle  of  the  sea.  These  nre  not 
the  lU'gmnenis  which  ought  to  control  the  action  of 
a  re|)resenliilive  of  the  American  people  on  this 
lloor. 

Sir,  the  lime  has  been  when  inactivity  Con  this 
question)  was  masterly,  was  wisdom;  but  it  is  not 
now.  That  day  has  passed.  It  is,  perhaps,  to  be 
rtgretled  that  it  has  pnssed,and  that  a  dillerent  di- 
rection had  not  been  given  to  it.  It  is  deetily  to 
lie  regretted  that  a  grave  and  difficult  question  of 
territorial  rights  should  have  been  dragged  hito  the 
arena  of  party  politics.  The  nation  may  have 
other  and  iibunilani  reasons  to  regret  the  conduct 
of  this  question.  But  my  bu.siness  is  not  now 
with  the  past;  the  iiresenl  position  of  the  question 
must  be  ihe  basis  of  our  action  upon  il.  The  cur- 
rent of  events  has  brought  us  to  a  point  where  wn 
must  act,  and  act  wLsely  and  promptly;  where,  if 
we  connot  advance  with  safety,  we  cannot  retreat 
with  honor  or  advaiUage  to  the  nation.  "  Master- 
ly activity"  is  now  demanded  by  the  crisis.  By 
this  course  alone  can  we  retrieve  the  errors  of  the 
past  and  secure  success  for  the  future.  What  shall 
that  aclioii  be?  Perhaps  the  fate  of  a  magnificent 
empire  may  depend  upon  your  answer.  But  it 
must  be  decided,  decided  now,  luid  Ibr  the  nation; 
and  not  only  for  the  nalion  of  to-day,  but  for  the 
nation  throughout  all  time,  for  future  ages  and  un- 
born millions.  Let  us,  then,  elevate  ourselves,  as 
near  n.s  may  be;  to  the  magnitude  of  the  question. 
Let  us  pity  (if  we  can  repress  the  uprising  of  more 
natiiral,  but  less  charitatilc  feelings)  the  imbecile 
attempt  which  has  been  made  to  embitter  this  dis- 
cussion by  the  introduction  of  questions  of  section- 
al interest  and  sectional  strife,  and  bring  whatever 
of  virtue,  whatever  of  wisdom,  whatever  of  knowl- 
edge, whatever  of  patriotism,  we  may  command, 
tolls  consideration  and  decision.  Then,  whatever 
may  be  the  consequences  of  our  action  to  ourselves 
or  the  country,  we  can  stand  erect,  with  consciences 
"void  of  oll'cnce  towards  God  and  towards  man." 

The  question  of  title  has  been  vaguely  and  tin- 
.mtisl'iclorily  treated  of  in  this  delwte.   The  "  pres- 


132 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  12, 


2^H  CoNO 1st  SeS8. 


The  Oregon  ^ueition — Mr.  ToonJu. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


'I* 


sure  from  without"  hna  been  evidently  felt  Bud 
acknowledged  in  this  |)art  of  tlie  diecuesion,    A 
manliest  dieposition  to  evade  it,  to  ihun  it,  has  ex- 
hibited ilael^  on  nil  »ides  of  the  HouHe.     I  would 
content  myself,  if  I  l)elieved  the  position  to  bo  true, 
with  the  genemi  acquiescence  in  the  goodness  of 
ourtitleto54°40'north.  It  would  greatly  strengthen 
my  position  on  the  second  proposition  1  have  laid 
down  for  discussion.    I  prefer  waiving  that  advan- 
tage, and  giving  my  own  opinions  upon  the  title, 
however  unpalatable  they  may  be  to  the  House  or  i 
tlie  I'oimtry.    Oiir  title  to  tlie  whole  of  Oregon  hos  | 
certiiinly  not  been  denied  by  any  gentleman  who  1 
has  preceded  me  in  Ihisdelmlc.  Tiiosc  gentlemen  of  i 
the  Democratic  party  who  have  spoken  in  favor  of  \ 
giving  this  notice,  have  generally  atfirnied  the  good- 
ness of  our  title  to  50°  40'  north,  but  hnve  con- , 
tented  themselves  wil'i  the  evidence  of  that  fart 
furnished  by  the  Ballinunc  resolutions  nnd  the  j 
President's  inaugural  speech,  without  further  in- 
quiry.    Those  of  the  same  party  who  oppose  the  i 
notice,  perhaps  with  a  prudent  fear  of  such  high  ' 
outhority,  hnve  contented  themselves  with  the  ex- 1 
pression  of  i\  desire  to  acquire  "nil  Oregon,"  and  1 
pointing  out  their  mode  oi  consummutini;  that  ob-  I 
jecl,  without  the  expression  of  any  opinion  upon  j 
the  present  rights  of  the  country.     My  Whig  ; 
friends  who  oppose  the  notice,  hnve  also  shown  1 
an  indisposition  to  encumber  tlieir  jiosition  witJi  : 
any  expression  of  oninion  as  to  title.     Tliey,  too,  ! 
are  for  "all  Oregon,     but  when  nnd  how  it  is  to  I 
be  obtained  is  left  in  convenient  nmbiKuity.  i 

Both  the    Briti.ih   nnd  American   diplomntisis  < 
linve  mther  directed  tlieir  arguments  each  agiiiiist  !i 
tlie  title  of  his  adversary,  than  in  the  support  of  i 
tlieir  own.     The  reason  of  this  may  "be  found  in  |. 
the  fact  that  it  is  much  easier  to  show  who  has  '■', 
not  title  in  Oregon  than  who  hns.     Test  the  title  >' 
of  both  countries  by  the  princijiles  of  internntion-  " 
nl  law,  and  both  are  exliioited  before  tlie  world  in  : 
the  ridiculous  attitude  of  qunrrelling  about  that 
which   belongs  to  neither,  but  is  ns  yet  the  com- 
mon property  of  mankind.     And   here  lies  the  , 
whole  dilficully  of  the  negotiation  :  so  long  ns  it 
shall  lie  regarded  ns  a  question  of  title,  an  amica- 
ble adjustment  is  impossible 

I  have  .lot  been  nule  to  bring  my  mind  to  the 
conrlusion,  that  our  title  to  the  whole,  or  nny  part,  of 
Oregon, is  either  "clear  or  unqucttioiinble.      And  1 
shall  proceed  to  give  briefly  the  facts  nnd  reasoning  I 
upon  which  my  opinion  is  founded.   The  fucLsare  ; 
few,  and  not  obscure;  they  are  generally  admitted  ; 
by  the  advocates  of  both  sides  of  the  question. 
That  part  of  the  northwest  const  of  America  now 
called  Oregon  was  undoubtedly  first  discovered  by  j 
the  Spaniards.     These  discoveries  began  with  Jiinii ! 
de  Fuca,  in    1593,  nnd  were  followed  by  other 
Spanish    nnvi^tors,  at  diflVrcnt   periods,   up  to  | 
1774  and  1776,  when  the  whole  coast  was  careful- ! 
ly  explored  by  Perez  nnd  Hcceta.     Spain  claimed  j 
title  to  it  by  virtue  of  these  discoveries,  and  per-  i 
formed  various  acts  of  "taking  (mssession,"  i  -.•  ! 
cording  to  the  usages  of  the  time,  long  before  this 
coast  was  visited  by  the  navigators  of  any  other 
civilized  country.     This  claim  of  title,  not  being  i 
acquiesced  in,  never  ri|M:ned  into  a  title  by  pre- ! 
scription,  and  it  was  inchoate  and  imperfect  until , 
completed  by  actual  "settlement."     "Settlement"  i 
is  necessary  to  perfect  a  title  by  discovery,  nccord- 
ing  to  the  most  generally  received  authorities  upon 
international  law.     And  the  principle  appears  to  i 
mc  to  be  a  sound  one.     It  is  rounued  in  natural  j 
equity.     That  which  has  no  owner,  natural  equity  ! 
gives  to  him  who  first  takes,  rcUiins,  nnd  uses  it.  : 
Mere    discovery,    without  occupation,  gives   no  j 
perfect  rights,  either  by  the  law  of  nations  or  nat- 1 
ural  equity.    And  that  occupation  must  be  con- 
tinued; for,  after  abandonment,  it  is  again  open  to 
him  who  chooses  to  enter  and  occupy,  nnd  good 
title  is  thereby  acquired,  notwithstanding  thefirst  i 
discovery  and  occupation.  | 

By  applying  these  sound  nnd  obvious  principles  | 
to  the  title  claimed  by  S|)ain,  and  by  us  through  j 
hor,  its  defects  must  be  apnarent  to  every  one.  I 
Sprin  made  no  "  settlement"  upon  any  |iiirt  of  the  i 
northwest  coast  of  America  between  42°  nnd  54°  I 
40'  north.     It  is  true  that  she  resented  the  tempo- 
rnry  occupation  of  a  trading  post  in  this  territory 
by  Meares,  and  ousted  him  in  1789,  and  continued 
in  possession  of  that  post  until  lTUr>.     From  that 
time  hitherto  she  has  never  had  possession  of  an 
inch  of  that  territory;  therefore,  if  she  ever  had  any 


rights  there,  they  were  lost  by  her  abandonment 
of  the  territory.  This  was  the  state  of  her  title  in 
1819,  when  she  gave  us  a  qijit  claim  to  the  coun- 
try. She  had  nothing  to  convey,  and  we  there- 
fore took  nothing  by  the  eonveynnce,  I  am  wnr- 
ranled  in  the  conclusion,  that  this  was  the  opinion 
of  our  Government  in  1818;  for,  at  thiit  time,  in 
utter  contempt,  but  with  full  knowledge,  of  the 
claim  of  Spain,  we  offerjsd  to  divide  the  whole 
country  with  Great  Hrilain.  And,  what  is  still 
more  conclusive,  we  were,  at  that  very  time,  treat- 
ing with  Spain,  among  other  things,  for  the  pur- 
chase of  this  title,  and  did  actually  acquire  it,  by 
j  treaty,  within  four  months  after  the  ofler  was 
I  made;  and  five  irs  after  having  acquired  that 
title,  we  ogai'  nade  the  same  offer  to  Great 
\  Britain. 

Yet  now  we  have  the  boldness  to  say,  in  the 

j  face  of  these  facta,  that  this  Spanish  title  is  "  clear 

nnd  uiiqiieMtionnble. "   This  is  tlie  ground  nssumed 

;  by  our  Governnienl,  for  we  do   not   pretend  tc 

I  hnve  any  other  title  but  that  of  Spniii  to  nny  I'art 

of  tills  territory  north  of  the  country  drained  by 

j  the  Columbia  river.     And  it  hns  been  said,  in  very 

!  respectable  quarters,  that  our  title  "  to  the  whole 

of  Oregon"  (to  54°  40')  is  "  clear  and  uiiqueation- 

;  able.".  This  Spanish  title  will  require  the  endorse- 

:  mcni  of  n  victorious  army  to  make  it  available. 

'  It  is  worthless  by  itself. 

!  The  Amcricn  claim  is  based  upon  the  entrance 
of  Gray  into  the  Columbia  river,  the  explorations 
of  the  main  branches  of  that  river  by  Lewis  and 
Clarke,  and  the  settlement  at  Astoria.  Gray  did. 
not  discover  the  Columbia  river;  the  credit  of  that 
achievement  is  ncknowledged  to  belong  to  the 
Spniiinrd,  Herein.  Exploration  of  what  was  be- 
fore discovered  is  not  recognised  by  nny  principle 
of  international  law  as  a  nuaiia  of  acquiring  title. 
It  could  in  no  event  stand  on  a  better  foundation 
than  discovery  without  settlement.  The  settlement 
at  Astoria  iiresents  our  strnnjoat  claim  to  the  coun- 
try allcctea  by  it;  but  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  this 
claim  of  title  is  not  free  from  ditiirulties.  Whether 
the  establishment  of  a  trading  post  in  a  country  un- 
occupied by  civilized  man  is  such  a  "  settlement" 
ns  satisfies  iliat  jirinciple  of  international  law  which 
requires  actual  settlement  to  jierfi^'t  n  iitle  by  dis- 
covery is  n  question  upon  )irinciple  nnd  authority 
more  tlinn  doubtful.  And  it  is  worthy  of  consid- 
eration, ndniitting  that  such  a  scltlemenl  does  sat- 
isfy that  principle,  to  what  extent  of  territory  does 
it  give  good  title,  I  am  not  prepared  to  ndmit  that 
it  confers  nny  title  whatever.  '1  he  principles  upon 
which  these  doctrines  of  inlernntloiiid  law  are  based 
arc  plain,  simple,  reasonable,  and  Just.  The  earth 
was  niauj  for  the  use  of  man;  whatever  portion  of 
it  is  at  any  time  not  appropriated  to  his  use  by  ac- 
tual occupancy  or  municipal  law,  rightfully  belongs 
to  him  who  fir.sl  takes,  uses  mid  subdues  it.  Such 
a  seiilcinent  dues  not  satisfy  this  great  principle. 
The  idea  that  the  building  of  a  hut  for  the  tempo- 
rary protection  of  trappers,  and  half  a  dozen  sheds 
for  the  reception  of  the  skins  of  animals,  gives  title 
to,  and  excludes  the  rest  of  the  human  race  from  a 
country  six  hundred  miles  square,  is  a  mockery  of 
the  coninion  sense  of  mankind,  and  a  libel  upon 
the  goodness  and  providence  of  God.  Contiguity 
Is  tlie  only  remaining  ground  of  American  title. 
It  is  not  insisted  that  it  gives  a  perfect  right.  At 
best,  it  is  an  interpolation  upon  the  iiitcriiatioiiul 
code.  It  means  sim'ply  that  the  tj^rritory  in  dis- 
pute belongs  to  nobody,  but  it  adjoins  some  that 
we  own.  It  is  based  upon  the  idftn  that  nobody 
owns  the  land.  So  all  other  titles  must  he  vacated 
before  this  one  acquires  vitality.  I!v  acknowl- 
edging this  to  be  a  ground  of  title,  tlie  country 
would  be  divided  between  this  country  and  Eng- 
land by  the  4i)ili  parallel  of  north  latitutle.  Such  is 
our  title;  but  defective  as  it  may  be,  it  is  still  bet- 
l<r  than  that  of  England.  It  is  unnecessary  to 
dwell  upon  the  English  title.  Every  defect  in  our 
own  applies  with  eipial  or  greater  nirce  to  that  of 
Englanm  She  has  not  even  a  decent  pretext,  lay- 
ing contiguity  out  of  the  question,  to  any  portion 
of  the  country  dmincd  by  the  Columbia  river. 
Drake  came  ufter  Juan  de  Fuca;  he  may  have  seen 
the  coast  at  about  48°  north  latitude,  though  even 
that  fact  is  disputed.  Cook's  voyage  to  that  coast 
was  in  1778,  more  than  two  years  after  the  explo- 
rations of  Perez  nnd  Heceta,  and  Vancouver  at  a 
still  later  iieriod.  She,  therefore,  never  had  nny 
rights  by  discovery  oil  the  coait.    McKenzic  ex- 


Elored  Frazer's  river,  and  British  traders  estab- 
shed  a  trading  post  on  that  river. 
The  establishment  of  this  post  on  Frawr's  river 
is  obnoxious  to  the  same  oojcctiona  which  have 
already  been  urged  to  ours  at  Astoria.  It  confers 
the  same  rights  upon  Great  Britain  to  the  country 
washed  by  that  river,  as  ours  at  Astoria  does  upon 
the  United  States;  and,  excluding  title  by  conti- 
guity, it  is  the  sole  basis  of  British  title  to  any  por- 
tion of  Oregon.  I  here  leave  the  question  of  title. 
The  result  of  my  investigation  is,  that  Oregon 
is,  as  yet,  unappropriated  by  civilized  man;  Uiat 
no  nation  has,  as  yet,  acquired  a  good  title  to  any 
part  of  it.  We  have  much  stronger  pretensimia  to 
It  than  Great  Britain,  both  by  the  number  and 
qiinlily  of  our  imperfect  titles.  Under  this  stale 
of  the  question,  I  approve  the  nclion  of  the  Presi- 
dent hi  ofTering  to  settle  the  question  by  continuing 
our  boundary,  on  the  fortyninth  parallel,  to  the 
Pacific.  The  question  ought  to  be  treated  exclu- 
sively ns  one  orbound(,ry,nnd  settled  by  negotin- 
tion,  nml  siittlcd  at  n^i.  p.  England  has  no  right  to 
demand,  and  I  would  not  yield  by  negotiation  an 
acre  south  of  49°.  Whatever  may  be  our  title,  or 
whatever  our  claims,  the  public  interest,  in  my 
opinion,  demands  that  this  joint  convention  of 
1818  should  be  terminated  in  some  form. 

The  gentleman  from  South  Carolina  ( Mr.  Riiett] 
argues  that  it  is  incumbent  on  those  who  nre  in  fn- 
vor  of  giving  this  notice  to  show  what  harm  the 
coiiveniion  has  done,  nnil  to  give  reas(nis  for  its 
terinhintion.  I  shnll  proceed  to  oHcr  the  ren.sons  for 

fiving  it  which  have  controlled  my  mind,  though 
do  not  ndmit  the  correctness  of  the  rtile  Inid  down 
by  tlint  centlcmnn.     The  general  rtile  Is,  that  the 
laws  and   exclusive  dominion  of  every  country 
should  be  co-extcnslve  with  Its  territorial  rights. 
This  convention  is  an  exception  to  this  rule;  nnd 
it  is  the  duly  of  those  who  sujiport  the  exception 
to  show  sound  and  conclusive  reasons  for  it.    The 
rc.mons  which  induced  the  adoption  of  the  conven- 
tion have  ceased.     We  have  received  all  tlic  bene- 
fit from  it  which  it  is  capable  of  conferring.     It  is 
prolific  of  evils  in  the  future.     The  "i»i;«iiiim  in 
tiiijjfrio"  which  it  establishes  has  hitherto  been  in- 
nocuous, because  it  has  been  without  permanent 
population  to  net  upon.     Populntion  sets  its  evil 
principles  in  nction.  We  have  hnd  this  convention 
in  force  for  tiventy-seven  years.    Under  it  we  hnve 
not  approximated  nearer  a  peaceable  and  satisfac- 
tory termination  of  the  controversy  than  when  it 
began.  If  England  has  ndvimced  snmewhnt  in  that 
direction,  we  have  receded.     We  nre  not  likely  to 
lessen  our  demands  with  incrciised  and  increasing 
power  to  support  our  pretensions.     If  it  is  contin- 
ued twenty-seven  years  longer,  I  cannot  perceive 
why  the  reasons  for  a  still  further  continuance  of 
it  will  be  less  cogent  than  now.     And  the  history 
of  the  past  warrants  me  in  the  conclusion,  that 
every  (lay's  d<:lay  diminishes   the  chances   of  a 
peaceful  terniinatimi  of  the  controversy.    It  is  wise 
in  the  English  Government  to  desire  the  continu- 
ance of  this  convention,  but  not  in  ours.     In  I8I8 
!  and  1827  neither  party  were  prepared  to  colonize, 
to  settle  the  country;  both  were  prepared  to  use  it, 
;  to  hunt  over  it,  antl  to  tmde  with  the  Indinns.  The 
usufruct  of  one  parly  in  these  modes  was  not  incon- 
\  sistent  with  that  of  the  other.   This  is  not  now  the 
I  case.     We  nre  now  prepnred  to  settle,  to  subdue, 
;  to  cultivnie  it.     Englnnd  is  not.    I  wish  to  nvoil 
!  ourselves  of  this  ndvantage.    Terminate  this  con- 
i  ventioii,and  our  seitlements  will  give  us  good  title. 
j  Yes,  sir;  a  good  title  even  to  54°  40'  north,  if  they 
shall  be  prior  in  time  to  those  of  other  nations,  and 
I  sufficiently  extensive.    But,  with  this  convention 
j  in  force,  we  can  acquire  nothing  by  our  settlements. 
The  idea  of  the  gentleman  from  South  Cnrolinn 
!  [Mr.  Rhett]  llinl  the  wave  of  population,  now 
annually  rolling  on  towards  the  Pacific  ft"om  this 
country,  furnishes  a  reason  for  the  continuance  of 
this  convention,  appears  to  my  mind  not  only  un- 
tenable, but  that  fact  has  struck  me  as  a  strong 
I  ond  conclusive  reason   for  terminating  it.      The 
'  position  is  admitted  by  both  Governments,  that 
no  act  pf  either  party,  during  the  continuance  of 
the  convention,   can  in  any  way  affect  the  title. 
You  may  send  forth  to  Oregon  tens  of  thousands 
of  your  countrymen,  subdue  its  vast  forests,  im- 
prove its  rivers  and  its  harbors,  cover  its  face  with 
cultivated  fields,  build  cities  and  towns,  palaces 
and  flittnges,  erect  temples  to  learning,  temples  to 
justice,  and  sanctuaries  to  the  living  Oudi  ill  every 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


133 


29th  Cono Ibt  Ses3. 


The  Ore;ron  (Question — Mr.  Bayly. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


ten  miles  aqunre  of  its  territory,  nnd,  with  thia 
convention  in  force,  your  title  will  be  just  wltnt  it 
wns  in  1818.  Yoi'  would  thereby  iiicrcmio  your 
(lifficulticfl,  produr.  incvitnhlc  coiifllcta,  cmlmrraSH 
your  ftiturc  ncsotintiona  by  the  introduction  of 
new  elements  of  discord;  you  would  hnvo  people 
and  improvcmcnlH  to  negotiaic  about,  as  well 
as  waste  hindj  and  you  might  increase  your 
ability  to  hold  the  country  by  force  against  your 
adversary;  but  you  coultl  not  strengthen  your  title; 
it  is  so  "  nominated  in  the  bond,"  and  the  faith  of 
the  nation  is  pledged  to  it.  I  would  strike  off  these 
shackles;  I  would  place  the  country  in  a  position 
to  pursue  whatever  iiolicy  her  honor  and  her  in- 
terest might  (lemanrt,  untrammelled  by  the  now 
useless  and  iniurioua  fetters  impoHCtl  by  th's  joint 
convention.  There  is  an  additional  reason,  grow- 
ing outof  this  emigration  of  our  people  to  Oregon,  j 
foi-  giving  this  notice.  It  is  said  that  seven  thousaiul  I 
of  them  are  already  there;  they  had  a  right  to  go 
there;  they  have  been  encouraged  to  do  so;  they  | 
demand  of  us  their  birthright,  the  'benefit  of  our 
laws,  the  full  benefit  of  them;  the  demand  is  just; 
we  ought  to  comply  with  it;  this  convention  pre- 
vents us  from  doing  so,  1  would,  therefore,  nut 
an  end  to  it.  This  emigration  would  increase  out 
for  this  convention.  Our  people  can  acquire  no 
property  in  the  soil;  permanent  improvements  are 
for  that  reason  discoumged.  No  man  will  build 
0  house  without  rensoimble  expectations  of  being 
(he  undisputed  master  of  the  door.  Under  the 
existing  stale  of  things,  he  may  be  compelled  to 
abandon  his  home  or  his  country.  By  termina- 
ting this  convention,  you  encourage  industry  and 
emigration,  by  giving  security  to  property. 

The  notice  ought  also  to  be  given,  that  wc  may 
know  what  the  country  is,  nnd  where  it  is.  1  v,m\ 
to  know  where  to  place  this  god  Terminus,  who 
was  referred  to  by  the  gentleman  from  Missouri, 
(Mr.  DowLiN.]  It  is  important  to  the  peace  of  the 
country,  to  know  certainly  where  to  place  him. 
Our  American  god  Terminus  is  somewhat  differ- 
ent from  the  Roman.  He  has  legs;  yes,  sir,  and 
long  ones,  too;  and  he  is  likely  to  give  us  a  good 
deal  of  trouble.  Like  the  spirit  of  Democracy,  he 
is  progressive  and  aggressive.  He  seems  to  claim 
under  the  new  and  boundless  title  of  "  manifest 
destiny. "  He  follows  the  pioneer  and  the  hunter, 
and  his  tracks  all  point  outward;  he  never  retreats. 
Wherever  he  has  a  pretension  of  claim,  he  holds 
his  title  to  be  "clear  and  unquestionable."  Let 
us  fix  his  location  quickly  and  firmly,  or  this  war 
of  opinion,  this  war  of  systems,  to  which  gentle- 
men have  referred,  may  come  upon  us  before  we  | 
are  ready  for  it.  For  this  reason,  too,  I  would  give  j 
the  notice.  I  prefer  that  it  should  be  given  in  the 
manner  pointed  out  in  the  resolution  of  my  friend 
from  Alabama,  [Mr.  Hilliarc]  I  would  give  the 
President  this  discretion,  not  to  cinbarrnss  him  or 
the  question,  not  to  evade  it  or  to  shun  its  resnonsi-  | 
bility,  but  because  in  my  judgment,  on  purely  : 
public  considerations,  it  is  the  most  proper,  if  not ' 
the  only  proper  mode  of  giving  it.  ThcConstitu-  1 
tion  confers  upon  him  an  important  part  of  the 
treaty-making  power,  in  all  treaties,  he  has  the  ini- 
tiatory part  to  perform.  He  appoints  and  controls 
at  pleasure  our  foreign  ministers;  through  them, 
he,  ani  he  alone,  is  fully  informed  of  the  dispo- 
sition, objects,  and  designs  of  other  Governments. 
He  must,  therefore,  be  the  best  judge  of  the  pre- 
cise time  when  it  is  most  expedient  to  give  it.  If 
he  should  ascertain,  for  instance,  that  giving  the 
notice  would  be  urnustly  seized  upon  as  a  pretext 
for  war  by  Great  Britain,  he  ought  to  withhold  it 
until  notice  could  be  given  to  our  commerce  upon 
the  seas,  and  until  adequate  Torces  could  be  raised, 
equipped,  and  advantageousl >'  disposed  of  for  the 
national  defence.  It  is  not  i.  ri  extraordinary  dis- 
cretion. It  is  simply  remittinj^^-  him  to  the  full  and 
free  exercise  of  his  ordinary  constitutional  powers. 
It  is  a  responsibility  which  he  has  no  right  to 
evade  or  to  shun.  I  would  arm  him  with  his  ftill 
constitutional  powers,  and  hold  him  responsible 
for  their  proper  exercise;  but  I  will  not  condemn 
him  in  advance,  and  1  trust  that  he  will  neither 
give  me  or  the  country  any  just  cause  of  complaint 
in  the  manner  in  which  he  shall  discharge  this 
duty. 

Joint  occupation  without  treaty  stipulations  does 
not  necessarily  produce  war.  Wc  had  that  state 
of  things  on  our  northeastern  frontier  for  above 
fifty  years  without  war.    We  luive  joint  and  even 


adverse  occupation,  at  this  moment,  on  our  aouth-  i 
western  frontier;  ond  if  the  transactions  by  which 
we  extended  our  boundary  in  that  direction  does 
not  produce  war,  we  have  no  cause  to  fear  it  from 
this  source.  The  giving  of  this  notice  has  no  ne. 
cessary  connexion  with  the  question  of  war.  I  Jo 
not  propose  to  give  it  because  1  believe  the  argu- 
ment is  exhausted,  and  the  question  must  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  nrbitniincnt  of  arms.  Such  is  not 
my  opinion.  Every  mode  of  peaceful  scltlfment  ' 
will  still  be  open  to  both  parlies.  And,  sir,  I  do  \ 
not  hesitate  to  express  the  opinion,  that  the  ques- 
tion ought  to  be  viewed  as  one  of  boundary,  and  | 
settled  by  negotiation,  or  in  any  luhcr  honorable  ! 
way,  rather  than  by  an  appeal  to  arms.  Hut,  air,  ' 
we  have  no  power  over  the  i|U(Htion  of  negotiation; 
we  cannot  control  it;  we  inu.''t  legiNlate  for  the 
country  as  we  find  it.  Our  iicgotiutiona  have  been 
terminated  by  our  own  Government,  and  wo  arc 
informed  by  the  President  that  "the  extraordinary 
'and  wholly  inadmissible  demands  of  the  British 
'  Government,  and  the  rejection  of  the  propositions 
'  made  in  deference  alone  to  what  had  been  done 
'  by  (his)  predecessors,  nnd  the  implied  obligations 
'  which  these  acts  seemed  to  impose,  afford  sutis- 
'  factory  evidence  thai  no  compromi.''e  which  the 
'  United  States  ought  to  accent  can  be  effected." 
However  that  fact  may  be,  I  think  it  is  fairly  to  be 
inferred,  from  thi.i  Hiatement,  thai  iMujlaml  is  not 
likely  to  make  any  nrnposilion  which  the  Presi- 
dent will  accept.  Tliis  is  the  state  of  fuels  on 
which  we  are  called  upon  to  act.  Shall  v.e  aban- 
don the  rights  of  the  country  because  we  may  differ 
with  the  President,  either  as  to  the  extent  or  the 
best  mode  of  acquiring  them?     I  trust  not,  sir. 

This  cxlraoniimiry  pretension   of  England   to  ' 
put  every  other  niilion  upon  the  strength  of  its 
own  title,  nnd  to  claim  all  the  earth  to  which  no  i 
other  nation  can  show  a  good  title,  I  will  not  admit.  I 
She  must  produce  that  will  of  Adnni  to  which  my  j 
friend  fl-om  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Wintiirop]  face-  ■ 
tiously  referred,  and  show  the  clause  making  her  ] 
his  residuary  legatee,  before  I  will  even  consider  ' 
that   pretension.     America  ought  to  belong   to 
Americans,  nnd  if  wc  but  do  our  duty  it  will  be-  ' 
long  to  them.    Terminate  this  convention,  pour  | 
your   hardy,  adventurous  population   over  "all 
Oregon,"  that  will  give  you  a  good  title  to  it;  then 
call  upon  the  country  to  defend  that  title,  and  no 
power  on  earth  can  wrench  it  from  the  iron  grnsp 
of  twenty  millions  of  freemen.     In  this  way  you 
rightfttlly  acquire  all  Oregon,  and  in   no   other.  | 
By  pursuintr  this  policy,  you  will  have  no  war  for  I 
it.     England  will  not  fight  for  that  whicli  dees  not  ! 
belong  to  her.     She  has  something  to  risk  by  war  j 
as  well  i\s  ourselves.     Her  peojile  have  wept  over  ' 
its  horrors;  they  now  feel  its  burdens.     She,  too,  ! 
doubtless  appreciates  the  blessings  of  peace;  the 
civilized  world  desires  peace.     War  ought  never 
to  be  sought;  it  is  one  of  the  greatest  of  national  | 
calamities;  even  when  necessary  for  the  defence  '< 
of  the  highest  of  human  objects,  for  nationality,  i 
for  liberty,  it  rarely  compensates  the  generation 
which  wa^s  it  successfully  for  its  terrible  sacr.- 
fices;  yet  it  cannot  always  be  avoided;  the  univer- 
sal judgment  of  mankind,  in  all  ages,  and  in  every 
country,  has  consigned  to  infamy  ond  di.sgraco 
those  men  and  nations  w'lo  have  refused  to  resist  i 
aggression  or  defend  their  just  rights,  even  by  the  j 
sword,  when  necessary.     But  I  see  nothing  in  i 
this  question  now  which  renders  it  expedient"  to  ! 

frepare  the  heart  of  the  nation  for  woi-."  Hence  I 
have  no  appeals  to  make  to  passion  or  patriotism. 
I  leave  eulogies  upon  the  prowess  of  my  country- 
men, and  denunciations  or  Great  Britain,  to  those  | 
who  have  already  displayed  so  i  Mch  zeal  and 
ability  in  that  sei-vice;  but  as  thai  zeal  in  this 
cause  has  been  so  often  and  so  pointedly  rebuked, 
here  and  elsewhere,  I  will  take  this  occasion  to 
say,  that  while  I  deem  the  extravagance  of  those 
eulogies,  and  the  intensity  of  those  denunciations, 
inappropriate  to  this  place  and  this  occasion,  I 
honor  and  sympathize  with  the  feelings  which 
prompt  them.  They  are  national — American. 
7  licse  detiunciations  arc  but  the  utterance  of  the 

fieiit-up  recollections  of  unnieasurabic  wrongs  to 
lumanity.  That  living  dust  which  for  so  many 
ages  was  trampled  under  foot  by  the  tyrants  of 
the  Old  World,  has  here  commingled  harmonious- 
ly together.  It  has  assumed  a  human  voici ,  r.nd 
elevated  itself  to  property,  hitelligence,  .md  a 
knowledge  of  its  rights.     It  has  achievej  '.he  glo- 


rious victory  of  equality;  but  it  haa  neither  ft>r- 
gotten  its  o]ipressions  nor  its  oppressors.  It  is 
this  human  voice,  thus  elevatcn,  stimulated  by 
these  recollections  of  its  wrongs,  its  sufferings,  luid 
its  deliverance,  which  is  ever  struggling,  not  only 
within  these  walls,  but  within  every  tenement 
throughout  this  republic,  in  its  byways  and  in  ita 
highways,  in  its  fields  and  its  forests,  to  hurl  back 
across  tlie  ocean  wave  its  stern  defiance  to  its  an- 
cient oppressors.  Let  it  bide  its  time,  and  thero 
will  be  no  discord  in  these  tones  of  defiance. 

Yet,  notwithstanding  these  feelings,  the  nation 
desires  peace.  I  know  my  own  SUile  ardently  de- 
sires it.  Peace  is  now  jicculinrly  necessary  to  her. 
A  new  career  of  prosjwrity  is  now  opening  upon 
her;  she  is  almost  recovered  from  the  pecuniary 
disastei-a  of  the  last  nine  years;  she  now  fully  ap- 
preciates the  importance  of  her  geographical  posi- 
tion, and  her  unrivalled  i  atural  advantages ;  her 
agriculture  is  lieginning  lo  improve ;  her  great 
mineral  wealth  is  now  undei-stood,  and  capital  and 
labor  has  already  begun  its  development;  her  manu- 
factures are  prosperous,  and  rapidly  extending 
themselves,  giving  new  and  profitable  markets  lo 
hitherto  unproductive  labor,  increased  activity  to 
the  mechanic  arts,  and  additional  markets  to  her 
agricultural  products ;  her  internal  improvements', 
judiciously  located,  skilfully  and  profitably  man- 
aged, have  already  nearly  connected  the  Atlantic; 
with  the  navigable  waters  of  the  Mississippi. 
Peace  is  indispensable  to  the  speedy  development 
and  fruition  of  these  advantages.  Therefore,  peace, 
honorable  peace,  is  the  highest  interest  ana  most 
earnest  wish  of  my  native  State.  But  her  past 
history  is  her  guaranty  that  she  will  never  surren- 
der her  own  or  the  nation's  right.  She  demands 
at  the  hands  of  her  representatives  that  those  rights 
shall  be  maintained  temperately,  as  becomes  a  Just 
people  ;  firmly,  as  liccomes  a  brave  people.  And 
if  thia  course  of  policy  should  be  made  the  pre- 
text of  unjust  war,  she  will  say,  with  one  voice; 
"  Let  it  come,"  and  God  defsnd  the  right.  She 
demands  only  that  the  cause  shall  be  just  and  suffi- 
cient. If  it  be  the  will  of  Great  Britain  that  this 
magnificent  empire,  to  w'  r.  she  has  no  just  claim, 
reaching  from  the  snow-ctpped  peaks  of  the  Stony 
mountains  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  shall  be  conse- 
crated to  freedom  by  baptism  i.i  the  sweat  of  the 
DOor  and  the  blood  of  the  brave,  Georgia  is  ready 
to  contribute  her  portion  of  the  sacrificial  offering; 
and  through  weal  and  tlirough  wo — throughout 
the  vicissitudes  of  a  third  conflict  with  our  power- 
ful nnd  haughty  adversary — I  know  she  will  dis- 
play a  firmness  and  magnanimity  equal  to  the  oc- 
casion, and  as  prolonged  as  the  conflict. 


OREGON  aUESTION. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  T.  H.  BAYLY, 

OF    VIRGINIA, 
In  tug  House  of  Refresentativei, 
Janitary  27,  1846. 
On  the  joint  resolution  providing  for  giving  the  no- 
tice to  terminate  the  convention  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  relative  to  Oregon. 
Mr.  BAYLY  said:  To  enable  us,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, to  form  a  wise  opinion  relative  to  the  subject 
before  the  House,  it  is  necessary  to  inquire  into 
the  character  of  the  territory  in  dispute;  the  foun- 
dation of  the  respective  claims  to  it;  and  the  con- 
dition in  which  conventional  arrangements  between 
ourselves  and  Great  Britain,  and  the  separate  laws 
of  the  latter  party  have  placed  it. 

The  country  in  dispute,  as  described  by  an  Eng- 
lish writer — 

"Is  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  parallel  fifty- 
'  four  degrees  forty  mmutes,  on  the  east  by  the 
'  Rocky  mountains,  on  the  south  by  the  forty-sec- 
'  ond  parallel,  and  on  the  west  'j^  the  Pacific.  It 
'  is  twelve  degrees  forty  minutes  in  length,  and  of 
'  an  average  breadth  or  about  550  miles — narrow- 
'  er  towards  the  north,  ond  broader  towards  the 
'  south — the  Rocky  mountains  running,  not  poral- 
'  lei  with  the  coast,  but  in  a  southwesterly  direc- 
'  tion.  It  contains  more  than  three  times  the  sur- 
'  face  of  the  British  islands.  The  northern  part  of 
'  the  coast,  above  the  forty-eighth  parallel,  is  nro- 
'  tectcd  by  numerous  islands,  the  largest  of  wliich 
I    (Vancouver's  island)  is  about  two-tliirds  of  thu 


"^»>JBWi"»»wi 


134 


i 


1 


'^9rH  CoNQ IsT  Sesi. 


APPENDIX  Tl)  THE  CONCJUESSIOIVAL  GLOBE. 

The  OrefTon  (Question — Mr,  linyly. 


IJun.  87, 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


•  «lze  of  Irelnnd.     Along  the  utrailB  wliirli  Hepnrnio 

•  Ihew  iiliuiiln  from  llio  contiiirnt  nrc  ninny  cxrc'l- 
'lent  hurbors;  hut  Jown  ihc  wliole  ccmel  of  the 
'  Pncillc,  from  Ittliliiilc  forly-eiuhl  clixrcti  to  Port 
'  Am  Fmncisco,  fnr  willun  the.  Mcxionn  frontier, 
'  there  ia  no  refuge  except  Bulfinch  horliornncl  the 
'  Cuhmibin — the  forn\cr  of  which  laii  be  entered 
'only  by  «mnll  ve»_cls,  nn<l  the  liuter  is  innreMiii- 

•  ble  for  eight  monlha  of  the  yenr,  luid  diuigcroiis 
'  nt  nil  timcH.  The  whole  eountry  ia  iiUerBi  e ted  by 
'  rniiKes  of  mounlninH.  Mcmi  of  ihem  nre  loftier 
'  ihnn  ihe  loftiest  Alpine  rnnges ;  nnd  some  nre 
'  Buppoaed  to  be  equnl,  or  even  to  exeeed,  the 
'  highest  Andes.  One  consequence  of  this  is,  ihnt 
'  the  elinmte  ib  severe,  except  in  the  southwealern 
'  valleys,  where  it  ia  tempered  by  the  neighborhood 

•  of  Ihe  sen.  Another  la,  thnt  only  n  very  sninll 
'  portion  of  the  Iniid  is  cniinble  of  cullivnlion.  The 
'  nest  portion  ia  the  vnlley  between  the  Knimel 
'  mountains  nnd  the  Pnrihc — n  atrip  nl)OUt  ciiihly 
'  miles  broad  and  three  hundred  miles  long,  water- 
'ed  by  Ihe  Cohimbin,  nnd  by  its  tributaricH,  the 
•Cowlitz  on  the  north,  nnd  the  Willameiie  on  the 
'south.  But  even  of  ihis  Oregon  Felix,  Mr.CJreen- 
'  how  stales  that  only  fmm  one^ighth  to  onc-tiiiih 
'  ia  cultivnble.  Furilier  to  the  weal  the  land  rises 
'  into  elevated  plains,  aometimes  of  rock  nnd 
'Hometimca  of  sand,  without  wood,  and  nimost 

•  without  vegetation,  intersected,  indeed,  by  rivers, 
.  '  but  rivers  which  bring  no  fertility.     'The  Imnks 

'  (saysCnptninWilkca)  of  the  upper  Columbin  are 
'  altogether  devoid  of  any  fertile  nlluviul  Hntx:  desti- 
'lute  of  even  scattered  trees.  There  is  no  frefh- 
'  nets  in  the  little  vegeuition  on  its  borders ;  the 
'  sterile  snnd.s  reach  to  its  very  brink. .  It  ia  scarce- 
'  ly  to  be  believed,  until  its  bnnks  nre  renched,  that 
'  a  mighty  river  is  rolling  its  wateia  pnat  these 
'arid  wastes.'  Towards  the  north,  a  higher  lati- 
'  tude  nnd  a  still  greater  elevation  render  the  coun- 
'  try  still  less  fit  for  the  alKide  of  man.  But  even 
'  here  some  fertile  valleys  arc  to  be  foimd ;  nnd 
'  Mr.  Duim  describes  the  lower  part  of  Vnncou- 
'  ver'a  island  ns,  on  the  whole,  the  most  habitable 
•portion  of  this  inhospitable  territory." 

Greenhow  says  : 

"  The  territory  north  of  the  49th  parallel  of  Int- 
'  itude,  and  northwest  of  that  drained  by  the  Co- 
'  lumbia  river,  is  a  sterile  land  of  snow-clad  monn- 

•  tains,  tortuous  rivers  and  lakes,  frozen  over  more 

•  than  two-thirda  of  the  year,  presenting  scarcely 
'  a  single  spot  on  which  any  of  the  vegetables  used 

•  ns  food  by  civilized  people  eon  be  produced." 
Sir  Alexander  McKenzie,  the  English  discoverer, 

■nys:  "The  Columbia  is  the  most  northern  situa- 
tion lit  for  colonization,  and  suitable  for  Ihe  resi- 
dence of  a  civilized  people." 

Until  of  late  years,  the  onlv  use  made  of  this 
eountry  by  civilized  man,  has  been  ns  n  mart  for 
tlicpurcha.'se  of  fura  and  skins. 

Tliis  ia  the  country,  the  title  to  which  is  in  dis- 
pute between  the  United  fcitatcs  nnd  Great  Britain. 
Let  us  take  a  rapid  glance  at  the  foumlntiiin  of  llieir 
respective  claims.  This  question  of  titli  is  a  mixed 
one  of  law  and  fact.  There  are  three  reci)gnis<d 
means  by  which  title  to  territory  niiiy  be  acquired. 
By  dheotery,  followed  in  n  jeosonnble  time  by  stlllr- 
ment;  by  ci>ii<ig-|it(i/;  and  by  Irealij.  The  irioilc  in 
m'hich  title  ia  acquired  by  nations  to  unoccupied 
territory,  by  the  first  means,  is  very  similar  to  the 
mode  in  which  individuals  in  the  primitive  state  of 
■ociety  acquired  title  to  land.  The  Creator  of  the 
universe  destined  the  earth  for  the  habitation  nnd  to 
■upjily  the  wnnta  of  man;  but  in  the  smte  referred 
to,  It  belonged  to  oil  men  in  common.  No  one  man 
had  a  right  to  exclusive  possession  of  miy  particu- 
lar acre;  but  he  had  a  natural  right  to  be  free  from 
molestation,  and  u>  tlic  proceeds  of  his  personal  la- 
bor. When,  therefore,  he  took  possession  ofa  por- 
tion of  unapprojiriated  land,  he  had  a  right  to  be 
free  from  molestation  while  he  retained  it;  nnd 
when  he  mingled  with  it  his  labor,  he  became,  by 
the  laws  of  nature,  entitled  to  itii  exclusive  enjoy- 
ment, of  which  no  one  could  deprive  him  witliout 
wrong.  But  he  could  not  rightfully  so  exercise  his 
privilege  aa  to  destroy  those  of  otliera.  He  could 
not,  therefore,  appropriotc  to  himself  more  tlian 
was  necessary  for  hia  use,  and  to  secure  its  peace- 
ful and  convenient  enjoyment.  It  whs  not  the  first 
finding  of  a  desirable  spot  by  an  individual  which 
rave  him  title  to  it,  but  its  actual  use  and  settlement. 
And  even  after  a  title  had  been  thus  acquired,  if 
Uie  settlemenl  wua  ulmnduncd  again,  it  becomea 


Hubject  lo  the  "  pttblici  juri.i,"  and  might  be  appro- 
priated by  another.  Ho  with  iiatiuiis.  In  Ihe  lan- 
guagi'  of  Vatieli 
'  "  All  mniikind  have  an  eipial  right  to  Ihe  lliingH 
'  that  have  not  yet  fidleii  into  the  nossession  of  nny 
'  one;  nnd  these  things  belong  lo  liie  first  piiHacBSor. 
'  When,  tlieiefcire,  a  nation  finds  a  country  willioul 
'  a  ninKler,  it  may  InwfuMv  'ake  possession  of  it; 
'  nnd,  niter  il  lins  Mulficieiiily  iiinde  known  ila  will 
'  in  this  lespecl,  it  cannot  be  deprived  of  it  liy 
'  niiiilher." 

Hut,  ill  the  language  of  the  same  nutlior: 
"A  nation  caiinol  thus  appropriate  lo  itself,  by 
'  merely  takiii:;  puBscssioii  of  ii  country  which  it 
'  docs  iiivi  really  occupy,  nnd  in  this  nmiiner  reserve 
'  lo  itself  much  nmrc  than  il  ia  nble  to  people  or 
'ctdiivnte.  It  is  not  diflicult  to  determine  that 
'  such  a  pretension  would  be  absolutely  contrary  to 
'  Ihe  law,  and  opposite  lolhe  viewaof  iinttire,  who, 
'  nppointing  all  the  earth  to  supply  the  wants  of 
'  man  in  general,  gnve  lo  no  nation  the  right  of  np- 
'  proprialiiig  lo  itself  a  country  but  for  the  use  il 
'  innkes  of  it,  and  not  tr.  hinder  olliers  from  im- 
'  proving  il.  The  law  of  nations,  then,  only  nc 
'  kn<iwleilgea  the  lunperly  nnd  soverei!;nty  of  t  na- 

*  lion  over  uninhabited  countries  tif  which  they  alinll 
'  really  and  in  fact  take  iwi.iHesaion ,  in  which  ihev 
'  filinll  form  acttleinenis,  or  of  which  they  ahnll 
'  make  iiclual  use.  In  retility,  when  nnviirnlora 
'  linve  met  with  desert  countries,  in  which  those  of 
'  oilier  nations  have  erected  some  moniiinent  lo 

*  show  llieir  having  taken  possession  of  iliem,  they 
'  have  no  further  given  themselves  any  pains  about 
'  that  vain  ceremony  than  as  it  proceeded  from  the 
'  regulation  of  the  Popes,  who  diviiled  a  greiit  part 
'  of  the  world  between  ihe  erowna  of  Castile  nnd 

*  Portugal." 

'  The  same  doctrine  has  been  held  by  ihe  nn- 
thorities  both  of  the  United  Stales  nnd  Great  Brit- 
ain: 

"  She  understood  not,"  said  Elizabeth  lo  Men- 
doza,  the  Spanish  Ambassador,  "  why  her  snb- 
'  iects,  or  those  of  nny  other  prince,  should  be  de- 
'  liarred  from  Ihe  Indies,  lo  which  she  could  not 
'  persuade  herself  that  the  Spanianis  lind  any  jnsl 
'  title  by  the  Illsliop  of  Rome's  donation,  or  be- 
'  cause  they  had  touched  here  nnd  there  on  the 
'  const,  built  eotlngea,  nnd  eiven  names  lo  a  river 
'  and  cape — thinsis  which  cannot  entitle  them  to  a 
'  nropriely.  This  imaginary  propriety  could  not 
'  liinder  other  princes  from  transporting  colonies 
'  into  those  parts  thereof  where  Ihe  Spaniards  in- 
'  habit  not,  fornsmuch  ns  prescription  without  pos- 
'  ses-'ion  is  lilllc  worth." — CampiUn's  FJhahtlh. 
!  And  we,  the  other  pnrty  lo  this  controversy, 
have  ns  eniphntically  denied  that  mere  discovery 
confers  title; 

"  Prior  discovery,"  said  Mr.  Gallatin,  in  the 
American  counter-statement  during  the  negniin- 
tions  of  1826,  "gives  a  right  lo  occupy,  provided 
'  that  occupancy  lake  place  within  a  renaonablc 
'  lime,  and  is  followed  l)y  permanent  .settlements, 
'  and  i)y  the  cultivation  of  the  soil." 

It  is  thus  seen  thnt  discovery  alone  does  not  con- 
fer title.  It  confers  Ihe  right  to  occupy  and  settle, 
,ind  tlial,  if  conlinucd,  confers  title;  but  not  other- 
wise. A  nation  cannot  exclude  others  from  occu- 
pying a  territory  which  she  does  not  occupy  her- 
self. But  Ihe  fiueslion  still  arises,  to  what  extent 
of  country  does  the  discovery  and  settlement  of  a 
particular  point  ofa  large  tract  of  country  give  the 
nation  making  it.  This  is  a  question  of  national 
law,  orisinnting  with  the  discovery  of  this  conti- 
nent, which  isnot  su.'ice|itible  of  precise  definition. 
But  with  nations,  as  with  individuals,  they  could 
not  appioprinle  exclusively  lo  themselves  more 
territory  than  they  could  use  and  occupy.  As  an 
individual  could  not  nppropriate  more  than  whs 
enough  for  his  individual  u.se  and  occupation,  so  n 
nation  could  not  more  than  was  necessnry  for  n 
national  establishment  of  convenient  boundaries 
and  size  for  nntion;  purposes.  Hence  the  claim 
of  Spain  to  the  whole  of  this  part  of  the  American 
eontinent  was  repudiated  by  Christendom;  and  it 
is  believed  that  even  Spain  relied  less  upon  the  right 
acquired  by  mere  discovery,  than  upon  the  bull  of 
Ihe  Pope  of  Rome,  by  which  he  grnnteil  to  Spain 
nnd  Portugal  exclusive  sovereignty  over  all  the  dis- 
coveries made,  or  to  be  made,  in  all  the  heathen 
portiona  of  the  globe;  and  the  claim  was  consider- 
ed so  monstrous,  that  even  the.  Catholit  kings  of 
England  and  I'rance  refused  at  the  time  to  recog  - 


nine  the  nnlhority  of  the  Pope  to  make  any  such 
ifrniil.  Hut  in  view  of  the  ninny  difficulties  nnd 
ecnitenlieiis  between  nnlioiis  at  war  with  the  ob- 
jecls  of  society,  growing  out  of  disnulcs  almuttlie 
navigation  of  rivers,  where  they  drain  the  country 
of  more  llinn  one  people,  it  is  contended,  on  prin- 
ciple, ilint  a  country  dincovering  anil  settling  the 
inoulh  of  a  river,  ia  entitled  lo  all  the  country  wa- 
tered by  it.  Bui  it  must  bo  borne  in  mind  that  thin 
is  a  controverted  point. 

Enffland  has  attempted  lo  annex,  as  n  condition 
neceasarv  to  give  efficacy  to  a  title  by  discovery 
and  sntilement,  that  il  should  be  mad!!  by  govern- 
ment anthoriiv.  If  adinilled,  il  is  not  Heen  how  it 
could  beneficially  aflVel  her  claiin.  But  it  is  clear- 
ly inndhiissible.  It  will  not  be  disputed  that,  by 
the  recognised  law  of  nationa,  the  Jurisdiction  and 
.sovereicniy  of  a  nntion  extends  over  Its  vessels, 
both  priviile  and  national,  wherever  they  may  be 
found;  nnd  either  the  one  or  Ihe  other  going  into 
an  uninlinbited  country  cnnics  the  laws  and  insti- 
Inliona  of  th^  nation  to  which  ihey  belong  with 
them.  It  ia  tnie,  unauthorized  citizens  cannot  go 
into  an  uninhabited  country  and  seiile,  nnd  impose 
upon   it  Iheir  sovereign,  without  his  eonaenl,  the 

!  duty  of  protecting  il;  but  he  may  sanction  the  net, 

I  Ihoueh  dime  witliout  his  authority,  nnd  cluim  the 

I  benefit  of  il. 

The  next  source  of  title  is  by  cnnd'giii/i/.  The 
title  by  contiguity  is  the  right  which  (..le  nation 

;  hns  to  exclude  nil  others  from  n  territory,  the  com- 
mand of  which,  Ihonirh  it  be  not  actually  within 
her  occupntion,  is  easentinl  lo  the  convenience  or 
Hpcuritv  of  her  real  poaseasions.  It  is  upon  this 
rround  that  England  rcftisea  to  allow  nny  other 
nation  lo  cnl.iuize  the  Chatham  islands,  discovered 
by  her  as  long  ngo  ns  1774.  As  she  hns  never  nt- 
te'mpted  to  occupy  them,  her  title  liy  discovery  hns 
been  forfeited,  mid  by  the  Inpse  of  time  it  is  cone. 
But  she  iniiinlains  thnt  their  occupation  by  any 

j  other  would  be  injurious  to  her  settlements  in  New 

'  Zenlnnd,  though  lit  the  distnnec  of  mnny  hundred 
miles.     Indeed,  she  goes  even   further  than  this, 

'  anil  claims  the  whole  of  New  Holland,  simply  be- 
cause it  ia  geocrnphieally  connected  with  some  of 
her  aclnni  settlements;  nnd  excludes  nil  the  other 
nations  from  making  others,  even  Ihniieh  nt  the 
distance  of  thousands  of  milea  off.  The  last  mode 
is  by  trraty.     This  mode  of  .tcquiring  title  is  so 

I  genernlly  ncquiesced  in,  nnd  so  well  defined,  that 
no  detail  in  reference  to  it  is  necessary.  Of  course, 
title  acquired  by  this  mode  is  perfect  between  the 
parlies. 

Hnv  ine  thus  seen  what  the  Inw  of  nations  ia  upon 
this  subject,  let  us  for  n  moment  turn  to  the  fncia; 

\  and  fortunately  they  nre  pretty  well  agreed.  It  is 
very  clear  th.il'Spaiii  first  discovered  the  northwest 
const  of  America;  ihnt  she  first  entered  and  navi- 
ffated  the  Sirail  of  Fuca;  that  Perez,  n  Spnninid, 
first  discovered  nnd  entered  the  Nootka  sound. 
This  ia  the  onlv  material  fact  which  is  disputed  in 

'  Ihe  late  negotiation.     Mr.  Pnkenham  speaks  of  his 

'  discovery  as  wanting  authenticity;  but  the  author 

I  ily  of  Humboldt  establishes  il  beyond  question. 
He  who  had  access  to  mnnuscript  documents,  thus 
Bpenks  : 

"  Perez  nnd  his  pilot,  Esteven  Martinez,  left  the 
'  port  of  San  Bins  on  the  24th  Jnimary,  1774.  On 
'  Ihe  9lh  of  Aiuruat  they  nnchored,  the  first  of  nil 

:  '  European  nnvigntorB,  in  Nootka  road,  wliich  Ihey 
'  called  the  port  of  San  Lorenzo,  and  which  the 

'  '  illustrious  Cook,  four  yenrs  afterwards,  called 
'  King  Georse'a  sound.     In  the  following  yenr  a 

i  '  second  expedition  set  out  from  San  Bins,  under 

I  '  the  command  of  Hecetn,  Aynin,  and  Cluadra. 
'  Hecetn  discovered  Ihe  mouth  of  the  Rio  Cohim- 
'  bin,  ealletl  it  the  Entrada  dc  Hecetn,  the  Pic  of 
'  San  Jacinto,  (Mount  Edgecumhe,)  near  Norfolk 
'  bay,  nnd  the  fine  port  of  Bucareli.  I  possess  two 
'  very  curious  small  maps,  engraved  in  1788  in  the 
'  city  of  Mexico,  which  give  the  bearings  of  Ihe 
'  const  from  27lh  degree  to  Ihe  .58lh  degree  of  lati- 
'  tude,  as  they  were  discovered  in  the  expedition 
'ofaundin." 

And  thnt  Hecetn,  n  Spaniard,  first  discovered,  in 
1775,  the  Columbia  river.  All  of  these  discoveries 
were  in  government  ships,  nnd  ninde  for  national 
purposes.     All  this  is  ndinilted  by  the  English. 

Little  reliance  is  placed,  even  by  the  English, 
upon  the  discoveries  oy  Drake  in  1579,  who  coast- 
ed, but  did  not  explore, 
III   I77W,  Captuiii  Cook,  nn  Englishman,  rcdiit- 


[Jan.  27, 
or  Reps. 


imkr  nny  Hiic.h 
(lilficiilticH  mill 
r  willi  ill!"  nb- 
iiuli'N  about  the 
lin  ihe  roiiiury 
rmled,  mi  priii- 
nil  Hctiliii;  the 
lie  I'lmiitry  wn- 
1  mind  lliHt  till* 

na  n  rniulilinn 
n  by  (lisciivery 
lid!!  by  c'lvcrn- 
iint  Hrpii  how  it 

Hill  iliHcbiir- 
ipiitrd  lliiil,  hy 
urlxdiction  iind 
ver  Alt  vcHBcli. 
?r  they  mny  be 
ibnr  Rninir  into 
luwR  mid  ioNli- 
ry  bclonz  willi 
izeiiH  rnniiot  (;o 
ilr,nnd  impose 
lin  coimeiil,  the 
nnrtinn  the  niM, 
,  mid  rluim  the 

ititiiriii/i/.  The 
irh  (.;ie  nation 
rilnry,  the  enm- 
iirtiinllv  within 
rnnvrnipncp  or 
It  \H  upon  this 
How  nny  other 
nilH,  diHrovcrrd 
16  hns  never  nt- 
y  discovery  hug 
time  it  in  cone, 
iipnlion  by  nny 
leincnis  in  New 
innny  hundred 
iher  thnii  this, 
Finil,  Biniply  be- 
I  with  Rome  of 
les  nil  the  other 
though  nt  the 
The  hist  mode 
rine  title  is  so 
II  defined,  that 
ry.  Of  course, 
ct  between  the 

nations  is  upon 
rn  lo  the  facts ; 

nffreed.     It  is 

the  northwest 
lered  nnd  navi- 
cz,  n  Spnninid, 
Voolka  sound. 

is  dispuli'd  in 
m  speaks  of  hi.i 
but  the  author- 

ond  question, 
icuinents,  thus 

irtincT;,  left  the 
^ry,1774.  On 
tlie  first  of  nil 
iml.wluehthey 
nd  which  the 
i-wards,  called 

owing  year  a 
nn  Bins,  under 

mid  Clunili'a. 
ie  Rio  Cobim- 
etn,  the  Pic  of 
)  nenr  Norfolk 

I  pOSSPjStWO 

ill  1788  in  the 
earings  of  the 

decree  of  lali- 
the  expedition 

discovered, in 
!se  discoveries 
le  for  national 
he  F.nglisli' 
Y  tlie  Knglish, 
?9,  who  coniit- 

Hhmaiii  redio- 


1846.J 


S9rH  CoNO IsT  Sean. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  GOING RESSIONAL  GIA)BE. 
77U  Oregon  (^ition—Mr,  Bayhj. 


135 


Ho.  or  Rcpi. 


covered  Cape  Flattery,  the  soiilhern  <'nlraii™  of 
th«  Sir«il«  of  Kiicii.  In  17H!1,  Ciiplain  lit  rkiliy.n 
Drilish  Hiibiect,  uiirt.T  .'hulrinn  rulom,  enlirid  the 
Hirail  of  I-Vcn.  In  ;7«H,  Mciin  s,  n  llrilish  sub- 
ject, tam(irvf  PorJiifl^if  le  foloij,  formed  aiicslnblish- 
nieiit  nt  Noutkn  amiiid,  erected  a  hut,  and  built  n 
vi'Hsel.  This  procecdjiii;  ixcilid  thii  jealousy  of 
ihe  viceroy  of  Mexico,  whodcsii.iiched  three  arn- 
c'l  vi'«<ii>l>  to  dinplnre  ilie  iiili'iidir.  This  expedi- 
tion arrived  a;  Nciotka  umiiil  on  llie  (itii  of  May,  ' 
17Hilj  erected  a  r>rt,  ar.d,  soon  after,  sei/.cd  Meares 
nnd  vessels',  hi  nt  .'"iiui  of  his  mi  n  to  Kiirope  by 
Captiiin  Gray,  in  the  Columbia,  and  the  rest  to 
(San  lllas,  as  jiriBoncm.  This  gave  rise  to  llic  con- 
troversy whiili  resuiti'd  in  the  biiiiiius  Nooika 
Nound  convention,  which  provides,  snys  our  Sccrc- 
t  iry  of  State — 

"  liy  ils  first  and  second  n.licles,  for  the  rrstorn- 
'  tion  of  the  lands  and  biiildiim.i  of  which  the  siib- 
'  j  ti'ls  of  Great  Itritaiu  had  been  dispossessed  by 
'ilii5  Spaniards,  and  the  payment  of  nn  indemnity 
'  liir  the  injuries  susiaine  !.  This  indemnity  wns 
*  paid  by  Spain;  but  no  Hiitlicient  evidence  has  been 
'  iidiluci'd,  lliat  cither  Nootka  sound,  or  nny  other 
'  spilt  upon  the  coast,  was  ever  nciu-'My  surreiiiler- 
'  ed  by  (hat  power  to  Great  Dritniii.  AH  we  know 
'  with  cerininty  is,  thnt  Spuin  ciinliniied  in  nnsses- 
'  sion  of  Nooika  sound  until  17115,  when  nIh;  voI- 
'  iinUirily  nbaiiiloned  the  place.  Since  that  period 
'  no  attempt  has  been  made  (unless  very  reccnily) 
'  by  Great  llritniii,  or  her  subjects,  to  occupy  either 
'  this  or  nny  other  pnrt  of  Vancouver's  island.  It 
'  is  thus  manifest,  that  she  did  not  formerly  attach 
'  iniicli  importance  to  the  exercise  of  the  rishls, 
'  whatever  lliey  niav  have  been,  which  she  had  no- 
'  quired  under  the  Nootka  sound  convcntinii." 

In  17!t!J  Cnptnin  Vancouver  was  sent  out  to  the 
Pacific  for  the  piirposcof  witnessing  the  fulfilment 
of  the  treaty,  but  he  refused  to  receive  the  place  the 
Spaniards  od'ered  to  surrender,  as  he  could  not  ; 
credit  that  it  was  the  place  he  had  been  sent  so  far  to  I 
receive.    (Meares  had  grossly  exagfjeratcd  tlie  ex-  i 
lent  and  character  of  his  settlement  to  promote  his  i 
own  views.)     Although  he  had  not  been  sent  nut  ; 
for  that  purpose,  yet,  findin?  his  mission  abortive,  < 
lie  surveyed  the  whole  coiuit  up  to  the  Straits  of 
l'"uca;  and  entered  and  navigated  the  waters  eiup-  | 
lied  by  them.    Ditrin2;lhe  same  year,  Whitby,  one 
of  Vancouver's  officers,  surveyed  Bulfinch  s  hnr- i 
bor,  previously  entered  by  the  American,  Gray,  i 
In  October  of  tlic  same  year,  BroiiKhten,  another  ! 
of  Vniicnuvcr's  officers,  surveyed  the  Coluinbia;  I 
but  beinj  unable  to  do  so  in  his  ship,  navigated  it  j 
fur  a  hundred  miles  from  its  innutli  in  his  boat,  I 
which  was  rowed.  So  much  for  the  English  inari-  i 
time  discoverers. 

"  In  17S7,"  says  nn  English  authority,  much  i 
relied  upon,  "  and  the  five  following  years.  Cap-  < 
tain  Gray,"  (a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  in  an  j 
American  vessel,  fitted  out  at  Boston,)  "  piassed  ' 
and  repassed  along;  the  coast,  generally  wintering  ; 
in  Nootka  sound;  and  in  1789  advanced  into  the  1 
Strait  of  Fuca  ftirlher  thon  Meares."  | 

In  1791,  Kciidrick,  an  American,  discovered  a  j 
second  outlet  from  Nootka  sound  to  tlie  Pacific,  i 
In  May,  1792,  CapUiin  Gray  discovered  Bulfinch 's  j 
harbor;  and  on  tne  Utli  of  Mny,  17'JU,  being  in  i 
seal  Ji  of  a  harbor  to  do  some  repairs,  he  ran  into  i 
the  Eiitrnda  do  Hecetn — saw  an  o])ening  in  the  bar,  j 
crossed  it,  anil  found  himself  in  the  river  St.  Roquc.  I 
He  sailed  up  for  fifteen  miles,  took  in  water,  and  i 
completed  his  repairs;  and  then,  with  much  diffl-  i 
rulty,  got  back  over  the  bar  into  the  Pacific.  He 
changed  the  name  of  this  river  from  that  of  St.  ' 
Roque  to  that  which  it  still  bears,  (the  Columbia,)  ' 
after  his  vessel.  i 

As  to  overland  discoveries,  the  facts  are  as  well  • 
settled :  i 

"The  first  who  crossed  the  Rocky  mountains  1 
'  was  Sir  Alexander  Mackenzie,  then  in  the  service  | 
'  of  the  Northwest  Company.  In  the  year  1793  he  ' 
'  crossed  them  in  about  latitude  .54  degrees,  discov- 1 
'  ereil  Frazcr's  river,  descended  it  for  about  two  ' 
'  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  then  struck  olf  in  a  west-  j 
'  eriy  direcuon,  and  reached  the  Pacific  in  latitude  ' 
'  S2  degrees  20  minutes.  In  August,  1805,  Lewis  ' 
'  and  Clarke,  despatched  for  that  purpose  by  the  i 
'  Government  of  the  United  States,  reached  the  ! 
'  Rocky  mountains  in  about  latitude  44°,  crossed  ; 
'  them,  discovered  the  southern  head  waters  of  the 
'  Columbia,  floated  down  its  stream  for  about  six  | 
'  hundred  miles,  tuid  on  ilio  15th  of  November, 


'  reached  ils  nioulh.  Here  they  built  some  huts,  j 
'  rniiainril  in  ihiiii  during  the  winlep,  and  in  1808 
'  reliiriied  to  the  Uniud  Stales,  exploring  in  their 
•  course  many  of  the  tributaries  of  the  Columbia.  I 
'This  is  the  only  occasion  on  which  the  Rocky  I 
'  iiiouiitaiiiH  have  been  eriisaed  by  persons  acting  I 
'  in  a  jinbiic  cnpacily."  j 

I  will  next,  Mr.  Chniniiaii,  call  the  atteniion  of  | 
the  committee  to  the  facts  coniiecieil  wiili  the  set-  | 
tiemenl.     The   Kiiglish  contend   that  the  first  set- 
tlemenl  by  any  while  man  on  the  iinrlhwesl  coast  ' 
of  America  was  by  Miarcs,  at  NontUn  sound,  in  ' 
178H.     Hut  fnini  ihc  nuthority  of  Knglish  writert.  | 
themselves,   his  settlenieut  musl   have  been  of  a 
very  temporary  character,  and  nf  no  more  ciinse- 
quence   tlian    thiiao  which   probably  every  other 
trader  who  preceded  him  made,    li  is  very  cerlnin 
he  greatly  miignified  the  character  of  his  establish-  1 
mciit   and    his  wrongs.      An    English   authority 
says; 

"  Captain    Vancouver  was  deannlched  by  the 
'  Rrilish  Government  to  receive  ilie  surrender  of 
'  the  tnicis  of  land  niciitiinied  in  the  first  nrlicle. 
'  On  his  arrival  at  Nooika  sound,  however,  no  sieOi  ■ 
'  tracts  of  land  were  identified.    A  hut  wiis  ofi'ereil,  | 
'  which  he  refused.     Hn  left  Nooika  sound  in  the 
'  possession  of  the  Spaniards;  nnd  there  is  consid- 
'  ernble  doubt  whether  any  lnnd.s  were  ever  restored 
'  lo  Meares,  or  whether  there  were  any  to  restore.  ' 
'All  thnt  we  know  is,  that,  in  1795,  nil  parlies, 
'  Spaniards  nnd    English,  hnd  abandoned  ^foolka 
'  sound,  and  it  hns  not  been  re-occupied."  ' 

On  the  subject  of  Beltlement,  the  British  pleni- 
pnlenliary  says:  j 

"  In  IHOHand  1811,  respectively,  the  Northwest 
'  Company  eslabllshed  posts  on  the  Tacoulclio 
'  Tesse  and  the  Columbia. 

"  In  the  year  1811,  Thonipson,  the  astronomer 
'  of  the  Northwest  Company,  discovered  the  north- 
'  em  head  wnlers  of  ihe  Columbin,  and  following  1 
'  its  course  till  joined  by  the  rivers  previously  dis- 
'  covered  by  Lewis  nnd  Clarke,  he  continued  his 
'journey  to  the  Pncific. 

"  From  that  time  till  the  year  1818,  when  the 
'  nrrnngement  for  the  joint  occupancy  of  the  ter-  | 
'  ritnry  was  concluded,  the  Northwest  Company 
'  continued  to  extend  their  operations  throughout 
'  the  Oregon  territory,  and  to  '  occupy,'  it  may  be  i 
'  said,  as  far  ns  occupation  can  be  elVectcd  in  re-  [ 
'  gions  so  inaccessible  and  destiiutc  of  resources."  i 

These  fncts  ore  not  disputed  on  our  part;  nor  ' 
are  the  following  upon  the  same  subject  made  by 
our  negotiator: 

"  Eslnblishmelils  were  formed  by  American 
'  citizens  on  the  Columbia  as  early  as  1809  and 
'  1810.  In  the  latter  year,  a  company  was  formed 
'  in  New  York,  at  tlic  head  of  which  was  John 
'Jacob  Aator,  a  wealthy  merchant  of  that  city, 
'  the  object  of  which  was  to  form  a  regular  chain 
'  of  establi.shmenls  on  the  Columbia  river  ond 
'  the  contiguous  coasts  of  the  Pacific,  for  com- 
'  mercial  purposes.  Early  in  the  spring  of  1811, 
'  they  made  their  first  establishment  on  the  south 
'  side  of  the  river,  a  few  miles  above  Point  George, 
'where  they  were  visited,  in  July  following,  by 
'Mr.  Thompson,  n  surveyor  nnd  nstronomer  of 
'  the  Northwest  Company,  and  his  party.  They 
'  had  been  sent  out  by  that  company  to  forestall 
'  the  American  company  in  occii|iying  the  mouth 
'of  the  river,  but  found  themselves  defeated  in 
'  their  object.  The  American  Company  formed 
'  two  other  connected  establishments  liiglier  up  the 
'  river:  one  at  the  confiuence  of  the  Okenegnn  witli 
'  the  north  branch  of  the  Columbia,  about  six 
'  hundred  miles  above  its  mouth;  nnd  the  other  on 
'  the  Spokan,  a  stream  fallingintotlie  north  branch, 
'  some  fifty  miles  above.  These  posts  passed  into 
'  the  possession  of  Great  Britain  during  the  war 
'  which  was  declared  the  next  year;  but  it  was 
'  provided  by  the  first  article  of  the  treaty  of  Ghent, 
'which  terminated  it,  that  'all  tirrilorus,  places, 
'  and  possessions  wltalevn',  taken  bij  cillur  pctrlij  from 
'  the  other  iliiring  the  war,  or  which  may  be  taken 
'  after  the  signing  of  the  (rend/,  exccptiiif;  the  islands 
'  hereafter  mentioneJ,  (in  the  llaij  of  Fiinily,)  shall  be 
'  restored  without  delay.'  Under  this  provision , 
'  which  embraces  all  the  establishments  of  the 
'  American  Company  on  the  Columbia,  Astoria 
'  wos  formally  restored  on  the  (ith  of  October,  1818, 
'  by  agents  duly  authorized  on  the  part  of  the 
'  British  Government  to  restore  the  possession, 
'  and  to  on  agent  duly  authorized  on  the  part  of 


'  the  Oovernment  of  the  United  States  to  receive 
'  il,  which  placed  our  possession  where  it  was  be- 
'  Hire  il  |iassed  into  the  hands  of  British  siib|ecls." 

All  setllemenls  niadi)  since,  are  under  the  con- 
vention of  1818,  which  will  be  lierenfter  referred 
to,  and  do  not  nt  all  alfci  ^tho  question  of  title. 

Upon  the  subject  of  contiguity,  il  is  sufficient  to 
say  that  east  ot'  the  Rocky  mountains,  the  forly- 
iiiiith  degree  of  north  latitude  is  ihe  boundary  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Great  Britain ;  and 
that  the  only  practicable  pass  in  those  mountains 
is  the  South,  or  Fremont's,  which  is  nn  exceed- 
ingly easy  one.     This  is  within  our  territory. 

In  iminrdiiito  connexion  with  this  head,  is  ihn 
use  and  advantage  which  the  country  in  dispuie 
may  become  to  tlie  respective  parties.  For  reasons 
which  I  shall  hereafter  give,  England  never  can 
colonize  it;  if  it  is  ever  to  be  settled  and  cultivated, 
it  must  be  by  our  own  cili/.ciis.  It  can  never  be 
of  any  great  use  to  England  in  n  cnmniercial  point 
of  view,  as  it  does  not  lie  in  the  track  of  her  com- 
merce. To  our  cnmniercial  intercourse  with  the 
countries  of  the  Pacific,  ii  is  of  much  consequence. 

I  will  next,  Mr.  Chairman,  proceed  to  consider 
Ihe  trrulies  affecting  Oregon.  In  Ihe  first  place,  by 
a  treaty  wiili  Russia,  entered  into  by  ourselves, 
and  by  a  similar  one  made  by  her  wiih  England, 
54°  40',  which  is  far  south  of  the  point  of  iliscov- 
eries  made  by  Spain,  by  ourselves,  and  by  Eng- 
land, is  fixed  ns  her  southern  boundary.  I  will 
next  refer  to  those  (rfiidVi  upon  which  wo  rely. 
And  first,  the  treaty  by  which  we  acquired  Louis- 
iana. And  here,  permit  me  to  remark,  that  it  ia 
upon  this  treaty,  as  I  understand  him,  that  Mr. 
Benton,  so  well  informed  upoii  all  subjects  of  this 
sort,  principally  relics  for  our  title  to  Oregon. 

By  the  treaty  of  February  10,  1763,  between 
Great  Britain,  France,  nnd  Spain,  England  was 
confirmed  in  her  possession  of  French  provinces 
on  the  Si.  Lawrence,  and  in  her  claim  to  the  terri- 
tory between  the  Alleghany  mountains  nnd  the 
Mi.ssissippi,  and  she  relinquished  to  France  all 
claim  to  territory  beyond  it.  And  here  was  a  tri- 
umph of  title  by  contiguity  over  title  by  discovery 
and  settlement.  France  had  unquestionably  first 
di.?covered  nnd  settled  the  Mississippi  and  ils 
wnlers;  but  England  had  included  all  the  country- 
from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  in  her  colonial 
charters.  A  dispute  aro«e  as  to  the  extent  of  their 
respective  rights,  and  they  wore  settled  as  1  Imve 
stated. 

Spain  acquired  Louisiana  from  France,  and  held 
it  until  October  1,  1800;  she  then  relroceded,  in 
the  language  of  the  treaty,  to  France,  "  the  same 
'  in  extent  as  it  now  is  in  the  hands  of  Spain,  as  it 
'  was  when  France  t'ormerly  poescbjed  it,  and  as  it 
'  .should  be  according  to  the  treaties  subsequently 
'  made  between  Spain  and  other  nations." 

In  April,  1803,  Bonaparte  ceded  Louisiana  to 
the  United  States,  "  with  all  its  rights  and  appur- 
'  tenances,  as  fully  and  in  the  same  manner  as  it 
'  hnd  been  acquired  from  Spain  in  1800." 

Mr.  Benton  insists  that  these  treaties  made  us 
a  party  to  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  the  10th  article  of 
which  provided  for  the  appointment  of  commis- 
sioners to  mark  nnd  define  their  posscssioiw;  which 
commissioners,  he  says,  did  their  work,  and  fixed 
the  49th  degree  of  north  latitude  ns  the  boundary 
between  France  nnd  Great  Britain  ftom  the  Lake 
of  the  Woods  to  the  Pacific.  Upon  this  subject, 
in  a  speech  made  in  the  Senate  on  the  12th  of  Jan- 
uary, 1843,  he  says: 

"Mr.  B.  said  ho  would  not  restate  the  Ameri- 
'  can  title  to  this  country;  it  had  been  well  done  by 
'  others  who  had  precedled  him  in  the  debate.  He 
'  would  only  give  a  little  more  development  on  two 
'  points— the  treaties  of  1803  and  1819:  the  former 
'  with  France,  by  which  we  acquired  Louisiana; 
'  the  other  with  Spain,  by  which  we  acquired  all 
'  her  rights  on  the  northwest  coast  north  of  42°. 
'  By  the  first  of  these  treaties,  wo  became  a 
'  party  to  the  10th  article  of  the  treaty  of  Utrecht 
'  between  Franco  and  England — the  treaty  of  peace 
'  of  1714,  which  terminated  the  -wars  of  Q,ucen 
'  Anne  and  Louis  XIV,  and  settled  all  their  dif- 
'  ferences  of  every  kind  in  Europe  and  America, 
'  and  undertook  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  future 
'  differences  between  them.  The  tenth  article  of 
'  this  treaty  applied  to  their  settlements  and  terri- 
'  tories  in  Nortli  America,  and  directed  commissa- 
'  ries  to  be  appointed  to  mark  and  define  their  pos- 
'  '  sessions.    These  commissaries  did  their  work 


136 


APPENDIX  TO  THR  CONORKSSrONAT.  GI/)nE. 


(.Tnn.  2f , 


99rH  CONO l8T  SK8!i. 


Tht  Urif(on  i^uaition—  -Mr.  liayly. 


Ho.  or  Krps. 


'Thi'y  drfW  n  liiir  from  mi'iui  Ici  oi'iiui,  tii  iir|m- 
'  riitu  till!  Kii'iirli  mid  ItriliBli  il<imiiiiiin«,  nnd  In 
'  pri'vnil  riiUiri'  rnllniDriii  iiiiil  riiiriinrliini'iiln. 
'  Thi»  line  licKiiii  nn  llin  niiiMl  iiC  Liilirmlnr,  nml 
'  fiilliiwcii  n  diiiriMi  iilii;lilly  «>miiI«  (ifwt»l,  to  tin- 
'  ri'iilrt"  iif  Niirlli  Amrrirn,  li'Bvlin  llii'  BiiliHli  ml- 

*  tlvriii'iiln  of  lliidaoirM  JHty  to  llir  liorlli,  iinil  tlir 
'  l''mii'li  (.'nnmliiiii  iKmarHRKiiiii  to  tlir  noiiiIi,   Thin 

■  linn  took  for  ii  luniliniuk  llin  Lnki'  of  llic  WooUh, 
'  wliiih  wn«  tlini  liillcvcd  to  W  diir  ciml  (Vom  tlic 
'  licnd  (>rtli<!  Mii<iiini<i|i|ii|nnd  rroin  tliiil  |ioiiiI  took 

*  (lie  4!llli  piiriilli'l  of  iinrtli  liilitiidr  iiiili iiiiltrly  to 
'  tin"  wem.     'I'lir  li\M(rui<5"  of  the  lini'  ih  ■  iiiiJr^iKi- 

■  bl\i,'  iiiiil  iIiIh  in(»l>llalird  the  iiorllirrii  lioiindnry 

*  ol  LotiJHiniHi,  nnd  rrtcted  a  trn//  beifoiut  vhich  fit- 
'  lurr  fVfiir*  .w/Kriiifii/j  roulil  not  elms  (u  tki  norlh, 

*  nor  Hritiih  tu  tht  south. 

"  An  puri'linmrn of  Loiiisiiiiin,  llir  trriUy  of  IWI.T 
'  inmli'  »»  n  |mriy  to  the  li'iitli  iiitii'jr  of  llir  Irrnly 

*  of  UliTclil,  mid  nmdc  llip  4'Jlh  |>iinilli'l  the  uniif  In 
'  ui  anil  Ikr  Hriliih  irhich  it  kail  brni  lo  Hit  t\i  lo  h 
'  andlht  ttriluh.  It  hrcamt  a  wall  ir/iicA  nr'ilhrr  coiilil 
'pans,  no  far  iiH  il  ilrpt'iulcd  upon  lliiil  line." 

1  know,  Mr.  Chitirmmi,  llinl  it  is  dniiod  tliiil 
the  <i)niinia»ioniT«  provided  for  in  llie  treaty  al- 
ready referred  to  ever  run  the  line  lielween  llic 
Rrilixli  and  Kreiirh  possessions.  Mr.  Greenliow, 
in  his  very  aide  and  adniiralile  liook,  first  denied 
it.  The  proofn  whii'h  he  addiircs  co  llir  lo  siKUain 
him.  Hut  it  nmsl  lie  reineinhered  it  is  necalive — 
Hiieh,  for  instnnor,  an  that  iiunirrouH  authors  had 
been  eonsulted,  most  of  whom  make  no  mcniioii 
of  the  (Hot.  One  stales  that  commiKsioiiers  were 
appointed,  and  others  thai  ihey  were  not;  that  on 
some  maps,  piililishcd  in  the  middle  of  the  la.st 
century,  a  line  drawn  on  tlie  4'Jlh  parallel  of  lati- 
tude (foes  appear  iw  the  boundary  lulwceii  the 
possessions  ol  France  and  k^ni;Ianil,  on  oiliera  a 
diflerent  line  is  laid  down,  and  on  nlill  others  none 
Rt  all  appears.  The  uneertainlv  on  this  point  is 
easily  to  be  aeeounlcd  for.  At  tlie  remote  time  al- 
liidea  to,  this  vast  continent  was  almost  entirely 
unsettled,  and  very  little  iiilerest  was  fell  in  a  mere 
bonudary  line  in  a  trackless  wildeniiM.",  in  wlii.h, 
in  ogcs  to  come,  it  was  not  anticipated  lliere  would 
be  any  settlenientii.  But  it  must  be  borne  in  mind 
that  some  maps  published  at  the  time,  as  unimport- 
ant as  it  was  for  any  purpose  for  which  maps  arc 
usually  made,  did  lay  down  the  line,  wiiiih  would 
hardly  have  been  done  if  it  had  not  niiually  been 
run.  It  is  more  probable  that  many  maps  would 
omit  a  line  actually  nin,  than  that  one  would  lay 
down  one  which  had  not  been  run.  And  it  must 
also  be  borne  hi  mind,  thai,  as  the  treaty  provided 
flir  the  appointment,  "  within  a  year,"  of  commis- 
sioners "  to  \>e  flirthwilh  named  by  each  party"  to 
run  it,  the  legitimate  inference  iH.'ihal  it  was  run. 
Be  this,  however,  as  it  may,  it  is  very  certjtin  the 
belief  has  been  very  j^neraf  with  the  besi  informed 
that  the  49th  parallel  o'  north  Inlitiide  was  fixed, 
in  pursuance  of  the  It.  .y  of  Utrrchl.na  the  rorih 
ern  limit  of  Louisiana;  and  it  has  formed  the  basis 
of  most  iniportnnt  treaties  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain.  Mr.  Monroe,  Mini.ster 
of  the  United  States  nt  London,  in  his  letier  of 
Sepiemlwr  5,  1H04,  to  Lord  Harrowby,  the  liritish 
Secretary  of  Foreign  Afliiirs,  in  reference  to  this 
matter,  says  : 

"  By  the  lOlh  article  of  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  it 
'  is  agreed  that  France  shall  restore  to  Great  Br.  - 
'  ain  the  bay  and  straits  of  Hudson,  together  with 

*  all  the  lands,  seas,  sea  coosU),  rivers,  and  places, 
'  situate  in  the  said  bay  and  straits,  which  belong 
'  thereunto-,  and  it  is  also  agreed,  on  both  sides,  to 
'  determine,  within  a  year,  by  commi.tnaries  to  be 
'  forthwith  named  by  each  partj^,  the  limits  which 
'  are  to  be  fixed  between  the  said  bay  of  Hudson 
'  and  the  places  appertaining  to  the  French,  which 
'  limits  both  the  British  and  the  French  subjecLi 
'  shall  be  wholly  forbid  to  pass  over,  or  thereby  to 
•go  to  each  other,  by  sen  or  by  land.  The  same 
'  commissioners  shall  also  have  orders  to  describe 
'  and  settle,  in  like  manner,  the  boundaries  betwi:cu 
'  the  other  British  and  French  colonies  in  those 
'  parts.  Comnii8.'<ioners  were  accordingly  ap|>oint- 
'  ed  by  each  power,  who  eneciited  the  stipulations 
'of  the  treaty,  in  establishing  the  boundcricn  pro- 
'  posed  by  it.  They  fixed  the  northern  boundary 
'  of  Canada  and  Louisiana  by  a  line  beginning  on 
'  the  Atlantic,  at  a  oape  or  promontory  in  .5H  dc- 
'  grees  30  minutes  north  latitude,  thence  soiith- 

■  westwardly  to  the  lake  Miutnin,  thence  farther 


'smilhwcHl  lollie  laiilihb' of  4!(  degrees  north  from 
'  the  e(|ualor,  and  iiloiii;  thai  liiii'  iNiiKriNiTKi.i." 
"  Piiring  the  iiigoiiaiion.i,"  Mr.  Gnenhow  in- 
forms us,  "belwKii  till'  Uiiilnd  Stales  and  Greai 
*  llriliiin,  no  nllLnipt  w.im  niiiile  on  tlii^  part  of  the 
'  luller  power  lo  coiilrovcrl  the  asnerlions  of  the 
'  .Xniiriians  respecting  the  supponed  iKiundary 
'line."  Ill  llie  ircaly  which  wmm  negoiialed  anil 
approved  by  llie  excciilivcH  of  bolli  nations  111 
IH(I7,  but  which,  In  consccpiinic  of  the  oiiirage 
comiuilted  on  llic  Anicrlran  fri:;ale  ('hrsa|H>ake, 
toKi'lhir  wiili  llic  chaiigo  in  ibc  IniMsh  miniiitry, 
was  not  riiiifii'il,  the  4!rth  pniillcl  was  adopted  as 
the  line  east  of  llii<  ttocky  i  loiinlaiiiH:  as  il  was  in 
the  final  adiiistiiiciit  of  llic  boundary  between  tlic 
Iwo  couiiirii's,  cam  of  those  .■loiintains. 

It  would  Nccin,  considering  the  diameter  of  the 
(iiicrition,  llie  IciiLrlh  oi*  lime  v^  liich  has  elapsed,  and 
i  llic  apparent  admission  by  ill*  two  ualions  llial  llie 
lip  •  wiiM  run  ill  piirHiiaiice  of  the  lOlli  article  of  the 
Irciilv  of  Uire  lit,  lliiil  it  may  lie  taken  as  a  con- 
ceded fai'l.     Il'  so,  tliiic  is  an  end  lo  all  ililliciilly 
iilioiit   this   mailer,  and  lli<>  41llh  de«:rec  isnlrcndy 
the  boundary  fixed   by  treaty.     Hul,  for  the  pur- 
poses of  my  preseni  ari,Tiinicnt.  it  is  not  neces.-mry 
loeslaMish  this;  and  liiiicc  I  go  into  no  ilelall,  and 
express  no  posiliM'  opinion.     If  it  is  a  debatable 
r|iicslion,   for  lliis  ar;;uiiiciil  il  in  cnoiich.     For  it 
will  csiablish  the  point  for  whii-li  I  shall  hereaflcr 
contend,  \i/.:  thai  it  is  a  subjecl  fit  to  bo  sealed  by 
[  negotiation.     Il  may  excite  surprise,  ns  this  view 
.  of  the  sub|ect  is  a  iiinNt  nnportant  and  interesting 
one,  that  it  has  not  Ix-cn  reterred  to  by  the  negoti- 
i  atom.   But  the  reason  is  plain,   l-jicli  party  claimed 
,  more  lerriloiy  iluiii  ilii.s  line  would  civelhcin,  and 
hence  neither  would  claim  under  It.     But,  what- 
ever doubt  there  may  be  on  this  |ioiiit,  there  can 
be  none  that    ihc   treaty  of  Louisiana  conferred 
'  upon  lis  ilie  tide  lo  the  teriilory  as  far  west  as  the 
i  Uocky  mountains,  ami  thus  conferred  upon  us  one 

■  of  the  beat  grounds  of  our  title  to  Oregon  ennli^- 
;  ity. 

By  the  treaty  of  Florida,  ratified  in  1S19,  be- 
tween the  Uiiiled  Stales  and  S|ij>in,  "his  Catholic 
'  niaicsly  '  etdrit  lo  the  Cnilrd  Sliitta  all  hia  rights, 
'  c/iiinu,  (inil  ui-rtriuioii.!'  lo  the  country  lying  west 
'  of  the  Rocky  niountains,  and  north   of  a   line 

I  '  drawn  on  the  4'Jd  parallel  of  latitude,  from  a  point 
'■'II  the  south  bank  of  the  .\rkansas,  in  that  |>aral- 
'  IcI,  to  the  South  sea,  that  iw,  to  the  whole  region 

;  '  claimed  by  Spain  west  of  tlio.sc  niountains,  and 
'  north  oftliHl  line." 

j      By  this  irciiiy  we  succeeded  to  all  the  rights  of 

,  Spain  on  the  I'licific  north  of  the  42il  degree — 
the  extent  of  which  we  have  already  in  part  seen. 

;  The  only  treaty  upon  which  l-'ngland  founds  any 

■  claim  to  the  territory  in  dispute,  is  that  with  Spam 
:  in  1"9I),  commonly  cnlled  the  Nootka  Sound  con- 
!  vention,  the  origin,  and,  to  some  extent,  the  char- 
acter of  which  we  have  already  seen.  The  only 
portions  of  thai  convention  pertinent  to  the  present 
discussion,  will  be  found  in  the  ,'ld  and  5th  arti- 
cle.^.    They  are  as  follows: 

"  Air.  'A.   In  ordi-r  lo  strengthen    the  bonds  of 

'  frieii  Iship,  and  to  preserve  in  future  a  perfect  har- 

'  nioiiy  and  good  uiidcrslanding  between  the  two 

'  c.intraciini;  parties,  it  i.s  agreed  that  their  rcspect- 

'  ive  subjects  shall  not  be  disturbed  or  tnolesled 

'  cither  in  imvig»iin(;  or  carrying  on  their  fisheries 

'  in  the  Pacific  ocean  or  in  the  South  seas,  or  in 

'  landing  on  the  coasts  of  those  seas  in  places  not 

'  already  occupied,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on 

'  their  commerce  with  the  natives  of  the  country,  or 

'  of  making  settlements  there — the  whole  subject, 

i  '  nevertheless,  lo  the  restrictions  specified  in  the 

I  '  three  foUowing  articles." 

j      The  material  one  of  which  is — 

I      "  Abt.  5.  As  well  in  the  places  which  are  to  be 

j  '  restored  to  the  British  subjects,  by  virtue  of  the 

'  first  article,  us  in  all  other  parts  of  the  northwesl- 

I  '  ern  coasts  of  N'oith    America,  or  of  the  islands 

j  'adjacent,  situate  to  the  north  of  the  parts  of  the 

i  '  .said  eo'ist  already  occupied  by  iSpain,  wherever 

I  '  the  subjccis  of  either  of^  the    two    Powers  shall 

I  '  have  made  settlements  since  the  month  of  April, 

!  '  I7H9,  or  shall  hereafter  make  any,  the  subjects  of 

'  the  other  shall  have  free  access,  and  shall  carry 

i  '  on  their  trade  without  any  disturbance  orniolesla- 

j  '  lion." 

I  About  the  proper  construction  of  this  treaty,  and 
i  the  fact  whether  it  is  now  :n  force,  Great  Brilnin 
I  and  the  United  Stales  widely  dilTcr.    We  cuiileud 


thai  it  was  transient  in  its  very  nature;  lluit  It 
conferred  upon  Great  llritain  no  risriil  but  that  of 
merely  iradini;  with  the  inilians  whilst  the  coun- 
try should  remain  iinset(led,and  making  the  ne- 
cessary eslablishmenln  for  lliat  purpose;  that  it  did 
not  inlcilere  with  the  ultimate  sovereignty  of  Spain 
over  the  territory;  nnd  above  all,  thai  it  was  an- 
nulled by  the  war  between  Spain  and  Greol  Brit- 
ain in  I'i9(i,  anil  has  never  bieii  renewed  by  the 
parlies. 

On  the  other  hand,  (Ureal  Britain  contends  that — 
"The  treaty  of  ITJO  embraced,  in  fact,  a  vari- 
■  ely  of  objeeiB,  It  partook,  in  someof  itsatipu- 
'  lalions,  of  the  nature  of  a  commercial  conven- 
'  tion;  in  other  respects,  il  must  be  e.oniidered  a« 
'  an  aeknowledgmentof  existiiisriKhtn — an  ndmia- 
'  sion  of  certain  principles  of  internalional  law  not 
'  lo  be  revoked  at  the  pleasure  of  either  pnrtv,  or  to 
'  lie  set  aside  by  a  eessntion  of  friendly  relalion» 
'between  them. 

"  Viewed  in  the  former  lichl,  ila  ntipulations 
'  mitfhl  have  been  e/insidered  as  cancelled  in  conse- 
'i|iienceof  !he  war  which  sulmcipiently  took  place 
'  between  the  eontraclins  p  irtiea,  were  il  not  that, 
'  by  the  treaty  eonclnded  at  Madrid  on  the  dHih 
'  August,  1SI4,  it  was  declared  that  all  the  irealies 
'  of  commerce  which  subsisted  belwecn  the  two 
'  natioii.i  (Gn-at  I'^-itain  and  Spain)  in  1796  Were 
'  thereby  ra'ified  and  confirmed. 

"  In  ilie  latter  point  of  view,  the  restoration  of  n 
'  state  of  peace  was  of  itself  sufficient  to  restore 
'  the  admissions  contained  in  the  convention  of 
'  1791)  to  their  full  orijinal  force  and  vigor." 

In  reply,  our  Plenipotentiary  insists  that  the  con- 
vention cannot  be  considered  as  an  ncknowhdg- 
meiit  of  existine  ritjhls,  or  an  admission  of  cerloin 
principles  of  internalioiml  law,  not  to  be  set  aside 
by  a  ees.sation  of  friendly  relations  bitween  the 
parties;  and  he  shows  moat  conclusively  that  the 
treaty  of  the  Srith  \ugiist,  1814,  anplicd  only  to 
Spaiii,and  not  to  lier  colonies.  This  is  shown, 
no*  onlv  by  the  words  of  the  treaty  itself,  but  by 
the  construction  lately  put  on  it  by  England  her- 
Rclf. 

I  do  not  mean,  Mr  Chairman,  for  the  reasons 
already  given,  to  argue  these  cpieslions.  That  has 
already  been  done  in  the  most  masterly  manner  by 
our  neiotiator.  I  mean  on'y  lo  slate  them.  But 
before  dismissing  for  the  present  the  consideration 
of  the  elfect  of  the  Nootka  sound  convention,  there 
is  one  fact  I  desire  to  mention,  ond  il  is,  ihot  it  is 
not  denied  that  under  il, Great  Britain,  who  insists 
that  it  is  still  in  force,  has  no  riifhl  to  colonize  the 
country  in  dispute.  This,  however,  will  be  refer- 
red to  more  particularly  hereafter, 

I  desire,  now,  Mr,  Chairman,  to  call  the  atten- 
tion of  the  committee  to  the  concessions  and  ad- 
missions which  have  been  made  by  the  United 
States  md  Great  Britain,  relative  to  this  cou'Ury, 
in  their  nesjotiations  with  each  other. 

In  the  iieiroiiationa  which  preceded  the  conven- 
tion of  IHIH,  the  United  States  offered  the  49lh 
parallel,  which  Great  Britain  rejected;  and  she  of- 
fen'd  the  same  parallel  until  ii  intersected  the  north- 
easternmost  branch  of  the  Columbia  river,  thence 
down  the  middle  of  the  stream  lo  the  Pacific,  the 
British  Inking  the  country  north  and  west  of  that 
line,  nnd  the  United  Slates  that  south  nnd  ea.st  of 
il,  which  the  United  States  rejected.  These  nego- 
tiations  terminated  in  the  courention  of  the '30th 
of  October,  I8I8,  the3d  article  of  which  is  in  these 
words: 

"  It  is  agreed  that  any  country  that  may  be 
'  claimed  by  either  party  on  the  northwest  coast 
'  of  America,  westward  of  the  Stony  mountains, 
'  shall,  together  with  its  harbors,  bays,  and  creeks, 
'  and  the  navigotion  of  all  rivers  within  the  same, 
'  be  free  and  open  ftir  the  term  of  len  years  fi-om 
'  the  date  of  the  signature  of  the  present  conveniion, 
'  to  the  vessels,  citizens,  and  subjects  of  the  two 
'  Powers;  il  bei-jwell  understood  that  this  agree- 
I  '  menl  is  not  to  be  constnied  lo  the  prejudice  of 
'  any  claim  which  either  of  the  two  high  eontract- 
'  ing  parties  may  have  to  any  part  of  the  said  coun- 
'  try;  nor  shall  it  be  tnken  to  nfl'eet  the  claims  of 
'  any  other  Power  or  Slate  to  any  part  of  the  said 
'  coiinlry ;  the  only  object  of  the  high  contracting 
'  parties,  in  that  respect,  beine  to  prevent  disputes 
'  and  differences  among  themselves." 

In  this  connexion  it  Is  nroper  to  state  that,  in  the 
negotiations  which  preceded  it,  the  English  Minis- 
ter admitted  the  right  of  the  United  States,  under 


I 


! 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


137 


2»rH'^ 


.IsT  Sesi; 


TTte  Oregon  Qweitton — Mr,  Bayly. 


Ho.  or  Rr.PB. 


J 


lh«  maty  of  Ohitnt,  to  h«  niiainntil  lo  tho  pnaiiri- 
■ion  of  AKtorin,  wliii'h  liml  been  Inkrii  \>y  tlic  Urit- 
iili  in  (lie  Intn  witr.  And  Mr.  Ilunli  miyn  that 
■■  tinril  ('iialli'rrnjfh  nilinillril,  in  (hn  iiiont  ample 
•XUtnt,  niir  rii;lu  in  ))<•  rrinalnlnil,  nnil  tn  lio  tliv 
party  in  pimnmHinn  while  trrnlinK  of  the  tillr." 

Rnt  the  Rriliah  UnviTnmint  cxpreaaly  deny  that, 
by  ihn  roaloratinn  nf  Aalnrin,  they  ever  nieiml 
"  to  adniil  the  viilidily  of  the  title  of  the  Oovcrn- 
ment  of  the  Uniiod  Htiili-a  tn  ilmi  adilempnt."  I)n 
the  contrary,  tliry  aay  it  was  done  only  hconuae 
they  were  iletcnniiieil  to  Rive  the  moat  liuoriil  eon- 
■iruction  to  the  troniy  of  Ghent,  thai  not  e\cn  a 
ahndow  of  rellertioii  might  l>e  rnat  upon  t)ic  Rood 
faith  of  the  llritiBhOovcrninent.  And  thoy  fay, 
upon  the  unthorily  of  Mr.  naRot,  thai  he  coniinu- 
nicaied  \erl>ally  lo  ourtjovernmrnt  that  the  rcato- 
ralion  of  Astoria  win  not  to  hu  cnnsidored  aa  ad- 
iniltinR  title  in  the  United  Slates.  ISeilher  the 
Uriliah  ndmiasinn  to  Mr.  lluah,  or  Mr.  Bapot's 
Htatemeut,  ia  witneaacd  by  n  protoeol;  they  \)oth 
stand  upon  the  individual  usHortion  of  the  two  gen- 
tlemen, and  are,  of  cnurse,  c.iually  entitled  to 
credit.  So  the  centleinnn  from  Illinois  JMr.  Uouo- 
lash]  will  Hee  that  lie  is  not  sustained  in  his  posi- 
tion, that,  if  we  terminate  the  convention,  we  will 
be  udmiilcd  to  be  the  party  in  posscBHion  by  the 
British  Uovcrnmcnt,  and  so  coniiimc  until  we  are 
displaced. 

In  1824  another  abortive  attempt  at  ncKotiation 
was  nmdc.  In  this  ncp.itinlion  Mr.  (Jallatin  re- 
newed the  olTer  made  in  1818  of  the  49lh  parallel, 
with  the  additional  provision,  that,  if  the  said  line 
should  cross  any  of  the  branches  of  the  Colum- 
bia at  points  from  which  they  are  navigable  by 
boats  to  the  main  sirenm,  the  navigation  of  such 
branches  and  the  main  stream  shall  be  perpetually 
free  and  common  to  the  people  of  boih  nations. 
The  British  refused  to  accede  to  this  offer;  but  at 
the  same  lime  expressed  their  willingness  to  yield 
to  the  United  States,  in  addition  to  what  they  had 
at  first  offered,  o  detached  lerrilory,  comprising  the 
peninsula  between  the  Pacific  and  the  Strait  of 
Fuca  from  Bulfinch'a  harbor  to  Hood's  canal;  and 
to  stipulate  that  no  works  should  at  any  lime  be 
erected  at  the  mouth  or  on  the  banks  of  the  Colum- 
bia calculated  to  obstruct  the  free  navigation  of 
that  river  by  either  party.  This  offer  the  United 
Slates  refused  to  accept. 

In  1887,  after  anotlier  ineffectual  attempt  at  a 
permanent  settlement,  a  conveniion  was  concluded 
which  provided  for  the  indefinite  extension  of  all 
the  provisions  of  the  third  article  of  that  conven- 
tion; and  also  that  either  party  mi^ht  terminate  it 
at  any  time  it  might  think  fit,  uy  giving  one  year's 
notice  after  the  20th  of  October,  1828.  It  took, 
however,  the  precaution  of  providing  expressly, 
that  "  nolking  cotUaintd  in  this  conrfitfion,  or  in  the 
'  third  article  nfthe  cont)eii(ton  nfthe  20(A  of  October, 
'  1818,  hereby  conliniied  in  force,  shall  be  construed  to 
'  imnair  or  in  any  inaniKr  affect  the  claims  which 
'  either  of  the  contracting  parlies  may  have  to  any 
'  part  of  the  couiUry  westward  of  the  Stony  or  Kocky 
'  inniintnim." 

In  the  late  negotiation,  the  British  minisler,  in 
addition  to  what  had  already  been  offered  on  the 
part  of  Great  Britain,  offered  to  undertake  to  make 
free  to  the  United  States  any  port  or  port.s  which 
they  might  desire,  either  on  the  main  land  or  on 
Vancouver's  island,  south  of  latitude  49°,  or  In  re- 
fer the  whole  matter  to  arbitration.  Both  of  these 
propositions  were  declined  by  our  Government. 
And,  in  turn,  we  offered  again  the  49th  pamllel  to 
the  Pacific,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  make  free  to 
Great  Britain  any  port  or  ports  on  Vancouver's 
i.sland,  south  of  this  parallel,  which  the  British 
Government  might  desire.  This  offer  was  de- 
clined, withdrawn  by  our  Secretary,  and  the  nego- 
tiation ended.  Now,  sir,  I  insist  that  all  of  these 
negotiations  proceeded  upon  the  idea  that  England 
had  rights  in  Oregon. 

On  the  point  that  in  all  our  negotiations  we  have 
admitted  that  Great  Britain  had  rights  in  Oregon, 
which  we  are  precluded  by  those  negotiations  from 
now  denying,  as  it  is  a  very  important  one,  I  de- 
sire to  add  a  word.  I  think  this  is  shown  by  the 
character  of  the  negotiations  and  the  treaties  them- 
selves; but  that  there  may  be  no  doubt  about  it,  I 
refer  to  the  understanding  of  the  gentleman  [Mr. 
AnAMs]  who  was  more  prominently  connected  with 
them  than  any  other  man — first,  as  Secretary  of 
State  in  1818  and  1824,  and  as  President  of  the 


United  Stntfs  in  1897.    Upon  this  miblect,  at  the 
last  session  of  Congress,  he  said:  "  We  had  agreed 
'  to  suspend  a  final  decision  on  this  subject  bv  the 
'  conveniion  of  IM18, twenty-seven  years  URo.  Why 
'  had  we  come  to  that  conchision  at  that  time )     He- 
*  cause  we  did  think  there  was  smne  substance  in  the 
'  claim  nf  the  llrittsh  llovemment,  i,nd  that  it  was  a 
'  fair  and  honorable  proposition  to  her  to  ronifirnm j,ir — 
'  to  give  up  our  claim  as  far  as  the  40(/i  degree,  rather 
'  Ihanflghifir  it." 
'      I  maiiilain,  Mr.  Chairman,  ihal  by  our  treaty 
with  Russia,  and   by  our  laying  claim  to  a  part  of 
Oregon  before  we  acipiired  the  Spanish  lille,  we  ] 
are  estopped  ftoni  asserting  that  Spain  had  a  good  ! 
lille.     I'or  if  she  had,  our  claim   before  she  ac-  ' 
quired  it,  was  a  pretence  liili,  which  a  nalion  with  | 
honor  could  not  assert;  and,  after  we  hail  acquired 
it,  if  good,  we  could  not  have  surrenilcrcd  to  Itus-  J 
sia  more  than  six  degrees  of  the  territory  without 
dishiuior.     1  admit  that,  as  a  prop  to  our  title,  the 
Spanish  title  is  of  some  avail;  but  by  itself  it  is  of 
none. 

We  have  thus  seen  (said  Mr.  B.)  ihe  character 
of  the  country  in  disnuie;  that  under  the  law  of  na- 
tions, discovery,  unless  fiillowed  up  in  n  reasona- 
ble  time  by  permanent  sclllenieni,  confers  no  title; 
and  that  when  thus  perfected,  it  does  not  give  a  ti-  j 
lie  to  an  unlimited  extent  nf  country,  but  only  to 
so  much  as  may  be  necess.iry  and  proper  for  a  sel- 
llemcnt,  in  a  national  point  of  view ;  and  that  from 
consideraiiona  of  obvious  convenience  and  proper 
ty,  the  discovery  and  settlement  of  a  river  gives 
title  to  all  the  country  drained  by  it.     And  In  this 
connexion  we  have  seen  that  Spain  first  discovered 
the  northwest  coast  of  America,  as  high  up  as  the  i 
((1°,  more  than  six  degrees  wiihin  the  Russian  do-  t 
minions,  as  nscerlalned  in  a  treaty  with  us,  made 
since  we  acqiiire<l  the  Spanish  title,  and  also  with 
Great  Britnin;  that  she  did  not  perfect  her  title  by 
permanent  sctllemcnt  within  a  reasonable  lime,  and 
that  she  conveyed  such  title  as  she  had  to  us  in  i 
1819;  that  the  United  Smies  extended  the  discove- 
,   ry  of  the  Columbia  river,   before  niiuli'  by  Spain, 
on  the  sea;  and  discovered,  for  tin-     rst  time,  its 
sources,  and  navigated  it  to  the  or.  ur.  that  their ' 
;  citizens  made  settlements  upon  it,  which  were  la- 
ken  from  them  during  the  late  war  by  the  British, 
and  restored  after  the  peace.     We  have  seen,  fur- 
:  iher,  that  England  first  discovered  over  land  Fra- 
zer's  river;  made  setllemenis  upon  It;  and  on  the 
coast,  followed  in  the  track  of  Spanish  and  Ameri- 
can navigators,  extciKtlvely  surveying.  But  It  does 
"'  not  appear  that  she  made  any  new  discoveries,  or 
made  any  setllemenis  anywhere  prior  to  similar 
.settlements  by  Americans,  unless  Meares,  at  Nool- 
ka  sound,  may  be  considered  soch;  and  that  all  of 
the  setllemenis  made  prior  to  1818,  either  by  the 
English  or  the  Americans,  were  mere  trading  posts. 
Under  the  head  of  foii/igitifi;,  we  have  seen  that 
we  hold  the  territory  adji>lning  Oregon  from  the 
42°  to  the  49°,  and  Great  Britain  north  of  49°; 
and  that  we  hold  the  only  praclicnble  pass  across 
'    the  mountains.     And  In  this  connexion,  that  Ore- 
j   gon  is  imporlant  to  us  in  a  commercial  point  of 
i    view,  and  not  at  all  so  to  England;  and,  above  all, 
i;  that  we  must  settle  it,  and  that  England  cannot. 

By  trfoli/ we  have  seen  that  the  United  States 
jj  acquired  from  France,  in  1803,  certainly  all  the 
'    territory  west  of  the  Mississippi  and  east  of  the 

I  Rocky  mountains  above  the  Spanish  possessions, 
it  and  probably  all  west;  and  that  this  last  depends 
jj  upon  the  fact,  which  is  doubtful,  whether  the  line 

I  provided  for  in  the  10th  article  of  the  treaty  of 
|i  Utrecht  was  ever  run;  and,  also,  that,  by  the  treaty 
!  of  1817,  we  acquired  all  the  Spanish  title,  such  as  it 

I I  was.  We  have  further  seen  that  wo  have  agreed 
j;  upon  a  boundory  line  with  Russia,  since  we  ac- 
i,  quired  the  Spanish  jtle,  more  than  six  degrees 
i  south  of  the  point  to  which  Spanish  discoveries 
ji  extended.   We  have  also  seen  that,  by  the  Nootka 

sound  convention ,  Spain  made  concessions  of  rights 
[  to  England,  and  that  it  is  in  dispute  whether  that 
I  convention  still  survives;  that  the  United  States 
il  laid  claim  to  the  country  before  we  acquired  the 
i  Spanish  title,  and  negotiated  with  England  about 
j  our  respective  claims;  and,  above  nil,  that,  in  our 
I  various  negotiations  with  England  relative  to  Ore- 
j  gon,  both  before  and  since  we  have  acquired  the 
■  Spanish  title,  we  have  admitted,  by  the  very  char- 

octerof  the  treaties  themselves,  that  she  hao  rights 

there,  in  reference  to  which  both  nations  have 

made  ulTera  of  compromise. 


Pmm  all  this,  I  roniider  it  nerfertly  manifest 
thai  the  subject  which  we  have  lieen  discussing  is 
a  fit  one  for  negotiation.  I  approve  of  the  Presi- 
dent's attempting  a  settlement  in  that  way.  lap- 
prove  of  his  course  in  offering  the  4!lih  parallel; 
and  I  think  il  will  be  a  happy  termination  of  the 
controversy,  if  it  can  be  settled  on  that  basis. 

If  this  is  a  subject  for  negotiation,  the  question 
immediately  presents  itself,  whether  that  mode  of 
settlement  has  been  exhausted.    Do  gentlemen  con- 
tend that  it  has?     Sir,  1  will  not  believe  it.     I  will 
not  believe  that,  in  this  peaceful  age,  two  such  na- 
tions as  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  can- 
not settle  such  a  question  as  this  by  negotiation.  I 
will  not  believe  that  two  such   natloiiii,  both  of 
whom  have  so  niiieh   to  gain  by  peace,  and  so 
much  to  lose  by  war,  will  fall  into  hostilities  upon 
such  a  question.     It  would  be  a  crime  for  tliem  to 
do  so;  and  it  would  be  so  regarded  by  the  wise  and 
the  good  of  Christendom.     Sir,  there  Is  nothing  In 
the  correspondence  between  the  two  Ooveriimenls 
lo  show  that  this  mode  of  settlement  has  been  ex- 
hausted.    But  It  is  not  necessary  to  detain  tie 
committee  on  this  point,  for  I  have  seen  no  one 
who  maintains  that  it  cannot  be  settled  by  ne^oti- 
aiioii.    On  the  contrary,  the  advocates  of  "notice" 
insist,  not  only  that  it  can,  but  that  it  will  be  so 
settled  ;  and  they  profess  to  go  for  the  notice  as  a 
means  of  stimulating  negotiation. 
!      Indeed,  some  gentlemen  even  go  beyond  this, 
and  insist  that  it  will  facilitate  it.     Upon  this  point 
I  have  a  few  words  to  say.    That  it  will  stimulate 
it,  I  believe;  for  both  nations  will  then  see  that  a 
settlement  must  take  place  within  twelve  months,  or 
that  war.  In  all  human  probability,  must  ensue; 
and  I  liave  no  doubt  that  the  right-minded  people 
of  both  nations — those  who  have  anything  to  lose 
by  wor— ^leprccat'i  it,  and  wiJI  do  all  in  tlicir  power 
i  to  avert  it.     But  that  it  will  facilitate  negotiation, 
,  I  utterly  deny.     It  will  restrict  the  period  within 
which  there  can  be  an  agreement  upon  the  way. 
:  It  will  restrict  the  pciiod  wilh'n  which  you  can, 
In  obedience  to  the  Divine  command,  "agree  wllh 
thine  adversary  quickly,  while  thou  art  In  the  way 
with  him."     Suppose  we  do   not  agree  within 
twelve  months,  whot  will  be  the  consequence .'     I 
j  say,  in  all  probability,  war.    The  gentleman  from 
Illinois  [Mr.  Dovglass]  contends  that  we  have  a 
right  to  give  the  notice  under  the  treaty,  and  that 
I  it  is  no  cause  of  war.     1  believe  no  one  has  been 
j  stupid  enough  to  say  that  giving  notice  is,  of  itself, 
I  cause  of  war.    But  we  maintain  that  it  will  bring 
I  about  a  state  of  thing  in  which,  unless  a  settlement 
j  by  nef;otlntion  takes  place,  war  will  be  probable. 
1  We  give  the  notice,  and  terminate  the  convention, 
ond  e.xtend  our  laws,  both  criminal  and  civil,  over 
the  whole  of  Oregon.   Great  Britain  does  the  same. 
Well,  one  of  our  citizens  commits  a  crime  there; 
he  is  apprehended  by  a  '    'tish  officer,  and  impris- 
oned.    Complaint  is  mauv,      'is  that  our  soil  has 
been  violatet!  by  the  execution  of  British  process, 
by  a  British  officer  upon  it,  and  that  one  of  our 
citizens  has  been  deprived  of  his  liberty  in  conse- 
quence.    We  call  upon  the  British  Ciovernment 
for  satisfaction.     It  is  refused  upon  the  ground 
that  it  was  English  process,  executed  wiihih  Eng- 
lish territory.     What  would  be  the  result.'    War, 
Inevitable  war.    Reverse  the  case,  "  mutalii  mu- 
tandis," and  the  same  consequences  occur. 

But  the  gentleman  from  New  York,  [Mr.  Gno- 
VEB,]  who  spoke  on  yestcrdoy,  contends  that  this 
conflict  of  Jurisdiction  is  as  likely  to  happen  if  we 
continue  the  convention.  But  how  can  that  be? 
The  British  criminal  law  only  extends  to  British 
subjects;  and  if  an  American  citizen  is  brought  be- 
fore an  English  tribunal,  a  plea  to  the  jurisdiction 
would  settle  the  question.  The  gentleman  from 
Connecticut  [Mr.  Rockwell]  contends  that  the 
English  law  relating  to  civil  matters  extends  to  all 
persons,  and  is  not  confined  to  British  subjects.  I 
difl^r  with  the  gentleman  in  his  construction  of  the 
law;  but  suppose  he  is  right:  is  it  probable  that 
out  of  the  trial  of  civil  suiui,  growing  out  of  con- 
tracts— I  say  growing  out  of  contracts,  for  there 
can  be  no  land  causes  there,  as  will  be  seen  in 
subsequent  parts  of  my  remarks — is  it  probable, 
that  out  of  the  trial  of  civil  suits  any  difSouhy  is 
probable  to  arise  ?  The  forms  of  proceeding,  and 
|hc  greater  part  of  the  laws  which  prevail,  are  the 
same  in  British  and  American  courts.  How,  then, 
tan  such  a  conflict  of  jurisdiction  take  place,  as 
would  be  likely  to  lead  to  difliculty  between  the 


138 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  27, 


2^H  Cong 1st  Sbss. 


'File  Oregon  Qtiestion — Mr.  Baijly. 


Ho.  OF  Repb. 


i 


two  nations?    This  is  llic  ni(i.jt  fiivorablo  view  of 
the  case,  ns  &r  as  pcni'o  is  concciiipd.     But  have  | 
you  any  assiiraiii'e,  if  you  give  tliis  notice,  witli 
the  nvoCved  purpose,  at  the  end  of  twelve  niontliH, 
in  ull"'  disregard  of  the  rights  of  Great  Hritnin,  i, 
conceded  in  our  negotiations  with  her,  to  take  pos- 
session of  the  .vhoio  territory,  that  she  will  re-  i 
gard  it  as  a  peaceful  measure,  and  wait  for  ihc 
slate  of  tilings  which  1  have  described,  and  which 
must,  in   the  event   referred  to,  ensue?    She  is  , 
ready;  we  are  not.     Does  anybody  believe,  when  I 
she  sees  thai  a  wai  will  proljably  ensue  in  any 
event,  that,  being  ready  herself,  she  will  patiently 
wail  until  we  get  so?    No,  sir;  Great  Rritain,  like  , 
all  oiher  fightei-s,  knows  that  "the  first  blow  is 
half  the  batllc."     Uiit  genUonien  will  say,  shr  can- 
not go  to  war  about  Oregon  mitil  the  twelve  .nonths 
have  expired,  and  that  in  the  meantime  w«  p«n  ; 
get  ready.     She  can  go  to  war  when  she  pIc.Tscs.  , 
\ll  of  us  who   know  atiylhing   of  her  liislory. 
know  tliat  .she  has  much  less  seldom  gone  to  war, 
in  the  langinige  of  one  of  her  greatest  statesmen, 
"  for  indemnity  for  the  past,"  than  for  "  sfcnii/iy 
for  thr  future."    And  have  we  any  assurance,  if 
we  give  the  notice  with  the  avowed  pnrjiose  of 
loosing  our  hands  to  enable  us  to  lay  tliem  upon 
t'le  whole  of  Oregon,  to  rights  in  which,  ns  I  have 
shown,  we  have  conceiled  her  title,  that  she  will 
wait  to  enable  us  to  get  ioidy  to  do  so  with  etl'ectr 
If  ahe  has  any  dispositioii  to  pursue  that  course, 
1  am  perfectly  certain  that  the  admonition  she  has 
had  from  one  prominently  connected  with  our  for- 
eign alfuirs,  that  the  war,  if  it  ensues,  will  be  a 
war  nf  systems  of  government,  is  not  calculated 
to  foster  It. 

But  how  do  gentlemen  show  that  if  we  give  the 
notice,  Great  Britain  is  bound  to  wait  for  the  ex- 
piration of  the  twelve  months  ^  For  whose  betie- 
fii,  "cut  (wMo,"  is  that  provision  ?  Is  it  not  for  the 
be.iefu  of  the  party  receiving  the  notice;  or  is  it 
for  th»be]itfit  of  the  party  giving  it?  Is  not  the 
o'lje^t  of  it  to  prevent  a  surprise  to  the  party  not 
asking  for  the  terminalicoi  of  the  treaty?  If  so, 
ma;  ■! .  '  i  waive  it;  and  consider  the  convention 
at  r  II  •  ■■  soon  as  she  receives  it,  and  procied  to 
exe  ::■  '  '  r  plans?  Sir,  the  legal  analogies  would 
go  far  .  '  uslain  this  hypo''.etical  view.  A  law, 
for  instance,  retpiires,  in  some  legal  proceeding, 
that  ten  or  twenty  days,  or  six  nioiuhs  notice 
should  bo  ijiven  to  a  defendant.  But  i'.  'I  soch 
etises  may  ne  not  waive  it  and  make  his  appear- 
ance at  once?  Now,  sir,  I  wish  to  be  dislincilv 
tindcrstood  on  this  point;  I  do  not  exoreas  a  posi- 
tive opinion  tint  Great  Britain  might  take  this 
course  with  propriety;  but  llii.s  1  do  .say,  her  right 
to  do  so  would  be  much  lessfpiestionable  than  her 
right  to  insist,  for  instance,  that  the  Nooika  Sound 
convention,  if  abrogated  by  the  war  lietwcun  her 
and  Spain,  was  revivi'  liy  the  treaty  of  1814. 
Who  can  say  that  if  w  _i\(^  this  notice  with  the 
avowed  purpose,  at  the  end  of  twelve  inonlh.-^,  of 
taking  po,s  "ssion  of  the  whole  of  Oregon,  that  we 
will  not  have  war  in  one  m 'iith  theieaflerr  Unl, 
nir,  I  shall  not  insist  on  this  point.  It  is  enough 
to  justify  the  voie  wlii  ',  i  slial'  gi'  .  •  n  this  occn-  '. 
sion,  that  if  the  notice  is  given,  •-.id  no  setllcment 
takes  place  witliiii  the  twelve  nionllis,  war  may 
ensue.  .\re  we  ready  for  t .  Ii Hot,  with  all  of 
our  eneigy,  can  we  gel  rcatyin  twelve  months? 
To  answer  this  rpiestion,  it  ;._■  o;  ss;irv  to  look 
into  Ihc  state  of  our  defences;  and,  upon  this  point, 
we  are  not  left  to  vague  speculations.  The  reports 
of  our  public  olficers  answer  the  r|ncsilon.  In 
what  condition  are  tiiose  defences?  Let  the  Sec- 
retary of  War  answer.     In  his  last  report  he  .■^lys: 

"The  number  of  nun-comnii.ssioneil   oilic  rs, 

*  muaii'ians,  anti   privates,   antln  'i/eil   by  la\^ ,  i.s 

*  seven  tlioiisand  five  luindrcd  anu  ninety;  but,ac- 

*  cording  to  the  latest  return  (  received  nt  the  Adju- 

*  lant  General's  office,  llie  ai  tual  force  avail  ible  for 

*  H'irvice  do^;.^  not  exceed  stj  thousantl  fivf  hutiftred. 
'  Tlie  dilTerence  beiwi  en  th'  "uthorized  f  irce  and 
'  that  for  .service  will,  pro'iably,  be  nt  no  lime  pro- 
'  portionably  less. 

"  Oil  our  iiftrthcm  liordfn  alnng  thp  itilf  of  tkc  V 

*  liritish  provlnrr^,  from  .Mnine  to  Lake  .S'li/ifrior,  ait  . 

*  Client  of  tiro  thou^and  miles,  there  is  now  slalioued 
'  i'l  a  fingle  reirimenl.  From  the  falls  of  Saint 
'  Aniii.-.iiy  on  the  Upper  Mi8si.'<Mippi,  ahmg  the 
'  western  and   Kjulhwesteni  froiilicr,  borilering  on 

'  the  Indian  eountry  fifteen  hundred  miles,  and  ex-  ' 
'  tending  south  tc  New  Oilcans,  only  oiiu  legimtiit  , 


'  of  dragoons  and  two  of  infHntry  are  Htatlnncd. 
'  The  artillery  regiments,  n^duced  in  strength  by 
'  having  fmir  companies  deUichqd  from  each,  now 

*  garrison  a  few  of  the  fortifications  upon  the  sea- 
'  bonv.;,  from  Newport,  in  Rhode  Island,  to  New 
'Oileuns,  the  exigencies  nf  the  public  service  hnv- 
'  ing  rcnnired  the  witlidmwment  of  all  the  troops 
'  from  iMassnchusellg,  Ncwliampsliire,  and  Maine. 
'  'I'he  residue  of  the  army,  consisting  of  one  regi- 
'  mcnl  of  dragoons,  sixteen  companies  of  artillery, 
'  and  five  regiments  of  iiil'ai.try,  constituting  more 
'  than  half  of  Uie  whole-military  force  of  the  Uni- 
'  led  Suites,  is  now  Herrhig  in  Texas.  This  im- 
'  portant  change  in  the  position  of  our  military 
'  force  was  mailo  in  llie  course  of  the  last  siim- 
•mer." 

Ill  a  subsequent  part  of  his  report,  he  tells  us 
that  llie  tbrce  in  Texas  cannot  be  wilhilrawn;  but, 
on  the  contrary,  in  what  is  now  n  prolmble  eoii- 
lingency,  it  must  be  increased.     lie  say-:: 

"  Though  no  niovcment  fis  yet  lias  been  made 
'  on  the  part  of  .Mexi'o  to  carry  into  cfi'cci  her 
'  often-repeated  menaces,  in'  lo  change  the  relations 
'  of  peace  between  her  and  the  United  Stales,  she 
'  still  con^iinics  lo  inanifest  hostile  feelings,  and 
'  threatens  an  invasicm  of  Texas.  'J'liis  attitude, 
'  as  lonsr  as  it  shall  cinitinue,  will  require  the  pres- 
'  eiice  of  a  military  force  in  that  quarter,  at  least 
'  equal  lo  that  now  stali<mcd  there.  It  is  presumed 
'  that  this  equivocal  state,  which  has  not  the  set- 
'  tieil  character  of  peace  or  war,  will  not  be  much 
'  Icniger  continneil.  .Slnmld  Mexico  deny  our  right 
'  lo  p<ts.sess  the  country  up  lo  the  Rio  ilel  Norte, 
'  lo  the  exteiil  justly  claimed  by  Texas  before  an- 
'  nexalion,  and  the  free,  common  use  of  the  waters 

*  of  that  river,  it  is  presumed  that  authority  will  be 
'  gi\eii  to  enforce  it  in  both  respects.    In  the  (;vent 

*  of  resistance,  there  maybe  occas...n  lo  employ 
'  ail  addiiicuial  force,  and  nulliorily  should  be  given 
'  fiT  raising  it  in  that  contingency."' 

Our  population,  Mr.  Clmirman,  since  180l?,  has 
inoic  than  doubled;  anil  lln-  extent  of  the  inhaliiled 
portions  of  our  lerrilory  have  also  more  than  dou- 
bled. How  stand  our  means  of  defence?  T'le  re- 
port of  the  cinmiianding  general  of  the  nnny  iii- 
ionns  us,  thai  "exclusive  ot' commissioned  olHcers, 
the  peace  establisliiuenl  from  INIIH  lo  iSl'J,  was 
0,VJH  men:  ,om  IHl.")  to  IHSl,  IMtfiT."  We  have 
alroady  seen  what  it  now  is,  viz.  (I,;*>(H),  "  of  actual 
force  III  ''lattle  for  service."  The  country  lo  be 
delendci.  more  than  double  llie  extent,  and  the  ac- 
tual available  force  of  the  army  but  little  more  than 
half! 

So  much  for  the  army.  How  is  it  with  our  for- 
tilicalioiis '  II  is  true  \\-e  have  spent  a  good  deal 
of  money  upon  lliein  since  the  late  war;  but  still 
most  of  them  are  in  an  unfinished  Hiale,  and  none 
of  them  are  fully  armed. 

I  ipioie  fniin  the  report  of  llie  Ordnance  Depart- 
nieiii  t'or  this  year: 

"The  iinmber  of  pieces  of  ordnance  which  the 
'  dilTerent  fortifications  will  require,  are  iis  follows, 
'  viz  ; 

*  For  works  constructed II, .'i'JH  pieces. 

*  For  ,vorks  under  constri.ciion.  .  .  .1,'i^lJ      " 
'  For  works  projecttd,  constitiiiing 

a  part  of  the  system  of  forliiica- 

lions ■ :.>,o.'::;    " 


'Total  nnnber  of  pieces fi.STii 

"  Of  these  iheri-  are  already  pnnided  and  on 
'  hand  at  the  foris  and  ar.si  iials,  iniluding  all,  old 
'  and  no",  and  of  wiiatever  qnaliiy,  |iHitcrn,  dale, 
'or  place  of  fabrii-ation, -l,|:i.i.  Oniiiling  sncli  as, 
'  for  peculiarity  of  pattern,  bad  metal,  len:ri'i  of 
'  service,  or  other  rcasiui,  a-.'  noi  etlieie'il  and  .^afe. 
'  for  use,  iliere  \v-|ll  remain 'J.IHMI;  leaving  lo  be  pro- 
'  viiled  ll.'.nii,  lhc\  eo.st  iif  which  will  be  about 
'  '>I,,MHI.IHM)-,  or,  oinilting  llie  guns  for  the  last  no- 
'  ticeil  works,  (l,',l;.>l)  pieci's,)  cost  S71I),-1IMI.     The 

*  number  of  carriages  of  ail  kinds  rcfpiired,  is  the 
'  ;^.t.:;eas  the  number  of  pit 'ces  of  or.lnaiiee.   There 

*  arc  already  constro-ied  and  on  hiOid,at  ilie  forts 
'  and  arsenals.  I,!l7!t  carriages,  leaviiiir  lo  be  .-on 

'  slrucied  ,'(,-1117.  The  supidy  of  limber  on  hair! 
'  and  under  conlraci  to  be  delivered,  is  nulKi'icnt  fot 
'  ihe  fabrication  of  l,H,'i7  carriiiges.     There  conse- 

*  qiieiitly  still  remains  Lo  be  provided  liiul)er  for 
'  .'Mitll  eairiagi.s,  (cost  about  •*-J7.'l.lllKI,)  In  o:-der 
'  to  siipfdy  the  t'ortificatiooK  consirncted,  under 
'  coiislriictioii,  and    piojectrd.     Oiniiiiiig  llie  \nM, 

'  the  supply  required,  and  wlueh  uhuuld  bo  laid  in  < 


'  at  once,  would  he  for  l,!iiH  carriages;  or,  consid-« 
•  ering  the  surplus  which  should  always  be  on 
'  hand,  for  repairs  and  replacing  wnrii-out  crt- 
'  ringes,  nl  least  twice  tlic  quantity  we  now  have. 
'  The  cost  of  the  liinlier,  delivered  and  stored,  will 
'  becbimt$I40,0()0." 

It  is  thus  seen  that  we  have  not  half  enough  gun- 
carriages  foninr  fortifications,  and  not  enough  gmif, 
coimling  all  sorts  and  description.s,  some  of  whicii 
were  in  use  in  our  revolutionary  war;  others  arc  of 
antiqnnled  patterns;  and  a  large  portion  of  them 
unfit  for  use.  Let  us  take  Fortress  Monroe,  tho 
most  magnificent  of  nil  oiir  works,  as  an  illuslra- 
lioii.  The  force  stationed  there  tMiiouiils  lo  'i5l 
men,  about  one  man  lo  every  seventy  yards  of  the 
fortiiicatiim.  This  deficit,  it  is  true,  could  easily  be 
supplied.  Hut  how  is  it  with  its  armament?  It 
has  not  half  niongh  lo  iiroterl  it.  By  the  tests  it 
is  nscertai.'d  thai  of  llie  42-pounders  'Ji).(i4  per 
i-eiil.  of  t'.em  only  are  good;  of  the  3'J-poiiiider,'j 
,18. ()2  pc  cent,  only  are  good;  and  of  lhe'J4-pouiid- 
ers(il.It)  percent,  are  good.  Of  the  large  guns 
inily  about  oiie-fourlh  are  good.  And  this  is  the 
con'dilioi  of  the  work  which  is  lo  prolect  your 
navy  yard  at  Gosport,  the  cities  nf  Norfolk  and 
Richnunid,  anil  the  town  of  Pctcrslmrtr;  to  atVord 
a  shelter  lor  your  national  and  ciiiising  vessels; 
and,  loa  great  extent,  defend  thi'  Chesapeake  bay 
.Old  its  Iributnries,  anil  with  them  Haltiinoie  and 
Washington.  Can  you  arm  lair  fortifications  and 
pill  litem  in  a  sitnalion  lo  meet  the  shock  of  war 
nitliin  twelve  months,  even  if  Great  Urilain  should 
be  accmnnindaling  enough  to  wait  that  long?  We 
all  know  that  il  is  physically  impossible.  Wo 
have  not  the  foundries  tii  do  il!  If  every  one,  fit- 
ted for  casting  cannon,  was  pul  into  rci|iiisiiion  to- 
morrow, yoo.  could  not  arm  our  forlihcalioiis,  lo 
•say  nothing  abiiul  arming  ill"  iucr"'-ed  navy  which 
would  b(;  re(|uircd,  and  the  army  and  luililin. 

So  much  for  one  arm  of  our  defence.  How  is 
it  with  the  navy  ?  I  do  not  mean,  Mr.  t.'hairman, 
lo  weary  the  comniitlee  with  a  loiiL'  detail  about  its 
condition.  Il  is  pretty  well  known.  Siittice  it  to 
say,  in  that  .species  of  vessels  which  is  iiiainly  to 
bedepeiided  u|ioii  ill  all  future  wars,  paiteiilarly 
t'or  harbor  defence,  wliiih  we  principally  sland  in 
need  ot'— I  mean  steam-veiisels — we  are  wol'iilly 
deficient.     We  havi'  now  fit  fur  use,  since  the  ae- 

cidcn'  to  ihe  I'rii Ion,  not  easily  lo  be  reiialred, 

/ni(  one  irnr-ftriiiiier  !  How  stamls  Great  Itriiain 
in  this  respect  r  She  has  about  one  hundred  and 
tiftv — at  least  one  hundred  and  Iweuty-fivt  of 
which  could  be  made  lo  swarm  upon  our  coasts  at 
a  iiiomeiii's  warning.  They  miulil  be  made  the 
firsi  ine.s,seiiirei-s  to  bring  us  the  wot'ul  tidings  of 
w:ir.  I  low  long  will  it  ake  us,  .-,;•-.  to  siipj'ly  our- 
selves with  steamers  enough  I  >  defi^nd  our  bays 
and  harbors,  and  lo  protect  our  -oast,  and  mir  cilie« 
iVinn  wa.sti'  and  conllagratioi.  ?  Every  well-in- 
lorined  nienibe;-  knows  'l^e  exieiil  of  our  incaiis  for 
building  war-sieamers  and  casliiig  an  armament 
for  them;  and  he  knows  ihnl,  with  the  uiniosi  cx- 
erticni,  we  can  make  but  a  poor  preparation  in 
twelve  months.  So  1  say,  sir,  if  ibis  Congress 
were  riKidy  to  go  to  work  at  once,  with  the  gient- 
esl  energy,  we  could  not  gel  tolerably  ready  for  a 
war  with'  F.ngland  in  twelve  inonUis.  1  entirely 
dill'er,  Iherel'ore,  from  the  gentleman  from  Massa- 
clin.setls,  [Mr.  AnAMs,|  who  says  he  will  voie  for 
no  .varlike  preparations  until  we,  give  the  notice. 
.\'  il  here  permit  nie  to  remark,  that  if  he  thinks 
1  .  continuance  of  the  convention  incn-e  likely  lo 
bring  war  llian  its  terniinalion,  his  course  ought  to 
be  the  reverse  of  what  il  is.  Sir,  I  will  not  vote 
for  the  notice  until  we  have  made  such  prepara- 
tions as  will  meet  the  first  sboik  of  -  .-.  In  our 
present  slalc  of  del'eiice,  I  will  not  vc  •  tin;  no- 

tice whi'-li  iMiM(  briiiL'  v.ar;  bin,  in  ih  .gnage  of 

a  dislliigiiished  naval  olhcer  i  me,  I  will  go  for 
"gf((i»,g  rruih/  (()  gii'c  Ihe  nolire  whenever  there  shall 
be  any  nectssiiy  for  it."  Let  ns  do  that,  anil  then 
we  will  be  ill  11  eoi-dilion  lo  negotiate  in  the  "lacfi- 
(«ri/sM(/c,"  wliiih  SI  cms  to  coimnenil  it  --If  so  inucli 
lo  ihegerttli'niaiifromMas.snclinsr  s  [Mr.  AnAMS.J 
I  will  nol  vote  for  the  notice  w|-  n  iiniiy  bring  war, 
and  Iriisl  to  this  Congress  lo  make  preparations 
for  it,  particularly  when  gentlemen  take  the  ground 
openly  thai  they  will  not  do  it.  I  want  lo  see  iho 
preparations  made  first,  and  until  that  is  done,  1 
shall  vote  for  no  nieasiire,  except  under  n  stronger 
necessity  than  I  now  see,  which  evi'ii  maij  lirour 
jn  ••.  war  with  audi  a  power  ixa  Great  Biiitiiii.   Tlio 


W.'iC 


[Jan.  27, 


1646.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


139 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


7%c  Oregon  Question— Mr.  Bayly. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


idcn  that  this  Congress  will  mnke  any  prcpnratinns 
for  war  is  ii'^^ativcd  l>y  tlu;  fact  that  the  fortifica- 
tion bill,  w'  cli  the  gi nllcniaii  from  North  Carolina 
[Mr.  McK..y]  askiil  ycstrvtliiy  might  be  taken  up, 
contaiiv  only  tlie  ordinary  appropriations.  Su, 
this  Congress  do  not  mean  to  admit  to  their  consti- 
tuents, by  making  preparations,  that  in  giving  the 
notice  they  are  doing  anything  likely  to  produce 
war. 

We  arc  told  that  this  nation  never  will  get  ready 
for  war  in  nilvance;  that  it  is  not  to  be  expected 
under  our  institutions;  and  that  the  people  will  not 
sustain  their  reprcsenlatives  in  voting  largo  ap- 
propriations ill  the  mere  prospect,  without  the  cer- 
tainty of  war;  but  that,  in  some  two  years  after 
we  are  involved  in  it,  we  will  be  whipped  into 
|)repaiation — that  disasters  alone  will  reconc.le  d'e 
people  to  the  r  .essB-y  taxes.  Sir,  I  have  no 
confidence  in  the  statcsniansliip  of  that  membdl- 
who  will  viite  for  measures  which  will  probably 
bring  on  a  war  wiili  all  its  horrors — great  under 
all  ciiTunistaiirc.«,  but  unutterable  when  a  country 
is  not  prepared  forlliem — and  yet  cannot  find  it  in 
his  heart  to  vote  to  prepare  for  it.  I  have  no  con- 
liilcnce  in  the  statesmanship  of  that  member  who 
had  rather  risk  a  war  without  i)reparation  lian 
vote  ap|)rorialions  for  defence,  which  perchance 
mav  be  unnecessary;  nor  for  the  constituency 
whi'cli  requires  such  a  course.  It  may  do  very 
well  for  cenllcmcn  living  in  the  interior,  nut  of  the 
way  of  danger,  to  refuse  to  risk  their  dear  popu- 
larity by  voting  appropriations  to  jirepare  for  a 
war,  which  ihcy  are  doing  all  in  their  power  to 
provoke;  but  it  will  be  rallier  a  poor  consdation 
to  the  people  on  the  .seaboard  to  know,  in  llie  event 
of  war,  that  thev  have  been  made  to  suffer  for  a 
consideration  ol*tliat  sort. 

Kefore  I  vole  for  any  measure  which  i.  ty  lead 
to  war — and  much  more,  before  1  will  vole  or  any 
measure  which  probably  will  lead  to  it — 1  must 
see  the  country  in  a  slate  o  defence.  Place  your- 
self in  that  position,  and  you  secure  the  best  guar- 
aiily  I'or  peace;  a  defenceless  condition  but  invites 
as.sault.  A  few  millions  spent  iji  preparation  may 
avert  a  war,  which  it  would  take  many  millions 
to  conduct.  As  a  matter  of  prudence,  as  a  low 
premium  of  insurance,  to  say  nothing  about  put- 
ting yourself  in  a  fiosition  to  negotiate  in  the 
"  military  .ityle,"  you  ought  to  make  preparations 
fur  the  worst.  As  a  malti''r  of  economy,  you  ought 
to  do  il.  One  dollar  siient  now  will  go  further  than 
icn  after  we  are  involved  in  war. 

I  wish  to  be  iniderstood,     1  do  not  go  for  ex- 
travagant appropriation.!;  'or  warliKe  preparation. 
1  will  not  ask,  I  will  not  even  vole  for  a  dollar 
more  than  can  be  spent  useftilly  for  tiic  comiiry, 
e\en  in  the  event  that  war  is  averted.  If  you  com-  i 
pleie  and  arm  your  forlifications,  the  money  is  ' 
not  lost.     Ymi  only  do  now,  when  there  is  a  pro- 
priety in  il,  when  ihere  is  a  surp'^is  in  the  trca.s- 
,iry,  what  will,  in  all  events,  huve  to  be  done  nl- 
iiinalely;  and  ycai  will  luo^'  the  worth  of  your 
money  ill  the  works.     Vve  rei|uii'e  not  so  much 
an    increase  of  cnir  navy  for  distant  service,  as 
steamers   f(M'  harbor  delcnce.      If  you   conslruct 
iron  war  steamers — and  this  material  ior  ihe  coii- 
KtriK  tioii  of  such  vessels  is  now  ahiKtst  uii'.versal- 
ly  adniitled  to  be  last,  and,  in  the  lull!;  run.  the 
c'heapesl — your  money  is  not  thrown  away.   Willi 
proper  care,  they  are  ainiost  indestructible;  and  ' 
you  will  mily  be  doing,  in  the  sliqie  of  iron  steam 
crs,  what  von   have  all  along  leen  doing  in  tlu 
shape  of  limber — in  laying  up  in  adviuice  ii  large  ' 
stO(  k  to  inccl  an  emergency.  '     ! 

We  aie,  Mr.  Chairnian,iii  comparalivelv  a  more 
defenceless  yiiuation  lliini  we  were  at  the  com- 
inencemeiil  of  the  lale  war;  and  we  all  know  what 
were  ihe  snllirings  of  llie  country  al  thai  time.  It  ! 
is  true  we  have  a  larger  population,  but  we  have  a 
larger  leniiory  to  ilefend.  Hesides,  Kngland's 
power  of  allai'k  is  i  inch  grealer  now  than  thin,  j 
Since  that  lime,  a  new  and  terrible  instiument  of 
war,  the  sicam-frigale,  has  been  bronchi  into  use. 
Then  she  was  conlending  I'or  her  vi  ry  existence 
with  Ihe  greatest  mililary  genius  llie  son  ever  , 
shorn'  n}ion;  now  ^'l  ■  is  nt  tirace  with  all  Kurope, 
and  in  ( lose  friendsii'p  with  her  ancient  enemy, 
France.  Tl'.n  .he  .'ould  only  send  a  eimipaia- 
tiv'ly  : mall  detachment  of  her  tbrces  to  light  us; 
now  she  cc.n  bring  nearly  the  whole  of  ihein  to  bear 
upon  us  at  once.  Under  these  circiinislanees,  if 
we  get    nio  a  war  with  her  about  Oregon,  what  f 


will  bo  the  result?  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that 
England,  in  rejerentc  lo  this  dhpxite,  has  wronged 
US  111  nothing.  This  is  not  even  pretended  as  far 
as  I  have  heard.  She  has  violated  no  treaty;  she 
has  trampled  on  no  right.  If,  under  these  circuin- 
slances,  we  get  into  a  wor  wit'-  her,  what  will  be 
the  result.'  The  gentleman  from  Massachusetts 
[Mr.  Adams]  told  us  nt  the  last  session  what  he 
thought  it  would  be.  In  speaking  of  the  negotia- 
tion of  the  treaty  which  wc  are  now  asked  to  ab- 
rogate, he  said : 

"  Till  was  in  1818,  when  we  had  just  come  out 
'of  a  war  which  inatio  us  all  think  a  great  deal 
'  more  of  what  war  was,  than,  judging  from  the 
'  pre  nosed  action  in  this  House  (in  thisTiill,  we  did 
'  now.  Take  his  word  for  it,  if  they  did  hit  upon 
'  a  ivar  upon  this  subject,  there  would  be  thou- 
'  sands  and  millions  of  the  people  who  would  ask 
'  of  their  Govcrnmen*  why  they  were  at  war." 

Ao;aiii  ill  the  same  speech  he  said : 

"He  believed,  too,  if  we  went  to  war  in  the 
'  rash  way  ihey  were  going  to  do,  the  result  would 
'  be,  that  their  antagonist  would  require  greater 
'  sacrifices  of  us  than  they  now  asked.  Then 
'  would  come  the  time  when  the  people  of  this 
'  country  would  ask  why  we  went  to  war.  Then 
'  would  couie  the  lime  to  make  sacrifices  for  the 
'  sake  of  peace ;  and  we  would  not  gkt  the  4'Jlli 

'  DKOREE." 

Now,  sir,  I  ask  if  there  is  anything  in  the  posi- 
tion of  Oregon  to  require  us  to  risk  all  these  conse- 
quences by  precipitate  action  at  this  time?    And 
here  1  beg  leave  to  remark,  once  for  ttll,  that  I  do 
not  wish  to  be  understood  as  indiderent  to  the 
;  preservation  of  our  rights  in  Oregon;  and  hence,  I 
I  do  not  wish  to  risk  tliem  by  involving  oursebes 
I  in  a  war  about  them,  until  we  are  prepared  lo 
I  mainlain  iliem. 

I  have  thus  shown,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  wc  are 
not  in  a  condition  to  secure  Oregon  by  a  war  with 
Great  Britain.  But  it  is  said,  by  giving  the  no- 
,  lice,  yon^((fi/i(«ff  negotiation  and  a  peacealde  set- 
tlement of  the  question.  Is  it  possible  that  this  is 
so.'  This  was  not  my  opinion  at  the  eommince- 
^  nient  of  this  session  of  Ciuigrcss,aiul  il  is  still  le.sa 
so  since  llic  violent  and  warlike  debate  which  we 
have  heard.  Sir,  the  two  nations  are  not  in  a  tem- 
per to  make  it  prudent  to  risk  that  an  amicable  ad- 
lUElmeiii  will  lake  place  in  twelve  months.  Our 
people  have  been  taught  to  believe  thai  our  tille 
j  was  perfectly  clear  of  all  di/liculty;  that  England's 
]  claim  originates  in  her  cormorant  apnetiie  for  ag- 
;  grandiz'.'inent,  in  the  gratification  of  wliicli  she  has 
Ininiplid  upon  every  people  upon  earth  upon  whom 
she  could  Iraniple  with  impunity;  and  the  case  1ms 
been  likened  to  that  of  her  making  a  prepo.slerous 
claim  to  Rhode  Island,  for  iiistmce;  and  wc  are 
asked,  if,  in  such  a  case,  we  would  iii'goiiatc?  I 
have  shown  that  the  analoL'y  is  anything  but 
slroiii:;.  And  so,  vicv  Vfrsii,  llie  Eiu'lish  ]n'css  and 
the  iMiglisli  slaiesineii  have  mnde  a  similar  or  even 
stronger  impression  upon  llie  English  people;  and 
they  aiv  lold  by  them  tliat  our  claim  lo  Oregon 
originalcs  in  the  same  lliir^-l  for  territorial  acquisi- 
licm  in  which  Ihe  annexalioii  of  Texas  had  ils  birth. 
The  public  mind  in  neither  nalion — and  both  of 
them  are  under  the  conliol,  althonL;li  in  diflereiit 
degrees,  of  public  opinion — llie  public  mind  neither 
there  nor  here  is  in  a  coiulilion  jnnpilious  to  an  ' 
amicable  settlement  of  this  queslio'  and  1  would 
no  more  force  two  nnlions,  wilhiii  .  given  time, 
while  Iheynre  in  a  rige.to  settle  en  old  and  invet- 
erate iVud,  or  fight,  than  I  wouli'  Iwo  individuals 
simil.irly  pilualed.  In  ill"  one  cese,as  in  the  other, 
I  woulil  allow  a  cooling  lime.  I  would  wait  until 
a  e(»nscimisiiess  of  their  mutual  det|cndencc  upon 
each  lUlier  for  prosperity,  as  is  peioliarly  the  case 
with  the  Uiiiled  Slates  and  Great  !!iilaiii,  had  iiiii- 
Inally  inclined  them  lo  |>eace.  A  most  propitious  , 
conditi<m  of  things  is  now  occurring  in  llie  two 
I  oiinlries.  The  prospect  of  a  more  iniimatc  roin- 
mercial  inlercour.se,  nmlnally  Ijeneficial,  is  dawn- 
iiiir  upon  us. 

In  the  mean  lime,  llie  presses  of  the  Iwo  coun- 
tries are  taking  up  the  subject,  and  discussing  it 
more  dispassionately.  Is  this  a  eondilion  of  Ihings 
lo  be  put  an  end  to  rudely.'  I  tiiiiik  iioi.  Is  llie' 
position  of  our  all'iir-:  in  Oregon  so  crilical  that 
\vr  nnist  fight  undei  the  watchword,  ''nil  or  none; 
inne  nr  iicccr?"  I  inaintain  that  they  are  mil.  Bui 
as  this  is  an  iniporlani  view  of  the  subject,  I  must 
be  indulged  in  suiiic  di  tail.     I  wilt  .show  thai  the 


present  posture  of  affairs  in  Oregon  is  entirely  fa- 
vorable to  us.  ^Ve  can  settle  Oregon — I  mean  in 
an  agricultural  sense;  the  English  cannot.  In  the 
first  place,  tlieir  laws  and  treaties  place  them  in  n 
sitiiation  in  which  they  cannot  do  it,  to  say  no- 
thing about  the  physical  impossibility,  I  will 
establish  this  in  a  few  words.  In  1821,  the 
Northwest  Company  was  merged  in  the  Hudson 
Bay  Company  by  act  of  Parliament.  The  rights 
conferred  upon  tliai  company  east  and  west  of  the 
Rocky  mountains  are  very  din'crent.  East  of 
the  mountnins,  it  is  lord  of  the  soil,  and  mny 
make  grants  of  land  in  fee  simple:  west  of  them, 
ils  charter  only  provides  "  for  the  exclusive  tra- 
ding with  the  Indians  in  all  such  parts  of  North 
America  to  the  northward  or  to  llie  westward  of 
the  territories  of  the  United  States  os  shall  not 
form  part  of  any  of  the  British  provinces  or  of  Uie 
territories  of  any  European  Power." 

An  English  writer  ol  high  character,  comment- 
ing upon  this  charter,  says: 

"  It  will  be  observed  that  the  charter  co.itauis  no 

'  claftsc  authorizing  the  company  to  form  setlle- 

'  nients.     Not  only  have  they  no  power  to  grant 

'  lands,  but  they  have  no   ]iower  even   lo   hold 

[  '  them.    The  charter  gives  them,  as  against  all 

'  oilier  British  subjcels,  but  only  as  against  them, 

j  '  the  exclusive  right  of  trading  with  the  native! , 

\  '  according  to  regulation  lo  be  approved   by  the 

j  '  Crown;  and  it  requires  them  lo  deliver  up  their 

;  '  own  servants  lo  the  jurisdiction  of  British  tribu- 

1  '  nals.     This  is  the  whole  nmouni  of  the  privileges 

'  which  il  grants,  and  of  the  duties  which  il  im- 

j  '  poses.     They  cannot  acquire  for  theniselves  the 

;  '  properly,  or  for  the  Crown  the  sovereignty,  over 

'  '  a  single  acre." 

i  It  is  true  the  charter  reserves  to  Ihe  Crown  the 
:  right  of  establishing  any  colony  within  the  territo- 
ries in  question,  or  of  annexing  them  to  any  ex- 
isting colony.  But  it  must  be  borne  in  miiiu  that 
to  a  settler  Oregon  holds  out  few  inducements,  ex- 
cept as  a  huniing  grinind  and  a  mart  for  furs.  Ag- 
ricultural produce  is  almost  valueless,  as  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  the  settlers  feed  their  stock  n|ioii 
the  finest  wheat.  The  only  means  of  making 
money  there  is  by  furs.  None  other  than  the 
Hudson  Bay  Company  can  trade  in  them,  and 
they  cani'.it  hold  or  grant  lands.  It  is  not  probable 
thai  ptrsons  not  connected  with  it  and  enjoying  ils 
privileges,  and  subject  to  the  restrictions  of  ils 
charier,  will  go  there.  Besides,  Great  Britain 
cinitends  that  the  Nootkn  8ound  convention  is 
still  in  t'orce,  and  II,  according  lo  ils  admitted 
conslruclion,  prohibits  colonization.  Ils  provisions 
applicable  lo  this  qnesiioii,  we  have  already  seen. 
;  Comnienling  upiui  it,  Mr.  Buchanan  says: 

"  This  convention  of  1790  recognises  no  right  in 
'  Great  Britain,  either  present  or  prospective,  to 
'  plant  permanent  colonies  on  the  northwest  coast 
'  of  America,  or  to  exercise  such  exclusive  juris- 
'  diction  over  any  ]iortion  of  it  as  is  essential  ii> 
'  sovere  Jiiity.  Great  Biitain  obtained  from  Spain 
'  all  sill  then  desired — a  mere  engagement  that  her 
'  subjec  should  'not  be  disu.i.d  or  molested' 
'  *  ill  landi.ig  on  the  coasts  of  t!lo^.'  .  eas,  in  pla<"es 
'  not  already  occupied,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying 
'  on  their  commerce  with  the  natives  of  the  coun- 
'  try,  or  of  making  settleineiiis  ihe're.'  AVhat  kind 
'  id  setllcmenls.'  'I'liis  is  not  s|iecified;  but  surely 
'  their  character  and  duration  are  limited  by  the  ob- 
'  jcct  which  the  contracting  parlies  had  in  view. 
'  I'liey  must  have  been  only  such  as  were  necessary 
'  and  proper  '  for  the  jairpose  of  carrying  on  coni- 
'  inerce  willi  Ihe  natives  of  the  country.'  Were 
'  these  sclllemenis  intended  to  expand  into  colo- 
'  nies;  to  expel  the  natives;  to  deprive  Spain  of 
'  her  sovereign  rights,  and  lo  confer  the  exclusive 
' jiirisdiciion  over  llie  whole  territory  on  Great 
'Britain?  Surely  .Spain  never  designed  any  such 
'  results',  and  if  Great  Britain  has  ohlaincd  these 
'  concessions  by  the  Nootka  Sound  comeiition,  it 
'  has  been  by  the  most  exiraordinury  construction 
'  ever  imposed  upon  human  language." 

Mr.  Benton  places  the  same  conslrnclioii  upon 
the  convention.     In  his  speech  in  1843  he  says: 

"  It  eonr-'i'snothingbul  the  privilege  of  fi.shing  and 
'  huntingalong  the  norlhwest  coast  and  erecting  tcni- 
'  porary  lulls,  whicii  ilie  pursuit  of  their  occupation 
'  ini'^hl  recpiire.     Colonization  they  renounced." 

This  construction  of  the  Nootka  Sound  conven- 
tion is  not  only  not  disputed  by  Great  Britain,  but 
is  most  clearly  acquiesced  in. 


•sw 


140 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  27, 


I 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


7%e  Oregon  Qiteition — Mr,  Bayly. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


In  1827,  Mr.  Oallntin,  in  n  letter  to  the  American  I 
Secretary  of  State,  observes: 

"That  the  British  negotialom declared  that  there  ! 
<  was  no  intention  on  the  |>nri  of  Great  Britain  to  ' 

*  colonize  the  country,  (Oregon,)  or  to  iitipedc  the  ' 
'  progress  of  American  scttlcnients,  | 

In  the  Briiish  House  of  Commons,  Mr.  Fox,  | 
spcakin:;  of  the  Nootka  Soimd  convention,  said: 
"  By  the  3d  article,  we  are  authorized  to  navi-  j 

*  gate  the  Pacific  ocean  and  the  South  seas  unmo-  | 
'  lested,  for  (he  purpose  of  trading  with  the  natives. 

'  But  nt>er  this  pompous  recognition  of  right  to 
'  navigation,  fishery,  and  commerce,  comes  m  an- 
'  other  article  (the  6ih)  which  takes  away  the  right 
'  of  landing  and  erecting  even  temporary  huts  for  ' 
'  any  purpose  but  that  of  carrying  on  the  fishery; 
'  and  amounts  to  a  complete  dereliction  of  all  riglil 
'  to  settle  in  any  way  for  the  purpose  of  commerce 
'  with  the  natives." 

These  arc  the  restrictions  under  which  Great  i 
Britain  lal>ora.  We  lahor  under  none  such.  Be-  i 
sides,  it  is  not  desirable  to  Great  Britain;  an^  if  it  j 
were,  it  is  hardly  possible  for  her  to  colonize  Or- 
egon. In  the  first  place,  from  Einjland  to  Oregon  ' 
is  upwards  of  twenty  thousand  miles— sailing  tlin- 
tance.  It  is  at  lc:ist  a  six  months'  voyage;  and  lo 
make  it,  you  have  to  cross  the  equator  twice.  No  , 
other  than  salt  provisions  will  keep.  To  say  noth- 
ing about  the  expense,  the  emigrant  going  to  Or- 
egon would  be  compelled  to  incur  allthe  horror.') 
of  a  six  months'  sea  voyage,  srtirvy,  disease,  and 
death.  He  could  land  upon  our  shores,  or  those 
of  Canada,  in  about  onc-.sevenlh  of  the  time,  and 
at  one-seventh  of  the  expense.  Besides,  if  he  de- 
sired to  make  a  more  distant  pilgrimage  than  to 
our  shores,  there  are  the  Engli.sh  colonics  in  Now 
Zealand  and  New  Holland  njicn  to  him,  situate  in 
an  infinitely  better  climate,  and  blessed  with  an  in- 
finitely better  soil.  There  is  a  much  belter  field 
for  Kuropean  rolonizatinn  for  centuries  lo  come. 
Ne*  Zealand  is  nearly  one  thousand  miles  long; 
and  New  Holland  is  about  twenty-six  hundred 
miles  by  nineteen  hundred.  In  addition  to  all  this, 
the  English  are  not  a  people  to  compete  with  us 
in  the  setilement  of  such  a  country  as  Oregon.  It 
requires  the  bold,  the  fcarlesj,  the  enterprising 
western  pioneer — a  race  of  men  peculiar  to  this 
country.  The  British  attach  no  importance  to  Or- 
egon, except  for  the  purpose  of  carryifig  on  the 
fur  trade.  That  is  in  a  rapid  decline;  and  when 
it  disappears,  the  English  will  disappear  with  it  in 
Oregon.  A  writer,  well  informed  on  this  subject, 
says: 

"  The  fur-trade,  even  when  best  managed,  lias 
'  always  l>een  a  decaying  tindc,  the  reproduction 
'of  wild  animals  never  equalling  their  ccmsninp- 
'  lion.  Conducted  as  it  was  by  traders  and  In- 
'  dians,  anxious  hnly  for  imincdiato  gain,  who 
'  killed  indlacriminaiely  the  male  and  the  female, 
'  the  full-grown  and  the  cub,  it  became  more  de- 

*  structive,  yet  less  ]troductive,  every  year." 

Every  day  this  fur-trade  is  brrnming  less  tuid 
less  pnifitalile,  and  the  interest  which  the  English 
Uike  in  it  pro|).>rtion»i)ly  less.  Mr.  Wythe,  him- 
self n  fur-trader,  says: 

"That  he  believes  that  trade  to  be  less  profil- 
'  able  than  any  other  in  which  as  much  danger  of 
'  life  and  property  is  incurred;  and  he  adds,  that 
'  he  has  good  evidence  that,  in  IH.ia,  the  profits  of 
■  the  western  department  of  the  company,  which 
includes  Ore^r 
'  than  $9,500." 


1  '  have  now  before  us,  of  the  compojiy  's  whole  im- 
i  '  portations  for  1844,  and  of  their  importnil.ins 
'  from  the  Columbin  (which  includes  tlie  whole 
'  Oregon  territory)  in  1845.  In  1844,  lliey  im- 
!  '  ported  from  the  whole  of  their  No.'''  American 
'  territories  and  hunting-grounds  433,398  skina,  >.*' 
:  '  the  value  of  .f  173,936  17s.;  of  which  Oregon  lur- 
'■  '  nishcd  cmly  61,365  skins,  valued  at  only  .£43,- 
,  '  571.  In  1845,  their  importation  from  Or  gon  has 
'  '  been  only  57,628  skins,  valued  at  .f56,74'J  14.i. 
,  '  We  have  also  before  us  a  return  of  the  number 
I  '  of  personc  in  their  employ  in  North  America  for 
,  '  the  year  ending  the  1st  of  June,  1844.  It  is  1,212. 
,  '  There  are  many  single  manufacturing  establish- 
'  menta  in  England — such  as  the  Great  Western 
I  '  cotton  factory  in  Bristol,  or  Mr.  Marshall's,  in 
I  '  Leeds — which  keep  in  activity  a  much  larger  eap- 
[  '  ital,  employ  a  much  greater  number  of  iwrsons, 
:  '  and  give  a  much  larger  annual  produce  than  can 
j  '  be  predicated  of  a  company  which  is  the  actual 
j  '  proprietor  of  territories  larger  than  the  British 
j  '  islands,  and  has  the  exclusive  use  of  a  region 
j  '  greater  than  the  whole  of  Europe!" 

This  is  the  situation  of  Oregon.  England  can- 
not colonize  it;  we  can.  ,Thc  only  tmdc  there 
which  ihcy  enre  anything  iibout  is  fiisl  disappcar- 


us  as  refuse  to  vote  for  it,  are  abandoning  the  Ad- 
ministration. This  is  purely  a  party  view  of  the 
subject  which  I  scorn.  The  President  has  refer- 
red the  whole  subject  to  us  as  a  co-ordinate  de- 
partment of  the  Government,  and  we  will  act  un- 
worthy of  ourselves,  if,  in  disposing  of  it,  we  are 
influenced  by  any  other  consideration  than  the  dic- 
tates of  our  own  judgment.  The  question  is 
merely  one  of  exnediencyj  which  involve?  no  prin- 
ciple, and  one  about  winch  gentlemen  may  well 
difl'cr.  Thi.s  is  not  a  party  question.  If  it  is,  the 
gentleman  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Ahams]  is 
the  leader  of  the  party;  and  foi-  one  I  will  not  fol- 
low his  Icail.  But  I  do  not  understand  that  such 
of  us  as  oppose  giving  tlie  notice  until  we  are  ready 
to  give  it,  and  in  the  meantime  express  a  desire  to 
get  ready  to  give  it,  are  going  counter  to  the 
reenmnicndations  of  the  President.  His  recom- 
mendation is  unrestricted  as  to  time.  He  does  not 
ask  us  to  give  it  to-day  or  to-morrow — at  this 
session  or  the  next.  He  has  not  recommended 
that  this  suliject  should  be  tiiken  up  at  once,  to  the 
exclusion  of  everything  else,  and  pushed  through 
at  once.  We  can  give  the  notice  six  months  hence, 
or  even  at  the  next  session,  if  intervening  events 
shall  not  render  it  unnecesanry.     The  Congress 


ing;  it  has  become  already  ;omparatively  unim- '    will  still    be   composed   of   the  same   members. 

pnrlant.    The    English   have  one   thousand   two  1    (Charles  James  Fox  used  to  say  that  the  maxim, 

"  never  put  off  until  to-morrow  what  you  can  do 
to  day,"was  fit  only  for  lazy  men,  who  could  not 
be  depended  upon  for  discharging  each  day  its  ap- 
propriate duties.  His  maxim  was,  "  never  do  to- 
day what  can  be  as  well  done  to-morrow."  In 
politics  it  is  the  maxim  of  wisdom.  If  it  had  al- 
ways been  followed  by  nations,  from  how  many 
errors  would  it  not  have  saved  them  ?  Often,  often 
"".coidciit  would  have  done  for  tlicm  what  their 


hundred   and    twelve   subjects   there.     We   have 
been  told,  in  this  debate,  that  we  have  already 
seven  thousand  citizens  in  that  territory,  and  be- 
I  fore  the  adjournment  of  Congress  we  will  have 
■  ten.     Under  these  circumstances,  is  there  any  ne- 
.  cessity  for  this  "  hot  haste"  in  terminating  the 
joint  occupancy.'     I  think  not.     Every  day  wcare 
getting  in  a  belter  condition  there.     In  the  lan- 
guage of  Colonel  Benton,  in  a  speech  made  during 
the  las!  Congress  on  this  subject: 

"  Let  ilic  emigrants  go  on,  and  carry  their  rifle 
'  We  want  their  thirty  thous.and  rifles  in  the  valley 
'  of  Oregon;  they  will  make  all  quiet  there,  in  the 
'  event  of  a  war  with  Great  Britain  for  the  dominion 
'  of  that  country.  The  war,  if  it  comes,  will  not 
'  be  topical;  it  will  not  be  confined  to  Oregon,  hut 
'  will  embrace  the  possessions  of  the  two  Powers 
'  tlironghont  the  globe.  Thirty  thousand  rifles  on 
'  the  Oregon  will  aniiihilatc  the  Hudson  Bay  Com- 
'  pany,  drive  them  off  our  continent,  quiet  the  In 


statesmanship  had  not. 

In  view  of  some  of  the  considerations  which  I 
:  have  presented,  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  1  will 
I  not  vote  for  the  notice,  if  nothing  shall  occur  be- 
.  fore  the  adjournment  of  Congress  to  make  it  un- 
necessary, provided  I  sec  Congress  setting  about 
'  in  earnest  to  prepare  for  the  emergency.     But  I 
!  will  not  vole  for  it  now.   To-morrow  I  may  regret 
it  if  I  do.     To-morrow  I  cannot  regret  not  having 
done  it  to-day;  for,  if  I  shall  then  see  the  pronri- 

...... J,  «...i, ,..,.  .,..,..,11^.,.,  .,„,„.  „.,  .,.-   '  ety  of  it,  I  can  do  it  at  once.     What  I  am  willing 

'  dians,  and  protect  the  American  interests  in  the  ;l  to  do  now,  is  to  carry  out  the  other  recommenda- 


'  includes  Oregon,  did  not  exceed  $1U,000,  or  leu 


in,  < 


Captain  Wilkes,  who  visited  Oregon  in  1840, 
confirms  this: 

"  Many  persons  (says  Captain  Wilkes,  writing 
'  from  Fort  Vancouver)  imagine  that  large  gain 
'  must  result  from  the  Indian  trade;  but  this  is  sel- 
'  dom  the  case.  The  Indians  understand  well  the 
'  worth  of  etch  article.  The  company  are  obliged 
'  to  make  advances  to  all  their  trappers,  and  from 
'  such  n  reckless  set  there  is  little  certainty  of  gei- 
'  ting  returns,  even  if  the  tmnper  have  it  in  his 
'  power.  All  the  profits  of  tne  company  depend 
'  on  economical  arrangements;  for  the  qnanlity  of 
'  I'fliry  in  this  seition  of  the  rouniry,  and  iimccil 
'  the  (iir-lrade  on  this  side  of  the  ninuntains,  h>iH 
'  fallen  oil' fifty  per  cent,  in  the  last  f<w  years.  It 
*  is  indeed  reported  that  this  business  is  at  present 
'  hardly  worth  pursuing." 

The  Engliiih  writer,  already  referred  to,  com- 
menting U|i(in  this,  says: 

"This  13  ciinfiriiied  b>  a  suitemcnl,  which  we 


remote  regions  of  the  upper  Missouri,  the  Platte, 
'  and  the  Arkansa.t,  and  in  all  the  vast  region  of  the 
'  Rocky  mountitins. " 

The  English,  and  the  Indians  almost  exclusively  ; 
under  English  influence,  are  disappearing  almost  as  '; 
fast  as  our  population  is  augmcniing.     The  Sec-   '■ 
rrtnry  of  War  informs  us  ihal  the  number  of  In- 
dians at  this  time  in  Orc:rnn  arc  aboul  forty  thou- 
sand; but  they  are  melting  away  before  the  ad- 
vance of  a  civilized  ))opulation  as  snow  before  the 
sun. 

"  Durimr  my  slay  at  Vancouver,"  says  Captain   ^ 
Wilkes,  "  I  fremienlly  saw  Casenove,  the  chief  of 

*  the  Klackatnck  Irilie.     He  was  once  lord  of  all    ; 
'  this  dominion.      His  ^-illagc  was  situated   about 

*  six  miles  below  Vancouver,  on  the  nnrlh  side  of 
'  the  river,  and  within  the  last  fifteen  years  was   : 
'  quite  populous;  he  then  could  muster  four  or  five   | 

'  '  hundred  warriors,  but  di.irase  has  swepi  off  the  | 
'whole  tribe;  it  is  said  that  they  all  died  wilhin  ' 
,  'ihreeweeks.  He  nnwslandsalone.hisland,  ^ribe,  ' 
'  '  and  properly  all  departed ,  and  lie  left  on  the  bounty  i 
ij  '  of  the  company."  ] 

The  melancholy  fate  of  this  Indian  is  fast  becom-  i 
ing  the  fate  of  his  race.     But  the  gentleman  from  i 
Illinois  [Mr,  DoratAssl  says  this  mode  of  getting  i 
Oieiron  is  slealin^  it.     It  is  unnecessary  for  me  Ir> 
say  I  do  not  agree  in  the  opinion,  any  more  than  I 
admire  the  mode  of  exiiressing  it.     I  desire,  Mr 
Chairman,  that  I  may  not  be  misunderstood  upon 
the  point  I  have  been  last  arguing.     I  do  not  insist  | 
upon  any  protracted  delay  in  settling  this  question. 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  wisdom  of  such  a  ■ 
course  originally,  it  is  now  iinnnjsible.     Th"  pub-  | 
lie  mind  ill  the  two  countries  lias  bec(Mi(   excited  j 
upon  it,  and  it  must  be  setiled.     It  t  1  do  not  wish 
to  restrict  the   period  wilhin  whi'h  this  may  be  i 
done  to  twelve   months,  particularly  when,  as  1  [ 
have  shown,  we  are  losing;'  nothing  liy  the  delay,  i 
and  may,  in  the  meantime,  prepare  for  the  worst 


lions  of  the  President.  I  am  willing  "  to  extend 
our  laws  regulating  trade  and  intercourse  with  the 
Indians  east  of  the  Rocky  mounlains  lo  such  tribes 
as  dwell  beyond  them."  1  am  willing  lo  vote"  that 
provision  be  made  for  establi.ihing  an  Indian  agen- 
cy and  such  sub-agencies  as  may  be  deemed  ne- 
ces.snry  beyond  the  Rocky  mounlains."  "For 
the  protection  of  emigrants,  while  on  their  way 
lo  Oregon,  against  the  attacks  of  the  Indian  tribes 
occupyiiiij  the  country  through  which  they  pass." 
I  am  willing  to  provide  "  that  a  suitable  number 
of  stockades  and  block-house  forls  be  creeled 
along  the  usual  route  between  our  frontier  selllc- 
menls  on  the  Missouri  and  the  Rocky  incnintninai 
nnti  that  an  mlei|iiate  force  of  mounted  riflemen 
be  rni.sed  to  gui\ril  and  protect  them  on  their  jour- 
ney." I  am  willing  to  extend  "  the  protection  of 
our  laws,  both  civil  and  criminal,  over  onr  citizens 
in  Oregon."  All  tlieso  rceommeiidalions  of  the 
President  I  am  willing  to  aid  in  carrying  out.  But, 
for  the  reasons  I  have  given,  I  cannot  vole  at  this 
time  for  giving  the  notice  for  the  termination  of  the 
convention  of  1818. 

But  we  have  been  told  a^ain  and  again  that  the 
Texas  and  Oregon  questions  arc  twin  sisters, 
coupled  together  in  the  resolutions  of  the  Balti- 
more convention;  ond  that,  as  the  Texas  question 
had  been  consummated,  such  of  us  as  attached 
importance  to  its  success,  arc  now  bound  to  aid 
in  cnnsuniniatiiig  the  Oregon  movement.  The  firrl 
answer  to  this  is,  that  no  one  proposes  to  aband.m 
Oi'gon.  The  only  difference  between  us  is  as  to 
the  best  means  of  securing  it.  We  do  not  dif'er 
as  to  the  end,  but  only  a.s  lo  the  means.  In  1*16 
second  place,  I  utterly  deny  that  this  question  if 
giving  notice  was  made  at  the  Baltimore  conven- 
tion, or  anywhere  else,  until  it  has  been  attemplfi 
this  winter,  a  measure  of  the  Democrnlic  party. 
It  was  raised  at  the  last  session  by  the  geiilleinan 
from  Massachusetts,  (Mr.  Aoam>,]  when  we  had 


I 


But,  sir,  such  of  us  as  belong  lo  the  republican  ''  just  come  out  of  our  glorious  party  struggle,  and 

1 I ...1.1     .1...     .l-n„....:.l I *        (■•I,.,..     li-I.      li.I.I-n      »tl       CjihU     ...ill.       ..u      :..... .nu  ....        nn.l 


parly,  have  been  told  tlial  the  President  has  rccom 
mcniled  the  giving  of  this  notice,  and  that  such  of 


when  we  wire  all  fresh  with  its  issues — ay,  and 
at  the  time  when  wc  hud  jur.t  carried  through  the 


•w 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


141 


29th  Conc 1st  Sess. 


3%e  Oregon  ^uestimi — Mr.  Pendleton. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


Texas  resolutions.  And  at  that  time  what  course 
di  d  the  party  take?  Why,  sir,  the  gentleman  who 
led  us  then  on  that  question — the  present  Governor 
of  Tennessee  [A.  V.  Brownj — absolutely  denied 
the  power  of  Congress  to  give  the  notice;  and  a 
proposition  moved  oy  the  gentleman  from  Massa- 
chusetts, [Mr.  Adams,]  providing,  for  giving  it, 
was  voted  down  by  the  republican  party.  It  is 
true,  a  similar  one  was  afterwards  adopted,  but 
ngiiinat  the  vote  of  the  great  mass  of  the  party — 
the  western  men,  jiarficularly,  voting  almost  ni  a 
solid  column  against  it.  It  was  adopted  against 
eighty-two  voles  in  the  negative,  of  whom  only 
three  were  Whigs.  Sir,  it  was  not  regarded  then 
as  a  part  of  the  Democratic  creed,  and  I  do  not 
understand  how  it  has  become  so  since.  Notwith- 
standing nil  this,  such  of  us  as  advocated  the  im- 
mediate admission  of  Texas,  and  now  oppose 
giving  this  notice,  arc  accused  of  inconsistency 
and  bad  fiiiili.  And  the  gentleman  from  Massa- 
chusetts, [Mr.  Adams,]  and  the  gentleman  from 
Maine,  [Mr.  Hamlin,]  seemed  to  refer  with  pe- 
culiar pleasure  to  this  charge.  Now,  sir,  in  the 
first  place,  I  deny  there  is  any  analogy  in  the  two 
cases.  In  tlie  case  of  Texas,  the  proposition  was 
to  admit  her  as  a  State  into  the  Union;  and  we 
had  every  reason  to  believe  that,  if  she  was  not 
admitted  at  once,  she  would  be  lost  to  us  forever. 
In  the  case  of  Oregon,  there  is  no  ground  for  ap- 
prehending that  we  will  lose  anytiiing  by  ilelny; 
on  the  contrary,  we  believe  we  have  everything  to 
gain.  We  therefore  deny  the  analogy  and  the 
consequent  charge  of  inconsistency.  But  do  not 
these  gentlemen  see  that,  in  chargnig  us  with  in- 
consistency, they  fix  it  upon  themselves?  Their 
course,  on  liolh  occasions,  has  been  exactly  the 
reverse  of  ours.  If,  therefore,  wc  have  been  in- 
consistent, they  cannot  have  been  consistent.  We 
deny  the  analogy  and  the  charge.  But  they  admit 
the  analogy  in  making  the  charge,  and  thus  fix  it 
indelilily  upon  themselves.  Bui,  sir,  the  genlle- 
niaii  from  Maine  [Mr.  Hamlin]  went  further,  and 
undertook  to  leitture  the  South  as  to  her  duly,  and, 
in  his  own  phniscoloiry,  exhorted  her  to  stand  up 
to  it.  I  have  schooled  my  temper  to  reply  to  such 
remarks  from  such  u  (|Marlcr.  When  did  the 
gentleman  ever  know  the  South  to  fail  to  discharge 
litrduty  to  the  country.'  Bui  if  there  was  any 
danger  that  she  would  do  it  upon  this  occasion, 
with  what  propriety  can  that  gentleman  lieoomt 
her  monitor?  Upon  what  occasion  was  it  that  he 
was  found  sUuuling  by  the  South  on  any  uuestion 
111  which  she  was  supim.scd  to  take  a  pt  iliar  in- 
tere.st?  Upon  the  subject  of  Ihc  twenty-first  rule, 
upon  the  subjei  t  of  anti-slavery  ri'Slriclions  upon 
Florida  and  Texas,  and  in  his  opposition  to  the 
admission  of  Texas,  on  anti-slavery  ground,  who 
has  shown  more  narrow-minded  bigotry  ajMl  hos- 
tility to  the  .South  than  that  member?  With  what 
pro|.!icty,then,  can  lie  as.sumc  the  office  of  lectur- 
ing us  upon  any  subject?  In  what  noble  ciintrast 
does  the  course  of  his  own  honorable  colleague, 
[.Mr.  Sawtillf.,]  who  ad(tre.s.sed  the  committee 
on  yesterday,  and  the  gentleiuan  fioni  lllinoi!<, 
[iMr.  McCli.knand,]  stand  with  his?  The  latter 
grinlcman,  who  has  signalized  his  devotion  bc.th 
to  Texas  an  J  Oregon  by  the  eminent  ability  with 
which  he  h  is  sustained  them,  scorned  the  illiberal 
imputation  I'mt  we  were  not  conscientiously  dis- 
charging our  duly  to  our  country  hi  the  course  ve 
are  taking.  He  told  us  be  hail  g(uie  for  Texas, 
beciuise  he  was  in  fiivor  of  her  admi.saion,  without 
reference  to  the  Oregon  or  any  other  (|iiestion,  and 
he  re(mdiaU'd  the  idea  that  there  was  any  under- 
standing, cither  express  or  implied,  between  the 
friends  of  Texas  and  thefiienils  of  Oregon,  which 
subjected  us  to  a  charge  of  bad  fiiilh.  Incapable 
Ihcinselvca  of  being  inlluenced  in  their  cinirsc  here 
by  sinister  motives,  these  geiilhuien  are  incapable 
of  imputing  them  to  others.  They  left  the  task  to 
those  inlluenced  by  such  motives  to  impute  iheni 
lo  others.  It  is  not  likely  that  any  of  us  will  heed 
llie  admonitions.  But  hi>w  will  the  South  stand, 
in  idl  probability,  on  this  qucslion?  Although 
her  repre.sc'ilativesui.;  !.oi  iMiniindl'iil  of  the  politi- 
cal, seclionul,  and /(ouificnl  VI. 'ws  which  infiuence 
a  large  portion  of  those  who  irc  so  active  on  this 
occasion,  n  very  large  mnjirily  of  them  will  be 
foimd  going  as  for  as  thije  who  go  fiirthest  ;  and 
there  will  be  fewer  republicans  from  the  South  going 
against  this  notice  than  there  were  Democrats  from 
the  North  voting  against  the  adiuission  of  Texas. 


I  shall  not  imitate  the  gentleman  in  his  valorous 
gasconade,  nor  in  his  extravagant  eulogy  upon  tlie 
patriotism  of  his  Slai, — I  beg  pardon,  no  eulogy 
upon  the  patriotism  of  Maine  can  be  extravagant. 
The  patriotism  of  Virginia  is  not  so  doubtful,  in 
the  opinion  of  her  sons,  as  to  make  it  necessary 
that  they  should  be  constantly  proclaiming  it  upon 
the  house-tops;  nor  is  her  chivalry  so  questionable 
that  she  is  compelled  to  be  rash  to  seem  firm. 


OREGON  QUESTION. 


SPEECH  OF  IVIR.  J.  S.  PENDLETON, 

OF  VIRGINIA, 

In  tub  Hous?;  of  Representatives, 

Jamm-y  26,  1846, 

On  the  Resolution  for  terminating  the  joint  oc- 
cupation of  Oregon. 

Mr,  PENDLETON  said  that  when  this  debate 
commenced,  nothing  was  further  from  his  inten- 
tion than  any  manner  of  jiarticipatioii  in  it.  My 
disposition  was,  sir,  (.said  Mr.  P.)  to  leave  to 
those  who  have  brought  this  trouble  on  the  coun- 
try the  business  of  settling  il. 

It  was  said  early  in  the  discussion  that  this  Ore- 
gon question  and  that  of  Texas  were  "bom  and 
cradled"  in  the  Ballimore  Democratic  Convention 
of  1844 — "twins,"  as  my  honorable  friend  from 
Massachusetts  says;  (ico,  he  might  with  more  pre- 
cise accuracy  have  said,  out  of  a  very  numerous 
litter  of  as  monstrous  political  absurdities  as  any 
conclave,  by  so  rapid  a  parturition,  ever  spawned 
upon  the  world. 

To  another  of  the  progeny  of  that  celebrated 
convention — theniosi  itistinguishcd  in  his  destiny, 
as  the  most  remarkable  in  Ins  birth — for  with  him, 
by  an  extraordinary  violation  of  all  the  laws  of 
Nature  and  of  reason,  conception  and  delivery 
were  a  sinuiltixneous,  if  not  a  single,  process — to 
the  President  of  the  Uni'ed  Suites,  1  nican-'-willi 
a  party  majority  at  his  heels,  and  with  the  com- 
mand of  both  branches  of  Congress  in  the  hands 
of  his  friends,  I  was  imlincd,  I  repeal,  to  leave 
the  task  of  relieving  himself  and  the  Republic  of 
all  the  consequences  of  his  own  peculiar  system  of 
regulating  and  conducling  its  flireigii  relations.  I 
did  not  doubt  but  the  parly  hud  .already  a  suf- 
ficiently lively  perception  of  the  difficulties  into 
which  il  has  brought  itself,  to  find  reason — for  the 
party's,  if  not  for  the  country's  sake^siillicicnt 
to  stimulate  an  interested,  if  not  a  patrimir  didica- 
lion  of  its  best  energies  to  the  object  of  its  own 
extrication. 

But,  sir,  as  long  as  1  have  ho  ymir  parly, 
and  as  thoroughly  lus  I  lielii .  I  "nUrsiood  il, 
and  know  that  I  do  undcrslaiiil  r  I  •  .ini',-.  I  was 
misUikcn  on  this  occasion.  I  wa.s  inric  :!y  awan 
of  the  spirit  of  coiupromise  that  sliapi  d  tli'  deci 
sions  of  your  Baltimore  Convention- a  :<|hiii  •■-. 
liberid  and  large  that,  in  the  brief  session  of  two 
d.ays,  it  found  time,  I  believe,  lo  deny  and  discredit 
every  principle  which,  as  a  parly,  it  professes; 
from  ils  unanimous  negation  of  its  own  great  fun- 
dumcnlnl  doctrine  of  instruction,  to  its  unanimous 
recomnicndation  of  a  Democratic  Republican  cun- 
didale  for  the  Presidency,  at  the  instance  and  up- 
on the  nomination  of  a  Harlford  Convention  Feder- 
alist. I  desire  il  lo  be  remembered  that  this  Bal- 
timore Conventiiui  has  been  introduced  into  ibis 
debate  not  'ly  me,  but  by  ils  own  friends  and  ]y.\r- 
tisans.  If  time  permitted,  I  should  be  happy  to 
iniy  il  my  special  respecis,  on  many  accounts; 
but,  flir  the  present,  your  one-hour  rule  coi  ipels 
me  lo  let  it  p.'ss. 

I  was  about  observin.<  that  I  comprehended  per- 
fectly well  the  .•ier''.ncss  of  that  necessity  which 
caused  your  apparent  harmony,  and  that  it  could 
not  last,  for  il  w.is  not  cordial  in  ilsclmractcr,  nor 
founded  on  any  iiasis  of  iiutriolism  or  principle. 
No,  sir,  you  might  as  will  attempt  to  fetter  the 
flames  with  flax,  or  to  chain  the  ocean  with  sand, 
ns  to  keep  in  any  elRcient  and  permanent  combina- 
tion, tlie  helerogcneous  elements  to  be  found  in  the 
millions  who  compose  your  Democratic  party,  or, 
what  is,  perhaps,  more  dilRcult,  to  restrain  the  im- 
patient and  selfish  aspirations  of  some  of  the  lead- 
ers whom  they  follow. 

But  I  was  un|ircpared,  I  confess,  for  the  events 
we  have  seen  hero.  I  did  not  suppose  that  the 
party,  in  thirty  days  after  ils  full  instalment  into 


power,  fresh  from  the  people;  burning,  according 
to  its  own  account,  with  fervent  devotion  to  the 
public  weal;  and  last,  not  least,  banded  together 
by  a  common  and  disinterested  reverence  for  the 
high  qualities  of  its  chosen  chief,  would  be  found 
on  such  a  question  as  this — a  question  sclUcd  at 
the  Baltimore  Convention — split  up  and  divided 
into  angry  and  contending  factious.  And  not  only 
divided,  but,  if  we  may  believe  the  evidence  of  one 
faction  against  the  other,  seizing  on  this  great  na- 
tional question  as  the  occasion  for  commencing  a 
miserable  scramble  for  the  succession  to  tlie  Pres- 
idential office. 

I  refer  to  these  facts  as  things  which  have  trans- 
pired in  the  face  of  the  whole  country,  and  there- 
fore proper  to  be  referred  to;  and  for  the  further 
reason  that  lliey  furnish,  in  part,  tlie  motive  of  my 
action  on  the  present  occasion.  I  take  no  sides 
between  these  criminating  and  recriminating  par- 
ties. Least  of  all  do  I  tender  any  mediatorial  of- 
fices— "non  no6is  tantaa  camponere  lites."  I  find  in 
the  bitterness,  as  well  as  the  prematurity  of  iheir 
discords,  the  best  omen  for  the  public  ^ood  that 
either  their  aspect  or  action  has  afforded  lor  a  long 
time  past. 

Yes,  sir,  since  I  have  referred  to  these  matters, 
and  since,  for  the  larger  part,  I  believe  the  charges 
to  be  perfectly  true,  I  owe  it  lo  my  own  sincere 
convictions  lo  acquit  myself  of  the  suspicion  of 
lending  any  sort  of  countenance  lo  that  very  gross 
ami  ungenerous  charge  which  has  been  made 
against  a  distinguished  member  of  the  other 
bn  !ich  of  Congress. 

If  the  man,  whose  earliest  distinction  in  public 
life  was  his  authorship  of  the  war  report  of  1812, 
cannot  be  relied  on  lo  sustain  his  country  in  a  just 
and  righteous  war,  then,  sir,  I  do  not  know  the 
man  wlio  can  be  depended  on  in  such  an  eniergen- 
ry.  It  seems  to  be  one  of  the  hard  conditions  of 
great  eminence  in  our  country,  to  be  peculiarly  lia- 
ble to  the  grossest  imputations.  A  great  stales- 
man,  distinguished  for  more  than  thirty  years  in 
the  highest  offices  of  the  Republic,  returns  lo  pub- 
lic life  after  a  lenijiorary  retirement,  and  the  for- 
eign press  hails  his  advent  ns  auspicious  to  the 
cau.«e  of  peace.  Instantly  he  is  charged  with  be- 
ing under  foreign  influence,  and  wc  are  significnnt- 
ly  told  to  wail  and  see  "  which  side  he  takes;"  as 
if  those  who  resist  these  mad  projects  of  war  were 
a  foreign  Jiarty,  or  under  foreign  influence. 

I  do  not  belong  and  never  shall  belong  to  the 
Tiaily  of  that  Senator — never,  certainly,  whilst  he 
Keens  lil«  presetil  coin|iany;  but  I  think  far  loo 
well  of  liiiii  to  suppose  that  he  can  be  even  for  a 
moment  ruffled  by  so  unjust  an  aspersion.  I  hope 
sincerely  thai  he  will  be  found,  on  this  occasion, 
wlicie  his  large  experience  and  liis  matured  wis- 
ibiiii  make  it  almosl  certain  1  mv  ne  found,  on  the 
ale  of  peace — the  peace  if  i  i.\  n  country  and  of 
iliewi.ild;  that  he  will,  win  all  the  strength  of 
his  great  intellect,  resist  ilie  iii.'sh  and  ill-advised 
counsels  that  would  plunge  his  country  into  war; 
I'd,  ill  so  doing.  !d  another  lo  the  many  uii- 
ipirstioiiablc  titles  lii  already  has  to  the  respect 
and  adiiiiralion  of  all  his  i-cHiiirynicn.  If  I  could 
be  permitted  to  couuiscl  ih  ilistinguishid  gentle- 
man, I  would  say  to  him:  Cio.  emulate  the  ex- 
ample of  a  fi  ■!  iiaci,rii:utor;  and  if,  as  in  his  case, 
services  thai  i|i  serve  inonumenls  more  durable 
than  brass  vr  ni>  iin  ::nil  return  but  the  cold  in- 
gratitude of  a  ihanklcss  generition,  then  you  will 
not  fail  to  win  a  liiglur  reward  than  parly  can  be- 
slow — the  unmixed  approbatimi  of  your  own  con- 
science, and  llie  unv  oid  I'lvoralde  judgment  of 
the  good  and  the  wif        w  and  forever." 

1  will  endcin  '  ,  ui  avoid  the  error  of  ma- 
king a  party  >n  the  present  occasion.  If 
I  have  erred  i  iiinpling  for  a  moment  lo  lift 
the  veil  from  that  miserable  jugglery  which  has  ltd 
a  confiding  people  to  incur  ine  hazard  of  a  tremen- 
dous calamity,  let  it  be  attributed  rather  to  ,ui  ir- 
repressible indignation  against  the  conjurers  ihem- 
selves  than  to  any  insensibility  to  the  high  .I'i  ga- 
llons and  the  grave  responsibilities  under  wli.cfi  I 
am  called  to  act,  in  common  with  all  the  mei ,1  era 
of  this  House. 

This  question,  which  should  always  have  been, 
but  never  has  been  a  national  one,  is  beginning  to 
lose  the  party  character  it  at  first  assumed,  and  is 
now  coming  to  be  very  distinctly  a  sectional  one. 
Gentlemen  ftom  particular  sections  of  the  Union 
seem  to  unite,  wilhout  regard  lo  party,  in  favor  of 


r^M 


II 


\4i 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAl.  OhOBE. 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


3%e  Oregon  Q»/c»/»nn — Mr.  Pcndkton. 


Jan  26, 
Ho.  OF  Reps. 


: 


this  war  mensiirc  of  notice,  aa  if  the  onpnoity  to 
comprehend  whnt  is  due  the  nu.lonal  honor  were 
circumscrilud  within  ccriuin  gcosraphiral  Imnndn- 
rii's.  In  ihia  state  of  iliini;s,  I  heg  the  indulsoncc 
of  the  connnillce  whilst  I  Kiibmit  a  few  rrnmrks, 
htnlly  intended  to  bi^  ar^iinunls,  lint  rather  a 
statement  of  the  reasons  whioli  decide  my  own 
runrse.  And  permit  me  to  renjark,  I'li  limint,  tlint, 
iilihough  not  alisoliilely  inexperienced  in  pulilic 
debate,  I  arise  on  this,  to  mc,  untried  theatre,  with 
the  most  niiafli'cted  and  painl'iil  dilfiilencc  and  dis- 
Imst  of  myself — distrust  of  myself  in  all  things 
save  a  sinrere  tiiul  earnest  desire  to  stiy,  if  1  can 
in  any  form,  however  homely,  a  8inj;le  word  Ihivt 
may  contribute  to  avert  from  my  country  the  n.ust 
dreadful  of  all  the  scourges  to  which  civilized  so- 
ciety is  liable;  imminently,  as  I  nin  forced  to  be- 
lieve— immiiieiitly,  at  lliis  inomrni,  impendini». 

I  can  imagine,  sir,  no  occasion  of  more  solemn 
interest;  no  scene  which  uusht  to  be  marked  by 
every  circumstance  of  sober  ilignity,  and  nn  dera-  | 
lion,  and  caution,  more  than  that  of  a  Xorth  A.i.er-  j 
icaii  t'imgress — the  representatives  of  twenty  md-  | 
lions  of  people,  as   advanced    in    civili/ation,   in 
wi'alth,in  intelliireiice,  in  public  and  in  private  vir-  ' 
toe,  as  any  other  twenty  millions  in  tlie  world — 
dcliberatiiii;  upon   and   discussii'g   the    issiics  of 
peace  and  war — iss\ica  always  important  and  in- 
leresiing,  and,  I  may  be  allowed,  1  hope,  without 
inciirrin«;,  even  in  this  belligerent  presence,  tin-  re- 
proach of  an  unmanly  liniiility,  to  say,noi  ilie  less 
interesting,  wh»n,  as  in  the  present  ease,  the  ad- 
versary parly  is  -h"  mostaucient  of  existing  iSlales, 
aid  the  mos'  powerful  and  warlike  of  cither  an- 
cient or  modern  cmjiires.  i 

Let  mc  not  be  hastily  condemned,  sir,  for  speak- 
ing in  terms  of  exagu'eration  of  the  moinenliuis 
crisis  in  which  it  has  been  my  fortune  to  appear 
hei-e.  I  speak  as  I  feel  Hb(nit  it.  It  is  an  lasy 
tiling,  Mr.  Oliairmaii,  for  children  at  school — boys 
at  college  should  liave  more  sense — to  talk  Ii::hllv' 
about  war,  and  battle,  and  bloodshed,  betwec'ii 
such  people  as  those  of  England  and  the  United 
Slates. 

II  is  eajiy  for  Oiat  worthless  and  vagrant  popula-  ' 
tion  which  loafs  about  your  cities — tlie  bullies  of 
election  days  and  patriots  of  the  pot-houses — men 
for  whom  wars  and  re.oliitions  have  no  terr<u>, 
because  to  them  clian;;c  can  bring  no  inconveni- 
ences, "  the  cankers  of  a  calm  world  and  a  long 
)>cace,''  to  talk  and  rant  about  war.  | 

And,  sir,  ainonu  our  friends  and  compatriots  here,  ■ 
tliere  aiT  circiinislanees  and  eomlitions  naturally 
ralculaled  to  .ali'ect  very  importantly  the  relative 
composure  with  wliieh  we  can  coiiteinplale  those 
scenes  of  suirerin^  and  calamiiy  wliicli  a  Uriiish 
war  nuisi  inevitably  produee  to  billi  parties,  and  to 
all  who  may  become  paroes  to  it. 

Gentlemen,  whose  local  |xisilioi,  removes  iheiu 
beyond  the  range  of 'jansjer — far  beyiuid  the  point 
to  'diicli  even  succe.<sful  in\asion  would  have  any 
m  ilive  to  peiietrat' — who  are  fortunately  so  siiii- 
n  ,od  that,  if  il  did  nol  re:ich  them,  they  could 
easily  pla-c  tliemsehes  in  a  eondiiicni  that  the  in- 
vader woi.ld  be  alone  the  sullirer  by  the  expeii- 
ment — may  find  niucli  less  d'  '.iciilly  in  going  to 
war  upon  aCiuixoiic  pretexl  llian  those  of  u.s  who, 
if  we  do  nol  do  all  the  fighting,  must  unquestion- 
ably pay  nearly  all  the  penalties. 

I  meim  no  manner  of  disrespect  to  the  coiiragt 
or  patriotism  of  those  ccnileinen  who  talk  lightly 
of  an  EiiiHisli  war.  As  one  who  ndinires  many 
traits  of  their  personal  character,  I  could  uiilv 
wish  that  some  otheroceasion  mi::lit  be  iniproved, 
when,  placing  themselves,  their  families,  and  tluir 
CJinsiiuients  in  the  front  of  exposure,  they  might 
vindicate  their  preleiisions  to  iliat  ultra  chivalry, 
and  impatient  vahir,  and  public  devotion,  which, 
under  the  actual  eirenm.stances  of  the  pri  sent  ca.se, 
arc  not  likely  to  be  fully  appreciated  by  prai'tical 
tmd  commo.'    .ciiso  men. 

Bui,  sir,  the  prospect  of  war  must  always  be 
viewed  by  the  people  of  the  Atlunlic  .Stiites  with 
very  different  emotion:*.  The  i.'entliiii:ui  from 
Philadelphia  was  disposed  to  tre  it  jocularly  the 
reiiKuk  of  the  gentleman  from  Soiilh  Carolina, 
ihal  he  was  alarmed  at  tin;  probable  issue  of  this 
f|ue»'.ion.  I  sliiMild  think  very  iiidifferenlly  of  the 
undersuuiding  of  that  irenlleman  if  lie  ilid  not  feel 
some  alarm  at  the  pros|ject  before  us,  seeing  in  it,  , 
an  he  does,  the  chance,  not  to  say  the  slrong  prob- 
ability of  a  cullisiiin.  which  must   inevitably  in- 


volve mo!c  risks  to  his  immediate  constituents 
than  to  those  of  perhaps  any  other  gentleman  in 
this  tfouse.  That  honorable  geiiileinan  has,  in 
my  judgment,  shown  his  good  sense  in  the  ipiiek 
anil  accurate  perception  of  the  danger  before  us, 
and  such  a  spirit  as  becomes  a  representative  of  his 
own  gallant  State,  in  spurning  the  well-understood  ' 
dictation  of  party  which  would  direct  adilVerent 
course  from  that  he  means  to  pursue.  Though 
less  ixposed  than  that  gentleman,  I  piii  myself  in 
the  snmecalcgory  Vk'ith  him,  and  I  shall  have  the 
ajiprobation  of  a  constitneney  which,  like  his,  he.:, 
shown  in  every  crisis  of  the  country  that  lliey  un- 
derstood the  )iiiinl  of  the  national  li'onoi,  and  that,  [ 
whilst  they  are  wise  eiioui;h  to  '*  beware  of  rash  I 
eiilraiicc  into  a  -"uirrel,"  oiici;  eni"red,  ihey  know 
how  "so  to  bear  themselves  that  the  advecsary 
shall  hiirarc  of  ibem." 

I  consider  this  notice  a  war  measure.  I  believe 
that  a  military  oecnpation,  on  our  part,  of  Canada, 
would  not  more  certainly  proiliiee  collision  than 
it  must;  unless,  as  I  very  faintly  lio|>e  may  turn 
out,  the  Uriiish  Government  has  already  seen  the 
propriety  of  rc'eding  from  the  position  il  has  so 
Ion;;  held  in  the  negotiation  about  l^regon,  and, 
i<c  lore  this  mouieiit,  is  so  committed  that  il  may 
not  choiise  to  icsiime  that  or  ;i  stronger  position, 
provoked,  as  it  unquestionably  is  to  do  so,  by  the 
i;reat  imiiscreiioiis  occurring  in  this  ilibale,  the 
iTiiaier  ie.ili.screlions  of  the  known  or;,iin  of  our 
A(imiius:ration,  and  the  yet  greater  indiscretion 
than  all,  .hat  of  the  I'n  siilenl  of  the  Uniii  d  Slates, 
ill  ilie  n  anner  in  which  he  has  brongln  ihesiiliject 
before  us  and  the  country.  I  mean  in  the  lenns 
of  his  annual  Message,  iii  which  he  assumes  liial 
the  pos.-^'bilily  of  amicable  adjustment  has  ceased 
to  exist,  calls  on  I'ongress  for  aniliority  to  give 
notice,  and  very  imwisely,  in  my  opinion,  pub- 
lisliis  ihi- eornapoiidence  of  the  negotiators.  In 
lint  Message  he  says; 

" 'I'lje  exirnonlinary  mid  wholly  inadmissible 
'  demands  of  the  Driiish  Ciovernnieiit,  and  the  re- 
'jeciinii  of  ibe  proposition  made  in  deference  alone 
'  to  wlial  had  been  done  by  niy  prede^-  -^^ors,  and 
'  llie  implied  obligation  wliieh  their  ads  ."emed 
'  to  imposi',  afloril  satisfactory  evidence  thai  no 
'compromise  which  the  United  .States  might  to 
'  accept  can  be  elfeeted." 

lie  says  again  : 

"This  notice  il  would,  in  my  judgment,  be 
'  proper  to  give,"  &c.     Again  : 

"All  aliimpts  at  compromise  having  failed,  it 
'  becomes  Ihe  duty  of  Coiiu'ress  to  consider  what 
*  measures  it  may  be  (iroper  to  adopt  f,>r  the  secii- 
'  riiy  of  our  r-iiizeiis  now  iiilKibiiiii;:,  or  who  may 
'  hereafter  inhabit  Oregon,  and  for  the  maintenance 
'  of  our  just  lille  to  that  territory." 

lie  elsewhere  asserls  that  our  title  is  to  "the 
whole  of  the  (hcL-on  lerrilory,"  and  heallirius  that 
it  is  "  niaint.'uned  by  irrefragable  facts  and  aigu- 
mcnls."'  I  give  the  words  of  the  Message,  that 
lliiTC  may  be  no  mistake  about  the  meaning  of  it. 

What,  then,  is  the  preci-^r  state  of  tbi>  ease,  as 
il  now  slands  '  Slated  m  the  fewest  possible  words, 
ami  in  rel'ereiici'  to  the  s';gle  inquiry  of  whelher 
this  notiee,  ill  ilie  actual  circumstances  in  which 
it  must  be  given,  if  given  at  all,  is  or  is  not  a  war 
measure,  whether  intended  to  be  so  or  not,* 

A  lonu'  ne;;iiiiatioii  (the  argument  greatly  on  our 
side)  has  been  abruptly  broken  oil",  l-aiglaiid, 
however,  has  manifesteil  a  zeal,  an  enniesliiess, 
and  a  willingness  to  subni  t  to  arbitr.iiioii,  wbich 
proves  that  she  is  sincere  m  the  opinion  (liowi  \er 
erroneiuis  in  itself)  that  she  lias  riu;lilsin  the  iirein- 
ises,  and  that,  in  lier  opinion,  liny  are  riglif;  of 
some  value.  And  if,  sir,  il  dors  not  prove  lliiit 
she  is  ."fiaci'ce  in  her  conviction  as  to  ilie  rit:lit,  then 
it  shows  the  more  simngly  her  hiu'h  esiimati;  of 
the  \';tbie  of  her  real  or  pretended  interests  there. 
The  President  of  the  I  nited  SiaKs  has  Iriiuself 
oll'ercd  lo  give  up  five  ihijrees  forty  minutes  of  the 
entire  twelve  deu'rees  forty  niimites  which  is  ils 
whole  leinjlh,  mid  that  fivedei;rees  and  forty  min- 
utes is  said  to  be  the  best  part  of  the  whole  terri- 
tory; thus  acknowledging  llinl  there  was  some 
color  of  claim  on  the  part  of  I'jigland. 

I  do  not  mention  ibis  offer  of  the  President  in  u 
spirit  of  lonqilaint;  for  I  appro\e  il.  Nor  am  1 
inclined,  at  any  time,  to  mske  uiineces:;ary  coin- 
|ilaint  of  that  liiili  functionary,  or  even  to  do  it  in 
any  other  terms  thdn  those  of  proper  respect  to- 
wards the  officer  anil   tile  iinn.     1   refer  to  it  lo 


show  that,  by  our  own  admissions,  England  hna 
grounds — some  grounds — on  which  to  assert  her 
claim. 

liejecling  the  President's  last  ofl'er,  the  rSrilish 
negotiator  siiijgesta  that  he  make  sonie  other  pro- 
jiosition  which,  in  very  infelicitous  phrase,  he  ex- 
presses the  hope  will  be  "  more  eonsislent  with 
fairness  and  equity,  and  with  the  reasonable  cx- 
peclatimia  of  the  lirilish  Cioveriimenl." 

The  President  then  says,  snbstaulially,  I  have 
..fl'ered  you  a  large  portion  of  the  country;  I  did 
so  fen- peace  sake;  yon  refuse  lo  accept  it;  then  I 
withdraw  my  entire  proposition,  and  I  claim  and 
will  have  the  whole  country;  you  shall  not  liavn 
one  acre  of  il;  I  will  call  on  Congn-ss  forauihorily 
to  i;i\e  the  iinti"e,  (that  /iriiig  the  wiir  poirrr  of  lU' 
.t'/^/em,  inttl  tlinTjore  the  ontif  onf  coHi^ic/ca/  In  //o\ 
.ilrp,)  and,  if  it  eoni;nr  with  me,  wo  will  proceed  to 
make  good  our  title  in  our  own  way. 

It  is  vain  for  gentlemi'ii  lo  say  that  "  it  is  a  pro- 
vision oi  ,iie  eonvenlion  that  either  parly  should 
give  notice  when  it  chooscN,  and  therefore  it  i.s  tlia 
first,  and  a  peaceable  sleji,  too,  towards  a  settle- 
ineiil."  Had  cither  parly  given  notice  lo  tho 
other  (and  given  il  in  advance  of  any  attempt  at 
negotiation)  that  the  joint  occupancy  was  to  cease; 
then,  sir,  it  was  a  regular,  peaceful,  and  iiroper 
nicasure.  It  woulil  have  been  in  that  case  the  first 
step  towards  the  se.tle.Mcnt  of  a  long  poMponed 
i|ueNlion.  The  ne  a  su  p  would  of  coiiise  have 
been  iH'goliation,  which  ,voiild  have  brought  the 
mniier  lo  an  amicable  adjustment,  or  to  tlie  nrbi- 
Iramenl  of  arms. 

I'lit  here,  sir,  is  altogether  a  dilTercnt  stale  of 
ihiinrs.  Tlie  notice  now  proposed  is  not  that 
peaceful  notice  cnnleniplaled  and  provided  for  in 
the  convention  of  1818,  and  afterwards  continued 
as  ptirt  of  the  snltiect.  That  notice  was  intended 
as  11  means  in  the  liandsofeillierjmrty  of  bringing 
on,  when  il  saw  fit,  a  negotiation  to  settle  the 
points  in  dispute.  Hut  in  this  case  the  parlies 
waived  the  formality  of  notice,  and  proceeded  to 
actual  negotiation.  The  President  of  the  I'niled 
Stalls  has  seen  fit  to  break  it  off  abruptly  without 
exhausting  the  usual  and  ordinai-y  means  of  ad- 
justing iiiteniatioiml  questions  of^  lerrilory  and 
boundary.  I  le  ibclares  to  us  that  no  comproinise 
can  be  eilecKd.  Hi'  publishes  the  whole  tnin.sac- 
•ieii,  as  if  lo  cut  off  the  possibility  of  retreat  from 
bcuh  parlies,  and  calls  upon  us  l^ir  nnr  co-opera- 
tion. The  dilVerence  is  too  manifest  not  lo  be  seen 
nnrl  ciunprehended  by  ibe  feeblest  uiideislanding. 

The  import  of  notii-e,  if  now  given  by  authority 
of  ('lUi'.'iess,  is  iiiuhing  more  nor  less  than  this; 
We  bai'k  the  President  at  all  Inr/.ards;  we  concur 
with  him  in  the  opinion  that  yiat  do  nol  mean  to 
do  w  hai  is  rii^hl;  we  will  not  allow  you  a  siii;;le 
inch  of  this  lerrilory;  we  will  proceed  tit  the  end  of 
twelve  me-  'is  to  take  possfssimi  of  the  winde 
eoiinlry  «'i  II  your  pl■e^■ent  eslalilisliinenls  there 
as  the  -  .  ,  we  have  no  projiosition  for  peaceable 
adjiisoneiil  to  ofl'er,  but  we  will  ju'iieecd  lo  make 
iro'od  our  claim  by  some  oiber  means  than  compro- 
mise or  arbitration.  Do  we  nol  pri.sent  to  (jreat 
l!rii;iiii  the  siiiL'le  and  only  alternative  of  war  or 
submi'sioii-  Sir,  there  is  not  a  little  page  uoo.i 
your  floor  ili;ii  does  nol  see  thai.  Thee, ',  ask,  can 
.'oiv  man  «  '  knows  anything  of  F.,,';i'""l  sup|-ose 
lIuU  she  will  ■oliniit  to  so  harsh  i  trcatceiil  r  To 
s;i\  iiothiiitr  oi  the  injury,  did  she  ever  suluiii  lo 
.so  II inch  iiisnii,  from  any  Power,  or  from  any  com- 
bination of  Powers-  She  says  it  is  injur) — all  the 
world  must  proiioinice  it  iii.--ult. 

I''ii>;laiid  is,  howiver,  a  pruilent  and  .sagacious 
Clovermueiit,  and  would  nol  like  more  limn  aii- 
ollier  lo  iro  into  a  vi  ry  liopeh  .^s  and  iine(|ual  war. 
And  al.irmed,  as  doiiluless  .she  «  ill  be,  when  she 
liciu-s  ofihe  very  formidable  proposiiiun  cif  the  hon- 
in-alile  ireiiilemari  frmn  Mich  i(ran,\\  ho  the  other  day 
pli'ilgid  himself  that  lieiieral  Cass,  and  Michigan, 
and  himself,  would  lake  Canada  in  ninety  days, 
and  let  her  loose  and  t:ike  her  again  in  halt'  the 
lime,  she  will  pause  and  survey  lier  acioul  condi- 
limi,  and  see  for  herself  whelhei  i  nol  she  is  pre- 
pared for  Ibe  coiilest. 

Is  there,  thin,  in  hci*present  circumslatices — 
hereridil,  her  army,  her  nav\  ,  her  icHipureeH  of 
e.cry  Kind — anylliiiig  to  make  I  r  fear  llie  ha/.ardn 
if  war,  more  than  in  tailinarv  »iri-iini8tances,  luid 
at  all  times.'  Her  aniiy  i-  :  iroiiger  tinui,  on  a 
peace  eslablishiueiit,  it  (\<  i  was  bel'ore;  her  naval 
power  iiilinilely  griaicr  llian  when,  single-handed. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


14.) 


S9th  Conj 1st  Seas. 


jHie  Ortgon  ^Mstion—Mr.  Pendleton, 


Ho.  OP  Reps. 


rit  stair  cif 
4  not  tluit 
(led  for  ill 

coMlimicil 
IS  iiitt'ndfd 
it'liriiir^liig 

siMiIo  the 

111'  parlios 

(icofilcd  to 

till'  Uiiiti'il 

ly  wiilioiit 

'liiiM  1)1'  nil- 

riiiiry   iiml 

iniprniiiise 

tr:insnr- 

eiit  from 

'oiipcrn- 

O  lu'SI'PIl 

iiiiliii;^. 

authority 

hull  tliis: 
I'  t'oiu'ur 
mean  to 
a  sini:Ie 

111-  I'lid  op 
wlioli- 
iUn  tlit'ro 
tciu'calilo 
lo  make 
conijtni- 
to  Cii'cat 

f  war  or 
','0  uv)o:i 
ask, can 
«aipj'iipfi 

III  ■  'i'o 
iliinii   In 

any  oom- 
allllic 

snirticioiia 
llinn  Hu- 
ll il  war. 
u  >M'i)  she 
t'llir  lioii- 
ihirdny 
Iii'hit.Mii, 

IV  ilai's, 
hair  ihe 
I  loiidi- 

.■  is  pir- 


NJie  swept  tha  cn.'Tiliincil  llccis  of  the  other  prin- 
cipal  naval  powers  from  tivery  srii.     Ilir  crnlit 
is  oipial  to  thocoininand  of  every  dollar  in  iMirope. 
Khe  is  at  peaeo  with  all  the  world.     She  has  the 
|iroapei't  of  allianct's  on  our  own  rontinenl,  in  con-  , 
si'ilni'iM'P  of  the  reliitioiiH  whieh   the  wisdom   of  j 
"  pioii;ressivp  democracy"  has  estahlishcd  between  i 
niir.'felvcs  and  Mexico;  and,  if  we  arc  to  confide  . 
ill  Iho  judijment  oftlio.se  (;<:nllenu'n  Ijere  who  seem  j 
ilisposed   to  take  the  management  of  this  whole  ' 
liiisiiicas  in  their  own  hands,  she  has  the  sympathy  ! 
of  all  ihe  crowned  heads  with  her.  i 

I  do  not  wish,  however,  to  iiress  this  point.  It  I 
is  a  delicate  one.  I  nmst  say,  ho\v<:ver,  that,  in 
my  poor  opinion,  Eni^land  ciuinot — and  tliat,  wilh 
n  proper  and  prudent  regard  for  her  own  puhlic 
character  mid  iiioral  intUicnce  with  the  world  at 
lai'ije,  and  especially  within  her  own  possessions, 
she  dare  not — suliinit  to  it.  If  she  does,  Ihen  she 
iiockels  an  all'roiit  (grosser  than  any  to  which  she 
lias  Huhmitted  for  eiifht  hundred  years  pasl;  and  ; 
she  does  bo  jirecisely  at  the  time  wlrin  she  is  more 
nlile  than  nt  any  oilier  period  of  her  e.xisluiice  to 
resist  am)  rcsunl  it. 

Nor  is  il  at  all  consistent  wilh  her  fjeneral  saga- 
rily  to  suppose  that  she  will  tpiielly  fold  her  arms 
anil  wait  our  twelve  months' I  i.aialion.  I  lielieve 
ti  c  nolice  will  produce  war  ,  .-.vilalily,  and  iiaiiif- 
c/i(i  fly  <m  its  Ijeiiiu;  |;iveii.  .'ind  it  is  sulistanlially 
nvo  ved  to  he  the  ohjcct  of  f^enllemen  liish  in  the 
resnid  of  the  dominant  party  lo  force  the  country 
intox-ar.  One  geiitlenuin  in  the  Senate  has  saiti 
that  h;  considered  war  ineviiahle  at  'he  l)et,'inninK 
of  ihe  .session,  bicimse  he  (Am  Ihuuf^hl  it  cerliiiii  llu 
vvtirf  wculd  piiss;  that  he  now  considers  it  doiiht- 
ful,  liecau:ie  it  is  sumewhal  iincerlain  whether  the 
nolice  can  he  curried.  I  do  not  understand  that 
^'cnileniaii  to  say  that  he  is  for  war — on  the  con- 
trary, they  all  say  they  arc  not  for  v  ir — liiit  he 
says  he  is  for  the  iioiicc;  and  we  have  this  aiilhor- 
ity  for  ciinsideriiit;  the  nolice  cerlain  and  inevitable 
war.  If  Ihe  nolice  does  not  pass,  that  f^entlemaii 
will  not  vole  the  propcKsed  naval  nppropriuiioiis; 
for,  ill  that  event,  there  will  he  in  his  own  words, 
'*  jirofound  peace." 

Another  uislin^riiislied  Senator,  whose  position 
in  ihe  jsirty  is  einiiieni,  for  he  seeiiia  to  he  vii^or- 
ously  conlestiiii;  the  leader.ship  with  the  old  sla- 
ters, cannot  lie  screwed  down  to  the  point  of  s:iy- 
iiiir  lliai  it  will  not  produce  war.  lie  will  answer 
no  fiirlher  than  to  say  that  '•  in  his  ojilnion  it  will 
not  I  e  just  cause  of  war."  lie  does  ;;ot  seem  to 
care  ai  all  about  u  war,  if  we  do  not  give  a  just 
cause  for  il. 

My  oiiiiiiim  is,  we  should  do  everylhiiij<  an  hon- 
orable People  and  tiovernnieiii  ca.i  do  to  avoid  il; 
and  in  this  case  the  ditli-.uity  is,  in  my  piiii^ii.'  nl, 
mil  how  we  may  h'.uorably  avoid  il,  imt  how  il  is 
iiossible  lo  f;i't  ii,io  il  in  any  other  lliiui  a  mosl  ilis- 
lioiinralile  way 

Kii:;hind  wniils  no  war  wilh  iis.  She  knows 
well  eiioii<;h  iiiat  she  has  nothing  to  make  by  it; 
and  that,  whist  she  would  inllicl  on  us  incalcula- 
ble injury,  si."  would  sutler  Just  as  much,  proba- 
bly more,  than  i'lirselves.  War  may  yet  come 
■  lulof  this  tiling,  and  come  fairly.  I  say  then,  sir, 
lit  il  come.  When  we  can  sland  juslilitd  before 
<iod  and  man — ^jiisiilied  in  our  own  consciences — 
we  shall  presi'iit  aii  undivided  front,  an  tilicon- 
iiiierable  force;  conscious  that  we  are  ri!,'lit,  with 
llie  sym]iathics  of  ine  win'ld  in  our  behalf,  and  Ihe 
Ciod  of  bailies  on  our  side. 

l!ui  the  iiii|iilry  which  occurs  ton  practicnl  mind 
is,  will  tte  i;i  t  Orc^'oii  by  a  war.'  'I'lie  honorable 
Ccitflenuin  tVom  Soiilh  Ciinilina  [.Mr.  UiitTrl  ex- 
prmed  opinions  on  this  subject  in  which  leniirelv 
concur,  and  iieeil  init  ii'|,eai.  I  low  is  it  to  be  doner 
If  llie  objecl  could  be  acciunplished  by  a  mere  war 
of  words,  llirii  the  thin;;  nii!;lil  be  practicable 
eiiouijh.  If  the  t'on;;rcss  of  llic  United  Slates  and 
the  Eii^liKh  I'arliaiiicm  would  ai;rec  lo  settle  il  by 
a  bonl  111  stnnip-Mpcakinir,  then,  1  think,  sir,  we 
should  have  dc'cidedly  Ihe  idvaiila'j;e.  In  llie  lliiin- 
deranil  li^'hliiiii;r  pan  of  ihe  perfor;  uuice  we  iiii^ht 
Kil'cly  uiiilcrtakc  ihc  Lords  and  (Joiiinioiis  loo. 

Suppose  llie,  fij^ht  to  lie  on  llie  conlcsted  prenii- 
Ris — for  there  il  mn.st  be  bifoii:  we  ciiii  lake  or 
kcepOrei^'on — how  would  you  iiieel  Eiinluiid  llicre.' 
A  very  few  men,  unencumbered  with  the  armor  and 
Bubsisicnce  of  war,  can  with  creat  dilliculty  niaki^ 
their  way  to  Oregon.  It  is  impossible  for  hu-fjc 
numbers  to  reach  there  lit  all.     They  couhl  not 


enrry  suhsistenco  to  last  them,  and  could  not  pn.ssi- 
bly  ijatlier  iloii  the  way.  Would  you  go  by  sea.' 
Run  the  gauntlet  of  the  British  fleet  in  a  voya^'c  of 
twenty  ihonsand  miles.'  I  8iippn.so  there  is  no 
man  of  any  sort  of  jndsrmcnt  or  information,  here 
or  elsewhere,  that  supposes  you  could  pet  a  ship 
into  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  from  this  day  in 
ten  years  to  come.  Sir,  you  could  not  get  out  of 
si^ht  of  your  own  land  with  the  first  transport. 
The  very  wave  that  bore  it  iVmn  your  shores  would 
return  to  strew  its  fragments  upon  the  strand. 
Kni^land,  whose  boast — and  no  idle  boast  it  is — 
has  been  for  three  hundred  years  that  "  her  march 
was  over  the  mountain  wave,  her  home  upon  the 
decp,V  was  never  so  able  as  now  to  nniintiiin  her 
naval  supremacy . 

There  is  one,  and  only  one,  way  in  which  the 
thiiij;  is  within  the  bounus  of  possibility,  and  that 
is,  by  whipping   Eiiijland   elsewhere   so  severely  \i 
that  she  would  be  w.lling  to  surrender  the  question 
for  the  sake  of  peace 

Suppose  Enj;;laiid  "'ouhl  not  Invade  us.  I  be- 
lieve it  has  nol  yet  bien  Huirgested  that  we  would 
invade  England.  Ihit  geiiilcmen  say  we  would 
take  Canada.  1  have  no  doubt  we  could  lake  Can-  ! 
adii.  But  would  that  gve  us  Oregon.'  If  yon 
think  Canada  worth  more  than  Oreson,you  wiaild 
not  make  the  exchange  after  you  had  taken  it.  If 
England  considers  it  worth  less,  she  would  not  de- 
sire to  exchange  Oregon  for  it.  And  if  a  result  of 
this  sort  is  looked  to,  then  we  are  making  war  not 
for  Oregon,  but  for  Canada — a  thing  which  I  have 
no  doulit  is  perfectly  true  as  to  some  who  vole  for  I 
this  nolice. 

I  say  we  could  doubtless  take  Canaihi ;  not,  sir,  [ 
but  at  a  price  far  beyond  her  value.  We  should  i 
nol  have  to  lake  it  from  the  mongrels  and  hybrids  ' 
that  might  lorm  largely  the  m.iss  of  a  mere  Cana-  I 

I  dian  army — Canadian  French  and  half-breed   In-  j 
diaiis.     No,  sir,  we  should  meet  men  of  our  own 

i  mettle;   it  would  be  Saxon   agninst  Saxon;  and  1 
there  is  no  child's  play  there.     The  blood  of  some  ; 

'  of  the  most  gnUant  of  our  countrymen  has  alained, 
on  more  than  one  occasion,  llie  .snows  that  for  half 

:  the  year  veil  her  frozen  and  unfertile  regions.  And 
whenever  England  and  America  meet  lo  do  battle, 
then — then,  sir — 

I  "  Few,  few  (ihnll  part  wIiitc  iiijiiiv  nicer,  ' 

The  Minw  sitiill  be  their  wiiiililii;  HhiMfl,  < 

,  Ami  cvc'y  lurl*  licncntli  llicir  li-et 

j  t-liiill  lie  a  diildier'.-*  M'imlclire." 

j      Mr.  Chairman,  there  would  he  no  war  in  Ore-  ' 

i  gon,   uor  fur  Oregon,   al^er   it   was   commenced. 

I  New  York  will  be  the  balllc-field.  The  poisoned 
chalice  will  be  commended  to  her  lips.     She  will 

I  have  an  early  iind  a  hitler  taste  of  the  fruits  of  that 
policy  which  she  has  so  largely  conlribuled  lo  t'ast- 
en  on  the  country.  Her  magnificent  emporium, 
wilh  ils  stalely  palaces  and  ils  imperial  treasures, 
|)resenls  an  objecl  worthy  the  steel  of  that  power- 
ful adversary,  the  roll  of  wlio.se  morning's  drum 
rallies  roiiim  llic  globe,  and  the  vigor  of  whose  ))o- 

,  tent  arm  has  been  tested  in  the  triumphs  of  n  tliou- 

'  sand  I'Mile-lield.s. 

There,  sir,  would  be  the  tug  of  generous  and 
manly  war;  anil  llicre,  perchance,  powerful  as  the 

,  great  Empire  Stale  is,  the  servii'cs  of  tlie  desceud- 
aiils  of  those  men,  whose  blood  was  poured  upon 

I  every  field  where  her  revolutionary  banners  were 

!  iiiifiirled,  might  not  be  entirely  di.sdaiiied;  but,  alas! 
they  will  have  other,  and  sadder,  and  moredan;;er- 
ous  duties  to  perforin.  Eor  this  war  measure  seems 
to  be  presseil  on  by  a  combination,  one  element  of 

'  which  avows  its  purpose  to  bring  njioii  the  .Snuih 
alllii'lioiiK  and  perils  which  nolliiiig  but  the  phrensy 
of  abolilionary  fiiiiiilicism  could  coiiicmplale  with- 
out agony.  l-\ir  us,  bi'yond  the  ordinarv  incideiiis 
of  civilized  war,  horrors  to  which  we  are  supposed 

10  be  peculiarly  liable  are  reserved. 

Wliilsl  we  are  lo  iiieet  ihi'  brunt  of  the  conflict; 
and  to  bear  in  imniense  disproportion  the  expenses 
that  attend  il;  to  light  for  tlic  country,  and  to  ineel 
and  drive  back  ils  invaders  from  our  long  line  of 
defenceless  shores;  presenting  a  complii-'alion  of 
dilllculties,  dislre.sses,  and  dangers  that  might  nol 
only  coinniand  the  sympaihiis  of  strangers,  but 
plead  for  the  mercies  of  God,  what  fralernal  grect- 
iiu;s  have  we  from  oneporiiun  of  our  own  country .' 

11  is  just  at  this  moment  that  the  fund  form  of  fe- 
rocious fuiiuicism  sleiils  ujion  llie  scene — wilh 
prayers  and  piety  haiij;ing  upon  its  tongue,  but  the 
fires  of  hell  burning  in  its  heart — and  beckons  a 


dark,  and,  nil  it  thinks,  a  terrible  enemy  upon  our 
rear.  The  dagger  and  the  lurch,  the  conflagrations 
and  themurders  of  insurrectionary  strife, are  threat- 
ened to  our  homes.  Is  there  to  lie  no  peace  for  U8? 
Are  all  the  horrors  to  which  I  have  alluded  lo  be 
perpetually  nitemptcd  to  be  forced  upon  us,  by  men 
who  cry  *'  peace,  peace,  when  there  is  no  piace?" 
Is  there  no  period  of  repose  !  Can  no  nueslion  of 
peace  or  of  war  be  discussed  in  tin.!  tlouse,  that 
we  are  not  still  to  he  slruck  at.'  ^Is  ours  lo  be  the 
fate  of  Promelheiis,  chained  forever  to  a  pillar  which 
we  ■  innot  esca'ie,  and  gnawed  at  forever  by,  not 
till  agle,  but  this  insatiable  vulture  of  abolition 
ism .' 

Cannot  "  potent,  grave,  and  reverend  seigniors" 
learn  to  understand  our  position  and  our  character, 
and  be  taught  that  we  will  not  and  cannot  submit 
forever  to  tliis  obsiinate,  this  insolent  interference 
wilh  our  own  private  afl'iiirs;  that  there  is  a  point 
at  which  patience  ceases  to  be  a  virtue;  that  the 
crisis  may  at  last  be  forced  upon  us;  and  that,  if 
they  be  right  in  supposing  us  too  weak  to  protect 
ourselves,  (of  whicli  we  have  no  fears,)  then  that 
they  should  credit  us  with  the  strength  and  courage 
to  sustain  a  struggle,  in  which,  if  wc  did  not  suc- 
ceed in  preserving  ourselves,  we  could  not  fail  to 
pull  down  the  nillurs  of  our  common  temple  in  ruin 
upon  our  heads,  and  in  consigning  to  an  early  and 
inglorious  grave  our  great  experiment,  wilh  all  the 
sublime  recolleelions  that  gatlier  round  itshiislory, 
and  all  the  brilliant  anticipations  that  brighten  intta 
future,  if  it  could  be  pursued  in  a  spirit  of  conces- 
sion niiil  patriotism  and  submission  to  the  princi- 
I  pies  of  the  Conslituiion.' 

As  to  the  merits  of  this  Oregon  question — 1  mean 
as  to  the  chnracler  of  our  li'le— I  find  no  occasinii 
lo  go  into  it  at  all.  It  seems  thai  we  all  agree  in 
one  thing,  and  that  is,  that  our  title  is  a  better  one 
than  the  English  liile.  That,  if  it  be  not  one  which 
can  bear  the  test  of  judicial  scmliiiy,  still  il  is  a 
better  one  on  all  irrounds  than  lliiii  of  En;;land. 
What  I  mean  is  in  reference  only  to  the  coiii/mi'ff- 
(irc  streiiL'tli  of  the  twotiilci — Engli.sh  and  Ameri- 
can. My  own  opinion  is,  that  either  title  is  far 
from  being  a  clear  one.  Hut  I  speak  lo  the  point, 
as  between  England  and  the  Uiiiti-d  States,  and  in 
whatever  I  lay  on  that  subject  I  desire  to  be  dis- 
tinctly understood  as  not  intending  to  alfirm  llinta 
clear,  legal,  or  equitable  title  is  in  either  Govern- 
ment. 

I  am  for  making  our  title  good  by  prudent  means, 
by  wise  and  judicious  p»olicy,  by  **niaslerly  inac- 
livily,"  if  that  be  best,  as  I  clearly  think  it'is. 
I  will  nol  bore  the  Mouse,  not  wilh  a  "thrice 
I  told  tale,"  but  one  already  twenty  limes  told,  of 
the  reasons  which  bring  my  mind  lo  the  cnnclii* 
sioii  in  favor  of  our  title — good,  at  all  events,  a,^ 
lurainst  England.  I  should  but  follow  in  the  course 
of  niiiiierous  gentlemen  who  have  preceded  me  in 
this  debate,  themselves  following  the  able  and  un- 
answerable   ariruinents    of   our    two    Minister.s, 
Messrs.  Calhoun  and  Hiiclmnan. 
I       !  eoiiciir  in  every  argunient,  o]iinion,  and  sen- 
tence of  the  speech  of  the  able  and  learned  gentle- 
'  man  who  witli  so  much  disiinction  re]ii'csenis  the 
,  city  of  Boston  on  this  floor;  and  who,  whilst  he  in 
j  tones  iha.  bring  conviction  of  his  sincerity  to  every 
I  ingenuous  mind,  declares  his  purpose  to  stand  by 
I  his  country,  and  his  whole  country,  in  any  eiiier- 
;  gency  to  which  she  may  be  broii:;lit,  yet  evinces 
not  a  timid,  but  a  manly  and  a  rational  anxiety  to 
preserve  the  public  peace.    lie  may  well  take  such 
a  purl;  for  he  who  has  least  done  so  might  be  said 
to  have  lived  in  vain,  if  he  had  failed  lo  be  impress- 
ed by  all  the  splendid  iii.sliliilions  which  adorn  oiid 
enric'h  his  beautiful  cily,  and   the  great   and  wi.se 
Conimonweallh  of  which  that  cily  il.self  is  the  oi- 
nameiii  and  pride,  wilh  the  truth  of  the  proposi- 
tion that  peace  hath  her  triumphs  ag  well  as  war. 

I  .say,  sir,  I  adopt  that  honorable  gentleman's 
whole  speech,  for  il  was  all  addres.sed  lo  the  sev^e 
and  nol  to  the  lUinFtnse  of  this  House  or  the  coun- 
try. That  geiuleitmn  gave  proof  in  the  entire 
speech,  as  well  as  in  the  particular  declaration,  of 
the  great  cmifidence  which  h('  reposes  in  the  calm 
judgiiieiil,  the  ".sober  second  thought,"  as  he  call- 
ed il,  of  llie  people  of  this  country:  tliat,  however 
true  niiglii  have  been  the  remark  of  the  British 
cciurlier,  in  reference  to  the  British  peojile,  it  was 
not  true  if  our  day  and  country. 

Whilst  I  concur  with  all  the  gentlemen  who 
have  preceded  me  in  the  motler  of  the  title,  so  far 


I! 


144 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  5. 


99th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Jlie  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Dargan. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


aa  ila  validity  is  compared  with  that  of  England, 
there  is  another  point  in  regard  to  which  I  difler 
with  perhaps  the  whole  of  them,  and  that  is  as  to 
the  value  of  this  territory  to  ourQovernment.     In 
my  jud'tnent  it  is  not  worth  one  farthing  to  the 
United  Slates.    Waiving  all  inquiry  into  its  in- 
trinsic capacities  and  value,  (which  I  hold  at  a  very 
low  ratb  even  to  those  who  wont  territory,)  I  main- 
tain that  it  is  of  no  value  to  us,  because  we  want  i 
no  more  territory;  that  if  we  were  crami>ed  within  . 
too  narrow  boundaries,  still  Oregon  is  too  remote 
from  us  to  form  a  portion  of  our  Union  with  ad- 
vantage either  to  itself  or  to  us.     Wc  may  incur  i 
the  heavy  expense  of  nursing  its  inRincv,  but  long 
before  it  approaches  manhood  it  will  ue  able  to  j 
stand  upon  its  own  legs,  and  will  then  set  up  for 
itself,  as  it  ought  to  do.  { 

I  call  gentlemen 's  attention  to  the  character  of  ; 
the  vote  which  will  be  given  on  this  very  ques-  | 
tion,  as  an  wiswer,  full  and  complete,  against  the  j 
theory  of  those  who  favor  a  national  policy  of  end-  ; 
less  and  perpetual  expansion — expansion  until  our  < 
Union  comprehends  sections  that  cannot  have  a  - 
common  interest  or  common  attachment,  bringing 
into  the  confederacy  a  principle  which  tends  inev-  ' 
ilably  and  irresistibly  to  national  disunion  and  ruin. 

I  mii'r.Uiiu  the  title,  however,  and  acknowledge 
our  ooligntion  to  make  it  good  at  all  hamrds,  when  ; 
the  necessity  arises  for  its  assertion. 

It  may  be  asked  how  I  would  make  it  good  r 
Vfhyi  the  most  agreeable  process,  it  seems  to  mc, 
would  be  that  indicated  by  the  honorable  chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  and  culled  by 
the  honorable  member  frbm  Indiana  "  liie  Ameri- 
can multiplication  table."  I  think  it  very  doubt- 
ful, however,  whether  ou.-  present  chief  Executive 
officer  is  precisely  the  man  to  head  an  oiieration  of 
that  sort;  of  this  I  am  sure,  tliat  at  that  parliculur  j 
game  her  Majesty  Ciueen  Victoria  would  beat  him, 
and  beat  him  badly. 

[Here  Mr.  C.  J.  Ingersoll  observed  to  Mr.  P.  j 
thai  Sir  Robert  Peel  had  eleven  children.]  i 

Then,  sir,  if  it  were  a  question  not  between  the  ' 
two  sovereigns  themselves,  but  between  llieir  re- 
spective Premiers,  Sir  Robert  Peel  and  Mr.Buclmn- 
nn,  it  would  be  no  lesu  against  the  American  side.     { 

Sir,  I  would  leave  it  to  time,  to  a  reasonable  ex-  \ 
tent  at  le.ist.     I  would  renew  the  negotiations;  if  j 
that  could  not  be  made  successful  I  would  submit 
fi  reference;  I  would  settle  the  question,  as  honest 
men  may  and  must  settle  all  such  questions,  by  llic 
umpii-age  of  imparllrd  and  competent  referees.     It 
is  no  point  of  honor  to  be  settled,  but  purely  a 
question  of  boundwy  between  contiguous  proprie-  i 
tors.     And  tinally,  sir,  if  these  means  all  fail,  and 
this  l^llyins  power  of  old  England,  so  much  and 
in  such  bad  taste  abused  in  this  debate — though,' 
by  the  way,  her  part  of  the  bullying  and  blustering 
is  yet  to  be  enacted  on  this  subject — shall  persist  ' 
in  acnurse  of  injustice,  and, above  all,  shall  attempt 
to  bully  us,  tlien  fight  her,  sir,  and  fight  her  to  the 
death. 

I  feel,  Mr.  Chairman,  a  reverence  too  sincere,  a 
devotion  too  deep,  for  that  venerable  Common- 
wealth which  I  so  unworthily  represent  in  p;irt 
here,  to  insult  her  by  telling  ymi,  or  the  world, 
where  she  will  be  found  when  that  criais  arrives. 
Virginia  belongs  to  no  "  peace  party  in  war;"  to 
no  wor  party  in  peace.  And, /is  she  disdains  to 
enact  the  braggart  in  the  (|uarrel,  so  ',  iray  be 
safely  assumed  that  she  will  never  play  the  art  of 
the  traitor  in  the  conHici. 

The  President  of  the  Un'  .  .juii',s  spcnksofnur 
obligations  to  facilitate  emigration  to  Oregon,  and 
to  protect  our  "  imtriotic  pioneers"  who  are  there. 
And  gentlemen  tell  us  of^  the  attachment  of  these 

fieople  to  their  dear  native  land.  Why  do  they 
eave  it,  sir?  Why  is  it  that  they  retire  before  the 
advance  of  civilization,  preferring  the  wild  excite- 
ment and  the  rugged  discomforts  of  the  wilderness 
to  the  repose,  the  security,  and  the  reHnemenla  of 
social  and  cultivated  IHV;?  They  manifest  their  at- 
taclitient  by  disregarding  the  influences  that  bind 
ordinary  men  to  the  places  of  their  nativity,  by 
■napping  recklessly  the  ties  of  blood,  and  kindred, 
and  social  connexions;  and  calmly,  and  of  their 
own  free  choice,  deserting  a  generous  soil  and  a 
genial  clime,  abandoning  the  hearths  and  the  altars 
of  their  childhood  and  youth,  to  toil  through  a  vast 
and  perilous  wilderness,  where  savage  man  and 
savage  beas  meet  them  at  every  turn;  through 
scenes  where  danger  lurks  in  every  path,  and  death 


is  whispered  in  every  breeze,  to  gain  at  last  a  humo 
BO  inhospitable  and  rude  that,  according  to  tlie 
learned  gentleman  from  Philadelphia,  it  takes  the 
genius  of  Shakspeare  to  do  justice  to  its  horrors. 
And  it  is  ft>r  these  restless  and  wayward  wander- 
ers that  the  distinguished  gentleman  from  Alabama 
would  have  our  Qovernment  endeavor  to  realize 
the  fabulous  ubiquity  of  the  Roman  power,  send- 
ing its  cegis  tliroughout  the  world  for  their  protec- 
tion. 

Sir,  I  am  against  any  such  principle.  It  is  easier 
for  these  people  to  stay  at  home  than  for  us  to  go 
to  war.  If  they  will  go  upon  territory  the  title  of 
whiith  is  unsettled,  let  them  go  at  their  own  risk. 
A  few  men  have  no  right  to  involve  millions  in 
war.  It  is  not  the  poliry  of  our  Qovernment  to 
be  running  over  the  world  looking  ofler  citizens, 
whose  allegiance  is  manifested  only  by  acta  of  ex- 

f)atriation.  Thsy  went  to  Texas  to  Hglit  for  their 
iberty ;  they  achieved  great  victories;  had  wonder- 
ful prosperfty;  found  the  true  El  Dorado — a  coun- 
try richer  than  the  dreams  of  Spanish  avarice  had 
pictured ;  a  country  in  behalf  of  which  it  would 
seem  that  a  relenting  Providence  had  repealed  the 
primeval  curse;  for  wo  were  told  that  production 
leaps  spontaneously  from  its  bosom,  and  man  need 
not  toil  for  his  bread.  Yet,  in  a  few  brief  years, 
though  unscourged  by  war,  or  pestilence,  or  fam- 
ine, they  call  on  us  to  annex  them  "  immediately 
or  sooner,"  or  their  friends  say  they  will  perish. 
We  do  annex  tliem,  in  a  way  which,  for  its  form 
and  precipitation,  has  left  a  deeper  stain  on  our  na- 
tional character  thon  any  event  since  the  declara- 
tion of  our  independence. 

And  straightway  they  next  put  out  for  Oregon, 
and,  getting  there,  cjill  on  us  to  terminate  a  con- 
vention under  which,  for  thirty  years,  we  have  got 
along  in  peace,  and  to  do  it  directly  and  instantly, 
despite  the  hazard  of  a  war — a  war  which,  if  it 
does  come,  may,  and  most  probably  will,  be  the 
most  destructive  which  has  for  centuries  occured. 
And  that  over,  (if,  indeed,  it  be  the  good  fortune  of 
our  confederacy  to  survive  it,)  they  would  make 
another  start  for  God  knows  where — perhaps  to 
the  north  pole, if  they  could  find  a  trail,  or  make  a 
trail  to  it — and  the  regis,  I  presume,  would  be  im- 
mediately called  for  again,  supposing  any  other 
people  in  the  world  to  be  absura  enough  to  contest 
with  them  such  a  po.sses.sion. 

Hut,  .sir,  if  I  am  mistjiken  in  regarding  this  as  a 
war  measure,  then  I  am  still  opposed   to  it  as  a 

fieace  measure.  It  loses  us  inevitably  and  certain- 
y  about  half  the  territory  of  Oregon;  for  I  suppose 
no  man,  and  least  of  all  those  gentlemen  whose 
consciences  are  so  nice  on  the  point  of  the  national 
honor,  can  doubt  that,  with  the  notice,  the  last 
proposition  of  the  President  must  be  rc-subniiltcd. 
The  settlement  of  the  question  now  mu.st  lose  us 
the  better  half  of  '.h"  country  time,  emigration, 
and  "the  niultipb'ition  table,"  get  us  the  whole 
of  it.  'riii:>  is  no  point  of  interest  to  me.  I  make 
the  suggeslion  for  gentlemen  who  consider  it  a 
very  valuable  country. 

Gentlemen  talk  about  "/lonorni/e"  peace.  Who 
here,  sir,  is  for  dishonorable  peare  ?  Will  some 
of  these  war-hawks  come  down  from  their  exer- 
cises with  the  eagle,  and  condescend  to  deal  in 
common  sense  for  a  few  niomenL'3,  and  let  mc 
know — lor  1  wish  to  learn — wherein  it  is  that  the 
peace  subsisting  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain  is  a  dishonorable  peace?  Have  we 
an  insult,  a  trespass,  or  even  a  menace,  to  avenge? 
Has  our  flag  been  insulted,  our  soil  invaded,  or 
our  honor  im|>eached?  It  seems  to  me,  sir,  that 
it  is  more  dishonorable  to  break  than  to  keep  such 
a  peace. 

Suppo.se,  sir,  that  voles  enough  to  carry  ihis 
measure  be  sriven,  not  with  the  wi.sh  or  the  expec- 
tation of  ^riling  Oregon;  but  to  get  Canada,  thus 
ex'iiiiig  the  people  of  the  country  on  the  merits  of 
the  Oregon  i-faini,  for  the  purpose  of  directing  their 
force  aitainst  a  province  to  which  we  have  no 
claim,  and  to  any  attempt  to  take  which  directly 
they  could  not,  as  an  honest  |)cnplc,  be  brought. 
Wa-s  there  ever  a  war  more  infamous  and  atrocious 
than  that  would  be  ? 
'  But,  sir,  I  observe  by  the  watch  before  mc,  that 
I  have  less  than  a  half  minute  left  me.  I  have 
many  things  I  would  like  to  say  on  this  subject, 
and  I  regret  for  this  time,  and  fur  this  only,  the 
existence  of  your  hour  rule. 

Here  the  Chairman's  hammer  came  down. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  E.  S.  DARGAN, 

OF  ALABAMA, 

In  the  House  or  RepreientativeIi 

Ftbrnary  5,  m46. 

The  Resolution  from  the  CoDtmittee  on  Foreign 
Affairs,  requiring  the  President  to  notify  Great 
Britain  of  the  intention  of  the  United  Slates  to 
terminate  tttc  joint  occupancy  of  Oregon,  and  to 
abrogate  the  convention  of^lSST,  being  under 
consideration  in  Committee  of  the  Whole — 
Mr.  DARGAN  obtained  the  floor,  and  spoke  as 
follows: 

Mr.  CHAiRM.tN:  When  I  took  my  seat  In  this 
House,  it  was  with  the  resolution  that  my  voice 
should  not  be  heard  in  it  on  any  question  of  de- 
bate.    I  now  depart  from  that  course  which  I  had 
marked  out  for  myself;  but  I  will  render  no  apolo- 
gy for  it,  save  only,  that  my  views  on  the  question 
under  debate  seem,  to  me  at  least,  to  be  peculiar. 
I  have  listened  to  the  debate  with  attention,  and 
regret  that  I  cannot  agree  with  those  who  ojiposed 
the  notice  on  the  one  hand,  nor  with  those  who 
urge  the  adoption  of  the  particular  resolution  now 
under  discussion.     I  believe  a  notice  of  some  kind 
should  be  given;  for  if  wc  fail  to  give  notice  in  some 
form,  or  of  some  character,  I  wilTa.«lc,  what  will  be 
the  consequence?    Suppose  the  difTiCultics  be  not 
settled  by  negotiation,  and  notice  to  determine  the 
convention  be  not  given:  will  nut  the  question  of 
notice  become  a  political  hobby?    Will  not  the 
American  people  be  taught  to  believe  the  whole  of 
Oregon  is  ours?  and  that  those  who  oppose  the 
notice  arc  afraid  to  assert  their  rights  to  that  which 
t  is  clearly  their  own?     Mr.  Chairman,  it  would, 
i  like  a  tornado,  sweeji  from  Maine  to  Louisiana, 
!  crushing  all    opposition    before   it.      I   therefore 
i  thought,  from  the  beginning  of  this  discussion,  that 
j  a  notice  in  some  shape,  or'in  some  form,  ought  to 
I  be  given.     If  wc  fail  to  glve-this  notice  but  for  a 
I  year,  let  the  question  be  discussed  as  a  political 
.  one,  the   public  mind  will  be  convinced  that  we 
I  own  the  territory  to  54°  40'  north  latitude;  and 
!  when  so  convin'^ed,  they  will  be  roused  to  arms; 
and  war  must  d';cide  the  contest,  unless  England, 
perchance,  should  yield  up  to  us  all  we  demand. 
i  To  avoid  the  evils  of  war  is  my  wish,  and  I  think 
i  it  is  the  wish  of  my  constituents;  but  at  the  same 
■  time  neither  I  nor  they  would  yield  one  foot  of 
;  territory  clearly  and  indisputably  our  own.     This 
1  is  the  position  occupied  by  the  people  of  Alabama: 
'  claim  all  that  is  clearly  our  own;  and  if  a  contest 
j  come  from  such  an  assertion  of  their  rights,  they 
:  will  maintain  and  defend  them;  but  by  no  means 
!  assert  title  to  more  than  belongs  to  us.     i  am  not, 
Mr.  Chairman,  the  advocate  of  the  British  title, 
'  nor  will  I  be;  but  before  this  House  and  the  Amer- 
ican people  I  will  declare  what  are  our  rights;  and 
although  high  functionaries  may  say  our  right  is 
perfect  to  the  whole  territory,  I  will  give  my  opin- 
ion as  to  their  extent.     Anil  if  we  now  will  inform 
'  the  American  people  of  the  extent  of  our  rights, 
and  claim  nothing  but  that  which  belongs  tu  us,  the 
question   will   be  settled   without  a  conflict,  for 
England  will  admit  them. 

Let  us  claim  nothing  save  that  which  is  ours  ac- 
cording to  the  principles  of  justice  and  international 
law.  Here  we  can  maintain  our  claim.  The  ques- 
tion will  be  settled,  the  honor  of  the  nation  untar- 
nished, and  peace  preserved.  We  arc  urged  to  pass 
the  resolution  in  its  simple,  unqualified  form;  but 
connected  us  it  must  be  with  the  positive  assertion 
of  the  President  that  the  whole  of  Oregon  is  ours 
up  to  54°  40',  it  will  be  an  endorsement  of  that 
i  declaration  to  the  American  |)cople.  Shall  we 
make  this  endorsement,  or  not  ?  It  wo  do  it,  what 
will  be  the  consequence  ?  It  will  be  folly  to  believe 
that  anything  else  than  war  will  follow.  England 
is  in  possession  of  a  part  of  Uic  territory;  she  has 
men  and  arms  there;  she  e'.diins  rights  there,  and 
has  rights  there.  And  although  I  will  not  ascribe 
to  her  niorc  courage  and  firmness  than  belong  to 
the  rest  of  the  human  family,  I  will  ask  gentlemen 
to  point  me  to  that  page  in  history  where  men  in 
possession  of  their  -iglils,  with  arms  in  their  hands, 
have  yielded  them  upon  the  demand  of  another, 
unless  this  demc-  '  i-  Lr-'-d  on  admitted  right  and 
the  admitted  law-i  of  nations.  No  people  will  ever 
do  it  until  forced  at  the  point  oi'the  sword.  Now 
if  v/e  wish  to  settle  this  question  \  -ithout  difliculty, 
without  bloodshed,  let  us  make  o  »r  claim  to  that 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


145 


29rH  CoNo 1st  Srss. 


The  Oregon  Qiuition — Mr.  Dargan. 


New  Seriea No.  10. 


portion  of  the  territory  which  belongs  to  us;  let  us 
admit  the  question  as  one  of  n«i;ntiatinn  nnd  settle- 
ment. Let  us,  in  one  word,  declnre  the  line  below 
which  Enelnnd  has  no  right,  and  below  which  we 
will  yield  Tier  none;  and  my  word  for  it,  there  will 
be  no  war  with  England  about  Orei^on. 

This  brings  me  tn  uur  title.  It  us  said  we  have 
two  titles — one  by  discovery,  and  one  by  purchase 
from  Spain.  But  the  title  by  discovery  is  to  the 
valley  of  the  Columbia;  and  the  same  principles 
that  give  us  the  valley  of  the  Columbia,  give  the 
British  Qovernment  title  to  the  country  drained  by 
Prater's  river.  If,  therefore,  the  title  of  both  Gov- 
ernments depended  on  discovery,  both  Cfovern- 
ments  have  riehts.  It  is  pretty  well  admitted  on 
nil  sides  that  if  we  had  title  by  discovery  only,  the 
49th  degree  of  latitude  would  be  the  fair  line  of 
separation  between  us.  I  have  heard  no  one  an- 
nounce, nor  can  it  bo  said  with  reason  or  trutli, 
that,  independent  of  our  Spanish  title,  we  own  the 
whole.  But  we  invoke  the  aid  of  our  Spanish  title 
to  overreach  the  title  of  Great  Britain  by  discovery 
of  Frazer's  river,  and  her  possession  consequent 
on  such  "discovery.  Her  rights  to  this  river  and 
the  country  drained  by  its  waters,  are  precisely 
such  as  we  possess  in  regard  to  the  Columbia  and 
the  country  drained  by  it;  unless  we  can  defeat  her 
right  with  the  title  of  Spoin,  which  we  nowpossess. 
It  is  naid  that  the  Spanish  title  is  older  in  point  of 
time,  as  Spain  first  discovered  this  territory  and 
actually  took  possession  of  it;  and,  being  older,  it 
is  therefora  superior.  I  may  well  admit  that  the 
Spanish  title  is  older  than  tne  title  of  Great  Brit- 
ain, and  we  have  it;  but  this  title  is  subject,  ir.  our 
hands,  to  all  the  conditions  and  all  encumbrances 
ii.iposed  on  it  by  the  aci  of  Spain  before  she  pasied 
it  to  us;  and  before  we  can  override  the  title  of 
Great  Britain  with  this  our  Spanish  title,  we  must 
see  that  Spain  had  imposed  no  conditions  or  encum- 
brances on  this  title.  For  suppose  the  owner  in 
fee  first  mortgage  his  estate  and  then  sell  to  another 
in  fee;  the  purchaser  in  fee  takes  the  estate  subject 
to  the  mortgage,  subject  to  this  act  prior  to  the 
sale  in  fee.  "Thus,  too,  we  hold  the  title  of  Spain, 
subject  to  all  her  acts  done  in  relation  to  the  title 
before  we  acquired  it.  And  this  brings  us  to  loo'' 
into  the  Nootka  Sound  convention  of  1790. 

But  it  is  said  that  the  war  between  Great  Britain 
and  Spain  in  1796  annulled  and  abrogated  this 
treaty.  ^This,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  a  proposition 
whicli  strikes  me  as  a  novel  and  remarkable  one. 

Treatiep,  if  I  understand  them,  may  be  fulfilled 
perfectly  and  completely  on  the  act  of  signing  and 
approval,  or  they  may  oe  (if  I  may  be  allowed  the 
definition)  continuing  in  their  character — that  is, 
to  be  fVilfiUed  from  time  to  time  as  occasion  may 
require;  as,  for  instance,  commercial  treaties,  which 
may  stipulate  that  certain  .goods  shall  pay  certain 
duties  as  they  may  be  imported,  or  that  a  com- 
mercial vessel  shall  salute  a  man-of-war,  &c.j  or 
they  may  be  compounded  of  the  two — one  clause 
may  contain  a  perfect  grant  of  land,  another  clause 
may  contain  a  commercial  regulation.  But  I  osk, 
if  a  perfect  vested  right  in  land  be  conveyed  by  a 
treaty  of  this  compound  character,  if  a  subsequent 
war  would  divest  thft  perfect  and  absolute  right  f 
If  so,  my  friend  from  Missouri  should  tremble  at 
the  idea  of  war  with  France,  for  a  dedpration  of 
war  would  make  him  a  French  subjecfr  I  would 
tremble  at  a  war  with  Spain,  for  I  should  thereby 
become  a  subject  of  the  Spanish  crown.  It  is  seen 
at  once  that  such  a  proposition  is  absurd.  It  is 
now  necessary  to  inquire  into  the  Nootka  Sound 
convention;  the  3d  article  is  as  follows: 

"In  order  to  strengthen  the  bonds  of  friendship, 
'  and  preserve  in  future  a  perfect  harmony  and  good 
'  understanding  between  the  two  contracting  par- 
'  ties,  it  is  agreed,  that  their  respective  subjects 
*  shall  not  be  disturbed  or  molested, either  in  navi- 
'  gating  or  carrying  on  their  fisheries  in  the  Pacific 
'  ocean  or  in  the  South  seas,  or  in  landing  on  the 
'coasts  of  said  seas  in  places  not  olready  occupied, 
'  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  their  commerce,  or 
'  of  makmg  settlements  there ;  the  whole  subject, 
'  nevertheless,  to  the  following  restrictions  speci- 
'  fied  in  the  three  following  Articles,"  &c. 

"  Or  of  making  settlements."    Note  this. 

Permit  me  tn  ask,  what  has  divested  England  of 
this  right  to  make  settlements  under  this  conven- 
tion f  and  why  ii  not  the  Spanish  title  now  charged 
with  this  encumbrance  as  It  was  In  1790  ?  Why,  I 
ask,  is  it  nut  charged  with  ths.rlght  In  England  to 

10 


make  settlements  in  any  port  of  the  Oregon  terri- 
tory? 

In  the  exercise  of  this  right,  her  citizens  have 
gone  there  and  erected  their  homes.  When  were 
they  bound  to  depart  ?  When  they  had  made  settle- 
ments, and  consecrated  the  soil  as  their  homes,  with- 
out any  restriction  or  limitation  as  to  time — on 
what  principles  of  law  can  they  be  compelled  to 
abandon  their  homes  or  surreniler  the  soil  ?  But 
the  gentleman  from  Indiana  [Mr.  Owen]  came  to 
the  conclusion  that  there  was  a  restriction  on  this 
right  contained  in  the  .Id  article,  to  be  found  in  the 
.5tli  article  I  will  now  call  the  attention  of  tlio 
committee  to  these  restrictions.  The  first  restric- 
tion is  contained  in  tlie  4th' article,  which  reads  as 
follows: 

"His  Britannic  Majesty  engages  to  take  the  most 
'  effectual  measures  to  prevent  the  navigation  and 
'  fishery  of  his  subjects  in  the  Pacific  ocean  or  In 
'  the  South  seas  f'rom  being  made  a  pretext  for 
'  illicit  trade  with  the  Spanish  settlements;  and 
'  with  this  view  it  is  moreover  stipulated,  that  the 
'  British  subjects  shall  not  navigote  and  c^rry  on 
'  their  fishery  in  said  seas  within  the  space  of  ten 
'  sea  leagues  from  any  part  of  the  coast  already 
'  occupied  by  Spain." 

This,  Mr.  phairman,  is  the  first  restriction. 
Does  this  restriction  go  to  negative  or  control  the 
right  of  English  subjects  to  make  settlements  on 
any  part  of  the  territory  not  occupied  by  Spain? 
It  IS  sufficient  merely  to  say  it  does  not. 

But  it  is  supposed  that  the  5th  article  controls 
this  right;  but  the  construction  I  put  on  it  is  entire- 
ly different.    The  article  is  as  follows: 

"As  well  In  the  places  to  be  restored  to  the  Brlt- 
'  Ish  subjects  by  virtue  of  the  1st  article,  as  in  all 
'  other  ;s  of^  the  northwestern  coasts  of  North 
'  Americf.,  as  well  as  the  islands  adjacent,  situate  to 
'  the  north  of  the  parts  of  said  coast  already  ntcu- 
'  lied  by  Spain,  wherever  the  subjects  of  either  o" 
'  the  two  Powers  shall  have  made  settlenients  since 
'  the  month  of  April,  1/89,  or  shr.ll  ht  j.  it^rn'aki 
'  any,  tho  subjects  of  the  other  shall  have  .'^•^e  ac- 
'  cess,  and  shall  carry  on  their  trade  without  any 
'  disturbance  or  molestation." 

This  article,  Mr.  Chairman,  so  far  from  being  a 
restriction  on  the  3d  article,  Is  simply  an  er.largje- 
ment  of  the  4th.  The  4th  article  is:  You  (the  Brit- 
ish) shall  not  trade  with  the  Spanish  subjects.  Tlie 
5th  article  is:  You  may  trade  with  the  Spanish  sub- 
jects in  those  settlements  hereafter  made  by  the 
Spaniards  north  of  their  present  settlements.  Ills, 
therefore,  simply  an  enlargement  of  the  restriction 
contained  in  tne  4th  article.  If  this  be  the  right 
construction,  the  right  to  make  settlements  Is  unre- 
strained; and  I  ask,  if  the  British  subjects  had  the 
right  to  settle  any  part  of  the  territory  not  previous- 
ly occupied,  and  there  make  their  permanent  homes 
without  anytliing  being  said  as  to  the  time  when 
they  should  abandon  itiem, — I  ask — in  the  name 
of  common  sense,  I  appeal  to  all  who  have  some 
idea  of  the  legal  elTect  of  treaties — what  Influence 
can  a  war  have  on  this  right  ? 

Am  I  to  be  told  at  this  day,  and  are  we  to  sanc- 
tion the  doctrine,  that  when  nations  enter  into  a 
contract,  which  has  been  executed,  and  rights  vest- 
ed ill  perpetuity  under  the  contract,  that  a  sub- 
sequent war  will  divest  those  rights — annul  this 
contract?  If  so,  it  is  a  new  era  in  the  history  of 
international  law;  a  now  doctrine,  which  would 
be  found  to  be  destructive  of  the  best  interests  of 
nations.  No  such  doctrine  can  be  maintained  here 
or  anywhere  else. 

We  hold,  then,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  Spanish 
title.  If  gentlemen  see  fit  to  rely  on  it,  but  charged 
with  the  right  of  the  British  Government,  to  wit: 
that  their  subjects  may  moke  settlements  in  the  ter- 
ritory in  places  not  already  occupied,  and  there 
erect  their  homes.  This  Spanish  title  is  charged 
with  this  right.  But  whether  we  claim  by  the 
one  title  or  by  the  other,  or  by  both,  the  Govern- 
ment of  Great  Britain  has  rights  In  the  territory, 
and  we  wish  to  make  a  division  of  the  soil.  We 
ore  no  longer  willing  to  remain  in  joint  occupancy, 
nor  can  we  assert  title  to  the  whole  territory.  I 
am  willing  to  assert  for  my  constituents,  and  for 
the  American  people,  every  right  that  belongs  to 
them;  but  no  power  on  earth  can  make  me  assert 
claims  to  rights,  when  those  are  negatived  by  con- 
tract and  by  law.  Nor  will  I  advocate  the  doc- 
trine that  we  must  seize  upon  territory  contrary  to 
treaty  stipulations,  contrary  to  the  laws  of  nations. 


merely  because  we  wish  to  ttppropriate  it  to  our 
use. 

Now  for  the  division  line.  The  49th  degree 
seems  to  me  to  be  equitable  and  just.  I  think  we 
have  committed  ourselves  to  this  line:  we  have  of- 
fered it  once,  twice — nay,  three  times.  By  these 
oflbrs,  we  have  admitted  England  had  claims. 
With  what  faitli,  I  ask,  can  wc  now  assert  title  to 
the  whole?  Can  we,  then,  go  for  this  resolution, 
without  even  qualifying  it,  to  show  that  Great  Brit- 
ain has  rights  whicn  are  the  subject  of  ne^jotiation  ? 
It  has  been  asserted  by  tlie  Executive  that  our  title 
to  the  whole  is  perfect.  In  this,  I  am  compelled 
to  differ  with  him.  I  cannot  shut  my  eyes  to  tlio 
rights  adverse  to  our  own. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  prefer  a  resolution  giving 
the  notice,  v/ith  a  distinct  assertion  of  the  extent 
of  our  rights;  that  Is,  that  We  will  never  yield  any 
portion  of  the  territory  south  of  latitude  49.  If  we 
would  do  this,  depend  on  it  England  would  not  go 
to  war  for  any  territory  soutli  of  that  line.  Our 
right  to  it  is  best.  I  would  never  yield  one  foot 
south  of  it,  be  the  concequences  wnat  they  may; 
but  for  us  to  assert  our  title  to  tho  whole — to  pre- 
pare ourselves  to  maintain  this  title — Will  producn 
war  beyond  all  possible  doubt.  And  although  I 
will  not  undertake  to  describe  the  horrors  of  war, 
let  me  say,  if  a  conflict  ensues,  the  whole  civilized 
world  will  fee!  the  shock.  ?trustin  the  name  of 
God  that  this  country  will  never  be  involved  in  a 
war  by  asserting  title  to  that  which  is  not  ours; 
and  I  trust  we' will  never  fear  to  assert  title  to  our 
own.  Nor  will  tlic  assertions  of  title  to  that  which 
Is  clearly  ours  ever  involve  us  in  a  war  with  any 
nation;  or  if  it  does,  it  will  not  be  a  war  of  aggres- 
sion; it  will  be  one  of  right,  our  quarrel  will  be 
just,  nnd  we  should  have  nothing  to  fear  from  Eng- 
land or  from  the  world, 

I  see  the  necessity  of  giving  notice  to  determine 
this  convention,  to  prevent  bloodshed;  but  let  us 
accompany  it  with  a  clear  and  distinct  declaration 
as  to  the  extent  of  our  rights.  We  would  not 
yield  our  rights  to  England:  will  she  yield  hers  to 
us  ?  Although  I  believe  the  Executive  thinks  our 
right  to  the  whole  perfect,  for  he  has  so  said,  I 
cannot  agree  with  him;  the  conduct  of  our  Gov- 
ernment Is  opposed  to  his  views — the  rights  of  dis- 
covery and  the  construction  of  treaties  oppose  his 
views.  His  opinions,  however,  will  have  a  pow- 
erful effect  on  the  public  mind;  we  should  check 
it;  we  should  show  to  our  fellow-citizens  the  ex- 
tent of  their  rights,  and  I  would  with  pleasure  go 
tor  the  notice  with  this  declaration  of  the  extent  of 
our  rights. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  even  go  fbr  a  notice 
that  would.admit  that  Great  Britain  had  an  inter- 
est ill  the  territory  the  subject-matter  of  negotia  ^ 
tion,  for  this  woula  be  to  disabuse  the  pubU<;  mind. 
It  would  be  tantamount  to  saying  Great  Britain 
has  interest  in  Oregon;  but  to  deny  that  she  has, 
and  60  to  teach  tlie  public  that  all  is  ours,  must, 
beyond  all  doubt,  produce  war.  True  it  is,  that 
the  giving  of  this  notice  Is  the  exercise  of  a  mere 
conventional  right,  and  within  itself  not  a  cause  of 
war;  but  he  is  not  entitled  to  the  name  of  a  pru- 
dent counsellor  who  will  exercise  this  right  merely 
because  he  may  do  so,  without  regard  to  the  con- 
sequences. We  should  look  to  the  consequences. 
Give  the  notice  in  this  simple,  unqun.ified  form, 
and  the  question  must  then  be  settled,  cither  by 
negotiation  or  by  the  sword.  The  President  says 
negotiation  is  ended — that  it  cannot  be  so  settled. 
Then  the  oi.ly  alternative  left  is  war;  a  war,  too, 
under  the  assertion  of  title  to  the  whole.  We 
could  not  he  justified  before  mankind;  we  could 
not  elicit  their  sympathies;  we  should  be  consider- 
ed the  aggressors.  But  let  us  declare,  and  declare 
truly,  the  extent  of  our  rights.  Our  title  is  before 
the  world ,  the  title  of  England  before  them — and 
we  should  be  sustained  by  the  nations  of  the  earth, 
England  herself,  seeing  that  we  chiimed  nothing 
but  that  which  is  our  own,  would  yiejd  to  our 
claim  without  resort  to  arms.  The  question  is  one 
of  moment;  the  lives  of  thousands  depend,  or  may 
depend,  upon  our  action.  Let  us  not  act  rashly, 
nor  hazard  the  lives  of  our  fellow-beings  in  assert- 
ing a  doubtful  title;  yea,  in  asserting  a  title  to  the 
whole,  when,  beyond  all  doubt,  we  have  no  ex- 
clusive title.  But  should  we  give  this  notice,  witlt 
a  view  to  settle  the  question  by  negotiation,  by  ps- 
serting  I'.ie  only  to  that  which  is  ours,  or  by  ad- 
mitting ihat  Great  Briuin  had  Interests  which  were 


146 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GIX)BE. 


[Jan.  88, 


29rH  CoNQ 1st  Sesa. 


The  (Jregon  Que$tion — JUr,  Otnen. 


Ho.  or  Repb. 


tha  Rulijeet  of  cnmpromiM,  and  nhi-  ahonld  reftiie 
to  negotinte,  »nd  allow  us  our  righlii,  the  rcapon- 
■ibility,  yea,  the  evili  of  tha  war  would  be  hera. 
But  let  ua  claim  only  our  righta,  and  thera  will  be 
no  danger  of  war,  or  of  ita  horrora. 

I  see,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  haye  a  tew  minutes  more. 
I  will  reply  to  one  auriretition  I  have  heard  expreaa- 
ed,  <■  that  the  tree  of  liberty  flouriahed  beat  when 
moiatened  with  blood."  This  ianot  the  tree  of  lib- 
erty I  admire;  and  when  the  tree  of  liberty  plant- 
ed uy  our  fathers  lequirea  the  blood  of  their  de- 
acendanta  to  give  it  nouriahment,  I  say,  cut  it  down, 
lear  it  up  by  the  roola,  and  caat  it  from  us.  But, 
Mr.  Chairman,  the  tree  of  liberty  I  admire  floUTr- 
iahea  best  in  peace;  yea,  when  the  rights  of  all 
are  regarded  and  reapectied,  then  will  ita  bougha 
extend  and  give  protection  lo  all,  and  under  it  all 
will  be  content— all  happy.  To  protect  thia,  air,  I 
would  aay,  let  blood  be  ahed;  nor  should  tlie  ruth- 
less hand  of  tyranny  pluck  one  bough  from  the 
trunk.  Permit  me  to  say,  tiutt  my  constituents 
would  freely  shed  their  blood  ere  this  tree  should 
be  inj[ured.  I  will  not  pasa  anv  enconiuma  on  my 
conatituents,  nor  apeak  of  their  martial  apirit. 
But  if  a  wat  ahoulu  conw,  let  it  come  aa  it  will. 
For  good,  aufficient,  or  inaufficient  cauae,  I  do  not 
think  we  ahall  aak  to  borrow  fortitude  of  our  friends 
to  bear  us  up  against  ita  misfortunes.  No,  sir,  we 
will  gather  on  our  beAh,  beside  uur  native  rocks, 
a'^inst  which  the  mad  waves  of  "Old  Ocean" 
have  beat  for  ages  paat  without  impression  made, 
and  still  they  stand  and  cast  them  back  on  her  own 
bosom.  So  would  we  stand  and  drive  back  our 
foea,  and  make  them  seek  the  quiet  of  their  paa- 
aiona  in  theirown  homes.  , 


OREOON  AND  THE  NOOTKA  CONVENTION. 

SPEECH  OF  ROBERT  DALE  OWEN, 

OF  INDIANA, 
In  the  House  or  Representati\.;<. 

January  38,  1846. 
In  vindication  of  the  course  puraued  by  the  Gov- 

ornment  of  the  United  Statea  in  relation  to  the 

Territory  of  Oregon. 

Mr.  OWEN  said : 

Edmund  Burke,  when  a  member  of  the  British 
Parliament,  was  onco  asked,  why  ministers,  when 
in  any  case  they  had  a  well-ascertained  majority, 
did  not  press  the  question  at  once,  without  the  trou- 
ble of  discussing  its  merits.  "  That  has  been  tried, " 
was  his  reply,  "  but  it  would  not  do.  The  minis- 
ter who  should  persevere  in  it  would  aoon  have  to 
go  out." 

An4yet,  there  is  no  direct  responsibility  of  the 
British  Premier  to  the  people  wnom  he  governs. 
Powerful  he  is;  absolute,  almost,  while  he  retains 
a  controlling  majority  at  his  beck;  but  still  he  must 
defer  to  public  opinion ;  or,  if  he  neglect  such  def- 
erence, loss  of  piawer  and  degrtulation  from  place 
is  the  speedy  penalty. 

And  thus  we  of  the  United  Statea,  while  we  are 
responaible  for  our  acts  aa  a  nation  to  no  human 
power,  must  yet  delisr  to  the  public  opinion  of  man- 
kind. If  we  would  retain  our  station  and  influence 
among  the  nations  of  the  earth,  not  only  must  our 
public  acta  be  justifiable,  but,  before  we  consum- 
mate, we  must  lake  the  trouble  to  justify  them. 

My  motive  in  rising  now  is  to  furnish  such  small 
contribution  as  I  may  to  the  mass  of  evidence  and 
argument  so  ably  supplied  fron;  our  Department 
of  Slate,  in  vindication,  to  the  world,  of  the  course 
pursued  by  our  Qovemment  on  the  great  question 
of  the  day. 

Accuaationa  of  a  grave  character  are  brought,  in 
respectable  quuters,  impugning  the  justice  of  the 
meaaarea  recommended  by  the  President  and  now 
under  conaidcration  by  the  House,  in  regard  to  the 
territory  of  Oregon.  I  do  not  speak  of  charges 
coming  flrom  foreign  and  interested  sources;  but  of 
language  used  by  the  press  here  at  home,  and  by 
membeia  on  this  very  floor.  We  of  the  majority 
may  (iset  exceedingly  well  satisfied  that  our  course 
ia  juat,  and  these  charges  unfounded;  but  it  is  not 
the  less  an  imperative  duty  to  defend  the  one  and 
repel  the  other. 

I  select,  aa  a  apecimen  of  the  ground  aasumed  by 
>  portion  of  the  press,  a  paragraph  from  a  New 
York  paper  of  good  standing.    .Speaking  of  our  ti- 


tle to  Oreson,  the  Journal  of  Commerce,  in  an  edi- 
torial of  December  35,  aaya: 

"The  evidence,  even  aa  ikr'aouth  aa  Columbia 

*  river,  ia  not  all  on  one  aide,  by  a  great  deal.  And 
■  when  we  come  to  latitude  49,  the  Engliah  claim 

*  ia  belUir  than  our  own." 

If  thia  be  true,  then  the  Preaident  loat  eight  of 
right  an.'  iuatice,  when  he  adhered  to  the  oner  of 
49  as  an  utimatum;  and  Mr.  Pakenham  was  justi- 
fied in  expecting  fVom  our  Govemment  aome  "Air- 
ther  prnpoaal  more  consistent  with  fturneaa  and 
equity." 

And,  when  aome  London  joumaliat  triumphantly 
quotes  against  us  such  a  paragraph  as  that,  drawn 
from  the  pages  of  one  among  the  leading  periodicals 
of  the  Union,  he  will  find,  m  ftirtlier  aid  of  an  ar- 
gument about  the  reckless  and  grasping  ambition 
of  these  States,  certain  resolutions  touching  war 
and  Oregon,  oflercd  at  your  table,  not  by  some 
voung,  rash,  hot-headed  partisan,  hut  by  a  mem- 
oer  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Winthrop,]  both 
able  and  experienced,  a  gentleman  whose  talent  and 
standing  no  one  disputes.  The  second  of  theae 
reaolutiona  declares: 

"That  it  would  be  a  dishonor  lo  the  age  in  which 

*  wc  live,  and  in  the  highest  degree  discreditable  to 

*  both  the  nations  concerned,  if  the^  should  suffer 
'  themselves  to  be  drawn  into  a  war  upon  a  quea- 
'  tion  of  no  immediate  or  practical  intereat  to  either 
'of  them." 

An  eminent  British  statesman  once  said,  that 
"aa  we  ought  never  to  go  to  war  for  a  profitable 
wrong,  so  neither  ought  we  to  go  to  war  for  an  un- 
profllalile  right. "  There'  is  much  good  sense  in 
the  maxim;  and  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts 
doubtless  considers  it  strictly  applicable  in  the  pres- 
ent case. 

The  direct  inference  from  his  reaolution  ia,  in 
the  first  place,  that  the  right  in  dispute,  if  indeed  it 
be  a  right  at  all,  is  an  unprofitable  right;  that  it  is 
of  no  practical  importance  whether  we  cede  to  Eng- 
land a  part,  or  even  the  whole,  of  the  territory  ly- 
ing south  of  49  and  north  of  the  Columbia.  He 
esteem's  it  our  imperative  duty,  rather  than  resort 
to  war,  to  make  some  compromising  division  of 
this  disputed  tract. 

I  will  ask  the  gentleman  to  lake  map  in  hand, 
and  answer  me  a  question  or  two.  It  avails  noth- 
ing to  talk  vaguely  of  iimu  compromise.  Let  him 
tell  me  nhat  compromise,  beyond  that  already  of- 
fered, he  suggests.  If  he  recede  but  half  a  degree 
south  of  49,  he  touches  already  the  Straits  of  Fuca, 
the  entrance,  and  the  only  entrance,  to  Puget 
Sound.  If  he  abandon  to  England  but  one  de- 
gree out  of  the  three  which  span  this  debatable 
land,  the  line  cuts  us  wholly  on  from  these  straits, 
fVom  Admiralty  Inlet,  and  consequently  from  Puget 
Sound;  we  might  as  well  take  the  line  of  47  at  once, 
and  surrender  that  Sound  altogether,  as  to  cede  ita 
sole  entrance  and  exit. 

Is  this,  then,  the  gentleman's  prnpositiot^?  that 
England  should  have  the  harbora  of  Puget?  and 
that  it  is  of  no  pracdcol  importance  whether  she 
has  them  or  not  ? 

Let  Captain  Wilke-i,  speaking  in  his  recently- 

Cublished  narrative,  say  a  word  to  us  touching  the 
arbors  of  that  territory.    He  tells  us: 
"The  coast  of  Oregon,  to  the  south  of  Cape 
'  Flattery,  (the  southern  cape  on  the  Straits  .  f 

*  Fuca,)  is  rocky,  much  broken,  and  affords  no 
'harbora,  except  for  very  small  vessels." — Vol. 
IV.,  p.  396. 

And  again: 

"No  ports  exist  along  any  part  of  the  coast  of 
'Oregon,  south  of  the  Columbia  river,  that  are 
'  accessible  to  any  class  of  vessels,  even  those  of 
'but  very  small  draught  of  water." — Vol.  K..r. 
148. 

Aa  to  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  itself,  which, 
for  80  many  years,  repelled  discovery,  he  tells  us: 

"  Mere  iiesi-ription  can  give  little  iaea  of  the  ter- 
'  rors  of  the  bar  of  the  Columbia:  all  who  have 
'  seen  it  have  spoken  of  the  wildness  of  the  scene, 
'  the  incessant  roar  of  the  waters,  representing  it 
'  as  one  of  the  most  fearful  sights  that  can  meet  the 
'  eye  of  a  sailor."— Vol.  IV.,  p.  293. 

The  purveys  made  by  Wilkes  have  already 
greatly  diminished  these  dangers;  but  yet  it  must 
remain  matter  of  great  doubt,  whether  the  mouth 
of  the  Columbia  can  ever  be  used,  throughout 
the  varioua  aeasons  of  the  year,  aa  a  ee:ieraT  port 
of  entrance  for  veasels  of  every  dmuglit. 


On  Ihe  other  hand,  all  navigators,  from  Vancou- 
ver to  Wilkea,  concur  in  testifying  to  Ihe  aafcty  of 
the  entrance  to  Puget  Sound,  and  to  the  value  of 
its  harbors;  as  capable  of  receiving,  and  shelter- 
ing, in  perfect  security,  the  largest  fleet  of  line-of- 
baltle  ships  the  woilii  ever  saw  brought  together. 
Captain  Wilkes  says; 

"Nothing  can  exceed  the  beauty  of  theae  waters 
'  nor  their  aafety:  not  a  ahoal  exiata  within  the 
'  Straits  of  Juan  de  Fuca,  Admiralty  Inlet,  Pugel 
'Sound,  or  Hood's  canal,  that  can,  in  any  way, 
'  interrupt  Ihe  navigation  of  >  74  gtin  ahip.  I  ven- 
■  lure  nothing  in  saying,  there  ia  no  country  in  the 
'world  that  poasesaes  watera  equal  to  theae." — 
Vol.lV.,f.m. 

I  repeat  my  queation:  ia  it  of  no  practical  im- 
portance whether  or  not  we,  as  the  future  owners 
of  Oregon,  cede  to  Great  Britain  the  only  safe  har- 
bors in  that  country,  retaining  not  even  one  road- 
stead of  value  along  the  entire  Pacific  coast?  Is 
the  maritime  control  of  Oregon  a  matter  so  trifling 
that  we  are  tamely  to  surrender  it  to  England, 
merely  because,  without  a  color  of  title,  she  aees 
fit  to  aak  ua  for  it?  According  to  what  code  of 
logic  or  morals  does  it  become  our  imperative  duty 
auomissively  to  give  way,  for  this  only  reaaon,' 
that  ahe  chooaes  iiertinaciously  to  insist } 

See,  in  her  very  pertinacity,  the  proof,  how  well 
she  eatimatea — how  differently  from  the  gentleman 
from  Maaaachusetts,  [Mr.  WiNTURor,]  or  the  gen- 
tleman from  Virginia,  [Mr.  Pendleton] — the  val- 
ue of  thia  disputed  tract  and  ita  magnificent  horbora. 
She  is  experienced;  ahe  ia  far-seeing.  She  looks 
to  practical  results.  On  the  table  of  her  Cabinet  lie 
minute  topographical  surveys  of  the  Strails  of  Fuca, 
of  Admiralty  Inlet,  ofilie  harbora  of  Puget.  From 
the  first  moment  of  negotiation  she  contended  for 
these;  to  the  very  last  ahe  haa  adhered  to  her  pre- 
tensions. And  whenever  the  day  comes,  if  come 
it  does,  when  ahe  ahall  reliniiuiah  to  ua  that  master 
key  to  the  commerce  of  the  Columbia  valley,  then 
will  a  favorite  and  long-cherished  plan  of  hers  fall 
to  Ihe  ground :  the  plan  of  settling,  with  British 
subjects,  quietly  but  exclusively,  this  district  of 
country.  A  distinguished  gentleman  from  South 
Carolina  [Mr.  Rhett]  seems  to  perceive  no  evi- 
dence, or  danger,  of  any  such  plan.  I  ask  him,ia 
it  to  go  for  nothing,  that  while  seven  thousand 
American  citizens  have  already  settled  south  of  the 
Columbia,  not  one,  no  not  even  one,  has  found  a 
home  north  of  that  stream  ?  Are  we  to  pass  over, 
as  of  no  serious  import,  the  fact,  that  the  Hudson 
Bay  Company  deliberately  'f  without  violence,  in- 
duce the  removal,  to  whaf  y  call  the  American 
side  of  the  river,  of  every  citizen  of  these  States  who 
attempts  a  settlement  on  what  they  peraist  in  call- 
I  ing  the  British  side  ?  Must  he  have  stronger  por- 
I  tents  still?  I  can  furnish  them.  The  following 
;  paragraph  is  from  Wilkes's  narrative: 
1  "  Aa  the  charter  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Company 
i  '  precludes  their  engaging  in  agricultural  opera- 
'  tions,  another  Company  has  been  organized  un- 
'  der  the  title  of  Ihe  Pugel  Sound  Company,  and 
'  its  officers  are  exclusively  chosen  from  among 
'Ihem."  "  *  "The  capital  of  the  Puget  Sound 
'  Company  is  ^500,000;"  (that  is,  about  two  mil- 
lions and  a  half  of  dollars.)  "  The  operations  of 
'  the  company  are,  in  consequence,  large:  they  be- 
'  Tnn  by  (flaking  large  importations  of  stock  from 
'  California,  and  some  of  the  best  breeds  of  cat- 
'  tie  from  England.  They  have  also  entered  into 
'  flirming  on-an  extensive  scolc,"  &«. — Vol.  IV., 
p.  329. 

The  Puget  Sound  Company,  observe;  th<  pro- 
bable centre  of  their  future  operations  being  Fort 
Nisquttlly,  at  Ihe  southern  extremity  of  the  Sound; 
the  very  point  at  which,  in  all  probability,  a  line 
of  communication  hence  to  China  and  the  East 
Indies  would  terminate,  and  the  consequent  point 
I  of  embarcjition  of  the  Asiatic  trade;  the  New  Or- 
I  leans,  in  short,  of  the  Columbia  valley,  with  half 
!  the  world  directly  open  to  the  vessels  that  shall 
i  leave  her  wharves.    And  this  Puget  Sound  Com- 
pany has  the  chartered  right,  and  the  capital,  to 
found  extensive  agricultural  settlements;  settle- 
menls  of  the  most  permanent  kind;  settlements 
which  must  inevitably  and  rapidly  spread  out,  from 
that  centre,  south  to  the  very  banka  of  the  Colum- 
bia. 

And  then,  whose  will  that  coun,.ybe?  How 
will  the  British  Government  dare,  even  if  she 
would,  neglect  or  abandon  the  British  interests  that 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLDBE. 


147 


29th  CoNa....rl8T  Se3s. 


The  Oregon  ^ueiiion — Mr.  Owen. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


will  havp  iprung  up  under  the  protection  and  priv- 
ilege of  her  own  Itiws  nnd  clmrters  ? 

Doei  the  gentleman  tmm  South  Carolina  think 
that  all  this  is  ^oing  on  just  ai  it  ohould  >  that  no 
notice  to  terminate  auch  a  atale  of  thinee  is  re- 
quired ?  that  we  have  but  to  fold  our  hands,  in  Ha- 
gaciou*  inactivity,  and  look  quietly  on,  and  all 
will  be  well  ?  Then  may  wo  also  declare,  when 
the  thunder  growls,  that  there  is  no  storm  in  the 
air.  Then  may  the  patrol  slumber  in  security  at 
his  post,  even  when  the  enemy's  cannon  give  warn- 
ing note  that  he  is  advancing,  in  mass,  to  the  onset. 

1  pass  to  the  oecond  proposition  of  the  gentle- 
man from  Massachusetts,  that  if,  under  any  cir- 
cumstances, we  sufler  war  to  arise,  we  thereby 
bring  discredit  on  our  country,  and  dishonor  on 
the  age  in  which  we  live. 

Discredit !  dishonor !  Strong  terms.  I  have  al- 
ready shown  that  we  contend  for  no  trifle,  for  no 
unprofitable  right.  The  only  remaining  contin- 
gency under  which  such  charges  can  justly  apply 
IS,  if  we  contend  for  that  which  is  no  right  at  all; 
for  that  which  is  but  a  profiuible  wron^. 

Sir,  if  there  be  a  situation  in  life,  public  or  pri- 
vate, where  a  wise  and  just  man  will  set  Jealous 
gtiard  on  his  reason,  it  is,  when  he  bends  its  pow- 
ers to  decide  n  question  of  disputed  right,  to  which 
he  is  one  of  the  parties.  The  best  of  us  are  but 
men.  Our  longings  tinge  our  judgments.  That 
which  we  desire  should  be,  how  readily  do  we  And, 
or  firame,  a  plea  to  justify  I  When  our  wishes  urge, 
or  our  interests  solicit,  how  pi  ne  are  we  all  to 
rush  upon  conclusions  to  which  our  unbribed  rea- 
son would  never  have  assented! 

In  a  spirit  of  scrupulous  self-watchfulness,  then, 
let  us  approach  this  question.  In  the  great  cause 
now  pending  between  us  and  England,  before  the 
triliunal  of  the  civilized  world,  let  us  adopt  the 
principles  of  her  declaralioii  j'athci  ti-  \n  those  of 
our  own;  let  us  take  the  testimony  of  her  witness- 
es, rather  than  of  those  it  is  our  rqutA  privilege  to 
summon.  And  if,  even  out  of  these  materials,  of 
our  opponent's  own  selection,  we  can  still  erect  an 
impregnable  title,  not  only  to  what  we  have  claim- 
ed, but  to  much  that  we  have  offered  to  relinquish, 
then  even  self-jealousy  may  be  satisfied;  and  the 
judgment  of  a  candid  world  must,  perforce,  be  giv- 
en in  our  favor. 

England,  pending  this  negotiation,  has  virtually 
abandoned  all  claims  founded  on  discovery  or  prior 
settlement;  a  very  sufficient  proof  that  she  does  not 
consider  them  tenable.  In  the  official  statement  by 
her  plenipotentiaries,  oppended  to  the  protocol  of 
the  sixth  conference  held  in  December,  1826,  they 
declare: 

"  Whatever  title  may  have  been,  however,  either 
'  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  or  on  the  p:\rt  of 
'Spain,  prior  to  the  convention  of  1790,  it  was, 
*  from  thence  forward,  no  longir  to  be  traced  in 
'  vague  narratives  of  ditcoveriei,  uveral  of  them  ad- 
'  milted  la  he  apocryphal,  but  in  the  text  and  stipula- 
'  tionsof  that  convention  itself.  "—i>oc.  199,  H.  R., 
SOth  Congress,  1st  sess. ,  p.  53. 

This  proposition,  if  it  be  admitted,  narrows 
down  the  whole  controversy  to  a  very  simple  point; 
to  an  examination,  namely,  of  the  "  text  ana  stip- 
ulations" of  the  convention  in  question,  as  the  only 
just  source  of  title,  in  either  nation,  to  territory  on 
the  northwest  coast. 

Our  negotiators  have  argued  that  this  conven- 
tion, being  but  of  a  temporary  character,  was  an- 
nulled by  the  war  between  Spain  and  Orent  Brit- 
ain, declared  in  1796.  But  Mr.  Pakenhnin  still 
stoutly  maintains  the  contrary.  In  his  letter  to 
Mr.  Buchanan  of  July  last,  he  says: 

"  The  Nootka  Sound  convention  has  continued 
'  in  f\ill  and  complete  force  up  to  the  present  mo- 
'  ment." 

He  argues,  in  another  part  of  the  same  letter,  in 
regard  to  this  convention,  that 

"  It  must  be  considered  as  an  acknowledgment 
'  of  existing  rights,  an  admission  of  certain  princi- 
'  pies  of  international  law,  not  to  be  revoked  at  the 
'  pleasure  of  either  party,  or  to  be  set  aside  by  a 
'  cessation  of  friendly  relations  between  them." 

In  so  far  as  the  convention  actually  recopiizes 
territorial  rights  then  existing,  there  is  force  in  the 
above  view;  and,  at  all  events,  after  such  a  decla- 
ration, England  is  forever  barred  from  demurring 
to  any  conclusidli,  at  which,  following  the  text 
and  stipulation!  of  thai  convention,  we  may  justly 
•rrive. 


Now,  taking  the  words  of  that  convention  thus 
expressly  appealed  to  by  Great  Britain,  interpret- 
ing these  in  tneir  plain  and  obvious  sense,  corrob- 
orated and  elucidated  bv  the  most  authentic  con- 
temporaneous commen...  :ea  thereon,  I  assert, 
broadly  and  positively,  that  this  very  document 
recognises  in  Spain — and  consequ'^ntiy  in  us  aa 
Spain's  assignee — an   abiolute  and  undivided 

■lOlIT  OP  TBRIllTaRT,  DP  TO  THE  LATITUDE  OP 
rORTT-NINB  AND  A  HALF;  and,  IN  BOTH  NATION!,  A 
JOINT  mOHT  OP  SETTLEMENT  THENCE  TO  THE 
NORTH,  10  PAR  AI  ANT  BrITIKH  OH  AuERlCAN 
CLAIMS  MAT  REACH.      (M>te  1.) 

I  repeat  it.  By  the  Nootka  Sound  convention, 
England  wholly  abandons  to  Spain  all  territorial 
right  south  of  latitude  forty-nine  and  a  half;  and 
acknowledges  in  that  country  equal  righu  with 
her  north  of  that  parallel. 

As  to  the  accuracy  and  justice  of  this  view  of 
the  case,  I  submit  it,  without  one  doubt  as  to  the 
to  result,  alike  to  scrupulous  friends  at  home,  and 
to  just-minded  enemies  abroad.  If  to  the  learned 
gentleman  from  Virginia,  [Mr.  Batlt,]  who  did 
not  allude  to  it  yesterday  in  his  argument  on  title, 
or  to  any  one  else,  it  seem  overslroined,  his  at- 
tention I  ask  to  the  proofs  I  am  about  to  adduce. 
Let  him  suffer  me,  in  the  first  place,  to  refer  him 
to  an  episode  in  British  history,  instructive  in  it- 
self, as  a  specimen  of  the  temper  and  policy  of 
that  powerfiil  Government,  and  especially  inter- 
esting in  connexion  with  her  diplomacy  at  the 
present  day. 

It  was  in  1790.  Wiiliam  Pitt,  the  ablest  of  Tory 
statesmen,  the  best  friend  of  negro  freedom  in 
England  and  of  feudal  slavery  in  France, — William 
Pitt  was  Prime  Minister.  In  May  of  that  year,  a 
royal  message  declared  to  Parliament  that  certain 
British  vessels  hnd  been  seized  on  the  northwest 
coast  of  America  by  a  Spanish  officer,  and  that  a 
demand  for  satisfaction  had  been  fruitlessly  made 
upon  Spain.  (Mhte  2.)  The  message  therefore 
recommended  vigorous  preparation  for  war. 

In  confirmation  of  this  alleged  outrage  on  the  Brit- 
ish flag,  a  memorial  was  a  few  days  afterwards  pre- 
sented to  Parliament,  signed  by  one  John  Meares, 
commander  of  the  vessels  in  question,  in  which  he 
stated  that  he  had  reached  Nootka,  on  a  trading 
voyage,  in  1788;  that  he  had  then  purchased  from 
Maquilla,  the  native  chief,  "a  spot  of  ground, 
whereon  he  built  a  house  for  his  occasional  resi- 
dence;" that  he  afterwards  proceeded  toChina;  and 
in  1789  sent  two  vessels  to  the  northwest  coast, 
(Jifote  3;)  that  these  had  been  seized  in  the  name  of 
the  Spanish  King,  while  at  anchor  in  Nootka  Sound , 
by  Don  Martinez,  who  had  previously  made  a  Span- 
isn  settlement  there;  thkt  their  crews  had  been  sent, 
as  usurpers,  to  a  Spanish  prison;  and  that  the  ling 
of  Spain  had  been  lioisted  on  the  "lands"  belong- 
ing to  the  memorialist. 

A  negotiation  ensued.  Spain  offered  to  submit 
the  matter  to  arbitration,  by  any  one  of  the  Kings 
of  Europe,  to  be  chosen  by  England;  but  the  Brit- 
ish Government,  not  then  as  much  in  favor  of  that 
mode  of  settling  a  dispute  as  now,  refused  all  arbi- 
tration, and  hastened  her  military  preparations; 
equipping,  by  incredible  exertions  and  at  a  cost  of 
fifteen  million  doliu-H,  seventy  ships  of  the  line  in 
five  months.  Spain,  in  this  emergency,  applied  for 
aid  to  the  National  Assembly  of  France,  and  Mir- 
abeau  reported  in  her  favor.  The  language  of  his 
report  might  almost  be  supposed  to  have  supplied 
a  text  for  use  in  our  own  day: 

"  Shall  we  do  so  much  injustice  (said  he)  to  the 

'  character  of  two  enlightened  nations,  as  to  suppose 

' '  they  would  lavish  their  blood  and  treasure  for  the 

*  acquisition  of  so  distant,  so  barren  a  ipot  of 

'  ground." 

With  many  high  compliments  to  Englaad,  the 
report  concludes  tliat  Spain  must  not  be  descried 
at  a  moment  of  danger;  and  accordingly  the  As- 
sembly voted  an  augmentation  of  the  naval  force. 
But  the  reluctance  of  France  to  engage  in  a  warwith 
England  soon  became  so  apparent,  that  Spain,  find- 
ing herself  pressed,  with  haughty  urgency,  for  a 
categorical  answer,  and  considering  thnt  Great  Brit- 
1  aln  had  augmented  her  navy  to  a  hundred  and  fifVy- 
I  eight  sail  of  the  line,  while  her  own  numbered  but 
I  seventy  line  ships,  finally,  in  October  of  tlie  same 
year,  submitted  to  necessity,  and  signed  at  the  Es- 
curial  the  celebrated  Convention  op  Nootka;  the 
same  cince  claimed  by  England  as  the  basis  of  all 
her  territorial  rights  ou  the  northwest  coast. 


It  behoovef.  ui  to  exainiii!*,  with  strict  care,  lh« 
provisions  jf  that  convention. 

Its  firs' .  and  SL'^ond  articles  declare,  that  "  the 
building .  and  tractts  of  land  of  which  the  subjects  of 
his  Bri  iinnio  Majesty  were  dispossessed"  in  1789, 
shr.l'.  be  restored;  and  that  just  reparation  shall  b« 
mrde  lor  all  acts  of  violence  and  forcible  seizure  of 
p.'oper'y  on  the  northwest  coast. 

lu  th>rd  article  secures  to  both  nations  the  navi- 

'  gation  and  fishery  of  the  Pacific  and  South  aeas, 

j  and  the  right  of  landing  and  making  settlements  on 

'  the  coasts  of  those  seas,  "  subject,  nevertheless,  to 

the  provisions  nnd  restrictions  specified  in  the  three 

following  articles:"  that  is  to  say,  the  4th,  Sth,  and 

6tS. 

The  fourth  article  prohibits  British  subjceta 
from  •  avigaling  or  fishing  within  ten  sea  ^eagues 
of  any  ^ipanisli  settlement. 

And  'he  fifth  article—lhe  most  important  of  the 
whole — 1^'ing  at  the  very  basis  of  the  present  dis- 
pute, readh  tLus: 

"  Art.  5.  It  is  agreed  that,  as  well  in  the  places 

*  which  are  vo  be  restored  to  the  British  subject*, 
'  by  virtue  of  the  first  article,  as  in  all  other  parts 
'  of  the  northwestern  coasts  of  North  America,  ur 

*  of  the  islands  adjacent,  situated  to  the  north  of 

*  the  const  already  occupied  by  Spain,  v/h>..dTtr 
■  the  subjects  of  the  two  Powr,rs  shall  have  made 
'  settlements  since  the  month  of  April,  1789,  or 
'  shall  hereafter  make  any,  the  subjects  of  the 
'  other  shall  have  ties  acceii,  and  shall  tarry  on 
'  their  trade  without  any  dismrbance  or  molesta- 
'  tion."  (The  sixth  Brticlu  refers  to  South  Amer- 
ica.) 

Observe,  I  pray  you,  the  wording  of  this  article. 
The  species  of  joint  occupation  thereby  estab- 
lished IS  to  be,  as  well  at  Nootka,  if  land  be  there 
restored  to  British  subjects,  as  in  other  parts  of  the 
northwest  coast,  "  sitttaled  to  the  north  of  the  partt 
albeadt  OCCUPIED 6i/ Spain."  "Occupied" is  the 
word,  not  even  legally  possessed;  and  "  already 
occupied,"  that  is,  at  the  date  of  tlie  convention, 
to  wit,  on  the  28th  of  October,  1790.  That  Nootka, 
%  that  date,  was  "  already  occupied  by  Spain," 
no  one  pretends  to  deny.  It  is  a  fact  established, 
indeed,  by  Meores's  memorial  itself,  that  it  had 
been  settled  by  the  Spaniards  eighteen  months  be- 
fore. (Mite  4.)  And  it  remained  a  Spanish  set- 
tlement, as  we  shall  see,  for  more  than  fbur  years 
afterwards. 

But  the  latitude  of  Nootka  is  a  little  north  of 
forty-nine  and  a  half.  It  follows  that,  by  that  very 
convention  to  which  the  British  commissio:ier« 
appeal,  in  which  they  profess  to  discover  the  sole 
authentic  source  of  all  territorial  rights  on  ihe 
northwest  const,  England  has  not  a  shadow  of  a 
claim  south  of  forty-nine  and  a  half,  and  but  a  joint 
right  of  settlement  north  of  that  latitude. 

Is  this  a  new  view  of  the  subject?  a  new  inter- 
pretation of  that  conventim,  and  the  reciprocal 
rights  it  confirms  ?  It  may  be  new  to  many  mem- 
bers of  this  House.  It  may  be  new,  even,  among 
the  arguments  called  forth  by  the  negotiations  on 
this  subject;  for  our  negotiators,  not  admitting 
that  the  Nootka  convention  is  still  in  force,  may 
not  have  deemed  it  necessary  scrupulously  to  test 
the  bearing  of  its  provisions.  It  is  not  new  to 
England,  no  matter  with  what  skilful  ingenuity 
she  has  hitherto  kept  it  out  of  sight.  To  the  Brit- 
ish Cabinet  it  is  neariy  as  old  as  the  convention 
itself.  It  is  established  by  that  commentary  on 
tlie  convention,  of  all  others  the  most  authentic, 
namely,  the  debates  in  Parliament  occurring  but 
a  few  weeks  after  its  signature,  and  growing  out 
of  the  usual  motion  for  an  address  of  thanks  to  the 
King  on  the  occasion. 

In  the  Lords,  the  Duke  of  Montrose  moved  the 
vote  of  thanks.  How  does  this  apologist  of  the 
crown  construe  the  rights  accruing  under  the  con- 
vention?   Hear  him: 

"  We  are  not  only  restored  to  Nootka,  but  we 
'  may  participate  in  a  more  nirlhtm  ultlement,  if  we 
'  should  fine  at  any  time  that  a  more  northern  sit- 
'  nation  would  be  preferable  for  the  carrying  on  of 
'  the  trade." — Por<iom«n/ort(  History,  vol.  28,  p. 
934. 

In  the  Commons,  the  mover  of  the  Address  Hi 
not  even  allude  to  the  acquisition  by  the  conven- 
tion of  any  territorial  rights  whatever;  but  a  cer- 
tain loyal  Mr.  Smith,  who  followed  him,  boasted, 
in  the  exultation  of  his  heart, 

"  That  the  tchole  coait  of  Prince  WWiam  Sound 


' 


146 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  S8, 


2{>rH  Covfl IsT  Stm. 


T%e  Orcf^on  Question — Mr,  Owen. 


Ho.  or.  RcpR. 


'  wriii  free  (5ir  uii  to  selilc  on,  no  place  fieinpr  oceu- 
'  iilcil  there  by  u  Spanish  colony."— Par.  Ilia.  tot. 
28,jJ.  380.  .  ,  ,    .    . 

Prince  William  sound  lies  in  tixty  north  Inliludc, 
morn  limn  (ovcii  hundred  miles  north  of  Nootkn. 
If  Mr.  Smith  were  still  nlivc,  he  would  hnve  to 
KOlilv  thiit  claim  with  tlio  ItuHsians,  out  with  us. 

Hut  ilin  chief  dchato  in  llio  Lower  House,  and  ; 
that  which   iji  decisive  of  the  entire  ouciition,  was 
Ixtwcen  the  two  masterspirits  r'lho  day,  Fox  and  ; 
Pitt.    To  it  I  invite  your  speciol  attention. 

Mr.  Fox,  whose  patriotism  no  man  ever  doubt-  j 
rd,  first  makes  a  eoiicession  of  the  greatest  import-  '■ 
ancc  to  Spain.     He  said :  J 

"  He  was  a*  much  a  IVicnd  to  the  claims  of 
•Spain,  sanctioned  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  na 
'  Count  Floridc  Blanca,  or  any  njianifih  Minister, 
'  btcauit  ihty  Kfxt  founjed  in  Jutlice.  These  were, 
'  un  txclusive  right  of  lerrilory,  navigation  and 
'  commerce,  on  the  sens  and  conals  of  S|iaiiiHh 
'  America.  The  obsurd  and  extravagant  claims 
'  arose  from  extending  the  term  Spunish  America 
'  h  uat  anil  coaala  ii>hert  Spain  hail  >.  j  rigkl  of  occu- 
'  uancy.  To  what  did  wo  object  bel'ore  but  to  the 
'  indennite  limit  of  Spanish  America?    The  olijec- 

•  lion  still  remained,  for  the  limit  of  Spanish  Amer- 

•  ica  was  Mill  undefined." — p.  991. 

Following  up  the  same  arRnment,  he  ndds : 
"  Whera  our  admitted  right  of  settlement  on  the 
'  northwest  const  commenced  was  completely  un- 
'  defined.     If  it  icoi  naid  iil  A'ootfca,  tee  did  not  knoic 

•  thet  Xoolka  \o6utd  be  rtslored."—Ibid. 

And  again : 

"  Thus  we  had  gircn  vp  ail  right  to  tttlle,  except  i 
'  for  temporary  purposes,  (o  the  louth  ofthr  Spanish 
'  ftttlcmtnls,  or  in  the  inlertah  hrttrrrn  lhtiA,i( tliey 
'  happened  to  be  distant.     We   had  oliiaiiicd  nn 

•  admission  of  our  right  to  settle  to  the  nortli,  and 
'even  that  we  had  hot  obtained  with.clennies.s. 
'  As  Spanish  settlements  were  the  only  mark   of 

•  limits,  suppose  wo  were  to  meet  one  ftirther  to 
'  iJic  north  tlmn  we  expected,  and  a  di.spute  were 

•  to  arise,  whether  it  was  new  or  old,  it  would  l|| 
'  some  difficulty  to  send  out  our  builders  to  de- 
'cide,"&c-j.  995. 

Such  were  Mr.  Fox'sinterprctationsof  the  con- 
vention. Will  it  be  nr^'ed  that  they  are  but  the  i 
opinions  of  an  opposition  ntember,  however  dis-  '. 
tinguished  for  proliity  niul  nbility  ?  Hut  we  have 
the  reply  of  Mr.  Pitt,  officially  recorded,  to  prove 
what  was  admitted,  and  what  denied,  by  the 
British  Cabinet. 

I  will  ask  my  fellow-members  to  rend  that  speech 
ofMr.  Pitt,  as  tliey  will  find  it  in  the  "Parliamentary 
History  of  England,"  from  the  first  word  to  the 
last.    They  will  find  there  not  one  syllabic  contra- 
dicting the  assertions  made,ond  inferences  drawn, 
by  his  great  rival,  in  the  foregoing  cxtrnct.i.    Mr. 
Fox  had  said,  that  Sjmin's  claim  of  exclusive  ter- 
ritory in  Spanish  Amencawas  sanctioned  by  treaty  ; 
stipulations,  and  was  founded  in  justice.    No  dc    ' 
nial  of  tliig  by  Mr.  Pitt.     Mr.  Fox  hud  asserted,  [ 
that  either  Nootka,  if  indeed  Nootkn  was  restored , 
or  a  yet  more  northern  Spanish  setilemont,  if  such  : 
should  hereafter  be  found,  was  the  murk  of  limit  ] 
on  the  north,  of  Spanish  America.    Mr.  Pilt'.s  si-  : 
lence  admits  the  accuracy  of  this  interpretation.  ■ 
Mr.  Fox  had  declared,  that  to  the  south  of  these 
Great  Britain  had  renounced  all  right  of  sovereign- 
ty or  permanent  settlement.    That,  too,  by  pn.ss- 
ing  it  over  unanswered,  Mr.  Pitt  concedes.    Nay,  ' 
the  British  Minister  goes  further  yet.     In  reply  to 
the  inference  deduced  by  Mr.  Fox  from  the  aoove,  ' 
that  "  every  new  regulation  was  a  concession,  not 
an  acquisition,"  Mr.  Pitt  admits: 

"  That  though  what  this  country  (Great  Britain) 
'  had^ned  consisted  not  of  new  rights,  itccrtain- 
'  ly  did  of  new  advantages." — p.  1002. 

And  tJien  he  proceeds  to  expatiate — on  territorinl 
rights  acquired?    on  the  privilege  of  settlement 
south  to  San  Frnneisco?    Not  a  word  of  it;  but 
on  the  whale  fishery  and  its  advant^iges;  and  there-  | 
with  he  winds  up  his  speech. 

Now  is  it  credible — is  it  conceivable  even — that 
a  minister,  than  whom  one  more  able  in  debate  or 
more  accomplished  in  diplomacy  ne>er  guided  the 
destinies  of  Britain,  should  have  listened  to  all 
these  assertions,  thus  publicly  put  forth  in  the  Na- 
tional Legislature,  by  a  member  hardly  second  to 
himself  in  talent  a.id  in  standing;  knowing,  too, 
that,  the  next  iroming,  the  thousand  tongues  of 
the  press  were  tc  Vclare  these  aloud,  to  England, 


to  Spain,  to  the  civilized  world;  is  it,  t  luik,  with- 
in the  bounds  of  posNihility,  that  such  n  minister 
should  have  sulTered  nil  tnis,  without  protest  or 
contradiction,  if  any  protest  could  reach,  if  any 
contradiction  could  disprove  it?  It  is  not  credible, 
not  conceivable,  not  possible.  No  man  who  stnnds 
on  his  reputation  for  common  sense  will  argue  or 
believe  it. 

The  eimclusion  is  irresistible,  that,  let  England's 
pretensions  on  the  northwest  const  be,  at  the  pres- 
ent day,  what  they  will,  they  extended,  in  1 790,  no 
ftirther  than  to  n  joint  right  of  settlement,  north  of 
latitude  forty-nine  ond  a  half,  shared  with  her 
eminlly  by  Spoin.  Such  was,  then,  the  "nckiuavl- 
cdgment  of  existing  rights,"  which,  Mr.  Paken- 
hnm  declnres  "cannot  ue  revoked  at  the  pleasure 
of  either  party." 

I  might  here  rest,  without  another  word,  the 
whole  case.  But  it  is  useful,  na  well  as  curiou.s,  to 
pursue  the  matter  a  little  further,  and  trace  the 
growth  ofthe.sc  pretensionsof  England,  from  their 
modest  shn|ie  in  1790,  to  their  overgrown  form  at 
the  present  dny. 

The  first  opportunity  on  which  England, in  nc- 
cordnnce  with  n  policy  which  has  grailunlly  se- 
cured to  her  the  dominion  of  n  Inrge  portion  of  the 
world,  saw  fit  to  push  onward  her  territorial  claims 
in  northwestern  America,  wns  the  appointment  of 
commissioners  to  carry  out  the  first  article  of  the 
Noolka  convention. 

The  cclebrnled  nnvijator,  Vancouver,  was  ap- 
pointed on  behnlfof  Eii.;lnnd,and  a  Seflor  Quadra 
on  the  part  of  Spain.  They  met  nt  Nootka,  in  Au- 
gust, 1792;  and  the  account  of  their  negotiation  is 
given  to  us  by  Vancouver,  in  the  nnrrolive  of  his 
voyage.  Their  respective  views,  in  regard  to  the 
matters  in  dispute,  were  soon  found  to  differ  very 
widely. 

Cluadra,  in  an  official  letter,  dated  the  S9th  of 
.\ugu8t,  assumed  the  following  ground: 

"  That,  under  the  orders  of  the  Viceroy  of  New 
'  Spain,  Mnrtinez  entered  Nootka,  and  took  pru- 
'  session,  the  5th  of  May,  1789,  with  visible  demon- 
'  strntions  of  joy  in  the  Indians,  and  afterwards 
"     ■"   ■    "      ()la 


'  fortified  the  place,  without  any  objection  being 
'  made  on  the  part  of  u  trading  brig,  called  thclnhi- 
'genia,  then  in  the  cove,"&c. —  yantouter's  Voy- 
age, rol.  a,  p.  340. 

He  ndds,  thnt  he  (Martinez)  exercised  rights  of 
sovereignty,  by  examining  the  "pnpers  and  pass- 
ports" of  trading  vessels,  Portuguese,  American, 
and  British. 

In  rcgari'  to  Innd.Cluadramainlaincd  thntMenres 
never  hat'  actually  purchased  any  land  at  Noot- 
ka; that  I.e  had  never  even  had  possession  of  any, 
except  a  single  spot,  "  forming  nearly  an  etjuilate- 
'  rnl  triangle,  not  extending  a  hundrgd  ynrds  on 
'  any  one  side,  bounded  in  fl-ont  by  tlic  sea,  and 
'  on  the  other  two  aides  by  high  cmggy  rocks;"  j 
on  which  isolated  spot  Mr.  IVIenres  had  erected  | 
his  temporary  residence.  He  adduced,  in  proof; 
of  his  nssertions,  the  tcHtiniony  of  two  American 
captains.  Gray  and  Ingrahnm,  who  had  been  pres- 
ent at  Nootka  in  17f<8,  and  during  the  whole  pro- 
ceedings in  1789.  These  gentlemen  depose,  that 
though  they  remained  there  nine  months,  and 
could  converse  perfectly  with  the  natives,  they 
never  heard  of  any  purcha.<e  of  land  by  Meares. 

In  regard  to  buildings,  and  in  proof  that  even  the 
obove  spot  of  ground  wns  nbamloned  by  Meares, 
when  his  Inst  vessel,  the  Iphiginin,  commanded  by 
a  Captain  Douglu.ss,  left  the  sound,  in  the  autumn 
of  1788,  iJiey  add;  ■' 

"On  the  arrival  of  the  Columbia,  in  the  year  i' 
'  1788,  there  wan  a  hou.se,  or  rather  n  hut,  consi.si-  Ij 
'  ing  of  rough  posts,  covered  with  boards,  made  by  ! 
'the  Indians;  but  this  Captain  Douglnss  pulled  to  i 
'  pieefs,  prior  to  his  sailing  for  the  Snndwich  h 
'  islands,  the  same  year.  The  boards  ho  took  on  ]  i 
'  board  the  'ohigenia,  and  the  roof  he  gave  to  Cap-  j ; 
'  tain  Keni'rick,  which  was  cut  up  and  used  as  fiie- 
'  wood  on  board  the  «Jolumbia;  so  tlint,  on  the  ar-  ii 
'  rival  of  Don  Martinez,  there  was  no  vestige  of ,  i 
'  any  house  remaining." — I'roiifii  and  Iltustraiiont 
to  (!ree)thow'»  Oregon,  p.  41.5.  ^ 

Under  these  circumstances  Scrtor  Quadra  very 
naturally  concluded,  that  Meares  had  been  dispos- 
sessed of  neither  lands  nor  buildings;  and,  conse- 
nuently,  that  there  was  "nothing  to  deliver  up." 
He  observed,  nt  tlic  same  time,  (so  Vancouver  in- 
forms us:) 

"  Thnt  AWJta  ought  l"  he  tin  last  or  most  north 


'  wardly  Spanlth  lelllement;  that  there  the  dividing 
'  puint  $hnuld  he  fixed;  and  that,  from  thence  to  the 
'  northward  should  be  ft'co  for  entrance,  use,  nnd 
•commerce  to  both  parlies,  conforninbly  with  the 

•  fil^h  article  of  the  convention;  that  estaiiliahmenia 
'  should  not  be  formed  without  perinissioii  of  the 
'  respective  coiirtsi  nnd  that  the  £iig(iiA  thould  not 
'  paa  to  the  Bottlh  of  Fuca." — I'anceurer'i  f'oyage, 
till.  2,  p.  342. 

In  n  w<nd,  the  Spanish  commissioner  put  upon 
the  provisions  of  the  c(mvention  the  very  same  in- 
terpretation which  had  been  put  upon  tnem,  pub- 
licly and  uncontradicted,  by  Fox  and  others  in  Uie 
British  Parlinment,  two  years  before. 

Subsequently,  Seflor  Cluadrn  offered  to  leave 
Vancouver  in  possession  of  the  spot  Mr.  Meares 
had  occupied,  and  cvc.i  to  place  at  his  command 
the  houses,  gardens,  and  ofltiea  then  occupied  by 
the  Spnninrds,  whilst  himself  retired;  but  "toilhout 
Pftmidice  to  the  legitinmte  right  of  Siinin." 

To  this  Vancouver  declared,  that  he  wns  not  au- 
thorized to  agree,  lie  contended,  that  the  words 
"  buildings  and  lrac,(B  of  land"  employed  in  thn 
first  arlicre  ofthe  convention  could  not  possibly  bo 
construed  to  inenn  merely  a  triangular  spot  hardly 
conlnining  one  acre  of  ground,  nnd 

"  That  at  leosl  the  whole  port  of  Noolka,  of 
'  which  his  Mnjesty'a  subjects  had  been  ftircibly 
'  dispossessed,  and  at  which  themselves,  their  vfs- 
'  sels  nnd  cargoes  had  been  captured,  must  have 
'  been  the  proposed  objectof  restitution." — Voyage, 
vol.  2,  p.  .17.^). 

He  also  put  forwnnl  the  British  claim,  then  for 
the  first  time  asserted,  to  ecpuU  settlement  with 
^pain,  south  to  latitude  thirty-eight;  declaring  that 
ho 

"  Conceived  Port  St.  Francisco  to  be  the  north- 

•  ernmost  setUenicnt  occuojed  by  the  subjects  of 

•  His  Catholic  Majesty,  ii^Vpril,  1789."— Koi/ngf, 
rol.  2,  p.  3.^. 

This,  by  the  way,  was  not,  in  any  sense,  the 
question;  the  words  "lUreaily  occupied"  clearly  re- 
ferring to  the  date  of  the  convention,  to  wit:  Octo- 
ber, 1790;  nnd  not  by  any  possible  construction, 
as  Vancouver  would  have  them  refer,  to  the  date 
of  the  alleged  capture. 

As  an  offset  to  the  evidence  of  Captains  Gray 
and  Ingrnham,  and,  so  lur  as  it  appears,  as  the  soln 
warrant  bttyond  the  words  of  the  convention,  for 
his  demand  (jf  the  whole  settlement  of  Nootkn, 
Vancouver  brings  forward  the  deposition  of  rt  cer- 
tain Robert  Dufiin,  supercargo  under  Meares,  and 
who  wns  with  him  nt  Nootka  in  1788.  Vancouver 
gives,  in  his  voyage,  but  the  itutistunce  of  this  man's 
evidence,  of  which  the  material  (wrt,  according  to 
his  version,  is  as  follows: 

"  Mr.  Meares,  attended  by  himself  (Duffin)  and 
'  Mr.  Robert  Fuiiler,  on  the  17ih  or  IStli  of  May, 
'  1788,  vscnt  on  shore  nnd  bought  of  the  two  chiels, 
'  Maquilla  and  Cnllicum,  Ihc  whole  of  tue  land  that 
'ftmHalhe  Friendly  core ,  A'ootka  SoumI,  in  his  Ma- 
'  jesty 's  name,  for  eight  or  ten  sheets  of  cupper,  and 
'some  trilling  articles:  that  the  natives  were  per- 
'  fcctly  satisfied,  and,  wit^  the  chiefs,  did  homage  to 
'J\Ir.  Menres  as  their  sovereign,  according  In  the  cus- 
'  turn  of  the  country,"  &c. —  Voyage,  vol.  2,  p.  370- 
:371. 

t      This  statement  of  Duffin  'a  is  an  utter  falsehood ; 

I  whether  suborned  for  the  occasion  or  not,  we  may 

!  not  now  determine.   Great  Britain's  own  principal 

I  witnes.'i  shall  disprove  it;  the  reputed  sovereign, 

',  the  very  man  who  is  said  to  have  made  this  import- 

:  nnt  purchase,  nnd  who  published  the  next  year 

the  narrative  of  his  voyage  and  his  claims  nnd  his 

wrongs — even  Mr.  Menres  himself.     Here  he  is, 

in  very  respectable  cpiarto  form.    And  what  is  Iiis 

testimony  ?     What  says  his  daily  jcmrnal  of  tho 

rroceedings  nt  Nootkn?      Under   date   the   ICth 

May,  1788,  (Duffin  has  it  the  17th  or  18th)  Meares 

says,  that  lie  had  a  visit  from  the  two  Nootka  cMeft. 

He  adds: 

"  .\  pre-senl,  consisting  of  copper,  iron,  nnd  otiier 
'  griuifying  articles,  was  made  to  the  chiefs  Mo- 
'  nuilln  and  Cnllicum,  who,  on  receiving  it,  took  oil' 
'  tlieir  sea-otter  garaients,  threw  them,  in  the  most 
'  graceful  manner,  at  our  feet,  nnd  remained  in  tho 
'  unattired  garb  of  nature  on  the  deck." — Voyage, 
p.  113-114. 

A  ]>resent  observe;  nnd  generously  returned, 
too.  But  is  there  no  mention  made,  on  that  day, 
or  on  the  17th  or  18th,  of  the  purchase  of  Nootka- 
nothing  said  of  the  flattering  liomage  done  lO  Mr. 


Ji&^ii^rTn''^--^^^-^ 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


149 


SOtu  Cono IST  SC8«. 


TAe  Oregon  ^uettion — Mr.  Owen. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


, ;).  370- 


,  and  oflier 
chiefs  Mo- 
it,  took  oil' 
I  the  most 
led  in  tin: 
— Joi/uge, 

returned, 
that  dny, 
'Nooika.' 
ne  10  Mr. 


MMrMi  a«  lovfreign )  Nut  a  lyllable,  either  on 
the  i7th,  IHih,  lUth,  'JOth,  nor  iiiiy  other  day. 
The  lolo  foiimintion  for  thin  roinnnce  of  the  su- 
j»rciiri;o,  if  foundatiuii  it  huvu  ut  nil,  in  to  be  found  | 
in  Meui'ua'n  Juurniil,  under  date  of  the  :Uth  of  that 
innnlh,  where  lie  puyn: 

"  Maiiuillu  hud  not  only  nioiit  readily  consent- 
■  cd  to  (,'raiit  ua  u  ii|i(il  of  |;round  in  his  territory, 

*  whircdu  a  liouxe  iniifht  be  built  I'or  the  uccom- 

*  niodatiou  of  the  people  we  intended  to  leave 
'  there,  but  had  promised  ua  ulaii  his  ossistnncu  in 

'  forwarding  our  works,  luid  his  protontion  of  the  | 
'party  who  were  destined  to  remain  at  Nootkadu- 
'  ring  our  absence.     In  return  for  this  kindness, 
<  the  chief  WHS  presented  with  o  pair  of  pistols, 
'  which  lie  had  rei^ardcd  with  an  eye  of  solicitude 

*  ever  since  our  arrival." — Voijagc,  p.  114. 

Wiui  ever,  in  n  grave  dispute  between  two  treat 
Mutions,  prcttnsion  so  idle  supported  by  fnlscnood 
uo  shameless  I  The  whole  proceedint;  is  u  type, 
but  i<io  strictly  fkithful,  of  Lni^lund's  pretensions 
on  the  northwest  coast.    Thus  it  stands: 

Meares,  a  British  trader,  in  search  of  flira,  puts 
into  Nootka  Sound.  There,  according'  to  his  own 
story  told  his  own  way,  the  notive  chief  "  eonsents 
togranc,"  not  to  nil,  n  "spot  of  ground,"  where- 
on he  niuy  build;  and  "  in  return  for  this  kind- 
nesa"— no  pretence  here  of  payment,  even  for  that 
spot  of  ground — the  trader  makes  to  the  chief  u 
small  present.  In  the  commencement  of  this 
man's  memorial  laid  before  Parliament  two  years 
afterwards,  it  is  slill  only  "a  sjKit  of  ground, 
whereon  ho  built  a  house  for  his  occasional  resi- 
dence;" but  it  ispiirc/wucdfrom  Muquilla.  liven 
before  the  memorial  concludus,  however,  this  mod- 
vat  snot  of  ground  has  swelled  into  "  the  lands  be- 
longing to  your  memorialist." 

The  men  in  buckram  increase  in  number  as  the 
drama  proceeds.  By  the  month  of  Octolier,  1790, 
nnd  in  the  words  of  the  convention,  it  had  become 
"  buildings  nnd  tracts  of  land,"  of  which  Meares 
had  been  dispossessed;  and  wlien  two  years  more 
had  passed  over  the  triui.' action,  nothing  short  of 
the  %hole  settlement  of  Nootko,  with  the  recogni- 
tion of  Menres  as  sovereign  of  the  territory,  would  | 
satisfy  me  voraciously-increasing  appetite  of  tlio 
British  claim.  | 

Spain,  as  may  well  be  supposed,  was  not  pre-  | 

Saroil  to  keep  pace  with  these  ycarly-increosiii;:  ; 
emaniis.  Cluodra  and  the  British  navigator  parted  j 
ill  personal  kindness,  but  afker  a  fruitless  negotia- 
tion, Nootktt  remaining  in  the  possession  of  fepiiin. 
Vancouver  expressly  says: 
"  I  requested  in  conversation  the  next  day  (Sep- 

•  teinber  16,  1792)  to  be  informed  if  he  (Cluadrn) 

•  was  positively  resolved  to  adhere,  in  the  rcstitu- 
'  tion  of.tliis  country,  to  the  principles  contained 
'  in  his  last  letter.'  And  on  receiving  from  liim  a  re- 
'  ply  ill  the  affirmative,  I  acniminted  him  that  1 

•  should  consider  Nootka  as  a  Spaniih  part;  and  rc- 
'  quested  his  ptmxission  to  carry  on  the  necessary 
'employments  on  shore,  which  ho  very  politely 
.  gave.'*— Foyogf,  vol.  2,  p.  307,  368. 

Two  years  after  this  negotiation,  namely,  in 
September,  1794,  Vancouver  relumed  to  Nootka,  j 
found  the  Spanish  flag  slill  flying  there;  and,  Qua-  i 
dra  having  died  meanwhile,  found  Seilor  Alava  j 
appointed  commandant  of  Nootka.  From  this  gen-  [ 
tiemun  he  learnt  that  he  (Alnva)  had  been  appfiint- 
ed  "for  the  particular  purpose  of  finishing  the  pcnd-  I 
iiig  negotiation."  But  no  instructions  from  Eng-  j 
land  had  reached  Vancouver;  and  he  left  Nootka  { 
without  olTocting  anything.  i 

Two  months  later,  at  Monterey,  Vancouver  says 
that  Aluva  received  instructions,  of  which  he  con- 
fided a  part  to  the  British  navigator;  and  these  in- 
structions, so  Vancouver  tells  us,  would  enable  an 
amicable  adjustment,  "  nearly  on  the  terms  oflcred 
to  Sefior  Q.uadra  in  September,  1792. "  But  still 
no  instructions  to  Vancouver;  who  accordingly  re- 
turned to  England,  leaving  the  whole  matter  open 
ns  before. 

So  far,  tlien,  it  is  confessed,  that  for  more  than 
four  years  after  the  aigiiature  of  a  convention 
wrung  from  Spain  by  menace  and  lavish  warlike 
preparation,  she  remained  in  peaceful  and  undis- 
turbed possession  of  the  entire  settlement  of  Noot- 
ka. Nor  have  I  yet  seen  any  suflicien*  '-"idence, 
unless  we  consider  as  such  a  vague  report  alluded 
to  by  an  undistinguished  navigator,  that  one  foot 
of  land  in  that  sound  ever  was  surrendered  by 
Spain  to  England.    A  Captain  Broughton,  in  his 


"Vnvnge  to  the  Pacific,"  in  1795-6,  telli  ui  that, 
ill  Ninri'h,  1796,  he  made  the  harbor  of  Nootka; 
and  lie  adds: 

"  1  sent  an  oflieer  into  the  cove  fur  intelligence; 
'  who  returned  ul  noon,  and  reported  lliere  vtrc  no 
'  vessels  in  it;  ami  that  the  spot  on  wliirli  the  Spun- 
'  i<ih  settlement  formerly  stood  loiu  iioio  occupUUby 
'  an  Indian  villiigt." — t()ynge,p.  50. 

He  then  goes  on  to  say: 

"  Miwiuilla,  the  chief  of  Nootko,  paid  us  a  visit 

■  licrc  ;  and  he  and  Clupanutch,  another  cliief, 
'  brimght  mo  several  lelti^is,  dated  March,  1795, 
'  which  informed  me  that  Captain  Vancouver  sailed 
'  from  Monterey  llio  1st  December,  1794,  lor  Eng- 

■  lanil ;  and  that  the  Spaniards  had  delivered  up  the 
'  port  of  Nootka,  (Stc,  to  Lieutenant  Pierce,  of  the 
'  Marines,  agreeably  to  tlie  mode  of  restitutlim  sct- 
'  tied  between  the  two  courw.  A  letter  from  the 
'  Spanish  ofliccr.  Brigadier  Alavn,  informed  me  of 
'  ll.ciir  sailing  in  March,  1795,  from  hence." 

"  Several  kllers,"  Ca|~ilain  Broughton  says,  from 
wliom  wu  are  not  oven  informed;  and  Seiior  Alnva 
mentions  nothing  of  the  surrender,  but  only  that 
the  Spaniards  had  left  the  place. 

A  recent  English  historical  work  of  reputation, 
with  the  name  of  the  Clueen  nnd  most  of  the  no- 
bility on  its  list  of  subscribers,  varies  this  story, 
thus: 

"  It  may  be  mentioned  here,  that,  in  1795,  this 
'  territory  ico.t/uniio//!/  taken  iiojjfjjion  nf  by  Lieii- 
'  tenant  Pierce  of  the  Brilisli  navy,  and  received 
'  the  name  of  King  George's  sound.  "—»Wo//)Aui'« 
ft«tffn  nf  George  III,  vol.  4,  p.  502. 

Nothing  about  u  surrender,  here.     It  "  was  for- 
mally taken  possession  of"  and  named;  a  very 
easy  thing  for  a  Lieutenant  Pierce,  or  any  one  else 
to  do,  after  the  Spaniards  had  vacated  the  settle-  | 
ment. 

But,  further,  supposing  n  surrender  of  lands  to 
have  been  aclually  maile  by  Sjiain  to  England, 
slill,  we  neither  know  what  amount  of  land  was 
restored,  nor  under  whntcimditions  or  restrictions 
the  surrender  was  made.  A'or  could  the  iiiiiple  sur- 
render af  (Oil/  "  (iiiiWitigj  and  Inicis  of  land  there, 
aller  the  fuel,  that  Xootka  was,  in  Octobtr,  17(^0,  "ai- 
readij  oeeupied  bij  Upain;"  nor  the  express  stipula- 
tion of  the  convention,  that,  north  of  that  point  nf 
occupation  only,  was  the  coast  to  be  free  for  set- 
tlement to  both  Powers. 

Yet  even  this  is  not  the  entire  case.  Two  his- 
torians— the  only  two  I  have  found  whoso  works 
date  within  a  few  years  of  this  transaction,  one  a 
French  authority,  the  other  British — agree  in  de- 
nying that  there  was  any  restitution  whatever. 
SQ;ur  tlie  Elder,  French  ambassador  successively 
at  the  courts  of  St.  Petcrsburgh,  Berlin  and  Vienna, 
writine,  in  1801,  a  "Political  Picture  of  Europe 
from  1780  to  1790,"  says: 

"  England,  under  the  flimsy  pretence  of  reclaim- 
'  ing  some  ciinlrnband  ships  taken  by  the  Spaniards 
'  on  the  west  const  of  North  America,  threatened  to 
'  declare  war  against  Spain."  •  *  "France, after 
'  a  short  hesitation,  notwithstanding  the  disorder  of 
'  her  finances,  determined  to  support  Spain  against 
'  the  English.  And  the  Cabinet  of  London,  inlimi- 
'  dated  by  this  cnergelicand  unexpected  resolution, 
'postponed  its  ambitious  projects;  coiilenledilseJ/ 
'  irilh  the  restitution  of  the  English  vessels  that  had 
'  fcpcti  captured;  and  agreed,  with  the  Court  of  Ma- 
'  drill,  mutually  to  disarm." — Segur's  Reign  of 
Fred.  M'illidm,  vol.  2,  p.  153  «ii(J  171. 
The  motive  may  be  incorrectly  inferred;  but  as 
'  to  the  fact,  we  can  hardly  suppose  it  unknown  tp 
\  one  of  the  most  noted  diplomatists  of  the  day. 

The  testimony  of  the  British  historian  Belsham, 
'  writing  in  1805,  but  ten  years  after  the  date  of  the 
I  affair,  is  slill  more  distinct.     In  summing  up  the 
!  history  of  the  Nootka  dispute,  he  says: 
!      "  So  insignificant  w([§tne  object  in  contest,  that 
'  no  one,  either  in  ofout  of  Parliament,  has,  so  far 
1  '  as  appears,  thought  it  worth  while  to  inquire 
'  '  whether  restoration  has  really  been  made  in  tho  i 
'  '  mode  prescribed  by  the  treaty  or  not.     It  is  cer- 
'  tain,  nevertheless,  from  the  most  autheiUic  subse- 
'  quent  iii/oniiation,  that  the  Spanish  flag  flying  at 
'  the  fort  and  settlement  of  Nooika  was  never  struck, 
'  and  that  the  whole  territory  has  been  virtually  re- 
<  linquiahed  by  Great  Britain."— Belshnm's  Hist,  of 
England,  vol.  8,  p.  337-8. 

And  again,  in  the  appendix  to  the  same  volunip, 
after  giving  Uic  ofliciol  documents  connected  witli 
tlie  dispute,  he  adds: 


"  But  tliough  England,  at  the  expenw  of  three 
'  millions,  extorted  irom  the  Sjiaiiiarus  a  promise  of 

■  rrstorutioii  and  reparation,  It  is  well  ascertnined, 

•  first,  that  the  settlement  in  question  never  was  re- 
'  stored  by  Spain,  nor  tho  Spanish  flag  at  Nooika 

•  ever  struck;  and  secondly,  that  no  gcitlemont  lia» 
'  ever  been  jubacquoiiilv  altemjited  by  England  on 
'  tlie  Califurnian  coaal.   —Jlfpindix,  p)>.  40,  41. 

The  Edinburgh  Review  of  July  la-t  takes  nearly 
tho  same  view  of  the  facts.    Its  words  ai'c: 
"  Vancouver  loft  Nootka  Sound  in  tlie  possej- 

■  lion  of  tho  Spaniards;  and  there  is  considerable 
'  doubt  wliellier  any  lands  were  ever  restored  to 

•  Meares,  or  whether  there  were  any  to  realore. 
'  All  we  knowia,  that,  in  1795,  all  parties,  Spaniards 
'  and  English,  had  abandoned  Nootka  Sound,  and 
'  it  hnsnntlicen  reoccupied." — ifeWeic,p.  250,257. 

And,  finally,  strongly  corroborating  evidence,  in 
proof  of  tho  fact  that  England,  up  to  the  y",ar 
1794  at  least,  formally  admitted  Spain'*  rights  in 
the  port  of  Nootka,  and  that,  when  that  settlement 
WHS  finally  abandoned,  it  was  lui  a  measure  of  con- 
venience to  Spain,  rather  than  OS  consentuig  to  the 
demands  of  England,  is  to  be  found  in  a  very  cu- 
rious original  Spanish  manuscript,  preserved  in  the 
Library  of  Congress,  and  entitled  "  Confidential 
Inatructions  for  tho  Kingdom  of  New  Spain," 
drawn  up  by  Count  GigCifo,  former  Viceroy,  and 
addrcssvd  to  his  successor,  the  Marquis  Ilranci- 
forte,  dated  June  30,  1794. 

In  these  instructions,  given,  it  ought  to  be  boms 
in  mind,  strictly  as  a  matter  of  confidential  busi- 
ness, and  not,  by  possibility,  for  the  sake  of  efl'cct, 
■;.o  ex-viceroy  says,  in  imragiaph  711: 

"Moreover  it  will  always  be  neccssory,  that 
'  there  be,  in  one  of  these  ports,  eitlier  in  that  of 
'  Snn  Francisco  or  Buciirely,  or  <W  of^'uotka  itself, 
'  inpursuanee  of  the  standing  ngrecnunt  Kith  the  (.'ot- 
'  cniin«ii<o/£tig/anrf,  some  vessels  and  dctuchincma 
'  of  ours,  to  make  respected  tho  authority  of  the 
'  sovereign,"  lic. 

\Vc  can  liardly  have  anything  more  conclusive. 
And  cquolly  to  the  point  is  a  portion  of  paragraph 
713;  in  which,  after  givin,'  it  as  his  opinion  Ihat 
it  was  "  advisable  to  conlract  the  Spanish  limits  on 
far  ns  tho  Straits  of  Fuca,"  Gigftlo  adds: 

"  Your  excellency  already  knows  how  much  the 
'  past  dissensions  have  cost,  notwithstanding  tho 

•  good  treatment  which  I  gave  the  English  prison- 
'  ers,  and  the  compensation  1  ordered  to  be  made  to 
'  themforall  their  losses,  >^ich  have,  in  a  great  de- 
'  grec,  smoothed  the  difficulties.    A  royal  deiermi- 

•  nation,  in  conformity  with  these  principles,  has 
'been  reteived,  for  the  abandonment  ofjyootka;  to 
'  vhich  service  I  have,  in  consequence  of  tlie  death  of 
'  the  former  commissioner,  assigned  Brigadier  Don 
'  Jose  Manuel  de  Mava,  on  account  of  the  incidents 
'  which  might  supervene,  and  the  cautions  given  by 
'  the  Court  to  observe  tlio  conduct  of  the  English 
'  commissioner." 

Adoliihu.H,  above  quoted,  (  Vol.  4,  page  501,)  tells 
us  the  "  (•■luipensauon"  hero  alluded  to  was  fixed 
at  fS10,000. 

The  above  extract  shows  that  Alava  was  ap- 
pointed expressly  to  carry  into  effect  the  abandon- 
ment of  Nootka;  and  was  instructed  in  so  doing,  , 
jealously  to  watch  the  conduct  of  the  English  com- 
missioner. "Taken  in  connexion  with  Ala-  a's  let- 
ter to  Broughton,  already  referreJ  to,  it  strongly 
indicates  the  probability  that  Nootka  was  volunta- 
rily abandoned  by  Spain— never  surrendered  to 
'  England.     (Me  L) 

Such  are  the  (acts  of  the  case.  And  they  would 
be  enually  conclusive  of  our  title,  even  if  Grtiy  had 
never  discovered  tlio  Columbia,  and  if  Lewis  nnd 
Clarke  liad  never  explored  it. 

"They  arc  facta,  too,  I  pray  you  to  observe,  al- 
most exclusively  derived  from  British  authorities. 
It  is  til  J  man  who  is  tho  sculptor,  not  the  hon. 
Anil  yet,  adopting  tlieir  own  version  of  the  story, 
assuming  ns  now  in  force  the  document  put  forth 

I  by  England  as  the  sole  authentic  bill  of  territorial 
1  rights  on  the  norihwest  coast,  nnd  interpreting  its 

I I  orovisions  by  tho  light  of  the  debates  ensuing 
1 1  taereon  in  her  own  Parliament,  I  do  not  sec  how 

1  any  condid  man  can  resist  the  conclusion,  that 
Er  gland  has  no  more  right  to  a  foot  of  soil  south 
of  torly-nine  and  a  half  than- has  the  Emperor  of 
j!  Morocco;  and  that  the  only  portion  of  territory 
|1  ill  regard  to  which  she  may  talk  of  a  compromis- 
ji  ing  division  at  all,  is  tho  tract  norlli  of  the  latituda 
1'  of  Nooika.  -,  v-Y. <.--•.  '.- 


150 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  CONGRESSIONAL  OLOBE. 


[Jan.  S8, 


S9th  Cono Ut  Sess. 


The  Oregon  ^v-tion — Mr.  Chotn, 


Ho.  or  Rcpff. 


If  we  reckon  only  to  I'.e  Ruwian  boundary,  then 
the  centre  line  of  the  tract  ii  about  rirri-TWOi 
lea«inf{  ue,  if  we  auppoee  that  comprnmiae  made, 
the  whole  of  Vancouver '■  Uloiid  and  the  const  be- 
yond aa  flti'  north  oa  the  aoutliern  point  of  Waah- 
ington  or  ttueen  Charlotte 'a  iaiand. 

Hilt  that  if  not  the  entire  view  of  the  caae.  At 
the  dale  of  the  Nootka  convention,  there  woa  no 
northern  boundary  line  at  the  |iaralli'l  of  54°  4U', 
to  arreat  tliere  the  etfecl  of  the  proviaion  luiichiiig 
joint  aetilement,  or  to  prevent  ita  renchinfi^  indi^li- 
nitely  to  the  north,  and  covering  all  territnry  on 
the  northwest  coaat,  north  of  that  parallel,  to  which 
England  or  Spain  hadjitat  claima.  But  there  ia, 
at  thia  dav,  acknowledged  aa  England'a,  a  tract 
lyinit  north  of  that  latitune,  and  west  of  tlie  llocky 
mouiitaina,  of  greater  extent  than  the  tract  lying 
between  that  parallel  and  the  parallel  of  (brty-nine 
and  a  half,  (see  Mtt  1 ;)  and  over  that,  equally  aa 
over  thia,  the  joint  right  of  aettleincnt  atill  ex- 
tendi, uiileaa  it  was  burred  in  18*^4  by  the  treaty 
of  St.  Petcraburg.  But  aa  that  treaty  was  with 
Russia  olone^  I  conceive  thr.t  a  fair  and  just  inler- 
prelution  of  ita  provisions  must  restrict  tneir  ctTect 
strictly  to  wlut  waa  then  Russian  territory.  If 
so,  both  of  the  above  tracts  are  included  within 
that  portion  of  territory  which  is  the  fair  subject 
of  compromise.  Andf  if  w«  divide  equally  the 
entire  tract  thus  comprehended,  the  line  or  com- 

raOMllE  WILL  rALL  NORTH  »r  THAT  WHICH,  OS  the 

utmost  limit  of  our  ciaini,  the  United  8tate> 
HAVE  EVER  DEMANDED— the  boundary  line,  name- 
ly, of  the  Ruaainn  poaaeasionii  on  the  south,  the 
line  of  latitude  fifty-four  degrees  fbriy  minutes. 

And  now,  let  those  who  accuse  our  Oorernment 
of  grasping  ambition  and  reckless  contempt  of 
right,  ataniF  (Virth  and  answer  me  I  Hna  our  Oov- 
emnient  claimed  more  than  ita  own  ?  Has  it  offered 
no  aacrilicea  for  the  aake  of  peace?  Ky  the  text 
of  British-claimed  documents,  by  the  snowing  of 
British  authorities,  the  most  nortnem  lino  wc  have 
claimed  is  short  of  the  fiiir  line  of  compromiae. 
And  have  we  not  proffered  forty-nine?  In  a  spirit, 
even,  of  Cluaker  forbearance,  have  wc  not,  to  avert 
the  calamities  of  war,  expressed  our  willingness 
to  relinquish  to  British  pertinacity  more  than  five 
degrees — five  most  important  ilegrecs,  embracing 
the  valuable  and  commanding  Imrliors  of  Vancou- 
ver's Island — nearly  four  hundred  miles  of  coast, 
which,  by  the  very  showing  of  our  adversaries,  is 
our  own? 

I  admit,  to  an  able  reasoner  from  South  Caro- 
line [Mr.  Ruett]  the  consolidating  influence  of 
war,  and  I  admit  tlte  lurking  danger,  in  all  repub- 
lics, of  conaolidaiion.  1  admit  that  war  is  the 
enemy  of  human  progress,  the  friend  of  ignorance, 
the  ally  of  despotism.  I  believe  that  the  wars  of 
Napoleon  arrested,  as  (;nly  the  glare  of  military 
glory  could  have  arrested,  the  onward  inarch  of 
hberty  in  revolutionized  France.  War  is  a  terri- 
ble alternative.  But  yet  it  sometimes  happens  that 
only  through  grievous  evil  can  men  attain  great 
good.  Our  Republic  was  cradled  in  war.  If  war, 
under  any  circumsUinccs,  be  a  discredit  and  h  dis- 
honor, what  of  n  certain  Declaration,  written 
by  Thomas  Jefferson,  and  adopted,  seventy  ycara 
ago,  by  a  band  of  sturdy  patriots  assembled  in  the 
old  Philadelphia  State-house? 

There  n.ust  be  an  end,  somewhere,  to  conces- 
sion and  compromise.  Let  those  who  deal  in 
impuutions  of  discredit  and  dishonor  lell  us  plain- 
ly where  the  end  shall  be.  For  myself,  I  declare 
that  I  consider  the  whole  course  of  our  Adminis- 
tration throughout  this  affair,  from  first  to  lost,  to 
reflect  credit  on.  America,  honor  on  the  age  in 
which  we  live.  I  challenge,  out  of  all  hiatory, 
an  example  of  a  territorial  dispute,  in  which  a  na- 
tion with  rights  ao  clear,  with  power  so  great  aa 
oure,  ever  made  concessions  so  liberal,  demands 
so  moderate. 

So  much  for  the  rights  in  this  cane.  So  much  in 
justification  of  our  course,  and  in  proof  of  ita 
moderation.  One  word  now,  in  conclusion,  in  re- 
ply to  that  plea  for  delay,  urged  by  the  genUeman 
(Vom  Alabama,  [Mr.  Yamcev,]  and  othera:  "V^e 
are  not  ready  to  assert  our  righui;  in  peace  we 
have  not  prepared  for  war."  If  the  meaning  is, 
that  we  have  no  suuiding  army  and  powerflil  navy 
to  match  England's,  then  devoutly  do  I  hope  that 
we  never  shall  be,  in  peace,  prepared  for  war. 
Whenever  we  are,  we  shall  be  prepared  also  for 
despotism.  Wc  are  oa  much  prepared  now,  oa  any 


fVee  nation  in  peace  ever  ought  to  be;  yes,  and  aa 
we  need  be.  Cadmua's  (hbled  dragon  teeth  have 
been  sown,  in  very  deed,  thrnngnnnt  our  land, 
anil  are  ready  to  spring  up,  in  armed  shape,  in  ev- 
ery forest,  on  every  priiirie.  It  is  not  in  iiur  coun- 
try os  in  Englaiiil,  where  the  iienannt  corries  no 
weapon,  nor  leurns  the  use  of  any.  The  chase 
and  the  hardships  of  the  frontier  have  trained,  to 
our  hands,  an  niniy  of  hundred  thnu^nnda;  not  uni- 
formed or  cnrollud  indeed,  but  witn  every  essen- 
tial of  the  soldier,  and  armed  with  that  terrible 
weapon,  Anicricji'a  own  rifle,  before  which  the 
buynneted  musket  of  the  regular — witness  New 
Orleans ! — is  but  as  the  plaything  of  a  child. 

England  may  bimst,  and  lioaNt  justly ,  that  if  we, 
bent  on  a  war  of  nggri'ssion,  were  to  cross  the  At- 
lantic and  attack  licr  in  her  own  sea-girt  isle,  the 
attempt  would  rcanlt  in  disaster  and  defeat.  And 
she  knows,  full  ns  well,  that  nuch  will  be  her  own 
fate,  whenever  she  carries  war  into  our  hemisphere. 
Either  nation  is  impregnable  at  home.  Neither 
can  succeed  against  llic  other,  in  an  unjust  war  of 
conquest,  abroad.  I  »|ien|{  here  not  of  the  result 
of  a  few  nuintlis'  or  of  n  single  year's  wnrlhre, 
but  of  ultimate  consequences. 

We  have  sought  peace.  We  have  sacrificed  for 
|ieace.  Not  that  war,  in  such  a  cause,  ia  a  thing 
to  be  feared;  but  inily  becaiuc,  with  ila  horrors 
and  its  barbarizing  influences,  it  is  a  thing  ever 
sarncslly  to  be  avoided.  If,  notwithstanding,  war 
be  tlirust  upon  us,  with  prompt  energy  let  us  meet 
it.  If,  in  spite  of  our  averting  efforts,  the  blow 
must  be  given,  let  it  be  in  the  spirit  of  the  old  ad- 
age, "  he  gives  twice,  who  gives  quickly." 

No  temporizing  policy  bents  t'.  j  prcst  it  crisis, 
nor  can  avail  to  avert  ita  dangers,  if  with  any  it 
be  rife.  Firmness,  neither  boastful  itself,  nor  yet 
moved  by  the  boasts  of  others,  becomes  us  as  nn  in- 
dependent nation.  And  in  such  firmness  is  to  be 
found  the  best  promise,  at  last,  of  permanent,  be- 
cause honorable,  peace. 


NOTE  I. 


In  ivpecck  of  nhlcli  Hit'  ilolivvry  in  rcatrleied  to  s  ulniilc 
hour,  nmity  p<>inui  dCkucIi  h  suhjecl  M»  thli,  which  il  would 
be  de«trnlile  to  illumrnte,  cuii  in-  indicated  only. 

Ii  id  evident,  that  the  riglit  of  Joint  iiettli-niont  confern'd 
upon  flpilin  luid  Knt'lnnd  by  thi^  Nootkq  convcniion,  if  it  bv 
luliiiidMl  to  be,  lu  Eiitfliind  lilleffef  that  il  ix,  in  force  at  Uiia 
day,  iilUHt  extend  to  ull  territory  wcxt  of  the  Rocky  inoun- 
tainaand  nnrihof  the  liuitudc  of  Nooika,  owned  or  claimed 
either  by  Cirent  llritnin  or  by  Die  Ignited  Htalex  :u  Hpain*« 
aanisnee;  unleM  that  right  lin-t  been,  Ity  xubietiuent  treaty, 
ceded,  eitlier  wholly  or  in  |Hirl,  by  one  of  Uieae  Powera  in 
favur  of  the  other,  lint  no  nueh  euitsion  haa  tH-eh  made  by 
the  ITnited  Htntci  to  Great  Bri'Ain,  nor  by  fireat  Hritain  to 
tile  IJnited  States.  On  tiic  contrary,  all  piili^equenl  eonvrn- 
tionn  between  IheHC  two  Po'.s'-rx,  ro  fhr  as  Uiey  alfect  thia 

JiueMtion  at  all,  have  tended  toconArni  Die  original  prtiviiion ; 
or  they  irant,  temporarily,  to  boUi  naUonH,  free  right  of 
ingrefts  throughout  "any  country  that  niay  Ih*  claimed  by 
eitlier  of  the  contracting  parUeit  on  the  northwest  coast  of 
America." 

It  may  be  wiid,  that  the  ITnited  Htatea  are  barred  from  nil 
right  of  Joint  aetUement  in  any  lerriuiry  weal  of  the  Rocky 
mountaina  and  nortii  of  latitude  :>4  degreea  40  iniimtea,  hince 
the  dale  of  the  treaty  of  St.  IVleraburg— (thnl  ia  to  say,  the 
.Mh  (17Ui)  April,  IHM,)— by  tlie  Uiird  arUcleof  that  treaty, 
which  la  as  fullowa : 

"Art.  III.  Il  ia  moreover  agreed,  that,  herealter,  there 
shall  not  be  fonned  by  the  citizena  ol^the  rniled  Hlales,  or 
under  the  niilhority  of  the  said  Stnlea,  any  catablishment 
U|>on  tile  northweal  coaat  of  America,  nor  in  any  of  the 
ialonda  adjacent,  to  the  north  of  M  degrees  and  40  iiiinutea 
of  north  latitude  ;  and  thai,  in  Uie  aame  manner,  there  shall 
be  none  formed  by  Ituasiaji  subjerta,  or  under  the  auUinrity 
of  Kusaia,  soutli  of  the  same  |>arallel." 

Now,  in  to  far  om  RttMsia  if  corwemerf,  the  ITnited  fltatea 
are  doubileaa,  by  the  nlmve  article,  forever  barred  from  any 
settlement  north  of  the  parallel  named.  But  oa,  in  this  caae, 
Riisaia  and  the  rnited  Htaies  were  the  only  eontmrting 
parlies,  RliitsiA  could  nol  atipiUAle,  in  ths*  v-onvenii.'^n,  fbr 
any  benefit  or  privilege  to  a  Uiird  Por.cr.  Any  auch  stimu- 
lation, (without  even  apparent  motive,  and  certainly  nol  \\\ 
the  nanircof  a  trnal,)  in  an  ordinary  contract  between  indi- 
viduals, would,  at  common  law,  be  void.  It  ia  of  the  char- 
seter  ol^  a  nude  contract,  ain^  it  ia  evident  that  Great  Brit- 
ain did  nol,  and,  indeed,  from  thflmalure  of  the  tranaaction, 
could  not,  give  any  consideration,  directly  or  indirectly, 
therefor.  The  phnise  commonly  used  in  simitar  conven- 
tions, though  not  expressed,  must  be  undei..^ood,  in  this, 
namely,  that  "  the  sole  object  of  the  high  contracting  par- 
dea  ia  to  prevent  disputes  and  diflcrencea  between  tliem- 
•elves." 

It  is  true,  thai,  in  the  above  cited  article,  the  proviaion  in 
regard  to  aettiement  ia  not,  in  terms  or  by  any  apeciflc  metea 
and  b>iunda,  restricted  lo  territory  belonging  to  Huasia.  «ut 
ttiis  rannot  alter  the  nature  of  the  transaction ;  and  Use  aim- 

file  and  manifest  explanation  of  such  omission  is  lobe  found 
n  the  ftu'i  that  Kusaia  and  f,real  Britain  did  not  determine, 
until  nearly  a  year  afterwards,  what  was  tile  limit  of  de- 
marcation throughout  the  tract  in  question,  between  their 
respective  terriioriea ;  so  thai  Russia  might  naturally  be  aup- 
poscd  to  be  unwilliof ,  tvitli  tlic  pioapacl  beforv  her  of  a  ue- 


I  ffoiistloii  nn  tlMt  auhject,  tn  restrict,  even  by  Inference,  hsr 
I  claiina  on  this  const,  <,r  to  advert.  In  any  oHlcial  inaniKir,  lu 
Uie  lights  ur  clmuia  of  Ureal  Uriiain  m  any  |airU<m  of  ilia 
[  territory  in  iiueslioit. 

I      If,  Indeed,  any  p<irlloii  of  llila  lerrllnry  had  been  conveyed, 

•  since  the  dale  of  tiie  treaty  of  tit.  I'eteraburg,  by  Kusaia  l» 

j  England,  ilieii  as  to  auch  Irnnai'erred  territory,  we  should 

liavu  lorielled  our  right  of  setllemt'iili  allice  any  lerriliiry 

'  Ituia  ciinvi-yed  by  Kilanla  lo  a  tliird  Tower,  iuubI  Ini  consider. 

edto|Nuaiotii»l  third  Tower,  clotiied  with  all  the  advanugrs 

derived  from  the  treaty. 

Bui  no  auch  iraiialirr  of  territorv  haa.  In  point  of  fact,  silica 
been  made  by  Hua>i:i  to  Engfand.     By  the  tri'aty  oi  Hi  ('JH) 
]  Eeliruarj ,  IH4^,  Iwtweeii  (iriai  llritnin  and  Rusalii,  "concern- 
ing the  llinitH  of  their  res|H'etive  |MissrsioiH  ud  the  nnrtliweat 
I  coA-tlof  Amrrica,'*  (given  In  Martens 'a  "  tiuppiemenl  au  Ke- 
I  cticil  deaTraites,"  vol,  J,  part'J,  |NUte  IVi4,)  no  rofn'ei/iitu-a  of 
territory  la  made  by  eltiier  nation  to  tile  other.    Tiie  limit 
nrdelliarcatioh  between  Uie  lerritorli's  of  tiie   colilrscUim 
<   i'owera  la  aiinply  Hrrhired  (ind  drtrrnuned,  lu  Itillowa  l 

"Art.  111.  The  line  of  deinttrciiiinn  between  ihe  posses- 
sions of  till'  high  conlraeiiiif  paitlea  upon  Ihe  const  of  the 
I  continent  and  Ihe  tsUiids  ol  America  to  the  northwest  shall 
!  be  drawn  In  the  manner  Itillnwiitg: 

I      "  romnienclng  Iriiui  the  soutiwrnmoat  point  of  the  island 
called  Prince  ol  Wales's  island,  wliich  iMiInt  lies  in  tiie 
parallel  of  54  degreea  40  miniiiea  north  ialilude,  and  be- 
I  iween  the  l.'llal  and  \XM  degree  of  weal  latitude,  (inerlilinn 
!  of  tJreenwich,)  the  aald  line  aliiUI  ascend  to  tiie  north  along 
Ihe  ehnnnel  called  Portland  eb'iniicl,  aa  lar  aa  the  point  or 
I  the  continoiil  where  it  slrikea  the  .'4itli  degree  of  norlh  lati- 
tude I  iVoni  this  last  inenUoiied  point  ilie  line  of  deinarca- 
{  lion  ahall   Ibllow  the  summit  of  the   inuiinUiiiia  altuatod 
parallel  to  the  coast  aa  l>tr  as  tiie  |)Oint  of  interacirlinn  of  the 
I  14lat  degree  of  weal  longitude,  (of  the  annie  meridian ;)  and, 
I  fliialiy,  from  the  aald  iniIiiI  of  inleraection  the  said  meridian 
I  hue  of  tile  i41si  degree  in  itji  prolongation  as  far  as  tiie 
I  Froten  ocean,  shall  form  the  limit  between  the  Russian  and 
;  llrillah  posseasioiis  on  the  continent  of  America  to  the  south- 
west." 

By  the  fiiurlli  nrlicle  of  tiio  same  treaty,  it  ia  Oirlber  de- 
clared, that  "  Prince  of  VValea'a  Island  aliall  belong  wholly 
to  Russia  ;*'  and  that  "  whenever  lltu  auiiimil  of  tiie  moun- 
taina which  extend  In  a  direction  parallel  lo  the  coast,  from 
Uie  .Viih  degree  of  nortli  InUluile  to  tile  point  of  intersection 
of  the  14Ut  degree  of  west  longitude,  shall  prove  to  be  at 
the  distance  of  more  tiiall  ten  marine  leagues  from  Uie 
ocean,  the  Ijnilt  between  the  British  posseaslona  and  Ihe  line 
of  const  which  is  to  belong  to  Huasia,  aa  above  mentioned, 
shall  be  formed  by  a  line  parallel  to  the  windings  of  Uie 
coast,  and  wliitih  shall  never  exceed  the  distance  of  ten  ma- 
rine leaguea  therefrom." 

By  thia  line  of  demarcation  Russia  is  declared  to  possess 

but  a  narrow  strip  of  conat,  at  no  point  wider  than  ten  cea 

leagues,  from  latitude  54  degrees  40  uiinutea,  up  to  lg|itu(ie 

,  00,  or  a  little  north  of  it ;  Um^  eastern  boundary  line  Ic'niii- 

I  natillg  on  the  coast  of  Prince  William  Hound,  in  the  vicinitv 

>f  Mount  Hi.  Eliaa,  and  llie  line  running  Iheiice  due  north 

lo  the  Frozen  ocean,  leaving  Uie  Kusaiiin  posseaslona  to  Ihe 

I  weal  and  the  BriUah  to  Uie  eaarof  Uie  141st  degree  of  west 

>  longitude. 

Ao  inapcciion  of  theman wi)lahow,that,aecordingtothis 

bnunitary  llne,f>renl  Brilain  is' declared  to  own,  of  the  terri 

tnry  which  must  be  considered  west  of  the  Itocky  mountaina, 

j  n  portion  north  of  latitude  5*1  degreea  4U  nilniiles,  larger  than 

j  that  lying  a  >uth  of  Uial  parallsl  and  norUi  of  the  latitude  of 

I  NtHitlia. 

But  inasmnch  na  the  provision  in  the  Nootka  convention 
which  permits  a  Joint  right  of  aettiement  norlh  of  the  lati- 
:  tilde  ol  that  Hound  has  no  limit  lo  tiie  norlh,  il  is  clear,  that 
I  Dial  provisitm  extenda  over  boUi  portions,  even  to  the  Fro- 
zen <ieean.  - 
!  It  follows,  as  a  ncceaanry  oonaequeni,  tiiat,  i'  by  way  of 
I  compromise,  ice  are  lo  divCle  njuallu  the  entire  territory  over 
;  vhitk  this  right  of  joint  teltlement  mil  extend*,  the  compro- 

;   MlaR  I.INB  WILL  FALL  KVrN  ?«0RTH  OF  LATITVOE  rirTY-roCR 
FORTY. 

If  it  be  argued  that  England  has  the  right  of  aovereigiity 
nortii  of  that  latitude,  of  which  no  mere  rigtit  of  Joint  aeltle- 
nicnt  can  diaiHMaeas  her,  1  reply,  that  even  if  this  be  ao,  we, 
in  like  manner,  aa  the  asaigiieea  of  Hpain,  have  the  right  of 
sovereignty  aoiith  of  the  aame  line,  which  right  of  sover- 
eignly, by  parity  of  reoaoning,  we,  by  the  conceding  of  that 
mere  rightof  joint  sGlUemcnt,  never  forfeited.  In  theevent 
of  a  compromise  on  the  principles  above  suggested,  we 
should  be  surrendering  our  tight  of  joint  aetUemenlnorth 
of  latitude  .M  degreea  40  minutes,  in  return  for  the  rclin- 
quiahment,  by  England,  of  her  right  ofjninl  aettiement  south 
I  of  that  parallel. 

I  NOTE  ij. 

I  It  is,  at  Uie  least,  doubtnu  (though  I  have  not  brought 
I  that  niatfer  into  dispute  here)  whether  any  of  these  veaacls 
were  the  bona  fiiie  prn)ierty  of  BriUali  aubjecLs.  In  Meares's 
Appendix  are  iwo  documenu,  the  one  an  •bligatinn  signed 
by  Captain  Douglass  to  restore  the  Iphigenia  to  the  Kingof 
Hpain,  if  deemed  a  lawful  prize,  (see  Jtyperutii^  No.  IV-,) 
in  which  that  vessel  ia  declared  lo  be  the  prop*'rly  of  Oon 
Juan  Cavallo ;  and  the  other,  (the  last  document  in  that  Ap- 
pendix,) an  inventory  of  the  properly  in  Uie  Northweal 
America,  commanded  by  llob*,'rt  Fiinter,  there  also  declared 
to  belong  to  Cavallo  fc  l.'o.,  a  Portuciieae  firm  ef  Macao, 
Meares,  in  hia  memorial,  says  that  Cavallo  had  no  actual 
interest  in  the  atnok  ;  th.il  his  name  waa  obtained  in  order 
thai  Ihe  vesaela  might  aail  with  Portuguese  pat>era  and  un- 
der Portuguese  colors,  ao  aa  to  avoid  the  high  port-charpca 
demanded  by  the  Chinee  from  all  ntiier  European  natiims 
except  the  'Portugneae,  The  word  of  an  acknowledged 
smuggler  cannot  go  for  much.  And  how  are  we  to  reconcile 
the  idea  of  these  being  llrillah  veaacls  wiUi  the  fact,  that  in 
the  inatnicUona  of  Ihe  "merchant  proprietors"  lo  Mcurea, 
given  in  his  own  Appendil,  (No.  I.,)  Uley  tell  him ; 

"  t^houtd  you,  in  the  course  of  your  voyage,  meet  witii 
any  Russian,  English,  or  Hpanish  vessels,  you  will  treat  them 
with  civility  and  fViendahip,"  •  •  "  Should  they 
attempt  lo  seize  you,  or  even  carry  jrou  out  of  your  way, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONORVniOltAb  OLOBB. 


15i 


39th  Cono 1st  Sehi. 


The  Oregon  ifueition — Mr.  Baker, 


Ho.  or  Repr. 


ytiu  will  pntvoiit  It  by  nvcry  niunni*  In  ynrjyiowtr,  Biitl  re- 
pel tliroB  Dy  li>rcr."  '  •  "  HIioiiliTiuii,  III  luch  • 
ronllict,  liAvi*  the  iiipfrlorlly,  ynu  will  tflkii  ponNeimliiii  uf 
tlin  vuuol,  u  duo  Iter  c>r|ii,  and  bring  buih  Miki  Ohinii," 


Itr 


ly'>  mibjerta,  ind  two  niheri  nf  which  Ihii  ileaorlptlnn  U  nut 
hllhnrto  lufflrlently  lucertalni'tl,  hiivn  Iwun  cnplurod  at 
Nunthii  lound,  nil  the  nnrthwrHierii  rnant  of  Anifrlrn,  by 
Mn  iilfli'i'r  roiiimiiiiilliig  two  H|iiiiiliih  ehlpM  nf  wnri  tlinl  the 
ciirgnefl  of  thu  Hritliili  vi)iiki!1ii  hnvii  bm-n  nelxiMl,  niid  thai 
Are  Ihone  the  anrt  iiriiiitrurtlnni  likriy  tn  b«  given  to  h  their  nlHoeni  and  crewa  have  been  eenl  a>  |itla»iier<  tii  a 
BtUiih  iniTi'hnnt  veiifl  I    T]w  Bnglliili  am  inenlluned,  nnt      H|iunlili  |Mirt.** 

tile  l'cirlugiii'ii4*,atiine  oi'the  natii>ii>«  from  wlio«e  vrNnulunn  '  It  l<«  non.niy  true,  thercdirf ,  that  a  permanent  eettlninenl 
■ttark  U  iintlflpntiMl  ttn  lit  li-aat  iNimilble,  and  pruvlded  :i  wiimiiiiiloiit  Nnutknny  ilioH|ianlitrfl«'ji  May,  17HU;  and,i'oii- 
•gtUimt  nceordlngly.  <    ■riiiif  iitly,  Hint,  iHiliiro  tln^  diitc  of  the  ronveiiilon  a  nettleinenl 

And  thexi  were  the  veuela,  •ailing  at  belt  under  blue  In  lailiiuilt"IUl  "wu  almiily  iH'>Mi|iled  by  Hpaln,"  but  alio, 
colore  fur  (Mintruhanil  nllr|H)Ni>ii,  wtionu  riinnnander  In  enld  tliiu  It  wne  iiiudo  wltliont  any  ohjut'tlun  m  |iroti«»t,  either  on 
In  have  |iureliaai'il  Iniiil  at  Nooiku,  the  ri'etorntluii  ofwhlrli  the  |ian  of  the  cri'Wa  of  Kiigllali  anil  other  vea>p|»  In  the 
land  la  made  thu  prliii'Minl  nrikli'  In  a  convention,  roatlng  ;    r<ouiiil  nt  the  time,  or  on  the  imrt  of  the  llrltlah  Uuverii- 


nillllnna,  belween  two  of  the  niuat  powerful  natlona  of  the 
world!  Anil  thla  iiuin 'a alleged  purchaee  la  made  the  haala 
of  territorial  eliilrna  by  the  very  nation  whoao  negotlntun,  I 
In  the  aaine  breath,  ohjVet  to  the  validity  nf  i;ruy'B  iTlMovery  ■ 
nflhet'oliinihla,  becanae  it  wan  not  made  In  a  veaael  aiie- 
vlally  coiiinilaaionvd  and  ei|ireaaly  aeiit  nut  un  an  eiplwliig 
cipedlUuu  by  the  Uovernnieiil  of  Uie  United  IJIalc*  i  , 

NOTE  3. 

'f  other  proof  were  wantina  that  Menree  made  no  purchaao  ' 
,1  Nootka,  it  la  to  lei  found  In  tli"  llirt  that.  In  the  Inatruc- 
lloiii  given  to  the  captain  commaniling  tlleae  vesaela  (Col- 
tieu,)  dated  Macao,  April  17,  UKV.  not  a  word  la  aalil  alaiut 
the  matter.  Yet  thla  letter  la  dateil  only  eleven  inontha  after 
the  allegi-d  purchaee.  and  aildrcaaed  to  the  very  officei  whom 
he  waa  then  dcapatchlng  to  vlalt,  among  other  plarea,  thu 

spot  where  tliat  imrehaae  waa  claimed  to  have  I n  made. 

Mearea,  liiiiiael(\  aeeiiia  to  have  tV-lt  that,  In  auch  a  ilocii- 
iiient,  aome  audi  reference  mui'tnntiirallybecipucted;  and, 
accordingly,  he  aaya,  in  hi'-  Memoriuh 

>'  Mr.  Oolnett  wiu  directed  tn  tli  Ida  rcaldence  nt  Nnotka 
Hound  I  and,  with  that  view^  to  trtrl  n  mUinniial  home  on 
thii  »pH  u-hkh  your  inrmoriitlut  hmt  pttrcktueil  the  prreeding 
i/Ciir,  Of  uili  itpjiear  hy  n  copy  of  hit  inniritctiont  hereto  an- 
nexed  " — MrmorUtttia gipmin^ppcnilij-to  Afeora'ajourmii, 
JVo.  1 


ineiit,  when  Aral  luade  aci|ualntvd  with  thu  Ihel. 


NOTE  5. 

BIncn  the  delivery  of  thla  aiieech,  I  have  noticed  an  arti- 
cle In  the  London  Tlmea,  reli>rrlng  ^)  the  atatement  made 
by  a  Uerinan  piibllrlat  of  reputation,  l)e  Koch,  In  lila  oflli- 
tolre  Abr^g^e  dea  Trnlt^a  de  Palx,"  na  to  the  laet  of  aurren- 
der,  and  have  relbrred  In  the  work  Itaelf.  I  hud.  In  the 
chapter  treating  of  the  treaty  of  Nuotkn,  a  paaaage,  of  which 
the  following  la  a  literal  triii,' ('ttlon: 

'*  In  the  e^eeiitlon  of  tl  i'>  .'onventlon  (of  the  BNcurlal,of 
theilKth  (ichilH'r,  l7UU,aa  given  by  Mailena,  Vul.  Ill,  p.  iM) 
there  aroae,  bealilea,  diincuttlea  which  returiled  that  execu- 
tion until  l79.'i.  'I'lieae  were  terminated  on  ilie'j;iil  of  March 
of  that  year,  on  thn  spot  itaelf,  hv  the  H|mniah  llrigadier 
Alava  and  the  ICngllah  Itieutenant  roara,*'  (probably  ineaitt 
for  Pierce,)  "  who  exchanged  declarationa  in  the  Hound  of 
Nnotka.  Alter  the  Hpanlah  fort  waa  ruaed,  the  HiHinlarda 
einlinrked,  and  the  Eiighah  tl:ig  woi  hnlated  there  In  token 
of  iMlaauaalon.'* 

Thla  auitenient  hiij*  more  of  an  aiitliontic  air  than  any 
other  which  ban  met  inyaiye.  The  exact  date  of  the  alleged 
aurrender  la  given  ;  and  tlie  adillllonal  pnrllcular  la  atnled, 
that  declarationa  were  reciprocally  exchanged— a  thing  very 
probatile  In  Ibielf.  tin  the  other  hand.  If  l)e  Koch  givea  the 
thcta  truly,  lllnil  the  olflclal  proof  of  theae  hicta  inuat  be  In 


He  e  Mcnrei  expreaaly  refcra  to  the  olflclal  copy  of  hia    l  the  (maaeaaion  of  the  llritiah  Cabinet.     If  theyare,  liuw  hap- 


InhtriU'tionH,  in  proof  that  he  had  ordered  ('aptnin  (^olnett 
tn  huildaaubahintlal  houaenn  the  aimt  iirevioiialy  purchaaed. 
We  turn  to  the  hiatructiona  thua  reh<rred  to,  given  In  hia  own 
Apiiendix  Inimmediately  .'bitowfng  the  Memorial,  and,atrange 

though  It  bo  I  NOTONK  WORD  or  THK  .MATTER  la  TO  BK  t'OCID 

TiiKRR.  He  wlio  ile|inrta  from  Mie  truth,  iieeda  agood  mem- 
ory. All  that  Menrea  tella  Coliiett  in  regard  to  founding  lui 
ca'tabllahnient,  la  thla: 


pena  it  that  a  diplomatiNt  an  able  and  well  Inlbrmed  aa  Mr. 
Pakenhnin  did  not  put  Ihem  Ihrth,  in  reply  to  Mr.  Iliichan- 
an'a  aaaertion  In  hia  letter  of  July  l*i,  1H45,  that  '*  no  auffi- 
cleiit  evidence  liai  lieeii  adduced  that  eiiher  NiNitku  Hound, 
or  any  other  aieit  upon  the  coaat,  waa  ever  actually  aurren- 
dered  by  tliat  INnver  (Hpalii)  to  Great  llrltnin.'*  Are  we  to 
auppoae  the  llritiah  Miniater  Ignorant  (and,  of  counie,  hia 
Oovernment  alao  ignorant)  of  theae  facto  and  of  their  pniof? 


"  III  planning  a  (lictory  on  the  coaat  of  America,  wo  look  .'  la  it  not  a  more  reaaoiiable  coiichiaion,  either  that  D«  Koch 

tn  a  aolid  calahii.'hment,  and  not  one  that  la  tn  be  abandoned  !    la  In  error  and  no  auch  proof  exish<,  or  elae,  that  aome  fticta 

'"        -'    -' -  — -- :.   ^*  ...        .  connected  with  the  proof  tell  badly  againat  the  llritiaii  claim? 

Uuadra  offered,  in  1799, na  I  have  atated,  to  give  Vancnuvcr 


Ht  pleaaure.  We  authorize  you  In  f\fl,tU  the  mott  conee- 
ntent  tliUioK.  only  tn  place  your  colcjiy  in  pence  and  accu- 
ritv,"  !tc.-  .  IppinAir,  ATo.  3.  [ 

"At  the  moat  convenient  atatlon"  thla  "aolld  eatabllah-  I 
ment"  la  to  be  located.  Not  a  word,  in  this  connexion, 
nhuiit  Noo^ka,  aa  the  point  of  acttlcment,  nor  about  a  "aub-  j 
atnitlial  hoiiait''  to  be  built  there,  nor  the  alighteat  allualon  I 
lo  a  pur'  Mc.  The  onlynlhiaion  toNontkn,  in  the  Inatruc-  I 
tiona,  altii  ia  in  another  parngroph,  wliere  Mearea  aaya:  i 
•  we  rec'>"imcnd  you,  if  posailde,  to  fltriii  n  treaty  with  i 
the  >■"'''■:  lefa  at  Nootka.  If  you  accompliah  thla,  you  I 
at  once  )'<  come  posi^eaaed  of  the  fura  of  a  great  diatrict, 
with  honor  and  credit,  and  without  incurring  u  stigma."—  j 
•>fm>cn<ICr,  No.  9. 

'.sain:  The  si  ..  „ 

iptain  Douglaaa,  commanding  the 
ipliiSeniOj  dated  Nootkaj  Heiitember  'JO,  Ue^j  almut  Ihur 


The  iuatnic- 


ineet  witlt 
treat  them 
linuld  they 
your  way, 


Appendix  givea  an  ntflclal  copy  of 
Mearea'a  inatriicliona  lo  Cap! 

pllil^enia,  dated  Nootka,   Hc-|uriiiuT:i   .«<>,   i< 

ttia  niter  liic  alleged  dote  of  the  purchase. 

tiotiH  open  thiifl: 

"  ."^ir,  H3  1  mean  to  proceed,  immediately  on  the  launch  of 
the  Northweat  America,  tn  the  Sandwich  lalanda,  and  frmn  j 
thence  to  China,  the  whole  charge  of  the  Iphlgenia  and  ' 
Norlliweat  America  will  consequently  devolve  upon  you."—  i 
^npendiXj  So.  .5.  I 

Tliia  Capiain  Douglaaa  then,  waa  left  in  command  ntNoot-  ; 
ka  Hound  ;  and  yet  in  hia  in.4triictiona.  covering  seven  quarto  { 
pages,  not  the  moat  distant  alluaion  ia  made  to  a  purchase  ; 
of  land,  nor  to  any  land  whatever  belonging  to  Meares  in  j 
the  Hound.  ' 

Taken  In  connexion  witli  the  details  of  the  aubscqiicntnar-  I 
rative,  it  Is  difficult  to  Imagine  more  conclnaive  proof  of  a 
negative;  and  it  ia,  in  truth,  marvelloua  that,  nt  thla  dis- 
tance of  time,  auch  a  mass  of  evidence  can  be  brought  to  ; 
bear  on  this  point. 

NOTE  4.  ! 

The  settlement  made  at  Nootka  by  the  Hpaniarda  was  of  ''• 
a  very  permanent  character.  Martinez  reached  the  sound 
on  the  6th  of  May,  1789.  as  Captain  Doi'glnsB's  Journal 
(given  in  Mearea'a  Appenaix)  inihrma  na.  And  aoon  after- 
wards (ace  letter  of  Mr.  Dullln,  dated  July  19,  1789,  to  Mr. 
Meares,  Appendix  No.  XIII)  he  had  erected  a  fort  "on 
which  sixteen  guns  were  mounted,  and  had  taken  posses- 
sion of  the  annnd  in  the  name  of  hia  Most  Catholic  Mi^esty 
Charles  III.  King  of  Spain." 

Meares 's  expressions, in  hia  Memorial, are,  that  Marlines 
"  took  poaseaaion  nf  the  landa  belo'iging  to  your  memorial- 
ist, hoisting  thereon  the  stondard  of  ipaln,  and  perlhrming 
such  ceremonies  as  voiir  memorialiaf,  is  Informed  are  usual 
on  such  occasions  j"  and  o  little  fiirtlier  on,  Uiat  "  he  then 
proceeded  to  build  bnttcrics,  storehouses,"  fcc. 

Throughout  the  whole  of  the  niimeroua  papers  given  in 
Mearea'a  Appendix,  there  ia  no  intimation  whatever  that 
the  parties  concerned  found  any  (liult  with  the  settling  of 
Nootko  hv  tlie  Spiuiiards  in  1789.  Nor  except  in  the  memo- 
rial itself,  is  there  any  hint  about  hardship  or  injustice 
done  to  Meares  by  tlie  Hpaniarda  in  taking  possession  of 
any  landa  belonging  to  him.  Nor  ia  there  the  least  word 
of  complaint  in  theRoval  meaaage  of  May,  1790,in  regard  to 
tlie  settlement  made  at  Nootka  by  Spain.  The  complaint, 
and  the  sole  complaint,  made  in  that  message,  and  to  pro- 
cure redress  for  which  warlike  preparations  are  therein 
recommended,  la,  that "  two  veucla  belonging  to  his  Mitjes- 


poaaeasion  of  the  liouaea,  bilihiinga,  apd  otflcua  occupied  by 
the  Hpaniarda  at  Nootka,  and  to  abandon  the  place,  but 
"without  prejudice  to  the  legitimate  right  of  H|miii.'*  This 
offer  Vancouver  declined  i  evidently  for  the  reason  that, 
under  it,  the  territorial  rights  of  Spain  were  reserved.  And 
yet,  it  ia  my  conviction,  that,  even  if  I)e  Koch's  version  of 
the  matter  be  tiie  true  one,  nothing  better  tlian  this  offer  was 
obmined  by  England  nt  last.  I  believe  that  whenever  Ala- 
va'a  declaration  (If  declaration  he  made)  la  brought  to  light, 
It  will  be  Ihutid  to  contain  a  prnteat  similar  lo  Uuadra'si 
declaring  that,  in  restoring,  in  accordance  with  the  flrst  ar- 
ticle of  the  Nootka  treaty,  the  "buildings  and  tracts  of  land, 
of  which  the  subjects  nf  his  Britannic  Mf\jesty  were  dia)>os- 
sessed"  in  1700,  he  did  ao  "without  prejudice  to  the  legiti- 
mate rights  of  Spain,"  its  secured  in  the  flflh  article  of  the 
same  convcittioo. 

1  have,  In  vain,  endeavored  to  And  a  copy  of  any  auch 
declarations.  Even  If  they  exist.  It  is  doubtftil  if  they  are 
tn  be  found  short  of  the  tiovernnient  archivoi  of  London  or 
Madrid— possibly  in  those  of  Mexico. 


THE  OREGON  aUESTION. 


SPEECH  OF  HON.  E.  D.  BAKER, 

OF    ILLINOIS, 
In  the  IIousg  or  RErnESENTAXivES, 
Jamuiry  29,  1846, 
The  Uesolulion  from  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Affairs,  rcqtiirins;  the  President  lo  notihr  Qreut 
Britain  of  the  intention  of  the  UnitetJ  Stntes  to 
terminate  the  joint  occupancy  of  Oregon,  and  to 
abro^tc  the  convention  of  1827,  beinp;  under 
consideration  in  Committee  of  the  Whole — 
Mr.  BAKER  addressed  the  committee  as  fol- 
lows: 

Mr.  Chairman:  In  expres-iingtlie  reasons  which 
induce  me  to  vote  for  the  resolution  under  discus- 
sion, I  shall  comment  upon  many  of  the  argu- 
ments urged  by  its  opponents,  in  a  spirit  of  free- 
dom, and,  I  trust,  of  fairness. 

In  the  first  place,  sir,  I  consider  the  American 
title  up  to  .54°  40'  virtually  conceded  in  this  debate. 
Most  of  those  who  oppose  the  notice  affirm  the 
territory  to  be  ours.  The  gentleman  from  Massa- 
chusetts [Mr.  WiNTHROp]  has  said  he  thought  it 
susceptible  of  proof  in  a  court  of  justice.  The 
gentleman  from  Alabamo,  [Mr.  Yanc'et,]  consider- 
ing it  ours,  is  in  favor  of  "  masterly  inactivity," 
not  to  acquire,  but  to  gain,  or  to  keep,  what  he 
admits  to  be  ours.    And  olijiougU  lliere  have  been 


itome  dissentient  voices,  they  have  «curi:rly  iiiarml 
the  harmony  and  fiilncM  of  the  ailiniaaioii.  It 
is  true,  sir,  that  the  hnnorablr  t;riitli:mnn  iVoni 
South  Carolina  [Mr.  Hot.Mcs|  Ii.in  denied  it,  and 
an  did  the  gcntlcinan  friiiu  Vir^init,  |Mr.  IlAii.t;] 
but  I  think,  «ir,  we  may  snlily  cniindc  them  to 
the  care  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  whose  iipimunn  in  be- 
half of  the  title  of  his  own  country  ■linuld,  with 
them  at  least,  be  weighty,  if  not  conclusivir. 

I  am  highly  gratiAed,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  auch 
II  the  opinion  of  this  Mouse  upon  the  i|ueation  of 
title.  It  would  be  strange  if  it  were  otherwise, 
Huw  does  that  claim  present  itself  here  f  Sir,  it 
has  been  mainlaiiird  not  only  by  the  highest  au- 
tlM>rily,  but  byevery  authority  known  to  our  Con- 
stitution uiiil  our  laws.  It  has  been  asserted  lor 
inure  than  thirty  years;  it  hits  been  mnintnined  by 
our  Ambassadors  abroad  and  our  Secretaries  at 
home;  by  successive  Administrations,  iind  by 
every  Administration;  it  lias  been  enforced  in  the 
declaration  of  a  general  ])ritici|ile,  as  in  the  decla- 
ration of  Mr.  Monroe,  in  182:i,  "that  the  Ameri- 
can continents  are  henceforth  nut  lo  be  considered 
as  subjecUi  fur  f\itiire  coloiiizatiun  bv  any  Euriipe- 
aii  Power;"  it  hits  been jiarticiilarly  and  speciti- 
cally  relied  on  by  the  Presidei.l  of  the  United 
States  in  his  Inaugural  Address  to  the  people  anil 
lo  the  world;  it  hns  received  liis  cnrncsl  and  sol- 
emn sanction  in  the  late  Annual  Mrnsngo  to  Con- 
gress; it  has  been  the  subject  of  long  anil  repealed 
negotidtion,  in  every  stage  nf  which  it  has  been  il- 
liistmlcd  and  confinned.  Nor,  sir,  has  it  been  left 
tn  Presidents  or  diplomatists:  that  claim  has  con- 
tributed tn  change  »n  angry  faction  into  a  success- 
ful parly;  and  "Oregon  and  Texas"  have  immor- 
talized Polk  and  Dallas. 

I  know,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  there  have  been 
some  eflbrts,  here  and  elsewhere,  to  cast  suspicion 
upon  our  title  to  the  whole  territory,  from  the  fact 
that  we  have  repeatedly  offered  to  compromise 
upon  the  49th  degree  of  latitude.  It  is  tnie, 
that  we  have  made  this  offer  three  times;  it  is  also 
true  that  it  has  been  three  times  rejected.  And, 
sir,  it  ia  to  be  remembered,  ihat  whenever  we  have 
done  so,  it  has  been  nccom|>anied  with  a  denial  of 
any  title  in  Great  Britain,  and  an  express  declara- 
tion that  it  was  an  offer  made,  not  from  a  convic- 
tion of  right,  but  from  a  regard  for  peace  and  con- 
cord. Sir,  I  have  been  surprised  to  hear  gentle- 
men rely  upon  this  ns  evidence  of  title  in  Greiit 
Britain.  There  is  no  lawyer  on  this  floor  who 
does  not  well  understand  the  principle  upon  which 
an  offer  of  this  kind  is  placed.  A  proposition  to 
coinprotni»  is  not  an  admission;  it  is  never  so  treat- 
ed ,  unless  it  contains  the  admission  of  a  fact,  which 
these  propositions  never  did  conuiin.  It  cannot  be 
allowed  in  evidence  in  a  court.  Nor  does  it  prove 
anything,  save  the  pacific  dispositionii  of  the  party 
who  may  make  it. 

Sir,  whatever  the  motive  may  have  been  which 
promptetl  these  offers  cannot  be  material  to  this 
discussion:  they  were  refused,  they  were  witli- 
dmwn,  they  no  longer  ejtist.  They  were  never 
considered  in  the  light  of  an  admission,  and  ought 
not  so  to  bo  considered  now.  And  it  is,  to  me  ut 
least,  most  evident,  that  whatever  were  the  grounds 
of  our  title  before  those  offers  were  made,  upon 
those  grounds  it  must  be  considered  to  remain,  un- 
less, indeed,  time  and  progress  have  wideneil  tlie 
basis  and  strengthened  the  claim. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  connot  refrain  from  ex- 
pressing my  surprise  at  the  quarter  from  whence 
these  doubts  as  to  our  title  usually  proceed.  And, 
indeed,  the  whole  orgument  of  the  honorable  gen- 
tleman from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  Holmes]  is  cal- 
culated to  excite  great  astonishment.  Has  the 
honornlile  gentleman  forgotten  the  Hal  timore  Demo- 
cratic convention?  or  must  I  recall  its  resolutions 
to  hia  mind?  If  I  remember  well,  it  was  not  until 
great  progress  had  been  made  in  its  deliberations 
that  Sout^  Carolina  appeared  at  all ;  but  when  she 
did  come,  she  condescended  to  approve  the  action 
of  the  convention,  and  gave  her  assent,  with  great 
dramatic  effect,  to  its  nominations  and  its  princi- 
ples. 

Sir,  amid  the  shout  for  "  Polk  and  Dallas,  Ore- 
eon  and  Texas,"  were  Virginia  and  South  Caro- 
lina silent?  or  ilid  they  lentf  force  and  fervor  to  a 
declaration  which  they  seem  now  to  think  was  a 
deliberate  fraud  upon  the  nation )  And,  sir,  at  the 
last  session  of  Congress,  when  Mr.  Polk  had  be- 
come known,  and  Texas  was  to  be  annexed >  where 


152 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  29, 


29th  CoNfl 1st  Sess. 


3%e  Oregon  (^stion — Mr.  Baker. 


Ho.  OF  Hkfs. 


waa  Uie  southern  wing  of  democracy  Uien }  Sir, 
tlicy  were  ardent  in  I'leii'  profe»sionii  of  an  en- 
larged pntriotiam.  The  lioiioruble  gentleman  from 
South  Carolina  [Mr.  Rhett]  voted  for  tlie  Oregon 
bill  of  Itust  scaaion,  with  this  very  notice  in  it;  that 
was  abil'.  cxsrcising  the  highest  sovereign  powe." 
over  the  territory — extending  our  laws,  establish- 
ing our  government,  granting  land;  in  short,  sir, 
incorporating  it  us  a  piirt  of  those  United  Suites. 
Sir,  these  gentlemen  were  then  extending  "  the 
urea  of  freedom;"  but  when,  by  tlie  aid  o?  South 
Carolina  in  the  Senate,  the  bill  fniled;  whei.  Texas 
is  annexed,  and  another  slave  State  added  to  the 
Union;  then  the  democi^tic  resolutions  have  lost 
their  autliority — ^Texas  and  Oregon  are  not  tyin 
stars,  and  gentlemen  suddenly  perceive  that  the 
star  of  Oregi>n  is  obscured  by  the  clouds  of  war. 

The  gentleman  from  »>utli  Carolina  [Mr. 
Holmes]  began  tlie  remarks  just  addressed  to  Ihit 
committee,  by  a  very  fancil\il  allusion  to  a  dark 
spir''.  now  hovering  over  this  fair  laud,  and  obscu- 
ring the  bright  face  of  heaven.  How  long,  sir,  has 
this  vision  tortured  the  gentleman's  imagination.' 
Since  when  has  it  friglitedhim  from  his  propriety.' 
If  I  remember  that  distinguished  gentleman's 
course  at  the  lost  session  of  Congress,  'Jierc  were 
not  spirits  enough  in  the  "  upper  air"  to  da.-p  his 
courage.  As  long  as  Texas  was  in  dnubt,  Mexi'o 
might  be  contemned  and  Kngland  defied.  It  was 
not  enough  that  Texas  was  already  possrjsed  of 
republican  institutions,  hut  she  must  lin-  c  ncrstar 
blazoned  upon  our  bonner;  ond  n'  .nc  very  mo- 
ment when  Mexico  was  thr»'..cni]ig  war  lor  nn 
act  which  enlisted  the  sv.ipa'.hics  of  the  civilized 
world  against  us,  a  hHi  passtd  this  House  by  n 
very  larte  majority  to  exercise  the  .'  j,iicst  atiri- 
butes  ol  sovereignty  over  tlie  whole  territory  of ' 
Oregon.  Where  thf^n  was  the  honorable  gentle- 
man's vision  of  wo.>  Were  the  wings  of  the  dark 
spirit  furled.'  Or  is  this  but  the  "  ilark  hour"  to  ' 
wliicl. ,  in  common  with  otlicr  scere  and  sogen,  the 
honorable  gentletimn  is  subject .'  i 

"  Heaire,  sir,  b»foi  1  proceed  to  discuss  the  grave 
arguments  of  gentlfiien,  to  address  myself  to  the 
Bug'^estion  so  often  i.iade,  that  notice  is  war.  The 
notice,  Mr.  Chairman .  h  a  slipulalioii  of  the  con- 
vcnti.in;  it  is  the  agreement  of  the  ptrrties;  it  pro- 
vide' for  a  period  of  twelve  month:  between  the 
notice  and  the  abrogation  of  ilie  C(.,'vcnti()n  itself; 
andthemerestiuenientEccm.sto  me  to  be  an  answer 
to  the  idea  that  it  is,  or  of  itself  can  be,  war.  It  is 
r  ithing  more  nor  lias  than  proof  of  o  r  dfsire  to  ' 
have  the  question  deiermined;  it  asserts  no  right,  it 
Buggt  its  no  remedy.  It  will,  r>idoul)iedly,  bring  ' 
mipre  directly  to  the  consideration  of  lioth  Govern-  ; 
nients  the  nccepsity  of  .settling  the  question;  and  it 
is  a  question  that  should  be  settled.  Rut  it  is  a  nu'a.s- 
urc  consistent  with  the  treaty,  it  springs  out  of  the 
treaty,  anil  it  will  siarcely  be  contended,  that  a  re- 
spectriil  compliance  with  theconditionaof  theciin- 
vention  can  be  considered  as  war,  or  as  of  itself 
leading  to  war.  Let  me  ask,  if  Great  IJrituinwpre 
to  give  this  notice  to  us,  (as  she  unqueHiionahly 
might  do,)  would  that  be  war,  or  cause  of  war? 
^r ,  sir;  it  would  undouljledly  convince  us  thathhe 
was  in  earnest;  we  should  feel,  more  ih.m  ue  now 
do,  the  necessity  of  some  decided  anion;  bui  the 
question  of  war  or  peace  would  be  deiermined 
with  reference  to  our  righui.  It",  after  that  i.otire, ! 
Great  Driiain  shnld  not  only  claim,  but  aU.inpt 
to  take,  what  is  "unquestionably  ours,"  1  Irus:  we 
should  manifest  a  becoming  sense  of  what  might 
be  due  to  ourselves;  and,  in  lliis  event,  unjust  iig- 
frresHion  night  lead  to  war.  But  the  notice  would 
do  no  such  thing;  it  is  pacific,  because  provided 
for  by  the  treaty;  it  is  peaceful,  because  it  leaves 
every  mode  of  settlenienl  mill  open  to  both  Powers; 
and  It  is  projier,  because  it  tends  to  the  immedialo 
settlement  of  a  difficulty,  which  time  cerlainlydocs 
not  render  more  eiwy  of  adjustment.  Mr.  Chair- 
man, while  discussing  the  propriety  of  notice  in 
this  point  of  view,  let  me  obpene,  that  the  pitice 
does  not  prevent  a  settlement  on  any  basisproposed.  ' 
Does  any  gentleman  desire  arbitration.'  The  notice 
docs  not  reject  it.  Is  compromise  insisted  upo'i  r 
Tlio  notice  is  8i'*nt  upon  that  point.  Is  forty-nine 
inc  true  line?  The  notice  dr-s  not  deny  it.  No, 
sir,  I  repeat,  the  notice  may  tend  to  preserve  |)eace; 
but  thi  notice  itaelf  cannot  lead  to  war.  It  ir  un  ^ 
act  which  manifests  our  de,<iire,  if  you  please  our 
detei-mination,  that  the  question  shall  be  letiledii 
and|  Mr.  Chairman,  it  ia  notliing  mure,  ' 


I      JJut,  sir,  if  the  objections  thus  ur^d  against  the 
I  notice  arc  matter  ol  surprise,  how  is  our  surprise 
increased  when  we  cxanuno  from  whence  these  ob- 
jections come.    At  tlie  lust,  luid  at  a  preceding 
'  session  of  Congress,  Orejfun  was  before  the  House, 
and  many  of  the  very  gemlenien  who  now  oppose 
notice,  then  advocated  and  voted  for  a  bill  contain- 
,  iiig  this  very  notice;  and,  what  is  more  remarkable, 
I  most  of  those  who  then  opposed  the  notice  weto 
advocates  of  that  bill  mthoui  notice,  and  actually 
voted  for  it  with  ihu  notice  included.    Sir,  that  bill 
provided  for  an  exercise  of  the  highest  attributes 
of  sovereignty ;  it  was  liable  to  every  objection  that 
the  most  timul  now  urge  against  this  measure.     It 
I  was  based  •poii  our  right  to  the  whole  of  Oregon; 
witliuut  neuce  it  violated  the  convention;  with  the 
insertion  of  the  notice,  it  was  a  practical  enforce- 
I  ment  of  our  cli.im  to  the  whole  territory.     Where 
were  these  gentlemen  then  ?    Where  were  their 
lectures  upon  pcoi'e,  their  abhorrence  of  war?  Then 
t  they  were  willing  to  uikc  possession  of  disputed 
:  territory  without  even  the  form  of  notice.    JVow  ! 
j  they  will  not  even  give  notice  of  an  intention  to  I 
("assert"  our  unqucslioiuiblo  title.     Then,  Eng- ' 

I  land  must  be  defied;  now,  she  is  to  be  feared.    Sir,  ! 

I I  leave  to  honorable  gentlemen  the  task  to  recon- 
I  cile  these  positions;  but,  lo  my  mind,  they  evince 

neither  sialcsniunsliip  nor  wisdom. 

1  proceed  now,  Air.  Chairman,  lo  exB'iiine  the  , 
argument  dniwn  fiom  the  horrors  of  wor,  as 
'  depicted  by  gcntlenuui  on  this  floor,  and  more 
particularly  by  the  gentleman  from  South  Caro- 
lina, [Mr.  Holmes.]  I  think  I  have  sl.jwn  that 
if  we  do  go  to  war,  it  will  not  be  on  account  of 
this  notice.  Sir,  how  will  this  war  coinu  ?  Gen- 
tlemen admit  'hat  "all  Oregon"  is  ours.  Shall  we 
..'laim  it,  or  surrender  it?  If  wo  claim  it,  and  war 
grows  out  of  that  claim,  wc  battle  for  our  rights,  us 
'.>o  have  done  before.  If  wc  surrender  th.u  claim, 
if  wc  yield  territory  whii'h  we  admit  to  be  ours, 
from  dread  of  a  foreign  power,  we  court  "  a  dishon- 
orr,l)le  peace."  Sir,  there  inuy  be  occnaions  when  n 
nution  may  yield  her  p:i.st  pretensions  in  u  spirit  of 
o.onciliation  and  IVieuilship  without  dishonor.  There 
may  be  claims  in  their  nature  doubtful,  of  which 
the  pi  iifnmy  be  uncertain.  They  may  be  the  pro- 
per Huoject  of  compromib'e,  aim  the  interests  of 
l>eacc  and  humiuiity  may  be  advanced  by  modera- 
tion and  l*orbei'.r«i  cc.  But  most  of  the  gentlemen 
who  have  opposed  this  notice  have  not  formerly 
considered  tnis  claim  in  that  light,  and  they  do  not 
so  spcuk  of  it  now.  Theyaflirni  cmr  title,  they 
claim  the  whole  territory,  they  will  not  yield  a 
foot  of  it;  but  they  will  not  give  notice,  und  they  \ 
will  only  consent  to  "  a  masterly  inactivity."    Sir, 

10  those  who  claim  the  whole  territory,  I  beg  leave 

1 1  suggest,  that  nearly  thirty  years  liuve  elapsed, 
and  we  are  no  nearer  posscs.sion  than  we  were  at 
fiiut.  In  the  ineun  lime,  our  oU'ers  of  compromise  ' 
liHve  been  rcjecled;  our  title  has  been  formally  and  i 
solemnly  reiterated  by  our  GovcrnmiMit ;  our  citi- 
zens have  been  rnconiHgcd  lo  "  possess  the  land:" 
and  the  I'resident,  iiihisluslMcssa^'c  loiliia  House, 
declares  the  whole  territory  to  be  ours.  In  my 
opinion,  sir,  we  have  J)as^^cd  the  point  at  wliirli 
"inui'livity"iswisdom.  Wc  have  spoken  tuo  loud- 
ly bcfon;  lo  be  silent  now.  .Vml  while  I  exprcs.s  no 
opiiiicuiiis  to  the  wisdom  of  that  course  wniih  has 
placed  IIS  in  our  present  position,  1  um  willing  to 
abide  all  its  respnnsibililicN. 

Thegcntlcinan  from  South  Caiolina,[Mr.  Rhett,] 
in  remarking  upon  what  hus  been  suid  us  to  hon- 
onible  peace,  observed,  ill  a  very  poiiiiid  ond  beau, 
liful  maiinir,  that  the  "  lion  r  of  u  nution  can 
scarcely  be  separated  from  its  cKsenti.il  interests." 
If  he  means  that  ihe  honor  of  n  nation  is  Us  essen- 
tial iultrfst,  I  am  happy  lo  agree  with  him;  bul  if. 
Its  I  suppose,  he  means  lo  apply  his  remark  to  the 
qnesiion  under  discussion,  and  nflirm  that  the 
honor  of  the  nation  is  not  involved  because  its  essen- 
tial interests  would  suflVr  in  enforcing  our  claim, 
then,  sir,  I  lolally  dissent.  The  honor  of  a  na- 
tion is  its  highest  inlerest,  because  it  determines 
nol  only  iheform,  bul  the  duration  of  its  existence 
and  ils  power.  It  is  for  this  reason  thai  unsullied 
failli  is  iionor  and  inteicst  combined;  that  public 
integrity  confirms  the  oni,a»-;d  proinoles  the  other.  : 
Dul,  sir,  in  the  sense  of  Ihc  gentleman  from  SvMith  ; 
Curolina,  the  ^onor  of  a  nation  may  very  ofven  ' 
demand  a  sacrifice  of  '.hose  immediate  interests, 
which  the  trenlleman  seems  to  consider  as  essen-  j 
tiul.  Tested  by  his  rule,  what  war  Iioa  been  honor- ' 


I  able,  unit  as  U  may  be  a  war  for  immediate  national 

'  preservation  f  'Ihe  gentleman's  close  rcoding  of 
history  may  teach  him  that  the  cost  of  a  war  al- 

,  most  always  exceeds  the  entire  value  of  the  thing 
in  dispute,  unless  the  character  and  the  honor  of 
the  nation  am  to  be  considered  as  "abo'^e  all 
price."  Esliinaied  in  dollars  und  cents,  regarding 
only  our  immediiue  inieresia,  those  interests  which 
the  honorable  gentleman  so  directly  alluded  to,  the 

'  late  war  with  Great  Britain  was  aaniserable  specu- 
lation; tile  cost  of  the  war  was  more  than  the 
whole  value  of  the  commerce  afl'ectcd,  eitlier  by 

I  the  lierlin  mid  Milan  decrees,  or  the  British  or- 
ders in  council !  We  lost  ten  times  as  many  men 
on  llie  field  of  battle  as  the  British  could  huvo 
taken  by  any  system  of  impiessirent.  But,  sir, 
the  essential  mteresl  of  the  nation  was,  the  preser- 
VHlioii  of  its  honor.  It  was  a  wise  and  noble  ex- 
penditure of  blood  and  treasure;  it  gave  us  rank 
umong  nations,  it  gained  us  the  admiration  of  the 
world,  it  guarded  our  commerce,  it  protected  our 
citizens,  it  has  given  us  thirty  years  ol  '■  honorable 
peace," — iieace  sweeter,  because  won  through  suf- 
fering mm  trial.  And  I  trust,  sir,  it  has  left  us 
lessons  of  patriotism  and  courage,  which,  I  am 
sure,  the  honorable  gentleman  from  South  Caro- 
lina will  not  be  the  first  to  forget. 

It  is  thus,  sir,  that  honor  and  interest  arebl'  ided 
in  a  Republican  Govenmicnt:  it  is  impost  ible  to 
separate  them;  and  it  is  because  1  regard  them 
both,  that  I  desire  this  notice  to  prevail.  I  scarcely 
know,  IVIr,  Chairmun,  whether  it  is  proper  to  con- 
sider the  remarks  of  the  genlienian  from  South 
Carolina,  [Mr.  Holmes,]  wiio  has  just  spoken,  as 
a  grave  argument;  it  is  rather  a  disscrlaiion  upon 
tilt  "horrors  of  war,"un  encomium  upon  the  power 
of  England,  and  a  confession,  most  humiliating  if 
it  be  true,  of  our  own  weakness.  If  I  understund 
him,  he  su|)poses  that  the  days  of  chivalry  are 
gone  by;  and,  therefore,  England  will  receive  the 
twelve  months'  notice,  and  atiack  usal  once.  It 
has  long  been  supposed  tlint  the  last  vestiges  of 
"chivulry"  have  lingered  in  the  "gallant  little 
State."  Does  the  gentleman  mean  that  its  de- 
clining sunbeams  no  longer  irradiate  her  valleys? 
If  ii",  sir,  a  prolific  source  of  eloquence  is  dried 
at  the  founuiiii.  Bul  his  idea,  that  England  will 
turn  pirate,  anil  rob  us  on  the  high  seas,  can  cer- 
tuinly  not  deserve  a  serious  reply. 

If  war  should  grow  lut  of  this  Oregon  question, 
it  may  not  be  a  "little  w^<r;"  bul  neither  will  it 
be  a  hasty  one.  It  is  not  u|k>;:  n  sudden  iinpulso 
tlu\t  'he  peace  of  the  world  will  be  broken.  Nor 
will  England  adopt  a  course  which  has  bcsn  left 
for  the  excited  iinuginalion  of  Uie  gentlcm  >n  to 
suggest. 

Air.  Chairman,  I  admit  the  power  of  England;  it 
is  a  moral  us  well  us  physical  supremacy.  It  is  not 
merely  her  fleets  and  her  armies;  it  is  not  merely 
her  colonies  and  her  fortresses;  it  is  far  more 
than  these;  There  is  a  power  in  her  history  which 
couii>els  our  udmirution  und  excite.^  our  wonder. 
It  presenls  lo  us  the  field  of  Agincourl,  the  glory  of 
Blenheim,  the  fortiinde  of  "  Ihtal  Kontenoy,"  und 
the.  furiuncs  of  Wutcrloo.  It  remiiuls  us  how 
long  she  ruled  the  empire  of  the  wave — from  the 
ilcslructiiin  of  the  Armada,  to  the  glories  of  Truf- 
iilu'iir.  Nor  is  her  glory  confined  to  urma.  In 
aris,  in  science,  in  literature,  in  credit,  in  com- 
merce,she  " sits  superior. "  Hcrsnic  "the  princes 
1  fthc  minil,"  She  gives  laws  lo  learning  ami  limits 
to  tiiste.  The  wulciifires  of  her  bnillcfieids  yet  flush 
warning  and  deluuice  to  her  enemies;  und  her  dead 
heroes  und  statesmen  stand  as  sentinels  upon  im- 
mortal heights,  to  guard  the  glory  of  the  living. 
Sir,  it  is  thus  I  view  the  power  of  Great  Britain  ; 
and  I  nm  therefore  not  concerned  at  tlie  description 
of  it  given  by  the  gentlnnan  from  South  Carolina 
But  I  confess,  sir,  that  this  conviction  of  her  great- 
ness makes  a  very  diiTerent  imiircssion  on  his 
mind  and  jnine.  He  recounts  her  fleets,  her 
armies,  her  stenm-mnrine,  her  colonies,  as  reasons 
for  what  I  nndcrsland  lo  be  submission.  He  has 
drawn  a  picture  of  our  commerce  destroyed,  our 
flag  dishonored,  and  our  -ailors  imprisoned.  He 
imogines  our  forts  dismantled,  our  cities  burned, 
our  lakes  poSiscsscd  by  the  enemy;  and,  worse  than 
lUI,  our  industry  destroyed,  anil  the  spirit  of  our 
people  broken.  Sir,  what  is  this  but  an  appeal  lo 
inir  fears?  If  it  be,  it  is  an  appeal  which  will  find 
no  echo  in  the  depths  of  the  American  heart.  I,  on 
llie  contrary,  would  point  to  the  glory  of  England 


[Jan.  29, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


153 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Qmstion — Mr.  Baker, 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


Englttnil;  it 
.  It  is  HOC 
lot  merely 
fur  nioiu 
ory  which 
r  wonder. 
lie  t;lory  of 
imy,"  mid 
M  U:j  liow 
-from   tlie 

ies  ol'  Truf- 
luins.  Ill 
I,  ill  com- 
lio  nrincrs 
iiMil  liiiiiin 

ilsyot  tliisli 

id  her  dead 
upon  iin- 
the  Mviiig. 

;at  Uritftiii ; 

deBCI'i|llioil 

1  C'arohnn. 
r  her  great- 
oil   on   his 
flccta,    her 
ii»  rraanim 
He  hna 
royed,  our 
ined.    He 
en  burned, 
worse  than 
^rit  of  our 
appeal  to 
h  will  find 
irt.     1,011 
t  ICngloiid 


in  a  spirit  of  emulation.  Shn  has  attained  her 
greatness  by  her  tbrtitude  and  her  valor,  as  well  as 
by  her  wisdom.  She  has  not  faltered,  and  there- 
foro  she  has  iiol  failed.  If  she  has  sometimes 
been  grasping  and  arrogant,  she  has  at  least  not 
"  blencliea  when  the  storm  was  highest."  It  is  true, 
sir,  that  she  has  .sleadily  pursued  tile  line  of  a  great 
policy;  and  for  that  policy  she  has  dared  much  and 
done  more.  She  has  considered  her  honor  and  her 
ewential  interests  as  identical,  and  she  has  been 
able  to  maintain  them.  Sir,  I  would  follow  her 
example.  I  would  not  desire  to  set  up  pretensions 
upon  light  and  trivial  grounds.  I  would  be  care- 
ful aboutcommilling  the  national  honorupon  slight 
controversies;  but  when  we  have  made  a  deliberate 
claim  in  theeyesof  the  world;  when  we  persist  that 
it  is  "  clear  and  unquestionable,"  when  compromise 
has  been  ofl'ered  and  refused ;  when  territoiy  upon 
the  American  continent  is  at  stake;  and  when  our 
opponent  does  not  even  now  claim  title  in  herself, 
1  would  poise  myself  upon  the  magnanimity  of  the 
nati-n,  and  abide  the  issue. 

It  appears  to  me,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  England  [ 
will  not  abandon  what  I  think  to  be  her  geneial,  i 
wise,  and  statesmanlike  course,  for  this  disputed  : 
and  barren  territory.  Unlike  us,  she  has  neither  : 
honor  nor  essential  interests  involved  in  the  nues-  ! 
tion.  She  has  asserted  no  title  in  herself.  She  is  ■ 
only  contending  for  the  privilege  of  colonizing;  and  I 
I  do  not  believe  that  any  good  reason  can  be  given  ! 
why  she  would  risk  a  war  with  us.  England  will  ! 
no  (loulu  see  that  she  has  much  to'lose,  and  that  | 
she  can  gain  nothing.  1  repeat,  sir,  I  do  not  think  | 
that  our  assertion  of  our  right  to  the  whole  terri- 
tory ought  to  lead  to  war,  if  England  still  pursues  ( 
tlic  wise  and  statesmanlike  policy  by  which  she  j 
has  been  di.sliiigiiished.  I 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  suppose  it  to  be  otherwise;  j 
how  docs  the  argument  slaiicl  then .'    We  assert  i 
tliis  territory  to  be  ours.     The  President  believes  [ 
ii — our  iic;;;otiator  believes  it — this  House  believes  i 
it — the  country  believes  il.     But,  say  gentlemen.  ! 
I'.ngland  will  go  to  war.     In  my  o|iinion  this  will  I 
not  be  so;  but  if  she  docs,  is  that  a  reason  tor  siir- 1 
rendering  our  rights.'    If  it  be,  national  honor  is  in-  ; 
deed  an  empty  name,  and  the  spirit  of  our  fathers  | 
it*  dead  wiihiu  us.     I  know  that  whenever  a  west-  j 
ei'ii  man  touches  upon  this  view  of  the  subject,  it 
renders  him  liable  to  a  siit'ir  at  what  gentleniuii  arc  I 
pleased  to  cull  "  western  rntliusiasm."     1  desire! 
to  treat  this  us  an  American  question,  and  I  shall 
not  be  driven  from  that  course.     I  am  not  one  of 
those  who  supported  Mr.  Polk;  I  used  the  utmost 
of  my  little  ability  to    prevent  his  election;  and  i 
when  Mr.  Clay  was  bcattn,  1  confess  I  felt  as  j 
the  fl'iends  of  Arisiidea  may  be  supposed  to  have 
felt   when    he   was  driven  from   Alhjiis.      I,  of  ! 
course,  Imd  no  Kliiiie  in  the  IDeiuorratic.  Baltimore 
convention.    I    thought   llieii,   and  I  think  now, 
that  it  wos  unwise  and  unfair  to  nttcm|it  to  make 
"  Oregon"  a  party   walrhword.     And    I    believe 
that  much  of  the  ditficully  in  which  \.  c  now  find 
ourselves  arises  from  that  coiiisc.      Rut  when  lltf 
queslion  is  made — when    our  title  is   assorted — ' 
when  the  opinions  of  our  people,  based    lerhiips 
upon  the  action  <if  the  Ciovernment,  havr  become 
fixed,  and  wr  air  willing  to  maintain  om-  liglils  at 
nnv  sacrilioe,   then   many  of  the  movers  of  this 
(igitalion  begun   to  falter;  .•■'ome  have  got  Te\a.«t, 
and  are  coiiieut — some  have   become  enamori'il  of 
"  wliite-robed  peac<:'" — some  clamor  for  4IP  ami 
compromise — luit   they   all    join    in    depreratiiii; 
"western   enlluisiasm."     Sir,  the  "West   will  be 
tri'C  to  its  convictions.    I  believe  that  portion  of 
the  West  whiih  siislnined  iSIr.  Polk  will  still  he 
for  the  "whole  of  Oregon."     And,  sir,  I  think 
that  ;liose  who  opposed  him,  a:id  many  of  whom 
believed  tli.it  the  Uemocnuic  i  uibuist  for  O/egon 
was  a  mere  )mrty  mamruvre,  will  now  consider 
it  an  Americ;in  question,  and  stand  by  the  country. 
Smh,  sir,  will  be  my  course  on  this  iloor.     1  am 
II  Whig,  ond  I  shall  remain  a  Whig;  but  I  am  con- 
vinced we  have  the  rii,'lii  to  the  whole  territory, 
and  I  am  ready  to  maintain  il. 

Sir,  there  w.is  another  remark  made  in  the  course 
of  this  debate,  which  may  merit  a  reply.  It  was 
said  that  it  was  the  restle.'>s  spirit  of  western  men 
which  caused  lliis  trouble  by  llieir  occupniion  of 
t)regnn,and  Ihey  were  ridiculed  lor  seeking  luunes 
across  the  Uocky  moiimaiiis.  I  desire  gcnileinen 
to  remember  that  it  has  been  the  policy  of  ibis 
Uovermnint  to  cncoumje  the  settlciutnt  of  the 


West.  Our  whole  system  of  land  laws,  and  espe- 
cially our  pre-emption  laws,  have  that  tendency. 
And  as  to  Oregon  itself,  this  House  has  received 
with  the  greatest  favor  for  several  preceding  ses- 
sions, a  "Gill  for  the  express  purpose  of  encour- 
aging settlement  on  the  borders  of  the  Pacific. 

Sir,  it  is  to  the  spirit  which  prompts  these  set- 
tlers that  wc  arc  indebted  for  the  settlement  of  the 
western  States.  The  men  who  are  going  to  beat 
down  roads  and  level  mountains,  to  brave  and 
to  overcome  the  terrors  of  a  wilderness,  are  our 
brethren  and  our  kinsmen.  It  is  a  bold  and  free 
spirit;  it  has  in  it  the  elements  of  greatness.  They 
will  march  not 

"  Like  Borne  poor  e.xile,  heading  wiUi  liis  wo, 
To  stop  too  l'eari\il,  and  too  taint  to  go ;" 

but  they  will  go  with  a  free  ste|i — tliey  will  bear 
with  them  the  arts  of  civilization,  and  they  will 
found  a  western  empire.  Sir,  it  is  possible  they 
may  not  receive  protection,  but  ut  least  they 
should  be  shielded  from  reproach. 

There  is  another  mode  of  argument  relied  on  in 
this  debate,  however,  which  perhaps  does  them 
more  harm,  because  it  proposes  a  "  masterly  inac-  i 
tivity"  at  their  e.\pen.se.     Some  gentlemen  say,  |, 
with  the  honorable  member  from  Alabama,  [Mr.  ; 
Yancky,]   III  It  the  whole  of  Oregon  is  ours;  but  ; 
that  we  rnu.^i  not  give  notice,  but  rely  upon  time  i 
and   settlement.      Sir,  is  it  proposed  to  encour-  ' 
age   emigration,   and   not  prepare   to   defend   it.'  j 
Shall  we  invite  our  people  to  settle  Oregon,  in  a  I 
tone  of  voice  so  low  that  England  may  not  hear  it.'  ; 
Shall  we  expose  them  to  collision  with  a  fiireign  ii 
Government,  and  avoid  all  responsibility  for  our 
act.'    Sir,  I  trust  nol.     If  the  country  is  ours,  let  ' 
us  claim  it;  or  rather,  since  we  have  claimed  it,  ; 
let  us  stand  by  the  claim;  but  do  not  let  us  resort 
to  the  meanness  of  doing  by  stealth  what  wo  dare 
not  do  openly,  or  encourage  our  citizens  to  settle 
in  a  territory  which  we  will  not  even  assist  them 
to  preserve.  But  the  ar  Miuent  docs  not  stop  here. 
It  IS  gravely  alleged,  ii     a  reason  for  this  course, 
that  OMr  friends  and  brethren  who  go  there  may 
soon  be  able  to  take  the  territory,  and  then  we 
may  give  "  the  notice."    Sir,  this  would  be  equal- 
ly unjust  to  England  and  our  own  people — to  Eng- 
land, because  it  violates  the  spirii  of  the  conven- 
tion of  1827,  which  excluded  all  title  by  occupa- 
tion or  sctllement  after  its  date;  and  unjust  to  our 
own  people,  becjuise  we  expose  tiiem  to  all  the 
hardsliips  of  the  settlement,  and  all  the  dangers  of 
the  conflict,  to  .ake  for  us  what  we  fear  to  take  for 
ourselves.  ! 

It  is  very  apjuirent,  Mr.  Chairpian^  that  these  : 
arguments,  tnaether  with  the  attempt  to  I'reate  the  ! 
iiiipresslon  timt  this  is  n  western  measure,  have 
a  common  origin  ;  they  are  confined  to  one  por-  I 
tion  of  this   Union,    jr   bin   feebly  echoed  from 
any  other.     There  is  an  imprc-ssiim  omong  what 
liss  been  callid   the   "southern   winu:  of  democ- 
racy" that  war  would  nflect  their  "  peculiar  insli-  i 
Hitions" — that  our  claim  to  Oregon  would  lead  to 
\v  ir ;  and,  therefore,  Ihey  are  ready  to  abandon  it. 
It  is  true"tliat  some  of  tiie.se  gentlemen  .still  claim  i 
the  "wIkiIc  of  Oregon"  in  words,  bill  when  they 
are  called  upon  to  act,  ihey  only  propose  "mns'- 
lerly  inactivity:"  they  eiilngi/.e  the  weslorn  rifle, 
but  they  will  liot  protect  iho  bold  pioneer  who  bears 
il.     Aiiil  while  they  atVect  to  considerthis  nolice  a 
western  measure,  they  do  not  aitenqit  to  conceal 
Ihe  motives  of  sectional  and   local  iiui'rest  which 
lead  them  to  opiiosc  it.     The  lionornlile  gentleman 
from  Alabama  |  \Ir.  Yaxck.yI  appeals  lo  ihe  democ- 
racy of  Ihe  South,  and  tells  them  lliai  war  will  rob 
ihein  of  the  fruits  of  their  late  poliiii-al  victory; 
"  that  the  black  larilf"  will  be  snstaiiieil :  and  that 
war  will  be  not  only  |)i-otection,  but  prohibition    : 
.Sir,  I  would  not  determine  peace  orv.ar  upon  such 
grounds.     It  is  a  queslion  involving  the  welt'are  (if 
the  whole  nation,  and  in  that  view  only  should  it  ■ 
be  decided.     But,  not  content  wiih  tli;^  adniiasion  ' 
of  local  feeling,  this  narrow  and  sectional  nnd  |)etly 
objection,  the  honorable  <_'entleninn  proceeds  lo  dis- 
cuss the  results  of  war,  and  draws  an  nisument 
from  victory  ilself  against  this  notice.     He  says 
;  we  can  lake  Canada,  but  when  w«  do,  it  will  be  a 
conquest  fen-  the  benelit  of  the  North  and  East,nnd  1 
1  lo  the  injury  of  the  South  and  West.     Sir,  it  is 
most  unforiuimie  for  v.i  that  we  are  pressed  by  ar- ' 
ffumenls  so  numerous  and  yet  so  opposite.     On 
the  one  hand,  the  gentleman  from  South  Carolina 
|Mr.  IIoi.MBs]  portrays  defcatand  disgrace;  on  the 


other,  the  gentleman  from  Alabama  [Mr.  Yancet] 
depicts  triumph  and  conquest;  but  whether  our 
banner  shall  trail  in  the  dust,  or  "  challenge  the 
sky,"  the  argument  is  against  us.  If  we  are  de- 
fetitcd,  the  nation  suffisrs;  if  we  are  triumphant, 
the  democracy  ond  the  South  are  trodden  down. 

Mr.  Chairman,  this  argufncnt  against  the  exten- 
sion of  our  territory  by  conquest  has  been  made 
bctbrc ;  it  was  addressed  to  this  House  at  its  last 
session.  The  annexation  of  Texas  at  the  last  ses- 
sion wos  the  beginning  of  a  new  policy;  it  was 
opposed  as  virtuaiiy  overturning  the  compromises 
of  the  Constitution,  by  admitting  a  foreign  S.tate, 
and  disturbing  the  "  balance  of  power  in  tiie 
Union."  But  these  reasons  did  not  convince  gen- 
tlemen then,  and  those  compromises  were  dis- 
turbed. It  does  not,  in  my  opinion,  become  tliosa 
who  wore  most  active  in  the  cstablishmcnl  of  this 
principle,  o  limit  its  application.  1  do  not  see  why 
the  "an.  .  of  freedom"  should  not  be  extended 
North  It  well  as  South;  and,  although  I  do  not 
want  C  inada,  and  do  nol  desire  a  \var,  yet  cer- 
tainly should  not  be  restrained  from  giving  this 
noticf  uy  any  dread  that  Canada  might  be  "  an- 
nexe ..'' 

But  the  honorable  gentleman  from  South  Carolina, 
[Mr.  HoL.ME5,]  following  the  course  of  hiseloquent 
colleague,  [Mr.  Riibtt,!  persists  in  treating  this  no- 
tice as  leading  to  war,  and  they  both  indulge  in  a 
description  of  its  elt'ects  in  a  political  point  of  view . 
AVhile  the  gentleman  from  Alabama  thinits  it  would 
injure  democracy  by  sustaining  tiie  Uirilf,  they, 
i  with  the  peculiar  inciinations  of  their  school,  look 
to  consolidation.  Sir,  if  the  claim  is  unjust  it 
should  be  abandoned;  we  shniilil  ask  "  nothing 
that  is  not  right ;"  but  if  it  be  well  founded,  surely 
gentlemen  would  not  surrender  American  territory 
for  fear  of  "  consolidaiion."  This  is  an  ar^mcnt 
against  any  war  for  any  purpose,  defensive  as  well 
as  olherw  ise;  for  just  in  proportion  to  the  emer- 
gency must  be  the  greatness  of  the  clfort,  and  in 
proportion  to  the  power  of  the  Government,  the 
ilaiiger  of  consoliilation  will  be  increased.  No, 
sir;  this  dread  of  concentrated  power  agrees  but 
]iporly  with  the  gentleinan's  tlescriptiuii  of  our 
weakness;  and  the  fear  of  a  "  military  chieftain," 
who  would  exchange  the  "  sword  for  the  .weptre," 
will  i.cver  cause  a  gallant  people  to  abandon  what 
is  "  clearly  and  unquestionably  ours." 

I  have  said  that  1  trust  there  will  be  no  war;  but 
I  should  be  glad  if  gentlenun  who  arc  lor  the 
"  whole  of  Oregon"  will  tell  me  how  they  expect 
U)  avoid  it.  Ask  them  if  they  will  surrender  the 
■  territory,  and  they  say  no.  Ask  them  if  they  will 
jii.f  the  "nonce,"  and  they  say  no.  Sir,  they 
will  do  nothini;-.  Arc  we  any  nearer  exclusive 
possession  than  we  were  in  1818 .'  Hns  time  or  de- 
lay accomplished  anything.'  Is  not  the  question 
more  embarrassed  now  than  it  was  then:  and  is 
not  the  purpose  of  England,  if  we  can  fairly  judge 
it,  more  adverse  to  our  views  now  than  iurmerly.' 
The  convention  of  1827  was  not  a  treaty  of  srlile- 
mtnl;  it  excluded  the  iueaof  colonizaiii>n;  and  yet 
England,  it  is  said,  claims  the  lerrilory  now,  for  the 
ultimate  purpose  of  building  up  a  colon-.'  on  that 
coast.  Can  it  be  true,  then,  that  delay  will  lessen 
the  difficulty?  No,  sir;  if  it  can  lie  settled  without 
an  appeal  to  arms,  now  is  the  auspicious  moment. 
Delay  but  extends  the  interests  of  both  Oovern- 
menls,  and  mulliplies  the  obstacles  to  concord;  and 
if,  most  unfortunately,  the  ultimate  arbitermust  be 
the  sword,  delay  will  neilher  Ics.sen  the  horrors  of 
conflict,  nor  quicken  the  ardor  of  preparation. 

Sir,  in  every  point  of  view  the  question  should 
be  settled;  it  enters  with  on  evil  influence  into  ev- 
ery circle  of  human  concern;  it  becomes  an  element 
of  pi^'ty  waruire;  it  affects  and  varies  the  value  of 
property;  it  paralyzes  the  energies  of  commerce, 
and  causes  indu'lry  to  be  uncertain  of  its  reward. 
,  I  repeat,  that  I  desire  peace  and  hope  for  peace; 
but  i  consider  it  wisdom  that  the  whole  queslion 
shoiilil  be  determined  now.  Ann,  sir,  I  tl.ink  this 
nolice  will  tend  to  preserve,  no-  lodeslroy,  pacitic 
relations.  Il  brings  the  matter  to  an  issue;  the 
two  nations  will  stand  face  lo  face;  they  will  bo 
fully  conscious  of  the  importance  of  their  decis- 
ion; the  appeals  made  for  the  preservation  of  the 
peace  of  the  world  may  reach  the  hearts  of  both.  I 
think  Ergland  will  see  that  she  will  not  pursue 
her  accustomed  policy  to  risk  a  war,  which  can  odd 
iioihing  lo  her  glory  or  her  power,  for  iy  borrcn 
shore  on  n  di.staiit  sea.     Ami  it  may  be  thai  the 


;.  I 


154 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  8, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  ^uettion — Mr.  Cobb. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


same  consi'itrationR  which  induced  the  President 
to  ofter  tu  acci.'pt  the  49th  parallel  as  the  dividing 
line,  after  he  had  declnred  our  title  to  the  whole 
"  clear  and  unqueBtionable,"  may  stilt  prompt  him 
to  surrender  what  he  has  told  the  country  and  tlie 
world  is  American  territory. 

I  shall  address  myself  for  a  moment  to  (he  argu- 
ment drawn  from  our  supposed  weakness,  and  on 
which  so  much  reliance  is  placed.  It  is  asked,  how 
can  we  contend  with  England  ?  Where  are  our 
ships,  our  cannon,  our  money,  and  our  credit.' 
The  gentleman  fron  South  Carolina  predicts  dis 
aster  with  the  fury  of  tlie  Pythoness,  if  not  with  the 
wisdom  of  the  Oracle.  Sir,  iv  is  not  an  argument 
becoming  an  American  Congress.  I  do  not  under- 
value England.  I  have  heard  with  regret  very 
many  things  said  of  her  in  this  debate,  which  1 
think  were  neither  wise  nor  just.  Still  less  would 
I  underrate  our  own' .ca|>acity  to  maintain  our 
rights.  In  the  two  wars  which  we  have  maintain- 
ed fbrinc^ependcnce  and  for  national  honor,  we  did 
not  stop  to  adopt  this  policy  of  calculation — a  ool- 
icy  wluch  is  as  fatal  to  national  as  to  individual 
honor. 

Sir,  it  is  a  most  reasonable  course  for  a  nation 
to  weigh  deliberately  and  well  the  consequences  of 
any  o^cial  and  solemn  declaration  of  her  policy 
luid  her  rights,  and  perhaps  most  of  all  should  she 
ponder  over  an  assertion  to  a  claim  to  territory; 
but  in  proportion  to  tlie  hesitation  with  which  she 
makes  it,  should  be  the  promptness  and  vigor  by 
which  she  maintains  it.  To  make  a  reckless  claim 
and  a  shnnicfUl  abandonment  would  have  dis- 
graced the  pettiest  prince  that  ever  stumbled  from 
a  llirone.  To  us  I  trus'  it  is  impossible.  This 
nation,  by  its  Chief  Executive,  has  declared  our 
rights.  They  are  territorial  rights  upon  this  conti- 
nent.* They  spring  not  only  fhjin  traditions  of 
discovery— from  doubtful  exploration — fron>  qual- 
ified settlement,  but  from  the  principles  of  an 
American  system,  "  ond  they  must  be  preserved. " 
If  to  maintain  them  war  must  follow,  we  deplore 
llie  necessity,  but  we  do  not  fear  the  result.  I 
shall  indulge  in  no  speculation  as  to  comparative 
strength,  since  no  comparison  ought  to  change  our 
conclusion ;  but  I  m.iy  remark  that  our  present 
defenceless  condition  is  more  apparent  than  real, 
and  that  what  is  thought  to  be  our  weakness  is 
really  a  source  of  strength.  We  have  no  peace  ea- 
tablijihmeiit  of  fleets  and  armies,  like  that  of  Eng- 
land or  France;  but  the  means  v.liich  they  devoted 
to  its  support  has  remained  in  tlie  hands  of  our 
people — II  productive  capital  to  employ  our  ener- 
gies and  dcvclcp  our  resources.  We  have  culti- 
vated the  arts  of  peace.  They  have  given  us  more 
strength  to  forge  the  "  thunderbolts  of  war."  I 
know,  sir,  it  will  take  time  to  prepare,  but  before 
a  crisis  shall  arrive  we  can  seize  it  l)y  the  forelock. 
The  cMl  of  the  Executive,  like  the  foot  of  Poinpcy 
in  the  Senate,  will  rouse  up  armed  lemons;  but, 
air,  one  "  Pharsalia"  will  not  destroy  the  energies 
of  this  Republic. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  whole  argument  of  gentle- 
men on  this  branch  of  the  siibiect,  is  not  so  much 
iin  array  of  reasons  against  the  war  which  they 
now  a|iprchcnd ,  aa  against  any  war  for  any  purjiose. 
A  republican  Government  is  always  comparatively 
unprepared  for  war  at  iu*  beginning;  but  should 
Republics,  therefore,  yield  their  rights  and  aban- 
don their  territories?  Sir,  to  stale  the  argument 
is  to  answer  it.  The  gentleman  from  South 
Carolina,  [Mr.  Holmes,]  who  manifests  so  lively 
a  sense  of  the  danger  to  which  war  would  exp.-'nf 
us,  must  remember  that  a  dread  of  war  does  not 
always  prevent  it.  It  was  a  fine  conception  of  the 
ancient  poet,  that  the  chariot  of  Mars  was  drawn 
by  flight  and  fear.  It  was  Sir  Boyle  Roche.  I  be- 
lieve, who  said,  "  that  the  best  way  to  avoia  dan- 
ger was  to  meet  it  plump."  The  genius  of  the 
Greek  and  the  humor  of  the  Irishman  have  given 
expression  ti>  a  sentiment  worthy  of  reflec:ion. 

It  will  be  perceivid  that,  throughout  the  course 
of  these  remarks,  I  have  not  only  (reated  the  title  to 
the  whole  of  Oregon  as  admitted  by  a  large  ma- 
jority of  this  House,  but  I  have  chosen  to  assume 
I  he  validity  of  our  rights  as  the  basis  upon  which 
my  own  opinions  as  to  this  notice  have  been  form- 
«rt;  and  I  desire  now  to  give,  in  a  few  words,  the 
views  which  I  entertain  upon  that  question. 

It  is  not  rerpssnry  for  me  to  express  any  opinion 
at  this  moment  as  to  the  wisdom  and  policy  of 
Mr.  Polk's  inaugural  address-,  but  1  may  say  that 


I  consider  this  nation  aa  bound  to  stand  by  the 
ctbim  which  is  made,  and  that  there  are  insuper- 
able objections  to  the  rclinc^ufshment  of  any  por- 
tion of  Oregon  to  Great  lintain.  It  is  to  be  re- 
membered, that  while  we  claim  the  territory  by 
discovery  and  treaty.  Great  Britain,  denying  our 
title,  does  not  set  up  title  in  herself.  She  says 
'*  she  has  rights  in  Oregon" — she  has  citizens 
there — and  she  contemplates  colonization.  It  is  pre- 
cisely in  this  stale  of  things,  Mr.  Chairman,  that 
what  has  been  called  in  this  debate  "  manifest  des- 
tiny," becomes  an  important  consideration. 

In  the  few  remarks  which  I  addressed  to  the 
House  on  a  former  occasion,  I  glanced  at  this 
view  of  the  subject  hastily  and  briefly,  and  I  shall 
now  devote  a  few  momeiiLs  to  its  application. 

I  suppose,  sir,  that  when  Mr.  Monroe  made  his 
famous  declaration  of  1823,  he  designed  it  to  have 
some  practical  application.     That  )>ortion  of  it 
referring  to    European    interference    with   iSouth 
i  American  politics  was  occasioned  by  the  attempt 
I  of  the    Holy  Alliance  to  assist   the   Bourbons 
I  to   recover  an    ascendency   in    South   America. 
i  But  that  portion  of  it  which  denied  that  "any 
'  unsettled  portion  of  the   continent  was  the  sub- 
ject  for  future   £uropraii   colonization,"  was  in- 
'  tended  to  apply  to  the  northwest  coast  of  the  Pa- 
1  cific,  the  very  territory  in  question :  il  was  so  treat- 
I  ed  ill  the  debate  on  the  Panama  mission,  and  Judge 
i  White,  of  Tennessee,  expressly  so  stated  in  that 
[  discussion.    A  moment's  reflection  will  make  it 
apparent  that  this  was  its  object — it  was  indeed 
the  only  considerable  territory  to  which  it  could 
refer.    I  do  not  contend,  sir,  that  when  a  declara- 
tion of  this  general  character  is  made  by  a  Pres- 
ident or  Congress  that  we  are  bound  to  sustain  it 
by  force  of  arms  whenever  its  principles  are  vio- 
lated.   Rut  I  insist  that  it  was  a  statement  of  a 
great  American  policy;    that  it  well  became  our 
grtwiiig  importance;  that  subsequent  events — onr 
increase  in  population,  in  States,  in  commerce,  in 
all  the  constituents  of  greatness — give  it  still  great- 
er authority.     And  I  submit  that  this  is  the  very 
case  which  demands  its  practical  application.  This 
territory  is  unsettled — it  is  on  this  continent — it  is 
contiguous  to  this  Union.    As  long  as  it  was  mere- 
ly ground  for  hunting  and  trapping,  and  trade  v/ith 
Indians,  it  was  of  but  little  consequence.      But 
now   the  wave  of  population  breaks    across  the 
peaks  of  the  Rocky  mountains,  and  mingles  its 
spray  with  the  Pacific;  it  is  becoming  settled,  and 
will  soon  be  of  commercial  importance.  The  ques- 
tion is,  shall  we  permit  it  to  remain  open  to  foreig  i 
colonization .'    I  say  that  question  should  be  de- 
termined, fudging  of  us  not  merely  as  we  are,  but 
aa  we  probably  shall  be. 

The  doctrine  that  a  nation  has  a  right  to  regard 
the  preservation  of  its  vital  interests,  in  such  a 
controversy,  is  to  be  found  "  in  the  best  considered 
state  papers  of  modern  times."  It  is  the  province 
of  enlightened  suttesmanship  to  look  forward,  and 
no  statesman  can  fail  to  iicrceive  the  importance 
of  that  territory  to  this  Union.  To  divide  the 
country  would  be  to  build  up  rival  and  fbuflicting 
interests — to  permit  England  to  erect  a  commer- 
cial, if  not  n  military  Gibraltar  on  the  Pacific  coast. 
It  would  lie  to  surrender  all  chance  of  fair  and 
equal  rivalry  in  commercial  enterprise  in  that  sea. 
It  would  b"  to  put  England  in  possession  of  ano- 
ther key  u,  control  what  may  be  the  seat  of  a  vast 
commerce,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  think  that  to  aban- 
don the  principles  of  iVlr,  Monroe's  declaration 
would  be  to  falter  in  the  path  which  Providence 
has  marked  out  for  us,  and  to  prove  ourselves  un- 
wprthy  of  a  high  destiny.  It  is  not  thus  that 
England  has  "halted  by  the  wayside."  She  has 
gone  onward  with  a  steady  and  imperial  march. 
She  has  seen  her  destiny, and  has  pursued  it;  and 
she  has  made  a  small  island  on  the  borders  of 
Europe  the  seat  of  the  ml-jlitiest  power  the  world 
has  ever  known.  The  scat  of  our  power  is  a  viii 
continent.  We  are  widely  separated  from  Europe, 
and  unconnected  with  its  politics.  In  the  very 
spring  and  vizor  of  our  youth,  we,  too,  are  press- 
ing onward  with  the  steps  of  a  giant.  Ours  will 
be. the  great  predominating  Power  on  this  con- 
tinent; and  our  permanent  per  re  and  our  essential 
interests  will  be  jeopardized  by  any  foreign  col- 
onization. 

Would  Great  Uritnin  permit  us  to  colonize  any 
portion  of  India  contiguous  to  her  poHscsHions? 
Would  she  permit  us  to  "annex"  any  independ- 


ent Slate,  if  there  were  one  on  her  East  Indian 
frontier?  Would  we  permit  her  '.o  conquer  or 
purchase  Culia?  No,  sir;  no.  ^ir.  It  is  in  this 
sense  I  would  apply  the  doctrine Sf  "  manifest  des- 
tiny," 80  often  remarked  upon  in  the  debate.  It 
is  an  expression  which  I  did  not  originate,  and 
which  does  not  convey  my  idea;  but,  sir,  I  would 
not  be  willing  to  shut  my  eyes  to  the  argtmient 
contained  in  the  phrase  itself.  The  doctrine  of 
natural  boundary  sometimes  establishes  a  title. to 
a  country;  a  deep  river,  a  high  chain  of  mountains, 
even  a  enange  in  production,  may  mark  the  line 
between  nations.  Sir,  the  title  for  which  I  contend 
is  not  so  feebly  established;  a  rolling  ocean,  an 
unsettled  country,  a  contiguous  territory,  all  lend 
force  to  our  pretensions.  Providence  has  separated 
us  from  the  Old  World,  and  our  policy,  as  well 
as  our  institutions,  should  perpetuate  the  division. 
In  conclusion  of  these  remarks,  it  only  remains 
for  me  to  say,  that  I  am  as  thr  as  any  gentlemiui 
on  this  floor  iVom  a  desire  to  precipitate  this  coun- 
try and  Great  Britain  into  a  war.  I  believe  that 
peace  is  the  policy  of  both  countries.  We  are 
running  a  career  of  earnest  (I  trust,  not  ungen- 
erous) rivalry,  and  we  are  botli  disseminating  the 
English  language,  the  principles  of  free  govern- 
ment, and  the  blessings  of  rehgious  toleration. 
Yet  I  believe  that  this  notice  is  the  best  mode  of 
maintaining  peace,  if  it  can  be  maintained  upon 
honorable  terms;  but  if  we  can  only  preserve  peace 
by  a  surrender  of  American  territory,  by  adopting 
a  course  as  impolitic  aa  it  would  be  degrading, 
I  shall  give  my  vote  for  every  measure  the  honor 
of  the  country  may  demand,  under  what,  I  trust, 
is  a  true  sense  of  my  responsibility  as  a  legislator 
and  IX  man. 


THE  OREGON  aUESTION. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  H.  COBB, 

OF  GEORGIA, 
In  the  House  of  Representatives, 
January  8, 1846. 
On  motion  of  Mr.  COBB,  the  House  resolved  it- 
self into  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of 
the  Union,  on  the  Oregon  question. 
_  Mr.  COBB  (who  held  the  right  to  the  floor  from 
yesterday)  addressed  the  committee.  It  is  not  my 
purpose,  sir,  (said  he,)  to  detain  the  committee 
with  a  lengthened  argument  upon  the  Oregon  ques- 
tion. I  feel,  however,  that,  under  the  peculiar  cir- 
cumstances by  which  this  subject  is  surrounded,  I 
owe  il  to  myself,  and  to  those  whom  I  represent 
upon  tills  floor,  to  submit  to  the  House  the  rea- 
sons which  hove  induced  me  to  that  course,  which 
I  intend  to  pursue  in  reference  to  this  question.  It 
is  my  misfortune,  perhaps,  upon  so  grave  and  im- 
portant u  question,  involving  so  much  for  weal  or 
for  wo  to  our  country,  to  difler  with  many  of  my  po- 
litical friends  from  the  seciion  of  the  country  from 
\vhich  I  come,  and  to  difller  with  a  distinguished 
snuthern  statesman — a  man  whose  voice  is  gener- 
ally considered  expressive  of  th-  feelings  of  the 
southern  portion  of  the  country;  and  I  may  be  per- 
mitted to  remark  of  that  iiidi'  idual — for  his  patri- 
otism as  a  man,  and  bis  ability  as  a  statesman — 
I  have  ever  onterluiiicd,  and  still  do  entertain,  the 
highest  regard.  But  when  considering  a  question 
of  this  character,  1  am  compelled,  by  a  sense  of 
duty  I  owe  to  myself  nnd  to  my  own  constituents, 
to  disregard  every  consideration,  save  that  of  the 
honor  and  the  interest  of  the  country,  so  far  as 
they  are  involved  in  the  issue.  I  alone  am  respon- 
sible to  that  constituency  for  the  course  I  may  pur- 
sue here.  If  il  diflcrs  from  that  which  other.i  .see 
fit  to  take,  they  partoke  not  of  the  responsibility. 
It  falls  alone  upon  my  shoulders.  I  assume  it,  Mr. 
Chairman.  The  policy  I  conceive  it  to  be  the  duty 
f  'his  country  to  pursue  in  reference  to  the  subject 
orought  forward  by  the  resolution  reported  by  the 
Comniiitce  on  Foreign  Aflairs,  is  already  indicated 
to  the  House  by  the  fact,  that  I  have  concurred  in 
I  the  propriety  of  that  report.'  And  my  purpose  la 
now  to  submit  to  this  House,  and  to  the  country, 
the  reasons  which  have  induced  me  to  believe  that 
that  policy  must  be  corried  out,  or  the  interest  of 
the  country  weakened — I  will  not  say  destroyed. 

*  Mr.  rnss  in  n  nii'mbcr  ol'  tlir  mnjnrity  of  Ilic  Cniiiiiiltli'n 
on  Foreign  Alllilr>,  tiom  which  this  resolution  was  reported. 


'■A: 


f 


I 


[Jan.  8, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


155 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Cobb. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


At  this' period  of  time,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  should 
consider  I  was  inflicting  upon  the  House  an  un- 
necessary and  unpalatable  argument,  if  I  were  to 
attempt  to  sustain  the  title  by  which  this  country 
possesses  and  holds  a  just  claim  to  the  Oregon  ter- 
ritory— to  tht  \ohole  of  Ike  Oregon  tenitory.  What- 
ever opinions  may  be  entertained  in  other  portions 
of  the  civilized  world;  whatever  opinions  may  bo 
em  rUiined  by  that  master-spirit  oJ  tlie  nations  of 
the  Old  World,  with  whom  we  are  now  thrown 
into  a  contest,on  the  question — in  this  country  bu^ 
one  voice  falls  upon  the  ear — but  one  deep,  well- 
founded  opinion  exists.  No  doubts  now  remain 
on  the  minds  of  American  statesmen,  that  theQov- 
cmment  of  the  United  States  holds  a  clear  and 
unquestionable  title  to  the  whole  of  the  Oiegon 
territory. 

I  propose  not  to  discuss  it;  but  I  desire  that  tliis 
proposition  may  be  considered  as  admitted;  that  it 
shall  go  before  the  country  in  connexion  with  the 
argument  I  propose  to  make  in  favor  of  the  policy 
suggested  by  the  resolution  on  your  table;  that  it 
may  go  to  the  country  as  the  admitted  and  indis- 
putable opinion  of  American  statesmen,  with 
scarcely  any — if,  indeed,  any — dissenting  voice; 
that  our  title  to  the  Oregon  territory  is  thus  consid- 
ered, by  us,  clear  and  unquestionable. 

There  is  another  proposition,  Mr.  Chairman, 
which  I  will  not  stop  to  discuss;  but  I  desire  to 
place  i  like  the  one  to  which  1  have  just  alluded, 
on  the  ooting  of  an  axiomatic  fact,  that  the  import- 
ance of  this  territory  to  our  government  and  our 
people — whether  it  is  considered  in  reference  to 
agriculture,  to  manufactures,  or  to  commerce — is  no 
longer  a  debatable  issue.  Not  that  I  consider  it 
a  subject  commanding  the  clear  approbation  and 
the  warm  feelings  ^f  the  West  in  us  behalf,  but  I 
desire  to  raise  it  higher,  and  to  place  it  on  a  loftier 
pinnacle.  It  is  a  national  question,  side  by  side 
with  that  important  national  question — the  annex- 
ation of  Texas — which  has  already  received  tlie 
sanction  of  this  Government.  For  myself,  then, 
and  my  constituents,  I  enter  a  solemn  protest 
against  the  opinions  which  may  have  been  ad- 
vanced here  or  elsewhere,  that  the  question  of  Or- 
egon i"  a  western  question,  or  any  other  sectional 
?|uestion.  It  is  one  in  which  the  whole  nation 
eela  a  deep  and  a  lively  interest,  and  one  upon 
which  the  whole  nation  will,  sooner  or  later,  speak  j 
with  a  voice  approximating  unanimity,  if  we,  sir,  { 
do  our  duty.  . 

I  do  not  propose,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  detain  you,  i 
either,  with  a  recital  of  the  long-pending  negotia- 
ion  which  has  been  carried  ,n  between  the  British 
Government  and  our  own,  in  reference  to  the  ad- 
justment of  this  perplexing  and  vexed  question. 
I  desire,  however,  as  preliminary  to  the  first,  and 
perhaps  the  most  important  reason  which  I  shall 
submit  to  you  for  my  support  of  this  measiire,  to 
refer  very  oriefly  to  the  state  of  the  negotiation  as 
it  now  stands  between  this  Government  and  Great 
Britain.  In  1818,  our  Government  and  the  Brit- 
ish Government  entered  into  a  convention,  by 
which  it  was  agreed  that,  for  certain  purposes, 
ench  of  these  Governments  should  be  entitled  to 
equal  privileges  within  this  disputed  territory; 
whether  you  term  it  a  convention  for  the  purpo.so 
of  joint  occupation,  or  for  the  purpose  of  coin- 
merce,  navigation,  and  settlement,  (as  that  is  the 
language  of  the  convention,)  is  immaterial  to  my 
purpose.  Subsequently  to  this  convention  of  1818, 
which  was  to  expire  by  its  own  limitation  in  ten 
years,  the  convention  was  renewed,  and  the  con- 
vention renewing  the  former  one  continues  it  in 
force  forever,  unless  the  one  or  the  other  Govern- 
ment, by  giving  twelve  months'  notice  of  its  desire 
to  do  so,  shall  terminate  it.  During  the  pendency 
of  this  convention,  there  have  been  efforts  made 
to  settle  and  adjust  this  question.  The  claims  of 
the  British  Government  have  been  urged  with 
great  power  by  her  statesmen;  the  claims  of  our 
Government  to  the  title  have  been  discussed  also, 
and  a  satisfactory  I'onclusion  has  been  reached  in 
the  minds  of  American  statesmen.  What  are 
these  propositions?  Our  Government  ho"  pm- 
posed,  on  more  than  one  occasion,  to  divide  the 
territory  at  the  forty-ninth  degree  of  north  latitude. 
Some  years  back,  we  did,  in  rnnnexion  with  this 
proposition,  affrce  to  grant  to  Great  Britain  the 
navigation  of  the  Columbia  river.  This  has  been 
repeated  twice,  if  notoflener.  Hut  a  few  months 
ago,  our  Qovernmeut  proposed  that  this  question 


should  be  settled  on  the  forty-ninth  degree,  but 
withheld  any  offer  as  to  the  navigation  of  the  Co- 
lumbia river.  During  that  same  period  of  time, 
the  British  Government  have  submitted  to  our 
consideration  a  proposition  on  which  they  are  will  - 
ing  to  adjust  this  difficulty.  That  proposition, 
recently  submitted  to  our  Government,  is  a  prop- 
osition which  takes  the  same  parallel  of  forty-nine 
degrees  until  you  reach  a  certain  point  on  the 
Columbia  river,  and  then  she  travels  down  the 
main  stream  of  that  river  to  the  point  where  it  en- 
ters the  ocean.  When  the  proposition  was  last 
submitted  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
(and  submitted,  sir.  as  I  believe,  and  as  the  coun- 
try believes,  in  the  utmost  good  faith,  and  with  a 
sincere  desire  on  the  part  of  our  Government  to 
settle  and  adjust  the  difficulty) — when  that  proposi- 
tion was  submitted  to  the  British  Minister,  it  was 
not  by  him  referred  to  his  Government,  but  the 
reply  was  made  that  the  British  Government  will 
wait  for  a  more  libe-".l  proposition  to  proceed  from 
the  American  Government.  And  here  we  have 
reached  the  crisis,  as  I  conceive  it,  in  the  adjust- 
ment of  this  Oregon  question.  We  have  here  pre- 
sented before  us  the  grounds  on  which  England 
haspro|)Osed  to  settle  the  Oregon  difficulty;  we 
have  before  us  the  proposition  on  which  our  Gov- 
ernment has  heretofore  agreed  to  adjust  this  diffi- 
culty. The  refusal,  and  the  manner  of  the  refusal, 
on  the  part  of  the  British  Government,  will  leave 
no  doubt,  as  it  seems  to  ne,  on  the  mind  of  any 
of  us,  that  ou-  propositioi — which,  to  say  the 
least  of  it,  is  thi  ultimatum,  ).°,yond  all  dispute,  of 
the  American  Gi  vernment^w  ill  never  receive  the 
sanction  of  the  B'itiah  Governi.^ent.  .  It  !'!>•?  been 
declared  to  the  British  Govem'"»nt  by  the  Exec- 
utive of  this  Government,  that  thii>  is  the  ultii  la- 
tum, beyond  which  we  cau'iot  go. 

Now,  if  you  refuse  to  carry  out  the  recomm';nd- 
ation  of  the  President,  to  give  noti».c  'o  tireat 
Britain  to  'I'ina;  to  a  close  this  joint  occupancy  of 
the  Oregon  territory,  I  desire  to  call  the  attention 
of  the  House  to  the  inference  end  conclusion  which 
must  inevitably  be  drawn  by  the  British  Govern- 
ment. Your  President  has  declared  that  the  it(/i- 
mnttiin  has  been  reached;  in  the  same  communica- 
tion in  which  he  transmits  this  inforr  lation  to  Con- 
gress, he  informs  you  that,  from  his  knowledge  of 

I  this  negotiation ,  fVom  the  view  which  he  has  been 
enabled  to  take  of  all  the  matters  in  connexion  with 
the  controversy,  it  is  his  deliberate  conviction  that 
no  proposition  will  ever  be  made  by  the  British 

j  j  Govern      ..i   o  which  this  country  can  accede,  and 

f  reserve  its  national  honor  and  its  national  faith, 
n  connexion  with  his  Message,  he  recommends 
j  to  you  to  give  the  notice;  you  refuse  to  do  it.  Mr. 
I  Chairman,  will  any  friend,  or  rather,  will  any  op- 

Eonent  of  this  measure,  ans'ver  me  this  question: 
.et  him  place  himself,  in  imagination,  in  the  Brit- 
I  ish  Parliament;  carry  the  information  to  that  Par- 
I  liament  which  the  Executive  has  communicated  to 
i  Congress;  let  that  be  followed  by  a  vote  on  the 
i  part  of  Congress,  refusing  to  carry  jut  the  recom- 
.  mendntion  of  the  President  in  giving  the  notice — 
and  will  he  not  say  that  Ij  I'ish  statesmen  will  be 
fully  authori7.ed  to  draw  the  inference  that  the  Con- 
I  grcsa  of  the  ITnited  States  is  not  prepared  to  go 
with  the  President  in  his  declaration  that  the  prop- 
osition submittt^d,  rejected,  and  now  withdrawn, 
is  the  u(fima<umof  the  American  Government?  It 
does  strike  mv  mind,  Mr.  Chairman,  if  I  occupied  j 
tl'S  position  which  I  have  supposed  British  states-  [. 
men  to  occupy,  that  my  mind  would  be  drawn  very  i, 
clearly  to  th5  conclusion  that  the  American  Con-  j 
gress  are  not  prepared  to  concur  in  the  opinion  ex-  i 
pressed  by  the  Executive  of  the  United  Stales;  and  ]' 
that,  refusing  to  give  the  notice  for  the  termination 
of  the  joint  occupancy,  the  American  Congress  has 
brought  itself  to  one  of  two  conclusions,  viz:  either 
that  the  title  on  which  the  President  ao  confidently 
relies  is  not  clear  to  the  mind  of  Congress,  or  else 
that  the  Congress  of  the  United  Stales  is  of  the 
opinion  that  the  Executive  should  submit,  in  con- 
formity with  the  suggestion  of  the  British  minister 
in  the  close  of  his  last  communication,  a  more  fa- 
vorable proposition  to  the  British  Government. 
Well,  sir,  I  submit  not  to  the  American  Con/ress, 
but  to  any  member  of  it,  whether  he  is  pref  ared, 
by  nis  course  of  conduct,  to  justify,  on  the  p;irt  of 
Crreat  Britain,  an  inference  so  clearly  dc.iucible 
from  the  course  of  conduct  whu.h  v.i,  urc  called 
upon  to  pursue  by  tliose  who  tippoac  the  giving 


this  notice,  and  which  is  so  manifestly  opposed  to 
the  known  sentiments  and  opinions  of  tlie  Ameri- 
can people.'  If  we  are  determined,  then,  Mr. 
Chairman,  not  to  sacrifice  this  territory,  and  not  to 
submit  to  the  British  Government  a  more  liberal 
proposition  than  the  one  whicli  has  been  rejected, 
is  it  not  due  to  the  American  Government — is  it 
not  due  to  her  national  character,  to  her  national 
feelings,  that  she  should  no  longer  permit  another 
power,  however  great,  however  haughty,  however 
domineering,  to  enjoy,  in  common  with  her,  rights 
to  which  she  has  no  clear  title,  or  to  which  she  has 
no  title  whatever? 

Mr.  Chairman:  Has  Great  Britain  ever  made  a 
proposition  to  the  United  Stales — have  her  stales- 
men  ever  suggested  a  proposition  of  compromise 
upon  this  Oregon  question — which  would  meet  the 
response  of  an  isolated  voice  in  the  American  Con- 
gress? Do  gentlemen  anticipate  a  more  favorable 
proposition  than  the  one  which  the  British  Gov- 
ernment has  submitted  to  us?  If  so,  I  desire  to  be 
furnished  with  the  reasons  for  that  opinion.  Here 
is  her  ii{|iina(uni,  as  her  whole  course  of  policy  has 
evidenced.  There  is  the  nUiinatuni — perhaps,  «ir, 
beyond  the  ufliinoluni — of  the  American  people, 
which  has  been  submitted  by  our  Government. 
We  are  divided  by  a  gulf;  we  will  not  cross  it ; 
and  we  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  the  British 
Government  is  prepared  to  meet  us  on  our  side. 
Our  title  is  clear;  our  rights  are  unquestionable; 
hers  are  the  reverse.  Unless,  then,  you  intend  to 
hold  out  inducements  to  the  British'  Government 
to  anticipate  a  falling  back,  a  surrender — a  still  fur- 
ther surrender — on  the  part  of  the  American  Gov- 
ernment, it  strikes  my  mind  that  the  question  re- 
quires prompt,  energetic,  decisive  action  on  the 
part  of  our  Government — such  action  as  is  recom- 
mended in  the  President's  Message — such  as  is 
contemplated  by  the  resolution  on  your  table. 

But  there  is  another  view,  Mr.  Chairman,  in 
connexion  with  the  state  of  the  negotiation,  which 
I  desire  to  submit  to  this  House.  If  this  Con- 
gress should  adjourn  without  having  authorized 
and  empowered  the  Executive  to  give  this  notice 
for  the  termination  of  this  joint  occupancy,  there  is 
another  inference  which  may  be  very  clearly  and 
distinctly  drawn  by  the  people  and  the  Government 
of  Great  Britain.  Will  they  not  be  prepared  to 
say  to  themselves  and  to  the  world,  that  there  ex- 
ists in  the  American  Government  a  division  of 
opinion  between  these  two  departments  of  that 
Government — tlie  Executive  and  the  Legislative — 
which  weakens  the  action  of  the  Government,  and 
enervates  her  energy  and  ability?  The  Executive 
marks  out  a  course  of  policy  evidencing  a  dispo- 
sition on  the  part  of  that  department  ol  the  Gov- 
ernment firmly,  energetically  to  assert  and  maintain 
the  rights  of  the  Government;  Congress  falters — 
ftdls  back;  Great  Britain  infers,  and  justly  infers, 
that  there  exists  on  the  part  of  our' Government 
such  a  diversity  of  sentiment  between  the  two  dif- 
ferent departments  of  the  Government,  that  it  is 
impossible  for  that  energetic  action  which  the  oc- 
casion requires  to  be  carried  out,  and  those  clear 
rights  of  our  Government  properly  to  be  muntain- 
ed.  Are  gentlemen  prepared  by  their  policy  and 
course  of  conduct  to  authorize  an  inference  of  this 
character  on  the  part  of  the  British  Government? 
I  am  not  indulging  in  this  course  of  reflection  so 
much  from  the  apprehension  that  the  British  Gov- 
ernment will  make  these  inferences;  if  it  were  not 
that  ill  my.  humble  judgment  this  course  of  con- 
duct would  authorize  them  to  infer,  and  give  the 
inference  strength  and  importance,  I  would  disre- 
gard such  considerations.  But  t  cannot  say  that 
such  a  course  of  conduct  on  our  part  would  no;  au- 
thoriee  and  justify  an  inference  of  this  sort  on  the 
part  of  our  opponents  in  this  contest.  Let  Con- 
gress adjourn  without  giving  the  notice  under  this 
stale  of  facts  connected  with  the  negotiation — under 
the  fact  that  the  recommendation  has  been  made 
by  the  Executive,  and  that  Congress  has  failed  to 
carry  it  out — and  will  not  both  (Sreat  Britain,  and 
the  '■ivilized  world  who  feel  any  interest  in  it,  be 
authorized  to  draw  tliis  inference,  that  the  "  clear," 
indisputable,  and  "unquestionable"  title  of  our 
Government  to  the  uiholc  of  Oregon,  is  not  ao 
strung  and  forcible  as  we  have  attempted  to  make 
it?  But  why,  sir, after  twenty-five  years,  ormore 
than  twenty-five  years  of  negotiation,  when  the 
American  Congress  have  before  them  the  proposi- 
tion which  has  been  made  upon  the  other  side,  and 


m 

■;  I) 
i  I 


'■■h\ 


h 

\i'' 
h 


156 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  8, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


no  gubtuinUAl  recwon  can  be  given  why  any  other 
proposicion  will  be  finally  agreed  upon;  when  you 
imve  been  informeii  by  the  lixeciitivp  deparlnieiit  of  j 
the  Government — to  whose  hands  lliisuinlttrisspc- 
ciiilly  commiited — that  no  proposition  will  beftinde  i 
which  this  Government  ought  to  accept — when,  un- 
ilcr  all  these  circumstances,  you  declare  first  your  , 
clear  and  indisputable  title  and  right,  and  then  re-  ! 
fuse  to  assert  that  right,  or  to  adopt  measures  for  the 
preservation  of  that  rii;hl,  will  it  not,  in  the  eycsof  i 
the  world,  weaken  our  title  to  Oregon,  and  throw  ;> 
veil — Icare  not  how  Oiin^-over  that  which  we  now 
consider  so  bright  and  clear,  to  our  concenlion  at 
least?    Go  to  the  French  Government,  to  tlie  lirit- 
ish  Government,  or  to  any  other  Government,  and,  ; 
al"ter  the  action  of  Congress,  ri'llisin';  to  give  this 
notice — refusinsr  to  take  possession  of  what  we  de- 
clare and  believe  to  be  ours — and  then  tell  me 
whetlier  our  rights  are  not  weakened  in  the  esli- 
inalioji  of  those  Governmenls;  tell  me  whether  our 
hand  is  not  less  strong  than  when  we  lirst  entered  : 
into  the  contest.     The  world  will  so  consider  it, 
and  will  say  tliere  are  shrinkings  back  and  misgiv- 
ings amon^  us;  and  we  ourselves  will  look  back 
to  the  cpsis,  which  i  consider  the  present  moment 
to  be,  with  regret  that  we  allowed  it  to  pass  by 
without  doing  justice  to  ourselves,  and  without 
doing  justice  to  the  honor  of  our  own  nation. 

It  is  with  me,  Mr.  Chiurman,«  question  iiivolv- 
ini  our  rights,  ainl  our  final — I  will  not  3ny  iic- 
qMi'':;ion — tini  our  final,  complete  possession  of  the 
whole  of  this  our  own  territory. 

There  is  another  view  in  reference  to  the  nego- 
tiation, which  I  propose  to  submit  to  you,  Mr. 
Chairman,  and  to  this  House.  If  genilenien  will 
)>ut  themselves  to  the  trouble  to  invesugnte  the  ne- 
gotiation bpiw  ecu  tills  Government  and  the  Gov- 
ernment of  U  .a  Briluin  on  the  subject  of  Oregon, 
commencing  wuli  its  earliest  inceplion,  and  cmiiing 
down  to  the  present  time,  they  will  find  that  the 
»ninc  rea.sons  which  control  the  conduct  of  an  iii- 
diviiUial  in  the  manugcment  of  his  private  iiiriiir.s 
on:,'lii  sometimes  to  be  applied  to  a  iiaiion  in  con- 
ducting aliairs  of  national  importance;  and  the  very 
reasons  which  arc  now  urged  for  the  furiher  post- 
(wiiement  of  action — cfticicnt  actioii — on  the  part  of 
our  Government,  will  be  found  to  have  exercised 
an  undue  influence  in  times  gone  by.  1  do  not  say, 
nor  do  1  wish  to  be  uiidrrslood,  as  intimating  that  ' 
there  ever  has  been  a  period  in  the  history  of  this 
negotiation  when  action  of  tliis  chiuiicter  lias  been 
so  imperatively  required  on  the  part  of  our  Gov- 
ernment as  at  the  present  moment;  but  1  do  be- 
lieve that  the  settlement  of  this  Oregon  controversy 
could  have  beui  made  with  less  exciteineiil,  witli 
less  trouble,  with  less  dilficulty  in  past  )ieriods  of 
our  history,  than  it  can  lie  made  at  the  present 
time. 

RTr.  Chairman,  there  is  no  greater  error  in,  the 
conduct  of  Government,  or  in  tlie  conduct  of  pri- 
vuie  BiTairs,  than  giving  way  to  the  disp'isiuon  of 
our  nature — lo  |>osip4iiie  *' the  evil  ilay,"  .:n  ii  i^ 
aomeiimes  termed.  You  will  find  th  it  the  p)sl- 
poneinent  of  the  Oregon  controversy,  instead  of 
opening  the  door  for  its  amicable  adjustment  on 
terms  more  satisfactory,  ;ind  lis.s  calculated  to  cre- 
ate excitement,  has,  in  each  tiep  <if  its  pidgicss, 
occumulated  new  and  more  insurinoum.iljU'  dilli- 
culties;  and  to-day  we  arc  perhaps  further  from  an 
amicable  adjustment  of  it  than  we  have  been  in 
any  wast  pcrnid  "four  history,  unless  decided,  en- 
ergetic action  is  taken  to  bring  it  about.  What 
ore  the  reasons  urged  for  the  poslpoiicment  of  ac- 
tion ■  Wily,  the  piTcedent  tliat  it  was  posiiHined 
in  1818  and  I807,  when  this  convention  was  made 
and  renewed.  Well,  will  any  gentleman  answer 
me,  what  has  the  Gcnernmeiii  made  by  the  con- 
tinued postponciiicnt  'if  the  seltlenieiit  •  Kirice  the 
acquisition  of  our  title  from  iSpaiii,  at  every  inonient 
the  dilRculti'-.H  have  increased;  they  have  never 
been  lichiened,  and  they  never  will  be.  If  geiiile- 
incii  will  mibmit  Ui  my  mind  a  course  of  n'nsoning 
which  will  show  that  at  any  future  period  this 
question  can  be  belter  aeitled  upon  principles  satis- 
laciory  to  our  country,  then,  (H'rhaps,  t  miirbt  be 
prepared  to  go  with  them.  Kut  I  look  upon  it  that 
delay  now,  like  delay  in  past  times,  wi'l  but  in-  , 
,  erenne  the  difliciilly,  heigliten  the  exriieineiii,  and 
further  and  furiher  prolonir  the  period  liefme  11  fair 
und  final  settleinenl  (an  be  elfeeled.  Will  ceiille- 
men  listen  In  me  when  I  allude  lo  a  dixfUHsioii  fa- 
miliar, Very  familiar,  to  the  older  beads  in  lliin 


T/ie  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Cobb. 

House,  and  a  discussion  not  very  unfamiliar  to 
those  wlio,  ill  common  with  myself,  took  their 
seats  two  years  iigo  in  this  House .'  At  tliat  tini,e 
the  Oregon  question  attracted  discussion  not  only 
here,  but  in  the  other  brunch  of  Congress.  Uo 
you  recollect  the  reasons  then  urged  for  the  further 
postponement  of  entrgetic  action  on  the  part  of 
our  Government?  It  was  but  a  repttiliun  of  the 
argument  made  years  before,  as  the  history  of  the 
debates  will  show.  You  were  ti>ld  that  ne^jotia- 
tion  was  (lending;  that  it  would  be  improper  for 
the  legislative  de|inrtinuiit  of  the  Government  to 
interfere  when  the  nuttier  was  in  the  hands  of  that 
branch  of  the  Government  which  ought  properly 
to  consider  it;  und  that  when  it  was  uscertained 
tlint  negotiation  could  not  be  ell'ectcd,  then,  and  not 
till  thou,  would  be  the  time  for  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  to  act.  I  recollect,  while  listening  to 
remarks  of  this  character  that  fell  from  the  lips  of 
a  distinguished  Senator — one  whose  voice  always 
is  listened  to  with  attenlion  und  respect — ihat  he 
told  IIS  (and  others  concurred  with  him)  that  the 
Hritisli  Government  had  reasojis  why  the  Oregon 

3uestion  should  go  on  and  be  postponed  lo  n  later 
ay,  and  that  the  British  Government  never  looked 
Ibrward  to  the  seillcineiit  of  the  Oregon  territory  as 
an  agricultural  territory,  or  wiih  a  view  to  nnuiu- 
fuctuies,  or  10  make  it  a  permnnciii  settlement;  that 
they  only  wanted  the  right  to  the  fur  trade;  that  it 
was  being  exhausted  and  passing  by;  that  at  pre- 
sent it  would  bear  but  a  small  comparison  lo  what 
it  had  bei'ii  In  former  years;  ami  that  as  soon  as 
this  interest  on  the  part  of  the  British  Government 
had  ceased,  we  would  have  no  ditliculty  in  iis.iert- 
ing  the  whole  of  our  rights  to  Oreiron.  Well,  sir, 
this  nrgunie.'nl  is^now  at  an  end.  You  will  not  inter- 
fere with  the  Fixecutive  department  in  deiermining 
in  liivor  of  this  notice,  because  you  will  nut  carry 
out  iis  recoiimiendutions;  and  I  trust  that  Amcii- 
can  slalesmen  will  no  longer  nsk  that  this  impor- 
tant result  will  be  postponed  on  the  ground  tli;U  the 
liritish  Goveiiiiijent,  when  it  has  exhausted  its  ui- 
tercst  in  the  t'ur  trade,  will  voluntarily  render  mid 
yield  us  up  our  own.  No,  Mr.  Cnairman;  our 
right  to  Oregon — to  the  whole  of  Oregon — is  clear 
and  unqesiionahle;  and  I  desire  to  see  it  mninlnined 
to  the  letter  and  the  rpirit  by  the  energetic,  efficient 
aciiim  of  this  House  luid  of  the  other  riou.se  of 

CollLJlVSS. 

We  are  told  that  there  are  not  inducements  sufli- 
cient  lo  carry  our  Government  rashly  into  a  con- 
test for  this  territory.  I  go  not  rashly.  Sir, 
twenty-five  years  and  more  of  negotiation,  of  re- 
lleelion,  of  slaiiding  still,  (if  I  may  manufaeiuie 
ihe  term,)  caiinipt  be  considered  rush  or  licedhss. 
There  is  a  duly  which  we  owe  not  only  to  our 
Uovernmenl,  as  a  Goveininent,  but  n  duty  which 
wc  owe  to  the  people  w  ho  have  tuiigrated  to  the 
Oregon  territory.  Pardon  me  for  a  very  few  re- 
marks on  this  bmnch  of  the  subject.  We  are  told, 
if  you  poslpiine  giving  the  nolire — if  yon  allow 
thih  joint  occupatiitii  to  continue,  our  jieople  will 
be  emigrating  to  Oregon,  that  we  will  be  building 
up  our  defence  in  ihe  hardy  sons  of  the  West  who 
.Nhall  have  gone  there  tor  tlie  [)ur|iose  of  lindiitg  a 
pernianeiu  home;  tluit  we  will  be  adding  barriers 
and  defences  to  our  pitsseasion  of  the  Oregon  ter- 
ritory; and  we  arc  told,  in  substantiation  of  this, 
that  within  the  last  two  years  ilic  emigration  tliilli- 
er  li.is  greatly  increased  ill  proportion  to  what 
it  was  a  fi:v  years  back:  and  that,  drawiii;;  the 
fair  inlerriii  e  from  the  pa.'t,  wc  may  ciiiicliiili'  ilia), 
for  the  fnliire,  lliis  tide  of  einiirrali'Ui  will  conlinue 
to  roll  into  the  OiigiPii  territory  unlil  we  i^hall  have 
taken  possession  eif  it  by  our  own  peiinle  belli;: 
permmieiiily  located  in  that  country.  Ifl  nii.slake 
not  ilic  feeling  and  the  spirit  which  has  iniliiceil 
eniii;niii'iii  10  Ore:,'on,  it  may  be  fsirly  nltriliuiable 
lo  the  nuplicd  promise  wlurh  the  aciioii  of  this 
Governineni  heretofore  hiiH  held  out  to  thispeople, 
thai  this  jtont  or-rupancy  would,  before  this  time, 
have  eiiised,  and  their  tiile  lo  lii>iiie.-<leads  have 
been  made  M-evre  and  certain.  Go  lu  those  people 
wholiaxc  emigrated  to  Oregon,  and  ask  them  if 
they  believed  at  the  time  that  t'ley  abandoned 
their  homes  in  our  western  Stales  and  eniigri»ted 
ti(  the  Oregon  territory,  that  this  joint  occupancy 
was  to  eonlimie  from  year  to  year,  from  time  to 
time,  niid  that  they  were  to  be  left  there  without 
the  pintieiiiiii  of  tlie  laws  of  their  eounlry;  that 
Ihey  would  lie  left  there  wjlli  ihe  title  to  every  foot 
of  land  on  which  they  have  ho  located  tl^mselves 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


uncertain  nnd  insufficient.    They  settle  tlicro  not 
temporarily,  but  they  build  up  for  themselves  a. 
home  in  that  territory,  which  we  say  is  ours,  but 
which  W8  fear  to  declare  in  such  terms  ns  shall 
authorize  that  emigrant  people,  when  they  plum 
themselves  on  any  oortion  of  the  Oregon  territory, 
to  feel  confidence  tliai  they  are  on  ground  conse- 
crated to  Anieric  in  irecdoiii,  and  which  shall  never 
I  cciuse  to  be  made  prospt'ous  and  happy  by  the 
prevalence  of  rep'iblicHii  pri-iciples.     I  iisIc  you,  if 
^this  is  not  the  li ,'  ing  under  which  this  emigration 
^s  carried  on   to  Oregon  ?    Let  this  Congress  ad- 
i  journ  without  giving  the  notice;  und  instead  of  it, 
';  proclaim,  byn  joint  resolution,  that ii's  the  opinion 
of  Congress  that  this  joint  occupancy  u'.vll  con- 
tinug  from  time  to  time — that  wc  are  not  |>repai:d 
1;  to  malnlain  and  assert  our  unquestionable  rights, 
;  but  that  we  propose  to  do  it  at  some  future  period 
I  — then,  if  I  mistake  not  tlie  spirit  of  Uio  West,  that 
i  emigration  is  at  an  end.     Can  you  induce  a  west- 
i!  em  man,  when  we  have  so   much  public  lanil, 
I   when  tlicru  arc  so  many  inducements  held  out  to 
;  him  to  emigrate  where  liis  bcttlemcnt  will  bo  per- 
fectly secure,    and  where    the  Government   will 
■  "uaranty  to  him  the  title  to  the  land,  to  aban- 
i  don  all  this  to  go  to  a  country  which  we  have  as- 
,  serted,  by  a  mere  declaratory  resolution,   to    bu 
•  •  ours,  but  our  rii:lit.s  to  which  we  ore  not  yet  pre- 
'  pared  to  maintain  and  defend? 
1      But8uppo.se  that  I  am  not  well-founded  in  the 
i  view  whicli  I  have  taken  of  the  spirit  nnd  motives 
which  have  operated  upon  ihe  minds  of  our  people 
;  in  causing  thjs  lute  incrcasi^  of  emigration  to  Orii- 
I  gon,  and  you  take  it  for  granted  that  theeiiiigration 
;  will  continue,  and  that,  as  time  passes  by,  under 
i'  this  and  other  cau-'e.s  of  n  similar  character,  we 
\'  should  become  greuily  strengt^jened  in  our  Oregon 
|i  ]iossc.fsions:  we  now  avow  such  to  be  our  policy, 
:   and  notify  our  opponent  of  the  fact.     Think  you 
!;  that  the  sagacity  of  Great  Britain  is  less  astute  now 
I  than  formerly  ?     AVill  she  slumber  over  her  pre- 
1  tended  righliii     Will  she  sit  quietly  by  and  allow 
the  United  Stales  to  adopt  a  )>olicy  and  |iush  that 
policy  vigorously  forward  lo  the  manilest  destruc- 
I  tion  of  her  claims  and  interest,  without  resorting 
■;  oiT  her  jiart  to  some  counteracting  policy?    Let  ns 
:  not  deceive  ourselves  as  lo  the  character  of  those 
with  whom  wc  arc  dealing.     Rest  nssuied  that  if 
we  resort  to  the  course  suggested,  we  shall  be  met 
at  each  step  in  our  progress  by  similar  measures — 
if  not  in  kind,  cert.iinly  in  clVcct — by  the  British 
Government;  and  the  result  would  be,  that  after 
the  expiration  of  another  qiiorter  of  a  century  wc 
would  be  no  nearer  the  end  than  we  now  are. 

But  it  is  said  we  shall  have  gone  tar  enough  when 
we  have  piusscd  our  laws  c>  tending  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  our  courts  over  the  Oregon  territory,  for 
the  protection  of  the  citizens  of  the  Uiiiicd  isiute.s 
who  may  go  to  that  country.  I  desire  gentlemen 
to  direct  their  attention,  for  a  single  niomenl,  to  the 
elfecl  of  the  passti!;e  of  such  laws.  For  one,  1  am 
in  fav.ir  of  ii.  I  desire  to  sec  the  laws  of  the  Uni- 
ted .Slates  extended  over  the  Oregon  tcrrilory,  so 
far  as  w  u  can  do  it  cunsistcnily  with  our  riglits, 
consistently  with  our  treaty  stipulations.  But  how 
long  can  such  a  slate  of  things  reninin  ?  Great 
Britain  (.asses  her  laws,  cxieiidingher  juri.sdiclion 
over  this  territory;  you  pass  your  laws  extending 
your  juriudlclirui;  and  here  is  a  territory  under  the 
operation  of  two  syslems  of  goverimiei.t,  as  wide- 
ly separated  from  each  other  as  the  north  and  south 
poles.  Here  arc  the  principles  of  American  free- 
dom, carried  and  borne  along  by  the  officers  of  the 
.\mericnii  Government;  here  are  the  eiiizens  of  the 
British  Government,  mingling  with  our  jieople, 
who  have  extended  over  them  the  laws  of  their 
inonari  hiral  or  despotic  Government,  under  which 
they  seek  protection.  Can  these  diirerent  systems — 
can  ihese  laws  of  diirerent  countries,  like  tin'  citi- 
zens of  those  eoiiiurie.^,  commingle  one  with  the 
oilier,  all  going  on  111  sweet  and  pleasant  harmony? 
l^anitbcKO?  Must  there  not  lie  perpetual  colli- 
sions and  dirticiilties  resulling  fnmi  this  siinnltune- 
ons  opernlion  of  two  dilV.rcnt  syslems  of  laws? 
It  may  be  that  such  a  stale  of  things  niny  roiuiniie 
during  the  twelve  moiiilis  fiir  which  your  notice  is 
given;  but  lo  suy  that  this  Is  asserting  our  rights, 
nnd  doing  justice  to  iliose  who  have  settled  in  the 
Oregon  territory,  in  the  indulgence  of  the  reason- 
able expectation  ihat  lliey  slmll  be  jirotecled,  does 
not  sirikemy  mind  as  bearing  the  force  of  reason 
or  of  justice.     It  cannot  be  dune.   It  is  impossiblo 


1816.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


157 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  W.  W.  Campbell. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


thnt  these  two  syRtf ms  rnn  r.onlimic  to  opernte  to- 
pellior  for  any  great  Irniith  of  time  From  this,  I 
infer  llint  it  is  tlin  daty  of  this  Qovernment  to  show 
that  wc  believe  Oregon  is  ours,  nnd  tlmt  wc  are  de- 
termined to  retain  it;  that  it  is  onr  duty,  as  soon  as 
praclkahle,  to  jilnce  the  peoiile  of  that  country  un- 
der tlic  iiroteclion,  the  sole  protection  of  the  laws 
of  the  United  Slotes. 

Mr.  Chairman,  there  is  one  ohjcction  urged, and 
one,  perhaps,  relied  on  with  greater  force  than 
any  other — one  to  which  our  lilteniioii  lins  lieen 
drawn  by  the  most  of  those  who  have  discussed 
this  subject  on  the  other  side.  We  arc  told  that, 
by  withholding  the  giving  the  notice  first,  our  em- 
igration will  go  there,  and,  by  that  means,  that  the 
country  will  be  liilcen  possession  of  and  otu-  title 
bo  quietly  settled;  and  next,  thnt  wc  arc  not  now 
in  a  condition  to  defend  our  title  and  maintain  our 
rights.  I  will  nsk  gentleraeij,  when  will  this  Gov- 
ernment be  ready?  When  will  this  Government 
be  jireparfd  to  maintain  ou^just  rights  in  the  Orfi- 
gon  lerritory .'  Will  gentlemen  who  follow  me  in 
this  debate  be  so  good  as  to  inform  the  country  to 
what  period  of  time  they  look  forward  when  the 
Uniteil  Slates  will  be  in  n  proper  condition  to  de- 
fend her  national  rights  in  the  Oregon  territory } 
^Vhere  is  the  dillii'ulty  ?  Why  are  you  not  pre- 
pared to  defend  the  Oregon  territory  and  your 
rights  in  the  territory?  Is  it  owing  to  the  condi- 
tion of  your  army  or  of  yournnvy?  So  far  as 
your  army  is  concerned,  it  is  a  settled  principle  in 
the  Government,  if  I  understand  and  appreciate 
our  people  aright,  that  the  Government  never  shall 
be  dependant  on  a  standing  army  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  rights  of  the  people.  You  can  never 
iiidui'e.aud  I  trust  you  will  never  desire  to  induce, 
this  Government  to  create  a  large  standing  army 
in  time  of  peace  as  preparatory  to  some  future 
emergency  which  may  require  it.  The  l)iilwark 
of  the  dclcnceof  our  country  lies  in  the  hearts  and 
•he  spirit  of  the  American  people.  It  is  to  the 
citizen  soldier,  and  ;iot  the  mercenary  hireling,  that 
the  Amcriraii  people  look  for  the  defence  of  their 
rights  in  nn  emergency  of  this  kind.  Is  your  navy 
not  prepared?  Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  not  furnished 
with  the  neces.sary  information,  nor  should  I  de- 
tain you  if  I  was,  to  go  into  a  discussion  of  the 
rondUion  and  character  of  our  navy.  But  tell  me, 
when  will  we  be  better  prepared  than  we  arc  now  ? 
Will  it  be  at  some  future  period  ?  Are  you  pre- 
pared at  once  to  make  a  lieavy  appropriation  for 
the  increase  of  your  navy  ?  Will  this  Govern- 
ment ever  bo  prepared,  in  a  time  of  peace,  to  pur- 
sue a  policy  of  this  kind?  If  so,  it  will  difl'er 
widely  iVom  the  history  of  the  past  or  of  Con- 
gresses preceding.  And  those  who  are  most  anx- 
ious now  for  the  settlement  of  the  Oregon  ques- 
tion, and  those  who  are  in  favor  of  postponing  it 
10  a  future  period,  many  of  them,  will  be  fimnd  on 
cotninnn  gnnind  in  warfare  upon  our  little  navy — 
thnt  gallant  navy  which  needs  no  praise  from  my 
hands;  it  is  wrilten  in  the  history  of  the  country. 

[Mr.  C.  here  paused  for  a  moment  to  inquire 
how  much  of  his  hour  was  still  unexhausted;  and 
having  asc  ained  that  he  had  but  about  ten  min- 
utes more,  proceeded  as  follows:] 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  exhausted  more  time 
upon  the  disciii^sion  of  these  one  oi  two  points 
th.in  1  had  intended,  nnd  I  fear  I  must  pass  by  some 
nihers  to  which  I  had  intended  to  refer.  There 
was,  however,  one  ))romineiilly  brought  forward 
in  this  discussion,  upon  which  I  must  bestow  at 
least  a  passing  thought.  It  is  said  by  those  who 
ndvoonlc.it  tluit  this  is  a  peace  measure,  nnd  by 
those  who  oppose  it  tl*t  it  is  a  war  mcnsure.  I 
njn  not  prepared  to  go  the  full  extent  with  some 
who  dci'Inre  tliat  ihc  inevitable  result  of  the  pas- 
sage of  iliis  notice  will  be  to  involve  this  country 
in  n  bloody  and  destructive  war.  Nor  am  I  pre- 
pared, on  the  other  hniid,  to  go  with  those  wJio 
if'srlessly  assert  thnt  there  is  no  danger  to  result 
from  our  action  ill  rel'erenrc  to  Oregon.  I  plant 
myself  on  this  ground,  that  the  course  which  I  pro- 
pose to  pursue  IS  the  one  called  for  by  the  national 
faith  and  Im.iorof  mycoiuury;  nndl  am  in  the  pros- 
I'culicni  o''wh»t  I  conceive  to  be  the  just  rights  of 
my  Government,  and  am  endeavoring  to  carry  out 
the  policy  iiest  calculated  to  secure  this  end.  If 
peace  be  the  result,  1  shall  gladly  welcome  it.  If 
war  be  the  consequence,  we  must  ifleet  it.  It  is 
a  crisis  not  to  be  avoided,  not  to  be  evaded,  but 
to  be  met  with  boldness,  firmness,  ai.J  decision. 


When  wc  hove  discharged  our  dutie.i,  then,  sir, 
it  will  bo  for  another  department  of  our  Govern- 
ment, and  for  the  Government  with  wliom  wc  are 
in  collision  upon  this  subjcc,  to  do  what  they  may 
conceive  to  bo  their  duty.  If  the  result  shall  be 
inauspicious— if  it  •:;inll  involve  us  in  a  war — 1 
will  have  the  consoling  reflection  left  that  I  have 
pursued  a  course  of  policy  dictated  by  the  best  in- 
terests of  my  country,  so  far  as  1  have  been  ena- 
bled to  appreciate  those  interests.  Thnt  wc  should 
suffer  from  a  war,  I  do  not  pretend  to  deny;  that 
wc  shall  lose  the  Oregon  territory  by  resorting  to  a 
wnr,  I  utterly  but  respectfully  repudiate  the  idea. 
Whenever  this  Government  shiUl  be  engaged  in  a 
conflict  of  this  kind  with  the  liriti-sh  Government, 
or  with  any  other  Government  on  earth,  pence 
will  never  be  declared  upon  terms  leaving  one  foot 
of  territory  which  has  ever  been  consecrated  to 
American  freedom  nnd  American  principles,  after- 
wards to  bo  profaned  by  moiiiircliical  or  despotic 
principles.  No;  Canada  may  be  acquired — I  do 
not  dispute  that  position  of  gentlemen  who  have 
nrgued  this  proposition  before  the  House:  but  that 
Oregon  will  ever  be  abandoned  peacefully,  or  in 
tlic  struggle  of  war,  my  mind  has  never  yet  been 
brought  to  that  conclusion,  nor  will  it  be.  Sir, 
upon  this  day,  this  mfinoialile,  glorious  eighth  of 
January,  let  it  not  be  said  by  American  statesmen, 
in  an  American  Congress,  thot  this  Governmeni 
can  bo  weakened  in,  or  deprived  of,  her  just  nnd 
tinqucstionablR  rights  by  n  conflict  witli  Great 
Britain,  or  with  any  other  Government.  If  wnr 
come,  I  venture  the  prediction,  that  when  it  termi- 
nates, we  will  have  the  con.solalion  of  knowing 
that  not  a  British  flng  flonis  on  nn  American 
breeze;  tliat  not  a  British  subject  treads  on  Amer- 
ican soil. 

Wc  have  been  asked  to  calculate  the  cost  of  a 
war  with  England,  and  to  compare  the  result  with 
the  value  of  the  territory  involved  in  the  issue; 
and  in  doing  so,  gentlemen  have  been  pleased  to 
present  to  our  contei.iplntiou  a  picture  well  calcu- 
lated to  sicken  the  heart  of  the  patriot.  The  accu- 
mulation of  a  heavy  and  burdensome  debt,  thereby 
tending  to  the  increased  taxation  upon  the  people; 
the  loss  of  valuable  lives  in  the  bloody  conflict; 
the  de.struction  of  our  commerce,  and  the  various 
interests  of  the  country  in  intimate  as.sociation 
with  it;  these,  nnd  ihany  other  considerations  of  a 
kindred  character,  have  been  brought  to  our  notice 
in  most  feeling  and  eloquent  appeals,  callin^unon  us 
to  avert  these  paralyzing  effects  upon  the  intliistry 
and  energy  of  our  people.  I  f\illy  appreciate  the 
motives  and  feelings  of^  those  who  have  indulged 
in  these  reflections;  but  at  the  same  time  I  must  be 
permitted  to  respond  to  ihein,  that  it  is  not  the 
simple  question  of  the  value  of  the  territory  in  dis- 
pute to  be  placed  in  the  opposing  scale.  There  is 
a  principle  involved  in  the  issue  of  far  deeper  in- 
terest, and  involving  far  more  important  results. 
It  is  the  principle  of  concession  to  British  arro- 
gance ana  British  cupidity.  Once  establish  the 
doctrine  of  concession  of  just  and  clear  rights,  in  the 
stead  f.f  a  bold  nnd  fearless  muintcnnnce  of  them,' 
at  every  cost  and  hazard,  and  the  days  of  Ameri- 
cnn  glory  are  numbered. 

I  desired  to  consider  the  proposition,  which  has 
been  submitted  to  us  in  the  form  of  nn  nmcndincnt 
by  the  gcnileinnn  from  AInbnma,  [Mr.  HiLi.nnu,] 
to  whose  remarks,  in  support  of  the  views  ]n-  pre- 
sented to  the  House,  I  listened  with  deep  interest, 
nnd  with  the  course  of  whose  nrgnmcnt  i  was 
grntified  nnd  instructed.  I  am  not  willing,  how- 
ever, to  abandon  the  propositihn  recommended  by 
the  Commiitce  mi  Foreign  AtVairs,  and  to  substi- 
tute in  lieu  of  it  the  onesninnitted  by  Ihc  honoiable 
gentleman  from  Alabnma;  and  I  will,  with  the  ut- 
most deference  to  that  g.  'Uleman,  give  one  or  two 
reasons  why  I  think  that,  .iih  the  views  he  has 
expressed — so  nobly  and  so  elu  ;' .  •'utly  expressed — 
he  ought  to  bo  willing  to  give  'he  go-by  to  his 
amendment,  and  to  stand  with  us  in  support  of  the 
original  resolutions.  Let  us,  who  agree  on  this 
subject,  meet  on  common  ground  in  support  of  the 
resolution  reported  from  iho  Committee  en  For- 
eisjn  Afliiirs.  What  is  the  dilfcrencc  in  these  prop- 
ositions? The  resolulimi  of  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  AfTairs  recommends  that  the  President 
forthwith  give  the  notice.  The  gentleman  pro- 
poses, in  lieu  of  that,  to  insert  that  the  Prefideiit 
he  empowered  to  give  the  notice  whenever  the 
public  interests,  in  his  judgment,  require  it.     1 


consider  that  this  proposition  is  evasive;  nnd  I  aver 
that  it  must  be  so  considered  by  li  is  country,  and 
by  the  British  Government.  Why  do  you  wish 
to  em|iower  the  Executive  to  give  the  notice  when 
the  public  interest  requires  it,  if,  at  the  same  time, 
wn  are  not  prepared  to  ex])re8S  the  opinion  that 
the  public  interest  now  requires  it? 

Sir,  the  President  of  the  United  States  has  sub- 
mitted all  the  information,  in  connexion  with  this 
siMiject,  which  may  properly  be  submitted,  and 
which,  in  his  opinion,  may  have  any  influence 
upon  Congress.  Wfch  this,  he  gives  you  his  opin- 
ion thnt  the  notice  ought  to  be  given  at  once,  that 
this  joint  occupancy  shall  forthwith  cease.  The 
gentleman  from  Alabama  proposes  now,  that,  in- 
stead of  taking  upon  ourselves  the  responsibility 
of  meeting  the  question  and  declaring  ihat  we  ngren 
with  the  President,  nnd  give  it  to  him  as  onr  opin- 
ion that  the  notice  ought  to  be  given,  nnd  call  upon 
him  to  do  it  under  onr  instructions,  that  we  merely 
say  to  him  th.it  he  has  the  power  to  do  it,  nnd  we 
shnll  leave  to  him  to  decide  it.  Is  it  the  object  of 
the  gentleman  from  Alabama  to  (ilace  upon  th* 
Executive  the  responsibility  of  giving  the  notice 
when  the  public  interest  requires  it?  If  .so,  the 
Executive  hns  already  taken  that  responsibility,  so 
far  as  it  can  be  placed  upon  the  shoulders  of  any 
man,  by  the  recommendation  which  he  hns  sub- 
mitted in  his  Messngc.  If  yo'i  desire,  then,  not  to 
relieve  yourselves  from  the  responsibility — nnd  I 
cnll  the  attention  of  the  friends  of  this  measure  to 
the  distinction  which  I  draw — if  Congress  is  will- 
ing to  nssnme  the  responsibility,  if  you  lielievc  the 
time  hns  nrrived  when  this  notice  should  be  given, 
wlicn  this  joint  occupancy  should  cense,  when  the 
rights  of  tlte  Government  should  be  declared  and 
maintained,  cost  what  it  may,  then  meet  it  boldly; 
come  up  to  the  question,  as  presented  by  the  report 
of  the  committee,  and  say  to  the  President,  cause 
the  notice  to  be  given.  But  do  not  avoid  the  respon- 
sibility; do  not  step  gently  behind  the  screen,  and 
say  to  the  President,  "  we  decline  giving  an  opin- 
ion ourselves  as  to  the  proper  policy  to  be  pursued 
at  this  time;  but  we  will  give  you  the  power,  (which 
perhaps  he  may  already  possess,)  if,  in  your  judg- 
ment, the  interest  of  the  country  require  it,  to  give 
the  notice  hereafter."  I  say,  let  us  have  no  evading 
of  this  question;  if  we  believe  the  notice  ought  to 
be  given,  let  us  so  declare  by  our  action. 

Such,  then,  sir,  are  the  considerations  which  Iiave 
brought  my  mind  to  the  conclusion  that  the  time 
has  arrived  when  the  Government  of  ihe  United 
States  should  assert  and  maintain  her  just  and  in- 
disputable rights  to  the  Oregon  territory;  nnd  that 
the  policy  indicated  by  the  resolution  tipon  your 
table  is  the  proper  initiatory  step  to  the  efficient  and 
successful  accomplishment  of  that  object  I  pre- 
sent them  to  the  consideration  of  this  House,  and 
of  my  constituents,  confidently  anticipating  from 
them  a  response  as  creditablCj^  their  hearts  as  it 
will  be  grateful  to  my  own  feelings. 


OREGON  aUESTION. 
SPEECH  OF  W.  W.  CAMPBELL, 

OF   NEW    YORK, 

In  the  House  op  Represfntatives, 

January  27,  1846. 

The  House  h.tving  resolved  itself  into  a  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole  upon  the  state  of  the  Union, 
and  the  following  resolution,  reported  from  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  AfTairs,  being  under  con- 
sideration, to  wit: 

"Beit  resolved  by  the  Henale  and  House  of  Ref resent- 
'  atives  of  the  Vnited  Stales  ofjhnerica  in  Congress  as- 
'  seiiMeil,  That  the  President  of  the  United  Slates 
'  forthwith  cause  notice  to  be  given  to  the  Govern- 
'  ment  of  Great  BriUiin,  that  the  convention  be- 
'  tween  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  con- 
'  cerning  the  territory  of  Oregon ,  of  the  6th  of  Au- 
'  gust,  1837,  signed  nt  London,  shall  be  annulled 
'  nnd  abrognletl,  twelve  months  after  the  expiration 
'  of  the  said  tenn  of  notice,  conformably  to  the 
'  second  article  of  the  said  convention  of  the  6th 
'  of  August,  1827. 

Mr.  Iv'OERsoLL  propos'i  s  to  amend  by  erasing 
all  after  the  word  "  shall,"  und  inserting  the  fol- 
lowing: 

"  Shall  be  annulled  and  abrogated  at  theexpira- 


*fl 


158 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GIX)BE. 


[Jan.  27, 


39rH  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


!Z7le  Oregon  ^uetHon—Mr.  W.  W.  Campbell. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


*  tion  of  the  term  of  twelve  months  A-om  and  oAer 
'laid  notice  ahell  be  given,  conibrmably  to  the 
<  lecond  article  .'  the  said  convention  of  the  6th  of 
'August,  182.." 

Mr.  W.  W.  CAMPBELL,  of  New  York,  ob- 
tained the  floor,  and  said — 

Mr.  Ciiai«mim:  I  approach  the  discussion  of 
this  subject  with  difTidcnue  and  under  a  deep  sense 
of  responsibility;  with  diffidence,  because  I  have 
no  experience  as  a  parliaiixentary  debater;  under  a 
sense  of  responsibility,  becaase  I  represent  on  this 
floor  probably  the  largest  district  in  the  Union — a 
district  numbering  over  ope  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  inhabitants — a  dintrict,  rich  in  this  world  s 
goods,  rich  in  intellectual  wealth,  and  engaged  in  a 
commerce  which  is  literally  vexing  every  sea  with 
its  keels,  and  whitening  every  ocean  with  its  can- 
vass. I  have  said  it  is  a  district  rich  in  this 
world's  goods.  Among  my  immediate  constitu- 
ents is  that  distinguished  man  who,  more  than  half 
a  century  ago,  came  a  poor  and  friendless  boy  to 
seek  a  home  in  this  western  world;  who,  by  great 
energy  and  industry,  attended  with  almAt  unpar- 
alleled success,  has  placed  himself,  as  far  as  wealth 
is  concerned,  among  the  princes  of  the  earth;  the 
man  who  planted  the  first  American  settlement 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Columbia — I  mean  John 
Jacob  Autur.  I  have  said  the  district  is  rich  in  in- 
tellectual wealth.  Among  the  numerous  men  of 
distinction,  of  learning,  of  fame,  is  thol  other  cele- 
brated man  who,  more  than  half  a  century  ago, 
came  to  make  his  abode  with  us,  and  who,  under 
our  fostering  laws  and  free  institutions,  rose  to 
c -eat  eminence  as  a  legislator  and  statesman,  who 
has  filled  many  posts  of  honor  and  trdst  with  great 
credit  to  himself  and  the  land  of  his  adoption,  and 
whose  name  is  intimately  connected  with  the  early 
negotiations  relative  to  the  Oregon  territory — 1 
mean  Albert  Gallatin.  Both  tliese  venerable  men 
ore  now  far  down  the  vale  of  life;  their  heads  are 
whitened  with  the  frosts  of  more  than  eighty  win- 
ters ;  and  they  have  retired  from  the  strifes  and 
turmoils  of  active  life;  but  they  are  looking  with, 
interest  upon  the  scenes  now  enacting  at  this  Capi- 
tol by  the  councils  of  the  nation. 

The  district,  as  well  as  the  whole  of  the  city  of 
New  York,  is  extensively  engaged  in  foreign  com- 
merce. We  have  heard  it  stated,  that  if  war  comes 
that  commerce  would  be  destroyed,  and  that  noble 
city,  the  commercial  emporium  of  the  continent, 
would  be  Iwsieged  by  hostile  fleets;  its  harbors 
and  rivers  filled  with  the  vessels  of  the  enemy;  that 
its  noble  warehouses  would  be  sacked ;  its  splen- 
did public  edifices  and  the  palaces  of  its  merchant 
princes  w^uld  be  given  to  tlie  fliuncs;  its  marts  of 
trade  and  its  pleasant  places,  would  be  laid  waste. 
It  may  be  so.  But  when  the  time  shall  come — and 
may  that  time  be  far  remote — when  we  shall  be  in- 
volved in  a  war,  I  can  assure  the  gentlemen  that 
the  city  and  the  Mau:  of  New  York  will  do  their 
duty  to  the  country.  I  know  it  is  the  habit  to  speak 
•lightly  of  commercial  interests  and  commercial 
men  when  questions  of  war  agitate  the  country.  It 
is  said  they  are  apt  rather  to  take  counsel  of  their 
fears — apprehensive,  not  so  much  that  the  honor 
of  the  country  may  suffer,  as  that  their  own  pecu- 
niary interests  may  be  endangered.  Do  those  who 
make  this  charge  consider  from  what  source  the 
revenues  of  the  country,  the  sinews  of  war,  are 
derived  i  Do  they  consider,  also,  that  commerce 
suffers,  not  only  iVom  war,  but  from  rumors  of 
war  .>  That,  like  the  sensitive  plant,  which  shrinks 
from  the  rude  wind,  commerce  withers  and  dies 
under  the  blasting-  influence  of  war,  and  trembles 
as  it  hears  the  roar  of  the  tempest  in  the  distance } 
It  is  natural  that  it  should  be  so.  It  is  the  first  in- 
terest generally  which  suffers.  A  maritime  war 
might  sweep  our  vessels  from  the  ocean,  might  lay 
waste  our  commercial  cities,  and  yet  the  business 
of  the  husbandman  would  go  on — hia  home  and  his 
land  would  remain  to  him.  It  is  therefore  to  be 
supposed  that  commercial  men  will  be  sensitive 
when  subjects  are  agitated  which  may  lead  to  a 
war  with  the  most  powernil  nation  of  the  world. 
I  repeat,  sir,  that  if  war  should  come,  the  city  of 
New  York  would  be  as  ready  as  any  portion  of  the 
Union  to  contribute  the  means  to  sustain  it  and  to 
carry  it  forward  to  a  successful  issue;  but  she  must 
be  convinced  that  it  is  a  necessary  war,  and  that 
it  was  resorted  to  only  after  all  efforts  for  an  honor- 
able compromise  of  tne  JiffictUtiea  were  exhsiutcd. 


At  a  suitable  time  I  intend  to  oflTer  a  series  of  res- 
olutions expressive  of  my  views  on  the  subject, 
for  the  consideration  of  the  House,  reciting  that, 
in  the  jud^ent  of  Congress,  the  time  has  arrived 
when  the  interest  of  the  people  whom  they  repre- 
sent requires  that  the  convention  for-the  joint  occu- 
pancy, with  England,  of  the  Oregon  territory  shall 
cease;  that  Congress  is  desirous  of  terminating  that 
convention  amicably,  and  without  disturbing  the 
peace  of  nations;  that  the  President  of  the  Uiiited 
Stales  be  authorized  to  give  the  requisite  notice, 
and  at  the  same  time  it  be  recommended  to  him  to 
renew  negotiations;  and  to  accept  tlie  proposition 
nt  the  forty-ninth  parallel  of  latitude  as  a  oasis  of 
settlement,  if  it  be  tendered  to  him.  In  my  judg- 
ment the  time  has  come  when  this  long  and  vexed 
question  ought  to  be  settled,  and  that  the  most  cer- 
tain and  speedy  settlement  will  be  attained  by  giv- 
ing the  notice,  qualified  if  possible,  but  at  all  events 
in  some  form. 

The  public  mind  has  been,  imd  is  now,  ^atly 
agitated  by  the  Oregon  question,  and  will  continue 
so  to  be,  and  to  a  greater  extent,  if  it  should  lonpfer 
remain  unsettled.  It  cannot  escape  the  attenuon 
of  the  most  casual  observer,  that  many  causes  ex- 
ist for  continuing  and  increasing  this  agitation,  if 
the  notice  should  not  be  given.  Look  at  the  Tex- 
an question,  and  its  combmation  with  party  move- 
ments. Objectionable -as  it  wos  in  some  or  its  fea- 
tures to  n  large  proportion  of  the  people,  especially 
at  the  North — ay,  a  large  proportion  of  those,  too, 
who  sustained  it — yet  the  political  prize  was  too 
valuable  to  be  rejected;  the  acquisition  of  so  large 
and  flertile  a  country  was  too  important.  The 
Texan  banner  was  unfurled  during  tlie  late  politi- 
cal canvass,  and  it  was  borne  on  in  triumph.  Let 
this  House  refVisc  to  give  the  notice — let  the  Ore- 
gon banner  lie  unfurled — let  the  fiat  go  forth — the 
watchwords  be  emblazoned  upon  that  banner  "the 
v>hok  of  Ortgon,  or  wmt,"  axM  then  the  result,  in 
my  opinion,  can  be  cosily  foreseen.  With  the 
strong  argument  in  favor  of  our  title  to  the  whole, 
with  the  prospect  of  adding  a  free  and  extensive 
territory,  important  for  our  future  commerce,  no 

Cower  could  resist  the  onward  marc)i.  Under  that 
anner,  a  great  political  victory  would  certainly  be 
won;  and  then  England  roust  abandon  her  claim, 
must  yield  the  whme  of  the  territory,  or  we  must 
fi^ht.  If  gentlemen  suppose  that  by  delay  in 
giving  the  notice,  we  shall  obtain  the  whole  of  Ore- 
gon without  a  contest,  I  think  they  arc  certainly 
mistaken.  They  can  get  it,  if  the  present  time  fbr 
action  is  neglected,  only  by  a  successfVil  termina- 
tion of  a  contest — successful  either  in  the  negotia- 
tions of  terms  of  peace,  or  by  driving  England  by 
force  from  her  occupation  of  the  country.  If  we 
could  roll  back  the  tide  of  events,  if  we  could  blot 
nut  all  that  has  transpired  in  the  last  few  years  rela- 
tive to  both  Texas  and  Oregon,  then  indeed  delay 
irt  giving  a  notice  might  be  wisdom  and  prudence. 
If  we  could  wave  a  magic  wand  over  the  land,  and 
at  once  hush  to  silence  and  renose  all  the  elements 
of  party  strife,  and  remove  ■■  "le  temptations  of 
successful  party  triumph;  luiu  if  England  would 
remain  quiet,  and  allow  large  bodies  of  American 
emigrants  to  move  noiselessly  forward  to  the  settle- 
ment of  the  whole  country;  then,  indeed,  delay 
would  inevitably  bring  witn  it  the  wished-for  re- 
sult. But  this  cannot  be;  and  we  must  act  upon 
the  existing  state  of  things.  We  should  give 
this  notice,  because  the  title  of  Englniid  has  been 
strengthened  rather  than  weakened  by  post  delay. 
For  nearly  thirty  years  we  have  been  negotiating 
with  her.  Twenty-four  years  ago  she  passed  a 
general  law  establishing  courts,  exercising  a  civil 
and  criminal  jurisdiction,  not  only  over  the  whole 
of  the  territory,  but  also  over  nil  the  inhabitants, 
whether  subjectaof  Great  Britain  or  citizens  of  the 
United  Slates.  When  the  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany, in  1838,  asked  for  a  renewal  of  their  charter, 
they  alleged  that  they  were  setUing  the  country 
for  England.  Suppose,  now,  wc  submit  this  ques- 
tion to  arbitration.  England  might  well  say  that 
she  had,  for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century,  exer- 
cised exclusive  civd  and  criminal  jurisdiction  over 
the  whole  country,  and  over  all  the  inhabitants; 
that  the  act  passed  by  Parliument  was  a  public 
one,  known  to  all;  that  it  was  also  known  that  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company  was  settling  the  country; 
and  yet  the  United  States  had  acquiesced  in  all 
these  movements;  she  had  neither  given  the  notice 
to  terminate  the  convention,  nor  bad  she  remon- 


strated against  tht  exercise  of  jurisdiction  over  the 
American  citizens  who  had  settled  in  Oregon;  and 
it  might  be  argued  befbre  a  commission  or  arbitra- 
tion that  such  an  acquiescence,  for  so  long  a  time, 
should  be  taken  as  an  admission  of  the  superior 
title  of  England  to  a  greater  part,  if  not  to  the  whole, 
of  the  territory. 

Again:  There  is  another  reason  for  giving  this 
notice  now,  which  is  bajed  on  the  character  of  the 
recent  news  from  England.  The  gentleman  from 
Virginia  who  preceded  me,  [Mr.  Bavlt,]  said  we 
should  delay  and  give  time  Ixir  settlement,  that  we 
might  "agree  with  our  odvereary."  Now,  Iwould 
add,  "agree  with  thine  adversary  fuiclbfj/,  while 
thou  art  in  the  way  with  him."  I  have  read  care- 
fully the  articles  which  have  recently  appeared  in 
the  English  papers  on  this  subject,  and  they  show 
to  my  inlnd  conclusively  that  ^reat  efforts  are  ma- 
king to  prepiu-e  the  public  mind  thc-e  for  a  com- 
promise, according  to  the  terms  which  our  Gov- 
ernmenl  recently  offated.  The  Times,  which  is 
tlie  most  influenlial  journal  in  England, and  which 
is  considered  the  organ  of  Lord  Aberdeen,  the  Sec- 
retary for  Foreign  Affairs,  has  been  employed  with 
its  usual  ability  in  |;radually  removing  the  preju- 
dices from  the  English  mind  against  the  csiaulish- 
mcnt  of  the  49lh  parallel  as  a  boundary.  Thff 
London  Morning  Chronicle,  said  to  be  the  organ 
of  Lord  Palmerston,  is  also  moderate  in  its  tone, 
and  engaged  in  the  good  work  of  promoting  a  right 
feeling  on  the  question.  So  are  many  of  the  pro- 
vincial papers.  Therefore  I  would  say,  in  view 
of  the  manifest  interest  of  both  nations,  that  now 
is  the  time  to  press  the  settlement;  and  if  the  no- 
tice shall  be  given,  with  a  recommendation  for  a 
compromise,  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  a  satis- 
factory disposition  of  the  whole  matter  will  be  made. 
The  interest  and  wishes  of  both  nations  will  be 
promoted.  Though  we  are  two  nations,  wo  are  of 
the  same  family,  spfaking  the  same  language,  and 
partaking  in  a  considerable  degree  of  the  same  des- 
tiny, as  tta  as  it  is  our  destiny  to  civilize  affd  Chris- 
tianize the  world.  England  and  America  at  this 
time  are  doing  more  to  advance  the  great  causes  of 
civilization  and  Christianity  than  all  other  nations 
together.  Let  us  agree  with  her  quickly,  while  wo 
are  in  the  way  with  her — give  and  receive  fair 
terms  of  compromise.  This  we  can  do,  and  Eng- 
land can  do,  without  dishonor  or  the  abandonment 
of  principle.  When  a  nation  is  conscious  of  its 
power,  it  can  always  afford  to  act  in  a  spirit  of 
magnanimity.  Thus  can  England  do,  and  thus 
can  we  do. 

It  has  been  argued  that  our  acquisition  of  the 
Spanish  title  did  not  strengthen  our  claim  to  Ore- 
gon. It  seems  to  me  that  no  lawyer  or  historian, 
in  the  exercise  of  an  independent  judgment,  could 
come  to  such  a  conclusion.  I  revert  to  the  Spanish 
title  with  feelinfs  of  deep  interest.  It  is  connected 
with  the  wild  and  romantic  scenes  of  the  early  dis- 
covery of  this  continent.  When  old  Juan  Ponce 
de  Leon  was  Governor  of  Porto  Rico,  and  musing 
over  the  hot  contests  in  which  he  had  been  engaged 
upon  the  plains  of  Grenada,  and  amid  the  rugged 

f>asses  of  the  Spanish  highlands — while  he  was 
istening  to  the  Indian  tales  of  that  spring  of  magic 
waters  far  away  to  the  north  and  west,  in  which 
he  might  bathe  his  scarred  and  battered  limbs,  and 
come  forth  restored  to  all  the  freshness  and  elasti- 
city of  youth — while  he  was  coasting  along  the 
shores  of  Florida,  adding  by  right  of  discovery 
that  land  of  flowers  as  another  jewel  to  the  Span- 
ish crown,  receiving  however  a  wound  from  the 
poisoned  arrow  of  an  Indian,  which  coused  his 
death  instead  of  finding ^here  the  waters  of  life; 
while  these  tilings  were  transpiring,  other  Spanish 
adventurers  were  crossing  the  continent,  discover- 
ing new  lands,  and  looking  nut  for  the  first  time 
upon  the  waters  of  the  Pacific  as  tJiey  broke  upon 
the  shore;  other  odventurers  were  building  vessels 
and  coasting  along  the  shores  of  Mexico,  of  Cali- 
fornia, and  afterwards  of  Oregon,  planting  there 
the  standard  of  Spain,  and  claiming  it  in  the  name 
of  their  monarch  long  years  before  the  bays  and 
harbors  of  Oregon  sent  back  the  echoes  of  the  Eng- 
lish sailor's  "yo,  heave  yo."  When  we  purchas''d 
Florida  from  Spain,  we  purchased  also  all  the  ter- 
ritory on  the  Pacific  belonging  to  her  north  of  the 
43d  parallel.  We  obtained  tlie  Spanish  title,  not  by 
conquest,  nq(  by  violence,  not  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet;  we  wrested  it  not  from  Spain  under 
thre«ti  of  foroe,but  we  obtained  it  by  peaceful  ne- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


159 


'29rH  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


T/»e  Oregon  Question — Mr.  James  Thompion. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


isdiclion  over  tlie 
J  in  Oregon;  and 
lission  or  arbitra- 
>r  so  long  a  time, 
I  of  the  superior 
'not  to  the  whole, 

in  for  giving  thia 
B  character  of  the 
:  gentleman  from 
ISaylt,]  said  we 
ttlcment,  that  we 
"  Now,  I  would 
y  quickly,  while 
l  have  read  care- 
ntly  appeared  in 
,  and  they  show 
It  clTorls  are  ma- 
the'.-e  for  a  com- 
whicTi  our  Qov- 
rimee,  which  is 
;land,and  which 
)erdeen,  the  Sec- 
n  employed  with 
ovii-ig  the  preju- 
ist  the  csiaulish- 
Imundary.  Th» 
to  be  the  organ 
;rate  in  its  tone, 
iromotingaright 
lany  of  the  pro- 
ild  say,  in  view 
ations,  that  now 
i  and  if  the  no- 
imendation  for  a 
]ted  that  a  satis- 
:ter  will  be  made, 
nations  will  be 
itions,  we  are  of 
le  Innguoge,  and 
of  the  same  des- 
vilize  alTd  Chris- 
America  at  this 
c  great  causes  of 
ill  other  nations 
lickly,  while  we 
md  receive  fair 
in  do,  and  Eng- 
le  abandonment 
conscious  of  its 
ct  in  a  spirit  of 
d  do,  and  thus 

iquisition  of  the 
jr  claim  to  Ore- 
er  or  historian, 
udgment,  could 
t  to  the  Spanish 

It  is  connected 
of  the  early  dia- 
)ld  Juan  Ponce 
CO,  and  musing 
id  been  engaged 
mid  the  rugged 

while  he  was 
spring  of  magic 

west,  in  which 
ered  limbs,  and 
ness  nnd  elasti- 
iiing  along  the 
It  of  discovery 
el  to  the  Span- 
ound  from  the 
icli  caused  his 

waters  of  life; 
,  other  Spanish 

iiciit,  discovcr- 
r  the  first  time 
icy  broke  upon 
luilding  vessels 

exico,  of  Cali- 

planting  there 

it  ill  the  name 

:  the  bays  and 
oes  of  the  Eng- 

we  purchased 
also  all  the  ter- 

er  north  of  the 
ish  title,  not  by 
IB  point  of  the 
Spain  under 
jy  peaceful  ne- 


gotiation, nnd  on  the  payment  of  a  full  and  ade- 
quate consideration. 

If  Spain  did  not  perfect  her  tide  by  full  and  com- 
plete occupation,  as  she  did  in  most  of  her  other 
colonial  possessions  on  this  continent,  yet  she 
always  insisted  upon  her  rights  to  the  country  aa 
the  first  discoverer,  ani  she  watched  over  the  whole 
Pacific  coast  with  a  resdess  and  jealous  eye.  Her 
title,  if  not  under  the  law  of  nations  exclusive, 
was  far  better  than  that  of  any  other  nation/  The 
country,  if  net  settled  entire,  was  early  occupied 
in  part  by  her  citizens.  The  convention  of  1790 
with  England,  recognised  her  fights,  and  by  that 
convention  the  sovereignty  over  the  territory 
was  to  remain  m  abeyance.  The  discoveries 
which  England  made  between  1790  and  1796, 
when  the  convention  was  terminated  by  a  war  be- 
tween Spain  and  England,  could  not  enure  to  the 
sole  benefit  of  England;  to  that  convention  the 
United  Slates  were  not  a  party.  The  discovery 
by  Gray  of  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia,  in  1792 ; 
the  subsequent  exploration  of  the  sources  of  the 
Columbia,  and  the  vast  valley  which  it  draina,  by 
Lewis  ami  Clarke,  and  the  settlement  by  Mr.  As- 
tor  near  the  mouth  of  the  river,  were  made  under 
no  treaty  or  convention  which  should  give  the 
benefit  of  such  discoveries  and  explorations  to  an 
adverse  party.  They  were  for  tha  benefit  of  the 
United  States  alone.  If  you  add  to  these  the 
Spanish  title,  founded  on  discovery  and  partial 
settlement,  and  which  was  fttirly  purchased,  the 
claim  of  the  United  States  to  the  Oregon  territory, 
if  it  cannot  be  considered  exclusive,  seems  to  me  to 
bo  far  better  than  that  of  England. 

Still,  I  think  it  Annot  be  afirgied,  with  certain- 
•  ',  that  England  has  no  rights.  In  this  opinion  I 
concur  with  the  gentleman  from  Virginia,  [Mr. 
Batlt,]  who  has  just  taken  his  seat.  If  our  claim 
be  the  best,  it  does  not  follow  that  England  has  no 
rights.  It  does  not  follow,  either  in  justice  or 
equity,  that  she  has  no  rights,  though  our  claim 
may  oe  paramount  to  hers.  Admitting  that  the 
rights  acquired  by  England  from  Spain  in  1790 
had  been  abrogated  by  the  subsequent  war  in  1796, 
and  that  the  discoveries  made  uetween  the  two 
periods  did  not  enure  to  the  benefit  of  England; 
admitting  that  the  treaty  of  1816  revived  only  the 
commercial  treaties  relating  to  the  direct  trade  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  Spun,  and  not  the  trade 
with  the  Spanish  colonies,  which  is  undeistood 
to  be  the  construction  which  the  English  ministry 
recently  put  upon  the  treaty  of  1816,  still,  it  does 
not  follow  that  England  has  no  rights.  Such  con- 
troversies are  not  to  be  decided  by  the  strict  rules 
of  law  which  might  govern  in  on  action  of  eject- 
ment between  two  individuals,  where  the  title  to  a 
tract  of  land  is  involved;  far  higher  and  more  libe- 
ral views  should  be  taken,  ana  far  diflferent  rules 
must  regulate  the  actions  and  decisions  of  powerful 
nations. 

Nations,  in  their  intercourA  with  'jach  other, 
must  be  juil  if  they  are  «ot  gtmroxis.  'f  the  argu- 
ment be  sound,  that  we  are  destined,  in  the  ordi- 
nnry  course  of  things,  to  occupy  all  of  North 
America,  how  long  would  it  be,  after  we  have 
planted  the  American  flag,  and  established  Ameri- 
can institutions  along  the  line  of  the  49th  parallel, 
before  the  residue  of  the  territory  would  be  given 
to  us  by  that  same  inevitable  destiny  ?  When  it 
shall  be  ripe  for  the  harvest,  the  sicxle  of  Ameri- 
can institutions  can  gather  it  in.  As  I  have  said, 
the  time  has  come  for  giving  the  notice;  and  it 
Neems  to  me  thi<t  it  willbe  a  measure  of  pejce, 
especially  if  accompanied  by  the  suggestion  that 
we  are  still  willing  to  negotiate  for  that  boundary. 

My  fViend  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Levin]  has 
said,  that  this  is  an  American  questlo.-i — a  Native 
American  question — and  to  some  extent  it  may  be 
so.  It  may  be  well,  while  we  are  debating  the 
question  of  our  destiny— of  the  integrity  of  our 
5:oil — to  consider,  also,  whether  we  ought  not  so  to 
legislate,  as  to  render  the  character  and  views  of 
our  people  more  homogeneous — to  do  all  that  we 
can  to  Americanize  them.  I  confess  that  I  heard 
with  regret  the  avowal  upon  this  floor,  that  per- 
sons of  a  foreign  birth  ought  to  be  preferred  to 
those  born  upon  the  soil.  /  f  cannot  concur  in  such 
a  sentiment.  I  value  too  highly  my  American 
birthright  to  barter  it  for  political  preferment;  i 
would  not  sell  it  for  a  mess  of  pottage.  When  the 
great  apostle  to  the  Gentiles  learned /rom  the  Ro- 
man centurion,  that  with  a  great  price  he  had  pur- 


cliased  his  freedom  as  a  Roman  citizen,  the  reply 
of  the  auoatle  woa,  "  but  1  was  born  free."  He 
apoke  or  himself— not  as  a  soldier  of  the  crosa,  not 
as  a  fVeeman  whom  the  truth  had  made  free — but 
he  apoke  of  himself  as  a  free-born  citizen  of  that 
great  empire  which  had  spread  itself  over  ao  great 
a  part  of  the  tlien  known.world;  which  had  planted 
its  eagle  banner  alike  upon  the  banks  of  the  £u- 
phrotea,  the  Danube,  and  the  Rhine — at  the  cata- 
racta  of  the  Nile,  and  along  the  shores  of  the  west- 
cm  ocean;  and  in  view  of  this  great  empire,  with 
all  her  power  and  temporal  glory,  he  who  said  he 
would  not  boast,  save  in  tlie  cross  of  hia  Redeemer, 
yet  gave  utterance  to  the  expression,  "but  I  waa 
free  00 rn." 

We  have  heard,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  the  course  of 
this  debate,  much  of  the  extent  and  power  of  our 
own  fair  land,  and  my  own  blood  inrms  in  the 
contemplation.  It  is  a  noble  land.  The  waves  of 
the  stormy  Atlantic  beat  on  the  one  side,  and  the 
billows  of  the  Pacific  sing  their  lullaby  on  the 
other;  the  rays  of  the  morning  sun  aparkle  and 
play  on  the  crystal  ice  of  our  northern  lakes,  and 
when  the  same  sun  goes  down,  the  cotton  tr(>eand 
the  magnolia  cast  their  lung  lines  of  shade  over  the 
dark  and  turbid  waters  of  the  Mississippi;  and 
over  all  this  land  the  eagle  standard  of  our  Union 
floata,  or  will  float,  when  this  Oregon  question  shall 
be  settled.  I  would  that  throughout  its  length  and 
breadth  one  universal  shout  might  go  up — "  but  I 
was  free  born."  I  speak  nol  so  much  in  reference 
to  existing  institutions,  recognised  by  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  country;  over  tliat  institution  which 
shadows  a  part  of  our  land,  we  have  no  power, 
save  that  of  moral  suasion.  But  I  would  that  those 
who  regulate  the  legislation  of  the  country  might 
feel  the  importance  of  those  who  exercise  the  elect- 
ive franchise — who  make  and  unmake  rulers  and 
legislators — being,  if  not  freeborn,  ot  least  by  study 
and  long  experience  after  their  emancipation  from 
foreign  despotic  powers,  well  qualified  for  the  dis- 
charge of  the  high  and  responsible  duties  of  an 
American  citizen,  that  they  should  be  permanently 
identified  with  the  country  and  its  institutions. 

I  recollect,  many  years  ago,  listening  to  the  re- 
cital of  an  eloquent  Indian  chief,  who  cume  here  to 
the  capital  of  the  nation  to  ask  protection  for  him- 
self and  for  his  people.  I  knew  the  history  of  his 
own  and  his  people's  wrongs.  He  spoke  of  the 
efforts  which  he  had  made  to  obtain  redress,  though 
in  vain;  and,  in  his  own  beautiful  and  expressive 
language,  he  added,  "  I  knocked,  and  knocked, 
anuknocked,  at  the  door  of  the  President's  man- 
sion, and  asked  for  protection,  but  my  voice  was 
borne  away  down  Pennsylvania  avenue  and  toat." 

Sir,  I  could  not  but  think  of  this  appeal  of  the 
Indian  chief,  when,  a  few  weeks  niiice,  the  ffew 
representatives  sent  here  by  the  Native  American 
party,  asked  of  this  House  the  privilege  of  being 
heard,  through  a  select  committee,  on  the  subject 
which  they  have  so  deeply  at  heart.  Their  appeal 
to  the  magnanimity  of  this  House  was  disregard- 
ed, and  their  voices  were  borne  away  and  lost.  I 
hope,  on  another  occasion,  to  bring  my  views  on 
this  subject  before  thi^House,  and  to  show  that 
we  are  no  enemies  to  our  foreign  population  as 
such;  that  we  would  takeaway  none  of  the  rights 
that  they  now  enjoy  as  naturalized  citizens;  that 
all  legislation  on  the  subject  should  have  reference 
solely  to  tliose  who  shall  hereafter  come  to  the 
country;  and  that  there  is  a  well-founded  belief 
that  these  measures  would  tend,  in  the  end,  to  the 

Fermanent  well-being  of  the  immigrant  himself, 
have  spoken,  in  the  commencement  of  these  re- 
marks, of  two  distinguished  foreigners,  and  I  could 
add  a  long  list  of  men  who  have  shed  honor  on 
this  the  land  of  their  adoption.  No  man  will  more 
freely  accord  to  them  the  meed  of  praise  than  my- 
self. I  would  that  all  our  immigrant  population 
brought  with  them,  or  should  afterwards  acquire, 
such  sterling  principles,  and  such  knowledge  of 
tlie  laws  an^  institutions  of  tlie  country  of  which 
they  become  citizens. 

Pardon,  sir,  this  lung  digression.  On  this  occa- 
sion, and  on  the  great  question  before  the  House, 
I  belong  to  no  party  but  that  of  the  country.  I 
rejoice  that  no  pixrty  lines  are  drawn,  and  all  feel 
tucinselves  free  to  act  as  they  may  deem  the  best 
interests  of  the  country  require.  With  many  oth- 
ers, I  believe  that  the  proposed  notice  will  bring  a 
settlement,  and  all  the  attendant  train  of  peace. 
Sincerely  do  1  believe  ao,  if  the  tone  of  the  notice 


ahall  be  conciliatory,  and  such  aa  becomea  a  jgreat 
people,  conscious  of  their  power,  and  of  their  po- 
sition among  the  leading  nations  of  the  earth,  I 
wish  to  see  all  causes  for  Aiture  ruptures  ended, 
that  we  may  hear  no  more,  if  possible,  of  wars 
and  rumors  of  wars.  But  if,  afier  we  have  done 
all  that  we  can  to  secure  a  peaceable  termination  of 
pending  difliculties,  war  shall  come,  then  the  na- 
tion wUl  be  united,  I  trust,  aa  one  man,  feeling 
thu:  we  are  right  in  the  approbation  of  our  own  con- 
sciencts;  right  in  the  intelligent  judgment  of  man- 
kind; a  id  right,  if  war  is  ever  right,  in  the  eye  of 
Him  WHO  regulates  the  destinies  of  nations,  and 
controla  the  afTaira  of  the  individual  man. 


OREGON  aUESTION. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  JAS.  THOMPSON, 

OP    PENNSYLVANIA, 
In  the  House  or  Refresbntativm, 

January  38,  1846. 

On  the  Resolution  authorizing  the  President  to 

give  the  notice  for  the  termination  of  the  joint 

occupancy  of  the  Oregon  territory. 
The  House  being  in  Committee  of  Uie  Whole  on 

the  state  of  the  Union — 

Mr.  THOMPSON  addressed  the  committee  as 
follows: 

Mr.  Chairman:  I  have  desired  an  opportunity 
to  occupy  the  attention  of  tlie  committee  for  a  short 
time  on  this  great  question.  I  have  the  honor,  sir, 
ih  port  to  represent  an  old  Commonwealth,  occu- 
pying an  important  position  in  the  republic,  and 
feeling  a  deep  concern  in  oil  that  may  be  pre- 
sumed to  materially  aflect  the  general  interests.  I 
shall  neither  speak  loud  nor  long  on  this 'subject ; 
and,  in  setting  out,  I  may  be  permitted  to  say 
that  I  entertain  views  very  widely  differing  from 
many — nay,  most  of  the  igentlemon  who  have 
spoken  on  this  question.  We  have  been  told  by 
very  many  of  them  that  this  notice  passing,  wor 
was  to  ensue — actual  and  inevitable  war  with  Eng- 
land. Now,  sir,  let  us  think  of  thot,  and  look  at 
the  signs  a  tittle.  A  month  ago,  I  entertained  the 
opinion,  and  expressed  it  repeatedly,  that  there 
would  be  no  war  if  the  notice  were  given.  All 
through  the  debate,  gentlemen  on  both  sides  of  the 
question  spoke  of  war — on  the  one  side,  admitted 
that  it  might  come;  and  on  the  other,  tbat  it  waa 
inevitable.  Why,  sir,  where  do  you  see  any 
signs  of  wor  ?  Il-ook  out  all  over  the  face  of  ro- 
ture  and  society,  ond  there  is  no  war  there.  The 
President  says  nothing  of  the  knell.  The  Senate, 
yes,  sir,  they  will  preclude  the  supposed  possibil- 
ity— it  is  only  a  prediction — of  a  war,  or  chance 
of  wor,  by  voting  down  this  notice.  The  press 
throughout  our  country  is  everywhere  peaceful. 
So  it  IS  in  England.  Sir  Robert  Peel  did  remark, 
some  time  ago,  that  "they" — the  English — "had 
rights  (in  Oregon)  which,  if  violated,  they  would 
be  ready  to  maintain."  And  who  doubts  that? 
Nobody  proposes  to  invade  any  of  their  rights 
umfcr  the  trcoty;  and  Sir  Robert  Peel  could  cer- 
tainly have  meant  no  other  rights  while  the  treaty 
remains  in  full  force.  Is  there  wai-  in  this?  The 
Q,ueen  has  said  nothing  about  war,  the  British  cob- 
inet  nothing;  and,  sir,  we  hove,  by  the  late  arri- 
vals, the  views  of  the  press  there,  since  the  re- 
ceipt of  the  President's  Message.  Their  com- 
ments on  thot  document  afe  perfectly  pacific.  The 
recommendations  of  the  President  to  give  this  no- 
tice, to  erect  stockades  on  the  rood  to  Oregon,  to 
raise  the  riflemen,  to  establish  an  Indian  agency, 
to  extend  our  laws  over  the  territory,  to  send  our 
mails  there — all,  all  this  is  spoken  of,  and  the  par- 
agraph usually  ends  in  a  little  bit  of  a  complimenl, 
that  Mr.  Polk  is  a  very  clever  writer.  Why,  sir, 
there  is  no  wor  in  this;  the  whole  poetry  .of  the 
thing  is  destroyed  by  this  arrival.  (A  laugh.) 
Somebody  there  proposes  to  trade  off  Oregon  for 
the  tariff.  Sir,  I  will  stand  no  trade  of  that  kind, 
rest  assured  of  it.  No,  no,  sir.  A  friend  of  mine 
from  Illinois  has  exhibited  some  anxiety  to  know 
my  course  on  this  subject.  I  hove  arrived  at  the 
right  point  to  tell  him  now;  [here  Mr.  T.  looked 
round  for  him,  and  remarked  that  he  .did  not  see 
him;]  but  I  will  tell  him  I  go  for  Iht  whcU  of  Oregon. 
and  the  tariff  too!  The  whole  of  Oregon.  (Ap- 
plause.)    I  am,  therefore,  opposed  to  the  trade. 


-:(■ 


160 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jbn.  88, 


29Tn  CoNfl IsT  Sess. 


3Tle  Oregon  Question'— Mr.^  Jamet  T%ompiion. 


Ho.  or  Rr.ps. 


i' 


But,  lir,  there  ia  nothing  like  war  in  thli  propo- 
■ilion  in  my  judgment.  (A  laui^h.)  Let  ua  lee 
(brther.  It  la  aoid  the  English  nre  renniring  their 
fortiflcationa,  mountini;  cann'nn  on  the  mrtificationa 
•t  ShcB.'-nc8a,  Pembroke,  PorUmouth,  Jeney,  and 
the  Cane  of  Oood  Hope.  Why,  air,  do  you  aui)- 
pose  the  old  Rentlemnn  (Johnny  Bull)  la  really 
afiraid  the  Ynnkeei  will  come  owr  the  water  and 
take  these  plocea  from  him )  Soberly  and  serious- 
ly, does  any  gentleman  suppose  it  is  on  nccnnnt 
of  ua  he  ia  arming  these  places  ?  Why,  sir,  there 
ia  neace  everywhere— everywhere  bvtfitrt.  in  tliis 
little  aroh  cjrcumftrence — this  hall.  Excuse  me, 
sir,  when  I  have  sometimes  thought  of  the  story 
of  the  "  tempest  in  a  tenpot." 
Why,  sir,  Gneland,  conscious  of  her  position 

,4ind  of  her  title,  nas  never  exhibited  as  much  »en- 
aitivcncu  in  relalion  to  tiiis  subject  as  gentlemen 
aeeiii  vj  !>ippoae.  I  have  exhibited  a  little  of  the 
spirit  of  the  press  in  relation  to  the  recommenda- 
tions of  our  Executive.  No  alarm  hns  followed 
it  in  England.  But  we  have  gone  further  on  ^lis 
subjeci.  The  venerab's  gcntlenuin  from  Massa- 
chusetts, [Mr  A.JAM»,]  whilt  President  of  the 
Uniteii  Giales,  in  1826,  retomm.'nded,  I  bclie-.e, 
the  erection  of  a  fort  ot  the  moutl\  of  the  Columbia 
river,  on  Cape  Disappointment.  He  will  correct 
me  if  I  err.  Thia  ia  on  the  north  .<ide  <•.;  |t.  Ac- 
tual fortification,  commanding  a  most  important 
position,  was  recommended  by  him.  Mr.  Mon- 
roe had  mnde  a.  similar  rectmmendation.  The 
English  made  no  objection,  and  no  thrcata  of  war 
on  that  account,  and  do  not  seem  to  do  so  now, 
under  present  recommendations.  Enelnnd  seems 
to  have  borrowed  her  faith  in  her  tijle  (Vom  us. 
From  this  Hnll  valuable  le.<Mons  may  be  learned 
on  that  side  of  the  question,  and  if  she  docs  bluster 
much  about  it,  she  will  be  much  encouraged  in  do- 
ing so  on  account  of  occurrences  here.  But  that 
ia  not  the  point  just  now ;  the  argument  is,  that  if 
we  give  the  notice  we  shall  have  war. 

Wan  that  the  understanding  by  the  parties  when 
the  treaties  of  1818  and  1827  for  joint  occupancy, 
as  some  call  it,  was  entered  into.'  Did  the  Presi- 
dent, the  Senate,  the  King,  and  the  House  of 
Lords,  ao  understand  it?  Did  they  understand 
that  a  treaty  of  peace,  which  provided  for  the  com- 
mencement of  a  war,  had  been  entered  into,  which 
agreed  that  the  convention  should  be  terminated  on 
a  notice  of  twelve  months  by  either  party  to  the 
other,  whicjj  notice  should  be  equivalent  to  a  dec- 
laration of  war.'  Why,  sir,  this  would  have  been 
something  of  a  novelty.  If  it  be  so,  tltat  the  giv- 
ing of  notice  to  end  the  joint  occupancy  shall  be 
equivalent  to  a  declaration  of  war,  I  beg  to  say  it  i 
places  the  parties  in  a  dilemma,  tnily.  Without  ' 
apeaking  of  rights,  it  v/ould  be  this:  If  the  occu- 
pancy continued,  the  party  having  the  right  might 

■  lose  it  by  the  growth  and  encroachment  of  the 
other;  and  if  the  power  getting  worsted  by  the  op- 
eration ahould  give  the  notice  to  quit,  he  must  be 
prepared  to  fight  it  out.  This  would  be  changing 
the  question  of  title  as  to  the  contingencies  oi  the 
result  of  a  war  aboni  it.  I  think  I  give  but  a  fair 
analysis  of  the  argument  that  makes  the  notice 
equivalent  to  war.  Why,  sir,  the  notice  is  not  a 
war  measure;  the  press  in  England  don't  at  all 
speak  of  it  as  such;  and  I  will  take  leave  to  venture 
my  belief  that,  in  the  estimation  of  any  intelligent 
power  on  earth,  war,  as  the  result  of  tliis  notice, 
would  be  considered  as  a  violation  of  the  spirit  and 
intent  of  that  treaty.  What  would  be  the  effect  of 
the  notice.''  Simply,  sir,  to  remit  the  parties  to 
their  ori»nal  rights.  What  would  be  our  posi- 
tion? The  Secretary  of  State,  [Mr.  Buchanan,] 
in  his  powerful  and  conclusive  argument  on  the 
B'lhject  in  the  late  negotiation  with  the  English 
Minister,  has  shown  clearly  that  England,  at  the 
treaty  of  1818,  by  her  ministers,  recognised  the 
United  States  as  tne  party  in  possession  of  the  ter- 
ritory"for  all  objects  of  negotiation  between  the 
Govemmenls.  This  being  so,  sir,  if  we  give  the 
notion,  England  must  move  first;  we  are  in  posses- 
aion,  and  she  not.  Would  she  be  justified  in  fight- 
ing on  right?  No,  sir;  she  must  make  such  offers 
as  would  put  her  in  the  right;  she  must  move;  and 
if  that  can  be  done,  we  shall,  I  trust,  never  be 
ready  to  fight  in  the  wrong.  An  arrangement 
would  soon  follow — a  final  settlement  would  ensue. 
Suppose,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  notice  given, 'and 
Great  Britain  should  take  it  into  her  head  to  go  to 
war:  her  manifesto  would  be  a  curiosity  I  rather 


think.  We  will  suppose,  of  course,  that  it  would 
contain  a  true  statement  of  her  title — iHto  right  she 
was  remitted  to  by  reason  o^the  treaty  being  end- 
ed. She  would  liegin  by  stating  that  one  John 
Meares,  a  lieutenant  of  the  royal  navy,  at  (he  time 
in  the  service  of  the  East  India  Company,  and  sail- 
ing in  a  Portuguese  vessel,,  landed  at  Noolka  in 
1788;  while  there,  made  some  trades  with  the 
natives;  among  other  things,  procured  a  right  to 
build  there;  returned  the  iiext  season,  and  com- 
menced building  a  vessel.  The  viceroy  of  Mexico, 
conceiving  it  on  interference  with  the  territorial 
rights  of  Spain,  seized  and  confiscated  two  ships 
then  lying  m  the  sound — the  Argonout  and  Prin- 
cess Royal — whirJi  were  afVerworda  given  up;  re- 
quired him  to  leave  the  spot,  and  broke  up  his 
establishment.  He  proceeds  to  Enplond,  on  be- 
half of  those  interested  in  the  establishment  and 
property,  to  procure  from  that  Government  a  de- 
mand of  indemnity  {torn  Spain  for  the  seizure. 
Before  arriving  there,  however,  Spain  had  mnilc 
!  known  to  Great  Britain  her  intention  to  demand 
i  from  that  Government  punishment  <m  the  nggres- 
I  sor,  and  guamntics  ana  assurances  against  f\iture 
I  aggressions  by  the  subjects  of  tliat  Power  on  her 

Cossessions  on  the  North  Pacific.  Gentlemen  will 
car  in  mind — for  this  is  briefly  the  position  of  the 
Jiarties  up  to  that  time — that  Spain  cuiimed  redress 
or  a  territorial  interference ;  and,  on  the  arrival  of 
Meares,  England  made  a  demand  on  Spain  for  an 
injury  done  to  personal  property  of  one  of  her  sub- 
jecta.  These  were  the  issues,  territorial  and  per- 
sonal. The  negotiations  resulted  in  the  treaty 
si°;ned  st  the  Escurial  on  the  24lh  of  October,  179(). 
This  treaty  provided  fVir  the  restoration  of  the  londs 
and  buiklings  which  had  been  ucized.  In  point  of 
fhct,  I  believe  the  reocciipation  never  took  place. 
Tlic  two  following  articles  of  that  convention  I 
shall  read,  aa  showing  what  was  agreed  on: 

"Art.  3.  In  order  to  strengthen  Uie  bonds  of 
<  friendship,  and  to  preserve  in  future  perfect  har- 
'  mony  and  good  understanding  between  the  two 

•  contracting  partic.i,  it  is  agreed  that  their  respec- 
'  tive  subjects  shall  not  be  disturbed  or  restricted 
'  in  carrying  on  their  JMeritt  in  the  Pacific  ocean 
'  or  in  the  South  seas,  or  in  landing  on  the  coasts 

■  of  those  seas,  in  places  not  already  occupied,  for 
'  the  purpose  of  earn/ing  on  eotnmerce  letlA  Iht  na- 
'  tiva  of  the  country,  or  of  inaiting  settlements 
'  thtre;  the  whole  sunjeet,  nevertheless,  to  the  re- 

■  strictions  specified  in  the  three  following  articles: 
The  fitlh  article,  being  the  only  important  one 

on  this  subject,  I  will  give: 
"Art.  5.  As  well  in  the  places  which  are  to  be 

*  restored  to  the  British  subjects  by  virtue  of  the 
'  ftrel  article,  as  in  all  other  parts  of  the  nnrth- 

j  '  western  coast  of  North  America,  or  of  the  islands 

'  adjacent,  situate  to  the  north  of  the  parta  of  the 

I  '  said  coast  already  occupied  by  Spain,  vkirncr 

.\'the  $ub}eeU  of  either  of  the  two  Powers  shall  have 

'i  '  made  settlements  since  the  month  of  April,  1789, 

'  or  shall  hercapter  make  any,  the  subjects  of  the 

'  other  shall  have  free  access,  and  shall  carry  on 

'  their  trade  without  any  disturbance  or  molesUi- 

■  tion."  0 
The  above,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  the  title  conferred 

by  the  Nontka  Sound  convention,  so  much  relied 
on  by  England.  I  shall  not  stop  to  inquire  whether 
this  treaty  was  ofterwarda  destroyed  or  abrogated 
by  the  war  of  1796,  or  revived  in  1814.  Com- 
mercial treaties  are  eerloinly,  as  a  principle  of  in- 
ternational law,  abrogated  by  war.  Why?  Sim- 
ply because  it  depends  upon  future  arrangements 
wnether  the  parties  shall  ever  be  at  peace,  and  if 
never  at  peace,  the  treaties  are  at  an  end.  But  I 
will  not  further  argue  this  point.  Wliat  rights  do 
these  articles  quoted  give  to  England  ?  The  right 
of  soil,  or  the  right  of  commerce?  I  any  "git*" 
to  England;  for  can  any  gentleman  beueve  that 
England  conceived  herselfihe  owner  of  one  inch 
of  that  coast  by  prior  right,  and  entered  into  that 
treaty  on  the  terms  used  in  it  ?  Did  she  conceive 
that  she  was  acquiring  title,  exclusive  or  otherwise, 
to  any  of  it  ?  The  burden  of  the  stipulations  is 
for  carrying  on  the  fisheries,  and  for  trade  and 
I  commerce  wth  Uie  natives  of  the  country,  "  or  of 
making  settlements  there,"  the  whole  subject  to 
I  "  the  restrictions  in  the  following  articles,"  one  of 
I  which  stipulates  that  settlements  north  of  the  ter- 
j  ritory  occupied  by  Spain,  made  by  tlie  subjects  of 
I  either,  after  1789,  the  subjects  of  the  other  should 
have  fVee  access  to,  and  right  to  "carry  on  trade" 


with  them.  If  subjects  of  Spain  settled  north  of 
the  territory  occupied  by  Spain,  that  was  all  right| 
if  Englishmen  settled,  that  was  all  right;  neither 
was  to  he  hindered  by  the  other;  this  right  was  to 
result  flrom  the  treaty;  Englishmen  were  to  settle 
under  the  tretity;  and  the  privilege  of  trade,  as 
well  as  protection,  was  the  consequence.  But 
suppose  the  treaty  ended  by  war,  or  otherwise, 
what  would  be  the  effect?  Could  Englishmen 
settle  there  then?  If  so,  by  what  right?  Not 
under  the  treaty;  for  that  did  not  exist.  Had  they 
any  other  title  ?  Sir,  Spain  had  acquired  title  more 
than  two  centuries  before  by  discovery,  as  far 
north  as  the  northern  boundary  of  Oregon.  This 
England  knew.  It  was  notorious.  Do  gentlemen 
think  she  would  have  stipulated  fur  a  right  to  fish 
and  settia  there  if  she  did  not  know  this  ?  If  she 
hnd  no  title  there  anterior  to  this  Nootka  Sound 
title,  what  would  be  the  result,  then,  with  her,  if 
that  corvention  were  terminated  ?  She  would  be 
remitted  to  her  original  title;  if  that  did  not  exist, 
she  ^nld  be  without  a  claim  or  pretence  of  right. 
Here,  sir,  I  nm  about  to  slate  o  principle,  and  I 
call  the  attention  of  my  learned  colleague,  the 
chairman  on  Foreign  AITairs,  [Mr.  C.  J.  Inoer- 
•OLL,]  to  it.  It  is  this:  if  two  nations  agree  mu- 
tually to  occupy  a  territory  for  any  leneth  of  lime 
together,  or  lor  on  indefinite  period,  the  right  of 
neither  by  the  occupancy  so  agreed  for  acquires  or 
gains  Strength  as  against  the  other  during  the  lime 
the  agreement  lasts.  Is  thia  not  so?  ["Yes,  yes," 
from  several.]  It  ia  so.  If  not  so,  an  agreement 
for  reciprocal  navigation  of  a  river  would  ripen 
into  a  title,  no  mat^r  whether  ]|itbin  tlie  exclusive 
jurisdiction  ofbutortl  power  or  not.  A  nation  might 
demand  the  perpetual  opening  of  a  port,  because 
by  treaty  it  had  been  open  for  a  definite  period. 
We  might  have  a  title  to  the  Newlbundland  fish- 
eries if  this  were  so:  But  it  is  not  so.  Suppose, 
then,  wo  look  at  the  title  so  situated  under  these 
circumstances.  The  subjects  of  Great  Britain  en- 
tered into  the  territory  under  the  Nootka  Sound 
convention;  and  suppose  that  continued  in  force 
until  England  entered  into  the  apnvention  of  1818 
with  us,  which  is  only  admitted  for  argument  so 
to  be.  The  a^^reement  with  us  ended  the  agree- 
ment with  Spain.  Suppose  we  should  now  ter- 
minate the  aCTeement  entered  into  with  us  ?  Eng- 
land would  he  remitted  to  her  rights  anterior  to 
her  (f^ement  with  us.  Whaf  would  they  be  ? 
Why,  an  agreement  with  Spain.  Suppose  that 
agreement  is  terminated  by  the  entering  into  the 
convention  with  us,  by  the  wor  with  Spain,  or  by 
notice:  now  under  our  title  from  Spain,  England 
ia  remitted  to  her  rig'  ■  terior  to  the  Nootka 
Sound  convention;  anu  what  were  they  ?  Nothing, 
nothing,  sir.  For  she  made  no  pretence  of  title 
to  the  territory  now  claimed  at  that  time.  This 
Nootka  Sound  convention  is  now  relied  upon  as 
the  foundation  anttsuperstructure  of  her  title,  and, 
if  my  position  be  correct,  confers  none  whatever. 
Sir,  Charles  Pox  s»id  of  this  convention  in  1792 — 
and  he  was  quite  as  English  as  anybody  here 
could  desire  an  authority  to  be — mcr  notic::-.g 
several  incongruities  in  it,  "  that  it  reminded  him 
of  a  lawyer's  will,  written  by  himself,  who,  at  a 
particular  clause,  made  a  marginal  note  :  "  This 
will  afford  a  gloriotu  ehatifi  for  a  mil  in  chanciry.'" 
X  will  not  stop  to  say  how  unkind  this  remark 
was  to  the  profession;  [a  laugh;]  but  I  will  say 
that  it  exhibited  clearly  the  opinion — contempo- 
raneous opinion— of  Englishmen  of  that  treaty  as 
iha'foundniion  of  title.  Will  Johnny  Bull  go  to 
war  on  this  title  ?  Why,  sir,  he  has  always  been 
desirous  to  preserve  appearances — likes  the  world 
to  believe  he  has  a  good  cause — no  matter  how 
the  fact  is.  Why,  sir,  I  remember  in  my  juvenile 
days  of  reading  a  book  called  "/oAn  Bull  and 
Brother  Jonathan.'''  The  old  gentleman  was  rep- 
resented lecturing  his  son  Jonathan  about  not  pay- 
ing taxes  and  tea  duties,  &c.,  without  grumbling. 
There  was  a  picture  in  the  book.  There  stood 
Jonathan,  a  long,  lank,  gaunt-looking  fellow,  and 
beside  him  John  Bull,  very  genteel  in  appearance, 
toilet  recently  made,  speaking  in  the  most  court- 
eous manner  to  his  undutidil  son,  with  one  hand  in 
his  bosom,  and  the  othtr  slyly  slipped  into  Jona- 
than's pocket.  [Great  laughing.}  He  was  pre- 
serving appearances.  And  he  will  try  and  do  so 
again;  ana,  if  appearances  are  against  him,  he  will 
not  fight.  Both  appearances  and  facts  are  against 
him  in  our  case. 


[Jan.  88, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


IGl 


99th  Con(! I  ST  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Qu««rton — Mr.  James  Thomywn. 


New  Serirs No.  11. 


But  suppofie  Enf;land  ahnuld  deleruiine  to  flglit,  i 
what  doea  slic  rUk  i    Let  i'^  looU  nt  this  ni  a  iie- 
cessary  menna   nf  ascerluiiii..^;    the   prubabilitirs  { 
about  1icr  iiltimnle  course  in  this  mntler.    Sir,  tliia  I 
manirestn  tliiit  I  Imvo  been  considering  would  be  ' 
scorned,  her  title  examined,  and  she  convicted  in  '• 
the  judgment  not  only  of  lotemporaricn,  but  of  the  [ 
world)  in  all  time,  of  injuxtice,  and  coniequcnily  \ 
dishonor,     liutuguin:  a  gcuUcmim  the  otlier  day  \ 
told  us  that  her  posseasionii  on  the  north  stretched  I 
along  for  three  tliuumind  miles;  that  they  contained 
as  many  sijuarc  miles  as  the  United  Suites.     Will 
she  risK  this.'    Why,  sir,  Michigan  iiropoces  to 
annex  all  this  to  herself  in   ninety  days,  [groat 
laughter.]     But,  seriously,  would   she  ever  ritk 
these  immense  imseesaiona  for  the  acquisition  of  a 
few  parallels  of  latitude  north  of  the  Columbia? 
Why,  sir,  the  loss  of  her  American  possessions 
would  be  the  era  of  her  decline  and  final  downfall. 
Will  she  risk  it?    Will  eeiilleinen  who  liave  apos- 
trophized her  sagacity  Iwlicvc  that  she  will  not 
think  nf  this?    In  my  opinion,  Mr.  Chairman,  she 
would  us  certainly  lose  those  possessions,  if  she 
goes  to  war  with  us,  as  that  I  am  standing  on  this 
floor.     New  Brunswick,  Nova  Scotia,  Upper  and 
Lower  Canada,  would  all  he  lost  to  her  forever ! 
Michigan  will  hardly  be  expected  to  perform  all 
this,  but  it  will  be  perfccUy  within  the  power  of 
the  Union. 

Her  commerce,  too,  what  of  that?  Gentlemen 
give  us  glowin,;  pictures  nf  the  injury  to  ours  in  the 
event  of  war.  Hers  is  suld  to  be  much  greater,  and 
would  it  not  suller  as  much  as  ours?  If  injury  to 
commerce  be  an  ari;unient  to  induce  o  sacrifice  of 
rights  on  our  part,  will  it  have  no  effect  to  counter- 
vail aggression  on  the  part  of  England  ?  This  is  an 
argument  which,  if  it  may  he  applied  to  us,  has 
nuich  greater  force  when  applied  to  her,  because 
her  commerce  is  more  extensive,  and  because  it  is 
more  important  to  her  than  us.  Will  she  risk  her 
commerce  ? 

But,  sir,  there  is  Ireland,  Will  she  risk  Ireland? 
at  least  a  bloody  conflict  to  retain  it?  The  stand- 
ing army  there  now  is  required  to  be  3U,000  strong, 
I  believe.  Will  she  risk  a  conflict  there?  This, 
she  knows,  she  would  most  inevitably  do  by  going 
to  war  with  us. 

And  I'ronce,  sir — ay,  here  is  the  solution  to 
the  e  ignia  of  her  islaiiilic  preparations  for  war — 
France,  like  a  huge  serpent,  lies  in  envenomed  coils 
at  her  feet,  ready  at  the  moment  of  onportimity  to 
strike  her  ancient  I'oe.  When  death  shall  have 
called  hence  her  so-called  republican  King,  then 
coinM  the  diflicidty.  Will  there  be  no  preteniler, 
no  struggle  on  the  part  of  the  exiled  house  of  Bour- 
bon ?  If  not,  will  lliere  be  no  difficulties  on  tlic  sub- 
ject of  the  regency?  The  Count  de  Paris  is  but  a 
child.  Who  will  be  regent?  The  inactive,  or 
rather  passive,  Duke  de  Nemours  ?  or  the  Clueen 
mother?  or  the  victorious  do  Joinville?  France 
niust  and  will  escape  intestine  trouble  only  by  for- 
eign war.  And  while  Agincourt,  Cressy,  Poic- 
tiers,  and  Warterloo  are  bitterly  remembered,  and 
still  unavenged,  will  not  the  war  be  most  likely  to 
occur  with  England?  The  conviction  in  Englanil, 
if  we  may  believe  the  intelligent  sources  of  infor- 
mation, is,  a  rupture  with  t'rance  on  the  death  of 
Louis  Philippe.  He  is  now  very  old,  and  in  view 
of  this  England  is  preparing.  Sir,  John  Bull  is 
tying  up  his  waist,  rolling  up  his  sleeves,  and 
makmg  ready  for  the  conflict.  He  expects  it  soon. 
Will  he  risk  this  conjuncture  of  a  war  with  us, 
which  would  increase  the  proliabilitics  of  a  war 
with  France? 

But,  sir,  in  a  war  with  us,  how  ore  the  manu- 
facturers of  England  to  get  along?  How  can  their 
workshops  exist?  How  will  she  provide  against 
starvation,  or  at  least  against  miicli  serious  injury' 
Where  will  she  get  her  cotton  from  ?  Let  me  as- 
sure the  gentlenian  from  South  Carolinr,  [Mr. 
Rhett,]  that  this  will  be  a  most  serious  obstacle 
in  the  way  of  war,  and  that  the  cotton  bales  of  the 
South  will  again  not  only  bo  a  secure  breastwork 
against  the  enemy,  but  will  insure  us  the  victory 
over  him.  [Great  merriment.]  Will  not  England 
think  of  this — of  her  manufactures  ? 

But,  lastly,  there  comes  the  chances  of  being 
beaten— horse,  foot,  ai\d  dragoons.  Would  she 
thmk  of  that  ?  Will  the  contest  with  Hercules  in 
his  cradle  be  forgotten?  In  infancy  we  achieved 
our  independence,  and,  I  trust,  disenthralled  acon- 
tinent.    In  youth  we  gained  a  gloriouB  victory,  not- 


withstanding her  power;  and  arc  not  our  chances 
now  as  bright — our  success  at  probable — nay,  cer- 
tain ? 

The  gentleman  from  Virginia,  [Mr.  Pendi.etonI 
— the  "  lone  suir"*  from  the  Old  Dominion — i\nd  I 
conceive  it  quite  a  compliment  to  call  him  thus 
from  such  a  Commonwealth — gave  us  but  the  other 
ilay  quite  the  other  side  of  the  picture.  It  was  in 
style  a  very  handsome  speech — [a  laugh;]  it  cer- 
tainly was  [a  laugh.]  I  assure  gentlemen  it  was.  I 
admired  the  style  and  the  execution.  But  in  that 
speech  he  told  us  of  the  wisdom  of  England — of 
her  power;  that  she  had  C(mquercd  in  every  land, 
alinust  dispersed  on  every  field;  that  she  ruled  the 
sea  "on  every  wave,"  &c.  1  beg  pardon,  I  did  not 
mean  to  ouoto  poetry — [great  hiugliter.]  By  the 
way,  sir,  i  see  that  lasciiily  Herald  (New  \ork) 
has  got  all  the  poetry  that  lias  been  expended  on 
this  subject,  in  his  paper,  altogether,  side  by  side, 
without  contexts — [Mr.  IIolmes:  Or  inelexts] — 
yes,orpretexts — beginning  with  Massachusetis  and 
ending  with  Michigan — [great  merriment.]  But,  as 
I  was  saying,  the  gentleman  spoke  of  her  immense 
possessions  everywhere  ficflttered  over  the  earth, 
and  said  that  tlie  "  roll  of  her  drum  could  be  heard 
around  the  globe."  It  is  very  graphic,  the  de- 
scription was. 

I  thought  the  gentleman  heard  the  dnims  as  he 
described.  Upon  my  word,  sir,  I  thought  I  did — 
[laughter.]  Indeed  it  seemed  s;i.  [Much  merri- 
ment.] I  felt  like  it,  and  felt  a  'Htellt  scared,"  as 
Sam  Slick  would  say.  [Laughter.]  But  let  us 
sec  the  force  of  the  gentleman 's  ap|ieal,  or  argu- 
ment. Sir,  I  am  convinced  that  an  a[ipe(il  such  as 
this,  made  to  that  gentleman,  would,  under  all  cir- 
cumstances, be  disregarded,  if  he  felt  he  was. right. 
Accustomed  to  n  latitude  of  thought  when  regard- 
ing that  Old  Coinmonweulih  (Virginia)  that  he  so 
ably  represents,  I  feel  con.slraiiii'd  to  s.iy,  that  1  am 
sure  the  ajipcal  to  her  would  fall  upon  a  deuf  car. 
Sir,  it  was  an  argument  to  our  fear: — it  wa.s  an 
appeal  to  apprehensions.  What  do  you  think  of 
the  argument?  Let  me  givean  illustrnlioii.  Sup- 
pose I  should  meet  a  tremendous  bruiser,  and  he 
should  seize  me  by  the  collor,  and  say,  I  v.'ant  your 
coal.  I  reply.  You  can't  have  it.  He  rejoins,  "  I 
will  have  it."  I  look  at  him  a  bit,  as  we  say  in 
the  cast.  [Laughter.]  I  remember  he  has  flogged 
Bendigo,  licked  .lim  Byrne, and  madcthedeaf  'on 
give  in,  and  would  have  flogged  Molyneaux  him- 
self, only  he  was  dead.  [Great  laughter.]  I  make 
up  my  mind  about  the  matter  pretty  quick;  I  think 
of  the  cainage  that  would  follow  if  I  stood  out;  and 
I  gently  hand  over  the  coal.  I  meet  the  gentleman 
from  Virginia,  or  cither  of  the  other  gentlemen  who 
have  used  the  same  argument,  and  relate  the  whole 
transaction  to  him.  What  do  you  think  he  would 
say  ?  Certainly,  that  I  had  got  out  of  the  scrape — 
that  is  certain;  but  I  presume  he  would  tell  me, 
that  ho  would  have  liked  my  case  some  better  if  I 
had  shown  a  little  more  pluck.  [Laughter.]  This  is, 
then,  I  think,  a  fair  illustration  of  the  argument  ap- 
peiding  to  ourapprchensionsand  fears.  Can  a  na- 
tion pause  upon  such  an  argument?  Never,  sir, 
never ! 

But  what,  sir,  may  I  ask,  is  our  position  in  rela- 
tion to  this  question?  If  our  title  be  good,  why 
not  assert  it?  Shall  the  arguments  I  have  been 
combatting  prevent  us  ?  Peace  is  a  blessing,  but 
it  must  bo  honorable  to  be  such.  If  the  notice 
should  ever  produce  war,  I  insist  upon  it  we  are 
bound  to  give  it;  we  must  move  in  the  matter. 
AVe  have  otVcred  the  49th  parallel  of  latittidc  as  a 
compromise.  The  President  tells  us  this  has  been 
done,  and  nyected  by  the  British  minister.  Will 
any  man  ask  us  again  to  oflcr  it  under  these  cir- 
cumstances? He  tells  us  further,  that  the  oflVr 
thus  rejected  was  withdrawn,  and  our  "  I'dk  as- 
serted to  the  lohole  of  Oregon."  If  we  have  assert- 
ed the  title  to  be  in  us,  and  believe  the  assertion 
just,  as  I  think  this  debate  shows  we  do,  I  ask, 
are  we  not  bound  on  every  principle  of  honor  to 
proceed  to  the  exclusive  occupancy  of  what  is  our 
own?  If  Oregon  be  ours,  why  not  act  up  to  the 
declaration,  and  possess  it?  We  must  do  so — we 
cannot  get  away  from  it  without  dishonor — with- 
out abandoning  our^rights,  and  acquiescing  under 
the  arguments  appealing  to  our  apprehensions.  I 
am  firmly  convinced  that  a  firm  and  fearless  asser- 
tion of  our  rights,  and  a  determination  to  maintain 

•  The  only  Whig  member  fVom  Virginia. 


them,  is  tho  surest  way  to  prevent  difficulties  about 
them;  and  that  this  course  will  have  the  efl'ect  to 
insure  peace. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  argument  so  oHen  urged 
here — namely,  the  power  of  England — what  is  it? 
It  will  be  remembered  how  it  was  disregarded  in 
1776;  anil  this  Government  is  the  n-sult  of  that 
gloriouadisregard.  But  what  is  that  power?  The 
population  of  Great  Britain — of  course  including 
Ireland  and  Scotland — is,  at  most,  not  over  S7,- 
0011,000  of  inhabitants.  The  repealers  tell  us — 
and  Mr.  Smith  O'Brien  is  law  in  Ireland  now — 
that  not  an  Irish  Catholic  should  be  driven  tu  Or- 
egon to  assert  the  British  claim.  No  repealer,  at 
least,  will  aid  in  it,  I  presume  he  means.  Here, 
sir,  is  7,000,000  out  of  the  account  at  once.  In 
other  words,  in  a  contest  with  the  United  States, 
Ireland  would  neutrali/.c  herself.  Will  they  bring 
tho  Sepoys  from  India  to  fight  us?  No,  I  presume 
not.  From  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  will  they 
bring  troops?  from  the  Canadas  loo .'  Why,  sir, 
they  will  need  troops  in  all  these  places.  Sonio 
will  be  employed  in  India;  some  in  Ireland;  sonic 
at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope;  some  in  Canada;  and 
some  to  Ijeat  these  "  drums  around  the  world." 
[Laughter.] 

But  let  us  reverse  positions  a  little,  and  see  what 
they  say  on  the  other  side  of  the  water.  A  few 
years  ago,  when  England  wanted  a  piece  of  tlic 
State  of  Maine,  and  tliere  was  talk  of  war  with  the 
United  States,  a  courtier — for  there  are  some  in  the 
English  Parliament — complained  that  they  were 
not  ready  to  fight  us;  that  their  ports  were  viii- 
protected;  their  towns  were  in  danger;  and  that  an 
armed  American  steamer  could  come  out  and  6ii)H 
Lirerpool!  One  would  almost  be  inclined  to  believe 
that  this  had  emanated  fronisome  memberwho  had 
caught  a  little  of  the  confidence  of  my  friends  from 
the  West;  anil  it  would  be  easy  to  imagine,  too, 
that  simie  gentlemen  here  had  caught  a  little  Eiig' 
lisli  faith  and  poured  it  out  overlhem — (pointing  to 
the  other  side  of  ihe  House.)  These  things  show, 
sir,  that  we  should  be  cautious  how  we  become 
alarmed.  Panic  is  a  common  word.  Alarmed,  sir; 
why,  what  is  our  power  that  we  should  bo  alarmed  ? 
We  have  twenty  millions  of  population — united 
and  free  population;  no  colonics  requiring  a  stand- 
ing army  to  secure  our  |iosscssion3  in;  a  commer- 
cial marine  containing  sevenil  hundreds  of  vessels 
of  nt  least  1,000  tons  burden — [a  voice  more  than 
a  thousand  such,  sir.]  I  thank  the  gentleman;  he 
says  more  than  a  thousand  such — a  host  of  hardy 
whalemen,  and  merchantmen  to  man  them  with. 
AVhy  could  we  not  arm  these  vesocls  ?  It  could  be 
done  in  a  few  months;  and  our  navy  would  go  out 
in  strength  equal  to  any  period  of  strength  in  the 
history  of  the  British  navy.  A  gentleman  tho 
other  day — 1  really  do  not  recollect  who  it  was,  for 
there  have  been  several  speeches  made  on  this  Ore- 
gon question  this  session — [a  laugh] — said  that  all 
the  iron  establishments  in  the  Union  could  not  sup- 
ply guns  enough  for  some  years  to  put  us  in  a 
proper  state  of  defence.  Save  the  mark  1  I  would 
say,  my  good  friend,  let  the  tarifi'  alone,  and  old 
Pcnn.sylvania  herself  can  in  one  year  make  gtins 
enough — I  had  almost  said  to  reach  half  across  the 
Pacific — (much  laughing.]  There  is  nothing  in 
this  thing,  I  assure  you.  I  have  said,  we  have 
many  vessels  of  1,000  tons  in  the  merchant  service, 
fine  sailers,  that  could  be  armed.  Why,  sir,  one 
of  our  gallant  seamen  made  a  glorious  fight  of  it 
in  a  little — [a  voice,  "frigate;"  another  voice,  "the 
Essex"] — frigate  at  Valparaiso,  and  she  was  only  a 
400-toii  vessel.  AVe  have  now  a  thousand  well- 
built,  and  carrying  from  800  to  1,000  tons  each. 
Arm  these,  sir;  arm  them!  and  we  will  teach  oltl 
.lolinny  Bull  that  the  Yankees  are  afloat,  and  a  lit- 
tle harder  to  thrash  than  -Wonsiciir  Crapeaud — that's 
French  for  you — at  sea,  [great  merriment.]  Sir, 
I  have  no  fear  of  this  '  ssuc,  if  it  must  come.  We 
shall  have  tho  advantage  everywhere,  and  in  all 
places — in  every  clime,  in  every  country.  We 
shall  have  the  advantage  in  moral  power,  in  politi- 
cal as  well  as  physical.  Sir,  it  will  be  like  a  con- 
test between  a  youg  brave  man,  witli  a  strong  arm, 
a  clear  conscience,  and  a  good  cause — with  wickca 
old  age,  and  a  thousand  years  of  crime  on  his  head. 
[.Applause]  In  such  a  contest  we  shall  prevail — 
we  shall  prevail. 

Mr.  Cliairman,  I  must  notice  a  remark  of  the 
gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  who  represents  the 
Boston  district,  I  believe,  [Mr.  Winiubop,]  and 


16-2 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jnn.  88, 


99th  Cono IsT  Skss. 


ITte  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Thurman. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


who  §|Mike  on  llii»  lubjcfl  iiome  lime  ago.  I  ad- 
mired the  Kriilleman'a  niimiwr  vrry  miirh.  I  did, 
indeed.  Aiiiiin<;ri><>>l«'i'  n'lnnrkii,  lie  anid,  the  "cry 
now  wnn,  nil  "f  Orrpm  or  nnne — niid  echo  nn- 
iiwrri),  mnip!  Sir,  where  wn«  thi\l  ei'ho  from? 
yVna  it  hen',  air,  (Inyiii;;  hia  hand  U)inn  hiii  honrt.) 
Will  it  not  he  just  to  coiijcclure  thot  ihe  winh  waa 
fnther  to  the  lhnii<rht.'  If  Ihia  wi»h  were  innde 
reality,  air,  it  wniihl  sonnd,  to  my  eiir,  like  deleni, 
dinhoiior — like  driving  the  |[i!4t  nnd  in  ihe  rnflin  of 
our  potilicnl  exiatence— Iwrnuse  tliia  rtinnot  be  ho, 
until,  nbnndnned  by  mirBelvca,  we  yield  Ihe  jnslioe 
of  onrenuaeto  the  doniineeriiid  apirit  of  onr  nn- 
eii-nt  foe.  If  Ihe  rcniiirk  wna  luiyihins  I'jae  Ihnn 
B  fis^ire,  the  mnehinery  to  round  oil'  ii  Henlinoe,  I 
n';;;rel  llint  il  wna  ntlired.  I  dimunee  wilh  the  sen- 
timent, and  wilh  nil  the  (umlifirntionn  ilie  senlleninn 
aurniuiuled  it  wilh.  Hut,  eir,  Miissnehiiaetia  hna 
l>een  redeemed  fVimi  n  aiiapirion  ihnt  hnni;  nroiind 
her  imtriniiam  on  this  aiibjcet  liy  the  venenibleiren- 
tleinannowin  hiaaeiilnerosH  llie  wny.  HiaHiiecih 
wnsrelVeahins,  it  wiin  nirrentellorl;  nnd,  illnstrioiia 
tiM  had  been  the  liiatory  of  hiaservii'ea,  thin  hint  wnn 
nn  art  of  crowiiiii!!  Klory.ilhmiinalini;  nil  ilie  pnm. 

Mr.  ChairniKii,  I  have  but  n  few  ii'mnrks  more 
to  make.  [Crica  of  "eo  on'")  The  Gentleman 
from  MafUiai'huHelts  [Mr.  W  iNTHHui'j  spoke  of 
our  tille  beln!»  the  l)f.i(.  llishin^iia^c  \\i\n,  "I  ar- 
knowlcdije  our  title  in  the  besi" — a  very  cnnaider- 
(ible  ronceasion.  lialeed,  it  ha.**  been  rathtT  eftm- 
mon  to  apeak  llina.  Now,  the  remark  haa  ahvaj  a 
aoundej  alran'^e  to  my  ear.  Wliv,  air,  if  we  have 
the  best  tille,  I'.MKlnod'hiiH  lume.  Then'  is  no  j  ill 
thin!^  aa  eonipnrativt^aahii  ■  litle — noijnod,  beio-,-, 
beat.  If  my  friend  who  :a  beaide  nie  hna  a  lille 
for  a  town  liil,  nnd  I  have  a  httlrr  one,  lif  liaa  mmt, 
[Luu^'htcr.]  Is  this  mil  ^<o?  The ijentleman  from 
Soiiili  Carolina  is  a  lawj  i.r — i»  he  nol.' 

Mr.  Hoi.MEH.     1  am. 

Mr.  T.  eonthnied.  And  n  verj'  good  one,  too? 
[Laui^hler.] 

Mr.  Holmes.     I  diiln't  aay  thai. 

Air.  T.  No,  but  I  am  very  Bure  of  il.  Will  he 
not  a^ree  that  tliia  ia:  If  I  have  a  tille  heller  than 
hisfora  nieceof properly, why  he  has  none.  Why? 
beranse  I  have  the  lille. 

Mr.  lloi.Mits.     What  do  yoii  eall  C(dor  nf  tille? 

Mr.  T.  Why,  sir,  I  eall  it  a  very  miaernble  /ooA'- 
intr  ihin^.  [Memnient.]  If  a  man  goes  into  eourt 
wilh  only  a  tolor  of  title,  he  is  apt  toeomeout  wilh 
n  highly  co/orrd  bill  of  costs  to  pay.  [A  laugh.]  I 
will  give  you  an  inalanee  of  eolorof  title:  A  man 
buys  a  forged  tille,  and  eiitcni  into  |inii.aeaaion — 
this  cnteriiiir  i»  under  color  of  title^t  would  nol 
je  B  very  prt  ily  color.  (^Laughter.]  It  would  not 
uc  a  title  when' the  genuine  ore  was  produced.  I 
appeal  to  my  elo<|uenl  and  learned  colleague  [Mr. 
IngrhsollI  if  this  is  not  so? 

Mr.  ('.  J.  In'okrioll.     Every  word  of  it  tnie. 

Mr.T.  continued.  Color  of  title  inUiTai  Uriliain, 
if  we  have  the  best  tille,  would  nol  amount  lo  much. 

In  eoncluaiun,  air,  let  me  advert  to  the  value  of 
Oregon.  It  has  l)eauliful  valleys  nnd  fertile  soil; 
but  in  thia  consiat.*  not  its  great  value.  I  am  not  a 
prophet,  and  most  likely  never  will  be;  but,  sir,  I 
))reuict  and  believe  that  the  London  of  America  is 
destined  to  be  built  on  the  const  of  Oregon,  at  or 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia.  The  city  that  is 
to  carry  on  the  commerce  wilh  India  and  (.'hina 
will  l>e  planted  there.  And  notwithatandiiig  it 
sounds  wild,  Utopian,  a  railroad  will  be  made 
ncroaa  this  continent  to  the  Columbia — from  1.'>,(I00 
to  ^U,000  miles  ofnuviinttion  in  the  voyage  to  China 
nnd  the  Indies  will  be  saved  by  it — far  more  than 
half  the  voyoge.  (.'aptaiii  Kifmont  asloiiishes  us 
in  his  description  of  the  Great  South  Pass  in  the 
Rocky  moiintnins.  Why,  sir,  we  can  cross  the 
mounlains  without  scarcely  perceiving  the  acclivi- 
ty. For  one  hundred  and  iweniy-scven  miles  the 
ascent,  he  tells  u«,  is  gradual,  hardly  perceptible; 
and  at  the  dividing  ridge,  or  apex,  the  acclivity  is 
not  greater  than  the  ascent  from  the  Pennsylvania 
avenue  to  this  Capitol.  Thia,  sir,  will  l>e  the  route 
for  the  railroad  destinetl  to  carry  the  trade  and  com- 
merce of  the  East  on  its  road  to  Euro|ie,  as  well  as 
into  the  heart  of  our  own  country.  The  iron  horse, 
sir,  will  tliunder  through  this  pass,  bearing  in  his 
long  train  the  riches  of  the  world,  filling  our  land 
with  wealth  and  happiness,  the  abundant  fr:'ts  of 
our  great  enterprise.  In  vievir  of  these  things,  I  am 
for  me  whole  of  Ore^n,  every  inch  of  it,  and  I 
heartily  desire  the  nouce  to  be  given. 


THE  OREGON  aUESTION. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  A.  G.  THURMAN, 

OF  OHIO, 
In  the  IIouie  or  RErRiiKNTATiVKi, 
Jantmry  QH,  1H4C. 
The  Mouse  beinir  in  Crmimillee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  stale  of  ihc  Union,  and  therraidiilion  report- 
ed by  ill.  Conmiillee  on  Koreisn  Relaticms,  pro- 
viding ftir  the  abrogalion,  by  a  notice  to  Orent 
Hrilalii,  of  the  convention  of'Aiigiist  6lh,  IHST, 
helH  eeii  Great  nrit;iin  and  the  United  Stales,  be- 
ing, togelher  wilh  Ihe  pro(>oafd  amendments  to 
said  resolution,  under  consideration — 
Mr.  THURMAN  said: 

Mr.  CnAiRMAN:  The  United  Slates  claim  exclu- 
sive doininimi  over  the  whole  of  ihe  country  known 
by  the  nameof  Oregon,  exteniliiii from  Ihe  Rocky 
monnlaina  lo  the  Pacific  in  longiiude.and  from  Ihe 
forly-aei'ond  to  the  fifty-fourth  degree  and  for- 
tieth niinnle  of  north  Inlitude.  Great  Rritnin,  on 
Ihe  other  hand,  aHserta  for  herself,  if  not  an  ahao- 
lule  ownership  of  ihe  siime  country,  an  assumed 
right,  at  least,  to  coloni/.e  nnd  forever  retain  such 
vacant  portions  of  il  ns  she  may  see  fit  to  occupy. 
These  dilTereni  claims,  obviously  altogether  irre- 
concilable wilh  each  other,  have  been  •  subject  of 
negoiiatinn  beiween  the  two  Governments  for  now 
nearly  ihirly  year.".  The  remtlt  of  the  negotiations 
has  been  ihe  fonnalion  of  two  Irealiea,  neither  of 
wiiiili  seltlcd  Ihe  controversy,  or  in  any  manner 
alVccird  Ihe  c|ncsiion  of  tille.  Rv  the  third  arlic'e 
of  the  finl  of  ihese  treaties,  (the  convention  nf 
181^*.)  il  was  agreed: 

I' That  any  country  llmt  may  be  claimed  by 
'  either  parly  on  the  northwest  coasi  of  .\merica, 
'  westward  of  ihe  Siony  moMiilnins,  shall,  loselhrr 
'  with  il.'i  harbors,  hays,  nnd  creeks,  and  the  nnvi- 
'gntion  of  all  rivers 'within  the  same,  be  free  and 
'  open  for  the  term  of  ten  years  from  the  date  of 
'the  slgnaiiire  of  the  presint  convenlion,  to  the 
'  vcfwela,  ciiizens,  and  snbjecta  of  the  two  Powers; 
'it  being  well  unilerstood  that  ihia  agreement  is  not 
'to  be  conslnied  lo  the  prejudice  of  any  claim 
'  which  either  of  Ihe  two  high  conlrncling  parties 
'  mnv  have  lo  any  part  of  the  anid  country;  nor 
'  shall  il  be  taken  lo  nffecl  the  claims  of  any  other 
'  Power  or  Stale  to  any  part  of  the  said  country; 
'  the  only  object  of  the  high  contmcting  parlies, 
'  in  this  respect,  being  to  prevent  disputes  and  dif- 

*  ferences  amongst  themselves. " 

These  )irovisi(ms  were,  by  the  second  treaty, 
(the  convenlion  of  August  6,  1897,)  "indefinitely 
extended  and  conlinued  in  force,"  with  the  follow- 
ing siipiilalion,  however,  for  their  abrogation,  at 
the  option  of  either  iwrty: 

".■\rt.  a.  Il  shall  he  competent,  however,  to 
'  either  of  the  contracting  parties,  in  case  either 
'  shcmid  Ihink  fit,  at  any  lime  after  the  20th  of  Oc- 
'  tober,  IfiiJH,  on  giving  due  notice  of  twelve  months 
'  lo  the  other  conlrncling  parly,  to  annul  and  abro- 
'  gale  this  convention;  nnd  it  shall,  in  such  c^se,  he 
'  accordingly  nnnullcd  and  abrogated,  after  the  ex- 
'  )>iratinn  of  ihe  said  temi  of  notice." 

The  President,  in  hia  Inte  annual  Message,  after 
reciting  thc.«e  facts,  and  slating  the  rejection  by  the 
RritLsh  minister  of  the  proposition  formerly  made, 
and  recently  renewed,  to  ilivide  the  country  in  dis- 
pute by  Ihe  forty-ninth  jmrallel  of  Inlitude,  giving 
to  Great  Rritain  all  north,  nnd  to  the  United  States 
all  south,  of  thnt  degree,  says: 

"The  eyiraorilinnry  and  wholly  inadmissible 
'  demands  nf  the  Rrilish  Government,  and  the  re- 
'  jeclion  of  the  proposition  made  in  deference  alone 
'  lo  what  had  been  done  by  my  predecessors,  and 
'  the  implied  obligation  which  their  acts  seemed  lo 
'impose,  afford  salisfnciory  evidence  (Aof  no  roin- 

*  promm  xrhieh  Ihe  United  Statet  ought  to  accept  can 
'  be  effected." 

And  thnt — 

'All  attempts  nt  compromise  having  failed,  it 
'  becomes  the  duty  of  Congress  lo  consider  what 
'  measures  il  may  lie  proper  to  adopt  for  the  secu- 
'  rily  nnd  prole,'llon  of  our  citizens  now  inhabiting 
'  or  who  may  hereafter  inhabit,  Oregon,  nnd  for 
'  the  maintenance  of  our  just  tille  to  that  territory. 
'  In  adopting  measures  for  this  purpose,  care  should 
'  be  taken  that  nothing  be  done  to  violate  the  stip- 

*  ulations  of  the  convention  of  1827,  which  is  still 
■  in  force    The  faith  of  treaties,  in  Uieir  letter  and 


*  spirit,  has  ever  been,  and,  I  trust,  will  ever  he, 
'  scrupulously  nhscrveit  by  the  United  Slates.  Un- 
'  der  that  convention,  a  year's  notice  is  required  lo 
'  be  given  by  eilh.'r  imrly  to  Ihe  other  liefore  ihn 
'  joint  occupancy  shall  terminate,  and  before  either 
'  c.in  ri|{hlftilly  assert  or  exen-ise  exclusive  jnris- 
'  diction  over  any  pnriiim  of  Ihe  territory.  Thia 
'  notice  il  would,  in  n  y  judgment,  !«  proper  lo 
'  give;  and  I  reconouriid  ihai  provision  he  made 
'  by  law  for  giving  il  acconlingly,  and  terminating, 
'  111  Ihls  manner,  the  conventuin  nf  the  (jih  of  Au- 
'gnsl,18a7." 

A  majority  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  AITaini 
nf  this  House  has  responded  nfllrmalively  to  this 
n'comineiiihilion  of  the  President,  nnd  reported  a 
nsolulion  direcling  the  notice  to  be  given.     The 
I  minority  of  that  rommittee,  waiving  a  discussion 
I  of  ihe  i|ne8linii  wh ether  notice  ought  lo  be  gi\en, 
I  conleuls  ilaclf  with  asaerling  that  the  power  to  an- 
nul the  lr<'al\-,  by  means  of  Ihc  notice,  belongsex- 
!  cluaivcly  to  the   Executive,  (that  is,  to  the  Presi- 
dent alone,)  or  lo  the  Irenty-making  power,  (the 
President  nnd  the  Senate;)  nnd  thnt,  consequently, 
Congress  has  no  nnlhonly  lo  pass  a  mandatory 
act  providing  thai  the  notice  thall  he  given.     The 
((enilemon  from  Alabama,  (Mr.  IIit.i.iARD,)  oh- 
iectiiig  to  the  resolution  reported  by  the  commitl"e, 
because  of  the  positive  nature  of  lis  requiremenis, 
I  propo.Hes  to  amend  it,  by  striking  out  the  part  that 
I  makes  it  obligatory  on  the  President  lo  forlhwilh 
I  give  the  notice,  and  inserting,   In  lieu  thereof,  a 
chuse  merely  empowering  him  to  give  it  "  when- 
!  ever,  ill  his  judgment,  the  public  welfare  may  re- 
qiiiiT  it." 
Such,  Mr.  Chairman,  are  the  main  facts,  indo- 
I  pendent  of  Ihe  evidences  of  title,  and   such  the 
'  pending  questions  upon  which  we  have  to  decide. 
!      The  first  of  these  questions  that  I  propose  to 
consider  is  that  presented  by  the  report  of  the  mi- 
nority of  Ihe  Commiltre  on  Foreign  Relnlions,  viz: 
To  w'hich  of  Ihe  dep  Mimenis  of  Ciovcrnment  does 
'  the  power  belong  ■       Iccide  that  the  ircnty  under 
,  eonsideralion  si  mmilled  by  giving  the  no- 

I  tice  therein  proMd         'i'? 

I  nm  aware  thai  lo  discuss  this  question  may 

seem   somewhat   like  n  very   unn'-ccsaary    labor, 

since  llic  posillons  ns.sumed  in  the  minority  report 

I  have  apparently  met  wilh  but  little  favor,  either  in 

I  this  House  or  elsewhere.     Neverlhelesa,  as  they 

I  come  from  the  source  and  In  the  form  they  do,  I 

think  them  entitled  to  nl  least  considerniion,  and 

am,  therefore,  disposed  lo  fairly  examine  them. 

Does  the  power  belong  lo  Ihe  Executive?     If  it 

does,  it  must   he  derived,  of  course   from   some 

clause  in  the  Constitution.     That  that  instrument 

conlains  no  such  grant  in  express  words— tliol  la, 

I  that  there  Is  no  power  therein  expressly  conferred 

upon   the   Pn'sldeiit   to   annul   a  treaty— will    be 

,  readily  admitted.    It  follows,  that  if  l;e  possess  the 

!  power,  it  must  be  by  virtue  of  the  general  clause 

:  with  whicli  the  second  article  of  the  Constitution 

I  begins,  to  wit:   "The  Executive  power  shall  he 

j  vested  in  a  Prcaldenl."    Now,  without  discussing 

1  the  much-debated  question,  whether  this   clause 

'  confers  on  the  President  any  powers  beyond  those 

specifically  enumerated  in  said  m-Kind  nrlicle,  it  is 

'  suflicient  to  say  that  il  cannot  include  the  power  to 

annul  a  ttreaty;  for  such  a  power  is  neither  in  its 

I  nature,  nor  in  the  contemplation  of  the  Constiiu- 

lion.an  Executive  power.     A  treaty,  provides  the 

'  Conslilution,  "  made  under  the  oulliority  of  the 

I  United  Slates,  shall  be  the  ni/n-rine  fate  nfthe  land." 

\  The  power  lo  annul  a  treaty  is,  then,  the  jiower  to 

I  annul  a  law.     But  the  Executive  power,  in  its  na- 

I  lure,  ia  a  power  to  execute  the  laws,  not  lo  make 

or  lo  nbiognte  them.     And  the  Constiluliori  of  the 

,  United  Stales  has  not  extended  this  power  in  our 

Goveniment  beyond  its  alrict  nature  and  design, 

i  except  to  cjinfer  on  the  Executive  a  qualified  veto, 

i  and  to  give  hiin  an  agency  in  the /ortnn/iun  of  trea- 

I  Ilea;  neither  of  wiiich   grants  authorizes  him  lo 

I  abolish  any  treaty  or  Inw. 

I  am  not  ignorant  of  the  fact,  Mr.  Chairman, 
that  the  power  In  question  wns  once  claimed,  in 
effect,  for  the  President,  by  General  Hamilton; 
but  his  entire  argument  rested  on  a  ground  which 
cannot  be  maintained,  ond  which  he  himself  had 
shown,  in  the  75lh  No.  of  Ihe  Federalist,  to  be 
utterly  untenable,  to  wit,  that  the  treaty-making 
power  is  in  its  nature  an  Executive  power.  There 
were  other  positions  in  the  argument  perhaps  equal- 
I  ly  unsound,  but  time  ia  nol  alTordea  me  tu  notice 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


183 


fi9TH  CuNO I  ST  SbIB. 


7%«  Oretrnn  (•Iwation — Mr.  Tharman. 


Hn.  OF  Reps. 


them,  nor  i«  il  nrocnanry  (hnt  I  nhniild  (In  an.  The 
wlinle  iirgiimcnt  wna  Tiilly  anawcrcd  liy  Mr.  Mml- 
innii,  and  tli«  Judi;ineiU  ut  tlic  country  Ima  lonj; 
ainre  aeltled  down,  I  liclinvr,  into  ii  firm  r.nnviclinn 
tliiit  till!  doctrine  nf  Oencritl  Hiinidlon  wna  wrniit;. 
Corlninly,  he  who,  at  Ihin  d«y,  iwaerla  thiil  the 
Prcaidrnl  poascaaoa  the  (lower  lu  nnnul  nt  will  whnt 
the  Conatitutioii  dcclarvi<  ahnll  lio  Iho  aupreme  law 
of  the  Iniid,  is  bnuml  to  exhibit  the  clenreat  nnd 
mnal  nmnifeal  proof  of  the  axiatence  of  so  tmna- 
ccndenl  n  prcmKntlve.  'I'liia  the  minority  uf  the 
Committee  nil  Foreign  Relulinna  ho*  not  attempt- 
ed to  do.  Il  intimiiles  the  e.\i»tenec  of  the  power, 
but  fliriiiahea  no  argumciita  or  evidence  wimtovcr 
to  eatnliliah  it. 

Uiieii  the  power  belong  to  the  Preaidcntand  Sen- 
ate, ihny  beniK  inveaied  by  the  Conatitulion  with 
the  treaiv-mnkiii|<  function?  Thin  is  the  next  qurn- 
tion.  The  only  clnuac  in  the  CoiMtitution  confer- 
ring powers  on  the  I'rrsideni  and  Senate,  in  this 
pnrtiiMdar,  in  the  following; 

"  lie  (the  Preaident)  Hholl  have  power,  liy  and 

*  with  the  advice  and  conaenl  of  the  Scnulo,  to 
'  make  trrntiea,  provided  two-thirda  of  the  Scini- 

*  lora  prcHcnt  concur;  and  he  aliall  nomiiinie,  nnd, 
<  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  uf  the  Sen- 

*  Hie,  ahull  nppniut,  ambuaaadors,  other  miniHtcra, 
'ami  consuls. 

What  is  the  power  here  conferred  on  the  Preai- 
dent and  two-tliirda  of  the  Senate  ?  A  power  to 
make  treaties,  not  to  unmake  them,  except  where 
their  abolition  is  elfected  by  new  treaty  stipula- 
tions. Of  course,  a  treaty  may  he  put  an  end  to 
by  the  formulion  of  niiotliir  treaty;  and  when  its 
nliniilment  is  thus  to  be  aocumplished,  the  treaty- 
mnking  power  is  obviously  the  power  to  act.  Hut 
the  present  is  altogether  a  dincrcnt  case.  The 
question  is,  shall  the  convention  of  1827  be  abro- 
piUcd,  not  by  a  new  treaty,  but  by  the  notice  i 
That  there  is  no  analogy  between  giviiia;  the  notice 
and  making  a  treaty  is  too  plain  to  be  (Icnied.  A 
ti-eaty  is  a  contract.  Parties,  and  the  agreement 
of  the  parties,  arc  nccessury  to  its  existence.  But 
this  notice  requires  no  such  agreement.  The  giving 
it  is  the  act  of  one  Government  alone,  and  needs 
no  assent  of  the  other  Government  to  make  it  ef- 
fectual. No  function  of  the  treaty-making  power 
is  exerted  in  giving  iu  That  power  is  a  power  to 
negotiate,  to  stipulate,  to  contract.  But  here  no 
negotiation,  no  stipulation,  no  contract,  is  neces- 
nary.  All  that  we  have  to  do  to  annul  the  treaty 
is,  simply  to  give  the  notice. 

Hut  It  IS  contended,  that  although  the  giving  the 
notice  has  no  analogy  to  the  making  of  a  treaty, 
yet  the  power  to  give  it  is  incidental  to  the  treaty- 
making  power.  I'his  leads  us  to  inquire,  what  is 
an  incidental  power?  It  is  a  power,  says  Gcncrtil 
Hamilton,  to  employ  the  ordinary  means  that  are 
necessary  and  proper  to  carry  the  expressed  pow- 
er into  ellcct.  Incidental  powers,  according  to  Mr. 
Madison,  "  are  the  means  of  attaining  the  object 
of  the  general  power."  What,  then,  is  the  "ex- 
pressed," or  "general,"  power  conferred  on  the 
Pitsident  nnd  Senate  ?  A  power  to  make  treaties. 
What  is  the  object  of  that  power.'  The  m«fciti/f 
of  treaties,  not  the  general  and  exclusive  control 
over  our  foreign  aflairs.  And  what  are  the  inci- 
dents of  the  power.'  A  right  to  use  the  ordinary 
means  that  are  necessary  and  proper  to  accomplish 
the /onnnlion  of  treaties.     But  the  measure  now 


show.     Thus,  by  the  Cntistilulinn,  tlie  appoiniing 
!  pfiwcr  to  ollice  is  vested  in  th<^  I'rcsiilciit  and  8rii- 
'  ate,  (he  noiiiinaling,  and  a  iiinjorily  of  the  liiltir 
I  contiiming,)  but  the  power  of  riaiiov.il  from  oHicc  i 
'  does  not  follow  as  nn   incident.     On  the  contnirv, 
it  belongs  to  the  PrcKlileiil  iiJoiii',  in  virtue  of  ific 
duly  imposed  on  him  of  Inking  care  "  that  the  laws 
be  riiithfully  excriiled."     Thus,  ilic  power  of  ma- 
king laws   is  cmiferred  upon  Congress,  but  the  • 
power  of  repeal   is  not  thence  derived  by  imylien-  ' 
(ion.     No   implicalion  is  nercusary;  for  the  grant  I 
of  the  power  to  make  laws  is  a  siibslanlive  grant 
of  the  power  to  repeal  them;  nincc  the  iriieai  of  a  I 
j  law  may  as  well  lin  the  milijrci-maller   if  another 
I  law,  na  may  anyihiiii,'  else.     And  tlnm  llie  gram,  i 
I  to  the  President  nnd  Srnnle,  of  ihe  iiower  lo  iiinlie  i 
Irealies,  is,  for  a  lIKi'  reason,  a  sulistaiitivc  grant  ' 
!  of  tlio  power  to  annul  them  6iy  other  Ireatin;  but  it  ; 
is  not  an  aiitlioriiy,  either  express  or  implied,  to 
abrogate  them  in  any  oilier  manner.     If  the  Ireniy- 
makiiig  power  ci.'i  abolish  treaiies  in  rther  modes 
than  the  formation  of  new  trratiin,  what  arc  those  ' 
modes,  and  where  is  the  limit  lo  its  nnlhoriiy  ■ 
Can  il  assume   legislnlive   functions,  nnd  repeal 
them  by  a  legislative  net,  or  n  ileclamlion  of  war? 
Il  will  hardly  be  pretended.     Can  it  derive  powers  . 
from  the  treaties  lliimselves  which  arc  not  confer-  I 
red  on  it  by  the  roiislilution?     No  one  will  asuerl  j 
it.     How, then,  can  it  act? — liowcan  itaciumplisb  i 
the  object  of  annulling  a  tiraty,  except  by  tin  ne- 
gotiation of  a  new  one?     I  see  no  oilier  mode. 

The  error  into  which  the  minority  of  the  Com- 
milt'!  on  Foreign  AiTaira  has  fallen,  arises,  I  con- 
ceive, from  a  niislaken  assuminion  that  the  Con-  ' 
stituiinn  gives  the  entire  conlnij  .iver  each  particu- 
lar subject  to  a  particular  depiirlment  of  the  (Jov- 
ernmeii'.  Hiich  is  not  the  fact.  Take,  for  inslniice, 
the  subject  of  foreign  relations.     A  treaty  is  iieso- 
tiated  by  the  Kxeciitive,  rnnlirmed  by  the  Senate, 
nnd  the  means  for  its  execution,  on  oiir  pnil,  pro- 
vided by  Congress.     War  is  declared  by  CongrcHS, 
is  conducted  by  the  I'resideni,  and  peace  is  re- 
stored thrnugh   the  action   of  the  trealy-niakiiig 
power.     Commerce  and  inlcrcoiirse  with  foreign 
nations  are  regiilaled  by  acts  of  Congress,  as  well 
as  by  treaties;  and  the  execution  of  both  the  one 
and  the  other  belongs  to  the  l''.xeeutive.     These  il-  \ 
hialralions,  out  of  a  miillilude  that  might  be  given, 
arc  sufficient  to  show  that  the  entire  mnnagemeiir 
of  oiir  foreign  allairs  is  notenlriisted  tothetrenly- 
makiiig  power.     Nor  can  any  argument  in  siip- 
j  port  of  such  a  proposition  be  drawn  from  the  sup. 
I  po.^ed  confidential  relations  between  the  President 
I  nnd  the  .Senate,  nnd  the  thoroiiu'li  information  lliey  i 
i  are  deemed  lo  pos.sess;  on  which  ibe  minority  re- 
I  port  places  so  much  reliance.     Congress  has  the 
j  same  right  that  belongs  to  Ihe  Senate  of  calling  on 

the  Executive  for  information;  and  before  a  reso-  [ 
i  lution  or  bill  thai  passes  this  House  can  become  a 
I  law,  it  must  receive  the  sanciion  of  both  the  Sen- 
ate and   the   Presiilent.     Assuredly,    if  the   sup-  ! 
I  posed  ignonince  of  this  House,  a.«snmed  by  the  j 
I  minority  report,  is  a  sulticient  rensoii  to  forbid  its  1 
I  taking  iinrt  in  the  nlirogation  of  a  treaty,  it  furnish-  i 
'  es  a  niucli  stronger  reason  why  it  should  have  no 
agency  in   a  declaration   of  war.     To  determine 
on  the  propriety  of  the  latter  cerlainly  requires  a 
knowledge  ns  extensive  us  can  ever  be  needed  to 
!  decide  upon  the  former. 

'  I  have  thus,  Mr.  Chairman,  nttemnted  to  show 
under  consideration  is  not  n  measure  for  the  for-  ,  thnt  the  power  in  question  does  not  Iielong  to  the 
mation  of  a  treaty,  but  is  exactly  the  reverse.     In- 1    Executive  deparlmeiii,  or  lo  ihe    treaty-mnkiim- 

Btead  of  being  the  means  otinaking  a  treaty,  it  is  j   - t.,.^.  :.  : ..   :..i    :.,  , — ■  .    .     ._- 

the  means  of  annulling  one.  Between  it  and  the  j 
negotiation  of  a  treaty  tlicre  is  no  connexion  what-  I 
ever,  mid  the  right  to  decide  nn  il  cannot,  there- ' 


mil  tlie  power  "  to  diclurc  war"  would 
I  to  inchidc  the  power  to  annul  a  tieuty 


fore,  under  the  commonly  received  definition  of  in 
eiilenUil  powers,  be  deemed  to  belong  to  the  tiTuty- 
making  power.  Will  it  be  said  that  this  commonly 
received  dcfinitioii  is  too  narrow.' — that  implied 
powers  are  not  restricted  to  the  uf.e  of  the  means 
necessary  to  the  dcciilioit  of  the  powers  express- 
ed.'— but  that,  on  the  contrary,  a  grant  of  the  pow- 
er to  do  an  act  involves  a  grant  of  the  right  lo  undo 
it  after  it  shall  have  been  accomplished?  and  lliat, 
therefore,  the  Preaident  and  Senate,  being  invested 
with  the  power  to  make  treaties,  me  olso  invested 
with  the  power  to  annul  them .'  Should  this  posi- 
tion be  assumed,  my  answer  is,  that  such  a  prin. 
ciple  of  construction,  in  reference  to  the  Conslilu- 
tion  of  the  United  States,  is  altogether  inadmissi- 
ble; aa  an  examination  of  that  instrument  will 


power.  That  il  is  not  a  judicial  function  is  toi 
olivious  for  argument.  It  follows,  thnt  it  must  be 
a  legislative  power,  and  therefore  vested  in  Con- 
gress. For  we  cannot  sii|ipose  thiit  it  is  vested  no- 
where; nnd  if  it  is  not  possessed  by  either  the  Ex- 
ecutive, the  treaty-making  or  the  judicial  power, 
it  must  belong  to  the  only  remaining  one — the  le- 
gislative. And  that  there  are  grams  of  power  in 
the  Coiisiitution  to  Congress,  broad  cnouirh  to  in- 
clude it,  appears  to  me  jierfeclly  clear.  The  pow- 
er to  "  provide  for  the  common  defiMice  and  general 
welfare  of  the  United  States,"  to  do  which  may 
require  that  nn  end  be  put  to  the  privileges  enjoyed 
by  Great  Britain  under  the  treaty  in  (piestion,  is 
one  of  these  grants;  another,  is  the  power  "  to 
regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  and  among 
the  several  Slates,  and  with  the  Indian  tribes,"  by 
virtue  of  which  Congress  may,  in  my  judgment, 
abrogate  this  treaty  in  the  manner  proposed;  it 
being  a  treaty  of  commerce,  navigation,  and  trade 


alone.     And  the 

also  seem  { 

whi.'li  might  inlerrtre  willi  the  necessary  prepit- 

raliona  for  Ihe  (lefiiice  of  the  coiiiilry. 

1  have  so  far,  Mr.  Cliairinan,  itruiied  this  qiiea- 
tion  wiihont  reference  lo  piticedenis.  If  we  look 
to  ihi  ni,  we  will  find  that  Congress  has  passed  a 
niuliilude  of  acts  allectiiig  the  irentv  nupulatinns 
of  the  country.  Tliua,  us  early  as  i7'.l«,  a  treaty 
of  the  nioBl  im|i(irtant  character,  Ixtween  this 
country  and  Fnince,  and  on  the  observance  of 
which  by  UH  France  strenuously  insisled,  was  ab- 
rcirai'  d,  out  ami  out,  by  nn  act  of  Congress.  And 
aince  then,  how  nfleii  have  our  treaty  relnlioiis 
with  foreign  Powei-s  been  changed  by  our  legisla- 
tion ?  We  have  not  acknowleilgeU,  by  legislative 
enactment,  the  iiule|K"iiden('e  uf  a  single  nation  ihnt 
1ms  sprung  into  existence  since  our  own  coin- 
inenced,  and  whose  dominions  were  carved  out  of 
those  of  a  Power  with  which  we  hud  treaty  stip- 
ulations, wiihnut  affecting  those  stipulations  by 
our  net  of  acknowledgment.  Witness  the  South 
American  ix'pulilics,  Mexico,  Texas,  and  other 
States,  whose  independence  has  thus  biui  recog- 
nised. 

And  to  refer  to  another  familiar  ease,  nnd  one  of 
very  frequent  occurrence.  We  make  n  treaty  of 
commerce  and  navigation  with  a  foreign  Power, 
and  regulate  by  il  the  precise  lenns  on  which  its 
citizens  may  trade  willi  ours;  lint  provide,  also, 
that,  if  at  any  time  wo  shall  accord  more  favora- 
ble terms  to  the  subjects  of  any  other  nation,  its 
eiti/.ens  shall  also  enjoy  such  superior  udvantnges. 
.'Vfler  this,  we,  by  Unr,  not  by  treaty,  grant  belter 
terms  to  the  people  of  another  country,  nnd  there- 
by alter  ihe  privileges  and  elwinge  ihe  rights  of 
those  with  whom  we  had  treated.  The  very  laat 
Presidential  Message  mentions  several  cases  of  thi.i 
kind. 

I  pass  now,  Mr.  Chniminn,  to  the  considera- 
tion of  the  amnidnient  oU'ered  by  the  gentleman 
fi-om  Alabama.  He  proposes  to  vest  tlie  power 
of  giving  the  notice  in  the  President,  to  be  exer- 
cised or  not  exercised  at  the  discretion  of  thnt  of- 
ficer. In  other  words,  he  would  give  to  the  E.x- 
eeiitivc  the  power  to  amiul,  at  pleasure,  what  the 
Constilulioii  declares  shall  be  the  aupreme  law  of 
the  land.  To  those  who  know  me,  Mr.  Chairman, 
1  need  not  say  that  I  have  [leihaps  as  much  confi- 
dence in  the  President  of  the  United  Stales  ns  has 
any  seiitleman  on  this  floor.  Hut  I  should,  nev- 
crtliele.«s,  sir,  most  deeply  regret  to  have  the  alter- 
native placed  before  nie  of  being  compelled  to 
adopt  the  proposition  of  the  gentleman  fiom  Ala- 
bama, or  sec  thenoiice  nltogelhcr  fail;  and  although 
under  such  cirenmstnnccs,  I  would  vole  for  iTio 
proposition,  I  would  do  so  with  unfeigned  regret 
thnt  Congress  had  thus,  as  I  should  feel,  shrunk 
from  performing  a  duty  Ihat  properly  cjevolved 
upon  it,  and  set  so  dangerous  an  example  of  eon- 
liding  legislative  power  lo  Executive  discretion. 

And  here  I  must  be  allowed,  Mr.  Chairman,  to 
say  that  I  have  listened  with  astonishment  to  gen- 
tlemen, who, after  torturing  their  imaginations  hour 
by  hour,  and  day  by  day,  lo  depict  the  horrors 
that  will,  in  their  judgments,  flow  from  giving  this 
notice,  after  denouncing  it,  over  and  over  again,  ns 
a  war  measure  that  must  inevitably  plunge  the 
country  into  a  disastrous  and  disgraceful  conflict 
of  arms,  have  finally  closed  their  remarks  by  pro- 
posing to  confer,  wiiliout  restriction,  the  aulnorily 
lo  give  it  on  the  President  of  the  United  States. 
And  to  whose  hands  is  it,  Mr.  Chairman,  these 
gentlciTicn  are  willing  to  confide  the  war-making 
power  of  the  land — for  the  war-making  power  it 
13,  and  no  less,  if  their  views  are  correct.'  Is  it  to 
a  man  who  will  not  exercise  the  authority  with 
which  they  clothe  him — a  man  who  will  not  give 
the  notice,  if  the  power  to  do  so  be  conferred  upon 
him.'  Is  it  to  such  a  man,  Mr.  Chairman.'  No, 
sir.  not  at  all.  The  President  desires  peace,  earn- 
estly desires  it;  bulgivc  this  notice  he  win, and  that 
riglit  quickly,  loo,  if  Congress  enable  him  to  do  it. 
No  one,  who  has  carefully  read  his  Message,  and 
knows  the  firm  and  decided  character  of  the  man, 
can  doubt  for  a  moment  on  this  point.  Why,  has 
lie  not  declared,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  that 
our  title  to  Oregon  is  clear  and  unquestionable .' 
Did  he  not,  when  the  proposition  made  by  him, 
solely  in  deference  to  tne  action  of  his  predeces- 
sors, was  rejected  by  the  British  Minister,  instantly 
withdraw  it,  and  insist  on  our  right  to  the  whole 


IM 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  28, 


99rH  CoNo I  IT  Srii. 


The  Ongon  (^uulion — Mr.  Thurman, 


Ho.  ur  Hepi. 


H 


by  1 


of  (he  Urrilory  ?  Ha«  lie  not  told  iii,  In  kit  Mu- 
Mp',  llini,  ill  liii  juJijiiHMil,  tlie  notice  ounlil  lo  Ijc 
glvt'ii.'  Ami  I'liii  liny  niiu  ilmilii,  iitU'r  all  lliix, 
wliiiliir  lie  wiiiilil  pne  it.  were  iIk'  power  In  do  >o 
ivlai'i'il  III  Ilia  IiuiiiIh?  AiiJ  if  no  onu  (iiii  an  iloiilit, 
1.1  il  |H>I  alniiik'V  lliiil  gi'iillciiicii  wlio  iiiimii'i:  ua  iif 
IJK'ir  I'i'IIlT  lii.it  U'lir,  ilialiniiornble,  riiliioiia  wnr, 
will  I'ollnw  llii!  notit'(',aliiiiil(l  y^  lir  williii;;  lo  cnu- 
I  II'  llic  I'riiiulrnl  lo  ijive  it — iiivc:  it  ill  diairclioii  ? 
Ami  is  il  not  Hiill  iiinrit  uoiuli^iiul  lluit  tlii!  gcntle- 
imn,  who  tliiin  |iro|ioMj  lo  iniiljilr  in  the  l*r>  aiiliiit, 
lie  lull  union;;  llii!  iiuni'icr  i>(  Ilia  iioliticiil  Irienda; 
nntl  tliut  tlirv  wlin,  i\  few  iitontlia  Hni't',  were  iii- 
qiiirln<;.  '*\\*ihi  i.-*  Jiiiiir>f  K.Polk:  '  ar«  now,  an 
rapiil  lina  liccn  iliuir  iii'<|iii.iitiii|i  of  know liil^c,  liolli 
ready  iiiul  willing  to  iniiiial  him  witli  wlial,it'  tlicir 
ju(li;ini'iils  111-  ciMTirl,  la  llip  (mwrr  In  innkc  war; 
nre  willing  nnil  rtnily  to  placf  in  liia  IuiiiiIh  n  su- 
preme law  of  the  livnd,  of  vn.ll  iinportanic  to  tlip 
pi'licp  of  Ihn  ronnlry,  lo  lie  i-jiiilliiiivil  in  loivr,  or 
ullprly  aniiiillcil,  nn  lila  juilenicnl  or  hln  will  niRy 
elictnlP?  Wiiy,  air,  i  appial  lo  ihi'ao  'NVIiif;  ^cn- 
tlcinen,  they  wlioae  parly  iiniiii;  itiiplica  oppofiilioii 
to  pri'roj'.iitivc  aiul  »  parllaliiy  for  the  legislative 
I'lHinli  ol'thc  tiivirnninnt;  lln  y  wlm,  fur  ihc  laat 
fifn'iii  year.'',  Iiaie  lucii  cryin;;  aloiul  n^aiiiat  Kx- 
rciitlvu  powtr,  iinil  Ul^^ollncylK^l''•''^■<'ntlv^  diai  rc- 
lion,  even  when  tlin  cxen'iaconlmt  ilinorttioii  was 
wartanlod  liy  the  C'ojisiiuitlon;  1  appeal  lo  tlieiii, 
to  tell  me  how  it  la  that  they  can  reconiile  il  lo 
their  principle.'*  lo  vole  for  the  uniendinonl  of  the 
(;enth'inaii  Iroiii  Aliiljiima,  inateud  uf  voting  di- 
rectly Tir  the  notice  ilsclf. 

Mr.  (jluilrnian,  if  llie  power  to  nnniil  tliia  ireaiy 
y  menus  of  the  notice  in  a  leylalalivc  powii,  u»  1 
trual  1  have  shown  it  ia,  It  otifrhl  to  bocxerciaed 
by  llie  h':rialalure.  The  act  for  that  piii'|iiiae  oviijlit 
to  he  posiiivo  nnd  iinetpiivocal.  It  la  eipiajly  in- 
ponaiiteiil  willi  the  diijnily  of  f'oiii:ie.i.i,  mid  with 
the  dictates  of  aoiind  policy,  for  us  to  evailc  a  re- 
BponsihlHiv  that  properly  bel(ini;a  to  ii.i,  by  Hcekiin; 
to  throw  It  upon  niioilier  department,  ileaulea, 
air,  if  war  ia  lo  follow  from  ^iviii;;  Ihia  notice — n. 
thiin;  alHriiied  by  ^,'eiitlemeii,  bill  wliirli  J  wliolly 
diabelieve — the  country  will  be  far  more  iniited  if 
the  notice  shall  have  been  i.'iven  by  the  poaiiivu  di- 
rection of  Congress,  tliaii  if  it  be  nn  act  of  mere 
E.xeculive  judi;inenl.  Give  it  yourselves,  nnd  if  a 
conflict  enaue,  we  may  hope  to  present  lo  the  foe 
nn  undivided  trout;  but  wilhdniw  from  it  the  sup- 
port of  your  enactment,  nnd  make  it  the  measure 
of  the  President  alone,  uiid  the  voice  of  fii'ilon  will 
«oon  be  heard.  Soon  will  its  notes  of  discord  be 
raised;  soon,  very  soon,  will  the  chnnjc  be  runjj 
through  the  land,  that  we  have  been  ruthlessly  nnd 
recklessly  plun£;cd  into  a  war  hf  the  weakiiew  or  ; 
tlie  wickedness  of  n  alnirlc  man.  | 

I  conic,  I:tslly,  .Mr.  Clialininn,  to  the  considera- 
tion of  the  iiiniii  question:  Onjjhl  the  notice  to  be 
(;iven  at  ull?     1  think,  sir,  it  ou^lii.     In  niyjudg- 
ment,  both  tiic  honor  nnd  the  interests  of  the  coun- 
try require  it.     I  shall  not  deUtin  the  committee  i 
to  stale  all  the  rcaaons  that  bring  mc  to  this  con- 
clusion, nor  is  il  iiintcrial  that   1  should  do  so.  i 
Moat  of  them  have  lieeii   already  slated  in  llie 
course  of  this  debate.    For  mc  to  recapitulate  them  ■ 
would  be  n  useless  iic.s:|niss  on  your  patience;  but 
were  it  otherwise,  time  is  not  left  me  in  which  to 
ilo  it,     I  shall  therefore  content  myself  with  call- 
ing attention  to  certain  views  of  the  subject  that 
seem   lo  ine  to  be  entitled  to  weight.     In  doing 
this,  the  first  thing  that  1  desire  the  committee  to 
observe  is,  that  all,  or  very  nearly  all,  who  have 
taken  jiart  in  this  iliscu8.sion  appeared  to  be  con- 
vhiieil  that  action  is  ncrcwary  in  reference  to  Ore- 
gon.    All,  or  nearly  all,  stale  their  belief  tlinl  our 
title  to  that  country  is  better  than  that  of  England, 
nnd  express  iheir  hope  that  we  will  ere  long  pos- 
sess the  whole  of  it.     All,  or  nearly  ull,  nre  in  | 
favor  of  measures  looking  lo  a  rcnli/.ation  of  that  • 
hope.     The    reciimniendationa  of  the   President, 
oilier  than  that  respecting  the  notice,  find  almost  : 
universal  favor.    No  one  advocates  the  doctrine  of  . 
absolute  inactivity;  but,  on  the  contrary,  nil,  or  ' 
nearly  nil,  proclaim  Iheir  reudiness  lo  vole  for  the 
entire  list  of  the  Oregon  propositions  uilh  the  sin- 
gle exception  of  the  notice.    The  raising  of  troops, 
the  building  of  forts,  the  eslnblishmeiit  of  a  mail, 
the  creation  of  Indian  agencies,  the  extension  of 
our  laws,  pros|)Cctive  and  liberal  grants  of  land — 
all  these  measures,  having  for  their  object  the  en-  : 
couragemtmofmigrationloOre^n,  the  protection  ' 


r  of  the  aetllera  wh*n  lli««tan<l  theultimnir  exleii- 
I  aloii  of  Ainericnn  juriwlictton  over  the  whole  of 

he   territory — all    these  auliatanlial   iiiul   etlrcllve 

I  menaures  hiid  a  conlial  Rp|iroval,  it  seems,  from 

nearly  every    nieniber  on   thia  (lour.     Wherein, 

tlieii.do  wr  dilbr  with  each  other?     In  thia,  that 

:  a  portion  of  ua  are  in  favor,  not  oiilv  of  adopliiiif 

I  these  nieaauria,  but  also  of  giving  llie  notice;  the 

real  advocate  the  niensun'a,  but  object  to  the  no- 

!  lice.    The  nieaaures,  nil  support;  the  iiolice,  a  pur- 

lioi)  oppose.     And  why  oppiiae  it.'     Because,  in 

their  judgment,  it  will  lead  lo  war;  and  war,  say 

they,  tainiul  gain,  but,  on  the  conlmry,  may  lose 

for  ua  the  «  linle  of  Ore;ton. 

.Now,  .\lr.  I'hairninn,  wliirli  of  these  Iwoconraea 
of  policy,  tlic  adoption  of  the  menaures  nnd  the  no- 
il-e,  or  the  paasiige  of  them  willioul  the  lioiiee,  is 
the  more  likely  to  lead  to  war?  Kvcry  one,  with- 
out exeeplion,  agrees  that  giving  the  notice  would 
not,  of  Itself,  be  a  just  cause  of  war,  or  even  be  re- 
garded by  Cireat  Urilain  as  a  ground  of  ollence. 
What,  then,  would  make  it  nn  olfcnsive  measure.' 
The  answer  Is,  the  rircumslances  under  which  it 
would  be  given.  And  what  nre  tlioae  circuni- 
»lances,pray,  but  the  niloiitlnn  of  the  measures  of 
which  I  liave  spuken,  and  which  nil  of  lis,  those 
opjioaed  t'l  the  notice,  as  well  as  lliose  In  fnvor  of 
il,  profess  lo  nopove  and  siislnin.'  Docs  any  man 
believe  that  if  you  were  to  simply  Rive  the  notice, 
and  alittuin  fi'oin  adapting  the  niensui'M,  war  would 
lie  the  coiiHeipicnce?  No  one  imngines  any  such 
thing.  The  iiolice  is  noiliing  without  the  inens- 
iircM.  I  mean  its  praclicnl  clVect  would  bo  no- 
thing; cerinlnly  noihin?  of  wliidi  Great  Bril- 
alii  would  complain.  It  is  the  measures,  then, 
which  nre  lo  follow  the  notice,  thai  are  ihe  things 
of  substance.  Il  is  they  that  will  send  tliousanda 
of  iinlgrants  In  Ongon,  guarded  by  your  trnnps, 
protecied  by  yonrluria,  iiniler  the  panoply  of  your 
l;iws,  to  be  rewnrdi  d  by  your  bouiiiy ,  and  iiltimale- 
ly  to  occupy  for  you  the  entire  terrilorv;  it  is  these 
measures,  producllve  of  these  elTecIs,  tliut  will  give 
colli  ern  to  llie  I!rltisli  Governinent,  nnd  not  the  re- 
ception of  your  notice  tolerinhintea  treaty  of  mere 
nivlgatioii  and  trade.  Forward  the  notice,  nnd 
yon  ndd  not  one  jot  or  little  to  the  amount  of  of- 
fence these  nieusiires  w  ill  give;  but  lulopt  the  meas- 
ures without  the  notice,  and  you  furnish  Great 
llrltiiin  the  only  (ilanaible  ground  of  coinplnint  she 
will  have.  You  enable  her  to  say  llint  while  pro- 
fi'ssing  a  sacred  rc'^ard  for  tre:ity  engngemenls,  you 
are  insidiously  employed  in  their  sysiemnlic  violn- 
lloii;  and  however  false  and  unfounded  the  charge 
may  be,  il  will  nevertheless  be  certain  lo  produce 
lis  eflecl.  The  oiiiiiion  of  that  civilized  world,  of 
which  we  have  lieiird  so  often, and  heard  so  much, 
and  to  which  we  are  invoked  lo  pay  so  profound 
n  respect,  will  bo  airnyed  on  the  side  of  your  foe 
in  condemnation  of  your  course.  From  nil  parts 
of  Europe  you  will  hear  the  atercolyped  phrase, 
that  you  are  "re-enacling  thcTexas  drama  agaliij" 
a  drama  that  consists  in  peopling  the  territory  of 
a  power  wllli  w  hldi  you  nre  at  pence,  with  the  ul- 
timate design  of  wresting  il  from  the  hands  of  its 
lawful  |>osse»sor.  The  charge  was  false  as  lo  Tex- 
as; it  would  be  false  as  to  Oregon;  but  that  would 
not  prevent  its  being  made,  and  extensively  be- 
lieved, or  render  it  aught  bin  folly  in  iis  lo  nccd- 
It'.ssly  provide  its  principal  support.  The  United 
.Stntes  are  powerful  enough  to  pursue  nn  open  nnd 
stmight-forwnrd  policy;  and  any  other  course,  al- 
low me  to  say,  would  be  ns  Inimical  lo  the  interests 
of  the  republic,  as  it  would  be  destructive  of  its 
character  and  dignity,  ''oncurring,  tlitii,  in  the 
genend  judgment,  that  inactivity  is  no  longer  pos- 
sible; that  tlie  time  has  arrived  when  we  must  Uike 
steps  lo  occupy  Oregon,  or  .see  it  subjected  practi- 
cally lo  the  l»rllish  power;  believing  llie  measures 
proposed  to  be  demanded  alike  by  the  opinion  of 
the  country,  and  the  necessities  of  the  case;  nnd 
regarding  the  passage  of  lliesc  measures,  without 
the  notice,  ns  more  likely  to  iia»inl  the  pence  and 
honor  of  the  nation  than  would  the  nuoiilion  of 
both,  I  am  in  favor  of  the  notice  iia  well  ai  the 
measures,  nnd  will  vote  for  the  resolution  requiring  ; 
il  lo  be  given. 

And  here,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  may  as  well  remark 
that  I  do  not  believe  that  an  immeiliate  war  is  at  ull 
likely  to  lake  place,  whatever  may  be  our  action 
on  the  questions  before  us.  That  Great  Britain  i 
will  go  lo  war  before  she  will  surrender  the  whole 
of  Oregon,  I  iliall  certainly  not  undertake  to  deny. 


My  own  opinion  la  iluit  she  will.  Man?  peril 
of  much  more  rxperlence  nnd  ubillly  ifinn  I  i 
lay  cliiiiii  to,  think  she  will  not. 


■on* 
can 
Bill  let  il  be  aa- 
aiimed  that  she  will,  and  il  by  no  means  follows 
that  an  iinniediale  conltict  will  re.~ull  from  the  ndop- 
lion  of  our  meaauies.     On  tlie  contrary,  nothing 
appears  lo  me  more  certain  than  that  hnaitllths  will 
not  eomineiire  iinlll  the  alternative  be  brought  ftac- 
licallji  home  to  great  Urilaliii  either  lo  yield  up  to 
on r  people  her  possessions  ill  Ihc  territory,  or  lo 
ilelend  and  mniiiUiin  llirm  by  the  force  of  anna. 
That  point  will  nut,  In  my  jiidgiiienl,  be  reached 
for  several  years  to  come,  however  f  flVclive  may 
be  the  Oregon  meaaurri  we  adopt.     It  will  not  be 
r  ached  until  the  preponderance  of  American  set- 
tlers in   the  territory  ahull  endanger  ihc  pewe  and 
security  of  llrillah  occufHiney.     Before  that  lime, 
I  Texalioua  incidtnta  may  indceil  occur — exciting 
;  cases  may  arise,  from  the  asacrtion  of  adverse  jii- 
I  risdictions;   but,  in  thia  age,  inalanlaneoua  war 
does  nol  tread  on  the  lirels  of  ercry  wrong.     If  it 
I  did,  the  late  war  would  nol  have  been  postponed 
I  for  years,  nor  would  evenis  of  latter  days   havo 
piLsaed  as  they  have,  nnd  left  the  land  in   peace. 
But,  come  what  may,  Mr.  Chalrniaii,  our  duly  is 
I!  plain.     Oreg-on  Is  ours,  nnd  what  is  ours  we  ought 
[  lo  possen.     If  with  twenty  nilllionn  of  people  we 
do  not  maintain  our  rights,  the  world,  be  assured, 
w  III  not  accord  them  lo  u.«.     We  caiiiiot  hope  to 
be  respeeled,  while  exhibiting  a  weakness  so  dis- 
astrous and  nmay.lng.     Wenwe  it  to  our  iiiicreals, 
we  owe  It  lo  our  honor,  we  owe  il  to  the  cause  of 
re|inblirnii  governnieni,  that  form  of  government 
that  ia  daily  charged  with  inability  to  resist  aggres- 
sion— we  owe  it  to  nil  these,  lo  act  with  tirmiieas 
and  decision.     Ills  mil  by  thenbandonmcntnf  our 
claims,  the  surrender  of  our  territory,  the  discred- 
iting of  lepiibllcanlsni,  and  the  disgiaee  of   out* 
name,  that  we  will  secure  lo  ourselves  the  blessingi 
]  of  ]ieace.     And  ^real,  nnd  beneficent,  and  desira- 
ble as  those  blessings  are,  it  does  not  become  us  to 
I  seek  them  at  .so  ruinous  n  ]irice. 
I      Mr.  Chairman,  I  repeal,  that  we  are  in  no  dan- 
ger of  immedinle  wnr;  but  v\ere  it  otherwise,  were 
war  declared  Ihia  day,  il  could  nol  reaiilt  in  the  loss 
,  of  Oregon.     Gentlemen    who  predict  that  result, 
ii  underrate  our  alrength  iia  much  as  they  exnggernte 
,:  that  of  our  adversary;  and  ihcy  do  both  to  a  sin- 
j  giilar  degree.     Grant  that  Great  Britain  has  a  pow- 
I  erful  fleet  in  the  Pacific,  will  the  war  be  waged  on 
\i  the  coasts  of  Oregon  alone  ?     Are  there  nn  British 
'' provinces  to  invade  ?     Will   there  be  no  means  of 
lirlnging  home  to  her  the  horrors  of  the  conflict? 
Win  there  be  no  hnttlc-fields  on  which  to  settle  the 
atril'e,  save  Ihe  dlsuint  nnd  almost  tennntlesa  shores 
i  I  of  the  Pacific  ?   The  whole  of  Oregon  be  lost  1    The 
,  whole  of  Oregon  be  wrested  from  us  by  n  power 
whose  strength  lies  beyond  the  Atlantic  i     Incredi- 
ble, sir.     iSuch  a  result  could  never  be.     What 
'   would   be  the  result  no  man  may   be  sagacious 
;  enough  to  tell;  but  that  n  war  would   lose  ua  the 
!j  whole  of  Oregon  iswhnioiiy  mnn  niav  safely  deny. 
il      Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  in  favor  of  giving  this  no- 
il lice  becau.se  a  refusal  to  give  It  would,  under  exist- 
I    ing  cirrumsiances, carry  with  il  an implicallou that 
I    we  are  willing  to  yield  lo  Ore:it  Britain,  not  only  a 
portion  of  Oregon,  but  even  a  larger  portion  than 
we  have  ever  yet  oflered  her.     So  would  she  inter- 
pret our  proceedings — so  would  tlie  world  interpret 
I  them.     I  do  not  wish  to  furnish  grounds  for  such 
;  II  beliei'.     I  do  not  wish  such  a  belief  to  exist.     It 
I    would  only  serve  to  swell  and  perpetiuite  the  ario- 
i   gance  of  her  demands,  and  increase  the  difficiiliies 
that  already  surround  us.     The  sooner  we  Inke  a 
■   decided   stand,   Ihe   .sooner  we  let  our  adversary 
know  that  Oregon  being  ours  we  will  never  surren- 
der it ;  llint  being  ours,  we  intend  lo  possess  il  nil; 
the  sooner  will  nlie  lenrn  to  respect  our  riglits,  ihe 
longer  will  she  pause  before  she  resolve  lo  infringe 
them. 

But  it  is  said,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  we  ought  not 
lo  give  the  notice,  becjiuae  we  are  gelling  along  un- 
der the  treaty  exceedingly  well;  llial  time  is  doing 
!  <br  us  what  arms  could  not;  thnl  migration  anil 
'  settlement  will  secure  us  Oregon  if  we  have  but  Iho 
patience  and  wisdom  to  "  let  well  alone" — that  we 
are  about  to  play  the  part  of  the  hy|iocliondriac,  on 
I  whose  tomb  it  was  inscribed,  that  "  He  was  well, 
}  thought  himself  sick,  took  medicine,  and  died." 
I  shall  not  repeat,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  answers 
that  have  been  given  to  this  argument,  and  which 
conclusively  show  that  time  and  the  treaty  will  not 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGFtESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


165 


89rH  CuNo liT  Sen. 


The  Oregon  <^ttion — Mr.  J.  K  Holmti, 


Ho.  or  Rbfi, 


dn  for  tiiwIiAt  gontU'incn  aiippniir.  But  I  beg  tlinae 
wlinndviiiice  thie  ■rguinciit,  unii  wlin  helWivo  it  "•<- 
tilled  tn  |irc-eniiiicnt  wti^lil,  to  ti'll  uh  Iiow  it  m, 
tliitt,  if  the  Ircnty  ia  wnrltiiii;  nuo.li  Kliirioiia  reaiilta 
for  tlf  United  >Stutc«,  llio  ilritiali  Oiivrrnniciit  alill 
periuiisittnexint?  Wliy  ilcma  nut  the  mitire  cniiio 
from  Urest  Uri  tin,  if  tlir  trcniy  ia  m>  pri  judicinl,  ao 
dianalroua.tolirr .'  Antlif'rntatcamcn<iuK<><^i«ii<'  All 
ndinit  it.  Arc  they  well  iiirorincd  on  tliia  auliject? 
It  cnnncit  Iw  denied.  Uo  they  giiird  her  intercsta? 
Iler  hialnry  will  ahow.  Why,  then,  I  rejwnt,  doea 
nut  the  notice  cniiM  from  hur?  There  la  hut  rno 
answer  tn  give,  but  one  nt  leaat  that  ia  aatiafnctuty, 
ond  thiit  is,  that  the  treaty  ia  beneficial  to  her  and 
injurious  to  us. 

In  tin  next  place  it  ia  ani<l,  Mr.  Chairman,  that 
we  ought  not  to  clo.'W  the  door  to  negotiation. 
Cloae  the  door  to  n^gnliation,  air — how  la  the  no- 
tice tn  do  that  ?  Unless  war  be  produced  by  it,  how 
is  that  to  be  its  effect .'  I  can  conceive  that  it  might 
lead  tn  nrgotialioti,  hut  huw,  without  war,  will  it 
tend  In  prevent  it?  And  of  what  service,  .sir,  hna 
the  treaty  lieon  tn  us  in  this  rcspr'ct?  Hail  it  I'lir- 
thered  the  aetdcmentof  the  qucstiiin  in  the  HJi^ht- 
cst  degree.''  f  las  it  abated  one  jot  of  Urltish  pre- 
tension ?  Are  we  not  now,  nfier  twenty-eight  years 
ncgoliating  under  it,  flirther  from  an  agreement  than 
when  we  began !  Mai  it  not  erected  thirty  Urilish 
forts  in  Oregon,  cxttMided  over  it  a  code  of  llrilish 
laws,  iilsnteii  in  it  apnwerlVil  Ilritish  force,  and  ex- 
tended her  inliucnce  there  a  hundred  fold.'  And 
have  iheae  tliingii  facililnted  negotiation?  tiave 
these  things  lessened  Dritish  demands  ?  Or  have 
tliey  not  strengthened  them,  day  by  day,  and  year 
nfler  year,  till  they  have  reached  their  present  pre- 
posterous height? 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  no  hopes,  none  whnlcver, 
from  negotiation.  Neither  Ciovernmont  will  offer 
what  the  other  will  accept.  There  is  no  use  in 
concealing  this  fact  from  oiirsclven.  There  is  no 
use  in  attempting  to  hide  it.  No  American  .^(l- 
iiiinistration  will  dare  to  ofl'er  more  than  has  al- 
ready been  ofTered,  and  no  liritish  ministry  will 
ever  accept  what  the  British  Government  has  four 
times  rejected.  1  apeak  of  what  will  be  the  cmirse 
of  the  (Sovernmentfl  if  they  do  nothing  but  nego- 
tiate. There  ia  nothing  to  be  expected  ftom  nego- 
tiation; and  our  action  ought  not  to  be  influenced 
by  a  hope  thnt  is  altogether  vain  and  illusory. 

1  proceed  now  to  consider  another  objection  that 
has  been  mode  to  giving  the  notice.  Assuming 
that  war  ia  to  be  its  consequence,  gentlemen  shy 
that  we  are  not  prepared  for  such  an  emerjency, 
I  answer,  in  the  first  place,  that  the  a.isumptinn  is 
«ltngellier  groundless;  and,  in  the  next,  that  war 
■will  never  find  us  heller  prepared  than  we  are  at 
this  mnmrnt.  We  do  not  keep  large  alandin? 
armies  in  times  of  peace,  nor  do  we  expend  hun'- 
dreds  of  millions  in  preparations  on  a  mere  contin- 
gency of  war^  Such  is  not,  such  never  has  been, 
and  such  never  will  be,  either  our  practice  or 
policy.  The  genileman  from  Virginia,  who  ad- 
dressed the  committee  yesterday,  [Mr.  Bati.t,1 
spoke  of  the  miserable  state  of  our  fortifications; 
their  want  of  repair,  their  lack  of  armament,  and 
their  general  bad  condition;  and  he  specified  parti- 
cularly the  works  within  his  own  district.  Why, 
Mr.  e  hairman,  dirt  it  never  occur  to  the  gentleman 
that,  if  we  ought  not  to  aseert  our  rights  until  the 
Atlantic  coast  be  fortified,  we  ought  for  the  same 
reason  to  delay  their  aaacrtion  until  the  nst  of  our 
frontier  be  similarly  protected  ?  And  is  any  one 
here  prepared  to  postpone  this  notice  until  a  cir- 
cumference of  8,000  miles  shall  be  studded  with 
forts,  until  all  the  frontier  Stales  shall  thus  be 
shielded  from  harm  ?  Is  the  seaboard,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, the  only  line  exposed  to  the  enemy's  attack? 
Do  not  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  New 
York,  Ohio,  Michigan,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Wiscon- 
sin, and  lowB,  present  a  northern  frontier  siill 
more  exposed  ?  And  are  we  to  wait,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, till  this  long  line,  stretching  from  the  Atlan- 
tic to  the  confines  of  the  "  far  West,"  be  securely 
defended  by  military  works,  before  we  take  steps 
to  maintain  our  claims  to  Oregon  ?  Do  the  people 
of  these  States  nsk  us  to  do  it  ?  Does  Ohio,  within 
whose  limits  not  a  dollar  has  been  expended  for 
purposes  of  fortification,  desire  such  delay  ■  No, 
Mr.  Chairman,  no.  The  people  of  the  United 
States  are  aware  that  their  means  of  defence  and 
))0wer  of  attack  depend  not  on  standing  armies 
and  fortified  posts,  and  they  will  never  ask  us  to 


del.'iy  the  Oiisertion  of  national  riglila,  or  to  fail  to 
vindicate  the  national  honor,  in  order  to  provide 
them  with  any  such  shield. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  vote  as  cheerfully  as  any 
one  here  for  liberal  appropriations  lo  nrovido  for 
delVnce,  but  I  am  not  willing  to  dilay  llieadoptiiui 
of  the  Oregon  incasures  uniil  millions  and  tens  of 
millions  shall  have  been  ex|H'ndcd  on  forlifications 
that  may  never  be  needed,  or  which,  if  needed,  will 
be  out  of  repair  again  before  war  conic.  1  say  out 
of  repair  again  before  war  come;  rt<r  what  doea  ex- 
pericnco  testify  on  this  head?  Whence  arista  Ilia 
present  stale  of  our  military  works?  Mow  is  it 
lliey  are  l()uiul  in  a  conditiini  so  dcplorn'uly  bad? 
Is  there  any  answer  to  these  <|iicaiion8  but  one? 
And  what  is  that  but  that  in  tune  of  peace  y<ai 
will  not  burden  your  treasury  with  even  the  cohIs 
of  repair?  Millions  are  veiled  occasionally  to  cini- 
Nlruct  such  works,  and  when  the  money  ia  gone 
the  works  are  but  jusl  begun.  The  expenditure 
niado  has  but  crcaled  a  necessity  for  furlhrr  and 
greater  expenditure.  The  ordinary  revenue  is  in- 
siilfii'ient  to  meet  it.  The  coiinhy  is  at  peace,  and 
f'lmgi-ess  refuses  exiriioidinary  means.  New  »p- 
piojHialions  to  coinpleie  ihe  works  are  consequint- 
iy  ueuied.  Sums  sulKcient  to  pirxirve  them  arc 
not  always  voted.  Dilapidalion  and  decay  follow 
of  course,  and  it  is  not  till  war  is  really  nt  our  doors 
that  preparations  for  resiMiance  are  elleciively  cnm- 
nicnced.  So  has  •  .ilwoys  been,  and  so  will  it 
always  be;  and  it  do.s  ihereloru  seem  to  me  that 
it  is  idle  to  talk  of  postponing  action  on  the  subject 
of  Oregon  until  forlificatimis  shall  place  us  in  abet- 
ter suite  of  defence.  If  either  Cimgrcss  or  the 
country  entcrlaincd  the  belief  that  war  will  be  Ihe 
necessary  and  speedy  effect  of  the  passage  of  tlie 
measures  wc  propose  to  adopt,  there  would  be  no 
heaitancy  whatever  in  preparing  to  meet  it.  Ap- 
propriations w'ould  be  voted  without  n  monimt's 
delay — voted  in  no  ni^'gard  sums,  and  wilh  no  rc- 
lucUint  hand,  but  liberally,  freely,  cheerfully  voted. 
Neither  the  country  or  Congres.'<,  howevrr,  enler- 
tains  this  belief,  and  not  entertaining  it,  large  mili- 
tary preparations  will  not  be  made.  Theyare  not 
recommended  by  the  ri-e.Midenl,  or  by  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy  or  War;  lliey  are  not  ))roposed 
by  any  coinmitteo  of  this  House,  or  of  the  other 
branch  of  the  Legislature;  no  member  has  intro- 
duced bills  for  that  object,  nod  none  arc  likely  to 
be  introduced;  and  even  the  bills  that  have  been 
brought  in,  little  as  they  would  increase  our  regu- 
lar force,  and  comparalively  small  as  would  be  the 
apjiropriaiions  their  paasaf;t;  would  exact,  ore  yet, 
it  18  seen  destined  to  be  vigorously  opposed.  To 
delay  the  Oregon  measures  in  order  to  fortify  is  to 
postpone  them  to  a  time  indefinitely  remote.  It  is 
to  give  them  the  go-by  for  years  to  come,  and  meet 
them  with  the  same  oljections  then  that  arc  urged 
against  them  now.  indeed,  sir,  we  might  almost 
as  well  postpone  them  to  the  period  indicated  by 
jj  the  remarks  of  another  gentleman  from  Virginia, 
[Mr.  Bedingek,]  who  told  us  that  our  country  is 
in  a  state  of  adolescence,  a  youth  that  is  growing 
stronger  day  by  day;  that  John  Bull,  on  the  con- 
trary, is  an  old  gentleman,  a  stout  and  a  sturdy  old 
man,  it  is  true,  but  one  in  whose  hcod  Ihe  gray 
hairs  begin  to  appear;  ihnt  after  a  while  he  must 
totter  and  fail,  and  then  will  be  our  time  to  effect- 
ively strike.  I  trust  that  no  one  is  willing  to  set 
so  late  a  day  aa  that  for  the  assertion  of  our  rights, 

Mr.  Chairman,  of  all  the  stmnge  reasons  that 
this  debate  bos  given  utterance  to,  and  which  have 
been  urged  lo  show  that  the  notice  should  not  be 
given,  the  most  exlraordinary  was,  doubtless,  one 
advanced  by  the  gentleman  from  Virginia  who  sits 
on  my  right,  [Mr.  Pksuletonj]  and  with  a  pass- 
ing and  very  brief  notice  of  it,  I  will  have  said  all 
that  it  is  my  intention  to  say.  Thnt  gentleman 
I'  111  us,  in  effect,  that  wo  ought  not  lo  give  the 
notice,  which  he  considers  a  war  meiuiure,  because 
Great  Britain  has  acted  in  a  manner  so  just  and 
honorable  towards  us.  "  Have  we  an  insult,  a 
trespass,  or  even  n  menace  to  avenge?  Has  our 
flog  been  insulted,  our  soil  invaded,  or  our  honor 
impeached?"  These  were  the  gentleman's  qiies- 
tions;  and  I  understood  him  also  to  ask:  "Has 
Great  Britain  ever  insulted  our  flag  that  she  did 
not  apologize  or  atone  for  the  insult?"  Strange 
questions  these  to  be  asked  on  the  floor  of  an 
American  Congress  by  a  representative  of  Amer- 
ican citizens.  Why,  sir,  British  outrages  on  the 
rights,  British  insults  lo  tlie  flag,  and  British  im- 


I  peachmcnl  ofthe  honor  of  lh«  United  Slates,  be- 
gan wilh  Ihe  very  irealy  that  acknowledged  our 

I   independence,  and   have  continued  in    unbroken 

i  auccessioii  down  to  Ihe  prcNeiit  time.  Did  alie  not 
withhold  from  us,  year  afler  year,  our  wtslerii 
posts,  in  violulioii  of  that  treaty,  and  in  despilc  of 

>  iiurcoinplainla?  Was  mil  her  flag  seen  to  flout 
over  American  soil,  where  ihcbannerof  the  Union 
should  alone  have  been  found?  Are  the  days  of 
impressment  already  for:;otleii,  and  must  gentle- 
men Iki  told  that  tlioiiwiiids,  yes,  ihousandH  of 
American  seainon  xven;  lorn  from  the  decks  of 
American  ships,  taken  IVoin  beneath  the  American 
flag,  anil  forced  In  fi^hl  the  liattks  of  Hriluin 
against  ihe  freedom  of  the  world  ?  Has  it  already 
passed  from  the  memories  of  men  that  an  Ameri- 
can frigate,  in  lime  of  peace,  siisperting  no  danger, 
and  unprepared  for  defence,  within  the  very  waters 
of  the  Uniied  SuiUs,  wiihiii  the  jurisdiction  of 
Virginia  herself,  was  Imsely  assailed  by  superior 
force,  and  compelled  to  strike  Ih'C  flag  to  a  liritish 
man-of-war  ?  And  lo  come  down  lo  later,  yea,  to 
recent  limen,  has  the  gentleman  never  heard  of 
liritish  invasion  of  American  soil,  of  British  hom- 
icide of  American  ciiizeiis,  of  Brilish  insult  lo  Iho 
AiiK'iican  flag?  Has  he  never  hcord  that  an 
Americiui  sieaincr,  in  the  dead  hour  of  niglil,  was 
torn  from  her  moorings  at  an  American  shore, 
her  crew  assassinalcd  by  a  Briiisli  force,  the  torch 
applied  by  a  liritish  hand,  and  the  waves  made  to 
finish  what  ihc  sabre  began?  Or,  does  he  not 
know  that  apology  has  never  been  ollercd  for  this, 
if  indeed  apology  could  atone  for  so  transcendent 
n  wroiy?  Docs  he  mil  know  that  the  officer  was 
knighted  who  comiiianded  the  Irnops,  and  ihe 
trooim  were  rewarded  who  committed  the  deed  ? 

Mr.  Chairman,  whatever  reasons  there  may  bo 
for  withholding  the  nolicc,  British  justice  towards 
Iho  Unileu  States  is  not  among  them.  From  that 
nation  wc  have  herelofoie  received  Ktlle  else  llian 
aggression,  and  it  may  be  well  for  us  to  consider 
whether  her  line  of  conduct  will  ever  be  changed 
until  American  power  shall  be  prompt  lo  vindicate 
American  rights. 


OREGON  aUESTION. 
SPEECH  OF  MrTi.  E.  HOLMES, 

OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA, 
In  the  HoI'SE  of  REPREa^.^^'ATIVE9, 

Jnnunrij  29,  1846. 
On  the  resolution  authorizing  the  President  to  give 
the  notice  for  the  termination  of  the  joint  occu- 
pancy of  the  Oregon  territory. 
The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole 
on  the  stale  of  the  Union- 
Mr.  HOLMES  rose,  and  addressed  the  com- 
mitlee  os  follows: 

Mr.  Ciiairhan:  The  subject  before  the  commit- 
tee is  Oregon.  Where  is  it,  and  what  is  it?  From 
its  bosom,  as  if  by  the  enchanter's  wand,  there 
has  sprung  a  dark  spirit  in  the  air,  now  soaring 
over  this  peaceful  country,  on  the  dusky  pinions 
of  n  fiend,  with  the  restless  and  roving  eye  of  the 
vulture  for  the  field  of  carnage.  Oregon !  What 
is  it  ?  Is  it  the  quality  of  her  soil  ?  Is  it  the  wealth 
that  is  contained  in  her  mineral  bosom,  the  ca- 
paciousness of  her  bays,  or  the  clearness  and  the 
rapidity  of  her  streams,  that  have  invested  her  with 
these  magic  hues  ?  I  have  listened  intently  for  the 
reasons,  and  I  do  most  conscientiously  declare  that 
the  whole  of  them  have  been  resolved  into  two 
simple  propositions:  first,  that  the  title  is  unques- 
tioned and  unquestionable;  secondly,  thnt  the  area 
of  freedom  must  be  extended.  And  upon  these 
two  abutments  is  to  be  sprung  a  great  arch,  that  is 
to  cover  Ihe  whole  question  wilh  all  its  mighty  in- 
fluence. Unquestionable  and  unquestioned !  Why, 
sir,  it  is  not  unquestionable,  because  it  has  been 
qiuslioned;  and  it  ever  will  be  questioned,  because 
It  ever  will  be  questionable.  Sir,  I  deny  tn  toto 
any  right,  any  claim  to  that  territory,  or  to  any 
part  or  parcel  thereof,  that  docs  not  appertain  with 
equal  force  and  efficiency  to  the  Power  of  Great 
Britain.  And  if  I  do  not,  by  as  fiiir  reasoning  as 
I  can  bring,  demonstrate  this  position,  I  am  wilTine 
lo  give  up,  now  and  forever,  any  claim  to  logiciu 
powers.  The  title  that  you  have  is  met  iinri  jimn* 
by  Great  Britain.  Whence,  then,  do  you  derive 
your  title  ?    Is  it  by  discovery  and  exploration  ? 


/;•  ■ 


166 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CO\GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  29, 


2!>rn  Cong 1st  Sess. 


7^c  Oregon  (^iictlion — Mr.  1.  E.  Holmes. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


I 


Then  you  mu»l  be  l-ound  liy  llie  rule*  niid  laws  j 
tlinl  limit  iliscovciv  nnd  cxiilornlion.     If  the  (ti«- i 
covcry  of  Gmy.niiil  the  cxiilomtioii  hy  Clnrkc  iiiid 
Lewis  of  the  riraiicheg  of  llie  C'iih\inbiii  river,  run  ' 
do  nnylhiii;;,  ilii  y  o-.n  pve  the  right  nnd  tillc  to  ' 
the  w'lilcrH  of  tlic  Cohinihia,  and  to  the  hinds  \v«- ' 
teied  hy  tlwt  river;  to  tlu.i  cxterl,  no  more.    The 
rii;ht  whici)  npplioa  to  yon,  npnlies  with  cqiinl  ef- 
fieienoy  to OrenI  "irituoi.    Tlirui.wovery  liy  t'ook, 
nnd  the  cxphir    .in  by  Mncken/ie  of  the  wntira  ' 
noilh  of  -jy^,      ve  to  Great  Britain  ihnt  irsrion.  ' 
G,  nllnmen  raniinl  njiply  the  i  'lo.  to  us,  and  deny  ■ 
it  to  Gi-eat  Urilnin.     Will  ,'onli,ui!y,  wiiieh  has 
been  so  much  talked  of  as  n  point  of  title,  give  ns  ' 
nnytliinq;  that  must  not  :?qii»lly  appertain  loher? 
Conti£;nIiy  !     A  title  that  enables  the  civili'/.ed  por- 
tion of  a  einnitry  to  roll  over  tipon  the  savaj^e  por- 1 
tion,  eontisnous  or  adjoiniiiK.     Yon  are  i  irenni- 
scribed  wiihin  ibe  rnlcu  applicable  lo  that  liile. 
And  what  does  that  f;ive  you?    The  country  that 
i«  contiguous  (tr  pruxintate  to  40^.     If  you  have  it 
by  contijjuity,  lanv  will  jon  deprive  Great  Hritaln 
by  the  sanie  lille  of  thai    beyond  49°.-     I  a.sk,  if 
any  Rcntlenian  he  re,  in  hift  deep  acumen,  in  the 
extfiit  of  hi.s  analysis,  and  Ihc  disrritn'nalion  of 
his  (lowers,  is  aiite  to  discriminate  between  the 
claims  of  the  two  Goveriunents  to  these  respei-tive 
portions  of  the  <*iime  territory  on  the  same  title  of 
contiguity  !     So  fir,  therefore,  as  tb»  lille  to  sepa- 
rate portions  of  this  territory  is  concerned,  yon 
have  u  lille  equally  jood.    l?ul  ynu  are  not  eonient 
with  that.     Aon  say  we  must  nave  the  territory, 
not  to  ^<p  but  to  54°  40'. 

Where  is  your  lille?  Our  lille,  yon  Kay.  is  the 
Spanish  deed  !;ivint' us  the  inves.  .ire  of  lr*)!t.  Is 
it  so?  I  have  looked  l.ilo  the  deed.  I  oes  il  pur- 
port lo  convey  the  .soveiei;;nly  of  Spain  in  the  ter- 
riloiy  of  Oregon  to  the  Uniird  Stales?  Look  at  il.  , 
It  is  not  so.  Il  conveys  all  llie  el;iini  that  Spain 
hud,  am'  it  is  limited  bv  the  claim  that  S|iain 
hart.  And  what  claim  dad  she  ?  Kxacily  thai 
(and  I  wish  lo  be  met  on  this  point,  if  I  can  be 
met)  which  llie  Xootka  Sound  tnnly  lefl  her— 
nothing  more.  Vou  claim  through  Spain,  and  you 
then  revert  back  to  ilie  old  Spanish  lillc  of  diseov-  ' 
ery  and  exploration.  Spain,  m  the  year  IHlit,  had 
not  any  'iile  derived  from  discovery  or  explora- 
tion. 1  want  this  proposition  ilistincily  slated  lo 
logical  mind.i,  that  you  hav-  no  title  by  discovery, 
and  no  right  by  setllcnienl,  under  thai  litalv. 
Spain,  in  1H19,  transferred  to  yon  her  lille,  and 
lier  only  title,  thrnuirh  the  Nootka  Sound  convcn- 
tirn.    This  I  will  prove. 

Geiiilenien  argue,  and  il  seeins  In  be  admitted,  i 
tlint  Great  lirilein  derived  her  claim  lo  the  territo- 
ry from  ihe  Xoolka  Sound  convention — that  Spain 
was  the  irraiitor  nnd  Great  Driiain  the  cranlee. 
But  Great  I'ritain  was  not  the  cranlee  of  Spain, 
nor  Spain  tli>  ernnlor  Ih  '  irenl  riritain.  The  lille 
iiliich  Great  Hrilain  and  Spain  had  by  virlne  of 
that  treniy  was  :•  title  of  [.lurchasr,  based  upon  val- 
uable considerations  on  both  sides.  Spain  coniend- 
ed  for  the  entirely  of  iha*  region,  on  llie  ::rouiitl  of 
jirior  discovery.  Great  Rrilain  asserted  ihe  sar»e 
claim;  and  these  claims  became  nearly  lb"  subjeci- 
matierofwnr.  What  did  GiTat  l^rilain  do  ?  Hy 
Iier  jire|>nmlions  for  war  she  coerced  Spain  into  a 
\ieaty.  For 'Miat  ?  T'cir  a  privileie  from  Spain? 
No-  for  the  acknowledgment  of  a  richt.  She  went 
In  war,  or  was  about  to  do  so.  The  convention 
of  the  F.s-urinI  followed.  And  wlvii  did  il  do? 
Under  that  convention  a  deed  was  drawn  by  which 
Spain  and  Great  Hrilain  mutually  agreed  lo  reliii- 
ri'.;i.-*ii  llieir  respeelive  claitns  to  llie  respective  p.ir- 
ttons  of  the  irrriiory,  and  to  eiiler,  f<ir  cernoM  \fii- 
uable  confiideralions  on  both  sides,  upon  a  )oini 
U.naii.  Y,  in  which  the  sovereignly  fas  il  was 
termed;  was  to  be  left  in  abeyance.  '-!'(  f'le  iisn- 
friicl  in  perpeluiiy.  Ii  would  be  pr*  ,.osierous  lo 
KUjtpone  (hai  ihe  momeni  tireal  llntain  was  about 
lo  coene  by  arms  a  legal  tide,  which  eonquesl 
would  have  iriven  her,  she  would  relinquish  ihal 
Iiileand  lake  iin  a  delea.'-ible  lille.  Il  would  he 
child's  play.  iJiil  it  \\:is  no  ehihrs  play.  Gn*ai 
I'rilain  played  no  such  irroiie. 

(ireai  Ilrilain  and  Spain,  ihereftire,  entered  into 
a  deed  iif  joint  i-oveiiani,  reIinf|oisliini;  S|M'ci(ic 
cliiiits,  and  by  that  rehnqoislinien;  purchasing  a 
ioinl  one.  How  does  the  Seen  lary  of  Slate,  who 
nas  '::."nghi  ni  bear  all  ihe  acunieii  of  Ins  nniid  on 
this  snbjeci,  endeavor  lo  evade  ihis  (jneslion'  Hy 
tlie  abstract  siaitineiit  of  a  position  which  is  mil 


I  tnie;  I  Ray  boldly,  n  poaiiion  which  i«  not  true — 
'  namely,  thai  righla  by  treaty  are  destroyed   by 
;  war,  and  thai  the  subsequent  war   between  Spain 
and  Great  tbitain  deslroyed  ihe  lille.     Sir,  I  deny 
'  llie  proponilion.  The  law  of  niiiions  is  this:  all  trea- 
ties containing  jiriri/eg'  s,  or  all  jtririlrgrs  acquired 
by  treaty,  melt  aw  ly  with  war;  but  all  rights  sc- 
!  cured  by  the  unity  enure  afler  war.     I  give  a  fa- 
miliar illustratioii.     We  entered  into  a  Irenly  with 
Napoleon  fiir  llie  purchase  of  the  great  Lonisinna 
territory.     Suppose  wo  were  to  go   to   wnr  with 
1  Kraiiee  to-morrow^  would  Arkansas,  Louisiana, 
i  nnd  Mississippi  icmti  back  ?    Surely  not.    Why? 
!  llecaiLxe  il  is  a  IP  :ily  of  right.     Ihil  if  we  went  lo 
war  with  Great  Hriinin  M-monnw,  we  should  lose 
ihe  fisherieson  the  I'niilisof  .Vewf.aindland.  Why? 
Ilecanse  the  Irealy  siipnlaled  llieni  as  a  privilc'e. 
.And  that  queslimi  'oiiies  round  now:  Did  Spain 
confiT  a  privilene  on  (in  nl  nrlliiin  by  the  Irealy  of 
llii'    K.seiirial,   or  did    s!ie   acknowledge   a  riglilp 
What  was  the  lie.iiy   inlemled  for?     To  remedy 
.•ni  evil.     What  was  ihe  evil?    Thai  Spain  had  in- 
lerii-red  willi  the   riirlns  of  Kiijland,  set  up  in  op- 
posili(Ui   lo  ll;os(    of  S|iain.     The   consummation 
of  the  Irenly  was-  ihal  the  conflicting  rights  of  par- 
lies were  iner!:eil  iii  a  joint  right.     And   now  for 
ihe  reason.     Pot;;  ibai  deed   say  thai   ihc  Hrilish 
have  a  receipt  from  .'^pain  for  any  of  lliese  privi- 
leires?     No;  bill  il  says  ih.il  hereafier  the  two  con- 
Ira'Minrr  parlies  shall  joinlly  occupy  the  lands,  and 
make  selllenienl.<  w  lierever  lliey  please — reserving 
llie  Koyereisnty  over  ihrse  parlicninr  selllemcnts — 
I  ill  with  Ihe  ri^ht  of  inrressand  egress  to  Ihesub- 
jccis  of  Ihe  oilier  nation. 

Genllemen  say — and  lo  most  of  them  it  is  a 
\ision  of  hornir — that  ihe  .\iiiencan  and  the  Rrit- 
ish  people  would  be  compelled  lo  live  upon  llie 
.same  soil  under  dilleirnl  laws.  Sir,  to  my  un- 
.?ssisled  vision,  il  is  one  of  the  most  beaiilifiil,  ani- 
mnling,  nnd  soid-siiiTinir  conccptimis  llinl  the  eye 
of  ini.ic;inaiion  can  contcmplnlc.  I  hnil  hoped  that 
llie  experiniciil  of  n  joini  oc-npancy  was  nboiil  lo 
foreshadow  an  apocalyptic  evenl  ;  ihat  nations 
would  bereafu-r  Inue  dwelt  loijcllier  in  unity;  that 
no  Itini^er  *'  hinds  inlersrctrd  by  a  naiTow  frilh 
\v-onld  iiinke  enetnir's  of  nalions,  which  else,  like 
kindred  drops,  hail  melted  into  one;'*  ihal  froin 
llie  bosom  of  thai  far-off  re^'ion  would  have  risen 
ihe  morninir-star  n?  pence,  ihal  would  have  ex- 
panded uiilil  ils  Insirous  I'cauly  should  have  faded 
in  the  brighter  "lory  of  Ihe  nnllenial  day.  Sir, 
llinl  vision  has  passrd.  1 1  is  cone.  *'  Oregon  is 
ours,  nnd  we  must  have  il."  fienilenien  have  on 
llieir  lips  ihe  words  iif  peace,  but  lliey  do  nol  ihc 
tliinc  ihnt  lends  to  pi  nee.  They  are  nboiit  lo  give 
this  notice  ns  peace.  No.  sir,  no;  ns  n  war  mea- 
faire.  I  do  nol  say  wnr;  it  niny  nol  come;  hula 
measure  of  war  I  can  prove  il  lo  he,  by  that  liich 
and  elevated  niiihoriiy  lo  which  cenllemen  appeal 
wilh  so  much  ardor  and  so  cre.ii  satisfaeliou.  I 
iqipenl  to  ihe  ■■.ace  of  tiuincy,  nnd  from  his  own 
lips  I  will  prove  thai  he  advocnted  llie  civing  of  liie 
iiolice  Insl  ye:ir  h'mii  Ihe  specific  ciooiid  thai  il 
WIS  a  wnr  power;  and  iliat  the  exen'ise  of  llinl 
power  rested  W'lh  ibis  I  louse,  and  was  not  Inuis- 
fi-rrnble.  Then,  nhhoiiL'-h  peace  is  the  object,  y,  I 
the  wnr-pover  is  nppealed  lo  ns  ihe  means.  If 
the  exercise  of  ilic  M-nr-po\ver  is  lo  produce  ihe 
eonicniplaled  elfi'ci  wiiboiii  war,  then  it  must  he 
in  one  of  two  wny.s — eilber  ihal  Greal  liritain  will 
rt  tire  from  llie  lerrilory  ihroiicli  dread  of  our  arms, 
or  from  ihe  crealer  np)irehension  of  sncrificinc  in 
war  llie  extensile  tnlerests  which  she  bus  in  pre- 
scrvinc  peace  witli  ns.  I  do  iioi  hclie\e  ihal  an 
un.Trnv^d  man,  houi  \er  conrnceoiis,  would  inspire 
wilh  dread  a  man  .-irnied  rap-a-jfir  wilh  all  ihe  ele- 
nicnls  of  bnitle  in  his  hands. 

Ihil  al  presenl  I  will  suoimse  llinl  there  is  no 
war;  I  will  sn|ir  .sc  ihal  al  ihe  end  of  the  term  of 
twelve  month',  yon  do  nol  enforce  ihe  notice;  .md 
I  :ai|ipose  ihat  s'on  tiieaii  lo  enforce  il,  or  lo  retreal, 
(which  Mr.  Tolk  snys  you  ennn  n  do  withonl  (lis-  ' 
crni'e.)  Hiil  I  cive  y-  ,.  ihe  beiielli  of  ihe  nlieriie- 
iive.  that  you  menu  lo  do  someiiiinc.  And  nl- 
ihouch  you  have  coin  oiled  the  elenienls  of  aeijon,  I 
yoii  1,',.  iiie.,;i  lo  make  a  '''  'nl  Governinenl. 

If  you  nnderlake  lliis,   I   ■  v  the  laws  of  na- 

lions, il  lends  1  i  war.     V»  .'Ui  »ill  be  ihe  efl'e,  t  of  i 
ilic  twelve  moll. lis'  notice,  if  neither  pnrly  moves 
hiisidely,  and  (ireal  lirilain  reniMiii.s  r     The  c.\ii  ii- 
sinii  of      onr    jurisdiclioo:    WhiO    is  ihal?     The 
claim  uf  ihe  rmi«i(ii(  domain.     And   what  is  that?' 


Il  is  a  claim  Irnnscemling  nil  other  claims,  and  ex- 
cluding nil  oilier  jurisdictions.  Admit  for  a  mo- 
ment ihal,  under  this  state  of  things,  a  Rrilish  pro- 
cess, issued  by  a  British  judge,  is  served  on  a 
'  British  Kiibjeei:  what  is  the  consequence?  Wnr. 
j  The  ciMiis  hrlCt  is  dislincily  sluled.  Why?  Be- 
cause il  is  an  invasion  of  the  right  of  eminent  do- 
,  main.    A  crealer  iii.sult  could  not  be  offered. 

Lei  us  .suppose  a  case.  Suppose  ihnt  ihe  State 
'  of  Massnchusctls,in  llie  effort  lo  extend  her  juris- 
diction over  her  black  citizens  in  Chnrloslon,  were 
disc  ,  ,;,|,  hy  a  process  isFued  by  a  judge  in  Boa- 
ton,  ihroucli  a  sheriff  of  Mnssacnnsells,  to  .serve  a 
writ  of  hahtas  norpus  on  the  Qovernol-  of  South  Ca- 
rolina: wo;ild  il,  or  would  il  nol,  be  an  invnsion  of 
the  right  of  eminent  domain,  nnd  nn  in.suli,  and, 
between  other  sovereignties,  n  enstis  belli?  I  put 
it  to  the  lawyers  of  ibis  House.  But  lliia  never 
could  happen,  because  Ihe  PresidenI  hn.s  declared 
(and  ihe  dcclamtion  has  been  re-echoed  here)  ihnt 
when  the  twelve  inontns  are  ovt,  yo'i  must  either 
retire  wilh  disgrace  or  eonsuini.. ale  your  demands. 
There  will  be  no  such  ihingas  rcliremenl  wilh  dis- 
grace. That  we  will  not  do.  But  by  carrying 
inio  effect  his  prono.sed  measuiVs,  the  Pi-esidenl  will 
compel  the  expulsion  of  ihe  Hudson  Bay  f'ompa- 
ny;  compel  her  to  sirike  Ihe  cross  of  Si.  George, 
to  cnll  in  her  hunlers  from  ihe  prairies,  break  ui> 
her  selllemenls,  and  make  an  exialns. 

Will  she  go,  sir?  Will  shejjo?  Let  me  tell 
you  nn  anecdote  that  cnme  to  my  own  knowledge  : 
F'onr  yenrs  ago  the  Hudson  Bay  Company  nnd 
Ihe  Unssian  Fur  Company  nearly  involved  llnssin 
and  Greal  Britain  in  n  war.  Lord  Aberdeen  said 
lo  ilic  hend  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  Sir 
Georce  Simpson,  "  Purchase  out  the  rights  of  the 
fur  company."  He  replied,  "I  would  ue  willing, 
bin  Ml  would  require  the  outlay  of  an  immense 
ciqiiial.nnd  I  hnve  no  security  for  Ijic  territory 
south  of  il,  because  the  Americans  claim  it.*' 
"  Make  ihe  purchase, ".said  Lord  Aberdeen,  "  nnd 
Mcwill  c'laranly  lo  yini  ils  possession;"  and,  at 
ihis  moment  the  whole  Itnsaian  northwest  terri- 
tory is  in  the  lian.ls  of  the  Hudson  BayCompany, 
with  the  exception  of  the  small  ful  of  St.  Miihucl, 
over  which  llie  Russian  banner  floats,  merely  lo 
^  n'lesi  the  sovereignly.  Think  yon,  sir,  wilh  ihis 
whole  matter  in  view,  ihnt  the  British  Minister 
would  have  given  such  advice,  if,  aller  the  com- 
pany had  involved  ilself  in  large  expendili'res, 
England  iniendeil  lo  retire  back  Iwfore  ihc  IVowii 
or  the  immpei-blast  of  ibis  nation? 

.Sitpisise  you  cive  the  iioiice,  what  is  the  result? 
Great  Hrilain  says  ihis  notice  was  provided  by  the 
Irealy  for  my  benefit.  I  waive  it.  I  will  not  wait 
for  llie  twelve  months  to  expire.  I  demand  your 
ullimalnm.  The  same  sjiirit  which  has  so  gallantly 
come  uplo  llie  rescue  ol  llie  nalion  in  this  Hall  will 
nol  shrink  from  civing  thai  ultimaliim,  which  is  so 
clearly  ficnred  out  in  the  Mess.ige  of  llie  President 
^"  we  mean  to  lake  iheenliretv  of  llie  region." 
What  answer  does  Great  Briiain  make?  "Thai 
is  vi-ry  explicit,  but  we  do  nol  mean  to  give  il  up: 
nnd,  as  ihe  days  of  chivalry  are  over,  we  are  nol 
goinc  In  wail  fur  yon  to  ami;  but,  having  our  fleets 
in  the  four  .seas.'hnving  the  Medilerrnnean  al  our 
eiimnialKi,  we  al  once  hurl  back  defiance  In  yon, 
and  CO  lo  the  rescue.  "  What  is  the  result  ?  The 
first  news  wafted  lo  onr  rich  nrcoaiea  in  llie  Indian 
sens,  and  lo  onr  heavy  but  rich  whalemen  in  the 
North  Pacific,  would  lie  the  annunciation  hy  ihn 
lirilish  fleet,  "  You  are  onr  prisoners."  In  every 
sea,  before  you  can  make  pre|iaialion,  or  send  on 
Ihe  wings  of  steam  inlelligence  ih:il  danger  is 
abroad,  llie  rich  exuberant  coinmerce  of  Ihe  coiiii- 
Iry  fills  a  prey  lo  lirilish  fle.  ;s,  is  carried  into 
Ihilish  po.  Is,  nnd  sold;  nnd  our  sailors,  with  wlioiii 
we  expect  lo  man  onr  nnvy,  will  have  been  swept 
into  Ihe  prison  ships  nnd  Dnrlnioors.  And  here, 
let  me  remark,  by  ihc  way,  «ill  be  a  be.anlifiil 
illuslrnlion  of  ihni  olher  pni'iiositi  ni,  the  exlension 
of  Ihe  men  of  ficedom.  t'lir  snilnrs,  inslcnd  of 
ii.  ing  abrond  upon  the  ocean,  will  be  reslricled  lo 
old  and  infi'cieil  hulks.  .Meiliiiiks,  in  my  mind's 
eye,  I  behold  some  of  ihese  poor  fi  Hows  cooped 
up,  and  looking  ihroiigh  iheir  narrow  piu'l-holes 
upon  llie  deep  blue  waters  of  iIimi  sea  which 
wa-  once  llieir  home,  ihnnich  which  they  once 
ro'  m'  I  wilh  llie  fieedoin  of  llie  dolphin,  and  on 
V  lich  lliey  once  settled  wilh  ihe  peace  id'  the  hnl- 
v'on,  inquiring  one  ot"  the  olher,  "  Why  are  wc 
coiiliiied   witlini   llicac    narrow   liinila?"      When 


[Jan.  29, 


1846,] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


167 


I 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr,  I.  E.  Holmes. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


some  gallant  tnr  shall  reply,  "  It  \n  for  the  noble     hinders  the  egress  of  niiy  vessels  vou  may  Iniilil, 
purposeof  extending  the  uren  of  freedom."  or  the  combination  of  your  lake  fleets.     Winter, 

But.agfthi:  One  hundred  and  forty  British  steam-  '  gentlemen  say,  will  do  for  us:  the  water  will  be 


ships  are  already  in  commission,  with  the  ability  to 
brill?  forty  more  immediately  into  requisition;  with 
artificial  mountains  of  conl  drawn  from  the  mines 
in  Nova  Scotia,  and  piled  up  in  Jamaica,  Bermuda, 
nnd  Barbadoes;  with  guns  and  Paixlutn  shotabun- 
(Iruitly  stored  at  each  of  these  stations.  And  thus 
nil  the  combinations  which  science  has  lent  to  these 
missive  and  destructive  elemeiiLs  will  strike  at  once. 
Where,  then,  will  be  your  potent  arm  ?  Is  it  in 
vour  fortifications.'  Is  it  in  Fortress  Monroe? 
That  may  become  a  position,  not  of  defensive,  but 


hard  fro?,cn,  and  we  shall  then  be  able  to  cross 
upon  the  ice  with  our  troops,  nnd  thus  find  the 
means  of  invasion.  Science,  with  the  muUit\idc  of 
1  iw  inventions,  meets  you  here,  too.  Professor 
Hare  has  suggcsteil  that  a  series  of  casks  of  po'v- 
der,  linked  by  one  consecutive  line  of  many  miles 
in  length,  and  with  the  facility  furnished  by  the 
electric,  battery,  may  lie  so  laid  and  touched  up  all 
lit  once  as  to  blow  up  the  ice  nt  any  time.  Thus, 
when  the  approach  of  an  army  is  seen  upon  the 
ice,  the  passnge-way  can  be  interrupted.     Where, 


of  olfensivc  warfare.     Before  you  can  march  your  ':  then,  are  you  to  find  a  vulneri-ble  point?    Vuliiir- 
soldiers  from  Corpus  Chrisli,  Great  Britain,  with  ,!  able  yonr.'telves,  and  yet  without  the  means  of 
the  speed  of  lightning,  can  come  upon  that  fortress,  1 1  forcing  Great  Britain  into  a  battle,  you  will  be  con-  i 
nnd  tnus  command  completely  the  pass  of  one  of  |   tinually  haras.sed,  without  the  satisfaction  of  giving 
your  Mediterraneans — the  Chesapeake.     She  can  il  employment  to  those  gallant  spirits  who  hope  for 
immediately  take  possession  of  Fort  Adams,  in     excitciuent;   but  who,  after  all  this  disturbance,  | 
Narragansett  bay,  nnd  thus  co..'irM-.d  the  pass  of  j   alarm,  and  difficulty,  will  have  neither  the  exciic- 
thal  other  Meditcrrancon — the  Long  Island  Sound;     meut  of  the  battle  nor  the  glories  of  victory, 
for  at  neither  of  these  positions  have  you  asiiiijle         But  where  arc  your  sailors  who,  during  the  last 
regiment.     She  can,  with   her  steam  fleet,  easily   ;  war,  by  menus  of  privateering,  inflicted  such  in- 
pass  up  the  Narrows,  which,  from  my  own  obser-     jury  on  the  commerce  of  tin;  enemy?     I  venline 
vation,  I  know  to  be  indefensible,  going  up  to  the  ^j  to  say  that  no  American  privateer  would  live  one 
city,  nnd  by  her  floating  batteries  razinif  the  town   j  month  afier  war   had   been  cmnnienced,   in  any 


raising  contributions  on  the  town.  In  a  short 
time,  darling  like  a  sea-bird  on  the  wings  of  steam, 
vou  find  her  on  your  Northern  coast.  And  where 
!s  your  defence  against  her — descending  at  one  mo- 
ment on  your  coast,  and  then  again,  like  Abdel- 
Kader,  retreating  the  very  niomcnt  you  would  at- 
tack her,  to  the  deserts  of*^ water? 

This  is  not  all.  Not  only  would  your  cities  be 
laid  under  contribution,  but  the  whole  industry  of 
your  country  would  be  broken  down.  The  idea 
geiieriilly  is,  that  industry  would  thrive.     It  may 


.sea.  What  gave  the  .irivateeis  their  efficiency  in 
the  last  war?  Tliei  i'.niralile  constniction  and 
their  ronscrpient  l"ai'lir>:  .<  fiu' sailing, eiiiibled  them 
to  rush  oil  those  heuv/  and  wrll-laden  argosies 
which  did  not  susiicct  their  npproai'li.  When  jinr- 
sued  by  a  British  fleet,  orcnii.srr.  I  licy  could  .spread 
their  broad  c-invnss  upon  their  liu'lu  anil  airy  spars, 
and,  like  the  si-a-bird,  shoot  out  of  sli;ht  almost  in 
a  moniciit.  Hut  now  steam-vessels,  s)iread  over 
every  sea,  cruising  nt  the  monllis  of  your  b.nys 
and   harbors,  would   capture   them   I's  tliey  came 


ommonly  be  so.     But  iniluslry  isa mental  opera-  |  out;  nnd,  even  if  they  escaped  anil  get  abroad  for 


When 


tioii,  and  upon  the  regularity  of  mind  depends  the 
elficiency  of  hands.     Tli.;  very  facility  which  will  , 
he  productive  of  defence  will  tend  to  unpoise  regu- 
lated intellect.     The  rapid  communication  of  intel- 
ligence acro.ss  electric  wires  will  be  so  fruitful  of 
rumors,  so  transmissivc  of  the  news  of  calamities 
from  one  portion  of  the  country  to  the  other,  as  to 
unsettle  liie  thoughLs  of  all.     For  example:   the 
news  comes  to  this  city  that  Boston  is  invested. 
Forces  are  collected.     When  they  have  taken  up 
the  line  of  march  for  that  city,  intelligence  comes  j 
that  the  enemy  has  retreated,  and  gone  to  another  i 
point.     Instantly,  with  the  speed  of  lightning,  the 
coinn-'vndcr  sends  word  to  tlu'in  to  return.     The 
whole  country  would  thus  from  day  to  day  be  kept  ; 
in  a  state  of  agonized  suspense;  and  the  repose  of 
night  bedistiirbeil  by  the  most  cruel  apprehensions. 
Who  can  be  indusaioiis  in  such  a  state  of  deep  so- 
licitiiilc  and  constant  alarm? 

Biitiujain;  Great  Britain  throws  her  fleets  into 
the  inniulis  of  your  harbi>rs.  Your  commerce  goes 
not  out  except  by  her  permission;  and  she  will,  in 
certain  cases,  permit  it  to  go  out,  but  not  to  return. 
Can  you  prevent  it?  How?  By  building  steam- 
ships? linild  tlii'iu.  How  will  they  go  out  of 
New  York?  Build,  if  yon  please,  five  hundred 
vessels,  as  if  by  magic,  and  hmv  will  they  go  out 
from  Ni  V  York?  Such  ves.sels  would  have  to  go 
out  .separately",  or  probably  two  al)reast;  and  (itrent 
Britain,  by  ranging  along'the  const,  and  forming  a 
cicscentof  Iter  fleet,  would  have  them  in  arHlrfp.inc. 

Nor  will  you  have  the  lakes  upon  which  to  put 
your  vessels.  Why?  Yon  made  a  treaty  with 
Great  Briuiin  that  neither  nation  should  keep  afloat 
on  those  waters  any  armed  vessels  carrying  more 
than  one  gun.  While  you  have  slept,  she  has 
been  sowing  tare.i.  She  has  cut  a  canal  through 
the  rapids  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  which  enaliles  her, 
with  her  steain-batleries,  to  enter  the  linsom  of  On- 
tario. She  has  cut  another  (the  Welland)  canal, 
which  gives  her  access  to  Lake  Krie;  and  ih.tt  gives 
her  access  to  the  whole  line '.     Wbatv.ill  you  do  ? 

Why,  say  some  gentlemen,  take  Canada.  There  i 
is  not  a  gentleman  who  has  spoken  who  ha<  not 
admitted  that  Canada  will  be  taken.  Now,  ni  ihe  j 
exp''Useof  1  ing  thought,  if  you  please,  eccentric,  \ 
I  siiv  that  Canada  cannot  be  taken.  The  ]>osition  i 
of  the  waters  give  the  same  security  to  Ciinaila 
that  Ih.'v  give  to  the  nation  of  Great  Britain  it.^elf.  i 
She  thro',  s  at  fiicc  a  multitude  i\f  steainshi[is  be-  i 
tweeii  her  territi  ry  and  yours,  nnd  you  never  can  ! 
reach  her.  Having  once  comn'iiiiiil  of  the  lakes,  ' 
nhe  invests  tiic  mouth  of  every  harbor,  and  thus  i 


n  short  time,  they  would  be  sure  to  be  overtaken. 
In  fact,  there  is  not  a  single  position  from  which 
you  can  assail  Great  Bril:iin. 

And  here  I  ilesl'e  to  make  an  as.sertion  which  I 
do  not  believe  that  any  military  man  who  has  a 
reputation  to  lose  will  deny.  I  do  not  believe  that 
any  military  officer  of  character  will  say  that  we, 
by  means  of  an  army,  can  take  Oregon  from  the 
British.     1  tell  you  what  you  can  do:  you  can  ex- 


pire on  the  proslrnle  liberties  of  the  land?  We 
cannot  be  expected  always  to  be  exempt  from  the 
vicissitudes  of  nations.  Thus  far  Huccr.ss  has 
crowned  our  efforts  to  establish  nnd  extend  the 
benefits  of  IVcedonr,  but  success  is  often  the  rod 
which  God  places  in  the  hands  of  a  presumptuous 
nation  wherewith  to  chastise  itself. 

13ut  I  go  further.     Sujipose  I  am  wrong,  nnd 
that    there    is   some   distinguished   military  man 
who  will  undertake  to  march  an  army  across  the 
steppes,  or  the  deserts,  to  the  Rocky  mountains, 
with  nil  the  heavy  artillery,  baggage-wagons,  and 
munitions  of  wnr  incumbering  tliein  at  every  Htc]>; 
you  would  \ye.  u-ssniled  on  every  side  by  the  Arab 
warriors  of  the  plain — the  mounted  men  of  tho 
Indian  tribes,  under  the  jwiy  of  Great   Britain. 
But  .suppose  that  at  Inst  you  reach  the  base  of  the 
mountains.     What  then?    Do  you  deem  that  Fre- 
mont's and  other  passes  through  these  rocky  l.ir- 
rieis  will  open  to  give  peaceful  passage  to  you? 
Kvery  pass  will  be  bristling  wi'.h  British  cannon. 
Every  luoiiutain-ton  will  rattle  with  British  mus- 
ketry, and  the  whole  line  of  these  Alpine  hills  will 
bei'omc  one  vast  Gibraltar.     What  is  to  be  done? 
But  it  is  said  you  are  to  conquer  Great  Britain 
by  other  means.    Wc  arc  to  destroy  her  mnnnfac- 
tiircs;  and  in  their  phrcnsy  of  starvation  the  peopio 
of  Greai  ''ritnin  are  to  overturn  the  throne,  uiid  to 
destroy  t;ie  principalities.     The  nrErumciit  would 
be  good  if  il  were   liorne  out  by  fact.     Will  not 
our  cotton  find  its  way  to  Kngland?     Eugli.sh  ves- 
sels would  not  come  into  Charleston  or  New  Or- 
leans; but  Great  Britain  would  leave  these  ports 
sufficiently  open  to  neutral  vessels;  or,  as  in  tho 
last  war,  give  passports  to  Yankee  captains,  to 
Charleston  and   New  Orleans,  to  convey  it  to  Si. 
Thomas — a  neutral  isle — from  whence  it  could  be 
transhipped  in  British  vcssel.s  to  Liverpool  or  Lon- 
don. 

Bii'.  sny  gentlemen,  the  markets  of  this  country 
wonlil  be  closed;  and,  in  that  event,  EnghuKl, 
losing  her  best  cnstonier,  will  lose  the  inducement 
to  wcnk  up  the  raw  material  upon  which  depends 
the  suppirt  of  her  industrial  population.  Of  this 
1  assert  there  is  no  apprehension;  for  the  loss  of  the 
American  market  to  England  will  be  coinpensatcd 
by  her  monopoly  of  foreign  marls.  Your  mo, u- 
factures  have,  for  n  considerable  lime,  been  giadu- 


pel  the  Hudson  Bay  Comnany,  if  Britain  comes   '  ally  excliuliiig  Great  BriUtin  from  this  American 


not  to  their  assistance.     But  I  put  the  question 
again  and  again:  "  Can  you  lake  Oregon?"    There 
are  gentlemen  here  who,  after  having  made  very 
warlike  speeches,  admit  privately  that  you  cannot 
lake  Oretron.     How,  then,  will  the  second  propo- 
sition find  its  consummation;  that  is  to  say,  the 
enlargement  of  the  area  of  freedom?     Yon  cannot 
get  the  ti^rritory:  and,  therefore,  you  cannot  ex- 
tend your  instiiutioiis  over  it.     We  are,  then,  in- 
volved in  this  alisurdity;  that  we  go  to  war  for  an 
unattainabli  eiul.     Are  you  not  making  the  experi- 
ment of  extending  freedom  by  the  destruction  of 
all  that  makes  freedom  a  lilcssinj,  which  leaves  to 
the  individual  llie  right  of  his  own  pursuit,  and  the  ^i 
inilnlgence,  under  sninlnry  regulations,  of  his  own 
will— of  remainiii"  where  inlerest  invites  or  duty 
calls?     Are  you  not,  by  the  very  process  of  war, 
about  to  circumscribe  the  eneriries  of  that  will,  nnd   ; 
restrict  to  the  will  of  another  the  ideas  of  propriety  J 
or  duty?    To  exchange  the  broad  area  of  this  free   i 
I  country  for  the  limits  of  n  camp,  or  the  circnm-  ii 
I  scriptions  of  n  bcseiged   town?    To  prevent  the  j 
I  interciuirse  of  families,  the  social  indnlgencies  of  !' 
I  friends,  the  investments  of  property,  and  the  regu- 
lation of  one's  own  concerns?     In  one  w*oril,  nrc  ' 
1  you  not  about  to  subject  the   movements  of  the  il 
!  many  to  the  stern  orders  of  the  few  ?     And  when,  ' 
I  after  the  laps^  of  many  years,  with  the  loss  of  thou- 
■  sands  of  your  most  giillaiit  sons,  amidst  the  berciwe- 
I  ments  of  widows  niid  tlie  orphanage  of  the  rising  : 
I  generation,  you  shall  have  returned  to  peace,  with    ' 
I  yonr  industry  disordered,  with  your  credit  impair- 
ed, with   yonr  soldiery  unpaid,  with   the  h.abils  of  ,] 
j  men  entirely  changed,  think  ye  that  all  will  at  once    ' 
settle  down  into  the  well-ail|iisted  balances  of  in- 
dustrial pursuits?     May  it  not  happen  that,  when 
the  soldiers  shall  havt»  marched  to  thi."  capital  to 
demand   their  pay,  a  Washingtiui,  or  the  spirit  of 
n  Washington,  shall  be  wanted  to  check  the  ardor 
of  those  demands?     And  may  it  not  happen  that 
some  more  aspiring  genius,  willing  to  exchnnue  the 
sword  I'orthe  ncentre,  shall  find  in  this  very  snlilicry 
the  inslcrials  with  which  to  erect  lii.s  throne  of  cm-  ,. 


market,  and  have  even  done  more.  They  have 
not  only  met  Great  Britain  in  competition  here, 
but  they  have  met  her  in  the  markets  of  Rio.  Val- 
)iaraiso,  and  the  East  Indies;  nnd  they  are  now 
contending  for  that  vast  market  which  is  opening 
at  Canton.  Will  not  Great  Britain,  therefore,  find 
adequate  compensation  for  the  loss  of  the  Ameri- 
can nuirket  in  the  entire  control  of  that  vast  com- 
merce from  which  you  will  be  excluded? 

But  nil  this  must  go  for  nothing — war  must  come. 
It  inevitably  results  from  cither  of  the  two  propo- 
sitions 1  have  slated — from  the  attempt  to  coerce 
the  departure  of  the  British  from  the  soil,  or  from 
the  conflict  which  will  ensue  through  your  claim 
of  the  eminent  domain. 

Well,  sir,  then  if  war  must  come — if  such  is  our 
"  manifest  destiny" — let  it  come;  nnd  whenever  it 
does  come,  whenever  the  trumpet  blast  shall  bo 
borne  upon  the  iiirof  the  South,  it  will  be  found,  in 
spile  of  all  the  sarcasm  that  has  been  expended 
here,  that  the  spirit — the  indoniitalile  spirit — of  her 
Gadsdens  still  lingers  there;  the  sagacity  and  tho 
ironiplitude  of  her  Marion  will  meet  Great  Britain 
ii;  every  swamp;  the  game-cock  spirit  of  her  Sum- 
lers  will  crow  out  its  shrill  clarion  notes  of  bold 
defiance;  the  gallantry  of  her  Pinckneys  still  lin- 
gers around  their  homes,  to  prevent  their  house- 
hold gods  from  i)Cing  shivered  on  their  own  hearths; 
and  the  wisdom  of  tho  Rutledj'es  will  again  impart 
unity  to  oiir  designs  uid  stendine.ss  to  onr  action. 
The  little  southern  State  will  not  look  in  vain  for 
another  Mmillrie  to  defend  her  palmetto  fort. 

But  we  shall  not  stoi)  there.  Our  swamps  nrc 
not  our  limits;  our  hnrliors  shall  not  circumscribe 
our  actions.  We  will  lock  our  arms  together,  and 
with  firm  trend,  in  solid  rank,  we  will  march  to  tho 
assistance  of  the  North,  wherever  danger  may  as- 
sail, or  wherever  the  gallant  spirit  ol"  the  West 
.shall  lead  on;  and  we  shall  be  found  willing  to  en- 
dure with  manly  I'lrtilude  whatever  privations  may 
be  inflii'led,  and  ready  to  contend  for  the  honor  of 
our  country  wherever  battles  are  to  be  fought,  or 
gloricH  to  be  won. 


.1^1 


168 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  9, 


^Dth  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Darragh. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


OREGON  aUESTION. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  C.  DARRAGH, 

OF    PENNSYLVANIA, 

In    THE    Hot'SE    or    UcrRESENTATKES, 

Frltruary  9,  1646. 

Till   ResolHlion  from  llie  Commitlee  on  Foreign 

Affiiiis,  requiring  tlin  Presiilnit  to  nniiiy  Groat 

lintiilii  of  the  iiueniion  of  the  I'niieil  builos  to 

terminute  the  joint  ncciipnnry  of  Ore^ron,  and  to 

abrosiile  the  convention  of  18i7,  hiina;  under 

considemlicin  in  Coininnice  of  the  Whole — 

Mr.  DAURAGH  sniil,  ilmt  n  short  time  since, 

when  tlie  bill  from   the  Comniillee  on  Military 

AITiiirs,  providing  for  the  omn':',;ition  of  two  re;;!- 

menta  of  rillcinen,  wns  bolon'  the  House,  he  hud 

taken  occasion  to  submit  a  few  reni;irks.     The  de- 

K-\te,  Ht  that  time,  seemed  to  take  it  for  granted 

that  the  regiments  propose  1  to  be  raised  were  to 

occupy  the  territory  )f  Oregon,  and  to  be  employed 

in  the  protection  and  defeme  of  American  citizens 

settled  there.     Whether  this  force  could  be  acm 

there  without  i^ivina;  the  notice  to  tcnninaic  the 

joint  occupancy,  rel'erred  to  in  the  eonvenlicni  of 

1S'2~  between  this  country  and  Great  Britain,  was 

the  sulijec'.-mniler  of  debate. 

In  the  few  remarks  he  had  then  made,  he  con- 
fined himself  to  the  simple  (lucstion,  whether,  in 
view  of  the  convention  of  1827,  the  .shield  of  our 
civil  laws,  and  the  protection  of  our  arms,  could 
not  be  extended  over  Oregon,  without  the  notice, 
and  without  any  violation  or  depariui'e  from  our 
treaty  stipttlalions?  He  was  of  opinion  then  that 
we  could;  and  the  best  con.sideraiion  he  had  lieen 
able  to  bring  to  the  subject  had  not  changed  the 
opinions  he  then  expressed. 

Sir,  said  Mr.  Darnigh,  the  resolution  now  under 
consideration  proposes  to  annul  and  abrogate  the 
second  section  of  the  c(  nvcntion  of  1A27,  rocpiiring 
one  year's  notice  I'f  the  desire  and  intention  of  : 
either  party  to  leinniiate  the  joint  occvipancv  now  : 
existing  between  tireat   liniuin   and    the  t'liitcd 
States,  in  reference  to  territory  west  m'tlie  Rocky  ' 
mountains.     The  discussion   on    tins   resolution 
from  the  Commitlee  on  Foreign  Affairs  has  opened 
up  the  whole  question  in  refenMic-  to  Oregon — our 
duty  to  pmlect  our  fellow-citizeiis  ilicre^our  title 
— ouraliility  to  maintain  it — its  future  advantages 
to  the  Republic — and  the  ehanres  of  war.  '      ; 

I  propose,  sir,  to  direct  the  attention  of  the  corn-  ; 
miltee  to  tlie.se  cnnsidenitions',  and  I  may  be  per- 
mitted to  say  that,  although  in  the  many  days 
ihriugh  which  this  debate  has  pas.sed,  lew  ijentlV- 
nien  have  questioneil  the  valiiliiy  of  our  title,  yet, 
as  far  ,is  I  have  heard,  but  a  feu-  speaker.*  have  un- 
derlaken  to  show  what  that  title  is.  It  is  very  true 
that  the  honorable  Sec-etary  of  Sta'e,  in  the  eor- 
responilence  «'ih  the  Urilisfi  Plenipotentiary,  has 
with  great  ability  placed  our  claims  to  Oroiion  on 
clear  and  unquestionnl)le  grounds;  yet  it  may  not 
be  uninteresting  to  those  of  our  coiisiiiuenls  who 
see  not  the  Slate  papers,  to  understand  the  charar. 
ter  of  our  claim  and  demands.  I  intend,  .sir,  lo 
occupy  a  short  time  of  the  commitlee  in  the  histo- 
ry ol  the  northwest  coast  of  America,  so  far  is  the 
same  h:i.s  relation  to  title  by  discovery,  cession,  or 
settlement. 

Before  doing  so,  however,  I  desire  to  say  a  woid 
or  two  in  reference  to  the  report  made  liy  the  mi- 
nority of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations, 
which  a.'serted  that  Congress  rould  not  oct  on  the 
matter  of  giving  notice  to  terminate  the  joint  occu- 
pancy, because  it  iielonied  to  llu^  lre,-ity-inaking 
power,  and  that  the  President  and  Senate  alone 
possessed  such  authority.  This  onjjnon  has  been 
adopted  and  repeated  duriiij  the  debate  by  other 
gentlemen.  The  Cnnstiinlion  of  the  I'liited  Stales 
(article  Sd,  section  2,)  confers  upon  the  "President, 
by  and  with  the  advice  and  ennseut  of  the  .Senaie, 
the  power  lo  make  treaties,  provided  Iwothirds  of 
the  Senators  present  concur;"  but  this  has  refer- 
ence to  the  mn/.iii?  of  treaties,  and  not  to  the 
(ti'fin^. 

The  fallacy  of  the  argument  of  the  minority  o 
the  '  nimittee  on  Fonign  .\frairs  consists  in'tlie 
diHerence  between  the  making  and  ending  of  trea- 
ties. The  making  of  a  treaty  is  one  thing;  the  an- 
nulment ihereoP  is  another  and  u  very  difrirenl 
thing.  Uesides,  the  convention  of  1*27  provides 
for  its  teiinination  so  fur  as  relates  to  the  joint  oc- 


cupancy; either  party  being  nt  liberty  to  terminate 
it  in  one  year's  notice. 

Again:  every  treaty  implies  (iro  parties — n  treator 
and  a  ireatce — a  bargainor  and  a  bargainee.  The 
word  "  trciily,"  ct  ri  (rnniiii,  implies  two  parties. 
It  is  an  agreement  between  two  or  more;  but  the 
ending  of  the  treaty  may  be  by  one  of  the  parties 
thereto.  We  have  treaties  of  commerce,  naviga- 
tion, &c.,  between  Kngiand,  France,  Spain,  and 
other  Powers,  and  Co>vrress  may  put  an  end  to 
them  without  etmsniting  the  President,  by  the  exer- 
cise of  the  war  power.  These  treaties  may  be  in 
(\ill  force,  and  Congress,  possessing  exclusively  the 
power  to  declare  war,  may  thereby  terminate  them; 
for  war  annuls  all  tiealies  between  the  parties  bel- 
lisrercnt.  The  treaty-making  power  does  not  there- 
fore necessarily  include  the  treaty-ending  power; 
and  Congress  may,  by  resolution  or  otherwise, 
terminate  the  couventimi  of  IS'27. 

Other  genilemeii  maintained  that  the  right  of  the 
President  to  give  the  notice  is  eonr.urrent  wilh  that 
of  Congress  ;  that,  as  the  executive  ollicer  of  the 
Government,  he  has  the  power  to  give  the  notice, 
and  that  he  ought  to  be  permitted  to  exercise  it. 
A.s  to  the  power  of  the  I'ixecutive  in  the  premises, 
I  hnve  nothing  to  say,  because  none  of  tliosc  who 
have  expri'.ssed  sucli  views  deny  the  power  of 
Congress  to  act.  The  honorable  genlleman  from 
Alabama  (Mr.  Hili.iard]  proposes  to  authorize 
the  President  to  give  the  notice  when  lo  him  it 
shall  seem  most  tit  and  expedient.  Sir,  I  can  see 
no  useful  end  lo  be  attained  by  this  course.  Is  it 
designed  to  throw  on  the  President  the  responsi- 
bility of  the  nieasure,  which  may  end  in  war,  and 
whii  h  some  gentlemen  regard  as  cquiviilent  to  a 
declaraiion  of  war.-  If  this  be  the  purpose,  then  I 
go  not  with  it.  The  President  has,  in  my  judg- 
ment, asstimed,  in  his  .Messaire,  all  the  res[>oiisi- 
bility  whicha<lrcent  respect  for  the  reprr.  eiitatives 
of  the  people  mid  ilie  honor  of  the  nation  permitted 
or  retpiired.  He  believes  our  title,  to  the  whole  of 
Ore^iui  to  be  valid,  and  he  has  said  so;  he  thinks 
that  it  is  time  litis  nn-.Vmevican  and  ruinous  joint 
occupancy  was  terminated,  and  he  has  ollicially 
given  us  this  opinion.  But  why  ask  the  President, 
in  this  momentous .alfair.-  What  will  be  the  result, 
if  his  order  ahuie  goes  forth,  wiihoul  the  voice  of 
Congre.^s  accompanies  it.-  In  Kurojie,  particularly 
in  Great  Britain,  it  will  be  said  that  the  re  fiisal  or 
omission  of  (*oti:^re;^s  to  act  indicates  that  the  no- 
tice to  end  the  joint  occupancy  is  the  act  of  the 
President  alone,  or  at  most  of  his  parly,  and  not 
of  the  people.  Ay,  sir,  there  may  nol  be  wanting 
persons  and  presses  in  ihis  counlry  who  will  echo 
the  same  senlimenls.  Now,  sir,  this  is  an  .Imeri- 
can  not  a  pnrlij  question;  and  lor  one,  I  protest 
against  its  l>eing  defiled  by  the  touch  of  mere  jiarty 
mancTiivre  or  machinery. 

I'^ui^Iand  is  loth  to  terminate  the  joint  occupancy, 
because  heretofori*  she  has  used  it  altogether  for 
her  own  ndvantai:e.  HerMinistcrs,  Lord  Aberdeen 
and  Sir  Robert  Peel,  have  asserted  their  claim  to 
Oretjon.  The  o])posiiion  lo  the  Ministry,  by  its 
leaders.  Lord  John  Russell  and  Lord  Pahnerston, 
have,  in  ihis  mailer,  forgotten  their  political  ran- 
cor, to  aid  the  Ministry  ihey  have  been  strni.'gling 
to  overthrow.  The  British  press,  not  inaptly  called 
"the  fourth  estate  in  the  realm,"  has  raised  its 
mighty  voice,  to  quicken  the  empire  into  the  main- 
tenance of  its  claim.  And  shall  the  decree  that  is 
to  defy  this  combined  power  and  determined  ac- 
tion, go  fcnih  from  the  mouth  of  one  man  ?  or  shall 
it  not  rather  be  borne  across  the  .Vilaniic  on  the 
voices  of  twenty  millions  of  people,  who  know 
their  rights,  and,  knowinir,  will  naintain  them' 
Sir,  I  say,  let  Congress  speak. 

I  now  come  to  tiie  imposing  obj-rction  made  to 
the  passage  of  this  resolution.  I  say  imposing  oh- 
iectinu,  because  it  has  been  most  genemlly  made; 
and  by  those,  loo,  who  profess  lo  be  in  favor  of 
our  claim  to  tlie  whole  of  Oregon.  It  is:  ihol  this 
is  not  the  time  to  say  lo  England,  the  territory 
is  ours  nnd  we  ..ill  have  il;  but  that  we  should 
sneak  aloii.;,  until  we  grow  stronger  or  England 
weaker,  niider  the  cunning  device  of  "  a  wise  and 
masierly  inaciiviiy."  We  have  seven  thousand 
people  ihere,  who  are  implo.-ing  us  lo  protect  them. 
Kvery  yesr  the  tide  of  emigration  from  the  western 
.Stales  IS  swelliiiir  and  will  ccuitimie  lo  swell  lo  t!ie 
valleys  of  the  Columbia.  These  are  not  mere  ud- 
ventnrers  or  marauders;  they  take  with  iheiii  their 
wives,  their  children,  and  ihcit  Bible.    They  buvs 


established  n  quasi  form  of  government,  which,  so 
far  as  regards  practical  morality,  is  in  advance  of 
long  established  governments.  The  arts  of  civil- 
ized life  arc  there— the  husbandman  is  reaping  the 
reward  of  his  toil.  American  Christian  mission- 
aries are  among  them,  teaching  the  agricultural  pur- 
suits and  the  destiny  of  man.  The  leviathan  power 
of  sleam  already  awakens  the  echoes  of  her  forests, 
and  temples,  dedicated  to  the  service  of  Almighly 
God,  have  been  erected,  wherein  His  praises  are 
hymned  and  His  holy  word  explained. 

These  brave  and  adventurous  men  have  repeat- 
edly reminded  this  House  that  they  are  American 
citizens  on  American  soil.  They  continue  lo  cry 
to  us,  as  their  fellow-citizens,  to  vindicate  their 
rights  and  maintain  the  honor  of  the  nation.  Who 
will  say  that,  as  the  representatives  of  the  people, 
we  can  or  dare  deny  lo  them  the  immuniiies  and 
the  protection  of  American  citizenship.'  Sir,  we 
are  not  at  liberty  to  do  so.  If  the  territory  is  oui« 
by  rightful  title,  we  cannot  refuse  to  our  brethren 
there  the  rights  and  the  protection  we  enjoy  here. 
This  is  of  itself,  in  iny  opinion,  a  sufficient  answer 
lo  the  proposition  for  f^urther  delay  in  giving  to 
Great  Britain  the  notice  to  quit. 

But,  sir,  what  is  lo  be  gained  by  this  "  wise  and 
masterly  innetiviiy?"    Let  us  look  at  the  past.    Let 
us  see  if  this  postponement  of  the  question — this 
masterly  inactivity,  has  not  been  a  ruinous  inac- 
tivity for  us,  and  a  masterly  activity  for  England. 
In  1818,  at  the  time  of  the  convention  entered  into 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  the 
former  had  not  title  to  one  rood  of  territory  on  the 
northwest  coast;  and  Ihis  I  will  presently  attempt 
I  to  show.     The   only  show  of  title  she  now  has 
I  arises  in  the  main  from  that  convention  (1818)  and 
;  the  subsequent   negotiations  in  regard  to  ii.     No 
I  mie  will  pretend  that  the  terms  of  the  convention 
'  allected  tlie  title  or  sovereignty  of  either  Govcrn- 
i  meiit. 

I      The  United  States  then  asserted,  and  ncliially 

i  po.sse.ssed  the  title.     The  convention  of  1818  only 

I  permitted  an  equal  right  of  Iraile,  not  of  (i//e  or 

.lorrirign/y  in  Great  Britain.     Now  mark  how  she 

has  used  this  grant  of  liivor.     In  less  than  three 

years  after  the  ratification  of  the  convention,  (in 

1821,)  an  act  of  Parliament  is  passed,  (1st  oud  2d 

George  IV,)  which  gave  to  her  all  thai  she  now 

asks.     This  act  of  Parliament  is  in  open  violation 

of  the  terms  nnd  spirii  of  the  convention  (1818)  of 

I  joint  occupancy.     By   it  England  extended   her 

j  jurisdiction  over  all  Oregon. 

The  fith  section  of  the  act  of  Parliament  refer- 
red to,  provides — 

"  That  the  courts  of  Upper  Canada  shall  have 
'  the  same  civil  jurisdiction  in  all  respects  what- 
'  e\er  within  the  Indian  territories, and  other  part* 
■  '  of  .\merica,  no/iri//iin  the  limits  rflhr  CniinrfiK,  nr 
'  '  of  an])  civil  gnrrnimint  Kfihe  i'niird  SInles,  as  the 
'said  efiurts  hnve  vviihin  the  limits  of  Canadrt; 
'  and  further, thai  evi  ry  wrongor  injury,  to  the  pvr- 

*  son,  or  the  property,  real  or  personal,  committed 

*  within  the  said  parls  of  America,  shall  be  eogni- 
'  zable  aii'l  trieil  in  the  same  manner  and  suliject 
'to  ihe  same  consequences  .n  all  respects  as  it  the 
'  same  had  been  comniilted  tcithin  the  provincr  (f 

'  A'-'aiii,  the  8th  section  of  the  British  act  (1821) 
provides—  • 

"  That  in  ease  any  penen  or  persona  trhalaoivtr, 
'residing  or  being  within  such  parts  of  America, 
'  shall  refuse  to  obey,  or  resist  any  process  of  said 
'  courts,  such  person  or  persons  snail  be  coinini/leii 
'  Jo  nuitoJy,  in  order  (o  be  eonveyed  to  I'pptr  Can- 

*  ailn." 

Other  sections  of  this  act  provide  for  courts,  of- 
ficers, iSrc.;  but  throughout  the  whole  statute  not 
one  woril  is  said  excepling  American  citizens  in 
Orejron  from  the  operation  nnd  penalliei  of  the 

;  British  law. 

To  this  day  this  insolent  assumption  of  author- 
ity stands  unrepealed  by  England  and  iinrebuked 
by  the  United  Stales.  The  insult  and  the  wrong, 
has  indeed,  been  heighleiied  by  iiu cuing  the  olfi. 
eers  and  servants  of  a  trading  corporation  (the 
Hudson  Bay  Company)  wilh  judicial  power  and 
authority  lo  carry  the  statute  into  elTert.  .\ii  Amer- 
ican citizen  may  now  lie  dragged  from  American 
soil  to  answer  before  the  officers  of  the  Hudson 
Bay  Com|mny  or  llic  courts  of  Upper  Canada,  and 
held  responsible  fur  his  conduct  whilst  on  Atncri- 

.  can  territory. 


I 


[Feb.  9, 


1846.1 


AP7END1X  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


169 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Darragh. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


This  liumiliatirig  siibmissinii  on  our  pnrt  is  one 
of  the  trophies  of  twenty-seven  years  of  "  masterly 
inactivity."  Sir,  there  should  be  an  end  to  this 
slate  of  afluirs.  Great  Britain  has  asserted  claims 
which  she  cannot  maintain.  Will  delay  induce 
that  ranncions  Power  to  withdraw  or  lessen  her 
demunus .'  You  postpone  the  manly  vindication 
of  our  rights.  You  open  the  tioor  to  further  ne- 
gotiation about  what  most  gentlemen  say  is  .'iufli- 
ciently  clear  now.  Docs  any  one  expect  that 
Great  Britain  will  be  less  anxious  for  f.  part  of 
Oregon  a  year  or  two  hence  than  now  ?  Will  she 
be  less  able  to  meet  us  in  the  strife  of  battle  ?  You 
postpone,  you  give  time,  and  advise  her  to  arm. 
England  knows  and  dreads  a  war  with  Amer- 
ica. She  has  tried  the  experiment  twice,  and 
has  no  reason  to  boast  of  the  result  of  cither  con- 
flict. She  knows  mor« :  she  knows  that  a  war 
with  the  United  States  would  be  the  beginning  of 
the  end  that  would  free  this  whole  continent  from 
Europ-'an  influence,  power,  and  authority.  Delay, 
give  til. le,  and  the  nionorchles  of  Europe  might  be 
brought  to  sec  that  the  conflict,  when  it  did  come, 
would  be  bctvcen  legitimacy  and  republicanism — 
the  right  divine  of  kings,  and  the  people. 

All  this  might  come  to  pass  if  we  continue  to 
delay  the  settlement  of  this  question.  That  it  will 
happen  whether  we  settle  the  question  or  not  now, 
I  have  no  doubt.  Indeed,  I  hope  that  the  time 
may  hasten  on  when  the  sovereign  people  shall 
be  the  only  sovereigns  on  eorih.  But  in  this  Ore- 
gon affair,  I  prefer  settling  it  with  England  alone; 
which  will  be  done,  if  Congress  will  only  act  with 
promptness  and  decision. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  cr.me  now  to  speak  of  title; 
and  I  believe  a  careful  cxaminntion  will  show  that 
all  the  proofs  .substanliaie  the  claims  of  the  United 
States.     1  do  not  design  to  rely  on,  or  even  allude 
to,  proofs  of  doubtful  import,  or  to  the  vague  his-  I 
tor;  or  misty  traditions  which  the  honorable  gen-  ; 
tlcman  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.Wi.vTHRop]  seems 
to  think  to  ercompass  the  subject.     I  will  depend  ; 
on  events  as  much  matter  of  true  history  as  the 
Declaration  which  declared  the  colonies  free  and 
indepenilent  States. 

It  will  be  observed  that  in  all  the  negotiotions 
nnd  olTcis  to  compromise  this  vexed  question, 
England  hns  denied  our  rights  even  iis  far  north  ns 
the  parallel  of  49  north  latitude.  Now  to  this 
point  we  have  a  title  not  heretofore  referred  to, 
arising  from  the  cession  of  Louisiana  in  1803  by 
Fram-e  to  the  United  S'aios.  Dy  that  cession  we 
oecame  invested  with  the  rii^his  and  title  of  France 
to  territory  west  of  the  Rocky  mountains.  Let  us 
see  how  the  matter  stood  for  n  long  time  previous 
to  1803.  In  1683,  M.  De  la  Snlle,  a  Frenchman,  ■ 
navigated  the  Mississippi  from  Canada  to  its 
mouth;  in  virtue  whereof,  France  claimed  the  sov- 
eicignty  to  Louisiana,  on  both  sides  of  the  river, 
from  the  Gulf  of  Mex.oo  to  the  49ih  deg  ee  of 
north  latitude.  This  right  of  siivereignty  was  oased 
upon  the  acknowledjjed  principle  of  international 
law:  "  that  the  nation  which  discovers  the  mouth 
of  a  river  is  entitled  to  the  sovereignty  to  all  the 
land  which  in  watered  by  such  river,  its  tvibutaries,  ■ 
and  hea.i  vvnters."  From  the  time  of  the  discov- 
ery by  la  Snlle,  England  never  controverted  this 
nriiiriple;  she  had  in  repented  instances  availed 
herself  of  its  provisions.  Fiance,  by  the  discov- 
ery of  the  Mississippi,  exteniled  west,  at  all  events, 
to  the  Rocky  mountains,  for  there  are  the  sources 
of  some  of  the  head  waters  of  that  river.  She  wos 
the  only  Power  contiguous  to  the  vast  wilds  from 
the  Rocky  mountains  to  the  Fncific  ocean;  and 
therefore  theargnment  of  continuity  was  altogether 
with  Fri:iice  as  opposed  to  Enj;lnnd. 

As  enrly  ns  1713,  Great  liritain  regarded  the 
French  pos.scs.siiins  in  Ainerirnas  exiondiug  west 
to  the  Pacific.  The  lOlh  article  of  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht,  (1713,)  provided  for  the  appointment  of 
ciimmissionevs  to  settle  the  boundary  lictween  Can- 
ada and  Louisiana  on  the  one  side,  and  Huilson's 
Ray  and  Northwestern  companies  on  the  other. 
This  boundary  by  the  treaty  was  established  "  by 
a  line  to  c-oniinence  at  n  cape  oi  proinontorj-  on 
the  ocean,  in  .ItP  31'  north  latitude,  to  run  tlience 
west  wnrdly  to  t!ie  49/ft  uaratlrl,  mul  n/oiiff  that  lint 
viilifinilrhj  u'csliranl.  Now  this  line,  iiidefiniicly 
wesiward,  includes,  of  course,  ell  Oregon  south  of 
the  49lh  degree  north  latitude.  It  is  to  be  sure, 
doubted  whether  the  cominisaioTiers  piovidcd  (or 
by  the  treaty  of  Uueclil  ever  acted;  and  it  is  very 


certain  that  if  they  did  net,  no  record  of  their  pro- 
ceedings now  exist;  but  the  United  States  have 
always  considered  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  i,s  extend- 
ing the  49th  porallel  indefinitely  westward.     Mr. 
Charles  Pinckney  and  Mr.  Monroe,  our  Ministers  | 
at  Madrid  in  1805,  in  the  correspondence  between  \ 
them  and  Don  Pctiro  Cavallos,  the  Spanish  Minis-  i 
ter,  respecting  the  western  boundary  of  Louisiana, , 
advanced  these  views. — Slalt  Papers,  vol.  3,  p.  169. 

Mr.  Gallatin,  in  the  American  .statement  of  De- 1 
cembor,  1826,  recognises  the  action  of  tlie  commis- , 
sioners  under  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  as  e.\tending 
the  49th  parallel  indefinitely  westward.  j 

But  again:  the  treaty  of  Versailles,  (1763,)  be- 
tween P'rance  and  England,  ond  which  concluded 
the  French  wars  in  America,  stipulates  "  that  the 
confines  between  the  British  and  French  posses- 
sions in  AiTierica  were  irrevocably  fixed  by  a  line 
drawn  along  the  middle  of  the  Mississippi  from  its 
jonrce  to  the  river  Iberville." 

In  1783,  the  Mississippi,  from  its  source,  was 
adopted  as  the  line  of  demarcation  between  the 
British  and  French  possessions.     Louisiana  then 
extended  north  as  far  as  the  49th  degree,  and  to 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  in  latitude  29.     It  will  be  ob- 
served, by  looking  at  the  map,  that  the  sources  of 
the  Mississippi  are  in  49,  north  latitude;  and  that 
this  is  the  parallel  fixed  on  by  the  treat  ,■  of  Utrecht. 
In   1763,  France  and  England  made  partition  of 
almost  the   whole  continent   of  North  America. 
England   then  obtained  the  territor)'  vast   of  the 
Mississippi,  and  north  of  the  49th  p.irallel  of  lati- 
tude.    She  then  made  no  claim  to  territory  in  any 
other  quarter — a  pregnant  conclusion  against  the 
existence  of  any  such  claim.     She  was  at  this  time 
victorious  over  her  rival,  and  flushed  with  her  con- 
quest.    She  possessed  the  power  to  dictate   the 
'  terms  of  the  treaty  of  Versailles,  (1703.)     Not 
I  over  nice  in  her  pretensions  to  territory,  nor  over 
scrupulous  in  the  employment  of  means  to  enforce 
■  them,  Great  Ri  itain  made  no  pretension  to  territory 
1  south  of  the  49th  parallel  in  any  quarter.     These 
provisions  of  the  treaty  of  Versailles  seem  to  ine 
j  to  indicate  that  the  49th  pamlM  extended  indefi- 
nitely westward,  as   is  provided  in  the  treaty  of 
I  Utrecht,  and  governed  in  this  matter  the  deliliera- 
!  tions  which  resulted  in  the  treaty  of  Versailles. 
So  also  the  parallel  of  49  north  latitude,  seems 
to  have  been   regarded  ns  o  determined  line,  or 
'  landmark,  by  the  commissioners  who  negotiated 
the  treaty  of  Paris  in  1763,  which  terminated  the 
revolutionary  war.     The    boundary  there   is   de- 
scribed ns  "  from   the   northwestern   point  of  the 
Lake   of  the   Woods,  due  west  to  the  Mississippi 
river;"  and  the  northwestern  point  of  the  Lake  of 
the  Woods  is  in  about  latitude  49  north. 

Sir,  I  have  adverted  to  the  title  in  the  T^nited 
States,  acquired  by  the  cession  of  Louisiana,  only 
liecause  the  Ilriiish  ?lenipoientinry,  and  others, 
deny  our  rijht  even  to  the  49ih  parallel.  This  is 
not  the  ti'le  to  Oregon  on  which  1  rely.  Great 
'  Britain  now  claims  to  the  right  bank  of  the  f'olum- 
l)ia  river,  and  what  I  have  said  about  the  French 
I  laim,  was  only  to  show  how  England  herself  re- 
;  garded  it  ftoin  1713  to  1790, 

i      Mr.  Chnin-.an,  I  apprehend  that  our  best  title  to 
:  the  whole  of  Oregon,  is  in  what  is  called  the  Span- 
ish title.     It  is  in  my  opinion  the  title,  and  the  only 
valid  title.    By  every  rule  of  national  law  it  iigood 
against  the  world.      I  propose  to  examine  it;  and 
!  this  I  will  do  as  briefly  is  I  con, 
1      By  the  treaty  between  Spain   and    the   United 
;  .Slates  in  1819,l(nown  as  the  treaty  for  the  cession 
j  of  Floridii,  we  became  righlfully  entitled  to  the 
;  territory  claimed  by  the  former  power  in  North 
.America,  north  of  the  42d  degree  north  latitude. 
I  The  territory  of  Oieijnn  extends  im  the  Pacific 
coast  from  42°  to  54°  40'  north,  and  is  binindrd  on 
I  the  east  by  the  Rocky  mountains.     By  the  treaty 
'  of  Florida  we  were  placed  in   the  shoes  of  Spain, 
I  and  posseesp<l  of  all  her  riiihts  to  the  country  in 
dispute.     What  were  the  rights  ond  title  of  Spain.' 
J  We  shall  see.     By  the  law  of  nations,  there  are 
I  three  methods  in  which  a  nation  may  acquire  the 
I  sovereignty  of  a  country.     First,   liy  discovery; 
'  second,  by  cession  from  the  riihtful  owner;    bird, 
'  by  conquest.     Under  the  first  of  these,  the  sover- 
eignly of  the  whole  of  North  and  South  America, 
I  as  well  as  the  West  India  islands,  was  orieinally 
I  ac""ircd.     Vnltel  and  other  writers  dmibled  the 
I  justice  of  civilized  nations  acquiring  title  merely 
by  invading  the  territory  of  barbarous  pcopk ;  but 


it  is  now  too  late  to  discuss  this  question.  Ceiti.ui 
it  is,  that  neither  England  nor  any  other  of  the 
great  European  Powers  can  object  to  sovereignty 
thus  acquired,  because  to  most  of  their  colonial 
posse.ssions  they  can  produce  no  better  or  other 
title.  Who,  then,  were  the  first  discoverers  of  the 
Pacific  coast  along  the  territory  of  Oregon?  Eng- 
land, in  1790,  for  Uie  first  time,  made  an  attempt 
at  claim.  From  that  time,  until  very  recently,  her 
statesmen  and  political  writers  founded  their  claim 
on  the  ancient  discovery  pretended  to  be  made  by 
Sir  Fr.incia  Drake, 

This  daring  navigator  lived  in  the  reign  of  Q,ueen 
Elizabeth;  and  in  the  year  1576  or  1577  sailed,  not 
on  a  voyage  of  discovery,  but  to  annoy  and  cap- 
ture the  Spanish  ships  with  their  rich  cargoes  from 
the  New  World,  His  voyage  wi.8  of  a  warlike 
character,  and  Sir  Francis  himself  little  better  thon 
a  commissioned  pirate.  In  1577  he  fell  in  with 
land  on  the  Pacific,  which  he  called  "NewAl- 
I'lon;"  and  this  it  is  pretended  was  the  coast  of 
Oregon.  Sir  Francis  Drake  never  saw  the  coast 
ofOrc;;(in.  Heylyn,  who  published  a  geography 
in  Loudon  in  1G74,  and  which  will  be  found  in 
your  library,  gives  the  particulars  of  this  pretended 
discovery;  from  which  it  appears  that  "  New  Al- 
bion" lies  altogether  within  the  bounds  of  Califor- 
nia. Maps  were  published  not  long  after  this  dis- 
covery, which  describe  all  the  country  north  of  42 
decrees  as  " Tenu  Borentii  iiii.  iii/n."  Hakluyl, 
who  lived  in  the  times  of  Sir  Fi  incis  Drake,  in  his 
History  of  Voyogcs  and  Disco\  eries,  states  tiiat  Sir 
Fram  is  Drake  found  the  cold  so  great  when  he 
reached  about  42°  norili,  that  he  returned  south 
nnd  entered  the  bay  in  latitude  3&°,  which  to  this 
day  bears  his  name — "Port  Si,  Francisco  Draco" 
— I  ort  St.  Francisco,  as  it  is  now  caMed. 

This  barren  and  prooflesa  claim  is  the  whole  of 
England  'a  title  by  nncjeiit  iliscoriry.  Now  let  ua 
look  at  the  title  of  Spain,  uudcr  which  wc  claim, 
and  a  mere  reference  to  well-authenticated  voyage.^ 
and  discoveries  is  oil  that  is  intended.  Iiartolome 
Fcrrclo,  though  nnt  the  first  navigator  of  the  Pa- 
cific, .sailed  in  1543  as  far  north  ns  latitude  5i°, 
and  landed  at  what  was  tiubsequently  called  Cape 
Blanco.  In  l.')92,  Juan  de  Fuca,  a  native  of 
Cephalonia,  in  Greece,  in  the  service  of  Spam,  dis- 
covered a  strait  in  lat'tude  49°  to  51°  north.  Do 
Fuca  staid  there  twenty  days — landed,  and  traded 
with  the  natives.  An  avcount  of  his  voyage  and 
discovery  was  taken  from  his  own  lips  and  written 
down  by  Michael  Lock,  i  n  Engllslimaii,  then  in 
Venice,  a  short  time  after  J-e  Fuca's  discoveries  in 
li)96.  This  important  discovery,  made  under  the 
Spanish  flag,  is  not  only  mad'!  history  by  on  Eng- 
lishman; but  more  than  two  luiidred  years  after- 
wards, an  officer  of  the  Englisi  navy,  Vancouver, 
then  on  a  voyage  of  discovery,  was  so  well  satis- 
fied w  ith  the  truth  of  De  Fuci  's  discovery,  and 
Michael  Lock's  account  of  the  fame,  that  when, 
in  1792,  he  fell  in  with  these  snails,  he  nameil 
them  the  "S(r«i/s  </  J'lirn,"  in  hi  nor  of  the  first 
discoverer.  Now'  here  is  the  Spaiish  title  by  an- 
cient discovery  to  50°  norili,  which  cannot  be  dis- 
puted, and  which  Capt.  Vancouver  hns  acknowl- 
edged by  per|>ciuaiing  the  name  of  De  Fuca.  Other 
points  along  llieOregon  coast  were  cirly  discovered 
iiy  the  Spaniards.  In  1603,  Aguilar,  a  Spanish 
captain,  discovered  the  muulh  of  the  river  Umpqua, 
in  latitude  44. 

After  the  treaty  of  Versnilles  in  1763,  the  great 
European  Powers  had  a  period  of  peace;  and  Eng- 
land, France,  and  particu'irly  Spain,  diieried  their 
attention  to  pro.secuting  new  voyages  of  discover- 
ies, and  ascertaining  the  nature  and  condition  of 
such  as  were  already  made,  but  which,  owing  to 
the  wars  they  had  been  engaged  in,  had  not  been 
followed  ii[p.  Spain,  ever  intent  on  the  grandeur 
and  wealth  of  her  pos.sessions  in  the  New  World, 
led  the  way.  In  pursuance  of  instructions  from 
.Madrid,  an  expedition  was  fitted  out  for  explora- 
tion and  discovery  in  1774.  The  vessel  called  the 
"Santiago"  was  commanded  by  .Tuan  Pciez  as 
captain,  with  Esievnii  .lose  Martinez  ns  pilot.  Perez 
sailed  north  to  the  59th  parallel,  where  he  saw  the 
northeastern  point  of  (iuecii  Charlotte's  Island. 
After  a  cursory  examination  of  this  coast,  he  pro- 
ceeded south,  and  in  latitude  49;  degrees,  he  dis- 
covered and  entered  a  bay,  to  wlii,!h  he  gave  the 
imnie  of  "Port  Sal.  .orenzo."  He  landed  and 
traded  with  the  natives — giving  them  impleniema 
of  iron,  and  other  articles,  in  exchange  for  furs. 


ill 


170 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  9, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Darragh. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


This  ia  ihe  same  buy  to  which  CapWin  Cook, /our 
yean  aftenvnrds,  pretended  to  haredisciyrered,  and 
to  which  lie  gave  the  name  of  Kinp  Georjifc'a 
Sound,  and  which  ia  now  known  as  "  Nooika 
Sound."  The  English  press,  and  the  British  Plen- 
ipotentiary here,  rely  on  this  modern  discovery  of 
Captain  Cook.  Now,  let  us,  for  a  moment,  look  at 
theclaim  of  Captain  Cook  to  the  discovery  of  Noot- 
ka  Sound.  Conk  sailed  from  England  in  ITTU  to 
discover  a  northwest  paasa^  lictwecii  the  Atlnntl<^ 
and  P  'fie  oceans.  He  admits  that  acroinits  of 
the  discoveries  on  the  Pacific  by  the  S^ianiards 
were  in  England  before  he  sailed,  Captam  Cook 
sailed  from  Plyiv.outh,  in  his  old  ship  the  "Re.iu- 
Iiition,"  12th  July,  1776.  His  instructions  from 
the  A  jmiralty  were,  to  proceed  by  the  way  of  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hoiw  and  Otaheite  "to  the  coast  of 
New  Albion,  endeavoring  to  fall  in  with  it  in  the 
latitude  of  45  degrees."     He  was  "there  to  put 

•  into  the  first  convenient  port  Jo  reemil  hia  trooi/ 
'  and  tenter,  and  procure  rr/rMAinen/.i,  anil  then  to  sail 
'  northward  ul(in<r  the  coast  to  the  latitude  of  CiH 
'  degrees,  or  farther,  if  not  obstructed  by  lands  or 
'  ice,  takinj  care  no(  Jo  lone  miij  time  in  tx^ihring 

*  rireraor  iutels,  or  upon  anyolhtr  acfoiinJ,"  until  he 
had  reached  that  dei;rco.  He  was  further  instruct- 
ed and  "  strictly  enjoined  not  to  touch  upon  any 
'  pnrt  of  the  Sniinish  dominions  on  the  western 
'  continent  of  America,  unless  driven  thither  by 
'  some  unavoidable  accident;  in  which  case,  lie  was 
'  to  stay  no  longer  than  should  be  alisolutcly  iie- 
'cessary." 

Now,  sir,  it  will  be  recollected,  that  an  account 
of  the  Spanish  diaiovcrieson  the  northwest  coast 
was  current  in  England  befi>re  Cook  sailed;  and 
it  will  be  observed,  that  the  nHtish  Government 
tlicn  recognised  the  right  of  Spain  as  fat  north  as 
the  (ioth  degree  of  latitude;  for  Captain  Cook  is  in- 
stnicted  nut  to  stop  short  of  that  degree,  except  to 
"  wood  and  water."  South  of  it  he  was  not  per- 
mitted to  explore  or  take  ()ossc.«sion  of  the  coun- 
try. In  latitude  49j  degrees  he  found  a  spaciou.s 
mid  secure  liny,  ottering  every  facility  for  the  re- 
pair of  bis  vessel  and  the  refreshment  of  his  men; 
and  on  the  ^lih  of  March,  1778,  he  there  cast  an- 
chor, and  bestowed  upon  the  place  the  name  of 
"  King  George's  Sound."  This  name  be  shortly 
afterwards  changed  to  thatof  AoojA-ti  ^'otint/,  under 
the  impression  that  Nootka  was  the  term  employed 
to  distinguish  the  bnv  by  the  natives  of  the  sur- 
roundins  territory.  He  remained  at  Nootka  .Sound 
four  weeks,  and  traded  with  the  natives.  It  can- 
not lie  preteiuled  that  this  KingOeorge's  or  Noot- 
ka S')und  is  not  the  "  P.irl  San  Lorenzo, "entered, 
disoovered,  and  so  named  Iv  .lunn  Perez,  in  the 
service  of  .Spain,  in  1774.  That  Cook's  ship  was 
not  the  first  tlieif  seen  by  the  natives,  is  abun- 
dantly evident  from  Cook's  own  account.  He 
tells  us  that  ilic  natives  manifested  no  .surprise  at 
the  sijrbt  of  bis  ships,  and  were  not  startled  by  the 
ri'poris  of  his  j^uns:  they  had  tools  and  weapons 
of  iron,  and  ornaments  of  brass,  and  one  of  their 
chiefs  bad  hanging  anmnd  his  neck  Jieo  »i/r«r  lublt- 
spoons  of  Spanish  irirtnii/rirfure. 

Can  it  be  doubted  that  these  implements  and 
utensils  of  iron,  nnd  lirass,  and  silver,  are  what 
the  natives  obttined  from  .Tuan  PeifZ  when  be 
landed  there  in  1774?  Besides  ihe.se  clear  proofs 
of  the  discoveries  of  Spain,  England  herself",  for 
many  years  afterwards,  never  controverted  the 
Spanish  title. 

1  now  wish  to  direct  the  attention  of  the  com- 
mittee to  the  murh-lnlked-nf  Nooika  Sound  con- 
vention. We  nil  know  the  occasion  of  that  cele- 
brnted  treaty:  a  certain  Captain  John  .Meaies, 
a  hnlf-pav  nlTicer  of  the  British  navy,  was  em- 
ployed, ill  1788,  by  a  Porl'iguese,  named  Ca- 
vallo,  in  Macoa,  to  command  an  expedition 
under  the  Portujuese  flag  to  carry  on  the  fur 
trade  with  the  natives  of  the  norlhwevt  coast 
of  America.  He  sailed  for  Nootka  Sound,  and 
in  1789  biult  a  small  vessel  and  some  hu^s  there. 
As  Hoon  as  informed  of  these  cirrumstances, 
the  Spanish  authorities  sent  a  eomma-d  wliieli 
took  clown  Ihe  British  flag,  demolished  neir  huts, 
and  made  prizes  of  their  vessels.  M^sres  com- 
plained  to  Parliament,  and  King  Gcree  the  III. 
made  the  snbieii  a  matter  of  coniplainl  in  bis 
»|ieeeh  to  Parliament.  In  1790,  netjotiations  wen^ 
inteied  into  at  Madrid  lietween  Mr.  Kitzherbert, 
Ihe  Ell 'lisli  ai;cnt,  and  the  Spanish  Governniint, 
concerning  tlic  wioiiga  which  Engiand  complained 


to  have  received,  in  her  subject.  Captain  Meares, 
at  Nootka.  Spain  resistetl,  but  she  was  in  no 
condition  to  resist  long.  She  had  already  taken 
the  downward  plunge  into  the  anarchy  and  weak- 
ness which  marks  her  at  this  day. 

England  was  powerful.  Parliament  had  voted 
one  million  pounds  sterling  to  war  with  Spain,  un- 
less she  yielded  to  British  rapacity.  The  treaty 
signed  at  the  Escurial  in  1790,  called  the  "Nootka 
Sound  convention,"  was  dictated  to  Spain,  and 
fiirced  from  her.  Simultaneous  with  the  signine 
of  the  treaty,  Spain  published  a  manifesto  directed 
to  all  Ihe  European  courts,  remonstrating  against 
the  manner  it  was  extorted  from  her,  nnd  assert- 
ing her  claims  at  Nootka.  But  Gi-eal  Britain  did 
not  then  pretend  that  the  Nootka  Sound  conven- 
tion acknowledged  or  surrendered  to  her  any  title 
or  sovereignty.  Great  Britain  only  claimed  a  right 
lo  trade  at  Nootka,  not  of  sovereignly.  She  de- 
manded satisfaction  for  the  insult  offered  through 
her  subjects,  not  apology  for  invasion  of  her  ter- 
ritory. Neither  the  King,  (George  III.)  Mr.  Pill, 
Mr.  Fox,  nor  any  one  else  in  Parliament,  spoke  of 
(/(/(: ;  it  was  only  a  risht  to  trade.  The  account  of 
this  matter,  as  given  in  Bi.ssett's  History  of  Eng- 
land, is  full  as  to  the  fact  that  the  Government  of 
Enjland  denied  bavin?  any  claim  to  the  snver- 
eisnly  of  the  country  on  the  coast  of  Oregon.  The 
historian  says  that  the  English  claim  there  was 
onlv  "  a  right  to  trade  [not  of  soil]  in  places  in 
wlilcli  no  country  could  claim  an  exclusive  rifrht 
of  rmnnirrre  and  nnrignJion,"  not  of  sovereignty. 

This,  sir,  is  the  purport  of  the  famous  Nootka 
Sound  convention;  and  although  extorted  frcmi 
Spain  by  England,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  latter 
Power  eained  nothing  but  an  apology  for  the  in- 
sult offered  to  Captain  Meares,  redress  for  the 
loss  sustained,  nnd  a  bare  risht  to  trade.  But  had 
nmre  been  obtained,  the  treaty  and  its  provisions 
were  ended  in  17flfi,  at  which  time  a  w-ar  was  de- 
clared between  England  and  Spain.  War  termi- 
nates and  cancels  all  subsisting  treaties  between 
the  parties.  On  the  subject  of  the  Spanish  claim 
to  the  territory  in  dispute,  I  desire  to  direct  the  at- 
tention of  Ihe  committee  to  a  map  describing  the 
British,  Spanish,  and  French  possessions  on  the 
continent  of  .America,  accordinir  to  llie  treaty  cs- 
talilished  at  Paris,  11th  of  February,  176.3,  by 
"  Email  Brown,  Geographer  to  bis  Majesty,  anil 
.Tolin  Gibson.  Engraver."  On  this  map  the  do- 
minions of  Encland  extend  from  the  Atlantic  lo 
the  Mississippi;  the  French  dominions  extend 
from  the  Mi.<sissippi  to  the  western  boundary  of 
Louisiana;  and  all  the  country  bfiween  the  Inst- 
mentioncd  boundary  and  the  Pacific  ocean  ia  put 
down  as  belonging  to  Spain. 

Mr.  ('Inurman,  if  discovery  cive«  title,  I  think 
that  I  have  shown  that  the  Spanish  l;ile  lo  Nootka, 
the  verv  point  in  dispute,  is  clear  and  unquestion- 
able. iJiil  1  am  told  that  discovery  without  sellle- 
nienl  or  occupancy  gives  no  title.  However  this 
may  be,  it  may  not  be  profitless  to  see  how  Eng- 
land i-e^'ards  nnd  has  acted  on  this  principle.  The 
case  of  the  Falkland  islands  exhibits  the  views  and 
conduct  of  Great  Britain  as  to  title  by  discovery 
without  settlement.  These  islands  were  first  seen 
bv  (Captain  Davis,  who  sailed  with  Sir  Uiclmnl 
Hawkins  in  1592.  He  was  driven  by  a  storm  into 
Ihe  .Straits  of  Magellan,  when  he  accidentally  saw 
them.  He  jrave  them  no  name.  In  li'M,  Sir 
Uicbnrd  Hawkins  saw  one  of  these  islands,  and 
took  it  for  the  main  land.     (See  Hclyn's  Geogra- 

rihy,  London,  1674.)  Two  years  afterwards,  a 
)iitch  navigator,  Sebald  de  West,  came  to  them, 
nnd  inlled  litem  "  Sebald's  Islands."  England 
heard  no  more  of  them  for  a  century,  and  their 
existence  was  even  called  in  question.  In  the  reign 
of  William,  an  Englishman  named  Strong  found 
them  out  again,  and  called  them  "  Falkland  Is- 
lands." In  the  reicn  of  George  III.,  Captain  By- 
ron, the  ancestor  of  "  Childe  Harold,"  took  (mis- 
session  of  one  of  them.  This  is  the  first  possession 
by  England;  il  was  only  of  one  island,  and  not  fol- 
lowed up  by  setlleinent.  In  Hfili  the  King  of  .Spain 
sent  troops  and  nrllUd  one  of  the  i.slnnds,  and  called 
it  "Solidade;"  nnd  yet  Great  Britain,  in  1769, 
claimed  all  the  islands  mi  the  gnnind  of  prior  dis- 
rnrrry,  and  .Spain  was  obliged  lo  submit. 

One  other  ea.se,  and  I  have  dime  with  this  branch 
of  my  reiiKirks.  I  refer  to  ihe  pretext  assumed  by 
K.iiL'liind  for  driving  out  ihe  Dutch  from  .New  Vork. 
Ill  149^  Columbus  discovered  the  WckI  India  Isl- 


ands.    In  1497,  Giovanni  (John)  Cabot,  n  Vene- 
tian, in  the  employ  of  Henry  VII.,  discovered  the 
island  of  New  Foundland  nnd  the  Atlantic  const 
IIS  far  OS  Virginia.     Henry  VII.  made  no  settle- 
ment nor  motion  towards  one.     In  like  inactivity 
towards  the  Discovery  of  Cabot  passed  the  reign 
of  Henry  Vlll.     So,  too,  passed  trie  short  reign  of 
Edward  VI.  nnd  Mary.    In  1583,  eighty-six  years 
after  the  di.scovery  of  Giovanni  Cabot,  the  first 
British  chnrterof  colonization  was  sigi.cd  byCiueen 
Elizabeth  to  Sir  Humphry  Gilbert.     Nothing  was 
done  under  this  grant.     Then  came  the  patent  to 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh  to  settle  the  southern  part  of 
North  America,  and  he  landed  the  first  colony  in 
1607.     This  settlement  was  soon  abandoned,  nor 
did  the  second  attempt  of  Sir  Walter  Ruletgh  meet 
with  any  better  success.     Hackluyt,  who  chroni- 
cles the.se  accounts,  lived  and  wrote  in  Ihe  age  of 
Elizabeth  and  James  I.,  and  was  the  chief  man  in 
the  next  expedition.    It  was  got  up  by  Hackluyt, 
and  was  under  the  direction  of  Richard  Gosnold, 
in  pursuance  of  inalrurtions  from  King  James  1., 
to  colonize  Massachusetts  Bay.     Gosnold  reached 
the  bay,  traded  with  the  natives,  but  made  no  set- 
tlements.    James  I.  then  divided  the  discovered 
land  into  two  portions — Virginia  and  New  Eng- 
land.   In  Ihe  meanwhile,  Hudson,  the  Dutch  navi- 
gator, had  sailed  up  the  river  which  still  bears  hi.i 
I  name.     The  Dutch  landed  where  now  stands  the 
icily  of  New  Vork,  settled,  and  immediately  iin- 
1  proved.     In  1662  Charles  II.  granted  Ihe  province 
of  New  York  lo  his  brother,  the  Duke  of  Vork, 
'  under  whose  directions   the   Dutch   were  driven 
;  away  or  forced  lo  yield.     The  Entrlish  claimed  it 
1  by  tlie  prior  discovery  made  by  Giovanni  Cabot 
more  than  one  hundred  years  before.     The  Dut-li 
had  settled,  the  English  had  not;  and  yet  the  prior 
discovery  title  of  England  without  settlement  was 
■  asserted  and  maintained.    Sir,  with  such  cxamitlos 
'  on  record  and  before  the  world, does  it  become  Eng- 
'  land  to  object  lo  title  by  discovery,  even  though 
i  no  occupancy  may  have  followed .' 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  United  States  have  claimed 
Oretron  by  virtue  of  the  discoveries  of  her  own  citi- 
!  zens;  and  as  I  regard  iiur  claim  good  at  all  events 
ins  against  England,  I  propose  lo  say  about  it  a 
I  word  or  two.     The  silly  argument,  that  becausu 
J  the  United  Slates  claim  under  Ihe  Spanish  title,  her 
'  own  cannot  be  good,  nnd  that  the  claim  under  her 
own  nullifies  the  title  of  Spain,  scarcely  needs  no- 
tice.    Il  would  be  strange  indeed  if  a  good  title  was 
weakened  by  the  acquisition  of  an  oulsuuiding 
claim;  but  let  this  pass. 
I      The  claim  of  the  United  States,  apart  from  that 
I  as  assignee  of  Spain,  rests  upon  the  discovery  of 
I  ihe  Columbia  river  by  Captain  Robert  Gray,  oT 
I  Boston,  the  explomtion  of  the  head  waters  of  the 
I  Columbia  by  Lewis  nnd  Clarke,  and  the  improve- 
I  meiil  and  scillcments  of  Mr.  Astorand  other  Ame- 
I  rican  citizens.     I  call  the  nttention  of  the  commit- 
tee again  to  the  principle  of  international  law  which 
\  declares  "that    the    nation    which    discovers  the 
I  '  mouth  of  a  river  is  entitled  to  the  sovereignly  to 
'  nil  the  lands  watered  by  such  river,  its  tributaries 
'and  head  waters."     Great  Britain  acknowledged 
this  principle  as  well  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  1713, 
as  by  the  treaty  of  Versailles,  1763.     M.  dc  La 
Salle,  in  lfi*<3,  discovered  the  mouth  of  the  Missis- 
sippi ;  by  reason  whereof,  France  claimed  the  whole 
of  Louisiana,  nnd  this  claim  was  admitted  by  Eng- 
land.   Who  discovered  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia, 
or  Oregon  river,  and  who  explored  its  head  waters? 
We  shall  see.    In  the  month  of  May,  1791,  Captain 
Robert  Gray,  of  the  American  ship  "  Columbia," 
of  Boston,  whilst  cniisinsin  Ihe  north  Pacific,  dis- 
covered an  opening  in  the  coast,  in  latitude  46°  16', 
which  he  pronounced  to  be  the  mouth  of  a  river. 
On  the  29th  April,  1792,  Cap'ain  Gray  fell  in  with 
the  English  ship"  Discovery,  "Cnpinin  Vancouver. 
Gray  informed  Vancouver  of  his  having  been  off 
the  mouth  of  a  great  river;  Vancouver  in  his  nar- 
rative mentions  these  fads,  ami  afterwards  mads 
search  for  the  river,  but  could  n'lt  find  il       He  be- 
lieved that  f  Captain  Gray  had  been  mislnKrn,  for  he 
thought  that  such  a  river  was  not  then  .     On  tlio 
llili  May,  1792,  ("nptain  Grnv  was  a^ain  off  llio 
openiii!;  where  he  iiiCornied  Vaji-onver  thi'  river 
was  Ut  be  found.      Vankee-Iike.  he  determined   lo 
satisfy  himself,  and  he  diivctetl  ilia  course  to  the 
opening.     This    was    no    liaznrdless   matter — the 
breikera  tosstd  the  sea,  and  llie  surf  was  furious. 
He  sailed  on, crossed  the  dreaded  bnratthe  iiiuulh  , 


I 


I ; 


/  ft 

i 

'i 


[Feb.  9, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


171 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr,  Ficklin, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


and  found  liii  ^self  on  the  bosom  of  a  magnificent 
river,  which  he  jnmcd  after  hisown  ship,  "  Colum- 
bia." He  ascended  the  river  twenty-five  miles, 
anchored,  landed,  and  traded  with  the  natives.  (He 
descended  the  river,  named  the  capes  on  its  north- 
cin  and  southern  sides  "Adams"  and  "Han- 
cock," and  again  spread  his  sails  to  the  breezes  of 
the  Pacific. 

"."his  was  the  first  vessel  that  ever  crossed  the 
bor  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  or  floated  on  the 
w  Iters  of  thnt  noble  river.  No  sophistiy  or  mis- 
••epresentalion  can  ever  luke  from  Captain  Gray  the 
honor  of  the  discovery,  or  from  his  country  the 
value  of  the  acquisition.  This  river  has  its  sources 
on  the  western  slopes  of  the  Rocky  mountains, 
and  forms  a  stream  wlierc  it  enters  the  Pacific  seven 
miles  in  width.  It  meanders  a  great  distance 
through  a  country,  n  greater  part  of  which  is  well 
adapted  to  the  wants  of  man.  From  the  mouth 
of  the  Columbia,  a  few  days'  sail  takes  you  to  the 
Sandwich  islands,  and  less  than  thirty  days,  to 
China.  Here  let  me  remind  the  committee  of  the 
expedition  .lent  by  the  United  States  under  the  Ad- 
ministration of  Mr.  Jefferson.  In  1804,  Lewis  and 
Clarke,  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  oscend- 
ed  the  Missouri,  and  arc  believed  to  be  the  first 
civilized  men  who  crossed  the  Rocky  mountains. 
Tlicy  discovered  and  explored  the  head  waters  of 
the  Columbia  river,  and  followed  it  down  to  its 
mouth.  A  year  or  two  after  this,  the  American 
Fur  Company  established  trading  posts  on  the 
bend  watsra  of  the  Columbia;  and  in  1811  John 
Jacob  Aslor  built  the  town  of  Astoria  at  its  mouth. 
War  wa!.  declared  between  the  United  Slates  and 
Great  Britain,  and  in  the  month  of  IJccember,  1813, 
Astoria  was  captured  by  the  British  sloop  of  war 
"  Raccoon,"  C-.ptain  Blake.  By  the  pence  treaty, 
known  as  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  it  wa.?  agreed  "that 
all  territory,  &.C.,  taken  from  either  party  by  the 
other  during  the  war  should  be  hestoked.  "  Not 
assigned  to,  aliened,  or  surrendered,  but  restored. 
Sir,  you  can  only  restore  that  which  formerly  be- 
lonired  to  you. 

Mr.  Clmirmnn,  these  are  some  of  the  reasons 
which  have  induced  me  to  believe  that  the  whole 
of  Oregon  is  ours;  and  believing  sn,  I  am  prepared 
to  go  the  full  length  to  ns.seri  and  maintain  our 
claim.  It  is,  sir,  in  my  judgment,  full  time  that 
tlic  joint  occupancy  under  the  conventions  of  1818 
and  18:27  should  be  terminated.  Great  Britain  has 
bad  the  exclusive  benefit  of  the  arrangement. 
AVitliout  title  to  one  rood  of  the  territory,  she  has 
dotted  it  everywhere  with  her  loris,  nndi  the  Brit- 
ish (lag  at  this  day  flaunts  ns  .saucily  over  llie 
Kiorkadcs  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  as  on 
the  ramparts  of  Gil)raltnr.  No  American  can  set- 
tle there  with  a  view  to  business.  No  sooner  elites 
he  fix  himself  than  the  agents  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company  surround  him,  undersell,  and  drive  him 
from  the  trade.  Mr.  Farnham,  an  intelligent  gen- 
tleman who  travelled  through  Oregon,  stales  that 
Mr.  Wycih,  an  enterprising  Yankee,  established, 
at  great  labor  and  expense, a  post  for  trading  with 
the  Indians,  (Fort  Hall,)  and  immediately  the  Hud- 
son's Bay  Company  forced  him  to  sell  to  them. 
They  imdersold  him,  and  paid  higher  prices  for 
peltries,  until  the  adventurous  man  fo\ind  himself 
without  business.  The  Hudson's  Bay  Company 
have  now  twenty-two  forts  in  Oregon.  Nor,  sir, 
will  it  do  to  say  that  Great  Britain  has  not  thus  ex- 
ercised acts  of  ownership  and  sovereignty  over  the 
terriiory  of  Oiego-  The  Hudson's  Bay  Company 
iy,  quoad  hoc,  ihe  '.  ^h  Government.  Well  does 
she  understand  the  ,  c  and  management  of  these 
poliiico-rommen'inl  companies,  and  profiialily  has 
she  used  them.  Look  to  the  history  of  the  East 
India  Cnmiany,  and  •■  ■■  the  manininth  empire  she 
hasarni' red  iiy  mcnn^-of  tliat  tradingcorporation. 
LittI'  nori-  th.iu  oijP  hundred  vcnis  since  Great 
Bri  .  he  1  in  the  F.ast  Indies  the  small  commer- 
cial Ihciories  at  Sural,  Madras,  and  Calciilia, 
w  I.  -ii,  losether  with  the  island  of  Bombay,  olilaiii- 
tcl  from  Portugol  as  the  dowry  of  the  wife  of 
Charles  the  Secop  ',  were  all  her  iMississions  Iherc. 
Now,  arter  havi  :;  waded  in  blood  ihroal-deen  lo 
empire,  she  sways  her  Kccpire  over  <uie  hundred 
niillinns  of  people.  The  glory  of  'be  conipu'sl  is 
Fnirlnnd's — the  crimr  and  horriu-  of  the  murders 
belong  lo  (lie  East  India  Conipiiny.  says  the  his- 
torian of  that  proud  island  !  So.  loo,  would  act  llic 
llinlsnn's  Bay  Coni|>any,  if  they  dared;  but  ilic 
Ainerican  people  arc  made  of  sterner  slulT.    Satisfy 


our  people  that  our  claim  to  Oregon  is  good,  and 
we  will  have  it  at  all  and  every  hazard.  "The  pallid 
and  trembling  cry  of  war  will  not  frighten  them 
from  their  propriety.  No  gaunt  spectres  of  com- 
mercial distress,  sacked  cities  and  ruined  com-' 
merce,  will  alarm  the  people,  when  the  national 
rights  and  honor  are  at  stake. 

Sir,  I  trust  you  will  at  once  give  the  notice  to 
terminate  this  ruinous  joint  occupancy.  Let  it  be 
prompt  and  decisive.  England  will  hesitate  long 
Before  she  wars  with  us;  she  has  little  to  gain  but 
hard  blows.  During  the  late  war,  she  gained  little 
of  advantage  or  glory.  We  were  then  seven  mil- 
lions of  people;  we  are  now  twenty  millions.  At 
home,  she  has  something  lo  look  af\er.  The  un- 
redressed wrongs  of  the  Irish  people  startle  her 
conscience,  and  her  starving  millions  are  illy  con- 
tented with  their  miserable  bondage.  Sir,  I  be- 
lieve the  resolution  before  the  committee,  if  adopt- 
ed by  a  true  American  vote,  will  be  the  greatest 
of  peace  measures.  It  will  a.ssure  the  world  of  the 
intention  to  vindicate  our  rights;  it  will  assure 
England  that  the  nation  is  determined  to  have  their 
own,  dcsp"'c  her  monetary,  her  naval,  or  military 
power,  uentlemen  regard  the  passage  of  this  res- 
olution as  equivalent  to  a  declaration  of  war.  I 
do  not  so  regard  it.  But  should  such  be  the  result 
of  our  action,  why,  let  it  coine.  For  one,  I  adopt 
the  language  and  sentiment  of  old  John  Adams, 
when  speak.ngof  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
"  Sink  or  swim,  live  or  die,  survive  or  perish,"  I 
go  for  the  resolution. 

I  will  not  detain  the  committee  by  speaking  of 
'he  value  of  Oregon;  all  who  have  been  there  speak 
of  it  as  the  fit  abode  of  a  vast  nation  of  freemen. 
We  want  it  now,  to  reclaim  it  from  its  wild  state, 
and  make  it  blossom  m.  the  rose — to  rear  up  a  mighty 
republic,  based  upon  the  rights  of  man  England 
wants  it,  and  keeps  it  as  a  breeding  den  for  wild 
beasts,  in  whose  pursuit  ever  is  the  rapacious 
Hudson  Bay  Company.  God  gave  it  for  the  uses 
of  man — England  uses  it  for  the  breeding  of  beasls. 
Let  there  be  an  end  to  this.  When  our  title  shall 
be  made  perfect,  and  our  possession  asserted  and 
maintained,  the  moral,  the  political,  and  the  com- 
mercial afTairs  of  Asia  will  be  revolutionized.  I 
believe  that  the  man  is  now  living  who  will  see 
your  Atlantic  cities  conncciod  by  railroad  with  the 
Pacific  ocean .  That  acconplisned,  and  the  trade 
of  China,  and  India,  and  islands  of  the  Pacific, 
rush  by  this  cour.se  to  Europe.  Six  oreightdays, 
by  railroad,  will  whirl  you  from  some  magnificent 
city,  to  be  founded  aim  built  on  the  shores  of  ilic 
Pacific,  to  Philadelphia  or  New  Vork.  We  shall 
be  neighbors  of  the  Chinese;  and  as  it  was  from  the 
cast  the  nations  of  the  world  received  their  early 
knowledge  of  the  arts  and  sciences,  so  from  the 
west  it  sh.\ll  be  given  back  to  them.  Ay,  sir;  not 
only  their  arts  and  sciences  highly  improved,  but 
we  will  take  to  them  the  blessings  and  the  repub- 
licanism of  Christianity. 


OREGON  QUESTION. 


SPEECH  OF  HON.  0.  B.  FICKLIN, 

i  OF   ILLINOIS, 

In    TirE    HotSE    or    IlErnESENTATIVES, 

[\  Ft6nmr!/ 6,  1816. 

I  The  Resolution  from  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Afriiiis,  requiring  the  ['resident  to  notify  Great 
Britain  of  the  intention  of  the  United  States  to 
!      terminate  ih«  joint  occiipamy  of  Oregon,  and  to 
j      abrogate   the  convention  of  18:27,  being  under 
ij      consideration  in  Commiltee  of  the  Whole — 
Mr.  FICKLIN  addressed  the  committee  as  fol- 
lows: 

Mr.  CiniRMAN:  The  immense  concourse  of  per- 
il sons  who  have  pres.sed  to  the  Capitol  each  day, 
'  and  the  profound  and  iinusiial  ailenlion  bestowed 
'  by  members  on  this  floor,  sutfiricnily  indicate  the 

imponnnce  of  the  subject  under  discusion. 
j      The  ina.s.ses  everywhere  are  aroused,  and  the  in- 
tense interest  fell  here  is  but  an  epitome  of  public 
Hciitiniciit  in  the  Slates. 

The  Texas  rcsolntions,  which  were  introduced 

I  into  this  House  at  the  last  scr^sion  with  more  than 

!  doubts  of  their  success,  gainctl  strength  at  every 

step  of  llioir  onward  progress;  and  on  the  night  of 

their  final  passage  through  the  oilier  end  of  the 

'   Capitol,  a  dread  and  deathlike  .lilence  pervaded 


the  eager  throng,  who  watched  with  throbbing 
hearts  the  first  gleams  of  the  new  star  ascending  to 
its  place  in  our  political  finnament. 

A  zca)  no  less  burning — an  excitement  no  less 
overwhelming — is  destined  to  impel  our  citizens 
forward,  until  the  Oregon  question  is  satisfactorily 
and  finally  adjusted;  and  those  politicians  who 
recklessly  attempt  lo  breast  the  current  of  popular 
opinion,  will  as  certainly  be  swept  away  by  its 
wave. 

Our  geographical  position,  and  the  indomitable 
energy  of  our  people,  alike  proclaim  that  ihis  must 
become  an  ocean-bcund  republic;  and  the  decree 
has  gone  forth,  thai  we  shall  acquire  territory  on 
this  continent  whenever  we  may  rightfully  do  so, 
and  that  we  should  not  part  with  one  fool  of  that 
which  legitimately  belongs  to  us. 

"Texas  and  Oregon"  were  cradled  together  in 
the  Baltimore  convention,  were  inscribed  on  our 
banners,  and  were  flung  lo  the  breeze  in  every  por- 
tion of  the  Union.  The  annexation  of  the  former 
was  a  bloodless  achievement,  and  the  occupotion 
of  the  latter  will  be  equally  so,  if  we  be  firm  and 
united.  We  should  suffer  no  sectional  jealousy, 
no  touch  of  selfish  or  mercenary  feeling,  to  warp 
our  judgment  on  a  question  of  this  character.  Nor 
should  we  stop  to  inquire  whether  the  proposed  ac- 
quisition of  territory,  ca.st  or  west,  north  or  south, 
gives  the  balance  of  power  to  this  or  that  section 
of  the  Union;  but,  looking  with  an  eye  single  to 
the  aggrf.ndizement  of  the  nation  as  a  whole,  wo 
should  extend  our  limits  whenever  we  can  do  so 
without  invading  the  rights  of  others.  On  casting 
about,  1  am  gratified  to  learn  that  most  of  the  south- 
ern Stales,  unbiassed  by  sectional  jealousies,  are 
with  us  on  this  question;  and  that  a  large  majority 
of  their  memlicrs  on  this  floor,  animated  by  the  true 
AmcM'ican  feeling, are  found  in  the  front  ranks  doing 
battle  for  Oregon.  The  parallel  between  Texas  lUid 
Oregon  is  striking  in  this,  that  those  of  our  friends 
who  took  the  responsibility  to  vole  ngainsl  Texas 
fell  under  the  reproaches,  not  to  say  dcnuncialions 
of  their  brethren,  and  endured  all  the  horrors  of  ths 
faggot  and  stake.  They  now,  in  turn,  indulge  ihn 
"retort  courteous"  towards  those  who  ditl'cr  with 
us  as  to  Oregon.  While  the  majority  of  us  must 
deeply  regret  that  any  occasion  for  vituperation 
should  have  arisen  either  on  the  one  hand  or  the 
other,  all  must  be  admonished  that,  on  a  question 
of  reannexation  or  occupation  of  territory,  it  is,  to 
say  the  least,  perilous  to  be  tender-footed  on  any 
part  of  the  ground. 

Those  who  so  earnestly  (and  I  may  add  alilv) 
oppo.se  the  giving  the  notice  lo  Great  Britain,  differ 
with  us  only  as  io  the  means  of  oblaining  the  end. 
Thev,  with  very  few  exceptions,  are  tiecidedly  of 
opinion  that  our  title  to  the  Oregon  territory,  u|i  to 
54'-'  4f)',  is  clear  and  indisputable,  and  are  willing 
to  go  with  us  for  all  of  those  that  I  regard  as  the 
strong  and  warlike  measures,  which  look  to  the 
taking  and  holding  possession  of  that  country. 

My  purpose,  then,  is  not  to  upbraid  them  for 
this  iliflcience  of  opinion,  but,  as  far  as  I  can,  to 
di.jcuss  the  question  with  them;  to  oppose  argu- 
ment to  argument,  and  let  ir.ind  grapple  with  mind, 
until  the  judgment  is  convinced,  so  far  as  that  am 
be  done. 

This  resolution  is  debated  by  the  opponents  of 
the  noli,  e  as  a  war  measure;  and  il  is  sought  to  be 
made  the  occasion  of  producing  a  panic  through- 
out the  country;  and  brokers  and  stock-jobbers, 
togeiher  with  that  portion  of  the  American  press 
under  their  conlrol,  are  uniting  their  elforts  in  this 
general  outcry  against  i  war.  It  is  doiibiless  re- 
membered by  all,  thai  tliew  )ii-.nic-niakers  have 
been  engaged  frnr.i  time  to  iiic  in  alarming  the 
public  mind  for  the  purpost  vi  subserving  their 
pecuniary  interests.  Thai  Great  Britain  .  my  make 
It  the  pretext  of  a  war,  as  .she  might  maka  the  re- 
annexation  of  Texas,  or  any  other  exeivisii  of  our 
rights,  the  prclcNt  for  war  if  she  ch<>se  to  do  so, 
is  not  denied;  but  that  il  furnishes  no  just  ground 
for  an  appeal  to  arms  is,  I  think,  plainly  demonstra- 
ble. 

The  disliiigiiished  member  fnmi  South  Carolina 
[Mr.  UllKir]  serined  to  congr:ituIate  himself  upon 
the  fact  that  he  was  pursuing  a  course  on  this  iiiies- 
littii  in  opposition  to  the  venerable  gentleman  from 
Massachuaetis,  [Mr.  Adams;]  and  thai,  therefore, 
he  iiiiist  be  right.  Let  liini  not,  however,  "  lay  the 
rtalleringunclion  to  his  soul;"  lor,  unless  the  sisrns 
uf  the  times  greatly  deceive  us,  Massachusetts  and 


I 


172 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  6, 


QJh:H  CoNc 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Q^usation — Mr.  Ficklin. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


i 


I 


South  Carolina,  that  have  indulged  the  most  deadly  | 
hate  and  bitter  feuda  lowarda  each  other  in  times  i 
paal,  will  be  found  side  by  side  nt  the  present  mo-  ' 
ment;  and  their  aona,  with  a  few  excefitions,  who  | 
have  been  for  so  lonsc  a  time  "  looking  daggers'"  at  ! 
each  other,  will  come  up  and  vote  togellier  against  , 
the  fiving  of  this  notice.  1 

It  IS  contended  by  some  gentlemen  that  negotia- 
tions should  be  again  renewed:  but  1  think  very  , 
differently.     Theiiiinislcrsof  Great  Britain  under- 
stand the  arts  of  diplomacy  better  than  ours.     For  , 
more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  we  have  failed 
to  settle  this  question  by  negotiation.     Our  oiler  i 
of  compromise  has  been  formally  withdrawn,  and  | 
I  think  that  the  matter  should  rest  there;  and  that  | 
we  should  now  suind  upon  all  of  our  rights  until  i 
that  im|)eriou8  nation  shall  make  us  n  fair  and  just 
offer.  i 

Some,  again,  are  proposing  to  arbitrate.     This  is  ; 
wholly  inadmissible,  lor  in  that  adjudication  we 
should  not  lie  tried  by  our  nccrs.     Crowned  heads 
do  not  desire  to  bronuen  or  lengthen  the  territory  of  , 
republican  governmeiiis ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  tliey  \ 
are  strongly  interested  in  enlarging  the  diuiiinions 
andestiiblisliing  tic  doctrine  of  "  ihediviiii:  right  of  . 
kings."    As  well  nii;hl  the  question  of  the  divinity  i 
of  the  .Messiah  be  .uibmrned  to  the  decision  of  Ma- 
hommedans  and  Jews,  us  for  this  question  to  be  re- 
ferred to  the  arbitrament  of  monarchs  or  of  emper- 
ors. We  know  tiie  decision  in  advance.   No,  sir;  as 
much  as  i  love  neace.und  desire  lo  avoid  war,  yet 
if  there  is  no  niiier  alicrnative  bin  to  arbitrate  this 
difficulty,  I   would  sny,  unhc-silalingly,  let  it  be  j 
done  at  ilie  cannon's  mouih. 

Those  of  our  friends  who  seem  mosi  alarmed  at  j 
the  prospect  of  a  war,  and  who  have  depicted  its 
horrors  so  eloquently  aiid  so  vividly,  were  not,  I  I 
believe,  when  Te.vas  was  the  prize,  afraid  to  meet  ; 
Mexico,  Great  Britain,  and  France,  comliiiied,  on 
the  battle-field,  and  our  navy  and  army  were  in  no  , 
belter  state  of  preparation  then  than  they  are  now. 
Tlie  Mexican  Minister  declared  that  iinnexniion 
would  produ'c  war.     lie  demanded  his  passports, 
and  i-etiirned  home.     The  fingers  of  Great  Britain 
and  France  were  traced  in  the  plot  lo  prevent  an- 
nexation.    Il  was  then  said  we  should  have  war 
with  the  three  Powers  combined;  and  all  the  ef-  ■. 
fort  then  to  ijei  up  a  war  panic  did  not  check  the 
"immoderate  valor  "of  our  friends,  whose  thoughis 
seem  now  so  "  turned  on  |)eace."     It  appears  to 
me  that  ilicy  have  placed  tlii'iiiselves  in  a  dilemma  ^ 
from  which' ihev  cannot  very  well  escape.     .Souih 
Carolina   and   Virginia,   then   so   impetuous   and  . 
eager  lor  "  Ijenrdiiig  the  P.ri'i:  1^  lion,"  are  now  the 
iniist  eloquent  in  de|iicti:it.»  lIi"  'inn  is  of  war  and 
the  prowess  of  British  nri.is.      riicsr  members  ad-  i 
nut  that  our  title  ii  .I'lir,  and  yei  iliey  are  uiiwil-  ' 
ling  lo  give  the  noli  e.     Tins  is  a  strange  voice  m 
come  frnni  these  aiuMcnf  Comnioitwealths;  and  did 
we  not  know  beto  r.  r.  would  be  supposed  to  tma- 
nale  from  tlic  peace  jiarty  of  New  Kiighiiid. 

Tliedislingiiished  iiic-mberlVonulie  Harper'sFer-  , 
ry  distnil  in  Vnginia  (Mr.  lir.uiNor.n]  discnbed,  i 
with  ciiplivaliii";  ■Inqvicnce,  a  srpne  he  witnessed 
al  that  point.  Il  was  ihe  Anieri'an  ciigle,  darting 
alon*  llie  veree  iif  a  dark  and  pcirieni"iis  cloud, 
charg»-d  with  thunder  and  gleaninig  with  lifflitniiig, 
and  peirhmg  liiniself  upon  one  of  the  lofiicsi  peaks 
of  the  Blue  Uidgc.  The  cloud  passed  away,  the  sun 
again  shone  forth  from  a  clear  sky.  and  he  saw  ihe 
eagle  lake  his  flight  westward.  1  trust,  sir,  that  his 
eagle  has  found  a  ino.inmin  as  tail,  a  clmiaic  as  ge- 
nial, and  a  sky  as  clear  in  Oregon  ,ts  liioae  he  lefi 
behind  him.  Virginia  palrinti.>(in  and  valor  have 
been  illusirated  in  many  a  ft-nrfiil  conflid;  and 
should  war  come  upon  us,  I  say,  without  hesita- 
tion, that  all  the  eagles  thiit  have  been  driven 
from  her  nio'intaiiis,  either  by  ihnnder-<iouds  or 
panic  speeches,  will  be  won  back  by  ihe  deeds  of 
noble  daring  of  Iht  sons  upon  the  baltle-fiili!. 

So,  sir.  with  Soulli  farolmn,  I  know  il  i»  Isiint- 
ingly  said  that  her  political  limb  rs  coutrol  ihe 
mnsses  with  absoiuic,  nnt  to  nay,  drcpoiic  rule,  it 
IS  believed  by  many  thai  when  her  pojitnians  lake 
snuff,  the  cniTinioii  people  involunlniily  siiee/e  all 
over  the  hiale;  and  ihal  yon  can  ii.i" nam  ihi  ^l«le 
nf  piiblir  iipiiiion  in  Soulh  <'iiroliiia  with  as  much 
precision  In  inquiring  of  In  r  distinmiished  staten 
men  as  yoii  inn  the  rate  of  exchange  at  u  given 

{mini  by  inquiring  at  the  counter  of  a  bank.  How 
Ida  may  no  I  Initi'  not  been  there  tci  inqniie  Hut 
sure  I  uiii,  that  ilii  undyiiij;  fires  of  palriuUsni  are 


yet  smouldering  in  the  land  of  Marion,  of  Pinck- 
ney,  and  of  Siimtcr,  and  that  they  need  but  a  pro- 
per occasion  logive  them  vent.  Should  war  come, 
(which  1  cannot  for  a  moment  believe,)  those  who 
now  differ  with  us  as  to  the  policy  of  this  measure, 
will,  I  doubt  not,  be  amongst  the  first  to  kindle  the 
watch-fires  upon  ihe  altar  of  liberty.  Lelus  there- 
fore, on  this  oecnsion,  not  be  intolerant  tow  arils 
each  other;  but  while  reposing  a  generous  confi- 
dence, cultivate  the  kindlier  aiid  better  feelings  of 
our  nature. 

Our  title  lo  this  territory  is  the  oivot  upon  which 
the  whole  question  must  turn.  Il  constitutes  the 
very  essence,  soul,  and  life  of  the  conlroveisy. 
Some  (icrsons  will  deem  it  supererogation,  at  this 
stage  of  the  discussion,  to  pause  for  a  moment  to 
prove  our  title,  for  the  reason  that  both  of  the  great 
political  parties  of  this  country  concede  it  to  be 
good  and  valid.  Thai  would  uo,  if  this  country 
alone  were  concerned  in  the  result.  But  I  appre- 
hend, that  if  the  whig  and  tnry  parties  in  Knglnnd 
should  concede  that  we  had  no  just  claim  to  Ore- 
gon, we  would  not  by  any  means  regard  'hat  as 
conclusive  proof  of  the  fiici. 

I  fit  can  be  established  that  ,ve  have  a  good  and 
valid  title  to  all  or  any  portion  of  Oregon,  it  settles 
the  question  as  to  our  duty,  and  as  to  our  course, 
lo  the  extent  of  the  territory  lo  which  we  are  thus 
entitled.  For  if  any  of  it  is  ours,  we  must  hold  it, 
or  else  yield  it  from  fear  of  Great  Britain.  We 
cannot  do  the  latter;  for  the  act — craven  and  dis- 
honorable in  itself — would  dissolve  the  charm  and 
break  the  spring  of  our  success  as  a  nation. 

Much  has  been  well  and  justly  said  of  the  rapa- 
city, injustice,  and  grasping  ambition  of  Great 
Bi'iiain.  Though  she  may  be  regarded  by  other 
nations  as  the  **  beast  with  seven  heads  and  ten 
horns,"  and  though  her  iniquities  toward  them  and 
us  may,  and  indeed  have,  accumulated  with  each 
succeeding  year;  yet  il  all  avails  nothing  in  this 
controversy,  if  the  territory  belongs  to  Uyr,  and  not 
to  us.  Therefore,  I  proceed  to  examine  the  differ- 
ent elements  of  our  title. 

By  the  Florida  treaty  of  the  22d  of  February, 
18liJ,  we  olitained  all  the  rights  which  Spain  then 
had  10  that  country  north  of  42°,  whether  accruing 
from  di.icovery,  exploration,  or  occupation;  and 
they  are  as  follows:  From  the  time  of  the  discovery 
by  Columbus,  in  1493,  the  Spanish  Government 
never  rested  till  they  had  explored  the  whole  Pa- 
cific coast.  In  l.'»'2(l,  Fernando  Miurellaii,  in  the 
service  of  Spain,  discovered  and  sailed  throueh 
the  highly  important  and  far-famed  Straits  of  ,Ma- 
irellan,  which  received  and  yet  bear  Ins  name. 
In  l^i'2Si  the  celebrated  Cortes,  who  was  a]ipnintpd 
by  Charles  V.  as  caplain-geiu'ral  of  New  Spain, 
(now  Mexico.)  fitted  nut  a  vessel  iindei  the  cnin- 
mand  of  Maldiniado,  one  of  his  officers,  who  was 
aiisciit  for  MX  months,  cruising  in  the  Pacific.  In 
16IW.  he  ilcspalched  two  vessels,  one  under  the 
cominanii  of  Alendci/.a,  and  the  other  commanded 
bv  .Mazucia,  who  sailed  a.<  far  as  the  27lh  degree 
of  nonli  laliiiide;  and  the  country  thus  visited  was 
elaiincd  liy  Cell' s  lor  Spain,  and  afl.:r\vards  re 
ccived  ihe  name  of  California. 

The  norihernm'isi  point  occupied  in  1.5.'l(l  on  ihc 
Pacific  by  any  civilized  nation,  was  "  Ciiliarnn, 
wiiicli  was  foiiiuled  bv  Nuno  de  Guzman,  a  Span- 
iard, at  ihe  eniiance  of  the  Gulf  of  California." 

The  last  expedition  made  by  order  of  Cortes 
was  commanded  bv  Francisco  de  Ulloa,  who  took 
his  departure  on  the  Pih  of  .Tnly,  1539,  from  Aca- 
pulco.  Me  discovered  an  island  near  the  ciiiist 
under  ihc  38lh  [inrallel  of  lalitiulc,  wbicli  was 
named  tin*  Isle  of  Cedars.  In  l.')43  llartoinme 
Fcrelo,  a  Spaniard,  under  the  authority  of  the 
Viceroy  of  .\lexico,  on  the  2Cih  of  February  o. 
that  year,  discovered  the  Cape  of  Perils  or  Slormy 
cajie,  under  the  41st  parallel,  which  is  ."upposed 
lo  be  the  place  now  called  Mendocino;  aiidoi,  ihe 
|pt  ^jf  March  he  had  reached  as  far  north  as  the 
44ih  paralh  I  of  latitude — certainly  as  far  as  ilie  43d. 

Th*  Hfraits  of  Fiica,  which  eiiier  the  laml  at  4^ 
Ui\  and  rriiirii  lo  the  ocean  at  .^l'^,  were  discover- 
ed in  1;')!I'J  by  .liian  de  Fuca,  under  SpaniHli  nii- 
tlioriiy,  wlio.^e  name  iluv  now  bear,  he  ^alIed  in 
and  reninincd  there  more  iliaii  l\\  eiity  days,  trading 
vtilli  Ihe  ualives.  In  11)113  Cape  Blanco,  In  luti- 
liide  43'-', and  llic  river  I'mpqiia,  in  latiiiide  44°,  were 
discovered  by  Knsifii  Martin  de  .\quilar,wlio  was 
If  ling  under  the  Spanish  authority. 

All  tX|icdiiioii  was  fitted  out  ill  1774,  by  order 


of  the  S|ianiah  Government,  under  the  rommand 
of  Ensign  Juan  Perez,  accompanied  by  Fstnvan 
Martinez  as  his  pilot,  with  directions  lo  sail  as  far 
north  as  60°,  and  to  survey  ihe  coast  from  thence 
southward  lo  Monterey;  and  for  them  to  lake  pes- 
seK.sion  in  the  name  of  ihe  King  of  Spain. 

On  the  18th  nf  July,  1774,  PereB  reached  as  far 
north  as  the  54ih  parallel  of  latitude,  and  discover- 
ed land  to  the  ciuit,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of 
cape  Sania  Margarita. 

He  made  land  on  the  9tli  of  August  in  the  same 
year,  under  ihe  parallel  of  49°  30',  anchored  in  a 
deep  buy,  and  traded  freely  with  the  Indians,  and 
called  the  place  Port  San  Lorenzo;  and  it  is  un- 
doubtedly the  same  which  four  years  afterwards 
received  from  Captoin  Cook  the  appellation  of 
King  George's  Sound,  but  now  known  as  Aootka 
Sound — Ihc  name  given  it  by  llie  natives. 

On  the  15ili  of  August,  1775,  Heceta  discovered 
the  bay  at  the  mouth  of  Columbia  river,  in  lati- 
tude 4G°  17',  but  was  prevented  by  the  force  of  the 
current  from  entering  the  mouth  of  Ihc  river. 

Bodega  and  Maurell  proceeded  in  Augi..il,  1775, 

us  fur  north  as  the  58th  parallel  of  latitude,  and 

took  possession  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  the 

Spanish  King.     St.  Salvador  Diego,  in  the  fall  of 

I  1790,  explored  the  Russian  possessions.     These, 

I  togciher  with  many  other  voyages  and  explora- 

'I  tions,  here  omitted  for  want  of  space,  prove  most 

I  clearly  thai,   so   far  as  discovery   is  concerned, 

I  Spain  is  greatly  in  advance  of  all  other  nations; 

and   that  her   navigators   had   visited   the  whole 

i  coast  of  the  Pacific  as  far  north  as  the  (ilsl  parallel 

I  of  latitude,  long  prior  lo  those  of  any  other  nation. 

'      The  first  navigator  from  whose  discoveries  Great 

Britain  could  derive  any  lille  on  the  northwest 

i  coast  of  .\merica  is  Captain  Cook,  who,  in  Mnrcli, 

:  17^8,  visited  f^ape  Fl.uiery,  in  the  48lli  parallel  of 

I  latitude;  but  he  did  nnl  discover  the  mouth  of  ilie 
j  Columbia  or  the  Straits  of  Fuca.    In  March,  177y, 

he  anchored  in  Nootka  Sound,  and  !;ave  it  llio 
name  of  King  George's  Sound;  but  Nootka  was 
the  name  given  to  it  by  the  natives,  and  it  has  ever 
since  borne  that  name.  He  discovered  many  uten- 
sils of  iron  and  brass,  and  also  two  silver  spoons, 
of  Spanish  manufacture,  in  the  posses,sion  of  ihe 
natives — showing  clearly  thai  ihey  had  before  been 
visited  by  the  Spaniards. 
'  Captain  Cook,  continuing  his  voyage  north, 
saw  Slount  San  Jacinto,  which  had  been  named 
four  years  before  by  Bodega;  saw  Mount  St.  Ell- 
as, and,  pushing  (lis  voyage  north,  passed  into 
the  Arctic  ocean.  He  afterwards  visited  Owyhee, 
where,  on  the  Kith  of  February,  he  fell  a  victim 
10  the  nati^es. 

It  is  claimed  by  the  British  minister,  Mr.  Pak- 
enham,  that  Captain  Berkeley,  a  British  subject,  in 
a  vessel  under  Austrian  colors,  discovered  the 
Straits  of  Fuca  in  1787,  when  il  will  be  remem- 
bered that  Juan  de  Fuca  made  the  same  discovery 
in  I.IOS — being  195  years  previous;  and  that  Cap- 
tain Duncan,  in  the  year  1787,  entered  ihe  sirails 
and  traded  with  the  natives  at  the  village  of  Clas- 
set;  and  al.so  that  John  Meares  visited  Nootka 
Sound  in  1788,  four  years  afier  it  had  been  visit- 
ed and  taken  possession  of  by  Perez.  John 
Meares  was  a  lieutenant  in  the  British  navy  on 
half  pay.  The  Felice,  of  which  he  waa  super- 
cargo,and  the  Iphigenin.  of  which  William  Doug- 
lass was  siipercareo,  were  filled  out  at  the  Portu- 
guese port  of  Macao.  Both  were  Portuguese  vea- 
sels,  and  ostensibly  commanded  by  Portuguese 
captains,  sailed  under  the  Portuguese  flag,  and  had 
passports  and  niher  papers  showing  that  the  ves- 
sels were  the  property  of  Juan  Cavallo,  a  Portu- 
guese merchant  of  Macao. 

If  there  had  been  any  virtue  in  the  discovery  of 

Berkeley,  it  would  have  belonged  to  .\ustria,  in 

whose  service  he  was;  or  if  there  had  been  any 

merit  in    the  discoveries  nf  Meares,   thev  would 

have  enured  lo  llie  benefit  of  Portusal.     If  Meares 

had  attemplcd  to  navigate  the  North  Pacific  ocean 

as  a  British  officer,  his   ves.sel   would   have  been 

'  subject  to  seizure,  and  his  offirers  and  crew  to  pun- 

iKliinent,  as  they  had  no  lirense  from  the  South 

Sea  or  Fast  India  companies.     Whether  he  be  re- 

I  garded,  tlieieforc,  as  a  British  subfici,  sailini;  iin- 

i  (ler  false  colors,  or  as  tn   llie  enipluyment  of  f!a- 

tj  vallo.  ihe  Poriiiguese  inereliaiit,  he  could  'lot  claim 

II  any  protection   from  tin'  British  (iovernmeiii,  ur 
|i  confer  upon  her  any  rights  lesulling  from  his  di.i- 

cuveiR'S. 


I 


f 


idiG.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 


173 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Q^uestion — Mr.  Ficklin, 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


:! 


During  nil  this  period  of  time,  it  will  bo  seen  liy 
reference  to  history  that  Oreiit  Drilnin  had  iimde 
no  settlement  wliiitcver  on  the  northwest  coast 
of  Amerien;  thiit  she  discovered  no  portion  of 
the  coast  which  had  not  been  previously  discov- 
ered by  Spain;  and  that  Spajji  held  the  undisputed 
title  to  it  up  to  17!)0,  wlicii  Jidin  Mcurcs  oall'd  on 
the  British  Government  to  aid  him.  Hud  Ureal 
Dritain  possessed  the  same  title  that  Spain  did,  can 
there  be  ft  doubt  that  she  would  have  claimed  and 
held  the  whole  Pacific  coast  from  Panama  tu  Bell- 
fin;; 's  straits? 

It  will  be  remembered,  that  when  Great  Britain 
planted  her  colonics  on  the  Atlantic,  she  claimed, 
on  the  grotmd  of  continuity  and  eoiaiguity  of  ter- 
ritory, that  her  lisht  of  soil  extended  from  the  At- 
lantic to  the  Pacific  ocean.  The  French  Govern- 
ment discovered  and  explored  the  Mississippi  and 
other  tributary  streams,  and  made  settlements  along 
their  valleys.  A  dispute  arose  between  England 
and  France  in  regard  to  their  territorial  rights,  and 
tlicy  went  to  war. 

The  treaty  of  Paris,  concluded  on  the  10th  of 
Fel)ruary,  17G3,  settled  the  boundary  between 
those  two  nations;  and  so  much  of  the  7lh  section 
ns  relates  thereto  is  in  these  wonh: 

"  In  order  to  re-establish  peace  on  solid  and  dura- 
'  ble  fotmdations,  and  to  remove  forever  all  subjects 
'  nf  dispute  with  re;.;nrd  to  the  limits  of  the  British 
'  and  French  territories  on  the  continent  of  Aineri- 
'  ca,  it  is  agreed  that  for  the  **uture  the  confines  be- 

*  tween  the  diiminions  of  his  Britannic  Majesty  and 
'  those  of  his  most  Christian  M.njcsly,  in  that  part 
'  of  the  world,  shall  be  fixed  irrevocably  by  a  line 
'  drawn  along  the  middle  of  the  river  Mississippi, 
'  from  its  source  to  the  river  Iberville,  and  thence, 

*  by  a  line  drawn  along  the  middle  of  this  river,  and 
■  the  lakes  Maurepas  and  Puntchartrain,  to  the 
'  sen." 

By  this  treaty  Great  Britain  obtained  the  Cana- 
das,  Florida,  and  a  porti(uiof  Louisiana;  she paried 
with  all  her  claims  west  of  the  Mississippi,  received 
the  full  benefit  of  the  doctrine  of  continuity,  and  is 
therefore  estopped  now  from  denyingtlie  principle. 

By  the  treaty  of  Louisiana,  dated  on  the  30ifi  of 
April,  180'',  we  succeeded  to  all  the  rights  which 
France  acquired  under  the  treaty  of  17U3,  and  have 
the  full  benefit  of  the  doctrine  of  continuity,  as 
F.ngland  once  had  to  any  country  lying  west  of  the 
Mississippi,  to  which  she  had  claims. 

Now  I  will  examine  very  brielly  the  title  which 
\vc  have  to  'hat  territory  in  our  own  proper  right, 
growing  out  of  discoveries  and  settlements  by  this 
Government  and  its  citizens. 

In  .Tune,  1789,  Captain  Robert  Gray,  of  Boston, 
explored  tlie  eastern  coast  of  (lueen  Cliarlotte  's  Is- 
land. In  the  summer  of  1791,  he  visited  the  coast 
of  the  north  Pacific,  between  54°  and  (iO°  of  north 
latitude.  In  May,  IVi'i,  he  discovered  Bulfinch's 
harbor;  and  on  the  11th  of  that  month  he  entered 
the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  river,  which  Ileceta 
could  not  do  when  he  made  the  attempt  in  1775; 
and  both  Meares  and  Vancouver,  nl\et  examina- 
tion, denied  the  existence  of  such  a  river.  The 
trilmtaries  of  this  river  drain  the  territory  ofOre- 

fon  as  far  north  as  the  53d  parallel  of  latitude, 
n  1804-5,  an  expedition  was  made  under  our  Gov- 
ernment by  Lewis  and  fllnrke,  who  visited  and 
iiiimitely  explored  that  country.  In  1811,  settle- 
ments were  made  by  the  American  Company  at 
Asuiria,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  river,  at 
Okenegan,  six  hundred  miles  above,  and  at  Spo- 
kan,snme  fifty  miles  fiiither  up.  They  were  cap- 
tured by  Great  Britain  during  the  war  of  1812,  and 
were  resloied  under  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  the  Gtli 
day  of  October,  ISIS.  It  cannot  be  successfuliy 
eoiiieiided  that  the  surrender  did  not  restore  to  us 
all  the  country  of  wliicli  we  were  divested  by  the 
cepture,  for  tint  laller  was  commensurate  with  the 
former  act.  We,  therefore,  are  entitleil  to  the  Co- 
lumbia river  and  the  country  drained  by  it,  because 
we  were  the  first  to  discover,  explore,  and  settle  it. 
Uniting  as  we  do  the  title  of  Spain,  who,  by  dis- 
covery iindcxploration,  was  between  two  and  three 
centuries  in  advance  of  any  other  nation  on  the 
northwest  coast  of  Americn,  ibe  title  of  France,  to- 
gether with  the  title  acquired  in  our  own  rinlit  by 
discovery,  explonilion,  and  setllcnieiit,  which  is 
certainly  good  as  iu;aiiist  the  claim  of  Great  Brit- 
ain, weliave  a  complete  and  perfect  title  to  the  soil 
and  sovereignty  of  the  country  between  42°  and 
54°  40'  north  latitude. 


The  talented  member  flrom  the  Boston  district 
[Mr.  WiNTiiaop]  facetiously  alluded  to  Adam's 
will  and  the  Mormon  testament  in  connexion  with 
the  Oregon  question.  As  the  British  ministers 
have  hitherto  been  unable  to  locate  this  vagrant 
claim  of  title — some  of  them  relying  solely  on  the 
Nootka  Sound  treaty,  and  others  mainly  on  dis- 
covery— I  must  request  my  friend,  ul  his  earliest 
leisure,  to  consult,  with  his  usual  industry  and  re- 
search, the  pages  of  the  Mormon  tesuimenl  and 
of  Adam's  will,  and  if  the  British  title  to  Oregon  | 
is  not  recorded  in  one  of  those  time-honored  in- 
struments. It  moy  be  fairly  presumed  that  it  docs 
I  not  e\isl  anywhere. 

i      I  will   next   proceed   to   examine  the   Nootka 
I  treaty,  signed  at  the  E.icurial,  October  28,1790, 
i  between  Great  Britain  and  Spain.     In  order  to  a 
I  l\ill  understanding  of  the  spirit  and  meaning  of!! 
I  that  convention,  and  to  the  position  as.sumcd  by  'j 
Great  Britain  at  the  time,  it  is  important  that  we  jj 
I  examine  the  circumstances  which  gave  rise  to  it.  i| 
j  The  celebrated  John  Meares,  who,  as  stated  here-  ;' 
tofrtre,   was  merely  supercargo   of  u  Fortuguese  il 
j  vessel,  sailing  under  the  Portuguese  (lag,  was  the   i 
prime  mover,  the  Alpha  and  Oine;;a  of  the  cause   ! 
ofdilficoliy  between  Siiain  and  Great  Britain,  of  ! 
I  which  this  treaty  was  tne  olTspring. 
.      Lieutenant  Menres,  with   the  two  Portuguese 
,  vessels,  visiteil  Nootka  Sound,  where  they  were  . 
captured  in  1789,  by  Martinez,  on  behalfof  the  : 
Spanish  Government.  ' 

Spain  having  discovered  and  established  a  fort! 
I  at  Nootka  Sound,  regarded  Meares  as  an  ucgret- 
I  sor,  ond  treated  him  ns  such.     Meares,  it  will   be  , 
;  observed,  was  a  mere  adventurer,  trading  with  the  '^ 
natives,  not  connected  in  any  way  with  the  Gov- ! 
J  ernment  of  Portugal,  under  wlio.sc  flag  he  sailed,  j 
or  with  (Jireat  Britain,  under  whose  flag  he  did  not  t, 
.sail.     Portugal  took  no  notice  of  the  complaints  of  i 
1  Meares;  not  so  with  Great  Britain,  for  she,  proba-  t 
bly  at  that  time  desiring  a  controversy  with  Spain,  i, 
■  made  it  the  occasion  of  a  most  rancorous  quarrel  1 
'  with  that  Government.     Meares  presented  a  me- 1 
niorial,  setting  forth   his  grievances,   eonuiining  ! 
many  inconsistences  and  palpable  fidsehoods.  ] 

j      I  will  here  quote  a  few  passages,  to  show  the 
fertile  imagination  of  the  notorious  .Tohn  Meares, 
who  possessed   the  power  to  amplify  facts  in  ai 
most  eminent  degree.     At  page  114  of  his  voyage,  i 
on  the  xiSth  May,  1788,  he  says;  ! 

"  Maquilla  had  not  only  most  readily  consented 
!' to  grant  us  n  spot  of  ground   in   his   territory,, 
'  whereon  a  hou.se  might  be  built  for  the  acconi- 
'  modation   of  the   people   we   intended  to  leave 
'  there,  but  hud  promi.scd  ns  also  his  aNMftoncc  in  , 
'  forwarding  our  works,  and  his  prot'ction  of  the  ;| 
*  party  who  were  destined  to  remain   :if   Nootka  j: 
'  during  our  absence.     In  return  for  this  kindness, 
.  '  the  chief  was  presented  with  a  pair  of  pistols, ! 
I  '  which  he  had  regarded  with  on  eye  of  solicitude  ■ 
'  ever  since  our  arrival  " — Voyage, 

On  the  third  page  of  his  memorial  to  the  British 
Parliament,  Meares  says: 

"  Mr.  Coliiet  was  directed  to  fix  his  residence  at 
'  Nootka  sounil,  and  with  that  view,  to  erect  a 
'  substantial  house  on  the  .sjiot  which  your  memo-  ,i 
'  rialist  had  purchased  in  the  preceding  year;  as 
'  will  appear  by  a  ci'py  of  his  instructions  hereto 
'annexed."  j 

\Vc  next  turn  to  th»'  .iij-'tructions  given  by  Meares  i 
to  Colnci,  dated  Macao,  I'Tili  April,  1789,  and  find, 
upon  their  perusal,  that  i."  -'urli  instnictions  were 
given  as  stated  by  Meares  in  his  memorial  lo 
Parliament.  Passing  on  lO  the  first  article  of  tl;e  | 
Nonika  treaty,  VIC  find  that  on  the  28lh  Octobe;-, 
1790,  the  spot  of  ground  granted  by  the  Indian 
chief  to  Meares  had  already  "  swollen  into  build- 
ings and  tracts  r'f  land.''  The  account  of  Mearet, 
of  the  rapid  transinr>n  nf  the  spot  of  ground  grant- 
I  ed  him  l)y  the  Indian  chief  into  buildings  anil 
grounds,  is  only  ]iarullelcd  by  the  miraculous 
story  of  his  illu.strious  prrdeiessor.  Sir  John  Fal- 
Klaff,  when  giving  a  narrative  of  the  attack  made 
on  him  by  tlie  men  in  buckram.  And  justice  can 
alone  be  done  to  the  inimitable  Falslafl',  by  giving 
the  story  in  his  own  words: 

"  I'oiru.  'Pray  God,  you  liavo  not  murdered  some  nf 
llicin. 

Fill.  Nny,  tliat'o  past  prnjingi  for;  for  I  Imvc  |icppcroil 
Iwoofltieni;  two,  I  run  mrc.  t  tl.ive  ptiid ;  iwo  roBurs  in 
linrkrnrn  »imIn.  I  Icit  thee  vvhiil.  Hal;  if!  tell  then  a  lie. 
,  lipii  in  my  race,  call  ine  liorse    'I'liou  kiiowcst  my  old  ward :  . 


Iierc  I  lay,  and  tin  is  I  Imrc  my  point, 
rain  let  drive  nt  ine- 


Fourrogueiln  buck- 


P.  /'on.  VVIint,  four?  thou  jnld«t  but  two,  even  now. 

Fitt.  Four,  Hal;  1  told  tllcc  four. 

Poina.  Ay,  ny,  lie  %nU\  tonr. 

t'ld.  I'lienu  four  came  all  n-fVont,  and  mainly  thriiit  nt 
inc.  I  iniide  me  no  iiioru  ado,  hut  took  alt  their  Rcvcn  imiiita 
in  my  tarijct  tIniH. 

P.  Hen.  Heven.'   Why,  tlierc  were  but  fbur,  ev«n  now. 

Fid.  Inbiicltnun. 

Potm.  v\y,  four  in  tairkram  BiiitH. 

Ful.  Hevi'ii.  Iiy  thcKC  IuIIh,  or  1  am  n  villain  elne. 

P.  Hen.  rrithee,  let  him  alone ;  we  thall  have  more  uion. 

Flit.  Doflt  Ihnu  hear  me,  Hal? 

P.  Urn.  Ay,  and  mark  thee  ton.  Jack. 

Fill.  Do  HO,  fur  it  iH  worth  the  hateninf  to.  Thne  nin* 
in  Iniekram,  that  I  told  thee  of 

P.  Hen.  Ho,  two  more  already. 

Fid.  'I'lieir  poiatx  hiHns  broken 

Poiiu.  Down  fell  their  hoKe. 

Fid.  Oc[{iin  tr>t(ive  ine  ground.  But  I  (bllowed  me  cloiet 
enine  in  toot  and  hand;  and,  with  a  thought,  seven  of  the 
eleven  I  paid. 

P.  Hen.  O  monstrous !  Eleven  buckram  men  grown  out 
of  two!" 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  story  of  Meares  is 
a  type,  but  toofailhfully  drawn,  of  tlie  fabricntionii 
of  .Sir  John  Fidstaff,  mid  justly  entitles  him  to  the 
full  name  of  Sir  John  FalstafT  Meares.  And, 
stiange  to  tell,  it  was  the  marvellous  story  of  thi."» 
man  Meares  that  caused  the  British  ministry  to 
levy  an  army,  and  threaten  annihilation  to  Spain; 
anil  thereupon  the  King  of  England,  in  his  message 
to  Parliament  touching  the  seizure  of  these  ves- 
sels at  Nootka,  says:  "That  two  vessels  belong- 
'  ing  to  his  subjects,  and  navigated  under  the  Brit- 
'  isli  flag,  and  two  others  of  which  the  description 
'  is  not  sufKeientIv  ascertained,  had  been  captured 
'  ut  Nootka  sound  by  an  ofiicer  commanding  two 
'  Spanish  ships  of  war;  the  cargo  of  the  two  Brit- 
'  ish  vessels  had  been  seized,  and  their  crews  had 
'  been  sent  as  prisoners  to  a  Spanish  port. " 

"  Pitt,  then  in  the  pride  of  his  nower,  had  inher- 
'  ited  his  father's  hatred  for,  ami  contempt  of,  the 
'  Spanish  nation,"  and  he  seized  the  opportunity 
to  make  Spain  yield  to  his  dictation  or  overthrow 
her  empire;  hence  he  demanded  the  surrender  of 
her  clear  and  undoubted  rights,  and  assembled  a 
misrhty  armaineni  to  awe  her  into  submission;  but 
the  movements  of  the  French  Government  in  order- 
ing forty-five  .sail  of  the  line,  and  a  proportionate 
number  of  frigates,  the  treaty  of  peace  concluded 
between  Sweilen  and  Russia  August  3,  1790,  so  as 
to  leave  the  latter  in  a  powerful  condition  to  prose- 
cute her  designs  upon  Turkey,  together  with  the 
financial  condition  of  Great  Britain,  induced  Mr. 
Pitt  to  change  his  views,  and  lo  seek,  through  the 
intervention  of  the  National  Assembly  of  France, 
conducted  in  a  secret  and  confidential  manner,  u 
treaty  of  peace  and  alliance  with  Spain;  and  the 
Nootka  convention  was  the  result  of  that  negotia- 
tion. This,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind,  was  the 
second  year  of  the  French  Revolution,  and  during 
the  spread  of  republican  principles.  These  facto 
may  furnish  some  clue  to  the  reason  why  the 
Nooika  treaty  is  one  for  the  benefit  of  traders, 
hunters,  and  trap))ers  merely,  and  docs  not  in  any 
way  whatever  afl'ect  or  weaken  the  title  of  Spain  to 
the  .soil.  The  hut  of  the  fisherman  and  the  cabin 
of  the  hunter  and  trapper  alone  were  looked  to  and 
provided  for.  Great  Britain  softened  down  in  her 
demands  and  exactions,  lest,  perchance,  Russia, 
Sweden,  and  Fiance  might  make  common  cause 
with  Spain  against  her,  and  for  fear  that  the  revo- 
lutionary .spirit  of  France  might  seize  the  fiibjects 
of  Cireat  Britain.  But  for  this  Spain  would  have 
had  to  truckle  lo  the  blustering  of  Great  Britain, 
and  lo  have  given  hci  part,  or  perhaps  all,  of  that 
territory. 

Ill  this  position  I  am  fortified  by  the  celebrated 
French  historian,  Segnr,  whose  work  bears  date  in 
1801.  In  speaking  of  this  transaction,  he  says  that 
England,  "  under  the  flimsy  pretence  of  reclaiming 
'  some  eonlrabani!  ships  taken  by  the  Spaniards  on 
'  the  west  coast  of  North  America,  threatened  ami 
'  declared  war  against  Spain."  (2d  vol.,  page  16il, 
Segur's  History.)  Further  on,  at  page  171,  same 
volume,  he  says  liiat  "  France,  afU-r  a  sliort  hesi- 
'  talion,  nolwithstandiiig  the  disorder  of  her  finan- 
'  ces,  determined  lo  support  Spain  against  the  Eng- 
Mish."  •  •  V  t^  *^  '  .  % 
"  And  the  cabinet  of  London,  iriimidated  by  this 
'  energetic  and  unexpected  re.soluiion,  postponed  its 
'aniliilious  iirojecls;  conlenied  itself  with  the  resti- 
'  lutioii  of  the  English  vessels  that  had  been  cnp- 
'  tilled,  and  agreed  with  the  court  of  Madrid  niutu- 
.  'ally  to  disarm." 


174 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  6, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  ^estion — Mr.  Ficklin. 


Ho. 


Reps. 


The  5lh  article  of  the  Nooika  treaty,  which  is 
the  only  impiirtaiu  one  bearing  on  tliia  point,  is  in 
tlie  words  (ollowing: 

"Art.  5.  As  well  in  the  places  which  are  to  be 

*  restored  to  the  British  subjects  by  virtue  of  the 
'  first  article,  ns  in  all  olhor  |inrts  of' the  north west- 
'  cm  coasts  of  North  America  or  of  the  islands  lul  ■ 
'  jacent,  situate  to  the  north  of  the  parts  of  the  said 
'coast  already  occupied   by  Spain,  wherever  the 

*  subjects  of  either  of  the  two  powers  shall  have 
'  made  settlements  since  the  month  of  April,  1789, 
'  or  shall  hereafter  make  any,  the  subjects  of  the 
'  other  shall  have  free  access,  and  shall  carry  oii 

*  their  trade  without  any  disturbance  or  molesta- 
'  tion  " 

1  will  now  give  a  few  instances  of  the  construc- 
tion put  upon  this  treaty  by  British  statesmen,  sc- 
lectini;  as  well  those  who  sufiportrd  the  ministry, 
OS  those  who  opposed  it.  The  Duke  of  Monirone, 
who  moved  an  addirss  of  thanks  to  llie  king  for 
having  made  the  treaty,  used  this  language: 

"  We  are  not  only  restored  to  Nooiku,  but,  by  ' 
'an  express  stipulation,  we  may  participate  in  a 
'  more  iinrlliern  settlement,  if  wc  should  find  at  any 
'  time   that    a  more  n.irlhem  situation  would  be 
'  preferable  for  the  carrying  on  of  the  trade." 

Air.  Oundas  said: 

"At  Nootka  we  have  obtained  a  specific  right  to 
'trade  and  fish." 

Of  the  opposition,  Mr.  Fox  said; 

"  Our  riijht  before  was  to  settle  in  nny  part  of 
'  South  or  Northwest  America,  not  fortified  against 
'us  by  previous  occupancy;  and  we  are  now  rc- 
'  stricted  to  settle  in  certain  places  only,  and  under 
'certain  restrictions;we  had  oulained  ail  admission 
'  of  our  riglits  to  settle  to  the  north,  and  even  that, 
'  we  had  not  obtained  with  clearness,  as  the  8|>an- 
'isli  settlements  were  the  only  mark  of  limits. " 

Lord  North  said  :  "  Was  it  not  necessary  to 
'know  the  reasons  for  so  vague  a  delineation  of 
'our  rights  in  the  norihweslerii  American  seas  n.s 
'the  convention  contained,  and  of  the  boon  of 
'Spain's  not  colonizing  beyond  the  most  northern 
'  of  her  setilemenis  f " — (.Sec  vol.  28,  pages  980, '.)%, 
Parliamcni.iry  HIstoiy.)  It  is  thus  shown  iliut 
Great  Britain  could  make  no  settlenienis  south  of 
Nooika  sound.  That  this  Nootka  treaty  was  one 
for  the  purposes  of  commerce,  navigation,  and 
trading  wiili  the  Indian  tribes,  and  that  it  does  not 
confer  the  rieht  of  soil  and  sovereignty,  is  furllier 
shown  by  .Messrs.  Huskisson  and  Addington  in 
their  communication  to  Mr.  tiallalin  in  \&Jii,  while 
negotiating  about  the  territory  of  Oregon.  Tliey 
say:  "Ureat  Britain  claims  no  exclusive  sovereign- 
'  ty  over  any  portion  of  the  territory  on  the  Pa- 
'  cific  between  the  43d  and  49lh  parallels  of  lati- 
'  tude  ;  her  present  claim — not  in  respect  to  any 

*  p.trt,  but  to  the  whole — is  limited  to  a  rijht  of 
'joint  occupancy  in  common  with  other  Slates, 
'  leaving  the  right  of  exclusive  dominion  in  abey- 
'  ance;  and  her  pretensions  tend  to  the  mere  main- 
'  tenance  of  her  own  rights  in  resisuuice  to  the  ex- 
'  elusive  character  of  the  prctcn.iions  of  the  United 
'States."  "The  rights  of  Great  Britain  arc  rc- 
'  corded  and  defined  in  the  convention  of  1790, 
'  (with  Spain;)  ihey  embrace  the  right  to  navigate 
'  the  waters  of  those  countries,  to  settle  in  and  over 
'  any  part  of  them,  and  to  trade  with  the  inhabit- 

*  ants  and  occupants  of  the  same,     it  is  admitted 

*  that  the  United  StatCM  possess  the  same  right;  but 
'beyond  those  rights  they  possess  none." 

This  convention,  therefore,  between  Great  Brit- 
ain and  Spain  does  not  in  any  way  impair  the  utti- 
niali'  sovereiinty  which  Sp;un  had  exercised  for 
mori'  than  two  cenlurles  over  the  whole  Pacific 
coast  as  far  as  the  Gist  degree  of  north  latitude. 
The  planting  of  permanent  colonies  by  Great  Brit- 
ain IS  nowhere  granted  in  that  treaty,  nor  is  ex- 
clusive jurisdiction  siven  lo  her  over  any  portion 
of  the  .soil.  The  right  of  fishing,  hunting,  trap- 
pine,  and  trading  with  the  natives,  and  erecting 
»uch  temporary  buililings  as  might  be  necessary  for 
that  species  of  commerce,  is  nil  that  was  gntnled 
by  that  treaty,  is  all  thai  its  language  imnorls,  or 
that  British  statesmen  claimed  for  it.  But  this 
treaty,  whatever  il  may  have  been  originally,  was 
whnlly  abrogated  in  179(1  by  the  war  between 
Great  Britain  and  Spain.  Such  is  the  settled  law 
of  nations,  as  rer'o<;iiised  over  and  over  again  by 
Great  Britain.  In  181.'),  Lord  Batluirst,  in  negoii- 
aiuig  with  Mr.  Adams,  .says:  "That  Great  Bril- 
'  aiii  knows  of  no  exception  to  the  rule  that  all 


'  treaties  nre  put  an  end  to  by  aubsequent  war  be- 
'  tween  the  same  parties." 

Prior  lo  the  late  war,  the  Uhited  States  enjoyed 
the  right  upon  the  banks  of  Newfoundland  of  land- 
ing and  drying  their  fish.  Pending  the  negotiations 
of  Ghent  ibr  concluding  a  treaty  of  peace  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  Slates,  the  British 
plenipotentiaries  renflirmed  the  foregoing  principle 
as  to  the  dissolving  of  treaties.  In  viduine  9,  page 
3!2I,  of  the  American  Stale  Papers,  it  will  be  seen 
that  our  ministers,  in  a  communication  lo  the  then 
Secretary  of  State,  say  that  the  British  ministers 
slated  to  them  "that  heforethey  desired  any  answer 
'  from  us,  they  felt  it  incumbent  upon  them  to  dc- 
'  clare  that  the  British  Government  did  not  deny 
'  the  right  of  the  Americans  to  the  fisheries  pene- 
*  rally,  or  in  the  open  seas;  but  that  the  privileges 
'  formerly  granted  by  treaty  to  the  United  Slates, 
'  of  fishing  within  the  limits  of  the  British  juris- 
'  diction,  and  of  landing  and  drying  fish  on  the 
'  shores  of  the  British  territories,  would  not  be  re 
'  newed  without  an  equivalent."  Hence  it  will  be 
seen  that,  by  their  own  rule,  the  war  between  Great 
Briloin  and  Spain,  in  179(i|  totally  annulled  this 
treaty. 

The  next  treaty  having  reference  to  this  subject 
which  1  will  notice,  is  llie  one  between  Great  Bri- 
tain and  ll.e  United  Suites,  bearing  dale  30th  Octo- 
ber, 1818.  The  third  section,  which  is  the  only 
one  necessary  here  to  be  quoted,  is  as  foMows: 

"  It  is  agreed  that  any  country  that  may  l)c  elaim- 
'  ed  by  cither  party  on  the  northwest  coast  of 
'  America  westward  of  the  Stony  mountains  shall, 
'  together  with  its  harbors,  bays,  and  creeks,  and 
'  tl'.e  navigation  of  all  rivers  within  the  same,  be 
'  free  and  open  for  the  term  of  ten  years  from  the 
'  date  of  the  signature  of  the  present  convention, 
'  to  the  vessels,  citizens,  and  subject  of  the  two 
'  powers;  it  being  well  understood  that  this  agrec- 
'  ment  is  not  lo  be  consirued  to  the  prejudice  of  any 
'  claim  which  eithir  of  the  two  high  contracting 
'  parties  may  have  to  any  pan  of  the  said  country, 
'  nor  shall  it  be  taken  lo  alVect  the  claims  of  any 
'  other  power  or  state  to  nny  part  of  the  said  coun- 
'  try;  the  only  object  of  the  high  contracting  par- 
'  ties  in  that  respect  being  lo  |)revent  disputes  and 
'  dirterenres  among  themselves. " 

The  treaty  between  llie  same  parlies  of  August 
6.  1827,  which  is  a  mere  prolongation  of  ihnt  of 
1818,  provides  by  its  first  seciioii  for  the  indefinite 
continuance  of  ilie  privileues  of  free  navigation, 
hunting  and  fishing;  and  the  second  section  thereof 
is  in  the  following  words: 

"  Art.  2.  It  shall  be  competent,  however,  to 
'  either  of  the  contracting  parties,  in  rase  either 
'  should  think  fit,  at  any  time  after  the  20th  of  Oc- 
'  tober,  1828,  on  giving  due  notice  of  twelve  months 
'  to  the  other  conlraciing  party,  to  annul  and  obro- 
'  gate  this  convention;  and  it  shall  in  such  rase  be 
'  accordingly  entirely  annulled  and  abrogated  after 
'  the  expirotion  of  the  said  term  of  notice." 

It  will  be  seen   by  examining  the  provisions  of 

;  all  these  treaties,  that  the  right  of  eminent  domain 
is  nowhere  granted  or  disposed  of;  and  that  the 
mere  temporary  rights  of  the  truppcr,  the  hunter, 
and  the  fisherman,  arc  alone  contemplated  by 
them.     It  will  be  l\irlher  observed  that  the  two 

':  Governments,  looking  to  the  future  settlement 
nf  the  country,  when  it  would  become  im|K)ri- 

I  ant  that  the  territorial  limits  should  be  defined, 
provided  by  the  treaty  of  1827  a  peaceable  mode 
for  its  annulment  and  dissolution.  Giving  the 
twelve  mcnilhs'  notice  is  the  conventional  mode 
pointed  out  by  the  two  Governments  in  the  treaty 
of  1827  lo  untie  the  gordinn  knot,  without  resort- 
ing to  the  sword  to  sever  it. 

It  is  contended  by  sone  gentlemen  on  this  floor, 
and  by  a  portion  of  the  press,  that  Great  Britain 
has  for  years  past  been  regardful  of  the  rights  of 

.  other  Government.^. 

It  IS  nol  my  purpose  t)  deal  in  high-sounding 
epithets  of  de.iunciation  tgninslGreal  Britain,  for 
they  can  do  no  good  lo  the  cause;  but  I  desire  liere 
to  bring  forward  a  few  occurrences  in  illustration  of 
her  imperious  disposition  towards  other  Powers. 

!  Take,  for  insUince,  the  Nooika  affair.  Here 
were  Portuguese  vessels  with  a  Portuguese  owner, 

'  sailing  under  the  Portuguese  flag,  and  landing  in 

j  the  .Spanish  dominions.  The)'  are  captured  by 
the  Spanish  authorities.  The  British  Government, 
i  I  the  pride,  and  I  moy  say  insolence  of  lier  power, 

;  assumed  the  act  and  neld  Spain  responsible;  and 


why?  Because  Spain  was  too  weak, single-handed, 
to  resist  her  arbitrary  eyaetions. 

Take  the  case  of  her  whipping  the  Chinese  until 
she  compelled  them  to  buy  her  opium,  and  then 
made  them  pay  the  expenses  of  the  war! 

Take  the  case  of  llie  Caroline,  an  American 
vessel, anchored  to  the  American  shore,  at  Schlos- 
ser,  and  boarded  by  Brilish  subjects  at  midnight, 
set  on  fire,  and  sent  headlong  over  the  falls  of  Ni- 
agara I 

Our  Government  demanded  satisfaction  for  the 
invasion  of  our  territory,  and  outrage  on  the  rights 
of  our  citizens;  but  the  Brilish  Government  as- 
sumed the  act,  and  no  indemnity  was  given  to  the 
owners  of  the  ('aroline,  and  no  atonement  made 
for  the  murder  of  Durfvc.  Sir  Allan  McNab  was 
knighted,  and  a  dinner  was  given  to  him,  and  a 
peiisym  lo  Captain  Drew,  for  the  part  they  bore  in 
this  tlisgraceful  transaction. 

If  there  is  one  sin  in  the  conduct  of  this  Oov- 
ernment  deeper  than  all  others,  it  is  their  permu- 
ting this  indignity  and  insult  on  the  part  of  Great 
Britain  to  pass  with  impunity.  How  dilVereiit  is 
it  from  the  example  given  lo  the  world  in  the 
Nootka  case. 

Great  Brilaia  has  a  sliding  scale  not  only  in  re- 
gard to  her  corn  laws,  but  siie  has  one  also  in  re- 
gard lo  the  faith  which  she  keeps  with  other  na- 
tions. She  feels  the  niilseof  a  nation  wiih  whom 
she  has  or  expects  to  iiavc  a  controversy,  in  order 
lo  aseeriain  how  large  a  dose  of  her  compound  of 
arrogance  acd  exaction  the  patient  will  stond,  and 
she  deals  out  the  nostrum  accordingly. 

We  are  asked  how  Great  Britain  can  avoid  going 
to  war  with  us  if  imr  citizens  settle  north  of  the 
Columbia  river,  or  venture  on  any  nart  of  the  ter- 
ritory which  she  claims.'  My  reply  is  this:  that 
when  she,  by  bluster  and  bravado,  places  heisi  If 
in  a  false  position  in  regard  lo  another  nation,  and 
finds  that  her  demands  will  nol  be  submilled  to, 
and  that  she  can  expect  no  benefit  from  a  war,  she 
will  have  sutficienl  address  to  bow  herself  out  of  it 
with  a  tolerable  grace.  Such  is  her  position  now. 
She  claims  that  which  is  ours;  if  we  submit,  she 
will  take  it,  and  Iowa  and  Wisconsin  into  the  bar- 
gain. If  we  do  not  submil,  she,  seeing  that  war 
would  Ic  more  perilous  lo  her  than  to  us,  will  re- 
examine her  litle-pa|ieis,  and  find  and  bring  lo 
light  some  map  with  red  lines  traced  upon  il,  that 
will  let  her  out  of  the  difticully,  and  cover  her  re- 
treat. 

The  war-cry  that  has  been  raised  here  and 
Ihroughont  the  country,  in  the  discussion  of  this 
question,  1  regard  as  one  of  the  greatest  humbugs 
of  the  age.  It  is  a  tempest  in  a  teapot,  which,  like 
ihe  innumerable  bank  panics  and  war  panics  gotlen 
uj)  for  the  occasion  within  the  last  fifteen  years,  will 
have  its  day,  and  pass  off,  leaving  those  who  are 
alarmed  by  it  to  wonder  why  they  were  so  need- 
lessly excited. 

Let  the  war  prophets  avoid  the  error  into  which 
Miller  fell  in  ibreteiling  the  destruction  of  the  earth , 
and  not  set  the  day  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  prophe- 
cy too  near  at  hand. 

Great  Britain  does  nol  desire  a  war  with  us,  and 
we  do  not  desire  a  war  with  her.  She  wants  our 
bread  rather  than  our  blood.  The  mutual  interest.-? 
of  the  two  nations  are  bonds  between  them  lo  keep 
the  peace.  She  must  obtain  from  us  our  cotton 
and  provisions  in  exchange  for  her  manufacture.^. 
To  talk  about  Great  Britain  conquering  us  is  wholly 
preposterous.  Our  territory  extending  from  ocean 
to  ocean — our  population,  numbering  twenty  mil- 
lions of  souls,  nerved  by  the  conviction  that  ours 
is  the  best  and  the  only  popular  government  on 
earth,  we  ore  impregnable  to  the  attacks  of  any 
and  all  foreign  powers.  The  inevitable  result  of  a 
war  would  be  the  loss  to  Great  Britain  of  theCan- 
adas.  She  has  done  much  more  by  her  course  in 
regard  to  the  Oregon  territory  to  provoke  us  to  a 
war  than  all  of  onr  proposed  measures  can  do  to 
embroil  her  in  a  war  with  us.  In  addition  to  the 
other  acts  of  aggression  upon  our  territory,  we  find 
tlic  reasons  avowed  for  renewing  the  charter  to  the 
Hudson  Bay  Company  in  the  following  extract: 

"On  the  lOlh  of  February,  1837,  the  Hudson 
'  Bay  Company  applied  to  the  British  Goveinment 
'  for  a  new  lease  of  their  charter  for  twenty-one 
'  years.  The  application  was  mode  in  a  letter  of 
'  that  date,  from  J.  Pelly,  Esq.,  Governor  of  the 
'  Company,  to  Lord  Glenelg,  then  Secretary  of 
'  Stale  for  the  Colonics.    Tliis  letter  sets  forth  the 


I 


[Feb.  6, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


175 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.Fkktin. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


'  grounds  of  the  application.  It  states  all  that  the 
'cdinnany  have  done  to  carry  out  the  purposes  of 
'  ihe  lirilish  Government.  It  tells  how  they  have 
'  driven  the  Americans  nut  of  (lie  fur  trade,  and  got 
'  il  all  for  thrmsrives — how  they  occupy  the  whole 
'  country  by  twenty-two  permnnent  rstunliahincnts, 

*  (this  was  in  1837,)  and  ninny  distinct  hunting 
'  parties — how  they  Keep  six  armed  vessels,  one  of 
'  them  a  steamer,  off  the  coast — how  they  have  in 
'  one  place  hegun  funning,  and  mean  to  export  ag- 
'  ricultural   products — how  the  country  is  as  fine 

•  farming  ground  as  any  in  America — and,  finally, 
'  how  they  confidently  hope  that,  '  with  care  and 
'  protection,  the  British  dominion  may  not  only  be 
'  preserved  in  this  country,  which  it  has  been  so 
'  much  the  wish  of  Russia  and  America  to  occupy, 
'  to  the  exclusion  of  Uritinh  subjects,  but  British 
'  interest  and  British  influence  may  be  maintained 
'  us  paramount  on  ihis  interesting  part  of  the  coast 
'  of  the  Pacific'  Thus  fur — and  it  is  very  far — 
'  Governor  Pclly,  speaking  to  the  Qovernment  of 
'  the  company's  purpose  and  policy. 

"  But  this  is  not  all.  On  the  1st  of  February, 
'  1837,  George  Simpson,  Esq.,  agent  of  the  com- 
'  puny  in  America,  writes  to  Governor  Pelly  on 
'  the  same  subject.  He  says,  '  the  possession  of 
'  that  coimtry  (Oregon)  lo  Great  Britain  may  be- 
'  come  an  object  of  very  great  imporlunce,  and  we 
'  nre  strengthening  their  claim  lo  it  by  forming  the 
'  nucleus  ofa  colony,  through  the  establishmciitof 
'  farms  and  the  setilement  of  R(une  of  our  retiring 
'  nrtii'ers  and  Horvunis  us  agriculturisls.'  This  too 
'  went  lo  the  Government  wilh  the  application  for 
'  anew  lense.  Ofcourse  the  company  gottiieirlease. 
'  To  the  British  Govenmient  such  argnmenls  were 
'altogether  irresistible.  I'ul,  be  it  observed,  into 
'  the  new  lense  thus  granted  in  1M8,  ihe  Govcrn- 
'  nient  introduced  a  wholly  new  condition.  Lord 
'  Glenelg  tells  them  ill  his  reply,  that  they  may 
'  linve  their  trade  monopoly  as  before, '  but,' he 
'rtdds, 'ilwiU  be  indispensable  to  introduce  into 
'  llie  new  charter  such  conditions  as  mny  enable 
'  her  Majesty  to  grant,  for  the  purpose  of  setlle- 
'  nicnt  and  coloniznlion,  any  of  the  lands  comprised 
'  in  it. '  And  accordingly  in  the  charter  was  inserted 
'n|iroviso  icserving  to  the  crown,  in  the  largest 
'  terms,  a  full  right  to  'eslablish  colonics, 'and  'gov- 
'  em'  them,  anil  'annex  them  to  other  colonies  be- 
'  longing  to  the  crown ' — and  this  in  any  of  the  'lands 
'  grunted. '  What  were  these  lands  so  granted  ?  The 
'  norlhwcst  of  America  not  '  under  any  civil  gov- 
'  einnienlof  Ihe  United  Siatc.i.'  Thai  is,  every  inch 
'  of  Oregon,  down  to  latitude  \'2  degrees." 

Thus  It  will  be  seen  that  the  Hudson  Bav  Com- 
pany, under  ihe  nulliority  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment, is  not  only  .settling  her  retired  servants  in 
that  counlry,  but  is  also  preparing  prospectively 
for  establishing  colonics  there;  and  still  we  have 
made  no  war  upon  that  power  for  her  encrouch- 
menls.  Yet  the  distempered  funcy  ot  some  gentle- 
men has  not  only  enabled  them  to  see  the  "air- 
drawn  dagger,"  uiit  al.so  to  fancy  they  see  Great 
ISriluin  .'<haking  her  "  gory  locks"  at  us  for  our 
supnnsed  violation  of  her  rights.  The  war-spirit 
is  already  sulTiciently  ardent  lliroughout  the  coun- 
try, and  does  not  require  lo  be  fanned  into  a  flume. 

Some  of  those  on  the  other  side,  in  marshalling 
the  strength  ()f  Great  Briiain,  have  referred  to  her 
seventy  odd  colonics,  scattered  over  every  portion 
of  the  globe,  as  giving  her  military  power;  but  the 
reverse  is  the  fact,  iter  colonies,  exclusive  of  the 
Cunudus,  number,  at  a  low  estimate,  one  hundred 
and  twenty  millions  of  souls;  of  this  number  there 
is  not  one  million  of  Ihe  white  European  race; 
consequently,  in  any  emergency,  that  immense 
mass  of  human  beings,  held  in  subjection  against 
their  will  i>y  a  handful  of  British,  must  revolt  and 
turn  upon  tlieir  oppressors.  The  overseer  work- 
ing and  governing  a  hundred  hands  would  not, 
in  cuse  of  an  insurrection  amongst  the  negroes,  be 
more  perfectly  powerless  in  quelling  them  than 
would  Great  Briiain  to  subdue  her  colonies  in  the 
event  of  a  general  rebellion.  Her  colonies,  there- 
fore, cannot  aid  her  in  a  war  with  us,  bnt  they 
may  in  the  meantime  achieve  their  freedom  from 
British  thraldom.  Ireland,  too,  is  rife  with  the 
war  spirit  against  England,  and  she  would  apply 
the  torch  on  the  first  fitting  occasion. 

The  i\ggrcssions  of  Great  Britain  upon  American 
rigliLs — her  bribing  the  mercenary  Indians  in  times 
nast  to  the  murder  of  helpless  women  and  children, 
iiave  fixed  a  deep-rooted  prejudice  in  the  minds  of 


our  people,  and  they  are  at  all  times  eager  for  a 
wor  witri  her  when  occasion  shall  require  it;  and 
if  Great  Briiain  shall  make  war  upon  us  because 
of  the  assertion  and  maintenance  of  our  rights, 
upon  her  head  must  rest  the  consequences. 

Before  the  conflict  is  ended,  her  foundations  may 
be  sapped — her  days  may  be  numbered — and  some 
modern  Daniel  may  be  called  upon  to  read  and  to 
interpret  the  handwriting  on  the  wall. 

The  territory  of  Oregon  is  bounded  on  the  north 
by  the  parallel  of  54°  40',  on  the  cast  by  the  Rocky 
mountains,  south  by  the  49d  parallel,  and  west  by 
the  Pacific.     It  ia  about  650  miles  in  length  and  550  j 
in  breadth, and  containsabout3G0,0U0squarc miles;  I 
is  greater  in  extent  than  the  Atlantic  portion  of  the  ! 
thirteen  colonies — stretching  from  the  frozen  regions  j 
of  the  north  to  those  of  perpetual  verdure  of  the  j 
south;  the  climate  is  more  soft  and  balmy,  the  soil  I 
is   more   lively  and   fertile.     Its   rivers  rising  in  \ 
difl'erent  portions  of  the  territory,  flow  together, 
and  passing  through  Ihc  gorges  of  the  mountain, 
eonstilute  the  Columbia,  and  have  a  single  outlet 
to  the  sea.     Its  coast,  wilh  a  few  exceptions,  is 
'  what  sailors  term   iron  bound,  and  would  re(iuire 
but  few  forlifications  to  make  it  impregnable  to 
the  attack  of  enemies.     Thus  situated,  this  terri- 
tory in  the  hands  of  Americans  is  eminently  filled 
for  strength,  union,  and  wealth;  it  cannot  be  divi- 
ded without  mutilating  its  fair  proportions;  it  must 
I  belong  to  one  nation,  and  thut  should  be  the  United 
Slates.     It  is  ours,  and  no  fear  of  sacrifice,  cither 
of  blood  or  Ireasure,  should  induce  us  to  yield  one 
foot  of  ihc  territory;  it  is  too  intimately  connected 
wilh  American  power  and  greatness  to  sulTcr  it  to 
be  sacrificed  on  any  terms. 

Although  for  a  number  of  years  past  but  few  of 
our  eiilzens,  except  trappers  und  hunters,  have 
gone  to  Oregon,  yet  witliin  the  last  three  or  four 
yenra  the  tide  ol^  emigration  lo  that  country  has 
rapidly  inercused.  Distunce  seems  to  be  overlook- 
ed by'theiu.  Nothing  can  be  more  interesting  than 
the  narratives  given  of  the  travels,  from  day  to 
day,  of  the  ihousunds  who  are  marching  over  bar- 
ren plains  and  sandy  deserts  to  Oregon.  In  1843, 
amiuig  other  emigrnnis,  there  passecl  through  my 
section  of  counlry  an  elderly  gentleman,  with  his 
wife,  his  children,  and  his  grandchildren,  number- 
ing between  thirty  and  forty.  They  hud  their 
flocks  and  their  herds  wilh  them,  and, camping  for 
a  few  days  in  one  of  our  prairies,  they  purchased 
some  caltle  to  add  to  their  slock.  The  old  mnn  had 
a  bright  eye,  a  firm  step,  and  a  heart  that  quailed 
not  in  contemplating  dangers  and  difficulties.  }lc 
WHS  going  to  get  land  for  his  children  and  grand- 
children— to  occupy  the  American  soil;  and  1  could 
not  but  think  how  greatly  our  people  were  in  ad- 
vance of  the  Government. 

These  accounis  constantly  remind  us  of  the  trav- 
els of  the  patriarchs  of  old;  and  looking  buck 
through  the  dim  vista  of  time  to  the  dnys  oi^  primi- 
tive simplicity,  we  see  Abraham  and  Lot  pitching 
their  tents  in  the  land  of  Canaan  and  the  plains  of 
Jordan,  separating  to  the  right  hand  and  to  the  left, 
to  prevent  strife  between  their  herdsmen,  as  the 
whole  land  was  before  them;  when  Jacob,  with 
his  household  and  his  cattle  that  were  ring-streaked 
and  speckled,  departed  from  Padan  Aram,  the  home 
of  Lnban,  his  father-in-law,  and  reluming  to  visit 
his  fttiher  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  met  and  ex- 
changed fraternal  salutations  wilh  his  brother  Esau, 
in  "  the  land  of  Seir,"  the  counlry  of  Edom;  when 
Moses  and  Aaron,  following  the  "  pillar  of  cloud 
by  day  and  of  fire  by  night,"  conducted  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel  in  their  pilgrimnge  through  the  wil- 
derness. Here,  however,  the  parallel  censes,  for 
Ihe  American  flag  bus  not  been  furnished  to  our 
peonli!,  and  the  American  laws  have  not  been  ex- 
tended over  them,  to  guide  them  to,  and  shield 
them  in,  the  "  land  of  piomise"  beyond  Ihe  moun- 
tains; yet  they  press  onward  with  an  ardor  and  an 
energy  which  fatigue  cannot  exhaust  or  subdue, 
encountering  at  every  step  the  untutored  savage, 
and  enduring  toils  and  privations  known  only  to 
the  hardy  pioneer. 

AV  e  can  liave  but  a  faint  conjecture  of  the  tumult 
of  delight  and  the  wild  and  rapturous  joy  which 
heaves  the  bosom  of  those  enterprising  spirits, 
when  from  the  crest  of  the  Rocky  mountains  they 
first  gaze  upon  the  hills  and  vnllcys,  mountains  and 
rivers  beyond — when  they  stand  upon  the  blufls, 
and  with  bewildering  delight  hear  the  roar  of  the 
mijhty  Pacific.    These  men  have  gone  forth  to 


found  an  empire,  aniinated  by  the  same  noble  and 
generous  impulses  which  bore  the  pilgrim  fathers 
across  the  deep  to  the  rock  of  Plymouth,  and 
which  templed  Boone  in  his  ventures  across  thu 
Cumberland  mountains,  and  through  the  fertile  and 
bcaulif\il  vales  of  Kentucky  to  the  banks  of  the 
mimstic  Ohio. 

Who  of  them  in  those  days  could  see  even  dim- 
ly in  the  future  the  new  States  which  would  spring; 
u|i  and  spread  over  this  continent  from  sea  to  sen? 
'The  wildest  dreams  of  the  enthusiast  of  those 
days  have  been  more  than  realized,  for  the  manh 
of'improvement  has  outstripped  the  imagination 
ilself.  There  is  in  this  untnmenble  spirit  of  enter- 
prise— which  is  one  of  the  elements  of  the  nature 
of  the  American  people — no  touch  of  sordid  or 
mercenary  feeling.  "They  go  forth  to  see,  to  ex- 
plore, and  to  inhabit  the  green  and  glad  earth  which 
God  has  given  them,  and  ocean  and  mountain  bar- 
riers will  not  restrain,  cannot  limit,  their  onward 
mnrch. 

This  wild  spirit  of  adventure  gives  nerve  and  en- 
ergy to  the  mental  and  physical  man,  and  prompts 
its  possessor  to  deeds  of  peril  and  of  danger,  from 
which  the  tame  and  timorous  would  shrink  with 
horror;  it  expands  the  heart,  and  unfetters  ils  joys, 
its  hopes,  its  nspiralions;  it  lends  a  new  charm  to 
life,  a  new  spring  to  human  energiea  and  desires, 
and  wakens  in  the  breast  a  kindred  feeling  with 
that  which  animated  our  first  parents  in  the  garden 
of  Eden.  I  woiilil  .say  to  all  who  desire  to  go  to 
Oregon,  that  it  holds  out  to  the  emigrant  induce- 
ments of  the  niiist  tempting  and  permanent  char- 
acter. Go  and  select  your  fiirm  and  your  home, 
while  you  have  the  whole  country  to  choose  from; 
plant  yourselves  upon  the  virgin  soil,  and  our  pop- 
ulation stretching  in  dense  inasses  to  the  west,  will 
soon  embrace  you  within  its  circle.  For  myself, 
I  look  forward  with  o  lively  hope  to  the  period 
when  I  shall  climb  the  mountains,  traverse  the  val- 
leys, and  cross  the  rivers  of  Oregon;  and  standing 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Columbia,  listen  with  wild 
delight  to  the  rour  of  its  waters  us  they  rush  into 
the  Pacific. 

About  the  parallel  of  48°,  there  are  some  excel- 
lent harbors;  but  south  of  that  there  are  none,  ex- 
cept Bulfinch's  harbor  and  the  mouth  of  the  Co- 
lumbia— neither  of  them  very  desirable. 

As  the  most  authentic  source  whence  informa- 
tion can  be  derived  on  this  subject,  1  will  give  a 
few  extracts  from  the  narrative  of  Captain  Wilkes 
touching  the  harl)ors  and  the  mouth  of  the  Colum- 
bia river.     S|>eaking  of  the  latter  he  says: 

"  Mere  description  can  give  little  idea  of  the  ter- 
'rorsof  the  bar  of  the  Columbia;  nil  who  have 
'  seen  it  have  spoken  of  the  wlldness  of  the  scene, 
'  the  incessant  roar  of  the  waters,  representing  it 
'  ns  one  of  the  most  fearful  sights  that  can  meet  the 
'  eye  of  a  sailor."— K«/.  4,  f.  293. 

On  the  subject  of  the  parts  south  of  Fuca's 
Straits  he  says: 

"The  coast  of  Oregon,  to  the  south  of  Cape 
'  Flattery,  (the  southern  cape  on  the  Straits  of  Fu- 
'  ca,)  is  rocky,  much  broken,  and  aflTords  no  har- 
'  bors,  e.xccpt  for  very  small  vessels." — Vol,  4,  p. 
29G. 

Again,  speaking  of  the  coast  south  of  the  Colum- 
bia river,  he  says: 

"  No  ports  exist  along  any  part  of  the  coast  of 
'  Oregon,  south  of  the  Columbia  river,  that  are  ac- 
'  cessibic  to  any  class  of  vessels,  even  those  of  but 
'  very  small  draught  of  water." — Vol.  5,  p.  148. 

Further  on  he  speaks  in  raptures  of  the  safety 
and  rapacity  of  the  harbor  at  Puget  Sound.  Any 
number  of  the  largest  line-of-batt!e-ships  that  this 
nation  would  need  or  could  command,  might  ride 
there  in  tlie  utmost  safety.  This  is  his  description 
of  it: 

"  Nothing  can  exceed  the  beauty  of  these  waters 
'  nor  their  safety;  not  a  shoal  exists  within  the 
'  Straits  of  Juan  de  Fuca,  Admiralty  Inlet,  Puget 
'Sound,  or  Hood's  canal,  that  can,  in  any  way, 
'  interrupt  the  navigation  of  a  seventy-four-gun 
'  ship.  I  venture  nothing  in  saying,  there  is  no 
'  country  in  the  world  thut  possesses  waters  equal 
'to  these."— rol.  4,  p.  305. 

Hence  it  will  be  seen  that  the  recent  proposition 
on  the  part  of  Great  Brimin  to  divide  the  territory, 
was  to  give  her  the  lion's  share — to  yield  to  her 
the  maritime  supremacy  of  the  Pacific.  The  Pres- 
ident was  therefore  right  in  promptly  rejecting  it, 


m 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  16, 


29th  Cono.  ...1st  Sbss. 


The  Oregon  ^ueition — Mr.  S.  Jones. 


Ho.  or  Heps. 


Ti  t 


xw 


»nJ  no  puny  or  imlividiial  in  thia  couiuiy  can  be 
mutnineil  who  woulil  ndvifle  its  nrceptniice. 

The  cniiiilry  aboiiiiilii  in  niounlaina  nnd  vnllcys, 
rivcra  i\'i(l  pinina,  wiindlnnda  and  nrnirirv,  and 
from  ita  clnnnic  nnd  aoil  it  la  destined  lo  be  one  of 
the  tinMt  i^razini;  cotiiilriea  on  the  continent. 
Ciii'tiiin  Spnldmsr,  in  his  li'llcr,  saya: 
**'i'hc  rolony  front  the  United  Slates  is  situated 
'  in  the  Willnmeite,  (a  branch  of  the  CoUni)l)ia,) 

•  about  ninety  mileii  fiom  the  inuuih  of  the  river, 

•  which  is  >nidoub;edlytlie  finest  grazing  and  wheat 

•  country  in  Orei;on, 

"The  extent  of  the  country  comprising  the  Wil- 
'  lamelle  valley,  ia  about  3U0  inilea  lone  and  200 
'  broad,  intcrsiieraed  with  wood,  geiierullv  ofsutti- 

•  rient  quantities  for  Aiel  and  fencing;.  The  hind, 
'  in  ita  natural  slate,  is  usually  ready  for  ihe  ploufih, 
'  and  is  very  fertile,  producing  from  25  to  40  buali- 
■  els  of  wheat  to  tlie  aire;  and  the  climate  is  an 
'  mild,  that  the  entile  Kubaist  in  the  fields  without 
'  d.diler  or  slielicr  of  any  kind  I  cing  pirimred  or 
'  provided  for  them  ihroiiiih  ihe  winter.     I'robnbly 

•  no  plme  in  the  world  afl'urda  jjreater  inducements 
'  for  emisranis." 

"One  firmer  in    1837  raised  4,500  Inishela  of 

•  wheal,  4,000  bushels  peas,  1,700  bushels  barley, 
'  and  1,500  bushels  onts. 

"  Figs,  citrons,  oranges,  lemons,  and  most  of  the 
^t   'fruiu  common  lo  the  United  Slates,  grow  there. 
"'  "Farmei-scan  raise  any  number  of  cnltle,  horacs 

•  and  hogs — sometimes  five  or  six  hundred  head  of 
'  eanh  kind  of  animals. 

"  Wheat  is  nominally  worth  |1  per  bushel;  beef, 
'  6  cents  per  pound-,  pork,  10  cenis;  cows,  |jh50  each; 

•  oxen,  (60;  horses,  $35;  potatoes  bring  about  25 
'cents  per  bushel;  and  labor  ia  worth  about  $35 

•  per  month — the  laborer  being  found  by  Iiis  em- 
'  ployer." 

^  From  Ihii  outline  it  will  be  perceived  that  Oregon 

*  is  aa  favorably  endowed  by  nature  with  all  the  e|e- 

menla  nf  wealth  and  greatness  as  any  sertion  of 
the  Union,  and  all  ihnt  is  required  for  the  develop- 
ment of  its  resources  is  the  liand  of  industry  and 
,  labor. 

Not  less  gifted  ia  it  by  nnlure  for  commerce;  and 
in  lliis  point  of  view  it  occupies  the  most  com- 
manding posiiion.  Itsseogrnpliical  advantages  of 
siiiiniinn  enables  it,  under  the  control  of  nn  active 
and  energetic  American  popiilrttion,  to  penetrate 
every  pntli  and  island  of  the  Indian  ocean,  whether 
in  pursuit  of  the  wlinle,  or  in  the  rich  prodiicis  of 
the  tropics — consisting  of  roiton,  indigo,  lea,  cof- 
fee, susmr,  spices,  nnd  all  the  luxuries  wlii<-li  can 
minister  to  the  wniil.'  of  innn.  Being  opixisile  nnd 
near  lo  Asia,  it  rnn,  by  nienns  of  commerce,  inter 
largely  into  the  East  Indian  nnd  China  trade,  and 
draw  from  the  mines  of  eoslern  wealth  and  mngnili- 
cence  couniless  millions,  nnd  plani  upon  her  sen- 
bniiid,  cities  destined  lo  rival  in  grandeur  ancient 
Carthage,  Tyre,  nnd  Venice.  j 

,  *»  "  The  .\nieric:m  continent,  washed  in  ils  entire 

'  lengtli  by  the  two  great  highways  of  nations,  pre- 

•  sents  extraordinary  advantages  to  ils  popiilniion 
'  for  commercial  intercourse.  Its  position  is  one  of 
'  nnlure 's  monopolies."       •        •         »        •        • 

".Sent  the  United  Slates  firmly  in  Oregon,  nnd  the 
'  commerci  il  enterpriseand  wealth  of  the  worldwiU 

•  cpniraiize  within  our  limits.     The  trade  of  the  In- 

•  dian  ocean  has  enriched  every  untiftn  in  succe.'^sinn 
'  thai  has  enjoyed  it.  Tyre,  thenicia,  Venice,  the 
'  Italian  .States,  Pcirliignl, and  Spain,  found  it n mine 
'  of  wealth.  Cireai  Britain  nt  the  present  moment 
'  ovics  much  of  her  supremacy  in  commerce,  inunii- 
'  fnciiires,  and  wenllh,  lo  tlie  fact  ihnt  she  pnrtici- 
'  pates  more  largely  than  any  olber  Power  in  ils 
'  pos.session.  The  tropical  circle  in  no  portion  of 
'  Its  belt  around  the  globe,  presents  such  extensive, 
'  varied,  and  valuable  proiliirtions  ns  are  found  in 
'  Southern  Asia,  nnd  in  the  islands  of  the  Indian 
'  ocean.  No  nation  is  or  has  been  so  favorably 
'  situated  to  divert  this  stream  of  wealth  into  ils  lap, 
'as  will  Ije  the  population  occupying  Oregon." 

Such  is  the  spirit  of  the  present  age  that  ihe  im- 
provements and  fucililies  of  iniercoiirsc  amongst  na- 
tions and  communities  have  outstripped  ihe  imugi- 
naiionsand  experiniionsof  ibc  most  sanguine;  nnd 
it  ia  not  chimerical  lo  say  ibnt,  in  n  few  years,  rail- 
riads  will  cross  the  Rocky  nirnintains  nnd  con- 
nect with  Si.  Louis;  thence  by  ilini  nnd  every  mode 
of  connexion  with  the  large  Atlantic,  and  inland 
cities,  diffusing  for  home  and  foreign  consumption 


a  trade  whose  vustness  and  extern  would  outvie  any 
heretofore  known  in  the  experience  of  the  world. 

Thus  lutving  the  .\tluiilic  on  the  east  and  the 
Pacific  on  the  \v  at,  our  commerce  would  display 
its  canvass  on  both  oi'eans,  and  bear  froni  every 
clime  the  rewards  of  ils  eiilerprise.  Every  sinew 
and  nrlery  of  the  nnlioii  would  be  quickened  nnd 
invigornied  by  the  new  impulse  given  to  its  strength 
nnd  nrlivily,  whilst  ngricullure  would  renp  ihc 
golden  fruiu  of  the  harvesl,niid  ninnufaclurers learn 
to  excel  the  best  productions  of  other  iialiinis. 

Having,  I  trust,  in  my  feeble  manner,  illustrated 
the  ndvaniages  resulting  to  this  country  by  holding 
our  territory  on  the  Paciftc,  and  having  shown  that 
the  title  is  unquestionably  in  us,  we  have.  It  seems 
to  me,  but  one  course  to  pursue,  nnd  that  is.  in  a 
peaceable,  quiet,  but  nt  ihc  same  time  delermined 
manner,  to  maintain  our  rights,  come  what  may. 

Ours  should  be  a  peace  policy.  We  should 
avoid  war  if  we  can  do  so  viihout  dishonor;  but 
rnilier  than  suffer  the  national  tone  to  be  depressed, 
the  sinrs  and  stripes  to  be  dimmed,  or  the  Icrriiory 
which  is  righifully  ours  lo  be  wrrsled  from  ns,  we 
should  unhesitnilngly  make  this  last  appeal  of  na- 
tions without  counting  cost  or  consequences. 

While  we  would  not  invade  the  rights  of  Ihe 
weakest,  we  should  not,  with  impuniiy,  submit  to 
'  wrongs  frinn  the  most  powerful  and  haughty  nation 
on  the  globe. 

"  Be  just  and  fear  not;"  and  if  in  the  dispensa- 
tion of  events  war  should  come  upon  us,  1  cnnnot 
doubt  but  ihnt  ntila  close,  as  at  ils  commencement, 
the  American  eagle  would  hover  over  ua  with  hia 
eye  unqucnched  and  hia  spirit  unterrified. 


OREGON  aUESTION. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  SEABORN  JONES, 

OF  GEORGIA. 
In   the   Hoi-SE    OF    UEPnESENTATIVU, 

January  15,  1846. 
On  the  Resolution  for  terminating  the  joint  occu- 
pation of  Oregon. 

Before  proceeding,  Mr.  .TONES,  being  informed 
by  the  C'hnirman  that  a  motion  lo  amend  was  not 
in  order,  sent  the  following  resolution  to  the  Clerk's 
table;  which  at  bis  request  was  rend  by  the  Clerk; 

"Kesotreil,  That  the  people  of  ihe  United  Suites 
'  have  full  reliance  upon  ihe  discretion,  the  pnlriot- 
'  ism,  nnd  the  wisdom  of  ihe  President,  nnd  those 
'  advisers  whom  the  Constilution  hns  pincednround 
'  him;  nnd  feel  willing,  should  negotiniinn  be  re- 
'  newed,  to  submit  the  rights  of  the  United  Sinles 
'  to  bis  care,  management,  and  protection,  with  an 
'  entire  and  abiding  confidence  that  those  rights, 
'  ibe  honor  nnd  best  interests  of  the  United  Suites, 
'  will  be  susuiined,  defended,  nnd  protected." 

It  is  my  intention,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  vote  for  the 
resolulion  ottered  by  the  Conimiliee  on  Foreign 
Affairs,  ns  propo.sed  to  be  amended  by  the  chair- 
man of  ihnt  conimiliee;  and  1  shall  offer  the  resolu- 
lion which  has  just  been  read  us  an  addiiionnl  sec- 
ion,  by  way  of  amendment. 

li  is  due  both  to  myself  and  my  constituents,  as 
well  as  to  ihia  House,  that  my  reasons  should  be 
given  for  tliis  course,  and  I  shall  now  proceed  to 
do  so. 

Unless  our  title  to  Oregon  be  good  and  sufficient, 
it  would  be  improper  lo  vole  for  thai  resolution. 
Bui,  on  ihe  other  hand,  if  we  have  the  best  title  to 
that  territory,  but  one  course  is  left,  and  that  is,  to 
give  the  notice,  fearless  of  consequences. 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  Spain  made  the  first  dia- 
co.criea  on  the  western  shore  of  this  coniinent; 
and,  by  discovery,  had  the  right  of  setilement.  I 
am  free  to  admit  this  right  of  setilement,  growing 
out  of  discovery,  could  only  endure  for  a  reasona- 
ble lime;  nnd  if  it  were  not  improved  within  n  rea- 
sonable lime,  any  other  nation  might,  by  nctunl 
selilement,  (tlint  is,  reclaiming  the  wild  lands  by 
colli valion,  building  up  cities,  &c..;  and  not  by  fish- 
ing and  hunting,  and  erecting  leinporary  huts  for 
those  purposes  only,)  deprive  Spain  of  the  right  of 
discovery,  nnd  obtain  a  Iwlter  title — that  by  settle- 
ment. Has  England  or  any  other  nation  made  any 
such  sclllcnients  in  any  part  of  the  Oregon  terri- 
tory, (except  in  the  valley  of  the  Columbia,  lo 
which  I  will  presently  call  your  attention,)  so  as 
to  deprive  Spain  of  her  right  by  discovery?    I 


II  think  not.    Can  any  gentleman  on  this  lloor  point 
1]  to  the  place  where  any  nation  hns  made  any  set" 
.  ilement  which  would  deprive  Spain  of  Ihnt  fight.' 
,  I  know  of  none;  fm- 1  do  not  call  fiahingand  liunt- 
ing-huls,  to  proicct  scul  skins  nnd  peltry,  such  set- 
^  tieinenls.     I  refer  particularly  lo  that  part  of  the 
I  territory  nbove  49°;  for  I  shall  coiilend  and  show 
j  thai  the  United  Stales  is  the  only  nation  ihat  lind 
.  interfered  with  this  right  of  Spain,  by  discovery  of 
Ihe  inoulh  of  the  Columbia,  and  Ihe  exploration 
and  Bclilemeni  of  the  valley  of  llial  great  river  of 
ihe  west.     Spain,  then,  having  acquired  the  right 
I  of  sciilcmcnt  by  discovery,  by  the  convention  or 
j  iiTaly  of  1819  transferred  all  her  rights  lo  the  Uni- 
ted Slalca. 
1      Eul  we  arc  told,  that  before  the  treaty  of  1819 
'  she  had  parted  with  some  of  those  righla,and  trans- 

I  ferred  lliem  lo  Englnnd  by  ihelrentyof  ihcEacurial, 

I I  commonly  called  ihc  Nooiki  .Sound  convention. 
';  We  will  examine  this  prescnily.     By  the  aelile- 

menl  nf  Canada  on  the  Ailanllc,  France  claimed 
the  right  by  conllnully  lo  all  the  land  to  the  Pacific, 
ocean;  anJ  by  ihe  setilement  of  llie  Kngli.sh  prov- 
i  iiicrs  south   of  Canada,  England  claimed  by  con- 
tinuity the  right  nfirrrilory  also  lo  Ihc  Pncifi'c;and 
I  she  asserted  and  imbodlcd  this  claim  in  the  several 
chnrlers  to  her  American  provinces,  by  graining, 
I  in  express  terms,  ihe  whole  territory  bounded  on 
Ihe  west  by  the  Pacific  ocean.     In  the  war  com- 
monly called  the  "Old  French  Wnr,"  which  waa 
closed  by  the  trcnly  of  1763,  Cnnndn  was  captured 
by  Great  Britain,  and  France  ceded  to  England  all 
;  her  righl  lo  that  province  east  of  the  Mississippi, 
nnd  England  ceded  lo  France  all  her  righl  west  of 
[  llint  river  on  tne  Pacific,  not  only  to  tlint  pnrt  of 
I  Cnnnda  which  Tiance  claimed  by  continuity,  but 
lo  all  the  territory  which  England  claimed  bycon- 
i  linuliy  as  appended   lo  her  .\merican  provinces. 
I  shall  not  Slop  here  to  inquire  whether  this  right 
by  continuity,  claimed  by  England,  be  good  or 
bad — that  is  not  impnriani;  she  ceded  nil  her  right 
j  to  Frnnce,  and  she  is  now  linncd — as  we  would  say 
ill  law  ralujmecl — from  selling  up  any  claim  against 
France   and   those   dniming  under  her.      In  the 
irealy  of  1H03,  Frnnce  ceded  to  the  United  Stales 
all  her  rights;  and  Spain  alone  remnining  to  eon- 
test  the  riglils  ncquiied  by  ihnt  treaty  from  France, 
in  1819  the  rights  of  Spni'n  were  ndded  to  those  nc- 
qiiired  from  Frnnce,  nnd  both  becnnie  vested  in  the 
United  Slates.     It  may  be  urged  ihnt  Englnnd  had 
no  title  lo  any  pari  of  Oregon  in  1763;  that  she 
claims  by  right  of  di.scovery  and  selilement  since 
ilint   time.     That  may  be  so.     But,  sir,  having 
made  ihe  cession  of  all  claims  lo  France  in  1763, 
she  could  not  nfterwnids,  in  equity  and  juslice,  ac- 
quire any  rights  in  coniravenlion  of  the  righta  of 
France,  nnd  she  hns  not,  in  point  of  fact,  done  so. 
Spain  having  first  acquired  the  right  by  discov- 
ery, no  siib.sequenl  right  by  discovery  can  be  set 
up;  and  England  never  has  acquired  a  righl  by  ac- 
tual settlement — she  never  has   made  sclllenients 
iiorlli  of  49°,  and  her  selilemenis  in  the  valhy  of 
the  Columbin  were  posterior  to  those  of  the  United 
Slates,  (as  I  will  presently  show,)  and  could  not, 
Iberefore,  constitute  any  title.     Being  without  title, 
either  by  discovery  or  settlemenl,  lo  any  pari  of 
Oregon,  she  invokes  the  aid  of  iheNooika  conven- 
tion; and  this  naturally  brings  u.i  lo  the  considera- 
tion of  the  stipulations  of  that  convenliim,  and  the 
'  rights  acquired  by  England  under  it.    By  the  terms 
of  that  convention,  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain 
were  authorized  lo  land  "on  the  coasts  of  those 
'  seas,  in  places  not  already  occupied,  for  Ihe  pur- 
'  post  (if  carrying  on  their  commerce  Kilh  Ihe  nitlivet 
'  of  Ihe  country,  or  of  making  selilemenis  there."     It 
is  a  sound  principle  that  "  incliuio  tmiiis  eat  exclu- 
sio  alterius  — the  insirlion  of  certain  and  specified 
purposes  excludes  all  other?,  and  thai  the  right 
given  of  trading  with  the  natives  does  not  give  any 
claim  to  territory,  jurisdiction,  and  sovereignty. 
The  claim  of  England,  then,  under  the  Noolka  con- 
vention, can  only  extend  by  the  stipulations  of  the 
convciuion  to  the  purposes  of  seltleinenl  nnd  trade, 
and  cannot  exteim  to  the  right  of  soil,  jurisdiction, 
and  sovereignty.     Having  thus  entered  into  this 
I  convention,  and  made  iheir  selilemenis  forlhcpur- 
I  pose  of  trade  with  Ihe  natives,  all  the  improve- 
I  ments  or  settlements  made  by  English  subjects 
'  since  that  time  must  be  considered  as  made  under 
j  that  treaty,  in  accoi-dnnce  with  and  to  carry  out  the 
purposes  alleged  in  that  treaty,  and  can  add  noth- 
I  iHjj;  to  the  riglils  of  England. 


\i  l[' 


[Jan.  15, 
av  Heps. 


Ills  lloor  point 
maile  any  iicl- 

of  llint  rJKli'? 
hingnrd  liunt- 
illiy.  fiiichart- 
inl  |inrt  nl'  (lie 
rut)  and  show 
atiiin  tlint  had 
»y  discovery  of 
le  cxploialioii 

great  river  of 
tired  the  ri^ht 

convention  or 
lita  to  the  Uni- 

ireaty  of  1819 
;lila,and  triina- 
iftlicEscurial) 
id  convention. 

By  llie  settle- 
Vance  claimed 
I  to  the  PncifiR 

KngliHli  [irov- 
aimrd  liy  con- 
lir  I'nciricjand 
I  in  tlic  several 
>,  liy  granting, 
•y  bounded  on 

the  war  cnni' 
r,"  which  was 
A  wascaptnrcd 

to  England  all 
c  Mississippi, 
r  right  west  of 

0  that  part  of 
:ontiiiuity,  hut 
laimed  by  con- 
-'an  provinces, 
iher  this  riglit 
il,  be  good  or 
ed  all  her  right 

1  we  would  say 
r  claim  against 

licr.      In  the 
'■  United  States 
kaining  to  con- 
V  from  France, 
[cd  to  those  ac- 
vrsted  in  the 
Kngland  had 
(i3;  that  she 
ttlcmcnt  since 
sir,  havins; 
nee  in  1763, 
id  justice,  ac- 
the  ri:,'lits  of 
fact,  done  so. 
It  by  discov- 
ry  can  be  set 
right  by  ac- 
scttlemonls 
the  valky  of 
of  the  United 
d  could  not, 
without  title, 
any  part  of 
loikft  conven- 
le  considera- 
tion, and  the 
I3y  the  terms 
Great  Britain 
asts  of  those 
for  the  pur- 
Ill  llie  natives 
Ua  there."     It 
niiis  eat  exclu- 
and  specified 
hat  the  right 
not  give  any 
.sovereignty. 
Nootkacon- 
lations  of  the 
nt  nnd  trade, 
jurisdiction, 
red  into  this 
.H  for  the  pur- 
he  improve- 
lish  subjects 
made  under 
carry  out  the 
on  add  noth- 


184C.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THC  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


177 


ihi 


'29th  Cono IftT  Srss. 

If  a  man  by  contract  with  mo  enters  and  rcmaina 
in  pnsscsHion  of  my  land  for  piirpoMcH  specified  in 
the  contract,  his  poHsrs.sion  and  imiirovemeiits  can 
never  ripen  into  a  title;  while  if  he  had  entered 
without  permission  and  held  adversely  to  my  title. 
King  continued  possession  and  improvements  might 

five  him  n  good  and  indefeasible  title.  So,  sir, 
Ingland  having  mudo  all  her  im,irovements  for  the 
purjMisea  of  hunting,  fishing,  and  trading  with  the 
natives,  under  the  Nootka  convention,  can  never 
insist  on  thein  for  any  other  purpose,  and  can  never 
bring  any  aid  to  her  claim  under  ihut  convention, 
by  the  Hettlcmcnta  that  may  have  since  been  made,  j 
Kngland, tlien,  having  no  rightful  claim  to  Oregon 
by  discovery,  can  set  up  none  by  .settlement  iinilcr 
the  Nootkii  convention,  as  all  made  under  that  con- 
vention were  for  the  purposes  of  settlement  and 
trade  with  the  natives. 

Again  :  the  Noolka  convention  was  entered 
into  in  1790,  and  Kngland  and  Sjiain  went  to  war 
in  1796,  and  by  war  all  treaties  between  the  parties 
are  abrogated.  While  this  is  not  denied  as  a  gen- 
eral principle  by  the  Knghsh  Minister,  it  is  con- 
tended this  treaty  recognised  or  ceded  to  Kngland 
certain  rights  of  soil,  jurisdiction  and  sovereignty; 
in  oilier  words,  (hat  property  in  the  country  was 
admitted  to  be  in  Great  Britain.  There  is  nothing 
ill  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  which  will  warrant 
such  a  conclusion.  Kngland  was  authorized  to 
land  in  all  places  iio{  alreiiitij  ocnipied,  "for  the  pur- 
pose of  carrying  on  coninicrce  with  the  natives  of 
the  coiiiilry,  or  of  making settlenienlH  there;"  and 
this  aL'rceinent  neither  adds  to  nor  diminishes  the 
title  which  she  had  before  that  treaty.  If  she  had 
n  good  title  liefore  that  time,  that  treaty  docs  not 
impair  il;  if  she  had  a  bad  title,  it  does  not 
^lren^lllcn  it;  and  if  she  had  no  title,  it  docs  not 
give  her  one,  oilier  than  "  for  the  purpose  of  car- 
rying on  commerce  with  the  natives  of  the  coun- 
try and  of  making  setllenient.s  there."  Therefore, 
according  to  international  law,  that  trentv  was 
abrogated  by  llie  war  of  170().  This  principle  of 
internal  ional  law  cannot  be  denied  by  Great  Brit- 
tain.  She  has  contended  for  it  against  the  United 
States.  By  the  treaty  of  1783,  we  \iad  the  right 
to  fisli  on  the  Banks  of  Newfoundland,  and  to  erect 
cstablishmenls  for  the  curing  of  fish,  &.C.  By  the 
war  of  1819,  Great  Britain  contended  that  the  .stip- 
ulations of  the  treaty  securing  llicse  riglils  were 
abrogated,  and  the  iilcniiioteniiarics  of  the  United 
States,  acting  upon  the  American  principle  of  "de- 
manding nmhing  that  is  wrong,"  ndiniltcd  the 
principle,  and  submitted  to  less  advantngeoiis  con- 
ditions than  we  had  under  the  treaty  of  1783.  The 
treaty  of  the  Ksi'iirial  being  then  abrogated  by  the 
war  of  17%,  Kngland  was  thrown  back  on  the 
rights  she  possessed  before  the  Nootka  convention; 
ond  before  that  she  had  neither  the  right  of  discov- 
ery nor  of  settlement. 

The  only  nation  which  could  interfere  with  the 
right  of  discovery  belonging  to  Spain,  is  the  Uni- 
ted States,  by  the  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  the 
Columbia  river,  the  exploration  ofthal  river  and  its 
tributaries,  and  the  settlement  made  by  American 
citizens  at  its  mouth.  In  1789,  Captain  Gray  first 
ascertained  the  existence  of  the  river;  in  179i  he 
entered  the  mouth  and  sailed  some  miles  up  the  riv- 
er, trading  with  the  natives;  and  in  180,^>-fi,  Lewis 
nnd  Clarke  explored  it  by  order  of  Mr.  Jellerson, 
then  President  of  the  United  States.  In  1810, aset- 
tlement  (Astoria)  was  made  by  citizens  of  the  Uni- 
ted Stales.  So  far  as  the  valley  of  the  Columbia 
was  concerned,  and  indeed  all  the  country  draineil 
by  that  river  and  its  tributaries,  according  to  the 
laws  of  nations,  the  United  States  alone  had  the 
right  to  contest  the  right  of  Spain  acquired  by 
discovery.  It  may  be  alleged  that  England  has 
also  macle  settlements  in  the  valley  of  the  Colum- 
bia. This  will  not  be  denied;  hut  it  c..ril",.is  no 
right.  Asnosubscr|uentdiscovcry  cau  lie.  irov  the 
right  of  Spain  by  discovery,  so  nosiioSL-queiii  .lot- 
tlement  can  injure  or  destroy  the  rig  i',  by  scltle- 
ment,  first  acquired  by  the  United  Stfi. IS.  Amj  in 
further  confirmation  and  completion  oi  iliia  riirht 
of  the  United  Stales,  her  citizens  havciuuinii.i  ly 
migrated  and  populated  that  country  siiuo  mat 
time,  and  in  later  years,  not  by  scores  and  hun- 
dreds, but  by  thousands;  and  now  more  than  elglii- 
tpinlis  were  and  ore  citizens  of  tliese  United 
States.  •• 

Without  admitting  that  a  sufficient  title  has  not 
been  demonstrated  to  the  whole  country,  I  am  wil- 

12 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr,  H.  Jorui, 


New  Series No.  12. 


ling  to  meet  gentlemen,  who  aiiggeit  doiibia  aa  tn  I 
our  title,  on  their  own  grounil;  and  I  will  ask  if' 
any  man  in  this  House   is  piepand  lo  deny  that 
we  have  the  better  lilli   to  the  wlio'c  territory? 

It  has  not  been  denied  by  ihe  l';iigli»h  nimisler 
that  the  title  of  the  I'liiled  States  is  ri/iia//i/  r«/id 
with  that  of  Kngland.     f.onl  Ciisilercagli  "ailiiiil- 
lul,  in  Ihe  mi).i(  ample  extent,  oiir  rigAt  In  be  rein 
«/(i(f(i,"  (ill  posscHsion,)   **  mill  In  be    i  IIK  party  I 

IS     PIUSKIIIIIN  WHILE    THF.ATINO    OF    TIIK    TITLE;"; 

and  Mr.  I'akeiiham  urges  the  illvisioii  proposed    , 
by  him  on  the  grounds  of  neiessily  nnd  conve- j 
nielice  to  the  interest  of  Great  Britain.     No  other  !, 
nation  than  the  United  Slates  can  put  up  a  decent  !i 
claim  lo  that  country,  unless  England,  in  the  lan- 
guage of  my  colleague  [Mr.  Toumus  |  has  the  right 
lo  be  consiifeied  the  residuary  legatee  from  Adam,   I 
to  all  the  earth  to  which  no  other  nation  can  allow  i 
the  best  possible  and  perfect  title;  and  that  she  has  , 
Ihe  right,  therefore,  lo  order  us,  ex  calheilrii,  to  de- 
liver tlie  possession  to  her.     This  imperative  Ian-  | 
gunge  had  been  used  to   her  youthful  colonies  in   ! 
177C.     Those  colonies  had  grown  into  manhood,  ' 
not  under  her  fostering  care,  but  by  her  neglect;   1 
and  when  their  strength  was  only  three  millions,  ' 
showed  that  Ihe  Anglo-.Saxoii  blond  was  improved  ■ 
by  the  spiritof  liberty,  and  proved  to  the  world  that  j, 
"  Thricp  i-^  he  iiriiii'd  lliiil  liiitli  tlls  rjliarrrl  iu>;t ; 
And  lie  lull  imkcfl,  llintiah  Inckcd  ii|i  ill  >.l<  i>),  I 

Wlinitc  coicicii'iicij  Willi  iaju.uice  Is  con  aptcil.o  ^ 

We  then  defied  the  gigantic  power  and  countless 
weullli  of  I'ritain;  and  shall  we  now  cower  before 
I  her  frowns,  when  our  population  nunibcis  twenty 
I  niillloiis.' 

While  our  right  to  the  country  has  not  been 
denied,  we  have  Ihcii  lold  of  the  immense  strength  , 
and  power  of  Eiiglaiul,  of  the  vastncss  of  her  re-  , 
sources,  of  her  war-steamers,   her   liiie-of-batlle 
Hliips,  and  all  that  vast  arnianicnt  which  catches  \ 
every  breeze  and  whitens  every  sea,  and  by  which  ' 
she  has  assumed  lo  call  herself  the  niisiress  of  the  j' 
ocean,     lean   as  liltle   fear  the  power  of  England  | 
as  this  House  did,  at  the  lasl  session,  fear  the  ini-  / 
potency  of  Mexico.     You  did  not  hesitate  to  an- 
nex Texas  (even  to  the  Rio  Grande)  to  the  Union, 
despite  the  remonstrances  of  Mexico;  why  now  , 
hesitate  logive  the  notice,  rejardlessof  the  growl- 
ing of  the  British  lion.'     For  my  pan,   I  much 
i  tii'cfer  "  lo  rouse  the  lion  than  to  sinil  a  hare." 
j  I  love  a  "  foenian  worthy  of  oiirslccl,"  and  would 
'  sooner  throw   the   gage   of  battle  to  proud,  and 
1  haughty,  and  powerful  Knglaiii',  ilian  to  bullying, 
and  blustering,  and  im|)oteiit  Mexico. 

The  next  question  for  our  consideration  is,  the 
propriety  of  giving  notice  to  England,  and  the  con- 
sequences which  may  follow.     And   here  I  wish 
it  (ILstinctly  understood  that,  having  ascertained 
j  what  the   honor  and  best  interests  of  our  country  ' 

demand  and  require,  I  am  almost  wholly  rcgaril- 
'<  less  of  con.sequenccsr  The  people  whom  I  have 
j  the  honor  to  represent  would  spurn  me  from  their 
I  confidence  with  contempi,  were  I  to  place  in  the 
;  scale  the  danger  of  a  contest  with  England  against 
(  the  honor  and  interests  of  the  United  Slates. 

Let  us,  then,  inquire  whether  the  notice  ought  to  ', 

be  given.     The  President  has  told  us  that  our  pro- 

posilion  has  been  rejected  nnd  wilhdrawn;  and  that 

this  rejection,  and  the  extraordinary  and  wholly 

inadmissible  demands  of  the  British  Government, 

"alTord  satisfactory  evidence  that  no  eonipromi.se 

which  the  United  .Slates  ought  to  accept  can  be 

elTecled."     Can  we  oflerlo  renew  the  negotiations 

under  these  circuiustances?    And  if  we  were  to  do 

so,  can  we  expect  any  other  answer  than  the  one  we 

have  already  received,  and  that,  loo,  more  haughtily 

expressed.'     Have  we  any  reason  lo   believe  the 

minds  of  the  English  ministers  have  changed,  and 

that  they  will  now  accept  what  they  have  before 

t  so  promptly — not  lo  say  rudely — rejected?    If  any 

1  such  exist,  I   have  yet  to  be  informed  of  them. 

I  Does  the  President  expect  they  will  accept  any 

'■  that  we  can  ofler,  or  that  we  can  accept  any  they 

'  will  ofler?     He  has  told  us,  in  plain  and  distinct 

j  terms,  they  will  not;  and   looking  over  the  whole 

:  subjecl-mntler,  and  discharging  the  high  duties  im- 

!  posed  on  liim  by  the  Constitution,  he  has,  with-  , 

I  out  hesitation,  and  without  shrinking  from  the  re-  ' 

;  snonsibilily  of  (he  office  in  which  he  has  been 

placed  by  the  people — the  greatest  in  the  world — 

advised  us  to  direct  him  to  give  the  notice.     Some 

zciitlemen  are  willing  lo  Icnve  it  lo  him.     No,  sir. 

It  properly  belongs  to_us;  nnd  if,  as  some  gentle-  i 


men  fear,  it  will  lead  to  war,  the  Conatitution  «m- 
phaiiciilly  reiiuiies  iia  not  to  shrink  from  that  re- 
sponsibility, Imi  fearlessly  to  delermine  all  ques- 
tions of  peace  and  war.  It  would  bo  a  sliamcftU 
abandonment  of  duty  to  require  the  President  to 
deieiinino  that  question,  that  we  might  avoid  the 
c.iiiseipiences,  by  telliii<;  oiir  conslilueiits,  "They 
cannot  say  that  we  diif  il  "  Again,  sir:  Almost 
every  gentleman  who  has  addressed  this  Houas 
liaf  expressed  his  conviciiuii  that  our  title  is  good 
and  siitricicnl,  since  (he  alile  exposition  of  that 
title  by  our  Secretaries  of  Slate;  and  acjirccly  a 
man  can  be  found,  througlinut  tlu'  length  nnd 
bieailih  of  this  land,  that  is  not  entirely  aatisfied 
of  Ihe  goodness  of  that  title.  How,  (hen,  can  we 
refuse  to  curry  out  the  judgnicnt  tliey  have  pro- 
nounced, by  taking  possession  of  our  own  proper- 
ty, so  soon  as  a  due  regard  lo  treaty  slipulalion* 
will  permit?  A  refusal  to  do  so  will  involve  us  in 
this  very  unpleasant  dilemma:  either  we  arc  not 
sincere,  and  do  not  believe  the  title  to  be  food,  or 
we  lire  afraid  lo  assert  our  rights  against  the 
power  of  England;  or,  what  is  still  worse,  that 
we  fear  to  lake  upon  ourselves  the  responsibility. 
From  this  iheie  is  no  escape.  Let  us,  then,  deler- 
mine fir  ourselves  and  our  conslitiiency,  whclher 
the  iioiice  shall  be  given,  and  direct  the  Prcai- 
dcnt  accordingly. 

We  come  now  In  inquire,  not  whether  war  will 
follow  our  resolution  lo  give  the  notice,  but  whclh- 
er it  will  be  a  just  and  sufficient  cause  of  war. 
Having  saiisiied  our  minds  on  this  quealion,  wo 
have  lull  one  cour.ie  to  pursue — "  to  go  where  duly 
calls  us;"  and  we  shall  be  recreant  to  our  trust  if 
we  fail  10  do  so.  By  the  convention  of  1827,  it  is 
expressly  provided  ihut  either  party  may  lermi- 
IKite  the  |oiiil  occu|iaiicy  by  giving  twelve  moiulii* 
notice,  and  it  surely  cannot  be  contended  that  it 
will  be  just  cause  of  war  to  give  notice  in  pur- 
suance of  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty.  It  lia« 
been  suggested  that  we  should  wait,  anil  let  Eng- 
land give  the  notice.  Is  it  bi  lieved  she  will  do  so, 
or  is  there  nny  man  here  or  i  Isewliere  prenared  to 
:-\y  if  she  were  to  give  the  iiolice  it  would  be  jiisti- 
I  ;ijle  c.iu.sc  of  war?  I  suppose  not.  Why, then, 
s'lould  we  believe  it  would  be  a  just  and  suiRcient 
cause  of  war  to  licr?  However,  we  are  tohl.al- 
tlioiigh  the  notice  of  itself  would  not  be  suf1i''ieiit 
c.uisc  of  war,  yet  we  are  about  lo  pass  laws  ex- 
tending civil  and  loililnrv  prolcctiiiii  over  the  terri- 
tory and  inllallital,r^  of  Oregon.  This  is  certainly 
Iriie;  and  yd  ibe  passiure  of  those  laws  can  be  no 
cause  of  war.  England  has  passed  such  laws  imiro 
than  twenty  years  ago,  and  the  United  Slates  have 
not  declared  war.  The  President  nnd  Congress 
have  not  deemed  them  siilticicnt  cause  for  war,  or 
they  have  tarnished  the  honor  and  disgraced  the 
American  name  by  basely  and  tamely  submitting 
to  such  humiliation. 

While  it  cannot  and  will  not  be  seriously  con- 
tended that  either  or  both  these  things  will  be  suffi- 
cient cause  of  war,  there  are  many  w  ho  will  insist 
that   England  will  go  lo  war;  and  almost  in  the 
same  breath  hold  up,  in  (eiroreiii,  her  large  stand- 
ing army,  her  extensive  navy,  nnd  her  immense 
militnrv  and  naval  armaments  in  every  quarter  of 
the  globe.     She  has  need  for  them  all  where  they 
are.    She  cannot  withdraw  her  forces  from  India— 
from  Ireland — from   the  island   of  Great  Britain 
iLself;   she  needs  lliem  all  for  the  security  of  her 
India  possessions  and  internal  tranquillity  at  home; 
and  she  has  no  force  to  spare  for  the  conquest  of 
any  part  of  the  United  States.     And  it  had  beert 
said  we  were  unprepared  for  war,  and  in  a  defence- 
less situation.     This  may  be  true.     We  arc  now 
iiiucli  stronger  than  we  have  been  in  nny  war  with 
F.iniland.     In  '76  she  was  Utile  less  powerful,  in 
1812  she  was  more  powerful,  than  she  is  now. 
Our  population  has  swelled  to  more  than  twenty 
millions;  in  1812  we  could  not  number  more  than 
!  right,  and  in   1776  we  had  only  three  millions. 
j  Rut  1  fear  we  may  be  in  a  more  weak  and  defence- 
less sHuation.     Then  we  had  stout  hearts  and 
strong  erms,  and  the  ba' tie-cry  was,  "Liberty  or 
dealir."    Now  we  have  the  whispers  of  fear  even 
:  within  these  walls.     I  fear  we  may  be  less  pre- 
pared, not  in  ships  and  in  men  and  in  all  the  niu- 
;  nitions  of  war,  but  that  our  hearts  quail  with  fear 
;  nt  the  prospect  of  a  struggle  witli  the  mighty  power 
1  of  England.     I  love  peace,  and  would  go  lus  far  la 
'  preserve  pence — honorable  peace — as-aiiy  man  on 
I  this  lloor.    My  constituents  have  a  deep  ijitercst 


% 


&. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


A 


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1.0 


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2.2 


I.I 


'-     ^^       III 

■**       140 


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1.8 


11-25  111111.4    11.6 


—    6" 


PhotDgraphic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

W'PBSTeR,  NY.  14580 

(7R/  "Va-ASOa 


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178 

APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

[Feb.  5, 

29th  Cono.. 

..1st  Sess. 

l%e  Oregon  Qiustion — Mr.  Gentry. 

Ho.  OF  Reps. 

in  the  preservation  of  peace;  but,  sir,  they  would 
despise  ine,  and  spurn  tlieir  represenlnlive  with 
scorn  who  would  tejl  them  he  had  secured  peace 
by  the  sacrifice  of  the  rights  and  the  luinor  of  his  , 
country,  and  that  he  had  prevented  a  war  by  yield- 
ing to  the  liaughty  demands  of  Britain  all  site  re- 
quired.    I  caiuiot  and  will  not  do  it. 

We  have  been  trtid  of  the  wisdom  and  sagacity 
of  the  English  ministers.  It  is  uj>on  this  very  i 
wisdom  and  sagacity  that  my  opinion  is  nredicn-  ! 
ted,  that  they  will  not  uo  to  war  without  just  and  1 
sutficicnt  cause.  Thoy  arc  wise  and  sagacious,  1 
and  will,  in  the  cons'liernlion  of  the  question  of  j 

fieace  or  war,  not  confine  themselves  to  Oregon,  j 
lut  take  a  survey  of  all  the  interests  of  Great  Brit-  ] 
ain  most  certainly  to  be  affected  l)y  the  decision  of  i 
it.  Sir  Robert  Peel  has  been  cmpha'cally  styled  j 
the  "  balance-sheet  minister,"  for  the  reason  that  j 
he  lias  a  due  restard  to  the  commerce  of  England —  1 
the  source  of  her  wealth  and  power,  the  cinews 
of  her  strwgth ;  and  he  will  ponder  long  ere  he  ' 
will  cousent  to  its  entire  destruction.  I  will  not 
deny  Great  Britain  can  do  us  almost  incalculable  ^ 
injury.  But  she  is  by  no  means  invulnerable,  j 
She  must  sufler  more  in  the  conflict  than  we.  Her  i 
victories,  like  those  of  Pyrrhus,  will  ruin  her.  The 

Sressure  and  the  calamities  of  war  may  bear  us  ^ 
own,  and  reipjd  for  a  season  our  onward  march, 
but  the  recuperative  energies  of  this  young  Repiib-  , 
lie  will  soon  restore  her.  Not  so  with  England. 
Break  the  charm  of  her  maritime  power,  and  the  ; 
mighty  fabric  of  her  extended  empire  may  crum-  , 
ble  into  ruins. 

In  the  sagacity  and  wisdom  of  her  ministers,  we  ' 
have  an  almost  certain  guaranty  that  war  will  not 
immediately  '"ollow  the  giving  of  notice,  anil  that 
it  will  not  be  declared,  if  ever,  till  the  expiration  of 
twelve  months.  She  must  have  two  crops  nfi Mi-  ■ 
ton  to  keep  her  manufueiories  employed — the  one 
now  being  carried  to  her,  and  the  one  which  will 
be  grown  this  year.  I  cannot  believe  that  Great 
Britain  will  go  to  war  but  in  the  last  extremity — 
not  from  fear,  for  she  is  a  brave  and  fearless  na- 
tion; she  is  loo  wise  to  .srtcrifiro  all  her  important 
interests,  and  rusli  into  a  war  for  the  acquisition  of 
a  country  to  which  .she  knows  she  has  the  weaker 
title;  and  in  defence  of  ihal  title,  which  can  only 
be  defended  by  her  arms.  Shecai.;,  land  she  does 
not  exjiect  to  acquire  any  glory  in  a  contest  with 
the  United  States. 

Can  any  man  believe  those  wise  and  .sagacious 
statesmen  are  prepared  to  turn  loose  her  ihousanils 
of  operatives  from  the  workshops  and  cotton-mills 
into  the  streei.s  to  starve,  and  add  to  her  already 
bloated  pauperiani?  Are  they  willing  to  destroy 
her  manul'acturers?  to  .spriiHi  r  .in  and  desolation 
among  her  whole  commercial  ami  .sliippini^  inter- 
ests ?  Commerce  is  the  source  ami  foiiniain  of 
her  v.eallli  and  lier  iiowur;  tuid  this  is  well  under- 
stood by  all  her  Icailiiig  men.  AVhnt  has  l'jn;,Hand 
(lone,  or  rather,  what  has  she  not  done,  for  the  ad- 
vancement and  protection  of  her  commerce?  In 
all  her  laws,  her  negotiations,  ami  her  wars,  she 
has  looked  with  an  eye  single  to  the  jiiomolion  r.C 
that  darling  and  cherished  interest.  In  peace  and 
in  war  she  has  never  for  a  moment  lost  siglit  ot"  ii; 
and  when  her  negotiators  have  tiiilod,  hir  admirals 
have  used  the  more  mighty  nrgumcnt — line-of-linl- 
tle  ships.  Without  hesitation,  she  has  violaterl 
her  treaties  and  the  neutrality  of  other  nations  in 
the  capture  of  the  Danish  licet  at  Copenluigeii;  she 
imprinted  a  deep  slain  on  her  national  honor  by 
chiiining  Napoleon,  who  threw  himself  into  her 
arms  lor  pi-otectinn,  to  the  rock  of  St.  Helena;  and  a 
fiml  l)lot  nil  her  esciilchenn,  in  forcing  her  opium 
upon  the  imbecile  Chinese  at  the  cannon's  mouth. 
In  Itarbaric  ages,  Tamerlane  confined  and  ex- 
hibited the  raptured  Bajazct  in  an  iron  cage.  In 
more  civiii/.pd  times,  hrniicis  the  I'irsl,  who  lost 
all  but  his  i  inor  at  the  battle  of  Pavia,  was  sen- 
erouSly  liberated  by  Charles  the  Kifih;  but  Chris- 
tian, philanlhropic  Eiiirland,  deemed  liersi  If  exiiis- 
able,  for  the  advancemeul  of  ciiininerce,  lo  follow 
the  barbaric  rather  than  the  civilized  example. 

Will  they  be  satisfied  lo  lose  the  cirrying  trade 
of  the  world  ?  In  all  her  wars  herelofnre,  Eiiiiland 
has  always  l>een  able  to  obtain  soldiers  froio  the 
Continent,  and  to  retain  the  carrying  trade,  lor  her 
contests  have  generally  been  with  the  continenlal 
nations;  and  she  has  always  l)eeii  able  lo  involve 
some  of  iliem  ill  the  same  contest  who  would  fur- 
nish the  men,  while  her  commerce  enabled  her  1 1 


furnish  the  money.  Now,  she  must  depend  on 
her  own  men,  and  lose  that  trade  which  poured  mil- 
lions into  her  treasury  with  which  to  subsidize  the 
soldiers  of  other  nations.  A  war  with  the  United 
States  will  deprive  her  of  that  trade;  and  though 
her  sails  may  catch  every  breeze,  and  whiten  every 
sea,  tliey  cannot  escape  the  American  cruisers. 
They  may  fly  to  the  uttermost  bounds  of  the  sea, 
and  even  there  the  broad  stripes  and  bright  stars 
will  follow  them.  The  high  price  of  insurance 
will  force  that  trade  into  neutrals.  Time  was 
when  the  loss  of  that  trade  would  endure  only  with 
the  war.  Now,  when  the  commercial  marine  of 
the  continent  has  increased,  through  a  long  peace, 
that  trade  once  lost  has  departed  forever 

Again,  sir;  are  they  prepared  for  an  increase  of 
her  public  debt.'    Will  her  capitalists  and  bankers  j 
agree  to  it.'    England  went  out  of  the  war  with 
France  with  a  debt  of  .f800,000,000,  and   thirty 
years  of  peace   has   not  reduced   that  enormous 
debt  more  than  <f50 ,1100 ,000;  although  every  ne-  j 
cessary  of  life — even  the  air  they  breathe — has  been  j 
taxed  to  exhaustion;  and  the  haughty  aristocracy 
has   been   compelled   to  disgorge   its  overgrown  ' 
wealth  for  the  support  of  the  country.     Will  they 
consent  to  lend  their  money,  and  swell  to  excess  ; 
an  already  unwieldy  debt  on  the  credit  of  a  Cov-  ; 
ernment  which  can  scarcely  pay  the   interest  of ' 
thiit  already  accumulated.'    Or  will  the  people  of 
England,  or  can  they,  bear  any  increase  of  their  , 
burdens.'  | 

And  where  is  Ireland,  and  what  is  her  siluation  ? ; 
Can   the  British  ministers  veil  their  eyes  to  it,  ' 
when   Ihey  know  she  wails  but  the  occasion  of 
war  lo  enforce  her  demands?     Are  they  prepared 
for  an  unconditional  repeal  of  the  Union,  and  lo 
grant  to  Ireland  her  own  parliament,  with  an  equal 
participation  in  the  blessings  of  her  Government- 
Or  do   they   believe   without  these  concessions, 
Ireland  will  assist  in  tlie  war,  or  even  remr.in  quiet, 
and  permit   her  to  withdraw  her  troops  and  send 
them  to  this  country  ?     No,  sir  :  depend  upon  it, 
the  first  gun  discharged  against  an  Aincricau  ship,  ' 
an  Ainericmi  liattery,  or  an  American  fo't,  will  be 
tlie  signal  for  the  Irish  iinliou  to  ri.se,  and,  with  the 
voice  of  authority  which    cannot  be    disobeyed,  , 
demand  a  redress  of  all  their  grievances. 

And  will  Canada  be  safe  ?  Uely  upon  it,  the  war 
will  be  fought  in  Canada.  Are  the  inhalntanls  of 
Upper  Canada  content  with  the  English  rule  ?  Will 
Ihcy  not  re.idily  join  our  standard,  and  strike  for 
liijerly,  when  they  know  we  are  alilo  lo  protect 
thcin  ?  ^V'll  Lower  Caiutda  liiiircr  behind  her  sis- 
ter? Now,  sir,  I  wish  not  lo  be  misunderstood. 
I  do  not  desire  lo  conquer  Canada.  I  would  not 
if  I  could.  1  hope  not  to  live  lo  see  the  day  when 
the  Governnieiit  of  the  United  Stoles  shall  be  ex- 
li'iidnd  by  conquest,  lint  I  would  exiend  lo  them 
il,.-  blessings  uf  oiir  free  institutions,  and  invite 
lliom  lo  partake,  and  my  word  tor  ii.  another  an- 
nexation would  take  ploce  despite  the  diplomacy 
and  the  cannon  of  England.  .Ml  these  things  are 
well  known  to  Euglaiiil,  and  she  fears  them  loo. 
Slie  well  know.s  she  must  seal  her  own  destruction 
by  a  war  with  the  Uniteil  .Suites,  which  would 
only  retard  and  not  maleriully  iiyure  our  pros- 
perity. 

But  if,  under  all  these  riivumslances,  regardless 
of  all  the  cnnscqiiences  which  must  follow  in  the 
train  of  war,  the  Eni;Iish  iniiiisters  di-terinine  lo 
result  10  the  ultima  riilio  rrgum — the  arlillery  and 
the  bayonet — wi'  shall  have  the  proud  consolation 
of  knowing  that  we  liavi!  discharged  our  duly; 
that  we  h  ivc  cinly  demanded  our  rishls;  that  we 
have  iidlicrcd  to  the  niaxiin  of  the  iearlcss,  lioii- 
hivirli'd  .l.i''k.son,  "  to  demand  nothing  lli.'it  is 
wroiiir,  anil  to  yield  nothing  ilial  is  our  right;" 
and  that  all  the  lilood  which  may  be  .spilled  in  this 
dire  cuntcst  must  lie  on  the  skir.s  of  iMisrIand. 

.Mr.  (,'lniirnian,  lliere  is  one  ineiiiorablr  fact  in 
the  hislriry  of  our  OiiVcrnmenI,  \\  liich  niiist  fill  the 
heart  <»f  every  American  with  jtroiid  exnilation — 
that  we  have  never  conuiiilird  an  a''t  of  injustice 
and  oppression  upon  oilier  nations.  While  we 
have  lieen  cnm|"'lled  lo  demand  iiideninily  fnr 
spnijalioiis  upon  our  coninicrcc  and  our  citizens 
in  niMoifoId  instances,  in  no  one  case  has  it  ever 
been  asked  fnr  of  us. 

We  need  nnt  fear  that  war  will  come;  but  if  it 

does,  we  are  ready  for  the  cniifsl.     Lit  but  the 

clnrion  of  war  be  sounded,  and  nnlwitlislanding  the 

I  dilV'Tencrs  of  opinioii  whi'h  may  be  In-re  express- 


ed, there  will  be  but  one  opinion  over  this  wide- 
spread country.  From  the  lakes  to  the  Bio  del 
Mirle,  there  will  be  but  one  voice  and  one  heart, 
echoing  the  cry  "  Ah,  'tis  sweet,  'tis  sweet  to  die 
for  our  country^'— that  sentiment,  immortalized  by 
the  dying  tongue  of  the  noble  Warren,  the  hero  o. 
Blinker  Hill,  tlie  first  sacrifice  on  the  altar  of  his 
country. 

Sir,  I  have  heard  with  ftclings  of  mortification 
and  regret,  the  declaration,  on  this  floor,  that  i< 
we  pass  this  resolution  to  give  notice,  England  is 
oiiliged  to  declare  war — that  her  honor  demands  it. 
This  reminds  me  of  that  oflicions  fricntlship  which 
is  sometimes  oficred,  and  induces  some  persons, 
upon  a  slight  controversy,  to  believe  that  they  are 
ouliged  to  fight.  My  hope  and  consolation  are, 
that  Sir  Robert  Peel  will  not  hear  of  them,  or 
hearing  will  not  heed  them.  If  he  were  to  act 
from  those  suggestions,  or  be  influenced  by  thosn 
op.inions,  then  he  mnst  resort  to  arms;  while,  if 
left  to  the  promptings  of  his  own  sagacity,  and 
the  interests  of  England,  he  wiP  not  aiitnib  the 
general  peace.  Whether  peace  or  war  ensue,  we 
have  the  proud  satisfaction  of  knowing  we  have 
done  our  duty,  and  used  every  means  to  secure  an 
honorable  peace.  But  if  the  gates  of  Janus  must 
be  thrown  open,  and  war  must  come,  the  hearts 
of  the  American  people  are  ready  for  the  conflict. 
Raise  "  high  the  ba.iner  of  our  pride;"  fling  to 
the  winds  the  broad  stripes  and  tright  stars,  the 
glorious  banner  of  our  country;  and  every  heart 
will  respond  to  the  poet — 

"  oil,  if  there  he  within  thifl  enrthty  Rjihcre, 
A  honii,  nil  nlliTiliil,  Heaven  linttls  ileiir, 
^'I'ifi  the  last  lihiiliitn  l.iticrty  draws 
Kroui  tlie  heiut  tliat  Meeds  iuid  breaks  in  her  eaune,*'' 

Yes,  sir;  the  tree  of  liberty  was  planted  in  Amer- 
ica in  the  Revolution;  it  was  watered  by  the  tears 
and  nourished  by  the  blood  of  our  fathers;  it  has 
grown  to  be  a  great  tree,  and  the  branches  thercoi 
will  cover  this  wholi^  continent.  I  will  not  say  the 
sinis  of  the  sunny  South — I  will  not  make  the  in- 
vidious distinction;  but  I  will  say  the  North  and 
the  South,  the  East  and  the  West — the  sons  of  the 
immortal  heroes  of  the  Revohition — will  rally 
under  its  shadow,  and  defend  the  standard  of  our 
country  with  their  lives,  or,  clinging  to  its  branch- 
es, they  will  perish  in  its  ruins. 

Sir,  J  have  done;  and  to  Ilim  who  holds  the  des- 
tinies of  nations  in  the  hollow  of  Plis  hand — who 
gives  not  the  race  to  the  swift,  iior  the  battle  to  th< 
sinuig — with  a  lirm  reliance  on  His  divine  protec- 
tion, most  willingly  do  I  commit  the  fate  rC  our 
beloved  country. 


OREGON  aUESTION. 


SPEECH   OF  MR.  M.  P.  GENTRY, 

OF  TriNNESSEE, 

In  the  Holse  of  Rei<resentatives, 

F(hruary  5,  184(). 

The  Resolution  frnni  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
.\ll'airs,  requiring  the  President  to  notify  Great 
lirilain  of  the  intention  of  the  United  Sjtates  to 
terminate  the  joint  occupancy  of  Oregon,  and  to 
abrogate  the  convention  of  1837,  being  under 
consideration  in  Committee  of  the  Whole — 
Mr.  GENTRY  obtained  the  floor  and  spoke  as 
follow.i : 

Mr.  CiiAtRMAV :  This  House  has  placed  itself  in 
a  most  exiraordiiiary  attitude.  On  yesterday  or 
the  day  before  il  passed  a  resolulimi  requesting  the 
President  of  the  United  Slates  "  to  cominunicato 
'  nil  correspcuideiice  which  has  passed  between  the 
'  Government  of  (ireat  Britain  and  this  Govern- 
'  mint,  or  by  or  beiween  any  of  the  officers  of 
'said  Governments,  in  relation  lo  the  country 
'  west  of  the  Rocky  mountains  since  the  last  an- 
'  nual  Message  of  ilie  President  lo  this  House." 
If  the  adiqition  of  that  resol-'ion  by  the  House 
meitiit  anything,  it  iiicani  thai  the  represenlalives 
of  ilie  peiipli^  on  this  door  believed  that,  before 
lliey  were  called  upon  m  vole  upon  this  great  ques- 
tion, lliey  were  eiilitled  to  know  all  thai  had  trans- 
pired between  the  Goverment  of  Jitrcal  Ihilain 
and  this  Govcniineni  in  rchilinn  l"the  dilficMlties 
between  the  two  nations  since  the  President  coin- 
•nunicaled  his  nnniiul  Measugc  at  the  beginning  of 


', 


n 

•1 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGR":SS101NAL  GLOBE, 


no 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Qentry. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


loldslhedes- 
lanil — who 
lallle  to  th« 
ine  protee- 
fate  r,"  our 


on  ForeiRii 
notify  (jireal 
ted  f^tates  to 

'(,'on ,  and  to 

iiiiii;  under 

'Intle — 
ind  spoke  as 

need  ilaelf  in 
ycsterdny  or 
questinf;  tlie 
innnunieate 
between  the 
this  Govern- 
oflieers  of 
the  eoimtry 
the  last  nn- 
hiM  lln\ise." 
le  Honsc 
iresentalives 
that,  before 
s  j:rent  (jueB- 
it  had  I  rand- 
real  Britain 
iblHe'iUirH 
idcnt  roni- 
heginning  of 


tho  present  session  of  ConcresH.  But  what  have 
we  seen  this  morning?  Tins  House,  which  but 
yesterday  passed  the  resolution  to  \vlii<:h  I  have 
referred,  has  this  mornin°;  passed  a  resolution  tliat 
nil  debate  upon  the  great  nuestion  before  it  shall 
cease  on  Monday  next,  ana  tliat  the  (rommitttce 
shall  then  proceed  to  vote  ujinn  the  resolution  re- 
jiorted  by  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  and 
upon  the  various  amendments  whicli  have  been  of- 
fered !  I  was  auiyriseil  to  witness  the  efforts  made 
by  the  leaders  of  the  Administration  party  to  de- 
feat the  resolution  of  inquiry  which  was  passed  by 
the  House,  and  wos  pleased  to  see  those  efforts 
unsuccessful.  I  have  witjiessed  with  regret  their 
efforts  this  morning  to  pass  the  resoh  tion  to  ter- 
minate debate,  and  bring  the  House  to  a  vole  on 
Monday,  ond  was  aslonished  to  see  those  efforts 
successful.  Has  the  House  heard  from  the  Presi- 
dent in  reply  to  ils  resolution  ?  Hi  s  he  responded 
to  tiie  important  inquiry  ?  Is  this  House  in  posses- 
sion of  tlie  facts,  wliicli,  by  its  inquiry,  is  declared 
to  be  necessary  to  guide  it.s  conclusion  upon  the 
([uestion  before  the  committee  ?  Does  this  House 
Itnow  all  that  has  transpired  between  the  two  Gov- 
ernments? Is  it  informed  (  f  the  exact  posture  of 
our  present  relations  with  E.i]»land  ?  Is  it  prepared 
to  act  blindfolded,  to  take  a  leap  in  the  dark,  on  a 
nuestion  which  involves  the  highest  interests  of 
ine  country — a  queslion  admitted  on  both  sides  of 
the  argument  to  nivolve  the  is.sues  of  peace  and 
war?  I  say  on  bolh  sides  of  the  argument;  for 
while,  on  the  one  hand,  it  is  contended  that  to 
pass  this  reiolution  is  the  most  effectual  mode  of 
securing  a  speedy  and  peaceful  adjustment  of  the 
controversy  with  England,  on  the  other  it  is  urged 
witli  equal  earnestness  tlint  iis  tendency  will  be 
to  promote  war.  All,  then,  agree  that  the  ques- 
tion pending  before  this  committee  is  fraught,  for 
good  or  evil,  with  the  most  momentous  conse- 
quences. Ought  we  not,  then,  to  have  all  the  facts 
of  the  case  before  us  before  we  are  required  cither 
to  speak  or  vote  upon  it  ?  I  regret  the  necessity 
which  compels  me  to  speak  in  the  absence  of  facts 
necessary  to  a  proper  understanding  of  the  present 
relations  of  our  Government  with  England,  and 
which  I  conceive  I  have  a  right  to  know. 

I  was  much  astonished,  in  the  early  part  of  this 
debate,  to  hear  the  di.stinsuishcd  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  [Mr.  C.  J.  Ingkr- 
soLi.]  declare,  in  tho  most  positive  and  unqualified 
manner,  that  no  correspondence  had  taken  place  i 
between  the  two  Govcmnenls,  since  that  commu- 
nication to  Congress  at  the  beginning  of  this  ses.sion 
of  Congress.     I  believed   tlu  i'  that  the  gentleman 
was  mistaken;  I  believe  so  now.     hnt  the  genlle- 
iiian  made  the  declaration  most  emphaticnllv,  and 
took  upon  himself  ths  responsibility  of  doi'ng  so. 
If  he  had  not  made  that  declaration  so  positively 
and  unqualifiedly,  I  would  have  introduced  a  reso- 
lution at  au  early  period  of  this  debate,  railing  on 
the  President  to  comnumicate  to  this  House  any 
correspondence  which  might  have  taken  place  be- 
tween the  two Govemnunts;  but  I  felt  that  it  would 
not  be  respectful  to  the  gcntleinan  from  Pennsyl- 
vania [Mr  C.  J.  WoKiisoLi,]  then  to  do  so.     I'iie 
genlleimn  from  Vermont,  [Mr.  C'  i.lamkr,]  in  in- 
troducing the  resolution  which  tl     Hou.se  adopted 
on  the  day  before  yesterday,  anticipated  me  in  a  '■ 
purpose  which  I  inlcnded  to  execute.     I  repeat  my  j 
conviction  that  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  oil  ! 
Foreigh  Aifairs  was  mistaken  when  he  made  the  i 
'eclaratioii  to  which  I  have  referred,  and  he  is  mis-  1 
,.iken  now,  if  he  thinks  there  has  been  no  corre- 
spondence between  the  two  Governments  since  that  \ 
oomniunicated  by  the  Piesidentat  the  beginning  of  i 
the  present  session  of  Congress.     .Such  a  eonelu- 
sion  is  at  war  alike  with  the  suggestions  of  reason  ! 
and  of  common  sense.     It  is  hnposnhte  that  nothing  ' 
oilier  than  that  which  has   been  communicated  to 
this  House  has  transpired  between  the  aiithorilira 
of  this  Government  and  thai  of  Great  Britain.     To  I 
suppn.se  so  is  lo  suppose  that  the  Executive  branch  | 
of  this  Government  is  altogether  unmindl'ul  or  re-  i 
gnrdless  of  the  duties  wiiich  it  owes  to  the  Ameri- 
can  people,  and  that  the  British  Government  is  en-  ' 
tirely  indifferent  as  to  the  question  of  peace  or  war, 
as  between  herself  anil  this  nation.     The  support- 
ers of  the  Administration  on  this  floor  havelaiiin-ed 
most  strenuously  to  convince  the  House  that  to 
give  n(Uice  lo  England  in  the  form  proposed  by  the 
resolution  rcpcrted  by  tlie  Committee  nn  Foreign 
Affairs,  now  under  consideration,  of  the  abrcation 


of  the  treaty  of  1818,  will  not,  cannot  produce  war 
and  they  have  taxed  their  ("lents — th>~y  have 
brought  into  requisition  all  their  elonuence,  to  pre- 
sent to  our  view  in  the  most  striking  lights  the 
powerful  reasons,  the  consideratinnu  of  Stale  policy, 
which  operate  to  make  it  pre-cniinenlly  the  inter- 
est of  England  to  maintain  peace  with  the  United 
States.  I  in  part  grant  their  conclusions;  I  admit  j 
the  force  of  their  reasoning;  I  admit  that  England 
desires  peace  with  the  United  States;  I  admit  tliat 
it  is  pre-eminently  her  interest  to  maintain  peace 
with  us.  I  maintain,  however,  that  it  is  equally  | 
our  interest  to  maintain  peace  with  England.  I 
hope,  foi'  the  interest  of  my  country,  that  we  will 
not  presume  too  much  upon  the  univer.sally  ad- 
mitted fact  that  it  is  her  interest  to  maintain 
friendly  relations  with  us.  I  hope  that  we  will 
not  fore;et  to  remember  (and  if  we  are  wise  we 
will  not  forget)  that  England  may  not,  cannot, 
will  not,  dare  not,  attempt  to  preserve  and  main- 
tain any  or  all  of  her  domestic  interests,  by  sacri- 
ficing her  national  honor — by  disgracefully  lower- 
ing her  proud  crest,  or  in  any  N/ay  compromising 
her  high  and  commanding  position  among  the  na- 
tions of  the  world. 

It,  however,  it  be  true,  as  all  admit,  that  Eng- 
land is  so  very  desirous  to  maintain  peace  with  us, 
is  it  not  to   be  presumed  that  Sir  Robert  Peel, 
charged  as  he  is  with  all  the  interests  of  that  great 
nation,  would,  upon  the  reception  in  England  of 
such  a  message  as  the  President  communicated  to 
Congress  at  tin  commencement  of  the  present  ses- 
sion, seek  an  interview  with  the  distinguished  in- 
dividual who  represents  the  int.-rests  of  iliis  nation 
at  the  Court  of  St.  James?    Would  he  not  desire 
lo    propound    interrogatories    lo    Mr.   McLnne? 
AVould  he  Jnot  desire  to  learn  from  him  whether 
indeed  all  hope  of  honorable  compromise  was  at 
an  end?     Having  announced  to  Parliament,  when 
the  President's  inaugural  was  the  subject  of  dis- 
cussion there,  that  "  England  had  rights  in  Oregon 
which,  by  the  blessing  of  God 'and  the  support  of 
Parliament,  she  was  prepared  and  determined  to 
maintain,"  would  he  not  seek  to  know  from  the 
American  Minister  whether  those  rights  could  be 
peacefully  maintained?     Would  he  not  seek  to 
know  all  this  before  he  determined  the  queslion 
whether  England  must  ap|ieal  to  the  last  resort  of 
nations  to  maintain  those  riu'hts?    Most  assuredly 
he  would.     No  man  of  eomnion  sense  can  doubt 
this  conclusion.   And  can  it  for  a  moment  be  sup 
posed  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  was 
so  unmindful  of  the  duties  which  rested  upon  him 
as  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  this  great  nation  as  not 
considerably  to  iViresee  the  excitement  which  his 
message  would  create  in  England  ?    That  he  did 
not  forward  instructions  or  cause  his  Secretary  of 
State  to  llirward  instructions  to  our  Minister  at 
London,  as  to  how  he  should  bear  liimsell'  with 
reference  to  all  the  (|uestions  that  would  arise  at 
that  Court  in  relation  to  our  unadjusted  difficulties 
with  England?    No  sane  man  will  for  a  moment  ' 
indulge  such  a  supposition.     Now  I  contend,  Mr.  | 
Chairman,  that  before  this  House  shall  adopt  the  i 
conclusion  of  the  President,  that  "  all  ntlempts  I 
at  compromi.se  had  failed,"  hopelessly  failed,  and  ! 
take  action  upon  that  conclusion,  it  is  a  duty,  a 
high  and  solemn  duty,  resting  upon  it,  to  demand  ; 
of  the  President  an  opportunity  of  seeing  those  : 
instructions  and    all   correspondence   which   has  | 
passed  between  the  two  Governments  since  the 
terminaiion  of  negotiations  .     August  last.     The  \ 
House  has  so  determined,  but  no  response  has  ! 
been  received  from  the  President.     What  is  the  \ 
character  of  those  inslructions?    What  the  charnc-  ; 
ter  of  that  correspi  idcnce?    What  the  nature  and  , 
character  of  the   inrornvition   forwarded   to   this  ' 
(jovernment  by  our  Minister  at  the  f  "ourt  of  St.  i 
•Tames?     I  repeat  that,  reasoning  from   '^e  nature 
of  things,  no  man  can  doubt  the  ecniclusions  nt  i 
which  I  have  arrived.    They  are  not  mere  conjee- ' 
tures;  they  are  palpable,  undoubted,  self-evident  j 
facts.     Have  we  not  a  right  to  see  and  know  all  | 
before  we  adopt  the  measure  which  is  urged  upon  ^ 
us;  a  measure  which  may  bring  war,  with  id!  its 
long  train  of  calamities,  upon  our  connlry  ?    The  I 
resolulion  which  this  House  has  passed  contained  , 
the  usual  qualification,  leaving  the  discretion  of  the 
President  free  to  determine  whether  the  informa- 
tion called  for  could  be  eommunicaled  consistently 
Vviili  the  public  interest.     More  than  a  week  ago 
the  iSanale  psnid  a  nimilar  reiolution.    No  re- 


sponse has  yet  been  made  by  the  President  either 
to  the  House  or  the  Senata.  Whi  is  Ihii  >o?  Have 
negotiations  been  resumed?  I^  so,  the  reasons 
upon  which  the  President  grounds  his  recommen- 
dation of  notice  have  ceased  to  exist,  and  thia 
committee  ought  at  once  to  be  discharged  from  the 
further  consideration  of  the  resolution.  Has  tho 
delicate  point  of  honor  which  was  supposed  to 
have  resulted  from  the  circumstances  tinder  which 
the  negotiation  closed  in  August  last  been  over- 
come ?  If  so,  certainly  the  committee  ought  to  be 
discharged  from  the  further  consideration  of  the 
resolution  of  notice;  for  I  presume  no  gentleman 
on  this  floor  would  deem  it  either  wise  or  courte- 
ous to  pass  such  a  resolution  in  the  midst  of  a 
negotiation,  having  for  its  object  a  peaceful,  fair, 
and  just  settlement  of  the  difficulty  l)ctween 
the  two  Governments.  I  contend  that  we  have  a 
right  lo  know  tiie  present  state  of  the  facts  of  the. 
case.  Have  new  propositions  of  compromise  been 
submitted  by  the  British  Government?  If  so, 
what  is  their  character?  It  is  the  duty  of  tlii» 
House  to  insist  upon  knowing,  before  it  lakes  ac- 
tion upon  the  resolulion  before  it,  which  is  the  first 
of  that  series  of  measures  recommended  by  the 
President  for  the  maintenance  of  the  right  which 
he  assuincH  for  our  Govermnent  to  the  ir/i«/c  of 
Oregon.  Can  this  House,  without  knowing  all  the 
facts,  wisely  and  properly  determine  whether  the 
course  which  Congress  is  advised  to  take  by  the 
President  and  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs, 
composed  of  a  niajority  of  his  friends,  as  the  best 
calculated  to  lead  to  a  peaceful  maintenance  of 
the  nation's  rights;  or  whether  its  tendency  will 
not  rather  be  to  involve  us  in  an  unnecessary  war  ? 
I  contend  that  this  House  cannot,  consistently 
wiih  ils  duty  to  the  country,  proceed  to  final  ac- 
tion im  this  question  until  all  the  facta  shidi  be 
communicated.  With  these  impressions,  Mr, 
Chairman,  I  feel  it  to  be  my  duty  to  call  upon  tKe 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  AtVairs  to 
Slate  distinctly  to  the  House  whether  he  is  now 
prepared  to  repeat  the  declaration,  which  he  made 
so  ])0sitively  at  an  early  period  of  this  debate, 
that  no  correspondence  other  than  that  which  has 
been  already  communicated  has  taken  place  be- 
tween the  two  Governmonta  or  the  representatives 
of  the  two  Governments?  The  relation  in  which 
he  stands  to  the  Administration  will  doubtless  en- 
able him  to  speak  advisedly  to  the  question. 

[Mr.  C.  J.  Is'uERSOLi.  rose  to  explain. 

And  the  floor  having  been  yielded  for  the  pur- 
pose— 

Mr.  IxGERsOLL  said  he  did  not  recollect  that  he 
had  said  anything  on  the  subject  before.     He  rath- 
er thought  he  had  said  nothing.     He  meant  lo  say 
that  on  that  point  he  rather  thought  he  had  said 
nothing.     lie  would  now  say  that  recently  he  be- 
lieved some  correspondence  had  taken  place  be- 
tween the  liritisli  iVlinister  and  the  Executive  of 
the  United  States,  which  would  be  laid  befoie  the 
House  without  delay.     As  to  instructions,  he  was 
not  aware  that  the  President  had  been  called  upon 
to  give  any.] 
'      Mr.  GENTRY  proceeded.    My  opinions,  then, 
are  sustained  in  part  by  the  revelation  made  by 
the   chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign       - 
ti\irs;  and,  in  my  humble  judgment,  when  tit.j 
and  eirciimslances  shall  have  revealed  to  us  all  the 
:  fads  of  the  cape,  the  opinions  which  I  have  ex- 
pressed will  be  fully  .sustained.     The  chairman  of 
the  Committee  on   Foreign  Affairs  tells  us   that 
some  correspondence  has  recently  taken  place  be- 
tween the  Briiish  Mini.ster  and  the  Executive  of 
;  the  United  Stale'.     I  am  happy  to  hear  it.     I  con- 
gratulate the  country  upon  tiint  fact.     Some  pro- 
gress has  been  made  towards  a  resumption  of  ne- 
gotiation, and   the  reason  for  giving  notice  of  the 
;  terminaiion  of  the  convention  of  1818  ceases;  for 
it  was  upon  the  ground  that  negotiation  was  at 
]  an  end  tlint  the  President  recommended  that  the 
j  notice  should  be  given;  and  it  was  upon  the  ground 
thai  notice  would  induce  a  resuntplion  of  negotia- 
I  tion  that  gentlemen  have  urged,  in  this  debate,  the 
i  adoption  of  the  resolution  which  proposes  to  give 
j  that  notice.     When  all  the  truth  shall  be  known, 
,  it  will  be  seen  that  my  conjerlures  relative  to  the 
instructions  given  to  Mr.  McLaue  will  also  be 
i  sustained.  Until  those  instructions  shall  be  brought 
1  fully  lo  the  light,  1  will  not  express  an  opin'on  as 
to  ilie  conduct  of  the  Executive  in  relation  to  our 
Orsgon  difficultiss:  until  then,  I  abstain  from  cx- 


m 


180 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  5, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Gentry. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


pressing  any  opinion  upon  some  su.ijects  to  which  i 
our  att-ntion  has  been  somewhat  provoked  by  the  i 
declarations  of  tlie  friends  of  the  present  Execu- 
tive Administration  during  tliis  debate;  until  then, ' 
I  reserve  the  expression  of  my  opinion  with  ref- 
erence to  the  declaration  made  by  the  gentleman 
from  New  York,  [Mr.  P.  Kimg,]  when  he  said 
that  he  ■'  could  not  but  think  that  the  Administru- 

*  tion  had  been  greatly  in  error  when  it  made  to 
'  England  the  oiler  of  the  4'Jih  parallel  of  latitude. 
'  It  might  become  embarrassed  by  huvin;;  assumed 

'  such  a  position.  With  the  responsibility,  how-  ; 
'  ever,  wliich  pertained  to  liim  as  an  American  cit-  [ 
'  izen,  Mr.  K.  should  freely  express  his  opinions.  ; 
'  It  had  been  said  that  the  Auministralion  must 

*  have  felt  snre  the  oiler  would  bo  rejected,  or  it 
'  never  would  have  been  made.     The  offer  wnsre- 
'Jected,  and  the  position  of  the  Administration; 
'  rendered  stronger  tliereby;  and  thus  it  had  been  ' 

•  saved  from  experiencing  any  injury  fVom  the  er- 
•ror  it  had  committed,  if  error  it  was."  And  fur- 
ther: "Any  man  of  common  sense  nii^ht  have 
'  known  that  audi  a  proposition  to  the  British  Guv- 

•  ernment  av    dd  be  rejected,  as  it  has  been,  witli- 

'  out  even  b'  .ng  rcmilicd  across  the  water."     Vn- ' 
til  then,  I  reserve  my  opinion  in  regard  to  the  dec- 
laration of  the  gentleman  IVom  South  Carolina,  ; 
when   he,  in  reply  to  the  gentleman  fri>ni  New 
York,  [Mr.  P.  King,]  said  that,  "  as  the  gentleman 
'had  been  so  kind  as  tn  inform  the  House  what : 
'  was  said  elsewhere  of  Mr.  Calhoun  and  the  South,  ' 
'  he  would  take  the  liberty  of  telling  the  genlleman 

•  in  return,  what  was  said  of  him  and  those  who 

•  voted  with  him  in  this  matter.  It  was  said  that 
'  this  was  a  quarrel  got  up  for  purposes  of  po- 

•  litical  power  and  of  President-gambling,  and  not 
'  for  Oregon  at  all;  that  it  was  n  profligate  gambling 

*  with  the  limbs  and  lives  and  blood  and  hr.ppincss 

*  of  the  people  of  the  United  Stales,  for  an  object 

*  like  this,  fur  the  gratification  of  a  reckless  ambi-  i 
•tion."  i 

Perhaps  it  would  be  prudent  also  to  abstain  from 
expressing  an  opinion  upon  the  impulation  made 
by  the  same  gentleman  from  New  York  against  a 
distinguished  Senator  from  South  Carolina,  [Mr 
Caliiuun,]  who  is  now,  most  honorably  to  him- 
self, exerting  bis  high  talents  and  large  induenre 
in  the  other  wing  of  this  Capitol  to  preserve  the 
peace  of  the  country;  but  I  wouhl  feel  that  I  was 
conniving  at  the  grossest  injustice  if  I  were  to  fail 
to  express  my  most  unqualified  disbelief  of  tlic 
truth  of  that  imputation.  I  adjourn  the  discussion 
of  these  ond  other  similar  allusions,  which  liavc 
been  made  by  the  friends  of  the  present  Adminis-  i 
tration  in  this  debate,  to  the  eflect  that  this  war 
about  Oregon  is  only  intended  to  be  a  war  for  po- 
litical purposes — for  party  elTectj  a  war  to  strike 
down  one  aspirant  to  the  Presidency  and  build  up 
another.  Future  lUtelrpmenls  will  slied  light  iinoii 
these  tonics,  which  we  are  not  now  perniittiil  to 
see.  1  uo  not  feel  autiiorized  to  speak  all  that  I  i 
think  at  present;  for  if,  despite  the  exertions  of 
the  patriotic,  the  country  shall  be  involved  in  all 
the  calamities  of  war,  it  will  be  the  duty  of  every 
patriotic  citizen,  whether  in  private  or  public  sta- 
tion, to  sustain  the  constituiinl  authorities  of  the 
country,  so  far  as  may  be  necessary  to  enable  them 
to  wield  all  the  resources  and  energies  of  the  na- 
tion to  bring  the  war  to  a  successful  and  glorious 
termination;  and,  therefore,  in  the  present  .stjiie  of 
uncertainty  with  reference  to  the  fuiiire,  I  am  un- 
willing to  indulge  in  a  harsh  or  uncharitable  judg- 
ment of  their  conduct.  When  the  day  shall  conie 
for  the  American  people  to  hold  them  to  account 
for  the  manner  in  which  they  have  discharged  the 
high  duties  entrusted  to  them,  then  I  propose  to 
have  something  to  say  upon  these  themes,  now  for- 
bidden by  considerations  which  I  need  not  stale. 
But  I  must  say  that,  if  it  shall  ap|)€ar  that  any 
publicftinctionary  of  this  Government,  charged  iiy  ! 
his  coutitrymen  with  the  management  of  the  ques- 
tion which  now  threatens  the  peace  of  tlie  nation, 
has  been  so  lost  to  patriolism  and  honor  ns  to  lend 
himself  to  the  guidance  of  motives  and  objects  Kuch 
aa  are  imputed  by  the  remarks  to  which  I  have  re-  ] 
ferred — so  base  and  wicked  as  to  ))ut  up  the  peace  ' 
of  the  country,  with  all  the  interests  which  siand 
connected  with  its  preservation,  as  a  gambling  Make 
in  a  desperate  and  vile  play  of  mean  ambilioii,  he 
deserves  the  'Concentrated  execrations  of  the  pres- 
ent and  all  future  generations  of  mankind;  and 
there  ought  to  be  "  a  whip  of  scorpionB  placed  in 


every  honest  hand,  to  lash  the  rascal  naked  through 
the  world." 

But,  sir,  I  w.dve  the  discussion  of  all  questions 
of  this  kind  as  unauited  to  this  occasion,  and  pro- 
ceed to  address  myself  to  the  important  subject 
now  under  consideration  by  this  committee.  The 
House  of  Kcprcscntutives  lias  resolved  itself  into 
c  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  ilie 
Union;  and  the  question  for  our  consideration  is, 
what  action  ought  to  be  taken  by  the  Congress  of 
the  United  Stales  upon  the  resolution  reported  by 
the  Committee  on  I'oreigii  Affairs,  which  is  as  fol- 
lows: 

"He  t(  reaolveilbythe  Senate  andf/ouM  ofRepresenl- 
*  aliva  of  lite  United  Stales  ofJIineriea  in  Coi^esa  as- 
'  semblril,  That  the  President  of  the  United  Slates 
'forlhicilii  cause  notice  to  be  given  to  the  Govern- 
'menl  of  Great  Brit  ..in,  that  the  convention  be- 
'  tween  the  United  Suites  and  Great  Britain,  con- 
'  cerning  the  tcrritoiy  of  Oregon,  of  the  6th  of  Au- 
'  gust,  1637,  signed  at  London,  shall  be  annulled 
'  and  abrogated,  twelve  moiiths  after  the  expiration 
'  of  tlie  said  notice,  conformably  to  the  second 
'  article  of  the  said  convention  of  the  6th  of  Au- 
'giist,  ^S•21." 

In  considering  this  question,  we  must  embrace 
in  one  comprehensive  view  all  the  interests  of  this 
great  Republic,  as  those  intereals  are  liable  to  be 
affected,  injuriously  or  advantageously,  by  a  dis- 
graceful surrender  or  firm  maintenance  of  imtional 
riglils  and  national  honor,  by  the  preservation  of 
peace,  with  all  its  countless  blessings,  or  by  the 
occurrence  of  war,  v,  ith  all  its  innumerable  calami- 
ties and  evils.  In  con.sidering  this  question,  we 
ought  to  elevate  ourselves  above  every  motive 
which  does  not  have  its  origin  in  the  purest  patri- 
otism, in  a  sincere  desire  to  arrive  at  wise  conclu- 
'  sinns,  and  to  take  such  action  as  will  best  protect 
the  honor  and  the  rights  of  our  country,  and  pro- 
mote the  happiness  and  welfare  of  the  twenty  mil- 
licuis  of  people  committed  to  our  guarilianship. 
,  With  iny  mind  thus  chastened,  I  have  endeavored 
to  consiiler  this  question.  I  have  formed  my  opiii- 
:  ion;  I  have  determined  upon  the  line  of  conduct 
I  which  I  lielieve  it  to  be  my  duty  to  pursue.  My 
I  opinion  is,  that  we  will  best  discharge  our  duly  to 
our  country  by  declining  to  take  any  action  upon 
the  question  now  before  this  comniillee  until  the 
last  month  of  the  present  session  of  Congress,  or 
until  the  next  session  of  Congress;  and  that,  if  we 
are  forced  to  a  vote  upon  it  now,  we  ought  to  vote 
'  against  it.  AV'liat  evil  can  possibly  result  from  this 
course?  How  can  the  rights  of  the  nation  be  Jnip- 
arded  by  a  postponement  of  the  vole  upon  iliis 
resolution?  By  such  a  postponement  we  will  give 
further  time  for  ihe  ndjustmentof  the  difficulty  be- 
tween the  two  Govericinents  by  negotiation ;  and 
we  will  then  come  to  the  consideration  of  the  ques- 
lion  belter  prepared  than  we  now  are  to  determine 
wisely  what  ought  to  be  done  by  Congress  to  inain- 
laiu  our  claims  in  Oi-egon.  We  will  then  be  able 
to  know  ccrlainlij  wheliier  there  is,  in  the  language 
of  the  President,  "  salisfiictory  eviiltnte  that  no  com- 
'  promise  irfticA  the  Vuited  States  ought  to  accept  can  be 
\  ejlected."  In  urging  this  course  of  policy,  I  am  not 
unmindful  of  the  fact  that  the  resolution  now  before 
this  comniillee  is  Ihe  measure  recommended  by  the 
Administration;  nor  of  the  fact  that  a  large  major- 
ity of  this  House  are  the  political  friends  and  sup- 
porters of  the  present  .\ilniinislration.  But  n.e 
they  not  more  devoted  to  country  limn  to  party? 
If  iliiit  majority  shall  perceive  iliat  the  President 
has  rashly  connnitled  himself  to  a  policy  not  neces- 
sary to  maintain  the  righls  of  the  nation,  and  cal- 
culated m  endanger  the  peace  of  the  country,  will 
thev,  under  the  blind  guidance  of  party,  follow  his 
had?  The  wise  framers  of  our  Constilulion  in- 
tended In  form  a  system  of  government  in  which 
the  Legislature  shcmid  be  independent  of  the  Ex' 
eciilive;  and  lliey  invested  the  Legislature  with 
power  to  check  and  cnniio!  the  Executive,  when 
the  public  interest  demaniled  the  exercise  of  that 
power. 

I  trust  that  this  Congress  will  siililimely  realize 
the  inlenlions  of  those  illustrious  founders  of  our 
Governmeni,  by  inlerposing  its  authority  to  arrest 
the  Executive  in  that  reikless  system  of  measures 
in  relation  to  our  difficulties  with  England,  which, 
if  carried  out,  must  inevitably  involve  this  nation 
in  a  most  unnecessary  and  calamitous  war.  The 
resolution  now  before  this  committee,  proposing 
to  give  peremptory  and  unqualified  notice  to  Eng- 


land of  the  termination,  at  the  end  of  n  yettr,'of 
the  treaty  of  1818,  may  fairly  be  regarded  as  tlia 
measure  of  the  Administration.     I  hope  that  none 
will  attribute  my  opposition  to  it  to  party  motives 
I  opposed  the  election  of  the  present  President  of 
the  United  Suites,  but  1  did  not  come  here  tomako 
factious  opposition  to  his  Administration.    Upon 
all  questions  relating  to  our  foreign  affairs,  espe- 
cially, it  would  be  far  more  agreeable  to  me  to 
support  than  to  oppose  the  Executive.     I  hold  the 
opinion  that  all  questions  relating  to  our  foreign  af- 
fairs ought,  as  flir  as  possible,  to  be  placed  beyond 
the  scope  of  party  views  and  party  considerations. 
And  1  am  not  without  a  hope  that  a  majority  of 
Congress,  acting  upon  patriotic  motives,  wdl  defeat 
the  Administration  upon  this  measure.    I  feel  that 
I  am  Justified  in  regarding  the  resolution  now  be- 
fore the  committee  as  the  measure  of  Ihe  Jldminislra- 
lion,  from  the  fact  that  it  was  reported  to  tliifi 
House  by  a  committee  composed  mainly  of  the 
friends  of  the  Administration;  from  the  fact  that  a 
resolution  precisely  analogous  has  been  reported  in 
the  other  wing  of  this  Capitol,  by  a  committee  sim- 
ilarly constituted,  and  from  facts  and  circumstances, 
known  to  us  all,  constiuitly  transpiring  in  this  Hall 
and  out  of  it.     Any  material  change  or  modifica- 
tion of  the  resolution  is,  then,  a  defeat  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive.    I  have  already  suited  that  I  believe  it  to 
be  the  wisest  policy  for  Congress  to  take  no  affirm- 
I  alive  action  whatever,  at  the  present  time,  upon 
j  the  question  of  notice.     I  fear  that  a  majority  of 
j  this  House  will  not  agree  with  me.     Whilst  it  is 
probable  that  a  majority  of  this  House  is  in  favor 
1  of  giving  notice  in  some  form,  I  cannot  believe  that 
;  a  majority  will  sustain  the  resolution  in  i(j  present 
]  form.    I  admit  that  the  resolution  may  be  so  mod- 
ified as  to  relieve  it  of  its  hostile  aspect,  and  make 
it  powerless  for  good  or  evil.     But,  in  my  humble 
judgment.  Congress  ought  not  to  interpose  in  mat- 
1  ters  connected  with  the  foreign  affairs  of  Ihe  na- 
tion, unless  its  interposition  shall  carry  with  it  that 
I  dignity  which  can  alone  attiich  to  that  kind  of  ac- 
i  tion  which,  founded  in  wisdom,  is  powerfully  ef- 
1  fcctive  of  good.      Nevertheless,  if  the  resolution 
j  cannot  be  defeated  entirely,  let  it  be  modified  so  os 
I  to  relieve  it  of  its  hostile  aspect.  In  either  event,  the 
Ex(!culive  will  not  be  susUiined  in  his  reckless  sys- 
■  tem  of  measures,  and  the  peace  of  the  nation  will 
j  be  preserved. 

I      I  repeat  that,  if  I  believed  this  measure  of  the 
Administration  calculated  to  conserve  the  peace  of 
I  the  country  and  necessary  to  maintain  its  lights,  it 
i  would  give  me  sincere  pleasure  to  suiipo.  t  it.    But 
I  I  believe  its  tendency  will  be  to  pioiluce  war,  and 
'  that  it  is  not  necessary  to  maintain  the  rights  of  the 
;  nation.     I  have   nothing  to  say  in  relation  to  the 
i  various   propositions  which  have  been   made  to 
j  amend  it.     1  desire  all  that  I  say  to  be  understood 
I  as  applying  to  the  resolution  as  reported  by  Ihe 
I  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs.     On  what  giouiuls 
I  doits  supporters  urge  its  adoption?   It  is  said  In  be 
I  necessary  to  bring  the  ditficully  between  this  Gov- 
ernment and  England,  in  relation  to  their  conflict- 
j  ing  territorial  claims  on  the  northwestern  coast  of 
;  tills  continenl,  to  a  speedy  and  peaceful  settlement. 
!  It  is  said  to  be  necessary  to  induce  a  resumption  of 
;  negotiations,  and  as  an  auxiliary  to  our  negotiators. 
How  is  it  to  produce  these  effects?   Where  are  the 
proofs  of  these  assertions?    Has  not  England  al- 
ready given  us  suflicient  proofs  that  she  desires  a 
peaceful  and  speedy  adjustment  of  that  difficulty? 
Was  not  Lord  Ashburuin  charged  with  its  aiMust- 
!  meiit  by  England  when  he  was  senl  by  that  Oov- 
:  ernment  to  settle  the  difliculiy  in  relation  to  the 
!  northeastern  boundary  i    And  was  nol  the  ailjust- 
i  ment  of  this  diflicultv  postponed  then  because  it 
'  complicated  the  diHiciilty  of  agreeing  upon  a  treaty 
'  with  regard  to  the  northeastern  boundary,  which 
was  then  a  question  ofurgent  necessity — imminent- 
ly threatening  to  disturb  the  peace  of  the  two  na- 
tions?    Reference  to  the  documents  will  sustain 
me  in  these  facts,  and  in  the  dcclaralion  which  I 
now  make,  that  immediately  after  the  ratification 
of  the  treaty  of  Washington  by  England,  that  Gov- 
ernment forwarded  instructions  to  its  resident  Min- 
ister here  to  move  the  President  lo  forward  such 
instructions  to  the  American  Minister  in  London 
as  would  authorize  him  to  negotiate  a  treaty  pre- 
scribing a   boundary  between    England   and  the 
United  States  on  the  northwest  coast  of  tliis  conti- 
nent. 
Then  Mr.  Pokenham  was  sent  here  with  full 


i 
"1 


[Feb.  5, 

Reps. 

f  tt  year,'of 
jrilcn  ns  tho 
pe  that  none 
rty  motives 
President  of 
liere  to  make 
lion.  Upon 
nffiiii-s,  cspe- 
ile  to  me  to 
,  I  hold  the 
ur  foreign  nf- 
iiccd  beyond 
nsiderations. 

I  majority  of 
:s,  will  defeat 
■  .  I  feel  that 
ition  now  be- 
e  Mministra- 
orted  to  this 
nainly  of  the 
lie  fact  that  a 

II  reported  in 
iinmittco  sini- 
ircumstances, 
ig  in  this  Hall 
e  or  iiiodifica- 
al  of  the  Ex- 
I  believe  it  to 
ake  no  affirm- 
it  time,  opon 
a  majority  of 

Whilst  It  is 
.130  is  in  favor 
ot  believe  that 
1  in  ill  present 
ay  be  so  mod- 
iect,and  make 
in  my  humble 
crpose  in  mat- 
irs  of  the  na- 
rry  with  it  that 
lal  kind  of  ac- 
powerfully  ef- 
the  resolution 

modified  so  as 
jither  event,  the 
U  reckless  sys- 
the  nation  will 

icasure  of  the 
the  peace  of 
11  its  lights,  it 
ipOit  it.    But 
uce  war,  and 
■  rights  of  the 
relation  to  the 
))een   made  to 
be  umlcrslood 
sported  by  the 
what  grounds 
It  is  said  to  be 
vccn  this  Gov- 
their  conllict- 
istern  coast  of 
:ful  settlement, 
resumption  nf 
«r  negotiators. 
Where  are  the 
ot  England  al- 
she  desires  a 
liat  difficulty .' 
ith  its  luljus'- 
by  that  Gov- 
■clalion  to  the 
not  the  adjust- 
icn  because  it 
'  upon  a  treaty 
iiidary,  which 
ly — imminent- 
n'f  the  two  na- 
^s  will  sustain 
•alien  which  I 
he  ratification 
and,  thatGov- 
residcntM  in- 
forward  such 
ler  in  London 
;  a  treaty  pre- 
;land   and  the 
I  of  this  conli- 

liere  with  full 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


181 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


!Z%e  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Gentry. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


.1 


power  to  negotiate  n  treaty  to  settle  definitively  the 
claims  of  the  two  Governments  in  tho  Oregon  ter- 
ritory. It  appears,  fVoin  the  correspondence  com- 
municated with  the  President's  Annual  Message, 
that  Mr.  Pakenham  importuned  the  authorities  of 
this  Government  repeatedly  before  he  could  induce 
them  to  enter  seriously  upon  the  important  busi- 
ness which  he  was  commissioned  by  his  Govern- 
ment to  adjust.  After  considerable  delay,  negotia- 
tions commenced,  and  were  in  progress  on  the  4th 
of  March  Inst,  between  Mr.  '.nlhoun,  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  this  Government,  and  the  British  Min- 
ister. On  that  day  Mr.  Polk  was  inaugurat-J 
President  of  the  United  States,  and,  as  is  ui.i'al  on 
that  occasion,  delivered  an  address,  in  which  he  re- 
iterated a  resolution  passed  by  the  political  conven- 
tion which  nominated  him  as  a  candidate  for  the 
Presidency,  that  the  title  of  the  United  States  to  the 
Oregon  country  is  clear  and  unquestionable,  and 
announced  that  all  the  measures  necessary  to  per- 
fect that  title,  and  make  it  complete  by  occupancy, 
would  be  put  in  operation,  &c.  Wnat  was  the 
effect  of  this  declaration ! 

All  knew  how  this  declaration  exasperated  the 
British  ministry  and  people.  No  one  cjxn  have 
forgotten  the  replies  made  to  it  on  the  floor  of  Par- 
liament by  Sir  Robert  Peel,  the  Minister  of  the 
Crown,  and  Lord  John  Russell,  the  head  of  the 
Opposition,  and  how  their  dcclarationa  were  in- 
stantly responded  to  by  all  parties  on  ail  sides  of 
the  House.  Parliament  seeiv.od  uncnimoua  in  the 
declaration  that  Britain  had  rights  in  Oregon,  which 
she  was  prepared  and  determined  to  maintain  at 
nil  hazards. 

Mr.  Calhoun  retired  fron      .o  Department  of 
State  and  Mr.  Buchanan  was  appointed  his  succes- 
sor; and  under  his  auspices  the  negotiation  with 
Mr.  Pakenham  was  continued,  and  by  him,  under 
the  direction  of  the  President,  a  proposition  was 
made  to  the  British  Minister  to  make  the  parallel  I 
of  the  49th  degree  of  north  latitude  the  boundary 
line  between  England  and  the  United  States.  This  | 
proposition  was  substantially  the  same  as  those  | 
maae  by  two  preceding  Administrations  of  our  j 
Government,  with  this  difference,  that,  in  some  \ 
slight  and  unimportant  particulars,  it  seemed  to  be  j 
less  favorable  to  England   than  the  propositions 
which  had  been  previously  made  by  M.r.  Monroe's 
administr  <tion  and  by  Mr.  Adams's.     It  was  re- 
jected by  Mr.  Pakenham,  and  immediately  hu^li- 
/i/  withdrawn  by  Mr.  Buchanan  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  President.     The   withdrawtd  was  ac- 
companied by  a  labored  argument,  to  prove  that 
the  title  to  the  whole  of  the  Oregon  territory  was 
"clear  and  unquestionable."      This  occurrence  j 
transpired  in  August  last.    On  the  first  Monday  in 
December  lust  the  President  communicated  to  Con- 
gress his  Annual  Message,  in  which  he  gave  us  a 
history  of  these  transactions — apologized  for  hav- 
ing made  a  proposition  to  partition  the  territory; 
and,  after  informing  us  of  the  rejection   by  the  j 
British  Minister  of  his  proposition,  proceeded  to 
say: 

"  The  extraordinary  and  wholly  inadmi-ssible 
'demands  of  the  British  Government,  and  tlie  re- 
'  jection  of  the  proposition  made  in  deference  alone 
'  to  what  hud  been  done  by  my  predecessors,  and  : 
'  the  implied  obligation  which  their  acts  seemed  to  1 
'  impose,  afford  satisfactory  evidence  that  no  com-  ! 
'  promise  which  the  United  States  ought  to  accept  j 
'  can  be  effected.     With  thif.  conviction,  the  pro-  , 
'  position  of  compromise  which  has  been  mode  and 
'  rejected,  was,    by   my  direction,   subsequently  ■ 
'  withdrawn,  and  our  title  to  the  tehole  Oregon  tern- 1 
'  fori;  asserted,  and,  as  is  believed,  maintained  by  I 
'  irrefragable  facts  and  arguments."  I 

And  further  he  informs  us: 

"  .111  attempts  at  conipromise  having  failed,  it  be- 1 
'  comes  tho  duty  of  Congress  to  consider  what ' 
'  measures  it  may  be  proper  to  adopt  for  the  secu-  I 
'  rity  and  protection  of  our  citizens  now  inhabiting, 
'  or  who  may  hercaflar  inhabit  Oregon,  and  for 
'  the  maintenance  of  our  just  title  to  that  territory. " 

And,  that  no  man  may  doubt  the  effect  of^  the 
measure  of  notice  which  ho  recommends,  he  pro- 
ceeds to  say: 

"  At  the  end  of  the  year's  notice,  should  Con- 
'  gress  think  it  proper  to  make  jirovision  for  giv- 
'111"  that  notice,  we  shall  have  reached  a  period 
'  when  the  national  rights  in  Oregon  must  either 
'  be  abandoned  or  firmly  maintained.  'That  they 
'  cannot  be  abandoned  without  a  sacrifice  of  both 


■  national  honor  and  interest,  is  too  clear  to  admit 
'of  doubt." 

Mr.  Chairman,  these  are  the  circumstances  under 
which  we  arc  called  upon  to  give  this  notice,  to 
pass  this  Administration  mciuiure.  We  will  fail 
to  determine  correctly  the  effect  of  this  notice  if  we 
do  not  embrace  within  our  view  of  the  subject  all 
of  the  circumstances  with  which  it  stands  connect- 
ed. By  itself,  and  of  itself,  notice  is  nothing;  lor 
the  convention  of  1818  expressly  provides  that 
either  of  the  nations  whicli  are  parties  to  that 
treaty  may  at  any  time  terminate  it,  by  giving  one 
year  s  notice  to  the  other  party.  But  if  Congress 
shall  adopt  the  extreme  po.ri(ioii  of  the  President,  by 
passing  tne  resolution  now  before  this  committee, 
under  existing  circumstances,  this  Government 
will  stand  pledged  to  that  series  of  measures  hint- 
ed at  by  the  President  when  he  says  that  "  at  the 
'  end  01  the  year's  notice,  should  Congresis  think  it 
'  proper  to  make  provision  for  giving  that  notice, 
'  we  shall  have  reached  a  period  when  the  national 
'  rights  in  Oregon  must  nittier  be  abandoned  or  firm- 
'  ly  maintained.  That  they  cannot  be  abandoned 
'  without  a  sacrifice  of  both  national  honor  and  in- 
terest, is  too  clear  to  admit  of  doubt."    Looking 


this  debate.  England  understands  her  interest  too 
well  not  to  desire  a  peaceful  and  early  settlement 
of  the  difficulty.  That  she  does  not  desire  to  go 
to  war  with  us  is  abundantly  proven  by  lier  own 
conduct,  and  by  the  arguments  of  gentlemen  in 
this  debate,  who  have  lauored  to  magnify  the  rea- 
sons and  causes  which  make  it  almost  fatal  to  her 
to  do  so;  and  I  apprehend  that  he  who  seeks  to 
find  a  cause  for  the  extraordinary  display  of  that 
spirit  of  bullying  and  of  gasconading  defiance 
which  has  characterized  this  debate,  equalling  any- 
thing that  Mexico  ever  achieved  in  that  field  of 
glory,  cannot  do  better  than  to  refer  it  to  the  pro- 
found conviction  which  gentlemen  entertain  that 
England,  by  reason  of  causes  having  their  exist- 
ence in  her  domestic  affairs,  cannot  be  provoked 
.■It  the  present  time  to  go  to  war  with  the  United 
Slates. 

But  is  it  certain  that  a  jieaceful  settlement  of  the 
difficulty  is  desired  by  all  who  have  spoken  on 
this  subject.'  Gentlemen  scout  the  idea  of  a  par- 
tition of  the  territory.  Having  satisfied  themselves 
that  our  title  to  the  whole  territory  is  clear  and  un- 
asaume  that  any  settlement  of 
surrenders  a  portion  of  the 


qiicsiionable,  they 
the  qiestion   wluc 


at  the  question  in  this  connexion,  who  can  regard  j   territory  to  England  amounts  to  a  disgraceful  pur 


it  as  a  peace  measure .'    Who  can  believe  that  its 
tendency  will   be   to    facilitate  a  resumption  of 
negotiation.'    Who  can  fail  to  see  that  its   ten- 
dency will   be   to  increase  the  difficulties  which 
obstruct  a  peaceful  adjustment  of  our  difficulty 
with  England  ?    And  who  can  say  that  it  will  not  [ 
tend  to  produce  war?    What  necessity  is  there  j 
for  the  adoption  of  this  resolution .'    What  will  be  j 
its  effect?    How  is  it  to  operate  towards  making, 
England  negotiate  a    peaceful  adjustment  of  the  j 
controversy  ?    What  docs  it  amount  to  ?    To  this,  I 
and  this  only:  We  have  a  clear  right  to  the  whole  ' 
of  Oregon:  but  m  1818  we  agreed  t'lat  you  should  i 
occupy  it  jointly  with  us  until  one  or  the  other  of  us 


chase  of  peace  by  giving  away  American  soil. 
Unless  they  arc  prepared  to  give  England  some 
valuable  ec|uivalent  for  her  claims  in  that  territory, 
it  Is  preposterous  to  expect  sueli  a  settlement  of 
tho  controversy  as  they  propose  by  any  other 
mode  than  that  of  conquest  by  war.  I  do  not  be- 
lieve that  this  nation  ought  to  go  to  war  to  main- 
lain  such  a  claim  to  the  whole  of  Oregon.  I  con- 
scienliouLly  believe  that  gentlemen  who  contend 
for  the  position  to  which  I  have  referred,  ground 
their  opinions  upon  the  resolution  of  the  Baltimore 
convention  and  the  Inaugural  of  the  President, 
rather  than  upon  the  facts  and  argttments  of  the 
case.     I  do  not  believe  that  this  nation  has  a  clear 


should  terminate  the  convention.     We  now  find  it  !j  and  unquestionable  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon 
our  interest  to  terminate  the  convention;  and  you  |,  If  I  did  so  believe,  I  would  be  willing  to  wage  war 


must  inarch  out;  the  whole  country  is  ours,  and  j 

we  will  have  it,  peaceably  or  forcibly;  and  if  you  | 

do  not  march  out  at  our  bidding,  we  intend  to  drive 

you  out  at  the  end  of  a  year.     Is  this  a  suasive 

argument  to  induce  liberal  concessions  and  fair 

compromises  by  negotiation  ?     What  is  there  in  | 

the  history  of  England  to  induce  the  belief  that  i  The  Administration  of  Mr.  Monroe,  of  Mr.  Adams, 


to  make  good  that  title.  I  would  not  stop  to  in- 
quire how  long,  how  disastrous,  or  terrible  the 
stru.jgle  might  be.  I  would  go  for  such  a  war 
rali.er  than  purchase  dishonorable  peace  by  yield- 
i;  ,'  up  territory  which  was  "  clearly  and  unques- 
■onablv  ours."    But  we  have  no  such  dear  title. 


she  can  be  thus  bullied  into  a  compliance  with  the 
demands  of  our  Government?  In  what  page  ofi 
her  long  and  eventful  history  can  anything  be  i 
found  to  justify  such  conclusions  ?  Will  she  ne- 1 
gotiate  with  the  sword  of  coercion  brandi.slied  in 


and  of  Mr.  Polk,  have  proposed  to  partition  the 
territory  by  making  the  forty-nintli  degree  of  north 
latitude   the   boundary  between  the  two   nations 
west  of  the  Rocky  mountains. 
We  have  thus,  by  solemn  acts  of  our  own  Gov- 


lier  face?  Id  the  executive  branch  c  ( this  Govern- !  crnment,  admitted  that  England  has  rights  in  that 
ment  acting  under  the  belief  that  the  reasons  and  i  territory  as  well  as  ourselves.  We  are  committed 
motives  wliicli  make  England  desire  a  continua- 1,  to  the  principle  of  compromise  by  a  partition  of 
tiou  of  peace  with  this  nation,  are  so  powerful  i:  the  territory.  Shall  we  he  justified  in  this  en- 
that  she  will  yield  to  our  demands  under  circum- 1|  lightened  age,  and  before  the  nations  of  the  earth; 


stances  of  disgrace  and  dishonor  to  herself?  Arc 
they  striving  to  obtain  a  settlement  of  our  difficulty 
with  Eiiglaiid  under  such  circumstances  os  that 
they  can  claim  to  have  '"illied  that  nation  into 
terms?  Is  this  the  triumph  which  they  propose 
to  achieve  ?  Are  these  the  poor,  mean,  base,  dam- 
nable motives  and  objects  which,  actuating  the 
functionaries  of  this  Government,  have  brought 
the  peace  of  the  country  hito  unnecessary  peril? 
Are  these  the  hii;h  and  patriotic  aims  of  those  who 
are  entrusted  with  the  destiny  of  this  great  nation? 
Is  it  thus  that  they  acquit  themselves  of  the  high 
task  confided  to  iheni  by  the  Ameriojin  people? 
I  trust  not.  I  trust  that  the  President  and  all  his 
associates  in  the  Executive  Administration  are 
laboring  with  singleness  of  purpose  to  effect  a 
peaceful  adjustment  of  our  difficulties,  such  an  ad- 
justment as  will  secure  the  rights  and  honor  of  the 
nation  without  jeoparding  its  peace.  My  opinion 
upon  this  point  will  be  determined  by  the  develop- 
ments of  the  future.  I  express  none  now.  Icon- 
tend,  however,  that  if  this  Government  is  aiming 
to  .'fleet  such  an  adjustment  of  our  controversy 
with  England,  the  adoption  of  the  resolution  now 
before  this  committee  will  not  faciliuitc  the  accom- 
plishment of  that  object.  It  is  not  necessary,  as 
has  been  argued,  to  stimulate  negotiation.  We 
have  abundant  proofs  that  England  anxiously  de- 
sires to  settle  the  controversy  by  negotiation.  Her 
sagacious  statesmen  know  that  if  anything  can 
give  us  the  whole  of  the  Orcjjon  territory,  it  will 
be  time,  ond  the  operation  of  that  "  American 
multiplication  table"  so  delicately  referred  to  in 


and  more  especially  by  our  own  countrymen  and 
our  own  consciences,  in  going  to  war  for  a  terri- 
tory ill  regard  to  which  we  have  jilaced  ourselves 
in  this  attitude. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  endeavoring  to  convince 
this  committee  that  there  is  no  necessity  for  tliis 
notice,  as  a  means  of  facilitating  a  peaceful  adjust- 
ment of  our  diflficulties  with  England  in  relation  to 
tl;o   controversy  about   the  territory  of  Oregon. 
With  a  view  to  this  aim,  let  me  inquire  whether 
there  is  onything  in  the  recent  advices  from  Eng- 
land to  indiice  the  belief  that  the  Government  of 
England  is  not  disposed  to  adjust  this  controversy 
I  peacefully  and  liberally?     I  maintoin  that  there  is 
'  nothing  in  those  advices  to  justify  such  a  conclu- 
'  sion.    The  newspapers  of  England  reveal  to  us  the 
[  f^ict  that  the  conduct  of  the'Executive  Ad  Miiis- 
j  tration  of  our  Government,  in  relation  U<  C      ,on, 
I  has  excited  feelings  of  animosity  and  resentment 
I  in  that  kingdom,  which,  under  ordinary  eircum- 
i  stances,  would  have  displayed  itself  in  a  mostini- 
posing  form.     But  they  reveal  to  us  also  the  addi- 
I  tional  fact  that  the  people  of  England  found  their 
I  resentment  about  Oroeon  more  than  neutralized  by 
I  thai  portion  of  the  Message  which  advises  Con- 
I  gress  to  abandon  that  system  of  policy  which  has 
I  built    up    manufacturing  establishments    in   this 
I  country;   which  have,  to   a  considerable  extent, 
j  driven  English  manufactures  out  of  the  American 
!  market,  and  which  have  entered  into  successful 
I  competition  with  the  manufactures  of  England  in 
i  other  regions  of  the  globe.     The  tariff"  part  of  tlie 
Mcs.-iage  is  more  than  a  salvo  to  the  Oregon  part 


182 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  5. 


'i 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  ^estion — Mr.  Gentry. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


of  it.  Whilst  the  Oregon  part  of  llie  Messago  \\  to  make  n  settlement  in  any  part  of  tlie  territory 
makes  John  Bull  fVown,  the  frce-lrado  part  of  II  [•  of  Orpsron  not  orpiipicd  Ijy  BriliRh  sulijects  or 
di-ives  that  frown  from  his  brow,  and  he  delight-  Anierii'nn  citizens,  und  could  niaintnin  it  for  a  sul- 
edly  cxnits  in  contemplating  the  commeicini  and  firieni  length  of  time,  he  could  establish  a  better 
mariufiictiiring  prosperity  which.will  enure  to  him,  [!  rieht  than  any  now  possessiM  by  Eiiphuid  or  the 
when,  by  the  policy  of  the  President,  the  manu-  ■  United  Slates;  for,  as  1  have  said,  neither  the  one 
facturin;;  interests  of  this  country  shall  be  broken  '  Government  nor  the  other  has  ]ieifonned  all  the 
down,  and  ti.e  country  thereby  r«(or«l  to  a  com- !' acts,  complied   with    all  the    conditions,  which. 


m:'^ 


nierciid  depcndancc  on  England,  like  that  which 
existed  when  these  free  States  were  her  colonies. 
The  British  Government,  then,  wdl  make  no  war 
with  the  United  States  about  Oregon,  whilst  our 
Government  offers  her,  nj  an  tqiiiraUnl  for  her 
ehiim  ill  thai  trrrilorij,  commercial  advanlnijcs  far 
more  valuable  to  her  than  the  undisiuited  posses- 
sion  of  the  whoU'of  Oregon.  Give  Englana  satis- 
factory assurance  that  the  policy  recommended  by 
the  President  will  l>e  the  permanent  policy  of  this 
nation,  and  she  will,  to  secure  such  a  result,  give 
us  the  whole  of  Oregoit;  and  I  am  not  sure  that 
she  would  not  cede  us  th«  Canadas  also.  For 
what  purpose  docs  she  maintain  her  colonial  sys- 
tem, at  a  vast  expense,  other  than  to  prcnnote  her 
commercial  and  manuiacturin!'  interests.  Guar- 
anty to  her  these  interests,  and  she  would  gladly 
relieve  herself  of  the  expense  of  governing  and  de- 
fcndin.^  those  colonics.  Has  our  Minister  at  Lon- 
don been  instnicted  to  urge  the.se  citiisiderations 
upon  the  British  Government,  to  dispose  that  Gov- 
ei'iimeiit  to  lilieral  coiice.isions  with  respect  In 
the  Oregon  controversy.'  Has  he  been  instructed 
to  ncTOliate  a  commercial  treaty  witli  that  Gov- 
ernment? 1  would  like  to  know;  I  desire  to  sec 
those  instructions.  There  will  be  no  war,  sir, 
about  Oregon,  unless,  by  some  act  of  extreme 
folly,  this  Government  shall  place  the  question  in 
such  an  attitude  thai  England  cannijt  make  the 
concessions  demanded  by  our  Government  with- 
out sacrificing  her  honor,  without  losing  her  high 
position  among  the  nations. 

Gentlemen  aflect  extreme  sensitiveness  about 
the  honor  of  the  country  as  involved  in  this  con- 
troversy with  England.  They  assume  that  "  oio- 
title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  is  eliar  and  vnqiiestiona- 
ble,"  and  declare  that  any  adjustment  of  our  con- 
troversy with  Hngliind,  whii  h  shall  give  to  her 
any  portion  of  that  territory,  will  be  a  dishonor- 
able purchase  of  peace,  fan  they  see  no  di.shnn- 
or  in  adapting  the  legislatiim  of  their  country  on 
questions  alVecting  the  interests  of  our  own  jicople 
and  country  to  the  views  and  interesLs  of  England  .- 
Are  they  willing  to  purcha.se  peace  in  a  controversy 
for  a  cimiparativciv  valueless  territory,  by  snrri- 
ficiiii^  as  a  pi-aop-otrcring  that  wise  system  of  poli- 
cy which  was  founded  by  the  lathers  of  this  re- 
public? By  sxirrendrring  that  iiolicy  which  has 
made  our  rniinlry  grow,  and  prosper, and  llourish, 
as  no  nation  ever  before  grew,  and  prospered,  and 
iVmrishcd? 

I'ut,  Mr.  Chaiim'.in,  the  clock  admonishes  inc 
that  the  liour  to  which  I  am  limited  by  a  rule  <>f 
the  House  is  rapiilly  passim,'  away,  and  ihai  I  iiiu.'<t 
liasten  to  some  oilier  consideratinns  which  I  (icsire 
brielly  to  jirrsent  to  this  Ciminutlec.  Is  liie  title  of 
the  ifnited  .States  to  the  whole  of  the  Oregon  ter- 
ritory, or  anv  part  of  it,  a  perfect  title? — a  "  clear 
and  unquestionable"  title?  I  am  not  a  lawyer, 
and  am  not  competent,  therefore,  tu  !;o  into  those 
nice  distinctions  and  technicalities — tlio.se  refine- 
ments of  logic  and  argument,  which  have  been 
very  properly  introduced  in  tlii.s  delmie  by  gentle- 
men learned  in  the  law,  to  determine  the  doubtful 
mie-itions  of  fact  and  of  law  involved  in  that  title. 
The  only  law  with  which  I  am  familiar  (and  1  am 
not  sure  that  I  am  even  master  of  tliat)  is  the  law 
of  common  sense.  I  have  looked  into  the  facts  of 
the  CISC — I  have  listened  to  the  arguments,  and,  as 
far  ns  I  have  been  able,  have  made  myself  ac- 
quainted with  the  principles  of  public  law  applica- 
ble to  the  controversy;  audit  appears  to  me  that 
at  every  jinint  of  the  controversy  there  is  a  plau- 
sible conflict  between  the  claims  of  England  and 
the  United  States;  and  if  all  the  facts  which  either 
nation  contends  for  as  the  ground  of  their  respect- 
ive claims  lie  admitted  as  true,  yet  when  you  ap- 
ply the  ndmitted  principles  of  public  law  to  the 
claim  of  either  nation,  no  principle  of  that  law  can 
be  found  which  will  delerniiiie  either  nation  lo 
have  a  perftrl  title  to  the  w'hole  or  any  part  ol'tJr- 
egon;  and  it  is  my  deliberate  opinion,  formed  af- 
ter the  most  careful  examination  of  the  subject, 
that  if  the  Emperor  of  China  had  the  power  now 


'  by  the  law  of  nations,  is  renuired  to  give  either 

,'  nation  a  perfect  title  to  the  wnole  of  that  territory 

:  or  any  portion  of  it.    I  know  that  this  opinion  is 

1;  in  conllici  with  very  high  authority.     I  know  it  is 

^   assumed  that  the  Secretary  of  State  [Mr.  Buchan-  j 

'  an]  ha-i,  in  bis  late  correspondence  with  the  British  i 

',  Minister,  [Mr.  Pakenliani,]  demonsli-ated  conclu-  1 

;(  sivcly  that  our  title  lo  the  whole  territory  of  Ore-  ' 

gon   lo  the  latitude  of  54°  40'  is  "clear  and  un- 

queslionable."     Mr.  Buchanan  is  an  able  lawyer, 

I  and  he  has  argued  the  claim  of  the  United  States 

to  that  territory  as  a  I'eed  attorney  argues  a  cause 

:  for  his  client.     I   have  examined  it  as  a  juror. 

Bring  tlie  Secretary  to  the  Bible  and  require  him 

to  swear  to  his  aonclusions,  and  he  would  start 

aghast,  horror-stiicken  at  t!  j  idea.     The  crime  of 

fierjury  would  present  itsi'lf  in  horrid  deformity 
ie(i)re  him.  INo,  sir;  no  man  knows  better  than 
the  Secretary  of  State  that  the  United  States  have 

I  not  a  iicrfect  title  to  that  territory;  and  I  have  no 

(■  doubt  that  he  has  been  surprised  and  amused  lofind 
that  his  argument  has  been  so  suecessl'ul  in  convinc- 

!  ing  intelligent  gentlemen  on  this  floor  of  the  truth 
of  conclusions  which  he  himself  did  not  believe, 
nor  expect  any  other  man  of  .sense  to  believe. 

'  Upon  what  grounds  do  we  claim  a  perfect  title 
to  the  whole  of  that  territory?  By  a  treaty  con- 
cluded with  S]iain  in  1819  we  acquired  all  the  rights 
of  that  kingdom  to  the  territory  on  the  northwest 
coast  of  this  coiitin"nt,  north  of  the  42d  degree  of 
north  latitude.  Had  Spain  a  perfect  title  to  the  ter- 
ritory when  she  ceded  her  rights  in  that  region  lo  this 
Government?  Her  navigators  were  undoubtedly 
the  first  to  discover  and  partially  explore  the  iiorth- 
wi  St  coast  of  this  continent;  Init  centuries  pa.ssed 
away,  ami  Spain  made  no  such  settlements  in  the 
country  as  by  the  law  of  nations  would  have  per- 
fected her  title  by  discovery.  In  171^8,  Lieutenant 
Meaies,  a  Britisli  officer,  in  command  of  a  iner- 
ciiant  vessel,  landed  at  Nootka  and  constructed  a 
lint.  In  the  ensuing  year  his  establishment  was 
destroyed  by  Spain,  who  sent  armed  vessels  to 
Nooika  for  that  pur|)ose.  England  resented  this 
practical  a.ssertion  of  exclusive  rights  of  sovereign- 
ly by  Spain,  eoiitendini;  that  no  nation  po.ssessed 
the  exelu.sive  rights  claimed  by  Spain;  that  she,  in 
common  with  other  nations,  liad  a  right  to  navi- 
gate the  northern  Pacific  ocean, land  nponitscoasls, 
trade  with  the  natives,  nnitmnke  settlements.  Spain 
insisted  upon  her  pretension,  and  the  two  nations 
were  preparing  for  war,  when  the  dilticiilty  was 
adjusted  by  a  treaty  called  the  ."Vootka  conventiiPii. 
I  have  caiefullv  examined  that  treaty,  and,  accord- 
ing lo  my  unilcrsiandiii!:  of  its  provisions,  Spain 
conceded  all  for  which  England  contended.     She 

■  practically  renounced  her  pretensions  to  the  right 
of  exclusive  dominion,  and  adinitleil  the  country 
on  the  ni'nliwest  coast  of  the  Pacific  to  be  free  anil 
open  to  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  for  purposes  of 

■  trade,  seiilenient,  occupation,  and  coluiii>'.atlon.  If 
I  am  right  in  this  conclusion,  the  Nootka  ccuivcii- 
tioii  is  not  such  a  treaty  as  is  abrogated  by  the  oc- 
currence of  war  between  the  nations  wliich  are 
pnrlie.?  to  it;  and  I  conclude  that,  in  acquiring  the 
rights  of  Spain  to  the  territory  now  in  nispiite  be- 
tween (Ireal  Britain  und  tin!  roiled  States,  our 
Government  did  not  acipiire  a  perfect  title.  The 
cliiiui  of  .Spain  originally  extended  to  the  tilsl  de- 
gree of  north  latitude. 

The  Government  of  the  I'nited  Stales  concluded 
a  convention  with  Russia  in  1824,  by  which  it  was 
agreed,  "that  hereafter  there  shall  not  be  formed 
'  by  the  citizens  of  the  United  .States,  or  under  the 
'  authority  of  the  said  Stales,  any  establishment 
'  upon  the  niirthwesi  const  of  America,  nor  in  any 
'  of  the  islands  adjaeeni,  to  the  north  of  r>4  degrees 
'  and  4(1  minutes  m'  north  latitude;  and  that  in  the  j 
'  same  m  uiiicr  there  shall  be  none  formed  liy  Riis- 
'  siaii  sulijects,  or  under  the  authorily  of  Russia, 
'  south  ol  the  same  parallel  ''  Now  If  the  Uniled 
.Stales  derived  a  perfect  title  from  Spain,  why  did 
we  cede,  without  an  equivalent,  to  Russia,  t!ie  ter- 
ritory situate  between  the  latitude  of  !H°  4(1'  and 
the  (list  degree  of  north  latitude?     And  if  the  Uui- 


111 
the 


ted  Staled  believed  that  Spain  possessed  a  perfect 
title  to  the  whole  territory,  why  did  our  Govern- 
ment ill  1818,  before  we  had  act'iuired  the  rights  of 
Spain  by  the  Florida  treaty,  nialto  n  formal  jiropo- 
j  aition  to  England  to  divide  with  her  the  Oregon  ter- 
j  ritory,  by  making  the  40th  degree  of  north  latitude 
!  a  boundary,  without  even  making  allusion  to  the 
j  rifrhls  of  Spain  ?    And  if  the  title  of  Spain  was  a 
'  perfect   title,  how  can  our   Government  found  a 
'  claim  to  the  territory  drained  by  ihc  Columbia  riv- 
!  er,  upon  the  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  that  river 

by  Captain  Gray?  Upon  that  discovery,  made 
I  1793,  and  the  establislimcnt  of  Astoria,  near  t 
'  mouth  of  Columbia  river,  on  its  south  bank,  in 
j  1811;  mid  the  discovery  of  the  southern  head- 
1  waters  of  the  Columbia  river,  and  its  exploration 
:  to  its  mouth,  in  18II.'S,  by  Lewis  and  Clarke,  dis- 
'  patched  for  that  purpose  liy  their  Government,  the 
j  United  States  claim  exclusive  sovereignly  over  all 
!  the  territory  drained  by  that  river  and  its  tributa- 
ries. Whilst  I  aomit  tliat  these  are  better  ground.^ 
of  title  than  any  other  na'ion  possesses,  I  do  not 
i  believe  they  constitute  a  perfect  title.  The  whole 
northwest  const  of  the  Pacific  had  been  discover- 
ed and  carefully  explored  centuries  before  the  dis- 
covery of  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  by  Cap- 
tain Gray,  by  the  navigators  of  Spain  ai  i  Eng- 
land, but  their  discoveries  were  not  followeil  up  by 
such  seltlemenls  as  would  give  either  of  those  na- 
■  tioiis  rights  of  soverei!.'nly  over  the  country.  The 
mouth  of  the  Columbia  was  discovered  by  Hceeta, 
i  a  Spanish  navigator,  in  1775,  seventeen  years  be- 
I  fore  the  discovery  of  Captain  Gray.  Can  the  dis- 
covery of  a  river  previously  discovered,  give  terri- 
torial rights  to  the  nation  making  the  second  dis- 
covery ?  •Such  a  position,  I  apprehend,  cannot  be 
maintained;  i.nd,  therefore,  neither  the  discovery 
of  the  month  of  ilie  Columbia,  (long  before  discov- 
'  ered  by  Heceta,)  nor  the  explorations  of  the  coast 
by  British  navigators,  (long  before  explored  by  the 
Spaniards,)  can  give  to  either  Englanii  or  the  Uni- 
ted Stales  territorial  rights  in  Oregon.  The  trading 
establishment  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  re- 
mained in  thejiossessionofMr.  A.slor  until  the  war 
of  1812,  when  it  was  taken  by  a  British  force,  and 
the  British  standard  was  erected.  By  the  treaty 
(d" Ghent,  Astoria  was  restored  to  the  United  States, 
and  our  (lag  was  oHicially  hoisted  over  it  in  1818. 
It  is  therefore  technically  now  in  the  possession  of 
the  Uniled  States,  though  it  has  not  in  fact  been 
occupied  under  the  authority  of  the  Government 
nor  by  the  citizens  of  the  United  Slates  since  its 
restoration;  ycl  this  is  the  only  setllemenl  in  Ore- 
gon upon  which  we  can  found  a  claim  of  title,  for 
by  the  treaty  between  England  and  the  United 
.Stales  of  1818,  now  in  force,  neither  nation  can 
found  a  claim  upon  any  settlements  made  since 
that  treaty.  The  claims  of  both  nations,  therefore, 
are  resting  now  precisely  upon  the  same  grounds 
that  they  did  ill  1H18.  Is  this  such  a  setllemenl 
and  occupation  as,  by  the  law  of  nations,  will  give 
a  perfei't  title?  If  it'  be  not,  the  discoveries  and 
explorations  of  Lewis  and  Clarke  lose  their  value, 
because  they  have  not  bein  lollowed  up  by  a  suf'- 
ficieut  scttlenieiil  and  occupation  of  the  territory. 
The  value  of  Lewis  and  Clarke's  discoveries  and 
explorations  is  somewhat  neutralized  by  the  dis- 
covery in  iHll  of  the  north  .:rii  head-walcrs  of  the 
Columbia,  and  its  exploi-n;ion  to  its  junction  with 
tlie  southern  branch  of  that  river,  by  Thompson, 
an  agent  of  llie  Northwest  Company.  England 
asserts  that,  in  18(l()  and  1811,  the  same  company 
established  trading  posts  on  the  northern  branches 
of  the  Columbia  and  on  the  main  stream  of  that 
river,  and  that,  in  18ilfi,  Dr.  Frazer,  under  the  or- 
der of  the  Northwest  Cmnpany ,  crossed  the  Rocky 
mountains,  discovered  the  head-waters  of  Frazer  a 
river,  and  established  a  trading  post  on  that  river, 
which,  as  is  alleged  by  England,  had  been  previ- 
ously discovered  and  partially  explored  in  1792  by 
Mackenzie.  If  all  this  be  true,  it  is  very  question- 
able whether  these  temporary  establishments  of 
roving  hunters  and  Imjijiers,  for  purposes  merely 
of  hunting  and  trading  tvilli  the  natives,  constitute 
that  kind  of  settlement  and  oicupatioii  which  pub- 
lic law  determines  to  be  necessary  lo  create  a  title 
to  lerritmy,  and  iMine  of  the  discoveries  inland,  al- 
luded to,  except  tlin.se  of  Lewis  and  Clarke,  Keeni 
to  meet  the  requisitions  of  the  law  of  nations.  They 
were  made  by  individuals  pursuing  their  private 
interests,  and  not  commissioned  by  their  Govern- 
ments  to  go  upon  expeditions  of  discovery. 


>; 


'■^'#^' 


[Feb.  5. 
r  Rbps. 

ssrd  n  perfect 
our  Govern- 
I  the  ri^lils  of 
rormiil  propo- 
10  Oregon  Icr- 
norili  iRlitiide 
llusion  to  the 
'  Spain  wns  a 
Ticnt  found  a 
i^'oluniljin  riv- 
of  tliat  river 
fcry,  miide  in 
>rin,  near  the 
'iith  bunk,  in 
iilhcrn   head- 
la  cxplorntion 
I  CInrke,  dis- 
vernmcnt,  tlin 
ignty  over  nil 
nd  its  tributn- 
3etter  grounds 
W8es, I  do  not 
.    The  whole 
lecn  discovcr- 
jcforc  the  dia- 
tnbiii  by  C'np- 
nin  m  i  Eng- 
)lloweU  up  by 
r  of  those  na- 
oiintry.     The 
cd  by  Hcceta, 
icon  yenrs  bc- 
Can  the  dis- 
■cd ,  give  tcrri- 
lie  second  dis- 
;nd,  cannot  be 
the  discovery 
before  discov- 
us  of  the  const 
xplored  by  the 
nil  or  the  Uni- 
.    The  Irnding 
Colunibiu  re- 
ir  until  the  war 
tisli  force,  and 
By  the  treaty 
United  Stales, 
ver  it  in  1818. 
nsscssion  of 
n  fact  been 
Governmenl 
lates  since  its 
emeiit  in  Orc- 
of  title,  for 
the  United 
nation  can 
made   since 
ms,  therefore, 
nic  grounds 
a  setlleiucnt 
IIS,  will  give 
ovcries  and 
their  value, 
up  by  a  suf- 
'le  territory, 
ovcries  and 
by  the  dis- 
wnters  of  the 
unction  with 
Thompson, 
England 
nic  company 
rn  branches 
trcam  ol'  that 
under  the  or- 
d  the  Uocky 
s  of  Frazcr  s 
n  that  river, 
been  prcvi- 
d  in  1792  by 
ry  question- 
lishmenta  of 
OSes  merely 
s,  constitute 
which  pub- 
create  a  title 
H  inland,  nl- 
i^larke,  Neem 
tions.  They 
their  private 
iieir  (jovcrn- 
vcry. 


1846.] 

APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

183 

a9TH  CONO... 

..IsT  Sess. 

The  Oregon  Q^uesHon — Mr.  Gentry. 

Ho.  OF  Reps. 

> 


Uut,  sir,  I  will  not  further  pursue  this  very  dry 
subject,  with  wliieh  this  connnittee  ha.s  been  al- 
ready so  much  wearied.  I  desired  to  say  only  so 
much  upon  this  brnncli  of  the  question  an  would 
indicate  tiie  /^rounds  of  the  opinion  which  1  have  | 
expressed,  that  neither  Kiigland  nor  the  ■  .liled  . 
States  have  a  complete  und  perfect  title  to  the  whole 
or  any  juu-t  of  the  Oregon  territory.  The  Govern- 
ments of  Great  Briuiin  and  the  United  States  have, 
however,  for  a  lung  lerin  of  years  set  up  a  vague,  1 
indetinitc,  indeterminate  claim  to  the  whole  of  the  , 
territory,  and  no  other  nation  ni-etends  to  contest 
with  them  for  title,  liach  of  the  nations  have  at 
ditferent  times  proposed  lo  adjust  their  ccmflictiiig 
claims  by  a  piirtiiion  of  the  territory.  They  have 
failed  to  agree  only  beciuisc  they  dillered  as  to  what 
constituted  a  fair  and  just  division  of  the  territory. 
The  time  liu.s  now  arrived  when,  if  the  two  nations 
ilet.irc  to  niHinlaiii  peace,  they  iiiiu/  proceed  speed- 
ily to  adjust  this  controversy.  It  camiot  be  much 
longer  postponed  with  safely.  The  dilficulty  is  in 
limiing  some  principle  upon  which  to  luocced, 
which,  while  it  will  do  justice  to  both  nations  in 
the  matter  of  territory,  v  ill  also  take  care  of  the 
honor  of  both  nations.  What  is  that  principle? 
The  49th  parallel  of  north  latitude  is  declared,  by 
a  convention  Iwtween  the  United  States  and  Great 
Briuiin,  signed  at  London,  October  iiO,  1818,  to  be 
"  the  line  of  demarcation  between  the  territories  of 
'  the  United  Stales  and  those  of  his  Britannic  Ma- 
'jesty,  and  that  the  said  line  slmll  form  the  north- 
•  em  boundary  of  the  said  territories  of  the  United 
'  Slates  ami  the  southern  boundary  of  the  territories 
'of  his  Britannic  Majesty,  from  the  Lake  of  the 
'  Woods  to  the  Stony  iVlouiitains." 

Mr.  Chairmnn,  1  am  a  plain  farmer;  and,  liaving 
been  reared  lo  lliat  avocation,  I  am,  like  most  farm- 
ers, very  partial  to  straight  fences.  By  the  right 
of  contiguity  the  United  States  may  justly  claim  to 
extend  their  ntnthern  boundary  due  west  from  the 
point  of  its  termination  east  of  the  Rocky  moun- 
tains to  the  Pacific  ocean,  and  to  settle  and  occupy, 
nnd  exercise  all  the  rights  of  sovereignty  over  all 
of  the  Oregon  territory  lying  south  of  the  49th  par- 
allel of  north  liUitude;  nnd,  in  my  humble  judg- 
ment, the  same  principle  gives  England  an  equiUi- 
blc  claim  to  all  of  that  territmy  north  of  that  pnr- 
nllcl  of  latitude;  and  a  settlement  of  the  controversy 
between  the  two  nations  upon  this  principle  is  de- 
manded by  the  interests  of  the  two  nations,  and  by 
principles  of  right  nnd  justice.  Propositions  to 
settle  the  controversy  upon  this  principle  have  been 
repeatedly  made  by  this  Government,  and  as  often 
rejected  by  England.  But  now,  wh^n  that  Gov- 
ernment sees  that  the  controversy  must  soon  be 
closed,  peacefully  or  otherwise,  I  cannot  but  be- 
lieve that  her  rigard  for  the  iieacc  of  the  world, 
and  her  own  interests,  as  involved  in  the  mainte- 
nance of  pe«ce  with  this  nation,  if  not  hersen.seof 
right  and  justice,  will  induce  England  to  accede  to 
Buch  a  compromise.  1  believe  that,  if  the  Execu- 
tive branch  of  our  Government  wdl,  with  ajirudeni, 
wise,  and  stiilcsmanlike  firmiiess,  exert  itself  for 
that  purpose,  a  treaty  may  speedily  be  concluded 
with  EngluiKl,  thus  adjusting  our  controversy  with 
that  Power  in  relation  to  the  Oregon  territory.  In 
the  meantime,  (_-'ongress  ought  to  be  careful  to 
take  no  action  on  the  «iibject  calculated  lo  increase 
the  dirticulties  w  hich  surround  it.  Is  not  the  nieas- 
iitc  now  under  consideration  calculated,  if  adopted, 
to  increase  those-  dirticulties,  and  make  a  peiicefnl 
settlement  less  easy  of  attainment?  I  have  already 
endeavored  to  an.swer  the  arguments  of  those  gen- 
tlemen who  have  labnroil  ui  this  debate  to  show 
that  to  give  notice  to  England,  in  the  fmni  proposed 
by  the  Committee  on  Kmeign  Ad'ans,  (which,  in 
relation  to  this  ipiestimi,  may,  without  any  viola- 
tion of  courtesy,  be  regarded  as  the  organ  of  ihe 
Executive  Administration,)  is  not  necessary  as  n 
means  of  facilitating  a  peaceful  settlement  of  the 
dilficulty  by  negotiation,  nor  as  an  luixiliary  aid 
to  our  negotiators.  It  remains  for  me  to  show 
that  its  tendency  is  precisely  the  reverse  of  this; 
that  it  will  increase  the  dilhciilties  of  a  |ieaceful 
settlement  by  neirolialiim,  anil  tend  to  involve  the 
two  nations  in  war,  and  I  will  have  accomplished 
the  task  which  I  have  felt  it  to  be  my  duty  to  un- 
dertake. 

IS'ow,  to  determine  the  effect  of  the  measure 
which  we  are  called  upon  to  adopt,  we  must  not 
leave  out  of  view  the  fact  that  the  President  has 
committed  this  Government  tu  the  position  that  llic 


whole  of  Oregon  is  ours,  and  advises  the  legisla- 
tive branch  of  the  Governrrient  to  take  Ihe  same 
position,  by  pn.ssing  this  notice  as  the  tirst  of  u 
series  of  measures  necessary  to  nminuiin  this  po- 
sition.    If  Congress  shall  net  in  conformity  with 
the  advice  of  tiie  President,  by  passing  Ihe  notice 
ill  the  form  leiiorted  by  the  Coiiimitlec  on  Foreign 
AH'airs,  this  Goverinnent  will  .stand  pledged  to  the 
whole  si^ries  of  measures  that  will  be  necessary  to  | 
mainlain  the  position  thus  assumed.     Whnt  will 
be  the  consequences  resulting  from  this?    Wliat 
will  be  the  position  of  this  nation  at  the  end  of  the 
year?     I  maintain  it  lo  be  a  palpaldc,  an  incmi- 
trovertiblc  truth,  that  the  nation  will  stand  in  n 
jiosition  from  which  it  cannot  recede  without  dis- 
lioiior,  nor  advance  without  war.     National  pride, 
;  national  honor,  will  urge  us  forward  at  all  hnnards; 
and  I,  if  I  shall  then  have  a  voice  in  tlie  councils 
of  the  nation,  will  say.  Go  forward  at  all  hazards. 
Olid  maintain  the  honor  of  the  nation.    There  must  | 
I  be  no  cowardly  retreat.     "We  have  passed  the  i 
;  Rubicon.''    We  must  march  up  to  54°  4(1'  north  | 
'  latitude.      We  must  conquer  from   Englond  the 
j  whole  of  Oregon.     But  the  gentlemen  who  urge 
the  adoption  of  this  resolution  tell  us  that  all  this 
,  is  to  be  accomplished  peacefully.     How  can  it  be 
peacefully  ellected  ?     How  will  you  substitute  tho 
laws  of  the  United  States  for  the  British  laws  which 
i  are  now  in  force  in  that  territory,  without  hostile 
collisions?     What  will  you  do  with  the  British 
mngislrales  now  in  commission  in  that  territory  ? 
How  will  ytni  dis|ilace  them  ?    Will  there  not  be 
.  a  conflict  of  jurisdictions  that  must  inevitably  even- 
tuate in  war?     What  will  you  do  with  the  nii- 
,  incrous  forts  and  tradhig  establishments  in  that 
territory,  over  which  the  British  flag  now  waves? 
'  Will  it  be  c  msisleiit  with  the  honor  of  this  nation, 
after  Wking  the  position  to  which  1  have  referred, 
to  pel  mil  the  Bri  isli  flag  to  wave  in  that  territory  ? 
j  Sii'di  a  ilii  ig  cannot  be  permitted  without  bringingr 
I  dL-igmcc  and  infamy  upon  the  nation.     How  will 
you  .peacefully  displace  the  cross  of  &L.  George, 
I  and  substitute  in  its  stead  the  star-apaiigled  ban- 
ner?   Will  it  comport  with  the  honor  of  England 
I  peaceably  to  permit  this  to  be  doii'" — to  see  you 
drive  her  subjects  out  of  the  territory,  or  compel 
them  to  take  the  oath.of  alleginncc  to  the  Uiiii-'l 
States?    All  this  must  lie  (!■   le,  if  Congress  takes 
the  first  step  ii  commended  by  the  President.  That 
step  being  taken,  noihing  short  of  the  whole  of 
,  Oregoi  ,  and  the  exercise  by  this  Governnient  of 
all  the  rights  of  sovereignty  over  the  whole  of  Ore- 
gon, vill  maintain  the  national  honor.     Is  it  wise 
for  mis  Government,  after  haviii";  three  times  of- 
ferel  to  divide  the  territory  with  England,  thus  to 
place  itself  under  the  necessily  of  going  to  war  to 
;  maintain  an  unfounded  claim  to  tlic  whole  of  it; 
But  what  if  war  comes  '     What  patriot  will  be,  nii- 
palled  by  the  horrors  of  war?    Is  not  a  willingness 
to  pUiiigc  theiinlioii  into  war  the  newest  and  truest 
test  of  patriotism?     Who  will  lose  the  distinction 
of  being  considered  a  patriot,  when  that  distinction 
can  be  obinined  at  the  cheap  price  of  a  speech  and 
ttvote?    At  the  risk  of  having  my  latriotism  and 
courage  called  in  queslioii,  I  must  n,  v  that  I  deem 
that  fear  neitlu'r  unmanly  nor  ignobii,  which  fears 
to  bniig  upon   this  nation  the  calamities  which  a 
war  with  England  must  bring. 

If  such  a  war  should  come,  what  will  be  its 
choiact"r  and  what  its  consequences?  I  will  not 
underrate  the  prowess  of  my  countrymen,  nor  the 
martial  resources  of  my  country.  In  a  defensive 
war,  against  unjust  aggression,  I  believe  this  na- 
tion capable  of'  defending  itself  against  England, 
or  any  other  nation.  Though  we  might  be  van- 
quished upon  many  fields,  we  could  never  be  con- 
ipiercd.  As  long  as  ihirc  was  Wl'i  one  descendant 
of  the  Whigs  of  the  Revolution  to  sliotit  defiance 
against  the  minions  of  tyrnimy,  and  oiler  up  his 
life  in  defence  of  that  inheritimce  of  freedom  be- 
queathed by  his  ancestors,  resislaiKa'  could  never 
end.  But,  when  we  are  talking  about  the  proba- 
bilities of  war,  it  is  unwise  to  underrate  our  adver- 
sary. Gentlemen  sneer  nt  those  who  suggest,  as 
;  an  argument  in  favor  of  peace,  the  calamitous  con- 
sequences of  a  war  with  England;  and  iiiiimaie 
that  such  is  not  the  proper  way  "  lo  prepare  the 
heart  of  the  nation  for  war."  The  heart  of  the 
illation  is,  in  my  opinion,  always  prepared  for  a 
war  that  is  necessary  to  protect  the  honor  or  de- 
'"end  the  rights  of  the  nation.  But  when  wc  nre 
i  debating  measures,  the  etVect  of  which  may  be  lo 


j  bring  us  into  a  war  wiiich  is  neitlier  necessary  for 
the  maintenance  of  our  rights  nor  honor,  I  do  not 
j  conceive  it  to  be  unwise  or  tinnalrioiic  to  prepare 
j  the  head  of  the  nation  as  well  as  its  heart,  by 
I  puintinj'  the  public  mind  to  such  eonsidcrntions  as 
i  will  miiKe  it  inquire  into  the  necessity  of  the  war, 
I  nnd  the  sacrifices  which  it  will  impose,  and  into  all 
i  the  consequences  which  it  will  produce.     We  all 
I  remember  with  a  just  pride  that  our  ancestors, 
when  this  nation  ^^as  much  feebler  than  it  is  now, 
I  waged  a  successful  war  with  England,  which  cx- 
I  toned  from  tliat  nation  the  acknowledgment  of  our 
I  independence;  but  surely  we  have  not  forgotten, 
I  nor  ought  wo  to  forget,  that,  in  tlmt  war,  we  had 
I  for  our  ally  France,  tho  most  powerful  ond  warlike 
;  of  all  the  nations  of  Europe.   We  have  hud  another 
;  war  with  England,  which  did  not  result  in  our  siib- 
jjugation;  but  surely  we  have  not  forgotten,  nor 
j  ought  we  to  forget  thai,  nt  that  time,  the  energies 
!  of  Englor.d  were  cmi>loyed  in  a  war  wilh  Napo- 
1  leon,  who  wielded  the  power  and  resources  of  a 
j  large  portion  of  Europe.      If  wo  fight  England 
;  now,  we  will  fight  her  at  a  time  when  she  can  di- 
{  rect  against  us  ihe  whole  of  her  military  nnd  nuvul 
j  iiottcr.     She  is  at  peace  with  idl  the  nations  of  tho 
\  earth;  she  is  in  cordial  friendship  wilh  all  the  pow- 
erful nations  of  Europe,  nnd  in  close  alliance  wilh 
i  ourancient  ally,  France:  and,  although  we  nre  more 
powerful  as  a  nation  than  we  were  nt  those  periods 
when  we  were  in  collision  with  her,  the  leost  in- 
I  formed  amongst  us  knows  that  England  has  nioie 
<  than  kept  pace  with  us  in  all  that  constitutes  pre- 
I  paratioii  for  war.     If  wc  go  lo  war,  we  will  go  to 
!  war  upon  an  issue  which  cannot  be  determined 
j  until  one  or  the  other  notion  is  entirely  overcome, 
I  conquered,  annihilated.  Every  man  of  sense  knows 
I  that  one  of  the  first  events  of  the  war  wimld  be  the 
[  occupalion  of  Oregon  by  British  troops.    That  ter- 
I  ritory  is  too  remote  for  us  to  make  that  the  theatre 
j  of  the  war.    We  could  not  mnrch  an  army  thither, 
I  for  it  is  two  thousand  mileswcst  of  our  most  western 
sc;ttlements,  and  is  separated  from  them  by  dreary 
deserts,  and  mountains  almost  inaccessible.     We 
could  not  transport  an  army  thither  by  sea;  for,  to 
say  nothing  of  the  vast  and  tedious  distance  of  a 
voynge  by  sea,  our  transjiorts  would  be  cut  ofi"  by 
the  superior  naval  force  of  England. 
The  honorable  gentleman  from  South  Carolina 
i|  [Mr.  Holmes]  has  drawn   an  eloquent  but   not 
ij  overwrought  picture  of  the  chnrnclcr  and  conse- 
:  i  quences  of  n  war  with  England.    I  will  not  nttempt 
li  to  repeat  what  he  has  said  so  well.     Suffice  it  to 
I;  sny,  that  by  her  superior  naval  force,  she  would 
;j  sweep  imr  commerce  from  the  ocean.     She  would 
!,  liover,  with  her  vast  nnvics,  along  our  unfortified 

I  senconstof  more  than  three  tliou.sand  miles,  threat- 
ening every  commercial  cily  on  that  seaboard.  Our 

'I  Government  owes  protection  to  all  its  ciiizens, 
;  and  would  be  compelled  to  bring  into  action  not  a 
i  large  army,  but  many  large  armies;  for  every  city 
j!  threatened  with  attack  would  have  a  right  to  claim 
i  I  protection  and  defence.  Some  of  them  would  nrob- 
j  ably  be  successftilly  defended;   others  would  be 

I I  given  to  the  flames,  or  laid  under  contribulion. 
[,  Thus  the  war  would  be  waged,  and  thus  coiiiin- 
!l  ued,  until  one  or  the  olherof  the  combatants  would 
jl  be  cntii-ely  conquered,  or  until  both  of  thcin,  from 
jl  very  exhaustion,  wearied  of  the  connict.  The  lat- 
1^  tcr  is  the  more  probable  event;  for  while  1  am  eii- 
i    tirely  ceruiin   that  England   cann  )t  conquer  and 

!  subjugate  the  United  States,  1  am  equally  cert  lin 
that  tiie  United  States  cannot  conquer  and  subju- 
gate Eneland.     After  n  long  and  wasting  war,  tho 
two  nations  would  make  a  iieaty  of  peace,  the 
main  features  of  which  would  be,  a  porlition  of  the 
,  territory  in  dispute,  precisely  what   ought  to  bo 
'  done  now  without  a  war.    As  im  oti'set  to  the  ^lory 
which  we  would  a .hieve,  wo  would  have  a  nauonal 
debt  of  little  lessthantcn  hundred  millionsof  dollars 
!  to  weigh  down  the  energies  of  the  nation,  and  oppress 
J  our  posterity  for  many  generations,  with  olhercvils 
almost  innumerable,  vniich  will  nt  once  strike  the 
'!  minds  of  reflecting  men.    Instead  of  advancing  our 
country  forward  to  the  consumnintion  of  that  high 
destiny  of  power  and  glory,  so  often  referred   to 
:  with  patriotic  enthusiasm  in  this  debate,  we  would 
I  ine.vilably  retrograde  from  our  present  position. 
I  The  energies  of  our  people  would  be  diverted  by 
;  the  inexorable  necessities  of  war  ft-oin  all  amelior- 
•  ,  alinj  and  humanizing  pursuits.     A  very  large  por- 
,  lion  of  our  popttlatioii  would  be  required  to  engage 
'  ill  the  miliuiry  service  of  the  country,  and  the  resi- 


Ki 


i 


^1l 


184 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  7, 


2^H  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Ores^on  (^stion — Mr.  Wilmot. 


Ho.  OF  Kf.ps. 


tl^ 


due,  not  thus  employed,  would  find  their  industry  j 
rendcreil  valueless  tbr  the  wnnl  of  markets,  niid   j 
their  sinnll  Imnl  eornin^s  wrested  from  them  l>y    i 
direct  iBxniion,  to  raise  the  means  neceasory  to  pay  |i 
the  expenses  of  the  war.     Why  hring  upon  our  j! 
country  these  evils,  when  our  diffieulties  are  sus-  i| 
ceptible  of  a  peaceful  and  honoralile  ndjuslment  ?  n 
But,  say  gentlemen,  we  will  tnkc  Canada  and  Mex-  jj 
ico.    Why  should  we  want  Canada  or  Mexico?  | 
If  Englaim  were  to  propose  to  <  .de  Canada  to  this  || 
Government  to-morrow,  in  my  hiim'ilc  judcmcnt,  I 
it  would  be  unwise  to  accept  llie  cession.    IfMcx-   ! 
ico  were  to  ask  to  he  annexed  to  this  Union,  ii    ' 
would  Iw  unwise  to  grant  her  prayer;  for,  if  an-    ' 
nexed  at  all,  the  Mexican  Stales  and  the  Canad.Ts  : 
would  have  to  come  into  the  Union  upon  i\  fnolin;;    ' 
of  perfect  emmlity  with  the  Slates  which  now  com- 
pose the  Union.     The  loyal    Hritish  suIuccIm  of 
Canada,  the  whole  popuhiiion  of  Mexico — Indians, 
negroes,  .Spanish  .\lcxicans — all  would  bca(lo|ileil 
as  citizens  of  this  Republic,  anil,  as  such,  would 
fully  participate,  accindins  to  their  numbers,  in 
(rovernin;  this  Union,  making  its  laws,  anil  eliii- 
ing  its  I'residcnls.     Will  such  infusions  into  our 
political  institutions  either  purify  ihem.nririiaraniy 
their  perpetuity .'    It  would  have  been  ihr  bctier  :'  r 
our  uncestor.s  quietly  to  have  borne  the    Uriii-  i 
yoke;  it  would  have  been  better  for  their  childn  ;) 
to  have  been  born  British  subjects,  than  for  u.s  M 
make  such  an  application  of  our  bonsieil  rishi  of 
self-government  as  would  subject  us  to  the  ffoveni- 
nient  of  British  subjects  and  Mexican  b.irliariiiiis. 
of  whom  it  isditlicult  to  determine  which  of  ilu> 
three  races  is  most  degraded — the  negroes,  the  In- 
dians, or  the  .Spanish-Mexicans.     No,  sir,  Oregon 
up  to  the  49th  parallel  of  laiiiude,and  the  province 
of  Upper  Calilbrnia,  when  it  can  be  fairly  acquired, 
is  the  utmost  limit  to  which  this  nation  ought  to  go 
in  the  acquisition  of  territory.     I  have  already  en- 
deavored to  show  that  Oregon  must  be  ours  in  a 
short  time,  unless  that  end  be  defeated  by  our  own 
folly;  and,  with  good  management,  California  may 
presently  be  fairly  acquired.     Within  the  broad 
territory  which  will  then  be  ours — a  territory  de^- 
tined,  within  the  lifetime  of  those  now  born,  to 
contain  more  than  one  hundred  millions  of  inh;ib- 
itanls — n  territory  stretching  from  the  Atlaniic  lo 
the  Pacific  ocean,  and  from  the  latitude  of  49  de- 
grees north  almost  to  the  equator — surely  we  will  '[ 
have  "  scope  and  verge  enou!-h"  within  which  to 
illustrate  the  capacity  of  republican  government  to 
promote  the  happiness  and  elevaie  and  improve 
the  character  of  man.     Upon  this  broad  theatre 
"  let  us  act  well  our  part,"  and  we  will  achieve  a 
nobler  destiny  for  ourselves  and  our  posterity:  we 
will  accomplish  more  by  our  example  for  the  na- 
tions of  the  earth  than  we  can  possibly  achieve  and 
accomplish  by  wars  of  aggrission  for  the  conmiest    ■ 
of  territory,  or  for  political  propaganrtism.     Much 
has  been  said  in  this  debate  which  inspires  a  wish 
to  enlarge  upor.  this  theme;  but  I  am  constrained    ' 
lo  be  brief.     1  fear  that  gentlemen  have  p»rniittcd 
themselves  to  become  so  enamored  of  the  gluries  of 
war  as  to  forget  the  blessings  of  peace.     Whilst  1 
believe  that  a  war  with   England  at   the   present 
time  would  be  one  of  the  gic.Ui  st  calamiiiis  ihiit 
could    po.ssibly  befall  this   nation,  I  believe  th.it 
peace  is  yearly  bringing  to  it  cveryt'iing  ih.it  can 
make  it  great  and  powerful  as  a  nation,  and  its  peo- 
ple prosperous  and  happy.     I  believe  that  pca-e, 
which  is  so  rapidly  augmenting  its  population  and 
wealth  and  power,  will  presently  place  this  nati(.n 
in  a  position  of  strength  so  commanding  that  no 
nation  upon  earth  will  be  so  rash  as  to  dispute  its 
rights,  and  that  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  com- 
bined will  not  be  able  to  outrage  those  rights  with 
impunity.     Let  not  that  which  is  fraught  with  so 
many  blessings  be  lightly  and  unnecessarily  im- 
perilled.    If  it  has  been  already  brought  into  jeop- 
ardy  by  the  rashness  of  the    Executive,   acting 
unifer   porty   obligations  imposed    by  a  political 
convention,  let  it  be  made  sale  by  the  wisdom  and 
patriotism  of  »>ongress;  let  us  not  still  further  iin-  '. 
peril  it  by  passing  the  resolution  reported  by  the 
Committee  on   Foreign  Affairs  without  modifica- 
tion.   I  believe  that  it  ought  not  to  pass  in  any  fnrm 
at  the  present  lime.    If  it  passes  this  House  without 
modification,  surely  it  will  be  modified  or  rejected  ' 
by  the  Senate.     To  doubt  these  conclusions  is  to 
doubt  the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the  American 
people,  as  that  virtue  and   intelligence  are  repre- 
sented in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 


OREGON  QUESTION. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  D.  WILMOT,  ! 

OF  PF.NNSYLVANIA,  j 

In  the  HorsE  or  REritEiiENTATivES,  I 

February  7,  1846. 
On  the  Resolution  to  terminate  the  Oregon  conven-  I 
tion,  and  the  pending  amendmrnU. 

Mr.  WILMOT  addressed  the  committee  os  (bl-  j 
lows: 

Mr.  CiiAinMAN:  I  am  conscious,  from  the  length 
of  time  already  occupied  in  this  debate,  that  it  lias 
lost  much  of  its  tVcshiiess  and  (U'igiiml  interest  to 
the  nicmi'er.s  of  Ibis  House,  if  not  also  to  the  peo- 
ple mid  the  cnimiry  nl  large.     I  do  not  (latter  my- ' 
self  thiit  I  .shall  be  able  to  revi\e  any  portion  of 
ihnt  iiiicrrsi,  by  civancing,  nt  this  late  day,  after  ; 
the  subject  lias  passed  throiisjh  .so  many  older  and  , 
abler  hands,  anything  that  shall  be  new,  touching  j 
cither  our  (i(/f  to  the  Oregon,  or  as  lo  the  |irobable 
consequences  thai  may  arise  from  the  assertion  of 
that  title  at  ihc  present   time  and  in  the  manner  I 
proposed.     Afierihc  nbic  inaniicriii  which  our  title  j 
liiis  been  discussed  by  tlio.se  who  have  conducted 
this  ni-goti;uioii  on  the  part  of  our  Oovcrinnent,  1 
and  after  all  the  fjicis  that  have  been  brought  to 
view  by  the  lal)ond    rcsnirch  of  gentlemen  who 
have  spoken  upon  this  llonr,  it  v  oulil  be  idle  for 
nic  lo  expect  ili.M  I  could  shed  additional  light  over 
this  suli|eci.     I  shall  not  incur  the  risk  to  which  ! 
such  an  elTm-t  would  expose  me.  | 

I  was  anxious  to  obiiiin  the  Hoor  nt  an  early  stage  j 
in  this  debate,  and  made,  as  I  thought  at  the  time, 
some  very  good  elf^uMs  in  that  direction.     I  failed, 
however,  doubtless  from  the  force  of  fixed  laws —  [ 
not  being  able  to  rise  as  quick,  or  get  up  as  high,  ! 
as  gentlemen  of  less  gravitating  properties  than  my-  i 
self.     I  have  it  now:  and  sought  it  at  this  time  not  ' 
so  much  from  a  desire  to  participate  in  the  conflict  ; 
of  opinion   that  has  grown  out  of  this  subject,  as 
from  an  earnest  anxiety,  before  the  debate  should 
be  brought  to  a  final  termination,  to  announce  my 
cheerful  support  of  the  resolution  upon  your  table, 
and  my  cordial  and  hearty  concurrence  in  all  the 
recommendations  contnineil  in  the  President's  Mes- 
snge  relating  to  this  important  and  deeply-interest- 
ing subject.  i 

1  would  prefer  the  passage  of  the  resolution  as  ' 
it  came  from  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations, 
without  amendment,  and  without  qualification,  i 
While  such  is  my  preference,  I  would  here  say,  ' 
that  I  have  none,  or  very  slight  objections,  to  that 
amendment  which  proposes  to  leave  the  giving  of 
notice  discretimiary  with  the  President.  Not  that 
I  desire  to  cast  from  my  shoulders  any  responsibil- 
ity in  this  matter;  much  less,  to  throw  uoon  the 
President  any,  not  properly  belonging  to  nis  high 
station.  I  do  not  believe  that  he  would  feel  the 
burden  of  such  responsibility;  and  I  have  full  con- 
fidence, if  left  to  iiim,  that  the  notice  would  be 
promptly  given.  I  will  consent  to  waive  objections 
of  a  more  weighty  character,  and  vote  for  the  reso- 
lution introduced  by  the  jrintlemnn  from  South  Ca- 
rolina, [Mr.  Buck,]  if  tlnreby  we  can  scciirethnt 
inianiniiiy  so  desirable  on  a  great  national  question 
like  this.  .Still,  my  own  choice  would  be  the  pas- 
sage of  the  original  resolution.  I  would  prefer 
giving  the  simightforward  notice  to  dissolve  the 
convention  of  1827,  leaving  England  to  put  her 
own  interpretation  upon  it.  She  would  have  no  ri"ht 
to  place  upon  it  an  unfriendly  construction.  Nor 
wnuiil  I  slop  upon  the  giving  of  the  notice:  I 
would  also  provide  I'or  carryinj  out  promptly  all 
of  the  recommendations  of  the  President  relating 
to  this  subject.  Toe.ich  and  every  of  them  I  yield 
the  unreserved  sanction  and  support  of  my  judg- 
ment; and  that,  too,  whether  our  tide  to  the  whole 
of  Oregon  be  clear  and  unquestionable,  or  whether 
it  be  involved  in  doubt  and  uncertainty,  either  ns 
to  the  whole  or  a  part. 

Most  of  those  gentlemen  from  the  South  with 
whom  I  hold  a  general  agreement  in  politics,  and 
who  addressed  the  committee  in  opposition  to  the 
n^S(dution  in  the  earlier  stage  of  this  debate,  ad- 
mitted, in  the  broadest  i\nd  most  unqualified  terms, 
that  our  title  to  Oregon,  and  to  the  whole  of  Ore- 
gon to  .54°  40',  was  clear  and  indisputable — be- 
yond rightful  question  or  fair  controversy.  Those 
who  have  spoken  more  recently — doubtless  gentle- 


men of  larger  experience— seeing  the  difficultiea 
involved  in  this  position,  prudently  assumed  other 
grounds.  The  former,  it  seems  to  me,  are  involved 
in  a  dilemma  of  singular  difficulty  nud  embarrass- 
ment. I  propose  to  examine,  fur  a  few  moments, 
the  position  of  those  gentlemen  who,  declaring 
our  title  clear  and  unquestionable  to  the  whole 
of  Oregon,  still  oppose  the  giving  of  this  nnl-cc, 
whereby  the  convention  of  Joint  occupation,  as  it 
is  ealleii,  shall  be  abrogated  and  annulled.  Thin 
admission,  thus  unreservedly  made,  ought,  in  my 
judgment,  to  be  conclusive  upon  the  gentlemen  ma- 
King  it.  They,  nt  least,  ought  not  lo  hesitate,  either 
as  to  the  character  of  the  measures  called  for,  or 
as  lo  the  proper  time  for  our  action.  The  conse- 
quence of  a.sserting  rights  thus  clfitr,  ought  not,  in 
my  judgment, to  be  the  subject  of  inipiiry  ordebate. 
If  the  whole  of  Oregon  be  charlij  ours,  ihen  I  sub- 
mit it  to  the  rensiui  and  patriotism  of  gentlemen, 
whether  it  becomes  an  American  Congress,  gravely 
and  -vith  solemn  fear,  to  deliberate  upon  the  conse- 
quences of  its  action  in  respect  to  a  foreign  Power. 
It  is  humiliating,  .sir — 1\  sUiin  upon  our  character — 
a  reproach  upon  our  sovereignty.  In  this  aspect, 
ns,  indeed,  in  any  in  which  the  subject  under  con- 
sideriition  can  be  viewed,  it  presents  a  very  difler- 
ent  question  from  a  declaration  of  war;  in  which 
light  too  many  gentlemen  are  disposed  to  regard  it, 
I  grant,  sir,  most  readily,  that  if  this  were  n 
proposition  in  direct  terms  to  declare  war  against 
\  Oreat  Britain  ;  if  it  even  were  a  measure  that 
gave  any  just  grounds  or  provoiation  for  such  a 
declaration  on  Tier  part — it  would  be  proper,  nay, 
sir,  it  would  be  our  bounden  duty,  to  inquire  into 
the  condition  of  our  country,  its  resources  and  de- 
fences, and  carefully  lo  estimate  the  strength  and 
power  of  our  adversary. 

Notwithstanding  the  very  severe  ottaek  made 
upon  Sir  John  F'aistairiast  evening,  by  the  gentle- 
man from  Ohio,  I  am  half  inclini^l  lo  adopt  the 
sentiment  so  olijecliouabletohim,  "that  discretion 
is  the  better  part  of  valor."     1  cannot  believe  that 
the  great  poet,  by  putting  these  words  into  the 
mouth  of  the  valiant  knight  of  the  lap-room,  in- 
tended to  condemn  so  wise  a  maxim  of  human  con- 
duct, but  merely  lo  show  how  an  arrant,  yet  in- 
genious, coward  could  reason  in  excu.se  for  his 
cowardice.    I  agree,  sir,  that  "discretion  is  the  bet- 
ter part  of  valor."    That  it  is  neither  wise  nor 
pruilent  to  rush  blindly  into  a  war,  unprepared  and 
comparatively  defenceless,  against  an  enemy  arm- 
ed at  all  points,  and  holding  us  it  were  in  his  hands 
I  all  the  elements  of  destructive  warfare.     Such  a 
i  course,  I  repeal,  in  my  judgment  would  be  neither 
I  wise  nor  prudent.    It  would  be  ns  much  wanting  in 
!  true  courage  as  it  lacked  in  sound  and  statesman- 
I  like  policy.     Before  I  would  vole  for  a  declaration 
!  of  war  against  a  powerful,  and  in  some  rcspecia  a 
!  superior,  enemy,  I  would,  by  vigorous  tmd  en- 
larged preparations,  place  my  country  in  a  condi- 
tion to  carry  on  the  war,  when  declared,  lo  a  suc- 
cessful ond  glorious  termination. 

Sir,  I  do  not  believe  that  war  will  come  of  this 
Oregon  diflicully,  if  prompt  and  prutlent  incasures 
are  adopted.    Certain  it  is,  that  the  resolution  upon 
your  taole  gives  none,  not  the  sligliest  grounds  of 
olience  towards  England.     In  truth,  if  the  position 
assumed  by  some  gentlemen  who  oppose  this  no- 
tice be  correct,  1  shall  be  sustained  in  the  declara- 
tion that  the  resolution  now  under  consideration, 
i  as  also  all  the  measures  that  are  ex|)ected  to  follow 
'  it,  are  within    the  ordinary  and   daily-exercised 
;  powers  of  this  Government.     No  one  has  gone  so 
'  far  in  opposition  to  the  notice  as  to  pretend  that, 
!  abstractly  and  perse,  it  gave  any  just  cause  or  prov- 
I  ocation   for  war.    This   is  contemplated   by   the 
i  very  terms  of  the  convention  itself.     The  right  of 
'  either  party  lo  give  this  notice,  and  thereby  dis- 
'  solve  the  convention,  forms  one  of  its  express  and 
I  plain  stipulations.     It  cannot  be  that  war  is  appre- 
hended from  acting  in  strict  conformity  with  the 
'  treaty  itself     What  is  it,  then,  that  gives  to  the 
alarmed  imaginations  of  so  many  gentlemen  a  war- 
like aspect  to  this  measure .'    dt  is  our  claim  to  the 
tehole  of  Oregon;  and  yet  many  of  these  same  gen- 
tlemen admit  our  title  to  that  country  clear  and  in- 
disputable.    I  repeat,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  it  is  not 
the  giving  of  the  notice  that  makes  war  a  remote 
or  even  possible  contingency  as  growing  out  of 
this  question,  but  our  positive  claim  lo  Oregon,  and 
the  measures  hereafter   contemplated  in  extend- 
ing over  it  the  jurisdiction  of  our  laws  and  the  sov- 


)  '1 


[Feb.  7, 
r  Reps. 


ic  difficulties 
nsiin\pd  ulher 
,  nre  involveil 
d  cmhnrraBS- 
cw  moments, 
tin,  declnriiig 
!o  the  whole 
f  thin  noi'cc, 
iipiilinn,  ns  it 
Hilled.  Thin 
ouKhl,  in  my 
Piulcincn  mn- 
csitnle,  either 
culled  for,  or 
The  conne- 
oup;ht  not,  in 
liry  ordebnie. 
s,  then  I  8ub- 
n(  tfenllemen, 
jresSigrnvely 
ion  the  coi'sc- 
irelRn  Power. 
ir  rharncter — 

I  thin  aspect, 
•cl  under  con- 

II  very  difler- 
rnr;  in  which 
d  In  regard  it. 
f  this  were  n 
e  war  against 
measure  that 
[in  for  such  a 

proper,  nay, 
3  inquire  into 
luroea  and  de- 
strength  and 

nttnck  made 
by  the  gentlc- 
to  adopt  the 
hat  discretion 
It  believe  that 
ords  into  the 
tap-room,  in- 
if  human  con- 
irrnnt,  yet  in- 
Ixcuse  for  his 
ion  is  the  bet- 
ther  wise  nor 
ipreparcd  and 

enemy  arm- 
« in  his  hands 
are.  Such  a 
uld  be  neither 

h  wanting  ill 
id  slatesman- 

a  declamtion 
me  respects  a 
rous  and  en- 
Y  in  a  condi- 
red,  to  n  suc- 

eome  of  this 
ent  measures 
solution  upon 
grounds  of 
the  position 
pose  this  no- 
the  declara- 
onsideraiion, 
ted  to  follow 
ly-exercised 
has  gone  so 
pretend  thot, 
nuse  or  prov- 
ated   by   the 
The  right  of 
thereby  dis- 
exprcBs  and 
ivar  is  appre- 
ity  with  the 
gives  to  the 
leincn  a  war- 
claim  to  the 
se  same  gen- 
Icar  and  in- 
thutit  is  not 
ar  a  remote 
wing  out  of 
Oregon,  and 
in  extend- 
ttnd  the  sov- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


185 


2^H  CONO IST  Sf.ss. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  fVilmot, 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


ereignty  of  our  flog.  To  legislate  over  territory 
cUaily  onr  own,  in  the  extension  of  our  laws,  and 
in  the  establishment  of  territorial  governments,  is 
certainly  no  unfreriuent  or  unusuaf  acl  of  legisla- 
tion, ft  is,  I  believe,  within  our  acknowledged 
jurisdiction  and  sovereignty;  and  to  be  deterred 
from  its  exercise,  when  demanded  by  the  wants  of 
our  citizens,  becouse  of  the  unfounded  pretensions 
of  a  foreign  Power,  I  can  regard  in  no  other  light 
than  a  shamcftil  abandonment  of  the  right  itself. 
Our  right  to  Oregon  admitted  as  clear,  in  my  judg- 
ment, the  subject  now  under  consideration,  as  well 
as  all  the  measures  expected  to  follow,  become  acts 
of  usual  and  ordinary  legislation.  But  we  ore  told 
that  war  will  certainly  and  inevitably  follow.  Sup- 
pose it  does,  it  will  follow  unjustly  and  without 
cause— will  it  not?  And  must  we  halt  in  the  pros 
ecution  of  our  rights?  Must  we  refrain  from  the 
exercise  r)f  our  acknowledged  powers  because  war 
nioy  ensue .'  It  is  a  degradation  and  a  reproach — 
an  acknowledgment  of  weakness  that  amounts  to 
a  virtual  surrender  of  our  sovereignly.  Sovereignty 
consults  only  its  own  interests  and  glory.  It  is 
thfi'sole  arbiter  of  its  own  rights.  It  exisU  but  in 
its  perfect  and  absolute  independence;  it  suffers  no 
invasion;  it  can  survive  no  surrender. 

If  we  would  abandon  our  claim  to  that  portion 
of  Oregon  lying  north  of  the  Columbia  river,  gei>- 
tlenien,  I  am  confident,  would  not  then  sec  in  this 
notice  to  dissolve  the  convention  of  1827,  anything 
alarming  or  warlike.  It  assumes  that  character 
only  liccause  we  insist  upon  our  own.  England 
has  no  right — so  say  gentlemen  opposed  to  this 
notice;  yet,  in  the  insolence  of  her  power,  she  in- 
terposes her  pretensions,  and  bids  us  stand,  or  ad- 
vance at  our  peril.  Shall  we  stand  at  her  bidding, 
and  lamely  and  cowardly  surrender  our  rights.' 
or  shall  we  vindicate  them  an  our  fathers  did,  by 
oil  the  means  God  ond  nature  has  placed  in  our 
hands.'  This  is  the  question,  and  the  only  ques- 
tion, our  clear  right  to  Oregon  admitted.  It,  in- 
stead of  looking  to  the  interest  of  our  own  people, 
nnd  determining  what  is  expedient  and  proper  for 
their  good,  we  arc  to  be  swayed  ond  influenced  by 
European  cabinets,  ond  European  threats,  where 
is  our  boasted  independence  ?  What  can  England 
do  more  than  invade  our  "  clear  and  unquestion- 
ble  "  rights.'  If.sheclaimed  the  power  of  taxation 
it  would  be  no  more;  and  would  gentlemen  still 
counsel  supincness  and  delay .'  Would  they  still 
talk  of  the  dangers  and  horrors  of  war  ?  This  was 
not  the  langiioge  of  those  who  laid  deep  and  strong 
the  foundations  of  the  Republic;  it  is  not  thus 
that  its  integrity  con  be  maintaineil.  What  would 
be  our  position  before  the  civilized  world  ? — as- 
serting our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  as  indis- 
putable and  clear;  yet  hesitating,  tlirough  fear,  to 
take  those  steps  demanded  by  the  wants  of  our 
citizens  and  enforced  by  every  consideration  of 
patriotism  and  public  duty.  But  I  am  told  that  it 
IS  not  through  fear,  but  from  policy,  that  this  no- 
tice should  be  withheld.  It  will  do  to  say  so;  but 
will  we  be  believed?  Will  England  believe  us? 
Will  the  intelligent  Ministers  at  the  heads  of  the 
Governments  of  Europe  believe  us  ?  Can  we  make 
our  own  people  so  believe?  No,  sir,  rely  upon  it, 
it  would  be  regtirded  as  a  subterftige,  a  shelter  for 
our  shaine,  and  the  true  reason  attributed  to  fear. 

Sir,  I  am  not  for  war.  If  such  a  spirit  is  at 
work  within  the.se  walls,  I  sympathize  not  with 
it.  Peace,  with  national  honor  and  individual 
liberty,  is  the  mo.st  desirable  of  all  blessings.  The 
social,  moral,  and  political  triumphs  of  peace,  are 
far  more  glorious,  in  my  estimation,  than  all  the 
victories  and  bloody  trophies  of  war.  I  look,  I 
confess,  with  deep  solicitude,  and  not  without 
serious  apprehension,  to  the  influence  which  a 
war,  and  such  a  war  as  we  should  have  with  Eng- 
land, might  exert  upon  the  habits,  thoughts,  ond 
feelings  of  our  people.  I  acknowledge  its  strong 
and  centralizing  tendencies,  its  waslelVil  extrava- 
gance, its  corrupting  and  demoralizing  influences. 
ISut  we  must  not,  because  of  these  dangers,  tame- 
ly submit  to  be  plundered  of  our  rights.  I  trust, 
we  shull  have  no  war.  In  truth,  I  do  not  appre- 
hend serious  danger  of  so  grciit  a  calamity.  The 
age  in  which  we  live  U  an  age  of  peace.  The  be- 
nign influences  of  its  spirit  arc  everywhere  seen 
and  felt.  Men  are  everywhere  engaged  in  the 
cultivation  of  art,  and  the  peaceful  enterprises  of 
hfe.  I  am  for  peace.  But  if  it  has  eome  to  this, 
that  we  cannot  assert  our  "  clear  and  unquestion- 


able "  rights  in  that  mode  that  we  deem  best  cal- 
culated to  promote  the  interests  of  our  country  ond 
the  good  of  our  people,  without  involving  us  in 
war,  then,  sir,  let  it  come.  War,  under  such  cir- 
cumstances, ceases  to  be  on  evil,  and  becomes  a 
good.  Patriotism  and  religion  alike  sanction  and 
sanctify  it. 

Mr.  Chairman,  my  constituents  ore  for  peace. 
They  ore  eniphaticully  a  peace-loving  people. 
Much  has  been  said,  in  the  course  of  this  debate, 
about  individual  and  national  honor.  I  am  not 
insensible  to  the  claims  of  (nie  national  honor. 
Its  preservation  I  acknowledge  as  one  of  the  high- 
est duties  of  freemen.  My  constituents,  however, 
do  not  war  in  individual  strife  upon  mere  poinit 
of  honor;  nor  would  they  jusiit'y  mo  in  plunging 
their  country  into  wiir  on  some  ahlracl  idea  or 
point  of  national  honor.  If  there  is  nothing  in  this 
controversy,  no  substjintial  and  valuable  rights, 
no  principles  dear  to  the  American  heart,  then  let 
us  have  done  with  it.  But  if,  upon  the  other  hand, 
there  nre  rights  and  principles  involved,  deeply 
oflecting  our  interests  and  sovereignty,  then,  sir, 
I  answer  for  my  constituents,  that  neither  as  in- 
dividuals nor  as  citizens  will  they  submit  In  an 
assault  upon  that  honor  that  involves  a  surrender 
of  their  rights.  It  does  not  become  the  sons  of 
the  land  of  Pcnn  to  boast  of  their  courage.  They 
preserve  their  honor  and  their  self-respect  from 
that  exposure  that  takes  mortal  oflVsnce  at  slight 
and  trivial  causes;  but  they  snfTcr  no  invasion  of 
their  acknowledged  rights.  Abridge  the  freedom 
of  speech  or  of  the  press;  assail  the  rights  of  con- 
science; let  a  foreign  Power  invade  the  freedom  of 
the  seas,  or  our  own  absolute  sovereignty  over  our 
own  soil;  and  my  hfe  upon  it,  sober,  quiet  Penn- 
sylvania will  not  be  found  last  in  the  rally  or  first 
in  the  retreat.  These  are  the  great  ideas  that  Penn 
brought  with  him  when  he  cnmc  to  plant  a  colony 
nnd  to  found  o  State.  We  received  them  from  our 
fathers,  and,  by  the  blessing  of  God,  we  will  trans- 
mit them  to  our  children.  All  our  ideas  of  exist- 
ence ore  inseparable  ft-om  these  great  personal  and 
political  rights.  Cut  ofl'from  lh«!m,  life  would  be 
insupportable,  and  death  in  their  defence  a  bless- 
ing rather  than  a  sacrifice. 

Oregon  ours — so  Hilmitted,  so  conceded — and 
this  is  no  longer  a  controversy  for  a  strip  of  land 
of  two  or  three  degrees  of  latitude.  It  assumes 
an  importance  infinitely  above  and  beyond  all  con- 
siderations of  mere  roods  and  acres  of  land.  It 
becomes  an  attempt,  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain, 
to  overawe  us  in  the  prosecution  of  our  rights,  to 
invade  our  sovereignty,  to  degrade  and  lower  our 
national  character.  1  coll  upon  gentlemen,  who 
have  made  the  broad  admission  of  our  clear  and 
unquestionable  right  to  the  whole  of  Oregon,  to 
come  up  to  the  support  of  the  resolution  now  upon 
your  table.  Whoever  else  falters,  they  should 
not. 

I  deeply  regret  the  course  of  a  portion  of  my 
southern  political  friends  upon  this  question.  I 
doubt  not  but  they  are  actuated  by  as  pure  a  pa- 
triotism, as  high  a  sense  of  public  duty,  as  myself; 
but  it  would  have  given  me  great  pleasure  to  have 
seen  the  republican  members  of  this  House  united, 
to  a  man,  on  this  great  question.  This,  sir,  is  no 
party  question,  but  one  of  deep  national  concern. 
God  forbid  that  I  should  invoke  the  spirit  of  party 
in  its  discussion;  but  1  may  .sny,  what  I  earnestly 
feel,  that  it  would  have  aftorded  me  sincere  grati- 
fication to  have  seen  the  party  to  which  I  belong, 
and  which  I  honestly  believe  to  be  the  great  party 
of  progress — the  true  American  party  of  the  coun- 
try— firmly  united  in  support  of  this  measure.  Sir, 
I  am  no  croaker  ogainst  the  South.  I  have  suf- 
fered abuse  for  the  defence  of  her  constitutional 
rights.  My  home  is  in  the  North.  I  love  its 
green  hills  and  quiet  valleys.  I  would  not  exchange 
its  rugged  soil,  that  invites  to  labor,  and  begets  a 
noble  spirit  of  self-dependence,  for  the  fertile  nnd 
luxuriant  plains  of  the  sunny  South.  I  would 
not  e.xclmngc  systems  o''  labor,  nor  those  stern 
and  quiet  virtues  of  the  North,  for  all  the  chivalry 
and  nice  honor  of  the  South.  Yet,  sir,  I  am  not 
insensible  to  the  claims  of  the  South  uoon  my 
aflection  and  respect.  She  has  contributed  largely 
to  fill  up  the  measure  of  our  national  glory.  Her 
blood  and  her  treasure  has  been  freely  poured  out 
in  the  day  of  peril  and  of  our  country's  greatest 
necti.  I  nold  in  profound  respect  the  names  of 
her  great  statesmen,  living  and  dead.   I  have  drawn 


lorgely  from  their  teachings  in  the  building  up  of 
my  politicnl  faith.  I  cherish  ond  respect  them  for 
their  able  vindication  of  the  great  doctrines  of  the 
republican  school,  their  fearless  defence  of  the 
rights  of  the  States,  and  their  watchful  jealousy 
against  the  encroachments  of  the  Federal  power. 
When  the  North  nnd  the  East  were  rushing  on 
towards  consolidation,  the  South  stood  like  o  wall 
of  fire  in  their  path.  The  South,  sir,  has  done 
much  for  the  cause  of  republican  principles,  and 
of  constitutional  government. 

I  hove  said  ihnt  I  do  not  believe  that  war  will 
coine  of  this  measure.  Is  it  not  a  little  remark- 
able, that  while  genllemen  nre  prognosticating  war 
on  this  floor,  English  statesmen,  so  far  as  we  can 
learn,  do  not  seriously  anticipate  such  an  event. 
Here,  the  Messngc  of  the  President  is  looked  upon 
as  tt  semi-declaration  of  war.  In  England,  it  is 
regarded  as  decidedly  pacific.  All  of  the  English 
papers  brought  by  the  late  steamer,  upon  the 
whole,  speak  of  the  tone  of  the  President's  Mes- 
sage as  fovoroble  to  the  neac'^  of  the  two  countries. 
Every  indication  of  pulilic  opinion  in  England, 
and,  more  than  nil,  the  recent  movements  in  the 
British  ministry,  point  to  peace,  and  not  to  war. 
I  believe — at  least  I  have  so  understood — that  the 
maiii  difficidty  encountered  by  Lord  John  Russell, 
in  his  efl"orts  to  form  a  cabinet,  arose  out  of  a  firm 
determination,  on  the  part  of  eminent  British  states- 
men, to  do  nothing  that  should  lead  to  a  rupture 
between  the  two  countries.  What  were  the  grounds 
of  the  refusal  of  Lord  Grey  to  accept  of  n  place  in 
Lord  John  Ru.sscll's  cabinet?  If  I  have  under- 
stood aright,  (though  I  confess  I  am  not  much  in 
the  way  of  correct  information  on  such  matters,) 
it  wos  because  Lord  Pulmeislnn  was  to  be  jiloced 
at  the  head  of  the  Foreign  Oflice— a  man  known 
to  be  unfriendly  to  this  country,  and,  more  than 
that,  known  to  be  committed  upon  this  very  ques- 
tion in  0  manner  to  preclude  an  amicable  adjust- 
ment of  it.  Yet,  gentlemen  persist  in  the  cry  of 
war,  war,  as  if  it  were  at  our  very  doors.  What 
have  we  to  fear  from  war,  so  much  more  than  our 
adversary,  that  we  should  scent  it  at  a  distance, 
nnd  create  a  panic,  even  before  its  first  mutterinss 
ore  heard?  If  indeed  the  day  has  come  for  the 
struggle  between  monarchical  powers  nnd  repub- 
lican principles,  let  us  breast  the  shock,  as  become 
the  sons  of  heroic  sires.  The  republic  is  in  her 
youth,  and  the  vigor  of  her  strength.  The  lux- 
urious vices  of  wealth  have  not  quenched  the  pa- 
triotism, or  enervated  the  energy  of  her  sons.  Bet- 
ter now  the  conflict  than  when  enfeebled  by  the 
vices  and  infirmities  of  age. 

I  have  been  pained  to  hear  those  extravagant 
eulogies  of  the  power  of  Great  Britain,  in  connex- 
ion with  so  unjust  a  depreciation  of  the  strength 
and  resources  of  our  own  country.  Have  we 
grown  so  feeble  within  the  last  thirty  years  ?  Eng- 
land gained  no  advantage  over  us  in  the  war  of 
1819.  She  was  beaten  upon  the  land  and  the  sea. 
Our  gallant  navy  won  for  itself  and  the  country 
undying  renown.  The  application  of  steam  pow- 
er to  ships-of-war  will  doubtless  work  a  great 
change  in  naval  warfare;  and  I  regret  that  truth 
compels  the  acknowledgment  of  the  vast  superior- 
ity of  England  in  tbi.s  respect.  It  is  n  sliiune,  sir, 
that  we  have  been  so  unniindfVil  of  the  true  inter- 
est of  our  country  in  this  particular.  We  w.nnt  a 
more  eflicient  navy ;  it  is  (lemanded  by  the  present 
condition  of  the  world.  Our  vast  comniercinl  in- 
terests— the  position  we  occupy  in  the  great  fiimi- 
ly  of  nations — most  imperatively  demand  that  we 
should  arm  for  our  protection  nnd  defence.  Eng- 
land is  arming  to  the  teeth.  Her  warlike  prepa- 
rations are  upon  a  s^iale  unparalleled  in  her  histo- 
ry. France — once  her  implacable  foe,  now  her 
apjiarent  ally — has  also,  within  the  last  few  years, 
added  vastly  to  her  naval  and  military  establish- 
ments. Can  we,  sir,  in  justice  to  ourselves,  or 
with  safety  to  our  country,  longer  remain  indiffer- 
ent to  these  significant  ond  portentous  preparations 
of  the  two  great  Powers  of  Europe  ?  Englnntl 
could,  this  day,  strike  a  blow  that  would  desolate 
our  entire  seaboard,  and  lay  waste  our  cities.  Our 
defenceless  condition  but  invites  attack.  We  must 
perfect  our  coast  and  harbor  defences.  Anxious 
for  [)eace,  we  must  prepare  for  war.  We  want  no 
increase  ofthearmy.  For  all  the  purposes  of  land 
defence,  we  have  a  sure  and  safe  reliance  in  the 

fialriotism  and  valor  of  our  people.    I  verily  be- 
icve,  sir,  that,  at  this  day,  we  have  the  strongest 


1 


186 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


Feb.  7, 


I 


SOtii  Cong 1st  Srss. 


The  Oregon  (^ilion — jVr.  H'oodwanl. 


Ho.  or  Ukpi. 


mililnry  (oree  for  tlie  purpoaBs  of  defence  ofnny 
nuluiii  oil  tlio  i|;lobc.  Tlio  iniliiary  |iuwer  of  Eu- 
ropean UovcrniuenU  is  eslimntvd,  and  jumly  ho, 
by  till'  iiiiiiibei'S  of  their  stundin^  iirniica ;  ourit,  liy 
tilt!  nunibiT  of  our  vi^nroua  iiiid  able-liiidlcd  elti- 
zeim;  cvt'ry  one  of  wbiiiii  in  a  belter  ■oldier,  in  tlip 
Klron^'  mid  drlerniined  purpoao  of  a  brnvo  lieiirl, 
limn  ihe  Iraiiiod  incrceimry,  hired  und  (mid  by 
Idiiirs.  I  believe  the  gallant  West  uloiic,  troni  the 
eiiei'i;y  and  dnriiig  of  her  aoiia,  from  their  hit;li 
and  iioblr  benriii!;;,  could  drive  back  the  iiiviidiii); 
hojila  of  nritiiin.  No,  air,  wo  want  no  iiK'rcaNe  of 
tile  atandiii::;  military  force  of  the  country,  except 
it  niiiy  be  a  rcKimeiit  or  two  atationed  along  the 
route  lo  Orejton;  but  v*c  do  v.ant  a  stronger  naval 
eslaUlislinient.  It  \a  neceiMiiry  for  the  priitcciion 
ofoiircoinnuri'c  and  our  coiivt.  It  is  also,  in  my 
opinion,  deniiiiided  as  a  sound  measure  of  puljic 
economy.  Nations,  not  unfrequently,  suH'er  more 
III  the  s.icrifii'es  ihey  make,  because  of  their  weuk- 
ncH!),  than  all  the  cost  of  niainlniiiing  Hlrcnglh. 
How  was  il  during  the  late  wiiih  of  l^urnpe.'  Our 
commerce  plundered  on  every  sea,  our  seanieii 
im|n'e.''9ed — luiiil  ags^ravated  iujuries  compelled  us 
to  a  dcclarution  of  war.  A  navy  adeipiatc  to  the 
proieciion  of  our  commerce  and  seamen,  nili;;lil 
liave  saved  us  from  the  necessity  of  lliat  declara- 
tion, and  the  couiilry  from  the  blood  and  treasure 
il  eosl.  lU'ly  upon  il,  no  nation  ever  yet  lost,  in 
the  long  run,  by  being  prepared  at  all  tunes  to 
inaintiiin  its  rights.  I  do  not  believe  that  \vc  shall 
have  war;  but  if  we  do,  i  give  it  as  my  deep  and 
suicmn  conviction,  that  it  will  lie  provokeil  and 
lirougiit  npmi  ua  by  our  weakness  in  this  respect. 
Give  U.S  a  navy  adequate  for  the  proieciion  ol  our 
coast,  and  able  to  carry  the  war  inuv  Africa,  and 
all  danger  of  war,  if  any  exists,  will  iminediaiely  ; 
vanish.  Thus  protected,  and  thus  able  to  give 
annovaiice  to  our  enemy,  and  war  will  nut  come. 
Let  England  see  and  feel  that  vtar  with  us  would 
peril  her  vast  cim.mercc — ay,  sweep  it  from  the  | 
seas — mid  she  will  not  make  war  for  the  Oregon. 

8ir,  I  go  for  an  increase  of  the  iiav  y,  and  also 
for  a  correction  of  its  abuses.  It  is  pregnant  with  ^ 
the  most  gross  and  glaring  abuses,  and  at  a  propel  ; 
time,  if  opportunity  oflcr,  I  intend  to  raise  my  ' 
voice  for  their  correction.  I  would  urge  an  in- 
crease of  the  navy,  not  as  a  war,  but  as  a  peace 
measure — as  a  sure  and  safe  guaranty  for  pernia- 
iient  and  continued  peace.  We  want  a  stronger 
navy,  to  guard  against  the  hazards  of  European 
wars,  even  though  we  should  not  be  direc  tly  in- 
volved in  them, as  one  of  the  belligerent  parties.  It 
would  insure  protection  to  our  commerce,  and  re- 
spect to  our  llug.  Xo  man  can  be  more  ojiposed 
llian  myself  to  the  cviienditure  of  vast  sums  of 
money  in  supporting  large  naval  and  niilittiry  es- 
taidishnieiiis;  but  the  present  is  a  crisis  in  the  his- 
tory of  this  country:  in  it,  sir,  are  the  issues  of 
life  and  death.  The  result  of  this  controversy 
will  determine  for  all  coming  lime  whether  we  are 
to  hold  a  sei'ondary  place,  or  assume  the  first  lenk 
in  the  family  of  nations.  England  stands  riotlied 
in  coni|ilete  armor.  While  we  hope  for  the  best, 
let  us  sagaciously  prepare  for  the  worst.  A  little 
well-timed  preparation  may  avert  the  calamity  we 
dread.  It  would  be  a  more  potential  argument  ui  , 
favor  of  our  right  to  Oregon,  than  all  the  over- 
whelming facts  ur^ed  by  our  able  negotiators  who 
have  had  tins  subject  in  charge,  liy  this,  1  iman, 
sir,  that  it  would  ouickeii  the  moral  perceptions  of 
England,  and  enable  her  the  belter  to  see  and  ap- 
preciate the  justice  of  our  demands.  No  nation 
ever  yet  lost  in  negotiation  by  beijig  prejiarcd  to 
defend  its  rights. 

Let  this  notice  be  given.     AVlien  did  n  disputed 
right  gain  strength  by  delay  ?     lam  not  prepared 
lit  this  lime  lo  assert,  as  some  have  done,  thai  our 
title  to  the  irhuU  of  Oregon  is  clear  and  unqueslion- 
ahlr;  but  this  much  1  can  say  with  confidence,  thai 
every  year  delay  will  weaken  our  title,  while  Eng- 
land will  grow  mine  and  more  exorbitant  in  her 
demands.     Let  this  controversy  be  speedily  settled 
by  negotiation  if  it  can,  or  by  an  appeal  to  arms  if ' 
it  must.     While  1  believe  our  title  the  better  lo  the 
whole  of  Oregon,  I  do  not  think  it  so  clear  m  lo 
preclude  further  negotiation  and  an  amicable  ad-  ' 
justnienl,  if  it  can   be  honorably  elfeeled.     I  can  ! 
clearly  see  in  the  Presiilenl's  Alcssage  an  earnest  ; 
de.sire  and  hope  that  it  will  be  so  settled.     All  of  j 
the  correspondence  of  our  Secretary  of  State  gives  !l 
lo  England  the  strongest  assurance  of  the  aiixictv  1 


'  of  our  Ciovervincnt  to  settle  lliisi|Ucstioii  by  ne(j;o- 
tiuiion.  Il  miu(  he,  therefore,  tli:a  tlieru  is  some- 
thing in  this  Oregon  eonirnverNy  about  which  we 
may  hniwrubly  negotiate.  "Clear  and  unqutation- 
able"  rights  are  lliings  of  a  strong  and  uneompro- 
inising  naturei  they  cannot  be  impaired,  cnnipro- 
inised,  (U'  even  made  the  subject  of  iiegutiutlon, 
without  a  loss  of  that  high  eliaracu  r  that  this  na- 
tion sliould  ever  inainiam.  If  our  right  to  the 
whole  of  Oregon  be  of  this  nature,  then  I  fear  nie 
that  the  stain  of  dishonor  is  already  indelibly  fixed 
upon  niy  country,  llighls  of  this  character  are 
not,  I  repeat,  the  subject  of  negotiation,  but  of  en- 
joyment; or  if  invaded,  of  battle  lo  the  death.  Sup- 
I  iiose  England  should  claim  that  our  present  revenue 
I  laws  were  so  serious  a  clog  upon  her  commerce 
'  und  mamil'aclures  as  that  she  would  make  it  a  cause 
of  war  unless  our  tarilf  was  reduced  :  would  we 
I  listen  to  such  arrogance,  and  propose  negotiation 
for  the  sellleinent  of  such  pretensions.''  What 
means  this  negotiation  for  the  last  twenty-seven 
years.'  What  these  three  distinct  oilers  to  eoiii- 
promise  on  the  4Uth  parallel  of  north  latitude.'  1 
am  forced,  .Mr.  C'hairmun,  to  the  belief  that  there 
I  lue  questions  of  doubt  and  dillicully  surrounding 
'  our  title  to  a  portion  of  this  territory;  or,  lo  udojii 
the  other  alternative,  thiit  my  country,  to  her  ever- 
lasting shame,  has  three  times  oll'ered  to  purchase 
pe'ice  at  the  ex|iiiise  of  a  surrender  of  her  unijuea- 
lioniilile  rights.  Is  our  title  to  the  le/iu/e  of  Oregon 
clear  beyond  doubt  or  (question.'  If  so,  why  does 
the  Message  of  the  l*resident,  and  the  correspond- 
ence of  Mr.  lluchanan,  .still  hold  out  an  amiculjle 
•  setllemenl  by  negotiation.'  If  there  is  nothing 
about  which  men  may  fairly  dispute,  then,  sir,  we 
have  been  dishonored  long  enough  by  negotiation. 
Let  us  have  no  more  of  it.  Let  the  next  note  of 
the  Uritish  i'l<  nipoteiitiary  be  returned  unopened, 
with  the  answer  that  our  clear  and  indisitutabtc 
righm,  if  invaded,  are  settled  by  the  sword.  Suji- 
pose,  sir,  that  England  should  accede  >o  the  oiler 
we  have  three  times  made;  could  we,  as  a  just 
and  high-minded  nation,  refuse  its  acceptance.' 
Could  we  expect  the  mural  Nenthneiits  of  the  world 
to  sustain  us  in  a  war  under  such  circunislaiices.' 
Could  we  invoke  ujion  our  arms  the  blessing  of  the 
God  of  hosts.' 

While  1  hope  fo'-  an  amicable  settlement  of  this 
difficulty,  I  I'"  fi  "  'atisfied  that  we  can  cxjicct 
no  good  fro  negotiation,  in  the  present 

altitude  of  th  'ii.     rwenty-seven  years  of 

negotiation,  Uu.  ..   conventions  of  ldl8  and 

1827,  have  risulieu  in  nothing,  unless  it  be  to 
weaken  the  force  of  our  title  Oy  three  olfers  to 
compromise  on  the  line  of  the  49lli  parallel  of  lati- 
tude. AVhat  can  we  exjject  from  further  negotia- 
tion under  such  eircum.'ilances .'  If  negotiation  is 
lo  be  renewed,  us  1  doubt  not  it  will,  let  it  be  under 
other  and  dill'erent  auspices — such  as  shall  produce 
a  speedy  settlement  of  this  cuijlroversy.  Let  it 
be  renewed  undi  r  a  notice  to  di.'^solve  the  exi.-iting 
eonvenlion.  Let  steps  inniiediately  be  taken  to 
secure  a  safe  journey  to  our  emigrants  on  their 
way  lo  Oregon;  by  ihe  cn;ction  of  blockhouses 
and  stockade  torts  on  the  line  of  their  route.  Raise 
a  couple  of  regiments  of  mounted  men,  lo  guard 
their  path  from  the  Mirprisc  and  ambush  of  llie  In- 
dian; build  forts  in  Oregon  itself  for  the  protection 
of  our  settlers  in  their  new  homes.  Do  thesa 
things,  sir.  England  has  done  all  this  through 
her  Hudson  Bay  Company;  and  if  it  is  no  infrac- 
tion of  the  eonvenlion  lor  her  to  do  il,  neither  is  it 
for  us.  Extend  the  protection  of  your  laws  over 
our  citizens  ill  that  country;  establish  a  monthly 
mail  communication;  carry  out  that  most  wise  rec- 
oinmendation  of  the  President,  in  the  cstaiilish- 
ment  of  an  Indian  agency,  under  the  su|ierintend- 
ence  of  a  ]irudent  and  s.ig.icious  man,  through 
which  this  Liovernnii-nt  cim  cultivate  friendly  rela- 
tions with  the  ...avage  tribes  of  that  country;  luid, 
above  all,  Mr.  Chaunian,  let  not  Congress  adjourn 
without  providing  means  for  perfeeling  our  I'oast 
defences,  and  pulling  alloat  a  iiiore  elhcient  navy, 
augmentiinr  our  presciii  e.siablishment  by  a  sirmig 
steam  niarine  force;  and  then,  sir,  iirgolin/c.  Then, 
and  not  till  then,  will  we  be  in  a  condition  lo  settle 
this  (piestion  I'avorably  lo  tin;  inlerests,  or  with 
hono'-  U)  the  cmtntry.  1  have  great  confidence  thai 
renewed  negolialiim,  iqiened  under  such  circum- 
stances, would  result  in  a  .sjieedy  and  honorable 
settlement  of  our  territorial  rights  in  Oregon.  Eng- 
land will  not  reiedo  so  long  as  the  present  state  of 


things  continue.  Why  shouhl  she.'  She  is  in  tlio 
eiijoyinriit  of  all  she  asks,  as  fully  as  if  we  had 
inado  a  formal  surrender  of  the  country  north  of 
the  Coliinibia.  She  in  strengthening  herself  in  her 
possessions  north  of  llnil  river,  taking  good  care, 
through  her  IliidHon  Hay  Company,  to  confine 
oiir  Bettlemenls  lo  the  south.  It  is  idle  lo  expect 
a  setilement  under  such  eircuinslances.  England 
has  the  game  all  in  her  own  hand.  Lei  us  block 
it,  sir,  by  giving  this  iiolice,  mid  carrying  mil 
promptly  all  the  recinnnieiidations  of  the  I'residenl 
relating  lo  this  subject. 

Mr.  Chairnnm,  1  agree  with  the  Preshlent,  in 
the  hope  of  a  peaceful  sellleinent  of  this  Oicgoii 
dilKeuliy;  und  have  greater  eonlidencc  iliat  it  will 
ho  so  scllleil,  if  we  act  firmly — none,  sir,  if  timid 
and  irresolute  counsels  pn^vail.  Hut,  sir,  I  am  not 
in  favor  of  any  settlement  that  shall  give  lo  Eng- 
land the  valuable  harbors  of  Pugel's  sound.  I 
regard  them  as  the  keys  of  ilie  Paiiric — the  porls 
that  are  to  eoininand  llic  vast  cmnmei.'e  of  the  In- 
dies. Asia,  sir,  at  this  inomeni,  opens  n  field  for 
conimereial  enterprise,  more  vast  and  valuable  to 
us  than  all  the  other  great  divisions  of  the  worlil. 
Eiislern  Asia  alone,  und  the  islands  adjacent,  are 
thronged  and  irowded  with  near  half  the  world's 
population.  Thi^ir  productions  and  manufactnri  s 
arc  of  unequalled  value;  and  their  artisans  are 
skilled  in  the  most  rare  and  curious  workmanship. 
What  a  fiehl  for  enterprise  1  What  an  inexhausi- 
ible  source  of  wealth  is  here  opened  up  I  The 
comineicc  of  the  western  coast  of  this  coniinent  is 
destined,  I  firmly  believe,  lo  exceed  that  of  the 
eastern.  There  are  those  whose  eyes  now  open 
lo  sunlight,  who,  according  to  our  ratio  of  in- 
crease for  the  hist  fifty  years,  will  live  to  see  our 
population  reach  between  one  hundred  and  filly 
and  two  hundred  millions.  When  this  great  re- 
.sult  is  realized — and  that  il  will  be,  slatislics 
prove — then,  sir,  a  vast  and  busy  population  will 
ihrong  the  shores  of  the  Pacific.  Then  the  seal  of 
commercial  empire  will  be  transfernd  from  the 
east  to  the  west.  Europe  produces  a  l'.irge  sur- 
plus of  nil  the  great  staple  nmmifactures  of  iron, 
wool,  and  cotton.  We  can  find  no  iiiarkel  there 
except  for  the  raw  material  of  cotton  and  a  limit- 
ed quanlily  of  (uir  Biirnlus  breadstiill's.  Eastern 
Asia,  on  the  other  hand,  opens  a  market  both  llir 
our  grain  and  staple  niamil'actures  beyond  our 
power  to  glut,  if  not  to  supply.  This  vast  tmde — 
this  inexliaualible  source  of  wealth — is  destined  in 
less  than  one  century  to  choke  up  the  ports  and 
harbors  of  Pnget's  sound.  Shall  England  have 
them,  and  thus  secure  for  all  coming  time,  and  be- 
yond the  hope  of  successful  competiliiui,  her  com- 
mercial ascendency?  Never,  sir,  while  iliis  repub- 
lic holds  a  place  in  Ihe  family  of  nations.  Here 
1  would  set  limits  lo  nesroliation;  here  1  vvould 
make  my  uliimntiim,  and  never  recede  out  inch, 
so  long  as  there  wiis  an  American  arm  to  strike 
a  blow  in  its  defence.  Without  these  harbors, 
Oregon  is  emnparalively  worlhless;  with  'hem, 
Oregon  is  worth  a  war.  These  surrendered,  hi 
New  York  and  Huston  be  surrendered  wilh  them; 
these  Inst,  and  all  should  be  lost, 

I  believe,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  said  all  that  I 
desired  to  say  upon  this  Kiibject;  and  more,  I  fear, 
than  has  been  well  or  profiiably  said,  1  sec  there 
are  some  live  niimitea  of  the  hour  allotted  to  me 
yet  untold,  1  will,  however,  resume  my  seat, 
even  at  the  hazard  of  making  a  failure  instead  of 
a  apecch, 

OREGON  aUESTION. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  A.  WOODWARD, 

OF  SOUTH    rAROI.INA, 
In  the  House  or  Repuesentatives, 
February  7,  184(i, 
On  ihc  Resolution  for  terminating  the  joint  occu- 
pation of  the  Oregon  Territory, 

Mr,  WOODWARD  addressed  the  committee  as 
follows: 

Mr.  riiAiBMA.s':  I  am  nol  of  a  temperament  to 
take  much  pleasure  in  addressing  argiimenl  to 
others,  in  the  absence  of  all  hope  of  being  able  lo 
infiuence  their  opinions,  or  control  their  action; 
and,  perhaps,  ihcre  never  was,  and  never  may  be, 
un  occasion,  less  favorable  to  such  liopes,  than 


Feb.  7, 
3V  IIkps. 

BIlR  in  ill  llio 

u.s    if  Wll    llllll 

iiiilry  nmlii  ul' 
;  herxt'll'  in  licr 
11!!  K"'"'  I'lii'Si 
iiy,  to  ciiiifinci 
idle  111  I'xpi'Ct 
I'i'M.  k^iiKlaiiil 
LiM  118  liloc'k 
fiuiviiiK  "lit 
f  tliu  ('lOHiUmt 

Prmiclcnt,  in 
III'  thin  UiCf^iiii 
ICC  ilmt  it  will 
1(3,  air>  ir  timid 
I,  nil',  I  am  nut 
I  Kivf  I"  Kii(f- 
ct's  HiiumI,     I 
ilir — till'  |iiirlH 
Hii.'u  iiCllic  In- 
itns  n  fiild  for 
lid  viiliiulilu  til 
of  llie  world. 
4  iiiliiu'i'iit,  lire 
i\lf  ilic  world 'h 
.1  mamilai'tiiriN 
ir   lU'tiHuns   nre. 
workniHiiHliip. 
I  itn  incxliniiMi- 
iieil  ii|i!    Till! 
liiH  continent  in 
cd  tliiit  of  the 
■yes  now  open 
ir   intio  of  in- 
live  to  ape  our 
idred  nnd  fifty 
I  this  preat  re- 
1   lie,   Htatistie.t 
population  will 
[hen  the  seal  of 
erred  froin  the 
1^8  a  l'.ir?e  aiir- 
ictiires  of  iron, 
o  market  there 
on  and  a  limit- 
Itiifl's.     F.aBtern 
larliet  both  fiir 
beyond  our 
is  vast  trade — 
—is  destined  in 
the  ports  nnd 
England  have 
l;  time,  and  be- 
jlion,  her  eoni- 
hile  tills  repnb- 
lalions.     Here 
here  I   would 
•cdc  OIK   inch, 
arm  to  strike 
these   liurliors, 
(s;  with  ilieni, 
iirrenilered,  Iti 
red  with  them; 

said  idl  that  I 
(1  more,  1  fear, 
J.  I  see  there 
allotted  to  me 
iinie  my  seal, 
lure  instead  of 


V. 

ODVVARD, 

ATIVF.S, 

he  joint  occu- 

tory. 

;  committee  as 

inperament  to 
ar^iiiiieiil  to 

beiiiS  able  to 
their  action; 

never  may  be, 
hopes,  tliuii 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


m 


i20-rii  CoNfl IsT  Serb. 


The  Oregon  (^iicalion — Mr.  U'oodwanl. 


Ho.  or  RiN. 


K 


the  prcncnl,  I  know  there  ia,  in  thi«  committee, 
n  lai'se  and  delermiiinlc  majority  opposed  to  me  i 
linl  Ihiit  onposilioii  has  mil  ilimiiilslied  inv  eoiifi- 
denic  in  tlie  jiisliiess  of  my  views,  or  shaken,  in 
llie  least,  niy  purpose  of  ndiieriiic;  lo  theiii. 

Anions  Iho  preat  variely  of  niallrrs  discussed, 
oil  the  other  side  of  tiio  arsiinienl,  there  is  one 
niiestion,  that  has  nut,  so  far  as  I  have  heard  the 
delialc,  been  so  I'ortiiiiale  lis  to  be  included;  and 
thai  one  happens  lo  he  the  only  question  properly 
before  the  rommillee.  There  may  be  Bomethini; 
of  severity  in  this  slrietuie,  but  I  appeal  to  the  jus- 
li'-e  and  I  he  candor  of  my  opponents  to  bear  me  out 
ill  llie  ^eneriil  truth  of  llie  dec.lnratioii.  We  have 
had  tleelaniniion  and  discourse,  inlerniinable,  upon 
our  lille  lo  C)ie;roii;  the  importance  of  that  coun- 
try to  ihe  Union;  the  reasons  why  the  Ilrilish 
oiiitbt  not  to  have  it;  the  propriety  of  proinotiii<; 
Bettleineiils  there;  the  duty  and  necessity  of  ex- 
teiidiiif;  laws  anil  protection  to  the  settlers,  the 
rii;lil  to  t;ive  the  notice,  &c.,  &c.,  &c.  Who,  sir, 
ilenies  we  linvo  rights  in  Ore;;oii,  or  that  they 
niUHl  be  defended,  whenever,  or  from  whatever 
ipiarier  assnileil?  Who  desires  the  country  to 
fall  into  ,"ie  hands  of  the  British  ?  Who  is  op- 
posed to  ilH  seltlement?  Who  is  not  ready  to 
vote  for  all  such  laws,  as  may  be  essential  to  the 
well-beinj;  of  our  people  there?  Who  so  stupid, 
OS  to  (|Uestioii  die  ri^lit  hi  give  the  notice,  or  to  de- 
clare war,  even,  if  it  siiitii  yon  to  do  so?  Sir,  1 
am  at  a  lojs  to  conceive,  wliat  motive  could  have 
induced  gentlemen,  piiiiiii!;  aside  the  real  (|iiestiiin 
of  debate,  to  spring  upon  the  committee  innumer- 
able false  issues,  and  to  ar^^ue  tlieni  with  u  sol- 
einii  vehemence,  positively  dis;;uslill>;  to  the  can- 
did and  iiii;emioiis  mind.  Am  I  to  indulge  the 
suspicion,  that  their  purpose  has  been  to  exhibit 
the  minority  in  a  false  light  before  the  country.' — 
to  put  Iheni  in  a  'losition  they  never  meant  to  oc- 
cupy, and  to  impute  to  them  sentiments  and  opin- 
ions they  never  entertained,  but  do  utterly  repu- 
diate? This  might  be  considered  an  uncharita- 
ble suspicion — and,  of  course,  I  would  exempt 
from  it  all  who  mittlit  be  entitled  to  escape  under 
the  plen  of  ignorance;  but  with  regard  to  those 
who  all!  wise  and  discreel,  what  could  they  say, 
why  sentence  should  not  be  pronounced  upon 
them  ?  I  shall  not  undertake  lo  affirm,  what  has 
been  the  object  of  this  most  extraordinary  discus- 
sion; but  1  have  no  hesitancy  in  saying  what  it 
has,  in  fact,  done:  It  has  perverted  and  falsified 
everylhing  it  has  touched.  It  has  sent  forth  no 
shining;  light  to  the  country,  but  enveloped  every- 
thing in  darkness.  Its  only  tendency  liaa  been, 
to  produce  that  very  thing,  which  it  is  the  object 
of  free  discussion  to  destroy — ignorance.  Sir,  I 
choo.'se  not  io  refrain  from  speaking  with  a  degree 
of  iVeedom  on  this  occa.sloii.  Sentiments  of  pro- 
found indignation  impel  me. 

Mr.  Cbairmaii,  let  us  see  what  u  the  queelion, 
this  commitiee   ought  lo    have  been  discussing, 
and  10  which  my  friends   in  the   minority  have  I 
vainly  endeavored  to  draw  your  attention.  ' 

We  have  a  convention  with  Great  Krilain  for 
the  joint  u«e  ond  occupancy  of  the  nnrlliwesl  ler- ! 
ritory.  That  convention  provides,  that  either  1 
pony  may  annul  it,  by  giving  twelve  months'  no- 
tice to  the  other  party.  And  the  only  question 
before  the  committee,  upon  which  there  is  difTcr- 
enco  of  opinion,  is.  Shall  the  notice  be  given  r 
Bo,  the  i|ueN[ion  is  merely  one  of  notice.  Noi- 
does  it  involve  the  substance  of  notice,  but  only  t 
the  (iiiie.  All  arc  agreed,  that  the  notice  should 
be  given,  at  some  period  not  very  remote.  But 
is  it  expedient,  is  it  good  policy,  to  give  it  at  the 
present  time?  I  think  it  is  not.  And  as  it  is  pre- 
posterous to  pretend  that  national  honor,  or  dig- 
nity, or  essential  right,  is  involved  in  this  matter 
of  time,  I  niainiuin  that  considerations  of  good 
policy  nnd  expediency  nughl  to  direct  our  coun- 
cils, and  determine  our  action.  And  this,  sir,  is 
the  issue  that  gentlemen  ought  to  have  met,  and 
which  'he  honor  of  our  country,  and  the  welfare 
of  the  people,  made  it  their  duty  to  meet,  and  dis- 
cuss in  an  honest  and  statesmanlike  manner. 
And  dismissing  every  f\:eling  of  prejudice  from  my  ; 
mind,  I  now  propose  to  express  some  views  upon 
this  question.  | 

We  are  not,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  advocates  of! 
total  inactivity  on  this  subject.     On  the  contrary, 
I  believe  the  time  has  corne  when  it  is  proper  to 
adopt  such  measures  n»  will  promote  the  settle-  '■ 


nienl  of  the  Oregon  territory,  and  give  law  and 
protection  lo  our  people  there,  flnl  I  do  not  be- 
lieve the  time  has  yet  coiiio  for  abrogating  the 
c. invention  of  joint  occupaiicv. 

It  ImsNiiiteil  the  views  anil  purpo.ses  of  gentle- 
men, lo  ri'pnsenl  this  policy  of  masterly  inactivity 
as  a  South  raroliiia  scheme;  as  though  it  wan  not 
adopted,  as  Ilir  back  as  I81H,  by  the  united  coun- 
cils of  the  nation;  as  though,  after  an  experience 
often  years,  it  was  not  again  established  in  1H37, 
by  a  unanimity  almost  unexampled;  as  though  it 
was  not  adhered  to  tliroiighout  tlie  twelve  years 
of  Andrew  Jackson's  Adminislratioii,  and  that  of 
Mr.  Van  Ihiren;  as  though  Hoiilh  Cai-olina  were 
doing  anything  more  than  advising  you  not  tu 
ilistiirb  what  so  mmli  wisdom  and  disinterested 
palriolism  had  devised  and  sanctioned,  and  vi  hat 
so  long  a  period  of  time  had  proved  lo  be  bene- 
ficial. You,  sir,  and  not  we,  are  proposing  inno- 
vations nnd  new  schemes  of  policy.  ¥on  are  ad- 
vising to  set  at  naught  the  council.^  that  have  en- 
dured ihrniighont  five  Adniinistratioiis; — the  wis- 
dom of  which  councils  was,  nil  the  while,  so  self- 
evident  and  palpable,  that  the  cunning  selfishness 
of  parly,  or  the  schemes  of  plotting  ambition, 
never  ventured  to  make  a  question  about  it;  and 
I  am  at  a  loss  lo  see  what  else  ever  could  have 
made  a  question  about  it. 

Let  the  committee  follow  me  n  moment,  while  I 
give  a  brief  accniiiil  of  this  matter.  Gentlemen 
represent  Great  Britain  as  aiming  lo  keep  olV,  ns 
long  as  possible,  this  qiieslion  of  notiee;  and  our- 
selves, as  the  dupes  of^lier  temporizing  policy, 
destined  to  be  caught  in  .some  snare  she  has  laid 
in  the  future,  for  us.  I  deny  thnt  this  policy  is  of 
British  origin.  It  is  our  own,  both  in  its  begin- 
ning nnd  its  continiinlion.  The  first  conception  of 
it  we  find,  in  the  instructions  given,  in  1^*18,  to 
Mr.  Hush,  nt  that  time  oiir  Minister  at  the  Court 
of  St.  .Tames.  It  was  the  desire  of  Lord  Tastle- 
lengh,  the  F.nglish  Minister,  thai  the  conflicting 
clainiH  of  the  two  countries,  in  relation  to  the 
northwest  territory,  should  be  included  among  the 
subjects  of  negotiation,  then  pending  at  London, 
and  be  brought  lo  a  final  adjustment.  Mr.  Rush 
sought  instructions  from  his  Gnvernment,  and  Mr. 
J.  Q,.  Adams,  then  Secretary  of  Slate,  in  his  in- 
structioiis  to  Mr.  Rush,  for  llie  first  time,  sets  forth 
distinctly  and  most  comprehe.isively  the  policy  of 
'  taking  Oregon  upon  time."  Alluding  to  some 
things  proper  to  be  mentioned  by  Mr.  Rush  to 
Castlerengh,  in  regard  to  this  matter,  Mr.  Adams 
proceeds  as  follows:  , 

"  In  suggesting  these  ideas  to  Lord  Castlereagh, 
'  rather  in  conversation  than  any  more  formal 
'  manner,  it  may  he  proper  to  remark,  the  mi- 

*  nutenesrt  of  the  present  interest,  either  to  Great 
'  Britain  or  ilie  United  Slates,  involved  in  this  con- 
'  cern,  and  the  unwillingness,  for  that  reason,  of 
'  this  Government,  to  include  it  among  the  objects 
'  of  serious  discussion  with  them.  At  the  same 
'  time  yon  might  give  him  to  understand,  though 

*  not  unless  in  a  manner  to  avoid  everything  of- 
'  frnsive  in  the  suggestion,  thnt  from  the  nature  of 
'  things,  if,  in  the  course  of  future  events,  it  (Ore- 
'  goii)  should  ever  become  an  object  of  serious  iin- 
'  portnnce  U)  the  United  Slates,  it  can  scarcely  be 
'  supposed,  that  Great  Britain  would  find  it  useful 
'  or  advisable,  to  resist  their  claim,  to  possession, 
'  by  systematic  opposition." 

tie  then  adds,  that  Grent  Britain  could  have 
"  no  solid  interest "  to  prevent  the  extension  of  our 
territory  "  until  nil  possibility  of  doing  so,  shall 
have  vanished." 

Here,  sir,  is  the  first  conception  of  the  idea 
that  time  would  be.^t  secure  our  rights  in  Oregon; 
nnd  by  recurring  to  thelnngunge  of  our  Secrelnry, 
(Mr.  Adams.)  it  might  be  inferred  that  he  enter- 
tained some  doubts,  whether  it  would  ever  become 
an  object  of  importance  to  the  United  States,  to 
possess  themselves  of  that  country.  But  I  admit, 
lie  .spoke  as  a  diplomatist. 

Now,  in  1S18,  Great  Britain  was  in  the  exclusive 
and  adverse  possession  of  Ore-gon.  And  yet,  so 
high  a  value  did  our  diplomatist  set  on  the  action 
of  time,  to  fortify  our  rights,  bo  desired  to  avoid 
all  negotiations,  and  leave  to  Great  Britain  all  the 
advantage  which  exclusive  nnd  adverse  possession 
would  give  her  in  future  negotiations.  He  thought 
time  wortli  more  to  us  thnn  exclusive,  ndverse 
possession  lo  Grent  Brilnin.  But  fortunately,  a 
species  of  convention  was  hit  upon,  which,  wliilc 


I  it  did  not  conflict  with  our  policy  of  pmcrnilina- 
I  lion,  gave  nothing  to  Great  Britain,  but  in  fact  dc- 
I  stroyeil  the  adverse  clinracler  of  her  possession, 
I  nnd  prevented  the  legal  rllict  of  such  n  possession 
I  in   future  iiegolialions  upon    llie   liilc.     And  yet 
'  gentlemen  lell   you  Ibis  convenlion  was  a  scliemo 
of  Great  Britain  to  advance  her  iiilen  stand  iiiider- 
!  mine  ours!     I   have  said.  Great  Britain,  in  point 
of  fact,  took  nothing  by  the  convcnliiui.     Her  ex- 
clusive occupancy  was  a  siiile  of  ihiiigs  pic-ex- 
islent  to  the  ciiiivenlioii.     We  did  not   siipulato 
j  for  the  /)Ui';io.ir  of  occupying,  but,  simply,   that 
occupancy,  claimed  by  liolli  |mrties,  as  a   right 
prior  to,  and  independent  of,  cimveiilion,   shoiikl 
I  not  be  made  a  eiiuse  of  quarrel,     ^'ou  will  per- 
ceive, therefore,  from  what  has  been  said  and  ipio- 
I  ted,  our  diplomatist,  so  far  from  being  ilisincliiied 
i  to  the  convenlion,  wns,  in  fact,  in  the  fir.st  inslanee, 
anxious  to  adopt  a  policy  far  less  to  our  advantage; 
!  that  is,   to  avoid  nil  negotiaiions,  nnd  lea\t  Great 
;  Brilniti  in  exrlusive  nnd  adverse  possession. 

Surh,sir,was  ihe  beginning  of  this  policy,  by  i 
masterly  net  of  diplomacy;  and  who  iimoiig  iho 
grent  aiid  patriotic  men  of  the  dny  disapproved? 

AVell,  sir,  in  1897,  the  term  of  the  eonveiilinn  of 
1818  was  almut  lo  expire,  nnd  negnlinlinns  were 
lo  be  renewed:    Was  any  new  policy  then  recom- 
mended  by  the  venerable  i;eiillenian  from  .Mas.sa- 
chusetls,tlien  Pie.»idcnl  ofilic  Uiiiled  Stales?  No, 
sir.     Nolwithslnnding  wehnd  niqiiind  the  title  of 
Spain,  nnd,  perhaps,  siippiwed  we  had  smne  rea- 
son to  feel  indiiniant,  that  Great  Briiain,  under  ilio 
new  slate  of  the  question,  should  still  dispute  titles 
with  us,  the  stipulations  of  1818  were  renewed  in 
1828;  and  I  have  yet  to  learn  tlinl   the  people  did 
not,  with  one  voice,  approve.     AVlml  said  Madi- 
son, Monroe,  Gallatin,  ('rawford,  Clay,  Lowndes, 
Clinton,  and  Van  Biiren  ?  AVliai  did  Andrew  Jack- 
son say?   At  this  lime  the  second  contesi  between 
Mr.  Adams  nnd  Genrrnl  Jack.«on  had  reached  the 
highest  pilch  of  excitement.     The  whole  polilical 
life  of  Air.  Adams  was  scrutinized  with  no  feel- 
ings of  inihilgcnt  charity.     It  wa!i  n  favorite  objucl 
of  the  opposing  pnrty  to  fix  upon  him  nn  unn'iend- 
I    lines,"!  10  the  interests  of  liis  own  eouiilry,  in  his 
I   diplomatic  transactions.     Every  saying  and  doing 
I   of  his,  that  might  be  worked  up  into  available  po- 
!   litical  slock,  was  assiduously  collected  and  exliib- 
I   itcd  in  bold  coloring  to  the  country.     And  yet,  I 
j   have  never  heard  that  the  treaty  of  182H,  which, 
!   flislidious  gentlemen   now  say,  subjected  our  soil 
Iri  be  dishonored  by  British  footsteps,  was  brought 
forward  as  one  of  the  misdeeds  of  Mr.  Adams.    It 
was  never  once  objected,  that,  selling  no   value 
upon  the  newly  ocquired  title  of  Spain,  he  sanc- 
'I  lioned  a  treaty  in   1808,  no  more  favornble  lo  his 
,   country  than  that  of  1818,  when  we  were  not  pos- 
sessed of  the  Spanish  tille. 
'      Nor  can  it  be  pretended  there  wns  some  strange 
ij  oversight  in  this  matter — that  it  was  kept  ns  n 
[i  Cabinet  secret.     The  whole  subject  came  up  inci- 
!|  dentally  in  this  House,  and  was  here  placed  before 
1   the  American  people;  nnd  what  said  .Tames  IC.Polk 
on  thnt  occasion  ?    "  Iiy  delay  we  can  lose  nothing; 
by  acting  now  we  hazard  much."    The  subject 
I  directly  under  discussion  wns  a  bill  extending  law 

■  to  Oregon,  nnd  authorizing  a  military  csiablish- 
ment  nt  the  moulh  of  the  Columbia  river;  but  not 
for  giving  this  '*  notice." 

Ill  connexion  with  the  Ireaiy  of  1828,  there  is 
another  fact  not  to  be  overlooked.  Notwitlistnnd- 
ing  the  ncquisition  of  the  Spnnish  lille,  nnd   the 

■  greatly-increased  wealth  and  slienglli  of  ourcoiin- 
'  try,  we  were  again  desirous  that  the  convenlion 
'   should   be  made  irrevocable  for  ten  yejirs,  ns  in 

1818.     But  the  British  Minister  objected.     Seeing 

1  how  time  was  working  for  us  and  agninst  his  sov- 
ereign, he  insisted  on  the  right,  at  any  time,  lo  nb- 
rogiiie  the  convention,  by  giving  twelve  months' 

:  "  notice;"  and  this  was  trie  British  part  of  the  pol- 
icy.    But  it  is  not  at  all  surprising  that  this  fact 

j   should  be  overlooked  by  gentlemen. 

In  1829  Andrew  Jnrkson  took  Ihe  Chair  of  Sinle. 
Who  ever  suspected  Old  Hickory  of  being  nfrnid 
of  anything?  Or  who  ever  charged  him  with 
being  on  the  British  side  of  niiy  question?    The 

"  diplom.atic  trnnsnctions  of  1828  were  then  fresh. 
What  said  he  lo  them  ?    Our  Oregon  interest  wns 

i  committed  by  the  country  lo  the  charge  and  keep- 
ing of  Ihe  treaty-making  power.  He  was  the  great 
head   and   initiatory   fiinctionnry  of  that  power. 

i  There  was  a  paramount  obligation  resting  on  him 


188 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  7, 


39rH  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


The  Oreffon  (lue$tion—Htr.  Woodward, 


Ho.  or  Rkps. 


i 


to  lea  that  tha  country  auflerad  no  detriment  in 
tliia  mailer.  Unlrm  he  acted  Aral,  no  one  else 
cmilil  art  at  all  i  anil  he  had  it  in  hia  power  In  caiiaa 
the  notirp  lo  !«•  Kivrii  nl  any  lime.  Uiit  throui;h- 
oul  the  |ieriml  of  his  eighl  yenra  of  pulilic  lervice, 
and  the  lour  year"  of  Mr.  Van  Duren,  which  fol- 
lowrd,  not  a  word  wan  said  by  either  on  ihia  mili- 
jeil.  Indeed,  the  Jarkaon  parly,  in  the  year  lt*W, 
'voted  down  ihc  liill  of  Governor  Kloyd,  which 
went  no  further  than  lo  give  law  and  protection  lo 
our  rmis^raiit.i  to  (>rr;;oni  and  I  am  proud  to  lie 
al)le  10  auy,  that  there  is  no  other  difference  be- 
tween Oeiieial  .Inckmm  and  ouraelvea  on  this  auh- 
jeci  than  thia:  while  he  wua  ixit  only  unwilling  to 
give  the  nnlii-e  hini»ell',  but  opposed,  also,  lo  the 
en.ictment  of  any  laws  for  OreRon,  which  might 
induce  Great  llriuiin  lo  five  the  notice,  we  arc  op- 
posed In  notice  only,  and  are  in  favor  of  laws. 
While  he  declined  ik)1|i  to  give  notice,  or  to  take 
the  risk  of  receiving  it,  we  are  prepared  to  take 
that  risk. 

Thus,  Mr.  Choirmnn,  T  have  i;iveii  a  brief  his- 
tory of  our  Oregon  nolicv.  I  have  shown  how  it 
lias  been  approved  by  afl  our  suiteamcii,  pnliMots, 
and  warriors;  by  the  people  and  the  poliliciansi 
by  all  ixilitical  parlies,  uniformly,  from  the  begin- 
ning to  a  very  recent  date;  when,  all  of  a  sudden, 
the  discovery  is  made,  that  it  is  an  anti-American 
policy;  that  it  is  dishonomblc  to  the  country;  ihat 
It  has  tarnished  the  national  escutcheon,  and 
brought  a  very  pollution  upon  our  soil;  and  that 
all  who  advocate  it  arc  on  the  British  side  of  the 

3ue3tion  !  Sir,  what  is  the  vile  spirit  of  partisan 
emagogueism  not  capable  of! 
Bui  certain  gentlemen  have  come  to  the  high- 
minded  conclusiim,  that  it  would  be  djshonest  to 
take  Oregon  by  operation  of  time  under  the  con- 
vention. This  is  tt  nK.si  unaccountable  objection. 
The  convention  is  no  stipulation  for  mutual  favor 
or  advantage;  no  agreement  between  the  parties 
for  llic  reciprocal  support  of  each  other's  rights  and 
interests.  It  is  in  the  nature  of  an  armistice.  Each 
nation  claimed  rights  prior  to,  and  independent  of, 
the  convention;  not  reciprocal,  but  adverse  and  an- 
tagonisiical;  and  being  unal)le  to  adjust  the  diffi- 
culty, they  agreed  not  lo  go  to  war,  but  lo  forbear  for 
a  seaion.  I  say,  llie  convention  was,  to  all  iiileiits 
and  purposes,  an  armistice.  And  who  ever  heard 
that  nil  armistice  disabled  the  parties  to  make  ready 
for  war?  or,  when  war  did  come,  made  it  dishon- 
oialile  for  them  to  use  any  lulvonuige  that  lime  or 
other  resource  had  placed  in  their  hands  ?  Sir,  the 
consideration  of  the  advantage  that  Imie  would 
bring  us,  was  the  only  consideration  that  induced 
us  to  enier  into  lh.it  convention;  and  our  Minister 
openly  avowed  it.  Our  Secretary  instructed  .Mr. 
Rusli'to  sny  lo  Lord  CastlcreaghJ  of  course,  in  as 
polite  a  iiin'nner  as  possible,  "  lliat  if,  in  the  course 
'  of  future  events,  it  [Oregon]  should  ever  bccninc 
'an  object  of  importance  to  the  United  States,  it 
'  could  scarcely  lie  supposed  that  Great  Briuiin 
'  would  find  it  useful  or  desirable  to  resist  their 
'  claims."  Castlereagh  saw  the  poUcy  of  the  Uni- 
ted Slates,  and  himself  iiredicted  it  would  be  suc- 
cessful in  the  end.  And  yet,  when  we  propose 
lo  avail  ourselves  of  the  only  considcralion  that  in- 
duced lis  to  enter  into  the  convention,  we  are  told 
it  wniilil  be  a  fraud  upon  Great  Britain ;  But  I 
will  argue  no  longer  a  pmposilion  so  consummately 
ridiculous.  If  making  laws  for  our  citizens  in  Ore- 
gon displeases  Great  Briuiin,  let  her  give  the  "no- 
tice." 

But  while  some  gentlemen  think  our  reliance 
upon  lime  inconsistent  with  good  faith,  others  es- 
teem it  deceptive  and  futile.  What,  they  ask,  will 
delay  do  for  us?  What,  I  ask,  has  it  done  for  us 
since  1818?  It  has  increased  ten  millions  of  peo- 
ple lo  twenty  millions;  covered  the  valley  of  the 
Mississippi  with  a  warlike  race  of  men;  extended 
population,  arts,  and  agriculture,  far  towards  the 
region  of  Oregon.  Time  has,  in  all  res|iect8,  ad- 
vanced our  strength,  relatively  to  Great  Britain  and 
the  world.  The  last  three  years  have  sent  7,000 
people  to  Oregon;  exceeding,  threefold,  the  British 
residents  there,  y  we  had  had  forty  millions  of 
jieople,  Mr.  Polk  would  never  have  ofiercd  to  com- 
promise upon  49°;  and  if  we  had  had  twenty  millions 
111  1818,  we  would  never  have  entered  into  the  con- 
vention; for  twenty  millions  then  would  have  given 
us  as  great  relative  strength  as  forty  millions  now. 
These  are  the  things  that  lime  is  doing;  and  this 
progression  is,  in  all  respects,  still  st«adily  and 


rapidly  onward.  Qentlemen  are  sensible  of  this, 
and  have  expatiated  on  the  very  idea,  without 
being  conscious  they  were  arguing  against  them- 
selves. In  what  vivid  colors  has  the  gentleman 
fi^im  Missouri  [Mr.  Dowi.in]  painted  the  growing 
grea'.ness  and  fulnre  grandeur  of  our  country  ? 
And  yet,  in  a  few  momenta,  he  asks,  what  is  lime 
going  lo  do  fur  us  towards  gelling  Oregon?  He 
piclnred  to  the  imagination  the  valley  oflhe  Great 
River,  in  a  political  and  conimerciol  point  of 
view,  rising  in  colossal  magnificence,  with  ils  hull- 
dn'd  millions  of  human  beings,  and  innumerable 
cities,  and  marts  of  unimaginable  wealth,  throwing 
the  petty  Atlantic  Stales  into  utter  insignificance 
by  the  contrast;  and  yet  ha  gravely  asks,  what  is 
time  going  to  do  for  us?  He  has  gazed  at  our 
western  tide  of  iuimlgralion,  now  beating  against  the 
Sumy  mountains,  now  flowing  beyond  and  spread- 
ing over  the  great  geopraphic  slope  of  the  Pacific 
ocean;  he  has  seen,  in  fancy,  our  children  going 
west,  instead  of  east,  to  Japan  and  China,  and  has 
exhibited  to  our  wondering  vision  myriads  of  rich 
and  elegant  fabrics,  from  the  workshops  of  those 
ancient  peoples,  (numliering  300,000,1100,)  gorging 
every  storehouse  of  our  western  continent ;  and  still 
he  aiika,  indignantly,  what  is  time  going  lo  do  for 
us?  And  all  this  stupendous  future  ho  reproscnui 
to  be  close  at  hand,  looming,  as  it  were,  in  the  sen- 
sible horizon,  like  the  blue  eminence  of  the  Stony 
mimntains.  But  ho  does  not  cense  lo  exclaim,  im- 
patiently, what  is  lime  going  to  do  for  us?  Why, 
sir,  can  it  be  possible,  ihal  the  honorable  member 
means  to  intimate,  that  these  sublime  results,  this 
tremendous  destiny,  is  lo  depend  upon  our  firtt 
getting,  and  getting  at  this  very  moment,  the  bar- 
ren deserUi,  the  everlasting  snows,  the  mountain 
crags  and  caverns,  north  of  the  49th  parallel  ? 

Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  because  I  have  a  degree  of 
fliith  in  the  gorgeous  picture  drawn  by  Ihehonnr- 
orable  member,  that!  would,  cnnfidently,  have  left 
this  matter  lo  time.  Time,  which  is  In  bring  lo 
pass  these  great  events,  will  bring  with  them,  and 
as  a  (wrt  of  them,  Oregon — the  whole  of  Oregon. 
The  period  is  rapidly  approaching,  when  Great 
Britain  will  perceive  the  usclessness  of  attempting 
to  resist  our  claims — when,  in  the  language  of  the 
venerable  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  in  '818, 
"  all  hope  of  doing  so  will  have  vanished."  k'ou 
will  thus  avoid  the  calamities  of  war,  and  yet  be 
able  lo  make  your  own  terms.  You  may  lake  the 
whole  of  Oregon,  if  you  think  you  are  entitled  to 
the  whole.  Englantl^will  be  at  your  mercy — at 
your  mercy  not  only  in  relation  to  Oregon,  but  all 
the  possessions  she  has  upon  this  continent. 

Gentlemen  have  laid  down  the  proposition  that 
"the  ncilice  is  not  war  itself,  or  cause  of  war;" 
and,  with  earnestness  and  gravity,  have  argued  out 
the  proposition.  I  shall  not  venture  a  rencontre 
ufion  this  point;  but  will  beg  gentlemen  to  listen  to 
an  observation  or  two.  The  cimveniion  of  1818 
was,  in  the  language  of  the  venerable  gentleman 
from  Ma.ssachusetlH,  "  the  alternative  of  instant 
war."  Now,  the  notice  will  take  away  this  alter- 
native; and  though  "  not  war  itself  or  cause  of 
war,"  it  will  prove  itself  a  most  potent  destroyer 
of  a  cause  of  peace.  In  1818,  the  cause  of  war  was 
the  disputed  title  lo  Oregon.  The  notice  will  again 
render  this  cause  active  and  operative,  and  leave 
no  nitcrnntivc  but  ne'^ntiation  or  war.  And  I  be- 
lieve there  are  none  who  will  deny,  ihnt,  if  we  in- 
sist on  our  clainia  lo  .'i4°  40',  negotiations  will  be 
impossible,  and  war  inevitable.  I,  therefore,  feel 
nl  liberlv  to  say,  that  all  who  vote  for  this  notice, 
with  a  view  to  claim  the  whole  territory,  knowing- 
ly vote  for  war;  and  they  ought,  in  candor,  to  admit 
the  fact,  and  not  deceive  the  country, 

Mr.  Chairman,  it  ia  a  remarkable  fact,  that  al- 
though I  stand  here  in  a  minority,  the  views  I  en- 
leilain  and  policy  I  advocate  meet  the  approbation 
of  a  large  majority  of  this  body  and  of  the  other 
branch  of  the  Xatioiial  Legislature.  I  know  what 
I  am  saying,  and  I  know  the  ground  upon  which 
I  s'jind  when  I  say  it.  The  great  majority  of  the 
Wliigs,  if  not  all  of  them,  admit,  I  think,  that  the 
time  had  not  come  for  abrogating  the  convention, 
and  deprecate  the  agitation  of  this  question;  but 
they  say,  now  that  the  matter  is  set  on  foot,  the 
sooner  we  get  rid  of  it  the  better.  Well,  sir,  the 
venerable  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr. 
Adams,]  the  author  of  the  convention  of  1818,  and 
its  renewal  in  1827,  still  believes  it  the  true  policy 
for  getting  the  wholt  of  Oregon,  and  he  has  aban- 


doned that  policy  solely  on  account  of  th«  admii- 
(ion  of  Texas  into  the  Union;  and  this  I  will  prnv* 
out  of  his  own  mouth.  At  the  last  session  of  Con- 
gress, ill  debating  the  Oregon  bill  reported  by  Mr. 
Brown,  of  Tennessee,  the  venerable  member  suidt 
"  At  the  last  session  I  was  not  prepared  to  act 

■  upon  tills  subject  at  all.  I  was  not  then  prepared 
'  to  agren  to  a  termlnalioii  of  the  joint  occupancy 
'  of  that  territory  (Oregon;)  but  I  am  ready  now 

■  to  do  BO,  and  am  satisfied  this  subject  ahoulil  now 
'  be  settled."  •  •  •  •  ■■  I  am  as  much  as  any 
*  member  of  this  House  tor  bringing  this  issue  to 
'  a  point." 

Again,  in  his  next  Sfieech  on  Ihat  occasion,  the 
honorable  gentleman  said: 

"It  was  not  without  much  serious  deliberation 
'  that  I  came  to  the  determination,  brfort  (Ait  dihatt 
'  commtntnl,  lo  agree  to  give  notice  lo  the  British 
<  Government  that  this  thing  must  be  settled." 

The  Oregon  debate,  at  the  last  session,  com- 
menced two  days  after  the  passage  by  the  House 
of  the  Texas  resolutions;  and  by  considering  care- 
fully the  extracts  1  have  read,  it  will  appear  that 
during  that  short  interval,  or  thereabouts,  tha 
views  of  the  venerable  gentleman  in  regard  lo  Ore- 
gon underwent  u  radicalchange.  Just  before  then, 
"  ho  was  not  prepared  lo  act  a<  all"  on  the  subject 
of  Oregon;  /Aen  "  he  was  as  much  as  any  member 
of  this  House  for  bringing  this  issue  to  a  point." 
But  I  need  not  labor  to  connect  the  gentleman's 
purposes  in  regard  to  Oregon  with  his  sentimenH 
concerning  Texpa.  He  himself  lio»  made  the  thing 
sufficiently  manifest.  In  the  conclusion  of  the 
speech  alluded  to,  he  uses  the  following  remark- 
able language: 

"  He  wished  to  have  the  reasons  given  to  the 
'  world  for  our  taking  seven  degrees  of  latitude, 
'  and  perhaps  more;  and  when  we  took  it,  too,  he 
'  hoped  we  should  liave  it  defined  geographically, 

■  denned  politically,  and,  more  than  all  the  rest, 
'  defined  morally." 

Who  does  not  remember  Ihc  vehement  empha- 
sis with  which  the  venendile  gentleman  announced 
the  word  morallij.  If  what  1  have  stated  ia  not 
satisfactory,  go  read  careftiUy  the  speeches  lo 
which  I  have  alluded,  and  the  proof  will  be  found 
so  perfectly  conclusive,  that  the  venerable  gentle- 
man could  not,  in  the  face  of  this  House,  deny  the 
fact,  without  jeopardizing  his  character  as  a  man 
of  honor.  Doubtless  the  honorable  gentleman  con- 
sidered it  perfectly  fair  to  get  additional  territory 
north,  to  counterpoise  Texas  in  the  south.  But  there 
is  one  eonsidemtion  worthy  of  your  special  atten- 
tion: the  honorable  gentleman  bas  himself  afford- 
ed the  most  conclusive  evidence  that  the  settled  and 
abiding  conviction  of  his  mind  has  been,  that  the 
true  and  effectual  policy  for  securing  Oregon,  is 
the  joint-occupancy  scheme.  Now,  if  it  be,  in 
reality,  the  object  of  the  honorable  gentleman  to 
save  Oregon,  why  should  he,  on  account  of  Texas, 
abandon  Ihat  policy  ?  Why  not,  rather,  adhere 
the  closer  lo  it?  Can  it  be  that  the  honorable  gen- 
tleman has  been  reasoning,  as  all  prudent  find  sa- 
cncious  men  have  been  reasoning  about  this  city, 
that  n  war  with  Great  Britain  would  end  in  the 
loss  of  Oregon,  and  the  acquisition  of  New  Bruns- 
wick and  Ihc  Canadaa?  Good  backing  for  the 
Eiistern  Slates  against  both  the  South  and  the 
West ! 

I  could  bring  to  the  attention  of  the  committee 
other  collateral  causes  Ihat  have  aided  in  generating 
this  large  majority  for  the  notice;  but  I  forbear. 

I  have,  however,  a  matter  to  propound  to  certain 
of  my  western  friends,  who  have  signalized  them- 
selves in  this  debate,  as  going  for  the  "  mhole  of 
Orrgon,"  and  a  little  beyond,  to  make  it  absolutely 
certain,  they  get  enougb.  Some  three  or  four  of 
these  gentlemen,  the  most  ultra  of  all,  do  admit 
the  fact,  that  Mr.  Polk  having  offered  the  49lh 
parallel,  will  be  bound  to  accept  it,  if  it  should  now 
be  offered  by  G,-eat  Britain.  And  they  acknowl- 
edge they  would  feel  bound  to  sustain  nim  in  the 
fact.  Now,  if  those  gentlemen  are  sincere  in  pro- 
fcssing  to  go  for  more  of  Oregon  than  the  rest  of 
us,  why  will  they,  by  pa.ssing  this  notice,  force 
on  negotiations  under  auspices  so  unfavorable  ? 
Why  will  they,  by  making  an  issue  that  may  lead 
to  war,  put  Great  Britain  under  the  urgent  motives 
the  alternative  of  war  would  present,  to  make  the 
proposal  which  Mr.  Polk  is  bound  to  accept  ?  If 
this  notice  be  not,  with  them,  a  mere  humbug;  if 


K 


[Feb.  7, 


ment  emphn- 
\n  nniioiinccd 
stated  ia  not 
I  speechea  to 
\»/u\  l>e  found 
rable  Renile- 
,  deny  the 
as  a  man 
einan  Gon- 
ial territory 
nm  there 
pcciiil  alten- 
self  iifTord- 
iii'tllcd  and 
that  the 
Ore^Dn,  is 
it  be,  in 
nnilemnn  to 
of  Texas, 
er,  adhere 
lorahle  gen- 
ent  and  ua- 
ut  this  city, 
end  in  tl'ie 
ew  Bruns- 
g  for  the 
th  and  tlie 


committee 
generating 
forbear. 

to  certain 
ized  thcm- 
"  i(,'/io/e  of 
absoKitcly 
or  four  of 
do  admit 
the  49th 
hould  now 
acknowl- 
im  in  the 
ere  in  pro- 
he  rest  of 
tice,  force 
favorable  ? 
t  may  lead 
It  motives 
make  the 
cent?     If 
imuug;  if 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


169 


39rH  CoNo I  ST  Seis. 


' 


37le  Oregon  '-^luation^Mr,  E.  II.  Ewing. 


Ho.  or  RiPi. 


this  cry  for  the  "  whole  or  none"  ho  anything; 
else  than  »  political  hobby,  why  will  not  K'^ntlc- 
men  perniit  this  inutlrr  to  lie  over,  inilil  a  new  Ad- 
iniiilHtrniion  nhnll  ciiniu  in  uiiroinniiltid  tn  4!P. 
Am  i  to  suspect  that  ^cnllcmeii  are  really  anxious 
for  the  settlement  of  tliis(|ueslinn,  and  to  be  c- 
liuved  of  its  terrible  reH|MinHiliilities;  and  th"'  this 
lekole  hogiam  is  only  meant  to  he  nxed  hereauir  as 
nn  rx  jjodI  faelo  hubby  in  electiiins;  when,  having 
been  opposed  to  givin;;  up  any  part  of  OreKini,  is 
to  constitute  R  hii;h  claim  to  oflicc,  just  us  havinif 
been  opposed  to  the  iiorthtastern  boundary  treaty 
seems,  at  this  time,  in  certain  quarters,  to  be  relied 
on  as  constituting  u  mcriturioiis  claim  lu  popular 
favor? 

1  have  not,  Mr.  Chairman,  thought  proper  to 
arffuo  the  question  of  title,  It  is  not  properly  be- 
fore the  committee.  The  question  here  is  as  to  the 
most  elftclual  moons  of  sccurin;'  our  rights  inOre- 

fon.  We  are  not  debr.ting  rights,  but  remedies, 
have  investigated  the  matter  of  title  laboriously, 
and  have  come  to  conclusions  satisfactory  U)  my- 
self. And  I  think  we  should  never  give  up  any 
portion  of  the  territory  south  of  49°.  But  the  ne<i- 
ple,  having  to  do  the  fighting  if  war  come,  anu  be- 
ing, therefore,  entitled  to  decide  for  themselves 
whether  there  shall  be  war,  and  how  much  of  Ore- 
gon they  can  conscientiously  go  to  war  for;  should, 
when  they  take  the  matter  m  hand,  be  possessed 
of  the  full  argument  on  both  sides.  And  as  the 
letters  of  Messrs.  Calhoun  and  Buchanan  have 
been  sent  forth,  I  deem  it  proper  to  suggest  that 
their  arguments  were  intended  for  the  British  Min- 
ister, and  not  for  the  public;  and  if  you  siipiM)se 
they  considered  all  they  said  as  gospel,  you  never 
labored  under  a  greater  inistnke.  What  are  the 
circumstonccs  ?  Here  is  a  controversy  about  land 
between  Great  Rritiiin  and  the  United  Slates.  The 
United  States  engage  Messrs.  Calhoun  and  Buchan- 
ni:  to  argue  our  side  of  the  question;  Great  Urit- 
iiin  appoints  Mr.  Pakenham  to  argue  hers.  Now, 
it  was  the  business  of  each  'o  m.\k'!  the  most  of  his 
side  of  the  question.  This  is  tlie  practice  of  law- 
yers the  world  over.  If  Mr.  Pakenham  left  his 
side  unargued,  it  \v'>a  not  Mr.  Calhoun's  business 
to  argue  it  fur  hnn.  I  would  not  insinuate  that 
our  Secretaries  sl'Ud  anything  that  was  not  true. 
I  mean  to  say,  it  was  their  duty  to  sum  up  the 
facts  and  considerations  in  our  favor,  and  nothing 
besides.  But  when  the  argument  shall  be  taken 
out  of  diplomacy,  and  committed  to  the  people, 
they  will  act  in  thcclmracler  of  judges;  and  a  judge 
should  always  hear  both  sides  of  a  question  <\illy 
and  fairly  stated,  especially  if  he  is  about  to  decide 
upon  his  own  rights, 

Mr,  Chairman,  the  prominent  position  held  by 
the  venerable  gentleman  from  Mas,'5ftchusetts  upon 
this  question,  the  reliance  which  the  friends  of 
"  notice"  seem  to  place  upon  his  co-operation,  and 
the  great  weight  his  name  is  likely  to  have  with 
the  community  and  the  world,  make  it  my  duty, 
as  I  conceive,  to  take  some  further  notice  of  his 
course  in  this  matter.  All  eyes  here  are  turned 
towards  him ;  all  encomium  and  adulation  are 
heaped  upon  him;  ami,  indeed,  if  any  one  here 
may  be  called  a  leader,  he  is,  unquestionably,  that 
person.  The  venerable  gentleman  professes  to  be 
the  friend  of  peace;  but  look,  air,  at  his  conduct. 


I  himself,  in  1H45,  recommended  certain  laws  to  be 

passed  on  the  subject,  and  notwithstanding,  too, 

the  British  Government  admitted  our  right  to  make 

I  necdfid  laws,   and   denied  exprennly   that  threat 

1  Britain  intended  to  "  prevent  the  progress  of  Anicr-  [ 

I  lean  settlements."     By  all  this,  h<i  would  penuade  ' 

you  that  the  notice  is  both  a  harmless  thing  and  : 

an  indisTicnsablii  thing;  mid,  as  such,  of  course  no  j 

one  could  hesitate  lo  vote  fo-  it.    (^)nceiving, then,  j 

the  convention  to  be  abrogate,!  .~.,id  the  contest  to  i 

be  brought  to  aiioint,  the  next  object  to  be  attain-  | 

ed  Is,  to  excite  the  two  nallnns  to  tlie  most  uncoin-  ' 

frnmising  |icrlinucity  in  their  respective  demands.  , 
le  therefore,  in  terms  of  taunt  and  derision,  pre-  1 
dicta  that  if  Great  Britain  should  stand  firm.  "Mr,  : 
Pidk  and  the  Democratic  (larty  will  back  out."  \ 
He  then  turns  abinit,  and  applies  language  of  the  { 
same  import  to  Great  Britain,  upon  the  supposition 
that  Mr.  Polk  should  stand  firm.     Thus  does  he 
aim  to  nettle  each  party  lo  the  conflict,  by  all  those 
powerful  impulses  that  spring  iVom  national  pride 
and  sensibility.    Two  haughty  and  imjierious  na- 
tions, that  would  rather  suffer  annihilation  than 
be  humbled  and  abased  before  the  world.     And 
yet  the  veiierahle  gentleman  says  he  is  opposed  to 
war.     lie  opposed  to  war  I    What  more  could  be, 
or  any  one  man,  have  done,  to  bring  about  the 
bloody  catastrophe? 

[Here  the  Speaker's  hammer  fell.] 


OREGON  aUESTION. 


■'\ 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  E.  H.  EWING, 

OP  TENNESSEE, 
In  the  House  or  REPRr,si,NTATiVEi, 
January  i29,  I84B. 
On  the  Resolution  for  terminating  the  joint  occupa- 
tion of  Oregon, 

Mr,  EWINQ,  of  Tennessee,  obtained  the  floor, 
and  said: 

Mr,  Chairman;  This  is  a  glorious  consult  of  a 
great  nation,  where  the  hour  nils  operates  like  a 
shackle-bolt  on  a  man's  lips;  where,  upon  a  ques- 
tion of  peace  or  war,  time  is  doled  out  to  one  by 
drachms  and  scruples;  where,  if  a  speaker  attempt 
to  read  an  authority,  he  must  close  his  book  at  the 
first  sentence,  for  fear  that  he  will  diminish  his 
little  span.  But,  sir,  I  am  losing  my  time  while  I 
am  even  thus  talking  about  it,     I  must  proceed. 

If  any  one  expects  fl'om  me  rhetorical  flourishes, 
or  splendid  declamation,  or  soul-stirring  oratory, 
he  will  assuredly  be  mistaken,  (if,  perchance,  aiiy 
one  expect  anything  from  me.)  These  tliinsrs  I 
could  not  give  if  I  would,  (be  this  my  apology,) 
and  with  nil  duo  deference  to  others,  I  would  not 
if  I  could.  From  those,  however,  who  are  willing 
to  hear  what  a  plain  man  may  sav,  in  a  plain  way, 
on  the  serious  question  before  the  House,  I  shall 
be  gratified  by  attention.  The  question,  indeed,  I 
apprehend,  is  one  rather  of  logic,  at  least  of  specu- 
lation, than  of  rhetorics-one  for  argument  rather 
than  declamation.  What,  then,  is  the  question? 
It  arises  upon  the  resolution  reported  by  the  chair- 
man of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  re- 


Last  winter  he  pronounced  the  notice  a  war  meas-  |;  quiring  the  President  to  give  the  notice  stipulated 
ure;  calling  it  a  "  terril)le  question,"     Nor  can  he   i  for  in  the  a  '       '  " 


pretend  it  was  an  inadvertency;  ftir  the  point  be 
fore  the  House  was,  whether  the  power  to  give 
the  notice  was  with  the  Congress,  or  with  the 
President;  and  his  whole  argument  in  favor  of  the 
power  being  in  (Jongress,  rested  upon  the  single 


convention  between  our  Government 
and  Great  Britain,  in  regard  to  the  Oregon  terri- 
tory, of  18a6-'7,  the  cfl'ect  of  which  would  be,  to 
put  an  end  to  the  agreement  for  the  joint  occupa- 
tion of  that  territory,  I  say,  sir,  joint  occupation, 
notwithstanding  the  authority  of  the  gentleman 


proposition  that  the  "notice  was  war."  His  ef- j  from  Pennsylvania,  [Mr.  C.  J.  Ingegsoli.,]  and 
Ibri,  at  that  time,  >  as  to  postpone  action  until  j' theauthority  of  the  venerablegentleinan  from  Mas- 
Grecnhow's  book,  ordered  by  the  House,  could  1:  sachusells,  [Mr.  Adams,]  to  the  contrary.  I  say 
be  procured,  and  the  people  made  acquainted  with  |  this,  however,  not  in  a  spirit  of  defiance,  nor  yet 
the  evidence  of  our  title.  This  ex  parte  argument  -  in  a  spirit  of  hypercrilicism,  but  because  I  believe 
would,  he  supposed,  stimulate  the  popular  mind  ji  there  is  some  substance  hidden  under  these  con- 


up  to  ,54°  40',  Let  his  speech  be  consulted.  Well, 
sir,  having  carried  this  point  most  successfully, 
he  now  tells  you  to  "  pass  the  notice ;  it  is  per- 
fecily  peaceful;  no  harm  in  it," 

Thus  the  only  important  objection  against  notice 
being  removed,  he  then  assures  you  that  you  can 
pass  no  laws  in  relation  to  Oregon  until  you  have 
first  given  the  notice;  leaving  you  no  alternative, 
but  to  give  the  notice,  or  abandon  utterly  your 
people  there,  and  every  measure  to  promote  tlie 
settlement  of  the  country:   notwitlistanding   he, 


venlional  terms,  and  that  they  are  not,  as  Thomas 
Carlylc  would  say,  a  mere  formula.  To  show  this 
will  be  part  of  my  business  hereafter. 

The  propriety  of  this  notice,  then,  depends  upon 
its  elTects;  and  its  eflects  depend  upon  the  present 
state  of  the  relations  between  this  country  and 

I  Great  Britain  in  regard  to  this  Oregon  territory. 

:  To  determine  whether  the  giving  of  this  notice  ia 
to  produce  war  or  to  leave  us  peace,  it  ia  neces- 

■  sary  to  know  what  these  relations  are.     I  should 

'  have  been  glad,  before  addressing  the  House  on 


this  mallei,  to  have  heard  from  the  British  Minis- 
try;  fur  nothing  really  in  point  is  to  be  derived  on 
the  subject  from  the  tone  of  the  British  news|Hi- 

Cera,     1  care  little,  however,  for  this,  if  we  liavn 
ecu  dealt  fairly  with  by  the  President  in  his  An- 
nual Messiige,     If  we  nave  not  the  truth  in  the 
Message — if  anything  is  concealed,  so  tlitt  a  11. Lie 
impression  is  conveyed,  lei  the  ignominy  lie  with 
the  President  ond  his  advisers,  of  having  played  a 
iVaudulent  game  with  the  People  and  their  llcpre- 
scntalives.    The  President,  is  is  true,  is  not  bound, 
under  all  circumstances,  to  make  full  developments 
on  our  foreign  relations  in  his  cinnmun'cation  to 
I  Comcnsa;  but  he  is  bound,  under  all  circumstan- 
1  ces,  not  lo  communicate  false  inforinatinn,  either 
1  expressly  or  impliedly,     I  will  do  the  President 
thejustii'O  to  say  thai,  ii  the  present  case,  I  be- 
1  licve  he  has  not  suppressed  anything  material  lo 
I  a  fair  understanding  of  the  position  in  which  wa 
'  stand,  now  that  we  are  called  on  to  give  this  no- 
I  tice, 

!  The  eflrecti.C  this  notice,  then,  under  the  circum- 
1  stances  developed,  and  the  prc-exisling  circum- 
stances in  this  case,  will,  in  my  opinion,  be  war. 
The  notice  I  mean  is  that  required  by  this  resolu- 
tion— this  brief,  curl,  fcniJ7UC,  unmitiL'iiled  resolu- 
tion, without  preamble  and  without  proviso.  1 
have  no  reference  now  lo  the  various  diluting  pro- 
positions and  honied  addenda  which  have  been 
offered  by  way  of  amendment  to  the  original  re- 
port. Tlie  direct  tendency  of  this  measure,  I  re- 
peat, is  to  produce  war;  nor  am  I  to  be  ileterred 
from  asserting  this  |)Ositioii  by  any  open  sneers  or 
affected  scorn  towards  those  who  are  charged  with 
attempting  to  raise  a  war-cry  or  create  I'l  panic. 
Suppose,  though,  1  should  prove  that  such  is  the 
tendency  of  the  measure;  that  it  would  be  likely  lo 
produce  war,  and  a  war  in  its  character  immitiga- 
ble and  internecine,  I  should  then  have  done  bttle 
in  the  eyes  of  the  young,  the  enthusiastic,  the  im- 
petuous; but  there  are  in  this  House  men  of  gray 
heads,  and  calculating  minds,  and  sober  hearts, 
who  have  seen  war,  and  have  experienced  its  ef- 
fects, anil  with  them  I  think  I  should  have  done 
much.  What  is  war? — this  small  word  of  three 
letters,  which  is  taken  into  and  thrown  out  of  the 
mouths  of  gentlemen  as  glibly,  and  with  as  much 
indifference,  as  if  it  were  a  cherry  or  a  plum }  It 
is  a  state  in  which  the  |iai  tics  to  it,  whether  indi- 
viduala  or  communities,  seek  to  inflict  on  each 
other,  to  the  utmost  extent  of  their  power,  pain, 
injury,  insult,  disaster,  shame,  ruin.  Vet  this  war 
is'rcganled  hv  some  of  the  more  generous  and  mag- 
nanimous spirits  of  this  House  as  a  mere  splendid 
pageant.  I  know  myself,  sir,  that  it  is  a  gay  and 
gallant  sight  to  witness  the  muster  of  soldiers,  the 
waving  of  banners,  the  mingling  of  embaliled 
squadrons — lo  see  the  glittering  sword  and  the 
flashing  bayonet;  that  it  is  soul-stirring  to  hear  the 
loud  blare  of  the  ImmncI,  and  the  louder  roar  of 
artillery;  and  that,  in  themidst  of  all  this,  it  is  easy 
to  forget  the  groans  and  the  agonies  of  the  down- 
trodden thousands,  the  melancholy  relics  of  a  dis- 
astrous fight,  the  feeble  moan  of  the  wounded,  des- 
pondent, and  deserted  soldier,  the  cold  damps  of 
the  wintry  camp,  the  long  starving  of  the  siege, 
the  helpless  despair  of  the  fetid  hospital. 

And  if  war  does  come,  who  are  they  that  are  to 
wage  it?  The  United  Stales  of  America  and  the 
United  Kingdom  of  Great  Br''\in  ai:d  Ireland.  It 
will  be  no  child's  play;  it  will  be  no  holiday  con- 
flict. It  will  be  a  war  of  giants.  It  will  be  fought 
with  arms  of  iron  and  nerves  of  steel.  It  will  be  n 
brave  passage  of  arms.  Who  shall  enclose  the 
lists?  who  shall  build  the  barriers?  The  world  will 
he  too  small  lo  afford  space  for  the  combatants;  the 
heavens  loo  low  to  confine  Uie  roar  of  the  dread 
encounter. 

And  if  this  war  does  come,  neither  braggadocio 
nor  ga.'<conade,  nor  affected  conlf-ir.pt,  nor  loud  and 
enthusiastic  declamation,  can  affect,  in  the  slight- 
est degree,  the  deep-rooted  strength  of  Britain. 
They  will  not  slay  one  soldier,  nor  sink  one  ship, 
nor  spike  one  gun;  but  Britain  will  stand  there, 
looming  up  in  the  North  ocean,  stern  and  grim, 
lowering  on  all  her  foes,  and  ready  for  the  shock 
with  all  her  formidable ,  organized ,  and  concentrated 
energies. 

But,  sir,  I  have  been  led  away  fl-om  the  point, 
and  I  will  not  stop  now  to  speak  of  our  want  of 
preparation,  and  of  the  probable  result  at  first,  at 
least  between  the  organized  force  of  Britain  and  our 


I 


190 


.  ^ 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  29, 


29tii  CoNo 1st  Skss. 


The  Oieffon  (fimlion — Mr.  E.  It.  Eiving. 


own  inorsmnic  means.     I  know  lliHt  republics  ran  ij 
never  lie  f'lillv  |ire|mir(l  for  wnr  when  it  eonics;   | 
tliev  inn  l<ee|i  no  stanilin?  nrniios  nor  (wU  millmry 
etjuipmenis.     So  miicli  the  stroncer,  then,  the  red-   ' 
Ron  why  they  shonid  deliberate  Ion:;  nnd  well  be- 
fore lliey  appeal   to  this  ii/linin  niliu  rriTKni.     Re- 
iiublii'H  mny  have  wnrK.nnd  they  ninsl  aomcliniefi,  il 
bnt  eerininiy  they  ahoold  be  b  (lernier  reaori,  and 
never  be  connneneed  for  mere  purposes  of  oksitui- 
dizement.    The  safety  and  happiness  of  a  repnblie 
do  not  depend  upon  its  power,  or  its  wealth,  or  its   i 
renown.     Some  prcpnn\tion,  however,  we  mifrht   1 
have  made.     A  navy  mi:;ht  have  been  prepared   ■ 
somewhat  proportioned  to  the  mnijnitnile  of  the 
emer£;ency;  cannon  and  inu»kelH,  and  powder  and 
ejimp  eqnipai^e,  fortitieations.  and  at  least  a  com- 
plete skeleton  of  an  army.     Wc  have  none  of  this 
preparation. 

'These  things  by  the  way,  now  to  the  question. 
Nil  the  tendency  of  this  notice  to  produce  war: 
How  slatuls  the  c:iM  ■  There  lii  .  tip  lierc  away 
towards  the  artic  circle,  a  resrion  which  has  in  ihcNc 
latter  days  come  to  lie  called  Orejon.  J'or  three 
hundred  years  after  the  discovery  of  America  il 
did  nol  attract  the  attention  of  civili/.etl  nations. 
Spain  owned  a  rich  American  territory  in  a  more 

feiiial  clime,  and  neglected  at  least  its  occupation; 
ji^land  had  not  yci  subdued  or  colonizet!  its  In- 
dian empire:  and  we,  as  an  independeiu  (leople, 
were  slill  in  the  womb  of  time.  'J'ime,  however, 
with  ils  ever-varymi;  interests,  al  last  sn:ji;ested 
the  value  of  ihe  cnumrv,  ami  in  17W*a  collision  first 
takes  place  belweeii  I'.nsland  and  Spain  as  to  ils 
dontiiuon.  Since  that  time,  now  nearly  lifiy  years 
niro,  Ivisland  has  kept  up  a  ciimiiiiied  claim,  and 
has  ever  urjcil  that  she  possessetl  riirhlJj  inOretron. 
'J^liese  riirhts  li:ne  been  iirired  mtt  by  diplomalisis 
aione,  but  by  ministers  of  slate,  by  liiylm'iaus,  by 
philosophers,  by  ihe  public  newspapers,  by  their 
preal  periodical'  journals,  which  form  all  but  a 
fourth  esuue  in  that  nation.  This  has  been  dime, 
too,  in  llie  t'ace  of  all  Kurope,  with  the  utmost  so- 
||^v^,.. '-  lemnitv  and  deliberation,  and  al  the  imminent  haz- 

*  ard  even  of  a  war  with  .Spain.     It  is  not  material 

now  to  inquire  what  Ii,i3  been  the  extent  of  her 
claim,  nor  what  may  be  its  validity;  it  is  sudicieni 
for  mv  picicnt  objict  that  it  is  a  claim,  and  that 
that  claim,  whether  of  a  nirlil  of  settlement,  joint 
occupation,  lishcry,  tree  naviixation,  or  whatever 
else,  is  one  inconsisient  with  our  exclusive  rii^lit  to 
the  whole  territory,  and  that  it  is  one  deemed  of 
sniistanlial  interest  lo  Great  lirilain.  This  claim 
has  been  tollowed  up  bv  a  partial  seiilement  of  the 
country,  bv  the  esiablisliment  of  a  system  of  li- 
c  "^cs  to  trade  \vi;ii  the  natives,  and  by  an  exteii- 
»i .  crant  of  privilei,es  to  the  Hudson  Bay  Fur 
Cimifiany.  Tlie  country  itself,  or  a  portion  of  il, 
has  been  alsr)  looked  to  iiuw  for  a  ;;r(  at  lensjtli  of 
time  as  the  conned  in;:  link  bet^veen  the  (*anadas 
ami  Indies,  both  in  a  commercial  and  a  military 
point  of  Mew,  and  it  is  (\(  ^enilemen  please  who 
eharire  lui'jl:imi  with  so  much  nipatitv  and  ;:rasp- 
ineambiiion)  part  of  ihat  line  upon  which  she  is 
irinlhiextlieearih  wilh  licrfrrlresses.  All  thesecon- 
Rn!erations  lend  only  to  enhance  ihe  value  of  the 
territory  in  the  eyes  of  Great  Uriiam.  This  lerri- 
torv,  ihe  whole  of  this  lerriiorv,  and  all  riL'iit  issu- 
iiiL^  out  of  il,  she  is  expecied  lo  yield  upon  onrpnl- 
tui'T  ail  eail  lo  ilie  convention  of  l?^--2(i,  and  the  de- 
claration that  lite  American  title  is  clear  and  tin- 
r|uesti(Miaiiie.  To  see,  iheii,  how  far  this  is  proba- 
bb'.lei  list  vamine  what disimsitioiis  she  has  shown 
niton  this  snbieci  hereiofore,  and  into  what  posi- 
tion we  have  iirfiiii^bt  itiir  relalii>ns  with  heron  it 
now.  In  |H1H,  iheii.  Iiy  the  coiiveiiiion  between 
the  United  Slates  iind  Great  lirilain  of  that  tlate,  it 
\\-as  a;rrceil  that  ihe  lerriiorv  slioiilil  remain  open 
t  t  ihe  ciiizcns  and  siibjecis  ttf  cither  counirv  tor  the 
sitat'C  of  ten  viars:  the  words  iisi  d  are.  "liiecouii- 
trv,''  "its  liarbtirK,  b.i\'s,"  A'c.,  "shall  be  tree 
and  .-.'en"  "  to  ihe  vessijs,  ciiizeits,  and  subjecis 
of  ihfi  two  I'owcrs."  ^ivini;  to  eilhi  r  (tarty  the 
riirhi,  as  I  apprehend,  to  occujnt  anv  (torlion  of  the 
rc;>ion  not  in  the  aciual  possessittn  of  the  niher. 
This,  as  I  belie\e,  iiistifiis  the  use  of  the  terms 
joint  itccupaiu  y  and  joiiu  "cciipaiion  in  reference  lo 
m^f  ■  thistrialy,     .Vt  the  iimc  relVrred  to,  soearuesi  and 

f(.;,.  S'llemii  was  tlo'  t  lami  of  <  ireat   Ibilnin  to  the  e\- 

isieni'eor  riulil:'  in  the  lerriiorv,  that  it  wiis  lhnu<:lti 
exjteilieiit  by  our  t-iovermneni  lllien  refiresenled 
by  one  of  her  ablest  neuoliators,  Mr.  Gallatin) 
not  to  press  a  sudden  determination  of  the  question 


of  title,  but,  on  the  contrary,  to  agree  lo  a  suspen- 
sion of  that  question,  and  to  a  suspension  of  imy 
exclusive  rights  for  the  term  of  ten  years,  with  I 
the  consequences  and  (laneerH  attached  totheriijht 
of  joint  occupation  for  lhat  lime.  Annni;;  these 
consequences  were  a  slroiii;  probability  that  Eng- 
land would  pet  possession  of  favored  portn.ns  of 
the  territory,  ami  lhat  liertradins  inlcrc.st»,espcci-  i 
ally  that  of  the  Hudson  Hay  Company,  would  be-  j 
come  so  far  idenlilied  with  '  .■  connlry  as  to  make  I 
it  still  more  ditficull  to  settle  ihc  question  at  a  lu- 
lure  day.  Yet  so  determined  was  the  assertion  of 
the  Knslish  claim,  that  these  hazards  were  incurred 
in  prel'erence  to  those  of  a  precipitate  disrei^ard  of 
what  Kngland  called  her  riirhis.  I  will  not  say 
that  this  roiiventiim  was  a  substitute  Hirwar  then, 
but  it  was  the  hii^hest  evidence  of  the  dilHcultiea 
that  surrounded  the  case,  and  of  the  apprehension 
of  i^realer  danjrers,  unless  the  (|uesiions  in  tiebale 
should  be  nUjourned  upon  some  deliiiile  uiidtr- 
standin;;. 

AL'ain,  m  18;2(i,  shortly  before  the  expiration  of 
the  time  limited  in  this  first  eonvcnlion,  this  matter 
is  acilated  anew  between  the  Iwo  countries,  (AFr. 
Gallatin  beiiii;  ai'ain  our  nesrotialor,)  and  the  result 
\\  .IS  a  renewal  of  ihe  coiiveniion  of  1818  for  an  iii- 
ilefiiiile  period  ihcreafier.  And  why  was  this? 
Hall  Miiirland  abated  in  her  demands?  Was  she 
less  confident  of  her  rights?  Was  she  less  resolute  : 
ill  llicir  maiiiteiiance?  AVns  there  any  lieller  hope 
from  an  an  abrupt  lerminaiiou  of  ihe  ireaiy?  Al 
all  evciils,  our  Government  then  thoiiirhi  Kiiirland 
sudiciciitiv  earnest  in  her  claims  not  to  disrcijard 
tlieiii,  and  not  to  urge  a  prompt  or  speedy  seille- 
menl  of  the  questitms  at  issue.  These  were  ilays 
loo,  sir,  of  comparative  calm  and  i|iiict,  when  there 
were  no  other  disliirbiiii;  inlliutices  ti|ieraliiig  upon 
the  two  countries — when  there  were  no  wars,  nor 
rumors  of  wars,  in  the  surroundiiii;  countries — 
when  there  had  been  no  aiisry  declaraiions,  no 
proud  assiimplions,  no  presumptuous  or  dictatorial 
condut'l,  thrown  tun  or  exercised  towards  our  op- 
ponenl;  when  she  was  not  so  deeply  pledged,  so 
solemnly  implicated  before  Kuropc  and  the  world 
as  she  is  at  iiresent,  for  the  susteiitatioii  of  her 
claim. 

Matters  remained  thus  until  lS.t3,(abill  havinff, 
in  the  meantime,  in  IH-JB,  been  rejected  in  Con- 
i^ress  to  extend  onr  jurisdiction  over  the  territory,) 
when  a  bill  was  brouihl  forward  in  the  Senate  of 
the  ITniied  Slates,  proposinn:,  amon;;  other  things, 
to  t^iiaranty  to  American  occnpanls  in  the  lerrilory 
a  risht  to  the  lands  upon  which  lliey  might  have 
settled.  This  measure  liiileil,  il  is  Iriie.  Hut  how 
was  il  met  in  the  liritisli  I'nrliamcnl  ?  I!y  the  most 
angry  demincialion,  and  by  the  most  soleiim  pro- 
tesis  iVom  all  the  leatliug  men  in  ihe  Httiisc  of 
Lords;  and  il  was  met  by  Sir  Iloberl  l*eel  alone 
with  Ills  usual  quitH  equanimity,  bei-a'ise,  as  he 
said,  ni'goliaiiitiis  were  aboui  to  be  insiiiuted  on 
the  subiect  al  the  instance  of  llie  rresideiti  tif  the 
Uniied  Stales,  and  thai  he  would  veto  ihe  lull,  even 
if  it  should  pass  boih  Houses  of  ihe  Legislaiurc. 
Is  there  yet  any  lliiiching  on  the  pan  of  C ireat  Hrit- 
.liii,  cir  any  evidence  of  altanditimieiil,  or  of  a  dis- 
position lo  almndttii  any  (tart  of  her  claim  ?  If  there 
be.  I  am  unable  lo  perceive  it. 

This  brings  us  to  the  point  where  ihe  subject  of 
Oregon  was  t;(ken  up  by  the  (ircseiit  Chief  .Vla'^ts. 
irale  of  the  I'niied  Stales.  .Vnd  in  n  irard  to  Ins 
conducl  I  have  noihing  In  say  in  a  |iarty  point  of 
view;  ihe  question  in  debate  rises  far  above  all 
parlv  citusiderations.  How  far  his  'ondiict  and 
his  declaraiions  in  reiranl  tti  the  Or  ,on  territory 
may  have  bi  I'u  llie  ell't'cl  of  a  parly  ftunniitial  by 
llie  Haliimore  convenintn,  I  shall  cirlaiiily  nol  stop 
to  inquire.  Hiil.  sir,  it  is  certain  lli.it  he  no  sooner 
occupiis  the  l*residenlial  chair  than  he  makes 
that  celebrated  declaration,  lhat  our  title  to  the 
counirv  ill  dispuie  is  clear  and  iiii(]ucsiionalile — 
the  ('rolific  |iai(  III  of  all  our  present  ditlii'ulltes. 

This  dcclio-alntn,  made  in  so  Nolcnui  a  manner, 
coming  from  such  hi;;h  aulhorily,  laking  such  high 
L'rouiitl,  is  no  sooner  wafieil  acrtiss  ihe  ocean,  than 
it  is  met  by  all  panics,  Governiueni,  Opposilion, 
News|tapers,  and  People,  lu  ill''  same  spirit  of 
pronipl  and  settled  indiirnalatn.  Mvi  n  the  deliber- 
ale  Priittier,  roused  iVoiii  his  usual  canlion,  is 
hi  ard  to  ileclai-e,  lhat  "  llie.'l.ind  It, is  riuhls  inth'e- 
iron,  and  that  they  iiinsi  be  iiiainlaiiii'il."  'I'liis 
wa«  much  from  ."^ir  Unberl  Peel.  It  is  si  en  now 
that  the  danger  of  collision  on  this  point  has  be- 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 

rome  imminent,  and  another  ellbrt  is  to  be  mndo 
for  ils  settlement.  A  diplomatic  special  iriission 
is  the  eonsennence.  This  is  known  to  the  world, 
and  the  world  is  looking  on  for  resulls.  A  prop- 
osition was  made  by  the  Driiish  uegotintor  as  a 
priqel  of  compromise.  This  proposition,  we  are 
tolil  by  the  Pn'sident,  (and  1  must  think  with  a 
tone  of  exnllation,  if  not  of  scorn,)  "  was  rejeetrd 
on  the  day  it  was  made."  A  coimler-pronosilion 
is  made  by  the  American  negotiator,  and,  not 
being  accepted,  was,  by  the  President's  direction, 
promptly  \yithdrawii.  In  the  meantime,  a  long 
argument  lakes  place  between  the  Rritish  anil 
.\inerican  diplomatists  in  regard  toihetiile,  which 
results  in  notlimg,  except  the  linn  adherence  of 
eticli  parly  lo  the  full  claim  of  his  nation  in  the 
disjmled  country. 

Now,  I  woulil  ask  gentlemen  who  seem  so  eon- 
fiilent  that  no  evil  consequences  are  lo  result  from 
such  extreme  measures  on  our  part  in  the  asser- 
tion of  title,  what  there  is  in  all  these  circumstances 
to  justify  a  belief  in  non-resistance  on  the  part  of 
Great  lirilain  ?  Has  she  at  last  lieen  convinced 
by  the  arguments  of  our  Secrelary  of  Slate  ?  Are 
her  eyes  now  opened  to  the  iniquity  of  all  her 
previous  claims? 

Hut  the  case  does  not  end  here.  The  time  for 
the  meeting  of  the  present  Congress  rolls  round, 
and  the  Preaitleni  gives  to  Congress  and  to  th«: 
world  a  history  of  these  diplomatic  transactions, 
and,  in  the  face  of  (ireat  Ihitain  and  the  world, 
declares    *'  that,    in    his  opinion,  no  compromise 

*  which  the  United  Stales  ought  to  accept  can  be 

*  effected.'*  He  recommeuiis  lhat  the  notice  be 
given,  and  says  thai,  "at  Ihe  end  of  t hit  year's 
'  nolice,  we  shall  have  reached  a  period  when  the 

*  national  rights  in  fh-egon  inusi  eillier  be  aban- 
'  iloned  or  firmly  mainlained.  That  lliey  cannot 
'  be  abandoned  williout  a  sacrifice  of  Itoili  national 
'honor  and  interest,  is  too  clear  to  admit  of  n 
'  doubt."  He  fiirihcr  recommends  lhat  our  juris- 
diction be  extended  over  the  territory,  so  far  as 
our  own  citizens  are  concerned,  previously  to  tim 
end  of  the  year's  nolice,  and  at  the  end  of  the  year 
that  lands  be  granted  to  our  settlers. 

These  diplomatic  traiisaclions,  and  these  decla- 
rations and  recommendalions  of  iIik  President,  are 
now  before  the  lirillsh  Ministry  and  the  Hritish 
Parliament.  Krom  them  we  have  as  yet  heard 
nothing.  From  the  puiilic  press  of  Great  Britain 
wi'  have  heard;  bin  we  have  heard  nothing  upon 
which  lo  found  an  opinion.  Deductions,  it  is 
true,  '-ave  been  atleuipled;  but  they  are  as  variant 
as  the  ".rishcs,  or  the  fears,  or  itreconceived  opin- 
ions of  the  parlies  who  have  attempted  to  draw 
lliem. 

The  British  Ministry  and  the  British  Parliament 
will  soon  have  before  them  too,  the  debates,  the 
assertions,  she  propnsiiions.  and  tlic  deliauces  of 
ihis  and  the  other  branch  of  Coniiress. 

All  neiroiialion  is  now  closed,  and  on  our  side  it 
will  certainly  not  be  nnewed.  If  the  iintice,  then, 
be  given,  lliere  are  only  Iwo  aiipposable  cases  in 
which  war  will  nol  be  llie  conseipii  lire.  The  one 
is,  lhat  Great  lirilain  shall  ollir  lo  renew  negotia- 
tions with  a  more  favorable  proposition  on  her  part; 
and  the  oilier,  that  she  shall  qiiieily  and  lamely 
recede  from  all  her  previous  positions,  and  abandon 
the  di.sputed  territory  to  our  discrelinii.  There  is 
no  olln  r  allcrnative.  lint  ihc  Pn'sident  has  told 
us  that  our  op|ioiii'nt  will  not  make  any  oroposi- 
lion  which  we  ought  to  accept;  and,  if  he  lie  ri^'lit 
in  this,  then  lher<'  is  no  alii'rnalivi',and  lo  preserve 
peace  (ireat  Britain  must  abandon  her  claim.  Leav- 
ing out  of  view,  however,  ihe  opiiiion  of  the  Pn-^'i- 
deiil,  I  ask  genllen.Mi,  will  ( Jreal  Ihiiain,  under  llie 
circuiusiances,  vohinieer  anolhi':-  'tlli-r'  If. she  do, 
then  must  all  our  knowleilL^enf  the  previous  history 
of  her  (iovernment  ind  her  )ieople  i-o  for  nolhing. 
Lei  lis  review  a  biile;  n  e  tell  ilieni  ilim  imr  litle  lo 
all  Oreiron  is  clear;  thai  we  «i'l  no  lnu'jer  hold 
joinlly  with  them;  thai  we  will,  al  the  year's  <nil, 
assun'ie  plenary  jiirisdielion;  that  we'will  grant 
lands:  lhat  we  will  raise  our  llag,  and  allow  no 
diviiletl  empire:  and  thai  we  will  firnilv  maint.'un 
our  claims.  What  are  we  to  e\|ieci?  I'eic",  no 
thing  bill  peace.  We  will  luue  no  war,  says  the 
ehairiii'in  of  the  Ciiimniilee  on  h'on  ig'4  .'lll'aii's, 
|Mr.  C.T.  Inglrsoi.i,:)  we  will  have  no  war,  savs 
the  venerable  geiilleman  from  MasJaclmselis,  [.Nir. 
AnvMs.]  .\nd  why'  Have  they  a  bit  in  the  month 
of  Britain?     Have  they  a  hook  in  the  nose  of  tliiti 


[Jnn.  29, 
»F  Reps. 


laiti.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


191 


y^TH  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (^icstion — Mr.  E.  H.  Ewing. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


is  to  lip  mndo 
ic.iiil  niissimi 

10  ihr  world, 
lis.  A  I'rn))- 
c'^iitinlov  us  (I 
siiinn,  we  lire 

lliink  w'lli  a. 
*  was  rejected 
:er-pronni>llion 
itor,  mid,  not 
Ill's  direolinn, 
intime,  n  long 
e  Brilisli  nnd 
llieiiile,  which 
I  lullierence  of 

niitiiin  in  th<! 

0  seem  so  con- 
to  result  from 

t  in  I  he  naser- 

1  circumstnnces 
on  the  port  of 

lieen  convinced 
ofSliile?  Are 
|uity  of  ft"  h*f 

The  time  for 
as  rolls  round, 
'ess  nnd  to  the 
io  Irnnsaciions, 
nnd  the  world, 
no  compromise 
accept  can  be 
t  Ihe  notice  he 
1  of  Iho  year's 
criiid  when  the 
I'illicr  l^p  nhan- 
inl  I  hey  cannot 
iif  hnih'nnlioiinl 
to  admit  of  a 
s  iliat  luir  jnris- 
torv,  so  tar  as 
rcvimisly  to  the 
■  end  of  the  year 
rs. 

Iind  these  deeln- 
\i'  President,  are 
nd  ihe  nrilisli 
as  yet  heard 
(.ileal  lirilnin 
nothing  upon 
nctions,  it  is 
are  as  variant 
ived  npin- 
plcd  to  draw 

i.sli  Parliament 
(Icliaies,  the 
dcliaiiccs  of 

HI  onr  side  it 

lic  imlicc,  then, 

os;iliic  cases  in 

Tlie  one 

renew  Mc;:"Olia- 

1111  nil  hir  part; 

'lly  and   lamely 

s,  ami  aliandon 

linn.     'I'lure  is 

.idem   has  told 

any  propnsi- 

,  if  lie  lie  ri^'lit 

and  to  preserve 

cr claim.   Lenv- 

iif  ihi'  I're.si- 

■iiaiii,  iimler  ilie 

ir     If:  he  del, 

cvinus"  history 

I'M  for  notliiii'.:. 

liinl  our  title  lo 

liPML'er  hold 

the  year's  ( ml, 

wi'will    u'r.oit 

and  allow  no 

iriiilv  iiiiiinl.'iin 

IV:uv - 

I  war,  says  tin; 
nl'Zi  .'Vll'airs, 
'  tin  war,  snvs 
acliiiscllH,  |^tr. 
it  in  tile  moiiili 
lie  nose  of  tliij 


levifttlnin?     Have  they  secret  information  of  iier 
fcclinsa  and  desiijns?     Sir,  when  this  notice  .shall 
he  Riven,  it  would  he  well,  in  my  opini  r;:,  to  take 
out  a  peace  warrant  a;^iinst  her  ^t    ;  :*iy,  if  per- 
chance we  may  find  any  jnriNilii'ti(;n  [•.[•j^U  .enough 
and  Strom;  enon;;li  lo  hold  her  to  hail,  or  to  com- 
mit her  for  the  want  of  il.     What  will  the  "Iron  | 
Duke"  sav?     What  will  the  liery  I'alnierHinn  say  ?  j 
What  will  ihe  di^nilied  Iml  risolme  Russell  say.'  I 
What  will  all  the  conijreKatcd  iMhiliiy  and  wealth 
and   priile  of  England  say,  with  their  ancient  re-  I 
iinwn  ill  arms,  and  their  ohdnrnle  nnd  mllexilile  i 
arrogance?     What  will  even  the  sturdy  middliuf; 
class,  who  are  proud  of  llieir  country,  say?    Are  j 
not  these  people  the  sons  of  our  fathers.'     Have  I 
Ihey  no  dii^nity.'    Have  they  no  passions?    Have  j 
they  no  sense  of  honor  and  of  its  rcquisilions.'  Do  [ 
these  all  rest  with  us?  And  arc  wc  the  people,  nnd  ' 
will  wisdom  ilie  with  us?   En4;land  dnro  not,  if  she  ! 
would,  hesitate,  or  vacillate,  or  retract.     Her  cm-  i 
pire  stands  ujion  the  prestige  of  her  infalllhilily.  \ 
1  [er  lale  AfTghan  war  was  unilertaken  at  millions 
of  expense  to  assert  this,  and  this  alone.     I'Vance  j 
knows  the  history  of  this  transaction;  Russia  is  no  j 
niiintercsied  spectator  of  the  scene.   Will  Enijland  i 
dare,  in  the  face  of  collected  Kiirope,  to  yield  to  the 
threats  ofher  youthful  rival?  Her  first  tremors  miffht  1 
be  the  aiijnnl  of  her  final  overthrow.    Her  interest, 
properly  viewed,  even  demands  from  her  inflexi- 
liiliiy.  '  Would  Eii!;land  submit  to  this  treatment 
ni  ill,;  hands  of  France,  an  enemy  whom  she  has 
often  beaten,  and  to  whom  she  niisht  yield  soine- 
tiiiiii;,  without  the  suspicion  of  fear?     Look  at  her 
past  history.     To  none  has  she  ever  yielded  while  ' 
contest  was  possilile.     From  u.'^  alone  has  disgrace  ! 
iiltachcd  to  her  arni.».    By  us  alone  has  her  banner 
been  stained.     New  Orleans,  our  naval  victories, 
are  not  fori^otlen;  nor  will  they  ever  be  fori^otten  or 
foru:iven,  till  they  are  washed  out  in  our  blood.  Her 
feeling  towaiil  us  is  that  of  inextinu;uishable  hale. 
If  she  were  lelV  lo  indulge  these  feelings  alone,  she 
would  rush  iipnii  us  as  readily  as  the  Alurciaii  bull 
upon  the  laiiriilor,  or  ihe  starved  lion  of  the  ainphi- 
iliealre  upon  the  naked  gladiator,     nritain  is  no 
coward,  whatever  else  may  be  said  ofher. 

Enirlaiid,  though,  cannot  all'ord  lo  indulge  her 
temper;  her  interests  demand  thai  she  shall  submit 
to  whatever  indignity  we  may  choose  to  impose 
upon  her.  She  may  forget  her  interest  in  her  |ias- 
sions.  Has  she  not  example  for  it?  Do  our  in- 
leresis  demand  the  war  that  we  are  so  rashly  i 
tein[iiiii^?  She  buys  onr  eolton,  and  cannot  spare 
our  market?  Can  we  spare  her  custom?  Is  not 
the  interest,  the  dependance,  mutual?  Hut  Ein;- 
land  has  a  hiirher  inleresi  in  this  ijuestion  than  her 
coilon  market — her  standing  before  the  civilized 

W(M-Ill. 

It  is  said,  however,  that  the  giving  of  this  notice 
can  be  no  cause  tor  war;  that  il  is  merely  ihc  ex- 
ercise of  a  right  rrsi'rvcd  in  itie  convention  under 
which  it  IS  given,  and  that  Kniiland  will  have  no 
just  cause  to  lake  oll'ence  at  il.  Now,  the  (iiies- 
tion  is  not,  as  I  think,  whether  England  will  liave 
Just  cause  lo  take  oll'ence,  but  il  is,  will  she  lake 
(jllence?  It  is  Ihe  manner  in  which  she  will  view 
this  iioiice  lliiit  dclerniines  whether  it  is  a  peace 
measure  or  a  war  measure  Dur  view  of  the  ' 
measure  is  not  at  all  material  lo  ihe  question  of 
|ieace  or  war.  ('(ntainly  we  have  Ihe  rinhl,  under 
the  conveniion,  by  whic'li  1  mean  Ihe  legal  power, 
til  give  the  iinlice.  Ihil  is  it  right  lo  tjive  it  irre- 
Kpeciive  of  its  eoii.sc(|uijiices?  Il  is  not  a  duty, 
■and,  therefore,  is  not,  at  all  hazards,  rei|uired  at 
onr  hands.     Il  is  a  thing  which  may  lie  done  now  ! 

or  hereafter,  ac nlin^'  lo  the  ileiiuuid  of  circum- 

KUinces;  bill  whcllicr  it  be  a  right  oi  ,  duty,  is  not 
material  to  the  present  poin',  and  thai  is,  has  it  a 
war  tendency?  Simply  to  uive  the  iiotice,  and  do 
iioihinu:  more,  niiu'ht  n'oi  produce  w.ir.  It  would 
be  an  allVont:  bin  thai  luiv'hl  be  pocketed,  fan 
we,  ihoin^h,  u;ive  the  iintice,  and  lio  .lotliing  more? 
Do  not  the  other  rccommendalimis  of  ih.'  President 
follow  as  Icj-iiinnilc,  and  necessary,  and  proper — 
nay,  as  inevitable?  If  no  com)iroiuise  can  be 
eireiled,  and  Ihc  nolice  is  lo  be  givi'ii,  what  will 
then  be  our  |iosilioii?  V'ar  worse  than  il  wan  in 
IH1.*<,  when  the  ciiiiM'iition  was  first  entered  inlo. 
Thi'ii  we  had  no  ciiizens  sciiled  in  Oregon,  clam- 
orous for  a  government,  for  proieciion,  and  for 
grains  of  land.  The  -riilin-y  might  have  rested 
in  its  nncicni  solitude,  and  no  further  action  have 
been  di'inanded.     Itnl  now  there  are  those  who 


will  make  demands  of  lis,  and  demands,  too,  which 
caiinol  be  evaded  or  ilisregarded.     What  will  be 
onr  position  at  the  end  of  Ihe  year's  notice?  There 
will  then  be  no  convention  to  iiar  our  action.    The 
world  has  heard  our  claim:  it  is  that  of  the  eminent 
domain,  the  exclusive  riL'ht  in  all  of  Oregon.   Shall 
we  not  grant  lands?     Who  is  lliere  to  gainsay  onr 
right?     H«»w  can  we  stop  our  ears  to  the  settlers?  . 
Sliall  we  not  extend  our  laws?     What  is  there  to 
withhold  us?   Shall  we  not  erect  our  flair,  nnd  lake 
military  possession,  if  necessary?     Shall  our  laws 
except  liritish  subjects?     Who  will   counsel  this 
ii|)Oii  our  own   territory?     The.se  things   will   all 
have  to  be  done;  tliev  are  ineriluhle.     The  Pres- 
ident is,  at  least,  consisieiil  in  all  his  recommenda- 
tions.    You  cannot  endorse  one  without  endors-  i 
iiigall. 
I       What,  then,  are  to  he  the  consequences  of  all 
'lhe.se  measures?    Let  us  pursue  them  a  little  in 
i  detail.     Your  laws  are  extended,  courts  are  estab- 
j  lislied,  lands  are  granted,  your  llag  is  irecicd,  and 
\  yon  seem  lo  be  in  full  jiossession.     What  next  ? 
I  A  murder  is  coinmitted  by  a  Urilish  subject  within 
!  your  territories.     .Shall   the  (uiine  pass  with  im- 
punity?    No:  he  is  arraigned;  he  pleads  to  youi 
'jurisdiction;  you   pay  no   regard   lo   his  plea,  but 
try  him  and  hang  him.     What  then?     What  will 
j  England  sHv?    Again:  you  gmnt  land;  your  cili- 
I  zeii  lakes  puss  asimi;  he  leaves  il, and  settles  upon 
;  a  heller  grant;  a  ih-.ush  sulijecl  then  goes  into  pos- 
I  session;  an  ejec.tincni  is  brought;  the  Hilton  pleads 
>  10  your  jurisdiction;  voiir  conns  adjudge  his  plea 
I  invalid,  ane  he  is  turned  out  of  possession.    What 
j  then?    What  will  England  say  again?    The  Uril- 
ish flag  will  be  flying  at  Astoria,  at  Vancouver,  at 
Umpqua;  what  will  you  do  with  these?     Hill  you 
trttr  these  f/oien,or  will  you  let  them  lloat  upon  your 
soil?     I  am  not  much  givin  to  (|Uolc  poetry,  but  1 
:  am  tempted   here  to  plagiarize   llie  poetry  of  the 
genlleman  from  .'\laliaina,  [Mr.  Hili.iaho,]  "Full 
man/  a  banner  shall  be  torn;"  but  I  forbear. 
J       We  arc  brought,  then,  I  think, sir,  legitimately  to 
the  conclusion,  that  if  the  noiice  recommended  tie 
,  given,  followed  by  the  measures  necessarily  coii.se- 
qiient  upon  it,  England  must  either  light  or  tamely 
and  quietly  recede  from  all  Ihoseclaims  that  she  has 
so  long,  so  pertinaciously,  so  solenmiv,  at  soimieh 
expense,  at  such  imminent  liazaid,  adhered  to  and 
snpporled  in  ihe  face  of  the  civilized  world.    What 
1  will  he  her  course?    It  certainly  requires  no  prophet 
to  I'oresee  it.     War  with  En:;land  will   be  the  re- 
sult, or  the  world  has  lost  iis  wont.     With  .some 
:  gentlemen,  who  would  siive  the  notice,  and  call  it 
a  peace  measure,  1  am  not  only  not  able  to  agree, 
but   I   must   confess,  re.illy,  that  I  do  not   under- 
stand litem.     They  are  for  the  whole  of"  Oreiron 
or  none,"  they  will  be  satisfied  with  nothing  less 
lliau  the  line  of  latiuide  of  ;)4°  -III',  and  they  must 
.  have  immediate   possessiuii.      I   believe,  however, 
it  is  their  opinion,  lliat  luigland  has  been  merely 
makinir  pretences  lierelofore;  that  she  has  not  been 
in  eanieal;  and    thai,  if  she  has,  she  will  now,  by 
the  late  discussion,  he  salislied  of  her  error,  and  of 
course,  as  a  just,  wise,  and  n;a:;naniiiious  Uovern- 
nient,  cinieily  abandon  the  lerrilory;  or,  :it  any 
rale,  that,  in  view  of  her  paramount  inleresls,  and 
of  our  mighty  power,  she  will  come  to  the  pliilo- 
so|iliical  conclusion  in  pocket   the  ii;iioniiiiy  of  a 
dastardly  relreal,  and   ronsole   herself  wiih   reflec- 
tions on  her  decils  of  renown  in  ihc  days  that  are 
|iasl.    .My  credulily  has  not  yel  reaidicd  this  point; 
when  il  lioes,  I  shall  vole  lor  ihi;  iiolice,  being  ex- 
ceedingly anxious,  at  so  small  an  expense,  to  have 
the  whole  of  Oreiri.n. 

A  ';eiilleniaii  from  Alabama  [.Mr.  Hii.i.iAiin]  has 
proposed  lo  grant  the  Presideiil  discielionary  pow- 
I  er  to  give  the  notice  al  such  lime  as  he  may  deem 
proper.     This,  I  conceive,  would   amount  io  litlle 
mori'  than  the  absolnle  direction  of  llie  resohilioii; 
for  the  P.esidciii,  by  his  recoinmcndalions,  and 
his  whole  course  in  ihc  iiiaiiatreincnl  of  this  Ore- 
gon question,  is  loo  deeply  plnlued  lo  give  ihe  no- 
tice i!nmedialely,atiii  without  iniiigatioii,  loo,  that 
there  should  remain  any  hope  of  his  now  receding'. 
,  I  doubt,  too,  sir,  wheirier  it  be  conipeietil   for  us 
'  lo  cmnmunica'i^  such  a  discrelion,  and  I  feel  sure 
lliat  the  prcccileiit  would  be  aUiised.    To  any  prop- 
ositions amendatory  of  the  risohilion.  tenUing  to 
break   its  force,  anil   lo  suu'U'est  frieiiilly  relation, 
and   fiirlher  iiegolialion,  I  shall  most  heartily  give 
'  my  cottcnrrencej  and  I  will  not  .sav,  iliat  the  res- 
"  olulion  may  not  he  so  amended  tlint  1  may  not 


vole  for  it,  but  I  will  sny.thnt  I  have  no  hope  that 
such  amendments  will  be  made,  and  that,  in  my 
opinion,  we  will  have  to  meet  the  resolution  as  at 
first  propouniled. 

Now,  sir,  if  war  will  follow  the  giving  of  thin 
notice,  the  (lueslion  arises,  will  this  be  n  necessary 
war?  Is  the  matter  in  controversy  of  sullicienl 
miigiiitude  to  justify  iliib  extreme  measure  ?  Do 
our  rights  to  the  territory  stand  upon  such  a  basis 
.IS  lo  prccluilc  further  negotiation,  nnd  even  further 
delay?  As  to  the  value  of  the  territory,  it  stands 
very  high  in  my  esteem  in  every  view — commer- 
cial, agriculturnl,and  military,  ^hese  ndvnntages 
have,  however,  already  been  set  in  a  light  so  strong 
as  to  need  nothing  from  me  on  that  subject.  If  my 
will  were  alone  consulted,  too,  I  should  not  be 
satisfied  with  less  than  the  whole  of  Oietron,  I 
am  not  insensible  to  that  imperial  ambition  which 
thirsts  for  the  ncipiisition  of  territory,  which  would 
add  province  to  province,  and  kingdom  to  kiiig- 
iloni.  I  would,  if  it  were  practicable,  and  consist- 
ent with  justice  and  safety,  exclude  Great  Britain 
from  every  foot  of  territory  on  the  iiorlhwrsi  const 
of  America.  And  I  may  as  well  say,  sir,  lli.it  in 
no  event  would  I  yield  linylhing  below  the  forty- 
ninth  parallel  of  latilude,  leaving  the  residue  of  the 
country  for  eompromi.sc.  So  far,  then,  ns  ihe 
value  of  the  country  is  concerned,  wc  might  not 
yield  it,  even  if  war  should  be  necessary  to  .sustain 
onr  rights.  Bui,  sir,  whatever  may  be  the  value 
of  the  country,  if  our  title  lo  it  be  not  really  "clear 
and  unqueslioiiahle,"  our  course  in  regard  to  it 
should  not  be  fierce  and  hasty.  There  are  some 
rights  so  clear  and  indisputable  ns  thai  they  can- 
not be  niadi;  .subjects  of  negotiation,  of  co'mpio- 
nii.se,  or  perhaps  even  of  conference.  Such  is  now 
our  lille  to  the  Mi.s.<ouri  territory;  such  is  the  title 
of  each  of  the  States  to  the  territory  within  its  bor- 
ders. Is  such  onr  lille  lo  the  territory  of  Oirgnn? 
If  it  be,  then  shall  I  iiropose  no  furllier  delay,  no 
further  hesitancy.  It  may  be  deemed  not  alto- 
■getlier  patriotic  or  honorable  for  an  Ainericnn  citi- 
zen to  question  the  validity  of  Aincrii'nn  claims. 
And,  indeed,  a  diplomatist  or  an  advocate  mav, 
perlnqis,  in  the  prosecution  of  his  duly,  look  alone 
for  arguments  to  sustain  the  pretensions  of  his 
principal;  but  a  legislator  should  look  for  nothing 
as  a  guide  lo  his  conduct  but  truth,  siark  naked 
Irntli.  This,  in  the  long  run,  will  be  found  fully 
to  satisfy  all  the  demands  both  of  honor  and  rlf 
jiatriotism.  I  beg  leave  to  quote  here  a  few  lines 
from  Vattel  on  the  Law  of  Nations:  "  Does  the 
'question,"  says  he,  "  relate  to  a  riuhl  that  is 
'  clear,  certain,  and  inconleslable  ?    A  sovereign,  if 

*  he  possesses  sufficient  slreii;:th,  may  pereinjiloril y 
'  prosecute  and  defend  that  ri:rlit  wilhout  exposiie' 

*  It  to  the  doublful  issue  of  an  nrbitraiiiai.     .Shall 

*  he  sul.niil  lo  ne"j;otiaie  and  compound  lor  a  ihinjr 
'  that  evidently  belongs  lo  him,  and  which  is  (iis'. 
'  puled  without  the  least  shadow  of  justice?    Much 

*  less  will  he  subject  it  to  arbitration.  Itisnotper- 
'  niitled,  however,  lo  be  so  indexible  in  un.-criain 
'  and  doublful  qneslioiis.  Who  will  dare  to  insist 
'that  anoilier  shall  immediately  and  \>  illioul  ex- 
'  aminalion  reliuipiisli  to  him  a  dispiiiahle  ri^'lit  ? 

*  I'liis  would  be  a  means  of"  rendering  \\-ars  per- 
■  peliinl  and  inevitable.  Both  the  coittendin;:  pnr- 
'  ties  may  he  equally  convinced  of  the  jiniicc  of 
'  their  claims:  why,  therefore,  should  either  yield 
'  to  the  other?  in  siteh  a  ense  they  can  only  dp. 
'  maiid  an  examination  of  the  question,  propose  a 
'  conference  or  an  arbitration,  or  oiler  to  settle  the 
'  poini  by  articles  of  agreement."  Then,  is  our 
lille  to  the  Oi'C'j:on  lerritoiy,  or  any  portion  of  it, 
of  a  doiibll'cl  char.acler?  Il  has  been  s,'iid,anil  saiil 
airaiii,  i/.si/Kc  ful  innofroK,  llitit  in  the  correspond- 
ence wliii  h  has  taken  place  by  the  diplomatic 
agents  of  ihe  two  parties  our  title  has  been  proved 
10  be  clear  and  unqueslionable.  If  the  position 
litid  been  assiimed  that  the  proofs  and  nrgitments 
prepotideraied  in  our  favor,  and  that  our  lille  was 
the  bclier,  il  rhoiild  have  met  my  clii  erf'iil  assent. 
And  I  am  disposed  toaccord  botfi  ability  at'd  grat- 
itude to  the  respective  ne..:oiiatois  who  have  rep- 
resenlcd  llie  United  Slates  upon  this  question. 
But  1  cannot  .say,  and  I  will  not  s;iy,  more  than 
that  the  weight  of  argument  is  with  us.  I  have 
no  reference  now  to  Ihe  argument  lo  be  derived 
from  conliguity;  this  does  not  enter  into  the  ques- 
tion of  title,  but  stands  upon  its  own  and  distinct 
grounds,  and  will  be  considered  hereafter,  it  is 
said,  however,  that  there  is  no  such  thins  i'  a 


tmm 


%J 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  29, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sgss. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  E.  H.  Ewing. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


IT 


better  and  worse  title;  that  if  one  is  good,  the  other 
is  not.    This  may  be  true;  but  who  is  to  deter- 
mine which  is  that  good  title,  when  each  party  is 
eqiiivlly  pertinacious,  and  when  there  is  no  com-  j 
mon  arbiter.'    A  title  is  only  absolutely  good  when  i 
it  has  been  so  adjudged;  and,  becoming  re$juditala,  i 
it  is  not  subject  to  ftirther  investignuon,  whether  : 
the  judgment  nay  in   truth  have  been  right  or  ; 
wrong.     No  such  judgment  can  pass  upon  this  ', 
question.  j 

Wo  claim  by  discovery  and  by  settlement —  1 
claiming  the  discoveries  and  settlements   of  our  i 
own  citizens  and  those  of  Spain,  whether  made 
with  or  without  public  authority.    England  claims  , 
also  by  discovery  and  by  settlement,  and  by  treaty 
^        with  B|)ain.     Now,  the  first  observation  that  is  to 
•V  be  made  in  r«g;u^  to  our  title  is,  that  we  cannot 

"mJ"  '^'y  upon  both,  that  arising  from  our  own  discov-  ' 

-    '  eries  and  that  derived  from  Spain,  and  in  one  event  i 

we  shall  Ije  preciluded  altogether  from  relying  on 
the  former  ot  all.  If  our  title  by  discovery  and 
settlement  be  better  than  that  both  of  England  and 
Spain,  or  even  better  than  that  of  Spain,  we  may 
disregard  the  Spniiish  title  altogether,  and  meet 
Encland  unnii  thai  ground;  but  if  the  Spanish  title  ' 
be  uellcr  than  that  which  we  possessed  in  1818, 
we  may  not  be  at  liberty  to  disregard  the  Spanish 
title,  for  in  that  title  England  may  have  an  interest 
under  the  Nuotka  convention.  I  say  nuiij  have  an 
interest,  for  1  know  it  is  argued  that,  by  the  war  of  | 
1'9G  between  England  and  Spain,  this  convention 
was  annulled — of  which  argument  more  hereafter. 
Then,  is  our  title  derived  through  Gray,  Lewis  and 
Clarke,  John  Jacob  Astor's  settlement,  «fec.,  bet- 
ter than  that  of  Spain  r  First,  then.  Gray  entered 
the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  in  1793;  Heceta  had 
previovsly  discovered  it  in  1775.  Gray  had  ; 
no  authority  from  the  American  Government;  : 
Heceta  acted  as  the  leader  of  an  exploring  expe-  : 
dition  under  the  authority  of  Spain.  Neither  made 
any  settlement  upon  the  river.  Tlie  Spaniards 
were  then  settled  on  the  west  coast  of  California, 
and  had  been  so  settled  for  a  long  period  previous- 
ly. They  had,  before  Gray's  discovery,  also  sev- ! 
eral  times  surveyed  this  coast  under  Government 
authority,  discovered  Nootka  Sound  and  Norfolk 
Sound,  and  claimed  the  whole  coast.  The  Snan- 
'  ;'  .:.  iard»  built  a  fort  at  Nootka  Sound  in  May,  1789. 
The  south  branches  and  part  of  the  main  river  of 
the  Columbia  were  explored  by  Lewis  and  Clarke, 
■  '  ■.  under  authority  of  the  United  States,  in  1806;  no 
■^  5.^-'  settlement  was  made  till  IHU  by  the  United  States 
or  its  citizens;  Astor,  a  private  citizen  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  then  made  a  settlement  at  Astoria,  and  ' 
this  was  finally  abandoned  in  1813. 

Which  is  the  better  title,  the  American  or  the 
.Spanish  ?  How  many  pnint.^  of  doubt  arise  here 
under  the  l.iw  of  nations?  First:  It  is  doubtful 
whether  Gray's  discovery  can  inure  to  the  ben- 
efit of  the  United  .States;  he  not  octing  under 
Government  ttulhorily.  Second:  It  is  pretty  cer- 
tain th;it  bis  entering  the  mouth  of  the  river  is  i 
nut  better  than  lleceta's  discovery  in  1775. 
Third:  HeccUi  went  by  Government  authority, 
and  claimed  the  whole  coast  for  his  Government; 
but  it  is  doubtfVil  how  far  aurh  a  cliiim  was  of  use 
without  subsequent  settlement.  Fourth:  The  ef- 
fect of  Lewis  and  Clarke's  exploration,  without 
settlement,  is  of  doubtful  import.  Fifth:  The 
settlement  of  Astoria  and  its  suiiseipient  abandon- 
ment; what  is  this  to  avail?  Diibilalur.  Sixtli:  ' 
The  Spanish  esuiblishmeni  at  Nootka;  of  what 
flfeit  was  that  ?  It  is  not  agreed.  Then  it  cannot 
be  determined  whi;h  is  uii(|uestionablv  the  lietter 
tiilr,  ilie  American  or  the  Spanish.  The  Spanish 
title  seems  to  be  preferred  by  our  American  di- 
ptoinatists;  not  that  they  have  the  choice.  The 
Englisli,  tlinngh,  are  cerittinly  at  liberty  to  argue 
that  this  is  our  better  title;  and  if  the  point  is  re- 
ally a  doubtful  one,  we  cannot  arbitrarily  assume 
it  to  he  either  the  one  way  or  the  other. 

Take  it,  then,  that  the  Spanish  is  our  belter  title, 
(anil  Eni^land  has  a  right  so  to  arffue,  for  it  is,  I 
suy,  a  debaUible  matter,^  then  our  title  by  our  own 
discoveries  i.",  gone;  for  F.iiL'land  has  n"n  interest 
in  perpetuo,  derived  under  this  Spanish  title  by 
convention,  and  we  cannot  repudiate  it;  or,  if  we 
do,  England  may  set  it  up  as  outstanding,  and  as- 
sert her  rights,  derived  under  it  and  the  convention 
with  Spain.  But  of  what  bcnsfit  will  it  be  to  Eng- 
land 111  set  up  this  Spanisi,  title  and  the  convention 
under  it?    In  thut  case,  both  her  right*  and  our 


rights  in  the  disputed  territory  must  be  settled  by 
the  proper  construction  of  the  Nootka  treaty.  It 
is  said,  however,  that  the  Nootka  convention  was 
terminated  by  the  war  between  England  and  Spoin 
in  1796.  It  may  be  so.  But  is  it  decided,  or  is  it 
still  a  questimi  subjudice  7  What  was  the  nature 
of  the  convention,  and  what  says  the  law  of  na- 
tions in  regard  to  its  disruption  by  war?  The 
burden  of  authority  upon  the  point  lies  with  us. 
Many  precedents  are  against  us,  if  the  treaty  gave 
Britain  a  right  of  settlement  and  usufruct  of  the 
soil.  Then  the  true  construction  of  the  Nootka 
treaty  must  determine  whether  it  was  annulled  or 
not  by  'he  subsequent  war.  And  here,  again,  we 
arc  at  sea  without  a  pilot. 

But  destroy  the  Nootka  treaty,  and  then  we  tkW 
back  upon  a  set  of  conflicting  and  confused  ac- 
counts of  voyages  and  discoveries,  with  inquiries 
into  the  effect  of  each.    We  fall  Iwick  upon  Spain's 
claim  under  the  Pope;  of  England's  claim  under 
Sir  Francis  Drake,  Cook,  Meares,  and  Vancou- 
ver   on  the   one  side;    and    Perez,  and   Heceui, 
and  Martinez,  on  the  other;  all  proving  but  little, 
perhaps,  10  a  cool  and  impartial  mind.     But  sup- 
pose the  Nootka  treoty  still  to  be  in  force,  it  is 
argued  by  those  who  support  our  title  as  untiues- 
tionable,  that  England  derived  under  it  no  rigiil  of 
settlement  below  NootkaSound;  and  that,  by  her 
own  airreement,  she  can  now  claim  no  right  of  joint 
occupation,  except    by  our  convention  of  1818. 
Let  us  remark  here,  that  when  we  once  admit  the  I 
Nootka  convention  to  be  still  in  force,  we  have   I 
waived,  then,  all  title  from  discovery  by  Spain,   j 
so  tar  as  her  rights  were  waived  by  this  agree-   | 
menl.    What,  then,  is  the  true  construction  of  the  ij 
Nootka  treaty  ?    The  text  of  that  convention  cer-  ij 
tainly  gives  to   England  the  right  of  settlement  jj 
north  of  Noolka  Soural,  and  within  the  panillels, 
therefore,  of  42°  and  54°  40'.     But  it  is  insisted  l| 
that  she   could   not  settle  below  the  parallel  of  ;| 
Nootka.     How  is  this?    What  says  the  agree- ii 
ment?    The  first  article  says:  "  The  buildings  and  J 
'  trac's  of  land  situate  on  the  northwest  coast  of  the  i  j 
'  continent  of  North  America,  or  on  the  islands  ad-  ! ! 
'  jacent  to  that  continent,  of  which  the  subjects  of  \ 
'  his  Britannic  Majesty  were  dispossessed  about  the 
'  month  of  April,  1789,  by  a  Spanish  officer,  shall  :| 
'  lie  restored  to  the  said  British  subjects. "    Flereis  |i 
an  admission  on  the  part  of  Spain  that  England  had 
made  settlements  on  the  northwest  coast,  and  an  ,' 
aercement   to  restore  the  lands  settled,  and  this    [ 
fact  Spain  is  thenceforward  estopped  from  deny- 
ing.  No  matter  how  the  fact  was  that  gave  rise  to 
the  convention — whether  it  were  a  seizure  on  the  , 
part  of  Spain  of  real  or  personal  property  claimed    , 
oy  Meares,  or  other  cause — yet,  the  words  of  the 
agreement  being  plain  and  unambiguous,  reference  i; 
cannot  be  had  to  any  preamble,  or  the  previous 
circumstances,  for  their  explication.      The  third    ' 
section  of  the  convention,  looking  to  the  preven-  ;| 
tion  of  future  collision  between  England  and  Spain,   • 
in  carrying  on  their   fisheries  on  the   northwest   \ 
coast,  or  in  "  making  settlements  there,"  subjects   i 
itself  to  three  other   provisions  which  follow  it,  i 
and  of  which  the  fifth  article,  and  only  one  mate- 
rial now  to  be  considered,  is  as  follows,  viz:  "  As 
'  well  in  the  places  whic'ii  are  to  be  restored  to  the   l 
'  British  subjects  by  virtue  of  the  first  article,  lui  in    ■ 
'  all  other  parts  of  the  northwestern  coasts  of  North  ,  \ 
'  America,  or  of  the  islands  adjacent,  situate  to  the   j 
'  nor  li  of  the  parts  of  said  coast  already  occupied    j 
'  by  .Spain,  wherever  the  subjects  of  either  of  the    i 
'  two  Powers  shall  liiwc  made  seltlemenls  since  the  ij 
'  month  of  .■\pril,  1789,  or  shall  hereafter  make  any, 
•  the  subjects  of  the  other  shall  have  free  access,    , 
'and  shall  carry  on  their  trade  willniut  any  dis-   \ 
'  iiirbancc  or  molestation."     It  is  insisted  that,  by  ii 
this  article,  no  risrht  was  retained  by  England,  or   ' 
i  eiven  to  her  of  settlement  .south  of  Nootka  .Sound; 
that  .\ootka  Sound,  at  the  conclusion  of  this  con- 
vention in  1791),  was  in  actual  occupation  by  Spain; 
and  that  the  wnnls,  "  situated  to  the  north  of  the 
parts  of  said  coa.st,  already  occupied  by  Spain," 
relate  to  Nootka  Sound,     /s  this  construction  ten- 
able ?     Is  it  even  plausible  r    The  lands  at  Nootka 
were  the  very  lamis  to  be  restored  to  a  subject  of 
Great  Britain;  their  occupation  by  the  8|MUiiard 
was  regarded  as  wrongful  u/i  initio,'  that  occupa- 
tion was  about  immediately  to  be  terminated,  and 
all  traces  of  it  erased,  and  the  privilege  alone  of 
trading  to  the  point  was  retained  by  Spain.     Was 
this  tlien  considered  a  point  already  occupied  by 


Spain?  Again,  how  would  this  fifth  article  have 
read,  had  Nootka  been  intended  as  a  point  already 
occupied  by  Spain,  thus:  "  As  well  in  the  places 
which  are  to  be  restored  by  virtue  of  the  first  ar- 
ticle, as  in  all  other  parts  of  the  northwestern 
coasts  of  North  Amesica,or  of  the  islands  adjacent, 
situate  to  the  nortii  of  the  parts  of  said  coast  so  to 
be  restored,  or  to  the  north  of  Nootka  Sound," 
&c. 

Besides  this,  from  the  subsequent  part  of  the  ar- 
ticle, it  is  clear  that  the  words  "  already  occupied  " 
refer  to  an  occupation  previous  to  April,  1789, 
when  the  Spaniards  had  not  occupied  Nootka,  and 
had  no  settlement  above  42°.  'The  construction, 
then,  contended  for  above  cannot  be  sustained  from 
the  text  of  the  Nootka  convention.  It  is,  however, 
contended  that  England  did  not,  in  fact,  remove 
Spain  from  Nootka;  that  the  contemporaneous  con- 
struction of  the  treoty  by  Mr.  Fo.x  and  others  was 
in  favor  only  of  Britain's  right  to  settlement  north 
of  Nootka  Sound;  and  that  this  view  has  also  been 
countenanced  by  British  historians.  It  would  not 
be  difficult,  1  think,  to  show  that  there  is  no  force 
in  these  objections  to  the  British  construction. 
That  she  did  not  remove  Spai  >,  in  fact,  is  not  ma- 
terial, as  she  at  any  time  ctuifessedly  had  the  right 
to  do  so,  and  was  prevenUid  iVom  so  doing  aloneoy 
distance  and  the  want  of  importance  in  the  object, 
Spain  not  insisting  on  her  right  to  retain  posses- 
sion. The  contemporaneous  construction,  it  is 
submitted ,  was  not,  as  contended  for  by  the  gentle- 
man from  Indiana,  [Mr.  Owen,]  the  rhetorical 
flourish  of  Mr.  Fox — one  who,  as  leader  of  the 
Opposition,  was  disparaging  the  treaty — to  the  con- 
trary notwithsuinding.  Time,  however,  would  fail 
me  to  take  up  jei-ialiiii  the  various  quotations  fiom 
English  statesmen  and  authors,  nor  do  I  deem  it 
material;  for  what  would  be  the  result?  At  best, 
for  the  opponents  of  the  present  British  construc- 
tion, that  the  fifth  article  of  the  Nootka  convention 
is  of  doubtful  meaning. 

The  result,  then,  with  me,  of  the  examination  of 
our  title  to  the  Oregon  territory  is,  that  it  is  not 
"clear  and  unquestionable."  I  have  not  exam- 
ined, nor  do  I  intend  to  examine,  how  much  better 
it  may  be  to  the  49th  parallel  than  to  the  parallel 
of  54''  40',  though  1  do  think  it  belter  to  the  former 
than  the  latter;  and,  indeed,  if  the  line  of  49° 
was  really  marked  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht — of 
which,  however,  I  have  no  sufficient  evidence — we 
might  claim  with  certainty  to  49°,  and  could  not 
go  beyond  it.  The  questioning  our  title  to  any 
purl  of  this  territory  is  certainly  no  pleasing  task 
to  me,  unwilling,  as  I  am,  to  yield  any  portion  of 
the  territory,  and  determined,  as  I  am,  never,  at 
any  hazard,  to  yield  anything  below  the  49th  de- 
gree of  north  latitude.  But,  sir,  it  will  not  do  for 
us,  as  statesmen,  to  shut  our  eyes  to  the  truth,  and 
to  content  ourselves  with  giving  expression  to  our 
wishes  against  our  convictions.  With  the  highest 
praise  to  our  Secretary  of  State  [Mr.  Buchanan] 
for  his  orgiiment  of  this  question,  I  must  say  that 
it  would  have  pleased  nie  better  if  he  had  thought 
proper  to  sustain  some  of  his  assumptions,  in  re- 
gard to  the  law  of  nations,  by  reference  to  some  of 
those  great  luminaries  who  have,  in  latter  limes, 
shed  so  much  light  upon  the  great  law  of  nature 
and  of  nations.  Decisions  of  .'Vlanslield,  or  Eldon, 
or  Stowell,  or  Marshall,  or  Kent;  dicta  of  Puflen- 
dorf,  or  Vattel, or  Hurlamaqui, or  Story,  or  Whea- 
lon,  would  ccruiinly  not  have  been  out  of  place, 
even  in  a  correspondence  so  dignified  as  thai  be- 
tween the  diplomatists  of  two  giiat  people.  I  shall 
not  here  repeat  the  points  of  international  law 
which  remain  unsettled,  bearing  upon  this  great 
controversy;  they  appear  .sufficiently  in  what  I  have 
already  said.  We  should  recollect  that  the  civil- 
ized world  is  a  witness  to  all  the  transactions  and 
arguments  in  regard  to  this  territory  and  its  litle, 
and  that  criticism  must  eonie  upon  every  unauthor- 
ized assumption.  Is  it  not  as  well  for  us  now  to 
look  everything  boldly  in  the  face,  and  be  assured, 
before  wc  resort  to  extreme  measures,  us  far  as  we 
may  be,  that  we  stand  upon  impregnable  grounds? 
That  I  may  not  be  niisuiiderslnod,  I  state  it  as  my 
opinion  that,  upon  moat  of  the  doubtful  points 
above  suggesled,  the  better  opinion  is  with  the 
American  title;  and  that  upon  that  title,  if  nothing 
i)etter  can  be  done,  there  being  no  common  arbiter, 
we  should  fight. 

I  take  the  ground,  however,  sir,  that,  independ- 
ent of  present  title,  wc  have  a  right  to  take  a  par- 


U: 


[Jan.  29, 
r  Reps. 


article  liave 
point  already 
11  the  placi'S 
r  the  first  ar- 
novthweslern 
nds  adjacent, 
id  coast  so  to 
tka  Sound," 

lart  of  the  ar- 
ly  occupied" 
April,  1789, 
Nootka,  and 
construction, 
istaincd  from 
lis,  however, 
fact,  removo 
)rRneous  con- 
id  otiicrs  was 
Llemcnt  north 
has  also  been 

It  would  not 
re  is  no  force 
construction, 
cl,  is  not  ma- 
had  the  ri^lit 
oing  alone  uy 
in  the  object, 
retain  posses- 
ruction,  it  is 
by  the  gentle- 
llie  rhetorical 
leader  of  the 
y — to  the  con- 
t'er,  would  fail 
otatioijs  fiom 

do  I  deem  it 
ult?  At  best, 
itish  coiistruc- 
ka  convention 

xamination  of 
that  it  is  not 
ve  not  exam- 
w  much  better 
|to  the  parallel 
|r  to  the  former 
line  of  49° 
.  Utrecht — of 
evidence — we 
d  could  not 
title  to  any 
pleasing  task 
my  portion  of 
am,  never,  at 
the  49ili  de- 
ill  not  do  for 
he  truth,  and 
ression  to  our 
th  the  highest 
Buchanan] 
must  say  that 
had  thought 
ptions,  in  re- 
:c  to  some  of 
latter  times, 
law  of  nature 
.id,  or  Eldim, 
-  ta  of  Piifl'cn- 
ry,  or  Whca- 
out  of  place, 
;d  as  that  be- 
lople.    1  shall 
national   law 
on  this  great 
n  what  I  have 
hat  the  civil- 
isactinns  and 
and  its  title, 
■ry  unauthor- 
br  us  now  to 
id  be  assured, 
,  lis  far  as  we 
ililegrouiHls? 
state  it  as  my 
ubiful  points 
is  with  the 
le,  if  nothing 
anion  arbiter, 

at,  indcpend- 
:o  take  a  par- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


193 


29th  Cong 1st  Bess. 


The  Oregon  ^mation — Mr.  E,  H.  Ewing, 


New  Series No.  13. 


tinn  of  tliis  territory,  stich  as  our  exigencies  as  n 
people  and  a  Government  may  demand.  I  cnll  it, 
nowevcr,  a  right  neither  by  contiguity,  nor  con- 
tinuity, nor  yet  by  manifest  destiny.  It  is  a  right 
sii^fgcated  and  sustained  by  the  fitness  of  things, 
anil  our  necessities  as  a  great  and  ^rowing  nation. 
It  is  a  right  not  confined  by  parallels  of  latitude, 
or  by  very  clear  and  definite  boundaries;  but  it  is 
nevertheless  a  clear  and  incxtiiisjuishablc  right. 
Continuity,  it  is  said,  woiUd  give  Great  Britain  the 
right  to  follow  the  49th  parallel;  contiguity  would 
do  the  same.  I  utterly  deny  these  positions,  as 
founded  in  no  law,  either  of  nature  or  of  nations. 

The  corpus  of  our  Government  and  people  is 
liere  on  the  North  American  continent;  the  exten- 
sion of  our  people  and  territory  in  some  directions 
is  matter  of  necessity  and  not  of  choice;  the  pro- 
per enjoyment  and  maintenance  of  what  wc  have 
demands  the  occupation  of  something  more,  some- 
times in  reference  to  present  exigencies,  and  some- 
times in  reference  to  future  contingencies.  The 
possession — the  exclusive  possession — of  the  Ore- 
gon territory,  is  one  of  tnosc  necessities  which 
time  and  circumstances  have  brought  about.  But 
this  necessity  docs  not  demand  the  immediate  ex- 
clusive possession  of  the  territory,  and,  therefore, 
does  not  now  demand  a  war  to  sustain  our  claim. 
That  I  do  not  here  enter  into  a  fuller  development 
of  my  views  in  reirard  to  this  position,  depends 
not  upon  my  will,  but  upon  the  want  of  time  to  do 
so;  this  question  I  am  ready  to  argue  v/hen  and 
where  I  may  find  an  opponent.  With  England, 
no  such  necessity  exists;  the  corpus  of  her  Gov- 
ernment and  jieople  exist  in  another  hemisphere. 
With  her,  the  acquisition  of  the  territory  is  mere- 
ly matter  of  convenience  and  choice,  and  not  of 
necessity.  Her  colonial  possessions  even  do  not 
demand  it. 

The  exercise  of  a  right  of  the  above  description 
is  certainly  to  be  made  with  great  .-ircumsiicction 
ancl  after  due  deliberation;  but  that  it  may  be  ex- 
pressed in  a  proper  case,  is,  in  my  opinion,  clear 
from  the  greatest  of  all  laws — the  law  of  nature, 
the  law  of  self-preservation.  And,  in  the  exercise 
of  the  right,  so  much  territory  may  be  taken  as  will 
provide  against  all  fiiUire  proliable  contingencies. 

Upon  the  state  of  the  case,  then,  as  above  de- 
veloped, 1  am  of  opinion  that  England  is  in  ear- 
nest in  her  claim — a  claim  which  is  inconsistent 
with  our  immediate  exclusive  poKsession  of  the 
whole  territory,  and  that  if  pressed  now  by  the 
notice,  and  the  measures  inevitably  consequent 
upon  it,  she  will  resist  by  war.  I  am  further  of 
ojiinion  that  our  claim  by  title  and  by  necessity  is 
not  such  as  to  moke  it  necessary  or  proper,  cither 
for  the  sake  of  our  interest  or  our  dignity,  that  we 
should  have  immediate  exclusive  possession  of  the 
couiitry. 

These  conclusions  are  certainly  not  influenced 
by  any  kind  feelings  in  my  breast  towards  Great 
Britain.  Her  rapacity  I  not  only  admit,  but  I  as- 
sert it.  I  know  much  of  her  history,  both  internal 
and  external — of  her  foreign  aggressions,  of  her 
domestic  oppression;  and,  without  descending  to 
ordinary  abuse,  I  say,  deliberately,  though  there 
may  be  found  among  other  nations  individual  cases 
of  national  crime  of  a  more  glaring  enormity,  yet 
that,  for  pervading,  systematic,  organized,  long- 
continued,  jierseverin^  oppression,  at  home  and 
abroad,  England  stands  without  a  parallel  among 
the  nations;  that,  so  long  as  history  shall  endure, 
her  jails,  her  penitentiaries,  her  |ienal  code  and 
penal  colonies,  her  oppressed  manufacturing  popu- 
lation, her  ruined  rural  population,  her  iioor-hou.-'es, 
her  alms-houses,  will  remain  as  monuments  of  her 
pertinacious  and  inexorable  disregard  of  the  real 
welftiie  of  the  human  species.  My  hostility  is 
dirci'tod,  not,  however,  against  her  wretched  and 
trod  Jen-down  people.  Piiy  for  them  is  all  that  can 
arise  in  the  human  bosoni.  But  against  that  mys- 
tery of  iniquity,  which,  under  hypocritical  pre- 
tences, by  a  subtle  but  unseen  power,  weighs  down 
the  poor  and  exalts  itself;  iigahist  that  small  but 
formiilabic  band  which,  leagued  togethm'  by  a  coin- 
luon  bond  of  interest,  and  balanced  with  infernal 
iiigcnuily  for  power,  sways  the  destiny  of  half  the 
nations,  and  jiroudly  tramples  upon  its  own,  my 
ubiionence  and  detestation  are  alike  determined 
and  inextinguishable.  But  1  am  not  yet  reaily  to 
sacrifi''*  my  i  ounlry  or  my  country's  interests  at 
the  shrine  of  my  hosiiiliv- 

S(nnr  I'onsliliriilioMH  Imve  been  ."n"'"ef<lid,  which 

13 


may  lie  entitled  to  n  passing  notice,  recjuiring  our 
immediate  action,  even  though  our  title  may  not 
be  clear  and  unquestionable;  that  Engliuid  is  set- 
tling, and  will  settle  the  country,  and  thereby  pre- 
sent new  difficulties  in  the  way  of  a  future  adjust- 
ment of  the  question.  Now,  this  bugbear  might 
have  been  presented  twenty  years  ago  with  some 
appearance  of  plausibility,  before  the  tide  of  emi- 
gration (Vom  the  States  set  in  that  direction.  Does 
any  man  really  believe  that  England  can  compete 
with  Its  in  the  process  of  setflement?  She  has 
never  settled  Incfia;  she  never  will.  Her  object 
everywhere  is  markets;  her  existence  depends 
upon  these.  Foils  and  trading  houses,  with  their 
necessary  nppurtenaiices,  are  (ill  that  her  Govern- 
ment can  compass — it  cannot  control  emigration. 
We  cannot  restrain  emigration.  And  who  are 
those  who  emigrate  with  lis,  and  who  are  they  that 
emigrate  from  Britain?  Our  pioneers,  the  van- 
mianl  of  civilization,  against  the  ignorant  aiul 
nclpless  refuse  of  their  over-burdened  population: 
our  [leople,  ready  to  submit  to  laws,  and  able  to 
make  them  when  necessity  demands;  theirs,  know- 
ing neither  how  to  submit  nor  govern.  The  par- 
allel need  not  be  pursued;  nor  do  I  think  the  argu- 
ment can  be  seriously  insisted  on  in  the  face  of 
what  has  been  already  done,  and  what  is  now  do- 
ing, by  our  citizens  in  the  way  of  emigration.  If 
necessary,  guaranties  might  be  given  by  our  Gov- 
ernment to  settlers,  provided  they  should  fall  with- 
in our  territory  upon  a  definite  settlement  of  the 
boundary,  that  their  lands  should  be  given  to 
them.  To  this  I  should  have  no  objection,  and  it 
would  ensure  emigration  nt  least  to  the  49th  par- 
allel. 

It  is  said  that  wc  have  aKvays  been  cheated  in 
negotiation,  and  that  Britain  is'slyly  bedeiing  her 
claim  by  prescription.  The  former  position  I  sim- 
ply deny;  and  to  the  latter  1  answer,  that  iire.scrip- 
tion  is  not  predicable  of  n  territory  submitted  to  a 
definitive  a";recnient  like  that  of  IHlt^. 

Those  wlio  are  ilisposcd,  like  myself,  to  sus- 
pend giving  the  notice,  if  it  must  be  given,  until 
wc  shall  have  acnuired  foothold  in  the  territory 
sufficient  to  retain  it  in  case  of  a  wiir,  and  thereby 
induce  Enjjhuid  quietly  to  yield  her  claim,  are 
charged  with  a  want  of  miignanimity,  with  a  dis- 
position surreptitiously  to  obtain  that  which  they 
are  not  bold  enough  to  demand.  Now,  this  is  a 
mere  ebullition  of  ill-temper;  fur  England  never  has 
been  deceived  in  regard  to  our  claim,  nor  can  .iho 
be  in  regard  to  our  purposes  in  settling  the  coun- 
try. When  the  convention  of  1818  was  entered 
into,  did  she  expect  that  all  tho.se  who  should  be 
settled  ill  the  territory  at  the  termination  of  that 
agreement  should  remove  out  of  it,  and  a  fair  race 
take  place  to  -see  who  should  get  first  in  again.' 
Are  not  our  purposes  now  here  avowed,  and  may 
not  some  of  these  avowals  reach  across  the  great 
waters?  But  it  is  said,  with  this  ]irofesscd  intent, 
will  England  lie  .still  ?  Will  she  not  give  the  no- 
tice, and  demand  an  immediate  and  definitive  set- 
tlement? Let  her;  but  let  us  not  precipitate  the 
difficulty  by  taking  the  initiative.  But  England 
will  not  give  the  notice.  She  will  a.sk  no  categor- 
ical answer:  she  would  rejoice  to-day  that  she  liad 
never  f^it  up  a  claim  to  Oregon ;  she  knows  well  licr 
difficult  position.  Ireland,  her  own  starving  pop- 
ulation, ner  enormous  debt,  her  dependancc  on  us 
for  a  market,  all  warn  her  against  active  measures 
on  her  part  to  bring  this  question  to  a  decisive  is- 
sue. These  would  be  all-powerful  reasons  against 
her  taking  a  step  in  advance.  True,  whi.i  we  pro- 
pose conferences,  she  cannot  avoid  them;  when  we 
five  her  notice,  she  cannot  avoid  taking  notice  of 
It.  She  cannot,  consistently  with  her  interest, 
perhaps  even  with  her  existence,  be  driven,  in  the 
nice  of  Europe,  abruptly  and  ignoininiously  from 
the  soil;  but  she  may  sulfer  it  quietly  and  without 
alfront  really  to  slide  out  of  her  po.ssessio-i.  This, 
then,  is  our  policy;  let  the  matter  alone.  Neither 
arbitrate  nor  compromise.  1  would  not  make  an 
arbitrator  of  any  crowned  head  in  Europe,  nor  yet 
of  crazy  Mexico,  or  the  miserable  obortions  of| 
South  America.  No  private  citizen,  no  public  i 
college  could  be  found  suiriciently  divested  of  par-  > 
tiality  to  suit  me  for  an  arbitrator.  '  should  not  I 
know  the  influences  that  might  be  br  eight  to  bear  ! 
to  affect  the  decision;  besides,  I  want  all  of  Ore- 
gon; if  we  arbitrate  we  will  be  certain  to  lose  a 
portion  of  it,  and  compromise  imiilies  a  loss  of 
pail  of  il.     If  we  fight  wc  may  siill  have  In  nego- 


tiate, am'  !osc  a  portion  of  it  after  a  long  and 
bloody  ar;  if  wc  rest  upon  our  arms,  it  will  all 
slide  quietly  into  our  possession.  I  would  to  God 
that  others  could  see  this  question  as  I  do;  that 
they  would  appeal  to  their  knowledge  of  the  Eng- 
lish people  and  the  English  Government;  that  they 
would  reflect  that  a  pressure  upon  her  at  the  pres- 
ent moment  must  produce  a  war,  a  war  of  despe- 
ration in  defence  of '.hat  dignity  and  of  that  ancient 
renown  upon  which  she  mointains  her  station 
among  the  familv  of  nations.  Tempua  nuiximus 
innovator.  Let  Time  do  his  own  work;  let  us  not 
mount  his  car. 

But  our  honor  demands  immediate  and  vigorous 
action.  Oiir  honor  has  been  very  suddenly  awaked. 
Has  it  slumbered   since   1818,  and  now  does  it 
come  forward,  and,  like  a  nioloch,  demand  its  sac- 
rifice? What  is  the  honor  of  a  nation?  It  is  noth- 
ing, and  can  be  nothing  inconsistent  with  its  true 
interest.      Will  aiiybmly  believe  us   a  nation  of 
cowards  if  we  refrain  from  giving  this  notice  ?    Is 
I  the  world  agreed  that  our  right  to  Oregon,  and  the 
I  whole  of  Oregon,  is  clear  and  unqucstion.ible,  and 
i  that  it  is  a  withering  shame  that  we  permit  Britain 
I  to  hold  a  foot  of  its  soil?     I  have  not  so  read  the 
I  world's  opinion.     There  are  greot  doubts  about 
I  our  title  everywhere  but  at  home.   Individuals  may 
I  jeopard  their  lives  and  limbs  whenever,  in  their 
'  fantastic  whimsies,  they  may  think  proper;  not 
j  that  it  is  right — but  who   shall  withhold  them? 
I  Nations  must  act  with  more  deliberate  piupose.  A 
j  nation  may  fight  against  the  establislimenlKof  a 
'  precedent,  and  justly  too,  and  upon  a  coinprehen- 
■  sive  view  of  her  true  interests.     But  this  is  no  tea 
tax;  it  is  no  impressment  of  our  seamen,  nor  sys- 
tematic vexatious  disturbance  of  our  commerce. 
Anil  is  not  our  reputation  well  established  ?    Are 
wc  not  known  everywhere  to  be  sufficiently  jealouf, 
if  not  even  captious,  about  our  rights?    Are  we 
thought  to  be  among  the  smaller  Powers,  whom  it 
would  bo  safe  to  allVont,  or  to  attemjit  to  trample 
on?     Fy,  upon  this  fretfiil  temper!    Our  true  dig- 
!  nily  consists  in  our  being  able  to  wait  composedly 
'  and  bide  our  time.     There  is  a  question, however, 
speculative  rather  than  practical,  as  it  docs  notap- 
]  ply  perhaps  to  the  present  case,  upon  this  matter 
,  of  national  honor.     Tlio  questimi  is — How  far  is 
the  nation  bound,  at  all  events,  to  sustain  a  course 
which  may  have  been  taken  by  the  President  with 
a  foreign  nation,  however  wilful,  imprudent,  or  ar- 
rogant?   The  day  may  come  when  such  a  ques- 
tion will  have  to  be  determined;  and  then  I  should 
be  ready,  at  all  hazards,  to  sustain  iny  country 
against  the  waywardness  of  its  temporary  repre- 
sentative.   Timidity  may  be  imputed  to  me  for 
opposing  this  notice,  and  if  it  be,  I  tVeely  acknowl- 
edge my  fear — not  of  the  enemy — but  my  fear  to 
do  wrong,  my  fear  of  plunging  my  country  into 
unnecessary  war. 

Sectional  feelings  seem  somehow  to  have  got 
inM  this  debate;  wc  hear  much  of  the  South  and 
the  North  and  the  West.  No  such  feelings  Imve 
entered  into  my  mind;  I  live  in  a  State  which  has 
no  frontier;  which  has  no  cities  to  be  battered 
down  or  to  be  given  up  to  storm;  no  fields  that 
ciuild  be  ravaged,  no  commerce  that  could  be 
plundered;  but  it  has  many  a  gallant  son  whose 
blood  would  be  poured  out  like  water,  and  whose 
bones  might  bleach  many  a  desert  battlefield. 
The  sectional  interest  of  my  State  is  perlmpr  less 
than  that  of  imy  other  in  the  question;  lint  1  have 
been  accustomed  to  look  upon  the  Union  as  n 
whole,  and  to  feel  that  the  wound  inllictcd  upon 
a  single  limb  was  a  source  of  poin  to  the  whole 
body;  and  .so  deep  an  interest  do  I  feel  in  this  ques- 
tion, that,  could  I  believe  my  constituents  so  ill- 
advi.scd,so  reckless  of  their  true  inlerests,  as  to 
favor  this  most  useless,  most  unnecessary,  most 
sinful,  and  in  my  opinion  wicked  war,  I  would,  at 
the  hazard  of  any  personal  sacrifice,  stand  in  the 
breach  and  save  llitin  from  themselves. 

At  la.-!t,  sir,  what  should  we  gain  by  a  war? 
We  might  seize  Canada;  we  might  even  look  at 
the  frozen  deserts  of  Labrador;  we  should  not  giiiii 
Oregon:  that  we  will  have  with  a  war;  that  we  will 
have  without  a  war.  And  who  desires  to  nnne.Y 
Canada  ?  I  think  in  getting  it  we  should  gain  a 
loss,  and  that  in  being  relieved  of  it  England  would 
make  a  gain.  Much  might  be  said  upon  these  two 
pro[Hisitions,  but  I  forbear. 

I  have  thus  endeavored  to  embrace  the  main 
points  presiniid  liy  the  qiiislioii  bel'iin  ihe  House. 


■-*  1 


194 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jnn.  m, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Oregon  and  Texas — ]H:  Culver. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


Muiiy  other  Ihiiigs  have  been  said,  wliicU  might 
be  noticed,  but  they  will  nil  pcihiipg  resolve  them- 
selves into  some  one  of  tlie  propositions  tliat  hnve 
been  already  considered. 

(The  whole  of  the  above  remarks  were  not  made 
in  the  House,  Mr.  Eivmo  having  been  prevented 
fruin  their  delivery  by  the  expiration  of  Ilia  hour.] 


OREGON  AND  TEXAS. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  E.  D.  CULVER, 

OP    NEW    YORK, 
In  the  HufHK  op  Rkprkskntativei, 

January  I^",  184(). 
The  bill  from  the  Senate"  To  psialilisli  Post  Routes 
in  Texas,"  bein^  under  consideration — 

Mr.  CULVER  sjiid— 

Mr.  CiiAiKMAN  ;  I  oiu  one  of  tho.se  who  believe 
thai  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  this  Union  was 
unconstitutional,  and,  as  such,  is  void  IVoin  the 
bejjinniu^'.  I  believe,  further,  that  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  Slates,  on  a  proper  present- 
ment of  the  cas  •,  will  pronounce  the  joint  resolu- 
tions, by  which  Texas  win  annexed,  uncoiistitu- 
tionaj.  And  I  hold  that  every  act  of  ours,  alfirni- 
ing  the  validity  of  those  resolutions,  will  but  in- 
volve us  in  deeper  dirtlcuUy,  and  render  our  re- 
lations with  that  country  more  eniburnLssIn^'.  I 
am  aware  that  it  may  seem  to  be  travclliiis  from 
the  record,  on  a  bill  merely  to  establish  post  routes, 
to  discui<s  the  ijucsticin  of  ainiexation;  l)ut  we  are 
now  in  Connnillee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of 
the  Union,  and  the  Ciiaik  has,  l^^lin  and  ai^nin, 
decided  that,  whatever  related  to  the  welfare  and 
honor  of  the  Union,  was  here  the  le;,'itiniate  sub- 
ject of  debate.  Besides,  Mr.  Chairmiui,  1  remem- 
ber, as  do  lUI  who  hear  me,  thiil,  when  the  con- 
summation of  this  Te.vas  scheme  came  up,  on  the 
second  weekof  tlicsr.ssion,oiie  luindred  new  mem- 
bers, like  myself,  were  denied  the  ri^^lll  of  bein^ 
heard.  This  great  measure,  frau'jht  with  conse- 
quences the  most  important  and  lasling,  was  lash- 
ed throui;h  this  House  with  more  than  railroad 
velocity.  The  padlock  was  put  upon  our  lijisj  by 
liid  of  the  "  previous  nueatiou,"  we  were  all  gau- 
ged down.  Our  consiituenis,  too,  were  denied  a 
hearing.  They  protested  loudly  and  earnesily 
against  this  inn'action  of  the  Constitution.  Their 
remonslrmices,  so  long  as  the  least  f^rouiid  for  hope 
remained,  pourjd  in  thick  and  fast.  Yes,  .sir, 
40,000  of  these  remonsiranccs  now  lie  upon  your 
table,  denied  a  considei-ution,and  refused  the  civil- 
ity even  of  a  reference!  In  addition  to  all  this, 
sir,  my  constituents,  nay,  the  whole  free  Norlh, 
are  to  be  taxed  to  sustain  lliese  very  mail  routes 
over  the  trackless  wilds  of  Texas.  I'licy  are  now 
rontributini;  to  support  an  army  of  4,5liO  sickly 
men  ill  that  couiiiry,  to  fi^lit  her  battles.  A  lleet 
is  now  sustained  from  the  treasury  of  the  niitloii, 
to  scour  the  coa.st.>i,  and  to  awe  Mexico  in  silence. 
Am  1  not  warranted,  ihen,  sir,  in  ucizin;;  this  op- 
porlunily,  since  every  other  has  been  denied  me, 
to  enter  my  solenni  protest  ai^aiiist  this  nefarious 
scheme  ?  Had  the  remonstrances  of  my  conslilu- 
eiils  been  liiated  with  legislative  courtesy,  or  had 
even  two  days' discussion  been  allowed,  I  would 
no!  have  been  found  here  upon  my  feet  to-day. 
Why,  sir,  six  hnif;  week.s  have  been  consumed 
upon  llie  Oregon  ([ue.Htion,  and  yet  one  hour  and 
forty  minutes,  and  thai  inosily  in  calling  ilic  tjias 
and  iini/s,  were  all  thai  was  allowed  upon  the  ad- 
inissif)!!  of  Texas.  Wherefore  the  diflerencer  Ah! 
sir,  Texas  had  within  it  that  dark  feature,  that 
dreaded  iiiH;>eciiiin,  that  noli  me  tanc;frc  property, 
that  cried  out  "hands  off!"  when  approached. 
Oregon  has  no  slaveiiy  with  it.  Texas,  on  the 
oilier  had,  owes  its  existence  and  il.s  very  life- 
blood  to  slavery. 

Uut  I  hear  It  whispered,  by  gentlemen  around 
me,  that  "Texas  is  in" — "She  is  admitted" — 
"  We  have  married  her,  and  cainioi  dissolve  the 
contract."  Sir,  1  repudiate  the  marriage.  I  dis- 
claim the  miiuial  bonds.  I  have  high  authority 
for  saying  or  Texas,  "  If,  while  her  first  iiusbaiid 
be  living,  she  be  married  to  another,  she  shall  be 
called  an  adulteress."  We  hud  no  constitutional 
right  to  propose,  nor  she  ilie  right  to  accept  our 
proposal. 


Hut,  Mr.  Chairman,  first  and  foremost  of  my 
objections  to  her  admission  is,  that  Texan  has  vio- 
lated her  own  ante-nuplial  engttgcment.  To  this, 
I  ask  the  attention  of  the  House.  By  the  joint 
resolutiuiis  of  last  winter.  Congress  gave  ita  con- 
sent to  annexation,  upon  the  txin-ess  condition, 
among  othem,  that,  in  that  piu-l  of  Texas  lying 
north  of  'HP  30'  north  latitude,  slavery,  or  involun- 
tary servUuiU,  (txceplfor  criiiK,)  should  bcnrohibil- 1 
til,  '  Now,  sir,  how  stands  the  case?  Has  this 
political  ro(|uettc  adhered  to  this  condition  i  No, 
sir.  Mosi  slmniefully  has  she  violated  it.  In  her 
new  constitution,  now  lying  before  me,  and  on 
which  we  have  given  her  admittance  into  the 
Union,  by  the  tith  nriicle,  slavery  is  not  only  recog- 
nised and  sanctioned  throughout  the  ii'/i'/{e  extent 
I  of  Texits,  but  her  Legislature  is  constitutionally 
j  tied  up  from  ever  "  passing  laws  for  the  emancipa- 
tion ot  slaves  wiihoui  the  consent  of  their  owners." 
This  i-ecogniiion  and  prohibition  are  coextensive 
with  the  boundaries  of  the  entire  f-'M'.e.  No  ex- 
ception, either  noithor  .south  of  that  line  I  Under 
this  8lh  article,  1,,')(I0  slaves  might  be  nmioved  to- 
morrow into  Northern  Texas,  despite  the  joint 
resolution  of  the  last  Congress.  Is  this  the  way, 
sir,  in  which  iiculherngenlleiiien,  who.se  votes  f^ir 
the  measure  were  secured  by  this  pretended  com- 
promise, are  to  be  rewardeil .'  is  this  the  way  in 
which  .slavery  discharges  its  obligations,  and  fulfils 
conditions.'  Do  gentlemen  tell  ine  there  is  no  ter- 
ritory of  any  amount  or  value  north  of  that  line? 
Then,  sir,  I  pronounce  the  fraud,  the  cheat,  the 
duplicilv,  the  more  downright  anil  glaring.  We 
were  told  of  compromise;  of  dividing  Texas  into 
free  and  slaves  ierrit(n-y.  A  fvw  in  the  North 
were  suHiiientlv  ureen  and  mift-faeetl  to  be  caught 
by  this  cry.  Without  this  pittance,  small  as  it 
was,  annexation  could  not  have  been  carried.  If 
there  were  nothing  in  that  of  worth,  we  were  de- 
ceived then;  if  there  were  something,  we  have 
been  despoiled  of  it  now.  And  should  new  States 
hereal'ler  be  carved  out  of  the  present  State  of 
Texas,  and  those  new  Stales,  any  of  them  extend- 
ing north  of  that  line,  be  asked  to  prohibit  slavery 
there,  they  would  point  to  the  admission  of  Tex- 
as as  a  whole,  with  a  slave-holding  constitution, 
covering  her  inlire  surface,  from  north  to  south, 
from  east  to  west.  H.iii  the  niothcrSlate  of  Tex- 
as and  the  United  Sla:cs  would  be,  by  this  refer- 
ence, estopped  from  insisting  on  ony  territory  be- 
ing free  north  of  that  line. 

.Am  I  U)o  latr,  Ihen,  .Mr.  Chairman,  in  opposing 
the  admission  of  Texas,  when  she  herself  has  vio- 
lated her  own  agreement  ?  When  she  herself  re- 
fused to  come  in  upon  the  ti'inis,  and  on  the  con- 
ditions which  Coni'iess  iirescribed  forher? 

Now,  sir,  with  this  slaveholding  feature  in  her 
constitution,  it  is  e  usy  to  see  why  the  motion  made 
by  my  honoialile  friend  from  Mn.s.sacliusetts,  [Mr. 
RocKWKLi.,]  to  recommit  the  bill, with  instructions 
to  strike  out  that  provi.sii>n  allowing  slavery,  was 
so  adroitly  evaded.  That  motion,  sir,  would  have 
brought  tfie  ela.siic  con.scieiices  of  northern  men  to 
a  test.  It  Winild  have  coninelled  gentlemen  to  have 
recorded  their  votes  directly  upon  the  i.s.siie  of  nil- 
milting  Texas  as  a  free  or  slave  Sltite.  And  siib- 
scrvieulas  poliiiiiuns  had  shown  themselves,  I  aji- 
priheiid  that  gentlemen  shrunk  back  from  standing 
upon  the  record  as  voting  in  favor  of  perpetual 
slavery  in  Texas.  Hence  It  was  that  the  "  previ- 
ous (luestion"  was  dollied  with  more  than  its  wont- 
ed odium  and  oppression.  And  when  the  honora- 
ble Speaker,  in  conl'irinity  with  parliamentary 
usage  and  the  decisions  of  this  lliuisc,  decided 
that  the  motion  of  the  gentleman  from  Massachu- 
setts was  not  cut  oil'  by  the  previous  question,  an 
appeal  was  taken,  anil  slavery,  sir,  was  strong 
enough  on  this  floor  to  reverse  the  decision  of  the 
Cliair  and  overturn  the  precedents  of  this  House. 
I  was  not  so  much  astonished  at  It,  knowing,  as  I 
dill,  that  extraordinary  cases  require  extniordinary 
treatment.  It  was  to  have  been  expected  of  slavery. 
And  the  House  will  bear  ine  witness  how  much  of 
confusion  and  trouble  that  decision  has  occasioned 
us  since. 

Hut,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  humbly  insist,  that  had 
Texas  complied  with  all  the  conditions  imposed, 
her  nnnexalioii  and  subseip,ent  adini.ssinn  would 
still  have  been  iiiicoiLstltiitional.  i  deny  the  power 
of  ihepe  confederated  States  to  annex  a  foreign  na- 
tion to  this  Union.  It  is  conceded  that  the  power 
is  nut  exjircsily  granted  in  the  Cuiislitution,  and  wc 


have  the  highest  authority  for  saying  it  is  not  there 
by  impUcalion.  Some  forty  years  ago,  Mr.  Jcft'er- 
son,  whose  authority  should  be  conclusive  with 
gentlemen  over  the  way,  used  this  emphatic  lan- 
guage: "  The  Constitution  has  madt  no  proviaion  for 
'  our  liolding  foreign  territory,  still  less  for  ineorpora— 
'  ting  foreign  nnjioiu  iiUo  our  Union,"— Jeff.  Cor. 
Vol,  3,  p.  512. 

Again,  in  his  letter  to  Wilson  Cary  Nicholas, 
he  says:  "  When  F  consider  that  the  limits  of  the 
'  United  States  are  precisely  fixed  by  the  treaty  of 
'  1783,  that  the  Constitution  expressly  declare.'* 
'  itself  made  for  tlte  United  States,  I  cannot  help 
'  believing  the  intention  was,  not  to  permit  Con- 
'gress  to  admit  into  the  Union  new  Slates,  which 
'  should  not  be  formed  out  of  the  territory  for 
'  which,  and  under  whose  authority  uloiic,  they 
'  were  then  acting."  Hero  Mr.  Jeireison  denies 
the  right  to  us  of  holding,  much  less  of  incoi'jinro- 
<iiig,  Texas  or  any  foreign  nation  into  the  Union. 
True,  he  was  speaking  of  the  acquisition  of  Lou- 
isiana. But  the  case  of  Louisiana  was  much 
stronger  for  the  advocates  of  annexation  than  wan 
that  of  Texas.  There  the  parties  wcreall  agreed. 
No  cjmHictingclaims  interposed.  The  people  of  this 
territory  desired  to  be  incorporated.  1  he  old  State.'* 
were  aH  anxious  for  the  Union.  And  France,  the 
acknowledged  proprietor,  was  willing  to  transfer 
lier  right  to  the  soil.  And  yet,  with  nil  these  adven- 
titious circumstances,  Mr.  Jefferson  denied  to  us  the 
constitutional  right  to  make  the  acquisition.  It  is 
well  known  that  lie  considered  an  amendment  of  the 
Constitution  as  necessary  before  this  end  could  be 
attained.  But,  in  the  case  of  Texas,  all  these  cir- 
cumstances, or  nearly  all,  are  wauling.  More 
than  one-third  of  the  original  States  were  opposed  to 
the  annexation.  They  opposed  it  as  States  in  their 
sovereign  capacity.  Mexico,  too,  interposed  as 
the  original  and  rightfiil  'laimnnt,  and  n  niajorily 
of  the  iieople  of  the  Union  were  npjiosed  to  it. 
How,  then,  can  the  pretended  disciples  of  Jeffer- 
son maintain  tor  a  moment  its  constitulioiiality  ? 
And  mark  still  further,  sir,  the  difference  in  the 
two  coses.  It  was  then  being  proposed  to  acquire 
Louisiana  by  treaty — not  by  the  then  unknown 
and  unheard-of  method  of  joint  resolution.  No 
other  than  the  treaty-making  power  was  dreamed 
of  by  our  Government;  and  yet,  under  all  these 
favorable  circumstances,  Mr.  Jellerson  could  not 
deem  the  Conslitution  sufticicntly  elastic  to  admit 
foreign  territory.  True,  Louisiana  was  purchased ; 
but  only  from  the  necessity  of  the  ca.sc,  for  our 
commercial  safety.  But  he  contended  that  then! 
should  be  an  ex  jiost  faeto  amendment  of  the  Con- 
slitution, which,  by  its  retroactive  effect,  might 
legalize  the  acr|uisition. 

Uut  again,  sir,  I  maintain,  that  if  foreign  nations 
can  be  annexed  to  us,  it  must  be  by  treaty,  and 
not  by  joint  resolutions  of  Congress.  No  one  will 
deny  that  these  joint  resolutions,  and  the  accept- 
ance of  their  conditions  by  Texas,  were  in  the  na- 
ture of  n  contract;  indeed,  they  constiiute  the  only 
ugiTcnieiit  or  treaty  in  the  case.  By  these  we 
stipulate  to  annex  Texas;  and  on  conijdving  with 
llies<',  Texas  agreed  to  be  annexed.  Call  them 
what  you  will,  iheyare  nothing  short  of  a  contract 
between  nations,  or,  ill  other  words,  a  treaty. 
Who,  then,  I  ask,  can  make  such  a  conlract  or 
treaty  ?  Is  it  Congress,  or  is  it  the  treaty-making 
power  ?  Sir,  I  will  adduce  an  authority  here  that 
South  Carolina  cannot  gainsay.  Mr.  Calluaiii 
ill  his  great  s|7eech  in  the  House,  in  IHlfi,  on  the 
commerciid  treaty  with  Great  Briiuin,  an  exiiact 
from  which  I  have  before  ine,  took  the  ground 
that  "  ('oi^jTf.Mcniinolniaten  mii/rac(H'i(/i«  /iirfigii 
nation,"  "  that  it  belonged  only  to  the  treaty-ma- 
king power. "  I  shall  not  stop  to  produce  a  host  of 
other  authorities,  that  I  might  do,  to  establish  this 
position.  I  am  talking  now  to  Southern  men.  I 
have  given  them  Jefferson  and  Calhoun;  if  they 
will  not  believe  them,  "neither  would  they  believe, 
if  one  rose  iVom  the  dead. "  A  treaty  would  have 
required  the  assent  of  two-thirds  of  the  Senate;  this 
could  never  have  been  obtained;  hence  the  recur- 
rence to  joint  resolutions. 

.Again,  sir,  I  iTspectfiilly  submit,  that  nnnexa- 
tion  was  unconstitutional,  fnun  another  coiisideni- 
tion.  It  is  this:  The  coiilVderaled  .States  of  this 
Union  form  a  sort  of  conslliiitional  copartnership. 
They  entered  tlu'  finii  as  States.  They  are  the  old 
partners.  And  I  deny  that  it  is  competent  at  law 
or  equity  for  a  part  ol  the  members  of  the  old  liriii 


Wi 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


195 


29tii  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Oregon  and  Texas — Mr.  (Mver. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


to  admit  new  partners  without  the  consent  of  all. 
The  act  of  mhiiission,  and  the  acts  of  those  so  ad- 
mitted, will  not  be  ol)hgntory  upon  the  firm.  Tex- 
as has  come  in — lean  and  hungry  as  she  is — tinbid- 
den  by  many  of  the  Slates,  and  tinwelcomod  by  a 
mnjoity  of  llie  people.  And  I  deny  that  my  con- 
stituents, or  the  freemen  of  the  North,  are  consti- 
tutionally bound  to  recognise  her  as  a  member  of 
the  confederacy;  much  less,  sir,  to  pay  up  her  debts 
or  endorse  her  doubtful  reputation. 

Rut  agam;   What  relation,  I  may  ask,  do  the 
people  of  that  annexed  territory  sustain  to  us  ? 
They  were  cilizenn,  de  facto,  of  Texas.  She  claimed 
and  we  acknowled!;ed  her,  to  be  an  independent 
Power.     Her  people,  then,  could  not  at  the  same 
tiniit  be  citizens  of  Texas  and  of  the  United  Stales. 
They  could  not  thus  owe  allegiance  to  two  sov- 
ereigns.   They  could  not  serve'two  masters.    Arc 
tliry,  then,  by  virtue  of  annexation,  marie  citizens 
of  the  United  Suites .'    Suppose  that  20,000  of  her 
population  weiv    of  Spanish  or  Mexican  origin, 
and  .suppose  tluu  of  this  number  certain  ones  be 
.ippoiiiled  district  judges,  or  elected  to  smts  upon 
tills  llcior — the  Constitution  requires  such  to  be 
cliizcns  of  the  United  States,  and  to  have  been  such 
cilizens  for  at  least  set'fii  years.     When  and  how 
did  Ihexj  become  snch  ?    Surely,  it  wiui  at  the  time, 
and  by  virtue  of  their  onnexaiion,  if  ever.     If  that 
be  so,  sir,  then  this  annexation  is  in  the  very  teeth 
of  the  Constilution.     That  instrument,  long  ago,  i 
declared  that  Congress  should  "  pass  xiniform  laws  \ 
on  the  .subject  of  naturalization."     Congress  can-  ' 
not  make  one   law  for  naturalizing  the  French, 
another  for  the  Swiss,  another  for  the  German,  '• 
■ind  another  for  the  Texian.     They  must  all  bow 
(o  the  same  "uniform"  law.     Well,  how  stands  \ 
the  case,  then?    Why,  sir,  by  our  laws,  the  Irish  : 
or  Uerman  immigrant  must  v/ait  five  yeiira  before  1 
he  becomes  naluralizcd.     But  here  you  have  nat- 
uralized the  whole  Texas  brood  at  one  sweep;  by  I 
virtue  of  that  act,  they  claim  now  to  act  as  legis-  j 
latiM     for  us,  as  citizens  with  us.     I  deny,  Mr.  | 
CImiiiiian,  that  they  have  come  in  at  the  right  i 
<loor.     They  have  climbed  up  some  other  way, 
-•uid,  polliically,  are  "  thieves  and  robbers."  I 

liiit  1  cannot  dwell  longer  upon  this  part  of  the  j 
subject.  I  am  aware  that  it  is  late  in  the  day  to  \ 
discuss  conslitulional  ipiesiicins.  The  liganienls  , 
of  the  Constiuuion  are  cat  asiiiiil'  r.  The  dog-star  | 
clolirium  of  slavery  has  thrown  the  nation  far  from  ' 
its  balance.  | 

I  need  not  ?a\y  to  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  nor  to  i 
Ihe  House,  how  sorely  the  JNoilli  feel  upon  this  ! 
(|uesiioii.  We  speak  it  more  in  sorrow  than  in 
recrimination,  when  we  say  thai  the  Constilution 
lies  trodden  in  the  dusl.  The  slaveholder's  heel 
i.<i  planted  upon  it.  And  whatailds  to  the  darkness 
of  the  deed,  is  the  base  and  unwarrantable  mo/irt 
which  dictated  this  whole  schenie  of  annexation. 
That  motive,  sir,  was  the  slrenglheniiig,  the  ex- 
(i:nsion,  and  the  |ierpetuily  of  si.avkuy.  And  on 
this,  sir,  I  have  a  few  words  to  oiler. 

[.Mr.   Bavlv,  of  Virginia,  here  objected,  and 
raised  the  qucslicni,  that  it  was  not  in  order  to  de-  i 
bate  this   subject.     Hut  the  Chair  overruled  the  ! 
olijcc'tion,  and  decided  that  Mr.  C.  was  in  order,  \ 
and  he  iiroceeded.]  [ 

In  support  of  this  position,  my  time  will  allow  ! 
me  U)  call  the  attenlion  of  the  House  only  to  a  few  i 
ailmilted  fads.  No  murmiiiiiig  of  eoniplaiiii,  or  ■ 
threats  of  revolt,  wire  heard  in  the  province  of  i 
Texas,  till  after  A  ,  by  the  edict  of  Iturbide,  ; 

in  18-)<),  proclaimed  slavery  abolished.  I'Voni  that  I 
time  forward,  a  low  but  graclually-initreus.^d  luiit- 
Ifring  was  heard  friuu  that  portion  of  the  popiila- 
lion  who  had  gone  from  the  Si mhern  Slates  iiiio 
Texas,  carrying  their  slaves  with  them.  This 
dissalisfaclion  gradually  ri]iencd  into  rebellimi; 
and,  ill  lA'.V.i,  a  convention  was  called,  and  the  dis- 
contented porlioii  set  up  for  themselves.  Inumr- 
lial  history  will  yet  prove  that  revidulion  to  have 
been  as  destitute  of  any  adequate  provocation,  as 
llie  annals  of  revolulion  ever  furnished. 

These  Texian  revohitionisls,  of  course,  had  the 
open  sympathy,  as  well  as  the  covert  support  of 
almost  the  I'niire  slaveholding  South.  It  was  evin- 
ced in  the  speeches  and  correspomlence  of  Southern 
men,  and  in  the  almost  undivided  expri.ssioii  of 
the  Soulhern  ]irrss.  From  IKIO  to  \S'.Kt,  the  press 
WHS  imdlsgul.scd  in  claiming,  that  .slavery  must  be 
reinslaled  in  Texas,  for  ils  future  slabilily  ill  the 
Southern  part  of  this  Union.     I  have  but  to  refer 


gentlemen  to  the  tone  of  the  press  of  that  day,  to 
establish  the  fact,  that  slavery  was  at  the  bottom 
of  this  whole  movement.  So  much,  sir,  for  the 
revolution  and  independence  of  Texas;  as  to  the 
mo/iet  that  dictateil  its  annexation,  I  have  proof 
which  Soiif/ieni  gentlemen  cannot  ri'sist.  Mr.  Sec- 
retary Uiishur,  in  his  official  despatch  to  our 
Charge  d'AlVaires  in  Texas,  in  I84;t,  declared,  that 
"  slavery  would  be  aUolished  in  T<^x  is  within  the 
'  next  ten  years,  and  probably  within  half  that 
*  time,  unless  that  Government  were  annexed  to 
'the  United  Sliiles."  A  dislingiiiphed  Senator 
from  South  Carolina,  [Mr.  McDi'fuk,]  la.t  two 
years  since,  in  the  north  wing  of  this  ('ajiitol,  when 
alluding  to  the  dangers  of  the  increase  of  the  slave 
populaiion,said,  "  Now,  if  we  shall  annex  Texas, 
'  it  will  opiTate  as  a  safety-valve,  to  let  olfihis  su- 
'  iierabiindant  slave  ponnlntion  among  us."  Mr. 
Calhoun,  who,  with  all  his  political  eccontricilics, 
has  the  merit  of  speaking  his  senlimcnis  boldly, 
has  placed  the  true  reason  for  annexation  on  re- 
cord. When  Secretary  of  Stale,  in  a  diplomatic 
communication  of  the  27lh  of  y\pril,  I8M, defend- 
ing the  policy,  and  urging  the  neccssiiy  for  annex- 
ation, he  says:  "  It  was  made  neces.^ary  in  order 
'  to  preserve  i/otiicilic  inslituHnns,  placed  under  llie 
'guaranty  of  their  respective  coiipiiiniions,  and 
'  deemed  essential  to  their  sifeiy  and  prosperity." 
"  Domestic  institutions"  arc  only  another  and  a 
politer  name  for  slavery.  Here,  sir,  stands  the 
recorded  reason  for  annexation — the  upholding  and 
preservatiiui  of  a  find  systi'in  ol*liiiin.in  bondage  ! 
.\nd  this  historical  reason,  ullcied  by  tlie  official 
organ  of  this  great  and  free  npubllc,  will  stand 
upon  record,  and  be  pointed  at  with  .'iliame  and 
remorse,  when  all  the  aiders  and  abettors  in  this 
scheme  shall  have  passed  awny. 

Rut  why  do  I  multiply  authorities,  or  dwell  upon 
points  conceded  by  every  honest  man  ?  Sir,  there 
is  not  a  Southern  Representative  who  hears  me, 
that  will  rise  in  his  place  an:l  deny  that  slavery 
was  ihe  great,  prompting,  and  decisive  cause  for 
annexing  Texas.  No,  sir,  the  ait  and  Ihe  motive 
stand  out  in  bold  relief  before  the  world.  To  rivet 
Ihe  chains  of  the  enslaved  African  more  firmly — 
to  render  his  bondage  safe  and  perpetual,  a  foreign 
slave  territory,  four  times  the  size  of  New  England, 
seven  limes  as  large  as  Kentucky,  is  seized,  and, 
in  defiance  of  law  and  Coiistilution,  attached  to 
this  Union  I  And  for  what .'  Yes,  sir,  I  ask 
Southern  gentlemen,  for  wlial  pnrpo.m'  did  you 
annex  it.'  Avow  it  honestly.  Was  it  not  iliat 
you  might  overbalance  the  iVee  laborers  of  the 
North  .'  That  you  might  bold  the  reins  of  leijisla- 
tion  in  yiuir  hands?  That  yon  might  have  the  pre- 
ponderance of  power  to  wield  it  over  us,  as  you 
wield  it  over  your  .slaves?  Do  you  wonder,  then, 
that  Northern  freemen,  or  llielr  Repriscniatives 
here,  are  keenly  alive  to  this  insult  ?  How  would 
!;oii  feel  under  a  like  injury?  Mr.  Chairman,  let 
me  put  a  ca.se  to  my  honorulile  friend.'?  from  Vir- 
ginia and  Siaitli  Carolina. 

Suppose  that,  in  IH.IIj,  Mr.  Wehstbh,  of  New 
Faigland,  Governor  Skw.vki),  of  New  York,  and 
my  veiieridile  IVieud  from  Massachusetts,  (joii.v 
QmvcY  Aii.\Ms,)  had  entered  into  a  secret  corre- 
spondence with  the  authorities  ofCanada  proposing 
to  annex  all  Rrilish  North  America  to  the  United 


Slates;  and  suppose  that,  in  the  corrcspoiidence  it 
It'll  been  distinctly  avowed,  that  the  olijcct  was  to 
give  stability  and  perpetuity  to  the  proieclive  tarill" 
— to  render  safe  the  free  inslitulions  of  the  North — 
to  protect  llieiii  tVoni  assaults  of  the  .South — to  ren- 
der more  safe  and  secure  the  runaway  slaves  sit- 
lled  in  Upper  Canada — in  short,  to  give,  by  the  aid 
of  Canadian  voles,  a  norlhern  prepoinlerance  in 
the  .Senate  of  the  United  States:  wlnit  llihik  yon, 
Mr.  Chairman,  would  have  been  the  tone.thefecl- 
ing,  the  senliment  of  the  South?    Think  you  that 
their  great  chiel'iaiii   would    have    prciU'hcd    his 
"  mn^icrly    inticlWitij"    doctrine?      liut    suppose, 
fiirlher,  that   the  South   began  to  rustle  and   be 
alarmed — began  to  remonstrate  long  and  loud —  j 
begged    time    for   discussion    and    reHeclion — and  i 
suppose  a  drilled,  iron-heeled  niajorily  refused  to 
hear  their  protests,  lU'  listen  lo  their  remonstruices  ' 
— told  them  lo  be  quiet — that  they  knew  not  what  ; 
they  were   remonstrating  against — that  it  was  a  i 
northmi  question — related  to  the  welfare  of  iiorlli-  ' 
erii  interests — that  it  belonged  lo  northern  men  to  1 
settle  it;  and,  at  last,  despite  the  protests  of  sontli- 
orn  Le;;islatures,  and,  unmoved  by  a  million  of ' 


j  southern  remonstrances,  the  deed  is  consummatedi 
I  Canuda  i>  annexed  !    And,  to  add  insult  to  iiijuryi 
I  it  is  done  by  thnisting  the  gag  down  southern 
throats;  and,  soon  after  this,  the  South  arc  called 
'  upo-i  to  hclpio  support  armies  and  navies  in  Low- 
i  er  Canada,  and   taxed  to  pay  for  post-rmites  for 
I  the  benefit  of  fugitive  slaves  in   Upper  Canada ! 
I  .Sir,  the  parallel  is  a  painful  one;  I  do  not  wonder 
!  that  cheeks  crimson  at  the  comiiarison.      I  n.sk 
i  Southern  gentlemen,  how  would   yon  have  met 
i  such  treatment  at  the  hands  of  the  North?  Would 
1  you  not  have  winced  under  it?    Would  not  your 
j  hot  blood  have  risen  fiir  above  its  wonted  temper- 
latiire?    Nay,  more,  I  ask  yiui,  would  not  every 
[  man  of  you  ha»e  ru.shed  wildly  IVom  this  Hall, 
:  and  proclaimed  the  Union  at  an  end  ?    Would  you 
not  have  gone  home  and  told  your  c.onstiuients  lo 
-  get  ready  their  "  regiments  of  inoutiled  ritlemen," 
iiiid  resist  the  aggression  unto  death?     Yes,  you 
I  would   have  done  so;  and  posterity  would  have 
awarded  you  deserved  praise  fiu-  your  sternness  of 
integrity  and  boldness  of  resistance.     Then,  let 
me  ask  you,  in  the  name  of  liberty,  and  all  that  is 
j  dear  to  freemen,  how,  think  you,  we  stand  under 
i/o«r  Ireatnient?    Are  we  not  made  of  llesh  and 
idood  as  well  as  yon?    Do  you  draw  so  largely 
upon  norlhern  coolness  and  "  Chrisiian  forbear- 
ance ?"     Reware,  lest  ye  arc  over-confident  of  the 
rn(r«inin»  force   of   these   "Chrisiian   virtues." 
I  True,  sir,  the  North  is  a  very  cool  calculating  pco- 
!  pie.     Feeling  that  justice  and   eipiity  arc  on  our 
I  side,  we  prefer  peaceful  remedies.    Our  forbear- 
:  ance  is  proverliial.     We  can  submit  lo  be  tnim- 
pled  upon,  and  rise  again.     We  can  be  fleeced  of 
,.  our  rights  with  heroic  fortitude.     Nay,  more,  we 
can  be  lenteellv  skinned;  but  let  me  a.ssure  Souih- 
jl  ern  gentlemen  ilial,  when  you  attempt  to  sprinkle 
:|  ill  fiiie  salt  and  pepjier  we  beg  leave  respectfully 
to  flounce.     I  might  idhide  now,  sir,  to  a  coming 
iveiil,  the  shade  of  which  has  already  pns.sed  be- 
fore us,  Ihe  deslnicliiyii  of  lite  lariff  of  IShi,  whiidi, 
It  is  well  understood  here,  is  delayed  only  to  await 
the  arrival  of  the  delegates  from  Texas.     It  is  the 
subject  of  remark,  in  the  confidential  circles  of  the 
'  dominant  jiarty,  that  these  Texian  votes  are  relied 
I  on,  in  one  wing  of  this  Caiiilol,  to  complete  that 
work.  Y'es,  sir,  the  cool  forbearing  North  is  asked 
I  to  look  philosophically  on,  and  see  these  Texas 
I  votes  aiding  in  demolishing  that  paoTF.CTivF.poi.icv 
I  which   has   covered   our  land  with   prosperity — 
!  wliich  has  caused  our  valleys  to  resound  with  lli(. 
•  linin  of  industry,  and  doileil  our  streams  with  fiic- 
:  tories  and  forges.     Yes,  sir,  the  fate  of  that  sys- 
':  tem   is   sealed,  and   these   new-made  votes  from 
Texas  are  to  be  ils  executioners. 

Rnt,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  be  just  lo  the  South; 
canilor  and  truth  demand  that  Soulhern  men  should 
'  not  be  charged,  as  the  only  parliciiiants  in  this 
i  transaction.  No,  sir,  Ihe  North,  (and  I  say  it  with 
i!  deep  humiliation  of  my  local  pride,)  the  North  has 
i|  been  tlie  slaveholders'  criminal  ally.  We  found 
j:  in  our  midst,  in  1B41,  some  jiolitic.al  Esaus,  \yho, 
I:  for  a  mess  of  potlase,  werewi'ling  to  sell  Ihe  hirth- 
i  right  of  freedom;  and  I  am  sorry  to  iiild,  that  my 
I' own  Slate  was  a  giiilly  participant  in  the  deed. 
i'  True,  a  majority  ot^  her  people  spoke  against  it;  but 
J  their  speaking  was  ill-directed  and  inefficient,  and 
II  their  voice  wiis  lost  in  the  confusion  of  the  battle. 
!' New  York  may  now  carry  with  submissiveness 
lithe  burden  which  she  has' imposed  upon  herself. 
<  It  is  meet  .she  should  bow  her  neck  and  kiss  the 
ji  rod  by  which  she  is  smitten.  Let  her  draw  from 
I!  her  piirse  and  pay  her  share  of  5;)l)l),000  annually 
'  to  transport  the  mail  in  Texas.  Let  her  contribute 
\'  her  sluire  of  tun  millions  for  an  army  and  navy  lo 
I  defend  her;  a  mi//ion  more,  to  erect  fortificttlions 
I  around  her  frontiers;  nay,  more,  let  New  York  get 
'  ready  to  help  assume  and  pay  up  the  entire  debt  of 
'  Texas.  And  wlierelore  all  this  sacrifice  for  thot 
jl  Texian  band  of  patriots?  O,  sir,  it  is  for  the  very 
''  laudable  end  of  projiping  up  the  tottering  fabric  of 
j!  slavery.  Patriotic  motive — commendable  object, 
I  truly!  Yes,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  hint  to  my 
j  licniocratic  colleagues  ftoin  New  York  to  be  pre- 
pared with  tt  fair  story;  and,  when  our  common 
'  coiislituency  inquire  of  us,  "  wherefore  nil  this 
i  bleeding  and  taxing  for  Texas?"  What  equiva- 
I  lent  docs  she  give  us  in  relurn  ?  Point  them  to  the 
ruined  tarilf,  the  reinstated  Siditreasnry,  the  squan- 
dered avails  of  the  public  lands,  and  to  a  disgrace- 
I  fill  war  upon  our  shoulders;  and  no  doubt,  sir,  our 
'  people  will  be  satisfied  with  the  equivalent! 


i9(; 


APPEIVDITf  TO  TUF.  CONGRESSIONAI.  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  Md, 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


Oregon  and  Texas — Mr,  Culver. 


Ho,  OF  Rehs. 


Bill,  Hir,  I  omioTOil  llic  nniitxntion  nnd  ndinis-  I 
(ion  of  Texas  fur  iinnlhrr  rcnson.     SI  e  wns  en- 
gasn\, lie J'litlo, in  ii  war  willi  Mexico;  and,  wIicIIrt  | 
ri^lil  or  wniiis;  in  tlial  conlrnvcrsy,  liv  laKing  lipr,  j 
we  naaunicd  llir  war  as  oiir  own.     Wise  comiRclM  | 
would   have   adnioniNlicd   to   a    dillVrcnt   conrsi;.  ; 
TliciY  %na  a  tinii'  when  tlirsc  coinisclsnicvailed  on  '. 
tlii»  very  qiu  slion.     In  lH3(i,  wlnn  Tixaa  made 
overiure.i  lo  our  Government, General  .Taekson  de- 
clined llieni,  urcinc  as  a  lea.son  lier  war  wild  Mex-  | 
ici>,  and  onr  Ireaiy  ol'ainily  wiili  llie  name  Power. 
In  lt<37,  the  overture  was  repeated  to  Mr.  Van 
nuren,  anil  liy  hi"  prime  niijnsler  (Mr.  Kor.syili) 
w«aa£;Tiin  deelined,  uiirinKtlial,  "wliileTexns  was 
'at  war,  and  the  United  SialeK  at  peace,  with  licrad- 
'  vereary,  her  annexation  involved  the  ([ue.stion  of 
'  war  with  that  adversary."     Indeed,  so  eleiir  wi  re 
the  eonvietioiis  of  Mr.  Forsyth,  that  he  informed 
General   Hnni,  the  Texinn' Minister,  that    "the 
'  overlure  could  not  even  lie  received  lor  future  con- , 
'  sideration,  as  thai  niii^ht  imiily  n  di.sposilion  on 
'  our  part  to  csjiouBe  the  quarrel  ofTexasw  ith  Mex- 
'  ico;  i>  disposition  wholly  at  variance  with  the  spirit 
'  of  tlie  treaty."   Such,slr,  were  the  positions  tukeii 
by  Mr.  Van  I>urcn,  not  only  in  1837,  but  in  his 
eelebmted  Texas  letter  of  the  2l)th  of  April,  1811. 
He  readirms  those  posilinn.s  witii  i^reat  force  and 
eloquence,  insisting;   that    this   mieKiioii   was    noi 
chan;,'ed;  that  a  war  yet  existed  lictween  Texas 
and  .Mexico.     And,  sir,  Mr.  Van  Ihiren,  both  in 
Irii'and  1814,  had  the  able  support  of  the  Govern-  > 
nicnt  oriian  in  this  city.     In  tlie  "Globe"  of  the 
99lh  of  April,  1844,  now  before  me,  the  editor  fully 
endorses  Mr.  Van   Ihiren's  letter — proaounces  it 
"  a  production  more  creditable  lo  his  talents  and 
his  palriotisni  than  had  ever  been  seen"— deiiaies 
his  '*  dpjnonslrative  ari^unient  against  ainiexation 
satisliictory  and    coiicUisive."     The  same   jmper 
nsain,  on  the  1st  of  May,  1S44,  e.xpresses  itself 
thus: 

"  We  fnllv  and  cordially  coia'ur  wiih  Mr.  Van 
'  Bureii  in  thi.s  view,"  (that  tidteii  in  his  IdUr,) 
'  and  s;iy,  it  is  the  only  wise,  honorable,  and  |irac- 
'  ticable  course.  Texas  aiul  Mexico  are  aoic  ut 
'  war,  and  the  armistice  adniiis  it." 

.Still  further,  sir,  on  the  4th  of  May,  1844,  the 
Globe  reiterates  its  position,  and  ehar^'es  with  L'reat 
boldness  that  tlie  story  of  "  liritish  interference" 
was  a  mere  "pretext  of  recent  invention."  The 
fame  party  or;;an,  so  late  as  ilu'  l.'itli  of  May, 
1844,  speakinj;  of  annexation,  and  the  eonaequuiit 
war,  insisted  that, 

"  If  the  General  Government  sliould  take  this 
'  step,  ill  violation  of  the  trial  v  with  Mexiiii,  the 
'  character  of  our  country  would  not  be  left  to  (air 
•  posterity  as  tlu;  lioiioraljje  inheriliince  handed 
'down  111  lis  by  WAsiiixuroN,  jEKttnsu.s-,  and 

'  jACKSes.'' 

These  were  noble  senlimeiits,  and  fearlissly  ut- 
tered. True,  the  Globe  was  not  blessed  then  with 
prophetic  vision,  nnd  was  illy  preparin;^  its  read- 
ers for  the  frreat  political  soniersi  I  vvhic.h  the  party 
made,  two  weeks  after,  at  Ihe  Haliimore  conven- 
tion. 

Sir,  Texas  was  a  new  article,  inierpolated  in  the 
Democratic  creed  at  Bahiiuore.  Up  U)  that  lime 
it  had  not  been  made  a  lest  of  a  man's  Deniorracy . 
I  appeal  lo  my  Oenincralic  colleamies,  who  always 
dance  tubmissively  lo  ilie  tune  of  modern  Democ- 
racy, to  ,sny  if,  when  Mr.  Van  Buren's  leitir  of 
the  '.iOih  of  April  came  out,  followed  by  the  patri- 
otic eiidorseiilcnt  of  the  Ghibe,  Uiey  were  noi  re- 
Rliniided  to  by  the  <;natniass  of  the  party.  A  loud 
political  ".•Vineii"  was  ntiered  throufjli  the  ranks; 
"  Mr.  Van  liiiren  is  ri^'lil;"  -'That  is  the  true 
proniid."  And  yet— can  you  believe  it,  .Mr. 
Ch.iirmanr — one  loonili  aiurteii  days  from  that 
time  the  orders  were  cm.ulerniandid.  Slaviry 
crieil  out,  "Presto,"  "  Chan;;e,"  "  Uijflil  about 
face;"  and  with  all  the  subserviency  of  .Swiss 
troops,  the  piilliifuad  rei:inients  of  the  iVorili 
wheeled  and  coonicnniuclied.  Tlie  Globe  was 
hustled  out;  llie  Ar;;iis  ale  ils  own  words;  and  Van 
liureii,  the  trre.-/.  (;liicf  of  the  party,  had  his  head 
biouirhl  to  llie  block.  True,  he  n  inonstraled,  he 
entreated,  he  pointed  to  jus  pled^'i  d  vole — lo  liis 
Norlheni  head  with  .Southern  heart — to  his  lon^ 
course  of  tried  seni/i/i/;  but  all  in  vain.  He  stnj- 
eered  at  Texas;  ihi.'!  was  his  deuth-wnrrant;  one 
blow,  and  his  head  is  cleft  asunder.  Poor  Van 
Uureii!  he  has  at  last  met  hisde.serls.  Kut  I  won- 
der, ii.  my   VI  ry  heart,  Imw    oiv  Demoi  ralie  e,,|. 


leni^CH  can  sleep  at  iii(;hl.  I  hIiouIiI  suppnae  (hat 
the  spirit  of  llicir  murdered  chief  would  hiiuut  their 
bedsides.  How  dare  they  v'-x't  "  while  Scipio's 
ghost  walks  iinaveiiijed  amoii^  them  r" 

Unl,  Mr.  Chairman,  "  honor  to  whom  honor  is 
due."  1  will  do  no  injnslice  to  my  cidlenKneg. 
They  surely  shall  have  credit  where  it  is  deserved. 
I  said,  just  now,  that  Texas  wns  a  nric  lest  of  De- 
mociii' y.  It  is  a  line  i(/o/-imnpf ,  setup  for  (larlv 
adnniiion;  and,  as  ill  the.  case  of  S'ebiichadiiezzar's 
iiii»;,'e,  three  were  found  who  refused  to  bow  down 
and  vvor.sliip,  so  il  nives  mc  the  sincerest  pleasure 
to  know  tiiat  three  of  my  eolleajjnes  (Messrs. 
Kixci,  AVimu,  and  Wiieaton,)  refused  lo  bow  the 
knre  lo  Texas.  Their  votes  were  put  iijion  record ; 
and  there  are  some  indications  thai  the  imrly  fur- 
nace is  Ileitis;  heated  into  which  to  cast  them,  rm 
sure  iini  I  tliat,  if  iheirinleijrity  is  adhered  io,tliey 
will,  like  the  three  of  old,  come  out  without  the 
smell  of  fire  about  lliem.  Sir,  I  trust  that  my  col- 
len^nes  will  not  deem  my  allusion  unkind,  for  I 
assure  lliem  I  make  il  in  tjreat  sincerity,  feeliiif;  as 
I  do  for  lliem  a  "  lirotlicrly  aflection"  for  this  act. 
Indeed,  I  felt  thai  I  could  'for;;ive  them  n  score  of 
polilical  sins,  when  I  witnessed  llieir  indepen- 
dence oil  the  final  vole  for  the  admission  of  7\'xas. 
I  know  it  is  said  that  "  the  people  have  passed 
iijion  the  i.«siie;"  but  I  deny  it.  That  issue  was 
not  presented  fairly  and  nakedly  to  the  electors  in 
1844.  Il  was  arlfiiliy  evaded  in  the  Norih.  "Po- 
litical men  there  dared  not  hazard  llieir  inlei  sts 
oi,  hat  issue.  Indeed,  recr-nt  denioiistralioimeven 
in  Nev,-  Ilamoshire — ilie  .Swilzerland  of  modern 
Deiii  icracy — furnish  evidence  that  even  the  Gran- 
ite .Slate  repudiates  tin-  enibraces  of  Texas.  One 
ofliirnwn  sons  spurned  the  collar  of  jiarly,  and 
on  this  Horn'  reiristered  his  protest,  and,  dispile 
the  analhemaH  of  slaveliolder.<,  stood  firmly  for 
freedom  and  his  country;  and  thrice  has  his  Slate 
rcforihd  her  ap]U'oviil  of  his  positions,  not  only  in 
three  consecutive  elections,  but  ihroimh  that  pile 
of  remonstrances  presenled  by  the  venerable  iri.'ii- 
lleuian  from  Massachusetts,  [.Mr.  AiiAMs,]  which 
lie  unopened  upon  your  Uible.  Well,  sir,  if  .such 
is  the  result  in  .\e\c  Ilampsliire,  what  iniL'ht  we 
not  have  expected  from  any  of  the  other  free  Stiitcs, 
had  the  naked  issue  been  jireseiited  ? 

Ijut Texas  is  annexed — iiiiy,  she  is  admitted  as 
a  Stale,  with  her  «  ar,  lier  debt,  and  her  slavery; 
and  vvinu  result  IcL-iliiuately  follows?  I  iiii^ht 
ask,  willi  more  propriety,  what  result  would  have 
followed  li;iil  Mexico,  tlie  |ilundered  parly,  been 
able  to  aveiii;e  her  iiisiillsr  There  is  not  a  ireiitle- 
man  on  this  iloor  vv  ho  would  have  dared  to  push 
this  iimii'Xalion  scheme  to  ciiuipleiiop,  had  Great 
Hritaiii  been  the  p:irly  cliiimiiii:  tlie  province  of 
Texas.  Ves,  sir,  had  Great  Drilain  inen  that 
cl.iiniant,  and  we  had  done  by  her  as  we  have  done 
by  Mexico,  onr  cities  would  ere  this  Invve  been 
rr-duced  to  ashes,  our  ]iorts  bloclciidcd,  and  our 
streets  drenched  in  blood.  ,\re  \ce  so  liase  and 
cowardly,  then,  that  wliai  we  woiiKI  not  dare  to 
do  to  the  "  mistress  fif  the  si'iis,"  we  are  not 
ashamed  lo  practise  on  poor  faciion-lorn  and 
pricsl-iidden  Mexico?  I.-i  this  the  way,  sir,  that 
we  I'lillll  a  ■' Ireaiy  of  ainiiy"  with  a  ficlde  sister 
republic?  .Shame  on  the  nation  thai  thus,  in  the 
eves  of  the  civilized  world,  adds  ignominy  lo  per- 
fidy. 

[.Mr.  Cti.vrn  was  here  called  to  order  by  Mr. 
.TnvKs,  of  Georgia,  for  irrelevancy;  but  theCluiir 
a!:;iiii  decided  that  Mr.  C.  was  in  oi-dcr,  and  he 
therefore  proi'eeded.] 

I  am  aware,  Mr.  riiairiiian,  that  truth  is  not 
always  welcome.  I  peri'eive  by  gentlemen's 
couiitenances  that  they  dislike  alhisions  to  the 
piisi.  lleiiiiniscencis  arc  not  pleasanl.  I  did  not 
rise,  sir,  willi  the  vain  hope  of  sloppinn  the  mails 
in  Texas,  or  of  delai'hiiiir  her  from  llie  Union. 
My  olijeel  wns  raiher  ihe  iillerin^'of  a  few  wiiole- 
s^uiie  truths  to  my  friends  over  the  way,  and  stir- 
riiHT  up  ihcir  minds,  by  way  of  lenieniliranre. 

The  President  of  llie  United  Siaies,  in  his  An- 
nual .Mes.saire,  has  taken  one  view  of  this  subject 
so  novel  in  law,  and  extraordinary  in  diplomacy, 
that  1  must  ask  the  allenlioii  of  the  House  lo  il. 
Anxious  to  seize  on  some  prelcxl  to  justify  our 
eondvii  t  towards  .Mexico,  .\lr.  Polk,  on  |iiiKe  3, 
speakiiiL'  of  the  offer  of  Mexico  to  recojiiise  the 
iiidcpeiidciiceofTexas,on  ciuidition  iliai  she  would 
not  annex  lier.-5elf  to  us,  says:  "The  a;;reeiiient 
to  ai  knnwled'.re  ihe  indeiirndence  ofTexas,  wheth- 


er iri/A  or  wilhuiit  this  condition,  in  eanclmire 
(mniml  Mexico."  Ah  I  is  that  so,  Mr.  Clinirman  ? 
Truly,  this  i»  n  new  feature  in  the  law  of  compro- 
mise! i  had  heard  that  there  was  a  "  ihird-rate 
county  court  lawyer"  in  Tennessee,  in  1844,  but 
I  did  not  suppose  that  one  could  be  found  so  rus- 
ty in  the  elements  of  Jurisprudence  as  to  coulend 
for  such  a  position,  f  had  mipposed  that  an  oH'cr, 
by  way  of  compromise,  so  far  from  being  "  coii- 
c/iisire,"  w-a.-i  not  even  evidence  against  the  puny 
making  il.  1  had  supposed  llint  a  man  might  liny 
his  peace.  I  had  sup|iosed  that  the  laws  regulating 
diplomacy  would  have  allowed  Mexico  lo  have 
iiurchaseu  her  peace,  without  being  eonchidcif  by 
licr  oll'er,  especially  when  it  wns  not  accepted.  I 
will  submit  lo  the  members  of  Ihe  legal  profession 
on  this  door,  whether  or  not  I  am  right.  But  if 
Mr.  Polk's  position  is  sound,  that  an  oiler  to  coin- 
pitr.nise  is  "  conclusive  "  au'ainst  the  party,  ho 
surely  should  be  willing  lo  abide  by  his  own  law. 
I  will  give  his  western  friends  a  case,  then.  On 
the  5th  page  of  this  same  Message  I  leurn,  that 
this  Biimc  Air.  Polk,  in  July  lust,  ofl'ered  lo  the 
British  Government  Ihe  4!)lh  parallel  of  hititude 
as  a  basis  of  compromise  of  the  Oregon  didiculiy, 
tendering  to  great  I'rilain  all  north  of  that  line; 
and  llint,  loo,  sir,  (I  hope  western  Democrats  will 
mark  it,)  after  his  hwelhng  inaugural  had  claimed 
that  "  our  title  to  the  whole  of  it  was  clear  and  in- 
uksI'Iitablk'."  And  after,  too,  that  the  llalliniore 
cunventioii,  and  the  rowdies  of  Taminnny  Hall, 
liad  settled  our  title  to  the  whole.  Vet  we  find 
Mr.  Polk,  afler  all  this,  oU'ering  to  the  British  fif- 
teen thousand  K(|uare  miles  of  our  "clear  nnd  n- 
disputidile  "  territory,  fiir  the  .sake  of  a  comiir  i- 
iiiise!  The  ofi'er  was  not  accepted.  Mr.  )  oik 
then  withdrew  il,  and  niiuin  asserted  onr  title  to 
the  whole  territory.  Now,  should  the  IJiilish 
.Minister  finally  ni'cedo  to  that  line,  Mr.  Polk  is 
estopped  from  ehiiniing  beyond  il.  Ilis  oU'er  is 
"  conclusive  "  aLiainst  the  Ijnited  Slates;  nnd  Mr. 
Pakenham  would  need  only  to  cite  him  the  case 
of  Ihe  United  States  r?.  Mexico,  1  Polk's  reporUs, 
page  3,  where  it  is  decided  that  "  an  ofi'er  to  com- 
promise, whether  accepted  or  not,  is  conclusive 
upon  the  party  making  it."  If  such  law  .s  good 
in  Texas,  it  should  be  good  in  Ore^'on.  But,  sir, 
I  have  ihc  President  and  his  friends  to  reconcile 
such  law  and  higic  with  the  writings  of  Coke  and 
^  Littleloii. 

But  my  hostility  to  the  incorporalioii  of  Texas 

K  into  this  Union  rests  upon  a  deeper  foundation.    1 

|i  protest  against  it,  because  ils  design  and  tendency 

il  are   to  strenuiheii   the  bonds   of  shivery.     That 

Ii  power  is  already  too  formidable  in  this  cnuniry. 

'  ]  riic  rights  of  the  tree  laborers  are  jeoparded  by  its 

■'  exisli'iice.     For  ten  years  it  has  been  making  ils 

stealthy,  but  determined  eiicronchnienls  upon  the 

•;  Xortli.     It  has  not  been  content  to  remain  where 

u  the  ('onslilutionlcfiit.  It  has  demanded  theafiirin- 

alive  support  of  llie  General  Government.     Tlio 

'  army,  the  navy,  the  treasury  of  the  nation,  have 

J!  been  nnvarranlalily  drawn  upon  for  its  defence 

and  last,  but  not  leusi,  a  foreign  territory  must  bi 

added  lo  s,'ive  il  preponderance. 

Anil  what  relnrns,  let  me  ask,  has  slavery  been 
makiuff  for  the  fiivois  shown  her?     Her  acts  are 
:   recorded;  they  cannot  be  mistaken. 

Look,  sir,  al  the,  right  of  petition  in  this  House. 
Where  is  il?     What  power  has  stricken  it  down  ? 
Freemen  liohl  litis  riglil  as  invaluable — as  one  giv- 
en by  God  and  i^narantied  by  the  Constiliilion  of 
the  coiinlry.     .Slavery  has  decreed  that  it  may  be 
exercised  on  some  subjects,  but  denied  on  others; 
and  I  stand  here  to-day  to  protest  against  the  insult 
ort'ered  to  my  consliliienls.     1  had  the  honor,  on 
1'  the  first  week  of  till'  session,  to  preseiitu  memorial, 
signed  by  some  ^,0(1(1  of  them,  respccifnl  in  hui- 
jl  suuio;,  uiid  asking  the  ulteiilion  of  Congress  to  a 
'   h'siiimaie  subject,  over  which  Congress  has  exclu- 
'  sive  jurisdiction.     The  signers  were  not  confined 
'    to  the  "  lliiiil  party,"  so  called,  but  of  all  parlies— 
by  some  of  the  most  resjiecUible  and  inlelligenl  in 
iiiy  di.slricl.     How  was  It  Ireatid ?     Denied  a  lef- 
!    eri'ice  or  coiisideriilioii— consigned,  uiiojiened,  to 
[    y.iur  table,  there  to  take  its  long  repose.  On  whose 
■'nolioii?    On  that  of  a  .veiit/irni  geiilleman,  [Mr. 
BAVi.v,of  ViiL'iuia.]  And,  to  show  tlieiren-liund- 
ed  justice  and  impurlialily   of  the  House,   1  had 
!    hardly   Uikeii   my  siat   lielore  a  gentleman  from 
'   Sonlli  Carolina,  on  my  lefi,  [Mr.  Si.vis,]  rose  and 
•  presented  the  proceed iiigs  of  an  anti-tarilT  meeting 


■:i*R 


[Jim. ;){», 


OP 


Reps. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


197 


I,  \h  roflc/iisire 
lir.  Clinirmiuif 
riw  of  comprci- 
)  a  "  tliinl-rate 
■c,  ill  '.844,  Init 
'.  I'oiiml  so  nis- 

iiH  1(1  r.oiilciiil 
il  tliiit  an  iilfcr, 
n  liciiig  "  con- 
iiiiist  tlic  purly 
nan  nii^lit  liuy 
liiws  rcfculiuiiif; 
[oxi('4>  1(1  luivn 
;  eoiicfuitej  by 
nl  accpplcd.  I 
r^al  pi'iifi'sjHioii 

rif,'hl.  But  if 
in  oiler  tn  coiii- 
Iho  parly,  lie 
y  lii.s  uwii  law, 
use,  then.  On 
;c  I  learn,  tliat 

nlUreil  to  llie 
illul  of  liititude 
oi;on  ililliciilly, 
til  of  that  line; 
Deinocrals  will 
ral  had  claimed 
a.s  clear  and  in- 
t  the  Balliniore 
.'anininny  Hall, 
.  Yet  »'C  find 
1  the  Urilish  lil- 

"eleur  and  n- 
e  of  a  euinpr  )- 
ed.  Mr.  rollc 
ted  our  tide  lo 
lid  the  Urilish 
le,  Mr.  Polk  is 
.  I  lis  ollcr  is 
^late.s;  and  Air. 
te  him  the  casti 

I'olk's  reporui, 
an  ollVr  lo  enni- 
I,  is  conclusive 
Icli  law  ..s  i^ood 
k'on.     I'lit,  sir. 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


to  rectuioile 
s  of  Coke  and 


loii  of  Texas 
riiundaticin.    1 

ind  lendcncy 
avery.     That 

this  I'niintry. 
'opartled  hy  Us 
en  nirtkinj?  its 

iits  upon  the 

remain  where 

nded  the  atlinn- 

rnnient.    The 

nation,  have 
r  its  defence 
ritory  must  hi 


i.s  slavery  been 
Her  acts  are 

In  this  Ilou.'ie. 
il<(  11  it  down  ? 
( — as  one  ^iv- 
unsliliilion  of 
lliat  it  may  he 
ill!  on  olficrs; 
:aiiist  the  insult 
the  honor,  on 
ntameinorinl, 
pcctfiil  ill  Ian- 
Congress  to  a 
ress  hasexclu- 
;  not  confined 
fall  parties— 
d  iiUellii^enl  in 
Denied  a  rcf- 
tinopeni'd,  to 
;)se.  On  whose 
mli'inaii,  [Mr. 
iheirtd-haiid- 
Houh-e,  I  had 
•ntlemall  flinll 
IMS,]  rose  and 
-larilTinerHii^' 


in  his  Slate,  deiKMineinir,  in  nlroiii;  laneuoiju,  the 
protective  pidiey  of  ihe  coniilry,  claimin>;  (I  use   ! 
the  words  of  the  petitioners)  that  they  "desired    j 
tn  take  off  the  feliers  fioni  home  industry."    Sir,   ' 
when  that  was  |iresenled,  how  was  it  disposed  of.'   i 
Pid  you  see  smne  ei^lit  or  ten  iiortherii  <;eiitleninn,  '! 
liaviiif;  clinr!,'e  of  lh«  lahle  department,  jumpini;  j 
tipmi   their   feet,  and    moving   to   lay   it  on  the  I 
table?    Far  from  it,  sir.     It  was  resjiectfullv  re-  I 
eeived,  referred  to  a  slandinj  eommilte"  of*  ihii  i 
House,  has  since  been  coiim  urei.-  nitenlively, and,  ii 
ill  due  time,  will  he  reporleii  on.     Wherefore  this  i] 
odious  and  arbitrary  discriniinnlio:. .'   .\re  the  :;en-  1 
tleman's  constiliiems  belter  than  mine.'     Are  they,  I 
beciiiise  of  their  loud  thunder  and  ominous  threats, 
to  be  eomniended  to  favor  here  over  Ihe  tinnbtrii-  ' 
Kive  Quakers  from  my  district?    All  tbedill'erence 
that  I  could  perceive  in  the  two  caies  was,  that  the 
gentleman's  memnrial  asked  Con2;ress  to  take  the 
fetters  olV  home  Itilior,  and  mine  to  take  them  olV 
home  Itthnren.   The  one  was  an  abslrai;tion  worthy  , 
ol'youlh  Carolina  optics;  the  othera  practical  mat-  ■ 
ter,  worthy  of  the  eomnion  sense  of  Yankees. 

(j'eiitlemeii  complain  that  Ihe  anli-slavery  sen- 
timent of  the  Nnrtti  is  endaii^erin;;  their  cherished 
instiiiitions.     Who,  sir,   is   responsible   for  ihat 
nnli-slavery    feeling  ?     Slaveholders    may    thank 
themselves  for  its  rapid  increase  these  Cr.v;  ]iast 
years.      Tlie  alarmiii'^  .strides  of  slavery  in  the  i 
eoumry — ilie  deeds  it  1ms  caused  tn  be  perpetrated  i 
on  ibis  door  and  elsewhere — have  not  been  amoiii,' 
the  remote  caieics  of  increased  hostility  lo  its  ex-  | 
istcnce.    I  could  allude  to  scenes  fresh  in  the  recol- 
lei'iion  of  irentleinen.     How  lonu',  Mr.  Chairman,  ' 
since  an  honorable  member  of  this  House,  [Mr. 
(iinniN'e.s,  of  Ohio, |  for  the  exercise  of  a  constitu- 
tional ri'.'ht,  and  the  diselmrire  of  what  he  deemed  i 
an  honest  duly,  was  arraiirned,  condemned  .at  your 
liMi-,  and  virtually  expelled  from  this  Hall?    flul 
did  you  coiuiner  him,  or  criiKh  the  cause?    No. 
He  returned  lo  his  hi<;h-minded  constituents,  and  ' 
told  them  of  the  ii;nominy  heaped  upon  them  and  ■ 
him.     They  honored   his  sternness,  eoinmcnded 
his  integrity,  and,  with  a  round  majority,  cave  . 
him  a   new  commi.ssion,  and   sent  liim  back   to 
bailie  still  lonsjeron  the  ramparts  of  freedom.  Sir, 
that  event  jjave  a  new  impulse  to  the  anti-slavery 
feeling  of  the  North.     It  formed  a  new  era  in  its  ' 
history.    It  caused  tlnit  feelini;  lo  widen  and  deep- 
en in  the  hearl.s  of  northern  freemen.     It  is  be- 
ranse  slavery  thus  attempts   tn  awe  and   strike  I 
down  the  representatives  of  freedom,  tlint  we  op- 
pose ils  extension  and  increase.    The  case  of  my  '• 
worthy  friend  froiu  Ohio  is  not  the  only  one  which  ■■ 
the  free  men  and  free  women  of  the  North  have  ; 
vci^istered  in  their  book  of  remembrance.   No,  sir.  \ 
They  have  not  forj;olteii  Ihe  perilous  hour  when  j 
their  tried  champion,  the  venerable  ;;entleman  from  ' 
Rlassachusetls,  [Mr  .John  UriNcr  Adams,]  met 
that  same  enemy  on  this  floor.     0,  sir,  I  would  - 
that  southern  j!:eiillemen  eould  have  known  how  '■ 
the  norlhern  pulse  quickened  on  that  occasion,  and  j 
Willi  what  l)iiriiiii;x  anxiety  we  waited  the  arrrival 
of  every  mail!     And,  at  the   moment  when  we 
loooked  lo  see  him  swept  down  by  the  billows 
<if  southern  wrath,  we  saw  him  triumph   in  the 
eonllict.     He  bore  himself  like  an  ancient  rock  in  ; 
the  midst  of  the  ocean,  narainst  which  wave  after 
wave  dashed  and  broke,  lenvin^  him  majestic  in  ! 
his  victory.     Never,  sir,  never  did  such  rich  and  ' 
mellow  lustre  surround  the   setttine:  sun  of  that 
venerable  man.     Never  were  northern  hearts  so 
overllowiiia;  wilh   alleetion   and  frratitiide.     And 
when,  a  fnw  months  alter  ihat  scene,  the  venerable  j 
staleamau  .set  out  on  a  quiet  and  uiiostenlalious  '. 
tour  throiiirli  the  northern   .States,  he  was  every- i 
ulicre  greeted  wilh  one  eontiniicd  round  of  heart- 
felt (iratitude.     I  remember  it  well.    He  visited  in 
the  vicinity  of  my  own   residence.     Parly  preju- 
dices were  for:;ntten,  old  animosities  lost  sijlit  of, 
and  one  spontaneous  burst  of  allVction  everywhere 
marked  lii.s  journey.     Ah,  sir,  we  loved  and  hon- 
ored the  man  who  dared  lo  stand  in  the  breach, 
and   bailie  for  our  ritrhts,  in  the  hour  of  peril. 
That  was  another  chapter,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  the 
history  of  anti-slavery  feeliii!r. 

[Mr.  Ciii.vr.R  was  here  acaiii  called  to  order  by 
IVIr.  I'nicE,  of  Missouri,  fiT  discussiim  foi-cijrn  to- 
pics; and  by  Mr.  Mc,CoN\'F.i.i„of.'Vlai)ami.,  repeat- 
edly, diirina;  Mr.  C.'s  remarks;  but  the  Chair  ruled 
thai  Ihe  remarks  were  not  out  of  order,  and  that 
Mr.  C.  was  entitled  to  proceed.] 


Oregon  and  Texas — Mr.  Ciiliier. 

Mr.  Chairman,  as   gentlemen   appear  uneasy, 
and  my  hour  is  wcariii;;  away,  I  will  hasten. 

I  was  alludiiit;to  the  attempts  of  slavery  lo  over- 
ride the  Constilulion,  here  and  elsewhtre,  iirtjiii!; 
as  a  reason  why  I  ojipo.se  ils  extension  in  Texas.  | 
If  the  siipporleis  of  slavery  had  abided  the  terms 
compact,  and  been  scrupulous  to  respect  the 


Ho.  or  Rp.ps. 


riifhis  of  the  North  Hiipulated  in  that  compact,  it 
would  liavi!  disarmed  its  enemies  of  some  of  their  i 
keenest  weapons.  Uul,  on  this  mailer,  there  is  a  I 
stran!;e  monomania  in  the  South.  The  Constitu-  ! 
lion  is  regarded  as  a  compact  expressly  for  South-  j 
cm  inlerestsand  Sonllierii  ndvantajes.  Thf  y  seem 
unwillini;  lo  allow  that  the  North  has  some  rights  '       . 

and  immunities  secured  by  that  iiisiruinent.  Now,  j  liiiion  to  assail  slavery,  or  to  seize  imconstilutioiml 
sir,  il  is  lime  that  senllemen  knew  there  are  two  ;  weapons  with  which  to  fi^lit  it.  Wc  believe  that 
sides  lo  the  Cousiitiition.  |  we  undersuuid  this  matter  fully.     We  acl,  and 

1  hold  this,  in  relation  to  it :  When  we  entered  ^j  shall  continue  to  act,  in  self-defence.    Nay,  I  will 
into  the   Kreat  constitutional  co-partnership  with   1  do  justice  even  In  the  reviled  "  Molilinnisln,"  who 


laudable  desire  to  elevalc  fourteen  thniiNand  of  our 
ciiizeiia,  now  debarred,  solely  for  their  color,  to 
the  privileges  of  the  elective  fiaiichise;  if  a  K<'ncr" 
ous  symjialhy  for  a  dislin;;iiislied  citizen  of  Ken- 
lucky,  (Cassiiis  M.  Clay,)  in  his  noble  and  con- 
stitiilional  cll'ort  to  rid  his  own  >Statr  of  the  curse 
of  slavery;  if  standino;  for  our  riihis,  as  the  Con- 
stitution settles  it,  and  lioldinj;  slavery  strictly  lo 
the  same — if  these  iiositions  render  us  obnoxious 
lo  the  cImrL'e  of  "Wliii^  .\bolilionisls,"  then  must 
we  plead  Ruilly.  Bui,  beyond  this,  ihc  charge  is 
waiitoiily  fahso,  and  put  forth  for  selfish  and  ma- 
licious ends.  Neither  myself,  nor  the  Whijs  of 
my  .Stale,  ever  projiosed  to  go  beyond  the  Coiisti- 


our  Southern   neiiihbors,  and   became  tenants  in 
common  of  all  the  territory  then  reaching  from 
Maine  to  Georgia,  and   from   the  Granite  hills  lo 
the  llocky  moi  ntniiis,  the  same  articles  of  co-part-  ! 
'  nership,  which  liirilUi  (f<ir,  ihank  God,  il  is  noi  cr- 
prcsshi)  permitted   slavery  to  exist  In   the  South, 
took  special  cars  to  !;ive  to  the  North  .somethin'.;  lo  j 
keep  it  ill  check.     The  men  wlio  framed  the  Con-  j 
j  stilulion  loveil  freedom,  and  hated  slavery  .    They  j 

had  just  ccnne  from  the  fields  of  the  Uevohition. 
I  They  had  drunk  deep  at  the  ^ushiuir  spriiiijof  lili- 
;  eriy;  and  hence  it  was  thai  lliey  would  not  soil  llie 
!  pa^cs  of  that  inslrumcnl  by  the  word  "slave"  or  ' 
'<  "slavery,"  and  yet,  for  the  sake  of  ihe  conipro-  i 
inise,  they  permitted  slavery  lo  exist,  well  know-  I 
ill?  that  ils  days  would  be  numbci-ed  and  ils  dura-  ■ 
lion  limited.     And  when  Ihe  North  hesitated  to  en-  ' 
ter  the  compact  with   slavery,  the  fr.iiiiers  of  the  [ 
Constitiili'in  virtually  replied  to  them:  "True,  we  ' 
'  neiratively  tolerate  slavery,  but  we  secure  to  yriii  ' 
j  in  it  certain  checks  and  antidotes  ;  these,  by  tlieir  i 
1  legiiimate  action,  will,  in  due  time,  eat  out  and  de-  j 
I  stroy  slavery.     True,  it  is  a  grievous  evil  to  be  tol- 
erated ill  the  compact,  but  wilh  il  wo  euaranly  to  ! 
■  you  ffeednm  of  speech,  l\herl\i  nf  Ihc  press,  and  the  i 
hioiiT  OF  PF.TiTinx;  with  the  judicious  exercise  of 
all  these,  slavery  cannot  long  exist.     Disciussion,  I 
•  experience,  and  inlelligeiK^e,  will  drive  it  from  the  ] 
j  land."    The  Nmih  finally  entered    the  compact.  ] 
i  Well,  sir,  we  travelled  on  in  oiir  "joint  oceiipan-  [ 
ey"  fifty  years.     But  .slavery,  instead  of  retiring,  \ 
crrew  with  ourcnnvlh  and  strensthened  wilh  our  \ 
:  strength.     At  lenglh  the  \inlh  began  to  exercise 
j  some  of  i's  rights.     Slavery  began  to  be  tlirnisseJ  ' 
j  as  a  great  national  and  moral  evil.     The  press  be-  • 
I  gall  to  speak  in  tones  of  rebuke.     Petitions  began  i 
to  wend  their  way  to  this  Capitol.     But  what  was  ! 
;  the  result  ?     Why,  sir,  we  were  met,  in  fiiiiiiic,  by  ! 
the  slave  power.     Wc  were  denied,  one  and  all, 
the  exercise  of  these  rishts.     Our  presses  were  de-  I 
inolished — discussion    interdicted   by   mobs — our  ^ 
mail  baffs  rifled,  and  the  right  of  petition  denied 
us  on  this  floor,     .^nd  we  were  told  by  the  South 
that,  if  we  persisted  in  the  exercise  of  these  rights,  j 
;  they  would   dissolve    the  Union.     Very  well.     If 
!  slavery  cannot  abide  the  compact,  then  on  her  head 
be  the  consequences  of  its  violation,     fi'e  mean  to 
;  adhere  to  the  terms  of  the  agreement;  and,  "  while 
!  life  and  breath  and  being  last,"  we  will  surrender 
j  iiorishl  secured  to  us  In  that  compact. 
I      I  am  aware,  sir,  tliat  the  utterance  of  the.fe  sen- 
timents may  subject  me  to  the  a)i)iellation  of  an 
:  "Abolitionist."     I  will  put  that  right.     I  was  not 
sent   here  by  the  "/Vbolitioiiisis  proper."     Tlii'y 
!  did  not  deem  ine  orthodox;  they  voted  for  their  own 
;  candidate,  in  oppositimi  to  me.     While,  llierefore, 
(  I  miirht  say  that  1  owed  tlieni  nothing,  as  a  party,  I 
yet  this  floor  is  nni  the  place  whereon   lo  scllle 
controversies  wilh  ibem.     I  find  here  a  more  for-  ; 
midable  enemy,  which  requires  all  my  attention; 
'  and  against  its  attacks  i  will  defend  "Aboliiion- 
ists,"  and  all  others  of  my  cmisiituenls.      ,'\nd 
while  on  tliis  point,  .Mr.  Chairman,  I  beg  leave  lo  ■ 
vindicate  the  Whigs  of  my  own  Siale  from  an  im- 
putation attempted  lo  be  cast  upon  them,  here  and 
elsewhere. 

The  cry  of  ".Vwlil'mn  Whizs"  has  been  rung 
upon  them.  Well,  sir,  if  I  may  be  allowed  lo  be 
iheir  humble  organ  here,  1  will  tell  you  just  how- 
far  the  eharie  is  true.     Ifoppositimi  to  perpeUi- 


seem  lo  be  common  lariets,  at  wnich  all  Ihc  artil- 
lery; big  and  Utile,  on  this  floor,  is  pointed.  They 
do  not  ask  Congress,  nor  propose  themselves,  lo 
violate  the  Constilulion,  in  reaching  slavery.  They 
all  know  ihal,  in  the  slave  Slates,  it  is  not  the  subject 
of  direct  action  of  Cimgress,  nor  have  they  desired 
such  an  interference.  Ibit  they  do  claim  ihat,  in 
Ihe  Territories  and  in  this  District,  the  action  of 
Con^'res.s  may  be  legilimalely  invoked.  They  Jo 
claim  that  they  have  the  right  to  discu.ss,  to  print, 
to  petition,  upon  the  subject,  as  a  great  nior.il  and 
poliiical  evil.  .\nd  so  long  as  the  right  is  denied 
them,  so  long  will  the  war  wax  holler  acainst  sla- 
very. I  am  well  known,  at  home  and  abroad,  as 
not  endorsing  all  their  iiicnsHrf.'i,  deeming  some  of 
them  ill-advised  and  unwarrantable;  yet  the  ma.s3 
ofihcm  arc  honest,  patriotic,  and  intelligent,  and 
they  know  well  whereof  they  speak".  I  can  assure 
the  honorable  geiiilcman  from  Virginia  [Mr.  Bay- 
ly] that  there  are  Uuaker  women,  wdio.se  names 
are  on  the  memorial  which  he  so  gallanlly  moved 
to  lay  upon  the  table,  who  would  put  him  to  his 
best  in  a  conslitulional  argument  on  slavery  in  the 
District  and  Territories. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  dismiss  this  part  of  the 
subject  by  briefly  explaining  to  you,  and,  through 
yoii,  to  the  country,  why  the  North  is  willing  and 
the  South  unwilling  to  abide  by  the  original  com- 
pact.    The  North,  conscious  oi"  the  integrity  of  its 
caii.se,  and  the  defcnsibilily  of  its  claims,  relies 
upon  truth,  and  argument,  and  ftict,  lo  sustain  it ; 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  South — I  hope  I  shall 
not  be  deemed  unclinritable — the  South,  as  if  in- 
stinctively conscious  of  its  vulnerable  points,  re- 
fuses invesligatinn,  silences  discussion,  and  tram- 
ples wilh  impunity  upon  the  right  of  petition.     I 
licg  to  be  nndeistood  when  1  speak  of  the  South. 
I  do  not  mean  all  of  the  South.    There  are  some 
noble  spirits  there — men  who  view  this  matter  in 
a  calm  light.     There  are  such  upon  ihis  floor;  and, 
1  lake  jileasiire  in  adding,  that  my  personal   ac- 
quaintance wilh  some  of  them  here  has  modified 
my  feelings  and  opinions  of  slaveholders.     But  I 
I  mean   by   "  I'le  South  "  that   l.irgcr,   self-styled 
j  "  Democratic"  poriion  of  them,  whospinabsirnc- 
tionsby  moonlight  behind  cotton  bags — who  think 
"  the  world  was  made  for  C.xsar,  and  not  fm*  all 
i  mankind" — who  think  that  the  Constitution  stops 
!  short  at  Mason  and  Dixon's  line.     Towards  that 
I  portion  even,  the  coed  Niu'th,  conscious,  as  1  have 
j  described  it  to  be,  requires  no  retaliatory  measures. 
'  No,  sir.     We  have  no  need  of  "gags'"  and  "pie- 
i  vions  questions" — of  mobs  and  bloodshed.     And 
i  I  can  assure  my  friend  from  South  Carolina,  [Mr. 
'  Sims,]  and  any  ethers  who  may  desire  to  present 
'  anii-tarilf  memorials,  that  they  will  not  find  me, 
I  nor  any  other  Nortliern  llepresenlalive,  moving  lo 
lay  till  in  upon  the  table  unconsidered.     No,  sir. 
1  We  say  to  iheiii,  frankly,  .send  on  your  petitions, 
'■  gentlemen — bring  up  your  memorials;  and  alt  bough 
llicyask  such  legislation  as,  if  granlcd,  would  stab 
I  Norlhern  interests  to  the  heart,  yet  they  shall  be 
!  received,  respectfully  referred,  considered,  and  act- 
!  ed  upon.     And  if  we  cannot,  by  cool  Yankee  rea- 
1  soiling,  convince  you  of  your  wrong,  and  ovcrttrn 
your  positions,  we  will  grant  your  reipiests.     Nay, 
I  more:  if  you  desire  it,  come  and  establish  your 
anii-larilf  presses  at  Lowell  and  Merrimack — coii- 
!  vince  our  "  poor  factory  girls,"  who  are  getting 
their  two,  three  and  four'dollars  per  week,  that  they 


aliug  slavery  by  the  uuconslitntinnal  acquisition  of  '  are  oppressed,  that  they  are  worsse  ofl"  than  your 
foreign  slave  territory;  if  resistance  lo  the  a.ssaiihs  slaves — prevail  on  lliem  lo  run  away  lo  Alabama 
of  slavery,  when  slavery  leaps  its  own  bounds;  if  a   •  or  Texas,  and  sell  themselves;  or,  if  you  please, 


198 


APPENDIX  TO  TflE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  30, 


aJh'H  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


Oregon  and  Texas — Mr,  Culver. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


m" 


:hi 


come  omi  liiciile  your  pro  slovcry  prcsFCP  in  Bos- 
ton, in  Providence,  in  New  York — linid  up  anil 
dercnii  the  beantiin  nf  your  kIhvo  systiui — decry 
free  lidiiir — prcvnil  on  tlie  working  innnsm  lo  rnn 
awny  S(mlh,  and  liccome  slaves.  Ho  nil  iliitt,  (gen- 
tlemen, and,  willi  it,  we  piur.inly  In  yon  the  liroiid 
eliield  of  llic  ConHtilnlion.  No'Lyneli  law  HJiall 
incarcernle  yonr  ehamiiiona;  no  polite  "conunitlee 
of  Nixty"  rutllanH  almll  tear  down  yom'  prens,  and 
Rend  it  tu u  ><la\ e  State;  no  niilili.sH  moli  shall  slioot 
down  yonr  editors  at  niglit,  (an  ours  have  been,) 
and  the  mnrdercrs  sro  unwhipped  of  justice.  And 
if  yonr  citizens  he  illegally  inijirisoned  in  I'oNlon, 
witlnuit  bail,  or  counsel,  or  friends,  the  ajjeiils  of 
vour  Governor.^  sent  to  look  after  them  shall  not 
be  expelled  by  a  mob:  your  writ  Rhall  be  allowed, 
nnd  vo\ir  cn.se  tested  by  law.  We  will  nicut  yon 
on  all  these,  with  far  other  wen|)on»;  will  oppose 
nrirmnent  to  argument,  press  aijainst  press,  I'ditor 
ai^ainst  eililor.  Wo  will  pal  on  our  llmiicc  (!iii- 
liiji,  ituT  Reihrimtl  Fullers,  iwd  our  Chailis  Ilvihoiis, 
and  by  tails  and  figures  ami  dcnionslralion,  we 
could  uive  your  ehaimiiiiMM  .•'Uih  a  iliiilh  htig,  thai 
,1  .second  grapple  would  never  he  courled.  And 
why  would  llie  Xorth  so  nu'Ct  this  issue  ?  necnnse, 
sir,  tnilh  loves  discussion — a  good  cause  brighfeiis 
by  nrcumeiil;  while  crriu'  hales  both,  and  n  bad 
cause  is  made  worse  by  investigation. 

Am  I  not  vsarranleil,  then,  in  a.'isigninv'  these  as 
the  true  reasons  why  one  seciicui  of  ihis  Uniim  has 
KIrengihcned  nnd  pirpctualed  its  local  )iowerat  the 
expeu.se  of  the  oilier.*  Is  not  this  the  reason  why 
Texas  to-day  stands  recorded  a  meinbir  of  this 
confedeniey  r  I  lussure  srcnllenien  ihaf  iliis  iniijni- 
tous  scheme  has  engendered  a  feeling  of  l.itK  rni  ss 
in  the  North  which  time  will  not  soon  erailicale. 

I  know,  Mr.  Chairman,  ihal  these  lionist  iruihs 
will  not  be  well  received  here  and  elsewhere.  And 
it  has  been  inlimaled  to  me  here,  and  at  Imme,  that 
the  avowal  of  .^uch  Bentinients  would  not  be  tol- 
erated on  this  floor.  Uul,  sir,  whatever  oiher 
iiropertics  may  have  been  a.scribed  to  me,  I  be- 
lieve that  I  v^as  never  called  a  rnieanl  in  nlleriiig 
my  honest  sentiments.  And  sianding  here  in  my 
place,  nnd  with  the  respon.sibiliiv  which  attaches  to 
the  station,  I  pronounce  this  whole  Texas  scheme 
n  piece  of  jioliticnl  piracy  fnnn  beginning  In  end. 
I  wash  my  hands  of  all  participation  in  the  guilty 
deed;  and  agniu.st  the  whole  df  it,  I  here,  mi  my 
own,  and  on  ihe  behalf  of  my  wronged  constitu- 
ency, enter  my  solemn  protest. 

A  few  words,  Mr.  Chaiinian,  in  defining  my  po- 
sition upon  Oregon,  and  I  shall  have  done.  |Mr. 
Houston,  of  Alabanin,  here  called  Mr.  Ci  i.vKn  to 
order,  insisting  that  it  was  not  in  order  to  deb.ite 
that  subject  on  this  bill.  Hut  the  Chair  airain  ruhd 
ihni,  as  the  House  was  now  in  Comniitli  e  of  ihe 
Whole  on  the  sliite  of  the  Union,  remarks  upon 
Oregon  \sere  not  out  of  order.]  Mr.  C.  prcpceeiied. 
I  am  astonished,  sir,  thai  geiulemen  should  think 
me  out  of  order  in  alluding  to  Oregon;  especi.illy 
when,  in  discussing  Orei^on,  fnr  wt-ek.-i,  Texas  has 
again  and  again  been  drawn  into  the  debate,  and 
no  one  thought  of  ealling  lo  ord'  r.  Moieovi  r,  mv 
remarks,  of  five  minutes  dnrntion,  will  stand  in  the 
place  of  a  .set  speech  of  one  hour,  jus  I  have  given 
up  all  hope  of  obtaining  tlie  door  in  the  scramble 
with  sixty  comprtitoi!. 

I  nm  in  favin  if  giving  the  notice  lo  Great  Hiilain 
to  terminate  the  joint  occupancy  of  this  territory. 
Believing,  as  I  do,  that  we  have  rights  there  which, 
when  clearly  defined  and  seliled,  we  should  insist 
upon  and  defend,  I  go  fiir  "  all  "  that  we  really 
oirii.  If  difiiculliis  ari.se  in  ascertaining  the  precise 
extent  of  those  rights,  I  would  call  to  my  aid  the 
light  of  history,  and  the  priiici|>les  settled  by  ihe 
law  of  nations.  I  am  not  one  of  ihnse,  sir,  who 
believe  that  a  Tammany  club,  Dallimore  caucus, 
or  a  pnrtisiin  in.uigural,  eoiisliiute  the  best  tribunal 
for  settling  a  grave  (piestion  of  eniiiient  domain. 
The  (juestion,  fir  twenty-five  years,  was  thought 
.sufficiently  intricate  and  doiibtrtd  to  call  for  llie  aid 
of  negotiators.  When  wise  counsels  prevailed,  in 
the  days  of  Monroe,  and  Adams,  and  Gallatin,  and 
Rush,  and  Clay,  it  was  deemed  a  fit  subject  for  ne- 
gotiation. And  so  dimblful  was  the  (|iiesiion  of 
title  deemed,  that  three  times  had  our  Governmcni 
ofiered  to  divide  the  territory  on  the  parallel  of 
49°.  But  it  was  reserved  for  a  new  born  Picsidcnl 
in  184.^,  in  response  to  a  political  caucus,  to  brusli 
nway  all  the.se  doubts,  to  throw  the  wisdom  of 
his  predecessors   into   the   shade,    and   proclaim 


"our  title  to  the  whole  territory  to  be  clear  and 

,  iinipiesliiMiable  " — so  very  dear  as  nol  even  to  be 

I  i|ii(slloni'd.     And    yd,   strange   lo   tclll   not   five 

I  months  ilapse,  liclore  this  same  Chief  Magistrate 

olUrs  togi>e  away  lo  Great  Urilain /irr  ('igrrf.i  ««</ 

\furhj  iiihiiilrs  of  our  "dear  and  niiipiestiimnble" 

.soil!     Umlirstand  me,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  init 

saying  wheilicr  he  was  right  or  wrmig  in  his  claim 

on  lliellh  of  March,  or  in  bis  oiler  on  the  IStli  of 

Tnly.     I  only  wish  lo  put  this  and  this   together, 

I  thai  my  Demormlic  IViciuls  may  see  not  only  the 

!  ipiick  saeacily  of  their  new  President  in  discerning 

intricate  title,  but  also  his  practical  consislency  in 

,  holding  fast    to  such    title.      I    leave    his  friends, 

I  however,  lo  reconcile  discrc|>aiicics,  and  extricate 

'  him  'Vom  the  dilemma. 

If  1  m.iv  beallowidaworil  in  relation  lo  lliisr|nes- 
'  lion  of  lit!e — and  it  can  he  hnl  a  word — I  would  sav, 
thai  up  lo  lil'5,  or  lo  the  point  as  far  north  as  the 
head  walcis  of  the  ( 'oluinlMa,  1  believe  lair  title  is 
cohi'liisive,  and  can  be  di  inoustraled  lo  he  .such 
against  the  whole  \',dild. 

In  alRnoing  siah  a  title,  I  confess  I  do  not  draw 
niV  stroni'cst  arguments  IVmii  the  disi-overy  tif  the 
whole  coiitiaiiil  by  Cohmil'iis  in  1 1!1'3;  nor  from 
the  siilisequcnl  :rraiil  of  ii  all  by  the  Pope  of  I'lwne 
lo  the  K'nvj  of  Spain.  Such  discovery  and  grant, 
to  he  sure,  .'-inailil  not  be  li^Mitly  heeded  by  Cireal 
lirilain:  for  she  liersilf  sul  seipienlly  ilaiiued  right 
lo  parcel  out  in  larire  slii  es,  giving  bv  charter  lo 
Ma.ssacliuselts  colcMiy  all  between  4^*^  and  4^°, 
from  the  .Vllantic  to  ihe  Pacific;  and  another  to 
I  Virginia,  reaching  IVom  "  sea  lo  sea,"  between  eer- 
laiii  other  parallels.  .\or  yet  do  I  draw  largely 
from  ihe  discovery  of  Ihe  northwest  coast  in  l.')4.1, 
by  Spain.  Tiial  discovery  was  not  followed  by  ex- 
pioralion  and  setili  nienl  fca-  nearly  two  hundred 
years,  if  we  except  a  temporary  trading  post  at 
.\oolka;  and  even  Ihat  was  aliandonid  in  I"!),').  It 
1  aimot,  moreover,  be  denied  that  llie  Spanish  claim 

lo  ill aiMlry,  whatever  il  was,  was  smnewhal 

modified  by  the  Nootka  Sonnil  couvealion  in  17'.H). 
ruder  thai  conveuti<Mi  Great  Pritain  obtained  cer- 
tain rights  of  In.nliiig,  trading,  and  "making  set- 
llenienls."  IlowfiirliioseriL'hlsweresiib.sequently 
modified  or  abroira!'  d  by  ihe  war  between  Great 
[iril.iin  anil  .'^|>ain  i  I7!)6,  I  shall  nol  stop  now  to 
1  imiuire.  AV'hal  I  would  say  is,  that  discovery  alone 
is  not  the  most  sati.-^factory  evidence  of  title;  nnd 
vet  I  would  not  assert  that  it  did  not  form  a  remote 
link  in  ihe  chain. 

I'y  the  Florida  treaty  of  1810,  Spain  transferred 
to  us  all  her  rights,  whate\er  they  wej-e,  to   the 
whole  terrilory.     Vet  I  am  free  lo  admit  thai  the 
discovery  of  the  cmnitry  by  Spain,  and  her  trans- 
fer to  ns,  do  nol  furnish  the  clearest  nnd  most  con- 
clusive eiidence  of  title.   I  prefer  restiiiir  our  claims 
upon  nunc  subslanlial,  satisfactory,  and  practical 
evideire.   I  speak  now  of  ihe  portion  south  of  4!)°. 
I  rest  lla  in  upon  the  strong  grounds  of  the  ex]do- 
raiion  of  llie  Columbia  river,  in  17SI3,  by  Captain 
Uobcrt  Gray,  of  lios^cm.    That  indefaligable  Yan- 
kee uaviualor  jias.-ied  the  bar  at  ihe  inoulh  of  that 
liilherto  disjnileil  river,  sailed  up  its  channel  several 
niilis,  and  ffave   it  the   iiaiue  of  "Columbia,"  in 
lunan-  of  his  own  ship.     Confirmatory  of  the  title 
by  Gray's  <X)iloralion,  we  have  thai  by  Lewis  and 
Clarke,  in  l.-O."),  who  explored,  under  the  patron- 
age of  the  Government  of  the  United  Slates,  the 
head  waters  of  the  same  river,  and  traceil  it  to  the 
ocean.     Thise  explmalions  were  followed  in  1810 
by  the  seltlement  at  Asioria,  by. Tohn  Jacob  Astor, 
ai  ihe  nioiith  of  lliat  river.     'I'liis  post  was  taken 
by  ihe  Priii.sh  in  the  war  of  1^12,  but  was  formally 
and  solemnly  restored  to  the  United  States  by  the  ■ 
treaty  of  Ghent,  in  1H14;  since  which  time  pioneers  ' 
and  senilis  from  our  country  have  been  steadily  I 
filling  up  llie  lerritory.    These  explfU'ations,  settle-  [ 
inciii.-,  and  oceapalioii,  conslilnte,with  me,  agood, 
valid,  conclusive  title — a  title  suniciently  perfect, 
without  the  Iransfir  tVom  Spain.     In    this  opin-  I 
ion  I  am  supported  by  the  arirumenls  of  the  Anier-  I 
ican  ne^otialors  in   I^IH,  before  we  nblaiiied  the 
Spanish  lillc.  Certain  it  is  thai  those  distinguished  [ 
plenipotentiaries   then   nininlained   the  validity  of  ' 
our  title  to  all   south  of  the  4'.)th  parallel,  on  the 
strength  of  Captain  (i  ray's  ili.seovery  luid  explora- 
tion, and  the  subseipieul  seltlement  and  occupation. 
Those  positions  and  arguments  were  re-at1irmcd  by 
Mr.  Calhoun,  in  his  oHirial  correspondence  with 
the  Urilish  Minister  in  1H44,  and  reiterated  again 
by  Mr.  Iluchaiian  in  1845. 


Now,  sir,  citnilor  compels  nii  lo  admit,  that  just 
BO  far  as  we  strengthen  our  title  to  all  soutli  of 
4!)°  by  Iho  acts  of  t^nptnin  Gray,  and  Lewis  and 
Clarke;  so,  north  of  that  line  by  the  discovery  and 
I  explonition  of  Frazer's  river  by  McKenzie,  a  Brit- 
ish subject,  in  1792,  is  the  Prilish  title  streiit;th- 
I  envd  to  the  country  drained  by  its  waters.     If  the 
!   law  of  nations  aids  us  in  deriving  title  from  these 
sources,  it  should  be  allowed  eipiidly  to  aid  our 
antagonist, 

I  ihereforc  say,  frankly,  that  our  title  to  llinl 
(mrt  lying  north  of  the  4!lln  paralU  1  is  not  so  "  clear 
and  indisputable"  as  it  is  to  tlu^  portion  south. 
.\nd  had  our  nego'iators  eil'ected  a  settlement  on 
Ij  Ihat  line  in  1818,  '24,  or  '27,  the  country  and  the 
!|  world  would  have  aci)uicsced  in  its  eiinity  ami 
jl  fairness.  And  had  Mr.  Polk  adjusled  the  matter 
I  on  this  basis  in  I84>'>,  the  country  would  have  been 
;  less  inclined  to  ha\e  grumbled  at  the  result,  lliaii 
Ij  it  would  have  been  lo  have  smiletl  at  the  sudden 
evaporation  of  his  inaugural  claim.  And  I  say 
I  here,  sir,  thai  if  honorable  negotiation  nm  etfect  u 
1  compromise,  subsiuiiiially  on  this  line,  wo  to  the 
]  man  who  plunges  us  into  a  war  for  that  to  which 
four  claim  IS  not  "clear  and  unipieslioiiable."  I 
I  am  nol  saying  that  we  have  no  ce/nr  of  tide  north 
'i  of  this  line,  nor  ihnt  our  adversary  has  a  perfect 
I  one;  but  I  would  say,  that  our  rights  there  arc  u 
j  fit  subject  for  honorable  negotiation. 
I  As  we  have  rights,  therefore,  in  Oregon,  I  shall 
,  vine  for  ihe  notice,  believing  its  tendency  will  be, 
:j  not  to  provoke  war,  but  (|uieken  negoiintimi,  nnd 
Ij  produce  an  amicable  adjustment.  I'.iubarrassincnls 
I  will  hut  thicken  around  by  every  monlh's  delay. 
;  The  irritated  feelings  between  the  two  countries  ia 
i  every  day  rising  higher  and  higher;  and  unless  an 
'  adjustment  be  speedily  eireeted,  this  feeling  will 
i'  place  Ihe  (uiestioii  beyond  the  control  of  negotiii- 
I  lion.  In  Its  present  shape,  the  temptations  for 
poliiicnl  capital  are  too  strong  to  be  resisted  by 

■  party  demagogues.  It  should,  if  possible,  at  oneo 
;   be  placed  beyond  their  reach. 

■  !  Moreover,  the  nolicc  is  not  of  il.ielf  just  cause 
.'  for  olTence.  It  is  a  stipninted  right  in  the  conveii- 
■;  lion  of  1827.     Great  Britain  having  agreed  that 

'  we  might  give  ii,  will  not  thereby  have  any  cause 
!■  foroli'ence.     .'Viid  if  Mr.  Polk  and  his  advisers  see 
{!  fit  to  surround   it  with  olfeiisive  embnrrassments, 
j   provocative  of  war,  on  iheir  heads  be  the  eonse- 
ij  ipienccs.     But  1  do  not  believe  that  war  will  come 
I!  of  it.     The  respective  nations  have  interests  too 
:   vast  nnd  momentous  involved   in  the  issue.     The 
I  age  is  too  enlightened  and  peaceful — public  sciili- 
I  meiil  loo  much  advanced  m  ciu'rcct  view.s — the 
:  matter  reff//i/  ill  dispute  too  small — to  warrant  the 
'    probability  of  .so  direful  an  event.     Besides,  one 
|.  section  ol  this  Union  is  already  planting  itself  in 
!  hostility  to  a  war,  and  that  seclion  generally  bears 
!   sway  in  the  naiioii.     To  that  section  the  present 
;  Chief  Magistrate   is   known  to   be  closely  allied, 
easily  swayed  by  its  couii.sels,  and   coulrolled  by 
I   its  preferences.     That  section,  well  knowing  the 
-   disastrous  eli'ects  of  a  war  upon  iis  cherished  in- 
,   tere.sts.  is  alarmed  at  its  bare  )Hi.ssibility.     Yes, 
'   Mr.   Chairman,  the  scene  has  been   one  n  lilllc 
]  amusinir,  to  see  gentlemen  who,  twelve  mouths 
ago,  were  ready  lo  brave  war,  dishonor,  nnd  dis- 
grace, U)  grab  what  did  no(  belong  lo  us,  now  llut- 
:   tering  willi  the  timidity  of  an  aU'rightcd  maiden  at 
!i  the  bare  mention  of  Uiking  possession  of  what  iloes 
belong  to  us.    They  were  loud  in  shouting  respon- 
ses to  the  Baltimore  compact — "  All  Oregon  and 
Texas,"  while  that  was  to  gain  them  a  President 
and  Texas;  but,  these  obliuned,  the  compact  is 
repudiateil. 

I  ask  my  northern  Democratic  friends  if  this  is 
the  way  their  siaithern  allies  fulfil  ci>nipacts.'    Have 
J  you  not  been  cheali:d .'    Is  this  ihe  reward  for  your 
Texas  fenllv .'     Would  you  not  have  been  wise   to 
have  kept  Texas  as  a  lios'jige  for  Oregon  a  few 
;  weeks?     Pray,  then,  profit  by  experience.     Don't 
I  becunghtasecond  lime.    Southern  friendship  you 
will  find  eo-<xteiisive  with  soulhern  i«(fr(s/s,  and 
deep  as  southern  pockets.     They  want  your  help 
j  on  one  occasion  more.     They  wish  your  ro-operii- 
tioii  in  striking  down  the  laritl'  of  1842.   Give  ihein 
this,  and  let  lliem  stove  olf  Oregon  till  the  deed  is 
eonsunimaled,  and  then,  my  word  for  it,  the  liivors 
you  get  from  them  for  Oregon,  or  for  imv  other  in- 
terest not  kindred  lo  their  own,  will  be  few  nnd  far 
between.     And   to  lhat  portion   of  the   southern 
army  who  originated  and  consummated  the  Texas 


[Jan.  30, 
or  Reps. 

mliiiit.lliut  juHt 

10  III!  Hoiuh  of 
iind  LewiN  mill 
•  tlinoiivcry  iiml 
•Kinz.ic.ii  llrit- 

lillc  Ntrfii{,'lli- 
wali'iH.  If  llio 
ille  I'mm  tliisc 
ally  to  aid  our 

iir  litlv  to  that 
iKiiiit  so  "clear 
poriion  Boutli. 
I  Hodlt'iiicnt  on 
nuiUry  iiiid  tliu 
ilH  ciiiilty  iinil 
jikil  tlie  innllir 
■oiild  linvt!  been 
tlu:  rOBull,  tlinii 
i  at  IIk:  siiddcii 
1.  And  I  Hay 
inn  cjin  vtVtvi  a 
liiip,  wo  to  llio 
r  thai  111  wliieU 
l■sIi(llu^llU^"  I 
ir  of  title  norlli 
y  lias  a  [itrlcrt 
Ills  there  arc  u 

Oregon,  I  slmll 
iidi'iicy  will  be, 
e(;o!intion,  niid 
lubarnissnients 
iiiniilh's  delay, 
wo  I'onnirieH  iu 
;  and  unless  an 
lis  I'lelinj;  will 
Irol  ot'  nej;olia- 
eniplalioiiH  lor 
be  resisted  by 
cisaible,  ut  onco 

Iscif  just  cause 
in  the  conven- 
li;  agreed  that 
uive  any  cause 
lis  advisers  see 
ilmrrassnients, 
be  the  eonse- 
war  will  come 
interests  too 
issue.     The 
-inililic  seiiti- 
t   view.-i — the 
I  warrant  the 
Besides,  one 
ling  itself  ill 
;eneially  bears 
1  tlic  present 
■loBcly  allied, 
controlled  by 
knowing  the 
chcri.shed  iii- 
iibilily.     Yes, 
ji  one  n  liltio 
welve  inoiithu 
inor,  and  dis- 
u»,  now  Hut- 
ted niai'len  at 
iifif  what  ilfjea 
)iiting  resjion- 

11  Oregon  and 
in  a  President 
le  comjiact  ia 

ends  if  this  is 
ipacls?  Have 
ward  for  your 
been  wise  to 
Oregon  a  few 
ience.  Don't 
iendsliip  you 
inlmsis,  and 
nt  your  help 
our  co-opera- 
!.  Give  them 
ill  the  deed  is 
'  it,  the  favors 
any  other  in- 
e  few  and  far 
the  southern 
cd  the  Texas 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


199 


29th  Cong Ist  Sess. 


The  Oregon  i^estion — Mr.  Wick, 


Ho,  OF  Rrps. 


I 


schcinn,  and  who  now  heBJtato  about  Oregon — who 
Btart  Imck  and  cry  out,  "A  lion  in  the  way!" — to 
you  1  would  say,  if  war  shall  come,  rcmemlier  thnt 
j/oii  have  uroiiseu  the  spirit  of  terrilorini  acr|uisitinn, 
which  is  now  returning  to  trouble  you.  You  have 
labored  for  nine  yenrs  to  wake  up  n  nnlioiml  haired 
against  Great  Hritniii  for  her  anti-slnvery  move- 
ments. That  hatred  aroused,  is  now  cnsting  heiivy 
onilmrrnssmenls  over  negotiation;  embRrrassments 
which  are  hourly  multijdying  the  chances  of  war. 
And  with  the  horrors  of  war  floating  before  you,  I 
should  not  wonder  if  your  vision  rested  upon  re- 
sults connected  with  it.  Does  it  not  a  little  trouble 
you  when  you  think  of  the  long  line  of  frke  States 
that  will  yet  bo  carved  out,  stretching  three  thou- 
sand miles  west  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  coupled  with 
the  probability  that  all  Canada  may  yet  be  cidlcd 
in  to  restore  the  lost  Inilance  of  the  Union  ?  If 
your  sleep  is  disturbed  by  the  horrors  of  war — if 
the  visions  of  llritish  steamers  in  your  harbors — of 
your  cities  in  flumes — of  marshalled  "  regijiienls  of 
black  troops"  in  your  midst — if  these  hminl  you, 
and  if  i\ll  these  in  due  time  shall  be  realized,  point 
to  Texas  and  say,  this  is  the  price  we  pay  for  it, 
remembering  that  He  who  sits  in  the  circle  of  the 
Heavens,  and  holds  the  balance  in  His  hands,  will 
mete  nut  justice  to  nations,  as  well  ns  to  individ- 
uids. 

Thanking  the  House  for  their  kind  attention  at 
this  late  hoiir,  and  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  for  the  firm 
support  which  you  have  given  me,  and  tendering 
my  acknowledgments  to  the  gentleinen  over  the 
way  for  the  calm  and  imt»i/eiTii;)»crf  manner  in 
which  thfij  have  permitted  me  to  speak,  I  relieve 
your  patience. 

THE  OREGON  aUESTION. 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  WM.  W.  WICK, 

OF  INDIANA, 
1m  the  House  or  Representatives, 
Jdiitiflri;  30,  1846. 
On  the  Resolution  for  terminating  the  joint  occu- 
pation of  Oregon. 

Mr.  WICK  rose  and  addressed  the  committee 
ns  follows: 

He  was  in  a  place,  ho  said,  in  which  it  had  been 
justly  remarked  that  one  could  neither  speak  nor 
lienr,  and  in  which,  in  point  of  fact,  little  that  was 
said  was  heard.  Though  aware  of  this  difficulty, 
he  should  undertake  the  task  of  speaking,  and, 
strange  as  it  might  seem,  not  for  Buncombe,  but 
for  this  House. 

His  good  constituents  at  home  Ijftd  been  quietly 
enjoying  the  Christmas  holydays,  eating  theirducks 
and  turkeys,  or  pursuing  theirordinary  avocations, 
and  were  perfectly  unconscious  that  their  Reprc- 
sentalive  here  had  for  the  last  two  or  three  weeks 
exhibited  the  ungraceful  figure  of  sitting  here,  lean- 
ing upon  a  desk,  crouched  like  a  catamount  watch- 
ing for  prey,  iintl  waiting  for  the  moment  to  spring 
forward,  at  the  close  of  each  of  some  hundred  or 
more  speeches,  and,  at  the  top  of  his  voice,  cry 
out  "  Mr.  Chairman !"  His  constituents  had  heard 
nothing  of  this;  but  he  meant  to  tell  them  about  it 
when  he  got  home,  and  let  them  know  that  the 
difiiculty  here  is,  not  to  make  a  speech,  but  to  ob- 
tain the  floor  fbr  the  imrpose  of  making  one. 

Now  that  1  have  obtained  the  floor,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, (said  Mr.  W.,)  I  find  that  it  is  a  privilege 
scarcely  worth  rejoicing  over,  for  everything  had 
been  said  that  could  be  said  on  the  subject,  and  it 
was  now  perfectly  exhausted.  There  was  not  an 
infinitesimal  point  which  had  not  been  made  the 
Kuliject  of  a  long  speech;  and  I  am  too  proud  (said 
Mr.  W.)  to  repeat  what  others  have  said  before. 
What,  then,  shall  I  do?  In  the  Committee  of  the 
Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union,  I  believe  il  is  in 
order  to  speak  of  matters  and  things  in  general, 
and  also  to  resjiond  to  things  which  had  been  said 
by  others  in  the  course  of  this  discussion.  There 
are  some  things  which  had  been  said  in  the  debate 
to  which  no  ilirect  answer  has  been  made,  and  I 
(said  Mr.  W.)  will  attend  to  them. 

While  we  are  engaged  here  in  deliberating  upon 
a  suliject  concerning  our  foreign  relation! — the 
most  delicate  of  all  topics  discussed  here — he  could 
well  comprehend  the  propriety  of  not  "o'erstep- 
ping  the  modesty  of  nature,"  and  of  measuring 


every  sentence  by  the  diciatps  of  calm  discretion 
and  prudence.  He  would  endeavor  to  control  him- 
self accordingly,  and  to  "let  his  moderation  be 
seen."  Yet  ho  felt  at  liberty  to  remember  that  he 
was  the  repreBentalive  of  n  fearless  and  independ- 
ent people,  who  speak  their  minds  in  free  off'-hanil 
style — always,  however,  in  courtesy,  or,  what  is 
better,  good  nature. 

At  an  early  stage  of  this  delmlo  we  had  been 
told  by  nn  honorable  member  from  South  Caro- 
lina JMr.  RiikttI  that  the  West  and  Northwest 
had  claimed  a  special  interest  in  thisipieslion;  and 
in  other  quarters  il  seemed  to  be  understood  as  n 
western  or  northwestern  question.  He  (Mr.  W.) 
would  say  that  the  Northwest  had  a  strong  inter- 
est in  this  question.  So  bad  the  entire  country; 
and  he  (Mr.  W.)  was  surprised  to  gee  tlic  Rep- 
resentatives ft-om  some  portions  of  the  country 
apnarenlly  blind  to  that  interest. 

The  honorable  member  from  South  Carolina 
[Mr.  Rhett]  had,  in  addressing  the  committee, 
seen  proper  to  infer  or  suppose  that  the  North- 
west was  desirous,  by  means  of  this  question,  to 
bring  on  a  war  for  war's  sake,  and  on  the  siippo- 
sitiiin  that  war  would  be  profitable  to  the  North- 
west in  n  pecuniary  point  of  view;  and  in  this 
conelusinn,  so  dishonorable  to  the  Northwest,  the 
member  from  South  Carolina  [Air.  Riiett]  is  fully 
sustained  by  some  foreign  newspapers,  and  by 
some  of  the  op|iosilion  papers  at  home.  Sir, 
(said  Mr.  W.,)  I  live  in  the  Northwest,  and  I 
knov.-  what  the  feelings  and  the  wishes  of  her 
people  are  much  belter  than  the  ffenlleman  does. 
He  guesses,  but  I  know.  I  would  take  his  word 
upon  any  subject  concernin^:  which  his  means  of 
informing  himself  were  anif^le  and  mine  limited; 
and  he  may  take  my  word  when  I  tell  him  llmt 
he  has  been  grossly  misinformed.  I  have  never 
seen  a  man  in  the  Noribwest  who  wanted  n  war 
for  the  sake  of  war,  or  of  any  supposed  pecuniary 
profit  to  result  from  it.  We,  sir,  are  afraid  of  the 
evils  of  war,  for  it  would  deprive  ns  of  our  market 
for  our  products,  and  of  many  of  the  blessings 
which  we  enjoy.  War  would  bring  as  much 
trouble  to  us  ns  to  any  part  of  the  country.  We 
would  never  wish  for  a  war,  either  for  profit  or 
glory. 

Again:  it  has  been  said  that  the  West  wants  a 
war,  or  a  war  fever,  for  the  purpose  of  making  a 
iiorthweslern  President.  What  is  the  centleman's 
position  in  rejard  to  this  allegation?  Did  the 
trentleman  refer  to  the  distinguished  Senator  from 
Missouri,  [Mr.  Renton?!  If  so,  what  will  be- 
come of  that  gentleman's  hobby,  the  hard-money 
system,  if  a  war  should  lake  place  ?  A  war  would 
nt  once  deprive  him  of  all  the  benefit  of  his  long 
advocacy  of  the  hard-money  principle;  for  his  un- 
tiring advocacy  of  which  the  Northwest  has  so 
much  and  so  long  admired  him;  for,  ns  the  hon- 
orable gentleman  from  South  Carolina  says,  nn 
era  of  war  is  always  an  era  of  paper  money. 

Does  the  gentleman  refer  to  n  distinguished  citi- 
zen of  Michiffan  and  Senator  from  that  Slate? 
That  distinguished  gentleman  lives  within  eleven 
hundred  yards  of  the  Rrilish  line;  and  the  occur- 
rence of  a  war  would  inevitably  consign  his  houses 
to  the  flames,  and  his  property  to  destruction. 
Why  should  he  invoke  a  war?  Rut  still  (said  Mr. 
W.)  I  i^o  expect  that,  in  the  course  of  our  history, 
the  Northwest  will,  at  a  short  day,  too,  furnish  an 
actual  (ii'p  President  of  the  United  States  to  the 
CTeat  Empire  State,  the  .Ancient  Dominion,  and  to 
South  Carolina.  And  I  do  not  think  that  we  shall 
be  obliged  tTi  make  n  war  for  the  purpose  of  eflTect- 
inir  that  object.  Living  in  the  West,  I  am  well 
informed  as  to  its  feelings,  and  I  speak  with  con- 
fidence in  regard  to  them.  Il  has  been  said  by  the 
honorable  member  from  South  Carolina,  [Mr. 
RiiETT,]  that  we  in  the  Northwest  have  nothing  to 
lose  by  a  war,  as  we  export  nothing,  whereas  the 
South  would  lose  the  market  (m  her  cotton.  The 
honorable  gentleman  from  South  Carolina  was 
evidently  misinformed  on  this  subject.  The  wheat 
and  other  |iroducla  of  the  Northwest  found  its  way 
to  England,  formerly  through  Canada,  but  now 
directly.  The  Northwest  makes  as  many  clear 
dollars,  in  proportion  to  her  population,  ftom  the 
export  of  her  wheat  and  other  products,  as  South 
Carolina  does  from  the  export  of  her  cotton.  The 
prices  of  our  produce  are  as  well  understood  in 
Liverpool,  and  London,  and  Charleston,  a.s  is  the 
price  of  cotton.     We  sell  our  produce  wherever  it 


is  wnntetl — to  England,  when  her  starving  popu- 
lation require  it — and  to  South  Carolina,  when 
her  enttnii  and  rice  crops  are  good,  and  her  terra- 
pin crop  fails. 

In  reference  to  the  sentiment  which  the  gentle- 
man from  South  Carolina  had  advanced,  that  tliosn 
should  not  hazard  a  public  war — wholesale  mur- 
der— who  do  not  defend  their  personal  honor  ac- 
cording to  the  peculiar  fashion  adopted  in  some 
parts  of  the  world,  because,  they  say,  that  lends 
to  murder.  I  will  say  that  the  "enllenian  is  mis- 
taken, if  he  applies  it  to  us  of  the  Northwest,  for 
we  do  defend  nur  personal  honor  according  to  our 
own  code.  The  gentleman  cannot  refuse  us  our 
own  way  of  doing  this,  while  ho  remains  a  con- 
sistent advocate  of  State  sovereignty  and  Slalo 
rights. 

The  gentleman  cannot  gainsay  that  Indiana,  for 
example,  is  a  sovereign  Slate,  and  therefore  en- 
titled  to  establish  her  own  customs  and  usages. 
In  extreme  oases,  sir,  according  to  our  custoni, 
two  gentlemen  lock  themselves  up  in  a  room  in 
the  third  story,  and  then  proceed  to  assert  their 
personal  honor;  and  he  that  jumps  out  of  the  win- 
dow, at  the  end  of  a  half-hour,  carrying  with  him 
I  the  cars,  eyes,  noses,  itc,  belonging  to  both  is  llio 
i  victor.  That,  sir,  is  our  code ;  and  when  thu  whole 
j  world  (I  mean  the  civilized  world)  shall  lulopt  it, 
I  we  will  fight  th'j  whole  world  according  to  that 
system  for  Oregon,  or  on  any  other  point.     In  the 
event  of  the  universal  adoption  of  this  mode,  the 
non-voting  constituents  of  the  honorable  member 
■  from  South  Carolina  would  be  admiri-ile  combat- 
:  ants.    In  a  war  with  England,  it  would  be  nigger 
against  cockney. 
I    "  Rut  the  eentlemnn  is  excusable  for  knowing  lit- 
1  tic  of  the  Northwest,  for  he  has  never  been  there. 
I  No  one  ever  emigrates  from  Indiana  to  South 
Carolina, and  therefore  South  Carolina  knows  no- 
thing about  us;  but  many  emigrants  from  South 
Carolina  come  among  us,  and  tell  us  all  about  it, 
'  and  they  had  taken  occasion  to  tell  us  of  the  mani- 
fold merits  and  great  achievements  of  that  Slate. 
I  liave  reason  to  admire  that  old  State  on  many 
nccnuiiLs.     She   has  taught  us  the  rcvenue-tarifT 
doctrine;  for  though  it  came  to  us  originally  from 
Virginia,  it  was  doubly  distilled  by  SoutK  Caro. 
!  lina  into  a  concentrated  essence,  anil  wo  swallow- 
ed it,  and  loved  the  dose.  We  admire  South  Caro- 
I  Una,  also,  for  her  talented  sons.     We  admire  her 
honorable  bearing.     We  acknowledge  her  right 
to  secede  from   the  Union,  and  will  give  her,  oir 
any  other  discontented  Slate,  a  pass  for  that  pur- 
nose.    But  we  do  not  recognise  her  right  to  remain 
in  the  Union,  and  yet  nullify  the  laws  of  the  Union. 
The  course  of  South  Carolina  is  always  rather 
eccentric,  in  our  estimation.     She  will  at  one  time 
oppose  the  election  of  a  President,  and  then  sup- 
port him,  after  his  election;  and  at  another  time 
she  will  contribute  to  elect  a  President,  and  then 
oppose  his  Administration.     We  think  she  some- 
times has  carried  her  views  of  State  sovereignty  a 
Uetlc  too  far,  lo  wit:  when  she  afl'ecled  to  nullify 
the  laws  of  the  United  States;  and  that  in  her  po- 
litical course  she  is  a  Ittile  too  Smtth  CaroUnaisk. 
But  OHO  thing  wc  will  say  for  South  Carolina:  we 
will  excuse  her  and  her  politicians  from  the  charge 
of  any  presidential  aspirations  at  the  present  time. 
.  The  finger-board  that  directed  to  the  White  House, 
pointed  also  at  the  late  election  to  Texas  and  Orc- 
coii,  and  now  it  pointed  to  Oregon  alone;  and  there 
is  no  other  way  uy  wliich  the  Executive  mitnsion 
can  be  reached!.     1  do  not  sec  South  Carolina  on 
I  that  road. 

I  now  turn  my  attention  to  my  democratic  whig 
friend  from  Illinois,  [Mr.  Baker,]  who  had  a.ske(l 
the  sujiporters  of  Mr.  Polk  to  reconcile  our  cleor 
and  unquestionable  right  to  Oregon  with  the  ofler 
of  the  49th  parallel  as  a  compromise.  He  asked 
how  Mr.  Polk,  after  making  such  an  assertion  of 
our  title,  could  ofler  a  compromise.  I  do  not  find 
in  the  Message  that  Mr.  Polk  described  any  par- 
ticular Oregon  as  ours.  There  is  Russian  Oregon, 
for  instance,  and  Mr.  Polk  could  not  claim  that. 
The  assertion  was  made  in  regard  to  our  title  to 
the  whole  of  oiir  Oregon — to  that  part  of  the  ter- 
ritory lo  which  our  right  should  be  ascertained. 
How  that  right  shoidd  be  ascertained  he  docs  not 
say.  Perhaps  it  must  be  by  the  "  tiltima  ralio  re- 
gion." But  the  President  was  partially  commit- 
ted upon  this  subject  by  the  action  of  nis  prede- 
ccR^''I•s,  to  oflor  tlic  49tli  parallel,  not  as  a  right, 


)HM 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  COINURESSIONAL  ULOUt. 


itih'H  CoNn l8T  Sp.sb. 


[Jiiii.  M, 


The  Oregon  i^uulion — Mr.  Hick. 


Ho.  or.  Run. 


Mil! 


rt 


l)Ul  M  a  compromiso,  for  the  sake  of  jwnce— an 
his  MrauiKi'  lella  im.  Will  n  Cliiv  nmn  re|irehi-nd 
hini  fur  this,  when  thu  •luiie  tiller  wim  iimile  by 
Mr.  CAny  hiriini'ir,  iillliiiiii;h  he  hnil  iiuiil  timt 
Urcut  llrilaiii  hail  iiu  luilornhlu  title  tii  any  purl  uf 
Oregon  ? 

My  fiii'iiiJ  from  Smith  Citniliim,  [Mr.  Hui.mkh,] 
hnH  niaci  iiiiulc  Home  rciniirkii  on  this  buIijitI,  tu 
whii'li  1  must  |iay  sniiii-  iitlfiitiiiii.  Tlir  i^i'iitlrmnn 
had  oiinteiulcd  more  stron);ly  for  the  llritixh  r^hl 
to  Orr^oii,  null  linn  iiiuru  stroni;ly  ik'iiitd  the 
American  tighxt  ihiri',  tliuii  any  ifiitisli  Ri4ticsmiin 
or  ne)(olintor  hiiR  ever  done.  I  will  liirn  the  lion- I 
nrulile  ccntlcinan  over  to  his jinrtieuliir  friend,  the  | 
lioiinriilili'  ehairmiin  uf  llie  Committee  on  Kin'ei;;n 
Alliiii's,  I'.ir  an  answer  to  hisai'i;iimeiil  on  that  point. 
The  i;enlleiiian  iiad  very  pnrtii'ally  deairilnd  the 
evil.i,  and  disasters,  and  destriiriionof  a  wiu'.  IliM 
diwripiion  of  liritish  triumphs  and  Anierieiui  du- 
fealH,  whii'li  lio  unliriiiatos,  is  vastly  more  poetie. 
and  (graphic  than  will  lie  any  ilritish  hoii;;  written 
itt\er  (he  war  shall  be  over  tu  record  its  cventn. 
The  !,'eiillemnii,  in  his  dederintinn  of  the  immense 
powiT  of  (jieat  liriluin,  Biiiil  that  she  had  forty 
war  stiiiiiierH. 

Mr.  Holmes.  ["One  hundred  and  forty."] 

Mr.  W.  continued.  Well,  let  them  brini;  them 
all  on,  no  mailer  how  many;  they  can  do  us  very 
little  hiii'in.  Accordim;  to  tiic  gcnUemon,  we  shiill 
lie  very  badly  otf  for  means  of  defence  or  oU'encc, 
for  he  says  tlint  our  little  privateers,  and  all  our 
vessels,  as  soon  as  they  leave  port  will  be  out-run, 
overtaken,  and  captured  by  the  British  stennicrH. 
I  know  (^said  Mr.  W.)  tliat  the  British  arc  f,'reat 
mononolizcrs;  but  I  never  heard  before  .that  they 
had  obtained  thscxchisivc  pnleiit  to  the  use  ofOoil 
Almighty's  steam.  I  hope  that  we  also  can  exer- 
ciie  the  right  of  usiiii;  it;  for  if  we  are  deprived  of 
th  tt  right,  we  shall  next  be  denied  the  use  of  the  , 
wind.  Tlie  gcntlemiin  has  also  nsked  us  how  we 
are  goiii^  to  take  Oregon .'  whether  we  can  march 
.in  army  ncross  the  Itucky  moimtnin.s?  He  say.s 
we  cannot,  for  every  height  would  prove  a  Gibral- 
tar, and  that  every  rocky  pass,  and  every  vale  in 
Oreeoii,  will  bristle  with  British  bayonets.  Alas  I 
we  nave  no  rifles!!  Our  riflemen  are  all  dead!! 
Where  are  our  rifles  and  riflemen  ?  If  a  loyal  sub- 
ject of  England  asked  tlie  question,  I  would  an- 
swer that  our  rilles  were  all  Uiken,  and  our  rille-  ' 
men  were  all  killed  at  the  buttle  ofKew  Orleans!!  ; 
But  we  cannot  take  Canada;  that,  the  <;ciitleman  i 
says,  is  impossible,  because  the  Welland  canal 
would  allord  the  nuaiis  of  trmisporliiif;  British  i 
fleets  10  the  lakes,  and  that  we  could  never  get  | 
across  to  Canada,  the  liritisli  having  command  of  j 
the  lakes.  We  cannot  cross  on  the  iie,  he  says,  . 
in  the  winter  sca-Mon,  because  the  British  would  lay 
down  powder  ke^s,ull  in  one  cnniinui  d  row,  from 
the  falls  of  Niagara  to' the  northvscst  coiner  of 
Lake  Superior,  then  touch  them  ofl"  liy  a  giilvanic 
communication,  and  blow  up  the  whole  of  the  ice. 
Now,  sir,  these  powder  kegs  iiiiisi  be  all  in  a  string,  ; 
and  all  connected  together;  and  there  must  not  be 
H  leaky  one  amongst  them,  and  no  Yankee  must 
find  it  out,  lest  the  arrangement  should  bcdisUirbed. 
Bir,  the  gentleman  kiiow.s  nothing  of  our  climiite 
in  the  Nortlmest,  Why,  sir,  you  may  blow- 
up the  whole  of  the  ice  in  one  night,  and  the  water 
will  be  frozen  over  again  the  next  night.  The 
British  Uovcinment  will  have  to  get  something 
Ktronger  than  gunpowder  for  this  purpose.  No 
article  known  to  her  extensive  commerce  will  an- 
Bwer  the  purpose.  She  must  deal  in  young  vol- 
cjinocs,  and  import  some  sniiill  specimens  of  the 
infernal  regions  to  keep  the  lakes  thawed  in 
winter  time,  i  am  gratified,  however,  to  learn 
from  the  honorable  gen tienuin,  that  South  Caro- 
lina will  be  able  to  look  out  for  herself  in  time  of 
war,  and  that  she  will  ensconce  herself  in  her 
swamps,  where  she  will  be  out  of  harm's  way. 

The  gentleman  asserted  for  South  Carolina,  and 
the  sons  of  Marion,  of  Sumter,  and  Pinckney,the 
capacity  to  retreat  into  her  impenetrable  fastne.sses, 
and  there  defend  her  against  the  world.  In  the 
event  of  a  warforOrcgon,  will  Soutli  Carolina  thus 
creep  into  her  shell  > 

[Mr.  lliii.MEs.  "  1  said  we  would  come  to  your 
assisinncc."] 

We  tliiuik  you,  (said  Mr.  W.,)  and  I  will  say  to 
South  Carolina,  that  when  the  norlhcrn    fanatics 

all  trouble  liir,  we  will  come  to  her  rescue. 

The  gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Giddinub]  has 


Ihrcntened  the  South  with  u  war  i>f  einnnci|iathin,  | 
and  an  invasion  by  the  black  regiments  from  the 
West  Indies.  Tlie  southern  geiillenien  have  pre- 
ferred to  answer  him.  They  had  better  leave  the 
one  idea  and  ils  profrnHorn  to  us  of  the  Northwest. 
I  had  on  answer  for  the  geiillenian  as  to  this  most 
unliuitellil  devclopinent  of  his  one  idea.  We  in 
the  Northwest  know  his  ways,  for  we  have  a  few 
of  his  party  in  Indiana.  I  will  waive  my  answer 
to  him,  but  will  say  to  him  that  my  noiisfavehold- 
iilg  coiistituents  nienii  that  justice  shall  be  done  to 
the  South  and  ils  constitutional  rights;  for  so  in- 
lease  is  ihcir  anxiety  (Ui  this  subject,  lent  it  should 
disturb  the  hariuony  of  the  Union,  that  they  are 
ready  to  do  full  aim  ample  justice  to  the  South.  ' 
If  I  »hould  endorse  w  hat  was  said  by  the  lionnra-  j 
ble  mentbor  from  Missouri— viz:  that  the  gentle-  ! 
man's  viish  was  liitlier  to  his  thought— my  non-  ' 
Bliiveholiling  eonstitiienls  would  believe  me;  mid 
were  they  to  read  his  |.Mr.  G.'s]  speech,  they 
would  swear  to  their  belief  of  the  idea  Hiiggested 
by  the  honorable  member  I'min  Missouri.  We  in 
the  West  do  not  denounce  these  men,  but  rallier 
laugh  at  them,  and  at  tliiir  iitli  r  failure  to  propa- 
gate their  Uniiui-ilcslroyiMg  principles.  But,  sir, 
I  can  ilevoie  no  more  lime  lo  iinsvii  ring  the  re- 
marks fif  those  who  have  preceded  me.  Were  I 
lo  go  iiiloa  full  nolii'e  and  irl'iilalion  of  argiimema 
against  the  nieasiire  before  the  coinmiltte,  it  would 
coiisiiine  tweiilv  hours  inslead  of  one.  The  lillle 
time  wliiili  i.t  lert  to  me  I  will  devote  to  the  consid- 
eraiioii  of  the  tpiesiioir,  and  if  1  am  asked  why 
my  speech  coniaiiis  no  more  about  Oregon,  1  will 
answer  that  almost  everylliing  has  been  said  over 
and  over  again  in  the  course  of  the  debate.  I  am 
not  careful  whether  or  not  my  opinions  will  be 
deemed  heiTlicnl  on  this  subjecl,  when  I  say  that  1 
am  tor  Oregon  and  against  a  war;  but  Ibr  Oregiui, 
war  or  no  war. 

I  adopt  (said  Mr.  W.)  the  niiimon  of  the  ven 
erable  gentlemnn  from  Massachusetts,  [.Mr.  Aii- 
AMs,l  and  of  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Afl'airs,  [Mr.  C.  J.  Inokumh.i.,]  as  to  the 
proper  cnnstruction  of  the  convenlion  of  1HJ2" — to 
wit;  that  it  is  a  commercial  tieiity,  stipulating  for 
a  joint  oceupniicy  for  the  purposes  of  trade.  The 
logic  of  all  those  genllenien  who  had  spoken  in  ; 
fivor  of  Oregon  appears  to  be  very  sound;  and 
therefore  I  adopt  principally  all  the  views  of  gm- 
tlemeii  who  hail  ."pokeii  on  ihis  side  of  the  subject; 
and  I  liavc  transmitted  many  of  their  speeches  lo 
my  coiisiiluency,  theieby,  in  the  main,  endorsing 
their  view.s  and  making  my  own  known. 

lam  determined  to  claim  all  Oregon,  and  am 
ready  to  claim  all  the  continent, upon  the  piim-iple 
of  iimiiil'  St  destiny  urged  by  the  gentleniaii  from 
Illinois  [Mr.  BakiJi]  and  my  transreiidenlal  friend 
fnun  Pennsylvania,  [.Mr.  Levis-.] 

I  am  not  iic-custmned  to  deal  in  poelry,  and  there- 
fore gentlemen  must  excuse  me  for  not  introducing 
any  in  my  remarks;  Inil  I  am  perfectly  willing  lo 
take  all  the  poelry  that  has  been  reciled  here,  good 
and  bad,  applicable  or  not,  and  \^■llether  new  or  old  ■ 
ac(|i«iimiini'es.  So  in  regard  lo  all  the  declarations 
which  have  been  made  in  the  debate  against  ihe 
aboniinaiions  of  the  Brilish  Govermnein;  I  adopt 
the  whole  of  them;  and,  moreover,  I  hope  that 
their  niilhors  will  consider  that,  after  having  done  [ 
tlieirbesi,  were  I  to  launch  out  on  that  subjecl, 
they  would  be  most  signally  ouldonc. 

Sir,  I  do  not  believe  that  we  shall  take  the  whole 
world, but  if  we  do  not,  our  principles  will.  Our 
principles  arc  extending  all  over  the  wnrid.  The 
last  war  did  much  lo  extend  them,  niii^anolher  w  ill 
extend  ihrin  fnrlhcr.  We  have  seen  gradual  eii- 
croachnu-nt  on  the  monopolies  and  governinemal 
idaises  of  ihe  Old  World,  and  we  have  witnessed 
the  conce.ssiinis  made  by  them  to  popular  rights. 
Lately  we  have  witnessed  the  yielding  of  British  ; 
Minislers  to  the  progress  of  liberal  principles;  and 
oh  !  how  grudgingly  do  they  make  any  cmicession. 
All  this  is  the  result  of  the  .\inerican  principles  in 
liivor  of  eiinal  rights  and  jiopular  Helf-goveinment 
becoming  gradually  known  to  the  world.  The 
ultimate  triumph  of  onr  principles,  such  as  prii- 
grcssivn  deinorracy  will  make  them,  is  sure,  and  it 
will  come  in  God's  own  good  time. 

We  started  at  the  late  election  with  our  princi- 
ple.s — the  reduction  of  the  laritf,  Texas,  and  Ore- 
gon. One  of  them  has  been  carried  triumphantly 
through,  and  the  UirilT  reform  and  Oregon  remain 
to  be  disposed  of.     I  presumo  that  a  few  Dcmo- 


cmu  will  bo  found  missing  when  we  come  In  ihn 
vole  on  the  Oregon  ipieslioii.  Well,  I  hope  thern 
will  be  enough  hemocrats  left  In  carry  the  mens. 


lire;  and  we  nre  desirouN  tocnrry  it  ininjieiidcnily 

1  ilislniguishiil  Whig  nail 
her  in  1M4I,  (Mr.  Wise,)  obliged  to  appeal  lo  oi 


of  the  action  of  our  political  opponents 

to  be,  like  a  ilislingnished  Win 


not  desir 


e  would 
iiii'in- 
uir 
iidversiiries  to  "save  us  fnun  onr  Irieiids,"  and  lo 
look  around  us  to  hunt  up  reoubliinns,  1  see  pub- 
lic opiniini  rallying  around  this  ipiestion,  iind  ihnt 
Democrals  and  Whigs  are  sinding  up  tlieir  pray- 
ers heri'  for  Oregon,  iheir  couiilry,  lis  iniegriiy, 
and  honor,  lam  glad  lo  see  that  on  llris  truly 
Amcncan  question  onr  iHililical  opponents  here,  in- 
slnicted  by  llieir  eonsiitiieniies,  arc  many  of  llieiu 
nbmil  to  give  their  voices  to  us  upon  this  mustioii; 
but  I  would  be  yet  more  delighted  lo  see  llie  party 
lo  which  I  belinig  n  unit  now  as  heretofore. 

In  the  North  west  we  go  for  all  the  i.ssiies  of  1844. 
I  i-egret  lo  see  that  some  porlion  of  the  parly  in 
Congress  is  hanging  Imck;  periinps  it  is  expected 
to  save  the  larilFof  |H4;2.  I  bear  of  ii  drag  mi  that 
poini— of  siune  impraciicable  Pi  inisylvanians  who 
will  not  sustain  us  in  carrying  ool  all  the  princi- 
ples of  IH44.  I  will  say  lo  our  polilical  opponents 
that  if  wesiioiild  find  Pennsyhunia  a  "fixed  fact" 
in  the  w.iy  of  onr  larilf  reforin,  you  cannot  laugh 
at  us  for  it.  So,  if  Soiilli  ('ai-ip|iiia  shonld  be  a 
"  fixed  fad"  ill  iMir  way  on  the  Oregon  queslion, 
you  need  not  jeer  us.  l)iir  opponcnls  cniniol  Iniigii 
at  us  even  sliould  we  tail;  for  we  have  gained 
Texas,  even  should  we  lose  the  laritl'  reform  and 
Oregon,  and  that  is  much  more  than  you  gained. 
What  did  von  gel  by  your  victory  in  1840.'  No- 
thing bill  ihe  ilislribiiiion  law,  which  we  repealed 
in  a  few-  nionlhs  after.  But  you  cannot  repeal  ihe 
annexalion  of  Texas.  I  am  glad  lo  »<■<•  that  wo 
have  many  honorable  friends  on  Ihe  other  side  of 
Ihe  MoiLue  who,allliongh  at  ihe  lale  eleclion  they 
considered  Oregon  a  hiimbng,  now  find  themselves 
paralyzed  by  ihe  will  of  their  conslilnenis;  and  I 
w-onlil  not  discourage  them  from  taking  lluitciair.so 
which  they  now  find  expedieiil,  even  by  a  taunt 
which  1  am  capable  of  nllering. 

I  have  .^aid  that  I  believed  this  treaty  lo  be  siricily 
commercial  in  its  character;  and.  therefore,  I  care 
not  what  we  may  do,  it  will  not  violate  ils  provis- 
ions, so  lone  as  we  leave  the  British  in  possession 
of  iheir  stipulated  riiiliis.  I  think  that  we  can  do 
all  under  it  that  Great  Britain  has  done,  and  sonie- 
lliing  more.  We  may  organize  a  Teirilnrial  Gov-^ 
eminent  in  Oregon,  and  even  admit  ii  as  a  Slate  of 
the  Union.  We  may  lake  mililary  possession  of 
it,  for  Ihe  piirpo.<e  of  defending  our  selilei-  >  in 
from  the  Indians;  and  all  this  we  haveariglii  i.ido 
before  wr  give  the  notice.  If  the  President  had  not 
recommended  the  notice,  I  should  not  myself  have 
proposed  it.  I  would  have  wailed  until  the  pres- 
ence of  the  British  siilijccts  in  Oregon,  and  their 
enjoyment  of  the  privileges  secured  by  ireaiy.had 
become  uncomfortable  lo  mir  people.  The  Eritish 
always  professed  llial  they  valued  the  territory 
merely  for  its  commercial  privileges,  and  for  no- 
thing e\t:i-,  and  we  have  a  right  to  take  Ihem  at 
their  word.  By  giving  the  notice,  as  it  seems  to 
nie,vvi'  make  n  i/uusl  adniissiini  that  we  have  not  a 
right  lo  take  ilie  sleps  above  alluded  In,  vvilhout 
firsi  giving  the  noiiie.  Tlicxe  are  iny  opinions, 
and  I  am  not  jn-epared  yet  to  iclinqiiisli  them;  but 
the  President  has  had  the  subject  under  his  eye, 
and  has  given  to  it  nuu  li  attention.  He  reconi- 
inends  the  notice,  and  it  may,  and  probably  will, 
turn  out  thai  he  is  rit'ht.  In  ca.ies  where  no  jnac- 
licnl  principle  is  involveil,  and  where  the  question 
presented  is  one  of  expediency  merely,  I  will  sus- 
tain my  party  friends,  and  the  Adininislralion  cre- 
ated by  them.  If  you  ask  why  1  will  do  this,  I 
will  say  that  it  is  necessary,  in  order  lo  liarmimize 
our  party,  and  that  it  is  the  only  way  lo  keep  our 
Whig  friends  beaten.  But  I  have  another  rea.son 
for  going  for  the  notice:  that  I  am  instructed  posi- 
tively by  my  constituents  to  l'O  for  it.  There  is 
not  one  Democrat,  and  but  very  few  Whigs,  among 
my  constituents,  who  would  not  unite  in  instruct- 
ing me  to  that  etl'ect. 

Some  gentlemen  uay  that  they  will  not  vole  for 
the  notice,  for  fear  it  should  result  in  a  war.  Some 
have  even  said  that  the  nolice  will  be,  jitrst,  cause 
of  war.  But  the  British  negotiators  never  consid- 
ered that  it  would  be  a  cause  of  war.  How  was  it 
possible  that  those  who  framed  the  convention 
could  have  provided  for  the  nolice,  if  it  wits  to  be 


I 


IS46.J 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGUESSIOKAL  GLOBE. 


SOI 


30th  CoNO IST  SB88 


77ic  OrcLfon  ^mstion — Mr.  Jamh  Thompson, 


Ho.  OF  Rei's. 


irial  Gov- 
11  Smic  of 

msessioM  (if 
llci  le 

l*ii;lil  h'llo 

ml  Imd  not 
ysclf  h«ve 
the.  pre.s- 
aiul  llu'ir 
lealy,  liiul 
'he  Britisli 
tciritdiy 
id  liir  110- 

k(^  them  nt 

it  SCClllH  t(l 
llMVC  IIDtll 

witliuut 
pininiiN, 
thi'iii;  liiit 
r  Ills  (^yc, 
He  rccoiii- 
lubly  will, 
•e  iH)  |)n\f- 

10  (|iii'.slinn 

I   will  81IS- 

niiiiin  cro- 
tlo  this,  I 
litu'iiioni/.r 

kcrp  iiiir 
IKT  rt'iismi 
UClfd  pnsi- 

Tlicrf  is 
gs,  iiniun;; 

11  iiistriu't- 

cit  vote  for 
■ar.  Siiiiir. 
rse,  cuhsc 
'IT  coimid- 
[dw  was  it 
niivcntion 
w  lus  to  be 


llicciiiisrorn  war.'  [lilt  nllin'Hmiylluil  ill"  no  rnnm'  I 
I'lir  n  war;  anil  llial,  im  llic  ciinlrary,  it  will  lmiil«n 
an  ailJilNlinnnt  iif  llir  f|iirNlii>ii;  and  lliiit  in  proliii-  | 
My  a  lliir  view  of  tlic  Nnlijncl.    Snini'Hny  lliat  it  will 
irritati'  Oirnt  llrilain;  that  it  will  wakr  liir  np.aiid 
alarm  lliclIiidHon  Day  ("oin|iaiiy,  ImcaimiMt  threat- 
riiiid  ihcir  valnaldc  privilci^rs,  and  indiien  them  to  ' 
Kirenp;llirn  llii'iiiNi  IveM  in  Ori'ijon.    For  the  wike  of  ' 
|irai'e,  I  would  yield  Ihe  llriliNli  «nliJic',IH  iheir  |iicn- 
ent  commeri'lal  privili;;eH  for  a  ({nod  time  to  rnniej 

hilt  thia  wiailil  lie  oi iiilition  of  a  full  rei'o<;iiitinn 

of  onr  ri;;hl  lo  Oicijini;  anil  I  would  miHlaiii  the 
I'lTMideiit  in  making  such  n  treaty  iificr  the  notiee 
waH  ;,'iven. 

lint  I  admit  that  the  notiee  may  tend  lo  war,  and 
very  pi  nhalily  lead  to  it  win  n  it  shall  lie  enrrieU  nut 
liy  the  adoption  of  ineasines  for  taking  poHsensinn 
of  ihe  territory,  and  praelii'ally  asserting  our  riglils 
liy  eMlnhlisliinij  il  Territorial  (iovcrnment.Krnntiiig 
lands  to  settlers,  and  eonlrolling  the  Indian  trihes. 
Iliil  shall  this  prevent  lis  from  anHerting  our  tille? 
Is  that  the  atlitiide  of  the  Ameriean  jicoplo?  Shall 
we  look  aeroHH  the  waters,  and  npk  Great  Britain 
whether  we  shall  he  allowed  to  lake  possession  of 
oiir  own  soil,  on  onr  own  ronlineni  ?  Of  course 
slie  would  answer,  No.  In  inv  opinion,  sir,  we 
shall.  111  the  end  of  the  year,  it'  uol  licfore,  take 
possession  of  (Ircsnn;  and  that  may  liriiij;  the  innt- 
ler  to  the  issue  of  war.  I  think  so,  heeanse  I  lie- 
lii've  that  the  prrienee  of  Great  Uritaiii  that  she 
wauled  Oreijim  merely  for  a  liiinlin£;-grouml  is 
false;  lint  that  she  plarrs  the  highest  value  on  it  on 
iieiount  of  iiseonimereial  f.K  iliiies.  Great  llrilain 
h.'id  always  heen  alert  ill  improving  her  enmineiee 
with  liarlmrnus  nations,  for  no  commerco  was 
more  profitalile. 

The  Indian  traders,  as  it  wan  well  known  in  onr 
eoiinlry ,  always  reaped  rich  harvesis.  Great  Urit- 
niii  kuow.i  the  value  of  Oregim,  and  I  believe  that 
she  will  liuhl  for  it;  and  I  know  that  the  American 
people  will  fi''lit  for  il.  The  harbors  of  Oregon, 
fronting  n  liarliarous  world,  nITord  admirable  faeil- 
iiies  tor  carrying  on  trade;  and  barharons  i.ations 
arc  always  liie  last  customers  of  civilized  people. 
iN'orthern  Oregon  would  also  be  a  manufacturing 
country,  for  il  abounded  in  water  power.  Cali- 
fornia will  afford  vast  (|uantities  of  raw  cotton  for 
the  supjily  of  Oregon  factories,  and  there  is  no  dif- 
ficiiliy  in  the  navigation  between  Oregon  and  Cal- 
ifornia. And  so  great  is  Ihe  supply  of  ship  timber 
which  Oregon  furnishes,  that  more  than  half  the 
ships  of  the  world  will  in  forty  ycar.n  he  built  in 
the  northern  part  of  thai  lerrilory.  The  harbors 
of  Puget's  Sound  will  alford  naval  stations,  and 
tlirongh  them  we  would  soon  conimnnd  the  whole 
conimerce  of  the  Pacific;  without  them,  Oregon 
would  not  be  worth  a  straw  lo  us,  for  there  were 
no  good  harbors  soulli  of  Puget's  Sound,  and  the 
major  part  of  conunercial  and  shi|i-buildiiig  facili- 
ties are  norlli  of  lalitiide  -Ul^. 

iMy  (loclrine  is,  to  goahi'adand  assert  our  righLs; 
and  as  to  the  results,  uol  lo  slop  to  calculate  them. 
I  will  at  least  iiner  no  Imiidlfiil  ealculalion.s  as  to 
the  results.  "  I, el  not  him  who  putleth  on  his  ar- 
mor boast  himself  as  be  who  putleth  it  oil'."  Even 
if  we  were  certain  that  the  results  of  a  war  would 
lie  at  first  advtr.se  to  us,  yel  should  we  vote  for  the 
liiiiice,  and  Ihe  other  measures  cfmse(|ueiit  upon  il. 
We  may  .safely  put  our  Irnsl  in  the  jiislice  of  onr 
raii.se,  and  in  the  kind  prnleclion  ol'lJivinc  Provi- 
dence, and  the  .siruggic  must  end  like  onr  former 
wars — ill  a  glorious  triumph,  and  in  the  diffusion 
of  our  ]irinciples. 

The  day  will  come  when  every  interest  and 
every  parly  that  is  opposed  to  Oregon  will  ernnible 
inio  dnsl.  1  have  heard  some  speculations  upon 
the  coiiKcqiicuces  of  our  extension  of  territory,  and 
of  the  annexation  of  ihe  Mexican  and  other  slates 
to  onr  Union.  I  do  not  wan'  any  mixed  races  in 
our  Union,  nor  men  of  any  color  except  while,  un- 
less ihey  be  slaves.  Certainly  not  as  voters  or  le- 
gislators. My  constitiieuiK  will  never  consent  thnt 
llicir  Kepre.-tenlalive  in  this  Hall  shall  hold  political 
ilisi'iission  with  the  honorable  colored  member  from 
Mexico.  They  know  that  this  would  lead  to  n 
political  strife  for  ascendency  between  colors,  eiid- 
nig  in  revidnlion  and  blood. 

If  Mexico,  afler  going  through  half  a  dozen  more 
revolutions,  should  become  capable  of  self-govern- 
nieiil,  and  njiply  for  annexation,  1  would  vole 
against  it,  unless  her  colored  races  should  come  in 
as  slaves,  or  he  otherwise  txcl'uled  from  political 


privileges.  My  I'luisliMienls  cannot  agree  lo  admit 
colored  men  to  the  exercise  oPilie  right  of  (uiU'raye; 
and  they  cheerfully  nccpiiesee  in  thn  representative 
basis  which  the  ( 'onslilution  has  proviiliil  for  the 
shiveholding  Stales.  Iiiilependent  Stales,  com- 
posed of  while  people  ihoroiiglily  imbued  with  onr 
jirinciples  of  »tlf-govcrinneni,  we  will  receive  into 
onr  Union  at  their  own  reriuesi;  liut  even  them  we 
do  not  wish  to  coerce  into  our  Union,  or  to  annex 
by  eon(|iiest.  If  we  find  a  stray  inilepenilency  lloat- 
iiig  alioMi,  and  wanting  protection,  wo  will  take  it 
in.  When  the  volcano,  sleeping  in  the  bosom  of 
the  Hrilisli  empire,  shall  burst  forth,  and  Canaila 
aliall  he  lopped  off,  it  niiirht  he  a  (piestion  whether 
it  shall  be  nnnexed  to  onr  Union.  Should  we  con- 
riucr  it,  we  will  give  it  buck  to  Great  Uritaiii;  for  I 
do  not  wish  to  annex  her  loyal  Scotch  and  Knglish 
people.  Her  Irish  mid  Krench  inhabitants  I  might 
lie  willing  to  unite  with;  hut  it  would  take  fifty  i 
years  lo  learn  the  Scotch  and  English  of  Canada, 
nn-Americanized  by  association,  the  principles  of 
our  free  iiistiliilions.  i 

The  Irish  make  good  citizens.    They  take  to  lib-  ' 
eriy  imliirally.     Pat  is  an  American  from  the  word  ' 
go.     If  (Jaiimla  should  ever  becmne  independent  j 
and  capable  of  self-iovcrnmenl,  and  apply  for  aii- 
nexalioii,  we  will  think  of  it.     Hut  I  would  annex 
any  part  of  the  world  where  the  American  people 
go  and  settle,  and  form  communities.     Wc  have 
done  so,  and  we  will  do  it  ngain.  ' 

This,  sir,  (said  Mr.  W.,)  is  n  progressive  ques- 
tion. Texas  was  so  also;  and  if  Great  Urilain 
wants  a  compromise  wilh  lis,  she  had  belter  speak 
at  once.  When  Ihe  amiexation  of  Tiixas  was  pro-  ' 
posed  here,  1  remeniber  how  fearful  some  gentle- 
men were  in  this  House  that  the  people  would  not 
sustain  il;  but  they  soon  foniid  that  the  people  were 
ahead  of  them  on  the  ([ueslion,  and  were  almost 
imaiiimniis  for  the  measure.  When  ceullenien  first 
lake,  their  seals  here,  they  .soiueliinea  imagine  them- 
selves very  wise,  and  tliink  that  wisdom  will  die 
wilh  them;  but  afler  a  while  they  begin  to  find 
themselves  mistaken,  particularly  if  they  try  often 
In  get  the  floor.  A  little  ex|ierienee  here  has  learned 
many  a  man  not  to  be  wiser  than  his  eonslituents. 
The  same  lesson  may  be  learned  again.  We  an-  ' 
nexed  the  territory  oi'  Texas.  We  in  the  North- 
west charge  nothing  for  our  assistance  in  thnt  mat- 
ter. We  went  "  on  our  own  hook"  on  that  ques- 
tion, and  if  we  had  not  done  so,  Indiana  herself 
would  have  gone  and  taken  it  with  n  rush.  The 
people,  as  usual,  are  ahead  of  their  Representatives; 
It  was  so  on  the  Texas  question,  and  il  is  so  on 
this.  If  I  should  come  back  to  this  House  at  the  : 
next  Congress — and  I  think,  perhaps,  1  may — 1 
shall  find,  I  fear,  that  several  of  my  excellent  old 
neqiininlnnces  will  not  be  here,  anil  lliey  will  owe 
their  defeat  to  their  opposiiion  lo  this  nieasurec  ' 
This,  I  say,  sir,  is  n  ]irogressive  questimi,  and  be- 
fore this  Congress  is  ended  the  days  of  compromise 

,  will  be  ended.     So,  you  who  are  tremhling  at  the  1 
thonglil  of  war,  and  reasoning  as  lo  the  value  of  ; 

,  rights,  had  better  yield  and  obey  the  voice  of  the 
people.     'J'lie  people  alone  have  the  riglil  to  do  and 

'  command  wrong.  Your  constiluenis  at  home, 
while  you  are  debating  this  cpieslion,  are  going 
strong  fop  Oregon.  They  expected  liinl,  before 
this,  we  should  have  providcii  measures  for  the 
protection  of  emigrants,  onr  friends  and  brothers, 
and  their  wives  and  children;  and  that  by  this  time 
they  would  be  wilh  their  horses  and  wagons  on  the 
roall  to  Oregon.  We  will  have  lo  do  il,  or  the  peo- 
ple will  send  Uepresculalives  here  who  will  obey 
their  voice. 


I  assume,  then,  in  general  lerniH,  that  we  all  go 
for  Oregon — not,  indeeil,  defined  by  any  iinrliculnr 
or  ascertained  limits,  but  still  we  are  all  Oregon 


aHsnme,  a 


Iso,  tint  wo  all  are  '.he  advocates  of 


up  lo 

able. 


OREGON  aUKSTlON. 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  JACOI)  THOMPSON, 
OF    MTSSISSII'PI, 

I.V  THE  Hoi'SK  OF   UEPnF.SEST.\TIVES, 

ribntdiij  2,  ll?4(i. 
On  the  Resolution  terniiiinilng  the  Joint  occupnil- 
cy  of  Orogou. 
Mr.  THOMPSON  said:  At  this  late  period  of 
the  debate,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  do  not  know  thnt  I 
could  prepare  the  way  for  the  remarks  which  I 
propose  to  submit  in  a  more  appropriate  manner 
than  liy  a  brief  recapitulation  of^the  several  points 
upon  which  I  conceive  there  is  a  general  agreeincnt 
on  all  sides  of  the  House.    ■ 


pence.  The  disposition  of  this  committee,  ho  far 
as  it  has  exhibited  itself,  is  decidedly  pacific.  The 
genllenian  from  Mnssachiiselts,  [Mr.  Wintiihoi',) 
who  spoke  nt  an  early  singe  of  this  deluile,  went 
so  far  as  to  .say  that  peace  was  iilwuys  honiu'iiblc; 
nnil  so  it  should  lie  eonsidereil.  I'lil  while  I  as- 
sume thill  all  are  for  peace,  ii  is  but  just  that  lliis 
assninplion  should  be  acrompanied  wilh  the  dis- 
tinct qualification,  that  il  can  be  iiininlnined  con- 
sistently with  the  asserlion  of  our  nalioiial  riuhld 
and  our  national  honor.  Iii'lred,  some  gi  nllcmen, 
seemingly  under  the  gnidaiK  e  of  a  settled  halreii 
to  Great  Urilain,  and  a  rooted  jealousy  of  her  gi- 
"aiilic  power  nil  over  the  earth,  had  inaihlVsled  ti 
(lisposition  not  to  avoid  war— even  a  rea.limss  tii 
riisli  into  n  conflict — if  it  became  necessary  in  the 
defence  of  their  rights  and  their  honor;  but  at  the 
same  time  they  have  avowed  their  preference  for 
peace. 

I  assume  that  onr  title  to  the  Oregon  lerrilory 
lo  40°  norlh  latitude  is  "  clear  and  nnqiiesiion- 
lls  validity  no  one  disputes,  and  no  ililfcr- 
ence  of  opinion  is  expressed.  As  to  the  country 
lying  between  4!)°  and  [A°  40',  dilli.iiltics  pic- 
senled  themselves,  nnd  difl'creni  views  were  eiiter- 
.  mined  nnd  had  developed  themselves  during  the 
discussion.  But  the  more  general — I  may  say  iho 
universal  opinion — was,  that  imrs  is  the  lirller  title 
up  to  ,'i4°  40'.  To  discuss  ilic  title  is  not  niy  pres- 
ent piii'iio.se,  nor  do  I  deem  it  neccs.siiry  for  the 
present  decision.  I  will  not  weaken,  by  such  an 
r.itemnt,  the  force  of  the  able  ex)Hisilioii  of  it  eoii- 
laiiied  in  llic  late  lelterof  Mr.  Iluchaiinn  to  Mr. 
Pakenhani.  On  that  argument  I  am  willing  to 
rest  the  whole  question.  That  letter  alone,  in  my 
estimation,  will  be  the  means  of  haniling  his  nanio 
down  to  all  posterity  ns  one  of  the  ablest  diplonint- 
isis  of  tlie  age  in  which  he  lives,  and  will  associ- 
ate it  indissolubly  with  that  vast  conniry  within 
whose  borders  will  be  found,  nt  no  distant  day,  a 
vast  population  of  iiitclli'gent  nnd  enterprising 
freemen.  With  this  assumption  I  ant  contented, 
then,  wilh  the  cpiestion  of  title. 

Again:  I  believe  the  people  of  the  Unilcd  Slates 
demand  of  ns  action;  action  of  some  kind  must  be 
had.  This  question  has  been  tli<!  subject  of  dis- 
cussion between  the  two  Governmeiils  for  nearly 
half  a  century.  Sinuillaiienns  wilh  the  piirelin.se 
of  LiHiisiana,  in  1811,'t,  a  trcaly  was  concluded  wilh 
Great  Britain,  fixing  the  nortliern  boundary  of  the 
t.'nitcd  Slates.  That  treaty  was  rejecled  by  the 
Senate  so  far  as  the  boundary  line  was  concerned, 
nnd  anolher  treaty  in  1807,  on  the  same  subject, 
was  also  rejected  by  Mr.  .Telferson.  The  siimt! 
question  was  discussed  in  1SI4  by  our  negotiators 
iuGheiit,nnd  no  conclusion  was  reached.  In  1818, 
;  a  convention  was  concluded  which  was  indefiiiiie- 
Iv  extended  in  1827,  which  expressly  (leelined  to 
decide  anything,  and  by  virtue  of  which  the  citi- 
zens nnd  subjects  of  tlie  two  Governinenls  jointly 
occupy  the  territi>ry  of  Oregon  up  to  this  day.  In 
the  formation  of  the  treaty  of  Washington,  in'l843, 
the  northwestern  boundary  wa.<  discussed  nnd  the 
subject  nbnndnned.  Atdill'ereut  times,  from  1822 
up  to  this  time,  the  question  of  Oregon  has  been 
before  Congress,  nnd  nothing  whatever  has  been 
done.  In  1844,  the  Democratic  parly  declared 
themselves  in  favor  of  Oregon,  and  upon  almost 
every  flng  which  waved  over  every  public  assem- 
blage in  any  seciioii  of  the  Union,  were  in.scribed, 
"Oregon  and  Texas,"  nnd  .Tames  K.Polk  was 
elected.  We  have  mnre.hed  up  to  the  is.sue  and 
discharged  our  duty  fo;'  Texas,  nnd  we  hnve  now 
the  appeals  to  us  of  her  twin-sister — Oregon.  We 
cannot,  we  dare  not — close  our  ears  to  her  petition- 
ers. Wc  hnve  come  to  thnt  point  where  the  peo- 
ple demand  action.  This  House — Congress  must 
do  something — must  give  the  country  .some  earnest 
of  our  feelings  and  intentions.  It  is  idle  to  say 
that  we  are  for  Oregon,  and  yet  do  nothing  to  iis- 
sert  our  rights  lo  Oregon.  That  Represeulntivo 
who  refuses  to  take  some  onward  step  nt  this  ses- 
sion, will,  in  my  judgment,  be  fouiin  recreant  to 
his  duty,  nnd  his  constituents  will  hold  him  ton 
fearful  nccotuitability. 

The  great  question,  then,  conies  up,  AVhatshall 
be  done .'    It  is  jcnerally  ngrccd  in  this  House  that 


*fi 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAF.  CmBE. 


fPob.  % 


Mth  Cono I»T  Sbm. 


7%e  Ortfron  (^urstion — Mr,  Jacob  'Vhomiison, 


Ilo.  w  Kr.PH. 


I 


w«  aliDiild  rrei-i  ftirlii  iinil  liloi-k-hnuMi  nl  •uitnlile 
pniiKxiui  n«r  wpal  lu*  tlir  Rnrky  mnuntnillii;  ihnt  ii 
«ii|M'rinl<'Milrnry  t'nr  iIip  iiiniin)(<'>i«'lit  <>riMir  Iililiiiii  | 
rrlntioiiN  wi'Mi  ot'thoHi*  ininiiitainH  nhituhl  hr  vmIhI)* 
lialircl,  ajiil  llmi  n  innil-riiutu  ri'iu'liiiiK  inlci  Orri;i)ii 
«hi>nlcl  III'  [lilt  iiil'i  ii|M'riitioii.  An  tii  the  liriiprirty 
Hiiil  fX|Hili('ii('V  of  lli(«t'  mpiwunii  iIh^it  wiih  iiiipn- 
■I'liliiil  iliHrmiiT.  Hut  thrar  iIiIiick  hciiii;  ilniii',  ' 
eiiiik'nitiiin  in  OrcjriMi  will  !«■  iiidiii'iil,  nu'ililiilcil, 
mill  iii'i'pli'mlril.  SVhrii  ihn  nnii^riiiit,  M  the  rnil 
(if  hJH  Inrij;  mill  wt-nry  jnurney,  |iiI('Iii'H  Iuh  tiiil  in 
Honu-  frriilr  vnlloy  of'Ciri'gon,  wIuiuIihhIu'  wniit, 
Hiiil  whiit  iloi'N  IiIr  nlliinlioii  rrqiiin' }  \lv  wiiiiIn  Ui 
fi'cl,  even  tliore,  tln'  |>roii(l  I'onminniiru'aM  nf  liciiii; 
nil  Aiiiei'ii'aii  cili^cii — lliat  Niill  lie  irPiiilx  ii|h>ii 
Aiiicrinin  anil,  iiiliirilt'il  finm  liia  I'lirifailirrfi,  iiiiU 
Iiajili7.ril  and  ciinmiTali'd  In  lilwrly  liy  ihi'ir  lilnnd. 
IllH  niliialiiin  rrqiiirea  nfua  llio  I'liadnunt  nf  lawa 
fnr  lln'  Mccnrily  "I'tlic  riKhlanf  |iprNniianil  |ini|i('rly, 
llir  iMtalilJHlinii'nl  nf  Inriafor  IiIh  prnUclinn  n);aiiiHt 
llir  aawult!!  nf  sava^'ca  and  eneiniia;  and,  Hlinvc 
itll,  a  $;ranl  nf  land  nn  wliii^h  hn  ran  liiiild  n  linnin 
wlicri'  III'  may  livi'  in  pcacp  and  Hafrty.  All  the^o 
tliiii::a  llii'  pi'niiU'  dr.siro  iia  In  dn  fnr  the  penple  nf 
Orl'^'nn;  and  il  all  iIk'mo  tliinga  can  l>c  ilniii'  and 
|iii'at'rvi'  niir  i;iind  faitli — if  «c  cnii  (;n  tlina  far  and 
infiinsi'  nt'illit'rin  li'itiTiinrapirilniircxiatinijIrraly 
Blipiilaliniiii,  till'  ipiiHlinn  may  very  pro|wrly  arinr, 
what  is  llir  iiHC  nf  tprmlimtin);  the  treaty  nf  jnint 
oroiipalion  nnw  in  I'nri'i;  helween  iiaand  Orenl  Bri- 
luin  ?  Hire,  then,  is  ihr  prcrisr.  iKatio  which  liaH 
liccii  laiKed  hy  the  reanlnlinn  iiiidi'rilinousainn,  and 
nn  whiili  twn  partira  Nt'i'ini'd  In  Ik  fnrniinii;  Iheiii*  ' 
Helves;  the  nne  division  prnfeaaing  iheinaelveH  wil- 
lini;  to  dn  all  that  the  acltlcrs  had  a  rif;h{  in  expeci, 
hy  way  nf  giviiiijlhein  lawa,pinleitinn,and  hnnii  «, 
and  inaialing  ihal  llieir  eniirsn  will  lead  In  the  ulti- 
mate seenrerienl  nf  the  whnle  terrilnry  in  H  peace- 
fill  manner,  and  denniinein!;  the  reaniuiinii  niilhnr- 
iziia;  nnlice  as  tending  In  liicviutlile  war  and  the 
final  Inaa  nf  the  entire  territnrv.  The  nther  divisiiin 
I'laim  In  he  the  true  fricnda  nf  Oregon,  and,  adniitling 
that  we  have  tlirnwn  reatrietiona  around  ourselves 
by  sulwialing  treaties,  and  wiahini;  punrtiliniisly 
In  observe  gnnd  failh,  advnealc  the  nnlice  in  niiler 
In  abrogate  the  treaty,  which,  in  their  eatimalinn, 
debars  them  frnm  entu'tiiii;  the  laws  necessary  In  ; 
nu  et  the  wttiilH  nf  the  setllera  in  Ore^nn.  And  this  j 
divisinn  is  rnnsiileri'd  the  war-party  nftlie  Ilnnse. 
I!ut  I  shall  endeavor  tn  deinonsiriite  lhal,  ihnu^di  ; 
war  may  not  nns.silily  be  avoided  by  either  line  t)i 
imlicv,  yet,  tlinse  wiin  lake  the  imsitinn  that  we. 
shniild  fuinisli  the  emiiirniil  setllers  with  laws, 
protectinn,  and  hnmes,  without  uiviii';  the  niil'ce, 
adopt  a  ciiurac  which  must  lead  In  war — an  iiii- 
mediate,  most  indnrious  war,  brnui;ht  aliout  l>y 
broken  failh  and  vinlaled  enjrau'einents;  and  that  i 
they,  while  they  claim  to  act  for  peace,  deserve  In 
l>c  ranked  as  the  war-paity  nf  the  Hnnse. 

What,  then,  are  the  exact  words  of  the  treaty  of 
1818,  renewed  in  1M-J7  > 

"Art.  H.  It  is  agreed  that  any  country  thai  may 

•  Iw  claimed  by  either  party  nn  the  nnrthwest  coast 
•of  America,  westward  nf  the  Stnny  mountains, 
'  shall,  loKelher  with  its  harbors,  bays,  and  creeks, 

*  and  the  naviijation  of  all  rivers  within  the  same, 
'  be  free  and  open  fnr  the  term  nf  ten  years  from 
'  the  dale  of  the  aignaluie  of  the  present  ennven- 
'  tinn,  to  the  vessels,  citizens,  and  subjects  of  the 
'  twn  Powers." 

After  many  years  nf  unsatisfactory  discussinn, 
this  treaty  was  entered  into,  which  decides  nnlhins, 
but  haves  everything  open,  and  has  transmitted 
the  same  tn  us.  For  the  purpnse  of  arriving  at  a 
jiisi  interpretation  nf  this  cnnvenlinn,  it  is  proper 
briefly  to  review  the  cnnditinn  nf  the  country  in 
1818.  A I  lliat  lime,  our  population  wa.s '.(,000,0(10,  ' 
about  1,700,000  nf  whnni  resided  west  of  the  Alle- 
ghany mountains,  and  not  more  than  200,000  west 
nf  the  Missis.sippi  river.  A  steamboat  was  n  cu- 
riosity, and  alniust  unknown  upon  ihe  western 
waters.  The  only  practicable  route  to  Oregnn  was 
supposed  to  be  by  doubling  Cupe  Horn  at  sea,  and 
tlins  to  make  Ihe  di.slance  by  sea  from  18,000  to 
20,000  milea,  and  bciiit;  situated  more  than  3,000 
miles  by  land  from  the  mouth  of  the  Missouri,  the  1 
rnad  ran  thrnugh  a  vaxt  wilderness,  over  impass- 
able mountains,  surrounded  by  numerous  tribes  of 
warlike  and  savai^  Indians.  Even  down  to  an 
laic  a  period  as  1834,  many  of  our  far-seeing  and  ; 
ablest  statesmen  believed  that  the  Rocky  moun- 
tains must  become  the  ulliina  Ihxilt  of  our  republic,  \ 


and  that  it  wna  iinpoaaalhin  that  there  shnuld  lia 
other  than  nn  independent  Kovernmenl  nn  the  nther 
side.  Uiii  aince  ilini  lime  we  have  made  Ihe  moal 
rapid  alridea,  both  in  popiilalion  and  in  our  means 
nf  ipiick  and  easy  iiilerconimiiiiicalinn.  We  have 
nnw  advanced,  in  the  year  |H4fi,  tn  a  population  of 
near  30,0(H),(NNI^  ninre  than  H,IHM),O0(l  nf  whnin 
were  residing  west  of  the  Allevhiiny  moiinlaina, 
and  abnut  9,.'i(H),(HM)  were  wiat  nf  the  Mississippi. 
Sleain  has  been  applied  mnre  eMeiiHlvely  and  ninre 
aiiccessAiUy  ill  naviin^linn;  railrnrids  have  been  cnn- 
slriicii'd,  anddialant  pincea  haveberii  brniiuhl  near 
In  each  other.  We  have  discovered  llio  south  pass  I 
at  the  head  of  the  La  I'latic;  and,  inalead  nf  a  voy-  ' 
1120  of  QlMNIO  miles,  we  have  seen  our  hardy  pin- 
neera  nf  the  West,  with  their  sloiil  hearts  and 
brawny  arms,  wilhoiil  Ihe  aid  of  Onveniment,  pen- 
elralini;  llieae  mniiiiinins,  and  lhroiii.'h  tlinii  open- 
Inii;  a  wagon  way  for  their  carta  in  which  they  car- 
ry llieir  little  all,  and  arliiiilly  ninkiiii;  sclllemenis 
by  llioiiaanda  in  the  distant  lerrltnry  bcyniid  llieiii. 
At  that  time,  (in  |8|rt,)  we  wanted  the  Oreiron  terri- 
tory only  fnr  hunting,  lishin!;,  and  Iradiii!;  wllh 
the  nalivea.  Nnw  we  want  il  fnr  far  diircreiil 
piirpiwes — fnr  airrlciilliire  and  permanent  sellle- 
menl:  and  In  compass  tlieac  ends,  we  must  have 
exclusive  snvereicnty  and  pnsscssinn:  and  diirintj 
llie  ciintlniiance  nf  the  present  treaty  arraiigenienls 
fnr  till'  jiiini  nccnpallnn  nf  the  coiiiilry,  can  we  do 
aiiv  act  which  looks  In  the  exerlinn  nf  exelualve 
riirhla  and  pnwera  nvcr  the  terrilnry  nf  Oretrnn  .' 
If  we  can,  there  is  niiicli  plausiblllly  and  force  in 
Ihe  poailinii,  that  tn  tfive  the  iinlicD  is  wholly  un- 
necessarv  and  lnex)ieilienl. 

Bill  Mr.  Adams,  who  was  Secretary  nf  Stale  nt 
the  dale  nf  llio  nei;oliall»n  nf  this  treaty,  has  al- 
ready favored  us  wllh  lila  views.  Tie  nl'jerls  even 
In  the  use  nftlie  lermnf  |olnl  occiipalinn,  and  cnn- 
slrnes  the  convention  as  reservim;  lo  our  eilizena 
onlvcommercial,  tradin^',alld  naviitalion  ri^lils  and 
privileges,  and  of  fnrniio!.'  seltlemenis  with  a  view 
nf  carrying  out  these  nlijeita.  Mr.  ralhniin, 
wlinsi^  npinion  always  has  much  weiirht  with  me, 
sustains  this  positinn,  and  emplialirally  expressed 
himself  thai  this  Onvernmenl  has  nn  |inwer,  till 
llie  lermiimlinn  of  I'le  treaty,  either  In  grant  or  In 
promiir  to  gram,  lands  in  that  territory.  In  addi- 
linn  tn  lliip,  the  President  nf  ihe  United  Stalea, 
Mr.  Polk,  extiressed  his  opinion  in  the  ilibale  on 
the  f)re!:on  bill  in  1829,  llint  we  wire  inhibited  by 
llie  treaty  of  1818  from  eslablishiiif:  foria  in  Oreu'on 
or  iriaking  grants  of  land;  ami,  in  his  annual  Mck- 
sage  in  this  session  nf  Cnngress,  he  refuses  to 
commit  himself  in  flivnr  nf  making  pnnnises  nf 
grants  nf  land  In  our  setllers,  in  these  words: 
"  Pending  the  vear's  nnlice,  il  is  wnrlhy  of  cnn- 
'  sideralion,  whether  a  sllpnlntion  lo  lliiselTeet  may 
'  be  made  consistently  with  the  spirit  nf  that  con- 

*  venliim."  Moreover,  after  a  full  discussion  in 
1843  on  Ihe  right  and  power  In  miike  prnniises  tn 
grant  lands,  nending  the  treaty  nf  18|H,  in  the  Sen- 
ate nf  the  ITiiiled  .Slates,  that  body  was  nearly 
er|ually  divided.  Superadded  tn  all  this  was  the 
anihority  nf  the  last  Cnngress,  when  il  was  ileoi- 
ded  by  a  large  majnrily  lhal  we  cnnld  iieilher  make 
grants  or  promises  of  grants  of  land  wilhnul  first 
giving  notice,  and  terinlnaiing  the  treaty  nf  jnint 
ner-upancy.  Hut  still  I  have  nnnther  aulhorily  be- 
fore me,  which  deserved  much  consideration  from 
us,  both  on  account  nf  the  great  iiidiislry  and  re- 
search which  Ihe  writer  had  used  in  compiling  all 
the  aiillinrities  relating  In  nur  title  tn  Oregon,  and 
because  his  book  had  been  published  by  the  au- 
lhorily of  this  Ilniise,  thereby  In  a  certain  exii'nt 
endorsed  by  il :  I  refer  lo  Oreenliow's  Oregon  and 
California.     **  Neilher  nf  the  parlies  cniild  be  jiis- 

*  tified,  during  the  siibsislence  of  the  agreement,  in 

*  ordering  the  erection  of  forts  at  the  mnulh  of  the 

*  Colninbia,  where  they  certainly  .""ire  not  required 

*  fnr  protection  against  any  third  jmwer,  and  in 
'  promising  to  secure  large  tracts  of  land  in  that 
'  territory,  by  patent,  in  its  citizens  nr  subjects. 
'  Had  the  bill  passeil  by  the  Senate  in  1843becnnie 
'  a  law,  the  cnnvenlinn  wniild  frnm  that  ninment 
'  have  been  virtually  and  violently  rescinded;  and 

*  any  attempt  to  enforce  ihe  ineasiirea  would  iin- 

*  doiibledly  have  been  resisted  by  Great  Britain.'' 
Here,  then,  we  have  the  opinion  of  our  own  au- 
thor, endorsed  by  the  Cnngress  nf  the  United 
Slates,  denying  the  authority  for  the  course  pro- 
posed to  be  pursued  by  those  gentlemen  who  pro- 
fess BO   much  fondness  for  peace,  and  avowing 


I  Ihnt  the  iiievituble  consci|uciico  of  notice  must 
be  war. 

Dill  I  shall  not  content  myself  wllh  American 
aulhorilies  on  this  aiibjccl,  ihouKh  I  think  enniigh 
has  been  adduced  In  make  any  niember  pause  and 
hesilale  in  his  ailvmaey  nf  the  propoaed  measures 
fnr  till'  aeiilement  of  the  country,  however  clear 
and  decisive  his  own  convictions  may  be  to  the 
contrary.  I  have  Ihe  Parliamentary  Uebalcs  for 
the  year  |H43,  from  which  I  inlind  to  slmw  linw 

I  the  inensure  nf  giving  laws  and  nsserling  rights  nf 
aettlenieiit  is  viewed  iiy  the  nther  contrarling  par- 

I  ty,an  exiiressed  in  the  Parliament  ofOreal  llrilnin. 

\  Lord  Piilmeralnn — ihe  acknnwlcdged  leader  nf  the 

'.  Whig  parly  in  ICngland  on  all  aiilijects  pertaining 
lo  their  foreign  relalinna — speaking  In  reference  to 

I  the  bill  passed  by  the  Senate  In  1843  extending  ihii 
laws  nf  Iowa  Territory  over  Oregon,  and  pmiiils- 
iiig  the  settlers  graiila  nf  cerlaiu  i|uanlities  of  land 
when  the  title  was  finally  vested  in  the  Uiilled 
Stales,  said: 

"  What  has  happened  lately  abnnl  that  (Oregon) 
'  (|uestloii .'   Why,  Ihe  Senate  have  Miiially  passed 

*  a  bill  fnr  ininiedialely  taking  forcible  pnssessinii 
'  nf  Ihe  whnle  nf  that  Irrriloryi  and  theSenilor 
'  who  lirouglil  In  that  bill  expressed  his  cniivlclion 

*  that  the  American   claim  on  this  territory  umild 

*  iniinedlalely  be  acipiicsccd  in  by  lireat  Britain, 
'  If  It  was  nnly  urged  in  what  he  was  pleased  to 
'  call  a  iirnper  manner.  Il  Is  impossible,  I  eon- 
'  eelve,  that  Ibis  bill  should  pass  the  other  branch 
'  of  the  legishiliire;  but  if  il  were  to  pass,  and  to 
'  be  acted  iipiui,  it  would  be  a  ihularatlnn  nf  war. 
'  Il  wniild  be  the  invasinn  and  scl/.uie  nf  u  lerri- 
'  Inry  In  dispute  by  virlue  nl'  n  decree  made  by 
'  one  nf  the  parlies  iii  ils  nwn  favor." 

This  speech  nf  Lord  Palmerston  called  out  a  re- 
ply frnm  the  [iremier — Sir  Unberl  Peel — in  llieso 
wnrils: 

"The  noble  Inrd  says  Ihe  ndnptinn  of  thai  bill 
'  wniild  be  a  cause  of  war.  I  will  nnt  discuss  hy- 
'  pnihetlcal  causes  nf  war,  when,  ns  I  have  said, 
'  the  executive  Gnvernnient  has  signified  lo  us  its 
'  desire  to  maintain  jieaie,  and  tn  elfecl  a  sali.sfac- 
'  lory  adjiistnient  nf  the  qiiesllnn  of  the  Oregon 
'  territory.  I  trust  in  the  a.ssurances  nf  the  exec- 
'  iilive  Gnvernnient;  imd  I  will  mil  believe  that  il 
'  will  give  ils  cnnsenl  In  a  legislative  measure  at 
'  variance  with  these  assurances." 

Pass  ynur  laws,  then,  fnr  the  prnlcetlnn  of  our 
people  in  Oregun;  build  ynur  fnrls,  and  man  ihciii; 
prnmise  grants  nf  land  tn  the  setllers,  and  thereby 
secure  tlicni  linines,  and  leave  unrepealed  in  full 
force  existing  treaties;  and  Insti'ad  nf  neare,  yoii 
w  ill  have  war;  instead  of  taking  gradual  and  ipiiet 
possession  of  the  whole  country,  you  will  be  called 
on  fnrihwilli  tn  buckle  nn  ynur  armor,  and  strug- 
gle in  fierce  batdc  for  every  inch  of  ground  you 
retain.  All  negnlialiun  must  cease.  I'be  Kngllsh 
Gnvernnient,  after  expressing  the  views  abnvu 
'  (iiintt'd,  wiiuid  be  disliniinred,  alter  the  |)assageof 
such  all  act,  litber  In  treat  in'  In  ehlerlaln  a  prn- 
pnsiiiiin  In  treat,  till  ils  withdrawal  or  repeal. 
Then,  It  must  be  evident  that  we  canimt  take  this 
nieihnd  nf  securing  Oregon  wilhout  meellng  llie 
lirilish  lion  in  our  way,  and  without  subjecting 
ourselves  In  the  cluirge  of  bad  faith,  luid,  indeed, 
wilhout  dishonor.  1  insist,  then,  upon  the  prnpnsi- 
llon  which  I  conceive  has  been  most  clearly  prov- 
en, that  those  who  pursue  this  cniirsenf  measures, 
and  yet  refuse  nnlice,  will  Invnlve  nur  Gnvernnient 
in  a  certain,  but  innsl  inglorious  war. 

There  is  but  one  other  way  left  open,  and  in  that 
we  must  move,  or  ubandnii  the  cnuntry;  anil  that 
was,  to  give  Ihe  notice  as  recommended  in  the  late 
Message  nftlie  President  nftlie  United  Slates.  In 
this  reeommendatlnn,  I  see  wLsdnm,  ninder;itinn, 
and  a  just  regard  fnr  the  hnnor  and  dlgniiy  of  the 
republic.  The  President's  Message  had  been  sent 
forth  to  the  country;  Ihe  people  had  examined  il, 
conned  il  over,  and  every  mail  from  every  direelloii 
had  brought  us  llie  verdict  nf  our  eonstitiients  ren- 
dered In  a  hearty  and  l\ill-sounding  apprnval.  In 
the  minds  of  all  parties  there  seemed  to  be  ii  gen- 
eral aciiuieseence  in,  and  a  ready  adoption  nf,  lii.s 
views.  Shall  this  House  sustain  him  in  the  atti- 
tude in  which  he  has  placed  the  Government? 
Shall  we,  who  possess  the  war-making  power, 
hold  up  the  hands  of  the  department  in  wlileli  is 
vested  the  treaty-making  power.' — orsludl  we  back 
out  from  his  support,  and  thu.s  Invite,  even  force, 
■  the  President  to  retreat  ?    No,  sir,  no.    Let  us  go 


j 


fFnb.  Q, 


f  iintii'u   niiiHt 

rilli  Anirriciiii 
i  think  ciKiiigli 
iImt  piuiHo  anil 
oiird  inMiNurm 
hiisvt'vur  clnir 
niiiy  lir  111  iliii 
ry  DelmtiM  liir 
li>  nIiiiw  how 
irtini:  rit;hlH  nt' 
inti'iirlin;;  piir- 
(liriit  llrilniii. 
il  hmlcr  nf  the 
LMiM  pirliiining 
ill  rclVrrni'r.  to 
li'XD'ndin^'  ihii 
I,  iinil  priiniiN- 
nlilii'H  lit'  hinil 
ill   the   Unili'il 

tliiit  (On Klin) 
irtimlly  piiMHi'd 

llh>    I10HNI.'KHioM 

1(1   the  Si'iillor 

:  hiHCiinviriioii 

riiiliiiy  wiinlil 

Ciri'iil  llriliiiii, 

vnn  plrasid  lo 

iiM»ihI(\  I  coil- 

!  othir  limtich 

I  piiHH,  nnil  to 

imliiin  III' war. 

HIT  (it'  H  Icrii- 

I'l'cc  made  by 
11 

rnllrd  out  i\  ro- 
Pei'l — ill  llicKo 

ion  (if  that  liill 
iiiitdisriiHK  hy- 
iN  I  liiivu  snid, 
;ni(i('d  to  iis  il8 
irirt  II  Hntitiriic- 
il'  the  Ore;;iiii 
18  (if  the  exii- 
licliove  lliat  it 
ve  mciisurc  at 

itcotiiiii  of  iiiir 
nd  nmn  tliciii; 

Mild  Ihrreliy 

|iiah'(l  ill  full 
if  prare,  you 
liml  and  (piiet 

will  liocallid 
and  Htrug- 
rouiiil   you 

The  l^n!;lish 

VKwa  almvii 
Ihe  paHNi|i;e  of 

Kilain  a  pro- 
III  or  repeal, 
niiot  take  tlii.s 

iiieeling;  Ilia 
lut  sulijecting 

and, indeed, 
n  the  111  opnsi- 

rlearly  prov- 

of  nieiihuriH, 
rUoveriinient 

II,  and  in  that 
itry,  and  that 
'(d  in  the  laic 
cd  State.s.  In 
,  inodei'atiiin, 
disunity  of  the 
'uid  been  sent 
examined  it, 
ery  direction 
iMlitucnl.iren- 
ipprnvttl.  In 
to  lie  a  gen- 
ptioii  of,  Ills 
ni  in  the  utli- 
GoNcrimient? 
king  power, 
t  in  wiiich  i.s 
diall  we  hack 
!,  even  force, 
Lei  us  go 


Iflifi.l 


3i>rii  CoNn Irr  Se)ii. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONCRESSIONAI.  GI,onE. 


903 


The  Orcfion  (^urilinn — Mr,  Jacob  Thowpnon, 


Ho.  or  Rbpi. 


fiirwaril;  let  all  the  departnienlM  of  floveriiniinl 
hold  the  Maine  lnni,'nai;i',  and  piTHi  nt  n  lerried  frniil. 
Let  iiH  take  the  nirepNary  Nlip!)  lo  diNeii'iinilier  oiir- 
pelvi'H  iVinn  the  riHtrii'lioiiH  of  tnatiiH  entered  into 
ill  forintr  tiniea,  and  iIiiin  enable  oiirHelvpn  to  Air- 
liiMJi  to  our  people  the  proiei'tion  of  our  lawH  to 
wliieh  they  are  entitled,  and  the  honieH  fur  wliii'li 
thi'V  eiiiicrale. 

The  H.  iDiid  nrtieln  of  the  treaty  of  1837  runii  ns 
riillnwH: 

"  Il  "(liiill  linrnmp«tfnl,hnwrver,lnrithrr  of  the 
'cnnlrai  'iiiK  parties,  in  ease  tlllitr  ahnnlil  IlimhJU, 
'ntiiiiy  lime  iil'ii  r  the  ^i|lth  of  October,  |H:JH,  on 
'giviiu;  (hie  iKliee  of  twelve  niiintliK  lo  the  other 
'  coniniitiii!,'  party,  to  annul  and  abrogate  iIuh  eon- 
'  Vi'iitioli;  iiikI  it  hIiiiII,  in  Murli  ease,  lie  ai'corilin^ly 
'eiitlrelv  ainiullid  and  abrogated  alter  the  cxpira- 
'  (inn  of  the  Niiid  Irfiii  of  nolire." 

An  expri'HH  reMervalion  Ih  here  made  to  either 
pally  lo  iinnul  iIiIh  eoiivention,  whenever  either 
parly  slinll  think- Jil,  Of  the  (iiiieHd  of  the  time  for 
giving  the  iiiiiice,  either  parly  can  exeriJNe  hiiiown 
jiiilgnient  and  diHcri'lion,  and  the  other  lian  no 
ground  ol'olli.nce,  no  jiiNlil'mble  eaiiHe  of  ipiarrel 
(ir  complaint.  We  can  exercise  tlii.^  reserved  rii;lit 
without  oll'ering  nil  v  excuse,  without  showing  liny 
reasons.  And  I  call  on  genilcinen,  and  pHrlicidar- 
ly  lliose  who  assert  thai  nolice,  is  lantiiniouiit  to 
war,  to  point  nii^  to  the  firsi  Knglish  stalesnian 
who  IioIiIn  any  posilion  of  le.iponsibility  lo  his 
own  (iovi  rinneiit,  or  any  post  of  honor,  who  liii!< 
asserl'  '  ihat  the  giving  of  nolice  will  be  just  cause 
of  olli  u.i!  to  il.  I  defy  gentlemen  lo  produce  any 
such  nulhorily  which  is  entitled  to  weight  and  coii- 
Kiileiiition  Willi  us.  No  opinion  of  the  kind  can 
anywhere  be  found,  ho  far  lis  I  am  advi,sed.  The 
rii.'lil,  then,  is  clear  to  terminale  this  ronvention  of 
joiiii  occupancy  111  the  opiioii  of  eilher  parly,  vvitli- 
oiil  a  why  or  wlierefore,  siniplv  because  it  may  be 
our  good  ph'iisurc  to  do  so.  lint  still  we  have  the 
Hiidiigest  reasouN  urging  us  to  the  iidoptioii  of  llii.i 
measure,  and  in  a  friendly  and  manly  iminiier  the 
President  may,  if  he  deems  it  nroper,  render  ihem 
to  exclude  the  suspicion  of  all  selfisli  and  niijiist 
motives  oil  the  part  of  our  (iovernment.  He  liiay 
slate  to  the  Hritish  Oovernment,  in  all  sincerity 
and  tiiitli,  that  "  the  circunislmiceM  have  changed 
ill  refeieniM'  to  thin  territory,  which  we  were  will- 
ing to  occupy  in  common  with  you  in  times  gone 
by,  thai  our  eiiiiglunts  have  j;oiie  there;  they  will 
go  there!  and  it  is  not  our  wish  or  purpn,sc  to  slay 
their  piogriss.  Von  are  setting  up  ilainisiind  pre- 
tensions of  tide  lo  this  same  district  of  country; 
we  Want  to  knov/  where  our  boundarieH  may  be; 
we  want  no  conllict  of  jurisdiction — no  confuHioii. 
We  do  not  disire  our  citizens  to  settle  ill  your  ter- 
ritory, and  thus  forfeit  unwittingly  their  claims 
upon  our  pi-oteciimi.  Impelled  by  the  wislica  of 
the  people  of  the  United  Stales,  who  desire  the 
country  for  permanent  settlements  and  homes,  and 
ill  order  to  avoid  all  fiilnre  diHicultieH  between  us, 
(Mir  treaty  of  joint  occupation  must  be  terminated, 
our  righis  must  be  defined,  and  our  limits  must  he 
distinctly  known;  and  that  il  iseipially  the  inler- 
est  of  both  nations  ihat  lliis  shiaild  be  done  wilh- 
oul  unnecessary  delay."  Can  siicli  manly  iVank- 
iiess,  in  the  oidinary  course  of  luinian  events,  be- 
gel  woful  murder  and  disastrous  war?  Do  gentle- 
men see  in  this  honorable  stmii;hil'orwardnes.s  the 
germ  from  which  is  to  spring  the  destruction  of  the 
peace  of  the  world,  the  .shock  of  nations,  and  tlie 
overthrow  of  systeiuii.  "Such  chimeras  dire" 
maybe  conjured  up  by  an  ill-directed  brain,  and 
may  have  their  effect  iip'ou  the  weak  and  the  timid; 
but  .still  the  iiervis  , if  the  American  people  will  be 
nnuioved,  their  hi  arl.s  will  beat  regularly  on,  and 
they  will  form  no  such  conclusiois  till  their  judg- 
mcnlN  are  ciuiviiiced. 

Hut  .suppose  llie  notice  is  given,  and  no  iiegotia- 
lioiiN  are  concluded  in  the  interim,  at  Ihe  expiration 
of  the  twelve  months,  in  what  relation  will  the  par- 
lii^s  slaiid  lo  llic  country.^  There  are  three  grades 
of  litle  lo  real  estate,  as  laid  down  in  the  law 
book.s — possession,  llie  righlof  po.ssessioii,and  the 
right  of  property.  In  the  application  of  this  nat- 
ural division  of  right  to  our  piesenl  claims  lo  the 
Oregon  territory,  we  find  ourUovernnient  not  only 
in  iio.s.session,"but  entitled  to  the  acknowledged 
ligAi  of  jiosscssioa.  For  proof  of  this,  it  is  oiily 
necessary  to  refer  lo  the  following  statement  con- 
tained in  the  letter  of  Mr.  Calhoun  to  Mr.  Pak- 
fciilmin,  III  an  early  singe  of  the  late  negotiiilions, 


dalul  September  I),  |H14;  and   the  position  ihrrp 
taken  is  imwhero  ■■ontroverled  by  the  llrllinh  Mill-  I 
inter:  j 

"  We  lire  then,  ns  admitted  by  Lord  Casllerrngh, 

'  eniitled  «h  the  parly  in  possession;  and  the  coii- 

*  venlion  which  Miipnlati  d  that  the  territory  Nhoiild  ■ 

'  \m  (iiv  mid  open  for  the  leriu  of  ten  venrH,  from 

'  the  date  of  its  sii;imliire,  to  the  veMels,  citizeiu,  I 

'and  Hubjeclii  of  the  twocoimtrieK,  without  prejii- 

'  dice  lo  any  claim  w  liicli  riihcr  party  may  have  lo 

'any  part  of  the  same,  preserved  niid  perpetiiaud 

'  all  our  clainm  to  ihe  territory,  including  the  nc- 

,  '  knowledged  right  lo  bi^  considered   the  parly  in 

I  '  posMession,  as  perfectly  during  the  period  of  its 

'  conliiuiancc  as  lliey  were  the  day  the  convention  ; 

'  was  signed.     Of  ihis  there  can  be  no  doubt." 

1      We  are,  then,  the  ailniilted  party  in  possession; 

I  we  all'  eniitled  to  the  right  of  possession,  and  we 

j  claim  the  right  of  property — of  exclusive  aove r- 

,  eiglily.      Hill,  by   Ihe    treaty   of  1H|H,    we  have 

thrown  barrieiH  and  n  striclions  around  laiiselves, 

which  eX(du(le  us  from  llie  exercise  of  exclusive 

ownership  and  sovereignty  till  the  termination  of 

that  coiivcnlion.     What  is  the  position  of  Great 

Britain.'     We  find  il  distinctly  slated  by  her  own 

'  commissioner*,  Mes.<is.  Iliiskisson  and  Addinj;- 

loii.  In  llieir  protocol  submitted  in  the  year  IH'Jfi. 

They  say: 

"Great  Urilain  claims  no  txelvsire  ,ini'frfi/rn/i/ 
'  over  any  portion  of  ilmt  territory.  Her  present 
'  claim,  not  in  ri  sped  to  any  pan,  but  lo  the  whole, 

'  is  limited  to  a  right  of  joint  npancy  in  com- 

'  moil  with  otlur  .States,  leaving  the  right  of  exelu- 
'  sive  dominion  in  abeyance." 
1  Thus  it  will  apiicar  that  the  ITniled  ,Stales  has 
pofsession,  the  riglil  of  possession,  and  claims  ex- 
clusive ownership.  Gii  at  llritain,  by  her  own  ad- 
missions, pretends  neither  lo  hold  possession,  or 
the  right  of  possession,  or  lo  claim  any  "exclusive 
sovereignly  over  any  portion  of  that  territory." 
Bui  evidently  acting  on  the  hypothesis  that  this 
;  vast  rouiilry  has  never  been  acinully  settled  or  oc- 
cupied by  any  Chrislian  people  of  the  earth,  and 
is  therefore  e(|iially  onen  to  nil  nations  who  may 
choose  to  come  in  nnil  plant  tliomselves,  while  she 
willingly  assents  to  leave  "Ihe  rig/i/  if  rirlvsire 
ilnmimiin  in  ubnjancr,"  she  insists  upon  "Ihr  right  ! 
nf  jniiit  occiijiaiinj  in  enmmiin  villi  olhfr  Ulales." 

A  short  slatement  of  a  few  facts  will  enable  us  lo 
comprehend  more  fully  the  nature  and  force  of  her  ' 
[iresenl  posilion.  In  I7CH,  France  and  KnglMiid 
made  a  treaty  in  which  the  Mississippi  river  is  ir- 
revocably fixed  as  the  boundary  line  between  the 
doniinion.s  of  the  respective  powers,  "  in  tUul  pint 
nf  Ihe  iinrld — Ihe  enntineni  o/./iiimrn."  By  this 
solemn  act  and  covenant,  she  signed  a  r|uil-cla:Mi 
deed  to  France  of  all  her  risjht,  title,  and  claim  to  I 
any  part  of  the  oonlinent  of  North  America  lying 
west  of  the  Mississippi  river.  And  by  a  plain 
principle  of  English  law,  it  carried  wilh  it  not  only 
lier  rights  in  ewe,  but  in  iio.wc.  In  18(1.'),  the  French 
title  was  vested  In  the  United  Slates;  and  without 
the  aid  of  our  own  di.scoverics,  e\pluratiniis,  and 
aettlements,  we  thus  became  invested  with  a  title, 
good  beyond  (pieslion  against  Ureal  liritiiin,  up  to 
411'-'  north  laliliide.  Uiit  (luring  this  •  uie  Spain 
claimed  all  the  country  on  the  norlliwest  coast  of 
America,  but  she  had  not  rednoeil  it  to  possession 
by  actual  settlement.  Great  Britain,  not  disputing 
the  discoveries  or  pretensions  of  Spain,  claimed  the 
right  lo  land  on  Ihe  coast,  to  fish,  to  Imde  with  ihe 
natives,  and  to  jellU.  In  the  eonntry  lo  carry  out 
these  pur|ioses,an(l  in  1700,  forced  Spain,  by  the 
Noolka  Sound  convention,  into  an  acknowledg- 
ment of  lliese  rights,  lo  be  exercised  north  of  Ihc 
llien  Spanish  setllemenls.  She  never  jirctended 
by  that  treaty  to  have  ac(]uired  territorial  rights, 
;  bill  merely  lo  have  secured  jirivileges  and  tVan- 
chi.ses;  and  upon  the  supposition  that  the  Noolka 
•Sound  conveiilinn  still  c.ontiniies  in  force,  she  ciui 
have  no  claim  of  sovereignty  lo  any  portion  of  that 
territory  on  its  jirovisions.  In  ldl9  wo  acquired 
the  Spanish  title  to  all  this  cotmlry.  But  previous 
to  that  time  we  had  entered  into  the  treaty  of  1H18, 
by  which  wc  yielded  lo  Great  Britain  Ihc  privilege 
of  jiiii't  occupancy  with  its  in  the  country  for  which 
we  held  her  quit-claim  deed.  Suppose  now  we  give 
the  nolice  contemplated,  and  afirogalc  the  treaty; 
these  franchises,  of  course,  cease,  andean  be  exer- 
cised only  wilh  our  permission.  Wc  being  the  par- 
ty in  possession,  entitled  to  Ihe  right  of  possession, 
1 1  and  invested  with  the  exclusive  right  of  sovereign- 


ty, we  shnll  necessarily  pasK  mir  laws  and  extend 
our  juriadietion  over  Oregon;  and,  ofcnuiHe,  all 
persons  wiihin  its  limits  must  submit  to  thrlr  ope- 
ration.  While  our  friendly  relations  eoiitmiie,  no 
art  of  expulsion  will  be  (mnsed  driving  British  sub- 
jects (Vom  the  conntryi  'bey  may  continue  in  their 
poHseasions  and  pursue  their  various  occiipaliona 
III  the  •anie  relalinns  in  which  they  enjoy  them  in 
tliei  iiy  of  New  York,  or  in  this  District.  Their 
civil  olficers  miis.  desist  from  the  exercise  of  their 
l\iiictions:  no  Drilish  magistrate  can  issue  a  writ  or 
precept,  no  constable  can  serve  process;  and  resist- 
ance to  our  laws  will  be  considered  insurrection 
and  rebellion,  which  will  require  the  stroiigarni  «t 
Government  for  its  suppression.  If  war  come  un- 
der these  circumstances,  it  will  assmedly  be  the 
iii't  ol"  the  British  Government.  And  how,  I  ask 
Ihe  L'eiuleman  from  South  Carolina,  [Mr.  lliir.TT,) 
can  this  be  viewed  as  n  war  of  aggression  on  our 
part  ?  It  will  be  a  war  of  defence,  of  defenci!  sole- 
Iv  for  the  protection  of  our  soil  and  the  due  en- 
lorcemenl  of  our  laws;  hid  in  such  a  war,  willi 
such  a  cause,  del'eat  is  impossible. 

Then,  I  repeat,  pass  your  bills  for  the  gradual 
taking  of  possession  of  Oregon;  making  promiscH 
of  grants  of  land  to  settlers,  and  creeling  miljtaiy 
forts  for  their  protection,  in  thcfaceof  tlieopiiiioim 
of  a  vast  number  of  our  most  eminent  sUitismin 
that  you  have  reserved  no  such  powi^r,  uiidc  r  the 
treaty,  and  in  the  face,  loo,  of  the  avowals  of  di.i- 
lingiiished  politicians  that  such  an  opinion  will 
amount  to  a  declaration  of  war, — and  all  iiciioiialion 
must  cease:  an  immediate  cillict  is  inevitable, 
with  the  svmpathicsof  the  world  against  its,  being 
brought  about  by  an  act  of  bad  faith,  charged, 
IIS  we  shall  be,  mid  with  some  plausibility,  wiili 
an  attempt  to  seize  and  take  exclusive  possession 
of  a  territory  held  in  joint  occupancy.  But  give 
this  notice  ;  and  if  the  English  government,  witli- 
oiil  justifiable  cause,  should  take  offence  iil  our 
bolihiess  and  frankness  in  the  exercise  of  our  ac- 
knowledged right,  and  should  delermine  to  break 
oil' all  further  negotiatioir,  if  a  stubborn  spirit  and 
a  hostile  feeling  should  nde  the  hour,  and  we  bo 
involved  in  war, — we  say  let  it  come;  and  il  will  be 
our  consolation,  the  pride  luid  boast  of  our  people, 
which  will  strengthen  their  hearts  and  nerve  their 
arms  in  the  hour  of  peril,  that  we  have  kept  our 
faith,  preserved  our  honor,  and  asserted  our 
rights. 

Bill  it  is  due  to  myself,  in  this  ronnexion,  that  I 
should  briefiy  refer  lo  my  positions  at  the  last  ses- 
sion of  Congress.  Then  I  advocated  the  passage 
of  a  bill  for  Ihe  eslnblishment  of  a  lerrilorial  gov- 
ernment in  Oregon,  and  opposed  the  giving  of  the 
noti«c.  But  since  then  new  facts  have  develoiied 
themselves  to  me,  and  the  circumstances  altending 
the  whole  question  had  changed.  Then  1  assumed 
tliat  England  had  erected  forts,  made  selllcments, 
and  extended  the  principlcsof  the  common  law  per- 
Uiining  to  land  in  Oregon.  And  as  we  had  submitted 
lo  all  this  without  protest,  we  could  and  ought  lo 
do  the  same  things  for  our  citizens.  But,  on  further 
investigation,  I  find  she  has  erected  no  forls,  and 
only  the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  in  carrying  (>n 
the  fur-trade,  had  erected  posts  for  fiuiliiating 
them  in  their  tnitiic.  I  find  also  tlie  authority  of 
Mr.  Buchanan  for  making  the  further  asserlion  that 
sliQ  has  made  no  settlements.  And  here  let  mo 
call  the  attention  of  the  genlleman  from  Indiana, 
[Mr.  Owen,]  who  spoke  of  English  settlements  in 
Oregon,  lo  Mr.  Buchunnn's  late  letter  lo  Mr.  Pu- 
kenliam,  and  ask  him  how  he  explains  Mr.  Bu- 
chanan's admission.  Speaking  of  the  Noolka 
Sound  convention,  he  says: 

"  Great  Britain  had  never  made  any  settlement 
'  on  ihe  northwestern  coast  of  America,  from  the 
'  dale  of  the  Noolka  Sound  convention,  uiilil  the 
'  22d  of  February,  1819;  nor,  so  far  as  the  under- 
'  signed  is  informed,  Atu  she  done  so  i/oicn  to  the 
'  ]irtaent  mnmeni, " 

Here  is  an  important  admission,  made  by  our 
own  negotiator,  wnich  has  materially  nirectetl  my 
views.  But  were  I  now  as  clear  and  po.silive  in 
my  convictions  as  I  was  then,  knowing  the  ex- 
pressed opinions  of  the  President  that  such  lui  ex- 
ercise of  power  is  unwarranted  by  existing  con- 
ventions, sustained  as  he  is  by  a  large  portion  of 
the  people  of  the  United  Slates  in  that  posilion,  and 
believing  that  such  will  be  the  construction  of  the 
British  Government,  I  would  be  unwilling  to  place 
him  in  a  position  which  would  require  him  to  de- 


204 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  2, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — J^Lr,  Jacob  Thompson. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


t-"' 


fend  ihecminlry  nsrniiisl (III aclof  bail fiutli,ngmii8t  ' 
his  o«'n  rDiivirlioiis.  j 

I  npposi'd  iiotirc  tli'-n,  nnd  Ihr  follnwin"  extract 
frnm  my  s|icitIi,  mndc  on  this  sntijert,  will  explain 
my  miilives. 

'  I  olijrpt  to  t  is  amcndnicnt,  (nniice,)  bcrause 
'  this  House  Ima  oallcd  for  the  correspondence 
'  which,  wc  nil  know,  has  taken  place  between 
'  onr  Seeretioy  of  State  nnd  the  British  jMiiiistcr, 
'  and  that  correspondence  has  not  yet  been  coni- 
'  nninieatcd  to  iis.  When  it  conies,  if  it  appears 
'  that  Enjlnni'  is  evading  the  setilcnient  o(^  this 
'  controversy,  if  she  delays  detenninatioii  for  frivo- 
'  Ions  causes,  I  shall  clieertully  vote  it  as  my  opin- 
'  ion  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  President  to  '4ivethc 
'  notice  which  dctermini's  the  joint  occupancy. 
'  lint  till  then,  for  my  own  part,  I  hojie  this  qnes- 

*  tiou  will  not  be  pressed." 

Now  we  have  tlic  whole  of  this  correspondence, 
ami  lui.  li  more  that  had  not  then  taken  place:  and 
we  tind  that  a  most  lil'cral  oflt  r,  containini;  every 
i-o.,i'cssion  whi'  li  could  at  all  be  justified,  has  been 
made  by  our  Govirnnient,  and  peremptorily,  ny, 
Hiipeiriliouslv  rcjeetcd  by  the  liritisli  Minister;  and, 
in  doini;  so,  lie  .says,  with  a  di'^iiilied  sneer: 

"The  uiulersiirned,  therefore,  trusts  that  the 
'  Aperic.-in  I'liiiipotenti  u'y  will  be  prepared  to 
'  Icr  ..  une  further  proposal  for  the  settlement  of 
'  tin  <">  -■ ,  >n  ipiestion,  nuu'e  consistent  with  fmr- 
'hiss  r,i(l  fiiH-iii,  and  with   Ihe  mi.wnable  id-jiccla- 

*  I'll  rs  of  the  llrni.^h  fio\ernment." 

'I'liis  prompt  rejection  of  an  otter  conceding:  so 
much,  "alforils  satist'actory  evidence  (savs  the 
rrcsileiit)  that  no  ccniiproniise  which  the  United 
.Stales  oiejlit  to  accept  can  lie  etlccted:"  and,  llieie- 
I'ore,  a  dccisivi' system  of  measnrcs  must  be  adopt- 
ed, or  almndon  the  country. 

lJ:'t  ii  w.as  said  bv  the  ^  iillem;iii  from  Alassa- 
i-hiL-eit-,  [Mr.  AnAMs,]  and  repeated  by  oiln  is, 
that  ihou:,'li  we  may  irive  notic,'  there  will  '  no 
war,  because  lOn^land,  if  1  iindersiand  the  l'  iille- 
mau  iiri^hl,  knew  full  well  that  if  shewenl  to  war 
for  (bv^ni,  she  would  not  only  losi' On  'mi,  but 
nil  of  her  territories  north  of  our  couiiiry.  Thoiiiih 
the  conclusicui  may  be  eorreci,  ihc  reasonjiii;  has 
no  f  )rce  with  me,  bei'ause  it  rests  lui  the  presiiinp- 
tion  ih.al  niiirland  may  take  counsel  from  lier  fears. 
Jlvr  whole  history  furnishes  tla-  amplest  eonfiiln- 
tion  of  such  a  re^'ection:  and  he  who  rests  his 
course  on  such  a  belief  will  find  himself  deceived; 
tlioa,'li  En^'land  may  be  an  adversary,  yet  truth 
reipiires  the  ailmissioii  that  she  is  a  proud  and  :;al- 
laut  nation.  Inierest  may  control  the  Hrili.sh  Par- 
liament and  the  British  peopli — tear,  never.  I  do 
not  lielii  ve  slii  will  ever  be  driven  from  her  pcisi- 
ti"ii  by  fear  or  cowardice. 

Hilt  still  1  think  wc  have  Kiclnnd  under  bonds 
to  keep  the  neaee.  Sne  is  emphatically  a  commer- 
cial nation;  her  people  ere  cominereial'.  Her  thou- 
sand and  one  stroii;.'  tortificaiioiis  which  dot  the 
fice  of  the  whole  earth,  and  on  which  L'entleiiicii 
ii.ive  dwelt  in  terms  so  eloipient,  thereby  sIiowuhlt 
their  envy  ■■ind  jealousy  of  her  irrcat  jiower  and 
vast  doininicnis,  are  kept  iiii  at  a  h'avy  expense 
fa-  the  proiei'iion  oi'lier  trade  nnd  commerce.  In- 
terest and  piofii  are  the  ;;nidinj  st.irs  of  every  such 
iKilicm,  and  eonlnd  all  their  movements."  t)iie 
lar.'eitem  in  the  "lion  o,""  ihat  IkuuI  to  keep  the 
peace  was  the  eoiron  ffrown  in  this  coiir  ry.  liy 
the  annexation  j)f  Texas  the  United  Stales  have 
the  control  and  disposition  of  live-sixths  of  all  the 
cotton  irown  in  thewm-id.  \l  this  time  the  tirentcr 
poll  ion  of  this  inuncnse  crop  is  expm-led  direct  to 
Livcrp.i..,.  and  tin  nee  re-sliippeij  to  the  dilferciit 
porN  of  I'urope. 

The  millions  of  r,n".:lish  capii.d  invested  in  cot- 
ton maDufi'-nires  will  be  rendereil  protitless,  an, I 
her  tens  of  thousands  of  indiviilnals  that  now  fiiiil 
eniploynieiit  in  iliem,  will  be  discliar^'cd.  The  pco- 
pl'  on  the  eiuilininl  of  r'.urope  ei|iial,  if  they  do 
not  surpass,  (Jre.at  l"!ritaiii  in  the  maniifieiuie  of 
all  other  articles  i  xcepi  eoiion  u'oods.  F!y  her  su- 
perior machinery  and   skill,  she  has  w(  U'niuh  the 

monopoly  of  the  markets  of  ijie  world  fu iton 

m.einlaciures;  lunl  so  extensively  anil  so  univer- 
sally do  they  enter  into  the  eoiismnptioii  of  every 
nation  of  the  earth  as  to  be  ranked  amouL'  the  ac- 
tual neeessaries  of  life.  On  this  cmsiileration,  for 
tlir  most  part,  her  present  eommercial  Huperioiity 
ftii'l  pre-eminence  is  based. 

])< -lare  war,  iuterrnpl  oni  retaeions,  break  oil' 
the  direct  iniercoi.rse  Ijetweeii  our  own  and   the 


En.^lish  Qovernnient,  nnil  our  colliiii,  instead  of 
(joint;  diri'ct  to  Liverpool  to  be  prepared  for  the 
consumption  oi  the  world,  will   find   its  way  in 
nenii'al  bottiuns  to  the  markets  of  the  continent. 
This  will  stininlale  the  niannfacture  of  this  article 
with  those  Powers      Capital,  even  Enu,lish  enpi- 
Inl,  will  seek  investments  in  lactm'ies  on  the  eon- 
tineiit;  the  raw  material  will  be  obtained  clieajier; 
l'.(   -line  skill  will  soon  be  attained:  '.ad  thus  sue-  ' 
eessfnl  rivals  will  be  raised   up,  who  will  sn|iei-  , 
sede  England,  drive  her  from  the  market,  nnd  siri|) 
her  of  all  her  sreatness.     Her  present  vanlaire-  , 
i^round  once  iibniidoned  and  lost,  can  never  be  re- 
irained.     This  she  knows  full  well,  and,  compared  t 
with   Ihe  niai,'iiitiide  of  this  iiiterrst,  the  Orej^ini  ; 
territory  w-ill  sink  into  pallry  iiisiqinlicanee. 

Another  item.  The  cry  of  the  peo|de  of  Enir- 
land  is  forliread:  and  that  eiy  has  reached  ihi'  pal- 
ace, and  has  entered  the  ear  of  the  soverei:;n.  ; 
The  oppressed  nnd  starviim;  millions  will  be  con-  , 
lent  no  lon;;er  with  ev.isive  answers  or  dilatory 
pleas.  They  demand  the  ports  to  be  thrown  open 
to  the  free 'admission  of  onr  corn,  meats,  and 
brcadstntl's;  and  sooner  ihan  Orej;on  sliiuihl  be 
thrown  in  to  blockade  their  ports,  cut  olf  their 
supplies,  and  periietualc  their  restrictive  system, 
they  would  abandon  it  forever — especially  when 
they  see  on  onr  ptirt  a  delermination  lo  adopt  a 
more  liberal  policy,  strike  from  conimerce  its  en- 
eumljerint;  shackles,  and  enlari^e  the  Crro  inler- 
,'onrse  anionic  the  nations  of  the  earth.  These  in- 
terests np'  so  extensive,  import. nil,  and  incalcnla- 
.de,  and  have  become  .10  intimately  interwoven, 
that  when  peace,  with  all  these  aceoniManiineiits, 
is  thrown  into  one  scale,  and  war  for  Ore^'on,  with 
the  inevitable  loss  of  these  advantatres,  and  the 
probable  loss  of  the  country,  is  (>laced  in  the  other,  1 
so  overwhelininir  would  be  the  ditl'ercnce  that  the 
beam  must  kick  f  >r  peace. 

There  is  also  another  consideration,  which  is 
sni:i:estr-d  by  a  t'riend,  why  Ein;land  would  desire 
to  keep  the  ]ieace,  foumled  on  the  immense  debt 
wliidi  is  due  t'roni  our  peoph  to  the  .subjects  of 
that  OovernmeiU.  I!y  a  ilci'laraiion  of  war,  the  in- 
terest must  be  suspended  in  its  pavini'iit,  ;ind  the 
whole  debt  itself  may  be  fuiallv  olihter.ated.  This 
ell'ecl  would  be  disastrous  to  them,  and  not  so  in- 
jurious to  us. 

In  sumniin::  up  these  incahailable  interests  in 
behalf  of  the  niaintenance  of  jieacc,  I  feel  no  ap- 
prehensions that  (."ireat  Hritain  would  lisliai  to  the 
extrava::ant  philippics  of  ijentleinen  011  this  llonr, 
lireathiii'j;  awfil  llireats  "to  lick  (.ileal  P.ritain, 
nnd  to  liriii::  down  our  yoim;:  and  enrased  ea:;le 
upon  her  poor  prostrate  lion.'*  These  were  bril- 
liant declamnlions.ealciilalerl  to  lire  up  the  |-.a.ssioiis 
of  our  leojde;  but,  with  all  ih  ference,  I  consider 
them  in  bad  taste  and  out  of  pi  ic,-,  and  I  sli.ill  at- 
tempt to  take  no  ]iart  in  them.  These  war  spia-ch- 
es  will  have  no  inlliK'ticc  anvwln-re.  In  a  tone 
of  manly  rirmness,  lei  us  tn-esei  ve  our  honor  ;uid 
self-ri  spi'ct,  assert  riirhts  clear!/  reserved,  and  in- 
sist upon  the  ackiiowleil-^'meiit  of  d.iims  undoulit- 
eilly  just.  Then  to  ihailii  the  result  of  the,  issue, 
is  lo  doubt  the  final  trininph  of  everlaslin:;  trnlh. 

lint  it  'lad  tiei'ii  repeatedly  said  that  we  should 
have  11  .  war,  because  .Taini  s  Iv.  Polk  would  Imrh 
nul.  Those  who  made  this  assertimi  knew  not  the 
man;  tln-v  nrofessed  not  to  know  him  in  the  can- 
vass of  is|.|:  Imt  1  thonjhi  they  had  fiuiid  him 
out,  nnd  loin-cr  nnacr|naint.ai.ce  was  nnpardonaldi' 
itrnornncc.  He  is  :\  man  of  firmness  of  purpo.';e,  of 
trreat  sternness  e,f  ,-liaracter,  of  iron  nerve,  nnd  of 
unyieMin;  pa'riotism;  and  when  he  backs  out,  »\\ 
hope  is  irone. 

Ihit  it  is  a  vaia  and  unwise  expectation  that  either 
Eiiitlaiid  or  the  I'liited  Slates  can  or  will  back  out. 
Xo  brave  mall,  in  ;i  jiersoiial  controversy,  will  ever 
slia|ie  his  course  upon  the  presnmpiioii  iliat  his  ad- 
versary is  a  laiwaril;  and  it  is  eijiiallv  nnjust  and 
imiioliiic  to  suppose  onr  friend  will  n  a  bear  liini- 
.self  wiili  the  niniosi  rallantrv.  In  llo  •  case,  I  hope 
^laiilemcn  will  pnl  the  President  to  the  test,  as  l,e 
has  iinitrd  them  to  do;  evndinir  no  res|>onsiliilily 
that  beloiii:s  lo  ilieiii,  and  showine;  no  disposition 
Iheniselves  liv^t  to  hm'h  tnit. 

Oentlemeii  ill  this  debate  hail  said  niiich  nbiail 
the  South — inni'li  of  violated  pledirc.s  triven  to  the 
.N'orth  and  West  on  the  Texas  rjiiestion — mncli  of 
the  sectional  feeliiiL's  which  controlled  their  action. 
All  this  was  unjust,  and  lunvorthy  of  the  i^enile- 
men  who  expressed  it.     And  in  the  name  of  the 


South,  and  on  her  helinlf,  lierc  in  my  position,  I 
hurl  it  hack  lo  the  source  from  which  these  re- 
(lectioiis  come,  with  indijnalion.  The  assumption 
that  Orejjon  was  a  sectionnl  question — that  it  waa 
a  iKntherti  question,  or  a  western  ipieslion,  was 
absurd  and  ridiculouH.  It  belon;;ed  as  mneh  tc  the 
South  as  to  the  .\orth  or  to  the  West.  It  came 
home  as  near  and  as  dear  to  my  heart,  and  the 
Inarls  of  my  eonstiti-.cnts,  as  lo  the  heart  of  any 
L'entleman  on  this  lloor.  We  shall  not  yield  the 
l>alin  that  in  times  ijoiie  by  the  leaders  on  the  Ore- 
gon <ineslion  were  from  the  South.  Jell'erson, 
Madison,  Monroe,  Floyd,  and  Linn,  all  sontherii 
men  and  slaveholders.  Inn  been  the  oriijinalors 
and  niillinchinfindvocnlrs  oi  all  the  measures  I'm- the 
maintenance  of  our  daims  in  Orepni.  Many  of 
the  arguments  iir;;e,l  in  this  debate  are  but  the  re- 
echo of  the  sentiments  lout;  since  expressed  by 
southern  statesmen. 

Genllennn  slioiild  remember  that  there  may  ho 
difl'ereiiei  s  of  opininn  between  indiviilnals  from  ilit'- 
ferent  sections  of  the  Uiiion;  but  as  regards  the 
South  as  a  whole,  they  have  never  been  actuated 
liy  any  narrow  or  contracted  consi,lerations  when 
national  interests  or  national  honor  were  involved. 
In  every  natiiuial  disoiile,  the  South  has  ahvays 
been  with  the  connlry.  In  the  as.sertiou  of  onr 
ri;;lits  she  has  ever  been  foremost  in  debate — in 
Ihiir  defence  f ueniost   in  tin-  field.      I  know  that 

s valued  friends  from  llu^  South  dilVer  with  me 

in  the  opinions  I  have  exprcs.sed,  and  in  llie  course 
I  intend  to  pursue;  but  it  is  an  lioiiesi  dill'erence. 
I  know  their  patri  lism,  their  honor,  and  their  wil- 
liutjness  to  make  sacritires  fir  their  country,  and  I 
cannot  bear  with  the  least  patience  that  those  wiih 
whom  I  intend  to  iro  heart  and  hand  ill  maintain- 
ing what  we  conceive  to  be  the  ri'jhts  of  onr  coun- 
try should  make  the  indiscriminate  assault  that 
their  fceliii'^'s  ;ind  views  take  their  color  from  the 
section  of  connlry  from  which  they  come.  I  hope 
we  shall  have  no  more  of  it,  because  it  is  unjust, 
and  iinworiliy  any  member  on  this  iloor  to  r,a.st 
such  an  impiitalion  upon  them. 

r'or  my  own  pari  I  mlslit  be  considered  a  west- 
ern as  well  as  a  southern  man.  All  my  inieivsts, 
all'ectioiis,  and  pi.Mlileciions  were  with  llic  South. 
1  lovi  her  iii.aitntions,  her  i;enial  climate,  her  fer- 
tile plains,  and,  above  all,  her  warm  and  }i;cn(  rous 
beans;  bill  my  location  is  in  tlie  irrcat  valley  of 
the  Mississippi,  which  is  one  day  desiined  to  be 
the  sent  of  ni|iire  in  this  ^'iaiit  repnbli'.  Onr 
peonle  are  i.,non;;  the  pioneers  who  are  to  einii:rate 
lo  Ore;;on;  mid  I  am  ready  to  ::o  to  the  utmost 
vcri;e  sanciioned  liy  honor  and  a  just  iioliey  to 
make  llie.se  emiu'iants  feel  tin  I  they  are  American 
citizens,  and  that  they  ■■  ill  reeei."  ,!.,  |.'-oteciion 
and  defence  of  the  '(government  .  f  the  United 
Stales. 

In  this  full  and  ex|ilicil  avowal  of  .uy  views  on 
this  siilijeei,  1  liave  proceeiled  on  the  pn  siimpliiui 
that  the' extent  of  luir  title  was  not  llie  point  in 
controversy,  nnd  that  the  |iosilioii  ofllie  i|iieslioii, 
and  the  s'ate  of  pnl'lic  opinion,  ihananded  that 
somethiiej-  was  to  be  done  I>v  this  ( 'one;ress,  look- 
ing lo  i.ie  sctllcn.eni  of  lliedi  au.ie,  and  llie  dellniie 
asecrtarnmcni  of  our  riirlils.  I  think  I  liiive  shown 
that  to  take  possession,  make  L'ranis  or  proinisi  s 
of  L'raiils  of  land,  and  to  erect  forts  for  the  jirote'  - 

lion  of  tin iiiitry,  mnst  resiil'   in  inevitable  war. 

To  trive  the  notice  and  nhroirate  llie  treaty  may 
lead,  thoiitrh  not  necessarily,  to  liosiilitiis.  But 
in  that  event.  \vf  shall  miM't'the  shock  wiih  a  eoii- 
scionsiies:,  of  havinii  inuiil  lined  our  honor  and 
preserved  onr  -ooil  I'aiili.  Iiiit  one  oilier  mode  is 
still  left  open  to  be  pursued,  and  that  was  the  only 
means  by  which  peace  was  certain.  That  was  (.) 
iln  nnlli'hii;,  to  aliaiidoii  onr  claims  lo   the  couiilry, 

10  leave  our   | pie   who  aril   now  eniitrrtitin;;  to 

Oreiron  under  the  '.,'iiaidiaiiship  and  prolcction  of 
themselves.  .Still  they  will  niii;rale  niM-nss  the 
mountains,  tnid  Ihi'V  will  carry  with  them  their 
American  hearts  devoted  to  liberty  and  to  onr  free, 
inslitnlions.  There,  they  will  firm  their  own  i;ov- 
(rnnient,  and  they  will  be  found  eiinal  to  the  task 
of  defrndiiiu:  themselves.  They  want  lo  know 
vvh.it  you  intend  to  do,  and  mi  what  they  may 
rely,  aiid  what  1  ,tenl  of  eonniry  your  tide  covers, 
IJiit  enamored  of  (piiet,  aial  afraid  to  act,  yon  do 
nothiiiL',  and  thereby  abandon  the  country  and 
secure  your  peace.  .\re  i.'eutlcmen  williii','  to  pur- 
chase peace  at  such  a  price?  ,\nd  liaviiiu' olilained 
It,  are   tliey  re.idy  to  fold  their  nrnis  in  content- 


i.r^ 


[Feb.  2, 
OF  Rei's. 

my  posiiion,  I 
vliic'h  llirso  re- 
riii'  nssiMuplion 
iin — ihiil  it  wna 
I  (iiicslicin,  wns 

us  miifli  li:  llic 
Vest.  It  i-iiine 
liPiirt,  and  ilic 
e  licait  111'  nny 

I  not  yiclil  ilio 
k'rs  on  the  Orr- 
nil.  JrH'ci'Moii, 
ni,  nil  soutliern 
the  ori^inatorsi 
ucrtsinesfiiithu 
^iin.     Many  of 

arc  l>nt  llie  re- 
\  cxpresseil  by 

It  there  may  be  , 
iilnals  I'rian  ilil- 
as  rri^ards  the 
r  been  aetnatpd 
.leralinns  when 
were  inviilved. 
,ilh  has  always 
isserllnn  nl'  our 
t  in  debate — in 
.     I  know  tliat 

II  ililVir  with  me 
ml  ill  the  eonrsu 
nesi  dillerenei-. 
r,  and  their  wil- 
I-  e.iimiry,  and  I 

that  tle'ise  wiih 
id  ill  niaiiitaiii- 
hls  (if  our  enun- 
ite  assault  that 

color  from  the 
;  eume.  I  hopo 
use  it  is  iinjnsi, 
lia  iloor  to  easi 

iisidered  .1  west- 

II  my  inier^sts, 

with  the  8011th. 

liinate,  her  fer- 

iiid  };eneroiis 

■at   valley  of 

sliiied  to  be 

■piibli'.     Our 

re  10  emigrate 

the  utmost 

list   poliiy  to 

Annrieaii 

|.niteelioii 

f  the    United 

aiy  views  on 

iisnmption 

the   piiilll   in 

'ilie  ipieslioii, 

inaiiili'd   that 

iili^i-ess^  look- 

iiil  llii'  deliniie 

:  I  have  shown 

1  or  promises 

>r  the  protci  - 

I'vilalile  war. 

I    ireaty  may 

nstllilies.     I/iit 

I  k  wiih  a  eoii- 

Hir  honor  iiml 

olher  mode  is 

It  was  ihe  only 

Thai  was  /.) 

Ihe  ccainlry, 

enii^ratiu^  to 

proleelioii  of 

lie   across   tlni 

ilh  iheni   their 

mid  to  our  U'tw. 

iluir  own  s;ov- 

lal   to  the  task 

vant    10   kiiinv 

hilt   they  may 

ur  title  rovery. 

o  ael,  you  do 

"iiilry  and 

williiii;  10  piir- 

ivio:;  oblained 

IS   ill  I'oiiteiil- 


1S46.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


yo5 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


!Z7je  Oregon  Q^uestion- 


-Mr.  Hoge. 


Ho.  OF  Rf.ps. 


mciit,  and  talk  nliout  honor,  and  t;''"'y>  "'"'  dlus- 
trious  ancestors?  Away  with  such  a  thoni;hl! 
Strike  the  word  honor  from  the  American  vocabu- 
lary, or  define  it  to  lie  cowardice,  cruven-lieartctl- 
iiess.  No,  sir.  The  hour  has  not  yet  arrived 
when  wc  will  shrink  back  from  the  assertion  of 
riilht  or  the  vindiciilion  of  truth.  When  this  Gov- 
ernment, strolls;  and  alliletic,  as  she  is,  will  (juail 
at  (IniiLrer,  and  submit  to  be  despoiled  of  her  birtli- 
riiclit,  when  wc  did  not  fail  to  vindicate  and  luaiii- 
taiii  our  rii;hts  willi  a  population  of  three  millions 
in  1T7(>,  of  seven  inillioiis  in  1812,  enn  we  now, 
with  a  popiilalion  of  twenty  millions  in  lS4(i,  ii^iio- 
minioiisly  skulk  from  their  defence?  F'or  myself, 
and  Ihe  sidlant  pcoph^  whom  I  have  llie  honor  in 
part  to  represent,  I  will  say,  never!  never! 

In  the  last  canvass,  wlu'ri'ver  I  went,  I  assured 
my  emisliluents  that  whenever  the  occasion  did 
come,  I  w.aild  pledfje  them  one  and  all,  irrespec- 
tive of  parly,  to  you,  and  tliroii;;h  yon  to  the  people 
of  the  ijiiited  Stales,  to  stand  or  fall  by  llie  asser- 
tion of  imr  rights  ill  Ore^'on;  and  everywhere  I 
recei' ed  a  hearty  resjionse,  spriiii;in*;  involnnlarily 
froi"?  the  bosoms  of  a  jiatriotic  people.  They  re- 
quire me  lo  i:o  forward  ill  the  ]iath  tif  triilli,  of 
lioiior,  of  riijlit,  of  iusliecand  ffooil  faith;  and  if 
war  and  ils  baletui  conse(]Uein*es  follow  ft'oni 
Riicli  n  course,  they  will  meet  them  with  a  conr- 
nire,  firmness,  and  alacrity  that  can  never  know 
defcal-- 


OIIEGON  UUESTION'. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  .] .  P.  HOGE, 

OF    ILLINOIS, 

I.\  THE  Hot  SE  or  Uf.I'Hesentatives, 

./«iii(nn(  ,'iO,  ISJII. 

On  tlie  Resolution  for  t'Tminalin;  the  joint  oecii- 

palinn  of  the  Ore;;on  Territory. 

Mr.  IIOGR,  beini;  entitled  to  the  floor,  rose 
and  said: 

Mr.  CiiAiHV  V  The  jieciiliar  eharncler  wliich 
lliis  debate  has  o>e.i  made  lo  a.ssiime,  has  iiidiiced 
llie  10  depart  from  the  eoiirsi^  which  I  have  thus 
f'lr  pursued,  since  I  have  had  llie  honor  '->  lio'd  a 
SCO  upon  this  floor.  I  certainly  do  not  e.iierlaiii 
the  hope  that  I  shall  be  aide  lo  throw  anv  new 
liu'lit  upon  a  subject,  which  has  already  exliaiisl- 
od  llie  '"'Sl  aiiilily  of  the  couiilry;  iiiii  If  our  ac- 
tio'' ,.|ion  the  resohiiioii  now  under  cousideraiion 
i^  necessarily  lo  have  the  iiii)iortaul  cfuisei]iieiic(>s 
which  honorable  tieiitlemen  so  confidenlly  prcilict, 
llieii,  sir,  this  is  not  the  occasion,  nor  this  llie  ipas- 
tion,npoii  which  any  representalive  of  ilu'  people, 
however  humble  be  may  lie,  should  wiilihold  the 
full  and  free  expression  of  liis  opiniiins.  Sir,  in 
the  support  which  I  propose  to  uive  I  i  this  resolu- 
tion, 1  shall  at  least  have  the  merit  of  coiisislency 
ill  mv  course.  1  do  not  fall  within  llie  calei;ory 
of  ihose  western  Kenllcmen,  lo  whose  vole  iiiioii  a 
former  occasion  Ihe  honorable  nieiuber  from  Snulh 

Carolina  jMr.  UiikttI  has  11  lirred  wiih  s.i  1 h 

self-!_'raiuiaiion,  in  defeiici'  of  ijie  course  In,'  was 
himself  now  )iursuiii;.  .Vheii,  at  the  last  session 
of  ('oii'^'i-ess,  the  honorable  1  ■iiuber  from  Massa- 
cliusells  [Mr.  AtivMs]  moved  the  insertion  of  a 
I'lansc  in  llie  Ori  ^'oii  bill,  ihcii  pending;-  before  this 
House,  similar,  in  ils  character  and  obji cis,  wiih 
the  rcsolulion  re]iorled  from  tin'  C'on'imillee  on 
Forri'.in  .Ml'airs,  now  under  discussion,  I  trave 
ihe  hi'iiorabh'  nirmber  my  inosi  henily  support. 
I  voted  for  his  |iropo»ilion  in  cominillee;  I  voled 
for  il  in  Ihi'  House;  I  voled  for  it  as  incorpi'- 
raicil  in  I  In'  bill  itself,  lui  ils  final  passa::e.  I 
believid  myself  ri;':bl  llien:  I  have  bad  no  cause 
lo  chaii'_'e  that  lelief,  or  to  reu^ret  the  course 
which  1  llien  pursued,  lint,  sir.  In  then  frivin^' 
lliis  measure  my  support,  in  1  very  slaL;e  of  ils 
I'l-'iLTiss  lliroli;;ll  this  House,  1  ibil  .-^o  silently 
I  shonlil  L-ladly  have  pur-^ued  llie  same  cnurse  now 
bill  ihal  I  am  not  disposed  to  be  forceij  (o  assume 
the  |iosiiioii,  which  il  seems  lo  bi^  resolved  all  the 
advo.atcs  of  ihis  measure  shiill  ic'iioy  belore  ihc 
I  lou.'-e  and  ihe  connlry,  ihal  oI'oim'  ih  lenniiK  d.  at 
all  hazards,  to  plnn;;elbis  connlry  into  the  horrors 
of  war-a  war,  loo,  a.'cordniL'  to  the  priiliciioiis  of 
honorable  L'^eiillemen,  necessarily  to  result  in  del'eat 
and  il's.'racc  to  lli'-  aniiH  of  our  connlry — with- 
out  al  least  nlteniplin;>-  to  i»ive  the  reasons  wlii'l, 


govern  nie  in  the  eonise  I  feel  myself  impelled  to 
piu'sue.  Least  of  nil,  sir,  am  I  disposed  silently  I 
to  be  placed  in  such  n  position,  when,  in  the  de- 
liberate conviction  of  my  judgment,  in  supporting  1 
the  pnssngc  of  the  rcsolulion  on  your  table,  I  am  | 
advocating  the  besi,  if  not  the  only  means  of  pre- 1 
serving  the  peace  of  the  country,  and  bringing  this  i 
long  vexed  niid  dangerous  question  to  a  fuvoruble  |. 
and  final  issue. 

Alilioiigh,  Mr.  Chairmnn,  I  am  free  10  confess  ; 
that  I  entertain  no  lore  for  Great  Itrilniii,  yet  I  am  ;' 
by  no  means  so  full  of  that  warlike  /iirw,  wliieli  " 
an  honornlile  niember  from  Indinna,  [Mr.  C.  B.  I 
Smith,]  who  addressed  the  eonnnittee  some  days  [; 
since,  seemed  lo  Ibiiik  necessarily  belonged  to  the 
Ucpresentntives  of  the  Slate  from  which  1  have  the  ; 
honor  to  come.     Candor,  however,  compels  nie  to 
admit,  that  the  sjieeclies  of  two  of  my  colleagues,  jj 
who  have  preceded  me  in  this  debate,  were,  to  say 
ij  the  hast,  not  |)ar;icnlnrly  well  calculated  to  dispel 
il  the  notions  which  the  honorable  menibei    seemed  , 
\\  to  enlerlain;  for  one  of  them,  in   his  zial  for  llie 
'  I  ic/ie/e  of  Oregon  wilhoiil   delay,  was   resolved   to' 
,[  fight  anyhow,  beiaiise  it  was  our  "  manifest  desti-  j' 
ny"  to  fight;  and  ihe  other  was  not  only  salisfied  ' 
of  our  title  u[i  to  ,'>4°  -10',  iiul  seeiv'u    bsposi'd  to 
claim  lo  Ihe  norlli  pole,  if  not  ;.  uillr  I'urlJK:,     oir, 
,  il  was  not  my  rorliine  lo  participate  eiilier  in  the 
!  dnngi '.  "  or  the  honors  of  the  glorious  campaign  to 
I  which  Ihe  honomble  ineniber  from  Indiana  [Mr. 
I  Smith]  has  so  facetiously  alluded;  but,  sir.  willi- 
i  out  intendinir,  in  the  slighlesl  deirree,  lo  be  invidi-  , 
oils,  or  with  any  disposition  lo  pluck  a  single  leaf 
I:  from  lho»;e  green  laurels  which  the  honorable  mem-  '■ 
,  ber  seemed  lo  ihink  so  gracet\illy  became  the  niod-  I 
est  brows  of  my  two  colleagues,  I  iruist  be  perniil- 
tcd  to  say,  that  I  have  nevi-r  known  so  brilliant  a 
mililary    repntalion   achieved    ill    n   cani)iaii;n    .so 
'    bloodless  in  ils  results.     Hul,  sir,  one  word    more 
;    to  my  honorable  colleague,  [Mr.  I'aki'.ii,]  who  has 
!    just  taken  his  seal.     It  was  ceriainly  very  natural 
,    that  my  colhainie  should  desire  lo  )'laci'   himself 
•  riirht  before  the  House  and  the  country  uiion  the 
il  subjectofhis  polilical  posiiioii,althou!;h,  where  my 
colleagne  is  K'uown,  it  would  liave  been  n  work  ol' 
supererogation.     Surely  my  colleague  ciuild   not 
have  supposed   that  lliere  was  any  datu^er  of  his 
being  inisfuktn  for  a  Di'tnocrat.  or  suspecir-il  of  any 
leaning  towards  tlie  cause  of  the  people,  at  home. 
.  lliit  I  regret,  sir,  that  in   his  zeal  and   anxiety  lo 
clear  his  skirls  of  even  the  suspicion  of  Democracy, 
[  my  colleague  should  have  ciil  himself  oil' tVmii  all 
/i')/)c,  and  repudiated  ill  bis  own  case  tlie  benefii  of 
that  most  consolilary  d'lcirine,  where  the  psalmist 
announces  lo  the  unforninate,  that 

'•While  Ihc  Innp  h'lhl-i  cut  111  I'lirii, 
'J'lic  litest  dialler  iniiy  rcltlni.'' 

I  regret  much,  sir,  ihal  al tempts  should  have  been 
made  in  some  parts  of  lliis  I  louse,  durinir  I  he  course 
of  the  debate,  10  give  to  ibis  ipieslion  a  sectional — 
j  a  i>arly — nay,  even  a  )iersonal  chai-.i-'terl  Sir,  if 
i  the  remarks  of  ihc  honorable  member  from  New 
York,  (Mr.  Piir.sToN  Kixn,]  niiir_'lini  with  this 
discussion  llie  name  and  posiiion  of  n  disliiiuoiisb- 
ed  sniilhern  statesman,  fur  whose  iii'_'li  and  com- 
;  maiidiii'.''  iiilcllect  I  have  always  enlerlained  the 
ii  most  profound  rcs|iei-l — a  respei  t  yiehliiui- iioi  to 
that  of  his  best  friend — were,  in  my  juilL'inenl, 
most  nnl'i'rinuale;  the  reiorl  ihey  provoked  from 
Ihe  honorable  member  from  Sonih  Carolina  |.\Ir. 
^  HiikitI  was  no  less  nnforlnnale.  Sir,  I  tell  the 
honorable  nicm'icr  I'rom  .Sonih  Carolina,  he  iie\rr 
was  more  'iiisiaken  in  his  liCi',  if  he  supposes  for  a 
'  monieni  that  anv  consideraiioiis  of  personal  eleva- 
tion, or  personal  downfall,  lie  al  the  boiloin  of  Ihis 
Lrreal  Ore-ion  moMineiil.  \o,sir;  it  emanates  from 
n  far  dilVereni  source.  Il  conies  I'rom  Ihe  'rreal 
.Vmerican  heart.  Il  is  no  wi  slim — no  seclioiial — 
no  parly  ipiesiion.  li  is  a  L'reat  national — a  rnat 
Amerieau  riueslion.  Sir,  il  mdti  be,  and  I  believe 
it  lei//,  be,  that  this  t':real  quesiinn.  in  ils  resistless 
pro!.'ress,  will  crush  beneaih  its  wei'jhl  iin/inii/im/ 
riv/n'riifmiis,  hiiliriiliiiil  ImiHs.  No  i^real  ipiesiion  of 
national  policy  has  ever  yet,  sir,  in  our  hislory,  ai- 
lained  the  final  eonsnmnialion  of  success  bv  any 
olher  piiili  llian  iliat  leadiinr  lliiou!;li  wh"le  griirc- 
i/iin/*  of  (lead  pobticians!  I  know  not  if  such  po- 
litical fatality  is  destined  to  alleiul  the  issue  (if  Ihis 
Or(".ron  ipieslion;  bnl  sure  I  ani,  llie  polilician's 
fate  can  iieillier  accelerale  nor  impede  its  onward 
pro'jress.  Sir,  whatever  may  be  our  action  on  Ihe 
present   resolnlioii — V"le   as  we  may — wo  caniiol 


long  delay  nr  tivoid  the  issue.  'Wiih  or  without 
the  iioii(;e — with  or  without  the  uclion  of  this 
House — there  i.s  n  spirit  abroad  in  the  country 
wliich  trill  not  lie  laid;  which  uill  bring  this  rpiesiioii 
loan  is.sue, even  though  it  i/nes  involve  the  "<ir6i/r«- 
iiitiif  of  llie  cannon's  miixilh!" 

I  look  upon  this  disciLssion  ns,  in  .•jonic  re- 
spects, presenting  the  most  extraordinary  aspect. 
Uiinnimity  of  opinion,  perhnps  unexampled,  |ire- 
vails  upon  nil  sides  ot  the  House,  Willi  rel'er- 
eiice  to  the  rif^hh  of  the  couniry  as  involved  in 
the  question.  We  are  all  for  Oregon,  the  whole 
of  Oregon,  and  for  Oregon  iioir.'  The  great  po- 
litical, commercial,  and  military  advantages  con- 
necteil  with  the  ownership  nnd  possessinn  of  the 
Oregon  connlry,  none  question.  Our  title,  all  pro- 
nounce valid,  clear,  and  indisputable.  Even  tlio 
honorable  nnd  lem'i.sd  gentleman  from  Massa- 
chusetts f^'"  'v  iNTiinop,!  wl  1  seemed  to  iliiiik 
that  title  drawn  from  musty  nnd  ob.srure  sources, 
did  not  take  his  sent  until  !ie  had  avowed  his  cor 
viclion,  not  nlone  that  it  was  superior  to  lliai  of 
F.ngland,  but  thai  it  would  stand  the  lestand  ipiery 
of  n  court  of  jnsiice.  15nt  no,  sir;  I  am  a  little  loo 
fast.  A  late  stage  of  this  debate  has  given  birlli 
to  some  doubt  upon  these  poinis,  on  which  our 
unanimity  .seemed  lo  be  so  general.  It  was  r(  serv- 
ed for  an  honornlile  represenlativefroin  ihe  ancient 
Comnionwcahh  of  Virginia  [.Mr.  I'KxnLETONj  lo 
discover,  in  the  face  of  notiu'ious  fad,  in  the  very 
teeth  of  every  iiislm'ian,  diplomalisi,  la-  oiaior, 
who  hasever  yet  written  or  sjioken  upon  lhisi|ues- 
tion,  thai  the  Orcion  territory,  lo  use  the  laniua;;(» 
of  llie  honorable  niemlier  himself,  "was  not  wiir;!i 
a  firthing."  Ihit,  sir,  ibis  is  not  all.  Anoilar 
dislingnished  member  |Mr.  I'avi.v]  iVoiii  Ihe  same 
Conimonwealth,  has  made  the  still  more  alarming 
discovcrv,  that  ihe  American  tille  10  the  Orciri.ii 
.  north  of  the  forly-niiiih  parallel  is  not  wdrlb  a 
"jnl."  That  line,  accurdiiu;  lo  the  honorabli!  l'cii- 
tlemiin.  firms  the  impassable  wall,  vvhicli  bounds 
and  liiiiiis  the  advance  of  the  American  sctili  r  lo 
the  liiirih.  .Sir,  the  honorable  nienibcr  had  (?oi;- 
suineil  his  hour  ill  a  labored  argiiinent  in  defence 
of  ibis  pnsition.  All  nrgiimeni,  sir,  at  war  w'illi 
the  diplomatic  i-.osition  of  tiiis  Government  for  Ihe 
last  lliirtv  years,  in  utter  defiance  and  conlempt  of 
irrel'raiialile  facts,  sustained  bv  llie  unanswerable 
ar2:niiients  of  the  most  ncule,  able,  and  dislinmiisli- 
cd  diplomalisls  this  or  any  other  connlry  has  ever 
produced.  Ihil,  sir,  to  my  still  i,n'ealer  surprise, 
llie  luemhrr  from  Vi:':inia  had  bicn  fi'll.iwed  by  an 
honorable  gentleman  from  Indiana,  [Mr.  Owi;\',] 
who  had  iinderlaken  lo  show,  by  an  arL''Uiiieiit 
which  I  must  be  prrmiiled  lo  say,  with  all  line  di  I'- 
ereiH'c  I'm"  the  acknowled^'-t  d  jibtlily  of  thai  hoinir- 
able  irerilleman,  was  more  .specious  than  sound — 
more  ingenious  than  true — that  our  title  was  good 
onlv  to  forty-nine  and  a  half. 
[Mr.  l')wK\  explained.] 

S'r,  I  draw  no  inference  '".oni  the  gentlemairs 
position.  I  merily  slate  i  fact.  The  honorable 
nirniber  stood  up  here  in  his  place,  and  employed 
himself  I'oraii  hour  in  demonsiraliiiir  ihe  soniidia  ss 
of  the  ,'\inerican  lille  up  lo  forly-nine  and  a  hall". 
The  inference  mi'.'lit  very  nalnraily  be  ilrawn  tli.'t, 
in  the  opinion  of  llie  hmiorable  member,  il  was  not 
iiood  above  that  point.  The  ari'iimcnt  which  lie 
has  placed  ii|mn  record  iroes  no  livrllier.  Sir,  I  do 
not  pro|iose  in  (j:o  into  the  ipn  slioii  of  liile.  It  i.s 
no  lonircr  open  for  ai\'iinienl.  We  are  already 
c'lmniined  by  every  solemn  I'liriu  which  can  bind 
the  naiinii — bv  the  record  of  our  ili-iloinacy — by 
executive  dccf.iralion — by  leirislaliveac^ion.  Ihii, 
sir,  I  rei'-rel  lo  liiid  Ihe  posiiion  of  the  Slate  of  Vir- 
ginia upon  ihis  (pies:  ion,  so  I'aras  we  have  yet  hi^ird 
from  her,  so  rhain!ed.  Time  was,  sir,  w  hen  an 
hoiioralilc  and  disiiim'uisli(>(l  Uepn  senlative  Ironi 
iheSlale  of  Virginia  stood  upon  this  floor,  Ihe  very 
.-\jax  Tel.imon  of  this  Oreiroii  qnesiion  !  I  desire 
to' cominend  the  course  of  that  palriolie  <ilil  V'lr- 
irinianlo  siimeofber  inra/frnrepresenialivrs.  I  read, 
sir,  from  a  spi  ech  of  Governor  Flovd,  (Iclivered 
in  Ihis  House  in  IS'JH,  npnn  the  bill  ibcn  |ien(liii<i-, 
lo  take  inililiint  pimrn-inn  of  the  Oregon.  In  replv 
lo  sncli  ar;riiinenl.s  as  we  now  hear  coniinir  from 
tliese  honorable  !:enllemen  from  the  Slalc  of  Vir- 
ginia, ihal  disiinoiished  man  said: 

"Such  was  the  ariiumeni,  if  nrirumeiil  it 
'could  be  called,  which  was  advaiiceil  bv  the 
'  iippoiienlsiif  the  bill,  in  the  very  face  of'plain 
'  fvcls.  .if  i.tlicial  si'ii,.||icnis.  of  figures,  ulucb  i|c- 


\l 


I 


•1'; 


MiaHi 


206 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  30, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Hoge. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


I 


'  mnnstratpcl   the  benefits  of  thtt  trade  (the  fur 
'  trade)  to  Grent  Britain — of  tha,'  Britain  which  ' 
'  was  their  great  onnimercini  rival  on  every  sea  I 
'  and  ill  every  market  of  the  world— of  that  Brit-  t 
'  ain,  finally,  from  whom  America  must  purchase 
'  furs  for  her  own  use,  at  whatever  pric«  might  be  I 
'  put  upon  them,  if  she  tamely  consented  to  the  I 
'  surrender  of  a  country  which  was  justly  heri*  by 
'  virtue  of  the  great  basis  of  all  valid  titles — dis- 

*  covery,  occupancy,  and  treaty;  and  which  was  as 
'  necessary  for  the  security  of  her  wcsl<}rii  bound- 
'  arics  as  it  was  desirable  for  the  best  interests  of 
'  her  comiiurce.  He  was  really  at  a  loss  to  ac- 
'  count  tor  the  peculiar  objections  made  to  the  bill. 
'  Tlie  principal  one  was  merely  an  incessant  reiie- 
'  ration  of  the  cry,  '  What  will  England  think  ? 
'  Hipw  will  England  receive  the  intelligence  that 
'  we  mean  to  occupy  the  territory  in  question  I' 
'  Why,  what  was  it  to  iliem,  as  the  represenla- 
'  tives  of  a  great  and  independent  nation,  what 
'  England  thought,  or  whether  she  condescended  to 
'  think  at  all  alumt  tlie  matter?    Were  they  to  sit 

*  ill  that  House  and  legislate  for  a  great  nation  un- 
der./('«r  of  the  i/is/i/msiirf  of  England  ?     He  knew 

'  and  appreciated  the  power  and  influence  of  the 
'  BritI  ih  empire,  but  he  did  not  fenr  it;  for  as  to 
'  giving  cause  of  displeasure,  that  ciunitry  had,  it 
'  v.as  iiidisnulable,  as  much  reason  for  appielien- 
'  sioii  on  tliat  score  as  the  United  States  could 
'  possilily  have." 

Sir,  this  is  the  kind  of  patriotism  I  love  to  hear 
from  the  inoulli  of  a  Virginian.  1  like  not  that 
patriotism  which  stops  to  count  the  cost — which 
trembles  and  turn.?  pale  at  c.onseipnnces — which 
hesilales,  which  doubts,  which  falters,  when  gii  at 
nation.'il  inieresis  are  in  r|uestion — when  great  na- 
ticMia'  rights  are  at  stake.  But,  sir,  I  must  be 
permuted,  in  passing,  to  render  the  tribute  i)f  my 
admiration  to  another  honorable  gentleman,  who 
ha.^  figured  in  this  debate.  Amidst  all  this  war 
iniiiic,  it  was  pre-eminenily  reserved  for  the  meni- 
nei  from  South  Carolina  [.Mr.  Hoi.mks]  to  "  cap 
tile  cUmax,  and  render  the  catastrophe  of  liorrtir 
complete."  Willi  all  the  skill  and  idohiess  of  the 
Veteran  surgeon,  the  honorable  member,  with  a 
species  of  moral  anatomy,  has  practised  upim  the 
nerves  of  the  iiiiiicni,  and  exhibited  them  bleeding  ■ 
anil  (|iiivering  to  tlie  gaze  of  the  world  1  But,  sir, 
the  honorable  memlier  did  not  stop  here,  but,  by  a 
strange  inconsislency,  alter  lashing  us  round  the 
Wiirld,  without  hope  of  success,  or  prospect  of 
safety,  even  in  liiglii,  met  and  beaten  at  every 
iioini — ilis^jraced  and  dislionored,  ill  a  war  fooliah- 
ly  provoked — the  honorable  nienitier  closed  his 
speech  in  a  blaze  of  glory  to  be  achicviMl  by  tin; 
Siimt<-rs,  the  I'inckncys,  and  all  the  other  '*gaine 
cocks'*  of  the  kingdom  t)t'  .South  Carolina!  .Sir, 
thert;  is  good  in  all  tilings.  1  ccjngrt'.luiale  the 
House  and  the  country  on  ilie  retitni  of  ilie  .Stale 
of  S. mill  Ciirulina  to  reason!  In  the,  newborn 
z>al  niaiiilVsied  by  her  Kepresentiitivcs  upon  this 
ll'i.ir  for  pea -e — peace,  no  matter  what  the  sacri- 
fice, 1  am  hapjiy  to  jierceivc.  the  indicali(Mi  that 
sonic  small  adiiiixtiire  of  pfiitkiiw  is  hereafter  to 
mingle  ill  her  councils.  Sn',  according  to  the 
honor.ible  g*-ntleinan  from  South  Carolina,  [.Mr. 
IliitTT,]  it  is  revolting  to  the  t'hrislbin  s;iiri/  of  i!:i^ 
age  in  which  we  live,  to  cmiieniplate  tor  a  monient 
tile  possibility  ol'this  nation  plunging  iiiio  i!>i'  hnr- 
roi'S  of  war  in  defence  of  a  '*  Hicrc  lerritnrinf  rig/i(.'' 
iVay,  sir,  we  here,  in  the  National  LcL'islatun', 
must  not  l.irc'  to  assert,  by  Icgisl.alive  adion,  the 
acknowledged  rights  of  the  nalioii,  for^inr  of  such 
a  result.  Stniili  Carolina  is  not  now  ready  to  run 
the  hazard  of  war  in  vinilicalion  of  the  national 
riglits!  I  low  strange  the  nnilaiions  of  human  pur- 
pose! S:r,  how  hpiig  is  it  since  tlie  Static  of  South 
C.irolina  was  re.idy  to  plunge  this  nntioii  in  a  war — 
not  Willi  iMir  ancient  enemy,  not  with  a  foreign 
power  in  del'ence  of  the  iniegrity  of  the  nalioiial 
soil — but  a  w.ir,  sir,  which  should  arm  brother 
agaiiiNt  brother,  father  against  faliier,  coniiirynian 
against  countryman!  .And  for  wliai,  sir-  In  le- 
KisLuicc  of  the  law  of  the  land,  enacted  by  the  su- 
preme Legislature,  in  her  opniion  co'itraveiiing  the 
hoveri'ign  and  constitutional  riiHits  of  the  Stale! 
May,  sir,  it  is  but  as  yesteritay,  thai  an  honorable 
and  distinguished  Senator  from  llie  .Siale  of  Souih 
Carolina,  sl.uiiting  in  his  place  in  the  Senate  iiall. 
conlly  aiitieipateil  the  disruption  ol'  tins  Union  as 
the  necess.iry  coiise(|iieiice  of  a  [lersislance  in  the 
tarilV  policy  of  the  country,  and  calmly  and  dispas-  . 


sinnntely  speculated  upon  the  formation  of  diatinct 
and  sepai'i.le  GovernmentH  from  the  (Vnpmenls.  A 
scheme,  sir,  only  to  be  conRiixnnmtetT  upon  the 
ruins  of  the  Constitution — only  to  be  carried  out 
amid  the  horrors  of  a  civil  niid  a  servile  war!  Sir, 
when  I  heard  the  sound  of  pacific  notes  coming 
ftom  the  Representatives  of  the  Slate  of  South  Ca- 
rolina, I  felt  disposed  to  congratulate  myself — to 
cnngraliilatc  the  country — upon  the  certainty  that 
we  should  no  longer  have  cause  to  fear  from  that 
nuarlerallacksiipon  the  permanence  of  this  Union. 
But,  sir,  1  must  confess  that  my  confidence  was  a 
litde  shaken  when  I  heard  those  same  ministers  of 
oeace  from  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  in  the  very 
next  breath,  after  preaching  homilies  upon  peace, 
counselling  us  rather  to  sacrifice  the  national  rights 
than  hazard  the  peace  of  a  "  Chrislian  peniile"— 
threaten  to  pull  the  very  ]iillars  of  the  Constitution 
about  our  ears,  if  some  ninlhern  fanatic,  with  sac- 
rilegious hand,  dared  hut  appioach  the  jieculiar 
social  rights  of  the  South  ! 

But,  sir,  I  return  to  the  noint  from  which  I  have 
wandered.  This  unusual  unanimity  of  opinion 
prevailing  on  all  sides  of  this  House,  to  which  I 
liave  alluded,  .seems  to  exhaust  itself  in  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  preliminary  questions  connected 
with  this  Oregon  controversy.  When  it  is  pro- 
posed to  give  form  and  body  to  our  opinions; 
when  action  is  the  object;  when  it  is  sought  to 
t;ike  the  first  step  in  the  maintenance,  in  the  as- 
sertion, of  those  great  national  rights,  which  all 
admit  we  possess, and  which  none  controvert,  sir, 
we  are  no  longer  unanimous!  'I'lie  i'*rcsident  of 
the  United  States,  ill  peit'ormance  of  the  duly 
which  the  f.'oiistitiition  devolves  upon  him,  has 
announced  to  this  House  and  the  country  that  all 
negotiatiim  belween  this  Government  and  Great 
Britain,  on  the  (Iregoii  ipirslion,  is  at  an  end;  that 
the  last  proposition  of  the  American  negotiator 
has  been  willidrawn;  and  tliat  the  time  has  at 
length  arrived  when  our  rights  must  be  main- 
tained or  abandoned:  and  the  whole  subject  is  sub-  ; 
niitteil  to  the  final  action  of  Congress.  Responsive 
to,  and  in  compliance  with,  the  Executive  recom-  ■ 
mendiition,  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Allairs  hns 
reporied  to  the  House  the  joint  resolution  now 
under  consideration,  directing  the  President  of  the 
rrnitcd  Slates  to  give  the  necessary  notice  to  the 
Government  of  Gi*eat  Britain  for  the  termination 
of  the  convention  of  IflH,  in  conforniily  with  the 
provisions  and  stipulations  of  the  convention  it- 
self as  exiciided  and  continued  in  Ibrce  by  the 
treaty  of  1H:]7.  No  sooner  dues  this  proposition  ; 
make  its  appearance — a  prnposiiion,  in  my  hum- 
ble judgment,  with  reference  to  the  present  posi- 
tion of  the  relations  of  the  two  countries,  and  the 
peculiar  condition  of  the  territory  ill  coiitrtiversy, 
rielt'-evidcnt  in  its  policy  and  |iropriely — than  it  is 
met  by  a  storm  of  opposition;  ils  advocates  are 
denounced  as  the  war  party,  resolved  at  all  haz- 
ards, and  re'_Mrdless  of  consequences,  to  jirecipi- 
tale  the  country  into  an  unec|iial  and  disaslroiis 
conflict  wilh  the  great  niasler  I'ower  of  modern 
Ivirope.  Nay,  sir,  the  passage  of  ihis  resolution 
is  pronoiuK'iHl  a  dci'Iaration  of  war!  To  use  the 
language  of  an  honorable  member  from  Virginia, 
|.Mr.  Penui.i.tciv,]  it  is  war  not  oiilv  "  inevitable, 
but  ininieiliate."  True,  sir,  the  colleague  of  the 
hiiiioiable  gentleman  [Mr.  Bwi.vl  did  not  accord 
wilh  this  posiiion;  that  honorable  member  pro- 
nouncing i;  alisurd  to  .say  or  think  that  mere  no- 
lice,  of  itself,  wouhl  be  war  or  any  cause  of  war; 
lint  conteniliiig  (hat  llie  measures  with  which  it 
was  prop'iseil  to  iollow  up  the  notice  would  neces- 
sarily Ijring  alioiil  hostiliiies  belween  ihe  two  coun- 
tries. Hut  in  thai  posinon,  the  correctness  of 
which  1  am  no'  now  exaniiiung,  the  honoralile 
genlleiinin  dillered  from  all  who  preceded  or  li'i\e 
f'itlovv(-d  liiiii  io  this  debate  in  opposition  to  the 
measure  under  consideralioii. 

The  honorable  genileman  from  Alabama  [Mr. 
Y.\NrKv]  tussiinied  the  )n>sitioii,  that  the  treaty 
proposed  to  b(;  abrogated  was,  at  the  time  ol'  ils 
adoption,  avowedly  a  siibsiitule  tor  war;  and  that 
ils  repeal  now,  in  ihe  manner  proposed,  would  be 
Wiir  itself!  .Sir,  ihe  honorable  nieniber  is  wholly 
misiakiii  in  the  objecis  and  nature  of  the  nego- 
tiations which  pieci'iled  and  resiilied  in  the  treaty 
of  IHjH.  'riiiisi;  negotiations  were  undertaken, 
iiHl  for  the  purpitse  of  settling  the  Oregon  question, 
but  for  the  final  ilelerminalion  of  tin;  ndjouined 
qiicHtiuiis  lul\  open  and  unadjusted  at  the  treaty  of 


Ghent.  Among  those  nuestiona,  the  one  most 
difficult  of  satisfactory  adjustment,  the  most  em- 
barrassing to  the  two  Governments,  was  the  slave 
?|iicstinn,  alluded  to  by  the  honorable  gentleman 
i-om  Masaachusetia,  [Mr.  Adams,]  and  which 
was  afterwanla  conducted,  under  the  auspices  of 
that  gfentleman,  to  a  successful  termination.  Ano- 
ther, sir,  was  the  final  settlement  of  the  boundary 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  east 
of  the  Rocky  mountains.  During  those  negotia- 
tions. Great  Britain,  for  the  first  time,  uncovered 
her  pretensions  of  tille  on  the  northwest  coast, 
basing  them  upon  fabiilmis  voyages,  and  iqiim 
pretended  |iurcr.ases  from  Indian  chiefs  aontli  of  )■''"! 

the  Cidiimbia  river,  antecedent  to  the  American 
Revolution;  which  pretensions,  absurd  and  wholly 
nnfonnded  as  they  were,  she  afterwards,  in  the 
negotiation.i  of  Hid  and  18:37,  abandoned,  and 
placed  the  record  of  her  tille  in  the  provisions  of 
the  Nootka  Sound  convention,  so  ot'teii  alluded  to 
in  this  debate.  The  hononible  luember  from  .'\la- 
liania  [Mr.  Yajjcey)  can  therefore  find  no  foinnla- 
lion  for  his  posiiion  in  the  character  of  the  nego- 
tiations of  lfl|8.  I  am,  however,  sir,  siitticiently 
charitable  to  believe  that  the  Aniiricau  negolinlors, 
when  they  consented  lo  admit  the  article  in  ques- 
tion into  ihe  convention  of  IHlt)  in  relation  to  the 
Oregon  territory,  were  but  illy  informed  of  the 
extent  and  diameter  of  the  rights  they  were  en- 
dangering— of  the  empire  they  were  ])erilling,  if 
not  treating  away  !  That  nnforluiiate  article,  suf- 
fered to  creep  into  the  provisions  of  that  cotiven- 
tion,  is  the  fruitful  source  of  all  the  dilRciilties 
which,  for  the  last  thirty  years,  have  beset  the 
path  of  the  Oregcui,  and  seem  now,  in  the  opinion 
of  gentlemen,  about  to  endanger  the  peace  of  the 
world  !  But,  sir,  by  what  species  of  logic  the  pas- 
sage of  this  resolution,  which  will  at  once  relieve 
lis  from  this  treaty  incubus,  can  be  made  to  as- 
sume an  olfcnsive  character,  nay,  to  amount  to  a 
declaration  of  war  it-self,  1  am  at  a  loss  to  eoin- 
prcliend.  In  anticip.iticm  of  that  period  which  it 
was  presumed  would  sooner  or  later  arrive,  when 
the  provisions  of  the  treaty  might  no  longer  prove 
consistent  with  the  rights  and  inicrests  of  the  par- 
lies, the  convenlicm  itself  was  made  lo  provide  the 
means  of  its  own  deti'rmination.  How  then,  sir, 
can  the  mere  exercise  of  an  acknowledged  right, 
in  conformity  wilh  an  express  treaty  stipulation 
in  the  very  convention  we  propose  to  abrogate — 
the  coni|mct  itself — the  very  thing  and  for  the  very 
purpose  we  have  contracted, — how,  sir,  can  sucii 
a  plain,  ordinary,  iiieviliiblc,  and  anticipaleil  eveni, 
be  tortured  into  a  warlike  demoiislration  •  Hon- 
orable genlleinen  who  prinionuce  this  resolution  a 
declaration  of  war,  have  not  deigned  to  enlighten 
IIS  as  to  the  process  of  reasoning  by  which  ihey 
arrive  at  such  a  conviction.  Assuming  the  posi- 
tion as  an  ndniilted  t'aci,  every  opponent  of  the 
measure  has  siraighlway  iiroceedcd  to  amuse  him- 
self and  the  House  wilh  eloipient.  instructive,  and 
at  Ihe  same  time  pathelic,  lumiilies  upon  the  hor- 
rors of  war  anil  the  beauties  of  peace!  Sir,  is  the 
proposed  step  so  unusual  and  iinheard-of  in  the 
liislory  of  international  relaiions,  that  iheae  mighty 
t'onsequeuccs  should  necessarily  result  iVoni  its 
adiiption'  Why, sir,  in  IS'JI, we  entered  intoatreaty 
of  boundary  wilh  Russia,  by  which  we  delined  the 
limits  of  the  respective  possessionsof  the  two  conn- 
tries  upon  the  niirlhwesi  coast.  By  the  fourth  ar- 
ticl»  of  that  treaty,  the  right  to'fish  and  Irado 
ii|iini  the  interior  seas,  gulfs,  harbors,  and  creeks 
upon  that  coast,  was  reciprocally  reserved  t,i  the 
ve.s.sels,  citizens,  and  subjects  of  ihe  two  Powers, 
for  the  period  of  ten  years  from  the  dale  of  the 
treaty.  In  IMi'i,  (ireal  Britain  and  Russia  formc'd 
a  similar  treaty,  defining  and  settling  their  boinid- 
aric  s  upon  the  saiin^  coast,  in  which  a  similar  ar- 
ticle was  inserted.  Well,  sir,  what  was  the  result? 
At  the  expiration  of  the  ten  y  ars  Russia  noiified 
ihe  Governments  of  the  United   Siali's  anil  (Jreat  v 

Britain  thai  the  tri'sly  slipiilation  had  expired,  and  ♦ 

MTy  cavalierly  ordered  the  vessels  of  bolli  Pow- 
ers oil'  her  I'oast.  Xeillier  our  own  nor  the  Brit-  '^ 
ish  (■'overnmenl  iinderlonk  to  cmnplain,  nor  pre-  . 
tended  to  look  upon  this  sinnmary  proceeding  of  JT 
Ihe  Russian  Government  its  e\en  iincoiirteous,  ■■ 
imii'h  less  to  found  upon  it  gravi'  cause  of  olfence! 

Bui,  sir,  il  seems,  whin  (treat  Brilain  is  our  an-  ^    4 

tagnnist,  all  the  (n'dinar\'  rules  which  have  hereto-  » 

fore  governed   our  inU;rnalional   inlercourse  with  isf 

foreign  Govcrmnenta,  lose  Iheirnpplicntimi.     We 


■I 


V*"' 


1 846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


907 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Tlie  Oregon  Qiiestion — Mr.Hoge. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


r  till'  vrrv 

omi  siii'ii 

Iril  I'vcnt, 

11-     11(111- 

■rsiilillinll  11 

iliu'liti-ii 

liiili  llicy 

the  piisl- 

eiit  di'  llif 

mimsi'  liiiii- 

iK'tivr,  luul 

II    lllP  linr- 

Sir,  is  till! 

(l-of  ill  tlin 

esc  mighty 

It  iVi'iii    its 

itoatrciity 

Icliiii'd  tlin 

tWOCIlllll- 

fiiiirtli  iir- 
1111(1  tntde 
1111(1  crecka 
(1  t,i  llir 
I'dwrrs, 
hue  dl'  till- 
>in  fdnucil 
.  ir  lidiiiiil- 
siiiiilar  iir- 

lilC  ll'Slllt? 

nIm  iidtified 

1111(1  tjri'iit 

xiiiri'il,  1111(1 

Idlll     I'dVV- 

r  till'  Itiii- 
I,  iKir  prf- 
iccTiJin!?  dt' 
icdiirtrdiis, 
df  dlloiicc  ! 
I  is  diir  rtii- 
nr  liinld- 

lUVSd    Willi 

liiiii.     We 


dare  nut  even  move  in  the  peaceful  prosecution  of 
our  iidinitted  rights — by  a  mode  too,  sir,  guaran- 
tied to  ti8  hy  solemn  treaty  slipulmions;  but  we 
me  to  be  frif;htened  from  our  propriety  with  ni- 
niors  of  horrid  war!  Sir,  are  we  prepared  to  re- 
pudiate that  golden  rule  of  the  Republic — the  only 
safe  guide  in  the  management  of  durrclations  with 
foreign  Powers — "  To  do  nothing  but  what  is  right, 
til  sillier  nothing  tliul  is  wroii^  ■"  What  man,  sir, 
has  forgotten  that  voice  which,  ringing  trumpct- 
idiied,  thrilled  every  heart  throughout  the  land, 
aiiiidiincing  that  France  had  failed  to  comply  with 
her  treaty  stipiilatidii,  and  refused  to  satisfy  the 
just  demands  of  the  nation  .'  Sir,  did  we  hesitate 
or  falter  then  in  the  assertion  of  the  nation's  rights  ? 
No,  sir.  We  voted  ten  millions  to  sustain  the  Kx- 
ecutive  declaration,  and  that,  too,  against  a  Pdwer 
second  to  none  in  Eurdjie.  The  iron-hiniud  old 
man  who  then  guided  llie  helm  of  this  Kipublic, 
II'  vcr  slopped  to  iiiciuire  into  expediency — to  spec- 
ulate upon  conseriiiciices — to  tremble  at  imaginary 
dangers.  With  him,  sir,  to  be  resolved  of  the  right 
ofa  question,  was  to  be  resolved  of  it.s  expediency. 
But  no  war  followed.  Well,  .sir,  Na|)le.s  failed  to 
liquidate  the  indemnities  she  had  agreed  to  pay. 
J  low  did  we  negotiate  with  her,'  We  sent  an 
American  frigate  into  her  bay,  and  we  talked  to 
her  from  itsguii-deck.  liut  no  war  followed.  Sir, 
what  tone  did  we  assume  towards  Siiain — Old 
Spain,  grand  even  in  her  decay,  magnincent  even 
in  her  ruins?  Did  we  crouch  and  tremble  then.' 
Sir,  we  resolved  to  \i\k<:  military  possession  of  the 
Kloridas;  we  voted  millions  of  the  public  moneys; 
we  placed  the  military  and  naval  power  of  the 
country  at  the  di.sposal  of  the  Kxecutivc,  to  follow 
up  aiKl  sustain  the  nation's  rights.  But  no  war 
followed.  Surely,  sir,  I  need  not  pause  to  remind  | 
tlie  House  of  our  position  in  the  Mexican  difKcul- 
lies.  No  black  spectre  of  war  could  then  all'right 
lis,  or  for  a  moment  deter  or  impede  our  action  ii. 
what  we  deemed  the  legitimate  prosecution  of  our 
sovereign  rights.  Sir,  we  laughed  to  scorn  the  very 
idea  of  a  Mexican  war.  But,  sir,  the  question  is 
not  now  with  Mexico;  we  arc  called  upon  to  act 
with  reference  to  that  same  Power,  which,  from 
the  commencement  of  our  national  career,  has 
iiroved  herself  our  most  inveterate  foe!  Ah,  sir, 
now  changed  our  attitude !  How  fallen  our  spirit ! 
We  are  admonished  to  pause,  to  count  the  conse- 
(|ueiices,  to  look  ahead,  before  we  dare  as.sert  the 
riulilsdfour|icople, — admitted,  cmiveiitional  rights. 
We  are  reminded  of  the  vast  power  of  England, 
and  ailmoiilshed  of  the  danger  w'e  incur.  Pa-aiis 
are  sung  to  British  prowes.s  and  British  glory.  Her 
immense  strength,  her  numerous  lleets  and  armies, 
lire  paraded  bet'dre  the  House  and  the  country,  ex- 
aggerated, painted  in  the  most  terrible  colors; 
whilst  our  own  weakness,  our  want  of  preparation, 
our  unarmed  and  defenceless  state,  is  dwell  upon 
and  enforced  with  all  the  eloquence  ofi<alriolicfiar! 
.Sir,  the  honoralile  member  from  Alabama  [.Mr. 
Y.txcKv]  exhaiLsted  him.self  in  this  crusade  of  the 
aianiiists.  The  hdiidralile  genlleniairs  imagina- 
tion, confessedly  brilliant,  seemed  to  task  itself  in 
predi. 'lions  of  inevitable  defeat  to  the  American 
arms,  in  a  cau.se  adiiilited  to  be  just.  I  know 
not  if  that  honorable  menibei  has  iipon  this  oi-ca- 
sidii  niade  his  fust  essay  in  the  art  of  viuicination; 
but,  sir,  1  must  lie  permitted  to  say  it  was,  at  least, 
an  ill  exerci.se  of  his  pi-diilietic  ]id\vers,  to  employ 
them  in  auguries  of  defeat  and  dislioiior  to  the 
cause  df  his  native  land.  But,  sir,  like  iiidsl  pro- 
phets, the  honorable  geiitleuian  had  no  faith  in  his 
own  predictions;  fur,  before  he  closed  his  speech, 
so  alarming  in  its  commeiiceineiit,  the  honorable 
mei  ib(!r  had  foigotten  his  evil  auguries,  and  de- 
li;;lileil  the  House  with  the  poetic  glories  hereafter 
to  erowii  American  prowess,  in  a  contest  to  ensue 
from  the  prdseeiiiioii  of  the  very  measures  of  which 
he  avowed  himselfaii  advocate. 

I  do  not  intend,  sir,  to  be  understood  as  im- 
pe;i(liing  the  patriotism  df  the  Sdiilli.  I  deny—- 
altlidugh  the  speeches  of  .'..ime  of  her  Ucpreseiil- 
atives  would  seem  to  inilieate  it — that  there  is  any 
dill'ei-cnce  iif  dpiiiiiili  iir  of  feeling  between  the 
Soiilli  and  the  West,  or  the  North,  on  this  great 
Anierican  ipiestion.  Sir,  I  believe  that  in  the 
vvhoh^  South — nay,  even  in  Souili  Carolina  her- 
self— the  nias.ses  of  the  people  are  with  us  and  with 
tluM'dUntry  on  this  Oregon  i|uestion.  Poliliciaiis, 
sir,  may  doubt;  but  when  the  integrity  of  the 
naliuiial  soil  ia  the  point  at  issue,  there  cult  bu  no 


differcnceof  opinion  with  the  people.   I  distinguish 
between  great  southern  polUiciana  and  the  South.  I 
The  people  are  always  right  upon  great  American  1 
questions.  I 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  admire  the  consistency 
of  these  honorable  gentlemen,  who  insist  that  the  . 
passage  of  this  resolution  is  a  war  measure,  neces-  | 
sarily  tending  to  involve  the  two  countries  in  col-  1 
lision;  and  yet,  strange  as  it  may  appear,  avow  ' 
themselves  the  advocates  of  the  only  measures  I 
which  can,  by  po.ssibility,  result  in  a  difficulty;  i 
the  very  measures  in  which  the  honorable  gentle- 
man from  Virginia  [Mr.  Bayi.v]  tells  you  will 
alone  consist  the  oflence  to  Great  BriUiin,  from 
the  consummation  of  which,  war  between  the  two 
countries  must  inevitably  ensue.  The  honorable 
gentleman  from  Alabama,  [Mr.  Yancey,]  and,  I 
believe,  every  honorable  member  who  has  sjiokeii 
upon  that  side  of  the  r|uestion,  announced  to  the 
House  their  readiness  to  vote  for  propositions  to 
build  forts  and  blockhouses;  to  extend  your  laws 
and  erect  a  Territorial  Government  over  the  ic/io/e 
of  Oregon;  to  send  the  military  power  of  the  Gov- 
ernment to  take  possession,  ay,  sir,  exchtsivc  pos- 
scssiiui,  of  the  «'/io/f  territory.  All  this,  sir,  by 
these  anti- war  gentlemen — these  peace  gentlemen. 
They  denounce  the  pa.s.sagc  of  the  resolution  as 
war  itself,  iminediate  war;  and  in  the  next  breath 
profess  themselves  willing  and  anxious  to  take 
the  I'xcltisire,  mililarij  possetsion  of  the  whole 
country;  a  measure  which  would  inevitably  re- 
sult in  war,  according  to  the  argument  of  the  hon- 
orable member  from  Virginia,  [Mr.  Bayi.y,)  and 
for  which  he  declared  he  would  vote  himself,  if 
the  notice  should  be  given.  Sir,  are  these  honor- 
able gentlemen  sincere  in  this  course.'  Do  they 
really  seek  to  secure  the  objects  whicli  they  profess 
to  desire.'  Do  they  not  know,  or  have  they  over- 
looked the  fact,  that  every  Oregon  bill  which  has 
ever  yet  been  introduced — bills  proposing  the  very 
measures  which  they  now  avow  their  readiness  to 
support — have  been  resisted  and  defeated?  How, 
sir.'  Be(uiuse  it  was  said  that  they  were  in  viola- 
tion of  the  stipulations  of  this  convention.  And 
these  gentlemen,  who  now  lell  us  that  they  will 
;  vote  against  this  resolution,  Imt  will  go  for  the 
'  other  measures,  tell  us — what,  sir?  They  tell  us 
to  stand  still — to  do  nothing  on  this  question. 
Sir,  I  hold  in  my  hand  the  record  of  the  debates 
of  1839  upon  the  Oregon  bill  then  pending  in  this 
House,  and  proposing,  in  eflect,  the  same  meas- 
ures for  which  these  gentlemen  are  now  ready  to 
vote.  In  this  record  appears  the  speech  of  Air. 
Polk,  then  a  member  from  the  State  of  Tennessee, 
and  his  vote  Ujion  that  bill ;  in  vi'hich  he  look  the 
ground  that  no  such  measures  could  he  adopted 
by  this  Government  while  the  treaty  remained  in 
force;  that  the  stipulations  of  that  treaty  were 
binding  upon  us;  and  that  we  could  lake  no  step 
looking  towards  the  exclusive  pos.session  of  the 
Oregon,  until  the  treaty  was  terminated  by  notice, 
in  cdiifdi'inity  with  its  provisions.  Geiitlenicn, 
then,  who  are  willing  to  vote  for  such  measiin-s 
yet  refuse  to  give  the  notice  which  the  President 
rec.omineiids  as  a  condition  precedent  to  all  of 
thein,  tell  us,  in  ell'ect,  that  we  are  to  remain  on 
this  question  just  where  we  have  been  for  the  last 
thirty  year.s — standing  still,  and  taking  no  step 
whatever.  If  the  President  entertains  now  the 
opinions  which  he  entertained  in  ]f'2i),  and  we 
refuse  to  give  this  notice,  while,  at  the  saiiii!  time, 
we  pass  bills  organi/.iiig  a  Territorial  Government 
over  Oregon,  for  building  furls,  and  sending  our 
military  power  into  the  country,  iireparatory  to  i's 
exclusive  possession,  the  Presidenl  is  bound  to 
veto  them,  or  he  must  abandon  every  position 
which  he  has  heieldfore  occupied  on  this  i|iiestion. 
Sir,  I  do  not  myself  believe  such  to  be  the  true 
construction  of  the  coiivenlion  of  1HI8.  I  hidk 
upon  that  treaty  not  as  one  of  iin;iii.si/i»ii,  but  of 
rinicession .  We  gained  no  rights  and  we  liisl  none 
by  that  treaty.  We  yielded  not  one  particle, 
nay,  we  expressly  ri'fusrii  to  yield  one  particle,  of 
the  right  of , wi'frf iff ii/i/.  We  granted  Great  Britain 
the  cff.sTiHffi(  of  trading  over,  of  using  oiir  territory 
in  common  with  ourselves.  We  had  the  riilit  be- 
fore the  treaty  to  build  forts,  to  take  measures  to 
secure  the  possession  of  our  own  territory,  and  we 
have  that  right  still;  subject  mily  to  the  riirlit  of 
trade,  to  the  right  of  iiavigiition,  to  the  commercial 
privileires  which  we  have  by  the  treaty  grained  to 
'  Great  liritain  in  common  with  uur  own  citizens,  ■ 


and  which  she  before  enjoyed  by  our  silent  acqiii- 
cs  )nce.  The  most  stringent,  the  most  unfiivor- 
able  construction  of  the  treaty  would  merely  limit 
our  right  of  settlement  to  those  portions  of  the  ter- 
ritory not  already  aetuaUy  occiipieil.  This,  sir,  I 
conceive  to  be  the  true  construction  of  the  conven- 
tion of  1818.  It  was  its  admitted  construction  du- 
ring the  negotiations  of  1826.  Mr.  Gallatin  states, 
in  one  of  his  despatches  to  this  Government  of  that 
year,  that  the  British  Mini.4ter  did  not  deny  the 
right  of  the  American  Government  to  build  fmts, 
to  extend  her  laws  over  the  country,  and  to  do 
every  act  of  ownership  short  of  taking  the  exclu- 
sive military  ])Osscssion  of  the  mouth  of  the  Co- 
lumbia river.  Her  own  acts  since  the  date  of  tin; 
convention  cut  her  ofT  from  disputinir  the  sou  d- 
iicss  of  this  position.  Sir,  in  my  jiiilgmeiit,  with 
or  without  the  notice,  we  have  the  iiiidoubled  right 
to  take  all  the  measures  recmiimended  by  the  Pres- 
ident; we  have  the  right  to  give  the  notice,  be- 
cause we  have  bmsauined  for  it;  we  have  the  right 
to  extend  our  laws  and  the  juri.sdiction  of  our 
courts  over  the  country,  to  build  forts,  and  send 
our  troops  to  occupy  them,  for  the  protection  and 
defence  of  our  people,  not  only  because  the  treatv 
does  not  contravene  that  right,  but  because  our  ad- 
versary has  already  done  the  .same  thing,  and  thereby 
concluded  herself  from  objecting  to  our  following 
the  example  she  has  herself  given  us.  Does  any 
man  pretend  to  .say  that  the  passage  of  this  resu- 
lutioii  would  give  ji(.?f  cause  of  oflence?  Does  any 
man  pretend  to  intimate  that  if  this  notice  should 
be  given  from  the  other  side,  we  should  have  any 
right  to  complain?  No,  sir.  Gentlemen  admit  that 
the  measure  is  right  in  it.self;  that  we  arc  liable  to 
no  just  complaint  if  we  should  do  the  very  thing 
Great  Britain  has  agreed  we  ii  ighl  do,  and  which 
she  can  at  any  time  do  herself,  vitluuit  the  slight- 
est ollence  to'  us.  And  yet,  sir,  notwithstanding 
all  this,  we  arc  called  upon  to  abandon  the  national 
rights  and  leave  our  people  unprolectcd,  lest  Great 
Britain  should  make  a  confessedly  unjust  and 
causeless  and  outrageous  war  iqion  us! 

When,  and  where,  and  in  what,  is  this  tem|ior- 
izing  and  cowardly  policy  to  end  ?  Sir,  I  look 
upon  the  passage  of  this  resnhitioM  not  only  an 
having  no  tendency  whatever  to  enilu-oil  the  two 
countries,  or  disturb  the  peace  of  the  world,  but 
as  the  measure  most  eminently  calculated  to  bring 
this  Oregon  dispute  to  a  final  and  a  successful 
termination.  How  much  longer  do  gentlemen 
propo.sc  we  sliall  sit  .still,  listening  to  the  siren 
song  of  negotiation,  which  for  the  last  thirty 
years  has  been  lulling  our  .senses  and  blinding  our 
ludgnient.s?  Sir,  it  is  my  delilieraic  convictidii, 
that  .so  long  as  this  convention  remains  in  lorce, 
negotiation  will  nex-cr  end,  and  this  (|iiestion  never 
be  settled.  Upon  the  part  of  one  of  the  coiUracl- 
ing  parlies,  there  is  not  only  no  inducement  to 
terminate  it,  but  it  is  her  manifest  interest  to 
keep  the  question  forever  open.  Under  a  con- 
vention falsely  called  join/,  (rreat  Brilain  has  in- 
sidiuisly  obtained  the  exrhisire  possession  of  the 
jc/io/f  di'  Oregon.  Under  a  jeiiil  right  of  trade,  by 
llie  operations  of  an  immense  mval  corpdration, 
she  has  driven  you  from  the  field,  and  nniiidpd- 
liziul  the  whole  conuiieree  of  the  country.  Your 
possession  nominal — your  rights  but  existing 
upon  paper — the  title  of  your  adversary  grow  iii'g 
up  and  maturing  by  your  very  admissions,  by  the 
very  privileges  wdieh,  with  unpardoniible  follv, 
you  have  granted  her,  so  that,  already,  in  tfio 
opinion  of  the  honorable  member  from  Massa- 
chusetts, [Mr.  WivTiiUdP,]  the  qncslion  has  re- 
duced itsi  If  to  one  of  mere  line  of  boundimj — 
what  hiipe  is  there  that  she  will  ever  end  a  iie- 
gdliation  which  but  strenjlhens  her  claim  while 
It  weakens  ours !  She  asks  nothing  better  than 
the  continuance  of  this  CdiivenlidU.  In  ten  years 
more  iif  this  jiirtnitled  joint  ecni/KiHri/,  she  will 
irresistibly  plant  you  south  of  the  Cohiiubia!  Sir, 
our  very  oflers  of  eompniinise  have  become  muni- 
ments of  title  !  She  commenced  by  claiming  no 
exclusive  doniiiiion:  a  mere  right  to  trade  and  set- 
tle an  unoeoupied  Icrritiny; — she  has  ended  by 
demanding  near  two-thirds  the  whole  by  way  iif 
cnmi>i'otui^e  '■ — declaring  that  the  valuable  British 
interests  and  Briiish  establislimciits,  which  have 
grown  up  by  our  jiennissinit,  demand  and  shall 
receive  the  prdtectioii  of  the  British  Gdvernmeiit ! 

Sir,  if  we  bring  not  this  dispute  to  a  speedy  ler- 
minatioii,  wu  shall  have  nothing  left  to  negotiate 


1 


t  I 


I  ^ 


•    if 


908 


APPENDIX  to  THE  CONOttfcSSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Hoge. 


[Jan.  30, 
Ho.  OF  Rkps. 


■i'^ 


tu 


:     H 


or  fifflit  hIiihiI.  Whni  will  tlic  lime  for  nction 
nirivc?  We  lutcnipt  to  orpinizc  ft  tnriloriiil  gov- 
eiiiinenl  over  the  Ore;ron,  ami  we  nre  lolil  thnl  we 
nrc  violatiii!;  tlie  niilioiml  fiiitli,  pledged  in  solemn 
trciiiy  !  Well,  sir,  we  attempt  to  lerniinulc  that  j 
treaty  l)y  availing  ourselves  of  its  own  |)rovisioiis, 
and  we  arc  told  that  our  notice  is  a  declaration  of 
war!  Gentlemen  say  that  we  nre  weak!  we  are 
unprepared  to  assert  our  rights!  AVnit  a  more 
propitious  time!  Sir,  when  shall  we  lie  stronger? 
Whin  shall  wo  lie  lietter  prepared  ?  The  '■  battle  is 
not  to  the  strong  alone,  nor  tlie  race  to  the  swift  1"  | 

Sir,  armies  and  (leeis  are  not  the  preparation  of  a 
rteimlilic  1  I  want  no  other  preparation  for  war  in 
this  republican  Government  than  tile  preparation  ; 
of  the /ifiirl .'  Winn  great  na'ional  interests  are 
nt  stake,  when  the  iialional  honor  and  the  national 
soil  is  in  question,  the  American  people  are  ithciitis 
prepared.  A  iVcc  Government  can  sal'ely  have  no 
other  preoaration.  I 

Ibii,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  look  n|ion  this  war  ery 
which  has  liei'ii  rin^iiiL'  in  oiu'  ears  for  the  last 
four  weeks  as  pure  !iumbu;r.  We  are  not  to  be 
driven  from  the  niainleuance  of  our  riirhts  by  the 
mere  lineal  of  war.  I  do  not  believe  that  the 
great  issues  of  peace  and  of  war  hang  upon  the 
file  of  thi.-!  resiilution.  .Sir,  at  leni;lh  we  are  free 
from  the  shackles  of  iiegotiaiioir.  and  the  .Vmcrican 
Goverminvit  has  annonncrd  that  the  time  had  at  ■ 
last  arrived  when  <iiir  riirhis  must  be  maintained 
or  aliandoued.  That  issue  Inid  been  presented  to 
the  American  people;  it  bad  travelled  across  the 
Atlantic,  nod  spread  itself  before  the  British  pub- 
lic. The  first  relurninir  echo,  sir,  has  reached  us 
across  the  L'l'eat  deep.  I  hold  in  my  hand  an  i'\- 
tract  from  llic  Cfiiardinn,  a  commercial  paper  of 
hi;;h  si.inilinu',  |mllisbcd  in  Englund,  from  which  i 
1  rem!  the  followinir  passages; 

'•Tlie  rei'cnnmciidaiion  to  extend  .\nierienn  jn-  I 

*  risdi'-tion  over  Aiiuricau  citizens  iii  t~)rei:on,  is 
'  one  to  wliii  h  no  re:iso!ialile  olijeclion  can  be  made 
'  by  the  I'riti.sli  Government." 

And  airain,  sir:  "  With  respect  to  the  notice  for 
'  terminalinu'  the  joint  occupancy  of  OreL'on,  we  iire 
'  not  sure  lint  I'resiileni  I'olk  mav  not  receive  it 
'  from  the  Eugli.-^li  (Jovi  rnineiu  before  lie  can  pop-  ' 
'  sibly  be  ill  a  condition  to  ^ive  it  himself.  Tul 
'  whether  given  by  the  one  side  or  the  other,  we  do 
'  not  conceive  tliat  it  will  add  materially,  if  at  all, 
'  to  (be  chance  of  a  ho  ''le  collision.  It  has  been 
'obvious  enough  for   some  lime  past,  that  unless 

*  the  (piestion  I'Jtn  be  amien'ily  settled  in  a  very 
'  short  period,  say  in  twelve  months  at  ilie  latest, 
'  li.'trdly  aiuthinir  can  ]n"event  war;  and,  therefore, 
*n  decisive  step  like  that  of  s^iviii;;  notice  tor  put- 

*  ting  an  end  lo  the  subsistiinr  a^rt-emeni,  is  rather 
'  favor,ibI._' than  otlierwise.  When  both  Govern- 
'  ments  know  that  the  aliernative  is  an  arraiiL''- 
'  ment  in  a  year,  or  war,  they  will  see  that  there  is 
'  no  lime  to  be  bist  in  useless  discn.ssiou,  anil  will 
'  prol  alily  bit  ii|)ou  sinie  compromise  to  which 
'  both  can  ac  eile." 

And  liow  h'ld  this  peaceful  intimation  been  foU 
lowid  up?  Why.  sir,  we  find  that  the  bitterest 
anti-American  ]iaprr  published  lieyond  the  ocean, 
the  Ijondon  Tinus,  the  aeknowledi:ed  oriran  of  ihe 
i'ritish  .Secretary  lor  Forei^'u  All'aira,  and,  at  the 
n  one  time,  the  most  virulent  libeller  of  .Vnnrican 
character,  openly,  and  at  oii.'e  reecmimends  the 
Kritish  (iovcrnment,  re^MrdJess  of  idl  obstai  les  of 
mere  eli(piettp,  lo  aeci  pt  the  proposition  made  by 
-Air.  Gallatin  in  I^O(i,  and  thin  rejected  by  that 
tiovernment;  a  reconimeiidation  to  aecepi,  fir  rath- 
er In  propose  to  us.  our  most  lavonible  oln  r — tlie 
4i)th  parallel,  wilh  the  free  navi^'ation  of  the  Co- 
lumbia river,  Vanconver's  Island,  and  the  harbor 
'f  .Si.  .Tiinn  de  I'licn,  as  a  prf/iiiiiinn  i/  oiler  wiili 
wheli  to  renew  thi'  ne^'oiialions  !  This,  sir,  is  the 
first  resuli  of  the  firm,  ileiermiiied,  and  dignified 
|iosiiion  of  ourtiovenimenton  this  cpie.- lion.  I.loes 
this  look  like  a  disposition  to  consider  the  pnssai^c 
of  ihis  resohiiioii  asade.hiriition  of  «ar?  .Surely, 
sir,  the  mild  and  peace, dile  lomplexion  of  the  lirlt- 
isli  press  oiujlit  lo  .vlloid  a  gr.Ueful  reliif  In  the 
leriori.-ls  of  ibis  lloiisc' ! 

Ibit,  sir,  tliesi:  homnable  gentlemen,  residved 
lo  see  noihiiiir  in  tliis  nuasure  but  war,  still  most 
eloquently  appeal  lo  our  feuir,  to  our  interesis, 
to  our  Christian  feelings!  Let  tlieni  for  u  ino- 
loeiit  loidi  to  the  other  side  of  the  picture:  Are 
llieie  no  inducements  bearing  upon  our  advcrs.i- 
ry — jlroii'^',    omiii|iiilent,    though    she    may    he —      In  aritig  aiiinr 


which  speak  loudly  for  peace?  Huh  she  no  inter- 
ests at  stake  ;  no  tears  to  delcr  lier  from  plunging; 
needlessly  and  recklessly  into  a  war,  Ihc  result 
of  which  no  human  foresight  can  foretell?  Sir, 
is  Great  Uritnin  prepared  for  war?  The  very  ele- 
ments which  gentlemen  dwell  upon  as  sustaining 
the  fabric  of  her  colossal  power,  I  look  upon  as 
the  elements  of  her  weakness  !  ller  hundred  colo- 
nie.s — her  strong  |ioints,  broadcast  uiion  every  sea 
and  upon  every  land — are  but  points  of  attack  to 
be  delended,  to  be  prolccled.  The  combined  nr- 
niies  and  navies  of  the  world  would  scarce  guard 
her  mighty  and  extended  empire.  This  vast  array 
of  power,  which  seemed  so  to  terrify  the  imagina- 
tion of  the  honorable  member  from  Virginia,  [.\1r. 
IluxTKR,]  is  but  the  array  of  her  weakness!  Sir, 
is  England  prepared  for  war?  Her  whole  social 
s)sieiii  heaving  with  the  throes  of  approaching 
moral  revolution;  the  sister  kingdom  upon  the  eve 
of  violent  outbreak,  and  waiting  but  the  signal, 
the  pretext  of  rebellion;  overwhelmed  with  an  un- 
paid and  unpayable  debt;  pushed  to  the  utmost 
verge  of  taxalion;  her  starving  population  sang- 
glilig  for  existence;  dependent  for  the  very  means 
io  put  in  motion  her  lleets  and  give  vitality  to  her 
armies:  who  can  tell  the  fate  of  England,  forced 
into  a  war  in  her  present  condition?  Sir,  I  know 
that  We  niiist  suJlV-r,  and  sull'er  greatly,  in  such  a 
lontcsi.  IJiil  11  would  lie  lliecheck  of  aday.  The 
resistless  energies  of  I  bis  young  nation  would  sjieed- 
ily  recover  from  the  shock,  lint  who,  sir,  shall  say 
that  with  Engl. Old  it  would  not  be  the  struggle  of 
national  existeice?  .She  will  hesitate  long — will 
yield  iiiiich — ral.'ier  than  hazard  the  issues  of  war. 
.Sir,  I  tell  the  bono.-able  member  from  South  (.'aroli- 
na  [Mr.  Uiiictt]  that  iiis  own  Stale,  and  her  sisters 
of  the  soutliern  portion  of  tliis  confederacy,  hold  in 
their  own  hands  the  great  Hioni/ffrrr  which  controls, 
more  than  all  other  causes,  the  peace  of  the  world  ! 
The  liritish  worksliop,  sir,  mans  the  IJrilish  licet, 
and  gives  lil'e  to  the  Kritisb  army.  Tliere  lies  the 
great  source,  the  citadel  of  her  power.  Cut  olV 
one  week's  supply  of  .'Vmerican  eoti, ;;,  and  you 
shake  llie  very  foundalion.s  of  the  liritisli  empire! 
No,  sir,  I  fear  no  war  with  England  on  this  Ore- 
gon question.  1  know  the  atlenijit  lo  compare  the 
strength  of  the  two  countries  and  speculate  upon 
the  results  of  such  a  contest  is  idle.  I  seek  neither 
lo  exaggerate  nor  detract  from  the  power  of  Great 
I'ritaiii.  I  neither  fear  her  prowess  nor  doubt  our 
own. 

l!ut,  sir,  while  idl  agree  that  our  title  is  in- 
dispuialile;  tli;it  our  rigiils  are  eh'ar  and  must  be 
maintained;  yet  it  is  insisted  that  our  measures 
are  not  calculated  to  sectire  the  ends  nil  iuive  in 
liew;  that  we  risk  our  own  objei'ls  by  rash  and 
imprudi  lit  counsels.  And  what  is  the  alternative 
honoralile  gentlemen  propose,  by  winch,  in  their 
juilgments,  we  may  easily  unci  with  certainty  ob- 
tain our  object?  Wait — sit  still— do  nolhiiig.  The 
silent  inipcieeptible  operalion  of  eniigratioii  will 
iiievitalily  secure  us  the  whole  of  Oregiai  vvithoui 
an  ell'ori  !  We  have  but  to  witbhold  all  legisla- 
tion, ;dl  action;  and  the  irresistible  course  of  tilings 
will  drive  the  Hrilish  hunter  and  trapper  before  the 
overwhelming  wave  of  Ann  rican  scLtiemenl.  Sir^ 
while  sustaining  this  position,  tlic'  hoiioiable  nieni- 
ber  iVom  Alabama  [.\li.  VAXtKv)  seemed  to  luxu- 
riate ill  the  prospcci  of  obtaining  the  whole  of 
Oregon  witliont  a  light,  by  the  pleasant  and  a;;ree- 
abli^  mode  alluded  to  by  iIm^  lioiioriible  chainnan 
of  the  (^oinniitlee  on  l''oieigii  Alfairs,  (.Mr.  kcKii- 
boi.i..j  'I'liis  is  certainly  the  most  exiraoriliimry 
position  which  has  been  assumed  in  this  deliale. 
A\'liat,sir!  that  Great  lirilain  will  ipiidly  sit  still, 
with  fohbd  arms,  and  permit  us  gradually  and  iin- 
perceplibly  to  sleal  from  her  tluil  very  territory  to 
olj|.oii  wliicli  she  has  for  iicire  iban  forty  yeais 
exh.iusnd  every  etl'ort  of  the  most  cnnsnmiic'ie  di- 
plotii.icy — e\ery  art  of  force,  of  lV:iud,  and  of  per- 
.suasion  !  Sir,  the  scheme  is  stamped  with  t'attiity 
on  it.i  very  face, 

'J'liis  curious  position,  upon  v.  hi' h  honorable 
t;i mil  nil  11  dwell  with  so  iiiiich  self  gratulalion, 
would  seiin  lo  have  its  ori^'iii  in  tin  argiimeiil  of 
an  lioiiur;ible  and  disimgitisiiiil  .Si  iiator  from  the 
.Slate  of  .Mas.sacbu.selts,  [.Mr.  CiuiAff,,]  who,  in 
the  otiii.r  end  of  this  Cipilol,  upon  u  former  ocea- 
^iioll,  so  eloquently  eoiiteiided  til. it  Great  Ibitain 
did  not  desire  tJngoii  for  any  other  purpose  than 
as  a  mere  liniiliii:;  ground;   and  that  as  the  fur 


lU   I 


i-caili'-   eli 


I  and  trappers  of  her  Hudson  V.ny  Company  would 
I  retire  with  the  ^jame  towarils  the  North  Pole,  and 
j  leave  us  in  the  quiet  and  peaceful  possession  of  the 
eounlry.    Unhappily,  sir,  all  this  wa.s  Inita  bcanli- 
fiil  picture  of  the  imagination.     To  indulge  in  such 
:  anticipations,  and  to  net  upon  them,  would  be  to 
shut  our  eyes  to  the  force  of  facts,  lo  all  hisiory 
and  experience  of  the  operations  of  the  liritish 
Government.     In  my  judgmeni,  sir,  such  n  policy 
amounts  lo  nothing  more  nor  less  than  the  volun- 
tary surrender  forever  of  all  claim  lo  ihe  territory 
,  north  of  Ihe  Columbia  river;  siripjied  of  all  ro- 
mance and  rhetorical  flourish,  the  proposition,  in 
Ihe  end,  amounts  to  nothing  else. 

Mr.  Chairman,  conlinne  this  falsely  called  con- 
,  venlion  of  joint  ocenpnncy  in  operittiou  another 
term  of  ten  years,  and  we  shall  not  gel  the  4!)th 
IKirallel  of  tile  honorable  member  from  Virginia, 
(.Mr.  Havi.v,]  nor  yet  the  4!);  of  the  honorable 
gentleman  from  Indiana  |Mr.  Oni;N.|  No,  sir; 
1  your  boundary  will  be  the  line  of  the  Columbia 
'  river.  It  is  the  inevitable,  the  irresistible  result  of 
such  a  policy  !  Let  us  look  for  a  moment  at  the 
real  eondilion  of  iliiims.  Under  the  cloak  and 
ihrongh  the  medium  of  her  instrument,  a  mnm- 
iiioth  eorpor.ilioii  clothed  wilh  sovereign  powers — 
the  East  India  Company  of  the  New  World — 
Great  lirilain  has  taken  the  exclusive  possession 
of  the  Oregon  terrilory.  True  to  the  desi^nis  of 
ller  far-seeing  policy,  she  has  planted  ller  slrong 
holds  within  two  liundred  miles  of  the  great  soutu 
pass  of  the  llocKy  mountains.  But  she  does  it, 
sir,  with  Ihe  intention  of  making  a  merit  of  llin 
surrender  by  way  of  coia/iroijiisc  of  the  country 
s<iiilli  of  the  Columbia  river!  Did  she  not  tell  yon 
in  1H:2(),  when  she  proposed  .siic/i  ((coiapremi.'JC,  that 
you  had  not  a  single  .\nierican  setiler  north  of  that 
river?  Sir,  I  read  from  her  statement  made  to  ihrj 
Americtni  MinisterduriiiL'"  the  iieuolialions  of  l^'^G: 
"Great  lirilain,  on  her  iiarl,  oilers  lo  make  llio 

*  river  the  boundary;  each  eomitry  retaining  the 
'  bank  of  llie  river  contiguous  to  its  own  tcrritorie.'', 
'and  the  navigation  of  it  remaining  forever  free, 
'and  upon  a  fooling  of  perfect  equiility  to  both 
'  nations.     To  carry  into  ellect  thi.    projiosal,  on 

•  onr  )Kirl,  (.ireal  Britain  would  have  to  give  up 
'  posts  and  settlements  south  of  the  Columbia;  on 
'  the  part  of  the  United  Staie.i,  tlii'ie  could  be  no 
'  rerijirocttl  withilrawing  from  acliuil  iTeiipution,  an 

*  llien-  h  ne/,  and  inrcc  lias  /icfii,  a  Miig/t  .'Inicncan 
'  ci/i:tii  sellle<l  narlh  rfllir  Cnliimbia." 

Sir,  that  which  was  i!ie  fact  in  IfJ-JC  Great  Brit- 
ain has  taken  very  good  care  shall  continne  to  be 
the  fact  in  IHIC.  To  this  dav  we  have  not  a  sin- 
gle American  eili/.en  north  of  the  (!olunibia  river. 
When  the  honorable  ineinber  from  Indiana  [Mr. 
.  OwKx]  slated  the  fad,  that  the  liritish  company,  in 
,  their  anxiety  lo  prevent  American  selllement  on 
the  norlli  bank  of  ibe  Columbia,  li.ad  even  resorted 
lo  purchase  for  the  object,  llie  honorable  member 
from  .South  Carolina  |.\lr.  Uiiktt)  .si  enied  lo  think 
it  a  very  iileasaiit  and  advantageous  mode  of  set- 
tling the  ditliciilty  on  our  part. 
The  genilemaii  IVom  Indiana  might  have  instanced 
other  and  far  dilb  rent  methods,  resorted  to  by  the 
au'i  Ills  of  the  Brilish  Governnicnt,  to  ellect  their 
purpose  of  d(  lerriiig  .Xnierican  emigration  from  tho 
norlheni  bank  of  the  Columbia.  .\n  honorable 
and  di:ain;;nislicd  Si  nalor  [Or.  Lixs]  from  .Mis- 
souri, now  no  more,  v\  hose  ellorts  in  the  cause  of 
Oregon  have  eiiih  an  d  bis  inemory  to  the  North- 
west, .<laled  from  his  place  in  the  Senate,  during 
the  debate  of  11^4;),  that  up  to  \!*-l\)  more  than  fm 
liumlriiUhm  rican  stillirs  had  hem  ^hiinhn  Urilhh  In- 
dinus,  trciiri/ig  lirilixh  hlant.'els  and  ciini/iiig  liritisk 
inaxlieh:  and  llial  Ihe  xmrl;  cf  death  teas  itill  giiins' '  ii 
aiinualhi!  That  slaieniiiil  lias  nil  er  been  coiiira- 
dic ird.  Will  llie  biiiioral.le  member  from  Soiiih 
C.iiohna  also  look  ii|ioii  ibis  as  a  pleasani,  a;;ree- 
al'le,anil  iidvaiilat,'cous  proci  s.^  of  iheckiie.'  Anieri- 
I'lin  emigration  ?  Well,  sir,  the  Uniti  d  Slates  hav- 
ing refn.sitd  toacM-de  lo  ibis  propo.sal,  which.  Great 
Britain  n  lis  us,  in  ihe  s.uiie  doriinicnl  lo  which  I 
have  referred,  w.is  "a  sarrijice  li  inh  red  in  the 
'  spirit  of  aci  oniniodalion,  and  for  the  sake  of  a 
'  final  adjustineiit  of  all  dilli  reiices,"  she  proceed.^ 
lo  tell  ns'lhai  her  ollir  of  compromise  was  "  not 

•  lo  be  considered  as  in  any  di  i^ree  recognising  a 
'  claim  upon  the  part  of  the  Uiuti  d  SlaO  s,  or  as  at 
'  all  iinpiiiring  her  existing  riglils  ovi  r  the  terrilory 
'  in  qiiesiioii;"  mid  thill  it  oiilv  ieiii;iiiied  for  Great 

haiistiil,   ihe  hunleiH      lirilain  lo  maintnm  nml   iipbold  ber  rights,  winch 


|Jaii.  .30, 
OF  Kkps. 

'oniniiny  would 
Jiirlli  Pull',  iiml 
(isscssioii  of  the 
,a3  I'Uta  lH3iuili- 

imliili;t'  ill  surh 
111,  would  lie  to 
i,  lo  nil  liistory 

of  till',  lii-ilisli 
ir,  such  n  \w\\i:y 

iliiiii  lliR  viiliin- 

to  tile  terrilory 
|ipeil  of  nil  ro- 

liro|iositioii,  in 

Isrly  mlled  coii- 
lemtioii  luuitliri* 
lot  got  the'  .lllih 
'  from  \'irg:iiiiii, 
r  lilt'  lioiiiimlile 
\t;N'.|  No,  sir; 
if  till-  Colninliia 
iisiilili!  result  of 

nioiiieiit  lit  the. 

(lie  I'liKiU  mid 
•iiiiK'hl,  II  iiiaiii- 
nrei:;ii  powers — 

New  World — 
isive  jtossessioii 

tlie  (IcsiL'iis  of 
iitcd  her  slroiij; 
"ilie  ijrciit  south 
Jilt  she  does  it, 

a   merit  of  tim 

of  the  eoiintry 
she  not  tell  you 
rojiiyji'eiviisi',  tliat 
ller  north  of  ihat 
lent  made  to  the 
ilialionsof  18xiG: 
i'ls  lo  make  the 
ry  retaiiiin;;!;  the 
1  own  territories, 
n?  forever  free, 
niiiivlily  to  both 
li,  iiroposal,  on 
have  to  n;ive  up 
e  Colnniliia;  oil 
ire  could  be  no 

I  iicciipation,  an 
iiglv  ,'linerican 


■JGCircal  Brit- 
ntimie  to  be 
ive  Ufit  a  sin- 
liimliia  river. 
Indiana  [Mr. 
1  ciinipiiny,  in 
setllement  on 
even  resorted 

iraMe  inemher 
nied  to  think 

.s  mode  of  set- 


inve  instnneed 
rted  to  by  the 
to  ell'ert  their 
ration  from  the 
An  lionorable. 
Nsl  from  Mis- 
1  the  cause  of 
to  the  North- 
^.  Mate,  durin-j^ 
niiire  than  fire 
n  Inj  llrithh  tii- 
lo-ii/iiis:  ISiitisli. 

I'een  eoiitra- 

I-  fioni  South 

asant,  niiree- 

i-Kin'_'  .\meri- 

I  d  Slates  hav- 

\\  hit'h,  Great 

I  111  lo  whii'h  I 

nit  red    in    the 

the   sake  ot'  a 

'  .^he  proeeeils 

ni.-^e  was  "  Hot 

rei'ojrnisinir  a 

latt  H,  or  as  III 

r  the  territory 

neil  for  Cireat 

ri'ihl.",  winrli 


184G.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


S09 


29th  Cong 1st  Sbss. 


The  Oregon  Question — jMr,  Kennedy. 


New  Series No.  14. 


■ 


she  lind  peiie.eably  exercised  for  a  period  of  nenr 
forty  years  ;  lltnt  valuable  British  interests  nnd 
e.stiibli.shnicnls  had  j:ro\vn  lip  in  the  ciunUry,  cre- 
ated by  British  industry  and  British  enlcrprise,  to 
which  she  owed  nnd  would  give  protection.  Well, 
sir,  and  how  has  she  carried  out  litis  distinct  avow- 
al of  her  intentions? 

Has  Great  Britain  evinced  the  slightest  yielding 
or  fallerinir,  for  a  moment,  in  her  purposes.'  No, 
sir!  she  has  extended  her  laws  and  the  jurisdiction 
of  her  conns  over  not  only  the  Oregon  territory, 
but  lip  to  the  very  confines  of  Arkansas,  Misaouri, 
nnd  Iowa — over  "nil  Indian  territories  nnd  other 
'  parts  of  North  America  not  included  within  the 
'  Canadas,  nor  within  any  civil  gr.vernnient  of  the 
•United  Slates;"  )io(  excepting  from  their  opera- 
tion Aineriraii  citizens.  She  has  taken  military 
possession  of  the  countrv;  her  (lag  floats  in  tri- 
umph over  her  strongholds.  She  has  built  houses 
nnd  opened  up  farms.  She  lias  established  the  Co- 
lunibin  river  as  the  line,  the  farthest  limit,  beyond 
which  no  American  settler  .shall  plant  himself.  She 
lias  again  and  again  rejected  and  repudiated  all  ofl'ers 
of  ermpromise  short  of  an  unconditional  accept- 
ance of  her  propositions!  In  the  face  of  nil  this, 
sir,  I.. iw  can  gentlemen  hope  that  time  will  weaken 
England  and  strengthen  ns .-  That  England,  whose 
grand  scheme  of  policy  is  to  bell  the  world  with 
her  colonies,  the  great  elenienls  of  her  commer- 
cial and  mnmifacuiring  power!  lungland,  whose 
unsatisfied  nnd  un.salisfialile  avarice  afier  territory 
is  ns  insntinble  ns  death  !  Eneland,  Avhnm  the  hon- 
orable gentleman  from  Virginia  [Mr.  BedingkrI 
denounces  ns  *'  bloody  nnd  piratical !"  Eiighmd, 
ready  and  rc.wlvcd,  ns  these  geiiilenien  tell  us,  lo 
consider  the  simple  exercL-^e  upon  our  jiart  of  n 
riuht  giiarnmied  to  us  by  solemn  conveniioii,  to 
which  she  is  herself  a  party,  as  a  declnialion  of 
war !  That  such  a  Power,  sir,  should  meekly  and 
quietly,  nnd  with  smiling  acquiescence,  loose  her 
grasp  upon  a  territory,  and  surrender  to  us  a  posi- 
tion which  is  to  .secure  her  the  eommerce  of  the 
Pacific  anil  ensure  the  sole  command  of  the  In- 
dian ocean !  Sir,  can  any  proposition  bo  more 
iJisurd .' 

But,  sir,  the  ndvocates  of  this  doctrine  seem  re- 
solved that  nothing  shall  be  wnnting  to  render  the 
whole  scheme  more  peri'ectly  fatuitoiis.  The  insid- 
ious design,  strippeti  of  all  concealment,  has  been 
openly  proclaimed.  It  has  passed  from  this  Hall 
to  the  pulilic  prints,  and  already  is  on  its  way  over 
the  ocean,  on  the  wings  of  the  wind  nnd  of  steam, 
to  spread  itself  before  the  British  Parliament,  nnd 
find  its  way  to  the  tables  of  the  British  Cabinet. 
And  wiih  tills  development  of  their  policy,  gentle- 
men fondly  trust  that  the  British  Government, 
with  ihnt  mngnanimity  and  ilisintcresiedness  for 
which  she  is  norcmarKdhte,  relinquishing  her  long- 
elierished  policy,  will  kindly  co-operate  in  our  pur- 
poses :  But,  sir,  unfortunately  for  this  plan.  Great 
Briiniu  has  noi  left  us  nny  room  for  doubt  upon 
the  suliject  of  her  inlenii'oiis  with  regard  to  the 
Oregon  lerritory.  She  has  given  ns  record  evi- 
dence of  her  designs.  In  February,  IKiT,  the 
Hndson's  Bay  Company  applied  to  the  British 
Government  for  a  renewal  of  ilie  lease  under  which 
they  hold  the  .'sovereignly  of  llie  northwest  coast. 
In  ibis  applicalimi  are  spread  out  the  sroiuids  upon 
which  llie  company  rely,  as  conimendiiii;-  their  pe- 
tition to  the  fudralile  consideration  of  ihe  Home 
Government.  Among  other  stnlenienls,  sir,  I  find 
the  followingt 

"With  cnreand  prnleetion,  the  British  dominion 
'  may  not  only  lie  preserved  in  this  country,  wliicli 
'  it  has  been  so  much  the  wish  of  liussia  aiiil  Anier- 
'  ira  to  occupy,  lo  ihe  exclusion  of  British  subjects, 
'  but  British  inierest  nnd  British  influence  niiiy  be 
'  maintained  as  iwraiiiniint  on  this  interesting  pnrt 
'  of  the  coast  of  the  Pacific." 

Again,  sir,  ill  the  same  year,  the  ngent  of  tlie 
company  writes: 

"  riie  possession  of  that  country  (Oregon)  to 
'  Great  Britain  may  become  an  object  of  very  gn'nt 
'  importance:  and  «e  are  .i/rcngl/iniing  Ihtir  claim 
'  <o  il  (n/  /(inin'iig  lii<  aiic/fiis  ef  n  ro/ntui,  llirnngli 
'  Ihe  esiablishmeni  of  farms  and  ihe  sciiiement  of 
'  some  of  our  retiring  ulliccrs  and  servants  ns  «g-i-i- 
'cii/(iiris(.'i." 

Sir,  such  nrguments  were  irresistible  lo  the 
British  <iovernnieiii.  The  request  of  the  com- 
pany was  at  nice  griuited,  nnd  the  Secretary  for 
theCcdonies.in  his  reply,  tells  the  company,  "that 

It 


'  it  will  be  indispensable  to  introduce  into  the  new  ' 
'  charter  such  conditions  ns  may  enable  her  Ala-  i 
' jesiy  Ui  grant,  for  the  purpose  of  selllemeni  imJ 
'  cu/uni:iifioii,  any  of  the  lands  comprised  in  it."      1 

III  conformity  with  this  aiiiiottiiceiiKint  from  the 
British  Secretnry  for  Colonial  Affairs,  llie  British 
Government  have  expressly  resi  rved  the  right  to 
settle  and  colonize  any  portion  of  the  lerrilory 
within  her  grant  lo  the  company,  and  lo  repeal  the 
chnrter  as  to  those  portions  which  should  be  so; 
cnlonizeil.  Here  il  is,  Bs  contained  in  the  chnrter  ' 
of  the  company:  I 

"  Priiviilcil,  nevertheless,  nnd  we  do  hereby  de-  ! 
'  elare  our  pleasure  to  be.  That  nolliiiig  herein  coii- 
'  taiiied  shall  extend  or  be  construed  to  prevent  ■ 
'  the  establishment  by  us,  our  heirs,  or  successors,  : 
'  williin  the  territories  aforesaid,  or  any  of  iheni,  I 

*  of  any  colony  or  colonies,  jirovinee  or  provinces,  ! 

*  or  for  annexing  any  part  of  the  aforesaid  tcrrito-  | 

*  ries  lo  any  existing  colony  oi Ionics  to  us  in  I 

'  right  of  our  impe-ial  crown  belonging,  or  fori:nn- 

'  stiluling  any  such  form  of  civil  government  as 
'  lo  us  may  seem  ineel,  within  any  .'■ucli  colony  or  | 
'  colonies,  or  provinces.     And  we  do   hereby  ri--  ; 
'  serve  to  us,  our  heirs  and  successors,  full  power  | 
'  and  nnthorily  to  revoke  these  presents,  or  any  j 

*  pnrt  thereof,  in  so  far  ns  the  same  may  embrace 

*  orexlend  to  any  of  lhelerritoriesafore.<aid,  which  | 
,  may  hereafier  be  comprised  within  any  colony  or 

'  colonies,  province  or  provinces,  as  aforcs:iid."  j 
Here,  sir,  we  find  distinctly  shadowed  out  the  i 
policy  of  Great  Britain  in  relation  to  the  Oregon  [ 
territory.  Il  is  her  clear  and  nianifcsf  intenlion  to 
secure,  Iiy  permanent  agricultural  selllcmeut  in  this  | 
territory,  nnotlicr  of  ihosc  salieni  points,  by  which,  [ 
in  her  vast  desii'iis,  she  hopes  lo  control  the  ctnn- 
nierce  nnd  business  of  the  world  !  i 

In  furtherance  of  this  policy,  by  nn  express  pro-  | 
vision  in  the  eontrarls  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Coiiipa-  '■ 
iiy  with  their  employees,  the  company  bind  tlieni- 
selves  to  give  to  each,  luioii  the  termination  ot'  his 
service,  a  grant  of  land  in  the  territory;  thereby  ' 
strengthening  the   British    claim,   by  eslablishiilg 
n'j'ricultural    settlenient.s,  which  are  to  form  the  1 
"iliic/fii.s  of  a  colciiij,"     By  the  aid  of  the   Pngel 
Sound  Company,  which  Iins  been  alluded  to  by 
the  honorable  member  from  Indiana,  [Mr.  Owkx,] 
these  settlements  have  been  extended  and  enlamed, 
and  are  already  rapidly  irrowing  in  value  and  im- 
portance.    A  |irofitable  trade  in  lumber  is  growing 
up   between  these  British  colonists  nnd  the  Sand- 
wich islands,  and  they  are  already  minnally  siip- 
jdymg  the  Rnssian  seiilements  wiih  large  quanti- 
ties of  wheat  and  all  the  great   provision  staples. 
Sir,  are  we  to  shut  our  eyes  to  all  these  I'acls  !    Are  ■ 
we  lo  continue  lo  slumber  and  refuse   to  listen  to 
the  truth — to  feed  the  lancy  with   false  and  idle 
hopes'     I..!  mil  tlie  |mlicy  and  d(  signs  of  Enirland 
|>ainted  upon  her  acts  in  characters  of  livim;  ligh; .' 
What  is  there,  in  this  prospect,  lo  enconraire  llie  ' 
vain  hope  with  which  ircnllemen   amuse  us,  that  ! 
llie  British    power  is   about  to  retire  before   the 
Americaii  settler,  and  that   our  ears  are  soon  to 
catch  the  sound  of  the  axe  of  the  American  wood- 
chopper  norlli  of  ihe  Columliia,  whilst  the  distant 
notes  of  the  reliring  hunter's  horn  fast  die  away 
towards  the  frozen  north?    These  are  but  dreams; 
and   no  practical   mind  can   be  tieceiveil   by  sncli 
argiimenls,  if  ariruments  they  can  be  called.      ."So, 
sir.     Our  policy  is   plain:  our  course  straightfor- 
ward.    It  IS  my  delilierate  belief  iliat  the   notice 
is  the  first  essenlial  step  to  briie,'  this  controversy 
to  a  speedy  and  succe.«fiil   lerininalion,  and   thus 
end  this  iii'lerminable  delay  wliicli  is  fast  stenlinjj  ' 
away  our  riu'lits. 

Sir,  it  is  no  longer  a  question  of  title;  it  isn  ques- 
tion of  aclion;  it  is  a  qneslion  of  possession.  If 
we  mean  not  to  alianiloii  our  rit'lits,  we  niusi  act — 
speedily  nnd  efficieiiily.  My  course  would  lie  the 
snme,  if  I  enterlained  the  same  opinion  the  honor- 
able member  from  Viririnia  [Mr.  Bavi.v)  seemed 
to  enlerlaiii,  that  our  title  was  limited  lo  thi'  forty-  j 
ninlli  parallel.  Kir,  if  we  own  one  inch  upon  the  \ 
norihwest  coast.  I  desire  lo  hold  that  inch  free  from 
ail  parliicrsliip.  In  this  way  only  can  we  liopi;  to 
realize  that  beautiful  dream  of  our  imaiinaiioiis — 
when  the  American  flaL',  planted  upon  the  suinniit 
of  the  llocky  nionnlains,  shall  embrace  within  its 
broad  itrotcc.tinir  folds  our  common  country — '*an 
oceaii-liound  Kepublic."  If  war  must  come  in  the 
prosecnlion  of  our  ju.st  and  nnquestionable  rights, 
then,  sir,  Itl  it  rniiic .' 


OREGON  aUESTION. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  A.  KENNEDY, 

OF  INDIANA, 
In  the  HotsF.  OF  Representatives, 
Jniliiwn;  10,  181(). 
On  the  Resolution  for  terminating  the  joint  occupa- 
tion of  Oregon. 

Mr.  KENNEDY  nddressed  Ihe  eoinmiltee  an 
follows: 

Mr.  Chairman  ;  From  the  course  this  debate  hns 
taken,  should  a  spectator  enter  this  Ilnll,  unnc- 
qiiainteil  wiih  the  subject  that  gave  rise  to  it,  lie 
would  be  led  lo  belie\e  that  the  question  pending 
was  a  declaration  of  warngainst  Great  Britain.  All 
who  have  argued  ngainst  the  resolutions  under  con- 
sideration have  declared  that  to  pass  them  would 
inevitably  lead  to  war.  Now,  I  submit  that  this 
is  not  a  question  of  peace  or  war.  The  very  treaty 
which  these  resoluiions  propose  to  annul  provides 
tlint  said  treaty  iimy  al  anij  timr  he  annulled  bj 
eitiier  parly  givin'r  twelve  liionths'  notice  of  their 
inlenlion  to  abrogate  it.  And  has  it  come  to  this, 
Ihnt  we  cnnnoi  do  what  ihe  treaty  stipiilnle.s  iiniij  be 
done  by  either  party,  without  incurring  the  charge 
of  wicl?edly  rushing  our  country,  iinpi-epnrcd,  into 
a  neeilli'ss  and  deso!  iling  war.'  Sir,  I  hurl  back 
this  cbarsre  of  seeking  a  war  upon  those  who  make 
it,  for  I  will  not  believe  that  war  must  necessarily 
grow  out  of  tills  question. 

But  be  this  as  it  may,  .'so  far  ns  I  nm  concerned, 
and  so  far  as  I  understand  the  feelings  and  opinions 
of  those  whom  I  represent,  ihis  is  not  a  question 
of  peace  or  war,  but  a  question  of  right,  and  I  am 
determi.icd  it  shall  be  so  treated.  Does  the  terri- 
tory of  OreLTon  belon_'  to  the  United  Slates?  If  it 
does,  that  fact  precludes  the  question  whether 
peace  or  war  may  result  from  our  action  or  from 
the  occupation  of  the  lerritory.  But  it  has  been 
said  that  we  have  too  long  slept  upon  our  rights  to 
assert  them  now  in  peace.  "That  does  not  result 
from  our  having  suffered  England  jointly  to  occupy 
this  magnificent  territory  in  common  with  us,  for 
commercial  purposes,  for  a  quarter  of  n  century. 
This  long  and  peaceable  joint  tenancy  has  resulted 
from  the  fact  that  our  people  were  not  made  nc- 
t[uainled  with  the  strenglli  and  clearness  of  our 
title.  Thousands  of  the  masses — the  bone  and 
sinew  of  our  country — have  not  conned  over  nil 
tlie  old  records  nnd  musty  tre:ilies  in  which  our 
record  of  title  is  lo  be  found,  and  learned  therefrom 
its  nalnre  or  extent;  but  while  lliey  were  in  doubt 
or  ignorance  as  to  our  title,  they  were  willing  to 
see  what  conid  be  done  by  diplomacy. 

.\ow  the  case  is  altered,  and  we  have,  by  proofs 
anil  arguments  that  have  been  laid  before  us,  be- 
come satisfied  thai  our  tide  to  the  whole  of  Ore- 
gon, from  4-iO  to  i'lP  40'  north  latitude,  is  "  clear 
and  iinqiicslionable.'' 

I  call  upon  giaitlemen  from  the  South,  who  go 
against  the  notice,  to  lecall  tiie  irresistilile  nrgii- 
nients  made,  and  the  clear  and  inextingnishnTile 
light  which  has  been  shed  upon  onr  title  by  their 
"great  statesman,"  before  they  asic  us  to  surren- 
der oaf  inch  of  Ihe  Oreiron  lerritory,  which  he  hns 
so  conclusively  shown  to  be  ours.  Are  we  lo  read 
the  mnsierly  arguments  of  .Tohn  C.  Cnlhoim  nnd 
•Tames  Buchanan,  which  have  made  our  lille  to  the 
whole  of  Oregon  as  clear  as  sunlight,  only  for  the 
purpose  of  making-  our  surrender  of  what  they 
iinve  shown  clearly  to  be  ours  the  more  disgrace- 
ful? 

We,  of  the  West,  arc  not  "  bookish  "  men. 
What  litlle  education  we  have,  wo  received  after 
the  labor  of  the  day  had  lieeii  done,  in  Ihe  school 
of  adversity,  in  the  Far  West,  nnd  almost  on  the 
viM'u;!'  of  civili/.aiion,  where  our  slniirgles  have 
been  with  the  Indian,  nnd  our  wreslliim- with  the 
bear — now  no  common  occniTeiice.  AVe  have, 
therefore,  left  il  to  our  ngeiils  to  settle  the  question 
lo  wliom,  by  the  record,  Oregon  belongs.  This 
tliev  have  done,  and  done  well.  Our  part  of  the 
task,  which  is  lo  maiiilain  and  defend  our  rights, 
is  now  lo  conimeuce;  and  by  the  remembrance  of 
the  deeds  of  onr  fathers,  and  the  strong  nU'ection 
we  cherish  for  onr  wiiderness-homes,  we  will  de- 
fend lliein  or  perish  in  the  nttcmpt.  We  do  not  wnnt 
wnr,  nnd  you  slander  us  when  you  say  ihnt  our 
hands  nrc  itching  to  grasp  the  steel  of  strife,  mid 


m 


210 


•29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


v 

APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GtX3BE. 

The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Kennedy. 


[Jan.  10, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


I'l  >. 


l)  1 


iu\ 


I 


our  hcarls  pnnli'";  fur  the  domlly  lonflicM.  ^<)  ] 
people  more  liiiililv  iip|irecinl<>  or  value  pem-e  niiil 
brolhcrly  love,  iluil  slioulil  binil  in  one  imlirokcii  | 
eluiiii  all  the  I'...  ilies  of  man,  than  the  peo|ileol'|| 
the  West.  We  know  that  our  tree  in.siimiionM  i 
lliinrish  best  in  the  mili\  anil  fienial  iHmoaphere  of  j 
peace;  h.U,  wiieii  it  eonies  to  ihc  surrender  of  the  , 
patrimony  of  our  fathers — to  reiedini;  fnnn,  or  | 
yielding  up  our  jnsl  ri^'hts  upon  our  own  soil,  then,  \ 
wo  say,  neare  can  no  longer  Ipe  hoiioralile;  and  icf  j 
slnill  iiol  liesitate  when  it  einucs  to  the  ipiesiion  i 
of  ilishonnralile  jnticr,  or  hoinirnhle  v;ir,  , 

Tile  h  moralde  nicmhcr  from   Smlh   Carolina  '\ 
[Mr.  Rhktt]   has  warned   us  a4;aiiiNl  the  eonse-  ,| 
(|nences  whieli   may  follow  a  eoniliiualion  of  ihe 
Kuropean    monarel'iies    aitainsl    wluil    they    may    t 
please  lociiU  an  ciVorl  onouriiarl  10  push  ihe  prin-  ,, 
<  iples  ol'our  free  Goverium'Ul  Ijeyond  the  liounda- 
ries  ihereof.     Sir,  we  are  lui  propa'.'andisis.     We 
do  not  wish  (o  spread  our  principles  liy  couquesl;   . 
we  desire  to  force  cnir  institutions  upon  no  )ieople  ,, 
under  the  sun,  however  nnich  we  nnsht  be  pleased 
to  sec  all  niaiikind,  not  only  apprecialint;,  but  en-  , 
joying  their  inestimable  blessings.     l!ut  when   it' 
'comes  to  this,  whether  we  :ilnill  plant  ihem  upon 
our  own  soil,  and  within  our  undoubted  lerrit(»rnil 
limits,  it  is(|uile  another  ipicsticni;  in  such  a  rase, 
we  cannot  slop  to  count  the  cost,  or  look  at  con-  ; 
sequences. 

Another  honorable   c-enilenian,  from  Virsiuia, 
[Mr.  lIi-iTKii,]  has  tiild  us  that  •' bi  fore  we  sue-  , 
eeed  in  wresiinrj  Orcein  from  Ku^land  by  con- 
quest, wc  must  prepare  to  chase  the    Ih'iiish  lion 
around  the  world  in  his  blood  and  slaver."     Sir,  , 
I  have  no  disposition  to  eni;a:;c  in  the,  chase  of, 
such  a  beast,  but  ibis  1  will  say,  that  if  the  British, 
or  any  other  lion,  lays  down  in  <nir  |iaih,  wlii'st 
■ncarepcacel'ully  pursuing  our  own  buiiuiss.w  iih- 
in  our  own  teiriiory,  that  he  will  soon  be  chased 
from  that  lair. 

Conquest  is  not  oar  object,  and  surrendering  our 
tcn'itory  is  still  further  IVoni  it.  If  any  ;,'emlenian 
here,  be  he  from  the  rs'orth  or  the  South,  the  Ivisl 
orthe  West,  wlio  belii;vcsour  title  toOriir,,uis  not 
pood,  he  shall  be  excused  from  volini;  for  ihis  no. 
lice;  but  the  man  who  tells  me  that  be  believes 
that  Ore,roa  is  ours,  and  siill  shrinks  from  a.ssert- 
ing  our  exclusive  rii;his  there,  will  allow  me,  in 
all  kinducus,  to  tell  liiin  to  look  to  it  that  he  does 
not  place  himself  in  an  attitude  that  w;ll  not  only 
make  him  uncurnnt  ruin  ainou';  his  consliluenis, 
hui  ou.^I»..t  a  duty,  Ihe  non-perlbrmani'e  of  whiili 
lit  will  deeply  reyret  during'  the  remainder  of  his 
lift. 

If  Orr^'ou  be  onrs,  is  it  not  a  blasliin,  wiiheriiif.'; 
shame  that  the  ero^s  ef  St.  l.ie(n'ge  shoiihl  now  be 
ioating  over  any  po..!'iii  of  it  r 

[Here  Mr.  Sim*-,  of  Missouri,  exclaimed  aloud 
— "  Yes,  it  is  '•  i)uriiiiig  shame,  and  it  will  blister 
our  foreheads,  like  the  murk  set  by  (jod  upon 
Cain  '  1 

And  are  we  to  bear  this  reproach — and  shidi  a 
brand  like  this  be  burnt  into  the  foreheads  of  the 
Rons  of  the  '■  Old  Thirteen,"  because,  if  we  iit- 
leinpl  so  to  remo\e  it,  we  may  provoke  a  war.' 
Suppose  yoiu'  fathers  of  glorious  revtduiionary 
memory  had  been  thus  timid;  suppose  that,  before 
ihey  commenced  that  .tiriiji.ie  fm'  abcrty,  tin  y 
had,  as  .-enllemen  say.counied  the  cosl,  liadnuiu- 
bcred  the  ships  and  bayonelM  of  their  insolent  op- 
pre.'-.sors,  where  would  you  ha\e  been,  AJr.  Clnur- 
man.'  Instead  of  pn'sidinc;,  tis  you  now  ilo,  over 
an  American  Cungress,  you  would  have  been  a 
va''sal  of  the  Hritisli  crown. 

And  lia.s  the  blood  of  those  men  whiili  now 
flows  through  our  veins  beccune  .so  pale — has  it 
ilegenei-nteil  so  soon  that  in  less  than  inie  century, 
and  whilst  a  few — alas!  too  few — of  those  iiolile 
patriots  arc  still  liii.'eriiii;  ainom'  's — we  are  pre- 
pared to  surrender  lo  the  .-aine  .  j;hty  Power  a 
portion  of  the   'jilornius  lenai  '        '   '        ' 

valor,  for  fear  we  may  be  star 
their  war  trump,  or  the  rattle 
Forbid  It,  lleavdi  '. 

Gentlemen  liavi-  argued  this  is 
liim.  It  is  a  national  ipicsiion. 
and  section  of  this  country  is  inn  rested,  anil  deep- 
ly interested,  in  the  posse.isioii  and  oci  npatioii  of 
tJregon.  Yet,  on  account  of  iu  locuhlv,  western 
geutleineii  have  irequentiv  been  appealed  to  ill  re- 
hiiioii  lo  it,  and  western  feeling  inquired  after.     If 


leved  by  their 
I-  the  sound  of 
'  lir  artillery  r 

..cstern  (pn-s- 
Kvery  portion 


the  West  is  to  be  consulted  as  to  the  aeltlcment  of  | 
Oregon — and  1  believe  they  cnight — I  declare  it  lo  |^ 
be  my  firm  belief  lliat   in  that  vast  and  iniglity    , 
valley,  not  one  man  in  twenty  will  ever  coii.sent  to    | 
surrender  one  inch  of  what  lliey  believe  rightfully 
to  belong  to  the  United  Slates.  '  They  will  neither   ' 
Kurrciider  it  for  fear  of  a  war,  nor  sell  it  Ibr  a  pe-  ; 
enniary  consideration.     All  i'"-  bayonets  of  Kiig- 
laiii!  cannot  win,  nor  all  the  gold  of  I'eru  pur- 
chase it. 

lint  the  gentleinan  from  Alabama  [Mr.  Yas-ckv] 
admonishes  us  to  wait  unlil  we  are  prepared  for 
the  strife,  as  though  strife  must  iicecssarily  follow 
our  adimi.  He  says,  and  says  truly,  that  when 
the  western  people  aie  once  aroused  tor  the  stnig- 
ule,  il  needs  no  prophet  lo  predict  llic  result;  and 
t:cemiiig  to  believe  nn;  as  one  of  the  spirits  he  de- 
siribid  as  panling  I'm-  war,  said,  in  cmnplinieiil, 
that  I,  .Mr.  Chairinan,  with  rille  in  hand,  would 
had  to  the  deadly  breach.  Why,  sir,  he  has 
wholly  mistaken  iny  charai-ter:  1  am  a  om.-m  nf 
peace;"  I  belong  lo  ihal  ancient,  war-hating,  peace- 
loving  people,  called  (luiikir.i,  who  delesi  war  in  all 
its  fcu-ins.  r,ut  nolwiilistanding  the  prejudices  lliat 
my  educatiini  necessarily  engendered,  I  have  yet 
to  learn  thai  I  can  surrender  any  iiortioii  id' the  in- 
heritance left  bv  the  I'aihers  of  tin'  republic  without 
dishonor,  and  (  liopi   I  am  nol  pripared  lor  thai. 

Some  (d'  our  _lViciids  of  ihe  Souili,  who  profess 
to  be  for  Oregon,  say  to  us  of  the  WesI,  "the 
course  you  are  pursuing  will  lo.se  you  t)regon,  and 
we  go  a;;aiiisl  the  rcsoliilimi  '.'iviiii;  the  notice,  to 
save  the  country  for  you."  I  feel  undergreat  ob- 
ligations to  them  for  ibeir  kindness;  but  will  they 
be  so  ^ood,  in  this  mailer  at  least,  as  to  let  us  of  , 
Ihe  We.-l  deicrnhne  for  ourselves  what  our  best 
policy  is,  and  lo  pursue  it-  I  rccolhct,  on  a  for- 
mer occasion,  when  there  was  another  question 
before  ihis  body — not  a  i|iicsiion  of  extending  our 
laws  over  and  takin::  possession  of  our  own  soil, 
bul  vvheilierwe  should  admil  into  the  circle  of  our 
i;hn*ious  Union  a  free  and  gallaiil  iieople,  who,  like 
our  fathers,  had  achieved  their  frei'dom  ill  the 
fierctst  conlesis.  and  at  the  point  (d'  the  bayonet — 
then  onrs<iutlii  rn  bniliren  .said,  "this  is  thegoWiii 
mcyiif/if,  and  this  is  the  approved  modi'.  If  a  north- 
ern or  W(  slerii  mail  presumed  to  ipa  >tioii  the  laodc, 
or  object  lo  the  tiini',  he  was  ih'iiouia  ed  as  lecreant 
t  I  the  best  inleiesis  of  his  eonntry,  and  .inspected 
of  secret  hosiiliiy  lo  the  measure.  I  then  thcaiL'lil 
this  laiiguaixe  unkind,  and  the  suspicion  uii]iisi,  to 
long-tried  and  faiihful  friends,  and  therefore  will 
not  repeat  m-  a|)ply  them  here  to  our  brethren  of 
the  .'^outli.  We  went  with  them  then,  ami,  I  miirhl 
almost  .say,  we  went  it  blind.  That  u'r'at  measure 
is  now  consumnialed;  our  union  is  complete  and 
glorious;  ami  ii  now  remains  to  be  set  n  v\  hetlier 
our  friends,  who  tiien  led  the  way  widi  a  zeal  de- 
serviin^  of  a  mdde  cmise,  and  an  eneri;y  that  knew 
no  abalemenl.  will,  at  this  lime,  play  us  false,  and 
I  turn  us  olV  with  ilie  iiaiior's  sneer.  If  so,  /shall 
nol  reproach  them;  ihey,  no  doubt,  do  what  they 
'  think  thiir  duly,  lint  this  loucli  I  will  tell  ihcni, 
Ihat  till  ir  111  sitalion  and  oopo.-iiion  will  not  di  ter 
us  from  dischari'.ing  our  iiiily  lo  our  eonstilnents 
and  lo  our  coiintrv.  We  will  enter  tht^  breach 
alone;  and  should  all  bill  the  West  haii^  bink,  she 
;i[onc  would  feel  coiiipeieni  to  meet  and  overcome 
every  emer'.:ency;  and  in  peacn  they  will  not  rest 
until  no  flag  bin  our  mv  ii  glorious  stais  and  slripes 
shall  wave  over  every  inch  of  the  American  soil. 
.Someone,  I  believe  it  was  the  genllenian  from 
,  South  Carolina,  in  speakiiiL' of  the  ealamiliis  of 
!  war,  and  the  imlyiauses  that  would  jusiilV  a  iia- 
lion  in  appciliii;;  to  that  dread  tribunal,  .said,  that 
wounded  honor  would  alone  justify  a  resort  to 
arms,  and  compared  it  lo  the  once  eouimon,  but 
now  disirraccliil  resort  lo  arms  between  private 
individuals,  lo  v\'ipe  out  a  stain  from  wounded 
lionor.  I  think  the  comparison  a  bad  one.  Ouel- 
linu'  is  at  bi-'i  bill  a  n  surt  lo  deadly  eonflici,  to 
grati*''"  '-sonal  vanity  or  wounded  pride;  there  is 
nol  ..alional,  noble,  ilarini;,  or  patriotic  about 

it;  its  very  nature  or  elements  arc  false  pride  and 
ba.se  tellishness.  War,  in  most  cases,  when  jus 
tifialile,  is  not  to  secure  a  great  good  immediately, 
but  remotely. 

It    is  to    lireak    the  shackles   which    otherwise 
ini^hl  bind  our  posterity  in  chains  too  strong  lo  be 
1  broken.     Was  it  to  avoid  the  payment  of  a  two- 
penny lax  on  tea,  which  induced  our  f  ilhers  to  un- 


shcalh  the  sword  of  the  Revolnlinn  ?  Or  was  il  not 
r  ilher  a  resistance  to  thai  (iperies  of  le<:islalioii  anil 
poliry,  which,  if  sulnnitted  lo,  would  have  made 
I'.emselves  and  ilieir  children  inslriiments  of  l!ril- 
ish  tyranny,  and  puppets  of  a  Hrilish  Parliament? 
And  can  any  sane  man  compare  lhat  noble  niipcal 
to  the  God  of  battles,  to  ibe  ,-all  oin'  individual  may 
make  upon  anollicr  lo  meet  him  upon  what  is  call- 
ed by  some  the  field  of  honor— where,  in  too  many 
instances',  the  only  nioimments  lell  to  mark  ihe 
spot  of  the  barbarous  conflict,  and  to  lell  of  the 
wrongs  iiillicled  upon  the  widow  and  the  orphan, 
is  the  soil  which  drank  the  victim's  blood.'  .Sir,  I 
live  in  a  country  where  fhey  neither  fight  duels  nor 
sacriftci!  imlioiial  ritlils;  but  where  he  who  falls  in 
Ihe  defence  of  his  coinitrv's  rights  is  believed  to 
slumber  in  the  palriot's  grave. 

Most  of  those  who  go  against  these  resolutions, 
say  that  they  do  not  ih^sign  lo  surrender  Oreiron, 
but  lhat  Ihey  only  wish  lo  settle  the  question  peace- 
ably. "  Alasterly  iiiadivily"  Is  the  cry  of  some. 
Let  ihe  ctinveulion  or  trealy  stand — have  no  dis- 
cussion, and  make  no  ipnsiiun  about  it  luiir;  but 
encourage  einigralion,  jaisli  your  settlers  into  Ore- 
gon, and  vvheii  you  have  slreiimh  enough  lliire  to 
hold  forcible  possession,  then  h't  il  be  known  thai 
you  intend  to  assert  yourrighls.  This  to  me  seems 
much  like  stealing  inio  your  own  territory,  taking 
advantage  of  a  iii-:tin,-t  of  peace  to  fortify  yoni- 
selves  for  war.  If  this  view  of  the  sni  je,i  be  right, 
you  will  allow  me  lo  say,  that  aliliotigli  I  may  not 
fa'iir/fi;  comprehend  what  is  meant  by  iiationarhon- 
m-,  yet  I  feel  lhat  such  a  iiolicy  would  bring  upon 
us  nalional  dishonor,  and  subjeei  us  to  ihe  charge 
of  base  dnpliciiy.  If  we  belli  ve  ihal  Oregon  is 
ours,  we  ought  to  have  eemaie  enough  to  tell 
Kiigland  so;  and  lhat  we  inteiiih  d  and  were  prepar- 
ed lo  niaintain  otir  rights  there  by  immediate  oc- 
enpnncy  of  the  whole  territory  after  the  twelve 
moiilhs'  notice  shall  have  In  en  "given.  We  owe  it 
Up  onrsielves,  wc  owe  it  lo  the  honor  ol'our  conn- 
try,  to  tell  Kn^'land  in  plain  republican  terms  what 
we  intend  to  do.  I  vvmild  scorn  lo  lake  our  uicii 
by  sleallli,  or  theirs  by  force.  The  'living  this  no- 
tice is  f'nrthcr  objecled  lo  for  fear  il  may  bring  dire 
calamities  upon  our  cilizens  in  Oregon.  The  gen- 
tleman from  Virginia  |.\Ir.  IIimkk)  pridicis  that 
llie  effect  of  a  war  (vvhicli  he  insists  will  follow  the 
giving  this  notice)  will  be  lo  pul  all  ourcili/.ens  in 
that  lerrilory  lo  ihc  sword,  or  subject  ihem  to  the 
tomahawk  ami  scalping-knit'c  of  tlie  merciless  In- 
dian, lit  lhat  ;:eiiilcmaii  calm  his  f'ears  on  that 
siibjecl;  that  people  will  never  ask  yon  to  stain 
the  escutcheon  of  this  Government  in  order  lo  pro- 
lect  them  from  either  red  coat  or  red  skin.  I  know 
some  of  the  people  of  that  far-oil"  territory;  with 
some  of  them  I  have  wanned  my  feet  at  the  same 
family  hearth;  with  then)  I  learned  my  leliers  lo  the 
same  log  school-house,  and  with  them  have  I  pass- 
ed through  scenes  of  hardship  and  sull'criiig  in  the 
uniuliivaud  wilds  of  the  AV  est,  that  have  fitted 
them  for  every  enlerprisc  liowecer  hazardous,  and 
every  daniier  however  threaleiiing.  They  went  lo 
Oregon  vvith  their  eyes  ojien;  and  all  ihey  ask  of 
you  is,  to  untie  the  fellers  which  this  trcalv  ol'joint 
occupancy  has  thrown  around  iheir  manly  liiiibs. 
I'his  is  all  llicy  ask  at  vour  hands;  and  should 
they  fiill  in  asserting  our  rii^tit  to  tin;  irliiilr  of  Ore- 
gon, they  will  sink,  covered  with  honorable  scars, 
a  rich  legacy  lo  their  sous  who  vv  ill  arise  u>  avenge 
their  faihcrs'  vvrouu's. 

I  have  been  pained  to  hear,  during  Ihis  debate, 
allusion  made  lo  ihc  wesicrii  people  as  a  war-loving 
and  peacediating  |ieople,  who  delighl  in  b'ood  anil 
carnage,  and  who  were  anxious  by  their  course  lo 
embroil  this  counlry  in  a  war.  Who  are  those  men 
thus  unkindly  alluded  to  and  unjustly  assailed  ■ 
They  are  sons  of  revolutionary  sires,  and  spirits 
of  noble  daring,  who  have  cleared  the  way  for  you 
,  into  the  heart  of  this  magnificent  empire.  They 
have  gone  bif'ore  you  like  the  pillar  of  cloud  by 
day  and  of  lire  by  nislii,  rollinu'  back  the  Indian  of 
the  foresl  to  give  passai;e  to  civili/.ation.as  the  wa- 
lei-s  of  the  Ued  sea  were  rolled  back  by  the  Great 
Jehovah  to  give  passa;;e  to  the  i  hildren  of  Israel; 
and  however  si'ornfidly  you  may  treal  lliem,  or 
whali'ver  esiimale  you  may  place  upon  ihem,  I 
verily  believe  they  are  as  pure  and  [lalriotic  as  ihe 
cilizens  of  any  other  portion  of  this  Union.  Wfiilo 
ihey  are  on  the  frontiers,  where  their  instincis  and 
duly  lead  them,  upon  the  very  soil  designed  by  I'rov- 


ipdfi.l 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIOINAL  GLOBE. 


211 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  C^uestioti — Mr.  Kennedy. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


y.m 
I'Lv 


'     i 


idcnce  n»  their  inheritance,  they  will  rcmsin  in  j 
pence  nnd  quiet,  !.'iviii<;  you  no  trimhle,  nnd  mnkini; 
nil  nnnoi'ess;iry  deniands  npon  your  Gi)vemnipnt. 
15ul  I  wiirn  you  from  the  iMinsequonrrs  of  an  effort  1 
to  slop  their  onward  ju'oijress.     Do   not   let  the 
Uritish  set  possession  of  Ore;;on,  and  lilork  up  the 
jias.si'S  of  the  Uiicky  inouiilaius  airainat  tlieir  west-  \ 
I'm   fli;;ht.     Sliould  you  do  it,  and    lherel)y  turn  | 
back  into  tlie  valley  of  the  ";riat  West  those  whose  ; 
disposition   and    ehoiee  it   is  to  niin;;le   in  border  i 
scenes  of  hardship  and  siilferin^',  you  inny  Intro-  j 
iliice  Into  our  sooiny  an  element  that    may  tinnble  . 
it  into  ruins,  as  did  Samson  the  temple  of  Dagoii  I 
when  he  seized  Its  pillars  at  the  city  of  Ga/a. 

What  is  (jur  exact  position  in  relation  to  this  ' 
matter  ?    The  President,  dnriii!;  last  summer,  made 
n  proposition  to  Great  I3rltain  to  divide  the  Oregon 
territory  (Ui  the  49th  parallel  of  latitude.     This  of- 
fer was  reji'cted  by  the  British  Minister  without  a 
reference  to  his  Governmeiil,  and  was  as  promptly 
withdrawn  by  the  Executive,  who  now  frankly 
tells  us,  that,  in  his  opinion,  no  offer  of  coninro- 
inisc  that  this  (iovernmenl  ouiht  to  accept,  will  be  ' 
made  by  England;  and,  therefore,   this  notice,  in 
his  opinion,  ou^ht  to  be  triven.     I  am  not  disposed 
to  censure  the  President  for  havin;  made  this  pro- 
position, snrronnc'i'd  us  he  was  by  many  ditficnl- , 
ties  and   embarrassments,  *^rowintr  out  of  former 
nefjotiations,  and  the  position  in  wliieh  he  found 
the  question  when  he  came  Into  olfico;  but  I  am 
free  to  say,  that  t  congratulate  him,  not  only  for  ' 
his  own  sal'e,  but  f(U'  that  of  the  country,  that  his 
offer  was  rejected.     .And  I  think  I  may  venture  to 
predict,  that  such  an  offer  will  not  aijain  be  made; 
nnd  certain  I  am  that,  situated  as  we  now  are,  the 
eomitry  w  ill  not  sustain  any  Executive  or  Adminis- 
Iraticui  in  repeating  it.     IS'o  obslaelc  can  now  be 
thrown  in  the  way  to  prevent  our  hohlini;  the  ter- 
ritory up  to  ,")4°  40',  unless  herMajesty's  Govern-  | 
mcnt  should  disavow  the  action  of  her  Minister, 
niul  now  pnipos(^  to  accept  the  President's  offer. 
This  I  thmk  will  not  be  done;  if  not,  we  are  at 
hngih  clear  of  the  shackles  which  pn  vious  nejio- 
linti'ins  h.we   dung   around   us,  auil  free  to  exer- 
cise our  exclusive  rights  to  the  whole  of  Oregon, 
lint  suppose  we  neglect  to  carry  out  the  recom- 
inendaiion  of  the  President,  and  refuse  to  give  the  , 
lioiice:  will   it  iiot  be  an   iutimaiion  to  the  I'rilish 
Government  luul  1o  the  world,  that  ('oin;ress  does  ' 
not  I'oni  ur  with  the  F.Mcutive  branch  of  the  Gov- 
ernment  a.s  to  the  cliarne.>Js  of  our  title  to  that  ter- 
ritory, or — yeta  siill  more  humiliating acknowledg-  ' 
inem — that  we  do  not  feel  ourselves  able  to  vindi-  i 
eale  our  rights  thereto  '  j 

What  do  i:ent  lei  lien  promise  tluMtiselves  front  fur-  ' 
tiler  negotiatiinis,  whilst  this  joint  o,'eupancy  lasts.' 
Great  IJrilain  is  now  in  possession  of  all  she  ever 
elaiined,  and  while  this  treaty  lasts,  I  assure  gen- 
tlrincn  she  will  never  settle  lliis  ijuestion;  for  the 
very  good  nasoii,  that  her  condition  i  an  never  be 
belter,  Init  may  be,  and  nnqnestimialily  would  he, 
worse.  It  would,  therefore,  be  an  act  of  folly  on 
her  part  to  allow  it  to  be  changed  .so  long  as.  she 
eould  keep  it  in  sMu  i/Ho.  Give  this  notice — abro- 
gate this  treaty— and  then  she  will  see  and  feel  the 
necessity  of  immediate  and  stTectuel  negoiiiitioii; 
Jill  that  is  done,  your  negotiation  will  be  all  Hvaildle. 
Thegeiiilenian  from  Simtb  Carolina,  [Mr.  Uiiktt,] 
for  the  purpose,  as  I  thought, of  IVigliteiiiiig  us  IVmu 
the  performance  of  what  we  honestly  believed  to 
be  our  duly,  has  intimated  the  probability  of  a  coiu- 
biiiation  on  the  part  of  the  iiionarclis'of  the  Old 
World  to  crush  us  as  propagandisis.  On  this  sub- 
ject, I  want  him,  as  well  as  all  others  who  do  me 
the  honor  to  listen  to  iny  remarks,  to  uiidersiaiid 
what  I  think  to  he  the  duly  of  this  Government  in 
rehiiiiui  to  this  matter.  I  hold  it  to  be  the  hounden 
duty  of  the  Governnieni  of  the  United  States,  from 
the  perforniMMce  of  which  i^Ur  cannot  shrink  with-  ' 
out  dislioiior,  to  see  lli.it  her  inslilulions  are  si't  up 
anil  maintained  within  her  enlire  limits:  here  her 
duly  ends.  l!ut  added  to  iliis  she  has  a  privilege, 
from  the  eiijovinenl  of  which  no  Governnieut  or  ' 
eombination  of  tiovernmeiils  can  or  shall  deprive 
her— that  is,  when  any  eontignous  nation  wishes  to 
unite  her  destiny  with  ours,  and  become  one  of  our 
constellation  of  tree  Stales,  wo  will  pull  up  the  j 
lalch-slring  and  let  her  eoine  in,  to  share  wilh  us 
in  all  Ihe  privileges  and  iinnuinities  of  onr  gloricnis  '[ 
eonfeihracy.  We  claim  no  right  to  force  within  ■ 
onr  circle  any  people  who  do  not  desire  to  sit  at  mir 
family  hearth;  but  we  do  eUiiiii,  and  will  exerci-jc. 


the  right  to  choose  our  own  company,  nnd  this 
right  we  will  relinquish  only  wilh  our  national  ex- 
istence. Wedo  noi  wish,  as  Rome  did,  loe.xtend 
our  borders  by  the  force  of  arms,  but  choose  rath- 
er Ihe  rule  of  ri^'lit  than  of  might.  In  the  end, 
such  a  policy  will  be  seen  to  have  been  wise;  for 
as  Iimie  exjianded,  acquiring  one  possession  after 
another  by  conquest,  she  was  oblit.'-ed  to  ma<;itain 
herself  by  rapine  and  plunder  wherever  she  could 
carry  her  arms;  nnd  the  ronsei|uence  was,  that 
when  she  eould  no  longer  retain  the,  posse.ssion  she 
had  aci|nired  bv  fori;e  by  the  same  ni"'aiis  she  used 
ill  their  neqnisitioii,  she  fell.  We,  on  the  contra- 
ry, aeceot  only  those  who  come  voluntarily,  and 
fnun  choice.  And  those  who  desire  ai^iiissimi 
into  our  confederacy  need  no  force  to  retain  them 
there.  Each  additional  State,  adinilted  under  such 
circumslances.  adds  another  new  and  permanent 
pillar  for  the  deftnee  and  ornament  of  the  temple 
of  liberty. 

Another  new,  and  to  ine  n  very  strange  argu- 
ment nirainst  these  resninlinns  is,  tliiit  if  we,  by  as- 
serting our  rights  to  Orecon,  are  unfortunately 
jilnnged  inlo  a  war,  the  eonseqnencc  would  be,  a 
depression  of  Democratic,  and  ii  rise  of  Federal 
principles;  that  centralism  will  L'row  on  the  ruins 
of  Slate-rights.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  B  nemocrat, 
and  as  the  say  ins;  is,  dyed  in  the  wool;  1  have  al- 
ways, to  the' utmost  (if  my  nbilily,  oppo.scd  een- 
trnliam,  banks,  funded  debts,  and  protective  tarill's; 
indeed  it  has  been  a  eonniion  remark,  that  I  was 
so  radical,  th\t  it  placed  me  a  cdunry  in  advance 
of  my  own  parly.  I'm,  be  it  known  that  I  am 
nnl  the  man  to  maintain  my  political  party  in  the 
management  of  internal  affairs,  by  the  surrender  of 
external  rights.  And  I  now  declare  in  the  pres- 
ence of  this  House,  and  in  the  face  of  ihe  world, 
llint  if  it  be  necessary  to  the  maintenance  of  our 
n.itional  rights,  and  country's  honor,  that  my  po- 
litical oppinienis  lake  the  reins  of  government,  I 
am  this  day  willini;  to  make  to  them  ihi!  surrender 
— believing,  as  I  from  my  scnil  do  believe,  that  in 
everything  that  pertains  to  the  honor  of  cair  coun- 
trv.  they  are  as  patriotic  as  we  are,  nnd  that  our 
differences  as  to  nilminislralive  measures  grow  out 
of  honest  dill'ereiice.s  of  opinion  as  to  what  will  best 
promote  our  country's  weal.  Hut  I  utterly  repudi- 
ate the  gentleman's  arL'umenl;  it  is  false  in  theory, 
and  e(]ually  false  in  fact.  Democracy  can  grow,  and 
has  grown,  whilst  the  storm  of  war  rairrd  in  all  its 
fiirv;  Ihe  seeds  of  DemocrMcy  were  cast  into  the 
earlh  by  the  hand  of  llie  Itevohition:  it  was  era- 
died  in  lis  storms,  and  luirsed  in  lis  fiercest  con- 
tliets;  there  and  then  was  the  tree  of  liberty  plant- 
ed; and  the  tempests  ol  war  only  loosened  the  earlh 
abnul  its  roots,  that  it  might  grow  the  taster  and 
s|iread  the  wider;  its  roots  have  been  pleiitifu!ly 
iTi  islened  by  llie  warm  life's  blood  of  those  who 
defended  it  ai;ainst  the  furious  assaults  of  the  wild 
boar  of  legilimacy,  seeking  to  whet  h  is  tii.sks  against 
its  inner  biuk.  And  1  now  tell  genllemcn,  Ihal  if 
it  is  occasion;ill  V  nuiistc  iieil  by  the  blood  of  the  pa- 
triot, honestly  shed  in  its  defence,  it  will  not  grow 
a  whit  the  worse,  nor  cast  a  leaf  on  that  accfainl. 
Mas  not  Ihe  West,  the  whole  of  that  beautiful  iii- 
lanil  paradise  resounded  wilh  the  clank  of  arms, 
and  has  not  its  soil,  and  every  fiirloin::  tln'reof,  bei^n 
stained  wilh  the  blood  of  the  pii>neer  and  Inilien 
eommiie.'liug  .-is  they  fell  in  deadly  strife.'  Will 
any  man  nil  me  that  liberty,  in  its  most  eiuuely 
nnd  unoblnisivc  form,  does  not  llnnrish  there.'  Sir, 
il  is  the  very  place  where  it  m.iy  he  truly  said,  we 
have  liberty  without  licentiousness,  and  order  in 
the  absence  ot'lsw. 

We  have  again  and  again,  in  the  course  of  this 
debate,  been  lentinilcd  of  the  power  and  greatness 
of  the  irovernment  with  which  weare  likely  to  come 
in  ennllict.  I  do  not  desire  to  speak  harshly  of  the 
Rritish  Cbivernmcnt:  but  I  despise  this  eonslant 
vaunting  of  the  greatness  of  England.  Who,  and 
what  is  she?  The  seat  of  her  power  is  situated  on 
a  little  island  stuck  down  in  the  North  sea.  True, 
she  Ins  spread  her  arms  like  seas,  to  grasp  in  all 
Ihe  shores:  but  slill  she  is  not  so  terrible  as  to  make 
the  leilion  tremble.  All  of  her  greatness  now  de- 
pends upon  her  commerce,  (^lip  her  wings  of  that, 
nnd  like  the  bird  of  Jove,  she  falls  to  the  earth  a 
lifeless  carcass.  I  seek  no  conllicl  between  my 
conniry  and  Gre;\t  nrilain.  Let  each  |nirsne  her 
path  alone,  anil  niimolesled  by  the  other.  We  will 
noi  mi  out  of  onr  way  to  attack  the  Piritish  lion: 
but  if  he  chooses  to  lay  himself  across  our  path, 


nnd  refuses  to  remove  at  a  penccful  summons,  then 
there  will  he  no  niteriintivc — the  Anicrii:an  eagle 
will  Htrike  his  talons  into  his  imstrils,  nnd  you  will 
see  Iiin  blood  spout  us  tliough  ii  whtile.  hud  been 
harpmined. 

'I  here  is,  I  repent,  no  occnsion  for  wnr;  nnd 
there  will  he  none,  unless  the  Government  of  Grent 
Hritain  desire  war  with  this  country.  U'shedoeN, 
she  may  make  this  question  the  pretext.  Wheth- 
er she  wants  wnr,  remniiiH  to  be  seen.  If  it  is  the 
design  o'  Providence  that  she  shnll  decline,  as  she 
arose,  by  degrees,  no  eonllic t  will  eoiuc.  If,  on 
the  other  hand,  it  is  her  destiny  to  pny  in  blood 
Ihe  debt  of  blood  she  owes  the  world,  tlien  I  have 
no  objection  to  belong  to  the  nation  and  to  live  in 
the  age  that  nIiiiII  chnHtiso  her  for  the  ivils  she  hns 
indieled  on  the  huitian  race.  She  is  ohi  and  worn 
within;  the  blood  of  ages  stains  her  skirts.  If  she 
is  mad  enough  to  attack  the  young  giant  of  the 
Western  World,  whose  tnll  shadow  is  ulrendy  be- 
ginning to  eclip.se  her  glory,  on  her  head  be  the 
eonseiinenees;  and  let  tliose  who  nre  not  engaged 
in  the  condict  stand  IV  ni  under,  nnd  prepare  to 
hear  n  ertish  "  as  if  the  ribs  of  imlure  broke." 

Some  gentlemen  scoff  at  what  has  been  called 
the  destiny  of  nations — or  what  is  the  same  thing, 
the  providence  of  God  in  the  affairs  of  men.  Sir, 
where  were  we  two  centuries  ago?  We  were  a 
handful  wf  pilgrims  landing  upon  Plymouth  rock, 
and  a  small  bund  of  cavaliers  planted  on  the  sunny 
s.ands  of  the  South,  rroni  this  smnll  heginiiinj, 
and  in  this  short  time,  what  have  we  become !  Wc 
have  ndvanced  by  steady  and  peaccfVil  .strides,  cov- 
ering the  continent  wilh  independent  and  indus- 
trious citizens,  following  up  the  red  man  foot  by 
foot,  driving  him  from  haunt  to  haunt,  until,  like 
a  small  and  broken  idond  that  skirts  the  fnr-oflT 
horizon,  he  now  rests  along  the  shoresof  the  west- 
ern ocean,  ready  lo  take  his  last  plunge,  and  leave 
the  graves  of  his  fathers,  to  be  visited  no  mure  for- 
ever. Is  there  imdesiiny  ill  this?  Is  not  the  finger 
of  God  as  plainly  seen  as  when  he  first  set  in  tlie 
heavens  the  star  of  Relhlehem?  The  man  who 
sees  it  not  must  be  either  blind  or  infidel. 

It  is  said  by  some  liiat  we  do  not  need  the  Ore- 
gon terriiory  for  purposes  of  settlement.  This  is  a 
great  mistake;  and  that  you  may  cletirly  see  tho 
error  into  which  some  have  fallen,  I  invite  you  to 
go  to  Ihe  West,  and  visit  one  of  our  log  cabins,  and 
number  its  inmiues.  There  yon  will  see  a  strong, 
stout  youth  of  eighteen,  with  his  better  half,  just 
commencing  the  first  struggles  of  independent  life. 
Thirty  years  from  that  time,  visit  them  again;  uiul 
instead  of  two,  you  will  find  in  that  same  family 
Iwentv-two.  This  is  what  1  call  the  American 
multiplication  table.  Multiply  this  and  the  next 
generation  by  this  t.nble,  and  where,  without  Ore- 
gon, will  you  find  room  for  our  people?  The 
greater  portion  of  this  multiplying  mass  of  human- 
ity have  their  faces  turned  towards  the  setting  sun. 
"Wesiward  ho  I"  is  the  cry;  and  you  can  no  more 
stop  them  this  side  the  shores  of  the  Pacific  than 
you  can  dam  u))  the  mighty  waters  of  the  Missouri, 
whilst  the  snows  are  melting  on  the  Stony  moun- 
tain ill  which  it  takes  its  rise.  Where,  I  repeal, 
without  Oregon,  are  we  to  find  room  for  our  peo- 
ple? What  are  we  to  do  with  the  little  white- 
headed  girls  and  boy.^ — God  bless  iliem  !-^wlii) 
throng  our  vvestern  valleys,  hriiht  and  Idooming  as 
tlie  flowers  that  deck  our  illimitiible  prairies? 

Can  it  be  true,  as  suggested  by  tho  gentleman 
from  South  Carolina,  [Mi-.  Riii;tt,]  that  there  is 
dantrer  of  a  combined  alliance  of  l-'uropean  Powers 
aTOin",t  us?  Do  they  exhibit  «  disposition  to  form 
an  unhtdy  alliance,  to  prevent  the  spread  nnd  crush 
the  growth  of  onr  free  institutions?  1  repeat,  there 
is  no  other  danger  of  war  growing  outof  imr  pres- 
ent attituile  upon  the  Oregon  (piestion.  In  that 
event,  it  may  be  made  tho  pretext  for  the  onslaught, 
but  can  never  be  the  real  cause  of  wnr.  England 
has  no  ri:;ht3  in  or  to  Oregon;  at  least,  her  diploma- 
tisis  have  failed  to  show  them,  whilst  ours  have. 
clearly  negatived  the  existence  of  any  such  right. 

Let  us  take  a  short  rctrosjiect  of  the  past,  in  or- 
der to  judge  correctly  of  the  future.  Liberty,  fail- 
ing to  find  a  foothold  uj^on  the  old  continent,  took 
her  flight  lo  the  New  World.  The  causes  which 
produced,  and  the  consequences  which  followed, 
the  American  Revolution,  planted  deep  in  our  soil 
the  tree  of  liberty. 

The  formaticui  of  our  Constitution  linked  closely 
togf  iher  a  chain  of  free  republican  States,  as  a  rain- 


m 


'?.'j1 


m 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Fob.  G, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (^teation — Mr.  Jrffcrion  Davis. 


Ho.  or  Heps. 


■    I* 


f 


p«il  nroiiiid  Ihnt  Irrr.  In  prolei-t  il  from  the  om-  '■ 
wnni  iircssiMO  nccasidncil  liy  llir  licistility  of  Kn-  1 
ro|irniiUi)Vi'riiinciitH  lollic  liheml  |iiiiiri|ilcH  wliioti 
l:iy  ut  llic  rdUMiliiliiMi  i>f  (iiir  syslim  of  (idverii-  ■ 
iiiiMit.  I'm-  Imll' II  cenliiry  llie  ri'|irc»ehii\tiviN  (if 
icgiu:iiBCy  looked  iiiion  tliix  cxiioiiiiii-Mit  with  irrcal  ! 
conconi,  nnd  iiol  n  litlle  four  of  ilc  ron-icqiinic-cs 
upon  llii'ir  own  ill-u'ollrn  |iowf'r,  wliii'li  must  nii'll 
under  tlie  ylowiiij;  li;;lil  nnd  scorcliin^  rays  of  llir 
Hun  of  lilirrlVi  CMslini;  liaok  liia  liriv'lil  I'lrulncncn 
upon  ttiH  OI(I  World,  iiai-liin';  man  i-virywlitrc 
that  God  has  ^'ivni  him  i^'hts,  and  demandM  llial 
he  should  maiulain  ihi  i.  Ai  first  it  was  hoped 
that  this  cxptMiinrnt  w^nhl  prove  a  faihire;  that 
rivah-y  and  hi  anlniriiin!;s  wouhl  jrow  np  liolwecn 
the  N'cirlh  and  tin'  Snulh,  the  I'.asl  and  the  WesI, 
whieh  winihl  finally  linr!;l  the  Lands  of  iiiiion, 
throwini;  ihe  eoniitry  inio  uniii'hy  and  eonfnsion. 
Thank  Ciod,  lime  has  dissipaled  lliis  hope;  llic  last 
twenty  years  has  eonviiieeil  the  world  lliiil  our  iii- 
Klitiitious  an;  as  slalile  as  time,  and  as  tirni  as  the 
decrees  of  desliny.  No  Ndnner  are  llie  Cinvern- 
menis  of  Kurope  eonvinced  of  ihe  sialiiliiy  of  onr 
inmiliiliiins,  Ihnn  ihey  are  stiirlled  liy  Ihe  exhilii- 
lion  of  our  priin'iple  of  expansion,  liy  l)ir  admis- 
sion of  a  free  Itepnlilie  inIo  the  Ameriean  I'liion. 
This  lo  thcin  was  llic  pi\ss;u;e  of  llie  Itnliii'on:  il 
was  llic  liepnnin^  of  what  will  end  in  phuMiiir  mi- 
•iertlie  proiec:i;iin  of  the  liroad  pinions  of  llie  Ameri- 
ean eajle  ihe  entire  eontiiieni,  sirelohni!;  from  Cape 
Horn  to  Hhering's  Sirails,  and  from  the  shores  of 
the  Allanlio  to  Ihe  waves  of  ihe  Paeifie. 

This  is  what  niv  friend  from  Illinois,  [Mr.  Ba- 
ker,] whom  I  hail  as  a  worthy  Hepreseiilalivr  of 
Western  Whi^'S,  ealls  onr  "manifest  destiny;" 
nnd  with  him  1  sav,  if  the  represenlalivesof  Ir^'il- 
imacy  in  the  Old  World,  fir  the  pnr|iose  <if  pre- 
ventiiin;  ils  eonsnmniiilion,  elinose  (o  pnl  lliem- 
sulves  In  liallle  array,  either  singly  or  eollectively, 
let  them  do  it,  and  upon  their  heads  he  llie  eonse- 
qncnoes.  We  eannni,  we  will  not  recede.  We 
neither  seek  for,  nor  will  we  avoid  the  eonlliel;  if 
it  eomes,  we  will  enter  the  arena  strong  in  the  as- 
siirnni'C  of  a  !;ood  cause,  firmly  relyins  upon  ihe 
provideine  of  God,  which  has  ihus  far  stood  hy 
and  proiectid  ns  in  oiironwaril  march!  Knowinir 
that,  as  heretofore,  each  crisis  in  the  alTnirs  of  na- 
tions has  produced  men  equal  to  the  occasion,  so 
hereafter,  in  every  emergency,  lirave  spirits  will 
bi.'  fciiind  capalile  of  "riding  llie  whirlsviiul  and  di- 
recting the  siorm." 

And  why,  aHer  all,  should  we  so  niiich  dread 
this  (-onllici  ?  Dentil  in  sonic  form  or  oilnr  is  the 
desliny  of  all  of  .'Vdani's  nuc;  life  nl  loiiiresi  is  liiil 
n  span;  this  scncralion  is  lail  diisi  on  Ihe  wheel  nf 
time.  What  hoots  it,  then,  whclher  we  arc  sha- 
ken from  ii  an  instani  soomr  or  laler-  .Ay:  nnd  'I 
who,  of  all  thai  now  hear  me,  would  nni  railier,  " 
when  theclangor  of  Gabriel's  trump  shall  summon 
the  pale  millions  of  the  dead  lo  llie  eon;rc^alion  of 
nf;es,  appear  in  ihal  vnstassemhly  cloihcd  wilh  the 
bloom  of  youth,  Ik  ariii^r  upon  your  front  the  ilealh- 
gash  received  in  defence  of  your  country's  honor 
and  the  riirhts  of  man,  than  covered  with  llie  wrin- 
kles of  dishonored  n;e? 

Against  ihe  Eniflish  people  I  have  no  ho-^lilc  frel- 
ini,';  on  the  contrary,  I  love  iln  nl  for  their  aspira- 
tions after  freedom,  and  I  only  repmach  ihcm  ihni 
they  do  not  tear  away  those  feudal  cnlnvelis  which 
have  so  lon^'  galled  their  manly  linilis,  nnd  east 
amonfr  the  lunilier  of  a'jes  those  ]iriiiciples  of  jcL'il- 
iinacy  which  disL'r.ace  the  conniry  and  aire  in  which 
they  live.  But  the  Knijlish  Governmenl  is  ipiile 
another  thing.  To  my  niiial  il  is  ihe  very  worsi 
povcrnment  upon  earlh.  It  has  some  prcience  lo 
liherty  without  any  of  ils  sniislance.  It  tears  the 
sinews,  and  drinks  ihe  sweat  of  ils  Inhorin;.'-  inil- 
liona  tu  fiMiri  a  stall-fed  aristocracy.  Onr  firht  con- 
flict wilh  I  Jiglaiid  was  in  the  Revoliilion,  which 
ended  in  tearing  from  the  Britl.sli  crown  thiriii  n  of 
ils  hriglilesi  jewels,  and  wiinpiiig  frmu  her  slnli- 
liorii  heart  ihc  nckoowledgnient  thai  ihese  colonies 
were,  nnd  of  ritrlil  oughl  to  he.  free. 

The  second  was  llie  war  of  ISU,  which  is  called 
the  second  war  of  independence.  It  hnnihled  the 
pride  of  the  British  navy,  and  ended  in  a  hla/e  of 
plory  on  the  plains  of 'New  Orleans,  by  iiuikiii;; 
thousands  of  lier  liravest  troops  hile  ihe  iliisl  in 
conflict  with  the  raw  militia  of  the  western  Sinks. 
The  third  and  last  conllict  is  not  yet.  No  mnn  can 
douhl  hill  that  it  will  come.     When  the  hislurv  of 


thai  war  is  writlen,  il  will  record  the  downfall  of 
llie  British  empire.  l<'nll  she  luiitti,  anil  fall  she 
v»ill,  as  sure  as  .\dain  fell.  She  is  now  standiii!; 
in  the  twilight  of  her  u'lnry;  nild  a  sharp  vision  may 
easily  discern,  written  iipiin  her  from,  the  inscrip- 
tion iraced  liy  an  invisililc  hand  upon  the  piilncu  ! 
wall  of  ihe  lialiylonish  kiiii,'.  ' 

As  I  said  liefore,  Knirland's  greatness  now  rests 
upon  her  commerce.  .She  has  three  hundred  mil-  - 
lions  of  lonnai;e,  which  :,'iia;;es  her  shipping.  We 
have  already  two  hunilnd  millions,  unil  are  now 
gnllicring  U|ion  her  with  the  strides  of  a  swift 
courser.  When  we  pass  her,  her  dowiifull  by 
peaceable  means  will  be  rapid  and  sudden.  I 

Oregon  is  therefore  all  important  in  a  commercial 
point  of  view.  It  is  the  inch  of  ground  upon  which  , 
we  can  place  a  fulcrnm,  ijiviiig  ns  the  lever  by 
which  lo  overturn  the  world  of  British  commerce. 
It  will  i;ive  us  a  duster  of  nmniilacturingandeoin- 
nierciai  .Siali  s  on  the  Pacific  corresponding  with 
onr  New  I'.iiijland  Slates  upon  the  Atl.intic.  Then 
Ihe  inlialiit:ints  of  the  i;reat  Mississippi  valley, 
who  have  in  their  posseHsion  the  garden  of  the 
world  and  the  !,-ranary  of  the  nnivi'ise,  will  stretch 
out  one  baud  to  the  I'lasI  Indies  Miron^'li  the  Pa- 
cific chain,  ihe  oilier  lo  I'.iirope  lliroutjh  the  At- 
lantic chamiel,  ^'raspin;.' the  trade  of  the  eivillu'd 
earth,  as  we  now  hold  in  possession  ihe  means  of: 
snbsislence  for  llii'  w  hole  human  family. 

There  is  In  ibis  discussion,  lo  mo,  a  new  and 
very  aijrccable  feature.  The  discussion  indicnies, 
nnd  the  voie  will  ]irove,  that  ibis  is  no  "parly  ques- 
tion." There  sits  .in  ns:ed  anil  venerabic  man 
[poiutintr  to  .TuiiN  Hiiscv  ;\ii\Ms|  of  ilic  Whig  , 
)iarty  who  has  spoken  and  will  vole  with  us,  be- 
cause be  teels  il  bis  duly  so  lo  do.  Whalever 
niav  be  said  of  the  hot  haste  of  my  youlhfiil 
blood,  I  feid  confident  that  whilst  1  follow' the  lead 
of  one  whose  locks  are  whitened  by  the  snows  of 
ei2;lily  winters,  I  can  do  nothing  rashly.  On  the 
oilier  hand,  ibere  are  some  e(|Unlly  respectable 
friends  on  the  democralic  side  of  the  House  who 
lliink  duly  calls  lo  "  inactivity,"  and  therefore  will 
vole  against  Oregon.  .So  I  would  have  it,  thai  llie 
world  may  know  thai  this  is  not  n  (|nestion  of  a 
parly  in  Aiuerien,  bin  of  an  .Vnierican  parly. 

I  have  alleinpled,  Mr.  Chairman,  ill  my  feeble 
wny,  lo  ^bow  Ibe  comniillce  that  duty  calls,  and 
interest  ))oinIs,  In  the  nsserlion  of  our  rights  to  Or- 
pjon.  I  rnmioi,  I  will  mil  doulil  bin  thnt  ihe 
House  will  respond  afiirniativclv.  This  is  ibe 
war  feeling',  and  the  only  war  feeling  in  the  West.  . 
If  war  must  come,  let  it  conic;  nnd  those  who  pro-  i 
voke  il  will  have  to  abide  its  eonsecpiences. 


^f' 


OREGON  arnsTioN. 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  .TEFF'N.  DAVIS,   i 

or  MISSISSIPPI,  ! 

In  tiif.  Iloisr.  or  Ripiieskktmives,  I 

Ff6ri((ir!/  fi,  ISJfJ. 
On  the  Hesohilion  lo  terniiiiale  the  joint  occupa- 
tion of  the  Oregon  Territory.  ; 

.\Ir.  D.WIS   addressed   the  eoiumitlce  as  fol- 
low«:  i 

Mr.  CiiAinMAv:  In  negotiations  between  Gov- 
ernments, in  attempts  lo  modify  existing  policies, 
the  cit'ciiinslniicis  of  the  lime  most  fre(|uemly  de-  j 
ciile  111  Iwei.n  success  nnd  fnilnre.  1 

How  far  the  iiiiinilnction  of  this  cpieslion  may 
nfl'iit  iiiir  I'lreiL'n  intercourse,  the  future  only  can 
ihtiriiiine;  bill  I  iiivile  atieniion  111  ihe  preseiii  po.s- 
lure  of  alfairs.    Amicable  relalions,  afier  a  senoiiB 
inn  rrnption,  have   been    but  nceiilly  restored  be- ' 
twccn  the  I'liitcd  .Stales  and  Mi'xicii.     'i'lie  most 
delicate  and   dillicnlt  of  i|Ueslions,  the  adjuslnienl 
of  a  bnunilary  between  us,  remains  iiiisi  tiled;  and 
many  cyi  s  are  fixed  upon  mirMinisler  nl  Mexico, 
with  the  hope  ilinl  he  niny  iiegolintcn  treaty  which 
will  remove  all  eausi  s  of  diK|inle,  and  L'ive  to  ns  \ 
tcrrilorial  limits,  the  nlliniiiteadvanla;;es  of  which,  ! 
il  would  be  ilitlicnlt  lo  ovrr-estimate.  , 

If,  sir,  hereafli  r  we  shall  finil  ihal,  by  litis  ox-  i 
cited  discussion,  jiorlentous  of  a  war  wilh  Eii^'- 
lanil,unrensoiinbledrniandsupon  the  part  of  Mex- 
ico should  111'  I'licnnniKed,  the  acquisition  of  Cali-  ' 
forni;!  le  deft'iiled,  ihal  key  lo  Asiatic  commerce 
be  passed  from  onr  hands  forever:  wlial  will  we 


havegainiil  to  coinprnsate  so  great  n  loss.'  AVe 
know  the  inlliienic  which  Great  Briuiin  exercises 
oyer  Mexico— VIP  should  not  expect  her  lo  be  pas- 
sive, nor  doubt  tlinl  the  ,  .aspect  nf  a  war  bclween 
Kiigland  and  Ihe  United  iSiates  would  serve  lo  re- 
vive ihe  fi  inner  hopes  nnd  Id  renew  ihe  recent 
cnmily  of  Mexico. 

Kir,  I  have  niioih,r  hope,  for  iho  fulfilment  of 
which  the  signs  of  the  times  seem  most  propi- 
liouH.  An  nmisiially  long  exeni|ilioii  iVnm  a  gen- 
eral v\'nr  has  |ierinilUMt  the  bonds  of  commerce  lo 
pxlenil  ihcniselves  around  ibe  civilized  world,  and 
lialioiiM  from  reinole  i|iiiirters  of  the  ^dolie  have 
been  drawn  into  that  clo.sp  and  mutual  dependnnce 
which  foretold  unshackled  trade  and  n  hiNtiiu; 
peace.  Ill  the  Knsl,  there  np|ieaieil  a  rainbow 
which  promised  that  the  waters  of  naiional  jeal- 
ousy and  pro.scriplion  were  about  lo  recede  froiu 
the  enrtb  I'orever,  and  the  spirit  of  free  trade,  to 
move  over  the  lace  thereof. 

In  perspective,  we  saw  the  jinrts  of  Califiirnia 
united  lo  the  ports  and  forcsis  of  (Jrcnon;  and  our 
conntryinen  ci.nnnaiiding  the  trade  of  the  Pacilic. 
The  day  sci'tnedal  liniid,  when  the  overcharged 
granaries  of  the  Wesi  shoiilil  be  emptied  to  the 
starving  millions  of  Europe  anil  Asia;  when  the 
cnnvass-winged  dovi  s  of  our  laimmerce  should 
freely  fly  forth  from  the  ark,  and  relnrn  across 
every  sea  with  the  olive  of  every  land.  Shall  ob- 
jects like  these  be  emlans;ered  by  the  inipnlience  of 
petty  amLiitiiin,  the  promptings  of  sectional  iiiler- 
esi,  or  Ibe  goadiiiL's  of  fanatic  hale?  .Shall  the 
good  of  the  whole  be  ^Mlrrellde|■ed  lo  the  voracious 
di'innnds  of  the  few.-  Slinll  cla.ss  iniiresls  control 
the  great  policy  of  our  couulry,  and  the  voice  of 
reason  be  drowned  in  the  clamor  of  causeless  ex- 
ciicmeiil?  If  .so,  not  olherwise,  we  may  agree 
with  him  who  would  reconcile  its  to  the  evils  of 
war,  by  the  promise  of  "  einancipalioii  from  the 
mimifaclnres  of  Mnncbestcr  nnd  liirininghnm;" 
or  lenvc  unnnswered  the  heresy  boldly  ainionneed, 
llionvb  by  history  condenined.  Unit  war  is  llie  pu- 
rifier, blood  is  ihe  aliiuenl,  of  free  instilnlions.  Sir, 
it  is  true  that  republics  have  often  been  cradled  in 
war,  but  more  often  they  have  met  with  a  ;rrn\e  in 
that  cradle.  Peace  is  the  interest,  the  policy,  the 
nature  of  a  popular  Government.  Wnrmny  bring 
lienefiis  to  n  few,  bill  privation  nnd  loss  are  the  lot 
of  the  ninny.  An  appeal  to  arms  should  be  the 
last  resort,  mid  only  by  nutiunal  rights  or  national 
honor  can  it  be  justified. 

To  ihose  who  have  treated  this  ns  n  ease  involv- 
ini;  the  national  honor,  I  reply,  whenever  that 
question  shall  justly  be  raised,  I  trust  an  American 
Congress  will  not  delay  for  weeks  lo  discuss  the 
chances,  or  estiinalc  the  sacrifices  which  ils  main- 
tenance may  cost.  Pint,  sir,  inslend  of  rights  in- 
vaded or  honor  violnled,  the  (|iieslion  liefiire  us  is, 
the  expediency  of  lerminating  an  niieienl  treaty, 
which,  if  il  be  unwise,  il  cannot  be  dishonornbl 
to  continue.  A'ei  ibroughout  this  long  discussion, 
the  recesses  and  vaulted  dome  of  litis  Hall  have  re- 
echoed to  iiiflamniiitory  appeals  and  violent  decln- 
ralioiis  on  the  sanctity  of  n;ilioiml  honor;  and  tbini, 
ns  if  to  iustil'y  them,  fiillowed  reflections  most 
discreditable  to  the  conduct  of  nor  Governnien'. 
'i'be  chcrge  made  elsewhere  hns  been  repeated 
here,  ihnt  we  have  Iroddeii  upon  ^Mexico,  bnteow- 
creil  under  Kiiulaiid. 

Sir,  it  has  been  my  pride  to  believe  lliat  our  his- 
tory was  unstained  by  an  act  of  injustice  or  of  jier 
fidy:  that  we  stood  rccurdcd  licforc  the  world  as  a 
people  haiiLrhty  to  the  strong,  generous  lo  the  weak, 
-nnd  now  here  has  the  cbnrncter  been  more  exem]ili- 
fied  than  in  onr  intercourse  with  Mexico.  We  have 
been  referred  lo  the  treaty  of  pence  that  closed  our 
lasi  war  with  Great  Britain,  tind  told  that  our  in- 
juries were  unredressed,  because  the  qnestioii  of 
impressment  was  not  decided.  There  are  other 
decisions  than  those  made  by  commissioners,  and 
sometimes  they  ontliisl  llie  letter  of  a  treaty.  On 
srn  and  land  we  si  tiled  llie  (jiteslion  of  iinpress- 
iiii  nt  before  negolialioiis  were  cotnmenceil  at 
Ghent.  Further,  it  should  be  remembered  that 
there  was  involved  within  ihal  qneslion  a  cardinal 
principle  of  e;icli  Governmeiil.  The  ]iower  of  ex- 
patriation, nnd  ils  sequence,  nnlnruli/nlion,  were 
denied  by  Great  Briiain,  and  hence  a  right  assert- 
ed to  impiTss  native-born  Britons,  ihongli  naluinl- 
izcd  ns  cilizens  of  thel'nilcd  Stales.  This  violnled 
n  principle  which  li(s  nt  the  foiindaiion  of  our  in- 
slitniions,  :md  conM  never  be  perinilled;  but  not 


J846.) 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  C0N(illESS10NAL  GLOBE. 


Q13 


29tii  Cono IsT  Sess. 


I'Ac  Ore<ron  Question — Atr.  Jefferson  Davis, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


cnHC  involv- 

■iioviT   ilmt 

Amriicaji 

(lisi'llSS    ilip 

■li  its  nii\iii- 

'  ri;;lil.s  in- 

bcforo  lis  is, 

'ienl  treaty, 

li.s!ionoml»l 

(lisciissiiin, 
.liill  liiive  re- 

illll'lll  lll'clll- 

alid  tlicn, 
•lions  most 
ovtrniiioiii. 
•11  ri'iiriUcil 
but  cow- 

lliMt  our  liis- 

or  of  per 

H'orlil  ns  a 

I  tlK'wenk, 

I'  rNcmiili- 

Wv  liavc 

•■lost'i!  (lur 

ilial  our  in- 

r|Ui.'Stiiiii  of" 

re  ollior 

qomrs,  and 

Irraly.     On 

if  inipiTss- 

iinriirrd    at 

iiliiTcil  llint 

II  a  rnnliiial 

nvirolix- 

itioii,  were 

■iudit  assrrt- 

irli  natiiral- 

liis  violated 

ot'  our  in- 

•d;  Ijiit  not 


bein;,'  propnpuidisis,  we  enulil  Mtl'ord  to  leave  the  ; 
nolitii'ul  iijiinion  annoticed,  alter  liaviii;;  taught  a 
lesaon  wlucli  woiilil  proljalily  prevent  aiiv  liinne 
ailetnpt  to  extreise  it  lo  our  injury,     i.et  ilie  wis- 
doui  ol*  that  policy  be  jiidsjed  by  suhNeinient  eveiils. 

Tlie  oiitrafje  in  the  ease  at'  the  Caroline,  and  in 
that  of  the  (Jreole,  liave  also  liein  refi.'rrod  lo;  ami 
llioui^h  1  am  not  satisfied  with  the  roiirse  our 
(iovenniient  pursuid,  I  eannot  admit  that  we  liiuc 
shrunk  from  assi.^rtiiii;  our  riijlils  against  Ureat 
Uritain;  liecause  that  tfovermiient  has  not  avowed  I 
ilie  aelu  of  whioli  we  have  eoniplained.  j 

Now,  sir,  1  will  view  tin;  other  side — the  case 
of  Mexico.  So  far  from  liiiviiij;  trespa.ssed  upon 
III  r,  the  filets  will  bear  me  out  in  sayiiii;  that  we 
blue  borne  more  of  insult  and  oulrai;e  on  our  citi- 
zens by  Mexie.o,  than  Hiii^liind  ever  has,  or  will 
f  ver  be  permilted  to  perpetrate.  Diir  eilizeiis  have 
been  robbed,  our  vessels  aeiz.ed  ant!  eoiidianned. 
In  two  instaiiees  the  crews  were  imprisoned  {the 
".lulius  C';esiir"  and  the  "  Chanipion,")  in  one, 
llie  captain  of  ihe  vessel  murdered — the  "ropa/..'' 
I  Uir  treaties  have  been  broken,  and  in  iiiiineroiis 
instances  the  properly  of  our  eilizens  eonlisciiteil, 
ill  violation  of  the  laws  of  nations.  All  this  we 
have  borne  from  a  (fovernmeiit  we  mainly  coii- 
IrilaUi'd  to  warm  inio  exisieiice  and  first  iiitro- 
duceil  to  the  family  of  nations.  As  a  iiei;;liboriiii,' 
ie|iublic,we  desired  Ihe  pro.^perity  of  Mexico,  ami 
nothing'  could  be  more  iinjiist  than  to  chiir;;e  our 
tiovermiicut  with  seekini;  ag^'raiidi/.tincnt  fium  litr 
lii'lplessncss. 

So  much,  sir,  for  the  cases  which  s''i"l''""'i'  ■ 
have  chosen  so  freipiently  -o  compare  to  our  injii- 
ry.     IJiit  whatever  miiy  nave,  been  the  conduct  of 
our  CJovermnent  in  ihi'  past,  if  we  credit  the  vari-  i 
mis  positions  taken   in  this  disciisaioii,  we  have 
now  arrived  at  a  point  where  an  hiinoralile  pro- 
:,'ic  KS  is  iihnost  iinpiwsible.     Dii  the  one  hand,  we 
are  told,  not  to  give  notice  to  terniinaio  the  Or-  i 
esioii   eonveniioii   is   a   dishonnrable   relreai;    on  i 
the  other,  tliat  lo  i;ive  the  notice  will   probably  ! 
lead  to  war,  and  that  would  be  dishonor. 

."^ir,  were  there  more  of  justice,  there  niigUt  be 
more  of  mnrtlllcallon  at  liavini;  such  terms  con- 
in  i  ted  wiih  suppositions  attached  to  our  Govern- 
ment. We  have  arifrht,  by  the  terms  of  the  trea- 
ty, to  i;ive  noiicc  for  its  termination  ai  our  plea- 
sure; null  whether  wo  shall  exercise  the  rii;ht  is  ; 
now,  as  it  has  been,  a  question  of'  expediency  . 
merely.  The  convention  was  adopted  as  a  Icmpo- 
niry  measure  lor  ihe  preservation  of  peace,  and  if 
rescinded,  could  only  restore  us  lo  our  former  po- 
sition. My  colleaijue,  [Mr.  Tiiiimi'mis,]  howev- 
er, f,'ocs  so  fur  as  to  say  that  notice  is  the  only 
way  lo  avoid  wai ,  and  thai  to  extend  our  laws 
over  our  people  in  Ore;;oii  is  war — a  war  of  dis- 
t;race.  This  opinion  i.i  new,  and  I  think  incorrect. 
It  is  certainly  dill'erent  from  that  which  prevailed 
at  the  date  of  the  treaty;  and  opposite  lo  that  held, 
for  many  years  thereafter,  by  those  whoso  labors 
on  the  Orcfimi  question  have  comuiHiided  most  re- 
S|ieet  and  attention.  Not  so  thought  Floyd,  nor 
Linn,  nor  Iteiiloii. 

Ill  the  early  discussions  upon  the  policy  to  be 
IHiisiiid  ill  relation  to  the  Oretjon  territory,  no  one 
denied  the  power  to  exiend  our  laws  over  ihe  Co- 
lumbia valley.  The  opinion  which,  in  this  dis- 
cussion, hits  1,'oiie  to  such  exieiit  as  to  denounce 
cnii^'ralion  lo  Ore!i;on  as  .sienliie,;  into  the  coiiniry, 
is  part  of  the  bitter  fruit  which  has  f,'rowii  on  this 
partnership  with  Great  Britain.  The  rii^lit  lo  em- 
igiale  to  (Jregoii,  to  extend  our  laws,  or  to  erect  a 
territorial  governiiient  over  that  counlrv,  rests  mil 
alone  upon  ihe  opinion  of  our  siaiesin'eii  In  Con- 
gress, but  is  supported  by  the  eorres|iondeiice  of 
the  negotiators  who  formed  the  Oregon  eonveii- 
tioii. 

U|ion  this  point,  I  will  refer  to  a  letter  of  Allierl 
Gallatin,  dated  January  -JAl,  IH4H,  and  recrnily 
published  in  llie  "  Nalioiial  Imelligencer,"  of  this 
eiiy.  As  one  of  the  Uiiilid  Slates  CiMiimission- 
eis  who  negotialed  the  conveiiliou  of  1818,  and 
represented  our  Government  in  the  arrangcnient 
of  IW^JT,  for  its  indefinite  |u-olon|jatioii,  his  coin- 
mi  ntary  must  be  received  as  the  highest  authority. 
The  following  passage  lefers  to  ihe  transactions 
of  18'J7,  and  shows  llie  opinions  then  held  by  the 
negotiators  upon  this  subject. 

"  It  will  be  seen,  by  reference  to  the  protocols 
'  and  correspondence,  thai,  although  it  was  lener- 
'  ally  admitted  that  neither  parly  oiiglii,  during 


'  such  coiitiniiaiice,  to  exercise  any  excluHive  sov- 
'  eiei'jnly  over  the  territory,  the  Amerlciin  jileiiipo- 
'  teniiiiry  declined  lo  airree  to  any  coiivenlion  con- 
'  laiiiing  an  express  provision  to  that  etlect,  or  iic- 
'  compaiiieil  bvtiieiiiserlioii  in  the  protocol  of  a  dee- 
'  laration  for  llie  siiuie  purpose  by  llie  Ih^ilisli  plen- 
'  ipotenliaricH.  The  rciisoii  was,  not  only  because 
'  nil  exclusive  ri'.'lil  over  .Asioriii  and  its  dc^peiiilen- 
'  lies  was  claimed  by  the  I'nileil  Slates,  but  princi- 
'  pally  because  it  was  anticipaled  llial,  ill  order  lo 
'  have,  in  fa.t,  an  autlinrily  eipial  to  that  exercised 
'  by  the  Hudson  Bav  om|iiiny,  it  would  licconie 
'  necessary  for  the  I  iiiied  Slates  lo  perform  nets 
'  which  the  British  Government  mit'lit  couiend  lo 
'  be  forbidden  by  such  express  provision  or  decla- 
'  ration.  The  consequence  was,  that  the  convention 
'  recognises  some  certain  rights,  and  inqioses  no 
'  positive  restrictions:  liiil  only  such  as  may  be 
'  supposed  to  be  implied   in  the  claii.se  which  de-  \ 

*  eliires  that  nothing  contained  in  it  should  be  c.on- 
'  sinied  to  impiiiroran'ect  the  claims  of  either  parly. 
' 'I'he  probability  thai  it  iniL'ht  become  necessary 
'  for  the  United  Slates  to  eslablisl<  a  terrilorial,  or 
'  some  sort  of  ^■overlllnelll,  over  their  own  citizens, 

*  WHS  explicilly  avowed." 

The  circ.umslances  of  Ihe  case,  the  early  and  able 
dis'-nssiniis,  and  the  cotemporiuieoiis  iiiterpreialioii 
of  the  convention,  forbid  the  novel  and  extraordi- 
nary coiistrnclion  which  would  decide  emigration 
to  be  a  crime,  and  visit  war  and  disgrace  upon  us 
for  extending;  oiir  laws  over  American  cili/.ens  set- 
tled in  territory  of  which  we  are  recognised  to  hold 
possession, 

I  will  now  allempi  to  show  that,  so  far  from  our 
citizens  being  forbidden  to  einii^rati  into  Oregon  by 
Ihe  joint  conveiilion,  we  have  a  full  and  entire  rielit  ' 
to  colonize  Ihe  valley  of  the  Columbia  for  agriciil- 
lufiil  purposes. 

By  discovery,  exploration,  and  settlement,  we 
claini'^il  exclusive  snvereiL:nly  over  that  country, 
when  in  the  war  of  181^  we  were  dispossessed  by 
Great  Britain.  In  accordance  with  the  ireaty  of 
peace,  we  were  restor.  d  to  possession.  Tlie  sub- 
sequent trealy  of  1818,  for  joint  privileges  in  llie 
trade  of  the  country,  could  not  destroy,  or  other- 
wise alVect  our  previous  riu'lils,  except  so  far  as 
Ihey  were  incompatible  with  the  stipulations  of  the 
Ireaty.  By  llie  third  article  of  that  treaty,  it  is  de- 
clared that  the  "  only  object  of  the  high  coniracting 
parties  is  to  nrevcnl  disputes  mid  diil'ercnces  among 
tliem.selves." 

Not  having  been  able  to  decide  upon  a  territorial 
boundary,  it  was  agreed  that  the  country  claimed 
by  either  poly  "  westward  of  the  Stony  inoiinlains, 
together  wilh  its  harbors,  bays,  and  creeks,"  and 
the  "naviiation  of  all  rivers  within  the  same," 
should  be,  lor  the  term  often  years,  *' free  and 
open"  to  the  **  vessels,  citizens,  and  subjects  of  the 
two  Powers."  Though  in  this  privile:;e  there  is 
nolhiii!;  more  tliiu  open  ports  and  freedom  of  the  I 
eounlry,  the  possibiliiy  of  its  being  construed  so  | 
ns  to  impair  pre-exisliiigriirhlswasguardedaffainst,  ' 
by  a  clause  in  the  same  article,  to  the  etlect  that  ' 
nothing  therein  coniaiiieil  should  prejudice  any 
claim  which  eiilier  of  the  contracting  parlies,  or 
any  other  Power  or  Slate,  mnjhl  have  to  any  |iart 
of  the  country.  AVe  claimed  to  have  possession 
of  the  valley  of  the  Columbia,  and  Great  Britain 
Had  admitted  the  justice  of  thai  claim,  liy  the  con- 
structive restoration  of  the  posts  at  the  mouths  of 
the  Okanacran  and  Spookan  rivers,  and  the  actual, 
uiicoiuiitioniil  surrender  of  Fort  Aslm^ia.  .Such, 
then,  was  our  riirlit  to  southern  OrcL'on  at  the  for- 
mation of  the  conveiilion,  and  Ihey  caiinol  have 
been  altered  during:  its  coiuiiiiiiince.  Thou-^h  un- 
connected with  Ihe  point  which  I  am  pressiitir,  I 
would  here  remark,  that  the  article  of  the  conven- 
tion to  which  1  have  ret'erreil,  bv  the  acknowledg- 
ment that  oilier  Powers  or  Siales  might  have  claims 
upon  the  eounlry,  presents  a  Biillicienl  refutation  of 
llie  eliari;-e  that  we  soimht  at  thai  period  to  divide 
the  territory,  without  regard  to  the  claims  of  .Spain. 

Mr.  Chairman,  let  us  inquire  what  elTect  the 
convention  had  upon  our  ri'j:lits  in  soiilhern  t^re- 
smt.  Pursuiui;  tlie  principle  that  previous  riu'hts 
should  not  be  exercised  so  as  to  destroy  those 
conferred  by  the  eonveiilion,  it  follows  that  we 
were  restrained  from  establishing  a  ciisloiu-hoiise, 
or  levyins  duties  on  lii'ilish  merchants,  because 
this  would  have  been  a  violation  of  the  agreement 
that  the  country  .should  be  free  and  open;  but  thai 
tlie  joint  right  lo  trade  throughout  ihe  whole  ter- 


ritory should  be  consiriieil  to  denrive  ihe  parljr 
previously  in  pos.sessioii  of  the  rlg'it  to  settle  in  it 
for  any  other  piirpo.se,  is  wholly  irrecuncilublti, 
except  upon  the  supposition  lliat  the  coiivenlion 
was  llie  agreement  of  fur-trading  and  trap|>ins; 
companies,  and  designed  lo  prevent  an  agrieul- 
tiiral  selllement.  Otherwise,  it  is  to  eunlciid  that 
the  minor  ciiiilained  ihe  major  power;  that  the 
tein[ioriiry  legidalions  of  trade  had  swallowed  up 
llie  right  of  permaiii  lit  possession. 

The  only  Power  which  could objecl  to  ourclniiu 
was  Spain.  Wc  now  possess  the  Spanish  title, 
cxtcndmu:  lair  territorial  rights  lo  the  Kiisuian  pos- 
seHsioiis  in  the  north;  and  this  brings  us  into  con- 
llict  wilh  (ireat  Britain  upon  more  luicienl  uiid 
complex  (piestions. 

1  will  not  weaken  the  position  of  our  Secretary 
of  .Stale,  by  adding  anyihing  lo  his  demonslralion 
of  Ihe  coinmereiiil  character  of  the  treaty  of  1790, 
(known  as  the  Noolka.Sound  conveiilion,)  nor  the 
irresistililc  conclusion  that  the  war  of  ITUli  be- 
tween the  coiuracling  parties  liiid  iinmilled  il,  nsull 
oilier  treaties  of  those  Powers.  But  ns  the  Brilisli 
Government  now  rc^sls  ils  claim  entirely  upon  that 
treaty,  and  llie  ))reseut  Minister,  in  Ins  corre- 
Hpondence  wilh  our  Secreuiry,  as.scris  that  "the 
iSooika  Sound  convention  has  conllnued  in  full 
and  complete  force  up  to  the  present  nunnent,"  1 
will,  for  the  sake  of  argument,  so  consider  it.  To 
admit  that  convention  lo  hcslill  in  force,  it  is  iie- 
ces.sary  to  consider  it  as  a  declanition  of  rights  in- 
depcnd.iit  of  and  above  the  treaty;  not  the  grant 
of  advaniages  under  it.  iVow,  lei  us  sec  what 
conse(|uences  follnw  from  this  admission.  That 
Spain,  under  the  established  usatre  of  Knropenn 
nations,  by  the  early  voyages  of  her  navigators, 
had  acquired  the  exclusive  right  of  occupation  in 
the  norihweslerii  coast  of  America,  as  far  .as  llieir 
discoveries  extended,  was  not  denied;  but  the  ques- 
tion was.  Had  she,  without  having  ociupieil  the 
country,  an  exclusive  right  of  sovereignly  over  it.' 
Several  of  the  Slates  of  Kurope  filled  out  expedi- 
tions for  discovery  nlonsthe  conliiieiit.aiid  among 
the  adjacent  islands.  The  Spanish  Governnient, 
it  is  supposed,  to  conceal  from  other  nations  iho 
discoveries  of  her  navigators,  withheld  them  from 
publication,  and  thus  claims  of  discovery  were  laid 
on  places  which  the  Spaniards  previously  had 
visited. 

When  Captain  Conk  made  his  voyage  in  1778, 
the  first  point  at  which  he  landed  on  the  north- 
western coast  was  "  Nootka  Sound."  Though 
the  Indians  (lossessed  iron  instrumcnls — an  evi- 
dence of  iiiteiToiirse  with  European  traders — the 
previous  discovery  of  Perez  not  having  been  puh- 
lislied,  the  port  San  Lorenzo  of  the  Spaniards  was 
claimed  as  a  discovery  by  Cook,  and  lie  gave  it  the 
name  it  bear.s — "  iSootka  Sound." 

The  piililicalioii  of  Cook's  voyage  opened  a  new 
field  for  commercial  enterprise;  the  fur  trade  of 
the  north  Pacific  was  actively  engaged  in;  and 
Nootka  Sound  became  a  place  of  comnion  resort 
by  vessels  trading  in  the  north  Pacific. 

These  movements  were  viewed  with  dissatisfac- 
tion by  the  Court  of  Madrid.  The  fear  was  enter- 
tained that  establishments  might  be  formed  in 
those  rcirioiis,  which  would  endanger  the  domin- 
ions of  the  Spanish  crown  on  the  northwest  coast 
of  America,  and  various  mean.s  were  adopted  lo 
counteract  it. 

In  1788,  Lieutenant  Me.ares,  an  Englishman, 
commanding  a  trading  vessel  under  Portuguese 
colors,  enlered  Nootka  Sound;  and  wishing  to 
leave  a  portion  of  his  men  at  "  Friendly  Cove" 
to  build  a  coasting  vesKcl,  obtained  permission  from 
till  ludiiiii  chief  (Maqiiiimn)  lo  erect  a  hut  on 
shore  for  their  accommodation.  This  forms  the 
f  iiindation  of  llie  British  claim  to  the  priority  of 
.'•eitlemeiit  at  Nootkji  Sound.  This  event,  .seeni- 
iiurly  so  unimportant,  in  1790  came  near  (irodiic- 
ing  general  war  in  Europe,  and  its  results  seem 
now  lo  threnteu  the  peace  between  England  and 
the  Uiiiled  States. 

Ill  the  examination  of  this  question,  so  much  de- 
pends upon  the  initial  point,  that  it  deserves  espe- 
cial scrutiny.  First,  for  the  character  and  purposes 
of  Meares,  I  will  read  from  the  work  of  a  cotem- 
porary,  Capiaiii  Dixon,  one  of  the  most  emcrpris- 
mi;  of  the  navi'gators  in  the  north  Pacific. 

The  title  of  the  work  is  "  Dixon's  Voyage  round 
the  WorUl."  At  pase  1,55, after  stating  that  he  mot 
Meares  at  Prince  William's  Sound,  in  1787,  and 


214 


-rrr.*!: — —:r- 


m 


39th  CoNd l8T  SB88. 


APPENDIX  TO  TIIK  CO.XG  SESSION  A  f.  GI.OnE. 

2'hc  OrifTon  i-^uiMiuu — Mr,  Jvffcraon  Duvis. 


(Feb.  fl, 
Ho.  (It-  11kh8. 


lenmril  (Vom  him  ihnt  he  hnd  bren  an  fnr  lu  Cook '» 

river,  lip^ivrii  Mrarm'M  nlBUimriil  tlividi  "  IIh  met 
'  Willi  II  piirly  iif  liiiHuinn  nclilirn,  wlm  iiiforniiil 
'  him  llml  lh«  Innil  In  the  rnnlwiiril  iif  the  nIihiI  iH 
'  dilleil  Ciidinc,  mill  Ihivi  Ihry  hml  ii  «  illi  iiiciii 
•Ihorci  liki'wii«r,  Ihut  iwo  Knroiienii  MNNcia  wire 
'  ihrn  lit  niiohnrni  Cixliiit',  niiil  iliiii  ihfy  hml  liiliHy 
'urcn  Iwo  other  shipH  ill  ('iiiil<'ji  riviT.  *  •  * 
'This  inleiliunicii  iniliieiil  liiiii  In  Hlecr  fur  Prini'p 
'  VVilliiiiiri  SihiikI."  At  pmreH  iriO,  ir>7,  hc'ijivi'H 
nn  iircoiiiit  nf  nil  interview  willi  Meanw  suiil  hin 
(ii'st  miilo,  Mr.  Itnss;  "  Frmii  them  we  lianinl 
'  thni  the  I'm  Iriiile  nil  thin  must  hml  hn  n  ciinii  il 
'on  from  ilitrcicnt  piuiH  ol'  ilie  K;i»t  Imliis  I'nr 
'  some  yeiiii'.     They  told  iiie   viirioiiH  Hlories  re- 

'  S| lin;;  tlieir  rtuen  sH  in  tr.uir;  hntoiitlirHe  nnu  h 

'  reliiiiiee  wim  mil  to  lie  pl;ieeil,  lis  the  eapliiiii  iiiiil 
'mule  Hcldoni  iiL'rieil  in  then'  iireonnlM."  Tlins 
we  nre  inronmil  of  ilie  pui'Kiiit  of  Meiires;  niul 
the  lilllc  ereililiility  ui  en  to  his  .sliiliiiiinN  pri - 
Iniri'M  11^  for  ihe  ili  ;rrep,'ini'ii'n  lietweeii  Inn  Jonniiil 
nml  Miniorinl.  A  t'lir  trmlcr,  eruiHiii'r  on  pre- 
virmsly-rvploreil  purlions  of  ilie  coiiNiin  I7M7 — his 
verneity  iinjni'^nrd,  nnd  his  erew,  on  llie  snine 
mithorilViHinled  to  liiive  lieeii  disMlded  liy  diseiiw, 
which  resulted  from  druiikiiines.s, — we  iire  )ire- 
piired  to  find  liiiii,  the  mxi  ycnr,  siiiliiiLr  nmlrr  ii 
foi'ei;n  lliii;,  to  eMule  ihe  revenue  hiws  of  Ciilnn, 
niid  ill  viohilion  of  privilei^es  iiis  (jovemnieni  liad 
eoiifeiTed  upon  two  eonipnnies  of  his  eouiitryineii; 
with  papers,  liie  elmriuier  of  which  Mere  ilonlil- 
fiii,  if  not  pirmiriil. 

It  is  worlhv  of  reniprk,  thnt  wliilsi  the  Hriiish 
Ooveriinient  hns  opposed  the  iliiini  of  Captain 
Gray  to  discovery  of  the  ( 'oiiiniliiii,  lieennse  he 
Vi'as  a  private  cili/en,  and  his  vessel  jirivale  proper- 
ly, thoii:;h  sailin;;  with  ihe  papers  and  under  Ilie 
colors  of  niir  I'liion;  whilst  iliey  have  ileiiieil  the 
niilionality  of  diseoverv  unless  under  lite  lu'ders  of 
hisGnvenimenl,  aelaini  is  iieverlheless  l-ased  upon 
the  asserted  seiilenient  of  .Meares  whilst  trading 
under  the  flasf  of  I'nrtnirnl. 

Sir,  the  elnitnof  Kn^land  on  llic  northwest  const 
of  our  continent  has  iiiuie  tlirnu!;ii  many  eliaiiires; 
1)111  from  the  fliiicifnl  voyn;^  of  the  piratical  lavcn'- 
ile  nf  ducen  Elizahelh,  Capinin  Drake,  down  to 
the  fur-trnder,  Mearca,  there  is  one  eoniinoii  fea- 
ture— plunder  of  Ihe  Spaniards.  In  the  former  in- 
slniice,  itwastenned  ".^harinsiu  the  rieln  s  extoi'l- 
cd  from  the  unfortunate  primes  of  Me;<ieri  and 
Peru;"  in  the  laller,  it  was  the  iii,'hi  to  trade  in  the 
unoccupied  rp£;icui«  of  Ameriia.  In  after  limes,  n 
claim  wns  based  nn  each  for  terrilorial  ac(|uisiii(ni. 
The  claim  upon  the  voya;re  of  Drake  has  lieeii  ex- 
ploded; if  that  of  .Menres  .should  prove  to  he  with- 
nut  foiindniion,  is  there  another  siill  r  The  elnim 
to  Nonlka  rests  upon  the  supposition  thai  I'.rilisli 
Kuhjccts  were  dispossessed,  and,  under  the  Isl  ar- 
ticle of  the  treiily  of  I'ilO,  had  a  rijht  In  iTsliiu- 
lion.  The  first  intpiiry  is,  had  llriiiah  siilijects  any 
land  at  Noolka?  .Meares,  in  his  iN'analive,  nays  he 
made  arranremeiiis,  May,  n«H,  wiili  the  Indian 
kiiiji,  Mmiuinim,  who  "most  readily  consenteil  to 
'  ffnint  US  a  spot  of  1,'roiind  in  histerriiiMy,  where- 
'  on  n  house  miirht  he  Iniill  for  the  aceninnioiliition 
*of  the  peojile  we  left  hehind."  "  In  i-eturii"  the 
"  chief  was  presented  with  a  pair  of  pistols."  The 
cnnclnsion  is  immediale,  that  the  ijnini  wns  made 
for  a  temporary  purpose,  i'lil  nil  doiilit  is  at  an 
enil  afier  reading  his  account  of  ihe  inn  rview  wiih 
Ma(|uinna.  When  in  the  June  ffjllow  iiii;  he  was 
about  to  leave  the  port,  he  says,  "  \h  a  bnhe  to 
'secure  Ma<|iiiiiiia's  attnchmeni,  he  was  promi.sed 
'  thai,  wlieii  we  filially  left  the  coast  he  should  en- 
'  ler  into  full  possrssfon  of  the  house,  and  all  the 
'goods  thereunto  belon;riiiff." 

The  temporary  purpose,  Ihe  specific  object,  and 
eonteniplaiedahandoiiinentofihe"spotnfi:rouiicl," 
are  plainly  shown  in  the  above  extiacis;  and  after 
learninf;  from  hi:i  Journal  that  he  bniiirhl  ihe  peace 
of  Mnquilina  for  a  diort  period  by  tlii'  promised 
inheritance  of  the  Inn  and  c  linllels,  how  can  we 
credit  the  prepo.<ierous  claim  of  liis  Memorial,  pre- 
pared at  a  Hiibseiiiient  period,  to  (r«r(j  of  land  said 
to  be  pi(rc/ia.sc(/ ot  Marjuiiina;  or  the  ef|ually  I'oii- 
tradictory  matenienl  of  a  witness,  that  the  rhiifsof 
the  country  did  honinirc  to  Alenits  a.s  tlieir  snver- 
eiL'n?  The  evideniT  that  he  boujlit  no  land  from 
Mafpiinim,  that  he  never  asked  permission  tonuike 
H  permanent  seitlement  there,  is  abundant  in  ihe 
narrative  of  iMeares  itself;  but  as,  Qccordiuff  to  the 
uniform  agreement  of  European  nations,  such  sale 


nnd  piirchnm  would  liavr  nvniled  nnlhinig;  af;niiiKt 

I  the  I'laim  of  Spain  by  fnsi  iliHi'oviry,  it  is  uselcHN 
for  any  praclicil  purpose  to  pinaiie  it. 

The  pielenih  d  seillcnieul  of  .\Ieaies  al  Nootka 
Sound  was  ilescniiid  by  Caplains  ( Iniy  and  lii;,'ra- 
liani,  who  had  been  al  ihe  spot  ( IT.-'Ml  lief.pi-e  il  wa.s 
abaiiiloneil.  (See  ihe  slalennnl  snlMuilli  d  by  llieni 
,  III  li'.t'J.)  Tliev  say,  "lliere  wnsa  house,  or  rullier 
'  a  hill,  cmisisilns;  of  rnnuli  iiosls,  coierid  with 
lionnls,  made  i>y  ihe  linlians,  'ml  this  ( 'apl.  Dou:;- 
lass"  (llic  lieulenaul  id'  .Mciire.-',  and  coiiiin.iiiiho:,' 
Ilie  Ipiiii-enia,  I  "  pulled  lo  pieces  before  sailiiit;  for 
llic  SaiiihMcli  Islaiiils  Ihe  same  year."  It',  ihen,  it 
had  been  inliiiili  il  lo  lake  piiK.sission  in  ild'anll  of 
ihe  Spanish  (>oveniiiieMl  lo  fnllow  up  discoviry 
bv  occii|ialioii,  the  ihslruciiou  of  "ihe  hut"  is 
ornof  thai  ihe  inlenlion  was  abandoned.  The 
\'iceroy  of  .Mexico,  in  ihe  fojlovvinu'  year,  (ITf-lt.) 
sent  |)on  I-'..  J.  Mariim  /  lo  iiM|iiire  inio  Ircsnasst  s 
upon  till'  ri'jhis  of  his  (  aiholic  Maji  sly.  Ilcsailcil 
willi  an  aniiiinicnl,  umlcr  iiisti-uclioiis  lo  make  n 
sciilcnienl  al  .NooiUa.  On  his  arrival  at  dial  place, 
(I'll  of  .May,  l>i),  he  fmiid  ilie  "  lphis;eiiia"  at 
Friendly  cove,  lo  which  place  she  had  leliiriied, 
allcr  «  inlei'iu','  al  tlic  Sinijwicli  Islands.  She  was 
coiumamh'd  by  a  l'ori":;ii(  se,  (Viaiia,)  Caplain 
Doniilass  beiiiir  in  the  chuiai-n  i-  of  siijicrc'iiiro.  ,\h 
in  the  previous  yiar,  she  .■..ult  d  under  ihe  rorin- 
L'liese  llai:,  and  caira  d  I'ln-inuuese  papers.  Mar- 
line/, dcnianded  why  she  was  at  anchor  in  a  port 
beion^iiii;  to  llie  sovrreiu'iily  of  Spain;  and  "was 
an.Hwired,  "thai  lliey  had  put  in,  biini;  in  ilis- 
lic.<s;"  *  •  •  "  (fiat  iliey  wcri' ill  d:iily  I  xpec- 
lalioii  of  (lie  arrival  ol'Caplaiii  Meares  from  .Macao, 
to  supply  liieni,  when  lliey  should  deparl."  This 
answer  shows,  at  thai  period,  (here  was  no  claim 
to  (crridu'ial  riirlKs  by  (lie  (>ar(y  who  made  the  pre- 
lenihd  ■■clilcnn  III  of  .Meares. 

A  new  association  for  liie  I'ur  (rade  was  form- 
ed al  iMacao,  which  ehaiii;ed  llie  plan  of  Meares, 
and  he  did  not  reinrn  to  the  coast  of  America,  luii, 
as  njreiit  of  the  assoehition,  he  gave  in.slniciions 
for  the  vessels  it  sent  out.  l-'rom  these, <is  all.iched 
lo  his  Memorial,  it  is  evident  that  there  was  an 
intention  to  make  an  eslabllshment  on  the  north- 
west coast  of  America,  but  a(  w'liat  point  does  not 
appear;  nor  is  there  a  wend  about  the  purcha.sed 
tracts  of  land  al  Nootka  Soimil,  but  that  pomt  is 
referreil  lo  ihii.":  "  We  recommend  yon,  if  possi- 
ble, to  form  a  treaty  with  the  varioud  chiefs,  par- 
ticularly at  .Nonlka." 

l-'apiiiin  Colueit,  of  the  ship  Argonaui,  (under 
I'ji^lish  ci>lors,)  was  the  fnsl,  who,  sailini;  widi 
these  iiiKiruciions,  arrived  at  Noolka.  He  found 
the  Spanish  olhcia',  Miirtinez,  in  possession  of  (hat 
place,  and  informed  him  of  liis  inlenlion  lo  erect  a 
IlrilLsh  fort  on  shore.  This  .Marline/,  resisted  as 
an  invanion  of  his  sovereign "s  ri:;lil;  an  allercalion 
followed,  which  resiilled  in  the  arrest  of  Cohielt 
and  the  sei/iire  of  his  \issel.  Aflervvaids,  (he 
"  Princess  lloyal."  eonsort  of  ihe  " Ar:;oiiaul," 
arrivnii:al  the  same  port,  was  also  seized  aiitl  laktii 
a.s  n  prize.  This  ti'an.-.aciioii  was  llie  subject  of  a 
messai'e  (May  Titli,  I7!hl|  from  the  Kinirof  (jreat 
I'rilaiu  lo  its  I'arliaini'iil,  and  formed  llie  basis  of 
llie  ne'^oiiaiions  whicli  led  lo  the  Nooilca  Sound 
convention.  Thoni;li  the  messai^e  of  the  Kin:; 
complains  of  ihe  cupliire  of  vessels,  llie  seizure  of 
carL'ocH,  and  the  iinprisoimieni  of  crews;  ihoniih, 
al  llie  cominencenient,  ihe  point  lo  be  discussed 
si'i  nieil  to  be  ihe  disliiiclion  belween  Ihe  lighi  of 
ixchisive  occupation,  nnd  ihe  rii;ht  of  exclusive 
Rovereisrnly,  naviualioii,  and  commerce;  the  terri- 
torial iusiiuci  of  Great  Britain  was  aroused  by  the 
ne<^otiation.  The  claim  for  redress  because  of  ves- 
sels eaplured  and  carjoes  .seized,  closed  with  a 
Ivealy,  ihe  first  article  of  which,  was  for  ihe  ree- 
loralion  to  Hritish  snbjecls  of  bnildiiiL's  and  tracts 
of  land.  To  this  size,  even  then,  had  grown  the 
"  spot  of  ground,"  nnd  the  fur  traders'  hut  erect- 
ed for  n  lempor.'iry  shelter. 

.Since  \f<)li],  the  IJritisli   nejjiiiiators  have  rested 
their  claim  upon   ihe   Noolka  Sound  c.onvenlion; 
yet  they  have  not  informed  (he  wiu'lil  (o  wlnU  ex- 
ient  that  claim  may  go,  or  on  what  basis  il  now  , 
rests.     Our  Secretary  of  State,    (Mr.   f'alliouii,)  , 
Ihe  aillli  Septemlier,  1,^44,  in  a  leKer  (o  (he  Hriiish 
Minister,  (Mr.   Pakenliam,)  asked  the  reiuon  for 
his  assiinifitions  from  the  Noolka  convention.     I(  is 
(o  be  rcL'^retteii  (hat  (he  reasons  have  not  been  f'lilly  . 
iriveii.     That  "  s[tot  of  irroiind  is  ao  expansive," 
(hat  it  were  well  to  fix  some  iiiiiit  to  its  growth.       ' 


Mr.  Chniriiiun,  tlic  flrat  iirticia  nf  thin  Nuoiku 
conveiilion  inovides  for  the  restoriition  of"  biiild- 
iiiV'H  and  inicis  of  land  .'itnaied  on  ihc  northwest 
I  coast  of  America,"  or  on  the  ail|aceiit  islaiiilH,  of 
'  which  Hritish  suIiJi-cih  "  were  dispossessed  about 
Ihe  inonili  of  April,  178!)."  The  reference  is  to 
ihe  liansaciion  at  ,\oolka  Sound;  and  I  believe  il 
hii.s  bun  Hiillicicnlly  proven,  ihiil  win  u  the  Span  ■ 
ish  ollictr  arrived,  there  were  no  building's  al  lliii 
place,  that  no  Iracis  if  land  were  claimed  by  lb  iii.'-li 
anbji  els,  and  iheiel'ore  that  the  article  was  void. 
I  'rhc  seconil  arlicle  provides  for  compepMaiitm  ('or 
Ihe  los.ses  sitsiained  by  ai  Is  of  violence.  This  was 
fiillilli  d  by  llie  payment  of  the  suni  agreed  on — 
<,'j|0,ll00 — and  u  hicli  probably  much  Hurpassetl 
any  hiss  ..,nstaiiicd. 

The  thinl  article  given  lo  the  siibjecLs  of  both 
till!  eoiiii'ticliiig  parlies  the  riulit  to  land  on  the 
coast  of  the  Pacilic  or  .South  sea,  "  in  places  not 
alreaily  occupied,  for  llu;  purpose  of  carrying  on 
their  conunerce  w  illi  the  nntiiis  of  the  coiiniry, 
or  of  making  seiileincnts  llieie,"  subject  lo  lliu  rc- 
slriclions  in  the  following  arliclis. 

Among  (he  ie.<tnctionH,  the  only  one  hnviiig  an 
imporlniit  bearing'  on  the  rii;ht  lo  make  selileineiils, 
is  III  the  lil)h  article,  \\  hich  liinils  those  seitlement.^ 
to  the  co.-isi  and  ail|acent  islands  "  situate  to  iho 
iiorlli  of  tlie  eoa.^t  already  occupied  by  Spain." 
This  treaty  was  fornied  in  I7'.l(l.  In  17,-1),  Spain 
Seidell  Noolka;  therefore,  the  joint  right  of  seiile- 
inenl  was  norlli  ol'  ihis  poinl.  Then,  sir,  (he  ({ins- 
lion  arises:  vi'lial  extent  of  u'round  did  the  .Spani.-'h 
seltlemeiil  cover,'  The  established  iisa;;e  is,  that 
setlleinent  on  any  part  of  all  i'-laiid,  is  considereil 
as  I  xlendini;  to  ihe  whole.  The  line,  if  this  bo 
correct,  which  I'orms  die  s'^ntherii  limit  of  ihe 
Ilrilish  right  to  make  setlit  iin  o.s  under  die  Nootk.i 
conveiilion,  is  to  be  drawn  through  ihc  head  uf 
t.iiiatira  nnd  \'ancouver'H  Island. 

Mr.  rhairman,  accnslomed  lo  believe  that  Brit- 
ish subjects  hnd  no  right  to  settle,  except  for  imr- 
po.ses  of  I'ur  trade,  in  die  ri;;ioii  of  Astoria  anil  its 
depeiidcncie.s;tlial  it  wassheera.ssimiption  on  their 
part  to  claim  iiniliority  to  make  permanent  settle- 
ments in  souiIm  11  Oregon;  I  lisiened  v. itli  miicli 
surprise  to  (he  •;rnlleuiaii  who  yesterday  consliued 
(he  claim  as  exit  iiiliii'.;  (o  (he  whole  coast  down  to 
Mexico.  Ih'ilish  diplonnitisis  are  seldom  barred 
by  inodesiy  from  asking  for  enoui;li;  bnl  ihis  coii- 
strueiion  suritmses  any  they  have  ever  made,  and, 
if  correct,  would  gre.itly  modify  my  opinions  on 
our  nrcsent  policy.  I  have  endeavored  lo  construe 
die  S'ooika  conveiilion  by  its  leriii:';  now,  sir,  I 
will  reft  r  to  its  his(orv,as  illiis(ra(ive  id'die  oltjuct 
the  Hriiish  iicgoiiators  had  in  view.  Ill  what  part 
of  Ihe  eoa.-t  of  iiordiwesterii  .Vmerica  had  Hritish 
snbjecls  sought  to  trade.-  The  publication  of 
Co.ik's  voyages  originally  ailraciid  Hritish  enter- 
prise lo  die  Anarican  coast  of  the  north  Pacitic. 
t'ook  lirst  landed  al  Noolka,  and  his  i  xamiiialioiis 
were  ihence  norlhuard.  The  Dritisli  adveiilnrers 
ill  the  fur  trade  followed  ill  his  track.  To  show 
that  they  in  illier  euga;.'i'd  ill,  nor  valued  the  trade 
soiiili  of  that  point,  I  will  read  aiiollier  passage 
from  "  Dixon's  Voyage  round  the  World."  Ai- 
laclied  lo  his  joiirnaf  is  a  condensed  history  of  the 
fur  Inide,  as  it  existed  two  years  before  Ihe  \ooik:i 
treaty.  I'a^'e  .'t'Jl,  he  .says;  "  From  Ihis  short 
'  skeicli  of  tlie  I'nr  trade,  thou  mayest  easily  per- 
'ceiveiliat  many  great  advaiUages  would  be  de- 
'  rived  from  it,  if  placed  on  a  permanent  fooling; 
'  lo  cll'ect  which,  I  should  conceive  the  most  eligi- 
'  ble  plan  would  be  lo  eslablisli  a  factory  on  thn 
'coast;  and  the  ninth  end  of  Uueeii  Charlotte 'a 
'  island  seems  peculiarly  well  adapled  for  dial  pui- 
'  pose;  the  situalioii  is  neariy  cdilral,  bilween 
'Cook's  river  and  Kin;;  (b  i  go's  Sound;  and  we 
'are  well  assured  dial  llii'  lius  (o  (he  southward 
'  are  of  a  very  inferior  (pialily."  The  region,  llieii, 
(in  which  the  trade  existed,  for  which  IJrili.sh  nego- 
lialors  were  contending,!  was  from  King  George '.i 
SiMind  to  the  norlh.  Would  lliey  embarrass  the 
treaty  by  a  siipiilaiion  not  imporlant  to  the  object.' 

Hut  we  are  not  left  lo  speculation  on  this  point; 
the  debates  in  the  Hriiish  Parliament, and  the  ]io.sl- 
tion  uikeii  by  the  Spanish  iMinnnissioner,  duadra, 
show  the  interprelation  ^iveii  to  the  treaty  by  both 
Governinenis  at  the  dale  of  its  formation. 

1  will  read  two  exiracis  from  the  parliamentary 
debales,  and  each  shall  be  from  those  most  niixioiei 
to  give  a  wide  and  fuvumblu  cuimtructiuii  tu  tliu 
treaty. 


1 


18IG.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGHESSIOiNAL  GLOHE. 


915 


SJi^ru  CoNo Irt  Sehs. 


2%e  Oregon  Question — 3/r.  Jrffvrnon  Davii, 


TTo.  or  Reps. 


iiry  nn   llin 


•i 


Tli»  Diikc  of  MniiipoHO,  will)  in  llin  Hoiinc  of 
L()1(Im  miivi'il  iin  nildri'KH  of  lliiinliH  to  his  Miijisiy 
fur  the  ni|{'riMi<riil  li'riiiiiiiilii)ii  iif  llir  .S|ii\iii<li  ii();ii- 
tilllillll^<,  Dci'cmlirr  l.'l,  ]VMK  >  iiiimiTniin^  llie  lul- 
vaiitiif;i'H  ilrrivcil  tViim  the  NckiiIiii  I'oiivciilion, 
Hiiid:  "  \Vt'  lire  iitit  only  it'storcii  lo  Nnolkn,  Imt, 
'  liy  III)  ix|iii'SH  hli|iiiluiliiii,  \vi:  may  |)jirtii:i|niU!  jji 
'  a  iiiiiit'  iinrilii  I'll  Ncilliiiiciil." 

IMr.  Diiiii'iiiiilii',  svlin  iiiovi'il  thn  iiddrrNn  in  llii- 
fliiiisi-  111"  (.'nniiiii  iiH,  Dii'i'iiilicr  14lli,  ni'l'i  wiiil; 
"  It  wiiH  ill  ruiinftiiiirnrc  of  an  iiii|iroviikfti  inHiilt 
'  lliiil   siiiixrai'tiiiii   hull   lii'i'ii   ili'iiiiiMiicd,  anil  that 

*  sMiiNlai'lion    N\"nH   oiitaincil    Iiy    tin;   I'-oiUL'tilinii, 

'  whil'll  IiInO  NI'cniTll  III  IIH  till!  llirmiH  111'  OXlinilllM^ 

'  nnr  rninincri'i'  anil  imviiialiiin,  ami  iil"  tti^ini;  ail- 
'  ilitinnal  viiiiir  In  iiiir  iiiaiiiifiiiiiiiTH."  Ivii'li  Imils 
it  an  an  iii'i|iiiHitiiin  uf  ailviiiiia!.'rs,  niiil  thr  liiahi'sl 
olaiiit  IH  rcHtnialiiiii  to  NonlK'ii,  anil  lliu  |irivilt';j;t>  of 
niiiliinu:  nioi'i'  ii'irllicrn  Ni'ttlnniMilR, 

'riiniiii;lii)iil  ihr.  Inn;;  dcliali',  tliri'c  in  niiwlii'rn 
to  III*  t'nnnil  a  rlaiin  In  trrrilnriiil  iirqniNilinn  liy  thn 
li'i'iily.  and  to  Iho  liilirr  iriiiiy  and  ji'rriii:;  laiinis  iif 
Mr.  l'ii\  iijiini  the  paNilion  in  wliich  llii"  ti  i  riliirial 
|iri'tc'n«iiins  nl'  Cireal  lliitain  had  lii-cii  Irfl,  Iiih 
jfiTal  rival,  Mr,  I'ilt,  thiMi  in'inncr,  niiiiln  nii  rc- 
lily,  lait  iniiiiiimd  til  iiri;i^  lln.'  riiniliioruiul  ndvaii- 
liifri'N  lii«  (iiivcrnninit  had  niiincd. 

Til  Diir  linii's  has  iii'in  lift  tlir  I'niiHirt  of  niii- 
»ii-iii'liiin  fiiiTMliiidiiwi'd  liy  Mr.  Vi>\  whrn  lii'  «ar- 
castii'iilly  |irii|Mi.siil  in  wri'u'  in  thr  niarj;iii  iifinnsl 
oI'lhi'inlii'liM  of  tlic  rniiU'iilKMi,  "Tlii^will  aH'iiid 
'  an  ailiiiiriilili' o|iiicprniiiity  Inr  the  fiiinri:  display 

*  III'  llir  liowiir  and  <'iii'r;ry  nl'ljrcat  IJrilain.'* 

Sifmr  (Quadra  and  (Captain  Vani'niivrr  met  at 
NiHiika  .Siitind  in  ]7!):i,  riiniiiii.ssiniird  to  rarry  out 
till'  fiiNt  arti'li'  of  till.'  tnaty.  I'allcMl  the  Nooika 
8i)und  I'linviMiUiiii.  Forlnnr  favored  the  I'.vainina- 
lion  of  thci'asf,  in  llie  nninlna'  of  witiicsHc.M  that 
liapponwl  to  lie  prrsi'iit.  Captnin.i  Ctray  and  In- 
graham,  who  wiiiiissdl  thi'  iransairiion.s  in  ITf'H 
and  ITfiil,  witk  a;;ain  at  Nootka.  In  aii.swor  lo 
inli:rrin;iitiirii'.s,  they  preucnlid  ii  written  Nlatrnwnl, 
foni'lnsivi'  as  lo  the  temporary  rharaeler  of 
Meares's  ImildinK.and  that  it  wii.s  ilestroyrd  liy  his 
assoi'iiiliis.  They  further  staled,  that  tlioiii;li  they 
had  lieen  InnK  in  Iradiiii;  iiileirniirNK  with  llie  mi- 
lives  of  the  island,  and  spoke  tlieir  lani^naije,  they 
had  never  heard  of  any  lands  liaviii!i;  lieen  pur- 
chased liy  Meares.  The  Porliijiiese  i  vntain,  Vi- 
ana,  was  also  there,  and  eorrolioraled  i,"  slale- 
ment  of  Caplains  Gray  and  In^rahinn,  Me.Tiiin- 
lia  and  llie  nei;;liliorini,'eliiul's  denied  that  they  .ad 
ever  sold  any  lands  lo  Urilisli  Niilijeels.  Ther. - 
iipnn,  Sefior  Ciuadia  decided  that  no  lands  were  to 
be  resliired. 

Afur  a  Inns;  correspondence,  it  whs  finnlly  de- 
cided liy  Vancouver,  vho  proposed  to  refer  the 
mailer  liack  to  the  two  Gnvennnenls,  and  in  the 
nieaiiliine  lecoirnised  Noolkii  as  a  Spanish  pnrl. 

Atleinpts  have  lieen  made  to  prove  that  siih.se- 
<liieiilly  the  port  of  Noiitka  was  surrendered  to  a 
Hrilisli  ollicer;  lull  this  is  rendered  very  iniproliiililc, 
friiin  the  conlradiciory  slateinenis,  as  well  as  llie 
fact,  thai  in  die  next  year,(17!)a,)  .Spain  and  Oreal 
lirilain  formed  analliaiiiv,  "  an  inliniale  and  entire 
'  concerl,  to  oppose  llie  danjjerons  views  of  a!;>,'re.i- 
'  sinn  and  nunianilizeiiieiit  nil  the  pan  of  l^rance." 

Hill,  sir,  it  is  I'nr  those  who  assert  the  restilntion 
U>  have  lieen  made,  to  produce  the  evidence  of  such 
fuel.  ^  Until  this  he  don",  it  may  well  he  assumed 
that  Spain  ahandoned  the  post  ns  useless,  when 
lier  friendly  alliame  with  Great  lirilain  reninveil 
ihe  appreh'ensinn  which  had  li'd  tn  iis  fornialion. 

Then,  sir,  followin;;  the  position  of  the  IJrilish 
Minister,  (.Mr.  I'akenham,)  that  ilie  Nnotka  con- 
vention is  still  in  force,  and  comhininir  the  rcliitioiiK 
of  tliat  iicaly  wiili  those  of  the  llritish  and  Anieri- 
oaii  convenlinn  of  |Sa7,  we  have  the  riijlils  of  llie 
c.onlr.iclin;;  parlies  varyiii',' in  each  of  tliefjeofrrapli- 
ieal  divisions  of  the  terriiory.  In  the  nnrtliern  di- 
vision, the  Nnotka  convcnlioii  ijivrs  joint  ri^'hl  of 
trade  and  .selllement.  In  the  sonlhern  divi.iion,  tlie 
United  Slates  have  possession,  and  the  convention 
of  1837  ^ives  to  liritish  siihjects  joint  rijlit  of  trade 
and  liavi;;ation.  In  the  intermediate  division — he- 
iliS;  the  region  lielween  the  valley  of  the  Colnmliia 
and  the  most  norllieni  Spanish  Keiilement  in  17!)l) — 
the  ri;,'hls  and  privile;,'es  of  liolh  parties  are  siiliject 
to  the  cnnvenlinn  of  IHi7,  and,  limilnd  liy  its  pro- 
visions, are  confined  tn  piirpiises  of  trade. 

The  convention  of  1818,  prolonijcd  in  1827,  \vaa  ' 
designed  to  "  prevent  di.spiitcs,"  and  leave   the  . 


rniintry  "  free  and  open"  in  hoili  of  ilie  contract- 
ini;  parlies.  It  provided  thai  neillier,  diirini;  lis 
coiillmiaiM'e,  should  do  aiiythiii'^'  In  impair  the 
claims  of  the  other  parly.  The  ol.jecl,  the  privi- 
le:;e,aiid  the  proviso  alike  roinliine,  in  fnrliid  either 
iiarly  from  eMeiidini;  its  airricnliiiral  selllemeiils 
lieyniiil  the  pre\  iniiMly  perniillcil  liinils.  Wliilsl, 
therefore,  we  should  rislrict  nnr  permiinenl  esiali- 
lishments  to  .'Vslnriaaiid  iis  ilependencies,  we  have 
a  ri^'lit  tn  rer|nire  Kinjland  In  conline  hers  within 
the  iinniids  preserilied  liy  the  .Noiilka  cniivenlioii. 
Sir,  the  iioiice  which  I  tliiiik  is  inosi  demaniled  in 
our  present  siliiulmn,  Im,  to  inforni  Greiil  lirilain 
lliiit  lier  a'.'rieiilmr.il  selllemeiils  soiilli  of  I'liu'et's 
Sniinil  violiile  liotli  llie  olijict  and  llie  terms  of  our 
treaty, and  caiiiiol  he  permitted.  The  eiiforceineiil 
of  ill  it  iinlice,  and  the  natural  prn;;recs  nf  events, 
wniild  tinally  secure  tn  ns  not  only  all  of  our  an- 
cient claims,  hill  also  llinse  we  have  aciiuiied  hy 
purchase  nf  the  Spanish  tilli' — the  whnleof  Ore^jnii. 

.Mr.  (;liniriiiaii,  when  the  hill  reporled  liy  the  ler- 
rilori.al  ennniiililee  was  poslponed  fir  the  resolu- 
tion which  we  are  now  dis''iissiie_',  the  order  iiiili- 
ciiled  liolli  hy  the  President  and  onr  present  cir- 
ciiinslances,  seeiiinl  to  me  reversed. 

In  the  Aiinnal  .Messime  of  the  Kxeciilive  In  llii« 
ronsrcss,  we  me  recomineiiilid  to  puss  a  law  for 
Ihe  teriiiiiialion  of  the  l)rci;oii  cnnvenlinn;  litii  we 
are  told  in  the  s.iine  cniiininnicatinii,  "  lieynnd  all 
'  i|iieslioii,  the  priiteciinn  nf  onr  laws  and  onr  juris- 
'  diciion,  civil  and  criiniinl,  onslit  to  he  immediato 
'  ly  exieiideil  over  onr  cili/.eiis  in  ttrcjon." 

AVe  are  fnrlliir  ri imiiinded  lo  esialilish  nijen- 

I'icH  iimniiL'  the  Iiiiliiin  li  iliiM  \ve-:|  nf  ihe  '•  Ilncky 
inoniilaiiis,"  and  lo  proleci  ihe  roiilefioin  onr  .Mis- 
souri setllements  lo  l1re','on  hy  a  siillicieiu  force  of 
inonnted  rillemen.  .\ow,  sir,  I  wish  these  recom- 
mendations lo  he  earricii  out  in  the  order  which 
circinmtances  indicate.  The  laws,  the  au'cncies, 
and  the  rinenien  lirsl;  the  notice  afierwards. 

The  eniii.'raiil  frniii  Ihe  ITiiiled  Siales  In  Orei;on 
passes  over  a  prairie  desert,  iiil'estcd  hy  roviiin^ 
iianils  of  predatory  siivau'cs,  and  einiL'ratinn  is  re- 
lai-dcil  Ijv  the  lia/ard  nf  ihe  trip.  Tn  keep  the 
connlry  "  open"  III  onr  peo|ile,  we  need  riflemen 
tn  watch  the  frale. 

The  Hndsnn  R.iy  Cnnmnny,  hy  its  unrivalled 
trade  anions'  the  frilies  of  t1re;;nii,  1ms  nctpiired  an 
iiilUience  which  it  is  important  to  connteract — for 
this,  Indian  nt,'cnls  are  reiinired. 

liritish  laws  have  lonu'  since  ticen  extended  into 
OrcKon  for  the  heiiefil  of  liriiish  siihjects.  Shall 
we  refuse  lo  do  as  mncli  for  ihe  citizens  nf  the  Uni- 
ted Slates?  Xn,sir.  Nnr  will  the  rccenlly  maiii- 
.■■ested  spirit  of  enii2;ralioii  admil  of  delay.  Our 
pci  pie  have  removed  the  "  Far  West"  into  (lre;roii. 
American  liiaits  have  ;:niie  over  the  mountain,  and 
Amerienn  laws  shimld  follow. 

Sir,  we  have  heen  asked  why  onr  eilizens  have 
left  the  repose  of  civil  government  to  pliin;;e  into 
the  liannls  M'  savage  heasl  and  savage  man.  Tor 
nil  answer,  I  pnini  to  the  energy  and  reslless  spirit 
of  adventure  which  is  characlerislic  nf  our  prnple, 
and  has  ennlrilinled  nnicli  lo  illiislrale  our  history 
in  peace  and  in  war.  They  have  exchanged  repose 
for  forest  danger  and  privation;  lliey  have  gone  to 
the  school  of  the  wilderness,  from  which  camefnrth 
the  moral  dignity  of  Daniel  Ilnoiie,  the  giant  great- 
ness fif  Andrew  Jackson. 

What  ohligalion — whose  right — have  nnr  emi- 
grants violated  r  They  have  gone  into  territory  in- 
clis|)iilalily  onr  own :  iuln  the  valley  nf  the  Cnlnmhia, 
to  Aslin-ia  and  its  dependencies.  If  to  hold  for  the 
cnmnionlienefii  the  common  property — to  lame  the 
wilderness  and  render  it  productive — incursentcnce 
of  exconmiunicatioii, 

"  Mcthiiiks  the  piinishinciit  siiriia!=-'r.<  llic  oMcnco." 
Tint  llie  peaceful  agricullurnl  characier  nf  the  emi- 
gration is  denied,  if,  willi  the  axe  and  plough,  they 
also  take  the  ride.  Sir,  llie  rille  is  part  and  parcel 
of  the  frnnlier  man.  Il  cniitrilnites  lunh  lo  his  food 
and  his  defence.  You  niirhl  as  well  divide  the  man 
and  horse  of  the  llililed  Cenlanr.  as  lake  his  rifle 
from  the  western  pioneer.  The  liile  nf  emigraliou 
hears  lliem  westward;  westward  let  it  How,  until, 
to  use  the  idea  of  the  laineiited  I, inn,  our  pen|ile 
shall  sit  down  on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific,  and 
weep  that  there  are  no  more  foresls  to  suhdue. 
The  purpose  with  which  onr  citizens  have  eini- 
jirateil  into  Oregon  is  agricultural;  that  of  the  find- 
son's  Bay  Cnmp:\ny,  In  keep  the  country  in  its 
wilderness  condition  for  the  udvanlagca  of  fur  trade. 


The  di"tinclion  well  oxpressen  the  difference  lie- 
tweeii  llie  Gnverinneiils  they  represent.  One  popii- 
I  ir,  and  seeking  tn  enlarge  tlie  circle  of  il.^  lieiiel'ls; 
the  nllier  restrictive,  cniifnies  iis  favorH  lo  a  few, 
(in  the  siroiig  language  of  an  Knglish  wiiler,  no- 
ticing this  Niilijcct,)  "  like  a  harsh  siep-motlier,  pctu 
the  t'avorile,  and  plunders  the  fiiinily." 

Whatever  inieresis  (In  at  lirilain  had  were  enn- 
fcrred  upon  ihe  Hudson  Hay  f'ompany,  with  power 
to  exelnile  British  siilijecis  from  the  territory;  anil 
nolwithsianding  iiinch  has  lieen  said  iilioiit  colnni- 
zalinn  hy  that  cninpany,  I  lielieve  ihi.  practice  has 
heen  tn  refjuii-'  iliscluirged  servants  tn  leave  thii 
cniintry.  h'lir.lrndiiig  is  ihe  anlagonisl  of  coloniza- 
lion;  mill  I  ilouhl  not,  if  the  Hudson  Hay  ('oinpany 

lid  cnininl  the  destiny  of  Orcgiii,  with  a  very 

small  execpiion,  it  would  remain  the  fleldof  liunlerx 
and  the  home  nf  fiir-liearing  lieasts. 

Sir,linili  In  ihe  legislative  halls  of  llie  Slates  ml 
ill  jiriniary  a.ssenililies  nf  the  pi  pie,  a  general  lie- 
iirmiiialion  has  lieen  show  ii  against  permitting  (i 
policy  so  iiarrnw  and  sn  sordid  In  coiilrol  a  terri- 
'  lory  we  helievc  In  he  nnr  nwii.  Tliis  wish  of  the 
penpli'  meels  nn  oniiosilinu  here.  Then,  ar,  waiv- 
ing the  iniisideralinii  of  any  sinister  moiive  or  sec- 
lionid  hale  which  may  have  liiniiglit  allies  In  Ihe 
support  of  the  11  soliilion  iiowhefoie  us,  I  will  treat 
it  as  singly  aimin,'  at  the  olijecl  which  in  cnnininii 
we  desire— to  secure  the  wliole  of  Oretfon  to  the 
,  United  Stales. 

1      Thus  considered,  Ihe  disso!ii''on  of  the  On  giui 
j  ronvenlinii  heconies  a  mere  (pKi^liuii  of  time.     \n 
j  a  friend  lo  the  exleiision  of  our  Union,  and  tlien'- 
ffire  pniiie  tn  insist  iipnii   its  territorial  claims,  I 
have  Ihoiighi  this  movement  premature,  that  wn 
should  have  put  iiuiscIm  s  in  the  strongi  st  alliludn 
for  the  enforcement  of  our  claims  hefore  we  fixed 
a  day  on  which  negolialimis  shniild  he  terminated 
That  nalinii  negotiates  lo  most  ndvaiilagc  which  is 
hest  prepared  for  war.     Cientlcmen  have  trealeil 
Ihe  ideaof  preparaiion  for  war  ns  synonymous  wiili 
Ihe  raising  of  an  army.     Il  is  not  so;  indeed  that 
is  tlif;  last  ineasine,  and  shonlil  only  he  resorted  In 
when  war  lias  hecome  iiievilalile;  and  then  n  very 
short  lime  will  always  he,  I  triisl,  sullicient.     liuL 
i  sir,  there   are  preparations  which  ret|uire  yea-', 
and  can  only  he  made  in  a  state  nf  peace;  such  ai'O 
,  the  fnrlifications  of  the  salient  points  and  main  en- 
trances of  our  const.    Uor  tweniy-ndd  years,  south- 
ern men  have  urged  the  occupation  of  the  Tnrlii- 
gas.     Are  those  wlin  have  sn  Iniig  npposed  appni- 
prialinns  for  that  purpose,  ready  to  grant  them  now 
111  such  profusion  that  the  lahor  of  three  years  may 
he  done  111  one  .=     No,  sir;  the  occasion,  by  increas- 
ing the  demand  for  inoiiiy  elsewhere,  nun  t  iiicrenso 
the  opposiiion.     That  rock,  which  nature  placed 
like  a  sentinel  to  ;;iiard  the  entrance  into  the  Alcdi- 
,  terranean  nf  our  continent,  and  which    linuld  lie 
i  Argns-eyed  tn  watch  it,  will  stand  without  an  ein- 
j  hrasnre  tn  look  thrnugh. 

i      Ilnw  is  the  case  in  Oregnn  ?    Onr  settlements 
'  there  must  he  protected,  and,  under  nrescnt  cir- 
,  ciinislanees,  nn  army  nf  niierations  in  tliat  enuntry 
I  must  draw  iis  fnod  frnin  this;  lint  we  have  not  suf- 
ficient navy  tn  keep  open  a  line  of  conimiinicatioii 
hy  sea  around  Cajie  Horn;  and  llie  rugged  rnnte, 
aiid  the  !;reat  distance,  forliid  the  idea  of  supplyins; 
it  hy  tninsportatioii  across  the  mountains.     Now, 
I  let  lis  see  what  time,  and  the  measures  more  pi  'm- 
ediy  recommended  hy  the  Presiilent,  would  efl'ect. 
Our  jurisdiction  extended  into  0  ^gnn,  the  riniln 
guarded  hy  stockades  and  Inmps,  a  new  impulse 
would  lie  given  to  emigration;  and  in  two  or  three 
years  the  settlement  on  the  Will.imette  niisht  JT'-nw 
into  a  colony,  whose  flocks  and  herds  and  gi-anaricM 
would   sustain  nn  army  whenever  one  should  ho 
required. 

By  agencies  nmong;  the  Iiulian  tiihes,  that  efl'ect- 
ive  ally  of  Great  Britain  which  formerly  she  has 
not  scrupled  to  employ,  would  lie  rendered  friendly 
tn  onr  people.  In  the  meauliine,  mads  could  he 
constntcted  li  r  ihe  transportation  of  munitions  of 
war.  Then  we  .should  he  prepared  lo  assert,  and 
ell'eclivcly  maintain,  our  claims  to  their  ultimate 
limits. 

I  could  not  depreciate  my  countrymen;  I  would 
not  vaunt  the  prowess  of  an  enemy;  hut,  sir,  I  tell 
those  gentlemen  who,  in  this  dcliate,  have  found  it 
so  easy  to  drive  liriiish  iniops  nut  of  Oregon,  that 
hctween  England  and  the  United  States,  if  hostili- 
ties occur  in  that  remote  ti^rritory,  tlie  party  must 
succcetl  wliicli  has  bread  withhi  the  country. 


''■'.til 


4^1 


B16 


SiVrii  CoNo Idt  Siirii. 


APPKNUIX  TO  'I'lIK  COiXJKKSSIONAL  CJF.Of{K. 

The  i)ri!;nn  (^nnlion — Mr,  Jiffrrton  Dnvii, 


|Feb.  «, 


llo.  or  RcpRi 


'1  ' 


Ml-.  t'lmirmnPi,  riiiniiniil  nf  llic  nii'r«i.ily  (if 
lirini;  «rniri'  «t  lioinf,  licfurr  »p  nili  in'l  rtHi'irnllv 
iilipiiid— iiinlniilfcl  hy  llic  liiKliiry  nC  niir  iiniiy'n 
rinlHirriiNMiiicnls  im  I'liriiiiT  iircHHiiiiiH — I  (IcnhtiI 
siu'li  ili'lay  (IN  wiMilil  i'iidIiIi'  mm  In  Ink  "  llii'  iiri'|i»rii 
|i>rv  nli'|>«  til  wliii  li  I  liiivc  iilliidril,  CItlirr  ii|>lii- 
ii'UH  pri'vail,  niiil  tViPiii  miiniiL;  ilin  viiihiin  iiroiio-ii. 
liiiiin  iitil'iiiiiii'il,  it  IN  nniKMiry  to  micit.  'I  liesc 
limy  lie  iliviili'il  iiilii  iwoi'lnHHiH — •wcli  ii«  |ini|MiNi' 
til  give  imtii'i'  I'lir  tin'  Irriiiiiinlinii  nl'  lln'  Oiri-nn 
rnnvi'iiliiiii,  III  rxcrri"^!'  r\i'liiHi\i'  HMvn'i'iliiilv  n\('r 
till-  wliiilr  ifrrilnry — iiinl  hui'Ii  mn  [)rii|tiiH<'  tlit'  mi* 
tier,  111  rX|inlili'  iii'i,'iitialiiiiis.  'I'lir  lirHI  in  nilvn- 
citted  liy  lliiirtr  wIkimi'  rrrnl,  iih  iinniiuiircil  liy  tlii-in- 
di'hi'H,  Ik,  "  till"  wliiilr  ill'  (IriL'iiii  iir  nnni',  Imw  iir 
iii'ViTi"  wliirli  K'l  ini'\iiali|y  Ii'h.Ih  In  wur,  llinl  I 
liiivo  lii'i'ii  niii'|ii'iMi'(l  111  lii'Mi'  It  niiliiiiini'ril  tli:il  wiir 

I il  lint  I'dlliiw  ilHiiilii|ili.in.     Will  l';ii:;|mi(|  iiliiiii- 

d'lii  II  diiim  Tt  wliii  Ii  hIh'  lianlirrii  iii'Mc  tliiiii  lil'iy 
yours  ('oiilriidiii;:,  lii'i-fnisc  wi"  linvc  nrilrri  il  liii'  In 
do  Nil?  (li'iiiil  l)ml  mIu'  iirrdN,  Mild  ilrsinH  iicjii'c", 
yet  liiT  inii-iiiiin  IhIhit  iIip  I'hwith  nl'  lMirii|ic 
Willlld  IliK  Itllnw  IliT  111  Sliliniil  III  slirli  lilli'i  rinin- 
iiliuiH  rxpiiliiiiin;  lull  »l  llic  cxiiiraiinn  nl"  twrhc 
iiiiiinlin  afirr  ilir  iinii'i'  lias  licrii  ^'ivni,  In  llir  Ian- 
t;iiai;c  of  llir  I'icnmIciiI,  "  \\r  nIiiiII  iiavc  riarlird  n 
|ii'riiid  wlicii  tlir  iialiniial  riirlils  ill  (tiiinii  iiiiisl 
1  itlii'i'  I"'  aliandnniil  nr  liniily  niainlaiiinl."  Sir, 
I  will  iiiil  Nii|i|.i.s.'  iliini  iilai'iiliiiiril,  lint  will  lu^k 
till'  |iri'iiliar  i'ririiiis  of  lliin  imliry,  liy  what  mcaii.i 
lliry  |irii|iiis('  to  niaiiilaiii — wlial  |irr|)aratiniis  tliry 
Iian'  Hindi;  In  ciil'nri'c  llinii  r  lirrnri' ti'i'iiiinaiiii'ir 
llie  rnnvciitinii,  mm  niiiili  lime  nx  is  dciiralili'  iiiiiv 
lie  taken,  williniit  iitfi  rlin<,'  mil'  rlaiin,  linl  iiiiincill- 
iile  aciion  in  ri'i|iiired  afterward!';  Iiieause  tin  iiei  - 
Cnrward  pnsHesfinn  maliire.i  iiiio  tiile,  l!nl  if  «i' 
nhnnld  Hiipinely  nIi  down  afler  lakiiiir  a  .■•lep  llial 
rei|nired  iiH  l.i  nil\ani'e,  wniild  our  rar-seeiin;  rival 
neglect  the  advanl«_'e.' 

j'lie  caic  is  ton  jilain  Inailniit  nf  a  dnntil:  enei'L'y 
nlone  eniild  [ireserve  niir  ri^lils,  and  tlinse  who 
ndvoenle  ihis  |inliey  Nhnnlil  Imvp  preeeiled  llie 
measure  liy  |ireparaiinn.s  for  war.  I'liis  lias  nnt 
lieen  dniie;  our  eredulily  ha.-*  even  liceii  taxed  liy 
nH.iertioiiH  that  it  was  the  way  to  sernre  peaee: 
nnd  nnr  vaniiy  ted  liy  iiH-niniin'es  nf  the  ease  with 
whitli  we  eonid  entiiinir  Great  liriiain.  The  in- 
terest of  my  ennsliiiieiiis  will  nnt  allnw  :ne  to  lie 
ercUiilouM;  I  ean  1™.--!  to  no  siieli  siren  snii!;  as 
Ihis.  Then,  sir.  il  only  remains  I'nr  me  tn  eii- 
iiperate  willi  llmse  who  e.inple  willi  the  iinliie 
fiirlher  iiei,'oliation;  anil  this  implies  a  prolialile 
division  nf  the  lerrilory.  liir  it  is  idle  to  nllir  In 
treat,  with  a  delerniiiiaiinn  In  elaiin  the  wlnile 
mailer  in  dispiile.  We  have  lieei,  tnld  in  this 
di.sinissiiin  that  ne^jniialinns  were  at  iii  end,  nnd 
that  llip  liriti.sh  (•nveriinienl  would  never  aeerpt 
the  nltiinalnin  of  the  (Tniiecl  .Siale".  I  have  no 
means  of  kninvinu;  what  that  f  invinnnent  will  dn, 
tliHii  as  the  history  of  llie  past  may  speak  for  ihe 
future.  The  neu'otialions  of  Gin  iil'  will  pislil'y  in 
in  liclievin:.'  thai  Great  Rrilaiii  may  rii"et  |,|nposi- 
linii."!,  and  nflerwardsneeepi  ilieni— iiiav  nfl'i  r  nlii- 
niatii,  nnd  finally  reeede.  rim  why  is  it  said  thai 
negotiations  are  at  an  end:  It  is'irne  they  Inue 
been  fruitless;  Imt  unless  v  e  deslroy  it,  a  wide 
mar^'in  remains  fir  iln  ir  I'liinre  operalion,  and 
mnre  liian  one  mode  fnr  their  eonilini.  Arlnira- 
lioii  was  deelined;  anil  in  view  of  our  silnation  it 
eindd  not  lie  niherw  ise,  for  w  here  eoiild  an  arhifer 
het'oiind.'  Sir,  let  n.s  look  arniind.  'I'he  (fer- 
inanie  Stales,  with  I'rnssia  at  ilieir  head,  liaviii"- 
found  tlienisehes  nn.ilile  In  restrain  einiL'tatmn, 
were  last  year  eiiiraireil  in  devising'  the  means  in 
divert  it  from  nur  re]iiililie;  and  aiiinii';  oiher  rea- 
fcons  fnr  this  pnliey  was  prnininent  the  onininn, 
thai  I  iniL'raiiLs  in  this  enuniry  lieianie  imlineil 
with  the  Inve  nf  free  insiiiiitions,  nnd  liy  their 
enrresjinndenre,  prndncfd  dissatisrtiriinn  "anioni; 
,he  friends  they  had  left  heliind  them.  Our  nhl 
idly,  Frnnee,  jealous  of  our  rapid  crowih,  has 
recently  resisted  iheexiensinn  of  nnr  terriiniy,iind 
now  wishes  to  iiiipnri  tn  ihis  cniitinent  the  l^in-o- 
pean  balance  nf  pnwer.  lint  why  specify.  The 
rjintbct  nf  sysKnis  is  at  hand;  dispotism  siis 
frijflitened  on'lht.sleep'iiL'frianl  of  finpiilar  stren;,'tli; 
oir  republic  is  wntehe.l  as  the  di'iinrliiii'r  iniriider; 
nnd  every  move  whii  h  ihreaiiiis  his  wakiie/,  in- 
cieases  tlic  hali?  toA'ards  lis.  Not,  then,  lo  a 
crowned  head  couh  we  submit  the  question  nf 
nur  •erritorial  limit'i.  But  are  there  nnt  oiher 
modtnf    '1  hose  wl'o,  believing  our  title  iiidisjiut- 


alile,  reject  all  llirtln  r  ne^'nlinlinns  almnl  terrilnry 
entirely  nur  nwii.  Inn  draw  ii  eoiii'lii.^inii  which 
fnllnws  frnin  their  premises. 

.*<n  far  as  niher  claiius  Imvf  liertl  prcurnlril,  1 
belii  \c,  as  the  President  alllrnin,  that  our  title  In 
()re:;nn  "  is  the  liestnnw  ill  existence;"  yet  I  am 
far  t'rniii  beiii'^  aide  tn  assert  that  il  is  peri'ect.  The 
diiMt  nf  a;;eH  has  accninnlated  nil  the  parchment, 
oliscnreil  ils  cliariiclers,  and  the  best  iniiids  have 
l.ibnred  in  Miir  In  brill','  Ihcm  disliiiclly  inin  li^hi. 
The  nhscnrily  nl'  the  tilh-  has  indnciil,  lime  am! 
aiiniii,  the  prnposiiion  to  divide  the  ii  rrilnry  as  the  1 
only  mode  nf  ipileiiu'.'  illy-defiiied  and  cinilliciin:;  | 
claims.  Sir,  when  i;eiiileineii  assert  that  our  title  ^ 
is  indis{iulalili'  in  llie  wli  ile  lerrilo.  y  up  lo  .'■4"  4(1' 
of  iioriii  laiiliide,  they  iilace  onr  Uovernmenl  in 
no  eii\  ialile  pnsitinii.  What  !  have  wc  been  iilVer- 
ini;  to  surrender  )<art  nf  the  d>im:iiii  of  this  republic 
In  buy  a  peaceable  pnssession  nf  the  rest,'  1  re- 
joice tn  believe  that  such  cliari:e  Ptyn  never  be  siis- 
laiiied;  and  fnr  this  deinncralic  .Xdmiiiisiriilinn,  I 
deny  that  it  would  evercliiim  the  power,  or  lia\e 
the  wish.  In  miililate  the  lenilory  of  our  Ciiinn. 
I  have  expressed  my  belief  ihal  nnrtiile  is  the  best 
lo  the  whole  of  ()re:;nn;  but  iin  tide  can  be  perfect 
witlioiil  ncciipalinn:  and  let  il  be  reiiiemberi'd,  that 
llnrlll  i>(  the  r.llll  piilMllil,  with  the  exceptinll  nf 
the  seltleinenl  at  Nnnika  Sound,  llierc  has  never 
been  by  Spain  nr  ours.  l\t  s  any  nciii.il  posscs^-ion. 
If  iri  iitletneii  will  tint  make  the  dislinciinn  belwii  n 
Americ.ni  soi|  and  an  niidelimd,  iinperfeci  claim, 
I  rely  upon  the  country  to  supply  the  dclicieni'v. 
Mr.  V'hairniaii,   if  wc   pass  this  notice,  but  inake 

no  ail<i|aate   provisioii   for  tin niiiion  defence, 

the  Pre.'-ident  will    be  reduced  lo  the  neicssilv  of 
ailjusliir;  tin;  ri\al   claims   «  illiiii   twelve  mnntlis  ' 
by  irejily,  or  plun^'ing  the  country  tinarincd  into  ; 
war. 

If,  sir,  rednceed  tn  this  alternative  by  those  i 
whnse  eai;er  haste  wnnid  nnt  be  warned,  he  shall 
oliiain  by  treaty  such  n  boundary  as  will  neither 
firfeit  the  mnre  iinpnrliint  interists,  nor  eoinpro- 
niise  the  honor  of  nnr  coiiniry,  I  shall  esteem  the 
terininalion  I'nrluii'ite.  Much  as  I  wish  our  riiiiin 
III  possess  the  whole  nf  ttri^nn,  I  wnnld,  in  that 
c.ise,  apiiriive  nf  its  division,  and  be  prepared  lo 
nil  It  wliiitever  censure  iniiihl  fall  upon  the  act. 
In  ndvair'e,  and  ill  aniicipattnii  of  such  a  coiitin- 
L'l'iicy.  I  will  aniionnce  my  williii:;iiess  to  take  the 
4'.hli  parallel  nf  l.iiiinde,  extendi'd  nii  lo  i|ie  Pacific 
ocean:  nm  that  this  paralli  1  is  called  for  by  any 
treaty  sii|inIiilion,  but  that  the  boundary  is  iiiide- 
fuiid:  and  this  line  avoids  any  ipii  sunn  which  can 
be  a  pnillt  nf  llnllnr  In  either  cnlllllry.  Il  is  above 
our  ninsi  nnrllii  111  pnst  nn  the  ('nlitnibia  river,  and 
Hniith  of  the  liriiisli  explorations  on  (''racer's  river. 
It  jives  to  e.ifli  a  part  of  Ciuadra  and  Vancou- 
ver's Island,  ar.il  (li\ides  ihe  harbors  of  the  coast. 
It  is  tint  all  iha:  we  miu'ht  claim  by  fair  cnnstriic- 
tinii  ol'the  Nootka  Sound  ennvenlinn;  but  the  cnii- 
cessinn  is  nnt  jziiiiter  than  is  due  in  other  inter- 
ests— due  to  the  spirit  nf  the  ;i::e,  and  the  prnsperi- 
ty  th;il  av.aiis  our  (in\eriiiMent  in  peace.  Pns- 
sessed,  a.-i  by  this  line  we  should  be,  of  tin;  a^ri- 
ciiliural  portion  of  the  coniilry,  of  the  Sirait.s  of 
Ku'a,  end  .\dti:iralty  Inh  I,  lo  American  enii  rprise 
and  American  instltntions  we  can,  without  a  fear, 
inlrnsi  ihe  fuiure.  If  llie  contra' iin'_'  parties  can- 
not thus  au'ree,  are,  then,  ne:.otialiniis  at  an  end  - 
Tliou^rli  we  could  not  find  an  arbiter  to  whose  de- 
cision it  wnuld  be  proper  to  siibinil  nur  elninis — In 
hush  the  claninr  nl'  airirrandizenieiii  raised  a^ninst 
11".  to  111'  jnsiifed  before  the  world  in  any  rnina'- 
fpienei's  which  may  fnilnw,  .'■eciire  in  the  justice  of 
nur  cause — we  niij;!it  refer  the  fpiestinn  to  a  mixed 
eonnnission,  a  board  eipially  cfimposed  of  Hrilisli 
snbjecis  and  Americnn  eiilyens,  with  power  tn 
choose  MS  an  nnipire  la  Iweeii  ihemsnine  man  whnse 
wi-dnni  wnnld  i.ive  force  lo  his  opinion,  and  whose 
cliaraciir  would  remove  him  beyond  the  iiiniience 
of  a  sordid  motive.  I'leed  from  the  restraints  of 
diplnniali''  form,  iiincli  ^oiid  nii;,'lit  follow  such  a 
course:  at  least,  we  iniiilit  expect  to  learn  to  what 
last  port  thin  lloatin;  firitish  elaiin  is  driven  for  a 
refii'^'e. 

Air.  rhairmnn,  unfnrlnnalely  the  npininn  has 
p^oiH'  forlh,  that  .1(1  politician  dare  tn  be  the  advn- 
(■:ite  nf  p(-ace,  when  llie  (]ii(  slinii  nf  war  is  innoted. 
That  w  ill  be  an  evil  hour — llie  s-iiid  of  nur  repub- 
lic will  be  nearly  run — when  it  shall  be  in  the 
power  of  any  denia!;n'_'ne,  nr  f'lnatie.  In  raise  a  war 
rlnmor,  and  control  iiie  li  ijislalinn  of  tlie  country.   " 


The  evils  of  war  iiiiist  fall  upon  llie  people,  and 
with  them  the  war  fei  liiii'  slioulil  nri!;iiiale.  We, 
their  lepresentnlives,  are  Inn  u  inirrnr  tn  relleci  ihu 
li^^hl,  and  ncM  r  shnnlil  becniue  a  lurch  In  lire  tliu 
pile,  lint,  sir,  llion;;li  Kenlleineii  u'o,  lurch  ill  hand, 
anion!;  coinlnistible  materials,  iliey  still  declare 
there  is  no  (laiiL'er  of  a  lire.  War  speeches,  and 
iiieaHiires  ilui  aieiiiin:  War,  are  iniiii,'leil  with  pro- 
l^ise  aBsurances  of  peace.  Mir,  we  cannot  expect, 
we  slionld  not  rei|iiire,  our  iiiKcrHiiry  lo  submit  In 
nioK  than  we  woiilil  bear;  and  I  ask,  afler  llie  no- 
lice  has  been  >;iven,  and  the  iwelve  nionths  hnve 
expired,  who  would  allow  (inat  Ihitain  lo  cxer- 
else  exclusive  jurisdiclinn  over  ••rci.'iin?  If  we 
would  resist  such  act  by  force  of  arms,  beforn  our- 
Ki'lii  s  perfnriiiin:;  il,  we  should  prepare  for  war. 

Snme  advncaies  nf  lliis  luunediale  iintice  have 
iiri;ed  their  policy  by  reference  lo  u  resolnlioii  nf 
the  I  leinocralii  niilllmore  convenlinn.and  contend- 
ed that  thei|ueMioii  was  I  hereby  closed  to  members 
of  Ihe  |t(  inocniiic  parly.  Thai  resolution  doesi 
imi  recnmmend  iiuinedialc  notice,  but  recoinniendK 
the  "  reannexaiion  of  Texas"  ami  the  "  reoccupa- 
lion  of  Ore'.'oii"  at  the  "i;,r|ic:.i  practicable  pe- 
riod." The  elaiin  is  siroiii'ly  inaile  lo  the  "wliolu 
of  ()reiroii;"iiiid  the  resolutioii  sceiiis  din  cted  more 
poiiiinllv  lo  space  than  lime.  Tcxis  and  ('reKim 
were  milled  in  the  ii  solulinii;  and  had  llieie  beenn 
third  ipieslion  iinohiii;;  our  territorial  exieiis'on, 
I  doubt  not  il  wnuld  lia\e  been  united  willi  tliti 
oiher  two.  "I'he  addition  of  terrilnry  to  mir  Union 
is  part  of  the  nemocratic  faiili,  and  properly  was 
placed  in  llie  ileclaraiion  nf  nur  pnlicy  at  that  linie. 
To  ilitermine  whether  that  praciiciible  perind  liuM 
arrived,  is  nnw  the  ipiesunu;  and  lliose  who  eor- 
dially  airrei  upon  the  principle  if  lerrilorial  en- 
lar:jeineiit  have,  and  may  conimne  siill  In  diU'eron 
ihiil  ipieslinii.  Sir,  llioni.'li  it  is  demonstrable  that 
liasie  inaydimiiiisli  but  cannot  iie'i'iasc  onr  cliances 
tn  .'.eciire  Ihe  \v  linle  nf  llrei;nn,  yil  because  Houtll- 
erii  iiieu  have  iin,'(il  tin!  w  isdoiii  nf  delay,  we  havB 
had  injiirioi.s  coniparisons  iiisliliited  belweeu  our 
coiidnei  on  Texas  anni'Xation  nnd  Orcijon  occupii- 
lion.  !s  i.it're  such  eipiality  between  the  cascM 
Ihal  the  iiiie  tiolicy  must  apply  to  each?  Texas 
was  peoj  1  il,  llie  lime  was  inesent  when  it  imist  be 
aeipiired,  or  the  inlliii  iices  active  to  defeat  our  aii- 
iiexatiini  purpose  would  probably  succeed,  and  thw 
country  be  lost  In  us  forcM'r.  (trcL'on  is,  with  it 
small  exc(  piion,  slill  a  wilderness;  nnr  claim  In  iil- 
liniale  sinereii;iiiy  caiinnl  be  wenkiniil  durini,'  ihe 
cnnlimnince  nf  the  Ore^'on  eonvenlMii.  That  ill- 
starri  d  partnei'ship  lias  robbed  ns  of  the  lulvnn- 
lii'ies  which  all  early  occupation  w  ulil  have  iriven 
to  onr  people  in  the  fur  trade  of  llie  coniitry,  and 
wc  are  now  rapidly  advaiicinu  to  a  posiiinn  from 
which  we  can  conimaiid  the  enlire  territory,  lit 
Texas  annexalion  we  were  prompted  by  other  and 
hit'lier  considerations  than  mere  interest.  Texas 
had  been  a  ineinb(  r  of  onr  family;  in  her  infancy, 
had  been  driven  IVnm  the  paternal  roof,  siirreiider- 
(  d  In  the  [rnvernnieiil  of  harsh,  iiiipiisilnriai  Spain; 
but,  Irne  In  her  liiiea'.'c,  jireserved  the  faith  nf  oppii- 
sitiini  lo  mnnarcliical  nppre.-.sinii.  She  now  re- 
luriied,  nnd  asked  lo  be  admilied  to  the  hearth  of 
the  homeslead.  She  pointed  to  the  band  of  iiobli; 
sons  w  ho  si  o.i.t  a. -I  111  lid  her,  and  said,  '•  1 1. 're  is  ihe 
remnant  of  m"  Ciniily;  ihe  resl  I  L'ave  a  sacriliceat 
the  allan  1  our '..ilifi's'lJoil— ilie(ind  nf  Liberty." 
One,  twn.  ihrc  ,  of  llie  elder  sisters  .strove  hard  lo 
close  the  dno  upon  her;  but  ihe  u'lnerniis  synipa- 
lliy,  the  jusiiii  of  ihe  fuiiily,  threw  it  wide  open, 
and  welcnnied  her  nliirii.  '  .Such  was  the  ease  of 
T'Xas:  is  there  n  parallel  in  Ore:;nii?  lint  who 
are  llinse  that  arraiirn  the  South,  iiiipntiii!.'  tn  us 
moliveH  of  sectional  aL".'riiiidizeineiit  ■  Generally, 
the  snme  wlin  ri  sisled  Texas  annexatinn,  and  now 
most  eagerly  press  on  ihe  inimediale  nccup-itinn  of 
the  wlinle  of  i)re;xon.  The  source  is  worthy  the 
suspicion.  These  were  the  nn  n  whose  conalitn- 
lioiial  scruples  resisted  the  aduii.ssion  of  a  country 
rratnitously  olfered  lo  ns.liul  now  look  forward  to 
','aiiiiiii;  I'aiiada  by  coiii|iiest.  These  the  same 
who  claim  a  weii^lit  lo  balance  Texas,  whilst  ihey 
aiiack  others  as  i;overiied  by  .sectional  considern- 
tioiis.  Sir,  tlii.s  doctrine  of  n  poliiicnl  hnlanre  be- 
tween dilVerent  scclions  nf  nnr  Uiiinii,  is  not  of 
sonlherii  irrowth.  We  advocated  the  annexation 
of  Texas  a:<  a  "  <rreat  iialioiml  measure;"  we  saw 
ill  it  the  extension  of  the  principles  enirusted  to 
onr  care.  And  if  in  ihe  proi;ress  of  ihe  i|iiestioii  it 
nsstimt'd  ti  .sectional  hue,  the  coloring  ciuiic  from 


'i 


'■/ 


\BH\. 


'^ih-ii  CoNfi 1st  Seh, 


APPKNDIX  TO  THE  CONGHKSSIOr.AL  GIA)BE. 

'flic  Orrirun  (^iiolinn — Mr,  IVooil, 


917 


Ho.  or  Rf.ph. 


till 


riiii  ^|>niir, 

I  nt'()|ip()- 
lidW    IT- 

hcanli  (it' 
I  <it'  iiohic 
1,-rf  is  llio 
siicrilii'ciit 
l.il.rrly.'' 
1,11(1  111 
yiii|m- 
wide  (»|K*ii, 
<p  (if 
lint  wild 
lllll^'  111  IIH 

jcncnilly, 

niid  iKiw 

ii|i'il|iin  (if 

utliy  llie 

rdiislitu- 

a  I'liiiiiiry 

I'lirwiird  til 

the   Nime 

liil.sl  i!u;y 

•iiiisidcra- 

inliincf*  iie- 

i.S    11(11  (if 

ntioxatioii 
we  saw 
trusted  to 
incstiiiii  it 
time  fmiii 


till'  (>|i|i(isiliiiii  thai  iliiii'l;  an  (i|i|i(iNiti«n  liaiird  imt  I 
ii|ii>ii  a  Nliiiwiiit'  III'  iliii    injury  i>  wmilil   liriiii;  In 
tli(Mii,lint  ii|>iiii  llir  Nii|i|i(iHiiiiiii  tliat  liciii'flta  wulild  i 
bi'  iiliiaiiifil  liy  IIH.  I 

Why  is  ii  ihai  Texas  i«  irferreil  to,  iitnl  trrnltil  I 
fls  II  NMiithcrii  iiirasitre  inrn-ly,  thiiiiirh  iiH  iiorthflni  I 
laliliide  is  4'!°^  and  why  lias  the  West  no  often 
heeii  I'l'iiiiiidi'd  111'  its  Niri  ii'i's  ii|iiiii  Texas  nnnextt-  ! 
tiiiii.'     Is  II  til  divide  Ihi   Siiiilh  and  West  >     If  no,  I 
lit  ihiiHe  wliii  seek    lliis  (ilijei't  leiiKc   fniiil   their 
travail,   fur   llieir  i ml  eaii   I'levcr  he  iiltaiiied.     A 
iiniiniiin  acrieidliiral  iiilerest  unites  lis  in  a  eniii. 
iniiii   |iiihi'y,and  the  Imnd  llial  sows  seeds  of  ilis- 
nensiini  lielweeii  lis  will  find,  if  lliey  s|iriii;,' IVoiii  the 
Kiiiiind,  that  the  fnoi  nf  fnileriiiil  iiitercoiirso  will  [ 
tiTMil  them  hai'k  In  earth. 

The  Hlriains  ihiit  rise  ill  the  We"'  flow  on  anil 
lire  ai'i'iiniiilaled  iiitii  the  rivers  nf  tlift  Siiiitir,  lliey 
liear  tlie  |irndnitMif  one  In  llie  ntlier,  and  hind  ih.e 
jliHTesis  of  llie  whole  inilissnhilily  imetln  r.  The 
wishes  of  the  one  walie  llie  syni|iaihies  of  the  I 
other,  tin  Texas  annexaiimi  the  voice  of  .Missis-  | 
fililii  fiiniiil  an  echo  in  llie  West,  anil  MisHissi|i|ii 
reeeliiies  the  rail  of  the  West  on  the  qiiesiioii 
of  Ore^'oii.  Tlinii:,'li  this  rioveninient  has  done 
llolhiii'^  iideiinale  to  the  del'eiicc  of  Mississi|i|ii, 
tliiin;;li  liy  war  she  has  niitrli  to  lose  and  iiolliiiiL^ 
1(1  (:ain,  yet  she  is  willini::  to  encounter  it,  if  iie- 
ee».<ary  to  maintain  lair  rii^hls  in  Oi'ei;iin.  tier 
Iie'tislatiire  has  reci  ntly  so  resolved,  and  her  Gov. 
criior,  in  a  late  inesHa^e,  says:  If  war  comes  •'  to 
lis  it  will  hriliij  li|i;;lil  and  disol.ition;  yet  we  arc 
ready  I'or  the  crisis."  Sir,  coiilil  lliere  he  a  liii;lier 
(ih|i;;atioii  on  the  re|iresentative  of  such  a  peo|ilc 
than  to  i-esirain  excitement — than  to  oppose  a  pol- 
icy that  llirealeiis  an  unnecessary  war? 

Mr.  ('hairnian,  I  wish  not  to  eiilo^i/.e  the  Slate 
wliidi  I  have  in  pari  the  liinior  In  re  to  represeiii;  | 
mid  her  liislnry,  linef  as   it   is,  relieves  iiie  from  ] 
the  necessity  oi'  pleil;;in^  her  services  to  our  Union 
in  the  hour  of  its  need.      lint  the  inarK'eil  omission  j 
of  the  ireiilleiiian  from  Missouri  [.\Ir.  L.  II.  Sims,]  , 
requires  my  atleiitiun.   In  rceouniin^'  theserviees  of 
the  past  n.s  earnest  for  the  fuiiire,  he^iive  to  every 
neifilihoriii';  name  a  |i|ace,  lint  left  mit  Mississiiiiii. 
Passed  over  it  imlieeded  ill  his  transit  from  Ala- 
luima  to  New  Orleans.     Sir,  lei   me  tell   him  that  j 
Missis.sippi's  sons  hied  freely  ill  the  Creek  cam-  , 
pai^jns,  and  were  leaders  at  I'ensacola;  fiirllier  let 
;iie  tell  him,  that  when  they  heard  of  an  invadini; 
foe  upon  the  coast  of  rjoiiisiana,  the  spirit  was  so 
freneral  to  sally  forth  and  meet  him  at  the  outer  U'ate, 
that  oiir  Governor  issued  orders  to  restrain  their 
goiii^':  and  on  the  field  to  which  he  has  .so  specially 
uiliMlcd — the  hattle  of  New  (h'leiins,  Atississippi  | 
ilr.i'.;oons,  led  hymir  irallant  Hinds, iierforiiied  that  j 
feat,  which  the  cnmniandin;;  i^enera!  aiinonnced  as  | 
the  ailiniration  of  one  armv  and  the  wonder  of  llie  \ 
other.     Sir,  I  will  only  add,   that    whenever  the  ' 
lionor  of  our  enniury  is  assailed,  whenever  its  ler-  I 
rilorv  is  invaded — to  the  North  or  to  the  Soulli,  to 
the  Iv'ist  or  to  the  West — if  then  we  shall  he  warned 
of  ihe  prowess  of  llie  foe;  if  llien  we  ."hall  hear  of 
armed  Heels  that  skim  nlon!;  the  sea  and  wail  like 
birds  of  prey  to  sloop  upon  our  commerce;  if  then 
wc  shall  lieihrealeiMil  wilh  a  cloud  of  liuiiiers  that 
folded  wail  to  i;allieron  our  skv.and  darken  il  wilh 
the  storm  of  war;  from  the  jiilf  shore  lo  the  hanks 
of  oiir  miirhly  river,  lhroui.'h  the  leii;;lh  and  Inenilih  ! 
of  Mississippi,  her  sons  will  nnswerwiili  defiance,  ' 
and  scornfully  reply,  ] 

II  Free  tie  veilr  linnners  nuns,  we're  lotli 
Their  ^lllo'ii  fi'Id;*  "liiiiilil  It'cil  Ihe  iiiolli.'* 

Mr.  f'hainnaii,  why  have  .such  repealed  calls 
been  made  upon  the  Soulli  lo  rally  lo  the  rescuer 
AVIien,  where,  or  how,  has  she  been  la^'^ard  or  de- 
serter? 

In  I77(>,  tlie  riirlits  of  mnii  were  violated  in  the 
nuira'.res  upon  the  inirlhern  Colonies,  and  the  South 
iiniieil  in  a  war  for  their  defence.  In  IHI'J,  the  lias 
of  our  rnioii  was  insulied,  onr  sailors' riijhls  in- 
vaded;  and  tlioui^'i  the  inlereslsinfriiii^ed  were  main- 
ly iiorlliern,  war  was  declared,  and  the  o|ipositi(ui 
lo  it.s  viiroriins  pi'iiseciition  eame  not  from  the 
South.  We  eiilereil  it  for  the  common  cause,  and 
for  the  common  cause  we  freely  iiiel  its  sacrifices. 
If,  sir,  we  lia\e  not  been  the  "  «ar  parly  in  peace," 
neiilier  have  we  hern  "  the  pciii'e  )iarty  in  war," 
and  I  will  leave  the  past  In  answer  for  llie  fiilnre. 

Ifwc  liav  not  soiii,'lu  the  aciinisition  of  provin- 
ces by  coiifpiesl.  neither  liiive  we  desired  to  ex- 
elude  from  our  Union  sncli  as,  drawn  by  the  niac- 


in t  of  free  jiisiilulions,  have  peacefully  soii','lit  for 
inlinisHion.  l''roni  sire  lo  son,  has  ili  scciided  our 
federalive  creed;  oppnseil  to  the  idea  of  sectional 
eoiillict  for  private  adMinla^e,  and  llivoriii'.,'  the 
Miller  evpaiisciif  our  Union.  If  envy,  and  jeal-  i 
ousy,  iiinl  Hcctional  slrifc,  are  eating  like  riisl  in 
tlie'hiinds  onr  liil hers  expected  to  iiiinl  ns,  lliey 
come  t'riini  causrs  which  onr  soiilhern  alinosphcre 
lias  never  furnished.  .\s  we  have  shared  in  the 
toils,  so  we  have  ;.'!iiried  in  the  triiiniiihs  of  onr 
country.  In  our  hmris,  ns  in  our  liisiiiry,iire 
minijled  the  nanus  of  fmicoril  and  rainden,  iiinl 
Saralii;;ii,  and  I.cxini^lnn,  and  I'lattslinru'.  and 
Chippewa,  and  Krii  ,  uiiil  .Mon'iric,  and  .N  w  Or- 
leans, and  Yin  ktowii,  anil  Hunker  Hill.  Grouped 
to^'cther,  they  form  a  rei  oril  nf  the  triumphs  of  onr 
eiiiise,  a  monitmi  nt  of  the  eommoii  .'lory  of  onr 
Union.  What  soiilhern  man  would  wish  it  less 
by  one  of  the  nortliern  names  of  which  it  is  coiii- 
poM  d.  Or  where  is  lie  who,  ^^aziii'^  on  the  obelisk 
lliat  rises  friini  the  i;rniniil  made  .'lacrcil  by  the 
blood  of  Warren,  would  feel  his  patriot's  pride  siip- 
jiressed  by  local  jealousy  ?  Type  of  the  men,  the 
cient,  the  purpose  il  eoinmenioriites,  that  cohinin 
ri.ses  stern,  even  severe,  in  its  simplicity;  neither 
niche  nor  moiildiie;  for  iiarasite  or  creepini,'  thin:,' 
to  rist  on;  coiiiposcd  ol  material  that  deties  the 
waves  of  time,  and  poiiitiiifi;  like  a  fiie.'er  to  the 
soiiric  of  noblest  lliiiii';lil.  Ileacoii  of  freedom,  il 
j;iiiilcs  the  present  ;;eiieralioii  to  retrace  the  f  iiin- 
laiii  of  our  vears  and  stiinil  beside  lis  source;  to 
eiiiitemplale  the  scene  where  Miissachnsells  and 
Vir^'inln,  as  .stronger  brothers  of  (he  family,  stood 
foremost  to  ilcl'cnd  our  common  riu'lits;  and  r"- 
meiiilieranec  of  llie  petty  jnrriie.'.i  of  to-day  are 
hiiricd  ill  the  nobler  frieiids'hip  of  ,iii  eailii  r  lime. 

Yes,sir,niiil  when  i','iiorance,  led  liy  fanatic  hate, 
and  armed  by  all  inicliarilableness,  as.sails  a  ihi- 
niesiic  instiiiiiion  of  the  Soulli,  I  try  lo  fon;ive,  I'or 
the  sake  of  the  rl^'hleoiis  amoiiir  the  wicked— our 
natural  allies,  the  Democracy  of  the  North.  Thus, 
sir,  1  leave  to  silent  ciiiilempl  the  niali','n  predic- 
tions of  the  niemlier  from  Oliio,  who  s|ioke  in  the 
early  staj,'e  of  this  discussion!  whilst  it  pleases  me 
to  remeinber  the  manly  and  patriotic  seiitimenls  of 
iheijentleman  who  sits  near  me,  [Mr.  MeOowKi.t.,] 
and  who  represents  another  portion  of  that  State. 
In  him  I  reeo','nise  the  feeliinrs  of  onr  western 
brethren;  his  were  the  Kentimenls  which  a'cord 
with  their  acts  in  the  past,  and  which,  wilh  a  few 
iirnoble  exceptions,  I  ibnibt  not  they  will  eimilale,  if 
a:;ain  the  necessity  should  exist,  \ea,  sir,  if  ever 
they  hear  the  invai'icr's  foot  hi"  I. "en  pressed  upon 
our  soil,  they  will  de.icend  n.  '.lo  plain  like  an 
avalanche,  riishini;  to  bury  tiie  iVe. 

Ill  coiicliision,  I  will  K;iy,  free  from  any  forelio- 
diiii'sof  evil,  above  the  iiillueiice  of  Iannis,  beyond 
the  reach  of  treasonable  threals,  and  conlidin^  .se- 
curely in  Ihe  wisdom  and  patriotism  of  the  Execu- 
tive, I  shrink  from  the  asscrlion  of  no  rishi,  and 
will  consent  lo  no  reslriciinns  on  the  discretion  of 
the  treaty-making  power  of  our  Oovenimenl. 

\  THK  ORKGON  UUESTION. 

;      REMARKS  OF  MR.  B.  R.  WOOD, 

i  OK   .NEW   YOHlv, 

1  Is  Tin;  lint  si;  or  HKi'iir.sKSTATivF.s, 

[  ./(iiiiiiini  ;tl,  I84G. 

I  The  House  beiiii;  in  ('nmmittee  of  the  Whole  on 
]  the  state  of  the  Union,  and  liavini:  under  eonsid- 
t  eralion  the  joint  resolution  to  terminale  the  coii- 
i  veiilion  of  \^'2'i  for  the  joint  occupancv  of  the 
Orei,'on  territory,  and  the  various  iimendments 
I      ihereui — 

'  Mr.  WOOD  addressed  the  eonimitlee,  in  siib- 
statice,  as  follows: 

He  believed,  he  said,  that  all  were  now  con- 
vinced that  tills  Ho'ise  was  divided  into  three  ilis- 

i  tinct  divisions:  first,  those  opposed  to  fjivins;  the 
notice;  next,  those  in  favor  of  it,  and  yet  were  for 

'  netjotiation:  and,  Iasll\*,  those  who  were  in  favor 
of  the  nolice,  anil  yet  insislcil  on  the  whole  of  Or- 
ei;iin  to  .I-IO  4()' — n  policy  which,  if  carried  out, 
would  inevitably  le;id  to  war.  As  one  of  the  Uep- 
ri'senlalives  of  a   Slate,  which,  in  such  an  event, 

;  would  have  to  do  no  small  share  of  the  fi2;liliii^', 

'  and  what  was  of  still  more  conserpience,  no  small 
share  of  th "  payin;,',  he  felt  ()bli,ij;eil  to  oll'er  aome 


remnrks  on  iIiIh  siibjeel.     lie  would  not  I  oiisl  of 

the  i'ourii;;e   of  his    Slate,   t'or    ('ear   it   iiii';ht    bo 

doiihteil.     .She  was  wise  eunuch,  he  Irusled,  "  not 

to   seek    the   li^lit,"  and    gallant  ciioiii;h   "  not  to 
I ■;.    tt     wi i.i  .11    :...■ 


came."     .She  would  pay  all   iilit 

'niii 


shun  It  when  ii 

diinaiids  upon  hi  r,  whether  in  (jold  (i"iron.  Tliiis 
much  of  vaunliii',',  the  i  oniinoii  sense  of  the  llonso 
Would  excuse;  hut  he  could  not  have  asked  mich 
fin  indnli^ence,  had  he  ::oiie  any  I'arther  than  ihii. 
I  lad  he  joined  in  llie  wild  war-cry  which  had  riini; 
throiiijh  this  House,  carrying-  u»  back  lo  ihe  dark 
a'.'es,  or,  at  least,  t,i  that  lime  when  Home  (ley 
Percy  or  hot  |)iiu;;Iiinh  marshalled  their  relainern, 
not  ilien,  as  now,  for  a  foray  on  the  biilliit-boN,  or 
al  most  on  the  treasury,  but  on  border  lands;  linil 
he  literally  di'ified  the  ti^jer  iiltribiiiiH  of  liia  h|iu- 
cics,  iiiMiked  war,  the  Hi'oiiri,'e  niid  curse  of  na- 
ti'iiis,  as  a  blessiiit,' upon  bis  ciiiiiiiry;  orrxaliid 
mere  briile  courii:;e  over  all  that  was  inir  Itcctiiiil 
and  moral  in  man,  as  had  been  done  on  tins  llnori 
hewiiuld  not  only  have  apologized  In  this  Housvi 
bill  to  Chrisiendoiii,  for  SI)  ■^ntm  uii  iiltack  upon 
the  civili'/.aiiou  of  the  a'^c. 

He  admired  the  moral  coiirn^jo  of  the  gentleniaii 
friiin  South  Carolina,  [Mr.  IIiiktt,]  who  was  llio 
first  on  this  lloor  lo  relinke  this  spirit,  ami  to  strip 
w.ir  of  its  tinsel,  and  ahow  il  as  it  was,  a  naked 
revoliin'^  skeleton.  He,  for  one,  thon^ht  not  ii,u 
less  of  his  braverv,  for  his  morality  T;iM(  to 
"  novel-readiiv^  {^irl.-i  and  bi  ardh  sh  boys  of  the  j;lo- 
ries  and  laurels  of  war,  but  iml  to  men  of  seiisi'." 
Why,  sir,  said  he,  when  I,  the  son  of  a  revolu- 
tionary soldier,  heard  the  revolutionary  war  al- 
luded lo  ill  connexion  with  the  one  here  inioki  d, 
I  felt  that  it  was  al'iiosl  sacrilege  lo  name  ihtm  in 
the  same  brealli;  il  was  virtiiiilly  ciinfoniidin;;  ihe 
patriot  anil  the  bri^'and. 

Genllemen,  he  .said,  had  talked  as  if  the  only 
re;isons  for  opposilinn  to  a  war  for  Oregon  were 
fiiiinilcd  ill  fcar.s  of  Ku^lanil.  Wire  there  not  suf- 
ficient reiisons  to  deprcale  ii  war,  oilier  lliaii  our 
fears?  Grant,  if  yon  choose,  Hir  the  .sake  of  tlio 
nri^iitnent,  that  Knyland  should  be  worsied  in  ev- 
ery eonflicf,  and  that  your  phiiis  fiir  cninpiest  ami 
victory,  like  Captain  I'obadil's,  were  perfectly 
fe.isibie,  it  would  still  he  dear-bou|;ht  victory.  You 
would  have  inflicted  s;reaier  evils  on  yoiir  own 
coiinlry  than  on  your  enemy's.  Ymi  will  have  de- 
moralized your  eounlry,  centiali/.ed  its  Govern- 
iiieiil,  swept  away  its  democracy,  and  erected  on 
its  ruins  n  military  aristocracy,  and  thrown  back 
fiir  years  the  civilizatimi  of  in:uikiiiil.  -N'or  would 
this  be  all.  You  will  h:ive  arre.sii  d  llie  proj,'resa 
(f{  lilier.il  opinions  thrnn^'houl  the  world,  and  ea- 
perially  in  that  very  country  where  the  principles 
of  free  trade  (the  best  of  nil  peace  socii  tics)  are 
smeailiii;;  rapidly,  widely,  and  iriumplianilv,  ben- 
efitiii'^  alike  thai  coimiry  and  this,  and  wlilcli  can 
be  arrested  only  by  ii  war  belween  the  two  na- 
tions. 

Genllemen  were  very  much  inclined  lo  denounce 
En^'land:  but  the  En'^land  of  1775  or  HI3  was  not 
the  Eiidand  of  I84(i.  Paradoxical  as  it  niif,'lit 
seem,  the  only  efl'ectnal  way  to  attack  Kii;;lanil  was 
by  peace,  ami  not  by  war.  Il  wa.s  the  only  way 
you  could  reach  her  proud  nnfeelinn;  aristocracy, 
who  had  been  built  up  by  war,  and  u  lioni  a  coii- 
tinuance  nf  peace  woiihi  ere  hni^'  put  down.  With 
that  ari.slocracy  none  of  its  had  any  sympathy;  buv 
he  tiu.sted  a'l  bad  with  n  down-lroihlen  people, 
slru^\'lin'j  to  unclasp  Iheir  grasp,  and  who  hall 
been  demnrali/ed,  ]ilunilereil,  begi^.ared,  ami  re- 
duced to  starvalion,  by  glorious  war.  And  if  the 
same  ainle  of  ihiuL's,  and  by  the  same  means,  wa.s 
not  proihiced  in  this  coiiniry,  it  would  not  he  the 
fuilt  of  some  of  the  .renlleineii  who  had  addressed 
the  cnminiltee,  and  where  a  populaiion  might  ere 
lont.'  he  found  sufficiently  degraded  lo  hire  ihem- 
sclvrs  fiir  a  shilling  ii  day,  a.s  in  England,  to  the 
trade  of  wholesale  murder.  Why  was  this  deadly 
hale  manifested  against  England  ?  Say  what  yoii 
would,  with  all  her  injustice  to  Ireland,  and  to  a 
portion  of  her  own  citizens,  she  still  nad  more  of 
civil  and  religious  liberty  ihaii  any  oilier  eoinitry 
in  Europe.  There  the  liberty  of  sp,  1 1  h  and  of  the 
press  were  inviolate, and  the  Idiish  came  sometimes 
tingling  to  his  own  cheek  when  it  occurred  to  him 
thai  in  this  res|iect  il  was  more  inviolable  in  Eiig- 
huid  iliaii  in  some  portions  of  his  own  country. 
Nor  could  he  forget  that  the  first  aspirations  for 
civil  and  religions  liberty  thai  ever  dawned  on  this 
world  arose  In  England — the  same  spirit  that  sent 


■sV 


■•1 


S18 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  31, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


TAe  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Wood. 


Ho.  OP  Reps. 


J    i 


1 


it 


k 


fmili  tho  l'ilsrimsi)l'>f<'\v  Lngliinii,iiia|iii-e(l  l?ainp- 
ddiiMiliiiii.aml  Viiiic,aml  binuijlil  tlielirstCliiidts 
t"  till"  LiliH'k.  And,  now,  111  tliis  dny,  iimnii^  tlin 
iniudle  I'liissi's  of  Kiigland,  find  iiiminij  those  whose 
iianu'.i  arc  great  wiihont  tillis,  wi'It  ninny  who 
wvw  iiianfiiHy  Imtllin^  thr.  cause  of  the  people  and 
o('  human  pni^ress,  and  who  would  ileprecaie  a 
war  with  tliis  ooimtry  as  a  disgrace  to  eivUization, 

Tlie  arro^aiiL'e  of  the  I5ritish  Government,  of 
\\  liieli  so  nuieli  had  iieen  said,  was  as  httle  to  his 
taste  as  the  prolU;;a''y  and  insidious  tyranny  of 
Fraiii't  ,  or  tiie  despoti.-m  of  Ilussia.  He  roni'edeil 
that  I'.U  three  were  hostile  to  icpuhhenn  institutions; 
niid  it  heeaiiie  its  to  sie  to  it  tlint  no  unjust  aet  of 
oui'd  should  furnish  tlieni  a  pretext  for  an  imirased 
hosiihty.  We  were  toM,  too,  of  the  rapaeity  of 
Kii:,'l;iiul;  so  also  was  France  and  Russia.  I'he 
one  had  once  la?  .  Older  eontrihution  tiie  Saiidwicii 
Islands,  had  sei/.ed  on  the  Society  Islands,  and 
tlriven  our  (twii  citi/ens  tVoin  the  Gaboon  in  At'rica. 
T!ie  other,  al'ter  hloltini^  out  one  nation  (Poland) 
from  the  in:i[)  i»f  the  world,  had,  by  suljsidi/.iiii; 
tSwedcn  and  Norway,  extended  her  dominions 
a.'ross  the  eastern  continent,  t'hi  the  south  she 
ctminaiu'ed  tite  Danube  and  the  Kaixine,  while  un 
our  northwest  she  was  in  possession,  and  by  treaty,  ' 
of  K'Miie  six  de:,'ree.s  of  this  very  Spanish  tide. 
Who  made  us  the  aveiiLrer  of  the  wrongs  which 
|1h..<c  nations  had  iiilli,  ted  .=  'I'liey  bide  tlieir  time, 
tiod  had  not  made  us  their  avenjier.  '*  Veiii^eaiice 
is  mine,  saith  the  Lord."  It  wa.s  madness  and 
folly  to  run  a  till  a^'aiiist  all  tlie.sc  Powers;  aiiu 
when  he  read  .some  of  the  residuiions  ip.Tered  in 
connexion  with  this  subject,  or  listened  to  the  (hc- 
lanilions  made  on  this  iloor  and  in  .he  other  winjr 
id'  the  Capitol,  breathiiiir  d(  fiance  aghinst  the  iiti- 
lions  ol  till'  earlli,  challens^iii';  tlieni  to  the  fi:;hl, 
and  boasiin:;  o'  'le  ease  wiili  which  we  could  con- 
quer tlieni,  hi-  knew  of  nothing'  which  could  eip.al 
Kuch  ronduct  save  that  of  the  niadman,  who,  ilirow- 
iiij;  liim.-ielf  un  the  tra^'k  of  i.  lailroad,  eluilh'iiged 
n  locomotive  to  fii:lit,  roundly  asaerlin;;  that  it  wa.s 
nothing  but  a  cooU-stove  iin  wheels,  lie  was  con- 
slrained  lo  believi'  dial,  with  our  .Spanish  title,  we 
liad  uls  >  acipiired  n^i  small  share  of  Spanish  Ciuix- 
otisni  and  Spanish  gasconade. 

The  gentleman  fi'.m  South  Carolina  had  alluded 
to  whet  rumor  h, id  said  in  rdalion  to  the  iinroduc- 
tioii  of  this  noiice;  that  it  was  in  fact  a  game  to 
make  great  men  greaicr,  and  little  men  i;reat.  lie 
would  assure  the  L'eiuleiiian  that  New  York  had  no 
hand  in  such  n  game.  And  if  the  honorable  gentle- 
man would  present  before  the  gnnid  iniiuesl  of  the 
nation  as  nuisances  all  such,  anil  the  whole  tribe  of 
poliiii-ians  by  trade,  he  would  liid  him  (.iod  speed. 

Wiiy,  sir,  suiil  he,  the  corse  of  an  unborn  p;tsler- 
ily  will  rest  on  his  hi  ad  who,  for  his  own  aggraii- 
dizemen;,  shall  unnecessarily  plunge  this  country 
into  a  war.  Wo  to  him  whoaitempts  it.  It  had  .lee'n 
asserted  on  ihat  llonr  tliat  no  one  could  be  the  next 
I'rcsic'  n  that  had  not  joined  in  this  war-cry  and 
shoiite.l  for  the  whule  of  Oregon.  FIc  trusted  he 
should  ne\er  .see  ilic  i!,iy  w  hen  a  nirre  popular  cry, 
or  mere  availability,  wieihl  -ons'linte  the  qii.ilifica- 
tioii  of  a  enndiilate  lor  the  pii  sideiicy.  lie  had 
voted  for  Mr.  Polk,  certainly  iioi  because  he  was  in 
f.ivor  of  Texas,  or  h.id  chimed  in  with  any  other 
popuhircry,  liut  becaa-c  he  beliivi.dhini  honest  and 
eap.iMc,aiiil  be'-aiisc  lie  had  ennlidenci.  in  lii.s  inlcg- 
rily.  Much  had  been  said  about  another  game  or 
another  compact — the  whole  of  Orc^'on  and  the 
wlic.lc  of  Texas.  If  a  game  was  playing  he  had  no 
part  in  tl'it  eitl'er.  If  a  compact,  lie  had  aliendy 
shown  by  his  vol,"  in  what  light  he  regarded  one 
p. in  of  11,  at  least.  .\nd  yet  it  had  Iveii  sug','em.Ml 
that  his  vote,  and  of  those  who  like  him  had  voted 
Hgiiiiist  the  aniieXiition  of  Ti'xas,  or  rnlh  r  against 
H  ilaiise  in  its  eonstituiio'i,  had  be"n  indiieiiced  by 
a  certain  distinguished  norllnrii  siaiesman,  [.\lr. 
WniiiiiT.Jaiid  infereni'c'K  had  bi-i'ii  drawn  therefrom 
in  relation  lo  I  hat  genilenian  alike  iinjiisl  and  iin- 
Iriie.  lie  kiKiv  nothing  of  tieit  gentleman's  opin- 
ions, either  in  re'_ninl  tti  Tt;\as  or  Oregon,  except 
what  the  |mblie  kmw.  He  del  not  represent  him 
or  my  oiImt  individual,  lie  had  ivled  in  aceoril- 
niice  with  till'  views  he  liiid  always  enlerlained.  It 
was  a  mailer  in  which  he  eonid  know  no  man;  nor 
would  he  siillir  ihe  opinions  of  ai",  man  lo  come 
between  him  and  the  coiivictioiiH  o' his  own  eon- 
i  .'!<  ,ire.  Nor  had  he  Noted  agaii.st  the  annexation 
ol' Texas  I'rom  any  supposed  hostility,  a«  had  been 
intiiiialcd,  to  ihe  South.     He  hud  acted  from  no 


such  motive,  though  he  had  already  seen  (and 
might  again  .see)  the  peculiar  institulionn  of  the 
.South  made  a  siiir  ijit.i  non  qualification  for  tln^  pre- 
sidency, and  those  same  iiisiitiitions  inado  a  subject 
iiiiuier  of  insfriietiontoaforeign  minister  by  a  distin- 
guished southern  stalesnian  then  holding  a  high  sla- 
tionintheGovernmcii'  To  that  gentleman  (person- 
ally unknown  to  him)  he  meant  no  ilisrespect.  He 
would  give  him  creilit  for  his  every  virtue,  and  for 
the  t"act  that  his  position,  for  the  time  being  at  least, 
w.is  delined.  He  believed  l..at  that  ■".lul  inan  and 
his  friends  in  this  House  wcresinceie  ill  th  ir  oppo- 
sitio.i  to  this  noiice.  They  viewed  it  as  a  wi.r  mea- 
sure. In  thishe  dill'ered  with  them.  Oid  he  view 
it  m  the  s.une  light,  he  should  hesitate  hnig  before 
he  gave  it  the  .sanction  of  his  vote,  lint  he  did  not 
so  view  it.  The  giving  of  this  notice  of  itself  can- 
not lead  to  a  war.  That  depended  on  subseiiuent 
action — upon  the  carrying  out  the  ultra  views  in 
relation  to  Oregon  which  had  been  avowed  in  that 
House.  Tlie  "masterly  in.ictivity,"  of  wliicli  so 
much  had  been  said,  by  bringing  the  ciliz.eiis  of 
the  two  counirics  in  collision,  would  sooner  or 
later  lead  to  war.  Seizing  the  whole  of  Oregon  by 
"masterly  inactivity"  would  ineviiably  lead  to 
war:  and  why  the  latter  couise  had  been  called 
I'eisterly  he  knew  not,  unless  it  was  the  conduct 
of  masters,  and  very  young  masters,  too.  He 
would  not,  at  this  stage  of  the  debate,  disi'uss  tlie 
t|uesti.in  of  title.  He  ••ould  merely  lay  down  a 
{vw  positions,  without  recourse  to  the  musty  ree- 
(U'ds  trom  which  he  had  derived  them,  which  others 
could,  and  woulil,  he  trusted,  examine  for  them- 
selves. These  positimis,  he  tlioughl,  on  examina- 
tion, would  be  lound  correi't  and  true.  There 
were  very  lew  who  did  not  believe  that  Great  ISril- 
ain  had  a  claim  of  some  kind  or  other  to  the  ter- 
ritory in  dispute.  Whether  Iter  title  was  derived 
from  the  Nootka  Souiiil  treaty,  from  the  explora- 
tion of  Mackenzie  and  the  discovery  of  Krazcr's 
river,  from  proximity  or  contiguity,  or  from  our 
own  conce;isions.  it  was  intmat<!rial,aiid  lie  should 
not  now  stop  to  consider.  He  believed  our  own 
title  soiitli  of  •19'^  was  unr|uestiiniable;  and  if  the 
posiiio.i  tak'en  by  the  gentleman  tVoni  Indiana  [.Mr. 
'^wi:x]  was  correct,  and  he  thought  it  was,  lair 
title  was  good  to  41)^  30';  because  it  was  asserted 
that  SiKiin  had  a  seiilemenl  at  the  time  of  the 
Nootka  convention  at  that  point,  and  Great  Hritain 
had  abandoned  all  claim  lo  any  territory  south  of 
it.  If  he  had  any  doubts  in  this  mailer,  it  was  as 
to  the  I'act,  whether  any  Iwnu  fide  settlement  ever 
had  been  made  in  the  disputed  territory  until  re- 
cently, and  since  the  conimencement  of  this  c-iH' 
troversy.  Me  believed  that  we  had  claims,  found- 
ed 'ipoi!  explornlion  and  discovery,  which,  [lulling 
the  Spanish  title  out  of  the  qui  stioii,  would  carry 
lis  up  at  hast  to  lyo.  .South  of  this  parallel,  Great 
Ur'tain  had  claimed  no  exclusive  sovereignty.  On 
till  other  hand,  aside  tVom  the  Sp,inish  title,  and 
by  exploralion  and  discovery,  he  had  yet  lo  learn 
il  It  we  had  any  liile  to  the  cuunlry  north  of  ^I'HP 
and  east  of  the  .Straits  of  I'Vica.  Air.  itiish  had 
conceilcd  III  Greal  lirilain  all  north  of  ."jp.  Wli.al, 
llieii,  was  the  question  tit  issue.'  Whai  is  the  nmt- 
ter  at  stake,  which  was  to  ]ihinge  two  great  naiions, 
Ihe  most  civilized  in  ihe  world,  into  a  war."  It 
was  a  strip  of  land  about  two  degrees  in  breailih, 
on  the  uninhaliiled  northwest  eoa.-.!,  of  doiiiitfnl 
value,  and  but  lillle  known.  Would  yoii,Kir,  light 
or  negoiiale  for  tliisr 

Hesides,  and  in  addiiion  to  all  ll'.is — and  this  was 
with  him  the  grealesi  iliHiciilt\—ihe  tioveriimciit 
had  thrice,  with  a  perfect  kn  iwledge  of  its  lille, 
and  in  all  sincerity,  ollried  to  iluiih'  this  lemlory 
on  the  line  of  4!!'-'.  This  was  the  lin,'  marked  out 
by  the  treat  V  of  I'lrecht,  and  the  line  of  proximity 
and  ciiinigiiity.  Would  y,"i  go  to  \v;ir  for  Wiiat 
yon  had  three  times  offered  to  give  aw.'iy  r  Would 
we  be  justified  befori" God  and  the  worlil  In  rashly 
seeking  war  on  such  a  quarrel?  G.^ntliincn  had 
talked  about  the  great  value  of  the  couiury  north 
of4'.)'^,  and  some  of  them  had  asserted,  he  believed, 
that  withii'it  the  whole,  Oregon  would  nut  be  worth 
a  rush.  We  knew  no  ing  of  the  couiiiry  north 
of  that  parallel.  All  tha  .  had  lieeii  snid  of  iis  value 
and  beiiiity  were  mere  draughts  on  the  imagina- 
tion. Captain  Wilkes  had  conlined  his  explora- 
tion lo  Ihe  south  of  4!P.  .Ml  that  was  valuable  lo 
us  lay  below  that  line.  The  most  value'  '"  harbors, 
Piige'i's  Sound,  Hood's  (filial,  and  .Adminiby  In- 
let, were  all  south  of  4'J^.  The  gentleman  froniTen- 


I  ncaaec  [Mr.  Johnson]  had  said  llint  die  ti  rritory 
:  actually  in  dispute  between  the  two  countries  lay 
!  between  46°  and  49°.     This  was  ikw  lo  liiiii,  anil 
'  the  first  lime  he  had  ever  heard  of  il.     He  had 
never  heard  of  any  one  who  conlemplucd  a  settle- 
ment of  this  diHlciilty  upon  any  liii.        a  basis  far- 
ihcr  south  than  49°.     It  had  been  s.ud  thai  Ann  r- 
ican  commercial  enterprise  could  not  .succeed  in 
Oregon  unless  the  IJritish  were  driven  out.     This 
was  a  retlection  upon  the  American  characii  r  he 
would  not    permit.     Tor  who  ever  heard  m'an  in- 
stance ill  which   Americans,  placed  side   by  sido 

■  with  Ihe  British,  or  iiny  other  nation,  could  not 
compete  with  and  oiitslrip  ill  any  eiiterpri.se.-  (VII 
that  the  Americans  wanted  was  good  iiorls;  and 
with  lliein,  and  leO  lo  themselves,  th;.y  could  rival 
any  nation  in  commerce  without  the  protection  of 
any  powerful  incorpoi  ilid  (oinpany.  or  the  piil- 
ronuge  of  the  Governm.  ill.  The  dillercncc  be- 
tween us  and  iheniisjust  the  dill'erence  between 
this  city  aial  its  badly-regulated  eoncerns,  luid 
those  cities  which  depend  on  themselves  instead 
of  Ihe  Government.  .Viid  here.  In  passing.  In; 
would  .say  that  the  popularity  of  the  President, 
great  as  it  was,  and  ile.scrvedly  so,  was  owing  In 
fiis  moderation  and  wisdoi...  It  rested  on  his  49°, 
not  on  his  f>4°  411';  and  Jie  regretted  to  see  resolu- 
tions oll'ered  in  this  House  virtually  rellecliiig  on 
his  course  and  his  predecessors  in  '  is  matter;  and 
he  had  yet  to  learn  whether  they  were  the  price  of 
that  forgiveness  an  honiU'iiMe  gentleman  had  kind- 
ly granted  him  for  oH'ering  tu  compromise  on  tlie 
line  of  49°. 

If  this  notice  should  be  given,  nnci  ,ve  should, 
within  the  year,reluse  to  negotiate,  England  woulil 
then  till  Canada  and  Oregon  w  ith  troops;  the  Wist 
Indies,  Ihrniuda,  and  Halifax  with  her  ships-of- 
waranil  war-steamers.  She  would  strike  no  Iduw, 
but  wait  our  action;  tind  should  we  attempt  to 
lake  the  whole  of  Oi-egon,  or,  niist;ikeiily  relying 
on  disalfeclion  in  Canada,  attempt  its  aniiexaiion, 
we  should  have  war  lo   Ihe   kiiil'e.     Judging  from 

■  the  past,  he  had  too  much  reliance  on  the  inodeia- 
tion  and  wi.sdom  of  the  Piesiiienl  to  suppo.se  he 
would  take  any  such  course.  He  believed  the  Ad- 
miiiisiiaiion  would  negotiate,  aii'l  settle  this  ques- 
tion by  Ihe  law  of  nations,  and  not  by  the  law  of 
popular  acclamation.  He  would  not  so  lar  di.*-- 
trust  the  good  sense  of  either  nation  as  to  supitoMi 
that,  nl  a  time  when  tl  iiir  coiniiiercial  relations 
were  becoming  more  and  more  inliiuate  and  so 
beneficial  :o  (Mich  other,  they  would  mildly,  bliiiu- 
ly,  and  fuolislil;  rush  on  war  lo  adjust  a  disputed 
title  they  never  could  settle  by  light  ng,  but  only  by 
iiegotiaiion  at  last;  and  he  woidd  say,  that  if  wo 
went  into  such  a  war,  we  sliouli'  soon  learn  the 
dillereiice  I'etween  defending  our  iiwn  country  and 
carrying  on  an  aggressive  war  against  anolher. 
Bu'  sir,  said  he,  while  ihiiigs  were  in  their  p.'cselit 
situ. .lion,  i"  struck  him  that  we  should  do  that 
which  at  all  limes  it  was  wise  and  well  to  do — finish 
every  forlilicaii  .i,  and  furnish  tlicni  with  ordnance 
—  1, 5(10  pieces  of  which  „..'e  then  needed  for  the 
purpose — refit  the  navy,  increase  your  war-steani- 
ers,  or,  at  least,  provitie  the  miiterials  for  u  sle.uii- 
marine. 

liiil  the  truth  was,  no  one  heheved  ii  war;  ptib- 
li'*  opinion  was  opposed  lo  it,  and  so  nil  di  opposed 
tliat  they  were  not  only  averse  lotakii.g  any  steps 
lo  prepare  for  it,  but  he  apprehendctl  tha  wiih 
many  there  was  an  aversion  to  making  the  ntees- 
s.-'.ry  Mppropriation  for  a  [leai.eestablishmenl.  He. 
was  for  giving  the  noiice,  but  not  fur  pushing  ul- 
terior mi  asures  to  such  an  extreme  as  lo  |irecliide 
negotiation.  Thi'  country  did  noi  bilnve  that 
li.easures  would  be  so  pressed,  and  il  did  nol, 
therefore,  afipn  lieiiil  ii  war.  Itiil  should  he  be 
iinsiaken  In  this,  and  war  should  come,  It  w.is  imt 
impulsive  courage  alone  tha  could  cjtiry  us  satVIy 
through  It.  Theexperienci  of  two  w;, is  had  fully 
tested  the  truth  of  this  asse-tion.  It  had  faihd  in 
the  war  of  ihe  Hi  volution,  though  urged  on  by  the 
most  r.ident  patrio'ism:  unit  the  great  leader  in  lhat 

;  struggle  (Washingto.i)  ha.!  left  on  n  cord  his  opin- 
ion of  Its  Inelliciency.  W  as  this  lo  be  a  viar  of  a 
single  campaign,  Il  tiiighl  do  tiiiich,  bin  li  would 
be  a  protiacled  war — one  in  wluclicool  endurance 

.  was  as  necessary  as  mere  ini|>ulsive  courage.  This 
the  siiH'erings,  the  privalioiis,  mid  the  pestilence  of 
a  Ciiii.p,  would  soon  breal-;  do\i  a,  Iiowever  enlliii- 
siasiic  at  first.  W^ar  was  now  n  science;  and 
should  il  break  oul  between  the  Iwo  eouiitries,  it 


[Jan.  31, 


[o.  OF  Reps. 

I  that  the  territory 

two  countries  lay 
i:i  11. w  to  liiiit,  and 
rd  ot"  it.  He  hud 
iilcm])liiiodn  seltle- 

hiii  -  a  basis  I'ar- 
en  .i.iul  that  Ana  r- 
ilil  not  suc'tci'd  iii 

driven  out.  'I'liis 
eriium  eharaiMi  r  ho 
Acr  heard  oi'aii  iii- 
ila(?ed  siih;  by  siJo 
'  natioji,  could  not 
ly  enlerprise-  .Vll 
s  good  iMirts;  and 
cs,  Ih^y  lonld  rival 
It  the  proleition  of 
n|iany,  or  the  fial- 
riie   dilUrence  lic- 

dili'erence  between 
trd  concerns,  and 
themselves  instead 
re,  in  jjassin^-,  htj 
'  of  tlio    President, 

so,  was  owiiiu'  III 
It  rested  on  his  4!)°, 
L'tlcd  to  see  resokt- 
uiplly  relk'ctinj,'  on 
in  '  is  matter;  am) 
y  were  the  price  ol' 
entieman  had  kind- 
:oni|iroinisu  on  tin; 

n,  ami  ive  should, 

ate,  lin^laial  wonid 

h  troops;  the  \Vi  st 

with  her  ships-ol- 

)uld  strike  no  blow, 

uld   we  attenipt    lo 

iiii.stiikenly  relyini; 

n|>t  its  annexation, 

He.     Jndijinj;  tVom 

iwv.  on  tlu;  nnaleia- 

ent  to   suppose  he 

lie  believed  the  Ad- 

n'i  settle  this  ([ues- 

not   by  the  law  ot' 

Id  n(>t   so  far  di>- 

ition  as  to  suppni-c, 

nneicial   relations 

intimate   and  so 

uld  riadly,  bliiin- 

ailjust  a  disputed 

ht  ng,  but  oidy  by 

1(1  say,  that  it'  we. 

soon  learn  the. 

r  own  country  and 

ai^ainsi  anotliei'. 

ere  in  iheir  p  t  sent 

i   should   do  (hat 

well  to  do — tini.-^h 

lem  w  ith  (jrdnance 

en  needed  for  the 

e  your  wai-slcan'- 

teriuls  for  a  sle.ua- 

ieved  ii    war;  pidi- 

'  so  iill  ch  opposed 

tiikin^  anv  slips 
headed  tha  wiih 
nuikinir  the  nect's- 
^lablishmenl.  Ili: 
)i  I't.r  pusliinir  nl- 
■aie  as  to  pnichiih; 

ml    believe    that 

and  It  did  noi, 
lint   should  he  be 

onie,  it  \\'.is  not 
dd  carry  us  satVly 
two  v:\tn  hud  fully 
It  iiad  faileil  in 
;li  umed  on  by  lln^ 
real  h'adir  in  ihat 
n  r(  cord  his  opm- 
IS  to  b(!  a  v^'ar  i>f  a 
id",  1ml  it  woidd 
c'l  co(d  eniltir.incc 
ivecoura:;e.  This 
,il  ihe  pestil<;ni:e  of 
I,  !iowi  ver  enlhn 
\\'  a  science;  .'Ual 
'  two  countries,  it 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


219 


I 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Colquitt. 


Senate. 


was  not  to  he  fought  behind  cotton  bags,  or  In  the  I 
forest  glade  with  the  rifle,  but  on  anotlierand  ndif-  1 
fcrcnt  Imttle-field,  amid  the  crossinc;  of  bayonets,  j 
the  flashing  of  sabres,  the  thunder  of  cannon,  and  } 
the  whizzing  of  shells  and  Paixhan  shot — or  on  i 
the  ocean  wave,  man  to  man,  and  gun  to  gun. 
And  sure  he  was,  before  three  years  had  come  and 
gone,  a'l,  save  those  who  riaed  in  the  licentious- 
nesi'  of  the  camp,  or  who  ballencd  on  the  miseries 
of  the  human  race — who,  like  vuluires,  hovered 
over  ihi!  battle-field,  or,  like  hyenas,  preyed  upon  ! 
the  slain — would  wish  for  peace  a.s  ardently  as  did 
the  veniTable  genlleman  from  Massachusetts  and 
liis  coevals  ]*revious  to  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  and 
whose  advent  wcaild  be  hailed  by  both  nations  as 
the  best  gift  of  Heaven. 


ardent  and  tineomproniising,  stimulated  by  personal 
courttge  and  national  iiride,  have  drawn  Jch  j^ic- 
tures  of  the  future,  made  us  gaze  in  rapture  on  our 
laurelled  warriors  planling  the  standard  of  freedtnn 
on  the  slna-es  of  the  Pacific,  and  trampling  in  con- 

enipt 

iriulc 

dling  fires  of  we 
lions  of  nation,. 


tempt  the  tbul  pretensions  ofan  ambitious  foe.  The 
priKlent  and  the  cautious,  desiring  lo  tdiale  the  kin- 


OREGOJf  aUESTION. 
SPEECH  OF  HON.  W.  T.  COLQUITT, 

Of    r-  E  IJ  R  G  I  A. 

Iv  THE  Senatk,  Fcbruimi  17,  18-16. 
On  ihe  .Toint  Resolution  providing  for  giving  the 
notice  to  lerminale  the  convention  between  Ureal 
IJrilaiu  and  the  United  Slates  relative  to  the  Or- 
eg  )n  Territtu'y. 

Mr.  rOLCiTJITT,  who  was  entitled  to  the  floor, 
adilresscd  the  Senat    as  follows: 

Mr.  PnB5iui;NT:  Not  professing  myself  to  have 
any  knowledge  of  ajirivale  thought  or  sentiment  en  - 
terlained  by  the  President,  which  difl'ers  from  those 
published  lo  the  wiu'Ul,  I  shall  aive  the  measures  Ihat 
he  has  recommended  my  support,  rclynig  with  the 
fullest  confidence  on  his  honesty  and  integrity  of 
purpose.  It  has  been  justly  said  that  no  Message 
which  has  ever  emanaied  from  a  President  of  tlie 
people  has  met  w  ilh  more  genenil  approbation.  It 
IS  dignified,  abb',  and  peaceful.  All  that  he  has  said, 
and  all  that  he  has  done,  upon  the  siibjecl  of  Dre- 
goii,  has  met  a  favorable  response  from  the  public. 
It  V.-;. aid  be  a  libel  upon  his  character,  to  say,  that  he 
does  not  now  consider  what  he  liasdone,and  what 
he  has  nflend  to  do,  the  iiest  tliat  might  or  could 
have  been  done  for  the  inlercsi  and  happines.s  of  the 
people.  I  am  not  willing  that  his  politicid  enemies 
should  ass'rl,  or  his  piditical  friends  insii,iiate,  that 
he  has  t.aken  any  slep  that  was  not  'luiy  considered, 
and  which  he  does  not  now  approve.  He  is 
wronged  by  the  sujiposition,  Ihat  he  is  secretly  pre- 
cipitating this  country  into  a  war,  while  all  his  pnli- 

li mmniiic'itinns  bi-ealhe  the  iangiiage  of  peace. 

If  war  come,  the  t'aul'  will  not  be  his.  In  v/hal  he 
has  done,  and  what  lit-  has  qljefeil  lo  i/e,  we  liavc 
the  irnuranly  publicly  made  ;  what  he  is  still  pr  ,- 
(Wired  lo  do,  mid  what  sacrifices,  he  is  now  williig 
to  make;  to  preserve  the  peace  and  honor  of  the  '  .i- 
liou.  He  is  no  boasting  braggart,  seeking  to  ,viii 
fame  by  plungiiiL'tlie  cmintry  iiiio  war.  The  '.toody 
huiiTl,if  he  could  win  it,  would  ill  become  his  peace- 
*M1  brow;  ih''  olive  wreath  sits  more  gracefully 
upon  it.  He  has  not  been  borne  lo  his  present  high 
and  dislliiiriiislied  position  upon  the  sighs  and 
groans  of  widows  and  orphans,  which  render  it 
necessary  to  finish  his  race  <  f  gloiy  in  blood  aim 
carnage.  He  will  do  all  tiial  can  be  done.consint- 
eiit '  .■  ,h  justice  and  honor,  lo  pn^scrve  peace.  This 
the  cca  n'try  expects;  this  his  Mcssagi  proclaims: 
and  if  W!;r  slndl  c^'uu.-,  it  must  coi.  in  defiaiKC  of 
his  honest  ell'orl."  to  prevent  it  by  every  honorable 
K;icri?c  '.  I  kiiov;'  Ihat  there  arj  mi  igivings  here, 
and  niisgi.ings  in  the  publ'.  mind,  which  have 
arisen  in  part  from  lln^  conslrui'liou  jilaced  upon 
the  spirit  of  recent  correspondence  of  the  negotia- 
tors, bill  particularly  from  warlike  speeches,  made 
by  friends  of  the  I'residetit,  who  .ue  supposed 
to  have  his  private  ear  and  to  speak  his  private 
thoughts.  I  raise  my  protest  agtiinst  such  judg- 
nii  111,  while  ihe  ICxeculive  i.s  in  daily  eommiinica- 
tioii  with  Coiiirress.  When  the  people  shall  find 
his  public  and  his  private  act  <  in  conlli,'t  with  each 
oilier,  cbanicierizi'd  by  disirui.-e and  dissimulation — 
the  President  weak  and  vacillating — driven  from 
his  dignified  and  peaceful  position  by  inflammatory 
Hpeeches  ill  l!oiigress,  il  will  be  lime  enough  lo 
eoiiverl  public  applause  into  public  reprobation. 

The  spirit,  feeling,  and  characicr  of  this  deliale 
have  been  wi  II  calculated  lo  make  us  all  duly  coii- 
sider  not  only  the  iiiiesiion  itself,  but  what  may  be 
the  probable  result  of  our  linal  action  upon  it.    The 


lit  up  by  such  flattering  presenta- 

glory  and  renown,  have  reversed 

;  the  painting,  aiui  make  us  contemplate  scenes  of 

'  desolation  and  woe.     Ravaged  coasts,  plundered 

eilies,  an  exhausted  treasury,  a  subverted  Uovern- 

mcnt,  have  been  the  figures  of  the  horoscope;  wdiile 

I  we  have  been  made  to  stand,  amid  the  groau-s  of 

j  the  dying  and  stillness  of  the  dead,  lo  look  upon 

I  the  country's  flaa  trailing  ihe  dust  in  dishonor  and 

■  disgrace.     AVilhout    permitting  my  feelings  to  be 

spurred  on  by  the  untamed  ardor  of  the  one,  or 

fellered  by  the  yielding  caution  of  the  other,  1  shtdl 

consider  this  queslion  in  the  s]iirit  of  firmness  and 

prutiencc. 

Is  Oregon,  in  truth,  lienor,  and  justice,  a  terri- 
tory of  the    United    Slates?     Is  our  title  uniiues- 
lioimble  to  the  whole  country  to  the  5-lth  parallel  of 
lalilude }     Is  there  no  encumbrance  resting  upon  it.' 
If  we  respond  in  the  allirmalive  to  these  questions, 
we  iiii|)Ose  upon  ourselves  the  necessity  of  ntain- 
1    laining  these  rights,  regardless  of  conserpiences,  or 
j    subjecting   oureelves  to  the  imputation  of  basely 
yiehling  them  in  terror  of  Uritisli  power.     Let  the 
1   nueslion  assume  as  many  aspects  as  it  may,  tbe 
.  whole  controversy  sellles  here;  whether  there  l.i: 
any  doubts  a.s  to  the  strength,  clearness,  and  jiu-tni; 
of  our  title,'     If  tliere  be  none,  we  should  simport 
thai  right,  "  peaceably  if  we  can,  I'orcibly  if  we 
,  must." 

Il  has  been  the  business  of  some  to  describe  the 
coinmercialand  a^'ricultural  inniortaiice  of  Oregon; 
while  it  has  been  the  task  of  otlieis  to  depreciate  ils 
,  val'ie,  and  represent  it  as  miimiiortant  and  sterile. 
';  Its     ,lue  does  not'lcgilimately  enter  into  a  discus- 
jl  sion  involving  a  mere  matter  of  right.     If  every 
'  I  acre  were  a  garden,  eviny  river  a  stream  of  wealth, 
every  bay  ami  harbor  a  .safe  and  prosjierous  mart 
I  for  the  world's  mighty  commerce,  —if  it  be  not  ours, 
Justice  demands  that  we  iiliiiiidon  our  pretensions. 
Ihit  if  our  title  be  clear  and  niiipiestionable,  unen- 
cumbered, lo  the  whole  of  Oregon, — though  it  were 
it  waste  and  rocky  desert,  scarcely  inhabilable  by 
the  mountain  goat,  honor  commands  us  lo  make  no 
surrender,  unless  the  title  first  be  ctmcelled  by  the 
last  will  and  testament  of  the  Republic.     In  ttiedis- 
ciission  of  this  question,  I  sli;ill  divide  the  issues 
which  have  iieeii  jiresented  in  the  debate.     In  my 
'    eonceplion,  blending  the  ipieslinn  of  nolice   with 
I  the  usserled  claim  of  uni|iiestionable,  indisputable, 
,'  and  uncompromising  right  to  the  wliole  of  Oregon, 
has  placed  some  distinguished  statesmen  in  tin  im- 
proper positiiMi  liefore  the  country.     Taking  the 
questions    together — nolice,    and    inicniiipronih'mg 
rig/i(  lo  the  whole  territory,  to  be  jisscrted  now, 
and  enforced  liereafler, — leave  but  the  alternative  of 
war,  Ol-  an  absolute  surrender  for  fe;u*  of  war  upon 
I  the  part  of  the  British  Oo\ernmeiit.     Nobody  be- 
!  lieves  that  such   uiicondiiional  surrender  will  be 
made;  and  hen"C  the  (|nestieu  of  notice  by  this  im- 
j  proper  June     in,  wilh  the  assertion  of  our  iinciun- 
I  promising  right,  has  been  resisted,  mid  ■'rgiied  as  a 
[  (picstion  of  peace  (U'  war.      Divide  these  issues,  and 
I  we  can  all  stand  together,  the  advocates  of  notice 
j  as  a  peace  nicasuie,  a  nieasiire  of  unquestionable 
1  right,  s;inetioneiI  by  the  express  stipuhiiion  of  the 
I  treaty  itself.     The  whole  controversy,  then,  upon 
]  the  decision  of  which   would  rest  the  probabilities 
of  war  ijr  eoniinuaiice  of  peace,  would  be,  whether 
I  our  title  to  Oregon  is  .-lO  indisinilahh  that  we  could 
j  not,  without  a  sacriliee  of  u:iii,)ii:il   iniMor,  iiKike 
I  any  compiiimise  with  (ireal  Hritainas  to  boundiry. 
I  apprehend,  sir,  that   when   this   i,- sue   alone   is 
maile,  you  will  find   the  great   body  ,  f  .'Viiieric:in 
people  in  fa\or  ol'a  just  and  peaceful  anMiiijenient, 
,,  1  know  that  il  has  been  asserted  here,  and  elsewliere, 
]i  that  we  must  go  lo  war  and  fi^hl  In  tore  we  u'ive  up 
l\  oiiJ  i;;.  It  of  Ore:r-i'i.     1  appn  ciate  highly  tli.it  pa- 
{j  Iriolic  ardor,  which  urges  onward   the  citizen  and 
jj  the  statesman  to  the   tVaiik   assertion   of  national 
'    riilhis,  even  though  their  extended  claim  should 
|i  reach  the  limits  of  doubt  and  uncertainty.     Their 
Ij  errors  are  p;irdoiiable,  if  not  lovely,  because  con- 
[    sccrated  lo  freedom;  their  ra;li:iess  eapti\'ating,  be- 
ll cause  it  is  the  healed  outburst  ot'  devolion  to  their 
.  country.     Tlieirmo.it  daring  flights  of  oratory  are 


I  exciting,  because  it  is  the  sparkling  spray  cast  be- 
1  yond  its  legitimate  bound,  by  the  heaving  waves 
I  of  honor  anil  com  age.     lain  in  favor  of  the  notice, 
I  believing  it  a  right,  unqtiialioiiuble,  mif.jut,  and 
I  necessary.     I  am  in  fav.ir  ofan  honorable  treaty,  if 
'  such  can   be  made,  becau.se  I  do  not  consider  our 
;  title  lo  the  whole  of  Oregon  so  clear  and  nnencum- 
j  bered  I's  to  exclude   the    propriety  of  negotiation. 
I  To  say  so,  wf  uld  place  me  in  direct  opposition  lo 
the  wisest  and  most  patriotic  men  that  have  ever, 
I  by  their  counsels,  given   direction    lo  the  onward 
march  of  the  Republic.     1  have  no  taste  for  hear- 
ing American  statesmen  make  an  argument  I'aMU'- 
!  abli!  lo  Urilish  claims  iqioii  the  northwest  cou:  I  of 
'\  America  while   the  title  is  in  controversy;  and  I 
shall  make  none,  I  am  sure.     It  is  enougli  for  me 
lo  oti'er  Ihe  best  argiinienls  I  can  favorable  lo  our 
■   entire  claim;  while  lam  compelled  to  admit  that 
there  arc  grave  fiucslions  of  cfintroversy  which 
:  forbid  the  ileclariition  that  our  title  is  too  clear  for 
debate,  and  too  indisputable  for  negntiation.     y  i' 
]  niatier  how  strong  my  convictions  may  be  in  f.ivor 
1  of  the  Viilidity  of  our  claim,  I  am  too  well  acquaint- 
ed wilh  the  structure  of  the  human   mind   not   to 
,  coiieede  that  oiy  own  wishes  may  have  inllueiice 
,   upon  my  opinions,  and  ihat  the  interest  and  wishes 
of  the  nation  may  strengthen  the  decisions  of  my 
judginenl.     The  friends  of  a  claim,  whether  inter- 
posed by  individuals  or  n;itioiis,  are  rarely  found 
;  searching  arguments  for  its  dcfctit,  or  giving  full 
!  force   to   testimony   which   conicsts  its  validity. 
'  There  being  no  arbiter  to  whom  we  can  submit 
the  decision,  upon  whose  inipariiiil  judirment  we 
'  can  rely.  Great  liritain  and  the  Unileil  .St:Ues  stand 
;  in  the  irttitude  of  both  judtre  and  advocate  in  their 
'  own  c;utse.     In  such  a  contest,  we  ran  easily  fore- 
I  see    the    improbability  of  an   agreement  between 
I!  them,  if  each  insist  upon  the  I'ull  extent  of  iho 
j  claim.s   they   presrii!.     Compromise   is   the   only 
j  means  hft  for  ;i  ]ie;iceful  seillemeiit,  and  if  ihi.s 
I  fail,  the  victor's  sword   must  turn   the   btdanco  of 
'justice.     I  sluaild  have  rejoiced   that  this  Oregon 
] I  question  IkuI  been  settled  by  a  treaty  of  compro- 
j  niisc;  and  sliidl  .still  Ii  el  gratified  if  such  shall  be 
ij  its  termination.     It  is   idle   lo   boast  of  national 
'!  honor,  ami  vainly  imagine  that  it  consists  in  ad- 
;  justing  for  ourselves  the  extent  of  our  rights,  and 
'I  trealingvyith  contempt  the  claims  set  up  by  others. 
In  every  such  contest,  compromise  is  the  honor- 
able and  magnanimous  mode  of  settlement.     In  the 
aflairs  of  privtite  life,  he  who  would  refuse  a  rcji- 
sonable  proposition    for  settling  it  dispute,  where 
'  there  existetl   no  tribunal  to  adjiidic;ile  the  ques- 
';  lion,  might  win  for  himself  the  character  of  obsti- 
:  nate  and  fearless  cminige,  but  would  forfeit  the 
prouder  cbiiracterislics  of  "  wisdom,  justice,  and 
j  moderation," 

;      There  are  several  questions  of  international  law, 
!  to  expound  and  determine  upon  which,  our  own 
wis',  stivlesinen  dilfer.     There  are  several  questions 
1  of  fiicts  prescnied,  whi'di  requir,.  careful  e.xiimiiia- 
1  lion,  and  upon  which  honest  minds  may  arrive  at 
I  diU'erent  conclusions.     Is  discovery  alone  a  sulli- 
I  cieni  foimdation  for  tiller     If  so,  must  ihe  discov- 
I  cry  be  made  under  anthoi'iiy  of  (Tovernmi  in.  or  is 
;  il  sutVicient  to  hav(!  been  done  in  the  prosecution  of 
I  individind   enterprise.-     Will   gentlemen  say   that 
'  these  qiiestion.s  are  so  well  setiled  as  not  to  admit 
debate.'     How  long  after  discovery  will  civilized 
nations  wail  for  the  discoverer  to  (>crupy  and  set- 
tle?    Where  a  settlement  is  made,  wlia:  must  be  it^^ 
character  in  order  ihat  il  shall  enure  to  Ine  benefit 
of  that  country  t'rom  which  the  setiler  hails?    How 
distant  from  the  located  seiilenieut  will  an  untpios- 
1  lionalole  title  extern!?     Are  not  these  grave  ques- 
tions, ujion  which  wist;  ami  patriotic  men   Inive 
and  may  continue  lo  difl'er? 

The  honorable  Sen.alor  from  Indiana  [Mr.  Han- 
NK(;\\]  must  perceive  that  he  did  not  touch  these 
fpiestions,  in  his  eloquent  speech  delivered  on  y,^s- 
terday.  His  argument  assumed  ihe  question  set- 
tled; that  di.scovery  gave  a  g.md  title;  and  soii<_rht 
lo  prove,  that  by  our  ow!i  and  the  discoveries  rf 
l^paio,  Ihe  title  was  in  the  United  Stales,  I  shall 
sustain  hisasseition  by  a  sln'it  argument;  and  yet 
I  cannot  say  ihat  the  (|ues-  is  sei'led  beyond 
debate  or  ditiicully,  either  b  law  writers  or  tho 
universid  u.sage  of  nations, 

Il  amounis  lo  very  little  that  the  Senator  and  I 
should  say,  that  seltiement  and  occupancy  are  not 
neccs.sary  to  a  perfect  title,  no  matter  how  strenu- 
ously wc  may  insist  that  our  opinions  arc  anquea- 


m 
lili 


i 

I 


i 


990 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  17, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Colquitt, 


Senate. 


f! 


E?l 


tinnalile  and  beyond  dispute.     Whenever  the  na- 
tions of  the  earlh  siiall  constilnle  llie  Senator  and  ' 
myself  the  iiiilis|mlalile  expounders  of  internation-  ; 
nl  law,  then  we  will  isane  aiilliorilatively  our  opin- 
ions, over  which  none  shall  dare  pass  hut  at  the  ■ 
point   o*'  the   sword.     But   it   may   happen    that  \ 
anionic  the  many  distini^uished  minds  of  the  past  i 
and  the  pr"sent,  the  Powers  of  Europe  may  eliani'e 
to  pass  us  by  as  un({Ueslionahle  autliority,  and  our  i 
fixed  opinions  wei^li  but  little  in  settling'  lonj;-oon-  | 
tested  points  of  intirnational  law.     When  f;enlle- 
men  pn        'ii  with  sn  much  emphasis  that  our  tiile  I 
19  unquesi,      iljle,  they  certainly  intend  no  more 
than  to  assert,  that  in  (heir  opinicni  we  linvo  the 
belter  title.     In  favor  of  our  claiin,  I  cnnteiid  that 
discovery  alone  gives  us  a  rifjht  to  the  country. 
I  may  lie  mistaken,  for  it  is  certainly  controveri- 
od,  thai,  since  the  discovery  of  Antcrica,  discdv- 
ery  and  exploration  secured  the  title  to  the  nation 
makini,  it.     In  the  decisio.i  of  acase  rcjiin'trd  in  the 
ei:;hlh  vohunc  of  Wheaton,  pii!;i'  Jlil,  the  learned 
judi^i'  .says  that  "discovery  is  the  toundaiion  of  li-  ^ 
'  ties  to  land  in  America.     The  luition  making  the 
'  discovery  has  the  sole  ri;;ht  of  acipiirin^'  the  soil  ' 

*  from  tin  natives, and  establishing  selllcntcnts  upon 
'  il.  With  this  ]nin(iple  of  riLiht,  no  I'iuropean 
'  Power  can  intertere.  Il  is  a  riijht  which  all  nave 
'  asserted.     The  relations  which  were  to  exist  bc- 

*  tweeii   the  discoverer  and  the  nativis  were  to  be 

'  rejrulalcd  by  themselves.     While  the  dilferrnt  na-  ; 
'  tions  of  r.urope  respected  the  rit^hts  of  ihe  natives,  i 

*  as  occiipanis,  they  asscried  the  nllimate  dominion  , 

*  to  be  in  themselves,  and  claim  -d  and  exercised,  as 
'  aconsecjuence  of  ihis  ultimcie  dominion,  a  power 

'  to  t;rant  the  .soil  while  yet  in  the  po...sos.-.ion  of  the  ; 
'  natives.     These  irrants  have  been  undcrsiood  by  , 

*  all  In  cojnt )'  a  tiilc  lo  ilu!  grantees,  subjei  i  only 
'  to  ihe  Indian  right  of  occupancy.  "  "Tlie  L'nited 
'  Sfites  maintained,  as  all  others  have  mair.laineil, 
'that  disco  very  ga\e  an  cxclusi\c  right  lo  extinguish 

[he  Indian  title  of  occupancy,  either  by  purcliast; 
'  or  by  conquest,  and  gave  alstta  right  to  such  a  de- 
'  gire  of  sovereiirmy  as  the  I'ircunistances  rtf  the  . 
'  peoj'le  woidd  allow  Ihem  lo  exeri'lse."  This  I 
haveccniceived  tobelhedoclnneofthel'nileil  Stales 
and  the  nalions  of  Europe.  Recugnisi'ig,  as  thev  i 
do,  the  ri^'ht  of  occupancy  by  the  nalives,  it  se 
ed  lo  m-  to  exclude  ihe  necessilv  of  seiilemeni  in 
order  to  complete  ihe  discoverer's  liile,  as  bel«een 
the  nalions  of  Enrcppe.  Settlement  and  occupancy  ; 
would  not  interfe-  with  dominion  and  soverei:;n- 
ty,  accortlini  to  this  eslalilishi  d  ns^i;;e  among  Eu- 
ropean Powers.  Hence,  I  had  supposed  ihe  Hrit- 
isli  Aliinsor  did  well  lo  place  h's  principal  reliance 
upon  ihe  riu'his  acquired  liy  his  <  iovermnen:  under 
the  Nooika  Sound  treaty.  Whether  that  treaty 
was  such  an  one  as  was  abrogaud  by  ihe  war  lie- 
t'.ceen  Great  Hritain  and  Spain  in  ITIiG.as  asserted 
by  our>Secrelarv  of  Stale,  may  alVord  anniln-r  point 
for  discussion,  :uid  prob.dily  of  doubt.  The  convic- 
tions of  my  own  mind  are  decid"dlv  in  favtir  of 
the  Amcri'-an  side  ot"  the  fiucsiiori;  and  yel  I  am 
ft'ee  to  .ulioit  that  aiiotlier  may  very  e<Miscieiitious- 
ly  difl'er  willi  me  upon  the  fa't.  Trealiis  do  not,  , 
ifiso  t'ltfio,  in  L'eneral  beci  me  cxlingnished  by  war 
between  i-.\'o  (lovernnienls.  Those  :  Mes  particu- 
larly which  siipnlale  for  lerrilori  u  anamremenls 
and  iiHlion.d  ri'.'l'is,  are  onlysuspemled  duriiiL'  war, 
and  arc  a'.rain  .-cvived  upon  the  naiirn  of  peace, 
unless  waived  by  ihe  parlies,  or  mw  and  repie;naiit 
slipulaiioiis  are  in.ide.  It  depends,  then, upon  the 
constniciio'.i  we  live  to  the  treaty.  Viewing  the 
.Nooika  Sound  tnalvas  a  eomniercinl  treaty  only, 
by  which  roniniercial  |irivilci.'es  were  secured  lo 
(ireal  LSriiain,  I  insist  thai  il  was  uimnlleil  by  the 
wobseqneni  war.  liul  making  due  allowance  lor 
the  inieresi  I  feel  fir  all  ihat  ap|ienains  loihe  gp-ow- 
iicg  insliiuilins  <if  the  country,  I  wcnild  not  say 
that  thisopini(u)  is  so  uiicpiesiinnubly  eorreci,  that 
I  Would  iniilur  admit  debate  nor  coniproniise. 
Especially  would  I  c  xpress  the  clear  cinivietimis 
of  inv  own  niiiul  with  dilViilence,  when  I  consider 
the  coniinued  rel.itioiis  lliai  existed  belween  .Spain 
and  (jrrat  llriiain  upon  the  norlhwesi  coasi  of 
America,  and  our  own  treaiy  made  willi  ihe  latter 
in  ISH,  prior  to  our  piirchiising  of  the  former  her 
title  lo  the  te.-riimv.  Thouth  the  lacii  acipii- 
fsceiice  of  .Spain  in  IJrilisii  subjccis  ai'tiii;:  aflcr  ihe 
war  as  they  had  done  before  the  war,  could  not  re- 
\ive  11  defunct  treaty,  if  indeed  it  had  been  aninil- 
led;  y^-i.  our  sefiiiintr  recngiiilion  of  her  righls  by 
our  own   I  real  y,  and  our  KubBec|uenl   purchase  of 


Spoin  while  Great  Brilnui  was  in  their  unmolested  ! 
exercise,  would  at  least  juslifyj  if  it  does  not  re- 
quiiT,  that  we  make  some  sacrifice  for  a  peaceful 
ndjustment.  But  if  ihe  >fc"ol<n  Sound  treaty  be 
in  full  force,  while  il  eonsillutes  ,01  encumbrance  to 
our  title,  it  does  not,  in  my  opinion,  .nlerlVre  with 
either  sovereignly  or  jurisdiction. 

The  argunienls  conlaincd  in  ihe  letters  of  Mr,  : 
Buelianan  to  the  British  .Minister  on  this  branch  of 
the  subject  are,  to  say  the  least  of  ll,  s/ran/f  if  not 
unnnswerable.  Mr.  Pakenham  did  not  gainsay 
ihcir  truth  nor  dei::n  to  make  to  them  a  reply,  i 
Thai  the  eonsiriiclioii  which  our  Secretary  has 
given  to  the  \ooika  Sound  treaty,  is  con  eel  isabuii- 
dioitly  slreiigihened  by  ihe  action  of  the  British 
llovcrnmcnt,  both  in  ibe  procuring  mid  acctoling 
that  treaiy.  On  the  Gib  of -May,  Mr.  Piit  deliv- 
ered a  message  from  ihc  Ivinu:  to  the  House  of 
Commons,  'ii  which  it  is  siiiil  that  "His  Majesly 
'  li.is  rcct  iM'il  int'ormaiion  that  two  vessels  belong- 
'  i;ig  lo  his  .Majesly's  suiijccis,  and  navigaled  nii- 
'  dcr  the  British  Hag,  and  Iwo  others,  of  which  the 
'  Jesciiplion  is  nol  suHicicntly  ascertained,  have 
'been  ca|ilurcd  al  Nooika  Sound,  on  the  iiortli- 
'  weslern  coast  of  America,  by  an  olhcer  command- 
'  lug  I  .vo  .Spanish  ships-of-war;  that  the  cargoes 
'of  the  Brilish  ships  liave  been  seized,  and  llieir 
'  olKccrs  have  been  senl  as  prisoners  to  a  .Sjian- 
'  Ish  porl."  "The  caplain  of  one  of  these  vessels 
'  iiad  before  bei'ti  nolified  by  the  ambassador  of. 
'his  (^ailiolic  Majesly,  by  order  of  his  Court,  who, 
'  at  the  s  one  lime,  desired,  llial  measures  might  be 
'  taken  for  preventing  his  Majesty's  subjecls  from 
'  frequenling  those  toasts, "ic.  In  conse(|uence 
of  ihl.s  line  of  conic.ninicalion,  n  demand  was  Im- 
nicdi.ilcly  made  by  his  Majtsly's  oriK-r  for  ade- 
([iiat'  salisf.iclion,  and  lor  icsliiulirn  o^  llic  \csscis, 
previous  to  any  oihcr  di?<cussi'jn.  To  this  de- 
mand, the  Court  of  S|mlii  gav,;  information  that 
these  vessels  and  iheir  crews  h  id  been  liberated  1  y 
the  Viceroy  of  Mi,xico,  upon  .he  supposition  tint 
the  Irespassnpoii  ihe  li^'lils  of  .Sjiaiii  liail  been  coin- 
milled  in  ignorance  of  lho.se  riglils.  '..i  iioticlng 
this  rejily,  the  King's  mes.sage  declares  that  "  no 
'  satisfaction  is  niatle  or  olfcied,  and  a  direct  claim 
'  is  asser:ed  by  ihe  Court  of  .Spain  to  the  exclusive 
'  rights  of  smereigntv,  naviyatimi,  and  connmrce, 
'in  the  territories  ;uul  coasts  and  seas  in  thai  part 
'  of  the  world.  His  Alajcsiy  has  now  directed  his 
'  Minister  al  Madrid  lo  make  a  fresh  re|tr(,'seniatioii 
'  on  this  subject,  and  to  claim  such  full  and  adj- 
'  niiate  satisfaction  as  the  nalure  of  the  ease  cvl- 
'uciilly  requires."  The  King  ilieii  proceeds,  and 
asks  for  a  propiT  armainenl  to  susiani  him  in  this 
movement.  It  will  bi'  -n'i'u,  ihal  while  .Spain  as- 
sirls  her  exclusive  jiirisdictliiii,  nol  only  lo  llietcr- 
rllories,  but  lo  ihe  conniiercc  and  navigalioii  of  ihe 
.icas  and  bays  bordering  the  enilre  norilnvesl  coast, 
thai  neither  his  Majesly  nor  ihe  .Miiiislers  for  the 
crown  seriously  colli roverlcd  tliisposilion,deniand- 
iicrouly  adciiiiale  redress  tor  sti/.ing  British  vessels. 
Whili'ihey  ncgoiiaied  I'or  redress,  it  Is  true  they 
wer  .ireful  to  obtain  something  more — not  sort- 
rfignty^  however,  but  ihe  prlviicireol'fishiuL',  iiariga- 
ti/ig  and  /ne/iiig,  and  making  seiileincnts  for  those 
]iiirposcs.  It' the  Biiiish  Goveniment  liad  any  co- 
ven desii;n  of  obiainiiigany  lilleor  pennanent  fooi- 
liold  on  ihe  northwest  coast,  it  was  concealed  from 
.Spain  and  the  world.  She  had  no  liile,  nor  does 
she  preieod  lo  have  had,  anicrior  to  ihe  treaiy  of 
niHJ.  Whai  was  the  objeci  of  iliis  ti"aiv,aiid  now 
iiiucli  was  g.iiiieil  by  lis  execuiionr  The  demand 
u]ion  Siiaiii  was  lo  make  full  satisfaciifiu  for  cap- 
'unii'^  IJrllish  vessels.  The  reparaiion  was  made, 
and  the  treaty  executed  lo  prevent  future  difficul- 
ties. 

The  King,  in  his  address  to  Parliament  on  the 
:2(Jih  November,  iil'u  r  the  treaiy  with  .Spain  had 
been  (  xecuteil,  speaking  of  the  mijiislnicnl  of  their 
dilliculiy  wiih  lliai  (iovenimeni,  said:  "  The  ob- 
'  jccts  which  I  have  prop^ised  lo  myself,  in  the  whole 
'  nf  this  Iraiisa'tion,  have  been  to  obtain  a  suitable 
'  reparaiion  for  the  acl  of  violence  coinu'iitted  al 
'  Nooika,  and  to  ri  ino\e  the  i.'rouiids  ol"  similar  dis- 
*  piilcH  in  future,  as  well  as  lo  secure  to  niy  subjects 
'  the  exercise  of  their  navitralion,  commerce  and 
'  fisheries,  in  those  pans  of  the  world  which  were 
'  iliesnbjict  of  discussion."  Tin  sc  wire  ihe  ob- 
jei  Is  of  Ihe  iicaly.aiid  liv  which  ihcy  iicqiiired 
ViL'lits  never  before  claimed  by  llieni.  tin  the  Mill 
of  IJeccmber  ihercnfi' .-,  an  address  was  prcsenuil 
.  lo  his  .Majesty  by  his  fiiilhfiil  Commons,  in  which 


they  say,  "  that  they  are  eager  to  emlnucc  the  first 
'  opportunity  of  olTering  lo  his  Majesly  their  cor- 
'  dial  eongrauilitions  on  so  satisfactory  an  Issue 
'  of  the  late  negollalion,  which  has  cuiitlmied  to 
'  these  kingdoms  the  blessings  of  peace,  has  main- 
'  lained  the  honor  of  hia  Majesty's  crown,  by  pro- 
'  vining  an  adequate  repnrnliim  for  the  violence 
'  which  waseominitted  at  Nooika,  and  has  secured 
'  lo  his  Majesty's  subjects  ilit  exercise  of  llieir 
'  navigalioii,  coimnerce  and  fisheries,  in  those  parts 
'  of  the  world  which  were  the  subject  of  discus- 
'  sloii;  and  thai  they  observe 'it  the  same  time,  with 
'  peculiar  pleasure,  the  happy  prospect  which  is 
'  alTorded  by  this  amicable  arrangement,  avoiding 
'fuluie  occasions  of  inisimdcrslandlng  wi'h  the 
'  Court  of  Spain,  and  of  preserving  that  harmony 
'  which  niiisi  so  essentially  promote  the  Interest  of 
'  the  iwo  coiinlrles." 

The  objects  (iroposed  to  be  obtained,  and  the  ob- 
jects confessedly  attained  liy  the  treaiv,  made  no 
acquisition  of  sovereiu'iity  or  soil.  T  ley  gained 
sonietlilng  by  the  treaty,  whicli  was,  the  tininter- 
riipled  privilege  of  fishing,  navigating,  trading,  and 
making  Bclllenienis  for  llie.se  )iurposcs.  So  well 
was  this  understood  in  the  British  Parliament,  that 
the  0|, position  members  ('onteiided  that  it  was  e 
trc:ity  of  concessions,  rather  than  a  treaty  'if  ncqu.- 
siiions.  They  Insisted  that  the  <  laini  of  Spain  to 
exclusive  sovereignty  was  pre]iostcrous,  and  repu- 
dialeii  li,  because  they  dtniled  that  Jworcri/end  ej;- 
ploriilinn  amoiinteil  lo  such  riglil.  Mr.  Pox  said, 
"  thai  the  di.scovery  of  any  |ilace,and  making  ll  the 
'  possession  of  this  or  tint  Knc.',  by  selling  up  a. 
'  cross,  orally  otiic'- token  of  haviin:'  been  there,  was 
'  equally  ex|iloilcd.  "  "That  ecciijmiici/  and  imf'cs- 
'  sion  should  be  considered  as  the  only  niriii  tiiid 
'tille."  Having  these  views,  dUrerlng  iVom  llie 
opinions  I  have  expressed  as  lo  the  iliscovery  of 
lands  III  America,  and  dillerlng  with  his  own  liov- 
ernmenl  in  what  they  admitted  In  the  discussion  with 
Spain  about  ihe  Musqullo  shore,  he  condemned  the 
t-ealy  as  a  treaty  of  I'onccsslons.  He  said,  "  t)ur 
'  right  of  lishing extended  to  the  whole  ocean;  and 
'  now  il,  loo,  was  limiled,  and  to  be  cirrled  on  with- 
'  in  cerlain  distances  of  ihe  .Spanish  sclllemeiils. 
'  Our  right  of  making  seltlenienls  was  nol,  as  now, 
'  a  riglii  to  build  liu's,  bm  lo  pl.uit  co'oni  's,  if  we 
'  thouirht  proper."  "  Mirely  ihcse  were  not acqi;;- 
'  si  lions,  or  rather  con"  iesis,aslliey  may  beconsid- 
'  ered,if '•  re  to  judge  by  the  lriiiin|diant  language 
*  respeclihg  lliem,  but  great  and  linjiorlanl  conces- 
'slons."  In  the  colemporary  debales  :if  Parlia- 
ment, these  were  ihe  views  prcscnled  by  the  Crown, 
Mhiislers,  and  ihe  Opposilion — neilher  claiming 
soil  or  jiirisiliclion  by  the  convenlion  of  IT'JU. 

Anoilier  lact,  which  may  give  force  to  this  eon- 
."iirnetlon,  and  which  aflords  an  arsruinenl  In  favor 
of  Ihe  Spanish  liile,  is  ihc^  universal  usage  of  all 
Europe,  uiili!  ihe  sixleenlh  century.  Tlie  Chiis- 
liaii  relitrion  then,  as  now,  had  niiich  to  do  with 
ihe  law  of  nalions.  Spain  chiimcd  this  eiilire  ter- 
rilory  which  is  now"  in  dispute,  by  virlue  of  n 
grani  from  ihe  Pope.  When  the  grant  was  made, 
nol  a  Power  in  Europe  doiibnil  ils  validlly.  All 
acquiesced  in  lis  pnipriely,  and  subniilted  to  iiii 
binding  force.  The  lionian  Pontill'was  recogni.sed 
by  all  to  be  tic  sole  disposer  of  earthly  kingdoins. 
Kini^s,  emperors,  and  sovereign  iirinees,  were  sub- 
ject to  this  Apostolic  Coutl.  Their  crowns  Ihcy 
received  I'roiii  his  hands,  and  theli*  possessions 
were  held  by  Ins  grams.  I'roni  the  linn  wlic".  ihis 
grant  was  made  to  .Spain  In  }AXi,  until  ihe  llelor- 
niailon  by  I. other  In  the  sixleenlh  cejiimy,  no 
I'airopean  Power  ever  doubted  the  right  of  Spain 
lo  liie  country.  Thisquesiimi,  then,  arises;  (.'ar. 
England  now  dispule  the  validlly  of  a  giant  winch 
sheacknowh-dL'cil,  which  all  Chrislemloin  acknow- 
ledijcd,  was  valid  by  ilie  law  of  nalions  al  ihe  lime 
of  Ils  exei  iilion.'  Can  she  now,  because  she  Iuls 
changed  liei  religion,  annul  grants  made  by  the 
Pope,  while  sin  still  enjoys  dominion  derived  fnnn 
Ihe  same  aulhorilyr  'I'lic  conqiiesl  of  Ireland  un- 
der Henry  II.,  was  made  by  express  yraiil  from 
the  Pope.  Beluga  good  (.'aiholic,  and  llii^  Irish 
being  in  their  belief  infidels,  lie  asks  leave  of  the 
Holy  I'alher  to  make  tliiscon({iiesl,  in  order,  as  he, 
says,  "  to  exlirpnle  ihe  vices  of  the,  Inliaiiitanls, 
'  and  bring  them  into  ihe  way  of  Iriilli."  "  Hogiiril 
'  /'(//Kir/i  .7(/i'((0tiifn,  III  silii  tU'frit  llybrrnhf  insulnm; 
'  liftstililry  inlrarf,  tt  trn'ani  subj  -'Utrrr.  rid/iif  limni- 
'  tif.i  illas^  bfstiftlfs,  ml  yii/cm,  et  viniii  retlncere  ViiUa- 
'  lis,  i,tliriMHs  ilil  iilanliiiiis  ridoriim.'" 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSiONAL  GLOBE. 


2-21 


29th  CoNn 1st  Sf.ss. 


Tlic  Oregon  (Question — Mr,  Colquitt, 


k.ilNATE. 


n 


'  arqu.- 


laiil  t'lUH'cs- 

:)!'  Parliii- 

'  tlicCrnwii, 

n'lU. 
this  c-,on- 
iit  in  liivdi' 
j.s)t<;r  ot'  ail 

I'ilO  f'lliiH- 

ti)  iln  wit'.i 
entire  Ici'- 
.ivtitc  nf  i\ 
was  luailf, 
iliiy.     All 
llcil   til  i>.'< 
n  cnf^iMSUti 
KiHiiduniM. 
were  sub- 
owns  lliey 
ossp.syioiia 
wilt-,  tills 
tin-  llilor- 
riitury,   iin 
lit  (it'  Spaii' 
irist's:    Caf. 
;riiiii  wliicli 
im  I'ckiiinv- 
I  at  till.'  liiiic 

tsc  she    I11I..4 

nde  liy  the 
eiivcil  fniin 
IitIhiiiI  mi- 
grant I'riiiu 

III    till!  Ii'isli 

lavi:  ot'  ihc 
riler,  as  lir, 
iihiiiiitaiits, 

[ill'  instilitin: 
fld/llf  hnmi- 
uctre  vciila- 


I  i 


Ten  years  after  the  diseovery  of  Atneriea  by  Co-  || 
Itiinlms,  and  by  authority  of  the  Pope's  i;ranl,  Fer-  i 
riiiiand  as.-ieiiibled  the  most  (Miiiiu'nt  lawyers  and  [ 
divines  in  Spain,  upon  the  manner  of  taking;  pos-  ii 
session.     It  was  by  them  detcnnined,  that  aa  soon  i| 
as  they  arrived  they  shonid  re(|iiire  the  natives  to  ! 
Ridpseribe  to  the  artieles  of  the  Christian  faith,  and  ^j 
the  supreme  jiirisdietion  of  the  ro]ie  over  ail  the 
earth;  w.iieli,  if  they  did  not  do,  tliey  were  to  be 
rediieed  to  slavery  by  fire  and  sword.     The  ope- 
ration)   ')f  Ojida,  niider  these  instruetions,  as  tile  |i 
^ervanl  of  the  kiiifis  of  Castile  and  Leon,  1  need  ij 
not  detail.     Tlie  validity  of  siieli  !;nints  was  first  ' 
contested  by  Elizabeth,  near  a  eeiitnry  aflerwaids.  I 
Meiidoza,  .lie  Spanish   embassador,  made  eiini-  | 
plaints  ai'ainst  Drake   for  sailing   in    the    Indian  || 
oeeaii.     'I'o  this  roniplaiiit  the  Cioeen  replied,  that  '{■ 
whatever  apiieared  to  be  taken  by  robbery,  should  ;: 
be  restored;  but  as  for  eoinnievee  in  those  seas,  the  | 
Spaniards  had  jirohibited  il  "  eonlrary  to  the  law 
'  of  nations."     "  That  she  eoiild  not  persuade  lier-    ! 
'  sell  that  they  )inssessed  any  just  title  by  the  ISish-    . 

•  op  of  Rome's  donation,  in  whom  she  aeknowl-  : 
'eil^'ed  nopreroi^alive  in  sueli  eases,  so  as  to  lay  any  \\ 
'  lie  upon  priiiees  who  owed  linn  no  obcdienee."      ' 

If  by  llie  Ueforniation  llie  law  of  nations  was  so  ,. 
for  ehaiiKed  that  grants,  whieh  had  been  admitted  : 
valid  for  almost  a  eenlury,  wei-e  no  longer  bindiiii.',  i 
it  will  nevertheless  tend  to  show  the  true  ebaraeler  I 
of  t!'e  proeeeilings  at  Nootka,  the  eaiise  of  the  dif-  j 
fiei'lty,  and  the  ]irobable  objeet  of  the  treaty. 

Upon  the  true  eonslriietion  of  the  Nootka  Sound  i 
t"eaiy,  iliere  is,  however,  a  dilTt.'rence  of  opinion  : 
among  our  own  statesmen;  and   I  must  suppose  i 

•  hat,  if  wi^  dill'er,  whose  interests  arc  identical,  j 
tiio.se  who  advocate  an  adverse  interest  will  not 

*    ly  admit  my  eo)is/n(e/ioii  utuiuestiuiiahle.     I'ut   , 

s  eonslructiou  should  be  admitted,  and  the 
.  ision  should  be  made  in  our  favor,  that  niitlier  : 
soil  nor  jurisdietion  were  acquired  by  Great  Brit- 
ain to  any  of  the  northwest  eoast  of  America  by 
the  Xooika  Sound  convention,  still,  if  the  treaty  ' 
were  not  annullei',  there  would  at  least  exist  an  eii- 
eunibrance  upon  the  title  we  derived  from  Spain. 
The  uninterrupted  right  of  navigating,  fishing,  and 
trailing,  were  beyond  question  .secured  to  liritish 
Bubjeets  by  that  treaty.  These  rights  would  eoii- 
Rtitlite  an  encumbrance  to  our  title.  To  rid  cur- 
pelves  of  this  cneuinljiancc,  we  a.^^scrt  that  the 
treaty  itself  wa.s  abrogated.  'NV^Iiile  I  take  part  in  i. 
urging  our  claim  to  the  whole  country,  I  cannot, 
I  dare  not  say  ibal  our  title  is  so  clear  and  so  un- 
questionable to  every  inch  of  it,  t!iat  this  Govern- 
ment would  be  guilty  of  dishonor  to  com|)romise  j; 
the  question  by  negotiation.  Let  it  be  borne  in 
mind  that  the  only  issue  presented,  the  determina- 
tion of  wliieli  must  inevitably  i>roduce  war,  is, 
that  our  title  is  so  clear,  so  free  iVoni  doubt  and 
cncumbrnnce  to  the  entire  territory,  that  we  can-  ; 
not,  without  dishonor,  submit  to  aiiyconipromi.se. 
It  is  true  the  :i'enileii  en  who  oppose  all  compro- 
mise dedain  ,  I'e'V  "wish  no  war!"  "God  I'or- 
bid,"tlie,"  '■  "tlua  e  should  have  warl"  "Rut, 
thenweii,.  !  t,  U'y  i.ieh  of  Oregon!"  "There 
must  be  n  .";i  l,  iti.  n'"  "No  compromise!" 
"The  Bi.i.-a  i  v'  \er'  Oregon!"  "She  can't 
fialit!"  '  VVi  ir  ■-;  '■  .,c  it  all,  now  or  never!" 
""We  are  cow-ard.,  f  vo  I'ield  an  inch!"  ".Vnd 
ie«r,  icnr,  irnr  to  the  kn.l'  unless  British  subjects 
leave  llie  territory  williout  del.iy  !"  And  yet  they 
vvinli  no  war,  and  lioiie  for  |ieace.  To'me,  the 
lauu'iiage  is  strange  and  inconsistent.  I  shall  sub- 
mit no  argument  adverse  to  our  cliims,  but  Ftand 
prepared  to  urge  arguments  n  ir  favor.     Our 

riirlits  have  not  snlFered  in  the  liaiiils  of  our  nego- 
tiators; they  have  shown  lliemsi  Ives  able  advo- 
cates, and  with  ihcni,  fur  the  present,  I  am  content 
to  leave  them. 

But  I  may  be  permitted  to  ask,  what  would  be 
the  eoiiiliiioii  of  oiirfiovernment,  in  the  estimation 
of  all  Cli!  ■slendom,  if  we  now  puidish  to  the  world 
that  no  ;' '.'ooaitioii  I'or  compromi.se  can  be  enter- 
tained- 

Till  lioiic  i!)lo  Senatorfrom  Indiana  [Mr.  IIan-  • 
negan]  ivi  ■  for  o.r  eiluicaiion,  a  few  paires  from  ; 
an  imagni."y  lilsti  .y,  yit  founded  on  facts,  com-  i 
iniring  ih"  courage,  patriotism,  ami  suft'eriiigs  of 
our  revolutionary  fathers,  in  their  mi;'lity  struggles 
fur  independence,  with  those  fears  and  apprehen- 
sions,entertained  and  expressed,  of:.niiiig  to  warin 

18JG.  lie  recounted  the  battles  of  Lexington, Con- 
cord, Monmoutli,  and  oilier  bloody  fields,  on  which 


were  displayed  llie  mighty  valor  of  Am.ricnn  arniii. 
The  names  of  the  heroes  who  fought,  and  llie  gal- 
lant, who  fell,  were  retailed,  to  shame  the  timid  i 
heart.s  of  to-day.  The  deeds  of  daring  in  the  last 
war,  with  the  lionorcd  names  of  American  com- 
manders at  sea,  were  mentioned  by  the  Senator,  to 
stir  up  to  strife  and  war  the  cowiu  if  blood  of  degen- 
erate .sons.  Not  feeling  myself  capable,  if  1  dared, 
to  speak  so  eloquently  of  departed  worth,  I  may 
be  permitted  to  follow  in  his  wake,  and  give  my 
sincere  sanction  to  liis  heart-stirring  description  of 
their  valor  and  aihie\enieiits.  I  concur  in  the 
eulogy  he  has  so  juslly  delivered.  Every  Fourth 
of  July,  llic  orator  of  indei>endence  finds  himself 
cheered  on,  while  he  swells  the  proud  anthem  of 
praise  to  their  memory.  He  is  right;  we  are  inoie 
able  to  fight  now,  .and  have  less  cause  through  fear 
of  war,  to  yield  anytiiingin  dread  of  British  power. 
I  have  no  appre!iension  tis  to  the  courage  or  abil- 
ity of  my  countrymen.  They  lan  and  will  light, 
when  honor  or  duty  calls  llieni  to  the  field.  They 
will  not  be  found  unworthy  of  their  illustrious 
sires.  IJiit  when  these  pages  of  history,  to  which 
the  Senator  refers,  shall  be  read  by  poslerity,  has 
it  never  siruck  his  mind  that  an  inquiry  may  be 
made,  what  had  all  this  to  do  with  the  .luestion 
in  debate.'  The  true  issue  upon  which  it  seems 
these  clirnnicles  were  made  was  not  whetlier  the 
people  were  brave  and  able  to  defend  their  rights, 
tail  whether  the  fixing  definitely  an  uiiseltlcd  un- 
dilirmhfd  lioiiiidaiij  belweeii  two  nations  was  a 
proper  subject  of  r.cgotintion.  This  llie  Senator 
denies;  ana  upon  it  has  read  lis  an  eloquent  chaj>- 
ter,  exhibiting  the  all-conquering  spirit  of  our  fa- 
thers, that  it  may  slinuilate  to  battle  their  degener- 
ate sons. 

Let  me  suppose  posterity  to  read  the  pages  of 
history,  which  shall  record  the  transactions  of  this 
country  in  reference  lo  the  case  in  point.  They 
will  find  lliat,  |irior  to  1791),  British  subject.-)  were 
attemiiling  settlements  upon  a  part  of  the  coast  of 
Oregon.  In  that  year  Great  Britain  made  a  treaty 
with  Spain,  securing  lo  her  subjects  some  rights 
there.  That  from  that  period,  irrespi  .-live  of  the 
war  of  nOG,  liei  subjects  continued  i  e  enjoyment 
of  those  rights.  In  1818,  the  United  .Stated  recog- 
nised the  claim  by  making  a  tre:iiv  w-iih  her. 
That  the  next  year,  the  United  Sluti  s  puiclm.sed 
Spain's  title  to  the  territory,  while  (n.-at  Britain 
was  in  tin  pos.session  and  enjovim  -  i  of  those 
rights.  That  from  that  time  uiiiil  Iflli,  she  con- 
tinued their  enjoyment.  That  during'  tiial  time, 
frequent  elibrls,  which  failed,  were  made  to  de- 
fine a  boundarv.  This  will  be  a  summary  of  the 
page  upon  which  may  be  written  the  entire  trans- 
actions. To  follow  t!ie  example  of  the  Senator,  I 
will  say  that  is  the  first  chapter.  The  second 
chapter  shall  be  the  record  of  the  policy  he  recom- 
mend... Il  declares,  first,  that  our  title  to  every 
foot  of  Oregon  is  clear  and  •'  "iicumbercd,  and  is 
not  siilqecl  to  debate.  Seci-..  '_, ,  that  nc.'otialion 
and  comiironiise  will  be  national  dishonor.  And, 
thirdly,  that  Great  Britain  must  get  off  at  once, 
without  parley  or  debate,  because  we  are  the  sons 
of  fighting  anil  conquering  aiieestors.  How  will 
such  a  history  exhibit  our  justice  and  honor?  IIow 
will  it  delineate  the  cliarai  ter  of  a  nation,  boasting 
of  magnanimity,  forbeai-ance,  and  virtue.'  No 
matter  how  fiiu'isy  the  British  claim;  it  should  be 
treated  with  becoming  respei-t.  The  action  of  our 
own  Ciovernment  demands  it.  Uespect  for  the 
best  men  this  country  has  ever  boasted  requires  it. 
Respect  <'"r  our.selves  imperatively  commands  it. 
Shall  we  t:tri i^ii nllii  publish  lo  the  people  of  the 
United  Stalls  that  they  have  now,  I'or  the  lirsl  time 
in  thirty  yeai.s  n  wise  and  patriotic  I're.^ideiil, 
backed  liy  an  iiiiparalleled  Congress;  who  know 
their  rights,  and  \,ill  fearlessly  maintain  lliim? 
Sliall  we  insist  that  those  great  men,  whose  names 
are  written  upon  the  brightest  ]iages  of  our  coun- 
try's history,  were  either  ignorant  of  their  rights, 
or,  k'nowing  them,  from  coward  fear,  iaileil  to 
assert  them  r  May  not  the  people  pause  to  in- 
quire, while  we  are  pulling  our  wisdom  and  pa- 
Iriotism,  who  w-e  are  that  have  outgrow  n  the  chiv- 
alry and  fame  of  the  bravest  and  ihe  best  r  May 
they  not  be  rude  enough  lo  make  oi'.oiis  compar- 
isons between  the  conduct  of  iheir  id  tried  staies- 
ineii  and  the  resolves  of  those  ,\  no  arc  struggling 
to  clamber  into  favor?  May  not  such  an  iin  uiry 
excruciate,  rather  llniii  fiatler,  our  vanity?  If  we 
pass  by  all  others,  the  whole  counlry  will  giant 


I  that  there  was  n  f!hief  Magistrate  who  presided 

i  over  the  destinies  of  this  counlry  I'or  eight  years, 

I  whose  enemies  were  forced  to  admit  that  his  heart 
never  quailed,  that  his  nerves  never  palsied,  in  ei- 

I  titer  asserting  or  defending  the  rights  or  honor  of 
the  nation.  But  for  the  doubts  thai  hungabout  the 
(juestion  of  boundary,  it  would  not  have  passed  his 
Administration,  with  British  subjects  usurping 
Ami-rican  dominion. 

This  Governmei.l  has  frequently  sought  to  set- 
tle this  Orcirmi  question  by  negotiation.  Liberal 
oli'ers  have  been  made  for  its  adjustment,  and  met 
no  rr:buke  from  the  American  people;  but  now  we 
wish  it  esiablished  that  negotiation  is  dishonor- 
alile.  The  I'resident  is  lo  be  censured  for  Inning 
made  an  oll'er  of  compromise — ceiisiii't  the  most 

,  diiHiiiiiig—  l>v  condemning  the  |iasl,and  giving  him 
instructions  as  to  the  future.  Are  the  friends  of 
this  Administration  prepai-ed  to  pass  such  censiir" 
upon  it'  Is  the  country  now  prepared  lo  repro- 
bate all  negotiation,  and  resolved  lo  settle  this 
controversy  in  no  oilier  way  but  by  nn  appeal 
loarms?  With  due  deference  to  the  o|iinioii  of 
other.s,  I  think  not.  An  altempt  is  made  lo  show 
that  Ihe  President's  opinions  and  feelings  are  in 

1  unison  Willi  those  of  his  friends  who  deny  the  pro- 
priety of  negolialion  and  comproinise.  For  this 
purpose  they  refer  to  his  Message,  which  declares 
our  title  "clear  and  unquestionable"  to  the  whole 
of  Oregon.  They  argue,  if  the  title  be  uniiucslion- 
able,  as  he  asserts,  then  we  are  bound  to  maintain 
it.  They  insist  i.i  trealing  this  declaration  uj) 
though  the  President  considered  the  boundary 
fixed,  run,  and  unalterably  settled.  He  could  not 
have  been  guilty  of  .such  an  absurilitv.  lie  could 
not  have  intended  to  be  iindcr.aood.  In  a  strict  and 
legal  sense,  thai  our  tiile  was  utiqiuslionahlc,  w  hen 
he  knew  il  had  been  matter  of  dispute  and  contro- 
versy fiir  twenty-five  years!  It  is  but  the  strong 
language  of  common  parlance — n.ssertin;.'- our  claim, 
and  his  convictions  of  iis  juslice.  ll's  actions 
are  the  best  commentary  uiion  this  language.    In 

.,  order  to  have  an  undisputed  boundary  and  pre- 
serve peace,  he  otVered  to  compromise  i'or  less  than 
what  he  considered  in  justice  we  had  a  risht  to 
demand.  No  matter  what  consideralioii  oiluced 
him  to  make  the  oll'er,  he  deemed  them  valid,  and 
acted  upon  them. 

1  should  Iia\e  been  glad,  had  circumstances  per- 
mitted me,  to  ha'.'c  confined  myself  to  the  only  ques- 
tion properly  before  the  Senate — the  question  uf  no- 
tii  .  But  the  ill'nrts  which  have  been  made  to  pre- 
judice the  |iiiblic  mind  against  negotiation,  and 
to  condenni  in  advance  the  Piesideiit  if  he  should 
make  a  treaty,  have  rendered  iliese  remarks  neces- 
sary. V.'liat  I  have  said  in  the  advocacy  of  our 
claim  lo  Oregon  has  been  confined  lo  the  right 
of  prior  discovery,  since  by  that  alone  we  can 
urge  it  coiisi.steritiv  to  jm'rallel  .')4°  -10'.  The 
other  international  law  questions  to  which  I  have 
alluded,  no  matter  how  decided,  would  compel 
us  in  justice  to  abridge  our  claim.  I  give  to 
the  Excculivc  an  honest  tvnil  ilisiiilerested  sup- 
port— a  sujiporl  connected  only  with  what  I  con- 
ceive to  be  the  best  interests  of  the  coutitry.  I 
abominate  those  atlempts  which  have  been  nuide 
lo  stir  np  sectional  jealousies,  by  the  ridi'Milons 
taunts  cast  upon  the  South,  ehar-.'ing  I  uni  with 
eagerness  for  Texas,  and  aversion  to  Oregon. 
That  man's  patriotism  is  of  but  little  value  whose 
only  motive  for  supporting  the  annexation  of  Tex- 
as was  to  gralify  the  .South,  or  to  found  a  claim  for 
southern  aid  to  carrv  sonic  other  nie;isure. 

Texas  and  Oree;oii  are  both  iiiitional  questions, 
and  should  be  supported,  according  to  our  convic- 
tions of  public  good.  The  boundary  of  Texas  is 
yet  unseilled,  and  we  have  exhibited  no  great  im- 
patience to  liiive  it  settled.  The  boundary  of  i.)re- 
i;on  is  iinscMleil,  and  I  am  anxious  that  il  should 
be  withool  ihlay.  L(  I  these  iinjusl  taiinls  cease; 
I'or  some  genilenien  who  make  them  exhibited 
!  some  reluciance  to  give  their  support  to  Texas  at 
a  very  important  crisis. 

[Mr.  I!.\xsf.o.\N  asked  leave  to  .say,  thai  he  was 
gratified  to  have  this  opporluniiy  to  stale  his  rea- 
sons fir  ',  aving  siipporled  Texas  willi  reluctance; 
that  Texas  and  Oregon  were  both  cradled  in  the 
Ball i more  com ention,  and  that  heaulicipaled  a  Pu- 
nic war;  lluit  ifTexas  was  acted  upon  first,  he  fore- 
saw how  iis  friends  would  act  towards  Ore'ron.'j 
I      1  must  laud  the  Senator's  sagacity;  for,  if  it  were 

n  true  that  Texas  and  Oregon  were  both  cradled  in 


il 


\m 


F 

if 

m 


l\ 


w 
m 


222 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Fab.  17, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


TAc  Oregon  Qttestion — Air.  ColqxiUt. 


ScNATE. 


the  Baltimore  convention,  his  foresight  would  have   ' 
)ieen  (IS  iniforlunaie  ns  the  inililin  enplnin's,  who  |l 
halteil   in  ■■'iitlil  of  the   riieiiiy,  "ml   iiislnicled  his  l' 
solclirrs  to  nuuvh  on,  ^ive  liiUilc,  mul  then  retreni;  •' 
"but,  ns   I  nni  lame,  I'll   retreiil   now."     Sneli  I 
iTlreat    may    have   exiiiliiled  good   fortsi;^hl,    lint 
hail  patriotism.     Thi.s  saiiaeity  was  peculiarly  un- 
tortnnatc,  inasninch  n.s  his  r'eluclanee  In  support 
Texas  was  before  the  nieelinp;  of  the  Baltimore 
eouvention. 

I  Mr.  Hannegas  spoke  out, . saying;,  "No,  sir: 
no,  sir."] 

'I'lic  Senator  has  fnrsoiten;  and  the  P'cnrd  will 
doulitkss  satisfy  him  of  his  error. 

It  is  not  my  purpose,  however  to  bandy  words: 
only  desiring  lo  put  a  stop  to  sueh  sectional  taunts, 
whieh  "enijender  strife  lo  no  profit."  i' 

I  will  now  olTer  some  reasons  lo  the  Senate  for  ' 
Buslainin?  the  President  in  his  reeonnnendalion  to 
irive  noliec  for  lermuiiitin:;  the  e.xislin;;  treaty. 
SVhile  the  |n'esent  treaty  continues,  Greal  Britain 
has  no  inducement  to  make  a  treaty  for  lifvundary. 
She  puts  up  no  claim  to  exclusive  jurisdiction,  and 
she  "an  llierefore  desire  nothing  belter  than  the 
existing  treaty,  which  gives  her  joint  jnivileges 
with  us.  But  when  we  speak  of  giving;  notice,  we 
are  told  that  we  shall  thereby  close  the  avf  rule  to 
n  peaceful  arrangement,  and  leave  no  aliernative 
for  settlement  but  the  sword.  I  do  not  feel  my- 
self c;vpable  of  predii'ling  what  may  or  may  not  be 
the  certain  result  of  tirminiiiinir  the  trealy;  hut  this 
I  do  know,  ihal  >;iving  the  notice  for  that  purpose 
is  neither  a  just  i:ause  of  olVence  tior  of  war.  It  is 
a  measure  alisolutely  necessary  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  pc:ice,  r)r  I  mistake  the  proltableTesuIt  of  a 
eoiiHict  of  inteivsls  in  Oregon.  Tliejiresenl  treaty 
was  intended  to  be  lemporary.  The  tnaly  of 
ISIH  was  liuiileil  lo  ten  vears:"the  treaty  of  18: 


tf)  exist  only 


ly  al  the  iiliasnreof  liolh  fiovernnuMiIs 


Why  was  the  first  limiled  lo  le:!  years,  unless  the 
iiegotiati)rs  svipposcd  that  a  change  of  circum- 
stances would  render  it  improper  that  it  should 
continue  longer,-  Why  was  the  las!  to  exist  no 
longer  than  its  proprii-ly  w,-\s  sanclnuKd  by  the 
juilsTinent  of  both  liovernments,  unh-ss  the  ambas- 
sadors felt  uncertain  as  lo  the  time  when  a  e(im-  • 
nion  interest  would  no  louireT  justifv  its  eotuinu- 
ance .-  That  lime  has  arriveii,  in  the  opinion  of 
this  Uovernmcnt;  and,  by  ''iving  notice,  wc  make 
this  public  declaration,  and  no  m(U-e.  If  the  Iwo 
Governments  can  settle  the  (piestion,  does  giving 
notice  iiiterlere  with  iieirotialioii  ?  This  contro- 
versy h.as  been  continued  longtnou'jh.  If  a  treaty' 
can  be  made,  is  nni  twcivr  nionths  a  siiffii-ient 
time  for  its  accomplislinitnl "'  But  liie  fear  is,  lli:U 
we  shall  excite  tlie  ire  and  .aroiisr-  the  pride  of  a 

freal  nation,  joid  thai  .she  will  refuse  to  negotiate, 
should  certainly  mtv  nun'h  regret  to  w:i!\e  up 
her  wrath,  and  incur  lier  displeastire;  and  would 
fain  hope  that  she  is  not  so  cjuick  lemiiered  as  to 
be  on'endeil.  when  no  cause  is  u'iven  for  irritation. 
If  (treat  Britain  desires  peace,  nothmir  is  ueire 
eerlain  than  that  giving  notice  under  the  treaty 
will  not  olfi'iid  her  pride.  We  shall  do  no  mine 
than  she  has  ihe  right  lo  .'  .  and  what,  she  will 
knows,  one  or  the  other  CiM\ermneiil  most  d.p  at 
nonie  period,  sooner  or  later.  If  she-  desires  war, 
this  may  serve  as  a  piflrxt  fir  her  nniniosity;  and 
she  may,  d')ubtless,  with  an  aireclatimi  of  insulted 
dignil\*,  refuse  to  renew  negotiations.  I  i-oiilVss 
I  eamiot  see  the  propriety  nf  aiitieip:iting  such 
fastidiousness,  and  feel  no  disposilitm  lo  honor  a 
temper  so  whimsical.  Gre:it  Britain  is  not  yel  in 
the  eomlilion  of  ihe  inv.ilid,  related  by  .Mr.  Wind- 
ham, "who  cindd  swiilloH-  nothing,  and  even  Ihol 
would  not  stay  u|)on  his  stomach;"  or  to  i  xprens 
it  more  classically. 

Nil  liahtiit  Corilus.  altaiiiet)  iafelix  ille, 

I'crdiilil  iMiuni  nU: 

But  we  are  told,  when  this  eountry  shall  pro- 
ceed to  as.si-rt  her  rights,  that  war  is  tin  result. 
To  my  in;nd,lliisar:,onnentainounlstolhis,lhal  ll-.e 
)iresi  nt  treaty  must  be  pirpetiialed,  in  order  lo  pre- 
serve petice:  fur,  according  to  the  ;u-gume-nt,  noti'-e 
,vill  produce  war,  whether  giM-n  now,  or  ten  yiars 
hence.  We  liavi-  hail  many  ye.-irs  in  which  lo  ne- 
gotiale,  ami  the  (im-stimi  is  slill  unsi  liled.  Tuelve 
nionihs  al'ur  notice,  wilh  the  atleuiinii  of  bmh 
(iovc-rninints  called  diri-cily  In  ihe  necessity  of  an 
ailjosimeul,  is  >iill  befcne  us.  If  a  .salisfactory  ne. 
g'Ui.ilitai  e:uuiot  be  m:idi-,  what  gu:iranly  have  we 
thai   miy  i-ioi  lie  m;ule  ti-n  yeai-s  In  iice  r     If,  alnr 


years  of  longer  delay,  and  no  settlement,  wc  should  j 
dure  intimate  our  will  to  determine  the  convention 
of  1827,  will  not  Great  Britain  have  as  nmeh  right 
to  be,  offended  then  as  she  ha.s  now  ?  Will  not 
var  he  as  inevindily  the  result  of  giving  nmice 
then  as  it  is  imw.'  What,  then,  must  he  done  r 
Will  not  t'nture  Senators  be  as  anxious  to  preserve 
the  pence  of  the  eountry  as  we  are  now.'  Will 
not  war  be  as  desolating  in  1850  as  it  will  be  in 
1847.'  Will  it  not  be  as'  expensive?  AVill  it  not 
ha.-e  Ihe  sameellecl  upon  our  form  of  government  r 
The  answer  to  all  this  is  cimcentraled  in  the  reply, 
that,  by  that  time,  we  shall  have  colonizeil  ilie 
eounti-y.  Our  emigrants  will  have  filled  up  the 
territory,  and  il  v.ill  be  ours  by  population. 

Pass  ovir,  for  the  s;ike  of  argumeul,  the  conflicts 
which  may  arise,  and  which  il  is  almost  certain 
will  arise,  between  settlers  actively  seeking  the 
most  favorable  locations,  without  any  other  regu- 
lation than  claims  to  be  defeialed  by  fori'e.  Let 
us  examine  a  moment  the  probable  results  of  ten, 
fillcen,  lU-  twenty  years  emigration  and  .«ellleinenl. 
Sup]io.se  that  the  most  sanguine  wi.sh  of  the  fnenils 
of  this  mode  of  aeipiiring  Oreson  be  fulfilleil,  and 
that  Irn  years  le-nci-  we  ha\e  in  that  country  'en 
times  the  lUMuber  of  American  citizens  that  there 
shall  lie  Briiish  subjects;  will  the  contest  be  thereby 
setlled  .'  Will  the  tpiestion  of  luuional  right  he  ail- 
judicaled  by  the  number  of  the  |)opulalion  .'  Will 
the  provisiims  of  Ihe  treaty,  which  are  to  be  con- 
tinued, be  super.seded  and  anm'"'d'  Or  will  this 
Government  then,  from  a  eon:  mIcss  of  sujie- 
rior  slren::th,  which  she  may  I. .    I  s  ae- 

(piire,  claim  as  a  right  what  sln^  u..i  'V  as- 

serl,  and  resci've  to  defend  ■     I  will  le  elhnt 

this  (foveruhii  nt  will  eoiiceih-  anything  n  the 
tear  of  foreign  power,  nor  will  I  ^o-ant  that,  having 
more  power,  she  would  not  be  :is  genercuis  as  in 
Ihe  days  of  gri-aler  W(-akness.  Shi:  would  nol  dare 
elaiiti  of  Great  Bi-:!ain,  if  liy  any  process  slie  might 
h.ive  the  advant.-ige  in  position  or  in  power,  what 
she  did  not  unyieldingly  as.serl  when  lln- advantage, 
if  you  please,  was  against  her.  We  should,  in 
t!i;tt  ev(  nt,  i:ain  no  just  advantage  by  the  di'hiy. 
The  whole  ipiestion  winihl  slill  lie  open;  and  the 
same  argumenls  for  peace  or  war  would  be  ten- 
dered lo  arrest  it-  final  adpistmeu!.  Tims,  I  have 
looked  ;il  this  ipiestion  as  thmigh  Gre:it  Britain 
sliould  ,-lose  her  eyes  to  our  ellorts  in  populating 
the  Cdunlry  Jf  you  can  satisfy  ine  that  slie  talvcs 
no  inleresi  in  the  bays,  ri\ers,  and  harbors  upon 
the  P:icific,  then  I  may  conehide,  that  whili-  you 
are  iirlftillij  peopling  the  country,  building  Ibrts, 
occupying  posts,  and  disciplining  an  armv  of  emi- 
L'rants  fur  future  oiieralioiis,  she  will  idly,  with 
folded  arms,  L'aze  upon  the  scene,  and  wail  the 
c-onsumm;ition  of  your  avowi  d  plan  of  ohiaining 
the  cnuntry  by  population.  If  this  plan  were  lo 
have  been  adopted,  it  should  have  been  exeeiiied 
flrullhily;  for,  perhaps,  British  statesmen  may  profit 


by  this  jmlili-'  avowal  of  your  purpose. 


I'prolu 
While 
our  emiLrrants  are  going  lo  t)regon,  iravellingat  so 
mui'h  risk  through  a  wild  eountry,  and  i-iidiniiig 
so  tniieli  hardship,  and  all  at  their  private  cost,  it 
may  be  tlial  (ire.-it  Brit.-iiu,  having  undersiood  your 
poli(-y,  may  think  it  necessary  to  pour  in  thousands 
of  her  starving  siibjecis  al  public  expense.  Tie- 
two  i^overnmenis  m-iy  make  a  eiilonizint:  war;  and 
I  am  apprehensive  that  Great  Brilaiii  would  have 
llie  same  c-l.iss  of  iidvaiitages  in  such  a  contest  as 
iM'irtleinen  .siipposi-  she  would  have  in  transporl- 
ing  triio[is  au(!  munitions  of  war. 

Bill  has  Greal  Ib-ilain  al  any  time  needed  these 
pronipliu'.'s  of  wisiliim  '  I  las  she  been  less  active 
ih:m  this  eountry  in  Ihe  lauded  system  of-  master- 
ly inaciiiity.'"  '  AVi-  are  told,  llntt  she  li:is  the  ad- 
vant;i;;e  al  this  time,  U|ion  the  score  of  pri-para- 
tiou  !  The  very  (-xisiem-e  of  the  treaty  has,  in 
pari,  enabled  her  to  llirow  ihe  mighty  energies 
of  the  (ioverimient  lo  the  upbuilding  of  a  com- 
pany there,  that  has  outstripped  and  defied  your 
suc.'essl'ul  erimpelitinii.  If  she  has  beaten  you 
heret.ifiii-e  in  lhal  system  of  policy,  which  you 
now  polilielv  pronounce  is  tin-  wisdom  uf  ibis 
eminlry  t-i  ailopi,  can  you  reusoiiably  suppose  she 
will,  lor  vour  .>/iM-iii/  (lefoHoiief/n/ioii,  relax  her  ef- 
forts, ioiil  |H  rmit  you  lo  oven-each  her,  in  prepar- 
in'_'  for  a  fiilure  briacn.  1  cunfi-ss  1  am  a  liltli-  iii- 
eredulous  as  lo  the  soundness  of  this  ealculalion. 
In  this  eonlesi  flu-  pre-occuiiimi-y,  the  line  will  be 
drawn  ai-eordiiig  lo  the  advanta-}ea  at  preseni  pos- 
sessed.     Il  will   lie  unpleasaiil,  if  not    unsafe,  lor 


an  American  citizen  lo  locale  north  of  the  Colum- 
bia; he  will  be  surrounded  by  foreigners;  and,  a.-* 
a  matter  of  ennvenieiice,  comfort,  and  choice,  ho 
will  settle  among  his  own  eounlcymenon  the  south 
of  that  river.  Ten  years  hence,  the  river  will  bn 
the  dividing  line,  if  this  controversy  is  lo  be  deter- 
mined by  emigralimi  and  .scillement. 

No  ailvanlage  can  or  will  accrue  to  this  eounlry 
byeonlimiing  the  treaty.  The  pretensions  of  Great 
Britain  an-  growing  stronger  by  age.  The  .strong- 
est and  most  plausible  argument  ofl'ered  by  her 
jVIiijesly's  Minister  now,  for  a  partition  of  the 
Oregon  territory,  is,  that  by  your  own  Irraliis,  you 
have  allowed  ihc-in  cijimi  pririleges  there,  and  iliat 
you  have  sanctioned  tor  yearsan  etiualily  of  rights 
to  that  territory.  In  vain  are  they  told  by  Ameri- 
can si;ilesnien  that  title  and  sovereignty  were  ex- 
iiressly  left  imdetermined.  They  reply,  it  is  too 
late,  after  having  admitted  them  lo  coinil  rights  lor 
B  quarter  of  a  century,  lo  deny  now  tlnit  ihc-y  have 
any  rights  to  the  eountry.  This  is  the  argument, 
and  upon  il  base  a  proposition  to  run  a  line  giving 
to  the  British  Government  the  most  vaUmbie  half 
of  the  eountry. 

If  length  of  lime  is  now  the  argument  ofl'ered 
as  a  reason  for  dividing  the  eountry,  the  sooner 
we  terminate  this  copartnership  the  better.  By 
delaying  notice  until  the  close  of  a  colonization 
war,  greater  demands  will  be  miule,  and  larger 
concessions  must  be  granted,  in  order  to  escape  the 
horrors  of  w.ir. 

It  is  said,  wilh  great  emphasis  .and  confidence, 
that  Great  Briflfin  will  not  be  enabled  to  colonizn 
Oregon.  Thai  our  wesiern  pioneers  may  be  bet- 
ter suited  to  this  re;;ioii  than  British  subjeets,  I 
shall  nol  dispute;  but  that  Greal  Britain  cannot 
eoloni-ze  Oregon,  I  am  not  prepan-d  to  admit.  It 
is  an  assertion  wliiih  can  only  be  tested  by  time 
and  effort.  In  the  mean  while,  our  riuliLs  are  to  bo 
held  in  abeyance  till  the  solution  of  the  problem. 
I  am  (Vee  lo  admit,  that  we  may  have  war,  after 
the  expiration  of  the  notice,  unless  the  ipiestion 
shall  have  been  settled  ;  luil  I  feel  slill  more  con- 
fident, that  war  must  result  from  a  continuation 
of  the  present  liealy.  Il  is  not  in  the  nature  of 
things,  that  with  rights  in  common — no  fixed 
homes,  or  settled  lilies  to  property ;  with  a  double- 
headed  Government,  or  no  Govcrnmc  ,t  at  all — 
pe:iee  can  be  lung  pre.servi-d,  But  suppose  war 
eonie:  shall  we  refuse  to  exercise  an  undoubted 
right,  in  ilself  legal  and  peaceful,  for  fear  tiial  a 
gnisping,  avaricious  nei;;hbor  may  lake  offence, 
and  eoinpil  us  to  engjure  in  a  war.'  Is  war  but  a 
pastime ainusemeni  wilh  Gn-al  Brilnin,  that  makes 
It  necessary  for  us  to  be  careful  lest  she  invite  us 
to  this  her  holiday  sport?  Has  she  less  horror 
for  its  desolations  ihaii  the  United  States?  Mas 
shi- an  anxiety  to  engage  in  such  a  conflict,  wilh 
her  oppressive  debt,  her  lax-inipnverished  sub- 
jects, and  her  millions  of  restless,  grimihling, 
down-trodden  people?  Sir,  I  think  not.  I  believe 
tluil  Greiil  Briuiin  has  us  much  to  hise  by  a  wjir 
as  we  iia\e;  that  a  field  of  carnage  is  as  appalling 
to  the  St  nsiliililies  tif  an  Kiiglishman  as  an  ;\mer- 
ieaii;  and  c-onelude,  ihat  if  irr  nlurliiiillij  hazard 
a  iiK-u-  prospet  t  of  war  (or  the  maintenance  of  our 
rights,  she  will  not  anxiously  si-ek  one  to  eiiforee 
a  wrong.  Tin:  fear  and  slren^ih  of  her  nrms, 
coupled  wilh  ihe  sagat-ily  of  her  slatesmen,  have 
niailt:  an  island,  through  its  t-mnniert-ial  svslem, 
the  colossal  power  of  ilu-  world,  t  (-antiot  ln-lii-ve 
that  her  wi:;t-  iinil  prudein  staiesmen  will  readily 
hazard,  ill  a  war  with  the  l!iiilecl  Slates,  ihe  very 
fiillar  of  her  gralness.  Siripl  of  her  emnmercial 
power,  and  she  sinks  al  once  to  a  nink  wilh  t'or- 
siea.  Ill  a  war  wiih  this  t-tmnlry,  no  maUer  how 
much  we  may  sufler,  she  must  (eel  its  elfccia 
through  every  avenue  of  her  inli  resi.  Ilir  m;in- 
ufacluns  will  be  paralyzed,  her  exi-han!,'es  arresl- 
t:d,  her  social  tirder  dislurbtd,  her  fundholdei-H 
ruined,  capital  diiniiiislieil,aiid  lier  einine;it  artisls 
ftn-eed  lo  sei:k  ein)iltiyment  in  otln-r  parts  of  the 
world.  The  inienial  iniluslry  of  tin:  kinL'dmn, 
dt-slitute  of  those  necessary  supplies  which  this 
etnintry  alone  can  furni>h,  will  titil  lo  supply  tliosi; 
cargoes  for  her  commercial  lb-els  which  t-onslitute 
hi-r  ri-venue,  lii-r  rii-hes.  and  her  powi-r.  Gnat 
Britain  t-annol  desire  a  war  in  wliicli  she  must 
lose  much,  and  can,  if  eminently  successful,  gain 
but  little.  I  apprehend  no  war.  Commerce  and 
free  trade  will  pn-veni  it,  if  nothing  i  Isn 

Il  is  nil  on'y  ihc  policy  of  the  Unilei'  State.-i  lo 


f 


I 
^ 


[Fdb.  11 


(ENATE. 

'  the  Cnliim- 
lors;  and,  a.-* 

Ill  cllllil't',  111! 

nil  llio  smith 
river  will  hi; 
9  to  be  detcr- 

tliia  I'duntry 
Kills  of  Great 

Thn  striiiig- 
Irrrd  hy  lipr 
tition  nt'  thr 
I  Irctiliis,  ynu 
TP,  and  that 
iliiy  iif  rights 
III  by  Aniori- 
iity  were  cx- 
|ily,  it  is  too 
mil  rights  lor 
lilt  they  have 
he  argument, 

a  line  i;ivinL; 

valuable  hall' 

iment  ofTereil 
/,  the  sooner 
:  better.  Hy 
1  eolonizatinii 
e,  and  larger 
•  to  escape  th« 

d  oniifidence, 
ed  to  eoloiiiw! 
i  may  lie  bet- 
sli   subjects,  I 
l'>ritniu  eailliot 
to  ndiiiit.     It 
Irsted  by  lime 
i;;bts  are  to  lie 
;'  the  problem, 
ive  war,  after 
1  the  question 
lill  more  eon- 
1  eontiiiuntioii 
the  naturi.'   of 
1011 — no    fixed 
ivilh  a  double- 
nie  it  at  all — 
appose   war 
undoubted 
fear  that  a 
ike  offence, 
s  war  Init  a 
,  that  makes 
she  invite  us 
less  horror 
tales?     Has 
onllict,  with 
'lished  sub- 
sirumbliiis. 
It.     I  believe 
'P.  by  a  war 
as  appalling 
IS  an  .\mer- 
hfiilhj  hazard 
iiiiiiee  of  our 
II   to  enforce 
f  lier  arms, 
Allien,  liavo 
irial  sysleni, 
111111)1  believe 
will  readily 
ilie  very 
iimercinl 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


223 


2f)TH  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Qiiestion — Mr,  Leake, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


)J 


<atr 
■r  em 


111 


k  wiili  Ciir- 

0  mauer  how 

il   its   ell'eelH 

Her  maii- 

anuTs  ariTst- 

I'uiidliolderH 
minent  artists 

pans  of  the 

e  kingdom, 
s  \\'bie|i  tins 
snp)ily  those 
iih  eoiisliliUe 
iower.  (ireat 
ieh  she  must 
leressful,  ;;aiii 
'ommeree  and 

else 

itei"  Statu  lo 


il 


avoid  war,  but  peace  with  all  the  world  i.s  the  very  ' 
f;enius  of  our  Government.  Hut  wliile  we  act  just- 
ly, and  dischari;e  lirinly  our  duty,  we  have  no 
necessity  to  be  alarmed  about  oileniliii!,'  the  pride 
and  provokini;  the  wrath  of  any  Power.  Orey;oii 
we  elaiin  as  ours,  and  desire  the  boundary  settled. 
We  are  anxious  to  fiieililate  the  enterprise  of  our 
lilizens  in  plantiup;  (irmly  there  the  standard  of 
I'nedoin,  and  of  unfurliiii  Iter  (la!i  on  the  bays  and 
harbors  of  the  Pacific.  While  European  Goverii- 
iiienls  are  piiblisbins  their  edicts  about  balanee  of 
power  on  this  continenl,  we  should  scan  with  care 
the  situation  of  our  own  Uepiiblir.  The  extension 
ofour  laws  and  inslitutions.iftle  ere  spread  over 
lliis  eiilire  eoiiliiiint,  should  be  ,  .  ause  of  ainrin 
to  a  siiiiilc  nation  of  the  earth.  With  free  and  lib- 
eral commercial  arramjemenis,  the  whole  world 
would  receive  the  benefit.  The  lesson  taueht  by 
our  own  Uevolution  should  instrnet  Eiiftland  that 
tlieconiniereeof  a  nation  of  freemen  isof  far  i;rcater 
value  than  a  country  bowin<;  beiieaih  the  fetters  of 
colonial  vassalatre.  She  on^lit  to  bail  with  joy  the 
onward  march  of  our  Republic,  the  pioa;ress  of 
free-trade  principles,  and  the  establishment  of  our 
instilutions  lliroii!;bout  the  continent  of  America. 
>iot  a  nation  on  eartli  will  snil'er  peril  from  the  en-  , 
lari;emint  ofour  bordeis.  We  wao:e  no  war  upon 
their  forms  of  government,  while  their  prosperity  ,1 
will  be  increased  by  the  industry  and  enersry  of  a  i 
people  stimulated  to  ell'ort  by  u  eon.scioiisiies.s  of  ; 
freedom. 

Notwillistandins^  the  ad vantaijes  that  would  ac- 
erue  to  England  and  the  world  from  the  progress   I 
of  our  Govermiiont,  her  ambition,  coupled  with  the   j 
launls  of  our  statesmen,  may  induce  her  to  wiiire  a 
war  for  a  doubtful  right  in  Oreiron.     While  the 
leading  monarchies  of  Europe  are   careful  to  pre- 
serve the  balance  of  power,  it  is  imporUint  that  the 
Uniied  States  slnnilil  assert  all  her  nnr|uestionable 
righls,  and  drive  back  every  unjust  cneroachnient   j 
i.|ion  our  borders. 

I  fiisler  the  American  feeling  so  well  exhibited 
by  the  honorable  Senator  fromOhio,  [Mr.  Ai.len',] 
that  rebukes  any  farther   European   roloni/iitiim 
upon  any  portion  of  the  continenl.    While  wisdom 
and  true  policy  may  forbid  speaking  in  the  authori- 
tative language  of  legislation,  the  ardor  of  my  feel- 
ings in  ojiposilioii  to  European  iiUerference  in  the 
aiiairs  of  either  Xortli   or  South   America,  their 
suppression  but  strengthens  the  resolve  to  assert 
fearlessly  every  right  w  liieh  justice  and  honor  will 
approve.     For  more  ihan  a  century  England  has 
lipen  seeking  lo  establish  her  dominion  in  various 
places  in  South  America.     Though  ol'teii  frustra- 
ted,  she    has    never  abated    her    desires    nor    re- 
lincpiished  her  hopes.     Every  position  she  could 
command,  bearing  immediately  or  remotely  upon 
the  commercial  interest  of  .Spunish  America,  she 
has  occupied,  or  alleinpted  to  do  so.     Her  whole 
policy  has  been  'unceasingly  directed  to  the  aug- 
mentation of  hereoninierce,  whether  eonducled  un- 
der the  garb  of  phi  lanlhroiiy  or  the  bloody  auspici'K 
of  war.     Spain,   liiiii  was  once  the  iloihier,  the 
armorer,  and  misliiy  arsenal  of  all   Europe,  has 
been,  by  llritisli  alliance,  lirilish  ne';otialioii,  and 
llironsh  fear  of  British  arms,  reduced  to  the  condi- 
tion of  Naples.     Her  looms  and  workshops  fell, 
her  navy  was  shattered,  and  her  commercial  power 
destroyed,  to  prevent  her  rivalship  in  lOiighsli  en- 
ter iri.se.      English  blood  and  ireasure  were  lavish- 
ed in  the  Peninsula,  but  to  destroy  her  wealth  and 
her    |iower.      Ijiiler    the  garb  n't'   friendship  she 
kept  Spain  under  :lie  dominion  of  Eerdinand,  as 
the  surest  guaranty  of  the  lialioirs  w  i'eteliedness 
and  imbecility.  She  has  been  persevering  to  carry 
out  on  this  continent  her  snccessl\il  pol  cy  in  the 
l''..ist.     She  entered    India  with  a  eiiriro  of  haber- 
ihishery;  ill   lliirly  years  made   lierseh'  an  nrnieil 
ally,  and,  in  less  than  seventy,  becam  ■  ihe  nndis- 
I  lied  sovereiirn  of  one  hundred  and  ihirty  millions 
.if  people.    Eoslering  missionary  societ.'  s,  eneoiir- 
airing  the  Ihble  cause,  furthering  the  \  lews  of  abo- 
lilionisis  for  negro  einanci|iation;  she  lent  her  aid 
lo  the  [tarbarian  Moslems  to  repress  the  struirirlea 
of  (yhrislian  Greece.     Under  the  kind   pretext   of 
protecting'  the  < 'eplniloniaii  Isles,  she  held  a  posi- 
tion nil  the  Imrd.rs  of  t-ireece,  In  keep  open  to  her 
commerce  the  strait  of  the  liosphorus,  to  shut  out 
Uiissia  from  the  vast  basin  of  the  Eiixine,  anil  to 
be  eicibled,  liy  passing  through    ihe    Propontis, 
to  give   law  lo  the  Grecian  Aichipelairo  and  the 
Mediterranean  coasts.      llcekle.-.s  of  their  boasted 


love  of  liberty,  in  defiance  of  every  feeling  of  phi-  || 
lantliropy  nnd  Christian  charily,  at  the  aaenfiee  j 
of  all,  to  cripple   the   rivalry  of  her  commerce,    i 
the  naval  power  of  Greece  must  be  confined  by  ', 
means  fair  or  foul  within  the  Pillars  of  Hercules. 
Russia  must  tread  liijbily  upon  the  soil  of  the 
Turks,  and  listen  respcril'iilly  lo  the  British  .Minis-   ! 
ter  at  the  Porle,  while  he  declares  that  Great  Brit- 
ain will  not  be  an  indill'erent  spectator  of  an  nt- 
tcniiit  upon  Thrace.     The  nefarious  plans  of  I\li-   , 
rnnda,  and  the  proclamation  of  Pictoii,  stirring  up    I 
'  Ciimiiii.iand  Cameras  to  revolt,  are  strong' lesiinio-    ^ 
iiials  of  her  uuscnipulnus  designs  to  have  pnwer 
and  control   in  South  America.     The  present  in- 
terference in  the  all'airs  of  the  Argentine  Republic 
is  but  the  renewal  of  a  delerniination  to  carry  into 
effect  a  jiolicy,  in  which  heretofore  she  has  been 
but  partially  successful.     While  she  was  eumiing- 
'  ly  courting  and  conciliatiiiir  Spain,  she  was  urging; 
Chili  to  revolt,  with   the  hope  of  independence. 
Secretly  controlling,  or  giving  tone  to  the  councils 
of  Maiirid,  her  generids  were  engaged  in  deslroy- 
I  ing  Spanish  authority   at   St.  Jago,   Montevideo, 
and   nuenos  Ayres.     She  sought  then,  and  still 
seeks,  to  establish  great  bastions  on  the  borders 
I  of  the  South  American  continent,  by  which  she 
iiiny  command  Ihe  commeren  of  the  entire  coast. 
1  Why  her  present  armed   interference  at   liiienos 
1  Ayres.'     Can  there  be  a  justification  formed,  by 
;  which  she  can  stand  ('xciised  in  the  eyes  of  the 
civilized  world  r    And  yet  everything  must  bend 
lo  the  benefit  of  her  commercial   policy.     With 
I  the  Archipelago  of  Cliiloe  as  a  safe  renilezvous  in 
j  the  south  ami  west  Pacific;   with  Trinidad  and 
the  moiilhs  of  Oronoco   and   Maragnon   on   the 
east  and  northeast;  with  Montevideo  and  Ihiciios 
Avres  on  the  southeast,  as  puiiits  of  surveillance; 
with  the  Gulf  of  Paria  and  the  sea  to  Cape  \  eln 
on  the  north;  with  Panama  and  the  Bay  of  Hon- 
j  diiras  on  the  west, — she  will  have  possessed  herself 
i  of  the  most  important  commercial  positions  on  the 
llanhs   of   the   continent.      It    matters   but  little, 
whether  all  these  poinn  be  included  in  her  domin- 
ions or  become  dependencies  on  her  liuanliiinship; 
the  same  object  is  accomjilislied,  and  the  same  re- 
sults must  follow.     Her  eH'orts  to  prevent  the  an- 
nexation of  Texas  to   the  United  .Stan  s,   by  be- 
coming the  mediator  with  Mexico  for  her  independ- 
ence, and   placing  the  gallant  little  republic  in  a 
state  of  ward.^hip,  are  nil  manifestations  of  her 
mighty  and  unscrupulous  ell'orts  for  commercial 
greatness  and  )iower.    I  will  not  now  speak  of  her 
indefatigable  labors  to  nlitain  commanding  inllii- 
ence  over  the  counsels  of  Mexico  !     Amid  all  the 
convulsions  aud  revolutions  of  that  distracted  re- 
public, she  has  pressed  her  iiilluence  to  profit  by 
Its  vicissitudes.    With  the  Senator  fromOhio  [Mr. 
Ai.i.KN'l  1  feel  much;  and  the  whole  country  nnist 
feel,  wliile  these  u-reat  projects  are  In  a  train  of  com- 
plete execution  up'ii  our  borders.   It  is  impossible 
to  look  with  iinlitl'eiiiie,  while  the  chains  of  king- 
ly power  are  drawn  .uoiind  the  anus  of  t'reedom. 
Is  tt  a  time  to  parley  about  Ihe  assertion  of  un- 
(luestionalile  rights,  lest  we  provoke  the  wrath  of 
tlini  terrible  power,  "  whose  morning  dnim  bents 
round  the  world:" 

We  must  not,  we  will  not  falter  in  takins  every 
'justifiable  step  to  prevent  and  defend  our  own. 
i  While  we  relVain  from  thrusting  ourselves  into  the 
i  dilliciillies  of  others,  the  best  feelings  of  our  hearts, 
;  and  our  strongest  sympathies  are  awake,  to  the 
1  wrongs  of  a  sister  republic.  With  these  feelinu's 
swelling  the  American  breast,  we  arc  not  likely  to 
be  more  forbearing  as  a  nation,  nor  more  yielding 
as  II  Government,  than  honor,  and  a  proper  re- 
u:ard  for  justice,  will  require  We  will  i;ive  the 
notice,  and  leave  the  neaoliation  with  the  proper 
aiilhorities,  conliding  in  their  ability  and  willing- 
ness to  preserve  the  honor  of  ihe  nation.  There 
are  but  few  people  in  the  United  Slates  who  de- 
sire [leace  at  Ihe  sacrifice  of  national  hone/;  and 
none,  who  wish  war,  for  the  sake  of  exhiliiting 
our  prowess  in  arms.  The  more  just  and  liberal 
the  Adniinistraiion  shall  be  found,  in  its  ellorts  to 
preserve  peace,  the  more  will  the  alliictioiis  of  a 
virtuous  people  cluster  in  confidence  arouiul  it. 
Hut  when  all  shall  have  been  done  which  duty  and 
honor  rei|nire  iis  to  do,  if  Great  Britain  exacts 
more,  ihoiisands  of  swords  will  be  tiiiiiid  u'liiler- 
iiig  in  Ihe  u|)lifted  liaials  of  a  brave  and  deter- 
iiiined  jieople,  to  light  us  in  safety  through  the 
darkness  and  desolations  of  war. 


OREGON  aUESTION. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  S.  F.  LEAKE, 

or    VIRGINIA, 

In  the  House  of  Represe.ntatives, 

Febrvarij  3,  184(1. 

On  the  Resolution  authorizing  the  President  to  give 
the  notice  for  the  K  rminalion  of  the  joint  occu- 
pancy uf  the  Oreg.in  Territory. 

Mr.  LEAKE  rose  and  addressed  the  eommitlen 
as  follows: 

Mr.  CiiAiRMAv:  '  am  not  one  of  those  who  are 
disposed  to  retrret  Ihe  ])rotraeted  debate  which  tlie 
question  before  us  has  elicited  in  this  House.  I 
am  not  one  of  those  who  believe,  that  when  a  ques- 
tion of  the  magnitude  and  importance,  the  nc- 
knowledL'id  importance,  of  this,  is  brought  up  for 
consideration  and  decision,  the  debate  in  relation 
to  its  merits,  and  to  the  eonsec|ucnces  which  may  re- 
sult from  it,  ought  to  be  nt  all  limiled.  It  is  a  ques- 
tion, as  to  which  ihe  people  of  the  United  States 
are  demaniling  at  our  liands  the  fullest  and  most 
thorough  investigation  which  our  minds  are  cajia- 
1.1c  of  bestowing  upon  it.  When  the  eyes  of  the 
nation  are  turned  towards  our  deliberations  here — 
when  all  classes  and  interests  are  involved  in  llie 
consideration  and  decision  of  this  ipiestion — I  say 
it  behooves  the  American  (,'oii;;ress,  it  behooves 
the  Representatiies  of  this  ::rent  confederacy,  to  de- 
I  liberali  well,  and  lo  consider  maturely,  before  they 
come  to  a  decision  on  ils  merits. 

It  is,  indeed,  no  ordinary  question  that  we  are 
called  upon  In  decide.  Il  is,  I  firmly  believe,  as 
import;inl  a  one  as  any  that  has  ever  engaged  the 
attention  of  the  .'Vnieriean  Congress  since  the  foiin- 
ilatinii  of  the  Government,  not  excepting  even  the 
moinenlons  declaration  (if  wto',  and  the  ilelibem- 
tioiis  which  preceded  it,  in  l.'^l'J.  1  have  <ri\en 
to  it  whaisoever  eonsideration  my  feeble  jiowcrs 
have  enabled  nic  In  sive.  I  have  investigated  it 
as  maturely  as  I  cmild;  and  such  are  the  Inipres- 
sinns,aiid  such  the  conclusions  at  wliieh  my  iniiid 
has  arrived. 

A  spiritof  levity  nnbecoining  this  body,  and  un- 
worthy of  the  occasion,  has  sometimes  nianifestcil 
itself  in  Ihe  course  of  this  disciissiou.  And  I 
cnulil  well  rejoice  had  no  matter  foreign  to  the 
qiieslion  and  exiraneous  lo  the  subject  iiniler  con- 
sideration been  inlroiliiced,  so  thai  1  might  be  at 
liberty  lo  march  directly  up  In  the  quesiinn,  as  is 
my  wont,  (ind  coniine  my  alteiilion,  and  Hie  at- 
tciiiinn  of  Ihe  coiniiiiltee,  if  1  shall  be  so  foriunate 
as  lo  obtain  it,  exclusively  to  that  point.  Hut, 
sir,  I  am  not  thus  at  liberty;  for,  hiirh  as  are  the 
responsibilities  under  which  I  acknowledge  nivseli' 
to  lie  as  a  Representative  in  the  Coiiijress  of  the 
United  Slates — high  as  is  the  duty  which  1  owe 
to  this  great  confederiicv  of  States — yet  there  is 
one  duty  even  higher  ami  more  sacred,  and  which 
calls  more  loudly  upon  me  for  at  least  a  passing 
notice. 

The  Slate  which  I  have  Ihe  honor  in  part  lo  rep- 
resent on  this  fioor,  has  been  a:rain  assailed  here 
by  honorable  gentlemen  from  all  parts  of  the  hall. 
Her  representatives  have  been  arraigned  ill  a  body 
— not  put  iiiion  a  seiiarale  trial,  and  allowed  eadi 
In  plead  guilty  or  mit  guilty  as  he  might  feel — by 
L'eiitleiiien  who  have  llioii^ht  proper  In  arnii^'ii  the 
(.'ommonwealili  of  \'ir;;inia;  anil  In  send  intima- 
tions abroad,  which  have  been  c.irrieil  on  the 
wings  of  the  press  from  one  end  of  the  Union  to 
the  other,  that  the  Represeniatives  of  ihat  Slate — 
those  to  whom  she  has  confided  her  interesis — are 
false  to  their  duly  and  to  their  eoniilry,  and  rei're- 
ant  lo  those  nbligalious  which  they  owe  to  their 
eonsiilnents. 

The  irenileman  from  Illinois,  [.Mr.  Hoof.,!  niy 
friend  near  me,  on  Friday  last,  I  b^^lieve,  look  oc- 
casion to  draw  a  contrast  between  what  he  was 
pleased  to  term  the  ancient  and  modern  patriotism 
of  Vir^'inia,  and  lo  read  a  homily  as  lo  what  were 
the  duties  of  her  Democratic  members  here,  with 
a  view  to  show  that  we,  who  are  the  accredited  or- 
gans of  that  Stale,  do  not  speak  fairly  the  senti- 
ments of  the  people  whom  we  represent.  He  read 
also  an  extract  from  a  speech  made  by  a  flistiii- 
giii.-ihed  gentleman,  formerly  a  member  of  this 
House,  In  show  that  Virginia  had  departed  tVoiii 
the  faith  of  her  fathers,  and  licit  we,  her  Rcpri  - 


I 

m 


h-i 


2-24 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb. ;}, 


29rii  CoNO 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mi.  Leake. 


IIo.  or  Rkps. 


EC  unlives,  were  nccupyin;:  grounil  not  only  nt  wiir 
with  llic  iiiiercslsof  ilic  otmntry,  Iml  ineconcilal>le 
willi  llic  i;roiiiiil  wliicli  tliiil  CumniiiiiMTiiUli  lind 
herself  Inkcii.  It  is  a  lillle  icmaikiililo,  tliat,  wMImi 
the  ^niilcni.'.n  was  rradini;  llii^  spcrrli  nt'  GoveriKir 
riiiyil,  lie  iliJ  nut  re nif  nil"  r  ( if,  indecil,  lie  liail  over 
invcslisfaleil  (he  mailer  snllleiently  to  know)  lliat 
tlie  position  whieli  tlmt  ilisiin^uislieil  sjentlemnn 
took,  (anil  lie  spoke  tlie  voice  of  Vimniia,)  was 
iitenlieal,  in  all  respeeis,  with  the  position  now  as- 
sumed liy  licr  Representatives.  What  was  it.'  The 
speech  was  made  in  18'Ji),  two  years  after  the  j<^int 
eonvcntion  had  hcen  renewed,  sidnect  to  the  liniit- 
niion  in  the  eonveniion  of  If^'JT,  to  he  terminated 
on  one  yenr't)  notice.  And  yet  tlmt  ilistinKliiished 
leijislalor  ]>ronoseil  a  law  here  to  lake  poss.  ;sion 
of  Oreson  willimil  iiiviiis:  the  notice  required  nnilir 
the  convention.  He  proposed  a  slroiit;er  measure 
than  the  Itepresentalivesof  Viri^inia  now  (propose, 
althouirh  we,  loo,  havoone  modeof  selllintr  the  con- 
tr^iversy,  as  I  sliall  presently  show.  IJe  desired 
lo  erect  a  military  post  al  the  month  of  the  C'olnin- 
Itia  river,  willnail  p;ivin;^  the  notice;  and  tae  ireiitle- 
mnn  from  Illinoi,^,  if  his  position  is  correct,  should 
linvc  denounced  him,  a.s  well  as  lis,  with  the  inten- 
tion 10  steal  the  territory,  in  spile  of  the  vigilance 
of  the  people  who  in  faiM  claim  it  as  their  own.  1 
say  to  llie  i;entleman,  that,  in  jiidjini!;  of  what  lic- 
lonis  to  the  palriolism  of  Vir'^inia,  wlielheraneient 
or  modern,  he  had  hetter  leave  to  her  Itepresenla- 
tives  ihemselvis.  'I'liey  mo  fully  eompeteiU  lo 
jiidv'e.  We  arc  responsil'le  to  that  .">tate,  not  lo  the 
.Slate  which  the  pjeiillenian  repre.senls.  I  trow,  sir, 
that  llic  icntlenian  will  fmd  his  hands  full  in  set- 
tling that  Ions  ai^counl  which  ni'ver  tails  to  run  up 
a;;ainsl  a  Uefiresentative  In"  the  lime  he  reaches 
h-'me;  and  allhonrrh  he  has  kindly  ollered  to  take 
cliaiffo  nf  lis,  my  word  for  il,  the  p(  opic  I  represent 
(and  I  hclieve  I'niay  speak  l"or  the  whole  Coimnon- 
■■■ealth  of  Virginia)  will  not  lliank  him  for  his  in- 
terference. 

lliil,  sir,  this  is  noi  all.  The  speech  of  the  !;en- 
tleinaii  from  Tennessee  [.Mr.  Juiissos] — and  it  will 
be  reniemliered  thai  we  had  here  yeslerday  a  beau- 
tiful e|iisodc  arising  out  of  it — contained  a  still  more 
wanton  assault  upon  the  Old  Dominion.  I  will 
read  an  exiraci,  not  only  lo  show  the  taste  and 
ele^;ance  of  the  geiiileman"s  diction,  but  the  char- 
neier  of  the  charge  which  he  has  preferred  against 
us.     He  says: 

"  Why  liieOld  Dominion,  (God  bless  her!)  thai 
'  Ind  been  in  the  shackles  of  conservatism  for  sev- 

*  eial  years  past,  now  when  she  had  tVeed  herself,  as 
'  Ihey  had  liopod — when  Mr.  Rives  had  been  de- 
'  |)osed  from  office  on  account  of  his  conservative 
'  position:  when  the  Old  Dominion  stood  erect,  re- 
'  deemed,  reitenerateil,  niid  disenlliralled   fnun  ihe 

*  fetter.-^  of  conservatism- -that  her  .statesmen  should 

*  now  return,  'like  a  s  .''  '  is  washed,  lo  her 
'  w:tllo\vin^  in  the  mire,  ,  ■  truly  a  thini;  lo  be 
'  deprecaual  by  every  friend  of  hers,  and  by  every 
'  lover  of  his  country.     Now,  if  his  information 

*  was  correct,  ton  to  I'nur  of  her  prdiliciaiis  had  re- 
'  lapsed  into  the  (losiiioii  rif  conservatism.  Now, 
'  if  .Mr.  Rives  was  m  power,  he  would  undoubtedly 
'  stand  at  the  head  of  the  llepresenUitives  from  the 
'  Old  Dominion,  leadin:;  on  their  I'ohorls.  Hut  the 
'yifoyi/c  .if  the  Old  Dominion  would  yet  speak  for 
'  tlieinselves;  their  voices  would  be  heard  from 
'  the  weslern  mountains  to  the  Atlantic  cast,  t>ro- 
'  1  laimini;  ill  tliuiider-loiies  our  right  to  the  wlude 
'of  Ore-oil  up  10.14°  40'." 

Did  the  ^eiiilemaii  mean  to  intimate,  (continued 
Mr.  L.,)  in  this  grave  cli;ii£;e,  that  the  Slate  of  Vir- 
ginia, like  that  which  he  represents,  had  e.er  de- 
parledfrom  the  republican  faith,  liereor  els' \vheri:r 
Did  he  me;in  to  insinuate  thai  there  ever  had  been 
u  lime  when  the  (^ui.stilution  of  our  countrv  was 
endaiiL'ered,  when  the  principles  of  the  republi''aii 
party,  which  contain  in  themselves  the  true  expo- 
sitlfui  of  that  Consiiiuiion,  had  been  assailed,  wli*  n 
ennservalistn,  or  wiii[;ism  had  threatened  to  'iivcett 
away  the  jireat  laniliiiarks  of  the  republican  poli- 
cy— did  he  mean  to  say  that  the  lime  had  ever 
been  when  the  (,'oninionwealtii  of  Vir:;iiiia  had 
fallen  from  the  proud  I'osiiion  i>lie  has  always  oe- 
r:  ipied  in  the  ranks  of  i)ie  republican  party?  This 
lecture  conies  from  the  .Suite  of  Tennessee.  Re- 
niemberitl  From  the  State  of  T'-nnessee!  And 
the  ;.'entli:ninn  who  failtd  to  set  liis  own  liousehold 
in  Older,  undertakes  lo  repilate  ours;  he  who  had 
proved  inadequate  lo  presi'rv  hiu  own   Slali',  to 


raise  her  up  from  the  slough  into  wliirh  she  had 
fallen,  undertakes  to  interfere  between  us  and  our 
eonstiluenis,  and  to  tell  us  that  ire  have  departed 
from  the  faith  of  our  fathers.  I  sav  to  him  that 
when  the  Slate  of  Tennessee,  like  Virginia,  shall 
have  nssiinieil  the  proud  posiiiiui  to  which  she  is 
so  well  entitled — when  she  shall  have  east  olf  the 
slough  of  feileralism,  in  which  she  has  been  in- 
gulled  I'or  some  vi'ars  past — when  she  shall  have 
proved  more  failliful  lo  her  own  distinguished  son 
than  Virginia  has  done,  it  will  be  time  enouirh  for 
him  to  lecture  us  .and  to  show  us  whal  our  duties 
are. 

Sir,  I  have  not  come  here  to  pass  any  eulogimn 
on  the  Slate  which  I  in  part  represent.  Hut  since 
she  has  been  thus  assailed,  and  an  etlbrt  deliberate- 
ly made  lo  east  a  blot  upon  her  hillierto  unsnllied 
escutcheon,  since  she  has  been  accused, aniiigned, 
and  (if  the  testimonv  of  the  accuser  is  to  be  taken) 
convicted,  I  have  felt  it  my  duly  to  say  a  word  in 
her  vindication.  As  to  the  charge  airainsl  myself, 
(for  I  am  one  of  the  ti'ii  Representatives  of  Virginia  ' 
on  this  lloor  against  win  ml  it  is  brouLrht,)tliat  I  had 
relapsed  fi-om  the  ancient  faith  of  my  Slate,  I  let  it 
iiass  by  nie  "  r..<  the  idle  wind  lliat  I  rei^ard  not;" 
lint  I  fill  it  due  to  old  Virginia,  the  bulwark  nf  ihe 
republican  |iarty  now  and  herelofore,  lo  set  her 
right  before  Congress  and  the  country. 

I  know  thai  when  the  !:cnilenian  from  Illinois 
and  others  told  iis  that  we,  wliooccupy  an  aiilairo- 
nislic  jiiisition  to  that  which  he  holds,  were  appeal- 
ing lo  the  fears  of  the  jieople,  iln'y  ilid  not  under- 
stand the  lorce  of  the  terms  whic.li  they  used.  We 
appealing  to  the  fears  of  the  people  I  We  of  the 
Soiiili — of  Virginia  and  of  South  ( 'arolina  in  par- 
ticular— to  be  accused  of  appe:iling  lo  the  fears  of 
llie  people  I  If  we  had  niadesncli  an  ii|i|ieal,  it  is 
one  that  would  have  fallen  as  upon  the  ears  of 
night,  which  could  not  be  responded  lo,  because 
there  was  no  such  feeling  existing.  Rut  we  made 
no  appeal,  except  lo  their  caution  oiid  |irudence. 
We  did  not  attempt  to  excite  their  prejudices  or 
alarm  their  fears  by  warning  them  llial  wilhont  just 
cause  or  provocation  iheiu  was  danger  lo  llieir 
rights  or  their  interests. 

A  word  more  before  I  close  this  portion  of  my  : 
remarks.  I  sa;  to  all  those  who  have  assailed  tis, 
that  whilst  wc  do  not  vaunl  ourselves  u])on  our 
i  achievements,  yet,  when  thus  assailed,  I  must,  as 
'  one  of  her  Representatives,  say  that  Virginia  has 
never  thought  it  necessary  to  erect  any  monuments  . 
to  her  soup;  and  it  is  not  our  boast,  as  it  was  just- 
Iv  the  boast  of  the  L'enllemau  from  Slaryland  [Mr. 
(jiLKs]  ihe  other  ilay,  that  his  Stale  "  iruve  graves 
lo  her  enemies  and  monumenis  to  her  ilefenders." 
We  make  no  such  boast,  because  the  tamo  of  our 
Comiuonwenlth  is  so  well  established  on  the  payes 
of  our  history  that  it  requires  no  scnlotured  mar- 
ble or  pvramid  of  stone  to  commemorate  her 
achievements,  or  to  perpeluale  the  virtues  of  her 
sons.  (She  builds  her  monuments  on  the  batile- 
field,  and  stamps  the  record  of  her  achievements  ; 
on  the  destinies  of  the  nation. 

1  pass  now,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  another  matter 
extremely  irrelevant  in  its  ebaractcr,  and  which  I 
reuret  to  be  compelled  to  r(  fer  lo.     I  speak  of  iho 
attempl  which  is  made  here  to  read  oul  of  the  De- 
'  mocratic  church  all  who  do  not  agree  in  the  propri-    , 
(■ly  of  iiiving  this  notice,  and  to  llie  repeated  allu- 
sions, in  that  cfuinexion,  to  the  ijallimore  conven- 
tion and  its  action.     I  say  I  regret  that  any  allusion 
has  been  made  on  this  lloor  Ui  a  mere  p.irty  eoiiven-  ' 
lion — whether  held  by  Wlii'.'sor  DenicK'rats.    The   | 
time  has  yet  lo  come  when  caucus  machinery  shall 
control  the  action  of  the  Fideral  Govcrmnenl.  'J'lie 
lime  has  yet  to  come  when   the  dielales  of  a  con- 
vention shall  be  regarded  as  law  by  an  .\inerican 
Congress.     And  1,  lor  one,  do  not  hesitate  to  say 
to  this  House,  and  ihroiiL'h  this  House  lo  the  coun- 
try, that   I  care  not  whal    may  be  the  dictates  of 
jiartv,  unless    itiey  meet    the   a)  probittiini  of  my 
conscience  !  will  not  bow  down  to  thcni.     No  con-    ; 
sideratimi  shall  induce  me  to  surrender  the  riiihls    , 
and    inlerrsts  of  my  ronstituents,  or  lo  sai  rilice 
one  little  id'  the  honor  and   true  glory  of  il,e  iia- 
ticui,  because  the  party  with  which  it  is  mv  pride  , 
to  act,  and  wilh  which  I  hope  I  ever  shall  act,  '; 
iiiny  think  proper  to  lay  down  a  difl'erciit  rule  of  | 
action.  jl 

But  what  was  the  decision  of  the  Ualtimorecon-  [■ 
veniion:  Did  ilinl  make  Oregon  a  parly  ipiestion  r  Ij 
A  certain  rniiniiig  resohitiim  asserled  our  rights  lo 


Oregon.  Nothing  was  said  nlinnt  a  notice.  The 
eonveniion  did  not  require  any  one  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  lo  give  ihal  nolii'e.  It  was  ail  abstract 
declaration  of  tun-  riglil  to  Oregon,  in  which  I  fully 
concur,  and  which  I  expect  to  carrvoul  by  my  ac- 
tion on  ihis  floor,  eillier  at  this  se.s.simi.  or  at  soniB 
subsequent  time,  if  I  should  have  the  honor  cd'  a 
seat  here.  Is  this  a  party  tpieslimi .'  Xly  friend 
anil  c.illeague,  [Mr.  Pi.vni.KTOK,]  ihe  "  lone  star" 
ofwiugism  from  Ihe  State  of  Vir;inia,  has  fallen 
into  some  error.  In  Ihe  fierce  vehemence  of  his 
denuneiatiim,  he  has  given  a  party  aspect  to  llio 
delmte,  iinworlhy  of  the  occasion,  and  unworthy 
of  his  position  asaRepresentalive  here,  lam  not 
about  to  enler  into  tlic  history  of  the  Haliimore 
eonvcntimi,  nor  to  reply  to  the  hits  of  my  colleaguB 
against  that  convention.  It  is  true,  he  told  us  that 
that  convention  had  brou::ht  t'orth,  rather  sudden- 
ly, a  certain  distinguished  individual;  that  the  het- 
erogeneous elemenlsof  which  the  Democratic  party 
was  composed  must  insure  its  speedy  dissolutitni; 
and,  in  his  imagination,  he  was  I'onlemplating  the 
jirospect  of  that  brilliant  party  with  which  he  had, 
for  al  least  ten  years,  been  as-^ocialecl,  gaining  as- 
cendency in  the  councils  of  the  n.ition,  and  ol*  our 
own  Stale.  I  cannot  but  think,  Mr.  ( 'hairman,  that 
he  had,  in  his  imagination,  gcnie  back  lo  the  scenes 
of  the  extra  sessimi  of  1841,  when  a  parly,  flushed 
with  one  of  the  most  brilliant  triumphs  that  had 
ever  been  achieved,  came  here  in  the  full  tide  of 
successful  experini'-nt;  and,  in  the  short  space  ot' 
six  weeks,  (a  less  time  than  would  be  required,  in 
the  esliination  of  the  genilemnn  from  i\Iicliigan, 
[Mr.  CiiiPMAX,]  lo  lake  t'anaila,)  dissolved  into 
ils  oriirinal  eliinenls,  and  was  .scattered  lo  the 
four  winds  of  heaven,  never  more  lo  be  gathered 
together. 

lint  is  this  a  party  question  ?  If  the  Baltimore 
convention  so  settled  it,  then  I  charge  upon  the 
Democratii'  |iarty  here  that  they  have  proved  rec- 
reant lo  'heir  dulv,  and  f;ilse  to  the  instructions 
they  have  received.  1  .say,  if  it  isapariy  question, 
il  is  undoubtedly  true  that  they  have  violated  the 
instructions  of  tiie  Deinneratic  party.  Do  you  not 
remember,  sir,  that  at  llic  last  session,  the  proposal 
lo  trive  this  notice  wns  under  consideration?  It 
was  submitted  in  an  independent  form.  It  wns 
proposed  to  be  incorporated  in  n  bill  then  before 
the  H(aise.  And  what  was  the  vole?  Of  the  82 
members  who  voted  in  the  neg.itive,  70  were  Dem- 
ocrats, and  .')  only  Whigs;  while,  of  the  I'^O  who 
voted  in  the  afllrmative,  G7  were  Wliiirs  and  o'.i 
Democrats.  And  this,  too,  at  the  session  which 
iinmedintely  followed  the  Uahimore  convention, 
and  at'icr  the  elei  licni  of  .\lr.  I'olk.  lint  one  brief 
year  ago,  then,  we  find  the  Democratic,  party  on 
this  floor  repudiating  the  very  issue  which  gentle- 
men  now  say  was  made  by  lliat  convention,  and 
dei'ided  by  the  people  in  that  contest.  Sir,  if  il  is 
a  party  question  now,  it  was  so  then.  If  there  is 
now  any  olilis;alion  on  ihe  Demo,  lacy  here  lo  vole 
for  this  noiice,  that  obliijaiion  was  ei|ually  strong 
upon  them  at  the  last  session.  And  giaitlenien 
who  taunt  lis  with  n  departure  from  the  household 
faith  on  this  question,  do  but  pass  the  heaviest 
censure  on  themselves.  The  gentlenian  from  In- 
diana in  my  eye,  [Mr.  Ki:xNKnv,|  wlio  made  a 
most  nniiising,  as  well  ils  an  arirunientative  speech 
on  this  rjuestion,  voted  at  the  last  session  againsl 
the  notice. 

[Mr.  Kknnkhy  explained.  He  said  that,  as  he 
presumed  il  was  not  tlu'  desire  of  his  frieml  from 
Virginia  to  misrepresent  him  mi  this  subject,  he 
would  beg  leavt!  to  slate,  lliat  he  had  at  no  time 
during  the  last  session  voted  a^iainst  giving  this  no- 
tice; but,  oil  the  coiurarv,  in  all  possible  ways  he 
had  voied  for  il.  Hi;  had  I'oneurred  wilh  his  col- 
leaijite  [Mr.  Oiven]  in  ils  introduction  as  an  inde- 
penilent  ]iropositioii;  and  nli.er  il  was  connected 
wilh  a  separate  and  dillereut  propositimi,  he  had 
voted  fur  them  both  together.  It  was  true  ili.at  he 
had  voted  against  rduiiivling  these  separate  and  dis- 
tinct propositions  ill  one  bill,  and  one  of  the  strong- 
est objections  he  had  ajxainsl  this  connexion,  was 
till'  fact  that  it  inisrlu  defeat  the  final  passage  of 
this  very  notice,  and  possibly  endanger  both  nieu- 
siires. 

This  was  his  position,  and  he  understood  it  to 
be  the  ])ositionol  nearly  all,  if  not  nil,  of  those  who 
voted  with  liiin  on  that  occasion.] 

Mr.  Lkaki;  conliiined.  These  e|iisodc3,  Mr. 
Chnirinan,  are  not  very  convenient  or  agreeable; 


[Feb.  ',i, 


OF  Rkps. 

n  nnlirp,  The 
!•  ril'  llii'  Drmd- 

wiis  nnal>Htrm"t 
III  wliicli  I  I'lilly 
yniii  liy  my  iic- 
sinii,  or  al  some 

till-  liiiiKir  (if  a 
111?  My  iViciul 
lilt;  **  lone  star'* 
;iiiia,  haa  fallen 
■llCllU'lUT  of  liis 
■ty  asppi'i  to  tlie 
,  ami  iinworthy 
litre.  I  am  not 
f  (lie  Baliininre 
of  my  colleaKun 
',  lie  told  lis  (hat 
I  nilliri'  Riiililrn- 
al;  that  the  liet- 
lemocralic  |tarty 
Illy  ilissolulioii; 
iiit('m|il:tliii&:  the 
I  wlilih  he  liail, 
ticil,  liiiiiiinj  aa- 
lioii,  ami  of  our 
.  Clialrnian,  that 
u'k  to  ilie  somes 

a  |mily,  llushrtl 
ini|iliH  that  hail 

the  full  tiile  of 
'  short  sjiaee  nf 

I  he  reqniieil,  in 
from  Aliehiffuii, 
)  disHolvcil  into 
scaltereil  to  the 
e  to  be  feathered 

;f  the  rnltiinore 
liaise  upon  iho 
lave  proved  reo- 
tlie   iiistructioii.s 

II  parly  cpicstion, 
ave  violated  the 
ly.  Do  you  not 
Ion,  the  proposal 
nsideration  ?  It 
t  form.  It  was 
1)111  then  before 
•oler  Of  the  83 
e,  70  were  Dem- 
of  the  120  who 

Wliiss  and  53 

session  which 

ore  convention, 

lint  one  brief 

craiji;  party  on 

wliieli  gentle- 

conventioi.,  and 

St.     Sir,  if  it  is 

II.     If  there  i.^ 

ly  here  lo  vote 

e(|iially  slroni; 

\iid    i^entleiiien 

I  the  household 

ss    the    heaviest 

leniaii  from  In- 

I  wl'.o  made  a 

'iitativo  speech 

sc-'sion  against 

said  lliat,  as  he 

iVieml  from 

this  subject,  he 

had  at  no  time 

i^iviiii;  this  no- 

ssilile  ways  bo 

■d  wiih  his  eol- 
lion  as  an  inde- 

\\;is  connected 
itioii,  he  had 
vas  I  rile  that  he 

•parate  and  dis- 
le  of  the  stroii:;- 
:onnexioii.  was 

iiial  pass:i};e  of 
Liiji;er  bolli  niea- 

nderstood  it  lo 
II,  of  those  who 

episodes,  Mr. 
t  or  ai'reealile; 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


S25 


29rii  CoNo 1st  Skss. 


'J'lie  Oregon  (^uisttoii~Mr.  Leake, 


New  Skhies No.  15. 


pni-ticulnily  under  the  one-hour  rule.     I  only  slnte  |i 
n  fad  which  the  Journal  proves.     And  I  ass<!rl  that  ' 
of  those  tlistinjjuiuhcd   orators  of  the  Deinoi^rutio 
parly  who  have  spoken  thi.s  session  in  favor  of  the 
notice,  all,  with  the  exception  of  five  or  six,  voted 
nt  the  last  session  a;:aiii.st  il.     Theijentleman  from 
Mississippi  [Mr.  Tiiu.MPso.s']  unilerloolc  yesterday 
toox|)laiii  away  his  vole.     Ami  almost  every  Dem-  ' 
ocrat  who  now  chars^es  us  with  a  departure  from 
the  household  faith,  heeaiise  we  will  not  go  for  the  i 
notice,  tlieinselves  voted  against  it  twelve  months 
ngo.  ^        ! 

Cut  I  refer  to  another  consideration.  If  this  be 
n  parly  question,  then  I  do  not  hesiiatc  to  say  ihat 
the  Democratic  parly  is  now  dissolved,  ami  that 
there  must  lie  a  iicn-  formation  of  parties.  If  to 
oppose  the  notice  makes  a  man  no  Democrat,  then  j 
tosupfinrt  the  notice  is,  of  course,  lomakea  IJcnio-  ' 
crat  of  the  first  water.  And  if  you  apply  Ihe  test 
of  my  collea'.rue,  who  spoke  several  days  ago,  [Mr. 
Batly,]  to  the  distinguished  gentleman  from  i\Ias- 
sachuseiis,  [Mr.  Aii.vMs,]  ihe  geiulcnian  from 
Ohio,  [Mr.  GiuDixiis,]  the  gentleman  from  Peiiii- 
sylvania,  [Mr.  Pom.ock,]  the  gentlenian  from  .Ala- 
bama, (.Mr.  IIiLLiAiiu,  the  "lone  sUir''  from  that 
Slalc,]  and  some  dozen  other  Whigs,  are  now  Dem- 
ocrats of  the  first  waler;  whilst  we,  who  boi-e  the 
burden  and  heal  of  the  day,  when,  in  tlie  memora- 
ble coniesi  of  1814,  the  prim  iples  of  tlio  Republican 
party  were  slaked  "upon  the  cast  .if  the  die;"  we 
who  were  found  in  the  Ijreaeh,  eye  lo  eye,  and 
front  to  front  with  the  Whigs,  and  wlioeoniribnted 
sontewhat  to  the  splendid  victory  which  tiien 
crowned  our  efforts,  are  now  to  be  denounced  as 
traitors  to  the  Democratic  parly  and  ils  princi]ileH. 
Sir,  if  I  believed  lhat  the  distin:;uislied  man  who 
now  fills  the  Presidential  chair  wiili  so  miieh  honor 
to  tlie  country — that  man  of  whom  1  can  proudly 
siy  that  I  confide  in  liim  as  fully  as  I  would  in 
any  man  that  ever  held  that  exalted  station — if,  1 
say,  he  could  give  coniueiiance  to  lliese  nssaulls 
upon  a  portion  of  his  best  friend;!,  simiily  because 
they  could  not  concur  with  him  in  n  ipiestion  of 
mere  expediency  involving  no  poiilical  principle 
whatever,  I  should  hold  him  unworthy  of  the  sta- 
tion. 

Uul,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  not  yet  referred  lo 
the  ouestion  before  the  rommittee.  I  have  felt  it 
my  (luly  to  place  myself  right  before  the  pcopte 
whom  I  le/iiTsent,  and  lo  s.iy  a  few  words  in  vin- 
dication of  those  of  my  colleagues  who  occupy  the 
same  positimi. 

I  must  confess,  and  the  remark  comes  in  patly 
here,  thai  I  have  seen  enough  in  the  discussion  in 
this  floiise,  and  of  ihe  action  of  certain  individuals, 
to  excite  tlie  fears  of  a  novice  like  myself.  I  have 
seen  enough  to  have  caused  me,  bad  I  been  an  ad- 
vocate for  this  notice,  (which  I  wa.s  noi,)  to  pause 
tuid  deliberate  before  hiking  a  step  so  fatal  and  ir- 
revocable. What  have  we  .seen  here.'  We  are 
told  that  ibis  ia  a  parly  question.  1  congratulate 
genllemen,  Ibcn,  on  their  new  allies.  I  have  seen 
the  veteran  federalism  of  Massachusetts,  ihe  wild, 
reckless,  and  imprudent  fanaticism  of  all  the  noii- 
slaveboldinj;  Slates,  (which  finds  its  appronriate 
rcpresealalive  even  on  ibis  floor,)  and  the  iiighaml 
generous  ebivalry  of  the  West,  shaking  hands  in 
strange  and  unnatural  concord  over  this  mosi  por- 
tentous projiosilion.  I  have  .seen  abnliiionislsand 
federalists,  lariirmen,  bank  men,  and  internal  im- 
provement men,  all  meeting  and  actiinr  in  harmo- 
nious concert  upon  what  they  say  is  a  Democratic 
question.  Sir,  if  these  are  the  emblems  of  Democ- 
racy, I  am  not  a  Democrat.  I?nl  ihev  arc  not  so. 
Ami  gentlemen  who  nnderlakc  to  arraign  us,  know 
foil  well  thai  iIm-  test  is  no  lest  al  all. 

When  1  was  .  lected  to  represent  the  fiflh  con- 
gressional district  of  Virginia,  I  was  elected  by  a 
people  who  bad  ever  held  llieir  Reprcsentalive.s  ex- 
clusively responsii  I  to  ibeinselvcs.  The  charter 
under  which  I  hold  my  seat  here,  comes  from  the 
people  of  Virginia,  or  a  porlinii  of  thenr,  and 
whilst  I  have  every  confidence  in  the  incumbent  of 
the  Presidential  chair — wliilsl  I  liave  every  eoiiti- 
deiice  in  inv  breihren  of  the  Democratic  parly — 
and  whilst  t  am  determined  to  eontimie  my  con- 
nexion with  that  party  (grappled  lo  it  as  I  mil  with 
books  of  |irineiple)  through  all  time  to  eoine  ;  yet 
I  look  neither  lo  the  While  House,  nor  to  mem- 
bers here,  nor  to  parly  dictation  out  of  doors,  as 
to  what  1  shall  do.  I  shall  go  home  to  my  people; 
to  them  I  shall  give  aftiU  explanation  of  mvcourse 

15 


here;  and  I  am  content  to  abide  by  their  verdict;  ami 
neither  the  genlleman  from  Illinois,  [Mr.  llooi;,] 
nor  the  gentleman  from  Teiimssee,  [Mr.  Joiin- 
sox,]  shall  be  permilted  lo  alep  in  between  us. 

I  imieeed  now,  Mr.  Chainnan,  lo  notice  a  few 
of  the  considerations  which  will  guide  my  iieiion 
on  this  question  of  notice.    And  I  beg  leave,  at  the 
outset,  to  observe  that  I  shall  not  go  inlo  n  discus-  ' 
sion  of  the  merits  of  our  liilu  to  Oregon,  or  into 
on  examination  of  its  merits  as  compared  with 
that  of  Great  P>riUiin.     The  mailer  lias  been  so 
fully  discussed  and  elaborated  here,  and  in  the  able  J 
cxposilion   of  our  two  Secretaries  of  Stale,  Mr. 
Cnlhoiiii  ami   Mr.    Buchanan,  that  it  woulil  be  a    ! 
work  of  supererogation   lo  alleinpt  to  throw  any    i 
new  lii'lit  upon  it.    SuHlec  it  losay,  lhat  1  bold  lli'e    I 
American    title   lo    be    clear    and    unquestionable  :\ 
up  lo   4!P  .10'.      I   bold    our    title   against  F.ng-    j 
land  a:<  irood  lo  .^■l" -111';  but  I  eaimot  bold,  wiih    j 
llie    chairman   of   the    Coinmiltee  on  Territories,  ' 
(Mr.  Dorr.i.Ass,]  thai  we  may  go  up  lo  the  .\rclie    \ 
circle,     r.elieiing  this,  I  shall  pursue  lhat  course    \ 
wliii'li  I  lielieve  best  calculated  lo  secure  our  rights  •' 
to  the  whole  eoiinlry,   and  to  liriii^  tliia  conlro- 
vers\r  to  an  amicable  setileinenl.  i 

What,  then,  is  the  question  for  us  lo  decide?  So    I 
far  il  has  been  coiifnied  exclusively  to  the  propriety 
of  giving  or  not  giving  this  notice;  but  the  fact  is, 
lhat  the  proposition   M  give  this  noiiciMs  one  of 
Ihe  least  considerations  connected  with  the  qucs-   ' 
lion. 

What  do  gentlemen  mean  when  ibev  say  that 
you  are  to  give  this  notice,  and  tliat  il  is  nn  nnii- 
cable  measure? 

If  you  do  no  more  than  give  the  notice,  I  agree 
that  there  co\\U\  not  possibly  be  any  d.anger  to  the 
peace  of  the  eoiinlry.  lint  thai  is  iho  least  part  of 
it.  Your  notice  means  something  more  than  mere 
notice,  or  it  means  noibing  at  all;  yon  conteniplale 
strong  ulterior  action,  lo  give  it  force  and  vitality; 
otherwise  von  tire  merely  acting  the  pari  of  a 
bravado.  Voii  say  that  llii;  Joint  occupancy  shall  : 
terminate  in  twelve  months  from  the  dale  of  the  ' 
notice;  but  you  also  li'll  Great  lirilain,  by  inevita- 
ble implication,  that  y<iu  mean  to  take  steps  to  en- 
force your  title.  Is  not  this  so-  .Musi  it  not  be 
inevitably  so?  Il  is  nn  nxiom — a  Iruili  that,  merely 
staled,  proves  itself. 

.Siippo.'ie  that  at  the  end  of  the  twelve  months 
this  controver.sv  shall  remain  open  and  unadjust- 
ed, and  lhat  Great  P,rilaiii  and  the  United  Slates 
should  have  been  unable  (and  1  believe  ihisnotiee 
to  lie  an  iiifninerable  barrier  in  the  way)  to  adjust 
it  by  negotiation;  what,  then,  will  you  do  ?  In  the 
first  place,  y.iii  will  announce  lo  Oreat  Hrilain  that 
the  notice  having  been  duly  given,  and  believing 
our  title  to  lie  dear  and  unqiicslicniable,  you  are 
determined  to  take  sncli  measures  as  may  be  re- 
quisite lo  enfirce  that  title,  am!  to  take  possession. 
Is  this  jieaee  ?  Is  tliis  caleuinted  to  secure  an  ami- 
'  cable  adju.'tment  of  the  ilifiii'nlty?  On  the  eoii- 
trarv,  I  repent  thai,  in  inv  judi,'ment,  it  isa  declara- 
littn  of  war  in  eniliryo.  It  is  savin;:  to  Great  Brit- 
ain that  at  the  expiration  of  the  twelve  nionths,  we 
will  t;ike  the  country  by  force. 

I  shall  not  underlaki^  lo  enter  into  a  disquisition 
upon  the  relative  power  of  Great  BritJiiii  and  the 
United  Slates.  I  know  ilii!  force,  the  mighty  and 
irrepressible  energy  of  this  iintion;  and  I  do  not  fear 
a  contest  with  Great  Britain,  or  any  oilier  Power. 
But  when  genllemen  undertake  lo  tell  us  of  the 
case  with  which  we  can  overrun  Great  Britain  and 
lierdependencies — at  all  evenlson  this  eoulineni — 
it  seems  to  nie  that  they  are  going  lo  war  without 
counting  the  cost.  Gentlemen  say  that  this  is  a 
peiv  elul  measure.  I  say  that  Ihe  speeches  of  sen - 
tlemen  look  lo  it  as  a  war  measure.  If  there  be  no 
spirit  of  war  in  il — if  gentlemen  who  lulvocale  the 
notice  do  not  believe  that  it  will  lead  lo  war — 
whence  these  beautiful  aposlroidies  to  the  Ameri- 
can eagle,  nod  indignant  philippics  aOTinst  the  Brit- 
ish lion?  Whence  the  'oqneni  appeals  lo  the  pa- 
triotism and  the  anti-p;  lisli  feeling's  of  the  Ame- 
rican people,  or  those  n.ry  dennncialions  of  the 
arrogance  of  Brili.sh  power?  Are  these  the  clc- 
menis  of  pc.aee,  or  its  signs  and  emblems? 

We  have  seen  genllemen  indnl^'iiig  in  fierce  de- 
nuiiciations  of  the  power  of  Great  Britain ;  we  have 
heard  them  speak  of  the  ease  with  which  we  could 
overrun  her  ami  conquer  her  dependencies.  A  gen- 
tleman from  Missouri,  [.Mr.  Sims,]  who  made  an 
eloquent  speech  here,  iimiertook  lo  tell  us  that  with 


MO  oilier  weapon  than  llio  ox-polea  of  his  wagon 
drivers,  we  cmild  eonijuer  Ihe  territory  and  drive 
Ihe  Brilish  lail.  The  gentleman  frmn  .Michigan, 
[Mr.  Ciiii'MAV,]  in  the  iiileiisiiy  of  his  zeal,  took 
occiisinii  lo  tell  us  that  his  people  could  go  over  into 
Ciinada,  and  in  ninety  days  annex  it  as  an  append- 
age to  the  Stale  whi'cli  he  represents.  And  the 
gentleman  from  Indiana,  [Air.  Kexnkdy,]  finding 
thai  these  two  gentlemen  had  anticipated  him  in 
Ihe  conquest  of  the  whole  country — having  no 
world  for  himself  to  conquer — but  meeting  the 
British  lion  in  his  path,  very  coolly  takes  him  by 
the  beard,  nnd  ihr.iws  him  across  the  Atlantic, 
where  he  is  now,  doublless,  crouching  in  some  of 
the  secret  recesses  of  the  Tower  of  Loudon,  afraid 
lo  show  his  beard  again  on  this  side  of  the  great 
water.  Are  Ihese,  I  a.sk,  the  emblems  of  peace? 
I  say  that  the  rapidity  of  their  conquests  finds  no 
parallel,  unless  it  be  ihni  recorded  ill  the  pages  of 
sacreil  history,  where  the  walls  of  .Terieho  were 
overthrown  simjily  by  the  blowing  of  ranis'  horns. 
And  gentlemen  seem  to  think  that  they  can  con- 
quer Great  Britain  by  a  process  as  simple  nnd  as 
easy.  Why,  Mr.  Chairniaii,  Cresar,  in  the  height 
of  his  power  and  the  pride  of  his  glory  could 
conquer  almos'  with  Ihe  rapidity  of  llic  liglilning's 
stroke;  but  it  was  nece.s.sary  lhat  he  should  first 
mine  ami  .'*t  before  he  etndd  (jvurnmc.  Napoleon, 
altnost  by  the  magii;  of  bis  name,  overran  many 
of  the  misluiesi  nioiiarrhics  of  Europe;  but  ho 
was  backed  I'v  hundreds  of  ihousands  of  the  finest 
troops  the  world  ever  saw.  But  the  nucicnt  glory 
of  the  one,  and  ihi'  greener  and  just  as  iniperishable 
laurels  of  the  other,  have  been  iUr  surpassed  bv  the 
wordy  heroes  who  have  figured  in  this  brilliant 
cani|)aign;aml  I  have  seen  no  parallel  to  the  achieve- 
ments of  gentlemen  on  this  floor,  except  in  the 
eimqnest  of  Jericho,  or  ill  the  classic  pages  of 
Shakspeare.  We  are  told  that  in  the  time  of  Hen- 
ry IV.,  certain  hot  spirits  a.ssemblcd  in  the  quiet 
recesses  ol"  the  mountains  of  Wales,  nnd  very  cool- 
ly proceeded  lo  dethrone  the  reigning  monarch,  and 
lo  parcel  out  his  dominions  among  themselves. 
To  so  great  an  exactness  did  they  carry  this  ima- 
ginary conquest,  lliat  lliey  "cavilled  about  the 
ninth  part  of  a  hair."  But  two  hours  of  time 
"by  Shrewslmry  clock"  snfllecd  lo  show  the  futil- 
ity of  iheir  eidcu'lation.  And  I  tell  gentlemen  here, 
that,  whatever  fancies  they  may  tliiiik  proper  to 
indulge  in,  however  easy  in  the  distance  the  eon- 
(piest  of  Great  Britain  may  appear,  somelhins; 
mure  than  bluster,  something  more  elleclual  thaii 
words,  will  be  required  lo  accomplish  the  object. 

'I'here  is  another  consideration,  Mr.  Chairman, 
whii  h,  lo  my  mind,  presents  n  conclusive  objec- 
tion to  this  notice.  When  my  friend  from  Illinois, 
[Mr.  IIo(iE,|  and  the  gentleman  from  Tennessee, 
[Mr.  .lonxsox,]  who  liave  been  bunting  in  pairs 
against  Virginia,  were  assailing  ua  for  the  want  of 
democracy  on  this  question,  I  could  not  but  remem- 
ber tlie  surprise  with  wliicli  I  had  seen  them  sit 
■  coolly  by,  and  bear  the  most  mnnstrous  fallacies 
advanced  on  this  floor,  (oil  the  part  of  Deniocrals, 
loo,)  vet  told  their  arms  ill  inglorious  apathy,  nnd 
not  reliuke  them  for  their  want  of  consistency  with 
the  principles  declareil  by  Ihe  Baltimore  conven- 
tion. Was  Ihe  Oregon  question  the  only  question 
embraced  in  the  resolutions  of  that  eonvciilion? 
Was  notliing  .said  about  the  larilT?  Was  nolliin;; 
said  of  other  great  issues  ?  Of  internal  improve- 
nienls?  When  1  heard  the  genlleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania, [Mr.  TiioMi'sox,j  in  the  course  of  ihe 
facel ions  .speech  he  made  here  Ihe  other  day,  de- 
claring himself  in  favor  of  Oregon,  and  nt  the  same 
lime  boldly  announcing  that  the  tarilf  would  re- 
main untouched,  I  wondered  lhat  some  of  these 
fiery  members  I'rom  tln^  West  did  not  read  him  a 
lecture  for  his  non-conforniily  to  one  of  the  funda- 
nie.ilal  articles  of  the  Democratic  creed.  But,  to 
my  surprise,  they  regard  that  gentleman  as  one  of 
the  best  Democrats  on  Ibis  floor,  whilst  I  am  one 
of  the  worst.  Slrangc,  that  gentlemen  who  advo- 
cate the  most  inonstrous  error  that  has  ever  exhib- 
ited itself  in  our  Government,  should  be  permitted 
to  holil  their  places  in  the  Demoerolic  party,  whilst 
I  and  my  colleagues  are  to  be  read  out  of  it  because 
we  do  not  concur  in  a  mere  question  of  expediency. 
That,  loo,  was  a  question  .settled  by  the  contest  of 
1844.  The  people  .settled  it.  That  contest,  liow- 
'.  eviM-,  was  lull  "  the  war  of  the  revolution— that  of 
iiii(cpcni(fnff  ia  yet  lo  come,"  nnd  it  remains  to  be 
seen  whether  we  can  coiiaummale  il. 


>t1 


,m-m 


^.41 


S26 


'29th  Cono IsT  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGJIESSIOIVAT.  GTiOBE. 

Tlie  Ongon  (^iit;slion — Mr,  Sawyer, 


[Feb.  3, 
llo.  (iv  Uk.ph, 


If- 


1,  '•'  t 


i 


l.t  ] 


Wli;it  is  tliP  flciio  ut  ilir  iilalicins  lirlwi'cn  this 
riHMilryiimlGrrut  Uridiin?  \Vc  Imvp  now  asrcr- 
tniiii'il  ihiii,  if  a  |>rn|icr  lino  of  ]...lii-y  x\m\\  \'i-  |iiir- 
Hiipd  licuvi-oii  tlic  two  iiiiiiilriis — it  llic  Mniii'i\l>lo 
ri'laiiiins  lieiTlorciT  cxistiiii^  l.riwtiMi  llicni  sliall  \w 
ciillivalril — llic  rcHiill  iiuisl  he  in  a  kIhiiI  limo  Ici 
ilraw  till'  c'liinniriYial  lirM  lliat  I'iiul  lis  tiiu'''llirr 
niiiro  rliiKolv,  mill  in  n  inaiiiirr  lliat  will  riMloiiiul 
equally  to  the  iiilrriflH  iinil  tlii!  Iii>nni'  nt"  Imtli  iin- 

tidllS. 

Mncli  lins  liroii  Raiil  almul  llic  rrHlriciivc  policy 
of  Eiisrlanil— 11  iinlicy  w  liii'li  ia  iinwnrtliy  of  lli'i; 
onlisrlilcncMl  aire  in  wliicli  we  livp.  Uiit  ikih  ,  wlini 
we  (lavr  assiiranro  almost  ilonlily  suit,  tliiil  if  llie 
Odvi-rnnuMU  of  KnL'Iniiil  ;'o  on  in'llic  line  of  polii'V  , 
wliicli  sill'  lias  niarkoil  out,  llial  sysirm  of  ri'Stvii'- 
tion  is  lo  lip  ri'liixi'il,  is  it  not  niailncsslo  inliMposc 
nriv  olis'arlc  in  tlir  >vay  ?  Williin  two  yrai-H  ii  iim- 
tPi-lal  nioilifioalion  of  lirr  lariif  syslpin  lias  liii  n 
made.  Hit  rt'sirii'iioiis  ii|ioii  ilip  |irovision  traili" 
liavo  liecn  materially  li;,'liti'iiril,  nnil  «  c  liav"  im\v 
nil  almost  pertain  |>rcispec'l  of  tlie  inieoniliiioiml  anil 
total  repeal  of  her  enrn-laws.  'I'liise  tliiiers  are 
lint  tlio  eomineneemont  of  a  :rieal  ami  L;lnriuiis  re- 
form; and  when  llie  |,eople  of  r.ii;;land  slu.'d  have  , 
once  b"ffnii  to  feel  the  lieinfilK  of  free  trade  in 
one  rpspei'l,  they  will  drniaiul  it  in  all.  We  have 
nsei'riained  that  even  Hir  Uoliprt  Peel,  ihe  or^'an 
and  the  spokesman  of  the  stern  ami  hillii  rto  un- 
yielding'tory  interest  of  Kii'.'land,  lias  hfen  eom- 
jielled  to  how  liefore  the  advanein^'  spirit  of  ihc 
aire — ^if  fi'pedom  of  triili!  and  iVeeilom  of  lhom,lit. 
On  onr  own  side  of  the  water  a  similar  .'^tate  of 
thing's  exists.  Our  jieople  have  awakened  lo  the 
iniportani'P  of  the  siilijei'i:  and  if  the  etinvass  of 
1SI44  decided  anylhini,  it  decided  tliaf  these  nd- 
vniices  on  the  part  of  (ire.'rt  P.ritain  shoeld  lie  met 
in  aeorrosponuin:,'spirit  here.  .And  in  a  I'eu'  years, 
if  this  spirit  is  eullivated,  it  will  prove  of  incalcn- 
laid  lieiiefit  to  the  ]ieop!e  whom  wo  all  represent. 
iS'o  man  can  estimate  the  advaiita'/es  lo  accnie  to  | 
the  ni,'rienltural  iiil''resls,  and  in  fan  to  all  classes 
of  onr  people,  from  a  syslein  of  perfect  reciprocity 
of  trade  lu-tween  us  anil  the  iiaiions  of  Rnrope.  Is  , 
nut  this  irlorioiis  prosjiect  endan.:ereil  l*y  the  no-  ' 
lice.-  I  adverted  sometime  since  to  the  fi "t  th.'it 
jjentlcmen  who  advocate  the  notice  consider  it  jt  j 
■war  measure,  and  ainoii'.'st  this  niinilier,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, is  yourself;  for  the  amendment  you  have 
proposed  indicates,  as  plainly  as  that  two  and  two 
make  four,  ihi;  fears  you  entertain  that  war  is  to 
grow  out  of  it.  The  second  seciion  of  your  lii!l 
reads  a.s  tollows: 

"See.  9.  .hxl  hr   il  fiirlhrr  rrsnivet!.  That   the  , 
•President  of  the  I'nited  States  is  hereltv  author- 

•  ized  to  repel  any  and  all   a'.,'i;ressions  upon  the 

•  eommerce  of  the  United  States;  to  resist  any  al- 
'  tempt  which  may  lip  made  to  exercise  exclusive 
'jurisdiction  over  any  part  of  the  territory  I'lainied 
'  hy  the  ITniled  States,  and  to  repel  invasions  of  the 
'  same;  and  for  the^e  purposes  to  euiploy  such  por- 
'  lions  of  themililia  of  ilu'  rniied  Slates  as  he  may 

•  deem  ndvisal ;1p,  »i,'i'ec;dilv  to  the  provisions  I'lf 
'  the,  sncond  and  third  secifons  of  lu)  act  enlitled 
''All  net  civin;;  to  the  President  of  the  United 
'  States  additional  powers  for  the  defence  id'  the 
'  United  Stales,  in  eertiiin  east  s,  uirainsl  invasion, 
'and  for  other  purposes,'  aporoveil  ilip  third  of 
'  March  ei<;hieen  liundreil  and  thirty-nine;  to  ae- 
'  eept  the  services  of  any  numlier  of  voliint  eel's,  not 

'  cxeeedinj thousand,  lo  serve  during'  the 

'war,  or  for  any  less  )ieriod,  in  the  manner  jiro- 
'  vided  for  hy  an  act  entitled  ■  .\n  net  auihori'/iii:; 
'  the  President  of  the  Uniled  Slates  lo  accept  ilic 
'  services  of  volunleers,  and  lo  raise  an  aiMitional 
'  reL'imenl  of  dra'.;oons  or  mounted  rilleiuin,"  a|i- 
'  proved  the  Iwenty-tliird  of  .May,  eii;litein  liiin- 
'  dred  and  ihirly-six;  to  employ  the  ii-irular  miliia- 
'  ry  force  of  the  United  States,  and  to  expand  tiuil 
'  increase  the  same  to  any  nunilicr  not  exeeediii'^' 

'  Ihoii.and    men;    lo  complete  the  pulilic 

'armed   vessels  now    aiithori'/.ed  liy   la'.v,  and  t'l  i 
'  cqniji,  man,  and  employ  in  actual  service  all  the 

'  naval  force  of  the  United  Slates,  and  lo  liiiild, 
'  purchase,  or  charter,  arm,  equip,  and  man,  such 
'  vessels  and  st'ainboals  as  he  shall  deem  iieeessa- 
'  ry  for  the  purpo.^'es  aforesaid." 

And  again  it  jirovides: 

"Si'.c.  .1.  .iiid  lie   il  fiirlher  resohetl,  That  the 

'  sum  of millions  of  dollars  is  heretiy  ap- 

'  propriated  and  plai  ed  at  the  disposal  of  the  I'res- 
'  idem  of  the  United  Stale.s,  for  theimrpose  of  (  x- 


'eciitin;^llie  provisions  aforesaid;  In  provide  for 
'  which,  the  Secnlary  of  llie  'I'reasury  is  anllinr- 
'  i'/cil  lo  borrow  money  on  llit;  credit  of  llie  Uniled 
'  Stales,  and  lo  cause  eerlifi'tites  lo  he  issued  lliere- 
'  for,  a'.;reealily  to  the  provisions  of  tlip  fiflh  .sec- 
'  lion  of  the  act  aforesaid,  approved  March  third, 
'  eii'lileen  liiiiidred  and  thirty-nine." 

Now,  (continued  Mr.  }_,.,')  I  ask,if  yim  !;ivelhe 
notice,  have  you,  Mc.  ('liairiuiin,  not  put  it  on  the 
pound  that  idis  1  louse  will  he  ohlijed  lo  put  il  on  ,' 
And  I  do  not  hesitate  to  suv  Ihal  if  this  unqualified 
notice  shall  he  iriveii,  I  shall  be  prepared  (I  do  not 
say  lo  vole  for  si^  stron::  a  bill  as  this)  but  to  arm 
tlic  nation,  in  order  that  il  may  be  in  n  eondilion  lo 
repel  itijijressiiui,  a"  1  lo  enl'orce  the  declaraiion  il 
will  have  made.  '  ifv.conce  !;i  I  into  w.'ir,  or 
the  danirer  of  war,  .ve  shall  have  to  meet  il  as  be- 
poniPs  ihe  American  ronirress.  Give  tlii.i  notice — 
accompany  it  with  a  bill  of  this  character — lliiiik 
you  that  Orcal  Ih'ilain  will  cpuctly  fold  her  anus, 
iiot  aiiiieipaliiej  the  possibility  of  a  conlliet .'  ,\nd 
what  then  becomes  of  ihe  prospect  to  which  I  have 
mlverled.- 

The  tarilT  system  of  Knjl.and  would  not  lie  modi- 
fied, while  llie  inii|uitous  bill  of  l!^l->  would  bp 
pcrpeiualed,  and  all  the  issues  which  the  people 
of  this  country  decided  in  1H44  would  be  swept 
away. 

My  friend  from  Mississippi  [Nfr.  TiinMi"<oxl 
spoke  yesterday  of  one  consideralinn  which,  I 
think,  requires  notice  at  the  hands  of  southern 
cottoii-j^i'owin;;  i-'eiillcmcn.  lie  said  thai  I'ait;laiiil 
would  not  ;:o  to  v.'ar,  becmse  she  dependpd  on  us 
for  the  raw  material  lo  sustain  her  manufactures. 
There  are  two  sides  to  that  question. 

[Mr.  .l.vroii  TiioMi'siix  explained.  I^Ip  .said  he 
had  oiilv  iir'.:ed  that  as  one  of  the  considerations.] 

Mr.  I^KVKK.  Well,  then,  one  of  the  eonsidera- 
lions  was,  that  r'n'^'land  could  not  do  without  a 
supply  of  eoitoii  from  iis,  and,  therefore,  llial  she 
would  not  fi_'hl.  1  do  not  doulit  thai  this  consid- 
eralion  woiilil  operate  in  some  deirree.  Hut  I  a|i- 
peal  lo  Ihe  cotton  interest — (tind  I  mil  of  their 
kindred,  feeling  as  they  feel,  my  heart  |ialpilalini; 
to  every  injury  inllicted  ujion  ilem,  for  I  am  the 
Urpreseiitati'.'e  of  an  am'icuttiiral  interest) — I  say  I 
appeal  lo  llipm  to  say,  if  Gretit  llritain  cannot 
llourish  without  our  cotton,  can  onr  cotton  flourish 
without  the  I''ii'.rlisli  market r  Of  the  Iwo-and-a 
half  millions  of  bah  s  rai.scd  in  the  I'nited  Slates, 
r.ii_;!'iiid  takes  over  two  niiiiioiis,  or  more  ihaii 
foiir-lifllis;  and  yet  we  are  lo  be  told  that  she  will 
not  JO  to  war,  because  she  cannot  do  without  our 
poiion,  when,  in  fact,  all  of  us  know  that  we  can- 
not do  without  Ihe  F.n^ilish  market.  The  irross 
delusion  tli.  the  laritV  of  H40  was  lo  hiiilil  up  a 
home  marliel  has  been  exploded.  Il  is,  at  least, 
in  the  womb  of  lime — and  t  ir've  il  as  my  opinion, 
the  promise  never  can  be  realized.  So  that,  by  a 
war,  we  v  oiild  be  cut  oil' from  the  market  in  Kill- 
land,  whilst  we  should  find  no  adequalp  market 
here  to  connierv.iil  the  loss. 

T!ut  this  is  an  unpropitious  time,  for  another 
eonsideratiop.,  at  \\  liich  lo  «;ive  this  inilicp.  I  know 
tliat  some  nlleiupts  have  been  made  In  ridicule  the 
position  which  many  of  us  occupy  as  lo  the  true 
mode  of  setiliiiir  this  ("ti'i'i^on  question.  We  say 
that,  without  ;rivinu;  any  notice,  we  inny  proceed 
to  lake  the  jiroper  steps  lo  secure  our  ultimate  ]ios- 
session  of  the  country,  and  to  place  ourselves  in 
such  a  strong  and  invincible  position  thai  Great 
llritain  cannot  move  us.  l^lie  ireiitleman  from  Il- 
linois [Mr.  TIook]  told  us  that  this  would  be  slpal- 
inir  the  territory;  but  I  jisk*  atfenlion  lo  an  tidniis- 
sion  made  by  himself,  which  iroes  .is  far  as  !  could 
wish.  That  !,'entleiiiau  told  ii.-i  that,  without  ffiv- 
iniT  the  notice,  we  could  properly  resort  lo  all  the 
measures  recommended  b\'  the  President  in  his 
Messaire.     What,  sir,  are  those  measures? 

To  encouraire  emi'z'ration  to  Oreiroii  by  all  proper 
means;  to  establish  at  once  niilttary  posts;  to  es- 
tablish post  routes,  and  to  Kuaranly,  by  the  siroiiq; 
arm  of  the  Governmenl,  the  ri.;hts  of  American 
citizens  acquired  in  dreiron; — all  thi.s  we  have  the 
power  to  do  without  notice,  and  it  is  all  that  is  ne- 
cessary lo  be  done  to  ensure  our  ultimate  posscs- 
siiiit  of  the  country. 

lfyoui;ive  the  notice  yon  must  do  more  than 
this."  Yon  must  take  forcible  possession  of  the 
pountry  and  niaintain  it  at  every  ha/.nni,  whilst  the 
ndvanla^es  lo  be  secured,  by  this  line  of  (lolicy, 
will  I'P  identiciilly  the  same  as  those  resulting  from 


Ihe  poursp  I  have  iiiilicnted.  I!ul  will  that  course 
be  (III  infraction  of  the  joint  eonvention  .'  Geii- 
tlemen  nny  that  Great  Ihilaiu  has  Iwenty-odd  forl.-i 
erected  williin  the  limits  of  the  dispulei!  territory; 
Ihal  she  has  numerous  selllemenls  there,  and  is 
cn^a.-'ed  in  the  actual  enhivation  of  the  soil.      Kii;;- 

'  Iniid,  then,  Ims  eonsimed   tin nvention  for  us; 

and  if  we  have  submitted  for  n  period  of  Ihirly- 
years  to  these  "  encroaehmenis,"  Hiirely  she  can 
lime  no  rii,'ht  to  complain  if  we  eolonr/.e,  with  n 
view  to  avail  ourselves  of  the  benefits  stipulated  ill 
the  ivjreement  bi'tweeii  the  two  countries. 

I  wish  lo  repeal,  that  I  am  in  favor  of  idl  sleps 
rpquisile  lo  spcure  onr  ris;hls,anil  loeneoiuau'e  enii- 
irratioil.  The  •;rpai  arL'iunenl  I  have  heard  here  in 
favor  of  the  notice,  is,  that  iiejoiialions  have  been 
bi'oni,-lit  lo  a  close,  and  iherefine  that  we  must  look 
to  ulterior  action.  If  this  argument  is  founded  in 
'  reason,  it  would  have  been  tjood  from  the  lime  of 
the  adoption  of  the  convention.  That  convention 
was  resiu'ted  lo  as  a  subsl'.nlp  for  war,  as  the  ilis- 
lili;;uisheil  fjentleman  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr. 
!  Adams,)  (in  remarks  which  I  find  reporled  in  the 
I  "  Inlellijjencer,"  of  the  ;id  of  February  instant,) 
declared.  Il  was  a  substitute  for  war;  nei;otiationH 
had  fiiileil.  In  lSt24,  aiioiher  brief  atteuqit  lo  ne- 
K'llime  failed.  And  aL'ain,  in  ]^'>V>,  aniillier  elTort 
was  made  to  seltle  tile  difliculty  by  iie:;oliation. 
lint  the  lirilish  Plpnipolentiaries  made  a  pro|iosi- 
tion  to  which  we  could  iioi  accede,  luid  it  was  re- 
jected. N'eL'otiation  failed,  and  the  eonveiuion  was 
renewed.  So  that  in  each  of  these  cases  the  argu- 
ment liad  quite  as  much  force  and  eliieacy  as  it 
cnn  have  now.  l!ut  it  is  precisely  for  Ihe  reason 
llint  nei^otiation  hns  failed  that  this  notice  ouijht 
not  to  he  fiiven,  because,  if  it  is  ijiven,  war  is  ihe 
only  alternative.  Your  ne^fotialiony  have  fiiiled, 
anif  iherel'ori  you  '.'ive  the  notice.  Il  becoiues, 
then,  a  resort  to  the  iilliinci  ritlio  of  nations;  and  the 
question  must  be  setlli'd  by  the  stru;;,';le  of  arms, 
with  all  the  power  and  resources  of  the  two  eoim- 
tries.  It  is  an  event  fiiui;;lil  with  too  much  horror, 
and  with  loo  vast  a  destruction  of  the  inieres's 
of  the  two  countries  to  be  for  n  moment  contcm- 
|ilaled. 

One  other  eonsidpi'ation,  and  I  have  closed.  In 
lH4.'i,  we  had  not  in  Orepiii  9(K)  citizens  w  ho  liail 
frone  there  to  settle.  In  1H4.'),  we  had  t^.ttUU.  If 
this  increa.sp  o.'  population,  almost  unexaniplpd 
even  ill  the  nearly  fabulous  erowlli  of  populatioit 
in  the  States  of  this  i^real  nation,  should  continue, 
and  the  notice  should  not  be  t;iven,  in  Iwo  or  three 
years,  at  the  same  ratio  of  increase,  we  should 
liave  iiol  less  limn  50,(1(10  sturdy  sons  of  the  West 
ready  lo  repel  airK:ression,  and  preserve  Ihe  eoiiii- 
Iry  from  Urilish  enrroachnient. 

This  consideration  alone  would  deter  me  from 
civinj;  the  notice,  and  satisfies  me  that  the  eoiirse 
I  am  pui'suiiii;  is  eonsisleni  with  our  ritrlits;  for  it 
is  lo  be  rememliered  that  the  joint  eonvenlinn  in 
,  no  re.specl  deliiu'ts  from  our  claim.  Il  does  not 
,  weaken  the  stren:;th  of  onr  title,  liui  leaves  it  ]n'e- 
eisely  as  it  is. 

I  linve  thus,  Mr.  f'hairman,  hastily  expressed 
the  views  which  have  ;;iiided  me  lo  the  concliisioii 
at  which  1  have  arrived;  and  I  sincerely  trust  that, 
in  the  ultimate  .setlleiuenlof  liiis  momentous  ques- 
tion, the  real  honor  and  true  ijlory  of  our  country 
may  be  preserved  unlarmslu  d,  and  its  intcrtsts 
irtiarnntied,  as  well  n^'ainst  forei^ni  ai.".xi'essiaii  as 
iinininst  the  eU'ects  of  hasty  and  ill-timed  legislatioif 
here. 


OUKGON  UUK.STION. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  WfM.  SAWYER, 

OF  oifro, 

In  the  IIoisk  ok  Uei'Rkskntativks, 
I'eliriiimj  '.i,  l«4(i. 
On  the  Resolution  autliorizinir  the  President  to  (rive 
Ihe  notice  for  the  terminalion  nf  the  joint  occu- 
pancy of  Ihe  Oi'e;,'oii  Territory. 
Mr.  SAWYFIt  obtained  the  floor,  and  havin": 
!  left  his  usual  seat  at  the  riijht  of  the  Speaker,  and 
crossed  over,  lakimr  an  unoccupied  place  at  the 
Sneaker's  left,  which  is  the  Whii;  portion  of  the 
Mouse,  he  ndilrcssed  the  committee. 

I  have  come,  Mr.  Ohairman,  lo  locate  myself 
over  here  in  IJritish  Oregon.     If  you  will  fiincy 


[Feb.  3, 
r  Rkhs. 


II  lliiil  ivnirde 
iiliiin?  Cicii- 
nly-i'ilil  fiirl.-i 
ilct!  Icrriiiiry, 
till  11',  mill  is 
I'sdil.  Kii^;- 
iitiiiii  fur  lis; 
ml  (if  lliiily- 
ili'ily  sill'  I'liii 
iniizo,  Willi  a 

<S|i{'||Ultl'(l    ill 

irii'M. 

r   III"  nil    HIP|iH 

M'lniriim'  cnii 
licnrd  lific  ill 
ins  have  lici'ii 
wi'iiiiisl  liMiU 
is  rciiimli'il  in 
in  the  liiiir  it\ 
at  f.niivfiitii'il 
ar,  IIS  tlic  (iis- 
liusrtls,  [Mr. 
r|Mirlcil  ill  llir 
nary  iiisiimt,) 
•;  m'^;oiiiiliiiiis 

ttClll|it    to    IIC- 

aiinllifr  effort 
y  nt':;;niiaiiiin. 
uiIp  a  [irnptisi- 
iiiiil  il  was  rc- 
Diivi'iitidii  was 
•aKPs  ili('arj;ii- 
clilracy  as  il 
'iir  till'  riasriii 

lllPlicc    ("l^'llt 

111,  war  is  tlin 
«  liavi'  ftiilcd, 
It  lin-oiiics, 
iliiiiis;  anil  lliP 
i;r;;le  of  arms, 

tllO  two  Idllll- 

I  much  horrrir, 
f  tlir  iiiteri'S's 
iinciit  coiucin- 

vr  closeil.  lit 
/Ills  \\  ho  hail 

mil  x.ouo.   ir 

iiif.'Xanipled 
i)n]>iilatioit 
oiilii  continue, 
ill  two  or  ilirre 
wr  should 
IS  of  the  West 
no  the  rouii- 


1816.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  C0INGRESSI(3NAL  GLOBE. 


yy7 


ctor  me  from 
t  the  course 
riclils;  for  it 
■onveiition  in 
1(  does  not 
leaves  it  pro- 

ily  expressed 

lie  foiichision 

ely  trust  that, 

iiientous  qiies- 

'our  country 

its  iiilerestH 

ii;','ressioii  as 

'(1  lemslatiuit 


AWYER, 


AT1>KS, 

•sident  to  {;ive 
le  joint  oceu- 

,  and  havins 
Speaker,  anil 
place  at  the 
orlioii  of  the 

ocale  myself 
lu  will  fancy 


'iid-tH  CoNO IsT  Sbss. 


the  Cidiimbiii  river  pnasinj;  down  the  main  aisle,  " 
you  will  olisirvK  !  take  my  stand  on  the  north 
side  of  that  river,  rijrht  in  the  centre  of  the  Urilish 
sctlleniciitH;  and  here,  I  plant  myself  uiithT  the 
Constitiilioii  and  laws  if  my  coiiniry,  and  here  I  , 
intend  to  renmiii  re^jarilless  of  eoiisei|iieiiccs.  I 
discover,  Mr.  ('hairiiian,  that  a  i;oiiil  in  my  of  the 
settlers  here  have  dispersed,  (rel'erriiiii;  to  several 
vacant  scats  aronnil  him,)  which  1  conceive  to  he 
a  ^ooii  si^M — an  evidence  of  a  (Consciousness  of  a 
want  of  sound  tiile.  They  have  L'one  away  and  , 
vacated  these  firms,  and  in  the  name  of  my  coun- 
try I  take  possession  of  them,  and  I  intend  to  kee|i 
possession.  I  wish,  then,  to  lie  distinctly  under- 
stood to  assert  our  rii^lit  to  the  whole  of  Orei^on 
Up  to  .')P 'IH'-,  anil  I  am  not  williii;;  to  relinquish 
one  iota  of  it.  My  reasoiiH  for  this  claim  are  iiot 
liased  npoiiiiiiy  formal  treaty  stipulations  whatever. 
It  is  a  riu'lit  founded  upon  far  higher  authority 
than  any  human  compact. 

The  <;eiillem>in  from  Mas.^iaclnisetts,  [Mr.  Wis- 
Tiiiior,!  who  spoke  in  the  earlv  part  of  tliisde- 
liiite,  asked  very  sii^iiificantly  wliere  we  find  oiir 
title  to  this  territory,  and  whether  it  may  not  he 
found  in  some  corner  of  Adain's  will:  No;  it 
tlales  further  hack — Ioiil'  hefore  Adam's  dust  was 
fisliioiicil  intoni.'in;  our  title  dales  with  the  crea- 
tion of  the  world.  We  received  it  from  hiixli 
Heaven — from  destiny,  if  you  please.  In  the 
course  of  evi  iils,  in  the  prou'ress  and  consuninia- 
tion  of  this  desliny,  Christopher  (Johimhiis  was 
Ri'Ut  across  the  ocean  to  examine  this  country,  and 
he  found  that  il  was  i;ood  lor  man  to  dwell  upon, 
liy-and-liy,  our  fathers  followed  and  took  ]tosses- 
sion;  here  they  e.'italilislied  the  seal,  of  empire; 
here  they  sowed  the  seeds  fif  dcnioenicy,  w  liicli 
spraii.';  up  and  liron^hl  fm'lli  alminlance  iif  excel- 
lent finit.  lint  the  pros))erily  of  this  country 
soon  excited  the  Jealousy  anil  feirs  of  another 
people,  and  they  sent  armies  to  snlijuj.'ite  it  to 
Mieirown  willand  control.  Then  arose  one  (Jeorse 
VViishiiiirton,  will  drove  the  invaders  from  the 
land,  and  lix'ated  his  family  upon  il.  Colnmhiis 
mill  \Vashiii;;ion  were  hut  the  nveiils  Heaven  ein- 
pliiyed  to  place  us  in  possession  of  our  own.  This 
IS  our  claim  of  title,  and  I  can  see  no  delect  in  it. 
I  coiiiend  it  is  t;ooil  and  snillcient  iiirainsl  idl  other 
elaimanls.  This  island — or,  if  yon  prefer  to  call 
it  .so,  this  conlineiit — was  made  and  set  apart  for 
our  especial  lieiiefit.  We  have  a  riu:ht  to  every 
inch  of  it,  nnd  il  would  he  iiii,'r,iiilnde  to  hii,'h 
J  leaven  to  surrender  a  siiiL'le  pehhle. 

1  have  heeii  Iryiii;  for  tv.  o  or  three  weeks  past 
occasionally  to  i;ei  ih.'  Ilocir,  liut,  liein',^  a  modest 
man,  1  do  iml  like  to  enter  into  l!ie  contest  with  so 
much  noise  and  clatter  as  I  see  Hometimes  eiiiploy- 
ed  to  olitain  this  tloor;  other  causes,  too,  have  ope- 
rated to  exclude  me.  One  of  them  is  this  system 
of  explaininir  speeches  whose  miiiiin;;  is  .<o  un- 
certain lliat  these  commentaries  seem  to  he  in  con- 
linueil  demand;  thus  the. morniiiu;  hour  is  consiini'  I 
in  petty  criminalion  and  recriiiiinaiion.  I  do  not 
expect  to  consume  my  hour,  and  I  have  tried  for 
the  last  two  or  three  days  to  ^'ct  the  floor  to  move 
•  that  a  half  hour  only  hereafter  he  allowed  to 
t;enllemeii  who  speak  on  this  ipiestion.  Well,  I 
liope  tins  may  he  proposed  hereafter  and  adopted, 
as  I  discover  there  are  certain  other  ipialities  he- 
sides  talents  reciiiisite  to  get  the  lloor  and  to  ohtuin 
ascendency  in  this  House. 

[Here  Mr.  S.  was  interrupted  hy  some  one  ask- 
ing what  other  (pialities  he  meant?  To  which  Mr. 
H.  replied,  iinpiidfticr.] 

I  may  he  compelled,  Mt.  Chairman,  from  the  ne- 
cessity of  the  case,  nfier  I  have  heen  here  a  while, 
to  adopt  the  same  course  which  I  see  here  pursued 
with  so  much  success.  I  have  a  consiitiieucy  as 
independent  as  1  profess  to  Ije,  and  they  expect  mc 
lo  have  my  riu'hts,  and  I  will  have  them,  even 
tlinn^h  I  should  have  to  sloop  to  a  i  imitation  of 
the  example  set  by  some  yentlemcn  in  their  ellbrta 
to  he  heard. 

There  are  divers  ways  now  proposed  by  gentle- 
men on  this  lloor,  whereby  the  Orcfion  ipTesiion 
may  be  settled.  (){  some  of  these  1  will  .speak 
hereafter.  I  will  not  undertake  to  ari;ue  the  con- 
stilnlional  queslion,  because  e.erlaiii  !;entlcmcn 
ini;;ht  say,  as  was  said  in  olden  times,  that  a  black- 
siiiiih  was  not  n  proper  person  lo  mend  watches, 
and  a  farmer  hud  no  business  to  lay  his  liui^e  paws 
on  the  statute  book.  l'"or  this  reason,  and  for  the 
more  suhslaiitiul  reaaoii,  that  it  ujipeurs  alreaily  to 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Oawjcr. 

hnvT  received  the  fullest  eliicidalion  from  powerful  ' 
and  com|.eienl    minds,  I   shall  say  noihini;  upon 
this  piirt  of  tlie(|iicstion.     I  sliiill,  lliciefore,  niiiin- 
ly  confine  niyself  to  replies  to  L'ciitlcmen  who  have 
espoused  the  liritish  caii.se  in  this  dispute. 

rile  word  "war"  has  been  ilvvrll  upon  in  all  its 
horriiile    phases,    willi    i;reat    emphasis   and    elo- 
i|iieiii'e,  by  cerlain  (iciilli men,  oiilil  many  seem  to 
be  fri!;lileiied  from  ii  perforniance  of  their  duty  by  | 
the  "  uriin-visaKed"  jiiclure.     Whether  these  yen-  , 
tleineii  are  prompted  by  eowarilicii  or  si'lflshness  , 
in  their  detmnciations  I  am  not  alile  to  siiy,  nor  do  I 
1  conceive  il  lo  be  very  important,  as  either  motive 
is  sullieienlly  detestable  in  itself,    fiiil  nritlii  r  nhall 
have  any  wei;;hl  with  mc  in  the  lu^'iimenis  which 
I  shall  use,  nor  in  the  conclnsinii  to  which  \  shall 
come.    I  do  not  care  one  cent  whether  l-'iciland  de- 
clare war  nirainst  us  or  not;  no,  not  one  ceel.     1 
believe  we  are  rii'lil,  and  ihiil  is  eiiouL'h  lo  tjovern 
my  action.     1  look  no  further.     If  evils  :;row  out 
of  a  sliirdy  maintenance  of  lair  ri^dits,  then   let 
them  fall  iipnii   the  Kuilly  heads!     Honest  lleino- 
crals  have  nntliiiitr  to  fear  from  ibis  maledii'tion. 

Thetreiilleman  from  Vir;,'iiiia,  [Mr.  Lkakk.)  who 
occupied  the  door  this  inorninL',  lakes  lo  tie. k  some 
of  the  L'cnllcmen  of  llic  Democratic  |iarly,  who 
have  heretofore  advocated  the  policy  of  ;;ivin:;  the 
notice,  for  their  voles  on  this  i|iieslion  at  the  l.ist 
session  of  Conirress,  and  accusi's  llieiii  of  incon- 
sistency— foriretlinir,  it  would  seem,  that  triilliful 
old  nihe^r,  o(;i,.,-m,ir;niiices  alter  c.iscs."  I  will 
iiiidert.ike  to  show  you  and  that  .'i-eiitleman  how  il 
is,  and  why  it  was,  that  tliev  voted  iii^ainst  this 
nieasiire  at  that  liiiie;  and  I  sh;ill  do  it  by  fiuotiiii; 
from  the  speech  of  the  '.zenilemcn  from  Ma.ssjchii- 
sctls,  [Mr.  Wixi'iiuoe,l  who  spoke  in  the  eai-ly 
part  of  this  debate.  The  armiineiils  herein  ad- 
duced appear  to  have  been  tliosi'  which  i.'overied 

■  the  action  of  Consrress  at  that  time;  and   wbeilier  i 
the  sei|iiel  hns  ]iroved  then)  correct  or  not,  as  lhi!i:,'s 

.  then   were,  they  appear  lo  liiive  been  diciiited  by 
I  priidenci'  and  ^ooil  policy;  and  mosl  certainly,  con-  , 
siderin^  the  aspect  of  alVairs  at  lh:it  time,  these  ircn-  I 

■  tlemeii  wen?  fully  jnslilialile  in  the  course  they  then 
i  pursued;  bill  to  ihe  extract.    The  gentleman  whom 

I  quote  proceeds  to  sav: 

"Indeed,  sir,  this  whole  |iroceeilina:  is,  in  my 

*  jiul2;meiit,eininenllv  calculated  lo  im|ici|e  and  em- 

*  barrass  the  ne;rntijilioits  in  which  the  Iwo  Ctov- 
'  crimienls  are  emploved.  We  have  received  an- 
'  thenlic  nssurances  llint  these  ne^nlialions  have 

1  '  not  yet  failed;  that  they  are  still  in  |iroL'ress;  and 

■  *  that  a  comiiinnication  in  rcj-iird  to  llicni  mny  lie 
'  expected  from  the  h'xecutive  befoce  the  close  of 
'  the  present  session.  Why  not  wait  for  tliiscom- 
'  muiiicalion  ?  Why  insist  on  lakiie;  any  steps  in 
'  the  dark,  when,  ill  a  few  weeks  at  the  most,  we 
'  shall  be  able  lo  ai'l  advisedly,  and  to  see  clearly 
'  the  i;roiind  on  which  ve  are  treacling'." 

That,  sir,  was  iho  reason  ur!;ed   then  by  tliiit 
trenlleman,  and  by  several  otliei-s,  why  we  should 
not  irive  the  notice,  and  proceed  to  extend  our  laws 
and   instilulions  fully  over  llie  whole  territory — 
because  iieij;otialions  were  ujoiie;  on,  ami  Iiecnuse  a 
new  President  had  just  been  elected,  ill  whom  the 
,  people  have  t\ill   eonliileiice,  and   to  whom  even 
they  knew  this  business  could  be  safely  eutrnsfed; 
anJ  that  il  was  but  a  mark  of  respect  to  allow  him 
lo  pursue  these  nejotiatitina  fartln-r,  in  the  hope 
\  that  il  wi^e  possible  he  mi'jht   brin;  them  lo  a  fa- 
I  vorable  termination.     And  with  this  view,  many 
i  persons    voted    as:ainst   takiii'j;   any    steps    which 
'  niiirht  throw  dilHeulties  in  the  way  of  the  |ieiidiii!,' 
iie!;oliations.     A  little  further  on,  this  same  i;eiilli'- 
man  passes  an  euloiry  upon  ai'erlain  dislini;;uislied 
individual,  now  in   the  other  branch  of  our  Na- 
tional Lcitislatiire: 
I      "Mr.  Webster  has  (/rircif  to  preserve  the  peace 
j  '  of  the  country  by  abalini^  sonieiliiii<j  of  our  ex'- 
'  '  treine  territorial  claims  on  the  northeast,  and  he 
'  has  earned  the  gratitude  of  all  fjood  citizens  in 
'  doinir  so." 

1  rather  suspect,  sir,  that  the  people  of  Maine 
will  not  desire  to  earn  the  e)iitliet  of  "jjood  citi- 
zens" bvchcrishiii!;  i;ratcfiil  feelinss  for  this  abate- 
ment oi  'heir  "  extreme  territorial  claims."  There 
is  loo  much  patriotism  in  their  hearts  to  feel  grate- 
ful for  this  surrender  of  their  soil  and  rii;hts. 
Such  a  sentiinent  is  foreiirn  to  thai  love  of  coiin- 
;  try  and  of  justice  so  characteristic  of  the  Ameri- 
;  can  heart,  liiid  is  degrudinp:  and  di.sgraceful  to  the 
American  name. 


Ho.  or  RcPR. 


Hut,  Mr.  ( 'Iminnan,  the  nrijumeiitii  which  were 

all-powerful  at  ttie  last  session  of  (Joiii^ii'.ss  are  not 
so  now;  circiiniKiaiii'cs  have  chanS'd,  and,  with 
this  cliaiii.'-e,  the  ulude  aspect  of  lliis  question. 
Then  there  was  u  possibihly,  a  riiisonable  hope, 
that  this  que-lion  could  be  amicably  settled  by  ne- 
'.;otialioii.  iNowwe  Inue  llie  .\Iis.saL:e  of  the  I'res- 
ideiit  of  the  L'nited  Siati  s,  and  we  ha\e  the  cor- 
rtspondi.-nce  between  Ah",  niichanaii,  ami  iVlr.  Cal- 
lieiin,  and  the  Uriti.-ii  Minister  on  this  subject; 
and  from  these  autliiuiic  sources  we  le.ini  that  no 
fnrlher  ncsoliations  will  be  had  in  relation  to  this 
matter.  They  have  Iniii;  -iiice  ceased;  and  we  are 
now  fiiMy  e(in\iii<:cd  that  nothing'  can  be  expected 
from  thai  mode  of  ailjiislim  nt.  I  low,  then,  stands 
ihe  ea.se.'  What  course  does  il  now  become  neces- 
sary lor  us  lo  pursue .'  I  can  see  but  laie  which  is 
likely  to  secure  the  desired  end.  Why, even  these 
very  ','eiitlijiiieii  who  oppose  tfie  passau;e  of  this 
resnhilion  with  so  much  zeal  a  d  fury,  are  willili;^ 
that  we  slioiild  take  pos.^ession  up  to  J!P;  and  yet 
they  are  afr;dtl  of  war  if  wi*  ijive  the  notice.  Well, 
I  |iiit  Ihisqiiistion  to  the  i;entleniaii  from  V'ir;;inia, 
|Mr.  liAvi.v.l  who  spidu'  a  lr\v  d.iys  aj;o,  ami 
whose  speei  h  has  been  the  subject  ot' much  severe 
criticism  in  this  hall.  I  te  is  willing,'  to  sustain  our 
claims  up  to  4!P,  and  to  pass  the  notice  to  that 
ill'ei  t.  Now,  let  loe  ask  him,  where  is  the  olVerof 
(ireat  lirilaiii  lo  iissrail  to  this  compromise.'  She 
has  never  made  any  olfcr  of  tin-  kind,  hul  has  iini- 
f  irmly  refused  to  accede  to  such  a  proposiiion. 
We  have  olf.red  4!P,  bnt  she  refused  it.  .-Vial  yet 
u'cnllemen  who  are  so  easily  alarined  at  the  pm.s- 
pect  of  war  if  we  should  a.sserl  our  just  claims  lo 
the  whole  of  Oregon,  are  willing;  lo  enforce  them 
to  a  |iortion  as  olisiin.ilely  claiiued  by  Kni;laiid  as 
that  north  of  the  .lOtli  ileu'ree.  It  appears,  then, 
that  these  irentleiiieii  are  willing  to  endaiii;er  the 
pi  ace  of  the  two  eonntries  lor  a  small  porlion  of 
the  terrilory,  when  the  takiiii:  possession  of  the 
whole  coiifd  prodiii'e  no  worse  eon.-^equences.  I 
contend  that  we  may  as  well  fiurht  fir  a  whole  loaf 
as  a  eriiinb.  Il  would  seem,  then,  that  tlic^e  gen- 
tlemen's oiilv  object  is  to  "  abate  soau  thing  of  our 
extreme  Icnaorial  claims  on  '  -e  norlhwcsl,"  and 
therefore  coiiline  in  as  iiarr..  limits  as  possible 
the  action  of  our  ulorioiis  inslitulions. 

[Mr.  LiiAKK  was  understood  to  ^ly  that  he  was 
not  for  till'  noiic.  ,  whether  we  tc  ,k  alier  it  up  lo 
I'.l'J,   ir  to.-)4''J4ll'.l 

.Mr.  S\wvKn  eoniinued.  Well,  some  of  the  geu- 
lleinen  litive  iieen  in  favor  of  the  notice,  anil  for 
assuming juri.sdiciion  to  some  extent — willing  to 
lHm-  the  notice,  and  take  forcible  possession  uji  to 
4iP.  Does  not  the  s;uiie  dilllculty  arise  lure  as  if 
we  took  up  lo  04°  40' .'  It  must,  or  else  llie  I'hig- 
lisli  will  buck  mil;  and  if  you  go  to  lighiing  for  it 
from  the  nemth  of  the  Oohimbia  lo  40",  might  you 
not  as  well  include  the  w  hole,  and  fight  for  it .'  I 
iliink  so.  If  we  In  lievc  the  country  lo  be  ours,  let 
OS  take  possession  of  it,  and  let  ua  defend  and 
kec]!  it  at  all  hazard:.. 

Sir,  there  is  a  branch  of  the  suhiect  I  shall  now 
|ir'— eed  to  iiotiire,  and  wliicli  I  think  vi'orihy  of 
.,'t  ■  ...ve  coiiHideralion.  The  gentlem.an  from  Vir- 
ginal— the  "  lone  star,"  (referring  to  Mr.  Plsdi.k- 
rus) — employs  the  very  same  langu.ige  in  refer- 
ence lo  the  Dregoii  country  u.seil  by  the  old  federal 
;  )iarty  in  its  belter  days,  in  relation  to  oilier  parta 
of  llie  couniry,  which  have  now  become  the  homes 
'  of  prosperous  millions — I  mean  the  country  inclu- 
ded within  the  Louisiana  purchase,  now  tbrmiiii' 
the  nourishing  Silales  of  Louisiana,  Missouri,  ana 
Arkan  "as,  and  other  valuable  territory.  What 
was  then  the  obieclion  lo  the  acquisition  of  that  ex- 
tensive ret;!, ill.'  Why,  it  was  then  said  it  was 
worth  nothing,  as  the  geiuleniaii  now  says  of  the 
;  Oregon  territory. 

[Mr.  I'Ksni.f.rox- was  understood  lo  inquire  by 
whom  il  was  said  that  the  Luui:iianu  purchase  was 
.  worth  nolhing.'] 

I      Mr.  Sawvi'.ii.     I  did  not  propose  lo  go  into  a 

I  full  history  of  that  purchase.     I  n.erely  mention 

I  this  fact  to  show  how  nuich  old  federalism  and 

young  federalism  are  alike,  and  how  well  versed 

In  the  nrguinents  of  the  former  are  the  friends  of 

the  latter.     I'.ut  I  will  tell  you  a  little  more  of  the 

language  used   in  reference  lo  this  great  and  im- 

I  portant  measure.     It  was  said  there  were  alligators 

j  enough  on  the  land  to  fence  it,  and  that  the  lunii 

itself  was  not  worth  having.     And  the  gentleman 

1;  now  says  of  Oregon  that  it  is  not  worth  the  paper 


l^p. 


3S8 


aOrn  Com 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THF,  (  ONGRESSIONAI.  C;i,OBK. 

The  Oifffon  (^lies/ton — Mr.  Snwijir. 


([■'(h.  3, 


Ilo.  or  Hf.P8. 


hi"' 


■:f^«iiiy  . 


tipnn  wliirli  ihc  liill  iH  printfdi  nnd  I  Inkc  it  lliat 

llic  ;;riillinuin  whc  <\^ru  ihosnnir  Intu,'!!!!;;*'  in  rrln- 
tiim  I"  Cni:""  IcnJKiiy  imw,  (ic/iiiiir'  In  llit  Jiiwic 
nirlil  ill"!  nimli-  this  ilccliiriilion  in  rrrcrcnct'  In  the 
L(ii>i«iiiiii'  |iiiii'li.isi'  mid  111  KlnriilM.  'I'luit  wii»  lln" 
Iniifjiiiifri'  iisrd  ill  lniir.i  pone  liy  in  nlulinn  In  lln' 
iic'imisitlon  iil'  v;ilnnl'if  trrrilnry;  lli»l  is  llid  Inn- 
pniiao  usod  imw  ,  tiiiil  it  will  lie  llic  linii;mii:c  nsird 
liv  iliiil  p^irly  wlicnrviT  we  nllcnipt  Ici  I'lnl  new 
Siaten.nr  oririini?'"  orartiniipncw  linriinricM,  wlu'ic 
onr  tVt'rlinni  suns  can  find  ii  I'n  Id  id'  piiiiniHc  t'nr 
Ihcir  indiisiry  .'nid  rntripri"!'.  Nrw  rninilrirg  hit 
the  niilnnil  li'irlli-plin'cs  nl'  iVci'  llniii;;lils  nnd  nnlilc 
Bcnlinicnts;  lirri',  llicrc  is  nn  Hyciiplinnc-y,  nii  Imsc 
criniriii';  In  suprrlor  wcallli  it  power.  And  I  iiin 
led  ill  siispri'l  lliiil  ilii'Slrnn.ri'.it  miwni,  llimi'-'li  not 
(i|)i'nly  nuiwrd,  wliirli  nriiuilff*  ccrliiiii  ijcnllrinrn 
in  ihiii  iippnuiiiiMi  lo  llie  mrnsiirc  iinw  uncli  r  dis- 
onssiiin.  Im,  llml  lln'  li'nilory  in  (|ni'siii)n  will  smm 
fnrni  n  llit|p}r"'''^V  id' I'cinni'nnii' Si,iii~i.  All  our 
now  Smii  a  nil'  Dnnoi'intic  It  well  ni'i'iirdn  willi 
tliP  inlrcpid  sjihil  nl'tlie  trni?  Di'inoiriu  id  cni'iinn- 
tormid  I'mifinei'  lln'  dilllriillii's  wliirli  ni'w  inid  I'l'r- 
tilp  roijions  pixsinl,  iiinl  In  Inrn  lo  usi'Tnlnrss  lln  ir 
idle  rivers  and  sliinilierinp  Hoil.  Well,  sir,  I  Irei'on 
is  of  immense  value  In  ns,  and  il  mailers  mil  wlielli- 
cr  we  fiirlit  for  il  now  or  lierenfier.  I  iinler  lo 
hear  a  porlinn  of  the  liiirden  myself.  1  prefer 
leavin'X  to  my  eliildren  and  poslenty  a  eliiir  liile, 
free  fron>  nil  enrnnilirame;  and,  Mr.  Clialrman,  if 
nn  n.iserlion  of  our  ri'.'hi.i,  and  ll'"  lakin;;  noKses- 
sion  of  our  own,  are  lo  lie  followed  liy  a  ileil.ira- 
t'on  of  war  hy  Kinrland,  I,  for  one,  say,  lei  il  eonie. 
I  do  not  fear  ilie  eonsefinenees  of  a  w.ir  witli  ili.'il 
Power,  and  .'liall  niyjielf  lie  found  anioli._-  ilie  fore- 
most in  defenee  of  my  eoiinlry,  not  in  words  only 
Inl  in  aeis.  I  liive  .•^jid,  and  I  now  repeal  il,  lliat 
I  will  vote  for  lliis  resolution  even  slioiilil  il  ln\e 
tlie  tendeney  wliii"li  sonic  srenllemen  eonlend  il  will 
have,  of  liasleniiu:  n  rnpinre  willi  (rreal  lirilaiii; 
(inil  the  verv  moment  England  deelares  war  I  will 
resiijn  mv  seal  on  this  lUior,  ;ind  take  my  stand 
nmoni;  niv  eonsliinenls,  lo  fnjhi  for  iny  own  lire- 
side  and  .ny  ennntry's  ri:-his.  I  stand  pledL'ed  in 
do  ir,  and  I  will  do  it.  It  mailers  not  when  this 
war  eonies.  f.r  eoiiie  it  mnsl,  if  yon  :;ive  the  Brit- 
ish po.ssession  all  around  u.s.  llow  stands  ilie 
case  now  ?  Cio  lo  yonr  ei.ilern  seal-.oard,  and  ymi 
will  find  her  possessions  all  nroiiiid  ynu;  and  kIic 
is  now  trying'  lo  eininle  yon  on  die  west. 

In  this  manner  we  have  ;.'iven  l''.nirland  every 
power  lo  eripple  and  annoy  us;  and  il  i.s  onr  own 
fault  that  "he  now  enjoys  iliese  fai'ilities.  She  is 
cndeavoriii','  to  w  ideii  iier  jiossessions  and  slreni,'lh- 
eii  her  power  at  those  very  points  wliieli  v  ill  ren- 
der her  most  tronlilesonie.  I  have  ealled  ihis  eon- 
tinont  an  island  -.  and,  ihoiiL'h  it  is  a  jirelly  laii'e 
one,  we  need  it  all,  and  mnsl  have  il.  Our  safely 
tind  seeurilv  demand  il  :  nnr  inieresls  di  inaiid  ii: 
the  eause  nf  liuinanily  deinands  il ;  and  ilie  jr.iwlli 
of  Denioer.'iiie  )iriiieiples  (ieinands  ii;  and  these  de- 
mands shall  and  must  he  eomplii-d  with.  Great 
Britain  v.-oiild  find  irreat  tronhle  in  ilisnir'iini:  ns 
three  llions-ind  miles  olf — as,  in  her  pro|ier  sphere, 
she  i."! — if  she  Ind  no  possessions  upon  lliis  liiile 
island  oi  ours:  hiit  liavinir  so  many  possessions  all 
around  us,  and  in  our  immediate  neinhhorhood, 
she  has  resting'  plaees  where  she  ean  rnii  in  t'or 
supplies,  refit  her  ships,  and  even  liiiild  them.  She 
can  thus  supph*  herself  \vith  all  the  means  iieees- 
snrv  t"  a  prolrai  "nl  and  disasirmis  war.  Are  we 
not,  then,  most  eulpalde  for  permitting'  siieli  a  slate 
of  thinirs  to  eon'inne.-  Shdl  we  support  a  pnliey 
that  will  iiltimalelv  exelude  the  liniish  I'ower  from 
the  rontinent,  or  one  thai  will  eneourai^e  her  to  ex- 
tend il '  I  fear  that  some  :,'enllemen  are  willinir  to 
pive  her  a  fooliin-  on  the  iiorlliwest  eoast,  and  in 
sn~h  manner  as  to  enaMc  her  to  l'Ivc  us  jreat  trou- 
ble hereafter,  !>y  addini;  innneuselv  lei  her  present 
preal  nieans  of  animvaivc.  A  irenlleinan  from  Vir- 
ginia [Mr.  PF.S'in.KTON' j  lias  said  thai  (ireat  Hritain 
has  never  done  any  wroniT  or  injiiry  lo  this  eoiin- 
trv  whieh  she  has  not  re|iaired  or  apologized  for. 

[Mr.  Pr.xni.F.rov.  I  did  tioi  say  lliai,  I  .said 
that  Cireat  IJritain  lind  done  no  injury  to  this  coun- 
try whieh  she  had  not  atoned  ('or.] 

Mr.  S^uvKR  eonliniied,  nnd  s^iiil  that  lliis  was  n 
mailer  of  verneity  lietween  him  and  the  rrenllennin 
from  VirL'inia.  lie  said  that  Great  Uritain  has 
done  no  iniury  she  has  not  atoned  for.  I  sny  she 
has  done  nineh  injury,  and  has  never  atoned  lor  it. 
A  lon^  list  of  injuries  were  eliar-^ed  in  llie  dee'ara- 


linn  nf  independenre,  and  I  nndertakn  to  say  that  |j 
these  injuries  hiiII  remain  nnaloned  for.  Many  nf  ' 
ihe  ehar;;eK  hrouL'hl  a'.'iiinsl  her  hy  lliis  I'oiinir;. 
herelol'ore  are  .still  suhjerls  of  eomplaint  now. 
Soiiie  of  these  mailers  of  eomplaint  were  parlien- 
larly  mentioned  the  other  day  liy  my  eoileaL'iie, 
I  .\Ir.  Till  iiMAN,|  not  one  of  whieh  has  ever  heeii 
aloiied  (<'i\  He  spolie  of  ihi'  iuiii:in^'  of  lln'  C'uo- 
line;  hut  I  wish  lo  I'all  the  atlenlion  of  this  House 
lo  aiioiher  and  more  irrievouH  eharije,  in  wit:  thtii 
liif  Indian  Imsliliiies  wlileli  we  have  Innsx  heeii 
ohlitjed  to  etii  ounler  are  msliiraied  liy  I-auclaiid. 
Thoiisanils  of  poMinls  every  year  are  appnipriaied 
liy  Great  Ihilain  for  lar;;esses  for  Ihe  Indians;  and 
il  is  well  understood  llial  the  oUjerl  of  ihis  liiienility 
is  lo  sei'iire  llieir  friendshi)!  lo  In  rsi  If,  and  In  iniile 
lliein  to  hoslihiies  airainsi  the  people  of  the  I'niled 
Stales.  Great  Ih'iiain  makes  her  annual  paynienls 
lo  ihe  Indians  as  i'e'_'ularly  as  we  make  apprnpria- 
1  ions  for  Ihe  support  of  our  Government,  for  the 
express  purpose  of  seeuriiii;  the  eoiifnlenee  and 
iroiiil  will  of  the  Indians,  and  lo  deslroy  the  snod 
iinderstandiii!;  whieh  would  otherwise  exist  lie- 
tween them  and  ns.  The  iiillneni'e  thus  nlilained 
over  Ihe  Indians  is  freqnenlly  inanil'esled  hy  the 
most  damni'.hle  atroeilies  eomnnili'd  upon  our  peo- 
ple. The  endiaviirs  of  Ihe  nritish  lo  hreak  ihe 
friendship  lietween  the  Indians  and  the  people  ol' 
this  eonnlry  have  so  far  sueeeeiled,  that  il  requires 
a  lar;;e  sum  aniniidly  lo  eoiniierai  I  Ihis  liase  iiiUn- 
eiiee,  and  to  seeure  our  jieaee  with  lliein.  Heiie; 
nivself  a  memher  of  the  t'onimiliee  on  Indian  At'- 
fairs,  1  have  iiiken  '^ouie  pains  lo  asrerlain  the  fuels, 
and  I  find  that  liriiish  inierfereiien  in  ihis  niaiier 
I'osis  ns  :\liiiul  one  niillion  of  dollars  annnaily.  Our 
frontiers  have  Innix  heeii  exposed  to  the  most  erinl 
oiilr'ii;es,  where  men,  women,  and  ehildien  liave 
sud'ered,  not  only  liy  lieiiii^  made  eaplives,  Imt  hy 
lii'ini;  '.;iven  np  to  savacre  toriuro  and  murder.  The 
Ihilish  oliieers  ihemselves,  after  the  liallle  nf  the 
Kiver  Uaisiii,  were  eompelled  l>y  ihe  Indians  In 
fairreiider  Ainerienn  eiii/ens  lo  ihe  deinands  of 
s:>va;re  I'ury,  lo  he  tortured,  and  finally  liurni  at 
ihe  slake;  and  lliis,  sir,  was  never  aloneil  for;  and 
I  \\ill  tell  von,  sir,  that  Ihe  Anierieau  people  will 
ne\er  resi  salisfii'd,  .-il'ier  these  inlmmanilii's,  unlil 
iliey  have  a  ehanee  to  '*  draw  a  In  ad"  upon  siieh 
I'oes.  I  may,  perlians,  I'eel  more  sensihly  on  ihis 
point,  when  I  eonsider  the  wrnnirs  and  injuries 
whieh  my  father  .suffered  while  a  prisoner  to  the 
I'rilish  and  Indians  dnriinj  the  laie  war.  It  was 
owin:;  to  the  iiihnnian  Irealmeut  which  lie  received 
at  Ihe  hands  of  his  eaplors,  that  he  is  now  a  crip- 
ple, and  unahle  lo  pnrsiii'  any  of  ihe  ordinary  vo- 
catiiins  ol'life.  If  is  whole  hi'e  I'roni  that  period  to 
the  presi  lit  lime  has  heen  one  of  eonslant  hoililv 
sufiirinsr:  iiiL'lit  hrinirs  him  no  relief,  dnv  dawns 
inion  no  lio|ic.  I  swear  hy  the  F.ternal  (Jod,  that 
if  imv  life  is  spared,  and  opj^ortunities  occur.  I  will 
make  an  Knulishman's  life  pay  iiir  eiery  hour  of 
snlTerin^;  which  my  father  has  endured  at  their 
hands.  I  myself  am  determini-d,  mv  eonsiiiuenis 
nre  determined,  end,  1  lnlicve.  the  Ainerienn 
people  are  determineil,  lo  n\en;rp  these  injuries 
wliii'h  the  I'^ni^hsh  have  inllicieil  njion  ns,  Inil 
have  never  yet  atoned  i'or.  "Whv,  sir,  has  she 
not  twice  liront;hl  her  whole  power  upon  ns  lo 
crush  our  inilependunee?  ..Vl'ter  the  revolutionary 
war  she  let  us  alone  for  awhile;  hut  was  enntin- 
unlly  vi'ilaliiii;  onr  ri'rhls  as  a  nation,  and  insiill- 
iiiij  onr  dag  on  every  Ke:i,  iinlil  "  forhearanee 
ecaseii  lo  lie  .'i  virtue.''  Nolwithsl.indiinr  all  onr 
pacifie  lueasiirea  and  remonslrances  ai^ainst  these 
viol-itinns.  her  ai^-'/ression  only  hecame  the  more 
einnmon  nnd  insnllii'T,  and  we  were  finally  com- 
pelltij  lo  declare  \vi)y  arainsi  In^r.  A'/ain  she  came 
air<'ss  ilie  wareiH,  hoasliii'.:' of  her  tio'.\erand  will 
to  annihilate  nnr  nationalitv;  and  though  she  was 
liravelv  repelled,  'he  manrnred  to  destroy  a  few  ' 
small  villages,  and  roll  the  nnforlnnate  iiiliahifants 
— a  nioiie  of  warfare  I'le  most  conlemplihlp  at  all 
nines,  and  pariiculaily  unworthy  a  iiia„'nanimoiis 
n;ilinn.  The.=;e  acts  of  rapine  and  plunihrshe  lias 
never  atoned  for.  And  now,  hecnnse,  forsooth, 
we  are  not  ready  to  L'ive  np  territory  vvhicli  ac- 
liiallv  Iiclonirs  to  ns.  there  ;ire  some  uenileinen  in 
this  lions.!  who  underlake  lo  say  that  we  are 
doiiii;  inju.'itice  lo  Great  I'.rilain,  and  aiiempt  to 
nnoloi,'i/.e  for  onr  course  on  this  Hour.  Why, 
sir,  the  moment  that  Great  l*>ritaiii  lakes  any  hos- 
tile position  towards  this  eonnlry  n  third  time, 
ten   ilionsnnd  swnrili   will    hap   from  their  Fcnh- 


Imrdii,  and  a  million  nf  rifles  will  lio  luttrii  down 
from  the  peus  on  which  they  han":,  and  a  million 
of  freemi'ii  will  fenrli  ssly  nia'ri'h  lo  ihe  field  of  hiil  ■ 
lie;  [he  remeniliianee  of  wroii!','  loo  Inn;;  luiaveii- 
u'ed.nnd  the  lii.','li  eoiiraije  which  freenieii  fnjhtinij 
for  llieir  ennnlry  alone  can  know,  will  inspire  them 

with  a  desire  for  lln iillici,  and  a   delenninalion 

In  irusli  the  perfiilinim  and  insnliin;;  foe. 

jVlr.  i'KNiULriiv  here  rose  and  sniil  ihni  if  llin 
ireiilleinan  would  i;ive  him  leave,  he  would  ask  liini 
hoiv  lo  place  him  (Mr.  V.)  in  a  proper  position  aa 
In  Ihe  remark  the  iienllcnian  li.id  made  alinul  ii 
i[uesiinii  ot'\erarity  tielween  himself  and  ihe  ^ren- 
ileinan;  he  wisliid  ihe  i;enlli'niaii  to  txplain  that 
it  was  lint  11  ipieslinn  of  venu'ity,  lull  merely  one 
of  inference.] 

Mr,  Sviv»  K.n  eonlinned.  I  did  not  intend  any- 
lliinu;  personal.  I  will  repeat  ihat  I  nnilirsiood 
the  ;;enlleinan  tn  say  lliat  l'.ni.'l.inrl  had  atinn  d  or 
apolo'_'izi'd  for  every  oiiira','c  she  hail  coinmilled 
upon  us.  I  say  slie  has  not  done  sn;  and  have 
poinled  lint  inslances  in  proof  of  this  asserlion. 
If  any  I'.enileinen  inn  show  that  Kn^'lnnd  lian 
aloind  for  lliese  iiijiiries,  I  will  yield  ihe  paint. 
She  lias,  from  ilie  very  earliest  si'ltlement  of  nnr 
forefathers  in  lliis  counirv,  conlinnally  made  ns  the 
ohji'i'is  of  her  oppressioua  and  malevolence;  her 
deinands  have  always  been  exhavni'anl  and  uii- 
reasiinalile,  and  her  I'niiducl  Inwards  ns  imperious 
and  illiberal.  Why.  sir,  l''.in;land  claims  Ci.nn.in; 
hut  she  has  no  ri^lil  to  it,  as  I  .^liall  show  hi  forn 
I  i;c|  ihron^h  my  remarks.  I  slarted,  sir,  in  these 
remarks,  with  the  proposition  licit  we  have  nn  ex- 
clii.iive  riirht  lo  the  whole  of  this  island,  for  the 
purpose  of  ninkini;  an  experiment  of  ihe  ailapla- 
lion  of  democralic  principles  to  the  wants  and  linp- 
pini'ss  of  man.  I  contend,  sir,  that  this  American 
coniineni  lieloins  exclusively  lo  ihe  people  of  the 
Umied  Sillies. 

We  were  a  colony  dependent  on  Great  Rritain 
wlieu  we  coni|iiei'ed  Canada  in  the  war  of  1745. 
Tins  we  did  lierorc  we  wcie  an  iiide|ieiideni  nn- 
lion,  and  all  the  riLrhts  which  (Ireal  Uriiain  now 
has  in  Canada  were  nbiaineil  iliron!;li  us.  Canada 
was  coii(|nered  by  onr  valor  nnd  onr  ineiins.  liven 
Vip.'inia  eonlribuleil  lo  il.  Therefore,  I  have  said 
that  Great  Uriiain  lins  no  ri'.'ht  lo  il,  and  that  it 
helon;;s  lo  our  people  who  oriiMually  cniiiiuered  it 
from  die  French  nnd  Indiniis.  I  vvill  |iiil  a  case 
lo  Ihe  L'enllemaii  from  MisMinri  (.Mr.  Sims]  which 
he  will  uiidersland.  1  will  supiiose  ihis  whole  con- 
iineni In  be  line  ijreal  farm.  [  Ves,said  .Mr.  Sims, 
I  nndcrsiand  dial  pirli'itly.]  1  )irnpose,then,  that 
this  farm  he  occnpieil  only  by  .Vmcricim  farmers. 
|I  subscribe  lo  thai,  said  Mr.  Sims.]  What  farm- 
er of  common  sense  will  iindirlake  lo  make  his 
crop  of  corn  or  wheal,  or  what  not,  wilhnnt  first 
L'oini.'  In  work  to  extirpate  ihe  weeds  and  briers.' 
lint  h'-re  we  have  Canada,  Nova  Scniia,  and  other 
IJrilish  possessions  around  ns,  which  are  inrea 
amonn;  our  wheal.  These  nre  the  weeds  and  bri- 
ers which  I  would  have  rooted  out.  They  prevent 
the  spread  nf  onr  iirinciples,  and  circnm.scrihe  ihe 
lilessinffs  of  our  (invermnenl.il  experiiiient.  It  is 
lime  we  wi  re  rid  ol'lliesp  obsiruciions  lo  the  pro- 
■rress  of  free  mslilulions.  Their  baneful  and  ror- 
ruptin;  inlluence  is  but  too  sensibly  fill  and  Ion 
m.inifi'sliv  evident  to  escape  the  oliscrvaliou  of 
even  the  inost  siiperlicial.  We  niiisl  remove  ihis 
influence.  Our  people  are  iiicreasiii'^  in  nnmhcrs, 
and  we  need  for  niir  eni<  r|irisiiii.;  sons  and  daiiEh- 
lers  every  fool  of  territory  thus  encumbered  by 
the  lools'nnd  slaves  of  arislocralie  power. 

The  moment  I  hat  Hn^dand,  or  any  fnrein-n  Pow- 
er opiiosed  lo  onr  sysieiu,  oblnins  a  fooilinld  on 
oiirsoilwilh  onr  perinission,  we  lend  a  club  to 
break  nnr  own  hinds  with.  What  would  Great 
liritain  say  if  we  !rol  a  foothold  on  her  island,  and 
put  onr  in'slilnliens  into  operation  tin  i'e.=  We  l.nve 
just  ns  s-ood  a  ri'rhl  to  do  it,  as  she  has  to  establish 
her  iiisiiiniions  here.  Would  she  permit  such  n 
llinn,'  for  a  niomenl-  .No;  our  principles  are  so 
difl'erent  that  ihey  must  produce  a  perpetual  collis- 
ion, and  we  mnsl  drive  nut  from  our  land  all  (lov- 
ernmenls  founded  upon  anlnjonisiieal  principles. 
The  eonnlry  is  merely  laru:c  eiiiiniih  lo  enable  us  to 
make  the  ii'|nililiran  'uxiierinR'nt  that  wc  have  en- 
deavored lo  make. 

A  irentlemaii  from  Conneclicnt  [Mr.  IIockwf.i.i,] 
has  told  us  that  the  shippinir  interest  will  greatly 
suffer  in  the  pvciii  of  war:  and  he  nnd  to  ns  .sev- 
eral letters  from  ship-owners  on    the   subject,  ad- 


(f'tb.  3, 

01-  |{f.I>8. 

lio  tiiUrii  ilnwn 

;,  Mini  a  million 
llir  firlil  "I'l.Ml  ■ 
11  I'ln;;  iiii;\M'ii- 
'ri'(  hii'ii  li^'lUiii:; 
nil  iiispiri'  liicni 
I  (Icic'iininnliun 
I','  t'l-r. 

Kiiiil  ihni  if  llin 
■  W"iilil  n>ik  liiin 
iipfT  poNliinn  na 
1  ninilc.  iihnnt  ii 
ill"  iinil  tlio  ^'Piv- 
ti>  txplalii  llint 
liiU  mriely  olip 

not  inii'iiil  liny 
It  I  nnil' rsiooil 
;|  litiil  nlnniil  or 
hull  iNiininilto^l 
IP  so;  lUlii    luw' 

I'    lllis    llSSI'llioM. 

It  I'.n^'lnnil  liii.i 
yioM  I  111'  point. 
I'llli'inrnt  of  mir 
inllymiiilrnsthn 
n.ilrvoleiii'c:  her 
nvni'niil  ni'.il  un- 
nls  lis  irii|ii'rion» 
I  ilnims  (Vim. in; 
lull  sliow  111  I'll I'f 
iti'd,  sir,  in  llirsc 
t  \vr  lm^'|'  nil  f\- 
is  i.iliiMil,  fur  ihfi 
lit  of  ilio  nil!i|iln- 
c  wniiiH  mill  Imp- 
nl  this  Anirrii'iiii 
llio  [M'oplp  of  the 

on  (irrnt  nrilnin 
Ihf-  \v;ir  of  1*45. 
iiulepoinlcni  na- 
iri-al  Hril:iiii  now 
iii';li  in.    f'nniula 
mr  niciiis.    livon 
i-forc,  I  liiivp  said 
|lo   it,  mill   thni  it 
lly  io?i;iiierril  it 
viill  Jlllt   II   ■■ii'ii 
\ir.  .SiMi]  whii'li 
llii^!  wlioli'  ron- 
,  saiil  .Mr.  Sims, 
posi',  thru,  ihnt 
ii'rii'aii  farnirrs. 
Wlial  farin- 
ki>  lo  iiiMkr  his 
ot,  witlioiil  first 
oil.<i  nnil  I  Tiers  .' 
•oiin,  mill  oihrr 
liich    ail*   tari'fl 
wiTils  mill  l>ri- 
Tlirv  prfvrnt 
rriiniscnlio  ihe 
jirriiiipnl.     It  i.^ 
lions  lo  till"  pro- 
ani'fiil  mill  ror- 
ihly  I'  It   mill  loo 
olisrrvatioii   of 
mist  riniovt!  tins 
iii'j;  in  iiiinilipr.s, 
SODS  niiil  ilaiiiih- 
fiii'nniheriMl  hy 
powiT. 
liny  foroiun  Pow- 
is  a  foolliolii  on 
li'iid  a  t'hil)   to 
liai  would  CTical 
II  liiT  islniid,  and 
ilii  i(  .=   Wp  l.avi- 
.  has  to  pslahlish 
hi'   pi-rtnit  finch  a 
piiiii'i|ili'S  nrp  so 
a  pprpptiinl  collie- 
our  land  all  ( Jov- 
sticnl  prini'iples. 
^li  to  cnahlp  ns  to 
that  xve  have  tn- 

[.\rr.  nocKMEiil 

IpresI  will  gi'ially 

le  ri  ad  to  ns  sev- 

tlip   suhjpi'l,  I'd- 


1B46.1 


-1 


SOtii  CtiNd.  ..1st  Sp.dii. 


APPK^^1X  TO  Tin:  CONnRF-SSIONXI,  tir.ORE. 

The  Ore!!oii  (■^uvfiion — Mr.  Hnlicrl  Smith. 


999 


II 


O.  OF 


H 


EPS. 


vmiiii;  I 


il 


1'    noiiri',  hct'iniHi: 


'  ilic 


Hhip' 


d   him   to   <'on'.rrrss. 


Lo'iiili'innii  who     '  lin.s  hern  nindo  hi  Cnn^rCM!!  to  nhow  llic  fuclingi 


pni;;  intiri.sl  would  ho  (jiuilly  iniiirril  hy  ii.      I  ail-      nnw  ri'pri  mi'IiI.s  ihr  saiiii'  piopli-,  has  iilao  inailp  a      'of  piul!i.«  in  hotli  llmisr.'t, 
mil  Ilii  po.iilion  111  Ix' trnr,  lliat  llir  sliip|iiii|;  inlc 


Kl  will,  III  oiii' Hi'iim<,  ni.'  Nilijci't  to  Ui'iniiii'iit.      1 
iilsi)  nilinil  wliiil   tin:  ^I'lillrinini  fnmi  .Siiuili  Caro- 
liiin  |.\lr.  IloLMKil  has  tnh.    us  iif  Ilin  dan^rcr  of 
till'    di'.siriii'tion    of   .Now   V  irU,  iiad    CliuiltHtoii. 
iiiul  ,'li,i  r  .'ill, ..  tni   ihr  scahouiil*,  hut  firthi'ivil 
that    tliisp  i;i'iilluiii'iii   au,"^"st,   1    will    pnipiLsu   a 
roineily,  anil  il  iri  one  'liiii  was  HUi',i.-p.isfiilly  iiiiopi- 
r  1  !ty  an  piniin-nt  pliy.<ii.iiiii  in  .sui'li  niscu.      When 
IJr.  Jiu'kaoii   inidcrlDok  llii'   drfi'iiei'  of  N'cW  Dr- 
leans,   a    I'i'riaiii    loitmi-nierehani   oainn    t'l   iiiin, 
and  Haul  thai  his  hah-»  ol'  I'.otioii  had   heeii  taken 
for  the  pnrposa  ol"  inakiu:^  breastworK.s  for  the  di- 
feiii'e  ol   >'ew  Drliaiis,  and   lie  wanted   ininiediiite  i 
puynii'iil  or  reslonitioii,  iiiasinui  h  a.s  privali'  prop-  ! 
eriy  eonid  not  he.  t.ikeii  for  |inlilii'  ii«es  willioiil   . 
coin|ieiisalioii.     (jiem'ral  Jaeldo'i   heard   lii.s  eoin- 
plainl,  and  told   him   lie  wmilil  do  what  wum  I'uhl 
111  the  iiiittter,  and  lie  poiuted  out  a  eiiui'8e  thai  was  Ij 
proiH^r  lo  he  piirsueil  ill  smh  eases.     He  sent  iiii-  li 
mediately  for  ii  musket  mid  uveiily  rounds  of  ear-  ' 
truUris.     The  poor  I'ellow  heaiiii;-  lliis  ■  rder,  did 
not  know  what  was  to   hei'onie  nf  him;  hiii  very    '• 
taon  lieneral  Jaeksoii  piil  the  niuskel  ni  his  haiic!, 
mid  said,  "Manil  there,  sir,  and  di:l'enil  yonr  eo'- 
lnii."     'I'lniH,  tJeneial  Jaek.son  eoiii)iel!ed    him  to 
Dtaiiil  li|i  mid  defend  Ins  einintry.     Let  all  others, 
wlio  are   interested  in   property,  deliiid  il  in   the 
aaine  manner,  and   lliire  is   litile  ihiiiunr  o\'  loss. 
Why,  sir,  we  ha\e  men  enoui;h   in  our  Atlantie 
and  other  eilies  to  defi'iiil  siieeessriiliy  every  dime's   ■ 
worth  of  properlv;.aiiil  wilh  that  ns  one  inolive, 
ami  their  eimutiy's  welfare  for  aiioilier,  who  will 
not  hr.ively  meet  the  sliirmr     If  there  is  one  man, 
llie  sooner  his  properly  mid  liinu-elf  are  ileslroyed 
llin  heller.     'I'hi.s  paliry  ipiesiion  nf  dollar.i  iniil 
eenls  should  have  no  weii;hl  when  nnlional  liinior 
•iiul  national  territory  are  «i  .stake.     Miisi  the  pri- 
vate intereBlof  a  few  hidividnals  preponderate  over 
those  nf  the  nalioii  at  lartje?    I  shall  rcLjrctas  inneh 
ns  any  one  that  individnal  hiss  shall  ari.se   from 
any  ai'iion  tlial  may  seem  neee.ssnry  to  Ihe  viiidi- 
eai'ion  of  mir  ri!;lil;i.     Hnl  have  we  not  always 
made  lihernl  reparation  for  properly  deslioycd  by 
our  enemies  in  time  of  war?    Tlic  whole  history 
of  onr  legislation  on  this  .siihjpi't  proves  it.     Afi- 
plientions  for  relief  for  losse.s  thus  snstaincd  nre 
now  of  daily  oeeurrcni'e, 

1  will  nnw  pay  my  respeels,  for  a  few  moments, 
to  the  ^enllcman  from  Viri;inia,  who  Inst  spoke, 
(.\lr.  Leakk.I  ladmitllial  his  wasajjreat  speeeh: 
and  1  admit  all  thai  the  irenlhman  elaims  for  the 
Hid  Uoniiiiion.  Hnl  times  elianire.  The  time  was 
when  Rome  was  the  proud  mistress  of  Ihe  world; 
literntureand  learning  llonrished  within  her  walls; 
the  pases  of  her  hi.suiry  are  filled  with  the  names 
of  great  men.  IJnl,alasl  where  isslieiiow.'  Fallen, 
fallen,  fallen!  Her  :;realiiess  has  depnrled.  Those 
wlii>j;ave  her  power  and  fame,  and  made  her  Ihe 
terror  and  admiration  of  the  earth,  have  loni;  sinee 
leuirned  to  ilie  dnst;  and  now  the  Roman  is^as  de- 
graded and  detestable  as  onee  he  was  !;reat  and  no- 
ble. We  must  now  ^peak  of  them  as  "  deijene- 
rate  sons  of  noble  sires."  It  does  not  follow'lliat 
liccntisc  Virf;iiiia  has  been  the  inotlier  of  so  ninnv 
Presidents,  that  she  may  not  beeome  barren,  o'r 
t,'ive  birlh  only  lo  miseralile  dwarls,  1  fear  in- 
deed, that  tile  spirit  and  viiior  of  her  womanhood 
have  departed,  and  that  her  more  rceent  births  are 
but  sorry  al)ortionH. 

Another  (,'i'nllcman  from  Vir^'inin  (Mr.  Havi.yI  ' 
has  made  some  remarks,  to  wliieli  I  will  briellv 
rc'ply.  Tliat  tjentleinaii,  in  Ihe  early  pari  of  the 
.session,  wa.s  eharsed  wilh  heiie^'  a  Wlii"  by  a  iren- 
lleman  from  Iveniinky,  [.Mr.  IJavis.]  "l  wa.s  dis- 
posed to  resent  the  eharije  at  lirst,  as  heiii'^'  unjnsl- 
ly  made  upon  one  of  my  friends.  IJnt  now,  1  am 
inclined  to  aiiree  wilh  'the  uentleman  from  Ken- 
tueky,_thoii;;h  at  first  I  lielieved  il  in  he  a  eliarcn 
made  for  the  piirpnse  of  deiraeiin;:  frnm  Ihe  inflii- 
cnec  and  sinndinj  of  one  of  my  poliiienl  friends. 

.Spi'akini;  now  of  .\epomae:  ii  is,  if  I  am  not  nii.s-  ' 
taken,  the  distriet  formerly  represented  by  .Mr. 
Wise.  Mr.  Wise  eanie  liere  a  .biekson  man",  ilved 
in  the  wool.  He  became  after  a  while  anli-.Iack- 
son,  and  went  back  mid  appealed  to  his  eonslitn- 
enis,  and  ihey  sent  him  hei'e  asain;  and  after  a  lit- 
tle while  he  made  another  somerset,  and  became 
a  Tyler  man;  still  his  eousiiinents,  tnriiiu','  a  som- 
erset with  him,  endorsed  his  new  laiih,  ami  nsniii 


rhiMli 


OMiiil  or  two 
Ti 


or  lie  wiib  in  If  III ; 
id  Tyle 


Ivi 


ippecnnoe  mill    1  yter  too,     iiiiil    inaile 
Wliiir  speeches  in  my  Slate.     When  I  lliiiik  of  the 
fac.iliiy  wilh  whiih  llir  ^'ood    people  of  the  .\ei  o 
mill'  dit'lrict  i'hain;e  iheir  times  to  suit  new  smii;.-, — 
or,  ill  other  winds,  eliiiiii,'i'  their  priiuiples  lo  suit 
the  capiices  of  Iheir  le.iilers — it  reniiiidrt  nie  of  ilie 
tree-lVie,',  which  in   my  eoniUry  is    very    plenty, 
and  iuslaiitly  eliani,'es  i|ii.  eolorof  its  skin  to  siiit 
that  of  the  hark  of  tin:  tree  lo  which  it  clin:;s.     No 
iloilblihese  .\ccoina"ki'is,nr|iolilicallree-froi;s,aro 
properly  repre.seiiled  on  tliia  ih.nr.     .Some  :,'eiiia- 
men  here  have  eliiir;,'eil  nii',  and  my  frieiiih)  who 
act  wilh  me  on  this  ipie.iiion,  uiih  followin;;  the 
lend  of  the  veneralile  :;eiitli'inan  from  Massnelin- 
sells,  [Mr.  An.tM-,.]     I  tell  those  ■'.entleinen  that  in 
makiii','  llii.sehar:.'e  ihey  only  show  iheir  iu'iiormiie 
of  the  principiis  on  wliii'h  the  true  Democral  nets. 
Due  i;enllemuii  remarked  that  conifilimcniH  from  n 
sonrce   always   uiifrieiidly  to   thai  disliiii;nislied 
member,  |Mr.  AnAMi*,|  could  not  be  eousidereil  n.s 
praise.     I!iii  I  will  say  to  that  ■reiitleman,   thai   in 
Ihia  remark  he  has  shown  that  he  does  not  nniler- 
slaiid  Ihe  true  principli  sof  democrai'V.     The  lime 
wnswluii  the  Democratie  party  considered  llial  ihe 
Seiilh'inan  from  M  issaehusells  fiMr.  .Aoami]  was 
ailini:  wroiiv:,  and  they  censured  him  ai'corilinjy; 
bill  this  did  not  [irevenl  llieiii   from  approviiii;  of 
his  course  when  lie  acted  rii^hl.     IJnt,  sir,  yon  ciiii- 
iiot  point  to  a  siiii'le  iiistani-e  in  that  ),'eiitli'inan's 
loiii;  public  career  wherein,  ill  any  controversy  with    i 
n  Ion  iijn  Power,  and  especially  wilh  KiiL'land,  he 
ha.s  noi    laken  the  side  of  his  own  coiinlry.     Ten 
Ihonsand  limes,  sir,  would  I  nillier  follow  the  lead 
of  thai  sent  lei  nan,  thill  1  follow  a  ili  si  iii;;uislied  lead- 
er ill  the  other  wins  of  ihe  Capitol,  who  was  once 
a  .Tackson  man, and  then  hecanie  ii  hitler  foe  lo  the   i 
Old  Hero;  and  not  only  aided  in  passins  n  resolii- 
lioii  of  censure  upon  him,  bill  aflerwards  refnst.'d 
lo  make  reparalion  for  the  lujnry  and  injiisiiee  he 
had  done  by  evpiiiiL'ins  the   infamous  resohnion 
from  the  Journal.     Pill  your  tinker,  sir,  on  that 
gentleman,  and,  like  the  Irishman *s  tlee,  he  is  not 
there.   He  has  been  in  favor  ol',  and  asainst,  every 
Administralion.    I  do  not  doubt  thai  the  {gentleman 
iVoiii  Virginia,  as  he  liassaiii,  has  been  dislinsnish- 
ed  by  many  his'i   inisls  from  Ihe  jieople  since  he 
first  came  inio  ]iiiblic  life,  but  il  is  not  impossible 
thai  they  have  been  deceived;  for  I  donbl  wlielher 
the  serm  of  democracy  was  ever  planted  in  him. 
When  he  elmrses  iig  with  following  the  li'ail  of  the 
Senlleman  from   Massachii.selis,   or  of  any  oilier 
man,  lie  speaks  lor  ellecl — mid  an  elleci  not  very 
credilable  lo  himsell'.     I  will  not  say  of  him  as  the 
gentleman  from  Mas.'iachnseiis  [.Mr.  .Niia.ms]  once 
Slid  of  an  (■miiu'iit  person  at  the  other  end  of  the 
Capilol,  lliat  after  e.\pre.ssiii2;  such  senlinienis  he 
has  hnl  one  more  sie|i  to  take — and  that  will  carry 
him  over  ni  the  enemy. 

I  have  no  doubt  that  tlie  Rrilisli  press  will  pass 
liisli  encominins  on  the  scn'lcnian's  speech,  as 
Ihey  dill  on  that  of  a  distinsnished  Senator  who 
spoke  in  Kaneuil  Mall;  hnl  a.s  to  my  speech,  mid 
that  of  my  friend  from  Missouri.  [Mr.  .Sims,]  and 
a  liinidred  others,  they  will  receive  no  favors.  The 
sentiments  lliey  breathe,  the  views  they  advocate, 
and  the  princijdes  ihey  advance,  will  find  no  re- 
sponse from  Pirilisli  hearts.  1  very  much  fear  that 
Hrilish  interests  are  mil  williiml  advocales  and 
friends  on  lliis  fioor;  and  I  fear  that  ihe  vole  upon 
the  (piestion  now  |ieiidiiis-  will  show  llie  number 
lobe  far  sreatcr  than  would  seem  possible  in  an 
American  Consress.  I  will  liere  read  tVom  mi  ar- 
ticle headed  "The  .'Vmerican  War  .Mania,'"  wliich 
recently  appeared  ill  '.lie  "  Kcoiioniisi,"  an  Knslish 
paper,  and  wliieh  piir]iorls  lo  be  anexlr.acl  from  n 
letter  wriilen  by  an  .Vmerican: 

"  If  I  eoiild  take  the  same  liberty  wilh  Sir  Uob- 
'  ert  Peel  ihnt  I  used  to  do  with  my  personal  friends 
'  Lords  Lansdowne  mid  Monleasle,  when  they 
'  were  in  olFice,  I  should  very  frankly  tell  him  that 
'  the  policy  of  Kiisland,  in  order  to  preserve  peace, 
'  is  to  remain  perfectly  rpiiei,  and  pertnil  the  s<  n- 
'  sible  and  hones!  porlion  of  ihe  Ameri.'aii  people 
'  lo  keep  in  complete  .dieck  the  dishonest  and  icck- 
'  le.^p  porlion  of  it.  Fortiinau  !y  for  both  coiinlrles, 
'  your  ParliamenI  does  not  meet  ii.itil  Felirnary, 
'  and  therefore  .Sir  Robert  Peel  cannol  be  called 
'  upon  for  any  ]inbli''  declaration  for  or  a'rainst  the 
■  '  President's  gasconade,  until  some  demonstialioii 


'Of  ilii 
hle.winss  of  u 


ckeilii 


III  ss  of  Nticli  a  wnr,  mid  of  li.e 


■d| 


I  I  need  nolenla 


e.wmss  or  u  coninmeil  iieace,  I  iieeil  not  enlarge, 
'  ns  Ihey  nre  Hilf-evldeiil  lo  every  lioneal  man;  liut 
'  1  will  s.iy,  iIiuInIiouIiI  Imslihiien  srow  oiiiof  sneli 
'an  in.'.isnificmit  enuse,  the  iiiimeH  of  llioHe  who 
'  wilfiilly  oi'iasion  il  will  he  traiLsniitled  lo  posteri- 
'  l\'  with  no  enviable  innnorlalily.  The  nierehanls, 
'trnilers,  shiioowners,  and  capilalisis  of  Aniciicai 
'  are  o[iposed  In  war;  the  pohliciaiiH  alone  are  in 
'  I'avor  of  il.  Il  is,  therefore,  the  more  In  be  de- 
'  sired  tlinl  no  hn.-ny  sli  p  on  the  part  of  ihe  Uritish 
'  (•overninenl  should  give  her  foes  any  advunlaga 
'  o\er  her  friends." 

The  views  here  expressed  by  one  who  enlls  him- 
self an  "Americnn,"  however  ba.-a'  and  dissiiHling 
lo  the  Irnii  pairioi,  nre  not  so  very  di.'isiinilnr  lo 
\iews  advan.ed  by  soine  trinileinen  on  ilii.s  lloor. 
lint  I  hope,  for  the  honor  of  my  ronmry,  thai  this 
feeliii;;  is  confined  to  the  breast.s  of  a  very  few. 

Now,  sir,  in  orihr  to  carry  out  our  views,  and 
rid  lliis  wIioli'  couiiiieiit  of  llritisli  p.iwer,  we  must 
cvii'iid  our  laws  'iradiinlly  hut  re.^olnlely  over  tint 
whole  coimli-y,  till  wi'  possess  nil  lliat  iinlure  and 
natnre's  Clod  ihsisueil  for  ns.  Let  onr  Govern- 
iiiunt  be  coeMeiisive  with  the  coiiiineul,  mid  tlui 
sooner  the  heller;  though  we  meet  with  wars  and 
dilllcullies,  lliey  can  be  dvercome.  And  I,  for  one, 
will  n:*('  my  best  ell'orls  lo  hand  down  lo  posterity, 
pure  mid  iiiiailiilter.iied,  tlint  fn  idoni  we  received 
fruin  the  falhers  of  the  Uc\'ululion. 


ORLCiO.N  alJESTIOX. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  UOHERT  SMITH, 

OF  ILLINOIS, 
I.M  TiiK  Uoi  »i;  or  RKi'iiKiiExrATivEs, 
I'cljiHiiinj  1, 184(). 
On  the  Resolution  for  teriiiinatin?  the  joint  occupa- 
tion of  Orc'^oii. 
Mr.  SMITH  address,  d  the  conimitleeas  follows: 
Mr.  t.'imnMVx:  In  rising  at  this  late  slase  of  iho 
debate,  on  the  pro|iosilion  leivv  before  the  eonmiil- 
tee,  I  have  neither  the  vanity  nor  lite  I'solism  lo  sup- 
pose that  I  can  say  much  llial  is  new,  or  that  will 
lie  iiiteresliiisto  those  who  may  hear  me;  and  could 
I  be  ccrliiin  that  the  resolution  introduced  by  the 
honorabh'  chairman  of  the  Commillee  on  Foreinin 
All'airs  would  pass  this  House  wiihoul  any  nmend- 
menls,  and  llial  it  '..onld  be  followed  by  the  pas- 
sage of  appropriate  bills  lo  protect  mid  secure  our 
rislils,  and  tho.se  of  our  setilers  in  Oregon,  and  all 
who  nre  disposed  to  einisrale  lliiiher,  I  would  eon- 
tent  myself  with  simply  voliie;  for  all  such  iiieas- 
lues,  and  refrain  from  tionldint!:  the  loinniitleo 
with  a  speech  nt  this  time.  Iiul  ns  some  doubt 
seems  to  exist  in  relation  to  this  nintier,  I  feel  il  a 
duty  I  owe  both  to  myself  and  to  tlio.se  who  gave 
nil' a  seal  in  this  House,  to  expres.s  my  views  ioW/i/ 
nnd  ,/i«r(c.i,s/i|  on  this  {Treat  Ainericjin  que.slion.  I 
asree  with  the  venernble  gentleman  from  Mussa- 
chusetis  [Mr.  Apams]  niid  otlnr  senlleinen,  who 
.say  that  this  is  one  of  the  most  iniporlnntqueslionH 
which  ever  has,  or  ever  will,  come  before  an  .Vnierl- 
eaii  t'onsrcss.  .'Viid,  sir,  lit  nie  tell  gentlemen  that 
such  is  the  masnitudi'  of  this  ipieslion,  and  so 
siroii;  and  deep  nre  the  conviclions  of  the  people 
tliriHislioui  the  lenstb  and  hre.adth  of  this  country, 
that  the  whole  of  the  territory  called  Orcffon  (in- 
cluded within  the  parallels  of  .1^!°  and  54°  41)' north 
latitude)  belongs  to  the  Uniied  Slates;  and  that  the 
setlleiiientmid  occiipalion  of  that  vnlunhle  ti  rritory 
are  of  the  nlmosl  importance  t,,  the  prosperity  mid 
harmony  of  ihe  whole  Union,  and  to  the  pernia- 
iicncy  of  onr  republican  form  orffoverniiicnl;  that 
il  will,  like  n  nnslity  nvalaiiclic,  overwhelm,  orpo- 
liliciillii  hunj,  nil  who  obstruct  or  oppose  the  meas- 
ures npee.s.s(iry  for  the  consummalioii  of  this  great 
object.  ■ 

I  come,  sir,  from  one  of  the  oldest  settled  portions 
of  the  erent  valley  of  the  Mississippi — from  that 
beauiifiil  and  fertile  country  irreslcd  from  the  nio- 
nopoli/.iiig  i;rasi  of  Great  Hritain  on  the  4lh  day  of 
.Tuly,  177H,  by  that  bold,  daring,  and  chivalrous 
sohlier,  Georije  Rogers  Clark,  of  Virginia,  and 
his  intrepid  followers.  These  brave  men  succeeded 
in  capturing  the  British  post  nt  the  ancient  town  of 
Knskaakin,  and  compelled  the  cross  of  St.  George 


:*' 


•VM 


! 


li 


sW-rii  CoNo Iht  Skms. 


AiTKNDix  TO  TFiK  coiVfiiu^ssio.N' Af,  (irx)m:. 

Thr  OrifTon  Qiiinlloii — Mr.   Hoturl  Siniih, 


11(1.  DK  Itrrii 


to  c'v  I'Inri'  In  (lif  '*ljii*j*  ikhI  «Iii[H'M(i('  riiir  Iif  lovril 
niiiliclinii'v.  Iliii  T'lr  ihr  j-iiu'in-iiy,  i  iiii'ri'rixi'.niicl 
|iiitrinti.siM  (if*  11 II' Till  rliiik  ;iiii|  Ini  I'nlliinl  nHs.'ri- 
iiiiK,  nni'  I'f  ill)'  fiirisi  niicl  rirluni  |imi iIhhh  ct' llii» 
tTiiidii  niiirlil  •■•lill  liiivc' lii'ciia  iliiiciiilrih-y  urtliinl 
Ki'itiiin.  'I'lii'  I'l'inilidfiluil  I'tiriiiii  .iiiiliit'ilii'  .N'lir'li- 
wi'Hirrii  SimHh  will  rur  kirp  In  mm. I  1 1  iin'iiiliriincc 
lliiil  llrry  "wr  llic  lili'M.-<iiiL;'i  "ftlM'  UIk  riy  miwI  iVic- 
iloiii  \\hirli  tlii-y  nnw  riii'*v  I"  llif'  Htiii  i  5M  nt'lirn- 
rriil  Cliirk'N  rxju  cliiiiMi. '  'I'lnv  |iiii-liil,(  Lw/cly  "f 
lliiit  Mpiril  of  ailM'iiiuiT  wliii  li  rliiir.ntrii/cd  ilic 
ni'lcirM  ill  lliMt  iii.lilc  ciiliTi'Tim'.  Tin  y  liiinw  will, 
Hir,  llii'  |MTils  .mil  liiiiil»lii|i.i  iiLiilrin'  In  llic  nrltli'- 
mi'iil  nl'ii  new  iniiiiiry.niiil  InlliiMi'ili  I'cnrciiv'iiiliNl 
(lie  ili'|ii-iiliiiinns  nl'ii  v.iv.iL'r  I'm  ,  iM  'ly  n|'  ilii'iii, 
Inn,  wliilr  li'^lilini:  miller  llio  I'^'inininiil  nf  tlii'  iiii- 
iiinrliil  .Iiii'ksnii  iirid  ilw  .,'iiltiiiil  .Inlinxnii,  L'niniil  iin 

•■X|irrir ■  llmi  ni,iK|iil  llicm  In  I'l.ir  wiiih'ms  ilinl 

llic  I in'  nii'r.y  nt'  (In-  IJriliHli  luiil  Imlian  wml'irr 

'\n  iTiH-lly  riliiM-'il:  lull,  sir,  ih.  y  wmilij   Imil  wiili 

Hi'nnl  Onlii  llir  lii'.'ll  lilil.ri  nt' p.  .WIT  mill  |illMii' Brl- 

vnnl  wli.i  wmiM  .shriiik  iVniu  llir  iii;iiiili'iiiiiii'r  nl" 
till'  Wi,Wi(j  mill  ftiriiiif  of  till'  iiiitinii,  nr  t'rnni  tin-  ilc- 
IViii'i',  In  till-   vi'ry  liisl,  of  r\iry  iinli   nt'  livrilnry 

wllii'll  nf  ri_-lll    III  I..II-S  tn  MS,  1  VI  II  llinllL'll  it  VM'li' 

n  I'mnii  i-nik  nr  mh  ril  "iinilH.  ("Inr  nirlii  nml  liili- 
111  ilio Ori'u'nii  ti-rriinry  liii.*  I'nv  ycurs  ni-.'ii|iiii|  ihc 
nUeiilinn  nl' mir  wisixi  miil  nin.''t riili._'iii.'iinl  slali'.i- 
nii-ii  null  jiiriiis.  Tliry  Imvc  Hpnkiii,  wiilii'ii,iiiiil 
jmliliHliiil  ilir  rfniilt  n't' lliiir  iiiM  sii-ntiniiN  ii|inn 
llic  "iil'iiit,  mill  KjirinJ  lliiiii  iil.rniiil  llirnii;'liniit 
tlic  laiiil.  'I'lii'  |>in|ili'  liiiir  nail  anil  iiiaiiin  |y  re- 
fli'ricil  ii|inii  tluM  ijiii  Minn,  mill  ili<  y  li.ur  ilrlll.i  r- 
nii'iv  ili'i'iili'ij  tliul  tlio  icrriinrv  i--*  miiN,  iiiiil  .'.liinilil 
III'  il|.|i-iiili-il,  it'  III.  il  l.i-,  (in  llir  Iiiiil'ii.il:i;  nl'  Jiirk- 
snii,)  at  till aiiiinn'.s  iiinmli." 

'I'lii'  i|iiisiinn  nl'iiili'  has  lii'in  NO  iil.ly  nnil  fully 
(lis'ii.sNi'.l,  that  I  will  iini  ;,'ii  iiiln  mi  i  liil.nnili'  i  \- 

p<isi'i I'll.     As  it  i.s  a.kimwliiluril    l>y  all  iliat 

.■>|ii  in  first  iliHc-nviTiil  till'  iinitliwi  Ml  I  iiM^I  iif  Aiiiir- 
i.-a.nnd  ns  wi',  by  the  "  Klnridii  iiiaiv  nf  I'lli- 
niary,  If^ll^"  raiiie  into  {iii8(«i>sii)ii  nl'ilie  Spaiiisii 
tilli',  I  will  U-.)  I.aik  tn  a  |ii  find  rai  liir  than  tli|. 
disi-overy  nf  Sir  I•"r.^ln■iH  Drake-,  liy  vi.tiu'  nf  wjin^c 
rfiHi-nviTicH  (JriMi  liritaiii  lay.s  s.iini- i-laini  In  tliis 
l'rrit..iy.  .And  in  lining  iliiii,  I  sliall  ixlni.t  fmni 
III.'  iilili'  rpiLiiis  nf  .Mr.  riisliiii!;  nnd  Mr.  Haylirs, 
mill  till'  wrilin.'..<  nf  nilirr  ilisliiii:iiislii'il  :.'iiitN'mi'ii 
wlin  linM'  I'Ximiinrd  llinrnii;.'li!y  tlii'  early  liiNl.iry 
nnd  Hi'lllniieni  nf  lliiti  Irrrilnry. 

"  VVitlimit  i-f  lyin^  iipini  jii-  rniiti',  iind  L'iviii; 
'  BWny  evMi  till. Voyai'i'  nf  .Maid. mail..,  \\r  have 
'.•mtlienii.' pin.if's  tiini  ("'al.rill.i  (nr  [''rrriln)  had 
'i'\plnM.'il  In  latiiiide  -IIP  ill  i:)4;i;  iliaifiali  wa»at 
•.■JV-";)!!',  if  lint  I't  ru°:i()'  m  l.V-^';  ih.it  the  San 
'  Aii<,'iiKiii\  wa.s  at  the  liny  nf  .'<an  Fraiii'i.srii  in 
'  luO.i;  that  Juan  de  Kr  a  enii  red  the  siraii  iimv 
'  liearini:  Iiis  name  in  1  ,0;  anil  that,  in  KKI-J,  \'i/.. 
'eainn  (ihat  is.  Marlin  ile  .A^^iiilar,)  .■^mvev.ii  the 
'  enimt  nf  Calif., rniii  a."  far  up  as  iln  river  nf  Airiii- 
'  lar.  He.sides  whieli,  the  null  r  eniiHtnfCalifnniitt 
'  wng  e.vplnreil  iininedialely  niVr  the  enmpie.Hi  l,y 
'  the  nrders  nf  Cnrie.s  mid'  nf  Afi  ndn/a.  In  ("iine 
'  .Meiiiln.'in..,  nnd  was  n  pi  at.  illy  v  iMied  liy  ihe 
'  Manilla  ships— in  pnnide  a  piirl  fur  whoi'n  the 
'  expedition  of  Viz.'aiiii)  w.i.'<,  in  part,  iinderlnkeii. 
'  And  upnii  these  various  dis.'iivi  rirs,  and  the 
'  prnxiniily  of  their  netllenif  ni.i  in  Mexico,  the 
'  (invermiieni  of  Spain  prneei.li  i|,  ni  the  eniirse  of 
'the  Heieniceiilh  eeiitury,  to  make  nr  iiiillinrize 
'  seillemriil.s  in  Xew  Califnrnia,  .sn  as  tn  'u-riiiire 
'all  the  IcrrilnnnI  rii;hls  l.y  wliioli  nny  iMirnpean 
'  Govcrnineiit  ever  ha.s  oliiaiiii-d  original  elanii  lo 
'sovereifiity  nf  the  soil  in  .Ainerii-a. 

"  Yet  Great  RriUiin  sei.s  up  i  lainis  of  s.mie  sort 
'on  the  iinrthwest  enn.st,  in  virtue  of  the  v.iya^rp 
'  of  Sir  Kranris  Drnke,  wlin  hnnieil,  in  l.'iTII.  ain 
'  point  on  the  .-.miu  nf  (.'alifornia,  either  in  the  hnv 
'of  San  KraiL-iseo,  or  more  |.i'nlianly  in  thnt  iif 
'  Uode:,'a,  liiit  it  is  nnl  well  seithd  whii'h.  Sir 
'  Trnneis  Drake  als..  apprn.i.ln  d  il,.- ,  na.'-l  in  iU  nr 
'  43  dcirrees  nnrth,  hiii  witlinui  landiii'.'.  One  of 
'  the  n.i'.ainis  nf  hi.s  Miyiu;e,  indeed,  (Tlir  Horld 
'  fincoHi^iMSfi/,)  sayN  he  went  to  ^^^  north;  Ijiii 
'  tliLs  is  me.inipatili'le  w  ith  nth.  r  j.arhi  of  tiie  same 
'  linok,aiid  also  with  aiinlherof  the  old  aceonnlK, 
'  (  /'nwioii.ii  I'mjaKc)  'J'hey  tell  the  sin.y  thus:  ()ii 
'  the.  .'td  of  June,  Drnke  was  in  latimd,?  4^;  on 
'  llie  ."iih,  he  made  land  in  laliiiide  4:P:  l.iii  it  had 
'  then  eome  on  e.dd  and  lenipesiiiou.s  weiillier,  nnd 
'  he  was  romp.'lled  to  turn  liaek,  nnd  no  mnke  u 
•  Imrbc-  III  laliiude  3H°3ir.     These  arc  the  (i"-nres 


■  L'iveli  in  the  honks.  Ill  additinll  to  wllirll,  II  lllliv 
'  lie  staled  thai  1  l.e'kliiyl  plm'i  stlie  hliiil  of  Drake's 
'  vnvau'e  Ml  l.'l'.  anil  I'lireh  is  at  tti'';  anil  lli.it 
'  neither  I.edviiril  iinr  1  larris  I'arrii  s  liini  I'lynnd 
'  Ihe  limit  of  I  Inrkhiyt." — llaiiltn'i  lleimrl,  /i.  I,'!. 

'  "  ;\llllni|.rli  Sir  l''laneis  |iri  li'lideil  In  lake  pn«- 
'  sesBinii  nf  the  I'l.iiiitry,  and  to  rail  it  ,\'.  le  ■///ilun, 
'  Ihi.si'.ii'lil  anioiiiii  to  nniliiiiKiii  airmiisi  SpiiiiMlie 
'  iinnr  ilis.'overer.      I''ii::liiiiil,  hy  l..ii.''iiiii:  nl  New 

'  ('aliliirnia,  miilil  not  ai'i|iili' ly  ri'/hls  whalever; 

'  for  wliiiii'Vi  r  ri'.'hi  sneh  iin  .let  inny  I..'  deemed 
'l.y  the  KiirnpiMn  .'niiveiitioti'd  I'.w  to  h-'nire,  leiil 
'  aireiiily  heeii  .ippr.ipriiili  d  l.v  Npiiin.      .And  Spam 

■  alsii  ).i.i.'ei'd.  d  t.i  il.i  Iha;  wliiili  l'',ii'.'laiiil  did  nnl 
'ill.,  and  whM''i,   l.v  Ihe  same    I'lnrnpiaii   enliven- 

'  iional  law,   is  de.  na  d    tin iisiiinmiilinn  of  the 

'  ini'hnaie  title   {.'iiineil   l.y  dis.-i. very :  iiatin  Iv.  the 

'  f.irmalinii  nf  HettlemeniH   111   llie  I iilry  ifiseov- 

'  ered.     T.'  fay  iiolhiii'.:,  llii'i-elir.-e,  of  llie  alislird- 

■  ily  of  rlaimiii'i,' liile  for  Knu'laiid  as  ii.jaiiiHl  Spam 
'  l.y  the  pirmiial  aiti   of  a   prot'es-.ioniil  |iiiale — 

I  '  siieli  ns  Sir  I'l-iiin-is  Drnke,  in  m..st  of  Ins  expe- 
'ililions  iilniii,' the  Aiiieriean  enasi,  was — tn  say 
'  iintliiier  nf  this,  if  Sir  l-'iain'ls  Drike  had  l.i  en  a 
'  pe.i.'eliil,  unit  any  niie  a  just  explmi  r  in  l.i  half 
'  nt'l-Jiidiiid,  yel,  ai'i-nrdin^'eveii  i.iilie  iiinsi  liheral 

,  '  nf  idl  the  riili'N  nf  Inieniati d  law  applieahk'  to 

'  '  his   eas,',   his  .ii'ls    in    reality   il'i  ired    on    lii.H 

'  (iovenimeni  no  territoriixl  ri),'ht«  wliiitiver  in 
'  Anieri.'ii."         »  .  .  .  . 

"  Don  .Iiian  I'l  re?  set  »ail  frnni  llin  port  nf  San 
'  lllas.  In  .laniiiiiv,  lol.in  the  .  nrvi  lie  SanliiiL'o 
'  Willi  Hsli'l.an   .111."!'  .Martiiiii'   f'ra  pilot,   liavins; 

■  nrder-s  In  reeonr..itre  Ihe  enasI  from  Mniilerey  lo 
'  the  tillih  di'„'i-ee  of  north  liitiiiiile.  'I'hey  ..nrhor- 
'  I'd  ill  the  llnad  of  .N'.i.iika  in  Aieriisi,  177  l,,rtr>/ e/' 
'nil  /-.'in-.'/.Koiv,  and  ealleil  il  Smi  l,ni'.iizn.  Il  was 
'./inii- i(fi(r»  (ifliriniiili  that  Cnnk  visited  the  .same 
'  plaep,  mid  Valh-il  il  Kin^'  (Jei.i-ii.''H  Soiiiid." — 
lliimlwlill,  ,\;,iir.  /.'-/I.  rem.  i.  ;i.  331. 

"The  year  tnll.iwliur,  (177.'i.')  a  seennd  expedi- 
'  linn  sailed  frmii  San  lilas,  niiiler  the  nnli-is  nf 
'  D.in  r.riinn  lle.-ei.i.  Dim  .Inan  ih-  Aynia,  nnd 
'  r>tiii  .liiaii  de  III  lI.ideL'a  y  Uiiailra.  The  in.idenl.s 
'  nf  this  vnva'51'  are  kiinvMi  In  Kn-ilish  readers  l.y 
'  the  j.iiiriial  nf  the  pilot  Mamelle,  piililisheil  i'n 
'  llarriiiL'tnirH  Mis.'ellanies.  Tin  y  explored  the 
'  en.-ist  11:1  to  laliliiile  .^-'^,nnll  were  the  first  lo  di.s- 
'  rnver  llie  iimiiili  nf  the  river  ('nliuiiliia,  whii'li 
'  theyealh'd  Eiilrada  de  II.  .eta." — lliiinliulill,  tome 
i.,  ;iii,'f  3:111. 

"Spam  wns  the  first  I-'iir'.penn  Pnwer  lhat 
'  dnlll.leil  C-ipe  Millllniilio  and  ('a|ie  lilllll.n,  the 
'first  that  vi.'ilid  the  rivi  r  i<(  A'.'iiilar,  the  first 
'  ill, It  di.s.'oM'ied  the  inlet  of  ('nhmihln  river,  the 
'  first  tliMI  visiieil  Nnnika  .Sound,  the  first  ilinl  dis- 

•  I'oveie.l  llie  .Sivaii  of  .liinn   de   Knea,  and  llir  first 

•  lliii!  fitrimi!  »»i/  nhitili-liimul  en  niiit  jiiirt  nf  llic 
'  vonhursi  mil-:!  fiiiin  f'li/i/eniiii  In  llif  fiiiij-iiiiilh 
'  ilrgrit  ;f  Viiilli  Idlilmlr.  Here  is  the  prior  title 
'to  that  01'  l'.ii.4;land,  luitli  hy  discovery  and  hy 
'  seltlertient," 

"  Very  .>j|ii;litin!;  areoiinis  of  tliese  voynfje.s  nre 
'  1.1  he  fniiiid  ill  the  I'aiL'lisli  liniiks,  wliieh  so  inl- 
'  iinlely  des.'ril.e  thai  nf  (.'nok.  whn,  nii  his  third 
'  ,iiiil  last  vnvaL'e  ill  177H,  explnred  the  eniist  nf 
'  .Ameriea  frniii  Xnnika  .S.mnd  in  lilieriim''s  Sirail; 
'  htit  lieiii;;  pnsierior  lo  ihe  Spanish  niivi^'atoi-s, 
'  rVrez,  Ilei'fti,  and  othri-s  of  the  older  onrs, 
'  rniild  not  hy  this  voyage  confer  nny  rij;htH  of 
'  di.-i-oviTV  on  Great  Hriialn.  Moreover,  Conk'« 
'  exploiatiniis,  il  will  he  reniendiered,  were  from 
'  .\noika  Sniiiid  nnrthvvard,  and  do  not  toueli  the 
'  fnuiifrv  of  Dreirnn."  #  *  # 

'•  (Iriiy's  voynL'e.s  are  iniiniately  ronnerted  with 
'  ihe  title  of  ihi'  I'liiied  Stales  10  the  possession  of 
'  llrei;nii,  and  therefore  deserve  to  be  mure  dis- 
'  liinily  reconnled. 

"  III  the  yiar  Hf"*,  .Joseph  Unrrell,  tt  di.itin- 
'  L'liislied  nieV.hanI  of  Hostnii,  in  the  Sinte  nf  Mas- 
'  saehnselts.  prnjeeted  a  vnyaye  of  eoninierre  and 
'  illsinvery  tn  llie  nnrlhwesi  enasI  of  Ameriea;  and 
'.Samuel  lin.wii.  fharles  i'.iillin.  Il,  .loliii  Derliy, 
'  f'rowell  ilaleh,  and  .Inliii  iM.  PIntard,  eitizens  iif 
'  the  I'niled  Stales,  heennie  nssoeialed  wilh  him 
'  in  the  enterprise.  Two  vessels  (ihe  ship  Co- 
'  liimhia,  enmnianded  hy  John  Kendriek,  nnd 
'the  sloop  WashiiiL'tnn,  hy  Itolierl  Gray)  were 
'  eipiipped  and  |.rnvidiil  with  snitiilile  inru'iies 
'  f.ir  trallir  wilh  the  nalives,  and  set  pail  from 
'  linslon  ill  Oitolier,  17W7.  This  expedilinii  wns 
'  re;;ardeil   wilh  mu'di   iiilcrcsl,  it  hi-inj;  the  first 


>  iiitemnt  frnni  ihn  llnitril  Hlatea  In  rirriimni>vi);Hla 


■the    L;lnl„ 


The  Cnliiinhiik   iirrlvrd    nt    Niiolkii 


'  Snmiil  the  llilh  nf  Septi'iiilii  r,  I7HH,  and  tin 
'  \VaHliin.;ion  h.i.iii  afierwaiilH.  Here  they  pin. 
iH'ided  lo  iidlei'i  furs.  While  on  the  eniisi,  Cap- 
■  lain  (iiiiy,  in  the  NVanlilni;iiin,  entered  iiitn,  anil 
'  Niiihil  Hniiie  way  lip,  the  Inii^-.h.Mi  .Strait  nf  Jiiaii 
'lie  I'lii'ii,  wliii'li  Marlinez,  ill  1771,  had  seen,  lait 
'  not  eiileri'd.  (  iiplani  Gray  was  tin  11  trannl'eni  d 
'111  the  ('oliiliiliiii,  an, I  pni.eeiled  In  lirr  to  Can-. 
'  Ion  will)  the  fiirx  eolli  .n  d,  anil   iiiCaiitnn   limk 

*  In  a  I'lii't;!!  of  II  as  for  lt..sloii,  ( 'apiaiii  Keniliiek 
'  relll.illllli;,',  on  the  enasl  ni  the  slnnp  \\  iiMllilclnn. 
'  'I'hiis  fur  the  eiiierpi'ise  had  iml  pinved  a  i;unit'iil 
'one  to  the  parlies,  two  of  wli.mi  ( .Messm.  Der- 
'  hy  and  I'lnlard)  di.^pi.sed  of  their  slniris  lo 
'  iVlei-.sis,  Itarr.  11  and  Ih-nwii;  w  Im,  wuh  their  re- 
'  llianiin:,;  nssnnati  s,  de.  iili  d,  in  vi  rtheleNs,  lo  de* 
'ipali'h  Ihe  (nlnmliia  oin'e  a';aiii,wiih  Caplani 
'  Gr.iy,  1..  till'  nnrlhwesi  eoiist,  lie  .ueordiiii;ly 
'  pi-ni'ieil.  d  lliiiln  r,  and,  on  the  7lli  nf  .May,  H'.!-,', 

^  '  eaiiie  in  siitlii  nf  kind  in  l.iiiiiide  4li'  .'in',  and  nn- 

,  *i'linrid  In  wiml  In  iiami'd  lliilfniih's  llarlinr,  linw 

'ealleil  GrayV  HarlMir.     On  the  Hili   nf  .May,  he 

'em.  red  a  liir,'i- river;  and  on  the  Ulli,  s.nh  il  tip 

'  the  same  ahniit   fi.i..'ii'i  n  iiiiies,  and  r.  iiiaiin  d   111 

*  the  river  iiiUil  the  '.'Isi  nf  .May.  Tn  this  river  ho 
'  (;ave  the   naine  nf  Ins  ship,  and  the  iinrlh  side  nf 

'  the  enlian.e  he  iiilled  <'ape  Hall. k — the  sniilll 

'  Hid.',  I'ninl  AilaiiiN,  'I'liis  is  ihe  tir.-'t  1  iilran.'o 
'  and  i'\ ph. rutin  11 . >t' the  river  ('nlinnlna,  the  inlet  nr 
'  liay  nf  wliieh,  linvv I'Ver,  had  heeii  seen  liy  Ayaki 

'  and  Ilii'eia,  and  lalliil  hy  lliiiii  Kntraila  de  He- 
'  eela,  as  we  have  hefnre  stated;  and  so  far  as  the 
'  diseovery  and  explnialiiin  of  this  river  frinii  tho 
'  nea  ean  eiiiit'er  any  elaiins  nt' Miveri  i;;nly,  thn.so 
'  I'lalms,  till  ri  fnre,  lielniii;  lo  the  llinted  Slates, 
'  hoih  111  her  own  ri':lil  and  in  ri^ht  nf  .spam. 
'  And  nlthoiiL'h  the  voyage  was  imprnliial.le  10  iii« 
'  eiiierpilsnn;  projei'tors,  it  was  highly  inip.nuinl 
'  111  the  lliiiteil  Sii'les,  as  well  hy  niviiii:  ri;;hla  nf 
'  dis.'.nery  as  lie.'aiMe  11  npened  the  way  to  a  most 
'  valiiahle'  and  pi-oiiiielive  eoiniiierce,  wliieh  vmis 
'  aflerwniilH  pursued  liy  other  eilizens  nf  the  lini- 
'  ted  .Stales." 

"  Van.niiver  himself,  in  his  own  iinrr'ilive,  stale.* 
'  Iriilv  and  eaiidiill> ,  with  the  frankness  natiiral  lo 
'  II  hrave  sailnr,  thai  he  derived  the  kiinw  led.;e  of 
'  the  existein'e  nf  Cnliiniuia  river  frniii  t'aplaiii 
'Gray,  whn  had  pieviiinsly  visited  it,  and  naineil 
'  il,  aiiil  whn  spnke,  Vaiieniuer,  and  I'liiiiminnialed 
'  to  him  the  lint.  On  the  •J'.ltli  of  April,  17'.I'J,  V'liii- 
'  eoiivrr  says  that  he  Sjinke  ihe  ship  Cnhinihla.  '.,i 
'  ISnsinn,  t'apl.nii  Itoherl  Gray;  that  Gray  ravi  in- 
'  fornialinn  of  a  river  in  4tl"  lit';  and  he  then  pr  )- 
'  eeeds  tn  nienili.ii  a  previnna  vnyiifie,  thai  ot  lie 
'  Wnshinfjtnn.iii  wliieh  Grny  had  entered  the. Slr.dt 
'  nf  Jn,'m  de  Kin a. — (loijngi ,  nil.  i.)  Afierwarihi, 
'  when  Vaneniiver  sent  I'ironsriiinii,  one  of  his  olH- 
•oers,  lo  explore  the  river  t'nknnhia,  lie  says; 
' '  llrnuu'litnii  had  fnr  his  t;iiidani'e  thus  far  up  the 
'  inlet  a  ehnri  hy  -Mr.  l<ray,  who  had  eoiiiinanded 
'  Ihe  Anieriean  ship  Coliimliia.'  In  the  .same  plaee 
'he  uses  the  name  of  I'nint  Adatiis,  ap|illtd  hy 
'Griiv."— ( I'"'-  ii-,;'.  .''3-) 

Mr,  Ihiehaiian,  111  lii.-i  h  Iter  of  the  .'tilth  Aii;j;iist 
Inst,  lo  the  IJrilish  Minisler, (Mr  l'aki'iiliaiii,;aiid 
nt  the  I'los'i  nf  Ins  ahle  nnd  inianswer.ilih;  ar;;ninenl 
in  favor  of  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Ori'.,'oii,  says: 

••  Upon  the  wlinle:  l-'r.in  the  most  enrefnl  and 
'  ample  exaniinaiion  whieli  the  niidor»ij;ncd  has 
'  lieen  ahle  In  liisinw  upon  the  Huhjeet,  he  is  salis- 
'  lied  that  the  Spanish  Anieriean  tiile  now  held  hy 
'  the  United  Slates,  einhraeiin;  the  whole  lerrilory 
'  heiween  the  parallels  of  4'J  ilegrees  and  .M  denrees 
'  411  mlnnles,  is  the  hest  title  111  exl.sleiiee  In  tins 
'  entire  ri';.,'ion;  nnd  that  the  cinini  of  Great  Urilain 
'  lo  any  portion  of  il  has  no  Kiiilieienl  fonnduiioii. 
'  Kven  liriiish '-'I'lHiraphers  have  lint  donhled  oiir 
'  title  to  the  territory  111  dis]iute.  There  Is  a  larse 
'nnd  splendid  t^lnhe  now  in  the  Deparimein  of 
'.State,  rerentiv  received  from  l.nndnn,  and  puh- 
'  lislied  hy  .Malliy  iVC'o., '  niainifai  tnieis  and  piih- 
'  Ushers  lo  the  Sni'iety  fnr  the  DiHiision  of  Useful 
'  Kiiowleilj;e,'  wliieli'asNl;;ns  this  lerrilory  lo  the 
'  United  Stales." 

I  laving'  said  thus  nnieli,  Mr.  (.'hnirnian,  In  sup- 
port of  oiir  title  111  ihe  whole  of  tlre^nii,  I  shall  tnkc 
neension  lo  rail  the  altenlion  nf  llie  eoinniiltee  to 
the  opinioiiHof  many  distinguished  Senators  at  the 
third  session  of  the  :27lh  Congress,  un  the  hill  in- 
troductd  hv  one  of  the  then  dislni-'uisUed  ycimtors 


I 


irciininiiviKntD 
'<!  ut  Mouikii 
*Hr*,   iiimI    iIio 

IC   flht.-'l,  (    tljl* 

I'i'i'il  mill,  iiiiil 
Sliilil  III'  .liilill 
liiiil  Ni'in,  liiit 

I  II  Irtlllnli'lli  il 

II  lirr  III  (mi- 
t'jiiiiiiii   iiMik 

iiJii  Ki'iiiliirk 
\\  ii»liiii:;liiii. 

)\r(l    a   ^lllllt'lll 

{ MiMMiH.  hi  r- 
■ir  NliiiriH  til 
Willi  llii'ir  If 

lirlrUN,  III  ill  • 
VUtll    i.'ll|il.llll 

('  iirroriliMuly 
■iMiiy,  nil','. 
'  jh',  and  lui- 
llmliiii-,  iiiiw 
I  III'  Alay,  he 

4lll>  HUllllI   ll|> 

I  11  iiiaiiiiil  hi 

II  tills  rivi  I'  lir 
lllil'lll  Hlilr  ut' 

•k — lliu  Hlllllll 

lir.-'l  ciiiiiiii.'ii 
III,  llir  mill  iir 
ii'ii  liy  Ayul.i 
iliaila  ill-  llr- 
Hii  till'  a.i  llic 
i\rr  t'riiiii  (111? 
iri;;iily,  tlinM) 
liuii'd    Mali'N, 

J,l     111'  .S|ilUII. 

iiliialilr  III  iiK 
ily  iiii|i<iilaiit 
mi^'  nxlilH  III' 
vay  til  a  iiiunC 
I',  wlilrli  \Mis 
IH  of  the  Uiii- 


I 


|H1(5.) 
'i\>rii  Com. |ht  Sksh. 


Al'PKiNDIX  TO  TIIK  COMiKKSSlU.NAI.  (iLOUK. 

The  (Jri\i;oii  (■fiimlion — Mr.  Hohrrt  Smith, 


Ho.  nil-  Uki'm. 


Crmn  Mi«»iiuri— imw  no  mnri! — [Dr.  Linn.]  "  li> 

*  iiiitliiiri/.c  tlir  ni)<i|>lii)n  of  iiii'iisiirrH  t'or  the  iin-ii- 

*  pillion  1111(1  Hrtllriiiriit  ol'  ill*:  li'i'i'iiiiry  of  Ort-;;oii, 

*  I'll!'  I'XIi'iiiliii;,'  rri-t.iiii  |iiirlliiiiH  III'  ihr  liiWN  iil'  the 

*  IhiiliMl  Slat!'!*  oMT  tlif  M'liur,  ami  t'or  iitliri'  (mrjio- 
'  urN."  The  in'rujiiiliiiii  mill  srlllrmiiit  of  the  Urr- 
i;iiii  Irrilliiry  liy  mir  (jinenimiiit  wa.w  ii  lavorile 
iiiriiNiiri'  III'  the  iilile  mill  iiihlilril  Si'iialor  Limii  nnil  | 
III'  laliiiri'il  iliii'iiii;  liin  Inilliiiiil  Keiiiitni'lal  rai'i'ir 
^V'llll  II  /.eal  niiil  an  iirtior  ili-Mri'vinir  more  liivuralile 

ri'HuliH  tliiMi  he  Ih'i'iI  III  Ki'e  III in|iliHlieJ.     Hut  Inn 

iiaiiii'  will  liiiii;  live  in  the  ;i;rali  I'til  remuliiliralii'e 
oleii  ry  |iiilniilii'  Aimrieaii  liir  the  liiilil  mill  iiolile 
I'liiir.-ie  he  |i(iiHiii-ii  on  the  Oi-e>;oii  i|tii  Hlioii.  'I'liu  ' 
liill  III'  l>r.  Ijiiin  mil  the  XHiiie  iilijei'iioni  we  iiiiw 
Hull  iiri^eil  imiiiiiHlihc  |iroooHilioii  under  eoiiNiileni- 
lioii — iliiit  it  wan  inex)ieilieiil  to  le;;i«liile — that  It 
v.'oiilil  exeile  the  indi:;niitiiiii  iil'liieat  llntaiii,  iiliil 
that  war  would  re.iiili;  whilHl,  if  we  woiilil  only 
ei'tiM'  III  Ii':;irt'ale,  unil  ^o  on  Hettlin^  the  eoiiiitry 
■jiiii'i'y,  Il  would  Noon  fall  Into  our  inind.s.  Mr. 
l!eMliin,  in  lllmwer  to  mime  ol'tlie  olijeeliiUlH  urL,'ed 
'ii^aiiiHl  the  liill,  and  in  ilerenre  ol'imr  title,  Miiid: 

"(In  one  |Miiiit  there  i.s  unanimity  on  iImh  Hour, 
'and  that  ix  a.s  to  the  title  to  the  eoiintry  in  i|iieM- 
'  lion.  All  a^'ri'e  ll:  .l  the  title  \»  in  tlie  United 
■  ^^lall'.'<.  llii  aniilher  |iiiiiit  tin  re  in  ili\  ixiiili;  and 
'  that  i.s,  on  the  |iiiiiil  ol'i;iviia;  oll'enee  to  Kni;lHiiil 
'  liy  <;raiitinK  the  land  tiiiinr.seitlerH  wliloh  Iheliill 
'  {iro{io.si;H:  oil  thin  |iiiini  we  divide.  Moiiie  think 
'II  will  olVend  her;  some  tlimk  il  will  not.  Tor 
'  my  part,  I  think  Nhe  will  lake  oireme,  do  what 
'  we  may  ill  relalioii  In  tlii.H  territory.  She  waiilH 
'  it  hcr.sell',  and  mean.slo  ipiarril  liir  il,  iTtthe  doeH 
'  mil  ri<;lit  I'or  it.  I  think  she  will  take  olleiicu  at 
'  our  Kill,  and  even  at  our  ili.sounHioii  of  it." 
Mr.  fleiiton  I'mlhur  Haid: 

"  I  nuiiniain  that  the   pass.e;e  of  thi.M  liill,  ant] 
'  these  ijranl.s  to  ihe  settlers, eani;ive  no  ju.st;;round 
'  (irolleiice  loCireiil  llrllaiii',  and  thiu  opinion  In  the 
'  ri'^'iilar  deilui'tioii  from  the  unaiiimiiiis  opiliioii  of 
'  this  Chamlier,  thai   thu  title  to  tlm  lerrilory  in  ill 
'  the  United  .Stale.s." 
In  iimi'lusion,  Mr.  Uenloii  remarked: 
"  I  (,'o  (loie  I'or  lindii'aiini,'  our  rii,'hlM  on  the  C'o- 
Uniiliia,  and,  as  ihu  I'ir.st  step  lowardH  it,  paHHiii<{  ' 
lis  hill,  and  making  llie.se  jrranl.s  of  land,  wliieli 
'  will  .soon  plara:  thirty  or  forly  Ihiiusaiid  rillea  he- 
'  yond    the  llorky  moniitains,  which  will  be  our 
'eli'eeiive  m'^riiliatorf." 

Liii;lanil  will  iiilil  f.iitlt  with  us,  do  what  ive  may  ' 
— inerily  for  callii'f;  in  i|iiesiion  the  Ifrilish  ri^'lit 
to  tlie  territory;  liiit  I,  I'or  one,  urn  mil  to  he  lUler- 
iTil  liy  liny  sueh  eoiisiilerations.  1  do  not  know 
lull  we  may  Imve  to  fmlit  for  our  ri^'his;  but  no 
(III  all  of  Hiieh  a  contest  shall  ever  o|ieralc  to  dtlur  ' 
me  from  a  hold  aKserluin  of  our  title.  I  am  in  fa-  ; 
vor  of  ilie  pa.s.sa;,'e  of  u  liill  at  ihi.s  Nes.shili,  with  a 
piiMinlile,  declaring  the  lille  to  be  in  the  Ujiileil 
Stales.  That  lille  w  ill  be  defended  and  maintained. 
I  am  ready  to  fjive  pre-emption  rij,'liiH  of  land  to 
bclllera  in  dreijim.  Uo  this,  and  hardy  and  eiiter- 
prisinj:  seillurs  will  speedily  emisrate  to  the  territo- 
ry, and  w;ill  prove  themselves  our  best  neirolialors. 
I  am  against  ni^'otialion  in  toto:  that  is  a  field  in 
w  Inch  (ileal  Uritaiii  has  always  beaten  us,  and 
iilway.s  will. 

1  will  also  };ive  the  coinmillce  nn  exlraet  from  the 
speech  on  the  same  bill  of  tliu  present  diHlin;;nisli- 
td  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  (Mr.  Walker.)  ilo 
said  : 

"  The  question  now  was,  really,  whether  we  arc 
'  to  ns,seri  our  ri),'hl.s  in  relation  to  this  territory,  or 
'  to  abandon  them;  whether  wc  will  mainlaiii  our 
'  lille,  or,  by  our  own  iienleet,  suffer  it  to  be 
'  placed  ill  doubt.  Now,  he  was  fully  prepared  to 
'  say  that  he  was  not  disposed  to  abandon  one  iiicli 
'  of  the  territory  claimed  by  this  country  on  the 
'  northwest  coast,  from  the  4:2(1  lo  the  ,')4lh  (les;rec 
'  of  northern  lalilude.  To  the  whole  of  this  terri- 
'  lory  lie  considered  the  title  of  the  United  States 
'  indefeasible,  and  we  should  not  abandon  our 
'claim  to  one  inch  of  il.  lie  wa.s  not  prepared  lo 
'abandon  our  lille  to  iin  inch  of  the  territory,  on 
'  llie  t^iound  that  our  Rssertion  of  it  would  lead  to 
'  war,  or  on  any  other  Kriiund,  because  lie  consid- 
'  ereil  that  title  iiidi.snulable  and  imiefeasilile.  He 
'  believed  it  now  to  lie  the  duty  of  CoiiRress  to  ns- 
'  sen  our  lille;  lo  decUue  to  the  world  that  wc  will 
'  ni'iiiuain  our  ri^'hls,  und  will  nut  abiuidon  them. 
'  If  Great  liriluin  is  to  take  olVencc  al  our  decliu'tt- 
'  lion  that  we  will  imiiiitain  uur  rightful  claiiii,  Iter 


L;imieiit  to  him  liiat  wo 


'doiiii;  NO  would   be  no  ar 
'  oni;lit  III  yield." 

.Mr.  (.'hairmaii,  I  am  no  prophi  i,  nor  llic  son  of 
a  prophet,  (I  liii\e,  himi  vi  r,  In  aid  thai  one  of  the 
family  iiaiiie  hiis  iliiimed  In  be  one;)  I,  hum  \er, 
veiitiin  Lo  predict  thai,  if  we  e\i  r  icct  into  a  coii- 
llicl  with  Ciical  Ibil.iiii,  We  will  never  make  peace 
so  loiiir  a.-i  thai  (joveriimi'iii  ciiiilinnes  to  possess 
one  I'liiii  of  lerrilory  on  ibis  cnniiie  lit. 

h'lir  ihe  lienern  nf  my  wIiil;  rnends.aud  to  show 
thai  ihe  (>i'c:;oii  (|iieslioii  is  no  parly  ipiesliiin,  1 
will  read  sliorl  ixirai'is  from  the  siieechi  s  of  cer- 
tain dlsliii<j;iil.^li(d  will;;  .Seiialnrs  durlii;;  the  peii- 
demy  of  Dr.  I.lim's  lull. 

.Mr.  ditleniU'ii  v^as  nppostil  to  ihe  "joYinn- 
He." 

"  Hi  Uiriiiif,  lis  /ic  i/i(/,  Hull  Miir  IHlr  is  riimiiliir  uml 
'  inililrm'uthiil,  In-  icoii/i/  lie/  mltij  it  hij  iniy  such  yiie- 
'  r(('(/iii^.  ** 

.Mr.  Archer,  of  Vir:;iiiiii,  said: 

"lie  hoped  ihe  Senator  friiiu  Missouri  niider- 

'  si I  thai  he  was  mil  .eillnr  opposed  lo  tie   I, ill, 

'  or  111  the  niainli  iiiince  of  our  riu'hls  whenever  lliere 
'  would  be  occasion  to  assert  lliein.  lie  only  ob- 
'  jecii'd  III  the  exiiediency  and  nece.ssily  of  the  [ire- 
'anible  to  the  lull." 

Mr.  I'helps,  of  Verinoni,  said: 
".As  a  inenilier  of  the  select  commillee,  he 
'  should  say  that  he  did  not  consider  the  preuinble 
'  lo  the  bill,  when  pres.sed  by  the  ehairman,  very 
'  imporlanl;  bill  lie  was  williiiicto  retain  it,  on  the 
*  "■I'ouiid  llial  it  M.is  necessary  to  satisfy  the  public 
'  mind,  lint  now  that  the  snlijeci  had  been  de- 
'  baled,  mid  a  ipirslioii  put  on  sirikim;  out  ihi^  pre- 
'  amble,  he  lhiiie;lii  it  lu'iler  that  it  should  be  re- 
'  tuined,  tliitii  tliiii  any  doubt  sliuulU  bu  created  by 
'  sirikin;;  it  out." 

All  these  disliiii;uislie(l  Seimlors  united  in  ad- 
niiltin;;  that  our  title  was  clear  ami  imiisputiilile; 
liny  were,  however,  oppo.sed  to  ihe  preamble  of 
Dr.  Linn's  bil^cliielly  because  they  feanil  that  its 
inscrlioii  iiiif;lil,in  soiiied(:;rte,  preimlii '  or  lille 
bv  seemili;;  lo  express  a  duulil  on  tli'  Mibjecl. 
Whenever  our  title  comes  to  be  fully  examined, 
all  doubt  on  the  subjeei  niiisl  come  lo  an  end. 
Senator  Linn's  bill  passed  the  Si  mile  by  a  very 
lari;e  inajoriiy.  This  fact,  and  tln^  ar;;iiim'nis 
lli\'i'd  in  IIS  f.ivor,  are  ih  Nerving' of  some  coiisid-  | 
eriition.  I  will  refer  to  the  eminent  ISenalor  from 
Siiulli  Carolina,  [Mr.  ('alhuuii,]  who  made  an 
eloiiiieiit  speech  in  npposiiiou  to  the  bill,  because 
he  deeined  il  inipoliuc  to  iiru'e  our  claims  //nil. 
.Mr.  Calhoun  said  that  our  lille  was  so  ^'ood  that 
it  sloiid  in  no  need  of  a  /iri.s7if  assertion  of  it.  He 
concluded  by  sayiie,'  that,  if  the  bill  were  lo  pass, 
notice  to  Ijreal  llriiaiii  oii^;lil  Jiist  to  be  ^'iven. 
'  While  1  do  not  by  iiiiy  means  approve  all  lliu 
course  of  llmt  dislin,;,'iii.shed  Senator  on  this  (lues- 
lion,  I  trust  til  It  111'  will  yet  be  fiiiiml  comini;  to 
iIkmcmciic,  whalever  maybe  the  filial  delermiou- 
liiiii  of  Con,'re.ss. 

i  miitlit  l.ere  indiihre  in  some  comnienis  on  the   i 
course  pursued  by  certaiin;ciiilemen  of  tlie  .South  in 
litis  debate;  but  it  i.s   not  my  inlciilioii  to  chariie  : 
memliers  from  the  SoulU  or  Xuiih,  wlio  see  lit  lo    i 
oppose  ihisiiolice,  with  a  want  of  patriotism  or  de- 
j  viilion  to  what  //icy  deem  the  best  interest  of  the 
;  country.     We  have  had  loo  many  proofs,  assunr-   ' 

iiij;  the  subsianlive   forms  of  noble  and  generous 
I  deeds,  of  that  devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  whole    '■ 
Union,  to  allow  us  to  doubt  their  pairiolisin.  And 
whatever  course  these  a;eiiilenieii  iiiay  take  here,  1 
have  full  confidence  that,  if  war  shall  come,  they  . 
will  not  slop  then  lo  imiuire  the  cause,  but  will  be 
found  in  the  front  rank,  dcfendiiu';  the  rights  and 
the  honor  of  our  commoii  counlry.     I   have  more 
charily  for  the  honesty  oftho.se  who  dil^'cr  from  me  ^ 
I  in  opinion  than  soineceiillemen  sreiii  tj  possess;  I 
I  believe  men  may  Imnesily  dill'cr  im  threat  iiucs-  . 
lions.      Hut  members  from  the  Wesl  have  been  | 
char:;ed  with  the  desiiru  of  madly  driving  the  coun- 
try into  u  war  with  Great  lirilaln  by  their  "  west-  \ 
em  furor,  braggadocio,"  &c.,  in  pressing  the  ques- 
tion of  notice.     Is   it  to  be  characterized  as  vain  | 
/wfM/iiiq:  and  bmj^ffailncin  to  assert  here  that  wo  are  | 
'  able,  ready,  iind  willing  lo  defend  our  rights,  both  j 
in  peace  and  in  war ;   When  we  say  that  we  believe  '• 
niiil  trust  ill  the  arguments  advanced  by  our  nego-  1 
tialors  in  relation  to  our  liih^  to  the  whole  of  Ore-  \ 
i,  gon,  and  declare  our  delerininaiion  lo  aid  ill  carry-  j 
ing  into  elfecl  ihe  recommendations  of  the  Prcsi 


It  ll  "  ilt'iiiiiifoKuismf"   I  wish  to  itvniil  wnr,  irwn 

ciiii  do  so  wiihoul  I'limprnmisiiig  our  rights  or  our 
lioiiiir;  bill  NiMiner  than  woniiil  either,  I  say  givi'  inn 
war,  with  all  ii.i  Imrrnrs.  If  we  shrink  from  lliii 
liiiiinlenaiice  of  mir  ri^'hls,  from  an  ignnble  fear  of 
war,  we  will  shnw  onrsi  Ivcs  niiworlhy  (Irscend- 
aiiis  of  our  palriiit  I'ailn  rs!  Did  liny,  allhoiigh  a 
mere  handful,  sluiiik  frnlii  asserting  their  rights, 
for  liar  of  inciii-ring  ihe  displeasure  of  Kiiglaml  ? 
If  iiir  form  nf  govern;iieni  cnnfcrs  mure  blcsHinL;M 
upon  mankind  llnui  liial  of  (ireat  Ibiliiiii,  surely 
all  lovers  of  freedoiii,  all  philanihrojilsts,  should 
eX'rt  till  ir  whole  energies  to  .wciire  Ore|;im,  llint 
lliiise  who  iiihabil  il  may  enjoy  the  bleasmgM  of  (i 
ripiiblican  govei'inmnt. 

Ill  lisieniiig  lo  the  in'.'eiiiiiiisanil  eloquent  speech 
of  the  hiinoralile  genileinaii  from  Kenlncky,  [Mr. 
li.  Daiis,]  I  was  alniiist  peisuiidiil  that  llie  coun- 
try wall  rid  by  rrii/.er's  river  belonged  to  Great 
Urilain.  The  Iniiioiable  gtnlleman  from  Kentucky 
conlciiilid  with  great  zeal,  tli.it  they  had  discover- 
ed am!  .'.cliled  lli.il  counlry,  and  had  as  good  a  lillo 
to  it  as  we  had  to  the  cunniry  wnlered  by  tlie  (,'o- 
limibia  river;  and  he  argued  I  hat  il  winilil  lie  a  gross 
oiilriige  now  to  atliinpt  to  lake  possession  of  that 
portion  of  Oiegini.  l!ut  mar  the  close  of  Ihe  gen- 
tleman's speech,  he  i  iiiilendcd  that  by  delaying  to 
give  the  notice,  and  liy  going  on  and  settling  the 
ciiimiry,  wi'  would,  in  lime,  be  able  to  take  the 
irliiilr  up  to  .■)4°  411'.  .\s  soon  iis  I  heard  tlint,  tho 
whole  elfi  el  of  the  L'enilemaii's  able  and  ingenious 
aigiimeiit  evapor.ileil.  I  ihouglit  such  a  proceed- 
ing unworthy  of  a  great  and  growing  counlry  likn 
this.  We  iiiighl  to  act  111  a  inorr  frank  and  manly 
maimer.  We  should  come  out  like  men,  and  ex- 
press our  views  and  inirposis  wi'houl  disguise. 
Like  the  geiiilemaii  frnm  Mas.sacliusetis,  [Mr. 
W^iNTiiiioi',!  I  mil  lint  for  the  " /iiis7i  ;i(i/if!/.  '  I 
want  noihiiig  like  stage  elliil.  I  go  for  declarins 
our  riglils,  and  miiimaining  ihein.  This  is  whnt 
ihe  people  expect  al  our  hands. 

It  seems  that  gcnlliim  n  opposed  lo  the  noticn 
think  that,  by  not  giving  iiolico,  we  can  go^  oii 
settling  and  impriniiig  the  counlry;  and  that  Eng- 
land will  reuiain  passive;  and  that  thereby  we  shall 
be  the  gainers.  This  view  is  ba.scd  upon  Ihe  pre- 
sumption thai  the  liritisli  Government  is  at  once 
ignorant,  stupid,  and  imbecile.  If  p;uglnnd  con- 
siders  her  claim  to  a  portion  of  the  country  just, 
and  wiirlli  retainiiig,  (Iocs  any  one  believe  for  a  mo- 
ment that  she  will  remain  iniiclive.'  Can  any  gen- 
tleman point  me  111  the  lime,  or  to  the  place,  when 
that  Governmeiit  did  not  put  forth  all  her  power 
and  energies  to  accpiire  mid  to  secure  territory? 
Do  they  suppose  thai  the  English  Ministry  are  not 
tlii; 


iiilviscdof  all  we  say  and  of  all  we  do  on  tins  ques- 
tion.' 

The  great  nmiority  of  the  "iean  people  be- 

lieve that  the  whole  of  the  Oregon  territory  right- 
fully belongs  to  us;  that  it  is  ours;  and  that  wc  are 
called  upon  by  every  consideraliim  of  patriotism 
and  love  of  freedom— by  the  duty  we  owe  our  pii- 
iriol  fatber.s — to  come  up  now,  boldly  and  manlVtl- 
ly,  and  declare  this  fact  to  the  civilized  world — 
lliat  we  intend  to  terininate  the  treaty  of  Gth  Au- 
gust, Irti";  mid  that  after  the  twe've  months  shall 
have  elapsed  from  the  time  of  giving  this  notice, 
wc  will  take  possession  of  our  territory,  "  \ieace- 
hlii  if  we  can,  /iircii/i/  if  we  must."  This,  Mr. 
Chairman,  I  believe  lo  be  our  duty;  and  nothing 
short  of  this  will  saii.sfy  the  counlry;  nothing  less 
than  this  will  redeem  us  in  the  eyes  of  the  world, 
after  the  declarations  wc  have  sent  abroad  in  rela- 
tion to  our  claims  to  this  counlry.  If  the  will  of  the 
peiipli'  is  10  be  disregarded  in  the  ndjustment  of 
thii,  great  question,  where  is  the  benefit  of  our 
democratic  or  republican  form  of  government? 
How  is  it  better  limn  a  monarchy?  Where  is  our 
boasted  freedom?  Where  is  the  popular  will  of 
the  masses?  And  echo  will  answer — "Where?" 
Gone,  sir;  gone!  abused!  violated!  trampled  upon! 
l''or  my.selt',  I  have  listened  attentively  to  the  ar- 
gumenlo  of  the  gentlemen  who  nre  in  mvor  of  ilo- 
hiy,  and  opposed  lo  giving  the  notice  now;  and,  sir, 
for  Ihe  life  of  mc,  I  cannot  see  tho  truth  of  their 
conclusions.  If  giving  the  notice  lo  En^lanu  is 
cause  of  war  now,  it  will  be  cause  of  war  if  given 
next  year,  or  at  any  future  time.  If  England  in- 
tends to  hold  on  to  any  portion  of  that  territory, 
nnil  to  fight  for  il,  il  matters  not  -..hen  we  attempt 
to  disposscs.i  them,  wnr  will  bf  the  result.     It  may 


1 


dent  ill  his  Animal  Message,  are  wc  lo  be  told  that  •■  be  true,  that  for  the  last  two  years  we  have  been 


4 


233 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


AITENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


(Feb.  7, 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  If  '.ert  Smith. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


\^ 


incieasiiis;  our  populntioii  in  Oregon  fiiatcr  thnn 
Great  Britain  lins;  but  such  will  not  be  the  result 
in  time  to  come,  unless  we  adopt  decided  nnd  en- 
ergetic measures  to  take  nnd  to  hold  possession  of 
the  country.  Whilst  we  arc  wiliins  to  nefrotiatc, 
England  has  no  fears  of  results.  She  hnows  full 
well  that  she  ran  out-neijotiutc  us.  Take,  for  e.\- 
uniple,  the  northeast  boundary.  Cut,  sir,  v.hcn 
they  see  that  we  claim  the  whole  country,  and 
come  to  believe  that  we  iiucnd  at  any  lulure  time 
to  take  possession  of  it,  ;hey  will  leach  us  that  we 
have  Kanied  nothing  by  delay. 

The  President  reconuncnds  siving  the  notice; 
and  after  alludins;  to  the  three  unsuccessful  nilcnipls 
that  had  been  made  by  the  two  Govennneius,  in 
1818,  18^4,  nnd  1826,  to  settle  this  question  by 
cunipromise,  he  proceeds  to  state: 

"  When  I  came  into  oliice,  1  found  this  to  be  the 
:  '  state  of  the  iicgoiiaiion.  Though  entertaining  the 
'settled  conviction  that  the  liritish  |iretension»  of 
'  title  could  not  be  maintained  lo  any  portion  of 
'  (he  Oregon  territory  upon  any  principle  of  public 
'law  recognised  by  nations,  yet,  in  deference  to  what 
'  had  been  done  by  my  predecessors, and  especially 
'  in  consideration  that  propositions  of  compromise 
'  had  been  thrice  made  by  two  preceding  Adniinis- 
'  (rations  to  adjust  the  ijuestiui'  on  the  parallel  of 
'  fortv-nine  degrees,  and  in  'wo  of  iheni  yielding 
'  toCJreat  Britain  i!.c  iVec  iiuvi_-aliunof  thet.'l.llum- 
*bia,and  that  the  pending  iicgotlHti"ns  had  bei'n 
'  commenced  on  the  basis  of  ciunpromi.'^e,  1  deemed 
'  it  to  be  my  duly  not  abruiuly  to  break  it  oil'.  In 
'  consideration,  too,  that,  under  the  conventions  of 
'  1818  and  18'27,  the  citizens  and  subjevis  of  the 
*  two  Powers  held  a  join*,  occup  ujcy  of  the  coun- 
'  try,  r  was  induceil  to  make  annllier  eli'ort  to  settle 
'  this  long-pending  controversy  in  the  spirit  of  niod- 
'  cration  which  had  gi\en  birth  to  ilie   renewed  dis- 

'cussion.     A  proposition  was  a ndiiigly  made, 

'  which  wasrejeclfd  by  the  British  I'leiiipolentiary, 
'  who,  without  sui)mi'lting  any  other  jirojiositinn, 
'  snlTered  the  negotiation  on  liis  (.art  to  drop,  ex- 
'jiressi''  ;  ■  -  .'-ust  that  the  Unili  d  Slates  w<nild 
'offer  v^  ■!  '.i-:-  ^aw  fit  to  call  'some  fin-tlier  pro,  ,i- 
•»|J  for  t!ie  sMtlement  of  the  Oregon  (piestion, 
'  more  coi.  •  nt  with  fairne.->j  'in'.leiiuity.and  with 
'  the  reasonable  expectations  of  the  British  (jov- 
'  eminent.'  The  jiroposition  thus  ollered  and  re- 
'jected  repeated  the  oflVr  of  the  parnllel  of  ''  i-ty. 
'nine  degrees  of  north  latitude,  which  had  been 
'made  by  two  precidiiig  .\ilministrations,  lint 
'  without  proposing  to  siirrendi  r  to  Coeat  liritnln, 
'  BB  they  had  done,  the  free  navigation  of  the  (.'o- 
'  lumbia  river.  The  right  of  any  I'oreiL'ii  Pipwer  to 
'  the  free  navigation  of  any  of  our  rivers,  llirough 
'  the  heart  of  our  country,  was  one  which  I  was 
'  unwiliiiig  to  iiiiK  ?i!e.  It  m!si)  1  nibraced  a  pnuis- 
'  ion  to  make  ri  e  to  Great  F!  .lin  any  port  or  ports 
'on  the  cape  of  Quadra  ii  Vancn'iiver's  Island, 
'  siHilh  of  this  parallel.  \\m\  this  been  a  new  iiues- 
'  tiini,  coming  "nder  discussion  for  the  first  time, 
'  this  proposition  would  not  hav  br f-n  made.  The 
'  extraonlinary  and  wlioiiy  madnussible  ihmands 
'of  the  British  Govrrnno:  '  -old  'he  .■  ■  -lion  of 
'the  proposition  made  in  ,.,  ;•  irnce  ■'  an  to  what 
'had  been  done  by  ntv  predecf-.^sors.  and  the  iin- 
'  phed  obliyniion  which  their  iii  !s  .'-i  enied  lo  im- 
'  pose,  afl'or  1  s  lisfitclorv  evidence  that  m  conipni- 
'  mi.'iP  which  the  United  States  (mr-l  o  .icci  pi  can 
'  bf.  etlected.  With  tliiscouvielinn,  tlie  prnposilion 
'  of  compromisi'  which  had  been  made  and  reject- 
'ed,  was,  by  my  rtireciion,  subseijuenily  wiih- 
'  drawn,  nnd  our  title  lo  the  whole  Ore^cui  lerriio- 
'  ry  asserted ;  and,  as  is  believed,  niaintaiiied  by 
'  irrefragable  facts  and  arguments. 

"The  civilized  world  will  see  .'.  ihese  pro- 
'  ecedin^s  a  spirit  of  liberal  eoiice.ssii.n  on  ihepart 
'  nflhe  t  jiiU'd  .States;  and  tliis  (iovemnient  will  be 
'  relieved  from  all  rcponsibiiiiy  which  may  follow 
'  the  f'lilnre  to  settle  the  conlrovrsy. 

"  All  attempts  at  coinproniif"  liavinc  failed,  it 
'  becomes  the  duty  of  fmisr  ss  to  cmisider  what 
'  me.i'iures  it  may  be  iiroper  l  >  adopt  f.,  the  seen- 
'  my  and  pr  ileeiiun  of  our  citizens  now  inlmiiiiing, 
'  or  who  may  here.ifler  inhabit,  Oregon,  and  for  the 
'  maintenance  of  inirjiisi  tiilr!  to  that  lenitory.  In 
'  iiijopiing  mea.-iiris  for  this  purpose,  care  should 
'  I  c  taken  :'oil  nolhing  be  done  lo  violate  the  stipu- 
'  liitinns  nf  li.e  ecmvenliioi  of  I^o7.  ,vhich  is  still 
'  in  I'irrr.  'Pill-  faith  of  iriniies,  in  their  letter  and 
'spun,  has  evi-r  beii;,  and,  I  trust,  will  ever  be, 
'  iicrupulously  oUverved  by  th«  United  States.     Uii-  " 


'  dcr  that  eoiiveniion,n  year's  notice  is  required  li 
'  ' 'le  given  by  either  party  to  the  other,  before  the 
I  'joint  iTcupnucy  shall  terminate, and  before  either 
'  can  rigloraiiyass,  i\  or  exercise  exclusive  jurisdic- 
'  lion  over  any  portion  of  the  territory.  This  notice 
'  it  would,  in  my  judgment,  be  propel  to  gi\e  ;  and 

*  !  reeoinmcnd  that  provision  ue  made  by  law  for 
'giving  it  lu-cordingly,  and  terminating  in  ibis 
'  manner,  the  convention  of  the  sixth  of  August, 
'  1827. 

"  It  will  bccoine  proper  for  Congress  lo  dcter- 
'  mine  what  legislation  they  can  in  the  meaniime 
'  adopt  without  violating  this  convention.  Beyond 
'  all  question,  the  protection  i.l  our  laws  and  our 
'  jnrisdiciion,  ci\il  and  c  imiiml,  ought  lo  be  im- 
'  mediately  exieiided  over  our 'iiizciis  in  Oregon. 
'  They  have  had  just  cause  to  complain  of  our  long 
'  ncL'lect  in  this  particular,  and  liave,  in  eon.sc- 
'  quence,  been  compelled,  lor  their  own  security 
'  and  protection,  to  establish  a  provision,al  !;overn- 

•  inent  tor  themselves.  Strong  in  their  allesiaiue 
'  and  ardent  in  their  allachments  to  the  United 
'  iStates,  they  have  been  thus  cast  upon  their  own 
'  resoun'es.  They  are  anxious  that  niir  laws 
'  should  be  extended  over  iheni,  and  I  reccanmcnd 
'  that  ihi:-  be  done  by  C'onirress  with  as  little  delay 
'  as  possible,  in  the  full  extent  to  which  the  Brii- 
'  ish  Parliament  have  jiroceedcd  in  rcirnrd  to  llrii- 
'  ish  subjects  in  that  territory,  by  their  act  of  .Inly 
'0,  Ii"'\'I,  for  reirulalinir  the  fur  trade,  and  eslnb- 
'  lishing  a  criminal  and  civil  jurisdiction  within 
'  ceriain  |wrts  of  North  America." 

Whilst,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  do  not  consider  this  a 
party  question,  bet  a  L'rcal  .\merican  question,  I 
am  free  lo  coiu'ess  that  1  do  not  like  to  see  a  siiiude 
Democrat  against  givine  the  notice,  and  at  ihe  ex- 
piraiion  pf  twelve  nionihs,  taking  posst  'ion  of  the 
country;  fa-,  disguise  it  as  you  will,  all  wh'i  op- 
pose these  nieasures  will  be  pronounced  l.>y  ihe 
people  lo  be  on  l!ie  Priiish  side  of  ihc  (|uesiion. 
.'\nd  wliili'  I  would  iirte  upon  the  Whi','  side  of 
ihis  Hall,  by  the  considerations  of  palnotism  and 
love  of  Iba'rty  which  slioulil  acluale  (very  .Viuc-i- 
can  freeman,  In  ','0  for  exiendiiig  the  area  of  free- 
dom over  the  whole  of  Oreiron,  I  feel  that  all  thise 
considerati(ms  must  operate  with  p-realertorc  upon 
the  Oemocraiic  porliiui  of  the  House.  The  I)e- 
mocracy  believe  thiit  the  pci>ple  have  virtue  and 
intellig(^ncc  noiisli  to  i,'ii\em  themselves,  and  that  i 
the  Ui  prese.  ..ilive  of  the  people  is  lioiiiid  to  obey 
iheir  \\ill  or  resiL""!!. 

Now,  .Mr.  Cliairman,  I  am  convinced  that  Mr. 
Polk  owes  his  elevaiimi  to  the  distinsuished  station 
he  low  so  hmiorably  fills  more  lo  his  opinions  mi 
Ihe  Texas  and  Oregon  i|uesli(Uis  than  to  all  other 
considcralions  uniled.  .And,  sir,  in  his  election,  I 
consider  ihat  the  pecqilc  decided  both  these  great  i 
i|iiesiions  in  the  athrnuilive.  Wliat  were  Mr. 
Polk's  \i(ws  in  relation  to  Ore;;[in.-  I.ei  an  ex- 
tract  from  his  lelier  of  the  'J3d  .April,  lh4'l,  wriiten 
from  ('oinmbiii,  Tennessi^c,  answer.     He  says: 

"  Let  Ihefixid  policy  of  our  Government  be,  not 
'  lo  jiermit  Gre.o  Britain  or  any  oilier  forei:xn  Poner 
'  lo  jtlaht  a  coiuny  or  to  hold  dcmiinion  over  any 
'portion  of  llie  people  ,ir  lerritory  of  the  United 
•States." 

The  President,  in  his  InauL'ural  Address,  .vys: 

"  Nor  will  i;  become  ,n  n  1(  ss  deivree  my  duly  lo 
'  a»fv/  nnd  ini/iatnia.  by  all  ,'onslitutional  means, 
'  Ihe  ri2:bt  of  the  Uniled  Siaii's  to  thai  iioriioii  of 
'  onr  territory  which  lies  beyond  the  Kocky  moini- 
'  tains.  Our  title  to  the  coiinlrv  of  the  Ore:on  is 
''r/f(o'  ami  .'iM/Kr'fifMtn/f/e ,■'  :oti!  tdready  are  niir 
'  iieople  prpannu  to  perlei'l  ihni  lille  by  occupyi,, ; 
'  it,  with  their  wivi  sand  cnildren."  •  •  •  "To 
'  IIS  belnni's  theibiiy  of  pioieciiiii;  them  adequately 
'  when  v(r  ihcy  may  I'e  upiai  our  .soil." 

Bui.  Mr.  Uhnirinan,  we  are  nskid  w)\\  ihis  "'in/ 
/jrt5/c '"  They  uri'P  us  lo  let  things  n main  as  (hey 
are — In  "bide  our  time"^and  we  will  gel  the 
whole  of  Onuon.  In  answer,  I  have  ,-  nly  to  say, 
that  those  who  lielieve  in  the  right  of  insiruciiiin 
have  no  discretion  in  ibis  mailer.  The  sovereign 
people  are  c.illing  upon  their  public  servants  lo 
seitlr  Ibis  vi  \eii  iiueslion,  by  giving  notice  to  Great 
Brilain  of  (air  inlet, iion  lo  terminate  the  ciuiven- 
tion  of  .\iigust  fi,  1^27.  and  to  take  acti\e  and  i  n- 
ergetie  measures  lo  protect  our  cilizens  and  lo 
secure  the  territory.  And  if  war  results  from  (his 
c-onrse,  on  «  lioin  does  ihe  calamity  fall  ■  Is  it  nm 
on  thej.ei.ple.-  Who  light  (lie  bailies (d' onr  cmin- 
try?    Wiio  defend  the  natioiud  honor.'     WluLse 


[  blood  and  whose  treafiirc  have  been  poured  out 
like  water,  in  times  past  to  defend  ?he  nation  ncain.it 
the  aggressions  of  proul  nnd  haughty  Eiidand  ? 
And  whose  will  again  be  poured  out,  in  the' event 
of  war?  The  people's:  yes,  the  thousands  who 
lemain  at  home  in  lime  o'f  peace,  quietly  and  in- 
dustriously lining  the  soil  and  improving  the  coun- 
try,—it  is  this  class  upon  whom  all  this  great  re- 
sponsiiiility  (Old  calamity  (if  such  shall  result)  will 
fill.  And,  sir,  are  they  not  lo  have  the  poor  priv- 
ilege of  directing  their  public  servants  what  to  do 
in  this  matter?  I,  sir,  am  oneof  those  who  believe 
that  the  "sober  second  thought  of  the  people"  is 
seldom  wrong;  nnd  I  firmly  believe  thnt  three- 
lourths  of  the  people  of  this  nation,  if  they  could 
vote  on  Ihe  resolution  now  under  consideration, 
would  be  found  votini;  in  Iheallirniative. 
[  i  am  not,  s'.  ,  for  extending  our  laws  over  a  sin- 
gle inch  of  te.ritory  that  does  not  belong  to  us; 
and  the  alte  native  of  war  would  not  deter  me  from 
going  to  the  very  last  inch  of  what  is  rightfully 
our  own.  Gentlemen  may  call  this  demagogueisnt 
— Ijravado — i^nsconade — bra'.riri'docio — nnd  what- 
ever else  they  may  think  becom  ig.  I  am  respon- 
sible (Uily  to  my  eonstitueiiis  and  to  niy  God.  I 
believe  1  know  the  will  of  those  whom  I  represent, 
and  1  dare  to  do  it, come  what  inav.  And  as  lo 
II  im  who  rules  the  destinies  of  iiaiiimsand  of  men, 
I  believe  Ihat  He  is  im  our  side,  and  that  He  will 
bless  and  proKTt  us  as  He  has  doin^  in  days  that 
are  past.  Exiierience  was  the  best  light  in  which 
lo  look  at  the  future.  In  all  the  wars  we  have  thus 
I'lr  been  engaged  in,  He  has  thrown  His  shield  of 
protection  over  us,  nnd  bles.sed  our  arms  with  vic- 
tory; and  I  trust,  if  we  are  aL'ain  compelled  lo  haz- 
ard a  war  for  the  ninintenance  nf  our  rights  in  Or- 
e:;iin,  we  shall  again  experience  the  .same  happy 
result. 

Gentlemen  idl  contend  that  ours  is  one  of  the 
best  Govennnenlsmi  earth.  Is  there,  lhin,a  mall 
who  enjoys  the  peace  and  privile:xes.  (he  liafipy  se- 
eurily  and  freeiiom  which  distiiiiiuish  the  iidiabi- 
latits  of  this  land,  who  is  not  willing  t',  risk  simie- 
ihiii:'  lo  confer  the  same  blessiiiirs  on  the  thousands 
who  now,  and  the  millions  who  will  heriafler,  in- 
habit Oregmi?  M(  does  nol  deserve  the  name 
■  of  an  .American  eili/.iii  if  he  wiuild  iini.  .\  niaii 
so  selfish  imd  so  dnxaidly,  ill  deserves  the  rich 
blessings  he  enjoys. 

I  (lejirecate  all  iib'a  of  calling  this  a  p:irtj'  tjues- 
lion.  Il  should  not  be  so  considered  or  :io  treated. 
In  my  own  State  it  is  not  a  party  question.  My 
whig  colleaioie,  who  lepre.senis  iru!y  the  Whig 
population  of  the  western  Stales  and  Territories, 
IS  willing  In  go  as  far  for  O"e^-on  as  he  who  goea 
farlhisi.  He  goes  for  the  last  pebble  that  re- 
llecis  the  liL'iil  of  an  tlregmi  moo  i.  This  shows 
whf'(  (be  feelings  of  the  great  A\'esi  are  on  this 
question. 

I  might  adduce  still  sir?  iffer  proofs.  Willi  the 
political  parly  with  wlioni  I  am  in  ihe  hnb  I  of , act- 
ing, the  dislmguishcd  ceiilti  man  from  Massachu- 
setts has  not  heretotore  been  very  popnlnr.  They 
consider  him  as  an  eininenl  and  a  profoiiml  stales- 
man:  s..meof  his  public  acts  they  applaud,  but  there 
are  more  which  (hey  di.sappr.ive;  bii(  now  they  say, 
with  (Mie  accord,  (hat  if  he  coniimies  his  present 
c(U(rse  in  relation  lo  our  ri'_'hl:-i  in  fhet'on,  his  life 
will  lerminnle  in  a  bla/c  nf  "lory.  Willi  them,  this 
is  a  c^oeslion  which  overriihs  all  others. 

It  sheen  said,  however,  thai  litis  strong  feel- 
ine  about  Oregon  is  assumed  for  political  efl'ect, 
n\M\  has  been  iroiten  up  lo  aid  ihe  fortunes  nf  a  par- 
ticular candidate  for  the  Pi-esidency;  in  a  word, 
(ba(  the  Oregon  (lueslion  is  neiiher  mo  or  lesn 
than  a  great  (piestioii  of  I'reAident-inaki'  This 

is  im;  ihe  I'lelnur  in  Ihe  regiimfnou  whir'  ime. 
True,  in  the  V.'tsi,  no  man  would  'le  elecd  ti  a  cor- 
[loral  who  did  mu  profess  to  jjo  for  every  inch  of 
Oregon.  Knr  no  other  re.-ismi  is  this  feelin^  cher- 
ished, than  from  a  deu  rminniion  to  mniniain  mir 
nclils.  All  can(lldale^  and  Iheir  pretensions  sink 
inio  utter  insiLOiilicance  in  coniparisn" 

We  boas(  nf  l>eing  ihe  followers  i  fliomas  .lef. 
I'vson;  nnd,  as  such,  we  niurhl  to  iro  for  the  great- 
es,  cond  of  the  greatest  number.  So  Ion;:  ns  there 
exisis  n  doubt  in  our  minds  on  lliis  <|n(stion,  l"t 
Ihe  people  of  Oreiron  have  ihe  beiielil  of  that  doubt. 
I  implore  genilemen,  by  their  re'-ard  tor  (be  ereat 
principles  of  Democracy,  lo  ^'ivi  iheir  hearty  sup- 
por'  o  |l';.j  truly  Democratic  measure. 
Ai  the  Bahiniure  convention,  rc'solu..oiiii  were 


r 


[Feb.  7, 


1846] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIOIVAL  GLOBE. 


233 


i.  OF  Reps. 

icen  poured  out 

hnnnlionnealnst 
iiirlity  Eiidmid  ? 
ml,  111  llie  event 
llionsands  who 
(jiiietiy  nnd  in- 
Toving  the  coiin- 
II  thiH  ijrcnt  re- 
sliiill  resiili)  will 
le  tho  poor  priv- 
Hiils  what  to  do 
lose  wlio  hehcve 
I'  ihe  people"  Is 
ieve  I  hut  thrce- 
n,  if  Oicy  roiild 
r  consideruiion, 
nntive. 

Inw8  over  a  siii- 
il  liclong  to  us; 
ot  deter  ine  from 
ml  is  ri^lilt'iilly 
s  deningoi:;ueisni 
•id — iiiid  what- 
;.  I  iini  respoii- 
to  niy  God.  I 
^11111 1  represent, 
;iv.  \  lid  as  to 
nnsniid  of  men, 
id  ihal  He  will 
lie,  ill  (hiys  that 
t  h'!;ht  III  wliich 
ir.s  we  have  thus 
11  Ills  shield  of 
■  arms  with  vic- 
mipelled  to  hnz- 
iiir  lighla  in  Or- 
le  siinie   happy 

is  one  of  the 
uv,  Ihen.ft  mall 
s.  Ihe  happy  se- 
lish  llie  iiihabi- 
1?  t'.  risk  some- 
II  the  lhoii!>an>ls 
ill  hereaflcr,  iii- 
erve  the  name 
d  not.  A  mail 
fervid  the  rich 

s  a  piirty  cpiej- 
'd  nr  ,io  treated. 
(|iieslion.  My 
ihv  the  Whi^ 
nd  Territories, 
'  lie  who  foes 
leliMc  that  re- 
'riiis  shows 
1st  are  on  this 

ifs.  Willi  the 
le  hah  I  of  act- 
Ill  Massaelm. 
ipniiir.  They 
rofniind  slMies- 
laiid.  Itut  there 
now  Iheysay, 
ie»  Ills  present 
'ii2:i>n,  Ills  lil'e 
i'iili  ihem,  this 
irrs. 

lis  strong  ft'cl- 

i.ilitioal  efl'eot, 

nines  of  a  par- 

y;  in  a  woi-d, 

mn        or  less 

laki  This 

vvliii  ime. 

elerit  i,  a  eor- 

everv  inch  of 

feetlllir  rlier- 

niaiiiiain  our 

^tensi.'Ms  sink 

riiiinias  .Tef. 

for  the  L'rent- 

lonir  ns  there 
<  (|iiisiicin,  l"t 

if  lliiil  doiilit. 

fcir  the  t'leat 
ir  hearty  sup- 
n. 
iilu..onM  were 


y9TH  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Robert  Smith. 


Ho,  OF  Kf.ps. 


passed  inibodylnff  the  views  of  tlie  Demociotic 
parlv  throiiffhont  'he  land. 

'I'liir  followini; .,  the  one  ill  relation  to  Oregon: 

"llesolvid,  Tl'.o  our  tillc  lo  ih.:  whole  of  llieter- 
'  rilory  of  Or'^oii  i.^  elearaiid  unquestionable;  that 
'  no  nnrtiop  of  ihe  same  ouijht  lo  be  ceded  to  Eng- 
'  land  or  any  other  Power  ;  and  ihiit  the  reoccupa- 
'  lion  of  Oregon  and  the  reannexation  of  Texas  at 
'  Ihe  earliest  praclicable  period,  are  great  American 
'  measures,  which  this  convention  lecommiiids 
'  to  the  cordial  support  of  the  Democracy  of  the 
'  Union." 

This  resolution  met  the  hearty  response  of  Ihe 
people  in  all  rpiarters  of  the  Union.  I  could  cite 
the  coniinitlec  to  hundreds  of  public  meetings  re- 
sponding lo  ihe  nomiii.'lions  made  at  Baliimore, 
and  tlic  rcsohuions  pa>s?d  in  relation  to  Oregon. 
I  will,  however,  refer  ...ily  lo  the  great  ratification 
meeiine  in  the  city  of  New  York  hnmediately  after 
Mr.  Polk's  nomination: 

"llcsolred,  That  the  title  of  the  United  Slates  to 
'  the  territory  of  Oregon  being  unquestionable,  we 
'  hold  it  to  be  the  bounden  duty  of  onr  Govern- 
'  meni,  as  we  believe  it  to  be  the  sentiment  of  the 
'  united  Democratic  parlv,  that  this  territory  should 
'  be  preserved  entire  and  undivided;  that  no  part  of 
'  it  should  be  surrendered  to  any  fnijjign  Power; 
'  and  that  early  and  elVectual  provisions  should  be 
'  made  by  law  for  its  conipleic  occupation,  and  for 
'  Ihe  protection  and  security  of  our  citizens  now 
'  -settled  in  and  emis:raiinir  lo  it." 

These  resolutions  imbodied  the  views  and  opin- 
ions of  the  great  mass  of  the  Democratic  parly, 
and  I  contend  should  have  some  influence  upon 
the  Democratic  portion  of  this  House.  I  venture 
to  say  there  is  not  a  man  on  this  tloor  who  has 
not  received  numerous  letters  approving  thegrou'  d 
taken  by  the  Prcsidcnl,  in  his  Message,  on  ili ; 
Oregon  tiueslion.  From  those  who  are  on  tli  i 
Whig  side  in  politics,  this  approbation  could  not 
have  been  excited  by  the  Presidi.it's  doctrine  re- 
specting tho  sub-treasury  or  the  reduction  of  the 
tariff.  To  what  is  this  owing?  It  cannot  be  de- 
nied that  it  is  owing  lo  the  bold,  manly,  and  inde- 
pendent ground  taken  in  relation  to  the  Oregon 
ouestion.  jS'ever,  sir,  has  a  Message  of  any  Chief 
IVlMffistrale  of  this  nation  since  ihe  formation  of  the 
Government  been  more  enihusiaslically  applauded 
and  approved  lliim  ha.'  the  annual  Mesi^age  of  Mr. 
Polk.  I  have  received  the  most  decided  lesliniony 
from  my  Whig  constinienis, approving  this  to  the 
letter.  Surely,  then,  it  ought  to  have  some  bind- 
ing inllnenee  on  the  Democrats  in  this  liouse. 

In  regard  to  this  measure  of  notice  now  before 
the  committee,  I  presume  it  will  pass  in  .some  form 
by  a  large  maioriiy.  Gentlemen  doubtless  are  ac- 
tuated by  dill'erenl  motives:  some,  ])robiibly,  will 
vole  for  it  with  a  view  to  expedite  negoliaiions; 
others,  because  the  abrogation  of  the  convention 
will  le'iiove  an  obstacle  that  now  pr;  vents  the 
ndoiniin  ofinmorlani  nieasin'es  for  llie  occupation 
of  Oregon.  For  one,  I  should  j-refer  that  those 
who  are  for  compromising  :\i  latilndc  -HP  would 
not  vole  for  Ihe  notice  at  .'dl.  I  should  consider  il 
one  of  llie  irreaicst  calamilies  should  the  boundary 
be  finally  fixed  at  that  line.  Cefore  1  close  my 
rt'iniirks,  I  sliall  touch  on  this  subjict  aiinin. 

Mhi'li  has  been  .said  about  our  .sleeping  o'l  our 
rigliis  for  lliiiiy  years.  P, cause,  in  If^if*,  IS04, 
and  l.vJG,  propositions  had  been  made  .111  our  pait 
to  settle  the  controversy  by  adopting  ihe  foriv- 
iiinlli  ihgree,  r:entlcmcn  supjio.sc  that  u  care  bound 
to  abide  liy  those  iilTers  now.  l!i,i  llie  circiini- 
slnnccs  arc  very  dill'ercnt  now  from  what  ihey  were 
thirty  years  a^rii.  The  value  of  the  connti'v  was 
not  ilun  fully  known.  Lei  me  ask  genilemrn 
from  New  Fiiidand  what  lliev  used  to  think  about 
Illiiuiis,  and  other  wesiern  States,  iweiilv  years 
since  .^  Did  ihev  notilien  «  onsid"r  il  a  far-oil"  coun- 
try, of  little  viiliie,  and  ii'liabitrd  by  scmi-barlia- 
rians:  Not  half  the  acts  if  barbarity  and  criiehv 
have  been  iierpelrated  in  Texas  and  Oregon,  which 
were  charged  as  having  been  cnmniilted    in    ihe 


valley  of  ihe  Mississippi.     The 


peopl 


of  the  Easl 


then  knew  nothing  of  lln-  Wesi,  nod  Ihey  believed 
the  lluinsand  fabulous  la,''  .'el:'.!e'i  of  western  biir- 
barily.  Then'  is  a  vast  dill'cieiice  now.  The 
value  of  llic  Mls^isslppi  valley  i.s  now  properly 
nppreciaTd.  'I'le  chaiiu'c  on  llie  east  side  of  the 
mounliiiiis  is  not  irreaier  than  that  whii '.  hns  taken 
place  In  the  wi  st  of  ihem.  At  that  lime  the  value 
of  Oregon  was  lu  t  known,  its  aUvaiilnijes  were  not 


i  appreciated.     It  was  not  then  known  ihal  it  was 

,  possible  to  open  a  communication  by  land  from 
the  Allaniic  to  the  shores  of  the  Pacific.  The  ne- 
gotiators on  our  sitle  were  willing  10  part  with  that 
oiv  easy  t  rms  wilh   the  value  of  which  they  were 

j  not  acquainted.  These  consideration.^  which  were 
ibcn  all-powerful,  do  not  operate  now.  Great 
Britain  rejected  these  offers;  and  wc  are  not  now 
bound  by  what  we  offered  then. 

This  question  of  title  should  be  settled.  Wo  owe 
it  to  our  settles  >n  (Oregon,  and  to  those  who  are 

;  preparing  to  |.o  there.     Thousands   are   making 

I  preparalions  to  go  to  that  country,  will  the  I'ull 
lielief  that  it  is  outs  as  far  north  as  54"  40',  and 
that  our  G  ivernment  will  assert  and  nia'Otaiu  that 
right.  Dees  any  one  believe  that  man  /  of  those 
■  'lO  have  gone,  and   who  are   preparing  to  go, 

,  would  do  so,  if  they  siqinosed  that  the  country 
was  to  oe  rlivided  between  our  Government  and 
Great  Britain.- — the  one  Government  on  the  north 
siile  of  the  Columbia  river,  and  the  other  on  the 

•  sonih  side?  Such  a  stale  of  things  would,  sooner 
or  laler,  inevilably  lead  to  difficulties  and  disturb- 
ances which  would  end  in  a  war  between  the  two 
eountries.  Then,  si,-,  if  war  must  come  in  the  sel- 
ilement  of  this  question,  it  is  better  that  il  conic 
now  than  laler. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  opposed  to  war;  I  depre- 
cate il:  I  consider  it  as  a  relic  rf  the  dark  ages. 
Would  10  God  there  was  some  other  way  of  set- 
tling the  dispulcs  of  .lations.  But  this  is  the  niin- 
ner  in  which  we  are  sometimes  forced  to  defend 

I  our  rights.  While  1  deiirecate  war  as  an  enormous 
and  a  terrible  evil,  I  do  not  consider  it  the  greatest 
of  evils.  To  what  do  we  owe  our  present  sysleiii 
of  Government?  How  has  our  republic  atiaiiied 
lo  ils  present  mainitude?  Is  it  not  the  resiill  of 
war?  Had  our  falbers  tamely  .submitled  to  the  cx- 
neiions  of  Great  liriiiiin,  what  would  now  have 
lieen  our  eonditiou  ?  They  made  greater  sacrifices 
for  freedom  than  we  are  now  called  on  to  make  for 
Oreson.  For  liberty,  they  pledged  their  livet,  their 
fruiunts,  and  tiieir  sacred  honor.  All  wa.s jeoparded 
freelv  for  liberty,  and  for  the  possession  of  a  com- 
paraiively  steril  strip  of  land,  not  near  so  ferule  or 
valui'.lile  ns  Orcffon. 

How  loiur  could  peace  be  maintained,  if  our  citi- 

i  zenswere  10  selilc  on  one  side  of  the  Ciilumbia  and 

'  British  subjects  on  the  oilier  side?  I  ask  genile- 
men  to  reflect  on  the  probable  consequences  of  such 
a  stale  of  ihiiig-.  But,  in  reply,  1  hear  il  asked, 
bow  have  we  maintained  peace  lor  .so  many  yc;ir8 
on  ihe  Canada  frontier?  There  is  no  parallel  be- 
tween the  two  cases.  The  one  ccunlry  is  hardly 
wiulh  possessing,  much  less  fiixhling  for;  and  yel 
bow  of^ien  have  the  most  threatening  diliicullies 
ari.scn?  And  howwill  it  be  inOreu'cm  nveniyyears 
hence,  wlien  ils  pooulnlion  will  consist  of  millions, 
iiislead  of  the  handful  of  people  who  are  sparsely 
scailered  throuirh  il  now?  <,'an  gentlemen  suppose 
that  two  naiiiins,  such  as  Enu'laiid  and  the  United 
Slates,  can  occupy  so  im]iorlanl  an  "xteiii  of  const, 
and  a  country  that  will  some  day  show  the  largest 
cities  in  the  world,  without  damrer  of  collision  ? 
Collision  is  as  in"vilable  as  that  niglit  follows  day. 
It  will  come:  the  spirit  of  our  iicopje  will  lead  them 
rather  lo  court  it.  Canada  will  one  day  come  into 
this  Union:  and  California,  in  liiiie,  will  belong  to 
this  Government.  This  is  destined  10  be  an  "ocean- 
bound  republic."  Vet  I  would  not  saiu  'on  the 
la'  ingof  any  siep  which  is  iioi  perfectly  c(,n.^jsicnl 
WMi  the  observance  of  goed  faith.  Bi.l  this  couii- 
Iry  must  come  to  us  in  the  very  nature  of  thiiiiis. 
Ail  I  :i;  k  now  is,  that  Coiitrr'  ss  shad  extend  onr 
owii  laws  over  onr  own  territory — a  lerriiory  which 
seven-eii^hlhs  of' the  people  believe  to  be  ours. 

We  have  heard  .stated,  with  much  humor,  what 
constitutes  a  "  masterly  inactivity."  I  will  not  say 
that  all  who  are  opposed  lo  this  notice  are  in  fiivor 
of  .Mic/i  a  "  maslerly  inacliviiy"  ns  that  described 
with  so  much  force  and  effect  by  llie  honorable 
sieiiileman  from  Ohio,  jMr.  ST.inKWK.vxnKR:]  bill 
1  will  say,  thai  if  gcnlleinen  would  use  the  same 
mimterht  afiirilij  ill  defending  our  right  to  Oregon 
as  is  niaiiif'esled  in  oblainiiiic  ihe  door  to  lalk  about 
il,  ihe  balile  would  be  nobly  fcuiL'hl,  and  llie  vic- 
tory speedily  won.  A  eorpimil's  :;unrd  of  British 
snbjeciK  would  not  be  fiuuid  in  Oieson  after  the 
I'xpiraliou  of  Ihe  twelve  nionihs'  uoiii'e. 

t  will  here  rciul  an  exlract  from  llie  speech  of 
Ihe  gcnileinan  from  Virginia,  [Mr.  Bavlv.]  lie 
says: 


I  "The  British  attach  no  importance  to  Oregon, 
;  *  except  i'or  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  the  I'ur- 
!  '  tfade.  That  is  in  a  rapid  decline,  and  when  it 
'  disappears,  the  English  will  disappear  wilh  it  in 
;  'Oiegun." 

He  is  mistaken  in  relation  to  this  niiuter.  They 
i  are  turning  their  attention  extensively  to  agricul- 
'  lure.  I  here  beg  leave  to  give  an  exliact  from 
j  Captain  Wilkes's  Nairalive  of  tlic  Exploring  Ex- 
i  pedilion,  ill  proof  of  this  suucmeul: 

"  In  connexion  wilh  the  company's  establish- 
'  mentatNisquaily,tliey  have  a  largo  dairy,  several 
'  liundred  head  ot  cattle,  and  aiiiong  then  seventy 
'  milch  cows,  which  yield  a  large  supply  of  butter 
'and  cheese;  they  have  also  large  crops  of  wlieat, 
'  peas,  and  oats,  and  were  preparing  the  ground 
'  for  potatoes.  These  operations  arc  conducted  by 
;  '  a  farmer  and  dairyman  brought  from  England  ex- 
'  '  pressly  lo  superintend  iliese  afl'iirs.  A  few  In- 
'  diuna  are  engaged  in  unending  the  flocks,  and  the 
'com|iany'a  servanis  are  nliuosl  exclusively  eui- 
'  ployeil  as  laborers. 

"  1  have  nienlioncd  these  agricultural  establish- 
'  nienls  as  connccled  wilh  the  Hudson  Bay  Cuni- 
'  pauy,  and  they  are  in  rejjity  so;  but  as  their  cliar- 
'  icr  precludes  their  engaging  in  these  oiicrii'.ioiis, 
'  another  company  bar.  been  organized,  under  iho 
:  '  tille  of  the  '  Pugel  Sound  Company,'  the  sharcj 
'  of  which  are  held  by  tlie  ofiicers,  ageius,  and 
*  servanis  of  the  iludsun  Bay  Company,  and  ils 
'  ofiicers  are  exclusively  chosen  from  aniinig  iheni. 
'Dr.  AJcLaugliliii,  for  instance,  chief  ulHcer  and 
'governor  of  l-'orl  Vancouver,  nn  tiie  jiart  of  the 
'Hudson  Bay  Company,  is  also  a  diixclor  of  ilie 
'  Paget  Soiuid  Company,  and  lia:d  the  entire  man- 
'  agement  of  iis  concerns.  His  salary  is  five  liun- 
dred pounds. 

"  Tlie  cajiilal  of  the  Pugct  Sound  Company  is 
'  five  hundred  thousand  pounds,  divided  iiilosiiarcs 
'  of  one  hundred  pounds  each.  Oniy  Iwo  hundred 
'  thousand  pouiufs  of  this  have  been  p;iid  in.  'I'lie 
'  Ojierations  of  this  company  are,  in  consequence, 
'  large.  They  began  by  making  large  imporialions 
'  of  Block  from  Calit'oriiia,  and  tome  of  the  Lest 
'  breeds  of  cattle  from  England.  Tliey  have  also 
'  cniercd  into  farmhig  on  an  extensive  otale,  using 
'  as  laborers  the  servants  of  ihc  Hudson  Bay  Coin- 
'  pany,  who  aic  bound  by  their  comracts  1 1  do  nil 
'niaiiner  of  service  that  limy  be  required  of  iheni, 
'  even  to  the  bearing  of  arms. 

"This  company  have  the  supplying  of  ad  tho 
'  furls  and  slaiions  of  the  Hudson  ''ay  Comp.tny 
'  on  the  west  side  of  the  American  comiuent,  and 
'also  furnish  the  Russian  imrls  wilh  grain,  buiier, 
'and  cheese;  of'  the  former  ariiclc  tiie  Kussiaiis 
'  lake  about  fiflecn  lliousuud  bushels.  Il  is  also 
'  Iheir  iulen  ion,  when  lliey  shall  have  succeeded 
'  in  breeding  a  .-uflicient  stuck  of  caiile  and  sheep, 
'  lo  export  hides,  horns,  taliow,and  wool,  to  Eog- 
'  land,  111  the  return  ships,  which  now  go  liume 
'  comparatively  cmply,  as  the  furs  occupy  only  u 
'  small  portion  of  the  capacity  if  llic  ship.  In  ihi.-j 
'  '  way  il  may  be  reudily  pcrceiveu  :'i:u  iliey  will  be 
'enabled  to  drive  a  profilable  trade,  ii. ''liculaily 
'  wlieii  il  is  co'isidereu  how  lillle  care  llie  ■■  uiie  re- 
'  quire  in  ibis  icrrilory,iu  eonsequeiice  uf  ihe  grass 
'  and  iinuiral  ..ly  which  the  snil  ufrnds  at  all  ae;;- 
'  sons.  Il  is  llie  prospect  of  the  advaniagcous  re- 
'  suits  to  be  derived  from  these  0|ieralioiis  lliat 
'  has  iiuluced  the  Hudson  Bay  Company  lo  change 
'  their  trading  eslablialiniciits  into  large  ugiicuku- 
'  nil  ones." 

The  servants  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Compimy  are 
abandoning  the  fur  Iradc,  and  turning  their  allen- 
lion  to  agriculluial  pursiuis.  There  is  no  qiitslmn 
of  the  fact;  il  is  susceptible  of  proof.  Capiani 
McNeil,  an  American  speculator  from  Eosion,  a 
shrewd  and  cnierprising  man,  had  gone  there,  and 
111  a  few  years  had  made  sad  inroads  on  the  piofiis 
of  the  company.  Wliat  were  they  lodo?  Unwilling 
to  apply  open  force,  they  bought  liini  out.  The 
facts  only  go  to  sliow  that  w  la  11  an  American  of 
taleul  and  enterprise  goes  to  settle  in  lliat  country, 
they  immediately  endeavor  lo  enlist  him  iu  llitir 
se'  ■ice.  Iu  the  case  of  McNeil  they  succeeiled, 
auu  he  is  now  an  active  pailner  iu  iliiit  company. 
Such  is  their  policy.  They  are  doinijall  tliey  can 
to  pi  the  country  permaneiiily  seiiled. 

'I'll  illuslrale  furiher  the  value  of  Oregon  for  ag- 
ricultural and  olher  purposes,  I  will  sjive  a  f'ewex- 
Iracls  from  the  Journalof  Captain  Spaulding,of  the 
ship  "  Lausanne,"  in  lUc  year  184L     In  speaking 


rfffl 


234 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


11* 


1 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


2'ke  Oregon  (Question — Mr,  Chase. 


[Feb.  4, 
Ho.  OF  Heps. 


of  the  spttlement  nt  Fort  Vnncnnver,  nnd  of  Dr. 
MrLnii^liliniOhiefngentoftlie  Hiidsoii  Buy  Com- 
pnny,  he  says: 

"The  Di)Plor  has  l)cen  vpry  siionessftil  in  the  in- 
'  iroduriinii  of  doinestie  nnimnla.     He  first  brought 

•  n  few  enltle  overlnnd  from  CaMforniii,  nnd,  rs  he 

•  seldom  has  any  slnuchtered,  they  have  now  in- 
'  eren»od  to  aboiii  seven  thousand  in  seven  years. 
'  He  has  also  introdui'ed  sheep,  someof  whieh  arc 
'  of  the  finest  speeies  of  the  Merino  and  Saxon 
'  hreedf..  I  saw  a  fimk  of  one  thousand  at  Van- 
'  eouver,  the  finest  and  fattest  I  think  1  ever  saw. 
'  He  has  about  two  lliou.sand  nt  V'aneouver,  and 
'  thinks  drejon  peculiarly  adapted  for  growing 
'  wool.  He  has  tdso  n  l.trge  pardeii  adjoininir  tlie 
'  fort  i-onlainin;;  about  four  arres,  filled  with  the 
'  ehoiccst  fruits,  viz:  ap|iles,|icars,  pkinis,eherries, 
'  litrawiierries,  gooseberries,  eurranls,  &c.,  and 
'  ve;.'etnbles  of  almost  evi  rv  deseription." 

Speaking  of  salmon  in  tlie  Columbia  river,  and 
all  its  braiiihes,  he  says: 

'•They  are  literally  alive  with  salmon  in  the 
'  summer  months,  whii'h  nseend  to  the  founlaui 
'  head.  The  rompany  take  about  one  thousand 
'barrels  per  annum,  three  hundred  of  whieh  the 
'  Doeior  eives  away  every  winter  to  keep  the  In- 
'  dians  alive. 

"  I  have  no  doubt  that  ten  thousand  barrels  of 
'  salmon  miirhi  be  taken  friun  the  (,'ohunbia  and 
'  il.i  branrhcs,  without  at  all  (limiuisliing  the  stoek, 
'  independent  of  what  is  reipiirid  for  the  support 
'of  the  Indians.  Salmon  eiuisiiiiuea  their  princi- 
'  ]ial  food,  and  no  doubt  ten  lln'osatal  barrels  are 
'  amuiallv  taken  by  them.  Indeed,  the  whole 
'  northwest  eoast,  from  ihe  Coliunliia  river  to  (ill 
'  deL'iees,  has  every  river  and  luook  that  is  deep 
'  enough  for  a  salnion  to  enter,  tilled  in  the  summer 

*  seasoii.  A  gentleman,  whose  veraeity  is  tni- 
'  iloiihied.  toll  me  that  he  has  seen  Fra/er's  river, 
'  ill  I'uget's  Sound,  for  miles,  so  filled  with  them, 
'  (ihe  water  beiOL'  about  three  feet  deep.)  that  you 
'  eoiild  not  step  without  aelually  treading  on  them. 
'  The  salmon  of  the  north,  however,  arc  not  so 
'  laru'e,  fat,  or  fine,  as  those  of  the  Columbia  river: 
'  for  those  taken  t'roin  this  river  are,  no  doubt,  the 
'  best  in  the  world.  Some  of  them  will  weigh  fifty 
'  pounds:  the  a\erage  weight  is  about  eighteen  or 

*  twenty  pounds.*' 

In  speaking  of  the  fur  trade,  he  says; 

"  The  Hudson  Day  Company  has  an  exelusivc 
monopoly  of  all  the  I'ur  trade  north  of  the  United 
.Stales,  from  Hudson's  Bay  on  one  side,  to  the 
Paeific  nnd  llussian  sc  ille'meiits  on  the  other; 
and  have  a  very  larire  number  of  employees,  who 
traverse  this  immense  region  in  every  direction, 
h.iviuL'  posts  or  stallonsall  over  the  same;  indeed, 
they  have  spread  i  enmplete  iiclwork  throughout 
the  len^'lh  and  breadth  of  the  country.  As  ihey 
have  Ihe  fur  Irad.e  eiitiiely  in  their  own  hands, 
ihey  husband  iheir  resources,  nnd  only  bring  out 
an  average  ((uantiiy  of  furs  each  year;  and  when 
Ihey  become  scan  e  at  any  (Uic  post,  they  remove 
fiohi  there,  so  as  to  give  the  beaver  and  otln  r 
fiii-s  lime  to  resuscitate.  The  rompany  consists 
of  ei^hiy  members,  or  shares;  ei^lit  of  the  slock- 
liolders  reside  in  Enjlanil,  and  ihe  others  in  the 
Orciron  eounlry.  K.aeli  chief  aireni,  and  agenis 
of  (ach  indiNidunI  post,  are  sharelioldeis.  'I'lie 
fur  trade  is  entirely  monopolized  by  this  icmijia- 
ny;  biit  not  content  with  this,  they  are  lurniiig 
their  allenlion  to  every  other  branch  of  business. 
I'Vr  iiislaiue,  they  liiive  taken  possession  of  al- 
mnst  every  eligible  spot  in  Oregon  where  there  is 
II  iriiler  iwircr,  or  a  trood  .v(f  for  faclcrirs;  tliey 
have  seieeled  out  the  _/inf,t(  si(f»  for  /«nll.^,■  tiny 
have  erected  mills— boih  saw  and  Hour  mill.-, — 
with  a  vicv.-  of  sii|iplyinu'  the  Sandwich  Islands 
wall  lumber  and  Hour,  and  ihe  Russians  nt  ihc 
north  with  flour  and  butler  from  their  farms;  they 
are  in  fad  jrasping  at  fmijthini;.  They  are  now 
nlioul  establishinv  a  post  at  the  islanils,  as  also 
in  f'nlifornia;  and  a  .\lr.  Simjison  has  been  sent 
lo  both  these  places  lo  efl'iel  this  id'jeci,  their  in- 
siriicii.ni  beiiiL'  to  monopolize  the  entire  trade  of 
biith  jilaei-s  t'or  Ihe  sale  of  Knglish  j'ouds,  lum- 
ber, llonr,  butter,  &e.;  and  unless  our  Uovern- 
meiit  insist  on  our  just  righls,  and  drivi;  them 
out  of  thi'  Columbia,  they  will  rerlauily  succeed 
in  drivini:  all  the  American  commerre  fVom  both 
the  islanils  and  California,  as  they  have  already 
done  friun  the  northwest  coast.  'I'lieir  resources 
are   immenae,  nnd   their  aniUlion    iinbuunded. 


'  But,  would  they  confine  themselves  to  the  regioi. 
'  north  of  the  United  Sttvtcs,  wo  should  have  less 
'  reason  to  ciiinplain,  iiotwithstandin<'  they  arc 
'  usinp  our  just  means — means  that  prO|.;''y  be- 
'  loim  to  the  i>cople  of  the  United  Stales — to  unni- 
'  hilaie  our  trade  in  the  Paeific,  while,  upon  tlie 
'  land,  they  are  cutting  the  best  timber,  mid  im- 
'  proving  the  best  soil  in  Oregon,  besides  h'  iing 
'  arrogated  lo  Ihemselves  the  almost  exeluaive  oc- 
'  cupatimi  of  the  Columbia  river.  Nor  does  this 
'  selfish  grasping  at  all  satisfy  them;  for  they  an- 
'  niially  .senu  a  large  party  thnmgh  the  acknowl- 
'  edged  territory  of  the  United  States  to  California, 
'  to  trap  beaver  and  kill  sen-otter." 

Captain  Spaulding,  in  the  same  journal,  at'ter 
giving  numerous  instances  of  the  b.irbariiy  and 
cruelty  of  the  trappers  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Com- 
pany towards  the  Indians,  and  the  inhuman  and 
cold-blooded  murders  committed  by  them,  says: 

"Since  then,  as  would  naturally  be  expected, 
'  Ihey  (ihe  Indians)  had  been  at  enmity  with  the 
'  whiles.  That  these  irresponsible  servants  luid 
'  agents  of  this  inunopolizing  British  company 
'  slioiild  be  siifi'ered  thus  to  mui-der,  destroy,  nnd 
'  rob  these  Indians,  and  enrich  lirmiselvcs,  thruugh 
'  the  neglect  of  our  Government,  whose  iluty  it  is 
'  to  prciiei  I  these  poor,  defeiieeless,  weak,  and 
'  wretched  beings,  is  what  no  man,  as  it  seems  to 
'  me,  who  has  the  blood  of  an  American  coursing 
'  in  his  veins,  can  or  ought  tumely  to  submit  lo.  Is 
'  it  not  high  time  thai  our  Government,  ufler  so 
'  long  u  delay,  should  arouse  il.selfui  ihe  proleelion 
'  of  IIS  own  interests  in  Orciimi  r  For,  if  it  sleep 
'  but  a  little  hinger,  that  valuable  territory  is  cer- 
'  tjiinly  lost  to  us  t'orever.  Givi;  the  Fnglish  only 
'  the  north  part  of  the  Columbia  river — let  them 
'  plant  ten  guns  njion  Cape  Disappointment,  and  all 
'  the  navies  in  the  worltl  eoulil  not  take   tin;  eom- 

*  inand  of  the  river  t'rom  them.  The  ctipe  una 
'  'I'ongue  piunt  arc  two  perfect  '  Gihraltan^  on  the 
'  Columbia;  and  the  Hudson  Hay  Coin[)any  have 
'  already  taken  possession  of  tlie  latter,  us  ihey 
'  have  also  of  every  other  eligible  spot  on  the  Co- 
'  Imnlna." 

Captain  Spaulding  says  it  is  the  prevailing  opin- 
ion in  l-)regon,  that  the  grasping  ambilimi  of  l^ng- 
tand  will  not  stop  short  of  the  aeiiuisilion  of  Cai<- 
foMiia,  with  a  view  of  possessing  theniseives  of 
the  bay  and  harbor  of  San  Francisco,  the  linest  on 
the  will  le  coast  of  the  Paeifii;  for  a  naval  depot, 
being  accessible  at  all  times  fiir  ships  of  any  draught 
of  water,  ill  speaking  of  the  colony  from  the 
I.  niied  Stall  s  settled  on  the  Willamette  river  ninety 
miles  above  its  nioiiih,  he  says: 

"It  is  the  finest  graziiiir  and  wheat  country  ill 
'Oregon.  At  present  ^lci41)  it  consisls  of  about 
'  se\eiity  families,  who  rai.se  considerable  grain, 
'and  have  about  three  thousand  head  of  cattle. 
'  'I'lie  mission  lasi  year  raised  one  tlKHi.snnd  bushels 
'of  wheal,  and  made  butler,  ehiese,  iVc,  enough 
'  for  llieir  own  use.     They  have  five  hundred  head 

*  of  cattle  and  two  hundred  horses;  and  last  year 
'  ihey  sowed  four  hundred  bushels  of  wheal,  one 
'  liiindied  and  twenty  bushels  of  pims,  and  |ilanled 
'  a  large  (piaiitny  of  poiatoes  and  vegetables  of  all 
'  descriptions. 

"  The  extent  of  ihe  country  einnprising  the  Wil- 
'  lameue  valley,  is  about  three  hundred  miles  loag 
'  and  two  luuidied  broad,  interspersed  with  ra\i.ies 
'  of  wood,  generally  in  suHicieni  ipianlilies  for  fuel 
'  and  fencing.  The  land,  in  ils  nalural  slate,  is 
'  usually  ready  for  the  plow,  and  is  produiing  from 
'  tweni y-live  lo  forly  laishi  Is  of  wheat  lo  the  a'  re; 

*  and  the  eliiiiaie  is  so  mild,  that  the  cattle  subsist 
'  ill  the  fields  without  fodder  or  shelter  of  any  kind 

*  lieing  prepared  or  pro\iihd  for  them  through  the 
'  winier.  Salmon  can  be  taken  at  the  Willamelie 
'  falls  (which,  however,  the  liritish  have  taken 
'  posse.>.sion  of,  and  compelled  inir  people  to  build 
'  llieir  nulls  at  the  falls  above)  with  lillle  trouble, 
'  I'rom  May  to  Sepiembi  r,  in  almo.-.t  any  i|uanlily. 
'  I  lane  nil  hesilalion  in  saying  thiit  ten  thoo>'.,iid 
'  barrels  nin.'lil  beuiken  per  anniiin.  PiMiably  no 
'  place  in  Ihe  world  olli  rs  ixrealer  i  dii  emeiiis  to 
'  emigranls.  I'rovisioiis  miL'hl  readily  In'  procured 
'  lo  support  one  lliousaiid  enii;;ranls  at  any  time." 

I  think,  Mr.  Chairmaii,  that  i  have  clearly 
shown  tliat  the  honorable  gentleman  troni  Virginia 
was  in  irror,  in  believing  ihat  Great  liruain  valued 
this  eounlry  only  fur  ils/ms,  and  llmt  ibc  lerrilory 
IS  of  immense  vnlni'  for  agriculture  alone.  Ofiis 
commercial  advantages,  which  lia\e  been  so  fully 


set  forth  by  gentlemen  who  have  precceded  nio 
in  this  (lebate,  I  will  only  say,  that  the  most  san- 
guine friends  of  Oregon  have  not  overrated  these 
advantages,  and  time  will  prove  my  prediction 
lorrect. 

Let  me  here  quote  a  short  extract  fron  a  speech 
of  the  distinguished  Senator  from  Missoiiri,  [Mr. 
Benton,]  who  has  given  this  question  mucli  i'lten- 
uon,ninl  whose  opinions  are  therefore  entitled  lo 
great  weight.  At'ter  giving  a  glowing  description 
of  the  beauty,  grandeur,  and  feitiUty  of  the  coun- 
try, he  says: 

"  Such  a  country  is  formed  for  union,  wealth, 
'  and  strength.  It  can  have  but  one  capital,  and 
'  that  will  be  a  Thebes;  but  one  commercial  empo- 
'  rium,  and  that  will  be  a  Tyre,  queen  of  cities. 
'Sueh  a  country  can  have  but  one  people,  one  iii- 
'  terest,  one  Government;  and  that  people  should 
'  be  American,  that  interest  ours,  ami  ihutGovern- 
'  inent  Republican.  Accursed  and  infamous  be  the 
'  man  that  divides  or  alienates  it." 

We  will  train  nothing  by  withholding  the  notice, 
and  meanwhile  it  is  our  duty — we  owe  it  to  our 
own  hard)  pioneers — to  quiet  the  (lueslion  of  title. 
It  cannot  be  disguised  that  the  feeling  which  pre- 
vails in  that  part  of  the  country  from  which  tliesn 
emigrants  gp,  is,  that  the  territory  is  ours,  and  that 
we  are  going  to  protect  it  by  our  laws.  The  emi- 
grants themselves  believe  it,  as  firmly  as  if  it  were 
already  written  in  the  statute-book.  They  went 
there  in  the  same  spirit  in  which  the  Pilgrims  ciuiie 
to  PlymiHith;  with  the  same  patriotism,  the  same 
love  and  adniiratioii  of  free  government,  and  the 
same  desire  to  enlarge  the  area  of  freedom. 

I  had  intended  lo  say  much  nune  on  this  sub- 
ject, bull  perceive  that  my  time  is  fast  elapsing. 

1  regret  that  the   correspondence  between  our 
SecreUiry  of  Slate  and  the  British  Envoy  came  in 
betore  I  had  an  opportunity  of  making  the  remarks 
I  had  wished  to  submit  to  the  committee.  1  would 
not  have  it  understood  that  anything,  from  any 
[  tiuarter,  would  have  any  weight  with  me,  beyond 
I  iis  own  intrinsic  irutli.     I  was,  however,  glad  to 
I  learn  that  the  President  had  refused  to  arbitrate 
i  this  question;  in  this  the  people  will  triumphantly 
[  sustain  him.     But  1  feel  it  to  be  due  to  myself  ami 
j  to  my  constituents,  to  declare,  that — much  as  I 
venerate  the  character  and  standing  of  our  distin- 
guished Cliii'f  Magistrate — if  the  oiler  made  by 
hiin  of  latitude  4'J"  as  a  boundary  hue  had  been 
accepted  by  the  British  Miiilsler,  the  people  of  the 
West  would  have  deiiounied  the  act  in  such  terms 
iif  censure  as  would   have  made  all   future  Presi- 
dents tremble.     1  regret  exceedingly  that  Mr.  Polk 
ever  made  this  oiler.     1  have  no  doubt  he  was  ac- 
tuated  in  that  oiler  by  the  purest  and  best  of  ino- 
.  lives — in  my  judgment  there  are  few  wiser  he:uls 
I  than  his,  or  purer  hearts;  but  he  allowed  his  sin- 
cere deference  for  the  acts  of  his  pre(h;cessors  to 
'  peril  his  own  popularity.     The  oliVr,  happily,  was 
I  not  accepted,  and  no  very  serious  eoii.'iequeiii'is 
have  ensued.     Had  it  been  accejited,  this  Adniin- 
istralloii   would  have  been  forever  prostrated — as 
will  any  other  that  ever  herwit'ter  shall  surrender  ii 
simple  inch  of  American  soil,  the  title  to  whieli  is 
clear  and  unquestionable. 


OREGON  aUESTlON. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  L.  B.  CHASE, 

OF  TE.NNESSF.E, 
In  the  Hoi'sk  of  Rkpiieskntatives, 

Fihiuani  4,  IHKi. 
On  the  Resolution  for  termiiinting  the  joint  occu- 
pation of  Oregon. 

I      Mr.  CHASE,  ofTennes.sec,  beingcntitled  to  thr 

'  floor,  said — 

!  I  riirret,  .Mr.  Chninnan,  nt  the  present  stage  o' 
this  discussion,  that  I  am  eoinpelleil  lo  occupy  tlu 
time  or  the  atienlion  iif  the  ciininutiee.  But  the 
posiiion  I  occupy  before  my  constituents,  and  the 
allusimis  which  lime  been  made  lo  the  South,  by 

'  menib.-rs  from  the  North,  upon  this  thmr,  makes 

'  it  my  duly  to  forbear  giving  a  silent  vole.     I  shall 

;  deem  it  peculiarly  imfortunale  if  this  should  be- 
come nserlifnud  question.  When  the  honor  ot' the 
eounlry  is  to  be  ilefendi'd,  there  should  be  but  one 

[  voice  in  this  Hall,  but  one  opuiinii  in  this  country, 
if  our  national  cacutclicon  is  to  be  larnishcd  by  a 


i 

1 


[Feb.  4, 


OF  Reps. 

precceded  mo 
;  the  moat  san- 
jverralcd   llicsc 

my  prediction 

I  fron  a  spcecli 
Wissotri,  [Mr. 
on  nnicli  nlten- 
liire  entitled  to 
'ing  description 
ty  of  the  coun- 

uninn,  wealtli, 
ne  capital,  and 
nmcrcial  enijio- 
|uten  of  cities, 

people,  one  iii- 
.  people  hIiouUI 
iiil  lliMtGovern- 
inrumoutibc  the 

Jing  the  notice, 
;  owe  it  to  our 
iiieHtion  of  title, 
ling  which  prc- 
1111  which  these 
s  ours,  and  that 
iws.     The  eiiii- 
ily  as  if  it  were 
k.     They  went 
?.  Pilijriins  came 
itisni,  the  same 
iiineiil,  and  the 
ieedom. 
)re  on  this  sub- 
fast  elapsing, 
•c  helwccii  our 
Knvoy  came  in 
ing;  the  rcniiuks 
niittce.  1  would 
liiiig,  from  any 
ith  me,  beyond 
owever,  glad  to 
^ed  to  arbitrate 
ill  triumphantly 
i:  to  invKcIf  unit 
nit — much  as  I 
of  our  dislin- 
ilfer  made  by 
line  had  been 
ic  people  of  the 
ill  such  terms 
future  Prcsi- 
that  Mr.  I'olk 
ibt  he  W11.S  rtc- 
d  be."!  of  ino- 
w  wiser  heuda 
Unwed  lii.s  siii- 
M-etiecessors  l<i 
biippily,  was 
CAHiseiiuencts 
I,  this  Ailniin- 
prosiratcil — aa 
all  surrender  a 
iile  to  which  in 


\. 


CHASE, 


the  joint  occu- 
;; entitled  to  tlir 


resem  stage  o  ' 

to  occupy  tin 

Ilec.     Ihil   the 

lucnls,  and  Ibe 

the  Snulli,  by 

i  tloor,  ntakcs 

vole.     I  ."hall 

his  should  be- 

ic  honor  of  the 

old  be  but  oni; 

11  this  counlry. 

tarnished  by  a 


1 


i 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


235 


'29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Chase, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


surrenderor  our  soil,  the  blight  should  fall  equally 
upon  every  portion  of  our  land.     Hut  if  the  na-  I 
lionnl  faith  is  to  be  nobly  vindicated,  the  glory  j 
should  descend  upon  all.  1 

The  defenceless  condition  of  cities   jpon   the  i 
coast  has  been  alluded  to  by  gentler.ien.     Have  ' 
their  inhabitants  becnnic  so  enervated  that  tlicy  j 
cannot  rally  in  the  defence  of  their  altars  and  their  ' 
firesides.'     Where  can  there  be  more  danger  than  : 
upon  our  norlherii  and  western  border.'    The  en- ' 
tir& northern  line,  from  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's  ' 
to  ihr.  I'aiillc,  the  frontier  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Columliia  to  the  Kio  del  Norte,  is  exposed  to  the 
attacks  of  the  liritisli  and  their  allies,  the  savages.  ' 
Sir,  are  the  pangs  of  death  more  terrible  in  cities 
th-tn  in  the  country?  is  the  loss  of  property  more 
to  be  dreaded,  or  will  they  alike  "  pledge  life,  for- 
tune, and  sacred  honor,"  in  ihe  defence  of  their 
country's  rigliis.'     I  was  much  pleased  with  the 
fearlessness  of  the  gentleman  from  Missouri,  [Mr. 
Sims.]     Ue  boldly  lliiigs  his  banner  to  the  liree/.e, 
upon  which  he  has  inscrilied  his  motto, "  The  whole 
of  Oreiron  or  none,  now  or  never."    That  gentle- 
man slakes  his  all  in  the  position  he  has  assumed. 
His  Ikmuc  is  upon  Ihe  fionlier,  where  his  family 
have  111  dread  the  tomahawk  of  the  merciless  sav- 
ages, more  lerrthle  ill  iheir  fury  than  their  civilizrd 
employers,  whose  attacks  are  so  much  dreaded 
upim   Ihe   coast.     Not  only  will  thai   gentleman 
mainlHln  his  posilinn  upon  this  (loor,  but,  if  neces- 
sary, he  will  back  it  with  a  wesiern  rille.    So  much 
has  been  said  about  the  eagle,  it  may  be  considered 
in  bad  taste,  upon  my  pari,  if  I  let  the  poor  liird 
resl.     So  often    has  he  been  compelleil  to  dash 
through  the  air,  now  lileeding  the  lion  at  the  re- 
rpicst  of  the  geiilleinnn  from  Indiana,  [Mr.  Kk.v- 
NKOV,]  and  anon,  at  tin;  solicitation  of  Ihe  eloquent 
eeiiilemau  from  Virghiia,  [Mr.IiKDiNtiKn,]  aitenipt- 
liig,  but  without  success,  lo  dash   through  dark 
clouds  charged  with  eleci'icily,  again  and  again 
making  Ihe  efl'ort,  as  he  wOieeled  and  soared  aloft, 
as  if  determined  to  brave  the  fire  and  artillery  of 
heaven,  and  ''jinss  on  to  the  trackless  regions  of 
Ihe  West."    The  gentleman  should  have  required 
nnnlher  bold  and   /riiimj)/inn<  effort,  enabling  the 
eagle,  as  the  emblem  of  our  power  and  our  institu- 
tions, to  soar  above  the  cloud,  or  lo  pass  ihrongh 
it,  rather  than  to  suffer  him  to  pause  until  the  rfaiv- 
gn*  l.nil  passed. 

I  v.ill  first,  Mr.  Chairman, allude  to  the  po'  'ion 
laksii  by  my  collen'ruc,  [Mr.  Ewi.vii.]  I  >,oiikl 
hardly  resist  the  conclusion  that  the  gentleman 
bad  made  Great  Critain  his  clieiil,  such  a  striking 
similarity  is  there  between  a  part  of  his  arguments 
and  those  advtuiced  by  Mr.  Piikenhnm. 
Letter    of    Mr.    f'liA'cinVim,    Sfrct/t  of  Mr.  f?n'iiic,  Ji-ii- 


JliIiI  a»,  lW."i 
"  The  i.''iiiii!it  Slates  caa 
fiuiiiil  im  cliiii.'  nil  (lisi-overy, 
cxplcinition,  mil!  Hcillcnitiil, 
flli'clfil  iirr\iini>'v  In  ilie 
Flnriilii  treaty,  wi  hnut  ml- 
iiaitiiilt  tlif  principles  nt  llic 
iiniiikit  t-diivciilini  ,  ami  the 
'-i)iisi>()iiriii  valiilily  of  llic 
ptirnllel  cliiiiiis  nttirciit  llril- 
aill,  liiiiiiilfd  nil  >.ki-  lui.s ; 
nor  i-Hii  lliry  ap|-<>iil  In  any 
I'xelllsive  riulil,  IL'  ucipiiri'd 
liy  the  Flnridii  Ircaly,  wjili- 
niit  iipfiilinu  all  (-  aiiiiK  lul- 


uitryJ^f  IMti. 
"  Now  iile  lirst  nliscrva- 
linn  tlial  in  m  hi*  iiiaile-  in  re- 
gard In  uiir  till''  is,  that  wo 
<-niiiii)l  rely  u|inii  liulh  thai 
arisiliK  Irniii  imr  own  disciiv- 
erif"  and  lliat  derived  iVnin 
Spain,  and  in  nnc  rvcnl  wi; 
Hliall  he  prt'clndi'd  itltn[.'elli(T 
Irnni  ri'lyiiiiinn  ihc  InnniTtit 
all.  Itulirtitif  h>  di:*cnvery 
ami  Hi'ltlciiieiil  lii'tii'iliTllian 
thill  hiith  III'  Kiiul.'iiid  ami 
.''paiii,  or  evi'ii  licllcr  lliiin 
thai  111"  Hjiaiii,  we  inuy  dis- 


iliiciil  ill  thi'ir  own  prnper  ri'n.ird  the  S|uni!'li  lille  alu 
rinhl,  liy  ri'iisonot  disouvcry,  t^elhcr,  and  iin-it  Fiiuliind 
cxplnralinii,  and  Hcttlirini'iil,  npuii  that  ijtnuiid  ;  liiilitthe 
antecedent  to  tlmt  arrange-  Hpanish  title  be  heUer  Itiaii 
niciit,"  that  which  we  pn!>!<eiii<c(j  in 

ISIS,  we  may  lail  h|.  ni  lib- 
crty  to  (liHicL'arit  Ihe  Hpanish 
title,  for  in  llial  title  Fii^laml 
may  have  an  interesl  under 
the  N'nolkacoiivcnlion." 
It   is   RnfTlcient    answer   to  the    aignmeiiis   of 
these  genllemeii  to  slate  the  fact,  that  we  own  bolh 
these  lilies,  and  can  use  them  separately  or  togeth- 
er, as  we  pleasi'. 


Wr.  ;'.i*rii*,im,,/ii(v2l  IM.i. 
••  In  lln-  lirst  plie  •■,  H^  i"- 
liilc- t'iilii-di.-rn\i  n  iirtiriiy, 
il  iiiii-l  l>e  ri-iii.'ir|.i'il  Ihiit  lie 
x\us  a  prnatcnavuilnr,  siiil- 
iiik'  pi-iiit-ipally  I'nr  tile  piir- 
pnsi-«  oi'  irade." 


Mr.  Kfc/tiir. 
"  First,  liiadnulilftilwhc- 
O'.ii  'Jrin's  dirtcnverv  call 
ciillie  I,'  Ihc  iH'nefll  "iif  the 
riiited  SlaliN,  he  nut  aclilifE 
liiidrr  U  iveniiiiciit  autluil- 
it>." 

Neiilii  r  of  till.'  gentlemen  have  given  reasons  or 
nuthorily  to  show  the  distinction  between  a  Gov- 
"riiiiieiit  vessel  and  a  niercliantman,  with  ihe  Hag 
oi'  her  country  at  her  mast-head,  so  far  ns  discov- 
eri'!s  are  concerned. 

My  colleague  |>rucccda  to  take  another  position, 


which  appears  to  me  to  be  untenable.     He  says; 

"What,  then,  is  the  true  construction  of  the  ' 
'  Nootka  treaty .'   The  text  of  that  convention  eer- 
'  tninly  gives  to  England  the  right  of  settlement  of 
'Nootka  Sound,  and  within  the  parallels,  there- 
'  fore,  of  42°  and  54°  40'."  i 

1  will  notice  the  right  of  the  English  to  make  ! 
settlements  north  of  Nootka  Sounii  luretijhr.  I 
have  been  unr.blo  to  find  any  authority  lo  siislain 
the  gentleman's  position,  that  there  was  a  line  es- 
tablished at  54°  40'  as  early  ns  1790,  the  date  of 
Ihe  Nootka  treaty.  On  the  contrary,  it  wns  not 
until  the  convention  of  18^4,  between  the  United 
States  and  Russii,,  that  the  boundary  of  54°  40' 
was  established — nearly  thirty  years  subsequent 
to  the  Nootka  convention. 

My  colleague  is  somewhat  celebmtcd  in  Ten- 
nessee as  n  criminal  lawyer;  and  il  is  well  known  i 
by  all  who  have  witnessed  the  trial  of  criminals, 
that  their  coun.sel  have  often  to  resoit  to  ingenious 
argument,  to  creaie  In  Ihc  minds  of  the  jury  "rtn- 
sotinhle  ilouhls^*  as  to  their  guilt.  My  colleague  is 
fresh  IVinn  the  courts,  and  1  was  not  much  sur- 
prised that  he  is  found  ailempting  to  ereatc  "  rea- 
sonal'ie  donlits"  in  the  minds  of  this  cominiitcc 
and  ihe  country,  as  to  our  title  to  Oregon.  I  have 
great  respect  for  my  colleague  as  a  man  of  learn- 
ing, and  as  a  patriot,  and  1  am  inclined  to  the 
opinion,  that  after  he  has  abstained  tVom  the  de- 
fence of  criminals  for  a  short  lime,  all  will  go  right 
wiih  him,  and  we  shall  have  his  cordial  assistance 
in  obuiining  Ihc  whole  of  Oregon.  I  quole  from 
the  gentleman's  speech; 

"  First.  It  is  doubtful  whether  Gray's  discovery 

'  can  inure  to  the  benelit  of  the  United  Slates,  he 

'  iioi  acling  under  Government  anthorily.    Second. 

'  It  is  pre'.fy  certain  lliat  his  eiiieriiig  the  mouih  of 

'  the  river  is  not  better  than  llecela's  discovery  in 

'1775.     Third.  Fleceta  went  by  Governmeot  au- 

;  '  ihority,  and    claimed    the     ..hole   coast    for  his 

'Government;  but  it  is  doubtful  how  far  such  a 

;  'claim  was  of  use  without  subsequent  seiilemeiit. 

'  '  lAnirth.  The  ellect  of  Lewis  and  Clarke's  e.\- 

'  ploration  without  selllenient  is  of  doublful  iin- 

;  '  port.     FilVh.  The  seiilument  of  Astoria  and  iis 

;' siibsctiuent  abandonment,  what  is  this  to  avail? 

'  Dubitatur.     Sixth.  The  Spanish  eslablishment  at 

'  Nootka.of  what  efi'ect  was  that?    It  is  not  agreed. 

I  '  Then  it  cannot  be  determined  which  is  uiii|iies- 

'  tionably  the    better  title,  the  American    or    die 

'  Spanish.    The  Spanish  title  seems  to  be  pn  iViTcd 

'  by  our  Amcriian  diplomniisis, not  tlmi  tin  y  have 

'  the  choice;  the  Knghsli,  though,         ■ '  ji  liiily  nt 

'  liberty  to  argue  that  this  is  our  mle;  and, 

',  '  if  ihc  point  is  really  a  doiiliiful  <  ,,.        ■  cannot 

'  arbitrarily  assume  it  to  f)e  either  tin-     i  ■   vxay  or 

'  the  oilier. 

"Take  it,  then,  that  the  Spanish  is  our  beiler 
'title,  (and  England  has  a  riglil  so  lo  argue,  I'm 
'  it  is,  I  say,  a  debatable  mailer,}  then  our  title  by 
'  Miir  own  discoveries  is  gone;  for  Eiiirlaiid  has  an 
'  inlerest  ill  |ierpeluo  derived  under  tliis  Spiiiiisli 
'  title  by  conveulioii,  ai.d  we  cannot  repudiate  it; 
'  or,  if  we  do,  England  may  set  it  up  as  oulsland- 
'  iiig,  and  assert  her  rights  derived  under  it  luid  ihc 
'loiivenlion  with  Spam." 

These  doubts,  taken  in  connexion  with  the  posi- 
ti'  e  a.sserlion  of  ihe  genlleinan  from  South  Car- 
olina, [Mr.  Hei.MF.s,]  thai — 

"  Sir,  I  deny  in  Into  any  ridit,  any  claim  lo  that 
'  terriiory,  or  to  any  part  or  iiaiccl  iluieof,  that 
'  does  not  nppc -lain  Willi  equal  force  and  elUciencv 
'  lo  the  power  oi"  Great  iiiitaiir,"  will,  I  hope,  I'; 
a  sunicleni  excus.',  upon  my  part,  for  an  examina- 
tion of  our  rights  ii  Oregon. 

1  was  surprised,  Mi'.  xJhairman,  to  hear  my  col- 
league [Mr.  I'^wiNo]  make  the  admission  con- 
tained ill  the  following  language; 

"'J'he   result,  then,  with   nie,  of  the  exaniina- 

'  lion  of  our  title  to  the  Oregon  lerrilorv  is,  that  il 

'is  not  'clear  ad  iinq'.K  .-.lioimblc'    1   have  not 

'  exaniined,  nor  do  I  iiilend  to  examine,  how  much 

'  belter  it  may  be  to  Ihe   forly-nliiili  imrallel  ihaii 

'  to  the  pninllel  of  .'')4°  40',  ihougli   I  do  iliink  it 

'  belter  Ui  the  former  than  to  the  hitler;  and,  iii- 

,  '  deed,  if  the  line  of  4!P  was  really  marked  by  Ihe 

;  '  li-eaty  of  Utrecht,  (of  which,  however,  I  have  no 

'  sutlicient  evidence,)  we  might  claim   with   ccr- 

'  lainty  lo  4!P,  and  could  not  go  beyond  it.     The 

'questioning  our  title  to  any  jiarl  of  this  territory 

.  '  is  certainly  no  pleasing  task  lo  me,  unwilling  as 

'  '  1  am  to  yield  any  porlion  of  the  terriiory,  uiid 


'  determined  ns  I  nm  never,  nt  any  hazard,  to  yield 
'  anything  below  the  forty-ninth  degree  of  north 
'  latitude." 

He  thinks  our  title  is  not  "  clear  and  unques- 
tionable to  the  Oregni"  territory.  The  genilemaii 
says  he  has  not  examined,  nor  does  he  intend  lo 
examine,  how  much  better  it  is  to  the  forty-ninth 
pninllel  than  to  54°  40'.  It  occurs  to  me,  sir,  that 
as  Ihe  gentleman  has  so  many  doubts  in  his  own 
mind  as  lo  our  title,  and  is  so  scrupulous  about 
taking  that  which  docs  not  belong  lo  ua,  he  should 
be  well  satisfied  of  our  rights  before  he  asserts  a 
dcicrmiiintion  not  to  yield  the  territory.  He  does 
sidle  that  he  thinks  our  title  belter  lo  40°  than  to 
54°  40',  although  he  has  not  examined,  nor  does 
he  iiilend  to  exainine,  how  muck  better;  and  yet 
he  concludes,  "  determined  ns  I  am  never,  at  any 
hazard,  to  yield  anylhing  below  the  forty-ninth 
degree  of  north  laiitude." 

It  cannot  be  that  my  colleague  is  resolved  to 
diflcr,  right  or  wrong,  with  Ihe  Executive,  ns  to 
our  title  to  Oregon;  and  yet  I  cannot  reconcile  bis 
conchisioiis.  Why  this  resohilion  expressed,  not 
to  yield  anylhing  below  the  forly-ninlh  dcu'rce  of 
north  laliludc,  ni  the  eame  lime  that  he  declares 
our  title  lo  Oregon  is  not  "  clear  and  nnqnesiion- 
able?"  If  we  have  no  right  to  the  lerrilorv,  he 
ought  nnl  lo  claim  it;  on  the  conlrarv,  if  we  have 
rights  llicre,  ihey  should  be  enforced.  If  we  have 
a  liile  10  the  forty-ninlh,  and  no  furllicr,  there 
should  he  go  and  slop.  If  our  tide  is  good  to 
54°  40',  every  principle  of  honor  and  duly  prompts 
us  lo  enforce  il. 

1  will  first,  Mr.  Chairman,  briefiy  allude  lo  our 
liile  by  our  own  discoveries,  explorations,  and  set- 
ilemcnls.  In  May,  ]7!)3,  Caplain  Gray,  in  the 
shi]i  Columbia,  from  I'osion,  enleied  l]w  mouth  of 
the  Columbia  river,  sailed  up  the  river  for  several 
miles,  ami  gave  il  the  name  which  il  has  since 
borne.  Il  is  true  that  the  IJrilish  commissioner.s, 
ill  }^M,  in  the  slaiemenl  annexed  to  the  protocol 
of  Ibe  sixth  confercnci-,  held  at  Loiiiion,  assert  that 
"  .Mr.  Meares,  a  lientenant  of  the  royal  navy,  in 
'  17H8,  had  aclually  entered  the  bay  of  iheColiim- 
1  '  bia,to  the  northern  headland  of  which  be  L'ave  the 
'  name  of  Cape  Disappoinlmeni,  a  name  which  it 
'  bears  lo  this  day."  If  lliis  assertion  of  the  British 
commissioners  was  siislaiiied  by  lhe/i/r(,^,  the  Eng- 
lish could  not  reap  the  bencfils  of  his  discoveries, 
'  as  will  appear  from  the  following  extract  from 
GreenhowV  llistory  of  Oregon,  page  172: 

"  Tor  the  expedition  in  rpieslion,  Iwo  vcsels 
'  were  filled  can  nt  llic  Portuguese  port  of  Macao, 
'  near  Canton,  in  China,  from  which,  as  already 
'  menliiiiiid,  .severni  voyages  had  ben.   previously 
'  mail'    lo  the  northwest   co.msi,    nf    America,  in 
'search  of  furs.     They  were  li   ih  |ilaccd  under 
'  'he  direciinn  of  ,Tohn  .Vfeares,  m  lieutenant  in  the 
I'.ritish  navy,  on  half  i>;iy,  who  sailed  in  the  ship 
'  Feliee,  as  supercsrgo     t|,(>  iiihrr  vessel,  the  biig 
'  '  Ipln   ■  nin,  also  carried      Rrilish  subject,  William 
'  '  I)ougia.ss,iii  the  ^amcc.ipacity:  hotli  vcs.sel8  were, 
'  '  however,   commanded,  ostensibly   at    least,    liy 
'  Poriuguesc  captains;   they  w     ■    bolb   tiiniished 
'with  pasiports.  iiiid  other  pn[    IS,  in  the  Portu- 
*  giiese  languaire.     iMiiled  b\-  the  Porlnirucse  im- 
'  ihorities  of  Mi''  ■<■•.  and  showing  them  lo  be  the 
'  properly  of  Ju.i    Cavalln,  a  Porlugiiese  merchant 
'  of  that  place.     The   instructions  for  the  conduct 
'  of  the  voyage  were  w  ritten  only  in  the  Portu- 
guese language,  ami  cnniMined   nothing  w'latso- 


'  ever  calcnlaled  to 
'  suspicion  that  oil 
'  were  interested     ■ 
*  vessels  sailed  fi" 
'  1788,  under  the  1'. 


Ilord  i> 


ilightesl  grounds  fo 
''         Porlugne-se   snbjecis 
iiierprise,     Einiilly  the 
.oi  on  the  Isl  of  .lamiary, 
uuese  flag,  and  there  is  no 
'  sullicieiil  proof  lb, it  any  other  was  displayed  by 
'  till  in  during  the  expedition," 

If  any  naiion  is  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  bis  dis- 
coveries, it  is  cerlaiiily  Portugal, 

Lieutenant  Meares,  il  is  true,  sought  for  the 
mouth  of  the  Cohunbia,  in  the  latitude  where  tra- 
dition had  located  it,  but  he  stales  in  his  ,Toiirnal 
that  "  he  can  now  safely  assert  lliat  there  is  no 
'  such  river  as  that  of  Si.  Hoc  existing,  as  laid  down 
'  in  the  Spanish  charts."  As  evidence  of  the  sin- 
cerity of  this  assertion,  he  gave  the  name  of  r«;)e 
/)is(i(imaa(iiifii/  lo  the  promontory,  and  the  bay  ob- 
tained the  name  of  Dectfilinn  llmj. 

The  next  (|nestioii  is,  whether  we  followed  up 
our  discovery  soon  enough,  by  exploration  and 
settlement,  to  perfect  our  title.    Coiiiiiig  lo  a  con- 


m 


236 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  C0?;GRLSS!0NAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  4, 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr,  Chase. 


Ho.  OF  Ri;rs. 


n 


m 


ip! 


I 


elusion  upon  this  subject,  we  must  luke  into  con- 
sideiHiion  ilic  vnsi  itisinnce  lo  timt  country,  nnii 
Ilie  litlirullirs  which  nnturr  has  ihiown  in  our 
wny.  'X'iicic  is  n  nintcrinl  dift'crcnce  between  per- 
teciin;  a  lidu  under  such  cireunislances,  and  where 
no  sucii  obslacles  prevail.  Reason  an(i  common 
sense  would  lead  us  readily  to  the  conclusion  that, 
in  the  exploration  and  settlement  of  Oreson,  it  was 
ilonc  in  a  reitionable  lime  Iron)  the  discovery  of  the 
minitli  of  the  St.  Hoc  by  Captain  Gray. 

In  May,  1804,  Lewis  and  Clarke,  conimi.«sioncd 
by  the  GovernmeiU  of  the  Uiuted  States,  bejan 
the  ascent  of  the  Missouri,  and  on  the  l,>ih  of 
November,  leOo,  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  Co- 
lumbia. This  was  evidence  lo  the  nations  of  the 
earih  that  our  Government  had  asserted  her  title 
to  the  lerrilory.  In  March,  1811,  .^j^toriawas  set- 
tled by  a  colony  sent  out  by  John  Jacob  Astor, 
from  New  York. 

The  ne.\t  subject  of  inquiry  is,  what  were  li  e 
rights  of  Spain  in  Oregon,  at  the  treaty  of  1819.' 

.Mr.  Pakciiham  does  not  date  the  kii;;hsli  dis- 
coveries earlier  than  178o.  In  his  coninninicalion 
of  July  Qy,  1845,  !ic  says:  **  Rcjcciinp  previous 
discoveries  north  of  the  43J  parallel  of  latitude  as 
not  9ttjjich»tiii  aiitlicuticateii,  it  will  be  seen,  on  the 
side  of  Ureal  Urilaiii,"  A;c.  It  will  now  be  im- 
poiiaiu,  .Mr.  Chairman,  to  ascertain  what  were  the 
c.yient  and  importance  of  the  discoveries  made  by 
Spain,  pi'criuus  lo  1788. 

159i,  Juan  de  F".ca  discovered  the  slrails  bear- 
ins;  Ills  name. 

1774,  Jii.m  Perez  explored  the  coast,  from  54° 
nonli  latitude  to  492°,  "'"1  discovered  Nootka 
bound. 

1775,  Ilcceta  sailed  alon»  the  shore,  iVom  50° 
north  latitude  to  41°;  one  of  his  lieuUiiants  ex- 
plored the  coast  from  58°  to  54°  north  latitude, 
um!  examined  it  carefully  from  45°  lo  4'.i°. 

The  Spaniards  always  claimed  llic  country  north 
10  mount  St.  Klius,  in  latitude  61°.  Asroiic/iisirc 
e\i<i<nce  of  this  fact,  1  relcr  the  coinniiiiee  to  the 
follouiiig  admissions  made  by  Mr.  I'akenham,  m 
his  communication  to  the  Secretary  of  Stale,  July, 
1845: 

"  liut,  says  the  American  Plenipotentiary,  in 

*  another  part  of  his  stalement,  ihe  right.s  of  Spain 
'  lo  the  west  coast  of  America,  as  far  north  as  the 
'  sixty-lirst  degree  of  laiiiuile,  were  so  compicic  as 

*  never  to  have  Ijeca  seriously  questioned  by  any 
'  European  nation.  They  had  been  niainlained  by 
'  Sjiuin  with  the  most  \ij;ilaiu  jealousy  ever  sime 
'  the  discovery  of  ihe  American  coiuiiu  nl,  and  had 
'  been  uci)uiesced  in  by  all  European  Powers.'' 

'.'his  posilion  13  not  conlro\erlei!  by  the  Urilisli 
.Miiiisie;.  Then,  .Mr.  (-Iiairi'iaii,  we  must  consi- 
der it  clearly  setilcd,  that  the  Spanisl  claim  to  the 
urrilory  of  Orcjon,  norll;  to  til°,  wa.  acquiesced 
in  by  ibe  Poweis  of  Ku  ope,  down  to  tlic  Nooika 
eoiivcnion,  in  1790.  1.  iieconies  our  dulv,  there- 
fun  ,  to  inquire  v.bni  was  the  force  and  tll'eci  of 
til. it  :on\cniion. 

'1  he  folio w'lg  is  ilic  third  article  of  that  conven- 
tion: 

".\iiT.3.  Ill  order  to  sircn^nlic  .  the  bonds  of 
'  t"iieadslii|>,  and  lo  prcserie  in  future  a  perfect 
'  harmony  and  good  undersiandiiifj  between  the 
'  iwo  coiitracling  parlies,  il  is  ajrieed  that  their  re- 
'  specti\e  subjects  shall  not  l)C  disiurbed  or  niolcsi- 
'  cJ,  eiilier  in  na\i£atmg  or  carryiii:J:  on  their  tish- 
'  cries  in  the  Pacilic  ocean,  or  in  the  South  seas,  or 
'  ill  lanilint;  on  the  coasis  of  tin  sc  seas   in  places 

*  not  already  occupied,  for  the  purpose  of  earryin:^ 
'  on  llieir  commerce  with  the  names  of  the  coiin- 
'  Uy,  or  of  inakni!;  scltlcnieiils  there;  the  whole 

*  suoject,  nevertheless,  lo  the  rrsirictions  specilied 
'  in  llic  llircc  followini;  articles." 

Il  :s  ciinieiidcd  iIihi,  by  the  provisions  of  this 
arlH  le,  the  Eii^'lish  hud  ihe  riglit  of  makiii;  perma- 
nent seltleini  nis  jion  the  northwest  coasl;  but  it 
will  be  seen  this  right  icni  |-csiricled  by  the  follow- 
ing; articles: 

"Ain.  4.  Ili.'i  Erilannic  Majesty  eiifinges  to  take 
'  ihe  must  ell'ectual  nuasiircs  lo  prevenl  the  navi- 
'  gallon  and  the  fishing  of  his  sulijccts  in  the  Pacific 
'  ocean,  or  111  the  South  seas,  from  bein^  made  a 
'  pretext  for  illicit  trade  with  the   Spanish  .seitle- 

*  nieitis;  and  with  litis  vicnv,  il  is  moreiiver  ex- 
'  pre.-s'.y  :>ti|>ul.ited,  that  IJritisli  subjects  shall  not 
'  iiavit;ule  or  c^u'ry  on  their  fishery  in  the  t-aid  BCiis, 

*  within  the  spiice  of  ten  sea  leagues  from  any  jiari 
'  of  the  coasl  already  occupied  by  Spain. " 


"Abt.  5.  As  well  in  the  places  which  are  to  bo 

■  *  restored  to  the  Ih'ilisli  sutiject8(  by  virtue  of  the 
'first  article,  as  in  all  othc"  parts  of  the  north- 
'  western  coasts  of  North  America,  or  of  the  islands 

1  '  adjacent,  siliiale  lo  the  north  of  the  parts  of  llie 
'said  coasl  already  occupied  by  Spain,  whereicr 

,  *  the  subjects  of  either  of  llic  two  Powers  shall 
'  have  made  settlements  since  the  month  of  April, 
'  1789,  or  shall  hereafter  make  any,  the  subjects  of 
'  the  other  shall  have  free  access,  and  shall  carry 
'  on  their  trade  without  any  disturbance  or  moles- 
'  tttlion." 

At  the  time  this  treaty  was  made  between  Kng- 
land  and  Spain,  the  former  Power  vias  only  anx-  , 
ions  to  enaliie  her  Libjects  to  trade  .''ith  {he  In- 
dians and  l■nl;a^c  in  the  fisheries;  there  is  not  the 
slightesl  evidence  to  be  galhtrcd  from  the  terms 
of  the  convention,  thai  she  was  anxious  lo  secure 
for  her  subjects  the  permanciil  possession  of  the 
touiitry.  'This  is  apparent  from  llic  t'act,  thai  llie 
priiici|>al  object  of  the  convention  appears  to  be,  lo 
place  restrictions  upi^n  the  ri'^lit  if  trmle  andjhliiiig, 
so  that  llie  subjects  of  ihe  two  nations  niiglil  not 
intcrl'ere  with  each  oilier,  and  the  liinils  of  these 
rights  were  dehned  by  liie  seltlemems  of  the  two 
Power.s.  7'/iis  cf iii'fii/ioii  con/nbifi/  no  prmision 
imiiairin^  llie  foferti ;iilii  of  Upaiii.  If  I  can,  Mr. 
(^hiiirniaii,  establis'.i  lliis  proposiiion,  tlie  claim  of 
England  to  soil  upon  the  northwest  coast  is  wholly 

■  unsustained.  1  shall  rely  upon  the  admissions  and 
acts  of  England  lo  prove  mv*  position. 

i'irs(.  W'len  the  neiotiaiions  in  1318  were  in 
progress  between  this  eoniiiry  and  England,  no 
claim  was  irgeil  by  the  hitler  Power  to  the  terri- 
tory of  Oreg.'U  under  the  Nooika  convemion.  As 
eager  as  the  linglisli  lu'e  to  seize  upon  every  pre- 
text lo  exiend  their  territorial  rights,  it  is  not  lo  be 
supposed  that  tin  y  would  sutler  any  0|)portuiiiiy 
to  pass  without  inipicssinL' upon  the  nations  of  the 
earth  the  ri^'hts  they  possess. 

Second.  .Vstoria  was  surrendered  under  the  first 
article  oi'  tlie  treaty  of  Ghent.  The  act  of  delivery 
is  in  the  following  language: 

"  In  obedience  lo  llic  commands  of  his  lioyal 
'  Highness,  the  Prince  Regent,  signilied  in  a  des- 
'  patch  from  the  right  honorable  the  Earl  lialiiursl, 
'  addressed  lo  the  partners  or  agents  of  the  North- 
'  west  Company.  iieariiiL'  date  liie  ii7ili  of  January,  : 

*  1818,  and  in  oljedience  In  a  subsequent  order, 
'  dated  the  HJGili  of  July,  t'rom  NV.  A.  Sheritf,  esip, 

*  caplain  of  his  Majesty's  ship  Andromache,  we, 
'  llie  undersigned,  do.  in  conformily  to  the  first  ar- 
'  tide  of  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  restore  lo  the  Gov- 
'enniient  of  the  Diiited  .States,  ihrougli  iis  agent, 
'  J.  I!.  Pievost,  es  |,,  the  setilemenl of  Eort George, 

'  on  the  Columbia  river.  ' 

'•  Given  under  our  hands,  in  lrinlic:\te,  ot  Korl 
'  Geuri:c,  (Columbia  river.)  this  tjtii  day  of  Octo- 
■ber,  1618.  1'.  IIICKEY, 

"  Ciipl.  of  his  ..Wii/f.'/ii's  aliiji  Blossom. 

"J.  KKiru, 

"  0/"(/ic  .N'ur//iicf,s(  Ctfi/ijmai/." 

The  act  of  acceptance,  on  the  part  of  the  Amer- 
ican Commissioner,  is  in  llies.   words; 

"  I  do  hereby  acknowledge  lo  have  ihis  day  rc- 
'  ceivcd,  in  behalf  oi"  the  Government  of  the  Uiii- 
'  ted  .States,  the  pr>sscssioii  of  the  setllcntent  desig- 
;  iialed  abo\c,  in  coiiforoiily  to  the  first  article  or 
'  the  treaty  of  Glieii!. 

"  (jivcn  under  my  li;ind,  in  Iriplicale,  at  Eorl 
'George,  (Columbia  rivei,'!  liiis  fiih  November, 
'  ISl>i.  J,  B.  PI{h:v'08T, 

".7gfji/ /or  the  United  .S'/i/fcs. " 

T!(ird.  In  1819,  we  acquin  d  all  the  riirhls  of 
.■^paiii  in  the  northwest  const  north  of  the  4"2d  de- 
L'ree  of  north  huitude-,  and  aicain  Englaml  stood 
».i!eiii.  The  boundary  between  the  United  Stales 
and  Spain  was  settled  as  follows: 

''  The  two  liiiih  contracting  parties  agree  locede 

*  and  reniiinice  nil  their  rights,  claims,  and  preren- 
'  sions  to  the  tcrritorit^s  described  by  the  said  line: 
'  that  IS  to  .say,  the  I'niteii  Slates  hereby  cede  to 
'  his  Catholic  Majesty,  and  renounce  forever,  all 
'  their  riizhlM,  idainis,  ami  preieiisioiis  to  the  lerri- 
'  lory  lymg  west  and  south  of  the  above  dcscriiied 
'line,  (4"J°,)  and  in  like  manner  Ins  Catholic  .Ma- 
'jesly  cedes  lo  the  United  Suites  all  Ins   rights, 

*  claims,  and  pretentions  lo  any  territory  ta\t  niui 
'  norllntf  the  said  line,  and  for  himself,  bis  hens, 
'and  successors,  reiiouiiccB  all  cliuin  to  tile  said 

'  territories  forever."  | 


Spain,  at  that  time,  claimed  the  sovereignty  of 
the  soil  between  4'2°  and  61°  north  latitude. 

/'oHi/A.  I'.y  the  convention  between  the  United 
Slates  and  Russia,  in  !8'24,  the  boundary  between 
Ihe  Iwo  Powers  was  fixed  in  latilude  54°  4(1'.  We 
thus  cede  to  Russia  6°  anil  :L'0',or  an  extent  of 
country  along  the  const  of  three  hundred  and  sixty 
miles.  If  Englaml  had  possessed  title  to  this  soil, 
wimlil  she  have  calmly  and  ipiielly  looked  on.suf- 
fcri';j,  it  to  be  traded  oil"  by  one  Power  lo  anollieri' 
Tlie  Ibllowing  is  the  article  setiling  the  boundary 
between  the  United  Slates  and  Russia: 

"  It  is,  moreover,  agreed,  that,  hereafter,  there 
'  shall  not  be  formed,  by  the  citizens  of  ihe  United 
'  States,  or  under  the  authority  of  the  United 
'Slates,  any  establishment  upon  the  iioiihwesi 
'  coast  of  America,  nor  in  any  of  llie  islands  adja- 
'  cent  to  Ihe  north  of  fifty-four  degrees  and  forty 
'  minutes  of  north  latitude;  and,  in  ihe  sameman- 
'  ncr,  there  s..  ill  be  none  i'ormed  by  Russian  sub- 
'  jecls,  or  under  the  authority  of  Russia,  south  of 
'  the  same  |parallel." 

FilVi.  So  far  from  objecting  to  the  eslablishment 
of  the  boundary  belweeii  tin:  United  .Slates  and 
Russia  upon  ihe  par.illel  of  54°  40',  and  a  conse- 
quent conveyance  to  Russia  of  six  degrees  of  ter- 
ritory which  we  obtained  from  .'-ipain,  I'higlanil,  in 
1825,  eslablishetl  her  bo  inu.'ry  with  Russia,  in  ik- 
ing Ihe  /)iir«//f/ of  54°  4J'  Hit  basis.  I!y  iliat  ron- 
veiition  l-hnrlaiid  obtained  fr./ni  Russia  an  extent 
of  eounlry  three  hundred  andsixiy  miles  in  length, 
which  the  Russians  d  ecd  Iron  Ihe  i'liilcd  tilalcs, 
the  Ittttcr  i'ou'er  liolditiix  under  lyjuiin.  And  yet,  sir, 
at  this  lale  day,  the  English  Governnieiit  dispute 
the  validity  of  our  Spanish  title.  1  e;ill  ihe  atten- 
tion of  the  committci'  to  the  t'ollowing  article  of  the 
convention  between  Russia  and  Great  lirilaiii: 

".\kt.  ;).  The  line  of  demarealion  belweeii  the 
'  possessions  of  the  high  contiaeiini:  parlies  upon 
'  the  coast  of  the  conliiient  and  the  islands  of  Ame- 
'  rica  to  the  northwest  shall  be  drawn  in  the  nian- 
'  ner  following  :  Commencing  from  the  iiortliern- 
'  most  jioint  of  the  island  called  Prince  of  Wales's 
'  Islanil,  which  point  lies  in  Ihe  )inrallel  e/54°  40' 
'  iio)(/i  latilude,  and  between  the  131si  and  133d  de- 

*  ,'rree  of  west  lon;riiude,  (meridian  of  Greenwich.) 
'  The  said  line  shall  ascend  U)  the  norlli  along  the 
'  chcn.iel  called  Porilinid  channel,  as  far  as  ilie 
'  |>oinl  id"  the  contincnl  where  it  strikes  the  56lh 
'  degree  of  north  laiuude.  Prom  this  lasl-meii- 
'  lioiicd  point  the  line  of  demarcation  shall  follow 
'  the  summit  of  the  mountains  situate  parallel  to 
'  llie  coast  as  far  as  the  point  of  intersection  of  the 
'  141st  degree  of  west  longilude,  (of  the  same  me- 
'  riilian,)  And,  finally,  from  the  said  point  iff  m- 
'  lerscciion  the  x\h\  n.eridian  line  of  the  I4lst  de- 
'  gree,  ill  ita  proloiiL'ation  as  I'ar  as  the  Frozen 
'  ocean,  shall  f  A  the  limit  between  the  Russian 
'  ami  Briiis'  ^sessions  on  the  conlinciu  of  Anie- 
'  rica  on  I'       ,  .rlliwest." 

iiixih.  i>y  tlie  conventicui  of  1818,  England  had 
a  joint  right  of  trade  with  the  United  Stales  in  llie 
lerritnries  possessed  by  both  Powers  west  of  the 
Stony  iiiounlaiiis.  The  following  is  the  3d  article 
of  the  convention  of  iMlf^: 

"  It  IS  ngreetl  iliai  any  country  that  inay  be 
'  claimed  by  eiile  1  parly  on  the  no.'l'V.,  j;  o:i3t 
'of  America  we^twaril  of  ihe  Simr  moiMlaiiis, 
'  shall.  loiTelhei  wi'li  its  harbors,  bays,  and  creeks, 
'  and  the  navigalmn  <it'  ail  mers  wiihin  the  s.inu', 
'  be  free  and  open  for  the  term  of  leii  years  from 
'  the  date  of  the  siiiiiaoire  fif  the  ]iresriit  conveii- 
'  tiuii  lo  the  vessels,  citizens,  and  sub|ects  of  the 

*  two  Powers,  it  being  well  understood  that  this 
'  agreement  is  not  lo  lie  consirued  to  ilie  prO|udicc 

*  of  any  claim  which  either  of  the  iwo  lii::h  eon- 
'  tiactiiig  partii'S  may  have  lo  any  part  of  the  said 
'  i-onnlry;  nur  sitiil!  it  be  taken  to  all'  ci  the  claims 

*  of  aiiy'ollier  Power  or  Stale   to  any  pan  of  ihe 

*  s:iid  couiiir)';  llu'  only  object  of  the  liigli  conlraci- 
'  ing  parties  on  that  subject  being  lo  prevent  dis- 
'  pules  and  dilVerences  among  lliem     Ives." 

The  convention  of  W2~,  milefinitel ,  \iendcd  and 
continued  in  force  the  convention  oi  1818,  Kiving, 
however,  to  eilher  of  the  eonlracling  parties  t'le 
i-i;rlit  to  abro<::iie  it  upon  gi\iiig  lo  me  other  party 
twebe  months'  notice. 

W^hnt  I  wish,  Mr.  Cliairmrii,  to  call  the  nlten- 
lioii  of  the  eomniiilee  parliiMihuly  lo,  is  the  fact 
that  England,  under  the  coim  iiimii  of  IfllH,  had  a 
ri_-lit  to  trade  between  the  4-'d  and  llii'  (ilsl  degrees 
of  iionli  latitude,  as  our  lille  unibriiced  the  icrrilo- 


leie.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


Qril 


.nay  be 

-i    n:iat 

noiMiiiiits, 

md  rrt-'i'ks, 

tlio  S.lllH?, 

rata  from 

It  conven- 

is  of  tlie 

lli.'it  this 

in'cjuilice 

ll^ll    coil. 

It'  liic  said 
ihn  chums 
111  of  ihe 
oiiirui'i- 
IMl  dis- 


^ 
* 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 

ry  hotwrcn  Ihrso  piirnllc;ls.     Tint  liclwecn  tlic  con-  j| 
vciilioiis  of  1818  and  1827,  llir  cmivrntion  of  1824  , 
was  ndonlcd  bctwrcn  Ilussii)  and  the  United  Stall's,  i 
)^y  wliii'li  \vc  IransfiiTod  imr  soil  noi'tii  of  54°  40'  ; 
tti  Russia,  and  ronsoqucntly,  wlicn  tlio  ronvenlion  I 
of  1837  was  !uIo|)tcd,  iMi^'Iand  Imd  not  the  riL'lil  of 
Irailc  even  nnrili   nf  54°  40'.     It  is  not  lo  lie  sup- 
posed, sir,  that  England,  if  she  Imd  rights  in  Or- 
egon at  thai  time,  woidd  have  sulTercd  llicm  to  be  I 
so  grossly  infringed  upon, 

I  think,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  now  established 
my  position,  that  the  Nootka  eonvcniion  contained 
no  provision  impairing  the  sovereignty  of  Spain 
to  tho  t''rrilnry  on  the  northwest  coast.  I 

I!nt  lliere  is  another  treaty  which  precludes  Great  , 
Ilrilaui  from  sotting  up  ft  claim  to  tcrrittirv  west  of  ' 
the  Mississippi  river.     The  seventh  article  of  the 
treaty  lieiween  Great  Britain  and  France,  in  17G3, 
is  in  tile  (ollowing  words:  i 

"  The  confines  between  the  dominions  of  his 
'  nriiniinic  Majesty  in  that  part  of  the  world  (l)ie 

*  coiitiiieiit  of  America)  ^'hall  tie  fi,ri'd  iyni'ocilthj 
'  liy  a  line  drawn  along  the  middle  of  the  river 
'  Mississippi,  from  its  source  lo  the  river  Iberville; 
'  and  from  thence,  by  a  line  di.iV.  n  along  Ihc  niid- 
'dlfi  of  this  river,  and  the  lakes  Maurepas  i.nd 

*  PontchartrHin,  lo  the  sea.'* 

The  b  -.iiidary  having  lieen  fixrt  •,-revocnbhj  upon 
n  pnrlicu.  \r  line  by  Kni;land,  she  '  annot  go  bey<'nd 
it.  In  18l  !1,  I'Vancc  conveyed  to  the  I'nited  Stales 
whatever  r'llils  site  acquired  to  territory  by  the 
treaty  of  I'lfi.'). 

I  think,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  establisned  that 
lur  (ille  is  c!(iir  and  unquestionable  lo  the  whole 
of  the  Ore::oii  'erritory  iiclwcen  the  forly-sccond 
deiiree  and  fifty-rourth  degiee  of  north  lalitnde. 

I  will  next  proceed,  sir,  to  assign  reasons,  which  ; 
nripe.'U'  conclusive  to   niy   mind,  that  this   '-otice 
should  be  given  now,  and  the  convention  abrog.ited, 
that  we  may  assert  our  title  to  the  whole  terri- 
torv. 

The  gentleman  from  Alabama  [Mr.  Y.wcf.y] 
nsked  if  Kngland  has  acted  with  bad  faith,  that 
gentlemen  should  be  so  anxious  lo  abrogate  Ihis 
conrenlion.-  I  unhesitatingly  reply,  that  siie  /irt,s- 
ncied  willi  bad  faillit  that  she  has  violated  the 
spirit  of  the  convenlions  of  1818  and  18:37.  I'y 
the  terms  of  these  convenlions,  the  ciiizeiis  and 
Biilijocis  of  the  two  I'owers  had  a  riuHit  of  Iradr  in 
tlie  countries  claimed  by  either  party  on  the  norih- 
wrsl  coast  of  .Vmcrica  westward  of  the  Stony 
mountains,  with  the  express  reservation,  how  ever, 
"that  ibis  aL'rcemeiit  is  not  lo  be  constnicd  lo  the 

*  prejudice  of  any  I'laim  which  either  of  the  two 
'  iii'jh  coniractiiig  parlies  may  have  to  Tny  part  of 
'  llic  said  coinilry,"  iS'c. 

\ow,  sir,  there  is  manif'sied  upon  the  part  of 
Great  IVilain  a  ileieri>;inalinii  to  hold  jifrmatieut 
po-scssion  of  a  jiart  of  thai  country.  They  have 
twenty-two  forts  upon  our  soil,  certainly  not  to 
protect  themselves  maiiist  the  Indians,  because 
they  are  generally  the  allies  of  the  savages,  and 
there  is  certainly  \  good  understanding  between 
them  now.  .\o  other  Power  save  the  t'luled 
Stales  claims  the  soil.  Then,  why  the  erection  of 
forts.'  Why  this  slate  of  ire|iaralion.=  Sir,  in  my 
iuili.'inenl,  il  wouM  be  rig'it  for  this  Government 
to  lireak  olf  nesroii.'ilioiis  -.vith  aiiv  Power  making 
active  pr< ;  viral  ions  for  var.  while  aiiemptiiig  to 
settle  a  dilficidly  ainicalil',-.  .\s  soon  would  I  i  ar- 
ley  with  a  man  who  wn.-i  sharpening  his  knife  lo 
take  my  heart's  lilood.  Ihit  I  have  oilier  e\  idetiee 
of  her  delerniinalioi,.  In  18;n,  llie  governor  of  the 
Hudson "s  Hay  C  niip.rny  wrote  as  (bllows  to  the 
Critislt  Scccelar  '  for  lh<'  Colonics; 

"ir/z/i  cure  mill  prnlrctii'n,  tlir  Bn'd's/i  (/oiiijiiion 
'  innii  not  otlij  be  prtsit-vet}  in  tliis  cottnln/,  v'hirh  it 
'  has  bieu  .so  iiitte/i  the  itisli  rf  Rtissia  nnd  »lmerifa  to 
'  Dreii})'!  to  lltr  e.\rhi>i<m  r<f  Ilfiti'^ll  .stt/'jcc/s',  but   Ih-il- 

*  i.s/i  iiticK*^!  fiDil  Iiriti>h  iiijiucnrr  itifni  he  mainltiine<l 
^  as  jxirninnttiil  on  this  inteye^tins:  uaiirfthe  coast  of 
'  the  I'aeijie." 

Sir,  mark"  the  pointed  and  signifii'iiiit  language 
of  ilie  governor;  "  "Willi  care  and  proteciion,  the 
'Urilish  ilominion  inav  not  only  be  preserved  in 
Mills  country."  "but  lirilish  inlercsis  ami  Urilish 
'inllueiice   may   be  maintained   as   |ianimonnI  on 

*  Ihis  intereslin;:  part  of  the  coast  tif  the  Pacific." 

l^ii  till'  1st  of  pebriiarv,  I8.'n,  Geiu'ge  Simpson, 
F.sq.,  atrcnl  of  the  comp;iny  in  Ainerii'a,  writes  to 
Governor  Pclby  on  the  same  subject.     lie  says: 

"The  possession  of  that  country   (Oregon)  to 


'JTie  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Chase. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


'Great  Britain  may  become  an  nhjecl  of  very  p;real  ' 

*  itnportaure^  and  ire  are  strcngthetiin^  thtir  claim  to 
'it  by  forming  Ihe  niic/i lis  (/«  co/eiii;,  through  the 
'establishment  of  (linns  and  the  settlement  of  some 
'of  our  retiring  ollicera  and  scrvanlH  ns  agricultur-  : 
'isl.s." 

Not  satisfied  willi  complying  with  the  words 
and  spirit  of  the  conventions  of  1818  and  18x!7, 
wliich  authorized  them  lo  trade  upon  our  soil,  and  ' 
for  the  purpose  of  strengthening  the  chiiin  of  Great 
Britain,  they  were  "  forming  the  nucleus  of  a  col- 
ony." 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  take  the  following  extracts 
fi-oin  Greenhow'.s  History  of  Oregon,  to  show  the 
committee  the  aspect  of  ulTaira  upon  our  own 
soil; 

"  Wherever  an  American  trading  post  has  licen  \ 
'established,  or  an  American  party  has  been  en- 
'ga^ed  in  trade  on  the  Columbia,  there  appeared 
'n  Hudson's  Bay  agent,  a'  the  head  of  a  miinlicr 
'of  hiiiilers,  or  with  a  larg.'  stock  of  merchandise, 
'or  a  large  amount  of  specie  in  hand,  which  weie 
'  olfered  for  skins  on  terms  more  favorable  to  Ihe 
'Indians  than  those  possess  <il  by  cilizeiia  of  the 
'tainted  Stales;  and  the  latlc,  in  conseriuence, 
'  finding  their  labors  vain,  were  soon  obliged  to  re- 
'tire  from  the  field." 

Again :  i 

"As  the  fur  trade  in  the  countries  of  the  Colum- 
'  bia decreased, the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  began 

*  to  lurii  its  nticntion  to  other  objects.  Farms  were 

*  laid  out  on  an  extensive  scale,  and  mills  for 
'  grinding  grain  and  sawing  wood  were  erected 
'  near  the  lower  part  of  ilie  great  river,  near 
'  Bnlfinch's  Harbor,  near  Piigcl's  Sound,  and  in 

*  other  places." 

The  policy  of  the  Engli.sh  Government,  for  sev- 
'  eral  years  past,  evinces  a  settled  determinalion,  by 
"forming  Ihe  nucleus  of  a  colony,"  lo  retain  perma- 
nent possession  of  the  countrj'.  Perhaps  ihey  have 
based  their  calculation  upon  a  eoniituuincc  of  that  . 
line  of  policy  which  withludils  from  our  citizens  in- 
ducements lo  settle  the  Orcjfon  territory,  and  leaves 
our  people  already  there,  to  struKirlo  wilh  the  con- 
centraled  power  of  an  incorporated  company,  with- 
out any  certainly  that  their  riglils  will  utnnalelv 
be  protecied.  IJui,  .Mr.  Chairman,  if  the  English 
Governinent  has  come  lo  such  a  conclusion,  they 
have  again  misl;ikeii  the  elmraeler  of  the  musses  in 
this  eoiimry.  .Ahhoughouralfcciions  cling  around 
our  lamily  ;ill:irs,  and  we  rally  ihe  more  readily  to 
their  defence,  yel  the  patriotism  of  the  American 
people  is  as  iiroad  as  the  land  we  inhabit. 

lint,  Mr.  Chairman,  il  is  nr;:ed  that  the  present 
Executive  if  the  United  States  tendered  lo  Eng- 
'■iiid  the  -intli  de;;ree  of  north  kiiilude  as  the  bound- 
ary, and  that,  altbouuh  it  was  rejected  by  Eng- 
land, and  subsequently  w  ilhdrawn  by  the  United 
States,  yet  if  it  was  now  tendered  by  (ireat  Britain, 
we  should  be  bound  lo  accept  it.  To  this  conclu- 
sion I  cannot  agree.  If  the  tender  had  been  ne- 
ccpied,  we  certainly  should  have  been  bound  by  it; 
but  ns  il  was  dccliiied,  and  then  withdrawn,  the 
two  Ciovernmenls  oeciipy  the  same  position  tiiey 
did  before  it  was  made.  The  argument  is,  that  we 
could  not  refuse  an  olTer  wliicii  we  had  been  liber- 
al enough  to  make  oiirsehcs.  .\1I  agree  that  the 
President  coulil  not  have  made  a  won'  liberal  offer, 
consistent  with  the  honor  of  our  country;  and  yet, 
sir.  111  lH]8aiid  180(;,  we  tendered  to  (jrcal  IJril- 
aiii  the  4!)th  degree  of  north  laliliide,  together  irilh 
Ihe  free  narigution  rf  the  Columliia  river  south  of  that 
latitude.  Aow,  sir,  if  we  are  boumi,  as  gentlenieii 
insist,  10  accept  as  liberal  an  ofi'':'r  from  Great  Brit- 
ain as  we  ha\c  tendered,  we  should  lie  compelled 
'<  lo  accept  the  paralhl  of  40°,  if  oll'ered,  giving'  to 
that  Power  the  free  navignlion  of  the  Cohimbia 
river  south  of  that  parallel.  Xo  member  upon  this 
lloor  will,  I  trust,  so  far  fori'.ct  the  interests  of  his 
country  as  lo  surrender  the  free  navigation  of  a 
river  which  (lows  ihroiiL'h  our  lerrilory.  I  regret, 
i\!r,  Cbairnnin,  iIkiI  sretitlcineti.  in  their  anxiety  lo 
eonipromise  upon  40°,  should  have  placed  them- 
selves in  so  false  a  position. 

Sir,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying,  that  it  is  my 

deliberate   opinion,    after  the  most  mature  reflec- 

'  lion,  that,  i(   England  lenders  the   4',Hli  deu'rec  of 

norlli  kiliuide  as  the  bound:irv  belwcen  the  two 

countries,  or  aiiv  oilier  parallel  south  of  54°  40', 

it  should  be  prnin]illy  and  iinliesitaiiiigly  rejected, 

,  "  and  our  title  to  the   w  hole  Oregon  territory  as- 

'  •ertrj."     I  beg  leave,  Mr.  Chnirmun,  in  this  con- 


nexion, to  slate  thnl  England  never  will,  in  my 
opinion,  compromise  at  49°.  The  harbors  and 
territory  which  she  desires  lo  possess  are  between 
the  4ntli  degree  and  Ihe  moiilli  of  the  Columbia, 
and  we  shall  be  compelled  to  present  to  the  world 
the  humiliating  spectacle  of  purchasing  a  pence  by 
offcrins  to  surrender  still  more  of  our  soil. 

It  may  be  well  to  recollect,  Mr.  Chairman,  that 
the  amount  of  territory  gemlemen  propose  to  sur- 
render between  49°  and  54°  40',  north  latitude,  is 
about  ]0(l,(;00,000  acres,  and  thai  the  people  may 
ri'sard  |  e  purchased  at  such  n  price  rather  too 
dear. 

The  Executive,  in  his  Message,  asserts  the  fact, 
that  our  title  to  the  whole  Oregon  territory  baa 
been  "  Hi«i(il«iiici/  by  irrefragable  facts  und  argu- 
ments." 

In  his  Message,  the  President  stales  the  foUow- 
in.f;  jtrinciplc: 

"  Xcar  a  oimrtcr  of  n  century  ago,  the  principle 
'  was  distinctly  announced  lo  the  world,  in  the  an- 
'  nual  Message  of  one  of  my  predecessors,  that'tiie 
'  American  coiitinents,  by  l[ie  free  and  independent 
'  condiiion  which  they  had  assumed  and  maiutain- 
'ed,are  henceforth  not  to  be  considered  ns  sub- 
'jects  for  colmiization  by  any  European  Power.' 
'  This  principle  will  apply  with  greatly  increased 
'  force,  should  any  European  Power  atiempt  to  es- 
'  tiililish  any  new  colony  in  Xorlh  America.  In 
'  the  existing  circumstances  of  the  world,  the  pres- 
'  enl  is  deemed  a  ]n-opcr  occasion  lo  rciieiate  and 
'  readirm  the  principle  avowed  by  Mr.  Momoe, 
'  and  lo  state  my  cordial  concurrence  in  its  wisdom 
'  and  sound  policy." 

Xow,  sir,  if  it  be  the  settled  policy  of  this  coun- 
try that  the  American  conlineiits  are  not  to  be  con- 
sidered as  subjects  for  future  colonizalion  by  any 
Euro  lean  Power,  it  applies  lo  lerrilory  lo  which 
we  111  ve  no  claim,  ns  well  as  to  that  which  belrngs 
tons;  and  if  we  cannot  suffer  the  Powers  of  Eu- 
rope o  colonize  ]«iris  of  the  Amcriian  cmlineiu 
over  'cliicli  we  have  no  claim,  how  can  we  surren- 
der te 'rilory  to  which  our  title  is  "  i'le:ir  and  un- 
qiiestionalile,"  iijion  which  a  foreign  Power  c;>ii 
(iirm  the  "  nucleus  ofacolony.-"  I  am  decidedly 
of  opinion,  .Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  joint  riLht  of 
trade  in  Oregon  should  terininalc  as  soon  as  possi- 
ble. The  English  are  erecting  forls,  and  flirming 
the  "  nucleus  of  a  colony,"  north  of  the  Cohimbia. 
Our  citizens  are  settling  south  of  that  sli-eam.  If 
this  is  suffered  to  continue,  the  Columbia  river  will 
become  the  boinulary  between  the  two  countries. 
To  exlend  our  laws  over  the  territory,  and  build 
firls,  will  be  pro|ier,  as  longas  our  citizens  and  the 
subjects  of  En:;land  occupy  diffircnt  poilions  of  the 
lerrilory.  But,  once  let  mir  people  |iass  ihe  river, 
and  erect  forts,  where  the  cross  of  .Si.  George,  lloai- 
iiig  upon  the  breeze,  comes  in  contact  with  the  st.ir.s 
and  stripes— let  the  English  bayonet  and  the  .Vmeri- 
ean  rifle  glitter  upon  opposite  hills — while  upon 
the  same  plains,  to  the  blasts  of  the  bugle  dash  the 
American  cavalry,  and  the  serried  ranks  nf  ihe 
English  infaiUry  move  to  the  notes  of  ilie  fife  and 
the  rolling  of  the  drum — sir,  let  this  stale  of  .niTuirs 
cxi.'<l  lor  two  weeks,  and  insults  will  pas.5,  blood 
would  Ije  shed  and  the  English  or  American  flag 
would  trail  in  the  dust. 

I  am  in  favor  of  erecting  forls  and  extending 
our  laws  lo  protect  our  citizens  in  Oregon.  But 
with  it  I  lliink  we  sliould'iieie  give  the  notice,  as  the 
only  means  lo  prevent  a  riipluro  wilh  England  or 
ihe  surrender  of  a  )iortion  of*  our  territory. 

A  dislinguislied  Senator,  in  the  other  end  of  the 
Cajiitol,  [Mr.  \Vi;i!-,Tr.R,l  I  believe,  has  cxpics.sed 
the  opinion,  lliat  the  people  in  Oregon  should  be 
left  to  select  their  own  govcrnmeni;  and  if  they 
think  proper  to  eslablish  an  indeprndent  repti' Ifc 
west  of  the  Rocky  mounlains,  they  .should  be  al- 
lowed lo  do  so.  Xotwithstanding  ihe  ahi'ity  of 
tlnit  distinuuished  Senator,  I  e.uinot  brin;,  myself 
to  agree  to  his  eoiiclusions.  The  policy  which  in- 
duced the  union  of  these  Slates  was  no  doubt  p.ir- 
tially  based  upon  well-grounded  fears  of  their  be- 
conrmg  rival  republics.  The  Florid.io  and  Louisi- 
ana were  purchased,  and  Texas  was  annexed,  to 
all;'"li  10  us,  by  llie  indissnhible  bonds  of  "  iha 
Union,"  territories  that  mi'^lit  biivc  jiossessed  the 
means  of  annoyance,  if  nut  the  inducement,  of  be- 
coming open  and  dangerous  foes.  The  ;;erni  of 
strife  and  bloodshed  have  thus  been  converted  into 
fraternal  love.  The  history  of  nil  republics,  ^Ir. 
Chairmnn,  should  learn  us  that  il  is  far  better  for 


■ 


S3d 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  6, 


29th  Cong Ist  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  W.  Hunt. 


Ho.  OP.  Reps. 


contiguous  territory  to  beoniler  one  govprnmcnt,  I 
wlicii  interests  ure  niergeJ,  and  the  welfare  of  all  j 
become  the  end  und  nini  of  the  people,  than  to  run  i 
the  liazard  of  a  collision,  by  creating  the  elements 
vliicii  will  produce  it. 

'The  olijcctioiia  of  that  distinguished  Senator 
niav  perhaps  be  founded  in  the  policy  of  the  Fed- 
eral party,  tliat  our  territorial  limits  should  not  lie 
pxtciidcd,  based  upon  a  disbelief  in  the  capacily  of  : 
the  people  for  8ell'-u;ovcrnnienl,  and  llierelore  a  dc-  i 
termination  to  confide  the  ri^lit  to  as  (cv!  as  possi- 
ble, or  in  opposition  to  the  uctpiisilioii  of  more  ter- 
ritory, that  the  price  of  land  nniy  increase. 

The  hopes  of  the  advocates  for  free  government 
\m\e  been  realized.  The  rights  of  man  have  been  ■ 
secured.  The  spirit  of  our  ("onslitution  and  laws 
lias  .-.proud  from  the  Atlancic  shores,  far  wc-it 
tinon^'houl  the  valley  of  the  Mi».<issippi;  the 
Uocky  mountains  have  been  surniounled,  aial  lib- 
erty iuij  eipialily  cover,  as  with  a  shield,  the 
American  citizen  upon  the  shores  of  the  I'acific. 

Su-,  1  might  allude  to  the  value  of  that  country 
to  the  United  Sinli  s.  I  might  dwell  upon  its  ex- 
cillcnt  haibm-s,  where  our  shipping  can  rest  secure 
from  the  attacks  of  our  enemies,  in  its  passage  be-  , 
twecn  the  two  hemisiihercs,  while  exchanging  the 
n(  ce-i.-iarie..*  ..i'onc  for  the  luxuries  of  the  other.  I 
could  bring  to  the  ntlcntion  of  ihe  conniiittee  the 
facilities  which  it  will  alVord  us  for  ship  building — 
the  vast  amount  of  rtr,  white  oal(,  pine,  and  hvc 
oak,  which  cover  llie  land.  U|ioii  her  hill.-J,  llie 
shiphcrcl  can  tend  his  llock.t;  upoji  the  |ilalns,  rich 
and  fertile  farms,  covered  with  waving  grain,  will 
reward  the  labor  cd"  the  husbandman;  her  valleys, 
ti  eming  with  nianuliu lories,  v»-dl  diffuse  comforls 
thioughout  iheli  rril.>ry;herl..vc!y  glensifnd  be:m- 
tiful  cascades  will  be  llie  adminilioii  of  Iravellers, 
while  ihc  soft  breezes  from  the  Pacific  will  waft  lo 
her  lap  all  thai  cm  conlribule  lo  tlie  healih  <H-hap- 
])iiiess  of  her  lili/.cns.  lint  all  this  alfords  me  jio 
greater  iiidncemcnl  to  assert  our  right  to  territory 
which  unoiaslionalily  belongs  to  us. 

Hill  il  IS  said,  .Mr.  Chairnian,  that  there  is  no 
necessity  for  urging  this  cpieslion  now.  This  has 
been  the  argumeiil  .if  England;  for  years  she  has 
objecti  d  to  the  adjusimciit  of  tl.is  (piesiiou.  Tweii- 
ty-eiglu  years,  Mr.  tliairmaii,  is  long  enough  to 
be  di.scu,ssinga  i|uestioii  of  terrilorial  ri^ht.  AVe 
have  never  gained  nnicli  by  negotiating  willi  our 
aiicie'lt  foe."  Her  slaiesmen  are  cautious  and  far- 
seeiiiL'.  They  are  well  aware  of  the  (iiiic  to  pie.«s 
an  unfounded  claim,  anil  can  we'll  judge  of  how 
many  di'Hculiies  to  adjust  at  once.  When  the 
trea'y  was  formed  ceding  away  the  nniiintaiii 
boun.lary  of  .Maine,  .is  an  erpiivalciil  for  tli.it  uii- 
warraiUalilc  cession,  Great  lirilain  ou-lit  to  have 
had  the  mogimniiiii/i/ to  n  liiapiisli  an  unfounded 
claim  to  any  portion  of  On  gon  territory,  even  if 
the  American  negotiator  had  n'J/ the  .s;)iri(  tuask  il. 
Sir,  we  may  see  the  ariful  )iolicy  by  which  Kiii:- 
lisli  diplumatiss.s  are  governed,  by  reading  the  fol- 
"owing  exirui  t  from  the  coininuiiicatlon  of  Lord 
Aberdeen,  in  October,  \>*\:ly  to  Mr.  Fox,  the  Brit- 
ish Minister  al  W'asliiiiglim: 

"  You  are  awaie  lliat  Lord  Ashliurlon  was  fur- 
'  nished  with  specific,  and  detailed  instructions, 
'  with  respect  to  the  treatmeni  of  this  point  of  ilif- 
'  fi  rencc  between  the  two  (Joveriiments,  in  the 
•  .'cneral  niiiotiations  with  which  he  was  en'-nst- 
'  ed,  and  which  lie  has  brought  to  u  satisf.cti  y 
'  issue. 

'•  For  reiLsons  which  it  is  not  "     iry  here  lo 

'  stale  at  lenu'tli,  ihat  point,  aA  .■aviiv,  been  made 
'  Ihe  siibjecl  id' conference  wilh  the  American  Sec- 
'  relarv  of  Stale,  was  not  further  pressed.  The 
'  nmin'gniund  allegi  d  by  his  lordship  f.ir  iibsiain- 
'  ing  IViim  proposing  to  curry  on  the  discussion, 
'wilh  i.-JpccI  lo  tiie  ipicsiion  of  the  norlliwist 
'  boundary,  was  llie  apprehension,  IrsI,  liij  so  i/oiHg, 
'Ihe  .\f/(//iii(ii(  if  "if  Jiir  more  imiwiiiinl  inatlir  itf 
'  lilt  niirllirasltrn  bnmiilary  hhuuld  lie  impciM,  ur  ex- 
'  jinxrd  III  the  liiizaril  if  «  finhire." 

A  biild,  prompt,  and  deUrinnied  assertion  of  our 
rights  should  al  all  limes  be  adopted  by  lliis  coun- 
try, but  miirc  especially  at  so  critical  a  period  in 
our  liislo.y  as  at  present. 

I  have  been  much  surprised,  Mr.  Chairman,  to 
hear  geiill.men  noon  this  floor,  in  glowing  hin- 
gimije^talk  about  the  power  of  Fniriand  and  llie 
wiMkiiiss  of  our  own  country,  as  if  Ihat  was  to  be 
Uiken  into  coiisid  -ration  by  nienibers  represcniiiig 
portions  of  this  powerful  confederacy,  when  set- 


tling a  queation  of  territorial  right.  Why,  sir, du 
they  forget  that  we  arc  six  times  stronger  than 
when  the  stars  and  stripes  waved  in  triumph  over 
the  Hag  of  Englnnd  in  the  first  struggle;  and  that 
we  hnve  grown  in  strength  since  American  valor 
proved  victorious  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and 
uruku  the  charm  id'  Uriti.sh  invincibility  upon  Ihe 
sea .'  Why,  Mr.  Chairman,  gentlemen  might  take 
eodrage  f\om  tie  spirited  language  of  a  young  lady, 
who,  from  her  losition  upon  the  norlhern  border, 
is  ill  as  much  danger  as  these  gentlemen  or  their 
conslitiients.  In  n  letter  lo  me  she  remarks:  "/ 
'  ruiitiof  aaij  Ihul  I  trishfor  inir;  /<ii(  slill  I  do  not  irhh 
'  one  foot  of  land  to  be  given  up  that  belongs  lo  us;  aiul 
'  if  il  eannot  be  done  any  oilur  way,  keep  it  at  the 
'  moulh  of  your  cnaiioii." 

During  that  period  of  our  country's  history 
"  which  tried  men's  .souls,"  the  assistance  and  aif- 
vice  of  the  ladies  was  received  and  appreciated, 
and  experience  has  proved  thai,  in  limes  of  peril, 
they  are  ofieiier  right  than  the  sterner  sex. 

A   nation  which  hesilaies  to  defend  her  rights  I 
soon  ceases  to  possess  the  respect  of  the  Powers  of  ' 
the  earlh;  one encroaciiment  after  another  narrows 
herinlluencc  and  contracts  her  territory,  iinlil  am-   ; 
bilioii  or  avarice  strikes  her  from  the  list  of  na- 
tions. ^  ^  ' 

tine  of  the  most  brilliant  passages  in  the  history 
of  the  world,  and,  at  the  same  time,  one  of  ihe 
most  instriii'tiin!,  was  the  glorious  stand  taken  by 
Frederick  the  Great,  of  Prussia,  against  the  com- 
bined powers  of  Russia,  France,  and  Austria, 
when  Ihey  sought  lo  carve  ii])  his  dominiinis.  The 
odds  were  fcnrfiil,  but  he  did  not  hcsilalo  to  defend 
his  riirhls,  and  before  the  war  dosed,  he  laiiglit  his 
enemies  how  terrible  is  Ibe  shock  of  battle  when  \ 
warriors  are  defending  llieir  hoiiies. 

The  Gauls  once  proving  victorioua  over  the  arms 
of  Rome,  laid  siege  lo  llie  cnplial.  Siruck  wilh 
terror  al  ihe  "  jimeer"  of  the  Gauls,  and  their  "  i/i- 
71'nc('/c*ts"  condiluin,  I  hey  sough  I  Ui^'  buy  a  jiettei'.^^  , 
While  the  Ilomans  were  weighing  the  gold,  the 
leader  of  llii- Gauls  cast  his  sword  iiilo  the  scale, 
declaring  that  the  fate  of  the  coii(|iiered  was  snb- 
mis.sioii.  At  ibis  moment  ("amillus  appealed  be- 
fore the  ;;ales,aiid  the  Itoinans  placing  ihcmselvis 
under  Ills  command,  gained  acomplete  victory  over 
the  Ijanls.  , 

Mr.  Chairman,  when  the  American  people  suf- 
fer ihcir  Ui  prcseiilalives  lo  buy  a  pfiiec^  il  will  be 
when  the  deeds  of  onr  sires  are  fortiolten,  and  valor 
and  giairioilsm  cea.se  lo  meet  the  approving  smiles 
of  .\nicrican  beauty. 

A  proposition  is  gravely  urged,  to  extend  to  the 
President  llie  power  to  give  ihe  nolice  whenever, 
in  bis  discreiion,  he  niav  think  proper.  Would 
L'enili-incii  throw  all  the  ri-sponsibililv  upon  the 
Kxi'cutivcr  If  we  slirin-v  from  the  discharge  of  a 
duty,  will  he  feel  authorized  lo  u.ssume  the  respon 
sibility  of  giving  the  noiicer  He  stands  ahiiie, 
wilbont  any  one  to  divide  llie  odium  with  him,  if 
a  disastrous  war  slimild  be  the  result  of  giving  the 
notice;  and  allhoe^'h  I  do  nol  distrust  his  firmness, 
vet  when  a  bold  sl:oiil  iinoii  the  part  of  this  House 
is  so  iniich  to  be  ilci^ireil,  as  evidence  to  Kiigland 
of  tli(^  delcrminalion  of  the  people,  it  is  slrange 
that  gciiili  men  will  shrink.  I  do  not  know  what 
will  be  llie  result  of  i;iviiig  notice,  but  I  am  much  : 
inclined  lo  bi  lieve  that  it  will  produce  a  satisfacto- 
ry and  speedy  adiuslment  of  the  ipieslion. 

1  am  fearful,  -Sir.  (Chairman,  that  the  wishes  of 
the  people  are  someliines  merged  in  a  desire  for 
President-making.  They  will  certainly  be  held  to 
a  fearful  accouiilability  by  their  c.on>tiiiieiils,  if 
lliere  is  falleriug  io  ihe  piitli  of  duly.  The  cilizens 
of  ihis  ci.iiniry  wi!l  proiujitly  condemn  any  syslcin 
of  w  in  -workiiiu'  ami  doulile  dealing,  any  nice  cal- 
colalions  of  how  much  lerrilory  may  be  snrreii- 
dereil.  or  how  far  our  riirhts  miisl  be  extended,  in 
ordert'  at  any  a.siiiraut  may  he  foisted  into  the  I'res- 
identiai  chnir.  A  s'l-aiiiliiliirward  delermination  lo  ' 
aiscri  ihe  li-.-litsand  honorof  the  coiiiitry  will  alone  ■ 
nieei  the  approbation  of  the  American  pisofile. 

iVIy  posiiion  was  laken  upon  this  ipiestion  l.e- ; 
fore  my  consliliienls.  1  see  no  rcasmi,  sir,  for: 
changing  the  opinions  1  avowed  before  my  eleciion.  ! 
1  am  willing  to  be  as  explicit  here  as  I  was  then.      ] 

If  we  c.ui  obtain  the  whole  territory  by  negotia- 
tion, and  thai  speedily,  I,  as  one  individual,  am 
willing  that  negotiations  should  be  opened  again 
for  that  purpose      I  am  opposed  to  arbilralion  or 
i  compromise.     I  would  vote  for  a  declaration  of 


M'tti  sooner  than  surrender  any  portion  of  the  Ore- 
gon territory. 

Mr.  Chairman,  much  has  been  said  about  the 
bravery  of  their  eonstitucnis  by  UepreseiiUilives 
upon  this  floor.  Tennessee  requires  no  eulogiuni 
fnnn  me.  Her  deeds  arc  written  upon  many  a 
page  which  adorns  our  country's  history,  .ilt- 
llioiigh  my  cunsliluents  prefer  Ihe  quiel  happiness  trhieh 
peace  confers,  yet  when  a  haiighly  pimer  denianik  a 
surretuler  of  our  soil,  or  reiiuires  m  to  purehme  a 
peace,  I  feel  aulhoriteit  lo  say  for  litem,  thai  their  shore 
of  the  tribute  shall  nol  be  paid  in  )jold,  but  in glittenng 
steel  and  balls  of  iron. 


OREGON  aUESTlON. 


SPEECH   OF  MR.   W.   HUNT, 

OF  Nf-;w  youK, 

In  the  House  of  Rkpbksf.ntatives, 

February  (i,  1840. 
On  the  Resolution  for  lerminaling  the  joint  occu- 
pation of  the  Oregon  Territory. 

Mr.  HUNT  said,  thai,  wearied,  as  he  knew  the 
House  lo  be  by  tliis  pnilracled  debate,  if  he  were 
to  consult  his  personal  iiielinalions,  he  would  not, 
at  that  late  hour,  prolong  the  discussion;  but  he 
had  endeavored,  for  several  days,  amid  a  throng 
of  eager  competilors,  to  obuiin  the  floor,  feeling  il 
due  lo  the  inagiiituile  of  the  ipiestion  that  he  should 
briefly  submit  the  views  which  inlliieneeil  his  mind 
and  goviTued  his  actions  in  the  vote  he  iniended 
to  give.  Ho  felt  it  due  to  the  rights  of  a  consiilu- 
ency  who  are  deeply  concerned  in  nil  measures 
ealculaied  to  affect  the  pacific  relations  between 
the  Uuiicd  Slates  and  Great  IJrilain. 

He  ie|ii-csented  a  people  who  have  been  taught 
to  appreciate  the  bicsiings  of  peace  from  their  ex- 
perience of  the  vicissitudes  of  war.  Whilst  much 
had  been  said  of  ihe  exposed  condition  of  our 
Bcaboaid,  and  the  defenceless  condition  of  some 
portions  of  ihe  couriry,  In;  would  venture  loaf- 
firm,  thai  no  .sectioh  is  more  direclly  interesled  in 
preserving  ihe  public  iranqiiillity  than  the  Nia:;ara 
frontier,  f'rom  which  he  came.  Was  it  necessary 
lo  remind  ihe  House  of  the  thrilling  eveiils  anil 
siirring  coullicls  which,  in  our  last  contest  with 
England,  had  made  that  border  memorable  in 
American  annals.' 

It  was  ihe  theatre  of  noble  daring  and  brilliant 
exploits,  which  had  invesled  scenes  of  nainral 
sublimity  with  the  iidililioiial  granileur  of  histori- 
cal interest  and  association.  It  was  there  that 
Scciil,  I'orli-r,  and  ollnr  gallant  leaders,  wilh  the 
brave  men  who  followed  lliem,  by  their  valor  and 
prowc:  s,  had  won  imnmruil  laun  Is  for  iheniselves, 
whilst  they  vindicateil  the  power  of  the  Amiricnu 
arms,  anil  coiiiribnted  so  largely  to  our  national 
glory  and  renown.  On  her  bloody  fields  Ihcir 
heroic  deeds  and  victorious  inirepidity  had  shed 
unfiidin^r  lustre  on  the  iniiiiary  fame  of  llie  coun- 
Iry.  Ihit  if  it  was  a  tlicatn:  of  victin-y  and  glory, 
it  was  also  a  .scene  of  calamity  and  dismay.  The 
frontier  towns  were  desoliacd  liy  fire  ami  s\\-ord, 
and  our  people  were  driven  from  their  homes  in 
pursuit  of  safety  and  shelter.  Triilli  forced  him 
to  add,  that  the  disasters  of  war  Were  agirravaled 
by  the  cold  injustice  of  our  own  Government;  few 
of  those  who  were  deprived  of  their  properly  and 
their  homes,  whilst  they  perilled  their  lives  in  the 
national  defence,  having  received  any  adequate  re- 
muneration. Congress  had  iiirned  a  deaf  ear  upon 
their  just  and  repeated  demands  for  re-dress,  lill 
many  of  them  have  ceased  to  hope  for  justice  or 
reparation  at  your  hands. 

In  the  event  of  anoilier  cinilesi  with  Knirland, 
that  devolcd  fronlier  will  again  beroniethe  theatre, 
of  conflict,  and  the  people,  ofvlioiu  it  was  his 
'  pride  to  be  the  humble  Uepresenlalive,  will  be. 
amoUL'  Ihe  first  lo  hear  the  .strife  of  li-utle  and  the 
dm  of  arms.  The  scenes  of  the  last  war  will  be 
renewed  on  a  broader  scale,  with  the  more  potent 
enginery  of  destruction  wliii^h  modern  invenlion 
,  has  fabricated. 

In  these  allusions  to  his  own  seciion  of  the  coun- 
try, its  past  incident;  mil  prcsei.'  iiosiure,  he  hoped 
he  mighl  not  be  misunderstood,  i'e  was  aetunicd 
by  no  sectional  spirit.  It  was  not  his  purpose, 
justified  as  he  would  he  by  the  i  xaiu  ile  of  many 
gentlemen  in  this  debate,  to  boast  of  L  c  su|icriur 


■; 


[Feb.  G, 


184G.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


239 


29tii  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  fV.IIunt. 


Ho.  OP  Reps. 


s 


iTVf!  the  ptaco  of  the  country  on  tlie  luRtin^ 
tounilntions  of  nationnl  honor  mid  niteijrity.   Some 


coiiraee  or  patriotism  of  his  constituunts.  He  re- 
garded such  compnrisnns  ax  invidioun,  if  not  un- 
juHt.  He  confided  in  the  piiiriotisni  und  fidoMtjrof 
the  Ameriiiin  people  in  nil  (|unrtcra  of  the  Uinon; 
nnd  never  doubled  theirreitdiiicsBornliility  tomnin- 
tiiin  the  rifihts  of  the  countiy  with  di'termnieU  vigor 
und  feni'lesa  spirit  in  every  cnierg;eiii'y.  When  the 
triiil  C(niie8,  (if  I'onic  it  shull,)  those  for  whom  he 
spake  will  he  first  to  obey  the  summons  of  their 
country,  nnd  nuion^f  the  foremost  where  danger  is 
to  be  found.  Wliilst  nr>  people  cherish  n  more  iir- 
dent  desire  for  peace,  there  are  ninie  in  whom  the 
coritempliuion  of  war  excites  u  smaller  degree  of 
personal  fear  or  apprehension. 

They  demand,  as  they  have  a  right  to  expect, 
that  those  who  are  entrusted  with  the  management 
of  national  nlTairs  shall  not  involve  us  in  a  war 
without  clear,  manifest,  and  overruling  necessity. 
They  will  hold  the  (government  responsible  to  use 
nil  just  anil  honorable  endeavors  to  avert  the  ca- 
laniity.  If  sincere  and  patriotic  efforts  to  preserve 
the  peace  of  the  country  shall  |)rove  unavailing, 
nnd  nn  appeal  to  arms  in  defence  of  nationnl  himor 
or  national  rights  becomes  inevitable,  then  they 
will  require  of  those  whose  duty  it  is  to  foresee  the 
impending  slorm,  that  they  adopt  timely  measures 
of  preparation,  and  place  the  country  in  n  strong 
ntiiiude  of  defence.  Any  neglect  of  this  imperative 
duly  will  bring  down  upon  the  Oovernmeut  the 
cousnininc;  inibgnalion  ol  the  people. 

Mr.  U.  said  he  was  rnie  of  those  who  desired  to 
pr( 
for 

gcnilemen  appear  to  regard  the  national  hnnorns 
incompatible  with  peace.  On  the  contrary,  he  C(m- 
tended  that  a  spirit  of  moderation,  which  cherishes 
the  pence  of  'lations,  is  in  haiinony  with  the  noblest 
diciaies  of  honor  nnd  duly.  Our  true  policy,  as  a 
nalion,  is  eminently  pncilic.  If  we  nre  to  ailvnnce 
in  improvement,  civilization,  and  happiness,  our 
pMiiess  nuist  be  made  through  the  paths  of  tran- 
quillity, under  the  benignant  swny  of  peaceful 
counsels.  He  would  not  dwell  upon  the  genial 
blessings  of  peace,  or  descant  ujiou  the  IVightful 
train  of  sullering,  degradation, and  crime  of  wliich 
w,\r  is  ihe  prolific  source.  These  topics  have  been 
exhaiisled  by  oiliers.  With  but  Hiw  exceptions, 
we  hear  expressions,  on  all  sides,  of  a  desire  for 
peace.  It  is  true,  the  gcnileman  from  Illinois  [Mr. 
Doir.i.Assl  declareil,  in  a  strain  of  sublime  indili'cr- 
riice,  that  he  neither  knew  nor  cared  whelher  war 
might  result  from  our  action.  In  the  management 
of  a  cotnplicaird  question,  which  has  employed 
the  diplomatic  skill  of  the  Ofovcrnment  for  nearly 
thirly  years,  he  proclaims  that  it  matters  not  lo  him 
whether  peace  or  war  may  ensue;  and  that  his 
course  is  not  to  be  inlluenccd  by  any  regard  to  con- 
sequences of  thai  nature.  But  he  deceives  himself 
if  he  believes  Ihe  people  of  the  country  nre  prepared 
to  adopt  a  sentiment  .so  oll'ensive  to  humanity,  and 
so  abhorrent  to  the  civilization  of  tlie  age  in  which 
we  live. 

In  delibemling  upon  questions  of  such  grave  im- 
portance, it  is  our  first  duty,  as  rational  and  re- 
sponsible Represenlatives,  to  consider  \v(;ll  the 
probable  tendency  and  result  of  our  nclion.  To 
defy  consequences,  in  a  spirit  of  reckless  and  vain- 
glorious bravado,  is  to  sport  with  the  destinies  of 
the  iinlion,  and  Ihe  happiness  of  mankind.  iVIay 
tlod  save  the  country  from  Ihe  sUilesmanship  and 
patiiolishi  which  cares  not  for  conseciuences  ! 

■Mr.  II.  said  he  intended  to  direct  his  remarks 
chii'lly  to  the  question  immediately  under  consid- 
eration, nnd  to  discuss  tlie  expediency  of  author- 
izing tile  President  to  terminate  the  convention 
with  (ireal  Hrilaiu  for  the  joint  occupniion  of  the 
Oregon  ii'rritory;  but,  before  proceeding  to  that 
siibiecl,  he  desired  lo  say  a  few  words  in  relation 
to  the  extent  and  value  of  our  rights  in  Oregon. 

That  we  have  a  clear  lille  to  all  that  portion  of 
Ihe  territory  which  is  drained  by  the  Columbia 
river — anil  which,  in  his  opinion,  was  the  only  pan 
of  much  real  itnporlance  lo  our  national  interests — 
there  was  no  room  for  doiiiit;  but  he  was  forced  lo 
niln.il,  thai,  in  his  judgment,  our  claim  to  the  more 
norlheni  porlion,  which  is  drained  by  Frazer's 
river,  does  not  rest  upon  the  same  clear  and  tiu- 
qucsiionalile  foundation.  Satisfactory  as  our  tiile 
north  of  41)  degrees  may  be  in  our  own  estimation, 
an  liupiirlial  mind  can  hardly  deny  that  England 
presents  a  plausible  claim  of  lille,  resting  on  [irior- 
iiy  of  discovery  and  settlement.    To  deny  it,  is  an 


implied  reflection  upon  the  wisdom  and  patriotism 
of  every  Administration  of  our  own  Government 
for  the  last  thirty  years.  If  our  title  to  the  whole 
is  clear  nnil  indisputnblo  up  to  S4'-'  40',  and  iLiig- 
laiid  has  no  rights,  why  is  it  that  we  have  allowed 
her  to  enjoy  a  joint  possession  since  18'J8.'  And 
why  have  we  repentedly  projiosed  to  diviile  with 
her  on  the  49th  parallels  Will  it  be  said,  that, 
whilst  negotiating  foi  u  quarter  of  n  century,  we 
have  not  known  our  rights,  or  have  not  dared  to 
maintain  them  ?  Did  General  Jackson,  during  the 
eight  years  that  he  filled  the  Executive  chair,  qui- 
etly piM'init  the  British  to  occupy  .\mericnn  terri- 
tory to  which  we  have  a  clear  mid  unquestionable 
title  .> 

To  say  nothing  of  the  complicated  questions 
which  surround  the  title  to  the  northern  portion  of 
the  country,  the  repealed  concessions  of  our  own 
Uovermneiit  conclusively  prove  that  thcconlliciing 
rights  of  the  two  nations  nre  the  appropriate  sub- 
ject of  negotiation,  oiid  he  regarded  it  as  alike  the 
duly  and  interest  of  both  to  proceed  to  an  early  ud- 
juslmeut  of  the  controversy  in  a  spirit  of  mutual 
forbearance  and  concession. 

In  regard  to  the  value  of  the  southern  fiart  of 
Oregon,  including  the  Columbia  river,  to  which  our 
lille  is  unquestionable,  he  believed  few  genilemen 
had  formed  «  higher  estimate  than  himself.     He  i 
considered  it  of  immense  nationnl  importance,  not  | 
so  much  for  its  soil  and  produclions,  as  lis  com- 
mercial position.     lis  possession  will  ullimalcly 
secure  to  us  an  ascendency  iu  the  trade  of  the  Pa- 
cific, thereby  making  "  the  uttermost  parts  of  the 
earth  "  tributary  to  oiirenien)rise,and  pouring  into 
our   lap   "the   we.iltli   of  Ormiis  and   of   Ind." 
Thoiigli  he  had  been  sceptical  at  first,  he  was  now 
conviiiied  that  the  time  is  approaching  when  a  rail- 
road comm   ■     ation   wiil   be  nccomplisheil,  over 
our  own  natic.ial  soil,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pa- 
cific.    It  is  not  in  the  power  of  human  discenmient 
to  fiMsee  the  mighty  results,  political  and  com-  1 
mercial,  which  are  to  be  produced  by  opcninT  this 
new  highway  across  the  continent',  but  thu. .   '.vill 
elevate  the  Americnu  nation  to  a  proud  pre-cii'- i 
nence  and  ascendency  in  the  commereinl  world,  is  ; 
sulticientiv  obvious,  without  the  aid  of  propheiic  ; 
power.     When  this  mighty  work  is  consummated,  '. 
It  will  open  a  new  era  in  the  commerce  of  the  worli'..  | 
Our  position,  as  compared  with  the  commereinl  na- 
tions of  Europe,  will  place  us  in  speedy  communi-  i 
cation  and  near  proximity  with  China  and  the  East  I 
Indies. 

There  nre  many  who  continue  to  view  this  con-  ! 
linental  railway  as  a  chimerical  project;  but  ni.iy 
not  the  same  be  said  of  most  of  tlie  stupendous 
undertakings  which   have  been  consummated  in  | 
our  country  by  the  bold  eulerprisp  of  the  present  ' 
generation?    Thirty  years  ago,  many  w\^c  men 
viewed  the   Erie  canal  as  a  wild,  visionary,  and  i 
impracticable  scheme,  and  denounced  its  advocates  | 
as  mad   enthusiasts.     A  railway  to  the  Pacific  is  : 
not  so  bold  and  formidable  a  project  at  this  day, 
as  was  the  Erie  canal  in  ils  original  conception, 
when  you  consider  the  progress  of  invention  and 
the  comparative  ability  of  the  country. 

But  (Mr.  H.  said)  he  must  abnmfon  these  col-  ! 
lateral  topics,  nnd  proceed  to  the  question  more  ' 
distinctly  nefore  the  committee.    For  twenty-eight  . 
years  the  Oregon  territory  has  been  occupied  liy 
the  United  States  and   Great  Britain,  under  the 
treaties  of  IHIH  and  1827,  which  iilaced  the  coun- 
try ojien  to  both,  and  gave  lo  eacii  an  equal  right 
of  settlement   and    occupation   whilst    the   treaty 
shall  continue  in  force;  either  party  having   the 
right,  under  the  treaty  of  1H27,  to  terminate  ihe 
compact  by  giving  twelve  months'  notice  to  the  j 
other.     The    President  of  Ihe    United    States,  to 
whom   Ihe  Coiistiliilion  has  enlrusted  the  conduct 
of  our  foreign  relations,  lins  recommended  thai  this  I 
notice  be  given.     If  we  would  form  n  safe  opinion 
of  the  probable  eflcct  of  the  measure,  and  ascer- i 
tain  the  course  to  which  duty  and  policy  would  : 
guide  us,  we  must  carefully  consider  the  nctuni 
jiosture  of  alfairs.     Deeply  as  we  may  regret  the 
existing  attitude  of  the  question,  we  nre  compelled 
to  meet  it  ns  it  stands,  in  view  of  facts  from  which  ; 
we,  who  are  not  responsible  for  them,  have  no  ; 
power  of  escnpe.     He  would  repeat  what  he  hail 
already  said,  that  he  viewed  this  Oregon  coiitro- : 
versy  as  the  appropriate  subject  of  amicable  nego-  ' 
tiation  and    setilement.     That   it   might  now  be  | 
adjusted  on  terms  honorable  to  both  countries,  but ' 


1  for  the  party  aspects  which  the  question  has  been 
'  made  to  assume  within  the  lust  two  years,  he  eii- 
!  tertnined  no  doubt. 

At  the  opening  of  the  Inst  PresidentinI  campaign, 
the  party  now  in  tlic  ascendant  were  .-educed  to 
a  desperate  extremity.     Their  legitimate   candi- 
dnles,  lo  whom  public  nttention  had  been  directed, 
I  and  tlieir  prominent  pnily  niensurcs,  were  known 
1  to  be  unacceplable  to  the  country,  nnd  it  wns  sngn- 
1  cinusly  determined  to  infuse  into  the  ennviiss  new 
I  elcmenls  of  agiuuion.     Candidates  before  unlicaid 
of  were  placed  beforj  the  country,  und  new  issues 
1  were  invented,  to  excite  the  public  imagination. 
Texas  and  Oregon  were  proclaimed  by  the  Balti- 
more convention  as  "  great  Democratic  measures," 
and  a  spirit  of  conquest  was  aroused  which  set  at 
\  naught  the  peaceful  and   moderate  policy  which 
hud  directed  the  nrevioiis  counsels  of  the  country. 
I  Our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  wns  declared  to  be 
!  clenr  nnd  unquesliounble.     A  question  of  fiireigii 
rclalions  which  had  embarrassed  preceding  aTI- 
ministralions,  nnd  to  the  successful  mnnagemenl 
of  which  the  highest  skill,  forbearance,  and  con- 
cert of  parties  were  indispe:isable,  was  seized  upon 
ns  a  party  alfair,  mid  dnujgcd  down  from  ils  iin- 
lional  position  to  the  arenii  of  jiolitical  contest  and 
domestic  strife.     It  was  from  no  desire   In  disturb 
,  parly  feelings  in  any  quarter  that  he  alluded  to 
these   unfortunate  events,  hut  because  they  hud 
become  so  Incorp.iratcd  with  the  qnesiion'as  to 
form  a  material  part  of  the  subject.   Thisill-siarred 
cmijuiiclion  of  foreign  nH'nirs  with  inf-riinl  politics 
was  the  chief  cause  of  our  present  ditliculty.     In 
respect  to  our  relations  with  other  countries,  there 
'  should  be  but  one  party,  nnd  the  American  people 
ought    to  present  a    united    front    lo   the    world. 
In  the  name  of  justice,  patriotiKni,  and   decency, 
he  would  iiiquife  by  wlial  right,  or  with  what 
!  good  motive,  any  political  parly  seized  upon  ques- 
tions of  Ibreign  policy  ns  their  osvn  exclusu  e  prop- 
er 'y  and  concern.'     I  le  hoped  llie  embarrassments 
111  which   we  now  find   ourselves   involved    will 
serve  as   u  warning  to  the   people  in  nil  future 
time. 

Upon  this  Oregon  question,  artfullv  intermin- 
gled with  oilier  is.iiies,tlie  new  AduiinistVation  findn 
iiself  seated  in  power.  The  President  enters  upon 
negotiations,  under  th"  responsibility  of  constitu- 
tional obligations,  his  hands  tied  by  previous  dec- 
la-alions  and  party  resolves.  To  exercise  his  au- 
thority in  accordance  with  the  pretensions  by 
which  he  acquired  it  is  found  impossible,  and  ho 
wisely  decides  to  )iropose  a  surrender  of  nearly 
half  the  territory  which  he  haii  previously  decla- 
red to  be  ours  by  clear  and  unquestionable  title. 
Far  be  it  from  me  to  censure  that  proposal.  It 
had  received  the  general  approbation  of  Ihe  country. 
In  making  the  proffer,  the  Executive  had  shown 
llint  he  felt  his  obligations  to  preserve  the  peace  of 
the  country,  noiwitlistaiiding  ihe  authority  of  the 
Baltimore  resolutions,  which  have  been  read  here 
so  frequently  to  silence  the  refractory  into  sub- 
mission, as  if  they  possessed  u  bincting  force  and 
validity  paramount  lo  the  Cimsliliition. 
I  But  the  efiorts  of  the  two  Governmenls  to  settle 
the  cimlrov'i.sy  have  thus  tiir  failed,  and  now  the 
President  calls  upon  Congress  to  provide  for  giv- 
ing the  requisite  notice  to  terminate  the  joint  occu- 
pation. The  real  qiiebtion  tor  us  to  determine,  in 
view  of  the  present  posture  of  nll'airs,  is,  wlietlier 
a  compliance  with  this  rccmiiniendation  will  be 
calculated  to  increase  the  danger  of  war,  or  to  em- 
barrass the  endeavors  of  the  two  countries  to  briii"- 
the  subject  to  n  friendly  ndjustmenl.  On  this  poinl 
(Mr.  H.  snid>  he  confe.sseil  his  mind  had  not  been 
entirely  free  from  embarrassment:  but  ninlure  re- 
flection had  led  him  to  the  conclusion  that  it  is 
safer  and  wiser  to  give  the  President  t'lill  discretion- 
ary jiower  over  the  subject,  than  lo  leave  the  ques- 
tion in  its  inesent  doiibtful,  indefinite  condition. 
He  was  prepared  to  vote  for  a  resolution  confer- 
riiig  auihority  upon  Ihe  Executive  to  .,'ive  the  no- 
tice at  his  own  proper  discretion,  with  nn  addi- 
tional chuise,  expre-ssive  of  the  sense  of  Congress 
that  the  controversy  ought  to  be  settled  by  peace- 
ful negotiation. 

Several  cimsidemtions  concurred  lo  brin"  his 
iniiid  to  this  conrhision.  In  his  opinion,  thetres- 
ideiit  now  has  full  constitutional  power  to  give 
the  notice  and  terminate  the  treaty,  whenever  in 
his  judgment  the  public  interest  requires  it;  and 
his  nulhority.  in  this  respect,  cannot  be  enlarged 


i 


' ,'  ■.■■'fl 


l*-!l 


340 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  6, 


'<29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


Tlie  Oregon  ^testion — Mr.  fV.  Hunt, 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


t'.m- 


by  nny  rennliilion  of  Cnnsrent,      Bill,  ninre   he 
(loiiblsor  (lisoliiini.i  the  siitficienov  of  liin  pnwer,  n 
nnd  rrferi  llw  sulycrt  In  tlic.  Iijialniive  hrnncli  (if 
tlie  Oovoriinir'nt,   he  wna  iniwillinc^,  for  one,  to 
furnish  him  or  his  ndvisors  nny  (ground  or  temptn- ', 
tion  to  keep  the  qiiesiioji  open   for  purposes  of: 
politirnl   neilnlion  nnd   rxciienient.     The   people  i 
Imve  chosen  to  entrust  liim  with  the  condurt  of; 
onr  forei'_;n  RtVftirs,  nnd  ns  the  odnslitmioniil  re- j' 
sponsibihiv  rests  upon  him,  In  the  power  and  the  ; 
responsibility  lie  united  beyond  nil  CBvil,  nnd  the ' 
country  will  hold  him  answcmble  for  tlier  (iroper 
exen'isc.     Whatever  dillerenee  of  opinion    mny 
exist  ns  to  the  power  of  the  President  to  give  the  j 
notice,  nil  must  perceive  ihnt  his  control  over  the  ! 
nrpotintions  is  such  ns  to  mnke  the  settlement  of  j 
the  question  (le)iendnnt  upon  his  will  nnil  plensiire.  i 

Jlr.  H.  snid  it  was  olivinns  In  him.tlmt  the  dif-  ' 
ficulty  hnd  renched  n  crisis  which  miide  enrly  nclion 
neccssnry  to  preserve  the  pence  of  the  coimlrv.  Me 
felt  convinced  ihni  delay  is  more  danpeious  Ihnii  1 
nclion.  Unless  it  is  brnnijhl  to  n  speedy  settle- 
ment, he  believed  it  never  would  be  terminnted  by 
friendly  negoiiulinn.  Every  year  will  prndiicc  new  i 
onslncles,  ni.d  render  Us  ndjiislment  more  difficult. 
If  Concrcss  decline  to  net,  nnd  withhold  from  the 
President  llic  nuthority  he  naks,  wc  nssuinc  n  frrent 
responsibility,  whilst  we  have  no  power  to  control 
the  negotiations,  nnd  virtually  sulijecl  nu.selves  to  ; 
inipulalion  for  nny  evil  cnnsequenrcs  Ihat  may  fol- 
low. Suppnse  we  resist  the  recommendation  of 
the  Executive,  nnd  rel'tise  In  authorize  the  notice: 
wlint  will  have  been  sained  by  the  friends  of  nn- 
tioiial  tranriuillity .'  The  country  will  be  hnrns.sed 
nnd  cotivulsed  by  a  system  of  populnr  iisitntinn. 
The  partisiui  press  nf  the  loiinlry,  the  organs, 
preat  nnil  small,  which  pander  to  populnr  preju- 
di-e  and  pnssion,  will  proclaim  that  the  whole  of 
Oreson  is  our.^.  "  The  whole  or  none!"  will  be  . 
made  the  touchstone  of  jiatriotism,  and  the  «'alch- 
wnrd  of  the  faithful.  I'liey  will  indnme  the  na- 
tional susceptibility.  They  will  insist  thnt  our 
riirhis  have  been  beirayed,  and  ihnt  the  naii,  i  is  ; 
hiiml>led  nt  the  fnotsioni  of  n  fmeiirn  I'ower.  Den.  ': 
nrniiues  will  ?row  brnve,  defy  the  Hritish,  nnd 
make  the  welkin  rini  with  Rwellinf  words  of 
patriotic  purpose — fi-jhlin?,  with  impunity,  tre- 
mendous battles  nnd  bloody  sicres  in  prosiieclive. 
Partisan  nssemblaL'CS  nnd  Oregon  cluha  will  echo 
back  the  wnr-crv-,  proclaim  their  desperate  resolves, 
and  assert  a  clear  title  to  ,54^  40'.  The  spirit  of 
cniuiuest  will  stalk  abroad,  nnd  imtionnl  antipathv 
towards  Britain  will  be  aroused  by  perpetual  np- 
peals.  It  in  hut  too  apparent  llial,  with  nil  this  en- 
pinery  of  clamor  nnd  eommotiiui,  the  juihlic  feel- 
ino:  will  be  iiiflaincd  till  it  is  pinced  beyond  the 
power  of  anv  Administration  to  compromise  or 
ndiust  the  difficulty,  nnd  then  war  becomes  inevi- 
tjilile.  Kor  o:ie,  he  was  unwillini  to  eximse  the 
pe:-,ci;  of  tiio  country ,  on  a  qiustion  like  this,  to  the 
winds  nnd  waves  of  populnr  as'talion.  He  prefer-  ' 
rrd  to  locate  the  rcRpon-iiijiliiy  at  onct^  where  the 
Constitution  hnd  intended  to'  place  it,  upon  ihe 
Executive  branch  of  the  tiovernmrnt,  to  be  exer- 
cised under  the  restraints  nf  official  accnunlabilitv. 

If  these  appreheiipinns  are  deemed  visinnary  in 
nny  quarter,  he  would  reply,  lliat  the  events  nf 
1S14  are  still  fresh  in  his  recollection,  nnd  aller 
bavin:;  seen  a  majority  of  the  country  enlist  in  the 
crusaile  lor  Texas  mid  Ore^'on,  with" every  lu-oba- 
bilily  that  the  |>eacc  of  the  country  would  lie  the 
forfeit,  he  must  be  permitted  to  hesitate  before  he 
ronsented  to  tempt  nuibiiion  or  recklessness  to  n 
renewal  nf  ihe  experiment. 

He  wished  to  present  nnoiher  cnnsideihlion 
which  deserved  serious  weiijhi.  If  this  question 
is  kept  open  for  the  sport  of  demafroLoies,  the  pros- 
perity of  Ihe  couniry  will  be  Mi'.'lit((l  bv  warlike 
rumors  and  apprehensions.  In  nn  nneer'tain,  pre- 
carious peace,  biLsiness  is  paralyzed,  cnlerjirise 
comes  to  n  sUind,uiid  n  complete  stHjnation  is  pro- 
duced in  the  circulntKui  nnd  employment  of  c^npi- 
tnl.  Distrust  and  panic  pcrvnilr  the  cnmmcrcial 
world,  and  there  is  nn  end  of  Inrffe  undertnkinrs. 
The  presence  of  the  enemy  is  not  more  disastrous, 
in  some  reHpe>-i.-i,  tli.m  ili'e  constant  dread  nf  his 
romiiij.  it  18  our  duly,  if  possiiile,  to  place  this 
question  on  such  grounds  as  shall  prnmnte  its 
speidy  stitleini'iit.  liy  no  other  means  can  wc 
impnrt  to  the  country  that  conlidenee  and  security 
Vhich  sustniii  honest  industry  and  enterprise,  nnd 
ensure  prosperity  in  the  varied  pursuits  nf  life.   In 


this  view  nf  the  Hiibjert,  he  wns  convinced  Ihnt  in- 
action on  ourpnri  will  expose  the  couniry  to  more 
serinus  embarniNsment  llinn  cnn'  result  frnm  the 
adoption  of  n  resolution  in  proper  form  conferring: 
nmple  powers  on  the  Executive. 

Mr.  H.  said,  if  the  considerations  thnt  he  hnd 
siijsjesled  hnd  not  removed  nil  doubt  from  his  mind, 
there  wan  yei  nnoiher  view  of  the  subject  which 
appeared  to  hiin  conclusive.  A  hill  had  pnssed 
the  House  nt  the  last  session  to  extend  our  laws 
and  jurisdiction  over  the  American  population  in 
Oreron,  nnd  a  similar  measure  is  nowpendina;.  It 
is  proposed  to  eslnblish  militnry  nnd  civil  authority 
ihere.  In  create  militnry  posts,  courts  of  justice, 
Indinn  nireneies.  post  offices,  land  oilices,  nnd  such 
other  institutions  ns  nre  necessary  to  the  practical 
nssertion  and  maintenance  of  our  sovereiijnty  over 
Ihe  country.  It  seems  to  be  cnneedcd  on  nil  sides, 
llinl  we  nre  to  enfirce  our  jurisdiriion  nt  least  to 
Ihe  snme  extent  that  Great  Hriinin  has  done  by 
her  nets  of  Pnrliamenl.  It  must  be  admitted,  that 
there  nre  many  reasons  in  favor  of  extending;  pro- 
tection to  our  citizens  who  have  settled  there,  nnd 
it  cannot  be  deferred  fm-  nny  considerable  period. 
Whntcver  mny  be  thouirht  of  the  wisdom  or  the 
folly  of  our  people  in  severing  ihe  ties  of  home, 
nnd  nbnndonin;  the  comforts  nnd  blessinss  of  civ- 
ilized sneietv,  to  encounter  the  hardsliipn  of  n 
drenr^',  perilous  mnreh  overthe  Rocky  mounlnins, 
and  the  privations  of  the  wilderness  in  n  couniry 
inferior  in  most  respects  to  the  soil  of  their  nntivity, 
still  they  nre  Americnn  citizens,  nnd  so  Inna-  ns 
they  rin  not  irnnseend  niir  territorial  limits,  ihey 
are  entitled  lo  the  protection  nnd  care  of  the  Gov- 
ernmerl. 

nut  it  was  evident  to  him,  that  this  measure  is 
far  more  liable  lo  disturb  onr  peacetui  relations 
with  Enslanil.  than  nny  other  step  that  has  been 
jiiopnsed.  Tint  two  separate  eovernments  can 
at  once  exercise  nn  independent  jurisdiction  over 
the  snme  couniry  without  cominz  into  collision, 
is,  in  the  nniure  of  ihinis.  n  mornl  impossibility. 
Though  Uritish  subjecis  mny  be  especinlly  ex- 
cepted from  the  operation  nf  our  laws,  lhat  pre- 
cautinn  will  not  remove  Ihe  danjer  of  co.iflicl.  lAir 
it  most  be  borne  in  mind,  thnt  the  Americnns  nnd 
Piritish.  dwelling  in  nenr  proximity,  are  in  daily 
intercourse,  nnd  mutual  dealinis  are  carried  nn  be- 
tween them.  AVhen  cnnlroversies  arise  between 
nn  American  nnd  n  British  subject,  or  when  an  in- 
dividual of  one  nation  commits  an  offence  ipion  the 
other,  ^vhicll  class  of  courts  is  to  have  jurisdiction 
nfthe  ease?  Will  Americans  submit  tn  be  arrested 
bv  British  officers  nnd  tried  by  Hrilish  judires;  or 
will  Hiitish  subjects  pencrnlily  consent  io  become 
amenable  to  our  .anihnrilies?  It  is  idle  to  expect 
it.  I'nder  the  most  favnrable  auspices,  n  double 
sx'stem  nf  jnvernment,  each  claimiiii::  a  separate 
nlleijiance,  and  nssertinir  its  cnntrol  over  members 
of  the  same  commimitv,  cannot  harmoninnsly  co- 
exist in  the  exercise  of  lawt^ll  authority.  Amongst 
wild  and  advenlurous  men,  impatient  of  l<";al  re- 
strnint,  iren  who  have  overleaped  the  Roi'ky  moun- 
tains, nnd  who  carry  arms  in  their  hands  ever 
rcadv  to  resent  wronijs  end  defend  rights,  retd  or 
iniatrinnrv — tn  suppnse  this  intricate  machinery  of 
double  government  cnn  lie  snecei^sfiillv  conducied, 
without  ronlli'-t  or  violence,  betrays  n  decree  of 
crcflnlity  in  which  he  could  not  pnriicijiate. 

It  presupiioses  thnt  the  men  of  Oreiron,  bold  nnd 
reckless  spirits  ns  many  of  them  nre  known  to 
be,  nre  too  perfect  to  require  the  restraints  of  civil 
ffnvernment  and  nuthority.  Of  all  the  plans  that 
hnd  been  advanced,  he  con.iidered  this  scheme  for 
extendine  our  l:iws  over  that  country  the  mo.sl  war- 
like in  itself,  and  the  most  certain  to  produce  eollLs- 
ion  and  bloodshed.  Yet  it  is  viewed  ns  n  peace 
measure  by  innn  v  of  those  who  consider  the  eivini; 
of  notice  an  inevi'table  cause  of  war.  It  seems  lo  be 
believed  thnt  n  liellirerenl  ncl  will  be  innocent 
and  inoffensive,  hut  to  tjive  notice  of  your  intfn- 
tifin  would  prove  fatal  to  the  peace  of  the  country. 
He  could  not  restrain  his  surprise  at  the  npjinsi- 
linn  whii'h  is  mnde  to  eonferriuij  authority  upon 
the  President  to  eive  the  nolice,  by  several  sen- 
tlemen,  friends  of  the  Adminisiration,  whilst  they 
insist  lhat  our  title  is  clear  to  the  whole  of  Oreiron, 
nnd  nvow  their  readiness  lo  eHtnblish  our  snver- 
ei'rntv  tiver  it  at  once  by  the  erection  of  civil  nnd 
military  establishuients. 

AVhilat  they  see  imminent  peril  in  uuthorizin^ 
the  notice,  wliieh  \a  in  accordnnce  with  ihe  treaty. 


I  they  perceive  no  peril  in  direct  practical  measures 
i    for  inkini;  possession  of  ihe  lerrilnry,iii  cnntrnven- 
j    linn  of  the  spirit  nnd  purpose  nf  tiie  conveiitinn. 
Alarmed  at  a  menaure  jienceful  in  itself,  and  which 
j  I  England  can  not  regard  ns  indicative  of  hosiilit  y ,  ycl 
;   they  are  ready  to  rush  onwnrd  lo  the  brink  of  the 
',  precipice,  nnd  nt  once  adopt  the  Ryslem  of  policy 
:  which  nione  cnn  make  the  nolice  offensive;  for  it 
must  be  obvious  that,  unnccompnuied  by  the  pro- 
I   posed  acts  of  sovereignty  nnd  settlement,  the  no- 
lice  musl  bo  harmless  nnd  innpernlive. 
'.      The  cerlainty  ihnt  we  nre  about  lo  exercise  ju- 
risdiction over  the  territory  constituted  the  stroiig- 
/  (St  renNon,  in   his  mind,  for  terininntiii!;  the  joint 
(iccupniion.     nelbre  cnlerin(»  upon  nets  of  sover- 
1   eisrniy  there,  he  mninlaincd  thnt  we  nre  fust  bound 
to  n.Hcerlnin  lair  richt.s  nnd  fix  our  limits  in  such 
j    mode  ns  shall  entitle  u.s  to  exclusive  nnd  tiiidis- 
piiled  possession.    It  is  contended  that,  whilst  ihe 
nniice  would  be  received  ns  llie  ei;rnnl  for  war,  if 
we  proceed  (luictly  to  lake  possession  nnd  assert 
our  swny,   Liurland  will  ncipiiesce  without  coni- 
I    pinint,  nnil  we  will  thus  secure  the  country  wiih- 
"  out  n  Hirusfjie.     Notliins  can   be  more  fallacious 
llinn  this  nri;umeiit.  or  more  unn^nsonnble  than  the 
anticipation  thnt  Grenl  Ihitnin  will  view  with  in- 
dilfcrenee  the  spread  of  our  population  nnd  laws 
over  Oregon.  To  counternct  our  pro<rresg,  she  will 
extend  her  own  estnblishments,  nnd  the  difficulties 
of  the  conlrover.sy  will  eontiniio  to  nccutnulatc.    If 
\\  the  two  countries  cannot  now  nsree  on  lernis  of 
;i  compromise,  will  the  increase  of  population  nnd 
cnpitnl  in  the  territory  serve  to  subdue  their  icna- 
I   city  and  produce  more  liberal  disposilinns.'     On 
the  conlrnry,  if  we  would   preserve  the  peace  of 
the  couniry,  nnd  nvert  the  calamities  of  uliimnic 
war,  it  musl  be  consummated  not  by  delay,  but 
by  such   wise,  moderate,  yet  decisive  action,  as 
shall  constrain  the  proper  authorities  nf  the  Hvo 
i I  Governments  to  brins;  this  matter  to  nn  nrinnL'e- 
;   ment   without   further   procrnstinntion.     As    the 
j   friend  of  pence,  he  hoped  n  proposition  mny  be 
ndopted  which  will  ^ive  the  President  nmnle  pow- 
ers, accoinpnnied  by  nn  expression  of  the  senso 
of  Consjress  that  the  controversy  ought  lo  be  set- 
tled by  pacific  neirotialinn. 

Fnr  the  jiroper  exercise  of  its  powers,  let  the 
Administrntiun  stand  amenable  to  tlie  country  nnd 
to  posterity.  He  hoped  our  action  would  be  such 
ns  In  impress  upon  the  Executive  aulhorily  of  both 
nations  the  necessity  of  brin::in>r  this  contest  to  a 
conclusion.  It  i.s  evident  that  Enirland  desires  its 
terminalion;  and  he  believed  she  is  |iienaied  to 
.  unite  with  us  in  eondiiions  of  i  '"ment,  .alike  hon- 
''  ornble  to  both  pnrtics.  Uiidei  .roper  expression 
from  ConircKS.  he  wns  unwillins  to  believe  the  Pres- 
I  idem  will  fail  lo  make  an  honest  endeavor  to  briii;; 
the  ditlicully  lo  an  ndjusimenl.  In  this  respect, 
he  confessed  he  felt  less  npprehenHion  Ilinn  some 
others;  for  he  wns  fully  convinced  that  the  Admin- 
istrnlion  neither  intends  nor  expects  n  wnr  with 
En;,'land.  If  bold  laii!;;u.i';e  had  been  employed,  it 
wns  intended  fnr  domestic  efft^ct,  nnd  lint  to  break 
the  peace  of  the  world.  Let  us  look  nl  the  oflicinl 
;  action  of  the  Executive  as  the  true  exponent  of 
his  intentions.  Has  he  recommcided  lo  Cou'Jiress 
'  nny  measures  of  jirepniation  fur  defence,  any  in- 
cren.se  of  militnry  or  naval  force,  any!uii;mentatioii 
of  the  pulilic  resniirces? — in  a  wnr(l,  nny  measure 
wiiaic'ver  indicatiniranapprehension  that  the  peace- 
ful relations  nf  ihe  cnuntry  nre  to  be  disturbed.' 
.  8o  far  from  asking  an  increase  of  revenue,  he  re- 
commends a  reduction  of  imposts.  Thnt  he  or 
his  cabinet  council  intend  to  pursue  n  wnr  policy, 
and  expn.se  the  country  to  an  attack  from  the  most 
powerful  nation  of  the  world,  whilst  llicy  fiil  lo 
siii:;;esf  to  Conse;res'S  any  mcasure^i  whatever  in  nn- 
lieipatioii  of  the  cnicrffcncy,  would  involve  n  re- 
spnnsiliilily,  and  indicate  an  atrocious  enormity  nf 
purpose,  which  he  was  not  prepared  tn  impute, 
and  he  would  not  believe  it  without  proof.  If  he 
wns  deceived,  and  it  shall  appear  that  the  Admin- 
istration nre  determined  to  delay  or  prevent  a 
I  friendly  nrranKement  of  the  controversy,  we  nil 
know  thnt  the  power  of  the  Executive  is  ample 
already:  nnd  if  he  slinll  exercise  it  for  the  subver- 
sion of  the  nnlional  peace  and  happiness,  upon  his 
head  ihe  consequences  nmsl  rest. 
That  the  diircrences  between  the  countries  are 
,  susceptible  of  fair  nnd  equitable  nrra-'i;einent,  on 
principles  eminently  honorable  to  both,  seems  too 
clear  to  admit  of  dispute.     Fearful  musl  be  the 


:/r 


4 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


811 


29tii  Cono I  ST  Skss. 


The  Oregon  (^estion — Mr.  Parrish. 


Ne'v  Sr.iiiEH No.  10. 


retribution  that  will  be  viaited  ujiuii  either  Govern- 
ment wliicli,  by  sullen  pertliiniity  or  extreme  pre- 
tenMioiiH,  nhnll  Nhock  trie  civilization  «f  the  uge, 
and  violnto  the  pence  of  the  worlil. 

In  concliiHion,  Mr.  H.  nindc  lui  cnrncst  appeal 
to  the  friemlti  o{  the  mcuHiiru  lo  place  the  reaolulioii 
in  Hiich  proper  and  fitlini;  torm  nn  almll  enable 
moderate,  rational  meji,  who  cherish  the  peace, 
honor,  and  dignity  ol'  die  country,  to  unite  in  itu 
Hupport.  He  truNled  the  fiiundH  of  the  AdminlH- 
trution,  who  brou^;ht  It  into  power,  and  confide  in 
its  wisdom  and  patriolisni,  will  consent  to  the 
modification  prnpont'd  by  tliu  Konileinaii  from  Al- 
abama, [.Mr.  iliLLiAKn,]  by  which  the  power  to 
be  conferred  will  be  exercised  upon  the  olHcial  judg- 
ment and  di.icretion  of  the  President.  In  this  form 
it  ciuniot  embarrass  pendini;  nc^'oliations,  but  may 
nerve  lo  fortify  and  strensihen  the  hunds  of  the 
Executive.  He  appealed  to  lliem  to  give  t  united 
expression  in  fiivor  of  peacefid  mi^otlalion,  that 
our  ucti<ni  nmy  not  be  misinternrcleil  by  the  coun- 
try or  the  world.  Nothin;;;  will  mure  surely  tend 
to  preserve  peace  than  a  display  of  imion  and  con- 
cert in  our  national  councils.  Lctourprocettdings 
be  such  as  ,<ball  deserve  to  be  up|>roved  by  the  en- 
li;;htened  judgment  and  patriotism  of  the  country, 
nnil  then,  if  war  shall  come,  a  spirit  of  Justice 
will  sanction  the  coniliil,  and  the  hojior  of  the 
eountrv  will  b<!  vindicated  by  the  resistless  encr- 
gicn  ot  a  united  peopli'. 

In  our  ai:tion  upon  a  question  like  t'-e  present, 
involvini;  the  issues  of  peace  and  war,  it  becomes 
u.i  to  act  in  a  spirit  of  moderation,  patriotism,  and 
magnanimity,  worthy  the  fume  uiid  the  destiny  uf 
a  jjreut  nation. 

OREGON  QUESTION. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  ISAAC  PARRISH, 

OK  OHIO, 
In  the  House  of  Ueprgsentatives, 
Februm-y  G,  1S4G. 
On  the  Resolution  for  terminating  the  joint  occu- 
pation of  Oregon. 

Mr.  PARRISH  addressed  the  Committee  as  fol- 
lows; 

Mr.  CuAinMAN:  As  expressing  my  views  on 
(!umc  questions  connected  with  the  one  now  before 
the  committee,  I  send  to  the  Clerk's  desk  the  fol- 
lowing resolutions,  which  I  had  prepared  some 
weeks  since,  and  which  I  intend  to  olTer  so  soon  os 
an  opportunity  shall  be  utTordcd: 

"Rcajlrcl  In/  the  St'naff?  atui  llotvtc  of  Reprcicitlativcs  of 
the  Vnitat  Siittt'»  of  jimwica  in  Vonnrcss  aatemlilat,  'I'lmt 
the  |>()liUcal  n|iinioii  which  inclllcale.s  that  this  Gnverninent 
rtinriiit  eiilurt'e  it^  tcrritorinl  limits  liv  disnivery  or  treiUy, 
or  incnssi!  the  aiunlur  cif  States  williiii  its  Union  witliuut 
I  niliinscriiiii  ita  pi'ilnc,  its  strenutli,  nnci  its  perpntuity— iw 
nisn  till!  political  upiiiioa  tliat  any  such  oniiireenieiit  or  nil- 
inicsiiin  evinooH  ii  spirit  of  a^grnniiiKcinrnl,  or  eonqucat,  or 
ol'  uinliiUon— are  opinions  cmaniitcil  hy  tlio  ndvorates  ol'ar- 
Ititriiry  iiovcrtinieiiti',  wliifh  nre  proven  f^ilse  in  otir  own 
expiTii'iioc,  niicl  oiiiinot  he  ndniilteri  liy  tin-  Ainoricnn  people. 

"Kfso/ift/,  That  whilst  we  concede  lo  Kiiropeim  Ibriiia 
of  unverniui'tit,  whi^re  in  theory  the  Crown  is  the  source 
from  which  nil  power  einiinates,  that  political  hiiliinecs  may 
bc!  neci!«»nry  to  create  and  nininlain  rnlerK,  and  to  cliccit, 
liiiiii,  and  ciinlrol  the  people;  and  whilst  the  pacific  charac- 
ter ot  this  (ioveminent  has  hccii,  and  ever  will  lie,  scriipu- 
lou>ly  iiiaintaincd,  hy  non-interterence  with  their  systems 
on  their  own  continent,  yi^t,  on  the  American  continuiiis, 
H  here  governinoiit  emanates  from  the  people,  and  the  ad- 
niliiistrators  are  hut  tlii!  representatives  of  the  popidar  will, 
no  such  political  halancc  of  isjwer  is  necessary,  anil  niiv 
anil  evi'ry  attianpt  to  enforce  it  liere  will  he  resisteil  by  this 
Goveniment. 

"Itemlnl  That  the  Into  indication,  even  by  n  (yicnilly 
Power,  to  iiitrodtici!  on  the  Ami^ricaa  continents  the  Kii- 
ropi'an  system  of  /icilan.t'  of  jmrcr  justilles  the  I'rcnilcnt  in 
las  Annual  MessniEi;.  in  hriiiuiiiu  tiie  snliject  hetore  Ctm^ress 
and  the  country,  and  in  deelarinu  before  the  world  *  that  the 
>  American  continents,  by  thi!  free  and  indepenilciu  condl- 
'  tioii  which  they  have  assumed  and  maintained,  are  hence- 
'  forth  not  to  be  coiisideri'd  us  Biibjecls  of  future  colonization 
'  hy  any  lluropean  I'liwir,'  and  lliiit  '  it  shiaild  hc!  distincUy 
'  aunniniced  to  the  world  as  our  sellled  policy,  that  no  Eu- 
'  ropc'an  colony  or  dominion  shall,  with  our  (•luisent,  he 
'  j>l>nitetl  or  estnhlished  on  any  part  of  tliiise  continents.* 

"KmoIicJ,  That  the  |irinci),fc  thusnvowi^d,  whilst  it  docs 
not  pretend  to  create  or  perfect  title,  has  an  iinmcdinte  ap- 
pllcHtion  10  the  Oremu  territory,  where  '  our  title  is  clear 
ni"l  uunuesilonahle,'  and  ha8ni1sen,nnd  its  ileclnration  and 
maiuli'iiance  hecnine  necessary  since  the  proposition  wa« 
submittcil  to  the  Ilritisli  Minister  to  luljust  the  hoiindary  at 
the  lorty  ninth  degree  of  north  l.uitilde,  and  now  precludes 
the  Executive  IVoni  acccptiit;!  any  propositiin),  or  entering 
into  any  tri'aty,  whereby  any  portion  of  lh(!  coinitrv  west- 
ward of  till'  stony  or  Itocky  luouiuains  shall  be  ceded  U) 
Ureat  Britain." 

16 


In  what  1  Huy  in  eommitlcc,  nor  by  these  reso- 
lutions, do  I  mean  to  forestall  or  to  oiiisinp  tlio 
Executive;  and  here,  as  i  have  ever  done  else- 
where, 1  shall  studiously  i\yr\'  all  sectional  or 
local  feeling,  or  any  allusion  to  uie  North  or  the 
South,  the  East  or  the  West,  wheM  a  great  na- 
tional ([uestion  is  involved,  such  au  I  conceive  the  i 
present  to  be.  h 

The  President,  in  liis  Annual  iMes.iajje,  presents  i 
three  principal  ipiestioiis  tor  the  coimideralion  uiid  U 
action  of  Congress:  l| 

1.  That  it  is  the  settled  policy  of  this  Govern-  !j 
ment  to  resist  idl  attempts  lo  establish  on  the  li 
American  continents  u  political  balance  of  power,  i 
and  lo  prevent  any  European  Ooverninciit  from  ! 
planting  colonies  or  esiablisbing  any  dominion  on 
the  North  American  continent.  [ 

2.  A  reduction  of  the  tarilV  lo  the  revenue  stand-  '| 
ard,  or  indirect  taxation  to  ineot  the  expenses  of  i 
the  Government,  and  no  more.  ! 

3.  The  establishing  a  constitutional  Treasury,  | 
for  the  collection,  keeping,  and  disbursing  of  the 
Uovci'iiment's  money  separate  and  distiiK^  from  all 
corporate  or  private  interests.  i 

All  these  arc  Executive  measures;  but  the  two 
Inst,  whilst  they  are  uf  deep  import  to  the  whole 
American  people,  allect  us  most  in  our  internal  and 
domestic  relations,  and  on  which  we  have  Icgislu-  | 
t«d  luid  acted  until  they  have  become  essentially 
partisan.  Not  so  with  the  first;  it  addresses  itself 
more  to  our  relations  with  European  Govermncnts, 
and  especially  with  Great  l'ril.iin.  This  is  the  | 
only  issue  |>resented  by  this  Administration  to  the 
country.  It  finds  its  immediale  and  unavoidable 
application  to  the  Oregon  question,  or  "th«  country 
westwardof  the  Slony  or  Rocky  mountains."  On 
thissubiecttliePi'csidentiei'omniciidns:  1.  Thegiv- 
ing  of  the  notice  now  under  consideration.  S.  The 
extension  of  our  laws  and  jurisdiction  over  the 
country.  3.  The  establishment  of  agencies  and 
intercourse  with  the  Indians.  4.  A  cordon  of  posts, 
with  suliicient  military  force  to  protect  our  emi- 
gration there.  And  5.  The  establishing  mail  facil- 
ties  between  that  country  and  the  States.  ' 

These  recommendations,  like  the  principal  that 
includes  them,  1  tidniil,  have  not  assumed  parti.san 
casts,  but  they  are  not  less  the  measures  of  the  Ad- 
ministration than  those  of  the  taritVand  constitu- 
tional treasury;  norar*  they  the  less  important  in 
my  judgment,  and  I  can  most  cordially  give  to  the 
Administration  my  sincere  support  in  all  its  recom- 
mendations. Even  further,  if  it  should  be  thought 
nec^essary,  I  am  willing  to  grant  pre-einiition  to 
settlers  on  the  soil  west  of  the  Sumy  or  Rocky 
mountains.  I  use  this  latter  expres.sion,  Mr. 
Chairman,  because  it  is  the  language  of  the  treaty,  ' 
and  is  most  consonant  with  the  principal  of  the 
Executive  in  regard  to  colonization  and  dominiim 
by  a  foreign  Power  on  this  continent;  and  because 
I  believe,  sir,  that  no  good  reason  can  be  assigned 
for  limiting  our  title  to  54"  4U'. 

I  do  not  intend  to  enter  into  nn  examination  of 
title,  but  avail  myself  of  the  declaration  that  it  is 
"  siisfoiiieii  by  irnj'nii;iible  facts  and  arguiiunis,  atul 
is  clear  and  uniiuistivnabte,"  not  only  to  54°  4U',  * 
but  bcyoiul.     1  concur  v'th  the  gentleman  from 
Illinois,  [Mr.  DouuLAss,]  mat  our  treaty  with  Rus- 
sia is  like  that  with  England,  for  fishing,  hunting, 
and  seillcinent  by  her  people,  not  by  the  Govern- 
ment;  but  of  one  thing  I  am  not  mistaken,  that,  by  ' 
the  express  terms  of  the  treaty,  Russia  was  con- 
fined to  the  '^  coast  and  the  udjacenl  isfiinds,"  and  1ms 
not  occupied  or  claimed  beyond  this.     Leaving  to  ^ 
Russia,  thin,  her  treaty,  with  her  pos.sessions, 
(which  I  will  not  interrupt,)  there  remains  between 
the  Rocky  mountains,  north  of  54°  4U',  an  area  r" 
more  than  5(I0,01IU  square  miles,  which  is  includeu 
in  our  acquisition  from  Spain,  and  in  our  conven- 
tions with  England ,  to  which  our  title,  as  1  believe, 
is  a.s  good  as  that  portion  of  the  country  which  lies 
between  4'Ji°and  .'>4°4U'.     And  if  any  adjustment 
shall   be  made,   by  which  the   exclusive  right  of  1 
Great  liritain  shall  be  acknowledged  to  any  part  of  ; 
this  country,  even  north  of  54°  40',  in  less  than  a  • 
quarter  of  a  century  it  will  be  mutter  of  astonish- 
ment to  American  sutlesmen  nnd  the  American  j 
people,  thai,  with  the  avowal  of  the  Executive  and 
the  evidence  of  title  which  exists.  Great  Britain 
uliould  have  been  permitted  to  colonize  or  acquire 
1  domain  in  any  part  of  this  lerriuiry.     I  therefore 
1  go  for  giving  this  notice,  in  the  language  of  the 
treaty,  for  "the  country  westward  of  the  Stony  or 


Rocky  innuntnins,"  and  maiiitaimug  our  right  to 
the  whole,  and  iMiliiog  hmt  than  the  whole,  as 
against  Great  Ur  lain. 

lint  it  is  iirg'  J  by  those  opposed  lo  the  notice, 
that,  if  itsho'JJ  pass  in  the  unquidificd  form  report- 
ed by  tliiu:oinmitlee,il  is ec[uivalont  to  adecin ration 
of  war,  ai.d  tl  at  it  should  be  iiinenih  d  so  as  to  leave 
the  subj  jct  dii5':relionnry  with  the  President. 

I  wc.ild  not  pat  it  in  the  power  of  the  Executive 
to  do  .but  indirectly  which  the  Coiislilution  inhib- 
its dii-ectly:  to  declare  war,  or  to  do  any  act  not 
clcarl ; conferred  by  iIk^  CiuisMtulioii,  which  would 
I'.eciss.rily  lend  to  war.  Neither  would  I  cast  the 
responsiSility  on  the  Executive,  wlicn  the  subject 
diM's  not  belong  to  him;  but  let  Congress,  where 
the  matter  properly  belongs,  decide  and  act  upon 
it,  and  leave  I'le  President  to  carry  out  their  legis- 
lation. To  the  projiosed  amendment  I  am  opposed; 
imd  if  it  prevails  1  will  vole  against  the  notice. 

Rut,  Air.  Chairman,  I  do  not  believe  tlicic  is  any 
war  in  this  subjec...  1  admit  that  the  issue,  of  war 
or  of  peace  is  with  Great  llriluin.  If  she  desire  war 
with  us,  she  will  not  want  ii  jiretext;  ond  though 
wo  give  her  the  whole  of  Oregon,  yet,  through 
Mexico  or  some  other  means,  she  will  find  her 
occasion.  If  she  ilesirc  peace,  she  will  yield  the 
question,  and  give  you  the  whole  id'  Ibe  country. 
What  her  policy  is  I  do  not  know,  aii.l  I  have  but 
little  confidence  in  the  speculations  if  those  hero 
who  a.ssumc  to  point  it  oui.  My  h'.iiible  opiniim 
is,  that  she  docs  not  desire  war  with  us;  but  if, 
1  f  er  rejecting  the  magnaniirouspaclic  ofl'er  which 
has  been  made  her,  she  ahull  o.ake  the  giving  ef 
this  notice,  which,  by  her  solemn  treaty,  she  has 
stipulated  we  might  give,  the  occasion  for  war, 
then  is  she  niniiifestly  wrong,  and  we  shall  never 
stand  more  clearly  justified  in  the  eyes  of  the  civil- 
ized world  than  on  this  ground.  It  will  be  her  war, 
not  ours.  It  will  not  be  an  attempt  to  conquer  Enir- 
laiid  on  our  pari,  as  is  strangely  asserted  l.'y  those 
here  who  parade  England's  wealth,  Englaiut'a 
power,  and  England's  navy,  in  opposing  this  no- 
tice, and,  as  I  believe,  this  Administration:  but  a 
conscious  and  determined  maiiilaiiiaiice  of  our  prin- 
ciples and  our  rights  on  our  own  soil,  ngahist  her 
aggressions  and  eiicroachmeiiLs. 

Rut  it  is  asked,  if  we  adhere  to  our  rights,  what 
can  England  do.'  How  can  she  escape  from  ihe 
ground  she  has  assumed?  And  when  has  she 
been  known  to  yield  n  position  which  she  has 
taken  ?  To  these  inquiries  I  answer,  she  can  do 
as  she  has  before  done  on  more  occasions  than  one, 
with  this  country — yield  her  interference  luid  pre- 
tensions iinjiislly  put  forward. 

I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  England  is  not  |iower- 
ful,  that  she  is  not  haughty,  or  that  she  has  not 
oH'ered  u  i  insult  and  injury  for  which  she  has  not 
atoned:  but  1  mean  to  say  distinctly,  that  when- 
ever the  principle  now  involved,  of  the  extension 
and  maintenance  of  our  territory  nnd  jurisdiction, 
has  arisen,  that  England,  in  her  own  right,  or  in 
behalf  of  some  ally,  either  civilized  or  savage,  has 
opposed;  nnd  in  every  instance  where  she  has  been 
met  with  firmness,  she  has  invarialily  yiclited  the 
ground.  For  this  1  appeal  to  the  diplomatic  his- 
tory of  the  country,  content  with  referring  you  to 
two  or  three  instances. 

Passing  without  comment  the  position  that  Eng- 
land occupied  in  1HU3,  1H04,  and  ItsOo,  in  relation 
to  the  acquisition  of  Ijiuisiaiia,  1  reler  more  espe- 
cially to  the  suliiect  of  Florida.  During  the  Ad- 
ministration of  Mr.  Madison,  when  this  Govern- 
ment was  seeking  to  obtain  possession,  vindicating 
our  tide,  and  about  to  extend  our  jurisdiction  and 
laws  over  that  coimlry,  Great  Hritain,  in  October 
and  December,  IrtlU,  and  July  and  September, 
1811,  interpiLsed,  and  formally  announced  to  this 
Government  that  she  could  not,  and  would  not, 
permit  us  to  accomplish  what  we  desired;  and  if 
we  persisted,  we  suiijected  ourselves  to  the  impu- 
tation of  "  miiftili'iits  moHces,"  "a  disposition  for 
foreign  conquest,"  and  for"  territorial  aggrandize- 
ment." Such  were  the  identical  cx|ire.ssionsnsed 
by  her  Minister  to  this  Government.  This  Gov- 
ernment went  forward,  maintained  its  rijjhts,  ob- 
tained formal  possession,  nnd  extended  its  juria- 
diclion.  No  war  ensued,  and  Florida  is  now  one 
of  the  Stales  of  this  Union. 

Again,  in  iyi4,  at  Ghent,  when  this  Govern- 
ment was  treating  with  Great  Uritain,  in  the  pro- 
tocol |iresented  liy  her  commissioners,  the  second 
article  required  the  United  Stiitestu  murk  out  and 


243 


-2QtH  CoNO 1»T  SCBS. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  On  iron  (Question — Mr.  I'arrish. 


[Feb.  n, 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


diliiiildy  iwaigii  bmimliirieH  lo  tlic  lcrriti)ry  of  llie 
dilli'iTjil  iruliiin  inlii'H,  (wliiili,  hh  1  tiiiilvriiliiiKl  it, 
inrliiili'il  iiH  will  lliiiHi'  ill  iilliaiict-  wiili  iiH  iiH  Willi 
£iii;laii>l.  mill  iix  well  tliiiHi'  iiIIii'h  wiiliiii  oiii' 
Siatt'H  and  I'erritorioM  as  llioHc  on  iillier  \n\\ln  ot'tlu^ 
.S'urlh  ,'lmerictin  Limliiiriil,)  niid  lliat  tlii^  Uriilnry 
tliiiH  iiiai'ki'il  iiiiC  and  di  llni'il  xliniild  iiivi:'  allii- 
wai'ds  be  ui'iiuii'cd  liv  irt'aly  or  olIuTwiHc  Ui  iliis 
CidviTiinii'iit,  'I'liw,  it  WHS  luixilivcly  aiiniuiiici'il, 
was  a  siiir  (/tin  }iuii.  ll  was  pill  lorwai'd  a  stuuiiid 
and  a  third  liiiii-,  in  tlif  Naiiic  hoU-iuii  and  ini|ii>8iii;; 
iiianncri  and  an  decidedly  iiiil  liy  liie  Aiiieiicaii 
IVIinistcrs;  mid  the  last  time,  the  Itrilisli  C'lMiiiiiis- 
Hiiiiiei's  uerctiiUI,  decidedly,  lliat  il'  tliin  ai'lii'le  was 
insisted  oit,  the  roiiventiuii  wiiuld  adjmirn  withuut 
eiiniiii^  ti)  any  iiiidersiandiiii;'.  The  Ui'ilisli  Min- 
isters ulmiiddiied  ih  ir  ^'riiiind,  and  a  treaty  was 
made,  wiiliuiit  eniiirae.iiii;  any  nikIi  |M'iiiii{ile.  1  . 
invite  a  CdiiBidui'aliiiii  of  tlie  iiianiier,  the  iieeasiiiii, 
and  (he  iialnre  111*  the  posaimi  thus  assinni'd.  and 
thus  aliaiidoiii'd  liy  the  ilrilish  Ci.iven    lent. 

'I'lieae  lire  nut  llie  imlv  iiislanees.  During  the 
Adiiiiiiistralmn  iit'Mr.  Aloiime,  after  the  Irealy  <it' 
Ciheni,  l>v  wiiii'li  Knu'laiid  was  liinind  tn  deliver 
Astoria,  in  (he  eonntry  now  in  dm)aite,  she  tiv- 
eliiied;  a  diiiloniat;'  eorresjinndeiK  e  was  had,  and 
the  venemljle  nieniber  I'roiii  Massailinseiis,  [.Mr. 
AlHM»,)  iheii  bei'ictary  oT  Slate,  in  iii  linianiin:; 
onr  ri;;lils  and  the  obli;r;^ti,,ns  ol'  (he  treaty  ol' 
lihi'iii,  nil  the  :2()ili  .May,  InlH,  inslrinted  Mr. 
Rush,  onr  Minister,  to  say  to  llie  Uriiij^h  Govern- 
ment; "  ir  the  United  .Stales  leave  her  (iinniand) 
'  in  uiidis|iiilej  enjoyment  of  all  her  holds  u|ioii 
'  t^iirope,  Asia,  and  AlViea,  with  all  her  aitiial  |ios- 
'  sessions  in  this  hemisphere,  we  may  v( ■^y  I'airly 
'  expect  that  she  will  not  think  it  e(ln^islellt  either 

*  with  n  wise  or  friendly  polii-y  to  v\'ateli  with  eyes 

*  ofjeaionsy  and  alarm  every  poSNibiht,"  of  exieii- 

*  sion  to  our  natural  i/oifiiiiidit  in  Aiii7/i  ./i/ireird, 
'  which  she  can  have  no  solid  inleresi  to  preveni, 
'  until  all  u(Miii/i/i/ of  her  preveiilinj;  it  shall  have 
'  vanislieu.''  Here  you  have  the  very  principle 
laid  down  by  tiic  lixecutive  in  relation  lo  eol.mi- 
zalion  and  dominion  in  .Nortli  .\iiierica,  and  here 
il  is,  as  broad  and  as  clear  as  it  is  in  ihe  I'lesidenl's 
Mcssa^'e,  and  here  you  have  its  applicaiion  to  this 
very  .subject  under  consideration.  After  this  an- 
liouiicenienl,  in  the  face  of  her  own  preleiisions, 
Kn^rland  yielded,  and,  on  the  (iili  Udobi  r,  lf<l.-<, 
formally  delivered  possession  of  Astoria  to  this 
(JovernmeiK.  And  I  believe,  if  .she  is  sincere  in 
her  desire  for  pence,  she  will  yield  now  lo  us  our 
ricliis,  and  abandon  llie  <  niire  I'onntry  west  of  the 
UocUy  inouiitaiiis. 

Ihit  it  is  linked  by  those  opposed  tn  t»ivin^  this 
notice,  that  it  will  jirevent  further  treaty,  and  all 
prospect  of  future  compnnnise.  'I'o  this  I  answer, 
1  would  not  inierfere  with  the  Irealy-inakin;;  pow- 
er, and  this  notice  will  not;  but  1  am  fipjiosed  to 
liny  compromise  r>f  this  tjiiesiion.  I  do  not  s(;e 
how  it  ciiii  be  cli'eeted  withoul  compromibiiii;  the 
.\diiiinistraliini  with  it.  Texas  and  Dri ','011  were 
ill  issue  in  the  Presidential  coiUest,  as  well  as  a 
revenue  tiirilfand  a  constituiionul  treasury.  And 
is  there  on  inulli^eot  man  who  believes  for  one 
inoment  that  Mr.  I'olk  could  have  been  elected  on 
the  laril'f  and  treasury  cpiesiions  without  the  prin- 
I  iph  involved  in  'I'exas  aid  On  i^on  r  It  seeni.s  to 
ine  ihere  is  not.  Texas  is  admitted — Orejjon  re- 
mains— and  in  it  is  to  be  te.sted  the  broad  fjiiestions 
of  forei'_'U  c(i/eiii:i(/ie)i  and  foreign  iliniiiiiinn  on 
the  vN')i(/i  ./iiifWeiiii  cotifiiiriif.  The  inonunt  any 
com|iroiiiise  is  made  by  which  the  eieliisive  iiirhl 
of  (iri'at  Hrilaiii  is  ackiiowled:;ed  10  any  ]'in'tionof 
the  territory  west  of  the  Itoi'ky  mountains,  even 
north  of  54'^  40',  between  the  ilocky  moiiiiiains 
and  the  liiissian  territory,  you  allow  her  to  colo- 
ni/.e,  and  especiellydo  you  2ive  her  doNiiaioii.  'I'lie 
moment  you  coinprmniseat  UP,  you  recoi:ni.se  her 
ri'.'ht  to  eolrnilze,  and  L'rant  her  dominion  in  the 
most  easenlini  part  of  iheOreijon  territory,  nntwith- 
stiindins;  the  declaration  of  the  proposition,  "that 
it  should  be  distinctly  announced  to  the  world,  as 
our  settled  policy,  tiiat  no  suih  tliiii";,  '  with  our 
consent,'  should  iie  permill«d."  Coinpronii.se  this 
qiifstion,  and  jiass,  if  yiai  can,  wiili  the  present 
Coii'iress,  your  tarifi'  and  constitutional  iieasiiry 
laws,  and  .Vlr.  Polk  will  be  com|ielled,  before  he 
leaves  the  Presidential  chair,  lo  sii;n  or  veto  bills 
for  their  repeid;  u  to  than  this,  the  miijority  that 
nrc  in  power  wii.i  him  will  be  sci-.ttered  to  Ihe 
winds.     In  my  humble  jiidijment,  he  will  be  driven  • 


to  si^Mi  or  veto  bills  for  inlerniil  improvenirnta  of 
the  most  lalididinarian  character.  And  he  will 
leave  the  Piesidciiiiul  chair  with  leu*  regret,  and 
more  reproach  from  Ins  eounlrynien  and  odium 
from  abroad,  lliaii  any  mail  who  has  ever  filled  11. 
(In  the  other  hand,  if  the  >'resident  stands  linn,  as 
I  believe  he  will,  and  inaintains  inllexiiily  the  prin- 
ciple he  has  avovvid  as  to  lbrei;;ii  iii/ci/rrniff,  for- 
eign eii/eiii:uliiiii,  and  foreign  i/eiaiiiiuii,  all  is  well 
— It  is  his  country's  cause — the  people  iiru  with 
him;  and  ihonu'h  he  is  without  a  parly  in  C'oii- 
;;res.i,  and  idthoii};li  this  limise  and  the  .Senate, 
mid  even  a  (.'abinel  be  a;;ainst  him,  he  has  nothing' 
to  fear.  The  whole  of  Hre^'on,  like  the  wliide  of 
Texas,  will  be  ours,  and  the  President  will  rally 
around  l,im  a  parly,  not  by  the  old  ornani/jilion, 
but  of  Ihe  dcniocralic  (lemeiils  of  the  country,  in 
the  loimiry's  cause,  more  formidable  than  any 
President  since  llie  days  of  \Vasliiiif;tnii. 

I'.iit  it  IS  iirf;ed  thai  the  President  is  bound  lo  ac- 
cept (he  4'.lili  dei;ree  if  oll'ered  liy  Ureal  lirilain. 
This  is  denied;  and  those  who  should  suslaiii  the 
allirmalive,  and  show  siillicient  reason,  evade  it  by 
iiskniu:  "  w  hat  can  the  President  ilo  if  Knifland  ri'- 
'  fuses  lo  approve  the  act  of  her  . Minister  in  rejici-  , 
'  inir  I  he  proposal  of  the  Pri  sident.and  iifjrees  loac- 
'ceptilr"  Thi.s  iiii;enioiis  f|neslion  they  aii.swer 
iheniselves,  by  .iscrliiii;:  "  He  caiinol  avoid  sel- 
'lliii'^iitlhe  4!tili  (iejrrce  wiihmil  dishonin'.  He 
'  is  liouiid  to  do  il."  'I'liis  is  more  specious  than  ; 
sound.  It  assumes,  first,  either  that  liy  such  refu- 
sal of  Great  lirilain,  the  proposition  of  the  I'resi- 
ilcnt  would  be  rfiiistateil,  or  he  would  be  hound  lo 
renew  it.  Not  so,  the  proposilion  has  been  made; 
il  has  been  rejected;  and  it  has  been  uii(|nalifiedly 
withdrawn.  'The  nialier  now  stands  as  ilinui,'li  no 
such  proposal  had  been  made,  and  no  act  of  the 
British  Government,  or  her  .Minister,  can  chanse 
the  i.spect  so  as  lo  reinslate  ihe  proposal,  or  re- 
(iniri-  the  President  lo  renew  it.  There  is  nothing' 
for  I'.nu'lsnil  lo  accepi,  nor  is  ilure  anythini;  from 
which  the  Pri'sidi  III  would  havelo  recede.  (lr,sec- 
omlly,  il  iissumes  Ihal  Cireal  lirilain  will  projiose 
the  same  line,  liie  4',tlli  dei;iTe,  that  has  been  once 
pulimitted  to  her.  What  l^n^^lanil  will  propose 
I  do  not  know;  bill  if  she  shiMild  pnniose  llie 
4!)ih  parallel,  it  becmnes  now  her  (U-ii;iiial  propo- 
sition, and  the  Presideni  is  no  more  biaind  10 
ac.epi  it  iluni  he  would  be  any  other  projio- 
siiioii  she  iiii;;lit  siilnni*.  I  inain'iain  there  is  no 
rule  of  honor  fcr  a  nation  that  is  not  applica- 
ble lo  the  ei.izen,  and  there  is  no  rule  of  honor 
for  the  ind'vidiial  that  conflicts  with  the  rule  of 
law,  of  ri.u'iil,  and  of  siamd  mmiils.  'J'his  rule 
heuveeii  adversaries  allows  oiii'  of  llie  panics  iiu/g- 
iiiiiiimnKsf!/  to  oll'cr  terms  by  which  he  wiuild  yield 
his  own  rishls— yea,  even  to  buy  peace;  and  il 
shall  not  be  1  onVerted  into  an  acknowlcd^'iiient 
of  r:L'hl,  nor  shall  il  creale  obli;;atioii.  And  if  the 
olTir  is  rej.'cteil,  no  prejudice  .'■hall  arise.  And 
evin  peniliii;;  llie  oli'er,  if  any  circiimslaiice  shall 
arise  alVectinfr  the  riirhl  or  the'prineiple,  il  may  be 
wilhdniwn;  and  afler  it  has  been  rejected,  the 
same,  or  a  similar  oiler  made,  need  not  be  accept- 
ed. No  rij;hl  is  admilied — no  honorable,  Ie2;al,  or 
moral  obliL'ation  is  incurrcl  or  violated  in  any  such 
ease.  jS'i  itiier  the  oO'er  nor  the  refusal  ran  even 
be  iriveii  as  evidence,  is  the  tmiver.-al  lan^'uaf,'e  of 
law  amon^rst  civilized  men.  How,  then,  stands 
lliei|iieslion  ■  The  Pre  sidi  nl  has^ivenhis  reasons, 
and  ihey  are  neilher  those  of  Krni-icc  nor  olVinv,  but 
in  his  own  true  character  and  that  of  hisconijlry- 
men,  he  olii  red  the  4'.llli  <lc  ;,'ree,  believing',  as  he 
well  mi;;lit,  iliat  a  L'real  aiel  a  mi'-'hly  nation  like 
Enijland  would  appreci.ile  the  »in/,'iiaiiiHiifi/aiid  the 
fidiemsihi  with  wliicli  the  ojVer  was  made,  and  re- 
spoial  to'  it  frinn  ihe  same  hii;h  motives.  In  this 
llie  President  was  mistaken.  The  aspect  is  now 
most  materia  y  eliaii!j;ed.  An  importaiU  circiini- 
stance  hasa.iseii  vvliicb  interposes.  The  oiler  was 
made  on  the  liitli  of  .Inly,  l'!'4.") — it  was  rejected 
on  the  20th  of  the  s.-inie  liionth.  Uiirim;  the  siic- 
eeedini;  inomh  of  Aiiu'iisl,  or  perliajis  .September, 
the  iiitelli^'ence  was  received  here  of  an  avowal, 
by  a  powerful  nation,  ihal  strikes  home  to  the  prin- 
ciple and  covers  this  very  iiuestion.  From  whence 
came  this,  and  what  was  il  f  Why,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, it  was  from  the  first  Minister  of  the  nation 
with  whom  v.e  have  been  upon  the  most  friendly 
lerm.'i,  and  with  whom  every  generous  and  friend- 
ly emotion  of  ilu'  American  heart  has  been  as.m- 
eiated.  Olid  desires  to  continue,  whilst  the  name  of 


lii"i  who  ndorim  the  canvass  on  your  left  shall 
huvn  n  place  in  our  remeinbrance  ;  and  whilst  we 
were  OHseriin'^  onr  title  lo  Orejjon  to  be  clear  and 
linuiie.stioiiable,aiid  with  the  consent  of  Texas  we 
hod  nri!;lil  to  annex  her  to  air  Union,  a  philosoph- 
ical iiidiU'erenee  is  avowed  in  the  startliin;  iin- 
niHiiicenieiil  that  Kniiiee  would  not  further  inier- 
fere with  these  (lueslions,  nor  our  riiihls,  than  lo 
nioinlaiti  i\  Iniiunce  of  /xiien*  on  these  conlineiilH. 
How  wiu  this  aiiiioimceimnl  received.'  Why, 
sir,  the  firstninment  was  one  of  silent  bin  universal 
Hiirprisi-;  the  second  was  one  of  as  universal  delib- 
eration; and  this  was  sncceedeil  by  iiHellled  deter- 
miiialion  of  the  American  people  to  resist  every 
such  allenipl,  emaimle  from  whence  il  minht;  and 
in  doiiiK  so,  and  ill  maintainiiii;  our  own  jirinci- 
ples.  Olid  our  ri;;lits,  10  resist  nil  fliture  cvlonitalion 
and  acqiilHilion  of  i/nmiiiieii  011  this  coniinenl. 
The  President  fell  with  his  I'oiiiilrymen,  and  in  his 
MessOfje  could  do  no  less  than  express  llieir  senti- 
meiitri.  He  has  done  il  in  lli.^  Iani;iiai.'e  he  used  oil 
ihii)  subject.  Il  Is  llie  lanu'iiau'e  of  iriilli  olid  our 
national  preservation.  And  llie  Presideni  cannot 
i;o  bock,  as  he  will  do  if  he  com|>roniisea  the  (-)re- 
f,'oii  question. 

There  is  anolher  mottpr  that  hoR  arisen,  siiiec 
this  proposition  was  subniilted  in  the  Ilrilish  Min- 
ister, that  Ih  not  lo  be  overlooked.  Wliilsi  ihnse 
who  oppose  this  iinlice  denoniinale  it  a  war  nieas- 
ine,  and  portray  its  coiisei|ueiii  es,  there  is  >vhal  I 
deiioininale  a  iicncf  jwlicij,  and  il  has  i(j  conse- 
({iiences.  I  will  not  s.iy  in  thai  policy  there  is  any 
otieiupt  lo  niamifactiire  Presidenlial  capilal,  but 
I  will  say  to  those  who  charge  such  1111  allempt  on 
the  siipporiersof  this  iiol ice,  thai  ilipOreijon  (jues- 
lion  is  of  such  inai;niliide  with  the  American  peo- 
ple, Ihal  it  will  i^riiid  10  dust  ihe  name  of  any  man 
who  may  attempt  to  associate  himself  with  it  for 
the  Presidency. 

(In  the  l.'ith  of  November  lasi,  a  convention  was 
held  at  Memphis,  over  which  a  disiiiu.niished  f;rii- 
lleman  presided.  That  ;j;.'nlleinan  now  heads  the 
oppo.uliion  in  Coimress  to  the  pnscnt  measure; 
and  whethir  it  be  from  a  desire  lo  hold  a  lialuncv  of 
power  to  control  the  Exeeiilive,  or  not,  it  accounts 
for  the  oppowuion  from  cerlain  ijimrlers  to  the  pres- 
ent measure.  In  that  convention  is  clearly  shad- 
owed forth  the  policy  of  that  Kcnlleman  and  his 
friends.  The  inev  liable  eoiisei|Ueiices  of  Iwo  01 
three  rules  laid  down  by  the  president  of  ihe  con- 
vention show  tienrly  (lie  object.  It  is,  first,  lo 
force  the  barrier  established  by  the  veto  of  General 
.Tackson  in  IKiO,  and  maiiiiaiiied  by  the  veto  of 
Presideni  Tyler  in  1H44,  and  the  way  is  clear  to 
extrava,ii;aiit  apjirnj  riation.s  for  internal  imnrove- 
nieiils  on  the  mot  latiiiidinariaii  scale.  Here  ia 
the  evidence:  Tli"  project  of  a  railroad  from  Mem- 
phis, in  llie  valley  of  the  Mississijipi,  lo  Atalaiita, 
on  tiie  Atlantic  mast,  is  denoiuinalid  a  jj-mi/ /liif/i- 
tnii/,  luid  the  presiding'  olliccr  says:  "This  is  not 
*  a  mailer  to  be  left  lo  individual  .Slates.  It  is  one 
'of  lliaii  national  importance."  In  speakiiifjof  the 
ATississippi  and  its  tributaries,  wliii'h  are  denomi- 
nated inland  seas,  the  same  olficcr  adds;  "  1  bi;- 
'  lieve  llie  free  and  iininlerrupled  navii;alioii  of //ii.?c 
'ill/and  sciii  (so  lo  speak)  is  wilhin  the  piciiHiir 
'  province  of  the  General  (jovernmenl."  In  cim- 
eliidiii<^,  he  adds;  "  I  have  now  passed  slii^htly 
'  over  all  the  subjects  before  this  boily,  and  now  let 
'me  say  10  you  that,  if  llieri!  is  any  bnlllf  to  be 
'  foUfthl  upon  llie  adjustment  of  these  imporliint 
'  matters,  let  it  be  dour  in  Coiiirrfss,  110/  lien — this  is 
'  not  the  iiliire  .'  Onr  position  here  in  a  remork.ible 
'  onel  It  will  not  be  tvieniy  years  before  vieshall 
'  he  called  upon  10  unite,  by  a  solid  and  indissoluble 
'link,  the  Atlantic,  and  the  Pacific."  Commeiit  is 
unnecessary.  He  lliiil  runs  may  read.  Already, 
ill  accordance  willi  ihe  su^'^'eslioii,  the  subject  has 
been  introduced  inio  this  House  and  the  .Sen  le, 
and  those  who  are  the  most  prominent  and  iin- 
tirin"  in  their  opposition  to  the  Orei.'on  iiolice,  if 
they  shall  not  be  found  eniially  promineot  and  uii- 
tirins;  in  opposing  the  posiiion  taken  by  the  Prcs- 
i  identosaiiist  foreij:;ii  interference,  are  Ihe  undoiibi' 
.  cd  advocates  of  the  measure  here  proposed.  Ami 
'  whilst  its  advocates  here  hold  up  liiffh  larifis,  iii- 
!  flaiiiin  of  the  paper  currency, «  imtiimol  debl,  and 
national  bonk,  as  consequences  of  what  they  de- 
i  nominate  a  war  incusiire;  in  this  peace  policy  I  .see 
I  these  consequences,  one  and  all;  though  less  per- 
'  ceptible,  they  are  not  the  less  cerlain,  nor  will  lliey 
be  of  less  mai;mlude.    And,  sir,  which  now  would 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


243 


*^9th  CoNa.v.lttT  Scaii. 


The  Oregon  l^iic»tion — Ulr.  Clarke, 


Ho.  or  Run. 


ivcniimi  wns 

W  lll'iulu  till: 
■tit  iiii'usun", 
i  M  hattiHci'  of 
[.  it  tiiTmiiilM 
i  lo  llii'  |irc:-i- 
Inirly  alinil- 
iiiii  null  iiis 
s  lit'  twii  in 

IlllI'lllC  I'llll- 

,  first,  til 
f  Clciii;rMl 
the  veti)  iif 
I'kar  til 
1  imiiriivi'- 
llcii'  ia 
Vnm  Miin- 

0  Ataliiiiiii, 
i;-r(ii/  hii^h- 

I'liiM  is  nut 

It  is  nmi 

iikiiif,Mi!'(lio 

Uf  lUiiiinii- 

"  I  ln- 

iiliiin  ol'l/if.w 

ill'  jifculiitt' 

111  I'liii- 

si'il  sli^litly 

illlll  llllW  li  t 

/in///i'  til  l:i: 

illl)uivlullt 

m — Ihis  ia 
■I'liuirkalili' 
ri'  \\r  sliall 
inilissoliililo 
Coniiiii'iit  is 
A  In  ally, 
uliJiM'l  liaH 
llu;'.Srll  lo, 
■lit  and  Illl- 
ll IKllil'l',  if 
eiit  anil  llh- 
jy  till!  I'ris- 
lio  unilimlil- 
lined.     Anil 

1  mrifls,  lu- 
ll delil,  and 

mt  lliey  de- 
|iiiliey  I  SCO 

f;li  less  iier- 
ir  will  lliey 
MOW  would 


bfl  the  Drat,  th«  lait,  and  the  nifflclent  nrKiiment  of 

tliix  nppimilioii  nirninsl  thin  iinlire,  if  you  had  n 
delit  of  iwii  iir  fivp  liiiiiilrrd  niilliniiH  uf  dulliirs? 
It  wiMild  lir  tliin  ilelil.  Thin  lalitiidiiinrinn  ini- 
jiniveiiii'iil  |iiiliey,  if  I'liiily  iiili'iiiliii'i'd,  fixes  this 
mill  u  (irpaler  anioiint  upon  the  eoiuitry  irrevora- 
lily;  and  it  will  he  the  ready  and  ellii-iem  ar;,'iiiiienl 
ill  all  l\iiiira  lime  a!;aiiisl  iiiaintainin^  our  priiiei- 
jiles  and  our  rr^hls,  reHeiiliiif,'  enornaehiiieiils,  or 
repellinu;  in:i;ression  from  tlreiit  llriiain,  or  any 
other  nation.  Tine,  sir,  I  admil  (hiHpoliey  ia  held 
in  rheek  liy  the  present  inleiiHl  that  is  lill  on  the 
Hiilijeel  lielore  Ooiiiire.ss  and  the  eiiinilry,  mid  it 
may  also  he  Inie  that  the  laurels  whieh  were  won 
liv  ilie  iiresident  nf  thai  eonveiiiion  may  I"'  plneked 
fniiii  Ins  hrow  hy  the  stand  he  has  liiken  in  rela- 
tion toOre:;nn;  and  it  may  he  ditliiiili  to  iiiilnee 
Ihe  States  Ihat  have  iiii'iirred  so  many  millir.iis  of 
uel.i  ;;•  makiii;;  their  own  improvement,  to  siilimil 
to  the  linrdeiis  of  additional  laxatlmi  hy  which  the 
General  Uovernnieiit  shall  make  railroads  and 
riinals  lhroii!;h  the  Slates  thai  have  hitherto  kepi 
aloof  Yet  Ihe  elements  that  enter  into  this  policy 
lire  forniidahle.anil  it.)  nri;ani/ation  one  of  the  niosl 
iiowerfnl  ilia!  has  heen  formeil  in  the  eouiilry. 
Kven  on  ihis  floor  it  liasils  advoiwilos,  as  I  lielieve, 
uiieonsi'ionsly;  and  ihe  I'lesident  may  lie  driven 
to  I  he  veto,  lo  prevent  llie  iiiosi  extrava!;anl  appro- 
priations, hefore  this  ('oii!;reiJs  termlnales.  All 
this  is  developed  siiiee  Ihe  proposition  was  made 
and  withdrawn:  and  althoni;li  1  do  not  express  an 
opinion,  yet,  Mr.  C'liairman,  il  is  a  qiiealioii  wor- 
thy the  firnvest  eonslderalion,  whether,  if  n  war 
ensues,  with  all  ilscoi;seipienees,  in  defenee  of  the 
prini'iple  avowed  hy  the  I'resideni,  and  of  our 
riKhls  in  Ore;;nn,  il  were  not  heller  for  the  per- 
peiiiity  of  our  institutions,  the  advnneenicnt  of 
liheral  prineiples,  and  for  posterity,  than  siieh  n 
peace  policy  and  its  coiiscqiicnees,  as  here  iiidi- 
I'Wed. 


M 


OREGON  aUi;STION.  I 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  H.  S.  CLARKE, 

OF  NORTH  CAROLINA, 

In  the  Hoise  ok  Represk.vtativf.s, 

Fibnamj  0,  l!^4G.  , 

On  the  Resolution  for  lerminatinij  the  joint  occupa- 
tion ofOrc^jon. 

Mr.  ri,ARKE  ohtiiineil  the  lloor,  and  addressed 
the  committee  as  follows: 

Mr.  Cii  viiiMw:  It  is  with  much  diffidence  that 
I  rise  to  address  this  committee  for  the  first  lime, 
on  a  suhject  which,  in  my  eslimation,  is  so  imme- 
diately conneeted  with  the  jieace  of  the  coiinlry, 
and  on  which  cenllemen  of  much  more  nhilily  and 
experience  dilTcr  in  some  respects  so  es.sentiallv. 
liiit  as  a  lari;e  portion  of  those  whom  I  have  ide 
linnor  to  represeni  seem  to  feel  a  very  eoiisidera- 
lile  interest  upon  the  sulijecl  of  Oreiron,  if  I  may 
he  permitted  to  form  an  opinion  of  the  extent  of 
that  interest  hy  the  resolutions  lately  adopted  in 
their  primary  meetings,  it  is  hut  proper — indeed, 
sir,  it  may  he  expected  hy  Ihem — that  I  should  ex- 
]>ress  my  views  upon  this  suhject.  Siicli  as  I  have, 
they  are  emitled  to,  and  1  will  !;ive  them  lo  them; 
jireniisiiis;,  however,  that  if,  on  a  qi  -stion  of  this 
important  eharaelei ,  I  should  iimorlunalely  have 
mistaken  their  wishes,  it  will  he  my  pleasure,  as 
it  eerlniiily  is  my  duty,  to  rectify  the  mistake,  and 
carry  out  whatever  may  he  their  purposes  in  the 
mailer.  Amidst  all  the  diflirenees  of  opinion  on 
this  suhject,  however,  lo  which  I  have  adverted — a 
dilVeienee  of  niiiiiion  hotli  as  to  the  extent  of  our 
rights  and  the  hcsl  way  of  maintaininir  tho.se  rivilits 
— il  is  ifiatifyiim;  lo  witness  the  unanimity  of  all 
on  one  vastly  important  point  connected  with  Ihis 
coniroversy.  If  all  efforts  to  settle  this  matter 
jieaceahly  shall  be  of  no  avail,  and  if  war  is  to 
lie  the  dreadful  alternative,  we  have  the  assu- 
rance of  men  of  all  parties,  lhat  they  will  unite,  as 
if  with  one  hand  and  with  one  heart,  lo  swc  elH- 
eiency  to  the  war,  and  lo  lerminale  the  confliet,  so 
far  as  human  a;;ency  may  prevail,  honoralily  and 
ploriously  for  tlie  country.  What  emotions  of 
l>ride  docs  not  this  assurance  exeiie  in  llie  breast 
of  every  one:  what  a  commentary  does  il  not  fur- 
nish upon  our  free  institutions,  and  upon  llic  cliar- 
actcr  of  our  confederacy;  and  what  a  promi.sc  docs 


it  not  hold  out  nf  our  sleady,  eradnni,  nnd  irrnliii.  :| 

hie  proi;reMS  as  a  people  to  iliat  inacmlicent  destiny  ■ 
which  ia  in  reserve  fur  us,  if  we  w  ill  only  be  failli- 
fiil  lo  ourselves!  However,  iherel'ore,  ihis  matter 
may  he  seltled — whcllier  by  nei^otiaiion  or  by  war; 
whether  peaceably  or  hy  the  ela.-'h  and  din  uf  arms 
— this  fad  iH  of  incstimalile  value,  and  cannot  fail 

lo  exert  a  powerful  nioial  iiillm u  upon  the  f;rowih 

and   prosperity  ol"  our  comiiion  country.      Il  will 
also  !;ive  UN  confidence  in  the  iialrmleMii  of  each  i| 
other;  it  will   blunt,   in  some  dei;rci'.  il  la  to  he 
hoped,  the  acerbily  of  parly  spirit;  and  it  will  tell 
to  foreicrii  nalions,  in  icrms  which  cannot  le  inis- 
uiiilerslood,  thai,  howcM  r  much  we  may  ililVcr  on 
cpicslions  of  doiiii'.slic   poliiy,  when  n  fiirei;;n  foe 
shall  touch  our  soil,  we  are  prepared  lo  litve  him, 
in   till'  laiiL'na'je  of  the  honnriible  :;i  nllcniaii  I'roiii 
lllinoia,  I  \lr.  I>imiii,\»s,|  "  the  best  llirht  we  have 
un  liniiil,"  and  that  is  a  iiiiilnl  flight.     As  these  ,is- 
Niiraiiees  have  from  lime  to  time  t'lllin  upon  the 
<'"!'  of  the  House,  the  inquiry    has   inviihintarily 
f"rC(.(|   iiself  upon  my  niiinl,  whether  it  were  pos- 
niblc  that  this  could  he  the  u  .«ult  of  the  annexation 
of  Texas,  whether  it  wi'i''-  poNsilije  thai  this  could 
I"'  the  evidence  of  that  alienation  oraliachiiient  lo 
our  free  institutions,  which  was  predicled  by  some 
as  sure  to  follow  the  eonsuiiiiuation  of  that  ijreal 
deed,    rerlainlv,  after  so  much  was  said  about  the 
dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  the  disalVection  of  a 
portion  of  our  people  lo  their  own  Ciovernmcnl,  il 
was  hardly  to  have  been  expected  lliai,  in  so  short 
;  a  lime,  we  should  witness  tiie  L'mlifyiiiir  spectacle 
of  men  nf  all  parties  cntninr!-  up  lo  the  altar  of  their 
country,  and  there  makiti:,'  a  fice  and  voliinlary 
>  otleriiiir  of  devotion  lo  her  ill    every  emer^'ency. 
j  Rill,  sir,   it  is  as  true  as  it  is  eratifyiiii.'.      The 
North  and  the  West,  the  South  and  the   Ivist, 
I  without  distinction  of  party,  iiiiiie  in  the  hearty, 
prompt,  and  clieerfnl  declaration  ofa  determination 
lo  stand   by  their  country  whin  the  shock  of  war 
shall  conic'.     I  was  for  Texas  then,  and    am  for 
Oregon  now.     I  was  for  ndoptiiiu'  the  most  prompt 
and  viirorous  measures  when   the  former  was  to 
be  introduced  into  our  sisterhood  of  Stales;  and   I 
will  now  iro  as  fir  as  anyone  in   ado|itiii4  such 
measures  as  may  be  nccessru'v,  in  ihe  event  of  war, 
to  maintain  our  ri^'hts  mid  csliiblish  our  aulhorilv 
in  Ihe  latter.     And,  sir,  if  there  could  be  any  ilil'- 
ference  in  my  zeal   in  the  two  eases — which  I  do  ' 
not,  however,  admil — I  must  confess  that  my  zeal 
would   be  the  crealer  in  f  uor  of  Orciron;  for  we 
have  learned  tVom  those  who  have  had  ihe  niaiiav;e- 
nienl  of  this  case  from  the  hesrinnimr,  iliat  Oregon 
is  ours,  our  own  soil,  onrown  patrimony.     Texas, 
on  Ihe  other  hand,  until  admitted  into  our  I'liion, 
was  the  land  of  another  people.      In  eoiilendiii2;for 
Oregon,  we  are   but   strivim:'  to  rrtahi  our  |irescnl 
po.^sessions,  endeared  to  lis  hy  the  recollection  and 
by  the  achievements  of  our  aneeslors.     In  eon- 
lendinir  for  Texas,  we  were  but  siriviiia;  to  e.rliud 
our  possessions,  to  inercase  our  wealth,  our  power, 
our  resources,  and  lo  disseminate  the  hlessinu's  of 
our  Union — results  certainly  eralifyiiiijlo  our  pride 
and    encnurairin!;   to   our   hopes,    but  which    can 
hardly  be  said  lo  be  equal  to  the  duty  of  holdiiiij 
on  lo  onrown,  of  keepin^r  thai  which  we  have  al- 
ready sot.     What  profit,  1  a'  .,  can  it  avail  us,  if 
we   aceumillalc  with   one  hand  to-day,  and  give 
away  and    squander  with    the   other   to-morrow.- 
What  seemina:  ficklene.'is,  at  one   time  lo  peril  the 
peace  of  the  country  in  order  to  arijiiirc  lerrilorVi 
and  nt  another  time  hesilale,  for  fear  of  eneounlcr- 
iiii;  the  dreaded  power  of  another  nation,  lo  assert 
and  prepare   to    vindicate  our  just   and    manifest 
ri:;htsl     Nor  can    llio   consideration    lhat    one   nf 
these  territories  is  to  be  the  abode  of  freemen  only, 
wliil.'t  the  other  is  to  he  peiqiled  in  part  by  slaves, 
be  allowed  to  have  any  inlhience  wlialever  on  my 
mind  in  brin^in^it  to  a  conclusion,  as  to  the  course 
I  oiurht  to  pursue  on  a  an  at  ipieslion  of  national 
risjlits.  Nor  do  1  look  lo  thai  I  lahmee  of  power  which 
has  been  too   frequently  adverted  to  in  this  House 
and  throiiixliout  the  country,  between  the  slavehold- 
.  inp:  nnd  non-slaveholdins  Slates  of  ihis  republic,  as 
'  necessary  for   ihe  proleclion  and  security  of  Ihe 
peculiar  instilulions  of  the  South.     These  depend 
for  their  present  support  upon  the  concessions  on 
!  that  subject  which  are  to  be  found  ill  the  Onslilu- 
.  lion  of  the  Uiiiied  Slates,  and  without  which  that 
i  instrument  could  not  have  been  ratified;  and  lliey 
:  depend  for  their  fulnre  suptmrt  upon  the  sense  of 
,  justice  on  thai  subject  which  can  alone  preserve 


and  pcrpi!tiiRt«  tlint  inilniment.    When  tlieie  •hull 

cease  lo  onerale,  little  is  lo  lie  expected  from  il.  It 
IS  worse  lliaii  idle  lo  place  any  n'liance  whatever 
on  a  mi  re  abstract  balance  of  power  founded  on 
nuinhers,  on  whichsoever  side  the  preponderance 
may  be.  AVIicn  they  shall  cease  lo  operate,  ihe 
baliini'e  of  power  by  which  those  institutionN  arc 
lo  be  supported  will  he  one  not  founded  on  num- 
hers,  but  on  niiL'hl — the  sur'ces.<  of  which  will  de- 
pend much  more  oi'  the  justice  of  ihe  cause  in 
which  il  is  lo  be  exerted— lo  wit;  the  mainlenanee 
of  our  jiisi  ris;hts — llian  on  any  mere  seemiiiu' »u- 
perioriiy  based  on  majorities.  'This  is  the  view  in 
which  llie  two  cases  pnscnt  lliemselvea  lo  my 
mind;  and  vicv.  iicj  them  in  that  li^'ht,  I  cannot  but 
say  lhat  my  zeal  for  On"j;on  is  at  least  equal  In 
what  it  was  for  Texas.  I  n'peal  il  therefore,  what 
HI  emiii'^  fickleness  III  one  time  to  peril  Ihe  peace  of 
the  country  in  oriler  In  acquin'  territory,  and  nt 
another  linic  hesitate,  for  fear  of  encounl'erin?  the 
dreaded  power  of  another  nation,  to  assert  and  [ire- 
pari'  to  viiidicaie  our  just  and  nianilisl  ri'^hl.-*; — our 
clear  and  indisputable  title  to  the  Oregon  territory  ! 
l!ul  the  iienth'man  from  Tennessee  [.Mr.  KwiNii] 
denies  that  our  riulit  loany  portion  of  lhat  territo- 
ry can,  with  any  propriety  whatever,  be  pronounced 
clear  and  iiidisputalile.  The  liile  to  any  of  it  is, 
in  his  estimation,  doublful;  and  this  dnulit  he  nt- 
tribiiles  to  the  iincertnillly,  not  lo  say  uiisnundneas, 
of  Ihe  principles  by  which  wo  lay  elaini  to  the 
cinintry,  when  tested  liy  any  known  and  no- 
knowleiiircd  iirineiples  ol  international  Inw.  Tho 
geiitlen  in  nlle^ies,  for  instance,  thai — 

1 .  It  ia  doiiliifni.  under  the  law  of  nations,  whclli- 
er the  discovery  of  the  iiinutli  of  a  river  gives  a 
ri^lil  to  llic  territory  draincrl  hy  it. 

;,'.  It  is  doulilfiil,  under  the  same  laws,  whether 
di.scovery  avnil  nnylhiii;,',  without  speedy  sellle- 
nicnl. 

.T.  It  ia  dnnbind  whether  both  discovery  nnd 
settlement  irive  title  to  a  iialioii,  unless  made  under 
'govern  men  I  aullioriiy. 

He  also  asserts  thiit  it  is  doitbiid,  under  ihc  Inw 
of  unions,  whether  war  exiiiejuishea  or  puts  an 
end  lo  a  treaty  of  the  natiu'e  of  llic  Nootka  con- 
vention. 

Il  may  perhaps  be  true,  sir,  that  not  only  the 
principles  laid  down  hy  the  hoiioraliie  member, 
inn  lhat  all  other  questions  which  require  for  their 
solulioti  a  reference  to  the  law  of  nations,  may, 
wilhnul  any  very  cn'at  impropriety  of  lanpiafre, 
he  sei  (hiwii  as  iloublfnl  and  uncertain.  And  tliia 
doubt  is  owins  lo  Ihe  various  iiiler|irelalioiia  nnd 
aptilicatioiis  which  those  laws  have  received  by 
ililferent  nalions,  and  even  by  the  same  nation  at 
ditVerent  limes,  and  also  to  the  absence  of  sonie- 
ihiiiL;  in  the  nature  of  a  judicial  trihunal  to  adjudi- 
cate and  settle  llieni.  li  ninsl,  however,  be  borne 
ill  mind,  that  this  present  contniversy  ia  with  Great 
Rritain:  and  if  she,  by  her  past  conduct,  has  s.'iven 
a  special  inlerpi  ■iition  to  cerlain  principlea  of  in- 
ternational law,  II  IS  hut  fair  and  proper  that  we 
hold  her  to  that  eonslruclioii:  and  if  llint  interpre- 
tation, when  properly  applied  to  this  cnse,  shall 
aive  us  the  On";on  le'rrilory,  il  certainly  cannot  he 
rejarded  as  n  very  Ijreat  iirqiarliire  froni  propriety 
of  laiiTiUKjie,  if,  when  speakiiuc  lo  her,  we  sliou'  :, 
assert  thai  our  title  to  lhat  eounlry  is  "elenr  nnd 
unquesiionable."  Now,  I  would  nsk,  if  her  man- 
ner of  nrqnirin::  territorial  ri?;lils  on  ll  e  Atlantic 
side  of  this  coniincnt  has  noi  sivcn  certainty,  if 
not  existence,  lo  Ihc  doctrine  that  the  discovery  of 
the  mouth  ofa  river,  followed  up  within  n  reason- 
able time  by  selllemcnl,  save  her  title,  not  only  lo 

the  whol iiinlrv  watered  hy  the  principal  river, 

hill  also  that  which  was  wati  red  by  ils  various  Irih- 
utariesi'     .Vnd   by  the  skilful  conjunction  of  the 
rii;lil  by  cci.iiiuiiy  to  lhat  conferred  by  discovery 
and  -.nlemeii,  I  would  ask  tlie  honorable  fjentle- 
nian  ifsiiedid  not  extend  her  possessions  far  he- 
yo.id  the  most  dislnnt  .sources  both  of  the  princi- 
pal rivers  and  their  tributaries?  if  she  did  not  push 
^  then,  even  beyond  the  Allejliany  mountains,  nnd 
limit  ti-eni  only,  in  their  wesiern  extension,  by  the 
srreal  Mississippi  river.'    The  sincerity  of  Great 
Britain,   n  giving  this  inlerprelalion  to  the  laws  of 
'.[  nalions,  cannot  be  questioned,  because,  in  17C0, 
she  we.it  to  war  with  Urance  to  mainlain  it.     She 
'   was  not  only  willing  to  risk  her  character  before 
-  the  world  as  a  fair  nnd  just  interpreter  of  those 
laws,  but  for  the  maintenance  of  her  construction 
.  slie  was  willing  and  did  expend  millions  of  money, 


'^tl 


iJDth  Cono Ikt  Sr.nu. 


AI'I'KNIMX  TO  'HIK  (r/\OUFSSI()NAl,  OLORK. 
'/'/»•  OrtgoH  <-^if>liun — Mr,  Clarke. 


(Fdi.  «, 


Ho,  or  Krph. 


im 


I-'". 


hihI  mrrilti'pil  iIimiiniiiicIh  cif  ihi;  live*  nf  her  mib- 
jiiln.  (live  ii»,  lliiii,  iK  n  ii|H('lM  iho  ('iti;iiii  Icr- 
Vitdiy,  iIh'  ri:;ltlN  ii'  tlif  Hjiiiit'  r\trnt  uliirh  dJHi'ov- 
iryaiiil  niiilciiii'iii  liiiM  I'linlcnc  il  ii|h>ii(iiiiiI  llril- 
nin  ill  llic  rnsiirii  |ii\il  mI'iIum  Nmili  Aiinrii'iiii  rmi- 
tilltnl;  lUlil  It!  lllin  li>t  IM  |\<I<I  lilt-  I'iulllN  x^liii'li  r«in- 
liiiiiilY  woulil  j;iM'  11^,  II  "..'iiliilrd  liy  lur  nwn  prar- 
li'T,  and  (Mil*  tiilr  i^  i-<>iii|itr(f.  Ilisrovny  ami 
xi  Itji'iiii'iit  vtoiilil  tur  IM  mil' III  till'  wlmlr  I'liiiii- 
try  wiiii'i'i'il  I'V  till'  Ciiliimliia  and  in  ii'ilnilani'H, 
vXli'iiililiK  iVi'iii  llii'  -I'M  di  :,'ri'(' III"  nnrili  liililiidr, 
anil  liiMiiidrd  mi  fhr  rani,  tliroti:;hoiit  iin  wlinlc  I'X* 
li'iil,  iiy  <li>  Itiii'Ky  iiiiMinlaiiiN,  and  mi  tln'  mi'mI  Iiv 
llir  I'ai'ilir,  iiniil  if  ri'mlad  tlir  nimiili  nf  l''r:i?rr'ii 
rivfr,  ill  laliliiilo  id'  -l'.!^,  wlirii  il  wmild  rwii  almif; 
tlii>  liiiililaials  \\  III!  Il  Ni-pnrair  the  wati th  id*  tlu; 
rnliiiiiliiil  and  l''ia/i  r  rJM  r  vallry  ii|i  In  .">l"  4(1'. 
Cfin-  IIM,  llaii,  till'  ln'riilil  III"  I'miliniiity — li'l  it 
iipi'rnii'  ill  mir  ImIi.iII'  hIiIi  nnly  lialt'  llic  vilalily 
Biiil  rlli  ary  \»  llli  w  liii'li  il  Wiirkid  mil  Irnilni'y  lur 
(irrat  llriiain  mi  tliJH,  our  null  I'milirant,  and  wi' 
laki'  ill  I'Vazi  r  riMi  villry,  ivid  Ih'Coiiu'  at  miiT 
iiiiitoil  111  till'  I'ai'ilii'.  Ami,  Bir,  il'llin-c  I'Vtr  was  a 
diiintry  in  wliicii  tin-  ilni'lnni'  nt'i'miiiriiiiiy  wmilil 
opci'ati'  in  lilt'  t'XtiiHiiiii  ill"  tirriiiirial  rijlil.'-,  llit; 
uii|icr  part  nf  lliiw  (lit nun  vallry  is  pl.iinly  and  rm- 
pliatit-ally  niif.  Tlif  vfiy  rcaMin  anil  iil'jt'fi  nl'tlii- 
priiirlpir  is,  thai  n  pinpli'  may  ilif  nmrt'  fully  mitl 
ninvt'iiit'iitly  I'lijiiy  thitt  pnriinn  nf  any  t'oiiiitry 
wliii'h  in  t'ltarlv  anil  t  mifi  i^si  ,iiy  llitirn  Uy  ilisfnvr- 
ry  anil  lui'iipatimi,  or  liy  N'uiit'  niln  r  ai'kiviwli'dnfiil 
inmiiH'r  nf  lu'tpiirin;:  U'rriiory.  'I'lit'  valley  nf  ilir 
Cnliimliia  In  niirH  liy  thf  ilisfnvrrv  nf  (iray  in  17'.*'-}, 
Mini  l>y  Kiilisi'ijtK'iii  Hi-itlt'int'iil  wliliin  n  rt^^attnnaMt' 
timo,  aH  iifknn\vlt'il;;ril  l.y  tl"'  siirrtnilir  nf  it  nfltr 
llio  h\M  war;  ami  llii.n  va'lt'V  rxtiiiilH  as  flir  nnrlli 
n»  54°-Jli'.  Tlifiiihaliiianl.s,tlu'rrl'iii',nf  ilif  nm-tli- 
cril  iiart  i>f  this  ri'^jinn  wnnld  liavi'  tn  Irani  llii' 
wholf  oxtrnt  t>f  llii'  (''ilinnliia  river— a  dist.'int'e  M' 
some  tlioiisanil  nr  ivvi  Uf  linntlrrd  iiiilrH — licfnri'  lie 
rtailil  cniliark  llie  prniliii-ln  nf  his  lalmr  ami  fkill 
nil  llie  mild  liiitiniii  nf  (lie  I'arilif,  in  Hean-li  nf  a 
fnri'iirn  market.  This  ImiL',  ami  loilimis,  and  mil- 
stimi!  jiiiirmy  lie  ninsl  laUi,  wiili  ilie  I'milii'  with- 
in two  liuiuliTtl  iiiilt'M  of  liis  linmt',  ami  I-'razir'.'i 
river  williiii  mir-Cniirlli  of  tlint  dislanee,  lieraiiso 
Krazor'.i  river  wa-ttlisi'iivereil  liy  a  siiliject  nf  (treat 
Britain!  I'lU  thin  ilis.'nvtry,  Innvevor,  was  not 
until  the  latter  part  nf  the  year  I7H.1,  sonieeiijliii'f'n 
nifiiithn  after  niir  eiti/tns  liail  di»i'nverril  the  Col- 
uinliia,  and  then fme  t  i^liletn  innnilis  iitler  ihi.^ 
prineiple  of  emitinuily— if  il  lia.t  any  appliealion, 
any  foree  whntivi  r — li.'iil  exiemletl  oi'ir  riirlil  tn  the 
Paoifii'.  Hill  adniilliii';  that  we  ihrnw  niit  nf  eon- 
siderntioii  any  ailvanla^'e  we  nii^'lit  elaiiii  to  the 
Frazer  vallt  y  liy  eoatiiiiiit\  ,  and  eoncrde  tliiil  to 
Great  nrltaln.aml  then  mir  title  In  the  Nouth  nf  ■iO'^, 
frnni  the  Rorky  nimini.Tin:!  to  ihe  Paeifi",  would  lie 
indispiitalile;  a'ntl  to  the  north  nf  that  parallel  wi' 
v.'onld  have  the  Cohiinlii.i,  ami  Great  I'liliiin  the 
Fnizer  valley.  Uoili  these  valleysare  now,  liy  the 
treaty  of  lf77,  in  the  |iiiiii  iin-uimney  nf  the  two 
countries.  This,  then,  is  ilie  only  portion  of  tliis 
linrlliWti't  eniintry — the  pnriinn  to  the  iinrili  nf 
4!P — vidiii-h,  ill  the  ninst  niifavoralile  view  lor  us, 
fan  he  the  proper  snlijtrt  nf  divisinn.  A  line  lie- 
frinnin^on  the  I'ncifie.snniew here  lietweun  ,')10and 
52°,  and  run.iimr  alniiir  that  pandh  1  to  the  Hneky 
inniintaiiis,  wnnld  L'ive  to  Gnat  IJritain  a  porlioli 
of  the  territorv  we  t  laiiii,  anil  to  us  a  portion  she 
eloims — vioiild  t'ivf  us  eaeh  a  line  nf  the  I'aeifie 
eonRt  etpial  to  our  line  on  the  Rocky  mountains, 
tind  woulil  also  sei'ure  to  the  hnnnralilc  p'litlenian 
fnmi  Tt;nnea.see  (Mr.  Gknthv)  that  stmiirht  fciiee 
hesonineh  de»ir>-il.  Hv  ilisrovery,  settlement,  and 
emiiinuity,  therefore,  the  whole  id' Oregon  i.s  ours. 
Throw  conliiuiily  out  of  the  .ireuunt,  and  eonfimi 
118  to  discovery  anil  stitlt  nieiit,  and  we  have  the 
very  elearesl  title  to  411°,  leavinj  only  the  valleys 
nf  the  Ori'u'on  and  Frazer  rivers,  to  the  north  of 
that  pari'lel,  to  In-  divitled  lietweeu  us.  A  line  be- 
tween .jl"antl  ,VJ^  would  aeenmplish  the  most  just 
or  equitalile  ilivision;  or,  in  ennsitlenitinn  of  nu^ 
tiikin;,'  Vancouver's  Island,  the  line  micht  he  loca- 
ted nn  the  filstdfu'rie  of  latitude.  Hut  we  are  lii^re 
met  with  another  proposiiinn  nf  the  liniioralilc 
meinhi  r  fmm  Tennt  y.see,  [Mr.  Ewing,]  in  which 
he  asserts  "  that  il  is  dnuhtful  whether  lioth  di.s- 
'  eovery  and  settlement  L'ive  title  to  n  nation,  unli:ss 
'  mnile  umler  Govi  riinient  niithnrily."  However 
this  may  he,  hy  the  laws  of  nation's  fjreat  i'nlain 
i8  estopped,  Ijy  the  eharacler  of  her  own   pieleii- 


■inna  tn  nny  tinrtiim  nf  Ihin  cminlry,  rmm  irttinK 
lip  nny  Hiieh  iloeiriiie.  What,  I  wtinlil  ask,  is  the 
lieL'iuniut',  ihe  very  I'onmlaliiiii,  of  all  the  elaiin 
which  Gnat  llritain  now  sein  up  to  any  part  of 
tins  eniiiilry  >  Is  it  imi  all  to  he  liaeed — does  she 
not  III  rself  trace  il,  thniu!;h  the  Noolka  eonven- 
lion — to  the  mere  leinporary  nfcnpiitimi  nf  n  part 
of  Vniicouver's  Island  hv  l.li'iilcnanl  Mean  s  > 
who,  If  is  true,  was  one  nt"  her  siihjecti  ,  hut  who, 
so  far  fnuiiactiii'.;  iii'dir  lliedirei'tion  of  ihe  "Gnv- 
erument  luiihority"  of  his  imn  eoiintrv,  was,  at 
the  tinii,  sailinir  and  openitini;  nnihr  the  I'orlii- 
i;nese  llni;.  lliil,  sir,  if  it  he  true  that  "Govern- 
ineiit  authority"  must  arcoiniiaiiv  discimry  and 
setlleuieni,  ill  nnli-r  In  pt  rl'ect  the  title  lo  iliis  terri 
tory,  dots  il  not  I'nIlow-  that  Gnat  llritain  lets  the 
clear  title  to  the  whole  of  this  iiorthwt-st  territory, 
heeaiise  she.  as  early  as  IHIKI,  and  then  airain  in 
U'.M,  I'Memletl  her  laws  over  it,  whilst  we  have 
iiol.  lo  ihis  (lav,  t'Vti  ndeil  either  our  anlhority,  our 

laws,  or  our  insiiiutioiis  over  tin uuiry.'     Ami 

does  the  I'l  iiileman  nally  mean  to  he  uuilerslnnd 
thrnu:;linnt  the  enuntry  as  deiiyini;  that  we  have 
any  nu^hts  in  Dn-Ton  '  I  ilo  not  hehexf  that  he  tle- 
stres  to  l-e  so  understood;  and  yet  Ihis  is  the  prac- 
'ii-iil  result  of  his  posiiions — the  iiereitiiary  coiirhi- 
simi  tVnni  his  premises. 

Thus  fir  of  our  title  ac(|iiirrd  hy  the  enlerpriw 
anil  ailventiire  of  our  own  eiiiztns,  which  I  n'irani 
us  the  ni'isi  relialih-  imrt  of  il.  I,(  t  lis  now  look 
into  mir  title  fnmi  Spain,  hy  the  tn-.'itv  of  IHISI, 
Hy  that  treaty  Spniii  cedeil  to  the  I^iited  Stales 
".'ill  her  ri^'hls,  claini-i.  iiml  pretensions  to  file 
northwest  territory."  .So  far  as  prior  iliscovry  is 
eoncerneil,"  these  rii:lits,  claims,  and  pretensions" 
of  Siiiiin  ('Xteuded,  and  were  cntiiiilele.  as  farnorth 
as  .14"  4(1',  at  least.  Iltlwifu  1774  and  177!),  tx- 
idorini:  evpetliiions,  scut  out  liy  their  (-iovernmeni, 
had  tliscnven'il  the  Pacific  coast  as  far  north  as  tln- 
iinrdlel  nf  IKK',  had  lamh-il  nn  ii  at  varinus  pnints, 
had  traded  with  the  Indians,  nnd  had  taken  formal 
possession  of  the  country  in  the  nnnie,  and  I'orthe 
i-eiii-tit, of  their  Government.  Whereas,  the  first 
Kutrlish  navi';atiirwhtisaw  am'  pnrtion  of  thiseoasl 
nonh  of  .iy\  was  Cook,  in  I77H,afier  every  portion 
of  tlic  coast  he  visiieil  had  previously  hi-i-n  visited 
liy  the  Siianiards,  I'erez,  IIeceta,antl  Ilndeu'a. 

Tilt-  Gnvernnii-nt  nf  Gre.it  llritain,  hnwever, 
coiitemis  that  in  tin-  year  1 7:iO,  Spain  coiichiiled 
wiih  her  a  treaty,  hv  which  cerl-iin  rights  w'ere 
si-ciinil  In  Gnat  Mritain  in  this  dreiimi  territory. 
This  treaty  of  I70(t  she  t-niili-mls  is  still  in  force, 
and  that  the  only  elfi-ct  of  the  Inaly  of  \<^]'^  was 
to  suhstitnie  our  Gnvt-rtmient  in  tht-  place  nf  .Spain 
in  the  fiiriner  treaty.  Milt  we  cnntenti  that  llie 
treaty  nf  17!(()  was  nhrn^ated  nnd  annulled  hv  the 
war  of  |7!Ki  hetween  the  twii  cnntractin;i;  parties. 
.-Ml  who  have  ar'^netl  on  this  point  set-ni  lo  ,'dliiit 
tliat  there  are  some  tn-alies  which  a  suhst-ipit-nt  war 
lit-twi-eii  the  coiitractins;  parties  atiiiid  and  tjestmy; 
and  nuniiroiis  aiteniiits  have  In-en  niaile  to  lay 
down  some  i,'ener.il  rule  hy  which  it  may  he  ile- 
terniincil  what  kimi  of  treaties  are  ilestroyetl  hy 
war.  and  what  kind  survive  a  hostile  eonilict  be- 
tween the  parties.  Il  may  perhaps  he  more  fasy 
to  dt^terinine  th.it  ipiestion  in  iiulividnal  cases, 
which  may  present  themst-Ues  to  our  minds,  than 
to  lay  down  nnythiii!;  likt-  n  senenil  rule.  .-Xml 
the  result  of  the  .-itteinpis  w  liieh  have  hi-t  n  made, 
sinin;.'ly  verify  this  assertion.  Some  irentleineii, 
fur  instance,  di-clare.  as  H  L'tiieral  nile,  thal.ill  cnni- 
mercial  treaties  are  ahrn^ated  hv  war.  This,  as  a 
general  rult\  is  not  eonipn-hensive  t-nouffh;  for  it  is 
certain  that  treaties  which  an'  not  -..lumt  r"inl 
in  their  character  are  also  teniiii'i'.liil  hy  a  war  he- 
Iwi-en  tht-  parlii-s.  A  treaty  oirensive  and  defen- 
sive is  of  this  character.  Another  ^'eiitli-tnan — I 
mean  the  hononilile  mt-niher  iVoiii  .South  Carnlinn, 
[Mr.  Iliu.MKs.l — lias  tried  his  skill  on  this  point; 
and,  with  all  due  dt-feri-nce.  his  atletnpt  ctimes 
efpially  slini-t  nf  tht-  mark,  if  lint  mnre  .o.  Ffe 
conteiidt-il  that  those  treaties  which  confer  privi- 
h-i:es.  an-  alinii.'atetl  hy  war;  whilst  those  which 
collier  rii,'hls,  remain  iintoiichcil.  This,  as  a  (.'en- 
enil  rule,  is  certainly  wantiii','  nf  tlistinctness,  for 
some  privile-_'es  are  most  ci-rtaiiily  riirhta.  The 
only  distinction  which  occurs  to  me  to  lie  nt  once 
sensihic  ami  (oniprehensivi^  is  that  which  di-elares 
that  ext-cutt-d  tnalii-s  are  not  atrected  hy  a  war  he- 
tween the  parliis;  whilst  tlinst-  that  an-  iint-xecu- 
led — ihnst-  which  are  exeeutnry — tlinse  which  are 
iii/ioi,  an;  annulltil.     Trtaties,  for  instance,  which 


I  rnitilo  houiulnririi — which  limit  or  ennfer  irrrUnrlnl 
liKhlii,  are  iinall'ecleil  hy  any  and  i-vt  ry  "liant>e  in 
Ihe  nliilimiN  JMitween  the  Iwn  coiiu'irit  s.  The 
ti-eatv  of  niKI  lietween  Spam  and  Gnat  Hriliim  is 
clearly  einhraeeil  iii  the  hitter  class,  It  pniviih-il 
for  Irnth-  Willi  the  Intlians.aml  for  si  ttleiui-iits.  for 
the  purnomH  of  Initle,  aiitl  for  that  piirpnsi-  nnly. 
The  ri'jhl  lo  make  st-ltlenienlM  t-iin,  hy  iiti  (iiir  i  oil- 
Hiriictimi,  he  it  ftiinh-il  as  ii  ri;;lit  to  appniprialt-  tt  r- 
ritiiry.  .Such  a  cnuslrin-tion  m  not  waininlt-d  hy 
Ihe  uiiaiiilii;;uoiis  iiieaiiiiii;  of  the  teriiiii  eniplnyed; 
and  will  II  Ht'  n-fer  to  (-xtriinenus  i-nnsideniiiouM, 
ill  onli-r  to  aid  us  in  coiuint;  at  the  nieaniie/  of  ihti 
parties,  this  cniisiriiclimi  has  still  less  mi  which  to 
slautl.  If  lirrilnrial  riu'lits  wen-  iiili  iiileil  tn  he 
st't;iin'tl,it  IS  a  relleciinn  to  snppnst-  that  Iwti  siicli 
intelli:;t-ut  naiiniis  woiilil  iinl  have  employed  less 
etpiivncal  and  mine  pn-t-ise  ami  di-liiiite  ti-niis. 
.Still  ItsMcan  It  lie  lieheted  that  Gn'at  Ihilain,  who 
was  the  iiarty  to  ht- liinefiteil,  wtiiild  hate  left  such 
esHt'iitial  ami  peruianent  riu'his  to  iiiiplicalioii  aiitl 
i-onslrucliini.  It  is  only  when  she  seehs  lo  exieul 
her  clainia  far  heyomi  the  luianiiii;  iinil  iiitentaiii 
t>f  the  l'iiwt;r  with  whu  h  she  is  tnalinir,  (hat  sliii 
employs  ihuilitl'ul  and  tiiiiliii;uous  plu-ast-s.  It  is 
hy  the  ,U'ls  ami  tricks  of  iliploiuiicy,  she  aims  to 
iit;coiiiplish  lit-r  wishi-s,  w  hen  iiitn-e  open  and  tlint;! 
means  have  liiilt  tl  of  success,  Ai{aiii,  at  tin-  tiiiid 
when  this  treaty  was  matk,  and  for  many  yeai-H 
hefore,  Spain  st  tun  d  lo  lie  hesel  with  a  perlect  iiio- 
noniaiim  for  the  ai't|iiisititin  of  territory — for  tliv 
tliHctivery  of  new  islaiiiU  and  law  t-ontiin-ulH 
1 1,  r  exploring  vessels  were  sent  nut  inin  i  very 
Nea,iuid  to  the  iitterninsl  parts  of  the  larili,  in 
wuirch  of  some  iit;w  spot  nn  which  to  plant  the 
stamlanl  of  her  t-nlerprine  and  powt-r.  Is  tht:  itit-ii 
that  the  tn-aly  of  I  I'.MI,  at-knowli'th.;t'il  joint  ter- 
ritorial ri^lils  ill  this  northwest  tt-rrilory,  which 
was  clearly  the  properly  n''  .Spain  iiy  ili.scovery, 
hetween  tliest;  two  nations,  coiisisit  nt  with  ihu 
avarice  tif.Sp;iiJi — w-illi  her  ni^t  for  theiicipiisitioii 
nf  more  lami  r  Is  it  to  he  cnilited  that  she  woiilil 
thus  sum  ntler  the  dnrlin:,'  of  her  allectinns,  the 
ohject  of  all  her  Hell'-sacriticini^  elVnrts,  withmit 
evi-ii  n  8trii!;!;le  to  mniiilain  ami  pn-servi;  tlu-ni  > 
Is  it  tint  mnre  natural,  inore  coiisisient  with  tin; 
circuinsla.iit'es  of  the  two  luitions  at  that  time,  to 
helicve  that  Great  iiritiiin  reprt  seiited  to  Spain, 
what  she  now  says  tn  us,  that  she  tlid  imt  th-sin; 
the  enuntry  for  Ihe  |iurpose  of  inakin:;  pi  rmant-nt 
aetlleincnts,  hut  as  nllonliim  faciliiu  s  of  trade  with 
the  Imlians,  for  its  I'lirs?  This  farihty,  ihis  priv- 
ilei;e  of  tradi-,  we  nii^lit  well  suppose  that  Spain 
would  ht-  wilhnu'.  for  valuahlc  considenilioiis,  tn 
j;;nuit,  inasmuch  as  tin;  country  was  only  desirahit; 
tn  her  as  a  future  abode  for  her  citizens,  and  for 
the  precious  metals  which  mi^lit  uhoiiiul  ill  the 
lioNoni  of  Its  mountains.  Moreover,  if  the  treaty 
eif  17!)0  was  an  appropriation,  on  the  pan  of  thosi; 
Powers,  nf  the  OiiKou  tt  rrilnry,  is  it  iint  a  little 
remarkalih-  tliat,  soon  alVr  the  close  of  tht;  last 
war,  Great  lirit.im  should  have  placed  the  United 
Slates  in  possession  td'  a  portion  of  this  very  ter- 

I  rilory  which  had  I  ten  taken  iVniii  the  latter  diirini; 
the  last  war?  (^in  she  admit,  without  involving; 
herself  in  dishonor,  that  she  surnndi-red  to  our 
Government  at  that  time  territory  which  she  nnw 
uri,'es  helontreil  to  herself  and  Spain?  Is  it  nut 
more  easy  to  believe  that  this  ri;;lit  to  the  territorv 
i.s  all  an  after  t!iou);ht  of  hers,  pres.st-d  now  wiili 
the  greater  pertinacity  because  ol  our  oll'er  to  coni- 
prumise,  because  of  uiir  tacit  uckiiowletlt^ment, 
as  she  construes  it,  that  she  luul  periimneiil  rit;litii 
there  ? 

Gentlemen  have  been  pletuud,  Mr.  C'hnirmnn, 
to  consider  this  (pustioii  in  its  hearing;  upon  the 
peaceful  relations  of  tin;  two  cniiiitries;  ami  I  trust 
1  shall  he  pardnnetl  if  1  slimild  so  far  imitate  the 
example  which  li;is  been  set  as  to  express  my 
opinions  on  that  point.  1  venture  to  say  that  no 
one  would  depreeiitc  more  lliaii  niy.self  a  war  with 
En;;laiiil,  or  with  any  other  Powt-r.  1  trust  that  I 
feel  a  just  appret-iaiimi  of  the  horrid  t;nhiniitiis  of 
war — the  elVusion  of  blood  it  woultl  produce,  the 
ItiHS  of  life  it  wnultl  occasion,  the  injury  to  com- 
merce it  woiihl  eti'eel.  ISiit  tlie.st;  nre  the  invariii- 
ble  and  nnavoidiilile  ell'ects  of  all  war — t  ll'ectH 
which  Would  be  visited  nn  Great  llritain  in  a  de- 
cree ct|nal,  at  least,  to  wlnit  W(;  nii!,'ht  experiencts 
fitiin  tht-ni.  And  if  the  invariable  and  unavoid- 
able ell'ects  of  war  are  to  be  t-U'eclunlly  ur{;ed  n^'aiiist 
llic  inaiiUcnance  of  our  just  rijjhls,  it  requires  no 


r  |{ki-s. 

ilir  II  inliirinl 
■rv  'wtii;;!'  Ill 
iiiirii".  Till- 
'I'll!  Ilntiiin  IH 

II  IM'iiMllrll 

llliriMiitH,  I'lir 
iiir|i<iHi'  iiiily. 
y  iMi  I'liir  I  iiii- 
i|tro|>vitili'  trr- 
naininli'il  I'V 
iiiH  fiii]»liiyril ; 

iillHldci'MllnllH, 

iriiMin'.'  Ill'  llii' 

N    Mil    Wllll'll    III 

III  nili'it   ti)  lir 

lllll    IWII    HIII'll 

■iii|iliiyiil  lr»H 

Irlillllc    ll'I'IIIH. 

I  rmliiin,  wliii 

llllM'    ll'l'l  HIII'll 

i|>liriiliiiii  Miiil 
■I'kn  til  I'XIr'iil 
Mini  iiitniliiiii 
iilintri  lliiit  ilx' 
i|ii-;isi-H.  It  IH 
',  slir  niiiiH  til 
{nil  iiMil  ilirri't 
III,  lit  llii'  tiiiif 
)r  niiiiiy  yi'iii'-i 

II  II  |H'llri'l  inii- 
iiiiiy — I'lir  llic 
w  riiiiliiirntM 
ml  liiiii  inry 
:'  llii'  riirlli,  in 
ll  til  |il<iiit  lllll 
'I',  Is  ilii:  lili'it 
li;nl     iulllt   Icr- 

rniiiiy,  wlili^h 
liy  il'is.'iivrry» 
Iti  Ml  wiili  liiu 
llii'liriliiisluiill 
(lull  xIk'  svinilil 

llll'i;c-|ilills,  tllfl 

iViiri.i,  wllliiiilt 
irrsi'rvd  llii'iii  ? 

lisll'llt  Witll  tilt! 

I   lliiit  tinic,  to 

ll   ti>  S|iiiin, 

lllll  iiiit  ili'siri! 

|>i  riiiiiiinil 

r  iiMili'  with 

iiy,  lliiH  |irlv- 

tllclt     S{l|lill 

^llloi'lltilltlN,  to 

ily  lUnimlilo 

i/.riiK,  iinil   I'lir 

liiiiiiul  ill   till' 

if  ilic  liiiiiy 

pari  ill'  tliiiHi; 

It  nut  ll  litlli' 

isr  of  llii;  limt 

III  tlif  Uiiiuil 
iIiIh  very  tiT- 
:  latter  (liirint; 

nut  inviilvint; 
mil  nil  III  our 
lirll  bill}  IlilW 
III'  la  it  lint 
llic  Urritorv 

I  ll  now  Willi 
.>lli;r  to  coiii- 
iiiwIi'ilKinnnl, 

I'liianeiit  I'i:;^!^ 

ilr.  ('Iiainiinii, 
irinj;  uiion  tlm 
is:  anil  I  triiit 
'ar  iniitatb  the 
11  i.x|irc'ia  uiy 

II  Hay  tliat  no 
■ll'a  war  witli 

I  triixt  thai  I 
I  rnliiniilii'H  iil' 
I  |iri»lucu,  tin: 
iijiiry  to  com- 
lu  ihu  iiiyiiriii- 
_  war — ilVi.-r.lH 
iritiiiii  ill  a  ilu- 
;lit  expi'rii'iiri! 

anil  iiiiaviiiil- 
'  ur^eil  ai;aiiiHt 

it  rcnuirts  no 


IHW5.1 


/MM»KNi)ix  TO  riiK  (:()N(;ur,s.si()i\ Ai,  ciLom:. 


945 


U\hH  CoNO Ikt  Sehh. 


Thr  On^on  (^untinn — Mr.  Vliirke. 


Ho.  or  Huftt. 


Holomon  In  urn  llml  iIu'bo  ri:,'lilH  iirii  flifrvcr  to  Im  ,| 
iiiiaiiiliiiK'il  u  lienrvir  Ihi'ir  hmni  illnii  woiilil,  liy  llir    | 
iiiiiHl    ri'iii'iiii  priilinliililVi  Irail  iin  inln  a  I'oiillii'l 
Willi  aniillii'r  propli-.     Ii  upjii'iirN  lo  inn  (luit,  in 
iiHi'i'i'liiliiini;  our  riitlilM,  aiiit  in  roniiiil^  In  ii  iliii  r- 
iniiiiilioil  111  vinitii'iilu  lliriii,  I'liiiNiilri'iillnim  iifpi'm'!'    I 
or  war  nIimiiIiI  imt  lirallnwiil   lo  i'Xiitihi' a  I'on- 
troliiiii^  inllui'iirt'.      Ill  rn«r  nl"  iloiilil    and  iiiiri'r- 
lainlyMHto  iiiir  iit;lilH,  I  iiilinil   thai   tliry  nIioiiIiI  j 
III'  allowiil  III  liirn  ihr  Hialii  in  (iivor  iiCii  roinprii- 
luiNi',  iir,  if  nari  HNiiry,  nil   iiliiiinloinni'iit  iif  our  ' 
|irrlili"iiiii.i.     lllll  uhrii  mir  ri^jhlH  nif  "  iliar  anil 
iiiilixpniiilili',"  as  rliuir  a.i  a  Mnnliiiiiin,  an  wii  liavi" 
lii'iMi  laiiiihl  III  ri  !;aril  thi'iii  in  nHiicrt  In  Ori'Koii, 
il  will  not  ilo  to  Iwlin  lo  tliini,  iinlrss  wr  iirr  pri-- 
pariil  lo  ilcpii'i'Hid  war  on  any  onaHion,  iiiiil   for 
any  piirpimr.     ll  a|ipi'ain  In  nns  Hir,  thai   Ihc  rx-  , 

nnipli'  of  our  iTmlnlionary   falhci-H  lit   tin ly 

]iroi  •■  111'  ill  Kiii'li  raMi'H,  anil  una  whirh  rrrinn 
nil  iiiiH  itsi'lf  III  our  nioNi  liivoialilo  coiidiiliTalion.  ■ 
VVIii'ii  ihry  wrrr  alioiil  lori|i,'ii!.'i'  in  a  I'.oiillii'l  wilh 
till'  ilirailril  piiwi'r  of  Uiral  llrilaiii,  anil  llial,  loo, 
at  a  tinio  whin  tlia  oiIiIh  witi'  a  liiniilrril-fohl 
i;rraHTa!;iiiiiHl  lliriii  ihan  they  arr  a«niiiHl  iib,  iliil 
lliry  Nlop  lo  oaliiilata  tlin  i'iiiiHi'i|ni'nr<H  of  tlio  truly 
iippalliiiu'  iiuilrNl  in  wliirll  lliry  wrrP  aliout  In  i-ii-  i 
nau'i'?  Nil,  Hir.  'riicy  Iml  ...;:iMficil  tlinniHilKS  iif 
llii'ir  rii,'litH,  iiiiil  Ihry  wriil  alirail  In  viiiilii-aKi 
tlii'in,  Inivini;  ihr  ninNiipirnrcH  to  Hini  who  rillrH 
Ihii  ilcHliiiii'x  of  nalioiiH  iiH  will  an  of  iiiiliviiliialH. 
'I'lnir  Hiill''  ill','!!,  anil  loHurM,  mill  liazarilH  vim  far 
inorr  Hinr:  ni  ,  iIihii  any  ihat  i'«n  iinssilily  hi'fall  iih. 
'riii'ir  HiiliriinijH  wira  iinpriiiliil  liy  llii'ir  lilnoily 
fiiiitsli'pH  on  till'  fro/.i'ii  riirlh — tlirir  limn,  if  ovi'r- 
wlirliuril,  woiilil  hiivr  l.irii  thi!  liiSH  of  frcnliiui — 
tlii'ir  ha/ai'il  wan  that  of  rrn|iiii<;  ilia  ilrutli  of  llir 
traitor,  anil  Ilia  i^iinininy  ol  ihn  rrlii'l — Hulfarini;, 
nnil  loNHi'H,  and  linziinlH  which  in  no  possible  ovciil 
can  roiiia  to  uh. 

Siiili  was  till'  H|iirit  tlinl  nrliinlcd  our  (inrpslnrH 
thru,  anil  Ninh  I  In  llivo  to  he  the  Hiiiiit  liy  whii'h 
a  lar;;!!  pnrlinn  ftlia  Ainurli'an  pi'oili!  are  iicliialcd 
now.  If  war,  tliiTrl'oir,Hhoiild  iiiifortuiialply  grow 
out  nf  this  niattrr,  il.i  rrHpnii.sihility,  wlialnvir  il 
may  lie,  wlnllirr  for  1,'liiry  or  for  shaiiip,  inUHt  and  , 
will  nsi  ;ipnn  tliosr  who  havn  proved  hel'ori'  the 
Ameriraii  pi ..,  Ir  tin  ir  elenrand  iiidinputnhle  lilletn  ' 
the  will  I  of  On  ','on.  Coiiviiired  thai  it  is  theirs, 
Ihey  won'-  !  ,  iwillinj,'  In  yield  n  Hin^'le  iiie.li. 
When  reipim  ,  In  do  ao,  they  will  desire  to  know  : 
why  it  is  ui;,'ed.  And  what  will  you  tell  them? 
Yon  eai'Mot  tell  iheiii  that  nur  title  is  involved  ill 
iloiilii  and  iiiii'erliiinly,  and  therefore  lliat  it  is  n  fit 
Hiilijei'I  lor  eiinipi'Oiiilse.  Ynii  oannnl  tell  them 
thai,  liei'aiiae  yiiii  have  already  eonvineed  them 
that  nur  liile  to  the  whole  of  it  Ih  clear  and  unipies- 
tionalile.  It  will  not  do  lo  lell  llicni  that  the  eoun- 
Iry  is  pour,  not  wnrlli  havin;:,  and  that  we  would 
make  a  '_'nnil  Imruiain  tn  'j;\\c  it  away.  It  eiiulil  not 
lull  neeiir  In  llieni  llrit  it  wiiiild  lie  worth  as  iiuieli 
lo  IIS  as  to  (ileal  lirilain.  Vim  would  have  lo 
eome  out  with  the  hnne.st,  Imiefiired  eoiife.iaion, 
lliHl  you  waiiiid  to  give  it  away  in  order  to  »(i- 
jieaKC  her  wralli — in  order  to  avert  her  power — in 
order  lo  avoid  the  eonlliel  with  her  Vi'hieh  would 
lie  neee.ssary  In  inalnlain  our  rii;hls.  Siieh  appears 
lo  me  tn  he  Ihe  oninplexion  of  the  ease,  so  far  as 
regards  all  llinse  who  think  nur  title  to  the  whole 
of  Oiejoii  is  elear  and  indisputalde,  and  are  Hiill 
williiif;  lo  (live  up  a  portion  of  il. 

Now,  will  the  assertion  of  our  manifest  nnd  ac- 
knowledged rights,  of  our  clear  nnd  unqiics'.ionablc 
title  lo  ilie  Oregon  territory,  involve  us  in  tt  war.' 
And  here  I  wilj  lake  oieasion  lo  observe,  that  what 
I  shall  say  in  this  ronnoxinn,  as  well  as  what  liius 
been  s.iiil  by  olliera  here,  is  at  best  but  idle  and 
vague  ronjnctnrc.  I  deem  this  avowal  necessary, 
for  fear  it  may  be  supposed  by  some  of  my  coii- 
milucnts  that  I  was  in  possession  of  some  facts  un- 
known In  them,  on  which  I  predicate  my  opinion. 
Kor  their  inforniiition,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  state 
that  I  know  no  more  about  the  matter  than  what 
has  been  published  and  sent  forth  tn  tlie  world, 
and  upon  which  they  can  specalale  as  much,  and 
perhaps  with  more  certainly  than  I  can.  I  will  not 
stop  to  inquire  whether  the  mere  givuig  the  notice  is 
a  just  ejiiise  nf  war.  I  consider  the  notice  as  pre- 
liminary only  to  the  adoption  nf  .inch  measures  aa 
may  be  necessary  to  mnintnin  our  rights,  whatever 
they  may  be,  in  the  Oregon  territory.  It  is  evi- 
dent that  the  President  so  regards  it,  when  lie  says 
ill  hit  Message;  "At  the  end  of  the  year's  notice. 


'  should  (^ingriss  think  pmpi  r  in  inaki'  prnviNlon 
'  for  giving  that  imliie,  wr  nIiiiII  lian    naclied  a 
'periolwhi'ii  till    nalioniil  rights  III  On  goii   iiiiist 
■  either  be  iibiiiidonid  or  firinly  iiiainlniniil."     ll 
is  the  eirerl,  lln  lefnre,  of  the  iniasiiriH  which  are 
III  liillow  Ihe  Holier,  and  wilhonl  which  Ihe  iiolin 
would  lie  an  idle  moi'kery>  mi'l   not  of  ihe  linlii')' 
ilMi'lf,  III  which  We  inusi  liireit  our  allrnlion  when 
arguing  the  prnliablr  lonseipienci  s  nf  niir  coniliicl 
ill  llii"  main  r.     The  pnrlinn  nf  thai  n  rrilnry  in 
which  we  may  lay  cliiiin,  and  ihe  loiirHe   whuh 
we  are  to  piirHiii!  in  order  to  rsiablisli  our  exclu- 
sive aulliority  in  il,  ir'    the  )ii-iiprr  coiiHiilrralions 
to  be  laki'ii  in  llir  account  win  ii  we  undrrtaUe  lo 
answer  ihe  ipiiMiion  wlirlher  ilirie  will  be  war. 
And  line  I  wonlij  obseivi  that  my  opiiiinii  mi  this 
qiirslion  is  enlitleil  lo  but  llnlr  weight  whrn  put  in  ; 
iipposilion  lo  Ihr  opininii  nf  ihr  liiiniblrHl  ciii/.in 
in  this  couniry.     I'nsnphiN  ic  'cil  in  the  arisof  di- 
plonincy,  wholly  uiiaiiiiminleil   willi    ihr.   arts   of 
eriifly  poliliciiiiiM,  aci  11  <lonird  to  look  nl  tilings  as 
I  pee  them,  and  hear  lliein,  and  read  Ihnn,  and  to 
form  iny  opinion  iiiTordiiigly,  il  may  be  ihal  I  am 
ileceiveii  by  false  appearances,     lint  if  much  llial  I 
see  and  hear  and   read  be  not  iiilended  fni  other 
limes — for  the   year    IHIH,  I'nr  iiislanci — if  there  , 
be   nolhing   of  Hceiiic    rDiil    in    all    llmt    slrikea  ^ 
my  vision,    I  should   ■■iay   llml   'lie  Jinispicl   of  a  | 
war    between    this    eouiilry    and    (iiiiil     lirilain  ' 
about  this  Oregon  terrilory  is  very  far  fmm  be- 
ing visinnary  and  chimi  rical.     I  (\i^  nol  say  llmt 
we  are   lo    have    il    ihe    next    weeli   or   ihe    next  [ 
mouth,  nor  perhaps  the  next  year.     Itnl  if  it  shall 
nnl  come  before  iwo  yeara,  it  ciinnnt  bill  be  re- 
garded aa  imminenl  and  iinpendiiij-,  fnr  it  will  lake 
until  itiftl  lime  In  gel  ready  fnr  il.     When  I  s.iy 
that  the  pmspeclnf  a  war  is  far  from  being  vision-  ; 
nry,  I  mite  it  forgnuiled  thai  we  are  l.i  go  in  for  the  : 
whole  territory — nothing  more  nor  nolhiiig  less.    A  ' 
majorily  of  the  people  are  for  the  whole  of  it — a 
mnjorily  oftheir  lte|iriseiilalivrs,  I  bilicve,are  for 
the  whole  of  il — and  ihe  Pnsideiit  i\p|ieaia  lo  be 
fbr  the  whole  of  il;  nor  do  I  believe  thai  ihe  Presi- 
dent will  accept  anything  short  of  the  whole  nf  it. 
fan  any  person  believe  nlherwise  nf  liia  views? 
Sir,  I  liiive  great  confidence  in  that  nllicer — more 
than  all,  I  have  greiil  confidence  in  his  candor,  a 
r|Ualily  which  has  laid  hold  on  ihe  Ii  elinirs  of  the 
people;  and  which,  as   much  as  any  olher,  (and 
perhaps  more  iliaii  all  others  lie  pos.scsses,)  has 
given  him  an  abiding  place  in  the  very  airectiona 
of  the  pen|ile.     Me  declares  thai   our  title  lo  the 
whole  of  il  is  "clear  and  iini|iii  slioimblr."     It  is 
Irne,  thai  in  obedience  to  the  aelions  of  his  predu- 
ccsaors,  be  snbinilled  a   line  of  boundary  to  the 
lirilisli   (iovernini  111,   which,   if  accepied,  would 
have  given  lis  less  lluin  llie  whole  couniry.      I'ut 
no  sooner  is  llie  oll'i  r  ri  iecleil,  than  he  inslanlly 
pills  an  end   lo  fiiilher  iirgnliation,  as  if  rejoiced 
llial  he  is  rid  of  llir  Ir.unnirls  by  which  lir  is  snr- 
ronniled;  as  if  glad  that  he  is  al  last  ihrowii  upon 
\iis  own  resiairces,  and  left  to  follow  llie  diclates  of 
hisown  jiidgniciil.    Kromcnnsideraliniialike  these, 
I  do  not  believe  that  the  Prcsiilent  will  accept  aiiy- 
ihing  short  of  llie  enlire  couniry.     .And  if  we  are 
10  lake  possession  nf  the  whole  terrilory,  can  gen- 
llemeii  really  be  sincere  in  the  declaration,  ofi  made 
nnd  oft  repeated,  lhal  we  are  lo  have  no  conllict? 
Can  members  bring   llieniS''lves  really  In  believe 
Ihat  Great  lirilain  will  sulfer  her  citizens  to  be  qui- 
etly,  peaceably,  and  nncerenioniniisly  dispossessed 
of  their  pre.seni   position  ihroiigliout  that  whole 
couniry,  without  makingany  elforl  to  snslain  ihem 
— without  raising  so  nincli  as  her  right  arm  in  or- 
der to  slay  the  hand  of  the  spoiler?     They  who 
thus  count  upon  her  lame  submission,  nnd  most 
speedy  abandonment  of  her  pretensions,  seem  to 
have  forgoiion  her  jiride,  her  ambition,  her  ava- 
rice for  territory.     They  blindly  close  ihcircyes  to 
what  the  events  of  the  few  last  years  cannot  hnve 
failed  to  impress  upon  ibe  Oovernment  of  Great 
Hrilain — and  that  is,  thai,  sooner  or  later,  she  will 
have  to  strike  a  blow  for  even  a  foothnhl  on  this 
North  American  eonlineni;  nay,  thai  ahe  will  have 
to  strike  it  now,  strike  it  for  Oregon,  or  subinil  soon 
to  see  the  sceptre  of  her  power  forever  removed. 
If  she  filler  now,  her  doom  is  sealed.     This  she 
cannot  fail  to  see  and  lo  feel;  and  seeing  and  feeling 
it,  depend  upon  it,  Ibis  taking  possession  of  the 
whole  of  Oregon  will  be  no  holyday  business,  as 
a  distinguished  Senator  [.Mr.  Wkhstku]  once  .said, 
when  encountering  the  iiniuilariiy  and  power  of 


'  the  liero  of  New  fMianc     Ami,  sir,  if,  after  nn- 

tier,  w iisriil  lo  liinil  our  I'liiini  by  llie  I'.lih  ile- 

gri  I  ,  I  Htill  liiivi  my  liars  thai  i  m  o  iheii  war  IH 
not    improbable.      I   am   aware   thai   Ihe   presN  of 

lliin   eonnlry,  and    the  puliliciana   I have  ex- 

jiriHsed  a  /ii'/>i',  and  many  of  Ihi  in  a  belief,  that  iho 
dllli'ienrrs  will  all  br  aniieibly  ailjustrd,  \Ve  havn 
iiNo,  wiiliin  a  wiikorlwo  pani,  liearil  I'rnni  Iho 
I 


iri  as  ttf  till'  nthi  r  parly,  and  ihi  y,  loo,  expres.'i 
he  hope,  anil  innHt  if  llieni  a  lirlii  f,  ihat  llie  two 
connlriiH  will  yi  t  peaciablv  sitlli  their  present 
controvi  ray.  'I'his,  sir,  ia  credilablr  to  tlie  hii- 
iiianily  of  llir  Iho  propir,  lllll  when  the  preaii 
anil  Ihr  iiolilii  iiiiiH  nfihr  I'lspri'iive  parlii .-J atleiiipt 
In  specify  the  niannrr  in  wliii  h  il  may  br  prace- 
ably  ciiniproinised,  yoii  al  once  prrcrive  llial  their 
hopes  lur  drhisivr.  On  nur  side  Ihr  40lh  drgre« 
seems  lo  br  llir  iiltinialuiii  Willi  i  in  h  parly,  and 
with  every  man.  On  llie  pari  nf  (inal  lirilain  il 
is  the  .|;)lb  degire,  willi  Vancniuer'a  Island  nnd  iho 
free  navigalioii  of  the  Cohunbia.  This,  sir,  is  the 
dillireiice,  w  ilh  some  varialiiiii,  which  has  separa- 
liil  llie  two  ciinnlriea  for  llie  Inal  twenly-live  or 
lliirly  years.  And  llie  ipieslion  alill  recurs,  which 
will  riceile  finni  iis  prrlensions?  fan  any  one 
prnposr  ihat  our  couniry  shall  rrceile  furllier  ihnn 
Ihe  lllih  ill  glee.'  And  ^vlio  can  any  with  any  cer- 
tainly, or  probability  even,  llial  Ureal  lirilain  will 
curtail  her  driuniids?  The  free  navigalinn  of  iho 
f  nhiinbia  a|ipeara  to  be  the  sine  i/iKi  ami  nf  all  her 
nlli  rs  In  cninproinisr,  and  lliiil  the  I'reaident  hna 
declared  he  caiitint  accrdr  lo;  and  for  ihiudelrrmi- 
nalinii  I  believe  he  will  receive  a  lie^irly  and  alninst 
universal  response  from  the  whole  American  peo- 
ple, (inal  Ihitaiii  may  ren  lie,  and  I  sincerely 
trust  she  will;  but  lis  yel  I  have  sei  n  no  evidence 
nf  il.  Of  this  I  have  my  fears,  and  n|inii  ihean 
fears  rest  my  a|ipn'liensiiin  llinl  this  innller  will 
snoner  or  later  inlrrrupt  the  peaceful  relaliiina  of 
the  IwoOoverimii.'iils. 

On  our  aide,  also,  ihrre  ia  much  which  has  trans- 
pired of  late  which  ia  calciilateil  to  prepare  llio 
minds  of  the  iieople  for,  and  In  hasten  on,  a  con- 
llict betw  cell  these  Iwo  great  and  powerful  Govern- 
inenls.  Irrilaiinn  liiia  aueceeiled  irritation,  and  n^- 
gresaion  has  follnwed  aggressinn,  until  nur  peopio 
aeeni  In  be  not  only  ready,  but  many  of  them  anx- 
iiiiia  fill  a  conllict  with  llml  haughty  Power.  In 
the  first  place,  the  people  of  llie  United  Stales  look 
upon  Ureal  lirilain  as  having  ovrrrenehed  na  in 
tlieaelllemenlnf  the  .Norllieasl  bnuii(lary,nnd  llint, 
tnn,  by  fraud  and  impnsilinii.  They  have  not  for- 
gotten that  her  alatesmen  held  up  in  the  tiritish 
Parliament,  bi  liire  the  face  of  the  whole  world,  a 
inip  which  was  in  their  possession  during  the  iic- 
gntiatinii,  in  nrder  In  show  what  tiny  had  gained 
nvrr  us  by  maniigrinrnt  and  art,  and  as  an  i  villi  nco 
of  our  ignorancp  or  of  our  sulnnission.  This  f.ict 
has  sunk  deep  in  the  linsnm  of  the  American  peo- 
ple', and  disposes  them  to  luiything  rather  ihao  a 
,  backing  out  of  their  pretensions  to  the  Oregon  ter- 
ritory. Her  secret  and  iilltcious  interference  also 
with  the  aulhorilies  nf  Texas,  in  nrder  tn  defeat 
Ihe  great  prnjert  nf  her  annexation  to  this  couniry, 
is  of  too  receiil  origin  to  have  lost  any  of  its  stirniig 
and  harniwing  effect  on  Ihe  public  mind.  Tn  this 
may  be  ndded  her  interfirence  with  a  cnlnny  plant- 
ed under  our  auspices  on  the  coast  nf  AlVica;  her 
claiming,  nnd  in  some  few  cases  exercising,  tho 
right  of  scan  liing  our  trading  ves.sela  in  the  Medi- 
terranean; and  last,  though  ngl  least,  her  avowal  of 
n  determination  to  preserve  the  balance  nf  power  on 
thia  eonlineni — a  ilcterminntion  which  she  has  al- 
ready eoinmenced  to  enforce  among  the  South 
American  Ktatea,  and  which,  at  some  convenient 
lime,  if  we  t  id  now  to  net  with  decision  and  firm- 
ness, she  will  seek  to  extend  to  us.  it  is  in  view 
of  all  these  eonsidernlionaof  aggrcsaion  on  the  one 
side,  and  of  irritation  on  the  other,  that  I  am  con- 
strained to  say  that  I  have  my  fears  Ihat  ihe  pence 
of  the  rouiitry  does  not  rest  imanch  nsiire  founda- 
tion as  some  seem  to  suppose.  I  repent  it,  sir, 
that  my  opini  ai  is  entitled  lo  but  Utile  weight,  for, 
after  all,  il  is  viu;ue  speeulntion;  and  I  am  willing 
to  admit,  that  from  my  extreme  ignornnce  of  the 
way  in  which  these  ihmgsnre  managed,  I  may  be 
most  grossly  deceived  by  appearances.  Rut  I 
agree  with  the  honorable  member  from  Massa- 
chusetts, who  sita  usually  behind  me,  [Mr.  Win- 
Tiiiioi',]  that  we  should  speak  plainly  in  this  mat- 
ter. Whatever  our  righls  in  that  couniry  are,  I 
go  for  maiiilainiiig  them  at  every  hazard. 


i 


1 


246 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  6, 


•^9th  Cono IsT  Skss. 


Tke  Oregon  t^mstion — Mr.  Clarke. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


m^ 


•!.i:t 


Bui,  sir,  cviii  aiiiMiii;  ilidsi  who  nrc  iigrccd  na  to  H 
our  rifjht  id  (he  wIidIc  urOrcgciii,  tlii'io  is  ii  ilivrr- 
«ilv  of  opiuinii  i\»  Id  the  licsi  luiuinor  >>f  aNscriin^ 
aii'l  sccui'UiiC  Diir  ri^lils  llu'ro.  Wliii^^l  out;  pur-  < 
tiiMi  nl'  irs  TrL-iiclK  an;  drciiU-d  in  the  Djiininu  iluit  ; 
wo  dhoulcl  coiiu  Ixililly  DUl — dccliu't;  DUr  fiaiuis  lit-- 
fore  ihe  world  ,uui  prepare  lociclend  it,  ii' iteeeNsa- 
rvi  wilh  ihe  slronj;  niiiht  dI'  llie  ooucilry's  arui —  ' 
there  is  anoihtr  portii'ii  ulio  are  lor  U'aviui:  it  ti5 
lime  aud  euii^raiioii  (jiiielly  and  peaeeTally  lo  :  f. 
feet  the  same  result.  It  apptars  It  oie  thai  lii..e 
and  e. nitration  have  been  U>oked  to  hnig  i  nou^h 
toadiial;;e  luid  deeidc  this  matter.  Twenty-li\e 
or  thirty  years  .i^zo,  this  same  innlter  was  hit  to 
tlie  arhtlranienl  ol' tiiiie,aiid  it  may  I'e  aslied,  wltal 
is  now  111''  s'aie  of  the  ea.si';  Why ,  ■•'ir,  we  iire 
now  further  IVimii  a  (leei.-jion  of  it  tliati  \\  in  n  it  was 
first  submitted  to  that  tribunal.  The  twn  (io\ein- 
ini  Ills  ure  aetiially  :;ettiiii;  further  and  Inriher  apart 
all  the  w  lile  in  tl'uir  (iforls  to  l^riiu'  abcuit  a  salis- 
fa'l  trv  adjiistiiM  lit  oi'ihai  maitir.  And  pray,  sir, 
what  lias  emi^ralioii  done  ail  the  while-  It,  too, 
has  been  tnidy  and  inelUeieiil,  and  is  now  al- 
tojjelher  hopeless.  It  i.s  true,  that  there  arc  now 
in  Ch-egon  sonii'  seven  tliousund  Aiiierieans:  but 
the  lime  when  these  seven  ihoiisaiid  people  wei.i 
there  is  an  iini-ortant  iiitpiirv  in  this  eonnexion.  : 
I  would  ask,  if  it  be  not  true  tiial  they  have  near- 
ly or  (juite  all  of  them  i^oiie  there  .siiiee  the  sm*-;!)^  ■ 
of  1SJ4,  when  the  DeiiiDiralie  party,  ill  coir  eiitinn 
at  Ijalliinore,  deeiared  our  title  to  tl..  wliole  of 
Oregoi)  ■  and  if  it  be  not  true,  tie',  yet  a  Ini'uer  por- 
tion of  these  ha\  e  iiune  there  sin-c  the  pectjile  of 
this  country,  in  the  izreat  popular  eleeiion  ■  ''  lb44, 
ratified  and  coiiiinned  this  deelaraiioi. .-  Mr. 
Grceiihow  stales,  in  his  History  of  Oreiroii,  tliat  so 
late  as  the  fall  nf  18-1,'t  there  were  liiit  four  hun- 
dred Americans  in  the  wliole  lerrilcMV.  Tlie.se, 
llieii,  are  the  assurances  that  have  carried  tlii'in 
there — assurances  ih:  •  tlio  comitry  wes  ours,  tliat 
it  was  to  be  taken  under  our  own  dominion,  and 
thill  til  /  would  be  proi  'Cted  by  our  laws.  Rei'use 
n.iw  to  t:ive  the  noiie  ■,  and  thereby  manifest  a 
distrust  of  our  title,  or  n  backwardness  in  adopt- 
in;!.'  measures  toniaintiNn  :!,anil  yoii  will  ii,.i  diiIv, 
in  my  opinion,!  ll'eiuially  arrest  I'iniiriatii  u  thiiln'r, 
but  ih;  {.  ihoiisaiids  of  those  who  liai  already 
gone  there  will  re'  irn  to  the  Slates.  I Ir  if  emi- 
gration shall  be  continued,  it  will  be  limited  to  the 
south  of  the  Columbia,  and  thus  will  !;ive  to  Great 
Grit.oii  all  that  sic;  de.-ires.  1  niiisi  c.uili  s,  ihat 
!  have  i.ocoiifidioce  in  the  wonder-workim;  ellicls 
of  "  inaeiivily,"  wlieilier  it  be  eJIeil  wise  and 
iniistcriy,  or  stupid  and  buiiL'liiis.  It  never  has 
done  anylhiiif;  ( iiliir  fur  iiutiDiis  or  lor  iiali\iilti- 

als.     Activity   is  liie   mainspiin;;  of   s ess  and 

pro.sperily  in  all  our  uiidertukiu^s.  Aeconlii,';  lo 
t'le  genlleinan  from  South  Carolina,  |.\Ir.  UnKtT,] 
our  revolutionary  fathers  tried  lioili,  and  tlii'  re- 
sult of  their  •xpri  imeni  is  a  ;;!orioiis  coniminiary 
iip'in  the  superiority  of  deteriiiinaiinii— of  liriii- 
ness,  of  nclirih).  ^\'e  are  told  by  liiiii  that  ihey 
endured  for  Im  y  ars  the  haidsliips  and  c,|,|.i(  s- 
sion.5  airl  exae'iDi.s  of  ilie  mother  CDiiiitry,  before 
they  took  up  arms  to  redress  llieniKi  Ives;  and  we 
are  ailmoiiisheil  to  irnitale  their  [latieni  forla'araiice. 
But  what  dill  tins  forbearance  eli'eet  fur  them  ■  In- 
activity but  broio^'hl  upon  tlieni  an  leciimulalinii  i.f 
wroiisrs,  an  increase  '  exactions,  and  an  addilii  n 
of  hanlsliips.  It  was  iielivity — a  firm  and  open 
avowal  of  their  rights,  niiil  a 'detcrmiiiid  eHort  to 
maintain  them — iIkiI  workeil  out  a  vindication  of 
tluir  ri^'ht;i,  and  a  redres.s  of  all  their  f:''ievaiices. 
Let  us  imitate  them  in  tlnir  last  resolve — let  us 
declare  i  ur  riglil,  not  merely  tofslabllsh  forut  and 
pnst-roiitcs,  but  onr  right  io  tin  territory,  to  the 
soil — and  by  the  lime  we  shall  iieeil  them,'  we  have 
fifty  thousand  pi  opie  in  Oregon.  Insiead  of  seven 
llioiisa.id  men,  women,  and  children,  we  shall 
have  twice  that  number  of  figliiiic;  men — men  of 
nerve  and  skill  in  the  use  of  the  ihailly  rille — riM.iy  ' 
and  on  the  spot,  lo  defend  tJieir  Iidu'iin  and  their 
firesides.  lint  tllo^:e  (.'entliiniMi  who  pr.imise  to  ;.'et 
for  us  the  whole  nf  On  u'oii  if  wc  will  not  pass  the  , 
notl.',-,  nil  lis  thill  tlieii  plan  will  not  li  ad  to  war.  ' 
'i  Heirs  is  the  pacific  policy,  if  we  would  trust  to 
their  si'ill  in  iiropheey.  lint  let  ns  amilyze  their 
Jilaii  and  see  how  it  is  lo  work  in  practice.  Thej , 
like  us,  advocaie  our  right  to  the  wlioli',  and  tli'a'. 
we  sh.ill  take  pi>sse.ssiuii  of  it,  or  encotirai^e  onr 
people  to  do  so, 

llic  only  dilVertucc  between  us  in,  thai  wc  jiro-  ■ 


pose  1.1  notify  Great  Britain  of  onr  intentions — they 
propose  lo  do  the  same  thing  without  any  notice. 
Well,  how  do  they  jiropose  to  take  possession? 
Why,  byerecling  lorts,  by  establishing  post-ofiicea 
and  post-routes,  and  by  extending  onr  laws  over 
our  t;migraiits,  and  by  encouraging  them  lo  make 
permanent  settleiiients  in  the  country,  and  to  reiiuce 
and  enhivate  the  earth.  And  all  this  is  to  be  done 
throughout  the  whole  extent  from  4|P  lo  ril°  -lU'. 
'I'd  liinit  these  estiiMishnients  to  the  tnlumliia,  or  , 
by  toe  r.lth  decree,  is  at  once  to  admit  that  you  in- 
tend to  sur render  the  lialancefif  the  territory.  Can 
Ijreat  Britain  fail  lo  .smi  in  all  this  a  deierinination 
lo  oust  111  r  fro  1  the  counlrv.-  Is  she  so  blind 
that  she  cannot. iCc— so  diaf  that  she  cannot  hear — 
so  (loll  that  she  cannot  understand  r  Think  you 
that  our  actions  will  not  speak  to  her  louder  tlian 
any  words  wi*  could  eiii|'loy  r  Will  not  ourl'orts, 
anil  our  niihtia,  and  ouriarms,aiiil  our  workshops, 
speak  lo  liir  in  lan::ii;;^c  stroiit;er  lliiin  what  we 
c.iii  jiiil  into  any  w  riiti  n  notice  we  can  -ervt;  upon 
her,  and  tell  her  of  onr  determination  to  appro- 
prijiic  the  whole  I'onntry.-  And  if  she  is  deter- 
iniiied  to  rctiiiii  any  portion  of  it,  will  she  not  pre- 
pare to  do  it  at  once,  at  the  jioiiit  of  the  bayonet, 
and  at  the  cannon's  inoinli:  To  expect  anything 
else,  is  to  c.ili'iilate  l.iiiri  ly  ii|ion  the  blindness  or 
lame  submission  of  tliat  liaughty  Power.  The 
gentleinen  appear,  llu  niselvcs.  to  Ii;i\e  some  ap- 
prehension after  all  thai  their  plan  may  not  work 
so  peaci  fully  and  ijimlly;  and  they  attempt  to 
prepare  and  rei'onciic  us  lo  the  war  vs'hich  :heir 
plan  may  briiij;  al'out  by  telling  us  that  it  will 
miike  Great  Ijiitain  the  agirressor;  and  ihey  am- ; 
plify  most  elonuniily  upon  the  manifold  a'dvan- ! 
tagej  of  In  ini;  in  the  defensive.  I  am  willing  In  ! 
adiiiil  that  ilnie  are  great  and  manifesl  adviuilages 
in  i't'iii::  on  the  d(:t(iisi\e  in  any  controversy,  ; 
whether  it  be  of  a  warlike  or  other  cliaraeter.  But  , 
it  would  seem  to  me  th.it  no  war  will  possibly 
grow  out  of  this  tiueslion  in  vvliiih  Great  Britain 
will  not  necess;irily  and  unavoidablv  be  the  ai^gres- 
sivc  party.  Kven  if  the  notice  is  given,  and  war 
should  ensue,  she  must  liei;in  it.  .Vll  will  admit 
that  we  •■  11  pop.ihite  that  country  more  rapidly 
than  she  can.  The  ^cnilenien  who  pro|iDse  to  get 
t.ie  whole  country,  if  the  notice  be  not  ^iven.cmiiit 
lartldy  if  not  entirely  on  our  superior  advantages 
fur  coloih/.iii!x  lliat  country-  So  loiur,  iherefort, 
as  we  can  do  that,  and  thereby  secuv.  by  our  ma- 
jorities llie  control  of  the  couulry,  w  iiai  more  do 
we  ask  r  ^V'hat  is  there  lo  fight  for.'  Xothing, 
eertainlv,  on  our  jiart.  Our  position  would  give 
lis  ever)'  ad\aiiia;.'e.  So  far.  therefore,  as  the  (pies- 
tinii  of  Will-  is  conceineil,  the  practical  results  of 
both  plans  would  sfciii  to  me  t"  be  the  same.  The 
one  may  bring  it  on  a  litih-  more  speedily  than 
the  otliei',  hot  war  is  as  hkely  lo  follow  the  one 
as  the  other;  and  in  eillicr  ease  (.(real  Britain  must 
becin  it. 

I  am  tlniifore  in  favor  of  the  nnlii-e,  becatise  I 
believe  thill  there  is  a  disposition  on  the  part  of 
idniost  t-vei  y  ni(-mi>er  cf  this  Hiaisc  lo  take,  jios- 
session  of  some  portion  of  that  territory — to  en- 
I'ourage  our  citi/.eiis  lo  emigrate  there,  and  to  i-iake 
periiiaii"  lit  and  exclusive  settlements, and  lo  extend 
our  laws  and  insiiiiiiions  over  lliem.  This  cannot 
be  done,  in  my  esiimation,  consistently  wilh  sub- 
sisling  treaty  stipuhttions,  until  after  the  notice  is 
gi\eii  and  the  treaty  abrogaled.  The  notice  is  the 
only  way  in  which  we  can  in  proper  faith  rid  our- 
selves of  our  oMtgaliDns  Ui  Cireat  Britain.  i\nd 
;his  course  is  as  necessary  for  lli-se  who  think  our 
claim  does  not  extend  I.eyond  the  49th  degi-ee,  as  for 
those  who  would  be  satisfied  with  nothino  less  than 
the  whole.  I-'or  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain  have 
the  rii;liis  of  ingress  and  egress  and  of  trade  into 
every  portion  of  the  territory — to  the  south  as  well 
as  to  the  r.iirlh  of  4'J'^,  and  lo  the  south  as  well  as 
to  the  iioiili  of  the  Columbia.  To  curtail  or  de- 
stroy these  priwli'sesby  any  miasnres  which  shall 
operate  eiilier  directly  or  remotely  lo  produce  such 
a  result,  ciiiniDt  justly  be  done  viithoiit  first  pulling 
an  end  in  tin-  Irea'y  ol'  l>o7.  And  I  very  much 
doubt  w  hiiiiei- \\e  shall  be  abb  to  ;;ei  the  signalure 
of  the  I'l'isident  to  any  law's,  the  immediate  or  re- 
mote ellec-t  iif  which  wouhl  be  lo  exclude  Great 
liiiiain  from  any  portion  of  the  country,  until  the 
notice  has  been  lir.-t  liivc'i.  Tit-aiies,  when  once 
cciiielndid,  are  invi-nd  by  the  (.'onstilulion  of  tin; 
Uiiili  d  Stales  With  lie:  force  and  name  ef  laws, 
uiid   by    thai  uainu  iiislrunicnl   Uio  Prcuduil  in 


bound  by  his  oatli  lo  see  that  the  laws  are  faith- 
fully exceuled— /iiilA/iiJ/i/  is  the  v,itn[  according  to 
their  direition,  liieir  spirit,  tJieir  letter,  and  in  no 
other  Wily. 

Again:  I  am  for  the  ni,tiee,  because,  if  we  are 
0  lake  exelusive  pns.seHsion  of  any  portion  of  the 
territory,  to  proceed  wilh  the  nolicc  is  more  open 
and  aboveboard.  For  us  to  nllempl  .secretly  to 
get  possession  of  lite  eouiitry,  would  carry  wilh  it 
the  apfiearance  ol  an  elVort  lo  deceive,  an  alteiri|-»l 
secretly  to  nnilcrinine,  wliieli  could  really  deceive 
no  0111',  and  which  is  eipinlly  against  good  faiili 
and  fair  denlini:.  Our  iiiiinlry  should  always  le- 
inemlier  to  fulfil,  wilh  sernpnlous  exactness,  all  her 
olili;;itiniis,  her  eoniracis,  all  the  pledi'cs  of  her 
faith, whether  they  relate  lo  ihe  ]iaynient  d' money, 
lo  lerrilorial  rights,  or  lo  conimereial  privileges. 
To  keep  them  to  ;he  promise,  and  lo  break  them 
in  act  anil  in  deed,  is  unbecoming  our  frank,  our 
maiilv  characi  r,  as  a  people.  To  prodnim  the 
inviolability  of  treaties,  at  the  same  lime  ihat  \v(! 
are  secretly  and  siieakmgly  seeking  to  empower 
•  mrselves  to  violate  them  with  |iei-soiial  inipunity, 
if  I  may  so  s|ieak  of  a  Ciovernnienl,  is  very  near 
akin  to  that  fiiilh  which  has  been  insloriously  ini- 
niortali/ed  as  /'iiiiirn  jiilrs;  Judas-like,  it  salutes 
with  a  kiss  that  it  may  the  more  coniiilelcly  de- 
ceive and  betray. 

Airain  :  I  am  in  favor  of  the  iiolire,  because  1  be- 
lieve that  the  giving  of  it  noiv  holds  out  the  only 
plausible  means  of  preventing  a  war  between  the 
two  cnnntries.  The  postponemenl  of  the  notice 
from  IMiJ?  to  this  time  has  increased  and  inultiplied 
llie  ditticulties  with  which  the  eonlroversy  was 
orifjina'.ly  surrounded.  And  it  is  dillicult  to  see 
what  else  could  have  been  aniiripaleil;  for  the 
interests  of  Cireat  Britain  have  been  and  are  now 
diiilv  increasing  in  extent  and  permanency,  niiiKing 
all  the  while  siroiiL'cr  and  stronger  ainieals  lo  her 
pride  and  avarice  to  niaintain  them.  At  first,  she 
had  but  the  inoviii;  lent  ;uid  the  temporary  stock- 
ade. Now,  she  has  the  permanent  dwelliiiir  and 
the  bristlinir  fortification.  At  first  she  had  but 
the  roamini;  hunter,  as  wild  and  unsettled  as  the 
came  h.  )iursu(d.  Now-,  she  has  the  fixed  agri- 
cullnrisl  and  the  settled  fanner.  Now,  she  has 
there  a  scattered  popnlalion.  In  a  few  years  this 
population  will  be  doubled,  adding  constantly  and 
tiaily  to  ihedillicullics  ol'a  salisfictory  and  peaee- 
able  adiuslnieiit.  .Never  w.'.s  the  apiihcalion  of 
that  lio'iv  inimiclion,  lo  ••ai.'rec  ■,>'itli  thine  lulver- 
sarvi|Uicklv,whilst  liiou  art  in  tin;  way  w  ilh  loin," 
more  apMOpriale  and  pressing  than  it  is  in  i-la- 
lion  to  this  present  controversy.  Let  us  profit  l-y 
it.  The  notice  is  ,ill-ini|iorIant,  as  leading  iriesist- 
iblv  lo  a  selilcment  of  tin.-,  matter  in  some  way. 

There  is  still  another  consideration  infiiiencing 
my  mind  in  fiivm-  of  the  nolii^e,  grow  ini;  out  of  the 
history  of  tliisOreu'on  cpiestion.  In  l.tl.-t  lliisi|ues- 
tioii  was  broiiirlit  up  for  negotiation  and  compro- 
mise; and  so  intiinalely  connected  with  the  peace 
of  the  two  coiinlries  was  il  then  rr;;ardeil,  that  its 
acitatinn  was  attended  with  the  most  injurious  ef- 
fects upon  the  coniineree,  upmi  the  credit,  and  iii- 
dei-il  iipDii  all  the  various  pursuits  and  interests  of 
our  people.  In  IM-J7,  its  a;;ilalion  was  anaiii  at- 
tended with  Ihe  same  disastrous  results.  Now, 
again,  for  the  third  lime,  has  it  been  broimlu  up 
for  renewed  discu.«sion  in  the  year  l'-'4li;  and  if  we 
are  to  credit  those  who  profess  to  understand  such 
matters,  it  has  again  exhibited  its  galvanic  elfect 
upon  all  the  best  interests  of  the  country.  Post- 
pone il  now,  and  some  eight  or  ten  years  from 
this  lime,  if  not  sooner,  it  must  acain  come  up 
wilh  all  its  usual  coiiromitanls  of  panics  and  de- 
pressions. Is  il  not  the  part  of  wisdom  to  put  nil 
end  to  such  a  slate  of  things  :  Uo  we  not  owe  it 
to  ourselves,  and  to  those  who  come  after  us,  to 
arrest  this  political  earlhqiiake,  which  al  iiilcr- 
vals  has  given  a  shock  to  nil  that  is  valuable  in 
society? 

Mr.  Chairman, as  something  has  been  said  about 
leaders  in  tins  matter,  and  as  Ihe  gentleman  from 
.Massachusetts  [Mr.  AiiAMsl  has  been  held  up  be- 
fore l!ie  country  as  the  leaner  of  those  who  arc 
in  favor  of  the  iiotice,  I  will  be;;  the  indulgence  of 
ihe  comniitlee  whilst  I  make  a  few  remarks  in  re- 
lation lo  that  matter.  I  will  lake  occasion  to  say, 
that,  in  givini;  my  vote  for  the  notice,  1  shall  fol- 
low the  hiul  of  no  man — the  lead  neither  of  the 
llliislrioiis  <.'eiitleinaii  from  .Massachusetts,  nor  yet 
ul'  ihe  liunuruble  lucinber  I'ruiii  Virj^iniu,   [Mr. 


[Feb.  6, 
OF  Ukps. 

laws  nre  faitli- 
rd  nccoiiling  lo 
ter,  txnii  in  no 

•niipr,  if  we  are 
pnition  of  the 
c  is  more  open 
[i|it  secretly  to 
d  carry  wiilt  it 
ive,  an  iitlempt 
reully  deceive 
list  f;ood  faiili 
iiild  nlwiiys  re- 
;iictiicss,iillher 
pledj'es  of  her 
iiieiit  ,.f  money, 
ciiil  privilcijes, 
to  liniik  tlicin 
imr  frank,  our 
)  |>roclfnni  the 
ic  time  that  \vc 
i;  to  empower 
iiiial  impiinilVi 
It,  is  very  near 
iishirinusly  im- 
hke,  it  Nalutea 
completely  de- 

e, because  I  he- 
s  out  the  only 
ir  lietwei'ii  the 
1  of  the  notice 
and  multiplied 
mirovi^rxy  was 
dillicult  to  see 
ipatcd;  fi>r  the 
n  and  are  now 
inency.maKing 
■  aiMieals  lo  her 
,  At  first,  she 
[iiporary  siuc.k- 
it  dweliiii!;  and 
it  she  had  hut 
utsetlled  as  tho 
the  fixed  a^ri- 
Now,  slie  has 
few  years  this 
coiisianily  and 
nry  and  peaec- 
apphcaiion  of 
h  ihiiie  adver- 
iiy  w  i;l'.  'iini," 

II  it  is  in  i-la- 
,et  us  prolit  i.'V 

adiut;  ini  ^ist- 
sonu-  wav. 

III  iiitliiniciii^ 
w  iiiL;mit  of  the 
IWitStliisques- 

aiiil  cmiipro- 
wiili  the  peace 
arded,  that  its 
t  iniurioiis  ef- 

redit,  and  iii- 
nd  inleri-sis  of 
was  a^aiii  al- 

sulls.  iS'ctw, 
II  hroutjht  up 
."^41);  and  if  we 
idcrstand  such 
galvanic  cjlect 
luntry.  Post- 
11  yciiis  from 
sain  come  up 
anics  and  de- 
iom  to  put  nn 
we  not  owe  it 
le  after  us,  lo 
liich  at  iiiier- 
is  valuable  in 

ecu  said  ahoiit 
Miih  iiiaii  from 
nil  held  up  he- 
inse  who   are 

iniluliience  of 
■euiiirks  111  re- 
casioii  1(1  say, 
■e,  1  shall  fol- 

leillier  of  the 
isetts,  nor  yet 
irfjiniu,   [Air. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


247 


ildTH  Cong 1st  Sgss. 


The  Oresron  (Question — Mr.  Clarke. 


Ho.  OF  Rf.ps. 


Bayly. I     I  know  no  lead,  »iid  i  shall  follow  no 
lead  hut  that  of  my  constituents.     Whithersoever 
Ihcy  direct,  in  ii  matter  of  so  much  importance  lo 
their  peace,  thither  1  e;o  clicerfully  and  proniplly. 
But,sir,if  llie;;enileiiian  from  iMassachusettH  liap- 
peiis  to  coincide  with  me  in  opinion  upon  this  or 
any  other  suhject,  1  shall  most  certainly  notchaiifre 
my  views  on  that  account  pierely.     To   do  so, 
would  he  to  put  my  political  principles  •iitirely  in 
liis  kei'piii!;,  to  he  controlled  and  directed  a.-   lie 
mii;hi  think  proper,     lie  would  only  have  to  af- 
fect to  he  on  one  side,  in  order  lo  drive  nie  into   i 
that  very  positiiiu  into  which,  above  all  olhii-Sihe  ;; 
would  most  dc^iiic  to  place  me.     Atraiii:  1  would   I 
usk,  with  what   propriety  can   it  lie  said  that  the    ; 
lionoralile  iiicinher  from  Massachusetts  is  the  lead-   i 
cr  of  all  those  who  are  in  favor  of  the  notice.'     1 
had   thiuiL'ht  that  the  Democratic  parly  was  the 
leader  in  this  matter.    (  had  tlioim;hl  that  their  del- 
ei;ates   in  convi.'iitioii   had  declared  our  tille  lo  the 
whole  of  Oregon.    1  thouf^ht  it  formed  a  part  of  the 
declamt'-in   with  which  we  entered   the  political   ; 
8trii);i;le  of  \HU,  in  which  we  were  opposed  and  re- 
sisted by  llio  {jentleman  from  Mas.sachuseits,  and 
by  lliose  who  usually  act  with  liim.     And  now,   . 
after  llie  ';eiil!eniaii  with  all  his  mimlit  and  main 
resisted  the  election  of  tlic  only  candidate  that  was 
publicly  pledged  to  the  maintenance  of  our  rishts 
in  Oregon,  he  is  to  be  held  up  as  the  lender  of  all 
■Jiose  who  advocate  th     notice  1     ll  will  not  do. 
Gentlenieii  will  fail  in  iheir  objecl.   They  ought  to 
know,  and   do   know,  that  the  Ueuiocralic  party 
have  adopted  ihcir  principles,  not  from  a  spirit  of 
opposition  to  others,  but  be('ause  of  their  connec- 
tion with  the  prosperity  and  glory  of  ourrommon 
country.     IJy  such  an   intiniaiion,  the  honorable 
e«itlcmeii  depreciate  the  moral  inlluence  of  the  po- 
litical  principles  by  which  they  liave,i  for  some 
lime  past,  jirofesscd  to  have  bet.'n  governed. 

But  some  gentlemen  who  have  preceded  me  in 
the  deliate,  declare  that  belbre  we  proceed  to  adopt , 
measures   which  may  possibly  lead  to  war,  we 
oui,lit  fully  to  be  satisfied,  not  only  of  our  rights, 
but  that  those  rights  are  of  siifKcient  value  and  im- 
portitnce  to  justify  a  resort  to  that  dreadful  alterna- 
tive.    This  will  lead  me  lo  trouble  the  committee 
with  a  few  refiections  upon  the  value  of  Oreg«n;  : 
and  in  this  connexion  I  will  I'onsider  it  with  respect 
to  ii.-f  agricultural,  its  manufacturing,  and  commer- 
cial capacities.     And,  first,  us  respects  its  agricul- 
tural advaniages.     And  here  1  am  willing  to  con- 
less  that  at  first  blush,  and  as  ajipears  from  the  very 
imperfect  accounts  from  the  portions  of  that  terri- 
tory which  have  beeu  yet  explored,  the  prospects 
are  not  so  encouraging,  .so  far  as  agriculture  is  con- 
cerneil,  as  is  to  be  toiind  ill  oilier  portions  of  the 
habitable!   globe.      ll    has    iioi,   fnr    inslance,    the 
smoothness  of  the  v.'illey  of  the  Mississippi,   nor 
yet  perhaps  ils  lertility.     Ihit  lliat   the   parts  of  it  ■ 
already  explored  do  hold  out  very  eonsiileralde  iii- 
ducciuenis   to  llie  agriculturist,  and  that  a  more 
thorough  examiiiaiion  may  yet  lead  to  ll;  '  discov- 
ery of  oilier  and  siill  larger  Inicis  soiled  lo  ihe  same 
desirable  niirposes,   is  far  from   being  withonl  the 
range  of  human  |irobability.     i  ii  l.itc,  every  year 
is  rewarding  the  toil  of  the  haiily  pioneer  w'lli  the 
disi-overy  of  smue  new  valley  vying  in  rich.iess  i\f 
scenery,    in  ferliliiy   of  soil,    beauty  of  location, 
and  saliiiu-ity  nf  climaie,  willi  any  spots  of  eiiuul 
exient  ill  the  wnrld.     The  valley  of  llie  Uniiii|ua, 
(if  the  W!llamelie,aiid  of  llie  VValla  Walla,  have, 
frcnn  lime  Jo-linie,  biirsl  upon  thc-ga/c  of  the  hardy 
iidveiilnrer,  and  rewarded,  from  lime  lo  time,  his 
dariicaiid  toilsnnie  wanderings.     But,  sir,  when 
we  renieinber  that,  uiiiil  within  a  few  years  past, 
this  whole  country  has  been  looked  to  with  an  eye 
single  ro  the  furnishing  of  furs;  end  when  it  is  fur- 
ther remembered   that  those  porti  Mis  of  any  i  -^iin- 
try  which  are  most  inviting  to  the  foot  of  the  trav- 
eller are  the  leusl  adapted  to  the  products  of  agi'i- 
eiillnre,   the  wonder  perhaps  is,   not   that  so  few, 
b,,L  rather  that  so  many  spots   have  already  lieen 
found  which  are  hereal'ier  lo  gl.idden  the  heart  and 
reward   the  toil  of  the  husbandman.     Much,  too, 
llial  at  first  sighl  would  seem  to  be  uiisiiiled  tocul- 
livatiiui  may,  by  dint  of  iiidusiry  and  enterprise, 
beciune  the  aiiocle  of  the  (poet  and   inilependcnl 
Ihriner.     To  the  eye  of  ihe  pilgrim,  as  it  wandered 
overlliesurroiiiidiiigcounlry  I'orthe  first  lime,  I'roui 
tile  rock  i.f  I'lyiiioiilh,  how  dreary  and  desniatc 
the  scenery.      iSor  did  a  further  progress  into  the 
interior  destroy  or  even  weaken  for  a  long  lime 


ll  asionishing  profusion 

Itiit  it  is  ill  regard  to 

of  this  wonderful  ciuin- 


the  starlling  featurcH  of  the  picture  as  it  at   first  , 
presented  itself  to  his  visiim.     Hut  Massachusetts 
IS  now  a  great  and  powerful  Slate — great  in  her 
population,  in  her  wealth,  in  her  commerce,  in  the  ' 
intelligence  and  enterprise  of  her  citizens,  and  great  , 
ill  her  revolutionary  reminiscences.     I'y  the  indus- 
try of  her  people,  by  their  ei'oiiomy  and  prudence, 
her  snow-capped  nioniiiaiiis  have  been  converted  ; 
into  fruitful  gardens,  and  her  very  rocks  have  been  • 
made  to  bloum  with   the  freshness  of  vegetation. 
And  of  ft  niaJMiity  of  the  old  .States,   how  small  is 
the  portion  of  their  surfaces  that  gives  em|)loymeiit 
to  the  Inisbaiidmaii.     l!ut  in  all  that  contribi'il(;s  to 
the  mirture  of  Hocks  and   herds,  and   lo   the  sup- 
port of  manufacluring  esta'ilishnienls,  Uregon  bids 
fair  to  stand  unrivalled  on  this  iinrlheni  conlinent. 
Ucr  valleys,  her  hills,  and   her   very  moiuilaiiis 
produce  spont.meonsly  am!  in  abundance  the  must 
nourishing   grasses,  adapting  her  above  all  other 
countries  to  llie  growing  of  wool — a  commodity  tor 
which  we  are  now  so  largely  dependent  iipoi'i  ini- 
poriations  from  abroad.     And  though    ln'r  rivers 
and  water-courses  are  hroktii   by  Jails   and  com- 
pressed ill  places   into  narrow  defiles,  iili'ering  no 
safety  on  their  bosoms  to  the  ves.sel  or  the  sleam- 
sliip,  the.-;e  very  deforinities,  if  I  may  so  express 
myself,  make  llieni  invaluable  to  the  manutacturer. 
Our  political  '    'jHiiienis  havit  for  a  hiiui  lime  been 
pressing  upon  the  cnuolry  the  iinspeal.iible  advan- 
tages of  making  everything  wiiliin  ourselves,  and 
being  d,  pendens  on  ibreign  nations  fur  nothing; 
and  really,  sir,  when  we  are  mice  in  the  peai'eable 
:  possession  of  Oregon,  1  sliidi  I'eel  that  we  are  aliiait 
to  experience  the  rcaliiies,  whatever  they  may  be, 
of  their  political  halhiciiiaiions.     We  can  then  cer- 
tainly make  our  own  coiom,  our  own  wnol,  our 
:  own  meat  and  bread,  our  own  clothes,  and  our  own 
;  gold  and   silver.     Yes,  sir,  our  own  golil  and  sil- 
I  ver;  for  who  call  lell  iif  the  countless  siures  id' 
'  mineral  weallh  which   lie   imbedded  in  the  bosom 
of  her  mountains,      l-'or  h-  r  mounlains  arc  but  a 
j  continuatimi  of  those  wliie      in  Mexico,  have  pour 
ed  out  iheir  treasures  in  sii' 
into  the  laps  of  her  citizens 
the  commercial  imporUiuce 
■  try  that  prophecy  has  ventured  her  most  amazing 
]  speculations.     It  is  in  this  puint  ol"  view  iliat  Ore- 
gon becomes  invested  with  an  interest  and  iniport- 
;  once  which  il  is  not  given  to  the  most  saiiLOiine  ini- 
[  aginalion  lo  grasp.     Wi!  are  told  that  whatever  na- 
tion in  the  history  nf  the  world  has  monoiiulizcd 
',  the  trade  of  the  FasI,  has  exercised  a  coiurolling 
infiiieiice  over  ihe  destinies  of  the  oilier  iialions  of 
the  earth.     I'hcenicia,   Cariluce,   Crreece,   Home, 
X'enice,  Genoa,  and   Holland,   have  itecn  succes- 
sively the  succrssfnl  I'ompciitnrs  for  the  gliitering 
jirize,  and  they  wi  re  successively  the  masters  and 
i  schoolmasters  of  the  world,  :riving  to  il  law,  civ- 
ilization, the  aris  'hat  etnbellish  and   llie  sciences 
that  dignity  and  eiinnble  hiiinau  nature,  and  ]>oiir- 
iiig  iiHo  the  laps  of  ihe  other  nations  tin'  luxuries 
of  a  refined  and  cnltivaled  exisience.     The  sceptre 
of  'his  all-pervading  power  is  now  in  llie  hands  of 
Ureal  Iiritain,  and  she  stands  CMnl'essedly  ihe  mas- 
ler-power  of  the  world.     To  sei'iire  this  trade  by 
1  iheoiily  juaclicable  route  which  now  presents  itself, 
j  her  mcrcdianls  are  compelled  lo  Iriiverse  an  ocean 
1  way  of  some  tens  of  thousands  of  miles,  and  re- 
'  i|iiiriiig  for  lui  average  voyage  some  five  or  six 
moiiihs. 

If  Oregon  shall  become  ours,  and  the  project  of 
a  railroad   between  the  .Allaniic  and   Pncific  sliall 
.  ever  be  realized — and  realized  it  will  be — ihai  trade 
must  pass  throngh  our  country,  because  the  route 
from  the  Kast  to  Kiirope  would  lie  slioriened  by 
some  two-thirds.     Our  cnunlry  must  then  become 
llie  thoroughfiire  of  this  great  Irade,  anil  inlo  our 
j  hands  must  pass  ihc  sceptre  of  that  power,  which, 
;  in  all  ages  that  are  passed,  has  given  such  eonlrol- 
ling  moral  and  physical  inlluence  lo  ils  fortunate 
possessor  over  the  kingdnins  of  the  caiili.     Con- 
siderations like  these — e(nisitlerations,ino.  lar  from 
being  fanciful  and  visiioiary — iuvesl  Ori'gon  with 
an  interest  and  value  which  will   not   justify  its  in 
'  surrenilcring  it  as  a  barren  waste.     I  am  nwnre  of 
!  the  atlempls  iiiaile  at  tinit  s  to  deprcciaie  and  under- 
I  rale  it.     I  know  that  it  is  repiesenled  by  some  as 
a  desert  waste,  in  which  mounlain   is  piled   upon 
1  luonntain  ill  wild  and  sieril  confusion,  fil  imly  lo 
j  be  ihe  allude  itt'  llie  murderoiis  savage,  and  ol'  the 
1  )iriuvliiig  wild  beast.      IJut,  sir.  1  niiist  confessthat 
>  1  like  the  country  for  llic  very  wildncss  of  it.^ 


mounlains.  Mountainous  cnuntrie.s  nre  the  nur- 
series of  freemen.  The  love  of  country  which 
they  inspire  is  to  be  Ibiind  nowhere  else.  Tho 
inhabitant  of  the  plain  loves  his  country,  but  it 
is  often  a  cold,  selfish,  and  calculating  atlach- 
menl.  Point  out  lo  him  a  place  where  his  interest 
will  be  more  promoted,  and  country  is  lost  sight 
of  amid  the  engrossments  of  interest.  The  moun- 
taineer loves  his  countn'  willi  a  roni.antic  devotion, 
pa,-laking  of  the  grand, nir,  the  sublimity,  the  siern- 
ncss  of  the  .scenery  by  which  he  is  siirroiimlcd. 
And,  sir,  when  liberty  is  about  to  depart  from  any 
country  which  it  has  once  blessetl  with  her  pre- 
sence, lier  last  and  lingering  footsteps  arc  to  be 
.seen  in  the  defiles  and  irces.ses  of  ii.s  mountains. 
And  when  our  conntrv  shall  have  reached  the  me- 
ridian of  its  gi„.y,  aim,  ii'  obedience  lo  that  law 
which  nature  hits  impressed  all  things  human, 
shall  begin  to  wiinc  and  decline,  perlui|is  some  pa- 
triot Wallace,  with  his  few  valiant,  devoted  fol- 
lowers, will,  in  the  rude  mountains  of  Oregon,  slay 
for  a  while  our  downward  cour.se,  and  drive  back 
for  a  liiiic  the  mercenary  Ibrccs  of  the  usurper. 

I  will  now  proceed  to  answer  sonic  of  the  stnlc- 
meiits  made  on  this  door  by  gi'iitlcmen  on  llie  other 
side.  Some  of  them  tell  us  that  we  are  not  pre- 
pared for  a  coiillict  willi  Great  Britain;  ihat  we 
nave  no  fortifications  deserving  the  name;  no  navy; 
no  army:  no  militia;  whilsl  she  is  represented  as 
having  preparatimis  in  all  these  respects,  never  lie- 
fori-  seen  in  the  hands  of  any  power  in  the  history 
of  ihc  world.  Stntements  like  these  are  the  staiiif- 
iiig  and  stereotyped  argnments  of  all  those  who, 
in  the  history  of  the  United  8lates,  have  been  op- 
posed to  wiir.  They  are  considernlions  which 
were  urged  just  before  our  revolutionary  and  our 
last  war,  arid  urged  with  an  ingenuity,  and  elo- 
i|iience,  and  seeming  propriety  which  they  can 
never  bring  with  them  again.  They  carried  with 
lii-m  little  iir  no  force  ilieii,  and  they  can  carry 
with  iheni  slill  less  now,  when  the  result  of  both 
ihose  wars,  but  especially  of  the  laltcr,  has  proved 
that  our  sircngth  consists  in  our  resources,  in  our 
niaierial  for  ready  picparaiioii,  and  in  the  iiidom- 
iialile  spirit  of  our  people,  rather  than  in  any  cx- 
lende.l  previous  preparation.  To  iirgiu^  that  we 
should  adopt  no  measures  which,  by  any  possibil- 
ity, will  lead  to  war,  imiil  we  nre  on  an  ei|iiality 
ill  ]ioiiit  of  preparalion  with  the  power  which  ll 
may  be  supposed  we  will  oneiid,  is  to  argue  airuinst 
all  war,  as  well  as  against  llie  advocacy  of  any 
measure  whicdi,  however  remotely,  may  operate 
lo  produce  lioslililies.  I'or  the  sense  of  our  peo- 
ple, the  spirit  of  our  institutions  is  opposed  to  large 
slaiicliog  armies,  to  expensive  navies,  and  to  exten- 
sive loriilications,  so  that  our  preparnlions  are  al- 
ways made  arter  wnr  is  declared,  or  considered 
inevitable.  • 

Other  gentlemen  tell  us  that  the  certain  ell'ect  of 
a  war  for  Oregon  will  be  to  lose  the  whole  of  it  for 
a  while,  at  least,  and  thai  ils  probable  elTect  will  be 
to  lose  il  to  us  altogether.  But,  sir,  I  caniiol  bring 
myself  to  believe  that  we  shall  lose  it  even  for  ii 
liilie.  I  caiinol  but  believe!  that  wi'  shall  be  abln 
to  send  men  enough  inlo  ihatcounlry  to  expel  any 
force  which  Great  ib'ilain  can  send  lliere,  and  snp- 
,  ply  with  the  necessaries  of  life  and  the  muiiiiiona 
oi'War,  for  any  considerable  time.  .-Vnd  as  to  her 
Indian  allies,  very  little  is  to  be  dreaded  from  iheiu, 
,  except  in  iheir  iiliacks  upon  tlereiicclcss  women 
':  nnd  children.  Great  Britain  managed  in  both  our 
wars  to  get  lliem  upon  her  side:  but  we  were  nn 
overmatch  for  both  of  them,  and  that,  loo,  when 
the  Indians  were  much  more  numerous  and  pow- 
erlVil  than  they  are  at  litis  lime,  and  when  we  were 
far  less  so,  aiid  when  ihe  Indians  were  fnr  more 
,  formidable  than  the  half-brulecreatures  which  bear 
tlcil  name  on  llie  west  of  the  Rocky  niountnins. 
Indeed,  I  am  inclined  to  llie  opinion  that  the  In- 
dians have  but  served  to  fetter  ami  clog  the  opera- 
tions of  Iheir  civilized  allies.  This  is  emphaticall  v 
so,  in  al'  .heir  pitched  and  regular  battles.  In  all 
such  engagements,  the  Urilish  would  havT  done 
heller  wilhoul  them.  I  ri'peal  il,  iherefore,  sir, 
thai  I  cannot  but  believe  llinl  we  can  employ  a 
force  in  Oregon  that  will  enable  ns  lo  retain  pos- 
session of  it  against  any  force  which  can  be  sent 
there.  I  have  great  confidence  in  the  enlerpriso 
and  prowess  of  our  weslern  ciiizeiis,  whose  iiivalu- 
;ible  serv  i'  es  as  liartly  pioneers,  boih  in  possessing 
ihemselves  of  the  country  and  in  Ihe  i-apid  popda- 
'  lion   of  il,  was  so  graphically  described  by  the 


I 

'is 


-if 

>  'si- 

m 


248 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  6, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (^ueitimi — Air.  Foot, 


Ho.  OF  Keps. 


I 


honorable  inumber  iVom  Iiulimm,  [Mr.  KEMNEnv,] 
and  whom  ho  so  riiithflilly  ic|ii'L'»(iit.s  on  this 
floor.  I  mver  cmi  IjcHcve  Ihal  thuy  will  allow  ihe 
cross  of  Si.  George  lo  float  in  triiiinph  ovpr  any 
portion  ol'  thiU  territory.  Uiii  ii'misforiuiic  shoiilil 
lose  lis  the  coiintrv  in  ilio  liC!;innini;,  there  never 
can  be  iiiiy  poNniiili  chance  of  our  losiiiK  it  alto- 
gether. If  (<re<it  Britain  Rhoiild  expel  our  (loople 
from  ihe  teniiory.we  can  take  poiise.s»ion  of  C'lin- 
nila,  and  New  Urunswick,  and  Nova  f^colia;  and 
when  wc  become  tired  of  fii;htiiig  each  other,  she 
will  give  u»  Oret'on,  mid  we  will  probably  surrend- 
er these  counirics  to  her.  Ihit,  if  we  s'lioiild  iin- 
forunnitcly  hrse  it  altngether,  we  xliiill  have  the 
SraiificiUion  of  rememl>erini,'  iliat  it  was  lost  by  the 
fortiiiiea  of  war,  rather  thnii  by  isnoble  surrender; 
that  we  were  at  Iciuit  Inn  to  the  mono  which  we 
have  adopted  in  the  manaijement  of  our  foreiirn 
relalioiis,  "to  iisk  notliin:;  I),,]  v,hn{  is  riirlit,  and 
lo  submit  witli  iiupunily  toiiolliiiu,-ilitil  is  wroni;;" 
mid  that  we  ha-'e  not  ficen  allnceiher  false  to  our 
reiuiuted  assertion  that  our  title  to  the  whole  of 
Oregon  was  clear  and  ijulispuiable. 

Otlier  :;ciilKnicn  havede.scamcd  most  beautifully 
upon  the  pnisjieiily  of  our  country — its  wealth, its 
commerce,  and  the  ■nchicveineius  of  iis  arts  and  in- 
dustry; and  we  are  bid  to  lonk  upon  them  all  a.'*  the 
trophies  of  peace.  That  peace  is  the  immediate 
cause  .if  all  this,  1  am  ready  to  admit.  Ihit  Iliere  is 
a  class  of  cau.ses,  called  remiite  causes;  and  they  are 
ft-e(|uendy  cuiiiled  to  more  weight,  when  results  are 
to  be  ccuisidiied,  than  tho.se  causes  which  are  seem- 
ingly more  direct  and  manifesi.  And  anions  the  re- 
mote causes  which  have  enabled  us  to  attain  oiir 
present  |iositioii,  in  all  that  ai;trrandizes  a  peo|ile, 
the  two  wars  throuj;h  whiili  we  have  passed  are 
certainly  enlilled  to  no  little  weight  and  coiisiilera- 
lion.  The  first  war  wroiishi  out  our  independence, 
•  and  L'ave  us  c-\islencc  as  a  free  confeder.icv  of  .Stall  .s. 
And  the  seccpiid  frave  our  people  a  nami'  I'or  valor 
and  iuicoii(|Ueral.'le  delenainalion,  and  for  jealousy 
of  our  rii:hta,  which  challenges  respect  for  us  in 
every  sea  and  in  every  port.  This  respect,  sir,  is 
the  chief  eleinentand  support  of  extended  conuner- 
cial  prosperity.  Let  us  forfeii  llial  by  any  surren- 
der of  our  just  ami  proper  ri^'hts,  and  these  moii- 
uincius  of  lair  eiilerprise  and  adventure,  to  whiih 
we  now  refer  with  so  mucli  ami  with  such  just 
pride,  will  be  Ininibled  and  levelled  in  llie  dust. 
And,  I  would  ask,  if  Great  Urilain  slakes  iiotliiii!; 
in  this  conlliclr     AVhero  are  her  wealih.  her  pros- 

iierily,   liei iimerce,  and  the  achievements  of 

her  arts  and  her  industry;  Where  are  the  lliou- 
Biinds  and  tens  of  tliou.sands  of  her  oeople,  wlioaie 
now  employed  in  manufactcniis,  but  who,  if  the 
supply  of  cotton  shall  be  cut  olf  by  w.ir,  will  be 
thrown  out  of  emploviiuiii,  and  reduced  lo  bei;- 
piry  and  slar\aiiojir  While  are  the  muiieriiiirs  of 
tlie  catlieriiii;  storm,  which  arc  constainly  heard 
amonu'sl  her  ensiii.ed  and  sl.ir\in^'  populace,  nod 
in  the  very  Inarl  of  her  kiiiL'ilom,-  \viiiie  is  In- 
land, wiili  her  comulsiM  llirocs  for  tin  very  liirlli- 
riijlit  of  fneiueii— direct  npiisi  niaiion  .-  'Where 
is  the  wild, 'lie  l.ra\e  Alll'liaii,  who,  ill  the  rude 
inountaiiis  of  his  nauve  land,  is  br'aliiiL'  back  willi 
fury  and  dcsiruciion  tlu'  wave  of  I'ritish  power,  as 
at  each  rituriiin^'  wave  it  si  i  ks  lo  ovirriiii  his 
own,  his  nalivr  land.'  Where  are  her  numerous 
colonies  and  KCttlemeiils,  scalleied  tliroii;;houl  the 
habitable  ijlolie,  bound  to  hi  r  only  by  fear,  and 
which  arei^ieekiiii;  the  first  favorable  opporiiuiiiy  to 
tliiMw  olf  the  yoke  of  her  exactions  and  oppres- 
sions?    Wle  re  are  all  tlio.se  nations  of  llie  world, 

who,  accoidiii:,'  to  the  h rable  neiiilcman  from 

Viriiinia,  jMr.  Hintku,!  are  siandiiii.'  by,  pant- 
ins;  for  her  overtlirow,  and  ready  to  iralher  ii|i  llie 
spoils  of  her  dissolulioiir  Is  it  irue  that  we  have 
everylhin;;  to  discourn;;e,  and  she  i  veiyihiji^'  lo 
proinpl  and  io;.'e  her  to  the  con/li.'t-  If  the  sym- 
pathy of  iuanl>iiid  be  llie  plaiforin  on  wliicli  w»  are 
first  to  place  ourselves  in  older  to  ensiiie  suci-esM, 
where,  I  would  ask,  amid  tli"  realiiies  of  the  pic- 
ture I  have  drawn,  is  she  to  oblain  even  a  foot- 
hold ■■ 

There  is  ye-  another  anil  a  distinct  class  in  this 
House — for  mi  this  ipuKlion  there  are  several 
classes,  as  well  as  shades  of  opinion — I  say  tlii'rc 
is  a  chiH.?  who  areopposeil  to  this  iioiici ,  biiuii.se 
they  are  of  opinion  tlial  the  I'n  sident  ami  Senate 
have  iliat  authority,  as  the  treaiy-makiii^' power, 
and  they  are  opposed  to  what  they  consider  unne- 
cessary and  unauthorized  legisluiion.     It  in  true 


||  that  tlie  President  and  Senate  have  the  power  to 
1 1  make  treaties  by  the  Constitutiou.  But  that  the 
jl  power  to  make  carries  with  it  tlie  power  to  niiiiul 
il  and  abro!;ati',  may  admit  of  some  doubt.  It  islnte, 
ij  there  are  cases  in  which  they  may  destroy  r  former 
;j  treaty,  by  makinj  a  later  one,  whose  provisions 
Ij  conflict  with  the  former;  but  this  is  but  the  rouse- 
II  qiience  of  their  power  to  make.  But  that  they  may 
i  of  their  own  mere  motion,  by  way  of  notice,  pro- 
'  clamation,  or  otherwise,  jiiit  an  end  to  a  subsistiiii; 
;  treaty,  when  the  terms  of  the  treaty  confer  no  such 
I  jmwer  on  either,  may  well  be  questioned. 

-\nd  when  reference  is  had  to  nnotlier  clause  of 
the  ('oiistilulion,  which  irives  to  treaties,  when 
pi*o|ierly  concluded,  the  force,  and  |>.iwer,  and 
name  of  a  law,  this  view  of  the  case  would  appear 
to  receive  additional  strength.  This  clause  would 
seem  to  briiis;  irealies,  when  once  made,  under  the 
control  of  the  law-iuakiiiL'  (lower,  which  embraces 
the  riesidenl  and  both  Houses  of  Coii;;re.ss.  If 
■  these  considerations,  which  would  seem  to  confer 
llie  power  on  Ciin!;ress,ihe  President  co-operatinsr, 
I  are  entiiled  to  any  wciu'ht,  and  there  be  likewise 
1  any  force  in  the  ar^'iinienis  which  confine  this 
]iowcr  to  the  President  and  the  .Sf'iiate,  these  eon- 
fticliim  opinions  and  artrnmeiits  bin  show  that  the 
queslioii  is  involved  in  doubt.  And  where  there 
is  'loiilu  as  to  the  fpieslion,  whether  any  power  is 
proicrly  to  be  exercised  by  a  part  or  by  the  whole 
of  the  Ic^Nslativeaulhoiity  of  the  Oovernnieiil,  that 
cnnsiruciion  oiiL'ht  lo  |irevail  which  ref(i>i  it  to  tiie 
winkle,  as  biiiii; more  safe  and  more  in  unison  with 
i  the  spirit  of  our  inslitiilions.  Iteu'ardiii!,'  it,  there- 
fore,asa  qucsiion  of  doubt, the  Presidentcertaiiily 
acted  wilh  priiilence  in  concedin?  the  power  to 
CoiiL'icss  conjoinily  with  hinisi  ll',  and  the  people 
will  coniniend  him  for  his  prudence. 

Airaiii,  Ihe  (|iiestion  of  lermlnatins  ihe  treaty, 
and    the  measures  by  which  it  is  to  be   fidlowed, 
are  so  iin  nialely  connecleil,  in  the  estimation  of! 
many,  wilh  the  peace  of  the  coiintrv,  that  even  if  [ 
the   power  were  clearly   with   the   President  and  { 
.Senale,  there  would  be  no  manifest  impropriety  in  ! 
lakin::  advice  of  C'omjress,  inasmuch  as  if  war  do 
follow.  Congress    must   declare  it,  must  vole   the 
money  necessiiry  lo  carry  it  on,  and   inasmuch  as 
the  people  we  represent  will  al  last  have  to  furnish 
the  pecuniary  and   fdiysical   material  for  prosecu- 
tinir  it.      It  is  tVoin  no  desire  to  shun  any  just  re- 
sponsibility of  his  position  that  he  refers  the  mat- 
ter to  (Jont^rpss.     "Whatever  of  responsibility  is  to  ' 
attach  to  the  giving  of  the   notice,  he   has  holdly 
assumed  betore  the  face  of  the  country  by  recorif- 
iiiL"",  under  the  solemnity  of  his  constitutional  obli-  ' 
Liilioiis  bis  opinion  that  the  notice  should  bej^iven,  | 
,  and  even  at  once. 

And  it  is  lo  be  feared  that  many  of  those  who  are  I 
now  iiiosi  ready  to  brand  the  I'resident  with  a  de- 
sire lo  shun  the  responsibility  of  his  station,  would, 
if  Ihe  noiic,.  had  been  t'lvrn  by  him  and  war  have 
iniforiuiiaiely  eiisueil,  and  firo\ed  disastrous  in  its 
lerminaiiiui  or  iisprotrress,  be  foremosi  in  denoun-  . 
ciiiir  him  as  hecilless,  reclvlcss,  and  wantiiii;  in  re-  < 
spect  to  iht  Representatives  of  the  people  in  a  mat-  ! 
icr  conia.rninu'  ilieir  j)eace  and   their  very   lives. 
The  passage  of  this   resolution   has  been  branded  ' 
in  advance  as  an  infVinirenient  of  the  powers  of  the 
l''xecuiive.     But  I  must  confess  that  I  am  at  a  loss 
lo  perceive  how,  in  "iiy  possible  view  of  the  case,  ; 
it  can  t     so  recariii  d.     AVh.at   I   iinilersiand  as  an 
iiilVin'j  mint  of  any  power,  is  an  nrbiirary  and  iin- 
soli.ii  ll  interference  and  usurpation  of  it.     In  the 
cii 'c   low  befoie  us,  we  are  called  on  to  net  at  ihe 
insiaiice  of  the  Kxeciitive,  and,  at  his  request,  nd- 
visiiiu' what  maybe   best   for  the   interest   of  his  ' 
coiuilry.     And,   Mr.  f'hairinan,   it  is  a  little   re-  I 
niarkalilc  th.ai  the  olijection  that  f'onsress  should  H 
not  inieifere  in  llie  ;;ivinj;  this  notice,  bin  that  the  [] 
whole  of  It   should   be   left  with   the  President,  is  ,' 
iiiiied  with  the  LTealest  pertinacity  by  those  very  1 1 
t'enlli  nun  who,  for  the  last  four  or  live  years,  have  I 
been  inveiirhiiiL;  wilh  the  nios',  violent  deniinciit-  ' 
lion  against  llic  already  oversown  and  irresistible 
power  of  the  Kxecutne,  as  they  were  pleased  to 
term  il.     It  ceriainly  was  hardly  to  have  been  ex- 
pected   ileii,  in  no  short  n  time,  they  vioiild    be 
foiihil,  in  a  case  of  ilinililful  ri^lit,  ready  to  leave 
lo  the  Kxecutive  the  exercise  of  a  power  which 
Hccoriliiiir  to  their  own  confession,  must  almost 
necessarily  h  ad  to  war. 

liefore  1  take  iny  suit,  I  will  make  but  a  remark 
or  so  upon  the  aniemlment  of  the  honorable  geti- 


tleman    from  Ahibnma,   [Mr.   IIii.liaiiii.1      Hig 
anicndment  proposes  to  empower  Ihe  Pi-"  sident  to 
tjive  the  notice  when,  in  his  opiiiioi.,  the  public 
interest  requires  it.     The  Presitlent,  sir,  tinder  the 
solemn  discharge  of  his  duties  under  ihe  Consti- 
tution, 1ms  stated  to  this  House  and  to  the  country 
Ills  belief  that  tlic  notice  should   be  (liven  now — 
should  be  piven  nt  once — and  that  without  delay. 
To  uuthorize  liim,  therefore,  to  i;ive  the  notice, 
when  he  shall  tliitik   it  best  to  do  so,  is  to  author- 
ize him  to  do  it  now;  and  that  is  precisely  what 
the  original  resolution,  reported  by  the  Committee 
on  Foreign  Kelations,  proposes  to  do.     And,  sir, 
for  lis  to  adopt  the  aniendinentof  the  gentleman 
from  Alabama  [Mr.  Hit.Li.tHn]  would  look  very 
much  hke  questioniii';  the  sincerity  of  the  Prest- 
deiil  or  his  firmness  wlien  he  made  lliat  declaration. 
i  It  is  very  much  like  saying  to  him,  we  know  you 
have  told  Its  in  your  Message  that,  in  your  opin- 
1  ion,  the  notice  should  be  given  forthwith,  but  wo 
\  can  hardly  think  you  in  earnest,  and  will  therefore 
i  empower  yen  to  do  it,  when  you  really  do  get  in 
I  the  notion  that  il  ought  lo  be  given.     The  adop- 
tion of  the  aiiiendment  will  certainly  furnish  very 
j  strong  evidence  eittier  that  wc  ipieslion   his  sin- 
j  eerily,  or  that  it  is  the  desire  of  a  tniijority  of  thi.H 
,  Uiiusc  that  the  notice  should  be  postponed,  or  that 
I  we  are   unwilling  to  share  with   him  any  respon- 
sibility whatever  of  the  coiisei|iieiiee8  which  tiiiiy 
:  follow  the  notice.     The  first  inference  would  be 
;  unjust  til  that  ollicer;  the  secoml  would  be  eon. 
;  trary  to  the  wishes  of  a  majority  of  this  House; 
I  and  to  manifest  an  iinwilliiigiiess  to  share  wilh  the 
Executive  the  nsponsibility  of  the  notice  and  the 
consenueiices  to  which  it  may  lead,  is  exceedingly 
!  unkind  in  his  political  friends,  and  looks  very  iiiucli 
like  turning  the  "  cold  shoulder"  when  one's  friend 
is  in  n  crisis,  and  ihat,  too,  a  crisis  into  which  those 
very  friends  have  been  instrumental   in  bringing 
him.     The  democratic    friends  of  the   President 
made  the  as.serlion   of  our  title  to  Oregon  one  of 
the  cardinal  doctrines  to  which  they  pledged  liiin 
before  the  people;  and   now,  when  he  comes  for- 
ward to  take  tlie  first  sicp  necessary  to  redeem  llial 
pledge,  these  very  friends  are  called  upon  to  turn 
their  backs  upon  him,  and   tell  liiiii,  "  iSir,   you 
n.ust  take  all  llie  res|>onsihiliiy;  the  business  be- 
gins to    look   rather  s(|ually,  and  we   had  rather 
liaveius  little  to  do  with  it  as  possible."     Call  you 
this  supporting  your  friends?    Will  it  not  railier 
go  to  some  extent  to  verity  the  predictions  made  on 
this  floor  that  the  President,  friends  and  all,  will 
bad  out  from  this  whole  mailer?  For  these  reasons 
I  am  ojiposed  lo  the  ainendment  of  t!ie  lionorabie 
gentleman  from  .\lal>aiiia.     It  is  but  right  and  safe 
that  we  share  with   him  the  rrsponsiliilily.     The 
union  of  all  the  legislative  and  reprcienlalive  de- 
parlinenis  of  the  tioveriuiient  will  give  the  noiice 
a  moral  influence  t'or  good  what  it  could  not  carry 
with  it  when  it  had  the  sanction  of  u  part  only  of 
that  authority. 

Mr  Cliairinitn,  I  am  done,  and  my  coiicludiiig 
desire  is,  ih.il  whatever  turn  this  mailer  may  take, 
it  may  resull  in  the  preservation  ol'  the  peace  of 
llie  coiinlry;  bill,  al  all  events,  in  the  maiiileuantc 
of  our  juat  riglils  in  ihe  Oregon  ciunilry. 


OREGON  UUESTION. 
SPEECH  OF  iMR.  SOLOMON  FOOT, 

OK   VKK.MDNT, 
In  the  Ilnisc.  ni.-  Rkprksentativks, 
Ftbruarii  fi,  IH4ti. 
On  the  Residution  for  terininaling  the  joint  occu- 
pation of  Oregon. 
Mr.  FOOT  having  obtained  tlie  floor,  addressed 
the  conimillee  as  follows: 

Mr.  (.)ii*iii>uv:  It  has  been  my  misfortune  to 
have  been  confined  lo  my  lodgings  liy  severe  inilis- 
posilinn,  for  the  most  part  of  the  lime  during  the 
progress  of  lliis  debate.  I  know  but  little  of  the 
character  and  scope  of  the  discussion,  except  as  1 
have  occasionally  glanced  at  the  reports.  Under 
these  circiimslances,  I  can  expect  to  do  little  morn 
than  to  travel  over  a  track  already  beaten;  to  say 
little  more  ihnii  has  already  been  often  and  liiller 
said  by  gentlemen  who  have  preceded  nie.  Indeed, 
under  any  circuiiistimces,  it  would  be  little  belter 
than  arrogant  presiimpiinn  in  mc  tu  essay  to  add 


i 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


249 


29th  Cong IsT  Sess. 


Tlie  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Foot. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


i 


1 


any  new  nrgiimcnt,  or  to  give  nny  new  interest  to 
n  q\ieHtion  utter  it  had  undergone  so  long,  so  elabo- 
rate, and  so  able  a  discussion  as  the  question  now 
before  us  has  received.  It  was  my  desire  and  my 
purpose  in  the  early  part  of  this  delmie  to  have  ex- 
pressed my  views  to  the  committee,  had  not  my 
attendance  upon  the  House  been  interruiited.  Feel- 
ing, as  I  do,  the  embarrassment  of  addressing  the 
commitle  at  so  late  a  period  of  the  discussion,  and 
after  the  question  under  consideration  has  calku 
forth  the  liest  talent,  the  highest  eloqueno,  the 
profouiul(!8t  research,  and  the  ripest  experience 
upon  the  floor  of  this  House,  that  purpose  would 
now  be  abaiuloned  but  for  an  imperative  sense  of 
obligation  1  feel,  that,  upon  a  question  of  such  mo- 
mentous and  vital  consequences  to  t!ic  whole  and 
every  part  of  our  country  as  is  involved  in  the 
resolution  before  us,  the  State  which  I  in  part  rep- 
resent here  should  be  heard  upon  it,  even  though 
it  be  through  the  voice  of  the  humblest  of  her  Rep- 
resentatives upon  this  floor.  Much  rather  would 
I  have  been  saved  the  task,  (for  it  is  with  the  most 
extriMue  and  unalfected  reluctance  that  I  ever  at- 
tempt to  oddre.ss  this  House,)  and  that  what  1  trust 
and  believe  to  be  the  prevailing  opinions  and  senti- 
irenls  of  the  people  of  that  Slate  upon  this  subject, 
should  have  been  expressed  by  either  one  ot  my 
more  learned  and  gifted  colleagues.  But  as  it  is, 
I  must  beg  the  indulgence  of  the  committee  while 
I  venture  i,  submit  to  their  consideration  some 
general  view  upon  the  subject  which  has  already 
occupied  .so  much  of  their  attention. 

Allow  ine  to  say,  in  the  first  place,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, that  I  do  not  propose,  in  the  few  remarks 
which  my  recovering  strength  will  enable  nie  to  pre- 
noM  at  the  present  time,  to  go  into  an  examination  of 
the  grounds  of  the  respective  claims  of  Great  Brit- 
ain and  the  United  Slates  to  the  Oregon  territory. 
The  lime  allotted  me  is  insufficient,  at  the  same  time, 
to  allow  me  to  present  some  other  views  in  connex- 
ion with  this  controversy  between  the  two  Govern- 
ments, as  I  desire  to  do.  Moreover,  the  question 
of  liile  has  been  very  fully  discussed  both  here  and 
elsewhere.  The  result  of  the  best  and  most  im- 
partial examination  I  have  been  able  to  give  to  the 
subjec'i,  upon  my  own  mind  is,  tljat  botii  Govern- 
menis  have  ceriiiin  rights  and  claims  there,  not, 
perhaps,  very  clearly  deliniiil;  that  iieilher  Govern- 
ment has  a  dear  or  perfect  title  to  the  whole  of  the 
dregon  terrilory;  that  neither  can  rightfully  assert 
an  exclusive  claim  lo  the  whole,  or  exicnd  its  own 
exclusive  jurisdiction  over  the  whole  of  it,  consist- 
ently willi  the  riglils  and  claims  of  the  other.  The 
question  of  liile  in  controversy  is  peculiarly  of  that 
I'haracler,  which  renders  it  eminently  a  111  and  jirop- 
ersubjeci  for  ui'goliation  and  compromise.  How- 
ever we  may  ailed  to  regard  our  tille  to  the  whole 
of  Oregon  us  clear  and  perfecl,  I'jighind  is  doubt- 
less equally  conviiiccil  that  she  has  the  better  title 
lo  a  part  of  that  lerriiory.  JS'ot  unlike  all  parties 
lo  a  I'Diitroversy,  we  very  readily  and  easily  and 
nalurally  satisfy  ourselves  that  we  are  in  the  ri!;lil, 
thai  ihe  opposing  parly  is  in  the  wrong.  The 
cfintroversy  in  this  instance,  as  lo  the  rjueslion  of 
ri'.'hl,  as  to  the  question  of  title,  let  lis  bear  in 
mind,  is  not  among  ourselves;  it  is  wiili  another 
parly,  with  another  Govcrnmeni,  which  claims  title 
against  us  lo  a  part  of  this  lerriiory.  This  con- 
troversy has  existed  for  more  than  twenty-five 
years.  It  is  a  question  of  conflicting  tille  between 
iwo  Governments,  each  urging  and  insisting  that 
il  has  the  sironjrer  and  iHller  claim.  The  argu- 
tnenls  which  have  been  addics.sed  bveach  Govern- 
ment lo  the  other,  through  their  iliplomatie  cor- 
respondence, however  ingenious  and  able  they  may 
be,  are  neverlhelcss  rather  the  ingenious  and  able 
ergumenls  of  counsel  for  a  client,  ihaiiof  the  juilge 
pnniouncing  an  impartial  decision  upon  the  merits 
of  the  case.  These  conflicling  claims  have  been 
ihe  subject  of  discussion,  of  argument,  of  negotia- 
tion, of  nuilual  propositions  of  eoinproniise  and 
sellUmciit  at  difl'crent  periods  and  under  ditl'erent 
Adniinisimiions,  representing  the  views  and  policy 
of  the  Iwo  leading  and  diver.se  political  |iarties  in 
Ihc  conniry  during  this  whole  period  of  time.  Hoth 
Governments  have  occupied  the  disputed  lerriuiry, 
in  the  mcaniiine,  to  a  certain  extent,  and  for  cer- 
laiii  purposes,  as  they  now  occupy  it  by  virtue  of 
a  convenlioniil  agreement. 

The  direct  question  which  is  now  presented  to 
us,  and  which  1  undertake  to  say  is  prematurely 
and  inconsiderately  furced  upon  the  consideration 


of  the  popular  branch  of  the  legislative  depart- 
ment, is,  whether  Congress  shall  direct  that  un- 
conditional notice  shall  forthwith  be  given  for  the 
termination  of  the  convention  of  1827;  and  whether, 
as  a  necessary  resulting  consequence  of  such  no- 
tice, after  the  abrogation  of  the  treaty,  we  shall  as- 
sert an  exclusive  claim  to  the  whole  of  the  Oregon 
territory,  and  exicnd  over  the  whole  of  it  our  own 
exclusive  sovereignty;  or  whether  we  shall  leave 
the  controversy  si  ill  open,  as  it  now  is,  for  further 
negotiation  and  compromise;  whether,  in  short,  in 
the  popular  language  of  the  advocates  of  extreme 
measures,  we  shall  adopt,  as  the  rule  of  our  action, 
"the  whole  or  none  of  Oregon,"  "now  or  never," 
"war  or  no  war;"  or  whether  we  shall  yet  en- 
deavor to  ellect  an  amicable  adjuslment  of  Itie  con- 
troversy, and,  at  the  same  time,  maintain  the  jieace 
and  the  honor  of  the  country.  The  answer  within 
and  without  this  ball,  judging  from  recent  indica- 
tions, would  doubtless  present  simie  contrariety  of 
opinion  as  to  the  most  exncxliciit  course  of  action; 
while  nil  will  agree,  with  one  acc(nd,  that  the  dic- 
tates of  wisdom  and  patriotism  alike  commend  us 
to  that  course  of  action  most  consonant  with  the 
national  character  and  dignity,  and  which  shall 
best  sub.servc  to  vindicate  and  to  maintain  our  na- 
tional interest,  our  national  faith,  our  nalional  hon- 
or, and,  if  y-iu  plea.sc,  our  national  magnanimity. 

Mr.  Chairman,  we  have  been  frequently  told 
thai  negolialion  is  al  an  end;  that 'he  door  is  closed 
against  all  compromise,  and  raiinot  be  reopened 
without  national  dishonor.  Sir,  '  do  not  so  un- 
derstand it.  I  do  no'  so  undersl,  iid  it  from  the 
Executive  Message.  1  do  not  .so  iinihrsland  it 
from  the  Secretary  of  fe  ale.  From  ti  e  very  latest 
intelligence  from  Englnad,  we  arc  wturantid  in 
saying,  it  is  not  so  understood  by  I'le  oiiicial  au- 
thoritie.-i  of  that  Government.  Wl.o,  indeed,  from 
anything  contained  in  the  publisned  oflicia'  docu- 
ments upon  this  subject,  is  authorized  to  say,  that 
those  to  whom  is  especially  committed  the  charge 
of  this  question  regard  the  controversy  as  having 
reached  a  point  at  which  the  national  honor  would 
be  compromitled  by  the  consideration  of  further 
jiropositions  of  compromise,  or  by  further  elforls 
for  an  amicable  setileinent  by  negotiation,  hi  home 
or  abroad,  by  treaty  or  by  arbitrament?  j\o  one, 
I  assume  to  say,  would  feel  hiin.self  authorized  or 
justified  in  making  such  a  declaration.  How  can 
It  be  so,  while  Ensrlaud  manifests  every  dis|io(ition 
on  her  part  to  eflect  an  amicable  adjustment.'  In- 
deed, we  have  it,  not  only  in  flying  rumors  about 
the  town,  but  •  '  ve  the  aulhorilative  statement 
of  the  chnirmaii  of  tlic  Committee  on  Foreign  Af- 
fairs, [Mr.  C.  J.  Ingebsoi.l,]  made  but  a  day  or 
two  since,  upon  this  floor,  in  answer  to  an  intcr- 
rogalory  pni  lo  him  by  my  honorable  friend  from 
Tennessi  e,  [Mr.  Gbntuv,]  that  a  correspondence 
had  very  recently  taken  jilace  between  the  otficiiil 
orgaiisof  the  twoGoveriimenls  relulive  lo  thisriues- 
tion.  I  can  say,  for  one,  sir,  that  1  was  very  hap- 
py to  hear  il. 

Why,  Mr.  Chairman,  let  us  nsk  ourselves  in  all 
candor  and  sidierncss,  what  is  this  coiilroversy 
about?  What  is  the  imlurc  aiv'  character  of  il? 
Docs  it  involve  any  ipieslinn  of  honor  that  renders 
an  appeal   lo  arms,  or  a  challenge  to  arms;  or  a 

Iimvocation  to  arms,  necessary  to  its  vimlicaliini  ? 
fas  our  national  fliu'  been  insulled  at  home  or 
aiiroad,by  .seaor  by  land  ?  Have  the  rights  of  lair 
riiizens  been  anywhere  violated,  or  has  our  soil 
been  anywhere  wrongfully  invaded  ?  Has  Kngland 
done  anything,  or  even  proposed  to  do  nnvthiiig, 
inconipaiible  with  the  siipnlalions  of  the  joi'ui  con- 
vention ?  Nothing  of  Ihe  kind,  air.  On  llie  c(ui- 
Irary,  England  slill  manifcsis  ihc  stronijest  desire 
lo  maintain  and  sirenirlhen,  and  perpeiuale  the 
friendly  relations  which  subsist  bclwcen  us;  and 
not  only  so,  but  she  seems  cniitifinsly  to  avoid  do- 
ing anything  which  would  be  likely  to  inli'rni|>t 
those  relations,  the  preservation  of  whiili  is  so  vi- 
tally iuiportant  to  her  interest,  as  well  as  lo  oiir 
own.  What,  then,  I  ask  again,  is  this  controversy 
about?  I  answer,  that  it  is  nothing  more  nor  less 
llian  a  mere  naked  qiieslimi  of  tille;  or  more  pro- 
perly speaking,  it  is  a  mere  question  of  boundary. 
Such  a  cimiioversy  is,  of  all  others,  the  most  a|  - 
propriale  to  be  settled  by  negotiation,  by  treaty,  oi 
by  refeienc.  It  is  a  disputed  claim  to  a  piece  of  ter- 
rilory, the  evidence  of  liile  to  which  is,  in  its  very 
nature,  somewhat  vague  and  incmichisive,  a'.d 
about  which  both  [larties  may  honestly  dolVjr  ill 


I  regard  to  the  strength  and  validity  of  their  respect- 
I  ive  claims.     It  is  a  case  wherein  both  parties  may 
i  relax  somewhat  from  their  extreme  demands,  not 
only  witliout  dishonor,  but  with  signal  credit,  for 
the  sake  of  peace  and  harmony.     The  settlement 
j  of  such  a  question  most  pre-eminently  belongs  to 
the  statesman,  rather  than  to  the  soldier;  to  the 
;  councils  ol  ihe  caliinet,  rather  than  to  the  wager  of 
I  battle.     Sir,  it  would  shock  the  moral  sense  of  the 
1  civilized  world,  that  the  two  most  enlightened  and 
Christian  nations  of  the  earth  should  fail  to  eflect 
i  a  peaceful  and  honondde  settlement  of  such  a  con- 
troversy, and  should  involve  themselves  in  a  war 
in  consequence,  the  end  of  which,  and  the  disas- 
I  ters  of  which,  no  man  can  foresee  or  conceive. 

Bui  it  is  urged  as  an  objection  to  negotiation,  or 
!  compromise  in  nny  way,  that  we  have  a  clear  and 
■  perfect  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon.     This  decla- 
:  ration  is  often  made,  I  apprehend,  without  much 
examination  of  thcf|ue8tion,aiid  with  an  easy  cre- 
i  dnlity,  which  is  satisfied,  without  further  investi- 
'  gallon,  to  repeat,  as  clear  and  incontestable  fads, 
i  the  unsupported  assertions  of  a  political  conclave. 
'  The  stronger  and  clearer,  however,  we  can  make 
;  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  appear,  so  much 
the  better  and  safer  case  we  slimild  have  for  the 
decision  of  an  impartial  and  competent  tribunal,  if 
the  parlies  shoultl  not  be  able  to  agree  upon  li^rnis 
of  settlement  between  themselves.     And  surely 
there  could  be  little  risk  of  our  rights  in  submit- 
ting the  question  of  our  title  to  such  a  tribunal, 
,  lu'ovided  some  of  these  gentlemen  will  shed  upcm 
'  the  board  some  of  the  light  by  which  'hey  so  clear- 
'  ly  see  the  iierfei'iion  of  our  liile  to  the  whole  of 
Oregon.     Gentlemen  liavesaid,by  way  of  illuslra- 
;  tion,  nuire  remarkable  for  ils  exiravacance  than 
.  iiy  analogy  to   the  question  wc  are  considering, 
thai  we  might  as  well  yield  to  the  demands  of  lOiig- 
I  land  any  portion  of  these  United  Slates,  or  of  ibis 
District,  or  of  the  ground  on  which  ibis  Capiiol 
stands;  and  that  we  miKhl  as  well  propose  negotin- 
lion,  or  reference,  in  .such  a  case,  as  in  the  ra.se  of 
Oregon.     I  can  hardly  think  genllcmen  serious  in 
such  a  comparison,  or  in  snpjiosing  that  there  is 
;  nny  analogy,  or  nny  approximation  lo  analogy,  in 
'  the  two  cases.     In  the  case  of  Oregon,  we  have  lo 
meetanndvcr.se  claim,  and  one  which  has  been 
asserted  ond  insisted  upon  as  long,  at  least,  as  we 
:  have  asserted  nny  claim;  and  one  which  we  have 
so  far  respected  ns  to  have  made  repeated  proposi- 
tioiij.  for  a  division  of  the  terrilory  m  dispute;  and 
so  far  as  to  have  admitted  the  adverse  party  to  ihe 
exercise  and  enjoyment,  in  ctunmon  with  us,  of 
equal  rights  and  |u'ivileges  there.     And  this  is  not 
all.     England   has  had  actual  occupation  of  this 
terrii(n'y,or  a  part  of  il,  much  longer,  and  a  mncli 
;  larger  portion  of  the  lime,  ilian  we  have;  and  un- 
!  der  the  convention  of  lH|y  she  claimed  the  right  of 
i  selllcnienl  there;  Oi.d  in  18U7  we  renewed  the  cou- 
veniion  for  an  indefinile  period  of  time,  with  llic 
1  full  knowledge  ihat  she  claimed  such  right  of  set- 
i  tlcment.     1  will  not  ask  whether,  under  these  cir- 
cumstances, we  are  not  estopped  from  a.s.ierling, 
but  I   will  ask  whelher  we  arc  fpiile  juslilicd  in 
asserting,  that  England  has  not  only  no  liilc,  but 
no  c(i/oi'  of  title  <u'  claim  lo  any  poriimi  of  the  Ore- 
gon territory  ?    Such  an  assertion,  it  appears  lo 
me,  is  a  direct  and  palpnlile  contradiction  of  the 
concessions  of  this  Governmenl,  by  a  series  of 
treaties,  negotiations,  and  proposiiions,  ihioiurh  a 
period  of  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century;  and  an 
unwarrantable  impulalion  tipcui    ihe  conduct  and 
motives  of  three  dilVcrent  Adminisirations  of  our 
Government,  numbering  many  of  ihe  ablest  men 
and  purest  patriots  of  ilie  country,  in  proposing  In 
surrender  lo  Great  Hriiain  a  large  portion  of  this 
terrilory  as  a  peace-oflerim;,  to  what  is  now,  for 
the  first  time,asserled  lo  be  all  arrogant  and  ground- 
less demand.     We  have,  all  at  once,  become  vasily 
wiser  and  more  patriotic  than  our  fathers.     (Con- 
sidering the  character  and   the  early  date  of  the 
Uriiisb  claims — considering  the  grounds  and  tho 
nature  of  the  evidence  upon  which  mir  respective 
claims  rest — and  considering  the  manner  in  which 
her  claims  have  always  been  treated,  the  conces- 
sions and  the  oilers  made — I  have  no  hesitation  in 
saying,  that  we  shall  find  less  justification  in  now 
treating  her  claims  as  a  mere  arrogant  and  ground- 
less pretence,  than  we  shall   in  meeting  them  and 
trealing  them  with  seriiais  and  respectful  conaidera- 
timi — so  long,  at  leasl,  as  she  manifests  a  similar 
disimsition  on  her  part. 


5  id-; 


850 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  ti, 


ii9TH  Cong lax  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Foot. 


Ho.  OF  Heps. 


m 


im 


if'' 

4 


Lei  US  aupiKioe  llml  Kiiffliimi,  hfini;  hs  lliorouijh- 
Iv  cdiivinord  iil"  Ihc  valichly  "I'  li'T  lillr  M  On  iron 
— llio  whole  ol'il,  if  yi>ii  iiloiise — aR  tin'  liiillimori' 
coiivcntiiiii  and  Presiiclciil  Polk  lire  of  dins,  sIkiuIiI 
(if(V  li>  118:  *'  We  huve  a  clear  and  iiu'onleHlable 
tillo  lo  the  whole  of  the  (li'C<;oii  leirilDi y.  we  shall, 
therefore,  insist  upon  the  whole  of  it;  aiiJ  alllionj;li 
Me  have  been  iiesrolialiii!;  ahoul  it  for  more  lliaii  j 
twenty-live  years,  ami  made  various  propositions 
of  settlemeiii,  and  oli'eivd  you  one-half  of  it,  liy 
way  of  eoinproinise,  and  you  have  oeeiipied  it,  in  < 
noimrion  wiili  ns  all  this  while,  we  shall  now 
close  the  door  upon  you,  and  i;ive  you  nolire  that, 
nt  the  expiration  of  twelve  months,  you  must  ijiiit 
possession;  from  that  lime  we  shall  exenise  our 
own  exelusive  jnrisilielion  over  the  whole  of  it; 
we  shall  no  loiiu'er  listen  to  any  terms  of  eoinpro- 
mise;  we  shall  neither  i>ropose  nm*  reeeivn  nnv 
furihcr  otl'ers  for  ne;rotialion,  nor  will  we  sulimit 
what  we  i-onsnler  a  elear  title  in  us  to  the  ileeisiim 
of  any  disinterested  trilmnal;  all  your  rlaims  are 
«  mere  pretence,  withiml  I'oundation  or  shadow  of 
title.  We  own  the  whole;  we  demand  the  whole; 
we  will  take  noihiim:  short  of  the  whole;  and,  in 
so  douiir,  we  elaini  only  what  riirhifiilly  lieloiiirs 
to  us;  and  if  you  choose  to  50  to  war  with  us  for 
t;ikim!;  only  what  is  our  own,  we  will  meet  you  as 
Lest  we  can.  Lei  eonsequences  lake  eareoflhem- 
se'ves."  This  is  very  much  after  the  manner  we 
lire  now  nd;!res-;;;6  ourselves  to  linirland  upon 
this  sulijeei;  and  how,  think  you,  we  should  lie 
likely  to  re';:anl  lan!;nage  of  tliis  elmnicier  hy  her 
to  us.-  I  need  nol  say  we  should  regard  ii  and 
treat  it  as  the  hiffhesl  indi!;nity  whieli  could  lie 
ollered  10  us.  It  would  be  met  with  «'nni\ers.il 
response  ofeondeinnation,  not  only  from  the  whole 
Ameriean  peoph  .  I. ill  from  every  civilized  Gov- 
ernment on  earth.  .No  alternalive  would  be  left 
tis  but  tame  and  dishonorable  submission,  or  an 
appeal  to  arms  and  lo  the  God  of  .Tuslice,  in  vin- 
dication of  oiir  invaded  riirhts  and  insulted  honor. 
Her  tones  of  arrogance  and  insult  would  find  a 
response  in  the  united  voice  of  an  indignant  jiation's 
scorn  and  defiance.  Is  En^'land  le.ss  sensitive  in  ' 
rp;rard  to  her  ris;hts  and  to  her  honor  than  we  are.> 
Will  she  be  more  hkely  than  oiirsi  Ives  ipiieilv  to 
submit  to  ael.s  of  encronchmenl  upon  her  rights, 
or  what  she  considers  to  be  her  ri'.'bis-  This  is 
not  the  cbaraciiT  or  spirit  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment. Thai  IS  nol  the  character  or  spirit  of  anv 
civilized  Government  on  earlli.  Whaiever  act  on 
her  part,  touching  this  coiitroveried  (piestion,  we 
sliould  regard  as  ollcn.sive  ami  hostile,  and  as 
uli'ordiii:;  a  jiisi  provocation  and  rmi.se  for  war, 
will,  on  our  part,  lie  prtrci.sely  .so  iT^arded  bv  her. 
Who  will  vcniiire  to  sav  we  should  declare  war 
«-ronst  Knclaml.or  consider  it  a.s  just  caii.se  tor 
War.  in  case  she  should  ^ive  us  noiici;  lor  the  abro- 
piionofthe  jinnl  coineiiiii'ii,  and  should  assert 
her  exclusive  soverei^'iity  over  the  Ore;;on  lirri- 
lory;  and  yet  that  Kiiiiland  wcuild  not  ileclere  var 
Biininsi  us.  nor  consider  it  jii.st  cause  for  war,  ill 
ca.se  we  should  do  the  very  same  ihinir''  Is  it 
wise,  then,  is  u  |iatrioiic,  is  it  mairnanimous  lui 
imrpart,  lo  address  ouisches  to  r.mrland  in  a  tone 
and  manner  which,  comiiis  from  her,  we  should 
so  readilv  condemn  and  resent;  or  lo  do  any  act 
which,  it' done  by  her,  we  should  reiiard  as  lilfen- 
dive  and  b.lli..;cient;  Should  we  nol,  by  such  n 
Course  of  condnel,  even  in  a  i;ood  cause,  place  our- 
selves In  the  wroiii;  before  the  eyes  of  the  civilized 
wculdr  There  is  a  ^ood  old  eoldcn  rule,  ns  np- 
phc.dile  10  the  conduct  id°  nations  as  of  individuals: 
"Do  unto  oilnTsas  you  would  thai  they  should 
do  unto  you."  There  is  an  honor,  n  irlory,  n 
moral  heroism,  in  actin'/  upon  the  principles  of 
ihis  rule,  which  neter  sprang  from  the  red  fields 
of  blood  and  carnitire. 

Mr.  Ch.iirman,  believi  12;b«  I  do  ihat  this  iinfor- 
liinnle  and  protraciiil  controversy  may  vet  be  nmi- 
eably  adjnsied;  believinj  as  I  do  that  it  is  the  de- 
sire and  the  expeitalion  of  the  ifn'al  body  of  the 
Ameriean  people  thai  il  should  be  so  ailjnsteil,  I 
cannot  di.schar^e  what  I  deem  to  be  iny  duty  as  a 
Representative  upon  ihi.s  lloor,  lookint:  to  tile  best 
inleresls  and  the  hiclest  welfare  of  the  coiinirv, 
without  enterin:;  my  inosl  earnest  protesiaiioiis 
ncainst  every  coure  of  aclion,  anil  every  course  of 
remark,  whirh,  in  my  judtrment,  sli.dl  tend,  in  the 
sh'.'htest  deffree,  to  close  the  door  lo  such  an  ad- 
justment; which  sli.ill  tend,  in  tin'  sb^'htest  decree, 
lo  iiuerrupl  or  embarrass  iie^'oiiuuon;  aiid,  above 


idl,  which  hIihII  tend,  in  any  degree,  to  array  the 
two  Goveriiments  in  hostile  collision  upon  such  u 
ipiestion.  In  so  doiii^  I  am  sustained  by  the  eon- 
.Hcioiis  as.suiMnce  of  the  approval  of  those  for  whom 
I  am  authorized  here  to  speak  and  to  act.  How 
could  we  more  ell'ecliially  close  the  door  to  all  fur- 
ther ne^iitialion,  and  to  all  hope  of  an  amicable 
adjuslmcnt,  than  to  notify  Kii^'land  of  our  delermi- 
nalion,  after  the  expiration  of  twelve  months,  to 
take  exclusive  posses.sion  of  the  whole  (^tre:;on  ter- 
ritory.' Will  she  be  ill  a  belter  mood  to  ne.i^otiate. 
by  our  informini;  her  that  she  has  no  shadow  of 
claim  to  any  portion  of  thai  territory.'  ("an  we 
treat  with  her  upon  better  lernis,  and  render  an 
amicable  selllcinenl  more  probable  and  luoie 
speedy,  by  lellini;  her  thai  she  must  r|uil  po.sses- 
simi  and  abandon  all  pivtension  of  any  title  there 
after  cuie  year's  notice'  I  confess  it  strikes  me 
very  dilferi'iilly.  I  am  not,  however,  nnwilhns'  to 
vote  for  notice  In  some  qnalilied  fm'm,  exprii.ssiii:; 
our  earnest  desire  still  lo  lu^c-ritiate  a  selllemeni, 
and  ^ivins;  assurance  that  il  is  ;;iven  with  a  view 
to  :i  more  ceriain  and  speedy  adjustment. 

However  much  i^entlenien  maybe  disposed  lo 
decry  and  denounce  ihe  course  ot' former  adminis- 
tralioiis,  in  olVerin:^  a  division  of  this  disputed  ler- 
rilory,  by  the  -WhU  parallel  of  latitude,  and  how- 
ever lliev  may  denounce  those  who  would  now  ae- 
quicsce  in  such  a  division  as  a  fair  and  honorable 
seltlemeiit,  I  trust  the  I'rienils  of  the  presenl  Ad- 
minislralion  will  spare  il  their  dcniiiiclalions  for 
liaviii'.;  made  the  .same  olTcr,  notwillistandiii!;  the 
exireine  pretensions  and  lol'ty  assertions  of  ihcln- 
auiinral.  Who  ihuibis  but  if  that  oiler  had  been 
accepted  il  would  have  received  the  approbalion  of 
the  threat  body  of  the  American  people  of  all  par- 
ties.' Insteaii  of  oiir  ears  beiii;;  saluted  willi  ihe 
clamor  about  an  i;^iiominious  surrender  ot' Ameri- 
can soil,  and  of  Ameriean  citizens,  or  of  a  .sacritice 
of  national  interesi.s  m*  of  iialional  honor,  tin;  deed 
would  have  been  hailed  as  one  of  the  proudest  and 
noblest  achievements  in  our  di|domalie  history. 
Surpa.ssinc  credit  would  have  been  claimed  for  the 
wisdimi,  and  tact,  and  promptness  of  this  .Xdmiii- 
istraiion,  in  eflectins;  a  peacel'ul  and  lion  >  ible  ad- 
jusiiiient  of  this  lonu'-standin:;  controversy.  Yes, 
sir,  had  that  proposition  been  accepted,  I  doubt  nol 
it  would  have  received  the  sanction  of  the  Americn 
Senateand  of  the  .\inerican  people,  and  been  every- 
where hailed  as  the  harbinser  of  abidin:;  peace  and 
harnuuiy  between  the  two  Governineiits.  liiveii 
ihc  manifesto  of  the  Baltimore  convenlioii  would 
have  bei'ii  tor;rotteii  amidst  the  i^eneral  jubilee  at 
llie  clad  tidinu's  of  a  result  so  fortunate  and  so  de- 
sirable. And  I  will  venture  the  prediction  that,  if 
the  present  .'Vdminislr.iiion  should  ultimately  settle 
this  question  upon  that  line  of  division,  they  who 
MOW  most  e<>n<identlv  assert  our  title  to  be  clear 
and  iniiisputable  lo  the  parallel  id'.")4'-'4t)',  and  who 
now  most  vociferously  di'clare  thai  not  one  mch  of 
the  lerritiay  short  of  that  line  can  be  surrendered 
wilhout  disboiHU*  and  disirnice,  \\  ill  at  leaat  be 
silent,  if  not  the  first  to  commend  the  net. 

1  eniertain  the  opiniiui,  Mr.  I'hairman,  that  if 
wise  and  e<»nsi(leralecounsels  prevail  on  boih  sides, 
this  controversy  may  yet  be  brou^xht  lo  an  early, 
an  amicable,  and  salisfaetory  iirran'remenl.  The 
letlei  of  the  Secretary  of  .Stale,  wiilidrawin:,'  ihe 
proposition  which  In  had  made,  com  hides  by  e\- 
prcssiiii;  ill"'  hone  lliai  sucii  an  adjiislnient  may 
slill  be  elVected,  and  peace  and  barinony  bei'Aren 
the  two  Governments  still  be  maintained.  Wv  are 
bound  to  believe  that  this  expression  was  inado 
hmiestly,  sincerely,  and  in  i;ood  faith.  It  was 
made,  loo,  ornciallv,  and  under  the  immediate  di- 
reciionanil  authcu'iiy  o("  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  We  are  bound  lo  believe,  also,  that  ihe 
pronosiiion  ilself  was  made  in  (rood  faith,  and  with 
a  sincere  desire  to  bring  litis  eonlroversy  to  an 
early  and  an  honorable  terminiuioii.  To  assert  or 
to  suppose  otherwise,  would  be  to  impute  to  the 
I'resideni  and  Secretary  the  lowest  and  grossest 
species  of  dis>'nnulatioii  and  hypocrisy.  I  make 
no  Mich  chari:'.*.  I  iniend  no  such  charge.  If  the 
proposition  was  made  with  the  knowledtre,  the 
expectation,  or  the  hope  that  it  would  be  rejected, 
MS  was  intinialed  by  the  ei'iitleman  from  New 
York,  |.\Ir.  Kisii,]  I  will  lea'e  it  to  tli.it  i;entleniaii 
to  rec.incile  ibe  act  with  any  principle  of  proprii'ty, 
of  good  liiith,orof  honorable  condiici.  Small  aa 
my  confidence  may  be  111  the  preseui  Adminislra- 
lion,  my  estiiuate  of  them  is  nol  ycl  quile  so  low 


lis  to  believe  them  cjtpuble  of  eonduut  so  unwor- 
thy, so  base  and  hypiM?iitieal.  And,  when  they 
give  iissuruncB  of  their  ilesirc  thai  the  pending  eon- 
lroversy between  this  Goveriimenl  and  (.ileal  liril- 
ain  may  be  amicably  siatled,  and  the  peace  and 
harmony  now  so  happily  .■.■.d)siKting  between  them 
may  be  maintained,  I  inP  believe  it  lo  be  some- 
thing more  significant  than  the  mere  empty  forin.<i 
of  iliploniatic  civility.  What,  .hen,  are  vve  10  in- 
fer fiimi  the  lai;giia;'e  of  the  eo.-respondence  lo 
which  I  have  relerrec .'  Why,  i.nist  certainly, 
lhat  ihe  I'residenl  and  Secretary  do  n.^t  regard  the 
rejection  and  willulrawal  of  the  olfer  niaii.-  by  them 
as  presenting  any  insuperable  barrier  to  fur.'ier  ne- 
gotiation, or  as  pi  ec lulling  all  hope  of  eoinproiuis,:; 
but,  on  the  contrary,  that  they  still  emerluin  the 
hope  and  expecialioii  of  vet  eil'ecting  an  amicable 
and  satisfactory  result.  In  sliiul,  that  they  con- 
sider and  are  willing  to  treat  the  question  as  slill 
open  for  iiegoliation  anil  comproinise.  ;\iid  I  \eii- 
tiire  to  alKrm,  Mr.  Cbairmaii,  that  if  lliere  be  any 
one  ael  or  reeonimendation  of  Ihis  new  Adniiiiis- 
tralion  which,  more  than  any  oilier,  coinmends  it- 
self to  the  approval  of  the  Ameriean  peoph',  it  m 
ihe  oiler  maue,  and  tlu;  disposition  thereby  mani- 
fesled,  in  reterenct;  to  this  very  (piestton.  I,  of 
course,  am  to  be  understood  as  drawing  my  iiiiL-r- 
ences,  in  regard  lo  the  views  and  disposilion  of  the 
Ailministralion  upon  this,  as  upon  other  ipiesiions 
of  national  concern,  I'roiu  the  record,  from  lln  ir 
public  acts  and  cinnniiinicalions.  I  am  nol  in  the 
fortunate  position  which,  perhaps,  some  othergen- 
ttemen  may  oc.ciipy,  to  be  in  the  receipt  ot'any  of* 
their  private  or  confidenttal  comnuinications.  Ihil 
I  am  not  at  liberty  to  presume  thai  they  enterlaiii 
any  private  views  or  o^  nioiis,  upon  any  of  the 
great  ipiestions  of  public  iiileresi,  inconsistent  with 
tlio.se  olficially  promulgaied.  If  I  am  not  deceived, 
then,  as  to  the  views  and  disposilion  of  the  Ad- 
niinifltration  upon  this  subject— -if  I  do  not  niisin- 
terprel  their  language,  or  misundersland  its  im- 
port, I  submit  whether  we  shall  not  best  discharge 
our  duly  by  leaving  the  question,  with  its  respon- 
sibilities, where  il  properly  belongs,  with  the  ad- 
ministrative department,  unembarrassed  and  unen- 
cumbered by  any  legislative  direelioii  or  control. 
They  musl  understand,  better  limn  we  can,  llio 
state  of  the  quesiion  in  all  the  stages  of  its  pro- 
gress. We  are,  indeed,  inlbrmed  that  negoliationa 
have  been  resumed,  and  may  now  be  going  on, 
between  the  authorized  organs  of  the,  two  Goverii- 
ineiita.  We  know  iioihing,  iheretore,  of  llie-  pres- 
ent condition  of  the  question.  Wo  have  calletl 
upon  the  I'ri'sident  10  commuiiicati^  to  us  any  cor- 
respondence which  may  have  taken  place,  since 
the  annual  Message,  upon  this  subject.  He  liiiM 
nol  yet  rcs[ionded  to  tbat  call.  We  are  lel't  10 
grope  in  tiie  dark.  Hence,  1  repeal,  wh.it  I  liavo 
bet'ore  said,  lhat  this  quesiion  is  prematurely,  and 
inc.onsideraiely,  and,  1  will  add,  most  unwi.sely, 
forced  upon  the  I'onsideraiion  of  lliis  1  lonse.  And, 
blindrolded  as  we  are,  you  have  said  lhat  we  shall 
vote  upon  it  in  three  days  tVoni  ibis  time.  We  aru 
lireseniing  lo  the  world  the  singular  and  eMraor- 
dinary  spectacle  of  discussing  and  aciing  upon  ii 
question  involving  eonsi.'quences  no  less  mouienl- 
oiis  than  of  peace  and  war,  while  all  intbrmatioii 
as  lo  the  present  slate  of  that  quesiion  is  withheld 
tVoni  us.  Il  is  contrary  to  all  my  \  lews  of  national 
propriety  that  we  siiould  be  legi.^latmg  at  10;  upon 
a  question  of  this  eharacicr,  while  il  is  a  subject 
of  negotiation,  I  say,  then,  let  us  iiiterjiose  no 
inipedimenl  lo  negotiation;  let  us  throw  no  possi- 
ble obsiiicle  in  the  way  of  an  amicable  settlement, 
while  such  a  settlement  is  within  the  range  of  Iho 
remotest  probability.  Let  the  question  ivninin  un- 
trammelled in  the  hands  of  those  whom  the  people 
have  so  recently  appointed  10  the  adminisiration  of 
their  public  albiirs;  and  in  their  treatment  of  the 
subject  we  will  al  least  indulge  the  hope  llnil  they 
will  be  actuated  by  u  due  regard  to  tlie  inti^resls, 
the  integrity,  and  the  honor  of  the  country;  and 
lhat,  acting  under  a  sense  of  their  obligations  and 
responsibilities  lo  the  American  people,  they  will 
in  due  lime,  if  possible,  bring  this  eonlroversy  10 
a  fair,  a  just,  and  honorable  teriiiinalinii.  And  if 
they  can  do  so  with  the  notice,  they  can  eerlainly 
do  so  wilhout  il.  Hesiiles,  by  giving  the  nolicn 
with  Ihe  design  and  for  the  purpose  we  have  ex- 
pressed, we  al  least  run  the  liazard  of  provoking  a 
feeling  of  irritalion  and  olistinacy,  rather  than  a 
spiril  uf  good  will  and  conciliation,  uu  essential  to 


1946.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAI.  GI.OBE. 


251 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 

u  pcaccrul  and  ainicubic  leulcmeiil  of  any  contro- 

VCl'HV.  ' 

Mill,  Mr.  f'hnirmiin,  if,  upon  the  oilier  linnil, 
rash  and  inroii-siiUtrate  rnuiiHelK  jircviiil  on  either 
siile,  the  reHiilt  iiiiixt  inevllalilv  prove  moat  unfor- 
iiiiiiiic  and  disncirniiH  In  lioili.  In  tlie  prexiiit 
ah'eaily  exeiled  Ntatc  of  feeliii!;  upon  thiu  sniijeel, 
lidih  in  this  i'(Mnitry  nnil  in  Hn><lnnd,  it  would  re- 
cpiire  Ipul  little  of  the  lnnKniii;e  of  irritation,  of 
menace,  or  of  defiance,  <ni  Ihe  one  Hide  or  the 
other,  lo  arrest  all  eliorls  at  neijotialion,  to  lihiHl 
nil  hopes  ot'  roniproniise,  and  to  iinolve  the  two 
<io\ernnieiits  in  a  disaslrous  war.  It  i;s  not  to  he 
l»rcsiinn'd  that  either  tiovernnient  will  tolerate  in 
ihe  other  the  el.uin  and  exercise  of  exeliiMive  jiiris- 
diclioii  over  the  whole  of  ihi!  Orep:<ni  territory,  or 
iiny  act  looking;  to  the  excliiBive  posses.sion  aud 
conlrid  of  it.  Helieviiig  that  much  will  he  craiiied 
l>y  the  e.xhiliition  of  ii  Hpirit  of  conciliation  and 
harmony,  while  much  will  he  lost,  uiiil  everythin;; 
hazarilcd,  hy  the  exhihition  of  an  oflensive  eas- 
coiiadiiii;  tone,  1  asU,  in  till  eurncHtneHS,  whether 
we  siiall  not  liest  consult  the  interests,  Ihe  honor, 
and  the  happiness  of  the  country,  liy  nhstainins; 
fnnn  all  acts,  and  from  all  language  of  irritation 
and  prnvocation. 

I  will,  most  checrl'iilly,  cfive  my  support  to  any 
provisions  which  may  I  e  necessary  for  Ihe  protec- 
tion of  our  citizens  in  Orcj;oii,  and  those  einlsra- 
tin;;  there.  These  are  peaceful  and  proper  measures, 
and  can  fnj'nish  no  just  cause  of  complaint.  But 
let  US  once  a.ssunie  an  attitude  of  hostililv  towards 
Kn'.;landj  let  its  direct  that  the  notice  lie  {riven  forth- 
with, and  witliinil  rpialilicalioir,  let  us  acrnmpany 
the  notice  with  an  as.Mn'lioii  of  our  claim  to  the 
whole  of  OrcKini,  and  the  assurance  of  our  pur- 
|iosi^  to  take  exclusive  possession  ftf  it;  and  let  us 
follow  it  up  with  the  declaratiini  tliiil  the  siilijecl  is 
no  lonscr  open  to  ne:;oliation  and  compromise,  as 
WIS  set  forth  in  the  rcsoluliiMi  introiluced  in  the 
omsel  of  this  deliale  iiy  the  honorable  centlemnn 
fiiiiii  Illinois,  [Mr.  DiirciAss;]  let  this  he  done, 
(and  it  is  all  proposed  to  he  done,)  and  I  will  venture 
my  poor  ooinion  in  opposition  to  any  assurance  or 
plc<lf;e  to  tlie  contrary,  let  il  come  from  however 
lii;;h  and  auihoritutive  a  source  il  may,  that  war  is 
the  certain,  the  ineviuilile,  I  iniKhl  say,  almost  the 
ncces.sary  consei|uence.  The  notice  heinf  friveii, 
if  the  (picNtioii  he  notsonlrd  within  one  year,  we 
can  do  no  less  than  proceed  lo  take  exclusive  oc- 
cupation of  the  wholly  territory,  or  else  recede  from 
the  position  v,e  had  taken,  with  di.'-nrnce  and  i;r- 
iioniiiiy.  -No  one,  I  presume,  eonieiiiplates  the 
latter  allernaiive.  We  shall  proceed,  then,  to  take 
poswaslmi  and  control,  and  toi'xcrci.se  our  own  ex- 
clusive sovereignty  over  Ihi'  wlmle  of  the  OrcLjon 
territory.  Do  u'cnilemcn  really  lina;:ine  that  (ireat 
liril.im  will  peacealilv  and  (|iuelly  yield  to  inir  au- 
tliority  ;  Kiureiider  all  claim  of  title  which  she  has 
hitherto  asseiied  and  insisted  U|)im,  and  withdraw 
from  il  ten  iiory  which  .she  lias  actually  occupied  for 
more  thanfil'ly  years;  and  all  this  without  aslru\';;le 
or  an  ctiiat-  lieiiilenun  in  this  ilehate  have  dwelt 
imir-h  and  loudly  upon  the  rapacilv  of  lOii^land  for 
dominion  and  ei  ,,  je,  and  upon  the  tenacity  with 
which  she  fixes  lur  Kiasp  wherever  she  can  {ret 
hold  of  a  foot  of  territory.  And  shall  v.-  Ilalter 
oiirsclve-j  that  this  ra|iacioiis,  and  doiiiiiieerinc, 
and  nii;;lily  nation  will  now,  fir  the  first  time  in 
her  histcoy,  (luieily  and  peaceaiily  yield  to  the  (le- 
luaiuls  of  another  nation  a  vnst  and  vahiahle  terri- 
tory to  wliicli  she  claims  title?  .Sir,  the  supposi- 
tion is  too  preposterous  to  he  entertained  with  se- 
riousiuvs  a  single  moment.  We  mnv  ilate  a  war 
with  that  Power  from  the  day  on  which  we  shall 
do  the  first  overt  act,  and  lake  the  first  step  avow- 
edly for  the  purpose  of  taking  entire  and  exclusive 
possession  of  thai  territory.  There  is  no  escape, 
ihcii,  from  this  allernaiive,  in  case  we  uive  the  no- 
tice, exci'pt  liya  selllenient  of  the  ipicstion  within 
the  year.  And,  as  I  have  already  said,  the  chances 
of  a  seitleineiil,  in  my  jiidameiii,  are  preatly  les- 
sened hy  giving  the  notice  in  the  form  tuid  manner 
propo.sed. 

If,  then,  Mr.  I  hairman,  this  Oregon  ((itestion  is 
lo  he  selllcd  1./  a  ■  oiillid  of  arms,  I  heg  of  these 
genlleiiicn  who  iviaild  hurry  us  upon  this  fearful 
issue,  and  who  seem  almost  iinpalient  of  the  de- 
lay, to  pause  and  wait  till  we  are  somewhat  liet- 
ter  prepared  for  it.  Let  us  first  reinforce  lair  army 
and  navy.  Li:l  us  eslahlish  sonic  suilahle  and  ai(- 
eciuate  defences  along  the  three  or  four  thousand 


The  Orcf(on  (Question — Air.  Foot. 

miles  of  our  exposed  sencoa.st,  and  along  the  other  I 
thousiinds  of  miles  of  our  unprolecied  iiorihern  and 
western  frontier.  While  yon  are  so  prompt  and  lih- 
eral  in  appropriating  the  piihlic  money  i'or  the  erec- 
tion of  Idockhoiises,  ami  si'.ckudes,  and  military 
posts,  through  the  trackksswildsnnildesertshither 
and  heyoiid  the  Rocky  ninuiitains,aiid  to  send  your 
companies  of  inouiiteil  riflemen  Ihere  for  the  pro- 
leclion  of  a  comparatively  small  handful  of  enii- 
granls  to  Oregon,  (measures  which  I  approve,  anil 
for  which  I  shall  vole,)  will  yiai  not  make  some 
adeipiate  provision  and  prolcclion  of  ihe  pid|ierly 
and  the  lives  of  twenty  iiiillionH  of  your  fellow- 
citizens  at  home?  .Sir,  ihe  mania  for  the  ncipiisi- 
tion  and  possession  of  forciu;n  anil  distant  lands 
seems  alinnsl  lo  lead  us  to  forget  that  we  have  a 
country  and  a  jieople  around  us  to  care  for.  | 

Air.  ('hairman,  when  and  wheref^irc  all  this 
sudden  exeitenient  upon  the  suhjcct  of  Oregon? 
Who  are  they  that  have  hecoine  so  clamorous  all 
at  once  for  the  whole  of  Oiegon,  and  who  would  , 
declare  a  Jieneral  war  of  expulsion  from  the  Amer- 
ican contiiieiil  of  every  nation  who  may  chance  to 
have  a  foothold  upon  any  part  of  it?  Who  are  they 
that  agitate  the  piililic  mind,  and  appeal  to  the 
popular  passions  and  prejudices;  who  denounce  as 
treason  against  our  own  (^iovermneiit  all  sii;;;.-eslions 
of  neirotialion  and  compromise,  and  who  would 
prefer  the  fearful  alternative  of  war  to  any  treaty 
arrani^emciit?  Who  are  they  that  are  ever  fuliiii- 
natiiig  their  analhemas  airainst  Lireat  Ilrilain,  as 
though  they  alone  were  jealous  of  her  power  and 
her  designs?  Who  art  lliey  that  are  ever  inouih- 
ing  their  oft-re|iealed  professions  of  suliliinaled 
patriotism,  as  though  it  were  anything  more  than 
the  frolliy  declamation  of  full-grown  deniagogisin, 
which  evaporates  with  the  lirealli  that  utters  it? 
Who  are  lliey  that  arrogate  to  thcm.'ielves  the 
[irivilc^e  of  denounc.ing  the  conduct  and  impugn- 
ing the  motives  of  the  advocates  of  negotiation  and 
conipr(nnise,aiid  who  denounce  as  enemies  of  their 
own  country,  and  the  allies  of  a  foreign  Power, 
those  who  would  avoid  the  issue  of  war,  and  wlui 
would  mainlain  the  peace  which  now  blesses  our 
land  and  the  world,  hy  all  means  and  measures 
consistent  with  the  intei;rity  and  the  honor  of  ihc 
country?  Whence  comes,  I  ask,  all  this  sudden 
storm  of  patriotic  fury,  of  vaunling  arroi^ance,  of 
vindictive  ih'iiimciatioii,  of  em|ity  and  senseless 
Kascniinde?  Not,  I  undertake  to  say,  from  the  in- 
dustrious, sober,  and  rellcctini  portion  of  the 
American  people;  nor  yet,  indeed,  from  the  best 
friends  and  truest  patriots  of  the  country.  Divest 
this  suhjcct  of  all  extraneous  and  improjier  inlhi- 
eiiees;  remove  from  it  the  instiLrations  and  inflii- 
eiiiTs  of  si;lfish  and  desimiiiiir  men,  of  a  corrupt 
and  liiielin;,'  press;  rcmo\e  the  iiisiii:alioiis  and 
inllueiices  of  jobheis  in  stocks  and  joblurs  in  pol- 
itics; remove  the  instigalicns  ai  il  iiifiucnces  of  as- 
piring demagogues,  of  cuckoo  patriots  and  Tom 
Thumb  heroes;  of  Pri  Kiileiii-makers  and  of  em- 
bryo Prcsidcniial  candidates;  of  those  who  would 
raf.se  the  whirhviiid  that  they  miirht  ride  upon  the 
storm;  of  those  who  would  fire  the  city  lliat  they 
might  revel  in  the  plunder  of  its  ruins.  IJo  tlii.s, 
and  your  (h'cgon  ronlioversy  iiiighl  be  settled, 
peaceably,  honoiahly,  and  forever,  in  less  than 
ninety  days. 

I  p  peat,  Mr.  Chairman,  thai,  in  my  judgment, 
hosliliiies  must  inevitably  ensue  between  this  fiov- 
erninent  and  Ureal  Ihitain,  if  we  carry  out  all  the 
measures  we  propose  in  nlalion  to  Oreiron.  To 
suppose  otherwise,  would  be  to  suppose  thai  the 
mistress  of  the  seas  has  lost  her  pride  and  her 
prowess;  that  her  spirit  and  her  power  have  de- 
parted. If  we  will  iiol  stop  to  count  the  cost  of  a 
war  with  England,  we  may  'I  least  ask  ourselves 
what  we  shall  be  likely  to  gain  '.  v  it.  We  should 
not  gain  Oregon  hy  a  war  with  Or.  n  Britain,  most 
ceruiinly.  IS'ii  sensible  man,  I  think,  ii  entertain 
an  idea  so  ridiculous  and  absurd,  as  iiiat  we  can 
take  and  hold  possession  of  Oregon  in  the  event  of 
a  war  with  the  English  nation.  We  have  neither 
army  nor  navy  to  maintain  a  position  alnny  sinirle 
point  in  that  va.it  and  distant  leirion.  We  shall 
have  occasion  enough  for  all  our  fiirces  at  home. 
Desides,  il  would  be  utterly  impracticable  to  march 
an  army  through  the  immense  and  totally  barren 
deserts  which  intervene  between  us  and  that  terri- 
tory. Every  American  cilizi'ii  would  be  driven 
from  Oregon,  and  the  silence  of  its  binindless  wil- 
derness tuid  desolate  plains  would  be  broken  only 


Ho.  or  Rkps. 

by  the  liowlings  of  the  wild  beasts  ant'  the  wild 
hinitsmen,  perhaps,  for  other  centuries  to  come.  I 
do  not  fear  iliai  England  will  contpicr  this  country 
any  more  than  we  shall  he  able  lo  conquer  Eng- 
land. Nobody  dreams  of  this.  Put  she  ran  de- 
stroy our  commerce;  she  can  lay  wasle  our  cities 
and  villages;  and  she  can  ilrive  us,  and  will  drive 
IIS,  in  spile  of  all  we  can  do,  from  Oregon.  Gen- 
tlemen may  allect  to  sneer  and  scout  as  they  please 
at  the  idea  of  Iiegoliatitin,  us  thoiiirh  there  were 
something  submissive  ,iiid  humiliating  in  il,  or  a.s 
lliough  they  feared  lUir  diplomalists  would  he  over- 
reached by  ihesujierior  tact  mid  skill  of  tlio.sc  iinoii 
the  other  side.  Let  me  riaiiind  ihi  in,  that  when 
lliey  shall  have  provoked  an  unnecessary  war, 
when  millions  of  treasure  shall  have  been  expend- 
ed, and  an  untold  amoiint  i>f  human  life  been  sac- 
rificed, and  Oregon  lost,  that  very  war  must  lie  final- 
ly terminaled  by  negotiation,  by  treaty;  and  Oregon 
itself,  if  it  be  restored  ut  all,  must  be  restored  at  last 
by  iicv^iliaiion. 

Mr.  ('hairman,  I  am  as  decidedly  in  fiivor  of  Oi- 
c'^'oii,  10  the  extent  of  our  clear  and  just  rii;hi.i 
tline,  as  those  who  iut;e  the  most  exinnie  meas- 
ures for  our  iinmediale  and  exclusive  possession 
of  the  whole  of  it.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  I  am 
opposed  to  any  measiire  whicdi,  in  my  jiidL'tncnt, 
will  hazard  a  peaceful  seltlcmenl  of  the  conirover- 
sy,  and  throw  our  ri;;hts  and  inteiv-sis  there  upon 
the  issues  of  war.  lint  suppose  that  all  ell'orts  ut 
a  setllcmenl  of  these  conlbciing  claims  between 
this  (joveriiinciit  and  (ireat  Ihitain  fail,  and  tlongH 
remain  as  they  have  for  ihe  last  twenty  or  tliirly 
years;  shall  we  lose  anytbing  by  it?  I  (ave  we  lost 
aiiylhiiu;  iiy  it  thus  far?  Not  at  all,  sir.  lint,  on 
ihe  other  hand,  we  have  been  the  {jainers  by  it; 
anil  we  should  continue  to  be  the  gainers  by  it,  if 
demagogues  would  but  lu'iise  to  agitate  the  f)iies- 
tion  for  political  and  sinister  purposes.  Eel  this 
(picstion,  ad'ecling  our  forc.'iirii  relations,  remain  as 
it  did  ibiring  the  Admiiiistralions  of  iMr.  Monroe 
and  Mr.  Adams,  of  (jeii.  .lackson  and  Mr.  Van 
l!ureii,discoiiiiecied  with  our  domeslic  strifes,  and 
it  will  be  well  enoiich.  The  natural  pi  ogress  of 
inents,  the  steady  and  increasing  flow  of  eniigrn- 
tioii,  would  nltimalely  and  surely  secure  to  us  the 
sole  possession  and  control  of  that  couiiiry.     In 

I  that  sense,  and  in  that  way,  I  will  agree  thai  Ore- 
gon will  be  ours  by  the  '-decrees  of  destiny." 
While  we  have  been  doing  so  well,  then  ;  while, 
with  every  passing  yc.ir,  we  have  been  adding 
slrenu'th  lo  our  claims  and  jiossi  ssioiis  there,  lei 
us  not  hazard  everylhing  by  the  adoption  of  hasty 
and  hostile  measures.  It  would  bellie  i  xtreme  of 
folly  to  cast  upon  a  doubtful  issue  the  aciiuisiiioii 
of  that  which  the  silent  and  natural  course  of 
things  must  inevitably  L'ive  to  us.  It  is  mil  to  bo 
disunised,  however,  liiat  ihe  (|ueslion  has  been  in- 
volved in  difliciilly  and  danger,  and  wholly  in  coii- 
scKpience  of  having  mixed  it  up  with  the  party 
contintions  of  the  day,  and  in  consequence  of  thai 
swair^eriiig  declaration  lo  llii'  world,  that  "our  title 

■  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  was  clear  and  iinqueslion- 
nble,"  alicr  our  repealed  concessions  of  the  rights 
and  claims  of  .".n;laiid  by  our  own  solemn  ollicial 
ads.  Can  any  better  or  truer  reason  be  as.simied 
for  the  present  vexed  position  of  tbi.s  Origoii  ipies- 
lion,  ihiin  that  il  has  resiihed  mainly  from  an  uii- 
woriliy  disposition  to  throw  every  i;reat  qui  slim  of 
national  inlerest  into  the  arena  of  party  po!i;ics 
and  party  strife;  from  a  jialoiis  fear  that  one  nm- 
bilious  aspirant  for  the  popular  favor  will  get  the 
slai-l  of  another  in  tiirinng  the  popular  current  in 
his  favor  upon  .some  great  question  of  piililic  in- 
lercEt?  There,  loo,  I  venture  to  aflirni,  lies  the 
reason  and  ihe  motive  for  springing  this  questimi 
upon  the  public  alieniion  at  the  present  time.  Texas 
has  made  one  President  for  us,  and  it  seems  to  be 
determined  thai  Oregon  shall  make  one  or  two 
more  for  us;  and  it  is  presumed  that  he  who  tels 
the  firststart  upon  il  will  he  the  favorite  of  the  peo- 
ple. I  put  the  question  to  the  House,  and  to  the 
country,  whether  this  whole  Oregon  excitement, 
which  has  been  got  up  of  late,  is  anythiiig  more 
lluin  a  preliminary  scramble  for  the  presidential  suc- 
cession. Hence  we  have  new  tests  of  moral  and 
political  worth;  new  tests  of  one's  allachment  or 
indifl'crcnce,  his  love  or  his  coldness,  towards  his 
coitiilry;  and  new  lesls  of  political  orthodoxy.  Ho 
who  now  clamors  loiiile.-t  tor  the  whole  of  Oregon 
is  the  bestpalrioi;  while  he  who  halts  or  doubts  in 
atriutor,  ay,  a  "  British  AVhig."    He  who  moat 


it 

"ti 


i 

ii! 


'1 


352 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  6, 


2^H  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Foot. 


Ho.  OF  Rkps. 


\m 


m 


ostciitatidiislv  vaiitils  l-is  courage  ia  the  bravest 
mini,  while  he  whti  !■  j  ton  much  modesty  and 
ccnunion  avnnc  tn  uo'  .lie  bnivad<i,  lacks  in  spirit, 
luid  is  a  piirasitc  and  a  coward. 

I  am  free  to  admit  that  I  consider  the  question 
now  before  the  Hovise  out  of  time,  out  of  jilacc, 
and  (I'M  of  order.  Howe  »cr  ex|icdient  it  might  be 
to  give  ilir  notice,  legilimattly  and  cnnslitullonnlly, 
we  have  nothing  to  do  with  i;.  It  is  a  prerogative 
which  pro|>erly  and  legitimately  belongs  to  the 
Executive  department  of  the  Government.  This 
Uouxe  is  not  constituted  an  advisory  council  to 
the  President.  Such  advisory  power,  if  I  may  so 
call  it,  belongs  to  the  Senate,  na  a  co-ordinate 
braiii'h  of  the  Execulivc  department  in  the  treaty- 
making  power.  It  could  not  have  been  contem- 
plated in  the  treaty  that  any  legislative  action 
would  be  re(|uired  in  order  to  invest  the  President 
with  atilhoriiy  to  giv,  ;he  notice,  whenever,  in  his 
judgment,  the  public  interest  should  require  tlic 
nbrogaliiin  of  the  cnnveulion. 

I  agree  with  genllemen  that  this  Oregon  question 
is  one  of  national  character  and  interest;  that  it 
should  be  considered  and  diNcus.sed,  when  consid- 
ered and  discn.sscd  at  all,  in  a  libeml  and  national 
spiril.     Kor  this  reason,  it  i.s  a  matter  of  regret,  as 
it  wa.s  an  act  of  follv,  that  the  attempt  was  ever 
made  lo  adopt  it  ii.s  tlie  pecidiar  creed,  and  to  idcn-  i 
tify   it  with   Ibc  action,  of  either  of  ihe  political 
parties  of  the  country.     And   whoever  would  be 
contrtilled  or  influenced  in  his  action  upon  it  i)y 
any  narrow,  .sectional,  or  partisan  eonsidenttions, 
Wiiiild  prove  himself  i-ecreant  to  his  ol>liiration  as 
an  Ami  ••iran  siau-sman,  as  an  American  citi/en. 
I  liilieve  1  a,  prei'iate  as  highly  as  any  gentleman 
th<.'  nuporlance  of  ihtit  ci^iuntrv  to  tis  in  a  connner- 
cial. 'political,  and  national  point  of  view;  I  believe, 
wjtii  the  le.irni'd  and  cloipicnt  geiillenuin  from  Al- 
nbama,  (Mr.  llii.ii.\Rn,J   that  the  day  ia  not  far 
disiani  when  a  railroad  will  span  this  continent, 
uniting  ilie  Atlantic  and  P.acific  shores,  and  which 
will  ilieU'i  t'orward  become  tlie  great  highway  and 
tliiuuughfare  of  llie  conuiiercial  world.     If  I  dif- 
fer at  all  with  the  limdest  and  fien'est  champion 
of  Oregon,  it  is  only  as  lo  the  extent  of  our  title 
th*'re,  and  as  lo  the  best  and  surest  mode  itf  ulli- 
inalily,   if  not    iuuuedialely,  obtaining  exclusive 
possession  and  coiitnd  of  what  riglufuily  lielongs 
to  us.     If  tht.'  question  of  title  or  boundary  should  i 
finally  be  sctilid  Ity  negotiation — a  consummation  ! 
devoutly  to  be  wished   by  all  good    patriots — and  !! 
the  4ihh  panillel  siiouKl  be  fixed  upon  as  tlie  line  of  I  j 
riivisicm,  I   doubt    not  it  would  be  entirely  satis-  ji 
facttiry  to  the  American  peojile.     The  possession  j' 
of  the  country  soulli  of  lliat  line  would  give  us  all  ji 
the  practical  ad\aniai:es  we  should  derive  tVom  the  j' 
possession  up  loi"l"4U'.     Hcsiiles,  I  fear  not  to  !l 
»av,it  «mild  u'ive  us  all  to  which  we  havi^  any  clear  j! 
title.     Willie  I  am  satisfied  that  we  have  the  better  'i 
title  to  that  portion  of  the  couiitrv  (Irained  by  ihe 
t'obinihia  river,  1  am  equally  satisfied   that    Kiig- 
leitid  Imis  the  lietler  title  to  the  |mrlion   drained  liy 
Tra/cr's  river;  and  the  4'.Uh  parallel  would  be  as  ' 
fair  and  eipial  a  division  between  these  respei'livc  ! 
seeiions  of  country  MS  could  bedrawn  byastraight  I 
line.     Such  a  division  would  give  to  each   )iarly  j 
their  juHi  prnpoiiioii,  accordinu'  to  their  respective 
titles;  and  this  is  the  line  lo  which  the  parties  ought  I 
to  cmnc,  and  must  come  at  last,if  ihey  will  settle 
the  di.^|iule  between  themselves.     1  doubt  not  the 
earnest  desire  of  the    Ilritish  Government  for  an 
early  and  amicable  settlement  of  this  quesli<<n;  and 
if  ihat  disposition  be  met  by  acorresjiondiiigspirit 
(01  the  pan  of  this  Government,  it  may  be  settled  ; 
upon  a  just  and  equitable  basis.     I  would  rejoice,  j 
even,  that  the  present  Adiiiinistralioii  should  reap 
Ihe  rew.ird  and  the  honor  which  would  belong  to 
such  an  adiustnient  of  this  ancienl  controversy. 
'I'he  event  would  everywhere  be  hailed  na  the  har-  , 
biiiL'cr  and  the  pronii.se  of  peace.  ■ 

It  is  Ihe  desire  and  the  policy  of  the  people  of 
this  Governintinl  to  maintain  peace  with  all  nations,  i 
They  do   not  desire  war.      I'hey  do  not  bcheve  i 
then'  is  any  occasmn  for  war;  and,  above  all,  they  ' 
deprecate  thai  folly  and  foolhardiness  which  would 
inculcale  a  spirit  of  war  in  the  puldic  mind;  which 
would  "prepare  the  hearts  of  llie  people  for  war."  | 
The  senlnnent  is  more  worthy  "fa  past  and  a  bar-  ' 
barons  agi'  than  of  this  enlighlened  Hepublic.     I  . 
vmU  not  stop  to  expiiliatc  upim   the  evils  and  the 
horrors  of  war,  however  inviting  a  theme  for  dc-  ' 
clamatiun,  nut  tu  speak  of  ita  inllueiices  upon  iiu- 


tional  character  and  the  public  morals.  It  is  enough 
to  say  that  the  spirit  of  war  is,  in  its  very  nature, 
hostile  lo  the  spirit  of  republican  liberty.  It  ia  n 
spirit  wnich  but  ton  often  degenerates  into  an  tm- 
bridlcd  lust  for  blood  and  rapine  and  plunder.  Wo 
have  read  in  vain  the  history  of  other  nations,  if  we 
have  not  learned  that  it  was  a  kindred  spirit  which 
blotted  out  of  being  the  republics  of  "  olden  time;" 
which  have  slept  in  llie  tomb  of  night  ihcse  two 
thousand  years,  and  "  the  morning  of  whose  res- 
urrection has  not  yet  dawned  upon  the  world;" 
that  it  was  a  kindred  spirit  which  filled  with  rapine 
and  blood  the  modern  republics  of  Venice  and 
Florence.  The  teachings  of  history  have  been  in 
vain  to  us,  if  we  have  not  learned  that  it  was  a  kin- 
dred spirit  which  infiinaled  to  its  blackest  deeds  of 
atrocity  the  Jacobin  (Mictions,  and  the  mns-cuhttfs 
democracy  of  revolutionary  I'Vance,  and  which 
built  up,  upon  the  fall  of  liberly  there,  that  impe- 
rial and  military  despotism,  bemre  whose  colos.sal 
power  the  world  itself  stood  atrhasl;  that  it  was  a 
kindred  spirit  which  tore  in  sunder  the  later  repub- 
lics of  South  America,  and  struck  down  to  the  dust 
the  Hag  of  liberty  which  had  been  reared  from  Ihe 
summit  of  her  Amies.  Let  this  spirit  become  the 
predominant  spirit  of  our  counlrymen,  and  it  needs 
not  the  ken  of  pronhclic  vision  lo  admonish  us  that 
this  young  Republic  has  already  reached  the  years 
of  its  decline.  Let  this  spirit  prevail  here,  and  I 
stand  upon  the  authority  of  the  world's  history, 
and  proclaim  to  the  American  people  Ihat  their 
destiny  is  foreshadowed  in  the  fate  of  those  other 
repulilics  that  have  fallen  before  us. 

The  spiril  of  War,  thanks  loOod,  has  slumbered 
upon  the  earth  for  tin?  last  quarter  of  a  century, 
(ilutted  with  the  spoils,  and  exhausted  by  the  rav- 
age.<  of  a  thousand  years,  it  halted  in  ils  march  of 
death,  and  reposed  from  ils  work  of  desolation,  on 
that  dread  niirht  when  the  sun  went  down  in  blood 
on  the  field  of  Waterloo.  Heaven  grant  that  Ihe 
slumbering  giani  be  undisturbed  in  his  repose  for 
other  ages  to  come.  The  world  has  had  lime  to 
lake  breath.  The  spiril  of  Peace — a  peerless  and 
godlike  form — rose  erect,  and,  with  sternly  and  Iri- 
umplmnt  alcn  advancing  over  the  earlh,  has  dis- 
pensed, with  an  abundant  hand,  blessings  and 
lionor  and  glory  and  happiness  lo  the  nations.  In 
what  age  or  ccnturv  of  tlie  world  have  the  princi- 
jilcs  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  the  arts  and  sci- 
ences, civili'/.ation  and  f'hrislianily,  all  that  ele- 
vates and  all  ihat  adorns  and  all  that  ennobles  and 
diirnifies  the  character  and  condilion  of  man,  made 
such  advanci's  as  wilhin  the  last  thirty  years  r 
which  may  be  truly  denominated  the  age  of  peace. 
It  has  been  an  age  of  progress;  it  has  been  an  a,ge 
of  ;rlorious  acliieveiTient;  of  intellectual  and  moral 
triiimpli,  such  as  the  world  h:is  never  before  seen. 

.Sir,  I  cannot  longer  dwell  upon  this  tht  me.  It 
is,  indeed,  a  rich  and  exliaiistles.s  and  sublime 
theme,  worthy  of  the  contemplation  not  of  the  poet 
and  orator  only,  bul  of  Ihe  civilian  and  slatesman, 
of  the  pliihuithropisi  and  pnlriol. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  know  thai  wai  i.-,  sometimes 
necessary — sometimes  unavoidable.  It  furnishes 
but  a  melancholy  evidence  of  the  depravity  of  man 
that  war  is  ever  justifiable.  The  fearful  alterna- 
tive of  war  may  he  forced  upon  lis,  either  by  ill- 
ailvised  coniisi  Is  at  lionie,  or  by  aggression  and 
wrong  from  abroad.  If  the  long  peace  we  have 
enjoyed  is  to  bi'  inlcrriiplcil,  we  sha'l  do  well  to 
see  to  it,  that  there  be  no  occasion  for  laying  ihe 
provocation  to  our  charge:  far  better  that  the  ag- 
•'ression  and  provocation  cnnie  from  the  other  side. 
Let  IIS,  if  possilile,  in  llic  judgment  of  the  world, 
be  in  the  right,  and  our  adversary  in  Ihe  wrong. 
In  such  a  contest  the  victory  will  be  half  won  in 
the  outset.  I  would  yield  much  lo  the  spirit  of 
peace  and  harmony;  and  if  the  sword  must  be 
drawn,  let  it  be  in  ajii.st  and  necessary  war;  let  it 
be  in  dcfnice  of  the  invaded  righls  and  honor  of 
the  country.  And  when  that  crisis  comes,  if  come 
it  must,  it  will  be  met  by  the  American  people  with 
one  voice  and  with  one  heart.  If  war  he  brought 
upon  us  by  the  rush  and  reckless  counsels  of  those 
whom  the  people  have  placed  in  the  highest  seals 
of  power,  while  they  will  be  lield  lo  a  fearful  ac- 
count before  the  supreme  appellate  Iribiinal  of  pub. 
lie  scniimeni,  our  lalisnianic  watchword  will  still 
be,  "our  couiilry,  our  whole  country, and  nothing 
but  our  country." 

Somelliing  has  been  said,  in  the  progress  of  this 
debate,  of  the  chividry  of  the  South;  something 


has  been  said  of  the  valor  of  the  West.  I  choose 
rather  to  say,  of  all  the  people  of  this  naliim — 
whether  they  reside  in  the  East  or  the  West, 
whether  their  Iqt  be  cast  upon  the  sunny  aavamins 
of  the  South,  or  among  Ihe  "  old  gray  mountains" 
of  the  North— that,  in  such  a  crisis,  they  will  all  be 
chivalrous  and  brave,  that  they  will  all  be  gener- 
ous and  patriotic. 

While  other  gentlemen  have  been  bo  eloquent  in 
the  vindication  and  praises  of  their  own  constilu 
enis,  and  the  people  id"  their  own  sections  and 
Slates,  I  trust  1  may  be  pardoned  the  indulgence 
of  a  passing  reference  to  those  whom  1  have  the 
honor,  in  part,  to  represent  here.  I  am  one  of  but 
four  members  upon  this  floor,  from  a  small  unpre- 
tending bonier  .Stale;  a  State  which,  in  some  re- 
siiecis,  occupies  bnt  a  subordinate  position  in  Ihe 
I'ederal  Union;  a  Stale,  nevertheless,  which  holds 
wi'liin  ils  borders  a  people  whose  habits  of  indus- 
try, whose  general  inlelligence,  whose  indomitable 
erergy  of  characier,  whose  devotion  lo  the  Union 
r.iid  theConslitulinii,and  whose  attachment  to  the 
principles  of  civil  and  religious  freedom,  are  un- 
surpassed by  those  of  any  other  State  or  nation. 
They  may  be  less  forward  than  others  in  sounding 
their  own  praises,  or  in  vaunting  their  own  pat- 
riotism; yet  the  sons  of  the  .American  Swilzerland 
will  never  be  deaf  nor  backward  to  their  cminlry's 
call  ill  any  and  every  emergency.  Much  as  they 
love  the  peace  and  quiet  of  their  inoiintain  homes, 
when  the  day  of  trial  and  of  conllict  shall  come,  1 
pledge  yon,  upon  the  authority  of  one  whose  days 
have  all  been  pius.scd  among  ihein,  and  who  knows 
full  well  iheir  spirit  and  their  valor,  that  they  will 
be  there,  the  first  and  foremost  in  the  conlesl,  with 
"  Ihcir  backs  lo  the  field,  and  their  feet  lo  the 
foe."  They  who  inherit  the  blood  and  the  sjiirit  of 
the  heroes  of  llennington  and  Ticnnderoga,  will 
be  there.  Other  Aliens,  and  Starks,  and  Lees, 
and  Warners,  will  be  there,  to  cheer  and  to  lead 
her  gallant  sons  to  the  rescue;  and,  in  the  face  of 
danger  and  of  death,  "  upon  the  green  graves  of 
their  sires,"  will  testify  to  the  world  how  much 
there  yet  remains  of  thai  daring  that  knows  not 
fear;  of  that  patriotism  ihat  knows  not  section  or 
party;  of  ihat  spiril  which  knows  no  servitude, 
and  siibmiis  to  no  wrong.  Tlic]ieoplc  of  Vernioni, 
and  I  am  proud  to  say  it,  are  the  descendants  of 
the  Pilgrim  slock.  Our  fathers  sleep  upon  many 
a  battle-field  of  the  Uevolulioii.  We  claim  kindred 
with  those  who  fought  and  fell  at  Concord,  and 
Lexington,  and  Bunker  Hill.  And  if  my  honor- 
abb^  friends  here  from  Massai'lmselis  will  allow 
nie  lo  assert  a  participaiion  of  the  honor,  we  claim 
kindred  with  those  whose  iniL'hly  voices  first 
awoke  the  echoes  of  freedom  within  the  ancient 
walls  of  Kanueil  Hall;  wilh  those  who  bore  no 
subordinate  part  in  laying  deep  and  strong  the 
foundations  of  this  Uepiiblic  Ask  me  not  where 
such  a  people  will  be  found  ill  the  day  of  their 
comiiry's  need. 

I  trust,  Mr.  Cliairinan,  thai  I  have  an  ample 
apology  for  this  digressimi,  in  alludiiig  lo  my  im- 
livi'  Slate,  an.l  briclly,  though  it  be  but  feebly,  vin- 
dicating the  character  of  her  people,  in  the  attempt 
which  was  made  smiie  days  ago  lo  cast  a  sneer — 
an  aspersion — upon  her,  by  one  of  her  tiwn  sons 
[Mr.  Ciiii'MAN,  of  Michigan]  upon  this  lloor.  I 
have  only  to  say,  in  reply  lo  that  alleinpt,  that  he 
who  has  Ihe  taste  and  the  heart  to  illegitimalize  his 
own  birth,  so  far  as  to  repudiate  his  parentage, 
comnienda  himself  less  to  the  rebuke  ifian  lo  the 
coniniiseration  of  his  friends.  And  while  I  trust 
thai  Vermont  has  bnt  (iiic  son  who  wiailil  make  it 
a  virtue  to  publicly  avow  il  a  misfortune  lo  him 
tlia'  he  was  born  upon  her  soil,  I  am  quite  sure 
she  has  bul  oiif  son  who  could  uller  the  uiinalural 
senlinieni  without  mnrtificalion  nr  reproach  lo  her. 

Mr.  (Chairman,  I  irust  I  am  not  wanting  in  re- 
spect for  Ihe  opinions  of  those  who  difier  with  nie 
in  regard  lo  the  probable  results  of  giving  an  un- 
conditional notice  for  Ihe  abrogation  of  the  joint 
convention,  and  of  asserting  an  exclusive  claim, 
and  of  exercising  an  exclusive  sovereignty  over 
the  whole  of  the  Oregon  territory.  With  the  most 
profound  deference  lo  the  opinions  of  the  illiistrioua 
gentleman  from  .Massiichiiselts,  (Mr.  An*Ms,|  to 
whose  agency  and  far-reaching  sagacity  Ihe  conn- 
try  is  BO  largely  indebted  for  the  rights  and  claims 
there  which  we  are  now  contending  for;  and  with 
all  deference  lolhe  opinions  of  others,  who  express 
so  much  confidence  that  these  mcasureii  will  nut 


m 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


S53 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  A.  D.  Sims. 


Ho. 


OF 


Reps. 


will  alliiw 

nnr,  we  claiin 

voices   firat 

tlic  nnoiciit 

who  l)ore  no 

wiron:;  the 

nil'  iinl  wlu'ic 

(lay  of  ihuir 

;v<*  an  ample 
to  my  Ha- 
lt ffelily,  vin- 
II  lliiMitti'ni|pt 
iiHt  a  sneer — 
own  NOUS 
liis  lloor.     I 
enipl,  llial  lie 
iliiimnli/.o  Ilia 
]>arentn£je, 
tliaii  to  tlie 
while  I  trust 
iiiilil  niiike  It 
inne  to  him 
m  (|iiite  sure 
UMiiatiirnl 
ii'li  to  her. 


i 


lend  to  honlllilicB,  I  nm  utterly  unahle  to  hriiig  my 
own  mind  to  that  eonehiKion.  While  I  will  (;n  ns 
far  as  these,  or  any  other,  {jintlomcn,  in  any  and 
every  act  wliiih  may  be  necessary  to  maintain  the 
true  diij'iiity  and  the  true  honor  of  the  country,  1 
would,  for  this  very  reason,  try  every  just  and  fair 
expedient  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  country. 

[Mr.  1'"()(it'«  remarks  were  arrested  at  this  point 
liy  the  eNpiralion  of  liis  hour.] 


OREGON  aUESTIOiV. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  A.  D.  SIMS, 

OF    SOt'TFI    CAHOI.INA, 
In  the  House  ok  Rkpiif.semtatives, 

Fehnmnj  7,  IHKJ. 
On  the  Resolution  lor  torniinatin^  the  joint  occupn- 
lion  of  the  Oieson  Territory. 
Mr.  SIMS,  of  Soiiih  Carolina,  said: 
Mr.  CiiAinMAN:  After  all  that  has  occurred  in 
the   pioiiress  of  this   deliale;  after  the   repented 
Ihriist.s  that  have  lieen  mndi:  at  the  South  genernl- 
ly,  and    more   partii'iilarly  at   that   piution  of  it 
which  it  is  my  honor  in  part  to  represent,  it  may 
lie  expected  of  me  that,  in  the  few  remarks  1  pro- 
pose to  make  on  this  occasion,  something  should 
lie  Slid  in  its  vindicniioii,  and  that  I  shoidd  indiu;- 
iiaiuly  hurl  hack  the  poisoned  sliafis  which  have 
litiii  aimed  nt  my  constituents. 

I  regret  excecdini;ly  that  aiiylhing  should  have 
occurred  in  the  pn^sent  di.sciisfiion  having  a  ten- 
dency to  excite  jiarty  or  sectional  fcelinijs.  Truth, 
and  ti  til  only,  should  he  the  oliject  of  every  can- 
did inrpiirer.  This,  under  the  guidance  of  patri- 
otic motives,  will  lead  us  safely  through  every 
emergency  of  pulilic  alTairs.  The  peculiar  oh- 
Hta-.les  which  beset  our  way  have  tlwir  origin  in  the 
indulgence  of  iiassion  and  prcpidice.  If  there  be 
ohsiacli  s  to  the  public  prosperity  more  potent  than 
any,  or  all  others,  they  are  excited  and  angry  pa.s- 
sioiis,  deep-rooted  and  bitter  prejudices.  No  in- 
dividual will  easily  find  the  truth  when  hia  pnth  is 
beset  with  all  those  obstacles  which  can  he  pre- 
sented by  these  mighty  elements  of  error.  The 
coiiiinittec  will,  therefore,  excuse  me  from  the  task 
of  detending  the  South  from  the  imputations  which 
have  been  so  unsparingly  cast  upon  that  section  of 
tlie  country.  To  llio.sc  who  are  ignornnt  of  our 
history,  any  statement  of  mine  would  be  of  small 
avail;  to  those  who  are  ncipiaiiitcd  with  it,  no  other 
vindication  is  necessary.  In  the  war  of  the  Revo- 
lution, in  the  war  of  1812,  nt  all  times,  whenever 
any  emergency  required  their  aid;  whenever  pow- 
er, either  ill  arms  or  intellect,  has  been  required 
for  the  service  of  the  country,  the  conduct  and 
contributions  of  the  South  generally,  and  the  con- 
diii't  and  i-onlrilintions  of  .South  Carolina  piinicu- 
larly,  have  been  such  as  to  need  no  vindicntiui  nt 
luy  hiiiids,  either  of  the  State  or  any  of  her  dis- 
tiiiguislied  sons.  I'csides,  it  is  derogatory  to  truth, 
to  piilrioiism,  and  to  the  (lignity  of  debate,  to  seek 
to  employ  the  agency  of  passion  niiit  inejudice  in 
a  great  subject,  like  this,  of  international  concern- 
ment. I  have  learned  a  better  example  even  from 
Hcini-barbarian  Rome.  One  of  her  own  histori- 
ans, in  the  terse  and  direct  dinlect  of  his  times, 
has  told  us — Imfchi,  dkcimlias,  simullata,  cum  lios- 
liliii<i  I'xercitmiil ;  cit'c.i  f  ion  civihvs  tie  x^hiiite  crrtnhnnl. 
It  was  not  by  nuitual  crimination  and  recrimiim- 
lioii  that  the  patriotic  Romans,  in  the  belter  and 
earlier  days  of  the  republic,  siniglii  to  advance  the 
public  weal:  these  were  reserved  for  their  enemies, 
as  a  proper  pint  of  the  conduct  of  public  w'>r;  but 
by  the  spirit  of  concord,  and  by  a  noble  s.enl  and 
euiMlatioii  in  the  public  service  rather,  did  they 
strive  for  ibis  high  aim.  In  this  enlightened  nnd 
f'hristiaii  age  experience  too  sadly  proves  that, 
even  ill  an  American  Congress,  on  a  great  national 
question,  gentlemen  call  be  found  who  may  iirofit- 
iibly  leiirii  dictates  of  civil  policy,  nnd  feelings  of 
liuiiiaiiily  itself,  iViiUi  a  semi-barliarian  repiililic. 
Truth,  and  the  interest  of  the  country  ns  conform- 
ed to  the  principles  of  truth  and  rigl'it,  arc  the  ob- 
jects to  which  we  should  look,  inlher  lliaii  to  sitk 
ail  eiigiigcnieiil,  in  sectional  or  p.irty  vitiipemlion, 
v.ith  the  bowmen  and  slin^rers  of  parly  who  are 
woiil  to  skirmish  in  our  legislative  assemblii  s. 

The  proposition  siibmilted  to  the  eonuciitlee,  in 
the  resolutions  under  consideration,  is — JSliall  no- 


tice be  given  to  the  Government  of  Great  Britain 
that  the  convention  of  August,  1827,  between  the 
United  Stales  and  that  Power,  touching  the  terri- 
tory of  Oregon,  will,  nt  the  end  of  twelve  months, 
be  abrogated  ?  In  ils  solution  two  questions  must 
necessarily  be  decided:  first,  the  constitutionnl 
power  of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  legislate 
in  the  mailer;  and,  secondly,  the  expediency  of 
the  measure  proposed.  I  invite  the  attention  of 
the  comiuittec  to  a  brief  and  candid  cxnniinn'ion 
of  both. 

In  distributing  the  powers  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment among  the  several  departments,  the  (Va- 
luers of  the  Constitution,  and  the  ]ieriplc  of  the 
several  States  who  ratified  it,  thought  proper  to 
confer  the  trenty-innking  iiowcr  on  the  F.xecuiive; 
not  absoliilely,  linwever,  but  to  be  excrci  d  "  by 
and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  .~  iiate,'' 
two-thirds  of  whose  members  present  are  lequircd 
to  concur. 

It  was  a  mooted  question  in  the  convention  when 
the  Coii.stitiilioii  was  framed,  as  it  still  is  with  text 
writers,  whether  the  power  to  make  treaties  is,  in 
strictness,  an  Kxeciitive  or  a  Legislative  power.    In 
[■  the  feudal  monarchies  of  hairope  the  power  is  gen- 
!   erally  lodged  with   the  Executive;  in  the  ancient 
\  di'niocrncies  of  Cireece,  and  in  the  modern  repub- 
lics, it  has  always   been  claimed   ns  a  Legislative 
1   power.     Rut  in  our  admirably  balanced  Coiistitii- 
j  linn  it  is  divided,  so  as  to  be  given  in  part  to  the 
i   Executive,  nnd  in  part  to  one  liranch  of  the  Legi.s- 
j   lature.     This  dislributioM  of  the  power,  with   the 
I  checks   u|ion   its   exercise   which  ii  secures,  was 
made  for  wise  nnd  prudent  considerntinns,  looking 
as  well  to  the  interests  of  the  country  as  to  good 
|,  faith  in  the  observance  of  iiilernatioiial  compacts. 
!'      Sir,  the  (piestion  recurs,  is  the  proposed  notice, 
i  by  which  n  treaty  stipulation  is  to  be  abrogated,  nn 
!'  act  which,  accoiding  to  the  Constiuition,  pertains 
\':  to  the  legislature,  or  does  it  belong  exclusively  to 
the  treaty-making  power? 

A  gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr.  TiiimMAv]  mndc 
an  nble  and  elaborate  argument  to  prove  that  it  le- 
gitimately pertains  to  the  legislature ;  and  he  cited 
authority,  both  from  the  Constitution  mid  the 
action  of  Congress  heretofore,  to  sustain  his  po- 
sition. His  references  I  regard  ns  unfortunnle  nnd 
inapplicable.  His  first  reference  was  to  the  sixth 
article  of  the  Constitution  the  .second  clause  of 
which  rends;  "  This  Constiuition,  and  the  laws  of 
'  the  United  Stntcs  which  shall  be  made  in  piirsii- 
'  mice  thereof,  and  all  treaties  made,  or  which  shall 
'  be  made,  underthe  authority  of  llie  United  .States, 
'  sludl  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land."  It  was 
contended,  that  becmise  treaties  are  here  called 
laws — supreme  laws  of  the  land — legislation  is  ne- 
ces.sary  to  alter  or  abrogate  them;  that,  like  nil 
other  laws,  the  legislative  power  can  alone  repeal 
them.  The  fallacy  of  this  construction  is  appa- 
rent, if  we  look  eillicr  to  the  enormity  of  its  re- 
sult, or  to  the  oliject  of  the  article  in  the  Constitu- 
tion. If,  because  treaties  are  thus  denominated 
laws  of  the  land,  the  legislative  branch  of  the  Gov- 
ernment has  power  to  remodel  or  nbrognte  them, 
by  the  .same  mode  of  iulerprctation,  it  would  have 
power  Ui  modifv,  change,  or  nbrognte  the  Consti- 
tution itself,  "f  his  other  result  must  nlso  follow, 
tlint  when  a  treaty  is  once  made  and  ratified,  nnd 
thus  liecouiu  incorporated  into  the  law  of  the  land, 
the  treaty-making  power  can  no  longer  modify  or 
abrogale'it  by  negotiation,  but  all  sub.sequent  ac- 
tion, either  to  change  or  abrogate  it,  must  be  by 
the  legislature.  These  results  are  too  clearly  in- 
consistent with  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution, 
and  loo  enormous  in  liie  concenlration  of  power  in 
Congress,  to  be  tolerated  forn  moment. 

The  object  propo.sed  ill  the  nrlicle  ipioted  wns 
not  to  confer,  directly  or  by  implication,  any  addi- 
lioiinl  power  on  C.-ongress,  but  to  prevent  and  guard 
against  aconllict  of  laws,  and  to  secure  good  faith 
in  the  execiilion  of  treaties.  This  is  obvious  from 
the  concludiii";  nii  .nber  of  the  clause  itself,  which 
proceeds  ;  **  And  the  judges  ill  every  State  shall  be 
iiound  thereby,  aiiylhuig  in  the  constitution  or  laws 
of  any  State  to  the  contrary  notwilhstnnding." 
The  power  c;iiinot  well  lie  located  in  this  part  of 
the  Coi:'!ti'utioii. 

lint,  the  gentlcnmn  again  siipnoscs,  that  the 
pow(!r  may  very  well  be  found  ill  lliat  grant  which 
enables  Congress  "  Ui  provide  for  the  coiumon  de- 
fence and  jjeiieral  welfare."  If  this  gives  us  power 
to  abrogate  a  treaty,  we  have  power  under  it  to  do 


!  whatever  else  we  plense.     In  1832,*  the  venerable 
;  gentleman    from    Massachusetts,    [Mr.   Apams,] 
j  made  a  long  nnd  able  report  on  the  subject  of  ninn- 
1  ufaclurcs  and  the  larifti  nnd  his  argument  in  that 
report,  to  show  that  the  power  to  protect  domestic 
industry  by  duties  on  foreign  merchnndisc  wns  con- 
ferred on  Congress,  rested  on  that  same  expression 
in  the  Constitution.      A  latitndinous  consirnciiou 
'  like  thui  -vill  give  to  Congress  all  power,  (iii  all  sub- 
jects, and   \,-ill  clothe  us  with  the  omnipotence  of 
the  Ilritish  Pnrliament.  which  is  snid  to  be  capable 
of  everything  short  of  physical  impossibilities. 
The  favorite  |iower  undcrwhich  Congress  is  siip- 
'  posed  to  be  invested  with  jurisdiction  over  treaties, 
IS  that  of  declaring  wnr. 

There  enn  be  no  doulit,  thnt  n  declnrntion  of  wnr 
termiimtes  nil  treaties  previously  subsisting  bet  ween 
the  belligerents.      If  Congress  choose  to  abrogate 
treaties,  by  an  ncUial  exerci.se  of  this  power  in 
making  ii  declariilion  of  war,  nn  one  will  deny  the 
■  nuthorily.     Rut,  short  of  this,  it  would  require  n 
very  refined  ingenuity  to  trncc  the  legislative  com- 
petency of  Congress  on  the  subject.    Treaties  con- 
stitute the  conventional  law  of  nations.    As  n  part 
of  public  law  they  are  binding  on   the  autlioritiea 
of  the  contracting  parlies;  and  being  thus  binding, 
for  the  purpose  of  securin;r  good  faith,  they  be- 
come n  part  of  the  municipnl  law  of  the  respective 
nations,  mid  in  thisinanner  liiiidiugon  the  citizens 
or  subjects  of  each  country.      So  long  ns  a  Irenly 
is  a  pari  of  the  public  law,  it  belongs  exclusively 
to  the  treaty-making  power  to  alter  or  abolish  it. 
:  Such  is  the  object  and  letter  of  the  Constitution, 
'  no  less  than  the  principle  of  internationnl  law.    If 
:  a  treaty  be  violated  by  the  other  coiitrnctiiig  party, 
I  and  thus  cease  to  be  binding  as  public  law.  Con- 
gress may  declare  it  no  longer  binding,  as  a  part  of 
the  municipal  law,  on  the  cilizens.     These  are  the 
only  contingencies  in  which  Congress,  under  the 
;  Conslifution,  can  rightfully  interfere  with  Ircalies. 
[  Ry  a  declaration  of  wnr  it  may  nbrognte  treaties, 
ns  constituting  a  part  of  public  law;  when  the  other 
party  has  violated  the  treaty,  or  made  aciuiil  war. 
It  may  declare  such  treaty  no  longer  binding  on 
the  citizens  as  apart  of  the  niiuiici|ml  law. 

It  is  not  proposed  to  declare  war  against  Gre;it 
'  Britain,  nor  is  it  pretended  that  the  treaty  stipula- 
tions between  the  United  States  and  that  Power 
have  been  violated.  How,  then,  can  Congress, 
under  the  war-making  power,  have  authority  to 
give  the  jiroposed  notice,  in  abrogatii'U  of  the 
:  treaty .'  The  error  arises  ft-iuii  a  misapprelieiision 
of  tlie  distinct  attributes  of  the  dilTereut  de)uirt- 
menis  of  the  Government.  In  icnr,  (|unsi  or  nc- 
tiinl,  the  legislature  controls  treaties;  in  peace,  the 
treaty-iiinking  power  alone  makes,  alters,  or  abol- 
ishes them. 

It  is  ftirtlier  contended,  however,  thnt  Congress 
has  a  right  to  abrogate  any  treaty,  when  its  ei.'ccts 
are  found  to  be  so  disastrous  as  to  threaieii  the 
public  interests,  and  to  make  even  wnr  preferable 
to  a  longer  continunnce  of  the  evil. 

Wlieii  treaties  become  thus  disastrous  to  the 
public  weal,  they  ought  to  be  abrogated;  and  if 
the  other  contracting  party  refu.se,  by  negotiation, 
to  modify  or  nlinlisli  them,  there  arises  a  good 
cause  of  war.  But  if  Congress,  without  a  declara- 
tion of  wnr,  under  these  circumstances,  should 
undertake  to  declare  them  void,  I  have  much  luis- 
understood  both  the  integrity  and  the  intelligence 
of  our  judiciary,  if  all  questions  arising  under 
such  treaties  would  not  be  adjudged  in  reference 
to  the  validity  of  the  treaties,  iioiwilhstanding  the 
act  of  Congress.  The  only  ground  ou  which  the 
action  of  c7)ngress,  in  such'  a  case,  could  be  justi- 
fied, would  be,  not  per  .-iirlain,  but  siijira  cariimi— 
the  necessity  of  the  public  interests,  for  the  time, 
setting  aside  the  puiilic  faith,  and,  by  giving  a  al- 
ius belli  to  the  other  party,  to  be  used  or  not  at  its 
discretion.  Congress  would  make  war,  though  it 
ilid  not  declare  it.  Sir,  I  will  now  review  the  pre- 
cedents which  have  arisen  in  the  history  of  our 
country  on  this  subject;  nnd,  if  I  mislnke  not,  they 
will  he' found  to  conform  to  the  statement  of  cle- 
menlnry  principles  ns  above  .sugsresicd.  It  is  to 
lie  regretted  that  all  the  precedents  were  made  in 
times  of  high  parly  excitement,  and  are  therefore 
.subject  to  the  suspicion  of  intermingled  error. 
Some  of  them,  however,  have  been  quoted  on  the 
other  side;  if,  therefore,  it  can  be  shown  that  they 

'  ltc|i.  Nu.  It'l,  Ilo.  Uc|H.,  Q-Jil  Ciinyruss,  IhI  sessimi. 


I : 


n 


954 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  7, 


JiOrii  CoN«i IsT  Sess. 


m 


N* 


are  iim|i|ilio«blc  to  tin;  qucsliciii  Mndcr  mimidornlinii, 
or  llint  lliey  prove  lliu  iiegiition  of  li^islalivc  pow- 
er in  C.piis;ri.sa,  llioir  uucbority  will  scarcely  be 
qlir^tliijiud. 

Till'  tirMiconiroversy  between  the  Executive  and 
C'onijrfss  on  this  siilijret  aroae  on  Jay's  tnaty.  It 
Wiis  tlieii  I'oiiieiuUd,  iind  liy  the  Repuldiiaii  imrty, 
tliiit  llio  Mouse  of  Uepri  sintHtives  was  not  lioiuiil 
to  carry  out  a  treaty  w  liidi  bad  Ixeu  made  and 
rnlilied  by  llie  I'lTsidenl  and  .Senate.  Wlienevir 
it  was  niecssnry  to  call  on  llie  House  to  iniike  ap- 
propriations to  execute  a  treaty,  it  was  tonlendid 
that  the  w  hole  matter  was  open,  and  an  appropria- 
tion mi:;bt  or  ini(;lit  not  lie  made,  at  the  discretion 
ol' the  Mouse.  'This  doiirine  is  at  war  with  the 
idea,  thai  a  Inaiy  properly  made  is  the  supreme 
law  cpf  ih"  liiial;  and,  m  If'lli,  Conuriss,  if  not  in 
form,  certainly  in  substance,  reversed  ibis  decision. 
Judi;e  ICent  says,  eommeir.iii^  on  this  matter: 
"  The  aruumcni  in  favor  of  the  biiidinj;  and  eoii- 
'  elusive  ellh'-'..  y  of  any  treaty  made  by  the  I'resi- 
'  dent  am.  Senate  is  so  'h.ir  ana  palyiable,  that  it 

*  has  proL'ib'v  carried  very  ^eneftl  conviction 
'  throu^'hiuit  tile  cominiinily,  and  thii  may  now  be 
'  coii.sidered  as  tiie  decided  sense  of  fu  blic  opinion 
'  This  was  the  sense  of  the  House  ol  KeproseoM- 
'  lives,  in  laid,  and  the  resolution  of  !7!l'i  would 
'  not  now  be  re|.eated."     I  hcitl's  Coin.,  '^87. 

The  next  instance  of  leirislalive  interference  on 
the   subject  of  treaties   w.is   in  17'.)8,  when  Coii- 

fress  declared  by  a  solenm  act  that  our  treaties  \\  iih 
'ranee  were  abroijaied.  This  has  been  relied  ml 
before  the  committee  as  an  instance  in  point  to 
prove  the  authority  of  Coiisress.  A  vaiefiil  re- 
view of  the  circumstances  wifl  most  fully  show  the 
reverse. 

The  bill  which  originated  in  the  Senate  was 
accoinpnnied  with  a  Ions;  iireanible,  ill  which  was 
fully  set  forth  the  ads  of  llaijranl  bad  faiih,  not  to 
say  of  actual  war,  which  had  lieeii  perpetrated  by 
France  against  the  United  Slates.  Aniimj;  other 
thiiiirs,  that  preamlde  recites,  that  "  whereas,  a  re- 

*  i:ard  to  natmiial  iiiiertsls  requires  (and  the  priii- 

*  ciplcN  of  the  law  id*  nations  justify  the  measure') 
'  that  when  one  parly  to  a  soteinn  compaet  ooeiily 
'  violates  it,  ihe  oilier  is  released  from  all  iis  obli^'a- 
'  tions."*  It  is  clear  that  the  authority  lure  exer- 
ri.-jed  by  C'onj;ress  iro*  a  municipal  deciaraiion  only 
111  the  citizens  of  the  L'niied  Stales,  directory  of 
their  duties  and  ri;;his  in  the  )ireinises,  in  view  of 
the  abroiration  of  that  |iart  of  the  public  law  de- 
pending on  convention  which  hati  lieen  made  by 
r'laiice.  Conjjnss  did  not  assume  toabroi:ate  the 
treaties  as  a  part  of  public  law  ;  hut.  fmdiii!;  it  al- 
ready violated  ai.d  void,  it  declared  the  citizen  no 
longer  bound  by  it. 

Those  wlio  are  at  idl  aeritiainled  with  the  history 
of  that  period  will  reeollei  I  that  ijreat  causes  of  oi'- 
fe:ice  to  our  couiiiry  had  been  ;;iven  by  Fram  e; 
all  di|ilomatic  interrnurse  was  refused;  our  Minis- 
ters were  not  only  not  received,  but  were  aelu.iUy 
insulted  by  the  French  authorities;  our  commerce 
was  stibjected  to  spolialion,  and  eiery  act  which 
could  mark  a  state  of  hoKtititii  s,  with  the  single 
exception  of  a  formal  declaration  of  war,  was  |.er- 
petrated.  In  this  state  of  things  t'oiiL'ie.ss  a.^seni- 
ided.  Measiiris  were  recommended  and  adopted 
to  defend  the  country  in  this  emeiL'ency — in  this 
war.  It  was  uc'.iial  war,  thoU|ili,  in  the  hm;^ua;.'e 
<if  the  times,  it  was  denominated  a  (ini.si  war — for 
no  other  reaKoii,  I  iippreliend,  but  In  cause  hostili- 
ties iiad  not  been  precedid  bv  a  puldic  manili  ^lo 
or  dec  hiration  of  war,  which,  thou;;h  usual  in  incid- 
crn  times,  is  not  iieei  s.saiily  a  prerequif-ile. 

Among  the  measures  adopted,  was  not  only  the 
nbrou'ationof  the  treaties  previously  subsisiini;  lie- 
IwetMi  the  two  C'luntrits — not  only  the  interdietiie.; 
of  all  ccinunereial  intercourse  between  the  citi/-(  its 
of  the  two  countries — not  only  a  declaration  of 
intention  to  treat  with  ri(;or  such  I'reiiidi  citizens 
as  iniirht  i>c  made  prisoners,  unless  the  iiisiihs 
and  injuries  upon  American  citizens  .should  be 
diBcoiuimu^d — but  al.so  tin;  apponilinent  of  Cieii- 
trnl  WasiiihKton  to  tlie  command  of  the  arniy,to- 
f;ether  with  active  miliuiry  preparations  of  all 
kinds.  This  was  war.  If  France  had  made 
a  formal  declaration  of  war,  all  treaties  would 
have  been  at  an  end,  and  the  relative  rn^hts  and 
duties  of  our  eiti/.eiis  would  have  been  defined. 
Hut  acts  of  war  equally  ended  the  treaties  vtiihout 


ITte  Oregon  t/uotion — iVlr,  A.  D.  Sinu. 

a  formal  declaration,  however  the  rights  and  du- ' 
ties  of  the  citizen  were  left  in  iniibiiftiity.  It  was 
therefore  necessary  for  Cons^ress  to  act  in  the  mat- 
ter, in  order  that  ambiguity  should  be  removed; 
and  the  action  was  justified  on  the  principle  of 
war.  ^  ] 

Uut,  sir,  even  In  this  condition  of  affiiirs,  the  I 
Republican  party  of  those  times  refused  their  as- 
sent to  the  abroc;aliim  of  the  French  treaties.  Ill 
Congress,  the  power  and  expediency  of  the  meaa- 
n re  WHS  denied  by  Tazewell  and  Mason,  of  Vir- 
•;iiiia,  then  the  aide  Senators  from  that  Slate;  by 
.Macon,  and  liilcs,  and  Uallatin,  and  Fdward  Liv- 
iii;;ton — ill  a  word,  by  all  ihe  Uepnblican  members  ! 
of  the  Mouse  of  Uepresentatives,  The  vole  of  the 
whole  party  is  recorded  apiinst  ii.'  I! 

liefore  L'enihnien  can  claim  this  as  on  opt  pre- 
cedent for  the  jnslificalion  of  le;;islalive  action  ill 
the  present  case,  iliey  should  sliow  that  Ciieal  lirit- 
aiii  has  violated  her  treaty-lailh,  or  has  commit- 
ted such  acta  of  liostilily'  as  put  an  end  to  our 
treaties  with  her  as  a  jiart  of  the  public  law.  I 
Ipelieve  nothinc;  of  this  kind  is  prelciided.  It  is 
said,  however,  thai,  as  the  convention  provides 
I'or  the  notice,  the  case  stands  on  tiie  same  I'ool- 
iii;;  as  if  (jieal  llrilain  had,  by  an  act  of  hostility 
or  bad  faith,  made  it  void;  that  the  giving  of  notice 
requires  no  negolialion,  and  can  only  be  properly 
ordered  by  Con^'iess.  This,  I  understand  to  be 
the  principle  of  the  argument  which  deduces  the 
powir  from  tlie  ric;lit  of  making  war.  A  very 
brief  sialement  of  the  facts  ftilly  exposes  the  dif- 
I'erence  in  the  cases.  Notwithstanding  the  luitice 
be  given,  still  the  cimvention  is  to  continue  in 
force  for  the  twelve  months  pending  notice,  as  a 
part  of  ihe  puldic  law.  C'oiii;ress  is  Assuming  to 
repeal  a  part  of  the  ]iublic  law;  not  a  void  treaty, 
no  loii;;er  binding;  as  part  of  the  municipal  law. 
The  pacific  relations  of  the  two  countries  are  to 
be  continued;  existim;  Ireaties  to  be  observed,  ex- 
cept as  incidilied  by  this  notice. 

Is  not  the  notice,  therefore,  in  the  iialure  of  a  ne- 
gotiation to  modify  existing  treaties.'  Were  the 
notice  not  provided  for  in  the  convention  itsell',  ne- 
gotiation would  be  the  only  peacelAil  mode  by 
which  the  coiiveiilion  could  be  teriiiiiiated,in  which 
the  consent  of  each  of  llie  coiitraeiin;;  parties  would 
be  necessary.  lis  beiii;;  provided  for  varies  the 
c.ise  only  so  far,  that  the  consent  of  mie  parly  to 
the  aliroi;atioii  is  pledged  whenever  the  other  par- 
ly, upon  twelve  moiiihs'  notice,  shall  reipiire  it. 
Clearly  lliis  is  negotiation,  and  lielongs  to  the 
irealy-inakinc;  power,  becau.se  it,  in  fact,  makes  a 
new  treaty  with  Ureiu  lirltain. 

Uiild  williin  a  recent  period,  such  seems  to  have 
iieeii  the  opinion  entertained.  Such  rerutinly  was 
the  opinion  so  late  as  the  first  session  of  the  last 
Congress.  The  Coiiimiitee  on  Territories,  at  llie 
head  of  which  was  a  lea;'ned  and  disiinguished  ju- 
rist, since  Uoveriicir  of  Tennessee,  at  that  sessicui, 
in  their  re|iort  accompiuiying  a  bill  to  ornaiiize 
some  system  of  law  ill  l)rei;oii,  hold  this  lanu;iiage 
111  reterence  to  the  proper  department  of  the  Gov- 
erninenl  to  yivi'  ibis  noiice;  "  Any  possible  incon- 
'  veiiienct  s  arising  iVom  the  continuance  of  ihe  cou- 
'  venlion  of  lh:>7,  not  now  anticipated  by  the  i-mn- 
'  iniltee,  can,  and  doubtless  will,  be  looked  to  by 
'  the  Fxeculive,  w  ho  can  at  any  time  abrogate  the 
'  same,  iiy  giving  the  notice  coiileiiijilati  d  in  it. 
'  The  gi\  ing  of  that  notice,  beiii!;  a  matter  of  treaty 
'  stipulations,  belongs,  perhaps,  exclusively  to  the 
'  I!xecutive,  on  v\  hose  province  tlieie  is  no  occa- 
'  sioii,  and  the  coiiiiinltee  have  no  inclination,  to 
'  intrude,  "t 

Many  reasons  might  be  given  why,  so  long  as  a 
Irealy  is  siilVered  lo  continue,  questions  respecting 
iie;;ci'iiation  shonlcl  not  be  auitated  by  this  House. 
Throw  ing  sue iKiueslions  before  the  people,  through 
the  discussicins  iiere,  coiiverls  the  people  and  the 
I  liaise  of  Iteprcsenlalives  into  iie;;oiialors  in  dero- 
c:alioii  of  the  Coiistitntiim,  and  in  deroc^ation  ol' the 
right.s  and  duties  of  the  Fxeculive  and  Senate,  to 
whom  such  deliiMite  and  often  complicated  matters 
are  wisely  siiliimiied. 

While  these  are  my  opinions  aa  lo  the  authori- 
ty of  this  House  to  pass  this  resolution  of  notice, 
I  have  as  little  doubt  llial,  aa  an  advisory  act,  we 


'  Porcupine  Gazette,  June  U5, 1708. 


*  Sec  Henale  JoiirnnI,  1798,  p.  517;  Ilniue  Journal,  1798, 
p.  07-1. 

t  Itep.  Ni).  :)0«,  1  Be»».  88  Conj.,  p.  0.  Vol.  I,  Hep.  (.'ollg., 
1  tivtiil.  '.2B  Culig. 


Ho.  Of  Kefs. 

may  speak  the  voice  of  the  people.  AVe  may  give 
such  Bilvice,  or  we  may  witlihold  il.  We  may  say 
lo  the  Fxeculive,  if  yon  so  conduct  the  important 
mailers  commilled  lo  yon  as  to  conlinue  Ibis  trea- 
ty, it  will  or  will  not  be  wise  and  prudent;  and  if 
you  abrogate  II,  It  will  or  will  not  he  acceplable, 
ill  our  opinion,  to  those  whom  we  represent.  cSueli 
has  uniformly  been  the  practice  of  llie  House. 
During  the  liist  two  Adininisirailons,  il  was  cns- 
lomary  lo  viuc  a  res|ionse,  in  Ihe  House,  to  ihn 
Annual  Message  of  the  Kxecutive;  and  though 
this  practice  afterwards  fell  into  disuse,  the  I  [oiiso 
1ms  never  failed  lo  i^ive  an  expression  of  opinion, 
by  way  of  ad\  ice  or  answer,  whenever  a  siiilabla 
occasion  seemed  lo  demand  II.  Ihit  I  protest 
agiiliisl  the  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  House  to 
aliroc;ale  a  treaty  by  leL'islation,  unless  It  shall 
first  be  shown  that  a  violation  of  the  treaty  has 
iieen  comimtled  by  the  other  parly;  or,  when  its 
obser\aiice  la  so  ruinous  that  war  Itself  would  be 
prel'eiable.  Then,  under  the  power  to  make  war, 
Con^n'ess  may  perhaps  assume  the  responsibility 
of  the  abrou'iitioii,  because  we  would  thereliy  make 
war  by  |iieseiiliiig  a  casus  lirlli  lo  the  other  parly. 

All  the  resolutions  which  have  been  subinitleil, 
whether  oriirinal  ortlio.se  iiroposed  asamendnieiils, 
except   those   presented   liy    my    colleague,   [.Mr. 
Ui.ACK,]  projcose  le;^islatlve  action.     In  forni,lhey 
a.s.siime  lo  confer  authority,  and  Impose  the  duly, 
on  the  Executive  lo  give  the  notice.    They  pre- 
snppoaen  waul  of  power  in  the  President  and  Sen- 
ate to  crive  this  notice.     With  these  views,  were  I 
lo  cmieur  In  the  expediency  of  the  measure,  still  I 
would  be  unable  to  vole  for  any  of  the  resolutions 
before  tlieeominillee,e.\cept  those  of  my  colleague. 
1  will  now  invite  the  attention  of  the  eommillce 
to  the  second   nroposllion — ibe  inqiilrv  os  to  the 
expediency  of  tlie  measure.    Willi  all  ifie  patience 
and  candor,  and  diliircnce  of  n  search,  which  tiie 
.  Imporlance  of  the  subject  merits,  and  under  a  full 
sense  of  the  responsibihiy  of  my  siinaiion,  I  have 
labored,  since  the  eomniencemeiu  of  the  session, 
to  exainlne  llie  suliject   hi  strict   reference  to  my 
own  duty  and  the  good  of  the  country.     When  a 
(iiiesticin  arises  lielween  ihe  United  Siaiesand  CJreal 
I  liritain,  I  am  always  uiiilcr  the  necessity  of  schnid- 
hig  mysi  If  before  i  approach  its  examination.   iVa- 
tioiial  prejudic :es  are  jirolmbly  as  nnpbilosophical 
ns  anii-clirisiiaii;  yet,  under  long  and  continued 
cau.ses  of  Irritation,  they  are  not  easily  subdued 
nor  readily  disregarded.     I  confess  there  is  an  he- 
reditary hate  which  still  lingers,  not  only  in  my 
own  breast,  but  also  In  the  breasts  of  hundreds  of 
iny  constiluents,  airainst  tb    '.,    ish  nation.  In  the 
war  ol"  the  Kevoltitioii,  my  t  oiire  congressioual  ilis- 
Iriel  was  an  extended  battle-field.      Frmii  Ifeor^'e- 
lown  to  Cheraw,  not  a  neighborhood, ami  scarcely 
a  family  mansion,  was  without  lis  incident  of  dan- 
{;er  and  distress.     In  the  swamiis  anil  hi  the  open 
plain,  by  the  household  altars  and  firesides,  in  the 
presence  and   under  the  encccnragiMnenf ,  minglei! 
with  trepidation,  of  wives  and  children,  there  were 
deadly  strifes  between  ib.e  subjects  of  Ihiit  Power 
and  the  ancestors  of  those  whom  I  have  the  honor 
lo  represent      I'nder  Marion,  and  Kalb,  and  Con- 
way, and  Thomas,  and   bniidreils  more,    whose 
(  inirnary  deeds  would  add  lustre  to  the  jiages  of  the 
history  of  any  people,  the  t;lorious  war  of  freedom 
was  wa^'ed  with  saniriiiiiary  and  various   success. 
Willi  the  exception  of  Marlon,  they  have  all  I'ouiid 
the  grave  of  hisloric  oblivion,  for  want  of  writers 
to  record  their  acblevenieius — 

•c'riiey  lutil  no  pact — uiid  lliey  dieil." 

But  the  intereslln;;  family  legends  of  the  region 
preserve  a  pious  record  of  ibeir  services  and  stitfer- 
iiii^s,  and  per[ietuaic  ,  almost  in  defianie  of  our  re- 
ligion, the  name  of  jlrilon  as  syiionyiuoiis  wiih 
enemy.  Subsequent  causes  of  Irritation  have  been 
miilti|died  in  ihe  taunts  and  od'ensive  |>oliiy  of  our 
ancient  foe,  wliieli  have  provoked  a  love  for  our 
prejudices,  despite  the  peisuasion  of  onr  interest, 
or  the  sweet  suggestions  of  charity  to  a  belter 
feeling. 

'  Sir,  we  fully  appreciate  the  evils  of  war,  and  its 
more  than  ordinary  liorrors,  when  waged  by  such 
stern  and  powerful  bellii;erenls  as  the  United  .Stales 
and  Great  Ilrilain  would  be.  The  sacrifice  of  life 
and  treasure,  the  stagnation  of  business  and  enter- 
prise, the  suspension  of  all  improvements  III  the 
face  of  the  coinitry  and  the  arts  of  life,  the  siilTer- 

.  Ings  of  individuals  and  the  distress  in  families, 


JUS 


[Feb.  7, 
V  Reps. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


255 


s29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  A.  D,  Himt, 


Ho.  OK  Reps. 


Wc  mny  civo 
Wc  mny  siiy 
(lie  iijiponant 
nue  lliiH  tr«'i\- 
iiiliMit;  and  if 
K!  am'ptalilo, 
iiTscnt.  Sncli 
tlir    lldiisr. 
s,  it  was  I'UH- 
JoiiHr,  to  tlin 
nn<l    thoiiiili 
Kf,  llir  lliillsi! 
n  t>t'  ii))ii)i(>n, 
\vr  a  Hiiu.ilili! 
till    I    |>ri>list 
Mil-  KiilisP   In 
Ilk'HS    il    sliiill 
111'   licaly   liM'4 
,  iir,  wlii'ii  ils 
sflf  wniild  W 
t"  iiiiiki'  uiir, 
ri'S|)iiiisibiliiy 
llinthy  ninko 
ollmr  piuly. 
ri)  suliiuitlfi), 
lainriulnipnls, 
lliHiliic,   [Mr. 
Ill  I'dini.ilipy 
pose  the  duly, 
'.    They  pri> 
lidriiimul  .Scii- 
viewH,  were  I 
ii«isi!rc,  still  I 
lie  rcsdlillinns 
'my  cnllcnffiic 
llir  nuTiniittce 
jiiirv  as  in  tlio 
ill  tile  pnticiici! 
eh,  wliii'li  llie 
id  under  a  full 
imlion,  I  liHvo 
if  llie  session, 
iVreiiee  to  my 
liy.     Wlien  a 
laiesandCireat 
siiy  orsi'hnol- 
iniiiatinii.  Na- 
ii|iliilosojihir:il 
and  cnnliniied 
'asily  siilxiiieil 
there  is  an  he- 
t  only  in  my 
hniidreds  of 
niition.  In  the 
ressinna!  dis- 
'rom  (Jeor'.'p- 
,and  senrceiy 
ideiit  of  dan- 
nd  ill  the  open 
"resides,  in  the 
iieiit,  niinirleil 
'II,  there  were 
f  that  Power 
ave  I  he  honor 
alli,  and  Con- 
moie,    whoso 
e  pa!;es  of  the, 
ar  of  fieednni 
riniis   sneeess. 
have  all  fnuiiil 
mil  of  writers 

11(1." 

of  the  rcsioii 
•ea  and  suli'er- 
ini  e  of  our  re- 
aiymoiis  wilh 
linn  have  licen 

polii  y  nf  onr 

Inve  fnr  our 

f  our  intercai, 

y  lo  u  better 

f  war,  nnil  its 
i'.'ijjeil  liy  siieh 

tTiiitcd. Stales 
;ai'rifiec  of  life 
icss  and  enter- 
emeiits  in  the 
lie,  the  siilTer- 
is  in  families, 


which  the  cruellies  of  war  neeessaril"  inllict,  the 
deatriiclion  of  property,  both  public  and  private, 
the  inali!,'ii  inlUienee  npini  the  morals,  both  uf  the 
citizens  and  the  Uovernmenl,  arc  some  of  those 
evils.  I  turn  iiway  from  a  ileseriplion  of  its  lior- 
rois.  The  jjlnries  of  the  Imttle-lield  are  won  amid 
the  U'suli/.cd  crnellies  of  buteliery,  and  the  laws  of 
eivili/.ed  warfare  but  liebly  eontrol  the  excesses  of 
passion,  or  the  wild  brulahly  of  an  excited  soldiery. 
In  full  view  of  its  a;,'!;ravated  evils,  however,  when 
the  (-iovernmeiit  of  the  eounlry  shall  find  n  war 
necessary  and  Just,  and  shall  summon  the  citizens 
to  tlu^  defence  of  our  ri^hls  or  honor,  notwithstand- 
ing the  laimts  which  have  been  so  gratuitoiislv  cast 
upon  ^ioiiih  Carolina  in  this  debute,  her  iieupic  will 
be  found  amon^  the  fm-emoNi  in  the  fight — roused 
to  till'  fanoticisin  of  palriotiNni  and  valor  by  a  rec- 
ollectinn  of  iheir  falneia'  deeds  in  arms,  and  by  u 
natural  zeal  to  avenge  every  wron^  and  insult 
which  Great  Britain,  in  fact  or  seemini;ly,  has, 
from  first  lo  last,  ever  otlcied  us.  Hut,  .sir,  we 
would  not  provoke,  nor  do  we  desire,  an  unjust 
war.  I  wilt,  therefore,  always  look  narrowly  at 
the  caii.sc  of  war,  and  especially  al  every  question 
of  controversy  between  us  and  Great  lirilain.  It 
is  due  tu  ourselves,  no  less  than  lo  others,  lo  be 
jual. 

It  is  with  such  feclinu'S  that  I  have  looked  into 
this  qiicslinn  of  expeiluncy.  Is  il  expedient  that 
this  cniivention  for  ihe  joint  occupation  of  Oremii 
hIiohUI  be  now  terniiiKiied .'  There  was  a  time  when 
lis  continuance  was  wise  and  proper;  and,  in  my 
jiidi^nienl,  it  would  still  be  so  Imu  for  supervening 
cau-jes,  which  have  recently,  within  the  Inst  few 
years,  been  thrown  in,  and  are  daily  becoming 
more  powerful,  and  vhjch  make  llie  continuance 
of  the  convention  imwise  and  danirerous.  I  will 
slate  briefly  the  reasons  for  the  abrogation  of  the 
con\cntion. 

1.  The  /loiior  of  llir  cmnitnjrrquircsit. — National 
honor  is  no  empty  bauble  in'  idle  fancy.  It  is  one 
of  the  great  elements  of  national  wealth  and  de- 
fence; just  as  much  BO  as  the  funds  in  the  tren.su- 
ry,  or  ibc  hardy  population  which  treads  your  soil. 
It  ilefend.s  the  citizen  wherever  he  gnesj  both  in 
person  and  in'opcrly,  and  is  as  polenlial  in  its  in- 
iUieiice  on  tlif  jjteicsts  of  n  country  as  any  oilier 
clcmcnl  of  wcalih  or  defence.  It  may  be  tarnished, 
not  only  by  submission  lo  injuries  and  insulls  from 
abroad,  Inn  equally  by  a  neglect  of  the  duties  of 
jiisiicc  and  proiectiim  lo  the  citizens  at  home.  No 
duly  of  the  (Invernment  is  more  plain  than  that  of 
protcciion  to  the  citizens  by  the  proper  exercise  of 
regular  authorily,  and  llie  due  admini.straiion  of 
law  in  its  various  functions  and  oiKccs.  The  citi- 
zens in  every  pari  of  the  repulilie  have  equally  the 
right  of  being  protected;  and  no  nnangeiuenl  of  the 
Ctovcrnmenl  with  a  foreign  iialion,  of  which  it  can 
disentangle  itself,  can  honorably  continue,  which 
lies  the  hands  of  the  Goveriimenl,  and  limits  its 
aliilily  lo  give  that  prolcclion  and  care  to  a.  |iortion 
of  its  citizens,  which  is  the  birthright  of  all,  and 
wbii'li  is  granltd  to  all. 

Dislingiiisbed  statesmen  have  doubted,  some 
have  denied,  our  authorily  to  extend  the  laws  of 
the  I'niti  d  States  over  Oregon  pending  the  convcn- 
linn  of  18J7.  All  admit  that  wc  are  not  free  lo  aci 
as  fully  in  this  mailer  as  wc  might  do  if  ihc  enii- 
venlinn  were  abrngaled.  In  the  Inst  year  or  two, 
onr  citizens,  wilh  their  wives  and  children,  have 
passed  into  Oregon.  Il  is  said  that  a  population 
of  eight  ihousaiul  souls  are  now  there,  nnd  llinl  the 
number  is  cnislantly  increasing.  Tlicir  petitinns 
liavi  come  up  to  iis,  asking  for  the  prolcciion  of 
(iovcnimcnt  nnd  law.  C'nn  we  disrcgnrd  their 
prayer.'  Oiigbl  we  not  to  grant  it.'  And,  if  so, 
e,ui  we  liniuu'ably  grant  il  in  siinled  measure, 
grndnaled  by  nice  construciions  and  embarrassing 
siipulalions  of  a  trcaly  wilh  Great  I'rilain  which 
we  have  llie  ]>owcr,  by  compiu'l,  lo  annul  .■'  Ought 
W(  not  10  be  as  flee  lo  piniecl  Oregon  as  Iowa  or 
Wisconsin?  Wbi'ii  wc  had  only  a  iransienl  pop- 
iilaiion  of  hunters  and  traders  in  the  territory,  the 
coiivcniion  might  well  enough  continue;  now  thnl 
Wc  have  a  permanent  population  nf  setllers,  re- 
(|uiriiig  the  establisbiuent  and  administralion  of 
regular  governmenl,  the  honor  of  the  eounlry  de- 
iiiands  iis  abrogation. 

2.  The  inlirist  rf  the  cimnlrij  requires  it. — Can  it 
be  e\pc.'lcd  that  llie  commerce  and  business  of  the 
couiiiry  will  prosper;  or  that  ihe  piirsuils  nf  indus- 
try and  the  investment  of  ca])iial  in  ))lnns  of  im- 


provement or  enterprise  will  preserve  their  accus- 
tomed nctivity  under  the  uncertainty  and  threaten- 
ed hazards  of  the  existing  state  of  ihiiifjfs?  The 
public  mind  is  perplexed,  and  men  of  business  nnd 
capital  arc  measurably  paralyzed  in  their  plans  and 
opernlions.  All  classes  of  our  citizens  arc  uneasy 
and  dis'iuiclcd.  Without  a  Niieedy  seltlement  of 
our  cnnscs  of  difl'erence  wilh  Ureal  liriiain,  these 
doubts  and  disquietudes  will  increase  wilh  the  in- 
creasing bitterness  and  irritation  of  Ihe  prolonged 
conlroversy.  The  notice  to  nbrognte  the  cniiven- 
tion will  nccclerale  negotiations,  by  forcing  ujion 
both  imrlics  the  necessity  of  Icrmnmling  and  ad- 
justing the  whole  mailer. 

3.  77i('  prorrralivn  ufptaee  requires  it. — To  those 
who  refiecl  how  rapidly  inlernalinnal  dillcrencts, 
when  actively  canvasscti,  engender  and  iinbiiier  ihu 
prejudices  and  enmilies  of  the  respective  ciiizcns 
j  nndsubjeclsnf  lhenaiionsdispulanl,and  how, after 
'  n  short  lime,  the  elnirms  of  pence  are  foigoiinn, 
I  nnd  the  evils  of  a  war  no  longer  dreaded,  under 
:  the  niigry  impulses  and  stubborn  pride  of  aroused 
|ialriniism  nnd   inilitnry  enthusiasm  iiicideni  to  a 
prolraeled   controversy   of  this   kind,  scarcely  a 
!  word  is  necessary  in  illuslrnlion  of  this  proposi- 
I  lion.     Look  lo  the  history  of  the  day  touching  this 
mailer.    Two  years  ago — yes,  sir,  a  year  ago — the 
whole  matter  was  enpnblc  of  sntisfnclory  nrrnnge- 
ment,  in  cnnformily  wilh  the  oiler  of  adjusiment 
,  and  .'^I'ltlement  proposed  by  the  Prcaiden'l.     Such 
an  arrangement  would  have  given  almost  universal 
salisfaclion  in  the  L'niled  .Stales.     Now,  under  the 
heat  of  discnssion,  ns  well  here  as  in  the  country, 
I  many  are  opposed  lo  that  basis  of  adjusiment,  and 
would  prefer  war  e\cn  to  il.     The  longer  the  con- 
lroversy is  kept  open,  the  more  iirevalent  will  be- 
come this  npiniun,  nnd  so  much  llie  iiifire  will  be 
diminished  the  chances  of  nn  amicable  arrange- 
ment.    Delay  is  dangerous. 
I      If  the  American  ciiizens  and  British  subjecis  in 
Oregon  should  escape  a  cnllisinn,  which  is  not  lo 
be  expeclcd,  in  the  slate  nf  the  public  mind,  and 
,  amid  the  cnu.ses  and  occasions  of  irrilaiioii,  re- 
sulling  from  their  proximity  and   inleicouise  with 
each  oilier  in  that  distant  region;  mure  especially, 
loo,  when  their  hardy  and  fearless  character  fnr 
adventure,  na  pioneers,  ia  remembered;  il  will  be 
nlinosl  inqiossible   to  keep   the  qucslinn   wilhnul 
the  vnrlex  of  politics  within  llie  Stales;  il  will  be 
made  a  political  hobby;  parlies  will  either  divide 
upon  il,or,  inslrueied  by  the  disaaiera  of  opjuisi- 
tion  lo  Te.\aa,  will  vie  with  each  oilier  in  making 
I  bold    and    extreme    demands  on   Great   Britain. 
Thrown  into  the  strifes  of  our  election,  it  will  no 
longer  beaqueslionof  negolintioii.     Ourdemnnds, 
as  suppo.sed  lo  have  been  ascerlained  and  fi.xcd  by 
,  the  result  in  the  pn)Milnr  vole,  must  be  literally  rc- 
\  cognised  and  graiiled  by  Great  lirilain,  or  war  is 
I  inevilable.     In  the  meanlime,  llie  same  slale   of 
i  ihiiigs  will  be  growing  up  in  England.     Neither 
parly  will  recede.     It  will  be  inadeapoinl  nf  hon- 
\  or  bclween  ihe  nnlions,  which  the  sword  mily  can 
I  can  adjust. 

i      4.   The  jtresemttinn  of  Oregon  requires  il. — Sir, 
[  who  remembers  not  the  caustic  rebuke  wilh  which 
:  Lord  Chaihnni  scowled  down  that  fawning  royal- 
1  isl,Towiislieiid,iiillie  Hrilish  Parliameni,  wlien,in 
one  of  his  tirades  against  the  American  colonies,  he 
urged  ihe  right  of  Parliament  to  levy  comribulions 
!  on  lliem,  in  consideration  of  the  kindness  of  the 
Governmenl  nf  Great  lirilain  in  plaiiling  llicni  in 
,  America,  nnd  taking  care  of  them  uiiiil  they  bad 
'  grown  up  lo  slreiiglh  and  power.     With  that  eon- 
lemplunus  majesty  of  mien  which   truth  only  can 
insjiire  when  oircndcd  by  ihe  presence  of  injustice 
,  and  fnlsehcnd,  nnd  which  nn  nne  ever  wnre  with  a 
prtmder  or   more   becoming  port  than   the   great 
■  sialeaman  of  Kiigland,  no  sooner  had  Towiishend 
,  made  ihe  asserlion  than  he  echoed  back  his  words, 
I  nnd  indignanlly  replied;  "  Your  oppressions  plnnl- 
;  ed   lliem  there.     They  have  grown  by  your  iicg- 
'  led."     May  not,  hercnfter,  some  ciiizens  of  this 
i  Kepiiblic  beyond  llie  Rocky  mountnins,  Sfime   ru- 
ral Pill  beyond   those  stony  elid's,  burning  wilh  n 
sense  of  our  injuslice  towards  that  portion  of  the 
country,  turn  upon  us  llie  like  withering  rebuke.' 
i  May  he  not  say,  truly,  we  "  have  grown  by  your 
I  neglect;"  wc  have  increased  in  power  without  your 
i\id;we  have  defended  ourselves  without  your  pro- 
teclion;  we  are  freemen,  and  independent  of  nil  the 
]  world;   you  cast  us  oft'  in  our   infancy,  now  learn 
I  tu  dread  our  manhood  )  i 


I  have  already  snid  that,  so  long  «s  the  conven- 
tion continues,  we  cannot  give  full  pioteclion  and 
aid  lo  Oregon.  Ii^ualice  on  our  pari  may  well 
teach  the  settle™  there  to  dream  of  indepcndenco 
nnd  n  separnte  government.  To  be  the  Uoninluft 
of  an  empire,  the  founder  of  a  great  people  on  that 
far  li  slant  Ausonian  shore,  would  be  no  small 
lemplation  or  uncnvied  glory  to  nn  ambitious  man. 
Great  lirilain  would,  pei'iin|is,  be  not  unfriendly 
to  such  a  design.  If,  ilieii,  we  would  nol  multiply 
diflleullies  in  our  own  way,  or  increase  the  hazurds 
nf  our  retaining  Oregon  as  part  of  the  United  Slates, 
this  cnnvenlinn  sliiaild  be  Icrminaled. 

What  will  be  the  eft'cct  nf  ibis  noiice  ?  I  linvo 
assumed,  in  my  argumeiil,  that  our  claim  to  Ore- 
gon is  clear  and  unqueslinnable  up  lo  some  point. 
1  have  not  lime  lo  review  ihc  ('vidence  nf  our  liile, 
nor  is  il  mcessnry.  Enough  lins  been  said  already, 
in  this  debaie,  on  that  subject.  From  nil  the  iii- 
vcsligntioii  which  I  hnve  been  able  logive  the  snb- 
jeci,  I  have  come  lo  the  conclusion,  thai  if  this 
were  a  new  question — what  lawyers  denominain 
res  in/rgra — we  would  have  the  best  title  iqi  lo  .54° 
40'.  Ihit  it  ia  not  res  iii/cgrn;  it  is,  in  some  re- 
spects, i'fs  itiljiiilicula;  and  llinuj;h  there  be  no  iri- 
biinal  lo  enforce  decisions  on  nnlions,  yet  n  decent 
resj.eci  lo  ihe  npininii  of  mankind  requires  fairness 
and  juslice  in  iheir  praciice  and  intercourse. 
.Since  nilO,  when  ihe  Nooikn  Sound  convention 
was  made  wilh  Spain,  England  has  set  up  claims 
In  rights  in  Oregon.  We  have  allowed  her  lo 
share  equal  privileges  in  common  wilh  ourselves. 
liy  solemn  licniy  in  1818,  nnd  afterwards  in  1&S7, 
we  have,  hi  .some  sort,  recogni.sid  llie  existence  of 
her  righls.  On  repealed  occasions  we  have  offer- 
ed to  divide  the  lerrilory  at  the  4i)ili  degree  of  lati- 
tude. Souih  of  this  parallel  we  have  never  com- 
piomitlcd  onr  rights  by  an  oiler  of  any  kind;  and 
lo  this  cxicnl  I  consider  our  lille  "clear  and  uii- 
questionablc."  I  I  clievc  my  conslilnenls  will 
never  consent  to  surrender  one  foot  south  of  this 
line.  Let  war,  with  whatever  desolation  it  may 
bring,  be  the  only  remaining  nllernalive,  still  iliey 
will  never  degrade  the  righls  of  ihe  eounlry,  or 
baalardize  ihcmselvcs,  as  the  descendants  nf  levo- 
lulionnry  sires,  by  surrendering  a  foot  of  soil  lo 
Great  I'rilain  which  is  clearly  our  own.  In  refer- 
ence In  all  thai  has  been  done,  ns  well  as  that  such 
an  arranucnienl  would  give  ns  a  sirnight  line  of 
boundary  frtim  the  Rocky  mounlains  lo  llie  sea,  I 
ihiiik  it  a  fair  line  of  coniprnmise;  and  further,  if 
Great  I'rilaiu  should  oficr  llmt  line  to  the  Piesi- 
tlcnl,  he  is  bniind  in  fniriiesa  to  acccpl  it.  1'liia 
result  Ihe  nnlice  will  most  probably  eli'ect. 

If,  ill  c(nisei|uence  of  llie  nnlice,  wnr  shall  ensue, 
I  shall  regard  il  ns  a  great  calaniily.  1  believe  that 
nothing  will  bring  il  upon  us  but  egregious  blun- 
ders on  both  sides;  or  gnat  nnd  deliberate  wicked- 
ness, n  total  disregard  of  the  iuieiesis  of  the  citi- 
zens and  subjecis  of  both  nations,  and  nn  utter 
conlempl  for  the  judgment  of  llie  civilized  world. 
The  qucslion  should  be  scllled  by  negolinlioii. 
There  will  be  no  war,  unless  il  is  produced  by  po- 
litical blundering  or  polilical  sinning.  I  have  no 
fears  respeciing  our  Executive;  nnd  we  have  hos- 
tages from  Great  Rrilain.  These  are  her  inierrsis. 
r,y  these  we  hold  her  In  peace,  and  liy  these  the 
wliole  civilized  world  holds  her  lo  a  conlimiance  nf 
llial  peace  w  liich  fnr  lliirty  years  she  hns  observed. 
Not  only  her  foreign  and  commercial  interesis,  but 
her  donieslic  interesia  also,  bind  her  lo  peace.  Na-* 
lions  have  no  fiilure  stale  of  rewards  and  punisb- 
nienls;  nalional  sills,  ihercfnie,  if  punished  nt  all, 
must  receive  the  cliaslisements  of  (ioil  in  temporal 
calamines.  AVar,  pcsiilence,  and  famine,  are  the 
usual  penalties  of  Providence  on  national  oflences. 
<.'i\  il  wnr  is  the  visual  penalty  fnr  civil  oppression. 
If  Great  Hrilain  shall  be  so  unwise  as  In  make  war 
upon  ns  concerning  this  Oregon  question,  it  may 
possibly  be  the  liiiH.' and  occasion  for  the  Almighty 
to  unkennel  upon  her  the  milliuiis  she  has  oiiprcss- 
ed  for  ages  past,  nnd  whom  she  siill  holds  benealh 
her  iron  yoke.  They  will,  in  bib  Almighty  hand, 
become  the  terrible  inslrument  of  avenging  their 
own  wrongs,  and  iliose  of  the  op|iressed  genera- 
tions who  preceded  them.  Let  her  remember  how 
God  made  Ihe  oppressors  the  victims  of  the  op- 
pressed in  France,  and  let  her  ireinble.  Peace  is 
tier  policy;  I  think  .she  will  pursue  it. 

There  are  other  lojiics  connecled  wilh  the  ques- 
tion to  which  1  would  be  pleu.sed  to  advert;  but  I 
sec  my  sand  runs  low. 


'^1 


i  I 


i 


960 


i29TH  CONO IST  Sk8«. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Oresron  (^stion — Mr.  Tniman  Smith. 


[Feb.  7, 


Ho.  ur  Hkps. 


Sir,  yon  no  doubt  rcnicnihtr  the  gtory  in  my- ! 
Iholoiry  wliicli  rrpri-m-nla  Time,  under  ihe  mime  of 
Siiiurii,  iiH  till'  iliHiroyiT  of  hi»  own  cliildrcu.  We 
Imve  Nccn  ilii'  Giiiiiiri  myth  pmrdoally  illuKimled 
iliroiiiflioiit  tliiM  di'liiiri'.  The  inexornhla  liiunnicr, 
in  till'  liiind  111'  Tinic-'n  liigh  priMt— your  worthy 
null'— lia.-i,  lioii '  alti'r  lii>or,  fallen  nj^ulnrly,  nn  if 
niiirkliii;  llie  i  .ymii'  imiuhU  of  dHcritiri',  wlieu  vlc- 
lini  afli  !•  vii^iiii,  driHmil  in  all  llir  wri'allis  ol'rliet- 
orn'a  most  cliiiiic  IIowitm,  lias  liirn  Ird  n|i  to  ilic 
iilmr,  and,  Willi  all  liix  IiIusIiiiik  lionnrs  tliii'k  u|<oii 
liliii,  liaH  lii'tn  Niiiilli'ii  iloun,  ainiilxt  a|i|iro{irialr 
rilrs  anil  ci  rinioniis  oliHijr\ril  liy  llii'  aiiximm  wor- 
nliipiu'i's  of  llie  aainr  divinilv,  wlio  ^allicr  roiuid 
liini  III  hi8  Im'I  iiioiia'ni.1,  anil  drown  lliu  gloomy 
uailinu'sof  lii:i  voii'O,  and  tliu  HWi'Ct  cliiiinnioe  of  n 
|irrortition,  in  llie  iiiirrird  Iniiinll  and  wild  choriiH 
of  "Mr.  Cliniriii.in  !  Mr.  Cliainnmi !"  I  would 
N|>.'iri'  niy.si  If  I'l'oin  iIiIh  violriit  end',  and  .siiliinJilini.' 
lo  what  m,  iK'vond  all  donlit,  "  niiinifi'st  di-siiny," 
1  will  Himjily  ri'tiirn  my  ihanks  to  the  coniiniin  e 
for  ilii'ir  kind  aiU'iiiion,  and  Nai'.rifn'o  my  wislim  lor 
fiirihiT  di'liatc,  w  iilioui  wailini;  for  lliu  formal  kiivll 
of  your  liaiiiniur. 

OREGON  urESTION. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  TRUMAN  SMITH, 

OF  CONNECIK  I'T, 

In  the  IIui'se  in-  Uki'iikskntatives, 

Fibmnnj  7,  l-4(i. 

On  tlir  Uenolution  fortcrminaiiMi;  the  joint  ociMi|m- 

lioii  of  Oniron. 

Mr.  TRUMAN  SMITH  obiaintd  the  door  and 
■did: 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  do  not  know  that  it  will  lie  in 
my  power  to  aid  <'s.siniially  ihf  dililirratioii!!  of  ilic 
ronimlllee  on  llii.i  ini|iiirlanl  suhjiri;  hut  haviiii:, 
unexpei'tcdly  to  niysilf,  hein  lon.stiiuli'd  a  nivinlier 
(if  llie  Coinmillee  on  l''oieii;ii  Allans;  liaviii;;  turn- 
ed my  attention  most  anxiously  to  the  considera- 
tion of  the  iiresenl  eriliiMl  stale  of  our  relations 
with  Great  ilril.iiii,  arising  from  the  Oretjon  con- 
troversy, and  particularly  lo  the  ipiesliou  of  notice 
involved  in  the  rcsutution  on  your  table,  1  ask  tlie 
indulgence  of  the  coiiiinillet  while  I  i^ive  an  expo- 
siuoii  of  the  reasons  and  motives  which  will  con- 
trol niv  action  on  the  present  occasion.  I  am  the 
more  ilesirous  to  declare  my  sentinieiits,  because, 
from  the  onlset  iif  the  session,  1  have  iiiduli^ed 
lively  apprehen.iions  ilia;  lliis  unforliinale  contro- 
versy would  involve  the  two  countries  in  a  coltis 
ion  at  no  distant  day.  1  did  not  doubt  but  that  the 
authorities  on  both  sides  cif  the  Atlantic  entertained, 
in  a  general  foriii,|>urp<Kses  of  a  pacifn:  iidjustmenl; 
but  I  feared  that  mie  or  both  of  them  would,  by 
the  current  of  events,  be  swept  into  a  position  from 
which  retreat  would  lie  so  dillicnlt  us  Ui  render  u 
eontlict  certain.  Unless  wiser  and  iieiter  counsels 
shall  prevail  at  Imlh  ends  of  the  avenue  than  those 
which  the  last  few  weeks  have  made  manifcsl,  the 
Governinent  of  the  Uiiiled  Slates  will,  in  my  jud;;- 
menl,  within  u  brief  space,  find  il.self  in  that  cate- 
gory. 

The  territory  of  Orefron  has  been  in  dispute  bc- 
luieii  the  two  Uovei'innenls  ever  since  \Hl6.  Nut 
bi  in;;  able  to  adjust  it  then,  they,  by  the  conven- 
tion of  that  year,  in  ell'ect,  u^'reed  to  adjourn  it  over 
for  the  period  often  years,  providint;  in  substance 
that  the  eoiintry  of  OiC!d;<iii,  w  illi  its  liurbors,  bays, 
uiid  creeks,  and  the  navitfatioii  of  all  rivers  within 
the  sanie,  .:liuuld  be  open  for  the  period  naiiied  lu 
the  vessels,  subjects,  and  citizens  of  the  two  Pow- 
ers, reservin/iJ  the  ri^lilsof  any  other  .Sfite  or  I'ow- 
er  to  the  territory,  and  declaring  ihat  liieirsole  ob- 
ject was  tu  prevent  disputes  and  diirerencLsamon^ 
tlienisi  Ives. 

In  lt*:;J7  it  was  deemed  expeilielit  to  extend  llic 
convention  of  Ifl.l  indefniitely,  with  the  proviso 
that  eitlier  ^mrty  niiulit  abronale  the  eonvention  at 
any  lime  alu  r  tin  :.'i)ili  of  October,  lBdH,ou  t;'*'ng 
twelve  months'  notice. 

L'niler  these  eonveiitions  Ihe  citizens  of  both 
countries  ttctpiired  the  rifiht  of  access  Ui  the  waters 
of  tJiefron — the  ri4;lit  of  commerce  Willi  the  ubori- 
tines  of  ihe  i  lainlry,  and  the  right  of  enlerini;  on 
the  Icrrilory,  and  of  inukilif;  settleineiits  ut  pleas- 
ure. 

It  is  said  that  the  convenlions  of  1818  and  |N-.i7 


I  ihnuld  not  be  donuminnted  treatieH  of  joint  occii- 
pnlioii;  but  such  is  the  chanicter  which  boili 
Uovernments  have  jjiveii  U)  them  for  muny  yearn; 
it  is  now  tun  late  to  recede;  and,  beaidos,  1  uu  not 
Hee  how  n  mere  change  of  pliriuvology  eaii  vary 
the  rii;hls  of  Great  Itriuiin  or  the  United  8latea. 

1  sup|iose-  that  both  )iartii-s  liuvc  enjoyed  the 
rii;lils  of  ciiinmercial  iiitercoursu  over  the  while 
territory — .\iiii  rican  citizens  in  some  decree — Urit- 
Isli  siibjecls  much  more;  but  in  the  matter  of  set- 
tit  iiK-iits  the  parties  have  so  exercised  their  rii;hta 
tliat  Lireat  Ih'itani  may  now  be  said  to  be  siiLisian- 
lially  in  possession  ol  all  the  territory  north  of  the 
Columbia  river,  and  we  of  all  south  of  the  name 
river. 

I  am  of  tht;  opinion  llial  Itritish  subjects  are  in 
lilt;  eii|oynieiit  of  more  of  the  territory  in  dispute 
than  their  tjovernment,  on  a  fair  coiisitleralion  of 
its  preteiisiiiiis,  can  justly  claim;  anil  I  will  uphold 
the  e.xistnit;  Adiniiiislralion  in  all  suilalile  eti'orts 
to  wiitlicale  the  American  claim,  and  to  reduce  the 
pos.stssions  of  Great  I'ntain  to  their  proper  limits. 

No  member  of  this  ctinimiltee,  nor  citi/en  of  the 
t:ounlry,  can  be  more  deeply  iinpi'esst:il  than  1  am 
with  lilt  nectssity  of  bnn!.'iiu'  tins  controversy  to 
n  SIM  t  (ly  close.  'I'lie  irrnalion  existing,  bolli  here 
nntl  111  llireat  llritain,  is  :;cltiiii;  to  be  excessive,  it 
will  assume  11  more  and  miu'e.  ti^^ravaled  form; 
and  tilt;  allair  will  result  in  the  most  di.siisirous 
coiisetpieniies,  unless  it  is  prom(iily  adjiislcd. 

II  Is  now  proposeil  to  L;ive  the  notice  provided 
for  by  the  convcniion  of  lH'i7,  anti  the  rc.solutitiii 
on  yonr  table  declares  that  llie  President  should 
forihvvilli  I. ike  the  proper  steps  to  abroi;ate  the 
treaty  at  the  expiration  of  twflve  inonths.  'i'lie 
I'resident,  in  his  Messui^e  at  the  ojienin;;  of  the 
present  session  of  Ctin^rcss,  says,  in  aulisiance', 
that  the  notice  ou^lil  now  lo  bi:  ^iveii,  and  adds: 
"  1  recominend  that  provision  be  made  by  law  for 
tjuiiii;  itaccorilini;ly,aiid  teriiiliiatiii<,',  in  ilii.i  man- 
ner, the  convention  of  the  lilli  of  Aii;;ust,  ldd7." 

1  have  considerably  modified  my  opinions  on  the 
subjet:t  of  the  notn  e  diirini;  llie  progress  tif  this 
Ji.scn.ssion,  In  the  first  instance,  my  impression 
was  llial  1  ou^lil  not  tu  vole  for  it  at  all;  but  more 
mature  relleclnui  has  broii^dil  ine  to  the  conclusion 
lliat  it  is  expeilient,  if  not  indispensable,  to  abro- 
gate the  convention  of  lbJ7,  and  that  1  ought  to 
vote  for  a  i|ualitied  notice  or  in  a  modified  form. 
But  1  cannot  vote  fur  the  proposition  on  your  table 
to  confer  absulute  power  on  the  Kxecutive,  nor  for 
notice  III  the  form  of  any  one  of  the  numerous 
modifications  which  have  been  proposed,  unless 
that  otl't  red  by  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Ala- 
bama [Mr.  L>aii(;anJ  be  un  exceiilioii.  1  think 
favorulily  of  lhat  jiroposition.  i'he  honorable 
ineiiiber  proposes  to  coiumeiic-e  at  the  Pacific  and 
run  the  line  through  the  middle  of  the  straits  sep- 
arating Vancouver's  Island  from  the  main  land, 
(calletJ  the  Straits  of  Fuca,)  and  to  proceed  from 
llienee  to  a  point  on  the  coast  south  of  the  mouth 
of  Krti/er's  river,  at  the  parallel  of  411'-',  and  from 
ihenci:  in  that  paralltl  to  the  Rocky  mountains, 
giving  to  the  Uinleil  States  all  suuth,  and  to  Great 
ilriuiin  all  north  of  that  parallel.  Tins  proposition 
eonceiles  to  (Jieat  Driuiin  the  lower  end  of  Van- 
couver's Island  as  an  etpiivalcnt  ftir  the  iiavigntion 
of  llie  Culunibiu  river,  and  would  make  the  basis 
of  ailjustmeni  subsutiitially  what  lia.t  been  reiieat- 
edly  oU'ert.'d  by  our  Government.  1  desire  tu  thank 
llie  honorable  member  not  only  for  his  able  spei^ch, 
but  for  his  truly  statesinanlikt:  ))roposition.^  Ctiii- 
ceivt'd  in  a  spirit  of  moderation  and  eijuity,  prof* 
feriiig  to  Great  liritain  the  olive  brunch,  and  se- 
curing lo  the  Republic  all  that  is  imporlant  or 
essential  in  the  territory  of  Oregon,  we  should  uc- 
({tiiit;  by  such  an  arrungenient  nearly  ull  the  euun- 
liy  drained  by  the  waters  of  the  Columbia  river, 
ami  ill  Port  Oistiivery,  Admiralty  Inlet,  lluod's 
Canal,  and  i*iiget's  SoiintI,  a  series  of  harbors  more 
magniticeiil  tlian  any  other  in  the  western  world. 
1  do  not  in.sisl,  liowt.'ver,  that  we  should  advert  to 
any  preci.-^e  lint>;  but  1  do  i:onteiiil  that,  in  aullior- 
iziiig  or  rectiinnieiidii.g  the  notice,  we  should  in 
some  emphatic  fiirin  make  known  lo  the  President 
the  wish  uf  Congress  that  the  cuntruversy  shuuld 

*<>iie  or  the  reatilutinnn  hUbiiiiiU'tJ  by  Mr.  Dakiian  wait  at 
Ulie  nine  ilt]M|iti-(l  liy  tlie  Coiitliilllee  (itUit;  Wtitili:  liy  u  vote 
ol'  101  t<i 'JS.     It  vvii.^  iitttrvviudft  si-t  aitiili*.     It  it  liuil  ulti- 

limtcly  r ivftl  tlie  Hniietiiiii  tit  llit iiiiiiillei;  iiiii)  til"  tilt; 

IliiUite,  I  cliuiiltl  Imve  euiisitleieil  it  my  duly  lu  vuie  lurUie 
liotlcf. 


be  ndjiiated  on  the  linsia  of  a  just  and  equitable 
compromise,  nnd  llien,  in  my  ojiinion,  there  wonltl 
he  an  end  of  the  niatler  ill  line  month.  The  rea- 
sons why  I  eaimtii  vi,i,,  (i,r  tht;  power  of  notice, 
unless  it  be  tjiialifnd,  I  must  poatpono  to  a  subae- 
tpieiil  part  ol  my  nrgiimcnt. 

And  here,  Mr.  Chairman,  permil  nie  lo  my,  thai, 
in  my  action  on  this  siibjei  i,  1  Inicnil  lo  be  govern- 
ed by  no  other  consiileraiions  iliaii  such  iis  apper- 
tain to  the  Niibjcct  Itself.  I  have  bi;en  apprehenaivn 
thai  this  ipit  sliiiii  uf  Diegon  miu'lit  liecomt.  the  iiiero 
football  of  party.  I  have  lieiiril  It  inimiitteil  that 
there  is  a  good  ileal  of  jinlilicnl  (7i(i;iirr-ii/«i/iiig  go- 
ing  on  in  reguid  to  tins  matter,  and  tliai  nit;ii  of 
high  aspiialioiis  are  making  a  siiilkiii:,''liorse  of  iliii 
siilijecl  to  ride  iiiiii  lie  i'resident  y.  I  will  refrain 
from  expressing  the  fei  lings  whnli  such  a  siigges. 
tioii  IS  lulaplt'tl  to  avvukt  n  in  every  hom  st  mind, 
and  ciMiteiit  hiy.lf  with  the  expressiuii  til'a  hope 
that  lliere  is  \ci  enough  of  rectilmh;  and  of  patriot- 
ism  left  in  our  public  eouiicils  to  checkmate  such 
iletestable  purposes,  if  any  such  exist.  Nor  ciin  1 
consent  that  tlitr  dispute  about  t>regoii  shall  lit:  mix- 
ed up  with  the  t|Ueslloii  of  Texas.  If  any  one  ile- 
sirea  to  know  my  opinion  un  the  subject  uf  Texas 
niniexation,  I  refer  tlieiii  to  the  senliinents  of  my 
St.ite,  not  only  as  niiiile  known  by  the  evircise  of 
llie  electivt:  franchise,  but  as  ofieii  ileclareil  lo  I'on- 
gress  by  resuliiliuns  of  ,iur  (teneral  ,\sseinlily,  c,on- 
ceived  111  tht;  strongest  terms  tti'  uppusiiimi  and  re- 
pugnance; one  set  uf  which  was  subinitteil  by  my 
colltivgiie  [Mr.  RueKwt.i.i,|  at  the  present  sessioii; 
or,  if  I  ought  lu  be  niurt;  explicit,  I  am  willing  to 
declare  that  I  regard  the  iiit;asiire  as  a  palpable  viti- 
laiiuii  uf  the  Constitution  of  the  United  Stales,  more 
so  than  any  other  which  has  occurred  since  tht;  or- 
ganization of  tht;  Governinent  in  I7H<.I,  and  is,  be- 
sides, highly  objectionublt;  on  other  grounds.  Rut 
it  is  said  tliiii  it  would  be  righi  .intl  just  lo  involvu 
the  country  in  war  with  Great  Ihitiiin,  to  llie  end 
that  peculiar  calamlti'  may  be  iiillicted  on  ihu 
South  for  what  we    >  North  tall  "the  Texas 

iniiiuity."  Rut  I  vviil  ;  recognise  any  such  mo- 
tive of  action.  I  nni  not  prepared  to  say  that  lliu 
Soiitht;rn  Slates  are  much,  if  any,  more  responsi- 
ble for  this  eiiorniiuis  wrong  than  the  fi-ee  States. 
I  C-Uinot  forget  lhat,  while  the  free  Stales  gave  a 
iniijority  of  no  less  than  forty-fivt;  electoral  votes  in 
favor  of  Polk  and  Texas,  the  slavelioldiiig  States 
gave  a  majorily  of  only  twenty  votes.  Itesides,  if 
lire,  desohitioii,  and  the  sword  an;  to  be  carried 
inUi  the  South,  i  iu<k,  what  i.s  to  lie  done  with  those. 
States  which  oiiposed  Texas  aiint:\alioii  ?  What 
is  to  be  done  with  Delaware,  Maryhind,  North 
Carolina,  ever-glorious  Kentucky,  antl  patriotic 
and  noble-minileil  Tennessee?  Wliat  is  lo  be  done 
with  our  gallant  friends  in  Georgia  and  Louisiana, 
who,  miller  circiiinstniict;s  of  great  dilliculty,  stuud 
by  tlie  ('onslitution,  and  were  at  lust  overcome 
only  by  frauds  more  stupendous  than  were  ever 


y.' 


before  committeil  in  this  or  any  oilier  country 
[  The  truth  is,  that  this  project  of  Texas  annexaiion 
was  starleil  by  the  late  President  Tyler,  in  fiirlher- 
alice  ot'his  ridiculous  prelensions  lo  ilo-  Presidency, 
(by  re-election,)  an  idea  which  never  obtained  a 
loilgment  anywhere  out  of  the  Presidential  man- 
sion. The  demagogues  all  over  the  country  iinnie- 
diately  seized  liolil  vf  the  scheme,  and,  after  prac- 
tising awhile  upuii  the  credulity  anil  shallowness 
,  of  its  author,  wielded  it  with  success  in  promoting 
the  election  of  President  Polk.  If  the  itarihotdiiig 
prtiUUctioiis  of  the  South  are  responsible,  in  some 
degree,  for  this  wrong,  I  hold  thai  the  ^/ll/i/.^■,^'■>•lf.v^)■ 
iiiff  priipiisifir.!  of  the  North  arc  ei|ilally  su;  and 
therefore  I  will  never  eonsent  to  have  the  Uniti;d 
States  iiivolvt;i|  in  a  war  nniler  the  ideatif  inlliciing 
ilisaslers  on  the  former  st;cliuii  uf  the  eoinitry.  If 
any  man  is  to  be  invested  with  the  powers  ot  retri- 
bnliiin,  in  reference  to  this  subject,  he  ciiii  hardly 
confine  his  labors  lo  tin;  South — he  will  tloubtle.ss 
tiikt!  the  circuit  of  the  whole  Union,  scaiteriiig 
evcrywiieit;,  to  the  right  and  left,  "  firebranils,  ar- 
rows, and  ileadi;"  and  perhaps  lit;  may  think  that 
ei|ual  anil  exact  justice  retiiiires  him  to  reserve  u 
few  bolls  for  «  ceitain  party  at  the  North,  who, 
from  a  mistaken  .senst;  of  duly,  tlin;w  iiwiiy,  at  the 
late  Presidential  election,  their  voU;s  on  a  llurd 
iiandidate,  and  thus  ctintribiited  ell'et;tiiully  tu  ex- 
tend "Ihe  ana  uf  freedtun"  in  the  Southwest. 
Rnl  it  is  said  we  ought  lu  lay  our  hands  on  iha 
,  whule  uf  Oregon,  to  be  convened  into  free  States, 
11  tu  cuuntcrvuii  the  guin  to  the  slave  States  by  the 


M 


[Feb.  7, 


184G,] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOHE. 


257 


29th  CoNfl 1st  Sgm. 


ncqiiinltlnii  (if  Ti-x.is.     Wliiit   H  mrnni   l)y  ihis? 
In  it  timt  wp  shimlil  cImimi  ilic  wIdIi'  iir()i'i':,'iin, 
inilppiiiclont  oroiir  rijjiil  In  ilir  whole?     Il'tlii!  imi- 
tii'fi  Icniinry  is  truly  imrs,  tln'ii  we  must  hIiiiicI  up 
till'  fiiir  rights,  iri'eniiertive  of  iiiiy  qiicstiiui  iiliiiiil 
'IVxaa;    lint   it'  wii   Imvc   nut  n  jum  cliiim  to  the 
wliiili",  the  Americnii  pcipli' will  Imrilly  imdnitnke 
n  riililii'ry  "I"  Icrriinry  in  oiii>  fiiiarlcr  in  imiloh  « 
ruljUriy  ruiiiinitlcil  in  iiii(ith<<r,  iiiiil  th;ii,  tno,  on 
mere  I'lxli'iiliitmriH  nf  doinislii' iiilvarilni;i'.    Heniilua, 
the  piiiiyoii  wlion>  thi'  opci'iitiim  is  to  lie  perlorin- 
fi\  in  tt  luirly  old  t^entleniiiii   of  iho  nunic  of  Hull, 
who   is  likely  I"  uinke  a  iiuu^h  Hioiiter  renistniire 
Ih.m  the  pfiiir  Mexicmi  Don,  wliimi  ynu  tniiy  vie-  i 
liinize  lit  liny  time  with  impnnity.    I  iiiniai,  ilicre-  i 
fiiT,  lliis  IH  n  qiiesiion  liy  1 1  si  IT;  thill  it  ia  a  hi'oaj  1 
nationiil  iinestion,  to  lie  taken  up  and  eonsidered  I 
calmly  ami  ilisiiiissioinlely,  with  e.  view  t"  a  juHt  I 
npprei'iatiiin  ot^  the  rights  ol'  the  irepnhlh',  .mil  to 
HHsert  thoflfi  rii^lits  u  ilh  all   the  lirimness  which  a  ' 
hi,:;h  sense  of  piilriolii',  duty  inunt  inspire.  j 

And   here,   Mr.   Oliairninn,   1  will  advert  for  a  ' 
moment  to  what  1  niider.staiul  to  he  the  poHition  of 
those  with  whom  I  usually  eo-oporate  in  thin  Hall 
in  re^anl  to  the  pending;  eontroversy.     We  wish  it 
to  lie  distinctly  under-iood  that  we  shall  throw  no  ' 
faetioiiH  opposition  in  t)ie  way  of  the  Adininiatra'  ■ 
tion;  we  »ie  disposed  to  eo-opernle  with  the  ICxu- 
cutive  ill  elForis  to  as>erl  our  rii;lits,  and  to  resist 
the  pidiey  ol'  Ureal   liritain,   |)roinptly  and  eirect- 
ively,  s  i  tar  as  it  is  aii'.;ressive.      \V'e  are  di.spiiscd 
to  do  entive  justice  to  the  President  uiid  Caliinet, 
null  nppniiale  highly  the  ze.il  and  ahdity  display-  i 
I'd  liy  a  late  ami  the  present  Secretary  of  titale,  in 
the  corn'-pnudenee  \mi{  liel'orc  t^oniiress.      But,  if 
the  .'\iliuinistratioii  shall  wantonly  or  unneeessardy  ' 
involve  in  in  a  war  with  Ureal  liritain,  we  believe 
the  Ainerii'an  people  will  hold  them  to  hii^h  respon- 
silulities.    However  imprudent  the  Uxenitive  mtiy 
he,  we  intend   to  rally  in  support  of  the  country, 
.ind,  whether  in   piihtic,  or  private  life,  will  do  all 
ill  our  power  to  repel  aijijression,  mid  vindicate  the  ' 
honor  of  onr  Hat;.      But  we  intend  to  hold  the  Ad- 
ministrntlnn  to  ilie  perl'orinanee  of  three  riijid  eon-  • 
dilioiis  ;  first,   lliut  they  prosecute   the  war  with 
viffor;  secondly,   with  niiility,  and,  thirdly,  with 
success,     Wc  shall   allow  them   no  mnrL,'iii — will  ' 
not  abate  one  hair — and  if  they  fail,  we  shall  en- 
deavor to  place  the  (Jovernmeiit  in  the  hands  of 
lieiier  and  more  eom[ieieni  men,  who  will  concen- 
trate upon  the  contest  nil  ihe  energies  of  the  Amer- 
ican people,  and  coiupior  for  the  Republic,  nl  an 
early  day,  a  i;lorioiis  peace. 

But,  sir,  1  desire  to  approach  a  little  nearer  to  Ihe 
great  question  before  lis.  In  the  first  place,  in  con- 
neximi  with  the  i^round  taken  by  the  Adininistr.i- 
tion,  I  slmll  recur  to  the  late  correspondence  be- 
tween the  two  (Jiivernments,  upon  some  of  the 
features  of  which  it  is  iniporiiiiit  lo  fix  the  atten-  ' 
tion  of  the  country.  It  is  now  said  that  we  not 
only  have  the  best  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon,  but 
that  it  is  expedient  to  push  our  claim  to  that  ex- 
tremity. But  this  is  a  new  view  of  the  subject,  lo  ■ 
which  our  Government  has  arrived  since  the  4th  of 
March,  1845 — whether  in  the  liaiht  of  the  celebra- 
ted Baltimore  resolniion  declarinii;  "  our  title  to 
the  wholeof  the  territory  of  Ore:;on  lobe  clear  and 
iinniiestionable,"  I  leave  others  to  judge.  But  il  , 
will  be  observed  that  the  negotiations  have  ever 
lieen  conducted  between  the  two  Governments  on 
the  basis  of  compromise,  neither  parly  indicating, 
until  recently,  a  wish  lo  exclude  the  other  wholly 
from  the  territory.  Such  was  the  tlict  in  the  ne- 
gotiations prelimi'nnrv  to  the  convention  of  the  18th 
of  October,  1818.  'flie  same  basis  was  acted  on 
in  the  correspondence  intermediate  and  prelimina- 
rv  to  the  cmuenlinn  of  the  (iih  of  August,  18i)7, 
l^hc  negoiiatioiis  were  resumed  and  prosecuted  un- 
der the  auspices  of  Mr,  Calhoun  upon  that  idea. 
This  ilislinctly  appears  from  the  protocol  of  the 
2;)dor.\ugust,  1841,  signed  by  .Mr,  Calhoun  and 
Mr,  Pakonham,  in  which  tliev  recognised  ihe  au- 
thority of  each  "  to  li-eat  of  tlie  resoective  claims 
'  of  tlie  two  Governments  to  the  Oregon  territory, 
'  with  a  view  to  establish  a  |>crnianent  boundary 
'  between  the  two  eomilries  westward  of  the  Kocky 
'  mountains  to  the  Pacific  ocean,"  the  plenipoten- 
tiaries interchanging  assurances  of  a  desire  on  both 
sides  "  lo  approach  the  question  with  an  earnest 
'  desire,  and  in  the  .sjiiril  of  compromise,  lo  ellecl 
'  un  adjustment  consistent  with  the  honor  and  just 
'  interests  of  either  parly."    Thus  the  parlies  sub- 

17 


The  Oregon  l^iitntion — Mr,  Truman  iStnith. 

stimlially  adinitled  thnl  each  had  a  betlir  i  laim  lo 
Home  piu'l  of  (he  territory,  and  that  thnc  should  be 
an  eipiiiable  division  between  them.  \Vr  li;ul  three 
timt-s  previouily,  in  ailenipting  to  tuljiiat  the  con- 
IroierHy,  that  is  to  t.ay  in  IH18,  18v'4,  and  [oM, 
olfered  to  Great  Britain  ti>iliviile  the  territory  bv 
Ihe  parallel  of  49°,  mid  in  1818  and  in  l8:Jli  we  nf- 
tt'rod  in  addition  the  navigation  of  the  I'ohinibia 
riviT  south  of  that  paralh  I.  In  Jidy,  l.rJ4,  Great 
Britain  ollered  to  the  I'liited  Stiili  s  lo  divide  lliu 
territory  by  extending  the  parallel  of  4t)'^  to  the 
northcttsteriimost  bran -li  of  the  Columbia  river, 
and  friun  thence  down  the  middle  of  that  river  to 
the  Pacific  ocean.  In  addition  to  that,  in  Deeeni- 
her,  18'J(i,  she  ollered  us  a  di  Inched  territory  of 
near  one  hundred  iniles  sipiiuc,  Hitnutcd  on  llie  | 
Strait'^  of  Fiica,  in  which  is  a  valuable  liaibm- call- 
ed Plot  Discovery.  Under  these  eircnmslunccs 
Ihe  negotiation  was  opened  by  Mr,  I'aliiouo  and 
Mr.  I'akeidiam  on  the  'JUd  of  .Vigiisi,  1H14,  w  Inch, 
so  far  as  the  former  gentleman  is  concerned,  tcr-  ' 
minated  with  his  retirement  tVoni  the  Slate  Depart-  ■ 
nieiit  on  ilip  orgaiiiz'iiion  of  the  nrescnt  Adniinis- 
tration,  in  .March  last.  While  tlie  subject  was  in 
the  hands  of  Mr,  C,,tlie  British  Plenipoteniiury  i 
m  >de  two  propositions  for  an  adjustinunt  of  tho  i 
dispute;  I 

1,  The  Brilish  AIiiiis"r,  on  the  •2Gtli  of  August, 
1844,  re|n'oposcd  the  basis  of  ItiJIi;  lliat  is  to  .say, 
the  line  of  41P  and  the  Columbia  river,  wiih  tlie 
aamc  detnclied  territory;  and,  in  .addition,  ollered 
to  make  frei'  to  the  Uinicd  .States  any  port  or  porta 
which  the  \mericiui  (loverinnent  niiglil  desire, 
either  on  l!ie  main  land  or  Vancouver's  Island, 
south  of  lalitude  4'.)°.  This  seems  to  have  been 
promjitly  reieiied  bv  our  Govt;riinieiil.  ( 

2,  On  the'  l.'iili  ofdaniuiry  last  the  British  Gov-  i 
eminent  olVcred  to  the   United   States  to  refer  the  , 
ditVerences  between  them  lo  arbitration,  suggesting 
lhal,tiiidertlie  circunisl  inces,  no  more  lair  or  lion- 
or.ilile   mode   of   settling   the    question    could    be  , 
ndonieil,  I 

This  proposition  Mr,  C,  waived,  but  iliil  not 
positively  decline,  expressing  the  hope  lb  it  the 
eonlroversy  niiirht  be  sillied  by  the  negolialions 
then  pending  beiween  the  two  countries.  | 

Dnring  the  adminisnaiion  of  the  Stale  Dcpart- 
miiit  by  Mr,  C,  no  direit  propositiiui  was  made  ' 
oil  our  part  for  an  adjustment  of  ihe  question;  but 
.\lr.  C,  it  is  believed,  in  the  discussion,  satisfac-  | 
torily  proved  that  we  were  euliiled  to  all  th.it  part 
of  the  territory  which  is  drained  by  the  waters  of 
the  ('oliimbiii  river,  and  tliu.-i  indicated  an  opinion 
that  the  country  should  be  divided  by  the  p.irallel 
of  4!P. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  negotiation  fell 
into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Biiclnman,  who,  on  the  pjih 
of  July  lasi,  addressed  to  tlie  British  Minister  bis 
first  letter,  and  ollered  a  division  on  the  pirailel  of 
49'-',  withdrawing  the  navigation  of  the  t.'oluml.ua 
river,  comprised  in  our  last  oiler,  to  wit,  that  of 
18-.'(!. 

This  was  promptly  rejected  by  the  British  Min- 
ister, he  using  the  tiirl expression  that  he  '■  trusts 
'  the  .\niencaii  Plenipotentiary  will  be  prepared  to 
'ollVr  simie  further  |iropos;il  for  the  settlement  of 
'  the  Oregon  question,  more  consistent  with  lairness 
•ami  equity,  ami  with  the  reasonable  cxpecuitions 
'  of  the  British  Government." 

Mr.  Biichauan  then  withdraws  the  prniiosition 
of  the  4l)lli  parallel,  (an  act  that  would  seem  to  be 
superlluous,  as  Ihe  British  Ministin'  had  already 
reii"'ted  it,)  totally  repudiates  the  basis  of  compro- 
mise, aud  goes  peremptorily  for  the  whole  territo- 
ry of  Oregtin.* 

Ill  this  slate  of  things  the  subject  is  submitted 
for  the  coiisidciMiioii  of  Congress,  and  there  are 
three  features  wlii.h  mark  the  ease  wliiili  I  tliinic 
should  attract  tin-  attention  of  the  Ainern  an  peo- 
ple. 

*  linnicitiatcly  ^uicr  nil'  rciiiiirli!*  were  llliulc  iii  coiiiniittce 
tlic  rrcsiilciit  coiiimiJiacatcii  ii  recent  eorrc..|(oiiilciice  be- 
twciii  the  nv.i  tiovcniiiliill-.  frniii  ivllich  it  np|ieiirs  lll:lt 
lirr'nt  Britain  tias  olVcrcd  iiaiiin  t.,  siilaiiit  the  mutter  in  dts- 
jmtc  eitlier  to  ti  neutral  Power,  or  to  riitiipcti'iit  cili/.eiis  of 
siicli  Power,  or  to  a  eoiiimi^j-ioii  of  emiiiciit  citizens  ot"  tlie 
,  iwii  countries,  anil  that  our  (iovi'iiinicnt  have  rejected  nrtiit- 
ruiiiciit  111  any  iiiwl  evcrv  t'oiin.  If  onr  title  to  tlie  wliole  of 
Orc-jdii  ii  so  very  ctear,'  it  is  siraiia:'  ttiit  the  question  eaa- 
iioi  lie  safely  ciiiilidcd  tosueli  ti  lima  iht  VUUit'  Justice  'Paiiey 

anil  so lii'.'ii  judicial  I'liiicuonary  of  (j rent  Uritain .'     Is 

til.  re  not  so.ie'  liinucr,  under  such  eirciinisliinces,  that  the 
iViiilil  will  tliiak  that  we  are  not  very  honest  or  sincere  in 
our  iircteusioiis? 


NewSehies No.  17. 


1.  While  Great  Dritain,  in  the  hue  neirolialion, 
ha.N  made  a  more  liivorable  olli  r  to  ns  than  nIio 
ever  dill  before,  we  have  made  lo  heroin  hs.s  lavor- 
nble  than  we  did  before.  She  liii.s  added  to  her 
oil',  r  of  Isi  of  December,  le'2(i,  trie  ports  eitlier 
Oil  Vaiieouver'H  Iilaiid  or  tlii^  mulii  land  below  tho 
parallel  of  4^,  while  we  have  withdrawn  the  nav- 
Igatioii  of  the  Columbia  river.  Il  is  this  circuni- 
stance  which  attructed  the  attention  of  the  lionor- 
nble  nii!iiiber  liom  Mew  York  jMr,  KiNii]  early  in 
the  sessniu,  »  bo,  in  rciumkuigoii  this  subject,  said 
lie  helicvi'd  that  the  .WiiiiHiiOa/iun  /.iifie  thai  Ihii 
oil'ir  ie»ii/(i  (ir  rijictid  U'/iui  thcxj  mitJe  il;  and  after- 
wai'ils,  explaining,  he  added,  all  he  meunl  was, 
that  a»ii(  mail  i<f  cvwtnvn  miisr  tnunt  Imvc  ktinicn  that 
I'.ic  lliilhlt  (iuveriiinnil  wnitld  njict  it.  The  first 
category  iiiade  the  .Vdininislr.ilion  knaves,  the  sec- 
ond, fool.s;  bill  I  .shall  not  be  MO  indtcorous  as  lo 
call  till  hi   liilier   the  one  or  the  other.     But  why 

,  ilid  the  gentleman  say  that  any  man  of  common 
sense  must  have  anticipated  a  rejuetion.'  It  was 
simply  becnu.se,  while  Gieiit  Piriia'ni  wasiidvancini; 
t'lwards  us  we  were  retreating  froin  her — the  title, 
being  precisely  the  same  now  that  il  was  in  18'JII. 

,  Il  is  dillicnit  to  see  why  the  Administratiini,  if  dis- 
poseil  lo  withdraw  the  navigation  of  the  Columbia, 
did  not  oiler  an  etpiivalent  lo  tho  British  Goverii- 

.  ment.  1  low  can  tho  world  think  that  we  arc  seek- 
ing ii  solution  of  tliisquesiion  in  the  spirit  of  peace, 
if  we  persist  in  such  enndnct? 

3.  It  is  an  extraordinary  fact  that  theolTer  made 
by  .Mr.  Buchanan  (In  his  letter  ol'the  IQtIi  id°  July 
last)  was  neither  submitted  lo  the  British  Go' ern- 

.  m'.iii  as  an  tiff iimiluui,  nor  was  it  letiiriicd  as  such', 
or,  in  other  words,  Mr.  B.  ilid  not  give  the  British 
Plenipotentiary  lo  uiider.stand  that  the  furty-niiith 

;  parallel  was  the  only  proposition  he  could  or 
Would  make,  or  the  only  terms  on  which  we  could 
ndjiist  the  eontroversy.  On  the  eoiitrnry,  the 
Biiiish  Minister  was  distinctly  tolil  that  "  tlus 
'  Pr'sidenl  had  determined  to  pursue  the  negolin- 
'  lion  lo  it.i  lonchision  upon  the  principle  of  eum- 
'pronii.se  in  which  it  comineneed."  No  doubt 
Mr.  Pakenham  supposed  the  proposilioii  of  Mr. 
B.    wa.s  a  mere  bid;  'Uid,  as  it  was   a  relrenling 

|.  bid,  he  iinfiutnnntely  rejected  it.  At  this  the  Pres- 
ident and  his  Si-cri  tary  seem  to   have  taken  fire. 

■  They  instantly  detcnniiied  to  break  up  the  negolia- 
liuu:   'hey  sn. Itched  back  the  oiler  tliev  had  made, 

|,  and  tueii  piishe,!  the  Ainericnn  claim  up  lo  ,14° 
4ir.  If  the  Adininislralion  were  resolved  not  to 
concede  to  Great  Britain  anymore  favorable  terms 
than  the  parallel  of  4'J^,  why  did  lliey  not  say  so 
explieiily?  Wliyilid  tliei"  not  return  ihal  paral- 
lel as  an  iiliimatiim?     If  ilns  had  been  done,  Mr. 

;  Pakenham  Wiinld  have  been  obligeti  to  sentl   the 

!  proposition  lo  his  Goveninient,  mid  possibly  the 
controversy  niiglit  have  been  ere  this  ailjusted. 

,'(.  But  ihuie  is  another  cireiimstance,  equally 
remarkable,  to  which  I  wish  to  direct  the  partl- 
cularatliution  of  the  comnnttee,  which  consists  in 

j   the  fact  that  the  argument  best  adapied  lo  convince 

jl  the  British  .Minisier  of  the  justice  of  our  proposi- 
tion was  withheld  till  after  he  had  rejected  it.  The 
President  says  that  he  e.iiised  the  oiler  to  eompro- 

I  mise  on  the  forty-ninth  degree,  which  had  been 
rejected,  to  be  subserpiently  witlidr:iwn,  and  '*our 

.i  '  title  to  the  whole  Oregon  territory  to  beas.serted, 

I  'and,  ns  is  believed,  maintained  by  irrel'rtignble 
'  facta  and  argunienis."  Why  were  not  these  Irref- 
ragable facts  and   argumeni.s  put   forward  ill  tho 

'  first  instanci;.^  Surely  an  argument  nthipled  lo 
.  prove  that  our  title  to  the  whole  tei'riiory  is  "  clear 
and  iinqiiesiioiiablts"  would  operate  powerfully  to 
oinvince  till  Bi'iti.sb  Government  that  they  ought 
lo  accept  of  49°.  Kvery  one  who  looks  over  the 
papers  cannot  fail  to  see  that  our  ease  is  presented 
m  Mr.  Buchanan's  last  letter.  Whatever  title  we 
have  lo  the  whole  territory  is  conhiincd  in  sUite- 
ineiit  J.  B.  ■-',  drawn  up  with  great  vigor  and  dis- 
tingui.shed  aiiility.  The  reservation  of"  the  irref- 
ragable till  is  and  arguments"  till  after  the  ro|ec- 

I,  tion  of  our  oll'er,  is  to  me  incomprehen.sible.  Surely 

:  it  could  not  have  been  the  purpose  of  the  Adinin- 
islralion,   by    crooked   and    disingenuous   diplo- 

i  niacy,  to  break  olf  the  negotiation,  and  thus  in- 
volve the  two  countries  in  imminent  ibinger  of 
war,  1  cannot  suspect  geuilemcii,  for  whom  per- 
sonally 1  cherish  sentiments  of  high  respect,  of  so 
base  a  purpose;  and  yet  it  is  diUicult  to  see  how 
they  could  have  adopted  o  course  better  adapted  to 
that  end  than  the  one  in  fact  pursued. 


I  1 


u 


'!»"i 


Wl 


in; 


ii 


s '  .''i 


858 


SOtii  C'dno liT  Se&s. 


ArPENDlX  TO  TIFF,  CONCnnsSIOIVAl,  GI^OTO. 

The  OrrffoH  (^mulion — IMr.  'rriimiiu  Smith. 


ffVI).  7. 


Ho,  or  Ukfh. 


Anil  lliis  wiiiilil  -iiTm  ici  1110  III  lir  llio  |irn|irr 
plurc  I'l  iniiiiiii'  iiitii  (he  riiusi'  "f  nil  llit«ii  (IJOii'iil- 
tjrN.  ilow  I'linicH  il  mImiiiI  iIimI  iiiir  re  liiliiiiiK  wllli 
(Irial  llril.iiii  weri',  liiiiiKilinlcly  nO' r  llif  ani  n- 
niiMi  iif  llir   |inwiil  Ailiiiiiil^Ornlinii  I*  (itti'f  iiml 

J"i«cr,  invi'Uril  In  mi  niiirli  cnilinrnifiKniriit  ?  Why 
ms  llicro  <^nnr  I'lnili,  iliriMi.;liiiiit  llir  niniilry,  hci 
iniii'li  11','iinlii'ii  ntiil  iiliirin?  iinil  wliy  Imvc  inir 
iiiililic  rdiincilH,  mill  llio  wliiilc  Aini'ili'iiii  |n"i|ilr, 
lirrn  mi  riitirrly  I'liirrnN^il,  Cur  iiiiiiiy  wii'liH,  in 
iintKipiitiiiij  111!  ilir  iTviiIiin:;  .■rrrii'"  i  l'  i»  dirrlul 
will-.'  Till"  v'l'fiM  111"  iill  tlir  cvli.^,  iironil  mill  Mil- 
tii"i|iiilril,  iliilr  tVinii  flip  ;illlli  ilnv  nl"  MnVi  A.  I>. 
1H44,  nml  linil  its  uriu'in  in  n  iiorniinl  nMHcniMiiu'c 
vliii'li  wiin  llini  in  or-isiMii  in  iIm'  riiy  of  niilliiiinrr, 
mill  cni.'inriil  111  iiiiiiiiiiaiiiiL.'.  Tur  mii'  <<{'  ilir  ','riiit 
pmlii's  III'  ilii'  I'liiiin,  M  riiiiiliiliii''  I'lir  llii'  |iii.ii' 
llriii'y.  Tho  iiMsi'inlilii:;r  ns*iir|Hi|  juririilirtioii  o\it 
tlic  r|iii'Kiir>n  (if  i)iri.'iiii — ilioy  intiiTil  ii|iiin  ii  now 
rxiii'iiiiii'iil  in  ili{ili>inni'y,  mill  iinilrrliink  in  iimke 
niiliiii'iil  ni|iiiiil  mil  nl  ii  iiiknIuiii  wiiii'li  liml 
lii'iii  |ii'niliiii:  liver  ii  qiinrlci'  of  a  I'liiliiry,  wliiili 
linil  oii'iiiiiril  tlir  allrniiiin  nl'  si'\rnil  Ailiiiiiiisiiii- 
liiiii.i,  anil  rii;rnw»ril  n  lar'.'r  :<limT  nf  ilic  i'ls-i  ml- 
nils  of  the  roiiiilry.  'Vliis  ]irr;iiiin|iliiiiiM  Imilv, 
nftrr  imssiiis  llinuiirli  urcni'M  nf  liulailrni  n  anil  vl- 
nli'iirp  sni'li  aM  WftN  iioviT  lirlMri'  \\  itiic.isi  il  in  llii' 
(■(iiinlrVi  |iliiii;.'('il  liciiillnni;  iiiln  tin'  iniil.-l  nl'  llius 
(lis|<iiiF,  anil  iinili'i'liink.  Iiy  an  iiillmiinialnry  ii|>- 
pral.tii  cslalilisji  n  title  in  iiiir  peo|ile  In  llie  wlinln 
111' Oregon.  Wlint  n  liiiinilialiii^'  Hpi'iiaele  1  mill 
linw  ailnpted  In  make  mir  ennnirv  anil  iiM  insiiiii- 
tiiiiiH  the  laii^liiii:;-«tiii'k  anil  (lerisiini  nl'ilie  winlij ! 
Wo  had  loiii^  seen  the  iiinliiriiani'y  of  ^iiirlv  per- 
vndiiiiT  all  lininrhes  nf  niir  ilninefliio  rilaliinis.  de- 
liniteliini;  piilihr  and  jirivate  tmirals,  and  ovir- 
ihrowini;  nearly  all  the  iireal  inlireslH  nf  ihe  rniiii- 
Iry.  At  Insi  this  fell  spirit  has  iiiviiilrd  llie  Niini'- 
tiiary  of  iiiir  fnreiijii  relatlnns,  and  iipnii  In  fnni- 
slops  will  ennie,  ere  Inn:,-,  sliniiM  any  niimi'le  i  iia- 
l.le  us  111  eseape  iiiiw,  nilhless  war,  wllli  iiir  eiiiist 
ravajjed,  our  enninieree  swept,  niir  eilies  Iiuriil, 
inynails  nf  treasure  sipimiilerid,  mid  neeans  of 
lilnnd  poured  forth.  Sneh  are  iln-  leu'iliiuate  fruits 
of  pernilltinu'  party  aniinosiiv  to  iluhhie  In  l'orei:,'ii 
nirairs.  In  the  nieantinie,  t1ie  Ualtiniore  nsnUi- 
tion  has  fulfilled  lis  niLsslon,  and  .lames  K.  I'nIk, 
in  neenrdaiiee  with  the  fnriiis  nf  ihe  f 'onsliliilinii, 
is  proelrtimed  duly  eleeted  I'residenl  of  the  I'nited 
States.  Ho  leaM  1.  his  iiliode  In  the  State  of  Tiii- 
ncssee,  where  he  had  Iteen  In  retiri  ineiil  several 
years,  to  lake  his  phii'i-  at  the  head  of  ihe  Govern- 
ment. We  soon  find  lilni  on  the  easti  in  front  nf  nnr 
Capitol  to  assume  I'liirfiil  respnnslliililieN.  He  was 
ntioiil  lo  oeeiipy  a  station  whii'li  hail  lioon  filled  liy 
a  WasliliiL'ton.  One  would  suppose  he  woiikl  feel 
nhove  rosjioiuiin:;  to  the  si  nllmeiilH  of  a  eanriis.  If 
lie  had  no  respeei  |or  his  ininieiliate  prederessor,  he 
must  al  least  he  disiiosid  to  tn'at  the  ilistiiii;iiisli- 
cd  siiuesinan,  who  liad  just  retired  from  the  I)e- 
iiariment  nf  Stale,  with  orilinary  di  eeney;  he  must 
have  some  regard  for  the  eause  of  piaeo,  iileiiil- 
lled  as  il  Is  wllh  the  hesi  interests  of  the  eonmry. 
Uiil  not  .so.  I'olitieal  rapilal  was  to  he  iiiaili',mid 
therefore  lie  throws  n  fiii'liraiid  hv  re-eehoiiii;  the 
I'alllmoro  sontiment.  that  "our  t'llle  to  the  whole 
nfOre^^on  iselearmid  iinipiestioiiaiile;'*  and  then, 
lo  make  the  eniliroilment  the  more  eertalii,  he  aild- 
od  n  nieiiaee  to  Great  I!riiaiii,  that  it  would  he  his 
duty  to  mainlnin,  hy  all  runstitulionitt  ineann,  the 
riffht  of  the  Fnitid  .Slates  lo  the  territory  in  dispute. 
This  was  iiiKlerstonil  on  the  other  side  ef  the  At- 
lantir  to  lie  a  menaee;  and  II  was  palpahly  so.  It 
will  lie  ohserved  that,  at  the  lime  Mr.  Piilk  made 
this  summary  dis'insiiion  of  the  Oregon  rpiesiion, 
he  had  lull  heeii  duly  eonstiluled  I'residenl  of  the 
United  Slates:  he  had  not  taken  the  ontli  of  oHiee. 
However  well-inforined  the  President  may  have 
heen  at  that  time  ahout  Oregon  geiii  rally,  it  is  eir- 
t.un  he  was  not  familiar  with  the  ne;;oliations  on 
the  sulijeet;  and,  at  any  rate,  he  eould  not  have 
understood  the  existing  stale  of  sinli  ii' goila'ions. 
In  his  Message  he  uses  language  whiih  iiitru'lenlly 
inilii'.ates  that  siii-h  was  ilie  t'n<\.  In  ilial  doeii- 
inent  he  says,  in  efl'cel:  "  My  altenlion  was  early 
direetcd  lo  the  sulijeei ;"  and  then,  after  giving  the 
iletalls,  he  adds;  "When  i  eamc  into  oltiie,  I 
found  llii.s  to  he  llie  stale  of  the  negollalion."  He 
filially  Informs  f'ongres.s  that  he  hiiil  oU'ered  to  di- 
vide the  terriinry  on  the  parallel  of  411°,  "  in  ile- 
fercnee  to  what  had  lieeii  done  liv  his  jiredeees- 
sors."     Why  did  he  not  feel  ilml  I'lefeiem-e  at  the 


time  he  delivered  his  Inaiigurid  .Xildrens?  Will  il 
ho  said  he  did  not  then  know  what  lliey  had  done  .' 
If  811,  how  inme  lie  to  .  niiiniit  liiiiiself  no  rashly 
on  a  sul.jeri  nf  so  iiiiuh  dflii'ary!  Why  ael  in 
Ihc  dark  .'  Why  not  wail  till  ho  was  siirroiindod 
hy  Ills  raliiiiet,  and  had  had  time  In  hiok  nt  the 
siihjeet  ill  all  lis  heniings  ?  i 

lliil  Ihe  words  "  iliar  and  nii({iiestiiinalile"  had 
j^oiio  nut  from  Ittiltiniore,  and  he  niiiHt  i'e.^|iniid  to 
tlniii;  ho  must  assume  a  gallant  heariiig  hefnre 
the  Amerii'iin  iieonle;  and  iln  refore  the  pngiianl 
allusion  to  "all  the  I'nnstilulinind  means"  wilh  ; 
wliieli  ho  was  In  ho  invisted,  lo  he  used  ill  ns- 
serting  our  right  to  ihe  whole  of  Oregnii.  This, 
noiwilhstanding  my  nspeet  for  the  I'resiileiit,  I 
them  the  height  nf  inipniilenre;  it  wan  pre-emi- 
lienlly  adapted  to  einhroil  us  wllli  (Ireat  llrilaiii, 
and  is  hilieved  lo  he  ihe  priiu'lpiil  Miiiree  of  exisl- 
iiig  diHiinllies.  The  I'risideiit  soon  found  that 
treallng  wilh  a  great  I'ower  like  ihat  of  (ireat  Uril- 
tain  was  an  all'air  i|iiile  unlike  ri  .>ipoiiiling  In  the 
sentinii  Ills  of  a  parly  i  aliens,  or  making  a|ipial.s 
with  a  view  In  pnpiihir  impressinii.  Ho  found  it 
would  not  ipiiiedo  to  enine  up  lo  the  siratih  nf  .')4° 
4(1'.  i  Ic  In  gaii  lo  fi  el  all  at  oiiee  a  /icii/iniiiil  di fir- 
mer for  hi.«  pridirissors,  and  Ineoiilinenlly  nH'ers 
In  surrender  to  the  IJrilii  11  liovernmeiil  nearly  one- 
half  of  Ihe  iirritory.  If«e  really  own  the  whole 
territory,  hnw  i  anie  the  I'residenl  lo  oiler  lo  give 
nwiiy  one-half  nf  it  •  How  eould  mere  "  defer- 
Piii'O  for  predieesa  us"  impose  mi  nliligation  to 
nu'ke  siieli  a  saerifire.-  Or  was  il  his  nhjiel  to 
enrry  I'nor  wilh  ihe  Ihilish  arislneraiy .-  No 
iliinht  till  y  would  he  hugely  di  lighted  with  a 
I)i  inin-ialie  President  vvlio  should  make  them  a 
prosonl  of  sui  h  a  vast  territory,  espeilally  when 
our  lit'e  is  "  i-leiir  and  uiii|Uestiiiniilili'."  Pait  hav- 
ing ntl'ered  Ihis  mngnifiei  nt  liooii,  how  eame  he  to 
v\'ilhilraw  il  r  Why  was  his  ginernsily  so  ova- 
lieseenl  •  If  the  intrre>ls  of  the  Anierieaii  people 
rii|Uiriil  the  nliir  nf  4'.t",  no  possihlo  reason  oaii 
he  iiKslgni  d  for  willidrawing  it.  Those  interesls 
arc  the  same  now  as  Mien— the  hazaids  nf  war 
and  the  iniportani'e  of  m.iinlalniiig  ainii'ahle  rela- 
lions  wilh  (ileal  Itrilaiu  are  the  same  now  as  iln  n. 
Why  has  ihe  eondurl  of  the  .\dminislralion  lieeii 
HO  iinslalile,  wavering,  and  ineonstaiil  r  II  is,  I  af- 
firm, oMingio  the  fai't  that  lliey  have  all  the  while 
heen  under  llie  ilnmiuion  of  ('nlerent  and  wholly 
rejiiigiiMiit  intliienei's — the  iinen  desire  to  niainlain 
ami'  alile  relations  w  ith  Ureal  liritain,  and  the  oilier 
a  desire  to  lualntain  the  same  relations  with  their 
own  paity.  There  lia.s  heen  a  eonstant  slrnggle 
hetween  llnse  anir.gonislinil  prineiples  ever  sineo 
they  eame  into  power.  When  llie  former  has  the 
asi-enileniy,  the  ne:otlalinii  is  larried  forward  nil 
the  only  ground  wliieli  ean  liring  the  dispute  to  a 
iieiuffnl  issue,  lo  wit,  a  inmpromise  ;  when  llie 
lasl,  Ihut  liasis  is  toially  ahamloiied,  and  the  Ad- 
miinslralinii  go  for  "ihe  whole  of  Oregon  or  none." 
Ill  slmrl,  we  are  trying  an  enliie  new  exneriment 
in  diplomaey.  The  Adininislration,  in  tlieir  mo- 
lives  nf  aeiioii  have  heen  mixing  iiii "  foreiijn  af- 
flilrs"  with  "  donaslie  afl'airs."  "Weare  Irving  to 
sen  how  di|iloinaiy  and  ijorly  polities  will  jump  i 
togeiher.  In  the  ease  of  siirh  an  imheeile  Power 
as  .Mexleo  il  may  do,  hut  when  you  are  dealing 
V,  ilh  sinli  II  eharaeier  as  .lolin  Itiill  it  Is  quite  an- 
olher  all'air.  I  shall  wateh  the  jirogress  and  result 
of  this  novelty  with  deep  interi  si. 

Having  thus  pre.ienleil  lo  llie  eonsideration  of 
the  committee  the  pinminenl  fealures  nf  the  iiegn- 
tiiitinn  hetween  the  two  Powei-s,  I  iiirn  lo  u  tuple, 
wliii'h  sliniilil  have  hi  en  made  prominent  in  tills 
dehale,  and  whieli  has  aiiraeted  eomparatheiy  Ut- 
ile atleiuion.  I  refer  to  llio  i|Uisiion  nf  title.  It  is  ; 
.said  llial  we  ean  really  and  truly  aihaiiee  prtten- 
sions  nf  title  to  the  wfiole  of  Oiegoii.  If  so,  I  go 
t'lir  ihe  noiii-e  in  any  form,  no  mailer  how  iiiKiuall- 
ficil.  It  IS  with  surprise  I  have  ;;.jen  muiiy  lionor- 
ahle  niemhcrs  risi;  on  this  llonr  and  make  eloi|ueiil 
and  ahle  appeals  lo  this  eonimillee  in  op|iosilinu  to 
the  uoiiei',  and  yet  deelare  their  In  lief  thai  we  had 
the  heller  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon.  I  regard  every 
S|iieih  of  this  elnraeleras  fnlile  and  nugatory.  The  , 
Amcriian  people  will  never  enn.sent  In  surrender  an  [ 
ineli,  if  they  me  ennvinei  d  that  we  re. illy  nwnOre-  , 
gnu  up  In  .''i4*-'4ll'.  If  sueli  is  ihe  state  of  the  ease, 
f  would  ahrogate  llie  eomenlion  to-morrow.  We 
niu.si,  then,  look  intn  this  ipieslion,  and  endeavor  lo 
aseerlain  the  true  slatenf  ihe  tille.  What!  luclhinks 
I  hearsome  one  ex'  lainiiare  you  aOoiil  logo  mer  . 


to  the  Priilsh  side  of  the  argininnt  '  No,  sir,  I 
nliiill  endeavnr  to  pliieo  myself  on  truly  Amerli'iui 
groiiiid:  on  llie  iniixlni,  nliieli  has  heen  sanellonoil 
hy  nnr  wisest  and  hi  vi  men,  "  lo  elaini,"  in  nnr  in- 
tereniiise  with  Con  ign  I'owors,  "nothing  exeenl 
wha'  IS  elearly  rli'lil,  and  suliniil  In  iiolhing  wliieli 
IS  elearly  wroni'."  How  ean  we  asi  eriain  what 
is  "  eleiirly  right,"  in  regard  In  Ihis  matter,  unlen-i 
we  iii'piiiT  into  the  title.'  I  iillhin  it  is  not  only 
proper  III  iiisiiliile  ihe  inrjiiirv,  hut  nnr  duly  to 
pi'nsei'iiie  it  Willi  all  ilio  liilegiily  mid  iinparliiilily 
of  Ihe  jndii'ial  ehnraeter.  Wo  are  plaeed  in  a  very 
trying  silualion,  ohiigeil  to  juilgo  in  nnr  own  eiiiiso, 
and  liahlo  to  he  swayed  frniii  the  piilli  nf  reeiiiiidr 
and  honor  hy  passion,  prejuilii'e,  and  self-inlerisl . 
Lei,  Iheii,  riioileration  aiiii  a  m  use  of  jiisliio  eliar- 
aeleri/.e  our  eonsnlialion  i,  and  then  wo  may  hope 
for  ft  peaeeful  issue.  At  any  rate,  we  shall  lia\(' 
eonseieiieo  and  the  hlessingof  lliiui  n  nil  nnr  side; 
and  should  the  result  he  an  nppeal  to  arms — the 
iillimn  I'e/io  rfpii'i/ii'ir — then  n  iiniled,  n  patrlolie, 
and  a  Just  people  eould  not  fail  to  iniiic  Iriumpli- 
nntly  nut  nf  the  emiiest. 

If  il  ho  iidmiiiid  that  holh  parlies  have  just  pre- 
tensions of  title  to  some  part  of  the  territory, 
then  il  is  plain  neither  parly  ean  elaini.  as  n  mat- 
Il  r  of  striet  right,  thai  il  should  he  divided  hy  any 
proiise  lino.  It  is  a  wild,  sa\age,  and,  in  a  greal 
degree,  niiinlialiiled  eoiiiilry.  We  ean  see  on  this 
hypolliesis  that  tiieni  Uritain  owns  one  pari,  and 
we  tlip  nilior;  hut  where  llie  lino  shoiiUl  lie  drawn 
ran  only  ho  deienniiifd  hy  eslininling,  as  well  as 
we  enii,  the  value  of  the  respertivo  prelensiiins  of 
the  two  Governmems,  w  liieh  is  moroly  H  mailer  nf 
opinion,  ami  Ihe  ea.se  must  iiievitahly  he  settled  hy 
eomproniise,  if  seiilod  peai'ifiilly.  Il  the  Amerieaii 
Gnvernnioiit  have  title  to  all  that  part  nf  the  terri- 


tory drained  hy  the  wa'ers  of  the  Coluniliia  river, 
ami  the  riritisli  Gnvernmenl  In  that  part  drained 
hy  Grazer's  river,  then  it  is  eerlaiii  that  the  4ltlli 
parallel  is  iml  the  true  lino.  In  sneh  ea.se,  the 
true  line  wiiuld  enminenee  as  high  up  as  the  Mil 
parallel,  nnd  wniild  run  in  a  soiilhwoslerly  diree- 
tioii  on  llie  highlands  dividing  the  waters  nf  tin- 
two  rivers,  and  wniilil  slrike  the  eoasl  ut  Bonn; 
poiiil  heiweeii  the  nioiilli  of  the  Cnliimhia  and  llin 
month  of  Frazer's  river.  I  insist,  therefore,  thai  the 
4!)lh  parnilel  ean  only  he  proposed  aHiieompromise 
line,  and  I  must  eonfoss  it  has  ever  seemed  lo  me 
to  eniisliuile  n  proper  hasi.s  for  the  adjusimi  lit  of 
the  diireronees  helween  the  two  Gin ermueiil.s— un- 
less, indeed,  we  ean  priiporly  take  the  Kroiind  that 
Great  nritain  has  no  elRim  whatever  lo  any  parlnf 
the  territory. 

Whether  we  should  attempt  to  exeliido  that 
Power  wholly  from  Oiegnn,  de|ienils,  in  my  judg- 
ment, on  the  foree  and  elli.et  whii  li  we  are  aullinr- 
izeil  to  give  lo  the  S|ianisli  title  whieli  we  aei|uireil 
hy  the  treiily  nf  Klnrida  in  IHI!).  There  is  no  pre- 
tence that  wo  have  any  elaini  whiuever  tu  the  ter- 
ritory ahove  the  parallel  of  4'.1°,  except  liy  virtue 
of  our  Spanish  title,  on  which  several  remarks 
should  he  made. 

1.  It  consists  in  mere  naked  discovery,  without 
evplorntion,  unless  it  he  coastwise,  and  without 
seltlemenis.  Il  is  rerlain  that  Spain  never  miiile 
anything  like  a  seitlement  in  any  part  of  the  li  r- 
riiiiry  except  at  iS'ootkn,  which  she,  as  Mr.  Ihi- 
cliaiian  admits,  ahandnned  in  IV.Kt.  P.esidea,  asi  i- 
tlemeni  nt  Noolka  would  have  given  Spain  Vaii- 
eonver's  Island  only.  A  Heltleinenl  on  an  island, 
says  Mr.  Calhnun,  gives  the  parly  m. iking  il  a 
ehiiin  U>  the  whole  island,  upon  the  prinei|ile  of 
cnnlinuity,  hut  certainly  not  lo  a  coiiliiii  nt  adjoin- 
ing. But  I  suppose  the  settlement  of  a  eonlmenl 
would  carry  with  it  adjaeenl  islands,  upon  the 
ground  that  the  prineijial  takes  wilh  il  all  accessnries. 
Mr.  Hnchanan  uilmils,  suh.slanlially,  that  niir  Span- 
ish title  eniisisls  ill  discovery  only,  w  hen  he  says  in 
ills  slaleniint  marked  J.  IJ.  il,  that  the  Spanish 
imvigalnrs  "landed  ul  many  places  on  the  coasi, 
'  frniii  the  41st  In  ihe  TiTlh  degree  nf  jatiliiilc;  on  all 
'  which  nceasions  ihey  took  pnssessinn  of  llie 
'  connlry  in  the  name  of  their  Sovereign,  iiceoidnig 

•  to  ft  pri'scrilied  regulalinii,  celehrating  mass,  re.-iii- 
'  ing  ileelaratinns  asserting  the  riglils  nf  Spam  to 
'  the  territory,  mid  ereeling  ciosses  with   iiiserip- 

*  tion.s  to  coininemorate  the  eveiil."  Now,  I  af- 
firm, ihis  wa.^  disi'overy  only — ihe  ordinary  I'lirnis 
ohserved  hy  ihe  .Spanish  navigators  on  such  ona- 
sinns,  conferring  rights  lu  u  ceiwin  extent,  of  wliieli 
I  will  speak  diiicily. 


i 


ffVI).  7. 

>»•  Ukhs. 

t )  No,  »ir,  I 
•\ily  Ainiriraii 
•ni  NiiiK'tiiiiiiMl 
111, "in  ciiir  iii- 
iilliiii;;  cxci'i'l 
ili.lllill!;  wllirll 
imi'i'laiii  uliiit 
liliiltiT,  iinli'HH 
it  in  iiiil  only 

I  iiiir  limy  ii> 
III  iiii|»ii'iiiilliy 
Imril  inn  vriy 
nil-  Mwn  riiiiNi', 
III  III'  I'i'i'liniilr 

II  srIf-inliTtHi . 
it'  jii.-itit'c  rliiir- 
I  we  iiuiy  liii|ii' 
we  kIkiII  IimM' 
Ml  on  our  Hlllr; 
I  to  arnii — llic 
■ll,  a  |uilriiiiii', 
:unie  triuiii|ili 

I  Imvc  jiidl  pre- 
till'  liTiiiiii-y, 
liiini,  iiH  u  mill' 
liuilt'd  liy  liny 
mill,  in  H  ^'I'l'iil 
ri\ii  H('t>  on  tliiM 
H  oni:  iiiiri,  mill 
iiiiild  III'  ilniwn 
iiiir,  iiN  «<ll  iiH 
pri'tiiiHiniiM  nt' 
irly  n  niniliTot" 
lylie  urtlli'il  by 

I  tlie  Aincrioim 
lit  (if  llie  lin-i- 
/oliiiiiliiii  river, 
It  imrt  ilrniiirii 

II  tliut  llic  4'.ltli 
micli  ciici',  tlw 
I  up  lis  till'  5'Jil 
iwi'sti-rly  ilircc- 
I'  waturs  of  tlin 

i'on«t  at  sintio 
ijiiniliia  and  lli>: 
«  rt'iorc,  that  tlit' 
a  I'oiiiproniisi; 
HPi'iiU'd  to  nii^ 
adjiiNiiiKiU  of 
rnnii'iii.s — nii- 
IV  fjroiihd  iliut 
to  any  parlol' 

c'xrliide  tlint 
s,  ill  my  jiidi;- 
we  arc  nullior- 
li  wi;  nri|iiiriil 
here  is  no  pre- 
ir  ti)  tlie  Irr- 
xrrpt  liy  virtiii? 
VLiul   remarks 

nvery,  without 
',  and  witlioiit 
11  iirvt'r  miuiir 

riurt  of  llic  t(  r- 
ic,  as  Mr.  Hii- 
UiHidiH,  nsrt- 
II  Spain  Van- 
on  III!  iMlaiul, 
y  111. living  it  a 
It'  principle  ot" 
Mliiiint  adjoin- 
of  a  ront'inriit 

IIiIh,     lipilll     till' 

.'illai-i'fs.soriis. 

tlial  oiirSpan- 

,\  Inn  111' Hays  in 

t  till'  Spaiiisli 

OH  tlie  coiisi, 

hiiiliiilr;  on  all 

I  .-'sion   of  llii* 

'I'^ii,  acrordiMi^ 

iiii;  nia.'^s,  rt'iiil- 

it.s  of  Spain  III 

witli   in'<i'ri|i- 

•     Nov.-.liif- 

rdinary  fonii.-i 

s  on  Hiii'li  oi'ca- 

xlciil,of  Wllllll 


1840.1 


AIMM^NDIX  TO  TIIK  CONOKKSSIONAT.  GLOHE. 


ann 


a9TH  CoNO.  ...llT  SbM. 


The  Orv,!jon  (^ueilion — iV/r.  TnuiKtn  Smilh, 


i 


a.  It  in  dnubiAil  whtilher  the  HtrnitM  of  Fiirn 
were  really  ilim'overed  in  15!)2,  liy  llir  tJrcrk  cap- 
laiii  III'  llint  naiiu'  in  tliii  Spiiiiiiili  si'rvirr.  Mr. 
(ialliilin  NiiyH,  on  iIiin  point,  in  liiH  rt'i'ciit  Ii'IIith  to 
till'  piililii- :  •' lliiwi"iiiu'  10  mldnoi:  .my  iloiilill'iil 
fliri,  I  almlnini'd  fniiii  alliidini^'  to  it  in  llii'  nlati- 
liinit  of  llii' .^inrrii'iin  riaiin  in  |K>(J,"  So  iliat,  in 
till'  <ipiniiin  n(  lliiii  dHiini,'iiiNliril  iliplinimtmt,  iIk' 
iliM'ovcry  iil'lliiwr  iinporiaitt  HtraiiN,  liy  tlm  Urei'k 
captiiiii  In  wliK'li  Mr.  Itiii'liaiiaii  liax  utlni'lu'd  no 
tiiiirli  iiiiporlaiii'i',iH,  iiiaiiv  ruU',  doiilitl'iil', anil  thix, 
in  my  jiiili;iiii>iil,  Hliaki-H  in  no  hiukII  dri;rL'(',  our 
Niippiifii'd  iiilr  liy  Spanmli  ilini'ovi'ry.  If  llni  Htraim 
wuri'  not  fii'Hl  rtiMovriTil  by  h'urn  in  i'lV'i,  then 
tlii'V  wi'i'ii  iiidi.'<piitalilv  «o  by  ihi:  I'^ifilieh  I'aplaiii, 
liirkclcy,  ill  X'r*'!.  '('liiH,  it  '.I'tiiiM  to  ini',  would 
turn  llio  ink'  by  diiicoviiry,  no  liir  hh  the  iippi'rpiirl 
of  the  li'rritory   in  coiu'«rni.d,   deiMdcdIy   .inninsl 

IIH. 

.').  But,  however  this  miiy  ne,  ho  litthi  wii«  there 
of  piiblii'ity  and  unlhenticity  i;iveii  ti  the  SjuiniNh 
<liHi',ovi'rici«,  if  really  made,  that  tlie  two  piiiiilH  of 
the  eou.^t  by  far  the  most  iinpnrtanl,  llie  Columbia 
river  and  the  HlrailN  iif  Kiiea,  had  to  be  reilincov- 
«ri'il — the  foriiiir  by  llic  Amerieiiii  ( 'apluin  Uray,  in  i 
li'J.'i.and  the  latter,  an  before  reiniu  keil,  by  the  tiiy;- 
lisli  Captain  lierkeley,  in  17M7.  What  euii  be  the 
value  of  diHi'overiea  wliieh  have  to  In;  reiliseovel- 
t'd?  'riie(iilo»ieM  which,  ill  tliiM  deliale,  have  been 
paH.si'd  iipiiii  the  nniiie  and  cliaracler  of  (jiay,  niid 
<lic  lii!;li  apprecialioii  which  i!;i'nileiii'!ii  Kerni  to 
have  of  liix  greut  exploit  in  dincoveriiiij  ihe  (/uhiin- 
liia,  in  proof  I'oncliiNive  that  the  mere  ilincovery  of 
the  iiioiiili  of  that  river  by  lleciia,  in  \"i't,  wiih 
viibieleM.s.  The  world  did  not  poHilivcly  know  | 
that  tliei'v  was,  in  fact,  any  Hucli  river  till  Uray'n 
dl.scovery  put  the  qui'Mlinii  at  real.  'J'hu  En^li.sh  , 
iiavi^Mliii'H  searched  for  it  in  vain,  until  (irny,  by 
41  forlnnalu  hit,  ill  eoiniexion  with  other  I'lictN,  con- 
furred  upon  UH  an  nndoiibted  title  to  far  the  better 
part  of  Oregon.  I  in.sist  that  discoveries  which 
are  not  auihenlicatcd,  where  iiii  luiidmarks  are 
i;ivcii,n(>cliaris  published,  and  no  iiieana  furnished 
of  ideittilicatiiiii,  arc  not  wuriliy  of  a  moniciit'a 
con.sidcration.  They  addiiulhiu^  to  ihefjeinraphy 
of  the  world,  and  iiolhini;  to  the  retiuurce.s  of  coiii- 
meice  or  busines.s.  It  is  well  known  that  the  ap- 
iilicaliiin  of  the  Kteaiu-enirine  to  navigation  had  j 
iieen  sn^t^ejited,  iiid  lo  .someexK-nt  attempted.  Ion:; 
before  I'Vlton,  by  niukini.!;  thiit  matter  practical,  ' 
eonfcrri'd  the  richest  bleisiiigN  u|ioii  his  country  ; 
and  llie  world. 

4.  The  I'jiclish,  by  McKcnzie.,  iindoubledly  di.n- 
covered  and  explored  I'lazcr's  river,  ill  17i);J,  ond 
established  trading;  poKts  upon  it  by  the  Noithwc.st 
Company  in  IMIXi.  No  American  citizen  inadf  | 
nny  dlHcovery,  exploration,  ur  Mcttlemcnt  in  that 
part  of  Orei;oii  prior  to  the  coiiveiiiion  of  1818; 
nor  am  I  aware  that  any  such  citi/.iii  has  occn|)ied 
one  foot  of  it,  tlioui;h  fully  entitled  to  do  so  under 
the  convention,  from  that  day  to  this.  ;; 

5.  We  discovered  the  t^ilumbia  river,  as  before    ■ 
remarked,  by  (Jray,  ill  179:3 — explored  it  by  Lewis    ' 
and  Clarke,  in  IKD-l  and  'o,  and  eslalilislied  Iradiii;; 
iiosis  upon    it  by  Astor,  in   Ifill.     The  EhkIinIi    ' 
liiive  made  many  .sclllcment.s  in  llie  valley  of  the 
Coliiiiibia  since  181S,  but  from  the.-<e  they  can  draw 
no  beiiefil,  as,  by  tile  convention  of  thai  year,  the    ' 
title  is  lo  he  settled  between  the  two  Uovernments    ! 
on  the  state  of  things  then  existing,'. 

Under  such  ciicnmstaincs,  it  would  .seem  to  me 
there  can  he  no  diliicnliy  in  csliiiialin:;  the  value 
of  our  claim  lo  .so  much  of  oiir  territory  as  is  sit- 
iialeil  above  the  parallel  of  4IP.     1    re|ical,  it  is  [ 
founded  wholly  on  Spunisli   discovery,  riinniiii; 
back  into  the  dark  a^'cs,  and  doubtful  on  inipor- 
l.'iiit  points.     Noihinj;  is  more  clear  limn  that  mere  , 
discovery  of  a  savu^'e  or  an  uninhubited  country 
never  gives  a  title,  luile-is  followed  by  exploration  ' 
and  ."eltlenient  within  a  reasonable  time.     This  is 
admitted  by  Mr.  ISuchaiian  in  the  statement  murk-  i 
ed  .1.  |{.     lie  says:  j 

"  If  the  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  a  river,  fol-  1 
*  Inireii  up  witltiii  a  Kt:As<i>}.\Bi.K  timf.  by  the  Hrst  | 
'  exploraliiin  both  of  its  main  cliannel  and  its  priii- 
'  ci|ial  branches,  and  appropriated  by  the  first  .sct- 
'  tlement  on  ils  banks,  do  not  constitute  a  title  to 
'  its  territory  drained  by  its  waters  in  the  nation 
'  perfiirmin!;  these  acts,  then  the  principles  consc- 
'  crated  by  the  practice  of  civilized  nations,  ever  ; 
'  since  the  discovery  of  the  New  World,  must  have 
'  lost  their  power.     These  principles  were  nece»- 


■  nary  to  iirmrrvn  the  peiico  of  iho  world.     Itod  I 

*  they  not  been  enforced  in  praclice,  clashini:  claims   { 
'  til  new   discovered  tci'i'it'iry,  and  pei-peiiiiil  hIi'iI'i' 
'  anions  the  nations,  would  have  been  the  incvitulili' 
'  resiib." 

Tliis  ill  utioiis;  Imiirninjc,  but  not  more  siitinir 
lliMii  Iriie.      What  are   llie  principles  coii'iecratcd 

liy  the  pi-nctii fclMlr/eil  iialion-..'     Not  that  (lis-  , 

covery  iilonc.liiit  that  discimry  fulloweil  up  v.-ilh-   i 
ill  a  rea'iiniilile  lime  by  c\|>|oi',iiiiiii  ami  6<'lili  iiiiiil,    , 
t;ivcn  a  i;iiiid  lillc   lo   wild  and  siwii'.'e  roiiiilriis.    ! 
iN'ol  a  setileiiieiit  was  iikuIc  by  tlr  t^paniaribi  on  i, 
ibis  coast  froiu  ihe  first  supjiosed  ilisco'.ciy  by  Kii-  ^ 
ca  in  I6'J'J  lo  IH|H,  nnle.^.i  ihe  inidinu'  posi  ai  .S'oot- 
ka  be  consiilcred  siicli;  iind  ihat.as  Is'foro  r^'inark-    i 
ed,  was  abandoned  in   1711.").     I'ver  tv.'.i  ceniiirics  , 
and  a  ipiiirler  elapsed,  and   iioihnn;  done.     AVas  ,1 
mil  that  K  reasonable  time  to  mak.'  si  illenienis?   I 
1  low  much  liiite  would  our  honoiablc  Secretary  of 
Stale  allow  to  this  poor,  ih'i^riided,  and   inert  rac,; 
of  nil  11  lo  ill'i'd  such  an  olije.-l.'     Wiiliout  enicr- 
prise,  iiulusiry,  or   vii^nr  of*  cli.xracler,  llie  Spun-    , 
lards  would  not  have  sctlled  Ore:;iiii  to  the  end  of  , 
lime.     1  conieiiil  that  no  nalioii  has  a  ri;;lil  to  hold  , 
a  wild  countrv  vacaiil   I'nr  a;;es,  iimlcr  prcliiice  of  ; 
discovery.     There  lies  at  llie  bolloni  ol'  all  litis  a    i 
;;reat  l.iw   of  our   nature,  wiiich   wan   ensiainped    ■ 
upon  hiiinanily  at  the  era  of  llie  i;iirdcn  of  I'Meii,    | 
when  man  w.i.-i  enioiiicd  lo  "  be  friiiil'iil,  mil  null-    \ 
II ply,  and  replenisii  lheeinlh,aiid  Hiilidiie  it."'  The 
.S|ianish  Mexicans  lia\in'.,'  failed   lo  comply  willi 
this  law,  the   .\ii:,'lo-Sa\oii  race,  in   either  of  ils 
branches,  had  a  ri^lil   to  treat   ihe  conniry  as  va-   ' 
cnnt — lo  enter  and  lake  possession. 

liul  there  are  other  dilKcullies  in  the  way  of  this 
.Spanish  title  which  are  eonally  seiiniis;  aiiioni;'  : 
wliieli,  that  iirisiiit;  out  of  llie  ciinvention  enlereil 
into  between  the  llritish  and  Spiinisii  (iovernineiils 
in  17IIII,  usually  deiioininated  the  Xootka  Sound  , 
eonvention,  is  liy  no  means  the  least.  It  is  well 
known  that,  snine  lime  prior  lo  that  date,  a  .'■I'rioiis  { 
controversy  arose  belween  Ureal  lJril:iiii  and  Spain 
louchin;;  the  Northwest  coast,  the  conniry  now  in 
dispute  between  lis  and  the  I'ormer  rower;  Spain 
claimed  the  exclusive  ri^lit  to  it,  but  this  Great 
liritain  denied;  and  the  dispute  w.is  on  the  point 
of  being  broU'.,dil  lo  the  issue  of  arms,  when  .Spain 
yielded  the  point,  and  agreed  to  resiore  the  biiiid- 
nms  attd  lands  of  which  liritish  suliieiis  laid  been 
dispossessed,  and  to  make  reparation  in  damatres 
for  acts  of  violence,  iioili  p:irlies  stipi.ilated  not 
lo  nioleslor  disturb  their  respective  subjects,  eiiher 
ill  navigating  those  seas,  or  in  laiidiicg  on  the  coast 
•' for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  their  cominerco 
with  the  nalives  of  the  conniry,  or  of  making  .vc/- 
lli'intnta  there."  In  lhi;{  m:i|inerthe  Spanish  Cio\'- 
erninent  recognised  in  llritish  siiliji.'CIs  a  good  and 
pcrl'ect  right  to  land  on  the  co.ist  and  make  settle' 
ineiils  in  Drcgoii.  I  am  sensilile  the  hoiionilile 
Secretary  of  Slaie  has  given  two  answers  to  this 
;  objection — lirsl,  that  the  arrangeineiit  was  tempo-  ■ 

■  rary  in  its  cli.iraciert  and,  secomlly,  that  the  coii- 
'  venlion  was  abrogated  by  the  war  which, at  a  siili- 

seipient   period,  broke  out  between  the  two  Pow- 
1  ers.     Temporary!    What  is  nietint  by  this?    AVas 
il  to  last  for  ten,   twenty,  or  fifty  yi'.iis,  oral  the 
pleasure  of  the  parlies  .'     Nothing  of  this  sort  i^i  lo 
;  lie  I'ound  in  the  uinvention  it.self;  and,  besides,  llic 
,  word  "setllcininis"  iniporis  something  more  than 
a  temporary  arrangenn  nt.     Iliit  whether  the  con- 
vention  w'as  or  w;»s  not  temporary,  and  whether 
,  it  was  or  was  not  abrogated  by  the  sirosenuent  war, 
one  thing  is  certain,  that  it  involves  a  distinct  ad- 
niisaion  by  Spain  thai  the  country  was  then  nicaii'. 
Indeed,  that  was  the   precise   point  of  llie  dispiiie 
belween  Ureal  Uritain  and  Spain.    The  latter  Pow- 
er then  ,'lainied  title  to  the  whole  Nortliwe:>l  coast, 
and  on  that  grinuid  dispossessed   British  siibjecls, 
and  drove  them  away  from  Noiitka.     This  Great 
Uritain  ri'sisled;  she  insisted  it  was  a  wild  conn- 
,  try,  unoccupied,  and  that  her  subjecUs  had  as  good 
right  to  freijuent  il,  and  makeseltiements  tiicre.as 
Spanish  Kubiecls.     To  this  pretension  Spain  ulti- 
mately yielded,  and  the  treaty  of  17110  proceeds  on 
that  basis.      In  llii.s  point  of  view  it  is  wholly  int- 
nialerial  whether  the  eonvention  of  Noolka  was  or 
was  not  temponiry,  for  the  force  of  her  admission 
is  not  thereby  weakened   in  the  least.     Anil  it  is 
ecjiially  immaterial  whether  the  treaty  of  17911  was 
or  was  not  abrogated  by  the  subseiiuent  war;  for, 
although  war  usually  tloes  abrogate  a.l  treaties  or 
•  convenliona  between  the   belligerent  Powers,  yei 


IIu.  Ol-  Ukpr. 

it  itevor  cincs abrncnle  th«  adini.tiioit  ufafiicl.  Truth 
is  ever  the  same,  war  or  no  war. 

In  addilion  to  tlii.>^,  we  have  by  our  cniidiicleni- 
|ili.ilically,  in  connexion  with  the  vnlley  of  iheCu- 
liiinlii.i,adiiiitled  llie  n:ime  thing,     liy  virtue  of  the 
discovery  of  ('aptaiii  Gray,  we  cluimetl  the  ri;ght 
to  eater,  explore,  and  seltle  so  niiicli  of  Oregon  n» 
i.i  drained   by  the  waters  of  the  ( 'ohimliiu  river. 
Itv  ilieHe  iicis  we   in  iibslance  allirmed   that  lliQ 
eonnlry  was  vacaiii.    We  disalRrmed  the  Spanish 
claim.    We  treated  it  iis  a  pulfof  einply  air.     lliil 
.Mr.  I'luchanan  says  that  a  iii.in  having  a  title  in 
his  own  right  ni.iy  purchase  a  tilh'  oiilsiandinc  ill 
llic  iiaine  of  another  person,  and  use  both.     Uut 
wi'  have  no  tide  in  our  own  ri>:lil  lo  the  upper  part 
ol' Oregon.     We  tin  le  Hand  wholly  on  oiir  Span- 
ish title,  anil  our  proceedings  in  the  lower  part  of 
llie  territory  anionnt   lo   an  allirnuilion   that   the 
S|iaiiisli  title,  as  a  whole,  is  a  imllity.     If  we  could 
say,  piiir  lo  Inl',),  to  Spain,  that  your  tilh  by  dis- 
coMry  is,  in  ihe  viiMey  of  the  ( 'oliiiobiii,  by  re'.ison 
of  our  expliiialions  and  Helllements,  naiiglil,  sure- 
ly Great  Uritain  can  say  the  same,  when  thai  lille 
has  got  into  niir  hands,  for  the   sime   reasons,  in 
regard    to  the  valley  of  I'riizer's  river.     In  both 
eases,  it   is  re-discovery,  exploration,  and  seltle- 
niciit  against  original  discovery;  and  il  is  in  both 
the  indomitable  cmrgv  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race, 
against  tlie,  sloih  and  inertia  of  ll,e  Spanish  char- 
acter.    Who  can  diiiibt  which  shinild  pri'V:vil .'     I 
have  no  difli.'ulty  in  coming  to  the  conclusion  that 
our  .Spanish  title  is  of  little  worili.    Possibly  some 
use  can  be  made  of  it  to   fortify  our  claim   to  the. 
valley  of  the  Columbia;  for  that  purpose  I  am  wil- 
ling It  should  be  used.     When,  however,  this  Ad- 
niinistnition  is  gitilly  of  the  uiiraism  of  pushing 
our  claim   nji  to  ,'i  1° -IK'  on  sucl)   feeble  grounds, 
every  .Xniernan  citizen   his  a  right  lo  complain. 
Such  was  not  ihe  course  of  ,Mr.  Callioim,  when  at 
the  head  of  llie  Oc|iarlineiU  ol'Siale.     lie  insisted 
strenuously  on  onr  claim  to  all  that  pari  of  the  tcr- 
rilorv  drained  by  the  water,!  of  ilie  Cohimbia  river, 
looking  obviou'Jiy  to  the  pnialli  I  of  4lP  ns   Ihe 
basis  of  selllcmenl.     Ill  his  first  siateiiieiit  he  eon- 
clniles  as  follows:  "  The  nmlersigiii  il  Plenipolen- 
'  liary  abstains,  for  llie   |ireseiil,  from  presenting 
'  llii,'  claims  which  the  I'nileil  Slates  may  have  to 
'  olher  portions  of  the  territory."     In  reply,  the 
Ibiiish  Plenipoienli:iry  called  I'm  Mr.  C.  lo  define 
the  iiaiure  and  extent  of  snch  claims.     In  answer 
to  ibis,  Mr.  Calhoun  merely  s.iys  that  the  claims 
;  which  the  United  Stales  have  lo  other  portions  of 
the  lerrilory  "are  derived  from  Spain  by  the  Mor- 
'  ilia   ircily,  and  are  found  in  the  discoveries  ami 
'  ex|iloratiiins  of  her  navigators,  and  which  they 
'  must  regard  as  giving  lliein  n  right  to  the  extent 
'  to  which  they  may  be  esiablished,  unless  a  better 
;  '  can    be,  opposed.*'      How  giuirded   is  this  lan- 
guage !     The  extent  lo  which  they  may  he  estab- 
Tislied  I     Unless    a  better  can  be   opposed!     He 
;  knew  well  what  could  be  opposed  lo  llih  old  richtii 
I  .S';wiii.s-/i  /i/^■— discoveries  by  Briti.-h  leivigatorsand 
'  explorations  and  settlements  on  Krazer's  river  by 
r.rilisii  subjects,  long  after  the  Spaniards  had  lo  -t 
all  their  ri'ghts  (if  they  ever  had  any)  by  non-nser. 
It  is  cerlain  that  Mr.  Calliotinwas  fully  convinred 
that  our  Spanish  title  could  not  nland  by  itself,  for 
'  on  no  other  snpposiiion  can  we  account  for  his 
manner  of  trealing  llie  subjecl. 

1  have  already  said  that  neither  parly  can,  on 
any  of  the  grounds  adverted  to,  claim  that  the  ter- 
ritory sbnirUl,  as  n  mailer  of  strict  right,  be  divided 
by  aiiy  precise  line,  but  that  the  division  must  bo 
made  on  a  compromise  line;  bet  there  is  n  ground 
of  claim  which  will  give  us  as  a  right  the  4nth  par- 
allel, and  that  is  the  orinciple  of  conlinuily.     I 
think  much  more  highly  of  this  ground  of  claim 
than    maiiv   honorable   members  seem    to   think. 
On  this  principle,  the  line  of  the  49th  parallel,  and 
our  territory  south  of  it,  and  east  of  the  Rocky 
mountains,  would  be  carried  continuously  vvest- 
,  ward  to  the  Pacific  ocean.     This  doctrine  of  con- 
i  linuily  was  distinctly  acknowledged  in  many  of 
!;  the  colonial  charters,  and  it  should  at  nny  rate  be 
'  dear  to  the  people  of  my  State,  for  upon  the  strength 
I   of  it  we  have  ncciuired,  and  are  now  enjoying,  the 
benefils  of  ii  magnificent    school    fund    of    over 
^2,(IIIU,00U.    By  the  ancient  charters  of  the  colo'iy 
j'  of  Connecticut,  the  first  of  which  bears  dale  ns 
';  ctvrly  ns  1G3U,  the  limit.s  thereof  were  made  to  ex- 
,  teiut  from   the  Narraganaetl  river  on  the  east,  by 
';  the  breadth   designated    "throughout  the  main 


I    ■ 

I 


M 


i 


I 


^^ti 


iS  i:.il 


260 


S9th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Oregon  (Question — Mr,  Truman  Smith. 


[Feb.  7, 
Ho.  OF.  Ukps. 


I' . 


'•(i^t 


liinds  tlicrr  from  Ihr  Wislrni  omni  In  the  Smith 
teas."  Ill  llio  I'liniKi'lii'iit  iind  .sivornl  otlior  ilinr- 
itis  tlir  British  GnviTiiment  ussriti'd  tlip  right  to 
r\tcii(l,  tipoii  th(>  iiriiii'iplo  dI"  •oiitimiity,  their I'olo- 
iiiil  |K)S90ssinii?<  (111  till-  Athntii'  cnasi  ncrciss  the 
cniitiiiem  to  till'  ['•ao'tio  (k^'h^.  Tins,  in  the  jmh;- 
ni'Mt  (if  mtr  Comic  tit  niiccstors,  was  not  n  ntcrc 
jniK'r  title,  Init  ii  sn  siaiitiul  rii;ht,  mid  they  ass.rtctl 
II  ill  tlie  ctlcbratrd  xVyoiniii','  sci.'ciiipiit,  in  iiorlh- 
rrn  I'ennsvlvaiiia,  which  wus  a  C'M.iicctitMit  ((Htlc- 
incnt,  or^-.Iiiiziil  iiiiilcr  the  ant'airity  \f  oiir  Stair, 
rcni-fsi'iiti'd  ill  inir  IStali'  he  'xlatiirc,  and  |iriitiTt(d 
iinil  dcfciidcii  under  idiiiiiiiKsioiis  cinaiiatiii'^  fnini 
onrGnvoniniciit,an'l  with  a'!  llic  vi^ioraiul  heaven- 
ly relianee  which  tiie  [)i<ius  legend  dt'our  llair,  '*(/(U 
Irttmtiitit  5i(s/iiif/,"  \\'as  aihiiMcil  to  inspire.  'I'his 
riijht  was  liirlher  asserled  liy  our  pcdiile  in  ]7lS(), 
liy  resei-i-iiiu;.  IVoin  tli"  ecssiiin  ol' our  wild  lanils  to 
the  United  States,  'errilory  in  lunthern  Ohio,  im- 
mediately west  ol'  the  State  ol"  I'cniisylvaiiia,  ol'lhc 
Iiroadlh  ol'  onr  iStaie  north  and  sonih,  and  cxlend- 
iiii;  east  and  west  dne  hnniired  and  twenlv  miles. 
Hcn.'e  norllieni  Oliio  is  nsiially  called  the  AVcsi- 
iTii  Ili's['r\e.  or  New  Conneciiciit,  n  cuiiilry  \v  hicli 
was  SI  tiled  mainly  liy  emiL'ranls  iVoni  onr  Stale, 
whicli  is  reprcs.Mileil  on  this  llonr  liv  severnl  pa- 
triotii-  memticrs,  and  which  ev(  rywh.'re  exhiliiis 
hi::h  evidences  ot'a  happy  and  jirosjpcrotis  st.tle  of 
society.  It  was  hy  Ihe  .sale  ot' these  reserved  lands 
that  we  nc'j'iired  onr  sclioid  land,  wliich  has  con- 
ft'rred  tlu  richest  lilessiin:;s  on  diir  people,  and  indi- 
lectly  upon  the  wlinin  Union.  II:  ni^  ceded  onr 
wild  lands  to  the  Unioi,,  we  have  had  iv  occasim 
to  pursue  onr  title  .111 V  farther  west  thai!  the  lie- 
serve,  liiit  it*  honoralile  iiiemliers  choose  to  carry 
our  chartered  liiin:.s  over  tlie  liocky  nioiiniains, 
tliey  will  Iind  that  liie  larirer  portion  of  llieni  fall 
witliin  nortlicni  ("aliforni  i;  anil,  slnaild  ii  lie  pro- 
p  ised,  in  the  spirit  of  the  I!  ihimoie  resiilnii,,i-y.  in 
)Y-iird(;Mytlialciiiiillry,all  that  uenl't  'onnecticni  will 
have  111  do  will  lie  lo  rrinidialr  the  cession  of  I't'li, 
and  enter  and  take  possession  I  So  nincji  lor  the 
doctrine  ot'  conlinnity  as  coni|irisPil  in  tin*  aii''ieiit 
charters  of  ('.iiniecii.'ai.  In  addiiion  m  this,  it  will 
be  rcollecied  llial  u'reat  t'circe  was  •j-iM'ii  to  i:ie 
]iniuiple  of  coiiliiiiiity  ill  the  wo-  of  17(il),  helwien 
tin  at  nritain  and  Knince,  usually  called  the  old 
French  war,  hy  v,  hii'li  cnntinnily  was  made  tooM'r- 
ridc  disciiverv,e\plor.iiion,  and'selileineiiis,  and  to 
ea/ry  the  Uri'lish  posse^sions  nvir  the  Allci;liaiiies 
to  liie  Mis.sissippi  river.  It  is  ci  riain  that  Mr. 
Calhoun  alUiches  very  ''onsideralile  iinporlanci;  tn 
onr  claim  to  all  t!i;it  ]iart  of  Ore^nn  situated  S'liuh 
of  the  parallel  (d  4!P(mi  the  principle  under  consid- 
eraiion;  tor,  in.u-ea'in::  nl'ihe  claim  which  I'r.ince 
had  to  Oref;iMi  hy  vunn  "I' her  possession  of  jj.m- 
isiana,  in  the  suuenient  in  ii'lied  A,  he  says; 

"Certain  it  is  that  Knince  had  the  same  riu'lit 
'  ufcnnti unity,  in  virtue  ol'her  possession  of  Lon- 
'  i^iaiia  and  Ihe  eXliniT"is!inicnt  ol'  tin?  rii;l'.t  of 
'  Kiiilaiid  by  'he  treaty  of  ITCiH,  to  ilie  wlade  conn- 
'  try  west  .n'  the  liocky  niMunlanis  and  Iviiii;  west 
'  ol' Louisiana,  as  ii:;-aiiisi  Spain,  which  l",n'.;l,oiil 
'had   lo  till'  eojiilry  v,(  siward  of  the  .Mlc.jhany 

•  iii'uuitiiiiis  e.r,  ajainsl  I''raiice.  with  this  dilVerence. 
'that  Spain  !iad  noiliiii'.;  ti  iijeioM-  ir,  ih"  I'laim  of 

*  l-'raiiee  at  the  time  lait  ihe  ri'.;ht  of  (liscimi-y^  and 
'  even  that  Knilnnd  has  sinc.^  ilciiinl;  while  !■' ranee 
'  liad  opposed  lo  the  rii:ht  of  I*an:land,  in  In  r  ea.se, 
'ilia'  ol   discovery,  exploralion,   and    setileiiK  in. 

it  is,  therefore,  not  at  all  siir|iri.'inT  that  hVaiice 
'Klionhl  claim  the  eonnlry  W(.sl  of  the  Rocky 
'  inonnl.iins  (as  may  lie  intVrii  i|  |'r,,iii  her  iiiaps) 
'on  the  same  piineiple  tlial  ("Jreat  I'.ritain  hail 
'  claimed  and  dis'ios.^essed  her  of  the  cc^'iinis  west 
'of  the  Alle!;hniiy;  ■a-  ihat  ihe  Ue  Kii  Stales,  as 
'so..,.  1- Ihey  liai' acMinred  the  ri;rlilK  of  Kraiice, 
'shonld  as.sert  ihe  same  claim,  and  lake  nieiisiires 
'  iiiiineiliately  after  to  explore  it,  v.itliiiview  to 
'  occupation  and  M'ttlement. '* 

III  lliis  form.  .\lr.  Cnllioim  hiis,  with  snrticieni 
dislincinesv,  expressed  the  opiimjii  ihal  the  clniiii 
hy  coiilinnuy  is  siipi  rior  to  a  claim  hy  mere  dis- 
C'lvery,  especially  when  the  latter  is  not  coiisnin- 
nialedin  llie  proper  iiianm  r  and  witliiii  a  reasoii- 
ahle  timi  .  1  tin  refnro  arrive  al  the  eonclnsion 
thai,  upon  this  loouikI,  we  can  properly  chiim  all 
thai  part  of  the  ternlory  vihich  is  sitiialed  sonlli  of 
till  V.tih  de.'ree;  hnt  the  same  princifilc  will  nive 
ihc  British  (i,ui  rnnieiit  all  norili  of  ilo-  ■Mime  par 
allel.  Indeed,  the  claims  of  mh  (jinerimienis — 
that  nf  l!i(?  Americi  i  Hoverni  lent  tu  the  \  alley  of 


'  the  Columhin  hy  discovery,  exploralion,  and  set- 
tlement, and  Ihal  of  tin?  l)ritish<.i(iveriinieiit  to  the 
yalley  of  Kra/er's  rivi  r  hy  the  same  iiigredienis  of 
title-^aie  ;;really  sireii^lli'ene(l  hy  ihi^i  doi  trine  of 
c.ontinuily.  1  cannot  discover  any  plansihle  ex- 
cuse fortlie  extrava::aiice  of  this  .Xdminislmlion 
ill  pushing  onr  claim  up  to,"i4°4U'.  This  they 
have  (lone  in  the  face  of  four  distinct  olTers  hy  onr 
Government  lo  divide  ilie  tcrrilory  liy  the  parallel 
of  the  .t'.lih  de','ree.  I  invediii'^',  ill  two  instances, 
privileges  important  lo  flreal  Hriiain  in  addition. 
How  ran  we,  umicr  such  circmnsinnces,  ehiini  the 
whole  territiuy?  Is  it  wise,  is  it  just.'  Does  thin 
policy  conform  lo  onr  iirrat  maxim  of  diplomacy, 
not  to  claim,  in  our  inien'onr.se  with  foreiirn  Pow- 
ers, anythiii';  except  what  Is  clearly  ri'-'hl.'  I  am 
,  fully  convinced  that  the  4llili  panilh'l  is  all  that  Ihe 
true  inlerests  of  the  ■\inericaii  people  require. 
Hav,'  .■jeiitlemen  fot;;olteii  llial  Norlhern  Califor- 
nia is  0|i(^il  lo  us,  and  iliat  we  can  mid  shall  ac- 
nuiro  it,  wiiliout  commitling  another  oulraje  on 
Ilie  rijhis  (if  .Mexico,- 

Itavin^'  evamined  the  question  of  title,  I  am 
now  prepared  lo  assi^rn  the  reasoiiH  why  I  cannot 
vole  for  the  nnqiialified  proposiiinn  of  iinlice  now 
liet'ore  the  coininitiie.  The  President  in  his  Mes- 
sa'.'e  lakes  disimcilv  the  m-onnd  that  there  is  an 
end  of  a'l  neirntialion,  and  that  this  (lovernment 
should  heiic'l'orth  claim  ilie  whole  of  dre^'on.  lie 
chara.'lcri/es  the  denmnds  of  Great  IVit.iin  ns  e\- 
Iraoiilinary  and  wholly  in.idiiiissihle,  adding',  thai 
he  sees,  in  the  cnnduci  nf  that  Power,  "  salisfac- 
tory  evidinice  that  no  coinproinise  whicli  the  Uni- 
ted Stales  dULjIit  to  acce|it  can  he  ell'ecied."  He 
then  inl'in-ms  us  thai  the  proposition  which  he  had 
rans'd  to  la  made  on  our  part,  and  w  hich  Great 
Hriiain  had  rejected,  had,  liy  his  direciions,  hecii 
wilhdr.'iwn.  .'\iid,(iiially.  In' concludes  in  tiie  usual 
style  of  hellicos  '  docimieil's: 

"At  ilie  end  (if  the  year's  notice,  should  Con- 
'  i;rev.(  ttiink  it  jiroper  to  make  provision  foririvniL: 
'that  notice,  we  .^liall  have  reached  a  period  when 
'the  ii'itional  ri'.;lifs  in  Oregon  must  either  be  iihan- 
'  doned  or  lirinlv  inainlained.  That  ihey  cannot 
'  he  alandoned  willioul  a  sacrifice  of  national  honor 
'  and  iiilevi  St  is  too  clear  to  admit  of  a  donht.  " 

So  it  is,  in  elfeet,  proposed  that  we  should  ilirerl 
1  the  notice  lo  he  iriven,  to  enalile  the  President  lo 
'^rasp  the  whole  (.f("*re'^oii;  or,  in  oilier  words,  tlnit 
we  slionll  cii-ripcrate  Willi  the  Kxecniive  in  in- 
volvii;_'  iliis  l!e|iiililic,  at  the  end  of  twelve  moiilhs, 
it'. nil  sooner,  in  a  iles(datin;.'  war  with  Great  lirit- 
aiii. 

.Mr.  Chairman,  1  cannot  so  ro  operate.  I  can 
have  no  a:,'eiicy  in  producing  a  collision  helween 
the  two  Powers  in  the  exislini;  posture  of  the  siih- 
jcci.  |."  the  Adniinisiiaiion  would  say  to  ns  that 
we  de.virc  to  resume  tlii;  neirotiatioii  on  the  Imsisof 
coinprcpniise,and  to  pursue  it  in  the  spirit  of  peace, 
I  would  vote  ihe  le  '!.c;  hnt,  on  the  record,  the 
Presideni,  in  snhsiance,  stands  coinmiltf  d  to  a  war 
with  Great  liritain.  I  pnrposdy  refer  to  the  re- 
coiil,  as  I  sh.ci  directly  in.Hist  thai  the  conduct  of 
the  I'.veiMitive  lias  heeii  so  extraordinary  and  so 
cipiivocal  that  no  one  can  tell  precisely  wli.il  his 
policy  is  or  will  he.  I'.iii  I  choose  to  lake  him,  for 
the  present,  as  he  presents  himself  to  the  coimiry 
and  the  world  in  his  .Missn-.::!'.  The  ideas  there 
grouped  an  i  '•  no  cmnproimse  which  the  United 
.Slates  oinjllt  to  ncce|it  cm  he  I  ll'ecled — I  have 
w  illidrawn  the  propositinn  which  I  made  in  Id'er- 
eni-e  In  in,'  preih  .  rssors — I  now  i;o  t'or  the  whole 
tcrrilory — ii  i'  "ins  hy  i  lear  and  nnqnesiioiiahle 
rii;lil,  winch  cannot  he  surrendered  wiilioni  dis- 
honor." The  Presideni  desires  ns  lo  invest  him 
wi;h  the  power  of  tia'.ice,  to  the  end  that  he  may, 
al  the  expiration  of  twelve  monilis,  take  posses- 
sion of  the  whole  country,  or.  in  oilier  words,  make 
war  OH  ( (ft -11  Itriiain.  I  am  ama/.ed  to  hear  i:en- 
llellli  II  aver  that  even  forcilih  sci/ure  of  llie  whole 
ronn'rv  will  not  involve  the  Uniieil  Slates  in  a  war 
Willi  llial  Power.  I  am  as  certain  we  shall  have 
-,...,.  :■>,,(,  |ai«l|  (iiir  claii"  '  >  'hat  extremity,  as  if 
we  were  losenU  a  (leet  d  •  i  rs  into  iheThaincH 
to  capture  ill  •  pale-e  ni'  .-  uiie.s.  I  adinil  thai 
civiiiL' the  notice  IS  not  jifr  «r  a  he'lirerent  ait;  it 
furnishes  no  riniin  titlli,  (iir  it  is  a  rii^lii  secured  hy 
treaty;  inil  I  ohjecl  to  votini;  the  notice  in  connex- 
ion with  the  dechiied  poipose  of  the  Kxecntne  in 
l;;y  hold  of  ihe  whole  dlOreston.     S..  I  insist  the 

matter  slaiids    .i,   ill"    i ord.     If  tie'    President  is 

rij;lit  111  the  nsaeriion  that  we  in  truth  nnd  in  fact 


own  the  whole  territory,  then  the  moni'iil  the  trea- 
ty isnhrogatcd  il  will  hi  come  his  sworn  duly  lo  ex- 
ecute the  laws  of  tiip  United  Stalea  over  till'  wliola 
of  ()icj;on;  nnd  that  I  niainlain  is  war — open  lla 
grant  war.  Vou  will,  in  ell'ecl,  invest  the  I'resi- 
denl  with  Ihe  power  'o  briiii;  the  question  in  dii- 
pule,  at  any  inomcnt  lie  pleases  after  the  treaty  is 
niinulled,  to  the  iirbilraineiil  of  the  sword.  I  will 
not  consent  lo  part  with  Ihe  war  power,  if  givinix 
the  noi-'  -  IS  an  exercise  of  llint  power,  as  many 
iiiHist,  111  the  form  of  ii  notice  to  quil  to  be  served 
on  Ureal  liritain.  This  power  is  a  trust  involviii!; 
everytliins;  dear  and  sacred  to  men,  which  the 
Conslitiition  lias  wisely  )iut  into  the  hands  of  Coii- 
f;rcss,and  which  should  be  piardeU  with  ceaseless 
vii^ilance. 

iiiil  suppose  wc  look  out  of  the  record,  how 
does  the  matter  then  stand .-  Can  any  lidniirahle 
meniher  tell  ns  what  is  the  real  policy  of  this  Ad- 
ministration f  Is  it  Ihfir  )iur)io  ,e  incvocahly  to 
stand  on  the  parallel  of  , '54°  4(1' .'  I  must  coiifesn 
lhat  their  eondiict  has  been  so  inconsistent  I  liiid  it 
impossible  to  form  any  satisfactory  opinion  on  the 
Hubjeci.  Without  dwellui;;'  on  the  mconsistcney 
of  claimins  al  one  mnmenl  the  whole  tcrrilory, 
and  al  the  next  of  olfcroie:  lo  surrender  one-half  of 
it  lo  itreal  Hriiain,  what  are  we  to  think  of  t.ie  t'act 
of  their  recomniending  no  measures  to  .nren^theii 
either  the  defences  or  the  tinanees  of  ihe  country  i' 
The  approprialions  suiiji  sled  hy  the  iJeiiartmml 
are  all  peace  iippnipriations.  Our  army  is  a  skele- 
ton, onr  fortiHcalioiiH  arc  unarmed  and  unmanned, 
and  our  iiavv  (in  lonipnrison  with  that  of  Great 
Hriiain)  is  insiirniticaiil.  1  know  it  is  said  that  ii 
llepnhhc  can  nevia-  (ireparc  t'or  war  till  at'ler  il 
breaks  (int.  If  by  this  it  be  meant  that  we  cannot, 
in  pcai  e,  be  prepared  for  an  airirressive  war,  I  ad- 
mil  it;  but  we  can  and  slinnld,  m  critical  eir"um- 
siaiiccs,  prepare  in  advance  for  a  delensive  war. 
If  I  knew  that  this  Adniinisiiaiion  are  resnlved  to 
exclude  (..) real  Hriiain  wluilly  l'rom()ren;on,  I  wiiuld, 
if  I  Cdiild,  instantly  put  everyihin;:  on  the  war  es- 
tablishment. 'I'lie  whdle  energies  o{  the  American 
penple  and  resiairces  df  onr  vast  cdunlrv  should 
h"  coii.secraled  to  that  ohjecl.  1  should  deem  il  to 
be  an  imperative  duly  to  auffinenl  ffreatly  the  re- 
sources of  the  Treasury;  t'or  money,  afier  all,  is 
the  sinews  of  war.  We  should  place  the  credit  of 
the  Itepuhlie,  on  lii^li  iiroiind,  and  the  Goverii- 
nieiil  heyond  ilie  possibility  of  financial  disgrace. 
We  have  men  in  ahuudance,  brave,  imtriotic,  and 
devoted:  hut  we  should  he  in  a  conililion  lo  com- 
tiiaiid  the  eiilin*  pecmiian,*  mennsof  ourown  eonn- 
lry, ami,  if  need  he,  of  eoniinental  Kiirope.  I 
should  ho  prepared,  in  such  ease,  to  come  into  thi.s 
Hall  and  here  encamp  till  Ihcse  objeclMare  aceoiii- 
plished.  Hnt  this  .'Vdminislratidii,  so  far  fnnn 
Hlren^theniin;  the  fmanees,  (as,  for  example,  tiy 
luyiiii:  duties  on  the  free  articles,  such  as  tea  anil 
culfcc,)  propose  lo  tjive  them  a  fatal  idow  by  thn 
mil  throw  of  Ihe  present  taritf;  and,  not  only  ihal. 
but  lo  rush  lis  into  a  war  wiih  Great  Britain  on  a 
.Snbtreasury  scheme!  .Vii  liiilependent'l'reasnry  ! 
What  a  gloiiou.s  eni,'ine  of  war  !  Why,  your  war 
would  not  he  declared  thri  e  months  before  your 
(•overnnient  would  linvi'  lo  resolve  itself  inio  a 
Hank  of  the  Uiiiied  .States.  It  would  immediaielv 
comineiice  issniii;;  'IVeasury  notes.  Must  if  not  nil 
the  .Stale  banks  would  siofi  specie  pavinents,  and 
shnipla.derH  would  cover  the  land.  If  we  are  in 
have  a  war  I  shall  iiiyself  he  in  t'avor  of  a  inelallie 
currency,  but  it  will  consist  mainly  ot"  htift  antl 
trim;  and  yon  will  need  a  pretty  t'ood  supply  of 
p.Hper,  if  for  no  other  purpose  al  any  rale  forwad- 
dni!,'.  H. 'Sides,  wlial  are  we  M  think  of  the  inijirn- 
dence  df  this  Adinnnsiratidn  id'  invnlvni;;  ilic  cnun- 
try  111  a  e(iiini.'i  with  ( ircal  Hritaiii,  while  niir  cun- 
triiversy  with  .Mexico  is  iinsetilcd  .■  'I'lie  inonicnt 
I  asccriami  il  the  position  of  tin,  Ore^'on  question  I 
Ipreilicied  that  ilie  ihliiciihies  with  .Mexico  would 
never  be  seltled  until  wc  elfected  an  adjuslmeiit 
',  iih  I  ileal  Hriinin. 

Il  sc(  ins  lo  nie  that  the  policy  of  this  Adminis- 
iniiion  IS  adapted  lo  biiiiL'' on  ns  three  wars  at  one 
and  the  same  tiinc.  I,  a  war  Willi  I  ireal  Itrilain; 
o.  a  war  wilh  Mexico;  and  .'i,  a  war  with  all  the 
lie  an  Irilics  mi  inir  weateni  and  northwe.-lcrn 
frontier.  And  if  to  these  we  add  a  war  on  the  in- 
dustry of  till-  ciiiniiry.  by  a  desiriiciidn  iif  ihe  exist - 
III'.'  heiietii'eiil  I. Mill',  a  war  mi  ihe  cnrrcncy  hv  the 
r  'eiiactmenl  nf  an  opprcNsive  Snlitreasnry  scheme. 
nnd  niso  n  servile  war,  i  v.  huh  Hinue  genileni'ii 


[Feb.  7. 

)F.  UkPS. 

oni*nl  tlic  trca- 
fiiii  lUily  tocN- 
ovtr  llir  wIioIb 
war — open  llti 
nvt  llic  I'li.si- 
iivstioii  ill  ili)- 
;ci-  llic  tiTnly  ia 

sword.  1  will 
owiT,  il'  };'*i"o 
iwci ,  as  inaiiy 
nil  to  Ijo  served 

truHl  iuvolvinj; 
nil,  wliiili  llic 
E  liamlsot'Coh- 
i  Willi  ceuHi'lcss 

lie  reroril,  how 
1  iiiiy  lioiioinWIi: 
licy  oT  lliis  A(l- 
•  ini'voi'iibiy  to 
I  must  rniiresH 
nsislciit  I  liiul  il 
r  ojiinioii  nil  tlie 
le  iiii'oiisislem'.y 
whole  territory, 
iider  oiie-lialf  of 
tliiiiU  ol't.ic  Tai't 
■s  to  strengthen 
of  the  eoniitry  ? 
the   l_)e|iurtliltlit 
orniy  is  a  skele- 
and  uiiiiianni'd, 
h  thai  ol"  Great 
it  is  said  that  ii 
war  till  after  it 
,  that  we  cannot, 
^ssive  war,  i  ad- 
erilieal  lircum- 
n  (lelensive  war. 
n  are  rtHidved  to 
OreiTon,  1  W!>ul(l, 
L'  on  the  war  es- 
of  the  Aniericaii 
It  eouiilry  should 
diould  deem  il  to 
nt  irieatly  the  re- 
mey,  alier  all,  is 
>laee  the  rredil  of 
utd   the  (invern- 
I'ial  disRinee. 
>atriolii',  and 
ondilion  to  eom- 
if  our  own  eoun- 
ntal    l''.nio|ie.     I 
)  eonie  into  this 
jei'ts  are  acconi- 
,   so  far  from 
r  example,  liy 
sneh  as  tea  and 
lal  Idow  hy  the 
d,  not  only  that, 
eat  Britain  on  ii 
ndenl'l'reasnry ! 
Why,  your  war 
iths  lielore  your 
Ive  itself  into  a 
old  immediately 
Most  if  not  nil 
pavnients,  ami 
i.      If  we  are  to 
iv»>r  ot'a  metallie 
iinlv  of  Itdd  (Oh/ 
y  yood  Niijiply  of 
any  rate  for  wad- 
nl<  of  the  linjirn- 

U  ni^  tin un- 

while  onr  11111- 
'I'he  inonieiit 
)ie^iin  i|iiesliiiii  1 
h  Mexieo  wonld 
'd  an  adiustlni  lit 

iif  this  Adinmi»- 
liri  !■  wars  at  one 
Il  I  inat  ISntiiiii; 
u,u'  Willi  all  llie 
nil  norlhwe.-ieiii 
a  war  1111  till-  in- 
■lioii  of  theexiii- 
iinreiny  hy  ihe 
lieasnry  selieme, 
■nie  jo'iiileini  II 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  C:ONGRESSl()NAL  GLOIJE. 


261 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


i 


seem  to  nnlicipalp,)  wc  shall  introduce  into  the  (io-  i 
litieal  cauldron  the  elements  of  innumeruhle  evils; 
nnd  if  it  does  not  prove  to  he  a  case  of  "  toil  and 
trouhle  "  to  the  Aniericuii  iM;o|ile,  1  slmll  be  great- 
ly mistaken.  ; 

1  am  sensible  that  it  is  useless  for  inc  to  slop  for  j 
n  moment  to  calculate  the  cost  of  such  a  contest.  ■ 
It  is  useless  to  speak  of  the  destruction  of  credit, 
national,  state,  mid  private;  of  the  iiuerruption  of 
our  works  of  internal  improvement;  the  aniiihilu-  ! 
tion  of  our  commerce,  the  proatralion  of  our  maiiu-  | 
faitliircs,  (for  ii  seems  we  arc  to  have  war  and  free  ; 
trade  combined,)  and  the  overthrow  of  our  agri-  ' 
cultural  interests;  of  the  multitude  made  poor  and 
the  few  rich;  of  taxation  in  every  form;  ol  a  crusli- 
inc  national  debt;  nnd  of  the  thousands,  if  not  hun- 
dreds of  thousands,  who  will  be  sent  toil  prcninlure 
c;rave;  beeniise  the  answer  to  all  this  will  be,  in  the 
laiif^uaije  of  the  honoralde  member  from  Massachii- 
setls,  [Mr.  Adams,]  "  lite  irar  iriW  6c  a  iliort  ami  a 
jflorioH^  icnr. "     I   uulievo  in  (he  glory,  but  not  in 
the  item  of  hrevihi. 

In  conclusion,  1  wish  to  notice  for  n  moment  what 
has  been  said  on  the  (/m/i'iii/oI*  this  fjrciit  Republic. 
The  most  {jorjeoiis  pictures  have  been  drawn  in 
tliis  debate  of  that  destiny.  It  has  been  assnmod 
US  a  certain  fact  that  wc  are  to  remain  a  free  and 
united  people;  thai  a  vast  population,  under  the 
a':;is  of  our  inslittitinns,  is  to  pour  across  this  coii- 
inieni,  nnd,  reacliini;  the  Pacilic,  is  to  spread  up 
and  down  the  coast,  everywhere  building;  up  cilics 
.nnd  villai;es,  and  establiahiiii;  the  seats  of  coni- 
inciTc  .Mill  the  arts,  and  spreadiiii!;  everywhere  the 
blcssini;3  of  republiennism,  civilization,  and  Chris- 
tianilv.  15iit  honoralilcKentleiniMi  must  notfor;^'et 
that  lliesc  trlo/ious  results  can  be  alt.iined  only  mi 
certain  conditions,  the  principal  of  which  are  pub- 
lic and  private  virtue-  If  we  rejoice  in  the  pros- 
pects before  lis,  lid  us  rejoice  with  fear  and  Irem- 
iil  ii;<.  I^el  us  iiiidertnke  at  once  the  purilicalion  of 
public  morals;  ht  us  crush  at  once  the  moiisler 
parly  and  the  infamy  of  .'ipoils;  let  us  introduce 
more  disinterestedness  into  our  public  councils, 
s|iread  everywhere  the  blessings  of  eduivition  aiict 
of  sound  Chrislian  principles,  and  especially  let  us 
keep  clear  of  that  i,'reate.sl  of  nil  cur.ses  to  Repub- 
lics, unnecessary  war,  and  then  the  brilliant  anti- 
cipations aihcrteil  to  may  be  reali/.i'd. 

Uaviii!:  thus  i;iven  a  faithful  exposition  of  my 
views,  I  niiist  commit  the  result  to  the  Kxcciitive, 
to  the  jiidi;nient  of  Con^'i'es.s,  and  to  an  overruling 
Proviilence;  if  it  sliall  lie  a  pacilic  result,  I  shall 
rejmi'.e;  but  if  oiherwise,  we  must  .stiuid  by  the 
country,  and  every  in  in,  in  his  proper  place  nnd 
citation,  must  do  his  duty. 


ORKUON  UUKSTION.  1 

SPEECH  OF  MH.  A.  ATKINSON,     | 

or  v[R(;iM.\, 

Iv  THE  IIlU  SK  OK    Ui;i'RKSEXrATlVKS, 

Fibniarii  7,  lS4l!. 
tin  the  Resolutioi'  for  leriniiiatinj;  the  joint  occupa- 
tion of  OrciTon. 
Mr.  ATKIN'SO.V  obtained  the  llooi,  nnd  ad- 
dressed ihc  cnmniitlce  as  follows: 

Mr.  CiiMnMAN:  "lie  just  and  fear  not,"  shall 
ever  be  my  mono.     It  should  be  ihe  motto  of  every 
man,  and  of  every  let;isliiior;  and  I  wish  it  was  in- 
scribed upon  these  walls  in  hinrs  ot  pilil,  that  it 
mi.;lit  siiind  conspicuously  before  us,  admonishing; 
us  of  its  [iiecepts  in  all  o.ir  deliberations.     In  the 
discussion  ol'tlic  question  now  under  consideration, 
i  will  use  my  hesi  endeavors  lo  niake  an  apjilicn- 
lion  of  ii.s  |)iiiiciples  by  doiii:;  justice  to  En;;!and 
as  well  as  lo  my  own  beloved  country.     The  prin- 
ciples of  truth  and  justice  should  govern  and  di- 
rect  us  in  all  controversies,  wlieilier  of  ii  national 
or  individual  character;  and  by  this  standard  w  inild 
I  invoke  every  u'eiitleman  to  examine  this  inoiueii- 
Iniis  subject,  which     .ow  en;;rosses  the  thoU!;hts 
and  «i;itates  the  feeliiiL's  of  the  American  people. 
I.ci  us  ende.ivor  to  divest  oursrives  of  those  sironi; 
enioliimsso  iiat'ually  arising  from  the  discussion 
of  all  qni'stions  nv'ctini'   naliunal  charaeU'r  or  na- 
tional ri^'his,  whether  they  may  spring',  on  the  one 
hand,  fiom   the   cimoblir...'  scntiinenls   of  love  of 
eininiry  and  of  irlory,  or  from  the  debasing  emo- 
tions of  fear  on  the  other.     And  when  we  see  how 
lumieruus  and  powerl'ul  are  the  causes  which  are 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Atkinson. 

thus  calculated  to  produce  an  undue  bias  of  the 
judgment,  and  how  n.leii  the  wisesi  and  best  of 
iiieiuire  found  on  the  wionirside  of  (piestions  of  the 
tirst  magnitnde,  such  an  exhortation  will  not  be  re- 
gaiiled  as  idle  or  visionary  here.  It  may  remind 
us  of  the  useful  lessons  of  charity  and  forbeaianef; 
to  one  another,  and  tench  us  thai,  however  confi- 
dent we  may  feel  of  the  truth  of  our  own  views 
and  eonviclions,  we  cannot  be  sure  that  tho.sc  who 
entertain  dilVerent  opinions,  may  not  be  actuated 
by  as  pure  niolives  and  as  correct  principles  as  we 
oiiraelvi.s.  And  w  hilst  ihe  observance  of  this  duty 
marks  a  liberal  mind,  an  opposite  c  nirse  clearly 
defines  a  low  and  contracted  spirit;  and  when  I  sec 
a  man  condemning  all  others  who  happen  to  dill'er 
from  him  in  religion  or  politics,  and  denouncing 
them  as  fools  or  knaves,  I  cannot  but  regard  him 
as  all'ording  a  strong  proof  of  his  own  deficiency  in 
good  sense  and  benevolence  of  heart.  1  shall  there- 
fore make  no  criniinations  against  otlii;rS;  nor  es- 
teem them  ns  less  intelligent  or  patriotic  for  dilVer- 
ing  from  me  upon  this  imporlant  subject. 

l!iit,  sir,  I  iisk  all — Whigs  and   IJeinocrals — lo 
march  up  lo  tin-  examiimiion  and  ih  lisioii  of  this 
(piestion,  with  a  fixed    di'terniination    to  do  that 
which  their  own  jiidgmenls  iir.y  di'lateas  just  and 
proper.     I  have  lived  too  loi  ■,•. .-,  id  seen  too  much 
of  llie  frailty  of  human  nntinc,  .o  condemn  a  fel-    , 
low-man  because  he  iiiav  not  think  as  I  do.     Ami 
in  reference  to  the  Whi;;-  parly,  while  I  entertain 
.  no  sort  of  respect  or  ailiniralion  for  iis  principles, 
yel  for  ils  members  generally  1  feel  a  high  respect, 
[  and  for  some,  a  warm  personal  reirard.     There  are 
many  Kentlemen  here  belonging  lo  that  jiiirly — to 
which  Ciod  lorliid  thai    1  shall  ever  be  iitiaclied — 
with  whom  I  am  in  habits  of  the  most  frieniily  as- 
sociations; some  of  w  bom,  loo,  have  dom?  iiie  the 
justice  to  say  thai  I  am  so  dyed  in  the  wool  of  De- 
mocracy, that  when  they  see  ine  giving  a  political 
,  vole  they  know  that  their  true  course  is  to  move 
,  in  the  opposite  dneclioii. 

In  the  conclnsicnis  lo  which  I  have  arrived  from 
the  best  relh'ciion  which    I  have  been  able  to  be- 
slow  upon   the  subject,  I  h.ive  the  inisforlnne  to 
dill'er  from  all  iny  cnlleagues  who  have  yel  spoken; 
a  circumstance  wliiiii  niakis  me  distrusifiil  of  my 
own  opinion,  and  wniild  cause  me  lo  hesiiate  and 
,  doiibl,  if  the  eonviclions  of  my  own  iiiinil  were  not 
■dear  and    irresisiible.      I   niiisl   then-fore  separate 
from  them  iiiioii  this  i|iii  stinn;  bin  I  part  from  them 
in  peace  and  good  will.      I'ar  be  it  from  me  ti>  es- 
liein  tlieiii  less  highly,  or  to  seek  lo  reprcseiii  them, 
here  or  elsewhere,  as  less  wis-e  and  p.urioiic,  or  as 
less  friendly  to  the  peaci  ,  ihi'  happiniss.  and  the 
.  glory  of  their  country,  ilian  I  am.  I  know  lliatthey 
look  lo  nolhing  other  than  the  best  inierests  of  the 
;  connlry,  in  ihe  counsels  they  have  given.     Ihil  I 
Irnsl,  .sir,  that  I  inr    yet  lia\e  the  satisfaction  to 
see  lliein   recordiii;;  llli  ir  votes  with  mine.     The 
pacific  I'liaracter  of  the   reciiit   Kiiihsli  news,  the 
fici  elicited  the  oilier  day  iVom  the  chainiiaii  of  the 
C'oimnitlee  on  Korc  i'jn  All'aiis,  by  an  iminiry  from 
an  honoiable  meinlier  IVoir  Tennessee,  |.\lr.  (ii;N- 
ruv,]  lliat  a  conespondeiice  bad  l.ilely  taken  place 
belwein  Ihe  Iwo  tiii\ ernineiiis,  and  various  other 
cinisideiations,  {not  the  li  asi  of  wbirh  are  the  argii- 
nii  ills  thai  have  been  made  upon  this  door,)  ought, 
ill  my  jiidirnieni,  lo  convince  my  colleagins  that 
they  should,  at  least  in  .some  form,  vole  for  the  no- 
tice to  tenniiiatc  the  join!  occupancy  of  ihe  Ongoii 
terriiory.      I  mysi  If'gn.iily  prd'cr  the  amendinenl 
inirodiii'cd  by  my  liiinorable  colleague,  [.Mr.  Diiii.M- 
<.mit.K,|  because'l  reuaid  it  as  llie  most  conciliatory 
proposition,  (iiiil  at  the  s.ime  lime  marked  with  a 
proper  spirit  of  lirinness  and  of  justice.    I  will  lake 
this,  sir,  if  I  can  gel  il;  liiii  I  w  ill  go  for  any  propo- 
siiiini  tliat  promises  to  carry  oiil  llie  wise  and  slates- 
manlike  policy  which  eliaracterizes  the  reronunend- 
ationsol   the"  Kxeculive.     I   believe  that  my  con- 
s  itnent.s — especiiilly  those  of  ilie  neinoeratic  parly 
— have  iidmirL-d  the  rresiilent"s  .Message,  and  have 
endorsed  it."  principles;  and  ttti'ir  trill  sli.ill  govern 
me,  as  their  Repieseiitalive,  on  this  and  all  other 
occasions. 

I  am  free  to  confess,  sir,  thai  the  ar:.'uinint  of 
one  of  my  colleagues,  j.Mr.  ilrNri;ii,|  made  at  an 
early  stage  of  this  discussion,  was  so  plausible, and 
was  presented  in  so  forcible  and  iiuposing  a  man- 
ner, with  a  fervor  of  eloipience  so  well  calculateil  lo 
ca|ilivateand  mislead,  produced  a  deep  iiiipn  ssioii, 
not  only  upon  my  own  niiiiil,  bin  upon  the  minds  of 
other  Kenllcnien  in  this  House;  and  il  was  not  un- 


Ho.  OK  Reps. 


til  I  had  titno  for  conijioeiire  and  e^ilm  reflection, 
thai  I  was  enabled  to  Iree  myself  from  the  oiatori- 
eal  and  persuasive  powers  of  that  gentleinan,  and 
to  resume  a  fair  and  candid  consideiiillon  of  this 
subject. 

in  llie  remarks  which  I  have  lo  snbniil,  I  will 
not  go  back  to  ihe  discovery  of  the  Oregon  terri- 
tory, nor  fiiriher  back  than  is  necessary  to  indicato 
the  conise  which  il  is  oor  duty  lo  take  in  reference 
to  giving  the  notice.  It  would  be  a  waste  of  the 
time  of  ihe  commitiee  to  niter  iiilo  an  argument, 
at  this  stage  of  the  discussion,  to  prove  that  which 
has  been  already  most  conclusively  proved  by  fifly 
others  belbre  ine,  ihat  onr  title  to  .")4°  40'  is  sucli 
as  cannot  fail  to  satisfy  the  .^mel■iean  nation  thai 
il  in  full  am!  complete.  I  am  perfectly  cmilent  upon 
this  point  to  r(;st  lair  claim  on  llie  argunient.s  of 
lliiit  able  diplomatist,  Mr.  Buchanan,  of  the  Pres- 
ident of  the  United  States,  and  of  .Mr.  Calhoun, 
the  disiiiiguished  champion  of  the  Palmetto  State. 
IJeyonil  their  expositions  I  do  not  wish  lo  go. 
Om-  right  and  title  to  the  pos.se.ssion  of  the  terri- 
tory have  been  placed  before  us  in  a  light  as  stron;; 
and  clear  as  the  l'Iow  ing  sunbeani.  liven  the  very 
nation  wbii-.h  now  sieks  to  divide  it  with  u.s — 
Lij'eai  nriiain  la  .  -■■If — has,  by  her  own  act,  nc- 
kiiowleilged  on,  uille.  And  to  sustain  this  posi- 
tion, I  have  only  to  refer  to  hislorieid  facts,  espe- 
cially the  treaty  of  Ghent,  by  the  first  article  of 
which  il.  is  stipnlaled  that  both  nations  shall  sur- 
render all  places  taken  liy  either  durin;;  the  war  to 
the  respeclive  parties,  with  an  exception  which 
does  not  aliect  the  issue  now  before  us,  and  to  the 
siirreiidci  ■  ;'lliis  very  lerritory  by  the  aiilhori/.eil 
iii^enls  of  Cfreat  Urilain  to  the  authorities  of  the 
L'liiled  Sjtates,  in  conforiniiy  to  tin:  terms  of  the 
treaty.  This  fact  alone  would  .seem  to  be  con- 
clusive of  till  ;jneslion,  had  we  no  others  lo  sus- 
tain us,  and  is  calcnlaied  to  make  the  impression 
upon  every  iinprejniliced,  iin|iartial  mind,  llial  the 
joint  occupancy  s.'iiie  the  dale  of  the  treaty,  which 
iniist  have  been  ;;ra;ited  as  afavor.  now  constilulcs 
ihe  only  ground  upon  which  ihe  Knulish  Govern- 
lueiil  can  base  a  pretension  of  claim.  And  yel 
there  are  lliose  who  contend  that  this  stipulaison 
fiirjiiint  occupancy  was  entered  inio  IVom  a  fear 
of  war,  and  to  secmi-  the  conliniiance  of  peace  be- 
tween the  two  naiioii.s.  I  am  old  eianigh,  sir,  to 
reinember  w  hat  public  sentiment  Vi'as  at  that  day, 
and  I  Well  know  that  no  siicli  uppreliensions  or 
opinions  were  enlerl;iined  on  thep.;rt  of  the  .\mer- 
ic;iii  people.  The  siipulaiioiis  of  ihe  eoiivenlioii 
itself  clearly  show  this;  for,  acconling  to  an  ex- 
press provision,  the  lerniinalion  of  ihe  joint  occu- 
pancy was  made  dependent  u|ion  the  pleasure  of 
eitliei-  party,  by  :;iviiig  to  the  other  twelve  inonlhs* 
notice  of  such  a  desire. 

How, then, i"ui  gentlemen  contend  thai  war  must 
I'ollow  IVoiii  tile  ^iviiiu'  of  noiicer  Suppose  Great 
liriMin  were  lo  give  us  the  i.olice,  would  av.y  en- 
tleman  be  so  bold  as  lo  .say  tlial  we  would  or  ought 
lo  declare  war  against  her  on  lhat  account-  Most 
surely  not.  lint  we  are  told  iliat  Great  Britain  is 
a  irreat  and  magnanimous  nation.  How,  then, 
can  wc  e.xpect  thai  war  will  be  declaicd  by  her, 
because  we  do  thai  which  we  have  a  riiilit  lo  do, 
and  wliicli  the  principles  of  triiih  and  justice  sus- 
tain us  in  doing — our  right  to  assert  aelaim  which 
is  stripped  of  all  doubt  and  uncertainly,  and  which 
she  herself  has  acknowledged  by  her  own  act.' 
Bui  it  may  be,  sir,  that  her  ailvoeates— for  she  lias 
advocates  on  this  side  of  the  water — have  applied 
these  high-soinidiiig  epillnls  iiniler  a  suspicion 
thai  her  character  for  terrilonal  aL'grandizement, 
and  for  a  disposilion  lo  lay  hold  upon  any  region 
which  she  can  rai.sc  the  sli;.'hlesl  prelension  to, 
stand  out  in  much  bolder  relief  than  lhat  for  niag- 
naniiniiy.  .\nd  shall  we  be  pusillanimous enoii^li 
to  hesitate  in  onr  course,  because  il  may ,  forsooth, 
woinid  the  pride  or  obstruct  the  wishes  of  thia 
treat  and  inagnaiiimoiis  nation.' 

In  the  same  spirit  il  is  contended  by  some,  that 
it  is  not  the  giving  of  notice  merely,  which  is  like- 
ly to  produce  a  declaration  of  war,  but  the  consc- 
ipieiit  acls  on  our  part  which  must  immediately 
lidlow.  They  say  llinl,  after  the  expiration  of  the 
twelve  nionllis'  noliee,  we  shall  be  compelled,  ill 
Older  lo  maintain  onr  uaiional  honor,  to  p.roceed  to 
take  possession  of  the  country;  and  that  such  an 
atlempl  would  necessarily  had  lo  war.  The  an- 
swer lo  this  is  ready  ami  easy,  I  grant  the  coil- 
scipience  predicted  "if  England  do  not  ricede,  and 


il 


26-2 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  7, 


2^H  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


The  Oreifon  Qucslion — Mr.  Atkinson, 


Ho.  OF  Kf.ps. 


{■' 


.,•>- 


%if 


if  fthe  do  lint  willidraw  Iior  siilijrrls — iC  sito  al- 
ti'ni|ils  to  rxrnisc  iii>y  ndvirsc  cliiim.  And  I  n«k, 
nip,  if  Kiiu'liiiid,  or  .■my  oilirr  Pown-,  I  p  n.ad 
>iiouL'li,  or  (InrinLT  t'lKnicIi.  or  wicked  cnoiii;!!.  to 
invade  a  ly  |>oriioii  of  niir  torritorirs,  or  to  lay 
violent  hi  nds  M|)oii  it,  ihrreli)"  attcinptiiiir  t)»  wn-nt 
it  frnm  u^  or  in  divide  with  n?!  our  *  clear  ir,id  nn- 
(|uestional)Ie'*  riix'i'J't  wiiat  Anierieait  I'an  l)e  f-'iind 
50  nnioli  ii  dastard  ivn  to  lie  «  iUin;  to  jrive  if  up 
ntlier  tliaii  fii;lit  for  it  ?  Wlio  anii>n;;  ilie  wiioln 
nation  would  not,  under  »iirli  ciri'nmstanL'es,  cry 
aloud  for  war — i\v,  sir,  war  to  ilie  Knilt? 

f'ut,  fir,  it  is  also  said  liy  ntherv  that  if  wo  pro- 
ceed at  thif  time  to  jjive  the  notice,  it  will  onlv  place 
u.*  in  t!io  position  we  orcnnieil  i\:  the  date  of  the 
convention;  and  that  as  tlun^^s  have  remained  in 
quietness  up  to  this  period,  w)iy  not  let  theni  u'o 
on  until  we  ncluallv  laed  the  territory  for  ajinciil- 
tiiral  and  CO' itnercial  pih'posesr  To  this  sii'^^^es- 
tion  my  answer  is  iliriet'old.  In  the  tir:»t  jdace, 
we  have  idrcadv  seen  that  the  I'nvor  exteiuird  to 
tireat  flritain  ot'  oc.■up^'inlr  tlie  territory,  in  corn- 
mon  with  our  own  peoph.  for  the  pur]iose  of  car- 
ry ini^  )tn  a  fur  and  ti-^'hint^tnule,  has  been  construed 
liy  her,  or  is  used  hv  her,  as  eonstitutitii  a  chrm — 
a  rii;ht  to  a  jioition,  i\tn\  a  very  larj:e  jiorlion,  too, 
of  this  lenilory — a  claim  so  stron',',  in  the  opinion 
of  some  !;endemen.as  to  justil'y  her  before  tliei-iv- 
ilized  world  in  makiii'^w  u-upon  us  with  the  view 
of  ttiaintainin^  it.  The  hiuEer,  therefore,  tlie  joint 
ficcupancy  contimies — if,  indeed,  it  cia  he  called 
an  occtipancy  at  all — the  stroni;er  will  llu^  claim 
upon  this  irrouiid  lu-conie;  and  hence  the  laccj^sity 
of  torminatin?  the  joint  oiTupancv  \\ith  ;is  IuiIimIc- 
l.-ty  asjirnciicaMeinider  the  provi.-sittnsitf  the  treaty. 
In  the  acciind  pl.ace,  our  people  do  now,  with  11- 
niarkahlc  unanimity,  (lic|,<re  that  they  want  the 
territory — that  ilu  y  vrviit  the  tree  and  full  pi>.sse8- 
hion  of  the  whole  lerrr  iv — and  that  they  are  not 
willing;  any  loni;cr  to  allow  to  .lohn  liull — rich, 
proud,  and  powcrl'ul,  .,s  he  may  he — an  eipial  pos- 
session and  enjoyment  of  its  advaiit'i^'i-s  with 
thentse!v<s.  And  tliev  do  fm'tiier  dei-Iare  that  if 
the  aiUd,1olin  IJull,  for  ijiis  a.ssertioii  of  their  ri','hts, 
and  for  this  notice  to  him  to  ((Ult,  chooses  to  pro- 
ceed to  blows,  ihev  will  let  him  have  a  L'.ime  at 
such  pastime  to  his  bean's  content.  Lastly,  the 
nr^umfiit,that  becimse  we  have  enjoyed  iieace  and 
quietness  lor  more  than  thirty  years  under  exi.siin^ 
ciicunmlances  we  should  permit  the  joini  occupan- 
cy to  eontimic,  would  be  Just  as  irood  a  ilious.uid 
years  hence  as  r.ow:  and  would  apply  with  as  much 
force  and  propriety  to  any  other  portion  of  nur  ter- 
ritory, or  to  any  oueoftb.e  States  of  this  Union,  as 
ii  doosBpjdy  to  the  rpicstion  lieforeus.  It  i.s  very 
certain,  sir,  that  we  can  always  enjoy  peace  by 
iiever  autertins^  our  ri:;liis,  or  by  qui*  llv  pi  rntittini; 
other  nations  to  take  from  us  whatever  they  may 
want.  The  only  questions  lor  us  to  cmsidt-r  are: 
Is  the  territory  ours-  Do  we  want  it  r  If  the  au- 
BWtrabe  inthe'athrmative.then  let  us  have  a,  uiir 
or  no  war.     We  only  lose  by  delay. 

Hut,  sir,  war  is  neither  a  certain  nor  a  probable 
eonseyucncc  from  {.-ivni;;  the  iioiici^;  and  if  tiuch  a 
calamity  can  by  any  nieuis  be  I  ncu;ht  almnt,  no- 
tliin;;  is  better  calculated  to  proiUu'e  ii  than  tin  in- 
discreet cotirse  of  a  certain  class  i^l'  per.-.ons.  who, 
both  ill  ihi.s  House  and  in  other  (piarters,  have 
inaijii  it  their  business  to  euloi^ize  and  niairnit'y  the 
]'ower  and  rosources  of  ouradversary,  whilst  at  the 
same  time  they  have  tJikeo  i:reat  pams  to  depreciate 
and  ridicule  tliose  of  our  own  country.  I  cannot 
understand  the  prmci)iles  or  the  motives  which 
)iave  induced  such  a  line  of  condni'l.  Charity, 
however,  inclines  me  to  hope  that  such  individuals, 
induenced  by  a  mii'i.iiiHed  experience  or  the  work- 
ini.'s  of  a  diseased  inuurinati'in,  have  so  piciured  to 
IhenisclveH  the  horrors  and  calamities  ol'  wur,  that 
they  Vk'ould  sooner  i;ive  away  an  absolute  ri:,-ht — 
the  territory  in  dispute — llniii  hazard  what  tliey 
nicy  regard  as  an  unparalleled  st.ate  of  prosnenly 
in  the  litnd  by  the  uncertain  i.ssuea  of  a  collision 
with  ao  powerful  a  nation  as  l:".ni.'land,  lint  all 
|mst  ccpcrieni'e  will  prove  that  a  spirit  of  timidity 
H'ld  concession,  or  the  sliu'htesi  nianifesialioii  of  a 
disposition  to  yield  the  smallest  ninoiiut  of  national 
nijlit,  is  liy  no  means  the  way  to  repel  or  to  satisfy 
foieii;n  demands;  but  that  it  is,  011  the  contrary, 
tin:  surist  mode  of  prniokin^'  ni-^'re.ssio.i  or  invi- 
tin:j;  the  exactions  of  u  t^raspiii!?  and  ^lovverful  na- 
tion. The  most  ell'ei 'iial  tueans  of  I'voidiii  r  dnii- 
ger  IN  to  naei  it  fully  111  the  face— to  insist  upon  . 


your  smallest  riL'ht.i — to  demiind  th.i!  fast  fnrthin:; — 
and  to  show  a  delerniinaiion  to  defend  or  secure  it 
at  wluitever  cost  or  conse(|nence;  in  a  word,. sir,  to 
adopt  and  act  fnlU-  upf>n  ihe  motto  rif  our  illnstri- 
.aisaud  vencr:Ued  .lackstni,  '*;tsk  nothiiifrhut  what 
is  riirhl.  and  sulimit  to  noihin^-  tliat  is  wronir." 
I  Sir,  I  am  t;ir  from  bein^:  one  of  those  who  look 
with  indifTeit  nee  upon  the  ui.sc(|ue!icert  of  war. 
Its  e^  its  are  always  trrc:it,  and  ot'tenlimes  incalcu- 
lable. !  ;uii  aware  that  a  war  between  the  Ihiiteti 
Slates  and  Fnirland  would  at  this  time  be  ntteurled 
with  vast  iiiischiei,  not  onlv  to  the  Towers  imme- 
diately eu'.:a!fcd  in  it,  but  io  every  pm-lioii  ot"  the 
civilized  world.  Commerce — that  creal  refiner  of 
iK'itionai  nunmers — that  LTeat  li:ik  whidi  ennnects 
iialiiois  lo:rcilier,  nudlilViu'J:  their  asiierities  ami 
breaking:  down  their  prejudices,  and  M-iiich  is  now, 
by  the  operation  of  modern  improvements,  lirinff- 
iiiij  the  most  distant  into  close  contact  and  conimu- 
nioii  wiih  each  other,  would  be  {rr>iitly  disturbed 
in  its  conrs"  and  thrown  into  iiinvonled  chniniels. 
TliC  ad\;'ncenients  which  litn;iinre,  science,  and 
the  arts,  are  daily  m;ikin«:  towards  the  extension  of 
knowledu^e,  and  the  mnelioration  of  mtui's  condi- 
tion, would  be  partially  checked.  The  profrnsa 
which  thi'  spirit  of  our  nepublic:ui  insiiliitions  is 
ni:'.kinir  with  sneli  rapid  sicjis  towards  the  piillins; 
down  ot'poieiuales  and  of  powers  in  hitrh  [ilaces, 
would  most  nnluijipily  1  c  retarded;  and  even  in 
our  own  country,  siuiie  of  those  achievements 
w  hich  have  hi  en  reccnilv  made,  and  others  now  in 
proirnss  ot'  beiiur  consummated,  in  the  i^Tcal  field 
of  pi>litical  sciei!i-e,  by  v\iiich  a  more  natural  and 
liberal  system  <d*ic.easure«  wruild  be  consefpicnces 
rfM.ltinir  from  successful  experiment,  would  be  in 
a  :;re:it  nie;isure  neutralized  or  tln\'arted  for  ,'i  sea- 
son, lint,  sir.  L-reat  as  all  these  e\  ils  may  b--,  iliey 
are  by  no  nier.ns  the  <^re;ttest  ih;if  a  nation  may  '  n- 
dnre.  Indeed,  it  is  la  ccssary.  in  oi-der  to  secure 
[icrinfoicnth-  the  blessiinrs  uf  peace,  and  to  enjoy 
them  in  all  their  fiibiess,  ilint  we  should  someiimes 
incur  the  ha.ards,  the  dangers,  and  the  evils  of 
v,ar.  Xo  nation  can  be  happy  or  p-iosperous  uti- 
di-r  a  dishonorable  peacf-;  and  it'  our  title  to  the 
Oretrim  icrritm-y  be  "clear  and  unquestionable," 
as  I  believe  it  to  be.  and  as  this  nation  belicAcs  it 
to  be,  what  ciaild  be  more  dishonorable  than  laniily 
to  yield  it '  1  would  assert  and  nuunlain  this  ri:.'ht 
we're  the  daiiL'-^rs  and  evils  of  war  a  thousand  times 
.•rreao  r  than  they  po.-.sibly  can  be;  anri  I  have  .stud- 
ied the  charieter  of  the  Aineric;ui  peojite  to  but  lit- 
tle purpose  if  they  can  be  deterred  from  a  similar 
course  by  mere  prudential  considerations,  drawn 
either  from  a  real  or  an  e\at".'eraled  description  c.f 
the  ch;iracter  and  resources  of  nur  .adversary.  Siu-h 
advocates  of' peace  iiiav  thus  witlessly  bei-ome  the 
most  eti'ective  proiuoters  of  war. 

It  is  the  part  of  wisdom  to  'innire  and  measure 
well  the  sireiiL'th  and  dimensions  of  kii  opponent; 
but  it  in  folly  to  tlespi.se  his  Wftikness  or  dread  his 
prowiss.  ft  is  piYqier,  tlieiet'orc,  thai  wt:(hilv  ex- 
amine the  irrcat  power  of  (ireat  Itritain,  and  ns- 
certain  with  all  practicable  certainty  the  full  extent 
of  her  arniament  and  her  means  of  luj-^'iession.  It 
is  only  by  sucli  a  course  that  v\<'  can  properly  pre- 
pare tor  Iter  assault  and  dct'cnd  nurstdves  jurimst 
her  <'nset;  and  if  we  shall  exercise  but  cimnnon 
lirndence,  we  have  no  need  to  t'ear  tliecoiisequtnces. 
I.et  Ihe  nieaiis  which  we  have  already  at  coniniand 
bo  only  placed  in  a  proper  condition  for  use;  let 
the  ships  now  lyin^'  in  oiirdm'k.-s  be  fbnhwiih  fully 
cqnijiped;  I'l  our  navy-yards  and  I'orlification-i  be 
put  in  thoroMiih  repair  and  t'ully  manned — and  the 
sons  of  these  br-ave  olhcers  am!  men  who  irathered 
such  wreaths  of  jilory  by  their  IriniMpliH  over  the 
same  auia'ronist  diirinu'  the  last  war,  will  come 
fnifli  with  a  iiobh'  zeal  Io  emulate  their  deeds,  and 
to  rival  their  I'auie  111  an  encounter  with  that  luaiiy 
otlii  r  foe.  I,  for  one,  entiTlaiii  no  apprehension 
for  the  ri'sull;  luid,  lifter  the  si-.-nal  successes 
that  lune  hitherto  nllendeil  our  luins,  whether  by 
sea  or  by  l.iiid,  in  every  trial  to  which  they  have 
been  wibjecii  d,  I  caniioi  but  anticipate  the  most 
brilliant  icsidls.  Ami  wlien  we  reflect  that,  in  all 
llie  elements  of  an  oHensixe  anil  defensive  war.  we 
are  ao  much  more  iibuiidanily  iirovided  than  on 
any  previous  occasion,  anil  only  waitint;  to  be 
called  in  r<sp,isitioii  in  proportion  to  iheeiiieri;i  iicy, 
V.  ho  call  find  within  liini  a  heart  10  quail  ■  Instead, 
tlieref.iic,  of  cro.ikiiiL'  over  Ine  iniuieii.se  powi  r  of 
l-liiL'l:>nd,  and  drawiiit(  friL'lilfiil  pictures  cd'  the  de- 
struction iuiij  curiiagi;  wliicli  wc  arc  to  cvperuaice, 


i  let  -iH  act  and  feel  as  becomes  brnve  men,  nnd  wo 
have  nothlii'r  to  fear  from  the  combined  iiiHuence 
of  all  the,  poTrer,  valor,  and  wealth  of  Britain.  lUil, 
Mr.  Chairman,  does  the  present  condition  of  En»- 
hind  portend  such  direful  consequences  in  iheeveiit 

of  war-  Is  she,  sir,  prepared  at  nil  points?  Uixn 
she  no  ohslacles  to  contend  with  ?  Where,  sir, 
are  the  Inmeiitations  nnd  wailings  of  her  needy 
pojiiilation  slarvins;  for  bread  ?  Where  arc  her 
niillioraofmnntifacturin^operatives  already  Kroimtl 
ilonn  to  the  hmcKl  point  of  oppression,  muttering 
their  griefs  and  their  siiO'erings .'  Where  is  bleed- 
ing, groaning  Ireland,  wllo^■c  wrongs  are  crying 
aloud  to  Hesven, and  whose  voice  isheardlhroiigh- 
out  the  earth  ?  Where  is  reliellious,  revolutionary 
India  i"  And,  above  all, sir,  where  is  Canada,  whose 
poptilniion  arc  largely  disafl'ected,  and  ready  to 
unite  their  arms  with  ours  upon  Ihe  first  signal  of 
war — Canada,  which  must  fonn  11  jinit  of  oiir  nc- 
iiuisilions,  whose  loss  to  Rnglnnn  will  seal  the 
ifooni  of  her  empire  of  the  North  American  conti- 
nenl.  and  amply  repay  us  for  all  the  consequences 
and  costs  of  war,  even  supposing  thnt  Orf  gon  he 
the  barren  and  worthless  country  which  some  gen- 
llenien  would  have  us  to  believe  ?  But,  sir,  as  I 
have  said  befon',ns  a  consequence  of  givi lit;  the  no- 
tice, Kngtaiid  will  not  risk  its  hn-z.nrds  and  its  in- 
evitable results,  unless  she  be  forced  to  assume  a 
position,  by  the  appearance  of  disti-aciinn  in  our 
counsels,  and  by  oiner  acts  of  imprudence  on  our 
fiart,  which  her  pride  will  not  allow  her  lonbaiidon. 
I.et  us  he  firm  in  ourdernand.^,and  resolute,  united 
in  oiif  purposes,  and  all  will  be  well. 

It  is  n  little  remarkjible,  but  nevertheless  true, 
lliat  Ihe  arguments  of  some  gentlemen  who  have 
gone  a^'ninst  the  notice  have  had  Ihe  effect  of  more 
thinoughly  saiisfying  my  mind  that  it  oiiu'ht  to  be 
L'iven.  Cue  of  my  collciigucs  [.Mr.  1'kvui.etiin] 
has  said  thnt  the  territory  in  dispute  possesses  no 
value.  AV'liy  iheii  iloes  England,  who  is  situated 
NO  remotely  from  it, desire  to  own  it?  Why  are  sr? 
many  of  our  hardy  iind  adventurous  spirits  found 
le:iviuir  their  present  homes  and  seeking  a  reaidencR 
in  those  distant  re irioiis  -  The  evidence  of  my 
colleague  is  thrust  upon  us  in  such  a  gratuitous 
oll'-band  manner,  that  I  suspect  it  will  make  liut  a 
feeble  impiession  upon  impartial  minds.  When 
I  shall  iiied  witnesses  upon  this  point,  sir,  I  will 
not  look  for  my  colleaL'"iie,  who  has  been  [.coding 
his  lit'e  111  ease  ami  quietness  wi'Iiin  the  pcacet'iil 
and  quiet  litniis  of  Virt^inia.  but  for  these  western 
men,  whose  sons,  brothers,  and  friends  h;ive  made 
CrCL'on  tlieir  lionie.  and  who  now  call  on  the  Amer- 
ican Ciuigress  to  protect  them  in  their  rurlits.  Ti> 
nie,  sir,  it  \m1I  always  be  enough  to  hear  such  a 
call  I'rom  any  portion  of  our  citizens  to  induce  nio 

I  to  extend   to   them   llic  proicclion  nnd  sei-iirily  of 

'  our  laws,  althniiirh  the  place  of  their  abode  may 
be  a  desolate  and  barren  rock.  It  is  sufticieiit  for 
nie  that  ii  is  their  Imnie,  to  extend  to  tin  in  all  the 
rights  of  an  .American  citizen. 

I  have  been  amused  to  hear  during  this  disruK- 
sion  geiitleinen  charging  each  luherwilh  inconsist- 
eucy — Up  hear  geiil'emen  chars:!  d  with  having  pur- 
sued a  certain  course  at  fine  session,  and  an  oppo- 
site coursr-  :ii  anolliir.  I  am  happy  to  know  that 
I  stand  in  no  such  positinn.  Wlicther  right  or 
w  ronir.  I  \nted  f'or  the  noiice  at  Ihe  last  bcsaioii, 
and,  (oal  being  williin.^,  I  shall  vole  f'or  it  at  this. 
I''or  that  vole  my  constituents  have  never  censured 
me.  And  1  have  recei\id  instrnciioiis  n|»oii  this 
subjeci  only  f'roni  one,  whose  notions  are  quite 
latiiiidiiMUS — an  old  geiiileman,  who  mliunis  me 
that  the  people  in  that  region  wanted  (Jrecon  up 
to  .54'-' 4(1'.  t-'alit'ornia,  IVIexico,  and  Canada!  I 
feel  no  disposiiion,  however,  to  invade  the  rii;Iila 
of  (treat  hritain,  or  any  other  Power  whatever. 
liiil  if  the  tune  shall  ever  come  when  the  people  of 
the.He  countries — having  first  obtained  their  inde- 
pendence— sh.ill  ask  to  be  admitted  into  our  I'liion, 
as  Texas  has  done,  I  .shall  certviiiilv  he  willing  to 
receive  them.  I''in'  I  have  no  appn  Ik  iisiuu  for  the 
lulegrity  and  perpetniiy  of  our  iii>fi(uti(uis  on  ae- 
ciMiiit  of  any  extension  of  territmy;  and  I  believe 
that  the  ;;reater  our  I'Ment  of  territory  may  be,  tin! 
more  firmly  shall  we  be  bound  together,  provided 
the  h'eih'ral  and  .State  (jovernments  confine  their 
leirislation  within  the  biiiits  of  their  respective  ju- 
risdiction as  defined  by  their  several  i  oiisiiiutions; 
and  that  our  systi  in  of  Government  is  calculateti 
ultimati  ly  to  extend  lis  loiaranlies  and  pruilegus 
over  the  whole  of  the  North  Aiiienctui  cuiitiiKjiil. 


Il:i 


[Feb.  7, 


1946.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


263 


i 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Bf'fiire  I  concludi^  my  reninrks,  I  licg  Icnvc  to  ' 
onll  ilie  nttention  of  the  (■ommittce  to  the  rcnmrkn-  : 
hip  poHition  occupied  by  the  gentleman  from  Mnssa-  | 
cluiseiis,  [Mr.  WiSTiiRop,]  wlioal  tile  Inst  session 
of  CiiiifjrcsM  made  a  speech  against  llic  notice,  in  ■ 
which,  HHSuming  the  American  title  to  the  country  ' 
to  be  perfect,  he  gave  as  a  reason  for  voting  against 
the  notice,  the  fact  that  negotiations  l)et\vecn  the  I 
two  Governmants  were  then  pending.    At  the  pre-  : 
Hcnt  session,  wlien  thcic  negotiations  have  termi- 
nated, that  genllenian  goes  against  the  notice  up/n 
the  ground   that  the  American   title   if  good  for  ; 
nothing'.     Here,  sir,  are  the  extracts  from  his  two 
siHcihes. 

Kxtract  from  Mr.  Wintiirop's  speech,  Feb- 
ruarv  1,  184.5: 

"  1  shall  enter  Hpo;i  no  argument  of  tlie  Amer- 
'  icnn  title  to  the  Oregon  territory.  No  such  ar- 
'  gunient  certainly  is  needed  to  convince  the  meni- 
'  bers  of  this  House  of  the  justice  of  our  claim  to 
'  that  territory.  Whatever  else  we  may  diller 
'  about,  we  ali  seem  to  liavt!  a  sufficient  sense  of 
'  the  soundness  of  our  own  title.  It  seems  to  be 
'forgolien,  howeve; ,  that  it  is  Great  Britain,  and 

*  not  the  United  States,  which  requires  to  lie  coii- 
'  vinced  on  this  jmint.     If  gentlemen  would  only 

*  undertake  to  satisfy  Sir  Rot)crl  Peel  and  Lord 
'  Abenleen  that  the  American  title  is  entirely  iii- 

<  disputnljle,  and  that  the  British  pretension  is  nl- 

*  toge'her  void  and  groundlcj^s,  or  if  thev  would 

*  t'ortify  Mr.  Calhoun  in  his  elTorls  to  enforce  the 

<  positions  upon  the  British  Minist(  r  with  whom 
'  lie  is  tiwiting,  they  would  turn  their  researches 
'  anil  their  rhetoric  to  a  more  profitable  account. 
'  I  fear  they  are  contributing  to  no  such  result. 

*  I  am  ini  lined  to  believe  that  arguments,  however 

*  strong,  would  lose  much  of  their  weight  in  the 
'  qiittrlera  I  ha\"c  suggested,  when  uttered  in  the 
'  tone  of  menace  and  defiance  which  has  cliarac- 
'  t(  rized  SI.  much  of  this  debate.  Nor  can  1  for- 
'  btar  to  say  that  il  appeam  to  me  extremely  im- 
'  politic  for  us  to  be  publicly  engaged  in  any  ar- 
'  t'umenls  ujion  the  subject,  when  negotiations  in 

*  regard  to  it  are  Rilually  on  foot  within  earshot  of 

*  this  Ilall,  and  while  we  are  necessarily  ignorant  ; 
'  how  far  our  own  individual  views  may  coiifonn  • 
'  to  those  which  the  American  Secretary  of  State  | 
'  may  be  at  this  moment  premising  upor  the  atten- 

*  linn  of  the  British  negotiator.     Indeed,  sir,  this 

'  whole  proceeding  is,  in  my  judgment,  eminently  ' 
'  caliiilated  to  impede  and  embarrass  the  negotia-  ] 
'  tioi  i  in  which  the  two  Governmciiis  are  employ-  ' 
'  cd.  We  have  received  authentic  assurances  that  , 
'  the  f  negotiations  have  not  failed — that  they  are 
'  still  in  progress,  and  that  a  comnuniication  in  re- 

*  gard  to  them  may  be  expected  from  the  F.xecu- 

*  tive  bct'ore  the  close  of  the  present  .«!essioii.  Whv  i 
'not  wait  for  this  communication?    Whv  insist 

'  upon  taking  any  step  in  the  dark,  when,  in  a  dw 

*  weeks,  at  the  most,  we  sliall  be  able  to  act  ad- 
'  visedly,  and  to  see  clearly  the  ground  upon  which 

*  wc  are  treading  ?" 

Extract  of  speech  .Tanuary  3,  lfi4fi: 
"  I  shall  attempt  no  analysis  or  history  of  t'lis 
'  liile,  (liile  to  i)rc'gon.)     Iain    cerlainly  not  dis- 

*  poscil  to  viiidicate  the  Krili.Nli  title;  and  as  to  the 
'  .Vnicncan,  lliere  is  nothing  to  be  added  to  the 
'  sti(  rcssivi  cxpnsilionn  of  Ilie  eminent  statesmen 

*  and  dijilomatiKts  by  whom  it  h;is  been  illiislraled. 
'  H'.t  alier  all,  what  a  title  it  is  to  ti^lit  about! 
'  Who  can  pielcnd  thai  it  is  free  I'niin  all  difficulty 

*  or  doubt  -  Who  would  lake  an  acre  of  land  upoii 
'such  a  title  as  an  inveslmenl,  without  the  war- 
'  ranty  of  snmciliiiig  more  than  the  two  regiments 
'of  lillenicn  lor  which  your  bill  provides?  l)f 
'  what  is  the  liile  made  up?  Vague  traililions  of 
'sctllcmcnl;  iiiiisty  rccori's  of  old  \t  y:;i:cs;  coii- 
'  lliciiiig  cliiinis  of  dis''ovcry;  dis|iiiled  prini'.iples 
'of  public   law,  aiknowlc.lged   violaliiuis  of  the 

*  riirhls  of  alioriirinal  occupants;  these  are  the  elc- 
'  niciils — I  had  almost  said  the  licgirarly  clement.-' — 
'  nut  iif  which  our  clear  and  indis|ailHble  title  is 
'  cimipoiindcd.  I  dirlarc  to  ymi,  sir,  that  as  often 
'  as  I  thread  the  mazes  of  this  ciuitrovcrsy,  it  seems 
'  lo  nie  lo  be  a  dispute  as  to  the  rchuive  rights  of 
'  two  parlies  lo  a  territory  to  vhirli  niilhrr  of  llicm 
'  /ills  oni/  rral  rip;ht  vliatevrr;  and  I  slioiild  hardly 
'  blame  the  other  nations  of  the  world  for  insisting 
'on  coming  in  for  scot  and  lot  in  the  partition  of 
'  it.  Certainly,  if  we  should  be  so  false  i  ■  our 
'  character  as  civilized  nations  as  to  fi;;ht  about  il, 
'  the  rest  of  (Jhristendom  would  be  justified,  iflliey 


r/t€  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Atkinson. 

'  had  the  power,  in  treating  us  as  we  have  always 
'  treated  the  savage  tribes  of  our  own  cuiitiiient, 
'  and  turning  us  both  out  altogether." 

Strange  as  the  contrast  between  the  two  speeches 
of  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  may  appear, 
I  cannot  pasa  from  the  notice  of  that  without  ex- 
pressing my  great  surprise  at  the  scntimenl  avowed 
by  an  honorable  member  from  South  Carolina, 
|iVIr.  Holmes.]  This  gentleman  has  u.sed  the  fol- 
lowing language  in  reference  to  the  American  title 
10  Oregon:  "  I  deny,  in  toto,  any  right,  any  claim 
'  lo  that  territory,  or  to  any  part  or  parcel  thereof, 
'that  does  not  ap]ierlaiii,  with  C([iia'  force  and  ef- 
'ficiency  to  the  power  of  Great  IJriiain."  Sir, 
what  must  be  the,  feelings  of  Briiisli  statesmen, 
when  they  shall  .see  such  a  sentiment  uiteied  upon 
the  floor  of  Congress  by  a  South  Curoliim  Dciiiu- 
crat;  and  by  one,  loo,  sir,  so  distinguished  as  to 
be  at  the  head  of  the  naval  committee?  1  fancy 
that  I  now  hear  the  plaudits  of  ihe  English  nation, 
as  they  come  wafted  across  the  broad  Atlantic 
upon  the  wings  of  the  wind,  and  their  hosannas  to 
the  distinguisi(ed  South  Carolinian  for  as.serling, 
before  the  American  Congress  and  people,  a  beiler 
claim  in  behalf  of  Great  Britain  than  has  been  at- 
tempted to  be  made  out  by  her  own  Minister.  I 
beg  the  honorable  gcnilemau  to  read,  aim  to  re- 
read, the  correspondence  between  Mr.  Cujlioim 
and  Mr.  Pakenham  upon  this  .subject;  for  1  am 
persuaded  that  he  will  thus  be  brought  lo  fee  t!;c 
error  of  his  way,  and  to  a  timely  rcponlancM  for 
the  untortunalc  expression  which  I  have  quoled 
from  his  speech.  He  must  then  feel  the  due 
weight  of  the  political  sin  which  he  has  '•oinmil- 
ted,  and  must  hang  his  head  in  confusion  for  hav- 
ing taken  a  higher  grrnind  against  his  own  coun- 
try than  has  yel  been  assumed  by  any  Minister  of 
Great  Britain. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  desire  lo  lake  some  notice  of  a 
portion  of  the  remarks  made  siuuc  days  ago  in 
committee,  by  an  honorable  member  from  New 
York,  [Mr.  Cfi.vKii.]  He  w;us  pleased  to  .■^ay  that 
the  Democratic  Balliniore  convention  had  nomina- 
ted for  Ihe  Presidency  a  man  of  whom  iie  had  ne\cr 
heard,  except  as  a  Ihiid-ralc  lawyer,  and  said  it 
apparently  bv  way  of  ilisparageniinl.  Yes,  sir; 
that  .Tames  K.  Polk,  when  nominalcd,  had  only 
been  known  to  any  poriion  of  the  fri  emeu  of  these 
United  States  as  a  lawyer  of  an  inferior  grade. 
This  same  sentiment  was  fust  niade.  I  believe,  sir, 
during  the  lale  Presideiiiial  campaign,  and  was  so 
often  repealed  during  the  canvas.s,  by  every  whip- 
ster U|mn  the  slump,  that  I  li;»l  been  in  hopes  that 
no  member  of  f'on^iie.ss  would  be  tltiind  capable  of 
gi\iiigit  uttenin.'e  I'or  the  ilnaisanillh  lime.  I  con- 
fess when  1  first  heard  ill  could  ni>t  suppress  emo- 
tions of  indignaiion  as  well  as  rcgiei;  bul  the  stale- 
ness  of  the  sentiment  has  lost  the  only  excellence 
which  il  ever  possessed — llict  of  novelty.  But,  sir, 
ilie  irinileniaii  will  allow  me  to  bint  that  the  re- 
mark, ill  comini,'  from  him,  looks  very  much  like  a 
two-edgfd  sword,  I  hal  cuts  both  ways;  for,  alllioiigh 
he  made  a  blow  al  his  iiulagimisi,  it  bus  certainly 
inllicti  das  severe  a  wound  upon  liimsilf.  It  cither 
convicts  him  of  insinceriiy,  or  of  treat  iirnorance 
in  the  poliiii-al  alVairs  of'his  couniry,  and  of  the 
rharacler  of  tliosi'  who  have  lici  a  conspicuous  in 
iis  recent  histm-y.  The  gentleman  himself  niiiy 
have  occupied  so  retired  a  position,  and  have  been 
so  much  out  of  the  way  of  the  world,  as  not  lo 
have  been  informed  of  the  cluiracu  r  of  ihe  most 
prominent  sialesnn'i;  of  the  land,  and  may  br  ex- 
cused tor  his  i^iioraiici;  upon  this  poiiii.  He  inav 
'»e  piii'doncd  for  not  knowing  that  tliis  same  ihirj- 
rate  coiinly-courl  lawyer,  .lames  K.  Polk,  was  fir 
years  the  prcsiiliiii;  ollii'cr  of  this  Hoii.-'e.  ;hat  he 
was  nl  Ihe  head  of  one  of  ihe  most  importiuil  coui- 
mittees  of  the  House  of  licprcscnlalivcs;  and  that 
he  filled  other  honorable  stations  willi  as  much 
credit  lo  himself  as  iisefiilncss  to  his  couniry.  But, 
sir,  suppose  it  were  true  that  .Mr.  Polk  was  o;i!y  a 
third-rate  lawyer;  would  that  alVoid  any  evidence 
of  his  unfitness  to  perform  the  dulics  ot'  the  high 

.station  which  he  i upics  ?     Does  the  genllenian 

mean  to  say  that  in  ibis  Republic,  no  man  is  quali- 
fied to  be  its  Chief  Miiiisirale  who  has  not  obtain- 
ed great  distinction  as  a  sjiecial  pleader  ?  That  .scii- 
linieni,  sir,  may  suit  the  Wilis:  party;  but  it  will 
not  be  recoirni.sed  as  orthodox  doclrinc,  nor  be  re- 
garded nt  ■  onsoimnt  with  sound  policy  with  ihe 
Democrais,  willi  whom  priiifip'ri  are  lield  to  be 
everything,  well  iiolhin^,  provided  llicy  be  liomsl 


Ho.  ov  Reps. 


I   and  capable.     And  lus  evidence  to  pn>ve  the  suf- 

|;  ficiciicy  and  excellence  of  this  doctrine,  I  will,  fiir 

;   the  benefit  of  the  gentleman  from  New  York,  bring 

lo  his  attention   the   names  of  several  illustrious 

men,  of  whom  I  shall  pivsume  he  has  heard  as 

Presidents  of  the  United  States,  whose  memory 

I  must  soon  lie  forgotten  if  the  genlleman's  rule  shall 
prevail:  I  mention  the  n.imes  of  Washineton,  Ad- 
ams, Jcflerson,  Madison,  and  Jackson.  These  men 
were  all  eminent  us  statesmen ;  Initj  ]icrha|)s,  as 
cimipared  and  judged  by  the  standard  of  the  mem- 
ber from  New  York,  might  have  been  considered  as 
inferiia-  county-court  lawyers.  Uid  the  gentleman 
ever  hear  or  read  of  IJenjtmihi  Franklin.- — a  man 
who  rose  from  the  condition  of  a  poor  printer  boy 
to  the  high  position  of  the  greatest  philoso]dier  of 
his  age?  And,  sir,  I  might  go  on  to  enumcralo. 
the  names  of  many  iiidi\ iduals  who  were  rocked 
in  the  cradle  of  poverty,  and  bred  to  some  of  the 
hiiniblesi  meidianic  arts,  whose  minds,  when  de- 
velopeil,  proved  lliem  to  be  worthy  of  the  highest 
stations  in  Ihe  civilized  world.  But,  sir,  I  will  tell 
the  gentleman  iVoiii  New  York,  that  James  K.  Polk 

,  has  proved  himself  lo  be  one  of  the  ablest  advocates 
,  in  America,  for  he  has  bcalen  all  the  imbodiment 
of  whigcry  itself.  In  IHH,  sir,  this  naiioii  was 
deeply  iiilercsted  in  the  great  question  of  the  ad- 
mission of  Texas  into  ihe  Union.  In  i-egard  to  il, 
the  two  pM'ties  wcrealniost  equally  di^dcd.  The 
Wliisii  li.id  .selected  Henry  Clay  as  tli  r  champion 
i'.iul  :'!vocate,  whilsl  the  Democrats  Made  choice 
of  Mr.  Polk  as  iJieirs.  Yc,-.  sir,  that  man,  whom, 
liy  way  of  ridicule,  ihey  denominated  "  little  Jim- 
my I'oik,"  while  lie  wasVidiiiu'  with  his  saddle-bags 
from  court-house  to  court-house,  without  a  single 
thought  or  us|iiratioii  for  the  Presidency,  waa 
chosen  to  advocate  the  cause  of  annexation.  The 
subject  was  fully  and  thoroughly  discu.s.sed  by 
llieso  leaders  of  the  respective  parties;  the  issue 
was  tried  by  a  jury  of  twenty  million  fiecmen, 
and  the  verdict  returned  in  favor  of  James  K,  Polk. 
And,  sir,  fin-  the  ability  which  he  (lisolayed  during 
that  contest — for  the  wisdom  which  lie  has  shown 
on  every  im|'orlant  occasimi — and  for  his  firm,  un- 
yielding sleadfiislness  lo  the  republican  faith  and  to 
ri.'publican  measures,  he  has  been  rewarded  with 
the  occupancy  of  ihe  Executive  miuision,  and  the 
honor  ol  ])residiiiL;  as  the  liea  1  of  this  nation  for  a 
term  of  fiair  years;  whilst  tin  great  Kcntiickiaii 
has  been  consigned  to  the  s.iades  of  Ashland, 
will  re,  I  trust,  lie  will  remain  i  i  peace  and  liap- 
jiincss. 

In  conchision,  Mr.  Chairman,  i  will  repeat  tliat 
we  owe  it  as  a  duly  to  those  who  lia  e  gone  to  seillo 
in  Oregon,  lo  give  this  luuice  for  ti  rminating  the 
joint  occuiiancy.  We  owe  it  to  thei.i  as  a  portion 
of  the  .\nicrican  people.  These  men  are  not  mere 
ganibUrs  and  speculators,  but  real  h^ndJiUc  sel- 
tli'is,  who  have  determined  lo  make  that  country 
their  home,  to  subject  its  soil  lo  'he  a-lsofcuUi- 
valicui,  and  lo  make  their  liviii;;  by  ill  -  sweat  of 
their  brows.  We  should  proceed  to  gi\e  the  no- 
tice without  delay.  The  longer  coiitinuai.ee  of  the 
iii«s/fWj/-i)i((c/ii'i(;i  principle  cannot  at  this  time  be 
viewed  as  a  wi->'  or  salutary  measure,  lis  moral- 
ity is  ipieslionable;  tor  it  seeks  to  do  thai  by  cov- 
ert and  indireci  means,  which  il  becomes  us  lo  do 
willi  energy  and  proni|itiiess — by  a  tmi.sleiiij  ac- 
liritii.  I  regard  ihe  iiolice  rccmmuendeil  by  the 
Pre.Mdeni  ;is  the  proper  preliminary  means  of  set- 
tling this  controversy  lielween  ihe  two  nations  in 
a  pcai'd'nl  and  ei|iiiia'blc  manner.  Let  us  support 
him  in  his  recmnmeiiilalion;  let  ,is  adopt  the  views 
which  he  has  preKcnlcd;  let  us  endeavor  lo  imbibe 
his  .spirii;  and  1  venture  to  predict,  sir,  that  the 
danger  of  war  will  not  only  be  averted,  but  the 
whole  iii;itler  be  brousjlit  to  a  speedy  and  happy 
tcrminaiioii.  Sir,  I  advocate  this  course  us  a 
friend  to  peace.  I  would  support  no  measure 
which  is  (alculaled  uiinecessariU  to  produce  a 
war  between  the  Uiiiled  Slates  anii  Great  Britain; 
peace,  honorable  iieace,  is  what  all  most  surely 
must  ilesire.  It  is  not  the  interest  of  either  na- 
tion Ihal  the  friendly  relations  which  have  .so  loiijj 
subsisted  between  tlieni  should  now  be  disturbed 
or  broken  up.  Their  niutiial  dependence  makes 
it  the  interest  if  both  to  cherish  and  culiiva.e  a 
,  stale  of  peace  and  good  will,  and  I  sincerely  liopo 
llint  the  adion  of  Coiigres"  may  be  such  as  to  se- 
cure Ihe  coniiimancc  of  fri  Jly  relalions  between 
the  two  nations.     But,  sir,  if  by  the  maintenance 

II  of  our  jiisi  lights  or  liie  notice  to  close  llie  joint 


■;  ri 


'\\ 


n;\  Il 


m 


n 


•^■1 


■MH 


284 


APPENDIX  TO  TflE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  7, 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Burt. 


Ho.  or  P.EPs. 


occupnncy.  wnr  shall  be  the  eonscqiiPiu'e,  then  we 
on!)  only  snv,  let  it  rome;  nml  ns  liriive  iiion  wp 
must  |i'repiiVc  tn  meet  it,  with  ;ill  its  woes  iimi 
evils,  with  the  .S|iint  of  tlin.se  wlio  nre  (leteniiineil 
to  "  (In  or  die."  Wo  sli;ill  lie  ensiiired  in  .i  |ii-ii 
and  righteous  emisc,  in  the  delenoe  uf  our  rislils 
and  ol*  o\ir  .'ii  Irrriinry;  iiiul  whether  lluvt  terri- 
tnrv  be  rieh  or  I'eiiile,  nlioundinsj  in  nil  the  ele- 
ments of  wealth  aiul  prosper'tv,  or  !".e  .inly  tiie 
barren  wilderness  which  some  Imvc  iitteiniifed  to 
make  ns  bdicve,  will  be  qne.iiinn.'s  of  liUe  iinport 
with  the  Aincrie.tn  people.  They  feel  that  it  is 
their  properly,  that  it  if"  the  linnie  of  their  breth- 
ren and  friend.'!,  and  that  it  is  tlieir  duty  to  defend 
it.  Aetin?f  upon  lhi.«  priiieiple,  tliev  will  •x<i  forth 
to  nicct  tlie  i.s.sue  with  a  calm  ''onsciotisnes.s  of  the 
reelittide  of  their  eoiirse,  and  with  an  hutnblu  yet 
firm  rclianec  on  the  tiod  of  battles. 


OliKGON  urivSTlOX. 

REMARKS  OF   MR.  A.  BURT, 

OP    SOITH    rAUdUN'.'V, 
In   TIIK  IllUSr.  OF    Rl;PIIK5F.NTATIVr.S, 

Ftbruurij  7,  l'^4G. 
On  the  Resoliitinn  for  terniinalins  the  joint  occu- 
pancy of  Orei'on. 
Mr.  nCRT addressed  the  committee  ns  Inllnws: 
"Slw  CrtAiiiMAv:  It  has  been  assumed  by  tho.>!e 
who  have  preceded  me  in  this  debate  thal'thecliief 
induceir.ent  to  L'ive  the  notice  recommended  in  the 
Annual  Mes.^aire  of  the  President  is,  that  it  will 
contribute  to  a  speedy  adjiistmeiil  of  the  qiie.siioii 
of  boniidary  between  the  United  States  and  CJreal 
Britain.  .And  it  was  insisted  by  the  ^'entlcnian 
from  Alabama,  [Mr.  Hot  «T(is'.]  as  an  nbjfiiion 
to  the  pnn'osition  of  his  colleaijne,  [Mr.  Dakcav,] 
that  any  di  firiilion  of  the  limits  of  ilie  country  on 
the  Xnrthwist  coast,  of  which  we  should  take  ex- 
clusive possi  .isioii  when  the  notice  expires,  w.ndd 
cmlmrni.  "  our  negotiations;  and  we  were  admon- 
ished by  that  irenlteinan,  that  if  we  desired  a  com- 
promise of  this  question,  we  should  give  the  no- 
lice. 

(Sir,  I  entertain  a  diflereni  opinion.  1  undertake 
to  sav  that  the  only  reason  assiirned  by  the  Presi- 
dent, and  the  only  object  to  be  aconiplished  by 
the  notice,  is,  bv  terini'iiatms"  the  tr<  aiy  of  joint  oc- 
cupancy, to  enable  us  to  takeexclu-sive  possessinti 
of  litis  territory. 

What  is  the  lan;rua:re  of  the  President  ?  Docs 
he  not  inform  us,  that  in  consideration  tlint  Mr. 
Monroe  and  .Mr.  .•Vdains  had  each  proposed  to  the 
(Tnvernment  of  tjreat  Britain  the  forty-niiilli  paral- 
lel of  north  latitude  as  the  boundary,  he  felt  con- 
straineil  to  make  another  pH'ort  to  adju.st  lliis  huts 
pendinscontroviTsy  f  That  he  had  sulimilliil  the 
oll'cr  of  the  forty-ninth  parallel,  wiihoul  the  ri^'ht 
to  navi<:ate  the  Columbia  rivir,  which  had  been 
tendered  by  his  predecessors,  and  that  it  had  lieeii 
rejected?     Sir,  his  lan^ua2*e  is: 

"The  eviraordinary  and  wholly  inadmissible 
'  demands  of  the  liriiish  liovernnient,  and  the  re- 
'  jection  of  the  proposition  made  in  deference  alone 
'  to  what  had  been  dime  by  my  predecessors,  and 
'the  implied  obliiralicni  which  their  nets  seemed  lo 
'  inipo.se,  atfnrd  satisliu  lory  evidence  that  no  com- 
'  promise  which  the  I'niied  Stales  ouirht  to  accept 
'can  be  effected."  "With  this  conviction,  the 
'  proposition  of  a  conipn.iiiisf  which  had  iieen 
'  made  and  rejrTteil,  was,  liy  my  direi'iion,  snbse- 
'  quently  withdrawn,  ami  our  title  to  the  whole 
'Ore;onterriioryasserteil,and,  it  is  believed,  main- 
'  t.ained  by  irr»*fra<rable  facts  and  arirnineiits.'*  "All 
'  niieinpl.s  at  compromise  liaMUu  failed,  i:  Kcomes 
'  the  duty  of  Congress  to  consider  wliat  measures 
'  it  may  be  proper  to  adopt  f  ir  ihe  se.  tiityaiid 
'  protection  of  ourciilzens  now  inliabitir..-.  or  who 
'  may  henafii  r  inhabit  (Iret'oii,  and  for  the  iiiniii- 
'  tenance  of  our  jusl  title  lo  llint  territory." 

The  meesures  which  ilie  President  det'iiiH  neces- 
sary to  the  protection  of  our  citizen-,  now  in  Ore- 
(;nn,  or  ^li'isc  who  may  herenrter  miLrraie  lo  that 
country,  ate  Hn'.;u'esied  lu  his  Mes-'a-e.  'J'hevare 
the  extension  of  our  juri.sdictu.n  .iiid  laws  Over 
them;  the  eRinbli.shinenl  of  Indian  a^'encies;  ilie 
erection  of  block-houses  and  sio.kade  foils  on  the 
route  between  our  frontii  r  selilenienis  on  the  .Vis- 
souii  and  thi;  Uocky  mounuiins;  an  aib  quale  fm-tc  . 


of  mounted  riflemen  lo  guard  imd  protect  enii- 
!;raius;  and  the  estiiblishmeiit  of  a  monthly  over- 
land mail. 

Ihit,  sir,  he  advises  us  to  ijive  the  notice,  and 
tells  us:  ".\t  the  end  of  the  year's  notice,  shtnild 
'  Congress  think  it  proper  to  make  provision  for 
'  t'iviii!;  tliis  notice,  we  shall  have  reached  a  period 
'  when  the  national  riirbts  in  Ore<;on  must  either 
'  be  abandoned,  or  firmly  maintained.  Tlint  they 
'  rniinol  be  abandoned  without  a  sacrifice  of  bolii 
•  niiiiounl  honor  and  interest  is  loo  dear  to  admit 
'  of  a  doubt." 

Sir,  can  jrentlemen  read  this  earnest  and  em- 
pliaiic  lan;uaie  of  ilie  Pn  sideni,  and  deludi'  the 
country  or  themselves  with  the  belief  that  it  is  ad- 
vised because  it  will  contribute  to  the  amicable  lul- 
justmeiu  of  our  delicate  and  perilous  relations  with 
UriMit  lirilain .' 

I  be;;  tlii.s  comitiittee  to  be  reminded,  tliat  if  ftir- 
ther  negotiations  were  in  the  conlemplatiiUi  of  the 
President,  they  can  be  conducted  mily  by  those 
funclionaries  i['  the  tiovernmcnl  to  w  horn  the  Coii- 
siiiniion  has  confided  llie  Irealv  power.  I  am  yet 
lo  |.-.ini  thai  tlie  Housi-  of  liepresentatives  has 
'  ever  been  supposed  to  p.irticipale  this  power  with 
the  Presideii'.  and  the  Weiiatc.  .-Viid  I  submit  to 
the  coniniiltee  and  the  country  that  it  is  only  be- 
cause "nil  attem|itsat  compromise  havinir  failed," 
this  HiHise  can  be  appealcil  lo  by  the  President, 
and  that  the  aope.il  is  made  thai  we  may  adopt 
measures  for  "  the  mainleiian'-e  of  our  just  title" 
t)  the  terrilorv  of  the  flrcL-on,  ajid  at  ihe  expira- 
tion of  the  noti'retake  evchisive  iiossession  of  it. 

lint,  sir,  if  we  disrcL'ard  the  direct  and  explicit 
lanirnaiceof  the  President,  can  I  he  human  mind  con- 
ceive any  oilier  motive  for  tejuiinaiinij  the  treaty 
of  j. lint  i'"'i-upaiicy  of  ibis  ti'iriiory  than  the  exclu- 
sion of  Great  liritaiiir  If  tlic  notice  be  Riven,  and 
the  question  of  boundary  be  still  unadjusted  when 
the  twelve  monlhssh. ill  have  elapsed,  we  shall  have 
no  iiliernative  letl  but  to  eject  Great  Britain  I'rom 
any  portion  of  the  territory,  or  submit  to  the  .sac- 
rifice of  those  riiht.s  whicii  the  country  has  been 
tidd  are  "  clear  and  unquesiionaiile."  (.Teiitliinen, 
-Mr.  Chairmen,  luive  discctursed  eloquently  of  "na- 
tional honor"  in  this  debate.  Li  t  me  tell  them, 
that  H  hell  we  shall  have  teniinao  d  the  liealy  by 
which  Great  Brilaiii  holds  the  joint  occupancy  with 
us  of  this  lerriiin-y,  we  will  be  a  ii.uion  of  cravens 
and  d.istardsif  we  do  not  instantly  trar  down  every 
British  fu-t  and  lla;,'  that  shall  be  ibund  upon  our 
soil.  8ir,  he  cherishes  no  just  seiilunent  ol'  na- 
tional honor  who  would  ihus  pause  to  i  cgotiute  or 
parley  to  compromise. 

Bei'ore  we  determine,  then,  to  t'ivc  lite  notice  to 
Great  Britain,  whi"!!  is  in  ilself  a  harihless  mea.s- 
ure,  we  should  have  well  considered  whethir  we 
shall  take  possession  of  the  entire  territory  of  Ore- 
i,'nu.  and  if  not  of  the  whole,  of  which  portion  of 
it.  If  we  intend  to  assert  i>ur  riu'lils  in  any  portion 
of  this  counlry  Ui  the  exclusion  of  the  preten.sions 
of  t;ii'_-l;uid,  that  assertion  must  lie  niaiutainid  by 
the  arms  of  this  counlry.  The  ;;ehllcniaii  I'roui 
.Massachusetts  [Mr.  .\nAMs|  has  expressed  the 
opinion  that  if,  the  vry  day  after  the  noti'-e  shouhl 
be  Kiven,  we  march  in  our  Iroops  and  lake  po.-ses- 
sioii  of  the  whole  territory,  there  will  not  he  war.  I 
did  not  uiidersland  that  irentleman  as  assi.'iiinir 
any  oilier  reason  for  that  opinion  than  his  belief 
lliiil  one  or  the  other  party  would  "back  out." 
.Sir,  the  calculation  lluit  our  adversary  will  "  back 
out,"  I  take  leave  to  think,  is  one  that  a  prudent 
man  nuirlii  not  to  make — it  is  one  that  a  brave  man 
would  s  orn  to  make. 

If,  Mr.  Cbannun,  we  provide  for  skiving  the  no- 
tice without  dclinins;  the  exleiit  of  our  rijihts,  the 
President  caniiol,  and  1  feel  assured  lie  will  not, 
htsiiaie  lo  maintain  them  with  all  the  resources  of 
the  Cioverninent,  lo  the  entire  terrilory  in  contro- 
versy. And,  sir,  with  this  deliberate  and  often  re- 
peaieil  ileclaration — iliat  our  Mile  to  ihe  whole  coun- 
try west  ofihe  Koeky  nioiinlains,  is  "  clear  and  un- 
questionable,"— if  we  •'imply  terminate  the  joint 
occupancy,  he  would  find  in  our  ;u'lioii  the  appro- 
val  of'  his  opinions,  and  luiL'ht  Weil  be  denrre^l 
from  admiitin'.'lhattireat  BrUaiii  has  any  jnsi  pie- 
lens. ons  to  ask  a  pariitiiui  of  it  with  us.  j'or  my- 
self, I  do  noi  hisuate  to  deelare,  that  if  I  enierlain- 
ed  the  opinion  as  lo  (uir  title  expressed  in  his  liiaii- 
L'lind  .\ddress,and  repealed  in  his  Annual  .Messau'e, 
1  wiiuld  exh.oist  all  the  resources  of  this  L'leat 
country  before  I  would  .surrender  one  rood  of  that 


territory  on  the  demand  of  a  foreign  Government. 
I  trust  ihls  committee  will  neither  shrink  from,  nor 
evade  the  responsibility  which  ha.i  devolved  upon 
us. 

At  a  recent  period  in  our  history,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, the  distinguished  citizen  who  was  then  Chief 
Mairistrale  declared  "lluit  we  should  claim  iiolhintj 
which  is  not  clearly  rii;ht,iuid  submit  to  nothing 
which  is  wrong."  It  is  a  great  and  noble  senti- 
ment. It  defines  Ihe  point  of  honor  amongst  na- 
tions; and,  in  iny  estimatimi,  Ihe  honor  of  a  na- 
tion, as  well  asof  an  individual,  is  infinitely  more 
concerried  in  not  claiming  that  which  is  not  clearly 
right  than  in  submitting  to  that  which  is  wrong. 
.■V  strong  man,  or  a  great  nation — a  brave  man, or  a 
brave  people — may  submit  to  wrong  without  degra- 
dation, but  they  can  never  claim  what  is  not  right 
without  dishonor. 

1  proceed ,  Mr.  Chaimvan,  lo  inquire  whether  \\k 
can  now  assert  title  to  the  entire  Oregon  territory 
consistently  with  this  standard  of  national  honor. 
I  do  not  propose  to  enter  into  any  elaborale  and 
minute  discussion  of  the  pretension*  either  of  the 
t'nilcd  Slates  or  of  Great  Britain,  iiiit  I  intciut 
to  show  liov/  that  matter  has  been  regarded  by 
our  own  Government,  from  the  year  1818  to  1S.|5. 
.'Villi  whilst  I  would  scorn  to  become  the  advocate 
of  the  pretensions  of  Great  I'rilain  against  my  own 
counlry,  I  shall  briefly  but  frankly  state  them. 

Sir,  In  that  callant  old  Stale  of  whicli  I  am  the 
humblest  of  Represeulalives — a  State  so  much  mis- 
understood, a. Slate  so  much  maligned  in  this  Hall 
— our  standard  of  patriotism  teaches  us,  in  any  con- 
test with  her  foes,  right  or  wrong,  to  stand  by  our 
country.  But  whilst  no  Carolinian  will  ever  de- 
.sert  the  standard  of  his  country  even  when  wroiiL-'r 
it  is  the  duty  of  a  patriot  to  couu.sel  her  to  be  riglil. 

Our  title,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  the  valley  of  the  Co- 
lumbia river,  derived  from  disi'overy,  exploration, 
and  scltlemeul,  was  asserled  in  lt*18,  during  iho 
Adiuinistration  of  Mr.  Monroe,  before  we  had  ac- 
quired the  right  of  Spain  to  the  country  west  of 
the  lluckv  mountains.  It  was  ntainlaiiied  by  Mr. 
Calhoun  in  an  argument,  whilst  .Secretary  of  Slate, 
the  force  anil  clearness  of  which  our  prefcent  dis- 
tinguished Secielary  has  said  he  would  not  impair 
by  ri  pealing  it.  Mr.  Ihichanaii,  in  his  lale  cor- 
respondenee  with  lln:  Briut>h  Alinisler,  speaks  of 
this  title  as  cxisiinc-  prior  lo  ihe  treaty  of  Florida, 
in  1819,  and  indepeudenlly  of  its  provisions.  Iln 
insisrs  that  it  was  perfect  and  eomplcte,  independ- 
ently of  the  Spanish  rights  which  we  acquired  by 
that  treaty.  I  think  .so,  sir.  But  our  disliinruisli- 
ed  Secretary  of  Slate, not  content  wiih  a  perfect  and 
complete  title,  says:  "  t.)ur  acquisilitm  ot  lite  riuhts 
'of  Spain,  then,' under  the  I'lorida  treaty,  whilst 
'  it  cannot  afl'eci  the  prior  title  of  the  United  Siaits 
'  to  ihe  valley  of  the  Columliia,  has  rcr.dered  it 
'  more  clear  and  uiiquestiouabk'  before  the  world." 
Now,  sir,  if  <mr  title  was  "  perfect  and  complete" 
before  we  acrpiired  the  riu^hts  of  Sjiaiii,  and  linj* 
been  rendered  "  mon*  clear  and  uiiqueslionable" 
by  our  treaty  with  Spain,  it  surely  is  a  good  title, 
and  wt  oiitrlil  nc>t  to  sun-eiider  it. 

What  does  he  .say  of  our  title  to  the  counlry 
north  of  the  Ibrly-ninth  de;;iee  of  latitude?  Why, 
sir,  that  ii  is  recorded  in  the  I-'lorida  Irealy;  that 
Spain  acquired  it  liy  discovery,  liy  the  landing  on 
Ihe  coast  of  her  navigators,  tVinii  the  41sl  to  thu 
57th  deiiree  of  latiliide,  "on  all  of  which  occasions 
'they  took  po.sses.sion  <d'  ihe  country  in  the  naiim 
*  of  their  sovereign,  according  to  a  prcBcribed  regu- 
'lalion,  cclebraiing  mass,  reading  declarations  as- 
'serling  the  right  of  Spain  to  the  territory,  anil 
'  f  lectiug  crosses  with  inscrqitions  to  ccuimiemm-ale 
'the  evenl."  This, sir,  is  a  very  fai-  sialemeni  of 
the  Spanish  title.  Spain  iuidoiibic,i,v  made  wry 
early  exploralimis  of  the  coast  of  iln  Pacific  ocean, 
and  as.serled  liilc  to  the  emuitry  cut  thai  coast.  Ami 
if  discovery  alone,  without  seiilcnieiu,  could  confir 
lille,  I  should  think  we  aiiquircd  by  the  florid.t 
treaty  a  right  to  this  territory,  whicli  we  (uiirbt 
never  to  have  ronseuted  to  surrender  lo  Ureal  Brit- 
ain, or  any  other  Power. 

ll  will  iiol  be  denied,  .Mr.  Chunnuan,  that  front 
(,'ook's  voyage  in  l""'^,  to  the  ci-i  leiilion  of  Ncioi- 
ka  in  17!lli,  Great  Ihuaiii  sleadiiy  and  earmstly 
controverted  the  exclusive  claim  of  Spain  lo  lliii 
country  on  ihe  itcn-thwest  cciast.  .She  mainlauied 
that  it  \\i\H  \ai'ant  counlry,  in  wliic  h  no  n.uicwt  had 
exchisi\e  rights  or  exclusive  privilecjes.  In  171M), 
Mr.  Pill  pruiiuunced  ihe  prclension  of  Spain  loex- 


I 


[Feb.  1, 

Government, 
iiikfnim,  nor 
evolved  upon 

r,  Mr.  Chiiir- 
ns  then  Cliiet' 
I'litim  nothing 
III  to  nolhing: 
I  noble  scnli- 
■  iimongst  na- 
mor  (if  a  na- 
ifinitely  more 
is  noi  clearly 
irh  is  wroni?, 
rave  man,  or  a 
villiuutdej;;ra- 
iit  in  nol  rijjlit 

re  whether  \VR 
Pf^on  territory 
nional  honor, 
elaluirale  anil 
I  riilier  ol'  the 
lint  I  intend 
I  rcsnrded  liv 
ISlBto  1845. 
i  the  advoeate 
jainst  my  own 
«tate  (hem. 
hich  I  am  ihn 
.'tonuich  niis- 
^d  in  this  Hall 
IS,  in  any  con- 
I  stand  by  our 
will  ever  de- 
1  when  wroiiir, 
lier  tol'C  right. 
Ilcy  of  the  Co- 
',  cxijlorationr 
18,  duiiii!,'  llio 
ire  \\  f  had  ui'- 
itintry  west  of 
tainod  by  Mr. 
etary  of 'Slate, 
ir  present  dis- 
uUl  not  iin|iair 
hiH  late  cor- 
trr,  spraks  of 
ly  of  Florida, 
)visioiia.  lln 
Ic,  independ- 
e  aiiqaircd  by 
r  dislinirui.^li- 
\  a  nerfei-'t  and 

V  ot  the  risilus 
treaty,  whilst 
United  SthiLS 

13  renilered  it, 
e  the  world." 
nd  complete" 
]>ain,  and  has 
questionable" 
s  a  good  title, 

the  comitry 
ilude.'  Why, 
a  Iroatv.  thai 
he  landing  on 
he  41st  to  the 
liirh  oci'asionu 
y  in  the  imniu 
scribed  regu- 
fclaralions  as- 
terrilory,  and 
■  ouinicmoratei 
IT  sialrmenl  of 
Iv  made  very 
I'ai'ilic  ocean, 
aKoBst.  And 
t,  could  cnnft  r 

V  the  Florida 
icli  we  ouffht 

111  Ureat  lirit- 

an,  thtti  from 
ntiun  of  Noot- 
and  earnestly 
Spain  to  till! 
le  manitaimd 
nu  n.niun  had 
res.  In  1790, 
•f  Spam  to  ex- 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


265 


29th  Cok'^ 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Yell, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


^S 


elusive  sovereignty   'the  most  nb.surd  and  cxorbi-  I 
tnnt  that  could  well  be  imagined."     It  \a  matter  of  t| 
history,  that  Great  Britain,  in  1790,  was  prepared  ij 
to   resort  to  war  in   resisting  the  pretensions  of  |j 
fipain.     This  conflict  of  pretensions   led    to   the   i 
conven  ion  of  Nootka  in  1790,     By  this  conven-  'i 
lion,  S'lain  yielded  every  demand — admitted  every  |: 
right  v.'hich  Great  Britain  had  asserted.    She  yield-  ■] 
ed  the  right  to  land  on  (he  coast,  to  navigate  the 
walc'9,  to  make  aeltlemenls,  and  to  trade  with  the 
inhabitants.     How  did  these  concessions  consist 
with   the  claim  of  e.Kclusive   sovereignty  which  1 
Spain,  for  more  than  two  centuries,  had  set  up  to 
this  territory? 

But,  sir,  illd  our  Government,  I  beg  to  inquire, 
respect  this  ancient  claim  of  Spain,  which  we  now 
so  gravely  assort?  Let  the  grounds  on  which  we 
based  our  title  to  the  valley  of  the  Columbia  in 
I8ia,and  on  which  we  now  distinctly  and  emphat-  , 
ically  rest  that  title,  answer.  We  then  held  it  in 
contempt,  and  put  it  at  defiance.  What  was  our 
appreciatimi  of  this  Spanish  title  in  1S23,  when  we 
had  held  it  since  1819 .'  Why,  sir,  we  surrendered 
to  the  demands  of  the  Emperor  of  Russia  the  coun- 
try between  61  degrees  of  latitude,  and  .54  degrees 
and  40  minutes,  which  was  covered, every  rood  of 
it,  by  the  Spanish  claim. 

What,  Mr.  Chairman,  had  Spain  done,  from 
1790  to  1819,  when  she  transferred  to  the  Unitci 
States  her  pretensions  to  this  territory,  to  give  to 
thein  defimtcuess  and  validity.'  So  far  from  ma- 
king settlemc'its,  she  had  actually  abandoned  every 
trading  factory  north  of  the  49th  degree  of  latitude 
prior  to  tlio  year  1800.  From  that  period  to  the 
cession  to  the  Unit'd  States,  not  an  act  was  done 
by  Spain  to  consummate  her  claims  or  assert  her 
sovereignly. 

I  proceed,  Mr.  Cliairnian,  to  inquire  whether  i 
our  Governiiieiit  has  not,  by  the  ino.st  .solenni  and 
explicit  dei'larnlions  and  acis,  recognised  the  rights 
which  Great  Britain  hsd  asserted  against  Spain, 
net  only  before,  but  since  wt  acquired  the  rights  of 
Spain  t()  this  territory?  In  1818,  before  the  treaty 
of  Florida,  by  which' wc  acquired  whatever  rights 
Spain  |iossrssed,  we  proposed  to  make  the  forty- 
ninth  parallel  of  latitude  the  bouniiary  between  the 
territory  claimed  by  the  United  Slates  and  that 
claimed  by  Great  Britain  west  of  the  Rocky  moun- 
tains. Great  Britain  contested  our  exclusive  claim 
to  the  valley  of  the  Columbia  river,  which  we  had 
urged,  anil  declined  to  accede  to  our  proposition. 
The  treaty  of  1818  was  the  result  of  this  inelFcciu-  , 
al  atliMnpt  to  agree  upon  a  boundary.  What  was 
that  convention?  The  gentleman  tVom  Massachn- 
Rclis,  [.Mr.  AnAMs.j  the  other  day,  denied  that  it 
w.is  a  treaty  of  joint  ocrupmicy.  Ilut  if  I  am  not 
greatly  mistaken,  that  trentleman,  at  the  last  ses- 
sion, characterized  it  a  treaty  of  joint  occupancy. 
We  then  heard  nothing  of  the  hypcrcriticism  of 
the  chairman  of  the  Committei'  on  Foreign  Af- 
fairs, [.Mr.  C.  J.  Ixr.i.Bsoi,t.,[  who  now  concurs 
with  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts.  Al- 
though that  convention  is  treated  in  all  our  negoti- 
ations as  one  of  joint  occupancy,  the  material  in- 
quiry is.  Wliat  does  it  concede  to  Great  Britain  ? 
Are  not  its  stipulations  mniual  and  reciprocal  ?  Is 
there  a  solitary  right  reserved  to  the  United  States 
tliat  is  not  reserved  to  Great  Britain  r  Is  there  a 
privilege  guarantied  to  one  party  which  is  not  con- 
ferred on  the  other?  Is  there  a  protest  as  to  the 
title  of  one  which  do  ,  .t  apply  to  the  title  of  the 
other:  ThisconveiiiiM  ^ns  adopied  for  the  jieriod 
of  ten  years,  during  winch  the  respective  claims  of 
the  twii  Governments  were  suspended. 

In  1819,  we  acquired  all  the  rights  wliiiii  Spain 
then  had  lo  Ibis  icrrilory.  and  from  IHi,')  to  18"J7, 
held  ncT  latii.  is  -.vith  'ircat  Britain,  t!ie  sole  ob- 
ject an  i.rp  -dC  of  wliiih  was  the  adjuslment  of 
the  boundary.  What,  sir,  have  our  ue:;iUialor» 
and  St,  ,  smen  said  of  the  convention  of  1H18?  Mr. 
( 'lay,  Secrciary  of  State  during  the  .•Vdminisiration 
of  .Mr,  Adams,  in  h''  li'tter  to  Mr.  (lallalin,  the 
Minister  to  Englaii'  .  on  the  llllli  of  .Inne,  18'Ji;, 
says;  "  It  is  true,  ihal  the  ilurd  article  of  ihe  coii- 
'  vcntion  of  iHl'^  recognises  that  Gnat  Britain  lluu 
'  hail  claims  on  the  Northwest  loasi,  iiiii  ii  neither 
'defines  nor  settles  iheiii,  nor  specilics  where  llity 
'  had  their  origin,"  Mr.  Galhuin,  in  his  ilespatcli 
to  Mr,  Clay,  of  the  'J.'ilh  of  November,  IM'JIi,  reci- 
ting his  conference  with  the  British  Plcnqiolentia- 
ricB,  says:  "  But  our  never  having  rel'nsed  to  agree 
'  to  n  line  of  demarcation  with  Great  Britain,  was 


'  a  sufficient  proof  that  we  admitted  that  she  also 
'  had  claims  which  deserved,  and  to  which  wc  paid 
'due  consideration."  "Claiming  themselves  by 
'  ri"ht  of  discovery  and  selllemeni,  they  allowed 
'  what  was  due  to  Great  Britain  on  the  same  ac- 
'  count,  and  all  that  she  could  justly  claim  under 
'  the  Nootka  convention,  according  to  its  true  con- 
'  struction."  In  his  letter  to  Mr.  Clay,  of  the  27th 
June,  1827,  Mr.  Gallatin,  speaking  of  the  contem- 
plated renewal  of  the  convention  of  1818,  said:  "  It 
'  was  altogether  a  matter  of  mutual  concern.  There 
'  was  no  other  object  for  it  than  that  of  preserving 
'  peace  until  a  permanent  boundary  coulil  be  agreed 
'  on."  In  his  letter  lo  Mr.  Gallatin  of  the  94th  of 
February,  1837,  Mr.  Clay  says: "  Supposing  Great 
'Britain  to  have  any  well-founded  claim,  if  there 
'  be  (as  there  are  believed  lo  be)  no  other  Powers 
'  than  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  who  can 
'assert  rights  of  territorial  sovereignty  between 
'  42°  and  54°  40',  there  can  be  no  equitable  divis- 
'  ion  of  the  intermediate  space  but  an  equal  parti- 
'  tion.  Such  an  ct|ual  partition  would  assign  about 
'  Ihe  parallel  ,ii'49  degrees  as  the  common  boiind- 
'  nry.  The  President  regrets  that  the  British  Plen- 
'  ipotentiaries  have  thought  proper  to  decline  the 
'  proposal  which  you  made  of  tliat  line."  A  di,s- 
linguishcd  Senator,  [Mr.  Benton,]  who  has  ever 
felt  a  deep  int  'est  in  anything  wnicii  alfecls  the 
interests  of  the  West,  attributed,  in  1842,  in  his 
place  as  a  Senator,  to  the  convention  of  1818  cer- 
tain "  great  faults;"  amongst  them  one,  "in  assum- 
'  in;'  that  there  were  divers  harbors,  bays,  creeks, 
'  and  navigable  rivers  west  of  the  Rocky  nioun- 
'  tains,  sumo  belonging  to  the  United  Stales,  and 
'  some  to  Great  Britain;  end  that  mutuality  of  ben- 
'  efits  was  conferred  by  giving  to  each  parly  access 
'to  the  waters  of  the  other."  Another  was  "in 
admitling  a  claim  on  the  part  ol  Ctreat  Britain  to 
any  porlion  of  these  territories."  !  conlidenily 
affirm,  and  I  appeal  lo  our  negotiations,  that  at  no 
licriod  of  tliein  has  our  ( rovcrnment  insisted  on  n 
more  favor.able  boundary  than  the  49tl.  parallel  of 
latitude.  The  conventiun  r.f  1818  was  renewed  in 
1827,  and  has  been  acquiesced  in  by  every  Admin- 
istration lo  the  present  moment. 

N'ow,  Mr.  Chairman,  when  it  is  nol  even  alleged 
that  Great  Britain  has  done  any  act  lo  forfeit  or  to 
impair  the  rights  which,  from  1818  lo  1845,  our 
t^rovernnient  has  admitted  she  posscsfcs  in  the  Or- 
egon territory,  with  what  face  can  we,  before 
Heaven  and  man,  deny  thein?  Sir,  as  a  just  peo- 
ple— as  a  Christian  nation — we  cannot,  we  dare 
nol. 

Sir,  as  we  have  been  int'orined  that  no  honorable 
compromise  of  tliis  ancient  controversy  can  be  ef- 
fected, and  have  been  called  upon  by  the  K.Kecu- 
live  to  maintain  our  just  riglits  tii  this  territory,  I 
am  prepared  lo  take  my  share  of  the  responsibili- 
ty, iMy  judgment  has  yielded  to  the  force  of  the 
argument  which  maintains  our  title  to  the  valley 
of  the  Cohnnbin,  and  I  ain  prepared  lo  assert  and 
to  enforce  it,  1  am  unwilling  to  sorreiuler  to  Great 
roitaiu  the  country  lielow  the  49th  parallel,  and 
with  an  aineiulinent  deliniiig  that,  as  the  limit  to 
which,  at  llie  eNpiration  iit'  the  twelve  inonlhs,  we 
shall  extend  onrjurisdietiou  and  exclusive  posses- 
sion, I  am  ready  to  vole  for  the  uoiice, 

Mr,  (..'liiiirinan,  I  see  on  this  lloor  a  gentleman 
[Mr,  .\nAM»l  of  advanced  a;;e,  large  experience, 
and  ureal  attainineiits,  who  was  Secretary  of  Stale 
in  1818,  when  ihe  treaty  of  i"int  imeupancy  wag 
concluded,  and  chief  min;i9lraie  of  these  States  in 
1827,  when  it  was  renewed.  Of  that  gentleman, 
1  do  not  inieiul  to  speak  in  terms  of  personal  dis- 
respect. r,ut,  sir,  it  has  been  hi.-i  fortune  to  bear 
towards  tliir,  qlle^tiou  a  relation  the  nuist  inipor- 
taut  and  rrinarkalile.  His  risht  hand  claims  the 
credit  of  iiisertiiig  in  the  I'Niriila  treaty  Ihe  clause 
on  which  oo.r  title  lo  tlie  Oregon  territory  is  based. 
He  has  said  that  the  convention  of  lf<18  was  the 
alternative  to  instant  war.  In  1827,  Mi.  Gallatin 
informs  our  Governmeni  that  Ihe  only  reason  for 
the  renewal  of  that  convention  was  to  preserve 
iieaee.  'I'liat  genllem.in  now  ihiiiks  there  will  not 
tie  war.  if  wc  march  in  our  troops,  after  the  notice 
has  expired,  and  lake  possession  of  the  whole 
country  '.  Unlit  the  Inst  ses.sion  of  Congress  he 
was  not  prepared  to  agree  to  a  termination  of  the 
|oint  occupancy.  Then  his  mind  was  open  lo 
eonvieiion  as  lo  onr  title  to  a  part  of  this  terriinry'i 
now  hi  would  takejiiisses.sion  of  the  whole!  When 
President  of  the   United    .Slates,   he  thouglil  lUi 


equal  division  of  it  with  Great  Britain  was  the  only 
eiiuilable  partition,  and  regretted  that  her  Plenipo- 
lenliaries  would  not  accept  it:  now  he  would  deny 
her  any  part  of  it !  These  are  rapid  and  remark- 
able transitiona.  Sir,  the  country  will  demand  of 
that  gendcman  what  has  produced  this  change? 
What  muniment  of  title,  what  fact  to  elucidate  it, 
that  escaped  his  research  when  conducting  our  ne- 
gotiations from  1818  to  1827,  has  been  discovered 
by  that  gentleman  lo  produce  a  change  so  sudden 
and  extraordinary?  Well  may  the  people — well 
may  the  civilized  world  inquire — why  this  change 
of  policy  and  position  ? 

Mr.  Chairman,  in  consideration  of  the  past  if 
not  the  future — if  not  to  calculate  the  cost  of  niain- 
Uiining  our  rights — we  should  pause  before  we 
plunge  this  country  into  war.  We  should  take 
counsel  of  our  hearts  and  our  consciences,  whether 
that  war  would  be  just,  and  in  a  just  cause.  Sir,  I 
have  taken  my  position.  I  believe  it  maintains  the 
honor  and  the  rights  of  my  country,  and  will  com- 
mand ihc  approbation  of  the  people.  It  is  the  com- 
promise oflercd  by  our  Governmeni  from  1818  to 
1845.  I  am  unwilling  lo  accept  less.  I  will  not 
•  demand  more. 

But,  Mr.  Chainnan,  if  it  be  the  determination 
of  the  commitice  to  terminate  the  treaty  of  joint 
occupancy,  with  the  purpose  of  a.sserling  the  right 
j  of  domain  to  a  pari  or  to  the  whole  of  the  territory 
of  Oregon,  I  trust  the  notice  will  be  couched  in 
those  manly  terms  which  .shall  manifest  our  sense 
that  it  is  a  right.     The  treaty  provides  that  it  shall 
:  be  determined  al  the  expiration  of  twelve  months' 
!  notice,  and  secures  locncb  of  the  high  contracting; 
I  parlies  the  right  to  give  it.      The  notice  needs  no 
apology:  and  I  submit  that  it  is  unmanly  and  un- 
becoming to  make  one.    .And,  I  must  be  permitted 
lo  say,  that  I  cannot  admire  the  spirit  that  would 
whisper  it  in  the  pitiful  palaver  of  a  "  preamble," 
or  the  whining  and  whimpering  of  a  "  whereas." 
I      Mr.  CliairiiKui,  my  constituents  are  ever  ready 
I  to  maintain  the  risrhls  and  defend  the  honor  of 
their  country.     They  know  noihin;of  the  people 
of  whom  I  am  an  humble,  but  I  trust  faiihful,  Rep- 
^  rescniaiive  who  suppose  they  have  any  uiiinanly 
,  tear  of  war,  calamitous  and  desolating  as  it  ever 
:  has  been  and  ever  must  be  to  iheir  interests.  They 
I  appeal  lo  the  history  of  their  country  to  bear  them 
witnes.'s  that  whenever  the  gallanirynnd  patriotism 
of  its  citiy.ens  have  been  summoned  to  its  standard, 
they  have  been  the  first  in  the  field  and  the  fiercest 
ill  the  battle. 

Sir,  the  Soiiih  does  earnestly  deprecate  war,  but 
nol,  as  1  have  heard  inlimaleil,  because  she  is  con- 
scious of  :uiy  element  of  weakness  or  danger  in  her 
social  system.  She  fears  no  domestic  disquietude 
in  war.  But  miuli  as  wc  deprecale  war,  more  do 
wc  deprecate  nalioiial  dishonor  and  degradation. 
And  if  war  conic  from  maintaining  the  riirhis  and 
the  honor  of  our  country,  by  the  help  of  Heaven 
t  we  will  meet  it,  though  it  drag  its  victims  from 
every  fireside,  and  slay  iheni  on  every  coast,  and 
plain,  and  licight,  in  this  broad  confedcraiy. 


YELL, 


OREGON  aUF.STION, 
SPEECH    OF    MK.    A, 

OF    AaKANS,\S, 
!  In  the  House  of  Representatives, 

Pchruani  7    184G. 

On  the  Resolution  for  terininat;:i;r  the  joint  occu- 
pation of  Oregor.. 

Mr,  YELL  addressed  the  ccnii..iiitec  as  fo'lows; 

Mr,  V.  said  he  had  not  the  vanity  to  suppose  hn 
could  oevinee  any  gentleman  of  the  commiltea 
what  course  they  oiiglit  lo  pursue  upon  this  great 
question.  He  was  saiisfied  what  ought  to  be  his 
own.  He  presumed  the  opinions  of  every  gentle- 
man of  the  House  were  dilVerentlv  made  up.  His 
own  had  been  for  some  time.  In  fact  it  was  so 
when  ihe  i{Uiiiilion  (list  came  up.  His  mind  had 
never  varied  for  a  moment,  and  happilv  for  hiin, 
his  consiituenis  always  knew  where  lo  find  liini. 

He  was  much  gratified  that  he  had  for  once  an 
opportunity,  al  least  on  one  single  question,  to  agree 
with  his  Whig  friends.  This  was  no  political  ques- 
tion, but  one  iinolviiig  our  national  inieresi  and 
lionin-.  He  rejoieed  lhal  gentlemen  belonging  to 
eueli  of  the  great  political  parties  of  the  country  had 


m 

If 


n  ii 


I  ■*  A'T 


ad6 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  7, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sf.ss. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mt.  Yell. 


Ho.  OF  Rkfs. 


I J  if' 

m 


come  out,  in  ihc  most  decisive  mniincr,  in  favor  of  I 
the  proposed  notice,  and  were  willing  to  adopt  the 
course  which  he  considered  the  onfy  [iroper  and 
safe  one:  not  thiil  he  had  a  confidence  that  their 
course  w«3  correct  because  he  agreed  with  them. 
Ko  doubt,  on  a  great  nnlionni  question  like  this,    i 
tliey  would  each  decide  for  themselves,  without   j 
any  regard  to  what  might  be  the  opinion  either  of  ,1 
the  whole  House,  or  of  any  particular  member  of 
it. 

Nor  was  he  at  all  uneasy  in  finding  himself  on  ; 
this  occasion  in  company  with  the  venerable  gen-  < 
llcnian  from  Massiuhusetls,  over  the  way,  [Air. 
AuiMs.]  His  conslituenta  would  not  suspect  him 
of  a  political  sin  on  that  account.  We  sometimes 
find  ourselves  with  strange  bed-fellows;  and  on 
questions  of  politics,  it  would  be  " prima  fiicic" 
evidence  that  he  was  wrong,  to  be  fiiuiid  voting 
with  him  J  but  he  was  ready  at  any  time  to  Uxke  . 
the  opinion  of  that  gentleman  on  a  great  national 
question,  as  soon  a.-i  any  man's  in  the  Union.  Other 
gentlemen  had  a  right  to  think  as  tliey  pleased. 
His  party  attachmenis  and  his  iioliliciil  inlegrily 
were  not'to  be  suspected.  Many  good  Democrats 
were  opposed  to  tins  notice.  Many  decided  Whigs 
zealously  supported  it.  He  sincerely  hoped  that 
this  question  would  prove  a  great  American  plat- 
form, on  which  all  could  find  room  to  sland;  lie 
ceitaiiily  wa.s  not  inclined  to  drive  from  it  all  who 
did  not  exactly  agree  with  him. 

It  was  a  ipiestion  im  which  the  puvest  Democrats 
might  honorably  dilfer  from  each  other;  nor  was 
the  Democracy  us  intolerant  as  may  be  sujiposed; 
they  did  not  draw  a  line  on  49°,  or  54°  4(1',  and 
say  to  their  fellow-Ucmocrais,  come  up  to  this,  or 
eali-ulate  on  being  read  out  of  your  political  church. 
If  that  was  suppo.scd  to  be  the  game,  though  he 
was  a  Deniocnu  "dyed  in  the  wool,"  he  gi-eatly 
feared  ihat,  upon  some  questions,  he  would  stand 
in  danger  of  being  read  out  himself. 

In  going  into  an  examination  of  our  title  to  Ore- 
gon, (which  was  the  only  question  he  meant  at 
this  time  to  invesligali-,)  he  inleiided  to  ascertain 
whether  Oregon  "iros  ours,"  and  when  that  was 
settled,  he  would  agree  to  no  compromi.se,  either 
w  ith  Whig  or  Democrat,  with  England  or  any 
other  Power.  If  our  title  was  good  he  would  have 
every  foot  of  il,  or  a  fight. 

Mr.  Y.  said  he  came  I'rom  a  land  of  peace,  and 
he  represented  a  moral  and  relijiou.s  people;  but 
they  would  never  be  found  comproini.slng  the  inter- 
ests of  tlicir  country,  or  sacrificing  her  honor  to 
avoid  a  war. 

We  are  charged  with  being  ,i;:p'i,.;(,ted  with  the 
genilcnum  from  Massachu-seti..  [M..  AdamsJ  as 
our  liader,  and  his  fonnir  iiairse  is  revn  wea  on 
this  question.  .As  to  tlial  venerabl*  gfntleman,he 
requnid  no  defence  from  hnn.  He  Wius  on  the 
latest  suige  of  life,  and  \i..-,ild  be  soon  gone  from 
.•iiiiong  us,  in  the  common  coiir.'c  of  (jveiits;  he 
had  no  longer  any  olijecls  of  earthly  ambition, 
other  than  tlie  upriihl  and  conscientious  discharge 
of  his  duty,  and  lie  is  fully  competent  to  defei.d 
hini'^ell'. 

TliegciitlemanfromSouili  Carolina  [Mr.  Wood- 
H  AKii|  had  said,  how  was  it  in  Islcs  iliat  he  [Mr. 
AoAMb]  w:is  lor  letting  this  (picsiion  remain  m 
alieyance,  and  yet  now  was  as  eager  lor  liaMiig  it 
settled:  Why  ilid  ho  not  stiil  roiitmuc  hi.s  fornnr 
system  of  '•mitf.liiltjinncliiilij  ■'" 

It  .seemed,  thin,  that  the  gentleman  from  South 
Carolina  was  on  tlie  same  side  wiili  the  genlhinan 
t'rom  AIi\»Siicliusetts.  In  ltf^7,  he  ciuiinuud  the 
same  "  inaclivitij"  he  had  advocated  in  \ti\S.  The 
iieiitlemaii,  however,  only  went  wiili  ihe  veiierai'lc; 
genlleman  rr-on  Massachusetts  a.s  long  as  iii.it  giii- 
tleinun  Would  go  with  him:  a.s  S'lo/i  as  he  came 
over  to  till'  Ainerican  side  of  the  queslinn,  the 
gentleman  fell  back,  and,  turning  on  his  former 
friend,  reproaches  him  with  going  over  to  the  Don- 
ocr.itic  parly. 

(.Mr.  WijoinvAiiD  here  rose  to  explain,  which 
was  very  impirfiiily  heard  by  the  reporter,  (as 
was  also  many  of  llie  remarks  of  .\lr.  V.)  lonse- 
iiiieiil  upon  llie  i/nia  confusion  and  converiuttjoii 
in  till'  Mali.] 

.Mr.  Vt.i.L  continued.  The  gentleman  says  that 
General  Jackson  pursued  the  same  iiinclitf  policy; 
and  he  asks  why  the  laws  and  junsdictiiiii  of  the 
\'niUil  Muil  H  'vere  iioi  extended  over  On  gon  at 
thit  Inner  The  geiilli  man,  to  be  sure  ,  was  too 
yuun;;  at  the  time  In  know  much  about  it;  but  the 


aiLi^'er  to  his  question  is  very  easy.  The  laws  of 
the  United  States  were  not  extended  to  Oregon  be- 
cause there  were  then  no  |)eople  in  the  territory  for 
the  laws  to  operate  upon.  The  gentleman  from 
Massachusetts  will  tell  him  that  the  same  reason 
will  apply  during  his  Administrntion. 

So  far  na  General  Jackson  was  concerned,  there 
was  no  inconsistency.     If  the  territory  hail  been 
peopled  at  that  day  to  the  extent  it  now  is,  no    I 
doubt  he  would  have  taken  the  same  ground  ns    | 
we,  who  w  ere  his  warm  fViends  and  supporters, 
now  take.     This  charge,  in  Ihe  circumstmiccs  of  I 
the  ease,  constitute  the  very  reason  why  the  gen-    j 
tlemaii  from  MassachusetUi,  and  why  1  go  for  giv-    i 
ing  this  notice.    Our  citizens  are  there;  they  need   j 
defence;  they  emigrated  there  by  thousands,  and    i 
they  have  a  right  to  demand  our  protection.   Thou-    • 
sands  more  will  go.     This  was  not  the  rase  in  ij 
lH2i),  and  therefore  the  same  necessity  did  not  exist 
for  the  extensioikof  the  laws  over  the  territory.     1 
leave  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  and  the 
gentleman  from  South  Carolina  to  settle  the  matter 
between  themselves.     He  went  as  far  as  General    ; 
Jackson  did,  and  as  far  as  all  the  Presidents  before    i 
him  had  gone;  but  he  is  now  opposed  to  this  new    ' 
doctrine  of  "  nmsteily  inactivity."  (I 

The  first  question  I  have  to  settle  with  myself  is. 
Is  Oregon  ours  '.'  By  the  treaty  of  17<i3,  between 
Great  Britain  ami  France, Great  Britain  aiiandoned  ' 
all  the  country  west  of  the  Mississipiii  river,  and  i 
celled  it  to  Fiance.  .She  now  sets  up  her  claim, 
founded  on  the  Nootka  Sound  convention  of  1790; 
and  it  is  under  that  convention  that  she  now  claims 
Oregon,  and  perhaps  it  is  the  most  plausible. 

The  principal  object  of  this  treaty  is  contained 
in  the  third  article,  which  is  as  follows. 

".Art.  IJI.  Inorilerlostreiigtliea  the  bon(li*nffVicniIsliiii, 
mill  to  [ireatTve  in  I'linirc  u  periect  Imniiotiy  anil  good  iiii- 
iliT^taliiliiiff  lielwei'ii  the  livo  contrncliiii;  imrties,  it  is 
;u;reetl  ttlltt  Uleir  resfH-etive  subjectn  tiliall  lint  lie  lllstiirlird 
or  iiiuleHteit  either  in  niivijiiiliuii  or  earr.iiiift  on  ttieir  Jithcr- 
iei  III  tlie  racilic  oeeuti  or  in  tlie  f^iiutli  si-iis,  or  in  laiidili|{ 
Mil  the  c(iii>ts  ol*  tliosi!  !.eii..t,  ia  pliices  not  iilrendv  occupied, 
lor  till?  piirpn^p of  i(irT;/!iti:  on  Ihrir  fommi^rcr  itilfi  Ihe  itotivca 
nl'llie  ciiuiitr)',  ur  ol  llialoilfi;  belUt'lliellts  Iherelil,"  itc. 

Under  that  treaty,  she  acquired  no  title  to  the 
soil  or  light  to  the  country,  except  for  commerce, 
fishing,  and  hunting;  and  this  teas  uU  she  then 
claimed  or  desired.  i 

tilHiin  receded  to  France  the  whole  country  west 
of  the  Mississippi  in  IflOO.  In  18U3  the  United 
Stales  liec.iiiie  tin  purchaser  of  all  the  title  France 
thus  acquired;  and  in  lf<18  we  piirc.linsed  llie  claim 
of  .Spam  also,  which  gave  us  the  whole  and  only 
legal  Ulle  lo  the  couiilry  west  of  the  llocky  iiioun- 
tams. 

After  our  purchase  of  Louisiana,  in  ISO,"},  we 
had  become  the  rightful  owners  of  all  the  country 
west  of  the  Missi.ssippi  river,  from  lalilude  4'J°  to 
latitude  (il°,  iind  without  any  riMli/ed  nation  to 
contest  our  title  except  llie  ilaim  of  Great  Britain, 
which  she  acquired  under  llie  .Nootka  Sound  con- 
veniion  in  \'iW,  and  which  was  not  considered 
valid  or  of  much  I'oire  previous  to  llie  year  IflH, 
;  as  will  be  seiii  and  In  iter  understood  by  a  refer- 
ence  to  the  correspoiiilt-nce  belween  our  Govern- 
niinl  and  Gi'eat  I'.ritain  upon  llie  iisioraiion  of 
Fort  George,  which  had  be>ii  taki  n  by  the  British 
during  the  war  of  l.^irj.aiiii  wliicli  was  ridelivered 
lo  the  United  SUiics  by  the  jirovisions  of  the  treaty 
of  Ghent: 

*'  III  filtcdii'iirc  to  llie  cfminjlinl  nf  his  lln>  ill  IliullllPSf  the 
I'rilH'f  Itt'C'-ltl.  slL'Mlht'il  III  .'I  dt>[.:llrll  triilll  llie  Mulltlicil- 
oriihli'  llii>  J'..'ill  I),ilhiir<I,iiililrt's-<  itt'iUlc  parliKTs  nrll^rllLs 
II!  Ill,'  NiirUiwi^t  ri.iii|iiiii),  liiiumu-  diile  the  S.Ui  cil  Jiiiill- 
.ii>,  |s|r,  and  lii  (ilti-ilalirr  lo  a  sllliset|iii-iil  onlrr  ilalt'il  Ihe 
•Jllili  iiljllly,  iVi'lli  \V.  II,  .^lierlir,  K)-!).,  capluili  nf  hl>  Ma- 
jcry's  i^hip  .Aliilruiiiaclic,  i'T,  Ihr  ututersii^ucit,  do.  in  .oii/'ir- 
tintttlulhcjirsl  tirtUleoJ  thi:  hf.ilyitj  t./icit,  rcWorc  lo  Ikr 
tVoifnoiicii/  oj  Ihe  L'uiUil  .Sti/h,.  Ilirnli;;h  lt.s  aiiclil,  J.  H. 
J'^■V'i^l,  E><|-,  the  sftllctiieiil  oJ  fort  (iro)iie,on  Ihi  ihtuiiil'ia 
riicf. 

"flivfn  tinder  niir  linrids,  in  fiiplicnle,  at  l-'nrt  (tcortte, 
C'ljlUftilitii  rivf  r.)  iliii' 6tli  day  iilUi'iulii'r,  Islti. 

"F.  Mil  ki;y, 

I  "  t'lii'l-iiit  ol  hii  Muji-itu'!,  ship  Hloxsotn. 

"J.KDITII. 
I  "  0/ t/ip  A'oi(/»ir<v,t  (A)i»;'ony." 

'J'lie  acceptance  on  the  jiait  of  the  Unit'  d  .Stales 
IS  in  these  words: 
'  •<  I  (III  herein  arkiiuwledge  tii  have  thin  day  reeei/cd,  in 
'  liellall  iif  till'  i;overilllielit  of  llie  I'nited  HIati »,  Ihe  imtiet- 
o''Mt  0/  Ihe  M'tHrmeut  tle^ii;miteil  olmir.iu  rniilniiiiily  In  the 
lit  .1  ntli'-h-  Hi'  liie  treaty  of  titif  ril  tiui  n  iniil'-r  m>  liniiil, 
III  Iriplirali',  at  Fort  tjcurge,  (L'tdiiittlfiH  river.i  this  liUi  day 
ofOetoliir,  IDIk.  J-  II.  I'ltliV".-!', 

".igciil  oJ  Ihc  Ciiih;!  Stolci." 


On  the  consummation  of  these  acts  of  the  resto- 
ration of  the  valley  of  the  Columbia  river,  in  con- 
formity with  Ihe  treaty  of  Ghent,  and  the  acknowl- 
edgment of  our  right  "  to  be  the  parly  in  posses- 
sion while  treating  on  the  title,"  Mr.  Oreenliow 
remarks: 

"  The  llrilish  fliig  was  then  formally  lowered,  anil 
'  (/in(  of  Ihe  United  Stales  hnring  been  hoisted  in  its 
'  steiidover  the  fort,  was  saluted  by  the  lllossom, 

"The  documents  cited — the  mily  ones  which  passed 
'  between  the  ci«iimissionerj  on  the  occasion — are  suffi- 
'  cient  to  show  that  )io  r(.«rra/irm  or  exception  was 
'  made  on  the  part  qf  Great  Britain,  and  that  the  resto- 
'  ration  of.lsloria  to  the  United  States  was  complete 
'  and  unconditional." 

In  1818,  the  convention  of  joint  occupancy  was 
entered  into;  and  it  was  renewed  and  indefinitelv 
extended  in  I8:iH;  and  at  that  time,  the  Britisli 
Minister  admitted  that  Great  Britain  had  no  pre- 
tence lo  the  sovereignty  of  the  soil,  as  will  be  seen 
by  reference  to  the  articles  of  the  convention,  which 
are  as  follows,  viz: 

Conrctitioii  helwerii  the  Vnitett  Stalei  of  Jtmericn  aiut  Great 
Uriluin.  M«tiC(t  ot  iMndon,  fh-loha-  20,  ISlti. 

"ART1CI.K  2.  Tt  is  nRreed  that  a  line  dmvvii  Iriiiii  the  imohI 
liorthweiiterii  |Miiiit  of  tlie  Lake  nf  the  Wonds,  along  the 
liirty-tiinth  parallel  of  nnrtli  latitude,  nr  If  the  raid  point 
shall  not  lie  in  the  fortyiiitiltipamllel  of  north  latitude,  then 
that  a  line  tirawn  IVnni  the  iiaid  (tnint  dae  iiortli  or  Nniiih,  as 
tile  ca..ie  tnay  tH>,  until  the  said  line  shall  ititerseel  the  said 
pnrnlli'l  nf  nnrtli  latitiule,  and  IVniii  the  iHiiiit  nf  filch  iiilvr- 
sectinn  due  wetit  nlong  and  with  the  Hitid  parallel,  shall  lie 
the  line  nf  demarcation  hrlween  the  lerritnrieB  of  the  I'ni- 
ted Htatei*  and  those  of  his  Kritniinic  Majesty  ;  and  that  the 
said  line  Khali  Inrtn  the  liiirthern  hniindary  of  the  said  terri- 
tories nf  llie  I'liiled  Slates,  and  the  Houthern  tiniitidary  of 
Ihe  territnrles  nf  his  Hrttaniiic  Majesty,  from  tlic  Lake  of  llio 
Wnnds  lo  the  Stony  niniintaitis. 

**Art.  3.  It  is  afifeed  tlint  ntiy  cnnntry  that  may  iH^claiined 
hy  eilliiT  parly  on  the  nnrthwest  enast  of  America,  west- 
ward of  the  t^toity  innniiliiiiis,  fihall,  tngi'tlicr  with  its  linr- 
hnrs,  hays,  and  creeks,  and  the  niivigntiiin  of  all  rivers  within 
the  same,  he  IVee  and  o|h'ii  for  the  tprin  of  ten  years  frnm 
the  date  nf  the  siftiialiire  nf  the  present  convention.  In  the 
vessels,  citi/.ens,  and  slllijects  of  the  two  INiwers  ;  it  heinn 
well  uiiderslnod  that  this  lufrerinent  is  nnt  to  he  conslrMcd 
to  the  prejudice  of  any  elaiin  which  either  of  tin*  two  hiitll 
cniilraclind  parties  may  have  to  any  part  of  tlic  said  cnnn- 
try, nnr  shall  it  be  taken  lo  alieet  the  claims  of  any  other 
I'ower  nr  State  to  any  part  of  the  said  country  ;  the  nnly  nli- 
jfi't  nf  the  lush  ciililnieUliR  parties,  in  that  respt'cl,  heing  to 
prevent  disputes  and  dilfereiiees  amniia  tlieniselves." 
Com  efltioji  hcluTen  the  Viiitcil  Statcf  imd  Gre<tt  iin7«i,i,  yigtl- 
I  eit  at  txiuilon,  .-fioftu/  It,  ifti". 

o  Art.  1.  .Ml  the  provisions  nf  the  third  article  of  the  enn- 
vi'titiiin  cnncluded  hetween  Ihe  I'liili'il  Slates  of  America 
and  his  .Maiestv  the  Kins  nf  the  t'tiited  Kiniidnni  nf  (Iri'iit 
Itritain  aiid'ireiand.  nn  the  Stlih  nf  llitnhi'r,  ISIH  shall  he, 
and  llii'\'  are  hrrehy.  fiirthrr  indelhiilely  ■•^itendrd  and  cnii- 
linilrd  111  fnri-e.  in  ill)'  same  manner  as  if  all  the  prnvisiiiiis 
of  Hie  said  article  wiTe  htrein  s|M'eitlcidly  rei'iled. 

"  Art-  'J.  It  shall  he  rnnipelent,  linwi'vrr.  In  I'lllier  nf  the 
contrai'liiiK  partii's,  in  casi'  cither  should  think  111,  at  iiiiy 
time  nliiT  the  'JOlli  Ortnlier,  IrtJH,  on  i,nvinc  due  tintiee  of 
twi'lve  mouths  In  itie  other  cnnlraetinil  party,  to  annul  and 
aliroiiiile  this  I'lmventioii ;  and  it  shall  in  such  cast?  Iir  iie- 
cnntinuly  luilirely  iiniiullril  and  iihrogated,  alter  the  e.vpira- 
linu  of  till'  said  term  nf  iintifi'. 

"  \nr.  :i.  N'nthins  contained  in  this  eonvi'iitinn.  nr  in  the 
Ulird  article  of  Ihe  cnnvenlinn  nf  the -lUh  ilctnlu'r,  IslS, 
lii'O'liv  cniilinurd  III  Inrci',  shall  he  fnustriu'd  tn  impair,  nr 
III  any  uianiit'r  tilhi'l  the  I'laims  which  cillU'r  nf  thernntriict- 
oiL'  partii's  mii>  leoc  In  any  |iarl  nf  the  country  Heslward  nf 
Ihe  Stony  n'  Itni'ky  mnunlHins." 

If  she  had  no  right  to  it  then,  she  certainly  has 
iKUie  now.  Vet  she  pretends  to  ihe  sovereignty  in 
Oregon.  If  (said  Mr.  Y.)  I  had  doubts  as  to  our 
tille  to  Oregon,  I  W"uld  have  gone  to  the  corre- 
sponileiii'o  of  Mr.  Calhoun  with  llie  British  Minis- 
ter, which  was  niarked  by  Ins  usual  abiliiy,  and 
\\. IS  conclusive  beyond  n  reasonable  doiibi.  And 
not  slill  fully  conviiHiil,  (said  Mr.  Y.,)  I  would 
have  resorted  to  lhat  "t"  the  able  and  ilistiiiguished 
Sicretary  of  Slale,  who  has  placed  it  beyond  the 

'  possibility  of  doubt, 

I  veiiliire  III  sav  lluil  there  is  not  one  individual 
in  a  lliousaiid,  wlio  lins  read  ilnil  correspondence, 
lhat  is  not  convinced  by  it.  !l  is  possible,  that  by 
blunders  in  iiegoliaiions  in  former  proposilions  to 
compromise,  this  Governmenl  may  have  given  up 
a  pan  of  ihe  tcrriinry. 

But  .\lr.  CAi.iiofN  did  not  talk  about  .slopping  at 
49°.  Nor  has  any  genileman  who  has  s|ioken  in 
this  debate  shown,  or  eiideavond  to  show,  that  llio 

1  49lli  is  Ihe  pniper  line.  The  oiler  of  thai  parallel 
w;is  intended,  and  made,  merely  in  n  spn  I  lo  fir- 
nier  iidniiinslralions,  as  is  fully  and  fairly  staled 
by  Mr.  I'.ilk,  as  will  be  belter  iinderslood  by  ref- 
ireiiif  to  the  following  extract  I'roni  his  Message: 

|i       "When  I  came  iiilo  ollice,  I  found  this  lo  be  the 

'■'  '  state  of  ihe  negoliation.    Though  enlerliiming  the 


A 


'-% 


18-16.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


267 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Harabon. 


Ho.  OF  Refh. 


' 


'  settled  conviction  tliiit  tlie  British  pretensions  of 
'  title  coultl  not  be  nminlaineil  to  any  portion  of  the 
'  Oregon  territory  tijion  any  i>rinciplu  of  public  law 
'  rccoL'niscd  by  nntioiia,  yet,  in  deCerence  to  wlint 
'  had  been  done  liy  my  predecessors,  and  especial- 
'  ly  in  consideration  that  propositions  of  coinpro- 
'  niisp  liad  been  thrice  made  by  two  preceding  Ad- 
'  ministrations,  to  adiust  the  question  on  the  par- 
'  allel  of  forty-nine  (leRrees,  and  in  two  of  them 
'  yicldinii  to  Great  Britain  the  free  navisatiini  of  the 
'L'olumbia.and  that  the  pending  negotiation  hud 
'  been  commenced  on  the  basis  of  compromise,  I 
'  deemed  it  to  be  my  duty  not  abruptly  to  break  it 
'  olf.  In  consideration,  too,  that  untler  the  con- 
'  vcntions  of  1818  and  18-J7,  the  citizens  and  sub- 
'  jects  of  the  two  Powers  held  u  joint  occupancy  of 
'  the  country,  1  was  induced  to  make  another  elTort 
'  to  settle  this  Ions-ponding  controversy  in  the 
'  spirit  of  moderation  which  had  given  birtli  to  the 
'  renewed  discussion." 

I  nsk  why  this  line  of  49  is  proposed .'  Where  is 
the  claim  or  title  that  fixes  that  line  tis  the  true 
boundary  ?  Or  where  is  the  [ilausilile  reason  given 
by  Great  Britain  for  the  Columbia  as  the  proper  j 
and  true  boundary  ?  There  is  none,  air,  that  1  have 
heard  offered,  except  that  two  preceding  Admiiiis- 
tratioiia  had  oll'ercd  to  compromiMC  at  4i),  and  that 
therefore  we  were  in  good  faith  bound  to  accept  it 
now,  if  olVered.  To  that  1  liave  <mly  to  remark, 
that  if  our  title  to  the  country  was  clear  and  indis- 
pulal>le,  tlie  Government  hatliio  right  or  authority 
to  cede  it  away;  anil  as  the  proposition  was  reject- 
ed by  England,  and  withdrawn  by  the  President, 
we  are  neither  honorably  nor  equitably  bound  now 
toaccept  it  if  olfered.  Our  title  to  Oregon  is  not 
weakened  by  the  offer  or  rejection.  1  am  sure  the 
I'resident  will  not  renew  the  proposition;  and  if  it 
should  lie  made  by  Great  Britain,  1  have  confidence 
enough  in  the  Administration  and  the  Senate  to  be- 
lieve that  the  interests  and  honor  of  the  country 
will  be  maintained. 

If  we  claim  by  contiguity,  or  by  Spanish  title, 
there  is  no  reason  for  settling  at  49°,  or  at  the  Co- 
lumbia river,  save  on  principle  of  compromise  mere- 
ly; there  c,.,i  be  no  other  ground  for  selecting  that 
line.  1  tell  gentlemen  now  that  they  may  settle  this 
boundary,  Imt  they  never  will  unless  they  give  this 
notice;  everything  depends  upon  it.  Give  the  no- 
tice.  Mild  you  will  settle  your  boundary;  neglect  to 
give  it,  aiid  you  will  be  begging  and  supplicating 
Great  Britain  for  years  to  come  to  do  that  which 
you  have  a  right  yourselves  to  do,  without  giving 
oll'eiieo.  AVe  might  as  well  meet  tlic  question  now, 
and  soitle  it  at  once;  delay  will  only  endanger  tlie 
peace  of  the  coiinlrv. 

Mr.  Y.  said,  I  now  predict,  if  this  notice  is  not 
given,  which  1  believe  to  ben  peaocf'ul  measure, and 
will  result  in  an  amicable  adjustment  of  all  our  dif- 
ficulties upon  ihe  suiiject,  1  fell  ibis  i;oinniittce  that 
the  people  at  the  nexteleciion  wiUncllleit  for  tliem- 
Hclves;  ibat  they  will  come  upon  you  like  an  ava- 
lanche, anil  dcii'iaiid  the  whole  of  Oregon  up  to  ;")4° 
4tJ'.  And  they  will  not  only  extend  your  laws  over 
tlucmiiiirv,  liut  ihcy  will  lake  possession  of  it  even 
ft  the  hazard  of  a  war;  and  if  that  policy  is  pursu- 
<  1,  it  IK  ed.s  no  prophet  to  fmi-lell  that  war  is  nievi- 
ta'ile.  Then,  1  say  in  ihe  jirate  imrlij  in  tins  ilonse, 
and  out  of  il,  that  tn  avoid  a  war  you  must  abro- 
gale  this  jitint  occupancy,  and  bring  this  matter  to 
a  <'lose,  iK-lnre  the  conniry  lieronies  irritated  and 
aiisry.  Thi  couniry  i.s  already  suliicieiitly  excited 
cm  libs  qur.siioii,  and  lliough  ihey  ruluctantly  ac- 
quii'si'cd  in  the  I'risident'.s  olVcr  lo  coinprinnise  at 
49'^,  llicy  excused  hini,  under  the  circumstances;  but 
they  now-  feel  that  yon  must  not  renew  that  oiler. 

I  am  willing  to  say  the  same  thing  to  the  Presi- 
dcnl;  I  cxcusi'  him  for  making  ihe  offer,  but  he 
must  not  (1(1  II  a;rain,aiid  sliall  not  with  my  eon- 
Kcnl.  I  will  not  ((sk  whelhci' we  can  nowgetwhat 
\v(^  miuht  have  got  bet'ore.  1  would  demand  our 
j((st  rights,  and  then  enforce  tliein,  peaceably  if  we 
could,  forcibly  if  we  musi. 

When  (nice  1  am  siilisfied  of  my  rights,  1  will 
insist  upon  having  them;  and  if  Great  Britain 
slionld  declare  war  in  Iwenty-fonr  hours,  let  her 
(lo  il;  rather  than  a  sacrilii'c  of  inlcrcst  or  Innior, 
Id  llie  war  ciiine.  We  li.ive  whipped  her  twice, 
and  we  can  whip  her  aL'aiii- 

Mr.  V.  said,  we  were  told  that  the  (piestioii  was 
one  in  which  sectional  feelings  were  brought  to 
bear — that  tlie  ICcsfwas  pressing  this  inaltcr,  as  if 
she  alone  was  interested.     JMot  so,  sir;  the  \Vest 


knows  her  rights,  "  and  knowiiijg,  will  dare  main- 
tain them."  A  11(1  whether  she  is  now  able  to  en- 
force her  claim,  in  common  with  the  balance  of 
this  Union  to  Oregon,  is  a  matter  of  doubt  that 
will  not  deter  her  from  a  bold  and  independent  ex- 
pression of  her  claim.s  and  her  wrongs. 

Mr.  Chairman,  some  gentlemen  know  but  little 
of  the  wealth,  value,  ami  resources  of  that  empire, 
the  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  whose  inhabitants 
are  honest,  industrious,  brave,  and  patriotic,  and 
whose  population,  after  ItioO,  will  be  able  to  de- 
mand tlieir  rights  upon  this  floor.     With  the  ex- 
ception of  the  grant  of  5(JU,00U  acres  of  the  public  i 
lands  to  the  new  States,  for  the  purposes  of  inter-  i 
nal  improvement,  wo  are  strangers  to  the  public 
treasury. 
[A  voice.    "  That  was  a  Whig  Congress.") 
Yes,  sir,  it  was;  and  1  will  not  deny  them  that 
credit  which  is  due  to  them — such  credits  are  so  ' 
rare  that  they  should  not  be  withheld  when  due.  , 
But,  Mr.   Y.   said,    in   bestowing   that  donation  ' 
they   had  fallen   540,000  acres  short  of  what  had  | 
been  granted  to  Ohio  for  similar  objects.    With 
all   this   boasted    libeiiility,  my   State   is   minus  j 
54C,000  acres;  and  I    now  give  notice,   I   shall,  . 
before  the  close  of  the  present  session,  propose  ' 
some  measure  to  place  her  on  an  equal  footing-  with 
the  State  of  Ohio.     If  I  fail,  I  will  tell  my  people 
to  be  quiet  till  18j0,  when  she  will  have  a  repre- 
sentation on  this  floor  who  will  be  able  to  ask  for 
justice  and  to  enforce  it;  the  .^mall  pittance  which 
has  been  expended  in  the  valley  of  the  Mississip- 
pi, we  will  give  ycm  credit  lor,  but  we  will  present 
a  long  and  large  account  for  "  buck  rations." 

Mr.  Y.  said  the  West,  and  those  in  favor  of  the 
notice,  had  been  denominated  by  some  gentlemen 
as  the  ir«r  ;)ni'(i;,  and  they  designate  themselves  as 
the  iteace  party.  At  home,  1  om  considered  a  man 
ofpi-ace — so  are  my  ccnistituents;  but  not  at  the 
I  sacrifice  of  honor.  "  War,  pestilence,  and  faniine," 
sooner  than  dishonor.  If  tluy  mean  to  assimilate 
'  the  war  and  peace  parties  of  the  present  day  with 
those  of  the  Revolution,  and  the  last  war,  I  glory 
in  the  appellation.  Did  our  forefathers  in  the  Kev- 
olution  count  the  cost  of  a  war  with  England ,  when 
we  were  but  a  handful,  and  without  money  or 
munitions  of  war.-  Dili  they  nsk  what  the  war 
would  cost  us  to  battle  ogainsi  the  mother  country, 
who  was  enforcing  upon  the  colony  taxation  with- 
out reprcsemntion.'  Did  tlicyask  or  coniil  the  cost 
when  our  gallant  sires  threw  the  lea  overboard 
at  Boston,  and  refused  to  diiiik  it,  becau.se  it  was 
unjustly  fiiiced  upon  them?  No,  sir;  the  only  in- 
quiry was,  Are  the  colonies  wronged,  and  '.vc  op- 
pressed by  unwholcsoine  and  unjust  laws.'  Tile 
queslioii  being  answered  in  ihe  allinnative,  we  foid 
the  Adamses,  and  the  Hancocks,  and  legions  of 
others  inarch  up  to  the  (|ueslion,  and  meet  il  like 
men  and  like  palrinls.  Air.  Y.  said  there  was  a 
peace  purlij  ill  lt>l"J  and  during  the  last  war.  We 
heard  their  opposition  to  the  war  from  the  halls  of 
Congress  anil  I'imuii  the  holy  sanctuary.  The  jiciicc 
parly  during  the  last  war  abused  the  Adniinislra- 
lioii  for  getiiing  into  the  war,  and  llicir  opiHisilioii 
was  so  violent  agaiiisl  ilie  war  parly  that  they 
described  .Taim  s   Mailiscai.  .Tolni   lioiinc.s,    Felix 

tSruiidy,  and  liic  d 1,  ;  ■  iIh.'  Iciideis  of  li.e  war 

parly,  and  called  down  ."■n'-aiimis  upon  tliem 
for  llicir  defence  of  the  r,  ,  k  and  inleicsls  of  the 
country,  for  voting  supplies  l'"r  the  army,  and 
;  men  and  means  lo  defeim  the  coMiitry.  Ciod  lorbid 
ihat  I  should  ever  belong  to  such  a  peace  parly! 
I  hope  there  is  nunc  .sinli  at  llii  present  day. 

Mr.  Y.  said  we  were  ndd  Ihid  we  were  not  nre- 
pared  for  war,  because  we  have  no  generals  to  lead 
us  to  victory.  Sir,  we  have  the  heroes  of  Cliip- 
jiewa,  of  Eric,  and  cif  .'■iaiidusky.  W(^  have  men 
and  arms:  upwardsof  4,000  pif  res  of  ord  name,  and 
(100,01)0  small  arms,  and  1 ,800,000  militia,  Willi  a 
commander  in-chief  who,  in  an  engageinent  in  a 
night  attack,  showed  bis  plume  by  the  Idaze  of  the 
enemy's  fire.  We  have  slill  our  Croghans,  our 
.Toacscs,  our  .fcsiips,  oiirTowsons,  and  others  not 
less  distinguished,  who  arc  always  r.ady  to  de- 
fend ihe  Blars  and  the  slripCH  wiihout  slopping  to 
count  the  cnsl.  Then,  sir,  if  lair  ioK  rest  in  (Ore- 
gon is  to  cost  us  a  war  lo  iDaintain  il,  1  say  let  it 
cmiic;  belter  war  than  dislnainr,  or  to  bi!  hiillied 
into  a  surrender  of  our  rights;  and  if  it  should 
come,  f  say — 
!'  "  Lay  aii.Mftcdiill', 

i         Ainl  cbhui'il  be  he  who  (Int  crun,  Hold,  nanugli." 


OREGON  aUESTION. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.IT.  A.  HARALSON, 

OF  GEORCilA, 

In  the  House  ok  Representatives, 

February  9,  1846. 
On  the  Resolution  for  terminating  the  joint  occupa- 
tion of  Oregon. 
Mr.  HARALSON  obtained  the  floor,  and  spoko 
as  follows: 

Mr.  Chairman:  The  anxiety  which  evidently  ex- 
ists on  the  part  of  some  gentlemen  tn  obtain  the  noor, 
and  the  near  approach  ofthe  hour  at  which  the  debate 
on  this  subject  must  be  brought  to  a  close,  induce 
me  to  promise  not  to  avail  myself  of  the  full  length 
of  time  allotted  to  me  by  the  rule.  Had  there  been 
liitle  or  no  debate  upon  the  resolution;  had  the 
House  come  up  promptly  to  the  recommendations 
of  the  President,  and  declared  that  the  convention 
should  terminate  according  to  the  treaty-stipulation 
between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain, — I 
doubt  not,  sir,  it  would  have  been  far  better  for 
the  interests  of  the  cimntry.  We  should  then 
have  been  spared  much  which  we  have  heard  cal- 
culated tn  humiliate  us  in  our  own  estimation,  and 
in  the  estimation  of  others.  Wc  .should  then  have 
spoken  a  language  in  which  we  had  a  right  to  in- 
dulge towards  the  British  nation,  and  she  could 
have  taken  no  exception  to  our  action.  There 
could  have  been  no  war  in  the  measure.  But  in 
this  debate  the  war-cry  has  been  raised,  (not  by 
the  iViends  of  the  notice,  but  by  those  opposed  to 
it,)  and  our  ears  have  been  filled  with  eloquent  de- 
scriptions of  the  horrors  of  that  war  which  is  to 
come  upon  us  if  we  shall  dare  to  give  this  notice. 
This  argument  (if  it  deserve  the  name)  addressed 
lo  our  fears,  followed  by  the  communication  of  our 
Minister  at  the  Court  of  St.  James,  recently  made 

10  this  House  by  the  President,  leaves  us  no  alter- 
native which  can  be  adopted  with  honor  to  tlio 
country,  but  to  give  the  notice.  We  shall  have 
acted  dastardly  if  we  fail  to  do  so.  I  desire  no 
war:  it  is  the  interest  of  my  constituents,  and  I 
believe  it  the  interest,  as  it  ought  to  be  the  desirci 
of  every  American  citizen,  to  preserve  pea(;eful  re- 
lations with  all  the  olher  Powers  of  the  earth. 
But  alihough  this  is  their  interest  and  their  feel- 
ing, iliey  require  that  these  amicable  relations  shall 

'  not  be  purchased  at  the  sacrifice  of  national  hon- 
or. No  nation  can  long  ]ireserve  peace  that  disre- 
gards its  sacred  obligaiions.  While  we  would  do 
pistice  lo  others,  we  must  be  prepared  to  exact  it 
I'loin  them;  and  to  let  no  tliieals  or  menaces,  direct 
or  indirect,  intlueiii.'C  our  action.  In  the  hotter  of 
Mr.  McLaiie,  of  the  ^1  January,  1846,  to  his  own 
Goverimieiit,  it  iscomi  uinicated  that  Great  Britain 
is  making  warlike  preparations.  It  is  true  Lord 
Aberdeen  does  not  say  to  him  that  these  ]ii-epara- 
iioiis  were  mlended  for  the  United  Stales,  and  for 
no  oilier  purpose:  but  says,  they  will  be  "  useful 
mill  imporluiil"  in  the  event  of  a  diffanilty  wiili  us. 

11  was  not  to  be  exjiecled  llial  he  would  admit  that 
till  y  bad  reference  lo,  and  were  intciidid  snlely 
for,  this  riiiintry.  For  such  a  diclaralioii  would 
have  rcsiilied,  and  righlfully  too,  in  the  willulraw  - 
al  of  our  Minister  from  ilial  Court.  But  if  they 
were  not  designed  by  that  Government  to  be  used 
against  us,  where  ihe  necessity  of  the  insiiniatinn, 
"  iliat  In  such  a  crisis,"  (alluding  lo  the  pussiliilily 
of  a  rupture  willi  the  Uiiilid  Stales,)  "lln  irarlii.e 
pveparalirm  mac  making  would  be  vseful  iiuil  impurt- 
unl .'"  That  these  preparalioiis  have  reference,  lo 
sc.mc  extent,  to  the  dillercnces  between  the  two 
naiauid,  no  slale.imaii  can  doubt.  For  what  oilier 
ol^cct  can  lliey  be  inlciiiled.'  Is  England  at  war 
with  any  other  milion  ?  or  is  there  any  probability 
that  she  will  be?  A  lillle  war,  to  lie  sure,  is  going 
on  between  her  and  France  combined,  against  oiio 
of  ihe  Siuilli  American  Itcpublics.  Can  these  ex- 
traordaiary  preparatioiiN  be  intended  fur  that  quar- 
terr  Certainly  iim.  The  King  of  the  French,  in 
his  recent  speech,  said,  that  the  most  amicable  re- 
lations existed  between  the  Governinent  of  France 
and  that  of  (ireat  Britain.  For  what  quarter  are 
these  preparalioiis  designed?  Let  ns  .see  what 
opinion  is  enicriained  upon  the  subject  by  Mr. 
McLane,  the  American  ftliiiisler  at  London.  Ill 
the  letter  to  which  I  have  already  alluded,  lie  says: 

"  In  regard  to  my  own  opinion  upon  this  sub- 
'  ject,  which  the  President  has  been  pleased  to  dc- 


if. 

[    i  ■ 

H 
i 


268 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr,  Harahon. 


[Feb.  9, 
Ho.  OF  Reps. 


'  it  ia  nllncfthf  r  probable  tlint  Ihe  pOMibility  of 
'  other  ditlicullirs  from  oilier  iiuwters  in  Europe 

««#•»»• 

'  may  have  its  iiiflupnoe  in  iliclntiiig  llie  policy  of 
'  the  extensive  preparations  in  pnigrcsH  in  all  parts 
'  of  the  kincdoni;  and  with  unabated  confitlenoe 
'  in  the  I'ranknesa  and  straighlforwardneasof  Lord 
'  Aberdeen,  and  without  ineanino;  to  distrust  iu 
'  the  8lij;hii'8t  decree  the  ainicrity  of  his  disiHaini 
'ersinour  rercnt  eonversntion,  I  do  not  think  it 
'  ou!;bt  to  lie  assumed  by  any  one  ihiit  wnrlilie 
'preparations,  upon  suoh  a  soale  as  that  upon 
'  which  ihey  are  undeniably  makinp;  here,  could 
'  not  have  even  an  indirect  reference  to  the  possible 

*  continjencv  of  n  rupture  with  us.  And  at  the 
'  same  time  it  is  |>erlVctly  obvious  that  they  are,  in 
'  a  s;reat  deijree,  mid  especially  so  far  as  they  coii- 
'  sist  of  an  augmentation  in  the  number  of  steani- 
'  vessels  and  of  the  naval  marine  generally,  pre- 
'  ciscly  of  the  character  to  be  the  most  appropriate 

•  and  the  most  useful  in  a  war  with  our  country. 
'  I  am  not  prepared  to  s.ny,  nor  do  I  deem  it  nia- 
'  terial  to  uccide,  how  far  we  have  a  rii;ht  to  ex- 
'  pect  ail  eNolicit  disclaimer  of  the  character  and 
'  purposes  ol  tlie  warlike  preparations  now  makiiii; 
'  by  Great  Urilaiii  tinder  the  circumstances.  They 
'  may  be  the  dictate  of  various  niolivfs  of  policy, 
'and  the  result  of  many  causes;  and,  wiihuui  iit- 
'  lemptins  to  assiixn  to  each  its  particular  iiilliience, 
'  I  am  by  no  luiaiis  prepared  to  admit  that  the 
'  apprehension  of  diflicnlues  with  the  United  Stales 
'  had  ito  share  in  them." 

Dr.  you  credit  your  own  Minister.-  Are  we  to 
put  any  faith  in  the  (leclaruiions  made  by  our  own 
accredited  rcpresfiitativc  at  the  t^'ourt  of  St.  James.* 
If  so,  then  the  fact,  aslnnlshini;  as  it  may  seem, 
presents  itsell",  that  the  British  Goyernincm,  whilst 
actually  nciro'iatinir  with  the  United  Stales  in  rela- 
tion to  the  OiTjon  territory,  is  also  makuiii  in-epa- 
ralions  for  war;  cither  expectiiii;  it,  or  with  a  view 
of  iiitiniidaiinj-  u.s,  and  (Irivmi:  us,  throu!;h  our 
fears,  from  the  assertion  of  jn.-ii  ri^jhts,  Had  this 
Government  c  illed  on  the  lintisii  i'Uiupotenliary 
here  to  disavow  tliat  tlie.^e  picparaiimis  were  nia- 
kinj  as  against  the  United  Stales,  and  n-l'used  far- 
ther negotiations  or  correspomlence  until  that  dis- 
avowal had  been  made,  it  would  stand  jiisiilicd 
before  the  world  if  they  accn  dit  the  recent  com- 
munication of  our  Minister  ai  Lniidon. 

.My  liniioraMe  collra:,'ue,  [.Mr.  Kivr.,]  whom  I 
do  not  now  sec  in  his  scat,  and  who  sniiniilliil  a 
proposition  for  arliitralion  soinc  days  .•■iiice,  h.is 
sfcu  proper  to  withdraw  it.  It  inny  not  bit  proper 
for  me  to  comment  on  tin;  ainentlinent  which  lie 
pave  notice  uf  Ins  intinlion  to  oiler  at  the  j.rop'r 
lime,  (and  wlinh  was  printed,)  as  it  Ijiis  been 
withdrawn;  nor  even  to  notice  the  course  of  n- 
niiirks  in  which  be  felt  it  his  pri\ilei,'e  to  indul^''-. 
Upon  n  i;re;u  ir.uioiial  question,  involvinir  the  in- 
terests and  honor  of  the  iintioii.  be  who  fciLs  hnn- 
selfat  lilieilv  to  ailemiil  to  <;ive  it  a  party  cast, 
shall  b"  entitled  to  all  tlie  homu-  and  L'lory  wbii'h 
he  may  reap  ti'oiii  his  course,  as  well  as  all  the 
enjoyment  winch  lie  can  derive  iVom  it.  It  may 
he  well  for  him.  hoW''ver,  to  rcmemlier.  when  lie 
speaks  of  linllyiiiL'  and  peill'o'."_'in'-',  and  char^e^ 
the  (iovernniint  with  actio;;' not  tor  the  liiieresis 
of  the  cruiony.  I'ot  Inr  the  jairposes  of  polili.'al 
aL'irnndizement,  th.it  .Mr.  t.'liiy  hnn.self  took  strong 
irronnd  against  the  IJiiush  tiile  to  any  portion  of 
Oreffon.  lie  should  remember  that,  when  ihe 
President,  in  his  Inanjrnral  Address,  at  the  eastern 
portico  of  ihi.s  (Jaoitol,  reainiouiiced  the  Aniericioi 
title  as  "  clear  and  un(|nestloiKilile,"  it  met  with  a 
general  and  hearty  response  from  every  secticni  of 
ihe  Union.  Not  a  Whig  press  dared  to  ;:aiiisay 
the  declaniiion,  or  object  in  any  way  to  the  senti- 
menr,  until  Sir  Robert  Peel,  tile  lirilisli  Pieiiner, 
more  ihaii  a  month  nfieiwards,  with  true  lirilisli 
di|lomaey,  is.ierted  the  title  of  that  Governnieni 
111  be  clear  and  nof|iie«tionable.  I  had  iiitenili'd 
more  fully  to  notice  the  remarks  of  my  cidleagne, 
and  lo  have  c'iveii  his  amendment  that  commeni 
which  It  deserved;  but  as  the  amendment  has  bien 
witliilrawii,  and  my  colleiunie  does  not  seem  to  be 
m  Ins  seal,  1  refrain.  The  siibslaiif  eiif  his  iiinend- 
meiit  is  before  ihe  eommittee  in  the  proposition  of 
the  British  Mllli^le^  m  bis  letters  to  our  Secretary 
of  Suite.  That  proposition  was  made  to  .Mr.  Cal- 
hoiiii,  not  in  detail,  it  is  true,  but  in  principle,  and 
received  such  answer  as  was  approved  by  the  iiu- 


the  late 


It  was  declined;  and  the  circuinstancFS  of  I 


tc  correspondence  induce  a  strong  presump- 
tion that  it  was  rencwtd  with  a  strong  persuasion, 
if  not  with  lui  absolute  knowledge,  that  il  would  ' 
be  rejected  by  Mr.  Bnclinnan.  I 

Some  gentlemen  have  expi-essed  the  npprehen-  ! 
slon  that  the  recent  correspondence  leaves  the  conn- 
try  no  alternative  but  war.     lint,  sir,  ihey  have  ' 
not  weighed  well  that  correspondence.     .Mthough  • 
the  pro|iosition  to  arbitrate  is  declined,  Ihegrounils  i 
of  objection   nre   fully   and  frankly  slated,  and,  ' 
aiviongsl  others,  il  is  staled,  "  that  as  there  are  no  i 
'  two   nations   on  earth   mine   closely   bound  to- 
'  getlier  by  the  lies  of  commerce,  so  there  nre  none 
'  w  ho  ought  to  be  more  able  or  willing  lo  do  each  I 
'  other  justice  without  the  interposition  of  any  ar- 
'  bitiator."    And   in  the    same    paragraph,    Mr. 
Uuchanan  declares  that  "  the   President  cordially 
'  concurs  with  the  Goveiinneiit  of  (jieat  Uritain  in 
'  desiring  that  the  present  controversy  may  be  anii- 
'  cably  adjusted."  South  of  the  49th  paral^lel  of  lat- 
iuide.  west  to  the  Columbia  ri>'er,  anil  thence  down 
ilial  riter  to  its  muutli,  the  British  nation  has  never 
set  up  ;iiiy  claim,   until  Sir  Kobcrt  Peel's  set-olf 
announcement  in  April  last.  Was  It  to  be  expected 
that  all  the  country — iiol  only  iL.il  lo  which  the 
Ih'itisli  have  not  set  up  any  claim  until   recently, 
as  well  as  that  really  in  dispute — should  be  arbi- 
trated .'    Who  expects  of  tlii.s  Govcrnmeiil  to  give 
np  all  the  harbors  of  the  territory,  so  iinportaiit  to 
the  eoninierce  of  the  country,  while  she  has,   to 
say  the  least  of  it,  a  betur  title  tluiii  Great  Britain.' 

I'he  British  Minisier  appears  Ui  Inue  made  two 
propositieiis  for  arbitialion,  alihougli,  in  fact,  he 
makes  but  one.  The  first  was  to  refer,  not  the 
title,  but  the  "  whole'  qiiesiion  of  an  eiinitablc  di- 
vision of  the  Oregon  territory  to  some  friendly 
Power."  This  proposillon  seems  to  have  been 
made  under  instructions  from  hisGovrrnment;  bill 
it  will  be  perceived  that  it  precludes  the  United 
Stales  from  insisting  U|ioii  her  belter  title,  and  has 
reference  alone  to  an  eipiitalile  division  of  the  ter- 
ritory. It  was  a  cumiiiig  stratagem  of  British  di- 
plomacy. The  oihe;',  wliicli  is,  in  lai't,  no  propo- 
sition aiall,  and  which,  ills  clear  fi'<iin  the  language 
used,  he  had  no  iiislructions  or  authority  to  iiuike, 
is  111  these  words: 

"  The  object  of  the  undersigned  in  addre.ssinj;  to 
'  Mr.  Biii'liaiian  the  present  cuminiuiiciiiion  is,  to 
'  asceriain  IVmui  liiin  whether,  sii;»/iosiMg  //jc  liritiiih 
'  UuimniUiit  to  enleftdin  no  ohjtition  to  such  ;i 
'course,  it  would  suit  the  views  of  tlu'  United 
'  Slates  Government  to  refer  to  ariiilralioii,  not,  as 
'  lia.s  already  been  proposed,  the  (juestion  of  an 
'  equiialile  partition  of  the  territory,  but  ihe  iiues- 
'  lion  of  title  in  either  of  the  two  I'uwers  to  the 
'  wiiole  territorv,  subject,  of'  course,  to  the  coiidi- 
'  lion,  ih;it  if  neither  should  be  found,  in  the  opin- 
'  ion  of  the  arltitrator,  to  possess  a  complete  title  to 
'  the  whole  lerritory,  there  should,  in  thai  ca.se,  be 
'  assigned  lo  each  that  [loiiiuii  of  lenitory  wnieh 
'  Would,  111  the  opinion  of  the  arbiirating  l*ower,  be 
'  ealleii  i\n-  by  a  ju.>l  appreciation  of  the  resjiective 
'  cluiins  of  each.  " 

Me  says,  '■  supposing  the  British  Government 
to  enti.riaiii  no  o!ijecli<ins  to  sui'li  a  course,"  cvi- 
ilenily  holdiii!.'  u  op  for  the  ;isseiit  of  his  own  Gov- 
ennneiit.  Hail  it  lieeii  ai'cepted  by  this  Govern- 
iiieiii,  what  as.siir.ime  had  we  thai  tlie  IJruish  Gov- 
ennneiil  would  have  propo.sed  itr  .Nor  does  the 
sobsetpient  part  of  his  letter  make  any  definite  pro- 
position; bill,  with  the  semblance  of  an  anxious 
desire  to  .settle  the  controversy,  leaves  eierytliing 
totally  indefiiiiie  and  iinceiiain, 

Sir,  It  is  time  that  England  should  make  some 
certain,  distinct,  and  nnqimlified  oiler.  The  United 
States  have  shown,  by  the  most  liberal  otl'ers,  lier 
dispo.siiion  lo  settle  this  qiieslKUi.  Il  reniuiiis  for 
Iai;,'laiid  to  do  the  same. 

Sir,  if  the  British  nation  desire  to  settle  this  niul- 

ter  upon  just  terms,  I  d t  doubt  that  ir  can  be 

done.  'J'lie  President  has,  in  a  spnil  of  ni.igna- 
niiniiy,  with  a  view  to  the  aiiiicuble  adjusiinenl  of 
the  dispute,  propo.sed  the  49ili  |iarallel  of  latitude, 
whiili  was  iijected  by  tlii'  British  .Vliiii.ster.  No 
gentleman,  Whig  or  Menioeial,  end  I  rejoice  that 
there  has  been  so  litili  party  sjiirit  inanifesied  in 
this  disciissitm,  but  ilial  it  has  been  mostly  eon- 
fined  t<i  an  honest  ditlereiice  of  opinion,  honestly 
expressed,)  —  I  say,  I  have  liivird  no  nieniber  ex- 
press a  doubt  tbiit  the  litle  of  the  Uiiiud  SialiH.np 
to  the  4'Jlli  dcj^iee,  was  "clear  and  unqiiestionable.  ' 


I  repent  It;  this  proposnl  of  the  4ilth  imrnllel  was 
rejected  hy  the  British  Minisier  resident  here.  If, 
in  his  calculations,  this  proposition  was  rejected  ill 
the  expectation  of  getting  one  belter,  1  think  he  is 
mistaken;  jndginp  from  the  voice  of  ihe  people,  ns 
spoken  by  their  Kepresentatives  here,  they  will 
fight  rather  than  make  n  greater  surrender  than 
this.  To  this  parallel  I  feel  that  our  title  is  clear, 
even  if  it  does  not  extend  n  Imlf  degree  further 
north,  ns  denunistrated  by  the  honorable  gentle- 
man iVom  Indiana,  [Mr.  0«i:n.|  I  shall  not  dis- 
cuss it,  nornnilertaketosay  wlial  particular  rights, 
if  liny,  Great  Britain  may  have  to  any  part  of  the 
territory,  or  lo  what  privileges  she  may  be  entitled. 
So  far  as  regards  the  territory  north  of  49°,  our 
title  may  be  sniii  to  be  debatable.  It  has  been  ques. 
tioned  by  the  British  Government  for  the  last  thirty 
years;  and  our  Government  has  recognised,  by  the 
conventions  now  proposed  lo  be  alirognled,  that 
she  had  siune  interest  there — the  nsufriirt,  in  liuiit- 
iiiff,  fishing,  Ac,  if  no  other.  Oiir  title  iiorili  of 
49°  has  been  questioned,  and  the  question  of  litlo 
made  the  subject  of  several  unsiieressfiil  attenipts 
to  agree  upon  a  line  of  boundary  between  the  two 
countries  by  negotiation — oflersby  cither  Govern- 
ment, thrice,  if  not  ot\ener  made,  to  airiee  upon  a 
boundary,  in  each  of  which  they  were  allotted  a 
portion  of  the  territory.  In  deference,  theiefori', 
to  the  action  of  our  Government  since  1S18,  the 
territory  north  of  49  nuisl  be  considered  debatable 
ground,  and  therefore  a  fit  subject  for  neiollatioii. 
It  was  in  deference  to  the  previous  action  of  this 
Government  that  the  President,  in  a  spirit  of  con- 
cession, mid  with  a  desire  to  preserve  those  amica- 
ble relations  which  had  so  happily  existed  between 
two  great  and  jiowerfiil  nations,  lied  toi;ellier  by 
huiguage  anil  commerce,  offered  the  49lli  parallel. 
It  was  rejecicd.  Il  is  not  probable  iliat  it  will  bo 
again  tendered  by  this  Government;  and  whether 
such  a  proposition,  or  one  equivalent  to  it,  will  now 
cmne  fVoin  the  British  Government,  renniins  to  be 
seen.  If  it  should,  the  same  feeling  whieh  led  lo 
the  offer  made  by  this  Government  heretofore,  and 
recently  re]ie,atecl  by  the  President,  would  iiiducu 
liliii  i^iiher  to  accept  or  refer  it  to  his  constituiionid 
advisers;  in  which,  1  doubt  not,  he  would  le  most 
tiinmphantly  sustained  by  the  people,  iiotwilhstand- 
1111,'  the  anatlii'iuas  i  o  freely  pronounced  against  liini 
in  advance  of  his  action  upi^n  the  subjert. 

.Mr.  (.'hairnian,  these  gratniions  dennnciatioiia 
are  not  c.innnenilable  in  ilii!  ^leiiilemen  who  lia\u 
felt  themselves  at  bin  rty  lo  indulge  in  tliein;  and 
It  is  boiled  they  will  be  disiei,'ard(d  by  the  Presi- 
dent, lie  has  shown  hiiiisi  If  siitlli'ienl  for  any 
crisis;  and,  if  need  be.  th.it  which  would  require 
pcrsoicil  sacrifice  for  his  country's  weiil,  he  will 
resolutely  meet.  .Nor  should  his  enemies  find  an 
apoloi:y  for  their  criininiiiioiis  in  that  he  ha.s  s.-iid 
that  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  is  r/cnr  and 
i(iii;iios/iu«(i/)/r.  This,  perhaps,  is  his  primte  opin- 
ion. But  whether  it  is  or  not,  called  t<i  the  liit;h 
snuion  which  he  fills  bv  the  voice  of  the  .American 
people,  and  to  the  setilemeiU  of  the  cjiieslion  with 
a  Power  wliiili  the  history  uf  licr  iieirotiatioiis 
proves  has  rarely  l^iihd  in  obiiiniing  the  utmost 
liniils  of  her  demands,  however  unjust,  it  became 
the  President  to  assume  high  ground,  espeei.illy 
^vhell  it  is  ahiK^st  iioiversally  inlmitted  that  ours  is 
the  best  tiile  of  the  two.  En;;laiid,  arrogaliug 
b'liilland,  demands  inm'e  and  more  at  our  hands. 
I*'isliiiig  and  hunting  privileges  .have  rijtened  into 
a  demand  of  an  equitable  division  of  the  wlioln 
lerritory.  I  would  not  requite  her  arrogance  with 
nijusiice.  I  trust  this  eoiinlry  will  always  do  jn.s- 
lice  in  her  foreign  relations.  1  would  iiol  be  in- 
timidated by  her  threats,  nor  driven  by  her  power. 
Nor  should  a  consciousness  of  our  own  ca|)ncity 
to  repel  invasion  and  successfully  lo  cojie  nl  arms 
with  any  nation,  prevent  us  from  doing  prompt 
jnsiice  at  all  times.  I  have  no  disposition  lo  call 
into  requisition  the  powers  of  the  American  people 
111  the  settlement  of  this  or  any  other  i|nesii<iii  with 
foreign  nations.  I  prefer  that  our  victories  should 
be  bloodless,  and  that  our  disputes  should  be  si  t- 
iled  without  a  re.sort  to  war.  If  Kiigliuid  desiiea 
a  war,  as  easy  as  il  may  be  for  liei  to  avoid  il,  she 
has  only  to  demand  a  greater  surrender  than  lias 
already  been  teiidi  red  iu  her,  and  lonlleinpt  toeii- 
liirce  that  demand  by  arms,  .ludging  from  the 
voice  of"  the  people,  as  expressed  by  llieir  Kepre- 
.'.enuilives  here,  there  is  no  disposition  to  yield  I'lir- 
llier  llmii  has  already  been  oll'ered;  uiid  if  war  be 


m 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


269 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr,  Btll, 


Ho.  or  Ueps. 


: 


: 

; 


forcrd  upnn  us,  helievins,  bs  wc  do,  llml  tlio  Amor- 
iriin  tillu  in  best  to  the  whole  ti'iriloi y,  we  fi^ht  fur 
nil. 

I  niiHl,  sir,  Ihnt  in  nil  fulnrernrrrNpondence  nml 
firtioii  ii|<riii  this  Hul)|r!rt  of  biiuiidary,  tlieGoveni- 
iiuiu  will  iniiintani,  um  hi'iTlorori',  n  lii'ni,digiiitu'd  . 
|iosoioir,  oni'  worthy  n  i;iluI  loiil  iHiwiri'iilpioph', 
101(1  not  ^renter  tliioi  Jumi;  loiil  npciik  ii  phiiii  and 
ileeuled  liin^uniie,  iiy  whirhtfrrat  ISrituin  may  wo 
that  wv  iiui'nd  lo  aliido  liy  what  wi:  say.     It  is 
tihiu  thin  dispiilf  was  si.'trlt-d,  and  boundaries  deli- 
niiely  nnirkod,  ilmi  Aioericaii  liiizejiH  may  know 
how  I'ar  thoy  may  iro  north  anil  I'lel  that  they  arc 
on  the  soil  ot'  frceiloni.     Let  lliu  notice  be  tjiven  to 
nl)r(i^alc  the  convcniion.     Of  Ihc  dill'erent  aniend- 
nienls  proposed,  I  have  my  choice,  but  care  but 
little  about  ilie  maimer,  so  the  notice  lie  given  in  ; 
linn,  dignified,  and  decided  lerms;  terms  by  which  , 
the  IhitiMh  nation  shall  see,  that  her  preparations 
for  war,  if  intrnded  for  ellcct,  have  signally  failed 
of  their  object — have  had  no  inlliience  in  dieralini!;. 
)  have  every  confidence,  tliat  any  resolution  whiih 
you  may  pass  will  be  eomnuinieated  to  the  liritisli 
imtioii  in  iaiigun!;e  hecominj;  the  American  people 
and  the  ^reat  subject  which  it  involves;  and  if  such  , 
iiropositioiis   are   made  as  the  country  can  wiih  ; 
lionor  accc|it,  the  ditllcnliy  can  be  adjusted  by  ne- 
);oiialion,  and  we  shall  hear  nolliin^  mcu'e  nl  ihat 
war  aiiont  which  so  much  has  been  said.     Every 
calculaiion  which  iiiay  be  made  in  relation  to  war 
miisl,  fiom   the  nature  of  ihiiiss,  be  conjectural. 
Eii<;hind  rnn  have  war  if  she  wants  it — she  call  . 
avoid  it  if  she  chooses.     If  she  priit'ers  it,  and  we,  j 
in  ilie  inniiileiwnc.;  of  our  just  riglits.  should   be 
forced  to  it,  there  is  no  injury  which  she  can  iiillict 
iipon  tis  which  we  could   not  measure  out  to  her 
triple  fold. 

Genlleiuen  have  widely  miscalculated  the  strength 
and  resources  of  our  country  for  national  defence. 
To  this  subject  I  have  given  .some  attention  for  the 
last  three  years.  It  is  impossible  that  any  Power 
can  ever  make  any  serious  inroads  upon  the  Uni- 
ted Slates.  'The  gentleman  from  Soiiih  Carolina 
|.Mr.  Moi.Mt:sJ  has  been  loud  in  proclaiming  the  | 
power  of  the  liritish  Government;  and  other  gen-  I 
tlemeii  have  joined  him  in  saying  that  v^■e  are  weak 
and  powerless.  Tlii^re  was  more  fancy  than  fact 
in  tile  piciure  which  the  gentleman  from  South  Car- 
olina has  drawn  of  our  capacilies  lor  war.  i  could 
but  think  of  the  luiub  in  the  lion's  jaws,  when  the 
genileinan  was  so  eloquently  describing  the  horrors 
of  that  war  which  was  eomiiiir  upon  us,  I  had 
wellni:;h  forgolteii  for  a  time  ihc  trminphs  of  our 
arms  in  the  ISevohiiion,  beautiful  representations 
of  some  of  which  decorate  thellotundu  of  this  Cap-  , 
ilol.  The  l'.Jlh  of  Seplember,  ltjl4,  at  North  Pohit, 
and  the  Hih  of  January  nl  New  Orleans,  were  re- 
membered only  to  begiit  astmiisliincnt  at  their  re-  , 
suits.  Reasini  returning,  I  could  but  believe  that 
Knglaiid  was  compelled  lo  acknowledge  the  tri- 
umph ofournrniH  in  llic  Revolution,  and  that  suc- 
cess nttended  (uir  ell'orls  in  the  war  of  1812. 

If  the  iioiice  propcKoed  to  be  given  be  a  measure 
of  war,  and  should  it  be  delayed  until  you  lue  ful- 
ly prepared  for  war,  according  to  the  notions  of 
some  genlltmien  of  preparation,  it  would  never  be 
given.  Neither  you  nor  1,  sir,  will  ever  live  lo  see 
the  day  when  every  exposed  point  upon  your  long 
line  of  sen  and  lake-coast  w.ll  be  defended  witli 
fortifications.  Such  u  system  of  defence  would  re- 
tpiire  a  large  siandingiirmy  to  man  these  forls.  A 
]ire|iaration  for  war  upon  such  a  scale  can  never  be 
mnde  in  this  couniry.  Such  a  system  would  bens 
useless  as  it  is  contrary  to  the  genius  of  our  insti- 
tution.'!. Wc  claim  no  great  standing  army.  They 
have  been  repndiaied  m  the  .-Vmerican  republics, 
as  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the  people.  We 
have  no  necessity  for  ihem  to  sustain  ii  government 
of  (uir  choice.  It  is  not  neees.snry  to  tax  the  peo- 
ple with  them.  Hut  in  tlu!  citizeii-.soldier  is  our 
strength;  and  if  war  should  come  upon  us,  not  less 
than  ainiilion  of  men  will  be  ready — perhaps  ten- 
deriiiit:  their  services — in  defence  of  the  country. 
Korlitications  on  your  coast  are  neees.snry  only  to 
keep  your  enemy  at  n  distance  from  your  cities, 
imd  to  compel  him  lo  land,  if  he  land  at  all,  at  such 
distance  as  will  enable  you  to  arrange  your  forces 
and  give  him  battle. 

I  should  be  gratified  lo  feel  myself  at  liberty  to 
give  you  a  full  slaieinent  of  the  extent  of  our  arms, 
now  ready  and  lit  for  use  at  any  inoiiienl,  as  well 
IIS  ilie  number  which   might  in  a  few  moiitlia  be 


mnde  rendy  for  use,  and  also  of  our  fncilitic<i  for 
llie  inamifacture  of  more.  This  slatement,  full  as 
it  should  be,  iiiighl  very  projierly  accompany  the 
remarks  of  the  gentleman  Ironi  Virginia,  (Mr. 
liwi.v,]  who  evidenlly  labors  under  a  great  mis- 
take as  to  the  means  (d'  defence  now  at  the  com- 
mand of  the  Goveinmenl.  1  am  not  at  liberty  now 
to  give  this  slatement;  but  I  will  say  that  the  gen- 
tleman is  inistaken,  ahd  that  our  means  of  defence 
are  much  greater  than  he  eslimales  llieiu  to  he; 
and  if  not  now,  can  be  very  readily  made  ample  to 
repel  any  force  which  may  be  brought  against  us. 
This  much  I  have  felt  due  my  position  to  say. 
These  remarks  are  made  in  no  vain  boast  of  our 
advantages;  and  while,  as  a  nation,  we  would  not 
indulge  in  an  over  estimuie  of  our  strength  and 
prowess,  we  should  not  be  iiitimidaled  by  the  war- 
like preparations  of  Gre.il  lirilain.  They  are  boot- 
less as  against  the  sons  of  revolutionary  sires. 
The  slrengih  of  the  American  nation  is  in  the  af- 
li'clions  id' the  people  for  their  free  msiiiulioiis  and 
the  government  id'  their  choice.  This  is  their 
shield  and  their  forlre.^.s — their  sure  defence  against 
any  fmeigii  foe. 

lint,  sir,  considerations  of  policy  demand  the 
notice  at  our  hands.  Although  the  right  of  Great 
lirilain  lo  this  territory  has  not,  I  believe,  except 
in  a  few  instances,  been  advocated  here,  yet  it 
seems  there  was  some  sort  of  recognition  of  .some 
right  of  hers  which  led  to  the  convention  of  1H18, 
and  coniinucd  by  the  convention  of  1827.  It  has 
been  said  thai  these  conventions  were  commercial 
alone,  and  only  recognised  the  right  of  Great  Urit- 
ain  lo  hunt  and  fish  and  curry  on  such  tratle  us 
naturally  grew  out  of  these  privileges.  Now,  if 
such  was  (Uily  her  right,  she  has  still  furlhcr  tres- 
passed. She  has  extended  it  lo  agricultural  pur- 
[loses.  Already  have  agricultural  settlemeiiis  been 
made  by  the  Ihilish  in  Oregon.  l!ut  more:  they 
have  built  forlilicalions;  they  have  c.\lended  their 
civil  and  criminid  jurisdiction,  not  only  over  the 
country  north  of  the  Cuhmibia  river,  but  over  tho 
whole  country.  Will  you  do  less  for  your  ciiii- 
grnnls?  Have  you  not  ulVorded  military  escorts 
beyond  the  Roiky  mountains  to  the  Oohimbia 
river  to  encourage  emigration  there.'  And  will 
you  leave  your  emigrant  there  lawless  and  dcfence- 
les."  ?  Will  you  do  less  for  your  peojde  than  Great 
lirilain  has  done  for  her  subjects.'  1  trust  not,  sir; 
and  if  you  give  them  laws,  collisions  must  arise 
between  emigrants  coming  from  the  two  nations, 
and  governed  by  laws  dillereiit  in  their  character 
and  provisions.  It  seems  to  me  that  collision 
must  be  ihe  inevitable  result  of  such  a  line  of  poli- 
cy, and  war  must  be  the  con.seipiencc.  We  shall 
more  probably  avoid  war  by  giving  the  notice  as 
n  preliminary  step;  thus  susuiining  our  national 
faith,  and  telling  Iter,  in  jilain,  firm,  and  decided 
language,  that  the  (pieslion  has  reached  the  crisis; 
that  the  interests  of  our  people  recpiire  thai  these 
mooted  questions  should  be  settled;  lhat  the  part- 
nership must  be  dissolved;  that  the  boundaries 
must  bedefined;  that  American  citizens  must  know, 
through  their  own  Government,  how  far  they  may 
carry  the  rille  and  the  a.xe,  and  be  under  the  tegis 
of  our  own  laws  and  the  protection  of  our  own 
Hag.  What  guaranty  have  you  thai  the  British 
Governineiil  will  not  extend  her  settlemeiiis  e> en 
further  down  beyond  the  sites  of  her  present  foris.= 
If  she  has  a  right  to  do  ull  that  she  has  already 
done,  she  may  extend  her  settlemeiiis  as  low  down 
us  California  iuself.  We  have,  indeed,  no  oflicial 
infmmation  of  the  fact,  but  we  have  rumors  llirough 
the  public  prints  that  the  lirilish  Government  now 
holds  a  mortgage  on  California.  Do  we  mean  that 
Great  lirilain  (already  in  possession  of  the  Caiia- 
diis,  wilh  which  we  have  no  desire  to  interfere) 
shall  plant  her  standard  at  the  mouth  of  the  Co- 
lumbia river,  in  California,  and  perhaps  in  Culia, 
and  lhat  she  shall  completely  environ  our  republic' 

I  inlended,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  have  shown  that 
Great  lirilain,  exen'ising  the  privileges  she  has 
under  the  conventions  of  1818  and  1837,  with  such 
us  she  has  assumed,  would  never  desire  the  abro- 
gation of  the  treaty,  and  that  the  only  v,ay  to  set- 
tle the  question  is,  to  give  this  notice.  It  was  in 
this  view,  and  to  preserve  our  national  failh,  that 
1  voted  for  the  notice  at  the  last  .session.  I  have 
listened  to  this  debate  to  sec  if  any  argument  ctnild 
be  adduced  of  sulficicnt  weight  lo  change  my  views 
and  my  vot;(.  I  have  done  so  from  an  honeat  de- 
sire to  arrive  at  such  conclusions  as  might  best 


promoie  the  honor  ar:d  iiilcrests  of  my  country. 
I  have  heard  no  such  argument.  The  notice  is,  in 
iiself,  n  neacefiil  measure.  It  will  lead  to  a  lerminn- 
lion  of  the  dispute.  It  may  result  in  war:  if  it  does 
it  will  be  atiribulable  to  England's  own  choice. 
She  can  settle  it  if  she  will.  No  one  call  IcU  what 
may  be  her  choice.  The  notice  will  be  less  likely 
lo  produce  war  than  the  collision  of  the  emii;raiils. 
She  may  out-cidcniize  you.  .She  has  ninny  indiice- 
ments  to  colonize  which  yfui  have  not.  If  war  is  lo 
come  of  it,  I  see  no  reason  for  its  post|ionemfiit.  I  do 
not  wish  lo  eiilail  upon  those  who  arc  U>  cimie  after 
us  disputes  which  ought  to  be  .s(  tiled  by  ourselves. 
I  greatly  prefer  peace,  both  for  my  country  anil 

,i  myself;  but  if,  in  the  assertion  id  our  own  just 
rights,  war  come:-;  upon  us,  1  shall  sustain  that  wiu' 
with  my  voice  and  my  vole,  and  wilh  all  the  ener- 
gies and  means  with  which  Providence  has  blessed 
me.  I  am  a  Gemginn  by  birth  and  in  feeling, and 
represent  n   people  who  have  no  wish   for  war, 

,  and  whose  inlerests  would  be  seriously  and  hurt- 
fully  alhi'ied  by  it;  but  they  would  make  the  sac- 
rifice rather  than  surrender  the  clearly  ascertained 

!^  rights  of  the  nation,  or  sull'er  its  honor  to  be  tar- 
nished. I  repial,  sir,  we  desire  no  war,  but,  t/' 
fight  ire  Hiiis(,  ice  Jighl  far  all. 


OREGON  aUESTION. 
SPEECH  01'  MR.  J.  F.BELL, 

OF  KENTUCKY, 
In  the  HofsE  OF  Reprf.sentativrs, 
February  4,  1816. 
On  the  Resolution  for  terininaling  the  joint  occu- 
pation of  Oregon. 

Mr.  BELL,  of  Kentucky,  having  obtained  the 
floor,  on  his  suggestion  the  llou.se  adjourned.  On 
the  meeting  of  the  House  next  day,  Mr.  13.  com- 
menced by  returning  his  profoundesi  acknowledg- 
ments to  ihe  Committee  of  the  Whole  House  for 
its  courtesy  in  rising  yesterday,  and  indulging  him 
wilh  the  po.ssession  of  the  floor  this  morning.  Ho 
said  he  would  endeavor  to  eompen.sale  the  commit- 
tee for  their  kindness  by  the  brevity  of  his  re- 
marks, by  the  utmost  brevity  compatible  with  an 
explicit  expression  of  his  opinimi  on  this  most 
important  subject.  For  (said  Mr.  B.)  this  is  u 
subject  of  greatest  consequence — of  an  im|)Oi'lance 
which  juslly  causes  it  to  rise  above  all  local  and 
sectional  interests — r.bove  all  factious  and  party 
considerations.  It  involves  directly  in  its  discus- 
sion the  acquisition,  or  rather  retention,  of  a  largo 
extent  of  valuable  territory;  and  upon  our  action 
here  depend,  in  some  measure,  peoce  and  war. 
The  interest  fell  upon  it,  and  upon  our  action,  is 
widespread — nay,  sir,  it  is  universal.  It  is  felt 
here  by  us  who  participnic  in  this  discussion,  and 
by  our  constituents  nt  home;  and  the  probability 
of  n  war  between  England  and  the  United  Slates, 
the  two  greatest  nations  of  the  carlh,  awakens  the 
aiLXious  expeetnlion  of  the  world;  and  already 
have  the  questions  which  nrise  from  this  subject 
been  announced  upon  the  continent  of  Europe,  and 
by  the  British  Minister,  us  the  most  niomtiilou.s 
which  can  now  or  hereafter  alTcct  the  relations  of 
civilized  nations.  And,  therefore,  questions  such 
as  this  should  be  approached  in  the  spirit  of  pnlri- 
otism  rather  than  of  party;  in  that  comprehensivo 
and  catholic  spirit  which  looks  not  to  a  .section  or 
.Stale,  but  to  llie  whole  country,  and  to  its  vast  and 
diversified  interests  as  a  unit.  It  is  to  me  asubject 
of  rejoicing,  and  to  the  country  one  of  congratu- 
lation, thai  in  this  spirit,  thus  far,  wilh  few  excep- 
tions, has  this  debate  progressed.  All  candid  men 
will  admit,  and  none  but  the  bigots  of  parly  will 
deny,  that  great  national  ipiestions,  which  relate 
directly  to  our  foreign  inlercourse,  should  ever  be 
kept  aloof  from  those  which  refer  to  the  r.dininis- 
Iralion  of  home  ali'aiis.  The  strifes  whieli  the  lat- 
ter engender  are  sufficiently  embittered  without 
the  .addition  of  the  other,  which  only  add  intensily 
to  the  biltcriie.ss,  and  fierceness  lo  the  strife,  and 
arc  calculated  to  prevent  an  enlightened  and  patri- 
otic judgment  on  both. 

And  Ihe  dilliculiics  which  now  unfortunately 
surround  this  subject  have  their  origin  in  lhat  "  di.s- 
aslrous  conjunction"  of  domestic  and  foreign  pol- 
icy, v.-hich,  for  p.irly  purposes,  was  niadi!  at  llin 
naltimore  eonvenlinn,  during  the  year   1844,  by 


I   i 


'V,- 


•t;i 


m 


Ii 


.■•»?1 


.■ill 


2T0 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  4, 


S9th  CoNd IsT  Seas. 


T%c  Oregon  i^cntion — Mr.  Hell. 


Ho.  or  Rr.P8. 


tlic  wise  men  ihrrc  nsscmMcd  In  promiilffiilP  the  |' 
true  (IcmniTiilii'  fiiilli.  Yen,  sir,  if  iIiIh  iiiicslion 
linil  I'l'in  rai»((l  liy  llic  p€'ii|ili"  ihrni.HolvoH,  inilirr 
tli:iii  liy  llii'  iTNllrss  i\irili\loiN  wliii  wiTi'  tin  re  !;nlli- 
oroil  iM^'i'iliiT  lo  tfivi'  (lirrrlmn  In  llic  |'olitJi'itl  I'lir- 
iint,  llml  lliry  niiijlil  llnat  In  nltirc  mill  In  |in\vi'r; 
irOiTsnii,  "  llu' whnli' (if  ()r(S(<n  nr  lionr,''  lm<l 
lint  liccii  iiimlo  "  llip  Imtllr-ory"  in  llie  Inlc  I'rcsi- 
drniiiil  <'l(rtinii,ini\iiynl'iln'('niliiirrnasineiilsHlili'li 
now  HiirrnuiHl  the  iic<;nliiuinii4  on  Ihiti  nuIiJim-i 
wniild  lint  exist. 

nm  tliiit  migiidt  nsspiiililacr  niinmiiicpcl  to  llie 
world,  in  one  nl'  ila  ornc  iiliir  itsolulinnH — nmculiir 
lit  least  ui  tlie  eiiniiiii'ilv  de>  iscd  duiila'ity  of  it.s 
liiiii;imi;o — lliat  niir  title  in  the  wlinle  nl  Ore!,'nn  was 
r!eai%  iind  pleil^'ed  itx  hieniliers,  anil  the  |inwei'  nl' 
the  whole  |iHrly,  to  the  iciTfii/xi/innnf  ()ref;nii,niid 
llie  if-niiiifjd/ion  nf  Texas,  at  the  earliest  praclicn- 
blr  perind.  Permit  nie  In  remark,  in  passniir,  thai 
the  short  syllaUle  rt  has,  acenrdinf;  In  deninerntic 
ronstnn'tion,  a  remarkalile  masie,  I'nr  nn  other 
Word  would  suit  1ml  the  rf-niiiiexatioii  nf  Texas,  ' 
whi'li  had  never  heen  annexed,  and  notliini;  lull 
rf-ni  I'upalinri  of  llrei;nn,  frnin  the  oceiipancy  of 
wliieh  we  never  have  Ineii  disjihiced. 

The  President  nftlie  United  Slates, rpinrdin;;;  the 
resnhilioii  nftlie  ennvention  ns  a  letter  of  iiislriio- 
liniis,  ill  his  lnaii<;iiral  Address,  endorsed  the  opin- 
ion that  our  tilli'  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  was  elear 
nnd  indisputalile;  and  nm  i;ificd  with  pnwers  of 
casuistry  ctiual  lo  some  of  the  menihcrs  of  this 
House,  who  were  also  nieinherH  id'  that  ennven- 
tion, he  supposes  that  the  present  is  the  earliest 
praeiieahle  perind  for  the  neeomplislimenl  of  the 
desired  rf-oerii/in/ion  of  Orejjon;  whilst  ihoae  mem-  ' 
hers  who  tlinii:;ht  that  the  if  niiiirjrafiuii  of  Texas 
meant  iniinedmlely,  if  not  >ouner,  anpimse  the  re- 
prf iiyj((/i()ii  of  Orej^nn  means  a  year  or  two  years 
hence,  nr  nrrtr,  necordinir  to  the  parlieiilnr  npiiijcm 
of  each  individual.  And  ihediirercnre  of  iiiierpre- 
tatioii  to  (he  same  laiii;iiai;p  has  (riven  rise  to  some 
npi>eala  In  party  on  this  llnnr,  which  are  calculated 
to  excite  merriment.  The  seiitlcman  from  lllinoi.s 
[Mr.  Wkvtwortii]  has  apiiealed  to  the  memhera 
of  the  Demncralic  party,  wlio  are  dispnsed  to  oji- 
pose  the  passn<;c  of  ihe  resolution  givin"^  notice,  liy 
the  recollection  of  their  common  association  nnd 
enrdial  union  at  llaltimnre,and  hy  the  still  sirnnsrer 
nnd  more  uiKeiit  demand  nf  a  compliance  with  the 
Irmsnfwhal,  hy  implicatinn,  he  nsserts  was  a 
ennipact  between  the  friends  of  Texas  and  tlrejon, 
nnd  hy  the  assiirp.nce  that  the  northern  and  west- 
ern democracy  have  fullilled  their  part,  and  voted 
(sone  It  lilind.to  hnrrnw  llic  srenileman's  lanyriiase) 
fnr  Texas,  nnd  that  iinw  is  the  lime  for  the  south- 
ern democracy  toi  pay  np,  nnd  go  for  Oreson. 
Oilier  niemhers  of  the  Uemni'rntic  party  on  this 
llnnr  are  incliued  tn  read  nul  of  the  Demncralic 
church  tho.se  whn  flujiiiorled  the  nnminee  nf  the 
Baltimnreennvention;  Ijutnow,  linvins elected  him, 
nrc  dispnsed  to  vntc  ajniiist  the  notice,  which  he 
recommends  as  one  of  the  necessary  step.s  to  the 
rf-offiipo/inn  of  Oregon. 

With  llie  harinnniziiic;  of  these  flitnily  rpiarrels 
I  have  iinthiiij  lo  do,  or  with  the  readin;,'  out  of 
the  Democratic  cluirch  iu  recreant  and  eontuma- 
cious  members;  but  |tnitest  against  all  those  heiii;^ 
read  into  that  church  who  advocate  Ihe  notice.  It 
is  tn  me  a  matter  of  rejniciiii^  that  the  Whiles  on 
this  floor  are  permitted,  nn  this  i^reat  iiatinnal  qu'-s- 
linn,  to  follow  the  dictnlis  of  duty,  the  .sui;!;esiioiiH 
of  p.itriotisni,  unaflccled  by  the  open  nnd  inlliien- 
linl  dictation  of  party  conventions,  or  the  no  less  ' 
pfiwerful,  iliou;^li  more  secret  appliaiicea  of  cliques 
nnd  caucuses. 

It  is  a  useless  consumption  nf  time,  at  this  late 
day  of  the  dclmie,  In  detain  the  comniillce  with  a 
dis'Mission  of  the  title  to  t)re*on.  Various  sources 
of  title  are  supposed  lo  exist,  but  I  will  110/  :;n  iiiln 
Iheni;  I  will  nnt  irn  into  a  technical  cnnstrnciioii  of 
trenties  between  Spain  nnd  lMii;laiid  lo  ascertain 
their  actual  or  Icial  meaning;  nor  iiilo  thetrrant  by 
the  "  lirilish  kin'^s  tn  the  early  and  adveiilurnuH 
rnlnnists,  which  jrave  the  rii^lit  tn  cnni|iier  ami 
eolnnizc  tVnin  sea  to  si-a-."  nor  examine  the  claim 
from  cniitiniiity  .Miid  cmitii^uily  of  territory;  imr  nf 
the  claim  resul:iii^'  frnni  the  1,'ciiius  and  H])iril  of 
our  [leople,  mid  the  eternal  laws  nf  nature;  nor 
frnin  '•  the  manifest  desiiny  of  the  republic;"  nor 
from  our  jmwcr  tn  whip  Mmrlaiid,  ainl,  by  force  of 
our  own  swords,  take  mid  miiinlniii  Orei^on. 

All  these  liave  been  relied  on  with  sreat  earnest-  ! 


nesH  nnd  ronfldence;  hut  mnst  nf  them  nre  «o  in- 
detiniie,  that  the  tune  may  yet  come  when  our 
claim  may  seiile  down  on  the  two  last  named.  Des- 
tiny and  Vowcr,  and  they  become  imnortant  links 
ill  the  strnii'.;  chain  wliiili  binds  Oreijnii  In  us. 
Fnr  the  histnry  of  the  wrld,  from  the  earliest  es- 
tablishmeiil  of  empires  aiiion^  men,  proves,  that 
when  eoiitiiriioiis  leiriti^ry  is  nci-essary  to  the  «:eii- 
eral,  political,  or  coiiniu  rcial  welfare  of  a  particu- 
lar people,  nnd  tliev  have  the  power  lo  take  nnd 
keep  it,  ils  ari|iiisitir>n  becnmes  a  matter  nf  "  man- 
ifest ilestinyi"  it  is  not  always  riu'ht,  fm'  it  is 
SMineiinies  the  "  maiiiftst  destiny"  nf  nations  lo 
do  wrnni;. 

It  is  lint  necessary,  lo  the  discussinn  of  the  is- 
sues which  leu'itimately  arise  in  this  debate,  lo  de- 
fine precisely  how  much  ofOreiron  our  title  eovera — 
whether  from  the  43il  parallel  of  north  latitude  tn 
4!tlli,.'ilsi,,')4tli,  or  (list  ilcn-rce  nf  same  latitude, all 
these  ilitTereiit  dei^rees  liavini;  been  assumed,  by 
diflereni  speakers,  as  the  cnrrect  bnuiidaries.  (t 
is  niily  iiececsarv  In  say,  that  the  adjustment  and 
settlement  nf  a  iioundary  is  emphntii'ally  the  siili- 
jecl  of  iieKOliulion— Hut  of  legislation — and  falls 
peculiarly  within  the  province  nf  the  President 
and  Senate,  as  the  treaiy-inakini,'  pnwcr,  and  not 
of  f'oiiirress,  the  law-makini;  power.  And,  on 
:;reat  (piestions  like  this,  each  department  must  net 
within  the  parlicular  limits  prescribed  by  the  Coti- 
Htilntion;  each  under  a  si'nse  of  its  own  responsi- 
bilities. And  as  the  President  has  nnt  asked  frnm 
Cniiirrcss  any  expression  of  npininn  as  tn  what 
ahniild  be  the  Inie  bnundary  line,  but  nnly  asked 
fnr  iintice  to  terminate  the  treaty,  which  latter,  the 
eivim;  of  Ihe  notice,  I  hold  belonirs  10  the  law- 
niakiin:,  in  common  with  the  treaty-makin?  pow- 
er, it  is  right  that  we  confine  miraelves  to  the  rec- 
ord, and  act  only  on  Ihe  subject  sujirested  by  the 
President,  ns  nn  that  only  he  wants  liirht. 

It  is  not  necessary,  now,  lo  estimate  the  precise 
importance  of  Ihe  territory  to  the  United  Slates, 
either  in  a  social,  political,  or  commercial  point  of 
view,  nltliou^h,  on  this  view,  I  had  desired  to  of- 
fer some  remarks;  but,  pursuant  tn  my  pledge  of 
brevity,  1  will  proceed  at  once  tn  the  discussion  nf 
the  propriety  of  givin«;  or  withholdins  the  notice 
recnmmendcJ  by  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Af- 
fairs. 

As  prelimin.iry,  it  may  be  taken  ns  tnie  tlint  nil 
American  statesmen  believe  that  our  title  to  Oregon, 
from  the  4'Jd  to  the  49tli  parallel  of  north  l.atitnde, 
is  dear,  and,  beyniid  qiieslion,  better  than  ihnt  nf 
hjigland  ;  and,  as  tn  that  part  between  40  nnd  the 
Russian  line  C>]°  40',  nur  nwn  statesmen  hnve  dif- 
fered,   snme    siipnnsing    Kn!;land'.^    best — nihers 
niirs,  and  nthers  that  neither  had  n  perfect  title.     It  ' 
is  true  that  both   F.ngland  and  the  United  Stales  I 
now  assert,  nnd  have  ahiays  asserted,  title  to  the 
whole  of  Oregon.     And,  in  If^lH,  when  the  popii-   ' 
lar  mind  in  both  countries  had  not  quieted  down  i; 
from  the  high   excitemeiil   occasioned    by  the  late  ! 
war,  they,  after  an   unsuccessful  effort  lo  cnmpro- 
mise  their  conflicting  claims,  in  the  spirit  of  peace, 
and  for  the  purpose  nf  reinnving  all  subject  nf  cnii- 
tentinn  likely  In  perpetuate  the  then  existing  feel- 
ing of  exasperation,  in  a  treaty  signed  on  iheQlUli    ' 
Oi'inber,  in  that  year,  agreed  tliat  all  Oregon,  with 
its  harbors,  bays,  creeks,  and  navigation  of  its  riv- 
ers, should  he  free  nnd  open,  fnr  (rii   years  there- 
after,  In   vessels,  citizens,   and    subjects  of  both 
(invernments;  and,  just   befnre   the'expiralinn  nf 
the  ten   years,  the   Iwn  Gnvernments,  by  nnolhi  r 
treaty,  agreed  that  the  first  treaty  should  be  fiirllier  ' 
indefinitely  extended,  and   continued  in  force   till 
one  shniild   give   the  ntlier  due    notice  of  twelvr- 
mnntlis   of  a    desire    10   annul   and    abrogate   the  ' 
treaty.     Neiiher  having  given  the  notice,  the  trea-  '■ 
'  lies  are  in  full  fnrce;  and  all  statesmen,  withniil  re- 
',-ard   tn  parly,  who   respi'i't  the   faith  of  treatii-s, 
whn  woulil   priservi*  unsullied  the  national  hnnnr, 
!  ennreili'  it  a,'  a  qiieslion   too  plain   fnr  argiimiMit,  ' 
;  that    nn   step  can  be  takin  by  ns  to  the  exclusive 
:  |)ossession  of  the  conniry  till  we  have  given  the 
'  notice    required    hy   our   nio.st   solemn   nnd   long-  i 
resiiecied  treaiies,  ' 

All,  iir  nc.-irly  nil,  on  this  flnor  regard  Oregon  of 

'  great  pi'osprctrvc   value  tn  us;  and  I,  for  one,  do 

>  not  uniler-esiiinate  it,  but    look   ii|inn  it  as  that, 

upon  whose  possessinn  nr  loss  depends  the  loss  or 

gain  of  the   conim''ive  of  the    Ivisl;  a   cnmniene 

whose  iniiiiificeiit  rewards  and  wealth  are  not  with- 

.  in  the  reach  of  present  calculations. 


Mr.  f'hairnmn,  dlller  nn  we  may  and  do  on  ninny 

mibjects,  yet  on  this  we  all,  to  MUne  extent,  occupy 
cmiinion  giinind.  Diller  as  we  may,  as  In  the 
mode  of  oblaiiiing  the  desired  end,  yet  we  do  not 
ililfer  in  our  cnimnon  desire  of  nbiaiiiing.  or  rnllier 
relaining,  (begon,  and  that,  ion,  honoraiily,  and 
without  an  appeal  10  ihi'  fearful  arbiiramenl' of  the 
sword.  The  imly  qui  slion  is,  how  can  this,  which 
should  be,  and  I  doubt  not  is,  the  nnxious  diNlre  of 
every  man  on  this  lloor,  be  aceomplisheil  >  ((eii- 
tlenien  who  have  expressi  d  their  seiiliini'iiis  here 
may  beclassilied  as  those  who  are  for  action;  those 
who  are  for  iiiaclinn;  llinse  whn  are  Inr  aNHuming 
npeii  ground,  and  giving  the  iioiice  lo  iimiul  the 
lieaty  as  lo  the  joint  occiiimlinii  of  Oregon;  iho.se 
who  nre  against  all  forms  of  notice,  but  whn  aay 
that  niir  penple  niiglil  In  be  encniiraged  to  visit  nnd 
seiile  Ihe  territory.  Thus,  in  fact,  taking  pnssei,- 
sioii  of  Oregon  under  the  implied  sanclinn  nf  the 
Ijnvcrnment — keeping  the  IriMly  lo  the  letier,  but 
breaking  it  to  the  faith.  This  policy  wears,  lo  my 
mind,  ihe  aspect  of  weakness,  dupliciiy,  and  cow- 
ardice; and  its  practice  will  result  in  war,  whose 
disasters  and  horrors  will  not  be  lessened  by  its 
being  flhlwnnrahtf  war. 

IJelieving  that  procrastination  is  not  likely  10  ad- 
vance our  claim  to  the  territory,  but  that  luir  delay 
is  slrenglheniiig  Uritish  liile,  and  is  involving  this 
whole  subject  in  embarrasHiiientH,  complicated  and 
numerous,  and  which  may  tiTiiiinate  in  the  loss  of 
Oregon,  and  will  resiili  in  war,  I,  for  one,  am  for 
action.  I  am  forgiving  the  notice,  not  in  the  lan- 
guage of  the  braggart  or  the  bravo,  alVi'cting  neiiher 
to  fear  or  care  for  the  hazards  and  evils  nf  war,  but 
in  language  mild  nndcniirteous,  yet  manly  and  firm, 
expressing  the  determinalinn  In  abrogate  the  treaty, 
coupled  with  an  expression  of  opinion  that  the 
conflicting  claims  of  the  two  (Jovernments  should 
he  settled  by  honorable  negotiation.  The  notice 
should  be  given,  nnt  ns  a  irnr,  but  einphalicnlly  a.s 
a  peacf^  measure. 

In  the  spirit  of  perfect  justice,  we  should  nasert 
title  10  no  more  of  Oregon  than  that  which  c^in  be 
maintnined  hy  nrgiimeiil,  nnd  fnr  the  prnpriely  of 
which  we  can  appcnl  In  Ond  nnd  mnii,  nnd  which 
we  nre  willing,  il  need  be,  lo  refer  In  the  decisimi 
of  the  swnrd.  Like  a  wise  nnd  sensible  farmer, 
who  anticipates  Ihe  possibility  of  n  long  and  vex- 
ntions  lawsuit  with  n  neighbor,  in  lelalinn  tn  a 
dnnbtfiil  nr  disiiiited  bnundary  between  ndjnining 
farms,  we  shniild  plant  nur  fence  clearly  williin  nur 
own  lands,  Rn  that  when  Ihe  hour  of  trial  comes  we 
can  make  our  right  manifest.  Upon  n  (|iiestinii 
like  this,  nn  wlinse  niomentous  issues  liniig  the. 
world's  peace  and  all  its  blessings,  or  a  war,  llie 
clash  of  whose  conflicts,  the  iliii  of  whose  disas- 
trous Imttles  would  be  lienrd  throughout  the  world, 
if  oiir  rulers  were  like  political  managers  in  n  can- 
vas.s,  or  hiixters  in  the  markets,  either  lo  advance 
Ihe  interests  of  themselves  or  tn  secure  n  gnod  bar- 
gain, lo  assert  claim  tn  more  of  the  territory  than 
was  clear,  they  would  deserve,  nnd  they  would  re- 
ceive, the  indignation  nnd  scorn  of  all  good  men, 
fir  enndnct  whose  infamy  could  only  he  equnlli  d 
by  treason  itself. 

The  qiieslion,  then,  presents  itself,  which  of  the 
forms  nf  nntire  shall  we  taki-,  that  proposed  by  ilie 
Oommittee  of  l-'oreign  Affairs,  or  that  by  the  gen- 
tleman from  Alabama,  |.\Ir.  Mii.i.iAnn,]  which 
proposes  to  confer  on  the  President  diseretinnarv 
nnwer  of  giving  nr  iml  the  nntice;  that  suggi'sn  d 
iiy  Ihe  genilenian  from  t'nimecticui,  |Mr.  Itoi  k- 
iVKi.i.;]  or  that  by  the  genilenian  from  Oenrgia, 
[Mr.  K I vr, ;]  nr  any  nf  the  various  amendments  and 
prnpositions  which  have  fallen  sn  niiiiieroii.i.ly  mid 
rapidly  on  the  Clerk's  lable,  that  it  is  difiii  nil  10 
ki'ep  their  count,  much  less  hy  name  designate 
them  ? 

The  ground  has  been  taken  by  nniiie  that  nn  no- 
tice whatever  ought  to  be  given  by  this  House,  be- 
cause it  is  said  Congress  has  no  consliti.»ioiial 
power  so  to  do,  and  such  acts  belong  ex  In-ively 
to  those  departments  of  the  (Joveriimeiil  elothrd 
by  the  Constiliiticui  with  power  to  make  treaiic.-i. 
Plausible  as  is  this  view,  and  iaken.asit  has  ber.i, 
by  some  very  able  gentlemen,  it  appears  to  me  »>ti- 
cioiis  rather  than  true,  cautions  rather  than  correci. 
.Ml  tlii'i  I'.nglMiid  has  a  right  tn  reipiire  is  llie  will 
of  the  penple  of  this  nation,  wlui  are  ils  soverci'/ns, 
expresi-'i'd  through  sonic  reliable  and  (M'gani/id 
body;  and,  whenever  that  will  is  sn  expressed, 
'  whether  Ihrnu^li  the  Executive,  or  President  nnd 


^ 

i 


' 


IS-lfi.l 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GI.OBE. 


271 


slinnid  nasrrt 

wliii'li  Clin  Im 

c  propriny  dl' 

n,  iiiid  w'liii'li 

the  dcrisinii 

jisililo  farmn-, 

riff  and  vcx- 

laliiiii  t(i  a 

r?i  adjdinin:; 

williiii  niM' 

lal  rimn'S  wi; 

a  <|tirHtinii 

9  liana;  '1"^ 

r  n  war,  tin' 

luiac  disas- 

iiil  llip  world, 

rs  in  a  oaii- 

r  Uindvancd 

n  eiiod  liar- 

rriiiiry  'Imn 

cy  would  ri- 

ffoiid  inrn, 

be  equnlli  d 

wliii'li  of  llll! 
posed  hv  ill"' 

by  llic-'i;ri,- 
\iin,l   wliiili 

iKi'i-clioiiary 
ml  sitir!xt'si,(| 

[Mr.   I!(i(k- 

ni  (.feori:i;i, 
■iiclnii'MlH  and 
iiri'nii.sly  and 
dimriili  IK 
^  do.siirnalc 

ic  that  no  no- 
is  Vloiisi',  in'- 
ronslili.'ioiial 
rx  In  .i\(lv 
ni'nt  riolli((l 
lakr  trcaiiis. 
lit  lias  licr.i, 
irs  In  nic  Hiir- 
llian  I'orri'i  t. 
is  till'  w  ill 
s  sovt'rri'/iis, 
id  orffani/.t(t 
cxpri'ssid, 
I'^ldi'iit  and 


i 


\ 


Q!)tii  Cono Isr  Sf.88. 

,Sinal(i,  iindir  lliclr  Irraty-inakiiiK  power,  or  Con- 
fjresH,  iiH  lilt'  power  represenlatixe  of  the  whole 
people,  Kiiffland  would  Imve  no  rinlil  to  refiiHe  the 
imllee  lieeanse  It  wiih  not  eonsliliilloniilly  Kiven. 
I  am  Halislied  that  if  llie  I'i'esiileiit  of  the  Uiilled 
S'alcH  weri'  npini  his  own  rispinisiliility  to  ^'ive 
lliiH  noliee,  (.{real  llrilain  eonid  not  raise  the  (pies 
liipii  of  iniislitiitiiiiiiil  iiowir.  No,  sir;  nH  llniehief 
Mxeeiiiive  oHieer  of  the  luition,  ihc  only  fnnetioii- 
ary  thron^h  whom  onr  intereonrse  with  foriij;n 
nations  eim  lie  eoiiilneleil;  as  llii'  reprtseiitutive  of 
the  people,  whose  voiee  is  the  eoin'enti'uted  expres- 
sion of  tweiily  millions  id'  ficinien,  n  noliee  },'iven 
liy  him  wimhf  nol,eoiild  not,  lieipieslioiicd  hy  any 
foreifjn  Uoveriinienl.  The  I'residenl  liiiH  not  thus 
chosen  lo  act.  1  will  not  say  that  lie  ought  so  to 
have  acted,  lie  has  appealed  to  Congress  for  the 
rxereise  of  its  jiower  in  giving  this  notice — for  this 
body,  which  directly  rcMcctH  and  repieseiils  the  in- 
lerisls  and  wishes  of  the  people,  who  are  to  hi'  the 
snil'eicrs  or  cainers  liy  our  wi.se  or  unwise  action, 
who  are  to  be  blessciJ  with  peace  or  cursed  wilh 
war,  and  who  are  to  reap  the  profits  of  that  peace, 
or  bear  ilie  heavy  expenditure  of  money  and  blood 
of  that  war,  we  ow^hl  not  now  to  nhriiik  from  an 
expression  of  opinion  hh  lo  the  best  mode  of  extri- 
caliii);  the  liovernment  from  tlie  diHiciilties  and 
perils  which  embarrass  it.  And  though  llio.sc  dilH- 
eiiltius  and  perils  have  resulted  from  the  nnwi.se 
a<  lion  of  the  I'resident  and  his  parly  lenders,  and, 
religiously,  I  believe  they  are  iliargcable  wilh  it, 
yet  we  should  not,  who  are  Whigs,  refuse  to  pur- 
Kiie  the  dictates  of  patriotism;  bnt,  forgetting  parly 
ill  the  lotlier  consiueratlons  of  duty  to  the  country, 
we.  should  now  not  so  mncli  iminire  how  the  dan- 
gers have  been  produced,  but  no  they  exist,  and 
now  shall  they  be  most  honombly  avoided  orsnc- 
eessfiilly  met,  I  do  notUoubl  that  genilenien  who 
Imve  thought  the  op])osite_C(nirseas  best  have  been 
(.overned  by  patriotic  consideraiions,  but  dill'er 
with  them  in  llieir  sense  of  present  duty. 

That  this  Oregon  question  is  now  involved  in 
(lilliculties  llial  never  before  beset  it;  lliut  those  dif- 
ficulties have  been  produced  by  the  would-be  lead- 
ers, but,  in  fact,  wire-workers,  of  the  Democralic  I 
parly,  is  perfectly  clear.   Sir,  tlie  forcing  this  ques- , 
lion  of  Oregon  and  Texas  into  an  unnatural  coali- 
tion witli  those  of  n  bank  and  a  tarilV;  its  being, 
vvitlioiit  reference  to  eon.seqiieiiccH,  urged  into  tlie 
Presidential  canvass,  have  grenily  embarrassed  the 
negotiations  of  onr  Government.  That  niiscellane- 
oiis  assemblage  of  gentlemen  nnd  patriots,  known 
lis  tlie  Baltimore  convention,  tlie  fruit  of  wlio.se  la- 
bors was  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Polk  and  Ihe  pas- 
sage of  the  Oregon  resolution,  who  met  for  the 
purpose  of  nominating  a  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency, and  the  jiroclamntion  of  the  principles  on 
whicli  that  nominee  was  to  be  eleeied;  instead  of 
confining  themselves  lo  princi|iles  which  relate  to 
the  domeslic  ndminislration  of  our  Government, 
tinforlunately  for  the  country  look  its  foreign  poli- 
cy under  consideration,  and  announced  the  remark-  | 
aide  resolution  which  1   have  before   mentioned. 
They  threw  a  new  clement  of  strife  into  the  jiarty 
contest,  and  gave  beginning  to  llie.se  very  dilHcul- 
ties  which   now  beset  us,  nnd  who.se  terminaticni  ; 
llie  most  sagacious  cannot  foresee.     The  Presi- 
dent,  feeling  himself  instructed  by  the  resolution, 
announced,  in  his  Inaugural  .-Yddrei-s,  that  our  lille  : 
to  Oregon  was  clear  and   indisputable.     His  otii-  | 
eious,  if  not  ollieial,  organ — and,  perhaps,  both  j 
oHi.ious  and    ollieial — reasserted   the  same;  and 
tliouglithe  President,  in  the  meantime,  had  olVered  ■ 
lo  comproinisc  by  a  surrender  of  part  of  the  terri- 
tory— all  norlh  of  the  •IDlli  parallel — on  its  rejec-  , 
lion,  broke  olVall  negotiation,  and  in  liis  Annual 
Message  to  (.'oiigresa  rcatHrnis  onr  title  to  be  .'ood  ' 
to  the  u'liotf,  and  declares  that  he  believes  no  com- 
promise which  the  United  States  ought   o  accept 
can  be  eirerted,  advises  the  giving  of  the  .  otice  to 
terminally  the  convention,  and  says  that  at  ll;e  end 
of  ihe  year's  notice  we  shall  have  reached  a  neriod 
when  ihe  national  "  rights  in  Oregon  must  eii'iei- 
be  abandoned  or  llrmly  maintnined,  and  that  they 
cinilil  not  be  abandoned  without  u  sacrifice  of  both 
national  honor  and  interest."  ; 

This  langinige  and  iliis  lone,  Mr.  Chairman,  of 
the  President,, 'idds  another  ditlicnlly  in  the  way  of 
giving  this  notice,  because  the  I'residenl  seems  lo 
regard  it  as  one  of  a  set  of  war  ineasnrcs.  Me 
either  inliuds  to  bully  or  fiulil,  and  he  lias  thus  , 
brought  this  whole  mailer  lo  a.  crisis;  and  in  a  cri- 


77(0  Oregon  l-luestion — Mr,  Bell, 

sis  like  this,  the  people's  Represenlatives  arc,  by 
their  peculiar  relation  lo  the  people,  ;>mi ilcnliirly 
called  on  lo  express  tlnir  cininelioii  as  lo  the 
course  to  be  pui'siicd;  and  the  Whigs  on  this  lloor, 
from  the  fact  that  they  are  Ir.ininiclled  by  no  parly 
dict.iiion,  coininillcd  by  no  It.illiiiioie  resoliiiion, 
are  In  the  p"  .ilioii  lo  aci  calmly  and  p.itriolir.'illy. 
I  Iriisi,  nay,  I  know,  they  will  give  ihe  Pnsident 
no  faitioiis  opposition,  liul  will  uinle  with  hin 
IViends,  and  give  the  notice  which  be  asks.  We 
have  gone  too  far  to  retrace  our  steps  with  honor. 
Safety  is  inily  in  advance.  Uut,  under  a  sense  of 
all  the  responsibilities  which  now  surround  Con- 
gress, I  liojH!  it  will  take  only  such  steps  as  are 
perfeclly  right,  and  make  no  advance  but  that 
which  it  will  be  able  lo  maintain  before  Christen- 
dom, and  to  the  maintenance  of  which  we  can 
pledge  the  honor  of  the  people  and  power  of  the 
nation.  And,  having  ileierinincd  to  bring  this 
long-pending  controversy  to  a  close,  we  should 
take  our  ground,  step  by  step,  peaceably,  yet 
bravely,  and,  in  making  our  ii/fiiiiiditiii,  it  should 
be  that,  not  of  the  I'resident,  not  of  pidilicians,  but 
of  Ihe  whole  American  people,  which  they  would 
maintain  by  sword  and  battle.  | 

1  answer  the  question  what  sort  of  notice  shivll  | 
be  given,  by  saying,  that  llie  notice  which  may  be 
given,  should  ue  qnaltfied  by  the  expression  of 
opinion,  that  the  whole  mutter  of  difticully  hIiouIiI 
be  adjusted  by  negotiation;  that  it  can  be  so  adjust- 
ed, and  honorably,  I  cannot  doubt.  My  only  rcii- 
am\  for  prel'erring  some  modilication,  such  as  sug- 
gested above,  is,  that  the  naked  notice,  as  reported 
by  the  Commillee  of  Koreigii  Allairs,  looked  upon 
as  one  of  that  series  of  measures  recommended  by 
the  President  and  which  may  terminale  in  war,  has 
a  warlike  aspect;  and  though  assured  by  its  friends 
on  this  lloor  that  its  purpose  is  peaceful,  yet  the 
very  fuel  that  this  purpo.se  is  the  subject  of  debate, 
even  among  the  t'riends  of  the  Adniimstratioii  them- 
selves, proves  its  cuiestionable  character.  .\nd,  sir, 
like  the  ghost  in  Hundct,  it  is  ditlicult  to  nay  lelitlh-  . 
cr  it  be 

o  All  niitic)  of  hciiltli^  or  goblin  diimncd— 
Hriliii  vvitli  it  airs  trout  heaven,  or  tijusts  IVoin  hell.*' 

On  n  question  like  this  our  position  should  not  be 
debatable — slionid  not  be  the  subject  of  a  doubt — 
it  should  be  pacific,  manly,  and  tirm. 

It  is  objected  further,  Mr.  Cliuirman,  that  if  no- 
tice be  given  it  w ill  produce  wor.  It  is  not  proba- 
ble that  any  notice  in  ilstlf  will  produce  war.  But 
much  will  depend  on  the  intention  with  which  it 
is  given,  nnd  that  intention  must  be  gathered  from 
its  tone  and  language,  and  from  the  K.xcciitive  and 
Legislative  acts  which  have  preceded  and  will  suc- 
ceed it.  If  this  Government  intend  it  ns  u  chal- 
lenge— if  it  be  Hung  ns  a  gage  of  battle  at  the  foot 
of  a  haughty  and  a  hated  foe,  in  the  same  temper 
will  it  be  lifted.  If  it  be  the  blast  of  the  trumiiet  , 
which  summons  to  the  field  of  honor  and  of  mortal 
fight,  then  will  the  answering  defiance  be  heard, 
and  the  armed  foeman  cannot  avoid  the  lists.  The 
shock  of  the  conflict  will  be  ineviuible.  If,  on  the 
other  hand,  we  intend  this  notice  as  only  the  more 
earnest  and  anxious  expression  of  onr  desire  for 
the  amicable  and  honorable  adjustment  of  this  long- 
protracted  controversy,  now  perilous  to  the  peace, 
inejudicial  to  the  interests,  of  bolh  Governments, 
and  every  day  becoming  more  complicated  ami 
more  perilous,  in  a  corresponding  spirit  will  we  be 
met,  luid  peace  be  its  result.  It  is  right  that  we 
should  make  it  in  its  face  and  form,ns  it  professes 
to  be  in  its  design  and  purpo.se,  a  peace  measure. 
Peace  is  a  blessing  of  such  inestimable  value — war 
is  a  curse  of  such  infinite  evil — that  the  one  should 
be  cherished  and  cultivated,  the  other  be  shunned 
and  avoided,  by  all  honorable  means.  Sir,  we  all 
profess  a  desire  for  iieiice;  it  is  the  condition  nece.s- 
s:uy  to  the  welfareof  the  Republic — to  the  develop- 
ment of  its  vast  and  various  resources — necessary  , 
to  the  .successful  prosecution  of  its  commerce,  its  , 
agriculture,  and  its  manuliiclures.  It  is  that  which 
has  so  benefited  and  blessed  us,  which,  like  the 
dews  nnd  sunshine,  has  fallen  iqion  mir  land,  and 
"  clothed  it  with  beauty  as  with  a  garment."  And 
that  statesman,  now,  who  by  his  rash  and  incon- 
siderate, much  less  his  reckless  and  wilful  action, 
breaks  that  peace,  will  deserve,  and  receive,  the 
curses  of  God  and  man.  It  should  be  the  habitual 
policy  of  this  Government  to  cultivate  ])eace  with 
all  nations;  ns  a  matter  of  principle  to  avoid  war, 
with  the  weak  as  well  as  the  strong.    Wc  should 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


not  seek  it  with  the  weakest  and  most  di'jiii  snciI 
of  the  niilioiiH,  with  even  the  dovvn-trodden  and 
inipoleni  Mexican.  His  very  weakness  should  he 
the  giiaranly  of  onr  justice,  his  inability  to  avenge 
I  wrong  the  surest  appeal  to  oiii  magnanimity,  anil 
tlie  strongest  assurance  thai  we  \'.  nuld  not,  we  could 
not,  iiisnli,  iiiiich  le.ss  strike  liii.i. 

The  film  auilcoii.scientious  cuivietion  of  the  cor- 
rectness of  this  polii  y  consliluo  (I  one  of  the  rea- 
sons which  led  mc  lo  oppose  the  inimediate  aiiiiex- 
alioii  of  Texas;  she  then  being  in  .i  stale  of  war 
with  Mexico.  I  apprehend  tli.il  It  might  resiill  in 
the  annexaiioii  <d' war;  and  lliou-h  liii' war  was 
not  to  be  a  d.ingcrous  one,  or  very  bloody,  yet  it 
was  to  be  an  iinneceKHary  inie.  Iliil  perniil  me  to 
say,  Mr.  ('hainiiiin,  that,  from  the  passage  of  the 
joint  rescdulioii  by  I'ongrcHs,  and  il.saccepiance  by 
I'exiis,  the  whole  ipiestion  was  changed;  a  con- 
tract was  made  by  our  Govermnent  with  Texas, 
and,  by  every  eonsideiation  of  honor,  we  slionld 
have  Inlfilled  that  contrnct,  and  at  every  hazard. 
Xothing  but  dangerous  ami  piolracied  illness  pre- 
vented me  from  voiing  for  the  bill,  which  in  fact 
adniittcd  Texas  into  this  Union,  for  i  do  not  feel 
towards  her  as  the  genlleman  from  New  York, 
[.Mr.  CiLViu,]  who  addressed  the  commillee  last 
night,  who  remarked,  he  did  not  nrarcl  her  as  a 
sister  legitiniately  born  into  the  family,  and  there- 
fore he  did  iiiil  .  ordially  receive  liei.  I  feel  for 
her  llie  kindliest  sympathy,  and  wilcome  her  into 
the  tainily  circle  as  mie  of  the  sisterhood  of  States, 
heiicefortli  entitled,  with  the  others,  to  nn  equal 
pariicipalioii  in  ilie  blessings  and  protrciicni  of  the 
great  family  dwelling.  Ill  ihe  same  pidicy  I  winild 
have  the  Government  to  avoid  war  with  Kngland, 
not  from  the  motives  nnd  consideraiions  whicli 
some  gentlemen  have  so  forcibly  referred  to;  not 
because,  as  some  have  said,  we  ore  weak  and  she 
strong — because  we  are  defenceless  ami  she  armed 
at  all  points,  and  exhanstless  in  I  lie  niniiitions  of 
war;  not  because,  as  sonic  genilenien  have  said, 
that  her  Island  dueeii  sits  throned  upon  an  empire 
whose  shadow  covers  the  world;  not  because  her 
proud  flag,  in  the  day  of  battle,  will  be  upheld  by 
well-appointed  nnd  invincible  veu  lans  ;  not  be- 
,  cause  her  war  steamers  and  her  well-built  and 
countless  ships  of  the  line  upon  the  wing  of  the 
wind  and  wing  of  the  (lame  shall  cover  the  ocean, 
and  sweep  every  sen  with  their  destructive  and  ir- 
resistible fire.  But  I  would  avoid  war  with  Great 
Britain,  because  we  have  not  resorted  to  all  jirojier 
and  honorable  means  for  an  amicable  ndjnstmcnl 
of  the  controversy,  and  therefore  war  must  be 
deemed  unneee.ssary,  and  consequently  highly  ciini- 
iiinl.  And  much  ns  llint  territory  is  worth  to  u.s — 
and  were  it  worth  ten  times  lold  be  wealth  of  the 
Indies — its  value  is  still  not  so  great  that  it  should 
be  retained  at  the  heavy  and  inordiimte  e.xpense  of 
reckless  and  unnecessary  war,  the  crime  of  whole- 
sale murder,  which  the  world's  wealth  could  not 
expiate,  or  the  world  of  waters  wash  nwny.  We 
should  not  scruple  to  modify  the  notice  in  tiie  man- 
ner indicated,  when  no  evil  can  result  from  it;  and 
all  admit  there  is  nothing  dishonorable,  nothing 
humilinling  in  it. 

1  have  said  that  the  intenlion  of  this  notice  will 
be  gathered  from,  and  the  controversy  of  war  nnd 


he  subsequent 
'  the  measures 


leaee  depend,  to  some  extent,  on  ll 
iction  ol  Congress;  and  as  one  of 
which  may  so  all'ect  the  notice  nnd  the  whole  sub- 
ject, the  bill  introduced  by  the  Committee  on  Ter- 
ritories stands  first  and  foremost,  particularly  eon- 
spicucnis  in  obnoxious  objections.  The  driuighta- 
nmii  of  the  bill,  and  chairman  of  the  committee, 
[Air.  Ddtoi.Ass,]  was  in  remarkable  haste  in  the 
introdnction  of  this  bill;  and  doubtless  some  of  its 
manifold  imperfections  are  attributable  to  the  great 
and  unnecessary  haste  in  its  p  eparation.  And  the 
gentleman  himself,  after  the  subsidence  of  zealous 
and  fiery  haste,  has  withdrawn  the  bill  for  the 
nmendment  and  corrections  of  "  second  sober 
thoughts."  But  ns  I  do  not  pnrpo.sc  here  debating 
that,  I  shall  only  allude  to  its  defects.  1  do  not 
hesitate  lo  declare,  if  thai  bill  passes  in  its  present 
shape,  it  cannot  bul  be  regarded  as  a  cause  of  in- 
stant war.  It  would  be  a  violation  of  ihc  treaty, 
for  it  a.sserts  title,  by  boundary,  to  the  whole  of 
Oregon;  it  grants  lands  in  any  part  of  the  icrrilo- 
ry,  on  llie  notth  ns  well  as  tin-  south  side  of  the 
4'.llli  iiaralld,  in  the  very  ccnire  of  the  disputed 
and  debatalile  land  thai  lies  belweeii  the  parallel  of 
4U°nnd  54°  4U',  nnd  pledges  the  honor  and  whole 


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23  WSST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBiir.a,»    Y    14580 

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APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  4. 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Bell. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


power  of  ihe  naiioii  to  irrnkc  good  the  grnnt;  it  cs-  | 
tnblislics  blockhouses,  forts,  and   stockades;  and  i 
this  bill,  or  another  on  your  table,  provides  for  '• 
raising  the  men  who  are  to  garrison  lliese   forts,  I 
Blockades, and  blockades;  thus,  in  itself,bcfore  no-  \ 
ticc  is  given,  taking,  in  violation  of  tlie  letter  and 
spirit  of  the   treaty,  exclusive  possession  of  the 
whole  country,  and  shutting  out  all  hopes  of  a 
compromise  of  our  claims  to  Oregon,  and  must 
involve  us  in  war.     Suppose,  however,  the  notice 
be  given,  such  as  I  have  contended  for, and  beun- 
BfTerted  by  any  rash  action  on  our  part,  what  pos-  , 
sible  pretext,  what  ground  for  war?    The  treaty 
itself,  as  has  been  often  remarked,  provides  for  the 
notice,  and  could  give  no  just  reason,  or  even  ex- 
cuse, to  Great  Britain,  fin- war.     If,  !iowcver,  she 
were  to  lake  oflence,  why,  we  being  in  the  right 
before,  let  tlie  guilt  and  consequences  of  a  war  be 
on  her  head. 

The  reasons  which  have  prodticcd  conviction  on 
my  mind,  that,  if  the  notice  were  given,  we  will 
not  have  war,  are  brielly: 

The  inconsiderable  amount  of  territory  which  is 
now  in  re.il  di^spuic,  our  Government  has  four  times 
substantially  proposed  to  England  to  settle,  by  ta- 
king, as  oiM-  iiortliern  boundary,  the  49ih  parallel; 
England  lias  four  times  substantially  olfered  to 
compromise,  and  take,  as  her  southern  boundary, 
the  49th  parallel,  till  it  struck  the  Columbia  river, 
and  thence  down  the  river  to  its  mouth,  in  about 
46ih  parallel.  Thus,  it  may  fairly  be  inferred,  the 
country  between  the  Columbia  anil  -19ih  parallel  is, 
in  fact,  only  the  subject  of  controversy.  It  is  im- 
possible to  suppose  that  two  such  mighty  empires 
can,  in  this  day  of  Christian  influence  and  enlight- 
ened feeling,  be  brought  into  conflict  for  a  territo- 
ry, compaied  to  the  losses  which  each  would  sus-  ' 
tain  in  the  conflict,  of  insignificant  value.  And  1 
must  say  that,  for  one,  I  estimate  highly,  in  pro- 
ducing  and  preserving  the  peace  of  the  world,  the  ' 
influence  of  the  Christian  religion — i\n  influence 
which,  though  not  seen  on  the  throne,  yet  is  above  ' 
the  throne;  which  is  not  audible  about  the  high 
places  of  the  earth,  but  which,  with  its  inaudible 
and  potent  spell,  surrounds  the  rulers  of  the  earlh, 
and  sives  direction  to  their  courses.  It  would  be 
a  reflection  on  our  common  religion  m  suppose  that 
two  such  nations  as  England  and  America,  the 
bulwarks  of  Christendom,  should  fight  for  cause 
80  small  OS  that  in  controversy  between  them. 

Again,  sir,  nations  do  not  go  to  war  now  with  the 
same  ease  and  readiness  they  ilid  in  times  past. 
The  habit*  of  peace  multiplyinleresls  in  fttvor  of 
its  continuance,  and  beget  the  desire  for  its  perpet- 
uation. Ensland,  and  we  t^urselves,  have  been  af- 
fected in  the  same  way.  She  is  not  so  warlike  as 
she  once  was.  With  a  change  of  interest  there  is 
a  change  of  policy.  Once,  owing  to  her  insula; 
position,  England' regarded  concpicst  as  necessary 
to  extend  her  dominion,  and  increase  her  rank 
and  influence  among  continental  nations.  Then 
chivalry  was  her  spirit,  and  proudly  and  brave- 
ly did  she  manifest  it — wi\r  her  policy,  and  fierce- 
ly and  successfully  ilid  she  pursue  it.  Her  bold 
barons  and  stout  men-at-arms,  in  hard-foudit 
■Iclds,  added  conquest  to  conquest,  till  her  flag 
floated  over  a  larger  territory  than  that  of  any 
Power  on  earth.  But  commerce  and  nvinufac- 
lures  are  the  sources  of  her  wealth  and  the  means 
nf  her  power;  and  peace  is  necessary  for  tjicir 
prosperity,  and  she  carefully  preserves  it.  Eng- 
land of  tne  nsnetecnth  century  is  not  England  of 
Ihe  iixteemh  century.  The  England  ruleil  bv  the 
Guelphs  is  not  England  ruled  by  the  fiery  Plan- 
tngeneui,  the  haughty  Tudors,  or  the  stern  and  un- 
compromising Protector.  England,  commercial 
and  manulaoturing,  is  not  England,  feudal  and  cliiv- 
alriius.  Her  inieiesi  being  in  peace,  she  will  not 
rashly  go  to  war.  Uy  your  gasconading  on  this 
floor-^bv  insults  in  diplomacy,  you  may,  if  you 
want  a  light,  obtain  it;  for  England,  like  ourselves, 
holds  such  relation  to  the  world,  she  cannot  safe- 
ly, without  risk  of  lior  own  destruction,  have  her 
power  to  avenge  iii.^uli  and  right  wrong  mode  the 
subject  I'f  doubt.  Uy  bravado  and  menace— by 
the  exhibition  of  an  exacting  spirit,  we  may  place 
lier  in  such  condition,  that  she  may  liave  to  fore- 
{;()  all  till-  benefits  of  peace,  and  hazard  all  the 
evils  and  losses  of  war;  for  England  hiis  not  lost 
all  tie  feeling  which  once  led  her  soldiers  to  the 
field.  The  great  men  who  rule  a  country  are  al- 
most always  the  types  of  ila  people;  anil  you  see 


in  two  of  her  prominent  rulers  the  fair  represent- 
ation of  the  feelinf!:s  of  the  English  people.     Sir 
Robert  Peel,  nominally  connected  with  the  Tory 
party,  is  yet  the  idolized  defender  of  the  commer 
cini  and  nianufacturin;^  classes.     He  is  cool,  sa- 
gacious,and  pacific,  anu,  in  English  politics,  stands  ! 
in   bold   and   conspicuous   relief,  and    gives   the  j 
strongest   assurance  of  peace.      In   grim  repose,  i 
and   behind   him,   however,   stanils   the   hero   of 
Waterloo,  reaily,  if  English  honor  be  assailed,  or 
if  we  force  the  light,  to  lend  his  iron  arm  and  iron 
nerve  to  enforce  the  resolves  of  Parliament.     I  am 
one  of  tho.se  who  would  not  recklessly  provoke  the 
war;  but  still  I  am  among  that  number  who  think 
Ihni,  if  war  come,  we  can,  as  in  times  past,  again 
maintain  the  honor  and  interests  of  the  republic 
against  all  the  power  of  the  English  monarchy  led 
by  the  iron  duke  himself.     All  I  purpose  saying 
is,  that  England  has  loo  many  interests  dependent 
on  peace,  and  particularly  peace  with  us,  lightly  to  , 
break  it;  and  it  will  not  be  broken,  unless  the' de- 
signing or  reckless  bluster  of  braggarts  and  dcma-  i 
gognes  force  the  strife.     The   predictions  which  ; 
some  gentlemen  hove  m.tde  on  this  floor  have  been  j 
amusingly  falsified   during   this   debate.      Those  i 
genilemeii  who  were  so  fortunate  as  to  get  Ihe 
floor  soon  after  the  discussion  opened,  and  were 
opposed  to  notice,  made  the  most  violent  appeals  j 
to  our  fears,  based  on  the  most  confident  predic-  , 
lions,  that  any  action  by  Congress,  and  that  the 
very  recommendation  of  notice  in  the  Message, 
would  result  in  instant  war,  and  the  then  expect- 
ed English  steamer  would   bring  the  startling  in-  , 
telligence  that  England  had  instantly,  to  the  whole 
world,  made  proilamalion  of  her  wrongs  and  of  1 
her  preparation  for  battle.    But  that  steamer  came,  j 
and  the  news  is  that  England  is  more  than  usually 
pacific.     I  never  participated  in  those  fenrs,  or  be- 
lieved tho.se  preuiclions.     I  knew  she  wanted  the 
repeal  of  your  Uirifl",  which  fosters  and  protects 
your  own  people,  and  gives  impulse  and  contin-  ' 
,  lied  progression  to  the  prosperity  of  this  country. 
She  wanted  your  mechanics,  your  'namifacturers, 
your  laborers,  your  farmers,  made  tributary  to 
lier;  and  she  well  knew  this  only  could  be  done  by 
the  repeal  of  your  tariff,  to  obtain  which,  and  the 
assurance  of  us  never  being  re-enacted,  she  would 
give  you  all  Oregon  and  Canada  to  boot,  and  then 
make  a  good  bargain.     And,  sir,  the  President,  in 
this  same  Message  which  recommends  notice,  also 
advises  and   insists   on  the   repeal  of  the   lariflT. 
Thu     though  one  port  of  the  advice  might  be  cal- 
culated to  excite,  the  other  port  was  to  soothe;  and 
the  prospect  of  the  speedy  destruction  of  our  ta- 
lilF,  a  consummation  ny  her  most  ilcvoutly  to  be 
wished,  keeps   her  in   a  state  of  almost  perfect 
quiet.  There  is  too  much  reason  to  fear,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, that  some  sort  of  a  trade  is   about  to  be 
made  by  the  British  Government  and  this  Govern- 
ment, in  which  the  sclllement  of  the  Oregon  ques- 
tion is  to  be  Ihe  price  for  the  repeal  of  the  tarifl". 
The  union  of  these  questions  would  be  exceedingly 
unfortunate;  each  ought  to  rest  on  its  own  merits,  \ 
'  and  be  determined  accordingly.     I  have  referred  ■ 
to  this  to  show  that  England  is  watching  the  in-  ' 
terests  of  her  manufactures,  and  is  willing  to  sac-  | 
rific.c  territory  to  maintain  them. 

Again,  sir,  the  exiEni  of  her  commerce  and  her 
inability  to  protect  it  will  prevent  England  from  ' 
rashly  going  to  war.     Numerous  as  are  her  ships 
of  bailie,  yet  her  ships,  freighted  with  rich  cargoes, 
are  still  more  numerous,  and  comparatively  unpro-  | 
tectcd.   She,  always  sagacious,  knows  that  Ihe  first  I 
gun  which  is  fired  in  this  war  will  be  the  signal  to 
call  the  eagles  to  the  carcass,  and  proclaim  a  richer 
harvest  to  the  privateers  and  pirates  than  ever  be- 
fore was  yielded  to  the  reapers  of  the  seas.   Those 
nations  who  have  long  ha;ed  England  for  her  na- 
val and  commercial  supremacy,   (never  disputed 
but   by  us,)  would   then  feel  that,  like  .Shylock, 
having  a  haled  enemy  on  the   hip,  right  greedily 
and  fully  would  they  feed  their  ancient  gnidge. 

But,  sir,  gentlemen  who  have  argued  against  no- 
tice, upon  the  ground  that  it  would  produce  war, 
have  continued  to  dwell  mi  the  power  of  Great 
Hriiain  and  our  weakness:  they  look  only  on  one 
side  of  ihc  picture.  Powerful  as  she  is,  yel  in  the 
midst  of  that  power  are  the  elements  of  weakness; 
and  our  want  of  preparation  for  war,  which  gentle- 
men have  said  was  our  weaknesB,  is  the  vc  ry  con  I 
dition  which  gives  us  iillimnle  strength.  Why,  if  ! 
we  were  fully  prepared  for  war,  if  we  had  a  large 


standing  army,  (independent  of  the  discontents  pro- 
duced by  increased  taxation  to  support  it,  and  the 
dangers  from  its  force  being  turned  upon  our- 
selves,) consciousness  of  that  power  might  beget 
arrogance  and  rapacity,  and  it  might  be  we  should 
then  be  too  ready  to  listen  to  Ihc  valorous  sugges- 
tions of  the  gentlemen  who  have  declared  that  iTiey 
never  would  be  satisfied  whilst  any  other  nation 
held  a  foot  of  territory  on  the  American  continent; 
and  our  armies,  now  under  the  lead  of  the  high- 
spirited  and  gollanl  gentlemen  from  Illinois  and 
Michigan  miglil  be  engaged  in  a  crusade,  rc-anncx- 
ing  and  re-occuf\jing  nil  the  territory  mi  the  Amer- 
ican continent,  driving  all  other  nations  from  its 
possession,  and,  to  borrow  the  beautiful  language 
so  common  in  this  debate,  "  planting  the  American 
eagle  over  every  foot  of  soil  from  Terra  del  Fuego 
to  the  North  I*olc.''  But,  sir,  seriously,  for  de- 
fensive war  wc  ore  always  sufficiently  strong  to 
maintain  our  honor  againsi  the  world  in  arms. 
For  offensive  war,  we  can  never,  till  war  comes, 
be  prepared.  But  England  has  dangers,  commer- 
cial and  political,  internal  and  exiernal,  which 
greatly  weaken  her.  (It  being  announced  to  me 
that  I  have  only  six  minutes  left  of  my  hour,  I  can 
only  glance  at  them.)  Her  proximity  to  the  con- 
tinent of  Europe;  that  spirit  now  at  work  there; 
the  dangers  to  the  old  monarchies  consequent  on 
the  death  of  the  King  of  the  French  whenever  it 
may  happen,  and  according  to  Ihe  course  of  nature 
in  a  few  years;  the  discontent  at  home;  her  enor- 
mous public  debt  and  its  incidental  evils;  the  rest- 
less agitation  of  Irish  repeal  and  Irish  ema'icipa- 
lion;  our  proximity  to  tlicCanados, — all  suggest 
dangers  to  English  rulers  sufficient  to  make  lliem 
desire  a  war  least  of  all  with  the  United  States; 
for  as  much  as  she  might  injure  us,  it  is  not  more 
than  we  could  her.  All  must  admit  that  each  on 
the  other  could  inflict  incalculable  evil. 

Again,  there  is  no  honor  involved  in  maintaining 
our  rights  up  to  54°  40';  non"!  in  Great  Britain 
muinlaining  hers  up  to  Ihe  mouth  of  the  Colum- 
bia river.  If  it  were  a  question  of  honor,  then  it 
were  useless  to  urge  comnromiso  to  Ihe  people  of 
the  United  Slates,  on  wliom  "  dishonor's  breath 
would  light  as  Ihe  whirlwind  on  the  waters."  But 
our  most  sagacious  diplomotists  have  offered  com- 
promise. Mr.  Polk  himself  has  offered  compro- 
mise. England  has  done  the  same.  We  differ 
only  as  to  the  terms  of  compromise.  Our  ablest 
slalesmcn,  in  the  most  cunningly-contrived  argu- 
ments on  our  title,  have  never  been  williig  to  claim 
as  their  "  ultimatum  "  all  the  count;  up  to  ,'54° 
40'.  Now,  surely,  gentlemen  will  not  contend  that 
I'le  people,  who  are  to  pay  the  taxes,  and  bear  the 
1  urdens,  and  fight  the  baliles  of  the  war,  are  to 
fight  for  that  which  the  diplomatist  in  his  argu- 
ment has  never  contended  for,  and  the  President 
offered  to  give  up.  It  has  been  said  by  some  of 
the  most  fiery  of  the  gentlemen,  that  our  title  is 
\  good  to  54°  40' ,  and  that  then ,  it  being  a  question  of 
right,  there  should  be  no  calculation  of  consijquen- 
ces,  no  compromise;  and  if  war  conies,  let  it  come. 
I  There  is  no  sensible,  prudent  man,  in  his  private 
affairs,  governed  by  argument  so  simple,  by  rea- 
soning  so  foolish.  That  man  who  in  private  life 
I  contends  for  everything  which  is  his,  and  has  -t, 
or  has  a  lawsuit  for  it,  soon  is  haled  by  his  nc.gh- 
bors.gcls  nto  endless  and  vexatious  lawsuits,  and 
ends  bis  career  a  bankmpt — a  striking  and  practi- 
cal exemplification  of  the  folly  of  his  rule  of  action. 
And  that  nation  who  would  adopt  for  its  govern- 
ment such  a  maxim,  and  contend  for  everything 
which  it  thought  was  hers,  would  only  on  a  larger 
scolc  exhibit  the  folly  and  madness  of  the  princi- 
pie  of  its  Oovernmeiil,  would  lose  infinitely  more 
than  il  would  gain — be  involved  in  interminable  and 
bloody  wars.  God  deliver  this  people  from  rulers 
whose  Administration  would  be  based  on  princi- 
ples so  foolish,  and  which  would  prove  so  disas- 
trous in  consequence.  This  question  is  emphati- 
cally and  peculiarly  one  for  adjustment  by  nego- 
tiation, not  by  arms.  No  man  contends  that  we 
can  take  and  maintain  Oregon  by  the  sword,  with- 
out an  enormous  increase  of  the  standing  army  and 
navy,  and  incurring  a  debt  of  more  than  two  hiin- 
ilreu  millions  of  dojlors,  besides  the  loss  of  many 
of  Ihc  lives  of  your  best  and  bravest  citizens.  And 
suppose  you  determine  to  have  the  "whole  or 
none,"  and  to  fight  for  Ihc  whole,  and  you  com- 
mence thai  war,  and  through  long  years  of  heavy 
,  and  oppressive  taxation,  ihrougli  countless  ex- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


Tilii 


to  54° 

tend  that 

bear  the 

arc  to 

nrgu- 
resident 
some  of 

title  is 
stion  of 
seqiien- 
t  come, 
private 
fiy  rni- 
alc  life 

has  't, 

nc.gh- 
its,  and 

prni'ti- 

actioii. 
govorn- 
rythiii;; 
a  Inrffer 

prinri- 
ly  more 
inlile  nnd 
m  rulers 

prini'i- 
RO  disiiH- 
rmplioti- 
ly  nefro- 

tliftt  we 
d,  wiili- 
rmy  and 
wo  liiin- 
i)f  many 
la .  And 
iliole  or 
o\i  com- 
)f  heavy 
less   ex- 


i 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 

hausting  and  bloody  battles,  till  the  very  earth  and 
the  seas  are  red  with  the  blood  of  your  children, 
still  you  must  arrange  the  controversy  at  last  by 
negotiation,  by  treaty.  The  people  and  their  voice 
is  omnipotent  here.  The  people  of  England  are 
not  voiceless  now  on  questions  in  which  their  in- 
terests, their  lives,  and  property  are  involved;  and 
they,  the  great  body  of  the  peofile  of  both  coun- 
tries, do  not  desire  a  war  each  with  the  other,  let 
restless  and  aspiring  riilern  plot  and  plan  as  they  do 
for  'heir  own  aggrandizement,  they  will  not  suffer 
themselves  to  be  involved  in  all  the  horrors  nnd 
losses  which  that  wor  will  produce. 

Sir,  this  question  ought  to  be  ae  tied  by  negotia- 
tion. How  much  we  ought  to  cl»  m  must  be  left 
to  the  treaty-making  power;  am'  expression,  at 
this  stage  of  the  controversy,  might  only  embar- 
rass the  President,  and  do  mor*  harm  than  good. 
I  believe  no  time  will  ever  come  for  an  honorable 
and  amicable  settlement  of  this  question  more  ou- 
spicious  than  the  present.  And  the  considerations 
which  I  have  presented  have  induced  the  opinion, 
on  my  mind,  that  it  can  be  settled  by  negotiation, 
and  that  there  will  be  no  war,  unless  the  war  result 
from  the  want  of  ability  oi"  the  President  and  un- 
skilfulness  of  his  diplomacy.  If  the  President  be 
whot  he  ought  to  be;  if  he  were  far  less  than  whr.t 
the  people  took  him  for  when  they,  by  their  votes, 
lifted  him  to  'hat  high  place  he  now  fills — a  place 
whose  honors  are  more  to  be  coveted  than  "  the 
costliest  robe  which  ere  was  wrapped  round  regal 
limbs" — there  would  be  no  danger  of  n  war;  for, 
in  the  present  condition  of  England,  without  the 
grossest  blunders  on  our  part,  we  need  not  appre- 
hend a  war,  if  the  notice  be  given.  These  remarks 
imve  been  made  on  the  supposition  that  no  new 
correspondence  has  taken  place  between  our  Gov- 
ernment and  Great  Britain;  that  the  slate  of  the 
question,  so  fur  as  negotiation  is  concerned,  is  the 
same  it  was  when  Congress  commenced;  for  I  can- 
not suppose  that  the  President  has  received  or 
made  any  proposition  of  settlement  without  com- 
municating the  same  to  us.  It  would,  in  my  opin- 
ion, he  highly  reprehensible  in  him,  when  asking 
our  advice  on  this  matter,  not  to  give  us  all  the  in- 
fonnation  in  his  power,  but  ask  us  to  leap  blindly, 
and  in  the  dark. 

But  if  notice  be  withheld,  Mr.  Chairman,  and 
that  policy  advocated  by  those  opposed  to  notice 
be  pursued,  I  believe  war,  and  tlie  probable  loss 
of  the  territory,  will  be  the  consequence.  They 
say,  "delay  your  notice;  England  is  too  strong 
yet;  she  is  getting  old;  soon  she  will  be  weak;  and 
then — we  bide  our  time  till  thei:.  In  the  mean- 
time, let  the  treaty  remain;  give  no  notice  to  termi- 
nate ;  send  your  men — your  hardy  and  bold  pio- 
neers— to  cultivate  the  soil;  cover  It  with  military 
posts,  and  garrison  them  with  men;"  and  thus, 
whilst  the  treaty  stands  in  full  force,  in  violation 
of  its  provisions,  take  exclusive  possession  of,  and 
prepare  to  fight  for,  the  whole  of  Oregon.  We 
have  been  told,  if  notice  be  given,  it  will  produce 
«  Punic  war;  but  it  seems  to  me  if  it  be  not  given, 
nnd  these  suggestions  followed  out,  we  will  have 
ultimately  a  war — at  least,  produced  by  Punic 
faith.  Sir,  this  policy,  advo-  ited  by  honorable 
gentlemen,  and  doubtless  froi..  a  conviction  of  its 
wisdom  and  patriotism,  is  as  wise  os  that  of  the 
foolish  bird  which  hides  its  head,  and  supposes  its 
body  h'd.  This  policy  of  waiting  and  biding  our 
time,  is  compared  eloquently  to  the  waiting  of  the 
American  eagle,  preparing  for  its  stroke.  It  sound- 
ed rather  to  my  ear  like  the  hissing  of  that  other 
emblem  which  (in  the  group  of  statuary  above 
your  Speaker's  chair)  attenus  the  goddess,  and 
types  her  wisdom — riuher  like  the  hissing  of  a  ser- 
pent. It  had,  at  least,  the  serpent's  guile,  if  not 
Its  wisdom. 

Hut,  independent  of  bad  faith  nnd  violation  of 
national  honor,  which  would  result  from  the  policy 
of  the  advocates  of  delay,  war  is  rendered  far  moi-e 
probable,  than  by  the  open,  manly,  nnd  frank 
course  urged  by  advocates  of  notice.  Emigration 
is  accumulating  a  population  in  Oregon,  from  this 
country  nnd  ft-om  Lngland.  It  is  important  to  have 
the  riglus  of  the  respective  countries  determined  as 
soon  as  possible,  because  settlements  will  be  made 
by  American  and  English  citizens  in  the  debatable 
land;  each  Government  will  fuel  bound  to  pr-jtect 
its  citizens ;  coullicting  laws  enforced  by  courts  of 
conflicting  jurisdiction,  together  with  the  ditfcrenceH 
resulting:  from  political  tendencies  nnd  principles  of 

18 


TAe  Oregon  Qtiestion — Mr.  Mc  demand. 

two  sets  of  occupants — one  American  and  republi- 
con,  the  other  English  and  monarchical-  -will  greot- 
ly  increase  the  probabilities  of  wai'.  But  time  prc- 
i  vents  me  from  dwelling  on  this  topic.  Besides  the 
I  danger  of  war,  let  not  gentlemen  estimate  too  light- 
ly the  possibility  of  losing  this  territory  by  delay. 

For  the  purpose  of  attainingthe  same  ends  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  Slates  pursue  different 
courses,  and  none  more  so  than  in  colonizing  and 
settling  distant  territory.  We  send  as  our  pioneers 
the  bold  hunter,  with  the  rifle  on  his  shoulder;  we 
send  the  industrious  tiller  of  the  soil.  The  British 
Empire  se'  as  as  her  pioneers  a  collossal  corpora- 
tion, with  powers  of  Government,  and  its  agents, 
servants,  soldiers,  trappers,  nnd  traders,  are  the 
only  seltlei-a;  all  its  acquisitions,  however,  of  ter- 
ritory enure  to  the  Empire,  whose  agent  it  is.  It 
is  not  important  here  to  calculate  the  comparative 
efficiency  of  these  different  modes  of  colonization 
and  seltlemeni,  but  the  jiast  success  of  England, 
by  a  similar  course  in  another  hemisphere  of  the 
earth,  warrants  us  at  least  in  being  on  our  guard. 
A  hundred  years  ago  Great  Britain  had  chartered 
an  East  India  Company,  whose  nominal  business 
ai  d  legitimate  jinwers  were  confined  to  n  trade  in 
tea  and  silk.  Divisions  and  dissensions  existed  in 
the  Mogul  Empire,  and  in  the  midst  of  which  an 
aged  monarch,  v.'ho  had  lonsr  held  power,  in  the 
slatcly  language  of  an  ancient  chronicler  of  his 
glory,  breathed  his  last,  and  left  the  splendors  of 
his  imperial  palaces  of  Delhi.  Those  dissensions 
opened  into  rebellion,  and  the  question  as  to  whom 
should  be  his  successor,  to  those  palaces  and  pow- 
er, became  one  of  exciting  interest.  Little  was  it 
thought  that  n  company  of  traders  would,  in  behalf 
of  a  nation  fifteen  thousand  miles  distant,  success- 
fully assert  a  claim  to  the  dominion  of  East  Indies. 
But  it  was  asserted;  and  England,  with  that  far-see- 
ing s.agaclty,  and  that  far-reaching  ambition,  which 
has  characterized  her  course  nnd  gradually  enlnrged 
her  power  for  five  hundred  yenrs,  commenced  a 
series  of  efforts  of  both  arts  and  arms,  which  has 
resulted  in  winning  for  her  a  more  extensive  and 
valuable  territory  than  she  has  ever  added  to  her 
dominions  by  cither  ancient  or  modern  conquest. 
And  now  she  has  on  the  western  coast  of  America 
another  company,  whose  object  nnd  pui-posn  is 
professedly  to  trade  in  furs  arid  peltry.  But,  still 
holding  the  soil,  it  settles  for  the  use  of  the  Gov- 
ernment which  gave  it  charter.  Let  no  man  say 
that  this  Hudson  Bay  Company,  bearing,  as  it  does, 
vice-regal  power  among  the  infant  .-lettlements  on 
the  waters  of  the  Pacific,  nnd  amid  the  wilderness 
of  Oregon,  with  its  fony  military  posts,  its  thou- 
sand trappers,  tmders,  and  soldiers,  and  its  numer- 
ous Ind.iin  allies,  and  with  that  vast  magazine  of 
Indian  tribes  which  the  mad  policy  of  the  Govern- 
ment, for  years  past,  has  been  increasing,  nnd  fVom 
which  lliis  company  can  dmw,  at  pleasure,  men 
for  fighting  or  annoying  the  settlers,  I  say,  let  no 
man  assert  that  this  company  is  to  be  slightly  esti- 
mated us  an  auxiliary  to  British  ambition  and  Brit- 
ish designs  m\  Oregon. 

But,  if  this  question  of  notice  is  to  be  kept  open 
much  longer,  there  will,  I  fear,  be  soon  a  parly  in 
this  country  for  war;  at  present  none  such  exists. 
It  will  be  mingled  with  the  strifes  and  excitements 
of  another  Presidential  contest;  nnd,  under  the 
inflammatory  nppenis  of  party  lenders,  popular 
feeling  in  this  country  may  be  roused  to  such  ex- 
tent as  to  demand  a  war.  Sir,  in  my  opinion,  it 
is  unwise  longer  to  delay      ■?  notice. 

The  constant  agitation  of  this  question,  nflecting 
as  it  does  the  probabilities  of  peace  and  war,  must 
prove  injurious  to  the  prosperity  of  the  nation. 
Uncertniiily  nnd  doubt  on  these  nrobnbilities  must 
produce  constant  nnd  prejudicial  fluctuations  nnd 
changes  in  the  commerce  and  business  of  the 
country;  to  prevent  which,  nil  ought  to  desire  to 
bring  this  subject  to  an  adjustment  as  speedily  as 
possible.  To  Its  honorable'  and  pacific  adjustment, 
notice  is  a  preliminary  and  necessary  step. 

By  reflising  this  notice,  you  do  not,  sir,  arrest, 
you  only  increase  the  agitation  of  this  subject. 
You  may  fold  your  arms,  you  may  silence  your 
tongue;  or  you  may,  on  the  contrary,  by  the  most 
persuasive  or  violent  eflbrts,  attempt  to  stay  this 
question  in  its  course;  but  in  vain.  Influences  and 
interests  are  at  work  which  irresistibly  hurry  it 
on  to  tt  fortunate  or  unfortunate  termination,  to  a 
peaceful  or  hostile  issue.  It  it  the  iiart  of  wisdom 
to  direct,  when  it  cannot  control  the  current. 


New  Series No.  18. 

If  the  policy  which  I  have  advocated  h«  pursued, 
peace,  I  trust,  nnd  firmly  believe,  will  be  its  fniit. 
Should,  however,  after  we  slinll  linve  done  all  thnf 
brave  and  honoitible  men  ought  to  do  to  avoid 
the  conflict,  our  adversary,  in  her  arrogance  and 
vaunted  power,  force  on  a  war,  then  we  stand  ne- 
quitted;  and  upon  her  let  full  the  blood  and  crime 
of  that  war,  in  all  its  accur.wd  and  damning  guilt. 
Our  ancient  foe  again  will  find  that  n  united  and 
brave  people,  such  as  onrs,  arc  always  invincible. 
We  will  ngoin  show  that  we  are  able  to  maintain 
our  honor  in  the  field  ngTiinst  Great  Britain,  and, 
if  need  be,  against  the  world  in  arms. 

I  will  not,  Mr.  Chairman,  as  some  have  done, 
make  the  contingency  of  war  ilie  pretext  for  a 
high-wrought  eulogy  on  my  native  State,  Ken- 
tucky.    Her  brave  people  need  no  eulogy.     Her 
history  in  the  past  is  her  pledge  for  the  fuUire. 
The  blood  of  her  children,  poured  out  upon  "n 
hundred  bultle-fields"  iji  the  past  war,  gives  the 
strongest  assurance — stronger  than  words — how 
she  will  bear  herself  again  in  any  succeeding  fight. 
I  can  say,  with  perfect  sincerity,  for  my  coustit- 
I  ueius,  and  fiir  Kentuckiaua  generally,  that,  though 
i  thry  want  no  war,  if  war  come,  without  any  ref- 
'  erence  to  party  distinctions,  forgetful  of  party  di- 
j  visions,  remembering  only  the  common  danger  and 
;  their  common  brotherhood.  Democrats  and  Whigs, 
with  equal   pnlriolism  and  equal  valor,  will  stand 
side  by  side,  ready  to  repel  the  foe  which  threatens 
to  invade  the  soil;  they  will  not  be  the  lost  to  go, 
!  or  the  first  to  quit  the  field. 

I  . 

I 

I  OREGON  QUESTION. 

;  SPEECH  OF  MR.jTa.  McCLERNAND. 

OF    ILLINOIS, 
K'  TIIF.  HofSE  OF  RePRESF.NTATIVES, 

Jaiiuary  8,  I84G. 
On  the  Resolution  for  terminating  the  joint  occupa- 
tion of  Oregon. 

Mr.  McCLERNAND,  having  obtaining  the 
floor,  addressed  the  committee  as  follows: 

The  objections  (he  said)  which  had  been  taken 
to  the  resolution  had  been  made  to  assume  n  two- 
fold form:  first,  that  Congress  possessed  no  con- 
stitutional authority  to  enact  such  u  measure,  as  a 
late;  second,  admitting  such  authority  to  exist,  that 
it  would  be  inexpedient  to  do  so.  dissenting  from 
both  of  the.sc  objections,  I  will,  (said  Mr.  McC.,) 
according  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  endeavor  to 
answer  nnd  rel)ut  them. 

Upon  the  question  of  title  to  the  Oregon  territo- 
ry, I  have  but  little  to  sny,  otherwise  than  inci- 
dentally; thnt  question  is  ns  far  settled  as  public 
opinion  in  this  country  can  settle  it.  The  people, 
and  the  Government,  in  nil  ofits  departments  which 
linve  spoken  upon  the  subject,  have  affirmed  the 
vnliditv  of  our  titie.  At  the  Inst  session  of  Con- 
gress, I  expressed  my  views  upon  the  subject  nt 
large,  and  I  hope  not  without  some  success  in  elu- 
cidating it.  I  believed  then,  and  I  believe  now, 
our  title  to  be  valid  and  exclusive;  and  assuming 
this  position  to  be  true — to  be  established — I  will 
pass  to  the  consideration  of  the  question  1  nie- 
dintely  under  consideration. 

The  third  article  of  the  convention  of  October, 
1818,  between  the  United  Suites  and  Great  Britain, 
provides — 

"Thnt  any  country  that  may  be  claimed  by  either 
'  party  on  llie  northwest  coast  of  America,  west- 
'  ward  of  the  Stony  moiiniains,  shall,  together  with 
'  its  harliors,  bny.i,  and  creeks,  and  the  navigation 
'  of  all  rivers  within  ilie  same,  be  free  nnd  open,  for 
'  the  lirm  of  leu  years  from  the  date  of  the  signn- 
'  ture  of  the  presenl  convention,  to  the  vessels,  citi- 
•  zens,  and  subjects  of  the  two  Powers,"  &c. 

The  convention  between  the  snme  parties,  of 
August,  1827,  in  its  first  article  stipulates: 

"  All  the  provisions  of  the  third  article  of  the 
'  convention  coiicluilcd  between  the  United  States 
'  of  America  uiid  his  Majesty  the  King  of  the  Uni- 
'  led  Kingdom  of  Gre.at  llritnin  and  Ireland,  on  the 
'  aOth  of  October,  1818,  shall  be,  and  they  are 
'  hereby,  further  indefinitely  extended  and  contin- 
j  '  ued  in  force,  in  the  same  manner  as  if  all  the 
'  provisions  of  the  said  article  were  herein  specifi- 
'  cally  recited." 

The  second  article  of  tiie  latter  convention  pro- 
vides: 


^1 


S74 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  9, 


29th  Con« 1st  Sess. 


h'< 


Tfie  Oregon  (^testion—Mr.  Mc  demand. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


"  It  slinll  be  competent,  however,  for  either  of 
'  the   coiitnictins  parties,  in   case   eitlicr  should 

*  lliiiik  fa.  Hi  any  time  after  the  20th  of  October, 
'  IsaS,  on  givin?  due  notice  of  twelve  months  to 
'  the  other conlraclinj;  party,  to  annul  and  nbrn- 

*  gate  tliis  cnnvention;  and  it  Hhnll,  in  9uch  cnse, 
'  be  acrordingry  entirely  nnnuiled  and  nbroffnted, 
'  nficr  the  expiration  of  the  said  term  of  notice." 

These  Hliimlations  form  the  basis  of  the  present 
de'iale,  anil  have  )in)vcd  to  be  ihc  source  of  all  the 
ditlicultirM  and  aijitntions  which  now  perplex  the 
Oregon  qveslinn.  Jupiter,  according  to  profane  liia- 
tnry,  .jealdus  of  the  gifts  of  the  rest  of  the  $;ods, 
erulowcd  Pandora  with  a  hex,  as  a  token  of  hope 
ami  peace;  but,  to  the  surnriae  of  tlic  donee,  and 
to  the  misfortune  of  niaiiKlnd,  this  emblem,  so 
fair  and  proniisinj  to  the  iniiigination,  proved  to 
ho  the  source  of  all  evil.  Troni  its  contents  were 
scAlierrd  I'orlh  over  the  world  the  seeds  of  compli- 
calid  ills — disease,  strilc  and  violence.  So,  fir, 
with  ilii'se  fatal  Ktipiilaiions,  adopted  as  a  pledf^e 
of  peace  and  nniitv,  "to  prevent  disputes  anil  coii- 
trinersies,"  they  luivc  provoked  controversy,  and 
well-nis;'  plunKcd  friendly  nations,  again.s't  their 
consent,  .nto  the  horrors  of  war. 

Let  them,  therefore,  be  rescinded — the  sooner 
the  bettor;  and  purtieularly  by  the  action  of  the 
/(HP-making  power,  iiy  such  a  course,  the  parlies, 
now  fettered  and  bound,  will  be  remitted  to  their 
original  conditions,  and  thus  loft  free  (o  do  what- 
soever their  interesis,  their  hontu',  and  justice  nniy 
reipiire.  But  to  ibis,  nbjcctioii  has  been  made, 
upon  the  ijt'  undo'''le  incompeien''y  of  Conifress, 
under  the  Consliluiion,  to  ubrogale  treaties.  Treat- 
ing of  this  point,  the  minorily  of  the  Commiiiee 
on  Foreign  AlTairs,  in  their  adyersc  report,  .say: 

"The  House,  by  its  resolution,  nnghl  declare 
'  that  it  was  expedient  or  inexpedient  to  ^ivc  ibis 
'  notice;  and  if  in  the  one  form  or  the  nihcr,  the 
'  President  might  or  might  not  give  heed  to  it.    lint 

*  it  luts  no  jiDvei'  to  nriginatey  or  to  concur  in  a  li'gis- 
'  lalirc  proceeiHn;;,  irhelliry  in  the  form  of  joint  rtso- 

*  htlion  or  6(i/,  to  imtlioriir  this  iivllce  to  be  girnu  It 
'  Clin luitlur  girr  nor  irithhold poicer  to tluU  inil. 

*'  It   is  conceded  that   the  concurrence  of  the 

*  House  in  a  resolution,  or  bill,  authorizing  ihis  no- 
'  tice,  would  not  in  any  degree  afi'eit  i'.s  validity.  Ihit 
'  its  adoption  by  tlic  Itrn  dei>nrtmenls  of  gorcrnmint, 
'  in  thtfonn  of  a  ien'mtiilire  procffi/ing,  troiild  trans- 
'/ir  it  from  llie  trealy-mtikins;  to  the  /nir-mnAiiig 
*;)0tcfr,  and  in  this  mode  the  irtcidenlat^  but  iin/iur/- 

*  ant  question^  whether  the  assent  of  two-tliirds  if  the 
'  Senate  would  be  neeesmni,  might  be  eriiiled.  It 
'  irou/(/  also  tend  to  break  down  the  jniytilion  if  our 

*  (jorrrntar «(  among  rnrioii.s  branches,  bif  mijcing  vp 
'  l/i(  House  in  nil  ojierafinii  which  the  Ci.nstitution  had 
'  entrusted  to  other  functionaries.  .Ind  ir/ii/  should 
'  the  House,  by  a  riolation  if  all  propriily  in  fortn, 
'  and  mthmU  any  effectire  authority  oter  the  subject, 
'  make  ilulf  a  party  to  this  proceeding  f     If  the  no- 

*  lice  be  expedient  and  proper,  it  lias  become  so 
'  without  its  act.  It  is  rendered  so  by  the  refusal 
'  of  the  President  to  arbitrate  the  controversy,  und 
'  bv  his  closing  further  ncgotiniion." 

Prom  these  doctrines,  I  totally  dissent.  Even  if 
the  President  and  Senate  alone  possess  the  power 
to  originate  treaties,  it  does  not  follow  that  Con- 
gress cannot  abrogate  them.  This  question  refers 
Itself  to  two  lesis:  as  a  general  propositi(n),  to  the 
principles  of  poliiical  science;  as  a  special  one,  to 
the  Constitution.  In  either  point  of  view,  I  affirm 
the  competency  of  Congress  to  act  upon  the  sub- 
ject. The  powers  of  government  are  usually  ap- 
portioned among  three  departineiiLs:  the  execu- 
tive, which  is  charged  wiih  the  execution  of  the 
laws;  the  legislative,  which  is  charged  with  the 
duty  of  nmkiiii:  laws;  and  ilie  judiiiary,  to  which 
is  assigned  the  duly  of  expounding  and  .idmiijis- 
tering  the  laws.  To  neither  one  of  these  de|iart- 
ments,  disiinct  from  the  mliers,  does  the  treaty- 
making  power  luiiiirally  appertain — with  no  one 
lo  ihe  e-vclusicin  of  ihe  others  doe*  it  Inumonicaisly 
blend.  It  rests  upon  no  positive  .uithority  which 
can  give  it  an  operative  encri^y  upon  nitlional  sov- 
ereignty, but  finds  its  sanct.oii  and  etiicieney  in 
the  necessities,  content  mii\  faith  of  iiaiions.  It  is  n 
power  sui  generis,  bh  niliiig  itself  with  government 
ns  a  vhole,  rather  than  with  any  of  its  branches  or 
elementary  divisions:  it  operates  by  contract,  and 
binds  by  the  canons  ifmoralitij.  Wherefore,  then, 
ran  It  be  properly  i:la.isert  witii  the  executive  any 
moi-e  limn  with  the  lcgiiil,iti\e  or  the  judiciary  ?  or 


with  tlin  latter  any  more  than  with  the  former.' 
I  The  truth  is,  the  fm-ms  of  its  exe>-iise  mtiBt  be  ac- 
I  cording  to  the  prtnci;i/es  and  oi;;(niiz(i(i<>n  of  Ihe 
I  partictUitr  government.' 

i      The  Constitution  of  the  Uniletl   Slates  so  far 
j  modifies  this  general  principle  ns  to  dclegnle  nn  ex-  ! 
I  elusive  authority  to  the  President  and  Senate  lo  j 
I  make  treaties;  but  in  another  chuise  it  in  eflw.t  del-  | 
I  egnles  n  co-ortlinalc  pnwir  to  Congress  to  idirofgate  • 
I  them.     It  declares  that  "  Ihe  laws  of  the  United  j 
Slates  which  shall  be  nintlc  in  pursuance"  of  the  i 
I  Constitution,  -'and  nil   treaties   made,  or  which  I 
'  shall  be  made,  under  the  authority  of  the  United  i 
i  Slates,  shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land."  1 
i  Treaties,  therefore,  are  iilacedupon  the  same  foot-  i 
I  ing  of  ot/irr  laws, and, like  them, are  declared  lobe  j 
the  "supreme  law  of  the  land."     AVluil  now  is  the  I 
power  of  Congrc' s  over  Ihe  laws  of  the  land .'  The 
Constitution  deolares  that  "all   legistatire  powers 
herein  granted,  shall  be  rested  in  a  Congress  of  the 
United  States."    Congress,  therefore,  by  viriue  of 
this  provision,  is  vested  with  a  legislalive  jurisdic- 
tion, limiled  <Mily  by  the  terms  of  the  Conslilution 
and   the  forms  of   onr  system   of  Goyerninent. 
Hence  Congress  may  annul  a  treaty,  being  a  law, 
although  expressly  exchided  from  the  formation 
of  treaties.     It  is  limited  inily  in  the  originn/ion  of 
laws,  and  that  only  in  the  instance  of  (realies,  but  \\ 
has  plenary  power  to  abrcgale  nil   laws,  whether  i; 
pxi.stingin  ihc  form  of  Irculics  or  of  legislative  en-  |j 
acimeni,  subject,  of  course,  to  any  rights  which  li 
may  have  been  legally  vested  under  them.  ■] 

It  was  in  virtu  Vof  lliis  power  and  upon  thisprin-  r 
eiple  that  Congress,  in  1798,  abrogated  the  treaty  j, 
of  "amily  and  commerce,"  and  the  treaty  of  "nl-  ' 
liance."  between  the  United  Slates  and  Louis  the  j 
XVI.,  King  of  France,  of  February,  1798.  This  j| 
ncl,  after  reciting  the  causes  inducing  it,  is  in  these  ; 
words:  '; 

"  lie  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  ofltep-  \ 
'  resentiitires  of  the    United   Slates   of  .linerica,  in   ' 
'  Congriss  assembled.  That  the  United  Stales  are  of: 
'  right,  free  and  exonerated  from  the  slipiihuions  of 
'  the  treaties,  and  of  the  cmisiihir  cnnvenlion,  liere- 
'  lofore  cimcliided  between  the  United  States  and 
'  France;  and  that  the  smiuc  shall  not  hencel'orib  be  ! 
'  regarded  as  h-irnll v  obligatcu-y  on  the  Government  , 
'  orcilizens  of  the  Uniled  Stales."  ii 

It  is  ■■iubmitled,  however,  whether  the  President  " 
and  Senate  can  by  trealy  abrogate  a  law  of  Con-   ; 
gicss.   Their  authority  being  special,  und  forming 
an  exception  to  the  ecneial  Icsislative  grant,   it  is    , 
perhaps  more  llian  doubtl'iil  whether  they  can  su- 
persede n   legislative  eimclinent.      The  pi  wer  of 
repeal  may  not  be  rcci]n'ocal  between  the  in-aty 
and  law-making  branches  of  Government.   Again: 
Congress  may '^  decline  war,  and  grant  letters   nf , 
iimri/iic  and  reprisal."    This  power  evidently  car-  , 
lies  with  il  that  of  annulling  treaties;  for  war  and 
a  treaty  of  amity  cannot  exist  between  the  same 
parlies  at  the  same  time. 

Convenience,  it  is  true,  Mr.  Cliaimmn,  might  | 
elei  t  the  President  and  Senate  us  the  more  appro- 
priate agents  lo  make  treaties;  but  the  interests  of 
the  country  and  the  safety  of  its  instilutions  would 
be,  no  doubt ,  as  well  subserved  by  vesting  a  eo-ordi-  1 
mite  power  lo  annul  them  in  Congress.    For  such  a  | 
purpose  such  a  lodgement  of  power  would  doubtless 
!  bens  safe  and  judicious  as  in  the  more  nristocralical  ■ 

and  less  responsible  combination  of  the  President 
i  and  Senate.     Abundant  evidences  of  the  tnilh  of 
this  assertion  m:iy  be  found  in  the  history  of  the  i 
country.     One  instance  1  will  here  mention,  re- 
'  serving  olliei's  for  a  place  in  ancnher  part  of  my 
speech.     Congress  passed  a  law  in  March,  18.')9, 
authorizing  the  President  "  to  employ,  at  his  dis- 
'  cretion,thc  entire  naval  and  military  forces  of  the 
'  United  Slates,  und  any  portion  of  the  militia  of 
'  the  Uniled  Stales, "and  also  placed  at  his  disposal 
!!(1((,(H)0,000,  to  enforce  by  arms,  if  necessary,  our  ' 
riirlit  to  exclusive  juiisdiclion  over  tlint  part  of 
Maine  then  in  dispute  between  us  and  Great  Brit- 
ain.    Yet  in  Augusl,  1H4"J,  a  treaty  was  concluiled  , 
by  the    President   and    Sciinlc  with   that   Power, 
which  nullified  the  pnlriolic  decree  of  Congress;  | 
which  dismembered  Maine  and  Massachusetts  of, 
3,a07,K(IUaiTesoff'iie soil;  which  transfeired a por-  : 
tion  of  the  free  citizens  of  the  Uniled  Slates,  with-  i 
out  their  consent,  to  a  foreign  monarchy;  which  j 
lost  I"  ns  the  mountain  range  won  by  the  Revohi-  i 
trjn,  ana  rctauied  by  the  treaty  of  peace  of  1783,  | 
,18  a  barrier  against  invasion,  and  which  exposed  < 


our  northeastern  iVontier  to  the  fm  wing  batteries  snil 
formidable  armnmenls  of  a  contiguous  rival,  from 
Lake  Pfdicnngainoc  on  the  northeast  to  Ihe  Lake 
of  the  Woods  on  the  northwest.  From  these  con- 
siderations I  am,  sir,  in  fevor  of  repeal — yes,  legis- 
Ittlivt  repeal  of  the  convention,  I  am  in  favor  of  this 
mctisure,  because,  in  the  form  it  is  proposed,  it  will 
tend  in  itself  to  impose  a  wholesome  check  upon 
the  treaty-making  power;  because  it  will  bring  the 
President  and  Senate  closer,  and  render  them  prac- 
tically more  responsible  lo  tlic  people;  and  because, 
ton,  the  President  has  recommended  in  his  late 
Message  that  "  provision  by  lenv  be  mode  for  tcr- 
minathigit," 

Democrats,  Mr.  Chairman,  shonld  he  ever  ac- 
tive and  vigilant  in  preserving  the  checks  and  bal- 
ances of  free  Government;  they  should  remember 
that  the  "price  of  liberty  is  eternal  vigilance;" 
that  Ihe  advances  of  power  are  ns  insidious  as 
lliey  are  dangerous.  When  we  recur  lo  the  his- 
tory of  the  world,  we  find  that  mankind  have  been 
divided  into  two  great  political  parties  in  all  ages: 
the  party  of  the  many  and  the  party  of  the  few — 
the  jinrty  of  justice  and  e(|unlity,  and  Ihc  party  of 
privilege  and  privileged  orders.  The  one  party  has 
struggled  with  a  disinterested  brnevulfncc  to  re- 
strain the  excesses  of  power,  by  ditl'using  il  nmonsr 
the  masses;  the  other  has  endeavored ,  with  a  proud 
and  ]iersevering  selfishness,  to  render  it  irrespon- 
sible, by  corcentraiing  it  in  a  .small  compass,  and 
placing  it  nliove  the  jieople.  Need  I  recur  to  ex- 
am])les  to  prove  the  truth  of  this  assertion .'  A 
touching  incident  occurs  in  Niebuhr's  History  of 
Rome,  which  I  will  repent  in  the  eloquent  and 
graphic  language  of  the  iiistorinn,  ns  equally  curi- 
ous and  inslruclive.  In  the  liitter  days  of  the  first 
period  of  Roman  monarchy,  closinir  with  Ihe  reign 
ofTarquiii  the  Proud, the  iilebeian  order  were  treat- 
ed as  mere  machines — lialile  to  lie  used  or  abused 
by  Ihe  patriciims,  lo  almost  any  purpose  their 
selfishness  or  rapacity  might  dictate;  they  were 
liable  to  be  required  to  fight  the  battles  of  their 
country,  yet  were  denied  even  lands  for  their  hnb- 
ilntion  in  the  territtnics  conquered  by  their  valor — 
the  profits  of  war  were  appropriated  ns  the  spoils 
of  victory  by  the  patricians:  they  were  denicil  tlio 
right  of  a|>penl,  under  ihe  yalerian  Zntp,  from  tho 
unjust  and  cruel  judgments  of  the  consuls  upon 
the  issues  of  life  and  proiierty;  and,  moreover, 
weri!  liable  to  be  sold  into  llie  most  degrading  and 
revolting  slavery  for  debt.  These  nccuinulaled 
oppressions  and  outrages  the  jjlebei  uis  had  for 
many  years  struggled  in  vain  to  tlirf.w  oO".  Ulti- 
mately, however,  a  spark  set  fire  to  the  inflamma- 
ble material,  which,  kindling  into  the  premonitions 
of  a  civil  war,  served  for  a  season  to  allbrd  them  a 
res}>ite,  although,  a.i  they  thought,  a  permanent 
protection  against  tyranny.  "  An  old  man,  who 
'  had  esc.iped  from  nis  creditors'  prison,  in  squnl- 
'  id  rags,  pale  and  famishing,  with  haggard  beard 
'  and  hair,  cried  in  agony  to  the  Quiritcs  for  help. 
'A  crowd  gather  around  him;  he  showed  ihem 
'  the  bloody  marks  of  his  inhuman  treatment;  he 
'told  them' that,  after  having  fought  eight-nnd- 
'  twenty  battles,  his  house  and  farm-yard  had 
'been  plundered  and  burnt  by  the  enemy;  the 
'  famine  during  the  Etruscan  war  had,com|)elled 
'  him  to  sell  his  all;  he  hud  been  forced  to  borrow; 
'  his  debt,  through  usury,  had  run  up  to  many 
'  times  its  original  amount;  whereupon  his  crcdil- 
*  ors  had  obtained  judgment  against  him  ar.d  his 
■  two  sons,  and  had  put  them  in  chains.  Disfig- 
'ured  as  his  features  were,  many  recognised  a 
'brave  captain;  compassion,  indignalioii  spread 
'  nn  uproar  through  the  whole  city,  and  Ihe  niens- 
'  urcs  taken  to  compose  the  internal  dis.sensio.is, 
'  gave  birth  to  nn  institution,  oi'  a  nature  wholly 
'  peculiar,  whic.h  s|n-eiid  the  niiijesly  and  the  cni- 
'  pire  of  the  Roman  people,  and  preserved  for  n 
'.time  the  republic  from  revolutions  and  tyranny — 
'  I  mean  the  tribunate." 

This  w;i8  the  glorious  achievement  of  justice  and 
humanity — of  right  over  might — of  the  sull'ering 
many  over  the  scheming  few.  But  Ihe  triunipli 
was  soon  shorn  of  mucli  of  its  fruits.  The  pa- 
tricians anticipating  the  necessity  of  making  a  con- 
cession to  ajipense  the  crushed  and  lacerated  mul- 
titude, had  already  contrived  the  means  of  parlially 
re-enslaving  them.  Availing  themselves  of  a  cmi- 
juncture  in  the  previous  struggle  favorable  to  the 
authority  of  one  man,  a  diclntor  was  established — 
elevated  above  llie  laws,  the  Senate  and  the  people. 


f3 


[Jan.  8, 


'  Reps. 

bnttericsantl 
!  rival,  from 
10  the  Lnko 
m  these  con- 
l — yes,  lerin- 
favorof  this 
posed,  it  will 
check  upon 
r'M  briiiR  the 
it  them  prac- 
nnd  because, 
1  ill  liis  late 
made  for  tcr- 

lie  ever  ac- 
;cks  and  bal- 
ild  remeniber 
.1  vigilance;" 
innidinus  as 
ir  U)  the  lii.s- 
iid  have  been 
■a  in  nil  ages: 
of  Ihc  few — 
I  the  party  of 
one  party  has 
/ul»nce  to  re- 
sing  it  amona; 
,  with  a  proud 
r  it  irrcspon- 
coinpass,  and 
I  recur  to  ex- 
isserlinn  ?    A 
■'«  History  of 
eloquent  and 
1  equally  euri- 
ivBof  the  lirst 
with  the  reign 
der  were  treat- 
ised  or  abused 
purpose  their 
le;  they  were 
)altles  of  their 
for  their  hnb- 
y  their  valor — 
1  as  the  spoils 
ere  dcnicil  tlio 
luto,  from  the 
consuls  upon 
ud,  moreover, 
dcjjrading  and 
accumulated 
Ills  bad  for 
w  ofl".    Ulti- 
ihe  inllamma- 
premonitiona 
[(lord  them  a 
,  a  permanent 
old  man,  who 
ison,  in  squal- 
haggnrd  beard 
iritcs  for  help, 
showed  them 
treatment;  he 
Jit  eight-nnd- 
jrm-yanl  had 
e  enemy;  the 
had, compelled 
d  to  borrow; 
up  to  many 
)on  Ilia  credit- 
liim  ar.d  his 
aiiia.    Disfig- 
i-ecognised  a 
laliou  spread 
and  the  iiieas- 
dissensio.is, 
nature  wlinlly 
,  and  the  cm- 
■eservcd  for  a 
nd  tyranny — 

of  justice  and 
the  sulVerins 
Ihe  Iriuinidi 
ilts.  The  pa- 
makiiiK  a  con- 
laccraled  mul- 
nsof  parlially 
'Ives  of  a  coii- 
vonible  to  the 
estiiblished — 
nd  tlic  people, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


275 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Tlie  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  McCkrnand. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


who  in  turn  lent  the  dc/tpolic  authority  of  hia  office  { 
to  the  patricians.    The  same  historian,  writing  of] 
this  officer,  says:  "  The  object  alined  at  in  the  in- 
'  stitution  of  the  dictatorship  was  to  evade  Ihe  'Va- 
'  lerian  laws,'  and  to  esttiulish  the  unlimited  au- 

•  thorily  of  the  patricians  over  the  plebeians,  even 

•  within  the  barriers  and  the  mile  of  their  liberties, 

•  for  the  appeal  to  the  commonalty  granted  by  that 

•  law  was  from  the  acnteuce  of  the  consuls,  not 
'  from  that  of  this  new  magistrate."  It  was  also 
established  for  the  purpose  of  concentrating  ii.  the 
hands  of  one  man,  a  greater  control  over  t''C  issues 
of  peace  and  war,  and  the  general  subir eta  of  inter- 
national Hriangemcnt.  And  thus,  by  trick  and 
cratY,  was  tyroiiny  restored  in  a  new,  if  not,  from 
the  temporary  character  of  this  office,  in  so  per- 
manent, a  form. 

Other  examples  to  the  same  effect  are  not  want- 
ing. Venice,  that  figured  more  than  n  thousand 
years,  the  wonder  and  rival  of  the  independent 
States  of  Europe,  originated  a  democracy,  acclaim- 
in,';  her  laws  through  the  (;o«cio  of  the  people,  and 
after  various  political  vicissitudes  fell  n  heartless, 
cruel,  cornipt,  and  tyrannous  oligarchy.  Charles 
the  First,  defeated  in  his  purposes  of  making  him- 
self, by  forcj,  an  absolute  prince,  fell  upon  the  strat- 
agem of  elfecling  his  object  by  merging  the  juris- 
diction of  the  rii'iJ  in  the  sfirilaal  courts,  of  which 
kitter  he  was  the  head.  And  in  our  country  we 
are  not  without  instances  tending  to  like  results. 
We  have  had  a  naliimal  bunk,  by  which  a  corpo- 
ration of  the  Federal  Government  lian  been  enabled 
to  acquire  immense  quantities  of  the  lands  of  sove- 
reign States,  when  the  Gov  •iimcnt  itself,  the  pow- 
er that  created  the  cori.  ion,  is  prohibited  in 
effect  from  acquiring  lanos  within  the  limits  of  the 
States,  by  virtue  of  that  clause  of  the  Constitution 
which  pmhibils  to  it  the  exercise  of  jurisdiction 
over  lands  within  their  limits  except  with  their 
consent,  and  for  the  purpose  of  erecting  forts  and 
other  neeitful  public  buildings.  Now,  still  further 
to  extend  the  encroachments  of  concentrated  power, 
it  is  proposed  to  raise  the  President  and  Senate  in 
.supremacy  over  the  constitutional  authority  of  the 
Legislature,  to  deny  to  the  |iopular  branch  of  Con- 
gress the  right  to  demand  and  participate  in  the 
abrogation  of  a  pernicjoua  treat  v. 

The  gentleman  from  South  Carolina,  [Mr. 
UiiFT-T,]  who  addre.«.sed  the  comniittre  the  other 
clay  in  opposition  to  the  notice,  challenged  the 
friends  of  the  me;isure  to  show  why  it  .should  be 
passed:  he  asked,  with  a  .seeming  air  of  triumph, 
what  good  reasons  could  be  assigned  in  its  behalf? 
There  are  many,  sir;  some  of  which,  most  import- 
ant in  my  estiiimlion,  I  will  endeavor  to  exhibit. 
J'irst:  Oregon  is  ours,  every  inch  ours,  tVom  iHP 
to  54°  40',  north  latitude,  inclusive;  and  being 
ours,  the  honor  and  inlerests  of  the  country  require 
that  we  should  take  possession  of  it.  The  Ameri- 
can title  to  Oregon  rests  upon  several  grounds — 
the  rights  of  discovery  by  the  United  States  and 
Spain,  and  the  pre-occupation  of  the  territory  by 
bcitli  these  Powers  as  against  Kngland.  Vp  to  the 
period  of  the  late  war,  we  were  in  txclusive  pos 
session  of  the  country.  In  1818,  Lord  C'astle- 
leagli,  the  Kiitish  Minister  of  Foreign  Affnlis,  ad- 
mitted the  fact;  and  in  the  same  year,  Astoria,  a 
post  esUiblished  by  American  citizens,  and  then 
conimniiding  the  whole  terriuiry,  was  formally  re- 
stored to  us,  under  the  article  of  the  treaty  of  1818, 
which  stipulates  that  "idl  territories,  places,  and 
possessions,  taken  by  cither  parly  [ilie  United 
Slates  or  Great  rtriiniii]  from  the  ollior,  during  the 
war,"  with  certain  exceptions,  ".shall  be  restored," 
&c.  But,  in  dereliction  of  the  rights  aullicnticalcd 
by  these  facls.the  conveniion  of  1827  admits  Great 
I'ritaiu  to  a  joint  nmfract  in,  and,  according  to  the 
views  of  some  gentlemen,  a  divided  jiirisiliclioii 
over,  the  whole  lerrilory.  Should  such  a  condition 
of  things  be  continued.'  Ought  it  not  to  be  termi- 
nated ?  When  did  (ireat  Uritaiii  grant  a  joint  usu- 
fruot  and  a  divided  jurisdiclion  in  her  doinini(nis? 
iVevcr.  Her  policy  has  been,  to  gel  all  and  give 
nr'thing — to  grasp  nil  national  individuality  within 
the  broad  limits  of  a  world-wide  empire.  Look, 
for  example,  to  the  phiiidercd  and  desolated  plains 
of  Allgluuiisian;  to  the  smoking  ruiii.5  of  the  fort- 
ress of  Hi^ke's  Pah,  111  New  Zealand.  Great  lirit- 
ain  is  securing  all  slip  could  secure  unmolested,  in- 
dependent of  the  conveulion.  She  has  esuiblishcd 
civil  mid  criminal  jurisdiction  over  the  country. 
Her  subjects  hunt,  trap,  uiid  fish,  tliroiighout  its 


limits;  they  are  stripping  the  lands  of  their  timber,  ' 
and  are  appropriating  the  best  locations  for  the  1 
purposes  of  commerce  and  agriculture.     At  Van- 
couver, Colville,  Nasqiinlly ,  and  other  posts,  farms 
have  been  opened,  and  wheat,  barley,  and  potatoes,  ; 
arc  raised  in  abundance.     At  Vancouver,  in  par-  j 
ticiilar,  there  is  a  farm  nine  miles  scniare,  supplied 
with   one   hundred   milch   cows,  three   thousand 
head  of  cjittle,  two  thousand  five  hundred  head  of 
sheep,  and  three  hundred  brood  mares — all   the 
property  of  the  British  Puget's  Sound  Company. 
She  has  established  thirly-one  forts,  .sca'tered  from 
the  Pacific  to  the  Rocky  mountains,  and  from  Fort  i 
Simpson  on  the  north  to  Fort  U;npqa  on  the  south,  ! 
which  are  garrisoned  by  ilie  servants  i  if  the  Hud-  i 
son  Bay  Company,  am)  are  liable,  at  any  time,  to 
be  employed  by  tiie  Government  of  Great  Itrilain  ■ 
to  conquer,  by  furccy  what  she  docs  not  jjos.sess  by 
right.     It  has  been  her  cimslant  policy  to  impress 
the  American  settlers  in  Orcg(m  with  the  ide:i  tluit 
any  settUmtnts  they  mlKlil  make  to  the  north  of 
the  Columbia  wouhl  be  disposscs.sed,  if  necessary, 
by  the  bayonet;  whilst  those  made  or  to  be  made 
upon  the  south  of  that  stream  would  not  be  dis- 
turbed. 

P>y  this  device,  she  has  until  now  succeeded  in 
limiting  the  American  settlements  to  the  south  of 
the  Columbia;  in  the  nieanlime,  she  has  liern  occu- 
pying the  country  to  the  north,  converting  her 
lempomry  huts  for  the  jiurposcs  of  trading  and 
fishing,  into  agricultural  settlemenis,  and  strenijlh- 
ening  her  numerous  trading  posts,  by  arming  them 
for  the  permanent  maintenance  of  ihe  whole  or  a 
large  portion  of  the  country.  The  elleci  of  this 
policy  lias  been,  and  will  be,  to  cnconrnL'e  the  spirit 
of  British  encroachment;  it  will  tend  to  array  the 
intercsla  of  American  settlers  against  their  patriol- 
is'u;  it  will  distract  their  purposes  and  paralyze 
their  energies.  It  is  a  fict  to  which  we  cannot 
close  our  eyes,  that  a  lukewaruniess  prevails,  to 
some  extent,  in  some  of  the  eiiies  u|ion  the  Atlan- 
tic seaboard  in  regard  to  the  Oregon  question. 
Why  is  this  so.'  Is  it  not  owing  to  the  appre- 
hension thai,  in  ease  of  war,  American  shipping 
may  be  destroyed,  commerce  crippled,  ,ind  nrop- 
erly  lost?  Yes,  this  would  be  theanswer.  Well, 
may  it  not  be  sup])osed  that  American  enii^'rants 
In  Oie<;oii,  who  baveeslalillsheil  themselves  on  tl  .. 
south  of  the  Columbia,  and  whose  prayers  to  tl.eir 
Government  for  jiroteclion  have  been  so  long 
mocked,  will  sympathize  in  similar  apprehensions? 
It  is  but  fair  to  suppose  so.  For  this  reason,  there- 
fore, if  for  no  iillicr,  the  convention  should  be  ter- 
minated, and  the  whole  of  Orcion  thrown  open  to 
Anierici.i  sculcnienls,  freed  froc.  ill  reslrainls.  I( 
is  urged,  however,  that  time  will  eflVci  everyihing 
for  us.  How  so?  Until  now  it  has  ed'ected  every- 
thing against  ns — has  been  our  ;rreiilesi  enemy.  A 
masterly  inactivity — astaieof  risiiifrtiic — will  avail 
nothing  against  the  scheming  jiolicy  and  active 
means  of  Great  Britain.  It  would  be  as  vain  for 
us  to  expect  to  secure  the  golden  prize  of  Oregon 
by  iio»  action,  as  to  sonpose  that  the  courser  who 
refuses  to  run  will  beat  his  speeding  adversary. 
NiMther  will  it  avail  us  much  ti>  encourage  emijrra- 
lioii  thither  as  a  substantive  and  sufficient  menus  of 
securing  the  country.  Great  Britain,  in  that  re- 
speci,  possesses  abundant  means  to  counteract  us. 
She  can  oOVr  the  inducement  of  chartered  privi- 
leges and  monopolies  of  trade,  to  encourage  and 
ausrinent  emigralion;  we  cannot — the  nature  of  our 
insiilulions  forbid  il.  Devoid  of  this  ability,  we 
still  refuse  to  grant  bounties  of  money,  a  rifle,  an 
axe,  a  spade,  or  anythimr  else.  In  compensate  for 
it.  The  utmost  verge  of  ceucrosily  to  which  any 
gentleman  has  gone,  has  been  to  |ironiise  to  give 
our  cmigraiils  lands  when  thetf  themselves  by  their 
iiiriiifciT.s  have  fcarialihj  conquered  the  country. 
Such  ninnifii'enci'  is  certainly  obliging.  It  is  a  sub- 
limation of  gcncrosily  that  the  hardy  pioneer,  who 
goes  forth,  amidst  dangers  and  difficulties,  to  plant 
the  flag  of  his  country  upon  distant  lands,  will 
hardly  lie  able  to  appreciaie — will  despise.  The 
inducements  to  emigralion,  llicrefcu'e,  belong  to 
Great  Britain.  What,  now,  of  her  relative  capacily 
for  colonizntif  u?  The  population  of  the  United 
States  is  sparse,  a  few  millions  spread  over  a  vast 
extent  of  country,  for  the  most  part  devoid  of  any 
motive  lo  change  their  locations,  except  that  rest- 
less and  ciiterprising  spirit  which  animates  Ameri- 
can fVcemcn.  Emigration  would  extend  our  sel- 
llements,  and  render  a   population  already  too 


sparse,  stii.  more  sjiarse.  Not  so  with  Great  Brit- 
ain ;  by  colonization  she  would  primiotc  her  domes- 
tic safely,  and  at  the  same  time  extend  her  domin- 
ions. Her  population  ia  fearfVilly  redundant;  tho 
hungering  masses  are  struggling  with  a  mighty 
effort  to  rid  themselves  of  the  lionora  and  tortures 
of  storvntinn.  Human  auffering  is  taxed  to  the 
Inst  point  uf  endurance,  and  confederated  king  and 
priestcraft  could  not,  therefore,  more  effectually  se- 


cure  themselves  against  volcanic  overthrow  than 

by  colonizing  her  gaunt  and  famishing  thousands 

in  a  di.stant  land.     Hence  the  capacity  as  well  as 

j  the  induccnicnts  to  emigration,  peculiarly  appcr- 

I  tain  to  Great  Erilain.     Another  reason  for  the  ter- 

]  minalion  of  the  convention  is  to  be  found  in  tho 

:  an.xious  desire  of  our  fV'llow-citizens  in  Oregon  to 

j  be  aegregateu  by  our  laws  and  institutions  with 

the  Government  of  the  United  States.     They  are 

t  wearied  and  disheartened  with  the  excitements  and 

j  unecrtainlies  of  their  present  situation,    hear  tlicra 

I  s|)eak  in  tlieir  own  noble  and  touching  language 

j  for  themselves: 

i      "  Agitated  by  the  uncertainties  of  national  dis- 

1  '  iiutcs;  assailoulc  from  the  ocean  on  one  aide,  and 

!  'surrounded  elsewhere  by  warlike  Indians,  and 

'  Kable  to  be  crushed  from  every  quarter;  more- 

;  '  over,  impelled  by  the  necessity  of  domestic  gov- 

'  eriimeiu  and  inlernal  police,  we  have,  according 

'  lo  the  immemorial  usage  of  Americana,  formed  for 

j  '  ourselves  a  government,  and  enacted  laws,  infor- 

'  '  miuion  conccring  which  lia.s.  already  been  trans- 

'  mittcd  to  the  seat  of  Government.     We  have  at 

;  '  |)resent  residing  auiong  us  an  Indian  agent,  cum- 

I  '  missioned  by  the  Wm'  Department,  in  whom  rc- 

'  sidei  the  only  trace  of  national  authority  found 

'  within  this  territory.     Yovr  meinoruilists  eaniestly 

:  '  ilfsire  to  impress  you  with  the  dangers  bij  which  theif 

'  are  enrompassed,  ami  the  difficiUties  whiih  perjilex 

'  them,  in  the  absence  of  all  government  adequate 

'  to  ihcir  defence  from  foes  abroad,  and  the  prescr- 

'  vation  of  internal  peace  and  order." 

For  these  reasons,  from  motives  of  humanity, 
duly,  friendship,  and  affection,  !  would  throw  the 
regis  of  xVmerican  laws  over  our  brethren  in  Ore- 
•,'oii.     I  would  feel,  should  we  omit  to  do  so,  that 
lliey  were   justified — yea,   neccssilaied    to    look 
abroad,  or  u>  their  own  individuality  as  an  indc- 
'  pendent  people,  for  protection.    And  whnt  have  we 
learned  upon  this  l.iltei  part  already?    Snlongneg- 
■  lected  by  the  fatherland,  iliey  have  already  broach- 
ed the  .subject  uf  their  poliiical  independency.  Ac- 
*  compaiiying  the  recently  pulilished  map  of  Oregon 
and   California,  by  Mi'lchell,  the  following  note 
may  be  found:  "Two  politii  al  iiartics  already  exist 
'  among  the  emigrants;  one  of  which  is  in  favor  of 
'  independence,  and  the  other  of  adhering  lo  the 
;  '  United  Slates." 

!      "  JMany  of  the  Americans,  besides  a  number  of 
'  the  individuals  in  the  employ  of  the  Hudson  Bay 
'.',  '  Company,  contemplate  the  formation  of  an  inde- 
j  '  pendent  government,  the  occupation  of  the  whole 
'  o  f  the  disiiuted  territory,  and  to  obtain,  if  possi- 
{  '  blc,  from  the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  the  cession 
I  '  of  all  their  forts  and  trading  houses." 
j      To  prevent  such  a  result — to  prevent  the  eslab- 
i  lisliment  of  a  rival  government  upon  our  own  bor- 
I  ders,  whicji,  in  the  nature  of  things,  must  become 
j  our  enemy  ratherthan  ourally  and  friend,  I  would 
I  grant  what  is  so  justly  asked  of  us  by  the  citizens 
i  of  Oregon.     I  would  give  the  notice,  liot  only  with 
a  view  to  ulterior  measures  for  their  protection 
,  ngninsi  the  British  and  the  numerous  .savage  bands 
that  surround  them,  but  because  many  gentlemen 
suppose  thai  until  the  noiice  is  given  such  meas- 
iiies  cannot  be  taken  cousisienlly  with  the  conven- 
iion and  ou""  national  faith.    It  is  al.so  a  "irt  of  the 
'  obligations  of  the  Government  to  e;  te       ihe  pro- 
leelion  of  its  laws  over  the  citi/enc  of  Oregon,  as 
.]  an  equivalent  for  their  allegiance  and  obedience  to 
:  its  bche^'is.     The  gciiileman  from  Alabama  [Mr. 
i  Yancey]  has  de.scriijed  ihe  convention  as  "  a  sub- 
slitute  for  wm',"asaii  altcrnutive  of  war,  and  has 
proclaimed,  in  beautiful  and  figurative   language, 
i  thattlieabrotntion  of  Ihe  convention  would  be  ipso 
i./'(ic(e  to  provoke  or  declare  war.    I  dilTcr  from  him 
I  in  this  position.     I  look  upon  the  convention  as  a 
J  mere  ti^mpoiary  arrangement  between  the  parties; 
i  liable  to  be  revoked  according  to  an  express  stip- 
I  ulntion,  without  affording  any  just  cause  of  war 
to  cither  one  of  them.  The  same  gentleman  admits 
our  title  to  be  valid  luid  exclusive;  yet  lie  eays  ho 


I 
'i'i 


i 


would  not  go  to  war  to  vindicate  it.    What  aro 


f"^^ 


276 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


Jan.  8, 


'<29tii  Cono lux  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (^lettion — Mr.  Mc  demand. 


Ho,  OF  Reps. 


ill 


w«  to  infer  flrom  these  inhnrmonious'poBilions? 
Nothing  else  llmt  I  ran  perceive  ihnn  that  he  would 
nbnndnn  our  title,  uuless  we  could  obtain  sncncenble 
recognitio'i  of  it  by  Great  Brituin — at  all  events, 
that  we  hIiduIiI  continue  the  bargain  by  which  we 
adniiilcd  Britain  tii  the  freedom  of  Oregon,  rather 
ihnu  rescind  it,  and  exclude  her  from  it  by  war. 
Would  the  irenilemnn  apply  the  same  doctrine  to 
the  patriotic  State  of  Alauama,  if,  by  some  improv- 
ident ari.Orpat  Uritaiii  had  been  allowed  to  intnide 
herself  into  that  Slate.'  No,  ceitaii>ly  not.  Yet, 
havinfr  ccuicedcd  the  validity  of  our  title  to  Ore- 
fTon,  he  would  find  it  dirticult,  on  principle,  to  di.s- 
linguixh  between  the  canes.  The  gentleman  from 
South  Carolina  [Mr.  Rhett]  also  joins  in  the  cry 
of  war,  and  deprecates  such  an  event,  not  only  as 
a  calamity  in  itself,  but  also  as  a  measure  lending, 
by  inevitiible  consequence,  to  utrengthen  the  ten- 
dencies of  the  Government  towards  cenlralizjition 
and  consolidation.  He  asserts  that  the  war  of  the 
Revolution  engulfed  uf>  in  ledcralism  niter  the 
adoption  of  ihe  present  constiliuiou  of  government; 
ihni  upon  the  termination  of  the  lost  war  we  found 
ourselves  in  a  like  situation.  All  this  may  be  Inie; 
yet,  sir,  it  either  proves  loo  nitich  or  it  proves  no- 
thing; it  proves  as  nuich  againsi  a  just  war  as  an 
unjust  one — against  a  war  of  defence  as  of  aggrcs- 
xion.  Yet  the  geulleman  would  scarcely  say  that 
liie  Revolution  cost  us  too  much  because  it  burden- 
ed us  for  a  period  with  a  debt  and  taxes,  ajid  Ihe 
misrule  of  federalism.  Nor  would  he,  1  i)resunie, 
»ay  that  it  would  have  been  belter  for  us  to  have 
borne  longer,  and  forever,  the  insult  to  our  flag 
upon  Ihe  high  seas,  and  the  outrage  of  impressing 
our  seamen  nito  a  foreign  .serviee,  than  to  have  re- 
sisted these  unbearable  injuries  nt  the  cost  of  on 
add'tlon  to  our  pension  list,  and  otiier  consequences 
which  gave  birth  to  a  national  bank. 

Differing  from  the  gentleman  in  the  views  he  hns 
expres.scd,  I  prediente  it  as  the  true  inaxiui,  that 
our  only  inquiry  should  be,  first  to  be  "  sure  we  are 
right,  and  then  to  go  ahead;"  that  we  should  "nsk 
nothing  that  is  not  right,  and  submit  to  nothing 
that  is  wroni:."     If  (Iregon  is  oui-s,  let  us  take  ii. 


If  Ihe  path  of  duly  is  beset  with  danger,  still  let  us 

I  forward,  as  it  becomes  brave  and  pairioiic 

men  to  do.     Hesitation  from  fear  would  be  cow- 


ardice; t'rom  ;)ar/is(iiufcij),  wickedness  or  folly.  But 
genilemrii  say  tlicrc  is  no  occasion  cither  for  fear 
or  he.siiiition;  that  all  may  be  attained  by  negotia- 
tion. Upon  what  assurance  is  this  assertion  rest- 
ed.' Certainly  not  upcm  our  exprrience.  If  we 
consult  that  as  a  test,  we  find  that  negotiation  has 
nearly  always  been  the  cause  of  injury — the  source 
of  disaster.  Negotiation  has  lo.st  us  much — would 
have  lost  us  more — and  has  gained  us  nothing. 
Jay's  treaty  authorized  the  anomalous  right  of  for- 
eigners residing  elsewhere  to  hold  and  transmit 
lands  by  descent  within  our  liniilsi  it  adniiitcd 
British  subjects  to  the  privileges  of  ingress  and 
egress,  whilst  it  cxcludcil  American  citizens  from 
the  territories  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company.  It 
did  still  more:  it  admitted  a  Trojan  horse  into  the 
very  heart  anil  citadel  of  the  country.  Under  the 
deceptive  mask  of  commerce,  it  admitted  the  Brit- 
ish naval  power  into  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi, 
from  its  mouth  to  its  sources.  Great  Britain  cov- 
eted this  la.st  acquisition  as  an  object  of  the  first 
importance.  She  foresaw  the  attendant  advantages 
it  would  secure  to  her  over  a  youn^,  but  formida- 
ble rival,  .\merican  diplomacy  did  not  heed  so 
vast  and  dantrerous  a  concession.  The  thundering 
erirines  of  the  Jupiter  Olympus  of  America — llie 
immortal  Kulton — had  not  then  furrowed  the  turbid 
bosom  of  tlie  great  father  of  rivers;  the  course  of 
Ibni  mighty  river  was  still  through  the  dark,  den.se 
foresis  which  had  not  yn  been  laid  low  by  Ihe 
woodman'a  axe.  The  red  man  was  unconscious 
that  his  native  power  was  to  lade  before  the  ad- 
vanrcs  of  the  pale  faces;  that  the  graves  of  his 
fathers  were  to  become  the  seats  of  cultivated  fields 
and  gorgeous  palaces.  These  thinirs,  these  mighty 
revolutions,  were  in  the  dim  distance;  and  Ameri- 
can diplomacij,  with  hedged  vision  and  unpenetra- 
ting  forethought,  overlooked  or  disregarded  them. 
What  further?  In  I8IH  and  lf*!7,  diplomacy,  with 
blundering  slupidily,  offered  to  sever  Oregon  l)y 
the  4!Hh  parallel;  conceding  to  Great  Britain  the 
country  to  the  ninth,  togetlier  with  the  free  navi-  , 
gatioii  of  the  Columbia.  In  184.'i  it  re-oflered  the 
49th  parilli-l;  and  last,  thongh  not  leost,  by  its  in- 
curable liliiiiliie^Hiniil  olilivioiis  delays,  has  involved 


'  our  title  to  Oregon,  originally  clear,  in  conf\ision 

I  and  doubt;  for  it  will  be  recollected  that,  in  1818, 
Great  Britain  set  tin  no  claim  to  the  joint  occupancy 
of  the  country.  The  great  body  of  the  people,  and 
ea|ieci«lly  those  of  Ihe  West,  have  no  confidence 

I  in  negotiation.     They  would  as  readily  subscribe 
to  the  truth  of  the  black  arts,  as  to  the  efficiency  of 
diplomatic  arts — tolherealiliesofHerr  Alexander's  i 
necromancy,  as  to  the  ability  of  a  minister  to  settle  I 
satisfactorily, by  negoliation,  the  vexed  difTicnlties 
of  the  Oregon  question.  At  their  vast  assemblages 
they  have  given  unequivocal  utterance  to  this  sen-  j 
timent.  At  the  Baltimore  Convention  thevdemand- ! 

!  ed  the  whole  of  Oregon.  In  my  own  State  their  ! 
banners  have  been  blazoned  with  the  mottoes  of 
"Orekon  niTiioiT  NEooTiATioN;"  "all  omont;"  j 
"noieornfrer. "  These  are  the  honest,  spontimeous  I 
ebullitions  of  the  people.  The  people  are  sovereign,  j 
let  their  voice  be  heard  and  obeyed.  | 

i      Oregon  is  oiu-s;  our  title  to  it  Is  established  "  by 
irrefragable   facts  and   .irguments" — it  does   not  j 
theretbrc  jtresent  a  case  for  negotiation  and  com- 
promise.    //  is  above  Ihe  power  of  goremwifii/,  iri(/i- 
oul  Ihe  erpreia  comrni  of  Iht  people,  to  iinnember  Us 
tnrilorien,  or  to  trunsfrr  the  allegiance  of  Us  citizens. 
The  function  of  government  is  to  preserve  and  pro- 
tect boih.     Territory  is  the  base  and  the  people  the 
lever  <i(  government:  to  alienate  one  or  the  other 
would  be  to  destroy  the  very  props  which  support 
it;  such  alienntiiui  would  be  aviolation  of  the  con- 1 
tract  of  goveriutienl:  it  cannot  trade  or  give  away  I 
lo  a  foreign  jurisdiction  either  its  lantii  or  citizens. 
The  same  doctrine  was  nvered  by  Mr.  Clay  upon 
the  question  of  the  alienation  of  Texas,  though  noi  ' 
to  the  same  excent.     In  \^Q0,  as  a  member  of  this 
body,  he  oflered  the  following  resolution  as  expres- 
sive of  his  opinion: 

"Resolved,  That  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
•  ."States  vCNis  in  t'ongress  tlie  power  to  di.spose  of 
'  the  territory  belonging  to  ihem;  nod  that  iwtrealy, 
'  purpoiiiiiir  to  alieniiieany  portion  thereof,  is  valid, 
'  without  the  concoiTcnce  of  (longress." 

Texas  in  that  case  was  not  dillcrent  from  Oregon 
in  this.  Texas  was  a  mere  territorial  possession; 
Oregon  is  the  same.  If  it  was  wrong  then  to  ne- 
gotiate away  Texas — and  such  is  the  judement  of 
the  American  people — it  is  equally  wrong  now  to 
negotiate  away  Orcffon;  and  if  it  may  be  supposed 
so  unwarrnnlable  an  net  will  be  perpetrated,  a  cor- 
resprutding  cry  will  be  raised  to  that  which  was 
raised  in  regard  to  Texas,  anil  will  be  kept  up  un- 
til lost  Oregon  is  reclaimed,  peaceably  if^  we  can, 
forcibly  if  we  must. 

Mr.  Polk  has  also  repeatedly  afllrmed  his  <on- 
vii'lion  of  the  validity  of  our  title,  and  his  willing- 
ness to  assert  il.  In  1B29,  in  the  course  of  a  speech 
upon  a  bill  to  extend  our  laws  over  Oregon,  he  said: 
"  If  it  shall,  at  nnv  time,  be  deemed  expedient 
'by  the  American  Congi'ess  to  pa.ss  this  bill,  or 
'one  of  its  import,  the  course  is  a  plain  one: 
'  First,  give  the  twelve  months'  notice  that  these 
'  treaties  (1818  and  1827)  are  annulled  and  abro- 
'  eated,  and  then  adopt  the  measure.  No  national 
'  treaty  would  then  be  violated,  because  none 
'  would  exist.  The  national  power  is  pledired  not 
'  to  violate  the  national  engagements,  fii  Ihe  mean 
'  time,  he  would  not  permit  Great  liritain,  or  antj 
'  I'over  on  earth,  to  take  exeltisive  possession  of  any 
'  portion  of  the  country.  A'o/orcign  Poxcer  should  he 
'  permitted  lo  colonize  there.  He  wnri.n  photect 
'the  nir.iiTs  of  Amehican-  citizens  tiieke." 
In  1844,  in  a  letter  to  a  meeiing  in  Cincinnati,  he 
said:  "  Let  Texas  be  annexed,  and  the  authoriiv 
'  and  laws  of  the  United  States  be  established  and 
'  maintained,  as  also  in  the  Orfgon  terriloni:  and  let 
'  the  fixed  policy  of  our  Oovernment  be,  noi  to  penmt 
'  Ureal  hrilain,  or  any  other  foreign  Poxcer,  lo  plant 
'  a  colony,  or  hold  dominion  over  any  portion  of  the  i 
'  people  or  tenHtorxj  of  either. ^^  i 

In  his  Inaugural  Address,  he  declared  that  our  tille 
toOreiron  was  "clear  and  unquestionoble;"  and,  in 
his  laleannual  Messase,  he  reilerates  that ''  Oregon 
is  a  pnrt  of  the  North  American  continent,  to  which,  '< 
it  is  confidently  aflirmcd,  the  tille  of  the  United  | 
Slates  is  the  best  in  existence."     Acain,  he  denies  ' 
"that  the  British  pretensions  of  title  to  Oregon  can  ' 
be  maintained  lo  any  portion  of  the  Oregon  terri- 
tory upon  any  principle  of  pulilic  law  recognised  by 
nations,"  According  to  these  arguments  and  these 
sentiments,  we  have  nothine  to  fear.     James  K.  i 
Polk  connot  consistently,  and  may  I  not  any,  will 
not  yield,  any  portion  ofoiir  rights  to  Oregon;  his 


heart  i«  too  large,  and  his  firmness  too  stem,  for 
any  such  miserable  concession.  The  great  exani- 
|)le  of  Jackson  in  our  late  controversy  with  Prance, 
and  with  England  (Atti  day  thirtii-one  years  ago, 
when,  amidst  the  thumlers  and  iSnme  of  war,  ho 
proclaimed  victory  to  American  arms,  is  before 
him;  and  he  will  not  fail,  from  impulse  as  well  as 
from  duty,  to  emulate  it.  Great  occasions  call 
forth  great  qualities.  Napoleon,  in  eight  months, 
mustered  au  amiy  which  surprised  and  awed  the 
comb'ned  Powers  of  Europe.  If  war  is  to  come 
from  the  assertion  of  our  "  unquestionable"  rights. 
Ictus  prepare  to  meet  it  n»  becomes  a  brave  and 
chivainc  people.  Let  the  powers  of  the  Govern- 
ment and  of  the  coiiiilry  be  brought  into  Ihef^illest 
requisition;  let  our  army  be  enlarged  and  invigor- 
ated, our  inilili:!  otf^myi  il  and  drilled  ;  let  our  in- 
ternal and  external  marine  he  armed  for  the  cou- 
test;  let  all  America  become  os  a  camp  resounding 
with  the  prepanitions  of  wor.  Such  means  are 
worthy  of  the  occasion  and  of  the  crisis;  by  them, 
wisely  systematized  and  vigorously  exerted,  we 
can  make  a  demonstration  of  physical  anti  moral 
power  which  will  exalt  republicanism  a  the  eyes 
of  the  world,  and  crush  the  arrogant  pretensions 
of  royal  supremacy.  Upon  the  classic  plains  of 
Marathon,  Greece  crushed  the  gorgeous  panoply 
of  Persia,  and  vindicated  the  superiority  of  freo 
over  despotic  instiiutions.  We  are  wiser  and 
stronger  than  Greece;  and  wherefore  may  we  not 
expect  to  emulate  her  glorious  achievements,  if  a 
conflict  shall  come  between  us  and  Great  Britain 
It  would  only  be  in  such  a  conflict  that  the  sinews 
and  strength  of  freemen  could  be  fully  displayed — 
that  the  moral  sublimity  of  republicanism  would 
loom  forth  a.s  a  phoenix  f^-om  the  smoke  and  thun- 
ders of  war. 

If  Mr.  Polk  has  offV-red  the  49ih  parallel  as  the 
basis  of  a  compromise  with  Great  Britain,  why 
did  he  do  .so.'  Not  because,  us  some  gentlemen 
have  inlimated,  he  was  in  fact  in  favor  of  thol  line; 
but  because,  as  he  says  in  his  Message,  the  Envoy 
Extraordinary  and  \fini.ster  Plenipotenliarvoftho 
United  Stales  was  authorized  in  1843,  by  liis  pre- 
decessor, to  ofler  the  49th  parallel,  and  the  free 
navigation  of  the  Columbia.  In  explanation  of 
his  offer,  he  says  in  his  Message; 

"  Had  this  been  a  new  question,  comine  under 
'  di.scussion  for  Ihe  first  time,  this  proposition 
'  would  not  have  been  made.  The  extraordinary 
'  and  wholly  iiuidmissabic  demands  of  the  British 
'  Governmeul,  and  the  rejection  of  the  proposition 
'  made  in  deference  alone  to  whet  had  been  done 
'  by  my  predecessors,  and  the  implied  obligations 
'  which  their  acts  seemed  to  impose,  alford  satis- 
'  factory  evidence  that  no  compromi.^e  which  the 
'  United  States  ought  to  accept  can  be  eflected. 
'  With  this  conviction,  the  proposition  of  compro- 
'  mise  which  had  been  made  and  rejected  was,  by 
'  mv  direction,  subsequently  withdrawn,  and  our 
'  title  to  the  whole  Oregon  territory  asserted,  and, 
'  as  it  is  believed,  maintained  by  inefragable  facts 
'  and  arguments." 

Having  thus  freed  himself  from  the  embarrass- 
ments thrown  around  the  question  by  the  conduct 
of  his  predecessors,  he  falls  back  upon  his  old  po- 
sition of  the  ra/i(/i(i/  and  exchtsivcness  of  our  tille, 
and  recommends  the  notice  now  under  discussion, 
and  such  other  measures  as,  in  the  opinion  of  Con- 
gress, may  be  necessary  to  give  efiect  to  our  tille 
and  protection  to  our  citizens  in  Oregon.  In  the.se 
measures  I  will  cordially  support  him;  iny  only  re- 
gret is,  that  the  President  did  not,af\er  the  abrupt 
njeclion  of  the  oll'ir  of  compromise  by  Ihe  British 
Minister,  .say  to  him-  "  Sir,  we  cannot  compro- 
mise; here  let  us  agree  lo  waive  the  twelve  months' 
notice,  and  terminate  the  convention. "  This  would 
have  been  a  course  consistent  with  the  President's 
opinion  of  our  title,  and  with  the  dignity  and  tem- 
per of  the  nation.  Whilst  I  have  thus  expressed 
my  pcrfeit  confidence  in  the  obility  and  patriotism 
of  the  Administration,  it  is  due  to  candor  to  aver, 
that  if  Mr.  Polk  should  yield  upon  this  great  ques- 
tion, af\er  the  rf;)fn/fc/ assurances  he  has  given  to 
the  contrary,  I  will  be  greatly  anil  sadly  disap- 
pointed. Nor  will  I  be  the  only  political  friend 
who  will  share  in  this  feeling:  my  constiuients, 
who  polled  for  him  a  larger  majoiity,  perhaps, 
than  any  other  constituency  of  equal  numbers  in 
the  United  Stales,  will  as  tleeply  Nympathize  in  it 
as  myselt'.  And  may  I  not  say  that  the  ureal  body 
of  the  Aiueritan  | j  le  ever  .where  will  do  so  ' 


Jan.  8, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


a77 


Reps. 

0  Btpm,  for 
grcnlexnm- 
irilli  France, 

yean   ago, 

1  of  wnr,  nn 
»,  it  hrfom 
c  na  well  an 
caaionii  mil 
gilt  months, 
1(1  awed  tli<: 
r  is  to  eomn 
able"  rights, 
»  brnve  nntt 
the  Qovern- 
to  the  fiilli'Ht 
nnd  invigor- 
I ;  let  our  in- 

for  the  onii- 
r>  rt'souniling 
1  meunii  uro 
liii;  by  Ihein, 
exerted,  we 
[\  nnd  moral 
n  11  the  eyes 
it  prelensionp 
ssie  plains  of 
'ous  panoply 
iority  of  ireo 
e   wiser  nnd 

may  we  not 
vemenis,  if  a 
irent  Britain 
ml  the  sinews 
ji  displayed — 
anism  would 
3kc  nnd  thun- 

pnrnllel  as  the 
Urilnin,  why 
me  cenllemen 
Dr  of  that  line; 
ge,tlie  Knvoy 
tenlinry  of  Iho 
13,  by  his  pre- 
I,  nnd  the  free 
;xplnntttion  of 

comine  under 

is    proposition 

extrnordinnry 

of  the  British 

he  ])ropositioii 

ind  been  done 

led  oblitrniions 

nlford  stttis- 

0  which  the 

be  effected. 

on  of  conipro- 

ected  was,  by 

awn,  nnd  onr 

sserted,  nnd, 

frngable  factii 

ilie  embnrmss- 
,  the  conduct 
ion  his  old  po- 
ts of  our  title, 
ler  discussion, 
inionof  Con- 
ect  to  our  title 
■gon.    In  these 
jn;  my  only  re- 
fler  the  abrupt 
by  the  British 
[innot  cnnipro- 
welve  months' 
This  would 
he  President's 
..nity  nnd  tern- 
bus  expressed 
and  patriotism 
andor  to  aver, 
Ills  great  ques- 
•  has  given  to 
d  Radly  disnp- 
iinliticn'l  friend 
coiistitiientN, 
iiity,  perhaps, 
lal  numbers  In 
nipathi'/.e  in  it 
the  u'reut  body 
will  do  so  ■ 


39th  Cono 1st  Sbss. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Mc  demand. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


The  records  of  the  great  Bultimora  convention  ' 
would  authorize  the  assertion.     1  approach  Mr, 
Polk  n"l  ns  a  courtier  or  Jlatterer,     I  n'\  nothing  j 
at  his  hands  except  a  faithful  and  ctft   .nt  exccu-  ' 
tion  of  the  pUdgta  upon  and  by  virtue  of  which  he 
onme  into  power.    This  much  I  have  a  right  to 
nsk  and  expect,  nnd  I  therefore  call  upon  him,  in 
the  iMUpendence  of  a  constituent  and  freeman,  to 
fu{fil  them. 

The  Romans  denounced  as  impiotw  any  man 
who  dared  to  avow  the  treason  of  dUmembering 
the  territories  of  the  empire.  The  same  sentiment 
ex'sts  in  this  country;  nnd  will,  as  sure  as  the 
hand  follows  the  diitutes  of  the  henrt,  find  the 
means  of  fixing  its  Cain  timrfcupon  those  who  may 
provoke  its  resentment.  I  warn  great  men  and 
small — those  who  aspire  and  those  who  do  not — 
to  beware  of  the  hostile  influence  of  this  question. 
It  is  the  great  question  of  the  age,  and  is  pregnant 
with  a  power  to  mnke  and  unmake  statesmen  and 
fldininislrations.  The  unbought  and  uiipurchas- 
tiblc  niiusea  will  ndhcre  to  it  against  war,  asninst 
politicians,  against  administrations — they  will  ne- 
ver desert  iu  It  is  their  question — it  involves  their 
interests,  and  strikes  upon  the  chords  of  their  pa- 
triotism and  a  nation's  ambition.  No  political  in- 
trigue cull  arrc^it  it — no  artificial  obstacle  defeat  it. 
It  IS  urged  on  by  a  power  that  knows  no  limits 
except  tliose  whicli  exhaustd  nature  assigns  to 
soaring  genius  and  unshackled  enterprise;  its  en- 
ergy is  in  free  principles,  nnd  its  triumph  in  Repub- 
lican institutions.  Its  strength  may  be  well  illus- 
trated by  nn  cx|)erinicnt  i-ccently  exhibited,  which 
I  will  take  the  liberty  to  relate.  A  spectator  upon 
the  banks  of  the  Potomac,  I  saw  a  vessel  gaily  nnd 
jiroudly  sniling  before  n  propitious  breeze — "  she 
walked  the  waters  like  a  thing  of  life" — for  the 
moment  I  was  channed  with  her  grace  and  beauty; 
far  was  it  from  appenrnncc  that  she  was  soon  to 
liecome  a  helpless  hulk;  yet  in  the  twinkling  of  an 
eye  the  water  rose  up  around  her  in  the  form  of  n 
column  projecting  in  the  heavens,  and  when  it  had 
receded,  lo!  she  was  a  foundering  wreck.  Need  I 
say  that  the  Oregon  question,  arousing  and  com- 
bining as  it  does  the  prejudices,  passions,  and  in- 
terests of  the  people,  possesses  n  combustible 
force  sufficient  to  blow  up  any  ship  of  state  that 
may  by  accident  or  design  call  that  force  into 
action — that  it  will  be  in  politics  what  Colt's  sub- 
marine battery  is  in  physicii .' 

The  Texas  question  defeated  great  leaders  and  ' 
crushed  old  formulas;  Oregon  is  still  more  potent. 
It  is  the  imbodiment  of  the  great  American  prin-  i 
ciple  of  progression,  extension  nnd  expansion.    It  ! 
has  been  powerful  to  kindle  the  smouldering  fires  \ 
of  the  masses  into  a  bright  and  fervid  blaze,  but 
even  yet  it  has  not  reached  its  culminating  point.  | 
It  is  tlie  form  of  a  new  impulse  called  into  action  i 
by  free  institutions  operating  upon  the  restless  and  . 
<laring  spirit  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  blood.    Glorious, 
divine  impulse.     Let  it  exert  its  sway  until  the 
world  shall  become  a  common  republic,  and  man- 
kind a  united  brotherhood.    Away  with  the  siren 
cry  of  concession  and  compromise;  inexorable  (/es- 
/iiiHiiilerposeshcr  iron  sceptre  to  forbid  it.  Shame! 
Why  should  \vc  receile  to  the  49th  parallel  while 
Kritain  advances  to  the  same  line  ?     Who  will  pro- 
tlaini  himself  the  advocate  of  such  n  measure? 

It  is  said,  however,  that  wnr  will  ensue,  if  we  ' 
refuse  to  compromii^e  by  further  conces-sioiis,  or  nt 
all,  and  that  ]ieace  is  worth  more  than  all  of  Ore-  i 
gon;  but  not  without  honor.  Nothing  is  derogated 
from  honorable  peace — it  should  lie  cherishea  ns  a 
national  duty  and  a  Christian  blessing.  All  that 
has  been  said  of  its  benignity  and  the  beauty  nnd  ■ 
gentlenes.s  of  its  swny,  is  Inie.  But  still  it  will  be 
recollected  that  the  history  of  mankind  proves  that 
pence  can  only  lie  preserved  by  a  resort  to  the 
strong  arm  of  war,  wlicn  honor  and  invaded  rights 
require  it.  The  peace  which  has  done  so  much 
for  us;  which  has  extended  our  settlements  from 
ancestral  Plvniouth  Rock,  far  upon  the  prairies  of 
the  "Far  West;"  which  has  enabled  us  to  grow 
with  rapid  growth  from  infancy  to  the  vigor  of 
young  manhood — from  feebleness  to  the  rank  and 
power  of  the  first  nations  of  the  earth;  the  peace 
which  has  wrought  all  this,  is  the  prize  of  two 
wars — the  alkali  generated  in  the  crucibles  of  the  > 
Revolution,  and  of  the  war  of  181'3.  Peace,  per- 
manent peace,  therefore,  is  an  argument  in  favor 
of  decisive  measures  in  regard  to  Oregon.  It  h 
for  England  to  count  the  cost  and  dread  the  conse-  ' 


quenccs  of  an  unjust  war  with  the  United  Slates: 
such  a  calamity  will  cut  off  her  supplies  of  cotton, 
stop  her  spindles,  and  thus  turn  thousands  of  her  j 
operatives  out  of  employment.     These  operatives! 
will  have  to  be  appeased  by  large  concessions,  or 
otherwise  they  will  become  our  active  allies — a  , 
festering  thorn   in  the  very  heart  of  our  enemy,  i 
[  Where,  too,  will  be  O'Connell,  and  oppressed  Ire-  [ 
j  land,  in  such  an  event.    Will  they  not  avail  them-  1 
]  selves  of  such  an  ojiportunity  to  strike  for  repeal 
and  <i6er(iy,  and  if  so,  will  not  our  enemy  feel  the 
necessity   of    exerting   his    greatest  strength   at 
home.'    I  would  avert  war  by  every  proper  pre- 
caution— by  every  honorable  inean8;'but  if  it  must 
come  as  the  consequence  of  a  lawful  assertion  of 
;  our  rights,  then  let  it  come.     In  the  language  of  a 
great  figure  of  the  French  revolution,  I  would  say 
;  to  Americans,  as  he  said  to  Frenchmen:    "Us, 
, '  messieurs,  one  cry  befits;  to  arms !    Let  .^meW- 
'  cons,  as  with  the  throat  of  the  whirlwind,  sound 
I  '  only  to  arms!" 

!      I  regret,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  a  spirit  of  erimi- 

:  nation  has  grown  up  in  the  progress  of  this  debate. 

j  Upon  this,  as  upon  all  other  great  questions  of 

■  state,  men  arc  jirone,  and  have  a  right,  to  differ. 

The  olTicc  of  statesmanship  is  not  to  aggravate 

j  these  differences,  but  to  remedy  thcin.     In  the  le- 

!  gitimnle  field  of  debate,  the  conflict  of  mind  niny 

1  correct  error  nnd  elicit  truth;  but  in  the  arena  cif 

politiinl   gladintion,  it  can   scarcely  mliicve  any 

other  reward  than  the  erlat  of  the  liravo  and  the 

I  rancor  of  an  enemy.     Let  the  opponents  of  this 

j  mea.sure,  therefore,  forbear  unkind  allusions,  nnd 

especinlly,  let  its  friends  confine  themselves  to  the 

[  use  of  that  weapon  which  is  mighty  and  will  pre- 

i  vail — Inith,  nmnipolcnt  truth. 

As  a  member  of  this  body,  coming  fl-om  the 
Ctreat  West,  I  voted  for  the  annexation  of  Texas, 
the  modification  of  the  present  oppressive  and  un- 
just tarifl",  nnd  for  the  rule  of  the  House  which  ex- 
cluded petitions  praying  nn  unlawful  interference 
with  the  institutions  of  the  slave-holding  States. 
j  I  voted  for  these  measures  upon  their  merits,  and 
from  a  conviction  of  du'y.     If  now  there  are  gen- 
tlemen, from  the  South  or  elsewhere,  who  cannot 
i  go  with  me  in  the  support  of  Oregon,  it  is  doubt- 
•  less  because  thev  feel  themselves  restrained  by  a 
sense  of  duty.     If  we  cannot  agree  upon  the  meas- 
,  ur,"  under  consideration,  let  us  agree  to  disaeree. 
.  V  hen  the  first  blast  of  the  war-tnimpet  shall  be 
1  card  resounding  over  the  broad  face  of  our  coun- 
iry,  then  there  will  be  no  lonscr  disagreement. 
The  North  and  the  South,  the  East  and  the  West, 
will  crowd  to  the  field  of  danzer  as  the  knights  of 
the  tournament,  proud  and  emulous  of  each  other's 
achievements  and  glory. 

I  am  utterly  and  inexorably  opposed,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, to  any  compromise  wliich  surrenders  in  nnv 
vi'ny  or  to  nny  foreign  people,  territory  to  the  south 
of  54°  40'.  I  have  arisen  to  resist  this  project  of 
scission  nt  49°,  pointedly  and  especially.  I  op- 
pose it,  first,  because  it  would  e  a  weak  surren- 
der ofclenrly-nscertaiiied  right,  a  d  n  bad  compro- 
mise of  honor — n  double  blunder,  which  clips  our 
nntionni  power  and  taints  our  national  fame;  because 
it  casts  from  u.s  one  half — that  half  which  gives  to 
Oregon  all  its  great  value;  because  it  emasculates 
Oregon  in  the  sight  nnd  for  the  benefit  of  our  rival 
— pulls  us  down  to  build  up  our  urroeant  adversa- 
ry; because  it  dissevers  from  tis,  in  iiiconsidernle 
levity,  the  great  islands  of  Vancouver  and  Wash- 
ington, (the  latter  worthy  of  its  name,)  the  very 
keys  of  the  Pacific,  casts  them  away  with  their 
grand  forests,  their  innumerable  harbors,  their  un- 
paralleled fisheries,  and  commanding  position.  And 
with  all  these  advantages,  do  we  voluntarily  be- 
deck our  rival;  with  these,  too,  co  the  innumerable 
islands  which  mask  the  coast  and  the  bays,  harbors 
and  inlets,  which  indent  it.  Thus,'  ton,  with 
crowning  folly,  do  we  leave  ourselves  shorn  of 
every  harbor  in  Oreeon,  saving  the  opening  of  the 
Columbia,  itself  rendered  valueless  by  the  surren- 
der of  the  maritime  region  which  commands  it. 

Commercially,  indeed,  by  such  a  concession,  we 
voluntarily  decapitnle  ourselves  upon  the  Pncific 
seaboard;  we  lose  that  portion  of^  Oregon  which 
bears  the  same  relation  to  the  Pacific,  in  fiirnishing 
a  commercial  marine  upon  that  ocean,  which  New 
England  now  bears  upon  the  Atlantic.  The  Ame- 
rican marine  which  traverses  the  Atlantic  to  and 
fro,  is  owned  and  navigated  by  the  people  of  New 
England .    The  American  or  British  marine,  whicli 


will  whiten  the  Pacific,  and  cari-y  direct  trade  lo 
Asia,  Polynesia,  and  south  to  the  Atlantic  capes, 
j  will  be  built,  owned,  and  navigated  by  a  similar 
,  people,  who  shall  dwell  north  of  the  49th  parallel. 
This  must  naturally  come  to  poss,  because  the  liar- 
bors,  bays,  timber,  and  material,  to  give  existence 
'  to  a  marme,  exist  there  in  combination;  nnd  there, 
loo,  arc  the  fisheries  which  nurse  seamen.     More- 
i  over,  it  is  upon  this  line  of  coast  that  the  natural 
1 1  passes  and  avenues  from  the  interior  valleys  of  the 
|;  continent,  descending  by  the  great  branches  of  the 
:'  Columbia,  rfeftouciie  u|ion  the  western  seaboard. 
j  Thus  do  the  geographical  positions,  topogniiihy  of 
1 1  the  country,  the  climate,  the  concentration  tncroof 
the  various  elements  of  maritime   development, 
unite  lo  exalt  the  significant  value  of  this  northern 
half  of  Oregon.     The  contest  for  the  possession  of 
this  territory  by  the  two  great  coinniercial  rivals 
of  the  age  is  again  the  struggle  for  the  "golden 
fleece,"  comn^enced  in  Argbnaulic  times,  trnns- 
ferivd  in  our  day  from  the  Bosphorus  and  Eiixine, 
to  that  bell  of  territory  which  links  together  the 
valley  of  the  Mississippi  and  the  Pacific  ocean — 
the  ■Western  World  with  llie  golden  Orient.     To 
the  nautical  people,  whose  flag  floats  over  maritime 
Oregon  and  wings  its  way  thence- over  every  wave 
in   innumerable   ships,  must  ealieni,  agricultural 
California  anil  Mexico  pay  the  Colchiiin  tribute 
which  pours  from  a  rural  people  into  the  lap  of 
commerce.     Why,  then,  disintegrate  this  budding 
corner  of  our  vineyard?    Have  we  nursed  it  so 
long  only  lo  throw  its  ripening  fruit  lo  our  domi- 
neering stepmotlier?     But  the  peace  of  the  nation, 
it  is  alleged,  is  in  danger!     How?     Docs  the  tame 
!  surrender  of  Vancouver's  Island,  which  coniniaiids 
i  the  Columbia;  of  Washington  Island  and  the  inter- 
i  mediate  coasts  which  envelojie  Vancouver  itself; 
of  the  controlling  keys  to  Western  America,  to  Eng- 
I  land  ?     Does  the  planting  of  the  lion  in  the  very 
i  Thermopylie  of  our  empire  lo  choke  our  path  and 
I  stop  short  our  destiny  ?    How  ?     Is  it  by  such  de- 
I  grading  acts  of  concession  that  wc  are  to  release 
;  the  Republic  from  jeopardy,  and  insure  permanent 
'  peace  ?    No,  sir;  on  the  contrary,  such  sickly  sub- 
mission, such  degrading  concessions,  will  provoke 
war;  will  be  likely  to  plunge  us  into  the  jaws  of 
defeat,  and  set  over  ub  nn  arbitrary,  jealous,  and  ra- 
pacious rival — (br  is  this  not  the  character  of  Great 
Britain  ?    Such  are  some  of  the  prodigious  advan- 
tages which  this  debated  capitulation  at  49°  sur- 
render to  our  rival;  and  such  the  contingent,  if  not 
the  probable,  catastrophe  in  which  it  would  leave 
our  Republic  and  oiir  people. 

But  It  is  not  by  thus  establishing  a  rival  power 
in  impregnable  control  of  our  western  seaboard  — 
by  throwing  away  from  our  people  the  infinite 
markets  of  the  Pacific  and  its  extensive  commerce — 
that  the  series  of  disasters  is  closed;  these  follies 
will  generate  new  dangers  which  must  follow  them. 
Great  Britain  already  owns  eight  provinces  upon 
this  continent,  containing  2,800,000  square  miles. 
The  area  of  the  United  States,  including  Texas 
and  all  Oregon,  does  not  exceed  2,3I8,0OU  square 
miles,  482,000  less  than  the  present  British  terri- 
tory upon  this  continent !  The  provinces  of  New 
Brunswick  and  the  two  Canadas,  coterminus  with 
the  territory  of  the  United  States,  envelop  us 
from  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  to  the  northwestern 
lokes,  and  thence  onward,  in  part  by  the  49th  par- 
allel, to  the  Rocky  mountains.  Through  this  ex- 
tent of  country,  CJreat  BriUiin  has  pushed  cordons 
of  posts,  fortifted  in  strength  and  equipped  for  de- 
fensive or  aggressive  measures;  over  the  residue 
is  planted  the  systematic  military  corporation  of 
the  Hudson's  Bay,  whose  "  ding  positions,  loca- 
ted with  faultless  judgmer  ot  the  whole  with 
military  stations,  cjose  it  fro  le  rest  of  mankind, 
nnd  draw  from  it  immense  i  _/enues  by  the  strin- 
gent discipline  and  admimhie  economyand  silence 
of  their  operations.  Such  is  our  present  geo- 
graphical  relation  upon  the  north  and  west.  Is  it 
not  a  fatal  blunder  thus  to  weaken  ourselves  nnd 
strengthen  and  embolden  our  enemy  ?  'flie  dan- 
gers which  impend  over  us  upon  this  immense 
front  have  been  demonslrntcd  in  the  events  of  the 
last  war.  In  that  war,  without  ship-canals  to  ad- 
mit her  war-steamers  into  our  inland  seas,  England 
destroyed  Oswei;o,  burned  Bufl'alo,  by  her  savage 
allies  reduced  Chic-ano,  and  by  Brock  conquered 
all  of  Michigan.  What  will  she  be  apt  to  do  now, 
efficiently  establi.shed  in  every  position  held  by  her 
at  that  time,  and  reinforced  by  the  possession  of 


7''  ( 


M 


■  'i 


278 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  COIVGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  e, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (^neslion — Mr,  McCkmnnd, 


Ho.  OP  Rrpb. 


northern  Oregon ,  whence  loco-opcmte  in  ihe  mo»t 
compact  strength  with  llic  hostile  mcHsore*  of  iho 
CmifiJas?  Ilecenlly  Great  Biituin  resisted  ns  Car 
na  possible  ihe  anncxulinn  of  Tcvns;  and  why  ? 
Beonuse  closely  nllicd  with  n  minor  rrpiihlic, 
wedged  Ijclween  the  United  Suites  nnd  Alexico, 
dlie  grasped  at  un  overland  oomiuimiralion  between 
licr  West  Indinii  nnd  Orcgr  i  posSesRions,  nnd  be- 
held IM  thns  hooped  in  north,  south,  ensi,;nnd 
west,  by  the  nnbrokeii  circle  of  her  own  nnd  her 
subsidized  subjecls ! 
_,    (  Thus  Imve   I  aimed  briefly  to  sketch  the  gco- 

l{   '  pmphicnl  view  of  this  (jueslinn,  and  attract  atten- 

tion to  its  very  serinns  importance.  Uut  a  Hood  of 
brilliant,  soliil,  nnd  animating  developnicuts  an^ 
evolved  by  taking  a  conimercial  view.  To  eluci- 
date the  subject  ill  this  aspect,  alloiv  me  iiu'iden- 
tally  to  sketch  the  strides — the  bloody  footprints — 
of  British  aciiuiailion!  Over  the  whole  expanse 
of  the  Atluiitic  we  find  her  ealablislicd  in  im]ierial 
n»ceinlency.  She  ha.s  Newfoundland,  Nova  Sco- 
tia, Eernuidas,  the 'Bahamas;' the  islands  which 
freckle  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  are  hers;  she  occu- 
pies Honduras  and  Ihe  Moscpiilo  shorn  in  Cen- 
tral America.  By  these  po.ssisKions  she  covers 
the  whole  Atlantic  front  of  North  America,  ah- 
Borbs  half  of  all  it.s  commerce,  iiilimidatcs  its  peo- 
ple, and  awaits  the  moment  for  any  aggressive 
Bwoop  upon  their  territories.  She  has  Trini- 
dad, Guyana,  and  tlie  Falkland  Islands,  upon  the 
coast  of  Soutii  America;  the  western  coast  oi  Af- 
rica is  dotted  with  her  post-s;  she  has  St.  Helena 
nnd  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope;  she  is  now  conquer- 
ing the  republics  of  the  La  Plain,  and  poisins;  her- 
self to  plunge  upon  Brazil!  Xhe  Mediterranean  1 
is  bndled  and  controlled  by  Gibraltar,  Malta,  and 
the  Ionian  islands.  Her  own  island  masks  North 
Europe,  the  Baltic,  and  the  upper  Atlantic.  In  llie  ' 
Indian  ocean  she  is  just  ns  potentially  posted,  .ind 
wields  supreme  sway.  The  Mauritius,  the  Sey- 
chelles, Hindostan,  Ceylon,  Singapore,  command 
the  Cane  route  to  China.  Aden  controls  the  Re<l 
sea  and  liie  overland  route  from  the  Mediterranean  ; 
to  the  Oriental  countries.  In  the  Persian  Gulf  she  I 
is  fortified.  In  China  she  has  Chusan  and  Hong- 1 
Kong;  and,  stnnching  towards  the  southern  pole, 
Australasia,  Van  Dicman'.i  Land,  New  /ealand, 
Norfolk  Island!  Tluis  has  England  entrenched, 
licrself  in  impregnable  power  over  four-filths  of  the 
groaning  globe  !  What  is  there  left  to  contest  with  : 
her.'  Is  any  corner  left  free  from  the  military  j 
esjiionage  with  which  she  has  covered  every  sea, ; 
and  Huspcnded  herself  over  every  coast?  One 
ocean,  one  coast,  and  one  people  remain  as  yi  i 
uningulfed  in  her  coinprcliensive  maw.  England 
has  as  yet  no  territorial  jjosition  upon  the  western 
coast  of  America,  from  Bherinc's  Straits  to  Ca|)e 
Horn;  none  in  the  great  north  Pacific,  bclwecn 
America  and  Asia.  She  is  now  prciiaring  to  settle 
down  upon  the  yet  unoccupied  space  nt  all  points 
at  once.  Around  Cape  Horn  she  occupies  the 
Falkland  and  South  Shetland  Islands.  From  the 
I       ;  MosquitoShoreshe grasp.s the  Isthmuaof  Panama. 

Give  her  Northern  Oregon,  and  her  positions  on 
both  fronts  of  tlic  Pacific  are  complete.  Her  bands  : 
of  forti6ed  posts  join  ends  around  the  world  in  each  i 
zone,  and  in  both  hemispheres.    The  Sandwich 
Islands,  Mexico,  Peru,  nnd  other  small-fiy  jicoplc 
of  the  world  fall  to  her  naturally  in  this  general 
harvest,  and  thus  will  be  consummated  her  great  i 
policy  of  conquering  all  rivalry,  either  in  arms  or  ! 
commerce,  upon  the  high  seas  or  among  their  ad-  i 
jacent  maritime  nations.  That  one  people  to  whom 
the  just  Crealbr  has  »e«eryed  the  power  and  posi- 
tion to  avert  this  ""  ■mnjiiation  and  to  vinilicale 
the  commercial  fr^" '"Vl  of  ihe  supine  nations  of  ^ 
the  world,  is  the  .'•"'^rican  Hepublic !      Northern 
Oregon,  placed  in  tHV  only  open  gap  of  this  British  ; 
net,  which   everywhere  else   cmraps   the  world, 
must  be  disentangled  from  its  mealies.     .Ill  of  it 
must  be  saved,  and  with  it  saved  to  the  American 
people  the  direct  trade  of  the  Oriental  world. 

This  must  be  saved,  to  tliwart  the  grus])ing  nva-  I 
rice  with  which  British  power  struditlcs  the  globe  j 
and  strains  to  gorge  mankind.  This  mmt,  and  can,  ! 
and  will  be  done.     It  is  a  great  duty  due  from  the 
American  people  to  themselves,  to  mankind,  and 
the  age  at  which  mankind  have  found  tliem.selvcs 
airivc'd !  , 

[Mr.  McC  .  here  exhibited  several  benutifnlly  ' 
colored  maps — one  showing  the  geographical  fur-  ; 
mation  of  ihc  United  Slates;  another  the  localities  ' 


I  of  the  possessions  of  Great  Britain  thmnghoul 
I  Ihe  world  ;   nnd  another    showing  Ihe  distnnces 
from  England     to  C'liina  by   the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  nnd  overland  by  the   Mediteiranean  and 
'  llcil  Sea   to  India,  nnil  ihe  distance  from  England 
!  across   the  Atlantic  over  the  Uiiilcd  Stales  and 
!  across  the  Pacific  to  China  and  the  East  Indies — 
I  proving  that   the  latter  route  was  the  nearest  and 
(  liesi,  avoiding  the  crossing   of  the  Equator,  an 
'  object  most  e.'JScntial  to  a  successful  Hade  with  the 
t  countries  of  .\sia,  in  provisions — a  principal  ar- 
ticle   with    us.       Niiinernus    members    crowded 
around  I\rr.  McC,  nnd,  for  a  time,  arrested  the 
'  conrse  of  his  remarks.    Ucsiiming,  he  snid:) 

The    time  has  arrived,  Mr.  Chairman,  for  the 
.American  people  to  afiprcciate  the  iinporlnnce  of 
an  intimate  and  e.vteiisive  trade  carried  on  directly 
.  from  their  weciern  seal'oard,  with  the  innnmera- 
lile,  wealthy,  nnd  inlilligent  people  of  China,  the 
Indies,  Polynes'a,  and  South  America.     Our  pres- 
ent trade  wilh  the   iMiiopean  nations,  who  arc  fur 
the  most  part  eni'aged  in  the  same  occupation  and 
produce  the  .same  articles  for  commerce  as  our- 
selves, i.t  con.-iiilcrul  of  parnmoiint  importame  in 
this  Congress,  and  its  rfgnlntinn  occiioics  a  large 
'  share  of  our  labors  and   anxious  diMiberations. 
1  Now  China,  alone,  is  equal  in  population,  extent, 
!  and  i-e.soiirces,  lo  the  nsgrcgate  amount  of  all  the 
'  European   nations  I      This  single  emjiire   fronts 
5,0(10  miles  u))im  the  Pncilir,  opposite  to  Oregon. 
Her  oulline  is  1-3.(100  miles.     The  area  of  her  tei- 
rity   .^((XIO.OOO  srpiarc  miles,  and  her  iiopulation 
was  307,000,000  in   the  year    1813.     No   people 
amongst  mankind  surpass  the  Chinese  in  civiliza- 
tion, knowledge  niul  intelligence.  Their ngricniluro 
sends  us  tea,  ^aigar.  raw  silk,  spices,  dyes,  fruits, 
and  liquors;  their  manufactures  furnisli  for  trnliio 
porcelain,  silks,  crapes,  i.ankeens,  satins,  velvets, 
chalis,  brocades,  mat-ciiriicting,  ivory,  fine  wool- 
lens, toys,  firework?,  metals,  white  copper,  the  rare 
iron  of  Formosa,  tin,  gnnis,  paints,  and  other  ar- 
ticles infinite  in  number  nnrl  excellent  in  quah'ty. 
For  these  we  have,  for  barter,  the  provisions,  the 
lead,  the  rawcolton,  the  tobacco,  the  lumber,  furs, 
and  fish  of  iHe  tnHey  of  the  Mississippi  and  Ore- 
gon.     Besides'  Cliinn,  are  many  equally  prolific 
countries:  .Tapan,  with  a  ponulation  of  41,000,000; 
Cochin  China  ;)],000,0(M);  Birmah  13,000,000,  and 
British  India  14.'),000,IK)0.     All  these  great  coiin- 
Iries  lying  around  the  Pacific,  connected  with  Ore- 
gon  by  that  gloriou.s  ocean,  nnd  by  Oregon  with 
lis,  swarming  with  (i.50,000,000  of  people,  nnd 
teeming  with  elements  of  crthimerce  in  infinite  ex- 
uberance.    All  llie.sc  pco))le,  and  countries,  nnd  1 
elements,  are  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  American  i 
people  ,'ind  American  commerce,  about  to  descend  i 
to  the  Pacific  by  the  great  Columbia,  nnd  leap  in  ; 
radiant  lines  from  our  western  shores  across  its 
bosom.     Our  trade  beyond  the  southern  capes,  at 
present,  languishes  under  the  superior  advantages 
enjoyed  by  Great  Britain,  whose  India  possessions  | 
siipply  to  China  raw  cotton,  indigo,  opium,  rice,  1 
and  other  agricultural  products.     From  Oregon  we  j 
can  successfully  meet  nnd  overthrow  this  British  | 
monopoly.     Without  dwelling  upon  particulars,  ! 
what  does  history  teach  us  with  regard  to  the  trade  ' 
of  the  Oriental  "^'(n'ld  r     In  ancient  days  it  made 
for  itself  overland  routes,  peopled  the  deserts  wilh  ■ 
cities,  nnd  scalteri  d  barbarism  in  its  front.    It  gave  ' 
splenilor  to  the  Grecian  monarchies  in  Syria  and  j 
in  Egypt:  it  retariled  the  downfall  of  ConV.lantino- j 
pie  for  many  centuries;  it  raised  Venice  from  an  ob-  ! 
scare  republic  to  the  rank  of  the  most  potent  king  | 
doms.  How  have  Portugal,  Spain,  the  Netherlands,  i 
l''raiu'e,  been  exalted  by  its  possession  and  depress-  | 
ed  by  its  loss  I   Finally,  it  has  now  become  the  mo-  | 
nnpoly  of  British  military  and  naval  supremacy. 
Hence,  does  she  draw  that  immense  wealth  which 
euiibles  her  to  cover  the  globe  with  her  political 
network,  lo  ruflle  all  iiaiicnis  by  her  arrogance, 
and  10  dazzle  mankind  with  her  Idazing  greatness; 
and  where   is  the  only  rival  whose  j»osition  and 
strength  marks  her  ns  the  next  in  order  to  grasp 
this  brilliant  destiny,  and  wrench  it  from  the  Brit- 
ish lion  ?     It  is  ihc  American  Republic,  stretching 
across  the  continent,  and  receiving  through  Orcgtni 
the  golden  stream  of  Oriental  commerce!   At  pres- 
ent the  Oriental  trade  of  Great  Britain  is  more 
lucrative  to  her,  ond  lai-ger  in  lunounl,  than  nil  the 
commerce  of  the  Americans. 

Whilst  England  controls  India,  and  all  Ihc  routes 
of  commerce,  as  she  now  does,  and  trade  to  China 


continues  to  traverse  the  long  routes  passing  be- 
neath Ihe  equator,  American  trade,  elsewhere  so 
thrifty,  must  c<iminuB  to  languish.  The  Ameri- 
can trade  to  nil  irountries  beyond  the  Bouthern 
canes,  in  1844,  was — 

imports #0,104,159 

Exiiorts 0,0(^3,044 

An  unhcidthy  trade,  with  the  balance  of  J3,081,HS 
against  us.  Phis  trade,  too,  is  confined  chiefly  lo 
leas  for  home  eonsumplion,  nnd  it  will  soon  hap- 
pen that  we,  too,  like  the  rest  of  the  Alliintic  na- 
tions, will  receive  our  supplies  of  Oriental  prodnc- 
tion.s  Ihrough  the  ports  of  Britain.  What  with- 
holds us,  then,  from  turning  our  energies  towards 
the  setting  sun  ?— from  finding  there  Ihc  great  re- 
medy of  new  iniirkels,  and  ii  new  and  iiifiniio  eoin- 
inerce,  matching  the  wants  and  energies  of  our 
great  people.' — where  the  great  nrleriea  of  the  con- 
tinent— the  Missouri  ond  the  Cohunliia — lend  their 
navigable  channels  to  our  inland  transporls.'  How 
entirely  practicable  is  this  great  change  in  the 
channels  of  coininerce,  and  how  close  upon  the 
time  o(  its  successful  consummation,  let  us  learn 
from  facts  and  events  starting  up  beneath  our  eye. 
A  great  overland  commerce  is  now  in  active  exist- 
ence throngh  the  heart  of  the  Russian  Empire,  be- 
tween Kintka,  upon  the  northern  frontier  of  China, 
nnd  St.  Petersburg.  The  amount  of  this  com- 
merce, in  1843,  is  tluis  given  in  the  Russian  re- 
ports : 

Imports  from  Chiiin !l!ll2,038,054 

Exports  to  (;hina .8,085,805 

Kiatka  is  in  latitude  ,50°  21'  north,  and  St.  Peters- 
burg in  by-'  50'.  The  distance  between  these  two 
points  is  5,000  miles  of  land  travel,  in  a  hyperbo- 
rean climate!  Yet  furs,  Russian  leather,  hides, 
Ihieiis,  cotton  and  woollen  fabrics,  are  exported  by 
this  channel  frcnii  the  Baltic.  In  return  is  received 
4,000,000  pounds  of  tea,  valued  at  <J5,9ti9,350; 
silks,  simwls,  and  other  fiibrics,  at  «JG,(i(;8,705. 

Is  the  great  enterprise  of  the  American  people 
then  unequal,  in  the  face  oflhis  Uusshin  success, 
to  the  small  achievement  of  connecting  the  naviga- 
ble waters  of  the  Missouri  and  Columbia,  and 
prosecuting  direct  trade  between  the  valley  of  the 
Mississippi  and  munificent  China?  The  memo- 
rial from  Oregon  upon  onr  tables  informs  us  that 
already  10,000  Americans  have  opened  a  wagon 
rond  from  the  Missouri  to  ll>e  Pacific;  that  they 
have  established  a  Government,  made  laws,  and 
originated  agriculture,  coninierce,  and  manufac- 
tures; that  they  have  creeled  there  a  dotnestic  sea- 
port upon  our  western  seaboard. 

Our  tlctt  of  whale  ships  is  in  occupation  of  the 
North  Pacific  between  Oregon  anil  Asia.  The 
Sandwich  Islands  have  become  an  independent 
nnd  commercial  nation  under  the  influence  and  by 
the  counsel  of  American  citizens  residents  therein. 
China  has  recently  made  with  us  a  treaty  full  of 
amiaible  advancements.  Do  all  these  concurring 
events  portend  nothing?  Can  neither  these  nor 
the  petition  of  our  isolated  and  banished  country- 
men in  Oregon,  nor  want  of  new  markets  by  the 
people  of  ide  interior,  nor  the  danger  lo  them,  to 
our  country,  nnd  to  our  honor,  fnnn  the  evidently 
alarmed  arrogance  of  England,  stir  us  to  nclinii 
and  kindle  our  lethargic  patriotism?  Here  is  the 
statement  of  the  vigorous  and  valuable  whaling 
business  now  prosecuted  by  our  citizens  chiefly  in 
the  Norlh  Pacific,  and  for  which  we  have  refused 
to  create  a  domestic  port  on  that  ocean  : 

075  vessels,  of  197,180  toiu;  seamen,  30,.5fi4. 

Capital 'B,10,4a9,0-Jl) 

Proceeds 19,C10,40,1 


Total  value S.'IG,040,083 


Do  not  such  immense  national  interests  as  these 
demand  our  prompt  nnd  efiicicnt  attention  ?  Or  has 
wisdom  fled  from  our  councils,  and  do  lethargy 
and  timidity  reign  in  sombre  dominion  in  tliis 
Representative  Hall  of  twenty  millions  of  bravo 
freemen?  The  hawk-eyed  rulers  of  England,  em- 
bracing the  whole  world  in  their  plans  of  domin- 
ion, watch  all  these  eveiius,  nnd  are  prepared  at 
once  to  push  their  empire  to  its  culminating  cli- 
max, and  to  crush  every  danger  that  may  show 
its  head.  Hence  a  few  years  since,  having  no 
beiler  excuse  for  waging  a  war  upon  China  than 
Ihe  refusal  of  her  Emperor  lo  permit  her  to  poison 
his  subjects  with  opium,  she  availed  herself  of 
thai,  and  forced  him,  by  the  thunders  of  her  can- 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  OI/)BE. 


27D 


29th  Cono IsT  Sess. 


The  Organ  Question — Mr.  G.  S.  Houston. 


Ho.  or  Heps. 


its  us  thesn 

Or  has 

ri  Ictlini-gy 

on  in  tliiH 

of  hnive 

'liinrt,  em- 

of  doniin- 

repiired  lit 

mating  cli- 

inny  show 

liHving  no 

:hinii  llitin 

to  poison 

liciscir  of 

if  her  can- 


non, to  open  the  Chinese  porta  to  ihe  introduclinii 
of  thiit  di'Hirartive  drug,  nnd  to  pay  her  an  iiid<!m- 
iiity  of  $'.i5,0()0,000  for  the  lank  Wc  commimir- 
nie,  with  feelinfis  borderin);on  pitcoua  contempt, 
the  eW'tninacy  nnd  want  of  public  spirit  of  China, 
in  HuliiHilting  to  this  indignity — this  outrageous 
wrong;  but  what  is  the  difference  between  China 
and  th<!  United  StJitcs  ?  Wo  have  submitted  to  the 
dismemberment  of  Maine  and  Massachusetts,  and 
linve  oflen^d  to  give  away  half  of  Oregon  as  the  price 
of  that  peace  with  England  which  China  first  de- 
fied, and  only  sought  when  she  could  do  no  better. 
China — a  power  that  escaped  the  world-conquests  { 
of  Alexander  the  Great — China,  that  for  soine  two  '■ 
renturies  enjoyed  the  blesanigs  of  peace  with  all  ; 
the  world — lias  l)cen  made  to  bow  in  humiliation  j 
before  the  lion  of  the  petty  biuren  island  of  Eng- 
land. Yes,  China,  with  her  great  walls  circum- 
venting her  vast  dominions;  with  her  four  thou- 
sand four  lunidrcd  mid  two  walled  cities;  with  her 
four  hundred  and  thirty-nine  castles  to  guard  her 
iVnntiers;  nnd  her  one  thousand  one  hunilred  and 
fifty-nine  triumphal  arches,  bus  been  humbled  be- 
fore the  cross  of  St.  George;  and  all  this  thai  she 
might  beronio  the  consumer  of  a  noxious  drug, 
produced  in  llrilish  India,  lhat,she  might  lie  made 
to  minister  to  British  avarice' and  rapncny!  Is 
wuch  an  cvoiit  to  jiass  unheeded  ?  Does  it  not  ad- 
monish the  dillerent  nations  of  the  earth,  from  a 
common  sentiment  of  danger  and  self-preserva- 
tion, to  rise  up  and  resist  the  onward  and  conquer- 
ing march  of  the  great  dictator  of  the  world  .>  shall 
it  be  said  that  this  great  Kepublic,  frinn  motives  of 
fear,  has  ingKirinusly  surrendeied  its  disracmliered 
territories  to  Great  Britain,  as  the  price  of  peace,  still 
further  to  swell  the  measure  of  her  overshadowing 
«nd  portentous  power.'  No;  never!  The  disas- 
trous consequences  of  so  shameful  and  infamous 
a  concession  are  forewarned  in  the  bloody  and 
tragical  pages  of  British  acciuisition  and  conquest. 
Look  to  plundered  nnd  reeking  India,  and  there 
behold  Willi  horror  the  fmccaat  of  what  probably 
would  be  our  fate.  There,  in  1612,  Great  Britain 
ftfggfd  pennission  of  the  Emperor  of  one  of  the 
^ost  splendid  and  extensive  monarchiea  in  the 
world  to  found  a  factory;  there  now  she  owns  four 
empires  and  six  provinces,  containing  five  hun- 
dred thousand  8f|uarc  miles,  and  a  subjugated  and 
•iepeiidant  population  of  inie  hundred  millions  of 
souls.     Let  us  look  and  learn. 

"Laml  oi'tlH!  squill  what  fool  invudeti 
Thy  Pajjoils  uiul  tlty  pillnriMl  r'tmdi's — 
Thy  ravenl  shrines  and  idol  ptotu's, 
Thy  nioiiarchf,  and  their  thuURnnd  tJirones.' 
'Tin  Xwul' hritiiiu :  fii-'reciii  wrath 

llu  coniet),  and  Indhl'.H  dladenia 
Lie  scatlerrd  in  his  raiiinai*  path. 

HiM  hhiod-hoanda  Ito  adoriix  wiiti  geina 
Torn  I'roni  tiie  viohUtMl  m-ek^ 

Oi'  many  a  younn  nnd  hivt'il  Sultana ; 

MaidoHH  within  tlicir  pari'  Ziniaiui, 

I'riepis  in  the  very  Ihne  tie  fhuishier!., 
And  chokes  up  witli  tliu  tihuerini:  wrei-ks 

Of  golden  sliriuen  Ule  saercd  walcrs." 

But  more  wonderful,  Mr.  Chairman,  than  all 
other  arguments,  which  fix  nnd  determine  the  wis- 
<Iom  of  securing  tioio  by  our  action  the  whole  of 
Oregon,  is  the  distinctness  with  which  the  neces- 
sary progress  of  our  nation  is  delineated,  as  it  were, 
by  the  finger  of  ihe  Creator  himself,  in  the  geo- 
graphical formation  of  our  northern  continent. 
This  formation  is  as  much  the  reverse  of  the  other 
continents  of  the  world  as  are  our  politic«l  institu- 
tions to  those  of  the  people  who  inhabit  tlitm — theirs 
being  based  uiion  tiic  subjection  of  mankind,  ours 
upon  perfect  individual  freedom  and  equality.  Two 
great  m(nintaiii  chains  traverse  our  continent — the 
AlleghanicH  near  the  Atlantic,  and  the  Rocky 
mountains  near  the  Pacific.  The  country  filling 
the  great  trough  of  the  continent,  between  these 
barriers,  is  nn  immense  undulating  plane  of  calca- 
reous soil.  This  plane  passes  from  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  to  the  Hyperborean  seas,  nnd  embraces 
the  great  valleys  of  the  Mississippi,  the  St.  Law- 
rence, the  Hudson's  Bay,  and  the  Mackenzie, 
flowing  to  the  Arctic  circle.  Verdant  prairies  form 
the  dividing  ridges  between  these  valleys,  without 
interfering  with  the  grand  uniformity  of  the  gene- 
ral surfticc.  Withoiil  this  rim  of  mountains  is  the 
maritime  region,  embracing  the  original  thirteen 
Slates  upon  the  Atlantic,  and  that  embracing  Cali- 
fornia and  Oreson  on  the  Pacific;  within,  the  rivers 
rising  around  the  walls  of  this  great  amphitheatre, 
and  flowing  toward  the  centres  of  the  dillerent  ba- 


sins, discharge  themselves  in  great  arteries  towards 
the  ditferent  cardinal  points  of  the  compass.  Of 
these,  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi  is  our  own,  and 
so  lis  yet  is  Oregon,  which  cnnuecta  it  with  the 
Pacific.  By  the  CJolumbia  and  Missouri  is  formed 
the  great  route  from  the  interior  to  the  Pacific. 
By  the  main  Mississippi,  the  Ohio  nnd  the  St. 
Lawrence  pass  the  routes  to  the  Gulf  and  the  north 
Atlantic.  These  viu'ious  streams,  coiniected  by 
art,  form  channels  of  transit  directly  across  and 
through  every  part  of  the  continent.  This  is  not 
the  case  in  the  old  continents;  for  in  Europe  nnd 
Asio,  the  Alps  in  the  one,  and  the  Himalaya  moun- 
tains in  the  other,  form  a  great  boss  in  the  centre, 
from  which  radiate  the  great  rivers,  separating  the 
land  into  distinct  and  iMolaied  fragments. 

It  is  this  intimate  relationship,  formed  by  an  in- 
finity of  confluent  streams,  and  inscpuiably  imer- 
wovcn  by  nn  immmise  iiucrnal  navigation,  ilinl  de- 
nionslrales  the  essential  importance  of  maritime 
Oregon,  to  fill  out  the  symmetry  and  completeness 
of  our  Union.  The  various  interests  and  variety 
of  productions  of  a  single  people,  dwelling  within 
the  Mississippi  valley,  and  stretching  to  both 
oceans,  must  secure  the  union  and  Hiii/i/ of  our  great 
Republic.  To  stop  short  of  this  would  leave  our 
territory  unbalanced  and  our  Uniov  in  jeopardy. 

OREGON  atlESTION. 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  G.  S.  HOUSTON, 

OF    ALAUAMA, 
In  the  Hoi'se  of  Repkesentatives, 
Februnrij  (i,  1846. 
On  Ihe  Resolution  for  terminating  the  joint  occupa- 
tion of  Oregon. 
Mr.  HOUSTON  addressed  the  committee  as  fol- 
lows; 

Mr.  CiiAinMAN;  It  was  my  expectation,  until 
a  day  or  two  ago,  to  have  voted  upon  the  rescdu- 
tion  requesting  the  President  of  the  United  Stales 
to  give  notice  to  Great  Britain  to  terminate  Ihe  joint 
convention  tietween  ilie  United  States  and  Crreat 
Britain  in  relation  to  the  Oregon  territory,  without 
remark;  my  purpose  was  not  to  participate  in  the 
debate,  ami  I  would  have  adhered  to  that  purpose, 
but  for  the  strange,  I  might  .say  embarrassing,  cir- 
cumstanccK  with  which  I  am  surrounded. 

I  find  myself  dilfering,  widely  diirering,  from 
many  of  my  southern  friends,  as  well  as  a  portion 
of  my  own  colleagues.  Under  these  circumstances, 
I  feel  it  due  alike  to  them,  to  myself,  nnd,  more  than 
nil,  to  iny  constituenls,  to  place  IjeiVirc  the  country 
some  of  the  reasons  which  will  influence  and  direct 
my  course  upon  this  occasion. 

1  do  not  intend  to  contribute  to  the  feeling  which 
seems  to  prevail  to  some  extent,  to  make  this  a 
parly  or  a  sectional  question.  And  while  I  totally 
disapprove  of  the  remarks  made  at  an  early  stage 
of  this  debate  by  an  lionomble  member  from  New 
York,  [Mr.  P.  King,]  in  the  same  fr,ink  and  friendly 
spirit,  I  must  be  allowed  to  express  my  deep  regret 
at  the  observations,  in  reply,  from  the  gentleman 
from  South  Cnrolina,  [Mr.  KiiETT,]as  well  as  those 
of  my  colleague,  [Mr.  Yancey.] 

This  is  a  question  which  soars  above  all  such 
feelings  and  considerations;  and  it  is  with  astonish- 
ment and  jiain  that  I  hear  gentlemen  from  any 
division  of  the  Union  apeak  of  it  in  any  other  light 
than  as  n  high  milional  question — one  involving  the 
interest  and  the  honor  of  the  whole  nation.  Why 
is  it  cjilled  a  western  question  ?  Can  it  be  because 
the  controversy  has  grown  out  of  western  territory.' 
I  will  not  do  honorable  members  the  injustice  to 
suppose  such  a  thing;  they  would  spurn  the  idea 
if  directly  presented  to  ll'iein.  Are  our  western 
friends  the  peculiar  guardians  and  defendein  of 
national  honor.'  I  disjiutc  it  for  my  constituenls; 
they  will  yield  to  iic  one  in  their  faithful  adherence 
to,  and  unflinching  defence  of  their  country  and  its 
honor.  I  throw  back  upon  meml)"rs  wiio  have 
"set  ii;i"  an  exclusive  claim  to  this  question,  the 
imputation  Avliich  should  arise  from  such  a  claim, 
if  acquiesced  in  by  others.  This  is  the  country's, 
the  people's  question,  and  all  of  their  Representa- 
tives have  the  same  interest  in  it. 

Mr.  Chairman,  every  great  measure  has  indis- 
creet friends,  who  wish  to  control  and  direct  it; 
who,  in  the  abundance  of  their  zeal  to  advance. 


\  actually  olratrucl  and  retard  it.    Texas  had  such 
i  friends — Oregon  has  such   now  upon  this  floor — 
I  who  either  will  not  or  c^uinoi  act  with  proper  dis- 
cretion, wi'li  proper  discriinination.     Hence  we 
I  hear  gentlemen  taking  to  task  the  entire  South, 
indirectly  censtiring  the  Represenlalivcs  and  their 
coiislitiieiilH  because  some  of  the  Represenlativui 
from  that  division  of  the  Union,  in  tlie  dischargo 
of  their  duty,  as  they  doubtless  believe,  think 
proper  t\'  oppose  the  giving  of  this  notice — who 
I  censure  a  whole  State  because  a  part  of  Jier  inetii- 
1  hers  d(>  not  act  to  suit  them.     Such  proscription  i« 
I  intolerable,  and  1  regret  to  see  it;  it  is  unlair  and 
1  unliecoming  a  representative  of  intelligent  (icoplo. 
I  If  I  act  improperly  upon  this  or  any  other  subject, 
,  arraign  or  ns.snil  me  for  it  if  you  will;  but  let  ma 
ask  that  you  have  the  boldness  to  name  me;  point 
i  out  my  (lereliction;  do  not  conliMit  yourself  with 
such  generalities  as  that  all  arc  implicated,  aiul 
I  thereby  evade  responsibility,  as  no  one  would  bo 
I  justified  in  repelling  it,  without  subjecting  himself 
to  the  charge  of  feeling  his  own  guilt  by  repelling 
i  an  accusal  ion  which  may  not  have  been  intendeu 
I  for  liiin.    Oregon  would  have  been  Blrongor  to-day 
1  had  it  not  been  fur  the  nish  and  indiscreet  courso 
\  pursued  by  some  of  its  friends. 
,      1  have  not  the  power,  and  certainly  not  the  dis- 
position, to  read  any  oih!  out  of  ihe  Deinocriilic 
ranks;  every  member  of  that  great  party  who  is 
I  honest  in   his  prot'cssicnis  siuiids  upon  the  sanio 
I  great  principle  of  equality — upon  the  basis  of  Diin- 
j  ociatic  Republicanism — and  can  claim  fellowship 
-!  until  he  fails  to  square  his  political  action  by  the 
Republican  creed  as  expounded  by  the  fathers  of 
']  the  Constitution.    If  he  should  be  ileiclict,  it  is  not 
I  for  me  to  read  him  out,  nor  for  this  House;  but  it 
I  is  a  matter  which  belongs  to  the  people;  they  are 
!  the  "  church  nifmbera"  (if  I  may  be  idloweil  the 
i  use  of  the  expression)  who  have  the  power  lo  pass 
{  upon  him;  nnd  if,  in  their  opinion,  he  is  unworthy, 
I  they  will  e.xcomniunicalc   him.     While  I  would 
1  not  consent,  therefore,  for  any  other  member  to 
j  speak  for  my  constituenls,  I  would  not  presume  to 
;  speak  for  others.     I  hold  it  lo  be  the  duty  of  the 
I  Representative  to  exercise  his  own  judgment  upon 
I  measures  a-s  they  are  presented  lo  Iiini,  and  act  as 
I  he  may  think  the  interest  of  tlie  people  requires. 
I  If  they  express  to  him  their  will,  that  should  be 
j  his  guide  upon  questions  where  the  Constitution 
j  does  not  interpose  an  obstacle. 
I      I  am  well  aware  ihat  jealousies  and  ill  feelingg, 
'  at  times,  exist  in  all  parties.     We  had  a  striking 
i  example  of  this  in  our  efforts,  at  the  la.st  Congress, 
j  to  annex  Texas  to  this  Union.    On  that  occasion, 
:  unfortunately  as  I  believe  for  them  and  the  coun- 
I  try,  some  ol  the  prominent  members  of  the  Demo- 
;  cialic  party  difl'ercd  with  the  majority.    They  said 
.  they  were  for  Texas,  but  not  at  Ihat  lime.     "  If'ait 
i  (iif/ii/e;""6i(/ei(oiir /iiiie."     They  were  for  " nnu- 
i  (ei/y  inactivity, *'  which,  in  my  judgment,  seldom 
'  accomplishes  any  great  good.  They  avowed  them- 
selves for  Texas',  but  not  in  the  f>recite  mode  selecl- 
td  by  their  friends.     The  consequence  was,  that, 
upon  the  wise  principle  that  those  who  are  not  for 
us  are  against  us,  they  were  ".set  down"  as  un- 
friendly to  the  annexation  of  Texas,  nnd  con- 
demned by  the  party  over  the  whole  country.     I 
do  not  speak  of  it  now  for  the  purpose  of  jusli/y- 
ing  or  censuring  their  course.     I  disagreed  with 
them  then,  and  have  not  cliunged  that  opinion.     I 
I  did  not,  however, denounce andnbuse  them.  Such 
has  'never  been  my  course  of  action.     I  was  wil- 
ling lo  condemn  and  treat  them  as  opponents  on 
that  question;  but  I  was  disinclined  lo  the  policy 
of  treating  with   extreme  harslmess  those  of  our 
friends  who   had   served   us  long  and  faithfully 
upon  every  other  question  except  the  one  then  be- 
fore the  country,  notwithstanding  it  was  one  of 
vast,  almost    Nilal   importance.     These   reminis- 
cences are  diiubtles,s  disagreeable  to  all  of  us,  and 
I  only  allude  to  them  for  the  purpose  of  justifying 
mv  positicui  on  this  occn.-iiim.     I  sland  now  where 
I  did  then.     We  are  again  differing  upon  a  great 
national  question.     Some  of  our  friends  are  found 
ill  opposition  to  the  resolution  under  discussion, 
and  It  so  happens  that  many  of  them  were  of  that 
number  who  were  "  loudest"  and  most  harsh  in 
their  denunciations  of  and  invectives  against  the 
disagreeing    nicnibera    on    the  Texas    question. 
They  can ,  and  doubtless  do,  feel  the  force  of  their 
own  censures  upon  others,  and  can  apply  to  theni- 
selves  such  strictures  as  they  then  applied  to  their 


28(» 


!2^M  Cong IsT  Sesb. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 
7%<  Ongon  Q^uestion — Mr.  G.  S.  Hotuton. 


[Feb.  6, 
Ho.  or  Rcra. 


fiieiidn.     They  tell   wi  they  nrc  for  OrcKon,  liul   I 
iioi  Hoir;  Ihpy  Irll   U"  we  niiiiit"*W«  oiirjiiiif,"    [ 
"  iriril  mr/ii/f,     l)rin!j  into  rtill  line  the  "  .ftnrWraii 
mitllipliralioHlaliln"  Ihry  proCom  to  be  for  Orpfrnn , 
hill  not  in  the  inuitr  ttlntril  nnd  agreed  upon  (if  iiidi- 
enlions  urn  worth  nnylhiiiff)  liyonr  friendn.  Thry 
■honhl   not,  Ihvreflire,  I'oinplnin  too  niiicii  if  the 
Inie  iVicndii  of  thin  ini'niiiiro  Nhniihl  any  to  them    ! 
thiit  they  hml  honem,  if  not  well-founded  ftnri), 
thnt  those  who  oppose  the  notice  nre  not  in  tnitli 
tVieiidly  to  Orrt^on  nt  nil.     And  nlihouKli  I  do  not 
apjirove  it,  vet  I  nni  liy  no  inennH  natoniiihed  to    i 
Hee  lho8C  wlin  were  reiiiiiired  l>y  them  then,  turn- 
ins;  their  own  "  aiiiUtrti  upon  Ihtm"  on  tliis  occa- 
■ioii.    Hui'h  i8  the  fnte  of  war,  nnd  cnnnot  nlwayH 
he  nvoidcd,  exiiecially  when  our  lot  is  cnst  amoiit; 
those  who  lose  sight  of  nnd  disregnid  that  luiriTd 
injuetion  which  mlinuiiishes  iix  to  do  unto  niherx 
ni  we  would  Imvc  iheni,  under  lil<v  circuinstiincen, 
to  do  unto  UK. 

I  cannot  any  thnt  party  feeling  has  had  nothing 
to  do  with  the  suhjecl  before  uh.  A  gentleman 
from  Tennessee  [Mr.  tiBNinT)  seemed  to  labor  to 
Dhow  thnt  lhi.i  was  an  Administration  measure, 
and  to  draw  the  party  lines  upon  it.  I  will  not 
say  his  opposiiiou  to  it  was  of  a  party  character. 
I  leave  that  to  the  judgment  of  the  country;  but 
from  the  fierce  and  unprovoked  nssniilta  made  by 
him,  I  am  lefl  to  draw  such  fair  Inferences  as  tho 
facts  justify. 

That  honorable  member  [Mr.  GENrnv]  was  un- 
necessarily severe  in  his  Hiriciures,  in  conimenling 
upon  the  call  which  the  Mouse  of  llepresenlntives 
made  upon  the  Executive,  a  day  or  two  since,  for 
Kuch  additional  coirespondcnce  iis  may  have  taken 
place  l>etwccn  the  two  Uovernments,  since  the 
''opening"  of  the  present  CoiigrcM,  relative  to  the 
Oregon  diflicully — connecting  it  with  a  re»olution 
■ubset|uently  adopted  by  the  ijoiise  to  close  the 
present  debate  on  the  9tli  of  this  month.  Tlie  { 
^eat  oonfidcnce  with  which  he  spoke  of  additional 
correspondence  between  the  two  Govcrnineiils  ., 
since  that  which  was  presented  to  us  accompany-  '• 
ij)g  the  President's  Annual  Mes.sage,  iia  well  as  his 
utiuing  knowledge  uf  the  state  and  condition  of 
the  negotiation,  might  create  a  suspicion  in  the 
minds  of  those  who  luiiy  not  know  him  us  well  as  , 
I  do,  that  he  has  means  of  information,  or  a  r/iuiiiir(  ' 
through  which  he  receives  information,  on  this 
subject,  not  "fnt  and  oprn"  to  the  other  members 
of  this  committee.  How  can  he  tiioio  unything 
about  a  corrrspoiidence  not  yet  made  public,  or 
that  such  an  one  has  taken  place  at  all?  Me  cer- 
tainly cannot  get  it  from  the  Government  of  the 
United  States;  for,  aside  from  the  fact  that  the  ' 
President  keeps  such  things  from  the  "  public  ear," 
HS  he  should  du,  he  evidently  would  refuse  to  com- 
municate it  to  an  avowed  political  oiiponeni,  even 
were  he  dispo.scd  to  violate  the  profound  secrecy 
usual  to  such  correspondence.  There  is  but  one 
other  source  from  which  it  could  emanate.  1  do 
not  intend  to  say  that  the  honorable  member  ib- 
tains  his  informRtinn  cither  directly  or  indirectly 
from  that  "onf  o(/ifr  soiirce;"  to  say  so  would  be 
uncharitable.  I  know  him  well  enough  to  l>e!ieve 
that  he  intended  to  be  understood  as  giving  an  opin- 
ion, instead  of  nsserting  a  knowledge,  (us  lie  wan 
understood  by  some,)  of  the  existence  of  the  corre- 
spondence to  which  he  alluded. 

I  op)ioaed  the  cull  upon  the  E.Kccutive  to  which 
I  have  just  referred,  and  I  am  happy  to  have  tliis    , 
opportunity  of  giving  some  of  the  reasons  for  my    , 
opposition. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Semite  had  but 
a  diiy  or  two  bcfori;  nuide  a  cnll  for  the  same  iii- 
fnrniiUion^!iiiTespondcnce.  Suflicicnt  time  had 
not  elapsed  to  enable  the  President  to  respond  to 
ii.  It  i.s  known  thnt  if  the  intornialion  should  be 
sent  to  iliB  Senate,  it  will  also  come  into  this  House 
without  n  <nll.  These  facts  will  not  be  denied  or 
questioned;  bin  insiend  of  waiting  and  giving  the 
Pre.><ideni  a  reusonalilc  time  to  rcsjiond,  we  in  "hot  : 
limit"  bring  into  the  House  and  ndopt  a  literal  copy 
of  the  Senate's  resoliiiion,  under  the  lead  of  u  dis- 
tinguished Whig  from  Vermont  [Mr.  Collamer.] 
I  do  not  deny  lliiit  the  Whigs  have  the  same  ri;;''' 
to  propose  such  calls  as  the  Dcmocrals.  I  will  not 
dispute  or  questiiin  their  right,  nor  will  I  impugn 
the  motives  of  the  honorable  mover  of  this  lesolu- 
t'on.  But  I  have  a  right  to  draw  my  own  infci- 
encuii  from  the  facts  preseiit<'d;  and  us  the  call  hud 
bei,n  made  by  the  Senate — ;uiU  us  not  one  member 


of  either  House  of  Congress  would  say  or  aiip.  j 
pose  that  the  President  would  disregard  that  call —  i 
and  ns  it  wns  known,  if  responded  to,  llio  corre- 
spondence or  answer  would  also  be  necessarily  sent 
to  the  House,  I  am  left  without  a  reason  for  lis  in- 
troduction into  the  House,  unless  1  arrive  at  the 
runcliision  that  it  was  intended  as  a  stab  at  the  Pre-  . 
sideiit — intended  In  create  the  belief  on  the  minds  j 
of  the  people  that  he  would  not,  or  that  a  innjoiity  ' 
of  the  House  believed  he  would  not,  respond  to  the 
call  of  the  Sciialc;  and  that  the  House  hud  to  join  | 
in  and  '•  ilng  nl  his  luelM"  in  order  U)  obtain  iVoni 
him  the  desired  correspondence.     Under  these  cir- 
cumstances I  opposed  the  call,  and  feel  a  conscious 
conviction  of  having  done  that  wliii  h  was  right 
and  proiier  fur  me  to  do.     1  also  voted  for  the  reso- 
lution cliisiiig  this  debate,  because  I  thought  it  lime  ' 
to  close  it.     Six   weeks  will   ccrutiiily  answer  to  i 
discuss  a  single  proposition;  if  we  besuiw  but  half  | 
tliui  time  upon  each  of  the  other  measures  connect-  ; 
ed  with  Oregon,  we  will  have  no  time  to  do  any- 
thing else.     The  people   have  grown  tired  of  so  ' 
much  debate;  they  wniit  a  vote  of  the  House;  they 
want  to  see  what  we  intend  to  do.     1  did  not  doubt, 
however,  but  that  the  cull  would  be  responded  to 
before  the  Ulli  instant,     i  think  so  still.     IS'or  do 
n  believe  tliut  the  President  would  have  sullercd 
this  Hcnise  tn  cmnniit  nn  error  upon  an  imporlunt 
(juestion  like  this  for  the  want  of  a  eorrtspundencc 
or  infurinatinn  in  his  possession — that  he  would 
ipiictly  stand  by  nnd  sec  us  involve  the  country  in 
a  war,  upon  u  point  of  liiqutlle  between  him  nnd  ' 
the  Legislature — withhold  inl'orinulion  which  we 
ought  to  huvc,  and  which  he  desired  we  should 
have,  merely  because  we  had  not  made  a  formal 
cull  upmi  him  for  it.     Such  im  idea  is  ridiculous;  \ 
but  us  we  have  made    the  cnll,  i  iiiii   in  fnvor  of 
waiting  for  the  response;  nnd  if  nut  mnde  by  the  , 
9lli,  extend  the  time. 

You  nnd  I,  Mr.  Chairmnn,  ns  well  as  the  pres- 
ent Governor  of  the  State  of  TciineMce,  should 
iiel  ourselves  arraigned  before  this  committee  nnd 
the  country  by  a  member  from  that  Stale  [Mr. 
C(jcke)  for  inconsistency.  That  honorable  mem- 
ber has  tliought  tit  to  read  a  paragraph  from  a  re- 
port made  by  the  Hon.  A.  V.  Drown  at  the  lust 
Congress  as  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Terri- 
tories, of  which  we  were  then  members,  in  which  I 
Eurugraph, '  .he  committee  declure  this  to 

e  uii  execu  iUt  a  legislutivu  question.     I 

regret  that  th  an  is  not  now  in  his  seat,  us 

I  have  tt  few  w  .o  say  in  reply  and  explunn- 

tioii,  which  1  desired  he  should  hear.  He  dues  nut 
show  a  perfect  knowledge  uf  the  practice  uf  this 
House,  when  he  takes  it  as  grnnted  that  ench  mem- 
ber who  fulls  to  inuke  a.  minority  report  thereby 
subscribes  to  all  the  doctrines,  much  less  the  rua- 
soning,  of  the  majority  report.  He  forgels  that 
there  is,  in  truth,  no  such  thing  known  to  the  rules 
of  the  House  as  a  "  miiiorilj/  rtporl,"  A  cuiii- 
mitlee  cun  muke  but  one  report;  and  that  i^  to  be 
done  by  direction  of  u  majority.  1  admit  that 
"minority  reports, "  us  we  urc  pleuacd  to  call 
them,  have  grown  into  use  by  ptnnisaion  of  the 
House;  and,  under  that  permission,  the  minority 
of  that  committee  might  have  presented  tlieir  views. 
It  was  not  necessary,  however,  for  them  to  do  so 
in  order  to  shiclil  themselves  from  a  cominitlul  to 
the  report  of  ilie  majority.  Their  failure  to  report 
iiiiplii's  no  such  c.ommillul.  It  would  be  a  Htrungc 
stale  of  tilings  if  the  reverse  of  wliut  1  suy  were 
true.  Vou  could,  by  searching  the  records,  involve 
every  man  who  has  ever  been  on  a  conimiltee  in 
Confiiess  in  the  same  character  of  inconsistency  if 
his  position  should  hold.  I  wished  tho  hononible 
member  [Mr.  Cockk)  to  account  to  lliis  cominii- 
tee,  if  he  could  do  so,  (and  1,  «/  rourse,  presume 
he  could,)  for  some  very  siriuige  omissions  on  his 
purl . 

He  is  niisiakeiiin  suyiniaj  that  the  report  to  which 
he  referred  makes  a  positive  decl(U°ation  03  to  the 
true  character  of  this  immediate  question.  If  he 
had  paid  the  same  uttenlion  to  the  facts  and  argu- 
ments of  that  report  which  he  seems  to  have  done 
ill  hunting  out  an  inconsistency  on  the  part  of  the 
Governor  of  his  State,  he  could  but  have  seen  and 
understood  that,  us  far  us  the  report  itself  goes, 
the  queslion  is  left  in  doubt,  and,  us  such,  the 
I  liairnian  declined  to  enter  into  u  premature  inves- 
tigation and  useless  decision  of  it.  The  commit- 
tee, it  seems,  for  reasons  not  given,  hud  deleriuined 
to  report  a  bill  w'tlioul  the  notice;  possibly  because 


they  thought  that  branch  of  the  subject  belonged 
tn  tne  Committee  on  Foreign  Atlmri,  as  it  in  truth 
dors,  nnd  ns  tho  notice  wns  then  pending  in  the 
House,  or  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  stnte  of 
the  Union,  in  n  sefinrnte  resolution,  nnd  ns  ncgoti- 
nlions  were  also  in  progress  between  the  two  Gov- 
ernments, the  chairman  very  properly  pnsseil  on 
with  but  little  more  thun  n  bare  ulhision  to  it.  And 
if  my  honorable  iVicnd  hnd  rend  even  the  begin- 
ning of  the  very  next  pnrngrn|di  to  the  one  quoted 
by  bim,  he  would  have  seen  that  the  report  pro- 
ceedeil  to  say,  "  in  conmiien  vilh  this  brmuh  of  the 
itihjeel,"  &c.,  nnd  slates  tlinl  it  wns  then  under- 
stood that  nrgotinlions  were  in  progress  between 
tlio  Governments,  and  connected  thnt  fnrtns  n  rea- 
son, if  not  the  principal  reason,  with  the  doubt  ex- 
pressed as  to  llie  nature  uf  the  question  why  hn 
declined  its  investigation.  There  is  another  fact 
to  which  he  should  have  referred,  nnd  which  he 
should  hnve  stated  injustice  tn  Governor  Brown, 
if  his  object  was  to  net  fnirly  towards  his  political 
opponent,  (nnd  I  will  not  question  his  fairness. ) 
Hy  reference  to  the  Journals  lie  would  have  learned 
that  Governor  Brown,  when  brought  to  a  vote  at 
thnt  very  Congress,  upon  his  bill,  (as  it  was  call- 
ed,) with  the  notice  in  it,  voted  for  it;  thereby  vo- 
ting for  the  notice  nt  the  same  time;  and  also  in  the 
most  conclusive  manner  giving  his  own  unequivo- 
cal conslriietion  of  the  phrnseology  uf  his  report: 
if  he  hnd  been  sntlslied  thnt  Congress  could  not  di- 
rect or  advise  the  President  of  the  United  Slates  as 
to  the  giving  of  the  notice,  why  did  he  vole  for  the 
bill  with  the  notice  in  it.>  It  will  not  do  to  tell  nic 
it  wns  his  anxiety  to  have  his  bill  passed;  however 
much  he  might  have  estimnteil  tlie  bill,  he  could 
And  no  justincnlion  in  voting  for  it,  if,  in  his  opin- 
ion, it  contained  n  provision  upon  which  Congress 
had  no  power  to  legislate. 

Another  omission  occurs  in  his  speech,  to  which 
I  will  for  n  moment  allude.  He  enu'iiemlcs,  u.i 
we  arc  authorized  to  conclude,  all  of  the  then  mem- 
bers of  the  Committee  on  Territories,  (six  in  num- 
ber,) and  nil  Democrats,  you  and  myself  of  that 
number.  I  do  not  feel  that  it  is  necessary  to  dis- 
avow any  one  of  the  results  or  conclusions  of  that 
report,  i  have  not  read  it  to  this  day,  and  am 
not,  therefore,  prepared  to  condemn  it;  though  if 
I  had,  us  I  have  before  attempted  to  show,!  do 
not  stand  committed  necessarily  to  any  part  of  it . 
I  was,  at  that  session,  a  member  of  the  Commit- 
tee on  Public  Lands,  and  had  very  heavy  labor  to 
perform  on  it;  and,  us  a  coiisctiuence,  could  not 
attend  often  the  meetings  of  the  Territorial  Com- 
mittee. I  will  not  say,  for  I  do  not  remember, 
whether  that  report  was  ever  read  in  committee. 
I  was  .so  ol\cn  absent,  that  it  might  have  been  read 
when  1  was  not  present.  I  can  say  this,  however, 
for  myself,  that  if  1  ever  heard  it  read  at  al.,  in  or 
out  of  committee,  it  has  escaped  my  recolU  ctioii. 
I  remember  no  such  thing,  and  am  of  tht  belief 
that  I  never  heard  it.  That  Governor  Bro  vii  had 
authority /mm /Ac  comHiiMtf  to  make  such  icpon 
1  have  no  doubt;  nnd  that  he  may  have  rend  it  t» 
the  committee  I  think  quite  probable.  However, 
being  wholly  uiiimporuint,  I  will  pass  it  over.  Lei 
mc  return  lor  u  moment  to  this  Democrntic  com- 
mittee of  si.x,  nnd  trace  it  one  step  further.  I  find 
upon  the  Journnls  ihut  there  were  nine  members 
of  the  Committee  on  Territories,  und  that  the  three 
which  the  gentleniun  omitted  to  nnmc  were  Whigs, 
nnd  of  that  number  his  colleague,  now  in  my  eye, 
[Mr.  M.  Brown,]  was  one.  Why  this  omission? 
He  will  not  venture  to  say  he  did  not  know  they 
were  members  of  the  committee.  It  is  hardly 
reasonable  to  suppose  he  found  the  names  of  u  part 
on  the  Journals  and  not  the  whole;  and  much 
more  unreasonable  would  it  be  to  suppose  that  he 
found  the  nnmes  of  the  six  Democrats,  and  could 
not  find  the  Whigs.  Where  I  find  their  nuiiics  on  the 
.Touriinls,  they  aVc  all  together,  nnd  mixed  up  at 
that;  so  that,  if  1  had  nttempied  to  Uiko  the  one 
and  i.ot  the  other,  I  would  have  been  compelled  to 
look  over  ull  the  nunies  to  get  them.  I  do  not 
charge  this  as  an  inteiuionnl  omission  of  that  hon- 
urttbfe  member;  he  may  be  able  to  show  that  it 
wus  accidental.  If  I,  however,  had  done  so,  I 
assure  this  committee  it  would  necessarily  have 
l>een  intentional.  I  cannot  well  nvc  how  I  could 
have  done  it  through  mistuke.  Then,  sir,  if  the 
Democrats  on  that  committee  subscribed  to  the 
argununls  und  coiuituiiom  of  that  report,  so  did  the 
Whigs;  they  made  no  cuuntcr  or  minority  report 


^  i 


[Feb.  tf, 

I  OF  Rcps. 

ulijer.t  lielonged 
ri,  a»  it  in  truth 

pending;  in  ihr 
e  on  the  ilate  of 
,  nnil  RN  ne^nli- 
•11  the  two  Oov- 
[H'rly  pnued  uii 
ision  to  it.  And 
evni  llie  begin- 
I  the  Olio  cjuutcd 

tlio  report  pni- 
Ihit  hrimeh  o/lht 
Vila  then  umlcr- 
rogress  lietweeii 
lilt  t'nrt  n»  n  rcM- 
lli  the  duubl  ex- 
|ue«tinn  wliy  hn 
I  is  another  fact 
,  and  wliich  he 
ovcrnor  Brown, 
irda  his  political 
in  Ilia  fiiiniesa.) 
aid  have  lenrneil 
gilt  to  n  vote  ut 
,  (na  it  was  call- 
r  it;  thereby  vo- 
;  niid  bIbo  in  the 
I  own  iiiiequivo- 
y  of  his  report: 
efia  could  iiotdi- 
Uiiitcd  Stalea  aa 
d  lie  vote  lor  the 
not  do  to  tell  mo 
laaaed ;  however 
le  bill,  he  coulii 
t,  if,  ill  hia  opiii- 
wliich  Cungreas 

ipecch,to  which 
ciiu>npmlca,  us 
if  the  then  iiieiii- 
ica,  (aix  in  iiuiii- 
myaelf  of  that 
icceaaary  to  dia- 
icluaions  of  that 
la  day,  and  am 
nn  it ;  though  if 
i  to  ahow,!  do 
3  any  part  of  it 
of  tlio  Commil- 
'  heavy  labor  to 
icncc,  could  not 
erritorinl  Com- 
not  rcnieiiiber, 
|l  in  committee, 
have  been  read 
this,  however, 
[rail  at  al.,  in  or 
iiy  rt'collt  ctioii. 
ni  of  tli«   belief 
nor  Bro  VII  had 
ke  such  icpon 
have  read  it  to 
le.     However, 
aa  it  over.   Let 
iiiocralic  coin- 
further.    I  find 
nine  nicnibcrs 
d  that  the  three 
iC  were  Whigs, 
ow  ill  my  eye, 
tliia  oniiasioii .' 
lot  know  they 
It  is   hardly 
aniea  of  ii  part 
le;   and  much 
luppoae  that  he 
ata,  and  could 
r  nanica  on  the 
mixed  up  at 
take  the  one 
I  compelled  to 
tni.     I  do  not 
III  of  that  hon- 
aliow  that  it 
lid  done  au,  I 
Icssarily  have 
:  how  I  could 
■en,  .sir,  if  the 
Icribed  to  the 
Irt,  so  did  the 
Liority  report 


1846.1 


99th  Cuno 1st  Se88. 


AiltWDlX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Hie  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  G.  S.  Hmuton. 


881 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


\ 


and  if  I  am  inconaiateni,  in  ia  thegonlleman'a  col-  ' 
league,  [Mr.  Bhown;]    for  if  the  argument  ad-  j 
vnnced  lie  correct,  that  we  are  all  bound  aa  having  I 
virtually  aubacribed  lo  that  rejiort,  you  have  but  to  | 
look  a  little  further  into  the  Journals  of  that  same  | 
Congrena,  and  you  will  And  that,  directly  in  the 
face  of  this  fancxed  committal,  hia  colleague  voted  { 
to  inaert  a  provision  into  the   bill  directing  the  | 
President  to  give  the  notice,  and  such  was  the  vote  I 
of  every  Whig  member  then  in  hia  seat  from  the  i 
iState  ot  Tenni'SNce.  Il  is  very  natural  that  I  should 
iiak,  how  is  this.'     What  sort  of  conaistency  does 
the  gentleman  hiniaolf  present.'    Why  did  he  fail 
to  suite  fully  what  appeared  of  record,  implicating 
nlike  Whigs  aa  well  aa  Democrats? 

Mr.  M.  Brown  rose  to  make  an  explanation, 
and  was  proceeding,  when  Mr.  Huuston,  learning 
from  the  Chairman  that  this  interruption  would 
lie  counted  in  his  time,  auid: 

Mr.  Chairman,  i  cannot  yield  the  floor  if  I  am 
to  loae  the  time.  I  woulii  gladly  accommodate 
gentlemen  by  yielding  for  explanation  if  my  time 
would  allow  me  to  do  ao.  I  wish  to  do  no  one 
injuatict,  and  if  the  time  were  not  reckoned  against 
ni«,  I  would  much  preAir  to  hear  their  explanations 
aa  I  proceed.  They  muat  excuse  me,  however, 
and  take  their  chaitces  for  the  floor  oa  1  have 
done. 

Sir,  a  minority  report  has  been  made  from  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Uclatioiia  at  this  aeaaion 
of  CongrcKS,  signed  by  my  friend  from  Kentucky, 

^Mr.  U.  Davis,]  by  a  genileniiin  tVoin  Indiana, 
Mr.  C.  B.  8mitii,1  and,  1  think,  some  one  else. 
:'he  report  is  not  lieforc  me,  and  I  apeak  from 
memory.  As  I  underatand  the  concluaiona,  aa 
well  aa  the  rcaaoninga  of  that  report,  it  denies  to 
Congress  the  power  to  act  upon  the  subject  of  the 
notice  conlemplited  by  the  resolutions  on  your 
table.*  Yet  the  two  gentlemen  to  whom  I  nave 
referred  [Mr.  G.  Davis  and  Mr,  C.  B.  Smith] 
voted  at  the  last  sesaion  of  the  38th  Congress  to 
incorporaie  into  the  bill  extending  our  laws  over 
the  territory  of  Oregon,  a  provision  directing  the 
Preaident  of  ilie  United  States  to  give  the  notice 
substantially  as  we  propose  now  to  do  it.  How 
run  they  account  for  such  a  change  of  opinion  ? 
Will  they  attempt  an  explanation  ?  I  may  be  told 
lliey  did  so  with  a  view  of  destroying  the  bill; 
that  they  were  hoatile  to  it,  and  believed,  if  the 
notice  were  inserted,  the  bill  would  be  defeated. 
Can  gentlemen  avoid  the  difliculty  by  such  expla- 
nation .'  Cull  they  reconcile  such  a  course  to  their 
own  sense  of  propriety  and  right?  We  lu-c  now 
told  if  we  give  the  notice  that  war  will  be  the  iii- 
uvitable  result — a  war  which  will  be  destructive  of 
all  the  imporuint  intereats  of  the  country — a  war 
in  which  our  honor  will  be  implicated  to  an  unne-  | 
ceasary  extent,  if  not  Uirnished.  How  can  any  : 
one  who  believes  these  thinga  justify  before  the  { 
world ,  or  hia  own  conscience,  a  vote  for  the  notice  ?  | 
It  will  not  do  to  say  he  wanted  to  defeat  another 
bill,  and  thus  excuse  himself.  Better,  far  better,  ' 
would  it  have  been  to  let  the  other  bill  pass  into  a  i 
law,  than  to  have  placed  ao  large  and  important  u  I 
stake  upon  the  hazard  of  a  "  single  ifie."  Such  a 
cuuriie  would,  in  my  conception,  be  totally  inde- 
fensible, for  our  true  policy  ia  to  meet  these  qiies- 
tioiia  fairly,  and  to  advocate  or  resist  them  aa  their 
merits  or  demerits  in  our  judgment  may  demand. 
It  is  my  inieiilion  to  vote  ngainat  all  propositiona 
on  this  subject  which  fail  to  meet  llie  question 
fairly.     1  will  not  shrink  IVom,  but  will  meet  the 

*  "  The  HoiisL'  by  its  rei^olution,  might  declare  that  it 
was  expedient  or  inexpedieiit  lo  jjit-e  this  noliee  ;  and  if  in 
the  one  Ibrui  or  Uie  other,  tlie  President  niifilit  or  niiuht  not  i 
give  heed  to  it.  But  it  hiis  no  pon-er  to  oi-^nintitej  or  to  con-  I 
ciir  ill  a  tegiat'ilU'r  jiroct'rrfinp,  whether  in  *he  form  of  joint 
resolution  or  hill,  to  itnthori:c  this  notice  to  be  f^iien.  ft  can 
neither  ^irf  nor  ii-ithhotd  pon-er  to  Ihit  end, 

**  It  in  conreded  tlinl  tlie  coneiirrenee  of  the  Hoiihe  in  n 
resolution,  or  hill,  autiiorisinit  tliin  notice,  would  not  in 
liny  degree  utlect  itn  validity.  Hut  its  odoplion  fri/  the  tun 
itepartmmts  of  OovrrntnenI,  in  the  form  of  a  tejfistativc  nro- 
reprfin^,  wJtiM  trtinsfer  it  from  the  trefitti-mttldns  to  the  lav- 
moArinu  pou-er^  and  m  this  inode  the  intid'entaly  but  imjiortont 
aucstion,  whether  theassent  of  two-thirds  of  the  Semite  u-otUd 
he  necessary^  tnighl  be  eri:Jed.  II  leoulil  ,iM  (ciirf  to  t>re.ik  ' 
dov-n  the  p<trtition  of  our  Goeernment  iimon^  iviriotis  hrnnrhes, 
Injmixinf  up  the  House  in  an  oprrotion  which  the  Conslitnfion 
hiui  entrttsted  to  other  functionaries.  Jltui  u-hti  should  the 
House,  by  it  viotntion  of  nit  jtroprietyinforin,  ami  without  uniy 
effective  authority  orer  the  stthjecty  make  itself  a  party  to  this  I 
procredinel  If 'tlie  notice  he  expedient  and  propei*,  it  Ima 
heeoine  no  without  itJt  net.  It  is  rendered  so  liy  the  refusal 
of  the  Prevident  to  arhitrale  the  controversy,  and  by  his 
closing  furtlier  neguUuUuii." 


reapnnsibilily,     In  that  course  I  believe  the  great  , 
boiiy  of  the  people  will  aualain  me.     If,  however, 
I  should  be  unable  to  sustain  myself,  I  will  have 
the  consolation  which  proceeds  from  nn  honest  iii- 
leiitinn  to  protect  andacfend  my  country. 
Admit,  if  you  please,  that  this  i«  not  a  question 


upon  which  this  Homo  can  speak  authoritatively; 
yet,  I  hold  that  the  Kxecutive,  in  discharging  the 
delicate  and  important  duties  growing  out  of  it— 


especially  under  the  circumalances  of  this  case — 
may,  with  great  propriety,  conaull  and  advise  with 
the  Representatives  of  the  people.  In  that  aapect 
of  the  ciiae,  we  might  not  be  bound  lo  give  him  our 
opininna  or  advice;  yet,  if  we  should  refuse  il,  our 
people  would  condemn  us,  and  rightly,  in  my  judg- 
ment. Look  if  you  will,  but  for  a  momriit,  into 
the  tnin  state  of  the  question.  No  Preaident  has 
ever  offered  to  give  the  notice  without  submitting 
it  to  Congress.  The  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  last  Congress,  and  prior  to  the  installation  of 
the  present  President,  assumed  to  have  jurisdicllon 
of  this  subject,  and  passed  a  provision  which  was 
sent  to  the  Senate,  directing  the  President  of  the 
United  States  lo  give  the  notice;  and  the  Senate 
have  had  before  them,of  their  own  accord,  similar 
propositions — have  entertained  and  debated  them 
—thereby  recognising  the  question  of  notice  as  a 
legislative  matter,  and  as  within  their  jurisdiction. 
These  things  arc  all  of  record,  and  are  spread  out 
upon  your  journala,  and  known  to  the  President 
and  the  country.  Now  it  is  gravely  insisted  that 
he  present  Executive  shall  take  the  whole  respon- 
sibility upon  himself.  Even  supposing  the  Presi- 
dent felt  that  he  had  the  power  under  the  Constitu- 
tion to  give  the  notice,  ia  it  fair  or  reasonable  to 
expect,  in  the  face  of  all  these  facts,  that  he  ahould 
have  given  it  without  saying  a  word  to,  or  consult, 
ing.  Congress  ?  Do  you  not  ask  of  him  too  much  ? 
If  he  has  erred,  it  is  on  the  aide  of  safely.  Sup- 
pose he  had  given  the  notice  and  involved  the  coun- 
try in  war:  he  would  have  been  censured  and 
abused  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  this 
country;  and  by  those  of  both  parties  who  are  at- 
tempting to  rest  the  entire  responsibility  upon  him. 
He  would  have  been  denounced  as  arrogating  to 
himself  power  "  not  conferred  upon  him  by  the 
Constitution  and  laws,  but  in  derogation  of  both," 
for  thus  attempting  to  grasp  and  concentrate  in  his 
own  hands  the  power  of  peace  and  war.  He  did 
not  pursue  that  course,  and  I  am  glad  that  he  did 
not;  nor  does  he  now  propose  to  avoid  responsi- 
bility. He  tells  you  the  notice  should  be  given. 
What  more  could  he  say.'  It  is  a  fatal  mistake  to 
suppose  that  we  can  avoid  this  question.  The  peo- 
ple will  listen  to  no  special  pleading  upon  a  meas- 
ure like  this.  They  sent  us  here  to  act  for  our 
country.  Then  let  us  do  it.  They  expect  ua  to 
meet  responsibility  1  and  for  one,  though  I  do  not 
court  it,  I  am  ready  and  willing  to  meet  it. 

It  liua  been  stated  in  this  debate  that  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  Democrats  of  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives, at  its  last  session,  voted  against  inserting 
in  the  bill  then  before  them  a  provision  directing 
the  notice  to  be  given;  and  the  inf|uiry  is  made, 
why  it  was  not,  at  that  time,  a  party  question,  and 
why  were  not  those  who  voted  against  it  "  read 
out  of  the  raiika  of  democracy.'"  As  I  have  al 
ready  said,  I  am  opposed  to  making  this  a  parly 

3ueslion,  because  it  is  wrong  and  should  not  be 
one.  Yet  gentlemen  should  remember  that  the 
case  then  presented  bears  no  analogy  to  the  one 
now  before  the  commitlee.  At  that  time,  negotia- 
tions were  in  progress  between  the  two  Govern- 
ments; and  at  this  time,  as  far  as  we  know,  or  even 
believe,  negotiations  are  not  in  progress.  TIuh 
the  President  wished  to  continue  his  negotiations, 
and  did  not  solicit  the  interposition  of  Congress; 
but  now  the  President  has  informed  Congress  that 
he  bus  failed  to  adjust  the  difliculty  by  negotiation, 
ond  our  action  is,  by  him,  invited  and  recom- 
mended. 

These  considerations  had  great  influence  upon 
that  vote.  It  will  aUo  be  remembered  that,  at  the 
time  of  that  vote,  there  was  a  joint  resolution 
pending  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  slate  of 
the  Union,  directing  the  notice  to  be  given;  and  it 
was  the  wish  of  many  of  the  friends  of  Oregon 
that  the  two  measures — the  bill  and  the  notice — 
should  be  kept  separate;  and  I  am  as^surcd  that 
niihiy  who  were  llien  for  the  notice  voted  against 
putting  it  in  the  bill,  bccousc  they  feared  that  both 
measures  would  be  thereby  endangered.     They 


wished  each  to  stand  separate  from  the  other,  and 
upon  lis  own  merita,  so  that  the  one  should  not 
jeopard  or  prejudice  the  other 

III  connexion  with  ttiis  point  of  the  case,  I  hoiis 
I  may  be  allowed  to  refer  to  a  speech  mu'le  by  the 
President  in  18U9,  when  a  member  of  the  House 
of  Repreaentativea,  on  the  subject  of  Oregon,  It 
might  be  wiie  in  tlie  friends  of  Oregon  to  look  to 
that  speech;  they  may  (losaibly  find  enouph  in  it 
to  make  them  doubt,  at  leaat,  the  fate  ol  such  a 
territorial  bill  as  we  might  prefer,  I  greatly  desire 
to  see  some  eflicient,  beneficial  legislation  on  tliia 
subject,  I  want  lo  sec  our  citizens  there  enjoying 
the  full  protection  of  our  laws.  How  sliuli  we 
accompliah  that  purpose  ?  I  know  of  but  one  sure 
way,  and  that  ia  the  notice  aa  a  first  step.  Let  ill 
divest  ourselves  of  the  aliacklea  of  the  treaty,  iiiid 
then  we  can  legislate  without  the  fear  of  violatlnj; 
trcatiea.  We  can  never  organizeacomp/r((  govern- 
ment there,  until  the  treaty  is  abrogated.  You 
may  pass  billa  which  will  do  aomc  good;  you  can 
now  extend  our  lawa  over  the  cillzena  of  the  terri- 
tory, saving  and  excepting  British  subjects;  and 
you  may  nflord  protection  to  the  emigrant  on  his 
way  to  Oregon,  But  it  is  thought  by  many  able 
statesmen  that  you  cannot  give  him  a  home  ofler 
he  gets  there  while  the  treaty  exists,  though  1  be- 
lieve we  can  give  him  lands  prospectively,  to  vest 
absolutely,  after  the  line  shall  have  been  run  be- 
tween the  two  Governmenia,  or  the  one  yields  all 
to  the  other,  in  which  event  no  new  line  will  be 
neceasary.  But  if  there  ia  a  serious  doubt  about 
it,  let  ua  solve  that  doubt  by  abrogating  the  litaiy. 
It  must  finally  come  to  tliut  in  any  reasonable  con- 
tingency. 

If  we  should  pass  a  coiiipUte  territorial  bill,  our 
chances  for  war,  I  apprehend,  would  be  increased. 
Lord  Palmeratoii  and  Sir  Robert  Peel  have  both 
declared  that  such  a  bill  would  violate  the  treaty. 
In  debating  that  question  in  the  British  Parllunicul, 
Lord  Palmerston  said: 

"  What  has  happened  lately  about  that  (Oregon) 
'  question  ?  Why  the  Senate  have  actually  passed 
'  a  bill  for  immecliately  taking  forcible  possession 
'  of  the  whole  of  that  tcriitdry;  and  the  .Senator 
'  who  brought  in  that  bill  expressed  his  conviction 
'  that  the  American  claim  on  this  territory  would 
'  immediately  be  acquiesced  in  by  Great  Britain, 
'  if  it  was  only  urged  in  what  he  was  pleased  to  call 
'  a  proper  manner.  It  is  impossible,  I  conceive, 
'  that  this  bill  should  pass  the  other  branch  of  the 
'  Legislature;  but  if  it  were  to  pass,  and  to  be  acted 
'  upon,  it  would  be  a  declaration  of  war.  It  would 
'  be  the  invasion  and  seizure  of  a  territory  in  dla- 
'  pute  by  virtue  of  a  decree  made  by  one  of  the 
'  parties  in  its  own  favor." 

To  which  Sir  Robert  Peel  replied : 

"  The  noble  lord  says  the  adoption  of  that  bill 
'  would  be  a  case  of  war.  I  will  not  discuss  hy- 
'  pothetical  cases  of  war,  when,  as  1  have  said,  llie 
'  Executive  Government  has  aignified  to  us  its  dc- 
'  sire  to  maintain  pence,  and  to  efl'ect  a  satisfactory 
'  adjustment  of  the  question  of  the  Oregon  terri- 
'  tory.  1  trust  in  the  asauruiices  of  the  Executive 
'Government;  and  I  will  not  believe  that  it  will 
'  give  its  consent  to  a  legislative  measure  at  vari- 
'  ance  with  these  assurances." 

They  are  not  idoiie  in  the  opinions  Ihey  then  nd- 
vimced;  many  of  our  own  statesmen  entertain  sim- 
ilar views.  In  the  discussion  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  Slates  in  1843,  on  a  bill  known  as  Linn's 
bill,  Mr.  Calhoun  said: 

"  Even  I,  who  believe  that  the  present  ministry 
'  is  disposed  to  peace,  that  the  recent  mission  to 
'  this  country  originated  in  the  spirit  of  peace*  and 
'  that  Sir  Robert  Peel  has  exhibited  "leat  wl.sdoni 
'  ami  inoderntlon — moderation  in  tlie  midst  of 
'  splendid  success,  and  therefore  more  to  be  Irusi- 
'  ed — ilo  not  doiibl  ■  be  would  resist  if  wo  sliuuld 
'  adopt  this  measure.' 

In  that  same  speech, Mr.  Calhoun  further  said: 

"I  am  nol,  however,  of  opinion  that  Orcat  Brll- 
'  Bill  would  declare  war  against  us.  If  I  mistake 
'  not,  she  is  under  the  direction  at  this  lime  of  those. 
'  who  are  too  augacious  and  prudent  to  take  that 
'  course.  She  would  probably  consider  the  treaty 
'  at  an  end,  and  take  jjossession  adverse  to  us,  if 
'  not  of  the  whole  territory,  at  least  of  the  Coluni- 
'  bia  river.  She  would,  at  the  same  time,  take 
'  care  to  command  that  river  by  a  strong  fortifica- 
'  tioii,  manned  by  a  respectable  garrison,  and  leave 
<  us  to  decide  whether  we  shall  acquiesce,  or  ne- 


ii 


in 


.■■11' 

ml 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONATi  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  fl, 


i{hn  CoNO 1st  Sri8. 


The  (hciron  (^twttion — Mr.  (}.  S.  Ilomton. 


Ho.  or  RcFi. 


'  gntiute,  or  nitrnipt  to  iliiilodi^  her.  To  arqiii- 
'  eiiT,  iimlf-r  »uo.h  cirriini»innrc»,  would  b*  n  vir- 
■  tuiil  nurrrnilrr  nfihe  trrritnry;  to  iiKgotinte  witli 
'  ndvcrae  luid  foiflljle  piiMiesnion  ngiiiiiHt  iia,  would 

*  iir  nljnoDt  »»   ho|>clf«a;  nnd   to  diiludge  her  iit 

•  preprnl  would,  hb  him  li«eii  ahown,  be  imprnrli- 

•  lalile.     Hui'h,  in  my  opinion,  would  be  the  prob- 

•  able  renultiiihoiild  thia  bill  be  pnaaed." 

I  do  not  intend  to  lie  undemtood  lut  aaaeniinK  to 
thcae  opininna,  I  voted  for  the  bill  of  Inat  Con- 
groaa,  under  the  lielieC  ihnt  it  did  not  violate  our 
trenty  with  Qrcnl  Britain,  nor  do  1  think  it  would. 
\  am  endeavoring  to  hIh)W,  however,  thai  aome  of 
the  ableai  Bl<iteflmen  in  Kn^tland,  n«  well  a«  in  the 
United  8late!i,  enlcruiin  the  opinion  that  a  territorial 
bill  would  violate  the  treaty,  and  that  war  would  be: 
the  conaequeni'i' — a  war  which  would,  in  the  niindN 
nl'  aouie,  at  least,  ivirry  with  it  the  odium  of  bad 
faith  on  the  pan  of  thia  Oovcrnnieiit — of  a  palpable 
violaMon  of  exlKtln^  trenticd,  1  wiali  to  uvoid  that 
impuinlion;  1  wiah  to  nviiid,  if  possible,  even  the 
suspii'ion  of  a  breach  of  ftiilh.  If  we  have  to  li;;lit, 
let  UK  do  it  in  a  dear  riiac;  let  us  cut  looae  from  tlio 
restrictions  of  the  treaty,  by  yivini;  the  notice  con- 
ttirnialiiv  to  its  Hecond  article,  ajiU  then  we  can  le- 
ginlnie  lor  llie  protection  of  our  people  and  the  ad- 
vniicenient  of  the  iniereals  of  the  country.  Snih 
arc  my  views  on  this  branch  of  the  suljject.  And 
while  1  do  not  abandon  a»  wron'.;  the  piMJlion  as- 
Numed  by  the  Hiiiini  of  RcprcsciiuitivcH  of  the  "Jftlh 
Ciiii|;res8 — wliile  I  tntully  repudiate  the  idea  of  cou- 
formuip;  my  opinions  to  the  opinions  of  the  Freai- 
dcnl,  or  any  one  else — yet,  sir,  in  the  fear  that,  by 
pcrKiHtiii!^,  we  mij;lit  fail  to  accomplish  anytliin)r, 
and  willi  a  view  to  concentrate  the  opinions  and 
joint  harmonious  action  of  our  hwii  slalesnien  and 
people,  and,  if  possible,  to  avoid  war,  I  am  willin;; 
to  yield  for  the  present  the  doubtful  features  of  the 
territorial  bill,  until  we  can  abrogate  the  treaty  en- 
tirely. Let  us,  then,  ijivo  the  notice,  and  pass  the 
best  bill  \ic  iMii  fit  the  cHicienl  protection  of  our 
ciiir-cna;  one  in  which  all  ri'asonable  men  can  uniie 
as  being  in  strict  ronformity  to  the  treaty;  and 
when  the  twelve  months  expire,  we  can  'do  the 
rest. 

I  have  another  extract  from  Mr.  Calhoun's 
Rpeecli  in  siippoit  of  these  views,  which  1  had  I'or- 
iitten  lo  read  at  an  earlier  stage  of  my  renmrk.s, 
ul  which  I  beo;  tlip  indulireiice  of  the  cumimttuD 
for  permission  to  lead  at  this  time: 

Mr.  Calhoun  said: 

"  Bnt  if  our  fiiia.ices  were  in  ever  go  flourishing 
'a  stale;  if  the  political  condition  of  the  country 
'  were  as  stronj  a.s  it  could  be  made  by  an  Admln- 
'  istration  slnndinir  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  doini- 
'  nam  party;  and  if  our  population  had  reached  the 
'  |ioiiit  where  we  could   sueccvisfully  assert   and 

*  niainiain  our  claim  a!>ainsl  the  adverse  claim  of 
'  Great  Hritnin,  there  would  still  remain  a  decisive 
'  objection  to  this  bill.  The  mode  in  which  it  pro- 
'  poses  to  do  it  is  indefensible.  If  we  arc  displcas- 
'  ed  with  the  existing  arraiisemeiit,  which  leaves 
'  the  territory  free  and  open  lo  the  citizens  and 
'  subjects  of  the  two  countries;  if  we  are  of  the 
'  o))iiiioii  it  ojierates  practically  to  our  disndvan- 
'  lage,  or  that  the  liine  has  arrived  when  we  ought 
'  to  as.sirt  and  carry  into  edict  our  claims  of  ex- 

•  elusive  sovereignty  over  the  territory,  the  treaty 
'provides  expressly  for  the  case,  li  authorizes 
'  either  party,  by  giving  n  year's  notice,  lo  icrnii- 
'  nate  its  existence  whenever  it  pleases,  and  with- 
'  out  giving  rca.snns.     AVhy  has  not  this  bill  con- 

•  formed  to  this  express  and  plain  provision?  Why 
'  shsnld  it  underlaKe  to  assert  our  exclusive  own- 
'  ership  to  the  whole  territory  in  direct  violation  of 
'the  treaty?  Why  should  it,  with  what  we  all 
'  believe  lo  be  a  good  title  on  our  part,  involve  the 
'  country  in  a  coiilroversy  about  the  violation  of 
'  the  treaty,  in  which  a  large  iiortioii,  if  not  a  nm- 
'  jorily,  of  the  body  believe  that  we  would  be  in 
'the  wrong,  when  the  treaty  it.self  might  so  easily 
'  anil  in  so  short  a  time  be  lerminaled  by  our  own 
'  act,  and  the  charge  of  its  violation  he  avoided  .' 
'  Can  any  satisfactory  reason  be  given  lo  these 
'  ipieslions :  I  ask  the  author  of  the  measure  and 
'  its  advocates   for  an   answer.     None   has   been 

*  given  yet,  and  none,  I  venture  to  assert,  will  be 
'  attempted.     1  can  imagine  bui  one  answer  that 

*  ean  be  given — that  there  are  those  who  will  vole 
'  for  the  bill  that  would  not  vote  to  give  the  notice, 
'  under  the  delusive  hope  that  we  may  assert  our 

*  exclusive  owncrahip  and  take  possession  without 


■violating  the  treaty  or  endiingerinK  >he  pence  of 
■  the  country.  Their  aim  ia  to  have  nil  the  litneAt  ' 
'  of  the  treaty  without  lieing  aubject  lo  ila  reatric-  | 
'  lions — nn  aim  in  direct  conflict  with  the  only  ob-  1 1 
'  jecl  of  the  treaty — lo  ptevrnl  conflict  between  the  I  j 
'  two  rounlrieM,by  keeping  the  qiiealion  of  owner-  ! 
'  ahip  or  sovereignly  in  nlieynncc  till  the  queation 
'  of  boiiiidnry  can  be  acltled." 

We  are  now  told,  if  we  give  the  notice  we  will 
involve  the  country  in  war;  and  aome  have  gone  ao 
Air  aa  In  call  the  notice  n  war  measure,  and  its 
fViends  the  war  party.     Wu  have  heard  nine' 


I  will  not  so  far  violate  the  proper  niira  of  or- 
der as  to   ini|ieach  the  molivca  of  gentlemen  :    I 
have  no  inclination  to  act  with  even  (rnnin^  unfair- 
neaa  lownrJa  them.     Yet  the  fear  nt  times  presaea 
iiaelf  upon  me,  that  much  of  Ihia  talk  of  war  ia 
intended  lo  prejudice  the  question  before  us— that 
it  ia  used  na  one  of  the  wenpona  of  war  aguinat  it; 
and  as  being  appropriate,  I  will   rend  an  exiract 
from  n  aneecli  delivered  by  oiia  of  my  collcaguen 
in  the  3t4lh  f'lmgreaa,  upon  the  Oregon  bill  then 
pending.     Mr.  Itelaer  aaid: 
"  If  anything  can  produce  war  between  the  two 
thia  debate  about  n  |)cacc  and  n  wnr  party.     I  pre-    '  '  governiiinntH,  it  ia  this;  It  ia  a  direct  nnd  pnaitivn 
same,  Mr.  Chairman,  nn  one  believes  there  la  u    !  '  ueclnratinn  nfownerahip  in  the  aoil,ttnd  can  only 

"' be  jiistilied  on  the  ground  that  ihean  coiiventioiiH 
'  of  \»\H  and  1H'J7  have  already  been  rendered  null 
'  and  void  by  (ireat  Dritiiiii,  without  fault  on  the 
*  |iart  of  the  United  ytalea.  Unleari  honorable  i^en- 
'  llemen  could  biing  their  raindstn  this  concluaioii, 


fi: 


party  in  Cougresain  favor  of  wnr  "fur  tear's  lotr," 
merely  for  the  purpose  of  having  a  fight.  There  is 
no  such  parly  here.  If  gentlemen  mean  by  the 
"  iror  parlij"  lo  desii'nate  iliose  who  prefer  war  to 
an  iag/orioiM  pmct,  tliey  are  c<u'rect;  there  ia  such 
a  party  in  Congress,  and  a  much  larger  one  in  the 
country. 

The  country  has  grown  tired  of  this  frequent  cry 
of  war;  it  fails  lo  alarm  or  excite  the  people;  even 
the  timid  have  beronie  familiar  with  it,  as  a  sort  of 
"hotmliold  iron/,"  and  are  unmoved  by  it.  If, 
IheiefoiT,  it  is  in  any  way  intended  lo  frighten 
lliein  from  their  course,  to  force  them  into  a  false 
positiini,  to  induce  them  to  oppose  the  giving  of 
the  notice,  it  is  wholly  unavailing,  and  had  heller 
be  abandoned.  If  gentlemen  want  lo  keep  the 
country  out  of  a  war,  they  mu.''t  salisty  the  people 
that  it  w<nild  be  for  some  cause,  in  the  particular 
case,  disbononililc  or  unnecessary;  but  never  ap- 
peal to  their  fears.  Don't  underrate  the  strength 
of  your  own  country,  and  overrate  timt  of  our  ad- 
versary. Do  not  tell  them  that  they  would  be 
whipped,  for  Ihey  will  not  be  made  to  realize  it. 
Uy  such  arguments  you  but  inflame  their  passions; 
they  know  they  cannot  be  vanquished  by  any  na- 
tion on  earth;  and  if  they  but  believe  their  cause  is 
just,  they  feel  doubly  armed.  I  bu.e  the  charily 
to  believe  that  no  eijirrtiihlt  member  of  this  com- 
mittee would  intentionally  and  wilhoiil  cause  in- 
volve the  country  in  an  unnecessary  and  dishonor- 
able war;  we  are  all  for  peace,  but  dill'er  as  lo  .he 
be.tt  means  of  preserving  it. 

In  the  extract  I  have  just  rend,  Mr  '  Ihoun  did 
not  consider  the  notice  a  war  meaaur. ,  nut  the  re- 
lie  urged  it  upon  the  consideration  of  the 


'  they  ought  not  lo  sustain  ihn  hill  in  its  present 
'  shape;  but  should  amend  its  provisions,  anil  lliere- 
'  by  render  it  suiricienlly  proaperiivc  in  ila  opera- 
'  lion  fiir   lime  to  be  given  by  this  government  to 

*  Ureal  Urilain  lo  terminate  the  joint  agreement  of 
'  IHSJ7,  and  lei  the  controversy  afterwards  rest  upon 
'  the  better  title. 

",IIe  had  observed  in  the  commencement  of  his 
'  aru'iiment  that  the  admission  of  Texas  and  the  oc- 
'  cupiition  of  Oregon  were  grea.  American  nieiis- 
'  iires;  Ihey  were;  and  he  hoped  this  Mouse  would 
'adojit  the  latter  as  promptly  as  it  did  the  forniir. 
'Me  that  dallies  upon  such  qii  siions  is  until  for  the 

I  '  high  station  which  has  been  assii^ned  him.  The 
'most  iiKiidioiis  form  of  oppositnui  to  Texas  is 

'  '  that  which  denies  to  Congress  the  right  lo  iii- 
'  crease  oer  territory  by  legislation,  and  the  most 
'  deceptive  agiiinsl  the  occupation  of  Oregon  is  the 

*  cuckoo  ct'j  of  war.       •••••• 

"Its  passage  may  lead  to  collision,  to  cnnnicls 
I  '  of  jiinsdiclion,  and  ultimately  to  war;  but  thcsii 
I  '  are  the  risks  attendant  on  nations,  and  which  nt 
'  '  times  must  be  Uiken.  The  American  people  have 
'  '  become  tired  of  fruitless  negotiation,  of  erally 
I  '  diplomacy.  After  forty  years  of  this  kind  of  par- 
1  '  ley  with  the  same  nation  in  another  celebrated 
I  '  boundary  case,  we  lost  a  part  of  Maine.  The  cry 
'  then  was,  if  we  did  not  settle  by  nrgotialicm,  wo 
I  '  should  have  to  resort  lo  the  sword.  And  the  ar- 
gument   now    is  that  we  will  oft'cnd    that  great 


Senate  as  a  first  step  for  our  Oovernment,  tt  sort  of  I  '  Power,  if   we  attempt   to    exercise  jurisdiction 
preliminary  to  the  turlher  action  of  Congress  upon  |i  '  over  Oregon 


the  subject;  not  asawar,  imt  aa  a  peace  policy 
lie  said,  and  said  truly,  that  the  treaty  provided 
expressly  for  it,  and  that  we  had  a  right  to  give  it 
without  assigning  onr  rrnjoiu.  He  characterized 
the  hope,  as  vain  and  delusive,  that  we  could  avail 
ourselves  of  the  benefits  of  thai  treaty  without  sub- 
jecting ourselves  to  it«  restrictions.  I  endorse  and 
adopt  his  opinions  as  then  expressed,  as  to  the 
peaceful  character  of  the  notice.  None  of  us  know, 
or  can  know  in  advance,  whether  it  will  or  will  not 
produce  war.  We  have  our  opinions,  and  I  have 
given  mine  to  the  cominillee. 

If,  however.  Great  Urilain  desires  a  conflict  with 
the  United  Sinies,  that  conflict  will  come  whether 
we  give  or  withhold  the  notice.  No  fair  or  hon- 
orable course  we  can  adopt,  under  such  circiim- 
Ktances,  will  avoid  it.  If  she  fights,  it  will  not  be 
for  Oregon,  but  for  something  of  much  more  im- 
portance in  her  estimation;  Oregon  may  be  the 
pretext,  [but  not  the  real  censes  I  hold  that 
war  will  not  imniediaiely  proceed  under  any  cir- 
cumstances from  the  action  of  Congress,  anil  that 
if  it  result  at  all  from  it,  it  will  be  as  n  remote  con- 
sequence depending  upon  contingencies  which  may 
or  may  not  iiuppen  in  the  territory  ol  Oregon.  It 
will  proceed  us  an  iuimediate  consequence  from  a 
collision  of  the  citizens  and  subjects  of  the  two 
governments  there — from  aconfliciof  laws— of  the 
authorities  of  the  two  nations.  Suppose  we  give 
ihc  notice,  extend  our  laws,  and  take  possession 
of  the  country,  war  need  not  be  inevitable,  though 
it  nay  be  probable.  If  the  people  who  live  there 
conform  to  our  laws,  as  they  may  do,  we  will  of 
course  have  no  war;  if,  however,  a  portion  of  them 
should  be  disobedient,  and  resist  the  due  execution 
of  those  laws,  a  conflicl  would  ensue  at  once,  nnd 
then  war  would  follow,  unless  an  adjustment  should 
be  had.  The  same  may  be  saiif,  and  with  the 
same  reason  and  force,  if  we  should  extend  our 
laws  and  attempt  to  lake  possession  of  the  coun- 
try without  the  notice. 


The  honorable  member  from  Virginia,    (Mr. 
]  Bavi.v,]  contended  that  if  the  United  Stales  should 
'  give  the  notice.  Great  Britain  might  waive  it,  and 
I  commence  n  war  immediately;  that  the  notice — 
the  twelve  months'  time — being  for  her  benefit, 
[  she  had  a  right  lo  waive  it  if  she  saw  fit  to  do  ao. 
I  difl'er  with  him  in  that  opinion.    I  do  not  so  read 
or  understand  thai  article  of  the  convention.     The 
notice  of  twelve  months  is  intended  for  the  benefit 
of  both  nations,  and  not  alone  for  Ihn  one  notified, 
t  The  one  giving  the  notice  is  presumed  to  do  so 
!  with  i-eference  to  the  lime  which  must  intervene, 
;  nnd  has  a  right  to  claim  it.     If  the  reverse  of  this 
'  be  true,  the  nation  notified  may  give  no  indications; 
of  a  wish  to  waive  the  notice,  may  seem  lo  ac- 
quiesce in  it,  and  in  that  way  throw  the  other  na- 
tion entirely  olf  her  guard,  until,  under  pretence  of 
trade  or  commerce,  she  has  her  veaaela  hovering 
!  around  our  coasts,  or  until  she  finds  the  largest 
I  anionnl  of  our  commerce  afloat,  unsuspecting  and 
:  comparatively  defenceless;  nnd  nil  nt  imce,  when 
v.'e  had  no  right  lo  expect  such  a  thing,  she  would 
,  "  poitnce  doien"  upon  us,  and  in  that  way  gain  a. 
':  di!cidcd  advantage.     Aside  from  that,  if  his  doc- 
trine should  hold  good,  the  nation  giving  the  notice 
I  never  could   tell  when  the  treaty  would  probably 
'  terminate.     If  the  nation  notified  had  the  right  lo 
I  waive  the  notice  the  day  it  was  received,  she  could 
I  do  it  at  any  other  time  between  that  day  nnd  the 
j  expiration  of  the  twelve  months,  so  that  every 
!  advantage  would  be  given  lo  her  by  being  notifietl. 
The  treaty  is  not  abrogated  on  the  day  the  notice 
is  given,   out  in  twelve  months  thereafter,  during 
which  time  it  is  in  full  force,  and  quite  as  sacred 
and  obligatory  as  it  is  at  thia  moment;  and  if  Great 
Britnin  should  act  upon  any  other  principle,  shn 
would  stand   condemned  by  the  wliolc  civilized 
world,  ns  well  aa  by  the  "  Ood  of  bailies." 

Nor  does  the  case  put  by  the  gentleman  relieve 
him.  His  doctrine  will  not  holif  good  between  in- 
dividuals, where  the  law  requires  one  to  give  the 


S 


0 


J^^^ 


■^p 


[Feb.  «, 
'  Rr.P8. 

rulf.t  of  or- 
nitlrnicn  :  I 
miinffimt'iiir- 
iinrK  jirrnarH 
Ik  of  w«r  iM 
i)ro  u* — lliiit 
Hr  nc^ninat  it; 
I  nil  extract 
ly  collciiRiieM 
;oii  bill  then 

vci'ii  the  two 
nnil  pnaitivK 
mid  am  mil/ 
coiivcnlioiiM 
'enilci'vil  null 
fuiilt  nil  the 
miinililvii^eii- 
H  cniirliiMioii, 
in  ilH  nrraciit 
iH,  fiiKl  there- 
in iu  OpiTH- 
ovprniiienl  to 
lujiceiiiciit  of 
irilH  ri'Hl  ii|iuii 

'pnii'iit  of  hJH 
IIS  iiiid  the  oi',- 
irriciiii  nii'iiK- 
Hoimo  would 
d  llio  fornirr. 
is  unfit  for  iliR 
■d  him.     Tliii 

to  'IVxns  is 
3  right  to  iii- 
niid  the  nioHt 
Ori'goii  is  llio 

•        »        • 

n,  to  conflicln 
vnr;  Init  thcso 
nnd  wliii'li  lU 
in  people  Imvii 
on,  of  cmfty 
is  kind  oP pur- 
ler cc^lehrnted 
inc.  The  cry 
?KOliiitioii,  wn 

And  the  nr- 
id    thnt  great 

juriHdiction 

rginiii,    (Mr. 
8tnlesBhould 
nive  ii,  nnd 
the  notice — 
her  benefit, 
fit  to  do  ao. 
o  not  so  read 
eiilion.     The 
"or  tlic  benefit 
one  notified, 
med  to  do  ho 
St  intervene, 
verse  of  thlM 
>  indiontionu 
y  seem  to  nc- 
tbe  other  na- 
er  pretence  of 
lacls  hovering 
s  the  largest 
apeoting  and 
once,  when 
g,  bIic  would 
it  way  gain  a 
if  liis  doc- 
ng  the  notice 
uld  probably 
the  right  to 
ed.slie  could 
day  nnd  tho 
that  every 
cing  notifieu. 
ay  the  notice 
after,  during 
itc  no  aacrcd 
;  and  if  Great 
irineiple,  hIio 
lole  civilized 
ttles." 

emnn  relieve 
d  between  in- 
e  to  give  the 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


sea 


29tii  Cono I  ST  Sg88. 


The  Oregon  ^ueilion — Mr.  O.  S.  Houston. 


Ho.  or  Riipv. 


other  notice  for  n  certain  ipcclArd  length  of  lime 
before  he  can  proceed  in  court  ngainit  him.  I  ad- 
mit that  the  party  notified  can  wnive  the  notice, 
nnd  proceed  inimedintcly  to  trial,  if  the  other  pnrty 
consent  to  it,  but  not  otherwise.  The  pnrty  giving 
the  notice  la  presumed  (n»  in  tho  case  of  the  two 
nalions)  to  give  it  with  reference  to  the  tin  •  which 
the  law  specificM,  nnd  could  not  be  forced  into  trini 
before  its  expiration.  So  it  in  in  thia  cnso.  Kng- 
laiid  and  the  United  Stalea  may  wnive  (ho  notice, 
nnd  commence  fighting  by  consent,  if  they  please, 
but  it  cannot  be  done  under,  and  in  accordance 
with,  I'/io  proviainna  of  the  trenly. 

Centlcnien  tell  us  they  conaider  our  title  good 
to  !he  parallel  of  latitude  49°,  but  not  fhrther',  nnd 
if  tte  will  insert  into  the  notice, or  npiiend  to  it, an 
.isf.eition  of  title  to  that  line,  they  will  vote  for  it. 
My  honorable  colleague  (Mr.  Daruan]  has  (lillen 
into  that  error,  as  1  will  endeavor  to  show  it  to  be 
before  1  get  through  with  my  remarks.  His  aec- 
und  resolution  is  in  these  words: 

"Sr.t.9.  Jlnilbeitfurthrrrenolvtil,  Thnt  the  line 
'  separaling  the  ririlish  provincca  of  Cnnndn  from 
'  ihe  United  Slates  ahonid  be  extended  duo  west  lo 
'  the  coasl  south  of  Frazer's  river,  nnd  from  thence 
'  through  the  centre  of  the  Straits  of  Fucn  lo  the 
'  I'acific  ocean,  giving  to  the  United  Slates  that 
•  portion  of  the  territory  south,  nnd  to  iheGovern- 
'  nient  of  Ureal  nritain'lhat  portion  of  the  territory 
'  north,  (if  said  line." 

I  cannot,  conaistcnlly  with  my  nolinns  on  this 
Hiibject,  vote  fiir  it.  I  consider  both  of  his  resolu- 
tions objectionable,  nnd  will  proceed  to  give  my 
rensons  for  that  opinion  I  oiijecl  to  hia  fust  rea- 
oliition,  becnuso  it,  in  effect,  direeta  the  I'lesident 
of  tho  United  States  to  reopen  the  negoiinti"ns.  I 
nm  willing  and  desirous  that  the  (pieminn  sli'iiild 
be  settled  amicably  nnd  honorably  bv  ncgoiialionN; 
but  I  nm  unwilling  to  force  the  President  to  reopen 
them.  I  leave  that  with  him,  in  Ihe  belief  thai,  if 
it  ia  proper  for  him  lo  do  an,  lie  will  take  llint 
course. 

His  second  rcaohition — the  one  which  I  have  just 
rend — is  objeclionnble,  becnuao  it  blends  the  title 
with  the  nolise,  „hieh  it  should  not  do.  They 
arc  separate  nnd  distinct  propositions,  and  should 
be  kept  so.  And  I  care  not  what  my  opinion 
about  our  title  niny  be,  I  could  not  vote  for  con- 
necting It  with  the  notice.  Let  us  first  give  tho 
notice,  nnd  throw  ourselves  bnek  upon  our  title; 
and  if,  in  the  nienntimc,  while  the  notice  ia  run- 
ning to  its  terminntion,  Ihe  Oovernmenis  think 
proper  lo  negotiate,  let  them  do  ao,  I  hope  they 
may;  but  if  they  do  not,  nnd  the  twelve  months 
elapse  without  n  aetllement  of  the  diflSculty,  then 
the  title  becomes  n  legitimate  nnd  proper  subject 
for  debate  nnd  investigation.  When  we  propo.ao 
lo  take  rxclmire  ponemnim  of  the  territory,  the  qiiea- 
lion  very  properly  preaenla  itself,  how  far  the  title 
of  the  United  Slates  extends  ?  If  lo  49°,  there  let 
us  slop;  if  to  ,')4°  40',  there  let  us  go.  I  will  go  to 
what  1  honestly  consider  the  extent  of  our  title, 
but  not  beyond  it. 

I  believe  the  resolution  of  my  colleague  will  pre- 
vent an  amicable  adjuainicnt;  that  it  will  prevent 
farther  nemlintiona  In  his  notice  he  proposes  to 
mark  the  noundary  line,  and  lo  say  to  Great  Bri- 
tain that  she  must  come  to  the  line  marked,  or  fight. 
Such  I  understand  to  be  the  efl'eci  of  it,  and  she 
will  doubtless  so  construe  it.  What,  then,  will 
Great  Britain  do?  What  can  she  do?  She  has 
often  refused  lo  yield  lo  49'',  nnd  we  tell  her  she 
shall  yield  to  it.  I  nni  sure  we  will  not  differ  about 
a  refusal  on  our  part  to  fall  lower  down  than  thnt. 
The  difficulty  with  us  ia,  will  we,  can  we  agree  to 
49°?  My  object  -wv  ia,  not  lo  show  that  49°  is, 
or  is  not,  the  true  line,  but  to  show  that  the  effect 
nf  such  action  would  be  n  fight  beyond  all  doiib*. 
Can  Great  Britain  negotiate  any  farther  with  such 
a  threat  hanging  over  her?  Does  any  member  of 
th  is  committee  believe  she  would  ?  Under  this  state 
of  the  case,  would  she  not  tell  us,  nnd  very  proper- 
ly tell  us,  that  she  could  not  treat  or  ni'gotialc  far- 
iticr,  while  Ihe  threat  remained  unieacindcd  ?  I  am 
t^alisfied  that  such  would  be  the  course  of  our  Gov- 
ernment under  hke  circumstances;  and  I  therefore 
think  that  war  must  be  the  consequence. 

View  it  with  reference  to  our  own  Executive, 
and  it  is  no  better.  Wc  say  to  him,  in  the  first 
resolution,  that  the  Oregon  difficulty  ia  n  "  subject 
oriionorablc  negotiation  and  compromise,  nnd 
should  be  so  adjusted;"  and  in   the  succeeding 


reaolution  of  the  eame  lerie*,  we  shut  the  door 
agninst  all  negolinliona — we  Inke  it  out  of  his 
hands.     How  can  he   negotiate  when  thus  com- 

Krnmilled?  What  ia  left  for  him  to  do?  i  grant 
e  could  cauae  a  note  to  be  written  to  Mr.  Paken- 
ham,  covering  a  copy  of  the  reaolutiona  nf  Con- 
greaa  diaclnaingthe  u/(imalu)n  of  this  Government. 
Ureal  Britain  would  say,  "  I  cannot  accede  lo  thnt 
propoailinn;"  and  there  i.igoiialions  ninat  termi- 
nate, aa  the  President  can  du  no  more.  Eniplnnd 
might  propose  lo  give  ua  more  of  the  territory, 
even,  man  49°,  if  we  would  connect  other  things 
with  it.  She  might  want  the  use  of  anme  nf  Ihe 
harbora  in  cerlnin  contingencies  aoulh  of  49°;  nnd 
ahe  might  ngree  lo  yield  more,  if  wc  wi.'ild  give 
her  aome  apecificd  commercial  privileges.  Indeed, 
there  nre  many  other  mntlers  which  might  be  con- 
nected with  the  Oregon  controversy  to  induce  a 
more  fhvorabic  terminntion  of  it  fiir  ua.  I  do  not 
name  these  because  I  think  they  should  be  used 
liy  the  President.  My  object  now  is,  to  show  that 
the  resolution  lo  which  I  refer  would  cut  off  nil 
negolinlioiii  yet  gentlemen  who  ndvocnie  it  wiy 
theynie  for  ndjiialing  the  miesiion  by  negolinliim 
nnd  compromise.  We  hail  tpiito  na  well  relieve 
our  Execulive  entirely  of  this  whole  aubject,  ns  lo 
go  the  length  proposed.  Why  not  direct  ihc  l^lerk 
of  the  House  to  deliver  to  the  British  Minister  a 
certified  copy  of  the  reaolutiona?  It  would  nniount 
to  the  anino  thing  in  the  end,  ns  tlioiii'li  it  were 
done  by  ihe  President,  or  Secretary  ot  Stale.  I 
have  before  remarked  that  I  cnuld  "ee  no  cmim  inn 
between  this  qiieslinn  of  notice  ai.d  ihc  title,  'i 
is  necessary  to  give  the  notice  whether  we  linvi; 
lille  to  all  or  lo  only  a  part  of  Oregon.  This  cnn- 
Irnversy  ahnuld  be  settled,  that  tlic  Goveri  iiiciila 
may  know  the  extent  of  their  righla.  If  our  lil'e 
is  good  to  only  a  part  of  the  lerrilory,  il  is  evi  ii 
more  important  that  an  adjustnient  should  be  had 
llian  if  it  were  known  to  be  good  to  all;  for  if  our 
people  go  beyond  the  true  line  lo  which  our  title 
extends,  nnd  make  settlements,  we  will  never  give 
ihem  up,  title  or  no  title.  In  such  a  case,  ihe 
people  would  not  lialeii  lo  specini  pleading.  The 
lime  has  pnssed  when  this  OoverninenI,  under  any 
Administration,  will  venture  to  surrender  up  or 
transfer  its  citizens  to  any  other  nation. 

Although  it  is  not  my  intenllon  to  discuss  the 
title,  I  will,  liowever,  make  n  brief  allusion  lo  nn 
nrgtiment  of  my  colleague  [Mr.  DAnoAN]  upon  the 
Nooikn  Sound  convention  between  Great  Britain 
and  Spiin  of  1790,  and  Ihc  effect  of  the  war  of  1796 
between  those  nations  upon  the  provisions  of  that 
trenly.  He  conlended  that,  by  the  treaty  of  17!l(l, 
at  Nootkn,  Great  Britain  oblai'ned  tho  right  of  set- 
tlement, which  gave  her  nn  interest  in  Ihe  soil,  nnd 
therefore  could  not  be  nbrognted  or  annulled,  un- 
less with  her  consent.  He  referred,  in  ilhislration 
and  siipportof  his  position,  lotlie  Irentiea  l)y  which 
this  Government  acquired  Louisiana  nnd  Florida, 
and  demanded  to  know  whether  a  war  between  Ihe 
United  States  and  Prniice  or  Spain  would  abrogate 
the  treaties  of  1803  and  IH19,  and  retransferlo  those 
nnlinna  the  territory  which  the  United  Slates  ob- 
tained from  them.  S'n  one  eonid  heaiiatu  In  answer 
his  question  in  the  negative.  I  do  not,  however, 
consider  the  cnses  aa  at  all  analogous.  Treaties 
are  contracts  between  nations;  ancl  yet  it  does  not 
follow  that  they  are  all  of  the  same  precise  charac- 
ter.  They  arc  widely  different:  some  executed,  giv- 
ing a  permanenl,  a  vested  right — ns  in  the  purchase 
of  Louisiana  nnd  Florida;  and  others  executory; 
others,  again,  in  the  process  of  being  performed,  but 
never  completed,  nnd  from  their  very  nature  cnn- 
not  be,  because  they  nre  cmHinuhig;  such  ns  nil  re- 
ciprocal commercial  treaties,  where  the  conaidern- 
tion  is  a  ;)frmissioii  on  the  purl  of  each  nntion  that 
the  other  may  do  particular  things,  the  permission 
of  the  one  being  the  consideration  for  the  perniisaion 
of  the  other.  In  the  cases  of  the  purchase  of  Lou- 
iainnn  and  Florida,  the  contract  is  executed;  the 
consideration  has  passed  entirely  into  the  hands  of 
Ihe  vendor,  nnd  il  is  beyond  our  reach.  Wc  have 
possession  of  the  territory,  and  have  organized  our 
Federal  nnd  State  Governments  in  it.  War  can- 
not, therefore,  nbrognte  or  rescind  them  so  as  to 
affect  our  rights  under  them.  We  now  have  com- 
mercial Ircalics  with  Great  Britain — treaties  of 
trade.  The  vessels  of  each  nation  enter  Ihe  ports 
of  the  other  in  pursuance  of  treaty  slipulalions. 
But  if  wc  should  declare  war  against  ncr,  all  of 
thcde  stipulations  would   be  abrogated,  and  the 


veaaels  uf  neither  could  enter  the  port!  of  tha 

other. 

I  come  now  lo  Ihe  treaty  of  >fooikn  Smind,  un- 
der which  these  righla  are  claimed;  nnd  in  order  In 
obtain  a  (irnper  underatanding  of  iia  proviainns  as 
flir  na  they  bear  upon  this  point,  so  ns  lo  enable  ua 
In  determine  to  which  class  of  treaties  it  belongs, 
it  will  be  necessary  for  me  In  read  its  third  ar- 
ticle; 

"  Art.  3.  In  order  to  strengthen  thn  bonds  nf 

'  friendship,  and  lo  preserve  in  future  a  perfect  liai  - 

'  mony  and  good  understanding  between  Ihe  two 

'  contracting  partlea,  it  is  agreed  thnt  tlieir  reapec- 

■  live  subjects  shall  not  be  disturbed  or  molested 

'  either  in  navigating  or  carrying  on  their  fisheries 

'  in  the  Pacific  ocean  or  in  the  South  seas,  or  in 

1  '  landing  on  the  consia  of  those  sens,  in  places  not 

'already  occupied,  for  Ihe  purpose  of  carrying  on 

I  '  their  commerce  with  Ihe  natives  of  the  country, 

;  '  or  of  making  sclllemenis  there — Ihe  whole  sun- 

'ject,  nevertheless,  to  the  realrictiona  apecified  in 

,  '  the  three  liillowing  articles." 

There  cnn  arise  but  one  point  of  difficulty  about 

Ihis  article.     We  will  doulitless  all  agree  That  tho 

rights  of  navigating,  fishing,  and  landing  on  ihis 

coast,  for  Ihe  piirpnsc  of  carrying  on  comiiiercn 

with    the  natives  of  the  country  are  coninierci:il 

,  privileges,  or  falling  within  that  class,  and  aa  siieh 

would  lie  alirngaled  and  annulled  by  n  war  between 

England  and  Spain.     Hut  connected  willi  the  rii^lit 

I  of  landing  on  the  const  Is  also  the  right  of  iiwikiiig 

selllemcnls,  about  which  so  much  has  lieen  said. 

I  And  my  purpose  is  lo  show,  if  I  cnn,  that   llio 

j  right  of  aetllement   na  given  in  that  treaty,  is  of  ;i 

character  identical  with  those  which  precede  it  in 

the  same  article. 

Under  the  third  nrlicle,  ns  read,  British  siibjecta 

'  have  the  privilege  of  navigating,  fishing,  and  Innd- 

ln?on  Ihe  const  not  already  occnjiied,  for  the  pur- 

pn.ae  nf  carrying  on  their  commerce  with  the  na- 

[  lives,  or  nf  making  selllcnients  there.     It  is  con- 

i  tended  that  the  right  of  sellleinent  carries  with  it 

j  the  right  of  .soil;  and  that,  therefore.  Great  Brilnin, 

i  under  it,  had  a  right  even  to  plant  a  colony  llicro 

1  if  ahe  chose  In  do  ao. 

I      I  beg  lo  differ  with  those  who  hold  that  opinion. 
j  I  consider  that  the  entire  grants  of  that  article  of 
the  treaty  relele  lo  Ihe  one  grand  and  leading  ob- 
j  jeci  which  Great  Briliiln  had  in  view  at  thnt  time — 
fitliing  and  c«rn;itig  on  commerce  irilh  Iht  iinlires  pf 
Ihe  cmmtni.     Slie  did  not  wnni  lo  make  settlenieiiis 
for  any  oilier  purpose;  she  wanted  no  colony  there. 
j  And  if  you  will  look  to  ihehistory  of  thnt  Irnnsac- 
tion,  you  will  find  thnt  the  dilficulties  which  led 
I  In,  and  were  settled  by,  the  Nootkn  Sound  coii- 
I  venllon,  originated  entirely  from  an  effort  on  the 
'  part  of  British  subjects  lo  exercise  the  very  piivi- 
legcs  afterwards  secured  lo  them  by  that  treaty. 
They  wanted   the  right  lo  fish  nnd  Irnde;  but  to 
exercise  Ihose  rijfhls  usefully  they  must  niso  have 
'  the  right  to  nnvigate.     How  could  they  fish  suc- 
cessfully without  Ihe  right  lo  nnvigate  the  waters  ? 
Indeed,  the  article  itself  says,  "  nai'ignd'ng  or  car- 
j  n(iiig  on  their  fisheries  in  Ihe  Pacific  ncean."    The 
rights  to  land  on  the  const  nnd  make  settlements 
1  were  indispensable  lo  fishing  and  trading  tcilh  Ihe 
natives,     tor  if  Ihey  were  not  permilled  lo  land, 
I  how  could  they  carry  on   commerce  with  the  na- 
!  lives?    And  if  they  had  no  right  of  settlement,  no 
i  right  lo  erect   temporary  houses   or  huts,   how 
I  could  Ihey  cure  their  fish  ?  or  establish  and  carry 
on   commerce?      But   why   specify   these   minor 
rights,  if,  by  "settlement,"  Spain  intended  to  give 
an  interest  in  the  soil  ?    An  unrestricted  right  of 
settlement,  the  right  as  construed  nnd  understood 
by  my  cnllengiie,  enirieH  willi  il  all  anbordinnlc 
nnd  incidental  rights.     If  Spain  intended  by  tho 
right  of  settlement  to  convey  the  right  of  soil,  it 
was  totally  unnecessary  to  specify  the  additional 
privileges   which  were  granted:  i'or  Ihe  right  of 
'  settlement,  carrying  with  it  Ihc  right  of  soil,  enti- 
i  tied  the  settler  lo  navigate,  fish,  nnd  Innd  on  tho 
j  const,  nnd  trade  with  the  natives,  without  an  ex- 
I  press  grant  for  that  purpose.     Then  why  were 
they  inserted  ?     Fishing  and  carrying  on  com- 
merce with  the  natives  of  that  country  were  profit- 
able employments.     England  knew  that;  and  in 
order  lo  secure  them  to  her  subjects,  she  not  only 
apecified  them  in  the  third  article  of  her  treaty  with 
Spain,  but  also  enumerntcd  other  things  which 
were  necessary  to  ennble  her  subjects  to  enjoy  nnd 
use  profitably  the  privileges  desired.    They  wont- 


11 


^^84 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 


[F'eb.  9, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Tht  Oregon  Question — Mr.  C.  J.  Ingeraoll. 


Ho.  or  Rkps. 


rd  tn  fstnblisli  trmliiig  poinia  where  the  natives 
could  find  them,  thnt  they  might  carry  on  com- 
merce— where  they  could  land,  cure  and  prepare 
their  fish  for  market.     Settlement  waa  nccesaary 
I'or  iliat  purpose.    Taking  these  views  of  the  treaty 
of  179U  between  Oreat  Britain  and  Spain— coii- 
i<iruiii<;  the  term  settlement  used  in  it  as  1  do— dis- 
tinguishing between  the  extent  of  its  meaning 
there,  nnd  the  manning  we  ordinarily  give  to  it — 
1  urn  led  to  llie  conclusion  that  it  was  mtended  as 
a  mere  incident  to  the  right  of  ,/bAing  and  Iradtiif ,'  ' 
ujid  as  such  was  abrogated  with  the  rest  of  the  {; 
)irivilegea  granted  in  that  article  by  the  war  of  i 
IT9G  between  Spain  and  Great  Britain.  | 

Mr.  Chairman,  peace  in  desirable,  and  should  { 
be  preserved,  if  it  can  be  done  in  an  honorable  way. 
But  1  tell  gentlemen  now,  and  hope  they  will  look 
to  il,  if  they  sutler  the  present  Congress  to  adjourn  | 
without  action  on  this  question,  they  will  regret  it.  ',' 
The  |)eople  have  been  harassed  long  enough  with 
it;  ihcy  deinnnd  its  seltlcmeii,  and  will  be  disan 
poiiued  and  nuioh  dissatisfied  if  we  adjourn  willi- 
out  doing  all  we  can  towards  it.  If  this  controver- 
sy should  remain  open  and  unadjusted,  so  as  to 
t'(in»litute  the  principal  element  (as  il  will  do)  in 
our  iic.vt  popular  elections,  there  will  be  no  lialf- 
wuy  house  left.  The  next  Congress  will  be  foixcd 
on  ny  public  opinion  arising  from  o  feverish  suite 
of  the  public  mind  caused  by  our  failure  or  refusal 
to  act  at  this  Congress. 

The  President  of  the  United  Slates  has  taken  ; 
high  ground  upon  this  subject.  His  Messnge  has 
been  endorsed  nnd  eulogized  throughout  the  length 
and  breadth  of  this  Union.  The  people  have  re- 
sponded to  his  positions  in  tones  of  the  highest  a|>- 
provnl,  and  it  now  becomes  our  duly  to  act.  Shall 
we  do  so.-  Alust  we  stand  still,  recede,  or  go  for- 
ward ■  Tliese  questions  are  presented  to  us  and 
to  the  country.  Let  us  meet  the  cri.sis;  and,  in  so 
doin^',  act  with  manly  firmne.ss.  If  we  recede,  or 
fail  tn  move  onward,  we  leave  the  Administration 
ill  its  high  und  patriotic  position  "  solitary  and 
alone." 

The  President  of  the  United  Stales  has  Utken  a 
bold,  but  judicious  and  wise  step;  he  has  gone  be- 
yond any  previous  Administration;  and  if  we  re-  " 
fuse  to  susuiin  him,  we  not  only  destroy  the  influ- 
ence of  his  .-Vdniinistration  at  home  and  abroad, 
but  we  effectually  block  up  the  avenue  to  a  settle- 
ment of  our  Oregon  controversy.  England  will 
view  il  as  a  rebuke  of  the  President  by  the  peo- 
ple— lliat  they  condemn  his  recoinnicnd«tions  in 
regard  to  Oregon.  She  will  then  rest  at  ease  and 
cease  her  eftbrts  to  adjust  it  by  negotiation.  Aa 
iniutrrs  now  stand  under  the  treaty,  she  has  all 
Klie  wanly,  and  if  we  refuse  to  give  the  notice,  the 
qucbiimi  will  not  be  settled.  If,  however,  we  pre- 
Nent  a  bold  and  undivided  from,  give  the  notice, 
and  show  that  a  settlemenl  is  determined  upon, 
and  that  il  musi  come,  then,  sir,  in  my  opinion, 
you  v.-iU  brint;  about  an  adjustment. 

I  do  lint  present  these  views  in  a  partv  sense.  1 
speak  not  as  a  partisan,  but  as  in  Amcrienn;  and 
I  hope  to  be  so  understood.  Party  feeliniis  may 
arise  amone,  and  divide  us  upon  questions  of  do- 
mestic policy;  but  on  a  question  between  ihe  United 
iStiues  and  a  foreign  nation,  there  should  be  but  one 
party  in  this  country — the  .Imerican  parly. 

1  do  not  mean  thai  our  duly  calls  upon  iij  to 
Kustnin  the  President  in  his  position,  merely  be- 
causfi  he  is  the  President,  irrespective  of  right.  If 
he  liful  taken  wrong  ground,  it  would  be  our  hiizh- 
cst  duty  to  check  and  restrain  him.  We  should 
throw  ourselves  into  the  breach,  and  protect  the 
country  and  its  honor.  Under  all  of  tlie  circuni- 
HtanifN,  however,  as  they  exist,  I  consider  that  l" 
give  the  notice  will  be  the  best  for  ihe  country; 
loiil,  bilieving  so,  whether  the  President  wire  ii 
Whig  or  a  Democial.  I  would  promiitly  rally  to 
his  support.  In  a  crisis  like  this  it  will  not  do  for 
■'to/ii//«ior /uni;m/f.  Ifwebepin  with  improper 
(. i*  iimiecessnry  hf  tation — if  we  slop  to  plead  our 
n.;  It  weakness,  and  the  strcnirth  of  our  adversary — 
if  we  exhibit  timidity  or  a  want  of  firmness,  war 
iri/(  come  upon  us.  If,  llierelorr,  \vc  would  avoid 
war,  we  must  not  evince  too  great  an  anxiety  to 
do  so. 

I  am  not  prepared  to  say  to  my  constituents  that 
we  will  Iidve  no  war.  They  have  all  the  iiifoniia- 
tioii  which  IS  in  my  possession,  and  are  as  compe- 
tent to  deicrniine  liiat  as  I  am.  I  hav*- given  them 
my  opinion,  which  remains  uiiclian^cd. 


Sir,  gentlemen  tell  us  that  we  arc  weak  and  dc-  j 
fenceless  as  a  nation;  that  wo  arc  unprepared  for  j 
war;  that  our  navy  is  hardly  a  nest-egg,  our  ormy 
a  mere  skeleton;  that  we  lack  guns  anil  ammuni- 
tion, fortifications  and  harbors.     Indeed,  if  we  but  ^ 
listen  to  speeches  of  the  opposition  on  this  ques-  , 
lion,  we  would  suppose  we  had  nothing  to  fight  ; 
with.    They  mistake — they  underrate  our  means,  t 
We  have  implements  of  war  in  great  profusion; 
and  more  than  that,  w    have  the  people,  the  inde- 
pendent iVncmen  who  miow  nothing  of  fear  when 
their  country  is  assailed,  and  their  rights  or  their 
liberties  endangered.     We  have  firm  hearta  on</ 
strong  ttnns,  whose  prowess  will  repulse  the  world 
ill  arms.     We  can  never  be  conquered  by  a  for- 
eign foe — the  thing  is  impracticable,  and  no  iiulioii 
knows  that  fact  better  than  Great  Britain. 

NoTK. — The  following  resolution  was  airreed  to 
by  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Slate  of  Alabama 
at  its  session  of  1814  and  184,5,  and  by  me  pre- 
sented to  the  House  of  Reprcsenlntivea  of  the  28tli 
Congress  on  the  15th  February,  1845: 

"Resolved,  That  the  true  policy  of  the  United 
'  Stales  requires  that  the  joint  occupancy  of  Oregon 
'  by  the  United  States  and  Kngland  should  cense. 

'",1nd  resolved.  That  the  title  of  the  United 
'  Stales  to  I  he  territory  of  Oregon  is  clear  and  iiidis- 
'pulablc." 

OREGON  aUESTION.  ' 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  C.  J.  INGERSOLL, 

OF  PE.N.VSYLVANIA, 

In  the  lIorSE  of  RErKESENT.lTiVES, 

Fchruanj  9,  1846. 
On  the  Resolution  for  terminating  the  joint  occu- 
pation of  Oregon. 

Mr.  CHARLES  J.  INGERSOLL  liaving  ob- 
tained the  floor,  addressed  the  commiltei'. 

After  eighty  or  ninety  speeches  on  this  subject, 
he  said  it  would  not  be  nccc3.sary  for  him  to  occupy 
much  of  '.he  time  of  the  committee.  He  deferred 
so  much  to  the  opinions  of  others  who  had  pre- 
ceded him,  that  he  scarcely  thought  it  necessary  to 
add  anything  to  what  they  had  said;  though,  not 
speaking  as  the  organ  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Affairs,  it  was  a  matter  of  perfect  indilleience  to 
him  what  form  miirht  be  given  to  the  notice.  But 
il  was  necessary  that  the  notice  should  be  given, 
for  the  reason  that  Great  Britain  had  complete  pos- 
session of  a  portion  of  the  territory  of  Oregon,  and 
had  expelled  every  American  adventurer  from  it, 
as  had  ueeii  stated  by  a  number  of  British  authori-  ' 
tics. 

It  was  so  stated  in  the  article  in  the  Edinburgh 
Review  on  this  subject  in  July  last.  It  had  also 
been  staled,  on  the  best  authority,  tliiil  the  value 
of  the  limber  and  fur  trade  in  Norili  Oregon  had 
been  half  a  million  a  year.  We  had  ilius,by  leav- 
ing Great  Hiitain  in  possession  of  the  territory  for 
thirty  years,  '.-ivcn  to  her  fifteen  millions.  We  had 
given  to  Greai  Briiain  fifteen  millioii.>i  to  exjiel  u» 
from  Oregon,  the  same  sum  which  wc  had  givei. 
for  the  purchase  of  Louisiana.  lie  would  say  no 
more  about  ilic  notice,  but  paa.^  to  some  of  ihe  coi- 
ollarii'S  of  the  prolik'iii  which,  perhaps,  it  ini;;lil  lir 
necessary  and  prfipcr  to  notice,  jmrticularly  as  they 
had  great  influence  on  the  public  mind. 

He  w'ould  speak  first  of  the  iieculiar  aspect  of 
this  question  as  it  affected  thi  imerican  nation; 
and  next,  of  the  aspect  which  it  had  in  respect  to 
our  foieigii  rclatimis.  Everywhere  but  in  this 
country  war  was  an  Executive  measure.  Here  il 
could  only  he  dccluied  by  act  of  Congress.  But 
territoiial  treaties  were  the  sulijcct  of  legislation  in 
every  country  where  there  is  a  rcprescnlative  Go\- 
ertmicni.  In  England,  in  France,  and  even  I'li 
UtTinany,  iiccording  to  .Mr.  WIicMton's  w'ork,  no 
territorial  change  could  be  made  by  treaty  in  thai 
Government  without  the  assent  of  the  whole  sov- 
ereignly. 

Eiilci'taining  this  oiiinion,  w  lien  the  Texas  (|ues- 
tioii  was  before  the  Iloiise,  lie  liud  ventured  to  sug- 
gest to  the  .Secretary  of  .State  tlnil  Texas  could  not 
be  annexed  by  the  Irefity-making  power,  and  ihat 
it  must  be  done  by  le^N.^laiion.  It  had  appeand  that 
this  was  the  opinion  of  the  President,  who  li'iil  lliere- 
foic  subniilled  the  question  lo  Conjjress;  and  the 


vote  in  the  Senate  in  support  of  Mr.  Webster's  call 
upon  the  President  for  information  as  to  the  stale  of 
the  negotiation,  and  the  nearly  unanimous  vote  of 
this  House  for  a  similar  call,  had  showed  that  it  was 
the  opinion  of  Congress  that  they  ought  to  super- 
intend the  negotiation.  In  his  opinion,  it  was  the 
duly  of  Congress  to  superintend  a  negotiation  where 
territory  was  concerned.  It  waa  not  competent  for 
the  treaty-making  power,  in  his  opinion,  to  grant 
away  any  part  of  the  territory  claimed  by  the  Uni- 
icd  States  up  to  54°  40'.  That  power  did  not  ex- 
tend to  the  cession  of  any  land  which  was  claimed 
as  a  part  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States.  The 
word  treaty,  which  occurred  in  the  Constitution, 
did  not  contemplate  territory,  but  commercial  ar- 
rangements, and,  possibly,  boundary  questions. 
But  a  treaty  to  give  away  half  the  territory  of  Ore- 
gon would  not  be  valid  without  the  sanction  of  this 
I-Iousp;  and,  ri  iiiii/(o/oWiurt,  the  President  had  not 
the  power  to  submit  territorial  rights  to  arbitration. 
The  Piesideiil  had  no  righl'to  refer  a  question  con- 
cerning territory  to  any  sovereign  or  subject.  The 
President  iniglil  negotiate,  but  he  could  not  act 
without  the  sanction  of  a  huge  jiortion  of  the  Sen- 
ate on  any  question,  nor  in  regard  to  territorial 
qnestiinis  wi'Jioiit  the  sanction  of  the  sovereignty. 
The  Secretary  of  Suite  might  tliererefore  have  said, 
in  his  reply  to  Mr.  Pakenhani's  proposition,  that 
it  wos  not  in  the  power  of  the  President  to  concede 
what  he  desired. 

When  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  [Mr.  Kmoj 
this  morning  read  some  passages  from  Vattel,  in 
favor  of  the  arbitration  of  territorial  questions,  it 
occurred  to  him  (Mr.  I.)  that  this  treatise  was 
written  by  a  native  of  .Switzerland,  and  was  written 
ill  England;  and  that,  in  speaking  of  the  subject  of 
arbitration,  the  writer  had  reference  to  his  own 
country;  for  arbitration  might  be  a  very  convenient 
mode  of  settling  a  dispute  in  regard  lo  some  small 
matters  in  Switzeilniid;  but  in  a  constitutional,  us 
well  as  in  a  physical  view  of  the  aubjecl,  a  resori 
to  arbitration  in  such  a  case  was  unsuitable  to  this 
country;  it  was  unworthy  of  any  country  which 
could  take  care  of  itself.  Neither  the  power  nor 
the  policy  of  this  country  would  justify  mich  a 
(ourse.  It  had  been  urged,  in  the  course  of  the 
debate,  that,  in  llie  case  of  the  Maine  Boundary 
question,  arbitration  was  resorted  lo  by  this  Gov- 
ernment. The  question  submitted  to  the  King  of 
Holland  was  a  question  of  boundary,  not  of  terri- 
tury,  and  this  Government  refused  lo  abide  by  the 
award.  This  power,  in  fiict,  was  never  exercised 
by  any  President.  Here  .Mr.  I.  begged  leave  to 
.'y ,  with  perfect  respect  to  the  gentleman  who  rep- 
resented that  part  of  .Massachusetts  in  which  Bos- 
ton was  situated,  that  there  was  a  reniarkable  re- 
semblance between  the  "  civilian  and  jiiris'.s,"  and 
oilier  phrases  which  occurred  in  Mr.  Pakenhanrs 
letter  of  the  Ifiili  .Tainiary,  nnd  the  same  phiiises  in 
the  .speech  of  thai  honorable  member  delivered  ten 
days  before.  He  (.Mr.  I.)  meant  no  harm  when  lie 
suggested  that  the  British  Minister  might  have 
hern  indebted  lo  the  honorable  gentleman  for  his 
opinions  and  views. 

He  would  now  speak  of  the  subject  in  iTgard  to 
its  aspect  towards  ourfiu'cigti  relations.  It  was  to 
be  remarked  that  in  all  free  States — and  mosl  of 
all  in  llii.s — there  were  other  powers  than  theCiov- 
cnimenl  itself.  This  had  been  remarked  in  regard 
lo  this  country  by  He  Tocqueville,  the  best  of  the 
foreign  writers  on  the  subject  of  our  iiistituiiotis. 
Our  own  sovereignly  consisted  of  associated  indi- 
viduals, of  minor  Oovcrimients — im;jcri(i  iaimprrio 
— of  States,  corporations,  and  parties.  It  was  vain 
to  dispute  that  party  had  great  influence  upon  pub- 
lic affliirs  in  this  country;  and  il  was  true,  no  doubt, 
that  parly  had  been  influcnlial  in  bringing  about 
the  present  state  of  things.  In  all  reiiresentativc 
Governnients  there  were  parties— parties  which  had 
tt  powerful  influence.  In  England  Sir  Roliert  IVcl 
was  at  the  head  of  one  party,  and  Lord  John  Uiit- 
siil  of  another;  and  in  France  parties  also  exi.sied. 
When  tin;  genlleinnn  from  fieoigia  spoke  of  the 
party  influence  brought  to  bear  on  lliis  suliject  by 
the  Balliniori'  convention,  he  said  what  W'as  partly 
true,  fhir  chief  niiigistrai'y  was  created  by  piirtv, 
and  therefore  the  iissertimi  of  our  iiidispulable  litlc 
lo  Oregon  was  dictated  by  party.  But  there  were 
two  conventions  lit  Italtimorr,  and  imc  of  llieni 
iioininnt"d  Mr.  Clay  fm-  the  Presidency.  If  Mr. 
Cliiy  had  suceredeif  in  the  election,  he  would  proli- 
ably  have  been  fiirccd  by  public  sciitinicni  lo  put 


[Feb.  9, 
OF  Rkps. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


a85 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  C,  J.  Ingenoll. 


Ho. 


R 


EPS. 


s.  Webster's  enU 
1  as  to  the  atiitc  of 
iitinimous  vole  of 
liowcd  llmt  it  was 
yr  ouglit  to  supcr- 
jinion,  it  was  the 
negotiation  where 
not  competent  for 
opinion,  to  grant 
•imed  by  the  Uni- 
lowcr  (lid  not  ex- 
hich  was  claimed 
lited  Slates.  The 
the  Constitution, 
t  commercial  ur- 
ndary  questions. 
;  territory  of  Orc- 
le  sanction  of  this 
President  had  not 
hts  to  arbitration, 
er  .1  qucstitni  con- 
1  or  subject.  The 
he  could  not  uct 
nrtion  of  the  Scn- 
;ard  to  territorial 
■  the  sovereignty, 
erefore  have  said, 
proposition,  that 
isident  to  concede 

nrgia  [Mr.  Kino] 
•H  from  Vatlel,  i]i 
orial  questions,  it 
this  treatise  was 
I,  and  was  written 
I  of  the  subject  of 
:*ence  to  his  own 
«  very  convenient 
iird  to  some  small 
constitutional,  us 
;  subject,  a  resort 
unsuitable  to  this 
ly  country  which 
;r  the  powir  nor 
Id  justify  .such  a 
the  course  of  the 
Maine  Boundary 
[d  to  by  this  Gov- 
:d  to  the  King  of 
lary,  not  of  terri- 
'd  to  abide  by  the 
s  never  exercised 
begged  leave  to 
ntleman  who  rep- 
tis  in  wliich  Bos- 
a  remarkalile  re- 
and  jiiris'.s,"  and 
Mr.  Pakenham's 
same  phrusis  in 
ber  delivered  ten 
lo  harm  when  he 
s'er  might  have 
;entleman  fur  his 


iject  in  regard  lo 
ions.     It  was  to 

s — and  most  of 

s  than  tlieCiov- 
iiarked  in  regard 
,  the  best  of  the 
>ur  inHtiliiiiiiiiN, 

i.-^Mociuted  iiidi- 

tpcritt  ill  iinpei'io 
Rs.  It  was  vain 
iicnceupon  pub- 
is true,  no  doubt, 

bringing  about 
representative 
larties  which  had 

Sir  Robert  Teel 
Lord  .(ohn  Ilut- 
ies  al.so  existed, 
^ia  spiike  of  the 

this  .suliject  liy 
what  was  parlly 
rented  by  party, 
indisputable  title 

Bill  there  were 
id  one  of  Iheiii 
idency.  If  Mr. 
,  he  would  prob- 
entiinent  lo  put 


II 


II 


in  the  anme  claim  for  Oregon;  ond,  ii  doing  so, he 
would  have  acted  consistently  \  ',".i  his  former 
course;  for  he  would  show,  und  r  tlie  handwriting 
of  Mr.  Clay,  instructions  whicl.  were  Ion?  ago 
given  10  Mr.  Gallatin,  claiming  the  whole  territory. 
There  must  always  be  parties  in  a  free  counli/. 
He  did  not  refer  to  domestic  and  local  fiictions;  but 
he  meant  10  sav  that  the  inlhienre  of  parly  resulted 
from  the  establishment  of  popular  institutions. 

He  had  been  much  etiified  by  the  discussion 
which  had  taken  ])lace  here  on  this  subject,  and  he 
concurred  with  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts 
[Mr.  Adams]  thot  every  argumen:  had  been  pre- 
sented in  regard  to  it,  arid  he  did  not  intend  to  re- 
peat the  views  which  had  already  been  taken.  He 
meant  no  offence  or  party  crimination  when  he 
said  that  the  present  aspect  of  the  Oregon  (juestion 
resiilleil  entirely  from  the  gross  iiismanagement 
of  the  parly  to  which  the  gentleman  from  ?^'assa- 
chiisetts  [Mr.  WiNTiinop]  was  attached.  He 
would  stale  facts,  which  for  years  had  been  un- 
disputed, which  would  show  that  this  was  true. 
The  posture  of  the  present  Administration  would 
hardly  be  intelligible,  and  could  much  less  be  vin- 
dicated, without  recurrence  to  the  relation  of  par- 
ties towards  Gi-eat  Britain.  The  Oregon  contro- 
versy n.i  it  now  existed  was  the  fruit  of  the  false 
policy  of  the  Whig  party;  and  if  w'ar  should  re- 
sult from  it,  it  would  not  be  produced  by  Mr.  Polk, 
but  it  would  be  inherited  l^rom  Mr.  Webster.  In 
the  first  place,  the  Canadian  revolution  and  contro- 
versy took  place  under  the  Administration  of  Mr. 
Van  Biiren,  and  he  would  say  no  more  in  regard 
to  that  matter  now  than  he  had  said  formerly  to 
Mr.  Van  Huren  himself— though  an  admirer  of 
that  geiulemiui's  general  policy — that  he  acted  ex- 
tremely wrong  on  that  occasion  in  not  resisting  the 
illegal  exactions  of  Great  Britain.  And  he  viewed 
that  matter  as  a  considerable  item  among  the  causes 
which  led  to  the  overthrow  of  the  party  which  had 
supported  Mr.  Van  Buren,  of  which  he  himself 
was  one.  Out  of  this  controversy  arose  the  arrest 
of  Alexander  McLeod.  What  he  intended  to  state 
now  consisted  of  facts  not  yet  generally  known, 
but  which  would  soon  be  made  known,  for  they 
were  in  progress  of  publication,  and  he  had  re- 
ceived them,  in  no  confidence,  from  the  best  au- 
thority. 

Wlien  McLeod  was  arrested,  just  before  General 
Harrison's  death,  and  Mr.  Tyler  was  not  yet  at 
home  as  his  successor,  Mr.  W"ebster — who  was  ile 
faclo  the  Administration — Mr.  Webster  wrote  to  the 
Governor  of  New  York  a  letter,  marked  "  private,'.'  i 
in  which  the  Governor  was  told  that  he  must  re-  j 
lease  McLeod,  or  see  the  magnificent  commercial  | 
emporium,  the  city  of  New  York,  laid  in  ashes.  1 
The  brilliant  description  given  by  the  gentleman  i 
from  Virginia  of  the  prospective  destruction  of  that  [ 
city  in  the  case  of  war,  was,  in  a  measure,  antici- 
pated on  this  occasion.    McLeod  must  be  released, 
said  the  Secretary  of  State,  or  New  York  must  be 
laid  in  ashes.    The  Governor  asked  when    this  ' 
would  be  done?   The  reply  was, /or(/nci(/i.    Steam  j 
force  will  immediately  destroy  New  York  if  Mc- 
Leod be  not  released.     But,  said  the  Governor,  the 
iicnver  of  pardon  is  vested  in  me,  and,  even  if  he 
lie  convicted,  he  may  be  pardoned.   Oh  no,  said  the 
Secretary,  if  you  even  try  him  you  will  bring  de- 
struction upon   yourselves.     The  Governor  was 
jiot  entirely  driven  from  his  course  by  this  repre- 
sentation.    The  next  nten  taken   by  the  Adminis- 
tration was  to  ajipoint  a  ilistrict  attorney  who  was 

10  be  charged  wiih  the  defence  of  Alexander  Mc- 
Leod— the  gentleman  who  was  lately  removed  from 
olfice — and  a  fee  of  five  thousand  dollars  was  put 
into  his  hands  for  this  purpose.*  Application  was 
afterwards  made  to  the  S'uprenie  Court  of  the  State 
of  New  York  for  the  release  of  McLeod.  The 
judges  did  not  think  proper  to  ;;rant  the  applica- 
tion. The  marshal  was  then  ainut  to  let  him  go, 
when  he  was  told  by  the  court  tlial  he  must  do  it 
at  his  peril,  and  that  if  McLeod  v.cil  out  of  prison 

*  By  Mr.  DirKlSHON'H  sppcch,  Hubsi'ii.'nlly,  in  Itic  Hrliatc. 

11  sp^iearti  thnl  he  niuli-riuooil  Mr.  Iniu-.rkoi.i,  m  plntiiit;  that 
the  l(!e  was  paid  hy  the  (Jovcr.imriit  m'  llic  l.'inlril  Mates, 
which  niiprcHsion  is  pirhap^  aiitlinni'.i'd  In  llii-  iniperrccl 
rejiorlln  the  I'liioniirwiiat  Nir.  iNoKRsm.i,  diil  kiiv.  Hcdiil 
ma  nay,  however,  that  the  li-cof  Mcl.eod'aciniiisci  wa^j  piiid 
hy  thi>  Unvurniiiecl  of  Ihe  riiilcd  HIatitM.  lie  t-laled  what 
he  understood  to  he  '  'C  lurite  i:luil  actually  paid,  willutut  ail- 
diiiK  where  it  caiiie  ii...n ;  nor  did  he  iuipule  any  prnlV<ssion- 
hI  nr  personal  iiiiproprieiy  l»  the  genDeiiiaii  who  received 
lliL'  lie. 


he  should  go  in.     Lord  Ashbiirton  arrived  in  this 
country  soon  after,  and  was  charged  with  the  ad- 
justment of  all  the  diflicullies  pending  between  the 
two  countries.     He  would  not  now  dwell  upon 
what  ho  would  unhesitatingly  call  the  enormities 
of  the  Washington  treaty.     He  had  often  express- 
ed his  mind  upon  that  subject  here.    But  that  treaty  I 
was  now  a  law — the  supreme  law  of  the  land — and  [ 
the  matter  was  settled.     By  that  treaty  we  gove  up  : 
the  right  of  search,  we  gave  up  the  power  of  ex-  | 
tradition,  in  consequence  of  which  a  poor  innocent  i 
woman  was  not  long  ago  dragged  across  the  At-  | 
lantic  from  this  country  to  answer  for  some  charge  ; 
I  made  against  her  there.     AVe  gave  up  the  North- 
!  eastern  boundary  after  Mr.  Buchanan  had,  under  ! 
I  a  resolution  of  the  Senate,  drawn  an  unanswerable  | 
j  argument,  which  concluded  by  the  assertion  of  the  | 
j  validity  of  our  title  in  the  disputed  territory,  and 
j  after  the  Senate  had  unanimously  adopted  that  , 
j  conclusion.    By  this  treaty, the  good  old  Bay  State, 
i  which  he  lovedi  with  filial  reverence,  was  di.9inte-  | 
grated,  torn  asunder.     This  was  not  all;  for  the  j 
British  Minister  who  negotiated  that  treaty  stated 
on  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Commons  that  Eng- 
I  land  had  no  right  whatever  to  the  territory  ilius 
I  taken  from  us.     Lord  Brougham,  in  the  House  of 
I  Lords,  also  stoted  that  the  British  claim  had  not  a 
I  single  leg  to  stand  upon;  and  that  a  certain  map, 
which  was  in  possession  of  George  III,  and  which 
I  was  marked  by  his  Majesty's  own  hand,  showed 
I  conclusively  tliat  the  disputed  territory  did  not  be- 
I  long  to  Great  Britain;  and  he  further  slated  that 
I  this  map  had  disappeared  from  the  public  archives. 
i  These  pretensions  and  taunts  of  the  British  Gov- 
I  ernment,  and  degrading  surrenders  of  ours,  had  so 
I  much  exasperated  the  people  of  this  country  that 
tliey  were  determined  to  submit  to  them  no  longer. 
I  It  was  thus  that  the  Oregon  question  became  eon- 
;  neeted  with  the  proceedings  of  the  Baltimore  con- 
j  vcntion,  and  indelibly  impressed  upon  the  Ameri- 
'  on  public  sentiment. 

j  Mr.  I.  adverted  to  a  statutory  enactment  which 
j  was  the  result  of  that  treaty — a  good  la\v,  perhaps, 
j  in  some  respects — which  look  away  f\'om  the  Stales 
their  criminal  jurisdiction  in  such  cases  as  McLeod. 
I  But,  in  reference  to  its  object,  it  was  a  pitiful,  and, 
to  use  one  gentleman's  strong  language,  a  damna- 
ble law.  "The  two  Houses  of  Congress  .seemed  to 
vie  with  each  other,  in  regard  to  this  matter,  in  the 
exhibition  of  fidelity  to  Lord  Ashburton;  and  the 
bill  which  was  brought  forward  while  Lord  Ash- 
burton was  here  became  a  law.  He  would  call 
upon  the  venerable  gentleman  from  Massachusetts, 
j  [Mr.  ApAMs,]  who  had  preceded  him  as  chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  to  sustain 
him  in  some  statements  which  he  was  about  to 
make.  Though  Lord  Ashburton  came  here  with 
full  power  lo  adjust  the  Oregon  question,  ye'  it  was 
adjourned.  It  was  a  gross  absurdity  thus  lo  .sepa- 
rate the  northeastern  from  the  nortwestern  bound- 
ary question.  They  should  have  been  kept  indi- 
visible. The  giving  up  of  one  would  render  more 
difficult  the  settlemenlof  the  other.  He  would  call 
upon  those  gentlemen  here  who  were  acquainted 
with  the  facts,  to  say  whether  he  was  right  or  not 
in  regard  to  what  he  would  now  stale.  IMr.  AVeb- 
ster  sent  a  note  to  the  Commitlee  on  Foreign  Af- 
fairs, asking  nn  outfit  and  salary  for  a  special  Min- 
ister to  England,  to  settle  the  Oregon  question. 
The  commiilee  rejected  the  application.  These 
were  facts  which  no  one  would  dispute,  and  he  did 
not  state  them  from  any  hostility  to  thai  gentle- 
man, whose  abilities  he  had  always  greatly  ad- 
mired, but  with  whom  he  bad  never  agreed  politi- 
cally from  the  time  when  he  first  met  him  in  this 
Hall  thirty-three  years  ago. 

He  woi'ild  call  to  the  recollection  of  those  who 
read  the  newspapers  Mr.  Webster's  Baltimore 
speech,  made  at  a  public  dinner  there  given  to  him, 
in  which  he  strongly  recommended  a  commercial 
treaty  with  England, "and  brought  forward  the  pol- 
icy office  trade  as  a  fair  equivalent  for  Oregon. 

Then  came  Mr.  Pakenham  as  Ministerof Great 
Britain  to  the  Unileil  Stales.  He  came  not  to  set- 
tle the  Oregon  qucsliim,  but,  after  having  been  fif- 
teen years  in  Mexico,  he  was  sent  here  lo  embroil 
the  Texas  apd  Mexican  questions.  The  Texan 
queKlion  was  a  great  airgravalion  of  on.'  diflicullies 
with  England.  The  inajoriiy  in  Congress  was  ex- 
tremely duubtftil  on  the  Texas  question — 
"  /\imI  day  and  nislit  were  excrci.eil  and  liiinn 
I'pon  thw  ticklish  bulaneeot'iilupenss." 


In  fact,  if  he  might  tell  the  committee  a  secret, 
he  was  in  a  minority  at  times  on  both  the  Texas 
and  Oregon  questions.  The  Texas  question  great- 
ly embarrassed  the  party,  and  the  result  was  ex- 
tremely doubtful  when  the  vote  was  taken.  But 
the  annexation  of  Texas  was  carried,  and  that  add- 
ed to  their  difficulties.  When  Mr.  Pakenham 
came  here  he  had  in  view  that  guestion,  and  the 
Oregon  question  was  of  minor  importance.  He 
commenced  his  negotiation  with  Mr.  Upshur,  after 
whose  tiligical  death  he  resumed  it  with  Mr.  Cal- 
houn, whose  trgument  in  support  of  the  American 
claim  was  masterly  and  conclusive,  as  his  argu- 
ments always  were.  Mr.  Pakenham  proposed  ar- 
bitration, which  Mr.  Calhoun  declined,  consider- 
ing arbitration ,  until  negotiation  was  exhausted ,  as 
out  of  the  question.  He  (Mr.  I.)  must  be  suflcred 
here  to  say,  that  he  saw  with  rreat  regret  that 
southern  gentlemen,  with  whom  he  had  so  long 
acted,  were  marshalled  ogainsl  us  on  the  Oregon 
question.  In  the  whole  history  of  the  United 
States  but  three  territori.al  acrjuisitions  had  been 
made,  and  these  were  Louisiana,  Florida,  and 
Texas — all  adding  immensely  to  the  power  and  in- 
fluence of  the  southern  States.  He  regretted  to  see 
a  powerful  combination  on  the  part  of  the  Souih 
against  the  first  proposition  to  add  territory  lo  the 
northern  States,  under  the  influence  of  a  distin- 
guished politician,  whose  lead  he  had  often  follow- 
ed himself,  and  who  had  aldy  sustained  our  claim 
to  Oregon. 

He  would  now  come  to  the  Administration  of 
James  K.  Polk.  He  did  not  know  to  whom  the 
gentleman  from  Trcorgia,  [Mr.  Kisc]  who  spoke 
this  morning,  applied  the  epithets  of  demagogue, 
pettifogger,  and  bully.  He  had  noticed  that  hia 
neighbor  [Mr.  King]  had  been  for  some  time  pre- 
paring a  speech  in  f^ivor  of  arbitration,  all  of  which 
the  President's  Message  had  knocked  lo  pieces; 
and  he  was,  therefore,  disposed  lo  excuse  some 
irritation  in  consequence  of  his  disappointment. 
Another  gentleman  had  said  that  Mr.  Polk  was  a 
fourlh-raie  lawyer.  According  lo  the  Democratic 
creed,  men  were  not  much,  but  principles  every- 
thing; and  if  the  popular  sovereignty  had  been  rep- 
resented hy  Mr.  Clay  instead  of  Mr.  Polk,  the  de- 
cision of  the  people  must  have  become  the  law  of 
the  land,  from  the  decree  of  either  of  the  Baltimore 
conventions.  The  Democratic  party  (said  Mr.  I.) 
move  in  a  mass  and  altogether,  and  are  less  indebt- 
;  ed  for  their  success  to  leaders  than  lo  principles. 
Mr.  Polk  is  a  fortunate  man.  The  Romans  would 
'  have  surnamed  him  /f(ix  or  forlimaliis  Jcirobus — 
,  Jacobus  lerlim  el  ter  J'elix — the  third  .Tames  in  the 
•  Presidential  dynasty.  He  had  proved  himself 
equal  to  his  vocation,  by  at  once  calling  on  Con- 
gress for  n  strong  but  peaceable  net  by  resolution, 
'  from  which  whining  whereases  would  much  de- 
'■  tract.  Every  qualification  of  the  plain  and  simple 
notice  would  encourage  English  exaction.  Each 
one  might  cost  a  parallel,  and  tend  lo  reduce  us 
from  5-1  to  .19,  if  no!  42. 

Mr.  Polk's  inaugural  position  was  that  our  tiile 
is  clear;  a  wise  though  perhaps  perilous  stand.  Lei 
us  not  underrate  the  crisis;  yet  sustain  the  Chief 
Magistrate  if  he  is  right,  as  I  believe  he  is.  The 
three  Ministers  of  the  three  greatest  Powers  in  the 
world  are  against  us.  Without  fear  of  the  result, 
we  must  be  sensible  that  the  conjuncture  is  not 
without  peril.  Shall  we  continue  the  Webster 
policy,  or  uphold  that  of  Mr.  Polk  r  Whi."h  is  the 
way  to  peace  .'  The  former,  by  the  McLeod  affair, 
the'ce.seof  the  Creole,  and  the  Wiisliington  treaty, 
let't  Mr.  Polk  a  s'lcce-sion  of  ditlicnliies  with  Eng- 
land, much  aggravated  by  her  interference  with 
"Texas.  He  took  at  once  a  sinuil  w  liich  advances 
this  country  to  the  first  rank  among  great  nations; 
a  position  perilous,  no  doubt,  but  of  honor,  and 
prosperity,  and  peace. 

Mr.  I.  lielievcd,  (he  said,)  that  there  would  be 
no  war;  but  if  there  should  be,  we  must  do  as  well 
as  we  can.  The  genllema.i  from  Mas.>;achusetis 
[Mr.  WixTiniop]  had  given  us  a  fine  homily  on 
the  bicssiiiis  of  peace,  to  every  word  of  wliicli  he 
(Mr.  1.)  said  amen.  The  genileman  from  Massa- 
chusetlR  spoke  of  the  nonsense  of  the  people  as  be- 
ing of  potent  influence;  and  the  gentleman  fioni 
Virginia,  [Mr.  PiiNDi.KTON,] — wlmm  he  saw  just 
going  away,  and  who  he  hoped  would  slop  and  sit 
down  by  the  genileman  from  Massacliusclis — had 
said  that  he  would  endorse  every  word  which  the 
jiutleniaii  from  M;i«!»achuseus  liad  said.     [Here 


m 


H. 


i 


986 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


'yr.^- 


[Feb.  7, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (^ueniion — Mr.  Fries. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


Mr.  I'kndleton  look  a  seat  behind  Mr.  Wm- 
TiiRop.]  The  gciitlcnmii  from  Virginia  hnd  now 
placed  liiniself,  iia  he  snid  he  would  do,  in  a 
position  to  buck  the  (gentleman  from  Mitssachu- 
setts. 

He  (Mr.  I.)  was  not  much  given  to  heroics,  but 
he  hud  gnat  fnith  in  nonsense.    Tlic  Winthrops 
and  Pcndlctons  of  former  days  always  appealed  to 
the  nonsense  of  tlie  people.     When  the  Boston 
jieople  rose  and  lynched  the  tea,  was  it  done  from 
a  sober  second  thought.'    Was  it  not  *he  ull'spring  |[ 
nf  popular  feeling,  or  nonsense .'    All  of  us,  and  all  I  j 
thui  we  boasted  of,  was  the  oft'spring  of  nonsense; : 
this  niognilicenl  hull  in  which  we  usseniblc  was  the 
creation  of  nonsense.     And  1  confess  (said  Mr.  I.)  : 
that  1  have  more  failh  in  popular  nonsense,  than 
in  the  selfish  second  thought  of  some  uf  the  wisest 
men  in  the  world.     Mr.  f.  B;iid  he  was  now  grow- 
ing old,  and  he  hnd  always  found  honest  popular  i 
impulses  preferable  to  selfi.sh  calculations.     The  \\ 
gentleman  I'rom   Massachusetts  was  not   only  a  ' 
wise  but  a  learned  man,  and  had  quoted  Latin  !| 
upoi\  us.  i, 

[Mr.  WiSTiiRop.    "  Have  you  not  quoted  Latin  j 
too;"]  1 

Mr.  1.  would  retort  Mr.  Winthrop's  Cicero  ^■■ 
against  Calaline  by  a  sentence  from  bis  Ve  Repub-  ' 
lica,  which  the  \\  inthrops  and  PeiulUtons,  before 
their  full,  would  have  appealed  to:  ".N'u/o  cuntlein 
iiopulum  imperalorem  el  jmrtiloiein  esse  lenaruin." 
They  do  nut  wish  to  see  the  same  people  both  the 
earners  and  the  conqncrers  of  the  world.  Air. 
Penoleto.n  condemned  the  -nnrches  of  our  pio- 
neers, who  ndveiuurously  crossed  the  Rocky  inuun- 
tiiins  ufier  the  example  of  their  fathers,  who  hud 
jiussed  the  .'VUeglmnies.  The  genllcnian  was  un- 
willing to  sull'er  our  people  lo  uiulerlake  so  dan- 
gernu.s  an  ciilerprise,  and  C(nnmciided  them  to  tlieir 
own  native  lields.  Why  not  stop  Columbus  alio- 
gellier!  Mr.  1.  knew  a  lady  who  said  that  she 
would  never  torgive  that  Geiutese  vagabond  tor 
leaving  such  charming  sijuiirs  us  Paris,  Rome,  and 
oilier  seats  of  European  reliiienicni,  to  discover 
lliis  vulgar  land  of  iiiiLsli  and  molasses,  hoecuke 
and  hominy.  , 

Mr.  I.  said  he  would  not  argue  the  question  of 
our  title  as  if  it  were  the  only  question  of  right. 
He  presumed  no  one  would  question  our  title,  as  a 
matter  of  right.  England  Inid  not  a  panicle  of  ti- 
tle, and  relied  upon  her  strength  to  eiiftn-ce  the 
claim  she  made.  He  oould  dein<)nstrate  that 
England  had  no  title  lo  Oregon,  and  that  our  title 
was  good  up  to  54°  40'.  Tlie  jiretensioiis  winch 
were  set  up  in  behalf  of  the  iJnlish  claim  were 
based  on  the  exploration  of  Erozer.  Great  Urit- 
ain  hud  hardly  a  pretension  to  a  title  to  any  iwrt 
of  the  territory,  and  from  42°  to  02°  she  had  none 
at  all. 

He  would  say  «  few  words  about  this  Frazcr- 
river  question.  .Sir  Alexander  Mackenzie  was  the 
most  disiiuguished  of  the  Uiitish  siilyects  who  was 
ever  in  Oregon,  and  did  a  vast  deal  lo  cslublish 
there  the  liriiish  iiileiests.  Ill  his  explorallcni,  he 
did  not  come  within  five  hundred  miles  of  ilie  Co- 
lumbia river;  but  he  went  to  England  and  said 
that  he  had  discovered  it,  and  he  tlioughl  so.  Hut 
it  was  afterwards  asccrUuiied  Ihut  he  had  not  gone 
within  five  hundred  miles  of  il. 

Mackenzie's  exploration  of  the  I-'razer's  river  ill 
1793  was  followed  by  no  sellleinent.  He  crossed 
over  to  llic  Pacilic,  hve  hundred  miles  above  the 
Columbia,  which  he  never  saw,  and  no  silllciiuni 
followed  his  exploration:  no  selllcnient  was  made 
by  England  between  4'J°und  54°  till  after  her  con- 
veiiiioiis  with  us  of  iion-oi-ciipalioit.  So  ihal  she 
had  no  tilh  to  any  fart  of  llie  cuunlnj,  as  thuse 
convi.ntions  call  il,  mi  Ifir  norlhit'ist  coast,  where 
tliiy  iMknowlcdge  lliat  we  claimed  sovtreigiily. 

At  Ins  iiiaugiii'.itiuii,  therefore,  idl  .VIr.  I'olk  said 
Imd  been  oliicially  asserted  long  before  by  Mr 
Clay,  Secrciary  of  .State,  under  dicl.uion,  lo  .Mr. 
(.iailatin.  .Mr.  Rush's  aigumciil  in  IHIH,  coiiclu- 
Mvely  eslabll.^hed  our  title  on  both  grounds  of  dis- 
covery and  selili  iiicni  ut  the  mouth  of  the  Colum- 
bia; and  (j'reat  lirluiiii  cannot  m:ike  out  even  a 
colcnubie  title  lo  any  p.irt  of  the  northwest  const. 
At  his  espousals  Willi  the  Chief  MiicLstraiy,  Pii  si- 
dent  I'oik  did  but  rc|  eat  this  assertion  in  terms 
less  positive,  and  the  .Vinerican  pi  cipic,  now  under- 
Htaniiiiit;  the  suliject,  alHrni  lliiin  w  itli  great  iiiia- 
nniiity,  if  we  may  judge  from  their  Representa- 
tives here.  I. 


OREGON  UUESTION. 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  (JEORGE  FRIES, 

OF  OHIO, 

In  the  HotlaH  of  REPRESliNTATIVKt, 

Fehniary  7,  1H4(). 

On  the  Resolution  for  terminating  the  joint  occupB- 

tion  ofOregon. 

Mr.  FRIES  addressed  the  committee  as  follows: 

Mr.  Chairman:  Were  I  about  to  act  a  profes- 
sional part  on  that  field  where  many  believe  the 
controversy  now  going  on  between  Great  Britain 
and  this  Ciovcrnment,  in  refeniicc  to  the  territory 
of  Oregon,  will  terminutc,  there,  midst  saws  and 
nmpuluting  knives,  scalpels,  tinnculums,  and  bul- 
let forceps,  i  shoidd  undoiil'ti  dly  be  able  to  act  a 
part  more  creilitiible  lo  mysilf  than  I  shall  Ije  able 
to  [icrforni  on  this  field  of  public  discussion.  Un- 
accustomed us  I  am  to  participate  in  public  dis- 
cussion, duty  to  myself,  but  more  particularly  to 
my  consiilucnis,  im]iels  me  to  an  unreserved  ex- 
pression of  my  individual  views  touching  the  ques- 
lion  now  under  consideration,  and  to  avow  what  I 
believe  lo  be  the  will  and  wishes  of  tho.se  I  have 
the  honor  to  represent  on  this  floor. 

Sir,  I  approach  this  (pieslion  with  a  niont  pro- 
found sense  of  its  importance.  Habituated  us  I 
have  been,  for  the  lust  fourteen  years,  to  the  re- 
sponsibilities of  tt  station,  the  duties  of  which  gave 
me  the  control  of  the  lives  of  thousands  of  my 
fellow-citizens;  yet,  at  no  lime  during  the  perform- 
ance of  the  arduous  iliities  of  the  station  lefened 
to,  was  every  filire  of  my  heart  so  thoroughly  im- 
bued with  a  most  profound  sense  of  the  iniportaiue 
of  a  single  act  as  at  present.  When  I  relied,  lliat 
upon  my  single  vole  may  depend  the  fate  of  gov- 
ernments and  of  empires,  and  the  lives  of  inilhons 
of  human  beings,  I  cannot  but  feel,  and  deeply  feel, 
til  il  my  posiiion,  in  common  with  every  member 
o.'  this  House,  is  clothed  willi  the  most  awful  re- 
sponsiiiilities. 

The  resolution  now  under  consideration  cannot 
be  looked  upon  us  a  war  measure,  because  it  is 
only  abrogating  ihe  joint  convention  in  the  man- 
ner and  form  prescribed  by  the  treaty  of  iMlH,  and 
as  renewed  in   ll;'27,  concerning  the  Oregon   terri- 
tory.    Yet  1  am  fully  scnsilile  of  the  fact,  that  tin 
Government  of  Great  Ltrit:iiii,  should   she   be  dis- 
|)osed  to  ciignge  In  war  with  th(>  United  .States,  will 
not  pause  long  ere  she  di.storls  the  pciiceful  inlcn- 
lions  of  this  Government  in  giving  this  notice,  into 
ucuuseofwur.    ,'\  Governmeni  which  could  find 
a  cause  of  war  in  tlic  reftisal  of  a  people  to  bo 
drugged  with  poison,  would  not  be  slow  in  manu- 
facturing a  cause  of  war,  even  out  of  so  proper  ami 
pcaceftil  u  meusure  us  the  giving  of  this  notice 
Inasmuch  us  this  resolution   is   the  only  aelion 
which  this  House  proposes  to  take  at  this  time, 
which  can  by  possibility  be  disinrieil  into  a  belli- 
gerent incisure,  I  deem  11  a  matter  of  deep  import- 
ance to  the  House  and  to  the  nation,  lliut  we  give 
it  the  most  serious  consideruiion.     In  i  urrying  out 
this  view  of  our  duly,  llic  validity  of  our  title  to 
the  Orenon  territory  should  be  carefully  cxninined 
and   fairly  determined.     If,  upon  such  examina- 
tion, our  litle  shall  prove  "  cli'ar  uiid  indisputable,"  j 
I  caiinnl  see,  nor  have  I  heard  any  good  and  valid  i 
rensoii,  why  we   should   hesilale  or  ftiller  in  de.  ' 
during  the  truth  lo  the  iiatimi  and  the  worl<l,or  In  I 
performing  a  function  which  |)roiierly  belongs  lo 
this  House.     If,  on  the  oilier  liaiiu,oiir  title  is  dis- 
putable— is  not  clear,  I,  fonmc,  should  ileciii  it  my 
duly  not  to  inti'rfei-e  with  the  provisions  of  the  j 
iicMiy,  but  |i  ave  the  whole  matter  where  it  would  ! 
Ilien   propi'riy  belong — in  the  hands  of  ihe  Presi-  I 
dent,  to  lie  disposed  of  by  negotiation,     liiil,  sir,  ' 
being  fully  convliic:ed   that  our  title  lo  the  whole 
territory  lying  between  the   parallels  of  4'J°  and 
54°  40'  is  clearly  null  uiK|iieslionably  ours,  I  shall, 
tlierel'oie,  V(Uc  for  iiiving  lo  (inat   llriiaiii   smh 
notice  as   is  now   bcl'ore  this  House,  in  ihe  most  , 
proniol  niaiiner.  j 

I  sliull  not  detain  ihi-  House,  nor  worry  my  | 
reailirs  with  a  lengthy  n:cit.'d  of  the  overwhelming 
array  of  I'luts  and  ait;iiineiits  which  have  been 
broimht  lo  bear  in  support  of  our  litle.  The  dear 
and  cijiiclusivc  argiiiiii  iits  of  our  distliiguislicd 
.Si  remry  of  .Stale,  lojjetber  wilh  the  unain.weicd 
and  uihoiswerable  speci  lies  of  a  iniinber  of  gentle- 
men on  tins  lloor,  have  left  nut  a  cloud,  not  a  speck 


of  doubt  upon  iny  mind  as  to  the  validity  of  our 
title  to  all  the  Oregon  country  south  of  the  parallel 
of  54°  40'.  It  is  admitted,  on  all  sides,  llint  the 
title  to  the  whole  of  this  country  was  in  Spain  un- 
til the  year  1790.  In  that  year,  the  noted  treaty  of 
Nootka  Sound  was  entered  into  between  Spain  and 
Great  Britain;  and  upon  the  provisions  of  lliat 
treaty,  the  latter  now  founds  her  right  to  the  soil. 
A  moment's  examination  of  the  objects  of  that 
treaty  will  show  most  cltarly,  as  1  conceive,  that 
the  whole  pretended  title  will  be  found  to  rest  on 
one  single  word,  and  that  word  is,  "settlement," 
us  iiHcd  in  the  3d  article  of  the  treaty  of  Nootka. 
That  treaty  was  purely  commercial  in  ehaiaclcr, 
ill  intent,  and  nicuiiing.  Itconfeired  on  citizei.s  und 
subjects  of  Great  Britain  the  risht  to  "curry  on 
'  their  fisheries  in  the  Pacific  ocean,  n.id  in  the 
'  south  seas,  or  in  landing  on  the  coasts  of  those 
'  seas,  in  places  not  alreutly  occupied,  for  the  pur- 
'  pose  of  currying  on  their  commerce  with  the  nii- 
'  lives,"  and  lo  make  "  settlements"  in  places  not 
already  occupied.  In  short,  the  ohjecl  in  entering 
into  this  treaty  was  the  obtaining  the  right  to  fish 
in  Spanish  waters,  luint  on  Spanish  grounds,  and 
trade  with  the  Indians  u,,oii  those  grouiiils;  busi- 
ness which  could  not  be  successfully  conducted 
without  the  right  to  make,  at  least,  Icmporurv 
"settlements."  Had  the  purty  to  whom  such 
commercial  gmnts  were  made  been  residing  near, 
or  within  u  few  hundred  miles — instead  of  twenty- 
livit  thoiisiuid  miles,  us  was  really  the  case  in  this 
instance— from  this  coimtry,  the  right  to  make 
"  setllemciits''  would  not  have  been  absolutely 
neccsiuiy  to  the  prosecution  of  the  Iraile,  which 
w  as  (lie  object  of  the  treuly.  I'he  power  to  make 
"  settlements"  was,  therefore,  necessary  to  the 
carrying  out  of  the  before-granted  rigliis,  viz:  lo 
lish,  hunt,  and  trade  with  the  nulives:  without 
this  power,  or  right,  all  the  other  granted  iirivi- 
leges  would  have  been  worlhless.  But,  did  this 
right  to  make  "  seiilenients"  give  a  ri^'lit  to  the 
soil  ?  As  well  might  we  contend  that  the  rii;ht, 
by  common  lease,  to  take  possession  of  a  tract,  of 
hind,  on  which  to  cultivate  rye,  corn,  wheat,  etc., 
would  give  a  right  to  the  soil.  Sir,  Spain  never 
tlioughl  for  a  moment  that  she  hud  given  Great 
Briluin  any  other  than  commercial  rights:  nor  did 
the  then  ablest  statesmen  of  Enu'lund  view  il  in  any 
other  light.  Were  it  necessary,  or  were  I  dis- 
posed to  consume  time,  I  could  produce  the  united 
testimony  of  all  Spanish  authority,  of  the  most 
learned  and  distinguished  men  of  tiiose  days,  in 
Great  Britain  and  of  the  whole  world,  to  sustain 
me  in  the  inlerpretalion  which  I  have  given  this 
famous  trealy  of  Nootka  Sound.  I  say,  then, 
that  Engliuid  has  no  right  whatever  to  the  soil. 
The  title  was  in  Spain,  mid  in  her  alone,  to  all  the 
country  south  of  the  purallel  of  54°  40',  until  the 
22d  day  of  February,  1H19,  when,  by  the  treaty 
commonly  called  the  "  Florida  treaty,''  she  ceded 
all  her  rights  north  of  42°  of  parallel  lo  the  Uni- 
ted States;  and,  by  virtue  of  that  treuty,  I  hold 
that  our  right  to  the  whole  territory  up  to  54°  40' 
is  "  dear  and  indisputable."  Englaim  having  lost 
the  commercial  rights  which  she  had  acquired  by 
the  treaty  of  Nootka  by  the  war  which  subse- 
quently (in  1794, 1  believe)  occurred  between  her 
and  Spain,  would  not  now  have  even  the  right  lo 
"  hunl,fisli  und  trade,"  but  for  the  bungling  diplo- 
mucy  of  our  Government  in  1H27,  when  the  con- 
sent was  given  to  renew  the  Ireuly  of  IHiy.  This 
error  of  the  past  must  be  corrected — the  people  de- 
mand it;  let  us  do  our  duty,  and  falter  not. 

But,  sir,  1  must  pass  on  tVoni  the  question  of 
litle,  upon  which  there  seems  to  be  lillle  or  no  dif- 
ference of  opinion,  lo  the  objections  which  have 
been  urged  against  the  giving  of  this  notice. 
There  are  a  few  who  dilfer  from  us — honestly,  I 
doubt  not — on  this  single  point,  who,  neverlheless, 
stand  by  us  on  the  point  of  title.  And,  ulthinigh 
I  never  have  liereiolore,  nor  can  I  now,  see  wliy 
we  should  not  assert  our  right  lo  thai  which  all 
acknowlcdgi'  to  be  ours,  yet,  when  I  look  lo  the 
high  source  from  which  some  of  the  objections  em- 
anate, I  am  almost  led  lo  pause,  und  once  niSrc  re- 
view the  ground.  I  listened,  with  great  attention, 
to  the  remarks  of  the  very  learned  and  dislinguisli- 
cd  gentleman  from  Virginia,  (.\Ir.  Hi'NTF.n,)  for 
whose  lioiiiu',  inllexible  integrity,  und  sterling  pa- 
triotism, no  one,  in  or  (nil  of  this  House,  enlerlniiis 
a  more  profound  respect  than  I  do;  but,  sir,  much 
as  I  respect  hiso|unionsgeiicrnlly,oii  this  question 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


287 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Fries. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


I  am  constrained  to  differ  with  him.  We  are  ad- 
monished by  the  gentleman,  that  the  cost  of  a  con- 
flict witii  Great  Britain  would  he  immense,  and, 
ns  the  s'vins  of  the  notice,  in  his  opinion,  would 
lead  to  war,  lie  thinks  the  cost  of  such  a  war  should 
be  cj\loulaled  bcforegiving  the  notice.  Sir,  althouhh 
we  aprce  as  to  the  great  cost  of  a  conflict  with 
a  great  nation,  and  have  given  it  a  jiassing  notice, 
yet  we  have  not  counlcil  the  cost;  we  liave  not 
inade  a  strict  malhcmalical  <iilculalion  as  to  the 
number  of  dollars  and  cenls  it  may  require  to 
maintain  our  rights  and  our  honor.  Such  calcula- 
tions, i  humbly  conceive,  are  not  proper  sultjects 
for  consideration  when  either  the  one  or  the  other 
is  involved.  1  hail  from  a  State  where  few  ac- 
knowledge the  false,  and  bloody  code  of  lioiior,  nor 
do  they  boast  of  their  patriotism  and  their  chivalry, 
but  let  me  assure  you,  that  they  will  not  slop  to 
count  the  dollars  nor  blood  it  may  cost  to  maintain 
the  rights  and  sacrcii  honor  of  our  common  coun- 
try. The  cost!  the  cost!  In  the  name  of  God,  has 
it  come  to  this,  that  the  propriety  of  maintaining 
our  rights  must  be  weighed  in  the  balance  of  "fii- 
Ihv  lucre!"    Shades  of  our  sires,  forbid  it! 

It  has  been  alleged,  in  the  course  of  this  debate, 
that  if  a  war  .should  result  from  our  rclions  upon 
this  subject,  it  would  become  a  war  of  "opin- 
ions,"— a  "  war  of  systems;"  and,  as  our  "  opin- 
ions" and  "  systems  of  Government  are  nntaga- 
nistic  to  monarchy  and  despotism,  all  Eur(i|5e 
would  be  arrayed  against  us.  I  doubt  not  that, 
were  we  to  make  such  an  issue  direct,  the  risk 
miglit  be  worthy  of  consideration.  Would  the 
givinjj  of  this  notice,  or  the  maintenance  of  our 
just  lights,  be  constnied  ».s  an  attack  on  "systems" 
of  European  Govprnmenls  ?  Certainly  not.  But 
suppose  they  should  thus  consider  it:  is  it  cer- 
tain that  the  great  principles  of  equality  of  rights — 
the  great  principles  of  our  "  system"  of  Govern- 
ini'iit,  if  you  please — have  not  found  a  dwelling  in 
the  bosom  of  a  majority  of  the  people  of  Europe? 
Is  it  probable  that  the  crowned  heads  of  Eur<i|)C 
would  rush  to  an  uncalled-for  attack  upon  our 
heaven-born  "  system,"  without  counting  strictly 
the  numbers  at  home  for  and  against  our  princi- 
ples (if  Government?  Is  it  certain,  that  a  majority 
of  the  people  of  Eu.-ope  would  be  willing  io  im- 
brue their  hands  in  our  blood,  in  order  to  break 
down  our  system  of  Government,  and  maintain 
one  at  home,  which  is  a  curse  to  their  homes,  and 
a  hell  to  their  hopes?  Sir,  never,  never  will  the 
people  of  Europe  entertain  a  contest  so  disgraceful. 
Let  not  Britain  "  lay  the  flattering  unction  to  her 
soul,"  that  the  brave  and  generous  sons  of  the 
Emerald  Isle,  whose  civil  and  religious  liberties 
have  been  trampled  under  foot  for  more  than  a 
century,  will  be  fmiiid  aiding  in  a  crusade  against 
us,  and  against  our  counlry's  standard,  around 
whiih  every  son  of  Erin  in  Ibis  land  would  rally, 
eager  <o  avenge  the  wrongs  of  their  fathers.  They 
knov/  their  friends;  they  know  the  people  who  have 
clasped  to  their  bo.soms  thimsands of  tlieir  kindred, 
welcoming  them  to  the  "  land  of  the  free  and  the 
home  of  the  brave."  They  know  too  well  who 
has  robbed  and  plundered  them  for  ages,  to  enter 
the  field  against  a  people  and  a  land  where  their 
oppressed  and  persecuted  sons  have  found  friends 
and  a  home.  But  why  talk  of  European  inter- 
ference, when  we  all  know  that  almost  every  power 
there  has  been  robbed  and  plundered  by  England. 
Would  those  Governments  turn  and  "  lick  the 
hand  that  smote  them  r"  Would  they  enter  a  con- 
test in  which  lliey  cannot  hope  to  gain,  but  must 
lose  immensely?  Would  not  France,  Holland, 
Hclgium,  Prussia,  and  every  other  manufacturing 
district  of  Europe,  be  inin'ienscly  benefiled  by  a 
war  between  England  and  the  United  Stales?  A 
nuuuent's  reflection  would  convince  any  one  that 
Huch  wcnild  necessarily  be  the  case.  I  have  no 
fmrs,  thdi,  of  European  interfrrcnce.  Give  them 
tlicdollius  and  cents,  and  the  fighting  will  be  left 
Io  England  alone. 

Eiance  luily  waits  another  war  between  England 
and  the  United  Slates,  to  pass  England  in  many, 
Jicrhapa  all  branches  of  niunufactures,  and  to  ic- 
nossess  herself  of  those  possessions  of  which  she 
lias  been  robbed  by  this  common  |ihindirer  of  tiie 
world.  And  where  Enince  is,  ihn-e  will  Belgium 
also  be.  Their  fccliii"s  art>  identical;  the  blood  of 
their  Sovereigns  are  bleniled;  the  hearts  of  their 
people  beat  in  unisini.  Holland,  loo— on.  e  the  niis- 
ircsa  of  ihc  ocean,  carrying  a.  broom  at  litr  mast- 


head, aa  indicative  that  shcsioept  the  sea;  now,  n 
mere  remnant  of  her  former  greatness — will  not  be 
found  an  ally  of  the  Power  that  stood  calmly  by, 
and  witnessed  her  disinembcrmciit;  nor  will  she  j 
fail  to  countenance  any  measure  calculated  to  crip- 
ple her  great  riviU  in  manufactures.   Does  any  per-  ■ 
son  b'  lieve  that  any  of  the  petty  Princes  of  the  j 
German  Stales  will  oe  seduced  to  lend  their  aid  to  ' 
England  ?    Do  not  gentlemen  know  that  the  iieo-  1 
pie  of  Ihose  Slates  are  anxiously  wailing  such  lui  ! 
opportunity  as  a  war  between  England  and  '.he  | 
United  Stales  would  afford  them,  to  throw  off  the 
yoke  under  which  they  are  now  groanini;?    No  j 
people  in  all  Europe  are  more  attached  to  the  pure  i 
principles  of  Republicanism,  than  iliey  are;  nor 
are  any   more   thoroughly  prepared  for  the  im- 
portant task  of  self-government. 

But  how  stands  the  ([uestion  of  interference  against 
our  "  system,"  with  reference  to  the  great  Autocrat 
of  all  the  Ru.ssias?  Have  we  anything  of  an  un- 
friendly character  to  ap]n'ehciid  from  that  quarter? 
Will  he  forget  the  management  of  Lord  John 
Uus.^ell  on  the  Bosphorus,  by  which  he  was  pre- 
vented from  extending  liis  power  and  domain  over 
the  fairest  part  of  Turkey  ?  No,  those  acts,  those 
inlrigues,  will  not  be  forgotten.  We  have  everything 
to  hope  ibr,  but  nothing  to  fear,  in  that  quarter,  j 
in  a  struggle  with  England,  I  should,  with  great  \ 
confidence  look  to  Russia  as  an  ally,  if  we  needed  I 
one;  and  if  war  should  come,  and  that  war  be  a 
"  world's  war,"  as  some  believe,  I  doubt  not  that 
Russia  will  be  found  side  by  side  with  this  glorious 
Union.  Mu«h  as  has  been  said  against  the  Em- 
peror Nicholas,  I  declare  to  you,  sir,  that  1  have 
more  confidence  in  the  honor  and  integrity  of  that 
liotentate,  llian  in  any  other  of  the  crowned  heads 
of  Europe.  Not  that  I  approve  of  his  numerous 
deeds  of  violence  against  liie  principles  of  national 
liberty;  far  be  that  from  me.  But  when  the  head 
of  a  natimi  acts  openly,  boldly,  and  fearlessly,  as 
he  docs,  I  am  always  disposed  Io  give  some  credit 
for  honesty  of  puiposc,  and  never  despair  of  such 
iSovereigiis  coming  to  a  just  sense  of  the  relative 
rights  of  the  sovereign  people  and  their  servants. 

We  have  also  been  reminded  that  danger  is  to 
be  aiiprchended  from  Mexico — that  she  may  seek 
lo  avenge  her  imaginary  wrongs.  Having  treated 
her  fairly  and  honorably,  we  shall  look  for  simi- 
lar trealment  from  her.  If,  however,  she  is  di.^- 
posed  to  be  furlher  duped  by  Engl.and,  and  shall 
make  an  attack  upon  us,  wc  shall  lei  out  the  mun- 
ageinenl  of  her  case  by  the  job;  and  as  the  State 
of  Texas  has  had  some  experience  in  that  line  of 
busineija,  having  executed  some  excellent  "jobs" 
at  San  Jacinto,  and  other  places,  she  will  un- 
doubtedly be  eager  for  the  contract;  and  lo  them  I 
doubt  not  it  will  be  given.  Texas  would  ask  no 
oljier  compensation  for  the  management  of  all  our 
difliculties  with  Mexico,  than  a  portion  of  the  small 
territory  of  California,  or  one  or  two  Mexiccji 
mines. 

The  gentleman  from  Virginia  warned  us  of  the 
baleful  influences  which  a  war  would  have  on  the 
currency  of  our  country;  the  tendency  it  would 
have  to  inundate  our  country  wilh  paper  money; 
and  the  cll'ect  such  a  slate  of  things  would  pro- 
duce upon  the  nir.als,  the  trade,  and  commerce  of 
the  country.  These  objections  arc  certainly  wor- 
thy of  the  most  profound  coiisideralion.  When 
we  look  abroad  in  this  and  other  countries,  and 
behold  the  baleful  influences  of  paper  money  upon 
every  people  where  it  has  or  does  exist;  witness- 
ing ihe  wide-spread  ruin  it  has  brought  upon  the 
masses;  heaping  wealth  on  the  few,  whilst  it  beg- 
gared the  many;  cimtrolling  and  corrupting  the 
ballut-box;  snb.>iidiziiig  Ihc  press;  corrupting  the 
halls  of  legislati(m;  defiling  the  judiciary;  spurn- 
ing the  law; — when  we  see  all  this  accomplished 
by  the  power  of  paper  money,  wc  slioukl  guard 
with  great  care  the  influence  w  liich  our  acts  here 
might  have  upon  this  potent  agent.  Biit,  sir,  much 
as  I  fear  ibis  paper-money  engine  of  coi'mjition, 
yet  ny  confidence  in  the  honesty  and  patriotism 
of  Ihe  people  is  so  strong,  that  they,  with  proper 
legislation  (01  our  part  t(»u(!hing  directly  llie  (pws- 
tiou  of  currency,  will  undoubtedly  prevent  its  fur- 
ther progress;  even  should  war  be  Ihc  result  of 
passing  this  resolution  now  before  .s,  which  1  do 
not  believe  to  be  even  probable.  Let  the  |nescnt 
C'lniicress  do  its  duty  In  establishing  proper  agen- 
cies l(U'  the  safi  -keeping  and  dislmiseiniiit  of  the 
people's  money,  and  thereby  relieve  ihe  present 


I  Secretary  of  eTreasuryof  theUnited  Statesfrom 
performing  whnl  lo  him  must  be  a  painful  duly,  of 
,  furnishing,  through  Governmeiil  funds,  the  food 
I  upon  which  those  hank  vampires  fcast,and  my  word 
for  it,  the  power  of  paper  money  will  be  checked 
Lei  this  Congress  co-operate  wilh  those  Slates 
that  are  now  engaged  in  the  great  work  of  exter- 
minathig  banks  of  issue:  then  1  shall  have  no  fears 
of  their  powers  being  increa.sed  under  any  contin- 
gency growing  out  of  our  action  upon  this  resolu- 
tion. And  1  must  here  express  the  earnest  hope, 
that  my  distinguished  friend  from  Virginia  will 
bring  Ihe  force  of  hisgigantie  intellect  and  his  great 
ni()ral  and  polilical  influence  to  bear  upon  the  legis- 
latiyc  action  of  the  Old  Dominion,  so  as  to  place 
her  in  the  front  rank,  as  she  has  been  in  oilier  great 
works  of  reform,  of  the  encinics  of  banks,  and 
the  friends  of  ihe  currency  of  the  Constitution. 
Let  that  gentleman  go  home,  not  in  the  way  that 
another  distinguished  gentleman  was  once,  on  this 
floor,  commanded  lo  "go  home,"  but  let  him  go 
there  wilh  the  all-powerful  ell'usion  of  his  mind, 
and  the  work  of  his  pen,  and  soon  will  the  foul 
blot  of  tolerating  a  rag-money  currency  be  swept 
from  her  slalutes;  and  once  more  will  that  honor- 
ed Commimwcallh  stand  creel  on  the  platform  of 
I  her  ancient  glory.  Yes,  sir,  let  us  all  do  our  duty; 
lei  us  carry  out  the  principles  as  avowed  by  iho 
•  Baltimore  convention,  and  responded  lo  by  the 
jieoplc;  let  us  modify  and  correct  the  unjust  and 
unequal  larifl'  of  1842;  have  the  revenue  of  the 
Government  collected  in  "the  hard;"  see  that  it 
is  safely  kept,  and  honestly  disbursed;  and  then 
we  may  hurl  defiance  in  the  leeih  of  those  hot-beds 
of  villany  and  corruptiim. 

In  the  great  Stale  which  I,  in  part,  have  Ihc 
honor  to  represent  here,  the  democracy  have  com- 
menced the  great  woik  of  extermination  atrainst 
all  banks  of  issue.  We  have  planted  ourselves 
on  the  broad  iilalform  of  the  Consiitulion,  and 
sworn  eternal  hostility  against  all  imd  every  sys- 
tem of  paper  money.  'That  nothing  short  of  a 
war  of  exierniination  will  reach  the  evil,  sad  ex- 
perience has  taught  us  in  the  west  and  southwest. 
Every  proposition  to  improve  or  render  more  tol- 
erable the  banking  system,  was  met  with  the  scorn 
I  and  contempt  of  those  plunderers  and  Iheir  dc- 
!  pendants.  Instead  of  honestly  endeavoring  lo  im- 
prove the  system,  their  constant  aim  seemed  to  be, 
to  throw  open  still  wider  ihe  floodgates  of  fraud 
and  corrujilion.  Their  coiulnct  and  their  purses 
gave  ample  demonstration  that  they  fully  appreci- 
ated the  power  of  "  paper  money"  to  "fertilize 
the  rich  man's  field  with  the  sweat  of  the  poor 
man's  brow."  Under  these  circumstances  wo 
have  entered  the  field,  and,  by  the  ble.isingofGod, 
we  shall  never  leave  it  till  every  vestige  of  |iaper- 
numey  banking  is  swept  from  our  border.  Let 
not  the  friends  of  monopoly  lay  the  false  hope  to 
their  bosoms,  that  we  shall  be  driven  from  our 
position.  "Revolutions  never  go  backwards." 
Be  the  war  one  of  twelve  months  or  twelve  years, 
we  will  always  be  found  at  our  post.  But,  sir, 
wilh  a  cause  so  just,  and  a  standard-bearer  so 
able,  so  brave,  and  .so  fearless,  as  he  whom  the 
democracy  of  Ohio  delight  lo  honor  with  the  high- 
est commission  in  their  army,  the  contest  caniiol, 
it  will  not,  be  hmg. 

Tho.sc  gentlemen  who  assume  that  this  notice, 
if  given,  will  produce  war,  nrgc,  among  other  rea- 
sons why  we  should  avoid  it,  the  embarrassed  con- 
dition ol  the  States.  It  is  true,  that  most  of  our 
Slates  are  deeply  embarrassed;  that  the  delnsii'us 
of  onr  banking  system  have  led  the  people  inlo  n 
wild,  \isiimary,  ruinous  system  of  internal  im- 
provements, which  has  brdusrht  upon  ns  a  most 
burdensome  debt.  These  debts,  however,  nflbrd 
one  of  mv  stromrc'si  rensona  for  believing  that 
there  will  be  no  war.  And  why?  Because  those 
debts  are  generally  due  the  subjects  of  Great  Brit- 
ain. And  to  what  (lass  of  her  subjects?  To  the 
aristocracy— the  very  class  who  will  have  to  bear 
the  burden  of  taxation  necessary  lo  furnish  the 
means  which  would  be  required  t(i  proscciKe  a  war 
auainsi  ns.  Do  gentlemen  think  it  probable  that 
Ibis  class,  who  control  the  neUim  of  tin'  British 
Government,  will  consent  to  an  cuonnous  increase 
of  taxation,  to  comluct  a  war  whicli  will  inevitably 
lose  them  two  liunilreil  millionsof  doUars  of  claims 
which  they  hold  on  our  States?  They  know  lliat 
the  laws  of  nations  make  such  debts  a  proper  ob- 
ject of  repri-sal;  and  they  know,  too,  how  strong 


'\ 


•288 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  7, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Fries, 


Ho.  or  Rp.ps. 


the  probnbilily  in,  that  the  Stoles  would  nvail 
themselves  of  audi  n  farorablc  and  legal  inode  of 
relieving  their  people  from  the  burden  of  State 
debts. 

Much  as  I  despise  and  repudiate  repudiation, 
in  the  common  nceeptation  of  that  term,  yet  I  nm 
prepared  to  proclaim,  that  I,  for  one,  nm  prepared 
to  stand  by  and  justify  the  Slates  in  sponging  out 
every  vestiije  of  Stale  or  corporation  debla  due  the 
subjects  of  Great  Britain,  should  they  make  war 
upon  us  l\ir  n  territory  which  never  diil  and  never 
shall  belong  to  them.  Why  have  we  not  as  good 
a  right  to  take  and  applv  those  State  dvbis  to  in- 
demnify the  people  against  the  loss  of  sustaining 
a  war  of  defence,  as  Great  Britain  had  to  force  the 
Chinese  empire  to  pay  the  expenses  of  a  war  of 
offence  ' — an  offensive  war,  too,  than  which  none 
more  unholy  and  i\iirighteous  was  ever  waged  on 
earth ! — a  war  which  forced  an  innocent  and  harm- 
less people  In  take  and  eat  the  cursed  poison  of  their 
East  IndiA  Company,  in  order  that  that  company 
wight  furnish  more  filthy  lucre  to  keep  up  the  luxu- 
ry and  extravagance  of  the  lords  and  nobles  of  the 
home  Government.  Relieving  the  Slates  juslifi- 
nble  in  the  course  indicated,  I  liereby  proclaim  the 
doctrine  to  the  whole  stock-jobbing  and  stock- 
eamhling  crew  throughout  the  world;  and  warn 
iheni  to  keep  their  hands  off  Slate  slocks,  till 
after  the  settlement  of  the  Oregon  controversy.  I 
am  even  prepared  to  go  fiirther,  and  declare,  as  I 
now  do,  that  I  shall  justify  the  Stales,  in  the  event 
of  England  making  war  upon  us,  to  treat  all  claims 
which  may  be  transferred,  afier  the  giving  of  this 
notice,  to  the  .subjects  of  other  Governments,  as 
tlmugh  they  belonged  to  the  citizens  and  subjects 
of  Great  Britain.  To  them,  loo,  would  the  sponge 
be  a  proper  application.  Once  more  let  me  say  to 
stock-jobbers.  From  Stale  slocks  "keen  hands  off. " 

Great  pains  have  been  taken,  in  the  course  of 
this  discussion,  to  impress  this  House  and  the 
people  at  large  with  the  idea  that,  in  case  of  a  war 
with  F.nglaiul,  we  would  inevitably  lose  Oregon. 
How  is  ibis,  sir?  Would  a  war  be  certain  to  lose 
US  Oregon .'  How .'  Why,  say  the  opponents  of 
thi-s  notice,  because  we  could  not  move  a  single 
vessel  from  our  fhores  with  a  view  of  sailing 
nround  Cape  Horn  to  Oregon,  without  having  the 
moriitication  of  seeing  her  shattered  remains  swejit 
back  upon  our  const  by  the  first  breeze.  Sir,  were 
th<ise  noble  craft  manned  by  the  granite-hearted, 
iron-nerved  spirits  of  the  last  war,  thus  sent  back? 
The  nnval  history  of  our  country  lells  that  smry. 
.\nd  wbn,  aficr  lo'okini;  over  Cooper's  Nnvnl  His- 
tory, can  stand  up  here  and  talk  of  our  navy  and 
its  powers,  when  compared  with  that  of  England, 
as  some  gentlemen  have  done,  without  hiding  their 
faces  in  the  mantle  of  shame?  But  what,  ex- 
claim those  iHiherly  gentlemen,  will  become  of  our 
citizens  in  Oreeon  r  Might  I  not  with  mire  pro- 
prieiy  ask,  what  will  become  of  the  British  in  Or- 
econ?  Sir,  our  Yankee  boys  and  western  rangers 
ihere,  as  everywhere  else,  know  bow  In  lake  care 
of  ihemsolvcs.  Why,  say  those  L'eullemen,  it  will 
be  an  easy  matter  for  England  lo  innvoy  around 
by  sea  a  force  sufficient,  wi'li  the  Hudson  Bay 
Company,  to  exterminate  every  .Vmericnn  froin 
the  soil.  Have  those  gcnllemen  fori'ollen  ilial,  be- 
.siiles  the  ei^lit  to  ten  thou.^aiul  eiui?rants  now  in 
ihnt  country,  we  have  eighteen  thousand  whale- 
men in  the  t'acific,  than  whom  none  more  brave 
or  more  patriotic  ever  floated  on  an  American  bot- 
tom ?  Let  those  brave  and  fearless  seamen  be 
ealUd  into  the  service  with  their  three  years' slock 
of  provision.'! — an  amount  with  which  ilieynlways 
supply  iheinselves  with  before  Icavm?  home. 
Give  them  immediaio  nssuranceH  that,  should 
their  .services  be  needed,  we  will  pay  them  as  lib- 
erally as  we  do  lho.se  in  our  regular  navnl  service: 
and  in  six  months  after  the  romniencemeni  of  a 
war.  not  n  .Tohn  Bull  would  dare  show  his  face 
(iouili  of  M°  40'.  They  will  enter  the  service  of 
their  Cdiuilry  with  pride  and  jilea.suie.  They  will 
run  their  shipping  into  the  Columbia;  prolect  it 
there  with  thu  guns  which  they  always  carry, 
moiinled  in  foris  and  foriifiraiions;  nnd,  with  the 
arms  uhii'h  we  can  furnlKli  them  liy  land  and  sen, 
this  Orc'.'on  band  of  twcnly-eic.'hl  thousaiirl  pii- 
smis  will  bid  defiance  to  any  power  wliich  may  be 
brought  iu;aiiist  th<  in. 

Sir,  we  are  lint  alarmed  about  the  safely  of  tlie 
people  of  Oregon,  nor  art  they,  ni  ihe  idua  nf  giv- 
ing  this   uoiicc.     They   see   nu   "vision^;"   our 


does  the  fear  of  Britiah  navies  and  armies  disturb 
their  "dreams." 

'i  hey  arc  much  less  disturbed  in  this  respect  than 
certain  gcnllemen  frnmlhe  boasted  land  of  chivalry. 
They  have  seen  "visions"  nnd  dreamt  "dreams," 
until  it  has  produced  a  disease,  which  in  its  ttipe 
is  clearly  "intermittent;"  the  paroxysms  returning 
by-annually — differing  in  this  respect  from  "inler- 
mittenls"  generally.  One  year  ago  those  diseased 
friends  were  in  the  state  nt  "npyrexy,"  cool  ns  a 
cucumber — no  fears  of  Mexico,  backed  as  she  then 
w.is  by  England  and  France,  nnd  "the  genllemaii 
with  the  while  hat,"  and  his  "pnrlez-vous"  man, 
Friday,  lo  boot.  Not  a  "vision,"  nor  a  "dream" 
retarded  their  onward  march  lo  the  point  at  which 
they  then  aimed.  But  now,  how  clr.nged  the  scene! 
An'nwful  "paroxysm"  has  suddenly  seized  upon 
them,  and  tliey  "shiver  in  the  breeze."  Acres  of 
British  bayonets  suddenly  flash  upon  their  visions; 
nnvies  unnumbered, 

W'UIi  Fnithaa  .iins 

.And  ftwflil  t^.mbs, 

hnuni  their  midnight  slumbers !  A  mighty  change 
has  "come  o'er  the  spirit  of  their  dream."  That 
little  Johnny  Bull,  nbout  whom  no  one  cared  n  fig 
one  year  ago,  has,  in  one  short  year,  consumed  suf- 
ficient Oregon  beef  to  make  him  grow  a  wondrous 
giant  indeed.  But  slop;  these  "visions"  nnd 
"drenms"  are  all  the  effusions  of  n  disturbed  im- 
nginntion;  nil  the  result  of  a  "paroxysm."  Be 
patient;  only  wail  one  year,  nnd  they  will  again  be 
found  in  a  perfect  state  of  npyrexy.  Then,  when 
perhaps  the  question  of  annexing  California — n 
questioai  involving  cotton  bnles  and  locomotive 
cotton  pickei-s — will  come  up  here,  gentlemen  will 
again  be  as  "calm  as  a  summer  evening,  and  as 
cool  as  the  crystals  of  an  .\pril  fl'ost." 

Mr.  Chairrnan,  having  referred  pretty  fully  to 
the  consequences  to  us  slioidd  a  war  unfortunately 
occur,  let  us  for  a  moment  look  to  the  available 
force  which  could  be  brought  to  bear  against  us, 
and  lo  our  defensive  preparations  on  the  senboard 
nnd  along  our  norlhern  nnd  northenslern  frontiers. 
First,  along  the  seaboard,  where  we  find  the  pecu- 
liar friends  of  peace.  T  shall  not  attempt  a  descrip- 
tion in  detail  of  the  vast  works  of  defence  on  the 
seaboard,  their  strength,  or  their  efficiency  in  war. 
Nor  will  1  stop  I"  count  the  cost  of  all  these  works, 
and  lo  slate  hen  ,  what  we  all  know  to  be  true, 
that  the  whole  American  family  has  been  h-avily 
taxed  to  defray  the  expenses.  Neither  will  I  refer 
to  the  notorious  fact,  tlint  the  immense  population 
inhnbiling  the  northern  and  northeastern  shores, 
which  are  washed  for  two  thousand  miles  by  Brit- 
ish water,  have  always  borne  ihe  unjust  and  unequal 
system  of  taxniion,  which  went  to  build  up  lho.se 
seaboard  defences;  and  that  they  stood  up  under 
all  this  without  a  murmur,  notwilhstandiiig  these 
vnsi  sums  were  applied  for  the  benefit  of  our  breth- 
ren in  another  section  of  ourUnion.  We  have  not, 
heretofore,  nor  do  we  now,  complain  about  the  ap- 
plication of  large  and  liberal  sums  of  motley  lo  en- 
able our  friends  lo  defend  their  property,  their  fire- 
sides, and  their  lives.  It  is  true,  however,  thai  we 
have  not  been  able  to  see  the  propriety  of  entirely 
o^■erlooking  the  defences  of  our  lake  shores.  We 
have  looked  lo  the  vast  prepnrnlions  of  Great  Bril- 
nin  on  the  opposite  shore,  and  then  to  ourdefrnce- 
less  homes.  We  thoiiihl  of  our  neglect,  but  we 
innrmiired  not.  Wc  beheld  their  shi|i  canal  around 
the  falls  of  Niagara,  tiirouL'h  which  her  (leeis 
might  reach  all  our  lowns  and  cities — whose  coni- 
mercial  imporlancc  has  already  oul.^trippiil  many 
on  the  seaboard — and  smk  nnil  burn  ihcm  without 
a  siiol  or  gun  furnished  by  the  General  ( iovcrn- 
menl  lo  defend  them  with.  Still,  with  all  this  ne- 
glect of  every  inlcrcsi  on  our  niutln'm  border,  we 
will  not  complain.  Should  war  come,  wc  shal.  not 
trouble  ourselves  nuich  about  defensive  ;irraiige- 
incnis;  it  will  be  an  offensive  war  from  the  start 
with  us.  We  shall  s^jue  John  Bull  all  trouble 
nlioul  iiiccliiiL'  us  on  this  side  of  the  lakes.  We 
shall  l.'ike  grc.Ti  pleasure,  too,  in  s.-win^r  him  the 
trinihle  of  eitriiding  the  locK-s  on  the  Welland  canal; 
and  we  shall  do  sundry  other  acts  of  kindness,  loo 
numero.is  to  mention.  And  if  our  friends  on  the 
seaboard — after  having  ne;irly  all  the  money  which 
lins  been  spi'iit  since  the  foundaiiiu)  of  our  f  Jovern- 
nii'iu  applied  for  their  benefit — <  aniuu  defend  their 
home  s  anil  their  piopi'riy  against  any  attack  fnou 
any  f|iinrter,  then  iheir  degeneracy  niiisl  be  irreal 
imleed;  but  they  cjn  defend,  and  will  defend  iheni- 


selves.  To  doubt  their  ability  or  their  disposi- 
I  tion,  would  be  a  base  slander  on  their  patriotism 
j  and  their  valor.  Having  the  utmost  confidence  in 
I  both,  I  shall  look,  should  the  conflict  come,  for  a 
repulsion  of  the  enemy  ns  signal  ns  that  which  they 
received  on  the  plains  of  New  Orleans. 
I  But  from  whence  is  this  great  British  fleet  to 
come — this  fleet  which  is  to  sack  nnd  burn  our  ci- 
[  ties — about  which  so  much  hns  been  said  ?  VVill  it 
he  \yithdrawe.  from  the  protection,  or  rather  sub- 
jection, of  her  colonies  and  possessions  abroad, 
and  from  her  disturbed  and  discontented  millions 
at  hom.e?  No,  sir;  she  dare  not  withdraw  her 
fleets  nnd  armies  from  her  India  possessions.  Her 
one  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  down  trodden 
subjects  in  tlint  quarter  are  n  dangerous  material; 
one  that  only  requires  a  few  ardent  and  bold  mili- 
tary leaders  to  enable  them  to  give  employment  to 
nil  the  power  which  she  can  muster  in  thatquurtcr. 
Let  us  furnish  them  with  a  Boone,aCroghan,niid 
a  Wayne;  and  if  they  don't  keep  all  the  naval  and 
land  power  of  England  in  that  cjuarter  of  the  world 
in  employment,  Inin  much  mistaken.  But  how 
stands  the  matter  with  reference  to  her  home  squad- 
ron ?  Dare  she  withdraw  her  forces  from  her  home 
possessions?  Look  at  old  Ireland:  behold  in  her 
bosom  the  accumulated  elements  of  explosion, 
which  have  been  gathering  there  for  ages;  blemems 
that  will  soon  explode  war,  or  no  wur.  Look  at 
seven-eighths  of  her  population,  panting  for  an  op- 
portunity to  strike  a  blow  for  "repeal."  Instend 
of  daring  to  withdraw,  she  would  have  to  multiply 
tenfold  her  forces  in  and  nround  that  island;  and 
even  then  the  well-known  battle-cry  of 
"  Hereditary  biindiinien,  know  ye  not, 
TliQt  tie  wtiu  would  be  free,  liiiiisell'  iiilMt  fllrilte  the  blow,'* 

would  come  thundering  from  every  hill  and  from 
every  dale,  and  one  great,  united  blow  would  sever 
forever  the  bonds  rf  union,  which  every  true-heart- 
ed Irishman  hates  "  with  a  holy  haired."  Let  us 
now  withdmw  from  the  "  green  sod,"  cross  the 
channel,  nnd  look  for  a  moment  on  that  terrible 
revolutionnry  mass  found  in  her  factories  and  work- 
shons.  Look  at  their  dependence  upon  our  cotton 
fields  for  employment,  nndconsequenllyl'or  bread. 
See  the  difficulty  which  the  Government  now  has 
to  keep  them  in  subjection,  although  they  now 
have  an  uniiiterrupled  supnly  of  the  raw  material, 
out  of  which  they  make  their  scanty  subsistence. 
Stop  this  supply  fiir  six  or  twelve  months,  and 
how  many  troops  could  they  withdraw  to  send  here; 
or  rather,  how  many  thousand,  in  nddition  to  what 
tliey  now  have,  would  bo  required  to  keep  in  siili- 
jection  this  terrible  mass  ?  Every  attempt  to  keep 
them  down  would  be  hopeless.  They  would  forcii 
any  Minister  into  a  peace  in  sixty  days  nftcr  ilie 
stoppage  of  the  cotton  mills.  "Give  us  bread, 
give  us  peace  thai  we  mny  enrn  it,  or  givi^  us 
blood."  These  would  be  the  cries  that  would 
greet  the  ear  of  a  Minister  from  every  quarter  of 
Ihe  kingdom.  Would  the  Minister  yield?  I  leave 
gentlemen,  who  hnve  given  this  matter  a  passinsr 
llKuight,  to  answer  for  themselves.  For  my  pnrt, 
1  doubt  not  thnt  the  ulmighly  voice  of  the  people 
cull  mnke  their  servants  obey  even  in  Old  Eng- 
land. 

Let  us  now,  in  this  examination  of  British  safe- 
ty in  case  of  war  with  us,  come  nearer  home. 
How  stjind  matters  in  i-eferenre  tfi  the  C'anadas,  and 
her  whole  North  American  possessions?  Can  she 
depend  on  n  friendly  reception  even  in  this  part  of 
her  household  ?  Will  she  not  here  see  thai  which 
will  admonish  her  that  "discretion  is  the  better 
part  oi'vnlor?"  Look  to  the  last  nttempt  nt  revo- 
lution, and  that  by  a  lucre  handful  of  those  who 
pant  for  freedom.  The  most  brave,  the  mo.st  val- 
uable portion  of  their  jiopulalion — that  portion 
who  harbor  the  most  undying  haired  of  the  home 
irovcrnment,  though  most  prudent  and  cnulioiis, 
have  never  struck  a  blow.  They  uwnit  thnt  which 
some  gentlemen  so  much  dread — n  war  between 
this  Governmeiii  nnd  Kii;,'land.  They  are  cool, 
prudent,  calculating  men,  who  well  knew  that 
ihe  ntlenipl  nt  revolution  in  18,19  was  folly;  hut 
lei  their  )irnyed-for  cunitest  come,  then  you  will 
sec  thousands  of  her  yeomanry  rush  to  our  stand- 
ard, nnd  defend  it  with  their  last  drop  of  blood.  I 
clniin  thnt  wc  who  live  ailjiicent  lo  and  on  the 
frontier  of  the  Cnnndas  know  the  feelings  and  ile- 
sires  of  our  brethren  acros.-t  the  border  too  well 
10  be  deceived.  And  permit  me  here  lo  add,  that 
the    desire    lo    be    freed    iVoiu  British  tyrunny  is 


V  Reps. 


heir  disposi- 
eir  pniriotism 
confidence  in 
t  come,  for  a 
Rt  which  ihey 

I  SI. 

rilish  fleet  to 
I  burn  our  ci- 
laid?  Will  it 
ir  rather  sub- 
sinns  abroiid, 
nlcd  millions 
ivilhdraw  her 
'Hsions.  Hep 
down  trodden 
OUH  mnterini; 
i>nd  bold  mili- 
mploymcnt  to 
1  thatqimrlcr. 
Croi;hi\n,an(l 

the  iinval  and 
•.r  of  the  world 
ni.  Bnt  how 
r  home  sqiiHd- 
Vom  her  home 
behold  in  her 
of  explosion, 
nges;  elemenls 
I'ur.  Look  nt 
tint:  for  nnop- 
eu\."  Inslend 
ive  to  multiply 
>at  island;  and 

of 

strike  tlio blow,'' 
hill  nnd  from 
iw  would  sever 
ervtrtie-hcnrt- 
ire'd."     Let  us 
)d,"  cross  the 
u  that  terrible 
)ries  and  work- 
pon  our  cotton 
entlyl'or  bread, 
iment  now  has 
|ugh  ihey  now 
raw  material, 
y  aubsi.«tence. 
months,  atid 
w  to  send  here; 
Idition  to  what 
10  keep  in  sub- 
ttempt  to  keep 
y  wotild  force 
days  nfier  the 
'ive  us  bread, 
1,  or  give  us 
s   that  would 
cry  quarter  of 
yield.'     Heave 
liter  n  passiiiar 
For  my  pan, 
of  the  people 
in  Old  ling- 

f  British  safe- 
nearer  home. 
!^Canadas,and 
nns.'    Can  she 
in  this  part  of 
see  that  which 
1  is  the  better 
lenipt  at  revo- 
of  those  who 
the  most  val- 
-that    portion 
li  of  the  home 
and  cautious, 
ait  that  which 
war  between 
hey  are  cool, 
II    knew  that 
as  folly;  but 
lien  you  will 
to  our  stand - 
p  (tf  blood.    I 
)  and  on  tlit; 
idiiiijs  and  dc- 
rdcr  loo  well 
•e  to  add,  thai 
,h  lyiumiy  '■■' 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


289 


29tii  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Augmentation  of  the  Navy — Mr.  Fairfield. 


New  Series No.  19. 


i 


'not  confined  to  the  people  proper,  but  has  also 
found  its  way  into  their  temples,  their  high  places; 
ihat  even  "  the  watch  dogs  of  the  tower"  arc  pant- 
ing for  the  day — the  hour  of  their  deliverance, 
yhottld  the  conllict  come,  and  the  two  armies  on 
our  tiorlhern  border  be  brought  face  to  face,  a  scene 
will  be  witnessed  to  which  a  similar  one  at  Tren- 
ton was  a  mere  miniature. 

A  word  in  reference  to  u  substitute  offered  here 
for  the  resolution  reported  by  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  llelalions.    I  have  watched  that  substitute 
since  it  lirst  made  its  appearance  in  the  other  end 
of  the  Capitol,  being  satisfied,  from  the  first  glimpse 
1  got  at  it  in  the  Senate,  that  it  would  constitute  the  | 
platform  upon  which  the  secret  and  open  enemies  ^ 
of  the  notice  would  plant  themselves.    That  it  will 
prove  the  rallying  ground  of  the  mass  of  the  Whig 
party  in  this  Hall  is  already  apparent.     When  1  | 
looked  to  the  fouiitiiin,  or  rather  the  State  from  : 
which  this  proposition  comes,  I  must  confess  that  I 
1  was  no  liiiic  surprised.     I  had  formed  the  idea 
that  any  proposition  coming  from  that  State  would  i 
be  characterized  by  that  open,  bold,  fearless,  nnd 
inde)>endent  trait,  which  usually  distinguishes  their 
people.     Not  so,  however,  in  this  case.     A  more  , 
mean,  cowardly,   skulkiitg,   irresponsible   propo- 
sition never  found  its  way  into  this  Hall.     Sir,  I 
loathe  and  detest  it;  from  my  very  soul  do  I  de- 
spise it;  and  1  ho|)e  it  may  be  met  with  the  con- 
tempt it  deserves  iVom  ev<!ry  true  friend  of  Oregon. 
What  would  i;entlcmeii  Ijo  at.'     Uo  they  desire  to 
evade  all  responsibility,  and  put  the  whole  on  the 
shoulders  of  the  President,  and  this,  too,  after  ar- 
guing for  wteks  that  this  notice  is  nothing  more 
nor  less  than  .^  dcc^lai.iiion  of  war;  showing  by 
their  acts  and  deeds  that  they  are  desirous  ot  put- 
ting the  whole  war-making  power,  which  properly 
belongs  to  Congress,  into  liie  hands  of  one  man.' 
A  pretty  commentary  this  upon  your  twelve  years'  : 
whining  against  the"  one  inun  fiower."   1  cannot, 
I  \vill  not,  believe  tliat  such  a  course  meets  a  re-  , 

'oiise  from  the  great  mass  of  the  gallant  hearts  of 
I' Old  Kentucky."    They  spurn  the  idea  of  shift- 
ing responsibility  from  their  shoulders,  and  ihey  | 
will  yet  spurn  the  man  who  thus  seeks  to  jdace  I 
them  in  a  false  position. 

But  the  most  humiliating  part  of  this  proposition 
is  yet  to  he  told.  After  auiiiorizing  the  President 
to  give  or  not  give  the  iioti.  e — which,  according  to 
Whig  logic  here,  means  to  "  make  or  not  make 
war,'"— just  as  he  pJeiises,  the  whole  proposition 
winds  up  with  the  bold  proviso  that  it  shidl  not  bo 
eiven  "  till  after  the  adjournment  of  the  present 
session  of  Congress."  Yes,  sir;  after  the  whole 
nower  and  i-espousibility  of  making  war  (so  Whig 
logic  will  have  it)  is  put  on  the  President,  they 
turn  round  and  most  impiously  .«ay,  "  Mr.  Presi- 
<lent,  don't  give  this  notice  now;  ilon't  mate  icnr  till 
after  we  get  out  of  this  city;  for  if  you  do,  we 
might  find  it  convenient  to  follow  in  the  footsteps 
of  our  illustrious  predecessors,  "  the  Bludeusburg 
rocers. " 

One  word  as  to  the  object  of  the  Whigs  in  ns- 
sumiiig  this  extraordinary  ground.  They  no  doubt 
.itill  find  themselves  haunted  by  their  Federal 
brethren  who  fell  (politically)  in  the  celebrated 
Hartford  convention  battle.  Those  "  perturbed 
spirits"  have  unquestionably  admonished  their 
lineal  descendants  that  It  is  highly  expedient  in  all 
matti:rs  neriaiuing  to  this  notice,  to  play  a  kind  oi 
a  "good-Uoi'  ■  'devil"  game.  "That's  our 
game,"  say  t!_y.  ■'  If  the  President  give  the  no- 
tice in  uccordaiicf!  with  our  substitute,  nnd  it  should 
be  followed  by  war  and  some  serious  consequen- 
ces, we  can  turn  upon  the  Democratic  party,  nnd 
sny.  Gentlemen,  we  are  not  responsible;  this  is  nil 
the  fault  of  your  wicked  President;  he  gave  tlie 
notice  loo  soon;  he  gave  it  too  late;  we  wash  our 
hands  of  idl  this;  the  blood  be  on  i/iitir  heads." 
"  But  look  on  the  other  side,"  say  they;  "here 
again  is  a  glorious  chance  for  escape.  If  the  Presi- 
dent takes  all  Ike  rcspnnsibililii,  and  gives  the  no- 
tice, imd  the  peaceable  acquisition  of  Oregon  should 
follow,  why  we  can  modestly  tell  our  countrymen 
that  we,  loo,  were  in  favor  of  the  notice;  that  we 
were  for  Oregon — for  every  inch  of  Oregon;  nnd 
that  we  acted  a  hriive  and  fearless  part  in  behalf  of 
all  the  proceedings  which  led  to  its  acquisition. 
We  will  show  most  conclusivulv  that  catiea  alter 
circumstances,  as  well  as  thot  circumstances  alter 
cases." 

Should  this  scheme  of  thrusting  on  the  President 

19 


powers  to  perform  duties  which  properly  belong  ! 
to  Congress,  and  which  the  people  seiii  us  here  to 
perform — if  this  scheme  succeeds,  let  me  a.ssure 
gentlemen  that  there  will  be  no  "  backing-out'* —  ! 
no  cowardly  evasion  of  rcsjioiisibility.     He   has  | 
the  nerve  timt  will  not  (piail  before  any  power, 
save  the  power  of  God.     The  notice  will  be  given  ! 
with  that  promptness  which  characteriT'.es  all  his  i 
acts.     But,  sir,  1  shall  oppn.se,  with  all  the  nov.er  1 
which  I  may  nos.sesa,  this  or  any  other  clibrt  to  '■ 
transfer  powers  from  the  legislative  to  the  execu-  ! 
live  department  of  this  Goveniineiit.     The  power 
to  make  treaties  unquestionably  belinigs  to  the 
President  ond  Senate  jointly;  but  tin  power  to  un-  | 
make,  or  abrogate,  can  only  be  performe;!  in  two  I 
ways  consistent  with  the  Constiliilion.     Fiisi,  by  j 
the  President  and  Senate  in  making  a  new  treaty,  i 
the  provisions  of  which  may  set  aside  the  old  or  1 
pre-existing  one;  and,  secondly,  by  the  joint  action  ' 
of  both  Houses  of  Congress.     Our  object,  as  ex- 
pressed on  all  sides  of  the  llmisc,  is,  to  abrogate  the  ' 
treaty  of  1B18,  as  renewed  in  ]>^-i'  between  Eng-  | 
land  and  the  United  States,  which  is  dearly  a  le-  j 
gislative  duty,  that  cannot  be  pi;rl'orincd  constitu-  , 
tionally  by  any  other  power  U'.nn  the  joint  power  : 
of  both  Houses  of  Congress,  as  proposed  by  the 
resolution  before  lis.  i 

[At  this  stage  of  his  remarks,  a  mossnse  from 
the  President  was  jiresented  to  the  House,  by  Mr.  ' 
Walker,  his  private  secretary,  enclosing  the  late 
corres)>ondence  iietween  Mr.  PaUeiil.ain,  the  Brit- 
ish Minister,  nnd  Mr.  Buchanan,  the  Secretary  of 
Stale,  containing  a  proposition  by  the  fcn-mer,  and 
a  reiection  by  the  latter,  to  arbitrate  the  subject 
of  dispute  in  Oregon.  After  the  reading  of  this 
correspondence,  Mr.  FiiiES  resumed  his  remarks, 
as  follows:] 

Mr.  Chairman,  my  time  being  nearly  expired, 
I  shall  add  but  little  more.  Permit  nie  ti>  say, 
however,  that  the  cliaract"r  of  tliis  correspondence 
inspires  me  witli  new  hope  of  success  and  refresh- 
ed confidence  In  the  firmness  of  the  Admiuistr.a- 
lion.  To  have  yielded  to  ailiiiralion — such  arbi- 
tration as  proposed — would  have  been  a  betrayal 
of  the  just  expectaii(nis  of  the  American  people. 
Who  would  trust  the  adjudication  of  our  rights  in 
Oregon  lo  any  crowned  head."  jS'one,  I  hope,  in 
this  House.  And  who  would  accede  lo  tliat  other 
proposition,  whii'I'.  would  leave  it  to  arbitrators 
selected  from  both  Giiverninents,  with  power,  in 
case  of  disagreement,  to  select  tui  nnioire?  Gen- 
tlemen can  certainly  see  at  a  glance  that  this  is  a 
gambling  proposition,  by  which  England  would 
have  two  chances  to  our  one.  The  lU'iginal  arbi- 
trators would  undoubtedly  disagree;  nothing  else 
could  be  expected;  nnd  then  from  wlicnce  would 
come  the  umpire-  Not  from  ihe  United  Slates — 
not  from  England — but  just  where  England  wvuild 
want  him  from — from  some  European  Slate. 
Where  would  be  the  dilTercnce  between  this  mode 
of  seiilement,  or  leaving  it  to  a  foreign  Power  nt 
i>nce?  All  the  power  being  in  the  umpire,  and 
that  umpire  being  foreign,  there  could  be  no  dif- 
ference, of  course.  Sir,  all  those  propositions  to 
arbitiRie  are  essentially  the  same;  and  I  therefore 
glory  In  the  prompt  rejection  of  them  all. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  .sorry  to  see  a  disposition 
manifested  here  to  create  the  impression  that  there 
is  a  war  parly  ill  this  House:  and  fnnn  the  lan- 
guage of  .some  gentlemen,  1  doubt  not  that  upon 
the  "  West"  is  to  be  cli:\rgcd  the  major  part  of 
this  supposed  war  spirit.  Sir,  we  spurn  tlie  cliarg*', 
direct  or  indirect,  oi'  being  desirous  of  urixing  this 
Uovernment  into  an  nunecessary  war.  We  are  iis 
emphatically  a  peace-loving  people  as  those  in  any 
other  section  of  this  nation.  The  people  which  [ 
ha\e  the  honor  to  represent,  estimate  as  highly  as 
any  others  the  blessings  of  peace:  they  know  its 
bchiiin  influences  upon  science,  the  arts,  religion; 
upon  everything  tending  lo  the  happiness  of  man- 
kind. But,  sir,  firm  and  fixed  ns  our  convictions 
are  of  ihe  blessings  of  peace,  we  will  never  be 
found  willing  to  yield  lo  any  other  than  nn  honor- 
able peace.  To  our  rights  we  shall  cling  with  n 
grip  as  unyielding  ns  death.  Those  riglits  must 
be  preserved.  Cost  it  treasure,  cost  it  blood,  they 
shall  be  preserved.  We  have  entered  the  field  to 
maintain  those  rights,  "  peaceably  if  we  can,  for- 
cibly if  we  inusl."  We  pitched  our  tents,  and,  if 
God  willing,  they  shall  never  be  struck  till  the 
stars  and  striiics  wave  over  Oregon,  every  inch  of 
Oregon. 


AUGMENTATION  OP  THE  NAVY. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  FAIRFIELD, 

OF  MAINE, 

In  Senate,  January  37,  1846. 

On  the  Bill  providing  for  an  augmentation  of  the 

Navy. 

The  following  bill  was  taken  up  for  considera- 
tion: 

A  HILL  prn\idini!  for  the  niittmentHtinn  of  tlie  naval  force 

i  of  ttie  ijnitcil  l^tatc^,  hikI  lor  other  purpnges. 

j      Be  it  cnitclcd  ti;  Ilie  Senate  and  lioitsc  of  Uejirenentittivei 

of  the  Vnitcil  Rtiltes  of^imcricit  in  Congress  tissemliteil.  That 

the  President  of  t)it!  United  States  he,  iimt  lie  is  hereby,  au- 

:  tlinrizcd  to  cause  to  be  built,  equipped,  nnd  em|iloycd  iit  the 

'  iinvai  Hcrviee  of  tlic  IJiiiicd  Htatcs,  tkn  9tsam-rhii>8,  or 

vc.sels  of  war,  to  be  constructed  (»l'  iron,  it'  practicitblc,  to 

wit:  tlirceof  tlie  class  ot*  friantes,  five  of  the  class  of  sloops 

■  of  w.ir,  and  two  of  n  sniiillcr  class. 

Htc.  -2.  Jlnd  lie  it  furtlter  enacted,  Timt  tlic  President  be, 
!  and  lie  is  lo.Tcby,  turther  uiltliori/.e<),  it.  in  his  opinion,  iit 
I  any  time  before  the  coinincnccinciit  of  the  next  r<  ^nliir  ses- 
;  sioii  of  roiiL^rcss  tin;  pultlic  cxiLM-ncics  slioulil  require  it,  to 
cruise  to  he  completed  nil  the  frigates  nnd  sloops  of  wnr  now 
;  upon  ttie  dtoclis,  nnd  lo  rcpjiir  and  put  into  active  service  oil 
.  the  sloops  or  vessels  of  wnr  now  in  ordinary. 

•■^KC.  ;l.  Jlnd  lie  it  further  cioicte.l,  'I'li.vt  tlie  President  be, 
nnd  he  is  hereby,  autliorizcd  to  purchase  or  eolli'ct  sucli 
naval  supplies,  nmterinl",  nnd  ordniincc.  ns  ids  judgnient 
may  deem  tie  public  interest  requires,  limiting  the  iiniount 
to  iliL'  appropriation  /or  lliia  purpose  iicrcinartcrwards 
'  made. 

Srr.  4.  Jlnd  he  it  further  enacted,  That,  in  enrrvinc  into 

PlT.'ct  the  Hr-t  section  of  this  bill,  the  I'rcBldciit  lie,  and  ho 

is  hereby,  aiiihorizcd  to  cniise  snid  slilps  or  vessels  to  bo 

huiit  under  contract,  if,  in  his  opinion,  tliu  public   illlcresi 

;  v.Miild  ilicrcby  be  promoted. 

Src.  .5.  ,^ad  be  it  t'urtficr  ennrted.  Thai,  for  the  purpose 
of  carrying  into  clfect  the  forei:oinir  pnivisimis.  the  sum  of 
live  milHoa  six  huodri'd  nnd  twenty  live  thousand  dollars— 
'  to  wit:  ibr  the  biiitdinii  and  c'luippin:;  llie  ships  and  vi'<seU 
provided  I'or  in  t!ii^  Hist  section  of  this  bill, two  million  nine 
Imndrcd  and  tnenty  tliousnnd  dollars;  llir  omipUiim.'  the 
[  sliips  nnd  vessels  now  upon  the  stoclis.  one  million  live 
luiiidred  and  twenty  tiiou-and  dollars  ;  liir  repairs  of  ships 
aiitl  vessel-  in  onlinary.  six  lluitdred  and  twenty- live  tliou- 
snnd dolhrs;  lor  the-  piirdiasc  of  iia\al  suppling,  materials, 
and  ordnance,  live  hundred  thousand  dollars— lie,  nnd  the 
same  is  hereliy  appropriated,  lo  bo  paid  out  of  any  mimey 
I  in  the  treasury  not  otlierwi-c  appropriati-d. 
]       Sec.  6-  .^iml  Le  it  further  enacted,  'I'iint  so  mucli  of  the 
^  first  section  of  the  net  approved  Slarcli  ;td,  ls4.'i.  eiititlial 
•  ".\uact  inaliini!  appropriations  for  llie  naval  service  lor  the 
I  year  Piidimj  the  :iiltli  of  June,  18  Ifi."  as  limits  tlic  whole 
I  number  of  petty  oflicers,  seamen,  or  ordinary  seamen,  lands- 
j  men,  and  imys  in  tiie  iiavul  service,  to  seven  Uiousand  five 
i  itundrcd,  be,  and  the  same  is  Ilcrifbv,  repealed. 

Mr 


H.VNNE6f.\N   presented    the    fidlowing 
amendment,  offered  by  him  several  days  since, 
j  which  was  also  made  u  portion  of  the  special  nnd 
;  order  of  this  day: 

1      J^fx.  7.  Jlnd  l,e  it  farther  enacted,  Tlint  tile  entire  pro- 
ceeds  from  the  sah-sof  the  puldic  hmds  aceruina  to  the  Uni- 
ted .-States  be,  and  llic  same  are  hereby,  appropriated  lo  the 
iaimeiliatc  Imildin!!  and  equipment  ot'  ten  additional  steam 
vessels  of  war  of  the  first  class  of  friitates:  and  tiir  this  pur- 
pose, the  I'residcnt  of  tiie  United  .States  is  hcrelty  author- 
ized lo  apply  forthwith  the  sum  of  two  millioas  arid  seven- 
!  t\--seven  thousand  dollars,  beinp  the  amount  received  during 
i  the  past  year  from  land  sales,  out  of  any  money  in  llie 
t  treasury  not  otherwise  appropriated  ;  snid  vessels  to  lie 
constructed  of  ttic  same  niiitc.ial  us  tlie  vessels  provided  lor 
in  till'  first  section  of  this  bill. 

Mr.  FAIRFIELD  said,  this  bill  having  been 
[  presented  to  the  Senate  unticconipanied  by  a  re- 
port from  the  Committee  on  Naval  .-Vffairs,  some 
!  explanation  of  its  principles  and  details,  and  of  the 
views  in  which  it  originated,  will  probably  be  ex- 
pected. That  duty,  ilevolviiig  as  ii  did  upon  him- 
self, should  be  performed  as  briclly  as  the  nature 
of  tin;  case  would  admit,  and  without  any  attempt 
at  elabm'aiion  or  ornament. 

The  bill  provides  Ibr  an  augmentation  of  our 
naval  force — and   llimigh  all  should  einicur  in  its 
prop.icty,  or  inan  incrca.se  to  some  cxtenlut  least, 
the  reasons  for  such  assent  may  be  various  if  not 
diver.se.     And  I'or  this,  among  other  reasons,  the 
,  presentiilion  of  the  bill  was  not  accompanied  by  a 
.  report  from  the  committee.     They  preferred  that 
not  only  each  member  of  the  committee,  but  that 
each  member  of  the  .Senate  might  be  at  full  liberty 
to  give  his  support  lo  the  bill  without  committing 
himself  to  any  particular  views,  whether  bellicose 
or  peaceful,  though  for  liim.sclf,  he  (Mr.  F.)  could 
conceive  of  no  view  of  the  subject  incompatible 
with  a  ready  support  of  the  mcusurc  now  pro- 
posed, 
i      To  those  who  are  averse  lo  war  under  any  cir- 
cumstances, and  to  those  who  cannot  and  will  not 
di.scern  any  specks  of  war  in  the  distant  horizon, 
this  bill  may  still  commend  it-self.     Our  unexam- 
,  pled  increase  of  populalion,  business,  and  wealth 


1:1 


290 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jnn.  97, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Augmentation  of  the  Navij — Mr.  Fairfield. 


Senate. 


11 


PI 


<uir  widely  rxlondi-d  and  trrowins  comnicroc — 

tlie  rcfipocl  will)  wliieli  wc  aliould  cndeiivor,  us  n 
mnttrr  of  iiitrrist,  nt  lonst,  \(  finm  no  higher  rnn- 
BidrriiliiiM,  In  iii»;>ire  fnreiiin  nulinns,  will  iifTnrd 
Bbnndant  jiislilicMiiion  lor  the  measure  now  |>ro- 
posed.  I'lie  I'oniriieri'C  of  llie  loiinlry  is  no  sec- 
lioiml  or  |miiirtl  interest.  Tlinniiili  llii»,  nearly  llie 
whole  reiemies  of  the  eounlry  are  ilerived.and 
nvery  man  who  in  linhlc  to  )iny  i\  tax,  is  more  or 
less,  direetly  inli'renled  in  its  protection  and  its 
micoess.  The  eommiltee  have  not,  llierefore,  hesi- 
tated in  eomiTi;;  to  the  e.oiieliision,  or  rather  he 
HJiould  speak  for  himself  as  a  member  of  it,  thai 
independently  of  any  anticioatcd  foWy  rupture  of 
the  pe,ieel\il  and  friendly  relations  suhsistiiia;  he- 
(ween  this  ami  foreisn  eounlries,  an  increase  of  onr 
naval  foree  is  liii;liiy  ex|iedient,  if  not  ahsolntily 
neeessary.  At  the  worst,  in  the  lant;mi);e  of  the 
Soi'retary,  it  will  lie  Imt  an  "  iinlieipatinn  of  wh.u 
at  nil  early  day  would  be  retiuired  even  ill  ease  of 
the  establishment  of  harmony  witii  all  nulicuis." 

Hut  other  views  niav  be  taken,  and  for  one  he 
was  not  disposed  to  blink  thein.  It  enmuu  be  the 
part  of  wisdciiii  to  shut  our  eyes  to  the  true  eondi- 
tion  of  thinss-  Uamrers  are  not  avoided  or  dimin- 
ished by  refusins  to  look  them  resolutely  in  the 
faee,  Fur  liimcelt',  he  niizht  indulse  umieeessnry 
apprehensions;  but  he  thnu^'ht  he  saw  a  spirit 
nlii'oad  ill  the  earth  that  woukl  yet  cniu]iel  us, 
whatever  may  be  onr  notions  of  war,  ami  however 
peareful  our  ineliimlions,  to  arm  in  self-defence — 
to  fifyht  for  onr  very  political  existence. 

It  is  true  that  the  principles  and  policy  of  mir 
Government,  the  cliHracter,  pursuits,  and  senti- 
ments of  our  people,  all  tend,  in  an  eminent  and 
almost  irresistible  deiriee,  to  tile  maintenance  of 
peace  and  t;ood  fellowship  with  the  w''oIc  world; 
yet  no  one  call  fail  to  perceive  that  the  elements  of 
war,  now  niiimrenlly  slumberini,  may  be  set  in 
commotion  oy  a  word  or  a  breath.  The  Demo- 
cratic principle — the  principle  of  seir-i;o\cninient — 
is  makini;  a  sure,  if  not  rapid  progress  in  the  world. 
If  the  rotten  Governments  of  the  Old  World  are 
not  now  reelinu'  under  its  influence,  the  lime  is  not 
far  distant  wlii'ii  they  will  be  shaken  to  llieir  very 
centre,  .\iiil  wluMl  they  shall  topple  and  fall,  as 
lie  reliijioiisly  believed  they  would,  the  shouts  of 
joy  that  would  ;;o  up  from  the  down-trodden  and 
oppressed  millions  would  not  be  more  dislincily 
heard  thnn  the  piinciiile  of  rtrniul  ]ttop;ms  would 
be  distinctly  visible.  I'lit  this  is  not  to  be  accom- 
plished witlioul  M  slrni:;le.  ,Vo  one  is  so  weak  as 
to  suppose  it.  The  pleasures  of  power  arc  never 
voluiitnrilv  reliiic|ui.ihcd.  Too  Imiir  have  n  small 
portion  o(*  the  human  race  rioted  upon  the  spoils 
wriih^'  frimi  the  toil  and  sweat,  and  from  the  blood 
even,  of  the  itins.ses,  to  relinr|uish  them  without  a 
lnii;r,  a  desperate,  and  an  a'.;onizin!j  stniu;!;le.  And 
in  lliis  stru:;i.;le  will  the  altar  from  wliich  this  Dem- 
ocratic liie  IS  kindled  be  overlonked ."  Will  Dem- 
crntic  America,  from  which  these  i^lnrioiis  inliu- 
ences  are  cruistantly  emanalint:,  be  regarded  with 
n  friendly  ever  Will  there  be  no  attenipi  to  ex- 
tin^niish  the  sun  which  has  thus  been  illuminaliim' 
all  the  dark  places  of  the  carlli,  and  carrying  light 
and  life  to  poor,  crushed,  down-trodden  humanity  : 
For  one,  be  could  not  doubt,  with  t!ie  distinguished 
Sciiatoi'  from  .Michigan,  that  ih>-  coullict  was  to 
eome;  and  when,  on  our  side,  it  is  for  truth,  for 
liberty,  for  hnmaniiy — for  the  great  priiaiples  that 
lie  nt  the  I'omidation  of  the  well-being  of  ni:ui — 
vvlieii  it  is  tor  the  preservation  aiifl  imunteitance  of 
our  own  free  institutions,  in  Ginrs  name  Id  it 
c  line — the  sooner  the  bcnier.  Of  the  result  of  such 
a  contest,  an  infidf  1  only  could  doubt.  The  pro- 
gicss  of  hunianity  is  a  decree  which  hnmanity 
iiself  cannot  resist.  He  who  attempts  it  attenijits 
It  but  lo  i>e  crnshcil  and  overwhelmed.  In  that 
preat  rniiicsi  it  is  char  that  the  only  true  republic 
upon  earth — we,  tin  pec, pie  of  the  I'niied  States — 
will  have  to  play  a  conspicuous  part.  <  )ur  destiny 
must  be  l"nlfillid;  and  he  who  would  shrink  from 
the  resnonsibihiics  and  duties  which  dir'  enjoy- 
ment ot  liberty  imposes,  is  unworthy  of  those  en- 
jovinimts. 

To  sfiinn  these  views  and  apprehensions  might 
aiipear  to  be  fvrlViched,  if  not  visimiary.  He 
could  not  regard  them  so.  He  could  not  regard 
them  as  entirely  unworthy  of  consideration,  even 
when  regulating  our  military  and  naval  establish- 
ments, ispeciallv  when  we  hear  from  across  the 
waters  the  doctrine  of  the  6(i/iinrfe/ ^loirrrsr)  a\  owed 


and  extended  as  to  embrace  the  continent  of  Amer-  |' 
ica;and  when  we  see  so  flagrant  an  instance  of  uii-  I 
authorized  and  nnjusliliabln  interference  with  the 
alVairs  of  this  contineiit  as  that  lately  witnessed  nt 
Huenns  Ayres.  For  one,  he  would  like  to  see  that 
aci  properly  rebuked,  uiid  the  parties  be  made  lo 
niiileisiand  llial  it  was  not  to  be,  and  would  not  be, 
lihunled.  The  same  remarks  would  apply  to  the 
interference  of  the  same  parlies  in  our  negotiations 
with  Texas. 

Uni  he  would  puss  to  matters 'that  no  one  could 
regard  as  of  remole  interest  to  iis,  or  in  any  sense  ' 
visionary.  He  would  refer  to  the  present  existing 
difficulties  between  this  country  and  England,  and 
he  did  not  use  the  jilural  tense  nccideiilallv.  He 
knew  that  to  the  eyes  of  many,  I  ill  one  suiiject  of 
dillicuUy  presents  itself.  He  wished  it  were  so. 
Hnt  the  hardy  fishermen  and  himhermen  know 
that  it  is  not  so.  These  diUciences,  now  scarcely 
known  beyond  the  boundaries  of  jMaine,  and  if 
known  may  be  regarded  as  of  very  little  import- 
ance, may  yet  assume  a  magnitude  now  little 
dfcanied  of.  The  speck  no  bigger  than  a  man's 
hand,  may  yet  swell  into  a  dark  and  portentous 
cloud. 

liy  the  c(nivenlion  concluded  nt  London  on  the 
aillh'of  October,  IHIH,  the  fisheries  on  the  coasts  of 
Labrador  and  i\ewfoundlaud  were  supposed  to 
ha\c  been  secured  lo  the  ITniled  Stales.  And  yel, 
by  a  conslj-uction  gro.ssly  erroneous  and  i  ijuslifi- 
able,  the  fishing  vessels  of  Maine  are  almost  daily 
seized  and  confiscated  und<  r  the  decrees  of  petty 
provincial  courts,  while  in  the  enjoympnt  of  clear 
Ircalv  privileges,  if  not  of  their  clear  iialnrnl  rights. 
Ry  tlie  I'luivenlioii  alluded  to,  the  citizens  of  the 
United  Slates  were  prohibited  only  from  taking 
fish  williin  three  miles  of  the  -.mm.  To  a  common 
mind  this  would  seem  lo  present  no  ditliciilty.  I 
Three  miles  from  the  coast  or  shore,  is  a  phrase 
involving  no  ambiguity, and  ought  not  to  be  a  sub- 
ji  ct  of  diU'crcncc  briween  parlies  of  any  inlelligenee  . 
and  uprightness  of  inlention.  British  ingenuity, 
however — be  would  not  sav  stimulated  by  Pritish 
rapacity — has  discovered  lliiil  the  proper  inode  of 
ascertaining  this  distance  is  lo  dmw  a  direct  line 
from  a  point  three  miles  outside  of  one  cape  or 
headlaiKi  to  a  point  three  miles  outside  of  another 
cape  or  headland — ihercby  entirely  eycluding  our 
vessels  iVom  fishing  within  any  of  the  deep  iiideii- 
lalioiis  or  bays  which  abound  on  the  coast.  So 
thai  under  this  construction,  our  vessels  have  been 
seized  when  actually  more  than  fifteen  miles  friin 
any  coast  or  shore,  and  subsequently  condemned 
for  that  cause  in  the  provincial  ciurts. 

More  than  one  Secretary  of  .Slate,  he  had  under- 
stood, had  remonstrated  with  the  I?rilisli  Ooverii- 
incnt  for  this  uiiinsiifiabh'  course,  end  had  demand- 
ed remuneralion  for  the  sniii  ring  lishermen.  Thus 
fvr,  however,  our  rcmoustraiicrs  and  our  demands 
have  been  treated  with  the  coolest  neglect,  if  not 
with  the  nio.st  sovereign  comenipt.  To  some  this 
may  appear  n  small  matter.  To  Sinine  it  is  a  great 
mailer.  It  is  a  grievance  to  which  she  will  not  si- 
Icnily  submit. 

Hnt,  sir,  this  is  not  nil  of  which  Maine  has  to 
complain,  and  which  sbonid  be  regarded  too  as 
matters  of  national  ofi'ence,  and  fir  wliich  the  full- 
est and  most  .satisfactory  reparation  should  be  de- 
manded. All  will  recollect  by  the  late  treaty  of 
Wa.<hiuglon,or  Asliburtoiitreniy.thistjovernmeiit 
was  supposed  to  have  seriircd  ibr  Maine  the  free 
nnvigalion  ofihe  river  St.  .lolin.  Bill  let  me  tell 
you,  sir.  (said  Mr.  F.,)  it  is  all  mofuishine.  That 
firovisioii  in  the  treaty  has  been  evaded  by  n  subter- 
fuge gross  and  unjnstifinble — a  subterfuge  iiiterly 
iinwiu'lhy  even  of  llie  nation  prai'tising  it.  Hy  the 
tliiril  article-  of  that  treaty  it  is  .subslnntially  slipu- 
latiil  th.-n  all  the  productions  of  that  part' of  the 
Stall-  of  .Maine  watered  by  llie  St.  Jidiii,  trniis- 
porlcd  down  that  river,  should  be  dealt  with  as  if 
tlicy  were  the  productions  of  the  lirilish  provinces; 
thai  no  higher  duty  should  be  imposed  upon  the 
fornii-r  than  u]inii  ih(\  hitter.  To  evade  this  pro- 
vision, and  prevent  Maim-  from  deriving  any  ad- 
vantage under  it,  this  device  is  resorted  lo:  /\ 
heavy  duty  is  ini|>oseil  upon  timber  passing  do.vii 
the  river,  alike  upon  that  cut  upon  the  Biitish  mid 
Ainericaii  sides  of  the  line,  adhering,  it  wa  ad- 
mitted, to  the  lilirr  of  the  treaty.  But  lo  compen- 
sa'e  the  provincial  operator  for  this  exorbitant  ile- 
maiid  upon  his  profits,  or  to  render  the  tax  aniil- 
liiy  to    liiiii,    and    to    render   the    treaty   privilege  ■ 


entirely  nugatory  and  vnliieless  to  the  citizens  of 
Maine,  the  Ooveinment ehnrges  the  provincial  op- 
erator nothing  for  "  slnmpngf ,"  in  down-east  Inn- 
gunge — or,  ill  other  words,  for  the  privilege  of  ciit- 
iing  the  limber  upon  the  crown  lands. 

You  may,  perhaps,  n-cnllect  the  story,  sir,  of  an 
old  money-lender,  who  (hnviii»  conscientious  si*rii- 
ples,  no  doubt)  would  never  violate  the  law  by 
taking  usurious  iuleresl.  Oh,  no;  not  he.  The 
no'e  was  always  writien  for  the  precise  amount  of 
money  loaned  with  legal  interest.  But  then  the 
old  Shyloik  always  had  an  old  hat  hanging  in  the 
entry,  which  he  was  willing  lo.«f/(  to  the  poor  bor- 
rower for  twenty,  fifty,  or  n  hundred  dollars,  as 
the  case  might  be,  and  thus  secure  his  usurious  in- 
terest, without  violnling  the  Ifller  of  the  law.  Tho 
trick  resorted  to  by  the  British  Governnienl  under 
the  treaty  of  Washington,  if  not  exactly  parallel, 
nt  least  falls  within  the  same  category,  liy  thin 
device  the  provincial  lumber-man  has  nn  advan- 
Ingeover  the  Afaine  liiiiiber-man  just  eipiivaleui  to 
the  full  vnlne  of  lln^  timber  in  ihe  forest. 

This  may  ahso  be  regarded  by  many  as  a  nintler 
of  small  moment.  To  Maine  ills  a  matter  of  much 
moment,  not  only  as  it  afl'ects  her  interests,  but  for 
tho  principle  involved.  It  is  an  impoitant  ijuesiion 
how  fiir  bad  fiiilh  and  a  violation  of  treaty  (-ngago- 
menls  on  one  side,  will  release  the  other  side  from 
its  obligations.  .\i  all  events,  this  question,  though 
now  apji.irenlly  so  small,  may  vet  create  something 
■  if  ft  ripple  upon  the  great  ocean  of  inlcriiatinnal 
nlihirs. 

lint  to  pass  over  these  and  similnr  qi: 'stions, 
which, as  he  had  said  before,  some  may  bedi  -posed 
lo  regard  as  unimporlanl,  we  eome  to  wlr.i  nil  re- 
g.ird  as  the  great  (inestioii  of  dill'erence  belween  this 
country  and  F.ngland — he  meant  the  Oregon  ques- 
tion. This  may  be  selllcd  amicably,  and  it  may 
not.  Let  US  see  how  it  stands  at  ilie  present  mo- 
ineiil.  Our  right  and  title  to  this  territory — lo  the 
ivliole  of  it — from  42  degrees  up  to  ,'>-l°  40' — has 
been  (lenionslrnted.  The  arguments  of  Ihe  two 
distinguished  Secretaries  (Messrs.  Calhoun  and 
BtciiiVNA.".)  are  irrelVngable  and  conclusive.  They 
are  not  only  unanswered,  but  unansw'  .able.  The 
man  who  should  now  qucstiim  our  title  would  find 
himself  subjected  lo  the  impntalion  of  having  cither 
n  weak  head  or  nn  unpatriotic  heart. 

But  of  tills  territory,  thus  incoiiieslnbly  ours, 
Kngland  clnims  over  nine  degrees,  or  what  lie« 
norlli  of  the  Columbia  river;  mid  has  never,  upon 
any  occasion,  or  under  any  circumstances,  mani- 
fested a  disposition  to  take  less.  AVill  she  take 
less.'  Thrice  has  ihe  relimpiishment  of  over  five 
degrees — more  than  one-third  of  the  whole  territo- 
ry— been  nllered  to  her,  and  thrice  has  it  been  re- 
fused— peremptorily,  if  not  contemptuously.  Com- 
promise then  has  failed.  Liberality  and  concession 
iiave  been  met  by  illiberalily  and  obstinacy.    The 

fmrties  now  stnnd  upon  tlieir  rights.  N'ationnI 
lonor  and  national  disgrace  are  now  involved  in 
the  ssue.  Tlinl  England  intends  lo  m:iinlai'<  her 
claims,  and  is  preparing  for  the  result  to  vvl  -h  it 
inevitably  lends,  is  manifest.  Eminent  British 
statesmen,  embracing  the  ditfereni  shades  of  party 
organization,  have  spoken  in  llu-  Hritish  Parlia- 
ment of  an  nlliiTintiim  on  their  part,  which,  if  ad- 
hered to,  admits  of  but  one  alternative  on  ours — 
assent  with  disgrace,  or  dissent  with  war.  It  is 
true  Ihe  voice  of  an  individiinl,  or  of  a  few  individ- 
uals, however  exalted  in  .station,  is  not  always  the 
voii'e  of  the  nation.  But  regarding  ihe  debate  in 
the  British  Parliament,  in  connexioii  with  the  tone 
of  the  pulilic  press,  the  feeling  manifested  by  the 
people  at  large,  the  military  and  navnl  prepnrnlions 
for  war  which  arc  being  vigorously  pushed  by  thr 
Brilisli  Government,  and  who  civn  doubt  their  de- 
sign, and  to  what  it  all  necessarily  lends.  Sir,  it 
would  be  worse  than  folly,  it  would  be  criminal,  lo 
shut  onr  eves  to  passing  events,  and  the  porteii- 
tniis  consequences  necessarily  connected  with 
them. 

The  parties,  then,  having  taken  their  respective 
grounds,  what  is  to  follow?  Are  we,  as  tlie  dis- 
tinguished Senator  from  Michigan  asks,  to  rectdt  7 
Shall  we  yield  to  the  ihrents  of  power,  what  v;c 
have  denied  oil  the  seme  of  justice  and  equity  ? 
Shall  m\r  fears  be  maile  to  |innder  lo  our  disgract  > 
Never !  The  spirit  of  our  fathers  must  have  ceased 
to  animate  us  ere  we  (-.in  submit  to  disCTaee  so 
marked,  so  indelibly  burnt,  as  it  would  lie,  into 
our  very  foreheads.      Much  as  wur  is  dreaded  by 


[Jan.  97, 


lENATB. 

«  rili/.cna  of 
rnvim'inl  op- 
iwn-piiol  Inn- 
liloijc  of  ent- 
ry, fir,  nrnn 
lonliotiHH^rn- 

tlie  law  liy 
lot  he.  Tim 
sr  nmounl  of 
Uiit  llicn  ilin 
nising  in  the 
llusponrlior' 
(1  (InlliirH,  iiH 
mi.iiiriciHM  in- 
ic  law.  The 
ninuMil  iinrlcr 
jctly  |wri\llt'l, 
)ry.  l!y  iliis 
n»  nn  iidvnn- 

(iiuiviilciit  li> 

(SI. 

IV  na  n  ninllfr 
\«llriof  miicli 
tresis,  but  fin- 
il»iil  (iviesiimi 
trrnly  cngaae- 
iluT  siiln  from 
lolinn.thousli 
■HtcHomriliinij 
;  inleriialioiiHl 

ilar  qi;  'Sliona, 
ay  lip  <li  posed 
10  wlr.i  all  re- 
•e 111! ween  lliis 
■  Orciiiin  ques  ■ 
y,  uiiil  it  may 
e  present  mo- 
rritovy — to  tlin 
,  54°  41)'— lias 
Us  of  the  twr> 
C'ai.iioun  ami 
idusive.  Thev 
iW.able.  The 
tilli-  would  find 
pf  having  either 

iteslablv  ours, 
or  wlmt  lie« 
IS  ncrer,  upon 
„ilanres,  mani- 
Will  she  take 
t  of  over  five 
whole  terriio- 
luis  it  been  re- 
.  iiously.  Com- 
nnd  concession 
listinaey.    The 
:lits.     ^rational 
)\v  involved  in 
II  maintai'i  her 
lit  to  wl     h  ii 
niinent  British 
<hniles  of  party 
British  Parlia- 
whic'h,  if  nd- 
itive  on  ours — 
iih  war.     It  is 
.a  few  Individ- 
nnt  always  the 
the  debate  in 
..  with  the  tone 
litesled  by  the 
al  preparations 
pushed  by  the 
donbt  their  de- 
lends.     Sir,  it 
be  criminal,  to 
nd  the  norleii- 
inneeteu    with 

their  respective 
we,  as  the  dis- 
jsks,  to  reenit  ? 
ower,  what  wc 
ee  and  equity  ? 
o  our  ilin^aer  ' 
ust  have  ceased 
to  disgrace  so 
would  be,  into 
is  dreaded  by 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


291 


29th  Cono IsT  Skss. 


Augmentation  of  the  Navy — Mr.  Fairfield. 


Sknate. 


ihe  American  people — dreadful  and  disaslnnm  as  ',  pnncd  on  enlinaienw  Intlie  imvy,  hy  which  the  niinilinr  in 


are  its  consequences — there  is  yet  a  spirit  in  our 
people  that  would  court  It  as  a  lionn  and  a  blessing, 
rather  than  incur  the  bliglitiii;;  and  scathing  elfect 
of  di.shonor  and  dis;;rucc.      Kor  war,  under  such 
circumstances,  we  are  always  prepared,   though  i 
we  had  not  a  gun  mounted,  nor  n  soldier  enlisted,  j 
If  he  knew  his  own  licnri,  this  was  said  in  no  vniii  ! 
and  boasting  spirit.     Ti  hoist  of  our  prowess,  I 
would    but  Leiray  our  weakness.     To  attempt  to 
iiilliience  such  a  Power  as  KuL^and  by  gascrtimdo, 
would  be  idle  and  ridiculou.^.      But  to  rely  with 
calm,  stcidy,  .«!ai;aclous,  ami   firm  confidence  in 
our  capucilicN  and  our  power,  in  the  justice  of  our 
cause,  in  the  warm  beans,  strona;  arms,  and  sound 
piitriotism  of  our  people,  and  In  the  blessings  of 
Providence,  could  neither  be  weak  nor  presump- 
tuous. 

Under  all  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  then, 
what  is  it  our  duly  to  do?  Should  we  ^o  upon 
the  ground  that  war  is  inevUablf,  and  make  suita- 
ble preparations  to  meet  it.'  If  so,  this  bill  falls 
infinitely  short  of  what  it  should  be.  Should  we, 
on  the  other  hand,  regard  peace  as  certain,  and 
beyond  the  possibility  of  a  rupture,  and  so  do 
nothing.'  This, he  nppnihcnded,  would  be  equally 
erroneous  and  short-sighted.  The  wise  course, 
then,  it  appeared  to  him,  was,  to  make  such  a  be- 
ginning as,  while  it  may  not  be  entirely  incom- 
patible with  a  slate  of  peace,  may  yet  afford  to  the 
country  some  sense  of  security  against  sudden  at- 
tacks of  the  enemy  upon  our  seaport  towns.  This 
medium,  the  Ccmimiltce  on  Xavnl  Affairs  have  en- 
deavored to  atiain  in  the  present  bill,  and  cannot 
but  entertain  the  hoiic  that  a  large  majority  of  the 
•ieiiute  will  be  found  to  concur  with  them. 

Thus  far,  no  reference  has  been  made  to  onr  ex- 
isting relations  with  Mexico;  and  yet  in  these  rela- 
tions some  may  find  their  strongest  reasons  for  the 
.support  of  this  bill.  In  ea.se  of  actual  hostilities 
between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  there  could 
be  no  doubt,  he  apprehended,  that  an  additional 
sieam  force  would  be  absolutely  indispensable.  To 
encounter  the  winds  and  currents  of  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  and  to  meet  the  kind  of  service  that  would 
be  required  on  the  Mexican  coast,  steam-ships 
would  be  peculiarly  adapted.  Whether  that  Power 
would  yet  manifest  the  fatuity  and  folly  of  provo- 
king a  war  with  us,  remained  to  be  seen.  Enough, 
however,  he  apprehended,  was  seen,  to  justify  us 
in  increasing  our  force  to  the  extent  provided  in 
this  bill. 

An  additional  consideration  in  favor  of  the  bill,    ,  ,  ..... 

and  one  enlitled  to  no  little  weight,  may  he  found  j!  would  have  patience  with  him,  to  furnish  precise 


ciiitthipd  to  "(.SOO  Mi'iunen,  he  suspended  for  n  definite  [Hri- 
I  od,  and  Hint  turllicr  cnlir.tnicnl.i  be  Hutlinrizcd  uiid  pruvl- 

dud  liir. 

I      "  It  ill  I'lirther  proper,  even  in  tlip  event  of  pimce,  to  in- 

ereiwe  our  Hen-(!(iingsteiinicrf).   At  present,  tlie  rnited  HlalPH 

linvo  bat  two,  the  I'rinceinn  and  ilie  MlHsiKylppi,  that  can 

i  erui<c  at  sea.    I  would  reeoiniiii^fid  ttmt  authority  be  granted 

I  fur  the  eon:itruetion  of  thrift  tilenia-rriifnturi,  five  tlenni- 

sloop:!,  luid  two  Rtentiier^  nr  n  nniiillcr  ela8H.    Hiicli  an  in- 

creiHe  would  not  bo  dispro|Kirtionnte  to  our  resources  nr 

wants  ill  a  time  of  profound  tranquillity. 

"  it  will  almi  become  necessary  ti>  increnxe  tlie  ordnance 
and  ordnance  HtorcH.    Tliii  auniii  would  be  but  an  nnticijiH- 
■  lion  of  expense,  wliicti,  at  nn  early  day,  niunt  in  any  eonlin- 
(jency  bp  required. 

"  A  Fy^teni  of  tiieameni  for  liarbor  defence,  to  be  thnroimh- 
ly  el)\;ctunl,  would  involve  the  nece4<)ity  of  allcci  ot'Hteam- 
c>ra  fur  eiicli  harbor  in  the  eiiuiitry.    Tlic  enormous  expense 
would  lie  further  increased  liy  the  annual  repairs  which 
would  require  a  repetition  nr  the  whole  oitUny  once  in 
;  seven  nr  eight  yriirs.    It  is  still  further  to  be  considered,  i 
that  thi'se  steamers,   beinit  only  fur  harbors  and   coasts,  { 
would,  ill  time  of  peace,  prove  a  costly  burden  without  an 
adequate  efjuivalent.    In  the  event  of  war,  Ihe  immediate  : 
employment  of  mercantile  ships  and  steam'Ts,  for  the  de- 
fence of  ports,  in  co-o|M'ratiori  with  resident  citizens,  wnuh)  i 
he  attended  with  u  less  lutiireitate  enst,  and  the  facility  of  in-  \ 
vciitioii  nnu  oetivity  of  patriotism,  would,  as  ihineer  ap-  i 
!  [iroaclied,  he  quickened   to  devise   methods  of  defence,  ■ 
wliicli,  tllollgii  somewhat  irreitnlnr,  would  prove  efl'eetive  ' 
i  till  a  force  could  he  nrffaiiized  suited  to  tticemereency. 
{      *^  Inquiries  are  now  iimkinK  into  tile  capacity  of  oiir  mcr    * 
I  cantile  sleamera  for  being  llius  employed;  aiid  the  result 
I  shall  he  eommunientcd  to  you  so  soon  ,is  rceived. 
;       "The  daneertobe  apprehended  from  inroads  upon  our  , 
'•  territory  by  hostile  fleets  will  be  ureally  diminished  by  Ihe 
I  disast<>rs  eonu«i(tient  <iii  Biorms,  the  necessity  of  frequent 
!  ri'tnrns  to  port  flir  supplies  of  provisions  aniJ  wat«r,  the 
!  siipTadried  want  to  steam-ships  of  fuel,  the  seneral  inue- 
;  cessibilitv  of  the  eoasi  from  shallowness  of  water,  the  eer- 
i  lainty  nf  visoroiis  resistance  on  the  part  of  our  citizens  in 
j  the  more  densely-peopled  reuioiis,  and  the  uselessness  of 
'  naval  attacks  on  a  spm-si-ly-senled  coast  for  any  pi>rmanent 
inflin'riee  on  the  issue  of  awar.  These  eireunis'tances  have, 
ill  nil  times  past,  made  (treat  naval  expeditions  almost  fruit- 
less of  results  asainst  remote  settlements  on  land. 

"Till'  measures  recommended,  if  adopted,  will  nut  in- 
volve useless  expense  even  on  the  continuance  of  tr.nnquil- 
lily.  and  seem  to  be  siitliciont  as  precautionary  amilnst  any 
I  eo'iitiiiBeney  that  is  likely  to  occur,  and  as  pre'liniinary  to  ii 
1  more  extended  orifanization  in  the  event  it  should  become 
J  necessary.    It  will  place  the  navy  in  a  condition  tn  inspire 
j  respect,  io  render  aid  in  proteeiintt  onr  comnieree.  and  to 
enntribute  effectively  towards  the  preservation  ofpHnce. 
"(iKORGK  BANC'ltOrr." 

!  This  document  (continued  Mr.  F.)  speaks  for 
;  itself,  and  needs  no  comment  of  mine.  It  bears 
ij  the  chnrnctcrisiies  of  its  origin.  It  is  brief,  com- 
prehensive, clear,  forcible,  and  just.  The  com- 
mittee have  substantially  cnmplieil  with  its  recom- 
■  mendalions,  and,  they  hoped,  with  the  approbation 
;  of  the  Senate. 

It  might  not,jierhnps,  be  improper,  if  the  Senate 


in  the  fact  that  it  is  drawn,  substantially,  in  con 
formity  with  the  rccomtnendatioiis  of  the  dislin 
guished  gentleman  at  the  head  of  the  Navy  I)e-    ! 
parlmeiu.   The  Secretary  of  the  Senate  will  please 
to  read  the  communication  addressed  to  the  com-  1; 
millee  in  reply  to  their  inquiries.  j! 

'*  Navv  Decartment,  Janiiar^i  H,  IPlfi.       I 

"  HiR  :  In  reply  to  the  inquiries  proposed  in  your  letter  of  j ; 
the  '23d  ultimo,  I  have  the  honor  to  enclose  to  you  a  very  '  i 
full  report  from  the  heads  of  bureaux  of  tiiis  department.        1 

"Alttiuui;li  the  naval  preparations  of  connnerclal  nations  ! 
which  nre  struggling  to  maintain  themselves  in  an  tinnalu-  'i 
nd  position  of  greatness,  is  no  criterion  for  a  country  like  I , 
ours,  which  seeks  only  the  occupation  and  defence  of  its  1 1 
<iwii  territory,  Ule  protection  of  its  citizens  and  their  iuti'r-  i ' 
ests,  and  the  development  of  its  own  resources;  and,  al  .'■ 
tllnugh  the  existing  naval  establishment  of  the  Unileil  Slates 
npiH'iirs  siiHieient  in  all  lint  sen-going  steamers,  for  a  con-  ■ 
dition  of  ascertained  and  undisturbed  pi-ace  t  .vet  the  present 
nspeet  of  our  foreign  relations  makes  it  a  duty  to  suggest  '] 
to  the  Committee  on  Naval  AlVairs  tint  propriety  of  greater  ' 
preparations  than  the  ordinary  annual  appropriations  eon-  ' 
template. 

''  These  greater  preparations  should  consist,  as  far  as  |ios-  ' 
sible,  of  such  expenditures  as  will  be  but  antieipatioiiH  of  | 
what,  at  nn  early  day,  would  be  required,  even  in  case  of  I] 
lhi>  estalilislinient  of  harmony  wilh  all  nations.  | 

"They  should  consist,  first,  of  an  accumnlatinn  of  naval  , 
materials  and  stores  necessary  for  the  rapid  equipment  of 'I 
the  vessi-ls  which  an?  afloat,  for  such  of  those  on  the  stocks 
as  it  may  lie  desirable  to  employ,  and  for  such  others  as  ' 
Congress  may  nntliorize  to  ba  built.     If  means  are  gmnled,  'I 
immediate  measures  can  be  adopted  fVir  the  collertion  of 
Biicli  materials  and  stores ;  and  the  early  niirehase  of  many 
of  them  would  he  hut  an  anticipationof  what  would  twni  be  , 
reiiuired  fiir  ordinary  expenditures. 

"  The  second  branch  of  expense  that  should  at  once  he  I 
■uthnrized  at  the  disereUnn  of  the  Pnsident,  should  be  the  ; 
repair  and  equipment  of  all  the  vessels  in  onlinary,  ami  of 
the  IVigates  and  sloojis  on  the  stocks.  Were  such  ailtlioritv  ' 
and  menus  granted, the  President cnnid  exercise  a  more  IVii? 
JUilgtnent  in  the  selection  of  vessels  for  inini"diatc  prepara-  j 
lion,  whilst  the  actual  expenditure  could  be  limited  to  ex-  < 
isting  urgencies  for  the  vessels,  and  unprofitable  outlays  be  . 
avoided,  if  peace  should  continue.  j 

"It  is  also  odviiable  that  the  liniiiatiun  herctol'orc  im-  I 


and  accurate  inform.ation  in  regard  to  the  condition 
of  our  navy,  which  he  was  enabled  to  do  by  infor- 
mation communicated  by  the  heads  of  the  naval 
bureaus. 

We  have  now  at  sea,  or  in  port  ready  for  service, 
one  sliip-of-tlie-line,  six  frisrates,  fifteen  sloops-of- 
war,six  brigs  or  schooners,  font  armed  store-ships, 
one  .sea-sleamer,  and  one  steamer  on  Lake  Erie. 

In  ordinary,  and  which  can  be  equipped  in  llnee 
month,  two  sliips-of-the-line,  one  razee,  two  frig- 
aten,  four  sloops,  one  sen-steamer,  two  coast-s'eam- 
ers,  and  two  brigs,  and  one  ship-of-the-line  for 
harbor  service.  In  ordiniiry,  ai.d  Uiat  can  be 
equipped  in  sir  monllis,  another  ship-of-ihe-line, 
one  friyate,  and  two  sloops.  And  in  twelve  inonlhs, 
two  small  irrigates  could  be  razeed  to  large  corvette 
slooiis. 

This  would  give  nn  n^gregale  force  of  five  ships- 
of-thc-line,  one  razee,  nine  frigates,  two  sen-steam- 
ers, twenty-three  sloops,  eight  brigs  and  schooners, 
two  harbor-steamers,  and  four  armed  store-ships. 

In  addition  to  the  foregoing,  there  arc  upon  the 
slocks  at  the  difTerent  navy-yards,  four  eliips-of- 
the-line,  three  frisa'cs,  and  two  sloops-of-war;  one 
iron  steamer  buildiiu;  at  Pittsburg,  one  for  harbor 
defence  contracted  {or  at  New  York,  and  one  ship- 
of-the-line,  partially  finished,  at  Sackctt'a  Harbor, 
on  lake  Ontario. 

Of  these  there  could  be  completed  in  three  mmlhs, 
one  IVigate  and  one  sloop.  In  nix  mnnlh.i,  two  IVig- 
ates, one  sloop,  and  the  steamer  al  Pittsburg.  In 
(ipflre  monthn,  two  ships-ofthe-liiie.  In  fifteen 
innnthit,  two  more  shipsof-the-line.  Which,  add- 
ed to  the  aggregate  number  of  tlio.se  afloat  and  in 
ordinary,  would  give  us  a  navy  of  nine  sliips-of- 
thc-line,  one  razee, twelve  fiigates,  three  sea-steaiu- 
ers,  twenty-five  sloops,  eight  brigs  and  schooners, 
two  harbor-steamers,  and  four  armed  store-ships. 


Wc  have  also  nn  hand,  and  in  good  condition,  eoin- 
plete  live-oak  frames  for  twelve  sliips-of-the-line, 
twelve  frigates,  five  sloopa-of-war,  and  three  small- 
er sailing  vessels,  two  seu-stcamers,  and  one  coast- 
steamer.  And  incomplete  live-oak  tVames  for  three 
ships-of-thc-line,  four  frigates,  three  sloops,  and 
two  :jmnller  sailiii"  vessels,  two  sea  and  two  coast- 
steamers,  and  a  wMiite-oak  f^ame  for  a  coast-steam- 
er. Contractfi,  it  is  understood,  have  been  made 
for  compleling  the  fraines  of  the  Nliips-of-ihe-line 
and  the  frigates. 

The  other  materials  on  hand  it  may  not  be  neces- 
sary al  this  lime  to  e.'iumerate. 

In  view  nf  these  statements,  it  will  be  perceived 
that  the  country  is  not  quite  so  destitute, lie  would 
mil  say  of  I'fSoiirrM,  but  of  almost  immeiliate  means 
nf  defence,  as  many  have  seemed  to  suppose.  It 
has  become  fashionable  of  late,  in  certain  quai'ters, 
to  decry  and  undervalue  our  own  means  and  re- 
sources, and  to  magnify  those  of  England.  Coni- 
parins  the  condition  of  the  two  countries  now  with 
what  they  were  at  the  commencement  of  the  last 
war,  and  the  ndvanlage  will  be  perceived  to  be  in- 
finitely in  our  favor.  At  all  events,  no  reason  can 
be  perceived  for  yielding  any  of  our  just  rights  to 
a  foreign  Power,  or  of  ••jubmitting  to  national  in- 
dignity and  wrong,  because  we  are  incanable  of 
protecting  the  one,  or  of  resenting  the  other.  A 
just  estimation  of  our  means  will  not  be  likely  to 
impair  a  jusi  appreciation  of  our  riffhis. 

But  notwithstanding  this  favorable  view  of  our 
present  condition  and  resources,  ii  is  clear  that 
.stuviething  further  should  be  done.     In  regard  to 
I  our  ve.ssels  upon  the  .stocks  and  those  in  orilinary, 
this  bill  invests  the  President  with  power  to  com- 
'•  jilele  the  one  class  and  repair  the  other,  as  he  inay 
'  deem  the  exiirencies  of  the  countrv  to  require. 
The  sum  proposed  to  be  npinopriated  for  this  pur- 
pose is,  10  be  .sure,  snmewliat  large.     But  surely 
this  need  not  create  alarm  to  those  who  have  con- 
fidence in  the  President.    If  there  shall  be  no  pros- 
pect of  war,  as  many  insist,  why,  then,  this  ap- 
propriation amounts  to  nothing.     It  stands  upon 
the  statute  book,  but  not  a  dollar  is  taken  from  the 
treasury.    PiUt  if  Senators  should  be  mistaken,  and 
war  should  actually  occur,  or  its  near  approach  be 
perceived  to  be  inevitable,  surely  all  would  then 
admit  the  propriety  of  the  appropriation  for  the 
purposes  named.     If  the  appropriation  was  out- 
right, depending  tqwii  no  contingency,  but  to  be 
expended  at  all  events,  he  admitted  that  we  might 
well  hesitate  to  make  it;  lint  an  it  is  contingent, 
i  and  only  to  be  used  in  case  of  necessity,  he  trusted 
'  the  Senate  would  not  withhold  it. 

The  naval  supplies,  materials,  and  ordnance 
protided  for,  it  is  believed  will  be  needed  under 
any  circumstances.  The  appropriation  for  this 
purpose  is  much  smaller  than  that  recommended 
by  the  chiefs  of  the  bureaus;  but,  under  all  the  cir- 
cumstances, it  is  hoped  will  prove  sufficient.  At 
all  events,  he  could  not  think  the  Senate  would  re- 
gard this  amount  as  unreasonably  large,  but  would 
cheerftOly  vote  it. 

The  building  of  the  steamers  provided  for  in  the 
first  section  i.H^nt  the  worst,  but  an  anticipation  of 
what  will  be  required  at  an  early  day,  should  our 
i   pencef\il  relations  with  all  nations  remain  entirely 
:  undisturbed;  and,  under  any  circumstances,  it  is 
'  believed  that  this  kind  of  naval  force  will  be  found 
[   peculiarly  adapted  to  the  wants  of  the  country. 
i'  England  and  France  have  a  long  start  of  us  in  this 
respect;  and  though  he  would  not  propose  a  rival- 
ship  with  either  in  regard  to  number  and   force 
'   of  war-steamers,  or  in  amount  of  expenditure,  yet 
.    he  was  persuaded  thnt  some  approximation  to  a 
medium   point   ini^ht   to   be  at  once   attempted. 
He.ving  no  colonies  in  distant  parts  of  the  world 
'   to  look  alter,  or  rebellious  subjects  abroad  and  at 
home  to  control,  but  operating  at  a  point,  as  it 
'    ^vere — for  by  the  rapidity  of  steam  navigation,  our 
whole  coast  is  reduced  to  a  point — and  abounding 
j    in  facilities  of  every  description,  our  naval  power 
i   might  be  equal,  for  all  practical  and  valuable  pur- 
poses, to  that  of  England,  though  far  inferior  in  a 
numerical  point  of  view. 

Asa  last  suggestion  in  favor  of  this  bill,  he  would 
be  permiiled  to  say,  that  all  the  indications  lie  had 
I  seen  or  heard  of  popular  expectation  upon  this  sub- 
i  jt^it — and  he  had  taken  some  pains  to  inform  hira- 
i  'self,  not  relying  upon  the  public  prints — it  was  de- 
'  eidcdly  in  favor  of  this  or  some  similar  measure. 
There'  is  a  strong  ft-eling  among  the  people  in  favor 


Mi 


I 


m 


399 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  27, 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss, 


Augmentation  of  the  Navy — Mr.  Benton, 


Senate. 


ofputtiiif;  tlie  cmintry  in  u  postunt  ol'ilcfi-'iicc;  and 
esiiecially  are  llieir  eyes  turned  townrds  iIir  navy. 
The  navy  lius  ever  licen,  und  justly  so,  u  favorite 
with  the  rounlry.  Its  galUuit  acrvii'os  lhr»u;;h  the 
Tripolilnn  dilficiilties,  ilH  brilliant  and  glorioiiM  cii- 
reer  during  the  war  oI'lBia;  will  nevur  Ije  fur^ot- 
ten  l>y  thcAnicriam  people.  Its!;loricm»arliicvc- 
ments  are  not  oidy  (graven  upon  our  uicniorieM,  but 
are  consecrated  by  our  love  orr.oiiulry,and  by  the 
noblest  nttribute.i  that  di);nirv  and  adorn  the  ehur- 
iicter  of  llie  man  and  the  iiatriot. 

It  18  true,  there  may  luive  been,  and  HliU  are, 
nbuBcs  that  need  eorreclion.  No  human  iiiHtitu- 
tion  is  perfect.  They  are,  however,  but  spois  up- 
on the  Kunj  and  ev<n  these,  under  tlie  «l.ie,  sa^a- 
fious,  and  energetic  adniini.siration  of  luir  preseiit 
able  and  disiininlMhed  yceretary,  are  fast  disap- 
pearing. 

One  word  in  re;;;ard  to  the  aniendmenl  proposed 
by  his  friend  from  Indiana,  and  h>  would  lie  done. 
Jle  wished  he  could  res;ard  it  wiiii  more  favor, 
knowinj;  the  spirit  with  \vlii>'h  it  was  od'ered.  That 
gentleman  is  alway.'saeiunicd  by  noble  and  iiatriotic 
impulses.  He,  (air,  F.,)  however,  feared  the  ef- 
fect of  the  nniendmenl.  Should  this  aniendmint 
be  adopted,  it  mi^jht  have  the  elTeel  of  breaking 
down  the  bill.  He  slmuld,  therefore,  feel  com- 
pelled to  vote  against  il. 

AUGMENTATION'  Ol'  TIIK  NAVY. 

REMARKS  OF  MR.  BENTON, 

OF  MIS.SOI  RU 
Is  Senate,  Janunry  37,  1846. 
On  the  Bill  for  the  angnienlation  of  the  Navy. 
Mr.  BENTON  said:  I  hove  made  no  war  speech 
this  session;  I  have  made  no  such  speech,  because 
I  saw  no  war  to  Justify  war  sjieechea,  uuuh  less 
war  measures.  This  is  a  war  iniasure.  Tlii.s  bill 
is  a  war  bill.  It  is  brought  forward  hh  such;  it  i.s 
advocated  as  such;  it  is  re^onunended  by  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy  as  such;  it  is  a  war  measure 
upon  its  face.  Wc  are  now  arrived  at  a  point  when 
words  are  things,  when  the  .Senate  of  the  United 
States  is  to  pronounce  by  acts,  by  a  vo'e  on  this 
bill,  on  the  questiim  of  peace  or  war  as  a  fact — oji 
the  question  of  war  lUi  an  impending  event,  so  near 
and  so  probable  as  to  call  for  tlie  great  augmenta- 
tion of  the  navy,  and  thr  eimrmnus  ap|iropriation 
of  money  which  this  bill  conieinplalcs.  If  adopted 
or  sanctioned  l>v  the  Senate,  it  vkould  be  a  solemn 
declaration  on  tlicir  part  that  they  believed  in  this 
impending  event — that  they  saw  the  ajiproach  of 
war — that  they  felt  the  neiessity  for  a  great  and 
immediate  eti'ort  to  meet  it;'and  sucli  a  declaralion 
on  their  part  must  have  an  immense  efl'ect  upon 
the  public  mind,  i  do  not  see  this  event,  and 
therefore  I  cannot  join  in  announcing  it.  1  cannot 
join  in  making  such  a  dedaraliiui  to  Kurope  and 
America — making  il,  es|ieilally  in  ibe  weighty 
form  of  this  bill,  lb  ■  adoption  of  which  wiaild  have 
a  .serious  efl'ect  upon  the  treasury,  as  well  as  upon 
the  public  mind  and  the  business  of  the  country. 

What  is  the  bill  r  The  first  section  proposes  ten 
ships  of  '  '\r — three  of  the  class  of  frigates — to  be 
built  and  cipiipped  inniiedialely.  The  second  one 
authnri/.es  the  President  to  complete  and  equiji, 
and  put  into  active  service,  all  the  vessels  of  war 
now  on  the  stocks  or  in  ordinary.  Anotlirr  sec- 
tion appropriates  five  millioiiH  six  hundred  and 
twenty-five  thousand  dollars  to  defray  theexpenses 
of  these  constructions  und  ei|uipmeuLs;  and  the 
concluding  seclimi  repeals  all  lii.iitaliou  on  the 
number  of  men  to  be  enipli>ycd  in  the  navy,  and 
leaves  the  Presidi'iit  at  liberty  to  carry  ihi^  number 
to  what  he  pleases.  In  addition  to  all  this,  an 
amendment  isolTered  by  the  SenaunlVom  Indiana 
on  mv  right  [Mr.  HANKK(i\>i]  lor  building  len 
more  frigates  of  Ihe  first  class,  w  iili  an  immediate 
appropriation  of  iwo  millions  of  dollars,  and  a 
pledsre  to  the  navy  of  all  the  proceeds  of  the  public  • 
lands;  but  as  iliis  is  an  amendment  not  yet  pul  into 
the  bill,  I  will  waive  further  notice  of  il,  and  limit 
myself  to  what  the  bill  actually  contains.  This  is 
enough — the  bill  eoimiins  enough,  in  every  point 
of  view,  to  fix  its  ehuriicler  and  to  claim  our  aiten- 
ti(m.  To  understand  il,  we  must  consider  the  pres- 
ent suite  of  the  navy  and  the  additions  which  this 
bill  proposes  to  make  lo  it.  We  have  now  a  naval 
establishment  near  three  times  aa  great  as  ihai  of  • 


tlie  lale  war,  costing  above  six  iiiillinns  of  dollars 
I  per  annum,  ami  employing  above  seven  thoiiaand 
i!  men,  exclusive  of  more  iban  a  thousand  offieors. 
I  This  eslaljlisbmciit  it  is  proposed  lu  double,  und 
I:  more  than  double,  by  the  bill  befiu'e  us. 
1      The  ships  lo  be  biiilt,  wilb  those  in  oidiimry  and 
upon  the  slocks — and  there  is  a  contingency  slated 
I  on  w  hich  the  President  is  to  exercise  his  discretion 
j  — will  proliaiily  d(nible  ihc  present  number  afloat: 
the  money  il  proposes  If)  appropriate  will  carry  uj) 
Il  Ihe  naval  expenditure  of  the  year  from  si.x  inil- 
li'iiis    three    hundred    lhous;iucl   dollars,  to  about 
twelve   milliiuis;  the  men,  now  limilcil   to  seven 
thousand  five  hunilred,  are  to  be  unlimited  by  law, 
and  are  lo  be  wliatcver  the  service  requires;  and 
tlial  is  about  leu  men  lo  ihe  gun — say  a  thoiKsaud 
i  for  a  ship-ul'tlic-line,  five  hundred  for  a  frigate, 
ij  and  so  on  down  ihrough  lirigs  and  sloops.     These 
i   men  cost  money,  s.iy  two  hundred  and  twenty-six 
dollars  each  per  annum;  so  thai,  making  some  al- 
lowance for  Ihc  additional  men  lo  he  raised  when 
the  llmitalinn  is  removed,  some  thirteen  million 
I   dollars  may  be  ii:isumed  as  the  cost  of  our  naval 
eslabli:<hnienl  if  ilu'  bill  is  adopted.    This  is  enor- 
mous— most  enormous  aial  appalling.     Why,  sir, 
ihe  whole  rsiimate  for  ihc  support  of  the  entire 
V  Government  fur  the  coming  year  is  only  twcnty- 
oni!  millions:  the  naval  aj)|iri>prialion,  us  il  now 
stands,  is  nearly  the  cuie-lmrd  of  that  sum.     Yel 
here  is  a  proiiosal  lo  make  it  morn  than  half — 
,'  lo  carry  il  up  lo  thirteen  millions.     Sir, a  powerful 
pally  was  overthrown  a  few  years  ago  ]iarlly  unoii 
a  erv  of  exlravaganec,  and  their  adversaries  then 
;'  assumed  lo  carry  on  the  entire  Government  for  Ihe 
I  lliirteen  millions  whicli  ibis  bill  now  proposes  lo 
'  ap|)ly  lo  n  single   branch  of  the  public   service. 
This  is  loo  much — entirelv  too  much — for  a  peaci? 
establli^hmciit.     Il  is  only  as  a  war  measure  that 
such  a  vast  expenditure  can  be  proposed  or  enter- 
tained, and  as  such  il    is  fully  presented  by  the 
chairmanof  the  Naval  Commillee  [Mr.  Kairfielp] 
and  Ihc  Secretary  of  ihe   Navy,  under  whose  re- 
coinmcndaliou  it  is  drawn.     As  a  war  measure, 
then,  I  meet  u,  and  oppose  il  in  tntn,     I   see  no 
war.     I  see  no  sign  ol  war  sutiicieiitly  near  and 
probable  lo  justify  this  great  war  measure — to  jus- 
tify the  Americ^ni  Senate  ill   declaring  to  Europe 
and  America  th.i    v.  e  are  on  the  eve  of  war.     When 
it  becomes  visible — when  the  probabilities  become 
clear  and  strong,  let  preparaiion  be  made,  and  mad<^ 
with  no  stinting  hand:  but  ill  the  absence  of  such 
probability,  let  us  spare  the  ireasury  the  drain  of 
millions,  and  spare  the  country  the  ealumily  of 
unfounded  alarm. 

I  Iru-st  that  I  have  some  fair  perception  of  what 
every  nation  owes  lo  itself;  that  I  have  heard  and 
heeded  the  adinomiioii,  i;t  peace  pnfiare  for  tear. 
At  the  end  of  the  lale  war,  a  ntatured  and  judicious 
sysiem  was  adopted  for  the  steady  and  progressive 
preparation  of  the  means  of  the  national  defence. 
A  system  was  adopted  apjilicaide  to  all  branches 
of  defence,  iniliiary  and    naval;    and  under  that 
sysiem  a  million  of  dollars  per  annum  was  directed 
lo  the  gradnut  increase  of  the  navy.     I  have  voted 
for   that  annual    increase    f<pr   Iwenly-fivc    years. 
The  Siinie  amount  is  now  in  the  estimate  for  llie 
increase  of  the  present  year,  and  I  exjiect  to  vote 
for  it  when  the  appropriation  bill  comes  up.    More 
than  that.     .Some  ten  years  ago,  when  there  was 
surplus  money  in  the   treasury,  and  it  wils  pro- 
)iosed  lo  distribute  it  among  the  .States,  I  tliouiiht 
of  Ihe  iiatloiial  defence,  and  iire.seiiled  an  antagonist  | 
prop<isili(ni.     I  brought  in  bills  and  resolutions  lo 
apply  that  surplus  lo  ihe  permanent  defences  of  : 
the  country,  boili  naval  and  military;  and  if  it  had  [ 
bei'n  so  a|ipllcd,  we  should  luive  had  no  occasion 
lo  bewail  a  want  of  preparation  at  this  day.    These  ; 
steady  n.les  for  twenty-five  years — this  propo.sal  ; 
lo  [irovide  for  llie  permanent  defence  of  the  eoun    ' 
try,  at  a  lime  when  wc  had  money  and  leisure  for  ! 
llie  purpiise,  slioiilil  be  sullicieni  lo  show  that  I  am  ' 
not  careless  or  iiiaitciiiive  lo  ilie  public  defence,  j 
Far  from  it.     I  wish  preparation — ilear-sighted,  ! 
far-sigliied,  wise  preparation — not  ihe  prepuration  i 
which  comes  from  unfounded  apprehension.    I  am  i 
now  ready  lo  go  on  with  the  system  which  was  i 
matured  al  the  end  of  ihe  late  war — ready  lo  go  on 
with  th(^  million  per  annum  lo  the  gradual  increase  : 
of  the  navy;  the  million  to  the  fortifications;  the  i 
hundreds  of  thousands  for  the  annual  acquisition 
of  arms  and  munitions.     I  nm  ready  lo  go  on  with  j 
that   system  as  the  peaic  system  of  preparation; 


the  war  preparation  I  am  not  willing  to  make  until 
I  see  Ihe  ayinnloma  of  war  opprnaching.     Then, 
nolliing  stinted;  nothing  withheld;  no  half-way,  no 
cnuivocid,  no  doubtful  speech  or  nieanure;  but  all, 
all  that  the  country  contains  of  men  and  money, 
for  the  safety  and  the  honor  of  the  country.  Person- 
ally my  own  posiiinn  shall  never  be  queslionaiile. 
I  will  not  he  a  debatable  man  in  war  or  p<  ace.    Ac- 
tions and  measures  shall  tell  what  I  am:  peace 
meoiuires  when  I  see  no  danger  of  war;  w.ir  meas- 
ures lo  the  whole  extent  of  the  capneily  of  Ihe 
i  counlry,  when  I  see  or  h«ar  the  approach  of  war. 
We  have  not  precisely  n  naval  peace  establish- 
,  meiil,  but  we  ought  to  have  one,  and  that  carefully 
regulated  by  law.     There  ought  to  be  a  legal  naval 
pe:ice  cstablishineni,  as  well  as  a  legal  military 
peace    estnblishment.      ?/Iany   bills    have    been 
brought  in  «o  organize  a  naval  peace  establishment, 
the  last,  I  believe,  by  Ihe  Senator  from  Virginia 
over  the  wny,  [Mr.  Archer,]  in  the  year  1842. 
Mis  bill  did  not  pass  ;  and  for  want  of  an  adequate 
law,  then  as  formerly  and  on  oilur  occasions,  snap 
legislation  was  resoVlcd  lo,  and  jirovisioiis  stuck 
into  ap|iropriation  bills  lo  restrain  and  control  Ex- 
ecutive di.scrotioii  in  respect  lo  the  navy.     A  very 
,  remarkable  instance  of  the  evils  of  a  naval  eslab- 
;  li.shmeni  without  limitnlion,  such  as  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  now  reromraends  and  this  bill  pro- 
poses, then  occurred,  and  which  should  be  a  warn- 
ing against  suhjecting  ourselves  to  a  similar  dnn- 
gcT-.     The  close  of  Mr.  Van  Burcn's  Adminislra- 
lion  left  our  naval  establishment  at  eight  thousand 
.  men,  officers  included,  and  six  millions  of  dtdlars; 
the  ensuing  Administration,  finding  no  law  lo  re- 
strain Ihem,  run  il  up  in  a  year  to  eleven  thousand 
men,  and  eight  millions  of  dollars,  and  proposed  to 
Congress  to  raise  il  lo  about  twenty  lliousniid  men 
ami  some  fifteen  millions  of  dollars,     A  part  of  this 
plan  was  lo  pul  a  squadron  of  ten  ships,  two  of 
them  line-of-baltle,  in  the   Mediierranean,  where 
our  commerce,  since  the  breaking  up  of  the  Barba- 
rv  Powers,  is  just  as  safe  as  in  the  Chesapeake 
Ilay;  and  where,  during  their  existence,  n  A-igate 
with  some  brigs  and  sloops  sufficed,  not  only  for 
the  protection  of  the  property  and  persons  of  our 
citizens,  but  also  for  the  chastisement  of  Ihe  pirati- 
cid  Powers.     At  seeing  what  was  done,  antf  what 
was  proposed  lo  be  di)ne,  the  old  friends  of  the 
navy  were  alarmed;  they  saw  it  must  break  down 
under  such  augmentations;  that  this  increase  must 
not  only  be  nopped  but  turned  back — turned  back 
to  the  point  it  was  at  in  March,  1841;  and  this  was 
accomplished  by  a  clause  forbidding  any  more  en- 
■  listmenls  or  appointments  in  the  navy  until   the 
number  was  reduced  to  what  it  was  in  March,  1841. 
This  limitation,  modified  and  a  lillle  enlarged  as  to 
the  number  of  men,. was  re-eimcted  in  1345;  and 
now  one  of  the  objec*  of  this  bill  is  lo  repeal  that 
limitation  and  leave  the  navy  again  lo  Executive 
discretion. 
I      1  repeat,  we  have  no  naval  peace  establishment, 
1  but  we  have  some  scraps  of  laws  to  regulate  its 
growth.     A  war  establishment  in  time  of  peace  we 
cannot  keep  up.     Our  destiny  is  peace,  resulting 
from  geographical  position,  institutions, ,indix)licy. 
,  In  sixty  years  we  have  had  but  two  anil  a  half 
years  of  foreign  war.     Our  naval  establishment  is 
now  near  three  limes  what  it  was  during  the  Inlc 
war,  and  nearly  double  what  it  was  in  General 
Jackson's  lime:  it  is  annually  increusing  under  a 
matured  sysiem,  and  is  certainly  growing  as  tiist 
as  Ihe  country  grows.     Bui  it  cannot  be  pushed  up 
inio  a  war  establishment  in  time  of  peace.     If  the 
vessels  now  proposed  lo  be  buill,  and  lliosc  on  the 
stocks  and  in  ordinary,  be  all  brought  into  service, 
tlicy  will  have  lo  be  kept:  ships  cannot  be  disband- 
ed like  an  army  of  men;  ihey  musl  be  preserved, 
and,  whether  in  active  service  or  in  oi-dinary,  al  u 
"real  expense.     The  policy  adopted  at  the  close  of 
the  war,  and  heretofore  acted  on,  is  mon;  to  colled 
the  materials  for  vessels  than  to  build  them.     We 
collect  materials  for  many  and  build  some,  and  lo 
this  policy  I  am  for  adhering  until  I  see  Ihe  signs  of 
upproaching  war.    I  cannot  consent  to  have  a  naval 
war  establishment  in  time  of  peace.     Great  Britain 
does  not  do  so.     Though  her  navy  is  for  offensive 
operations  in  every  part  of  the  globe,  yet  she  does 
not  keep  it  up  for  war  in  lime  of  peace.     Eighteen 
millions  sterling  is  about  the  expense  of  her  war 
eslabli8hmenl,fiveorsix  millions  that  of  her  peace 
establishment.     Here  is  a  dilTerence  of  two-thirds 
in  the  expense;  and  this  is  regular  and  natural,  and 


1 


J 


[Jan.  91, 

ENATE. 

1  mnke  \inlil 
ini;.  Then, 
iiilf-wBy.no 
lire;  liut  nil, 
Find  money, 
rrv.  Persdii- 
liicHlionnlile. 
■p<a'C.  Ao- 
I  i\m;  pncn 
r;  wnrmeas- 
inoily  of  lliP 
ittch  of  wnr. 
ce  eatablisli- 
hat  carefully 
i\  legul  navnl 
■gal  mililnry 
have  been 
itnhlinhmcnt, 
oni  Vir^iniii 
e  yenr  1842. 
fan  tideqimte 

nsliina  sliirk 
1  oonirol  Kx- 
IV  y.    A  very 
naval  eslnh- 
llie  Secretnry 
this  hill  pro- 
Id  be  a  warn- 
.  similar  dan- 
I  Administm- 
ght  thousand 
ns  of  dollars; 
no  law  to  re- 
vf  n  thousand 
i  jiioposed  to 
ihonsniid  men 
A  mrt  of  this 
sliips,  two  of 
•aiican,  where 
of  the  Barliii- 
B  Cliosapealie 
ence,  u  (Vigate 
I,  not  only  for 
lersons  of  our 
I  of  thepimti- 
ine,  nnti  what 
friends  of  the 
rt  break  down 
increase  must 
—turned  buck 
;  and  this  was 
any  more,  en- 
lavy  until   the 
March,  1841. 
enlarjred  as  to 
in  1S45;  and 
to  repeal  that 

I  to  lixacutive 

f-tublishnient, 

0  regulate  its 
ne  of  peace  we 
?nee,  resulting 
(IS, and  policy, 
wo  and  a  half 
tahlishnient  is 
iuring  the  Inte 
13  III  Goncial 
aains;  under  ii 
mwiiiK  as  fast 
t  be  pushed  up 
neace.  If  the 
d  those  on  the 

II  into  service, 
ot  be  disbnnd- 

be  preserved , 
oitlnmrv,  at  u 
at  the  close  of 
rnon'  to  collect 
them.     Wi' 

1  some,  and  to 
ee  the  signs  oC 
o  have  a  naval 
Great  Britain 
s  for  offensivi; 
,  yet  she  does 

■ee.  Eighteen 
ise  of  her  war 
It  of  her  peace 
of  iwo-thirdH 
d  natural,  and 


^{h'H  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


Augmentation  of  the  Navy — Mr.  Dickinson. 


Senate. 


deserves  our  imitation.  \Vc  cannot  nm!i  to  u  war 
eslablinhmenl  and  keep  it  up  in  liino  of  peace  with- 
out a  serious  effect  upon  the  treasury  and  tipon  tlie 
navv  itself,  which  would  break  down  under  nn 
pnormous  ex|icnse  without  adef|uate  employtncnt. 
ilno  million  and  fifiy  thousand  dnllai-s  arc  now  in 
the  annual  estimate  for  the  inciease,  repair,  and  ar- 
mament of  the  na.y,  and  for  this  1  am  ready  to 
vote  at  once,  reservini;  extraordinary  npiiroprin- 
tions  for  further  developmenis. 

The  state  of  the  world  is  changed — tlic  Mediter- 
ranean, the  West  Indies,  the  East  Indies,  are  no 
longer  iiifesled  by  pirates.  Thirty  years  ago,  more 
or  less,  pirates  and  piratical  powers  were  seen,  and 
stiuadrnns  were  sent  out  to  suppress  them.  Now 
piracy  has  disappeared;  piratical  powers  have  dis- 
appeared; civilized  Governments  are  established 
m  all  quarters,  and  order  prevails  throughout  the 
world.  Our  commerce  is  now  as  safe  in  tlie  Medi- 
terranean aa  in  tlie  Chesapeake  bay.  There  is  no 
need  for  a  great  sepuidron  there;  it  woidd  be  as 
-serviceable  in  the  Chesapeake  bay,  with  the  advan- 
tage of  spending  its  money  at  home,  or  distributed 
through  the  seaports,  according  to  the  modern  idea 
of  distrilnitrng  office,  that  each  may  have  its  share. 
I  repeat,  the  navy  is  now  nearly  three  times  as  large 
as  it  was  during  the  late  war,  and  double  as  large 
as  it  was  in  the  first  Icrni  of  General  Jackson's  Ad- 
ministration, and  is  regularly  increasing  under  the 
wise  policy  adopted  thirty  yeare  ago.  This  is  suffi- 
cient witli  me  for  a  peace  establishment;  I  cannot 
consent  to  double  it  at  a  jump.  I  go  against  the 
bill,  as  being  a  war  measure  in  time  of  peace,  and 
when  there  is  no  sign  of  war  sufficient  to  justify  so 
large  a  measure. 

But  I  am  willing  to  keep  the  bill  in  our  power, 
and  watch  events.  I  will  make  a  motion  to  that 
■clfecl — a  motion  to  postpone  the  bill  for  two  or  three 
months.  This  will  keep  it  in  our  hands,  and  ena- 
ble us  to  act  according  to  circumstances.  All  agree 
that  there  are  no  signs  of  war  at  present;  that  the 
new  vessels  will  not  be  wanted  immediately;  that 
something  more  must  happen  before  they  can  be 
wanted.  "Let  us  wait,  then,  and  look  out  for  the 
signs.  If  gentlemen  wanted  the  question  he  would 
vote  now,  but  he  preferred  to  wait  and  see  what 
would  turn  up.  He  would  move  a  postponement 
until  April  or  May. 

At  the  suggestion  of  several  Senators,  Mr.  B. 
then  moved  to  postpone  the  bill  until  the  first  Mon- 
day in  May. 

AUGMENTATION  OP  THE  NAVY. 

REMARKS  OF  MR.  DICKINSON, 

OF    NEW    YORK, 
In  Senate,  January  27,  1846. 
On  the  Naval  Defences  of  the  country,  and  in  re- 
ply to  Mr.  Benton,  of  Missouri. 
Mr.  DICKINSON  said,  at  on  early  day  in  the 
session,  the  Senator  from  Michigan,  [Mr.  Cass,] 
introduced  resolutions  intiuiring  into  the  slate  of 
the  public  defences;  and  although  the  resolutions 
were  at  first  resisted,  a  little  reflection  seemed  to 
change  opposition  to  support;  and,  upon  full  de- 
bate, and  under  a  call  of  the  yeas  and  nays,  the 
lesuluiioiis  received  the  unanimous  vote  of  the 
Senate, 

That  part  of  the  inquiry  which  related  to  mari- 
time defence,  was  appropriately  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Naval  Affairs,  of  which  he  had  the 
honor  to  lie  a  member,  Biid  the  bill  before  the  Scii- 
•ite  was  the  result  of  their  labors.  He  had  not  in- 
tended to  detain  the  Senate  by  any  remarks,  and  it 
was  entirely  unneccs.sary,  after  the  clear  and  mi- 
nute vindication  it  had  received  at  the  hands  of  the 
honorable  chairman,  [Mr.  FAiaKiELi).]  He  felt 
bound,  however,  to  notice,  and  without  delay, 
some  of  the  very  extraordinary  positions  of  the 
Senator  from  Mi.ssouri,  [Mr.  Benton,]  to  which 
he  should  mainly  confine  himself. 

That  honorablu  Senator  (said  Mr,  D.)  had  pro- 
ceeded to  denominate  the  bill  a  war  measure,  which 
was  the  first  olfic^ial  baptism  it  had  received,  and 
then  to  frighten  the  Senate  from  its  iiropriety  by 
parading,  in  its  most  imposing  form  the  vast  ex- 
penses to  which  the  country  must  be  subjected  by 
Its  passage.  He  held  it  to  be  immaterial  whether 
it  was  denominated  a  waror  a  peace  measure,  for  it 
was  necessarily  neither;  and  he  should  only  inquire 


whether  it  was  just  and  proper;  and,  if  he  believed 
I  it  such-  should  support  it  accordingly.     He  would 
I  assure  that  honorable  Senator  that  he  would  open 
{  no  leger  account  between  national  honor  on  one 
I  side, and  pounds,  shillings,  and  pence,  nn  the  other; 
t  and,  while  he  would  resist  at  all  limes,  upon  all 
j  occasions,  and  under  all  circumstances,  any  and 
every  yseless  and  extravagant  appropriation,  where 
[  the  honor  and  intereaisof  the  nation  wereconcern- 
I  cd,  he  woidd  not  intpiire  whether  it  would  cost  a  j 
I  large  or  a  small  amount — one  million,  or  more —  j 
j  to  vindicate  and  |)ieserve  them.     The  argument  i 
of  the  Senator,  (said  Mr,  D.,)  that  the  bill  should  i 
!  not  receive  the  favorable  consideration  of  the  Sen-  j 
I  ate  becouse   of  the  expense   it  would    occasion,  ! 
I  without  regard  to  its  necessity  or  uliliiy,  might  be 
I  applied,  with  equal  proportionate  force,  to  all  the 
transactions  of  life,  and  individuals  be  admonished 
to  deny  themselves  food  and  raiment  by  reason  of 
the  enomii/i/  of  the  expense.     If  such  n  paltry  con- 
aiderulion  should  control,  and  every  enterprise  be 
abandoned  which  it  would  require  money  to  carry 
out,  there  would  be  a  sorry  advance  in   human 
progress;  for  prolmbly,  upon  strict  computotion  of 
outlay,  and  its  interest  account,  it  would  be  found 
that  the  whole  business  of  the  world,  from  ils  foun- 
dation, had  scarcely  paid  its  prosecution  uiid  su- 
!  pcrintendence. 

That  Senator,  too,  has  reminded  us  (said  Mi . 
I  p.)  that  a  great  and  powerful  party,  a  few  years 
I  since,  was  overthrown  because  of  the  cry  of  ex- 
I  travogance  charged  by  ils  adversaries;  they  insi.sling 
\  that  the  Government  could  be  administered  fiir 
thirteen  millions,  while  a  greater  sum  was  expend- 
ed. The  Senator  was  doubtless  correct  in  hi.-i  his- 
torical reminiscence;  but  he  (Mr.  D.)  would  beg 
leave  to  recall  another,  and  to  inquire  of  the  hnn'- 
orable  Senator  whether  ho  had  any  recollection  of 
a  great  and  powerful  parly,  which  once  towered 
high  in  its  pride  and  lof^iiiiess,  but  was  overthrown 
jl  for  opposing  the  defences  of  the  country,  and  for 
|:  not  resisting  in  a  becoming  tone  and  siiirit  for- 
h  eign  in.solence  and  aggression.  Yes,  Mr,  Presi- 
]|  dent,  this  parly  which  once  stood  firm  and  secure 
'  in  ils  fancied  strength — stretching  out  its  giant 
arms  to  heaven,  like  the  sturdy  mountain  oak,  and 
defying  the  fury  of  the  thunder-gust — was  seared, 
blasted,  ond  prostrated  by  the  omni|iolence  of 
opinion,  and  nought  was  left  of  ils  ancient  and  im- 
posing grandeur  but  its  fossil  remnins.  Its  mem- 
bers, like  the  rebellious  descendants  of  Israel,  haij 
been  dispersed  throughout  the  earth;  but,  unlike 
that  fated  race,  so  emphatic  was  the  sentence  of 
their  condemnation,  tliat  they  despaired  of  being 
restored  to  their  political  Jerusalem,  or  of  behold- 
ing the  advent  of  their  Messiah,  But  wherever 
one  of  this  ancient  and  honorable  fraternity  can  be 
fouiitl,  like  the  sca-shcll  torn  from  its  native  bed, 
he  still  is  "  muttering  of  the  ocean  and  the  storm." 
The  Senator  from  Missouri  admillod  we  had 
now  what  he  was  pleased  to  term  a  peace  establish- 
ment; the  losults  of  a  plan  which  had  been  pur- 
sued for  thirty  years,  from  which  the  Senator  is 
unwilling  to  depart  for  any  existing  rea.sons.  The 
proposed  divergence  fnmi  the  path  beaten  by  the 
foot-priiils  of  ihirly  years,  he  regards  as  improvi- 
dent and  wasleful,  and  the  conlingent  authority 
conferred  by  this  bill  upon  the  President,  to  call 
into  service  the  whole  maritime  power  of  the  na- 
tion, in  cjjse  of  high  necessity,  he  denounces  as 
unprecedented  and  enormous.  Sir,  (said  Mr,  V.,) 
let  that  honorable  Senator  show  that  our  position 
is  now  what  it  has  been,  in  all  respects,  for  tli"  last 
tliirty  years,  and  his  admoni'',ons  will  not  be  un- 
heeded, or  his  plan  transcended.  But  what  within 
that  period  has  been  the  progress  of  the  nation.' 
One-third  of  the  present  number  of  sovereign 
Slates  have  been  added  to  the  confcder.T^v — three- 
fold to  il.s  population — ils  various  and  diversified 
iiitercsis  increased  beyond  the  power  of  computa- 
tion, and  its  territory  strelched  from  the  morning 
to  the  setting  sun.  But  has  there  been  no  depar- 
lurc  from  the  plan  of  the  last  thirty  years,  sanc- 
tioned too,  and  supporied  by  the  Senator  from 
Missouri — ay,  and  by  'he  united  voice  of  the 
Senate?  Then,  when  the  grim  front  of  a  boastful 
and  gigantic  Power  was  lowering  over  the  norlii- 
eastern  bound.try,  a  contingent  nuihority  was  given 
to  the  President  to  "mploy  the  whole  naval  and 
military  force  of  the  country;  and  for  that  purpose, 
the  sum  of  ten  millmis  nf  uoltnrs  was  placed  at  his 
command.     He  wtis  literally  invested   with  the 


purse  and  the  sword,  and  authorized  to  exhoust 
the  one  and  draw  the  other  in  his  discretion,  to 
maintain  tlin  honor  and  interests  of  the  country. 
Now,  wh?n  our  rights  upon  the  northwestern 
boundary  are  in  jeopardy,  and  the  same  power  is 
evidently  preparing  to  assert  and  maintain  her 
elaiim,  rnlher  than  her  rif;hli,  peaceably  if  she  can, 
forcibly  if  she  must,  a  proposal  to  couiur  this  same 
contingent  authority  upon  the  present  Executive, 
placing  at  his  disposal  Icsii  than  one-half  the 
anioiinl  appropriated  upon  afornitroccnaion,  tobo 
used  only  in  n  case  of  stern  necessity,  is  a  ruiked 
niilAorif;/, dangerous,  uiipreeedenled ,  oiid  enormous. 
But  whence  this  chaiigr?  It  cannot  be  that  the 
Senator  can  hold  the  soil  of  the  mighly  west  of 
less  value  than  th!it  of  Ihe  east;  national  honor 
more  cheiqily  now  than  then;  nor  can  it  be  that  ho 
distrusts  the  wise  discretion  of  the  Executive, 

Our  commerce  was  almost  limitless,  extended  to 
every  sea,  and  should  be  atlequately  protected. 
The  Senator  supposed  because  it  had  been  respect- 
ed, it  must  be  so  hereafter.  But  should  our  rela- 
tions become  leas  friendly,  what  authority  had  ho 
for  saying  that  it  would  be  protected  thenf  The 
assertion  of  that  Semitor,  that  one  frigate  ond  a  few 
smaller  vessels  w  ere  sufficient  to  protect  our  com- 
merce in  the  Mediterranean,  at  the  time  when  the 
Bariiary  Powers  were  a  lawless  band  of  pirates, 
should  have  been  aicompanied  by  a  statement  of 
the  fact,  that  mo.tt  of  the  great  Powers  of"  Cliris- 
tendoni  were  tiaying  tiiliutf  to  this  detestable  horde 
of  lawless  robbers,  and,  afler  our  prisoners  had 
groaned  for  nineteen  monilis  in  a  Turkish  prison, 
were  ingloriously  ransomed  by  a  la:  j  amount  of 
money,  and  n  much  larsrer  omount  of  national  dis- 
grace. And  such  was  the  opinion  formed  of  our 
ability  and  spirit  by  the  Bashaw  of  Tripoli,  that 
in  his  fancied  power  and  petty  insolence,  he  de- 
clared, that  if  he  had  one  frigate  and  two  brigs  ho 
would  hlockaile  .linericu! 

The  Senator  at  one  moment  objected  to  the  bill, 
because  it  was  ii  war  measure,  and  would  require 
great  expenditure;  at  another,  that  it  was  too  in- 
significant and  meagre  for  u  preliminary  war  meas- 
ure; and,  again,  it  was  too  comprehensive,  because 
of  llie  authurilv  it  conferred  upon  the  Executive  to 
briiiir  into  service, if  necfc.s.sary,  the  whole  ("isposa- 
ble  force  of  the  country.  Tliot  Senator  init,hi  have 
either  horn  of  the  difemma,  but  should  not  have 
both.  It  might  jierhaps  be  resisted,  because  too 
limited  or  too  extensive  in  its  provisions,  but  not 
with  much  propriety  or  force  of  argument,  from 
the  .same  Senator,  because  it  was  both, 

Mr.  D.  desired  to  sec  the  country  placed  in  a 
decided  and  unequivocal  state  of  defence — not  such 
a  slate  as  would  be  refpiired  in  case  of  open  and 
acnial  hostiUty,  but  such  a  stale  as  would  cause 
the  nation  to  he  respected  abroad,  and  would  in- 
sure respect  at  home.  He  hoped  and  trusted  we 
should  nave  no  war.  He  regarded  the  late  news 
from  abroad  decidedly  pacific,  particularly  the  fail- 
ure of  Lord  John  Russell  to  form  a  Cabinet  with 
Lord  Palnierston  in  the  Foreign  Office;  nor  would 
(England,  or  any  otl-.r-r  nation,  be  likely,  wantonly, 
to  wage  a  war  with  a  nation  who  was  furnishing 
them  bread.  Still,  it  was  the  dictate  of  prudence, 
of  experience,  of  patriotism,  and  of  tnie  economy, 
to  nialce  such  reasmiable  and  jireliminary  piepara- 
liona  as  the  temper  of  the  times  would  justify, 
and  the  vast  interests  of  the  nation  seem  to  de- 
mand. He  denied  that  the  resources  of  the  nation 
were  weak,  or  that  the  people  were  penurious. 
They  sought  no  war,  but  they  would  hold  those 
responsible  to  whom  they  had  (•onfided  their  best 
and  highest  interests,  if  they  did  not  put  forth  the 
energies  of  the  Government  when  the  dark  clouds 
of  war  hovered  over  us.  Mr.  D.  believed  that  ad- 
equate preparation  would  be  the  harbinger  of  peace. 
It  there  was  any  one  matter  which  Great  Britain 
understood  belter  than  another,  it  was  the  spirit 
and  tcni|icr  of  her  adversary.  She  knows  (said 
Mr,  D.1  our  condition  much  better  than  we  do 
linrs.  She  h.is  long  played  ot  a  game  where  the 
destinies  of  nations  are  the  hazards.  Her  history 
for  two  hundred  years  shows  that  when  she  has 
dealt  with  a  tame,  spiritless,  and  vocilloting  Pow- 
er, she  has  been  bold,  exacting,  and  aggressive, 
and  stretched  out  her  mailed  arm  over  them;  but  if 
she  has  been  met  at  the  threshold,  as  she  should, 
and  he  trusted  w«uld  be,  by  the  American  people, 
she  had  found  some  quiet  and  convenient  woy  of 
disposing  of  the  question,  under  the  allegation  that 


991 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGKESSIONAI.  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  09/ 


39th  Conh IsT  ScHi. 


Aufrtnentation  of  the  Navy — Mr.  Speiffht, 


Senate. 


ii 


the  cumnieri'ini  intvrrtlH  of  the  world,  nnd  the 
Chriitiaii  relifrinii,  Torhid  thnt  civilized  imtinna 
•hould  ciif^c  in  war.  And  Hurh  will  now  l>c  her 
coneliisioDi  if  hIic  sees  u  quiet  nnd  peaceful,  yet 
firm  nnd  innnly  Hpirit,  nnd  U'coniing  ^irepnrntuin 
to  reniat  a<;!;reHiiion.  Nittioiia,  like  indiviuunlH,  ua 
they  become  civilized,  (Jlirmtiunii'.rd,  nnd  cultivii- 
tcdi  wire  dinincUned  lo  resort  t»  the  urhitrnment 
of  physicnl  fbrie, or  to  rush  precipilnlely  into  boot- 
lc»M  nnd  bloofly  contlict. 

Wnr,  it  hnd  liicii  often  unid — iind  its  Inilh  must 
be  ndmittetl — wmi  n  ||;reatr«lnniiiyt  nnd  the  wuy  to 
avoid  it  wnii  to  look  it  fully  in  the  fuce,  nnd  nut  to 
(it  tamely  down,  nnd  brook  insult  and  dixhonor, 
and  tremulc  nt  the  iiipiilion  of  its  name,  liecause, 
forsooth,  nniong  its  cjiluniilouK  resiills  must  he  the 
destruction  of  property,  nnd  the  loss  of  human  life. 
All  this  shoula  he  properly  appreciated;  hul  there 
were  coiisiderHtions  fur  dcnrer  tlimi  cither,  nnd  nn- 
tiona,  like  individuals,  should  cherixh  an  iintar- 
nishcd  memory.  Wnr  wu»  not  llie  only  destroyer. 
On  either  hand,  tlie  nged  nnd  the  yonno;  were  dc- 
■cendint;  to  their  final  reatini;  pince,  amid  the  pur- 
■iiils  of  peace;  and  thnt  mighty  coimnrrcial  muniu, 
which  but  recently  swept  over  tlie  land,  brouglit, 
if  ))OS8ible,  a  trniii  of  evils  more  numerous  nnd 
deadly,  nnd  more  drstruitive  to  commerce,  than 
war  nnd  its  attendant  liorrorN. 

It  had  long  U-cn  the  theme  of  .some  lo  magnify 
the  power  of  Great  ISritain — the  mistress  nf  the 
ocean,  ns  she  was  called  by  way  of  emphasis — nnd 
to  cry  down  thnt  of  our  own;  nnd  so  prevailing  lind 
been'thia  sentiment,  thnt  it  was  proposed  to  con- 
fine our  gallant  little  navy  to  mere  harbor  defence 
during  the  Inic  wnr.  Hut  it  went  forth  to  linttle, 
and  crowned  itself  with  glory,  nnd  iu[lnddencd  every 
patriotic  henri  in  the  nation,  louring  that  war,  in 
most  of  the  leading  actions  belween  vessels  of  sim- 
ilar force,  it  would  Tie  seen  ilinlin  killed  and  wound- 
ed Great  Britain  lost  more  than  three  to  one;  and, 
to  say  nothin;;  of  the  icmuIis  of  iinvnl  conflicts,  she 
lost  in  tliat  brief  war  with  us  more  than  one-foui  th 
of  her  merchant  mnri  1 1^ — much  more  than  in  her 
protracted  and  lilooily  war  with  fmnce  from  its 
commencement  to  its  termination,  where  the  des- 
tinies of  Europe  bung  for  a  moment  upon  the 
coming  of  night  or  lilucher  '■  oreat  ISritain  had  a 
large  and  formidable  force,  especially  upon  i)aper; 
for  the  returns  of  her  Adnnrally  were  like  the 
monthly  accounts  of  an  insolvent  bank,  where 
everything  was  rcjioritd  uvailuble.  Many  of  her 
reported  ves-icls  were  rolten,  worthless  convict- 
ships,  modelled  aOer  the  plaji  of  Noah,  and  others, 
ateam-tugs  and  coasters,  which  could  not  be  made 
available  for  "Ifensive  war.  Still,  she  had  lorini- 
dable  physicid  power,  which  .slinuld  not  be  under- 
rated; but  she  was  sadly  deficii  nt  in  her  moral  ele- 
ments. Where  .she  hail  one  subject  who  arose  in 
the  morning  alive  lo  ihe  honor  and  interest  of  tlii' 
country,  how  many  lliousands  had  she  who  awoke 
to  starve  luid  curse  the  light.  She  was  making  ac- 
tive preparatiiin;  but  whether  it  was  to  silence  the 
hungry  mouths  of  her  own  starving  millions,  or  to 
perpetuate  her  lyrunnii-al  and  oppressive  reign  ovct 
the  down-lrorlden  sons  of  Ireland,  or  to  plant  her 
armed  heel  ini'.e  firmly  in  Asia,  was  perha)>s  un- 
certain.  She  hail  niuili  to  do  besides  to  awe  this 
I'nion  into  sulijectlon  m  her  demands;  and  it  was  , 
apparent  ns  the  meridian  .sun  that  she  would  wage 
no  war  upon  us,  if  she  found  us  )irepai-pd  and  uni- 
ted, for  she  knew  full  well  that  we  could  then  suc- 
cp.isfullv  resist  the  world  in  arni^. 

Should  a  wnr  lie  fasicned  upon  us  now,  (said 
Mr.  D.,)  wc  have  learned  IVoni  competent  author- 
ity thnt  it  IS  to  meet  with  no  resistance  at  home; 
but  every  In-arl  will  ^low  wiih  palriotic  ardor,  and 
every  haiul  be  raised  for  his  country's  weal.  The 
lights  thnt  once  burned  blue  will  now  burn  brightly, 
and  light  on  the  sons  of  IVeeiloiu  to  victory  and 
glory. 

Mr.  1).  said  lie  had  iiol  discu.sKcd  our  rights  in 
Oregon,  nor  would  he  now,  further  than  lo  t,ay,  if 
it  belonged  to  Great  Britain,  in  whole  or  in  part,  let 
it  at  once  be  yielded  to  her;  if  Ihe  title  to  it  was  in- 
volved, obscure,  and  donlitful,  ho  would  compro- 
mise it  in  almost  any  mniiner,  except  liy  nrlnlrn- 
tion;  but  it',  ns  he  believed,  our  title  was  clear  and 
unouestionalile,  he  would  not  yield  up  ihe  niosi 
rocK-bound  is'and  in  the  noilhwesiein  Archipelago 
to  purchase  |ience.  It  was  not  ilip  way  to  secure 
peace,  or  to  secure  re<;pect.  If  injlonons  peace 
must  be  purchased,  which  lie  dcnieu.  lei  il  be  done 


openly  nnd  directly,  and  pay  u  considerntion  in 

dollars  and  ccnis,  and  thus  keep  up  our  self-re- 

spect  as  far  as  possible — u  show  of  solvency;  nnd 

•  not,  liken  prodigal  and  bunkrupt  heir,  tiunafer  our 

I  palrinionial  eslao'. 

j      We  had  employed  ihe  best  talent  of  the  land  lo 
'  show  ihul  our  liile  lo  this  country  was  beyond  dis- 
j  pule  or  cavil;  as  if  we  were  to  transfer  it  lo  Great 
!  Britain,  if  yielded  In  her  with  covenants  of  aeisin, 
:  quiet  enjoymenl,  fiirlher  assurance,  and  general 
I  wurranty:  and  she  was  apparently  wailing  to  see 
our  title  fully  vindicated  before  she  accepted  aeon- 
veyance,  that  her  aggrundi/iincnt  and  our  humilia- 
tion should  appear  of  record. 

In  the  llritish  Parliament,  the  commonplace  and 
undefined  expression  that  "  Great  Brilain  had 
rights  in  Oregon  that  must  be  r-"spi'cled,"  called 
forth  spimlaneous  cheers  from  both  ministerinl  and 
opposition  benehes,  and  there  was  no  divided  sen- 
timent upon  the  i|uesii<ni.  But  in  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States,  <nic  distinguished  Senator  indi- 
cates his  intention  lo  yield  a  portion  of  the  territo- 
ry, nnd  another  congralulales  the  country  that  we 
alinll  ibns  he  uble  lo  avoid  n  wnr.  Having  suc- 
^  ceeded  in  gaining  a  greater  territory  on  the  north- 
:  cnslcrn  boundary  ihnn  George  III.  had  sketched 
willi  his  own  hand  n|)nn  ihe  map,  she  might  well 
suppose  she  could,  under  her  favorite  system  of 
the  "balance  of  power,"  take  n  portion  iVom  the 
northwesieni,  especially  when  she  saw  distin- 
guished sialesiiien  shaking  in  their  shoes  at  the 
mention  of  war,  lefiising  to  place  the  country  in  n 
sUtte  of  defence,  or  lo  show  that  we  nrc  n  people 
who  "  know  our  rights,  and  knowing,  dare  main- 
tain them."  For  one,  he  was  ready  lo  metu  the 
question  o|ienlv,  fnirly,  and  directly.  He  wns  not 
to  Ic  nlurmed  by  the  cry  of  wnr,  or  the  cry  of  ex- 
pense. The  way  to  avoid  both  was  to  act  firmly 
nnd  sensonnbly,  and  he  only  naked  thnt  Senators 
would  vote  upon  the  bill,  nnd  for  it  or  ngninst  it, 
nnd  not  dispose  of  il  by  postponement  or  other  in- 
direction. Nothing  was  wanting  to  quiet  the  whole 
difficulty  but  firmnesis  nnd  decision.  Let  us  ex- 
hibit 10  ihc  world  the  great  morni  specuicle  of  n 
uniied  and  determined  people,  and  there  will  be  no 
resort  lo  physical  force. 

As  to  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from  India- 
na, lie  would  not  now  discuss  it.  He  lind  given 
his  upprobation  to  the  bill  of  the  coimnittee  in  its 
provisions  and  limitations,  as  being  all  that  was 
necessary,  and  should  be  best  suited  with  that  for  ! 
the  present.  Besides,  lie  would  prefer  thnt,  if  it 
was  to  be  increased  in  iis  provisions,  it  should  be  I 
by  direct  appropriations,  and  in  the  usual  form.      j 

Mr.  D.  apologized  for  hnving  detained  the  Sen- 
ate longer  than  he  had  intended,  nnd  would  close  ' 
his  rcmurks,  necessarily  somewhat  desultory,  by  '. 
repeating  the  request,  that  the  bill  might  receive 
the  respectful  consideration  of  tlie  Senate  by  a  di 
rect  vote. 


AtJGME.NTATION  OP  THE  NAVY. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.    SPEIGHT, 

OF    MISSISSIPPI, 

In  Senate,  .lanvanj  -JO,  ItfiG. 

On  the  Bill  providing  for  the  augmentation  of  the 

Navy 

.Mr.  .SPEIGHT  being  enliiled  to  the  floor,  ad- 
dressed llic  Senate  as  follows: 

Mr.  Prksioest;  In  the  dicussions  which  have 
taken  place  during  the  present  session  (and  which, 
by  a  kind  of  fatality,  seem  lo  have  taken  the  same 
direelion)  I  have  occupied  but  li'tle  or  no  part  of 
your  time.  I  have  not  remained  silent  because  I 
did  noi  think  thnt,  to  some  sniidl  extent,  I  compre- 
hended the  merits  of  ilie  great  qucalion  of  the  day, 
or  that  I  wns  entirely  ignorant  ofils  practical  effects 
on  ihe  great  mass  of  the  conimunily,  but  mainly 
and  chiefly  because  it  was  my  misfortune  to  diflfer 
with  some  of  tliope  with  wlirm  it  has  long  been 
my  plejifiure  to  aci. 

I  did  not,  nor  do  I  now,  believe  that  the  proper 
time  for  action  has  arrived.  But  though  I  feel 
physically  unable  to  do  justice  lothe  subject  which 
now  engages  the  attention  of  the  Senate,  I  cannot 
any  longer  con.sent  to  remain  silent,  because  I  feel 
that  it  is  due  lo  my  constituents  that  they  should 
know  the  reasons  governing  me  in  the  vole  I  intend 


I  giving,  nnd  my  knowledge  of  iheir  intelligence  nnd 
patriotism  assures  mo  thai  they  will  truly  appreci- 
alp  a   courie   which   aound   tlimocrntic   doctrine 

j  \yould  seem  so  distinctly  lo  mark  out  for  the  ac- 

!  lion  of  this  House. 

Without  further  remark,  I  proceed  lo  the  pro- 
visions of  this  bill.  And  what  doea  it  propose.' 
In  the  first  place,  the  President  ia  nulhorized  lo 
build  ten  slenm-sliips  of  iron,  uud  to  flt  out  nnd  cidl 
into  actual  service  the  reinnindcr  of  the  vessels  in 

t  ordinnry,  if,  in  his  judgment,  it  may  he  deemed 
ncc"8 Wy     And  what  ia  the  amount  oif  money  thnt 

1  is  proposed   lo  he  npproprinled  by  your  voica  irr 

'  the  nccnmplishment  of  this  object?     Why,  a  jum 

I  betirfcn  nit  undstvtn  miUiunt  ofilotlan!  The  hon- 
oridile  Senator  from  Indiana  [Mr.  Hannegan] 
brings  forward  an  amendment  adding  to  thia  al- 
ready enormous  sum   nn  additional  two  millions' 

;  This,  with  the  annual  expenditures  for  the  Navy 
DepnrtmenI,  swells  the  appropriation  to  above 
fourteen  millinnn  rj'  dollar)!  Yes,  sir,  in  n  time  of 
profound  pence,  when,  I  underlnke  to  sny,  not  ii 
shadow  of  wnr  hangs  over  our  heads;   when  the 

j  horizon  is  unobscured  by  a  single  cluud,  we  nro 

t  cnllcd  on  to  vote  fourteen  millions  of  dollars  for  one 
branch  of  Ihe  public,  service. 
Now,  Mr.  President,  il  may  not  be  altogether 

'  unprofitable  to  look  n  little  into  past  expenditures. 
You  will  not  be  surprised,  because  it  must  be 
known  lo  yon,  that  this  sum  of  mmicy  is  almoal 

I  i/oii6fe  the  nnniinf  ra:()fiu/i/ii>f  of  the  dnrernment  for 

;  nil!/  mic  tiear  up  lo  Ihe  declarnlion  of  the  la.il  irar. 
Here,  under  n  neniocratii'  Administration,  pledged 

i  to  a  system  of  rigid  economy — most  especially  in 
ils  monetarv  nlTairs — we  nre  cnlled  upon  lo  expend 
nt  n  single  dash,  and  for  the  support  of  hul  one  arm 
of  Ihe  national  defence,  a  larger  sum  of  money — 

;  double  the  amount — tlinn  the  whole  yenrly  expen- 
ses of  the  Government  prior  to  the  wnr  of  I8I2.  ( 
linve  a  sUilistical  list  before  me,  which  shows  that 
even  these  outlays  were  larser  than  required  iluriiig 

i  most  of  the  years  up  to  I83I  and  18,12.  Yes,  sir, 
for  many  of  those  years  the  amount  of  money  re- 
quired to  defray  the  ordinnry  expenses  of  the  Ciov- 
ermnent  was  lent  than  thai  iioto  asked  fur  the  support 
of  Ihe  navy  fci/  (*ij  bill.  [Here  Mr.  S.  went  into  an 
extended  review  of  the  cxpoi  ditures  of  the  Qov- 
ernment  for  n  series  of  years  past.) 

"This  bill  (said  Mr.  S.J  presents  itself  to  our  con- 
sideration in  two  prominent  aspects.  Wc  arc  to 
ctnisider  it  first  as  a  rEA(  E  measure,  and  secondly, 
as  a  WAR  measure.  If  wc  nre  really  ul  peace  with 
the  whole  world,  there  can  he  no  argument  to  sup- 
port so  extraordinary  an  outlay;  and  the  bill  be- 
comes at  once  an  extravagant  luid  waste  i''  expen- 
diture of  the  people's  money,  and  one  w  ui.h  they 
will  never  justify  or  tolerate.  The  honorable  Sen- 
ator from  Missouri,  [Mr.  Benton,]  when  speaking 
the  olher  day  upon  this  branch  of  the  subject,  ad- 
verted to  what  is  matter  of  history:  thnt  six  years 
ago  a  )K)werl\il  party  wa.s  overthrown  and  turned 
out  of  power,  under  a  charge  that  this  Government 
cinild  be  administered  for  thirteen  millions  of  dol- 
lars. Yes,  sir,  that  very  parly  lo  which  the  gen- 
llemnii  and  myself  belong-that  parly  lo  which  n_ 
majority  of  this  body  belongs — was  turned  out  of 
power  liccause  the  expenditures  of  the  Govern- 
ment had  swollen  up  to  an  amount  which  was  re- 
garded by  nnolher  portion  of  the  community  an 
extrnvngniit.  But  this  is  not  nil.  I  desire  to  cnll 
the  attention  of  genlleincn  back  to  a  period  inore 
remole  in  our  political  history.  I  would  go  back 
lo  the  period  when  Mr.  Jeflerson  cnme  into  pow- 
er; and  upon  nn  exnminntion  of  the  political  rec- 
ords of  that  day,  il  will  be  found  that  the  principal 
charges  brought  against  the  Administration  then 
in  power  was  an  extraragiiiit  expiiidilure  of  the 
public  money;  nnd  in  that  extravagant  expenditure 
one  of  the  main  items  was  for  an  increase  of  the 
nary — nn  idinecp.i.ini-iy  iiicrffWf,  anil  one  imposing 
oppressive  taxation  upon  the  peojile.  This  I  sny 
is  n  matter  of  history.  It  is  a  matter  of  record 
Ihnt  the  second  Adminislrnlion — I  allude  to  the 
Adminislralion  of  Ihe  elder  Adnm.s — was  turned 
out  of  power,  and  one  of  Ihe  principal  causes  of 
that  event  was  the  indignation  of  the  people  of 
thia  country  against  the  large  increase  in  the  ex- 
penditures for  Ihe  navid  portion  of  the  national 
defence.  Well,  what  was  Ihc  efl"ect?  Mr.  .Tefl'er- 
snncamc  into  power,  and  established  what  is  known 
ns  the  gun-boat  system — the  weakest  nnd  least  ef- 
fective sysleiii  that  could   probably   be  devised; 


'J 

X 


! 


isie.i 


APPKNOIX  TO  THK  CONGRESSIONAl.  GF^OBF. 


'29r> 


'29th  Cono 1st  Sf»«. 


Aiifrmrnlntion  of  the  Nari/ — !\[r.  Spritrht, 


Wnum, 


1 


nnd  ypl  siirli  wim  iinil  hnve  bwn  ihn  prajiifliren  nl' ' 
the  pcnpli!  Hffnindt  ii  Inrje  niiviil  nrmiinn'm  tlinl  ; 
\lii!V  nl)»nliildy  tolcmind  ilint  ilipnitiirp  fiDin  llir  I 
principli'H  of  nnlinniil  dotfiicr,  iipvrr  hrfdre  ndopl- 
I'd  ill  wnrftire  by  niiy  rivili/ed  nnliiin  on  lliB  fiirp  of ' 
the  ff\n\te.  I  would  not  dclin''t  from  the  Tirtiiwi  nf  i 
tlmtKrvBt  mmi  who  irnvp  thi'in  cxistpiire;  and  it  i»  ' 
i\iw  to  him  on  thin  (icrnnion  to  any  thnl  hia  phins  ' 
of  dnIVnco  were  iipvnr  fully  cnrricu  out. 

Well,  wp  ncfd  not  «lop  our  inmiirieii  liere.     Let  I 
>m  como  In  (he  yonr  IH'^,  when  tne  aeconil  Adiim* 
UHM  remoii'd  (Vom  power.     I  have  some  reoollcc- 
tiiiiis  of  the  evfiiiH  (if  (hose  dnys.     I  wna  then  n  1 
yoiinitman,  jiiHt  enleiini;  upon  the  stn'je  of  life,  ! 
nnd  pnrlook  with  lively  inlerent  in  the  i;renl  polili- 
enl  drnmii  then  Irnnfuirins  nronnd  me.     I  reeollect 
(lisliiieily — nnd  I  enll  upon  the- older  meinheri  of: 
this  body  to  hem-  trHiimony  'o  its  Inilli — tlinl  one  ! 
«if  the  principnl  eh»rce(i  l)rrii?ht  niuiiiMt  thnt  Ad- 
minifitrnlion  wkh  nn   kxth»v*o»nt  r.xpr.KniTt'BK 
OF  Tiir.  pi'iii.11'  MONF.Y.     The elmrije,  however  uii-  I 
just  or  iiii!!;eneroiiH,  wiiH  over  nnd  over  ii^nin   reit-  } 
ernled.ns  well  in  thepnlilie  prints  im  in  the  prinmry  i 
n-'.iembliiH  of  the  people — those   griind  nrleries  of  | 
republicnii  povernmeni  whieh  nniiniite  nnd  ciintrol  ' 
nil  our  nntional  acheme.f,  lioth  before  nnd  after  Ihcy 
►  Imll  hiive  been  devined   in  thene  hnlls.     The  re- 
piiblienn  ereed — the  ri'publie.uii  doctrine  Inid  down 
nl  thnl  day  wnn,  thnl  the  Government  eouhl  lie  ef- 
lipienily  ndintnistered  for  twelve  millions  of  dollnrn: 
nnd  when  CienernI  .TnekHon  enmc  into  office  he  wns 
pledted,  no  flir  ns   in  liin  power,  to  ndminiater  the 
ttovermenl  forthnt  Finmof  money.     IfihiNis  Dem- 
tienitiedoelrinn,  I  Bsk  the  honoriilile  Senator  from 
^taillc    (Mr.    F*inrfF.i.D)  under  what  pretext  he  I 
enmes  forward  nt  n  lime,  nn  I  licfore  Hniil,  of  pro-  ' 
I'ound  |ienee,  and  naka  hia  party,  who  atnnil  pledged 
to  Bdminiater  this  Government  economically,  to 
vote  (I  say  nothinu:  now  of  the  amendment  of  the 
lionorahle  Senator  from  Indiana)  «omk  twelve  or  - 

FOURTEEN     MILLION'     OF     DOLLARK    FOR    THE    AfO- 
HIESTATION  OF  THF.  NAVY  OF  TIIK    UnITED  StATES  ? 

1  ask  thnt  8enRtorifhe  supposes  that  public,  opinion 
in  this  country  will  tolerate  such  lavish  and  inordi- 
nate expenditures  of  Ihe  public  money.'  Does  he 
expect,  if  this  course  of  policy  be  adopted,  that  ' 
the  |ieople  will  snatain  an  Admiliiatration  Bvowedly 
the  offaprin^Biid  Ktiaidinn  of  the  masses,  and  which 
cannot  apend  one  dollar  without  drawina;  it  from 
their  pockets.'  I  must  confess,  sir,  that  in  view  of 
those  strikinf;  facl.q  in  our  political  history  to  which 
I  have  called  your  attention,  and  which  should  ' 
serve  as  a  e;ni'ie  to  every  pmdent  Administration, 
1  was  shocked  nt  the  idea  that  a  propoaal  should 
be  made  at  this  time,  and  by  a  prominent  tnember 
of  my  own  party,  to  iiicreB.-ie  the  current  expenses 
of  the  naval  department.  I  ask,  sir,  why  it  is  thai 
the  people  of  this  country  hnve  always  raised  their 
voice  against  extraordinary  cxuendituies  in  ihia 
arm  of  the  national  defence.'  We  were  very  cor- 
rectly told  the  other  day,  by  the  distingnishea  arin- 
lleinaii  from  Mi.saonri,  that  when  you  build  a  ship 
of  war  you  have  jnat  laid  the  foundation  of  its  cost 
to  the  nation-  1  am  not  |<i'e|>arcd  to  po  into  a 
statement  of  fncls  and  figures  on  this  point,  and 
cannot  at  this  moment  say  in  what  length  of  time 
the  expense  of  a  ship  afloat  equals  Ihe  cost  of  con- 
struction. It  cannot  be  but  a  few  years.  How 
natural,  then,  thnt  the  people  of  this  cnnntiy  should 
look  with  a  jealous  eye  to  the  expenditure  of  mo- 
ney for  this  branch  of  the  public  service,  not  only 
because  it  imposes  heavy  burdens  upon  their  indus- 
try; not  only  because  it  draws  our  citi7.ens  from 
peaceful  pursnits,  and  creates  fresh  pensioners  upon 
those  in  our  country  who  do  its  labor — pen.sioners 
who  nie  to  wear  our  clothes  nnd  eat  our  food, — but 
because  when  the  burden  is  once  created  there  it 
remains;  it  is  fixed  upon  our  shoulders.  The  ships 
are  built,  the  men  are  enlisled,  and  the  generation 
of  to-day  at  least  must  ■uccunib  to  the  tribute, 
whatever  it  may  be,  that  we  shall  now  impose 
upon  them. 

I  feel  it  to  be  my  duly,  Mr.  Pieaidcnt,  while  on 
this  branch  of  the  aub|r?ct,  to  say  one  word  in  re- 
lation lo  the  manner  in  which  taxes  are  levied  upon 
the  people,  not  only  for  ibis  nrin  of  defence,  but 
for  all  branches  of  the  public  service.  As  in  all 
other  Governments,  there  has  been,  nnd  is,  in  this, 
A  TAX-PATINC  and  TAX-RF.CEIUNO  portion  of  the 
community.  In  all  countries,  nnd  most  especially 
in  ours,  the  line  of  separation  between  these  classes 
is  marked  and  distinct.    And  I  say  licre,  in  my 


place,  thai  ihe  iinniil 4  of  history,  Blid  the  reeordi 
nf  all  nalions,  may  lie  iiuned  over,  nnd  there  la  not 
to  be  found  upon  the  llice  of  the  globe  aoiinecpiid, 
so  uiijnsi,  so  oppresaive  a  aystum  of  taxation  ns 
that  to  which  (Ins  lepnblicaii  government  resorts  j 
flir  the  purpose  of  exir.icting  money  from  the  peo- 
ple lo  support  il  in  ils  extravngance.  It  ia  fill — 
severely  fell — by  the  people  of  all  our  agrif  uliurni 
Slalea;  by  that  sturdy  yeomanry  of  the  land  whose 
blows  in  war  have  aaved  our  eounlry  from  Ihe 
hands  of  ila  onemiea  with  iheir  nrniiea  of  veteran 
acddiera,  reared  on  ihe  fields  of  n  hundred  mighty 
bntiles — saved  us,  loo,  wllhoiit  inftictiu>;  upon  the 
nation  the  evila  of  sncli  a  tribute  as  ihis  in  lime  of 
peace.  I  again  nsserl  thnl  it  ia  quite  nntiirnl  ihnl 
the  people  should  look  with  keen  jenlon^y  lo  the 
expenditures  of  Ihis  OoverninenI,  and  that  they 
should  require  strict  nccoiinlflbility  of  those  who 
rinilrol  ils  expenditures.  The  people,  lei  lue  add, 
have  ever  been  found  willing  to  conlribute  liberal 
sums  whenever  convinced  that  ihc  exigencies  of 
Ihe  CiovernmenI,  its  honor,  or  its  welfare  demand- 
ed il.  Kill,  nt  the  same  time,  they  alway-^  have 
prolesleil,  and  I  hope  always  will  prolesi,  ngaiiisi 
a  wild  and  unnecea.sary  expenditure  of  the  public  i 
money.  And  why.'  Hoes  not  every  genilenmn  ' 
wiihiii  the  sound  of  my  voice  know  thnt  it  is  per- 
fectly nbsurd  to  talk  here  of  bringing  the  expenses 
of  Ihe  (tovernineiit  ton  low  atanilard  unless  ihe 
pxpendiliins  be  reduced  ?  If  you  go  on  iniiinlain- 
ing  a  IniL'e  standing  army,  building  n  gnat  navy, 
and  carrying  out  a  aplendiil  sysiiin  of  infernal  iiii- 
provenienls,  every  muu  of  common  sense  must 
know  that  a  system  of  laxntion  equivalent  to  nil 
this  must  bn  kept  up.  The  money  must  be  ex- 
Irncled  l^'om  their  pockets  and  wrung  from  their 
hard  earnings.  The  enormities  of  the  inrilV  held  up 
in  one  hand,  and  this  bill  in  the  other,  presents  a 
beautiful  figure  of  conaislency  for  anii-tarilV  men  ! 
I  have  alluded  but  incidenlally  to  this  subject.  If 
it  were  a  (iroper  moment,  1  would  pursue  the  argu- ' 
inent  a  step  or  two  fnrlher.  I  would  endeavor  to 
draw  aside  the  curuiin  atill  further  that  now  shrouds 
the  golden  sources  of  yiuir  armies  nnd  navies.  I 
would  show  you  wilh  what  propriety  these  appro- 
priations for  prescntins  to  the  world  a  splendid 
spectacle  of  national  defence  inny  be  urged  by  in- 
dividuals who, unlikemveonstitucnls, are  not  taxed  ' 
to  raise  the  money.  Uiif  to  proceed,  as  I  wish  lo 
observe  the  utmost  brevity:  I  ask  if,  as  a  iieace 
measure,  the  appropriation  called  for  in  Ihis  liill  is 
requisite  for  the  protection  of  ourenmmeree  ?  Thai 
is  the  question:  for  if  we  are  to  have  pence,  I  take 
il  for  granted  that  the  most  fastidious  gentleman 
here  wlio  is  pleading  for  the  extension  of  the  navy 
will  agree  wiih  me  that,  any  further  than  a  neces- 
sity may  exist  for  the  protrcliiui  of  our  commeiTe 
from  piracies  on  the  high  seas,  no  augmeuiation  of 
Ihe  navy  is  demanded.  It  was  stated  bv  the  hon- 
orable Senator  f^'om  Missouri  that  upon  the  Medi- 
terranean— thnt  great  sea  of  thieves  and  piraif  s — 
our  shins  and  coiniuerce  at  this  time  are  as  safe  as  | 
in  the  C'hesaiicake  Hay.  We  hear  of  no  piracies 
on  the  high  seas;  and  why.'  The  whole  world  is 
at  peace,  nnd  each  civilized  nation  is  co-operating 
for  Ihe  common  protection  of  the  property  and 
vessels  of  all  from  the  horrid  acis  of  the  pirale. 
Hence  it  is,  in  this  glorious  era  of  peace  nnd  civili- 
zation, thai  a  crime  the  most  ngqrravaled  that  can 
be  commitled  against  the  law  of  nations  has  nlinosi 
censed  on  every  sea. 

But,  Mr.  President,  if  il  becomes  absolutely  ne- 
cessary that  this  luigmenlation  of  the  navy  should 
take  place,  would  the  author  of  the  bill  now  before 
the  Senate,  wilh  the  view  of  affording  adequate 
protection  lo  our  commerce,  send  his  war-steamers 
lo  Ihe  Mediterranean,  or  lo  the  Pacific,  or  to  any 
diaiant  sen.'  I  ask  him  if  ho  is  not  aware  thnl 
.such  vessels  can  be  of  no  utility,  except  in  the 
protection  of  the  coasting  and  inland  trade?  The 
'  aid  of  sicam  is  a  great  and  imporiant  auxiliary  of 
our  nalionni  defences  when  properly  applied. 
.Should  we  be  so  unfortunate  ns  to  be  involved  in 
a  war — which  God  in  his  infinile  mercy  prevent ! 
— Ihis  description  of  vessels  would  be  aclmimbly 
adapted  for  the  defence  of  the  coast  and  harbors. 
Hut  I  suppose  no  man  ncquninled  with  nntritiiue 
affairs  will  say  that  such  vessels  arc  iiilended  to 
traverse  the  ocean,  there  to  meet  an  enemy,  and 
fight  the  battles  of  the  country.  Such  a  class  of 
vessels  of  war  is  no  improvement  on  our  former 
■  system  of  naval  warfare,  any  further  than  the  dc- 


retica  of  tha  cout  ii  conetrned.    The  old  *yiWm 

has  exiated  for  time  immcmnriat,  and  yon  muit 

preserve  il,  for  the  obvious  rcnaoii  ihat  fuel  and 
sulwislence,  sufficient  for  more  than  u  month,  can- 
iiiil  be  carried  in  a  steamer. 

And  now,  air,  if  my  sirenglli  will  permit  me,  I 
think  I  shall  be  able  to  show  concluaivcly  thai, 
in  the  present  relations  of  this  country  with  the 
world,  there  ia  no  probability  of  imr.  And  if  I 
do  NO,  I  think  my  honmable  friend  from  Maine 
will  at  once  abandon  his  project;  thnt  ho  will,  lo 
use  a  familiar  expression,  "  nckuotfltdiee  (Aecom," 
nnd  permit  this  bill  to  he  upon  the  laliTe. 

I  proceed,  ihen,  to  consider  this  subject  in  the 
second  view  which  I  have  uroposed  taking  of  it, 
thai  il  is  a  war  ineasnre.  It  is  not  my  purpoae 
to  take  up  the  Oirgini  qiivslion,  nnd  diaciisa  the 
various  |ioinls  ai  issue  lietweeii  the  two  Powera. 
I  will  defer  that  for  a  more  luispicimts  period.  But 
I  suppose  it  will  be  proper  for  mc  to  advert  lo  the 
causes  which  have  been  represented  as  likely  to 
produce  a  war.  As  far  as  my  observation  extends, 
there  are  only  two  eases  of"  difficulty  existing  i.. 
our  foreign  refaiiouH  likely  to  lead  to  an  open  riip- 
ture.  I  refer  to  our  unsettled  difficulties  with 
Mexico  and  Grent  llritain.  I  shall  now  briefly 
examine  these  cases.  I''irsl,aa  to  Mexico.  The 
dilTereuce  between  Ihis  ciauitry  nnd  Mexico  grows 
out  of  the  annexation  of  Texas;  and  ilia  said  that 
rec.eiil  cveiils  indicate  very  clearly  that  Mexico  is 
determined  to  assume  a  hostile  attitude  towards 
this  nation.  For  my  pari,  I  must  ccmfVss  that, 
after  a  very  careful  consideration  of  the  aubjeut,  I 
have  not  been  able  to  discern  the  slightest  cause 
for  ap|iiehenHinn.  I  do  not  regard  the  recent  rev- 
oliilion  in  Mexico  as  at  all  indicating  an  intention 
on  the  part  of  that  country  to  declare  warajjainst 
the  I'luicd  States.  It  is  one  of  those  ebullitions 
of  popular  feeling  which  happens  every  three  or 
six  months.  Perhaps  Iho  next  mail  will  tell  us  of 
the  dclhronemrnt  of  the  present  military  usnrper, 
and  the  establishment  of  anolher.  Hut,  seriously, 
arc  there  any  causes  of  war  wilh  Mexico?  What 
national  faith  or  law  of  comily  has  the  United 
States  violated  Ui  incite  .Mexico  loa  war  with  us? 
Is  it  possible  that  gentlemen  will  suiiid  up  here 
aiitl  say  that  Mexico  is  so  blind  lo  her  own  in- 
terests, that  she  will  be  guided  by  such  consum- 
mate folly  ns  lo  declare  war  ngainst  the  United 
Stales  on  account  of  the  annexation  of  Te.xas — 
the  anuexatiiniof  a  territory  acknowledged  by  the 
most  civilized  nalions  of  the  world  to  be  free  nnd 
independent,  and,  as  such,  have  in  their  inter- 
course scrupulously  observed  towards  her  the 
courtesy  and  re.spect  of  an  equal?  Il  Appears  ridic- 
ulous for  so  grave  and  cnliglifeiied  a  body  to  on- 
teiUiin  Ihe  idea.  Bui,  if  I  thought  there  was'the 
remotest  probability  of  a  war  with  Mexico,  I  would 
not  adopt  a  doubtful  or  undetermined  policy.  I 
would  meet  her  threats  or  menaces,  not  probably 
with  the  same  sense  nf  wounded  honor,  but  with 
,  the  same  unyielding  determination  to  resist  them, 
'.  ns  I  would  ihe  threats  or  menaces  of  any  oilier 
nation. 

Mr.  Piesiilent,  it  is  not  my  intention  to  enter  into 
a  debate  on  the  annexation  of  Texas  lo  the  United 
Slates;  1)111,  sir,  I  must  be  permitted  to  observe, 
that  ill  the  consummation  of  thnt  ad  we  only  ne- 
quirid  what  was  of  right  our  own,  and  what  was 
our  just  clue.  We,  sir,  drew  back  to  our  arms  a 
child  which,  by  a  ruthless  hand,  had  been  torn 
from  our  embraces.  Texas  was  our  legitimate  ofl- 
spiing.  She  came  to  us,  and  threw  herself  into 
our  arms,  nnd  desired  a  re-union  with  us.  She 
owetl  no  allegiance  to  the  Government  of  Santa 
Anna.  She  never  acknowledged  his  sovereign  au- 
thority over  her.  How,  then,  can  it  be  said,  thnt, 
inn''quiring  that  territory  by  tre.ity,  (as  I  propose 
to  acquire  firegon,)  we  have  violated  any  ol^  the 
rights  of  Mexico,  when  her  Sovereign  had  ac- 
knowledged her  inde|iendeiice  ? 

I  waive  further  remark  here  to  examine  more 
probable  grounds  of  rupture  in  the  external  policy 
of  our  country.  And  now,  Mr.  Picsidcni,  let  us 
direct  our  nllcution  to  our  relations  with  Great 
Hritaiii.  It  is  said, and  lias  been  frequciuly  repeat- 
ed upon  Ihis  floor,  and  I  must  confess  that  I  have 
I  heard  it  with  pain,  thai  we  are  on  the  brink  of  a 
war  with  Great  Britain.  Is  this  true  ?  1  put  it  to 
the  good  sense  of  Senators,  and  I  ask  them  to  an- 
swer the  question.  Has  anything  oc.cnrred  on  the 
'  part  of  Great  Britain — anylliing  in  the  complexion 


ii 


fi96 


99th  Cono liT  Seii. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GT.OBE. 

Atigmentatioii  of  tlir  Savij — -Mr,  Speight. 


f  Jnn.  2f», 


Sknatb. 


f 


of  Ihe  rrcene  nowa  (Vomlholrminlry — indii-ntineii 
wnrliko  ficlina  low«riU  Ihe  Unilcu  Stnlcn?  In  it 
not  (li'erlly  llii"  prvcr'f  ? 

If  Hcnntorn  will  rfcnrd  the  ruicstion  with  rnlm- 
nfn*  anil  din|m«iiior),  ihrowinst  nxiclp  llifmn  hciiird 
foelinijii  iind  impulsive  di'icrmiiiniinnn  which  iciii- 

Iinrwi y  fxciipmcnt  nmy  have  nrnnspd  in  thfmind, 
frel  snlisfled  that  they  will  And  the  pnih  to  ho/ini-- 
nlijc  and  pi'iiecfnl  Nclllenienl  of  ihf  OiTjnn  rinenlinn 
yet  inioltMtnu'ted  hy  Great  Hrilain.  The  laic  \\v\\% 
from  ICiipland  i»  nl  a  nnnllr  iialiii-e.  The  fiiilnre 
on  the  pan  nf  l.nrd  Joliii  K\ia!iell  to  I'diiii  a ('mIiIiu'I 
arii-ic  IVdin  the  liicl  ihni  he  wnialiniil  to  plnce  l.i.id 
I'almeiston  at  the  lieadof  iheileparimentnf  l''iiri'i;n 
Alfaira,  Palmerfion,  it  in  wi  II  known,  enlc'iiiiinid 
hnaiile  feelingH  towuidh  this  couiilry,  nnil  mood 
fully  comniilli'd  on  Ihe  Oregon  qncstioii.  On  liial 
Tery  jpnund  Lord  tiriv  ret'ined  to  l'o  into  ihcCahi- 
net.  Well,  docs  all  th'iB  prove  noihine?  AiciTn- 
llfinen  ao  Mind,  ioeac  rand  ihirsiy  al'K  r  war,  tli  it 
thoy  can  ahul  their  eyes  to  eveniK  «o  Hifnitieanl  ii» 
these?  I  mnat  ennftMihat  I  Whn  rejoiced  when  1 
heard  the  inlellijrence  to  which  I  have  alluded — 
when  I  saw  that  the  Whig  Mini5iirv,aH  it  i«  e.llid, 
Aiiled  to  form  n  (.'uliinet,  and  on  the  uniiniila  whii  h 
1  have  staleil;  and  |iariicnli\rly  \v:ih  1  r'  |oicrd  at 
the  «n|)i)reased  tonenl'the  Pn-itish  presw,  1  connnlrd 
Jiiyscif  with  the  rellcnion  thai,  ho  liir  ns  tircat 
Britain  played  her  part,  there  was  Imt  liiih:  prn«- 
pcctofn  war.  I. el  mc  tell  .Seniiiors  thai  I  am  ns 
miieh  opposed  to  crmichxue  to  Ihe  Hfili^h  lion  as  any 
of  them,  and  ant  as  rcHoluiely  deterniincd  to  main- 
lain  al  all  hazards  n\ir  rights;  and,  when  I  am  as- 
sured of  their  violation,  will  he  prompt  and  ready 
to  vindicnip,  them  at  hecomes  ihe  Hian(lin<);  and 
character  of  this  i^real  iialion.  iStit  onh'  would  I 
vote  a  declaration  of  war,  Imt  nidlions  upon  mil- 
lions to  dcftind  an  insniied  ri^ht.  Dm  I  lake  this 
occasion  lo  say,  in  my  place,  that  I  am  n  pevce 
man.  I  am  lor  peace,  if  it  can  he  lumorahly  main- 
tained, and  no  vole  of  mine  ahall  ever  he  given  tin 
thii  floor  tending;  to  couiilenance  an  nnnecessitry 
vt'ar.  Genllenien  nmy  talk  liE;hily  of  iliia  iliin'a; 
called  w*n.  It  i.i  a  fine  theme  for  onitorioni  dii- 
nlay.  It  is  n  capital  sulijcct  for  rhetorical  ill'ccl. 
But  lo  the  millions  from  whom  the  taxes  are  wruns; 
to  support  n  war,  it  ia  a  niatler  of  very  dill'c  nut 
import.  I  feel  it  my  diitv  to  prnicct  the  rights  of 
Ihe  lax-paijer»,  and  if  no  hisrher  eonsideraiinn  inllu- 
encedme,  it  would  lie  sulKcient  that  these  lax-pay- 
ers have  stood  hy  me  at  the  Imllot-hox — have 
riothed  me  with  tiieir  power,  ard  reposed  in  me 
their  responsibilities. 

The  people,  Mr.  President,  whom  I  have  the 
honor  to  represent,  will  never  con.sent  to  meaaure 
our  national  honor  hy  dollars  and  renu*.     Yet,  sir,  j 
if  1  know  that  people,  ihey  are  equally  oppo.'ind  to  j 
an  appeal  to  arms  to  adjust  and  settle  our  dillicul- 
tita  with  foreign  nations,  when  the  same  can  he 
Bccompliahed  by  peaceful  and  honorable  iie^oiia- 
tion.     No  honest  man  can  be  ho  blind  as  lo  desire 
war,  with  all  its  calamitiea,  if  it  can  be  honumbly 
avoided.     Sir,  your  President  is  not  for  war;  he  is 
for  peace,  as  his  whole  cin-.Juct  in  ihis  Iranwclion 
proves.     He  has  offered  ihe  mo.st  liberal  terms  of  . 
compromise,  which  I  hope  may  ytt  be  acceded  In.  [ 
I  go  for  ausuuning  him  in  his  elforu  to  settle  this  I 
controversy. 

But  let  us  examine  this  question  a  little  further.  ' 
It  is  said,  Mr.  President,  as   I   before  remarked, 
that  we  are  to  have  a  war  with  Great  Britain  lo 
settle  our  rights  in  the  Oi-ei»oii  territory.     Why?! 
What  is  the  Oreeon  territory,  and  where  is  it.'  As 
I  am  not  speaking  particularly  to  you,  but  through 
the  Senate  to  my  constituents,  I   will  refer  to  the 
geographical  portion  of  this  territory.     It  in  a  sirip 
of  land  lying  between  the  Rocky  mounlains  and 
the  Pacific  ocean,  and  extending  Innn  latitude  42'-^ 
to  54°  40',  being  distant  some  three  ihoiisand  miles  ' 
from  the  United  .Slates.     Well,  this  trrritoiy  is  I 
supposed  to  be  ours.     Has  Great  Britain  marched  i 
a  military  force  there  and  taken  posses.tioii  of  it.- 
Has  she   forcibly  expelled  our  citizens    residing  ) 
there?     Are  sccnoi  of  carnage  and  blood  now  en-  i 
acted  there?     Has  Great  Britain  protested  agiiinsi  ', 
our  rights  in  Oregon,  or  their  eiijoymeiii  ?     No.  ' 
You  are  now  enjoying  in  common,  and  in  joint 
occupancy  with  Great  Britain,  those  rights  vvhicli 
never,  up  to  the  year  1840,  were  asserted  as  ex- 
clusively belonging  to  the  United  .Slates.  In  1818,  ; 
when  the  convention  was  held  which  stipulated  to  I 
hold  this  territory  in  joint  occupancy,  wc  are  told  i. 


i  (I  have  the  paper  before  me)  by  one  of  Ihe  most 
eminent  •talesmen  of  ihia  i  oiiniry,  and  one  of  the 
commissionerH — and  Ihe  name  is  familiar  to  you 
,  all — that,  iiulepnidriii  of  the  rights  of  Spain,  the 
ll  Uiiiled  Hialfs  propoMed  to  exienil  the  line  along 
the  4iUh  parollel,  beyond  the  Hiony  mountains,  to 
the  Pacilic.  Why  did  the  IJuiteil  Slates  at  thai 
time  agree  lo  such  a  proposition,  if  our  I'ommis- 
I  sioiiers  suppiisi'd  that  we  had  an  exclusive  right  lo 
ilic  lerrilory  over  Great  Hrilaiii?  If,  at  that  lime, 
thry  bt'lievid  Spain  lo  have  riehls  there  worthy  of 
respect,  why  wi  re  ihey  willing  to  surrender  lho»*  i 
rigliiN  for  the  4'.lih  parallel  of  latitude?  By  that 
very  liealy — liy  that  very  convention — you  ae- 
kni.wledtrc  i  xiMiiig  riizhls  in  Giiiit  llriiain;  and, 
as  I  liel'oie  si.'itid,  not  n  sinalr  stalesman  in  the 
couniry  ever  M.'.^eiteil  an  exclusive  rii;ht  on  our 
pan  lo  iliiit  icniiory,  unlil  soini  where  belwecn 
:  IHilo  anil  liic  preprni  lime.  Malleia  incident  lo 
the  occupnlion  orihT|.;(m  were  iVecpienlly  brought 
I"  lore  tins  mill  llie  mlirr  branch  of  l'oru(re»«,  be- 
tween the  yearn  IKJII  and  1830,  and  I  have  now 
before  iiic  a  niosi  able  speech,  delivered  by  the 
Senator  from  Mi.isnMri  on  my  lefi,  upon  a  bill  lo 
occupy  Ihe  moiiili  of  llie  Columbia  rivtr.  In  thi  ae  . 
days  we  had  no  idea  of  asserting  nn  exclusive 
ri'.'lii  lo  llie  iiTniory,  but  simply  lo  occupy  distinct 
and  iNolaled  portions.  1  have  read  lliiit  speech 
with  serious  ailenlion,  and  feci  sutisfifd  that  ll  will 
repay  every  mipiiber  who  may  be  disposed  to  pc- 
niae  it.  Ill  ihiit  speech  the  anihiir  c^nteiida  cor- 
reclly,  and  wiili  his  accustonnd  cnercy,  in  favor 
of  onr  right  lo  extend  protcclion  to  onr  citi/.ciK, 
and  to  eslabli^ih  our  laws  lo  Ihe  same  extent  nj  had  . 
been  practised  liy  Great  Britain',  bill,  at  the  same 
lime,  it  was  carefully  avoided  lo  a.sHert  any  claim 
lo  those  porlions  of'lhe  territory  now  in  ilispute.  i 
The  gentliman  is  present,  and  ciui  say  whether  o» 
not  I  am  correct. 
(Mr.  Br-Mox.    Ynu  are  right. 1  ' 

Mr.  SpEioiiT  proceeded.  To  be  brief  on  this 
subject,  let  me  ask  wluu  are  the  pretexts  for  a  war 
Willi  (jreit  Dritain?  Has  she  asserted  o  right  to 
the  whole  territory  ?  I  have  heard  it  declared  on 
this  floor,  mure  than  once,  that  Great  Britain  had 
claims  to  the  «liole  of  this  territory.  But  how? 
Uoes  she  lay  claiiii  lo  actual  sovereignty  over  the 
whide  of  it?  I  apprehend  nut.  She  claims  a 
riyht  to  ihu  whole  of  if  i»  j'l  iiif  nccupancy  with  the 
United  .Siales.  But  she  is  willing  to  define  iliat 
lislit  and  divide  the  territory  upon  fair  and  ei|ui- 
tuble  terms,  in  which  our  concurrence,  of  course, 
is  required.  It  is  not  iiL.:,-.iHary  to  my  purpo.se, 
nor  Would  it  be  proper  at  this  time,  to  enter  into  a 
disciiKsion  of  the  several  points  of  interiiaiional 
law  supposed  lo  be  involved  in  the  present  issue, 
us  it  may  reuard  the  title  of  discovery  and  occu- 
pation. 1  do  nut  thuik,  however,  the  task  diHicult 
to  show  that  Great  Briuiiii  has  rights  in  Oregon 
which,  according  lo  the  law  of  nations,  we  must 
re.<pecl.  The  eminent  statesman  (Mr.  Gallatin) 
to  whom  1  have  alluded  takes  ground  broadly  and 
disiineily  that,  hy  the  treaty  of  Nootka  Sound,  the 
right  to  sovereignty  oVer  the  soil  was  tronsferred 
from  Spain  to  Great  Biitain.  I  am  aware,  Mr. 
President,  that  our  Secretary  of  Stale  has,  in  a 
nioHi  elaborate  manner,  taken  a  dilfeient  view  of 
:  this  part  of  the  subject  to  that  of  the  eminent  stales- 
man  to  whom  I  have  alluded;  but,  uiifoitunatcly,  i 
it  was  too  late.  It  was  after  the  door  of  ncgotia-  [ 
linn  was  closed,  and  therefore  may  be  said  to  be  I 
"  Love's  labor  lost." 

I  had  intended  saying  much  more  on  this  branch  | 
of  the  subject;  but  I  must  bring  my  remarks  to  i 
tt  close.  1  have  remarked  that  the  bill  presents  it-  j 
self  to  uu  in  two  aspccis;  first,  an  a  feack  measure; 
and,  secondly,  as  a  war  measure.  If  we  are  to  ' 
have  a  war  with  Great  Britain  for  the  Oregon  tcr-  i 
riiory,  I  must  be  permiited  to  lell  my  honorable  I 
friend  that  the  provisions  of  this  bill  are  far  from  ! 
being  commensurate  to  the  crisis.  I  consider  it  I 
trilling  wlih  the  American  people  to  tell  them  in  i 
one  breath  that  they  are  to  engage  in  war  with  one  ' 
of  the  most  formidable  naval  Powers  of  the  earth,  I 
and  in  the  next  that  they  shall  rely  upon  the  inef- 
ficient aid  of  ffii  steaimliips  that  can  never  be  sent  be-  • 
yonil  tlu  coiuf  of  Ihe  United  Utale.i .'  If  the  question  | 
of  war  with  Great  Britain  is  settled;  if  it  must  en-  | 
sue  before  our  ditriculties  with  that  country  can  be  | 
honorably  adjusted,  then  let  the  honorable  gentle-  ! 
man  from  Maine  bring  in  a  bill  to  build  iiftv  ves-  |j 
SELs  UF  WAH.    When  I  find  that  time  has  arrived,  i! 


'  my  vote  shall  be  cherrfiilly  givnii  bn«,  until  it 
{  liopn  mke  place,  this  llousi^  shall,  by  no  act  of 
\  mine,  give  n  loose  rein  lo  exjienditiirea  of  llig 
public  money  for  the  increase  of  our  naval  power,- 
and  saddle  ill*  lax  payers  of  this  nation  willi  an 
nniiiial  oailay  of  frn  or  heetre  MitM(m.i  n/  ilollari. 
What  is  Ihe  osjsct  of  all  ihi.i?  Why,  it  i»  all  a 
mere  pretexl,>ir,  under  the  guise  of  which  it  iS' 
piopoMed  to  levy  an  immense  lax  upon  the  labor- 
ing classes  for  ths  support  of  the  arijloccacy  and 
moneyed  mono|w|isis  of  the  ciiuniry.  But  I  re- 
pudiaie  the  idea  thai  we  are  to  be  involved  ill  a 
war  with  Gre  il  Britain.  I  eannoi  bring  myself  to' 
believe  that  Ihe  tood  seime  of  this  country  will 
ever  tolerate  the  idea  ihni,  upon  a  question  like 
Ihis — one  which,  in  every  form  it  may  prestnl  it- 
self, admits  of  amicable  urrangemeiit,  of  jhuci fiil 
iiegolialion  and  settlement — this  Chrisliwn  enun- 
Iry,  deeply  dtvoled,  as  it  is,  lo  all  the  aris  of 
peace,  and  proudly  leading  in  the  van  of  civiliza- 
tion end  lelinenieni,  would  so  far  forfrct  its  posi- 
tion in  the  worldr  and  Ihe  iniiiirdiale  interests  of 
its  own  people,  as  to  exchuiigs  its  present  happy 
roiidiiinn  for  the  savare  slaughter  and  rapine  of 
the  battlefield — the  cruel  and  aaiigiihiary  wars  that 
have  deluged  Liiropo  with  poverty  and  crime,  im- 
povrrislird  ils  people,  and  rliained  distant  genera- 
tions to  the  dreadtiil  incubus  of  public  debt — anil 
all  this  with  Iliat  haste  and  precipitancy,  and  want 
of  maliire  deliberation,  which  seems  to  disimguisli 
the  measure  now  before  this  House.  Such  un  act 
of  rashness  on  the  part  of  this  uuiion  lias  nut  yet 
ilesttoiled  ils  fair  name. 

Who,  Mr.  J'risidenl,  in  so  disastrous  an  event, 
must  be  llie  sulVerers  ?  Unqucsiionably  the  agri- 
cultural and  niercanlile  classes,  the  former  of  which 
repieseiils  the  trniit  body  of  my  conslilueiiis,  Tlie 
feffiin  plainer,  the /otncro  and  rice  gnu  trs,  the  j/iiyj- 
buililtiii,  and  all  llio.se  who  deal  in  the  iiierchaiidiiis 
;  of  the  iMislcrn  States,  are  to  be  sacrificed;  and  for 
whal?  Why,  for  a  war  of  conquest,  which,  in 
(i\c  or  ten  years,  will  lead  us  hack  to  the  point  we 
,  have  now  reoclieil,  where  peace  may  be  secured 
by  honorable  negotiation.  That  war,  loo,  is  not 
to  be  fought  in  the  Oregon  territory:  it  is  to  be 
fought  on  the  seaenastof  the  United  Slates:  a  war 
■  he  most  deHtruciive  in  ihe  annals  of  modern  his- 
;  lory:  a  war,  whose  blighting  and  disastrous  le- 
sulis  will  not  be  confined  to  this  country  and  Great 
i  Britain,  but  which  will  extend  their  desoloting 
'  evils  throHshout  the  whole  civilized  world.  It  in 
impossible  that  Great  Briluni  ami  the  United  Stuleg 
can  engage  in  a  war  wilhout  involving  in  it  the 
rest  of  the  world.  No  nwn  can  close  his  eyes  lo 
,  the  evil  consequences  of  such  a  conflict.  And,  sir, 
I  ask,  ia  this  a  subject  of  such  light  and  trivial  im- 
portance that  it  ought  lo  be  the  theme  of  idle  gos- 
sip and  of  laughter  in  the  streets  of  Wusliingion.' 
Who  gossip  and  lough  ?  Those  who  have  every- 
thing to  gain  and  nothing  to  lose.  I  speak  of  those 
who  are  bankrupts  in  prcperly,  bankrupts  in  j)uli- 
;  lies,  bankrupts  in  inornii.  These  are  some  of  the 
!  men  whose  voice  rings  loud  for  war.  The  umbi- 
timis  demagogue,  too,  eager  lo  ride  iiilo  ollice, 
seeks  also  to  fan  the  flame,  and  appeals  to  the  piu- 
sions  and  jirejudices  of  the  people  to  raise  that 
current  which  is  but  to  wofi  to  fruition  his  own 
selfish  plans  of  aggrandizement.  The  speculator, 
too,  whose  fortunes  have  been  ruined  by  his 
schemes  of  hazard,  and  who  is  anxious  to  profit 
by  the  rich  spoils  of  war,  talks  loudly  of  patriotism 
and  insulted  national  honor.  1  trust  that  wise, 
and  ilisereet,  ami  dispassionate  statesmen,  that 
grave  Senators  will  be  disposed  to  look  at  this 
question  in  n  ditl'erent  light.  I  reiternte,  /  niii 
remlij  lo  meet  tvar  icAcn  ils  hour  has  approached.  But 
I  do  not  apprehend  war  at  present,  and,  therefore, 
I  shall  denounce  ull  ihia  disploy  of  hostilities  and 
warlike  bravado.  I  call  on  all  Christian  men  to 
unite  with  me  in  denouncing  it. 

Mr.  President,  I  would  say  more  on  this  sub- 
ject if  I  were  able.  I  have  felt  it  Ui  be  my  duty  to 
make  these  few  remarks,  by  way  of  showing  my 
constituents  the  motives  which  influence  nio  in 
opposing  this  bill.  I  have  endeavored  to  speak 
with  due  regard  to  the  feelings  of  every  gentleman 
who  may  differ  with  me  on  this  subject;  and  I 
stiitc  now,  in  advance,  that  whenever  the  lime 
shall  come  when  it  may  be  necessary  lo  assert  our 
rights  to  Oregon — when  our  claims  may  be  contu- 
maciously denied  and  our  honor  insulted — I  shall 
be  found  as  ready  to  assert  those  rights  us  any 


I 

'1 


»    f 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO 


.WNItlBSSIONAI.  Gi.onE. 


997 


99th  Cono Irt  Srks. 


7%«  OrtgoH  ^ueition—Mr.  Beid. 


Ho.  or  Rbm. 


■ 


(t(inll»nmn  nii  ihlii  flnor.  llul,  Willi  nit  diip  defrr- 
r.net,  I  ilitlVr  from  »nmii  of  my  fniMiilii  ".jili  rrii|i«-ct ; 
lo  what  thry  nnpfnr  to  rtiiurd  an  llii"  |iro|i<!r  roiiraa  i 
lit  prpnrnti  nnil  tirrr,  Irt  mn  nilil,  tlinl  I  d(-r|ilv  r«- 
KiTtleil  lo  henr  the  oilmr  ilav  Koiiirlliini;  like  a 
•iic"r  njtiiirmi  the  con™!!  wliicli  a  reapcrlalile  por- 
tion of  my  frieiiiN  rnmi  the  South  lmv«  laki-n  rn 
lliis  qucaiion.  I  waa  tlif  more  mnriiHoil  to  dia- 
rovci-,  too,  tliat  il  fell  from  ilin  lipa  of  one  whnae 
pntriotinm  and  inlrerily  I  li«iior  and  reapect.  I 
iitirilmiH  it  to  the  lient  of  dehate,  for  I  am  aiire  he 
ia  frii-ndly  diapoard  tnwnnia  the  South.  I  have 
nlwnya  brcn  llin  friend  of  Oregon;  I  am  yet  iti 
fViciid.  If  I  happen  to  differ  from  thnae  who  wiah 
lo  conaider  themaelvea  the  real  and  exrlinire  pa- 
trona  nf  Oregon,  I  truat  that  1  ahnll  not  lie  read 
nut  of  the  chiirrh  until  I  have  had  n  fair  hearinir. 
I  may  perhapa  he  nlile  to  ahow,  aa  time,  the  i(reat 
diviilger  of  truth,  nroijreaaea,  that  my  course  is  the 
only  one  by  whicli  we  shall  be  able  to  obtiiin,  at 
the  earliest  day,  the  vhoU  of  Ortton;  and  that  ita 
opposite,  if  it  did  not  forever  aiininilata  our  rlKhls, 
would  lit  Irnal  prntmct  their  peaceable  possession, 
and  involve  our  country  for  years  in  the  liorrori 
of  war,  to  entail  on  Aittire  eenurationa  the  alill 
more  eiialavini;  and  ruinous  evils  nf  debt. 

The  annexation  of  Texna  has  been  alluded  to  in 
connexion  with  the  Oregon  nuealion.  Allow  me 
In  any  that  I  do  not  perceive  the  Blii;htest  aimlugy 
between  tJie  two  cases.  The  aituation  nf  Texas, 
both  for  cnmmcroo  and  prnicetion,  its  population 
and  cultivated  soil,  ull  cnmbiucd  to  render  its  nn- 
nexiiiion  to  the  Union  of  paramount  national  im- 
pm  nee.  Toxnswasncountry  lyi"(Jon  our  south- 
ern imrders,  separated  from  tlio  United  Stales  by 
mere  imni;iniiiy  lines,  and  in  the  union  nf  the  two 
cnuiilriea,  as  I  have  before  snid,  no  nbllKnlinns  of 
iintinnal  f^iith  wore  vinliiled  nLrainat  anv  Goverii- 
ineiit;  the  whole  world  necordiii^  to  Texas  the 
ri^'ht  to  do  all  acta  within  the  province  of  a  free 
and  independent  sovertijiiuy.  Uut  how  difl'ercnt 
is  the  Httilude  of  our  Oregon  relations.  Here  is  a 
country  three  thousand  miles  distant  from  the  Uni- 
ted Slates,  and  to  which  Great  Britain  a^aumes  cer- 
tain claims.  These  claims,  too,  wc  have  in  some 
measure  ncqiiieseed  in  by  solemn  tiealy;  and  we 
now  propose  lo  lake  posscMsiun  of  that  country,  to 
be  sure  not  in  viotalioii  of  that  treaty.  If  Great 
Britain  ever  had  uny  rights  in  Oregon — if  we  hud 
never  held  that  territory  in  joint  occupancy ,  1  would 
have  been  ns  williii);  as  any  one  to  take  sword  in 
liaiid  and  nt  once  cut  this  i;ordian  knot.  But  the 
circummunccs  of  the  case  are  far  otherwise;  and  if 
we  acnuire  the  territory  by  quiet  means,  it  will 
much  uetier  suit  my  peaeelVil  temperament.  I 
would  much  prefer  to  see  this  question  amicably  j 
udjusted  by  negotiation,  in  which  event  we  might,  | 
wilhont  mueh  dilliculty,  oblain  the  whole  of  the  | 
territory.  Sir,  who  knows  but  by  some  commer- 
cial regulation,  hio;hly  advantageous  to  both  coun-  i 
tries,  England  might  be  induced  to  give  up  the 
whole  eountry  to  .54°  of  north  latitude  ?  I  regard 
the  signs  as  propitious  for  such  an  event.  And, 
Mr.  Pie.-iideiit,  in  God's  name  let  me  auk,  if  Sena-  ' 
tors,  in  their  over-anxious  zeal  for  the  acquisition 
nf  Oregon,  have  calculated  the  great  and  beneficial 
results  of  such  an  adjustment.'  Are  ull  the  great 
inlercsls  of  thecountry  to  be  sacrificed  in  the  speedy 
aequisition  of  this  tcrrilory?  I.t  it  deemed  ofaucli 
viwl  importnnre  to  acquire  it  that  every  other  inter-  ' 
est  is  to  bo  made  subservient  to  it!  I  trust,  Mr.  ' 
President,  that  Senators  will  consider  dispassion- 
ately the  importance  of  the  crisis  which  seems  to 
be  approaching.  I  will  no  longer  detain  the  Sen- 
ate. 1  have  much  more  lo  say  on  this  subject 
when  it  shall  properly  come  up.  I  return  my 
thanks  to  ilic  Senaie  for  the  attention  they  have 
paid  me  whilst  I  have  ottenipted,  in  a  brief  man-  , 
ncr,  to  submit  my  objectiu.:^  t«  this  bill. 


OREGON  aiTESTION. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  DAVID  S.  REID, 

OF    NORTH    CAROLINA, 
Im  the  House  op  Representativks, 

Frhmary  7,  1840. 
On  the  Resolution  for  terminating  the  joint  occu- 
pation of  Oregon.  ' 
Mr.  REID  addressed  the  committee  aa  Ibllows:  ' 
Mr.  Chairman:  The  importance  of  the  queetion 


under  roniidim  inn  mual  pleml  mv  apology  for 
trespaiaing  nn  the  latianca  of  thia  Hniiae,  whde  t 
civesomenf  Iheeoii  ideraiions  wbieli  will  influence 
ina  vote  I  intend  to  give.  Could  I  cherish  the  van- 
ity that  I  could,  at  any  lime,  hove  enliglilened  thia 
body  on  any  topic  nf  legislation  before  il,  such  n 
hope  wnuld  be  utterly  vain  on  this  occasion,  after 
the  question  brrnre  the  House  has  undergone  lo 
full  and  able  a  discusainn. 

The  question  under  eonsideraiinn  ia,  whether  it 
ia  prn|)er,  nt  thia  lime,  in  irive  the  noiire  tn  Great 
Britain  thai  the  cnnvenlions  nf  1818  and  18!i7, 
Inuching  what  is  generally  termed  the  joint  occu- 
pancy by  the  two  Onvemmenis  nf  the  Oregnn  ter- 
ritory, afinuld  terminate  at  the  expiratinu  nf  twelve 
month*.  I  believe  that  we  have  a  good  tide  to 
Oregon.  We  have  acquired  title  lo  il  by  aettle- 
nient  and  diicovery,  and  if  anything  was  wanted 
In  make  il  complete,  that  wns  aiipplied  by  the  ac- 

?uiaitinn  of  the  claims  nf  France  and  Spain.  But 
did  nnl  rise  tn  diaciisi  the  tiile  nt  thia  time',  that 
task  has  already  been  performed  with  an  ability 
which  has  satisfied  the  country.  1  mtut  ennfess 
that  I  wns  aalnnished  In  hear  the  gentleman  frnm 
Kentucky  [Mr.  Davih]  take  the  ground  that  the 
Constitution  had  transferred  the  power  of  givini;; 
such  notice  lo  the  President  of  the  United  Slntea; 
and  that  the  Kxeculive  had  endeovnied  to  avnid 
that  leapnnsibililvhy  Ihrnwingimn  the  legislative 
department  of  tins  Government.  Surely  the  gen- 
tleman did  not  listen  to  the  able  speech  of  the  gen- 
tleman from  Ohio,  [Mr.  Tim'bmak.I  What  is  a 
treaty?  It  is  the  supreme  law  nf  the  laiid,ond  can 
only  lie  abrogated  by  nn  act  of  Consreiis,  or  by 
another  treaty  made  in  conf'ormily  to  the  Constitu- 
tion. And  can  the  rentlemnn  from  Kentucky  de- 
sire that  the  President  shall  take  into  his  own 
hands  the  prerogative  of  abrojaling  n  supreme  law 
of  the  land?  If  the  F.xeculivehimself  should  claim 
such  a  pnwer,  linw  wnuld  Ihe  cry  of  usurpation 
ring  from  one  end  of  the  country  lo  the  other?  He 
wnuld  he  charged  with  on  attempt  to  vicdote  the 
Constitution,  and  seize  upon  despotic  power.  The 
whole  cnuntry  wnuld  condemn  such  n  course,  and 
I  fancy  that  even  Ihe  genilcman  from  Kentucky, 
and  his  political  friends,  wnuld  raise  the  cry  nf 
usurpntinn  !  usurpation!  If  the  gentleman  thinks 
that  the  notice  is  owar  measure,  and  equivalent  to 
n  dcclarnlion  of  war,  aa  some  have  insisted,  then 
surely  he  will  not  assert  that  the  President  has 
power  to  give  it  without  the  legislative  action  of 
this  Government.  The  gentleman  thought  proper 
to  deprecate  the  idea  of  connecting  this  question 
with  the  party  politica  of  the  day.  but  he  departed 
from  this  course  by  heaping  partisan  abuse  upon 
the  President,  and  charging  on  him  a  desiin  of^in- 
vnlving  the  country  in  a  wor  without  consulting 
its  welfare.  • 

Does  the  gentleman  believe  that  the  interests  of 
the  country  required  the  President  tn  make  the 
Rritish  Government  a  more  liberal  offer  than  he 
did?  If  not,  then  how  could  he  charge  the  Presi- 
dent with  an  attempt  to  plunge  the  country  into  an 
unjust  and  unnecessary  war?  For  niyself,  I  be- 
lieve that  rffer  was  too  liberal;  but  we  hove  been 
informed  that  it  was  refused,  and  withdrawn,  and 
our  title  asserted  lo  the  whole  of  Oregon.  Some 
of  the  gentleman's  political  friends  riy  that  "  the 
President  cannot  be  kicked  into  a  wi..,"  while  the 
gentleman  himself  insists  that  the  President  is  too 
anxious  for  war.  Whether  the  gentleman  hna  met 
this  question  in  the  elevated  spirit  nf  a  statesman  I 
leave  to  this  House  and  to  the  country  to  judge. 

I  know  not,8ir,  w^hcthcr  the  giving  of  this  notice 
will  produce  war;  I  am  sure  that  it  will  not  be  a 
just  cause  of  war;  but  1  deny  that  it  is  u  war  meas- 
ure. It  ought  not  to  be  so  considered  here,  for  it 
is  not  so  regarded  even  in  Great  Britain.  The 
giving  the  notice  is  provided  for  iu  the  cnnvenlion 
of  1827;  it  is  pcaceanle  in  iis  character,  and  does 
not  prevent  negotiation;  but  still  so  fVuitful  are  the 
imagimtions  of  some  gentlemen,  that  they  cannot 
speak  of  il  in  any  other  light  than  ns  n  war  meas- 
ure. The  friends  of  this  measure  have  not  advo- 
cated il  aa  a  war  measure;  it  has  only  been  so 
characterized  by  those  who  oppose  it. 

In  giving  the  notice,  the  only  legitimate  inquiry 
for  an  Americjin  statesman  ia,  whether  this  ques- 
tion ought  to  be  settled  as  early  as  practicable,  or 
delayed  for  an  indefinite  period  of  time?  The  con- 
victions of  my  mind  are  decidedly  in  favor  of  the 
former  course.    Let  us  examine  this  point.    For 


the  purpni*  of  poMponing  the  adjiiatment  nf  iha 
Oregon  dispute,  It  Waa  agreed  in  the  third  article 
nf  the  convention  between  the  United  Slntea  and 
Oreot  Britain,  signed  Ottnlicr  3(1,  1818,  that— 
••  Any  cdtiniry  tliiil  mav  tie  rislmrd  hy  etilirr  pnrtynn  iliu 

j  nortliwc-l  cnn«l  oi'  Anierlrn,  wctwiiril  nf  ttie  Hinny  m"iiii- 
Irbhiv,  rnnw  edltcil  Hiirliy  niniinliiln.,1  Klinll,  toifrtlier  with 
llH  htirlmr*,  hnyii.nnrl  creckN.nnilllii'  nai'lifnll'innrnll  rivers 

;  U'lltijn  the  nnmi-,  he  free  nriif  open  fhr  the  tcrinnf  ten  ycnm 
tram  llie  'liile  of  ilie  MJKnatMre  of  thf  prenenl  ctinvenllini.  lo 
llle  vn«icl^,cllixei)i*.  flntl  iillhjert*  nf  the  two  Ptiwer- ;  It  ne- 
Ing  well  iinderviDoil  tliiit  thU  nvrceinent  In  not  tn  he  vwt' 

I  lilriiert  to  the  prtjifllce  nf  any  clnlin  which  either  ofthn  two 
hlsh  enntrneUng  (Mirtleii  tnny  have  to  nity  part  of  viild 
eniintr>",  nnr  thnll  It  h«  inken  In  nin-ct  the  cluliin  nf  any 

I  othf»r  Power  nr  Slate  tn  nny  pnrl  of  isid  eonnlrj-,  Iha 

I  only  nhject  nf  the  hlith  cnntracttna  pnrilei.  In  that  rmpert, 

!  lH<lnv  to  prevent  dlHpattii  and  dlircrcnceii  among  tlieni- 

'  ielvpn.'* 

I      This  cnnvenlinn  remained  in  force  till  it  was  rc- 
I  newed  hyihe  convention  aigned  at  London,  Au- 
gust 6, 1827,  which  provided; 
j      "AsT.  1.  All  the  prnvlninniofthelMrdsrllclenriht  cnn- 
vnntlon  conelnileri  heiween  the  United  Htnie^  of  Ainerlea 
I  and  hl«  IMnJeaiv  Ihe  King  of  the  IJiilli'd  Klnidom  nl  Great 
I  nrllaln  nnif  irehind,  on  the  OIIUi  ils)  nf  Oelutxr,  IHIP,  »hnM 
l>«,  nnil  they  nra  hereliy,  (Xifllmr  Indotlnitely  uxlended  and 
enntinned  In  llirce,  in  the  vhmiu  manner  m*  if  all  Ihe  provls- 
iona  of  the  fiiild  nrliele  were  herein  Hpectfleally  n'etted. 

"  Abt  Q.  It  ithnll  hffeooipi'lent, however, fiir  eltliernf  tho 
eontrarllnn  niirtiea,  In  en«e  either  ihonhl  think  lit,  at  nny 
tlinii  aHer  the  (Will  October,  IH9H,  im  givlnii  due  nmlce  nf 
twelve  ninnthi  to  the  other  eontrneitng  |Mrty.  in  annul  and 
nhroiinte  tliiH  convention;  and  It  Mhnll,  In  Rucn  enne,  he  ae- 
enrdlnirly  entirely  annulled  nnd  nbrn){iited,  after  tlio  oiplra- 
tlon  nf  the  ptild  term  of  nntlce. 

*<  AsT.  3.  Nothing  eonlnlned  In  Ihln  cnnvenlinn,  or  In  tho 
third  nrlleie  nf  lhi<  ennvnntion  nf  the  9lllh  Octoher,  1618, 
herftby  conlintifd  In  ftiree,  vlinll  be  eonatriied  to  tm|)(ilr,  or 
In  nnv  niiinner  ufleet,  the  elalmi  which  either  nf  the  con- 
Irnen'nv  piiriie«  mny  hiive  to  any  |««rt  of  the  eountry  ivest- 
ward  of  tlie  Htnny  or  Koeky  nio  .itiilni.*' 

From  1818,  up  tn  tho  present  time,  repented  ef- 
forts have  been  made  lo  settle  by  negotialion  Ihe 
dispute  between  the  two  countries  in  regard  to  this 
territory;  but  Great  Britain  has  always  refused  lo 
propose  such  terms  as  this  country  I'ould  iieeepi, 
without  a  sacrifice  of  her  rights.  In  this  condition 
Ihe  question  stands  nt  the  present  mnnient;  and  it 
might  •<n  remain,  hut  fnr  the  change  of  circumstan- 
ces which  will  in  a  short  time  render  il  both  im- 
practicable nnd  impossible.  While  the  country 
was  only  used  for  hunting,  fishing,  and  fur-trading, 
there  wns  but  little  difficulty  between  the  two  gov- 
ernments in  relation  to  their  conflieiing  claims,  and 
it  was  not  indispen.sably  nccei'sary  to  adjust  them. 
But  things  have  changed.  Wiihin  a  lew  years 
thousands  of  our  industrious  and  enterprising  citi- 
zens have  gone  with  their  families  to  that  country 
lo  engage  in  agricultural,  nuchaniual,  and  other 
pursuits  nf  civilized  life,  and  they  are  now  cultiva- 
ting the  soil,  and  earning  for  themselves  permanent 
homes,  and  an  inheritance  fnr  their  children.  Docs 
nny  one  suppnse  that  we  have  arrived  nt  such  perfec- 
tion in  the  science  of  government  a.s  to  justify  the 
hope  that  two  distinct  races  of  people,  each  gov- 
erned by  a  diderent  code  of  laws,  nnd  owing  alle- 
giance to  governments  tnlnlly  differing  in  their 
character,  can  settle  and  occupy  the  same  territory, 
and  mainloin  peaceable  relations  towards  each 
other?  Such  nhope  is  illusive.  Why,  then, should 
we  indulge  further  delay,  when  every  moment  we 
live  thia  question  becomes  more  difficult  lo  sellle? 
When  n  dispute  oriscs  between  two  neighbors  as 
to  the  boundary  of  their  lands,  the  dispute  may 
often  be  easily  adjusted  at  first;  but  if  they  onco 
drive  their  fence-slakes,  cut  their  ditches,  and  build 
their  houses  on  the  disputed  territory,  a  friendly 
settlement  of  the  boundary  becomes  almost  im- 
possible. So  it  will  be  in  regard  to  Oregon.  This 
territory  is  now  reaarded  as  greatly  more  valuable 
ihan  it  was  in  1818,  and  if  you  wait  ten  years 
longer,  its  eslinialion  will  nn  doubt  be  more  than 
quadrupled.  Is  it  not  important,  then,  that  this 
question  should  be  settled  as  early  as  practicable? 
In  view  of  all  this,  I  ask,  is  it  not  our  duty  to  take 
such  measures  as  will  facilitate  the  decision  of  this 
question?  For  one,  1  believe  the  country  is  ours 
to  ,54°  40',  but  Ihe  extent  of  our  title  is  mil  tho 
question  now  under  consideration;  and  all  who  be- 
lieve that  we  have  rights  in  Oregon,  no  matter  to 
wli'tt  extent,  so  they  be  greater  than  the  British 
Govemment  has  offered  to  concede,  ought  to  voto 
for  this  measure. 

The  President  of  the  United  States,  in  his  An- 
nual Message  at  the  opening  of  the  present  session 
of  Congress,  says: 

"  The  extraordinary  and  wholly  inadniiasible  demands  of 


298 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  7. 


'29th  Cong.  ...1st  Sijss. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.Reid. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


the  British  Govi'mmeni,  and  the  rejcotion  of  tlie  prnposiiiun  !| 
made  in  deferiM  cp  alone  to  what  had  been  dont  by  my  pre-    . 
drcMvun,  and  thn  implied  obliiintion    which   their   acta    i 
fcpincd  t('  impose,  aflbrd  satisthctory  evidence  that  no  coin-  i 
prnmiitc  wliich  the  United  Htatei^  ou^ht  to  accept  can  be 
effected.    Willi  this  conviction,  llie  propo^itioll  ni  cumiiro- 
niise,  which  had  b  en  niiide  iinii  rejected,  v.'iui,  by  my  direc- 
tion, subsequent!    withdrawn,  and  our  title  to  the  whole 
Oreaon  territory  asserted,  and,  as  iu  believed,  niaintuiiied  by 
irrelVagnblu  fact:*  and  arnuiner.ts* 

>' The  civilized  wiirld  will  see  in  these  nriKccdings  a    ' 
spirit  of  liberal  concession  on  the  part  of  the  I'nited  States; 
and  tills  Government  will  he  relieved  from  all  re>pont.ibility 
ivhicli  may  follow  tlie  failure  to  settle  the  controversy.  j 

'<  .'Ml  titiempi.i  at  compromise  having  faih-'d,  it  becomes 
the  duty  of  Congress  to  consider  what  niea.*ures  it  may  be  ] 
proper  to  adept  for  the  security  and  protpctii.n  of  onr  citi- 
zens now  inhabiting,  or  who  may  hereafter  inhabit  Oregon, 
and  for  the  maintenance  of  our  just  titk  to  that  territory. 
In  adopting  measures  for  this  purpose,  care  sticutd  be  taken 
that  nothing  be  done  to  violate  the  stipulations  of  the  con- 
vention of  I  ft)7,  which  is  still  in  lorce.  The  faith  of  treaties, 
in  their  letter  and  spirit,  has  ever  heen,  and,  I  trust,  will 
ever  be,  scrupulously  observed  by  the  United  States.  Under 
ttin*  convention,  a  year's  iintiee  is  requirtrd  to  be  given  by 
either  party  to  the  other,  before  the  joint  occupancy  shall 
terminate, "and  before  cither  can  riglitfnilv  assert  or  exer- 
"ise  exclusive  jurisdiction  over  nny  jKntlon  of  the  territory. 
This  iioijcc  It  would,  in  niv  judgment,  he  proper  In  give ; 
and  I  reeoronienil  that  provision  be  made  by  law  for  giving 
it  accordingly,  and  terminating,  in  this  manner,  tlie  conveii- 
tioii  of  the  sixth  of  August,  18^7." 

Now,  sir,  ill  the  face  of  thi;se  facts,  can  we 
si  finV  from  givinj  tlie  notice.'  Some  aenllemen 
lo'-e  u  for  granted  tlint  this  niensiirc  will  cut  ntV 
a'.:  SJtiaUon;  hut  they  are  nii»lnkcn.  It  only 
c:uT.i'9  out  dial  pi-.iilic  opinion  has  declared,  and 
what  the  true  |iolicy  of  tlie  country  requires.  If 
further  negotiation  shall  be  necessary  or  proper, 
tiien  this  notice  in  nowi.iC  prevents  it;  if  furtlici 
iitsotiation  is  unnecessary  or  improper,  it  is  our 
imperative  duty  to  give  the  notice.  Pnssinc:  this 
measure,  tl»en,  will  not  prevent  oui*  Uovernnient 
from  Joins  anything:  that  ought  to  be  done,  while 
ii  will  untie  our  hands  and  leave  us  free  to  pursue 
Kuch  measures  us  the  intere.sis  of  the  country  de- 
mand. Ill  doing  these  things,  we  must  I  serve 
(Hir  national  faith,  and  violate  no  treaty  str  ilaiion. 
At  the  last  session  of  Congress,  a  bill  to  organize 
a  Territorial  Government  in  Oregon  passcii  this 
Hou.se  by  a  vole  of  140  lo  59.  This  hill  contained 
a  section  providing  for  the  giving  of  the  notice,  in 
the  following  words: 

'•  Sec.  43.  Jlmi  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  President 
t'l  the  United  Stales  be,  and  he  is  hereby,  recjuired  lo  cause 
due  nolice  t't  be  rven  to  the  Rrilisli  Government  of  the  de- 
sire and  iiitcniiiiii  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to 
annul  and  alirogate  the  cnnvcniion  Willi  Great  Britain  rela- 
tive to  territory  on  the  northwest  coast  of  .America,  lonclii- 
d  -d  Aut!u-*t  6.  lf'37,  agrceulily  to  the jirnvisions  of  the  2d 
arucle  of  that  convention:  7'rort4yrrf,  Ttiat  nothing  in  this 
act  containi'd  shall  lie  so  construed  or  carried  into  etli  ct  by 
any  of  the  otHeers  or  citizens  of  the  United  States,  as  to  in- 
terfere in  nny  way  with  aiiv'  ri:{ht  which  any  of  the  subjects 
of  Great  Britain  majhavi'ln  the  territory  herein  mentioned, 
as  provided  tor  in  the  convention  aforesaid,  iiiilil  the  expi- 
ration of  twelve  months  after  the  nolice  shall  he  given,  as 
alKive  privuiea,  by  the  President  of  the  l;iiited  States." 

Sir.  1  voted  for  t'jis  bill  then,  as  did  a  very  large 
ninjority  of  the  mcnibrrs  of  the  House;  bill  it  did 
not  pass  the  Senate.  "Was  it  considered  a  war 
nicnsure  llicn-  JVo,  sir;  and  why  should  it  be  con- 
sidered so  now.'  Withinit  n  knowledge  of  the 
x-iews  of  my  coiistituenis,  I  voted  fur  the  liill  then, 
iiiul  they  sustained  me;  liiit  in  riving  the  snnie  vote 
now,  I  not  only  believe  that  I  am  doing  rirlit,  but 
feel  sure  tha'  '  "in  obeyins:  the  will  of  those  who 
sent  me  here.  .  .epudiale  the  idea  th.-^*  this  is  a  war 
niciisiiie.  It  is  merely  proof  of  or  anxiety  to 
Bctllc  the  question,  and  of  our  deterniinalion  lo 
mainlain  our  rights  in  that  tenilory,  and  repel  those 
who  trespass  on  tlicni.  But  while  I  repeat  that 
thi:;  '.i  no  war  measure,  1  wniild  not  l-.c  undeistood 
as  saying  that  this  country  will  '  nt  take  such  fur- 
ther stops  as  may  he  nece.ssarv  lo  secure  (Uir  rights 
in  Oregon.  The  territnry  is  ours,  and  we  must 
not  piirt  with  ii.  Sir,  the  lime  has  ceased  wmi  us 
when  we  can  ad  in  that  spirit  of  forbearance  to 
Great  Urilain,  wlii' h  characierized  iho  c. induct  of 
tlie  patriarch  .\bnihani,  when  he  said  to  Lot,  "If 
tlioii  wilt  take  :lie  left  hand,  llnii  1  will  ^ro  lo  the 
right;  or  if  tlinii  depart  to  the  risrht  lunul,  thru  I 
will  go  to  the  left."  That  iniu'lil  have  been  possi- 
ble once,  when  very  liille  value  was  attacheil  to 
territory.  I'lut  not  so  now  wiih  us.  We  need  all 
the  t€:ritory  we  have,  and  oii»:lii  not,  under  any 
circuni.'itiuii'is,  to  part  with  any  portion  that  wr 
pofcses.-i.  Hut  highly  as  we  pri/.e  territorv",  we  do 
not  propose  to  take  any  that  does  not  belong  to  us. 

Sir,  I  am  aware  Muiie  geiitlenicn.  who  do  not  np- 
preciaie  the  i'liportancc  "f  O.egon,  repnsent  it  ms 


a  distant  strip  of  land  of  but  little  value;  and  tliev  i{ 
ask,  are  we  going  to  fight  for  that?     I  tell  such  '! 
gentlemen  that  Oregon  is  of  vast  importance  to  ij 
this  country,  and  that  ils  loss  would  be  deeply  felt  '! 
nn'  sorely  regretted  to  the  latest  moment  of  the  ex- 
istence of  this  great  repulilic.     Because  Oregon  is   1 
at  a  great  distance  from  this  Capitol, shall  we  treat   ] 
her  as  the  Roman  empire  once  treated  the  island  of 
Britain — cli)'  her  olT,  and  tell  her  to  take  care  of 
hL.aelfr     Britain  was  once  a  pan  of  the  Roman 
empire;  but  that  Government  thought  her  of  so 
little  value  that  they  cast  her  oil",  and  told  the  peo- 
ple if  they  could  defend  themselves  against  tlicir 
enemies,  good  and  well,  let  then,  do  it;  the  Roman 
eagle  would  no  longer  take  them  under  its  wings. 
On  thalatrip  of  country,  thus  severed — which  is  iiili- 
nitely  smaller  than  Oregon — is  planted  that  mighty 
Government,  whose  invincibility  has  this  day  been 
so  eloquently  described  !     It  is  the  nation  inhabit- 
ing this  territory  which  now  struggles  for  the  con- 
quest of  the  world,  and  carries  terror  wiih   her 
name  to  the  most  distant  parts  tif  the  earth !   This 
leaches  us  the  increasing  iinporiance  of  territory, 
and  is  a  warning  to  us  lo  guard  against  the  loss  of 
any  part  of  our  coiinlry,  or  of  any  portion  of  our 
people.     It  is  quite  natural  for  us  to  .suppose  that, 
under  nny  cireumsiances,  Oiegon  is  destined  to  be 
a  part  of  our  confederacy,  but  it  may  perlia|is  turn 
out  otherwise.     I  here  express  the  hope,  andcher- 
ish  the  lielief,  that  she  will  never  he  a  British  colo- 
ny; that  that  conniry  will  be  a  republic,  inhabited 
by  freemen,  I  believe  almost  ccriain;  but  whether 
she  is  destined  to  remain  a  part  of  this  confederacy, 
or  to  become  a  separate  and  distinct  republic,  de- 
pends upon  the  policy  pursued  towards  her  by  this; 
Govermu'int.     If  we  now  refuse  her  protection, 
may  she  not  hereafter  scorn  our  prolTer  of  reunion 
and  refuse  to  be  reieived  by  us  as  a  Stater    The 
case  of  Texas  was  diUcieiit.     Texas  was  a  dis- 
tinct and  independent  nation,  and  we  were  under 
no  obligations  to  protect  her  people  or  territory  till 
she  became  a  part  of  this   Union.     But  we  were 
under  very  different  obligations  to  the  people  of 
Oregon,  because  we  own  the  territory,  and  it  is 
scaled  by  our  own  citizens.     If  we  leaxe  her  in 
the  moment  of  her  struggles  to  shift  for  herself  by 
withdrawing  our   proteciion,  will   she  hereafter, 
when  she  has  established  her  right  to  the  soil, 
come  and  ask  to  be  again  incorporated  inio  this 
Union .>    I  believe  not."  I  must  here  remark  that  I 
would  be  the  last  man  on   this  floor,  or  in  this 
country,  to  claim  a  sinsle  inch  of  territory  which 
I  did  not  believe  to  be  ours;  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
1  say  with  equal  determination  that  I  will  never 
consent  to  the  surrender  of  an  inch  that  is  our  own 
— I  care  not  where  it  lies,  or  what  may  be  it.>  value 
— to  gratify  the  aiiibilion  of  Great  Brit  liii  or  any 
oth 'r  Goveriinient  upon  the  earth.      We  boa.^t  of 
'  being  a  great  i.iid  glorious  republic,  but  ■.vliat  con- 
stitutes a  i^reat  Governnieiit?     I'  is  the  justice  of 
its  laws — the  preservation  of  its  rights — and  the 
protection  of  its  cui/.ciis.     I  care  not  how  wealthy 
or  powerful  a  nalioii  may  be;  as  soon  ns  she  ceases 
to  preserve  her  riizhis  and   to  jiroiect  her  citizens, 
she  ceases  lo  be  great,  and  is  destined  to  fail.     If 
we  ever  surrender  any  portion  of  onr  territory  lo 
Grer.  I'rilain,  L'eiillcnien   may  rest  as.sured  lliat  il 
wi'i  !)'■  but  the   beginning  of  surrenders;  .jlie  will 
never  be  sniisfied  with  deinnndiiii:.     Peace  is  cuir 
policy.     We  do  nol  seek  a  war  wiih  Great  Brit- 
ain; but  if  she  dei  lures  war  against  us  for  defend- 
ing our  right  to  Oregon,  we  shall  stand  justilicd  in 
the  eyes  of  the  world,  and  every  .\merican  heart, 
and  every  American  arm  will  be  found  on  the  side 
of  their  country.     Sir,  the  coiiiilrv  is  in   favor  of 
notice,  an,'  for  iiiaiiitaniin^  our  right  to  the  terri- 
tnry.    Kvi  11  111  .N'orili  Cirolina  Dici.'on  is  siriinger 
than   any  political   )iartv;  and,  as  an   evidence  of 
this,  I  will  refer  to  the  tiicl  ilial  my  Wliiir  colliuiirne 
friMii   /.iiiadfr  Hifi- |.Mr.    l)orKi;r.vl   publicly  pro- 
cliiniieil,  dnriiig  the  canvass,  that,  before  he  woiitd 
siiiii  inler  any   part  of  Clregon.   lie   would   mart  li 
barcfiiiii  over  prickly  pears  to  fuiii  lor  it.     I  repeat 
that  lilt  '■  tlld  Xorlh  Stiile"  is  fni  dregon. 

Mr.  DoiKKHV  iosf,aiid  asked  his  colleague  lo 
L'ive  him  leave  to  ex|i|,iiii.  Ills  colleague  |Mr. 
UkioI  knew  more  of  the  gec-m'npliy  of  his  Slat" 
than  lo  .speak  of  hnn  i.s  his  colliii!;iie  t'roni  Lum- 
ber river  district.  The  remark  lo  which  the  gen- 
tlemnii  nllndtd  was,  that  he  was  reaily  to  eoiil"iid 
for  all  Ic  which  we  had  .i  valid  till".  I  said  that 
•  there  were  in  Oregon  British  righ's  and  American 


rights;  and  that  when  the  line  was  run,  I  would 
defend  our  soil  lo  the  utmost  extremity;  and  whnt 
he  had  said  about  marching  over  prickly  pears 
was  said  in  that  connexion.  He  had  said  that, 
when  our  ritjhts  were  determined,  then  he  would 
be  ready  In  fight  for  them,  though  he  had  to  march 
barefoot  over  prickly  pears. 

Mr.  Reid.  Where  does  my  colleague  think  our 
rights  extend  to.> 

Mr.  DocKEnv.  Just  where  the  gentleman's  fa- 
vorite President  settled  it  in  his  negotiations. 

Mr.  Reid.  Then  the  gentleman  is  with  the  Pres- 
ident, and  the  President  says,  "our  title  to  the 
whole  of  Oregon  has  been  asserted,  and,  as  is  be- 
lieved, maintained  by  i  lel'ragable  facts  and  ar- 
guments." The  gentleman's  location  arose  from 
this  connexion:  he  and  I  were  memlx'rs  of  the 
LegiHiature  at  the  same  time;  he  had  a  favorite 
project  for  the  iin|irovcmeiit  of  dumber  river,  and 
froin  his  z.eni  in  favor  of  the  mencure,  he  became 
associated  in  my  mind  with  the  name  of  the  river, 
so  that  I  thouglit  l.umber  tiver  certainly  must  run 
through  his  district. 

Mr.  DocKERV.  The  gentleman  mistakes  the  na- 
ture of  my  patriotism.  He  thinks  that  a  man's 
pairioiism  must  be  confined  to  his  own  district. 
N'ow,  I  am  willing  to  improve  North  Carolina  in 
any  pnrt  of  it;  nnu  just  so  I  feel  in  regard  to  the 
United  .States. 

Mr.  Reid  resumed.  I  am  happy  to  hear  of  the 
■  iiileman's  patriotism,  and  I  shall  he  still  more  so, 
If,  when  it  comes  to  the  vote,  he  shall  show  that 
his  patriotism,  which  has  already  reached  Lumber 
river,  is  found  •iifficimlly  eximndrd  lo  extend  to  Ore- 
iron  !  1  hope  that  wc  shall  look  on  this  as  a  great 
national  question.  My  feelings  arc  with  the  South 
— my  destiny  is  with'  hers;  but  I  will  sufl'er  no 
local  or  sectional  views  to  influence  my  course  on 
this  important  measure.  It  was  with  extreme  re- 
luctance that  I  heard  the  remark  made  by  a  mem- 
ber on  thir  floor,  that  whatever  might  be  the  fate 
of  this  question,  he  should  have  the  consolation  to 
know  that  he  had  not  followed  in  the  lead  of  the 
gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Adams.]  I 
regret  that  it  should  be  thought  necessary  to  in- 
voke existing  prejudices  against  an  indiv.Jualto 
operate  again? t  a  ereat  national  measure. 

But,  sir,  in  reply  to  that  remark,  I  might,  with 
equal  propriety,  say  that  we  who  support  the  no- 
lice will  have  the  consolaiinii  to  know  that  we  are 
iiot  following  in  the  lead  of  Great  Britain.  But 
such  a  i'  olaration  would  not  be  nn  arcninent  for 
or  ngaii..-it  the  notice.  It  has  been  said  that  the 
member  ft-oni  Ohio  [;vlr.  Gipdixgs]  is  for  the  no- 
tice, and  that  he  is  actuated  by  motives  unworthy 
.-.f  a  statesman.  But  eve  i  this  shall  not  deter  me 
from  giving  my  vole  for  a  nic"""""  which  I  believe 
to  be  right.  I  mi:rlit  as  well  b  told,  because  one 
of  the  chosen  twelve  was  a  In.  lor,  and  betrayed 
ihe  Saviiiiir,  that  therefore  1  inns  ii'jcctChrislinni- 
ty.  I  follow  ill  the  lead  of  no  man.  I  iroformy  coun- 
try. We  are  told  that  wr  niiist  nol  net  lest  a  war 
eiisiic.  Has  it  come  to  this,  that  our  Government 
can  carry  out  no  important  measure  connected  with 
her  domestic  or  f  n*eign  policy  without  the  cry  of 
war  being  irised  and  held  up  as  a  terror  over  us? 
War  and  ruin  panics  have  alternately  prevailed 
ever  siiici*  ihe  commeiieement  of  our  Government; 
and  if  wr  wait  for  llieiii  lo  lease  before  we  act,  we 
shall  never  do  anyihini.  If  wr  allempt  to  prnciire 
indemnity  for  spoliations  on  ihe  property  of  onr 
citizens  by  a  foreisn  country,  the  war  cry  is  raised  ! 
if  we  allempt  to  annex  Texas,  war  in  all  its  hor- 
rors i.i  depicted  as  the  conseqiiriue  !  .\nd  whrn  we 
attempt  to  nssrrt  our  claim  lo  (Irciroii,  we  are  lold 
nn  unjust  and  sniijiiinary  war  will  be  inevitable! 
The  horrors  of  war  have  brt-w  described  in  so  vivid 
and  forcible  a  manner,  llinl  one  might  almoBt  iin- 
aL'inc  lliil  they  saw  the  British  sieaniers  darting 
from  piiiiii  iM|ioiiit  iiliioL' onr  const — ilini  ihi  y  lierird 
ihe  ihiindering  of  British  cannon,  and  beheld  onr 
cities,  Hi'h  llicir  temples  of  jiL^^lice  and  ilieir  Irni- 
ples  of  ri  bgiiiii,  wrapt  in  11. lines  !  Ihii  in  the  midst 
of  this  ulooMiv  pictiiri-,  the  rellcriion  ri -rs  in  my 
mind.  thai,  whatever  may  have  been  the  ilevnst.'- 
liiig  elVects  of  past  wars,  il  is  nevertheless  cerlniii 
n  portion  of  mankind  are  so  cons'iliiled,  that  they 
'  grii've  mil'  !  abiiiu  wars  ihat  never  tiafipen;  and 
such,  I  hope,  is  the  .-baraeler  of  the  lamentations 
of  the  geiitlenirn  we  have  heard  on  this  occasion. 
I  am  for  peace;  I  love  pence;  I  niipreeinte  its  effects 
upon  commerce;  and,  above  all,  I  admire  its  happy 


i 


c 


■i    M 


[Feb.  7. 
OF  Reps, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


399 


29th  (^ono 1st  Sess. 


Florida  Contested  Election — Mr,  Chase. 


Ho.  OF  Ueps. 


ns  run,  I  would 
unity;  iind  wlint 
:r  prickly  penrs 
had  said  thnt, 
,  then  lie  would 
he  hiid  to  ninrch 

league  think  our 

genllemnn's  fu- 
Ji^miniions. 
is  with  llic  Prea- 
our  title  to  the 
d,  nnd.  hs  is  l)e- 
e  fuels  and  m- 
ition  arose  from 
memlxTS  of  the 
3  hud  n  favorite: 
mher  river,  and 
cure,  he  bereme 
line  of  the  river, 
iiiiinly  must  run 

mistakes  the  na- 
ks  tliBt  u  man's 
his  own  dialrici. 
Drth  Carolina  in 
in  regard  to  the 

IV  to  hear  of  the 
I  lie  siill  more  so, 
!  shall  show  that 
reached  Lumber 
I  lo  eitetui  tn  Ore- 
m  this  as  n  great 
e  with  the  South 
I  will  sutler  no 
ce  my  course  on 
with  extreme  re- 
made by  n  mem  ■ 
iiiisht  be  the  fate 
he  consolnlion  lo 
fi  the  lead  of  the 
Mr.  Adams.]  I 
;  necessary  lo  in- 
an  indit-Jual  to 
leasure. 
•k,  I  might,  with 

I  support  the  no- 
;now  that  we  arc 
at  Britain.  But 
an  areuincnt  for 

said  I  lint  tlic 
i.s  for  the  no- 
otives  unworthy 
mil  no'-  deter  me 

which  I  believe 
old,  necmiRij  one 
or,  nnd  betrayed 
reject  Cliristiiini- 

'olVirmy  coiiii- 

it  net  le.st  a  war 
our  Government 

connected  with 
itiioul  the  cry  of 

II  terror  over  us } 
nately  prevailed 
lur  Government; 
lefore  we  act,  we 
tempi  Id  procure 

property  of  our 

ivnrcry  i"  rniaefl ! 

ir  ill  all  its  hnr- 

Aiid  when  we 

1,  we  t\t'c  told 

ill  lie  inevitable! 

cribed  in  so  vivid 

isht  iibnost  im- 

iicamcrs  diirlinir 

— lllMl  tliry  iMnrii 

,  and   bnlicld  our 

mill  tlicir  teui- 

III  in  tlir  midft 

tioii  ri^cH  ill  iiM' 

iccn  llii'  ilevasli'- 

erthelcss  certain 

llulid,  tbnl  they 

■cr  liap;)eii;  and 

he  lamentalioiis 

Ml  this  otTaKJon. 

treciate  it.seircctH 

admire  its  happy 


l!i 


influences  in  it  inoral  nnd  political  point  of  view. 
But  while  I  say  this,  I  must  be  permitted  to  re- 
mark, that  1  would  scorn  the  idea  of  a  peace  that 
had  to  be  pureliosed  nt  the  sacrifice  of  the  interests   | 
and  the  honor  of  my  country.  The  territory  claim-   ! 
cd  by  Great  Britain  on  this  continent  is  greater  in 
extent  than  our  own,  with  Oregon  included;  and  ,; 
ought  we  to  suneiider  to  that  Government  any  por-  j! 
tion  of  our  soil  ?    No,  sir;  we  have  none  to  spare.    I 
It  has  been  with  deep  regret  that  I  have  heard  re-   ■ 
marks  on  this  floor  more  disparaging  to  our  claim    ; 
to  Oregon  than  anything  that  I  nave  ever  seen  in    - 
the  correspondence  of  tlie  British  minister  himself. 
It  has  always  been  unfortunate  for  this  country 
that,  in  tdl  her  controversies  with  foreign  Govern- 
ments, .sentiments  have  been   uttered  here  which   I 
were  caleuluted  to  mislead  other  countries  in  rela- 
tion  to  the  slate  of  public  opinion  in  the  United 
States,  and  thereby  to  render  the  subject  of  dispute 
r.iore  difficult  to  adjust.     Such,  I  fear,  will  be  the 
case  in  the  present  contniversy.     Sir,  it  is  time  we   ; 
had  learned  to  stand  on  our  own  feet.    Great  Brit-   i 
iiin  is,  year  after  year,  by  the  force  of  her  diploniu- 
cv  and  the  power  of  her  sword,  bringiiitr  nation   ! 
Ki\et  nation  to  bow  to  her  power  and  dominion,  un-   j 
til  her  jiosscssions  dot  your  map  over  a  considera-   i 
ble  porlion  of  the  globe.     Withour  love  of  liberty,   1 
we  could  not  withhold  our  sympathy  from  those 
whose  misfortune  it  has  been,  from  time  to  lime,  |< 
lo  fall  within  her  grasp;  but  we  have  stood  by  and  '' 
beheld  all  these  tilings  in  silence,  adhering  io  the   , 
policy  not  10  interfere  in  foreign  (lisputes  in  which  ■'. 
our  own  safety  does  not  require  us  to  lake  part.  '\ 
But  when  she  comes  upon  our  own  shores,  ai.J  il 
seeks  to  possess  herself  of  a  part  of  our  territory,  ii 
every  eoiisideralioii  of  interest  and  of  patriotism  :[ 
requires  that  we  should  resist  her  arrogant  demands 
in  the  spirit  (if  freemen,  who  know  their  rights,  and 
dare  mainlaiu  ihein.     If  the  preservation  of  our   ■ 
rights  did  not  require  il,  such  a  course  would  then  ,{ 
be  absolutely  necessary  even  to  command  the  re-   I 
spect  of  Great  Britain  herself.     In  all  the  pictures  1| 
that  have  been  drawn  of  the  horrid  results  of  war, 

fentlemen  have  taken  it  for  granted  that  we  are  to 
ear  all  the  '     s  and  make  all  the  sacrifices,  and 
that  Great  ■  -  .    n  has  nothing  to  lo.se.     But  such  |' 
is  not  the  fact.   Disastrous  as  such  u  conflict  might  ; . 
prove  to  us,  she  has  more  to  fear  from  it  than  our-  ' 
selves.   She  cannot  but  foresee  that  the 'irosocutiun 
of  a  war  against  the  United  States  wouiU  lend  to  a 
dismemberment  of  nearly  all  of  her  colonial  pos-  ;[ 
Hcssions,  and  perhaps  tilii'nuitely  to  an  entire  disso- 
lut'   ..  of  her  form  of  government.     She  has  her  ■ 
Uome.'itic  feuds  and  her  immense  debt;  she  bus  a 
comnicice  to  siifl'er  as  well  as  ourselves;  and  the  ', 
lo.ss  of  our  trade  will  injure  her  more  than  the  loss  'i 
of  her  trade  can  injure  ns.    The  defenceless  coiidi-  |i 
lion  of  the  United  States  has  been  frer[uently  allu- 
ded to;  and  thegeiulenia'ifrom  Aliibuniu[Mr.  Y.\.v-   j 
cet]  said  that  there  were  [lerhaps  no  United  States  i 
soldiers  in   his  own  State  at  this  lime.     I  learned    ] 
ulmost  my  first  lesson  on  this  Oregon  (juestion  from    | 
that  noble  State.     At  the  lii.st  ses:iion  ni  Congress  '| 
she  sent  to  this  House  a  resolulioii,  passed  by  lier  ' 
Legislature,  in  the  following  words: 

"  Rcsftlrril.  TJlat  tlie  true  policy  of  tlie  I'niteil  Stiitcs  re-  I 

quires  tlinl  itic  joint  occapniicy  of  Orcpon  li>  llic  tjiitcil  ,| 

StiUc-*  nml  Uiigl.iiiil  sliou.  .  cciisc;  ,iiid  ri'Mihiil  Ui;il  ttic  title  ' 

of  llic  I'liitcd  States  ill  III,'  territory  (if  Orcyoii  in  clear  nnd  1 

uidl-^piitabli?."  j 

Tills  was  the  language  of  that  gallant  Slate  one  ' 

year  ago.    But,  .'<ir,  .Vlalninm  has  soldiers — citizen  i 

soldiers — the  best  in  the  wiirld.     Let  a  British  sol-  i 

dier  set  his  fViot  on  .\labaina\seon.secrated  soil,anr|  ' 

then  we  shall  see  where  tlie  soldiers  are.     Sir,  "it  \ 

'  takes  time  to  iliscipline  Uie  slaves  of  despotism,  ; 
'  but  every  man  is  a  soldier  when   lie  comunis  ly- 
'  ranny."    Our  policy  forbids  the  keeping  of  laiie 

slanding  armies  m  lime  of  pence,  but  we  depend  j 
on  our  citi/.cn  soldici'V,  who  are  the  sntcsl  reliance. 

Sound  the  alarm  that  the  iinaders  are  at  hand,  and  i 

the  question  will  not  be,  whom  can  you  urge  to  ,i 

men  themr  bill  whom  cmi  you  hold  back  from  the  ■ 
eonllict?     Tell  me  iiol   of  the  want  of  soldiers  to 

defend  our  country.     ( liir  citizen  soldiers  fight,  iiol  i 
lor  pay,  but  for  the  rights  of  their  cnuntiy;  and 

when  they  have  achieved  the  victory  their  patriot-  ' 

ism  deserves,  lliey  lay  aside  their  armor — llicy  put  i 
ofl'  their  martial  character  and  retire  to  ll;e  bosom 

of  their  families,  and  tell  their  deeds  lo  inspire  the  > 
rising  generation   with   the  same   [latriotic  urdoi'. 

These,  Mr.  Chairman,  are  our  soldiers,  and  they  ' 
will  be  found  equal  lo  any  emergency.     Let  not 


Great  Britain  calculate  on  dissensions  among 
ourselves,  for  when  the  first  blow  .shall  be  struck, 
whether  it  be  in  the  North  or  in  the  South,  all  lo- 
cal distinctions  will  be  forgotten.  We  shall  alone 
remember  that  we  arc  citizens  of  the  same  repub- 
lic; and  the  South  will  be  ready  to  fly  to  the  res- 
cue of  the  North,  and  the  North  will  be  found  de- 
fending the  histitutions  and  the  rights  of  ihe  South. 
Bnt  it  lias  been  said  that  our  navy  is  not  so  large 
as  that  of  Great  Briuiin.  It  is  true  that  she  has  a 
large  navy,  and  out-numbers  us  in  steamships;  but 
it  is  equally  true  that  our  situation  is  infinitely  bet- 
ter than  it  was  at  the  coinmencement  of  the  last 
war.  Our  resources  are  greater,  and  the  facilities 
for  commanding  them  vaslly  increased.  The  effi- 
ciency of  the  British  iiuvy  lus  been  greatly  exag- 
gerated. She  has  laid  out  millions  in  building 
fleets  wliici  the  improvements  in  modern  warfare 
have  rendered  next  to  useless.  These  improve- 
ments are  constantly  going  on,  and  have  already 
reached  a  point  which  renders  a  large  nortion  of 
the  vast  navy  of  Great  Briuiin  on  whicli  she  has 
lavished  such  immense  sums  utterly  unavailable  in 
u  war  with  the  United  Slates.  If  we  need  fleets 
wo  can  build  them;  and  it  is  better  (or  us  that  wc 
have  not  exhausted  our  resources  in  the  eonslnic- 
tion  of  a  large  navy,  which  woelJ  ;'ow  be  unfit  ''or 
service.  During  the  last  wa,  uurgallni.'  '...lunavy 
won  for  herself  enduring  fame;  and  I  undertake  to 
sa_,  that  when  the  emergency  shall  again  arise, 
she  will  fully  maintain  that  liigh  character  to  which 
her  noble  deeds  so  jusily  entitle  her.  In  conclu- 
sion, permit  me  to  remark,  that  while  I  respect  the 
opinions,  and  do  not  arraign  the  motives  of  those 
who  difl'er  from  me  on  this  question,  no  act  of 
mine  shall  ever  sanction  the  surrender  of  any  |)or- 
tion  of  our  territory,  without  a  just  equivalent. 
Entertaining  the  opinions  1  do,ifl  were  to  act  oth- 
erwise, I  should  feel  that  1  had  not  faithfully  per- 
formed the  high  and  respunsible  duty  which  I  owe 
lo  my  constituents,  and  to  my  country.  Let  us 
pass  the  notice,  and  follow  it  up  by  giving  boun- 
ties of  land  to  such  of  our  citizens  as  may  go  there 
lo  brave  the  hardships  nnd  privutiuils  of  a  frontier 
life.  Let  us  extend  the  laws  and  protection  of  the 
United  States  over  that  territory.  Do  these  tlihigs, 
and  my  word  for  il,  these  brave  pioneers  will  do 
much  towards  prolceling  lliemsclves.  We  shall 
then  ju'ove  to  the  w  orld  that  wc  regard  the  great 
principle  that  the  protection  of  our  laws  shall  e.x- 
tend  to  every  citizen  of  this  republic,  and  that  we 
are  determined  that  our  rights  shall  be  re.s|)ected 
all  over  the  earth.  Il  is  natural  that  there  should 
existamoug  a  free  peoiile,  some  ditlerences  of  opin- 
ion as  to  ihe  best  nioife  if  accomplishing  any  end; 
but  on  ihis  great  question,  let  us  present  to  Eng- 
land, to  Europe,  and  to  the  worlil,  an  undivided 
front,  and  this  will  ensure  us  jieace,  if  peace  is  ul- 
laiiiuble. 


FLORIDA  CONTESTED  ELECTION. 
REMARKS    OF    MR.    L.  B.   CHASE, 

OF  TENNESSEK, 
In  the  House  Or-  Ui-.i-hesektatives, 
January  ^1, 184t). 
Upon  the  Contested  lileeiion  from  the  Slate  of 
Flm-iita. 
Mr.  CHASE  addressed  the  Hou.se  as  follows: 
I  regret  very  much,  Mr.  Sjieakcr,  to  wit  ess  any 
manifesiutioiis  of  feeling  in  the  discussion  of  this 
question.  It  is  entirely  unnecessary,  in  the  inves- 
tigation of  a  simple  /rga/  proposition,  and  cannot 
aid  us  in  arriving  at  truth  and  justice.  I  would 
not  trouble  the  House  with  any  views  which  I 
eii'erlain  relative  to  this  contested  election,  but  for 
the  peeuluuity  of  liie  case  suliiuiited  lor  the  con- 
sideration of  the  lions?,  and  the  diO'erenee  of 
opinion  which  prevails  among  the  Committee  ot* 
hieetions  as  to  the  admission  of  evidence.  'I'hc 
lir.st  quesiion  to  be  considered,  and  ujuni  which  1 
think  this  contest  turns,  i.s,  who,  by  the  law  of 
Florida,  at  ilie  lime  this  election  was  held,  were 
the  rclKniiiijf  (ij/imi  in  (/iii(  Ululrf  The  gentle- 
man fVoiu  Iiiilinua,  who  last  addressed  the  liouse, 
|Mr.  McGai'oiiev,]  insists  that  the  inspectors 
of  election  should  make  their  returns  ifireclly 
to  the  Seerelary  of  Suite;  and  relics  upon  the 
territorial  act  of  1845  to  susuiin  him  in  his  posi- 


tion. I  am  convinced,  from  a  careful  examination 
of  that  law,  that  il  was  passed  alone  for  the  pur- 
pose of  facilitating  the  organization  of  the  State  of 
Florida,  and  when  that  end  was  accomplished,  the 
law  had  spent  its  force. 

The  law  is  entitled  "  An  act  to  facilitate  the  or- 
ganization of  the  State  of  Florida."  It  is  insisted 
by  (he  gentleman  from  Indiana,  that  the  territorial 
act  of  1845  repeals  the  act  of  1843.  True,  when 
the  provisions  of  the  latter  are  inconsistent  with 
the  former.  But  it  must  be  recollected  that  there 
is  no  provision  in  the  act  of  1845  for  the  election  of 
county  officers;  and  if  the  act  of  1843  is  repealed 
entirely,  why  there  is  no  law  lo  this  day  for  the 
election  of  those  oflicers.  So  ftir  from  the  territo- 
rial act  of  March,  1845,  repealing  the  act  of  1843, 
the  latter  act  is  amended  in  March,  JrtlS.  But  I 
will  pr()ceed  to  show  that  the  terriunial  act  of  1845 
is  not  in  force  Slml  il  wis  passed  alone  for  the 
purp'-o  -".  .cililatingtlieor,';aiiization  of  the  State 
of  Fiorina;  and  that,  if  the  gentleman  from  Indi- 

I  ana  relies  upon  the  provisions  of  that  act  lo  •ius- 

;  tain  liiin  in  his  position,  his  argument  is  baseless. 

I      The  first  section  of  the  law  provides  that  "the 

'  '  Governor  shall  issue  his  proclamation,  and  enjoin 
'  and  direct  the  several  clerks  of  the  county  courts 

,  '  of  this  territory  to  issue  an  order  appointing  in- 
'speclors  M  hold  an  election  in  the  mode  and  mnn- 

'  '  iier  prescribed  by  the  act  approved  Ijili  March, 
'  1843;"  thus  evoking  the  aid  of  the  act  of '43. 
The  second  section  ol^said  net  provides  that  clerks 
of  the  county  courts  shall  iransmit  to  the  Secretary 
of  the  Territory  of  Florida,  and  to  the  eommitteo 

!  of  the  constitutional  convention,  copies  of  their  or- 

'  ders  appointing  inspectors. 

Section  12  provides  that  "  the  inspectors  shall 
'  forthwith,  after  said  election,  send  one  poll-book, 

•  with  one  certificate,  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Terri- 
'  lory,  one  to  the  conimiltee  of  the  constitutional 
'  convention,  and  the  other  to  the  clerks  of  their 

'  '  respeelive  counties." 

I  Now,  if  it  is  contended  that  this  territorial  ncl 
contains  the  law  governing  elections  and  returns, 
one  of  the  poll-books,  with  one  of  the  certificates, 
must  be  relurned  to  the  coiisfiliifionni  ccminifffc, 
when,  in  fact,  no  sttch  commiltee.  exhls,  the  duties 
a.ssigiK^d  them  having  been  long  sime  performed. 

I  Section  15  provides  that  "  the  Secretary  of  the 
'  Territory  shall  canvass  and  count  up  all  the  voles 
'given  at  the  different  precincts  throughout  tlio 
'  Territory,  nnd  make  a  f^iill  statement  thereof,  and 
'  deliver  a  copy  thereof  to  the  members  of  the  com- 
'  mitlee  of  the  eoiiiciiutional  convention,  for  coin- 
'  parison  by  them  with  the  returns  received  by  said 
'  committee;  and  when  certified  by  said  committee, 

•  or  a  majority  thereof,  to  be  correct,  he  shall  attest 
'  the  same,  and  cause  the  same,  so  certified  and  at- 
'  tested,  to  be  published,  and  a  copy  thereof  to  be 
'  transmitted  to  each  of  the  persons  who  shall  ap- 
'  pear  therefrom  to  be  elected  nt  said  election  to 
'  said  ofliees  respectively."  Now  it  is  very  evi- 
dent, if  this  act  is  still  IP  loree,  it  is  an  essential 
prerequisite  that  the  st  .iem,:nt  to  be  made  by  the 
Secretary  shall  be  submitted  to  the  commillee  of  Ihe 
roiiylilulwnal  conrenlion  before  it  can  be  certified 
and  attested  by  him;  nnd,  consequently,  ihcro  be- 
ing no  committee  of  the  constitutional  convention, 
the  Secretary  eoiild  not  be  authorized  to  issue  a 
cerlificate  to  a  person  elected  to  an  olHcc  by  the 
people. 

But  It  is  insisted  by  n  portion  of  the  committee 
that  the  letiirns  made  by  tlie  inspectors  of  the  elec- 
liou  (Jireetly  to  the  Secretary  of  Stale,  without  hav- 
ing been  first  snbmiiied  to'  the  insnection  of  the 
milees  of  probate,  should  be  recei,  d  and  counted. 
They  adn.it  that  the  legal  course  would  be,  for  the 
inspectors  to  return  the  poll-books  and  ceriiflente 
ui  the  judges  of  probate,  that  ihey  might  be  ey- 
amined  and  certified  to  the  .Secretary  of  Stale.  I 
would  respectfully  submit,  that  if  there  i«  n  legal 
course  to  le  pursued  in  this  matter,  it  should  L^> 
adonted.  But  the  ursnment  is,  that  the  iclurns 
made  by  the  inspectors  directly  to  the  Secretary  of 
State,  were  i.  reived  by  him  and  filed  in  his  ofl'ice, 
and  beciime  such  a  matter  of  record  as  wouhl  nu- 
thorizt'  him  lo  give  a  eofiy  thereof,  having  the  Ibree 
and  •■fleet  of  legal  evidence.  I  nuist  dissent  from 
this  conclusion.  If  sueli  returns  were  made  to  the 
Secretary  of  Stale  without  Ihe  sanction  of  law,  but, 
oil  t!ie  contrary,  in  violatiiin  of  ihe  dear  and  ex- 
press enactments  of  the  legislature  of  Florida,  he 
;  had  no  right  to  receive  them;  they  were  nol  placed 


I' 

1: 


<i  i 


!i 


300 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  21, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Florida  Conteited  Election — Mr.  Chase. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


in  his  possession  ncoording  to  )aw.     It  would  np-  ; 
ppnr  very  strange,  then,  if  n  ceriificflle  of  the  Sec-  ^ 
relnry  oi  Stale,  hnsed  upon  such  returns,  could 
have  any  force  or  elfect  whatever. 

The  minority  of  the  eoniiniltec  insist  that  the  [ 
inspectors  are  ihe  legal  returning  officers.     They 
state  in  their  leport: 

"  Sjiuffice  it  to  Siiy,  that  the  sitting  mcmlicr  in- 
'  sists  that  the  inspectors  of  precincts,  and  they 
'  nlone,  arc  the  pro|ier  returning  officers.  Such  is 
'  also  the  opinion  of  the  undersigned,  and  of  this 
'  opinion  was  the  Secretary  of  Stale  of  Florida.  " 

And  yet  these  gentlemen  voted  to  reject  the  re 
tu.  IS  made  from  inspectors  at  Key  West  directly  ' 
to  the  Secretary  of  State.     How  can  they  reconcile  , 
this  inconsistency  ?    I  regret  that  I  am  under  the 
necessity  of  alluding  to  the  action  of  the  commit- 
tee, and  I  would  not  do  so,  but  for  the  allusions  to 
the  course  of  memhers  of  that  body,  made  by  the 
gentleman  from  Michigan,  [Mr.  Ciiipmav,]  and  i 
the  gentleman  from  Indiana,  [Mr.  McG.ti'ciiEY.] 
They  state  that  a  report  was  ordered  by  the  com- 
mittee to  be  made  in  favor  of  Mr.  Cabeli.  which  '. 
was  tiltimately  prevented  by  the  "  secession"  of 
one  of  the  committee,  who  was  one  of  the  mnjority 
at  that  time.    K  brief  explanation  will  set  this  mai- 
ler right.     When   the   returns  from    Key  Wist, 
made  by  inspectors  of  elections,  came  to  be  acted 
upon  bv  the  committee,  a  majority  of  the  eomniil- 
lee.  incluiling  the  gentlemen  from  Michiiran  and 
Indiana  and  myself,  voted  to  reject  these  returns. 
The  next  returns  to  be  passed  upon  were  Ihoae 
contained  inthe  tabular  stalenient.     In  that  tabular 
statement  were  reuu'iis  made  by  judges  of  probate 
an<l  inspectors;  when,  much  to  my  surprise,  the 
gentlemen  from   Micliignn  and  Indiana  voted  to 
receive  these  returns  6i/  in.f;)pcfnr5. 

I. ere  Mr.  C'nir.MAN  desired  lo  put  an  interroga- 
tory to  the  genileinan  from  Tennessee,  who  coii- 
senied. 

Mr.  Cnrp.MAV.  Will  the  gentleman  from  Ten- 
nessee im'iirm  the  House  where  is  the  proof  thai  Ihe 
tabuU^r  .'laicment  contained  returns  made  by  in- 
speclors  • 

Mr.  Chase.  I  will  prove  it  by  the  statement 
made  in  the  minority  report,  under  the  hand  of  the 
l^cnlleuian  frmr.  J\l\ch\gan  himself.  The  gcntlcnnm 
in  his  niinnritv  report,  for  his  name  heads  it,  uses 
the  tVillowing  language  : 

"  This  evidence  being  offered  by  the  coiileslnnt, 
'  thoush  deemed  objectionalile  by  the  Nitling  meni- 
'  ber,  was  received  hy  the  commiltee.  This  slate- 
'  nieiit,  the  House  will  perceive,  includes  all  the 
'  voles  returned  lo  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of 
'  State  at  the  expiration  of  ihiriy  days,  both  tlinse 

*  returned   by   inspectors,  and  those  returned  by 

*  jtidires  of  probate;  Ci>unlmg  those   relnrned  by 

*  jud'jres  nlone,  the  contestant  has  n4  niajorilv; 
'  counting  those  relurned  by  the  inspectors,  ihesli- 
'  ting  member  has  lfi.5  niajoiiiy,  counting  all  the 
'  votes  relurned  by  both  sets  of  officers,  the  silting 

*  member  bus  .51  majority.'* 

The  L'cntleman'.s  own  statement  dcsi?nales  the 


iniijorily  of  votes  iriNen,  as  relurned  by  JMdu:es  of 
probate,  ntul  bii  insjieelnrs  if  election.  Is  ine  gentle- 
man from  JMichigan  nn^swered 


Mr.  CiiirMAS'.  Will  the  gentleman  from  Ten- 
nessee allow  ni<:  lo  explain.' 

Mr.  CiiAsr..     Certainly. 

.Mr.  Ciiii'M  vv.  I  signed  the  report  upon  a  alnte- 
ment  made  to  me  of  iis  contents,  wuhout  having 
read  it. 

Mr.  (Jn*BC.  Well,  if  the  gentleman  from  Mich- 
iL'an  signed  a  rer-ort  viiiiotit  knowing  ils  contents, 
he  niay  well  iihr.'»d  i-niorance  of  what  ii  con- 
Inins.  .\ot  so  with  the  i.;einlemHn  tVon".  iXew  ^'ork, 
(Mr.  CtivER,)  who.  I  nndt.sland,  drew  up  thai 
report.  It  seems,  a!so,  that  the  uentii'inan  from  In- 
diana, [.Mr.  McGai  (;iir.Y,jdid  nol  possfss  a  know- 
ledge of  the  contents  of  ihe  report  which  he  sit'ned, 
if  we  may  j'ldje  by  Ins  remarks  to-day;  for  lie 
states  it  is  impossilile  lo  tell  how  many  of  the  voles 
contained  in  tlie  liiliiilar  slatemtnt  were  made  liy 
inspectors  anil  jiidiris  of  probate.  I  answer  him, 
also,  l>y  referring  hnu  lor  insiriietiini  to  his  own 
report,  liul  I  was  pioceeilins:,  when  interrii|>led 
by  the  gcntlemiiii  from  iMichi^'an,  lo  iiolire  the 
subject  of  '  secession.'  I  remaiked  I  wns  inmh 
surprised  ihni  those  irenlleinen  who  signed  the  mi- 
nority report,  afler  haviiiL'  rejected  the  returns  from 
Key  West  made  by  inspeclors,  should  vole  lo  ad- 
mit returns  of  preciachj  the  same  <lcscriptioit.     This 


was  a  '  secession' which  I  did  not  expect.  The 
Democr.-lic  portion  of  the  committee,  cnnsisleni  to 
the  position  which  they  had  assumed,  that  all  the 
returns  should  be  received,  voted  to  receive  those 
contained  in  the  tabular  statement  made  by  the  in- 
spectors;and  thus  I  was  left  solitary  and  nlone.  I 
objected  at  the  time  to  such  a  course,  and  insisted 
that  if  a  portion  of  the  relurns  made  by  inspccloi-s 
were  rejected,  they  all  should  share  the  same  fate; 
but  there  was  a  '  secession'  by  those  who  were  so 
willing  to  reject  the  returns  from  Kev  West. 

It  was  my  understanding  at  the  time  that  a  re- 
port wns  lo  be  drawn  up  derlnring  Mr.  Cabell  en-   ' 
titled  to  his  seal,  which  resolution  was,  at  a  sub-  1; 
sequent  meeting,  reconsidered.     To  that  I  never 
did  agree;  and  from  the  iirsi  wns  determined  to  . 
liraw  up  and  submit  my  own  report,  which  I  would  | 
have  done,  but  for  the  fact  thai  the  report  submit- 
ted by  the  chairman  of  the  commillee  wns  so  mod-  ' 
ified  as  to  suit  my  views.     I  leave  it  to  the  House  ; 
to  decide  where  the  charge  of  'secession'  should  | 
fall.     I  know  Ihe  excuse  advanced  by  gentlemen 
for  admitting  the  inspectors' returns  eonlained  in 
the  tabular  statement  is,  that  they  were  submitted 
by  Mr.  Urockenbrongh,  who  should  be  bound  by 
his  admission.     Suppose  he  did  submit  that  state- 
ment lo  Ihe  committee,  with  other  evidence,  for  their  ; 
examination,  he  could  nol  have  expected  thai  they  j 
would  admit  the  returns  made  by  inspectors  from  \ 
one  part  of  Ihe  State,  and  reject  the  returns  made  1 
by  inspectors  from  another  part  of  the  Stale.    He,  I 
of  course,  relied  upon  the  admission  of  all  or  none 
of  a  particular  class  of  relurns.     I  believe  that  Mr. 
Rrockenbrough  came  here  to  contest  Ihe  seat  of 
the  silling  member  under  the  belief  that  he  was  en- 
tilled  10  it.     He  cerlainlv  would  not  have  made  an  i 
admission,  with  a  knowledge  of  what  course  the  ' 
committee  would  take,  the  effect  of  which  would  1 
be  to  defeat  him.     But  suppose  the  admission  had  ; 
been  with  a  full  knowledge  of  what  course  the  : 
ciuumitlee  would  take,  it  would   not  change  my  i 
opinion  ns  to  the  legality  or  illegaliiy  of  election  ' 
returns.     There  are  others  who  have  a  deeper  in- 
terest  in   this   matter   than   Mr.   Drnckenbrough, 
Mr.  Cabell,  or  this  House — Ihe  people  of  Florida 
themselves. 

It  appears  self-evident,  that  if,  by  the  cnnslilu- 
lion  and  huvs  of  Florida,  il  wns  the  duty  of  the  in- 
speclors of  election  to  return  the  itoll-books,  with 
certificates  of  the  result  of  the  election,  to  the  judges 
of  probnie,  to  be  by  them  certified  to  the  Srcrela- 
rv  of  Slate,  il  cannot  be  asserted,  with  much  plausi- 
bility, that  Ihe  returns  by  inspectors  directly  lo  Ihe 
Secretary  of  .State  would  have  stamped  upon  Ihem 
the  evidence  of  legality. 

.\rlicle  six,  section  sixteen,  of  the  eonstilulion 
of  the  Stale  of  Florida,  pro\ides  that  the  "returns 
of  election  for  members  of  Congress  and  the  Gene- 
ral .'Xssemlily  shall  be  made  to  the  .'^^ecrelnry  of 
State  in  the  manner  lo  be  ju'escribeil  by  law." 
The  inquiry  occurs,  has  there  been  a  law  passed 
since  the  adoption  of  the  constiliiliim  bv  the  peo- 
ple of  Florida,  prescribing  the  mode  and  manner 
of  makinir  election  returns?  In  the  nionth  of  .Tiily, 
I^4r>,  at  the  first  session  of  the  /.fgi.s/rttiirr  of  I'lori- 
ilii,  nil  act  was  iinsseil,  entitled  '*  .\n  act  lu'cscrib- 
iiii:  the  time,  iilnce,  nnd  manner  of  electintT  Hepre- 
soniaiives  in  Coneress  from  this  State,  nnd  for  other 
pitroiises." 

The  sixth  section  of  said  act  provides — 
'      **  That   the    jiidiies  of  probate    slmli    have   the 

*  same  jiowers  in  reference  to  the  ordering  of  county 

*  elections  and  general  election.s  ns  wete  conferred 
'  by  the  lerrilori;il  laws  upon  the  clerks  of  the 
'  ciinnly  courts:  and  the  returns  of  all  such  elections 
'  shall  be  made  to  him  in  the  snmi  finiinici',  and  his 
'  duties  relniitr.^  thereto  shall  he  the  same,  ns  nre  now 
'  prescribed  by  law  in  ri.'fi:rence  to  the  clerks  nf  the 
'  count v  cntirts." 

We  biive  now  lo  determine  whni  were  the  dulien 
of  the  clerks  of  the  coutily  citiirts  in  reference  to 
elections,  us  prescribed  by  Ihe  lerrilorini  laws  i^f 
Florida.  "  An  net  regulnlinu'  ihe  |io\vers  nnd  du- 
ties of  the  clerks  of  the  county  courts  in  conducting 
elections,  nnd  for  other  purposes,"  was  passed  nl 
the  Iweniy-first  session  of  the  Legislntive  Conncil 
of  Florida,  1H.|,1.  Article  fourth,  section  firs',  of 
said  net,  provides  ihnt — 

"  The  ciMinty  clerks  of  each  county  shall,  at  least 

,  '  len  days  previous  lo  any  general  election,  appoint 
'  for  earb  preci.  cl   three  tliscreel  |>ersons,  having 

'  '  the  qualifications  of  electors,  to  ncl  as  inspectors 


'  of  such  election,  and  slmll  cause  notice  of  such 
'  appointment,  and  of  the  time  and  place  of  holding 
'  such  election  and  of  the  officers  lo  ue  elected,  to  be 
'  posted  tip  at  the  several  precincts  in  his  county, 
'  within  tne  time  aforesaid." 

The  principal  clause  in  this  section  to  which  ref- 
erence IS  particularly  made  is  the  one  directing  the 
clerk  to  appoint  the  inspectors. 

Article  SIX,  section  seven,  further  provides — 
"  That  the  poll-book  and  one  of  the  certificates 
'  shall,  within  eight  days  after  such  election,  be 
'  conveyed  by  one  of  tlie  iiispectoi-s,  to  be  dcter- 
'  mined  by  lot  if  they  cannot  agree,  (o  the  county 
'  clerk's  office,  <ind  filed  therein,  X'he  other  certifi- 
'  cate  shall  be  kept  by  the  clerk  of  the  election." 

Article  one,  section  seven,  provides  tliat  the 
clerk  shall  take  to  his  assistance  two  pnrties,  or 
two  disinterested  persons,  and  proceed  publicly  to 
count  the  voles. 

Section  two  provides  that  they  shall  make  and 
sign  tt  certificjite,  similai-  lo  that  signed  by  the  in- 
spectors of  elections,  containing  the  whole  number 
of  votes  cast,  for  whom  cast,  &c. 

Section  three  provides  that  such  certificates  shall 
be  recorded  by  the  county  clerk,  and  filed  in  hiH 
office. 

Section  five  provides  that 

"  He  shall  also,  within  two  days  after  the  can- 
'  vass  of  voles  in  his  county,  as  aforesaid,  make 
'  out  a  certified  copy  of  the  certilicalc,  signed  by 
'  himself  and  justices,  showing  the  result  of  the 
'election  in  his  county,  and  enclose,  seal,  and 
'  depositc  the  same  in  the  nearest  post  office,  on 
'  the  most  direct  route  to  the  seat  of  government, 
'directed  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Territory,  cn- 
'dorsed  '  Election  Returns.'  " 

Article  eight,  section  one,  of  said  act,  further 
provides  that — 

"  On  the  thirty-fifth  day  after  any  general  elec- 

'  lion  for  Senator  or  Delegate   to   Congress,  or 

'  sooner,  if  official  relurns  shall  have  been  received 

'  from  all  the  county  clerks,  the  Secretary,  Conip- 

'  troller,  and  Treasurer  of  the  Territory,  or  any 

j  '  two  of  them,  shall  meet  al  the  Secretary's  office, 

:  '  and  open  the  returns  received  from  the  several 

'  '  county  clerks,  and  cast  up  and  arrange  the  votes 

'  given  for  the  office  of  any  Senator  or  Delegate  to 

'  Congress,  as  shown  by  the  returns." 

It  will  at  once  be  seen  that  Ihe  Secretary  is  to 
receive  and  count  the  returns  made  by  the  clerks 
of  the  county  courts.  It  is  not  conceived  that  the 
relurns  from  any  oilier  source  were  intended  to  be 
received,  when  the  section  expressly  enacts  that 
they  shall  east  up  and  arrange  the  votes  ns  sAoicii 
fti(  sMch  returns — that  is,  by  the  returns  of  the 
clerks  of  the  county  courts. 

By  again  referring  to  ibe  legislative  act  of  July, 
1H4.'),  section  six,  it'will  be  seen  that  the  relurns  at 
all  such  elections  shall  be  made  lo  the  judges  of 
probate  in  the  same  manner  lui  al  that  time  was 
prescribed  by  law. 

Article  six",  section  seven,  of  the  territorial  act  of 
1843,  made  il  the  duty  of  the  inspectors  lo  ninke 
their  returns  lo  the  clerks  of  the  counly  courts,  and 
I  not  totheSecretnryof  iheTerrilory.  And  ifil  is  ne- 
cessary to  snstnin  the  propriety  lit  a  law  by  argu- 
ment, it  iriight  be  remarked  ihnt  (An/  provision  in 
the  aci  of  1843  was  lounded  in  reason  and  coni- 
iiion  sense.  The  clerks  of  the  county  ccnirt  by 
the  provisions  of  that  act  aj>poinled  the  inspeclors. 
When  they  had  discharged  their  duties  by  making 
relurns  of  the  election  to  him,  he  had  the  power  of 
al  once  ascertaining  whether  they  were  the  inspect- 
ors whom  he  bad  B]ipoiiitcd;  which  inl'orinulion 
would  nol  be  in  the  possession  of  the  Secretary  of 
Ihe  Territory,  because  he  had  nothing  lo  do  «  iih 
their  ap|ioiiiimenl.  and  wns  witboni  the  iniaiis  to 
detect  any  iinpusition  which  might  be  practi.sed 
upon  him. 
il  It  will  be  seen  that  il  was  ihcduly  of  the  inspect- 
'■  ors  lo  make  their  relurns  lo  the  clerks  of  the  coun- 
ty cmirls  by  the  ncl  of  l."43;  ihni  the  clerks  were 
lo  ninlie  rerurns  to  the  Sei-retnry  of  the  Territory; 
and  that  Ihe  Secretary  of  the  Territory  was  lo  re- 
reive  and  count  ihe  retinns  so  ninde  by  the  clerks. 
By  Ihe  piovisions  of  the  net  of  1*143,  and  iUv  le- 
gislnlive  act  of  l(54i>,  it  becomes  llie  duty  of  the 
judges  of  )irolii'.le  to  appoint  lite  inspectors;  the  in- 
spectors are  lo  make  their  returns  lo  the  jiidgis  of 
probate,  and  they  are  to  certify  tliem  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  State,  whose  duly  it  is  lo  receive  and  count 
the  returns  so  made. 


9 

1846.1 

APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

■  -"'■-■                        ■  -- 
301 

29th  Cono.. 

..1st  Skss. 

Florida  Contested  Election — Mr.  Cabell. 

Ho.  OF  Reps. 

I  do  not  deem  it  necessary  to  refer  to  the  time  ! 
in  wliifh  the  various  returns  are  to  be  miide,  be-  1 
raiisc  //i«(  provision  of  the  law  is  merely  directory,  \ 
and  lliat  if  a  jiorlinn  of  the  returns  should  not  ! 
reaeh  tlie  Secretary  of  Slate,  by  iiniivoidnble  delay  I 
or  by  mistake,  itc,  until  after  the  time  prescribed  ■ 
by  law  Imd  expired,  if  tlu  y  ccnne  properly  authen-  | 
ticaied,  they  ought  (o  \  <■  nieivcd,  and  counted.       I 

The  next  question  to  lie  considered  is,  the  power  I 
of  the  clerk  of  llie  connly  court  to  perform  the  du-  \ 
ties  of  judge  of  probate,  after  Florida  had  been  ad- 
mitted as  a  Stale,  and  before  the  judges  of  probate  ; 
liad  been  appointed  and  qualified  under  the  legisla- 
tive act  of  184'>. 

Article  17,  section  4,  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
State  of  Florida,  provides  that  all  oHiecr-^,  civil  and 
iTiibiarv.noA-  holding  the  offices  and  ap|ininlments 
in  the  i>rritory,  under  the  authority  "l'  the  Tcrri-  ! 
lory,  shall  coniinue  to  hold  and  excMi  ise  their  re-  i 
spective  offices  and  appointments  until  superseded  : 
un(li?r  thisconsiiliition.  ; 

I  can  come  to  no  other  conclusion  than  that  the  ; 
clerks  of  the  county  courts  are  authorized  to  per- 
form all  the  duties  relating  to  elections  prescribed 
by  llie  act  of  184S,  until  the  judges  of  probate  are 


appointed  and  qualified — that  is,  appoint  inspectors, 
receive  their  returns,  and  certify  trie  same  to  the 
Sein'elary  of  Slate. 


i  have  given  my  reasons  for  receiving  the  re- 
turns made  by  the  inspectors  to  the  judges  of  pro- 
bate, and  by  them  certified  to  the  Secretary  of 
Slat!':  and  also  the  returns  made  by  the  inspectors 
to  the  clerks  of  the  county  couris,  and  by  said 
clerks  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  when  no  judge  of 
probate  had  been  appointed  and  qualified  to  perform 
the  diilies  of  such  clerks. 

.Vll  other  votes  should,  in  my  opinion,  be  re- 
jected. The  result  is,  that  Mr.  Brockenbrough  has 
received  a  majority  of  164,  as  returned  by  "udges 
of  probate  and  one  clerk  of  the  county  cnuri. 

I  would,  Mr.  Speaker,  willingly  give  Mr.  Cabell 
lime  to  procure  further  testimony  from  the  Stale 
of  Florida,  and  postpone  the  decision  of  the  ques- 
tion until  another  day,  ifl  had  the  slightest  idea 
that  the  result  of  my  conclusions  in  favor  of  Mr. 
Brockenbrough  would  be  in  any  way  changed. 

Sir,  if  the  House  should  adopt  the  resolution 
reported  by  a  majority  of  the  comniiltee,  and  give 
to  Mr.  Brockenlirough  the  seat  of  the  sitting 
meml)er,  J,  for  one,  would  extend  to  Mr.  Cabell 
the  privilege,  if  he  desired  it,  of  becoming  the  con- 
testant. But  believing,  as  1  do,  from  the  most 
nccuiate  information  which  I  can  obtain,  that  Mr- 
Brockenbrnugh  received  at  the  poll  a  majority  of 
the  votes  of  the  freemen  of  Florida,  I  regard  it  as 
tuy  duty  to  contribute  my  aid  in  assigning  him  a 
seal  upon  this  floor. 

The  will  of  qualified  voters,  legally  expressed  at 
the  polls,  should  ever  be  respected;  upon  it  depends 
the  purity  of  our  institutions,  and  the  stability  of 
our  Government.  And  every  motive  which  can 
influence  us — love  of  country,  a  regard  for  justice, 
the  sacred  right  of  freemen- — should  prompt  us  to 
give  it  expression. 


FLORIDA  CONTESTED  ELECTION. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  E.  C.  CABELL, 

OF   FLORIDA, 

In  the  HofSK  of  Rf.presentativf.b, 

Jaituury  'Xi,  ]84(i. 

Upon  the  (/'onleslcd  Election  from  the  Stale  of 
Florida. 

Mr.  C.\nELL  rose  and  said: 

I  much  regret,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  the  contestant 
[Mr.  BniirKF.MiaucGii]  has  not  acceded  to  one  of 
tlii^  Iwo  propositions  which  1  yesterday  submitted 
to  the  House.  Having  avowed  that  his  desire 
was  to  arrive  at  the  truth,  1  should  have  presumed, 
if  he  were  sincere  in  nis  avowal,  that  he  W(nild  at 
least  have  ai'cepled  the  proposal  of  ihe  geiiilcinan 
froni  Sciutli  Carolina,  (Mr,  Sims,)  who  is  his  po- 
litical friend,  inasmuch  as  the  object  of  that  reso- 
Imioii  Wiis,  to  ascertain  clearly  and  certainly  how 
till'  people  of  Florida  had  voted,  so  that  he  who 
had  actually  received  the  niajorily  of  legal  votes 
miglu  be  declared  elected,  liut  the  gentleman  de- 
clined the  proposition. 

I  made  another  proposal,  which  lie  has  also  de^ 


clined.    In  so  doing,  he  lias  declared  that  the  pro-  I 
posal  to  refer  the  matter  back  to  the  people  via>.  , 
made  for  the  first  time  after  he  had  proved  his  ma-  ; 
jority  before  the  committee.     Such  is  not  the  fact.  : 
From  the  time  I  first  heard  that  there  was  a  doiibl 
of  my  election,  it  is  well  known,  in  Foridn,  that  1 
expressed  an  unwillingness  to  accept  my  commis- 
sion, and  that  I  desired  to  refer  the  matter  back  to 
the  people.    I  believed  myself  to  have  been  elected;  '■ 
but  the  fact  being  doubted,  I  desired  to  go  back  to 
the  people.     And  I  now  state  that  q  letter  of  re- 
quest to  that  effect  was  wriilen  by  me  to  Mr. 
Brockenbrough ,  but  not  delivered ,  becau.se  he  could 
not  be  found.     I  mentioned  my  purpose,  however, 
to  a  f.-iend  of  his,  a  gentleman  connected  with  the 
Democratic  press  in  Florida,  and  in  Mr.  Brocken- 
brough's  confidence.     The  very  next  day  there 
appeared  in  the  Democratic  paper  a  notice,  which 
seemed  to  be  authentic,  ih it  Mr.  Brockenbrough 
would  not  accent  such  a  propo.siiion;  that  I  need 
not  flatter  myself  with  that  hope;  that  he  claimed 
to  be  elected,  and  would  go  on  to  Washington  to 
take  his  seat,  whether  1  resigned  or  not. 

Again,  I  made  this  proposition  before  the  com- 
mittee had  come  to  any  conclusion,  and  at  a  time 
when  I  thought  their  decision  would  be  in  my  fa- 
vor. After  it  was  supposed  that  a  report  in  my 
favor  would  be  made,  I  declared  that  so  soon  as  it 
should  be  made  I  would  again  submit  a  similar 
proposal.  So,  from  first  to  last,  I  have  earnestly 
desired  to  refer  the  question  to  the  people,  as  the 
best  arbiters  in  controversies  of  this  kind,  and  to 
let  them,  and  not  this  House,  decide  between  us. 

And,  sir,  I  must  here  be  permitted  to  say  that  I 
consider  the  motives  which  the  contestunt  has  at- 
tributed to  me,  and  the  reasons  which  he  has 
thought  proper  to  assign  as  actuating  me  to  make 
these  proposals,  as  unjust  as  they  are  ungenerous. 
I  have  no  disposition  to  dodge  this  matter  here.  1 
am  willing  to  meet  the  question  before  this  House. 
The  gentleman  will  ace,  in  the  course  of  my  re- 
marks, why  I  felt  unwilling  to  "o  into  a  discussion 
of  the  question  at  present.  1  have  shown  every 
disposition  to  settle  it  fairly,  or  to  subinit  it  to  the 
arbitration  of  the  people.  Every  efl'ort  that  1  could  i 
make  towards  a  compromise  I  have  made.  Like  l 
a  certain  Government,  in  the  case  of  a  certain  dis-  i 
puted  territory,  I  have  ofl'ered  my  uUimalum,  j 
These  propositions  have,  like  the  propositions  of 
that  Government,  been  rejected,  and  rudely  re- 
jected, and  I  now  withdraw  them.  (Laughter.) 
We  have  hitherto  had  a  sort  of  joint  occupancy  of  ; 
the  seat  appropriated  on  this  floor  to  the  Uepre- 
sentalive  from  the  State  of  Florida.  I  now  assert 
my  exclusive  ng/i/,  and  go  for  the  whole  or  none. 
And  having,  as  I  believe,  succeeded  before  the 
people — having  beaten  the  contestant  once,  at  least, 
before  the  commitlee,  I  cannot  doubt  that  I  shall 
be  able  to  sustain  my  rights  before  this  House. 

I  scarcely  know  how  I  am  to  proceed  to  reply 
to  the  gentleman's  speech  of  yesterday.  From 
beginning  to  end  it  was  almost  devoid  of  argument. 
It  abounded  in  abuse  and  vituperation  o"  .nyself 
and  of  those  members  of  the  committee  who  had 
sustained  my  position.  It  was  probably  the  most 
extraordinary  speech  ever  delivered  in  a  contro- 
versy of  this  character.  And  I  question  whether, 
in  the  annals  of  legislation,  such  an  abuse  of  |)iiv- 
ilege,  and  of  the  courtesy  of  the  Hou.se,  was  ever 
known  as  was  yesterday  exhibited  here.  Cientle- 
men  who  heard  it  will  recollect  its  character,  and 
will  see  that  these  remarks  are  justified  by  it.  It 
contained  gross  misre|iresentatioiis  of  the  conduct 
of  the  committer;  their  motives  were  impugned; 
lessons  and  homilies  upon  lioiKu",  honesty,  and 
nioralily  were  read  to  ihem.  Sir,  llic  conuniltee 
can  proiect  it.self.  Probalily  before  1  get  throUi;h 
they  will  know  something  of  the  chamcter  of  their 
teacher. 

I  regret  that  I  am  nbliced  to  express  myself  in 
such  terms.  I  regret  to  find  myself  placid  in  a 
position  ill  which  I  must  use  iMi'igumte  of  relorl; 
but  justice  to  myself  requires  it.  The  Unie  and 
temper  of  the  gentleman's  speech  jiistil'y  nic  in 
speaking  plainly  on  this  question.  'The  uiigenrr- 
nun,  the  rfiscoi(i(c(ii(s,  and,  were  it  not  that  1  might 
violate  the  rules  of  order,  1  would  say  the  iinpu- 
detil  assertions  of  ihe  gentleman,  exciled  in  my 
bosom  nothing  more  than  a  feeling  of  sovereign 
contempt.  He  lia.<i  undertaki  n  to  arraign  me  be- 
fore this  House — 10  hold  me  up  to  the  House  and 
to  the  country  as  derelict  of  duty.     He  says  thai 


I  have  remained  here  for  five  or  si.t  weeks  and  done 
nothing.  He  asks  why  I  have  not  procured  the 
adoption  of  measures  to  fortify  the  harbors  of 
Florida,  to  protect  her  coast,  to  regulate  the  land 
system,  and  to  do  various  other  things  which  I  do 
not  at  this  moment  remember,  but  which  will  no 
doubt  be  in  the  recollection  of  this  House.  Sir,  this 
is  a  nmtlet  between  myself  and  my  constituents; 
it  is  not  an  argument  to  address  to  this  House. 
Has  it  come  to  this,  that  because,  in  the  opinion 
of  one  individual,  a  member  of  this  House  has  not 
been  diligen.  in  llie  discharge  of  liis  duties,  that 
therefore  liis  right  to  represent  the  people  who 
sent  him  here  is  to  be  taken  from  liimr  1  might, 
with  ee|ual  justice,  demand  of  every  member  of 
this  House  what  he  lias  done.'  what  bil,  Ae  has 
caused  to  be  passed .'  what  he  has  done  for  the 
protection  and  defence  of  the  country  in  the  state 
of  imminent  peril  of  war  which  now  tlireatens 
her?  Sir,  if  the  gentleman's  argument  is  good  us 
to  one  member,  it  is  equally  applicable  to  others; 
and,  according  to  his  rule,  we  should  see  many 
vacant  seats  here.  1  should  blush  to  listen  to  such 
remarks  and  such  arguments  even  on  the  stump. 
1  will  only  say  further,  that  I  have  not  thrust  my- 
self forward  upon  the  discussion  of  every  question 
that  has  come  before  this  House.  I  may  In  '  e 
been  in  some  degree  ignorant  of  the  ntles  of  par- 
lit.menlary  proceeding.  Probably  when  I  have 
been  longer  a  member  of  this  body  I  shall  have  it 
in  my  power  to  accomfilish  more  in  a  short  time 
than  I  can  now.  But  I  say  to  the  gentleman  and  to 
my  constituents  that  I  have  diligently  and  faithful- 
ly attended  to  every  matter  of  business  that  has 
been  entrusted  t!>  me.  Nothing  committed  to  my 
charge  has  been  neglected;  and  if  I  have  not  done 
so  much  as  I  could  desir  •,  or  as  perhaps  was  ex- 
pe(;ted  from  me,  it  is  to  b  attributed  to  the  diffi- 
culties thrown  in  my  way  by  the  attempt  of  the 
gentleman  to  deprive  me  of  that  right  which  i 
claim  that  the  people  of  F'lorida  have  conferred 
upon  me. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  feel  the  peculiar  difficulty  of  my 
position.  The  minds  of  the  members  of  this  House 
are  full  of  the  question  of  (leace  or  war;  and  it  is 
not,  therefore,  to  be  supposed  that  they  can  give 
that  attention  which  I  could  desire  to  this  little  con- 
troversy between  the  genllenian  and  myself.  My 
political  position,  also,  is  such  as  to  add  to  iny  em- 
barrassment. I  hope  1  shall  not  be  misunderstood 
in  these  allusions.  My  political  sentiments  difl'er 
from  those  of  a  large  majority  of  the  members  of 
this  House.  I  know  how  naturtd  it  is  that  we 
should  incline  to  favor  the  views  and  pretensions 
of  those  whose  sentiments  agree  with  our  own. 
The  Whigs  of  this  House  suppose  ihal  prima  facie 
I  am  entitled  to  my  scat;  the  Dcniocratic  members, 
<m  the  contrary,  supfpose  that  Mr.  Brockenbrough 
is  entitled  to  it.  1  will  not  attribute  any  improper 
motive  to  any  member.  I  will  only  say  that  1  am 
so  situated  as  to  be  compelled  to  combat  prejudices 
in  the  minds  of  a  large  majority  of  the  House.  All 
1  can  do  is  to  express  the  hope  that  gentlemen  will 
endeavor  to  discurd  all  political  feeling,  and  to  do 
justice  between  us.     I  ask  nothing  mine. 

Every  efl'ort  has  been  made  from  the  commence- 
ment of  this  controversv,  to  prejudice  me  before 
the  House  and  the  public.  In  the  I'lorida  Demo- 
cratic papers  false  and  uiil'ounded  alleirations  have 
been  made  against  nie,  and  these  have  been  reprti- 
duced  in  the  northern  papers.  It  is  said  that  when 
I  Icl'i  home  1  knew  that  a  majnriiy  of  the  votes  re- 
ceived at  the  office  of  the  Secri  tary  tif  Stale  were 
in  fiivor  Id'  Air.  lhockenbroui,'l'.  Such  is  not  the 
f'act.  Similar  publications  have  been  maile  in  thi.^ 
city.  The  influence  of  the  m-g'i"  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  has  been  brought  to  Ijcar  in  favor  of  the 
contcslant.  The  House  may  probably  recollect 
ihot  various  ccmuminications  if  thai  description 
appeared  ill  the  early  part  of  the  session;  and  the 
iiiiia'cision  has  become  almost  universal  that  I  have 
no  shadow  of  claim  or  pretension  to  represent  the 
people  of  Florida  here,  but  that  I  am  seeking,  on 
a  mere  leclinicality,  to  impose  myself  upon  the 
House  as  the  true  Representative  of  that  people. 
Onesided  representations,  the  most  unjust  and  un- 
fair, have  been  made  to  the  iiiembirs  id'  ihe  House. 
The  coMii slant,  in  his  rcnia.Ks  yesierday,  said  that 
he  "  had  not  gone  about  lakiiii;  members  by  the  hand 
and  endeavoring  to  preoccupy  their  minus."  Sir, 
I  approve  of  the  scnlimenl;  but  I  appeal  to  the  re- 
collection of  gentlemen  here  whether  the  contest- 


^M 


;.(;; 

:^^ii 


i 


802 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSION  VL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  S3, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Florida  Contested  Election — Mr.  Cabell. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


i 


Kilt  lins,  in  Ilia  prnoiicp,  illiistrntnl  the  sciilinient.  1 
On  the  ronlrary,  is  it  noi  in  tlie  repollcoiioii  of  nil  . 
that  when  this  (|uesli(>n  lirst  arose  many  inembi-ra  ' 
nvowcd  llint  Ihcy  hull  liillv  inve«ti2;.ited  ihc  matter, 
nnd  that  they  were  perlVclly  ciinvnii-ed  that  Mr. 
Brockonhrongh  was  riei'led,  and  that  I  was  not 
eiitiiled  to  my  seal?    Where  did  ihcy  derive  lliis 
information .'    And  if  it  he  true,  as  the  cnntcatant  ; 
declares,  that  he  has  not  talked   with   members,  , 
how  did  they  arrive  at  such  a  conrhision  ?  ; 

It  is  in  this  way,  sir,  that  the  intluence  of  a  most 
disiin";uishcd  memhcrof  this  (-louse  from  Virginia 

iMr.  Ba\i.v1  has  bei'O  broii^lil  to  bear  against  me. 
refer  to  ihc  grnllenKin  who  rrprescnis  the  Aoco- 
mac  dislriot,  whom  I  am  sorry  not  to  see  in  his 
phioc.  All  the  influi'Mce  of  iluii  srenllemun  has 
been  tlirown  against  me.  lie  has  declared  before 
the  Mouse  iliat  he  hns  "  fully  examined  the  case;" 
that  he  "has  no  ihtiht"  as  lo  the  merits  of  ii,  and 
that  Mr.  Brockenbrou<;h  is  cleclcd.  The  gentle- 
man had  prejudged  my  cause.  lie  had  derived  his 
information  from  one  side  only.  At  that  lime  I 
had  noi  spoken  to  him;  he  had  heard  nothing  from 
me  or  my  friends,  and  had  thus  thrown  the  weisiht 
of  his  influence  into  the  sc  ale  of  mv  opponent.  The 
pentleman,  indeed,  calls  himself  my  friend.  1 
should  be  pleased  to  occupy  such  ;i  relation.  1  will 
not  stop  to  inqun'e  how  far  his  acts  comport  with 
his  profe.-^sioiis.  The  gentleman,  however,  has 
acted  hastily.  He,  like  others,  has  been  deceived. 
One-sided  siatcments  and  misplaced  confidence  in 
his  informant  have  brought  his  mind  lo  a  certain 
conclusion,  which  couchision  he  lias  expressed  in 
this  House.  The  gentleman  has  occupied  a  seat 
on  the  bench  of  his  native  Slate  of  Virginia.  I  np- 
pei\l — but,  said  Mr.  C,  ^clleeking  himself,)  as  the 

feiuleiiiaii  is  not  in  liLs  seat,  I  shall  not  say  what 
proposed. 

For  my  own  part,  I  have  not  deemed  it  delicate 
to  make  any  publications  on  this  suliject.  I  have 
not  thought  it  consistent  with  justice,  with  honor, 
and  with  those  principles  which  should  regulate 
the  conduct  of  gentlemen  in  an  honorable  contest, 
lo  hold  private  conversations  with  individual  mem- 
bers, with  a  view  to  preoccupy  their  mind.  And 
the  members  of  the  committee  will  bear  me  witness 
that  I  did  not  speak  with  one  of  them,  except  in 
the  commitiee  room,  until  the  report  had  been  de- 
le'.nined  upon;  and  nniil  this  deierminalion,  the 
members  of  the  Houst  knew  nothing  from  me  of 
the  merits  of  my  case. 

I  regard  the  members  of  this  House  as  my 
judges  and  jurors,  and  1  would  as  soon  have  thought 
of  lainperinir  with  a  jury,  or  of  holding  praaieeim- 
versatioiis  wiili  a  judge  who  was  U)  pass  ii|icin  my 
ease,  as  to  make  ex  puile  and  partial  statemtiita  of 
this  question  to  those  who  had  to  act  judicially 
upon  it.  In  this  manner,  I  repeat,  my  case  has 
been  prejudiced. 

I  know  the  force  of  first  impressions.  I  know 
how  ditlicult  it  is  for  members  to  dispossess  them- 
selves of  such,  impressions,  especially  when  t'ley 
liavp  given  utterance  to  them.  But  I  ask  now  that 
gentlemen  will  give  their  calm  and  candid  consid- 
ei.iiion  10  the  merits  of  this  question;  that  they 
will  dismiss  all  these  impressions  that  have  been 
made  upon  them;  that  iliev  will  forget,  if  pos.sible, 
what  the  relative  poliiical  opinions  of  the  two  indi- 
viduals are;  and  llial  they  will  decide  the  case  upon 
its  merits  alone.  I  ask  that  justice,  and  nothing 
more  than  justice,  be  done;  and  if  justice  be  done, 
I  am  satisfied  that  llie  judgment  of  this  House  will 
be  in  my  favor.  I  would  be  willing  to  submit  my 
case  on  its  merits,  even  to  the  pieiiidiccd  mind  of 
the  gentleman  from  Virginia,  (Vlr.  Uavlv,]  as  a 
man,  as  a  lawyer,  or  as  a  judge.  To  these  merits 
I  now  come. 

In  the  fust  place,  I  claim  my  seal  here  by  virtue 
of  the  eoiiimissiou  of  the  (jovernor  of  Florida — 
mithorlly  similar  to  that  under  which  every  mem- 
ber of  this  House  claims  his  ri^lii  to  represent  the 
people  here.  That  at  least  is  ;in'»i.i  fine  evidence, 
r.i.d  was  so  decided  bv  ihe  House  on  ilie  8ih  of 
December;  and  before  that  can  be  overcome  it  will 
he  necessary  for  the  contestant  to  show  thai  he  has 
n  majority  of  all  the  legal  voles  cast  at  the  elec- 
tion. 

I  propose  now  to  give  a  short  history  of  this  con- 
tiovei-sy  from  its  cominencenieiil.  '1  he  lirst  thing 
done  was  to  send  mc  a  vague  and  iiideliiiile  notice, 
very  jjeneral,  without  any  spi'cificalions,  that  the 
contestant  claimed  mv  Scat,  because,  first,  he  hi\d 


a  majority  of  all  Ihe  legal  voles;  and,  secondly,  n 
majority  of  all  the  legal  returns.  'J'his  paper  was 
rceeivei)  by  me  and  its  receipt  acknowledged  on  the 
evening  ot  the  day  preceding  that  on  which  I  left 
home  for  Washington.  This  is  the  only  notifica- 
tion 1  have  received.  I  am  now  in  Ihe  same  con- 
dition that  any  other  member  of  this  House  who 
supposed  himself  to  be  duly  elected  would  be  if,  on 
the  eve  of  his  departure  from  home  to  take  his  sent 
here,  he  should  receive  n  simple  notice,  without 
specification  and  without  proof,  that  his  seat  would 
be  contested  on  thegroiindof"  legal  votes, "wilh- 
out  stating  what  those  votes  were  or  where  given. 
The  next  step  was  to  procure  what  tile  contest- 
ant is  pleased  to  call  "acerlificale  of  election  "from 
the  Secretary  of  State,  by  which  he  claimed  a  joi- 
tnit  facie  right  lo  represent  the  people  of  Florida 
hero.  This  cirlificaie  was,  as  I  know,  presented 
to  the  Clerk  of  this  House,  with  a  request  that  he 
would  refuse  to  call  my  name;  and  an  attempt  was 
made  to  induci*  him  lo  make  objection  to  my  being 
sworn.  But  the  Clerk,  being  a  man  of  honor  and 
niiiidl'ul  of  his  oath,  disregaidcd  the  request  made 
10  him,  and  discharged  his  duly;  and  accordingly! 
was  sworn  and  took  my  seal. 

The  next  step  was  lo  present  a  memorial,  which 
has  been  read,  and  which  is  contained  in  the  re- 
port of  the  commitiee.  That  memorial  is  as  gene- 
ral in  its  allegations  as  the  notice  itself  was.  It 
contained  no  specification  except  as  regarded  the 
certificate  lo  which  I  have  alluded.  The  gentle- 
man as.serled  to  his  friends  that  the  ceriificate  which 
I  had  received,  anil  upon  whicii  my  ciunmission 
was  based,  was  T-iven  " /i)/ iiii4(nA;f,"  and  that  he 
held  "  the  /nic  ceiiificaie."  I  shall  stale  a  few 
facts  in  regard  to  that  mailer.  1  was  astonished 
when  this  UecKration  was  made.  I  was  astonish- 
ed because  of  the  personal  knowledge  1  possessed 
of  the  character  of  the  Secreuiry  of  Siale:  for  if,  in 
the  Slate  of  Florida,  there  is  an  honorable  man,  it 
is  James  T.  Archer,  and  he  had  declared  that  1 
was  entitled  to  the  certificate,  and  t^»ni  he  would 
issue  no  other.  Yet  the  contestant  comes  here  and 
presents  what  he  calls  "  ii  cerliJicaU  of  election," 
and  at  the  same  time  declared  that  mine  was  given 
"  by  mislahe."  Let  us  see  what  Mr.  Archer  him- 
self says  on  this  subject.  I  am  glad  that  I  have  it 
in  my  power  to  do  this  gentleman  justice.  I  have 
expressed  my  high  appreciation  of  his  character. 
I  have  expressed  my  .surprise  at  the  declarations 
made  on  this  floor  that  two  certificates  had  been 
given— one  to  me  and  one  to  my  opponent,  nnd 
such  is  the  impression  of  this  House.  1  will  oow 
read  an  extract  from  .Mr.  Archer's  letter  to  me  of 
the  d.ite  of  Uecember  ^Ist.  It  was  a  private  leilcr 
and  not  intended  for  publication,  but  I  feci  it  due- 
lo  myself  and  lo  Mr.  Archer  that  a  portion  of  it 
siiould  be:  read.     He  says; 

■■  1  uni  wariiialcd,  by  lUvers  coiiiinaiiicntinnH  trnni  litlcr- 
wrilcrs  at  VVa-iiuiRloii,  uad  I'rojn  reaiiirk.i  wliicli  fell  Irntn 
iiiciiilicrs  of  tile  House  of  ltcpresoiiliilivi>y,  as  reportcii  in 
ttic  riuon,  in  Ihe  inlcrciire  laat  I  aia  eniisidcrea  tiy  snnif 
IK-r.-ioas  to  have  uivcn  Mr.  Ur(ickuiiliri»ui.'ii  a  cniilicmn  of 
elccuiin  altiT  luy  iilhoiil  ri'cnrttcil  cciinicalc  ilcclarnif;  you 

,  to  liiiVf  received  Ihc  larger  voti-,  iiccuoliiig  lo  Ule  rfliiriis 
III)  to  Ihc  clut  ot'tlle  lliirlicttl  iliiy  alter  Ihc  tlcclion.  Such 
inference  is  i.ot  correct ;  nor  ilo  I  consider  the  paper  aivea 
wiirraiit.s  il.  I  kc[)l  no  copy  of  the  paper,  and  eua  only 
^peak  01  it  Irohi  recollecnoa.  The  Ihct  that  1  kept  no  copy 
is  of  iuelf  coacliiHive  thai  such  certificate  cuiitHiiiM  nojiJ^- 
mntt  of  mine  upon  the  leant  retarns  in  niy  ollice.  It  is  a 
eerlllieaie  of  IUcIt',  nnd  facts  only.  My  nlliciat  e.iavnss  is 
recorded.  All  Ilie  cerliliealeH  Kivea  lo  Mr.  B.  uerecivea 
upon  ilciaaiid,  made  of  iiie  a-'  iiie  keeper  ol'  the  reeuid.^  of 
this  dcpurtnicat,  which  1  aiii  required  lo  uive  upon  ihe  de- 
iiiaiul  of  any  one,  and  for  ivhich  I  am  entillcd  to  Ut'<.  I 
eenil'y  the  tacts  and  extracts  jiii>t  aa  1  would  ci'rtily  that  .\ 
It  wa's  a  jildlje  of  tile  circuil  court.     \\  the  fuvii'is  of  the 

I  cerliticdte  it  w.as  rciliaiked  hy  inyi^elf  that  il  wa-  in  an  nnu- 

'  Hinil  form  ;  hut  it  was  only  to  c«;rtiiy  facts,  upon  u  Inch  Ihc 
ciniinani  avowed  t/o?  I.iic  to  be  one  waj  and  i  another.  .As 
a  ■  eriiticate  of ficlt  itlotie  it  was  Kivea,  luid  us  sticli  ex- 

,  presfily  received. 

"  U'len  Mr.  II  .  nllcr  the  canvass  Mok  the  oround  that 
he  sl.ieiiil  have  uoi  Ilie  i-erulicale  aiiil  ciniiinissMn,  becan^c' 

'  he  hail  a  inajoritv  of  Ihe  viili-s  of  jnilitcs  ol'  probate,  I  dis- 
atfoeil,  lie  applied  In  me  lor  a  certilicaie,  anil  alMi  lo  the 
l.nveraor.  Tin-  anpliciuion  was  rel'n-eil.  I,  lioueve,-,  lold 
hlin  that  I  vvoMlii  cerlify  Ihi'  fact-,  Iml  that  be  inil-l  u'l 
snmelioily  else  lo  ei  rlily  the  law  l'|iiin  Ihe>e  Incl-i  he 
rallied  lie'  i|ne-non  ol  law  before  ihc  <;o\eriior.  a^  I  have 

:  since  nniler>|nii.l,  ilemnndinB  a  eomiiii->Mon,  \v  Inch  \v»s  re- 

I  fused  ;  and  now  he  appeals  to  the  llon.e  ol  llepreseiitalivcs. 
Floiii  your  rcni.irks,  as  rcpoili.'d  in  Ilie  riiion.  I    inl- r  that 

'  yon  have  heea  persuaded  llial  I  had  wilhdrawn  my  opinions, 
and  itiveii  a  ri^titinite  ofeli'ition  lo  Mr.  H.  'Vti  cornet  sncti 
unlire.ssniii'i  li>  llie  object  of  this  ba-ty  epistle.  Voll  are  then 
'd  lo  say,  for  iin.>,  that  all  the  certincales  ftiveii  to 


Mr. 


.  were  yiven   to  In 


ed  as  ri-iilcnie  of  fticts,  anil  m 


one  of  llieni  j'^  meant  lo  be  considered  Rcrinrn«of  the 

by  niyseir    -Mr    Uruckcabruu|[h  uiidcrsunid.-i  iIiih.  and   1 


have  written  lo  hiia  to  correct  Ihe  mli'slalements.  I  wish 
liini  lo  gel  the  seal  upnii  the  voles,  bat  iinl  by  his  fricnils 
niisrcpreseatiag  the  object  of  my  ceriilicates." 

Such  (continued  Mr.  C.)  is  the  Inniiiage  of  Mr. 
Archer;  and  I  ask,  what  becomes  of  the  pasilive 
slnlement  made  to  members  here  that  the  comestant 
had  come  wiih  the  (riie  cerlificale  of  eleclion,  and 
that  mine  had  been  given  "  by  mialake?"  Here  is 
the  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State  himsell',  the 
political  friend  of  the  contestant,  though  the  per- 
sonal friend  both  of  himself  and  myself. 

After  n  long  discussion  in  commitiee  about  this 
certificate  of  ilic  contestant  it  was  withdrawn,  and 
every  specific  allegation  was  withdrawn  with  it; 
because,  by  reference  to  the  memorial,  it  will  b« 
seen  that  there  was  no  other  allegation  except  one, 
namely,  that  he  had  a  majority  of  the  votes.  The 
secoiul  ground  of  the  notice  was  accordingly  aban- 
doned; and  Ihc  only  ground  now  left  is,  that  he  had 
a  majority  of  all  liic  legal  votes,  for  he  has  aban- 
doned thequestiiui  nfrchirn. 

The  next  step  was  lo  pioduce  tabular  statement 
No.  I.  It  is  not  true  that  no  objection  was  made 
lo  that  slntemeut.  I  did  object,  iiecaiise  I  had  had 
no  notice  of  It.  The  objei  liou  was  overruled.  The 
paper  was  received,  and  accompanies  the  report  of 
Ihe  committee.  I  had  supposed  until  yesterday 
that  il  had  been  received  by  a  unanimous  vote;  but 
it  now  seems  that  the  genileman  fi-om  Tennessee 
[Mr.  Chase]  did  not  vote  for  it.  It  was  received, 
liowever,  by  a  vote  of  eight  out  of  nine  of  the  com- 
mittee, and  adopted  an  n  ichole — every  iota  and  titlle 
of  it.  It  was  then  said  by  one  of  the  members, 
"  Now  we  have  a  starling  point;  you  have  ihus  n 
majority  of  fifty-one  votes,  and  it  is  for  Mr.  Brock- 
enbrough  to  overcome  il."  Well,  let  us  see  how 
he  overcame  it. 

The  next  pajiers  presented  were  those  marked 
2,  3,  and  4,  which  arc  certified  copies  of  the  returns 
by  certain  judges  of  probate  from  the  counties  of 
Hillsborough,  Washington,  and  Santa  Rosa,  and 
from  the  inspectors  from  Key  West. 

There  is  no  allegation  in  the  notice  that  the  con- 
testant proposed  to  rely  on  these  narticular  votes. 
There  is  simply  a  general  statement  that  he  had  a 
majority  of  votes.  These  papers  are  thus  taken 
ns  ex  parte  evidence,  without  notice  lo  myself. 
And  ihis  was  one  of  the  main  objcciions  1  made  to 
theiradmission. 

It  will  be  seen  by  the  report  of  the  committee 
that  Congress  has  passed  no  law  regulating  elec- 
tions; they  are  therefore  rcgnlalcd  by  Ihe  State 
law.  If  gentlemen  will  refer  to  the  law  of  the  Stale 
of  Florida,  they  will  see  that  it  is  made  the  duly  of 
the  contesiaiit,  within  a  certain  time,  lo  give  notice 
to  Ihe  opposing  parly,  .specifying  the  points  on 
whicli  the  conn  St  is  pliiccd,  and  the  name  of  any 
jiisiice  of  the  peace,  couniy  clerk,  and  so  on,  who 
might  have  attended  to  take  dejiosiiioiis.  There  is 
no  such  specificaiion  in  iliis  noiice.  And  if  it  be 
true,  as  the  nuijorily  of  the  coniinitlee  say,  that  we 
are  to  look  to  the  law  of  Florida,  then  I  say  that 
the  committee  did  not  respect  the  law  of  Florida, 
inasinucli  as  llicy  iliil  not  require  ihc  coutestant  to 
give  such  a  notice  jis  that  law  pieacribed.  In  this 
assertion  I  am  sustained  by  the  decisions  of  Con- 
gress in  the  case  of  Eastoii  and  Scott,  I-ltli  Con- 
gress, and  of  Spauliling  and  Mead,nih  Congress, 
where  il  is  decided  that  "  ci /inrle  evidence,  or  evi- 
dence taken  without  notice,  shall,  on  the  hearing, 
be  rrjeclcd."  I  have  not  lime  to  read  any  jioitioii 
of  these  c«sea;  I  pass  them  by,  therefoie,  with  n 
mere  relerence. 

In  Ihe  case  of  Leib,  also,  in  the  flth  Congress,  it 
is  expressly  laid  down  that  no  fact  not  set  forth  ill 
the  memorial  shall  be  received.  A\'lierc,  in  the 
memorial  of  the  coniesiant,  is  il  sit  forth  lliat  he 
experied  lo  prove  that  he  hr.d  received  certain  voles 
from  Key  AVest  or  Hillsboroiurh  .-  And  if  you  act 
oil  the  principle  rstablisheil  in  the  case  of  Leib, 
■  how  can  he.  prove  these  facts.'  He  oilers  ex  parte 
evidenre,  wilhout  enabling  me  to  meet  it  with  re- 
bulling  teslimonv. 

As  lo  some  of  these  returns,  there  is  a  mistake; 
one  of  Ibein  1  know  to  be  false.  .\nd  if  I  had 
known  on  what  the  trenilcmati  relieil.  I  could  have 
shown  that  one,  nt  least,  of  the  relnriis  here  made 
tcrti  fal.se,  but  by  mistake.  I  can  only  make  i|ie 
assertion;  I  am  not  prepared  with  proof,  because 
I  received  the  notice  only  on  the  eve  of  my  depar- 
ture from  home,  and  I  came,  therefore,  unprepored. 
1  only  refer  to  this  fact  to  show  the  importance  of 


"•"»f1~ 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


303 


committee 

latiiig  elec- 

tlie  State 

f  the  Stalo 

the  duly  (if 

i;ivf'  lutticp 

points  oil 

nil'  of  any 

on,  who 

Thore  is 

if  it  brt 

,  I  hill  wo 

sny  that 

I'Moridn, 

t('sl;iiit  to 

In  thJH 

of  Ton- 

lih  C'oii- 

'onu'iTSB, 

i',or  nvi- 

hcariiitr, 

y  poiiion 

V,  with  n 

injrcss,  it 
pt  forth  ill 
in  tlif 
th  ihat  he 
•tain  voten 
if  von  act 
of  Leili, 
rs  f.r  parte 
it  with  rr- 

L  mistake; 

if  I  had 
onld  hnvi' 
U've  madr 
make  ilic 

herniisL' 
iiy  depai- 

iicpared. 
ortaiioe  uf 


< 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Florida  Contested  Election — Mr.  Cabell. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


this  8|iccificHlion  bein^  given  in  the  notice.  In  the  j 
absence  of  such  Npccitication,  I  contend  thatit  was  ' 
not  compettnt  for  the  committee  to  go  into  the  li 
consideration  of  the  papers  which  the  contestant  [ 
offers  as  evidence.  A  distinction  is  attempted  to;, 
be  drawn  between  a  certilicaic  and  depositions.  |l 
Can  a  higher  unlliority  attach  to  a  mere  cer'ificale  jj 
from  an  otiicer,  tliiiii  to  the  evidence  of  an  individ-  i 
ual  sworn  to  tell  the  trutli,  and  the  w/io/e  truth?,. 
This  olficer  may  liave  made  a  mistake,  which 
might  have  buLii  corrected  if  an  opportunity  for  j 
examination  had  been  alforded.  The  commit-  j 
tee  will  bear  me  out  in  the  assertion  that,  as  to  the  j 
tabular  sliitcment  Sn.  1,  the  Secretary  admits  that  1 
be  did  make  a  7nis/iiAf— that  is,  us  to  the  returns 
from  the  coumv  of  Hamilton,  made,  as  be  sup- 
posed, by  judges  of  ))iobate,  but  which  turned  out  ' 
to  bo  muUe  by  sonic  mie  else.  There  may  be_  i 
other  mistakes  which  I  could  have  corrected,  ifj 
the  proper  notice  had  been  given.  There  is  no  ! 
rule  of  evidence  bciier  setiled  than  that  a  parly  1 
liiigiuil  shall  have  the  light  to  confront  a  witness,  ] 
and  to  cross-exaniine  liiiu  us  to  the  testimony  he  • 
i.i:iy  give.  ( 

The  gentleman  from   Georgia   [Mr.  SS'eaborn  I 
jo.\Es]  teila  an  anecdote  of  a  certain  justice  of  the  i 
peiKe,  who  re-fused  to  allow  the  defendant  in  n  , 
certain  case  lo   cross-examine  a   witness   of  the  i 
plaintilV,  on  the  ground  that  if  he  bad  anything  to  | 
prove  he  must  bring  his  own  witness.     Is  not  that 
very  decision  of  that  justice  of  the  peace  sought  to  ' 
be  enforced   here .'     Are  there  not  papers  here  in  i 
evidence  of  which  no  notice  lias  been  given  to  me, 
and  which  have  been  received  here  asu  whole,  when 
no  opportunity  has  been  allowed  for  cross-examin-  ' 
atioii,    and  where   the  witness   was   not  sworn.' 
The  only  dilTercnce  is,  that  the  otKcer  nets  under 
the  seal  of  the  Slate,  and  not  under  the  sanction  of 
an  oath;  but  he  is  a  witness,  nevertheless,  and  1 
cannot  cross-e.xaniine  liim.  , 

1  took  objeciion  to  nil  the  returns,  except  tabu- 
lar statemriit  iN'o.  1,  on  the  ground  that  they  were  ' 
received  iifier  the  expiration  of  thirty  days.  The 
law  requires  that  the  returns  shall  be  made  to  the 
Secretary  of  Stale,  and  that  he  shall  count  them 
at  the  expiration  of  thirty  days  from  the  iima  of 
holding  the  election.  I  have  contended  that  no 
returns  made  after  that  time  should  be  received. 
This  is  an  ini|)ortaiit  question,  which  I  should  like, 
if  lime  permitted,  lo  argue.  The  decisions  of  Con-  , 
gress  on  this  point  1  know  are  ojiposed  to  ine  in 
this  respect;  but  I  lay  down  the  principle  that  this 
is  a  matter  of  State  concern,  belonging  peculiarly 
to  Stale  policy,  and  with  which  Congress  has 
nothing  to  do.  If  the  people  of  a  Stale  choose,  by 
law,  to  say  that  their  elections  are  lo  be  held  in  a  ' 
certain  way  or  within  a  certain  time,  this  House 
has  no  jiower  to  declare  that  law  inoperative.  [ 
know  the  power  given  to  Congress  by  the  Consti- 
tution to  judge  of  the  election,  returns,  and  quali- 
fications of  ils  members.  Hut  the  basis  upon  which 
this  House  must  act  must  be  that  of  the  State  au- 
thority. The  House  may  judge  of  the  reuirns  of 
its  members,  but  it  must  look  10  the  Slate  law-  to 
eee  bow  tliesc  returns  are  to  be  made.  I  cannot, 
however,  enter  upon  this  question  now.  But  I 
believe  that  the  motto  of  our  Slate  is  peculiarly  ap- 
plicable ill  this  particular;  and  I  say  to  Congress, 
as  to  all  these  mattcis  of  Slate  policy,  "  let  us 
alone;"  the  people  of  Florida  are  the  best  judges 
of  them. 

I  objected  to  tlic  returns  in  jmperNo.  2,  because 
they  were  made  by  judges  of  ]uobale,  and  becausiC 
judges  of  nrobalc  were  not  the  proper  returning  of- 
ficers. 1  Imvc  contended  that  Ihe  i.  spec  tors  of 
election  and  not  the  judges  of  probate  were  the 
proper  reiurning  oJUcers.  I  admit  thai,  according 
to  tlie  law  of  Ipija,  (|uoled  in  th'J  report  of  ibe  coni- 
niilii'c,  judges  of  proliate  are  the  proper  returning 
ntticers,  ami  that  lliev  alone  make  returns  lo  the 
Secretary  of  Stale.  If  that  is  the  law  regulaliiig 
the  election,  then  1  am  free  to  admit  that  judges  of 
probate  are  the  proper  reluming  officers.  Rut 
tlierCjWas  n  l.uv  passed  by  the  Legislature  of  Kloi- 
ida  ill  Alanli,  l''4'>,  which  takes  from  ihe  couniy 
clerks,  wlio.se  dnues  were  the  same  as  tho.sc  now 
prescribed  for  lln  judges  of  prolinle,  Ihe  right  lo 
make  returns  except  as  U)  couniy  officers,  and 
which  declared  it  should  be  ihe  duty  of  iiisjiff/DCs 
ofeleclioii  to  make  these  returns  to  the  Secretary 
of  State  directly,  that  he  may  rclnrn  them.  Now, 
if  we  are  acting  under  iluit  liiw  of  1845,  there  can 


be  no  doubt  that  my  position  is  correct.    I  will 
only  read  one  part  of  this  law; 

'•  Sec.  15.  lie  it  further  enacted,  That  the  Secre- 
'  tary  of  the  Teirito.y  shall,  as  said  returns  are  re- 
'  ceived  by  him,  open  the  same,  and  on,  &c.,  pro- 
'  cced  to  canvass  and  count  up  all  Ihe  votes  given 
'  at  Ihe  different  precincts  tlirovgh-yut  the  Territory." 

The  returns  here  spoken  of  ore  returns  of  the 
election  for  Representative  to  Congress.  This  is  not, 
cannot  be  denied. 

The  last  section  of  the  same  act  (continued  Mr. 
C.)  repeals  all  former  laws  inconsistent  with  it. 
But  is  there  not  clearly  an  inconsisiency .'  The 
former  law  gave  to  judges  of  probate  ihe  power  to 
make  returns;  whereas  this  law  says  that  inspect- 
ors of  elections  shall  make  returns;  and  it  repeals 
ail  former  laws  incoiisisient  with  ii.  The  fonner 
law  was  repealed,  therefore,  as  to  all  cases  of  gen- 
eral election. 

But  again,  it  is  said  that  this  law  of  March,  184.5, 
did  not  repeal  the  act  of  1843,  because  in  the  same 
session  of  the  Legislature  another  act  was  passed 
amendatory  of  the  act  of  1843.  I  do  not  say  that 
the  whole  law  was  repealed,  but  only  such  jirovis- 
ions  as  w-ere  inconsistent  with  ihe  act  of  1845. 
The  provision  to  which  I  refer  is  repealed;  while 
other  portions  of  the  l.iw  remain  in  lull  force. 
The  act  of  1843  h;is  never  been  revived;  the  act  of  | 
1845  is  still  in  force.  I 

There  is  another  objection  made  to  the  argument  | 
in  relation  to  the  present  operation  of  this  law.  It  1 
is  said  that  if  this  law  of  .March,  1845,  is  still  in  ; 
force,  the  "constitutional  committee"  is  a  per- | 
maiient  body.  Not  so,  sir.  This  law  is  in  force 
except  as  to  those  provisions  which  have  become 
inoperative  by  the  change  of  circumstances  attend- 
ing the  transfer  from  a  Territorial  to  a  State  Gov- 
ernment. And  by  the  act  of  .Tuly,  1845,  it  vvill  be 
seen  Ihat  the  Governor  of  the  State  is  sub.stituted 
for  the  constitutional  committee.  By  the  first  act 
(of  March,  1845)  the  inspectors  made  relurnp  to 
the  Secretary,  w  ho  cerlilied  the  result  to  the  con- 
stitutional eommiltee.  By  the  last  act  (of  July, 
1845)  the  constitutional  committee  became  extinct, 
and  the  Governor  supplied  its  place.  This  law  is 
still  in  force.  Such  is  the  impression  in  Florida; 
such  is  the  impression  of  the  gemlemnn  who 
draughted  both  laws;  such  is  the  interpretation  he 
gives  to  it;  such  is  the  interpretation  of  the  Gov- 
ernor, Atlorney  General,  Secretary  of  Slate,  and 
of  every  gentleman  in  Florida  wiih  whom  1  have 
conversed.  I  repeat,  as  to  these  things,  "  lei  us 
alone;"  we  are  the  best  interpreters  of  our  own 
laws. 

Before   the   end   of  thirty  days,  it  was  ascer- 
tained thai  I  bad  a  majority  of  the  voles  returned 
'  bv  the  judges  of  jirobate;  and  it  was  said  to  me, 
as  it  litid  been  said  to  the  contestant  before,  by  the 
Secretary  of  Slate,  lhat  no  other  votes  than  those 
returned  by  intpectors  should  be  counted;  and  that 
although  1  had  n  majority  of  all  the  votes,  yet  that 
'  the  certificate  would  be'  given  lo   my  opponent; 
and  it  was  suggested  lo  us  to  write  lo  our  friends 
to  send  us  reuirns  from  inspectors  of  election      In 
this  connexion,  I  refer  again  lo  ihe  letter  of  Mr. 
Archer.     He  says: 
"  Mycoa-lriK'lion  of  the  Invv,  civcn  at  Ihe  canvny?  Iiyiiic, 

wn«  iinl  ciiiitruvc'ilod  liiilil  n/terirards.    liutei'ti,tew  Kceiiird 

lo  know  tliitt  till'  jiitlt.'cs  111  proiiati'  IliiI  iinytliing  to  do  a\  ith 

Ihe  lantlcr  ot"  (.'ciH'ral  clt'Cti'iiis." 
"  Hi-in'c  iiiy  s-n!:;:rstinti»  to  bolh  of  llie  oaiuliilntcs  about 

the  retmiiH  hi'lore  llie  thnly  ilays  expired.    When  ]\Ir.  U. 

lifter  llu!  canvass  look  the  ground,''  5te. 

This  (continued  Mr.  C.)  is  the  language  of  Mr. 
Archer.  When  the  suirgestion  was  made,  the 
conteslant  made  no  objection;  but  when  it  was  as- 
certained that  I  had  a  majority  of  the  inspectors, 
and  that,  in  consequence  of  the  declaralion  of  the 
Secretary,  a  majority  of  the  judges  of  probate 
were  lor  him, /nm,  /i"" //n  ,/ii'.'i/  /imc,  lie  chniiged 
bis  ground.  And  am  I  to  be  damnified  by  this 
declaralion  and  deci.=iion  of  an  ollicer  of  our  Stale, 
who  is  a  political  friend  of  the  contestant.'  But 
for  that  declaralion,  I  would  have  had  returns 
enough  within  thirty  days,  from  the  judires  of  pro- 
hale,  lo  give  me  the  certificate.  1  am  expecting 
them  every  day,  but  in  conseqneiice  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  .State  telling  me  he  would  not  roiint  them,  I 

,  did  not  deem  it  necessary  to  have  them  sent  on. 

j  1  think  the  House  will  find  that  it  is  not  so  clear 
that  judges  of  proljate  are  the    proper  returning 

I  officers,  or  thai  their  reiurns  alone  are  lo  be 
counted. 


The  commitlce  overruled  this  objection. 

I  next  objected  to  the  returns  of  inspectors  of 
election  at  Key  West,  because  they  were  unac- 
companied by  the  noll-l.ooks,  and  I  had  no  oppor- 
uinily  of  testing  tlic  qiinlificatioiis  of  the  voters. 
In  the  case  of  John  Richards,  4th  Congiess, 
the  rule  was  established  that  the  poll-book  was 
necessary  to  make  a  return  perfect;  otherwise  a 
candidate  might  be  defeated  by  illegal  votes,  be- 
cause he  would  have  no  means  of  purging  the 
polls. 

The  Secreiary  does  not  certify  that  any  of  these 
returns  were  authentic.  The  gentleman  asks 
whether  certified  copies  of  these  votes  have  not  the 
same  force  as  the  originals.'  I  admit  that  they  have; 
but  would  you  receive  them  without  proof  lhat  the 
men  who  furnished  them  were  the  projier  return- 
ing officers  authorized  lo  act.'  For  this  reason,  1 
objected  to  the  copies  as  I  would  have  done  lo  the 
ori;,'inals. 

Mr.  C.  said;  Sir,  I  am  obliged  to  pass  rapidly 

over  these  various  grounds  of  exceptions.     My 

limited   time  will  soon  expire,  and  I  must  hi     y 

:  on  to  the  consideration  of  other  questions.     (He 

spoke  with  great  rapidity.] 

'      But,  if  you  receive  all  these  reUirns,  many  of 

•  which  are  illegal,  I  sidl  contend  that  the  contestant 

does  not  make  out  his  case;  because,  according  to 

the  vote  of  this  House  of  the  8th  of  December,  he 

'  must,  before  he  can  dispossess  me,  give  proof  that 

he  has  a  majority  of  all  the  votes,     js'o  such  proof 

has  been  given;  and   I  was  surprised   yesterday 

'  that  the  gentleman  should  attempt  t"  impose  upon 

'  this   House  the  conviction   lhat  such  |)roof  had 

;  been  presented.     I  say  that  my  certifiiiate  is  ^trima 

/(ific  evidence  of  my  election,  and  that  it  is  good 

i  until  he  shows  that  a  majority  of  all  the  votes  was 

given  for  him.     The  letter  of  Mr.  Archer  states 

that  he  sent  on  lo  the  contestant  such  papers  as  he 

applied  for,  just  as  be  would  make  oul  a  certificate 

of  any   other   paper  which   was  to  be  paid  for. 

There  might  be  other  returns  there;  whether  all 

I'  have  been  presented  to  the  committee  or  not  I  do 

!  not  know. 

Ij      It  is  not  my  habit  to  make  mfiniinlions  in  regird 

I  to  the  motives  of  any  man.     The  gentleman  says 

!  that  I  had  insinuated  that  all  the  returns  bad  not 

I  come  on.     When  I  stated  in  the  committee  that  all 

'■'  the  returns  had   not  come  on,  I   merely  meant  to 

i  sny,  in  the  way  of  argument,  that  it  might  be  so. 

Tlie  gentleman  will  find  I  am  not  in  the  habit  of 

insiniinfiiig.     Sir,  I  insinuate  nothing.     If  I  believe 

'  myself  wronged — if  I  have  any  charge  to  moke,  I 

make  it  openly,  clearly,  plainly,  palpably,  in  such 

''  terms  thai  there  can  be  no  misunderstanding  about 

!:it.     I   Ihink  by  this  time  the  gentleman   should 

i,  know  I  his. 

Bui,  sir,  even  if  all  the  returns,  up  lo  n  certain 

1' day,  had  been  presented,  and  these  rniurns  had 

'  shown  a  majority  in  favor  of  Mr.  Brockenbromrli, 

still  it  is  by  no  means  proved  that  he  is  elected, 

I  There  may  be  other  voles  yei  to  come  in  which 

will  overcome  lhat  majority.     It  is  said  there  is  no 

evidence  that  all  the  votes  had  not  come  in;  but, 

sir,  is  there  any  evidence  that  all  hare  come  in  ■    I 

;   was  surprised  at  the  declaralion  of  the  conlesmnt 

'  yesterday  that  he  had  not  heard  or  saiil  that  there 

was  an  election  in  the  couniy  of  St.  Liicie,  from 

I   which  there  is  no  return:  thai  an  election  was  held 

'   in  that  couniy  was  declared  by  himself  in  presence 

of  honorable  members  of  the  eommiltee,  and  sev- 

\   eral  times  to  myself 

[Here  Mr.  BRncKEVBaouoii  shook  bis  bead  in 

■  token  of  dissent.] 

Sir,  (said  Mr.  ('.)  that  gpiitlcman's  dental  doe." 
not  alieci  my  belief  I  appeal  to  members  of  the 
eommiltee  to  bear  me  out,  that  he  slated  he  had  re- 
ceived information  that  an  election  was  held  in  that 
county. 

[Mi-.  BnocKF.xnnotrr.H  here  said  a  few  words  in 
explanation,  of  which  not  one  word  could  be  heard 
by  the  reporter.] 

Mr.  Cauki.i.  continued.     I  h:ive  made  iny  decla- 
ration: I  will   not  reiriict  it;  and   I  call  upon  the 
committee  to  sustain  my  assertion.    I  stated,  inore- 
I   over,  althoiiih  I  could  iiot  prove  it,  because  of  the 
I   lateness  of  the   iioiice,  that  there  were  elections 
held  in  oilier  precincts  from  which  there  were  no 
I  returns.     1  assert  it  now.    The  geiideman  cannot 
'  — dare  not — deny  it.     I  repeat,  I  cannot  now  prove 
j   it;  hut  I  niiike  the  assertion  without  fear  of  conlra- 

■  diction.     My  information  leads  me  to  believe  that 


:1S 


I ;.; 


304 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  94, 


29tii  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Florida  Contested  Election — Mr.  Garrett  Davis. 


Ho.  OF  linps. 


'f- 


\ 


It 


i^i 


these  rrlurnn  will  give  me  n  inHJorily  ol'tlio  voles; 
lie  tliinka  ilioy  will  give  him  ft  majorily.  The  iis- 
seriioji  hiui  hi  >  miiiie  by  the  a^enilemiiii  thut  he  in 
elcoieil  hy  (irvnnly  or  eiijhiy  votes;  the  commiltw 
say  by  liiiriy-sevcn.  Whut  Iihs  become  of  the  tlit'- 
fcieiico?  I  do  not  lielleve  thut  nny  oilier  rcliiriis 
thni  will  increiisn  htn  m^ijorily  will  oonie  in;  but  I 
wish  to  show  tliiu  the  'cenlleman  hiiniielt'  bus  ati- 
scned  llmt  iiii  election  hud  been  held  in  other  prc- 
cinets,  but  that  the  relunis  had  nol  come  in.  He 
must  [mivr  ibiil  he  has  a  iiinjority  of*  nil  the  U^ttl 
roUx.  A  mere  assertion  will  not  answer.  My  let- 
ters induce  inu  to  belie\'e  1  have  a  mujoriiy;  his 
induf'e  him  to  believe  th.it  he  hasu  majority.  1  do 
not  know  how  the  I'acl  is;  but  I  .say  that  before  he 
can  oust  me  from  my  seat,  and  take  it  him.self,  he 
must  prove  a  majority  of  uJ(  Ikt  voles;  and  that  he 
has  nut  done. 

If  you  adopt  any  othi^r  rule,  see  the  difficulty 
into  which  the  House  will  iuvnhe  itself.  I  am 
elected  to-day,  as  1  believe.  'J'he  Kentlemtii  conns 
here  and  exhibits  ceriaiii  papers,  which  are  receiv- 
ed without  examination  by  me,  showing;  that  he 
has  a  majority  of  thirty-seven.  Now,  in  a  short 
time  I  may  receive  returns  (tor  1  am  in  daily  ex- 
pectation of  reoeivin;;  them)  which  may  place  me 
in  a  niajority.  What,  then,  may  be  the  position 
of  this  House.'  Tiwlay  it  may  eject  me,  and  f;ive 
iny  seat  to  the  contesiant;  to-morrow  I  may  receive 
returns,  and  then  a4,'ain,  by  the  rule  souslit  to  be 
established  here,  I  may  again  have  my  seat.  Ill 
a  few  weeks  aj^am  the  cmitestant  may  receive  more 
remrns,  and  he  may  n';;ain  lake  the  seat;  and  so 
we  may  go  on  to  the  end  of  Congress.  It  seems 
to  me  that  the  |>riiiciple  is  inconlroyertible  that  llie 
miijorihj  of  ull  the  roles  must  be  shown,  or  that  I 
must  retain  my  seal.  There  is  no  t'ase  on  record 
in  which  a  conle.siuiil  has  succeeded  against  a  legal 
cmninission  without  proving  a  majority  of  all  llie 
legal  totes.  Your  dccivion,  if  against  me,  must  be 
final. 

The  committee  sustained  the  objection  made  to 
the  returns  from  Key  West.  My  objections  were, 
first,  that  the  returns  were  made  by  the  inspector, 
and  therefore,  accoi-ding  to  the  decision  of  the  e.om- 
itiittee,  it  was  nol  legal;  and,  secondly,  that  i  had 
no  notice  of  the  contestant's  intention  to  apply  for 
it;  and,  thirdly,  that  it  waa  unaccompanied  by  the 
poU-liook. 

It  is  attempted  to  involve  the  minority  of  the 
cuiinniltce  in  incons'stency  for  voting  to  reject  the 
return  from  the  ins|iectors  of  the  precinct  of  Key 
West,  when  tliey  had  previotisly  voted  to  reject 
the  returns  made  ny  the  judges  of  probate  from 
other  counties.  This  is  true;  but  the  committee 
had  tstablished  tKe  principle  that  judges  of  probate 
nioiit  were  the  proper  returning  otficers.  Aow, 
here  is  a  paper  presented  not  by  judges  of  prob.nic, 
but  by  insi>ectors,  and  a  majority  of  the  committee 
'oie  to  reject  it.  The  principle  had  been  esiablish- 
ed  l)y  the  cfmimitice,  and  it  must  work  both  ways, 
or  it  is  good  for  iioihing.  The  niinorily  of  the 
committee  having  objected  to  the  esiablishment  of 
tins  principle,  insisted  on  applying  it  to  this  case, 
which  would  operate  favorably  to  me.  The  nii- 
iioiity  of  the  coniniittec  have  done  nothing  more, 
iliciefiire,  than  taken  the  prnici,jle  laid  down  by 
the  ninjoriiy. 

In  this  slate  of  thinirs,  a  report  w  is  ordered  to 
be  madi!  in  my  lavur;  and  1  was  surprised  when  I 
heard  tin?  <lay  before  yesierday  frviin  the  getilh-man 
frnin  .Maine  [.\lr.  1Iami.iv]  that  no  such  order  had 
been  given.  I  have  made  a  deehiratioii  to  niv 
friends  ilial  n  report  in  my  favor  had  been  ordered; 
and  I  feel  ealkil  upon  to  make  some  explanation 
in  reference  to  it.  The    genlleuian  fnmi  Tenne.vsee 

[Mr.  C'iiask]  will  r illect  that  I  first  oldanied  the 

inrorinaiion  from  hiin  at  his  luuise.  The  genlle- 
man  from  North  Carolinr  '  Ir.  I.)nDiiiv]  met  me 
in  the  street,  and  L'ave  i  c  same  inlorinatitni. 

The  gentleman  from  N»  ''It  [.Mr.  Ki.i.swoktii] 

will  probaitly  recollect  }ie  same  declaralion 

was  made  by  hiin;  and  v  •  'tlenien  cmnposing 
l!ie  minority  of  llie  I'oniniii:  ill  also  remember 

making  a  si'inilar  siatuinent.  i  mention  ilie.se  cir- 
euinsiances  to  suslain  tlie  assertion  I  liave  made 
th.il  the  cominiilee  did  in- ii  act  ilic  gentleman  from 
New  York  [Mr.  Ci  i.\i;iii  lo  make  a  repinl  in  my 
fa\or.  'I'lie  cominuiee,  liieretore,  whilst  they  de- 
cided ill  my  favor,  reported  again.'it  me.  They 
have  ridopied  tabular  statement  No.  1,  which  giM:s 
me  a  mujoriiy  of  51  votes;  and  they  have  rejected 


the  relnrns  from  Key  West,  which,  if  not  counted, 
siill  leave  me  with  a  majority;  and  the  only  way 
ill  which  the  cominiilee  can.  give  a  majority  to  the 
contesiant,  is  to  do,  as  soiiie  members  do,  count 
the  relurns  from  Key  West,  which  the  mujoriiy 
rejected;  whilst  the  gentleman  from  Tcnnesaee 
[i\Ir.  Chase)  arrives  at  ins  conclusion  by  e.xcludiiig 
certain  parts  of  tubular  state-  •"  No.  1,  and  which 
the  coinmiliea  had  received  in  evidence.  Some  of 
them  receive  evidence  which  thecommiltee  had  re- 
jected, and  some  reject  evidence  which  the  commit-  [ 
tee  had  received,  until  at  last  they  have  setllcd 
down  on  the  conclusion  that  1  am  not  entitled  to  j 
my  seat. 

At  this  point  of  the  argument,  the  Speaker  an- 
nounced the  expiration  of  the  hour,  and  Mr.  Ca-  i 
BELI.  took  bis  seat.  I 

On  the  following  day,  Mr.  C,  obtaining  eontin-  j 
gent  ]iosse.-^sioii  of  llie   tloor  by  the  permission  of 
Mr.  iioBDON,  who  had  taken  it  with  n  view  to 
move  the   previous  (|uesti>m,  was  proceeding  to  I 
advert  cursorily  to  some  of  those  purls  of  his  case  , 
on  whii'li  he  had  yesterday  been  precluded  by  the  ; 
lap.sc  of  the  hour  troin  remarking,  when   Mr.  G. 
claimed  the  door  on  the  ground  lluil  he  had  yielded 
it  for  no  other  purpose  than  ihut  of  personal  expla- 
nation. ' 

.Mr.  Cabell  thereupon  concluded  his  remarks,  , 
nA  I'ollows:  I  v.'iil,  then,  since  the  House  seems 
disin<  lined  lo  listen  to  further  argument,  adverl 
briefly  to  what  took  place  here  yesierday.  The 
gentleman  who  eoniesis  my  seal  asked  leave  to 
make  a  personal  explanation  in  reference  to  cer- 
tain remarks  made  by  me.  I  confess  myself  sur- 
prised at  the  manner  in  which  that  explanation 
was  made;  and,  so  far  as  I  am  concerned,  if  any- 
thing has  been  said  which  was  deemed  by  the 
House  or  the  genileman  ofl'eiisive,  I  nm  willing 
to  let  the  mailer  drop.  I  shall  nol,  therefore,  go 
further  into  the  consideration  of  nncslions,  or  make 
remarks  cah'iilaied  to  excite  similar  feelings. 

It  is  proper,  however,  that  I  should  take  some 
notice  of  the  remarks  made  by  the  genileman  yes- 
terday. I  scarcely  know  what  could  have  lieeii 
his  object  ill  alluding  lo  the  reliilions  that  had  here- 
totbre  existed  between  hiin  and  myself,  unless  it 
was  to  excite  odium  against  me.  But,  whatever  ' 
his  object  may  have  been,  I  desire  that  the  fad  in 
that  regard  should  be  known.  The  •;eiiileman 
speaks  of  his  having  been  long  "my  bosom 
friend."  He  says  that  we  were  at  collese  togeth- 
er, and  that  we  have  been  inlimate  associates  sini'e. 
I  regret  thatauylhing  should  have  occurred  lo  dis- 
lurb  lliesi'  friendly  relaiions.  It  is  not  true,  how- 
ever, ihat  there  has  been  this  close  intimacy  ex- 
isting between  us.  We  have  been  on  friendly 
terms — on  terms  of  courtesy.  The  relaiions  I 
have  held  towards  him  have  been  precisely  such 
as  I  have  towards  fifty  or  a  hundred  members  of 
this  House — no  more.  We  have  been  practising 
at  the  same  bar,  living  in  the  same  city,  and  meet- 
ing in  the  same  social  circle;  but  this  iiifimncii,  this 
dosoni /iifm/«/ii;),  of  which  llie  gentleman  speaks,' 
has  had  no  existence  in  tact.  I  have  not,  there- 
fore, viohited  it  by  anylhinsi  I  have  said  or  done. 
It  is  due  lo  my.«elf  lo  make  this  slatemeiit. 

Uetercnce  has  also  been  made  lo  a  violation  of 
relationsliijit  as  lo  which  it  is  necessary  I  should 
say  a  word.  The  ireutleman  has  left  an  impres- 
sion on  the  minds  of  the  memliers  of  this  House 
lliat  we  are  nliilives.  I  could  not  at  first  coiijec- 
niie  lo  what  the  gentleman  could  allude.  The 
idea  was  new  to  me.  Unt  I  ascertained  tlial  a 
cousin  of  the  genileman  had  married  a  cousin  of 
mine;  and  that  is  what  he  means  by  being  nlidiiis. 
[Ijau!.'liler.l 

[Here  several  gentlemen  rose  to  insist  upon  the 
vote  being  taken  upon  the  previous  question.] 

Mr.  C.  conlnied.     I  do  not  wish  to  trespass  on 

the  lime  of  the  House.     If  I   have   said  anything 

which  has  been  deemed   offensive,  or  in  violation 

's   rules,  I    ask   pardon  of  the   House.     I  am 

.>-.  iliat  honorable  membem  will  see  that  I  vi'as 
justified  in  the  course  of  argument  I  took,  afler 
what  had  occurred  the  previous  day;  and  nfier  the 
violent  aliack  which  ihe  genileman  had  mudeonme. 
I  have  acted  in  self-defeiu'e:  nothing  more.  I  have 
as  liille  love  for  personal  ditlicullies  as  that  centle- 
maii,  and  as  little  desire  to  become  involved  in 
them.  But  enough  has  been  said.  I  will  merely 
repeal  the  expression  of  my  belief  that  I  am  elect- 
ed lo  this   House  by  the  people  of  Florida;  and 


thot,  if  1  am  to  be  deprived  of  my  seat,  it  will 
be  in  consequence  of  the  misapprehensions  that 
exist  in  the  minds  of  members,  and  of  the  tnis- 
representutions  that  have  been  made  in  and 
out  of  this  House.  They  have  been  deceived. 
[Here  there  were  renewed  calls  for  the  previous 
question.]  I'or  my  own  port,  I  am  indiirereut  iw 
to  the  course  which  this  House  may  think  proper 
lo  pursue.  Believing  myself  to  have  been  duly 
elected,  I  shall  nevertheless  be  perfectly  satislied 
with  any  action  it  may  lake.  And  if  that  action 
should  be  hostile  to  me,  I  shall  feel  more  prouil  in 
returning  to  my  conslitiienis,  with  the  conviction 
that  I  was  their  iegally-elected  Ueprescnuiiive,  than 
the  contestant  can  feel,  with  all  the  huiiora  that  this 
House  may  confer  upon  him. 

Mr.  C.  ihcn  took  his  seal.  TheHouse  proceed- 
ed lo  vote,  and,  as  heretofore  staled,  declared  that 
Mr.  Cabell  was  nol,  and  that  Mr.  Brockeiibrough 
teas,  entitled  to  a  seal  as  a  Kcpresentative  Iron)  the 
tSlale  of  Florida. 


FLORIDA  CONTESTED  ELECTION. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  GARRETT  DAVIS, 

or    KKNTUCKV, 
In  the  House  of  Reprehentativeii, 

Jniiii(ii-!/94, 18.1fi. 

Upon  the  Contested   I'^leciion   t'rom  the  State  of 

Florida. 

Mr.  DAVIS  addressed  the  House  as  follows; 

Mr.  Speaker:  It  is  nol  my  purpose  lo  enter 
into  the  deliate,  in  this  conn  st'wiiicb  of  two  gen- 
tlemen shall  rejircsent  the  Si.ue  of  Florida,  to  pro- 
tract the  decision.  It  is  my  wish  lo  make  some 
remarks  in  good  fuilli;  and  if  I  had  not  been  iuler- 
rnpted  when  I  fust  attempted  lo  lake  the  tloor  I'or 
that  purpose,  I  should  before  this  have  brouglit 
them  lo  a  close. 

1  have  once  at  least  voted  against  a  Whig  who 
claimed  to  have  the  right  to  u  seal  in  this  House; 
and  I  can  and  will  do  it  in  llic  present  case  also,  if 
the  facts  and  the  law  make  it  proper,  But  I  have 
convictions  upon  two  pohits  involved  in  it  that  im- 
pel me  to  vole  against  the  resolution  which  u  ma- 
jority of  the  committee  have  reported  in  favor  of 
the  right  of  the  contestant,  [Mr.  Brockenbhougii.] 
It  is  possible  1  may  be  in  error  in  coniiiig  to  my 
conclusions;  and  I  promise  the  chairman  of  the 
Cominiilee  cd"  Elections,  who  is  a  shrewd  lawyer, 
that  1  will  give  him  the  best  and  iiiost  inipaitiai 
attention  I  can,  and  if  he  will  convince  my  under- 
standing, he  shall  have  my  vote.  1  desire  and  ask 
the  privilege  lo  hear  from  him  upon  the  dilKculties 
I  intend  to  suggest. 

The  power  and  the  duty  of  the  House,  Mr. 
Speaker,  in  this  case,  is  expressed  in  the  Constitu- 
tion. The  first  clause  of  section  fil'th  provides: 
'•F«ich  House  shall  be  the  judge  of  the  elections, 
relurns,  tuid  qualiticaiiuiis  of  its  own  members," 
etc.  The  mailer  of  qualific:ilions  is  regulated 
wholly  by  the  Constitution;  that  of  elections,  as  to 
time,  place,  and  maimer,  by  law,  either  of  (.'oii- 
gress  or  of  the  State  Le;;islalure;  and  the  relurns, 
both  as  lo  the  form,  time  of  being  made,  and  by 
wlimii  to  be  made,  are  also  subjects  of  ihe  sanin 
legislative  cognizance.  Ciuigresa  never  having  aci- 
ed  upon  these  subjecis,  exiepi  in  one  piirlicular, 
they  have  been  provided  for  by  the  Legislalnre.s 
of'  the  several  Slates,  and  are  coiiseqnenily  subject 
to  various,  and  indeed  confliciing  regulaiions  in 
dilTcrent  .States.  The  laws  of  each  Slate  form  the 
only  guide  for  holding,  and  also  for  deierinmiiig 
the  validity  of  eleclions  for  the  .Slate;  and  conse- 
quently the  laws  of  Flin'lda  are  lo  govern  us  in  tlie 
forinauon  of  our  judgments  in  this  ease. 

We  are  not  now  acting  legislalively,  but  are  sit- 
ting as  a  court,  and  each  ineniheris  performing  the 
l'uni:tion,  not  of  a  law-maker,  but  ot  a  judge.  Onr 
business  and  our  duly  are  not  to  make  the  law  for 
the  ca.se,  bill  to  apply  the  laws  as  they  exist  in 
Florida.  We  cannot  make  (piahlicjilions,  we  can- 
not make  a  return  or  an  election  for  the  Uepre- 
setilalive  of  Florida;  we  can  only  judge  of  these 
several  matters  between  the  two  gentleniPn  who 
respectively  claim  the  right  lo  represent  that  Stale. 
Upon  the  mailer  of  qiiulilications  iliere  is  no  con- 
troversy, as  both  unquestionably  Imve  all  required 
,  by  the  Constitution. 


4 


■ft 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAT.  GI.ORE. 


305 


aih-H  CoNa.,...  I  ST  Sess. 


Florida  Contested  Election — Mr,  Garrett  Davis. 


New  Series No  20. 


But  whilnt  thn  r.ontcstnnt  ndmitH  thiit  the  silting 
momlwr  hm  the  return,  In;  cnntenjs  that  lie  him- 
self has  the  right  to  the  return;  nnil  both  in  his  no- 
tire  and  liis  meninvial  nuikosa  wiparnle  issue  upon 
thin  point,  and  aslo  that  tlio  return  which  thepro- 
iiir  oflii'prs  in  Florida  have  given  to  his  adversary 
he  s^'i  aside,  and  that  thiw  House  give  it  to  him. 
<Jan  we  do  this?  is  the  fiisl  question.  To  answer 
it  in  the  affirmative,  would  cswblish  our  power  to 
revoke  n  return  which  the  authorities  ol  Floridu 
have  made  for  one  ixirson,  and  to  make  it  for  and 
oiuifer  it  upon  another.  Such  is  not  our  office. 
Wfi  call  no  more  deprive  one  of  the  parlies  of  the 
return  and  give  it  to  the  other,  short  of  deciding 
tin;  final  issue  wliiili  of  them  i«  elected,  than  we 
ean  take  a  ipmlifioalion  from  the  one  and  give  it  to 
the  other.  VVc  (•oul<i  as  properly  revoke  the  elec- 
tion of  the  one,  mid  oi  iticlvcs  elect  the  other.  Wc 
have  no  power  in  do  iwiyihing  to  aflect  anything  in 
relation  to  qniiliftcations,  returns,  or  elections;  but 
simply  to  jironoiince  judgment  upon  facts  and  law 
IKS  theyeMisi.  If  llii:  controversy  was  upon  the 
head  of  (|uii!iiM'utions,  we  would  look  to  the  Con- 
stitution to  ((•  wliMi  that  instrument  ha.s  declared 
to  be  neies^ary  to  make  a  man  eligible  to  this 
House;  and  would  then  only  inquire  whether  every 
cecpiisile  was  posscssid  bv  uotli  geiitlemeii.  If  the 
question  were,  who  is  elected,  wc  would  menly 
iwcerWin  which  had  received  the  greatest  number 
of  votes  given  in  conformity  to  the  election  laws  of 
Florida.  And  on  the  issue  of  return,  all  we  have 
to  do,  or  can  do,  is,  to  n'l'ur  to  the  laws  of  Florida, 
and  a.sc^rtain  by  whom,  and  in  what  form,  the  re- 
turn is  to  be  made,  and  llicu  e.vamiiie  if  cillnr  of 
ilie  parties  has  the  return,  made  out  in  the  mode 
and  by  the  otliMr  as  provided  for  by  those  laws. 
'£'he  law  of  that  State  provides  "  that  the  returns 
'  of  .said  election  for  Representative  in  Congress 
'  slmll  be  made  to  the  Secretary  of  Suite,  who  shall 
'  count  the  same  at  the  expiration  of  tliirly  days 
'  al'ior  the  election,  and  certify  the  result  to  tlieGov- 
'  crnor  of  this  State,  who  shall  commission  the  per- 
'  sou  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes."     It  is 


Uuty  t 
iber  naf 


which  the  silting  member  has  brought  up  with  him. 
If  it  be  not  in  form  a  cumniission  to  him  as  the 
Representative  of  Florida  in  the  29th  Congress,  he 
lias  nol  the  legal  return,  and  we  are  bound  to  |iro- 
nounce  Judgnienl  agaiioit  him  u|ioii  this  issue  of 
rciiirn.  If  the  commission  be  not  from  the  Gov- 
f  riiiir  of  Florida,  it  is  not  in  conformity  to  her  law, 
and  is  therefore  vitious;  and  we  must,  upon  that 
ground,  decide  against  him  upon  the  question  of 
return.  On  either  point,  he  would  not  have  the  re- 
turn in  legid  form,  and  he  on!!;hl  to  be  excluded 
from  his  seat  until  he  demoustniled,  by  proper 
proof,  thai  he  was  eleclij  by  having  received  a  ma- 
jority of  the  votes  cast,  and  until  that  fact  is  estab- 
lished by  the  formal  judgment  of  the  Tlou.se.  But 
the  sitting  member  has  exhibited  his  return,  and  it 
is  a  commission  formally  made  out  by  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Florida,  under  her  seal  of  State,  to  him  iu» 
her  Representative  in  the  29th  Congress. 

Every  requirement  of  the  lawcif  Florida,  in  I 
making  out  the  return  and  giving  her  RcpiT.sent- , 
alive  testimony  of  liis  election,  has  been  literally 
fiillilled.  What  judsrment,  then,  can  we  pass 
M]iiiii  the  return  in  this  case?  Can  we  say  less 
than  dial  the  sitting  member  [Mr.  Cabk.i.i.]  has  as 
eoiniilcle  and  perfect  a  return  as  any  member  of 
tlie  llou.se?  This  state  of  fad  i.s  admlllcd  by  all, 
liy  the  contestant  himself.  And  what  does  he 
ask  us  to  dor  He  nMpiires,  before  we  decide  the  , 
question  of  the  uliiinalc  riiilit  to  the  seat  by  ascer- 
taining which  party  is  I'jectcd,  in  having  received 
a  m.ijority  of  the  votes,  that  we  set  aside  the  rfdini 
which  his  (Competitor  holds  fiMuu  the  Governor, 
anil  virtually  cive  it  to  him,  and  admit  him  to  the 
■M-M  from  which  we  cxchiile  the  other.  This,  sir, 
is  bcyo'.ii  our  cmistitutional  ]iiiwer.  We  have  no 
nioie  authority  to  iiiimit/.c  luie  return  and  mahe  an- 
oilicr  than  we  have  to  rernke  one  election  and  our- 
selves make  another.  It  is  the  business  of  the 
j)ra;)/r  of  Florida  to  elect  their  Representative;  of 
the  Seefclanj  of  the  Slate  atid  the  Corrrnor  to  make 
tlic  return;  that  is,  to  furnish  the  Representative 
with  the  testimoiiialof  his  election,  that  lie  may  pro- 
dnc(}  it  here,  and  upon  it  claim  his  seat.  We  have 
no  power  to  undo  what  either  the  people  or  those 
(itlicirs  may  have  done  in  the  premises;  our  busi- 
ness is  simiily  to  ascertain  and  prniiouiice  what 
bolh  have  d(me.    Anything  we  attempt  beyond 

20 


that  point  would  be  leglRlntive  and  not  judicial  in 
its  character;  and  the  Constitution  confers  upon  us 
no  legislative  power  over  the  subject. 

But  the  return  may  be  made  out  to  one  person, 
in  the  strict  form  of  law,  and  another  lie  entitled 
toil.  What  redress  is  there  in  such  eases?  The 
louse  is  to  pass  judgment  not  only  upon  the  re- 
turns, but  upon  the  election  of  its  niemlw.s.  The 
return  is  necessarily  mer^'ed  in  the  issu<i  of  elec- 
tion. He  that  is  elected  bus  the  ri'j;lit  to  the  seat, 
and  no  one  beside  can  have Kiuh  ri^-lit.  This  point 
is  matter  for  proof,  for  inquiry,  and  judgment;  and 
when  the  question  of  election  is  decided  for  the 
contestant,  it  vacnles  and  overrules  all  rii;hl  in  the 
sitting  member,  including  the  return.  The  person 
receiving  the  largest  mimlicr  of  votes  is  admitted 


I  If  we  find  a  person  claiming  to  be  a  member  who 

\  has  no  return,  or  a  return  not  in  conformity  to 

I  law,  we  do  not  permit  him  to  take  his  seat,  and  in 

this  mode  we  judge  of  the  retnriis  of  the  members 

I  of  the  Hous(!.     But  if  such  person  contend  that 

j  he  lias  been  duly  elected,  we  proceed  to  exaniinn 

I  the  matter,  not  to  make  a  return  for  him,  or  for  any 

other  individual,  because  it  is  not  our  province  to 

make  lelurns,  but  to  decide  whether  he  or  another 

lie  decied.   In  such  a  ease,  ami  in  every  one  where 

I  the  se  t  is  contested,  vi-e  judge  of  the  election  of 

the  members  of  llie  House.     In  all  case;:  where 

the  H.nise  arlvances  lieyond  the  identificatiiui  of  a 

pro[icr  return  beiin.;  he'd  by  a  claimant  to  a  sent' 

on  this  floor,  there  is  but  one,  and  can  be  but  one 

question,  and  that  is  the  conclusive  oije,  comprc- 


to  the  .sent,  and  that  terminates  the  controversy  for  '  hending  all  others:  who  is  eleclisl  ?    The  settle' 
..11  1  t'. r  :. ..1....  — i,;..._      'iM...  ......I...... ;.,. 


all  and  forever. 

But  in  this  case  there  is  a  novel  attempt  to  split  | 
up  the  controversy,  and  to  create  two  issues  for 
the  decision  of  the  House:  first,  who  is  enlilleil  to 
the  return;  and,  secondly,  who  has  the  ris;ht  to  the  ; 
.seal.    So  far  as  this  lIoii.se  can  act  ui'oii  ihesc  mat- 
ters, the  individual  for  whom  the  CJovernor  of  the 
.State  has  made  out  the  return  is  ciiiitlcd  to  it,  and  I 
to  him  for  whom  a  majority  of  the  people  have  '. 
voted  belongs  the  si'ut.     We  have  no  ]iower  to  re-  I 
form,  modify,  or  supervise  these  acts.     Wc  can  ' 
only  declare  how  the  anthoritieu,  charged  by  the  i 
conslitntion  and  the  laws  of  Floriila  with  the  per-  ! 
formanceof  e.'ich,  have  acted,  what  they  have  done.  ! 
The  House  bavins  ascertained  these  points,  and  ' 
having  properly  announced  them,  its  authority  is 
fimrttiK  offifio.     When  it  adjudges  the  rirrht  to  the 
scat,  the  relnrn  and  all  other  matters  are  disjiosed 
of  in  Rubordinaliim  to  such  judgment.  I 

Such  is  not  only  the  principle  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, but  the  uuilorm  practice  of  this  House  ever 
since  the  origin  of  the  Onvernmcnt.     There  have 


,  niciit  of  it  settles  everything.     The  contrary  )irin- 
ciple  would  le.ad  to  many  other  absurdities.     Tlin 
I  Secretary  of  Florida  is  reipiiii'd  to  rouni  the  votes 
returned  to  liiiv.  at  the  expiration  of  liiirly  days 
alter  the  election,  and  to  certify  the  niimlier  to  the 
]  Governor.     In  our  ii    uiry  for  the  risrlit  Ui  the  re- 
turn, shall  it  be  decided   by  the  iiumlier  of  votes 
j  which  were  in  his  office  on   that  day,  or  by  the. 
number  which  he  certified  to  the  GoveriiiU',  in  cases 
j  where  there  is  a  variance?    Iiis|iectors  of  elections, 
I  jiid!;es  of  probate,  clerks,  jiislires  of  the  peace,  and 
j  pees(fnn  sujijwsed  to  /le  in!t]iectoes^  all    severally  re- 
I  ported  votes  to  the  J^'eeretary;  and  which  class,  or 
I  shall  a  majority  of  the  ncgrcgate  iiumljer,  iliur- 
!  mine  the  ri!;lit  to  the  return?    Oihcr  returns  came 
I  in  as  variously  after  the  thirtieth:  and  shall  the. 
'  number  which  had   been  received  up  to,  mid  in- 
.  clmliii<,'  that  (lav,  or  up  to  a  sulis(i|iieni  day,  confer 
this  ri^'ht?     If  the  latter,  what  day  shall  be  adoiit- 
eil  ■     All   these    pcrple.xitics  are  avoided  by  this 
House  adheriiii;  to  the  princifdc  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, and   to  the  example  of  those  that  have  :;oiie 
before  us,  to  have  but  one  issue,  one  trial,  one 


been  a  great  many  casi>s  of  contested  seals,  and 

not  one  in  which  there  was  raised  Iwo  issues — the  il  jndirment,  and  that  upon  the  all-comprelieudii 
right  lollie  return, and  the  risht  to  the  seat.  The  [|  question,  who  is  elected? 
party  havine:  the  return  has  always  been  consider- 
ed to  have  the  jirima  facie  ri^'lit  to  the  seat;  and  it 
has  never  before  been  denied  that  to  overcome 
such  right  il  was  indispensable  for  the  contestant 
to  show  that  he  was  elected  by  having  received  a 
majority  or  a  plurality  of  all  the  voles.  The  per- 
son elected  has  in  truth  all  the  riirht  of  the  case. 
The  possession  of  the  usual  evidence  of  election 
lives  rise  to  the  presumption  in  favor  of  him  who 
holds  it  that  he  is  elected.  To  controvert  and  over- 
come this  presumption  requires  tinii'  and  investii^a- 
lion,  anil  judsfment;  and  it  is  the  necessity  of  the 
case  only  which  enables  hiin  who  has  apparent 
right,  to  hold  possession  in  pi-ejudice  of  him  who, 

in  truth,  has  the  whole  risrlit.     I'm  adopt  the  priii- ,   „ , 

'•ipio  that  you  will  first  decide  who  is  entitled  to  ii  of  the  law  of  Flonda.  In  the  execution  of  his 
.he  return,  and  how  will  you  apply  it  to  the  pres-  [|  duly  and  the  law,  the  Governor  ciuild  not  avoid 
cut  case?  When  we  begin  the  wiirk  of  investiga- [i  ici//i/io((ii«g  the  commission  from  Mr.  Hrockeii- 
tingthe  right,  we  must  concede  the  position  that  ]■  brough  and  giriiig  it  to  Mr.  Cal'ell.  But  irenilc- 
there  can  be  imris^hl  in  truth  against  him  who  has  |j  men  say  that  the  Secretary  did  not  count  the  votes 
received  a  majority  of  all  the  legal  votes.  Is  not  '  in  his  office  on  the  thirtieth  day  afier  the  election, 
the  conclusion  that  to-day  we  may  decide  Mr.  'i  in  conformity  to  the  law;  that  the  judges  ifprohute 
Brockenbroiigh  to  be  entitled  to  the  return,  and,   i  alone  were  authorized  to  make  election  reiunis  lo 


But,  ^'ranting  that  the  contestant  lias  properly 
made  the  issue  of  the  right  to  the  rcairn,  il  is  lo  be 
triid  solely  by  a  recurrence  to  the  laws  of  Florida 
and  their  requirements.  On  the  thiriieih  day  after 
the  election,  it  is  theduty  of  the  Secretary  ofSt.oe 
to  count  the  voles  reported  to  him;  he  has  no  pow- 
er to  do  so  aftiTwanls.  He  is  tin  ii  to  certify  the 
nunilier  lo  the  Governor:  any  certificate  which  ho 
mi^htsiilisequently  make  out  would  be  <eilhi)ut  the 
atilhnrilij  if  late.  The  Governor  is  bound  lo  com- 
mission the  person  who  has  receivtMl  the  greatest 
numlier  of  voles,  according  to  the  certificate  of  the 
Secretary,  niiule  out  on  the  tliirliclli  day  i.fier  the 
elcciion;  and  a  commission  ba.scd  upon  a  ceriificalc 
given  upon  a  subsequent  day  would  be  in  vi"laliou 


jirn  tauto,  lo/he  seat;  and  to-morrow  we  may  ad- 
jndire  Mr.  Cabell  lo  be  elected,  and  that  Mr.  Bi-ock-  [ 
cnbrough  conse(]uently  had  no  right  to  the  seat  ! 
aiTiiinst  him  for  a  moment,  not  only  iinsound,  but 
absurd?  When  we  decide  one  party  lo  be  duly  i 
elected,  we  asi^ertain  and  declare  that  he  has  every  [ 
ri-iht  and  privilege  appertaining  to  the  Represent-  ] 
alive  from  Fh^rida,  and  that  all  other  persons  have  j 
none.  To  elTcct  this  our  judL'inent  upon  the  qnes-  j 
lion  of  cli!ction  only  is  necessary;  that  decides  | 
everything. 

It  is  preposterous  to  mniiilain  thai  this  body,  the 
only  court  having  jurisdiction  of  the  subject,  may,  \ 
miisf  have  two  separate  issues  and  inquiries;  one 
of  which  might  lie  decided  so  as  to  s;ive  the  seat  \ 
for  a  day,  a  month,  or  a  session,  to  Mr.  Brockeu-  ■ 
brough,  and  at  the  end  of  such  period  of  time,  the  [ 
oihcr  might  be  so  determined  as  to  establish  that  i 
Mr.  Cabell  was  duly  elected,  and  that  Mr.  Brock-  i 
eulirouirh  liiul  been  in  the  temporary  enjoyment  of  ! 
nrivih'gcs  to  which  he  had  no  claim,  but  which  be-  j 
longed  wholly  and  absolutely  lo  Mr.  Cabell.    We  | 
have  no  power  to  give  these  two  conflicting  judg-  r 
mcnts;  there  is  not  in  our  history  a  precedent  for  j 
it.     On  onjaniziiiir  the  House,  we  asccrlain  what 
is  a  return  according  to  the  laws  of  the  several 
States,  and  then  what  individuals  have  the  returns. 


him,  and  he  should  have  excluded  all  returned  by 
inspectors.     If  this  be  true,  the  only  r<  mcdy  is,  to 
decide  which  is  elected,  and  to  give  tli''  seat  to  iiim; 
but  the  reverse  proposition  is  true.     Ao  inlclligenl 
lawyer  can  collate  the  election  laws  of  Florida, 
without  prejudice,  and  come  to  any  other  conclu- 
sion than  thill  the  inspectors  are  exclusively  charged 
with  making  returns  to  the  Secieiary  of  Stale; 
and  ciMisequenlly  his  certificate  must  be  founded 
!  upon  an  enumeration  of  the  votes  which  they  may 
have  reuirncd  to  him  on  or  before  the  Ihirtieth  day 
'  alter  the  election.     Such  is  also  the  construction 
i  of  the  Secretary  and  Governor  of  llie  State;  and 
I  if  there  were  doubt  upon  this  point,  the  nuthcirity 
]  of  the  appropriate  power  of  the  Slate  in  its  dccis- 
i  ion  ouL'lit  to  prevail.     Il  should  be  borne  in  mind, 
!  too,  that  both  those  officers  arc  the  political  friends 
i  of  Mr.  Broekeubrough,  and  the  o|iponeiils  of  Mr. 
I  Cabell.     And  it  is  admitted  by  the  parties  that  they 
were  both  informed  by  tho.se  officers,  some  days 
before  the  Secretary  made  out  his  certificate,  that, 
;  by  their  construction  of  the  laws,  the  inspectors 
:  were  the  proper  returning  officers.    To  this  opin- 
ion no  objection  was  then  made,  either  by  the  con- 
I  testani  or  the  sitting  member.    Bnt,.suppose  welake 
I  the  broad  and  equitable  foundation,  and  adopt  the 
'  inincijilc  that  a  m.ajority  of  idl  the  voles  which 


'  nil 


306 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Jan.  24, 


:i9TH  CoNo;...,l8T  Skss. 


Fhridtt  Contested  Elution — Mr.  Garrett  Davis. 


Ho.  OF  Rrpr. 


Imve  l)ceii  it|mrltil  li)  llie  Sccrcuiry  on  tlic  expira- 
tion ol'  llio  lliirliulli  iliiy,  liy  nil  oiaBSi'M  ol"  oliii'ers, 
t^iitiilnl  the  prrmiM  wlio  hud  hiicIi  niiijnrily  to  tin: 
icliirii:  ilit'ii  tin:  ccriilicnlp  and  coniniissinii  were 
proprrly  cimt'orred  tipoii  Mr.  Ciiljcll,  for  lie  liml 
lirty-one  more  of  lliis  ii-^sjiegaied  vole  (linn  Mr. 
l!io'kciil)r"usli. 

Tlic  rif;ht  to  the  retiini  imi«t  exint  under  ond  in 
cont'oMiity  to  the  Iiwvh  ol'  I'^torida;  it  Hiii*ely  cannot 
l)e  iirjed  eiruiiHl  mid  in  diHres;ard  ol'  llieni.  The 
Gmeniorol'  Klorida  \  iild  not  I'oniniiN.sitin  Mr. 
Uroelienhrousli,  lie^'aus.'  the  eertifii'iitc  of  the  .Sec- 
retary slated  thai  Mr.  Caliell  had  n  majority  of  the 
•vote^.and  the  law  reqnired  hint  to  coinitii.sHion  the 
jieivani  haviiij;  sucli  rcrtiliiMtte.  In  lite  ahveiirt!  of 
hitch  eertilicale.  the  Ciovernor  coiilil  not  have  is- 
sued n  coniiiiissiini  to  any  prrsun.  'J'he  certificate 
of  the  Secretary  miiiht  be  erroneous,  init  the  Gov- 
ernor could  noi  iiM|uire  into  tliat  fact  ami  correct 
ii.  He  was  hound  to  ret  upon  the  ecrlificale,  as 
it  was  tendered  to  liini,  ami  to  eont'orm  to  it.  Hut 
the  I'ertilicale  was  right,  liecause  it  was  to  he  made 
fiut  on  the  Until  day  after  the  eit'i'liiai,  upon  the  re- . 
turns  as  Ihev  iaid  iieeii  made  hy  the  inspectors  lo 
the  Secretary;  loiii  the  nrnjiuily  of  those  relnriis 
was  for  Mr.  Cahell.  'i'lie  crrtitlcale  was  ii:;lit, 
further,  lurause  on  llu't  day  tlie  maiority  of  the 
whitie  vole,  w  hich  had  heeii  reiiortcii  hy  all  ofii- 
eera  to  the  .Secretary  w.ts  fur  Mr.  Cahell.  The 
Governor  would  have  i<\  crthrown  the  election  laws 
of  l-'lorida,  and  would  have  disre<jardcd  the  actual 
majoriiv  of  .ihe  entire  \ote  as  it  was  in  the  Secre- 
tary's otliee.  if  he  had  connnissioned  Mr.  Rroik- 
enGrou^h.  I  low,  then,  is  it  possihie  for  thia  House 
to  say  that  holh  these  (illicers  iiufn'oiiirlij  aiul  Hit'- 
irallij  withheld  from  liim  the  rcturif?  anil  we  must 
decide  tliatdonlde  propnsiiion  to  l.e  true  before  we 
enn  now  render  jiuti;mcnl  that  he  htiitilledio  the  re- 
turn, separ.ite  from  and  independent  of  the  eonside- 
ratiuii  ol'tlieije.estion  which  of  them  is  elected,  even 
considcriiiKtiiat  we  may  considerthis  separ.Ue  issue 
of  the  riL'hl  of  n  turn,  which  is  utterly  deiucii. 

Air.  ('abell,  ihen,  havin-^-  ilie  return,  reinforced 
hy  the  proper  and  Ic^ial  aciion  oj'the  Secretary  and 
the  (Governor,  and  by  the  majoriiv  of  all  the  vtues 
reporteil  at  the  exoiraiioii  of  the  thirty  days  after 
tlic  election,  had  liie  riuht  lo  assume  his  scat  as  the 
Kepresentatiiefrom  Khu'ida.  upon  the  or^nization 
of  the  IIoiisi'.  He  li.-is,  too,  the  riuiit  to  retain  this 
Rent  until  a  partniioiiiil  rii(ht  is  shown  to  exi.«t  in  his 
competitor;  and  this  can  only  be  done  by  exhibit- 
in2^  proof',  in  a  leira!  t'orni,  that  Mr.  IJroclvcnbrouirh 
received  the  trreatest  number  of  the  whole  vote 
piven.  The  mode  of  demonstralin;;  liiis  majority 
everybody  undiTstands.  It  is  exhibited  in  this 
Hull  at  the  organization  of  each  House  of  Iteprr- 
sentatives,  in  the  choice  of  its  otlicers.  In  each 
election,  the  eluiirnian  of  the  committee  of  tellers 
ftnnounees  how  niiuiy  votes  have  been  cast,  how 
many  constitute  ilie  niajonly,  ;uid  how  many  each 
person  receives;  and  in  this  way  ii  has  to  be  shown 
that  he  who  is  elected  has  received  a  majority. 
Now,  the  contestant  tMi.  Urockenitnais^h)  idaiins 
that  he  received  a  m.-'jin-ily  of  all  the  votes  sw'U 
in  I'hu'ida,  and  is  therefore  elected.  His  notice  is 
sufficiently  certain  and  good  upon  this  point,  but 
upon  none  other. 

If  this  {losition  has  been  inndo  jrood  by  lecral  ev- 
idence his  riu'ht  to  the  suit  is  eslalilished,  and  the 
return  of  his  competitor  ought  to  be  vacated,  and 
rendered  of  no  I'urther  elfect.  Hut  the  eonieslant 
hold.s  the  alTirmalive  of  the  issue,  and  is  contend- 
ing against  a  right  v\  hich  is  held  to  be  the  best  until 
a  better  is  demonstrated  bv  tl^'Jtimony.  Unless  lie 
ha.s  done  this,  he  has  failed  in  the  contest,  and 
Judgment  should  be  rendered  for  his  adversary. 
He  must  have  sliown  how  niiuiy  votes  w'ere  given 
in  the  State,  how  many  were  j^ivi'ii  i'or  liimsel)*, 
and  how  nmny  for  .Mr.  Ca'jill.  It  cannot  other- 
wise be  known  whetlieror  not  he  has  received  the 
niajm-ily — the  greater  number.  -Now,  sir,  the 
laws,  maps,  and  geography  ot'  Florida  show  that 
there  is  a  county  in  Florida  named  St.  Lucie. 
The  contestant  lias  adiniticd  on  this  lloiu-  that 
there  is  such  acunnly.and  that  he  has  been  in- 
formed that  a  fpoll  wa.v  held  in  it  at  the'  election  be- 
tween himself  and  his  competitor.  In  the  county 
of  Monroe,  the  evidence  and  the  copies  of  the  re- 
turns show  that  there  are  ut  least  four  precincts, 
and  that  returns  haie  been  received  fioin  but  Key 
West  and  Torlugas  precinct.  No.  4.  From  the 
other  two  there  is  no  report  whatever.     It  ia  a  ma- 


jority of  the  entire  vole  actually  cast  in  the  whole 
State,  ilieludiiig  those  two  missing  precincts  and 
the  county  of  St.  ijiicie,  that  the  eonieslant  must 
show  himself  lo  have  rci-eived,  before  we  I'aii  ren- 
der the  iudgnicnl  that  he  is  elected.  The  presump- 
tion of  law  and  of  fact  is,  that  an  election  was  held 
in  this  county  and  tbe^a:  pieciinls.     .Still,  it  is  pos- 
sible  that  the  olficers  of  electinn  and   Ilie  jieople 
neglected  this  duty.     If  so,  it  stands  as  a  single 
eaoc   in   American    h.istory;  and    the  laet  of  such 
omission  is  susceptiijle  of  the  easiest  proof,  and 
must   be  eNlabtished   by  the  contestant   before  \\c 
can  come  to  the  eoncbi^ton  that  the  return-^  I'rmn 
all  other  precincts  ami  counties  compreiiend  the 
wliide  vote  that  was  cast  in   Ihe  St. tie.     lint  Mr. 
Uroi'kenln-ough    admits   his   information   that  an 
clcci   n  was  held  in   the  county  of  St.  Lucie,  and 
lui  gentleman   here  doubts  the  ficl.     AVe  cannot, 
by  conjeeinre  or  by  hcar.say,  determine  how  the 
vole  of  Si.  Lucie  ami  llinse  missing  iireeincis  was 
cast  between   the  jiarties,  or  whether  the  y  would 
vary  the  result  protluced  by  the  \ote  of  the  ri  st  of 
Ihe  Stale.     There  is  no  proof  upcm  these  points  in 
the  ease.    Neither  the  contestant,  the  silling  mem- 
ber, nor  any  other  person  here  knows  these  mat- 
ters by  letler,  or  even  by  report;  and  if  there  was 
such  knowledge,  the  House  could  make  no  use  of 
it.     We  are  ailing  as  a  court,  anil  are  verifying 
fads  and  reaching  eonchisiiuis  by  the  rules  of  ev- 
idence.    We  cannot  depart  from  this  inily  legal 
and  safe  guide — depositions,  taken  upon  reason- 
able notice  to  the  opposite  jiarty,  and   indispensa- 
ble lo  establish   the  truih  of  the  case  ujion  those 
several  points.     It  is,  then,  inipossitile  to  pass  the 
resolution  reported  by  a  majority  of  the  Commit- 
tee on  Klections, "  that  William  H.  Ijiocketibrough 
is  entitled  to  a  seat  in  this  House  as  a  Uepresenta- 
li\e  from   the  State  of  l''lorida,"  without  a  viola- 
tion of  all  principle.     'J'he  most  favorable  eonclu- 
sioii  for  htm  to  which  we  could   now,  with  any 
propriety  arrive,  would  be   to  refer  the  case  back 
lo   the  cmumitlee,  with   iesiructions  lo  ;tscertain 
i  ami  report  which  of  the  two  parties  has  obtained 
the  largest  number  of  ihe  whole  vole  !_M\en  in  the 
Stale,  inchidiug  Ihe  coniiiv  of  St.  Lucie  and  the 
two  remaining  precincts  in  the  county  of  Monroe, 
There  is anolhi'r  point  in  tlilsrontroversy  which 
would  preclude  us   from  adopting  the  resolution 
of  Ihe  commiltee  in  I'lVor  of  Mr    Hrockenbroiigh. 
The  niaj(a*ity  of  the  eonuniftee  report  that  lie  re- 
ceived thirty-seven   votes  more  than  .Mr.  Cabell; 
and  in  their  conipul.iiinn  they  include  the  poll  at 
Key  West,  which  exlnbils  one  hundred  and  one 
votes  for. Mr.  llrockeiibrouL'b,  and  tilly-f(Uir  votes 
for  .Mr.  Cabell.     The  nuijonty  at  Key  West  for 
\lr.  IJroekenbrougli  is  foriy-seven,  ten  more  than 
the  aggregate  niajoiily  which  the  cmnmittee   has 
reported  in  his  favor.  Xow,  the  vote  at  Key  West 
was  not  estimated  by  the  Secretary  of  Slate  in  his 
certificate  to  tlu'  Ciovernor,  because  no  relurii  id' it 
bad  then  been  made.     The  majority  id'  the  roni- 
niiltee  have  improperly  ciainled  this  poll,  because 
'  the  inspectors   who   held   that  election   were  not 
.  sworn,  as  the  laws  of  Florida  renuired  them    to 
have   beet..     Her  conslilution  ;ind   hiw.s  provide 
that  inspectors  sbidl  swear — 

'•  'I'liai  Uii'v  are  duly  ijiailiiicil.  accoidimr  m  tlic  ■•onstitii- 
litai  ol"  Ilie  Sl.ili'.  to  c'xcrcinc  ilic  ullicc  la  vvliicli  they  liitve 
liccii  iipponitcd.  aiid  will.  I"  the  ln-.-l  ofllicir  aliililM  s.  taith- 
lally  ili-cliarec  lite  dnlic-  thfrroliiccordiiK.'  inlaw  ;  and  tliill 

they  will  sutdioii-iy  cridc:ivt)r  ut  jio-vent  Irtnid,  d if.  mid 

ahiirie  ill  eoiidiictiiij;  said  clrctiaii.  and  pn'^erve.  prnteel.  iiad 
delciiil  tti<-  cniclitatioiKirttii.s  and  the  rnili'tl  ^•liltcF(."— AVc 
thiiilitulwit  Kwl  .'C.sioa  eiYs  of  I'lorida  of  1M.1,  /;.  .'.. 

The  next  .-;ection  of  the  saute  lul  provides  that — 
"  Siifdi  (lidh  in.'iv  lie  ijikca  iM-rnre  aii\  pcr-iin  atilliiTri/.cd 
In  adinini-lcr  '»alll«.  or  il'  llii-rc  In-  tm  Mich  p('r>on  in  allcial- 
nncc.  one  olttic  in^iii  epus  ,sli;ill  iidiiiiiii.-hT  >litdio;itli  lo  llic 
other  inspeelnrs.  ami  rme  al  the  inspr ctnrs  so  sworn  J.h.ill 
iidaiiiiisler  such  nath  to  tlie  iuspectur  ant  sworn." 

'ihe  record  of  the  ileciiun  at  Ivey  West  shows 
that  il  was  held  by  .1.  1!.  lirown,  Win.  Curry, 
Bud  N.  Smith,  as  inspectors,  and  .loseph  C.  Wlial- 
tnnascl  rk.  The  oath  for  the  inspectors  and  iderk 
is  formally  diMwn  out  at  Iciigib,  and  signed  with 
the  names  of  the  iiispectors.  There  is  then  np- 
[tended  to  this  recoril  these  words: 

»' ^iwnril  Itinl  Silh-iciilied  i  ietnlter  (;,  Is-t.",,  Iiy  said  Joseph 
H.  Brnwii,  inspci'Ifn-,  funi  said  William  I'lirry.  insiiei-lnr. 

and  sanl  .NiclialiLs  t^aiitli,  inspector,  helnre :  ami  tiy 

said  clerk,  naine  wni',  liclnrc  undersiymMl,  one  nt  the  said 
laspeclnrs.  \VM.  ClltltV  " 

The  next  section  of  ihc  act  nulhori/.es  any  one 
of  the  mspectors  to  swear  the  clerk.     The  record 


proviH  that  none  of  these  inspectors  were  .Mroni; 
the  eertilicale  of  the  oatli  being  in  blank;  the  oath 
was  not  taken  before  a;'  person.  The  taking  of 
this  grave  oath  is  tlie))ri')ici;)n/.  the  esscniiill  matter 
in  constituting  an  inspector  of  elections.  Until  a 
person  has  taken  it  be  is  no  iiis]iecl(ii;  and  eonse- 
i|Uenlly  has  no  power  to  swear  the  clerk.  As 
Curry  had  imt  taken  this  oath,  he  had  no  aulhori- 
tv  to  (|na!ify  itie  clerk;  and  ciinsei|uently  the  elec- 
tion III  Key  West  was  held  without  legid  inspect- 
ors or  clerk.  U|ioii  the  faci'  of  the  reem'd  it  was 
held  by  four  gentlemin,  ihree  calling  ihcmscdveH 
inspectors, and  one  clerk;  but  not  in  truth  such,  and 
having  no  more  power  to  holil  the  elect  ion  than  any 
other  four  eilizens  of  Florida.  Il  may  be,  with 
their  deierminalion  am  lo  the  mannerof  conducting 
the  eleclion,  this  oath  was  rather  of  too  grave  ii 
character  for  them  to  lake,  lint  il  is  moat  pri)l)a- 
ble  that  this  election  was  held  by  two  genilemeii 
only,  viz:  William  Curry  and  the  clerk;  otherwise 
we  cannot  imagine  that  one  id' the  inspeclois  would 
not  have  r|Ualified  the  iilhers,  and  he  in  bis  turn 
liavi:  been  Rwm'ii  by  one  of  Hum  accoiiling  to  the 
provision  id'  the  law.  But,  be  the  other  iiiets  as 
they  may,  this  ise.stablisheil  by  the  recia-il,  that  ihe 
inspectors  were  not  sworn,  and  that  a  man  who  had 
not  the  right  administered  the  oath  to  ihe  clerk. 

The  elei'tion  held  at  Torlugas  precinct,  .No.  4,  in 
the  same  county  of  .Monroe,  is  liable  to  a  similar 
objection.  The  record  proves  that  the  inspectors, 
.laiius  (;loss,  William  I!igby,and  William  Fluuib, 
were  sworn  before  Daniel  I'arker,  clerk,  and  he 
bel'ore  .lames  Glo.ss,  mie  of  ihe  inspectors.  The, 
law  give.<i  to  the  inspectors  the  power  to  swe:ir  each 
other  if  no  person  with  general  aiilbority  to  admin- 
ister oaths  be  present, '^and  then  mie  of  the  inspect- 
ors is  empowered  lo  swear  the  clerk.  I'm  Ihe 
clerk  lias  no  power  whatever  to  swear  Ihe  inspect- 
ors, nnt\^  his  administration  of  such  an  oath  has  no 
validity  or  effect  whatever.  Neiiher  had  this  clerk 
any  righltoae.  as  suchat  this  election,  because  he 
was  tpe.'ii',.  H  by  .Tames  (..loss,  who  himself  had 
not  been  sworn  by  a  person  empowered  loadniin- 
ister  the  inspector's  oath;  and  unlil  he  had  taken 
it  according  to  law  he  had  no  power  lo  tpialify  the 
clerk.  The  reasonable  ipresumplion  is,  that  these 
gentlemen  did  not  have  the  law  at  the  place  of  hold- 
ing the  election,  and  in  its  ab.sence  did  not  know, 
as  there  was  no  per.<on  present  possessed  of  gene- 
ral power  to  administer  oaths  present,  who  were  to 
tpialify  the  inspectors. 

To  exclude  the  (lolls  of  Key  West  and  Torlu- 
gas, Mr.  Cabell,  the  silting  member,  has  a  majoriiv 
of  nine  votes.  Is  the  fact  that  the  otlicers  of  the 
election  at  those  two  places  held  it  without  being 
sworn  sufficient  to  rci|uirc  us  to  rejiet  the  votes 
there  east?  The  adjuration  which  is  required  of 
Ihe  inspectors  and  clerk  is,  "  that  they  are  ipial- 
'  ified,  according  lo  the  constitution  of  the  Stale, 
'  to  exercise  the  office  lo  which  they  have  been 
'appointed;  that  they  will,  to  the  best  of  their 
'  abilities,  faithfully  ilischarge  the  duties  thereot' 
'  according  lo  l.iw;  and  thai  they  will  studiously 
'  endeavor  to  prevent  iVaud,  deceit,  and  abuse  in 
'  conducting  .said  eleclion,  and  pi-eserve,  nroiei-t, 
'and  defend  the  Constitution  of  this  anil  of  the 
'United  States;"  an  oalh  of  great  pith  and  sis- 
nifieancy,  creating  as  inueii  and  as  grave  oblit'ii- 
tinn  as  is  possible  for  any  such  test,  liable  u>  be 
viidated  in  many  and  iniportani  particulars,  and 
the  infraction  of  each  lo  be  visited  as  a  niisile- 
nieanor,  by  a  fine,  and  also  with  the  pains  and 
penallies  denuunced  against  perjury.  This  is  the 
guaranty,  the  strong  guard  which  I'loriihi  throws 
around  tlie  freedom  and  purity  of  her  elections. 
Clan  we  determine  that  elections  lielil  in  total  dis- 
regard of  it  are  valid?  Her  laws  aie  the  rule  by 
wliii  b  we  are  to  form  our  judgment,  and  it  is  our 
impc>ralive  and  .solemn  duty  losusiam,  not  to  over- 
throw and  nullify  her  laws.  Lvery  member  of 
this  House  is  a  Judge  in  this  controversy;  and 
imagine  if  you  can,  without  revulsion  and  horror, 
a  cniirt  CiUileinning  ihe  law  of  a  ease,  and  iipbold- 
iii"  acts  which  stand  not  only  invalidated  by  that 
law,  bill  denminced  as  penal,  if  not  feloniouB.  Is 
this  wdial  a  sovereign  .Stale  of  the  Union  is  to  re- 
ceive at  Ihc  bands  of  the  tribunal  of  the  last  resort, 
when  pa.^sing  upon  the  obligation  and  ellieacy  of 
her  laws  in  ni!ilt':rs  of  the  L'ri'aleiit  iniMiieiil  lo  her? 
If  so,  away  with  the  mockery  of  allowing  her  to 
piiss  laws  regulating  her  own  elections.  Abolish 
the  mummery  of  oaliis,  the  pretence  of  having'  laws 


]846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


307 


Slid  T.irhi- 
II  niiijoriiy 
■  'rrs  ol'  iliii 
lioiit  licing 
Tt  llir  voU'fl 
■erniired  "f 
y  iiri'  (lunl- 
■'tlie  Sitiic, 
linve  licoii 
'!<l  of  llinii 
ies   thnreof 
aliiilidu^ly 
1   i\l)USP   ill 
(',   proierl, 
mill  III"  tlie 
nil  iiiul  siu- 
■iiM'  (ibliirn- 
ililp  1(1  lie 
iciiliir?,  nii'l 
a  niisilc- 
le  piiins  iiiiil 
'I'liis  is  the 
iriilA  llirnwa 
clrclions. 
I  tiilul  dis- 
the  rule  liy 
niul  it  is  (iiir 
mil  to  i)M.'r- 
imnilirr  nf 
iivf'i'My;  mid 
iinil  liiiiror, 
and  iipliiiUl- 
liilrd  liy  timt 
■liiiiiiniH.     In 

llllll    is  111  I'C- 

liist  ri'anrt, 
d  cflii-ai-y  of 
iini'iil  til  licr? 
iiwiiii:  Ikt  to 
iiH.  Aliolisli 
'liaviiiglawa 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 

to  resiilnte  nnd  ensure  the  purity  of  the  hnllot-box.  i 
Jin,  sir;  if  the  prinripic  whirh  I  roiilrnd  for  had 
ni'vpr  liit'ii  siiHlami'd  liy  the  jiid^'iiipiit  (irilio  Ilonsi' 
of  Riipi'i'Hi'nialivrs,  siill  it  wiiulil  Ui:  iinp(iN»ilile  for 
nny  prnporly-ailjiislid  mind  tn  rniilniviTl  it,  or  Its 
fiMlTu'ii'iicy  tn  icji'ci  the  piilhi  of  Ki'v  Wi.st  and  i 
Tiirlnjias.  lint  this  is  n  point  adjuil!;(d  hy  our  ' 
prtdrii'ssnis,  vvisiT  and  liinter  men  iinin  ouisiIvch, 
in  years  liys;iiiK',  liefnre  an  iill-pprvadin!j  spirit  nf 
faiMiiin  had  lindniidt'd  roason  and  pi-rvorted  moral 
aensc.  (n  the  ease  of  Mcl''arlaml  rs.  I'lirveyame,  , 
o  contcsual  eleelion  frnm  North  Carolina,  in  1801, 
it  was  decided  that  "  the  ncgUcI  uiul  rifiisal  [of  in- 
'  spi'Cloru  and  clerks^,  to  take  the  oath  preserihed 
'  liy  hiw  was  a  sufffient  grnunil  to  set  aside  the 
'  elei'licin."  (See  viiluine  of  Contested  Mleetions, 
paL'e  l.'jl.)  In  the  ease  of  Melvirlaiid  im.  Cul- 
pepper, from  the  same  State,  in  the  year  18(17,  the 
coniiiiiltee  repni'led,  anion;;  other  lliinus,  llins: 
"  From  the  aliove  recited  lesiiinony,  ndmilled  liy 
'  llie  eoniiniilee,  il  appears  that  the  inspectors  niul 
'  clerks  olfic'ially  employed  in  conducting  the  elec- 
'  tinns  in  Itii'lininnil,  Alison,  and  Moiitiomery 
'  eoniiiies,  do  nut  appear  to  have  lieen  sworn,  as 
'  the  law  iif  North  Carolina  expressly  direrts;  and 
'that  the  votes  ijiven  in  some  of  these  roiinlies, 
'  not  lieini;  received  liy  olliceis  legally  rpialified, 
'  niii;lu  to  ije  rejected."  On  this  gninnd  the  cmii- 
millee  ri'jected  the  votes  of  these  three  eonnties, 
and  reported  a  resolution  vaeatini;  the  election  and 
reinandinfritliacklothepenjde.  The  House  sustain- 
ed ilie  report  of  ihe  coniniiitee,  and  a  new  election 
nccnrdini;lv'  took  iilace.    {ISee  pa'.;e»  222  and  22,').) 

This  jirincjple  was  also  sustained  in  the  eases 
of  I'orterfielil  rs.  McCoy,  and  Kaslon  rs.  Scott. 
(Slime  hook,  pa^es  2li7  and  281.)  There  has 
never  heen  a  cas-e  ef  a  contested  election  in  Con- 
gress in  which  tills  qiiesiicn  arose  that  it  has  not 
bern  decided:  it  stands  immovalily  liased  upon 
justice  und  reason,  upon  law  and  adjudication; 
iii.d,  nnle.^s  we  spiiin  and  trample  upon  iheni  all, 
we  must  vacate  this  election  and  send  it  hack  to 
'Jie  pe0|ile  of  Florida.  It  oimlil  to  he  set  aside, 
that  the  voice  of  a  majority  of  that  people,  express- 
ed in  conforiniiy  to  llie  imperative  requirements 
of  their  own  law,  maybe  spoken  and  may  pre- 
vail: for  liy  that  power  and  in  that  mode  alone  cm 
the  Slate  of  Florida  lie  le^rally  and  constitntioiially 
represented,  fiueh  a  decision  would  be  aeciirdiii'.; 
to  ihe  truth  of  the  case,  that  a  It'jial  election  had  not 
been  held,  and  it  is  therefore  void. 

Mr.  Speaker,  there  were  other  irreirularities  and 
violations  of  the  law  in  etinducliiif^  this  eleciion, 
manifest  upon  the  record,  which  are  abnudanlly 
sutlicieiit  to  set  it  asidi'.  Hut  1  plant  myself  upon 
those  which  I  have  pointed  out  only,  and  I  tlieu 
turn  to  the  eliairmnn  of  the  Coimniltee  of  Elections, 
who  is  an  intcllii^ent  and  an  asiiite  lawyer,  and  1 
renuire  him  to  stand  lorth  antl  vindicate  the  reso- 
lution, "  That  William  H.  13rockenbron:;h  is  en- 
titled to  n  seat  in  this  House  as  a  Representative 
from  the  .Stale  of  Florida,"  which  he  has  reeom- 
inended  the  House  to  adopt.  Oiir  aetion  in  this 
eontroversy  will  not  be  evanescent  or  inlanjjible. 
Our  jud:;ment  will  be  recorded,  and  the  proofs 
ujion  which  we  base  it  will  form  a  part  of  the 
same  permanent  record.  It  will  add  another  to  the 
cases  of  contested  elections  reported  in  this  volume 
of  more  than  a  thousand  pajes.  It  will  be  pev- 
petuated  as  precedent  and  authority  to  be  referred 
to  bv  those  who  are  to  eomeafier  us,  and  by  them 
it  will  be  reprobated  or  approved.  They  will  read 
our  decision;  they  will  then  recur  to  the  law  and 
the  evidence  upon  which  we  have  rendered  judgf- 
meiit.  The  opinion  of  the  chairman  differs  so  rad- 
ically and  palpably  from  mine  that  some  de^iree 
of  suspicion  o('  intainy  of  bein^  a  corrupt  jiidije 
must  attach  to  one  of  us.  I  will  calmly  await  the 
sentence  of  those  who  succeed  us  to  declare  to 
which  the  slain  attaches. 

Mr.  .Speaker,  there  is  no  ajipeal  from  our  decis- 
ion to  correct  oiir  weakness  and  error.  Yet  the 
people  of  Florida  are  not  wholly  without  redress. 
In  a  lew  short  months  they  appear  in  their  majes- 
ty at  the  polls  a^rniu  'o  elcithe  an  individual  with 
tlieir  representative  sovereiy;nty.  Thoniih  now 
they  can  interpose  r)  voice,  no  power  to  uphold 
Ihe  authority  of  their  own  laws,  and  to  prevent 
the  dinnity  of  their  Comnionweallh  from  bein;; 
trampled  by  us  under  foot,  they  will  then  be  po- 
teniial  to  assert  boih,  and  to  pour  contemiil  upon 
our  abtise  of  the  sacred  offices  of  a  court. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr,  Ilannegan. 


Senate. 


OREGON  aUESTION. 
REMARKS   OF    MR.    HANNEGAN, 

t)P   INT)tA.\.\, 
l>i  Sevate,  l-\hni(tnj  \G,  I84(i. 
On  the  Resolution  for  termiiialini;;  the  joint  occu- 
pancy jf  Orej;on. 

Mr.  IIANNUG  AN  addressed  the  Senate  as  fol- 
lows; 

Mr.  Pnr.siDENi  There  are  various  propositions 
ri'latiimr  to  the  su  -lect  of  Orei;on  now  lu-tore  the 
Senate  lor  ils  consideration,  which  prnposiiimis 
have  been  aliTady  fully  and  clearly  staled  by  the 
presiding  officer  of  this  body;  to  any  one  i.f  which, 
or  all  of  them,  if  I  correctly  unilersland  the  rules 
of  the  Senate,  it  will  be  in  order  to  speak.  As  tar 
as  the  iTsolution  for  L'ivin;;  nnlice  of  the  termina- 
tion of  the  joint  occupancy  ol'Orction  isciiiicerinil, 
il  is  a  matter  of  very  little  consequence  whether 
the  resiilniion  reported  from  the  Committee  on 
l''orei;;n  Relations,  or  llie  resi)liilion  olleifd  by  the 
Seiiaiorfrom  Kentnckv,  [Mr.  CKiTTi-.NnKK',|  shall 
prevail.  F.ither  one  lir  tlie  other  will  saiisly  ine. 
IJiit  I  consider  the  siviou'of  ihe  notice  at  the  pres- 
ent session  of  Coir^ress  a  matter  of  the  utmost 
importance  in  many  points  of  view.  It  will  be  en- 
tirely unnecessary,  however,  to  dise.u.ss  tliose  va- 
rious points,  and,  indeed,  it  would  not  be  consist- 
ent with  ibe  course  which  1  have  marked  out  for 
myself.  I  desire  to  speak  more  p.irlicularly  upon 
some  other  blanches  of  the  subject,  and  especially 
in  reference  to  the  resolutions  which  1  had  tliiHioii- 
or  to  submit,  and  the  amendment  to  iliose  resolu- 
tions, or  siibslitule  forlliem,piop(ised  by  ihehunor- 
alile  Scnaior  from  Smith  (Carolina,  [Mr.  C.\i.iiors.[ 
1  prefer  this  course  for  the  simple  reason  ihiil  the 
resolutions  which  1  snliinilted  briiisr  Ihe  whole  (ptes- 
tion  of  Oregon  directly  before  the  Senate.  .My  first 
resolution  declares  oii'r  title  to  the  whole  of  the  ter- 
ritory, exiendinj,'  ihciu  from  the  Rocky  mouiitaiiis 
to  the  I'.icilic  ocean,  and  lyiuL'  south  of  .VPJD' 
north  lalitiide,  to  Is'  valid  and  uiiqueslionalile;  in 
the  second  resoliilion,  1  declare  that  this  C^ov- 
erimienl  has  no  power  to  alienate  its  soil,  or  lo 
transfer  the  allecrianee  of  ils  citizens,  lo  any  lor- 
eiijn  prince  or  I'ower;  and  by  the  third  resnlution, 
it  is  declared  to  be  in  direct  violatimi  of  llie  honor 
and  best  interests  of  llie  country  lo  surrender  that 
which  is  clearly  ours.  In  the  amendineni  lo  ihi.se 
resolulions,  the  Senator  from  South  Canilina  has 
submitted  the  followini;-: 

"Krw/iol,  TIeil  the  rrc>iileat  ol'  the  I'nitei!  States  has 

power, '  liy  anil  Willi  Ilic  iiilvi mil  eiiiiseiil  or  the  Hciial-, 

III  iiiiike  irruticfi,  inoviilcil  two-lliinls  of  the  Senalurs  pres- 
ent ciincnr.' 

"lieiolrnl,  Thill  Ihe  p.iwer  ol'  niakiiis  tn'alies  eniliraees 
thntnt'Hi'llliai!  niid  lixiliclininiilarics  Letweca  the  li'oiliiries 
and  po.ws.-idiis  ol'  llii'  I'liiled  SliUcs  .inil  tliiise  ol'iillier  I'livv- 
erM,  ill  cases  nt'euiilliclni^  claim-'  liciweeii  tlleia  in  reference 
to  the  siuae. 

"Rr^oliril,  TImt.  Iiowevrr  clear  their  cl'iim':  may  be.  in 
their  opinion,  to  •  llie  coualrv  included  williia  Iln'  paraliils 
of  4'J°  and  54'  40'  iinrlli  latiliide,  und  exiendiiiu  from  llie 
Itockv  laoaataiiis  to  the  l>acilic  oi'iaa,  known  as  the  lerii- 
lory  of  flrpcon,'  there  now  exists,  and  have  Inni;  existed, 
cnntlictini!  claims  tn  the  possessioa  of  tlie  same  lietweea 
lliem  and  (Ireiu  Drilain.  Iiie  ailju-tmenl  of  wliicli  has  heen 
freqiii'iiU\'  the  sutiject  of  acgoliatioii  lietweea  the  respective 
tiovfrnnn'iils.* 

.\nd  also  Mr.  C*LliurN's  fifili  rcsolulioii,  as  fol- 
lows: 

••«.\m)ir./.  Thai  the  rresideatofihc  fnitcd  SMies.  jn  re- 
new iniz  the  ntl'tT,  ill  the  spirit  of  pi-nee  ami  eomprdiinse.  lo 
I'sl.ihhsh  llie  4yih  ili-L'ree  of  norlll  laulllile  as  a  liiii-  in-uvefii 
the  two  countries  lo  liii-  .-aid  tcrril-iry,  did  not  ahaniloii  the 
lionor,  liie  i-haracii-r,  or  the  liesi  interests  of  ihe  American 
people,  or  evreed  the  power  vested  in  him  hy  the  t'oii^lilii- 
tioa  to  make  treaties.*' 

To  this  last  resiiUition  I  have  no  answer  to  make. 
I  shall  not  nlteinpl  to  consider  it  in  any  way.  To 
the  first  resolution  I  h:ive  no  earthly  objecilon.  All 
that  is  siibsuintial  in  it  is  in  accordance  with  the 
letter  and  spirit  of  the  Coiistitulioii. 

The  second  resoliilion  of  the  Senator  from  South 
Carolina  contains  some  uniloubti'd  truth,  hut  it  is 
not  applicable  at  all  to  the  subject  of  fh-e".;oii.  1 
desire  the  Senate  to  observe  that  the  Senator  from 
South  ('ai'olina,  not  only  in  ihis  resolution,  but  else- 
where in  his  resohitions,  uses  the  word  "claims" 
as  applicable  lo  the  prelensioiis  of  bolli  countries, 
1  use  the  word  /i(/e  when  speaking:  of  the  United 
States.  I  think  his  second  resoliilion  utterly  inap- 
plicable here,  from  the  tact  that  his  entire  series 
does  not  present  the  queslion  in  ils  true  attltmle. 
We  set  lip  no  claim;  we  assert  title,  the  freehold, 


Il  the  sovereignty.    It  is  England  nione  that  rmt 
upon  a  naked  claim. 
To  this  hour  she  never  has  sncceeded  in  show- 

!•  in;;  even   "a  colorable  title"  to  one  sin'.;lo  foot; 

II  whilst,  upon  the  other  hand,  I  bold  that  our  ne'.;n- 

1  tialors,  our  F.M'ciiiive  departnnnl,  bnth  branches 
of  Coiii;reMS,  hnndreds  of  onr  fellow-citizens  all 
!over  the  [I'liimi,  li.ive  iil  various  intervals,  and  in 
rapid  sucressioii,  made  out  and  exhibited  lo  ih',- 
world  as  clear  a  case  of  title  to  ihe  country  between 
the  parallels  of  42°  and  ."il'^-KI'  on  the  I'acilic,  with 
the  adjacent  isl.uids,  as  was  ever  made  out  to  tlie 
soil  and  freehold  of  any  countrj'on  eiirtli — as  clear 
as  call  be  made  out  by  any  member  of  this  body  to 
the  planlalion  on  which  stands  his  liabiiallon. 

Wilhout  liisiiii:  any  time  by  prefalory  remarks, 
I  will  LTO  at  once  into  ihe  evidence  of  the  title,  wliieli 
litis  already  been  prcsenled  on  several  occasions. 

To  avoid  sloppin:,'  in  llie  course  of  my  remarks 
to  name  aullioriiies,  I  may  now  simply  suite  in  ad- 
vance, that  the  snircis  from  whence  my  iiiforma- 
liiiii  is  ehicllv  derived  are  the  works  of  Xialle  Uriiil 
and  llnmlioidl,  the  wriiimjjs  of  fieveral  heads  of  the 
.State  Depnrtnieiit,  the  siieeches  delivered  in  this 
body  and  the  other  brancit,  bv  various  dislini^tiisli- 
ed  men  lor  the  last  twenly-hve  years,  and  from  llio 
work  of,  and  ci'oversiilions  wiih,  llie  commander 
of  till-  explorin;;  sipiadron,  Capiain  (jharles  Wilkes, 
and  al.so  from  the  personal coniiiiiinieationsofCoin- 
mofinres  .bines  and  .\nli(k,  both  of  whom  have  vis- 
ited a  porlion  of  llie  coast  in  queslion. 

Ilnmbolilt  informs  us  that  in  ihe  year  1589, 
Francisco  Ciali,  in  his  voyiii,'e  from  Miicao  lo  Aea- 
jiutco,  discovered  the  northwisi  enasl  of  America 
as  hi'ihns  .')7'-'.')ll'.  In  the  laiienai;eof  this  author, 
"(rali  admired,  like  all  tliose  who  since  bis  lime 
'  have  visited  .N'ew  Cornwall,  llie  beauty  of  those 
'  colossal  mouuiaiiis  of  which  iliesnminil  is  I'overed 
'  with  perpetual  snow,  while  their  bottom  is  cover- 
'  eil  with  the  most  beaiiliful  vi •.'elation." 

New  (,'oriiwall,  as  it  was  cilled  loiev  nfler,  if  I 
recollect  rirrht,  by  Vancouver,  exiend.s  from  tlio 
o-lih  decree  to  the  .")7lli.  This  disi-iivery  by  Gnli 
was  ten  years  anierior  lo  llie  voyage  ol  .fnnn  de 
Fnca,  who  discovered  the  r.liait  separalii:;;  the 
southern  point  of  Vancouver's  bslaiid  from  the 
main  land.  Whilst  L'ivins  implicit  credence  to  Ihe 
iliscoveriesof  (iaii,  riuinlioldi,  for  reasons  I  cannot 
discover,  is  inclined  to  irtat  the  voyaL'e  ol'Jmin  dc 
l'\ica  as  apocryphal.  The  exaniiiuitioos  of  mod- 
ern limes  have  luiiled  a  concurn  m  siqiport  of  De 
i'lica's  stalemeiils.  and  with  one  accord  the  strait 
be  discovered  ]'.er|ieliiates  his  name.  This  voyiio;e 
of  De  Fnca  was  in  15'J2.  Siibsequi'iit  to  ihal  time, 
and  up  to  the  period  of  ]77'l,  Sjiaiii  conlimied  on 
various  occasions  to  send  niariiiers  into  those  seas 
as  his;h  north  as  the  parallels  of  i'ufi  and  57°. 
Throimhout  the  whole  period  she  was,  by  the 
common  eonseiii  of  Clirislemloni,  n-sarded  as  the 
.-"ivereiirn  and  possi  ssnr,  not  only  to  the  last-named 
parallel,  but  still  further  to  Ibe  iiorlh. 

Ill  the  vear  1774,  however,  occtirrod  the  voya'.:e 
of  .Fuan  ferez,  under  the  authority  of  the  Spanish 
Government,  to  a  point  between  the  parallels  of 
.75°  and  oti'^. 

He  laniled  on  the  north  coast  of  Washinffton 
Island,  traded  with  the  iialive.s,  took  possession 
formally  in  the  name  of  ilie  Kin'.;'  of  Spain,  coiusied 
down  it,  and  thence  lo  Vancouver's  Island,  along 
which  he  coasted,  laiiilino;  and  tridinu;  w  ith  ihe  na- 
tives, and  vv'as  the  lirsl  civilized  man  who  discov- 
ered or  entered  Noolka  Sound,  where  In- anchored, 
and  clirisiened  it  Port  .San  Lorenzo,  in  honor  of  the 
saint  on  whose  natal  day  he  entered  il.  The  year 
following  his  return,  llie  Spanish  viceroy  of  Mexi- 
co lilted  out  anoiher  expediiion,  the  coiiimand  of 
which  wasnssi'jiied  to  IJruno  I  lecelii,  accompanied 
by  I'ercz  and  (4,nadia,  and  ilu  y  proceeded  to  the 
57lli  deijree  norlll.  They  erected  monuments,  af- 
fixed lo  iheiii  inscriptions,  rai.sed  cros.ses,  traded 
with  the  natives,  and  took  possession  in  the  name 
of  the  Kin;;'  of  Spain,  of  the  whole  country  south 
of  the  57ib  parallel.  In  so  doiiis:,  they  complietl 
with  all  the  formalities  known  to  the  asje,  and  upon 
the  principles  which  haveguided  llie  cour.se  of  Eng- 
land on  more  than  one  occasion.  These  twovoy- 
;  iii;es  would  alone  constitute  a  ]ierfect  tide  by  dis- 
'  covery.  This  last  voyaire,  commanded  by  Hecela, 
was  two  years  prior  to  ihe  voyau;e  of  Captain  Cook, 
;  on  whose  discoveries  the  EiiL'lish  claim  now  rests, 
I  .\t  one  time  she  defended  he 
I  latical  voyage  of  Sir  Francis  I 


i£M 


iiL:osit  laiiiii  iiiiw  resit 
her  claim  under  the  p 
is  Drake,  to  the  Spams 


Spanish 


m 

1.1 


*W)8 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  CONGRE^SIONAr.  GI/)nE. 

sraasa 


fF.ib.  16, 


'^$>rii  CoNu IsT  Srsm. 


iMi.iHCNHions  (III  llio  riicilic;  lii.tlnry,  linwrvrr,  liiis 
Uini;HiiiiM.'ii3«ii,'iicil  li'  llmt  ii'inivvni'il  (Vi'clMiiiirr  Win 
ii|i|irii|>i'iiiCc'  |>l:i"r.  lMI<i:;(<  iiiiil  |iliiiiil<'i'  wire  Ills 
iiU'enlivirj,  ikpI  iIic  disiMvi'i'y  iiiiil  in'ciiiiailiMii  (if 
tijiTiliii'V'.  It  irt  cxcicUiii:;!)'  (Iiiiibil'iil  wlii'llu r  In- 
pni.i I Ji  il  .'IS  l\ii,'li  iiiirlli  iw  4-J°.  As  lli(^  I'laim  iiii- 
ilcr  liin  ilJM.'ovn'y  i."  alKiiiiliiiiccl,  it  wkiiIiI  he  iiKtU i:s 
|.(  ^ivi'  il  i'urtlu-r  iiolifi', 

III    ll|lll,Hilillll     to    tllC    CdlU'Clll'll    iliKrovi'ritM    of 

S|i;iiii,  liji^-l.iiiil.  III  iIiIh  iliiy,  I'linii'S  in  wlili  tlir 
Viiyii^o  iifl'  iiHiiii  CcMik,  llii-  .\iMiil>.i  tjiniiiil  cnii- 
vciiliiMi,  nil. I  llir  vi>vii!;i'  nf  Vnin'iiuvi  i'.  A  i  iilli- 
•  ii'iit  iiMswir  til  till'  I'laiiii  iiiidi  I' (''ink,  i.i  fi'iinil 
in  till'  will-iuilli.iiiiiali  il  rml,  mluiillril  liy  C'liiik 
liini'Jrir,  llint  |iiiiir  hi  sailiii;,'  iVoiii  Rii.J.inil  nii  in'- 
T'lniil  nl'llu'  Miy.ii'f  111'  lli'i'ria  liail  luin  fiublislii  il 
l>y  Cluailra,  luul  liad  liciii  s.imi  liy  (_'.miI\,  'I'hin 
Hi.ii|i|i' slati'inriit  III' fai'l  in  I'ai'  iniii^l  iliii.siM' uii.l 
viini|iluiu  rel'ulaijoii  nl'  lliu  Kii;;li'<li  iluiiii  by  iliis- 
ciuiTy. 

Ilir  el  liin^  iiiulirliir  Xr.iUlia  Sminil  niiivrntioii 
iifL'  11.1  liiillcr  rniiiiiliil.  Ill  llio  year  ITrtit,  an  Kny;- 
lisli  salijirl  naiiiiil  Mfsiiii  laiiilwl  at  Nniilkn 
Siinirl,  anil  ri'ci'ttj  Ronif  liuta  fur  llii'  imi'iios*;  iil* 
liMilinii  ttilli  llic  imlivcs;  itial  ;,liii|-tly  al'trraii  Kin;- 
lisli  viHsil  fiiinini;  In,  wan  uriznl  liy  tlio  SjianiarilH 
wlin  liail  a  Kiaili'iiU'iU  linn'.  .Miari'.s  wiis  stnl  in 
roiitlnumi'iil  to  .Mc.'iii'n,  ami  tliu  kIiIilh  ailil  r»i''.;(i 
WiTi'  i'iiiiri>'.?ali'(l.  All  iipiiial  wiiH  niailf  in  llir 
Kii4li..'li  O'lM  rnnii'Ml  liy  JI  arts,  for  lur  prntci'- 
li'in  uii'l  inU'i'|i(i.sitiiin;  luul,  to  her  hunoi-  lie  it 
Mliiiki'li,  llial  n|i|ii'.vl  is  nrviT  niadi'  in  vain.  Slic 
I'Ciiinplly  addrci.-X'd  tlir  S|iai)i»li  Gnvcninunt;  aiiil 
Spain,  111  reply,  allt':;('.l  I'lal  uii  I''n;,-li,di  Hiilijict 
li.id  li'Spa.s.-ied  on  liur  dominlon.i.  Knuliind  aniu'il, 
and  lliiTaleiiLil  iii'<l.iiil  li'iHtiilliod  .iinlu.s.s  Spain 
WMiiKl  make  rcparalinn  for  llie  allr^'id  injury. 
Sji.uii,  wf'.'ik  a.s  sUv  wa;i,  and  rontrolli'd  at  tint 
tiini'  liy  llie  wcakrst  and  must  iinlu'cili'  ninimivli 
that  lia-idi.ihiiiuirrd  a  throne  in  modern  llniea,  u  liii 
was  I'iiiiseir  inl'iiniou.dy  controlled  by  the  imto- 
vious  ami  aljandoneil  God'iy,  nils -ailed  I'ri'ier  .if 
)'eai-e — even  Spain,  in  ler  di'^'radali.iii,  n  I'n.sed 
the  arbitrary  e\actioiis  of  l''.ir,''aiid.  An  apjieal, 
tiiuler  tile  '•  laiiiily  I'ompaet,"  was  made  to  I''r.uiee 
by  the  SpanLsh  Minl.ster,  Count  .Nunez,  dini.iiid- 
inv;  a8si.:lail'-o  and  nuppori,  in  aeennlanee  wilh  ihu 
terms  of  tluu  euniiKu'l.  The  reply  of  Fraiiee  was, 
that  .she  was  re.idy  t)  meet  and  disdiargc  her  ob- 
lii^atioiis  under  llie  "  family  eompaet."  The  iin- 
Kettled  condition  uf  la  r  air.iirs  prevented  the  aid 
that  wits  invoked,  for  the  dame  was  already  kin- 
dlinij  whieli,  three  short  years  after,  broiiiiht  Lnnis 
XVI.  to  the  block.  Left  al'ine,  weak  and  feeble 
!\s  she  wiLS,  Spain  could  not,  ^slii^le-haiid'd,  eii- 
roiinti  r  the  cil'i.^sal  power  of  lingland,  and  was 
compelled  to  Habmit  to  terms. 

Ijiit,  in  so  iloiiu',  she  maintained  to  the  Inst  the 
tone  of  her  Minister  in  addrcasiii;;  the  French  CJov- 
eriimi. at  for  aiil.  That  eomiiumiealion  appealed 
t'l  a'l  K'lrope  for  the  jn  Jlilicalion  of  her  title  to  the 
territ'iry  In  iinestlon.  Its  lanj,'iia','e  is  vi'.'ur'ir.s  and 
remarkable,  and  defies  refutation.  With  the  per- 
mission of  the  Senate,  I  will  read  i\  pa.sSiUje  from 
that  communicalion.     Here  it  is: 

"  IhI.  That  liy  the  ifiities,  ili'iii;ireali(in>',  tnkiiiit.4  riffios- 
n"'i..<ioii.  mill  llli;  lii'i-t  iliei'Ii'il  rt'-L-i  iit'!JnV''reii.'lny  e\eix-iseit 
liy  III*'  Hpiiaiartl-t  in  these  slntioii.>  from  the  reimi  iircharli-s 
the  Hec'iiiil,  .tad  iiiithiiri/.i'il  li>  Hint  iiioiiim-li  in  It;i)>.  ihe 
(iriitiniil  vouciierii  t^ir  which  nliall  lie  liroiiclit  larwiird  in 
tll'J  course  uf  lliu  iieijiitiEitiiiii,  all  Ilii-  cii.L.'t  t'l  the  north  fit 
the  we^liTii  Aiii'Ti»'a,  'in  III'-  siile  iil'l-ie  Hunth  ^eJl,  n-  f.ir  us 
li"yoiMt  what  is  e:»ll;'il  rrinc  \\'il)iaii:"..»  S'liiiid.  wlii'h  i*  in 
the  (tNt  (teitree,  i.s  iieklitivvleil'i  (I  t'l  lii'loln:  e.velusi\ely  la 
iSiKiia.'' 

■♦:iil.  Tliattlie  Ptilte  orille  fto.iiie'iiiinnbanile.vi'lasive  enia- 
i..'-'rf'i' on  the  M-ae.ia-t  "if  the  rfontle  rii  on  an,  as  it  evistid 
ill  the  iiill"  of  (.'hurl' H  the  .'^ec-inil.  hail  l"''-ll  aeklinwIeilL'eil 
anil  ileiiie'il  anew  by  all  Hit'  iiatmiw  oi'  KnriiiM',  nml  more 
Iiirtieiil.irly  liy  Kii^'laiid,  ia  the  eiijhth  article  ut' the  treaty 
of  Itre.'ht." 

Mr.  President,  every  commiinlcatioii  wlileli  Riib- 
8cr|iien!ly  pa.s.sed  IVoni  Count  Florida  IJIaiica,  tlie 
Sjwnish  nei^oiiator,  to  Mr.  Fitzherbcrl,  the  Ciitj- 
lisli  Kiivoy,  I'ontains  lan[.'ua!,'p  oi|nally,  If  not  more 
decided,  In  the  assertion  of  .Sjianlsh  tide,  than  the 
ji'LH-sase  I  have  quoted.  And  at  the  very  nionieiit 
of  sl','nln<;  the  >(ootka  .Sound  eniivemioii,  to  avoid 
nil  Bub.seipient  fraudulent  Intcrprelatluii,  ami  In 
defiance  of  the  iraunlleted  iniiid  Imjieiidin;;  over 
her.  Count  Florida  lilanca  declares  that  .S|iaiii 
yields  not  one  little  of  sovereliriity — ofexcluaive 
liovereii^nty  over  the  soil. 

If  we  (iJd  to  this,  and  the  eomnion  con.sent  of 
Christendom  befirc  alluded  to,  the  fact,  that  Mr. 


The  Oregon  Qiteation — Mr,  Unmiefran. 

Fll/.lierberl  made  no  iiHserlioii  of  title  for  Fii'/land, 
but  confined  himself  to  a  vaL^nie  and  iiialcfnied  v\- 
lUTssioii  of  ri;,'lits,  or  "claims,"  up  lo  the  liiiic  of 
ai'eeplin;  the  eonvcntion  on  behalf  of  |'ai"laial,  we 
have  as  cleu'a  tille  in  Spain  to  Vani'iaiver'a  hlaiiil, 

'  and  llii-  adjacent  coast  and  islands,  as  can  lie 
f  aiiiil  III  history,  lo  the  ailaehment  of  any  newly- 
ilisi'overed  coniilry  on  earth.  That  adniisNiou  of 
riuhl  in  Spain  extended  as  hlL!;U  lioriii  as  ihe  (ilst 

'    parallel. 

(Ill,  what  a  picluri'  would  Ihe  aeiret  history  of 
F.ii'flish  illploiiiaey  iircoiiit!  I  siu'ak  linl  III  cell- 
sure  of  the  ifiailer-splrits  who  t'or  centuries  have 
eoulrolled  her  roniicils,  leadiii;;  lier  step  by  step 
lo  the  mastery  of  llie  world.  Their  far-sinhlcd- 
ediiess,  and  tin  ir  (levolion  to  her  Inleresis,  Is  woi- 
lliy  of  eoniiueiidiitloii  and  emulation,     i'erliap.s  no 

,    Hlrontrer  Insiaiiee  ol' t'orecast  was  I'ver  triveii  than 

'  Ihal  will'  Il  sixty  years  a;:o  saw  the  vast  iiiiporlance 
lliat  Ihe  de.^ert 'co'asi  of  llie  I'aellic  was  ullimalely 
to  attain  In  the  Nciile  ot'<  iiipirc. 

The  .Nooika  Soinid  con\eiiiion  vave  lo  F.iiirland 
the  rl'.;lit  "  to  laud  on  llie  eoasis  iii  places  not  al- 
'  ready  occupied,  for  I  he  purpose  of  carry  liiir  on  thi'lr 
*  continerce  wiili  the  naflns  of  ihu  country,  or  of 

.  '  inakinirm  liliineiiis  there,"  v.llli  llie  sole  inteiiiloii 
of  all'ordln::  her  faediiies  in  siieh  Intcrcoiii'xe  with 
llie  natives  and  to  enable  her  to  re|iair  her  vessels. 
Tlie'^e  seeo'idnry  and  pcrini-slve  rl;;lils,  In  no  man- 
ner iuvolvin:;  the  soverei'^niy,  were  all  slieaeipiired 
by  that  coiiveiitlon — all  that  her  slatcsiueii  llien 
claimed — all  llial  Spain  eonccded.  And  yd  she  has 
at  tins  hour  llie  i  Ifroulery  lo  assert,  in  the  ficc  of 
history,  Ihat  she  thus  ai'i|niied  the  riirlit  of  |iara- 
momii  ocrnpali'in  and  seillemeiit.  1  sav  nil  that 
her  slatesnien  claimed;  for  .Mr.  Fox,  111  the  lirilisli 
Farll:\nienl,  whilst  the  eonventloii  was  under  dls- 
rnsslon,  deuounced  it  as  '■  a  Irritlii  I'f  cfiiicf-^suma 
imil  lint  (1/  m'(/i(i.ii/ioin."  In  anolher  passage  lie 
asaerls,  llial  "  we  had  'riven  up  all  rl^lil  to  selile 
'exceiit  for  temporary  purposi's,  to  the  Hontli  of 
'the  Spanish  .seiilomenls  or  in  tin.'  Intervals  be- 
'tweeii  tliein,  when'  ihi'V  happeiieil  to  be  dlxlanl." 
—  /'./)•.  Ilh.  rot.  -JS,  ;i.  li:).-i. 

And  In  conlirm.itlon  of  this  lanirna'^,  Mr.  Pitt, 
under  whose  auspices  as  Prime  .Minister  the  con- 
vention had  been  iie;;otiateil,  replied  by  sayiiii;, 
that  l'',U!rl.":nd  "had  irained  no  new  rlu'lits,  but  that 
she  had  ijalned  iivw  advantacri's."  These  iiewad- 
vanla'TCs,  In  the  Iniiiriia'^'e  of  .Mr.  Pitt,  consisted 
Nini|ily  in  Ihe  aeknowledu'ua'nl  by  Spain  "of  the 
'  rlu'lii  of  Fai'.'land  lo  carry  on  fisheries  in  the  Pa- 
'  cili''  ocean,  and  lo  tnele  on  the  coast  of  any  part 
'of  It  norilnvest  of  .'\nieriea.  " 

Immediately  al'ler  the  execution  of  this  conven- 
linn,  F.ii'jilaud  liiliil  out  om'  or  two  ships,  and  in- 
triisieil  the  coinmaiid  to  Ca)italii  Vaueonver,  lo 
proceed  on  a  voyaire  of  discovery — yes,  of  tllscov* 
cry  to  the  P.acific  o'-ean,  and,  as  Is  nllewed,  to  pro- 
cuiT.  restiiution  ol"  Fiii^Iisli  property  In  compliance 
w  ilh  the  eonvcntion.  What  were  the  oeeurreneea 
of  that  voya'^'e.-  If  Spain  had  intended,  by  this 
coinentiim,  to  deliver  Nooika  .Sound  to  fan^Iand, 
or  if  Kn^'land  had  undersiood  it  as  thus  ar(|uireil, 
would  II  not  have  been  promptly  enforced  liy  ihe 
one,  If  refused  by  the  oilier.-  Most  assuredly. 
Hut  what  Is  tlie  fael  ?  When  Vancnnver  reached 
.\ooika  Sound,  did  he  make  any  demand  flir  resto- 
rallnn?  None  that  I  ever  heard  of.  And  if  so,  it 
was  not  (Miinplicd  wilh;  for  so  far  from  dcliveriii'^ 
to  him  possi'ssion  of  Xooika  Sound,  which  is  be- 
tween  the  parallels   of  4!P  and  ad^,  the  Spanish 

i'  cnmmandani  n(Aised  toallowhlni  to  proceed  around 
the  Island  of  lluadra  or  Vancouver,  by  the  Straits 

l!  of  Fiica.  the  (iiilf  of  (ieor^ia,  and  U,iieeii  Char- 
lotte's Sound,  which  all  eonibine  to  ee|iarate  it 
from  the  main  land,  until  he  ciinl.l  i^et  vessels  ready 
to  .ici'Oinpauy  him,  niid  he  did  acouipaiiy  hi.,,. 

And  here  let  ine  iiause  to  mark  ii  point  In  Fn;;- 
lish  diplonialic  artifice.  Upon  the  arrival  of  Van- 
couver at  Nootka  Sound,  the  island  which  forms 
the  Sound  w.is  called  Cluadr.i,  and  had  been  for 
years;  tlie  .Spiiniards  were  in  po.s.se.sslon;  a  .Span- 
ish c'inmiaiidaiil  (he  whose  name  the  island  bore) 
lielfl  jiossessioii  in  the  name  of  Spain,  and  a  nour- 
ish iiii;  Spanish  settle ineiil,  wilh  the  consent  and  ap- 
proballoii  of  the  iialues,  was  e.^iabli.'^lK  d.  AVitli- 
tnit  a  word  on  the  subjeetof  resioratioii,  or  ofsov- 
erei'^nty,  or  riirht  lo  the  island,  but  silently  and 
without  the  knouleilLTe  of  any  one,  but  doubtless 
with  the  secret  sanction  of  the  hai^rlish  Ministry, 
Vancouver  in  his  journal  and  chart  christens  the 


Senate. 


ixlanil  by  Ills  own  name.  In  order  that  Filmland, 
half  a  ceiilury  alterwardu,  iiiiirhl  have  another 
poiiil  on  which  to  ri  Hi  her  random  and  vagrant 
claim,     U'he  fiaKraiicy  of  this  act  Is  more  slrlklnt; 

whin  it  Is  ri Ilecied   that  Spain  held  piniscislon, 

not  only  at  Nootka  Sound,  but  of  ihe  entire  Island 
of  Vnnconver — niidisliirbeil,  tindispnled  posseH- 
sloii — from  Ihat  period  unlll  ihe  year  I'lKi,  when 
she  volnnt  II  ily  (ili.uiil'iiied  it,  lieciiu.se  the  dislnrbi  (I 
condition  of  I'airope  was  Hiich  as  lo  pir'vem  her  or 
any  oilier  l''.iiropean  Power  from  exlenilhii,'  or 
proteeilii'i  such  reniole  settlemenlH  durint;  the  sue  ■ 
eieilin;,'  tweiily  years. 

lint  (lid  I'^i'.'land,  ufler  this  nbiiiiiloiinient  by 
Spain,  come  forward  wilh  her  claim.'  1)1.1  she 
aUempt  a  seliliniint?  ( 'ertainly  not.  IV  o  Sena- 
tor can  show  — ibr  Fntjlmid  herself  cannot — tluu 
belwet  II  the  parallels  of  ■i'JP  and  ■'iJ'J  -11)'  she  evrc 
made  a  setdenieiit  or  iisHcried  a  "  claiin"  lo  a  sin- 
cle  iiicli  of  t^roimil,  until  il  had  been  previously 
o\Mied  and  occniilcd  by  oihers. 

:       Aiitwithslandin;;  her  niiiforin  course  all  over  the 

World  of  I  lainihi;;  and  lioUlin:.'  by  discovery  as  lief 

ou  n  li^lil,  she  r(i|nlres  sonielhiii';  more  In  oihers, 

wli'iieve'rll  soils  her  purposes  than  nieredisci'very. 

.Means,  who  vmis  ihe  ori;;in  of  this  dilliciiliy  'at 

,  N'ooika  Sound,  In  a  iiieinonal  niadc  to  his  own 
(jeveriimenl,  but  which  is  pniveil  by  .'aibslaiilial 
wilnesHcs  to  be  false,  allc'.;e(l  thai  he  had  pnrehasei! 
laud  III  N'ooika  of  the  nailve  chief  Maipiimia,  anil 
had  thus  aciiulred  the  rl,i,'ht  to  buihl,  nceuiiy,  and 
jiossesH. 
Two  American  iiavi^-alnrs.  Captains  Gray  and 

:  In^craham,  wen'  at  lhal  polni  when  the  dillicnlly 
lai'urred,  and  slate  emphatlcidly  that  the  chief  de- 
nied ever  yiviii;;  the  rit-'ht  to  Meares  or  any  oilier 
Fnsllshman  lo  make  s,  ':lci  .  nis  lliere,  nor  did  hu 

;  to  any  exteiil  admit  iheir  claiins.     On  the  eontra- 

!  ry,  ai  ihe  period  of  this  dillicully,  the  native  chief 
look  part  viiih  the  Spaniards.  ''I'his  fici,  even  un- 
der llie  Fnnhsli  constructloM  of  the  rule  for  others 
In  the  consuimu.itlon  of  title  by  discovery,  divert 
.Spain  a  perfect  title;  for  when  iht;  act  of  discovery 
Is  acconipaiiled  by  permanent  .selllement  with  tho 
consent  of  the  natives,  it  conslilutes,  accunlini;  lo 
that  conslriK  lion,  a  jierfeci  tille. 

So  much  for  the  claim  of  Finland  to  Oregon;  for 
this  Is  the  entire  evideiice  of  title  upon  which  hIk; 
rests.  .She  Is  just  where  she  was  In  IT'-^it,  when  she 
atteiniitcd  lo  extort  the  country  from  the  wcaknes.s 
and  llie  terrors  of  Spain.  .She  has  no  nddillonal 
derivation  of  title  lo  poinl  to  from  that  hour  lo 
this.  We  have  puirha.sed  the  title  of  Spain;  by  the 
Horida  treaty  we  aeiinlred  all  her  rli,'lils  and  all 
her  sovereiiinly.  We  atand  lo-diiy  precisely  in  llio 
shoes — If  I  may  .so  speak — of  Spain  In  lltii.  Wc 
occupy  in  I'elallon  lo  (>re;;on  the  very  positton 
then  occupied  by  that  enfeebled  and  worn-out 
monarchy.  Now,  as  then,  the  same  doiniiieeriiii^ 
Power  Is  arming'  to  the  teeth  to  drive  us  coinple'ely 

.  fnim  the  i^niuml  which  poor  Spain  niurc  thini  half 
maintained. 
Shall  the  mailed  Imiiil  of  Kn°;land  dictate  to  it.s 

'another  Nooika  Sound  convention.'  Shall  it  du 
more — shall  It  force  ns  to  surrender  that  for  whi'-h 
Spain  prepared  lo  struir^le  .'  Shall  the  twenty  mil- 
lions who  now  people  free  America,  with  eiierf;ies 
iinfallionied,  and,  as  I  believe,  unfathomable,  with 
resources  unsurpassed  in  the  history  of  nations — 
shall  we,  thus  endowed,  abandon  a  position  In  de- 
I'cnce  of  which  Spain  was  williii;;  to  hazard  a  con- 
teHl,the  result  of  which  to  her  was  not  even  douiit- 
fill,  luid  upon  II  was  staked  her  national  existence.' 
Fven  the  efl'emiiiate  iiiliid  of  Charles  IV.  held  his 
nation's  honor  as  dear  as  his  ii'ition's  exislciice.  I 
know  it  is  someiimes  sneeiini;ly  asked,  what  ha.'^ 

'  honor  lo  do  wilh  Ore^'on  and  why  should  there 
be  so  much  talk  about  hoii'ir.-  Mr.  l-'ox — whoso 
authority  I  d(  arly  love  lo  i|aole,  for  1  reverence  his 
mi  inory — said  in  the  debate  ill  Parliament  I  have 

I  before  (|UOted  IVoni: 

'•  Unniir,  to  liHIi'ms,  \\as  pcrliii]is  the  nnly  jn^tiliahte  nr 
nitiunal  unninil  of  cnlcst.  Vyars  liT  the  ..ake  of  i'iini|iii'st, 
iif  aciinirinu  (I'liniinon  nrcM'-ndnii'  lr:iili',  wi-re  ciaially  nii- 

I  jll>-t  mill  iialHililic.     lie  \v  l.n  Vjinlicnti'il  thi'lionnr  nf  a  coiiii- 

l  try  was  tile  adviicale  iil"  iLs  de.iri'.-t  iiitcrc>ls,  tieciill..ie  In  \  iii- 
(li'eiite  it.-i  Ininiir  was  to  scenre  ns  peace." 

And  this  aullioriiy  will  stand  irooil  when  the 
memory  of  those  who  tisk  "  Why  talk  of  honor:" 
shall  be  forpillcn. 

lint  in  addition  lo  the  tide  of  .Spain,  we  have  one 
of  our  own  to  contend  for — the  discovery  and  en- 
trance into  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  river  by 


> 


4 


n 


1840.] 


APPENDIX  TO  TIIF.  CONGRKSSIOINAL  GLOBE. 


aof) 


29th  Con« IsT  Sks». 


titte  to  119 
.Sliiill  it  (lu 

till-   wlli'll 

wi'iiiy  iiiil- 

lll  CIllTfjicS 

iiiiile,  M'itli 

lllltiollM — 

iiMi  ill  de- 
'^11(1  a  CDii- 
vcii  (loulu- 

xisli'iii'c  ? 
V.  liHd  hi^ 
islciicc.    I 

\\  hat  liaH 

tiilit  there 

\ — WhilSl! 

•  it'iii't;  liis 
111  1  hiivu 


when  the 
if  hoiKiir" 


1 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Jlaiincgnn, 


Senatk.. 


Ciiplitin  Orny,  r)f  Dnnliin.  That  mn  hnn  il«  soiirrp  '1  ninry  n««prii'il,niiil,  in  In  liclli'vid,  iimiiilalni'd  liy  Irri'lYnitn 

iihiiui  ilie  H'M  |i:ii«ll(l  iif  iiiirih  liililiide.     In  midi-      '"'"  '  "•-"'■'  "'"" 

liiiii  In  thin,  wr  hivve  ihn  ritfhl  iiii|iiiivd  liy  iho  din- 
I'civi'rien  and  ex|ihirali(in»  nt'LewiH  and  Clarke,  ^iv- 


in^'  iiH  hi!;hiT  than  ihii  4!)tli  parnllel,  tn  which  ll 
JSrnatnr  frnm  Sontli  Cariihiia  wnidd  (■(iiifiiii'  the 
Anicrii'iin  lininidiiry.  Is  there  notliin;;  ihie  l<>  the 
niter|iri.se,  the  |irivaliiiiiH,aiiil  ihe  Huireriliipiiif  that 
i:;iiMaiil  imrly,  ile«|iniclied  hy  nnr  Uovornmenl  to 
i'\|ih)i'e  and  Inke  iinxHeHHinn  id'  ihiti  ti'rritury?  Ib 
Ihire  iiiithiii^'  ihie  tn  ihr  privalioiiB  ihey  endured  in 
Ihcir  Idiirney  In  that  ri;,'i(in — iiiernini;  tlie  ninnii- 
tuiiiK  In  a  re<;iiMi  of  eleriml  Niinw — \s  interim;  wil|i- 
iiiil  hnii.se,  nr  lent,  or  hill,  and  xiihHiHlint;  on  Rcanly 
iikiiIm  (if  lini-wfleuli?  Is  there  nolhiiiK  dun  to  iho 
^'illani  eirnrlH  nf  iheNe  indoiiiitnhlc  nifii  in  ilic  Bcr- 
vii'e  nf  their  Qovernnient  ? 

Than  the  eniijninl  titles  of  Siiain  and  the  United 
Stales  to  Oresron,  no  lioller  title  exists  hy  discov- 
ery, exploration,  and  infaiil  oceuiialioii. 

A  siiif;le  remark  upon  the  expedition  nf  Macken- 
zie, in  eonsei|ucnee  of  whieh  Kiii;lanil,  or  some 
persons  for  her,  iiretend  to  found  a  elaini  north  of 
the  Cohiinl'ia.  lie  professed,  and,  indeed,  he  sup- 
posed, that  he  had  disenvcred  the  Coliiniliia  fiinn 
near  its  sonree;  hut  the  fuel,  iib  Inii!;  since  estjililisli- 
od,  prnvi's  that  it  was  tlieTacoulehceTesaee,  whioli 
rises  mirth  of  ilie  C'ohmiliiii,  and  whieh  he  pursued 
for  some  distaiiei',  and  without  ever  liaviin;  ap- 
priiAi'liiMl  the  Columbia,  from  its  source  to  its 
mouth, 

A  claim  for  Enshind  is  also  asserted  liy  the  dis- 
lovcry  and  piir.snil  nf  Fiazer's  river  from  near  ils 
soiiive  to  its  iiinulh.  ll  will  lie  reniemliered  that 
this  siream  empties  into  the  ^ulf  of  Gcoi'i;ia  oppo- 
site Vancouver's  Island,  which  is  Ke|iuriited  at 
many  points  from  the  main  land  liy  so  short  as]>ace 
that,  for  a  Ion;,'  lime,  it  was  re2;iirded  as  a  projue- 
tionofllie  conlliieiit.  The  idle  nature  of  sueli  a 
elaiin  must  lie  ajiparent  from  the  fad  that  the  whole 
enast,at  the  point  where  l''ia/.er'.s  river  discharj;es, 
is  masked  liy  Vancouver's  Island,  nioi-e  than  two 
liundred  hiuI  fifty  miles  loii^',  and  wliich  had  heen, 
Iniiir  prior  to  the  explornlion  of  Krazcr,  in  the  pos- 
session nf  Spain,  as  he  was  not  in  that  region  uiilil 
several  years  after  the  Noo;!r>i  Sninid  eonventioii. 
Under  these  circumstances,  to  fjive  the  iij;ht  of  oc- 
I'lipancy  on  the  main  land  tonne  1'owl.-  where  the 
ii;;lii  nt  sovereiiinty  to  the  island  was  alieady  in 
another,  wniild  be  as  prepnslerous  as  to  iivide 
[■on?  Island  from  New  York  in  the  hands  ol  'if- 
tirentGovernnienls,  the  jiixlapnsitinn  beiii^'asati.'- 
kini;  in  the  one  case  as  in  the  other,  ' 

I  have  been  cliaijL;ed  with  assailinj;  the  President,  j 
The  last  resoluiinn  of  the  Senator  ffoiii  South  Car- 
olina conveys  llii.s  iinpulatinn.  I  said  I  had  no  an- 
swer to  inake  to  that  lesnkitinn,  nor  have  I.  Biit 
for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  who  assails  the 
I'residenl's  position,  and  who  sustains  il,  I  will 
refer  to  his  own  Messaj^e  delivered  at  the  opening; 
of  the  present  Cniifjress.  Surelv  he  can  better 
speak  Ills  own  views,  explain  his  own  pnsltinii, 
than  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina  nr  iiiyself. 
It  will  be  nbserved  that  the  re.snliitions  of  thai  dis- 
linjCiiished  Senator  fix  the  4i)lli  parallel  of  iinrlh 
l.ititiide  as  the  limit  of  nnr  possessions.  Does  the 
I'resident  do  so  .'     Let  lilsMessaij;e  .speak  foe  hiin; 

"  Whnn  I  ciiiiie  Into  oHicp,  1  fiiiuut  this  tii  lie  ilie  stale  n(  i 
tlic   lieuntiiujiiii.     'I'tliillltll  eiitcrlailijlii;  Ilie  Neltletl  eiiiote- 
IKin,  llim  the  llrilij'ii  prelensicM.^  nf  ijile  eiiiihl  not  hi'  iiiaili- 
eiwiril  to  iiiiv  iinrihin  iil"  the  (ireyiin   leirilnrv  iifuiii  nay 
|)riiici|ili'  (iriiiililie  law  riTiimiiseil  hyiintioiiM,  yet,  in  itcfcr- 

eaee  tn  wjiiii  hull  I a  ilnne  liy  iiiy  preijeecsKurn,  aait  espe- 

eiiilly  in  ciinsiileiaiina  lliul  pi'iipu.^iUiiiiH  ulcuinpnaiiine  hiul  ', 
hcea  ihrici'  luailc,"  8te. 

Af^ain;  | 

*•  The  priipnuiiiiin  lliiH  odyreil  mill  rejeeteil  repented  tlio 
nlVcr  (if  the  paiJlllcI  nt"  -l'.)  ileao-es  nf  tiiiith  hltitiulc,  which 
hiiil  Iii'cn  iiitule  hy  two  pri'i'isliiiL'  .\(iiiiiiii^tr:ilintin,  lint  with- 
ntit  prii|i<Miii!;  ((i  -iarreiiilcr  In  i;ri'iil  llrilaiii,  ns  Ihev  had 
tliiiie,  the  free  imvi-.'atinn  nf  ihe  Cnhiiiiliia  river.  'J'lie' ritrht 
nf  iiity  furci::!!  Pnwi-r  In  the  iVi'c  iiavii/iilinii  (if  nay  nf  niir 
ri\rn*,  llirniich  the  henrl  nf  niir  coaiiiry.  wan  nac  whicli  I 
was  (lawilliiifr  tn  cnricede.  It  nl^n  eiiiliniccd  a  prdvt.^ioa 
III  make  frre  In  l.'re.it  Itrilain  nii\'  pert  nr  ports  on  the  cape 
i>y  Uuailra  mid  Vanisiiiver's  Island,  snath  of  tlil.^  imrallel. 
Mad  tlii.-i  ticeii  n  new  (piestiiin,  eniiiiiiit  Under  (li!•(■tls^i()M  thr 
Jill' lirft  time,  this  prnpnsiliiia  wniild  ant  have  hceii  iiinde. 
The  extranrdinary  niid  whnily  inadiaissilile  dcninndis  nf  tlie 
iiriiish  tinvrriiincnt,  and  the  rejeelinii  of  Ilie  prnpn.iitidn 
made  in  dclerenee  ninne  to  wliat  had  liecii  done  hy  lay  pre- 
(h'e(;ss(ir.'(,  and  the  iiaplled  (ihliitalioii  which  tlicir  acts  iiccni- 
ed  tn  iniiKi^c,  aiford  sniisfactorv  evideiiee  Ihnt  no  coinpro- 
inise  which  the  I  'niled  States  oiiclll  In  necept  cnn  he  efl'eeled. 
With  this  ciihvietioa,  the  proposition  of  comproniise  whicli 
had  heeii  made  nod  rejected,  was,  hy  my  dirce  ' 
(|iieiitly  » illidrawn,  niid  oar  tiih;  In  the  whole 


Ide  Iticts  mill  nrtiaiiieiils. 

n  The  clvilixed  world  will  see  in  IhcMC  proeeedilliis  ii  spirit 
(if  litierill  coiieeystoa  oa  the  pari  ot  the  I'liili-d  HIntes;  iliid 
this  tfovcriiaient  Mill  ln'  r('li('\'e(l  fnim  idl  rcrponsiliihly 


vldch  I 


limy  follow  the  Ihihtre  to  .^etlle  the  colllrnver-y. 

"All  nlti'ni|ils  nt  ('(iiii|iriiiiiise  haciiiu  failed,  ll  h('conieN 
the  (hity  ofroimress  toeoiisidi'r  what  meiiHiires  it  may  he 
prnpiT  to  iidopi  (or  the  scearity  llllil  prolcrlioa  nf  (ilir  clll- 
xeiis  iioiv  iiihaliltinit,  orwlin  iiiay  lierenUcr  liihahil.Oreifoii, 
and  fur  the  niauileniince  of  nnr  Ja.-t  title  to  thai  l.'riitory. 
Iiiadopiiiiii  aiensiirc'i  for  lids  parpiHe.rare  shoiild  lie  lakcii 
that  iio'.hliia  he  done  to  violate  the  stipiilailoiis  nf  Iho  ciai- 
veiiiioa  of  |S'>7,  which  Is  still  III  force." 

Again: 

"  At  the  end  of  the  year's  nolice,  should  C'naixress  think 
it  proper  to  ninto  provision  for  uiviliu  that  notiee,  we  hliall 
hlxve  renehi'il  a  period  when  Ihe  national  riitlits  in  llreuon 
mast  eilher  he  iilinadoned  or  llriiily  iiiainlninid.  That  tiny 
rniinol  he  nliandoiied  without  a  saerilire  of  Isilli  aational 
hnaor  ntid  Interest,  i-*  too  clear  to  admit  nf  doiilit. 

'(Oreiioa  Is  n  part  of  ihe  North  Aiactieai iilini'nt.tn 

which,  ll  is  conndenlly  allirmi'd,  thetille  of  the  I  'ailed  Mlatcii 
in  Ilie  hest  now  ill  existeiiee." 

The  proposition  nf  cnmprotnisfi  at  the  parallel  of 
•(!)  dc:;rccs,  he  says  distinctly,  was  by  his  order 
wilhdrawn,  and  our  title  to  the  whole  ierrilory  as- 
serted, iniinedialely  after  the  eonleniplnoUH  ivjec- 
linn  hy  the  Uritish  Mliiisler  of  Ihe  oll'i  r  of  com- 
promise. 

And  this  fact  and  these  opiiiinns  he  communi- 
cates in  his  public  Mcssa'.:!'  to  all  the  world,  ll 
would  seem  an  (asy  in  itter  In  delerininc  which 
proposition,  that  of  ihe  Senator  from  Soiilli  f'ani- 
llna  nr  the  on(^  w  liicli  I  submit.  Is  in  aerordance 
with  the  views  and  Intentlniis  of  the  rresident  as 
declared  in  his  Messaire.  It  is  evident  that  the  res- 
ohilloiis  of  that  dislininislied  Senator  are  inleiided 
for  but  one  result,  lie  ;,'oes  for  all  the  President 
has  done  thai  Is  in  the  i;rave,  and  a;;ain;:t  all  his 
present  and  living;  aeiinii.  He  intends  to  drive  the 
l*resldent  from  the  unanswerable  asserlinn  of  our 
title  tn  ,'i4° 'III',  to  brhi'j-  him  back  to  .|!P,  and  to 
force  lilin  tn  the  reliiKiuishmcntnf  the  whole  of  oiir 
i  Ierrilory  above  this  line. 

I      1  said,  sir — nr  it"  I  did  not,  I  say  it  now — (hat 

[  instead  of  meeting'  the  o^nestlon  which  is  [ireseiil"il 

In  Ihe  Senate  by  the  resolnlions  which   I  had  the 

I  honor  lo  submit,  the  resolntioiis  of  the  Sennlor 

[  from  South  Carolina  are  direcily  an  evasion  of  the 

rini'Stlnn  which  is  there  pi'esenied.     I  present  the 

!  whole  (|uestioii  (if  lltle.     The  Sennlor  from  Sniilli 

[  Carolina,  iiislead  nf  replyiii'.:  to  that  proposition, 

1  comes  forward  with  .=ioiiie  most  inr:eiiiniisly-drawii 

resolutions,  neither  assertiii'.'  nor  deiiyiim'  our  lille 

'  to  one  foot  of  the  country,  lint  insidhaisly  draws 

I  attenlinn   fmm  the  main  fict  for  the  purpose  of 

mnkinc;  an  issue  on  wlial  lawyers  term  an  imma- 

krial  point. 

I       1  ;:eir'ecled,  in  Rpeakln'.r  in  reference  to  this  point, 

to  allude  to  Iho  lanc;ua'_'e  of  one  whose  powerful  in-  ' 
;  telleet  penetrates  to  the  bottom  of  every  (iuesti(ni  he 
inveslifales.  I  do  not  introduce  it  for  the  purpose 
of  provini  Ihat  which  no  man  here  will  deny,  but 
simply  to  show  that  Inn?  since  in  this  cliainber  oiir  ' 
situation  on  this  (pieslion  has  been  bnldly  anil  fear- 
lessly defined.  It  is  an  exiract  from  the  speech  of 
the  j;rcal  Senator  from  the  West,  [.Mr.  Iikntcn,) 
delivered  here  pendin;;  the  Ashbiirton  treaty — Ihat 
Irenty  which  surrendered  nt  n  snmvions  our  whole 
military  frontier  on  the  northeast.  He  fully  main- 
tains the  view  I  have  taken  of  our  title  to  Oregon, 
and  every  inch  of  Oregon: 

;       "The  fate  of  Maine  lias  donhlcd  Ihe  dangers  of  Ihe  I 'o- 
'  hlmliin,  mill  near!\'  placed  iis  in  n  position  to  choose  lietweca 
WAIl  mid  INI'A.SlV  ia  rclalinn  tn  Ihat  river." 

And,  sir,  just  succeedinc;  this,  the  Senator  from 

I  Missouri  addres.-^es  the  Senate  in  the  followino;  cm-  ' 

j  pliatic  language:  I 

"  Nootka  is  in  latitude  ."0,  liciiii,'  loilr  deurces  north  nf  the  ' 

!  moiitli  of  the  L'ohiaihia;  and  to  that  dcirrce  diil  .^paia  assert  ' 

j  and  aiaiiitain  her  title  in^aiiisl  lircat  Itril.iiii  in  1711(1.     lint 

;  tllatvva-^liottlieevniitofhiTasserlionof Ihal  ri^lit.   .\i.'aiiist 

the  Uritish  she  asserted  it  to  ttic  ulinlc  cMeni  of  the  coast; 

imainst  the  llilsi-ians,  (the  only  real  claiiiiaiits,  with   nnr- 

selvcH,  in  that  (piartcr.)  to  hiliinde  .Vi.    Tliiis,  as  (lerivinit 

from  Hpain,  inir  tiile  is  cooil  airninst  Kmilanil  Ihroie.dioiit 

till!  const ;  aitaliist  Itiir-sin  tn  lutiiade  .v..     ,\s  dcrivmi.'  under 

discoveries  nnil  scltlemeot,  it  is  yood  jciainsi  all  the  world 

to  the  cMent  of  the  region  drriiiied  liy  the  waters  of  Ihe  Co- 

lilinliia  river.     We  discovered  the  river  from  its  niniith  lo 

ill  source,  took  possession  of  it  as  our  li-rrilory,  and,  ac- 

eordiin;  to  the  laws  of  llatioas,  have  a  clear  uiaf  valid  title 

to  it." 


Sir,  I  have  been  startled  occasionally  in  this 
cliaml'cr  hy  expressions  whicli  I  have  heard  from 
estimable  and  distins;uish(.'d  members  of  this  body 


lion   siilise-      '"  relation  to  the  territory  of  Ore 
Oregon  ler- '' distinguished   (Senator  some  few 


111. 
dav 


I  heard  a 
luce,  (it 


Jl  may  linvc  hccn  owin?  to  the  txciicmcnt  of  the  nio- 

I  nil  lit  in  ihe  warmili  of  debaic,  but  lis  eU'eit  iip(.n 
I  liio  coiinlry  will  be  ihe  same,) — I  heard  a  disiin- 
II  ^'iiislied  .Senator  speak  taieeriiisly  of  the  contest 
for  what  he  was  pleased  to  ejill  the  jHiM-evsion  nf 

II  piece  of  land  at  the  end  of  the  carlh.  Dois  that 
I  Senator  know  llie  value,  the  position,  the  soil,  iho 
!  I  lower  of  this  piece  of  land  at  the  end  of  the  earth? 
:  .^ir,  if  we  can  credit  the  stalcmeiilti  of  thoiai  whii 
I  have  visited  it,  tin  re  Is  no  finer  rejlon  of  the  earllt 
I  on  any  portion  of  its  surface:  there  is  lo  be  foiiial 
;  williln  lis  liiails  every  induecmeiil  which  call  lio 

held  out  to  enleprlsin;;  man.    We  have  the  lii;:lii'St 
authorily  for  the  fact  that  on  llie  Island  of  Vanenu- 
ver,  in  llie  mniilli  of  April,  llii^  t-'i.iss  was  already 
a  fiHit  he.;li,ilie  temperature  so  delii;hlfiil  that  III  all 
that  iiionih  llii;  mercury,  accordinu  to  l''ahieiilicil, 
never  smik  below  4H,'rlMiiin' duriiis;  llic  day  from 
(i.")  to  70.     It  Is  a  w(  il-known  fact  that  the  western 
(l  slope  of  both  Kuriipe  and  Anierica  possess(  s  a  far 
'   milder  teinperalure  than  llieir  eastern  slopes.   Tho 
W(  stern  coast  of  America  has  the  (idvantaKC  by 
some  five  demis  s  over  the  western  coast  of  Ru- 
rope.     The  liishist  point  nf  Vancouver's  Island 
doi  s  not  extend  an  far  iiortli  as  Dniilin  iilul  Liver- 
pool, with  lli(^  aildliional  advanta;:e  of  this  itiilder 
cliiiiale  nniler  the  same  parallel  of  hitilnde. 
I      The  Paeilic  ( (i.n.l  nf  America  is  milder  ihaii  ihn 
'[  Allanlic  coa.st  by  some  Iwclvi;   or  fifucn  di  ;rees. 
And  it  Is  in  this  rei;iiin,  between  the  paralli  Is  of 
411'-'  and  til",  that  exist,  as  on  bnlli  faces  of  the  Al- 
',  laiitic,  ill   naluial  cimihinallnii,   the   harbors  willi 
depth  of  water  and  convenient  .;linns  for  marine 
I  ar.senals  and  ilep('ils;  the  timber  for  niarine   con- 
I  Htruction;  the  lislieries  lo  en  ale  and  nourish  atiiar- 
i  iliine  iiiipulallon;  the  liLli  tidcii  of  a  nnrlhern  Int- 
ilude  lor  d(i(  Ks.     I'lit  all  these  are  enli.inced  above 
I  anylliin;  on  the  Allantic  by  tin;  lili;li  l(  iiiperaUire 
of  the  winter  cliiii.ile;  llie  ;;eiieroiis  t]aiii|uiilily  of 
the  Paeilic  walcrs;  llie  great  size,  the  grand  fea- 
tiires,  and  the  sublime  scenery  whicli   are  there 
blended    ill    harmoiilnuK   unison   wilh    the    grand 
(Miean  on  which  tliey  look  out.     (U<d  and  nature 
point  to  Oregon  as  the  main  eoUuiin  of  this  mighty 
empire. 

Mr.  .Maniiim  lieie  desired  lo  set  Mr.  II.vnnegam 
right,  if  Ills  allusion,  as  he  supposed,  was  Intended 
for  him. 

Mr.  Uan.s'eo.\n  having  replied  that  his  allusion 
was  to  his  remarks  a  few  days  since — 

Mr.  Mamum  s.iid,  I  have  taken  oc(aaion  lo  ex- 

'  ]ire.ss  no  opiniiinoii  the  i|uesti(iii  in  relation  to  what 

might  or  might  not  be  the  value  of  that  country. 

III  irulli,  the  iipiiilons  upon  the  subject  arc  so  eoii- 

■  llictlng  thai  I  have  not  been  able  to  form  a  satis- 
factory one.  Some  have  n  presented  ila.sasteril 
coiiiilry,  without  wall  r  and  rain.  Others  ag'iiii, 
among  wlmin  i.s  a  friiiul  nf  mine,  a  member  nf  the 
other  House  from  Oliin,  say  it  is  adapted  to  the 
prodiictliai  of  sugar  and  cotton,  even  as  far  up  as 
the  (list  degri'e. 

Mr.  IIannei.ak.  If  it  wa.s  adapted  to  the  pro- 
duellon  of  susarand  coiinn,  it  would  not  have  en- 
countered the  opjinsilion  it  has  met  here;  its  po.s- 

■  Ncssion  would  at  once  have  been  secured,  for  that 
very  o|iposilion  would  have  eoniposed  iis  warmest 
suppiH'l.     Sir,  it  is  not  ^isid  for  the  production  of 

'  sugar  and  cotton,  nor  is  it  desliliite  of  rain;  for  if 
I'  the  honnrabic  Senator  will  examine  the  acrount  of 
Lewis  and  Clarke,  he  will  fnul,  that  during  the 
winter  monihs  they  were  nearly  all  drowned  out. 
It  is  good  for  something  better  than  sugar  and 
eottiiii;  Ibr  Nootka  soiiiid  coniiiiands  the  north  Pa- 
I  ellic  ocean,  and  will,  in  l(Ks  than  half  a  century, 
j  become  the  grand  emiiorlum  for  the  conuncrce  of 
'  the  Oriiaiial  world.  A  conrpromise  npmi  tin.'  4!ltl> 
ipanilh  I  Is  continually  urged  upon  us.  As  I  live, 
and  a.s  I  shall  answer  to  my  coiisliuienis,  I  would 
rather  give  away  every  fool  of  it.  The  Island  of 
'  Vancouver  is  the  power  of  Oregon,  and  foiir-fifths 
'  of  it,  ineliuling  Nootka  Sound,  lies  above  the  par- 
allel of  V.P.  Let  England  possess  Niiolka  Sound, 
the  finest  harbor  ill  the  world,  commanding  as  it 
does  the  Straits  nf  Fuca,  and  eonsetiuenliy  the 
access  to  Pnget's  Sound,  and  she  has  all  of  Oregnii 
I  worth  possessing  in  a  commercial  and  iiiarilnne 
point  of  view.  She  would  hold  the  Straits  of 
Kuea  and  Pugi  I's  Sound  as  securely  as  the  trap 
holds  th(^  miaisi ;  for  by  this  compromise,  she  al.so 
secures  the  Gulf  of  Georgia  and  llueeii  Cliarlotte's 
Sound.  If  we  surrender  above  41)^,  we  give  away 
:  every  harbor  worth  havingon  ihe  coast.    There  ia 


M 


't 


K 


m 


m 


tio 


APPENDIX  TO  THR  CONGUKSSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  16, 


29th  CoNd 1st  Se»». 


nil  Imrlxir  below  llml  woulil  give  uliellcr  In  ii  flirl 
ofrann*'*. 

Ilill,  willi  llin  I"  rniiBj>iiMi  iif  llio  Siimlp,  I  will 
mill  n  uliiirt  rxlvml  iVnni  (lie  »|iiii 'i  I  liavr  li"liiir 
nllmliil  111,  111*  llii'  ilHiiieuiHliiil  Siiiiliir  rriiiii  Mm 
mimi,  (li'mriliiiiKOn  u'l'ii  i>"  i'  i".  AimI  (i  nrr  linlil 
mill  ^raplili'  ilr*  ii|iiiiiM  wiih  ntM  r  i  nil  in  llii»  I 
cliniiilii  r.     Ili'i'v  II  i»;  | 

•1 1  ill)  nni  illlatv  iiiHiii  ihr  viiliii'  iiiwl  .'<l>n<  nf  tM<  innl 
oiiiiiilry      A  Hii'il  MiMi-' ■"  to  ill  |il  iv  lii.ili.     Ill  rili'iit  II  i» 

lUIIIIT    lllllll    Ihi'  .\tlllilll''  IMrtloil  nl    til.'   mI,I  tliirtl'l'll    llllhll 

Hi:iii'<;  111  I'liiiinii'.  ^>'i)<r;  hi  iruililt  m<  hut  ;  In  Miliilirily, 
HilliiTl'ir ;  til  ti'iHMiiiii,  lii'lliT,  liri-iiilpi'  lr<Mitinix  A^iii,  iiiiil 
wiisIiimI  111  n  iniiHinil  i*i-u.  In  nil  I1h>l'  iNiiliciihiii*.  tlii> 
ivi'Mi-ni  itlfi|MMii' niir  i-niitiinTit  i^  I'.iMiiori'  Inijii'y  lllllll  iln' 
t'l^lrrll.  Ill  i'iilil1)inr;illiiii,il  I*  illMipr'--  ilily  lini'  iiml  i(riiiiil 
n  viii«t  nliliiiiH  '•ilHiiii'.  ivtlli  ii.iliiriil  li  niniliirii  -.  iiinl  ii  !<lii 
glr  unliiniiy  ilitn  till' I'i'U.  Tin'  hiii'M  rinnM-il  llm-ky  iininn- 
tiiiiii,  i-iii'loii*  11  111  till'  1,1^1,  nil  iron  liniinil  I'nil-t  on  llir  i\rM, 
n  rro/.i'ii  ili'firt  nii  iIh'  iHirlli,  iinil  "tillilj'  I'l'ilnn  nil  IIk'  .•niitli. 
Alt  it^  iiii'M,  ii>inii  on  t!ii'  fifhirnl  nl' n  viii't  iiiniinrir 

I'Mi'i',  run  In  nii'i'l  i  n'li  hiIiit  in  llii'  I tin,  anil  tlii'ii  ll'>w 

tnitiMli'-r  mill  till'  m'ljii,  iliroimli  ii  unn  in  ilii'  i ininin, 

iviiiTi'  till'  Ili>ilt4  nl'i-nniliaT  lunl  llii'  i  nlil- olHinlri  iirr  ni'V 
IT  It'll, iini)  wllrri'  fniillii'iii  mill  iinrtlirrn  (li«i'ii*r.i  urn  riiiml- 
ly  iliiklinwii.  Tliif  i-  till'  i'ill<'\  III' till'  t'Mlninlilil— n  i-nnn 
trv  wliiwi'  rvi'ry  aitviiiitiiti'  m  t-mwinil  li>   tin'  inl\iiiitiitt'« 

<if  pi)"jtiiiii  ninl  I'niilii'inntioii ;  hy  II nii>  m'  nil  iu  ihiiIh, 

I'll'  limi*>'i'yiiilnhl.v  ul  itt  linr.liT^,  ntiil  it*  'kIiiuIi'  intruyiri 
hnni  iti  ilif  T,ia.  Sii-'li  it  t-niinlry  l^  runiirit  for  linnin,  wt-itlMi, 
iiud  ^l^l'll01ll-  It  I'ini  I'li^i-  linri'lli-  Oii|)Hnl.  Illnl  lliiil  w  ill  l<i- 
n  'rni:lii's  i  hut  mil'  rninniiTriill  rnijinriiini,  nitil  llifit  will  In- 
.1  'I')  re,  qni'i'ii  ol'  ntn-a.  Hiii'li  ii  nnn.tiy  I'.iii  liiivn  hnt  nni' 
pi-npli-,  mil'  tliliTi'  t,  mil*  tinviriinn-iil;  uinl  that  |>i-<ipli' 
Miimihl  bi'  AniiTii'iin,  tli.it  liiti'rr^t  mir-«.  anil  that  llnviTii- 
lin'iit  rrpilhhcnil.  AfilrMeil  inn)  inlUlnnu*  be  thf  jnnil  tilut 
illviilfi  nrulii'iiuti'K  a."' 

This  is  lite  Ian;ins;o  of  llic  Hi'iiator  (Vntii  Mis- 
uiniri  a  few  ycaiH  .-iun'o,  uiiil  to  c\c'ry  woril  iifil  I 
Ulti^r  a  hrai'lv  aim  ii. 

Air.  l'n;:iii(ciil,  the  spirit  ofrcsinlnnoc  to  pro;jrc«8, 
whiih  we  witiic.1.1  Iktc  iinw,  is  »?(  ainioiit  as  niir 
country  i-1  ohl.  Il  h""  In  rii  scni  .-it  an  larly  day, 
in  opposilion  to  ihi-  Mttlrmentnr  Kenli;  Ity,  sirii.:- 
{rlim;  to  confine  our  rrpulilli-  wilhom  ilin  Alliyha- 
liics;  in  velieim  it  opiiosition  lo  ihn  piirrhnsc  of 
Liouisiaiia  and  l-^lnrida^  in  uni'liaritalili'  rfVuris  to 
repel  Texas.  15iit  this  last  fury  a!;aiii»l  Oie^nu  is 
an  iufantiiide,  tiion.  uiijii.«lifial)|.'  and  fiendish  than 
nil  its  pre.lei-esiors;  tor  il  IVlnniou^ly  invokes  ihe 
Hessian  power  of  I'i'ilisli  tyranny  lo  hloik  our  path, 
nnd  hurl  us  from  ilie  trail  of  our  de^'iny.  It  will 
jirovc  the  work  of  Sisyphus.  ' 

Tlieie  were  soiif  poKiiiona  taken  by  the  ilis-  ' 
tini;uished  Senator  iVnni  Delaware,  [Mr.f'i.Av  rev,] 
in  which  I  find  it  iinpossilile  to  eoneur.  He  .■■o^'- 
gesied  to  the  Senate  that  the  question  of  our  lille 
lo  Oreijon,  nu^hl  not  to  be  ina'le  the  snltject  of  dis- 
cussiou  in  open  .Seu.ile;  and  indn  ited  the  proprieiy 
iif  witliholdiiii;  the  I  xpres.sion  of  o  r  opinions  on  a 
matter  which  tni'^'ht  hereafter  come  before  ns  eou- 
nected  with  ii  treaty — lo  withhold  nil  discussion 
until  these  .jnllerics  shall  lie  cleared. and  these  iloors 
closed.  In  this  sentiment  I  cannot  eoneiir.  1  hold 
tlml  the  Oregon  ij'ustion  has  bei-orne  the  projienv 
of  the  American  people.  It  is  in  every  luai/s 
mouth,  and  but  one  tpiestion  is  asived  everywhert 
in  relation  to  it — "  Is  Oregon  onr  own  r"  If  it  is, 
then  it  becomes  ns  in  open  Seiiale  to  vindicate  onr 
ri;;hl  In  it.  There  is  no  ause  wlii'-h  can  more  cf  r- 
tainly  and  fat.illv  iio;iatr  oiir  institutions,  none  th.ti 
will  tnoin  sjieeJily  insure  their  overlhrow,  none 
that  will  so  assuredly  jiroditce  anarchy,  as  Ihe  con- 
viction in  the  hearts  of  the  people  that  their  niiblie 
nuthnrilies  nnd  then-  Hepiesenlaii\ cs  want  alike  the 
energy  and  the  spirit  lo  assert  and  to  ilefeml  ttie 
riijhls  and  the  honor  of  the  nation.  It  is  the  opiii- 
ion  of  six-sevenths  of  the  ..Vinerican  people  that 
Orei^on  is  ours — perhaps  I  should  rather  say  five- 
sevenths,  for  I  must  leave  out  of  the  estitnale  the 
eoninierciid  and  stock -jobbiiif;  population  of  our 
great  cities  nlon;;  the  seaboard,  a  crreat  portion  of 
whom  are  F.iu;lish  subjects,  residinij  aiiioni^  ns  fir 
the  purpose  of  tr.ilfic,  and  many  others  not  nov/ 
and  not  intctHlin^'  to  bicotne  .iinerican  citizens; 
and  they  hold  that  if  the  territory  is  ours,  we  should 
assert  our  title  to  it  and  take  it.  If  there  ever  was 
u  question  on  earih  which  deiiiaiided  discussion 
before  the  great  tnbiiiial  of  the  public,  it  is  the  ' 
question  of  title  :•>  ()rci,'on.  More  than  all  others, 
it  interests  the  pe.iple  of  this  country  at  this  hour; 
iind  more  than  ill  others  they  have  the  ri;;ht  lo  ■ 
know  each  and  every  step  laK'n  by  their  Uovern- 
nient  and  tlitit  Repn  senintives.  Let  the  tith'  to  i 
f>re;;oii  be  iiri^iw.'d  here  in  the  i^lnre  of  day,  before 
the  liar  of  the  American  people.  Sinollier  it  not,  : 
Huiotlicr  it  ii-it.     TIic  hour  will  bo  nielancholy  in 


The  Orrf(un  (■^lualion — Mr.  Iluiiiieirnn. 


niirliisliiry  when  n  question  like  this,  iiiioii  whirli 
the  peoph'  have  piisM  d  ill  Jnd'tnieni,  slinll  be  with- 
drawn from  public  view  tor  n  decision  in  secret  nnd 
in  darkness.  I  should  liar  it  as  the  brief  iirelnde 
lo  the  rnliance  of  Home  t  'a ins  ( jraccliiiN  in  tnis  con- 
nei'rated  chamber,  whose  heiirl,  bit;  with  the  tires 
of  freei|om,Miid  roused  by  H  sense  of  piilihc  wroni;, 
fliould  mipel  him  lo  linmiile  upon  ihn  eherisheil 
forms,  and  llie  solrniiiilv  ot  ibis  iiody;  by  a  Himple 
'liHiirn  of  aliunde,  iii'iiiii'.;  iVoni  the  ('iiiiiiliiiniund 
thai  VI  inraied  chair,  lo  address  the  Ki<'«t  Koruin 
w  iilioni. 

In  Hiicli  a  Nial'c  ns  this  ihe  neople  demand  a  hear- 
iiiK.  If  it  is  ours,  shall  we  tear  toiiviiw  il?  If  il  is 
I'aiL'lttinrs,  we  v.aiil  it  not.  Here,  lii're,anil  now, 
IS  the  plaie  and  Ihe  hour  lo  iIisciish  the  title,  that 
onr  eoimlry  may  know,  if  a  treaty  should  come, 
whelher  hi'r  serviiiils  haie  siisiained  her  intirests 
.111(1  her  honor,  or  abandoned  lliem. 

'I'liiie  was  anoiliir  point  in  (he  remarks  of  ilic 
honoralile  and  ilislminiished  Si  nalor,  in  uliicli  I 
could  noi  concur.  I  umie  In  arlily  with  llial  I'Senalor 
in  the  desire  to  put  the  n.nntry  in  a  more  ellicienl 
iiosiure  of  ihl'eiice.  In  all  Ihe  converNalioiis  wc 
linve  had  loL'eiher  on  thnl  hiilijeci,  our  views  and 
senlmieirs  iinni  ly  a'^'ive.  Ihii  I  musi  uilerly  ob- 
ject to  hasni'j;  the  power  of  I'liuland  held  up  ill  this 
'body,  Willi  a  view  lo  act  upon  the  iiervcB  of  the 
.\niirie;tn  people. 

The  honoralile  .Sniator  has  nrrayed  before  uh 
the  iiiii;lily  naval  power  of  Km^lanil,  (he  nuiuher  of 
her  ships' of  war,  Inr  sailors,  ami  her  cinis,  and 
liie  eoniparatively  dnnniniive  force  v\e  present.  I 
lliiiiU  a  I  lose  scrutiny  wcn'lil  lessen  the  exhibit  of 
her  available  force,  and  iinH'e.ise  that  of  mirJi;  but 
that  is  not  lo  tiiy  purpose  at  present.  If  that  Jien- 
nlor  by  this  inleudiil  (o  awe  us  into  a  compromise 
by  the  snrnndir  of  our  tiirilory,  it  wan  certainly 
biilli  ill-tniRil  nnd  ill-pl.tumd;  thai  would  heller 
have  biconie  a  secret  session.  The  idea  of  surrin- 
(lerint;  willionl  an  i  lV"rl,  because  of  the  nuinerieitl 
siifM'riorily  ol'  the  etn my,  whether  in  ^uns  or  iiieii, 
is  new  t'l  me  in  miliiary  history.  1  ndmit  that  it 
IS  rii:lil  and  proper  to  examiue  the  liace  of  Ijreal 
Ib'itain,  bui  at  the  same  lime  we  oiu;lil  no;  to  Ibr- 
::et  Ol  unilenalue  onr  own.  The  Americnn  people 
cannot  be  alarmed;  they  ure  not  to  be  awed  by  any 
such  reprtsentalions. 

Were  all  the  Ihcisof  Knglund  gathered  ill  one 
borly,  their  approach  would  cre.ite  no  terror  in  the 
American  heart,  thir  people  remember  tlint  more 
than  sixty  years  a!;o  one  snnll  .\nierican  frijrale, 
commanded'  by  .Tohn  i'anl  Jones,  made  itti  way 
ilirou;;li  her  iiaviis,  lo  ra\ai;e  I'^inil.iud's  coasts 
and  pill.i'^c  her  p. '.laces,  and  returned  in  triaiiiph. 
'I'hi  V  have  not  fori:olien  the  names  of  Decatur, 
llnlf,  I'erry,  I'orier,  the  Joneses,  Maedonouith, 
Stewart,  and  a  glorious  host  beside,  who  uniteil  lo 
indoiiiit.vlileeoura;;e  and  lolly  patriotism  u  Inirniiit; 
love  for  their  country  and  its  free  and  happy  insii- 
tiiluma.  Though  I'.ii^jlaiid's  tjuns  were  a  liimdved 
to  one,  the  heart  of  the  nation  would  noi  tremble, 
while  lier  eye  was  on  the  roll  of  these  bri(;hl  anil 
undyin.'"  names,  and  her  memory  full  of  their  deeds 
of  nolile  dnrin:;. 

'I'lie  honorable  .Si  nalor  qnolid  to  ns  the  words 
of  Knulaiid's  model  monarch,  when  he  was  delih- 
eratiuf!  the  invasion  of  I'rance.  Il  is  pUiin  the  Sen- 
ator has  not  learned  his  rules  of  war  from  Harry 
the  Kifth.  The  Senator  did  not  quote  fir  enouiih. 
I'Vir  lis  the  ;;reat  dramalisi  tells  us,  when  ihe  kiiit; 
was  ass'ireil  by  the  archbishop,  on  whose  learnnifr 
he  HO  i;reatly  relied,  that  his  title  lo  Krance  was 
valid — thai  it  was,  in  a  word,  "clear  and  inii|ues- 
lionablc" — what  did  he  do.-  iJid  he  hesiiale?  Did 
he  iiause  and  inquire,  "  lint  where  are  my  troops.- 
anil  where  are  my  ships.-  and  how  many  f;nn«  do 
they  carry- — arc  they  in  mimlnr  equal  to  the  eiie- 
111 V.'"  Not  at  all.  lielyins  on  the  courajje  of  his 
soldiers,  and  the  supiiort  of  God  lo  the  justice  of 
his  cause,  he  t-ave  orders  ul  once  to  iimrcli,  and  on 
the  field  of  A{;iiieoiiri — the  most  glorious  field  K.ni;- 
land  ever  .saw — lie  met  his  enemies  without  dismay, 
tlioui;li  more  than  ten  loom:  a>;alnst  him,  and  from 
his  brave  and  confident  lieart,  cried  aloud  that  lie 
could  aliiio.- '  w  isli  the  number  of  his  little  bniid  still 
less.  AVith  that  handful  of  invincible  soldiers  he 
vanquished  I-'rance  and  all  her  nmllilude,  and  won 
for  liitnsi  If  and  litem  a  renown  lasting  as  the  fouiid- 
utions  of  the  world. 

The  Senator  did  not  learn  his  art  of  war  from 
the  greatest  of  llie  Uoiiums — the  iinmortul  Julius. 


Senate. 


Had  "the  foremost  man  in  nil  the  world"  acird 
on  Ihn  eaiillons  policy  of  ihe  honorable  irenlleman 
front  Delaware,  he  would  have  left  the  triumph  of 
i'hnrNalia  to  the  ijlory  of  I'oinpey,  whimr  niiniberi 
were  double  bin  own.  Mor  did  he  learn  in  tlio 
school  of  the  (Trent  I'Vederiek,  nor  of  (liislavtii 
Adolphns,  nor  of  our  own  \Va«liiii);ioii  and  Jack- 
son. No,  sir;  the  Senator  learnt  fi-oiii  none  of 
these  the  ruled  of  eoiile«i  in  a  mrtigiilo  for  the 
ri|.'lil. 

In  lookini;  at  ihn  coiirsR  of  llie  dislin^iiinhetl 
.Senator  from  Mouth  Carolina,  [Mr.  ('ai.iioi;n,|  I 
find  llial,  three  years  n!;o  last  moiilli,  that  able  and 
diHliniTuished  n;eiilli man  opposed,  in  this  chnmber, 
a  bill  whit  h  proposed  lo  lake  possession  of  Dre- 
t;on,  to  the  Name  extent  and  no  fiirlher  than  Kn:;- 
l.ind  had  already  done;  nnd  Ins  oppoHilion  wak 
based  on  the  expense  of  the  tiiensnres  propoied. 
The  esiiiuales  for  corryinu'  those  ineaHiires  iiilo 
elfect  did  not  exceed  ilUMI.OIH);  and  the  iitinuHt 
aniouiit  till  V  wiHild  have  cosi  could  not  hfive  ex- 
ceeded AailO,IIOU.  And  on  that  occasion,  when 
spiakiii!;  against  the  bill  for  military  posis  and  nc- 
i'U|sitnin,  he  sUL"-;esled  llie  notice  (which  he  now 
oppon's)  as  a  necessary  preliminary  measure  to 
all  other  action.  Three  years  a:;o,  he  opposed 
the  mcasuri  s  because  they  were  premalure,  uiid 
now  he  opposes  the  notice  which  was  ihen  ihn 
essential  pri  liiuinary.  He  then  contcndid  that  thu 
notice  to  (ileal  lirilaiii  of  the  termination  uf  tlio 
convention  should  precede  the  e\lcnsioii  of  onr 
l.iws  to  llr.'ioii;  yet  now,  when  (hat  very  lliin;^  is 
propiisid,  that  Scnnlor  vehemently  opposes  il.      1 

cainiol,  I  ni  knowleilL'e mpreheiid  what  are  his 

Intentions,  unletis  they  ari.se  from  lui  iincompru- 
mismi;  and  deadly  hostility  lo  ihe  acquisition  of 
any  territory  in  drenon  beyond  what  we  now  hold 
by  actual  setilcment,  and  even  thai,  perhaps,  he 
riijaids  as  a  proper  subject  of  compromise.  On 
tliat  oi'casiou  the  honorable  Senator,  with  the  ability 
which  characterizes  all  his  eH'orls,  presented  to  the 
Senale  a  comprehensive  and  graphic  view  of  the 
llien  stale  of  the  finances  and  the  country.  Ha 
Iruly  represenled  the  counlry  as  being  on  the  road 
1 1  riiin,  embnrrossed  at  I'Very  point,  and  sinking 
deeper  and  deeiier  at  every  step.  The  great  cause 
of  our  then  depressed  condition  was  represented 
by  the  Senator  lo  be  an  oppressive  system  of  taxa- 
tion. 

I  am  as  sironiily  in  fivor  of  n  revenue  tarilf  n» 
the  Senator  from  Soiilh  Carolina.  Hut  I  cannot 
resist  the  conclusion  thai,  as  his  prediction  of  the 
result  has  failed,  so  his  assignment  of  causes  was 
impirl'ect.  He  predicted  llin  the  Government 
would  founder;  that  event  has  not  occurred,  and, 
so  far  from  il,  we  are  this  day  in  a  condition  of  as 
high  iirosperity  as  the  world  has  ever  witnessed. 

During  the  past  season,  the  farmer,  the  planter, 
nnd  the  artisan  have  all  received  a  ricji  reward  for 
toll  and  industry;  wc  have  an  overllowing  treia- 
iiry;  and  that,  too,  at  a  period  when  no  t'ahe 
causes  exist  lo  produce  the  deceptive  appearance  ■ 
of  unreal  wealth.  Sir,  the  unhappy  condition  of 
our  finances  three  years  since  can  only  and  justly 
be  atlribuied  lo  causes  which  run  back  as  tar  a» 
If.'tti,  and  i  •  o  irreat  extent  were  continued  dnrintf 
the  two  fo!:o\.-ing  years.  The  general  prostration 
from  whn  II  ve  had  not  recovered  in  18^,'),  was  the 
lesiil;  ot  Ml;.',  worthlessand  bloated  paper  currency, 
the  ere, nil  "I  of  those  deadly  foes  to  Ireeinslituiions, 
heartli.sf ,  tvresponsible,  unprincipled  corporations, 
will)  wliiili  the  country  was  studded  from  one  eim 
lo  the  other.  A  renewal  of  il  ;5  pauer  system  of 
currency,  undei  tiny  mode  or  principle  of  taxation, 
will  forever  be  aliended  with  the  same  disiislrons 
results  which  have  already  twice  marked  the  his- 
lory  of  our  country. 

If  it  was  proper  three  years  since  to  commence 
with  the  notice,  as  a  neces.sary  preliminary  lo  all 
measures  for  inking  possession  of  Oregon,  why  is 
il  not  so  now  .' 

Hut  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina  is  wedded 
to  a  dilVerent  plan — a  plan  which  avoids  all  action. 
ile  is  for  leaving  ihc  whole  matter  to  the  silent, 
quiet,  noiseless  operation  of  time,  and  the  gradual 
encroaehmenis  ol  our  hardy  and  enterprising  set- 
tlers who  have  gone,  and  are  going  into  the  terri- 
tory. Does  not  every  one  know  that  all  the  while 
they  are  making  these  very  noiseless  and  niiiet 
cncroaclimenls,  lliey  are  exposed  lo  the  Brilish 
bayonet.  And  whilst  so  exposed,  you  refuse  them 
the  protection  uf  American  Inwa  tuid  Aiuericuii 


IHHJ. 


AI'l'KM)lX  TO  'I'lIK  Cn.NCJHKSSIONAL  OLOMK. 


.'ill 


^ih-ii  CoNu Iht  Skhii. 


is  wedded 
all  m'lion. 
the  NJIent, 
lie  ^iiiduai 
irislni;  sel- 

I  tlic  teni- 

II  the  while 
and  quiet 

he  Dnliiih 

et'iisc  them 

Amcricuii 


trihuimli.    Hiirh  n  hIhIk  of  ihinv*  wiiiilU  inevitably  i 
priidiiri^  rejii  tiiiDiiMiif  llie  ('ariiTiric  aHair.  ! 

Hut  do  K<'>idi'iiii'ii  llattrr  lliiMimelveN  that  wn  ran 
lliiiN  inku  Ori'Koii,  and  Kn!;land  knnw  nnthint;  id' 
it?  Will  they  not  nndirnlMMil  ihin  poliiy  aa  will 
itNuer  And  when  they  |irri'eive  the  plan  llkelv 
til  take  cU'ei'l,  will  they  not  lie  on  iheir  '.'iinrd  ^  ll' 
we  pii'tiM  lair  |ii<|inlaliiin  ii|Hin  tliein,  will  lliey  null 
in  turn,  iinn^  their  |inu{i<'r  jHi|inlulinn  \i|>on  nN> 
AVhieli  of  the  two  |ilaiii<  will  nio.tt  eonxult  the  ' 
liiiiioi  III'  thin  eounUy.'  Whiili  mory  nhall  we 
rather  li'ove  on  reeord  nn  a  lierilat'e  to  iinr  |ioii- 
terily — the  plan  ol'  the  hnnorniilu  Senator,  to  ^et 
Ihu  leirilory  liy  xileiit  eiiiruaihiuent,  or  that  iiilvo- 
caled  liv  uenlleniin  on  the  other  Hide,  who  are  lor 
dt'inaniliiiK  the  territory  liecauHn  it  is  oniH?  [Shall  j 
we  take  it  openly  and  lioldly  '.y  a  HlruiKhU'orwnrd, 
inaiilv  .'onrser — or  Hhall  wo  get  it  covertly,  Hlily,  : 
«teallhlly.>  No,  I  will  not  »ay  meallhily ;  1  will 
not  employ  any  term  that  may  imply  the  .Hlii^hieNi 
dJNreiipeel  lo  the  himoralile  .Seiinliir;  1  will  not  any 
Hleallhilv,  lint  I  will  «ay  eireiiitoualy,  yen,  llml  U 
the  word — cireiiitously.  I  would  not  Hay  nnylhiii); 
thai  I'onid  he  a  caiiHa  ol'  olVenee  to  the  honorable 
fleiilleinan  I'rom  South  (.'aiolina.  I  have  no  Mieli 
I'eelin^  Inward  him.  I  hold  that  honnrahle  Seii- 
ttlor  in  Ion  mueh  respcet;  1  have  loo  nnieh  enteein 
iiiid  ri':;ard  for  him.  1  would  not  I'or  the  world 
pliii'k  one  lean'roni  the  laurel  that  enwreathcM  Ilia 
venerated  hrow.  lie  lia.s  alily  served  Ilia  ciaintry 
in  many  and  varioim  iiuporiant  atalionM,  1  hone 
and  iruHl  he  will  do  nolhiin;  that  nhall  mar  tliu 
)>a'_'e  in  this  nation 'a  history  whieh  he  ia  destined 
to  till.  1  respect  Ilia  ar(|ulaitioiia;  uiiove  all,  I  ven- 
erate Ilia  virliiea — the  apolteas  purity  nriiia  private 
life,  ItiaonlheHe  that  the  I'm ure  Ainerienn  I'lu- 
lareii  will  moat  dell;;ht  to  dwell,  lint  llie  .Scnaior'a 
eoiirae  ia  cin'uiloua — tiiira  ia  direct.  Which,  I 
ask,  will  do  most  honor  lu  a  eountry  like  thiar 
Which  will  read  ihc  beat?  .Sir,  how  will  It  read 
n!on:;Kide  ol' the  hialory  of '7ti.'  Then  the  whole 
population  of  a  range  of  Atlantic  eolnniea,  sooner 
ilian  submit  to  ilie  exaelion  of  a  idinlit  lax,  took 
up  arms,  and  went  into  the  appeal  uf  battle.  They 
Klood  for  Iheir  rii;hlN  in  many  u  bloody  field,  and 
they  eonrpiered  those  riijlils  from  the  mit^htiest  and 
the  han^htiest  power  the  world  ever  saw.  Such 
was  ihe  fust  chapter  of  our  history,  read  and  stud- 
ied by  the  iialious  of  the  Old  World,  liut  what 
is  to  be  the  second  chapter.'  At  first  we  had  bat 
three  millions  of  people;  now  v.c  have  Iwcnty  mil-  [ 
lions.  Our  wealth,  our  power,  our  energy  have 
increased  in  more  than  a  like  proportion.  And 
now  the  same  old  enemy  claims  a  threat  empire  on  I 
our  western  coast,  aim  the  descemlania  of  that ! 
Bamt  people  resolve,  sooner  than  resist,  to  Hiirren- 
der  their  rights,  and  lei  her  take  it.  I  trust  no 
audi  eliapter  ia  lo  be  written  in  our  history.  | 

And  now  a  word  or  two  on  the  proposition  for 
tirbilratlon.  We  learn  from  the  complexion  of  a 
great  portion  of  ilic  press,  the  prompt  rejection  of 
the  oiler  of  arliilratioii  by  our  Government  meets 
the  most  decided  disapprubalion  in  ccrlain  qiiar- 
teiM.  Cnniiui;  from  the  qiiarnr  it  dees,  this  eon- 
demnation  by  the  press,  so  far  finni  weakenini;, 
};ives  slreniilli  to  llio  Adininislrnlion.  Il  ia  the 
best  proof  of  its  menus.  Arbitration  1  Arbitrate 
what.>  Arbitrate  a  que.ition  which  admits  of  no 
debate,  as  was  done  in  the  case  of  Maine.'  .Submit^ 
our  riirhta  to  the  decision  of  a  crowned  head,  who, 
when  the  treaty  that  was  siibmitied  to  him  .spoke 
of  a  boundary  line  which  inn  from  the  northwest 
branch  of  a  certain  river,  took  the  noriheaaiern 
branch  of  it?  If  a  man  should  claim  the  farm  for 
which  I  iioldaKovernnient  patent,  and  because  my 
nei{;hbor,  who  sel  up  the  claim,  happened  lo  be  a 
very  rich  man,  and  very  influential  in  the  nei^'h- 
borliood — a  man  who  was  always  fomenting  quar- 
rels anioiiK  his  neighbors — threalens  to  seize  my 
property,  must  I  consent  to  submit  my  title  to  ar- 
bitration by  strangers,  and  with  no  iLssurnnce  that 
the  money  of  my  adversary  nniy  not  corrupt,  or, 
ai  least,  prejudice  the  minds  of  the  af bilralora .' 
If  a  man  claims  a  house  and  lot,  and  goes  to  law 
to  support  his  title,  will  he  aubinil  his  right  to  nr- 
bitratiun.'  No;  he  will  say,  let  the  law  take  its 
course.  Just  so  ought  we  lo  do  in  this  question 
of  our  title  to  Oregon. 

There  is  another  point  which  I  cannot  omit  to 
touch  upon;  and  that  is,  the  contrast  in  the  course 
of  the  honorable  Senator  on  this  subjeel  of  Oregon 
and  that  of  the  annexation  of  Te.xus.    That  hon- 


7'/if  Ortfron  (Question — Mr,  llnnncifdit, 

nruhlc'f^ntlrman  now  alaniU  beforn  the  country 
in  a  vi:rv  prominent  ailiiuile  im  ihc  ailvocale  of 
peace.  I'lace  la  all  liiairy;  an  hononilde  adjnat- 
ment  of  Ihia  qiieaiion  ao  aa  In  prcNirvc  peace,  Itnt 
how  waa  it  when 'I'exas  alood  before  us  asking 
to  be  unnexed  lo  ihia  Uepiililic  >  At  thai  lime  Ihe 
Senator  did  ma  hold  peace  lo  be  ipiile  an  valuable. 
I  allude,  eMpi'cinlly,  to  hia  lelli  r  addreaai  d  to  Mr. 
King,  at  I'ana;  a  letter  whose  language  could  liol 
but  lie  lo  the  laal  degree  olVin^ive  lo  the  HriliHh 
liovernmenti  an  miicli  an,  that  if  we  should  gel 
iiilo  a  war  now  ,  I  alioiilil  nol  be  surprised  if,  after 
all,  Ihat  letier  was  at  llie  lioiiom  of  il.  The  Sen  - 
ator  then  planled,  himself  "ii  the'liighesl  ground. 
lie  openly  defnd  I'Ji'^'laiid  on  ihat  i|U<'slioii  of  an- 
nexation. Hut  what  la  Ills  lone  now  .■  He  ia  wil- 
ling now  lo  buy  Knghind  oil  with  live  and  a  half 
degrees  of  Oregon. 

I'pon  the  queslioii  involved  in  my  aeconil  reso- 
lulioii,  thai  'here  is  no  power  in  this  (lovernmeni 
lo  alienate  the  sod,  and  Iransrcr  the  allegiancu  <if 
ilseilizeiiH  to  any  foreiirn  power  whatever. 

The  •Senalor  i'roin  SmiiiIi  (arolina  iiHsumea,  in 
opposition  lo  this  principle,  llial  the  lieaiy-niaking 
power  can  exercise  It  innlcr  the  pretext  of  settling 
noumlaries,  Trciities  can  nnly  la;  niade  by,  or 
through,  the  inslrunienlalily  of  the  sovereign 
power.  Where  thai  power  is  undeh gated  by  llie 
people,  or  any  norlion  of  them,  it  ia  nnlmiilcd,  aa 
111  liusain  and  'riirkey.  In  constitulional  iiionar- 
chiea,  audi  as  Kngland  and  Kiance,  it  is  more  eir- 
ciimscrilied;  bin  when!  llie  liinil  to  ihe  ireaty- 
making  power  begins  or  ends  with  them,  1  never 
have  been  able  to  discover.  In  the  mixed  form  of 
the  Ivigliah  Uovernmenl,  where  the  ariaUicralical 
and  the  inonarehieal  principle  allernali'ly  prevaila, 
there  arc  eerlain  chccka,  to  be  sure;  but  they  are 
easentiallv  of  thit  one  upon  the  other,  and  mainly 
diserelionary  in  ihe  Crown.  There  is  scarcely  a 
power,  no  mailer  how  arbiirary,  the  exercise  of 
which  by  the  Briliah  Crown  eaiinol  be  jualilied, 
at  Itaat  by  analogy,  if  nol  by  preccdeni,  under  the 
Uriiisli  eonsliiulion,  whenever  the  occasion  authur- 
izes  the  use  of  ihe  word  neiessity — iieci-.ssiiy. 

Hut  foriimalely  for  us,  happily  for  nmnkind,  n 
dill'ereiil  slate  iifiliiii:;sexiKls  here;  and  consequent- 
ly we  cannot  be  pointed  to  their  prneiice  for  piece- 
Jenia  in  our  conducl.  Ours  is  a  limited  govern- 
mcnl — a  government  of  delegated  powers,  every 
one  of  wiiicli  is  plainly  expressed;  nothing  is  Icll 
lo  implicalioii.  I'liero  is  no  avenue  here  fur  the 
silent  march  of  usurpalion,  under  the  pica — alike 
the  plea  of  the  tyrant  and  he  demagogue — exjie- 
(Ueiirij, 

Tlie  limit  of  the  treuiy-iiiaking  power  is  con- 
lined,  equally  with  the  legislative  and  judical  pow- 
ers. They  can  none  of  tliem  transcend  the  express 
creations  of  the  Constitution  itself.  And  the  as- 
certainment of  the  extent  of  i  ach  and  every  power, 
of  the  true  intent  of  every  arllcle,  is  governed  and 
controlled  by  the  same  rule  of  cimstruetion  which 
|)revails  with  all  oilier  laws;  and  that  rule  is  a  refer- 
ence to  the  context  for  the  spirit  and  meaning  of 
the  whole  inslrunienl. 

Happily  the  spirit  and  meaning  of  the  Conslilu- 
lion  of  the  United  Suites  is  plainly  and  explicitly 
declared  by  a  portion  id'  the  conlext: 

"The  poH-er:*  not  dwlcsmeil  la  the  I'mlert  StillCH  hy  the 
('nnniitiiuiin,  anrimihiliiteil  by  ir  to  the  tftniep.  are  rewerveil 
to  Ihe  Suites  resiicctivcly,  or  lo  the  people." — tirticlc  10, 
^-hnftidmt'iits  Con.  V.  .S. 

Such  is  the  plain,  and  not  lobe  misapprehended 
language  of  the  lOlh  article  of  the  nniendmenls  to 
the  Constitution.  'J'his  coinprehensive  article  de- 
clares the  Hiiiril  and  the  meaning,  and  fixes  impas- 
sable boundaries  to  ihe  limits  of  the  whole  insirii- 
ment,  and  of  all  Ihe  powers  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment created  and  existing  under  its  agency . 

.\nd  now  comes  my  second  resolution: 

'*/icso/ri'(/,  'I'Iml  there  e.\if*l.s  no  powerin  lllif  llovcrnnieiit 
to  trnnKl'er  ila  noil,  niu)  Ihe  a]|e;;huiri<  of  its  citizen.*,  to  the 
iloiinnioii,  nalhohty,  conn-ol,  and  Hiihjeeiioa,  nl'aay  foreii{n 
l*owi'r,  Frince,  t*lnlc,or  Hovereiiailj'." 

lInlcM.s  the  language  of  this  resolution  is  true, 
ours  is  no  longer  a  government  of  limited  powers, 
or  rather,  it  never  has  been  such. 

If  it  is  not  Irue,  in  the  cicalioii  of  the  treaty- 
making  power,  there  was  planled  a  niyslie  anil  im- 
plied power,  beyond  the  plain  meaning,  the  appa- 
rent spirit,  and  the  common  understanding  ol  the 
iiisinimeni. 

The  reverse  of  the  jnincipic  contained  in  this  res- 
olulioii,  asserts  for  the  President  and  Senate  discre- 


Sknatr. 

lioimry  pnwerii,  In  wliieli  (here  are  no  boiindv.  If 
ihe  Preaideiil  ami  .Senate  ran  nlieiiaii'  Ihe  aoil  of 
the  republic,  and  Iraiml'ir  the  allegiance  of  iIn  eili- 
/.ens,  whal  further  step  ia  iieceaaary  lo  ihe  erealioii 
of  a  despoliamr  I  know  of  none;  for  lliey  involvn 
llie  very  higheal  prerogalivi.s  of  unlimited  mon- 
archy. 

Thia  ia  not  n  qucalinii  of  boundaricM.  No  aucli 
qiiealiiin  ia  riilaed  bv  my  resolutiiina.  And  lllii 
counter  reaohiiimis  of  tin  Siniiiiir  from  South  Car- 
olina are  but  an  rvaaion  of  llie  real  iasne.  Wa 
show  a  title  lo  Oregon;  I'.iigland  shows  none — iih- 
Hiimea  none.  To  surrender  a  portion  of  our  aoil 
on  aiich  a  pretext  ia  to  I  uncial  the  real  nioiivu  of 
action,  which  is,  that  KiiLdand  is  powerful,  and  wa 
all'  weak.  In  plain  words,  llie  niuiite  inual  bo 
ilread  of  Knglaiul, 

Sir,  ihi!  dodrines  lo  which  I  have  just  adverieil 
open  a  range  which  no  eye  at  present  can  beiriii  lo 
ctaiipass.  If  we  adopt  for  our  guide  the  praciieu 
of  other  eountrles  in  making  Irealies,  if  we  allow 
lliis  uinlefmed  rangi!  lo  ihe  ireaiy-mnking  power  at 
this  pi'inl,  niiist  wc  not  at  once  lulniil  its  aupreni- 
macy  elsewhere.-  If  they  pos.sciys  this  the  highest 
allribiile  of  larlhlv  power,  where  is  the  reslriition 
upon  iheir  eoutrof  um  r  the  whole  revenue  Nyaicni 
of  tbc  country  by  ciauiuercinl  irealies,  fixing  iha 
rail'  of  impurliuion  ilulieK.-  Il  is  in  vain  t<  any 
ihiii  tin  Consiiiution  fives  lo  "  Cvmrras"  the  right 
lo  •' lai)  mill  ci'llnt  ihilits,  i/ii;i«.i/.i,'' kVe.,  and  that 
all  "  bills  for  revenue  shidi  originale  in  the  llousn 
of  |{i  prcsenlalivis. "  The  same  inalriiment  ex- 
pressly reserves  to  *'  (.'eiiffCfs.s"  '* //ic  r'nilil  lo  ilia* 
posr  iif'iiiul  iniilii  iiU  liieilt'iil  riilm  mill  riy(t/(i/t'rm.f  rif- 
>/)ff/ing  the  teniliirij  and  oilier  in-ojiti'lij  of  the  I'nited 
Sillier,"  iVc.  The  term  "  dispose"  here,  it  can  be 
easily  shown,  does  nol  imply  the  power  to  alien- 
ate, but  il  is  nol  necessary  for  my  presi  lit  purpose, 
should  il  even  be  eoniended  lo  the  contrary,  as  1 
merely  wish  lo  show  llial  "  ('oiig/'t.v,s-,"and  nol  ihe 
'  President  and  Senate,  is  the  constiluted  guardian 
of  the  Icrrilories  of  ihc  United  Slates. 

If  ihe  power  now  claimed  for  the  President  and 
Senale  is  admilted,  you  can  at  "  one  fell  swoop" 
expatriate  Iowa  and  WisciaisiM,  should  Knglnnd 
claim  Ihein.  Upon  the  same  princi)dc,  the  treaty- 
making  power  can  surrender  this  District,  should 
England  stir  iqi  some  aniiquated  claim.  1  say  uiiun 
Ihe  same  principle,  for  principles  are  in  themselves 
fixed  and  inuuovable,  and  cannot  be  changed  lo 
suit  ever-shifiing  opinions.  Our  lille  to  Oregon  in 
sustained  by  the  concurrence  of  history  and  of 
evidence,  and  if  we  now  surrender  it  north  of  the 
|iiu'allel  of  411°,  it  is  the  relinipiishment  of  a  clear 
and  established  riirht  to  a  territory  large  enough 
for  an  empire.  And  this  rcliiKiuiahnicnt  is  urged 
upon  us  for  the  sake  of  peace. 

Mr.  Presideni,  war   is  to  be  deplored;  it  is  a 
great  ealamiiy;  but  the  warniiiL^s  of  histm'y  arc 
false,  ils  many  memorials  but  idle  tales,  if  there  is 
'  not  a  far  greater  calamity  for  nations — a  purchased 
and   disgraceful   peace.      Bloated   and    enervated 
China  is  a  living  wiincFs  of  the  fad.     Modern 
'  Italy  still  groans  under  the  curse  innictcd  upon 
her  ci'iituriea  ago  by  a  feeble  empire,  wlio.sc  lyran- 
1  ny  she  might  have  rcsisled,  but  did  not.     To  thi.i 
hour  Ihe   ignoble  descendants  of  ihe  most  heroic 
race  the  ancient  world  ever  saw,  exhibit  the  de- 
grading  ell'ecls  of   cringing  submission.      AIns ! 
alas',  for  the  endless  train  of  woes  which  awaits 
the  nation  won  from  ihc  assertion  of  her  rights  by 
the  allurements  of  luxury  and  peace. 

Upon   the  other  hand,  consecrated  Marathon, 
through   the   lapse  of  twenty-five  centuries,  still 
'   bears  I'lesli  w  iiness  to  the  glory  of  the  lieroir  Gre  ks, 
who  disdained  a  purchased  peace.     Bunker  Hill, 
Trenton,  and  Vorktown,  rue  monumenla  on  the 
page  of  history,  and  on  our  own  sacred  soil,  of  the 
same  noble  resolution.     And  this  whole  land,  the 
'  youngest  and  fairest  daughter  of  earth,  the  favored 
'  of  God,  is  the  enduring  and  eternal  monument  of 
those  who  prefeired  resisumcc  to  submission,  and 
all  the  perils  of  a  most  unequal  and  deadly  strife, 
;•  to  the  debasing  pleasures  of  a  purchased,  and  there- 
fore an  ignominious,  peace.  - 

But  you  must  let  us  alone  wii!,  our  Irafiic!    Stir 
'  nol,  or  our  commerte  is  ruined  1    You  had  better 
surrender  (Oregon  than  disturb  our  Iraflicl 

Such  is  this  day  the  language  of  the  descendantu 
of  those  who  made  that  glorious  choice.     Let   ' 
;  irafficl     Tratlic  on,  I  say ,  but  do  not  barter  away 
"  your  country's  territory,  and  her  last,  her  priceles* 


312 


'^Oth  Conc 1st  SeS9. 


APPENDIX  TO  TilF,  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 
The  Oregon  (^ucstimi — Mr.  Disc. 


[Feb.  IR, 

Senate. 


jowcl — lirr  liojicir.  Do  not  Iraffio,  as  (liil  llic  I'nse 
Jiiilrnn,  m  Im,  fur  thirty  iiiocrs,  snlil  "n  jiearl  richrr 
than  all  his  Irilif."  Tinnir  oii;  Init,  llir  llii'  love  of 
Honvcn,  (Ui  riot  tnifiic  in  tho  allc,^iaii('c  cf  freemen 
and  till'  frceiloin  of  your  fellow-eitizena. 

It  v.as  tlie  sjili'iuliil  Innininse  of  a  famou"  Enj- 
li.-iluiiaii, "  /  rrfind  thr  /r;,'iil  lilnrly  of  the  mratirsi  man 
in  livllain  as  iniirli  o.i  ntij  virti.  anil  I  vnuht  difenfl  it 
iri.'.'i  thtsaiiie  zeal."   TliiM  iiolile  unilimeiit  should  of 
illicit' prcsiTVP  the  wriliiiirs  of  its  author  to  all  noa-  j 
trrilv.     lint  if  it  be  cood  in  nil  lMii;lishi>iaii,  mow  ; 
Jmf'li  (W'tn-cr  nlumld  itNapjiIicatioa  he  to  every  Anie-  ' 
vioan.     ^'et  what  American  e.iii  utter  it  who  would 
l)(^  willing  to  tniiisl'iMhisfcllow-i'itizeiisto  ihelioiid- 
?!re  of  a  nionareh's  rule?     I  rheriyh  this  Ittfiv  weu- 
luni  111  ol   the  |i:\lriotie  Kiiulishiiuiii,  niid  I  eherish  ■ 
it  llie  more  as  J  eitiite:>i|ilale  its  roniprtlieiisive-  ; 
iiess.     Is  it  reu:n.,l  'or  the  leirMl  lilie.ty  of  the  Ami-  i 
rii':ui  eilizeii  to  trruisl'er  him  and  his  to  the  ilomiil-  i 
ion  and  eontrol  of  the  r.ii5li:<h  uionan'hy  :     Where  . 
is  your  wiirrniit  for  crdiiiir  away  five  de^'iees  and 
a  half  (^f  Ureijoii?     Where   is   your  werraiit   for. 
Milliilnuvini;  the  a-i;i»  of  your  t'onstitiiiioii  and 
laws  iVoin  any,  even  the  nieanest  of  your  <ili/.ens, 
who  tuny  have  fixed   his  haliitalioii   ou  the  most 
nioofe  and  stnil  |ioint  in  all  voiir  dimnniuUMl     Is 
the  .Scmilor  (Voin  South  Carolina  prepared  and  wil- 
linr:  to  l^ao^t'er  any,  even   thoot;Ii  it  lie  tiie  poor 
pioneer,  w  ho«c  sinewy  form  lirst  parts  the  tani^lcd 
fores!  t,i  let  in  ii|ioii  the  eternal  solitudes  the  li;;ht 
of  diiy;  from  whose  rude  hut  the  first  smoke  of  the 
pale  I'a'e  (.i.rls  in  the  wildprness?     IShall  freedom's 
sabliadi  he  no  more  for  liini  r     Far,  far,  away,  and 
lonely  as  he  is,  he  lias  his  (lomestie  altJir,  and  he- 
I'ore  it  Cio(!  and  freedom  arc  worshipped  tos;elhei'. 
Helms  his  lioiiseiiold  irods — the  naiiu'-"*  lii-*^  niother 
tauirlil  hiiii,  perhaps  in  iSoiith  Candina,  perhaps  in 
AInssaehusett.s.      len  he,  a  fair-lmired  hoy,  played 
liy  her  siile.     He  has  taught  in  turn,  and  he  hears 
lliem  daily  iVrun  lispiii",' childhood,  and  first  ol  ihese 
is  Washiiiuloii.     Where  i.i    i   e    steel-dad   hand, 
where  the  iron  heart,  that  wiaild  lirrak  down  this 
altar,  ilescrniie  ihi?  worshii".  and  ehaii^e  upon  his 
children's  lips  the  nanie  of  Washington  for  Kn'^- 
land's  Queen  r    Itather,  were  that  hut  mine,  should 
its  fire  fro  out  forever — rather,  far  rather,  should 
the  serpent  wind  its  devious  way  ainoin,'  the  lifc- 
les"!  hollies  of  the  best  loved  of  my  heart,  to  coil 
and  hiss  iinliarnied  upon  the  hearthstone. 

Hilt  I  hav*  iif>  fears  for  Oremm — none,  if  llie  | 
voice  of  the  American  peojile  can  he  heard.  I 
would  he  willing;  this  hour  to  lay  aside  all  further 
question  here,  and  let  the  nialti  r  u'o  a^'ain  to  them. 
I  say  a^nin,  for  ihey  have  alriady  made  one  (leci.s- 
icn  in  favor  of  ihe  whole  territory.  The  aopeal 
was  made  liy  the  Baltimore  convention  to  ihe  iin- 
tion  for  the  w  hole  of  Orecon,  which  was  answered 
hy  the  elei'tioii  of  .Inmes  EC.  Polk  and  Gi'or:;e  M. 
Dalla.^.  Siihmit  to  the  people  ntraiii  the  (pieslion 
of  "Oregon  or  no  Oregon-''  '•  4iP  or  .l-l"  W  ■"  If 
threr-f  "lis  do  not  respond  "54°  40',"  "the  whole 
of  Ore;:, m,"  I  never  would  utter  the  •.void  again. 
My  fear  is  not  of  the  [cojile  My  far  In  list  this 
quiftion  slunild  he  sin.iigi  d  h're.  When  the 
dftor.s  are  closed,  and  there  is  no  eye  to  .^ee  what 
we  do,  I  fear  it  may  meet  the  fate  "  of  iJichard'j 
iiephewH  111  the  tower."  Everywhere  ih"  same 
niiuhiy  coiisideralioi.s  must  prevail,  when  the 
tpie.siion  is  known  and  und<  rsiood.  In  ihe  West 
we  utterly  I'orbid  the  unholy  sacrifu'e — no  coin- 
promise  liy  thesurrender  of  one  single  foot, 

Del  it  i.s'iiot  Ihe  West  alone  that  forbids  it.  Mis- 
Inry,  spc'l'liig  iVoin  the  sejiulchre  of  the  s.niited 
dead,  forbids  it.  'I'lie  shailes  of  Washington,  of 
Adams,  of  Henry,  of  the  whole  host  of  n  volu- 
tionnry  sires,  forbid  it.  A  slill  .iiuall  voice  from 
Lexington  and  f'oinord  fo.oids  it.  'I'l  e  holy 
blood,  which  ran  in  toi.er.s  on  the  parched  fields 
of  .Moninoiith,  and  Ilrandy  wine,  and  I  "amdeii,  for- 
bids it.  All  the  p.ast — the  spicire  form  of  the  post 
— with  mouriifn!  look,  forbids  it.  The  pns'  ntfor- 
liids  it.  Seven-lenihs  of  the  American  people  for- 
bid it.  The  fiilnre,  with  one  Imig-eoniinued,  stern, 
unbroken  front,  forbiils  it.  liy  all  Ihe  past  glory 
of  oircomilry,  and  in  the  name  of  nostei-ity,  of  the 
unborn  niillions  whose  fortune  it  sliall  be  lo  direct 
f\Tv  and  proud  America  on  her  high  destiny,  ! 
proti'.itagainsl  thedismeinbermenl  of  liiTierritory, 
the  nimndiinrr.ent  of  her  interests,  niid  the  sacri- 
fve  if  her  honor,  before  .\ny  nn-!  every  altar  of 
earih,  but  esnecjally,  and  above  .dl  othcr»,  before 
the  altar  of  hngiish  uiiibition.  I 


I  have  hut  uttered  the  ri;;hls  of  my  country,  and  ; 
by  their  sidi'  I   plant  myself,  ready  to  nbiile  the 
issue — coine  peace,  eonir'  war  ; 

Kor  the  singleness  and  siiicerily  of  my  motives,  ; 
I  a|>pial  to  Ucaven.  I!y  them  I  nm  willin';  to  be  j 
judged  now  and  liereaflcr,No  help  mc  God,  wlien,  ; 
proslrntc  at  thy  feet,  ".  fal'er  forth  iny  last  brief 
prayer  for  mercy  on  nn  erriiii;  life. 


OREGON  Q.Ui:.STION. 
SPEECH    OF    MR.   DIX, 

OK    Ni:W    VUHK, 
Is  Tilt;  Si;v.\TK,  IVbruiiry  IM  mirf  lil,  184G. 
On  the  Uesoliitinn  for  teniiiimling  the  joint  occu- 
pancy of  t)llgOII. 

Mr.  DIX  rose,  and  proceeded  to  address  the  Sen- 
ate,    lie  said: 

111  entering  into  the  debate  on  the  question  un- 
der conaideiaiion,  I  feel  eonstranied  lo  ilill'er  in 
opinion  with  two  ilistioguished  Senators  who  have 
preceded  me,  in  relation  to  the  manner  in  whiidi 
the  disciissimi  should  be  i-onducted.  1  allude  to 
tl'c  iSeiiatorfioin  Ohio,  [.Mr.  Ai.i.r.x,]  who  opened 
theivbate,  and  the  .^i  nalor  fi'om  Uelaware,  (.Mr. 
J.M.Cl.wton,)  who  followed  him.  Iloth  look  the 
groiinu,  and  wiili  eipiallv  .''rong  language,  that  the 
litlelo  Oregon  oiigin  not  to  be  drawn  into  this  diu- 
eussaioii;  lait  for  totally  dilferenl  ii'aboiis — the  .Sen- 
ator from  Ohio,  because  the  linie  for  discussing  it 
had  gone  by;  and  the  Senator  from  Oi'luware,  be- 
cause the  tunc  I'or  discussing  it  had  not  arrived. 
With  the  iinieigncil  respect  which  I  eiitertnin  for 
both  Senators,  1  dissent  iVoiii  their  opinions  with 
grc;UdilKdeiiceofiny  own.  Hut  I  am  ci  nstrained  lo 
regard  the  (incstion  ot'oiir  rights  in  Oregon,  as  one 
on  which  the  propriiiy  of  the  measures  proposed 
peculiarly  and  ciuiia  ntly  dt  pends.  What  is  the 
pioposilion  before  the  Senaier  It  is,  lo  fjfive  lo 
Ureal  liriiain  the  notice  cd'  twelve  months,  liy  vir, 
liieof  v'liich  the  tiealy  between  her  and  ihe  Uni- 
ted .Slates,  stipulating  that  lite  territory  of  t>regoii 
shall  be  free  and  (>peii  lo  the  pt:opIe  cf  both  eouii- 
trics,  is  to  be  abrogated  and  amadled.  We  can- 
not disguisi'  the  fact,  Ihat  this  Is  a  measure  of  the 
most  decided  ehaiacier,  and  involving  llie  most 
important  consetpa  nci  s.  AVliat  is  it,  sir,  but  a 
declaration  ihat  the  trrrilory  of  Oregon,  after  the 
expiration  of  twelve  months,  s'lall  no  longer  be 
open  to  the  subjects  of  Great  liriiain  ?  It  is  the 
liisl  step  towards  the  assertion  of  our  right  of  em- 
pire and  domain  in  Or'-gon.  1  ean  sie  it  in  no 
othc"  light.  I  shall  support  it.  Hut  1  cannot  as- 
seiii  to  the  pniprieiy  of  adopting  a  measure  of  such 
magnitude  wiiliout  saving  a  single  word  in  illus- 
tiati  m  of  our  title  to  ihi'  territory,  over  which  wc 
are  hus  preparing  lo  assert  lair  piiramoiiiu  rights. 
I  d  I  not  feel  at  iibi-riy  to  t^ike  such  a  step,  deiiy- 
ing  summarily  all  right  in  others,  or  abstaining 
fri'ai  the  assertion  of  any  right  in  mirsilves. 

I  propose,  thcni'orc,  as  a  preliuiitiary  of  action 
on  my  own  part,  lo  look  at  our  title  to  Oregon — 
not  for  ihe  purpisc  of  defining  it  with  critical  pre- 
cision, but  so  lar  as  to  stale  thegi  le-ial  grounds  mi 
which  it  rests.  And  I  am  disposed  to  lake  this 
course,  not  only  with  a  vii'W  lo  justify  the  vote  1 
intend  lo  give,  nut  for  the  fintliir  puipo.se  ol  cot  • 
reeling  extreme  misconce|itions,  both  at  home  and 
abroad,  on  a  few  poiiils  of  vital  cinisciiueiice.  No 
purely  Ameriian  ipii-.-lioii  has,  p.erhiips,  excited  r 
sirtaiger  interest  in  other  countries;  and  I  .'loiibi 
whether  any  other  has  been  so  gienlly  miiirt  pre- 
sciilcd.  The  same  inisapprehensionseMsl  at  home. 
The  public  [iriss,  for  Ib.e  last  few  weeks,  has  been 
teeming  with  essi.ys  disparaging  the  Spanish  title, 
on  whii'h  our  own,  in  smiie  ib'ijree,  rests.  1  am 
iinwilliii^  either  to  pa.ss  by  llie.se  statements  in 
silence,  or  to  meet  them  with  summery  declaia- 
lioiis  of  right.  It  is  natural  liiiit  Senators,  who 
have  been  long  on  this  lloor,  and  w'.io  liaveiilrea.ly 
borne  a  pa'l  in  the  discuHsioii  of  iIiIn  fpieslion, 
should  fi  el  diU'ercnlly.  'lit  for  myself,  having 
never  .veil  listened  lo  a  t.  bale  on  the  subject — a 
subject  until  recently  entirely  new  to  mc — I  feel 
bound  to  state  lite  grounds  on  which  I  net.  This 
is  wdiat  I  propose  to  do — not  by  the  ana'ysis  of 
any  i-jiriicniar  treatise,  ttv  by  the  exan-'  uilioii  of 
any  piirlicular  view  of  the  subject — but  liyexiiibil- 
ii%  some  of  the  hisioricul  fuels  on  w  liich  tiic  Span- 


isli  title  and  our  own  rest.  I  shall  endeavor  lo 
perform  this  duly  in  the  plainest  manner,  adhering 
/igidly  to  the  snbjecl,  and,  if  possible,  without  ad- 
dressing a  single  word  to  prejudice  or  |iassion. 

The  region  which  nowconstilules  ih  rrrilory  of 
Oregon  was  seen,  and  n  part  of  ils  i  ist  reconnoi- 
tred—I will  not  .say  exjilored — half  a  century  after 
tlie  discovery  of  Ainenen.  In  consequence  of  its 
remoleiiess  from  the  eouise  of  trade  which  wa» 
openetl  by  the  voynj^esof  Coluintius,  the  suppose,! 
rigor  of  its  climate,  and  the  certainty  deri-ed  from 
the  expeditions  sent  out  from  Mexico,  that  it  con- 
Inined  no  sources  of  wenllh  like  those  by  wliicli 
.Spain  hail  been  enriched  in  themore  .snnlhern  pnr- 
tion»nfthiscontiiient,il  remained, formi  '.han  two 
centuries  and  a  half,  wilhont  any  pemiaiient  settle, 
ment  by  civili/ed  men.  Iluring  this  long  period, 
Spain  constantly  assert  en '"r  right  of  proprietorship 
init  by  virtue  of  discovery,  and  had  formed  tempora- 
ry establishments  in  its  neighborhood  from  lime  to 
time.  During  the  half  century  uliich  succeeded,  it 
w.is  fieqiiently  vi.sited  by  ships  of  other  nations,  by 
accident,  for  [nirposes  of  explornliori,  or  for  objects 
of  commerce,  and  thus  there  arose  a  number  of 
claimants  to  i!ie  right  of  .sovereignty  and  domain. 
The  claims  of  Itns.sia  have  1  en  adjiisled  \\'ithGn'at 
J'rilain.  She  holds,  by  the  a,  quiescence  of  the  lat- 
ter, the  vliole  northwest  coastof  A.rericn  north  of 
latitude  ,')4°  41)',  as  far  back  as  Ihe  jirst  range  of 
highland-:  ;  and  by  virtue  of  a  ronvention  between 
her  and  iis,  we  liave  agreed  to  form  no  seltle- 
meiits  not  111  of  that  parallel.  The  southetn  line  of 
Oregon  we  hold  to  he  fixed,  by  llic  S'^'tlement  of 
the  boundarv  line  between  the  United  Sta'es  and 
;vlexico,ai  i-p.  The  territory  in  dispute  has,  there- 
fore, II  coast  of  twelve  parallels  and  two-thirils  of 
laii tilde, nmiiing  back  into  the  interior  to  the  Kocky 
monnlains;  and  the  nnitid  Slates  and  Great  Uritain 
are  the  only  claimaiils  to  the  right  of  propriet'indiip 
in  it. 

Before  I  proceed  to  examine  their  re.speclivc 
claims,  it  may  be  proper,  as  the  subject  has  been 
referred  loon  this  tloor,  brielly  to  stale  the  condi- 
tions, under  which,  by  the  usage  of  nations,  a  right 
of  properly  in  lands  uninhabited,  or  unoccupied  by 
wandering  tribes,  may  be  a'-quirco. 

The  basis  nsually  relied  on  'n  support  a  right 
of  thi.i  nature  is  discovery;  but  it  is  a  ground  of 
right  which  becomes  iiuleiiaMc,  unless  Ibllowrd  by 
an  actual  occupation  of  the  iliscovcnd  territory. 
If  a  title  is  not  perfected  by  occupation,  a  second 
discoverer  inay  nopropriate  the  tervilory  thus  neg- 
lected by  the  firsl.  '  Hut  lb  s  ninsi  b(  upon  reason- 
able evidence  of  the  iiilenti'n  ofihe  .ir.>(l  di.woverer 
not  to  lake  possession  of  ii.  Ifa  sci  ond  di.scoverer 
were  to  seize  upon  and  approjirian  the  discovered 
territory,  before  the  first  had  lime  to  form  nn  estab- 
lishment within  it,  sni-li  an  act  of  iiiterferencewoiild 
be  r<  -arded  as  an  unwarranlalde  intrusion,  wiicli 
tlielaitermiL't  insily  resist.  On  the  other  hand,  if 
Ihe  first  di.sc.ivlicr  neglects  witliiii  a  reasoiiablo 
time  to  take  act  i.d  possession  of,  lo  form  settle- 
ments in,  or  mane  some  ai'iual  use  of,  the  regions 
he  has  discovered,  the  law  of  nations  will  not  ac- 
knowledge in  him  any  absolute  right  of  properly 
in  or  •■overeignly  over  it,  even  thou  ;h  he  insy 
have  set  up  monuments  or  memorials  i  f  his  ills, 
covcry  at  the  time  it  was  made.  Such  i>  the  spirit 
I  of  the' rules  in  relation  lo  the  discovery  and  oc"up.i- 
lion  of  uninhabiled  ici-rilory,  as  slated  by  wiii.iR 
on  iiiternaiional  law.  It  iscerlaiiily  noleasy  to  lay 
down  anv  invariable  ride  in  .espec,  lo  the  time 
within  vliicli,  or  the  i 'rciini'-'tanccs  under  which,  n 
title  by  discovery  must  li,-  '.erfeeled  by  occupation. 
The  n'lles  and  maxims  of  inn  rnalional  law  are  but 
a  practical  application  of  the  [irinciples  of  univei.sal 
equity  and  iuslice;  and  in  ihi'  .setllemeni  of  ques- 
tions of  this  iiatiin',  llii'  real  objects  and  inU-uions 
of  the  parlies  are  to  be  soiigl  I  tbr  in  a  reasonable 
inlerpretation  of  Iheiracts.  I  .a-lieve,  liowever,  the 
doctrine  may  be  considered  fairly  inferrible  from 
Ihe  whole  body  of  the  law  on  this  subject,  ihat 
rights  by  disciivery  remai'i  good  until  superseded 
by  rights  of  occniiation.  AViil,  regard  lotireal  Hrit- 
aui,  i  think  I  may  safely  say,  that  her  practical 
rule  pushes  this  doctrine  farther.  S'he  resists  all 
attempts  by  others  to  acqiiin'  rights  by  occiipntion 
111  lerri'ories  uliicli  she  Inis  discovered,  and  thus 
renders  her  own  rights  by  discovery  perpcliial. 
IjieiitennnI  lirougbton,  in  the  an  ed  tender  ( 'hat- 
ham,  di.scovered  the  (Mint bam  Islands, i.i  17!ll, after 
parting  company  with  Vancouver,  ou  their  way  to 


•I 


[Feb.  18, 
Senate. 

I  pmlenvor  to 
mrr,  iiillirriii^ 
t',  wilhiiut  nd- 
)r  paMsioii. 
In  II  rrilniy  nf 

isi  rci'DIiii'ii- 
i  century  nfler 
oquprire  of  ilft 
lie  wliirh  was 
,  the  siippo'c  I 
'  ilcri'eil  from 
o,  llmt  it  mn- 
nse  liy  wliirli 
'  snutlierii  pnr- 
mr  '.Iiaii  two 
•niniicnl  settle. 
3  \t>\vj;  period , 
profjrietorsliip 
mied  tempnra- 
d  fmni  time  to 
li  siieeeedrd,  it 
ler  nations,  by 
,or  rorolijectH 
■  R  niinilirr  of 
r  and  domain, 
lied  with  Great 
enec  ot*  the  lat- 
I'erien  north  of 

lirst  mn;;e  of 
'iition  lieiwerii 
irni  no  seltle- 
inithein  line  of 
'.  settlement  of 
led  8ta'cs  and 
mte  hns,tliere- 
]  two-lhiril.s  of 
>r  totheUurky 
1  Ureal  Britain 
proprietorsliip 

leir  reHpertivc 
ijert  has  Itren 
;ti\te  the  eninli- 
intionn,a  riifht 
iinoccujiied  liy 

iipjinrt  B  ri^ht 

i.s  a  jrroniid  ot' 

slollowrd  liy 

(I   leriilory. 

on,  a  rieeond 

ry  thus  ne:;- 

npon  rcason- 

»l  discoverer 

ml  discoverer 

the  discovered 

form  ml  eslnb- 

ferenee  would 

riision.w  lich 

llier  hand,  if 

a  reasonalile 

form  selile- 

,  the  reirions 

s  will  not  MC- 

t  of  properly 

h    he   iniy 

I  r  his  ilis- 

h  ii-  the  spirit 

yaiid  (>c"i|p,i- 

il  hy  wiii.'i'a 

lot  easy  to  lay 

III   the   lime 

lier  which,  n 

'  iirciipaliiin. 

;tw  are  lint 

rnniversnl 

iieiii  of  'pies- 

iiid  inti  .'lions 

I  reasiiiiahlp 

however,  the 

re.rilile  from 

jeil,  ihiit 

il  siiperseilcd 

lolJreat  Hril- 

praelical 

■he  resists  all 

y  oreiipnlinn 

ed,  and   lima 

■y  )ierpelnal. 

teiidei'  t  !hat- 

1.1 17!ll, after 

their  way  to 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


313 


a9TH  Cong 1st  Sess. 


ii 


the  northwest  e.oiii?t.*  She  has  not  oceiipied  them 
nntil  recently;  and  I  am  notsnre  that  there  is  now  | 
anythins  more  than  a  whaling  esliililishincnt  on  j 
iheni;  bnt  she  ins'.sts  that  no  other  power  shall  oc-  j 
cupy  them,  liecau.<e  it  would  lie  injurious  to  her  [ 
sclllemenis  in  New  Zealand,  which  are  nearly  five  | 
liundred  miles  distant  from  them.  ' 

I  pio(iose  now  to  see  wliat  acts  have  been  per- 
formed in  resiiect  toOrec;on  by  d'Aerent  nations;  or, 
in  other  words,  to  examine  the  .-..iture  of  the  dis- 
coveries which  have  been  made,  and  the  estiililisli-  ! 
menl.s  which  have  been  formed  in  that  region,  ap-  ! 
jilyin;;  to  them  ns  I  proceed  the  principles  I  have  : 
concisely  slated .  I 

The  first  discoverer  nf  any  part  of  the  northwest ! 
const  of  America  north  of,  or  in  immediate  conti-  I 
guily  with,  the  boundary  between  ns  and  Mexico,  \ 
was  l-'errelo.     He  was  the  pilot  of  Cabrillo,  the  \ 
eominandcr  of  an  expedition  fitted  out  in  Mexico  i 
in  1543,  lifty-onc  years  after  the  discovery  of  San 
Domingo   by  Columbus      Cabrillo  died   on   the 
voyage,  and  Feirelo  srcceeded  to  the  command. 
He  examined  the  coast  from  the  Santa  Barbara 
islands,  in  latitude  34°  to  the  43d  parallel  of  lati- 
tude, but  the  latter  part  of  his  voyage  was  made, 
1  believe,  without  Inndini^,  and  by  a  mere  inspec- 
tinii  nf  the  const  from  his  vessel.     In  153.'),  ci?,'lit 
ye.rs  before  this  exiiloration  was  made,  posse.v 
sion  iind  been  taken  of  California   by  Fernando 
Corte.-,  in  the  name  of  .Spain,  and  an  est.iblish- 
ment  had  been  formed  in  24°  of  north  latiludc. 
This  establishment  was  kept  up  for  several  years; 
and  the  Gulf  of  California  to  its  northern  extiemi-  | 
ty,  with  the  western  coast  as  liif;ii  as  38°  north  \ 
latitude,  had  been  explored.     These  explorations,  j 
luid  the  establishments  formed  in  carrying  them 
on,  were  all  made  in  pursuance  of  a  sellled  purpose  | 
on  t'le  part  of  Spain  to  extend  her  dominion  over  ! 
the  uninhabited  lerritnry  on  the  norilnvcstcrn  const  ' 
of  America.     The  discoveries  to  which  these  ex- 
plorations led  were  therefore  not  accidcn.ai.    The 
expeditions  were  fitted  out  for  the  single  object  re- 
ferred to.     In  the  prosecution  of  this  desisii,  it  is 
true,  the   most  arroijant  ar.d   alisiird  pretensions 
were  set  up  by  Spain  in  respect  to  the  excUisive 
nnvisalioii  of  the  Pacific;  but  these  must  not  be 
permiiled  lo  |irejudic,e  her  just  claims  to  portions 
of  the  continent  washed  by  Us  waters  on  'iie  ground 
of  discovery  and  occupation,  and  i'  ■  declared  pur- 
poses she  had  in  view. 

The  next  navifjamr  who  appeared  on  the  norih- 
vest  coast  was  Sir  Francis  Drake.  He  left  Imi;;- 
land  in  t.'i77,on  a  predatory  expedition  against  the 
ilomiiiioiis  if  S|iain  in  the  Pacific.  In  1579,  after 
bavins;  accompli.»<hi  il  his  object,  and  carried  devas- 
tation and  terror  into  the  unprolecled  .Spanish  se* 
ticmenis  on  the  coast,  he  landed  in  .'18°  north  1  :ti- 
tude,  in  a  bay  su[ipnsod  lo  be  that  of  San  Fram  is- 
eo,  and  passed  five  weeks  in  repairins:  his  ve  .sel. 
He  look  ^los.scssion  of  the  country,  and  ci'licd  it 
iVe-,.'  Albion.  It  is  pretended  llial  Sir  Francis 
Drake  followed  the  coasi  as  far  north  as  48°;  but 
the  best  iiulhorilies  lix  the  norlherly  limit  of  bis 
examination,  which  was  a  mere  inspection  from 
his  vessel,  at  43°,  the  supposed  boundary  of  Fcr- 
relo's  inspection  more  than  a  ipiarler  of  a  reiiliirv 
before.  As  the  British  ne^ilialors  ha>  e  abandon- 
ed 'Irhkc's  expedition  asa  part  of  the  basisnf  their 
cle  w  I  will  nol  dwell  upon  il,  cxceplinp;  to  add 
that  h.s  exauiinalioiis  were  accideuMl;  they  were 
nol  made  in  puri.nnce  of  any  pu.iiose  ofexplorii- 
tion  or  sclllemeni;  they  lid  lo  I'.ie  discovery  of  no 
new  territory;  and  they  were  not  I'ollowed  up  liy 
an  actual  occupation  of  the  soil.  For  two  cenlii- 
ries  no  cl  inii  lo  territorial  rifrlits  ;hal  1  am  aware 
of  was  set  up  by  Great  liritai'i  on  the  ground  of 
Dr.iUeV  preli  iidcd  discoveries. 

The  next  explorer  was  the  Greek  pilot,  .luan  de 
Fura,  who  was  sent  lo  the  noiihwesi  coast  in  l.WJ, 
thirteen  years  aficr  Drake,  liylhcViceroyofMex-  | 
icii,  for  llie  purpose  of  di.-icoveriiii;  the  imaginary  i 
Sirail  of  An'"ii,  supposed,  at  that  day,  lo  connect  i 
the  niirlli  Pacific  with  the  north  Atlantic  ocean.   In  • 
the  priiseciilion  of  his  voyaire  he  eiilered  an  exlen- 
Hive  inlet   from  the  sea,  as  he  supposed,  tietv\'een 
the  47lh  ami  48lh  parallels  of  lalilude,  and  sailed 
more  ihaii  Iweiitv  days  in  it.     .Such  is  his  own  ac- 
count as  delailedby  Aliclmel  Lock;  and  il  accords, 
as  well  as  liis  descrip'ions,  so  nearly  with  the  ac- 
tual nature  of  the  localities,  that  it  is  now  gene- 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Dix. 

rally  conceded  to  be  substantially  true;  and  his 
name  is  conferred  by  universal  consent  on  the  strait 
between  the  48th  and  49th  parallels  of  latitude. 
Spain  had  thus  made  discoveries  on  the  northwest 
coast  before  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century  i^s 
far  north  at  least  as  the  48lh  degree  of  latitude,  and 
the  nature  of  the  explorations,  from  their  extent 
and  the  settlci'  urpnse  in  puraunuce  of  which  they 
were  made,  t  eludes  nil  claim  of  discovery  by 
others  ilown  to  that  period  of  time. 

In  1603,  Vizcaino,  a  distinguished  naval  com- 
mander, under  an  order  from  the  King  of  Spain, 
made  a  careful  survey  of  the  coast  nf  Californitt  to 
Monterey,  in  the  37ln  parallel  of  latitude;  and  he 
also  explored  the  coast  ns  far  north  as  the  43d  par- 
allel, giving  names  to  several  bays  and  promonlo- 
ries  as  he  advanced.  During  the  sevenlcolh  .entu- 
ry,  at  least  seven  different  attempts  were  made  by 
the  Spaniards  to  form  establishments  in  California; 
but  from  the  hostility  nf  the  natives,  and  other 
causes,  these  attempts  fliiled,  so  far  as  any  perma- 
nent settlement  is  concerned,  excepting  the  last, 
which  was  made  in  1697.    But,  within  sixty  years 


Senate. 


self  of  any  pretended  claim  by  virtue  of  the  tran- 
sient visit  of  the  former  lo  the  coast;  while  Spain 
constantly  n.s.serted  her  right  to  it  by  vir'ue  of  pre- 
vious and  subsequent  discoveries.  And  in  Cali- 
fornia and  its  neighborhood  she  had,  after  repealed 
efforts,  succeeded  in  effecting  the  permanent  oecu 
nation  of  the  country,  which  was  her  earnest  ob- 
ject— an  object  whicli  no  other  power  during  that 
long  period  had  even  in  conte.uplalion. 

The  third  voyage  of  Captain  Cook,  undertaken 

in  1777,  gave  the  first  indication  of  a  desire  on  the 

part  of  Great  Pritain  to  appropriate  such  parts  of 

the  northwest  coast  of  America  ns  she  considered 

open  to  settlement,  and  subject  them  to  herdomiii- 

:  ion.     He  was  instructed  to  take  possession  in  the 

;  name  of  the  King,  of  convenient  situations  in  the 

j  countries  he  might  discover   thai  had   not  been 

already  discovered  or  visited  by  any  other  Euro- 

'  |iean  power.     In  1778  he  landed  at  Noolka  Sound, 

in  49° 33'  north  latitude,  where  he  remained  nearly 

a  month  trading  with  the  natives  and  refitting  liiii 

vessel.     I  believe  this  was  the  only  point  within 

the  tenitory  in  dispute  at  which  Captain  Cook 


from  this  time,  sixteen   principal  csudjlishmems  ]   kmled;  amf  it  is, prin-ed  by  its  latiludc  lobe  the 

'      same  liay  which  Perez  discovered  four  years  be- 
fore, nnci  in  which  he  passed  some  lime,  like  Cap- 


were  formed  by  the  Jesuits  on  the  western  coast 
of  America,  between  the  Gulf  of  California  and  ' 
Cape  Mendocino,  one  of  which  was  in  the  bay  of  i 
St.  Francisco,  near  the  .38tli  degree  of  latitude. 
During  the  whole  period  from  the  landing  of  Fer- 
nando Cortes  in  California,  and  the  latter  part  of  | 
the  eiffhtecnth  century,  Spain  had  uniformly  as-  i 
serted  her  title  to  the  northwest  coa.<.l  of  America,  1 
and  had  from  time  to  time  made  eftbrts  not  only  to  t 
extend  her  tliscoveries  there,  but  lo  perfect  her  i 
richt  of  empire  and  domain  by  permanent  estub-  j 
lishmenis. 


tain  Cook,  trading  wiln  the  natives.  The  subse- 
quent explorations  of  the  latter  were  made  farther 
noiih — I  believe  he  did  not  see  the  coast  south  of 
.5.')° — with  n  view  lo  the  discovery  of  a  iKissage 
between  the  Pacific  and  Atlaiilic  oceans,  and  they 
have  no  bearing  on  the  queslion  under  discussion. 
The  explorations  of  Captain  Cook  gave  no  tide 
whatever  lo  Great  rtritniii  on  the  score  of  di.scovery 
— the  only  place  where  he  landed  having  been  pre- 
viously visited  by  Perez.     Besides,  if  she   had 


In  1774,  Perez  wns^onlered  by  the  Viceroy  of  i  gained  a  contingent  right  of  possession  by  virtue 
"""         ''  '" "  of  his  exploradoiis,  she  did  not  proceed  to  perfect 


Mexico  lo  proceed  to  60°  north  lalilude,  and  ex. 
I'lore  the  coast  south  to  Monterey,  and  to  lake 
p.  ssession,  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  Spain,  of 
th.  places  wdieie  he  should  land.  He  succeeded 
in  reaching  the  54lh  parallel,  within  two-thirds  of 
a  degree  of  the  nnrlherii  boundary  of  the  disputed 


•Sec  Vmicoiivcr's  Juutiml,  liook  I,  clm|itcr  II. 


her  title  by  a  formal  occupancy.  The  neglect  of 
Great  Britain  lo  take  actual  posse.s.sion  of  iVootka 
Sound,  e^'en  if  she  had  gained  a  contingent  right  by 
discovery,  is  conclusive  against  any  claim  on  her 
.  .  ,   part  to  a  rii;ht  of  properly  in  it.     For  eight  or  nine 

territory,  whence  he  returned  alona  the  coast  to  j   y„„.j,  i),j,  Ciitish  flag  was  not  once  unfurled  tin  ro 

Washington's  Island,  as  it  was  ,?alled  by  ('aptain  i   „,  |  p,,,,  |earn,  although  tl- 

Gray,  or  Uueen  Charlotte's  Island,  ns  it  was  after-  i 

wards  n.nmed  by  the  British  navigators.     Ill  lali-  ! 

tilde  49°  ;i()'  he  entered  a  capacious  bay,  where  he  ; 

remained  for  some  lime,  trading  with  the  natives —  1 

the  same  bay,  beyond  nil  question,  which  was  four  : 

years  afterwards  called   King  George's  Sound  by 

Capl.  Cook,  and  is  now  known  as  Noolka  Sound. 
The  next  year,  ( 1775,)  Heceta  sailed  as  far  north 

as  the  4Htli'degree  of  lalilude,  and  explored  the 

cnasi  south,  filling  np  the  oullini^  which  Perez  had 

left  incomplete.     He  had  previously  landed  at  41° 

111',  ond  erected  a  cross  wiili  an  inscription  selling 

forth  that  he  had  taken  possession  of  the  coiiiilry 

in  the  name  of  his  sovereiu'U.     In  lalilude  4(i°  17' 

he  discovered  n  rapid  current  outward  from  the 

land,  opposite  to  nil  openino:.  which  he  immediate- 
ly pronounced  to  be  the  luoulli  of  a  river.     From 

liim  it  was  first  called  the  Eniradii  de  Ilecctn,  and 

afterwards  the  river  St.  Hoc.     He  iniule  repeated 

attempts  to  enter  it,  bin  was  consiaiilly  bullied  by 

the  violence  of  the  current.    This  is  now  conceded 

to  have  b     ii   the  nioulh   of  the   river  Columbia, 

which  was  di.scovered  and    eiin  red    by  Captain 

Gray,  of  Boston,  seventeen  years  al'terwariN. 
During  the  same  year  the  coast  was  iilsp  explored 

I'rom   the  56ih  lo  the  .Mlili  degree  of  hilitiule  by 

Cluadi-a  (y  Bodega)   and  Maurelle,  who  erected 

crosses  in  teslimonv  of  their  discoveries.  Dn  their 
■  return,  thev  visileif  tic  i-oast  at  the  47th  desrce  of 
[  latitude, and  explored  it  from  the  45tli  southwardly 
!  to  the  4'Jil. 

Il  will   be  perceived  by  these  detaili,  which  I 

have  deemed  it  necessary  to  state  with  some  par- 
ticularity, that  previous  to  1778,  the  year  in  which 
,  (Captain  Cook  visiled  the  northwest  co  st,  the  Span- 
iards had  examined  it  with  great  care  and  persever- 
ance from  37°  to  49°  3(1'.  They  had  al.so  exam- 
ined il  from  the  54th  to  the  .59tli  iiarallels,  and  vis- 

it,-il  it  at  intermediate  points.     And  in  these  explo- 
rations they  were  wholly  wilhout  competitors,  ex- 

cepling  on  the  part  of  some  Russian  nnvigators, 

who  had  nmdediscoveries  noilhof  ihe.'iClli  parallel, 

and  Drake,  who  had  visited  the  coast  at  llie  3Sih. 

During  the  two  centuries  which  intervened  from 

the  expedition  of  Drake  lo  the  third  voyage  of 

Cook,  no  attempt  had  been  made,  nor  any  design 
'  indicated  on  the  part  of  Great  BriUvin,  to  avail  hcr- 


:  the  place  had,  in  the  mean 
lime,  been  visited  by  navigators  of  other  nations; 
and  it  was  not  until  several  years  later  still  that  it 
was  eveneiilorcd  by  a  public  armed  vessel  of  Great 
Britain;  and  then  not  until  the  .S|iaiiisli  Goveni- 
nieiit  had  taken  formal  possession  of  it. 

In  1787,  Berkeley,  an  ICnglishman,  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  Austrian  East  India  Company,  sawlhe 
Strait  of  Juan  de  Fuca,  but  without  attempting  lo 
enter  it.  In  like  manner,  Meares,  a  lieutenant  in 
the  British  navy,  though  in  the  service  of  a  Portu- 
guese inerchanl,  and  sailing  under  the  flag  of  Por- 
tugal, sent  about  a  few  miles  into  the  sirait  in  1788, 
liaviiu;  learned  iVoiu  Berkeley  that  he  had  re-dis- 
covereil  il  the  preceding  year.  Meares  also  ex- 
plored the  coa.^t  in  the  vicinity  of  the  mouth  of  the 
Columbia  river,  and  came  to  the  conclusion,  to  u?:o 
his  ov.n  lansrnage,  that  '  ■  no  such  river  as  that  of  St. 
Roc  exists,  as  laid  down  in  the  Spanish  charts."— 
Voyages,  itc,  John  Meares,  Esq.,  page  HI8. 

As  the  transactions  in  wliiili  Mcuirs  was  en- 
gaged, on  the  northwest  coast,  are  iutiniate'.y  con- 
necicd  with  the  claim  i-f  Great  Britain  to  a  right  of 
joint  occupancy  in  respect  loOrigoii,  1  trust  it  will 
not  be  deemed  suiierllnous  il'  I  examine  them  .some- 
what in  detail. 

Before  making  the  explorations  ab.^vc  referred 
to,  Meares  had  landed  at  Nootka  Sound,  and  left  u 
parly  lo  build  a  small  vessel.  He  had,  for  a  trilling 
eiinsideialion,  oblained  the  grant  of  "a  spot  of 
ground"  from  iMaqiiimm,lhe  King  of  the  surround- 
ing coiinlry,  lo  build  a  hou.se  for  the  acconniiodn- 
liiin  of  ihe  party.  The  occupation  was  avowedly 
fir  a  leniporary  purpose;  and  he  had  sti[iutaled 
with  Miu{iiinna  to  resiorc  the  possession  to  him, 
when  he  (Meares)  should  finally  leave  the  coast.* 

*".>Iili|lliliiill  Imil  lint  nlilyinnst  rcuililycoiiselitcil  to  urnllt 
us  il  f-iiiil  of  yniiniil  in  his  leiritnr.v,  wlierceii  ii  liniif.c  iiiJuht 
tic  liiiill  tor  the  accniiiiiinitmiiin  fil'lln'  iicnplc  we  iiilciiili'il  lo 
leave  ihcrc,  hut  linil  priiniisi'il  ii»  nlsn  iii.i  iissisiaiice  in  llir- 
WHriiiiiit  Miir  works,  iiiiil  Iun  |ir<  -  '-tiiiii  ol' llie  imrty,  wlio 
were  ilcsiiiicii  t"  reiiiniii  nl  Nom,  .liiriiiB  our  aliseiice." — 
roiMucv,  .Vc,  A.v  ./oAii  Jlfcio-M,  ;hi  .    ill. 

''The  cliii't'was  also  reiiiletitcil  In  stiiiw  every  liinrk  ol'  nt- 
Icntiiili  niiii  rricinlsllip  tn  llie  [inrty  ive  hIkuiIiI  leave  en  sliiirej 
anil,  lis  a  Iirilie  in  secure  his  nttiichnient,  he  Wiis  iireeiisciL 
thill  «  hen  vvc  rtiiiilly  Icll  the  coast,  lie  slmiilil  ctilcr  into  lull 
|io>8i'Psiiiii  III' the  tiiiiise.niiil  nil  the  gondii  unU  clmtlels  Uiere- 
uiito  boluiigiui;." — /*.,  jMgc  IJO. 


■ri 


314 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29Tii  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Dix. 


[Feb.  18, 
Senate. 


In  the  niitnnin  oi'  liie  same  j^oar,  he  left  Nootka 
Snniid  with  his  .es.sils,  one  of  which  wintered  in 
Ctiina,  anil  ihe  two  others  in  the  Sandwich  Islands. 
I  shniild  have  before  observed  that  lie  arrived  at 
iS'ootka  Sound  with  two  vessels,  the  F'elice  and  the 
llihii^enia;  and  the  third,  the  Northwest  Amerini,  , 
wna  built  there  during  the  summer.  In  the  mean- 
time, the  Columbia  and  the  V/nshington,  two 
American  vessels  tVoni  Uoaton,  entered  the  sound 
and  pas.'ied  the  winter;  and  from  all  ihc'  testimony 
rc'latin^  to  the  subject,  there  is  no  doubt  tl.at  the 
lot  f"  Hpied  by  Mcares  was  abandoned,  or  restored 
to  Ai.p,  una,  in  imrsuance  of  the  a:j;reement  be- 
tween tiiem.  During  all  this  time,  it  is  to  be  re-  ' 
collected,  Meares  was  sailing  under  the  Portu- 
guese flag:  and  it  is  a  curiou.s  fact,  tliat  be  carried 
witli  him  instructions  to  rcjiel  by  force  any  attempt 
on  the  part  of  Ruswian,  Spanish,  or  English  ves-  ■ 
sels,  to  sciz"'  him,  nv  carry  liim  out  of  his  way. 
He  was  furlbtr  iiieiiructed,  in  case  he  wassucccss- 
f'ul  in  capturing  his  asiailant,  to  send  the  vessel  to 
China,  to  be  condt  miiul,  antl  the  crew  to  be  tried 
ns  pirates;*  and  ytt,  ^ir,  notwithstanding  lie  was 
sailing  under  a  foreign  tln:r,  wi'h  orders  to  treat  his 
liritatmic  Majesty's  sulgrcts  as  piratt'S,  in  case 
they  nutlcsted  him,  the  Bntisli  Government  does  not 
bcruple  to  found  its  tiiio  to  Orcixon  on  liis  voyage. 

Though  the  vessi  Is  i(f  Meares  sailed  under  the 
Poriui;u'  so  tlatTi  and  under  tlie  name  of  a  Portu- 
guese suliject,  he  asserted,  in  Lis  memorial  lo  Par- 
liament, that  the  parlies  in  interest  were  IJritislimer- 
rhants.  1  dev.re  to  state  the  wh"le  iruth.  and  there- 
for**  I  srive  a  fact  I  have  not  seen  n"iioed.  At  pa^'e 
llSoflii.s  Voyages,  it  will  Seseen  that  he  took  pos- 
session of  1  lie  Siraiis  of. Tuande  Fuc:i.  in  ihename  of 
the  khigof  Circat  11-itain,  in  July,  1788.  Ibit  inde- 
pendcnily  of  the  oljeciion  U*  chiinis  founded  upon 
the  transactions  of  an  individual,  who,  under  the 
most  favoralile  view  that  can  be  taken  of  ium,  had 
jruirht  the  jiroteetion  of  a  forei;;n  flag  to  nerpetrate 
frauds  on  t!ie  revenue  laws  of  China,  this  unau- 
thorized act  of  tiiking  jio-ssc-islon  under  such  a  th'j; 
\v.\H  (irecedcd  many  years  by  similar  formalilies 
on  the  part  (»f  ihe  Spanisli  navi^Mtors,  under  ex- 
press orders  from  their  sovereiun.  The  twofold 
character  whi>'h  Me;nes  united  in  his  person  cer- 
tainly gave  him  manifest  advantages,  both  as  a 
trader  and  a  discdverer.  He  was  i\  Porf  .  se 
CHplaiu  wlicn  (lefraudiMi:  tlie  revenue  laws  <if  China 
for  tlie  beneiu  of  Pritish  sulijei:i;%  and  a  P>ritish 
lieutenant  when  encroaching  on  the  terrilorJal 
rights  of  Spai»  ,  for  the  benetit  of  the  liritish  sove- 
reign. 

On  the  Oih  of  May,  1789,  Martinez,  a  Spnnisli 
naval  eomnianrier,  with  two  public  armed  vessels, 
entered  ?so>tka  Sound,  witli  instructions  to  assert 
and  maintain  the  paramount  riglas  of  Spam  to  the  , 
place,  and  lo  ihe  adjacent  coasts.  The  Iplii:rcnia, 
and  tlie  Xorlhwest  America,  two  of  Mearis's  ves- 
sids  had  return'. d  from  tlie  Sandwich  Islands,  still 
Hailing  Uiuhrr  Portuguese  cohirs,  and  arri\ed  in  the 
Sound  on  the  liOtli  of  April,  sixU-  n  days  bef(u-c 
Martiiu'/,.  The  Nnrihwesl  -Vmerica  sailed  eiirhl 
days  afterwards  on  a  trading  voyage,  and  the 
Ipliigenia  was  a  sliort  lime  subsrcjuently  sei^td  bv 
MiU'imc/,  oi>  the  grotnid  that  her  instruc'.ions  were 
]'.o.:.iilc  to  Sfiiiin.  IShe  was, bow  -  ,  soon  restored, 
niid  continued  to  trade  under  Portui^ncse  c(»lors — a 
frtct  which  shows  conclusively  that  no  cluim  can 
justly  be  set  up  by  Great  Hntain  on  the  ba.sis  of 
llie  voya'j;.^  <d' Meares  lo  Nontka,  and  his  lemp't- 
i"ary  esiahlishmcnt  there.  The  Niu'liwot  Amer- 
ica was  id.sit  .seized,  for  reasons  imt  direetly  cuu- 
necicd  w  ith  any  question  of  sovereignty,  and  was 
employed  ff)r  nearly  two  years  in  the  Spanish 
servile. 

In  the  mnolh  of  .Tune,  ITf^'O,  two  vessels,  the  Ai- 
ponanl  and  Princess  Royal,  sailinir  undir  British 
eolors, arrived  at  Nootka.and  were  seizrd  by  Mar- 
tinei'.  It  is  unnecfssary  to  enter  into  the  details 
of  this  uansuction.  It  is  suflh'ient  U)  sav  that  it 
led  lo  an  animated  discussifin  between  tln'Govern- 
tnentp  of  Great  Britain  and  Spain,  in  respect  to 
iheir  rights  in  (he  IV-ific,  mid  ibe  western  coast  of 
Anierieji,  which,  for  several  nmnths,  threiiiened  to 
produce  IV  war  between  the  two  countries,  but 
which  WHS  (i:u>lty  terminated  in  Oetober,  171*0,  by 
the  treaty  i)f  the  Kscurial,  or  the  Nimika  Sound 
ronvention,  as  il  is  more  freijuenlly  deimminated 
with  us.     Uefoi-e  the  negoliation.s  were  cnnduded, 

,   *  AppeiiiUx  tu  Mvortit'ii  Vuyaguif  papers  No.  1. 


both  vewsels  were  voluntarily  relenaed  by  the  Span-  \ 
ish  aulhorilies  in  Mexico.  i 

As  the  Nootka  Sound  convention  eonstitntes  an 
ea.sential  ingredient  in  the  claim  of  Great  Britain, 
il  will  be  neres.sHry  to  ad\i ..  lo  such  of  its  provis- 
ions as  are  nnule  the  foimdatitm  i  '  her  title  to  the 
qualified  exercise  of  sovereignty  which  she  asserts 
over  the  northwest  coast  of  America,  and  to  con-  | 
sider  them  in  connexion  with  the  circumstances 
under  which  they  were  framed.  The  arlieles  which  i 
relate  particularly  to  the  question  under  discussion 
are  the  Ist,  ltd,  oth,  and  (ith. 

The  1st  article  provides  that  '*  the  bnildings  and 

*  tracts  of  land  situated  on  the  northwest  coast  of 
'  the  continent  of  North  America,  or  on  the  islantis 
'  adjacent  to  that  eontinrnt,  of  wliich   the  subjecls 

*  of  his  Hritannic  Majesty  were  dispos.sessed  alioul 
'  the  month  of  April,  1781),  by  a  Spimish  otlicer, 
'  sliall  be  restored  to  the  said  British  subjecis." 

The  third  nrticle  pr<ivides,  that,  **  in  order  to 
'  Hlreni;llien  the  bomis  of  tViendship,  and   to  jut- 

*  serve  in  future  n  perfect  harmony  and  irood  un- 

*  derstanding  between  the  two  contracting  parties, 

*  it  is  agreed  that  their  resnective  subjects  shall  lait  > 
'  be  disturbed  or  nH>lcsU'(l,  either  in  naviirating  or 

'  carrying;  tni  their  fisheries  in  the  Pacific  ocean,  or 
'  in  the  South  seas,  or  in  landing  on  the  coasts  of 

*  those  seas  in  plai-es  no'  already  occupied,  for  the 

*  purpose  of  earryini!:  on  their  conuiierce  with  the 
'  natives  of  tlie  country,  or  of  making  settlements 

'  there:  the  whole,  subject,  tieverheless,  to  the  re-  ■ 

*  stric'ions  specified  in  the  tbrei  to  I  Iriwim:  articles." 

The  5th  article  pr<ivides  that  *' as  well  in  the 
'  places  which  are  to  be  restored  to  the  British 
'  subjects  by  virtue  of  the  first  artidi',  as  in  all 

*  other  parts  of  the  iMirlhwesiern  coast  of  America, 
'  or  of  the  islands  adjacent,  situate  to  the  north  of 
'  llie  parts  of  liie  said  coast  Mreadv  oi'cupied  by 

*  Spain,  wherever  the  sub;''C's  of  either  of  the  two 

*  Powers  sliall  have  made  setllenients  since  the 
'  month  ef  April,   1789,  o  ■  t>\m\\  hereafter  make 

*  ;mv,  the  snl.jei'ts  of  the  (iher  shall  have  free  ac- 

*  cess,  and  siiall  carry  on  their  trad''  without  any 

*  disturbance  or  molestation." 

The  sixth  article  relates  to  the  coast  of  South 
America;  hut  it  has  an  importance  in  eonlainiuL'  a 
dclioiiiou  of  tiie  erections  which  may  be  made, 
conUnmi;  them  to  such  as  may  serve  the  purposes 
of  fishiuir;  and  the  jirovisions  of  tlie  third  article 
arc  expressly  declared  to  be  subject  lo  the  restric- 
tions in  "the  three  following  articles,"  one  of 
which  is  the  sixth." 

1  now  proceed  to  state  certain  facts  in  respect 
to  this  conveniiitM,  and  to  draw  from  tl'eni  ctn- 
clusions  at  whnh  1  have  arrtvi'd  with  somedilli- 
deiice.  Tiie  fads  1  shall  endeavor  to  present  with 
a  riijid  reu^ard  to  accuracy.  If  my  conclusions  are 
erroneous,  the  better  juduMnent  of  the  Senate  will 
correct  them:  ami  1  shall  have  the  consolation  of 
retleetini  thai  my  errors — if  they  shall  prtivesuch — 

M)n  ilie  l-'t  wlMareli.  IS-i'i.roI.MH'l  H.-rai-ri  miuje  ini  r.l;lc 

KI> !i  111  Uie  Stii;,t''  nl'llic  I'mUimI  .-itate^  ui  laviir  Mitlicoe. 

r  iti"Ti  nt' tlu' urcjoii  t)'<iliMnliia)  river,  bi  tlii-  '■iierch 
I..-  exaiuinid  the  Irrnlv  <trihi'  K^eiirilil.  (the  Nnnttta  Souitil 
('(tTivrntion.)  unci  iiisiJti  il  tluu  it  \\as  [inniMl  hy  ii-itertn-t  tn 
lif  '■  a  treat  iniediu'es^jon.  and  iii>lnl'ae(|iiiMii<>ii  oirii-iiiHoti 
Die  part  ot'tJnHi  llruaiii."  ami  '•  that  the  |ii'IIiii>-imii  ii»  titiiil 
and  (n  inake  M'tilenieiit-.  «ii  Ihr  Irntn  entii'MnplaiuiL'  an  ae- 
cpii^'itint!  tift'Tnlnry,  was  MinUed  Inffnb^eiini'iit  resni'-lioriH 
!  lo  tlie  ereiMiniiiii  t,'[npniaryhiit.s  tVir  tlie  pergonal  aei'iiiiimii- 
(laii'in  <•!  ii>hc'riinM  nml  iraih-rs  (Uily."  'l'hl'^e  pn^^llnl||'< 
«fie  eiifnrri'il  m  Iii«  iirunaiciil  h\  n  r.fcrem'c  tn  tin'  :t«>ir- 
iMiii*'  of  Mr.  I''i\.  aial  tin'  (ulati— i'>n«  nt"  Mr.  I'iit.  ulicri  tlic 
Noi.fka  Stniinleontrnversv  was  iindi-r  ili-eii-ifinn  iit  the  Urit- 
ish  I'arhanr'iti.  The  toljun  in^  are  txinu-  of  ilie  paKs^mres  to 
whieli  hi-  niirred : 

■'  !Mr.  l-'n\  -aid  :  What,  then,  w.i-*  Ihe  e\|ent  offair  riithtf 
'liefrire  ihe ciiKvcn tinn.  (wlietlicTadrni  tied  or  denied  l)yHpaiii 
'  wa**  'if  lid    i'ini-^ri|Ur'rii  e,l  and    in  \\li;il    exlfiilwrre   tiH'V 

*  now  fiecnri'd  in  ii-  .=  We  p(i!'i'e-*!.eil  and  e\eni^fd  the  iVi'e 
'  iia^  i:iati<Mi  nf  the  Pariiii eaii.  u  ithoni  restraint  nr  luuu 

'  auiiii.  We  pii^siyr'ed  and  fxcfci-ied  the  ritflit  III' earr^  1MB 
'  on  lisherie?^  in  ihe  Hniilh  xeii"  eipiiith  iilihltlllei].*'  >*  This 
'  pitale  we  had.  and  nere  dad)  iniproxnuF;  ii  \\w  iini  to  lie 
t  di'-uraerd  In  the  tiaine  )d' an  iteipiisiiion.  The  adniHsioii 
'  iif  part  of  tli>>e  iiuhl.x  was  all  we  had  Mlitmnrd.  (  hir  ri^hl 
'  het'ire  wn-i  to  -.i-iilc  m  any  part  of  the  sonih  nr  anriliHc-'l 
'  ena-t  n!' AiiH-rii-a  lint  fnrtilh'il  annni^t  ns  liy  prevlnu)'  omi- 
'  paii'-\ :  and  we  were    unw   restneled   in  setlle   hi  oTtnin 

*  liliice-.  niily,  and  iindrr  erriain  rentrieiinns.  ThM\\n.Haii 
'  iiiipnriiint'entirr.-si.iii  nii  mir  part.  Onr  riirld-'  id' (l^liiiiB 
'  extended  to  the  wlmh'  neran  ;  and  imw  it  «a«  hniiled  ami 
'  I"  Im'  earned  nn  viihin  rertaiti  dlntaiiee!*  of  the  (Spanish 

>  netihnieiits.     oiir  nsht  nt*  niakiiis  Hettleiiienls  wa^  imi,  iim 

*  now .  H  nuhl  In  tantd  liiils,  hiil  In  plant  eolonie:*  it  \\v 
'  IhoiHillt  prnprr.  Slir'l>  th'-^e  Here  iinl  a' i|ai-innii-J,  Of 
'  rallHT  '■nm|i|i'-.(j.  a*  lht'\  iiltl-t  he  roii-idered.it' we  were  in 
'jiidK''    h\    Ilie  irinniphinit    Innffintije    r«'>^^()''ciinL'   tln-in.  I'lii 

>  great  uial  iuii»uiuuit  '.<jitcuMtiiHi!>.'>    '■  liy  Ihu  Uiird  uiticle 


have  led  to  the  discovery  of  truth,  which  I  am  sure 
is  the  great  object  of  every  Senator  on  this  lloor. 

The  first  article  was  practically  inoperative, 
from  a  total  misapprehension  of  the  facts  which  it 
supjiosed.  There  is  lo  evidence  that  subjects  of 
his  Briuinnic  Majesty  had  been  dispossessed  of 
luildiiiiTs  or  tracts  of  lands  in  April,  17HI),  or  at 
any  other  lime,  bv  a  Spanish  orticer.  In  the  mes- 
sage of  the  Briiish  King  to  Parliament,  and  in  the 

I  earnest  discussions  between  the  tw(»  countries  in 

I  resjtect  to  the  seizure  of  the  Briiish  shijis,  I 
find  no  mention  of  such  dispossession.  When 
Vancouver  was  sent  out,  in  17!t:ii,  to  receive  pos- 
session of  the  buildini;s,  Ac,  U)  be  restored,  none 
could  be  found  excepting  those  erected  by  tlio 
Spaniards.  Ao  buildini;  occupied  by  British  sub- 
jects remained  at  ?S(toika  in  17tS9,  when  Martinev: 
arrived  there;  and  it  was  denied  by  the  Indiana 
that  any  tracts  of  land  had  been  ceded  to  British 
subjects.  In  fact,  there  were  no  traces  of  the  oc- 
cujiancy  which  the  article  supposed.  The  only 
pretence  of  u  cession  of  territory  of  which  there 
was   any   evidence,    was   the    right   actpiired    by 

H  Meares,  while  acting  iii  the  name  of  a  Portuuucse 
citizen,  and  sailinir  under  the  Hag  of  Portugal,  to 
occupy  temporarily  a  very  small  lot,  winch  hj 
himself  admits  he  liad  agreed  lo  r:"'ore  wher  he 
should  leave  the  coast. 

After  a  long  controversy  on  this  subject  between 
Vencouver  and  C^nadra,  the  Spanish  commander 
at  Nootka,  the  former  departed  without  icceiving 
any  restitutiiui  if  buildings  or  lands,  and  the  suli- 
jcoi  was  referred  to  iht  ir  respective  Governments. 
In  1790,  Captain  Broughton  arrived  nt  Nooika, 
and  found  the  place  unoccupied.  (See  his  Voy- 
a'jreof  Discover/  lo  ihe  Xtu'th  Pacific  n,:can,  pace 
.50.)  He  nowliere  states  that  he  was  sent  out 
with  instructions  lo  adjust  Die  ditliculiy.  But  na 
says  be  was  informed,  by  letters  UlY  with  Maquin- 
na,  the  Indian  King,  that  *' the  Spaniards  had  de- 
livered up  tile  port  of  iNooika,  i*tc.,  to  Lieutenant 
Pierce,  of  the  m.irines,  agreeably  to  the  mode  of 
restituiion  settled  between  the  two  Courts.*'  But 
there  is  no  proof  of  sueh  restitution.  The  only 
autburity  relied  on  to  show  such  a  restitution,  is 
one  reeently  produced  by  the  Limdon  T''n»'f.  I 
allude  to  l)e  Koch,  vol.  1,  page  \'2G.  Pie  says; 
**  The  execiitioii  of  tl.     conven:ion  of  the  2. St h 

"'October,  17!1U,  [I'le  r^ootka  conventioni  expe- 
'  ricncer'  some  d.  (CuIiics  wiiich  delayed  it  till 
'  17113  riiey  were  terminated  ilie  ::.'lid  of  March 
'  of  that  year,  on  the  spot  itself,  by  the  Spanish 
'  HriL^adier  Alava  and  the  English  Lieutenant  Poara, 
'  who  exi-hanL''ed  declarations  in  the  bay  nt'  Anot- 
'  ka:  nt'ler  which  the  Spanish  fort  was  destroyed; 
'  the  Spaniards  embarked,  and   the    Knglish   flag 

*  was  planted  there  in  sign  of  possession."* 

I)e  Koch  has  the  reputation  of  being  accurate; 
but  there  is  certainly  one  error  in  his  statemc  . 
There  w(.s  no  such  name  a:.  Poara  in  the  iJri'.sa 
Registers  of  that  year.  He  doubtless  meant  Pierce. 

In  opposition  to  this  testimony  of  a  foreign 

'  ae  are  authnri/ed  in  iiaviitate  itie  i'aeilic  necan  and  .'^laitli 
•sea-*,  urannli'sii'd,  I'or  the  pMr|in'-e  nf  carrxini,'  on  onr 
'  li^heries,  and  In  laud  nn  the  nnsi'itlcd  ena-'ts  fnr  the  pm- 
« |)it<ie  of  tradinz  will]  the  natives;  hut  aner  Ihif*  pninpniiii 

*  recftjiiiiiinn  of  ri^lil  in  iiaviuatmn,  tii^hintr,  and  cninnien-ey 
Pennies  annjier  iirli<-le,  till'  hi\tli,  which  lakes  away  Ihe 
'  rii;)it  nf  IfuidiiiL'.  ami  erretiiiL'  evi  ii  ti'mpnrar,\  hat-',  fnr  any 
'  piirpn^e  hnt  thai  of  earrvina  nn  Ihi*  (iHJiery,  arnl  aninnrUH 
Moaenniphlc  derelietinii  of  nil  ritflit  »n  seitlc  in  aiiv  way 
'  fnr  the  purpose  nf  eoiniiiercc  wiih  till)  ;'iitivt'8.''~WrifuA 
IKirli..nii'nt>itij  lli.itoni,  vol.  -jH.  p,  !l*Jfl. 

Mr,  Pitt.  in"replv,  did  imt  deny  the  aeeiiraey  of  tiiia  cnn- 
mriiclinii  (d'ihe  Ireatva--  tn  seltlitneins  and  iTeelinns.  Itllt 
he  inainiaiued  "  that  ihnnuli  what  this  enaniry  (T.real  Orit- 
'  ain)  had  uained,  ninsir^leil  nnt  ol  new  richls,  it  >-vrV      ' 

*  ilid    nf  iir\\    ii,Ivaiita«es.     We   had    ln'fore  a  riEhi    lo    ■ 

'  sMiith'-ra  u-lial<  li'^tiihc.  and  a  riuht  In  iniviuate  and  eany 
'  nil  ti-lieriis  m  Ihe  !'a''ille  neran.  and  tn  trade  nn  the  con.^l 

*  (if  iiuy  [lart  n|' \'nithwe-t  .Xiuern'ii;  hiii  tliHt  ritdii  had  nnt 
■  only  nnt  heen  arknnuledKe  j,  hnt  iti^puted  aiul  O'^if^ted ; 
'  win'rei.'  Iiy  the  e(»iiventinn  it  was  secnri  d  in  ii«--n  cir- 
*i'iiinstani'    wliich.  ilinuflh   no  new   riylit.  was  a  new  nrt- 

*  vantage.    — fft.  paije  \tHYi. 

Till'*  ."ulijeci  han  rcccntiy  h<*en  further  iilu-^trated  in  a 
elose.  ami  well-reasoned  aruunietit  hy  .Mr.  OvvicM,nf  Indiana, 
In  Ihe  HniiM'  of  lli'iiresenlalives. 

'  See  Mi«tnire  Alir^i!*!'  de**  Trait^"*  de  I'ais.  Slc.  par  M. 

de  Knell,  eonUaiK^,  &.e.  par  r.  .^rliiM  II. 

"  |,'e\*ieiitinn  d"  la  eniiventinn  dil  '?*<  Oetolirc.  1790, 
<^innnva,  an  rc^ic,  de-  ditTunltf^s  ipii  la  retard^rent  jnsipiVn 
\i'X>.  Kllei  Ihrehi  lerrnntees  |e  •>;(  Marsdeei-ue  Hniier,  Hur 
Its  lifiiv  meaie-^.p.ir  h-  Itriifadit'r  K?=pHttiinl  Alava.ei  le  l^ieii- 
li'iiant  Aiit^lni-:  poiir.'i.ipii  ^(.haniiL^rent dcsdet  hirattnrisd-ia!« 

|c  ir-.p','   ,fi-   \ii«>ika  in<^ ;  afire- ipic  le  fofi   l-'-pauiMil  Au 

ra^(^.  h's  l',-p.iL'nol-i  s".  nihaninereni,  et  le  puvillun  Aiiyluis  y 
■    t\ii  plaiiKi  ea  t^v'uv  de  pud:jensiuii.'* 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


315 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess, 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Dix. 


ENATE. 


T.  &!■.  pur  .M. 


writer,  wc  liave  the  assertion,  twice  repented,  of 
the  British  historiiin,  liclshani,  thi\t  the  Spanish 
llnj  nt  Nootkawns  never  struck,  and  that  the  place 
was  virtually  relinquished  by  Great  Britain.*  If 
.any  restitution  was  ever  made,  the  evidence  must 
he  in  the  iiosscs.sion  of  Great  Britain.  Seilor 
dnadra,  in  i7!)2,  oli'cred  to  give  Vancouver  posses- 
dion,  nscrvinsj  the  rights  of  sovereignty  which 
Spain  T.os.sessetl.  There  may  have  hecn  n  restitution 
with  such  reservation;  but  if  there  is  any  evidence 
of  a  1  stitution,  why  has  it  not  been  produced  by 
the  British  negotiators,  or  at  least  referred  to.> 
AVliere  are  the  declaration.^  nicntioncd  by  De  Koch 
as  having  been  exchanged  ?  Why,  I  repeat,  has  the 
evidence  .lot  been  produced.'  Probably  because,  if 
there  is  any  sucii  evidence,  it  must  prove  a  condi- 
tional and  not  an  absolute  surrender — such  a  sur- 
render lis  she  is  unwilling  to  show — a  surrender 
reserving  to  Spain  her  righus  of  sovereignty.  If 
there  was  n  restitution,  ond  she  possesses  the  evi- 
dence of  it,  slie  probably  secretes  it,  as  she  secreted 
the  map  of  the  norihensleni  territory  with  the  red 
line,  because  it  would  have  been  a  witness  against 
her.  When  Vuncimver  went  out  in  1792,  he  car- 
ried an  order  from  the  Spanish  Goverimient  to  the 
commander  nt  the  port  of  St.  Lawrence  (>i'ootka) 
to  restore  the  buildings  and  districts  or  parcels  of 
land  which  were  "occupied"  by  the  subjects  of 
Great  Biitain  at  Nootka  and  Port  Cox,  and  of 
"  ivhich  the  English  subjects  were  dispossessed." 
Cluadra  refused  to  execute  it.  No  occupation — no 
dispossession  was  proved.  The  treaty  did  not 
name  Nootka  or  Port  Cox.  Quadra  considered, 
doubtless,  the  occupation  ajid  dispossession  as  facts 
to  he  proved.  Though  the  treaty  was  absolute  in 
its  terms,  its  execution  depended  on  n  coniingency 
.  isumed  to  have  hai»peneii — a  contingency  to  he 
'wn.  In  the  ubsenco  of  any  such  proof,  we  have 
I  light  to  insist  on  the  evidence  of  a  restitution, 
full,  formal,  unconditi<nial,  absolute.  Brougiiton, 
in  ITilB,  says  the  restitution  was  made  agreeably 
to  the  mode  "settled  lielween  the  two  Courif." 
This  was  a  midc  settled  on  the  reference  of  the 
Biihject  to  the  two  Governments  after  the  refusal  of 
liuadia  to  surrender  Nootka  to  Vancouver.  Van- 
couver, in  his  Journal,  vol.  6,  page  118,  says  that 
on  the  12lh  Septemljer,  17'JI,  Seilor  Alava  told  him 
at  Monterey  that  the  matter  had  been  adjusted  by 
their  respective  Courts  "  nent'hjon  the  terms  "which 
he  (Vancouver)  had  repeaiediy  olfered  to  Quadra. 
Even  this  statement,  coming  from  Vancouver, 
8hows  that  there  was  u  new  agreement  between 
the  Courts.  What  wivs  the  agreement?  Wc  have 
a  right  to  call  for  its  production. 

Such  was  the  practical  execution  of  the  first  arti 
cle  (.f  the  Noolka  Sound  convention.  One  fact  is 
imdenialile.  Great  Uritain  never  occupied  Nootka. 
From  17i)6  to  the  present  day  no  attempt  has  been 
made  to  reociMi|))  it  by  civilized  men.  Captain 
Belcher,  a  Ihiusli  navial  oHicer,  visited  the  place  in 
1837,  while  .n:'',.  ii  ;•  ,i  voyage  round  the  world.  In 
his  narraii .  -.  |  •;.:i.'  11,'),  vol.  1,  he  says: 

".NoV'  ii.i-  iiii  'ins  of  the  settlement  noticed 
'  by  Vi,..  I  V  ._.■■  could  I  discern  on  the  site  of 
'  the  Spu  ■  Ij  '.CIV  the  slightest  trace  of  stones 
'  empl  ■^l  t  ;'  'i-  ild'.  '.  The  chiels  pointed  out 
'  whi're  the.  u"  '.iC-  .:ood,  and  where  the  potatoes 
'  grew,  but  noi  .   !i    '•e  re, nains  of  a  European." 

'J'hc  third  nrtitlc,  I.l  les  stipulating  for  an  un- 
molested enjoyment  of  the  right  of  navigating  and 
fishing  in  the  Pacific  and  South  Seas  and  laiiding 
on  llie  coast,  conceded  in  express  terms  to  the  sub- 
jects of  both  nations  the  riL':lit  to  form  settlements 


*"ll  Is  certniu,  nevertllPlcss,  1 ilip  mnst  nutlirnric 

HU))st>r|iK'iit  inl'oriiiiitjoa,  tlliit  tlM^  Spiiai.sli  tl;i{i  flying  iit  the 
liirt  mill  NCttliMii'Mit  of  IVfHiIkn  wits  never  ftnick.  niid  Hint 
(lie  wlinlt>  tiTnlory  liHN  liepii  virtimtty  r«'lini|iijsliril  iiyliri'.it 
Hrnniii—tt  inciu'urc,  hmvever  iioliiicnlly  t'.x|>iMlieril,'wliicli 
nivolvpH  ui  it  a  severe  rellecljnn  upon  tiie  .Minister  whn 
ciaild  perinii  so  iiii<itli(iiiH  nn  eaeruHelniMMit  a[nni  llie  iincieiit 
iitiit  ni-loinwIedKCil  riRlits  of  tlie  Crown  of  Spain."— Wc/- 
sA./ic'    ■  ^  tlonj  of  Itreiit  /tri/uoi,  rol.  H,  ;mee  ;Ki7-';tH, 

' 'lutjli  KiiKlanil,  nt  the  expense  of  tliree  niillinns. 

•'     .t'li  tlie  Hpniiiiirils  n  prninise  of  restnrnlioa  tinil 

..n    :t  is  well  nscerlnin('il,,fi)-v/,  llmt  the  settlenienl  in 

.T  wn.' re- !cir,  .1  Ity  H'lMlin,  iiorllip  Hp;inisli  Unit 

'".1 '  I'r  stn  "k;  iiii'l  semmltHf  llmt  no  senleinent  Ims 
even  In  ,  •  salj-ti'iiMi'ntly  atleinpleil'  hy  Knutiuiil  on  the  t'lili- 
lonnun  finst.  The  elaiiil  of  rtKhl  set  n|i  liy  tlii!  t'nnrt  nf 
l.uiidon.  It  is  llierefure  pliiin,  lins  heeii  virtiinily  nhnnilDiii'il, 
niilwillistini<hiiii  the  iiienneiinttniie  in  which  (he  iieBiitiittinn 
was  ennihieteil  hy  tlie  llritisli  adniinistratiiin,  wlii)  ciiniint 
eseape  siiiiii.  censure  fur  eiK-iiurili(iiu{  tliiisi.  vexillioiis  en- 
eoiuehim'nta  nn  Ilii:  territiinni  riiihls  uf  H|min."— /W»/ium"i 
iliilorij  0/  ilrcat  Ortlain,  col.  S,  .^/ijjfmlix,  pagt  10,  41.  ( 


!  in  places  not  already  oixupied;  but  t'.,is  right  was 

subject  to  the  restrictions  of  the  three  following  | 
;  articles,  one  of  which  was  to  Ihnit  its  cxeicise  to 
i  the  parts  of  the  coast,  or  the  islands   adjacent, 
;    north  of  the  parts  already  occujiied  by  Spmn.     It 
I    had,  by  the  terms  of  the  compact,  no  iippliaitinn  | 
i    whatever  to  |mrts  of  the  coast  of  North  America 
south  of  the  places  occupied  by  Spain  at  the  time 
I  the  treaty  was  made.      The   important   ((uestion 
1   arises,  what  was  the  most  northern  point  occupied  ! 
I  by  Spain  in  1790.'    This  became  a  matter  of  dis-  i 
agreement  between  the  Spanish  and  British  author- 
ities at  a  very  early  day  after  the  Nootka  Sound  | 
'   convention  was  formed.     Vanc.juver  claimed  not 
only  the  whole  of  Nootka  Sound,  but  also  Port 
i  Cox,  south  of  it;  and  I  c  insisted,  to  use  his  own  | 
:   phraseology,  that  "the  norlhernnnist  .spot  on  the  \ 
';  '  Pacific  coa.st  of  America,  occupied  by  the  Span-  j 
;i  '  iards  previous  to  the  month  of  May,  1789,  w.a.s 

'  the  Presidio  of  San  Francisco,  in  latitude  37°  48'."  i 
,  Now,  it  will  be  observed  that  an  attempt  was  made  I 
to  give  to  the  Nootka  Sound  convention  a  con- 
struction wholly  unwarranted  by  its  terms.    Van- 
couver endeavored  to  fix  the  month  of  April,  1789, 

■  as  the  time  when  the  question  of  the  most  northern 
,    occupation  of  Spain  was  to  be  settled.     The  lan- 
guage of  the  convention,  in  respect  to  the  right  of 

'  forniiiig  settlements,  is,  "  north  of  the  parts  i.f  the 
;  .said  coast  already  occupied  by  Spain;"  fixing  the 
;  time,  according  to  every  just  rule  of  construction  , 

at  the 'laic  of  the  treaty ,  the  28th  of  October,  1790. 

This  constiuction  is  strengthened  by  the  fact,  that 
i  a  subsequent  article  concedes  the  right  of  f'n-ming 
'  temporary  establishments  on  the  coast  of  .South 

America,  south  of  parts  "already  occupied"  by  , 
;  .Spain,  and  referring  indisputably  to  the  ilatcofthe  j 

treaty.     The  words  "already  occu))ied"  arc  the 

same  in  both  articles,  and  they  must  be  considered 

■  as  i-eferring  to  the  same  pei'iod  of  time. 

The  question  then  items,  what  was  the  mnst 
i  northerly  point  occujiied  by  .Spain  in  October,  1790, 
'  at  the  conclusion  of  the  trcrty  .' 
•''       Martinez,  a.s  has  lein  seen,  took  possession  of 
Nootka  Sound  on  the  Glh  of  May,  17S9;  and  ini- 
I    mediately  landed  materials  and  ciMiion  for  build- 
ing ami  arming  a  fiirt  on  a.  small  isi.md,  at  the  en 
trance  of  Friendly  Cove.     In  Noveniber  he  return- 
ed to  .St.  Bias,  aiid  in  the  spring  nl'  1700  Captain 
i    Elisa  took  his  place.     A  |iermanciri  i:;tablishnicm 
'    was  fiiriMcd,  vessels  were  sent  out  mi  exploring 
I    expeditions;  and,  during  tlie  ncgotiiiiiiuis  between 
'    Vancouver  and   Qu.idia  in  1792,  the   Spaniards 
i'  were  in  possession  of  linuscs  and  ciilt.vnted  hinds. 
I    Vancouver  again  found  them  In  possession  in  1793, 
I    under  Sefior  Fidtilgo,  and   in  1794,  under  Seiior 
'    Saavadra,  and  the  post  v.iis  maintained  without  in- 
terruption until  179.").'     By  turning  to  page  .'i3fi, 
j'  volume  2,  of  Vancouver's  Journal,  a  view  of  the 
Spanish  cstal'lishment  at  Friendly  Cove,  on  Noot- 
i    ka  Sound,  will  be  seen,  firm  a  sketch  taken  on 
ii  the  spot  l.iy  one  of  Vane;    >      *s  party,  in  Scplcm- 
I'  her  or  October,   1792,  and  it  exhibits  ten   rooffii 
buildings,  with    several    enclosnies   of  cultivated 
land.     It  also  exhibits,  totally  disiinct  from  these 
lands  mid  buildings,  a  cove  adjoining,  and  a  ret'er- 
ence  to  it,  slatiiiir  iliat  it  includes  "  tlie  territories 
which,  in  September,  1792,  were  olfered  by  Spain 
to  be  cetled  to  Great  Britain."     This  w;is  the  site 
of  the  hut  occiipietl  by  Meares,  mid  the  Spanish 
commander  refused  to  make  a  formal  and  absolute 
surrender  to  Gi'cat  Brilain  of  any  other  land. 

Thus  it  is  established,  by  proof  not  to  be  im- 
peached, that  the  Spaniards  were  in  the  occupation 

*  Vnncoi.ver  arrived  nl  Noorka  Soiinil  on  the  Snth  .May, 
17!i:t,  mid  fruMui  the  Spani.'ints  in  possession.  He  sa\s : 
"An  iiflicer  uis  iinaiediatcly  despati-lied  nn  shiire  In  ac- 
(piaint  Sennr  I-'iii.dgn  nf  onr  arrival,  aiul  that  I  wnnhl  salute 
the  fnrt  if  tie  would  'tiake  an  eipial  return  ;  this  was  accnrd 
naly  done  Willi  elevei,  guns.'' — J'.oicoiiiTr'*  Juiirtm/,  vol 


fpii   1, 
at  \i, 


il,  niigp  4'2Q. 
Vai 


'aneouvernrrived  at  Nnnlka  Pniind  nn  the  ."ith  of  Dclo-  i 
her.  ITJI.'I,  and,  tn  use  liis  own  words,  '•  the  usual  ceri'innnies 
of  salutes,  and  oilier  li)rnialilies,havitiB  passed,  accninpiinied 
hy  Mr.  I'llitei,  I  wailed  nn  Sennr  Haavadrn,  Itu'  coiuniandor 
of  the  pnst  '' —  Trt/.  4,  /n/cc  'JSll. 
Vnneniiver  nrriveil  at  Nnotka  Sound  on  the  Qd  Hepleniher, 

17114,  and  found  llricadier  (■eneral  Alava  iii  conn I.     (Ic 

lelt  without  resuniiuR  the  nefiotintiiiii  wliieli  he  had  coiii- 
inenred  wilhtinndrn,  in  ITir-J.  Ou  the  I'Ji'i  N'oveinher,  17114, 
In'  wns  infnrined  hytleneral  .Alava. atM  -nlerej-,  where  they 
met,  that  instructions  had  lieen  sent  adjust  the  nintter  in 
an  ninicalile  way,  and  nearly  nn  tliejerins  which  he  ( Van- 
cnuver)  had  repi'iitedly  otl'eri'U  to  Seilor  Uuiuira  in  .•.■,:'en, 
her,  17lt'3.  Hut  of  this,  as  has  heen  seen,  there  i.-  no  satin- 
luctury  evidence.— Set'  Gtfi  ro/ioar,  jutgc  I  la.    ^ 


of  a  post  nt  Nootka  Sound  in  1790,  when  the  con- 
vention was  negotiated  and  coinhiiled;  and  I  sub- 
mil,  therefore,  whether  thi.i  must  not  be  regarded 
as  the  soulhern  limit  of  the  region,  within  which 
the  right  of  forming  settlement.?,  recogiiLsed  or  cim- 
ceded  bv  the  convention,  was  to  bo  exercised. 
This  point  was  strcniiotisly  and  perseveringly  in- 
sisted on  by  Qundra  in  his  negotiation  with  Van- 
couver, and  with  obvious  justice.  To  use  Van- 
couver's own  iui'guaj'e,  page  342,  2d  volume  of 
his  Journal,  Quadra  onserved  that  "  Nootka  ought 
'  to  be  the  last  or  most  northwardly  Spanish  set- 
'  tlement;  that  there  the  dividing  line  should  be 
'  fixed,  and  that  from  thence  to  the  norlhwiird 
'  should  be  free  for  entrance,  use,  and  coninierce 
'  to  both  parties,  conformably  with  the  fifth  article 
*of  the  cpiiivention;  that  estnblishmenla  should  not 
'  be  formed  without  permission  of  the  resjiei  live 
*  Courts,  and  that  the  English  should  not  pass  to 
'the  south  of  Fuca."  Such  was  Quadras  co.. . 
strnclion  of  the  treaty;and  he  uniformly  refused  to 
make  any  formal  suriender  of  lerritory  or  build- 
ings, excepting  the  small  cove  referred  to.  Noot- 
ka Sound  is  midway  between  the  49th  aid  oUlh 
]iarallels  of  latitude;  and  south  of  ibis  ]>oint,  if 
Quadra's  position  was  well  taken.  Great  Britain 
could  claim  no  risht  by  virtue  of  the  convention, 
though  it  were  still  in  force. 

That  Great  Britain  would  have  had  the  right, 
under  the  convention,  at  any  time  durini;  its  con- 
tinuance, to  form  a  temporary  establishment  on 
any  part  of  the  mrtliwest  coast,  north  of  the  Sjian- 
ish  post  at  Nootka,  will  not  be  disputed;  though  it 
would  have  been  subject  to  the  riglit  of  free  access 
and  trade  reserved  to  the  subjects  of  S])ain.  But 
.she  neglected  to  assert  her  rii'ht.  She  formed  no 
settlements  in  pursnaiice  of  the  ctuivention;  and,  in 
1791),  Spain,  by  declaring  war  against  her,  put  an 
end  to  the  ti-ealy,  agreeably  to  the  acknowledged 
principle  of  internatitma!  law,  that  the  permanence 
of  treaty  stijnilations  can  only  be  secured  by  ex- 
press agrcenient,  and  that  without  such  an  ngrce- 
nient  tiiey  cease  to  lie  binding  on  the  occuri'ciice 
nf  hosiililies  between  the  contracting  piu'lics,  unless 
there  is  something  in  the  nature  of  the  questions 
settled  which  is,  of  neccssily,  permaneii'  oid  final. 
Having  filled,  tlien.  In  make  any  setlhi  ■  nt  on  the 
coast  from  1790  to  1796,  all  rights  conceded  by  the 
convention  ceased  with  the  declaraiiim  of  war, 
by  wliicli  it  wns  terminated.  Fnmi  that  time  forth, 
Great  Britain  stood  in  pi-ccisely  the  same  I'clation 
'o  Spain  as  though  the  convention  had  never  been 
.ornied;  and  in  order  to  esial  lisli  any  claim  .she 
may  ud-.ame  to  teiritorial  rights  on  the  northwest 
coiist,  she  must  resort  to  tliohc  ecncral  rules  found- 
ed upon  fliscovery  and  occupation  which  were 
iiriefly  adverted  to  at  the  coniniencement  of  my  re- 
marks. 

I  will  not  discuss  the  question  whether  the  trea- 
ty of  the  Esciirial  was  revived  by  the  treaty  of 
^iladrid,  in  1814.  I  consider  it  put  at  rest  by  the 
able  argument  of  the  American  negotiator,  Mr. 
Buchanan. 

Let  me  now  revert  to  the  progress  of  discovery 
ttnd  exploration,  which  I  wns  briefiy  sketching,  and 
which  was  interrupted  by  the  events  of  the  ?,"ootka 
Sinind  controversy. 

In  1789,  the  American  sloop  AVnshi'iirton,  com- 
manded by  Captain  Gray,  who  afterwards  discov- 
ered the  Columbia  river,  entered  and  sailed  fifty 
miles  in  the  Strait  nf  Juan  de  Fuca.  Meares,  in 
his  narrative,  describes  a  voyage  by  the  Washmu'- 
lon  entirely  through  the  strait  to  the  north  of  the 
islands  of  Quadra  nid  Vancouver,  and  thence  into 
the  Pacific.  If  such  a  voya^'e  was  ever  made,  it 
mnst  have  been  under  Captain  Kendrick,  who  was, 
tit  another  perioti,  in  the  command  of  that  vessel; 
for  (iray,  w  hen  he  met  Vancouver  in  1792,  said  it 
was  not  made  by  him.self.  But,  be  this  as  it  may,  it 
is  certain  that  the  Washington  was  the  first  vessel 
which  penelrated  the  strait  bevonil  its  mouth  after 
its  tliscovery  by  De  Fuca.  A  subseipient  exami- 
nation was  made  in  1790,  ns  high  ns  ,')0O,  by  order 
of  the  .Spanish  commander  at  Nootka  Sound;  so 
that  ils  shores  were  well  known  in  their  general 
outlines  before  the  examinations  made  by  Vnn- 
couvci  two  years  afterwards. 

In  1792,  Vancouver  arrived  on  the  northwest 
coast,  with  instructions  to  examine  and  survey 
the  whole  shore  of  the  Pacific  from  the  3!)tli  to  the 
fiOtli  parallel  of  latitude,  and  particularly  to  exam- 
ine "the   supposed  Strait  of  Juan   tie  Fuca,'' 


I  ■■4 

m 


V 


m 

ad 


■m 


aiG 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  18, 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  Qi(estion — Mr.  Dix. 


Senate. 


ik 


( 


"  Ihroiigli  which  the  Hlonp  WnshinKton  is  report-  ] 
0(1  In  hnvp  pi\ssi'(!  in  1789,  oinl  to  huve  come  out 
flj;riiiii  to  the  ni»riliwar(i  ot*S'ontkn."  He  piissed  the 
mouth  of  the  Columliia  river,  which  he  ci.nsidcred 
ns  an  opening  unileacrving  of  "more  attention," 
nnd  came  to  the  coiichision  that,  between  the  40th 
and  4Hth  parnllola  of  latitude  the  rivers  which  had 
heen  described  "  were  reduced"  (I  use  his  own 
words)  "  to  l)ruoks  insufficient  for  our  vessels  to 
naviffate,  or  to  hays  inajiplicnble,  na  harbors,  for 
lefittlnj;."  On  the  i>9th  of  April,  he  met  Canlain 
Gray,  in  the  ship  Columbia,  from  Boston,  anu  was 
informed  by  him  that  he  had  "  iieen  off  the  mouth 
of  n  river  in  the  latitude  of  46°  10',  where  the  out- 
set or  reflux  was  so  srreat  as  to  prevent  his  enierini; 
for  nine  days."  And  Vancouver  adds:  "Thiswas 
probably  tfie  onenins  passed  by  us  on  the  fine- 
noon  of  the  27ln,  iUuTwas  apparently  inaccessible, 
not  from  the  current,  but  from  the  breakers  that 
extended  across  ii." — Vol.  9,  page  43.  Notwilh- 
slandin;;  (his  communication  by  Gray,  Vancouver, 
relying  on  his  own  examinations,  slill  remained 
of  the  oi>inion  (anU  he  so  records  it)  that,  "  if  any 
inlet  or  river  should  be  Ibund,  il  nuist  be  a  very  in- 
tricate one,  and  inaccessible  to  vessels  of  our  bur- 
den, (vwini;  to  llie  net's,  bri'ken  water,"  Ac;  nnd 
he  concludes  that  he  wius  '*  thoroughly  convinced" 
that  hi'  could  "  not  po.ssibly  have  pa.s.sed  any  safe 
navigable  opening,  harbor,  or  place  of  sccunly  for 
shipping  on  this  coast,  from  Cnpc  Meiulocino  to 
the  promontory  of  Clas.xci,"  the  entrance  of  the 
Strait  of  Kuca. — Vol.  2,  pages  58  nnd  .V.I.* 

Only  eight  days  after  parting  with  Vancouver, 
Gray  discovered  Hultinch's  Harbor,  beiv.'een  tin; 
mouth  of  the  Columbia  and  the  Strait  of  Kuca,  and 
remained  three  ihiys  in  it.  tin  the  1  Ich  May,  171)2, 
the  day  afler  he  left  llulfinch's  Ilarlior,  he  saw,  to 
use  his  owji  wio'ds,  'Mhe  entmnce  of  our  desired 
]iorl,"  and  in  a  few  hours  was  nmhored  in  "  a  large 
river  of  frcHh  w/iler,"  as  he  terms  it,  to  which  lie 
gnve  the  n.une  of  the  Columbia.  He  remained  in 
the  river  nine  days,  nnd  sailed,  as  be  slates,  mcu'e 
than  twenty  milt  s  up  the  channel  from  the  hiir  at 
its  entninoe.  Thus  was  verilied  llie  conjecture  of 
Heceta,  sviio,  seventeen  years  belore,  saw  an 
opening  in  the  coast,  wiiich  on  the  Spanish  m;ips 
was  called  the  rivr  St.  Hoc.  Mcares  and  Van- 
etniver  hatl  asserted,  in  the  most  positive  manner, 
their  c.inviciion  that  no  such  ri\er  existed;  yet 
when  the  fact  was  charly  ascertained  by  Captain 
Gray,  who  had  given  copies  of  bis  charts  to  Ciuad- 


ra,  the  Sjiaii 


i.sh  i 


laiidcr  al  IS'.ioika,  V 


nicouver, 


It 


having  procured  copies  from  the  luttir,  .sent  Lieu- 
tcnniit  I'roughtoii  to  examine  the  river,  and  Uike 
forma!  possession  of  it.  Urouglilon  not  only  per- 
lormed  l)ulh  these  services,  but,  (or  the  imrpose  of 
earning  for  himself  tlie  rcpulatiun  nf  a  uiscovi'i'er, 
he  laljored,  m  his  account  of  bis  expeilition,  to 
rob  (,'aptain  Gray  of  the  merit  of  discovering  the 
river,  liy  the  unworthy  device  of  drawing  a  dis- 

*Tlic  folliiwiiii:  extracts  rrniri  Vinimavcr's  Voyage  illuii- 
IriUe  lietrc  lilll>  tin.-  iinsiiiniis  n'^siii,u-il  uitlli'lcxl; 

*»  (111  llif  >Minh  (.nil- ot  lliis  li.'iiiKHittiry  wus  llie  apiienr- 
anre  nt'iiii  oili'I  or  miuiII  ri\  me  liniil  Ik'ImiuI  nut  iildl- 
eatinu  it  e»  he  uf  ;iiiy  iin-at  c\-  ,t ;  nnr  ilni  it  seem  ;icce(<>i- 
Me  tiir  vcsKi-ls  (II'  iiiir  liiinti  r,.  ;i.:  the  hrcakcrs  i mchiIi  il 
freili  thciih'oc  point  iwo  or  llir.i'  iiiilc-  into  Ihc  ocean,  iiiilil 

(ticy  joincti  Itii Ml  till'  litai-h  hciirly  roiir  Ii'iiyiies  liirller 

hiHltii.*' — t *.inj  afo  ti'*K  Joiirti'i!,  vol.  'J,  (»iiy<'  Jt. 

Tlii'^  he  seiles  to  lie  ill  Mi'  W. 

"  Tilt'  f-i-a  linil  now  elmniii'il  from  Its  imliirnl  to  river- 
eoloml  wiutr;  the  [irobaMe  coni<i'(|iii'aee  ol"  conn'  ulri-niiis 
liillini!  llilo  ltH'  liiiy,  or  into  lliir  iM-ejiii  lo  Itie  iiorlli  of  it. 
throimli  (he  low  hunt.  \ol  e(ni.-.|ili'riiit;this  npi'iilim  worthy 
of  more  iittt'iition,  I  i-onliiiin-il  mir  ptir.-nil,"  &c.— r/.i./. 

o  The  se\<ral  l;ir«e  rivrs  iilifl  Cii[i;n-ioi|.*  iiili-t.i  llint  Ii;ive 
hecii  (Icscrihcil  :i- tli-eliiirj:iiimlicir  eontints  intolho  I'm  iii.-, 
h'-lni  III  (In-  lorli'lh  .ilnl  lorlj-iiihlh  ih'urer,  of  uorlh  hid 
lilih'.  Wirt'  rt'thii'iil  lo  hrottks  in.Mitticifm  tiir  our  \(  ssils  lo 
iiKxlL'iitt'.  or  (')  hio.^  inajiiihtahh',  Its  hiirhtir.-,  tor  ri-rilUiiu." 
—;/■..(..  piiL"'  111. 

"  Mf  ICaplaiii  (Jra>  ]  likewi-e  iiitoritit'il  tlii'ai  of  his  Iiav- 

lllK  ht-i'o  oil' (he  I Ith  nf  a  river  In  the  Inhiiiite  oC  Mi'  III, 

where  rl'i*  iintlfl  or  rt-llux  was  so  i^lronu  as  (o  prevenl  Ins 
t'literinir  ll>r  nine  days.  Tilts  was  prohahly  Ihe  openintr 
piissi'il  liy  lis  on  the  Ioreiit>t>iiol  (lie  'JTdi.  and  was  npparenlly 
iiiaeeessihle,  not  Iroiii  llie  eilrriiit.  Inn  t'roiii  Ihe  hriNlkers 
thai  exiemled  arro-s  it." — //,!./..  pam..  i;(. 

"The  lliiek.  rainy  weather  perinmeil  lis  hi  see  Ijille  of  ihe 
enunlry.  \'e(  we  were  eiiahled  hi  aseerlaiti  lliiK  (hi-  etia-l, 
like  thai  wliieli  we  h.iv.'  hilherto  explontl  Ironi  Cape  Men- 
docino. \v.i>  linn  and  eoiopaet.  ^Mlllolll  any  opeiiiim  inlodie 
la.'dllerralieaii  sea.  as  staled,  in  liililiide  i'l  l.'» ;  or  Ihe  lea-t 
apiiearaiiee*  tita  safe  or  seeiire  liarlior.  either  in  llial  lalilinle 
or  frtail  it  ('i  ('a|K>  .MtlldiK'iiin;  nolwillis|,i)nliii|(  llial,  in 
tliBt  spate.  ueoflraiiliershavelhitiiKliI  il  e\[M'<heiil  to  fiirnisli 
liiaiij  .*•— MiW.,  pace  II. 

Vaiietmver  slates  that  hiti  iiiijiiiries  had  heeli  lalely  em- 
ployed under  Uie  (iiost  Idvorahle  cireuiiistanceii  of  wind  auU 


j  tinction  between  the  bay  in  which  it  dehouche* 
nnd  Ihe  upper  part  of  the  stream      Public  opinion 

'  has  rejected  this  unmimly  allempt;  nnd  Captain 
Gray  is  itdmitted  by  all  fair-minded  men  to  liavc 

,  been  the  first  person  who  entered  the  river  and 
solved  the  doulit  which  had  long  prevailed  with 
regniil  to  its  existence,  while  Vancouver,  twelve 
(lays  before  the  discovery,  had  not  hesitated  to 
deny,  on  the  strength  of  his  own  personal  exam- 
ination, made  "  under  the  most  favinablc  cir- 
eumstancea  of  wind  and  weather,"  to  use  his  own 
language,  that  no  such  great  river  existed.  This 
allempt  on  the  pan  of  Hroughton  is  Ihc  more 
unmanly,  from  the  fact  that  he  actually  enlcrej 
the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  with  the  aid  of  Gray's 
chart.  I  am  disposed  to  acquit  Vancouver,  in  a 
great  degree,  from  all  participation  in  the  odium  of 
this  act.  The  account  of  the  examination  of  the 
Columbia  by  Bronghton,  conlnined  in  Vancouver's 
Journal,  though  in  the  language  of  the  latter,  is, 
in  fact,  a  re|)ort  made  by  Bronghton,  the  com- 
mander of  the  parly,  as  may  be  seen  by  reference 
lo  Ihe  Journal,  volume  ,■},  page  85.  Vancouver 
more  than  once  recognises  Gray  dislinctly  as  ihc 
discoverer  of  the  Columbia.  At  pag.  388,  volume 
2,  he  expresses  the  hope  that  he  may  be  able,  in 

.  his  route  to  the  southward,  lo  "  re-examine  the 
coast  of  New  Albion,  and  parlifularly  a  river  and 
a  harbor  discovered  by  Mr.  Gray,  in  the  Colum- 
bia, between  ihe  4filh  and  47th  degrees  of  north  lal- 
ilinle, of  which  Seiior  Unailri.  ,  tl  '^avored  me  with 
a  skeich."  Al  piiire  .103,  .saii  v  '  .le  he  says 
lie  directed  that  "Mr.  \Vliidbe_    '  :  of  tile 

Discovery's  boats,  should  proceeti  x'dalus 

lo  examine  Gray's  Harbor,  said  to  laled  in 

latiinde  4I)°5.'V,  whilst  the  Chatham  a..')  Discov- 
ery ex]il(nid  the  river  Mr.  Gray  had  discovered  in 
ihe  lalilude  of  46°  10'." 

Tint  expltiralions  of  Vancouver,  though  they  re- 
siilied  in  a  niiiuite  and  critical  examination  of  the 
shores  of  the  Sti'ait  of  Fuca,  led  to  the  discovery 
111' no  ii(;w  lerrilory;  and  it  is  a  siiigular  I'aet,  that 
while  this  naval  oljicer  of  Great  Britain,  himself 
an  aecoiiiplishi'd  navi:.'alor,  furnished  with  all  the 
means  of  niakiiig. scientific  iiivcsli;:alions,  was  pur- 
suing Ihe  exaiiiiiialions  which  were  the  great  pur- 
pose of  bis  ex|iedition.  Captain  Gray,  in  a  trading 
vessel,  and  in  llie  pniseciilion  of  eoiiiinei-cial  ob- 
jecis  alone,  di.scovered  the  only  two  iinporlant 
openings,  liie  (,%ihiiiiliia  river  ami  Iiiilrinth  s  llar- 
litir,  on  ihe  northwest  coast,  I'ltim  the  4llili  to  the 
■Ifiili  parallel  of  lalilude,  wheie  Vancnuvcr,  after 
the  most  eriliial  survey,  had  discovert  d  none. 

It  is  indeed  en  extraordinary  circumstance  that 
the  existence  of  all  the  i;i'eat  inlets  in  the  coast,  to 
which  Great  Briiain  now  lays  claim  tm  the  ground 
of  (li.si'overy,  was  sli'enuou.-sly  denied  by  the  navi- 
iraltirs  in  her  ]iiililic  .service,  until  those,  inlels  were 

1  discoveied  and  iniide  known  liy  otiieis.  We  have 
seen  what  Vancouver  said  in  rel.ititiii  to  the  coast 

Ii  wnalher.and  llial  the  surf  had  eonst:(ntly  heen  seen  from  the 
Ii  inasl-heai).  He  tlien  adds:  o  The  river  .Mr.  (jray  meii- 
liolled  ^llould,  froill  llie  hllilude  he  assiiiaetl  (o  il,  have  ex- 
isleiiee  in  (he  hay  south  olCape  lli.^aiiptinilmeiil.  This  we 
pass,  d  on  Ihe  Itireilo.ili  of  the  -JTlli :  aiitl.  as  I  then  oliserved, 
if  aii\  iiilel  or  river  shoultl  he  found,  il  iiiusl  he  a  very  lil- 
Irieaie  one.  and  iiiaceessihle  lo  ve-se|s  of  our  hurtled, 
owdii;  (o  tin;  reefs  and  liMkea  w-aler  which  then  appeart  il 
in  lis  neiizliliorl I.  Mr.  tJrny  slated  ilial  lie  hati  heen  sev- 
eral days  iillt'iiiptiliu'  lo  enter  it,  wtneli  lie  w,-is  nitahle  lo 
efht'i.  in  rodseipieiiee  of  a  very  slroii:;  outlet.  This  is  a 
plieiioineiiaii  dilheiitl  I'l  aeeoiiiit  for.  as,  in  ino-l  eases, 
where  (here  are  ontleM  ot  sneli  slreiielh  on  a  seaeoa>l.  llierf 
are  eorres[Hiiidiiiii  lilies  sellnii!  la.  he  llial.  howe\iT,  as  it 
(nay,  I  wels  llioroiiL'hlv  eoit\  iiifetl.  as  were  also  ino>t  pi  r- 
sons  of  oh*ervalioii  on  lioard.  that  we  eoultl  iiel  |si-sitil\ 

have  passetl  any  salt-  iiavii.'altlt'  oin'liina.  Iiaihor,  or  plat f 

security  I'or  sliippini!  oil  ihi-  eoa>i.  from  I'tipe  Mendoeino 
I.I  the  ptonionlory  of  ('tassel;  nor  liati  wc  any  reason  lo 
utter  our  opinions,  iiolw'ilhsliindiiiu  that  llieorelieal  ueiii!- 
.  liipliers  have  llioiieiii  proper  lo  a-strl.  in  (ha(  space,  (lie 
t'\i>(i'iiee  of  iiriiis  of  the  ocean  eoiitniitnit'atinttwilti  a  int'tli' 
lerraiieaii  sea  jiiitl  e\li'ii-i\i'  ro'ers,  willi  sate  ailfl  eonve-  ' 
idt'lil  ports.  These  ideas,  mil  ilerived  from  any  source  of 
snhstanlial  iiiliiriiialion,  have,  11  H  much  lo  he  tt'iired.  Iieeii 
adopleil  lor  till'  sole  purisise  til  iriviiiK  idilinnled  eretlil  (o 
(he  Iraihnolis  and  exploits  of  aneieiit  ftireiuin  i^,  and  to  iiii- 
tlervahielhe  lahorioii^  and  I'lilerpri-iim  exertions  ol  our  own 
counlrvineu  in  Ihe  Iiohle  seieiiee  of  discovery." — ///It/., 
paile  .V.I. 

('a|ilaiii  (Jniy.  it  appears,  had  also  made  di^rnvehes  as 
Inirh  as  llie  iiorllii  ra  houndary  of  tlie  terrilorv  in  disptile, 
and  even  heymid  it.  \'iiiieouver  says ;  "  He  had  idso  eii- 
lercd  anollier  inlet  lo  llie  iiorlhward,  111  lalilude  .M"  .'Ml ,  in 
w  inch  he  had  sailed  to  the  laliliitle  of  .'i6%  wilhoul  diseover- 
lUK  Its  termiiiation.''— l/'it/.,  |iHl!it  -lit. 

This  was  prohahlv  whiil  is  now  known  as  ihe  rortlant) 
canal.  I  have  mil  aihithd  to  lliis  fact  in  Ihe  lixl,  lhuu|<ll  i( 
riwid  on  Vuiieouver'ti  report  of  (iray's  stutenieiu. 


between  the  40lh  and  48th  parallels  of  latitude.  On 

;  the  22d  of  Maich,  1778,  Captain  Cook  was  in  lati- 
tude 48°  15',  inspecting  Ihe  enasl.  The  proinunlo- 
ry  of  Cla.s.set,  (or  Cape  Flattery,  as  he  denomina- 

[  led  il,)  the  southern  ejtpe  at  the  entrance  of  the 

i  Strait  of  Juan  dc  Fuca,  was  in  full  view,  and  but 
a  fi'W  miles  distant.     Hear  what  he  says  in  rela- 
tion to  the  strait: 
"  It  is  in  this  very  latitude  where  we  now  were 

,  '  that  geographera  have  placed  the  pretended  Strait 
'  of  Juan  de  Fuca.     But  we  saw  nothing  like  itj 

]  '  nor  is  there  the  least  probability  that  any  such 
'thing  ever  existed." — Cook's  Third  yoyuge,vol, 
2,11.203. 

Now,  however,  Great  Britain  claims  the  whole 
sliait  and  the  adjoiniii":  eouiitry  by  Vaiicmiver's 
discovery,  though  he  himself  admits  (as  we  shall 
see)  that  Ihe  Spaniards  had  surveyed  and  mapped 
a  portion  of  it  before  he  arrived  on  the  northwest 
coast. 

In  the  letter  of  the  Brili.sh  Plenipotentiary,  Mr. 
Pakenham,  of  the  20lli  of  July  last,  the  following 
(uissagc  will  be  founil  at  page  67,  documents  ac- 
companying the  President's  Message: 

"In  1792,  Vancouver,  who  had  been  sent  from 
'  Kngland  to  witness  the  fulfilment  of  Ihe  alinve- 
'  mentioned  engagement,  [the  restitution  of  biiild- 
'  iiigs,  (&C.,  at  Nootka,  which,  as  has  already  been 
'  seen,  were  not  to  be  found,]  and  lo  effect  a  survey 
'of  the  iiortliW(!St  eoasi,  departing  from  Xooika 
'Sound  enlercd  ihe  Straits  of  Fuca;  nnd  after 
'an  accurate  survey  of  li.e  coasts  nnd  inlets  on 
'  both  sides,  discovered  a  passage  northwards  into 
'  the  Pacific,  by  which  he  reluriieij  to  IN'oiilka, 
'  hiiviiig  thus  cu'cuniiiavigated  the  island  whit  h 
'  now  bears  his  name.  Ami  here  we  have,  a.'i  far 
'  ns  relates  to  Vancouver's  Island,  as  complete  a 

; '  ease  of  discovery,  eX]iloratioii,  and  settlement,  as 
'  can  well  be  presented,  giving  to  Great  Britain,  in 

:  '  any  arrangement  that  may  be  made  with  regard 
'  lo  the  lerrilory  in  dispute,  the  sirtnigest  possilile 
'  claim  to  the  exclusive  pos.session  of  the  Island." 

'  Tfi  repel  this  assumption,  the  grounds  of  \\  hit'h 
Ihe  (lisunguished  British  Plenipoteiiliary  appears 
not  to  have  siilliciently  investigated,  Mr.  liiiclianaii 
liriefiy  referred  to  previous  examinalioiis  by  Ihe 
Siiaiiiarils.  I  now  proceed  to  show,  by  Vancouver 
him.self,  that  the  a.ssuin|ition  isentirel_,  unsuslained 
by  the  facts. 

In  the  fust  place,  let  me  correct  an  error  into 
which  Mr.  I'akcnliam  has  lallen  al  the  out.set,  in 
sayiinr  that  Vancouver,  "  ilepartiiig  from  Noolka 
Sound, "siirve veil  the  Straits  of  Fuca,eiicumiiavi- 
iiatcil  the  islanil  which  bears  his  name,  and  then 
relnrned  to  Nootka.  Sir,  Vancouver  had  never 
seen  Nootka  Staind  when  he  .surveyed  the  Straits 
of  Fuca.  He  entered  the  straits  on  the  'J!)ili  of 
AjU'il,  the  evening  of  the  day  he  met  Captain  tiniy, 

'  and  proceeded  iminedialely  lo  survey  them, as  may 
be  seen  by  his  Journal,  vol.  2,  pages  40  and  .'i2. 
He  arriveil  at  Nootka  fur  the  first  lime  on  the  2Hili 
of  Aiiu'iist,  roiir  ditiiilhs  afterwarils — page  334, 
same  vtihiine.  This  eorreclioii  is  only  iiii|iortaiit 
as  repelling  llie  inference  which  might  have  been 
ilriwii  from  liie  fad,  if  it  had  been  as  staled  by 
Mr.  I'.ikenham,  that  Vancouver  had  been  previ- 
ously establishiil  at  Nootka,  and  had  departed 
from  il,  as  t'rom  a  regular  station,  on  a  voyage  of 
exjiltn'ation  lo  the  Straits  of  Fuca. 

lint  there  are  nnne  important  errors  to  be  cor- 
reeled. 

■\Vhile  Vancouver  was  surveying  the  Strait  of 
Fiic;i,  ami  the  extensive  inlnnil  waters  eonneeted 
with  it,  Galiano  and  Valdes,  two  Spanish  ollicirs, 
.sent  out  from  Nooika  Sound,  were  engaged  in  the 
same  service.  The  two  parlies  met  on  the  22d  of 
June,  about  the  middle  of  the  strait,  near  Point 
(Jrey,  above  Frii'/.t'r's  river,  and  proceeileil  lo- 
trelher  nnrilicrly,  uniting  iheir  labors,  and  sur- 
veying its  shtircs  to  a  point  near  the  extremity  of 
llie  Isiainl  tif  tidiulra  and  Vancnuver,  between  the 
,")(lili  and  ibe  51sl  ili  ".'Tee  of  norih  lalilude,  where 
they  separaled.  .^nd  here  I  ili  sire  lo  call  the  special 
allenlion  of  the  Senate  lo  the  Jouriial  of  Vaiicoiwer, 
who  slates  that  ScAur  Galiano,  who  spoke  a  lillln 
l''.ii'-'lisli,  informed  him   "  llial  they  had  arrived  at 

I  Nootka  on  the  lllh  of  April, li-oni  whence  lliey  had 
.sailed  on  the  5lli  of  ibis  iniinlh,"  (June,)  "in  order 
to  complete  the  examiualion  of  this  inlet,  which 
had,  in  the  preceding  year,  been  partly  euivcyeil 
by  some  Spanish  olliccrs,  whose  chart  they  pro- 

■duccd."    Observe,  sir,  Ihc  inlet  (i.  e    the  Slrait 


m 


-jt- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


,317 


aihtt  CoNo 1st  Skss. 


Tfic  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Dix. 


Senate. 


cinMininiivi- 
iiiul  lIlcMl 
liiul  never 
(he  RlmitH 
aiili  111' 
tniii  tJray, 
in, us  m;iy 
4(1  iinil  M. 
(Ill  llie  "Jf^lli 

w-e  :i;m, 

m|iortJiiit 
l;;ive   iieeil 

suited  liy 
cell  pievi- 
I  (lipurteil 
iyii);e  of 

rs  ti>  be  por- 

lio  Sli-ait  nf 

I'oimecled 

ish  I'lllecrs, 

[iircd  in  (lie 

tlic  'J-Jil  uf 

near  I'niiit 

iineeded    tn- 

s,  mid  siir- 

xlreiiiily  nt" 

heiweni  tlie 

Hide,  wlleiv 

1  the  spiriiil 

ViiiHMMrter, 

piike  n  lililii 

d  nirived  lit, 

IT  tlioy  liml 

,)  "iiiiirder 

inlet,  wliieli 

ly  surveyed 

■I  tliey  prn- 

llie  Strait 


of  I'^uen,)  about  latitude  HiP,  partly  surveyed  iind 
mapped  II  year  licf'nrc  Viineimver  enine  an  the 
coast.  Vani'duvcrtlien  eoniinues,  (p  ;210,  v.  :i:) 

"  I  rniinot  avoid  a('kno\vied2'iiii;t!i;u,oii  thiHoe- 
'  casion,  I  ex|ierieiii'.ed  no  small  decree  nf  inortifi- 
'  ration,  in  fiiidiiii;  the  external  shores  of  the  gulf 

*  had  been  visited,  and  already  exaniiiied  a  few 
'  miles  beyond  when'  my  researches  diirins:  the 
'  exenrsion  had  extended,  makiii!;  the  land  I  had 

*  been  ill  doubt  about,  an  island;  eoiitinuinij  nearly 

'  in  the  same  ilirei'.tion  about  four  leajues  further  [ 
'  than  Imd  been  seen  iiv  us,  and  by  the  Spaniards  i 
'  named  l''avida,  [Feveila.]"  | 

lly  tuniiiis;  back  to  pnije  '  vol.  2,  it  will  ap- 
pear lluit  Vaiieoiiver's  exaiininiinn  terminated  at' 
CAP  d'  iiciilh  l.ititudc;  so  that  the  Spaniards,  before 
bis  ariival,  by  bis  own  aekiiowledirment,  had  ex- 
iimined  the  Strait  of  l''iira  to  a  point  north  of  that 
narallel-,  and  by  turniiis  to  piiRe  24'.!,  vol.  a,  it  will 
be  seen  that,  on  partinj;  with  ycfior  Oaliano,  the 
hiiler  funiished  him  wiili  "  a  copy  of  his  survey 
and  other  iiartlcnlars  relative  to  the  inlet  of  the 
Mil,  which  I'onlained  also  that  part  of  the  nciffh- 
borinii'  coast  exteiidinj^  northwestward  from  the  \ 
Straits  of  De  Fuca,  beyond  iVootka,  to  the  latitude 
of  TitP  .T,  loii;;itudc  illi-JP  4*. "  \ 

What,  then,  becomes  of  this  complete  "  case  of 
discovery,  exploration,  and  siHtlement,"  in  respect 
to  tU.iiadi'a  and  Vancouver's  Island,  and  the  Strait 
of    l''uca?      li  is  proved   by   Vancouver    himself 
that    the   Spaniards  had    |iarlially  surveyed    and  . 
mapped  the  shores  of  the  strait  as  liiijh  aj  .MP  a 
year  before  ho  arrived  on  the  coast.     And  if  we 
iurn  to  his  .lournal,  vol.  2,  pa'^'e  339,  it  will  be  seen 
that  Ualiaiio  and  Valdes  arrived  at  Nootka  on  the 
1st   of  September,   three  day.s  after   him,   by  a 
"  route  tlirous;h<iueen  Charlotte's  Sound,"  round 
the  norlhi'rn  jioiiit  of  the  island,  "  to  the  southward 
of  that  which  we  had  navigated,"  and  of  course 
following  its  shores  more  closely  than  he.     "  The 
Htrongest  possible  claim  to  the  exclusive  posses-  J 
simi  of  the  island,"  to  use  Mr.  Pakenham's  Ian-  i 
guagc,  is  not,  therefine,  as  he  asserts,  in  Great  i 
JSritaiir,  hut,  as  shown  by  Vancouver  himself,  it  i 
was  in  Spain  then,  and  is  in  us  now.  | 

15ut,  sir,  1  have  a  word  to  say  in  relation  to  the  ' 
whole  subject  of  Vancouver's  explorations.  i 

It  wouhi  seem  that  the  Spaniards,  in  the  autumn 
of  1793,  had  become  distrustful  of  Vancouver's  • 
objects  in  the  survey  of  the  northwest  coast.     At  ' 
the  bay  of  St.  Francisco,  although  he  had  every-  I 
where  before  been  treated  with  a  civility  by  the 
S|iaiiiards,  for  which  his  Journal  abounded  in  ex- 
pressions of  gratitude,  he  was  subjected  to  restric- 
tions, which  lie  denominates"  unexpected,  ungra- 
ciiius,  and  degrading."    On  his  arrival  at  Afon- 
tcrey  on  the  1st  of  November,  the  Spanish  com- 
mander,  Arrillaga,  declined   holding  any  verbal 
communication  with  him,  but  addrcssetl  to  him 
qncstions  in  writing  as  to  the  objects  of  his  voyage; 
to  which  Vancouver  proni|itly  replied — 

"  That  the  voyage  in  which  we  were  engiigcd 
'  was  for  the  general  use  and  benefit  of  mankind, 
'and  that,  under  the.se  circumstances,  we  ought 
'  rather  to  he  considered  as  laboring  for  the  good 
'  of  the  world  in  general,  than  for  liie  advantage  of 
'  any  particular  sovereign,  and  that  the  Court  of 
'  Spain  would  he  more  early  informed,  and  as 
'  much  benefited  by  my  labors,  as  the  kingdom  of 
'Great  Uriiain."— lo(.  4, p.  309.* 

Here  is  the  confession  of  Vancouver  himself, 
that  there  was  no  intention  of  interfering  witli  the 

•Tlic  .  <irrcs|»m(leiice  lietwcca  Vaiicnnvcr  luiil  Hcn>ir 
ArrilliMia,  as  rejiurtcd  liy  ttic  niniicr,  ttmuut.  mo  Imiii  (n  Itir 
inserted  Iierc,  jy  wi'll  wiirlli  ft  pcrnj'nl.  On  laiiiliiii;.  Van- 
niiiviT  culled  nil  the  .Spitiiisli  coininniiditnt,  and  was  pn^ 
liiiriin:  til  slate  Itis  rc:ii«(ins  lor  liuviiis  entcreii  llie  pnrts  lin- 
iliT  lilH  irMvcrnini'iit.  kvlien,  n.1  lie  liiiyu.  "In  [r'l'iinr  .Arril- 
liitia]  Dl'ippcd  iiic  tniin  pniccrdiin.'  hirllicr,  Mid  licuifcd  that 
till'  suli)ecl  iniuhl  he  relerred  to  n  written  cnrre<«poiidfiicc. 
hy  which  naidc  he  eoni'eived  inatlcoi  win  Id  Ih'  iniire  fully 
explained."  In  the  iittcriinna  a  Spaiii-h  ■illiccr  went  mi 
heard  X'lincoiocrV  vessel,  and  df|i\-crcd  Ilmi  uvn  letters 
li'iin  the  Spanisli  coianiiindiiiil.  "The  tenor  or  these  let- 
ti-rs  [says  \'iiiieiniverj_  lieiiii;  very  dilluTcnt  frmii  what  lay 

I versation  ^vilh  Seunr  .Arrillaga  had  uiveii  ine  reason  to 

I'xpeet  when  I  visiti'd  him  at  the  Presidio.  I  was  reduced  to 
llie  necessity  ot'sendiim  him  the  next  ilay  (Satiiritay,  the  ':>d) 
II  l\lll  e\phiiiatioii  of  the  ohjects  of  our  voyjiiie  and  nf  the 
iiiniix'es  that  liic!  induced  iiie  In  enter  the  port.s  under  his 

jurisdiction."    The  suhstiuu f  this  explanation  is  tiivi'iiin 

the  extract  in  the  text,  dcnyiim  the  intention  of  lahmiiiir 
"for  ihe  advaiilaue  of  any  purticnlar  sovereitrn."    And  it 

was  I'll  satisliieinrv  that,  a's  Van i\er  sii\s.  "  nil  .Moiidav. 

the  nil,  I  reci'ivcc!  a  letter  I'r Henor  Airillasa  in  ri'ply  io 

my  letter,  ia  which  he  wos  pleased  to  cuiiipliiaiat  iiie  upon 
lay  iaceiiuuUNiiusti,"  etc. 


territorial  rights  of  .Spain,  and  that  no  special  nd- 
vanla','!  s  wei'e  sought  for  by  Great  Britain.  It  is 
the  highest  evidence,  the  evidence  of  cotempora- 
neous  exposition,  against  the  claims  of  the  British 
Pleni|iolentiary,  and  it  deinolishes  the  whole  fabric 
of  the  British  title,  so  far  as  it  is  built  on  Van- 
couver's explorations. 

While  on  this  part  of  the  subject,  I  desire  also 
to  call  the  attention  of  the  Senate  to  the  ma!;ner  in 
which  the  Oregon  cpiestion  has  been  diseusf-'ed  in 
the  Brilisli  Parliament  by  some  of  the  most  distiii. 
giuslied  members  ot  both  branches  of  that  body. 
I  wish  to  do  so,  tor  the  purpose  of  correcting  great 
inaccuracies,  and  also  for  the  |iurpose  of  showing 
how  imperfectly  the  subject  ap]iears  to  be  under- 
stood by  those  who,  from  their  elevated  positions, 
are  under  the  strongest  moral  obligations  to  pos- 
sess tlu'inselves  of  the  truth,  in  order  that  the  pub- 
lic mind  of  Great  Britain  niav  not  be  misled  and 
inllanied  on  their  high  authority. 

In  the  House  of  Lords,  on  the  4tli  of  April  Inst, 
immediately  after  the  reception  of  the  President's 
inaugural  speech,  the  subject  was  brought  forward 
by  the  Karl  of  Clarendon,  not  in  the  usual  form  of 
a  call  on  her  Majesty's  Ministers  for  information, 
but  in  ipursnanre  of  a  notice  which  he  had  given 
on  the  preceding  day  of  his  design  to  invite  the 
attention  of  the  House  to  the  cpiestion.  In  the 
course  of  his  remarks,  he  undertook  to  give  a 
sketch  of  the  claims  of  Great  Britain  and  the  Uni- 
ted States  to  the  territory  of  Oreiron.  1  shall,  in 
respect  ti>  the  former,  quote  his  own  words  from 
the  London  Times,  a  source  to  which  we  may 
confidently  look  for  an  accurate  report  of  his  lord- 
ship's ren'iarks.  I  shall  confine  myself  strictly  to 
the  question  of  title  in  all  I  have  to  say  in  refer- 
enre  to  these  debates,  avoiding  carefully  all  allu- 
sion to  the  otl'ensivc  language  with  which  they 
were  in  some  instances  connected: 

"  In  the  first  place,  my  Lords,  if  priority  of  dis- 
'  e.overy  could  constitute  title,  our  claim  would 
'  be  unquestionable;  for  Sir  Francis  Drake,  when 
'  he  first  visited  that  country  in  1558,  found  all  the 
'  land  unappropriated,  and  took  possession  of  it, 
'  giving  it  the  title  of  New  Albion.  I  do  not  mean 
'  to  say  that  this  constitutes  a  el.aim;  but  owing, 
'  subsequently,  to  a  seizure  of  British  vessels  at 
'  Nootka,  and  to  a  dispute  which  arose  in  conse- 
'  quence,  it  was  arranged  by  the  treaty  of  the  Es- 
'  curial  that  the  subjects  of  the  contracting  ])arties 
'  should  not  be  molested  in  fishing  and  making 
'  settlements  in  parts  not  hitherto  occupied.  In 
'  1792,  the  country  adjacent  to  the  Columbia  river 
'  was  taken  possession  of  by  Cook,  and  was  cx- 
'  plored  in  1813  bv  the  Northwestern  Company, 
'  now  called  the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  who  es- 
'  tablished  themselves  in  Port  St.  George,  under 
'  the  government  of  British  laws,  continuing  to 
'  the  present  day,  and  being  the  first  cstablish- 
'  ment  in  that  country  of  a  lawful  and  national 
'  character,  and  recognised  as  such  by  foreign 
'  States." 

In  the  paragraph  I  have  read,  there  are  nume- 
rous errors  in  the  statement  of  facts,  and  I  must 
ask  the  indulgence  of  the  Senate  while  1  point 
some  of  them  out. 

1.  Sir  Francis  Drake  arrived  on  the  northwest 
coast  of  America  in  l.TO),  and  not  in  l.^S,  as  sta- 
ted by  Lord  Clarendon,  making  a  difference  of 
twenty-one  years  in  |ioint  of  time.  If  this  error  of 
date,  which  may  possibly  he  tyiiograpliical,  were 
the  only  one,  I  should  not  have  Irouliled  the  Senate 
with  any  reference  to  it.  But  there  are  graver 
misapprehensions  in  this  statement.  It  will  be 
seen,  that  taough  Lord  CMarendon  does  not  ven- 
ture to  refer  to  Sir  Francis  Drake's  visit  to  the 
northwest  eoa.st  as  constitutins  a  title  of  itself,  he 
pre.seiits  it  as  evidence  of"  priority  of  discovery." 
Sir,  that  navigator  can,  in  no  just  sense,  be  said  to 
have  visited  the  disputed  territory  of  which  Lord 
(.Clarendon  wa.ss]ieakiiig.  The  territory  commences 
at  the  42d  )iarallel  of  latitude,  and  runs  north  to 
54°  41)'.  Sir  Francis  Drake  landed  at  38°.  He 
sailed  along  the  const  north  of  this  parallel,  ace^rd- 
iiig  to  the  best  anthoi'ities,  only  as  high  as  43°.  Nor 
can  his  visit,  in  any  just  sense,  be  regarded  as  a 
discovery.  The  country,  including  Ihe  bay  of  St. 
P'ranciseo  where  he  landed,  was  previously  known. 
It  had  been  seen  thirty  years  before  as  high  as  the 
43il  par.illel  by  Ferrelo,  who  was  sent  out  by  the 
Viceroy  of  Mexico,  lor  the  expi-ess  purpose  of  ex- 
ploring and  exlending  the  dominion  of  Spain  over 


it;  and  it  was  taken  possession  of  at  or  near  the 
very  point  where  Drake  landed,  luid  at  various 
oth.ers,  long  before  the  Government  of  Great  Brit- 
ain claimed  any  right  of  pos.session,  growing  out 
of  this  pretended  discovery,  and  the  visits  of  her 
navigators  to  the  northwest  coast. 

Besides,  Drake's  expedition  was  in  the  nature 
of  a  piratical  enterprise,  and  not  an  enterprise  of 
legiliniate  warfare.  England  and  Spain  were  at 
peace.  It  is  true,  the  two  sovereigns,  Eli/.abe;h 
and  Philip,  wer"  engaged  in  secret  plots  against 
each  oilier — the  former  by  fomenting  disturbances 
in  Ihe  Low  Countries,  and  the  latter  by  .setting  on 
foot  rebellions  in  Ireland;  but  it  was  .several  years 
later  before  these  intrigues  broke  out  into  the  open 
hostility,  of  which  the  chief  incident  was  the  de- 
struction of  the  invincible  Armada.  (Sir,  the  con- 
tradiction of  terms  is  the  work  of  history,  not 
mine.)  Yet  Elizabeth,  after  Drake's  return  to 
England,  on  the  application  of  the  Spanish  ambas- 
sador complaining  of  his  piracies,  restored  a  por- 
tion of  the  booty  he  had  taken,  and  by  this  resti- 
tution admitted  the  unlawfulness  of  his  expedition. 
It  is  only  necessary  to  look  into  Hume  to  see  in 
what  light  it  has  always  been  viewed  by  the  eye 
of  legitimate  hisiuiy.  Sir,  it  should  need  sonio 
boldness,  one  would  think,  to  set  up  a  claim  even 
to  "  priority  of  discovery  "on  the  basis  of  a  trans- 
action like  iliis. 

2.  Lord  Clarendon  stales  that  the  country  ailja- 
ccnt  to  the  Columbia  river  was  taken  pn.ssession  of 
in  179'2  by  Captain  Cook.  Sir,  Captain  Oiok  never 
saw  the  Columbia  river,  or  landed  in  the  immedi- 
ately-jidjaccnt  country.  His  visit  was  to  Nootka 
Sound,  on  the  island  of  Quadra  and  Vancouver, 
separated  from  the  continent  by  the  Strait  of  Fuca. 
His  voyage  is  referred  by  Lord  Clarendon  to  the 
year  1792.  It  was,  in  fact,  made  in  1778,  fourteen 
years  before  the  Columbia  river  was  entered  or 
even  certainly  known  to  exist.  Ten  years  after 
Cook's  voyage  to  the  coast,  Meares,on  whose  ex- 
plorations the  British  Government  jiartially  res'T 
Its  title,  reported  he  coidd  say  with  certainly,  iio 
such  river  as  the  St.  Roc  (the  Columbia)  existed. 
Four  years  later  still,  Vancouver,  al'ler  a  most 
careful  examination  of  the  coast,  came  to  the  same 
conclusion,  as  we  have  seen.  Sir,  Lord  Claren- 
don evidently  confbuniied  the  voyage  of  Cook  with 
that  of  Vancouver,  without  an  accurate  reference 
to  either. 

3.  It  is  equally  erroneous  to  say,  that  the  Nortli- 
west  Company  explored  the  country  in  1813,  ond 
establishetl  themselves  in  Port  St.  George.  Ex- 
plorations had  been  made,  first  by  Lewisand  Clarke, 
inilitary  officers  in  the  service  of  the  United  States, 
and  then  by  Thompson  and  others,  in  the  service 
of  the  British  and  American  Fur  companies.  But 
no  particular  explorations,  I  believe,  were  made 
in  the  year  referred  to.  The  stock  and  property 
of  the  American  Company  at  Astoria  were  sold  to 
the  Northwest  Company  in  that  year;  but  the 
place  was  restored  to  the  United  States  in  1818, 
and  no  attempt  was  made  by  the  Government  of 
Great  Britain  to  extend  its  laws  over  any  part  of 
the  territory  imtil  1821,  eight  years  after  the  lime 
at  which  Lord  Clarendon  represents  Astoria  as 
being  under  the  government  of  British  laws,  hav- 
ing the  character  of  a  national  establishment  of 
Great  Britain,  and  recognised  as  such  by  foreign 
nations.  Sir,  it  has  never  possessed  such  a  nation- 
al character,  or  been  so  recognised.  If  his  lord- 
ship hail  taken  the  trouble  to  look  at  the  statement 
of  the  British  commissioners,  (Messrs.  Hiiskisson 
and  Addinglon,)  in  I8'.2(i,  he  would  have  found 
they  distinctly  (lenieil  that  it  was  a  "national  pos- 
session" or  a"inilitary  post"  in  the  hands  of  the 
Americans;  and  they  endeavored  to  show  by  ar- 
gument that  it  was  not  such  in  the  hands  of  the 
Northwest  Company  after  its  purchase.  Its  res- 
toration to  us  in  1818  is  uicompatible  with  the  as- 
siiniption  that  it  has  such  a  national  character  now. 
The  assiimpiion  is  equally  inconsistent  with  the 
eomlitions  of  the  treaties  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States,  which  virtually  preclude 
such  an  exclusive  exercise  of  sovereignty  on  her 
part  as  to  give  any  establishments  made  by  her 
subjects  a  character  of  nationality.  Nay,  sir,  it 
is  inconsistent  with  the  claims  of  Great  Britain 
herself,  whose  commissioners,  in  18^0,  expressly 
renounced  all  pielcnsions  to  a  right  of  exclusive 
sovereignly  over  any  portion  of  the  Oregon  terri- 
tory.    It  13  difficult  to  fancy  a  paragraph  of  as 


m 


■■■fe:, 

'it'-i 

m 


M 


:? 


318 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  19, 


iiDTH  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


The  Oresron  QuestL,i — Mr,  Dix. 


Senate. 


miiiiy  WDrds  SI)  rr|iloii'  with  error  ns  llic  one  on 
whit'h  1  urn  coninu'iitiniT- 

I  riyiTl  In  say  ili^l  llio  snlijrct  wns  prfsnnlcd  In 
till'  lliinw  111'  C'liniiniiiis  wiili,  n'  |Mi»wili|i',  sijll 
prtMU'r  niisn-prrscinniions,  n\n\  from  an  tMinaUv 
(lisilii:vnislir(|  siMH'cc;  ll\"U!;li  1  mi^'lil  not  Imvi'  IVll 
niyM'H'ialliMl  on  In  nolice  ihcni,  l)ul  I'nr  llirir  oon- 
nrxicin  wiih  llif  jnculi  ins  1  liavu  lireii  exaininini:, 
and  |iurlii*ul;irly  tin*  question  nrtitlo. 

'I'lu'  snliji'i'i  was  introilni'iMl  into  tlie  llitiiae  of 
Coinnmiis  hy  l.oril  Jnlin  Uns.-rll,  iniioli  in  tin' 
saiiu'  inaniiri-  as  it  was  [iri'si-nlcii  to  tlii!  Uoiiki'  of 
l.onU — noi  in  tlie  slia|ic  of  a  call  tor  infonnatinn, 
lint  m  tlio  nature  of  a  ]iri>tpst  against  soiur  of  llu; 
positions  lalini  hy  tlif  I'rcslili'iit  in  his  inaiiirural 
aprt'cji.  'I'liis  <;t  niiiMnaii  is  a  ilistini:  islii'il  iiR-in- 
licr  of  till!  Willi;  pariy,a  inriiilirr  of  a  foinnr  Min- 
istry, aiiti  was  rercntiv  callril  on  bv  lifr  Majesty 
to  firm  anotlii'r,  liiil  iliti  not  stirccpil.  1  will  now 
read  to  llie  Senaie  llial  pari  of  Ins  lordshiii's  re- 
marks wliiili  relalos  to  ilie  diseovery  of  tlie  Co- 
Inm'i".  river,  Hill' of  the  prtneipal  liistorieal  faeis 
on  w  hieli  the  United  Stnle3  rest  their  claim  to  the 
OiTiTon  territory: 

"  Now,  it  appears  lliat  C'a|itain  Vancouver  was 
■  sent  lint  liy  the  i'nitish  tioverniiiem  lo  diseover 

*  the  lino  of  roast,  and  to  talic  pos>ession  of  eer- 

*  Iain  |iarts  laid  down  in  liis  lostruetioiis;  and  here 
'  ue  eoiiie  to  aiioilier  I'art  of  the,  elainis  of  tlie 
'  I'niled  Slates — to  a  part  of  their  elaiina  where 
'  they  pill  ill  their  elaini  to  diseovery  npon  a  trans- 
'  a 'lion  wliii'h  I  will  now  proeeed  to  relate.  It  ap- 
'  pears  that  a  inenlie/it  vessel,  railed  the  (.'ohiin- 
'  ijia,  under  a  Captain  Gray,  (ilsrovered  an   inlet, 

*  which  was  supposed  lo  he  an  inlet  ot'a  river.  It 
*a:ipears  thai,  after  some  di^ys,  in  the  month  of 
'  May,  17fl'.',  pas.sed  partly  at  nnrhor,  and  partly 
'  in  endeavoriii!;  lo  ascertain  the  limits  of  that  bay, 

*  Ihi.s  vessel  sailed  out  ajiain  into  tiie  Paeifie  ocean. 
•There  is  a  very  clear  aecounl  ijiven  by  Captain 
'  Gray,  the  eonimander  of  that  vessel,  that,  '  after 
'  some  days,'  he  says,  '  we  thcaiirlit  we  had  found 
*a  ehnnnel,  bin  loui.vl  we  were  mistaken.  There 
'  is  no  ehainiel  in  the  part  whieli  we  endeavored  to 
'  penetrate,  and  therefore  wc  miisi  return.'  Short- 
'  ly  after  this,  Captain  Vaiieouver  arrived  on  the 
'  coast,  lie  not  only  went  into  tlie  .same  inlet,  but 
'  he  .sent  Ins  lieutinant — a  Lieiilenam  l{roiii;liton — 
'  to  diseover  the  river,  and  to  ^o  in  a  boat  to  a  dis- 
'  tancp  up  therner.  Lieutenant  l!ron::hton  was 
'  nioif  successful  than  Captain  Gray,  lie  aciually 
'discovered  the  eutranee  of  the  Columbia  river. 
'  Vie  went  up  it  in  his  boat  several  days,  to  the  dis- 
'  taiicc,  I  think,  of  some  ill)  or  10(1  miles.  He  di.s- 
'  covered  the  territory  surrouudina:  il.  It  was 
'  ai'reed  that  the  river  slionld  be  called  by  the  name 
'  of  Columbia,  and  Lieuti-nant  lirou^htoii  relumed 
'to  his  ship.  Hut  Captain  Vancouver  took  pos- 
'  session  of  tha.  :'■  i  .  'he  coast  adjacent,  and  the 
'  .\ootka  .Sounu,  .-..  \  name  of  liis  Majesty  the 
'  KiiiK  of  EnL'land.  i,flear,  hear.)  Then,  sir,  there 
'  wns  somethins  of  valid  title." 

I  confess  it  was  wilh  equal  resret  and  surprise 
that  I  read  this  statement  of  u  transaction  which 
ha.s  become  matter  of  history,  and  in  respect  to  the 
facts  of  which  there  is  no  reasonable  ground  for 
serious  niisconcepiion.  I  have  looked  in  vain  for 
the  ipioUilion  Lord  John  Itiis.sell  prot'es.ses  to  make 
from  Caplain  Gray.  There  is  no  such  statement 
in  the  only  account  which  I  have  seen  i;iveii  by  the 
latter  of  tlie  discovery  of  the  Columbia  river— the 
rerlitied  copy  of  his  lo2  in  the  .Slate  Uepartment. 
His  lordshipKoes  on  lo  slate  that  Vaneouvershortly 
afler  arrived  on  the  coast,  and  not  oiilv  went  into 
the  inlet,  bat  sent  in  Lieutenant  Brfiielitim,  "who 
ne'.imlly  discovered  the  entrance  to  the  Cohnnbia 
river."  Now,  the  Senate  will  observe  that,  in  or- 
der to  sustain  this  m.ist  unauthorized  assnmpllon, 
iihaost  all  the  imporlaiit  faeis  rclatini;  to  the  dis- 
covery of  the  Columbia  river — facts  shown  by  Van- 
couver's own  .Toiirnal — are  kept  out  of  view:  the 
imetin;;  of  Gray  with  Vancouver  on  the  iJ9th 
April,  1711'J,  five  months  previously,  near  llie  Strait 
of  I'lica;  the  iiifoniiation  [jivcii  by  Gray  to  the  lat- 
ter of  the  discovery  of  the  river,  and  of  his  uiisuc- 
lessfiil  ailnn|its  to  enter  it;  the  incredulity  of  Van- 
couver, and  his  conliiiuid  con\ielioii  that  no  such 
river  existed;  the  return  of  Gray  to  the  river,  his 
Niiccess  in  eiiteriii;;-  it:  the  arrival' of  Vancouver  at 
Nootka,  where  he  obiained  cnpies  of  Gray's  charts 
lift  with  Clnadra,  by  llie  aid  of  winch,  Vancouver 
Wis  enabled  to  lind  ilic  slrcmii,  uiid  send  up  hia  lieu- 


tt:nant,  Uroii>;hton,  to  explore  it.  1  say,  sir,  all 
these  material  tacts  are  suppressed — I  triisl  not  in- 
tentionally— lo  sustain  the  unfounded  assumption 
that  Broui;hlon  was  the  discoverer  of  I  lie  (Columbia. 
Milt  it  is  worthy  of  n mark  that  Mr.  Kalconer,  a 
respectable  liriiish  w  riier,  who  has  recenlly  laib- 
lislied  a  pamphlet  mi  (h'ci^on,  and  who  wrote  aooiit 
the  time  Lord  .lidiii  Unssell  spoke,  admits  that 
Gray  was  the  first  person  who  noticed  theCobiiii 
bin  liver  at'ier  Ueceta,  and  eoiieedes  the  discmiiy 
lo  the  latter.  Mai>|)lly  the  historical  facts  are  too 
well  luilhenticateil  to  be  perinanenlly  niisiinder- 
slood.  They  were  so  well  known  at  the  lime,  that 
even  the  rivalry — not  lo  sav  the  detraction — of  the 
day  conceded  Ui  Giay  the  merit  of  the  discovery 
by  desii^iiatiii:;  the  river  by  the  naiiie  he  t;ave  it — 
llie  name  of  the  vessel  that  lirst  enlered  ns  waters. 
In  rcirard  to  the  aiteiii|il  lo  lestrici  Gray's  discov- 
ery lo  the  liay  or  moiitli  of  the  river,  il  is  only  ne- 
ressiiry  to  say  that  the  settlement  at  Astoria  is  uni- 
versally admitted  lo  be  on  the  Columbia  river.  Is 
it  not  so,  sir?  It  is  desiirnatril  "  the  seltlementon 
the  Columbia  river,"  in  the  despatch  of  Karl  l!a- 
tlinrsi  dirertini;  it  to  be  restored  lo  ns  in  18IH,  as 
well  as  in  the  act  of  resloralion.  Mow,  sir.  Cap- 
tain Gray  ascended  the  river  not  only  as  his;li  as 
.-Vstoria,  which  is  ten  miles  from  the  I'acific  ocean, 
but  tit  leaslsix  miles  above  it,  accoidini;  to  lJrovt:;li- 
loii  himself.  Look  :(t  the  map  of  Dreiron  on  your 
table,  by  t'aptain  Wilkes,  and  yon  will  lind  Gray's 
bay,  so  named  by  tlroui^luon,  (sec  Vancouver's 
.lournal,  vol.  3,  pair  9i,)  on  the  north  side  of  the 
Coliimliia  and  higher  up  llian  Astoria.  According 
lo  Gray's  own  loir,  he  anchored,  the  day  he  discov- 
ered and  entered  the  river,  ten  miles  aliove  the  en- 
trance, and  ihnc  days  after  he  sailed  twelve  ot  fif- 
teen miles  luLihcr  up.  He  must,  iherefore,  have 
been  from  six  to  fifteen  miles  above  the  site  ol'  the 
settlement  at  Astoria.  What,  then,  becomes  of 
the  at  lenipl  of  lirouu'liton,  revived  by  Hritish  states- 
men,  not  neicoti.itors,  (no  iie:;otiator  at  this  day 
wouiil  so  risk  his  reputation,)  to  restrict  Gray's 
discovery  to  the  month  of  the  stream  ! 

Lord  John  Russell's  statement  is  equally  erro- 
neous in  other  particulars — erroneous  in  saying; 
that  Vancouver  enlered  tlieColumbin,or  the  inlet — 
erroneoi-.i  m  sayint;  that  he  took  possession  of 
Xootka  Sound.  Mis  ves.iel,  the  Disrove.-y,  did 
not  pass  the  bar  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia 
river;  lie  did  not  t.ake  possession  of  Nootka;  Clna- 
dra refused  lo  make  a  lormal  surrender  of  .inythiiii;  ^ 
Iml  .Meares'sCove,v\  liich  he  would  not  accept:  and 
the  formality  of  taking  possession  of  the  Columbia 
river  was  performed  by  lirouitliton,  afler  Vancou- 
ver had  led  the  coast,  much  in  the  same  way  as  it 
had  been  done  years  before  o*  the  Spaniards, 
who  weie  the  lirst  discoverers  and  explorers  of  the 
country.  1  repeat,  and  I  say  it  with  re^'ret,  that, 
besides  the  errors  in  point  of  fact,  the  leadini;  and 
material  circiimsuiiices  connected  with  the  discov- 
ery of  the  Columbia  river  are  kept  out  of  view.  I 
do  not  expert  liritisli  statesmen  to  produce  arffii- 
ments  in  favor  of  the  American  title;  but  when 
llicy  undertake  to  refer  to  historical  fads,  reslinj; 
on  their  own  authorities,  and  in  their  own  posse.s- 
sion,  they  are  bound  lo  slate  them  with  accuracy. 
Sir,  we  may  excuse  illoirical  deductions  from  ad- 
mitted data;  we  may  look  wilh  indulgence  on  dif- 
ferences of  opinion  in  resrard  to  the  same  facts, 
knowiii<j,  as  we  do,  onr  liability  to  be  biased  by 
prejudice  or  by  too  partial  views  of  personal  or 
national  intiirest.  But  for  an  omission  of  essential 
circumstances  in  the  discu.ssion  of  an  iinporiant 
national  question — a  discnsion  enlered  upon  volun- 
tarily for  the  purpose  of  enliijhteninj;  the  public 
ininil  of  a  nation — tliere  can  he  no  apolo:;y,  even 
tliou;.'li  it  arise  from  a  want  of  a  sutllcieiuly  careful 
exainiiialion  of  the  subject.  On  the  Oi-eijon  ques- 
lioii  it  is  well  known  that  irrent  excitenient  existed 
at  the  time  in  (jreal  Hrilain  and  the  United  Stales 
— all  exeitemeiit  which  exists  still,  tliouuh  hiqipily 
somewhat  abated — an  excitement  which  needs, 
perluqis,  but  little  provocation  lo  break  out  into 
open  hostilities;  and  no  man,  who  appreciates  as 
he  oii:,'lit  the  calamity  of  an  interruplioii  of  the 
amicable  relations  which  exist  between  ns,  should 
be  wiliint;  to  incur  the  responsibility  of  misleading 
the  public  jud:{iiient  of  cither  country ;  or  if  he  does 
misdirect  it,  he  should  at  least  have  the  consola- 
tion of  rel^ectintr  that  it  was  throii^li  erroneous  de- 
diietioiis,  and  not  ii  miislutemenl  of  t'acts  fairly 
within  his  knowledge. 


The  misreprcseiiuitions  to  which  1  have  alluded 
urn  the  more  to  be  resjrelled,  t'or  the  reason,  if  I 
do  not  err,  thai  tliey'eoiistitute  almost  the  only 
views  of  the  subject  which  reach  the  ijreat  mass 
of  the  British  people.  In  this  counlry,  sialemeiils 
of  both  sides  of  t,'reatiialioiial  questions  are  eqiiallv 
dillused.  Look  at  our  iiewspaiiera,  and  tlnv  will 
befound  filled  with  the  dinloinalic  eoriesponili'iice 
between  the  British  and  American  I'lenipolen- 
tiaries.  The  letters  of  Mr.  rakenhain  are  pub- 
lished with  those  of  Mr.  Calhoun  and  Mr.  Bu- 
chanan, and  are  as  widely  circnlaied.  All  read, 
compare,  and  jiidf;!' Iheiii.  Il  is  not  io  in  Great 
Britain.  As  a  t;ciieral  rule,  the  British  side  of  thu 
question  only  is  presented  to  the  British  public. 
Nor  is  it  the  official  ar^'umeiit  of  the  Goveriimcn;, 
drawn  up  by  ihe  diploinalist,  under  a  wiise  of  his 
responsiliility  to  the  criticism  of  other  nations,  and 
the  general  jiidirmcut  of  mankind.  No,  sir.  It  is 
more  frequently  the  "  tirade"  of  the  politician,  by 
which  the  public  niiiid  of  Great  Brilaln  is  made  to 
pronoiinee  jiid:;meiit  upon  ;;reat  questions  of  inter- 
national ri^'lil  and  duty. 

These  iiiisrepresenlations  are  still  more  lo  be 
resrelted,  because  they  constitute  the  luasis  of  the 
statements  which  find  their  way  to  the  continent. 
Tliron:;h  Galiu'iiani's  Messenger,  the  echo  of  the 
British  press,  they  are  translated  into  h'tench,  and 
widely  circulated,  poisonlii!;  the  whole  laiblic  mind 
of  the  continent,  and  exciling  prejudice  iisuinst 
us. 

I  will  only  add,  that  the  F.ail  of  Aberdeen  in  one 
house,  and  Sir  Robert  I'eel  in  the  other,  adverted 
to  these  statements  in  a  manner  which,  thoinrh 
not  altogether  unexceplKniable,  was  in  gener:il 
di:;nified  and  statesmanlike;  and  it  is  earnestly  to 
he  hoped  that  the  better  feeling  which  now  exists 
it  ween  ;lie  two  countries  may  continue  unabated, 
and  li  id  to  n  setlleineiit  of  the  question  on  terms 
honorable  to  both. 

I  feel  that  I  owe  nn  apology  to  the  Senate  IVir 
this  long  digression.  I  trust  it  will  be  found  in 
,  the  consideration,  that  the  iiiiiccuracies  I  luive  en- 
deavored to  point  nut  did  not  go  to  the  world  with 
the  mere  weight  of  nn  ordinary  legislative  debate, 
hut  with  all  tlie  evidences  of  ileliberalion  and  ar- 
rangement; and,  therefore,  cidculatcd  to  be  more 
dangerous  in  propagating  error. 

[It  was  now  three  o'clock,  and  Mr.  D.  gave  way 
to  a  motion  of 

.Mr.  SEVIER,  that  the  .Senate  adjourn. 

The  Senate  accordingly  adjourned. 


TiiinsDAV,  Pcbmary  19,  1840. 

Mr.  DIX  was  about  to  resume  his  remarks 
which  lie  had  not  concluded  at  the  hour  of  adjourn- 
ment yesterday,  but  yielded  the  lloor  10 

.Mr.  J.  M.  CL.VYTON,  who  said  he  desired  an 
opportunity  to  ofler  a  few  remarks  relative  to  an 
allusion  made  to  him  hy  ihe  Senator  from  New 
York,  [Mr.  Dix,^  in  the  opening  of  liis  S[«!ech 
yesterday.     He  is  reported  to  have  said: 

"  In  entering  into  the  debate  mi  the  question  un- 
'  der  consideration,  1  feel  constrained  to  differ  irv 
'  opinion  with  two  di.stinirin.slied  Senators  who 
'  have  preceded  me,  in  relation  to  the  manner  in 
'  which  the  discussion  should  be  eondiiclcd.  I  al- 
'  hide  to  the  .Senator  from  Ohio,  |.Mr.  Ai.i.Kv,]  who 
'opened  the  debate,  and  the  .Senator  from  Itela- 
'ware,  (Mr.  J.  M.  Ci..vvtox,1  who  followed  hint 
'  not  now  in  his  scat.  Both  took  the  ground,  and 
'  with  equal  peremptoriness,  that  the  title  to  Oregon 
'  ought  not  lo  be  discussed,  but  I'm-  totally  ditl'eieut 
'reasons — the  Senutor  from  Ohio,  because  the 
'  lime  for  di.scussing  it  had  gone  by,  and  the  .Sena- 
'  tor  from  Oelaware,  because  the  time  iitr  discus- 
'  sing  il  had  not  arrived.  Wilh  the  unfeigned  re- 
'  sped  which  I  entertain  for  llirni,  I  di.isent  from 
'  their  opinion  with  great  dilfidenco  of  my  own." 

As  the  Senator  said,  he  (Mr.  C.)  was  tempo- 
rarily absent  from  his  seat,  hut  came  in  a  few  min- 
utes  after  the  Senator  had  made  thai  remark.  He 
had  mistaken  his  (.Mr.  C.'s)  position.  When  ho 
had  the  honor  of  aildressiii!;  the  .Senate  on  ihe  l:2lli 
instant,  he  did  object  to  the  discussion  of  ijie  tilln 
in  open  session,  but  he  avowed  disliiiclly  at  the 
time  his  perfect  willingness  lo  enteral  any  moment 
on  that  discussion  ill  executive  session.  He  did 
not  mean  lo  say,  nor  did  he  think  that  he  was 
geiienlly  understood  at  the  time  as  nie;iiiing  to 
say,  that  lie  objected  tu  the  diucussion  of  lliu  nucs- 


< 


eb.  19, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


319 


y9TH  CoNn IsT  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Dix. 


Sknate. 


desired  on 
I'liiiive  to  nil 
f'roin  New 
luN  .speech 
iiid: 
question  un- 
iii  dilVer  in 
>m\i(iiM   who 
iiiiinner  in 
ui'tod.     1  nl- 
Ai.i.Ks,]  who 
IVoiii   Pi'ln- 
lownd  him 
Kroiind,  iiiiil 
illi'  III  Or'soii 
lallyiliircreiit 
hecnuse    tlie 
)n<l  lh(^  Senn- 
fnr  disoHs- 
iiifei^ined  re- 
lissi'Mi  from 
my  own." 
was  lenipo- 
in  nlVw  niin- 
emaik.     He 
WIlUM   lio 
?.  on  ihi;  \M\ 
1  of  l)ie  titin 
inctly  at  the 
any  ninnieiit 
lie  did 
that  he  v/nn 
ine:\iiing  in 
I  of  the  lines- 


tion  nl  that  very  moment.     On  the  eoiUrary,  ho    i 
tliou^'ht  that  he  expressed  liis  willingness  to  (jo 
inlii  il  then,  if  his  as.sneiuiis  in  the  Seiiaie  wished 
to  do  so — but  in  execuiive  Hession.     And  he  lie^;-  ' 
^ed   tiifi  tSenator  to  reeolleel  tiie  r*;asiin  wiiieii  he  ! 
assigned  why  the  disiussinn  sluiuld  l<o  so  eonduet- 
eil.     lie  said  that,  iflhc  qiiesiiou  were  to  lie  sel- 
tii'd  liy  treaty  lietween  the  two  Uovernnienis,  ihe 
reniarlis  nmde  in  open  session  were  ealeulated  to 
prcjildse,    and    innst    neecs.snrily    prejudge,    llie  , 
iiuesiion  whiih  would  arise  upon  the  treaty,     lie 
tiioii^ht  tliin,  and   he  tliouL'ht  so  still,  that  if  the 
ipiestion  wire  to  lie  settled  in  that  manner,  t;i'eat  1 
danger  ininlit  arise  iVoin  these  pulilic  disen.ssions,  ; 
liecniise  il  would   I).:  rieolleetcd  that  it  took   lint 
nineteen  of  ihem  to  defeat  any  treaty;  and  if  the    : 
disi'iission  became  extended,  as  wa.s  very  likely,  i! 
there  was  danger  thnt  nineteen  Senulor.s  mi'.'ht  be-  |j 
I'ome  HO  eoin.nitted   before  the  whole  einintry  in 
refiaid  to  the  title,  and  dillerinj:  from  the  Ex  ecu- 1 
live,  why,  Ihcii.  whs  it  not  obvious  that  their  con-  ''. 
sideration  of  llie  tieniy  would  be  seriously  tram-  j 
melled.'     On  the  other  Imnil,  he  thonu'lit  then,  and  i] 
thou^'hl  still,  that  if  disi'us.sed  in  executive  .-essinn,  ;] 
no  such  dillicnlty  could  occur;  no  man  would  be 
then   ciinuiiitled    before  the  country.      ISut   open 
discussion  uas  atteniled    with   the  dan:;er  of  so 
many  men  emnmittini;  themselves  on  some  paral-  i 
111  oi'  latitude  dilTerent  from  tliat  presented  in  the  I, 
lre;\ly.  [ 

If  the  Senator  would  pardon  him  a  few  mo-  1, 
ments  longer,  he  would  make  «  single  reference  to   i 
a  remark  which  fell  from  the  honorable  Senator 
fiiuii  Indiana,  [Mr.  IIannkuan.]     He  seemed  to  ; 
(ip]irchend  that  there  was  greater  dnnger  of  stnui-    | 
gling   t)regon   in   that    chumber   than    elsewhere.  !; 
flow  so?    He  (.\lr.  C.)  could  not  possibly  com- ' 
prebend  that.     If  the  title  to  Oregon  be  clear — if  it  ' 
lie  such  a  title  as  the  cinintry  could  stnial  up  for 
and  lii;hi  for — it  was  one  that  would  bear  discus-  I 
sion  in  executive  ses.simi  ns  well  a.-;  anywhere  else,  | 
and  the  only  dill'erciicn  was,  that  it  would  be  much 
more  siifely  discussed  in  executive  session  than  in 
open  session.     The  honorable  Senator,  however,  i 
nt  the  conclusion  of  his  eloquent  address,  seemed  ' 
to  npjirehend  that  if  the  .Senate  took  the  responsi-  ' 
bility  of  discussing  litis  ipiestion  in  secret  session, 
perhaps  some  Caius  Gracchus  might  drive  us  from  | 
our  seats,  and  forcibly  expel  our  President  from  ; 
his  elevated  seat.  i 

Mr.  HANNEGAN.    If  the  Senator  from  Dela-  I 
ware  will  allow  mc,  I  will  restate  what  I  uttered  in  i 
this  particular,  and  a  misrenortof  which  was  given 
in  both  the  Union  and  Intelligencer,  so  gross  as  to  : 
be  ridiculous. 

Mr.  .1.  .\1.  CLAYTON  yielded  the  floor,  when 

Mr.  H.  said,  that  the  lanii;uage  he  uttered  was,  ; 
tliat  the  withdrawal  of  so  momentous  a  question  I 
from  the  public  eye  for  .secret  deliberation  and  dis- 
cussion, to  be  followed — as  perchance  it  might  be — 
byn  silent  and  sudden  death  of  the  measure  in  di-  ' 
rect  violation  of  the  will  of  three-fifths  of  the  ,Viner-  , 
icaii  people,  would  be  a  most  serious,  if  not  a  mel- 
ancholy hour  in   the  hisii>ry  of  the  eouniry.     It 
might  prelude  the  entrance  of  some  Caius  Gracchus 
into    that    hitherto   eonseeratml    chamber,    whose 
heart,  big  with  the  tires  of  freedom,  and  roused  by 
such  an  outrage  upon  public  rights,  would  lend  him 
to  address  the  mighty  tribunal  without,  and  by  this 
simple  change  of  altitude,  (here  Mr.  H.  pointed  to  { 
the  duors  of  the  Senate,  and  raised  his  hands  to  the 
galleries,)   turning  from  that  venerated  chair,  re- 
verse thencetbrih  tliei  herislied  forms  of  this  body, 
impair  its  dignity,  and  destroy  its  lofiy  and  com- 
inaudiii!:  altitude.  | 

Mr.  (  E.VVTtJN  was  glad  to  hear  that  explanu-  i 
tion.]  ! 

Mr.  DIX  then  proceeded  with  his  remarks,  and  . 
said:  ! 

I  beg  the  "^iiiator  from  Delawiu'e  to  be  assured 
that  nothing  would  give  ine  more  pain  than  to  mis-  I 
stole  any  Senator  on  this  lloor;  and  I  accept  with 

frcat  |)leasure  Ihe  explanation  which  he  has  made, 
desire  also  to  say,  injustice  to  him, as  well  as  to 
the  .Senator  from  Ohio,  that  I  did  not  use  the  term 
"pcremnloriness"  in  rel'erring  to  the  manner  in 
which  they  had  insisted  that  the  qnestioii  of  title 
ought  not,  in  their  opinion,  to  be  discus.scd.  I  said 
they  had  taken  the  position  in  equally  strong  lan- 
guage. 

I  now  resume  the  con.iideration  of  the  important 
question  on  which  1  had  ihc  honor  to  address  the 


Sennle  yesterday;  nnd  in  doing  so,  I  eannot  with" 
hold  the  expression  of  my  sense  of  the  kind  inditl-  i 
geuce  whieli  has  been  exlended  to  nn'.      I  will  en-  ; 
deiivor  to  all'ord  the  Senate  a  subslantial  proof  of 
that  sense  of  obligation  on  my  )iart,  by  nringing 
my  remarks  to  a  close  in  the  briefest  possible  pc-  1 
rioil  of  time.  ; 

The  historical  skelc!)  which  I  was  making  of  ; 
the  discoveries  and  establishments  in(hTgon,\vhen 
the  Sf'iirttc  adjourned  yesterday,  ended  with  the  ' 
year  ITUd.  i 

The  discovery  of  Rulfinch's  Harbor  and  the 
Columbia  river  by  Gray,  and  the  explorations  of 
Galliano,  Valdes,  and  Vancouver,  in  the  .Strait  of 
Fiica,  in  ihnt  year,  lenninaled  ihc  series  of  maritime 
dl.scoveries  in  the  disputed  territory,  which  had 
commenced  two  centuries  and  a  half  before.  Frum 
that  time  to  the  present,  nothing  has  been  done  on 
the  coast  but  lo  fill  up  the  smaller  details  of  the 
gi-eat  ondine  completed  by  the  labors  of  ihese  nav-  ] 
igators.  j 

In  the  same  year,  (179"7,)  Mackenzie,  leaving  i; 
Fort  Cliippcwyan,  oil  the  Athabasca  lake,  in  the  I 
oHih  parallel  of  latitude,  and   nearly  midway  be- 
tween ihc  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans,  proceeded 
westward  In  the  liocky  mountains,  where  he  pass- 
ed Ihe  winter.     The  next  spriiv,',  he  resumiil   his  . 
journey,  struck  ihe  Taconiche  Tcssee,  (now  Fra-  | 
zer's  river,)  in  the  r>4th  parallel  of  latitude,  and  de-  :; 
scended  il  some  2.'jll  miles.     1  h:  then  continued  his 
course  to  llie  west,  and  rearhed  the  Pacific  in  north 
latilude  iVJO  -M' — about  a  degree  north  of  the  island 
of  diiadra  and  Vancouver.     Frazcr's  river,  which 
takes  its  rise  near  the  5.")tli  parallel  of  latitude,  was 
for   niiielceu   yeurs  supposed   to  be  the  nortbern 
branch  of  the  I'oluinbia;  but  in  1812,  il  was  as- 
cerlaincd  by   Fnizer  to  debouch   in  the  Strait  of 
Fuca,  at  the  4',itU  parallel  of  latilude.     It  waters 
the  district  of  country  iminediali  ly  west  and  north 
of  the  valley  drained  by  the  np|ier  bmncli  of  the  \ 
Columbia.  '  This  district  is  a  part  of  the  great  sec-  ji 
tion  of  Ihe  northwest  coast,  bounded  on  the  east  i 
by  the  Rocky  mountains,  and  on  the  west  by  the  jj 
Pacific,  of  which  the  main  channels  of  access  had  ' 
been  laid  open  by  previous  discoveries. 

In  1804,  Captains  Lewis  and  Clarke  set  out  on  ;, 
their  expedition  lo  Oregon;  and,  in  ISO.'i,  after 
incredible  hardships  anil  labors,  lliey  established 
themselves  on  the  north  side  of  the  Columbia  river,  , 
near  its  mouth,  and  subsequently  on  the  south  side,  ! 
and  passed  the  winter  tiiere.  In'the  spring  of  1806,  i[ 
iliry  commenced  their  journey  homeward,  and  ]' 
reached  the  Mississi|)pi  in  the  fall  of  that  year,  liav-  | 
ing  tiavelled  over  9,()UU  miles.     This  expedition   i 


tioniilile  whether  an  arrangement  which  had  been 
acquiesced  in  [Colonel  Ukm'O.v  liereadiliil — "and 
ailed  on"]  as  having  been  made  by  the  eompe- 
lint  authority  at  the  proper  lime,  can  be  denied, 
even  lliough  no  authentic  record  of  the  mei  ting  of 
the  commissaries  can  be  found. '^  Other  persons 
were  euijiloyed  by  the  Goveriiiiicnt  to  siirvc'y  the 
southern  portions  of  Liniisiana;  and  these  con- 
temp, irnneoiis  expeditions  must  be  rcgardeil  by 
the  world  as  a  pulilic  manifestation  of  the  inten- 
tion of  the  [Jiiiled  Stales  lo  assert  all  the  rights  she 
might  justly  claim  by  disco\ery  or  otherwise  lo 
ibe  sovcieignty  of  ihecounlry  between  the  Missia- 
sipjii  and  the  Pacific  ocean. 
In' 


P' 
was  fitted  out  under  the  direction  of  the  Govern-  ij 
inent  of  the  United  Stales,  and  executed  by  officers  H 
in  its  service  nt  the  public  expense.     It  was  under-  i 
taken  on  the  recommendation  of  the  Prcsiilent,  I 
communicated  in  a  message  to  Congress  in  1803. 
One   of  its  objects  was  to  examine  the  counlry 
watered  by  the  Columbia  river,  which  had  been 
discovered  by  a  citizen  of  the  United  Slates,  and  it 
resulted  in  a  survey — necessarily  cursory— of  the 
main  southern  branch  of  the  river,  of  the  principal 
stream  to  its  mouth  from  the  junction  of  the  latter 
with  it,  and  of  a  portion  of  Clarke's  river,  which  ' 
empties  into  the  northern  branch  between  the  48th 
anil  4yth  parallels  of  latitude.     This  was  the  first 
explm'alion  of  the  Columbia  made  subsequently  to 
171)2,  v^•hen  it  was  ascended  by  Gray,  its  discov- 
erer, some  twenty  miles,  and   five  'months  after  | 
by  a  detachment  from  Vancouver's  party,  under  ' 
Brougliion,    about  one   hundred   miles,  from   its  j 
month.  I 

It  is  also  to  be  considered  that  the  expedition  of 
Lewis  and  Clarke  was  undertaken  iminediaicly  ' 
after  the  cession  of  the  territory  of  Louisiana  to 
the  United  States  by  France — nterrilorv  admitted 
to  include  all  the  counlry  drained  by  the  Missis- 
sippi and  its  tributaries  lo  their  head  waters.  It 
was  also  the  ni>  lersiauding  at  the  time  that  il  was 
separated  froir  he  British  possessions  in  Norlh 
America  by  tin  ".)th  parallel  of  lalitude  exlended 
westward  from  the  Lake  of  the  Woods  iudefiiiile- 
ly.  Mr.  Monroe,  in  a  paper  presented  to  Lord 
Harrow  by  in  1804,  at  London,  slated  that  it  had 
been  .so  settled  by  commis.saries  appointed  by 
France  and  England  under  the  treaty  of  Utrecht;  : 
and  the  stiuement  was  nol  impugned  or  objected  lo. 
I  am  aware  that  a  doubt  has  recently  bcim  raised  ■ 
as  to  the  fact  of  such  a  line  having  been  agreed  on; 
but  alV'r  nearly  a  cenlury  and  a  half,  it  is  quea- 


IHDG  Mr.  Frazer,  an  agent  of  the  Northwest 
Company,  formed  an  establishment  on  Frazcr's 
lake  111  tiie  .'>4th  parallel  of  latilude;  and  this  was 
the  first  estalilishiaent  ever  made  by  Uritisii  sub- 
jects west  of  llie  Ilocky  mimiilains. 

In  March,  1811,  the  Pacific  Fur  Com\iany,  of 
which  John  Jacob  Asior,  of  New  York,  was  the 
priiici|ial,  formed  an  establishmeiil  at  Astru'ia,  ou 
the  south  bank  of  the  Coliimlii.!  river,  alumt  ten 
miles  from  its  month,  having  first  established  ihem- 
selves  on  the  norlh  hank;  and  this  was  the  first 
.settlement  ever  made  on  the  Columbia  or  in  the 
territory  watered  by  that  river  or  ils  tributaries, 
excepting  two  temporary  esiablishnunis  in  IMI!) 
and  1810,  formed  also  by  American  citizens,  which 
were  soon  abandoned  ill  cimseipiciice  of  the  iliifi- 
ciilly  of  obtaining  provisions,  and  other  embariass- 
metits.  The  Astoria  companv  also  formed  an  es- 
tablishment in  1811,  on  the  Olianaian,  a  tributary 
entering  the  tjoliimbia  on  the  north  side,  lielweeii 
the  4.'-ih  and  4',ltli  parallels  of  latilude;  and  in  b-'lJ 
annllier  near  it  on  the  Spukaii,  also  a  tributary  of 
the  gnat  river. 

In  1813  llie  Pacin.'  Company,  in  con.sequence  of 
the  embarrassmeiils  i;rowiiiL'  out  of  the  war  of  1,-;12 
with  Great  Britain,  sold  "  its  establishments,  furs, 
nnd  stock  in  hand"  (including  ihe  posts  on  the 
Okaimgan  and  the  Spokan)  to  the  Northwest  Com- 
pany; and  a  few  days  afterwards  the  British  sloop- 
of-war  Uaccoim  arrived,  took  possession  of  the 
place,  and  hoisted  the  British  flag. 

By  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  raiified  by  us  in  1815,  it 
was  stipulated  that  "all  territory,  places,  and  pos- 
.sessions  whatsoever  taken  bv  either  party  from  the 
other  dining  the  war,  or  which  may  be  taken  after 
the  signing  of  this  treaty ,  excepting  only  the  isl.nids 
hereinafter  mentioned,  shall  be  restored  without 
delay." 

In  compiiance  with  this  stipulation,  the  eslnblish- 
ment  at  Ailoria  was  restored  to  the  United  States. 
The  compliance  was  full,  unconditional,  and  with- 
out reservation  of  any  sort.  No  claim  was  set  up 
by  Great  Britain  in  "her  written  comniiinicaiions 
with  the  United  Stales  on  this  subject,  at  the  time 
of  the  restoration,  in  respect  to  any  risrhi  of  sover- 
eignly or  domain  in  the  territory  thus  restored. 
The  British  Minister  at  Washington  had,  it  is  trne, 
a  year  before  olijected  to  the  restoralion,  on  the 
ground  that  the  place  had  been  purchased  by  the 
Northwest  Company, and  Ihnt  it  had  "been  taken 
possession  of  in  his  Majesty's  name,  nnd  had  been 
since  considered  ns  Ibrming  part  of  his  Majesty's 
dominions."  The  objection  was  virtually  aban- 
doned by  the  restoration;  and  as  the  place  was  re- 
stored without  a  written  protest  or  reservation,  Ihe 
ground  of  the  objection  may  be  regarded  as  having 
been  considered  wholly  uhleunble  by  those  who 
took  it.  In  this  transaction,  as  in  idl  others  rela- 
ting to  the  territory  of  Oregon,  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  maiutaincd,  in  clear  and  unequiv- 
ocal terms,  ils  rislit  of  .sovercignlv.  In  ils  instruc- 
tions to  Captain  Biddle  in  1817,  it  directed  him  to 
proceed  lo  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia,  nnd  there 
"to  assert  the  claim  of  the  United  States  to  the 
sovereignty  of  the  adjacent  country,  in  a  frienillv 
and  peaceable  manner,  and  without  the  employ- 
ment of  fmce."  This  order  he  executed  on  the 
Otli  of  August,  1818,  by  takini  Ibrnial  po.ssession 
of  the  country  on  the  river.  The  fm'inal  restora- 
tion of  .\sbiria  was  made  on  the  Gtli  of  October, 
1818;  and  in  fourteen  days  afterwards  (on  the  2(hh 
October)  a  convention  was  agreed  ou  liy  the  Uni- 
ted Slates  and  Great  Britain,  coiilaiiiiiig  the  follow- 
ing article: 

"  Art.  3.  It  is  agreed  that  any  countrv  that  may 
'  be  claimed  by  either  parly  on  the  northwest  coast 

*  See  :in  clatiorute  cxatiiiiaitioa  of  the  qiicstinu  in  Urecii- 
how'a  Orcgnii,  page  '2Ttj. 


4^% 


i:i 


320 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  19, 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 

'  of  AmPiiiM.  W'slwnrd  of  the  Stony  iniuiiilniiiH, 
'  nlmll,  t(ii,'crlifTWitli  ilH  luirlinia,  linyH,  nnil  crii'ks, 
'  niid  ilie  n^ivi^'uliini  cit'  nil  liurs  williiii  llio  •■"iime, 
'  1)1'  (Vrp  1111(1  o|iiii  for  llii'  ii'iiii  of  Icii  years  iVoiii 
'  the  (liitc  111'  the  siu'imlim'  iif  the  prcscni  convcii- 
'  linn,  to  tliP  vcsxi'Ib,  ri(i/.i'iis,  iiiid  NiiliJir'.H  of  the 
'  two  Powi'ivs:  it  liciiis;  well  iiii(li'n4iiio(l  tlmt  this 
'  ngroement  is  not  to  hn  ronstriii'd  to  ilic  prpjiiilice 
'  of  niiy  clttiin  wliiih  nitlier  of  the  two  liii;li  ciiii- 
'  tmctine  |ii\riii's  nmy  linvc  to  nny  |mrt  of  the  sniil 
'  cciiintry,  nor  bIihII  it  lie  inkcn  to  niVwi  the  daiinN 
'  of  liny  other  Power  or  .Sinte  to  nny  piut  of  the 
'  said  e.otinlry.  the  only  olijcet  of  the  hlijli  eoiiiraet- 

*  iitir  parlies  ill  tlmt  respect  lieinj;;  to  prevent  dis- 
'  piites  and  dilVereiiees  anioii!;  themselves." 

On  the  (iih  of  Aniriisl,  lH:i7,the  main  provisions 
of  the  forei;oinir  artiele  were  renewed  hy  the  fol- 
lowiii);  eoiiveiition: 

"AiiT.  1.  All  the  provisions  of  the  third  article 
'  of  the  oinivention  eoncliided  between  the  United 
'  Stales  of  Ameriea  and  his  Majesty  the  Kill!;  of 
'  the  United  Kin<;diiin  of  Great  Uritain  and  Iro- 
'  land,  on  the  'Jlltli  of  Ootoher.  1H18,  shall  lie.  nnil 
'  they  arc  hereliy ,  further  indeliiiitely  <'Xleiided  and 
'  oontinued  in  force,  in  the  same  manner  as  if  all 
'  the  provisions  of  the  said  article  were  herein  spe- 
'  cifically  recited. 

"  .\rt. 'J.  It  shall  he  competent,  however,  to 
'  either  of  the  contrartin^  parties,  in  ea.se  either 
'  should  think  fit,  at  any  time  after  the  'JOili  Octo- 
'  her,  18'Ji"l.  on  ffivini;  due  notice  of  twelve  nionths 
'  to  the  other  (diitractiiii:  party,  to  aiiniil  and  ahro- 
'  sale  this  con  rention;  anil  it  shall,  in  such  case,  he 
'  accordinj;ly  entirely  aiiiiiilled  and  ahro!;ated, after 

*  the  expiration  of  the  said  term  of  service. 

"Art.  3.  iVothins  eoiitnineil  in  this  convention, 
'  or  ill  the  third  article  of  life  convention  of  the 
'  •Jlllli  October,  1818,  hereby  continued  in  lorce, 
'  shall  be  construed  to  impair,  or  ill  any  manner 
'  allect,  the  claims  which  either  of  the  contrseting 
'  parlies  may  have  to  any  |)artof  the  country  west- 
'  ward  of  the  Stony  or  llocky  mountains." 

On  the  basis  of  these  two  treaties  the  relations  of 
the  two  countries  in  respect  to  Oregon  now  rest; 
and  ill  order  to  ascertain  what  are  the  riijhts  of  the 
eontraciins  parlies  to  the  territory  in  dispute,  we 
must  revert  to  the  year  1818,  to  the  stnlu  (juo  be- 
fore they  were  entered  into;  for  if,  as  has  lieen 
seen,  nothing  contained  in  the  treaties  can  preju- 
tlice  in  any  manner  their  respective  claims,  no  acts 
done  since  by  settlement  or  otherwise  cnn  create, 
in  respect  to  the  territory  in  questirii,  any  rights 
which  did  not  exist  then. 

This  position  was  taken  with  charncteristic  vigor 
ond  brevity  by  the  distinguished  Sena'or  from 
South  Carolina,  [Mr.  Calhoun,]  sitting  before  me, 
in  a  note  dated  llie  3d  of  September,  1844,  and  ad- 
dies.sed  to  Mr.  Pakenlmm,  while  the  Senator  was 
acting  in  the  capacity  of  a  negotiator. 

Sir,  I  wish  to  be  distinctly  understood  on  this 
point,  for  the  reason  that  the  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany, in  which  the  Northwest  Company  liai  been 
nierjcd,  has  for  several  years  been  extending  its 
establishments;  and  because,  in  the  negotiations 
between  the  British  Government  and  ours,  it  lias 
licen  once,  at  least,  if  not  more  than  once,  intima- 
ted by  the  former  that  British  subjects  had  interests 
there  which  it  was  bound  to  protect.  These  estab- 
lishmenis  have  been  made  with  full  knowledge  of 
the  stipulations  of  the  conventions  enlered  into  be- 
tween the  two  countries;  and  on  no  ground,  even 
the  irround  of  equity,  can  any  claim  be  .set  up  on 
the  basis  of  these  newly-ercated  interests.  To 
lurree  to  suspend  the  seilh'ment  of  the  conlrovcrsy, 
and  then  to  draw  from  acts  done  hy  ime  of  the  par- 
ties duiins:  the  suspension  new  aigunienls  in  favor 
of  its  own  side  of  the  ijiw  stion,  is  not  only  lepuu'- 
naiit  to  every  rule  of  fairness,  but  it  is  a  violation 
of  the  letter  as  well  as  the  spirit  of  the  ai;reeni(  lit, 
niid  tends  to  the  defeat  of  tlie  very  object  in  view 
ill  inakiiii;  it. 

Let  IIS  s(e,  then,  what  discoveries  had  been 
inaile,  and  what  eslalilishinents  foinied,  in  1818. 
Those  of  .Spain  were  parnmounl  to  all  others. 
She  had  visited  and  explored  the  whole  coast  from 
California,  where  she  had  jiermanent  esiablish- 
nienls,  to  tlie  most  northerly  line  of  the  territory  ; 
ill  ilispute.  She  had  discovered  the  Strait  of  .Tiiaii 
de  Kiiea,  and  formed  an  eslablisliinent  within  it, 
I  lliitik,  in  17'JJ.  She  had  disiovered  Ps'iiiilka 
Sound,  and  eslalilished  herself  tin  le.  And  she  was 
Btrergtheiicd  in  her  claims  to  the  absolute  sover-  i 


3%c  Oregon  (-Question — j\lr.  Dii. 


Senate. 


eignly  of  the  country  by  its  immediate  contiguity 

I  to  ( 'alil'ornia,  of  which  she  had  the  undisputed  and 

I  undivided  possession,  with  the  exception  of  two 
temporary  eBlablisbmeiilsby  the  llii.ssians  between 
the  bay  of  St.  l*Vancisco  and  Cape  Mendocino, 

'  which  were  made  to  facilitate  their  trade  in  I'liis, 
and  by  permi.^sion  of  the  Spanish  Governnicnt.  it 
is  true  she  had  not  kept  up  her  establishmenls 
north  of  Cape  Mendocino;  but  no  others  had  been 
formed  in  the  same  localities;  and  her  rights  of  dis- 

I  covery,  theiefoie,  were  not  suiierseded  by  rights 
of  occupation  on  the  part  of  otiier  nations  in  nny 
portion  of  the  territory  in  dispute,  excepting  so  far 
as  they  may  have  been  derived  from  the  American 
and  liritish  '  iblishnicius,  to  which  1  am  about  to 
refer. 

The  United  States  had  discovered  the  Columbia 
river,  and  ascended  it  at  the  time  of  the  discovery 

;  to  the  distance  of  tweiilv-fivc  miles  from  its  mouth. 

]  She  had  also  discovf  red  liulfinch's  Harbor,  between 
the  Columbia  and  the  .Strait  of  l''uca.  Shu  had 
examined  the  country  watered  by  the  Colnmbia 
and  some  of  its  tribuiaries,  and  s)ic  had  formed 
establlshineiits  wiiliin  it  at  four  dill'creiit  periods — 
in  mv.),  1810, 1811,  and  18PJ— the  n.ost  southerly 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia,  and  the  most  iiortii- 
erly  lielween  tliel(iriy-eii:litli  and  forty-ninth  jiaral- 
lels  of  latitude.     Spain  claimed  to  have  discovered 

I  the  Cohimbia  seventeen  years  before  Gray  entered 
it;  hut  in  iso]  she  ceded  all  lii;r  rights  to  the  country 
north  of  4:2°  to  the  United  States,  by  treaty,  and  thus 
gave  us  a  title  to  the  territory  watered  by  the  river, 
which  Great  Britain  oii'.;ht  never  to  have (luestioned. 
By  virtueof  the  same  act  of  cession,  herentire  right 
to  the  coast  became  vested  in  us. 

I  In  the  course  of  the  public  di.scussioiis  in  respect 
to  Oregon,  the  United  Slates  has  been  charged 
with  dishonor  and  bad  faith  in  setting  up  a  claim 
to  that  territory,  1st,  by  discovery,  through  the 
agency  of  her  ow  ii  citizens;  and  2J,  by  cession  of 

,  ihe  rights  of  Spain.  For,  ,as  has  been  said,  if  the 
lirst  ground  was  tenable,  she  could  not,  without 
inconsistency,  set  up  a  claim  on  the  second,  be- 
cause she  had  virtually  denied  the  second  by  as- 
suming the  first  as  the  basis  of  her  right.  But, 
.<ir,  is  it  not  quite  possible  for  two  nations  to  pos- 
sess rights  by  conliguilv,  or  to  aciiuirc  tliem  by 

.  discovery,  neither  perlect,  but  capable  of  being 
rendered  so  by  a  merger  of  both  in  one.'    Great 

'  Britain  lierself  claims  a  right  of  joint  occupancy 

I  with  the  United  States  in  Oregon;  and  she  will 

!  certainly  not  deny  that  a  cession  of  her  right  to 
us,  or  ours  to  her,  would  create  a  perfect  title  to 

I  the  country,  without  ulfording  cause  for  any  im- 

!  putation  oi°  dishonor  to  either. 

i  G-;at  Britain,  ill  1818,  had  surveyed  the  Strait 
of  Fuca,  after  its  outlines  were  known;  but  she 
had  made  no  discoveries  on  the  const  v/liich  were 
not  euniprehended  within  the  boundaries  of  the 
greai  districts  previously  known  and  visaed.  She 
may  have  had  establishments  in  the  valley  of  the 
Colnmbia;  but  if  so,  I  have  not  been  able  to  ascer- 
tain the  fact.  She  had  discovered  Frazer's  river, 
which  empties  into  the  Strait  of  Fucaat  the  forty- 

,  ninth  parallel  of  latitude  ;  she  had  traced  it  from 
its  source  to  its  mouth;  she  had  t'orined  an  estab- 

\  lishinent  on  it  near  the  fifty-fourth  parallel;  and  i' 
only  reintiiiis  to  settle  by  the  testimony  of  facts  the 
geographical  relation  which  this  river  and  its  valley 
bear  to  the  river  and  valley  of  the  Coliinibia.* 

I  piLSs  by,  as  uucoiinecied  w  itii  the  question,  for 
the  reasons  I  have  a.ssigiicd,  all  settlements  made 
.subsequently  to  1818  by  the  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 

*  'J'liere  |j*iioreiisnnalile  eniiindtixlontit  tlmt  tlie  Spaniiinlft 
iliKCiiveri'd  the  liioiilli  ot  Foi/.erN  rivi-r ;  hut  the  liH-iililydjil 
lint  iipiiciir  to  nil'  In  he  so  (tj<^tliictl>'  settleil  lis  to  itiit)i()ri/i> 
Hie  til  iLs^iuiit'  II  iLi  11  liict  in  the  text.  On  M'terriiii!  tii  Vnn- 
couviT'.-i  Jniiniiil,  viiliiiiie  *J,  piiKi'  Is7,  ilwill  he  Heen  ttinl  he 
|iii>.M>il  till-  iiiiiiilli  III'  tile  river  withiiul  iliMeuverini;  it,  it  lie- 
iiis  thi'ii,  as  it  i).  Mill)  to  he  iiiivv,  iienrly  iim.sket)  liy  u  i-hnal 
evii'tiiliii'j  rinrtlivvarilly  Irniii  ('ii|m'  ]tnhi>rtM  ntiout  seven  miles. 
('ii{)e  ItdliiTls  is  (he  '(iiiiliera  |Kiitit  iil'the  river,  unit  it  is  iii- 
tersri'teit  h>  It',  tlllli  [liirnhet  iil'  latitllile.  .\t  |iiu!e'Jt-Jnrihe 
siiliii'  vnjlliiii  ,  It  wilt  he  seen  llt'it,  alter  llieetlliu  (•uiillllii  mill 
Valiles  ni'.-ir  I'liiiil  (Jrey,  (a  few  miles  niirtli  iif  the  river,)  as 
he  stales  at  piiL'e'Jii'l,  Vaiieonver  sa>s  :  "  I  shiiweil  litem  the 
sketch  I  liait  liiaile  iit'tilirexeiirsHMi, 1111(1  IKiniti'il  (Hit  tlieiialy 
spot  Mhieji  1  eiiiieeiveil  we  hail  lelt  iiuexiiiiiiiieit,  iieiirly  tit 
the  111  ail  (if  Iturruiil's  ctiiiiiiiit :  they  seeiiieit  iiiucli  siirpriseil 
that  we  I1.11I  lint  lliiiiiil  II  river  sniil  ta  exist  in  the  ri'i^iiiii  we 

liail  1 11  expliirinu,  nnil  named  hy  iiiie  of  their  iillieers  Kin 

llluiieliii,  ill  ('(iiniiliiiiciit  111  the  then  prune  iiiiiiisterof  H)iaiii ; 
which  river  these  ijeiiUemeii  liiiil  s<iiii:ht  thus  liir  In  iiii  piir- 
pn-e."  There  eiiii  lie  nil  ihiuht  that  this  was  I'rii/.er's  river, 
lis  there  is  iin  other  stream  in  Uie  reijioa  Vancouver  "  had 
heen  exphiriiig.*' 


pniiy,  on  which  Great  Britain  has  conferred  large 
and  most  imporlaiil  powers  in  respect  to  the  coun- 
try west  of  tlie  Uiicky  mountains.  Indeed,  these 
I  siablishmenis  rest  upon  no  lesral  concession,  even 
by  herself,  which  confers  any  right  of  domain. 
'I'lie  llud.son's  Hay  Company  has  a  mere  right  of 
exelitaivc  trade  with  the  Indians,  without  the  priv- 
ilege of  acquiring  any  title  to  the  soil  in  Oregon; 
and  in  this  respect  the  tirivileges  of  the  Company 
dill'er  materially  from  tliosc  conferred  on  it  in  re- 
lation to  the  territory  it  posse.sses  upon  Uudsoii's 
Straits. 

I  also  pa.ss  by,  os  idle,  the  formalities  of  taking 
possession  of  the  country  hy  Urouirhton  on  the 
Columbia,  and  Vancouver  in  the  Strait  of  Puca — 
formalities  a  long  time  before  performed  in  number- 
less localities  hy  the  Spaniards — especially  as  those 
of  the  British  naviirators  were  unaccompanied  by 
actual  settlement  and  occupation,  and  were  in  di- 
rect violation  of  a  treaty  which  those  oHiccrs  were 
sent  out  to  execute. 

I  have  enileavuied,  Mr-  President,  in  the  first 
part  of  my  remarks,  to  maintain  the  Spanish  title 
to  the  northwest  coast  of  America.  I  regard  all  at- 
tempts to  disparage  it  as  antiquated  and  obsolete, 
to  be  foiindcii  upon  partial  and  illiberal  views  ot 
the  subject.  It  is  unnecessary  to  say  to  you,  sir, 
or  the  Senate,  that  antiquity  is  the  highest  elciiient 
of  title,  if  the  chain  can  be  traced  down  unbroken 
and  entire  to  our  own  times.  The  Spanish  title  to 
llie  northwest  coast  is  idmosl coeval  with  the  voy- 
ages of  Columhiis.  It  is  consecrated  by  discovery 
as  high  as  the  43d  parallel  of  latitude  by  the  lapse 
of  more  than  three  centui-ies;  as  liish  as  the  48th 
by  the  lapse  of  two  centuries  and  a  half;  and 
as  hi;:h  as  the  ii4th  by  the  lapse  of  more  than 
seventy  years.  Sixty  years  ago  it  stood  undis- 
puted and  unitnpcached  by  any  antai^onist  claim 
or  pretension  to  territorial  riijlits.  It  was  coii- 
lirmcd  and  perfected  by  occu|iation  as  high  as 
49°  30'  half  a  century  ago.  During  the  .succeed- 
ing twenty  years,  it  was  not  superseded  by  ri^dits 
of  occupation  on  the  part  of  other  nations,  unless 
it  be  to  the  limited  extent  I  have  suited.  During 
the  last  thirty  years,  all  rights  have  been  suspend- 
ed by  treaty  arrangements  between  the  only  two 
Powers  who  can,  with  any  face,  set  up  a  claim  to 
the  exercise  of  sovereignty  over  the  territory  to 
wliich  it  attaches.  In  the  consideration  of  national 
interests  in  territorial  possessimis,  it  is  a  narrow 
view  to  bind  down  sovereign  States  to  oil  the  rigor- 
ous technicalities  of  private  tenures.  Great  prin- 
ciples of  national  right,  viewed  liberally,  and  ap- 
plied according  to  Ihe  proclaimed  inieiitioiis  of  the 
parties,  are  the  only  guides  worthy  of  statesmen 
or  Governments  in  the  settlement  of  questions  of 
sovereignty  over  the  unoccupied  portions  of  the 
earth  we  inhabit.  The  object  of  Spain,  in  respect 
to  ihe  northwest  coast,  was  settlement — permanent 
occupation.  The  object  of  Great  Britain  was  com- 
merce, tratfic,  transient  occupation.  Tested  by  the 
princi]ilea  I  have  stau;d,  I  cannot  hesitate  to  con- 
sider the  Spanish  title  to  the  northwest  coast  of 
America,  which  has  of  late  been  so  much  dispar- 
aged, as  vesting  in  us  rights  which  are  unimpeach- 
able. 

1  said  at  the  commencement  of  my  remarks  that 
one  of  my  objects  was,  to  defend  the  Spanish  title, 
by  slating  the  historical  facts  on  which  it  rests.  1 
have  performed  the  task  which  I  allotted  to  myself. 
I  will  only  add  that,  with  what  I  have  said,  I  am 
content,  so  tar  as  1  am  concerned,  to  leave  the  whole 
question  where  it  now  is,  in  the  hands  of  the  Ad- 
minislration,  relying  on  iis  liriniiess  anil  its  sense 
of  rectiiiide  to  sustain  our  just  rights,  and  to  respect 
the  just  risrhts  of  others. 

So  conscious  is  Gieai  Britain  of  ihe  invalidity  of 
her  title,  that  she  does  not  venture  to  as.sert  a  right 
to  the  exclusive  sovereignty  of  any  portion  of  the 
territory.  In  182(1  she  claimed  only  a  riirht  of  joint 
occupancy,  in  common  with  other  powers;  but 
denied  the  right  of  exclusive  diiininioii  in  the  Uni- 
ted Stales.  While  insisting  that  she  was  entitled 
"10  place  her  claims  at  least  upon  a  parity  with 
lho.se  of  the  United  .States, "she  has  constantly  re- 
fused to  divhlc  the  territory  at  the  49th  parallel  of 
latitude,  ihe  boundary  between  lierand  us  from  the 
Lake  of  the  Woods  to  the  Rocky  mountains — a 
line  which  would  have  severed  the  coast,  and  the 
country  in  iiiiniciliate  contiguity  with  it,  into  two 
parts  so  nearly  eqiuil,  as  to  leave  her  no  reasonable 
ground,  even  on  the  score  of  lui  equitable  division, 


< 


[Feb.  19, 
Senate. 


inferred  lnra;e 
1  Id  thnciiiin- 
liidoeil,  tlii'HP. 
icessinn,  ovrii 
t  of  diiiiiiiiii. 
mere  right  iif 
inut  till'  priv- 
il  ill  OiTu'iiii; 
ilie  Coin|miiy 
U  on  il  in  rr- 
lon  HuiUoii*fl 

lien  of  taking 
^liton  on  till! 
nit  of  Pucn — 
pil  innumlicr- 
•iHliy  IIS  those 
(iiniianicil  hy 
III  were  in  di- 
oflicera  were 

I,  in  the  first 
:  SpiiniHil  litUi 
regard  nil  iit- 
iinil  oliHoli'lP, 
lerni  viiws  nt 
y  to  ynii,  sir, 
<;heat  I'lciiient 
wn  uiiljrokcii 
paninh  title  to 
with  the  voy- 
by  discovery 
B  by  the  liipse 
;h  US  the  48th 
a  linlf;   and 
of  more  timii 
stood  uniliH- 
aironist  rliiiin 
It   was  coii- 
1    ns   hisjii  as 
;  the  siu'ceed- 
'drd  by  rijrhts 
nlinns,  unless 
iited.     During 
been  suspend- 
the  only  two 
up  a  claim  to 
e  territory  to 
on  of  national 
is  a  nnrrow 
all  the  ri!;or- 
Grcat  prin- 
lly,  am!  ap- 
tioiis  of  tile 
statesmen 
lestiona  of 
ions  of  the 
,  ill  respect 
-permanent 
n  was  com- 
li'd  by  the 
tale  to  con- 
vest  coast  of 
iich  dispar- 
unimpeach- 

remarks  that 
Spiiiiish  title, 
I  it  rests.  I 
d  to  myself, 
.xaiil,  I  nm 
ivc  the  whole 
of  the  Ad- 
nil  its  sense 
lid  to  rcs[)cct 

iiivalidltv  of 
isscrt  a  rliiht 
iriiiiii  of  the 
iirht  of  joint 
lowers;   hut 

in  the  Uni- 
was  eiilillcd 

parity  with 
mstaiiily  re- 
parallel  of 

lis  from  the 
ountaiiis — a 
list,  and  the 

it,  into  two 

I  reasonable 
ble  division, 


•h 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  COI\GRES.SIONAL  GLOBE. 


321 


29tii  Cong 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Dkkinaon, 


Nf.w  ScRiGfl No.  91. 


fur  the  rnntinuancfi  of  a  eonlroversy.  Hei-  desire 
for  territorial  exieiision  in  this  quiiHcr  is  for  llic 
piir|iose  of  CHtahiishini  her  colonial  iliiiiiiiiioii  over 
districts  of  ci  iilrv  borderiiiLC  on  ns,  mid  confniiiii,' 
our  nelllements  within  narrower  liniils.  Our  coii- 
lesl  for  territorial  rights,  which  we  consider  iiiiiis- 
piimlile,  li!is  no  object  but  to  cunhle  our  citizens  to 
extend  tliciiisilves  to  our  ualiiral  boundary — the 
Pacific.  Ilcr  interest  is  rcnioie  and  eonlin<;ciit; 
niirs  is  dirci't  iiiid  certain.  Hers  is  the  interest  of 
n  Suilo  ill  a  disiiint  rniiiitry  which  she  wishes  to 
cnlonize;  ours  is  I  he  interest  of  a  country  in  its  , 
own  proper  territory  and  settleinents.  yiie  is  not 
content  Willi  aolpjeiiiim;  to  her  sway  the  fertile  and 
opulent  rc!;ioiis  of  ilie  Kiisf,  but  she  cmnes  now 
thoiisninlH  of  miles  across  the  ocean  to  dispute  with 
us  the  (loniinion  of  (he  uniiili:ibilcil  wildcniess,  and 
curtail  the  nrcii  for  onr  exjnmsioii.  Willi  the  least 
dlNposllioii  on  her  part  to  lisicii  to  the  8U!;2;es- 
tioiis  of  reason  and  justice,  this  (|iicstion  would 
long  ago  have  been  ."iplilcd  on  the  fair  and  honor- 
nhle  terms  of  eonipromise — niiy,  sir,  on  the  terms 
of  concession — which  we  have  more  than  once 
proposed. 

I  am  sure  that  in  the  course  of  our  Oovernment 
in  relation  to  Greui  Uritaiii,  in  our  negotiations, 
and  ill  the  trcities  which  have  been  forincii  between 
lis,  no  evidence  M-ill  be  found  of  a  ilc5.ire  on  onr 
p:irt  to  eiicroju-h  on  lier  riirhls,  or  to  adjust  any  of 
the  queslions  which  have  arisen  between  us  on 
oilier  terms  than  those  of  justice  and  liberality. 
The  settlcmeni  of  the  northeastern  boundary — one 
of  the  most  delicate  and  dilficult  that  has  ever  arisen 
between  us — nllbrds  n  siriKiu^'  evidencfe  of  our  de- 
sire to  maintain  with  ht-r  the  most  friendly  iindcr- 
Rliimlinjr.  We  ceded  to  her  a  portion  of  territory 
which  she  decmeil  of  vital  iniport;ince  lis  a  menus 
of  iniliiiirv  communication  iietween  the  Canadns 
and  her  Ailtmtic  provinces,  and  which  will  trive  her 
a  ereal  ndvanl.i;;e  in  a  contest  with  ua.  The  meas- 
ure was  .-Histained  by  the  constituted  authorities  , 
of  the  country,  and  I  have  no  desire  or  intention  to 
call  its  wisdom  in  question.  I5tit  it  jiroves  that  we 
were  not  iinwillin;;  to  afl'ord  Great  13rilHin  any  fa-  | 
eiliiy  she  required  for  consolidating,'  her  ^orth  ', 
American  possessions — tictiiiir  in  peace  as  thonj^h  ; 
wnr  was  not  to  lie  expecled  between  the  two  eoun- 
tries.  If  we  had  cherished  any  ambitious  desii^ns  in  ' 
respect  to  thein — if  we  had  had  any  other  wish  than 
that  of  eonliniiing  on  terms  of  amity  with  her  and 
lliein — this  pr.at  military  advantage  would  never 
liave  been  riuicedcd  to  her. 

On  the  other  llaii.l,  I  resret  to  say  that  her  course 
towards  us  has  ijeen  a  course  of  perpetual  encroach- 
ment. HiitjSir,  I  will  not  look  back  upon  wlint  is 
oust  for  the  purpose  of  revivinn:  dislurbins  recol- 
lections. Vi't  I  am  constrained  Irj  say,  that  in  re- 
spect to  l)re!!;oii,  I  consider  her  leirisliuion  as  a  vir- 
'iial  infriiciiiniof  the  coiiveniionsof  1818  and  18'JT. 
By  an  net  of  Parliament  passed  in  182!,  she  has 
extended  the  jurisdiction,  power,  and  iie  'lority  of 
her  courts  of  judicature  in  Upper  Canada  over  ilie 
whole  Inilinn  terrilnry  in  Norlli  America,  "not 
within  her  own  provinces,  or  within  any  civil  ijov- 
ernment  of  the  Liiited  States,"  and  of  course  em- 
braciinr  the  territory  of  Ore;on.  She  has  ^iven 
them  co!;iii7.aiice  of  every  wiMii:;  and  injury  to  the 
person  and  to  property,  real  or  [lersoiiiil,  commit- 
ted within  the  territory',  and  has  ilecinn'd  that  every 
person  whnlsocver  (not  British  siilijects  alone,  but 
every  person  whatsoever)  residing-  in  it  shall  be 
unienable  lo  these  courts.  iNay,  sir,  she  has  au- 
thorized the  Crown  to  esialilish' courts  within  the 
territory  itself,  with  power  to  Iry  eriminni  olfenees 
not  punishable  with  death,  and  also  civil  causes  to 
a  liniiied  aniount — 1  iK'lieve  ^iW) — about  <;i,lllll). 
yiie  has  thus  assumed  to  'xercise  over  this  terri- 
tory one  of  the  liis,'liest  attibutes  of  national  sov- 
erei(;niy — that  ofdecidiniri  pon  rights  of  property 
and  punisliiii!;-  violations  ol  the  eriiniiml  laws  she 
has  extended  over  tlieni.  She  could  hardly  have 
asserted  a  more  absolute  80vcreic;iuy  than  siic  liiia 
done  by  this  unqualified  extension  of  her  laws  and 
the  jurisdiction  of  her  courts  over  n  territory  in 
which  she  admits  that  she  has  no  other  rii;lit  lint 
that  of  a  joint  occujiancy.  I  am  aware  that  she  has 
disavowed  the  intention  of  eiifoiviiii;  her  criminal 
laws  iigaiust  citizens  of  the  United  States,  liiit  if 
Scnator.s  will  turn  lo  the  documents  acconipaiiyin? 
the  President's  ,\|(..ssay;e,  they  will  seel liat  the  I'luil- 
snn's  [!ay  ("ompany  has  a  much  more  siiiiiuiary 
method  of  disposing  of  American  citizens,  who  es-  ■ 

21 


tablish  Ihem.selves  on  the  north  side  of  the  Colum- 
bia, in  the  neiehboi-hund  of  its  s<  liieutiiils,  'i'heir 
condition  is  not  bettered,  if  tins  e\emplioii  from 
the  openiiion  of  the  lirilish  stalule  is  lo  lie  ex- 
i'liaii!;ed  I'or  a  forcible  process  of  ejection  williont 
law. 

Under  these  circunist:iiices,  what  is  the  duty  of 
the  United  Stales.-  As  I  do  iioi  inti'uil  lo  intrude  , 
myself  on  theattenlioi  of  the  Senate  a;,'ain,  without 
absolute  necessity,  on  aiiy  ijuestion  relatiiii;  to tlre- 
;;on,  1  desiro  to  say  now  that  I  shall  vot(!  for  the 
ihitiee  to  terminate  the  coiivenlion  ol'  IWlH,  coii- 
linued  ill  force  by  that  of  iHo; — a  Cdnveiilioii  which 
Great  iiritain  treals  as  rcco.-nisiiii:  a  rii^ht  ot'  joint 
oecupnncy,  but  wliich  has  in  riaiiiy  been  I'oi-  her 
an  exclusive  occupancy  of  the  wiiolc  territory 
north  of  the  Coliimliia.  I  am  in  favor  ol'  extenil- 
iiiiX  the  aiuhorily  of  our  laws  anu  the  jurisdic- 
lion  of  our  conns  m-ertlie  territory;  and  in  doiiii; 
so,  1  would,  while  the  convention  is  in  t'orce,  spe- 
cially except  lirilish  suljects,  and  direct  tliem, 
when  charged  with  iiil'iactions  of  nur  laws,  to  be 
delivered  up  to  the  nearest  lirilish  authorities.  1 
would  make  this  rcservaiinn,  f  u'  iIk^  express  pur- 
pose of  iircventiu'^',  as  t'ar  as  po.-:siiiic,  a  (xmiUct  of 
puisdictioii,  and  !.■  avoid  all  cause  fur  iiuputiu!^  lo 
us  a  disrei^ard  of  treaties,  tir  a  desire  ui  produc^e  col* 
lisioii  or  disai^reemciit  of  any  sm't.  .-11111  in  order 
lo  facilitate  the  extension  ot'  tin-  autliorily  of  the 
Union  over  our  t'eilow  cili/i'iis  in  tiiat  remote  dis- 
trict of  onr  couiiiry,  and  to  remove,  as  far  as  po.s- 
siljle,  the  obstaeli-s  to  a  more  free  and  clKcieiit  in- 
tercourse between  us  and  iiiein,  I  would  c'.ialiliwh 
at  once  a  chain  of  mitit;iry  posis,  wiili  competent 
garrisons  aiirl  ariuamenls,  I'roin  liic  i-.uiotesi  iia\  i- 
i;alilc  waters  which  llow  into  iio->  .Mississippi,  to 
tlie  eastern  face  of  the  Uoeky  mounlaiiis,  stopping 
there  so  loni;  lis  the  conventimi  coiniiuies  in  i'orce. 
IJiity,  lioiior,  policy — all  demand  liiese  measures 
at  our  hands  :  ami  I  triisi  tliey  will  be  executed 
with  prom|ititude  and  decision.  i 

Will  these  measures  produce  war  ?     I  cannot  be-    , 
lieve  that  they  will.     1  ciniiot  believe  ii,  because  i| 
they  furnish  no  just  {.'round  of  provoaition.     The 
right  to  give  the  noiicc  is  reserved  by  treaty.     The 
right  of  extending  our  laws  over  Oregon  is  a  ri;;ht 
similar  to  that  wiiicli  (Treat  IJritain  has  already 
exercised  for  a  rpiarier  of  a  eentiirv.  The  establish- 
ment of  a  chain  of  posts  to  the  Ilocky  mountains 
wholly  within  our  own  territory,  invades  no  riglu 
in  others.    It  has  been  inferred,  from  an  expression  i 
in  a  public  documeiil,  that  there  is  danger  of  an  im-  n 
mediate  war,  and  that  a  sudden  blow  may  beslriick.  'I 
Sir,  1  cannot  believe  it.  \  war  waL,-ed  against  us  on 
account  ofany  one  or  all  of  the  measures  referred  to,  i 
would  be  a  war  of  plain,  unmixed  aggression.    No 
nation,  in  the  present  age,  could  emiiark  in  such  a   , 
contest,  without  drawing  llow  11  upon  herself  the  eon- 
demiiation  of  nil  civilized  ciaiiiuunities.    She  would  , 
find  herself  Ojiposcd  and  reslrained  by  public  opin- 
ion, wlijch,  in  our  day,  rules  the  conduct  of  nalions 
more  powerfully  than  the  arm  of  force.     1  hold, 
therefore,  immediaie  war  to  be  out  of  the  question. 
Norcan  eventual  war  take  place,  unless  tli  >  a'  a- 
lion  of  our  just  ri-,'lits  shall  be  forcibly  resc-- 
liiit  1  will  not  venture  to  p-.iss  juilgmeiit  on  what  the 
I'lUure  may  bring  forth,     (.'oili.-'ions  may  grow  out 
of  these  measures — collisions  ripening,  ilirongh  iii- 
llucnees  and  eveiils  w  iiii-li  we  may  be  imalile  to    ' 
control,  into  open  warfare.     1   should   deeply  dc- ;] 
plore  such  a  result.     The  iiUeresis  of  hiunanity,  'I 
great  principles  of  political  righi,  ,self-govcriiiiienl, 
t'rcedoin,  inilividual  rights,  all  sillier  when  the  voice 
of  the  law  is  silenced  by  the  tiiniull  of  war.     ''/a- 
lernrmu  siknt  In'cs,"  is  an  adage,  of  the  Irulli  of 
which  history  has  furnished  too  -uany  falal  proofs. 
I  would  do  much  lo  avert  such  a  • .  i  mtity.  I  would 
do  anything  iiol  iiicoiisivitent  with  llie  pulilic  honor, 
to  avoid  a  contest  wliieli  would   lie  disa.striius  to 
both  parties,  no  matter  what  should  be  its  linal  issue. 
Ihit  lieyond  this  I   never  call  go.     And  if  exemp- 
tion from  war  can  only  be  purchased  by  a  surren- 
der of  our  just   rights,  I  cannot  consent  lo  make 
the  imrchase.     Ikit  if  war  cannot  bo  averted,  I 
'rust  we  shall  not  commit  ilie  gn'at  error  of  uiider- 
V  lining  our  adversary.     W^ith  srnue  opportunity 
of  observing  the  con'dilion  of  Great  Britain  near 
nt  hand,  I  ha\e  no  hesilation   in  saying  that  she 
was  never  capable  of  L'realer  ellbrts  than  she  is  at 
the  present  moinent.     1  know  that  her  in  .rdinate 
distension  contains  within  itself  an  element  of  vi- 
tal weakness.     It  is  not  in  tin  order  of  h'linan  so- 


ciety that  so  extended  n  dominion  should  remain 

loiiL'  luiiirokcu.  lint  I  have  not  yet  been  able 
to  ileteet,  in  the  coiidilioii  of  her  body  politic, 
tlie  unerring  syinptoms  of  that  decay  which  pre- 
cedes and  work.-i  mil  the  dissolution  of  empires. 
.She  has  great  abuses  lo  sirugiric  against.  The 
.'"ienatm-  from  Ohio  lias  well  and  giaiihically  de- 
scribed them.  She  has  enormous  burdens  to  sua- 
laiii ;  but  she  has  great  streiutth  to  bear  them. 
I  ler  soldiers  are  not  like  lliose  of  Rome  in  her  lat- 
ter days,  enervated  in  viiTor  and  relaxed  in  dis- 
cipline. Von  will  lind  tin  in  inevery  uuarlerof  the 
i;lo'ie,  uiiiler  the  fiery  heat  of  the  equator,  and 
amid  the  frosis  of  the  arctic  cinlc,  hraviii!,'  the  elc- 
mcnls,  and  selling  danger  and  toil.  In  cvi-ry  form, 
at  defiaiii'e.  Bui,  sir,  1  prelend  not,  wiili  my  nar- 
row foresi;;lit,  to  limit  into  the  fiilure.  It  i.s  pos- 
sible lli,-it  her  liiinr  may  be  near  iil  hand.  But  wc 
know  that  the  last  s'  I'urgle  ol'  tla^  slionu'  man  is 
alway.-^  the  must  desperale,  andsomelimes  the  most 
dangerous  to  the  antagonist  who  has  brought  liim 
lo  ilie  ground. 

1  say  this  in  no  spirit  of  timidity.  I  say  it  in 
a  spirit  of  prudent  foreeasi — wilii  the  de.iire  that 
we  may  go  into  ihe  conii-si,  if  il  shnll  come,  with 
the  assurance  that  we  have  to  deal  with  a  strong 
adversary  and  notn  weak  one;  and  ihiit  onr  prep- 
aration may  be  cotiiniensut-ale  wiili  the  means  of 
oll'enee  lo  which  we  shall  lie  eX|ioscd,  I  have  no 
doubt  of  ourabilily  both  lo  defend  ourselves,  and 
10  give  back  elfective  blows  in  rclurn.  AVe  were 
never  so  strong  ns  wo  arc  nt  the  |)resent  moment: 
strong  ill  our  position,  siroii'.i:  in  our  means,  strongs 
in  llie  spirit  and  ein-rgy  of  our  people.  Our  tle- 
feni-eless  coiidilion  has  been  gi-eally  overetateil. 
We  have  been  told  that  our  coast  is  denuded.  I 
have  lutird,  wlieilier  on  this  tloor  or  elsewhere  I 
do  not  know,  that  there  is  srarcelv  a  gun  mounted 
for  the  defence  of  the  commercial  metropolis  of 
my  own  State.  There  cannot  be  a  greater  error. 
There  are  hundreds  of  gnus,  of  heavy  calibre,  ill 
the  city  of  New  York,  ready,  at  llie  ver;  hour  in 
which  1  speak,  to  receivean  as.-iailant,  and  !\h 
many  more,  which  enn  be  placed  in  position  in 
an  emergency,  and  U  independently  of  guns 
afloat.  In  thirly  days  I  believe  the  city  miglit  bo 
rendered,  witli  a  skilful  engineer,  and  with  the 
means  which  might  be  il.ieed  at  his  cmnmnnd, 
]irepareit — well  prepareu — aL'ainst  a  maritime  as- 
sault. But,  sir,  I  turn  away  from  all  these  fore- 
bodings of  evil.  I  have  confidence  in  the  cnntiu- 
uanee  of  peace.  I  belii-ve  the  good  sense  of  both 
countries  will  revolt  at  a  contest  which  can  bring 
no  good  to  cither,  and  secure  an  adjiis-iicnt  of 
existing  diffieiiltics  on  terms  honorable  to  both. 
Such  is  my  cunvietiou.  Hut,  .sir,  if  I  am  deceiv- 
ed, llicn  1  have  only  lo  say  that,  while  1  would  he 
constrained  by  noi'hing  but  overruling  iicce.<siiv 
Intake  up  the  sword,  yei,  if  the  necessity  slmll 
come,  I  trust  we  shall  never  consent  to  lay  itdowr. 
until  the  rights  and  the  honor  of  the  coniiiry  shall 
liuvc  been  fully  vimlicaled. 


OREGON  (QUESTION 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  DirKINSON, 

OF   SKW  YORK, 
Iv  Tin;  Senate,  Februanj  •2i,  184fi. 
On  the   Resolution  for  termiiialiicr  the  joint  occu- 
pancy of  Oregon. 

Mr.  DICKINSON  rose  and  addressed  the  Si>n- 
iile  .111  the  special  order  of  tin-  day— the  joint 
ri  solulion  of  iioiice,  and  the  nmcinlnients  llicietu. 
He  spoke  as  follows: 

Mr.  Piik.siui-.nt:  The  question  wliieli  I  am  now 
about  to  discuss,  in  some  of  its  most  interesting 
and  iinportaiil  relations,  is  one  which  deeply  con- 
cerns the  well-being  of  our  pnloic.d  and  social  sy.s- 
tem.  Tlmiurh  apparently  confined  to  an  extensive 
region  of  country  on  our'wistern  bordm-,  il  spre;«ls 
f'ar  beyond  where  liumaii  vision  can  penetrate,  and 
rises  above  all  physical  cousidcralioiis.  To  under- 
stand it  adei|iiatelv  in  all  its  bearings,  and  enable 
ourselves  to  judge  of  it  dispassionately  according 
to  its  great  iiierits,  it  is  necessary  we  should  trace 
back  llie  pathway  of  civilization,  and  learn  sonu- 
thiiig  of  the  action  and  motives  of  those  connected 
with  its  earliest  history.     Towards  the  close  of 


'■I  m 


M 


r)-25j 


AFPEINDIX  TO  THK  C<>\CiUKS.SI()i\AL  GF.OBK. 


!i9TH  CONO IST  Sk.SS. 


r 


the  fitle^nlli  ccnliiiy,  wu  llml  ilio  I'liitiiBiu.vuuii-  ; 
piprd  in  rxiimiiiiiiK  lli>> '"""'  "'  AlVli a  in  a  wmili-  ; 
rrly  nml  nmn  ily  ilimiii'ii,  Jii  llit  lii'iie  oi'  fiiidiug  j 

II  |ln»!<ai,'i'  I"  i'"^  ''"'"> '""•  '"  w'"' ''  'li'j;  "I'l" 

MiiMiiilal'il  l>y  IIh!  IJiill  111'  1'm|"  Ni'linl'i"  V'.,  ns- 
Ki:;nin:;  l"  lln'in  Ihr  rii;lUij  '>(  iiMii|niiU,  .-.uvcri  i;;ii- 
Iv'^aiiil  '""I'l  ivilimni'lvi  ill  I'uL'aii  Inmln  wliirli 
ilii-V  ii>ii:l'l  ilisi'owr  in  llial  ilii'ii'linii;  anil  atU'i'  lliu  . 
rriiirn  I't'  I 'I'luniliiiti  tVinii  In"  IIi'hI  Miya^r,  the 
iiiiilccl  KOVfiiisiirt  lit  .S|iaiii  iililanioil  a  IiIm-  aiiJuiri- 
IV(  ti'iini  I'lipe  Alt'Xaiiiiri'  VI.,  I'nr  M  IiuiiIh  iiiiiI 
kI-hn  wlin'li  ilii'y  iiii;;lil  dis.-nvn'  in  lUr  ^^l■^l,  nul 
l><'tiiM'diM''iivtri'il  111'  iMCu|iiiil  liv  aCliiiiiliaji  iiriiici- 
nr  |ico|.lt'.  l/'mUr  lliis  i  xirauiiliiiary,  liiii  al  llial 
time  rdMisjiiitiiMl  aiiiliia'iiy,  thu  simivi^'iiMit  Siuini 
nml  ilie  km:;  <'t  I'iiiiiiu'al — '**"  '  I'llit  miaU'si  inn- 
ritniir  PowcVM  of  Kiinp|ii— iVaiiuil  wliai  llu:y  wiTi! 

|ilt:iscil   Id  c-aJI  ll |piiiiiiiiiii  ol'  llir  .i.iaii,"  liy 

ilnuMii;:  a  iiiii' ;nu  l>vii,'Ui  s  wini  ,i|'  lin'  t'a(ic  iJr 
Vrril  iiniaiKlK;  and  as.^i^iit'il  all  iliai  |i<ii'1imii  iiI'  tlit' 
irliilip  I'liNt  lit'  ll  til  riH>n;;al,  and  llial  uiHt  ul'it  tii 
Simin.  Tin'  ^lll•l•l'l's  v(  I'liliinil'iid  !■  iii  lu  .Sjiain  an 
I'Xtraiirdiiiai'y  nliiiinl>i--t,  wliali  .-.iiu:;lii  I'.i  iIi.'mIii|i- 
mem  in  "iMimH|iliiial  (Iikchvi  i y,  iirii.iinal  .ii.'i|iiiM- 
liiin,  iiikT  till'  |iiiini"iiini  "l'  pliyMcal  waMicr,  and 
fveii  ill  indiil'mn;  a  iimiliid  hiiimthihiihi  in  llit 
la-osei'iitiiiiiiit'its  idle  vas;aii. f^.  In  laliJ  rma  r  di- 
i.pon,  a  .S|)iini:u-d  ul'  Inilli  and  I'liiuiiii',  in  llnvi' 
M'ssHs,  tiltrd  oiu  nl  liin  mvil  ts|irnm',  w  Ink-  cruis- 
ins  among  the  iiewly-disioyend  inlands,  seeking 
lor  tlinl  s|ii'iiig  so  liini;  dcsii'id  by  llie  Diii'iuals, 
which  wm  to  endue  with  |peiiiiuiat  yiniili  all  wlm 
liallied  ill  its  walein,  d'.s.  oveifd  I'loiida.  llalliiia, 
Oovei-nor  of  .Simla  Alalia,  a  .Si«iiiisli  I'olony  mar 
Darien,  whilsi  .senirliing  for  an  oi-iaii  in  tin-  \ve:ii 
whose  bIioitm  lie  lielievcd  lo  lie  |.au'd  Willi  mild, 
al'ler  much  snil'eriiig,  priiaiiom  and  fuligiie,  din- 
covered  the  l'ai;ilie,  and,  inlirnii;  into  Ms  waters, 
proclaimed,  with  milsinlclied  swoid,  that  he  look 
possession  in  the  naiiie  of  Ins  kiiij;  and  inasler. 

In  15SJ0,  MMf:iliaii,a  I'mtutiucse  in  the  service  , 
of  Spain,  discoveieil  the  straits  bearitig  his  name, 
Ihrouirli  which  he  sailed  inlo  the  ocean  disioveiod  |l 
liy  Balboa,  and  which  lie  iianitd  the  I'aeilic,  hy 
ri'a-ii  n  of  its  peaceful  ln^soin.  Alioiii  this  lime 
Mexico,  which  was  disco\ered  in  IJIM,  was  con- 
fpiered,  and  Sjiaiii  liti  inie  the  v.  callliiesi  naliou  ol 
I'iiiroiie,  and  prosecund  for  a  lime  Inr  disc.oveiies 
ixp!oraiiiiiis,'aiid  comiueBi.s,  pariiculmly  uiion  tja 
western  const  of  Niirili  Aiiierici.  From  llie  lime 
of  the  discovery  of  iliis  ocean  up  to  ISlU,  Air.  U. 
said  he  had  collected  fniiii  all  lliiv  sources  within 
his  reach  a  connected  hi.^'lory  of  '.lie  title  to  the  i' 
Oregon  territory.  ll  would,  however,  occupy 
more  time  thuil  he  liad  ttlloUed  to  liiniself  on  tins  .., 
occasion  to  go  through  thai  liisiory  in  detail;  and 
he  had  ureal  plensme  in  passiiii;  over  it,  smce  the  ^ 
able  and  excellent  coiumeiiiary  on  ilmt  brunch  of; 
ilie  subject  by  his  colleague,  [Mr.  IJix  J  He  would 
llierefo're  content  himself  wiih  litile  more  than  a 
mere  allusion  lo  n  few  liistoncal  lads,  not  fur  the 
purpose  of  imciiig  ilie  history,  liui  of  preseming 
the  points  from  which  Ins  liediiiiinns  w.nild  be 
drawn.  To  (Jl  such  as  were  kind  enough  lo  lisini 
to  Ills  remarks,  and  who  .should  honor  liim  by  read- 
ing any  report  of  tbeiii,  he  would  say  llial  Im  should 
reli'ne  them  of  all  iiilerciices  as  lo  cuiiclnsuiiis;  and, 
liieref.ire,  when  speaking  nf  Oregon,  he  desired  to 
be  undeiiilood  as  speakiiii^  of  that  region  of  cnuji- 
try  bonlering  on  the  Pacific,  bounded  on  tin-  south 
by  lainnde  40°,  and  on  the  north  by  54'-'  41)'.  He 
intended  to  show  clearly  what  wire  the  rights  of 
the  respective  parties;  and  not  believing  thai  any 
t'hri.stian  iialion,  luiich  less  England,  would  go  tii 
war  for  even  a  profitable  «  roiig,aiid  mil  nropo.iiiig 
to  give  up  a  rignt  if  she  shoiilil,  he  should  discuss 
the  r|iirsiioii  with  the  .same  freedom  as  though  it 
were  the  ciistuin  of  nations  to  resort  to  a  court  of 
jusiiep  for  their  uWiiitii  viKio,  instead  of  the  field  of 
battle. 

Territory  mi"ht  be  nc(|iiired  by  a  nation  in  va- 
rious ways,  and,  among  others,  by  treaty,  by  coii- 
qiieal,  by  discovery,  or  by  contiguity,  'i'reaiy  and 
conquest  explained  ihemselveH.  Ui.scovery,  in  its 
general  sense,  was  described  as  follows,  in  a  ircatise 
on  international  law,  by  Marten,  I'rofcssor  of  Lav/ 
in  the  University  of  lioiiineen; 

"  From  the  intiliii-llt  il  iiulmn  han  token  iinniiedsiiiii  of  ii 
territory  in  riRlit  iiI'  Ursi  occii|m'i.  unit  witli  llie  dt'...i|.'ii  ui 
entabli>h  tlieiiirielveM  tlicre  f'lr  ttie  liltun-,  ttiey  ticeoiiie  tlie 
aljniilulc  uiiil  uoIe  pruprietiirM  iit'  it,  iinil  till  ihii't  it  cniii.iins  ;  . 
mi'l  liaie  n  right  to  exclude  nil  lalier  nilliiillM  Iroin  il.  in  ii«i,. 
,1, niirt  ilMpo9p otii  a«  ttiey  rhiiik  iiropcr  :  iirn\iili'il.  iKa^i-ver,    . 


The  Ungon  (^uealion — i)li\  UkL'tiuon. 

tliiii  they ilo  n»l|  In  unywiM, chcroiuli  im Uiu  riglita  uloUmr 

iiitiiiiiii." 

"'I'lic  cn»i.  1^  Inn  mile  illltirciil,  htnrlly  ^piiikinB,  when, 
In  riKlit  111  Icmmiintc  ciiiii|iti.^t,  it  ntuion  i,i'i/,f'rt  on  a  (crritnry 
v.'liirii  i.4  ceiti'it  III  It  111  nil.  pi'ncc." 

.Mr.  IJ.  said,  It  IS  a  general  principle  that  the 
dis.'inery  of  the  leading  giogr.i|iliical  I'caturcs  of 
u  lernlofy  is  .i  discovery  of  the  whole.  The  ilis- 
covi  ry  of  a  iivcr,  eiilicr  of  Us  iiinnth  or  lieiul- 
wiiier'a,  is  a  discovery,  not  of  the  ruer  merely, 
but  III'  the  terrilory  driiiiied  by  It;  and  if  the  leiri- 
tury  lime  natural  or  fiolitical  boundaries,  the  ili.'- 
covery  embraces  the  entire  re..'ioii  limited  by  iln  in. 
ill  this  case  the  poliiiciil  lioimdanis  nf  the  terri- 
tory lieiiig  delined,  no  i|iiesiiiiii  can  nrisn  on  that 
point;  and  Me  Inue  therefore  only  to  mldri'iiH  onr- 
.scIm's  to  the  i|iiestion  of  the  title  to  the  particular 
Mciiiin  of  coiiiiirv.  Coiiligiilly  inny  come  in  aid 
of  discovery;  and  when  the  ilisrovcred  lerritory 
is  coinignoiis  to  the  possessions  iil'  ihi,>|.  nnildng 
it,  the  title  is  thereby  Hti'enL'lhened,  mid  dinciuiry 
of  an  inferior  clninictcr  will  be  snlllcieiil.  Kveii 
I'ontignity  \\  ill  curry  a  title  wiihout  diaeovery,  if 
the  pi)s.sessiuii  of  the  ii-rrilory  be  iiece8.«ary  to  the 
iiitercKl  and  ciiuveiiieiic''  ol'  ihe  ailjacent  power, 
and  no  oilier  power  will  I.e  pi  i  milled  to  take  pos- 
sessjiiii.  lender  these  '.'cneriil  rules,  the  law  of 
iiaiions — a  code  which  experience  has  suggested, 
and  vcligiun,  morality,  and  ci\'ili/;iiioii  have  a[i- 
proieit— assigns  the  iirriiory  lo  the  tiovernmcol 
which  shall  discover  il  as  the  rewind  of  its  enter- 
prise. .\or  does  a  sulisei]neiit,  more  perfect,  and 
ninnite  discoveiy  supersede  the  first.  The  fiisi 
discovery,  alilioii;li  il  may  not  be  miiuitu  and 
coinpleli — alllioiigli  il  may  not  ascenaiii  all  the 
geographical  featines  of  ihe  coiiniry — yet,  if  il 
have  asci  riaintd  the  leading  Icatiires,  thru  it  is  a 
discovery  of  the  ciiiinlry,  and  carries  with  il  all 
the  advantages  of  a  peril d  discnvery.  Though 
occupaiioii  should  follow,  ii  need  iinl  immediutely 
succeed  di.s.overy.  I!ut  then  iiiiisi  be  an  intent 
to  follow  lip  the  discovery  by  occvipnliiin.  It  is  a 
i|uesiioii  ol'  iiileni — of  gnod  i'aith.  And  thai  ques- 
tioii  musi  be  seliled  by  an  i  xannnalioii  of  the  mo- 
tives and  intentions  of  the  parly,  as  far  as  they 
ran  be  uscerlaineil;  and  hence  the  idlusion  to  the 
cii'cuinsliinces  which  prec<i|id  the  discovery  of 
this  territory,  ll  is  nol  cnntended  that  Ihe  Papal 
anthorily  conferred  any  title.  IJiit  il  was  nl  tliat 
lime,  and  wiili  that  people,  recognised  as  an lliori- 
ty — as  the  highest  authority  in  Kurope,  and  there- 
fore shows  tlinl  in  discoveriiig,  exploring,  and 
taking  possession,  they  believed  they  had  title, 
and  iniended  to  occupy;  and  alllioiigh'it  is  no  title 
of  itself,  il  conies  in  aid  of,  and  liiriifics  the  title 
by  discovery — shows  that  llie  di.Hcu\ery  was  not 
aciideiital,  bat  llitil  every  movemeiit  relating  to  it 
was  the  positive  and  etficient  act  of  .lovcreignly. 
In  no  in.flance  from  ihe  jieriod  when  the  Spanish 
first  landed  on  its  shores — from  the  first  expedition 
aiilhori/.cd  by  the  Governnieni — was  there  an  act 
except  under  its  authority  and  sanclion,  A.s  early 
as  1,")43,  the  exploration  ot'  the  coast  was  coin- 
nieiiceti  with  tlie  view  of  exercising  sovereignty 
over  the  territory.  The  fust  large  expedition 
winch  ihi  y  plaimi  d  was  in  1,1411;  bin  by  reason  of 
a  nimiiiy  in  the  Mexican  provinces,  it  tailed.  The 
next  was  in  I.'i43,  by  l-'eirelo,  who  ex)i|oi'cd  as 
fiir  north  n.i  43'-*.  The  next  was  by  Jiinn  de  Kuca, 
who  discovered  the  straits  which  imw  bear  his 
name,  in  l.V.I'j,  As  this  voyaire  and  iliis  discovery 
had  been  ipiesiioiicd,  he  would  produce  ,in  author- 
ity whii'h  he  triisicd  would  not  be  disputed  by  any 
who  advocated  iho  ilrilish  title  on  this  or  the  other 
side  of  the  water.  The  aiilhorily  to  which  he  re- 
ferred was  the  /.iiiii/iim  (iiiiirlr)iij  lierirw  for  181(1. 
In  speaking  of  this  lerritory,  and  of  the  voyage 
of  De  l-'iica,  the  reviewer  remarks  as  follows; 

"  Iliii  rciil  name  wa*  .Apn^lnlns  VajcriiimiH.  The  s-tMry 
mill  ll,  Ml.  .Miclinel  i.nk.  cunsnl  tin  tile  Tiirki-y  iiicrehiiiit'^ 
Rt  Alcpjiii,  wiw  «  pluiii  and  no  dinilit  a  Inn-  nun — lliiit  lie  whu 
ptiiiiiliTcd  ill  a  .Msiiillu  Rliipull'Cupe  ('aliliuiiin  by  one  run- 
dl>ll.  (('iivciidi.<t),  Willi  HIlltcH  his  IihcIiih  liiiiiul  a  Clrevk  pilot 

ill  I r  tlic  ship,! ''    plundered.)  an  Kiitilisiitn.iii ;  thnt  he 

wiH  jilt'TWard^  M'lii  hy  tlic  \'icerny  nf  .Mexico  to  iliseover 
the  ?^ir;iit  nl' Aninil,  lull  nninfi  to  u  iiiiitiiiy  In  tlie  hqlliiilnin, 
he  nliinieil;  timt  in  l.V,l*J  la-  win*  ni^iiiii  sent  on  itiin  di^- 
covirj;  iliiu  lie  entered  11  Mtrait  lii'tueni  i;-'  iind  -IH'  oi'  l.it- 
iltid'Mind  snilcil  nlKivi-  twenty  diiys  in  a  lirotid  .-ii  ii ;  and  lliiit, 
oppti^i'il  hy  savnueii  elotlieil  in  nkin.!.  lie  relumed  to  .Acn- 
piilco.  'I'tii.  lati.  liifihiip  iit'Sutisliury.  latli'-r  tiidl.-tcret'Uy,liaii 
pr.MejiiiM'cd  lias  \tory  ul'  He  Fiica  '  llic  lalaiciil  iinponinrc;* 
I'or  Ilif  ink  w.'W  seaiceiy  thy  which  Ir.'iii-milliil  to  imalerity 
this  hti-ty  opinion,  wlicii  liic  :*triiil  nml  the  waviiiies  were 
rP''i>'jnihcd  Ity  Mriirc''  and  other-,  in  tlie  very  sjiol  pointed 

out    hy  the  oill  (Jrceli   pilot,  to   wl 1   llloihTII  JJfOUt lipllcri* 


(Feb.  «4, 

SCNATE. 


1  have  nndrii'il  lurdy  Ju^nc,  liy  unlgiiiiiij  tuUic  attull  Iw  dl»- 
COVITi'd  llic  niiiiiA  ol' Jii.oi  ,/c  /'hi. I." 

Tliissviuahighif  noliiei lusiio  authority, pub- 
lished ill  London  ihirly  ytai's  ago,  under  the  eye 
of  the  Ih'ilish  .MiiiLsiry,  where  it  would  liavc  been 
corrected,  doubtless,  if  erroneons;  for  in  all  lliiil 
relaled  to  her  foieign  policy  Uieut  Urilain  had  nu 
divisioiiH. 

Mext  WHS  ihc  expfUition  of  Viscnino,  in  1(103. 
Tie  e.xiiloied  as  liir  as  4.'P,  and  then  sailed  for 
Alailriil,  lor  the  purpose  nf  oblaiiniig  liberty  lo  I'C- 
liirii  and  establish  scilli'ineniii  and  gairisuns  upon 
the  territory,  lie  obtained  tins  authority  and  re - 
liii'iicd,  having  been  promised  by  .Spam  means  lo 
sustain  the  sellleiiictitii  which  he  .should  make, and 
died  III  lliUc<,  as  he  was  abiiiil  eiili  ring  upon  his 
eiilerprisc.  I'"riim  alioiii  this  lime,  however,  Spain 
('or  lie. Illy  ll  century  and  a  half  suspended  the  fur- 
ther prosecution  ot'  her  v.xploratioiis  and  discover- 
ies. .She  w',is  then  torn  by  intestine  broils  and 
cabinet  intrigues,  and  was  at  war,  at  times,  with 
alino.si  every  nation  of  li'.mope.  I!ul  after  the  pence 
ol' 17(>3  her  enerL'ies  revived,  and  she  resumed  the 
exploriilion  of  the  coast;  and  for  the  piirnose  of 
doing  !!o  wilb  gi'i-anr  vigor, and  exleiidiiis  lier  set 
tlemenis,  a  disinict  department,  called  the  Marine 
Uepariiiieiit  of  .'■•an  Ijla.s,  was  esiablislicd  in  .Mex- 
ii-o,  which  was  especially  cb.irged  with  discovering, 
exploiing,  and  taking  pes  "ssion  of  lliis  territory 
on  the  northwesl  coast,  show  ing  her  conli'lited  de- 
lerininalioii  to  mnintain  her  position,  which  had 
not  been  changed  there  from  lG03to  1774,  no  oilier 
Powi'r  having  set  up  any  claim  or  made  any  jire- 
leiisiim  whatever  to  any  portion  thereof.  At  lliis 
lime  Perez  iinderlooK  his  voyai-e,  charged  to  pro- 
ceed IIS  far  as  (HP,  and  lo  explore  the  coast.  Ha 
reached  as  high  us  54^^,  and  anchored  in  the  bay 
ufierwai'ds  asccrtaiiad  to  be  Nootka. 

Ill  177;')  lleceta  and  Clundm  were  directed  to  ihn 
(iOlli  parallel,  and  llieiice  to  explore  soiitlnrlv  mid 
,  lake  possession.     Hcccla  made  hind  ai  oU'-',  and 
'  returning  discovered,  but  could  mil  enter,  the  Col- 
umbia.    (Quadra  reached  .'iO",  and  rtturning  ex- 
I  plored  hciween  i!P  and  4^. 

In  1787  Alartiiiez  was  sent  to  ascenaiii  the  cliar- 
ncterof  some  Russian  setilemenis  which  were  form- 
ing near  Prince  William's  Sound,  at  about  (iO°, 
I  which  Spain  seems  to  have  considered  her  limits. 
He  returned  and  repnrlcil  that  such  settlemenla 
were  encruacliinenis  upon  the  Spanish  territory; 
and  it  was  made  the  subject  of  remonstrance  by 
Spain  to  the  Empress  of  tiiissin,  who  returned  for 
luiswer  ihat  she  had  directed  her  subjects  nol  to  en- 
cioacb  upon  any  part  of  "Spanish  America;"' 
proving  that  tliis  great  Power,  holding  adjoining^ 
territory,  recognised  this  as  the  possessions  of 
Spain.  Martinez  learned  lliat  two  llnsaian  ships 
wei-e  fiitiiii-  out,  and,  as  he  uiidersuiod,  destined 
for  Nootka,  and  hence  his  voyage  lo  Nooika,  un- 
der the  orders  of  bis  Goveriimenl,  to  take  absokitn 
pos.session,  and  .■sinbliah  a  settlement,  and  erect  a 
forliticution, which  he  did;  and  while  there  for  ihiB 
purpose  he  seized  and  condemned  the  vessels  oi' 
Aleurcs,  which  diUieiilty  led  to  the  Nooikn  ciinvc 
lion.  About  this  time  the  Cohiinbia,  conimaiideL 
by  Captain  Uray,  of  Uosion,  on  a  trading  voyage 
ill  the  Pacific,  was  permiued  lo  refit  in  the  island 
of  Juan  Fernandez;  and  the  Spntiisholficcrincharge 
of  the  island  was  cashiered  because  he  did  not  seize, 
her  and  her  crew  for  trading  where  Spam  claimed 
the  exclusive  light — iiroving  the  Jealousy  with 
which  ."<|iain  regardeit  iiiiy  eucroachmenls  upon 
ihat  which  she  chnined  before  the  world  as  her 
lawful  pos.session.  Nor  had  any  other  Power  nl 
this  lime  pretended  to  claim  or  exercise  any  juris- 
diction whatever  upon  this  lerritory. 

Spain  had  taken  possession  of  the  whole  coast, 
and  had  exercised  every  act  of  sovereignly  which 
she  wiiB  cnp-ible  of  exercising  over  a  savage  region. 
Her  oHicers  nad  ereilcd  crosses,  performed  masses, 
and  declared  in  the  name  of  the  snveieign  that  they 
took  |>osscssion;  and  if  they  did  not  execute  a  com- 
plete chart  of  the  const  and  lerritory,  all  the  lead- 
ing features  were  defined  and  had  been  named   by 
the  directions  of  the  Spanish  Government,  who, 
believing  thai  il  was  improper  lo  bestow  the  names 
of  persons  upon  localities,  had  almost  exhausted 
the  names  of  llic  saints  in  her  calendar.     In  l.'^ltlU 
I    she  held  Louisiana,  and  lliis  whole  territory  was 
■'  contiguous  to  her  Loinsinna,  Mexico, and  (Jalifor- 
'■    Ilia  pos.sessiou.s.     Tins,  then,  was  the  title  of  .Spain 
;    in  IWHI;  havniij  discovered  every  leading geogniphi- 


J 


■  s 


nbcjut  tiOO, 
her  linilis. 
pettleineniH 
icrritory; 
ismince  by 
■turned  for 
•ctsiiiHlo  en- 
Aiiiejicii;"' 

IKljliillill!^ 

tssesRioiis  of 
iissian  sliips 
III,  (IcKtiiied 
'ootku,  tiii- 
ikn  absolute 
»ii(l  erect  a 
II' le  for  thiB 

vessels   I'!' 
ikacimvc'. 
•oimmuideL 
liiis;  voyiiRe 

llie  island 
■er  in  charge 
did  not  seize. 
nil)  eliiiincd 
lonsy  witli 
inenta  njion 

■111  us  Iter 
■r  I'liwer  nt 
i;  any  juri.s- 

vbole  const, 
iijnty  which 
vase  region, 
nieu  masses, 
ffn  ihiit  they 
iciitc  a  coni- 
iill  the  lund- 

iiHined  by 
imcnl,  who, 
,'  the  iinmeH 

cxlmusicd 
r.  In  18UU 
;rritiiry  was 
and  Calilur- 
itle  of  K|):iin 
js;eoi;raphi- 


H46.1 


I 


f 


aOiic  CoNo 1st  Skss. 


APPi:iNDIX  TO  Tin:  COINC.Ur-SSIOiN  M,  (JI,OnK. 

'/%'■  Oregon  (•Question — Mr.  Diclcimnn. 


SM 


Sr.NATI!. 


ral  I'ealnre  ii'  llin  eonniry — Imvinc;  e\pliinM)  It — 
proeliiinied  liersnverei^rnly  nter  it — fxpelliil  others 
fV'ini  it,  iiMil  hi'viii!;  pliiiiMl  liersclf  in  a  poNJlion 
bifore  the  wnilil  aH  lis  (tovenior  by  the  exercise 
of  e\ery  poHsiblf  art  of  »iivircii;iily  short  nfiictiial 
on'iifiailoii,  which  nt  that  ilay  was  iniiirai'licable, 
111  IHIIIt  Spain  tnii  sfirieil  LoniNiana  to  [''niin'r  with 
iiniletiiwd  western  bouiHlnries,  and  llitls  rested  the  ■ 
•SpniiiKii  title  III  th.it  lime. 

The  elai'ii  of  i.nr  Uovernini  nl  was  as  follows  ; 

In  HMH,  t 'i-My  and  Kenilrn  k,  of  lloalon,  iiniler 
nea  lettei-M  front  Congress,  went  upon  tt  trndilif; 
voyin;e  lo  the  Faciiic  ( iray  ilisconreil  the  (Joliiin- 
bin,  but  emihi  not  enter  it. '  Until  entered  iinil  sail- 
ed in  thi-SinnlN  of  l''ni'a,  wintered  in  Noolkn.and 
s|ieiit  the  tiillowim;  sinniner  there  mid  uloiiij  the 
tieijjhbiiriii'.;  roust.  _  ■ 

In  n!t-i(.'aplaiii  (iray  returned  in  the? hipf'ohiin- 
liin,  and  sailed  np  the  Coliinibiit  twenty  iiiih'S — 
lijiniiiii^  it  iiOer  his  ship. 

In  IMOU  Kmnce  t'^aiisferred  In  r.nr  Cinveniineiit 
T.iiiiisiaiia,  with  ttndelineil  westerly  boinidarles,  as 
she  had  received  it  from  Spain;  under  which  traiiH- 
fcr,  as  well  as  the  discnvcry  o''  the  Columbia  by 
r'niiliiin  Ur«y,  this  territory  wiis  rlaiined;  and  Mr. 
Jelierson,  under  the  authority  of  (;on!;iess  in  |HI),), 
sent  a  eoin|>any  of  iibiiiit  fitly  men,  iniilert.'aplains 
Lewis  nnd  Clarke,  to  explore  and  take  posses- 
ninn. 

In  18()5  liewis  and  Clnike  entered  upon  this  ex- 
pedition. They  reached  thenionlli  of  the  Coluinbia 
in  the  aiitiinin  of  IHII,');  erected  a.  buildinir  there, 
which  they  named  1^'orl  ('latsop;  reinnined  there 
dnrins;  the  Winter,  nnd  thence,  Irneine;  the  river  up- 
wards, erossed  the  nioniitniiis,  niiil  returned  to  the  , 
Slates. 

In  li^DH  Mr.  Mrnry,  niirnt  of  the  Missiniri  Kiir 
Company,  erected  tradiiie;  rsiablishments  luion  the 
Lewis  river;  and  in  IHIO  Mr.  Astor,  at  the  iiead  of 
the  Pacific  Kiir  Company,  erected  yVstoria,  iiciu'  the 
month  of  the  Columbia.     This  was  taken  by  the  \ 
lirilish  in  181,'),  during  the  last  war,  nnd  wns  re- 
stored under  the  Ircniy  of  Ghent  in  I8IBi  in  IHl'J, 
Spain,  insistinu'  that  the  (1re!;on  territory  was  not  | 
transferred  to  I'Vaiice  wilh  Louisinna,  nssii;iicd  us  I 
luiv  rifflits  she  iiiis;ht  have  there  above  49°. 

This  prestnlH  the  American  claim,  our  Govern- 
ment linvins;  fixed  the  dividino;  line  on  the  north 
with  Russia  at  .'i4°  40'. 

Great  Britain,  for  discovery,  relie.s  upon  the  vov- 
nsfc  of  Sir  Francis  Drake,  who  visited  the  Pacific 
in  1,')7H;  the  voyajre  of  the  5;reat  cirrumnnviijaior 
Captain  ('ook,  in  1778,  who  touched  at  Cape  Phitte- 
vy,  near  the  Straits  of  lAica,  and  anchored  in  Nool- 
ka;  that  of  Menres  in  177H,  who  sent  a  boat  into 
the  Straits  of  Kuca,  but  did  not  enter:  that  of  Van- 
couver in  1799;  and  the  discovery  of  the  head  wn- 
ters  of  Frn/.er's  river  by  Mnckeir/.ie  in  17911. 

So  far  as  Great  Hriinin  relied  on  the  more  perfect 
discoveries  of  her  navijntors.it  might  be  worthy  of 
remark  that  this  coulij  not  apply  to  John  Menres, 
who  fijfiired  so  largely  in  llic  history  of  her  preten- 
sions. This  iibii|uitons  personage  wn.s  nt  Nootkn 
n  land  speculator  nnd  dealer  in  fnrs;  at  sea  a  Por- 
tuguese rajitain,  nnd  a  smuggler;  in  London,  n 
lieulenaiit  of  ihe  Hritish  navy;  nnd,  as  to  his  ex- 
1  erne  Hccnrnry,  he  cruised  along  the  northwest 
cnasi,  where  the  Columbia  enters  the  ocean  by  a 
month  seven  miles  wide,  and  declared  there  was  no 
such  river  there  as  the  Spaniards  pretended.  He 
lirided  liiniself  greuily  in  exploding  their  di.^covery 
of  a  liver  there  which  they  called  the  St.  Hoque; 
and,  to  signalize  his  geographical  triumph,  lie 
named  the  liny  "  Deception,"  nnd  one  of  the  capes 
nt  the  mouth  of  the  river,  opposite  to  Astoria, 
"  Di.snppoinlmeiii."  Vancouver,  it  was  true,  did 
make  a  moicaccurnie  exnininntinn  of  the  const;  but 
lie  did  it  after  that  const  had  been  previously  sur- 
veyed, nnd  with  the  charts  of  Perez  nnd  Grny  in 
his  hand.  Yet  he,  too,  declared  that  Gray  was  mis. 
taken;  that  there  was  no  river  there,  nor  stream  of 
any  kind,  unless  it  might  be  n  brook.  Rut  Grny 
mill  Heceta  had  both  discovered  the  river,  nnd 
(rrav  a  few  days  after  went  again  lo  the  spot,  en- 
tered the  river,  and  sailed  up  its  main  channel  for 
some  mile-,  staying  there  some  eight  or  ten  d.iys. 
How,  then,  coiilil  it  wilh  truth  be  said  that  Van- 
couver's explorations,  though  later,  were  more  per- 
fect than  those  of  the  Americans  nnd  Spaniiirils.' 

Much  stress  wns  laid  upon  the  discovery  of  I'ra- 
zer's  river  by  Mackenzie;  but  he  had  no  authority 
from  his  ('overniiieiii,  wns  a  slraggling  Indian  tra- 


der, mill  acciili^iiiallv  sinick  il.^-'  headwaters,  iiinl, 
aOer  tracing  it  upwards  of  two  biiiiilred  iiiilis,  left 
it,  reached  the  Pacific  far  north  of  it,  bi.^ing  at  no 
line'  soiiih  iif.'i'J";  and  i!ie  point  of  eiiast  where  he 
I'laclicd  the  Pacific,  as  well  as  the  region  at  the 
moijli  of  the  river,  had  been  discovered  long  be- 
fore, ihniigh  ihhl  particular  river  nii/^lit  not  have 
been  seen. 

Slie  adiniltrd  the  priority  of  the  Spanish  discnv- 
erirs,  bill  insisted  that  her  own  discoveries  were 
more  |ierli'cl;  bm  a  more  peil'eit  exaniiiiaiinii  and 
survey  of  what  wns  iilreaily  known  gave  In  r  no 
title  as  a  discoverer. 

lie  would  take  lip  these  llriiish  dis.-overicM, and 
exiiniilie  lliem  in  order. 

The  voyages  of  Coiili  and  Vancouver  alone  were 
undertiikeii  by  order  of  the  r.riliNli  (invenimeiit, 
and  even  they  were  iinihrtakMi  for  other  objei^ts 
than  discovery.  As  to  the  lesi,  they  were  llie  voy- 
ages of  mere  cruisers,  nnd  their  iliscoverie.*i,  if  anv, 
were  pioely  iircideiiial.  Drake  was  a  sen-robber, 
a  luicaiiier,  eriiisiiig  not  only  egaiiisl  the  .Spnnish 
possessions  and  settlements,  but  ii!riiiiist  the  roin- 
merce  of  llie  world.  Vet  such  was  the  iimraliiy  of 
the  Court  of  |''.lizabeih,  thai  she  toleralcd  a  |iirnte 
nnd  hoiniciile  like  I )rnke,  because  his  ili  ills  were 
supposed  to  ho  of  advanlaire  lo  the  renlni.  How- 
ever, as  no  relinine  was  jdaced  by  ilie  Urilish  Gov- 
eniiiieiit  on  the  alleged  discoveries  of  Drake,  he 
would  pn.<s  them  hv. 

The  iiexl  wns  Captain  Cook;  but  lie  wns  not 
employed  on  a  iliitv  of  this  kind.  In  proof  of  ihis 
Mr.  D.  would  refer  lo  the  occnsion  of  his  voyage, 
and  to  his  spicifii^  iiislriiciioii.';. 

In  IT-I.'i  the  Pailinmeiit  of  •  Ireal  Hrilain  oifered 
a  reward  of  irJII.dOII  sterling  lo  the  discoiercr  of  ii 
norlhwesi  pas.simc  ihroii»h  lliidson's  Ihiv.  And 
in  1771)  she  niiiile  n  like  oiler  uf.i'0|l,()()|i;  in  nilili- 
tioii,  to  any  one  who  should  ilisciiver  nil  opening 
through  the  eoiiiiiicnl  fioiii  llie  Atlnlitic  lo  the  Pa- 
cific, above  the  latitude  of  .W-^.  To  make  the  dis- 
covery of  this  Inlicr  passage  was  the  avowed  object 
of  Cook's  vovii'^e.  vVliat  wns  the  language  of  his 
iiistriiclions  from  his  Government.' 

"\Villl  Ilic  eniHciit  ot'  till'  iintivci*,  to  tnke  pon-ieuainn  In 
the  imiiie  iit'tlie  kliiii  of  tiriat  llritain,  of  ennveiiM'iil  fitiin- 
tiiniH  in  Hiicli  cntiiitrii's  11.4  lie  inlulit  iliscover,  that  hail  nut 
Itcrn  jilreiiil.v  i1Uiort'n-il  or  ntitpit  hy  anv  iitlier  Pluniiiciiii  I*nw- 
er,  anil  to  itistrililltc  iiniiillir  the  iiihlliiitlllits  nllch  tli)iie..i  H.<t 
will  reiiiiiiii  m  triici'H  ol'  iiis  liavinit  hceii  there;  hut,  if  he 
«liniilil  Hlitl  till'  eoiintricH  kii  iliiiciivereil  to  lie  tininhniitedAu: 
was  til  take  piifisc^isina  ol'  theiii  tiir  liin  fiivereitni,  t>>  siMtiiiii 
ii|)  iiriiper  iiiark.^i  tiiiil  iniieri|)tii>n'<,  u.s  tlrst  UiM■ov<■n•l^  iiiul 
(Mwsi'.ifior^'." 

The  discoveries  of  the  Sonninrds  were  well 
known  in  h'tigland,  and  openly  published,  before 
Cook  lefi  the  liritish  shores.  In  proof  of  this,  ho  , 
would  refer  to  the  London  Annual  Register  of 
•Tune,  177(i.  Mr.  1).  here  rend  an  extract  ex-  , 
pre.-sly  referring  to  the  Spanish  discoveries  on  the 
northwest  coni>l,  wherii  Cook  afterwards  vein,  ns 
follows:  I 

"  Several  Ppniii.jli  fri(rnte.i  Iinvinfi  hnca  sent  (Vom  Arnpnl- 
ro  to  iiiatii'  iti^*cnviTic!i,  anil  to  pnipiiaate  the  gnspcl  iiiiinni; 
the  liiiliiiiis,  10  lite  iinrtli  III' ('n)itiiriiia,  in  tlieniinith  of  July,  ■ 
174-1,  tliei^  iiavitiatcil  an  hiltli  n|i  on  tliu  cnast  ns  the  hititiiiie 
111' .'.s  itrijlee.i  'Jtl  n)iallti-i<— 6  ilcgrees  uhine  t'ape  KIiiik'o. 
Haviii)!  iliiiriivercil  several  L'liiiiiharliiirsonil  iiavicahlc  riveri* 
il)inii  the  "est  cnn'-l  of  thii  lireat  eiiatinelit,  they  estali- 
lishc.l.  in  one  111'  ilic  larfi'st  |irirts,  a  irorriion,  anil  ralleil 
tile  port  the  I'resiilii)  lie  .'^iillt'arlns;  miilliei^itlcii,  h'lt  a  liiis- 
sion  at  every  piirt  wlicn'  the  iiiliahitaiit:i  were  to  he  liniiid. 
'I'he  Inilians  they  liiri'  nut  with  arc  saiil  lo  lie  a  very  ilo- 
cile  Nort  or  people,  iiiireealil*'  in  their  cniintcnnnce,  hiinest  in 
their  tratlic,  and  neat  in  their  ilref:^ ;  hut,  at  the  same  time, 
iiliilntcrs  til  the  greatent  ileftrec,  liaviiii;  never  before  had 
anv  iiitereonrse  with  Eiiro|ifaiis.  V.  Hiicarelli,  the  vice- 
roy of  New  Spain,  lia.^i  reccivcil  his  t'atliolie  Majesly's 
thanks  for  thcfie  itiHrnveries,  as  tlicy  were  niarie  ninler  jiis 
direction :  unit  the  several  navy  otticers  upon  thai  viiyatfe 
tiave  hern  prelerreit.  Itisiinayineil  that  1I1C..11'  new  ili>ciiv- 
erics  will  lni  very  ailvanlniteoiis,  a-*  the  cna.-.t  ahiiiniils  with 
whales,  as  ali^o  a  ti.-h  ei|iial  to  the  NewUnnnllatiil  cud, 
knnwn  in  Spain  hy  the  nainn  of  Haceahui,'" 

lie  also  rend  from  the  London  Qimrterlv  Re- 
view of  1892,  showing  the  priority  of  Spnnish  dis- 
coveries, iiiiii  ndinitting  that  Great  Bi'iuiiii  Imd  no 
territorial  rights: 

"  The  Hpnnintils  visiiert  the  northern  parts  of  the  cnn^i 
in  I77^t.  wtieii  Don  Juan  Perez,  in  the  corvette  Santiaen, 
traceil  it  tVnm  latilude  .'hI  dcffree.4  uil  iiiiniltes  to  u  pniiiion- 
tory  in  latitude  iVi  dearees.  to  wtiicli  lie  pave  the  iianio  of 
SaiilA  Sfarijarita.  hciiiit  the  northwi  st  evireinity  of  Uiieen 
(•jiarliiUe's  Island  of  nnrchiirts-;  and.  on  liis  return, touched 
atNoiitUn.  ahiiiit  which  we  were  once  on  the  piiint  ofeoiiiR 
to  war.  In  the  fohinviiip  year,  tile  Santinvn  and  I'Vlicidiid, 
under  the  ordcrii  of  Dan  Jiiaii  llruiio  lli'cetu,  and  Don  Juan 
de  la  Itiidi'ua  y  itnailia,  proceeded  aliini:  tlie  northwest 
coast,  and  dcscrieil,  in  latitude  .')6  dciirees  P  ininntcs,  liiyh 
iiiiMnilaiiis  fio^'Tfil  Willi  siiini',  which  tlii'V  leiniod  Jariiito; 


mill  nl"n  a  InDy  cip",  tn  iMtittlilc  .',7  iteitrees  'i  iiiliiiiri-4  In, 
winch  llii'V  ttav  lln^  nainrnl  L'.ninilin.     Hnldiiiu  a  iiiiilhiitv 

ir.c.  tlic>  ii-achid  lailtnilc  y,  ifiircc,  .7s  iiitiaiten,  anil 

llieii  rcliiriied. 
" 'riiiee  yi'iiri*  iirter  tticfc  Ht>aiiiiilM^fi\  aires,  Cnnk  reciin- 

nnilicd  lliisf'iin-t  ni'iie  rliMriy,  atiit  pri" ilcit  an  hhlh  tit* 

as  \hv  li'yCajif;  it  wiii  i»lilwfipiriill\  vlsiint  hy  NfMTllI 
r.imllsli  hiiips  fnrtlie  piirposrs  nf  trade;  nnd  thiiiiuli  r\crv 
jiorlinn  of  It  Wiis  cxphacil  wilh  llm  itreali'i'l  accuracy'  liy 
that  niiHi  I'vi'fllfiit  and  neri'i'MTiiiii  iiavinati'r,  \'iiiiciaivcr, 

as  far  us  llli^  hrailiiri'iinh's  liilcl.   ill    lllliluilr  1)1  drill I.'i 

lliliiilli's;  yet,  on  the  ur'iillid  of  erinnly  "f  ili-cnifiy,  il  W 
siillicif^ntly  cli'ar  that  l!iiiilanil  tins  is>  elaiiii  to  terriiohaJ 
piMnesiiion." — /.oia/oH  (^imrls'iVij  W'rii'ic. 

The  voynge  of  Vaneunver  was  for  the  jiiirposo 
of  receiving,  ns  the  iigeiit  of  the  lirilish  Guvern- 
nieiil,  the  property  of  .'vieiires,  which  he  nllegetl 
hud  been  tnken  iVoiii  hiin  ni  .Nnntl.a — the  return  of 
which  wns  slipidiitrd  In  the  iNniilkn  cimveiiliiin. 
I  le  \\as  iiiillioi  jzeil  to  e\)i|oic  nnd  survey,  tnr  the 
imrpoBeof  fnrnisliing  cnrrecl  chnris:  but  it  wns  well 
Itnown  to  the  Urilish  (  biveriiiiniil  tlml  the  wliok* 
region  had  long  been  previously  I'i.ifofirrii,  atid  he 
was  charged  wilh  no  such  eiiierprise. 

While  Greni  liritiiin  held  llial  llir  discoveries  of 
S|inin  were  mil  enough  to  give  her  n  title  to  niiy 
part  of  the  eoiiiiiry,  she  thoimhl  that  the  landing 
at  Nootkn  by  a  I'orliigiiesi:  .■n|iiaiii,  the  discovery 
of  ihe  hcadwnti^rs  of  a  small  sliinm  bv  ••  1  Indian 
trader,  and  the  erection  of  ;i  miscrnble  hut  wherein 
to  dry  skins,  wi  re  all-sulliciiiu  to  jjiie  hir  liile  in 
ft  coniitry  three  times  as  larj;e  as  Fntrlanil,  nl  six 
thonsand  miles  dislaiiee,  tli-oigh  llie  terrilorv  lay 
immediately  eontignous  to  the  Sfianish  possessions, 
nnd  was  discoveied  thriinL'hoiii  nnd  taken  pos.ses- 
sion  of  by  auihorized  otKceis  nf  the  Government. 
I''.iig!niid  has  )iraclised  on  this  principle  always; 
bill  she  i;aniioi  show  as  good  n  title  to  nny  pnrt  ol* 
her  vast  iloniiiiioiis  (iinless,  peilinj>s,  to  the  island 
of  England  il.silf  1  as  we  can  show  to  the  whole 
nnrlhwesl  coast  of  North  America.  Her  chnriers 
to  her  colonies  '*  from  sen  to  sea  "  were  ns  value- 
less in  the  eyi  3  of  a  Papist  ns  the  Po|>o's  elmrler 
lo  Spain  would  he  in  the  eyes  nf  a  Proleslanl. 
.Wither  eoiiveyeil  any  valid  title  unless  followed 
ti|i  by  discovci'V,  bv  inn  it  of  sellleinint,  by  aels 
of  sovereignty,  and  by  actual  o<*eii|Hilioti.  Tho 
French  first  ihscovered  the  Ohio,  but  the  llrilisli 
rlainieil  it,  weiil  to  war  for  it,  nnd  held  it  becnnse 
it  lay  between  eerlmn  pniallelsuiid  was  covered  by 
her  charter. 

Cnplniu  Cook  discovered  Australia,  a  country 
larger  than  all  iMiroiie,  and  took  possession  of  it 
by  creeling  a  pole  nnd  brenkinga  boltk,  and  Great 
Hritniii  holds  it  under  that  title  to  this  dny. 

Mr.  1).  held  that  Oregon  was  homo:;eneoiis — was 
one  region.  The  country  was  drained  nlniost  en- 
tirely by  the  Colnnibia  mid  its  conlluenis  Thi.s 
river  wns  its  |irincipnl  geographical  featiii'e,  and  a 
discovery  of  both  its  month  and  its  head-waters — 
of  the  wliole  const  nnd  its  principal  bays,  harbors, 
cnpes,  nnd  islands  by  Spain  and  by  the  United 
Suites,  was  a  di.scovcry  of  the  whole.  Besides,  it 
was  followed  by  all  the  possession  i\nd  nci;n|iation 
of  which  such  it  country  wns  susceptible,  and  by 
resolute  acts  of  sovereignty.  This,  ho  insisted, 
gave  a  complete  title  by  discovery  to  the  whole, 
against  Great  Hriinin  and  the  world,  under  the  most 
rigid  constrnction  of  the  rule. 

But  it  v/ns  idle  to  discuss  the  mere  r|iteslion  of 
tide;  for  it  was  evident  Grcai  Uritain  did  not  claim 
upon  that  ground.  Her  able  Plenipotentiary  hail 
evidently  atlenipted  lo  draw  attention  from  the 
true  points,  by  tirraying  the  American  and  Spanish 
titles  ngainsl  each  other,  for  the  purpose  of  defeat- 
ing both.  However  ingenious  this  proce.ss,  it 
would  not  bear  examinnlion.  'I'lnre  could  not, 
it  was  apparent,  be  two  good  titles  to  the  whole 
of  the  same  territory;  btit  each  might  be  good  to 
a  portion;  nnd  if  both  parlies  held  the  links  of  the 
entire  chain,  each  holding  a  portion,  when  uniled 
it  would  be  complete.  Or,  if  one  title  wns  good 
nnd  the  other  worthless,  the  perfect  would  not  be 
destroyed  if  blended  wilh  the  spurious.  Great 
Britain  nnd  the  Uniled  States  both  assert  claims. 
If  she  had  ours,  although  ho.stile  lo  hers,  she  would 
doubtless  nssert,  ns  she  would  have,  a  good  title 
to  the  whole  against  the  world.  As  well  may  a 
nation  procure  oulslanding  titles  10  tciritory,  and 
rely  upon  them,  as  a  landlord  the  lease  of  bi.s 
tenant,  the  remainder  man  the  life  estate,  or  the 
teiinnl  in  common  the  right  of  his  co-tenant. 

But  by  the  following  stntemenl  of  Messrs.  Hus- 
kisson  iuid  Addingion,  British  commissioners  in 
the  iiegoiialionsof  18'!li,  ii  woiiM  be  seen  that  tliey 


m 


m 


394 

•i'.yrn  C'oN(i Iht  Sksii. 


_APPKNDIX  TO  TirE  ( (^\(;RKSSf()NAI<  r.LORK. 
The  Oresrnn  (■fiualion — Mr.  liukimon. 


[Fell.  24, 


Sk.nate. 


iliil  ncil  rily  iiiinii  iliH.nvciy.  ImiI  ii|h>ii  ilir  NoDlkn  \ 
ciiiiM  iiiiiin.      I'liryxiiy;  ] 

•  •  \\"li.ili'icr  iliiil  till-'  limy  liinr  lit-fii,  Iiowpvit,  rilhfrnii 
tlM'  imrt  iil'<*ri-iil  llntiilii,  iir  cii  lliti  ptirl  iit'  H(miiii,  iirmr  i.i 
th<- <'<>iivfiitiiiitiil' l^lMi,  11  iMiH  i\<>iii  lliriirt-rnrviitnl  III  liMiRt'r 
to  iM'truriil  III  \iiui|i-  liiuriilivt'*  III' <ll*i'iMi*rh-ii,  M'Viriil  nl' 
llii'lii  llillliiKfil  In  Im'  i(|M<rr>  lilliil,  liitl  111  till*  lr\t  unit  i<tl|iulll 
|ioil-<  nl  Itiitl  riiiiwillliill  ll^t•l^." 

Wlmlrvcr  ll\r  lilli'  nl"  K.ii:;liinil  nmv  hiivn  lipon 
|iiinr  I'l  111!'  Niiiiilcii  (•iiiiviiiiiiii  ill  I7!lll,  11  ft 'I-  llmi 
lli»lriliii''iil  lii'i'  iliiiiiH  ui'ii'   Iin  l(iiii;i.r  viiu'iir  mill 

lllli'l't-lMIII,    lull     WITC     till    <>llllMlllil'll    in    tlini   IITJIIV. 

Till'  Hiiliuli  liirliln  ill  l>ifi;iin  «ti"  lixiil  liy  llm 
riiini'iiiiiiii  iir.N'cinlkii.  Il'wi'  wmilii  kiiiiw  cx.ii'lly 
wlinl  ihi-y  won',  wc  iiuimI  ';ii  iIii'It  Id  liiid  ihcin. 
\(  kIic  liinl  nil  liili'  lliciT,  >'\,v  liml  im  liiln.  Sjiiiiii 
111"!  nil  riu'lils  In  |7!l(l,  iiml  llii'  lliiiiNli  L'liinril  ii(iiii>, 
iiiilf-ii  liy  III!'  siiini!;i:iiiim  ot'ilinl  Iri'iity. 

Nnw.  we  liiNI  lliiil  ilnK  riiiivriiiinn  wan  ■«l'nvj'ut*i! 
mill  nhnlislliil  liy  llir  Wurnr  \'iWt.  Kll'-lilliil  ilrlliill 
III IM,  lull  rniisiili'i'ili;  il  iml  iVir  fViiiii  ilniilii.iiNMi'itril 
liml  if  till'  cnnvoiiliiiM  wii'i  iilirnijnli il  liy  ilio  win, 
mill  il  rrvivnl  n^-iiiii  in  ISI  I  liy  .i  i-niivi'iilinii  ii - 
viviii^'nll  fMniirr  riiiiihin''i;vl  IriiHiiN.  Hut  In'  in- 
nimnl  ihiit  hy  liir  nwii  ilm'irim^  wiir  drstriiyiil 
piirli  n  Inaty,  fur  mIic  liflil  ilim  liir  tiialy  wiili  ii.-. 
lis  til  l'j<liiii','  mill  srllli'iiii'iit  on  Ihr  I'liuxl  nl'  l.iil  ni- 
(lor  wns  ili'l'i'iili'il  Ijy  onr  uiir  with  Inr  in  HI'J.  If 
llie  iiritiri|ilt'  wiiH  i:oii(l  iis  in  the  Litlirnitur  tiraty, 
it  WHS  i>r|milly  '^-niiil  iia  to  llii'  rs'nntkd  Smmil  In  u- 
IV.  W'c  (liiiiiil  llim  till-  triniy  ri'vivcil  in  IHI4, 
Im'i'hiiho  tlip  ti'fiity  nf  rnviviil  wiiNn  in'niv  iTfi'i'riiii^ 
In  Simin  iivniiiT,  iiiiil  lint  i\|i|i!viii:,'  m  lirr  riilniiii'N. 
But  if  it  WHS  ri'vivril  in  Islj,  v.lml  Inljnwi'ilr  S(iiiin 
ironNfpiTwt  nil  her  liili'  in  l.niiisi.in.i  lo  Kninro  in 
1800.  l''-(ini'i'  rlainird  ilitil  r^nniKiiiiiii  i-ni'iriii'i'il 
evcrylhiii!!:  tn  the  nrriiii,  iiirlmlin;;  the  norlliwisl 
COHHI:  mill  she  nimle  Iirr  tn  Miyl'i'lievini;  llinl  ilirri- 
hy  Hhe  tniiisl'crrnl  the  w  linh-  ii'Tlhwi'sl  cndst  in  us, 
nnd  we  I'hiiniiil  that  surji  i\.ts  th'-  I'aci — ih;'r  the 
cessinn  i^<  (.nnisinim  cniriril  with  il  all  Dp'.'nii. 
tJndertliiUi'bim,  whether  jonil  nr  had,  (and  in  this 
aririimeiit  it  ninttered  little  wlii'li,)  and  nur  )iri\i- 
OII8  disonvery,  we  Innk  |ins.se^-inn  ol  ihe  cniiiiiry 
under  ihenriler  nf  n>i>' (iiiveriiniriit;  mid  the  (  x)p|n- 
ralinn  nf  I.ewis  and  f'larke  wns  fnllnwed  ii|i  liy  ads 
of  pnssissinn  liv  Mr.  Henry  and  .Mr.  Asinr,  nf  llie 
roinilry,  nnil  nf  the  livir  wliiili  was  its  ehief  and 
ninsl  inipinlnut  feature.  Mr.  lIusKissnn  and  Mr. 
Addin^ton  dirl  not  deny  this  triinsfei',  hut  elniniid 
that  the  qiiestmn  had  |in  vimiHly  lieiii  diN[inseil  nf 
liv  the  inaty  nf  Xnotk.i,  and  thai  liny  lli.u  (jriii  rij 
of  the  foree  of  the  Iransier. 

Mr.  I),  wiinid  show  that  it  had  no  ^neh  flTeet. 
The  ennventinn  nf  .Snnika  was  iilmlished  liv  the 
\V!\r  nf  179(i.  Sfiaiii  made  the  traiislir  in  ISIO, 
Pranie  in  IKIIH,  and  wetnnk  pnsses.'-inn  in  IHd.'i,  in 
IHOC.  in  IHtW,  in  INIO,  and  miuinind  until  |Mi;i. 
Hy  Knulniid  's  o  ,n  shnw  in?  llie  coineiilion  did  not 
revive,  if  nl  nl'  .ill  IH14;  so  that  dnrini  the  i'uei^ 
val,  while  il  s  treaty  was  iinll,  we  Innk  |insi>eM.'io'i 
of  Ihe  enniiiiy.  and  it  wa.s  siillmiis  under  tliisrlain, 
alone. 

We  have  already  seen  that  Ureal  llritain  adinit.s 
nil  her  rishls,  previnus  to  ISln,  in  rest  in  the  siipu- 
lalions  nf  ihe  Aonik;i  ennventinn.  Il',  therefore,  no 
rif  his  ran  he  fniiiid  there,  none  exi.sled.  1  !e  did  lint 
deny  Imt  that  her  mU)rcli  had  eeiiiiln  pri\ile'.Ms 
t^iiaraiuied;  lull  ihere  was  nn  U'ranl  to  llie  ^i.  rtif^nty 
of  (irent  Rriuiin,  and  slie  had  no  ri'jiil  to  i  \erf ise 
neis  i>f  sovcreiitnly  liy  Hiiy  power  ennfcrred  liy 
that  treaty.  'I'lie  firm  nrtiele  of  the  ennvenlinn 
provides  ih.it  the  huildin'.rs  and  Iraels  of  land  siin- 
ated  on  the  nnrthwestcrn  enast  whieli  had  hecn 
taken  from  ISrilish  snhjeet.H  should  he  reslnreil 
to  lliein.  Tlie  laii!riia'je  nf  ilie  Irealy  wa8  not  thai 
they  he  '_'iven  up  lo  the  Hriiisli  (iovernnieni,  hni  to 
British  snhjeets.  IJv  ihesri'ond  artielc,  a  just  rrpa- 
rnlirni  wjis  lo  he  made  i't^r  ail  injuries  arisinir  from 
the  nets  of  either.  I!y  the  third  nrtiele — the  only 
one  wliieli  ennfened  ri'rhis — in  order  lo  preserve  a 
^od  iinderBiaiidiuir  heiween  the  |iin'lies,  it  was 
asreed  that  the  respertive  riiIijiti.'?  and  eilizen.s  iff 
both  should  nm  he  distiirlied  or  ninlested  in  earry- 
in^' on  their  fisheries  and  llieir  Irade  with  the  na- 
tives. Spam  was  in  pn.ssessinn  hy  disiovirv,  mid 
here  wan  no  waiver  of  (unnient  dninaiii  nor  surren- 
der of  sov-reisriilv.* 


*  'I'lie  Ihiril  lirti'-te  fir  llie  N'nnlKn  rdiiveiiliiiii : 

*' hi  (inler  tn  itreiittthea  the  lionil..!  oi' t'n('iiil!<tiip  anft  to 

preserve  in  future  n  iMTferl  Ii;irm(in,v  luiil  iiiss)  iiiiftiTsiniHt- 

InK  between  ttie   two  enntnu-iini:  ptirtie^.  il  Ij  .'ii^refst  ihiit 

tlleir  ri'niieclivu  milijeelH  vliall  not  be  disliirljeil  nr  iiiolefiteil, 


Mr.  I),  enlleil  iiilenlinn  to  ihis  lanuna'v  ,  l^'r  Ihe 
purpoiie  of  showing  the  ahseneenf  all  niuntinn  nr 
expei'taiinii  on  the  purl  of  ihe  llrilish  ( hivernnieiit 
nf  tniiuinif  any  riirhi«  iiiiiler  lliis  cinveniinn  he- 
yniid  ihnse  •.'iiiiriinlii  d  tn  her  siitijerls — tin-  ristn- 
nilfnii  nf  MearrsV  prnprrly,  the  privileLre  ni'  nc- 
eiipyin*;  teinpnniry  hahiialiniiH  nil  land  t'nr  the  piir- 
)inBe  of  rarrviiiL'  on  Ir.iile  with  the  luiiives,  and 
that  those  will!  veiiliired  llieir  prnperly  npnii  Ihe 
Hen,  in  prnseeiilinn  nf  llie  ''-lierii's,  slmiild  not  he 
liiiilcNled.  She  always  lakts  lu'-e  of  her  sul'jri'ts, 
mill  of  their  inleresls  Would  i\e  eoiild  say  the 
snme  of  iHir  own  lii  verpi.. 'ii' ;  The  niheriirli' 
eh'H  nf  the  eonvriilio,!  were  not  lualerial  lo  the 
view  he  WHS  lakiu ',  llinii'.'li  lliev  all  favnred  llie 
roiialrurlinn  he  eniiteiiiled  fnr.  'I'IiIk  he  ilmni'lil 
nhoweil  llinl  CIreat  I'rii  lin  aeipiirid  no  ri'.;hlh  nf 
HOMreiirnty  under  the  .NnnlK:*  eniiM'Ulinn. 

Air.  I),  wniild  iiMW  slinw  what  was  the  i  ll'iel  of 
the  nsUiralinn  nf  Adcna  in  |n|i^,  under  Ihe  li'ealy 
of  lihenl.  Cireal  llrilai.i  sonietiinrs  asseiteil  a 
elaiiii  hy  disiovery.  Mie  insisted  thai  she  had 
n'_rhls  under  the  ,Nonlka  innveniinii,  and  all  enn- 
reih'd  llint  ilwashrrs  liy  rniiipii'st  frnm  l^l.'l  uiilil 
rrsinred.  She  had  nne  title,  hut  from  lliree  miiire.es 
wliieli  were  luei'ijed.  In  IhlH  she  resimed  Asto- 
ria, whieh  was  11  resforalion  of  the  eoinilrv,  with- 
out pri  test  nr  nrelenee  ot'  any  elaiin  wlialever. 
How,  then,  iliil  she  divide  her  title  a^aiii,  luiil 
(raiisf'er  a  pnrlinn  in  ns,  and  retain  the  le.iidne  .' 
He  iniiisted  that,  upon  every  priniiple  of  iialiuiial 
law  or  rnimnon  sense,  she  wi  s  estopped  frnm  as- 
dertiii'/  any  elaini  whieh  she  iiiiw  preteiuls  lind  ex- 
istenee  then. 

Il  was  evident  thai  she  had  iioeniifideni'e  in  her 
elaiin,  nor  was  niiy  eoiintenaneed  hy  the  pnlilie 
ini'ii  of  that  day;  and  Mr.  Clay,  who  was  soon 
arter  Seeretary  nf  Slate,  in  an  olVieial  paper,  de- 
elared  she  had  not  the  enlnr  of  a  tiilo  to  any  por- 
tion of  the  lerrilni  V. 

Thoua-h  she  hail  insimrd  upon  some  elniin  pre- 
vious In  the  r'-sloralioii  under  the  Cilienl  treaty, 
Lord  I'asilereadh,  ['rineijial  .Seen  lary  nf  ilu  Fnr- 
eiirn  OlVne,  ilei'lared  that  we  weni  entitled  lo  he 
fully  resiored,  and  lo  he  itei  lui  d  llie  jiart)'  in  )ios- 
session  while  irentiii:;  of  the  liili-.  'I'he  t'nrt  and 
netllement  were  restored  In  the  {Joveniiueiil  of  the  : 
I'liiled  States,  as  siieli.  The  reslornlinii  and  ae-  '. 
eepiaiiee  were  the  aels  nf  ihe  ri.spei  live  Ciovern- 
liieiHs  Iliroii'^li  their  ennsiiiuted  uiilhnrmes. 

The  first  artiile  of  the  inaiy  of  ( ilient,  under 
whieh  Asloriii  was  restored,  unlike  the  IVoolkn 
eonvention,  jdovijed  lor  the  rusinrniinii  to  this 
Cirnernment;  and  under  lliis  prnvisinii.  the  eoiiii- 
Iry  was  rislnnd,  not  to  individuals,  hut  to  the 
.(orerpiirM/i/ nf  the  I'lnud  Slates.  \Vv.  were  then 
ill  full  and  peaeealile  pnssessinn  hy  the  eniiseiit 
and  aiilhoriiy  of  ihe  Ilriusli  (!o\irnineiit.  AVe 
had  siieeessl'uily  defied  her  amis,  and  she  had  re- 
stored il  lo  us  without  even  elaiiniiux  a  possessorv 
rinht:  mid  at  this  time,  eerlainly,  the  w  hole  worlil 
vould  have  pronouneed  our  title  cltiir  iind  uiiijiics- 
liinuibte. 

(iiil  ill  fourteen  fatal  days  thereafter  we  entereil 
n|ion  iieKotialion,  and,  as  usual,  fell  a  jirey  to  the 
sap)iint^  and  iniiiiiiicof  her  diptomaey.  The  li'ealy 
of  \t^\f,  whieh  it  was  ennieiuied  was  a  treaty  fn.- 
joint  neeupaney,  was  not  nne  t'or  ihai  [inrpose,  hut 
a  treaty  of  pernii.'^Hion  lo  her  suhieets  to  trade  niiil 
lo  fish  upon  the  eoast.  Il  iriive  In  ( jreal  Hriiain  no 
ri'.'hl  tn  everrise  soMrei-.-niy.  We  we.e  already 
in  posse.ssinii;  and  :lie  h.id  no  rii^hls  Iliere,  unless 
she  ;;ained  ihem  iiiuli  r  the  treaty  of  1H|S.  The 
lanu'iiiiire  of  thai  uealv  wa.i  wnrlliy  of  examina- 
lion.  (.Mr.  0.  here  leail  a  porlion  of  the  treaty,  mid 
then  ennliiiued.]*  .Vow,  where  did  (jreal  lirilain 
nblaiii  her  rifilit  to  exercise  aets  ef  sineieiE;niy  in 
llial  territory.'  It  was  said  she  was  in  /lu.ur.'uinii. 
Perhaps  It  iniijhl  he  eniisidereil  piaeii.-al  oeeiip.'- 
lioii,  inasinneh  as  her  suhjeets  were  there,  tliinmh 
hy  mere  pcmiissioii,  not  hy  conipiest;  we  hciri<j 

eiliii  r  ill  Il:lvig:itiin.'  nr  earrjilia  nn  llieir  IWIieries  in  Hie 
I'aeiHe  (lei'Rii,  nr  in  Ihe  South  MeiiH,  nr  ill  lillliliait  nn  tlif 
eo.ist:;  01"  tlince  si-h.^.  mi  jilneeH  not  nln-iuly  iicrii[iii-il.  Inr  tlie 
piiriKiHe  nf  enrryhiu  on  Iheir  rniiininn-e  tvilh  Ihe  luiiivi's  of 
the  eoiialry,  nr  nt'liiutuiii;  i^elllciiM-alw  tliere  ;  tlie  w  linle  wiili- 
ji'el.  iieverltielesi'.  In  Itiu  re^IrieliniH  >lK'('ilieil  in  Uie  llm-i- 
fnllnwiaij  iirlieh'fi.n 

I 

j       * 'I'lie  lliinl  artieje  ot  the  tti'llty  nf  IS|S; 

I  n  It  if  n-jreed  thnt  an"  eninitrv  Unit  in.iy  lie  eininietl  liy 
either  (mrlv  nn  Ihe  iinrlhweHl  ennui  of  Aliierien,  v.eslwnril 
of  Uie  Siiuiv  iniainininK,  shnll,  mgeilier  w  iih  lu  hnihnrs. 
liny",  om;  eri'eki',  niiil  Hie  iinvlgntion  of  nil  rlver«  williin  Hie 


deemed  in  ponse>isinn.  She  had  no  more  riirhl  In 
BXei'eise  any  ml  of  hOVereii;niy  in  that  lerrilnry 
under  ll.n  .Nooikii  e.Niventiiiii,  nr  the  eniiKiitinii  of 
|H|H,  than  she  had  lo  eveirine  iuIm  of  Hovrrnirniy 
within    the    Di.itnet   of  ('nlnmhia.     Suppose    we 

"I I'l  ':ive  Ihe  snli|eets  of  (in  ill  Ih'iiaiii  the  rii;lil 

to  nini.'iiite  llie  rnlomai',  nr  any  oilier  riier  in  llie 
irinled  .Slates!  Would  thai  uive  the  ri-lil  lo  lliv 
(loieiinueill  of  (inat  llrilniii  to  exereise  ael.i  of 
soien'iu-niy  then'?  Suppose  we  alinuld  aiilli,iri/i' 
llrilish  Huhjeeis  In  ininsai'l  iirliiin  liusniess  in  llie 
Uisiriet  of  Cohimhia;  would  any  one  pretend  ihul 
il  L'live  iliat  (iovernmeiit  innsiliclioii' 

The  honorahle  Senator  from  Misnouri,  n  few 
days  since,  waN  pleased  to  snv  ihal  ihis  wan  tlui 
fruit  of  "  ham'ii  iienoiiiitions.''  Would  In  ll'.a- 
yen  the  ni '.'niiaiinn  had  heeii  hiirren  ! 

(  \lr.  IIkntov  reniarK'ed  iluil  li.e  iie<;:otiations  had 
lasied  ihiriy  years;  and  ha  had  ile«i'.,'iialed  ihein, 
iherefore,  in,'eil  and  tiavreii.I 

Mr.  Dii  KiNiinv  cnnliiniiMi.  ITc  wan  ulnd  it  had 
heen  thus  hiirren,  and  he  wns  prepared  to  nlunv 
llint  it  oUL''liI  lo  prndnce  no  fruit,  such  as  was  aii- 
tieipaled  hy  (heal  Ihilain.  To  return  to  Ihe  enii- 
veiitinti  of  |rt|H,  Thoiu;li  it  irave  no  rii;litn  wlie 
evrrlo  the  llnlisli  (tovenimeiil  assneli,  il  Imd  1  ■'en, 
ns  was  well  s.'id  hy  the  Senator  from  Mi.^souri. 
Ihe  soiiree  of  diliieuliy  In  us.  Iliit  fnr  llial  cnii- 
veiil'oii.  we  should   now  he  in  pe.-ieeful  and  (uiii  t 

n ipation  of  the   territory.       It   was  that  wiiich 

had  fortified  the  elaim  set  up  liy  the  Briiish  nei,'o- 
liatois — which  elaim,  as  late  as  |H|H,  they  did  not 
eonsiiler  worthy  of  heiie,'  called  even  a  pns.sessoiy 
riclil,  hut  whieh  had  now  ^rowii  into  a  rii^lit  of 
whieh  she  could  not  he  deprived  w  ithout  war.  What 
was  ihe  Inie  stale  of  her  title  ?  r.eL'idly,  not  in  pos- 
session of  the  territory,  with  no  riiihlnnsa  (  hiverii- 
ment,  she  assumed  the  riijlil  of  extendini;  Ihe  jiiris- 
dietioii  nf  her  eoiirls  not  only  over  her  own  suli- 
jcels,  hut  over  the  whole  leiriimy,  and  over  nil 
persniis  tlicrein.  .She  had  erected  exlensive  fnrli- 
iicaiinns,a;id  wns  now  lilerally  in  thennned  necupa- 
lioii  of  the  e.oiiiiIry,nnd  in  ihe  exercise  of  the  liifili- 
est  aets  of  soverei'/nty,  sliowiiiir  n  disiiositinii  to 
hold  it,  peaceahly  If  she  enn,  foreihiy  II  she  niilsl. 
How  did  she  pn.ssl■^"' herself  of  these  privileges.' 
and  with  wlinl  inlemion  liad  .she  done  so.>  An 
au'enl  of  the  Hudson  ItnyCoinpany  thus  explains 
il  to  his  'nivernnr:  "The  territory  may  hereafter 
heeoiue  of  great  eonae(|neiii'e  in  (treat  lirilain,  and 
wearestrenstheniiii;  hi r  elaini."  Tlieyai-e  making; 
what  was  no  elaim  a  elaim,  ihen  a  righl,and  lastly 
a  title — doinir  a.s  they  had  done  in  the  I'^asl  IndiiH 
— eonverliiii;  ii  smali  liadinr  post  into  n  :erritorial 
possession,  over  which  ihcy  exen'ise  unlimited 
jiirisilietion.  What  was  a  lew  years  sii  ee  a  nmall 
irndiiu.'  posi  nl  ('nieultn,  was  now  n  vast  rnlonial 
posMssioii,  and  hail  eiveu  her  jurisdic  ion  over  ii 
liundred  niillionaof  Imni.inheiuirs. 

What  was  the  "eul  elaiin  of  lirent  Hriinin  since 
IHlH?  Some  might  he  surprised  to  hear  it  n.sseri- 
ed  that  she  ehiinied  no  title;  hut  such  was  the  faei, 
as  would  lie,  seen  hy  ii  close  extiniination  of  ihe 
corn  spondenee.  1  ler  negotiators  did  mil  rely  upon 
discovery,  hni  upon  ri.'f/i(.i  gniwing  out  of  llie  eoii- 
veiilions' of  .Noolka  and  iMlH.  Messrs.  Hiiskis- 
snn  and  .-Xildnmlon,  in  Iheir  correspondence  witli 
.Mr.  Gallalin,  in  Ihdfi,  tl  us  state  their  elaini : 

"(irent  Hriinin  eliilmeil  no  exclusive  sovereiunly  ovei 
nny  pnrlioH  of  Hint  lernlnry.  Her  preiieiil  etiiiiii,  iinl  in  nii\- 
res|Het  lo  nny  pun,  hut  lo'lhe  nWc,  ii>  liiaili'il  lo  a  hulil  nf 
jfiitit  lu-iuiHiiifit  III  i-aiitinnn  Willi  ntlier  Slates,  lenvlnR  the 
rfulit  of  cveliuiive  ilaiiiihinn  ill  ii/jriiiitif'C.'* 

Upon  this,  Mr.  I'akenham,  the  present  nlile 
Briiish  .Minister,  had  improved ;  and, al'ter  amusing 
himself  and  llie  Aineriean  peoph',  and  altenipting 
lo  divert  the  American  .Secielary  iJy  pretended  (lis- 
coveries,  had  contrived  to  leave  an  idea  to  iieslle 
amid  a  mass  of  wiii(l.s,  in  a  manner  which  would 
have  adiU-'i  nnoiher  laurel  in  the  wreath  which 
adorned  the  hrow  of  Talleyrand.     After  icritini;' 

sniiie,  he  irci'  mill  npcii,  fnr  the  term  of  ten  ycnr-i  from  the 
it.-ite  nf  Hie  siiriiiilnrc  of  tlie  present  convciilinn,  tn  itie  ves 
selti,  I'itizeiw,  mill  -tiilijeets  nf  tlie  two  reiver.- ;  II  bcllli;  Wi-ll 
ilnderslooii  thnl  tin-*  nu'rceiiielil  iii  iinl  to  he  cniistriM-iI  In  llin 
pii'jiiiliee  nf  nay  eliiiai  wlacli  either  of  Hie  livn  liiijli  ei.a 
tniclini.'  purtic?*  Iiiiiv  Imvc  in  mij  pari  of  tlie  sniil  cniinlry  ; 
nnr  shall  ll  he  Inlicn'  to  allcct  Hie  clnium  of  uiiv  nllier  Power 
nr  iJliite  lo  any  |mrt  nl  Ihe  sniil  eniinlry  :  Ihe  niily  oiiieel  ui 
the  hieh  ennlriicliim  piirlies.  in  Ihal  respect,  heiiiK  to  prevent 
(liiipiiles  nial  (lill'i'rciices  ninniiiist  Ihcinselves.'' 

The  trenly  of  h'--'7  exIi-niN  Hlc  liliuvc  arlicic  illilcllnili  Iv, 
hill  prnviilcs  it  amy  he  leriiiiaated  h\  eillier  parly  hy  giving 
;  one  year'*  noliee. 


Fob.  94, 

KNATK. 

lire  riirlil  ti' 
ill  li'iriiiiry 

iiivi  MiiiMi  >>r 

Hn\tM-pi!:niy 

ln|t|)l>Nt'     \\v 

liii  iliv  rit;lit 
ri\rr  in  tliu 
rii.lil  hi  tlui_ 
.■mr  licl.H  dl' 
ill  iiiiili.iri'/i' 
ini"i>M  in  till' 
{MC'tcnd  lliiii 

mnri,  n  fi'vv 
lliin  WIIR  lliu 
mill  tu  ll-jn- 

ilinlions  li;nl 
;nali'(l  ihcni, 

H  i;liiil  It  Imd 
iriil  til  mIiow 
I  n»  wiiM  iin- 
1  to  ilid  I'on- 

riirhlH  ulu"' 
,  ii  Imill  Til, 
in  Mi:-isiiiiri , 
for  lliiil  nm- 
I'lil  mill  iniii  I. 
s  llml  wliii'li 
BriliKli  iiP!,'ii- 

tlii  y  Jid  Milt 
:i  |iiis.<iPKSory 
Id  II  i'i(,'lit  nf 
itwiir.  WIml 
y,  nut  ill  pill- 
insiitiiivprn- 
linS  llif  jiiriH- 
hrr  iiwn  siili- 

iinil  ovrr  nil 
<lpiiBivii  I'lirti- 
irinciliii'i'iipii- 
ipdf  ihn  liiiili- 
(linpoiiitinii  lo 
y  it  nlir  iniut. 
fsc  piivilra;^) ? 
'diie  nil?     An 

lIlllS  I'XpllUIIH 

nay  lirreiiiVi* 
t  hi'itain,  anil 
>y  »!■''  inakin< 
I'll,  and  lastly 
Kast  iiidii'H 
d  a  ;irrildiial 
Ml  uiiliinilcd 
Nil  CO  a  Rinall 
viisl  rolnnial 
lir  inn  ovr.l'  ll 

I'l'iinin  since 
"liiar  it  assci'l- 

wiiN  till'  I'ni'i , 
Inatinn  of  tlic 
liidt  itly  upiiii 
\it  of  the  iiin- 

jsrs.  Hnski!'- 

iiidi'iMT  witli 
Ir  claim  : 
LiviTfiuiity  ovpi 
lliiiiii,  nut  ill  tiny 
■ll  til  a  riulii  'it' 
Iti'H,  li'aviiiK  llai 

jprrsrnt  nlik' 
iil'tfi'ninnsins 
lid  allfinptins 
Irt'lciiili'd  dis- 
Jidca  Id  ncKlIi> 
Iwliii'li  wiiiild 
Ivratll  wliii'll 
IXlter  rccitintv 

J  ymrs  from  Itn* 

;  It  l)i-iaK  well 

|(instriM-tl  til  lliii 

lull  lijull  I'lia- 

mill  iMiiintn  ; 

|lY  OlIliT  l'llV\cl 

'  niily  oijiiii'l  111 

la  11(1  to  iiri'yi'iil 

lie  iiiili-naiti  Iv, 
l|<iirty  liy  ^ivin^ 


HKJ.i 


AH»KNUIX  TO  THK  COlNtlRKSSIONAL  OI.()MK 


'MH 


Ul  ..  ^oNo Irt  Skhi. 


Thr.  Onifim  (^Kf^illiin — l\l>;  Dickimon, 


SRNATt;. 


I 


till'  varioiia  ^oiiiida  of  rinlin,  h«  dnnni  with  the 

tiilliiwini;: 

1'  III  llai',  tlli»  iiri'ni'iil  ulnti'  iiC  thi'  iiiii-nlinii  lii'tw-fPii  tlir 
tivii  liiivrriillii'iiH  u|i|ii-iirH  111  111'  llili :  l*r<'iit  llrllaiii  imin- 
M-KP>i-i«  Hint  rxi'ri'ipi'n,  ill  I'liiiiiii'iii  Willi  ilai  I  iiiii-il  r<iHti  M,  a 
rliilit  111' Jiiliil  iM-rii)iii(if>  la  till'  iii'iuiia  li-rnliii>,iil' mIiIi'Ii 
IJIlllt  Rill*  rnn  lir  (hvi-nli'tl   tilth   ri'-pri'l   l<i  lllll  |rul  Ml' that 

tiirrltnr)'iiiilyliyniipiiiiltnti|u  |i»riiiiiiiiiiriliii  t^linlii  lii'twiifii 

till*  IHII   PnwiTH. 

•>  It  ll*  liir  (iliUiiiin  rrH.iiiii^  ili'iiirahli'  tliiit  mirli  a  imrlltnin 

uliiiiilil  tiilii'  |iln m  miiiii  n«  |iiii"l>il<',  anil  tin'  ililfli  ally  ap 

ni'nr»  t"  111'  In  il"V|i|ii|(  n  lliii'  iil'  ili  laiirralinn  wliii'li  nlmll 
ii'nvi'  til  mrli  iinriy  llml  |iri'ii«i'  |iiirilnii  nf  tliu  tirrllory  In-nt 
iiiiili.'il  til  itn  InliTi'it  Hiiil  i'iin\i'aii'in'«." 

It  wii.s  Maid  Ml-.  I'liki'iiliaiii  \yai  crnNiiird  liy  hi" 
Onvrrinm'iit.  Mr.  D.  dtiiiid  lliin.  ."Sir  Id'ilii  ii 
Prcl  wa.s  mil  |iri'piiiril  ti>  say  wliiilnr  Mr.  I'. 
nIiiiiiIiI  liiiva  taken  4'.l°iir  tidl;  iii  kIumI,  lie  wan  mil 
iiiipnred  in  nay  nnviliini;  idiiiut  ll  liil'iiii'  llie  puli- 
lii'.  Mr.  I).,  altlinii','li  he  dinireil  iiii  ruliiiiet  »e- 
nets,  Hlimild  like  In  know  iimlir  what  iiLilinelloiiH 
Mr.  V.  irji'i'.led  that  oiler?  Tlieftn  would  allow 
whellier  the  Drili.ih  MiiiiBlcr  xyiiH  niiirc  criiJipiiig 
than  Ilia  Ciovrrnnieni,  Inil  there  v/um  nothini;  in  the 
foieipi  newM  wliirh  imlieaied  It. 

lint  if  llii.s  lerriliny  ia  onrH,  in  it  woith  preserv- 
inn?  Ureal  HrilniiiHometinieNdeM'rilie.s  it  km  n  fer- 
tile retjiiin,  and  aiiniilinies  aa  n  enlil  and  liarien 
Wftsti",  and  it  has  hei  n  called  on  lliia  Hour,  the  iSi- 
lieria  of  .'Vmerii'ii.  ll  streti'lieH  fur  nearly  a  tlion- 
Kiind  niileH  aloni;  the  rarilii'.  enast;  the  di.ilani'C 
frniii  the  eoiisl  to  the  lloeky  iiiiiiinlainH,  varyilii; 
from  fue  In  seyen  liinidred  iinleK,  eoniprisiinc  ll  ] 
trart  of  cminlry  iiearlv  ei|Uttl  in  extent  to  uiie-half 
(if  the  States  of  this  iJiniiii,  and  eontiiiniiif;  tiyera 
iiaviiralile  for  hiindreiU  of  miles.  Iih  elinmtc,  in 
nil  lespeels,  is  heller  than  that  of  New  Eiifjland. 
'I'he  Almi^iily  has  laHliidiied  a  liii;hwny  from  the 
feriilc  valley  of  the  iMIsxisaippi  to  the  headwiiler.'* 
(if  the  CnlnmliiH.  Within  thai  rei;;ion,phuit«Hpiinif 
Hpontanconslvi  llowers  liloom  mid  shed  their  fra- 
flianee,  and  tlie  humming  bird  perforniH  its  round 
in  March.  'I'he  cminlry  looks  out  upon  the  I'lici- 
lie,ii|l'criii!{fHciliiieH  for  comiiieree  unsurpassed,  and 
some  of  the  heat  harliors  in  the  >vorld — will  (,'ive 
IIS  the  f 'hinn  trade  in  as  many  weeks  ns  it  now 
takes  monthij  to  pcrl'orni  the  journey,  and  without  , 
the  dancers  of  a  passa^re  around  ilio  cajca;  the 
trade  of  Jajvin,  the  Spanish  islands,  British  and 
Duli'li  Kast  India  and  the  golden  ronimerce  of  the 
whole  East,  wl.ii'h  has  enriched  the  world.  Ills 
the  ftdyaniiii^es  of  this  ^reul  commercial  posse.snlon 
of  which  Greai  Britain  seeks  to  depriye  us.  She 
sees  that  till  commerce  of  the  world.  If  divided  into 
eiirht  (larls,  beloiisjH  live  parts  of  il  to  herself  and 
us;  and  liy  further  allolment  as  between  our.'selves, 
two  of  tliiisn  liye  pails  are  ours;  and  she  sees,  too, 
that,  from  nnr  srrovvinir  importmice,  if  we  posscw 
ourselves  of  this  terrilory,  we  shall  be  in  pnsses- 
hIoii  of  both  oceuns;  that  we  shall  be  successors 
to,  as  we  are  now  the  e.ompetiliirs  for,  her  trident; 
that  here  [.'real  commercial  cities  will  triow  ii|i,  and 
that  our  merchants  will  become  the  commun  car- 
riers of  the  world. 

Hut  we  are  told,  as  usual,  that  there  will  be  war 
unless  the  country  he  at  least  divided.  Mr.  D. 
had  said  at  the  comiiiencemenl  that  he  would  dis- 
cuss the  quesiion  with  the  same  I'reedoni  as  though 
it  were  one  to  be  decided  before  n  judicial  tribunal; 
luul  while  he  should  deprecate  ii  reckless  war,  he 
should  eqiinlly  deprecate  a  craven  nnd  purchased 
jieace.  Neither  the  one  nor  the  other  was  neces- 
sary. He  had  shown  by  the  admissions  of  Great 
Uritain,  that  she  has  no  rii^lils  beyond  those  which 
appertain  to  her  subjecls  as  such.  These  we  had 
never  inlerfered  with;  but  she  had  herself  broken 
the  irealy,  by  the  exercise  of  n'is  of  soveici!;iily 
which  she  had  a  rii;ht  only  to  exercise  williin  her 
own  dominions,  or  witliui  a  country  where  that 
iuiihority  was  niveii  her. 

We  w'ere  tidd,  loo,  ihat  it  must  be  lermiimted 
by  peaceable,  honorable  ne'joliation.  IVaceiiblo 
neKotialion  becomes  lis — honorable  neuotialioii 
should  accompany  il.  Dut  if,  on  a  full  exiiniiim- 
tiiiii,  wc  can  nmintaiii,  in  the  face  of  the  civilized 
world,  that  it  is  ours,  it  would  be  an  act  of  inju.s- 
tice  to  surrender  it.  Sir,  we  have  the  riirlit  to  call 
upon  Ureal  llriuiin  to  jrive  up  her  pretended  einim. 
■Slie  cannot  break  the  peace  of  the  world,  when  wc 
nie  willing  to  respect,  and  do  respect,  all  the  ri!;;ht8 
bhe  has  there. 

ll  was  .'•aid,  too,  that  we  inust  come  down  to 
the  4'Jih  degree  of  north  laliluilo,  and  compromise. 
Why  should  that  parallel  be  proposed .'     It  luul 


been  repeatedly  oll'erril    by  nnr  f  lovi  rnmeiii,  and    ] 
MH  ofieii   riji'i'leil.     'I'lic   lust  time  it  was  iid'ercd,  ' 
her  Miijesly's    Miiii^ier  ih'i'lared    Mint    he  liii[M'd  'i 
this  Uovenimenl  woiilil  make  an  oll'ir  iiinre  con-  I 
BiMii'iil  with   liiirncss  iDid  erpiiiy,      \\r  reiiirned    ' 
this  answer  at  nine,  williont  ril'erriiii;  In  his  Clov- 
ernniinl:  and   no  such  ipiestion  exisis,  except  in 
iiiiiiL^niatiiin.     Ones  it  hi'i-ome  onr  honor,  dignity, 
or  Helf-respei't    as  a    ii.ilinn,    to    keep   ciiiiNtanlly 
iirgiii'T  liefoie   tile  peii|ili'  of  this  coiiiilry  and  the 
world  that  llie  illHli  painllel   iniist   be  the  ili\iding  , 
line;  llint  we  will  give   her  lliat  line,  ihouirli  she 
has  di'i'lnred  idie  will   nut    receive  il  ?     ll  will   be 
lime  eiioii'.rh   for   lis  In    snv  we  will   give  (treat 
llrilain  a  part  when  she  niaki'H  nut  n  title  to  il;  or 
if  we  gue  her  what  is  iiiiri,  lei   her  first  at  least 
I'onsi'iit  to  receive  il;  and   mil   force   her  to  accept 
llie  territory  which  she  says  she  refuses.     Mr.  D. 
had  Inn  iiiiich   respect  for  iiiii  ( iiiveniment   to  in-- 
ciipy  a  po.'^iliiin  so  hiiiniliiitiiig'.  niiil  llioiigh  he  had 
Inn  iniii'h   respecl   for  the   Ibiiish  li'iivernment  In  ' 
indnlu'e  in  aspersions,  he  had  mil  llml  iilfeclion  for 
ll  which  sliiiiilil  iiidnce  him  lo  urge  upon  il  a  por-  | 
lion  nf  our  lerrilory.  | 

The  sirici  ipiesrion  before  the  Heniile  was,  shall 
the  ciinvenlion  be  lerinimiteil  •  Hut  it  had  prnper- 
Iv  taken  a  nnu'li  wider  range,  and  the  foreign  and 
doinesiic  policy  of  the  Cfovcrnincnt  brought  uiiiler 
discussion.  j 

The  dill'erenl  structure  of  the  two  (Jiivernmenls 
I  was  too  oiiviiins  to  reijiiire  expliinalinn:    theirs, 
lenlr'il,  executive,  and    its  chief  power  resting  in 
its  ministry;  ours,  popular,  representaiive,  anil  its 


elemenls  ol'slreiiL'lli  vvit!i  the  masses  of  the  pcopi 
Theirs  (levelnpe'l  its  greatest  energies  in  the  star-  ' 
chamber  policy  of  difilomatie.   negotiations;  ours  , 
through  its  |iopiilar  expression;  and  hence  the  rea- 
son we  failed  when  lliiis  brought  in  eonflici  with 
her,  and  not  because  her  stalesmcii  were  more  sa-  ' 
gacioiis  ihiiii  inirs.  I 

Thedregon  iiueslion  here  reeeivnl  ils  lone  from  i 
the  people — lliere  from  the  caliin  .  Why  had  the  ; 
declaration  of  the  rreaiilent  of  ilic  United  States  ' 
received  such  tiiKinalitied  and  imiversnl  approba-i' 
lion.'     Il  was  not  meiely  lhat  he  said,  under  the 

'  sanction  of  his  high  position,  that  our  title  to  the  / 
whole  of  OreL'on  was  clear  and  nniineslionable— 
it  was  not  llial  he  was  eho.sen  by  ihiiii  to  be  their 
Chief  Magistniie  over  a  popular  and  dislingnished 
cnmnetilor — it  was  not  that  they  felt  an  abiding 
conhdencein  his  stern  iiitegrily,'and  an  assurance  ;, 
llml,  like  him  who  had  ironc  before  him,  he  would 
claim  only  llml  which  was  right, and  would  submit 
111  nothing  which  was  wrong;  but  il  was  because 
in  his  huigiiaL'e  they  heard  liieir  own,  and  felt  thai 
the  sentiments  he  uttered  were  the  sentiments  of 
their  henrls.  , 

lint  il  is  said  we  must  beware  how  we  discuss 
this  <|iiesiioii,  because  the  news  from  oliroiul  ia  pa-  \- 
eific;  because  the  U-Ucen's  speech  is  gentle  because 
the  language  used  in  Parliament  is  mild;  because  ' 
the  tone  of  the  public  press  in  Great  Hrilnin  is  (la- : 
cific.     Sir,  I  concede  all  this;  but,  beginning  with  ] 
the  Queen's  siieeeh;  when   our  whole  policy  is  | 
made  to  depend  upon  the  Ciiieen's  speech,  or  upon  ! 
the  senlimenis  of  British  sUilesmen,  or  upon  the  ' 
press  of  Great  Hrilain,  we  may  as  well  nt  once  go 
back  10  a  slate  of  colonial  servitude.     What  is  tlie 
CXueen's  speech  .=     A  forniiiUi  which  has  not  been 

''changed  three  seulences  for  ns  many  centuries; 
and  from  this  wc  arc  to  take  our  line  of  conduct. 
But  the  language  in  Parliament  is  pacific,  certain- 
ly.    Whoever  knew  an  insiance  in  which  Great  i 
Britain  paraded  her  foreign  policy  before  the  world? 
If  we  would  know  it,  we  nmsl  find  out  the  secrets 
of  her  Foreign  OHi'-','.    Her  energies  are  dilfcrently  ' 
employed.    'I'he  British  Premier  c  -imes  into  Parlia- 
ment with  every  expression  calciilaled  and  weigh- 
ed well  before  uttered.     The  Premier,  in  his  place 
ill  Parliament,  sees  nothing  that  will  disiiiro  the 
peaceful  relations  of  the  counlrv;  but  proposes  to 
increase  warlike  preparation.    lie  trusts  that  peace  '• 
will  be  preBcrvcd,  and  so  did  he,  (Mr.  D.,)  but  he 
trusted  Great   Britain  would  yield  up  a  claim  as-  ; 
serted  without  right  and  maiiilained  against  evi- 
dence,     lleiice  it  was  lhat  he  trusted  we  should 
liuvc  no  war. 

As  10  any  commercial  atranjement  contempla- 
ted between  the  two  countries,  it  must  depend  upon 
its  advantages,  luid  iioi  upon  the  Oregon  question. 
Whenever  Great  Britain  should  propose  any  ar- 
rangement   to    this  Government,  he    tnislcu   we 


slioiihl  me't  her  in  llin  saint' spirit  of  liberalilv  ami 
good  feeling  which  should  i  hnracleri/e  the  inler- 
ciinrse  bflween  l^vii  great  iinlinns.  But  he  sav^r 
tiothing  in  the  iineeii's  speech,  in  the  debates  in 
Parliami'iil,  ir  in  the  temper  of  the  Itrilish  press 
which  should  induce  us  In  In  silali  or  relax  in  tliii 
prosecnlioii  of  onr  ri;rhls  in  llre';iiii. 

I'erlinps  vhe  would  throw  o|icii  In  r  purls;  bill 
what  would  iiidnce  her  lo  do  it?  I.ove  and  nll'ec- 
tiiiii  for  till  interests  of  the  American  people?— or 
linil  ihe  erie.1  of  her  siarving  niillinns  reached  to 
Heaven  ?  Did  she  see  the  genius  of  monarchy  rock- 
ing upon  iiH  pedestal,  and  propose  lo  permit  famiiio 
to  piii'cliiiiie  ils  criisl  in  the  mnrliel  of  the  world, 
and  thus  prm  ure  a  renewal  of  her  lease  of  despot- 
ism, which  she  feared  was  drawing  to  a  close,  il 
wu'i  a  i|nesliiiii  bclwien  lhat  iiovernmeiii  and  ilH 
people;  111  r  arislncr.icy  had  given  way  utioii  enin- 
pul'iinii,  and  not  frinu  choice.  Il  was  ii  bold  and 
maslerly  policy  of  her  ministry  lo  siivo  tli.i  nation, 
and  gave  no  indicalion  that  she  would  relax  her 
unjiisi  claim  to  Oregon.  We  should  look  lo  onr 
own  interest  and  lo  our  own  enunlry  for  seiiliniciilH 
by  which  to  regulate  our  iiciion,  and  leave,  cnni- 
mercial  irealies  and  regulations  lo  the  future.  The 
.Vlmi'.'hty  had  created  lieings  there,  mid  materials 
to  feed  liiem  here,  not  upon  the  territories  of  ninn- 
arcliy  but  of  fit  i  diun. 

.Sii  much  had  been  said  n| the  piicirtu  tone  of 

the  British  press,  that  Mr.  D.  would  read  a  short 
exiiact  from  till  Louden  Times,  which  might  be 
regarded  nssemi-otllcial,  and  the  true  feeling  of  the 
Briii'^li  Ministry; 

"  It  n|i|iciirii  Hint  tlii!  lili'l  iimiMixiil  milimltleil  In  hlni  (Mr. 
I'uki'iiliinn)  liy  -Mr.  Uiii'liiiiiiin,  viz  :  ii  ilivinloii  of  tlie  terrl- 
liiry,  III'  ri-jccii'il  ut  iiiieu.  Now  il  in  lin;i'(l  Hint  lie  hIiuiiIiI 
liiive  eiiiiiininiicali'il  Willi  Itiu  lliiinc  (iiiverniiii'iit  liefnre  he 
tniiU  Ml  HUiiiniiirv  a  eiiiiriii'.  II  noiilil  require  a  fuller  nc- 
(jiiiiiiitHiici'  Willi  ihe  i'iri'iiiiiHliuicc.4  lit'  tile  cnie  tlinn  In  nf- 
liirili'il  liy  Hir  It.  t'cel'M  i'\|ilaiailiiin,  tii  iironoiinee  piinillvt'ly 
iipiiii  Ulu  jimiirii'l)'  nr  Inn  entiilnct.  If  liy  the  term  'iilivlii- 
imi,"  111.'  tinilcrf*iiHHl  a  (livifiiin  liiriiu'd  liy  a  Hue  eniiliiiui-il 
from  till}  fnriy-ninih  pariillel,  we  eiiii  uinlcrntiiiid  the  iihk 
lives  wlliell  iiirei'il  him  to  lejeel  tlie  nft'er.  TIlU  |mrtili(iti 
of  tcrriloiy  wnulil  have  itcprivi'il  im  nf  the  i'nillnibiu  river; 
\  in  fact,  nf  the  moHl  efKiiilJnl  prnperly— tlie  only  lieiieHriiil 
Interc't  in  the  iliiipiileil  enunlry.  Kxi'lililiai*  tlliii,  it  e.xelii. 
dril  not  iiiily  Hie  iiio.it  liniHirlunt  part  nf  iiur  ctaimii,  hiil  Hint 
which  pri'viiiiis  eiiaveiitiiiii.i  uiiil  previiiUH  prnpiMHls  had 
eiineeik'il  In  llti.  It  wiilllil  have  heea  iiiipiii'i'ilile  fur  any 
KiiflliHl.  "iiliiiii't  111  accept  nirrrn  uit  InnililliUllltt,  ur  ridllln  no 
truiicali'il.        •••■•• 

"  It  .Mr.  riikcnliiini  hitti  lit'lniyeil  an  iiliilneiiied  or  ilniilil- 
fiil  niiinl  when  called  upon  to  cede  Hie  nnvifinlioii  nf  the 
CiilnmbiH  and  the  rich  Hull  u|H>n  it-i  hanks,  wlint  would  have 
'  hceii  mild  liy  the  politiciaan  of  theraiU'il  Stateii,  hy  tlieninb 
eiiniitlnii'ncii'H,  by  the  limb  flalliTiTi.,  liy  the  puiiders  to  bod 
piiniiinn'',  and  the  niiiliirH  fur  iinpulnr  favor." 

This,  then,  was  the  conciliatory  spirit  which 
should  induce  the  representatives  of"  mo6  coiistit- 
iifiiciis"  lo  surrender  Oregon! 

Mr.  D.  said  as  so  ..  '•  'lad  been  urged  in  favor 
of  negotiation,  and  as  tin,  i..acliings  of  experience 

'  were  vahiabU ,  he  would  refer  lo  our  diplonmliii 
history  for  thirty  years,  and  see  how  the  various 
questions  had  been  disposed  of.  It  had  been  al- 
ready seen  that  all  the  rights  Great  Britain  Imd  in 

I  Oregon  were  conferred  by  negoiiation.  A  few  years 
since  there  were  four  leading  subjecls  of  dilTerence: 

;  the  northeastern  boundary,  tlie  Caroline  orMcLcotI 
alTuir,  the  right  of  search,  and  Oregon. 

The  northeastern  boundary  was  first  .submitted 
to  the  arbitrament  of  the  King  of  the  Netherlands, 
who  wius  instructed  lo  follow  the  highlonds,  but 
located  his  line  in  the  bed  of  the  St.  John's.  His 
award  was  rejected,  and  negoiiation  resumed.  Great 
Britain  had  more  territory  awarded  lo  her  than  a 
map  in  her  Foreign  Oriice  showed  she  wus  cntitleil 
to,  and  this  Government  paid  to  Maine  and  Mas- 
siichu.ictls  for  the  terrilory  thus  ceded  «|i300,0{X). 
This  was  the  history  of  one  concession  liy  this  to 
the  British  Government. 

In  1837  there  were  collisions  between  citizens  of 
New  Yolk  and  elsewhere,  and  the  inhid)itttnts  of 
Canada — hoslilities  having  been  exchanged  be- 
tween the  jiartics,  nt  least  as  it  was  supposed, 
when  an  i.vnied  company,  under  the  direction  of 
the  Canadian  authorities,  cnnie  over  and  seized  a 
steamboat  lying  within  the  terrilory  and  jurisdic- 
tion of  ihe  Stale  of  New  'Vork,  while  the  hands 
were  asleep  on  board,  cut  il  out,  murdered  a  por- 
tion of  the  hands,  and  one  who  fled  to  the  shore 
was  shot  down  after  he  had  reached  il.  The  boat 
and  her  crew  were  sent  over  the  Fulls  of  Niagara. 
That  was  a  quesiion  which,  at  the  lime,  raised  the 
'  indignation  not  only  of  citizens  of  New  York,  but 
'  of  the  whole  American  people.    The  attention  of 


i 


'Jih-ii  CoNO 1st  Sbss. 


Al'I'KiN'DlX  TO  THE  COiNlJUKSSIOINAf.  (if-OUK. 
The  Orofon  <-^iu:stion — Mr,  J)!ckinsoii. 


\Vi.A-,.i5, 


OKNATE. 


f 


i 


llio  niillinrilica  of  New  \(iil(,  iiiiil  oC  lliu  IJnileil 
Slii(('i>.  wire  (limlt-il  lo  ihc  sitl)jfel;  ic|  •uutioii 
WHS  clt'iiianilrd.nml  liuw  wii.s  it  |ii(n;iirf(l  r 

All  iiiilividuiil  ii:\inttl  Mi-Lcnd,  nil  inlinliilHiU  of 
Ciiiinil",  iivowi'il  liiiiisrlf  llir  iniiiili'iTr,  mill  liciny 
IN  ilii'  Si;iir  (iT  New  Yiir'iM  «iiH  iiiri'sicil  anil  t'lin- 
finpil  ill  jiiil.  The  Kcilfiiil  (.iiivi'iiimciit  iMiili)iivor- 
111  111  |ii-c\iiii  liis  tiiul  liy  tliii  c.oiiri.H  of  Now  York; 
mill  liiu  I'lir  llic  I'liiiiiiiuiulnlilc  linimcKs  of  lii'i-  <;x- 
n'lilivr  mill  jiiiliriiil  iiiillnii'ilii'.s,  wimlil  Imvo  Biic- 
ii'iilcil.  No  rr|iiuiiii"ii  liim  yrl  Ixi'ii  iiimli';  mill  il 
iH  wiiil  to  liiivr  lirrii  i'lmr;;ril  up.iii  llu'  (loor  ol'  the 
iillu'i'  liniiicli  111'  ('i)iii;irws  tluil  llif  IVih  ol'  cotiiiHel 
Willi  ilrl'i'iiiliMl  Mi-Li'oil  wi-ic  |iiiiil  rroiii  tliii  lieiisii- 
i-y.  Mr.  O.  liiii w  iioiliin;;  coiiiiTiiiii;;  Ilii;  suile- 
iiii'iil,  Imi  lio|ii-il,  lor  lliu  honor  of  till'  luuioii,  il  was 
iiol  trill'. 

Mr.  Wkiim-k.u.     It  is  wliolly  fiiU-. . 

iMr.  Mil  i;iSMiN  wiih  Impjiy  to  liiiir  it.  llewi.-ili- 
eil  lo  111  roniit  US  111  iliii  liisiory  of  the  |msi;  luit  if 
liis  riTolli'iiioii  si'rvfil  liiiii,  thr  l''cili ml  UoviTii- 
iiupl  in.-<isiid  that  llu-  iiiiiliiiriiiis  of  Nfw  York, 
iiiiiirr  llir  rifftiiiisimii'fN,  liiiil  Ho  ri;;lit  li»  try  Mi"- 
Lfuil,  wliii  lierlari'il  lit-  liiul  sriil  llir  missile  wliii'ii 
li'i-iiiiiiHlnl  ihr  lilf  of  Dili-  of  litM- 1  iliziiis  upon  lier 
own  soil.     Dot's  lli(.  Si'iinlov  wisli  to  cxpiaiiir 

.\Ir.  Wkbstkii.  Not  lit  pii'Kciii:  1  do  not  want 
lo  inli'mipillii'Si-nalor.  I  sIimII  tliiiik  it  iii'crssary. 
piMJiaps,  lo  cali  on  'miii  licmilU'r  for  tin:  niiliiorily 
upon  uhi'i'  he  nmkrs  liie  slalenirnl. 

Mr.  DirKivsiis  liail  iinili'i-siooil  lliiri'  wns  a  I'or- 
rcspoiidt'Ui'C  iirtwt'i'ii  liif  aiillioritirs  al  Wasiiiiiij- 
loii  ni'il  ilic  l.iovriiior  of  Now  York  lo  llinl  i-ll'ii',!. 
Inn  In-  alliidi'd  parliruliirly  lo  n  Iciii-r  iiddri's.srd  liy 
Mr.  Wrbsii-r,  Si'i-rrliiry  of  SlaO',  lo  Mr.  Crit- 
Ii'iiili'ii,  AltoriH  y  (-"tiiiral,  at  lliiil  lime,  diiTCtin;; 
liiiii  to  proi'iTil  lo  Ni'W  ^'ork  :iiid  Hiki-  rliari'i"  of 
ilic  trial  of  .Mi'Li'oij.  lli- laid  il  not  iIumi  licfore 
Iiiin,  and  'V\]  tot  r''''olIi-t':  iispri-risr  lan;;iia;xi',  init 
w  Mill!  .1.  '^  lull  iicfori' 111' slioiiM  rio.si'.  Hr  would 
indi'iivor  to  spi'jik  of  ilir  history  of  ilir  past  truly, 
and  lit  (!•  rli'cl  kiildm'ss,  hiu  he  wished  to  show 
what  we  had  gained  l>y  iiefjoiialiona  with  Great 
Briivii-,  and  who  had  iiiaile  llie  lOiH'Cssioiis. 

Mr.  I),  h.-re^'ave  wiiv  lo  a  iiiotion  for  vxoi'iuivo 


^V^  iiM.'iii  w  ,  /Vo-iiiirif  ■,'.*!,  iNlll. 
Mr.  I1U'KlNS0.\siud,wlii'iilie;;ave  way  yislir- 
diiy,  ill  disrnssni;  ilie  .Mi-Iji'oil  alVai..  ''c  had  iiii'i- 
di'inallv  alindi-d  to  a  sialeniPiil  whi^h,  he  had  tiii- 
drr>trHid.  l!:id  iH-ru  made  in  the  otliir  House  tif 
I'lnn'ri'ss  liv  ll.e  '  liair'fi.ui  "f  ill''  ('oinmniii'  on 
Foreign  .-VtVurs.  The  s!al"iiiiiil  Mirprised  him,  a-s 
he  had  ]iiT\ionsly  sUilnl;  for  he  ihoin;lil,  if  true, 
il  was  u  ureal  aliiise,  whi'li  should  lie  j;iinrded 
afainsl  for  the  fiuure,  and  if  im'I.  il  should  he  de- 
nied. He  would  pr'idih'i  and  nail  ihe  I'muirks  lo 
which  he  alluded,  -  well  in  iusittiraiion  of  his 
s'.alement  as  lo  :il  w'  llie  hue  Sei'i'i'tary  [.Mr. 
WKniTi'.a)  a  lull  "pportuiiiiy  for  explanation,  if 
111'  di'S'ieil." 

Mr.  l''v.\s«  ;:.iid  it  w.is  hot  in  order. 

Mr.  Dii  KiNsns  said  he  had  no  desire  lo  read,  if 
ohjeeled  lo  from  ll  ■  'her  -id'  ,  '  .d  would  waive 
il.  Thai  pari  of  uie  .'■'lali"  '.  ii,  however,  as  re- 
P'-iried,  w'liii'h  relalid  lo  the  Ink-  alloriiey  of  ihe 
I'n'U'd  Stales  for  ihe  lu'rlliirii  dislriet  of  \ew 
Yoik,  'id  that  i;eiitleiii,''.n  ii'jiisli.'e,  (iininlenlioiial, 
eeriandv,"!  '"r  he  M'as  a  ;r  il'  man  of  inieirrilv, 
and  had  iiiiihriaKcii  the  defenee  of  MeLi'"il  before 
Ilii  :ipi"iiiitnient;  and  hesidi'.>,  !\frLi'nil  was  prose- 
eiiied  111  a  Slate  roiirl,  by  ihc  atlorney  ;;oiicral  of 

"  Rllrnel  I'mm  the  speerh  ol'  Vr.  «'..'.  FnciTHOIl  in  Itir 
llell^f  nl  Keliri'^enlatives.  Spi'iikilll(  ill'  Hie  .Mi'Ll'dll  .'iHilir, 
Mr.  htiiiTsiiM  ~:i'il : 

'.Hi'  VI.  v\  rrl  llijit  lajilter  !i^a«"'i  .'lit  riiM.'  ih'tii  .-ininriz  Itte 
i'.iii-t'- \vlii'.h  li'fl  tn  th"  iiv4'rtlirn\,  eC  tli'  |i;irfv  i\  lii<'h  hiiil 
itiliimrlt'il  Mr.  \  an  Ihet'ii.  i>l  whifti  he  tiitn-'lf  wn«  eiii'. 
Chit  el  ilii.^  eotilrnvcritv  iire.111  the  ani^I  tit  .\lex.  McLetHl. 
WIeil  II"  interiil.il  in  ^lill.'   now  I'lii.-i-l.  il  cil   l.n'tii  iiul  ji  l 

poll'TItllX    kll'iwn,  Itlll    whirl'    A\lltjll|    -.IMR    II'.'    lllllllc    kllOlVIl, 

fur  ilit'V  were  in  imiire,..,  it'  |iiililietiti'in.  iinil  lie  linil  re- 
ei'ivi'il    Ihi  III    III    lin  e-Mlfi  lerte.  .  I'niiii    the   lii'.'l   Htillnirifv. 

Whiii  .Mi'leiHl    \\n<  ;irr.'.li'tl,  1^1 1   IhiniM-li    Icttl  jnnl 

lll'it.  nrid  ,\|r.  1'\l' t  '\,|.     'Hi    \rl  HI  lirir:,!'  ».!  Ill-   ..iii-,.|'--iir. 

M'-  W.-lwl'T -Willi  w:i«  iV  r.i./i  th"  ,\iliiiiiii-lr.'ninii--Mr. 
\\>li.t*  r  wrnle  til  lilt'  linvernnr 'tf  New  \'iirk.  ivillt  In., own 
hilliit.  jl  li'Mi'r,  iiilil  Hem  II  Itv  I  xjirett-.  ni.'trkeil 'privitle,' ill 
U'iiii'ii  Ihf  (etveniiir  Wat  I'llil  Iliiil  lie  inil.-l  ri'letlite  Mcl.eiMl, 
nr  "tf  ihi'  ai.'iynilii't.nl  i  'iiiiintr'-i.il  t'iii|iiiniini  hinl  in  iitln't. 
"ho  lirjll!iiiir  it.'*i'ririli'in  cixfii  h\  the  I'l'iilh-nifui  I'rtini  Vir. 
piliil  itf  tilt'  |trii*iiii'ii\>'  i|t.<iriji'tt.>ii  III"  ttiiit  eit>  in  the  pntie 
el  w.ir   wilt.   Ill   .'I    liiril/.llre,  illilli'l|iHleil  iia   thin  oeeatlnli. 

MlI.iihI  iiiiiti  11'  ri'luiLsf il,  i»aiil  llti-  ^'^-^.n  uir>  of  .ttuui'.  ar 


I^ew  ^'ork,  where  ihe  dislriel  atlorney  olV.,j  \.*'»i- 
led  tSiali's  had  no  ollieial  relalion. 

iVIr.  I),  said  he  had  also  sialeil  Ihat  tin:  l''edei'i.l 
Cjovermiieiil  eiiileavore.l  to  arresl   ihe  trial  of  Me- 

1 ,1   It,    l!' '  aiilliorltii'8  of  New    \ork,  on    lliu 

!:'roiind  that,  if  h<M'omniilli'd  the  niiirili'i',  il  was  liy 
ihe  dirci'lion  anil  iiiiiler  llie  aiillioriiy  of  llie  lirilish 
(Tiivermiieiil,  whieli  had  avowed  ili<  ael,  and  that 
tliK  (ioveriinieni,  and  not  the  iniluidiial,  was  re- 
s)ioiisilite.  He,  iiiiderslood  the  honorahle  Senalor 
fiuiii  .Massaehii.sriis  |Mr.  WKa-iTKal  lo  deny  siii'h 
inlerferenee,  or  iiiliinate  iliai  he  should  eall  for  the 
aiiiliorily  for  Hiieh  slaieini'iil.  Mr.  t>.  did  not  ill- 
lend  lo  ehariie  a  foriilili'  or  lawless  inlerferenee, 
hill  H  palpable  and  d':.'el  one,  and  an  alieinpl,  on 
llie  pari  of  Ihe  iiu'lioriiieH  al  Washinulon,  lo  arresl 
the  ordinal y  einirse  of  ii'Silee,  and  preveiii  a  trial 
upon  the  nierils.  Mi'Leod  was  eouliiied  in  a  jail 
in  a  weslern  eoiiiilv  of  New  ^'ork,  ehariied  b,  in- 
dieimeiit  willi  Ihe  iiiurder  of  Diiri'ee,  a  eili/.eii  of 
that  ,Siiite,  wiilini  ils  liorilers.  While  so  eonfuied, 
and  as  his  iriiil  was  approaehiii'.:,  Mr.  Kox,  Ihe 
lirilish  Minister.  a\oweil  llie  int  lo  be  ihal  of  her 
Majesty's  tioM'riiinenl,  and  deiiianded  llie  release 
of  i\|i'(jeod.  .'X  eorrespondi  lire  was  said  lo  IniM' 
pa.ssed  beiwei'ii  llie  l''edei'al  and  Siaie.  aiilhorilies 
loiiiliin^'  the  i|iieslioii  of  MeLeod's  release,  of 
wliiili  Mr.  U.diil  not  prelend  In  speak;  lait  he  held 
ill  Ins  hand  a  leiler  Ironi  llie  lale  .S  ereiary  of  Slale 
|.\!r.  Wi'.iisrKnl  lo  ihe  lale  Alloriny  tieiieral, 
[.Mr.  ('airri'.XDKN.l  wliiili.  hi,'  tliouehi,  fully  es- 
tjiblislied  all  he  hail  asserled. 

'I'iie  leiler  pnrporled  lo  be  issued  from  llie  lle- 
parlmenl  ofHiale,  .Mareli  la,  ISJI;  and,  afler  reei- 
liiiir  llie  fuels,  and  sialiim:  that  .Mi'Li'oil  has  been 
ili'inandeil  by  llie  lirilish  Minister  upon  the  L;roiiiiil 
thai  llie  e.\pedilion  was  planned  by,  and  exeeiiltal 
under,  llie  aiillioriiy  of  llie  lli'ilish  tlinernineiil, 
priii'eed.s  as  follows: 

••  Ml  thill  IS  iiilfiiiliil  M  hf  siii.l  al  iiri'ti'iil  i.".  Ihiil  siiiee 
till'  ntliick  (til  Iht'l'iirtililli.'  l-  iimiwi'iI  as  a  niiniiiiiil  iit'l  wliicti 
lli.'ii  jiisiny  ri'iin-:  Is,  nr  evi'ii  ui'iiiTiil  war.  il"  thr  (Iiimtii 
llirill  ttl' Ilir  I  lllli'd  Slates,  ill  Ihr  jinliinii'lll  \1  Itictl  il  >lllll] 
liirin  III"  Ihr  liailsnctliin  atnl  ill'  ils  m\  ii  tint'. .  shiilihl  'fv  lit 
sr  tDtlrt'iltr.  yet  llllll  It  raist'S  nillli'slnill  rnllM'lv  pnlillc  anil 
P'lllliral — aijllt'sliiiti  hfUieeii  lilili'lirniiriil  ii.nii.  i-— ami  lllill 
iiiilivnliials  ciincrnii'il  in  il  raiiniil  lir  arrrsiril  anil  tnrd  hr 
liirr  thr  itriliii!ir\'  trihilimls.  as  I'.tr  Ihe  \itihiliiin  iirniiiiiirijiiil 
law.  rriht'  iitliii'k  nil  the  I'lirelliii'M'iis  iiiiin-iiliiihh'.  as  iliis 
tjnxrrnni-  'it  has  assrrteil.  tin'  law  whirli  ha-  bri'i,  viiilalril 
IS  the  11-  .  til'  nallnns.  ami  lllr  ri'ilrrss  wlln'll  is  In  he  siaiitlil 
i-  till'  ri'ilrrss  aulhiirip.i'il.  la  slli'li  tiLsr-.  livtlit'  [innisiiinsiil 
llial  .  .'Ir.  .,,... 

"  \  '  will  hr  I'liriiislii  il  Willi  n  nipy  ni'this  mstriirti'm  ler 
till'  Use  III' llie  K\t'riitiM'  iti  \rw'  Vilrk.aml  Hie  .\llnrni'i  lira- 
rt.il  III'  that  t-ilalr,     \  ,111  u'll  carry  witli  \iiii  alsn  ,,vll:<iilii 

ri-l'lnirr    ill'  thr    irrii;iiill|ii||    li>     till'    Itrilisti   tiitvirillin'lll  I'l' 

Ihr  il. -irai'tinii  111' thr  I'arnliiii'.  lu  an  act  ol' |iiililn' I'lir.i', 
ilitiie  li\'  naliiinal  aiillinrin'. 

•' Mavillu  ciiiiHiilleil  witil  llie  Cnvrrnar.  veil  wilt  piorct'il 
til  I,iirk|i'irl.  nr  wlirrrvi'r  t'ist.  thr  llial  iii.n  hr  liriilrn.  ;imi 
llirni.-tl  III''  lirisitntr's  I'lillllsrl  w  itli  ihr  r\nl,'iirr  rt' w  hirh 
Mill  will  tic  ill  lliisst'ssiiin.  niatrrial  to  hi-  itrrriirr,  Ynu 
will  see  lliat  he  have  ttkllfllt  anit  rlninrill  rinilistl.  ll'  sllrll 
hr  mtt  alrrnilv  rt'tinnril;  anil  alltinii'jli  ynu  are  nnl  ilrsirril  In 
ail  a.s  riillimel  >ulirsrn.  >iill  will  l-ausr  ll  !>■  hr  si[t|litiril  III 
lliiii.  anil  III  thr  ','rnltriiiiili  w  Ihi  lino  ''iiiiliirt  Ills  ih'ti'ii'"', 
that  It  is  the  wish  ,,t'  tins  (hiM'riimnit  llial  in  rasr  his  lie- 
li'llre  he  nvcrriili'il  hy  tlic  rniiil  in  which  hr  -hall  he  tried, 
ini'iH-r  sle|,s  he  taken  iniiindiiilrli  liir  rrnnoont  the  cause. 
In  wril  III  errnr.  In  tlir  .siinurmi.  r.nirl  (ll  lllr  I'liitt'il 
St.it.'s." 

.Mr.  D.  mull  rsiiiod  the  evidence  llie  .Viloriii  y 
Lieneral  was  thus  ilireeleil  lo  lake  «ilh  him,  lo  be 
e\iileiii'e  ihtit  McLeod  acted  by  orilei  cf  '.he  Brit- 
ish Ciovernmi  111,  and  'hi  a\iiwal  of  llie  acl  by  llial 
(i(i\ei'niiient.  Here,  il  would  be  seen,  was  a  dec- 
larnlioii  that  .Mi'Leod  roiiiil  mil  In  anesleil  ni  Iriiil. 
nniler  the  eiri'iinismnies,  liv  liie  ordin.iry  Irihnnals. 
The  .Attorney  Cieiierai  of  the  Uniled  tSiaies  was 
din 'i  ll   lo  pi (I'd    lo  the  place  of  his  trial,  .see 

\i w  \'iirk  must  he  lanl  in  iisht  s.  Thr  (invcriiiir  asked 
when  this  wdiilil  lit' ilitiie  ..  The  itjily  was,  7i,r'Aii'iM.  On 
Mill  ii'il  srr  riiiiiiiiL' (III  Ihr  iviivi's  III    the    st'U  the  Pauhaii 

rilli-.'     aii'l  It  M.'l I    l."   mil   ri'l.a-.il.Vcw   ViirU  Wlllhr 

ilrstriwrd.     Hut,  said  the  't'livrriiiir.  llic  |Kiwt  r  nt  |innlini  is 

M'sti  (I  III  me.  and  even  ii'  he  li noicte.;,  he  iiiav  he  jtar- 

(Inm  ll.  I  111.  int.  said  llic  .-^rcreliiri ,  lI'.Mill  i  \('il  liv  him  Mill 
will  hriiii:  licsiriiriinn  ii[tttii  Mim-i  I\rs.  'the  llnvrinttr  wa.s 
milehliM'h  driven  rr.'iii  In-  riiiirsr  !•!  tins  rrprrsrntaliiili. 
'I'hr  iii'v!  slip  taken  h,  the  \(liinnis|r.  tnni  \vas  In  rippeini  ii 
tll-trirl    altiirncv  wild  was   In  lir  chlirttcd  w  nil  Ilir  dflt'tice 

III    .M'vandcr  .Mel I— Ihe  itinllrinaii  wild  was  laltl.  iv 

lildM'ij  lidiii  dtrii'i' -and  a  Ire  III' tor  Ihdiisamt  diillao  ivas 
put  Intd  his  hainis  thr  tliis  inirpusr.     Apiilli'iilioii  was  ctrr- 

w  arils  niadr  pi  thr  rlinr.Iiet t  thr  Htitlr  tilN'rw  \'ttr  — 

wild  was  iiiiw  sillinK  as  a  pislirc  In  a  lirlithli'triiiff  lial! 
fJll-liri'  Nrlsntll  liir  Illr  nira-r  iil  Mil. nnl.  Till'  jinllte 
dill  tint  think  p.'ii|H'r  In  uraiit  thr  apphr.ill'ili.  Ttir  mar-hal 
was  iilmiit  I'l  Iri  Inin  nn,  when  he  was  tnld  Hull  tic  inusl  do 
11  III  his  [teril.  nail  iliiil  il"  .Mcl.cod  wrnt   nnl  nf  p  Isnii,  lie 

kthUllIll  gd  111." 


that  h"  had  i  oiinsel.  and  in  ease  the  eoiirl  .should 
iiverriii  '  the  objei'lion,  and  proeeed  to  n  irial  upon 
;  the  iiieiiis,  il  was  lo  be  siirmliid  llial  llie  I'eilnal 
I  (Inrrnimenl  wiahed  llie  i|iieMion  removed  by  writ 
of  errortollieKi-deral  eoiirt.  This,  Mr.  I).  Ihoiisht, 
esiabliHlied  an  inlerferince  with  Ihe  local  adminis- 
tralioii  iif  jiiHliee  of  a  eharaeier  Hoinewlial  deeideil 
and  iiiiei|ii. vocal;  nii  iiiterfrrenee  in  llie  nlliiirHof  n 
flovereiitli  Slale  while  seel.inj^  to  try  the  sii,  poseil 
ininderer  of  one  of  her  cilii'.ena — a  dmlriiie  friiiiitht 
wilh  nl|t,ie,iiii^  lendeneies,  lint  of  too  urave  a  eliiir- 
aitler  to  leeeivt  diHciiNNiun  in  ihi.s  rnllHieral  iiiaii- 
iier. 

A  law  of  Coii(;res»  wns  laihsrcpienlly  eniietcil, 
providiii!;  thai  foiriiriiers  eliari;ed  its  was  iVIcLcod, 
should  be  disehareed  by  l-'eilei'iil  ortieers  iipiiii  ha- 
heax  rnri'tiit;  ami  Lord  Uronnliiim,  ill  diMciissini*;  the 
.'\slihiirloii  iiruolialioiis  in  ihe  lirilish  I'arlianieiit, 
and  hon'iiiecof  the  Iriiimphs  of  llrilith  di|ilomaey, 
erroiir  asly,  thnii^'h  not  inaptly,  said  it  was  a  law 
wliii'.  nltrrrd  Ihr  Cnnsliltilioii  nf  Hit  I  iiilril  Slalo. 
Sal' .laetiiiii  for  the  ileslriiclion  of  the  Caroline,  anil 
the  inniiler  of  citi'/.i'n.s  of  llie  l.'nilrd  Stales,  had 
been  demandcil,  bill  not  r-i\en,  and  had  been  vir- 
tually waived.  This  mailer,  as  ii  whole,  Mr.  U. 
llioii'^'hl,  furnished  further  eviih'nco  of  a  siiiril  n( 
eiineession  anil  eonstaiil  yieldim;  of  rights  liy  liiis 
lo  llie  lirilish  (tovernment. 

Tin'  third  i|uestioii  was  the  ri'.'ht  of  search,  or  of 
visit,  elainied  by  tireat  liriiain,  which  win  another 
name  for  the  ri(.;lil  of  impressment — a  claim  which 
had  111  all  timea  hei  ii  resisleil  by  this  Uovernineiit 
as  inadmissihle  and  iinanlhori'/.ed.  In  a  eoi'rc- 
spondeiice  Willi  ihe  American  Minister  in  l.ondoir. 
Lord  l*iilmei'si(iii  and  his  successor.  Lord  .'Vber- 
ileen,  in  IHI  I .  under  prelence  of  nrrestin;;  the  slave- 
liiiile,  had  as.sei'teil  the  ri^jlil  of  lirilish  criii.sers  lo 
board  .American  ve.s.sels  in  lime  "f  |M'acr,  wilh  h 
A  ieu  to  delerniiiie,  by  search,  their  oationalitv,  and 
avowed  its  intenlion  lo  exercii't'  il.  Aboiil  this 
tiine,  live  Knriipean  Powers — h'tiii^lainl,  h'tance, 
Uiissia,  Prussia,  ami  Austria — I'or  the  alleired  pur- 
pose of  iirreslini;  the  slave-trade,  (the  shue.s  of 
Uiissia  bein*^  wlii'o,  and  llierelbre  not  olijecis  of 
svmpalhv,)  sinned  the  ipiintnple  Ireniy,  assin'tin:; 
the  ri:;lil  of  visiiation  or  seaich.  Tin  .•\iiierican 
.Minisier  in  Paris,  |  Mr.  Cass,]  beheviiif;  lli;o  n  whm 
an  alli'tnpt  to  esiablish  ihis  iloctrine  tis  ihe  l,iw  of 
nations,  in  the  iiaiiie  of  his  (iovernininl  protested 
aL'ainst  it.  cNposcil  ils  true  I'liariicier,  and  laaiii- 
tiiiiii'il  anil  vtmlicali'il  Ihe  freedom  of  llie  sca.s  in  ti 
inanner  worthy  of  himself  and  the  irovernnient  he 
leprcsented  al  that  t.'oiirt,  .'Mtlioinrli  Kraiice  InnI 
sinned,  she  refiisi  d  to  ralifv  this  treaty,  and  such 
refusal  was  impiiied  lo  the  iiilhience  of  the  Aiiieri- 
caii  Miinsier  at  Paris.  Thus  simid  the  inaller 
when  Lord  Asliliinioti  came  cl,ai':;eil  with  the  ad - 
instnii'iii  of  subsisliiiir  ili 'ii'iiliie-s  between  (ireat 
liritiiiii  anil  the  lliiileil  Stales.  The  American 
Minister  raised  not  only  the  (|iieslioti  of  t)ie  ('ani- 
line, but  iiieipiesli  11  of  the  rielil  of  visit  and  of  ini- 
pn'ssmenl,  and  si..iwi'il  wilh  "real  ability  that  the 
ocean  was  llie  coniinoii  propertv  of  nations,  and 
that  a  vessel  under  the  Aiiiei  lean  tlai:  was  as  sacred 
as  .'\tnerieaii  noil,  and  lliat  no  other  l*owi'r  had  the 
rijrlil  to  violate  or  iiivaile  it. 

Lord  Ashhiiriiin  seems  lo  have  waived  n  ilisciis- 
siiiii  of  the  ."uibject,  bv  saving'  ihnt  he  was  not 
cliiii'n'i'd  wilh  it.  ihoiicrh  he  virtually  ailnuIN  that 
l.ireat  liritam  cininied  the  ri'.;lil,  when  an  emer- 
i;i'iiev  slioiilil  arise  reqniriii;:  Us  exercise. 

Mr,  ('niTTr.N'»KX.  l)o  I  inidersland  the  Senalor 
as  sayiiiir  Ihal  Ihe  lirilish  Minisier  insisted  upon 
llie  rii.'lit  of  impressiiient  f 

.Mr.  l>i('KiN'sn\.  I  think  he  claims  such  riffht 
exists,  to  be  exercised  in  time  o''  ar,  but  not  ne- 
cessary to  lip  exercised  in  im  if  ]ieare,  iiiifj 
waived  ils  ciiiisideiatioii   bccaiii-  ,viis  not  par- 

liciilar'"  cliarLri'd  with  it.  The  in.  ,i  of  visit  was, 
however,  a  practical  (pieslion,  o|n'iily  asserted  l>v 
the  lirilish  ((iiveriimeni — one  thai  was  deeiily  nel- 
lalinir  litis  CO 'iilry  and  all  Knrope,  anil  if  iioi 
waived  by  onr  '.ioveriimenl.  it  wa-  mil  ahamloneil 
by  iheii's,  but  was  passed  o\pi'  lo  i'  e  future,  wilh 
the  declarntion  of  the  lirili  ( lovenimeiit  before 
the  world,  that  lirilish  arnieii  cruisers  had  the  ri^:lit 
lo  visit  or  seari'li  vessels  heariiti:  the  Anierii'iui  Hag;, 
wilh  a  view  to  ascerlain  tin  ir  idenliiy. 

On  lliedisciissiim  of  the  .'\shbiii'lon  treaty.  Lord 
llroiiicham  assails  onr  Minister  in  Paris,  who.  In: 
asseris,  iiilliipin'i'd  l''raiiii'  iirainst  ralifyiiif,'  ilie, 
ipiiiiluple  liealy,  ni  n  aliuwcr  of  bitter  epillicis  ami 


:i '' 


I  \'\'b.  '25, 

iJKNATE. 

till-  I'linrl  nluiiilrt 
cl  III  ii  Iriiil  tipon 

lliiit  llii!  I'nkrnl 
•iMiiovccI  liy  writ 
,  Mr.  I).  Ihi'iiislil, 
II'  li)i"il  lulinliiiN- 
inii'wliat  cUthIi'iI 
ri  lite  MlIiiirH  lit'  a 
vy  llic  Ml,  Miiscil 

doitrinr  rriiiii;lit 
:iM»  (;nivc  a  <*lmr- 

rolluicral  moii- 

iinrnlly  I'imrlcd, 
as  was  MrLcotI, 
ifliocrs  iipiin  /lo- 
in (tiMiMifsini^  thf; 
iiisli  I'lirliaiiK'nt, 
riliili  (li(iliiinai'y, 
Haid  it  wa.i  a  law 
Iht  I  niltd  h'/(i/f.i. 
ilu:  ('ari>liii(',ailil 
lilril  Slali's,  liad 
ml  liail  lii'fii  vii- 
i  wluilf,  Mr.  \). 
UM!  nl'  a  siiirit  of 
i)f  riglils  liy  iliis 

t  (ifHonrcii,  (ir  of 

liich  was  aiKithor 

t — a  flaini  whirh 

lliiH  GoviTiimciU 

1(1.     ill  a  iinro- 

lislcr  In  l,niiili)ir, 

isor,  Lord  .\lifr- 

■rrsliiiullic;  slave- 

rili.sli  iTiiiscrs  Ut 

lit'  |u'arr,  with  a 

r  iiatiiiiiality.aiMl 

It.     Ahiint    tliisi 

'.ii;;laiiil,   Fiam-r, 

r  lliir  alli't;rd  piii- 

i\  (the  .ilaM's  ot' 

IT  lint  iiltjerts  111" 

Irraiv,  assorting 

riir  Aiiicrii'nn 

irvinf;tli:''  n  was 

IIS  iln    i,i\v'  nf 

riiiiii  lit  I'rolrstrd 

u'ti'r,  and   inaiii- 

I'tlir  seas  ill  » 

iMVi'riinn'iit  he 

;li  (''niin'O  had 

aty,  and  such 

lit' the  AniiTi- 

id   tin:  matter 

d  with  the  ad- 

1*1  ween   tirciil 

riif    AiM<'rK"Hn 

III  (d't)M'  Caro- 

visil  anil  ot'  iin- 

aliilily  thai  the 

nations,  and 

WHS  as  siuTfd 

I'owir  had  ilie 


III 


lit 


vi'd  a  disons- 
lii'  was  not 
dly  ailiints  that 
I'lii'ii  an  I'liior- 
[■ri'i^i . 

and  till'  Si'iiator 
insisti'd  n|ioii 

ins  snch  riitht 
;ir,  lint  not  iip- 

il'  ]i('a('f,  and 

.vtis  not  par- 

,1  ot'  \isii  was, 

ily  afscrted  by 

as  di'i'piv  nei- 
>r.  ami  if  not 
not  aliandoncd 

<■  I'litniT,  w  illi 
(I'lnni'iit  lit  riii-e 
s  had  the  ri^rlit 
Ainerirati  Hair, 
11  y. 

I  tiTiity,  Ijord 
Paris,  who,  In; 

ratil'yin;;  llin 
er  epiilii  ts  and 


IBIfi.! 


a9a'ii  CoNO 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  IX)  THE  CON(JRESSIONAli  GLOBE. 

Rivers  and  Harbors — Mr.  McClelland. 


aa? 


Ho.  OK  Reps. 


rpproMclirR;  and  as  Wf  had  lifard  iTiui'h  of  the  ronr- 
icsy  of  that  (.lovi'riiinrnt  lowardH  ours,  lir  would 
rrail  an    xirai't  or  two  f'roiii  tin:  sjirorh  of  that  dis- 
tiii^nisiird  Ih'itiHh  dliili'siiian.     Upon  that  disrus-  ' 
wion    '.la  says:  ; 

'■  I  iiiili'l  rrfi'r -lliiiiii'll  I  am  Intitti  tn  liriiiir)i  any  iiiiillri'H  > 
t  lit  ttiiHir  iiiiairiliiin-ly  iiiiilci  itisi-iisttiun  — lo  ii  aiiia  i'Xiiili'i(» 
ni  Frnin'i',  wlin  laiiy  tir  ^niit  to  liavc  lit'rii,  anil  still  la  ,  i",  i 
lilt'  liniii'rHiiiiiitlnii  nriiii^tiij  I't'i'liiiv,  llmiiriimtitt^r  ol'tiihciinl  I 
lii'lwt'i'ii  .\ait'iii'a  null  l^^imliniil.     I  iiiiiim!  Iiiia,  liiifiaiitt;  1  | 
wi'll  to  nlliu'li  iliiiliyiili-il  tiliiiin!  tallit-(|iiint  r  witliia  wliii'ii,  , 
OH  1  jiopi'.  till'  LMilli  JH,  witlifiat  tiny  noi'iiinplli  i'.  ritiiiliii'il.    i  '' 
riniiii'  (^'iit^nil ('nun  nn  tlii'iHTMiiii,  wlinMi'iimiiti'tivri'H, \aIiiihi' 
<liK(.-ri'ilit.iblt--  roiiiluctjWlmM'tiri'ni'li  .it'iliily  to  tiis  tiwiid'nv- 
tTliliii'iil— iiiura  tliiftruiitttiilii  Ills  lirt'noli  iil'iliity  tn  lilllllllllit>', 
tiini  UK  n  ili'cnt'aili'iilnt'fiTi'  I'liyli^li  pan'iil-— U'liani'i'iiiiilnfl  ! 
ill  tlii"ii'  imrlii-iiliir«  It  ir  wliiilly  iiaismnihli'  titllt-r  t"  pun"  ■ 
oviT  or  In  iinlliiiti'.^' 

And  in  il f  same  t'onncxion,  continiirs:  j 

"  WtitTi'ViT  thiTf  nni  lit'  ilifi'ovi'rt'tl  tin  nifiTlor  ■  nflo  iif 
Htnti'siai'ii— will  'fitfvt'r  in  nilnni'  liitn  llii'  liltli  iinil  tlio 
drtiht*  111"  rnt'tiiiii,  lilt'  ilri'L'!*  tit'  pnlllii'nl  Hin-ifti .  Itiffi'  is  to  lit'  , 
tint,'  11(1  a  ffriivt'lIitiL'.  [•niiniitliiiu  fi't  til'  politifinia.— tliiil 
wtiiTi'viT  till'  iiitTt'  rwlil'I*'  tiiiliti*  >'wii\',  nit  fnntrnitlMtiiiKiiMii'il 
from  nii'ii  of  priijH'rly,  at'  inliiriiinlina,  nail  nl'  priiit'ipli'— in 
tlinl  qiutrliT,  ninnaK  tlmsii  tzrriiiailliiitl  ftnte.'iiii  ii,  iiianiiQ 
IlitiKii  rnlitilii  iiiotM,  iiinoMq  tliiu  tnwi'yt  rl««.t  iif  Iliii  iii'iipii.', 
yoaiiri'iitisnhiti'ly  rrrtnia  to  liiiil  tin'  i-lroiiai'i-t  nail  iimhi  I'li- 
'vt'iioiiii'il  iiri-jililit'f'saj.'iniittllli' AniiTii'lia  iilliaiii'i'  Willi  lliii*- 
Inntt,  ntiii  till'  en  iti-'-t  ili^iMisilloa  to  fi'i'  war  in'iirp  the  ptiit-f 
or  pi'nci!  Iit'tw a  till*  t«o  Itiiiilri'il  iintioiiH." 

This  inolpiaiit  iiui'i'tivi'  was  (?arnrd  liy  tlia  Anip- 
rifan  Miiiistrr  in  Krain't'  lor  truly  ri'prisi^niin; 
mid  n'.aintaininir  his  f.ountry'H  iniori'sts  and  llia 
honni  of  its  llac^:  a  qnrstioii  whii'h  not  only  I'on- 
roriit'd  onr  wholf  ni'i't'liant  mariiip  here,  hut  ilir 
rit'hls  of  pvci'v  ritizan  of  llio  United  Stair's.  The 
fonrsa  of  thi?  Aini'rii  an  Mini.sler  was  npproycd  liy 
the  ronstitntpil  anthoritips  of  his  ponntrv^  ami  ap- 
plaiidpd  liy  llip  popnlur  voii'p,  and  VPt  tlip  riirlit  of 
a<!»rph  was  li'O  wliirp  it  was  found  liy  tlip  Ashliiir- 
ton  trraty.  and  -^'r.  Cass,  in  a  lH"(ain''n^;  spirit, 
nsUeil  Ipiivr  to  rptnrn  to  his  roiinlry  I  ip  day  he 
was  advised  of  lis  raliflcation.  Mr.  Ii.  .lid  not  in- 
tend to  rnirsiie  the  qnestion  fnrtliPrthan  was  neris- 
narv  to  show  that  it  wi.A  nnnthcr  i-onression  liy 
this  tn  the  liritish  Ciovernment,  whirh  was  already 
nppaicni;  and  yet  il  was  said,  we  were  iiiicoinpro- 
tnisiin;  and  indnlired  a  sftirit  of  W'lr. 

'I'hns  it  would  he  seen  how  three  of  the  four 
matters  in  dilTerenie  in  18*12  had  been  disposed  of 
by  neiriitiation — on  whii-h  side  had  in  en  the  eoii- 
t;essionB;  and  the  fonrtli,  Ore<^on,  was  where  it 
was  then,  ainl  the  f|nestion  now  nnder  eonsidcrii- 
lion.  The  only  aelton  eonteniplnted  by  (loiiirress 
was  the  question  of  notiee,  whii'li  eonid  be  dis- 
posed of  with  lYiiirh  brevily.  What  kinil  nf  noiii'e 
should  be  i;iven .-  Mr.  1).  prtferreil  the  notiee 
provided  for  by  the  treaty — a  simple  notiee  that 
the  eonvpiitioii  shall  tt'nninate.  This  would  best 
roinport  with  the  diu'nily  of  bnlh  nations.  lint  It 
hail  liiTii  said  this  Kind  of  notiee  woiilil  break  nil' 
negotiation,  and  lead  lo  war,  wliieii  be  would  in 
nowise  rei^arii:  for  war  between  two  siieli  nations 
ought  not  to  l!ow  from  an  ni-i  provided  for  by 
treaty  slipnlulion.  .\or  di'!  il  neeessarily  break 
tiil'iif^oliation,  but  bi"o';!;ht  the  parlits  to<;i  ther, 
mid  would  aiil  iiei.ro'ialioii,  if  they  shmilil  ilioosi' 
nRuin  to  enter  niion  it.  It  was  iiried  that  we  innsl 
eoniproniise.  I'ut  there  was  no  siieli  question  be- 
fore the  Senate  or  the  eonntrv,  and  he  would  iiol 
con.sider  or  entt^rtnin  an\'.  The  Presid*:iit.  feeling 
bound  by  the  arts  ol'previous  Administrations,  hail, 
in  a  sjiirit  of  coneession,  made  at",  ofi'er,  which  wat 
rejei'ti'd  and  wlihdrawti. 

Mr.  ,r.  M.  Clayton  ealled  Mr.  D.'s  alien.' -n 
tn  his  remark  of  ycstertlay,  end  asked  what  kind 
of  a  tarilV  he  meant,  as  a  eommereial  arrangi'- 
ment, 

Mr.  DiiKixsoN  contiiuied.  Sueh  an  one  as 
rIiouIiI  be  mntually  ailvanta^eous,  and  should 
benefit  nil  branches  of  iiidnslry  ei|n.dly,  and  it 
would  be  in  lime  to  discuss  it  when  the  i|iipstiiin 
hIiouIiI  ari.se.  Mr.  O.'s  position  was,  that  Ore- 
(,'on  must  stand  or  fall  uiion  its  own  merits. 

Wr.  V>.  approve  1  of  ih  "  nieasiires  the  I^resid"nt 
hail  reeoimneiided,  and  wi  iild  carry  them  all  inio 
<n'i'i-t.  (beat  Ih'itain  had  laken  armed  oeeiipatioii 
rf  the  terriiory,  and  e\i:'iid  d  htr jurisdii'titm  over 
il  without  rifilit;  nud  Mr.  f).  woulil  have  ourClov- 
ernmenl  do  .so  wi'l  ii;!".  She  was  iiol  lawfully  in 
noss-i't.tion  under  the  treaty;  and  he  eared  not  lliat 
lier  huntL'l■^■,  iii.'l  t'.aders,  and  bloi'k-hon.ses  were 
tb;  re;  he  would  not  only  erei't  stofkades  on  this, 
but  on  t'.mt  side  of  the  mnuiit-.ins,  if  necessary; 
."lid  he  ivould  as  \vtll  extend  our  laws  over  Amer- 


ieaiis  there,  as  ovi'r  the  terriiory.  There  was 
nolliin!.':  in  be  f,'ained  by  timidity,  and  a  neudnct  to 
assert  ri;;lits.  Il  slionlil  be  the  |iolii'y  of  this  f  lov- 
eriniienl  not  to  seek  for  territory  beyond  the  eiin- 
tinent,  but  to  retain  all  ils  territoiies  that  it  now 
has.  'We  never  tan  acki'^  vleils.'e  the  l''nropean 
doctrine  of  the  balance  of  power,  which  has  re- 
cently been  so  olVcnsively  exercised  within  lliis 
Union.  We  own  not  a  siiiijle  isliinil  of  llie  ocean, 
and  should  not  desire  to  own  any,  but  should 
(riiiUtl  with  laeuliar  vi'.Mlaiiceall  ihal  i.soursaf.'ainst 
the  rapacity  of  a  Power  which  has  already  greater 
possessions  in  North  America  than  ourselves. 

When  the  annexaiion  of  Tex. is  was  under  tton- 
.'ideration,  we  saw  the  ttoverinnents  of  Cireat  Hrit-    I 
li'ii  and    I'''rance,  which   had   warred   a;raiiist  each    i 
other  for  cenluries,  and  are  still  alive  with  heredi- 
tary iinimo.sities.  unite  in  atleinptiiiir  to  rc'^nlate 
onr  balance  of  power,  and  at   this  inoineiii    iliey 
are  eii;;aued  in  eonlrulli.i};  the  alTair.-t  of  the  .Ac'cn- 
tine  Cnnfederacy — a  priiicipli:  akin  to  thai  which 
seeks  lo  cireinnscribe  onr  Iioundaries  and  onr  iii- 
slittitions,  and    yicMs  lo  inonarchy  what  it  takes  , 
i'roni  I'lccdoin — a  policv  which  can  never  bi;  loler- 
iiUmI,  ainl  which  cannot  be  loo  siion  nor  loo  firmly    i 
met  and  resisted. 

This  Inriiniry  was  neither  lo  be  undervalued  nor 
tlisrei^arded  bi'c.ause  it  was  distant.  When  tlip 
route  toOre'.;oii  shoidil  be  traversul  by  steam,  as  it 
would  at  no  distant  liay,  it  would  be  nearer  in 
point  of  lime  than  niaiiy  of  tin;  old  Slates  were  n 
few  'ears  since,  and  the  facilities  for  inti'reliaii;;iii<; 
communications  wiili  ii  greater.  Time  nnd  space 
were  pr.iclically  annihilated.  An  elenienl  which 
superstilion  recently  regardetl  only  as  tin:  mcsseii- 
iri  r  of  lieaveirs  vengeance,  now  Iransinits  as  well 
the  truiisiiiiions  of  business  as  the  notes  of  allec- 
tinn.  In  a  (Joverninent  e.onslituted  like  ours, 
where  the  l''xecutive  power  was  the  servan.,  and 
Iiol  the  master,  the  remotest  pninls  were  the  strong- 
est, and  every  pillar  added  slrenglli  and  beauty  tn 
the  strncliire. 

Mr.  V).  said,  that  as  an  inilncpnienl  to  onr  Gov- 
ernment to  yield  to  Cl  real  Pritain,  eachof  the  negii- 
linlinns  to  which  he  bad  albided  had  been  aeciini- 
panied  by  a  declarirrion  of  probable  war,  and  yet 
there  would  have  been  no  war  hail  our  riirhts  been 
fully  asscrled  and  lirnily  maintained.  AVarwonld 
be  ns  injurious  lo  (treat  nritain  as  lo  us.  If  she 
ronid  do  us  any  harm,  it  was  in  a  fuw  acts  of  ra- 
pine in  our  eomtnercial  cities,  and  in  these  slit; 
would  reach  as  rnany  of  her  own  interests  as  ours. 
Cireat  Urilain,  it  had  bteu  truly  said,  was  a  mighty 
and  |iowerfiil  nation;  but  this  wa.'-  no  reas'in  for 
vieldimr  her  thai  which  was  not  her  own.  Put 
li.'r  power  was  greatly  overrated.  Great  outlay 
was  not  always  evidence  of  po.sitive  slrenglli,  nor 
was  profuse  expenditure  invariable  evidence  of 
wealth.  True,  she  had  armies  in  every  quarter  of 
the  irlobe,  and  naval  forces  in  every  sea;  lint  it  was 
resources  which  ga\e  slri*ii;;th,  and  iiol  men  or  ma- 
terial in  i'oiiimis>^toii.  She  bad  soldiers  ai  aid  A  re  lie 
snows  and  burniicj;  saiiils  warring  as  well  wiili  the 
elemenis  as  with  niiin:  bill  ill  her  tliirsi  for  )iinvi:r 
and  liir  elVorls  to  sulijiiiraie  the  world,  she  bad  jios- 
sessions  there  to  mainlain,  and  her  forces  could  nol 
be  withdrawn.  She  bad  increased  herarmaiiienls, 
bill  her  demand  had  increa.-ed  with  the  supply. 
She  was  mighty,  too,  in  177(i  ami  in  p-'lt},  and  yet 
everted  her  power  ovrr  a  frceibne  'oviii'.i  people  in 
vain.  Slionlil  she  lenilcr  the  olivi  iiraneh,  .Mr.  I). 
^Vllllld  accept  il.  Should  she  ii'-in,  Iw  would  arm 
loo,  ami  place  the  country  In  a  stale  of  defence, 
ami  staiiil  lirnily  and  fearlessly  by  it.  .Slie  knows 
the  sironix  ^ympallly  wlii.-li  e\i  its  beiween  the 
eommereial  inleresls  nf  the  two  ennnlrii  s.  She 
knows  how  sen.silive  thai  interest  is.  .She  knows, 
too,  its  iiiHuences,  and  lieiiee  it  i  ■  that  she  opens 
m  foliation,  prepares  lor  war,  nnd  then  wails  (lir 
panic  and  diplomacy  lo  conquer.  In  thirty  years, 
lliouirli  ofien  threatened,  she  has  nol  inrneii  her 
giiiiH  airaiust  us.  May  it  be  a  !oiig''r  pi  riod  yet 
before  the  peace  of  the  nalions  sb.ill  be  dislurbcil. 
Hut  if,  in  the  mainlenance  of  our  rights,  war 
slionlil  follow,  lei  it  be  regarded  as  the  destiny  of 
freemen. 

Hut  while  we  are  eontemplaiing  the  inaL''nitiide 
of  litis  gigantic  Power,  lei  us  liiru  for  a  single  mo- 
ineiit  to  our  own  fair  laud,  and  see  wln'tlier  we 
have  power  lodefend  onriiwii  possessions.  Look 
out,  sir,  upon  the  regions  of  the  great  northern 
I  lakes,  and  iheiice  upon  lite  Kin  del  Morle.     Cast 


your  eye  upon  the  wide-spread  prairies  of  the  west, 
ihence  lo  the  banks  of  the  St.  John's,  and  see  iwe  :• 
ty  millions  of  free  and  liapny  people.  iS'o  hirelinj^ 
soldiery  In  wrench  from  tlie  hand  of  industry  the 
bread  it  has  earned;  no  standing  nrniies  to  eat  out 
the  suhstaneeofthe  people;  but  millions  of  sworils 
ready  lo  leap  from  their  siabhnrds — millions  ot' 
men  armed  and  Pqnipped  for  the  .service,  to  defend 
tlieir  coiiniry,  their  firesides,  and  their  altars;  and 
millions  III  niothers,  sisters,  and  daughters,  us  in 
the  days  of  the  llevolution,  with  their  own  fair 
li.nids,  i.;ady  to  feed,  and  clothe,  nnd  bind  up  the 
lacei-ati  d  bosom  of  llie  stildier. 

With  a  right  to  this  terriiory  clear  and  iinqnes- 
tionabte;  with  such  high  motives  to  tiefeiid  il,  and 
such  elements  of  slreiigtli;  should  il  now  he  aban- 
doiieil,  we  slionlil  dfserve  the  rpiiroaches  which  fell 
from  tin*  mother  of  the  Moorisli  chief,  when  he 
mourned  ovrr  the  i,  II  of  Granada,  which  he  had 
iii'gloriiitisly  f  iirrenili'reil:  "  Well  nmyesi  thou  weep 
like  a  woman  over  thai  which  thou  didst  not  de- 
fi ml  like  a  iiiaii." 

lint,  sir,  tlii't  is  not  a  mere  siruggle  forOregon — 
for  fne  hnndixd  thousand  miles  of  distant  territo- 
ry; il  is  a  eoutest  beiween  two  great  syslem.s — be- 
tween monarchy  and  t'leeilom— bctiveeii  the  dark- 
ness of  ihe  Old  World  and  the  sunlight  of  the 
.■S'ew — heiween  the  mines  and  manufaclories  of 
Luro|ie  and  llie  fertile  fields  of  the  distant  We-I — 
nnnlher  idl'orl  by  lyrainiic,  man  to  lord  il  ovi  r  hi.s 
fellows,  clainiin,;  Divine  crnnmission.  In  this,  most 
of  the  wars  which  hiue  scourged  mankind  and 
desolaied  the  world  have  originaied — thi:  faggot 
has  bla:^i:il,  lilt:  iiiquisilion  been  creeled,  and  human 
blii'id  sireanii  d  around  ils  polluted  altar,  and  il  WH« 
the  inllninces  of  the  same  fill  spirit  which  sought 
lo  extend  its  dominions  lo  the  western  hemisphere. 
Put  Mr.  I),  would  preserve  this  heritage  of  free- 
dom for  Ihe  adventiuons  young,  w  ho  were  Ihrnng- 
lug  thither  to  achieve  a  subslniice — for  aged  [leiutry 
which  mi^dil  tlierft  find  a  shelter  and  filial  iirolcc- 
lion — for  the  hardy  fronliersineii  who  had  Ijinved 
the  dangers  of  binder  life  that  our  inslltuliniis  might 
spread  into  these  vii'^'in  realms,  and  fertili/.c  and 
bless  with  all  that  could  minister  to  the  happinrs.H 
of  mall,  lint  especially  he  would  preserve  il  tor 
the  tnislaved  of  the  earlli,  w  ho  niiglil  there  liirow 
ofl'  llieir  chains,  and  sit  under  lht;ir  own  vino  ami 
fijj-tree,  with  none  to  nioli  .,i  or  lo  make  tlicni 
afraid;  for  the  down-trodden  and  oppressed  sona 
of  Ireland  who  might  lice  lo  this  refuge  of  liberty, 
and  of  Kngland,  loo,  w  hen,  ,ike  llie  sea, she  should 
give  up  her  living  dead. 

Mr.  D.  would  close  in  the  laii'^'iiage  of  the  dis- 
lin'_'iiislied  Senator  fi'iin  .Michigan,  [.\Ir.  Ca^s.| 
that  "  it  w.is  belter  lo  Ibilit  for  the  first  fool  than 
the  last — for  the  door-sill  than  the  liearlhsloiic — 
the  porch  than  the  altar." 


RIVKIIS  A.\n  HAKI50RS. 

SPECCH  or  MJ.  R.  A?('CLELLA\0, 

til'  Mi("Hi(:\  ;, 
Is  Tin;  I  lot  '.K  ill  UKiai.M.xTAnvnv, 
I'lhriiuni  ;i(i,  INIIi. 
On  Ihe  Bill  mnkln'rappropriiitions  for  e.erlnin  Har- 
bors and  nivers. 

Mr.  McCL1:LL.\.\I)  aililiis,ed  the  eonnnillce 
as  follows: 

.Mr.  CiiMiiMAx:  I  w.is  asionislied  yesteiilay  lo 
hear  some  of  the  reinarl.s  which  fi;||  from  the  geii- 
tleniaii  t'rmn  Alabama.  |.Mr.  Pavxi;,]  in  relation  to 
this  bill.  That  I  may  not  incorrectly  slate  the  lan- 
guage fif  which  t  understood  the  gentleinan  to 
make  use,  I  will  reul  an  extracifroni  the  rejioil'of 
his  speech  as  il  appeared  in  last  evening's  I'nion. 
If  llnre  is  any  inaccuracy  In  il,  I  hope  the  gciille- 
niaii  will  correct  il,  in  order  to  avoid  misappie- 
liension. 

In  this  .sketch,  the  genlleman  .says;  "  One  of  bin 
'  colleagues  [.Mr.McCas.NTi.i.]  had  yesterday  char- 
'  nelerizcd  this  bill  in  very  sirong  terms,  nnd  had 

' idemned  il  very  earnestly.     He   thought  that 

'  chai'acternnd  that  coiidemiialion  were  just.  Look 
'  at  lliij  hill  in  all  it.i  aspects,  examine  il  in  all  its  de- 
'  tails,  and  he  thought  such  n  bill  had  never  liefore 
'  been  presented  lo  an  .Vmerican  Cuiiirress." 

I  regret  that  ii  member  so  distinguished  on  llii.'4 
llonr  should  be  so  nuicli  mistaken  ns  lo  the  acii.in 


IJ'. 


323 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  26, 


M 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Rivera  and  Harbors — il/r.  JMcCkllatul. 


IIo.  OF  Reps. 


ofllic  laal  Ciinsricss  on  siniilnr  ?ulijccl.s.  Had  lie  ux- 
nmined  this  bill  ciilicallyiiiiiil  coiiipiin  cl  i(  \\  illi  the 
omnibus  bill  nf  the  hist  scsilDn,  he  «i>nlil  Imvf  dis- 
covered llini  it  is  ulniost  ileiii  liir  ilcni  llie  sMnm.  Tim 
cnnniiiltee  then  reported  two  scpiirnio  l)i!l.-j,  whieh 
did  not  contain  the  IjOuiy\  ilh-  antl  I*ort!;uid  canal 
appropriiiiion;  bnl  it  «as  iit'ierwards  inseried  and 
several  times  nited  ini:  and  finally,  w  hen  Imlli  bills 
were  combined  iind  other  athliiionN  niade,  this  item 
wns  stricken  ontin  the  House  on  my  motion.  He 
\votdd  have  ascerlained  also  that  other  points  nf 
iiincli  inasnitnd'' were  inL'iari.  il  upon  the  two  bills 
combined,  wbich,  separate  iind  ii]iarl  iVoin  the  ap- 
propriatioii  for  the  Lonisville  and  roril.itid  canal, 
increased  the  ii,i.'iTre:^ale  amount  to  some  two  mil- 
lions three  or  lour  liuiulred  thou.-aiid  dollars — be- 
in^  a*  least  51,000.01)0  more  than  isappritpriated  by 
this  bill,  excepti]);.' that  item.  In  the  bill  of  last 
session,  the  iienthinait  niriv  reinettiber,  was  an 
iippropriulion  of  >ilOO,000  for  the  cojislriio.iion  of 
u  canal  round  the  falls  of  St.  !\lary,  and  one  of 
^•33,'>,000  for  the  eoiitimintioii  of  the  Cittnbcrland 
road.  Thus  the  sums  were  increased,  the  points 
multiplied,  uiid  the  olijects  of  the  ImH  were  very 
difiVrcnt  in  ebaraclcr,  iiiid  perhaps  fur  more  objec- 
tionable. How,  then,  sir,  could  the  tcenllcman 
assert  that  this  Wii.s  the  most  extraordinary  bill 
that  has  ever  been  presented  to  an  Americun  Con- 
gress ? 

Mr.  P.ivvE  rose  toputnqtieslion;  and,Mr.McC. 
yieldini;  the  floor,  Mr.  P.  said  he  desired  very  re- 
spectfully to  iniiuire  of  the  f;cnlleinan  whether,  in 
unv  appropriiiiion  bill  that  htul  ever  been  submit- 
ted to  (.'oiifrress,  thert'  could  I.e  tbund  n  pftpn.^i- 
tion  to  involve  the  Llovcrnment  in  the  expendilure 
of  any  amount,  iio  matter  how^rreal,  without  limit- 
ation or  restrictitm  of  any  kiiul  .- 

Mr.  McC'lei.lami  rnntinued.  'I  will  inform  the 
centleman  nyaiti  of  the  tact,  that  at  tiie  last  session 
u  provision  was  ini^rat'ted  on  the  river  iind  harbor 
bill  making  ati  appro|iri;iiion  fm-  the  purcluise  of 
this  canitl  slock :  .and  other  items  were  adiled  which 
arc  not  contain!  d  in  the  bill  under  dis'-nssion  ;  in- 
creasinc;  the  whole  aincnint  fiir  beyond  that  which 
this  bi!l  can,  by  any  possibility,  draw  from  the 
treasury. 

Mr.  "P.VTXE  :  -Mv  inr]niry  is,  whether  any  appi  o- 
priaticm,  not  specific,  as  ni  ibis  bill,  Wiis  ever  niaile- 
Here  is  an  iiem  of  anpropriation  to  an  iimoiinl 
not  mejitioned — the  phraseology  of  the  item  beins; 
**  such  sum  as  niiiy  be  necessary."  Now,  wliut  1 
desire  to  know  in  ret;ard  to  piwious  appropri;i- 
tioiis  is  this,  whether  the  anioMnI  that  shall  be  ap- 
pro])rialed  Ims  not  been  desii^naierl? 

Mr.  McCLEi.i.vNn.  I  will  answer  the  ^'enllcni.'iii 
in  this  way:  iiothini:  is  more  connnon  in  our  lc'.:is- 
hition  than  to  mtike  appropriiilions  in  this  form, 
and  to  submit  tliem  to  ifie  discretiiui  of  the  lieiuls 
of  the  dirt'erent  dcpaitiMcnis.  \l  this  session,  (ui 
reports  iai\de  iiy  the  Committee  of  Claims  and 
oilier  coinumtees,  we  have  )>assed  bills  makin;; 
appropriations  not  defined  as  to  ainount,  but  ha\e 
authorized  the  proper  olfieers  to  pii\-  what  they 
iniijhl  deem  eipilialife  and  projier;  and  in  all  casis 
where  delinileiippropriaiions  Ciuinot  be  made,  it  is 
usual  thus  to  rrli  r  the  nniiter  for  adjustmt  nt.  Hut 
if  the  sjentleman  will  closely  scrutinize  the  provi-  ' 
sioii  of  the  bifi  to  which  he  objects,  he  will  find 
that  it  is  not  so  mdelinite  as  he  supposes.  It  leaves 
the  jiurchase  to  the  discicii(ni  of  tlie  I'nsidc  nl  of 
the  United  Stall's;  iind  alihout;h  I  have  the  f;reiilest 
confidence  in  his  iudL.'ineiit  and  discretion,  yet  upon 
this,  and  other  grounds,  I  myself  am  opposed  to 
this  part  of  t!ie  bill,  luiil  I  iiiiiy  lake  this  occiisioii 
to  say  thill  I  vot.il  ii^'aiust  it  in  conimitlce. 

Mr.  (.'hiiirmun,  it  strikes  me  as  proper  here, 
eonsiderin;;  the  attacks  that  have  been  made  mi 
the  Coniniittce  on  Commerce  in  relation  to  this 
bill,  that  1  should  enter  into  some  explanations  of 
their  conduct.  1  know  it  is  not  in  arcordance  w  iili 
jiarlianieutary  iis.i^e,  but  the  circuinsiances  of  the 
c.ise  will,  I  hope,  ju.slify  it.  The  ijentlenian  from 
.Mabnmii,  [.Mr.  i'Avxt.,)  calls  it  ii  sectional  bill, 
and  Ims  remarked  upon  its  structure  and  the  va- 
rioii.s  iieins,  to  |irove  the  lUct.  The  <|iieslIon  inav 
with  propriety  lie  asked,  why  have  not  |iir;;er  ap- 
jiroprialions  been  niaile  for  the  seiibnard  south  of 
Miison  and  IJixon's  line,  iiiid  it  is  very  easily  and 
sitisfaclorily  ai.-<wc'.'ed.  No  iippro|)n;itioiiH  were 
asked  for,  exceiiiinj  those  embraced  in  llie  bill, 
.saviii'j  one.  '1  he  nienibers  from  the  southern 
tjlatea  liavc  brought  no  fiicls  before  the  cinnmitlec  . 


which  eould  induce?  them  to  recommend  nppro- 
)iriiiliotis.  KveryihiiiE:  ibiit  has  been  presented 
for  that  section  by  the  propi'r  bureau  lias  been 
lavor.ibly  acted  upon.  One  point  wa.s  brought  be- 
fore the  conimiltee,  which  wtis  most  carefully  in. 
vestiuated,  and  the  report  ot'  the  \\\"  neimrtmcnt 
llioioiii;hly  exiiniiiied,  and  the  application  wes  re- 
jected on  account  of  the  cost  of  consirnction  beins 
estimated  at  Vj,00ll,00O,  and  the  eiifjineer  doubtin;^ 
wlietlier,  with  this  vast  expendiliire,  'iid  thework 
completed,  it  wouhl  prove  available  or  be  peuna- 
nenl. 

^Ir.  Cl.uiki.:  Does  the  OTiilleman  refer  to  Xac's 
Head?  _  ^ 

-Mr.  McCi.r.ixAXi).  Yes,  sir.  There  ig  a  difl'er- 
etici'  of  opinion  in  re;;iird  to  the  feasibility  and  cost 
of  con.structioii  of  this  work  between  the  Govern- 
ment and  Stiile  entrineers;  and  I  wiis,  and  still  ain, 
ill  favor  of  iiii  impartiiil  resurvey,  to  obviate  all 
doubt  upon  the  (|uestion.  This  I  should  hiive  re- 
coinnuMuicil  but  tor  the  absence  of  (he  f;;etitlemau 
who  represents  the  district  niosl  interested  in  this 
iinprovemeni,  not  knowinu;  wlietlier  this  course 
would  be  acceplablc  (o  him. 

For  llie  inl'orniation  of  the  jfenllemnn  from  Ten- 
nessee, [Mr.  l'i;ozii.ii,|  who  appears  to  think  I 
liave  been  -oo  much  (h  ;  oied  lo  the  interests  of  my 
'■.';  own  Stale,  I  will  .^laie  tba'.  there  has  been  no  prop- 
:'  osilioii  before  the  coiinniil'c  which  has  not  received 
a  careful  exiimmation.  AVe  hiive,  for  the  very  pur- 
pose of  siilisfVin;;  the  ditfereiit  sections  of  the 
Union,  ami  the  members  w  ho  rt  present  them,  jjono 
furiher  in  our  inve.-,ii:.'ations  than  the  Coniiniltee 
on  Coiiinicrce  lias  for  j-everal  yiiirs  past.  On  ap- 
plication of  members,  they  havi-  been  permitted  lo 
come  befbre  tlie  commillee  and  irive  their  \iews  at 
leuirih;  and  in  all  i-iises,  I  belie\e,  we  have  acted 
with  };reiit  deliberation  and  inipiiiiiidily.  In  tlii-. 
declaration  I  shall  be  fully  sustiiined  by  my  friend 
from  Soiilh  Ciirolina,  [Mr.  Sijii'5o\,]'iio\v  i:,  my 
eye,  who  is  a  nieniber  of  the  eonnnittee,  and  most 
iiiiiniiilely  aciniainieil  with  its  action  on  all  these 
subjects.  I  eoiiliiieiuly  r(  fer  to  him  lor  the  siriel 
accuracy  of  all  1  Inivesaid.  (If  river  improvements 
I  do  iinl  spe-il,.  'I'la  y  were  riliried  lo  my  friend 
I'rom  Kentucky,  [Mr.  Tinnvns,]  who  can  make 
all  needl'iil  ex|ilaiiiilioiis,  and  can  justify  his  course 
be;i>rlliaii  I  can  do  it  lor  him. 

It  may  lure  also  be  proper  to  say  that  all  the 
projiosiils  for  harbor  improvemenis  were  .tterred 
to  a  siib-comniittee  coinposed  of  the  i^eiiilenian 
from  .Miissaeluisells,  [Mr.  Ciuivxr.i.i..]  the  t-entle- 
niaii  frcun  South  Carolniii,  [Mr.  SiMCiox,!  and  my- 
self: thill  tlieri-  wiiS  no  difference  of  ojiinion  in  re- 
lation to  appropriatimis  reported  on;  that  we  all 
ii^^reed  as  to  llieir  importiinee,  ulilily,  and  propri- 
I  ty,tlion^'h  the  u'enlli-iniin  I'nmi  .Suilli  Ciirolina  dif- 
fers with  us  pi-rhiipsas  to  the  princiiile  of' the  bill. 

I  will  now  proceed  to  discuss  llie  propriety  of 
the  n|Miropriiitions  eonliiiind  in  the  bill  for  li.irbor 
iniproveinenis.  The  other  branch  of  the  subject  I 
miisl,  from  the  brevily  of  my  lime,  leave  to  those 
more  ileeply  interested  in  ri\er  improvemenls. 

It  iippciiis  to  me  that  niiiiiy  nicmb' ra  of  this 
IIou.se,  and  the  people  of  iiiiiny  portions  of  the 
I'liion,  are  i;;nor.uil  of  the  extent  of  the  eoimncr- 
rial  marine,  the  tomnierce  of  llo'  lakes,  and  of  the 
rapid  pro;;iess  niiide  therein  within  the  fast  ten  or 
flflien  years.  I  had  hoped  to  have  In  en  able  to 
trace  this  from  its  ori^'iii  to  the  present  peiioil,  bin 
I  am  uiiiible  to  •.'i\e  nuue  than  a  mere  sk  •leioii  of 
it.  The  person  who  has  recently  traversed  these 
lakes  wilhout  ii  k'iiowlf-d;;e  of  llie  history  of  tlicir 
comniercc,  will  be  surprised  to  learn  thiit  in  1^11) 
there  was  bill  one  st^'iiinboiii  tluit  .sailed  Lake  l-j-ie, 
and  at  the  same  lime  hardly  an  iiceessiide  or  j;ood 
harbor;  and  tliiil,  in  the  yetir  1S'}T,  a  solitary  steam- 
er entered  for  ihr  first  lihie  Like  .\licliij;an,  wiin- 
oiit  a  sin;,'Ie  harbor  in  whi''h  to  anchor  in  fan  or 
foul  weather.  Uitl  now,  iVoin  the  fbsierinji;  caii>  of 
the  General  ( iovenuneiit,  the  activity,  rner;:y,  and 
enterprise  of  our  hiirdy  seamen,  and  tlii»se  iiiler- 
e>ted  in  the  naviiriition  of  these  "inland  oceans,'* 
ilieir  eominerce  and  marine  have  increastsi  to  an 
enornioiis  extent.  I  have  some  stilistics  wliicli 
iiiiiy  be  interestiin:  lo  all,  but  ic  ne  piiriieularly  lo 
those  who  are  not  very  ciium-i  *-.'it  with  this  part 
of  the  jrieal  West.  .Xlthoic'li  i  liavi',  with  the 
most  unwearied  piiiiis,  endca\ored  to  procure  iii- 
forniation  as  to  ail  the  lakes,  yet  my  sources  lia\e 
enabled  me  lo  obtain  acinrate  and  c.uinected  ac- 
eount.s  and  tstinmles  only  from  lakes  Erie  luid  . 


I,  Alieliit;an,  to  wliicli  1  must  neccs.snrily  direct  my 
;  nllention.  There  are  at  this  time  on  these  two 
'  lakes,  6(1  slcamers  of  21,500  tons  burden,  valued  at 
■iSl, 500,000;  30  propellers  of  6,0(H»  tons  burden, 
valued  at  J.,')50,000;  50  briijs of  11,000  tons  burden; 
iind  i?70  schooneis  of  JQ.OOO  tons  burden.  Tlics(5 
two  laal  form  an  iigsrcsa'e  value  of  52,;200,000. 
Total  number  of  vessels  400;  toni,as;e  80,000;  total 
value  <14,050,000.  There  are  also  Vn  the  stocks,  in 
pro5;ress  of  conslriiclion,  ten  Iar<;e  sleamors,  twelve 
propellers,  twelve  sail  vessels;  amounting  in  all  to 
I  liirly-foiir. and  everyone  of  the  liirf;est  cIilss.  The 
accession  to  the  eotnmeiTial  mnriiie  of  lakes  Erie 
and  Michiijan  during  the  last  season  was  sixty  ves- 
sels, with  an  agfj;rei(ate  toiinafre  of  thirteen  tliou- 
.sand  Ions,  and  an  outlay  of  §835,000;  for  the  last 
live  .seasons  the  umouni  expended  above  the  Ihlls 
of  Niaj;arain  buililing,  enlarfrin^',  and  remodelling 
vessels,  ise.stinmlcd  ai  )il!,500,0d0;  and  the  miinber 
nf  vessels  built  durint;  the  same  period  was  on* 
hundred  and  ci^hly. 

This  exhibits  themaffiiitnde  of  that  conimercini 
marine.  Xotwithstandlnfj  you  have  been  exceed- 
iimlv  parsinionious  in  your  expenditures  in  sus- 
taiiiin;;  and  protecting  it,  yet  it  has  overcome  nil 
obstiicles,  and  increa.sed  far  beyond  the  t^xpecla- 
limisof  its  most  sanguine  friends.  I'Vom  the  stute- 
niciits  I  have  received  from  the  other  hikes,  1  have 
every  reason  to  believe  that  the  nui;meiitatioii  of 
this  branch  has  been  very  great  there;  and  tlioii^li 
the  number  of  vessels  is  less,  yet  the  comniercc  ia 
:;rowiii;r,  and  the  lbrei»^n  trade  is  greater  than  on 
lakes  Erie  and  Michigan.  Afler  examining  these 
facts,  and  becoming  aci[uainted  with  the  vast  inter- 
ests at  stake,  will  any  one  wonder  why  we  take 
such  an  interest  in  liarbin-  improvements, and  why 
we  so  tcnaeiously  cling  to  the  system,  and  advo- 
cate these  appiopriationsr 

I!ul  I  will  fir  a  moment  call  the  atlenlion  of  the 
committee  to  another  point  of  vastly  more  impor- 
tance than  all  other  facts  relating  to  this  subject: 
it  is  the  loss  of  vessels  and  the  sacriiice  of  life 
which  are  incident  lo  ihis  eominerce.  This  is  a 
llienie  whieh  might  elicit  the  most  glowing  elo- 
fliience  and  effective  declamation;  but  1  shall  con- 
fine myself  to  the  facts,  merely  premising  that  ihesu 
losses  and  siicrifices  are  annual,  and  not  at  distant 
periods  of  time.  The  vessels  lost  on  the  two  lakes, 
during  the  year  lf!'45,  were  one  steamer  tind  twen- 
ty-three sail  vessels;  and  thirty-six  vessels  were 
beached,  and  got  od'  «  illi  partial  damage.  The 
value  of  the  properly,  vessels, and  cargoes,  lost  and 
diimaged,hii3  been  esilmalcd  at  ^I'.tO.OOO.  With- 
in the  siiiiie  year  tli'^re  were  between  sixty  ami 
sevriiiy  lives  lost.  This  sfutetnent  is  made  by  n 
lieiiteiuuit  in  the  navy,  in  whose  veracitv  every 
one  who  knov.-.s  him  nlaces  the  most  inipllcit  con- 
fidence; and  from  otlier  sources  1  know  it  to  be 
correct.  \ow,  sir,  wlial  apjiciil  could  be  stronger 
to  .Vniericaii  stalesmeiir  What  ai;,'unieiit  in  fivor 
of  this  bill  more  impregnable.'  ,\re  the  li\(s  ami 
property  of  your  citi-zens  worthy  "f  your  proiee- 
lion  r — and  iire  yon  justifiable  in  rel'iisim,'  the  small 
pittance  iiskeil,oii  thegrouiid  thiit  it  Is  i  -tablishiiig 
ii  system  that  iiKiy  I"'  iibuscd  •  It  is  Ijclter  that 
millions  should  be  wasted — if  you  please  to  so  ile- 
nomiiiiite  it — tliiin  thiit  the  frightuil  scenes  euii- 
stantly  witnessetl  there  shoulil  occur. 

I II  til  is  connexion,  let  us  examine  liow  many  lives 
are  nnnuall\'  expo^eil  to  the  dangers  of  these  iiikes, 
I  hold  in  my  hiiiul  an  esiini;il(-  iiuide  by  a  gi'iitlemaii 
who  is  more  conversant  with  the  commerce,  and 
everything  connected  with  ihem,  than  any  man  who 
lives  on,  or  has  ioiyihing  to  do  with  tlieiu.  Ho 
has  made  his  statement  from  book's,  so  iliat  he  can- 
not be  niisiakeii.  1  le  siiys  th;il  the  nuniher  of  per- 
sons iroing  in  ibe  yciir  1S45  from  Ibiflalo  ami  inter- 
mediate places  to  Cliieait;o,  w;is  iiiiicly-eiglit  tliou- 
siinil  .seven  liundnd  and  thirty-six.  That  to  thi.q 
large  iiuniber  of  ii;i  pii'seiigers,  must  be  added  all 
eomiii;;  from  the  West,  and  multitudes  p;issi.ig  in 
the  various  small  boats,  from  port  to  port,  of  which 
we  have  no  aceoinif,  and  the  number  in  \essels  of 
which  it  is  impossible  to  know,  and  it  will  i  la  ko 
another  amount  ei|iial  to  the  number  given,  as  luiv- 
iiig  been  taken  in  steiimboiils  ii;),-  thus  showing  that 
about  two  hundred  thousand  persons,  indepen  lent 
of  the  crews  of  llie  \essels  and  slcamboats,  annu- 
allv  cross  lliese  waters. 

I'hese  piissengers  come  from  all  (piarters  of  thn 
ITiiioii,  and  are  not  eonitned  to  those  who  are  direct- 
ly und  immediately  interested  in  our  comnicree; 


I 

■4 


Iin;iiiy  lurs 
IhcHf  lakes. 

itll'IIKIII 

|n\rn'<',  ami 
II  wlio 
lliciu.  lln 
llia(  lifcan- 
Ihcr  of  prr- 
1  am)  iiitrr- 
li^llt  llinil- 
lliat  Ui  tills 
aihlwl  all 
IpaHsi.i'.;  in 

^M'ssrlsiif 
I' ill  I  in  ku 
1 11,  ns  liav- 

■iwiii;^  tlwit 
|!r|>rn  I(.-iit 
|UH,  aiinii- 

rs  elf  llin 
lircflirri't- 
uinincrci.1 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


329 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Rivers  and  Harbors — Mr.  McClelland. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


niid  in  throwing  over  them  the  mantle  of  your  pro- 
lertifin  you  nre  probably  conferrins;an  iiicstimnbic 
benefit  upon  many  of  your  own  conKtilucnts.  Every  ; 
one  of  you  is  interested  in  it,  and  it  beliooves  all  to 
look  to  it,  Bnd  to  calmly  reflect  upon  the  conse-  j 
qucnceof  a  vote  before  it  is  f;i\vn.  , 

It  is  impossible  for  me,  during  the  short  space  of 
HI)  hour,  to  examine  und  point  oat  the  propriety  of 
each  separate  appropriation.     With  very  few  ex- 
ceptions, they  have  been  recommended  by  the  War  , 
Department,  and  examined  careftilly  by  competent 
engineers,  and  in  some  coses  by  boards  of  experi- 
enced officers.    The  W;u:  Department  has  legiti- 
mately the  charge  of  such  matters,  and  its  report  , 
sliows  the  attention  it  has  bestowed  upon  them. 
Upon  a  careful  investigation,  we  find  the  views  of 
those  conversant  with  the  different  points  agreeing 
precisely  with   those   of   the   department.      The  . 
course  pursued  is,  therefore,  doubly  safe.  , 

Let  gentlemen  consider  how  many  States  are  ; 
interested  in  this  commerce,  let  them  reflect  on  its 
progress  and  prosperity  under  all  the  disadvan- 
tages now  and  heretofore  exi.sting,  and  they  will 
no  longer  doubt  the  policy  of  such  appropriations. 
Same  ten  or  twelve  Stales  are  now  deeply,  and 
sometimes  profitably  engaged  in  it,  and  from  seven 
to  eight  millions  of  people  arc  benefited  by  it. 
And  what  objects  can,  then,  partake  more  of  a  na- 
tional character,  and  what  can  interest  more  the 
entire  Union .'  Until  recently  there  were  none 
oilier  engaged  in  the  commerce  of  these  lakes  than 
those  contiguous  to  and  bordering  on  them;  but, 
since  the  opening  of  the  canal  from  Cincinnati,  in- 
tersecting the  Wabash  and  Erie  canal,  and  that 
from  Pittsliurg  to  Erie,  the  whole  face  of  things  on 
these  great  waters  h.is  changed.  And  when  the  dif- 
fi'reiii  links  of  communication  now  forming  between 
Lake  Erie  and  the  Ohio  river,  and  Luke  Michigan 
and  the  Mississippi  river  are  t.ompleted  and  per- 
fected, (and  that  time  is  not  far  distant,)  all  the 
dirtercnt  sections  of  the  Union  will  be  so  connecled 
ami  cemented  togetlior,  that  it  will  be  impossible 
to  lou'h  one  link  without  afl'crting  the  whole  chain. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  constitutional  objections  are 
again  iiuerposcd  to  the  passage  of  this  bill,  and  the 
same  niguments,  newly  vamped,  are  used,  as  were 
nivred  in  the  discussion  of  1S44.  And  what  did  a 
majority  of  the  members  say  in  reply  then .'  They 
.said,  in  tones  not  to  be  misunderstood,  that  these 
objections  were  not  tenable;  that  they  could  not  be 
sustained;  that  iPtlie  principlesand  opinions  of  the 
genlleman  from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  R  ^rr]  were 
.ulopied,  the  Giivernment  could  not  be  earned  on 
a  (lay;  that  if  the  members  put  on  the  straitlaced 
machine  that  gentlemen  wished  to  impo.se  on  them, 
tliey  would  not  be  able  to  go  one  step  iVom  the 
Capitol  without  infringing  some  provision  of  the 
Ciiiislitiilion.  Will  the  gentleman  from  South 
Carolina  say  that  .Ted'erson,  Madison,  Monroe, 
and  other  distinguished  leaders  of  our  party,  were 
oppose,!  to  improvements  of  this  kind.'  Do  I  un- 
derstand ;lie  gentleman  to  assume  that  position  in 
relation  to  lake  or  other  harliois.' 

Mr.  Uiir.TT  not  replyiii'J, 

Mr.  McC.  continued",  t'lnm  the  gcntlemanV  si- 
lence I  miis-(  presume  he  does.  Sir,  does  the  gi  n- 
tleman  kn  av  that  the  Congress  of  1789  |iassed  an 
act  which  sustains  every  approiiriation  in  this  1  ill, 
so  far  as  cciirerns  harbors  ■  That  act  goes  all  'he 
len^'th  thai  1  could  desire  to  sustain  the  const. tii- 
lioiiality  of  such  appropriation.* 

1  hone  gentlemen  will  examine  this  act  critical- 
ly, and  1  think  I  cannot  be  mi>itaken  in  the  effect  it 

■  The  rnltnwillK  i»  the  net  refeireil  In: 
-\N  ACT  for  the  emnlill!*tmient  nitd  support  of  light-houoes, 
heaenni*,  tiii<i\'fi.  aii(t  |iillilic  pirrt). 

Be  il  cnntifil  hii  Ihr  Senntr  «iirf  hlntisr  of  Rrprr'rnt,itii'ct  of 
the  t'liilril  Statei  of  ,itiii'iifii  in  Cont^r^s  nKtewbletf^  'flint  nil 
e\p.n«i-.-*  whieli  dl'iiill  iieenie  froin  and  alter  the  l.'itli  day  of 
.\ii2ii.«t,  nt-ll.  in  the  iieeessiiry  siipnorl,  nmintennncr,  nnd 
M'piiirH.uf  nil  l)|Flit-)mn:<eH,lii>n('(tns,  tmnyi.nnd  pilhtie  piefK, 
creeled,  pinced,  or  i*iiak,  liefnre  the  paiiieiiifl  of  tliiM  net,  nt 
t!ie  iMitriince  ot',  iir  within,  aay  iiay,  lalel,  liarbnr,  iir  port  of 
llie  friiled  Snit''...  ier  ri>nderinii  the  niivitiation  llierenf  eie^y 
Jiiid  snfe,  ohtii:  lie  defri,'-<-»i  nut  nf  the  trensiiry  ofllie  riiiied 
i^tfllcH  :  Proi  ideit  lufr  //le/ew,  'l'i;'it  Tinnp  nf  ilie  wild  expi'n- 
KPH  itliull  en'itlnlie  lo  he  fo  ilefrn>  ed  hy  the  riiiled  Hiiuch, 
iiltiT  llie  i'X|iii.-[ti.>ii  of  one  year  IVcni  the  day  aforesaitl,  iin. 
li'-*>4  ■■'neli  liitht-liimses,  beueolH,  laiovH,  nnd  puhlic  pjer.^, 
^hnll  in  the  tiieanliniehe  ceded  '.i,  anil  vepted  in  tlie  I'Milfd 
SlatiM,  hy  thi-  Hliile  iir  Cti  ^k  icBpeelively  In  wllieli  the 
^.||lle  nmy  he,  iDudher  wilh  the  laiidH  nnd  tenements  there- 
iiMM  hihinghin,  nial  tiiijeiher  wilh  llie  juriBdictliin  of  iho 
Kiiiiie. 

f<K<'.  2.  .Ind  he  Ufurlliir  mncM,  Thnl  a  ll|ht-linii»c  flinll 


must  produce.     '    will  be  recollected  that  it  was 
passed  immediately  after  tlie  formation  of  the  Con- 
stitution, and  that  many  of  its  framers  were  in  the 
Congress  that  passed  iv.   As  I  discussed  tiiis  ques- 
tion in  1844  upon  a  similar  bill,  and  in  reply  to  the  ; 
gentleman  from  South  Carolina,  I  beg  leave  to  , 
read  some  extracts  ftom  the  speech  I  then  de-  , 
livered :  i 

"  The  very  object  of  the  appropriations  for  the  I 
lakes  is  the  building  and  repairing  piers  where  j 
they  are  imperatively  demanded  for  the  protection  | 
of  our  shipping.     Even  the  distinction  which  we 
make  between  works  of  a  national  and  local  char- 
acter, and  between  those  necessary  for  the  defence  ; 
of  the  country  .ind   ihose  which  are  not,  is  no-  I 
where  to  be  found  in  this  act,  which  is,  in  idl  its  I 
provisions,  general  and  unqualified.     Mr.  Jefl'er-  , 
j  son,  whose  opinions  are  entitled  to  our  most  pro-  ; 
I  found  respect,  went  much  farther  than  any  part  , 
of  this  bill,  by  fair  construction,  would  carry  us.  ' 
!  He  signed  bills  making  large  appropriations  for  ; 
I  the  construction  of  the  Cumberland  road,  and  rec- 
i  onimended  a  survey  and  reconnoissance  of  a  great 
national  road  from  Washington  city  to  New  Or- 
leans, with  a  view,  undoubtedly,  to  its  ultimate 
construction.    In  1811,  Mr.  Madison  went  equally 
I  far.     At  the  instance  of  the  commissioners  ap-  , 
]  pointed  by  the  State  of  New  York,  he  communi-  i 
,  cated  to  Congress  copies  of  an  act  of  the  Legisla- 
1  ture  of  that  State,  relating  to  a  canal  IVoin  the 
northern  lakes  to  the  river  Hudson.    In  this  Mes- 
sage, he  uses  this  strong  and  forcible  laniniage:       j 
!      "  'The  utility  of  canal  navigation  is  universally  j 
:  '  admitted.    It  is  not  less  certain  that  scarcely  any 
'  '  country  offers  more  extensive  opportunities  for 
'  that  branch  of  improvements  than   the  Uniied 
.  '  States,  and  none,  perhaps,  inducements  equally 

■  '  persuasive  to  make  the  most  of  them.     The  par- 

■  '  ticular  undertaking  coiiteni|)luted  by  the  State  of 
'  New  York,  which  marks  an  honorable  spirit  of 

'  enterprise,  and  comp.iscs  objects  of  national  as  i 
'  well  as  more  limited  importance,  will  recall  the  , 

*  attention  of  Congress  to  the  sij^nal  advantages  to 
'  be  derived  to  the  United  Stati's  from  a  general 
'  system  of  internal  communication  and  convey- 
'  ance,  and  suggests  to  their  cnnaicleraiion  wliat- 
'  ever  steps  may  lie  proper  on  their  part  towards 

*  its  inlrodueiion  aim  accomplishment.  .\s  some 
'  of  those  advantages  have  an  intimate  connexion 

I  '  with  nrrnngemenis  end  exertions  for  t'.ie  general 
'  '  security,  it  is  at  a  i'  rli  il  calling  for  thc'^e  tluat  the 
'merits   of  such   a     ystem  will    be    seen  in   the 
'  '  slrongest  liglu.i.' 

"lie  does  nottpiestion  tli  Miitinnality,  ex- 

pediency, or  prni.riety  of  tl  1'';  l>ut,ontlic 

contrary,  give.-,  it  lii.i  corn  Miuilified  ap- 

proval, and  far  ouli-.iiis  the  liiei.  ■'  111'    pre.seni 

liill.  It  is  due  to  the  memory  ol  that  liliistrions 
;  statesman  to  state  that  afterwards,  when  i-»  riirii  _ 
1  to  ihe  subject  of  "  roiuls  und  caiials,"  in  lie  ■  \- 
enth  Annual  Message,  he  says,  '  that  any  defect 
of  constitutional  authority  which  may  be  encoun- 
lered,  can  be  supplied  in  a  mode  which  the  Con- 
titution  itself  has  providently  pointed  out.'  But 
this  does  not  iin|)ly  that  he,  but  that  others,  may 
have  entertained  doubts  about  the  power.  It  will 
be  remarked,  moreover,  that  his  observations  are 
confined  exclusively  to  '  roads  and  canals,'  and 
cannot  he  so  consirucd  as  to  embrace  harbors  or 
harbor  imnrovemcnts. 

"  Mr.  Monroe,  in  his  Inauffural  Address  in  1817 
reeommends  the  iinprovemeni  of  our  country  by 
roads  anil  "aiials,  proceeding  always  with  a  i  onsti- 

he  erected  iiea;  itie  eiilranci'  of  the  Chdiipeakc  liay.iu  siieh 
place,  when  eei,"d  In  the  I  '■litet;  HtaleH  in  lannner  at^ire.said, 
a^llie  President  .>f  the  r.iiteil  Hintex  pimll  (tired. 

Skc.  y.  .^nit  he  i(  fi.nher  enaeted,  TliJil  it  shall  he  the  duty 
nf  Ihe  Heereiary  of  the  Treatairy  In  prn\'ide  by  eniilracK*, 
wlilell  BhntI  he  approved  hy  tUn  Pre.-'idenI  of 'the  rnited 
Slnten,  for  hnildincn  liuhl  hnii'-e  near  the  elitrance  of  the 
Che-iipeake  hay,  and  for  relenhlinc.  when  nccesuary,  and 
keepiliff  in  gnud  repair,  llie  tiulil-lioasey,  heneons,  blinys, 
and  pnhlie  pic-s,  in  the  ^evernl  Hlates,  and  for  fnrnishini; 
the  same  Willi  ail  neeesi^nry  snppties;  und  nl-sn,  tn  ajiret'  li>r 
Ihe  salary,  wases,  nr  hire,  nf  Ihe  persaa  or  iiersnns  appoint- 
ed liy  tin'  I'n  i^ideiit  tor  the  superiiitenilenei;  and  care  of  the 
same. 

Hec. -1.  .4«((  he  il  futihcv  eiitutetly  That  all  pilots  in  the 
hays,  inlets,  rivers,  hnrlMirs,  and  imrts  nf  ihe  I'liiled  Htnles, 
sliiill  eonlimie  In  he  reiiulaled  in  eniilhrmily  with  the  cxisl- 
Ins  laws  nf  Ihe  Hinies  respei'Iively,  wherein  Hi.,-h  pilots 
may  he.  nr  with  such  laws  as  the  Suites  may  rt'speelively 
hereat\er  enaet  fnrthe  pnrpnse.  nntil  further  Icnislative  pro- 
vision shall  he  made  hy  t'oiiKress. 

.VlM'ROVEP,  Angilst  7,17131,  ^" 


tutional  sanction.  He  doubts  not  the  general 
power,  but  seems  disposed  to  guard  against  its  im- 
proper application.  The  language  he  uses  evinces 
his  strung  attachment  to  this  class  of  improve- 
ments: 

"  '  By  thus  facilitating  the  intercourse  between 
'  the  States,  we  shall  add  much  to  the  convenience 
'  and  comfort  of  our  fldlow-citizens,  much  to  tlie 
'  ornament  of  the  country;  and,  what  is  of  greater 
'  importance,  we  shall  shorten  distances,  and  by 
'  making  cicli  part  more  accessible  to,  and  depenif- 
'  ent  on,  the  other,  we  shall  bind  the  Union  more 
'  closely  together.  Nature  has  done  so  much  for 
'  us  by  intersecting  the  country  with  so  many  great 
'  rivers,  bays,  and  lakes,  approaching  from  distant 
'  points  so  near  to  each  other,  that  llie  inducement 
'  to  complete  the  work  seenislo  be  peculiarlystrong. 
'  A  more  interesting  spectacle  was  perhaps  never 
'seen  than  is  exhibited  within  the  limits  of  the 
'  Uniied  States — a  territory  so  vast  and  so  odvan- 
'  tagoously  siuiated,  containing  objects  so  grand, 
'  so  useful,  so  happily  connected  in  all  their 
parts.' 

"  His  views  in  regard  to  roads  and  canals  after- 
wards underwent  a  change;  and,  in  his  Message  of 
1817,  he  doubts  their  consiiuiiionality,  and  pro- 
poses an  amendment  of  tlie  Constitution.  But  in 
1823  he  brought  to  the  consideraiion  of  Congress 
the  connexion  of  the  Atlantic  ocean  and  the  Ohio 
river,  nnd  urged  that  il  possessed  the  right  to  ap- 
propriate money  for  such  a  national  oliject,  the 
jurisdiction  remaining  in  the  States  througii  which 
the  canal  might  pass;  and  during  his  Administra- 
tion several  acts  were  passeil  for  the  improvement 
of  the  Mississippi  and  the  Ohio,  of  the  harbor  of 
Prestpie  Isle,  on  Lake  lirie,  aiitl  the  repair  of  the 
Plymouth  beach.  During  the  two  terms  of  Presi- 
dent .Tarkson,  nppropriatiinis  similar  in  character 
to  tliose  now  uiidei*  consideration,  and,  wiLl,  but 
few  exceptions,  for  the  same  purposes,  were  un- 
mially  made.  His  vetoes  do  not  comprehend  ony 
of  the  points  embraced  by  this  bill;  nor  do  any  of 
the  principles  contained  in  them  apply  fairly.  Hu 
was  always  favorable  to  such  works,  and  gave  Ins 
sauciion  to  many  liills  comprising  the  very  sanio 
points  now  designated.  In  reference  to  this  kind 
of  improvements  he  uses  this  puiiiied  and  emphatic 
laiiiTuasrc: 

"  'The  prttciice  of  defraying  out  of  the  feasury 
'  of  the  United  States  the  expenses  incurred  by  the 
'  eslalili'-hmeiit  and  sujiport  of  ligbt-liouses,  beu- 
'coii>,  iiuoys,ahd  public  piers  within  tlie  bays, 
'  inleis,  barliors,  and  ports  within  the  Unitetl 
'  .States,  to  render  the  navigaiioii  thereof  safe  and 
'  easy,  is  coeval  witli  the  ailonliiiii  of  the  Constitu- 
'  lion,  and  has  been  eoiiiiniiMl  w  r.iiout  interruption 
■•r  di'^pule.  As  tuir  t'"i<  '  t  e-unmerce  increased, 
'  nnd  was  extended  iiiio  'i  ■  iiilerior  of  the  coun- 
'  try,  by  the  cslalilishmeiil  of  ports  of  entry  and 
'  delivery  upon  oio  navigable  rivers,  the  sphere  of 
•  iliose  expendilui    *  leceived  a  eon-esnonding  eii- 

.  irgenient.  Li^'hi-hou,ses,  beacons,  Inioys,  pub- 
'  lie  piers,  and  the  removal  nf  sand-bars,  Siiwyers, 
■  '  and  other  temporary  iiiii  >  iinieiit.-:  in  tlie  naviga- 
'  Ijle  rivers  and  harbors,  \  iiieh  were  embraced  in 
'  the  reveniK  districts  from  time  to  time  established 
'  bylaw,  W'  M  anllioii.'ed  upon  the  same  principlei 
'  and  the  i      'use  defrnved  in  the  same  manner.' 

"  In  his  .\lt^ssage  of'lKU  he  goes  decidedly  for 
llie  improvement  of  liarbors,  uiiou  our  great  lakes 
as  wi^l  as  on  the  .seaboard,  and  for  the  removal  of 
partial  and  lempornr-,-  obsiruelioiis  in  navigalile 
rivers,  for  the  cmivei  ■  nnd  s;ifety  of  eomnierce. 

This  is  tiie  Messa:'.  >v  hich  he  undertakes  U)  pre- 
scribe a  liiniiaii  ■  i  ihe  gnvernmciil  of  his  nwn 
conduel.coulie  I  ,  .  he  expeudiiures  below  the  porta 
of  entry  or  diinery  established  by  law.  But  he 
expresses  his  own  conviction  that  '  this  rcstiiction 
'  is  not  as  satisfactory  as  could  be  desired,  and  that 
'  iniieh  euiliarn'issiuent  may  be  caused  to  the  Ex- 
'  (H'litive  de|iartnieiit  in  its  execution,  by  ap|u'o- 
'  priations  for  remote  and  not  well-understood  ob- 
'  j(cis.'  It  is  not  pretended  that  this  limitation  is 
siincli(uied  by  the  Constitution,  nor  has  it  been  iid- 
voejiled  by  any  of  the  opponents  of  this  bill,  but 
has  been  entirely  abandoned.  It  is  so  susceptible 
of  evasion,  that  it  requires  no  argument  to  show 
its  absurdity.  All  that  is  neees.'^ary  to  avoid  it  is 
the  establishment,  in  Ihe  first  place,  of  n  port  of 
enlry  or  delivery  above  tlie  point  to  be  improved, 
and  then  apply  ior  the  im  ans  to  make  the  contem- 
plated iniprovemunl.    The  charge  hus  been  IVe- 


U  I 


3:}n 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THF-  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Rivera  and  lu-rhors — Mr.  McClelland, 


I  Feb.  26, 


Ho.  OK  Reps. 


f!l^ 


qupmly  made  npniiist  Mr.  '''nil  Biircn  Ihnt  hr  is 
iintVicmlly  to  siii'li  improvomrnts,  nnil  consiiiii- 
lioimlly  oppiiscil  to  them.  I'ut  this  is  niiirily 
wiihmit  foiindnlion.  His  wliiilc  cniirsc  of  pnlilii- 
liie  viridii'iilcs  liim  from  ii,  and  most  {■l-nrly  niid 
SMtipfuctorily  proves  ilir  loiitrnry.  In  his  famous 
leilpr  10  Mr.  Slirrrod  AVilliams,  AuEust  8.  It^.lfi, 
he  fully  nnd  unqunlificdly  concurs  in  Gi-npral  Jack- 
son's views,  and  atVr  recnpiinlnlin;;  that  portion 
of  his  Mossaire  of  WH,  say.'': 

"  '  President  Jackson  has  nowhere  iriven  lis  his 
'  views  as  to  tlie  particilnr  pro\isions  of  the  Fed- 
'  era!  ConstiintioM,liy  wliicli  he  conceives  exnend- 
'  itnres  of  this  character  to  be  autlioriyed.  Upon 
'  referriii'T  to  llic  early  proeeedinL'S  of  the  (iovern- 
'  mem,  we  find  that  General  Tianiiltoii,  while  Sec- 
'  reiary  of  the  Treasnrv.  eonlenclcd  ihnt  they  were 
'  wamniled  hy  the  anthorily  triven  to  fonsiress  to 

*  recridale  comnteree.  Mr.  JelVersoti,  on  the  other 
'  hand,  whilst  he  deprecated  their  liah'lity  to  ex- 
'  travasanee  anil  alinse,  aKsnmed  that  I'le;,  coulil 

*  he  jti.^iified  under  the  ]io\vf-r  to  maintain  a  navy. 

*  President  Jackson  has  left  the  rpicsiion  of  consti- 
'  tntionalily  in  the  suite  in  which  it  was  left  liy  his   , 

*  predecessors.  No  one,  I  believe,  contends  that 
'  the  President  onpht,  so  tar  as  it  depends  upon 
'  him,  111  have  arrested  a'l  ap|iroiiriaiions  of  this 
'character;  nor  could  it,  with  any  sliow  of  pro- 
'  priety,hc  insisted  thai  he  should  have  sriven  his  j 
'  coiisiiil  to  the  extension  of  iheni  to  olijecis  of  a 

*  cliaractcr  altoireiher  dilTereiit   fmm   iliose  which 

*  have  beei.  promoted  liy  ^rnnts  fnmi  the  Federal 
'  treasury,  .iiice  ihccoinmenceinenl  of  the  Federal 
'  Government.' 

"That  this  was  the  rule  wlii'h  joverned  his 
conduct,  is  nianilVstcd  by  his  iruuii;  the  executive  I 
saneiion  to  the  ioniiibus  bills  which  were  jiassed 
in  18.S7  and  18.')!*;  and  he  never  refused  his  ap- 
proval to  any  measure  of  tlie  kind  which  was 
adopted  by  ConLn'ess.  The  ai>propriations  ceased  ' 
in  18.19,  owins  to  the  extravagant  and  wild  exten- 
sion of  the  system,  nnd  the  crippled  stale  of  the 
treasury,  anif  not  from  any  indisposition  on  the 
part  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  to  siirn  and  approve  any 
iiills  that  f'oncress  in  its  wisdom  mit'ht  pass.  Mr. 
Cambiflen^',  in  his  i-eiiort  of  !k3!),  to  which  period 
is  usuallv  dated  back  the  abandonment  of  these 
works,  Joes  not  question  the  rtmstttutionality  of 
the  measure,  but  censures,  as  lie  truly  mi<:;ht,  llic 
profliL'sry  and  extravaEmice  of  the  expenditures, 
and  (tpposrs  further  appropriations,  because  the 
then  unexpended  balance  of  api'ropriations.  which 
had  befipi-e  been  made,  amounted  to  &!1T7,7'IH  0'2, 
besides  oher  balances  in  the  hands  of  disliursinir 
olHcers.  'I'he  amount  called  for  at  liiat  session  was 
^1,713,01)0,  exclusive  of  tiiese  baliuices.  So  that 
It  appears  ihe  systCM  was  i  ot  sriven  up  until  1840, 
when  the  treasurv  was  in  h  depressed  condition, 
and  there  w  as  n»  available  means  possessed  by  the 
fiovernmeiit  to  meet  any  ap|uopriations  that  niiirht 
have  been  irude.  From  that  period  u]i  to  the 
]iresenl  rlnie,  little  has  been  appropriated  to  such 
purprses:  but  the  system  itself  may  be  considered 
H.s  SLSjiended,  and  not  entirely  aliandoned.  Here, 
the. J,  we  have  in  our  favor  ni.iny  of  ihe  most  (lis- 
lilijruished  leaders  of  our  party,  and  the  practice  of 
theGoveriimeni  from  itsorc.ini/ation.  Thefrnmers  ' 
cif  the  fonsiitution  cave  to  it  their  sanction,  and 
every  President  has  not  only  conceded  the  rij;ht, 
but  recommended  the  exercise  of  the  power.'' 

If  tlie  riirid  consiruction  i>f  the  jiejitleman  tVnm 
South  ("'arolimi  be  correc*.  where  does  lie  derive 
the  power  to  construct  this  niaL'iiilicent  Capitol? 
Where  the  power  to  ]inss  the  bill  which  yesterday 
recf  ived  the  sane liiui  of  this  House  to  prcsetit  books 
to  the  iMinisler  of  Justice  of  !•' ranee?  To  send  an 
explorinu;  expedition  into  ilo  Pai'ific  ocean? — to 
construct  liiht-liousea  cu'  marine  hospitals? — or  to 
support  them  when  construcied  ?  I  mitrht  with 
propriety  inquire  of  the  •_■(  iitleinaii  how  lie  would 
lie  able  ,o  administer  the  Li<ivrrniiient  at  all  under 
the  rules  he  preserilies.  It  would  be  impossible 
P^Y  liini  toent'on'e  the  laws  we  pass,  if  such  a  rigid 
construction  is  '.riven  to  the  f'otistiiiition.* 

*  la  tli>!i  c(*iiiiexioti  Mr.  .Mct'i.ti.i.AMi  liiul  iiiteiiited,  if 
time  tiud  |i.  riialtii(l,lolnive  ciilteil  llie  iittiininn  (il'ilie  coin- 
liiiltee  to  a  p;ir[itzrn|ih  coiiliijrifd  in  Ihe  !•  itci  <•)'  Mr.  Dnnet- 
(.oti.  our  Inte  Chiiriri*  d'Afliiirc-  („  Ti-tnv.  iinit'it  .Mnrcti  ;il. 
1845,  8(lilre««eil  tu  the  linn.  1!.  .Mien,  tiic  .\tti)riii->  <;<  iicnil 
nl'  tliRt  re|iiilillc.  .Mr.  I),  miin  at  tli:il  tunc  iiriaiiff  on  'rexris 
th:M'.x[s'()tene>  '(failMiitiiiu  <iiir  rcr^i^iiiiKinsiniil  li<:i-'>iiiiii).'  iiii 
ilitPunil  pint  nfltic  f'ni'.)!.' 

'I'lic  imnicriipt!  m  in  the  tulimviiii!  word"  ■  '■  It  j..  (il.iccted 


Kilt,  Mr.  ClialrmBn,  1  had  hoped  that  when  that 
voice  wliich  has  heretofore  had  surh  a  polciil  in- 
fluence in  the  South  had  been  heard  lliroui;li  the 
nicdium  of  the  Memphis  convention,  this  constitu- 
tional objection  would  never au'aiii  have  been  lieani 
in  this  Mall.  What  oilier  construction  than  one 
favorable  to  our  views  can  be  put  upon  the  speech 
of  the  Senator  to  whom  1  allude?  1  can  say  to  my 
friends  from  the  South  that  he  nev  r  yet  made  a 
speech  wliich  di(Tu.'<ed  more  joy  or  created  a  more 
ihrillins  sensation  in  the  mind-  of  the  western  ;.cn- 
ple  than  the  one  he  made  on  that  occasion.  They 
eanie  to  tlic  conclusion  at  once  that  our  southern 
friends  had  beconie  convinC'  il  that  these  appropri- 
ations were  necessary,  and  ll  at  hereafter  we  would 
obtain  for  them  their  undiv,.tcd  support.  I  yet 
hope  and  believe  that  that  distiiiffuished  man— ilis- 
tiiisjuished  not  less  for  his  talents  tliaii  for  his  vir- 
tues— will  demonstrate  thai  the  speech  he  made  on 
that  occasion  was  soniethins  more  than  a  mere  ml 
cfiptnnihnn  effort. 

Air.  riiairinan,  the  bill  which  passed  at  the  last 
session  of  Coii'^-ress  r muained  almost  every  item 
that  is  found  in  this-  anil  if  we  pay  no  rei^ard  to 
the  leadiiii.  men  in  this  House,  let  us  look  at  the 
vote  at  the  other  end  of  the  Capitol,  and  see  how 
our  disliimuished  leaders  there  voted.  I'll  it.s  pas- 
sable the  '.I'lowing  (showing  a  list  of  mingled 
I  Whitrs  and  Pemocrats^  is  the  affimative  vote: 

Messrs.  Allen,  .\shley,  Atchison,  Harrow,  Bay- 
ard, Rentnn,  lUichanan,' Clioaic,  t'rittendeu,  Pay 
ton,  Dickinson,  Dix,  Foster,  Francis,  Hanncsan, 
Hiywood,  .Tohnsoii.  Miller,  .Morehead,  Phelps, 
Porter,  Semple,  Simmons,  Sturgeon,  Hpham, 
Wiiite,  nnd  Woodbrid'jre. 

And  what  is  the  neealive  vote  ■•  Messrs.  Ather- 
ton,  Pairby,  Ilerrien,  F.vans,  Fa.rfield,  Hiurer,.Tar- 
na^in,  Lewis,  McDuffie,  Xiles,  and  Wooilbury. 

So  that  with  one  or  two  exrejitions,  every 
northern  Democrat  voted  for  the  hill,  as  did  sev- 
eral southern  men,  all  of  whom,  I  presume,  pos- 
sess as  much  political  intelligence  anil  inlcu'rity  as 
the  members  of  this  House.  Their  opinions  ccr- 
tainlv  should  have  great  weight  We',  us,  especial- 
ly when  we  ledect  that  thev  merely  endorse,  and 
with  all  their  experience  sanclinn,  the  opinions  on 
this  subject  of  the  first  organizers  of  our  Cio*  crn- 
me.1t  nnd  |iarly. 

Rut,  Mr.  Chairman,  it  strikes  me  that  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Constitution,  on  which  we  ha.-^i  such 
appropriations,  are  so  simple  nnd  so  plain,  that  we 
cannot  misunderstand  them.  We  rely  for  their  sup- 
port on  both  the  provisions  relatinir  to  the  common 
defences  of  the  country,  and  our  foreign  commerce 
and  commerce  between  the  States. 

Of  the  one  1  have  already  sfwiken;  and  I  now 
proceed  to  remark  brietlv  on  the  other.  Of  this 
task  I  have  been  in  part  relieved  by  the  remark's  of 
my  friend  from  Ohio.  (Mr.  HKiXKEiiiiorr.  ]  .\  roiii- 
niercial  marine  has  been  built  on  the  lakes,  which 
will  obviate  the  necessiiv  of  approprialinc  a  single 
dollar  for  ctinslrucliiiL^a  navy  there;  and  everyone 
rnuversaiit  with  the  sul'ject  prefers  harbors  to  for- 
tifications or  ffovernmenl  defence.'.  They  believe 
that,  in  time  of  war,  'larhor  iinprovenients  are  vast- 
ly more  importanl.  If  gentlemen  will  look  into  tlie 
report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  tliey  will  find  lie 
urges  the  improvement  of  our  harbors  upon  tip  ■ 
croiind.  This  view  is  not  peculiar  to  the  ,irese)it 
Secretary,  but  has  been  sanctioned  by  former  Sec- 
retaries, and  is  most  fully  approved  of  by  the  aii- 
■  thorilies  on  the  other  siifc  of  the  lakes.  Let  nie 
read  from  ihe  report  of  the  Hoard  of  Works  to  the 
Canadian  Parliament,  made  in  De.enibcr,  l>-\-i, 
will'.;  one  ol'llie  Ilritish  naval  eomniaiuleis  slated: 

"  Viry  little  need  be  said  as  to  the  necessity  of 
'  f'ormin^  ports  on  lliis  creat  extent  of  coast,  e\- 
'  posed  as  it  is  to  the  boisterous  sea,  which  rises 
'  with  evcrv  breeze  of  wind  ihat  blows  up  or  down, 
'  or  towards  the  shori'  ot'tlie  lake.'' 

neniarkinsr  on  this  and  other  observations  of  the 
same  officer,  the  Hoard  say: 

"  Tlii.^  class  of  works  is  admitted  by  the  naval 


Mliril  Te.vji-   ill  siirrcndcrinB  her  revenue   I'liua   ca^toais. 
'  iHirls  Willi  the  iibilitv  to  pal  inm  etficient  'irL'Uniziill'ni  Iier 

*  Hinle  C;ovpriiliient.     Tliii*  nbjecllun  iiiili'l  nMilt   rrorii  nil 
•limine   exiiniinjilion  of  till'  evueiuliliird  winch  tin'    Ini- 

*  ted  Suites  nil  llic  nlher  lllind  will  liiiike  in  Ihe  ninny  nil - 

•  prnveincnt"  iieci'siinry  on  the  fseiicwist  nCrevii".  tu  (iroti'i'l 

•  iiiid  tiicililnle  her  ciiiiiiiiiTee,  in  Ihe   renievil  of  nti«lriic. 
'  liMii^  in  liiT  niiineruiis  hiivs  nnd  rivcra.  niiit  la  the  inllitiiry 

'(iii'iiniziitinii   111 .'i.iiry   in    Kiiiird   tier  <'\lcn^i\e   Irniitier 

'  :i':;iiii-I  the  inin;iih  n!ii  Inrei^ii  t  iiiniv." 


'  commnndtr  to  be  indispensable  to  enable  her  Ma- 
'  jesly's  vessels  to  kee|)  the  lakes." 

This  shows  the  strong  eoncurrence  of  opinion 
with  all  those  who  know  anything  of  our  wants, 
our  necessities,  anil  these  great  wati  rs.  Hut  if  har- 
bors are  not  considered  a  part  of  the  coiiimon  de- 
fences of  the  couiUry,  why  do  we  find  litem  con- 
stantly creeping  into  our  naval  and  military  hills' 
Why  did  the  gentleman  from  Massachuscus,  [Mr. 
Parmenli  r,]  not  now  a  member,  inirraf)  upon  ilia 
naval  bills  ail  aj'proprialion  for  the  Roslon  linrhor? 
Why  was  it  struck  oiil  of  that  bill  in  the  last  Con- 
gress? On  the  gi-ruind  that  the  other  harbors  wern 
as  well  eiiiiiled  to  be  incorporated  in  that  bill,  and 
nol  becaiiscof  its  want  of  military  imporlaiice.  TIib 
irenllenian  from  North  Carolina,  [Mr.  Mil'i  • '  .]  I 
believe,  moved  to  strike  it  out  on  some  ..iii  li  1 1  nind 
as  this,  and  I  sustained  his  motion.  1  believed  then 
thai  he  was  right;  I  believe  so  still.  How  oflen 
has  ibe  Savannah  river,  by  the  same  kind  of  Icffis- 
latio,..  been  iii.serlid  in  such  bills?  .Vnil  can  such 
provisions  he  defended,  if  the  works  are  not  jiart 
of  our  military  defences?  Of  what  use  is  a  navy 
ill  time  of  war  on  the  lakc^■,  if  you  havi*  no  safii 
harbors  to  shelter  lliem  ?  Suppose  the  vessels  an? 
shatleied  m  a  storm,  or  in  b,\tlle,  or  arc  compelled 
to  lly  from  the  superior  force  of  an  enemy:  of  what 
value  would  gord  and  safe  places  of  refuge  ho  to 
them  ? 

Mr.  R.tTiiB  N'  lure  alluded  to  Perry's  fleet  nt 
Erie. 

Mr.  McCi.fi.i..\\n  said  the  senileinan  is  correct; 
and  as  my  rciarks  in  1844  have  escaped  llie  recol- 
lection oi'  the  members,  thev  will  excuse  inc  for 
again  relating  the  diflioulliesConnnodorc  Perry  hud 
to  encounter: 

"  For  a  considerable  time,  the  Ihitish  had  tho 
'  entire  control  of  Lake  ICrie,  and  ainioyed  our  cil- 
'  izens,  ravaged  ihe  eouuiry,  destroyed  our  proper- 
'  ly,  and  retarded  the  progress  of  ihe  American 

*  arms.     Captain  Perry  fitted  u|)  u  fleet  in  the  har- 

*  bor  of  Erie,  for  the  purpose  of  cliei'king  the  eiie- 
'  my  and  recovering  the  command  of  ihe  lake. 
'The  British  fleet,  under  ihc  command  of  Captain 
'  Barclay,  was  on  the  alert,  and  kept  a  constant 
'  watch  on  his  mov  emeiits.  There  was  u  bar  some 
'  distance  outside  of  the  harbor,  which  prevented 
'  Cn|itain  Perry  from  getting  out  into  ihc  lake 
'  the  brig  Lawrence,  one  of  his  lar:;est  veasela; 
'  and  it  would  have  been  exceedingly  dangerous 
'  for  the  .Vineriean  fleet  to  have  passed  out  in  the 

*  face  of  the  enemy,  liecause  this  vessel  could  not 
'  sail  over  the  bar  with  her  guns  oifhoard,  and  llie 
'  whole  must  necessarily  be  exposed,  in  ihe  meaii- 
'  lime,  lo  the  fire  of  ihc  enemy.  Mosi  fortunately, 
'  Capiain  Uarrlay  (as  is  said)  accepied  an  iiivi- 
'  lation  to  dine  on  Sunday  with  a  friend  on  ihe  ('a- 

*  luidii.ii  shore.  While  his  vessi-ls  were  under  this 
'  coas  he  lake  became  sniotli,  and  the  bar  ]);issa- 
'  I  ■  Captain  Perry  seized  the  precious  moment, 
'  .1  efl'ecied  his  purpose  by  towiin,'  the  Lawrenco 
■  to  the  point  where  the  deepest  wiiicr  was  known 
'  to  be.  Her  guns  were  taken  out  and  landed  on 
'  the  lieacli,  and  the  brig,  thus  lighlened,  was,  by 
'  the  aid  of  scows  and  other  appliances,  lifted  ovev 
'  the  b  ir,  iiiiil  her  guns  hoisted  in.  In  the  iirerv.'d, 
'the  r.i.itiy  reappeared,  but  al'Ler  r'H'oiiiKUi.'iin; 
'  for  Bonn'  lime,  departed;  ai. '  oi  u  i-.vv  days  afu  r, 

*  Perry  vniiied  his  splendiu  vicn-.y,  and  acconi- 
'  plishcd  lie  object  he  had  most  at  lie:iil.  The 
'glorious  consequences  flowini:  from  iliis  event 
'  are  so  well  known  ilia;  iliey  need  not  be  narrated 
'  here." 

iNow,  this  harbor  at  Erie  is  one  of  llie  finest  nii 
Lake  Erie,  with  a  capacity  equal  lo  the  ac.  oiiimo- 
daiion  of  vessels  of  any  size. 

I*'or  ihe  purpose  of  showing  trcntlemen,  who  aie 
so  economical  that  they  cannot  vole  for  this  bill  on 
account  of  the  ainomit  appropriated  by  it,  ihat  ii  is 
iiy  no  iinaiis  unreasonable  or  exlrnvn^-ant,  I  will 
airaiii  call  their  altcniion  to  the  ri  port  of  the  Ca 
iiadian  bo;ird  of  works. 
British  Uovirnmeiit,  for  j 
of  constriiciing  harbors, 
leading  to  these  harbors,  a 
ll  t  pass  vessels  from  the  Si 
lakes,  expcndcil  in  ten  m 

her.  IH4:i,  ihe  sum  of  ,f440,."i!l.->  li«.  'Ji/.,  or  about 
S* 1, 0.11 1, 000.  ^'et  vc  ■.icruple  about  enpendini; 
(l.'iOlbOOO  for  like  piirp"-'  s,  and  to  prevent  aggres- 
sive nioveinenls  on  ili.  lake  iVonliers.  Do  geiitle- 
iin  ll    know   liinv  i Mensivi:    llial  frontier  is-     Are 


Here  Vie  find  that  llie 
'|roses  of  defi  n.-c,  and 

.1  roads  iminediaielv 
I  in  canals  to  float  and 
I  .awn  nee  I  i  the  iqipcr 

ills,  from  Isi  Stpiein 


[Feb.  26, 
Heps. 

ble  her  Mn- 

•  of  n|iininn 
'  mir  wiuils, 

!!nt  if hnr- 
riinininn  (In- 
il  il\cm  cDii- 
iliiary  bill"' 
iii.srits,[Mr. 
nit  iipnn  the! 
slim  liiirtior.' 
;hi-  last  Ciin- 
mrliors  Wfro 
ilml  liill,  ■mil 
(rtnncc.  Tlus 
,  M.K  ■•.!  1 
Hiiih  :  1  .mirt 
helicvcil  llicii 

Ildw  often 
kind  ol'lceis- 
Vnd  ™n  siii'li 

arc  not  piirt 
use  is  a  nnvy 
linvc  no  snfci 
\c  M'ssels  aift 
iro  oom|icll''d 
™iy :  of  w  hut 
f  refuge  be  Ici 

■rry's  Heel  nt 

nan  isenrrcet; 
ficj  I  lie  vecnl- 
xrnne  inc  for 
lore  Terry  liwl 

litisli  liad  iho 
noycil  unr  cit- 
ed onr  proper- 
llie  Anieru-an 
eet  in  llie  iiar- 
I'king  tin"  ene- 
1  of  tlie   lake, 
md  of  Captain 
cpt  ft  constant 
iHs  u  I'ar  some 
lieli  prevented 
into   llie   lake 
n-:;est  vessels; 
sly  doiiiTcrons 
;i;cd  *>nt  in  the 
l^spel  conld  not 
loard.  Mild  llie 
,  in  llie  mean- 
r:t  foriiniaiely, 
■pitd  an  iiivi- 
•iid  on  llie  Ca- 
lie  nndcr  tliisf 
the  liar  passa- 
ious  niomeni, 
ilu-  Lawrence 
r  was  known 
>l  laiiil'd  on 
[tiled,  was,  liy 
■(,s,  lil'li  d  ovev 
II  the  iirervfil, 
.••■coiinon/nii; 
w  days  after, 
,  and   accoin- 
liiiirl.     The 

0  this   event 
it  lie  narrated 

the  finest  nn 

Itllt'  aerouinio- 

Itiien,  who  ai" 

•  this  liill  on 

liy  it,  that  it  is 

|viiL.-aiit,  I  will 

nrl  of  the  Ca- 

1  find  th:it  Ilia 
|f  d>  I'l  li'-e,  and 

innicdialelv 
Its  to  tloal  and 
Ic  t  1  llie  npjier 

1st  Stplelii- 

I'Ji/,,  or  aliotit 

inpendin;; 

lilt  ai;2;ri  s- 

Do  sjenile- 

litier  i."-     Are 


18'I6.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  COIS'(iRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


3.31 


29th  Cofia 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  A.  Johnson. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


lliey  aware  tiiat  aliont  5,0110  miles  of  ilin  eoant  be- 
long 10  the  Uiiilcd  Suites,  which  must  be  defended 
ill  ease  of  wjiri*  Do  they  know  that  these  harbors, 
unless  improved,  will  not  aceoinmodale  n  nnvy  of 
any  si/e,  and  lliat  tlie  harliors  on  the  C'aiiadinn 
sliore  are  being  iimde  safer  and  more  eonimodious 
everyday?  And  knowinEf  these  facts,  liow  eiiii 
you  wilhhohl  the  aid  of  the  General  Government  r 
We  have  a  rifjht  to  protect  the  commerce  of  the 
country.  It  is  our  imperative  duty  to  do  so.  We 
have  the  power  to  liiiild  a  navy ,  and  to  send  it  into 
al!  th"  oceans  and  seas  of  the  jilobe,  lo  sustain,  de- 
fend, and  protect  the  lives  and  properly  of  our  cit- 
izens; and  does  this  power  cease  with  salt  water, 
,  or  is  it  bounch'd  by  the  tides,  so  Ihiit  it  cannot  ex- 

5  tend  to  the  lakes?     Unt  does  it  depend  upon   the 

•;  inaiincr  or  the  method  of  dcfcndinu;  and  protecting 

f  these  lives  luid  this  properly,  and  ninat  it  he  done 

;  by  machinery  of  peculiar  construction?      AVIiy 

,■■  uninot  yon  as  well,  under  these  powers,  construct 

I  liarbors'as  build  steam-ships, or  batteries,  or  ateain- 

ers  to  carry  your  mails?  In  truih,  there  is  no  dif- 
ference. The  power  is  sufliciem  for  both  purposes, 
luid  oiii^ht  to  be  so  exercised. 

I  wisli  to  notice  funi.:  r  some  of  the  remarks  of 
the  senilemanfrtnn  Alalmi.'n.  (Mr.  Pav.se.j  lam 
one  of  the  last  men  to  end<  .  .i  to  excite  sectional 
".eliiifjs  here  or  elsewlier  1  think  il  should  be  the 
ilijcct  of  every  member  i  suppress  everythins;  of 
toe  kind.  I  live  in  the  lVorthwesi,.?.nd  I  will  most 
w'llinply  vote  for  all  appropriations  for  the  benefit 
of  the  South  or  the  Kast,  if  1  believe  them  to  be 
(irooer.  Reference  lias  been  made  to  the  fortifica- 
tion bill;  anil  as  the  f^'tntleinan  from  Alabama  has 
denoii.iied  the  river  and  harlior  bill  as  sectional,  I 
would  draw  his  atlentioii  to  the  other  bill  n  mo- 
ment. It  n|ipropriiiles  'jir)4().oOO  for  objects  south 
of  Ma.«on  and  Dixon '.s  line;  >ii-"Jli,l'''0  for  objecis 
norili  of  ihat  line;  and  SU3,.")00  lor  the  whole 
We.sl.  Did  you  hear  any  complaint  uttered  l>y  u 
western  man  because  it  gave  loo  much  to  the  .South 
or  the  Kast,  and  nolenou;;h  to  the  West.  A'o,  sir; 
Ihey  urjre  no  such  olijeclion  to  any  of  your  bills. 
When  this  bill  was  under  consideraiion,  an  ainend- 
meiit  was  ollired  by  tlie  tcentleinnn  from  Xorth 
('arolina,  [Mr.  McKav,]  appropriatins;  $300,000 
for  armament.s  for  these  fortifications,  and  no  west- 
ern man  objected,  because  we  all  believed  il  neces- 
sary and  proiier,jmd  tlierefire  voted  for  it  ivithout 
Nloppinjr  lo  inquire  whether  any  portion  of  il  was 
lor  the  West.  You  will  find,  on  examinntion,  that 
from  the  year  1840  to  the  present  year,  upwards  of 
S<4,IHI0,000  nave  lieen  appropriated  for  fortifica- 
tions, in  which  the  West  had  no  immediate  inter- 
eM,  and  yci  you  will  not  find,  perhaps,  a  scdiiarv 
western  vote  nL'iiinst  il.  Look  at  aiio'her  I'ill  re- 
liortid  by  the  t.'oiiin;lttee  on  Commerce  for  lisht- 
houses,  and  von  will  discover  that  it  jjives  to  llie 
WcMt  and  iSi  rlhwest  some  «i50,OIIO;  to  the  Ivist 
and  i\orllicas(someSi"J.)0,000;  and  lo  the  Southeast 
alioni  (J  160,0  10;  and  I  venture  lo  jiredicl  that  you 
will  find  bui  \'c\v  of  the  western  men  who  are  in 
lavor  of  hi  rliors  volinic  ajrainst  any  of  the  pro- 
visions of  i\,"  bill.  If  ucntlenien  will  now  turn 
Iheir  attention  to 'he  naval  bill,  they  will  .here  find 
an  appropriation  of  *>100,000  for  the  navil  depot  at 
Meiiipliis,  and  an  approprialion  of  :^lt)l),IIOO  for 
oliices,  houses,  cisterns,  .saw-mills,  &c.,  at  Petisa- 
cola.  rsothitti;' is  fiven  to  the  West  or  iVortlnvest 
by  these  lulls;  and  would  il  not  be  considered  very 
uiijnsiiiiable  in  onr  opposiiiir  them  on  account  of 
till  ir  bciii:;  sectional  ?  1  say  lo  irentlenien  from  the 
South,  wear'-'  opposed  to  excitilii^  any  such  feil- 
iii^s;  and  I  had  supposed  that  the  demonstrations 
made  111  t'lis  House  on  the  Orei;oii  tpiestion  would 
have  been  siifiicieiitly  instructive  to  have  |irevciited 
their  recnrrence.  I  deprecated  the  fceliii!!;  then,  and 
so  1  do  now;  and  1  hope  never  lo  see  western  men 
triviiii;- way  lo  it,  or  sulferini;  it  lo  rule  or  fiuiile 
their  aclion.  Look  not  at  the  locality  of  an  ap- 
pro|iriation,  but  at  its  object  and  propriety. 

.Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  a  word  to  say  to  some  of 
our  eastern  friends  who  ojipose  this  bill.  'I'he  i;en- 
llenian  from  Maine  |.Mr.  Hami.i.-.'1  was  pleased, 
when  It  was  first  reported,  lo  style  the  i.'muiuittce 
on  Coinmerce  the  internal  improvement  loinmit. 
lee,  by  way  of  reproach.  I  would  ask  him  whether 
he  so  icrnied  it  when  we  were  reportiiiir  bill  after 
bill  on  peliiions  that  hail  bi'cn  referred  lo  us  by 
Kculleiiien  from  his  section,  as  well  as  by  himself, 
for  the  benefit  of  the  fishing;  vessels  of  iNlaine  and 
ollitr  eastern  States?    Will  lie  be  kind  moufrli  lo 


point  out  any  clau.se  in  the  Constitution  which,  by 
strict  construction,  nuthari/.es  iheijrunliii;;  by  this 
Government  of  a  fish  ins;  bounty,  or  the  payins;  of 
these  vessels,  that  does  not  justify  un  in  aslting  for 
harbor  appropriations?  Me  will  say,  and  with 
irrcat  prnpriely,  thai  this  is  necessary  lo  supply 
seamen  in  lime  of  war  for  your  navy;  and  we,  ' 
with  eipial  truth  and  force,  use  the  Hatiie  argii-  I 
ment.  Uut,  sir,  in  order  lo  show  him  how  j 
niiich  beyond  the  maximum  of  exyienditure  for 
lake  harbors  (some  ■i4d„iOO,OnO)  his  system  has 
curried  the  Government,  let  me  refer  him  lo  some 
statistics  tlinl  I  have  on  the  subject,  and  he  will 
lie  satisfied  of  our  moderation.  By  a  report  made 
by  the  indu  .trioiis  and  iudefatit^ahle  Kegister  of 
the  Treasury,  in  answer  lo  a  resolution  of  Mr  i 
Senator  HenUin,  durinif  the  present  .session,  we 
find  that  the  amount  jwiil  for  bounlies  on  salted 
provisimis  and  ,iickleil  fish,  exported  up  to  the 
30th  of  .liine,  ISiS,  was  «,7IS,'J'J1  98J;  for  allow- 
ances lo  vcs.'<els  ei  iployed  in  the  fisheries,  'jiH.SIiH,- 
4^8  I'-i;  drawback  i  on  domestic  refined  suear  ex- 
ported, rji"i,(i!W.4.'J0  S."). 

Sir,  I  admit  that  the  object  of  most  of  these  boun- 
ties is  of  sreat  iiiiport"nce  to  the  nation,  and  Ihal 
they  are  the  means  of  mainlninin!;  and  suslaininjj 
the  navy,  and  preparini;  hardy  veterans  in  lime  of 
peace  for  service  in  war.  This  nur.sery  of  seamen 
should  in  all  probability  be  encouraijed,  and  may 
in  a  irreat  measure  obviate  the  necpssity  of  vast  ex- 
penditures of  money  by  our  Governmenl  to  accom- 
plish the  same  thing.  Uut  all  this  applies  as  well 
lo  niosi  of  the  items  of  this  bill;  and  so  far  as  this 
extends,  the  same jirinciple.<  operate  in  both  cases,  i 
\  distiiit^uished  ofiicer  of  the  navy  made  the  lour 
of  the  lakes  last  seii.son,  and,  if  I  am  informed  cor-  , 
redly,  slated  thai  he  never  met  with  more  active, 
energetic,  or  belter  sailors:  and  that  they  would 
Ikmo  our  Governiiietit  invaluable  in  time  of  war. 
If  a  coiillict  ensues  between  Great  Britain  and  us, 
or  we  are  compelled  to  meet  in  deadly  warfare  any 
other  nation  ot  e([nal  power,  you  will  have  lo  rely 
prini'ipally,  lo  supjiorl  your  navy,  on  this  very 
class  of  sailors,  'iou  will  .soon  fii'ui  that  it  will  be 
immaterial  lo  them  in  what  section  of  the  country 
they  are  eniras-od:  all  that  they  will  then  talk  about 
will  lie  the  detence  of  the  whole  country.  There 
will  be  no  such  line  of  demarcation  drawn  in  their 
minds  as  iVIaf.on  tuid  Dixon's;  and  1  believe  that 
when  the  war  closes,  even  the  gentleman  iVoni 
South  Carolina  will  be  among  the  first  to  award 
them  praise  and  do  tliein  justice. 

Objection  has  been  made  to  the  works  on  Lake 
Michigan;  and  some  invidious  coni)xirisoiis  have 
been  drawn.  1  am  confident,  Mr.  ( 'liairman,  if 
geiitleiiien  were  actpiainled  with  that  lake,  the 
daiiirers  of  its  iiaviiration,  and  the  constant  peril 
of  life  anil  property  there,  they  would  make  lamer 
instead  of  smaller  appropriations  for  it.  1  know 
thai  the  coinmerce  of  that  lake,  which  is  increas- 
ing constantly,  requires  all  the  protection  you  can 
give  il. 

Mr.  ,McC.  was  here  abruptly  cut  olV  in  his  re- 
marks by  the  expiration  of  bis  hour. 

[iVoTK. — See  esiiiiiatcs  for  niost  of  llie  works 
coiiiaiiied  in  this  hill  in  llie  reporl  of  the  War  De- 
partment, (I'rtsidenfs  Message  and  accoinpany- 
iiiiC  dociiiiieiils,  pase  3Wo,  Doc.  No.  :>,)  and  the  an- 
nual estimates  of  llie  Secretary  of  the  'I'reasnry, 
(Doc.  No.  !»,  pni;e  104.)  Kotli  show  that  they  coii- 
stilute  a  part  of  the  agsrrcgaie  amount  required  by 
the  General  Ciovcrnment  for  llic  ensuliig  fiscal 
year.] 


(>ri;go\  auESTiox. 

SPB:ECH  of  ,AIR.  A.  ,IOIli\SOX, 

OF  ti;nni:.s.ski:, 

Ix  TIIK   HofSE  OK   IlKI'IlKSKKTATIVliS, 

Jnnnarij  31,  I84(i. 
Dn  the  Ilcsolution  for  lerininatiiig  tlie  joint  occu- 
pancy of  Oregon. 
Mr.  A.  .TOILN.SON  aildi'e.s.spd  the  conmiittce 
iluring  the  allotted  hour.  It  was  with  tai  ordinary 
de'iiee  of  dillidence  (he  said)  that  he  attenipied, 
iipiiii  this  occasion,  to  address  the  committee  on  a 
subject  that  was  so  iiupniiant  lo  the  ciuuitry;  and 
paiiicularly  no  al'ter  the  House  had  wilne.ssed  the 
display,  not  only  of  unanswerable  iirgiimcnla,  bill 


of  brilliant  and  commanding  eloquence.  In  at- 
teinpling  to  nddres.s  the  conimiltee  iijion  this  nll- 
iniporlant  question,  it  would  iiol  lie  his  purpose  to 
add  fuel  lo  the  fiame,  but,  if  nossible,  to  pour  oil 
on  the  wave  of  fueling  which  had  been  agitated 
and  excited  upon  Ihis  i|uestion.  When  they  iiii- 
dertook  the  discussion  of  a  question  so  important 
as  the  one  now  presented  to  the  House  and  the 
conntry,  it  should  be  in  a  siiirit  of  calm  delibera- 
tion; ulid  ihey  should  consider  well  the  conseqiien- 
'  s  that  are  to  follow  from  the  action  that  is  lo  be 
I  iken  by  this  House  upon  it.  He  knew  thiU  since 
lliis  discussion  had  commenced  they  had  heard 
mueli  of  wars  and  rumors  of  wai-s,  and  that  the 
passions  and  feelings  of  the  connlry  had  been  ad- 
dressed lo  a  very  great  extent.  So  far  as  he  was 
eoncerneil,  if  he  knew  the  feelings  of  his  own 
bosom,  he  was  for  (leace,  if  peace  could  be  con- 
tinued on  honorable  terms;  but  if,  in  adopting  the 
means  which  we  believe  best  calculated  lo  secure 
|ieace,  war  was  lo  he  ihe  resiill,  he  was  jirepared 
for  the  consequences.  iNo  member  of  this  commil- 
lee  desired  peace  more  earnestly  than  he  did.  Yes; 
in  the  language  of  high  authority,  he  desired  ihe 
day  .speedily  lo  come  when  we  sliall  have  "  peace 
on  earth  and  good  will  among  men"'  Ihroughout 
the  entire  race.  He  wished  he  could  hope  that 
ihe  beginning  of  that  glorious  era  would  commence 
in  his  day  and  geneiation.  If  he  could  believe 
there  was  a  reasonable  prospect  of  it,  he  would 
now  be  fiiiind  on  tiptoe,  as  it  were,  stretching  his 
ken  to  its  utmost  lension  lo  discover  the  streaks  of 
the  dawn  of  that  glorious  morninsi:.  Bui  as  ar- 
dently as  he  desired  peace  to  his  country,  he  must 
take  ihat  view  of  this  subject,  and  that  stand  upon 
the  question  under  consideration,  which  he  believed 
his  position,  and  ihc  richts,  the  interests,  and  llie 
honor  of  his  country,  deinandcd. 

IJefore  he  approached  the  consideration  of  llie 
main  question  iireseiiled  to  the  committee,  he  pro- 
posed, as  he  went  along,  lo  brush  out  of  the  way 
some  of  what  he  conceived  to  be  the  cobwebs  that 
had  been  hung  around  this  question.  There  had 
been  an  altenifit  during  the  progress  of  this  discus- 
sion lo  excite  the  peculiar  prejudices  of  the  coimlry. 
Tiiey  had  seen  this  particularly  exhibited  by  the 
;;entleman  from  Virginia  (Mr.  Bayi.v]  in  addressing 
liie  commiltee  on  this  subjei'l.  Without  relying  on 
ai'gunieni,  without  relying  on  facis  as  they  "exist  in 
the  history  of  ihis  negotiation,  the  gentleman  had 
Bltemiiled,  as  he  (Mr.  J.)  believed,  to  excite  a  pre- 
judice existing  on  the  mind.s  of  his  constituency, 
and  perhaps  extending  in  some  degree  beyond  the 
bounds  of  his  di.stricl.  What  position  had  he  taken  ? 
He  bait  attempted  to  make  the  impression  on  llie 
mind  of  the  country  that  there  was  a  particular 
leader  and  eh.inipioii  of  this  question;  and  in  this 
way,  while  he  (Mr.  Bavi.y]  had  separated  from 
the  policy  laid  down  by  the  Administration,  he 
had  atienqned  lo  exonerate  himself  from  the  incon- 
sistency and  dillicully  in  which  he  was  involved. 
The  gentleman  said  that  this  question  of  notice, 
was  a  mere  qnestion  of  ex'pfi/ieiicK;  and  because  be 
happens  to  dill'er  with  the  lixecutivc,  or  the  Ail- 
imnistraiion,  on  a  question  of  expediency,  why,  it 
is  no  si.,inration  at  all  from  the  Administration. 
Why,  on  this  principle,  every  question  that  iniiy 
arise  for  llie  consideraiion  of  the  House  may  be  a 
(piestion  of  "  ci^icJitiir;/."  The  establishment  of 
a  national  bank  may  be  a  question  of  expediency; 
the  establisliiucnt  of  a  system  providing  for  the 
collection,  s.ile-keepiier,  and  disburseiiient  of  the 
public  revenue;  the  question  of  the' distribution  of 
the  proceeds  of  the  puhlic  lands,  or  the  question  of 
an  oppressive  anil  ininuitous  larilV, — may,  by  the 
same  construction,  be  declared  a  question  of  expi  - 
diciicy.  He  may  make  iniliscriniinate  war  u;.on 
ihe  Adininistratinn  and  all  its  policy,  and  ibeii  uirii 
round  and  say  he  is  guilty  of  no  i. consistency. 
And  how  does  the  gentleman  attenipt  to  cover  his 
position  ?  Why,  he  says  if  he  has  separated  iVnm 
the  .Vdniinisiiation,  who  is  otic  leader?  Poiniing 
to  the  venerable  gentleman  li.ini  Massachusetts, 
(Mr.  AuAMs.j  I  sujipose  he  wishes  lo  hit  a  preju- 
dice made  upon  lite  minds  of  his  constituency  in 
relation  lo  that  venerable  genlleinan,  and  to  con- 
sider it  a  sutlicicnt  vindiciilion  of  his  course  in  say 
that  tlio.se  who  go  for  Ibis  notice  are  led  off  by 
.1  oils Ui  ISC V  .VnAMs,lhcveneiable!;entteniaii  from 
Massacliuseiu.  .-Viid  the  genllcmaii,  loo,  readsaii 
extract  from  the  speech  of  the  lionoraiile  gentleman 
iVom  Maas.ichnsctls  to  prove  what  the  gentleman's 


m 


m 


Si 


■'■>%% 


332 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


|.lun.3l, 


29th  Cong 1st  Bess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  A.  Johtison. 


Ho.  OF  Rkps. 


r. 


position  wiia  iltirin<(  the  last  Cnn^resa — anextrncti 
torn  iVnin  llie  cnntext,  convyins  n  separate  and 
(liminct  idcii  iViini  its  fair  coiisiruelioii  taken  in  con- 
nexion wiili  the  context,  Tlmt  speech  was  de- 
livered before  the  (|tiestion  of  notice  I'auic  up,  niion 
the  l)ill  reported  hy  the  chairnnin  of  the  Committee 
on  tiie  Territories,  for  the  establishment  of  a  Ter- 
ritorial (jovcrninent  over  Orefjon.  It  was  a  spceili 
usninst  the  bill  without  the  notice;  but  in  it  the 
uentleinan  staled  that,  after  mature  deliberation  and 
rcllei'iion,  he  had  at  len^'lh  brouu'ht  his  mind  to  the 
I'liiiclusion  tlmt  tlie  notice  ought  to  beniven.  The 
f;enilrmnirs  position  was  that  the  grant  of  lands, 
the  laltinfr  possession  of  the  territory,  'he  estab- 
hshnu'iu  of  a  Territorial  tovennnciit,  were  in  direct 
coullict  with  llie  treaty  stipulations  of  our  Govern- 
ment under  ihe  convention  made  in  1H]H,  ond  re- 
newed in  Itii'i.  In  the  same  speech,  the  gentleman 
expressly  sutled,  lliat  after  the  notice  was  given, 
of  which  ho  was  in  fuvor — after  the  expiration  of 
the  twelve  monthb — he  would  go  on  anil  make  the 
necessary  prejiarniions  the  ccaintry  required  for 
such  lui  enurnency:  or  he  would  make  the  provis- 
ion in  advance,  to  take  ell'ect  at  the  expiration  of 
the  notice. 

\Mr.  lUvi.Y  inlerpo.-ed  and  remarked,  that  he 
disliked  very  miicli  to  interrupt  gentlunien,  but  he 
could  not  sit  by  and  allow  his  whole  course  of  ar- 
gument to  lie  misrepresented — unintentionally  he 
hoped.  In  rclVrring  to  the  gentleitian  from  Alas- 
sachusetls,  he  (Mr,  li.)  had  not  said  one  word  of 
the  position  of  that  gentleman  during  the  lost  Con- 
gress, except  to  <|Uote  from  his  remurks  as  to  the 
elfecl  of  a  war  with  En^laiul.  As  to  the  rest  of 
the  gcnileinan's  |AIr  .Iohnson'sJ  remarks,  too, 
he  undertook  to  say  that  the  gentleman  wholly 
misrepresented  his  viewn — unintentionally  he  pre- 

SUHUtl. 

Mr,  ,IonNs(ix.  Will  the  gentleman  specify  in 
what  parliiulur  1  have  misrepresented  him- 

iSo  response  beini;  reccivetl — ) 

Mr,  J,  proceeded.  The  gentleman  had  read 
Mr.  .VuAMs's  speech  upon  the  lull  before  the  notice 
was  i:ivcn,  in  which  he  argued  that  the  pa-v.^jifc  of 
the  bill  without  the  notice  was  cakulaied  to  lead 
to  war;  and  the  L'cmleman  from  AIas.sachuselts, 
after  he  had  inaile  his  speech,  and  when  the, 
llon.Ht'  came  to  act  on  the  bill,  came  in  wiih  his 
amendment  proposing  to  give  the  notice,  and  then 
ho  w^tuld  be  in  lii\or  of  the  subsequent  measures, 
Tlie^e  were  the  views  of  the  ireiitleman  I'roin  Mas- 
sachusetts »l  the  last  session  of  Congress — these 
were  his  views  now, 

AVill,  when  tin  y  followed  up  the  sfieech  of  the 
gemleman  iVmn  Vjri;mia  (,\lr.  IIavlv)  o  little  fur- 
ther, what  did  he  Say-  "At  all  evenis,  if  I  im 
separated  fioin  the  Adminisiration,  ir/io  is  the 
leiulcr  of  (his  party  in  I'aviir  ot'  this  notice .-" 

|.\lr.  lUvLV,  1  am  not  the  man  to  Jodme  this 
Adnmii.slraiinii,or  any  oilier  Administraiion,  when 
their  measures  do  nut  correspmid  with  my  own 
judgment, 

.Mr.  JoifvsoK.  That  is  what  the  genlleman  said 
before.     We  all  undor^'iauil  that 

l\lr.  Uavi.v.  The  gentleman  persists  in  misla- 
tili'j;  my  piuiits. 

.Mr.  JoiiNsiiN.  I  am  slating  the  gentleman's  po- 
sition corricily,  and  the  documenis  will  sustain 
ine  in  il.  The  gentleman's  scowls  o  threaus  have 
no  terrors  for  inc.  "  He  may  go  am  show  his 
slaves  how  choleric  he  is,  ■''•'  -lake  his  bondmen 
tremble."] 

The  genilcnian  (commued  jMr.  J.)  read  the  ex- 
tract from  iliespiecli  of  Mr.  AnAMS,  and  the  in- 
ference was  clear,  lliut  he  intrndeil  to  make  ihe 
impression  on  the  iniiids  of  this  House  and  the 
coumry  that  it  was  made  upim  ihe  question  of  no- 
tice; wlicii  ihal  gentleman  was  distinctly  opposing 
the  hill,  uiilc.-.s  the  notii'e  were  includeil  in  il;  and 
when  th('^  came  to  lake  the  speech  of  the  gentle- 
man fruin  Ma.-<sacliusetts  at  the  last  session,  and 
his  speech  nl  the  present  session,  they  found  there 
was  no  discrepancy  bi'tween  the  two.  "Oh,  hut 
the  gi'iitlemaii  from  Massachusetts,"  the  gentle- 
man says,  "  is  our  leader  !"  Wos  Uiat  the  e mr.-'e 
of  15 real  stalesineii,  representing  a  |iorlion  of  llie 
Old  Domiiiioii,  to  attempt  to  rely  on  the  lliinsy 
pretext  end  snbterfuire — if  lie  mmht  be  allowed 
tlierenitt.lf — to  iuslifv  himself  in  the  eyes  of  his 
cohHiiiu'  Ills  for  his  iseparalion  from  the'Ailniiiiis- 
tiation,  that  John  UiiNty  AiiAWs  was  for  this 
measure ,  and  therefore  lie  dilleied  from  the  Ad- 


I  ministration,  and  went  apainat  il?  Now,  the  true 
state  of  the  ease,  they  found  when  they  eainc 
to  examine  the  reooril,  was,  that  it  was  not  the 
measure  of  John  UtiNty  Apams  ;  for  when 
that  gentleman  olTered  his  amendment,  it  was  re- 
jected by  this  House,     Who,  then,  came  forward 

I  with  this  proposition  of  laxice!    Was  it  a  Massii- 

i  chusetts  member? — a  northern  man.' — a  western 

'  man.'  Who  did  it.-  It  was  Mr,  Hammelt,  of 
Mississippi,     Yes,  it  wos  a  soiilhern  man  who  of- 

1  fered  the  amendment  to  the  bill,  which  was  adopt- 
ed by  this  House,  They  found  that,  on  the 
adoption  of  that  amendment,  the  honorable  gen- 
tleman from  Massachusetts  voted  for  it,  the  hon- 
orable genlleman  frmn  Virginia  voted  against  il; 
but  when  it  was  incorporated,  and  had  become  a 
part  of  the  bill,  on  llie  final  pasaogc  of  the  bill, 
where  did  the  gentleman  from  Viruinia  stand .' 
Why,  he  was  so  determined  not  to  be  found  with 
the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  right  or  wrong, 

:  that  he  Hew  the  track;  he  would  neither  no  behind 
nor  before  him;  but  he  bolted,  and  did  not  vote  at 
nil.  Yet  the  r|iicstion  was  a  ipiestion  of  "  expe- 
diency." 

The  gentleman  from  Virginia,  and  most  gentle- 
men who  were  against  the  notice,  tell  us  that 
the  whole  of  Oregon  is  ours;  that  our  title  Is  clear 
and  unquestionable;  but  w  hen  they  are  calletl  upon 
to  act — to  lake  some  measure  for  the  vindication 
of  these  inilisputable  rights— why,  then,  they  turn 
round  and  fold  their  arms,  and  decline  to  do  any- 
tliimr,  Tliey  move  in  a  circle,  and  end  just  where 
they  besiun — doimr  nothing.  They  form  what  inav 
be  called  the  do-nothing  party  in  this  House,  It 
rcminiled  him  of  an  anecdote  respectinga  little  town 
council  eompo.ifd  of  three  Irishnien.  They  got  to- 
gellier;  they  saw  it  was  necessary  to  do  something 
for  the  town,  and  found  it  was  imporiaiit  to  build 
a  jail;  they  introduced  and  adopted  a  set  of  rcso- 
hilioiis:  the  lirst,  "  Ite^ilveit,  Tlmt  we  dei'ui  it  ex- 
pedient and  pro|ier  to  build  a  jail  within  the  corpo- 
rate limits  of  this  town,"  (specifying  llie  name  of 
the  lowir.)  the  second,  "Uesnlnd,  That  the  new 
iail  be  built  out  of  the  materials  of  the  old  one:" 
and  the  third,  "  ]l(finlvtil.  That  the  old  jail  shall 
not  be  torn  down  Kii/ii  Ihe  nno  one  is  built."  So 
gentlemen  in  opposition  to  this  notice  moved  in  a 
circle;  they  resolved  ihat  Oregon  is  ours,  and  that 
prop(?r  measures  be  lakeii  to  secure  it;  but  when 
tliev  came  to  action,  liny  could  agree  on  no  meas- 
ures, and  contented  thcinselves  with  doing  noth- 
ing. 

Hot,  as  they  went  along  with  their  southern 
frieiiils,  (and  lie  wished  it  10  be  dislmcily  uiider- 
slood  that  he  was  a  southern  man  in  his  associa- 
tions and  fe  lings,  but  while  he  was  a  soiilhern 
man  he  whs  an  American,)  as  they  traced  the  pro- 
gress of  the  debate,  lliey  came  to  the  spi'ech  of  ;he 
honorable  geenlleimui  from  Alabama,  |,Mr.  Y'an- 
(  KV.  I  Mr.  .1.  spoke  in  high  terms  of  the  preposses- 
snnis  and  of  the  favorable  o)iinions  he  had  formed 
of  the  geiiih man's  elo(|ueiice  and  talenls;  but  when 
the  gi'iiilemaii  delivered  that  speech,  he  c:iiife.ssi'd 
his  very  soul  yearned  with  regret,  not  for  its  elVects 
upon  the  C(Uiiilry,  but  that  so  brilliant  an  inteUecl, 
such  superior  tnleiii  and  commanding  eloquence, 
should  be  employed  on  the  wrong  side  of  this  j 
question.     The  gentleman  said: 

".V/M/iis  would  be  blighied  61;  trnr,  California 
'  would  be  lost  to  us;  Oregon  would  be  lost  to  us. 
•  A  debl  of  live  lunidred  inillions  wo  Id  be  imposed  ! 
'  iipim  the  country.  The  paper  .svsiein,  in  its 
'  wor.M  form,  will  necessarily  have  been  imposed 
'  upon  us.  'J'lie  pension  list — that  sjiriii.;  of  life 
'and  iniiiiorialily  to  palrioiic  valor — would  be  al- 
'  inosi  iiiili  finiiely  iiierea.M-d.  This  (tovermiient 
'  \v\]\  li:i\e  Income  rfiitrnliztil:  iis  checks  wcal-:en- 
'ed;  lis  ailministiation  federali/ed  in  all  Ms  len- 
'  dcncies.  The  fabric  of  Slate  rights  will  have  bci'ii 
'  .><wept  auav,  and  remain  only  as  a  glorious 
'  dream;  and  a  strong  niiliuuy  bais  will  have  been  1 
'  givin  to  the  future  career  ol  our  coiiniry,  which, 
'while  it  may  be  splendiil  in  a|ipeariiice,  will 
'  bear  within  itself  the  cerlain  elements  of  destruc- 
Mion." 

Now,  (cnnlinneil  Mr.  J.)  what  does  this  mean? 
That  because,  in  consequence  of  two  wars— one  to 
achieve  the  inilcpenilence  of  the  eotinlrv,  the  olhcr 
to  pi  rpetuute  il — a  few  individuals  who  liad  become 
BO  disabled  in  the  service  of  their  conntvy  as  to  be 
unable  to  proiure  the  iiiians  of  subsistence  ill  their 

■   declining  years  had  been  thrown  upon  a  small  pen- 


sion, it  wna  to  be' made  n  subject  of  cant,  and  they 
were  to  be  told  that  noljody  would  embark  in  an- 
other war  unless  in  the  hope  of  a  mere  mercenary 
compensation !  Did  the  gentleman  believe  there 
was  no  patriotism  in  the  country — that  there  were 
not  millions  who  would  rush  to  the  defence  of  her 
honor  and  her  interests  in  the  hour  of  their  peril, 
regardless  of  all  personal,  sordid  eonsiderations? 

Arc  the  few  remaining  siirvivora  of  die  revolu- 
tionary struggle  for  indeiMJiidence,  who  are  now  in 
our  midst,  receiving  a  lillle  pittance  from  ilieir  Gov- 
ernment, to  he  told,  while  lingering  upon  the  very 
verge  of  the  grave,  that  the  "spring"  of  all  their 
patriotism  and  sacrifu'es  in  the  Revolution  resulted 
from  the  hope  of  being  ultimately  placed  upon  the 
pension  list.  The  last  war  had  increased  the  list 
to  some  extent  in  ilie  form  of  invalid  pensioners: 
they  are  also  embraced  in  the  paragraph  he  lind 
just  read.  He  considered  the  allusion  as  made  to 
the  soldiers  and  patriots  of  the  lirst  war  for  inde- 
pendence and  the  establishment  of  our  present  form 
of  tiovernment,  and  those  of  the  second  for  its  de- 
fence and  preservation,  as  unkind  and  uncalled-for. 
He  (,\Ir,  .1.)  wa.<  of  the  opinion  that  there  was  still 
some  love  of  country  yet  abiding  in  the  great  Amer- 
ican heart,  and  when  the  honor  of  llie  nation  de- 
manded their  services  they  would  be  cheerfully 
rendered,  and  that,  too,  upon  higher  and  nobler 
considerations  than  becmning  mere  pensioners  of 
the  Government,  at  a  few  ilnllmf  per  month.  iVIr. 
Yancf.y  had  discovered  that  war  would  "federal- 
ize" the  Adinini.stralion,"  iVc.  Now,  he  (Mr.  J.) 
could  not  appreciate  the  ftiU  force  of  this  argument. 
History  informed  him  that  the  Kederal  party,  du- 
ring the  last  war,  was  the  peace  party,  and  op- 
posed the  war;  but  now  it  seemed  that  parties  had 
changed  positions,  accortling  to  Mr.  Y'anckv's  no- 
tion of  things.  The  Revolution  had  given  hirlli  to 
our  present  admirable  form  of  Governnieni;  ihe 
war  of  iHVJ  had  strengthened,  and  he  most  sin- 
cerely wished  had  eslablisheil,  the  principle  that 
man  was  capable  of  self-government. 

If  the  gentleman's  posilion  be  true,  the  Govern- 
inenl  is  not  worth  preneiTitic;.  A  Government  so 
weak  that  it  dare  not  exerl  its  physical  power  in 
vindication  of  lis  just  rights  or  its  honor,  tor  tear 
of  tumbling  to  pierc^i  from  its  own  weight,  is  worse 
than  no  Government,  and  is  deslined  ere  long  to 
fall  a  ]n'ey  to  some  daring  ami  rapacious  I'ower. 
Let  the  nations  of  the  earlh  become  satisfied  that 
this  jiosition  is  true,  us  assumed  by  Mr.  Yancky, 
and  in  a  short  time  the  experiment  will  have  to  be 
made  whether  thistJovernnient  is  prepared  or  not. 
The  general  leiiorof  Air,  \'an(Kv's  speech  went  to 
prove  that  the  Government  was  weak,  and  in  no 
condition  to  go  to  war;  in  fact,  holding  out  emour- 
ngemeni  to  our  common  rinin;/not  to  yield  our  just 
rights — that  we  were  loo  impotent  toenlbrcc  them. 
Now,  if  it  was  in  time  of  war,  and  one  of  our  citi- 
zens was  to  convey  intelligence  of  this  sort  to  the 
enemy,  calculated  to  inspire  the  invaders  with  more 
confidence,  thereby  causing  them  to  prosecute  the 
war  with  more  rigor,  resulung,  perhaps,  in  our  dis- 
grace and  defeat,  would  it  not  be  callcil  by  some 
other  name  than  mere  opposition  to  giving  the  no- 
tice, the  subject  now  under  consideration.' 

liut  his  colleague,  [Mr.  Coc  kk,)  who  had  ad- 
dressed the  committee  at  an  earlier  stage  of  the  de- 
bate, had  labored  to  show  the  inconsistency  of  the 
Democracy  on  this  <|Ueslion.  He  had  read  an  ex- 
tract from  a  report  made  by  Governor  Rnnvn,  of 
Tennessee,  while  chairman  ,nf  the  Coinmitlee  on 
Territories,  to  prove  the  Democracy  was  gro.ssly 
inconsistent,  'rhe  report  his  colleague  liatl  read 
from  was  made  in  iVlarch,  1^44.  The  ie|iort  ad- 
mits, it  is  true,  that  the  h'.xeculive  can  give  llie  no- 
tice 10  termin.ile  the  conventioM  of  IH07  helweeii 
the  United  Stales  and  Great  niitain,  but  it  does 
not  deny  the  power  to  Coiigi'.ss  to  give  the  notice 
al.so.  At  the  next  sessi'.ii  of  the  ;if<tii  Congit'ss, 
the  bill  to  eslalili.ih  a  Territorial  Governnieni  in  the 
Oregon  territory  was  under  consideration,  and  on 
the  .'list  day  of  January,  Irt4.'i,  Mr.  A.  V.  llrowii, 
the  chairman  of  the  eominitlee  alluded  to  by  his 
colleague,  made  a  speech,  in  reply  to  Mr,  J,  Ct, 
Adams,  in  which  he  distinctly  admits  that  Con- 
gress has  the  power  to  give  the  notice  to  lermiiiate 
the  joint  (  ..upancj  'f  the  Oregon  tcrrilory.  He 
then  read  from  Mr.  liro>  ii's  speech  as  follows: 

"The  genlleman  ipioteu  liiiii  as  saying,  that  he 
'  considered  it  the  duly  of  t  'e  Kxecuiive  only  10 
'give  twelve  moiilhs'  iiolicc  t  1  end  the  joint  o'ccii- 


"^ 


|Jan.3l, 
Krps. 

nl,ninl  tlicy 
ilmik  ill  III! - 
!  miTccnuiy 
icliovc  there 
I  llipie  wore 
iViirt'  of  lior 
'  llifir  peril, 
ticriilioiis  ? 
'  the  revnhi- 
)  lire  iiDW  ill 
Ti  llieir  Crov- 
mii  ilie  very 
'  nf  all  their 
linn  rcHulteil 
•ed  iipiin  the 
used  the  liHt 
I  pensinncrH: 
rapll  he  hnd 
n  us  iiiuih'  to 
ivur  lor  imJe- 
present lorni 
ml  lor  its  de- 
miciilled-ror. 
ICl'C  WHS  still 
!  irroiit  Aiiier- 
le  lintinn  de- 
le chrerl'iilly 
r  mid  iiolilcr 
petitioners  ot' 
[iioiith.     Mr. 
luld  "federal- 
,  he  (Mr.  J.) 
lisiiru^unicm. 
ml  pnrty,  du- 
irtVi  and  op- 
!it  pnriies  had 
Vaxci'.v'h  mo- 
;,'ivi'ii  liirih  1(1 
cniiiu'iit:  ihe 
he  most  sin- 
principle  that 

,  the  Goveni- 
overnnicnt  so 
lit'al  power  in 
onor,  for  tear 
isrlit,  is  wor.se 
•d  ere  loni;-  to 
cioiis  I'ower. 
sullslied  that 
Mr.  V.\N<  KY, 
ill  have  lo  lie 


ISiG.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


Xi3 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  A.  Johnson. 


Ho.  or  lv£F8. 


epi 


,  aied  or  not. 
leech  went  to 
and  in  no 
I);  out  eiii'oiir- 
icld  oar  just 
nl'oni'  tlieni. 
lie  M'  onr  citi- 
is  sort  to  llie 
■s  with  more 
prosreutc  the 
iH,  111  ourdis- 
iMiy  sor.ie 
iviiii;  the  no- 
tion.' 

ho  had  ad- 
[ii:;e  of  the  de- 
istciicy  of  the 
read  an  ex- 
ir  Hrown,  of 
inmiittee  on 
was  ^ros.sly 
le  had  read 
'.  report  luU 
^►ive  llie  llo- 
J7  heiweeii 
lint  it  doeH 
'  I  lie  notice 
lii  Coiii;re«s, 
niieiit  ill  the 
lion,  Mild  oil 
..V.  liidwn, 
lied  to  hy  hii) 
to  Mr.  J.U. 
its  that  Con- 
to  lermiiiate 
rriiory.     He 

follows: 
vin^,  thai  he 
live  only  lo 
u  joint  occu- 


n 


■  paiu'y,  niid  that  this  //niiw  hud  iiolhin^  to  do 
'  wiih  it.  Now,  the  gciiileman  did  not  explain 
'his  (Mr.  U.'s)  position  eorreetly.  He  did  say 
'  llint  the  Exeenlive  was  eonipeteiit  to  f^wc  the  no- 
'  tire,  williont  the  aetion  of  the  lluuse,  having  more 
'  iiiforniatioii  on  the  sniijeel  tliun  lliey  could  po.s- 
'silily  have;  b\il  he  ilid  tie/  Sffi/  llie  lloHne  hail  no 

*  nti;ht  In  tr'iYc  ifif  notict'.  That  was  u  point  wliiiih 
'the  eoniniiltce  did  not  touch  on  in  their  report, 
'  and  wliich  he  did  not  make  in  his  remarks  of 

*  yesterday." 

Mr.  ,T.  then  proceeded,  and  showed  that  Mr. 
Brown  had  voted  for  Ihe  liill  estalilisliiiia  the  Terri- 
torial (ioverniiient,  which  conuiined  the  notice  to 
lernii.i.Uc  the  j<tint  occupancy  of  the  United  States 
mid  Oreat  liriiain  in  the  Oresjon  territory.  Now, 
iie  (Mr.  J.)  thoiiihl,  when  Mr.  Brown's  report, 
speech,  and  vote,  were  all  taken  toH;ellier,  ujion  the 
Oregon  (|iiestioii,  there  was  no  inconsistency,  and 
that  his  colleasine  had  siKUully  failed  in  niakinsr 
good  his  charge,  and  would  now  he  compelled  to 
retract  it,  and  do  justice  to  the  Executive  of  his 
own  Stale. 

Hut  his  colleague  had  further  gone  on  to  show 
that  the  President  of  the  United  .Slates  had,  in  for- 
mer times,  niainlained  that  our  title  was  clear  and 
unqneslioiialile  to  the  whole  of  Oregon;  and  he 
thouffht  it  extraordinary  that  James  K.  Polk 
hIiouIiI  now,  after  lakiiig  tliat  ground  during  the 
last  summer,  have  oll'ered  to  the  British  Govern- 
ment lo  compromise  on  the  parallel  of  49  degrees. 
He  thinks  it  a  remarkalile,  a  strange  inconsisten- 
ev.  tie  wished,  in  that  connexion,  that  his  col- 
league had  told  the  House  and  the  cfamtry  what 
line  he  was  for.  He  should  like  to  have  the  gen- 
tleman give  iheiu  his  position  now,  if  he  was  in 
his  .scat. 

[Mr.  fncKF.  rose  for  the  pHrpo.se  of  explanation. 
He  tlimiglit  (he  said)  that  our  title  to  the  49ih  de- 
cree WHS  clear,  and  helieved  that  all  norlli  of  th  ii 
ine  was  a  lit  siihject  for  compromise.] 

Mr.  JoMNsoN  conlinned.  He  iinderstoiid,  then, 
that  the  gentleman  was  now  willing  to  compromise 
on  the  line  of  49"^.  After  the  whole  tenor  of  his 
speech  had  ffone  to  show  and  to  prove  to  I  he  coun- 
try that  the  Executive  had  involved  himself  in  an 
inconsistency,  he  marches  up  and  agrees  with  the 
President  in  that  which  he  professed  to  consider 
so  ffreat  an  ineonsisiency. 

His  colleague  |Mr.  CotKEJ  tells  the  House,  in 
hi.i  explanation,  that  which  he  had  failed  to  do  in 
liis  regular  specli,  that  the  title  of  the  United 
iStales  to  the  i;)regon  territory  up  to  the  49th  de- 
gree of  north  laiituile  "was  clear."  Now  he 
(Mr.  J.)  would  like  lo  see  his  colleasne  show  the 
dill'ercnce  in  the  slieimtli  or  (lo  make  use  of  his 
(iwn  laiiguaije)  (lie  clvann'ss  of  our  title  to  the  ter- 
riliry  south  of  the  4lhh  degree  and  that  north  of  it. 
The  United  .States  hold  hotli  liy  precisely  the  same 
tiile.  tiow  the  one  could  he  so  clear,  and  the 
other  the  suhject  of  compromise,  was  a  matter  of 
profound  asimiishment  ui  him. 

Kor  his  (.Mr.  .T.'s)  own  part,  he  intended  to  fol- 
low neither  tlu'  President  nor  anyhodv  else  in  any 
indirection  ordeparinre  from  the  true  line  of  policy. 
But  how  did  the  President  stand  ?  Why,  lie  was 
sustained  in  his  strong  position — the  line  of  54° 
4(1' — hy  tilt  Democracy,  while  on  the  weak  points 
the  Whigs  came  in  and  supported  him.  Was 
there  ever  an  .Vdministnition  In  tier  sustained  than 
this-  The  Executive,  in  oliering  the  compromise 
of  the  line  of  4'J^,  was  supported  hy  the  Whigs  of 
Tennessee,  so  far  as  they  had  made  an  expos^  of 
their  opinions.  But  limv  did  the  Whigs  of  Ten- 
nessee stand  at  the  last  session  of  Congress? 
J''very  man  of  them  recorded  his  vote  in  favor  of 
giving  the  iioiice.  ffe  should  like  to  know  what 
iiad  changed  the  position  of  things  siiure  that  time.'' 
Was  it  not  as  important  that  the  notice  should  he 
given  now,  !is  it  was  twelve  mmitlis  since.'  But 
the  general  conclusion  his  honorahle  colleague  had 
come  to  was,  to  i^ive  the  notice,  hut  throw  around 
il  a  lillle  .so/il  soilder — a  little  smooth  verhiage;  we 
must  pill  a  smirk  on  onr  countenance,  and  .say  to 
Great  Ih'ilain,  "  We  are  not  ill  earnest;  we  give 
this  notice,  hut — we  will  he  friendly  about  it." 

He  then  ivad  from  Mr.  Coi:ki;'s  speech  us  fol- 
lows, vi/.: 

"  lie  Kiid  it  was  proper  to  give  to  Great  Britain 

*  notice  of  our  dt!teriiiiiialion  lo  ahrogate  the  coti- 
'  ventioii  of  IH^T.  l.il  (iii  (iililili<i»(il  clause  he  iii- 
'  gri'J'leil  vpoii  Ihe  rcsoliUinns,  coiilainiiig  aMiovmcfS 


'  of  a  friendly  dlsjwsition  on  onr  pari,  derlarin/;  ve 
'  are  remlij  lo  rtneie  Ihe  tiegnlioftoii,  and  nellle  Ihia  ; 
'  o»i/i/  ijucslion  of  difference  helwten  Ihe  Itro  Govern    \ 
*  menlH.     Sueli  a  clause  accompanying  the  notice  I 
'  would  tend  to  check  the  mad  career  of  hoth  na-  ' 
'  lions.     While  it  would  show,  on  the  one  hand,  [ 
'  that  we  were  determined  to  inaintuin  so  much  of 
'  our  rights  to  Oregon  as  were  clear  and  iinqucs- 
'  tiontihle,  it  would  invite  Kiiidaiid  to  renew  the 
'  negotiations  in  a  spirit  of  conipromise."* 

Now  he  (Mr.  J.)  was  much  gratilied  to  find  tlint 
his  colleau'ue  was  in  favor  of  the  notiie  to  termi- 
nate the  joint  occupancy  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain,  in  some  form  or  other,  and  was 
really  in  hopes  that  his  colleague  would  see  his 
way  clear  against  final  action  was  had,  and  would 
unite  and  go  with  him  for  the  noti':e. 

But  since  this  question  had  come  up,  (Mr.  ,T. 
proceeded  to  say,)  it  appeared  as  if  it  had  bci  n 
made  ihe  basis  of  the  formation  of  new  parties  in 
the  country.  Ho  regretted  any  such  atieinpt  on 
a  question  like  this,  especially  when  it  was  so  far 
in  advance  of  the  next  Presideiitiid  canvass.  Why, 
the  Old  IJomiiiion — God  bless  her ! — that  had  been 
in  tlie  shackles  of  con.servatism  for  several  years 
nasi — now,  when  she  had  freed  herself,  as  they 
liad  hoped — when  Mr.  Bivis  had  been  depo.scd 
from  oHice  on  account  of  his  conservative  posi- 
tion— when  the  Old  Dominion  stood  erect,  "re- 
deemed, regenerated,  and  di.=.enlhrallcd"  from  the 
fetters  of  conservatism — that  her  statesmen  should 
now  return,  "  like  a  sow  that  is  washed  lo  her  wal- 
lowing in  the  mire" — was  truly  a  thing  to  be  dep- 
recateil  hy  every  friend  of  her,  and  by  every  lover 
of  his  country.  Now,  if  his  information  was  cor- 
rect, ten  to  four  of  her  politicians  had  relapsed  into 
the'  jilion  of  conservatism.  Now,  if  Mr.  Rives 
was  .11  power,  he  would  undoubtedly  stand  at  the 
head  of  the  Representatives  from  the  Old  Domin- 
ion, leading  on  their  cohorts.  But  the  pc}  'i  of 
the  Old  Dominion  would  yet  speak  fir  themselves; 
their  voices  woulu  he  heard  fii,.i,  ihe  w(  tern 
mountains  to  the  Atlantic  coast,  proc'..  imiiig  in 
thunder-tones  our  right  to  the  w  hole  of  Oregon  up 
to  ,540  40'.  ^  1 

Now,  he  asked  hovv  the  present  Administration 
stood  upon  this  important  question.'  In  December, 
1H28,  .Tames  K.  Polk  was  a  member  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  and  upon  a  hill  to  provide  for  < 
the  occupation  .if  the  Oregon  territory,  111  Commit-  | 
tee  of  the  V,  hole  House  on  the  slate  of  the  Union,  ' 
he   said,  viz:    "We  ought  to   pause   before  we; 
'pass   this  bill;   not  that   he   would,   for  a  mo-; 
'  ment,  think  of  abandoning  our  title,  for  he  be- 
'  licveil  it  to  be  the  belter  one,  or  of  pe.rmilling  any 
'foreign  Pon-cr  lo  become  Ihe  oirner  of  Ihe  country, " 
Mr.  Polk  wrote  a  letter,  dated  (.Columbia,  Tennes- 
.see,  April  aSd,  1^44,  to  a  committee  in  Cincinnati,  ■ 
Ohio,  which  was  a  short  time  before  the  silting  of  , 
the  Bidtiniore  convention,  a  portion  of  which  is  as  ' 
follows,  viz:  "  Let  the  fixed  policy  of  our  Corern- 
'  ment  be,  not  lo  permit  Great  Britain,  or  any  other 
'foreign  Pwer,  to  plant  a  colony  or  hold  dominion 
'  over  any  portion  of  Ihe  people  or  leiritory  of  Ihe 
'  United  Utates."  ' 

These  opinions  of  Mr.  Polk's  were  known  to 
the  whole  country:  the  letter  just  referred  to  had 
been  e.xlensively  circulated  throughout  the  United 
States.  The  Democratic  convention  .sat  at  Balti- 
more on  the  a'tli  of  May,  1844.  Knowing  that 
these  were  Mr.  Polk's  opinions,  after  canvassing 
the  principles  and  claims  of  various  distinguished 
a.spirauts  for  the  Presidency,  the  convention  finally 
nominated  the  present  Kxccutive  for  the  Presiden- 
cy; and  afier  his  nomination  the  convention  adopt- 

*  NotwitliHlaniliai;  tlie  ilcrlarntinri  aliave  iiiuiie,  tic  voted 
ncniiiiit  the  re.toliitiiiii.-'  m  tlicy  passeii  na  the  9ili  at"  Vvb- 
nmry,  18-lfi,  in  llie  fttllnwiim  iiirai.  Tin'  vote  fnr  tlie  rcso- 
liitioim  was  lt>3  atinliist  .'>4 — iimjurity  for  tlic  reKOliitiniiK  H)9 — 
.Mr.  C.K'ke'H  vote  witli  llic  54.  Iliti  tiieccil  was  iiiude  on 
till'  l.'ith  iilJaniiiiry,  IHW. 

lic^otrrit  ^11  tlic  Sr)i,:lr  tnut  IIoii.^c  of  Hcpyrsnit'ilirp^  of 
llie  t'nilcil  Shiles  of  .'tmt'rirtt  in  Coiiipress  itssemhlctl,  Thiil 
tlie  1'rcr.iilciit  nf  llie  fllitfil  Hlutes  cause  notice  lo  he  gilca 
10  the  (nivcrnnnait  of  tirvnt  Ilritniii  tlinl  tlic  conveiilion 
liplwccn  tin'  I'nili'd  Sl.-ili's  ami  (Ircat  Hrittiia  concerning 
the  icrrilory  (ni  llie  northwest  const  of  .Viin'rica.  west  of  tlie 
Stony  nioailtnins,  of  tlieOlh  ofAiiijust,  IS'iT,  sipiieil  at  J. on- 
iton,  shall  lit!  ainailtcd  and  ahro^ntcd  twelve  iiioailm  iilU>r 
yiviii;;  said  nnlicc. 

^Iiiit  tic  itfinitier  rf«)/iT(t,  'fliat  liothins  liercin  conuiiiicit 
is  inteaitcd  io  interti're  with  ihc  riyhl  ami  ili^i'nlinii  of  the 
|iro|M'r  nntlnirilics  of  the  tun  iinitrnctin'.:  piirtics,  id  renew 
or  piir>^ne  in'i.<ili:itnins  for  an  nniic.:/itc  scttli'iaent  of  tlie 
contrttversy  rcsiioetinji  lliu  (irrgnii  tcriilory. 


td,  among  other  resolutions,  the  following,  which 
is  nothing  more  nor  less  than  a  confirmation  of 
what  was  known  and  helieved  to  be  his  opinions 
upon  the  subject  of  Oregon,  viz: 

"  Resolred,  That  our  title  to  llie  whole  of  the  ter- 

*  ritory  of  Oregon  is  clear  and  unquestionable:  that 
'  no  portion  of  the  .same  ought  to  he  ceded  to  Kiig- 
'  lanii  or  any  oiher  Power;  and  that  the  reoceupii- 

•  tioii  of  Oregon  and  the  rennnexaiion  of  Texas  at 
'  the  earliest  praciicahle  period,  are  great  American 
'  measures,  which  this  convention  recommends  to 
'  the  ardent  support  of  the  democracy  of  the 
•Union." 

Was  not  the  Old  Dominion  in  that  convention.' 
And  did  she  not  adopt  that  as  one  of  the  tenets  of 
her  political  creedr  Was  not  .lames  K.  Polk  nom- 
inated for  the  express  purpose  of  (tarrying  these 
views  out-  Did  not  the  Old  Dominion  rally  around 
Mr.  Polk  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  the  prin- 
ciples laid  down  by  the  Baltimore  convention? 
Tlie  country  has  sellled  this  qiie;Mhin;  the  pciplo 
have  pronounced  in  decisive  times  in  favor  of  ihe 
princijilca  of  the  Ballimore  convention,  and  of  ihe 
President  whom  they  nominated;  and  it  is  the  duly 
of  CVaigress  to  carry  out  the  wishes  of  llie  people, 
instead  of  coiuiiig  liere  and  drnwiiig  distinclionn 
so  fine  that  they  cannot  be  seen  belween — questions 
of  "  expediency,"  and  questions  of  principle,  and 
all  that  sort  of  thing.  The  Stale  of  Virginia  went 
for  Mr.  I'olk,  understanding  that  lo  be  bis  doc- 
trine. He  came  here,  and  was  inaugurated  on  ihu 
4th  of  March,  and  in  his  Inaiigunil  Address  he 
made  the  same  declaration  as  was  made  in  the  Bal- 
timore resolutions,  that  our  title  10  the  whole  of 
Oregon  is  clear  and  unquestionable;  aid  now, 
when  those  who  were  in  that  convention  turn 
round  and  forsake  the  ]irinciples  then  laid  down, 
they  say,  "Oh,  (/li.v  is  a  question  1  if  expediency, 
ami  it  is  no  de|iarture  from  jirinciple." 

The  President,  in  his  first  Annual  Mcssnee,  de- 
clares our  title  to  the  whole  of  the  Oregon  territory 
is  "  maintained  by  inefrapable  fads  ami  argumcnia.'' 
After  reviewing  the  whole  history  of  this  Oregon 
question,  the  policy  of  the  people  and  the  Presi- 
iient  can  neither  be  mistaken  nor  unobserved. 
The  American  people  have  settled  this  question  in 
the  recent  pi'-sidential  election.  The  President 
now  occupies  the  position  assigned  him  when  they 
installed  him  into  office  in  March  last — a  position 
the  freemen  of  this  country  will  never  retreat  from, 
unless  it  be  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  or  the  can- 
non's mouth.  The  President  of  the  United  Slates, 
after  withdrawing  all  further  correspondence  with 
Ihe  British  Minister,  "asserted  our  title  to  the 
whole  of  the  Oregon  terrilorv,"  and  recommended 
lo  the  Congress  of  the  United  Slates,  thai  notice  be 
given  to  terminate  the  joint  occupancy  of  the  con- 
vention of  the  Gth  of  August,  l^a7,  and  thereby 
bring  to  a  close  this  difiicult  and  long-vexed  ques- 
tion between  the  two  Governmenis. 

Mr.  ,1.  said  that  he  was  for  giving  the  notice  as 
recommended  by  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
as  the  surest  means  of  preserving  peace  between 
the  two  Nalious,  which  is  so  much  desired  by 
every  lover  of  his  kind.  He  (Mr.  J.)  was  of  the 
opinion  that  Great  Britain  would  treat  upon  more 
favorable  terms  after  the  notice  was  given  to  ler- 
niinate  the  joint  occupiuicy  than  she  would  before. 
The  giving  of  the  nolice  cannot  be  construed  by 
the  iMiglish  Government  into  a  hostile  move  on 
the  part  of  the  United  Slates.  The  giving  of  the 
notice  is  expres.sly  provided  for  in  the  coineiition 
of  18^7.  It  is  one  of  the  siipiilulions  agreed  upon 
by  the  high  contracliug  parties,  lo  be  e.vercised  by 
either  at  any  time,  without  any  just  cause  of  olfeiice 
to  the  other.  He  I'urthercontended,  that  the  giving 
of  the  twelve  moiulis'  notice  increased  the  chances 
to  settle  this  ((ucstion  without  war;  without  the 
nolice,  sooner  or  later,  war  was  inevitable.  Tim 
idea  of  two  Governments — whose  laws  and  insii- 
tiitions,  the  nianners  and  customs  of  the  people 
wholly  dilVereiit  from  each  oilier — exercising  juris- 
diction, criminal  and  civil,  at  the  same  time"  over 
the  same  territory,  but  upon  the  subjects  of  the 
respective  Governments,  living  promiscuously  to- 
geilier,  would  never  do  in  pmciiie,  however  (ilausi- 
ble  in  theory.  .\  policy  of  ibis  kind  would  most 
assuredly  lead  to  war;  conllict  would  spring  up 
belween  tlietwo  jurisdictinns;  jealousy  among  ihe 
people  claiming  protection  under  the  dillereiil. 
Gover'  nicnis  would  finally  result  in  outbreaks  and 
violence.    The  certain  result  of  ihe  contiuiialiee  of 


.'''I 


m 


334 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  CONORKSSIONAL  GLOIU:. 


It 


\i  '* 

-  (■   ■- 


r' 

I' 

■ 

i 

[ 

'•29th  Cong Ist  Sf.s?. 

thfi  policy  of  onch  Oovernmcnt  protei-titiK  its  own  | 
ritizcns  in  Orcifdn,  woiilil  lip  wnr.  Mr.  J.  hiiIiI  lio 
■hiiiild  vole  for  the  "  niilice"  iiH  ii  |ienr('-incn»iiii>. 
Hn  Iciiikrd  iipoii  llip  noliccns  Imldlni;  ciiil  llie  olivi'- 
lirniii'h  of' petvre  in  time  to  prevent  \v»r  in  fnntre, 
mill  lie  liejievctl  it  would  lie  sn  I'oiiHidered  liy  the 
whole  Chriatitin  world;  Inil  il',  in  Inking;  slepR  to 
nluilnRo  dcslrnhlc  nn  enil  na  peaee,  wiir  slioiild  lie 
the  conaeqnenoe,  the  niiliini  mum  be  prepared  tor 
iheworMl.  Let  the  notice  lie  eiven.  Let  thiit  iio- 
liie  lie  followed  np  liy  nil  the  other  ri  eoinniendii- 
tuina  of  tlip  President,  mid,  in  IiIk  <ipinion,  nil 
would  remilt  in  proinuliii<;  the  lie.xt  intiiTst  of  the 
eonntry. 

Mr.  .1.  passed  on  to  the  i|urstion  of  title,  and  nt 
tliia  his  time  allowed  him  to  ix'wf  liut  a  hasty  irlanee. 
He  had  no  donlit  lint  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Ore- 
pon  wnM"elearand  nmiiiestloniible."  On  exainin- 
inu'  lhesnlije''t,  they  found  llial  Spain  made  the  lirsl 
dispoviTV  in  Ifi-'H:  thai  wo.^  I'lllowed  up  liy  a  dis- 
eiivcry  in  177.5,  three  years  liclore  tirrat  itritaiiiV 
dispoverv.  and  this  was  t'ollowcd  up  by  laiidin<;  at 
the  nionih  of  the  I'oluiuliia  river  in  17il:J,  the  year  , 
of  t'apiain  Gray's  first  dispovpry.  'I'heii  ejiiue 
the  exploration  of  Lewis  and  Clarke  in  IHUti;  then 
ihe  aeiileinent  of  Aslori.i  in  1810;  anil  in  1819  the 

Iiurchnse  by  ibis  Govprnnn-ut  of  all  the  title  Spain 
ind  to  this  Oregon  territory — (tii-eal  Hriiain  stood 
by  and  dill  noi  dispute  that  piirphase  bpiiij;  made;) 
iind  in  ISiJ  the  Uniipil  Slates  transl'prred  a  portion 
of  this  lerri'lory  to  Itussia,  tixin;;  the  line  of  M° 
40'  as  the  bouniiary  between  the  two  Governinints. 
In  182.i  Great  Briiain  netroiiated  wiili  Kiissia  for  a 
portion  of  tlip  same  lerriiory;  and  now  upon  the 
north  of  that  line  she  holds  (ilisoliile  |iiisspssii)n  de- 
derived  from  Russia,  whieh  I'ower  had  derived 
her  title  from  ihe  UinlPil  States,  who  had  pur- 
ehased  the  territory  from  .S|iiiiii  in  ]H1!).  Great 
Uriiain  was,  then,  i  slopped  from  olijepiin!;  to  onr 
title.  She  holds  the  soil  on  the  north  of  that  line 
under  the  very  same  elaim  that  we  bold  the  south 
of  that  line.  How,  then,  does  Great  H'i'nin  a|ipear 
before  the  pountry — bpfore  the  eivilizeii  "orld  r  In 
niiythimiof  a  plausible  position?  (.'mild  .'he  sus- 
tain herself  in  questioning' our  title.-  He  was  sat- 
isfied, from  this  state  of  the  title  to  whieh  lie  had 
thus  made  a  riiiinini:  allusion,  that  onr  title  to  the 
<h*'*^on  territory  was  elear  and  nnqiiestionable. 

lint  what  portion  of  the  territory  was  really  in 
disjiute.'  ^V  ha'  porlion  was  it  tliat  was  proposed 
by  liis  honorable  Pullpaffiie  to  be  friven  away  ■ 
Why,  from  49°  to  ;')4°  40' — a  lerritnry  embnieiiii; 
S1.V  decrees  ot*  latitude,  iiip|ui]in:r  ^l(i,0(iO  siinare 
mile.*,  and  i:)H,'J40,001l  aires.  A  li  rritorv  larire 
eiioiiL'h  to  make  six  .States  as  larire  as  the  ^tate  of 
Tpniiessee.  This  was  proposed  bv  his  eolleatrne, 
and  by  oiliers  on  this  floor,  and  el.sewhere,  to  L'ive 
ii|i  to  Great  Uriiain,  when  il  was  held  by  the  Uni- 
ted Stales  by  jireeisely  the  same  title  that  Great 
Britain  held  iiorih  of . '•14"  40' . 

[.Mr.  f'ocKK  said  a  word  in  explanation,  and 
was  still  propeediiiir,  when 

-Mr.  .loiiNso.x  resumed  the  floor,  dep|iiiin2:  to 
yield  it,  on  appount  of  the  shorlnessof  bis  hour.] 

lie  was  jiroeeeiliiiir  to  sav  that  the  territory 
north  of  49°  and  south  of  ,')4°  40'  was  not  the  ter- 
riiory  In  dispute.  The  poiiniry  wIupIi  was  the 
pal  subjeet  III  contention  was  belween  49°iind  4(1°. 
Tliere  was  the  touphstone.  The  iiumbpr  of  -sipmre 
iiiiles  ill  the  territory  between  49°  and  4(1°,  was 
IO.!*Oll.  and  the  number  of  acres  was  fi9,l-,»O.OIIO. 
I'lUtiii^'  these  to.j:i  ilier,  it  made  9°,  from  S4°  40'  to 
4lp,embrapinu'.'l-,!4.000s(p'are  miles,  mid  •J(I7.IIOO,- 
000  acres — a  le.rritory  laru'e  eiiiinijh  to  make  eitrht 
Slates,  and  leaving'  to  the  United  .States  south  of  4fi°, 
as  her  share  of  the  whole  territory,  only  7.5. 41-'. 000 
acres — about  one-third  as  much  as  the  territory  of 
(Jreat  Britain,  if  siie  irot  all  she  clainied. 

ficntlemen  proposed  to  surrender  the  territory 
north  of  49°.  It  was  not  the  extent  of  territory 
which  Great  Britain  wanted,  but  il  was  that  wliicli 
was  in  a  position  of  uliliiy  to  her  for  commercial 
and  military  purposes.  This  was  the  stale  of  the 
case  as  put  forth  by  Mr.  I'nkenluim  in  his  letter  to 
Mr-  Calhoun,  in  September,  1844,  in  which  he 
onys  : 

"  In  fine,  the  present  slate  of  the  question  be- 

*  tween  the  two  Governments  appears  to  be  this  : 
'  (ireut  Britain  jiossesses  and  exercises,  in  coni- 
'  mon  «'ith  the  Uniie.l  Stales,  n  ri-^lit  of  joint  oppu- 
'  paucy  ill  Ihe  Oiepon  territory,  of  wliieli  ri^hl  .she 

♦  ran  lie  divested  v.'iih  respe.-i  to  nil'.'  [i.'ut  of  that 


The  Orcfron  (Question — Mr.  A.  Johnson. 

'territory  only  by  nn  fnuitable  partition  of  the   j 

'  whole  belween  the  two  Powers.  I 

'*  It  is,  t'or  obvioiiH  reaaona,  desirable  Ihiit  such  n 

*  ]mrtition  should  take  plaee  as  soon  as  possible; 
'  and  the  dilficiilly  appears  to  be  in  ilevisiiii;  a  line 
'of  demarcation  which  shall  leave  to  each  party  ' 
'  tha"  precise  portion  of  the  territory  best  suited  lo  I 
'  its  i.  terest  and  convi  nienee.  I 

"The  British  Government  entertained  the  hope  ' 
'  that,  by  the  proposal  lately  subniitted  for  the  con- 
'  side  rat  ion  of  the  American  (bivermnent,  that  ob-  ' 
'ject  would  Inne  been  accomplished.  j 

"  Accorilint;  to  the  nrraniremenl  therein  eontein-  j 
'plated,  the  norlhern  boiimhiry  of  the  United 
'  Slates,  west  (d"  the  Bo.-ky  mountains,  would  for 
'  n  considerable  distance  be  carried  aloin;  the  same 
'  parallel  of  latiliide  which  forma  their  northern 
'  boundary  on  the  eastern  side  of  those  mountains; 
'  thus  iiniliu'.'  the  present  eastern  boundary  of  the 
'  Oreiron  territory  with  ihewesti  rn  boundary  of  the 
'  I'niied  States,  iVom  llie4',lili  parallel  downwards. 

"  Krom  the  |ioiiii  where  the  49lli  decree  of  lali- 
'  tnilc  iiite;'sccts  the  northeaslern  branch  of  the  Co- 
'  liinibia  river,  called  in  tliiil  part  of  its  course  .VIc- 
:  'Gilli  vniy's  river,  the  proposed  line  of  boundary 
,  '  would  be  nioii!;  the  niiddlc  of  that  river  till  it  joins 
'  the  Columbia;  then  nlonir  the  middle  of  the  (,'o- 
'  lumbia  lo  the  opeaii;  the   iiavijration  of  the  river 

•  remainiii'j  perpeuially  iVee  to  bolli  parties."  '     • 

"  On  the  other  hand,  were  Great  Britain  to  aban- 
'  doll  the  line  of  ihe  Columbia  as  a  froiiiicr,  and  to 
'  surrender  h'>r  ri'jlit  to  the  naviealion  of  that  river, 
'  the  prejudice  occasioned  to  her  by  such  an  ar- 
'  ranLTcment  would,  beyond  all  |iroporlion,  excped 
'  the  advantaire  nceriiiii?  to  the  t'uileil  Slates  from 
'  the  possessi»in  of  n  few  more  square  miles  of  ter- 

■  'rilnry.  It  must  be  obvious  U)  every  inqiarlial  in- 
'  vestiirntor  of  the  siibjept  that,  in  adheriiii'  to  the 
'  line  of  the  Columbia,  Great  Britain  is  not  iiillu- 
'  eneed  by  motives  of  ambiilon   with   rel'erence  to 

j  '  extent  of  territory,  but  liy  consideralions  of  utility, 
'  '  not  to  say  necessity,  which  cannot  lii'  lost  sig)it 
j  '  of,  and  for  which  allowance  oni;lit  to  be  made  in 

■  '  an  arraiiL'cment  professiiiff  to  be  based  on  coiisid- 
'  ernlions  of  mutual  convenience  and  advaiitaa;e." 

It  must  be  elinr  to  all,  after  readiii!!;  this  portion 
'  of  the  corresnondciipe  between  Mr.  I'akenham 
and  Mr.  Calhoun,  that  Great  Britain  was  not  con- 
tendin'.;  for  cNtent  of  territory  merely;  that  it  was 
;  not  that  portion  of  OreL'oii  lyiiiL'  north  of  the 
fortv-niiith  deirree  of  north  latitude  most  desired 
by  her;  but  it  was  the  lerriiory  south  of  the  forty- 
ninth  dcirree,  and  north  of  the  Columbia  river, 
Willi  the   navirratinnof  that  river,  which  the  Brii- 

■  ish  Governmenl  was  conieniliir,'  for.  It  wa"  the 
■rrest  commercial  posilion  on  ihe  northwestern 
const  she  was  slriiL".rlii>'-'  for,  which,  he  (Mr.  .1.) 
triisied,  would  never  be  surrendered  by  this  Gov- 
ernment to  any  foreiirn  Power.  What  member 
upon  this  tloor'  (he  askciH  was  willins  to  i;ive  up 
the  flrenou  territory  to  the  Columbia  river,  with 
the  free  naviiration  of  the  same?  He  (Mr.  .1.)  felt 
satisfied  tliere  were  none.  He  knew  ihe  people^ 
would  never  submit  to  a  surrender  of  this  sort  of 
our  riiibls  in  that  valuable  coimlry.  lie  (Mr.  J.) 
was  not  in  favor  of  .•^urrenderiiiir  one  inch  of  ler- 
ntory  iiorlh  of  49°.  So  far  as  he  was  concerned, 
he  was  for  the  whole  of  Orej;on  up  to  ,'i4'^  40', 
and  for  enonirh  on  the  oilier  side  to  dean.:;  ;!.  ■ 
timber.  So  that,  in  foiiire,  there  can  be  no  dis- 
pute about  the  line.  He  was  not  in  fivorofsnr- 
reiiderin'.,'  enoiiL'h  territory  north  of  49°  to  make 
six  Slut!  s — much  less  to  come  down  to  4fi°,  or  the 
Columbia  river,  which  would  be  '.'iviiij  iio  terri- 
tory siilVicient  in  extent  to  make  ei^lit  inediiim- 
si/.i-d  Stales.  He  was  not  fir  surreiiibriiiL' enoii'.'b 
territory  lo  make  ei'.'lit  Slates.  And  wl;eii  the 
irreat  mass  of  ihe  people  came  to  iiuder.st.and  that 
it  w;is  proposed  to  surrender  euouitb  of  our  sov- 
ereign domain  to  make  ejnlii  Stales,  which  may.  if 
we  preserve  our  own  ri'..'his,  be  hereafter  added  to 
tlie  -ralaxy  of  the  Slates  which  abc-uly  compose 
thet'nion,  ihev  will  rrln  the  man  so  de^'enerate — 
so  far  fallen  from  tip'  spirit  which  animaied  our 
glorious  sires  of  the  I'.evolution— as  to  yive  any 
counlcnanee  to  so  basi',  so  i;noble  a  surrender  of 
our  own  territory.  The  ••mintry  would  never.'--uli- 
niit  lo  it :  they  would  never  stand  by  an  Kxecntive, 
or  aiiybo 'y  i-l.se,  who  .should  dare  make  the  sur- 
render. 

But   the   question  comes  np,  "  Suppose  Great 
Briiain  now  ninkes  loi  the  lembr  of  the  line  of  .19°; 


[Jan.  31, 
IIo.  or  Hf.vh. 


nrr.  yon  not  In  fnvornf  the  Preaident  neeedini;  In 
that  proposition.!"  lie  (Mr.  ,1.)  spoke  only  for 
himself.  Not  one  inch  would  he  surrender  up  to 
.54°  40'.  It  was  lairs.  And  the  next  ncL'otlaiioii 
proposed  on  this  aiibject,  if  the  British  tioveni- 
meul  denied  our  just  claims,  let  it  be  at  the  point 
of  the  bayonet;  and  the  next  convention — let  il  bu 
wrillen  by  Ihe  point  of  the  sword,  and  written  in 
blood.  He  WHS  for  Ihr  irhoir  of  the  country.  Lei 
Great  Britain  yp'  off  eif;ht  Stales  oii  the  north,  and 
if  she  had  succeeded  in  ;;ettiiii;  a  portion  of  the 
south,  with  her  (Iccia  on  the  hvzU  seas,  this  coun- 
try would  be  encirrled  by  her  power  a.s  within  tin; 
folds  of  a  creat  bim  constrictor. 

We  were  told  in  the  last  Presidential  contcsi  thnl 
Oreson  and  Texas  were  twin-sisters;  nod  he  had 
cone  for  Texas  with  all  the  powers  wlii'  h  heponld 
britii;  to  bear  upon  so  important  a  question.  Thn 
objecl  then  so  much  desired  had  since  been  con- 
summated, mid  'I'i'Xas  had  been  admitted  into  iHtr 
Slorions  confederacy  of  Stales.  1  le  (Mr.  .I.)  saw 
Rome  members  sitiin;;  around  him  who  not  one 
sliort  year  a;ro  had  wiliiessed  one  of  llie  irrandesi 
scenes  and  most  iuteresiinir  events  thai  Inid  ever 
taken  |dace  in  the  Senate  Chamber.  Tin  re  were, 
others,  tliouL'h  not  present  to  wilness  il  in  iierson, 
who  had  read  the  various  letters  ^iviiii.':  a  ileacrip- 
tion  of  the  imiiosiip.'  spectacle  that  Iranspired 
on  the  eveninc  of  the  passage  of  the  Texas  reso- 
lulioiiH.  There  was  no  ilcseription  timl  he  hail 
ever  heard  or  read  that  came  up  to  the  scene  itself. 
He  remembered  well  the  intense  anxiety  which  per- 
vaded tlint  body,  and  which  was  felt  by  theimmeiisft 
throiij  of  spectators  who  atieiided  mion  the  final 
decision  of  thai  question  in  that  loly.  He«as 
there.  He  remembered  seein'.r  Seiinl  >ta  comiiiir  in 
and  takin;.'  th.irscals.  He  recolli-cicd  tlie  brillian- 
cy and  the  magnificence  with  which  thai  chanile- 
lier  shed  forth  its  light  on  that  scene  of  most  in- 
tense interest;  and  it  almost  seemed  lo  him  that  thn 
Americnli  eagle  over  the  President's  chair,  all  hough 
Innnitnate,  appeared  to  partici)iate  in  the  thrilling 
emolirma  which  pervaded  the  whole  Chamber,  anil 
to  look  more  interesting  than  ever  before.  Tho 
lobbies  were  filled  with  hoary  age,  with  venerable 
and  matured  experience,  with  youth  and  beauty, 
with  talent  and  eloqnenci — with  all  thai  tends  to 
make  an  assemblage  lovely  and  imposing,  when 
that  qiieslimi  was  brought  up  for  final  netioii.  He 
remembered  well,  when  the  yeas  and  nays  werii 
being  called  on  the  fiiisl  passage  of  the  resolution, 
the  intense  anxiety  and  the  breathless  silence  with 
which  the  nimouncev  -nt  of  the  tliial  result  was 
waited  for.  And  jm  ihis  memorable  crisis,  he. 
thought  he  heard  Texas  knocking  lit  the  door  for 
ailmissimi;  nnd  in  the  midst  of  this  llirillingly-in- 
teresliiig  scene,  the  door  was  thrown  open,  and 
there  stood  Texas,  leaning  on  her  victorious  sword ; 
there  stood  Texas,  with  gnrments  dyed  in  blood, 
bearing  aloll  the  lone  star  which  had  waved  in 
triumph  at  the  bailie  of  .Sm  .Tacinto,  asking  to  bo 
adniitleil  and  lo  be  placed  aide  by  side  with  the 
glorious  .stripes  nnd  stars  which  had  been  borne  in 
trinm|ih  through  the  bloody  scenes  of  onr  own 
Revolution.  There  she  stood,  her  presence  recall- 
ing the  history  of  the  eolil-bloodid  niiirder  of  Knii- 
nin.  the  massacre  at  tin'  .Alamo,  and  ihe  viclory 
of  San  .lacinlo.  'N'es:  the  union  was  about  to  be 
eonsummaled.  Texas  was  about  to  bi'  luiiiexed 
lo  our  confederacy;  but  nt  this  interesting  period, 
tlnre  was  an  ohjictoi:  I  will  describe  the  elements 
of  his  composition,  and  you  can  iutV-r  who  he  w.-ts: 
his  head  was  the  Pniicd  States  bank;  bis  arms,  n 
latiindiuous  cousiruction  of  the  Conslitution:  his 
heart  and  stomach,  the  distribnlion  of  the  proceeds 
of  the  public  lands;  his  backbone  and  spine,  n 
tarilVfor  proiecliou;  his  bnge  and  ponderous  leg.«, 
nu  assumption  of  <*900.000.000  of  the  debts  of  the 
Slates;  hislmig.  dirty,  greasy  tail,  the  retrospective 
fealnre  of  tlie  bankrupt  law. 

I'liis  monsler,  clashing  his  iron  fangs  nnd  sha- 
king his  direful  cresl.  rose  and  object, 'd  to  the 
union  that  was  about  taking  place.  But  the  mou- 
sler  was  struck  dead  by  a  bhiw  hurled  liy  the  coii- 
ceiilraled  power  of  the  |ieople,  and  the  i.iarriage 
iiiiion  was  cousiininialed.  It  is  true,  Texas  was 
compelled  to  acl  ihe  "corpiette"  a  little;  but  she, 
liiially  brought  I'ncle  S;un  lo  hi  J  sense.-,  and  tin; 
union  was  coiisununatcd. 

Mr.  .T.  said  lie  knew  of  no  better  f  ■rnrc  lo  illus- 
triile  Texas  and  the  Voiled  Stales  by  than  the  one 
suggested  bv  ( Icin-r.-.l  I  lonslon  ill  a  letter  of  his  i,> 


I 


m 


[Jan.  Hi. 
Hf.ps. 


nci'Mlina;  t" 
kc  only  f"i' 
rmli'i-  ill   In 

llrL'iilillUOII 

Nil  Uiivi'ni- 
„l  ilir  iiiiiiit 
i,n_|il  il  lio 
1(1  writion  ill 
iiiiiuy.  I'l' 
ic  nnrili,nml 
Vtidll  III'  ili<" 
H,  iliiK  cmiii- 
1.4  within  llic 

riiiili'sl  llinl 

mill  111'  linil 
ii.  )i  lie  cinilil 
isiiiiii.  Tlio. 
,'f  l.i'i'ii  I'lm- 
iii'il  iniii  ixir 
(Mr.  .I.)  nhw 
aIio  mil   ""« 

ilip  i.'niiiilc'si 
lint  linil  rviM- 

Till  II'  Kcro. 
,  il  ill  jipisiin, 

111    triin^piin:' 
(.  TcXiin  rexo- 
llint   111'  liiiij 
„.  sri'ii''  ilsiir. 
■ly  whii'li  pi'i'- 
V  lliciiiiiiii'i'i*" 
iliiiii  tlir.  I'liml 
nlv.     Hi' wiis 
I  .is  i-iiiiiiiii:  ill 
ml  till'  liriliiiiii- 
1  iliiii  I'liiiiiili'- 
■Mi'  iif  tiicift  in- 
In  liiin  ilinttlio 
clmir.nlili'iiicl* 
In  the  tlirilliii;; 
Clinnilii'ri  »■>'• 
1-  lictVirp.     The 
with  vciiPriililfi 
ih  nnd  lii'imiy, 
I  ilint  Iriiils  to 
iiniisinir,  whni 
ml  uctioii.     He 
liind  iinys  wrio 
tlic  resiiUttiiiii, 
ss  silrnoo  with 

lilKll    ITSllll   WllM 

liilili'  cri-'is.lii'- 

ut  till'  ili'i'i'  fill' 

.  iliiillii:^'ly-in- 

ivvii  iipi'ii.  anil 

...riniis  HWiiril; 

[iviil   in   liliKiil, 

h.iil  « lived  ill 

11,  askiiiL'  111  li" 

[y  siili-  Willi  111" 

il  liiTii  l.onic  ill 

if  mil-  own 

litn'senrc  iTi'aii- 

liiiiii-il'i' "•''■'""• 

.nil    ilic  vii'liiry 

'lis  nliout  til  111- 

Iti)    111'    IllllM'M'll 

rrstiiur  |irri*iil, 
IP  the  iliiiii'iilH 
•  r  «iin  111'  \v:i«: 
lie.  his  iiriiis,  a 
in.-ilitiiliiiii'.  hi" 
iif  llii'  priiirpds 
.  iind  spiiii',  n 
iiniiilfroiis  li'^H, 
hi-  ilclilH  iiPlhii 
liei'i'ti'iispti'livi" 

I  fiiii'/s  iinil  >=h;i- 
lihji'.ti'd   til  till! 

Pill  till'  iniiii- 
llnl  I'V  tl"'  'I'li- 

II  ihf'  i.ininiiL'ii 

111'.  'I'lMlS  wiis 

Hull",  lull  shi! 
ijhsi).v-,  mid  the 

'  fiTllVr  111  ilhis- 

liv  than  til II! 

\cner  111'  Ills  t" 


18-16.1 


"29x11  CoNfi IsT  SRsr, 


APPENDIX  TO   rHK  (;O^UKKSSR)^AL  GIA)liE. 
ISttturallzation  Laus — iMr.  J.  Ii.  IiigersolL 


I 


Oi'ni'.iil.1iiL'l<''i'niWhii'hwiis  |iiilili.''hril  in  llniPoiTe-  ' 

(l|Mllllll'lll'P  llllll   lirlWi'I'll  tllll  IV.I)  (ioVlrl'llllirlll.H.      In 

that    li'lIiT  'I'rMi-'H   wiiH   ir|ii'i'Si'nltil   ii.s   u   'Mji'iilt' 
nilornrd  fiir  liii-  iHimiiSiil;"  iiii'.iniiii.',  Iir  stip|Hi.sc'il, 
that  'IVxiiH  WHS  willm;,'  In  iiiiiti'  in  wrdlui'li  willi 
till'  Uiiitid  Suiii'.s,  111'  li'iii'le  Sum,  as  lir  is  siiiiiu-  '■ 
limes  ruH'd.     It  had  lii'uii  iisuil,  siin'o  Ili-.-it  thrown 
out,    hy    many    spealicrs   and    writirs;     he    hini- 
nelf,  litlnre  his  ciinslilaents,  Imd  made  use  (il'  the  I 
liijnro,  and   iie  .shinild  dii  it  a),'ain.     Mr.  J.  then  | 
jjrui'eeded  In  si.y  thai  Unele  Sinn,  with  his  slurs  i 
nnd  slri|ies  in  hi.<  ri^lu  hand,  was  seen  apprnaeh-  : 
in!{  In  ilie  distaiiii".  as  he  ilruw  near  the  liyineiieal  i 
ahar,  Texa.-i,  the  interesting  yniiiit!;  virgin  nl' the  j 
Soiilh,  WHS  seen   leanini,'  nil  his  iinii,  the  riiif;  of 
"annexatiiin"  on  her  lin;er,  and  her  eounteiianre  ! 
indiealiii!?  that  she  had  ennfes.sed  ihiitshehad  hived,  ' 
nnd  hliisiied  that  slie  hud  owmd  il.     'I'liey  stood 
hefore   the   hynieiiial  altar;  and   whom   found  we 
Ihere.'     Jnnies  K.  I'olk,  the  polilii'al  lii;,'h   priest, 
with  the  license  In   his  hand,  ready  to  proniiunee 
the  murria','e  oereiininy.     The   Union  is  I'.onsnni- 
niBled;  and  now,  while  the  mnnsier  lies  writhing 
in  asnny  and  issnini;  his  expiriii;^  groans  at   the 
base  Iif  "ic  hynieneal  altar — while  the  funeral  prep- 
aruiiiins  are  nialtinir,  L'ncle  Sam  and  VWiissii  down  | 
to  the  feusl;  and  wliih^  the  moiisler  is  ennsigncd  to  ! 
the  urave,  and   is   already  nnderjjning  the  loath-  . 
Bonic  proiess  of  dei'onipiisition,  and  heoominf;  the 
food  for  the  ^rave-worms,  fiic(f  Sum  and   Texas 
are  eondiieied  m  the  iiiarriiif;e  ehainlier,  and  there, 
in  the  arms  of  mreetion,  multi|..y  and  become  ex- 
ceedingly friiillVil. 

Unl  now,  shall  his  hack  be  turned  on  hcrtwin- 
Bister.'  lie  did  not  wish  lobe  understood  as  in 
tiinatini^  that  i'nvlc  Stim  was  n  niodcrn  Solomon; 
but  Viiclr  Sum  had  hist  none  of  hi.s  devotion  to  her 
twin-sister;  he  was  still  determined  warmly  as  ever 
lo  aft'ord  her  that  |.riiteciion  which  hi.  hud  vowed; 
he  was  s'ill  furado|itiiii;i)iednuj;hter  ol'tlie  North, 
and  she  would  lie  admitted  into  the  Union  of  these 
States.  Prejiidicea  might  be  attempted  to  be  ex- 
cited; new  party  lines  niisjht  he  attempted  to  he 
drawn;  politicians  miirlit  seek  to  nialie  pohtieal 
capital;  but  the  |iuhlie  opinion  would  iM'iiig  Oregon 
in.  The  people  were  fnr  it.  If  he  were  James  K. 
Polk,  (and  he  did  not  pretend  to  attempt  lo  advise 
him,)  while  these  little  cliques — while  these  little 
perms  of  new  parties  were  forming — he  would  run 
out  his  largest  locomotive;  he  would  get  the  steam 
up,  he  would  put  on  the  wood,  and  take  in  the 
water,  and  hilcli  in  the  Oregon  car:  and  tho.se  who 
attempted  to  resi.^it  it  he  wmilil  eru.sli  in  its  on- 
ward iiroL'rcs.s.  The  people  would  sustain  him 
in  it;  the  people  were  for  it;  the  people  will  have 
it. 

Rul  they  were  told  occasionally  of  the  horror.sof 
war,  and  iliut  thee  luiitry  wiis  not  prepared — that 
the  country  is  in  no  condition  to  go  to  war.  Do 
you  want  a  Cliinese  wall  from  the  extreme  Soulli 
to  the  North,  mill  then  around  the  froniiers  from 
Kast  to  AVtsi  ■  Will  you  ever  have  il .'  A  nation 
of  twenty  millions  of  freemen,  with  two  millions 
of  sohliers  thai  can  be  raised,  with  internal  re- 
sources nbunilmit  to  sustain  them,  with  (100,000 
stand  of  arms,  with  cannon  in  proportion — can  such 
a  people  be  conipieri  d  .'  Why,  ihe  enemy  may 
burn  up  a  few  towns,  may  sack  a  lev/  cities,  before 
we  become  entinly  [inpared;  hut  the  result  will 
be  Ihiit  these  ontrases  will  tend  to  excite  the  pa- 
triotism of  the  eountiv  to  a  more  determined  and 
vigorous  resistance.  All  the  Chinese  wall  we  want 
is  n  united  heart  and  united  hands  on  this  great 
qiustion.  Let  us  feel  all  .\mericuns:  let  Whigs 
and  Dciiioerats  rally  around  the  altar  of  our  com- 
mmi  country,  and  swear  that  onr  gods  and  our 
sliruies  shall  nil  be  ernnibled  inliitliist  together  he- 
fore  we  will  surrender  one  square  inch  of  Oregon. 
Let  us  re.ioKe,  and  it  w  ill  be  done,  and  the  whole 
of  our  C'juutry  will  be  .-ecured  lo  our  po.ssession. 
Ye.*,  ilie  females  of  ihe  country  will  be  with  us. 
^N'hcn  cities  are  besieged,  when  towns  are  sacked, 
when  Ihe  couniry  is  invaded,  the  females  of  our 
land  would  eonie  forward  and  oiler  up  their  last 
dollar;  yes,  i'lirther,  as  a  test  of  their  patriotism, 
they  would  oH'cr  llieir  rings  and  their  jewels  from 
llieir  persona;  and  they  would  not  slop  there,  but 
they  Would  take  their  locks  from  their  foreheads 
and  weave  them  into  bowstriniis  with  which  to 
throw  the  arrow  of  defence  into  the  ho.-iom  of  the 
invading  foe.  Yes,  ihe  women  of  this  day  would 
be  found  as  patriotic  us  the  wives  and  dauglileis  of 


our  sues  of  the  Itevolution.  And  let  but  Whigs 
and  Demociats  'di  rally  around  the  ahar  of  our 
eountry.and  in  siippini  of  the  position  lakeii  by 
onr  Chief  Alagistra  iiioii  llii.-i  great  Ainerican 
question,  and  Oregon  will  be  ours,  and  the  country 
be  redeemed. 

He  said  (jieat  Britain  was  in  no  condition  lo  go 
to  war  with  llni  I'nilcd  States.  She  always 
watched  her  imercsl  loo  well  for  that.  The  sev 
eral  Slaus  of  this  Union  owe  Great  liritiiin  ubunt 
)>aOO,(IOO,00(),  which  by  war  would  in  fact  be  r.  - 
pudiated.  This  aniouul  was  owing  to  her  aristoi  - 
racy,  who  would  not  let  her  go  lo  war  if  it  was 
likely  to  eiiihinger  the  surety  of  Itiia  vast  sum.  She 
was,  fiirlherniore,  ilipeiidenl  on  the  Uiiiud  Slates 
for  Ihe  raw  material  (eotlon;  to  keep  her  faciories  in 
operation  and  her  starving  subjects  employed.  Hy 
war  she  would  lose  one  ol'lier  beslcusti.iiers.  In 
liisopmion  there  would  be  no  war;  the  ilitlereiice 
belween  the  Liovcrniiients  would  be  settled  wilhout 
war,  if  this  Goveriiinent  only  stoiid  firm  and  as- 
serted lis  rights  as  a  great  nation  oiiglil  to  do. 

lint  a  meat  deal  had  been  said  in  this  debate 
about  ihe  Ihitish  lion  and  the  American  eagle.  Let 
the  IJrilish  lion  growl;  let  him  assume  a  menacing 
utlilude,  if  he  dare;  and  on  some  loftv  peak  in  Ore- 
gon— pircliHUce  Mount  St.  Helen's,  wliiili  lilU 
its  proud  and  majestic  I'oriii  lilleen  thousand  I'eet 
above  the  ocean  level — the  aiinor-bearer  of  Jove 
will  be  t'oinid  perched  on  its  veriest  suimnil,  with 
talons  more  lerrilile  than  theglitteiingspearof  Mars, 
Willi  an  eye  which  does  nol  v.'ince,  ihougli  eomiiig 
In  c  oiiliiet  with  the  sun's  brightest  ray;  the  I'.ritisli 
lion  will  he  descried  in  the  distance,  if  he  shall  dare 
approach,  and  if  he  shall  moor  lo  our  shore,  he  will 
descend  from  his  elevated  position,  and  issuing  a 
scream  of  bolder  defiance  than  he  luis  ever  belbre 
heard,  will  strike  terror  to  his  heart,  and  cause  him, 
cowering  and  shrieking  leiieath  his  peiielraling 
,  talons,  daslardly  to  retreat, with  the  reeking  blood 
'  drip]iing  from  his  mane,  from  a  .soil  that  he  has 
dared  to  pollute  by  hi-s  impious  tread.  We  will 
not  "  track  him  in  IJlood  around  the  globe,"  in  the 
language  of  Mr.  Uinter;  but  \se  will  drive  him 
forever  from  this  continent. 

IJui  a  moment  of  Mr.  J.'s  hour  remaining,  he 
expressed  his  acknowledgments  to  the  House  for 
lis  ultentioii,  and  resumed  his  seat. 


NATURALIZATION  LAWS. 
REMARKS  OF  Mn.  J.  R.  IXGERSOLL, 

OF  PENNSYLVANMA, 
I.\'  TlIK  iloCKi:  OF   Uui'RESli.VTATlVES, 

December  30,  184.'>. 
The  order  of  the  day  being  the  resolutions  of  the 
(Jcnerul  Assembly  of  the  Slate  of  MassachuselLs 
for  .such  amendments  to  the  naturalization  laws 
as  will  protect  the  ballot-bo.x  and  the  elective 
franchise  from  abuses  and  frauds,  and  a  refer- 
ence of  them  having  been  moved  to  theCommil- 
tee  on  the  Judiciary — 

Mr.  J.  Ii.  INCI:HS0LL  said  that  he  did  not 
intend  to  discuss  a  question  which  had  been  twice 
or  ofiener  drawn  iiuo  the  present  debate.  'I'lie  ]iro- 
priely  of  any  reference  whatever  of  these  Massa- 
chusetts resolutions  had  been  denied,  because  of  a 
suppo.sed  disability  in  ihe  Congress  of  the  United 
States  to  act  iiiion  them.  The  resolutions  contain 
matter,  it  had  been  thought,  exclusively  within  ihe 
control  of  the  State  Legislatures.  If  such  be  the 
ca.se,  this  House  could  have  nothing  lo  do  with 
them;  and  no  further  inquiry  need  be  pursi  '  as  Ui 
which  of  two  connniilees  should  have  the  care  of 
them.  If  there  were  anything  in  this  suggestion, 
it  certainly  was  an  nnponant  preliminary.  It  might 
save  a  world  of  trouble,  both  now  and  hereafter.  It 
wasa  eonsiituiionaldilliciiliy,  which,  if  well-l'oiind- 
ed,  would  relieve  the  present  Cougiess  and  every 
future  one  from  heavy  labor;  but  it  would  discharge 
them  at  the  same  time  from  a  solemn  rust.  'I  he 
resolutions  |iropnsed  for  the  consideration  of  Con- 
gress an  amendment  of  the  naturalii^ation  laws. 
They  asked  I'or  a  correction  of  abuses  which  are 
said  10  be  now  habitually  practised  under  them — 
abuses  v\liich  are  believed  to  interfere  with  the  free 
and  projier  exercise  of  tlu'in.  'I'hese  naturalization 
laws  wi're  enacted  by  Congress;  no  oiher  tribunal 
could  interfere  Willi  tlieui.     I'lii  V  uire  in  daily  use 


tliroughrui  the  country.  In  the  praciical  npera- 
tion  of  ilieiii,  'irrors  were  committed  and  fiuiulo 
were  er|ietraleil.  This  was  a  greiil  and  growing 
evil.  It  called  loudly  lor  redress.  Uedresa  could 
bi  ( iVeeted  ill  no  other  way  than  by  an  aniendinent 
^jf  I  le  laws  lliemsdves.  While  they  reiiiaiiied  as 
they  now  stood  upon  ihe  national  ouiluio  book, 
corrt'tion  of  abuses  was  hopeless.  How,  tlifli, 
was  an  arrangement  so  loudly  called  for  to  be 
brought  about-  Stale  legislaliuu  ciiiild  nol  elVect 
It,  All  the  sovereign  Stales  of  the  Uiiiun, combined 
in  one  sireiiuous  and  universal  tll'ort,  could  nol 
add  II  SI ''lion  to  iKe  existing  iiutiomd  coU<*i  or 
deprive  it  of  any  onii  of  lis  provisions.  Noihirig 
I  uiiian  was  conipeteiit  lo  the  objccl  but  an  ucl  of 
Co,  gress. 

This  being  the  case,  it  wag  not  easy  lo  discover 
an  oljection  in  practice  lo  a  compliance  viitli  the 
call  iiiiide  liy  the  Legi-sl'iliife  of  Massaclm.settR.  A 
sovereig.i  Slate,  siiU'ering  from  a  nutioiiul  law,  in 
the  exere'se  by  its  people  of  a  high  prerogative  of 
freemen,  usks  the  national  lawgivers  to  amend  il. 
Nothing  can  be  more  regular  th.iii  the  call;  lUflhini; 
more  usual  than  n  compliance  with  simihu-  Ojies, 
If  the  evil  were  not  iuiaginary ,  this  wa:^  i\f,  pri'per, 
;  necessary  mode  of  reaeliing  II.  lUsiiles  in  ;  prnc'- 
lical  necessity  thus  pouittd  uit,  iin  authority  for 
the  uppllcatinn,  scarcely  les  1  opemlive,  was  io  lo 
found  at  hand  in  fuiidanieiial  law.  The  Consti- 
tution declares  that  Cong;  ess  may  establish  uni- 
form hiws  of  imturalization;  and  that  il  may  alier 
any  law  that  a  Slate  cioi  i,,ii|<c  as  to  the  lime,  place, 
and  iniiiiner  of  idecling  Uepresentatives  nnd  Sen- 
ators, (with  a  sin'_'li'  exceplion.)  An  Ainericuii 
legislator  would  bill  viiidiiaie  the  purposes  of  the 
1  Constitution  of  his  eonnlry  by  asset  ling  for  it  some 
control  overllio  subject  einfiraced  In  the  Ma.ssu- 
chuseils  resohitions.  In  llie  creation  of  eituciis  of 
the  United  Slates,  State  Legislatures  can  have  no 
participation  whatever.  It  is  ii  |iower  bestowed 
by  the  peojile  in  their  frame  ol' (ioveinment  c.\- 
'  chisively  upon  the  Congress  and  the  various  Fcd- 
;  eral  and  Stale  courts  acting  under  its  authority. 
Some  of  ihe  Slate  coiislitiiiious,  especially  .some  of 
the  new  ones,  have  claimed  u  ri^lit  U)  make  citi- 
zens of  the  iKirticuhir  Cnnimonv  ealili;  that  is,  lo 
confer  within  its  borders  the  elective  fraiieliire 
\  upon  terms  of  residence,  nnd  otherwise  aluigether 
difl'ercnt  from  those  provided  by  the  laws  of  iho 
United  States.  So  long  as  this  prerogaiive  is  liin 
itcd  to  the  exercise  of  ihe  right  of  suffrage  on  the 
particular  spot,  there  may  perhaps  be  no  ?r  riouS 
objeciioii  lo  it;  but  beyond  a  very  imriow  rnnse 
of  power  it  would  be  quite  inelleeiual.  The  term 
citizen  has  a  national  imjiort.  Il  contenqilaies 
properly  neither  iminici|'ial  origin  norn  much  wider 
local  allegiance.  Il  is  coextensive  with  the  Re- 
public. Mr.  I.  said  he  had  been  taught  to  believe, 
from  high  nuiliority,  that,  strictly  speakin<r,  there 
was  no  such  thing  as  a  citi/eu  of  a  Stale,  although 
the  term  was  fieqiienily  and  familiarly  used  In  le- 
eislation  and  out  of  il.  A  citizen,  for  example,  of 
Pennsylvania  is  a  citizen  of  the  United  Slates  re- 
siding in  Pennsylvania.  The  term  thus  understood 
was  sullieiently  aiipropriaic,  and  could  do  no  harm. 
Il  prevented  circui'iloouiioii,  if  il  did  no  more.  This 
was  the  doctrine  he  had  learned  from  the  lips  of 
Judge  Washmguin.  To  carry  il  further  would  be 
lo  disregard  Ihe  provision  of  the  Consiitulion  which 
;  had  been  alluded  to,  nnd  lo  siibslitiite  State  power 
in  a  parlicular  so  es.sentially  nnd  exclusively  Fed- 
eral I'or  that  of  the  General  Government. 

Mr.  I.  said  that,  representing  as  he  did  a  district 
on  the  rii::ht  and  left  of  which  eaudidaies  had  been 
successfully   selecied   t'roni   the    Native  Ainerican 
;  parly,  and  witnessing  as  he  had  done  ihe  soureer> 
from  which   il   had  appeared  to  arise  In  his  own 
immediate  neighborhood,  nnd  the  progress  it  had 
]  there  afipeared  to  make,  he  could  nol  properly  re- 
main silent  during  this  discussion. 
1       All  imperfect  systeni   of   nutiiralizalion  exists. 
;  Its  arrangenients  are  insuHicient  lo  prevent  irregu- 
larities.    Nol  an  election  occurs  in  crowded  dis- 
tricts at  which  mutual  complaints  are  not  made  by 
'  the  rcspeclive  parties  of  improprieties  and  fronds. 
If  such  reproaches  are  well  founded,  they  prove  a 
state  of  thiiu:s  which  loudly  calls  for  reform.    It  is 
hoped  that  those  abuses  are  noi  necessarily  attend- 
aiiis  upon  popular  elections.     If  llicv  are  not,  and 
if  ihey  are  inuecil  but  mere  occasional  excrescences 
which  may  be  lopped  and   pruned  away,  it  is  the 
duly  of  the  patriot  to  seek  the  most  elVectual  mettii.1 


M 


M 


.1 


330 


liQ^tH  CoN« Imt  Sku, 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONORESSIONAT.  OLOnE. 
Naturalization  Law* — Mr.  ./.  R.  In^cnoU. 


[Dpr.  30, 


Ho.  <»►•  Kkps. 


ofrrl'nimaliiin.  Kvi'ii  irilifV  Mf,  n.  iiii  lenn  Mi>li'niii  I 
limy  in  im|H>!<i'cl  \i|iiiii  liini  lo  fiidi'iiviir,  liy  (•very 
pmi'li'alilr  n|i|>lh'Hiiiin  ol'  c-xiinidirn  niid  wiHilmii, 
til  li'wsi'ii  till'  rvil.  Tlii'Hr  iiri'  I  111'  iilijiMMHiiI'llir  irmi-  , 
luliiiii.H  lirCfirc  llu'  llmini' — mmiily  lo  imriTy  llw  liiil-  ' 
li'l-liox,  III  riirri'i'l  riniia  mill  nlintii'!<  in  I'Xisliii); 
•I'sli'iiiH,  til  I'linyiiiil  till'  H|iiril  nf  llir  CunHlitmiiMi 
iiinlli'\|ii'ilii'iil  mill  {irai'tniilili'  purity,  liviTiiiirriii^ 
tli:it  iiiiil'iiriii  mil'  of  rinliiiiili/.atiiin  wliii'li  il  rniitrrN 
ii|iiiii  I'niiirri'ss  till'  iiinviT  in  rniiililiHli,  wlmli'iKiiin 
ill  lis  rviTi'i!!!'.  All  tills  iiiiiHi  ill-  I'tlVi'ti'il,  It'  III  nil, 
tliroii^li  till'  ii'iriiliir  li-^'nl  iir;;iiim  nl"  tlii'  Iwn  I  Ioiimi'h 
111'  l'i)iiifii'«,  lln'ir  ('iiiiiiiiilli'i'n  nil  tlii' Jiiilti'i.iry. 
'I'lioy  III!'  iiPi'i'HM.inlv  iMiiiiiiTH  ill  llii"  |i,irtiriiliir  'i 
lii'lil  nf  li";iilmiiin.  Laws  iiinv  di'lVi'livi'  mi'  In  In- 
Hiiuiiiliil,  mill  |ilaiiM  III'  wisil.Mii,  h.  riinliiro  iiiaili- 
qirili'ly  if''niii|ilislii'il,  nrr  In  l.i'  liiiti'i-  I'XrriiU'il. 
S.iili  I's  lli(>ilt'Hi!;ii  ni'iiii'  nsnliiliniis.  A  I'miiili'i- |irn- 
linsiliiin  IM  Kiiliiiiilird,  wliii'it  i-niiti'iniiliitrs  aniiii'- 
llilii'i  tiini'i'  i-xiciisivr  iImii  iIio  I'liiii'i'linii  ol'  ri'i'nrH 
mill  ili'l'ci'ln  III  I'XiNiiii:;  lawn,  i  iiIiiisi'h  in  tlic  npi'i'ii- 
lliiii  III'  llii'ni.  It  lonki  In  n  riiiidaiiii'iitiil  rluiiii^i', 
])i'i-lia]ia   ill    ihc  ( 'niisliliilinii,  and  ri'rlmiily  m  llii' 

laws  llifinsi'lvoN.     Il   will   lint  I niiieiiti'il  with 

Icsa  tliaii  II  wido  Piilaririiiii'iit  nf  tin;  tfini  nf  |iin- 
batiii'i  nn.v   prnvidi'd  I'nr  tlio  iimiiil''d  i-iti/.i'n,  or 
perliaps  in   I'l"  iinl  ilisimit  I'litiiir,  willi  miyilnns 
■  III  in  nf  n  total  di'iiiiil  nf  llu"  prliiii|ilr  of  mlnpiinii, 
iiiid  a  pnsitui'  fe.'>tni'.tinii  nftlii'  iiijnyiiii'iim  of  rili- 
zi'iialiip  to  llinic  only  wlio  Ilia  of  doiiiisiir  liiilli. 
In  aiippnrl  of  cIuh  lallir  pnlioy,  a  wv;  parly  lias 
bei'ii  crealrd,   anil    it    is  now  lor  the  lirsi  tiiiir  tlm 
«illiji-.'t  of  dislini-t  ri'prrsi'iilatinii  lii'i'i'.    It  iiol  niilv 
ainis  at  a  piirlniilar  nliji'cl,  mi  alt  liiinienl  of  wliirli 
might  be  i-nnipatilik' with  exisiiii^   partU's,   lull  il 
seeks  scpnrali'  niirrtiiizniinii,  and  a  ootirsi'  of  artinii 
dialiiict  frnni   lliai   of  iitlipr  n(  llic  K''"'"'  P<diiii'al 
bodies  whirli  dtvnli'  the  I'.iiiii  ry.     (.n'liili'iiion  me 
mistaken  in  siinpnsin;  thai  this  new  assoi'ialioii  IH 
idcnlilii'd  with'  the   Win-   party   in   iialure  or  in 
iianiH.     If  that  Wilis;  pariy  could  so  far  forget  lis 
coiisirvaiivo  i-har.ioler  as  lo  invile  ideiuiiy  Willi  ii, 
such  is  the  excliisne  tendeiiry  "f  Native  Aiiieri- 
eanism  that  ii  would  nlipire  ihe.  I'nnlainiiiatioii.    Il 
was  not  the  mere  proniolinn  of  n  particular  olijeet, 
however  hoiiesl  the  esjiu'ial  puisnil,  Ihat  fnriiied 
its  peiuliar  and  disliiieiive  eliaiaiter.     'I'here  was 
indeed  a  uaii'hword  ^iveii  and  a  standaid  raised; 
lUid  there  has  been  no  ilmilil  a  faithful  mid  aineeie 
ndheri  nee  to  lliem.     Hot  ihe  mode  nf  ncconiplish- 
iii»  thedeelared  end,  anil  tin-  intcrniediate  proceed- 
ins;s  of  individuals  who  were  associaled — and  llins 
the  nr»ani/.atinii  of  a  distinct  puny — w  ere  as  ne- 
cessary iiiL'iedienis  as  an  exclusion  of  nlien  agency, 
at  least  until  after  frreaily  pi <)lnii!,'eil  residence  and 
prnlialinn,   in   the  adiiuiiistralioii  of  the  Uoverii- 
nient.     Symptoms  are   ohvioiis  here,  under  nnr 
own  immediate  view,  of  this  truth  and  tendency. 
Not  a  innmenl  was  iienniticd  lo  pass  afti  r  ilie 
niemliers  elect  of  tins  House  reached  the  seat  of 
(invtrnnient  wilhoiii   rle.ir  proof  of  it.     A  qiies- 
tion  aro.*'  in  its  very  ortrainzatioii  wliuli  not  per- 
sonal atlaehmeni  Inn  jiarty  mraiif;ement  must  in 
the  nature  of  thiiiis  deli  ri'nine.     .\  Speaker  was 
to  be  ehii.sen.     No  dnuln  was  enlerluined  where 
the   niajnrily   lay,  or  what   would   be  the  result. 
The  twn  trrent  divlsinns  cast  their  votes  aci-oiding 
in  party  distinction,  not  so  nun  h  with  an  expecta- 
tion to  efl'ect  a  |)articular  result — for  on  one  side  it 
was  ho|)«less,  and  on  the  nllieroerlain — as  to  mark 
a  ]i|ain  line  of  division  between  tlieiii.    On  ihc  one 
hand,  an  experienced  Kenlleinanfioni  Ohio  received 
the  united   but   nbnrlive   suil'raijes  uf  his   puhtical 
friends;  nn   the  ntlier,  the  mass  nf  the  iiiajorily 
uttered  in  available  concert  the  name  of  the  nenile- 
man   who  now   so  ably   and  acceptably  (ills   the 
chair.     \   small   remnant   of  the  Hnu.->e  went  for 
iieiiher  of  these  candidales,  nor  for  any  oilier  bc- 
loni^inff  to  ascertained    parlies.     They  could  not, 
\v!ii\    the  formidable  ariihmelic  of  half  a  dozen 
voices,  count  upon  success  at  home;  yet  they  sUi- 
dionsly  avoided  an  appearance  of  foreit;n  associa- 
tion, and,  as  an  emblem  of  domestic  and  sleadfasl 
devoiedneus  lo  their  cause,  they  leeiprocaled  the 
cninplnnent  of  inelleclual  nomination  among  Ihem- 
behes. 

'I'liis  seeiiiiiiir  elVoit,  but  actual  demonstration 
only,  has  been  fnllnwed  by  marks  of  lasliiij;  sepa- 
ration I'rom  the  rest  nf  the  Mouse.  It  will  not  be 
oll'insu  10  remark  how  earefiiliy  seals  have  been 
sel.i;ti,d  Its  much  as  possible  in  a  compact  body, 
reiiiuic,  OS  it  were,  fioiii  all  assoiiatioii  except  with 


each  other.  No  hucIi  thing  occurs  with  respect  lo  i 
the  oilier  political  parliis.  They  are  brought  to- 
gether ill  amicable  comiexlim,  and  an  Intereoiimi' 
III  once  useful  in  biisinens  iiiid  agreeable  in  the 
friendly  feeliiii^s  v\'liii'h  it  servi's  lo  fosler  is  pre- 
served. l''or  lAiinple,  (said  Mr.  I.,)  I  find  myself  1 
ellinw  111  elbow  Willi  n  friend  and  cnlleaniie,  [,Mr. 
'T'lioitriiiiv,]  frnm  the  remntcsi  part  of  onr  enin- 
iiinii  St. lie,  whn  is  lint  more  remole  from  me  in  lo- 
cal residence  than  parly  seiilimeiil.  iminedialely 
behind  me,  and  almost  ni  actual  enntnct,  sits  annlh-  I 
ir  honnreil  friend,  the  genilenian  iVoni  Virginia, 
(Mr.  Atkinson,!  one  of  the  Alphas  of  the  I  louse,  | 
wlio.se  vole  upon  party  ipiesllnns  il  is  only  neces 
sary  fnr  me  in  learn,  and,  by  a  soil  of  c  hem  leal  aii- 
lipathy,  nnlwithslmidnig  Ini^li  personal  respect,  il 
niiulil  siilliee  for  the  most  part  In  direi'l  my  own. 
With  regard  lo  all  nlliers,  except  the  few  who  thus 
compose  a  parly  distinguisheil  for  local  solilmie  as 
Well  as  indivldiial  strength,  it  may  be  said,  in  the 
langiiaae  of  Klnisa — 

•'  'I'lirili'-t  mill  ilii\ if  v.iri'liia  lines  unite,  ; 

.\llil  ulnc-y  ji'l  IS  imlreil  wall  Hllliijiiit  Willie. •♦  : 

Such  is  the  siiclal  eomimmioii  of  Whigs  and  Dem- 
oi'ials.  They  harmonize  in  everyiliin:.' but  politi- 
eiil  senlimeiil.  Not  so  the  third  parly,  which 
siandsalnnf  in  vohimary  sei  lusioii,  if  not  ii.  proud 
distrust.  Il  maintains  a  position  tik'e  that  which 
in  ari'hilertiire  is  said  In  enhance  the  niagmlicince 
of  a  Grecian  temple,  when  pliiced,  ns  il  oiiglil  In 
be,  on  elevated  ground,  and  gaining,  by  distance 
and  unnlislnieled  prnspei'l,  al  once  grandeur  and 
distinctness  for  the  view,  it  stands  unmated  and 
aliiiie. 

In  casting  my  eye  rniiiid  this  diversified  a.isem- 
bly,  I  am  ted  to  cnnipiire  its  hinni'ii  prnportions 
and  inlellectnal  varieties  with  the  natural  phcnnni- 
ena  desi-ribed  by  travellers  as  exhibited  by  that 
vast  chain  of  moiiiilains  near  the  Pacific  Ocean,  in 
Snutli  .Vmerica,  which  rise  in  successive  plateaux, 
like  sn  many  huge  natural  terraces,  far  above  the 
clouds.  Trees  of  the  largest  size  and  most  luxuri- 
ant fnliage  grow  and  (lorisli  upon  some  of  those 
proud  eminences  of  the  Andes,  and  form,  as  it 
were,  the  basis  of  still  loftier  re!;ioiiR  piled  upon 
them.  These  are  emblematic  of  the  Whig  jiarly, 
always  rt'esh  in  vi^or,  rich  in  patriotism,  anil  mol- 
ed in  llie  immovable  basis  of  the  ConHlilntion. 
jVmnm;  them  one  appears  crowned  with  years  and 
honors,  ureen  in  the  maturity  and  veiiemble  in  the 
digii'  y  of  age.  Higher  up,  the  niounlain  trees 
bee  inie  more  miiin  runs,  but  less  firmly  allaehed 
to  the  soil;  not  deeply  pkinted,  or  stniidiiigin  stern 
defiance  of  the  fury  of  the  elemenls,  but  moved  and 
aiiilaled  by  the  passiii;;  breeze.  Tin  .se  are  emblems 
of  a  doininaiil  ninjiiriiy,  which  yields  conservative  ; 
principle  to  its  rivals,  and  professes  and  acta  upon 
a  dilTercnt  rule.  Still  liii;lier  up,  above  the  level 
of  perpetual  siinw,  where  nn  other  animated  being 
is  fnuiid,  fur  above  the  liabitatinii,  and  almost  be- 
yond ihe  curious  gaze  of  the  most  enterprising 
traveller,  dwells  that  mightiest  of  winged  nninials, 
the  condor,  poised  in  mid-aIr  between  the  moiin 
and  earth,  fixing  its  eye  upon  that  cold  planet  of 
the  iii;;lit,  which  luttrnnomers  assure  ns  has  no 
aimnsphere,  or  none  cninmnn  to  the  rest  of  the 
system — Happing  in  interminable  .seclusion  its  pon- 
derous and  solitarv  wing. 

Nothing  could  lie  clearer  than  the  fact  that  Na- 
live  .\mericans  and  Wlii;;s,  by  the  absolute  and 
voluntary  choice  of  the  former,  are  not  the  same. 
This,  perhaps,  is  a  natural  eonsei|ueiice  of  the  cir- 
ciimslanre,  w'hich  seems  so  entirely  unknown  to 
gentleman  from  dLslnnt  parts  of  the  country,  that 
Ihe  Native  American  |iarly  is-  essentially  a  scinii  of 
the  Demorratic  tree.  Trace  its  history,  look  toils 
proinineni  public  men,  apply  whai  standard  you 
please,  and  it  will  he  found  that  its  birthplace  is  in 
the  home  of  nemocracy.  An  attempt  has  been 
ni  de,  even  with  regard  to  Philadelphia,  to  identify 
it  with  the  WhiL's. 

Yet  two  of  those  gentlemen  now  represent  por- 
tions of  a  population  which  never  but  by  accident 
sent  a  Whig  to  Congress.  A  member  who  came 
from  one  of  those  dislriils  twn  years  ago  owed  his 
election  lo  overweeniii!,'  ennlidence  among  his  an- 
ta','iinists,  which  led  them  to  bring  tun  candidates 
inin  the  field,  believing  iliat  lliey  could  mure  than 
double  the  votes  of  their  opponenls.  The  only 
otiiir  district  which  has  a  Native  American  for  its 
Representative,  had  before  now  almnsi  invariably 
iiiudo  a.  choice  of  a  Democratic  member. 


The  sec- 


niiil  district,  which  1  have  myself  the  honor  In 
repriHeiit,  (the  eiiy  of  Philadelphia,)  is  and  has 
been,  and  I  trust  will  eimtiiiiie  lo  be,  true  lo  itself 
and  Whii;  to  the  ceiilre.  No  donieslic  inlrigiie  or 
foreign  inllueiii'e  has  been  able  to  shake  its  princi- 
ples or  lo  bias  its  fixed  and  palrimic  piirpnses. 
With  rri^ari!  to  actual  or  intended  co-nperiilion 
elsewhere,  a  single  fuel  may  lie  nieiitintiid  in  siip- 
piiii  of  what  I  have  staled.  On  coini;  Inline  afier 
the  long  si'sMion  of  the '.'Hth  ('on^iesa,  1  found  the 
elements  nf  party  sninewhiit  clianiii',  yet  without 
diirii'iilty  traceable  to  their  true  origin.  They  were 
withnnl  eomplele  form  ami  void,  bill  liny  niiiiL'led 
toe;ellier  in  perceplible  ihoiigli  misshapen  friig- 
nieiils.  Al  a  crrlain  hotel  oppoaite  lo  the  ciiy 
electinn-giTuiiiil  where  the  wnrd  "  nemncralic'* 
had  previously  stood  in  glaring  capitals  ii/inrr,  and 
the  word  "  I  leadipiarters"  no  less  enii.'ipienniiHly 
(ii'/i)ii',  now  at  an  intermedinie  space  was  iiiseribed 
the  harmonious  and  well-applied  eontinualion  in- 
dicated by  the  words  "and  Nalive  .\nierican" — 
sn  as  to  read  allogelher,  in  fair  and  proper  cnllnca- 
lloii,  '•  /)iiii.irn(/ic  (iMi/ .N'u/icf  .'/inrnriin  llrailqiiar- 
Ifn."  Whether  this  iininii  of  terms  was  the  result 
of  a  previnusly-fnrmed  iiiiinn  of  lliiii;;s,  or  was 
merely  a  kind  and  cnnciliatory  simimnns  like  that 
falriiiier's  voice  which  the  love-sick  .Iiiliel  wished 
for  lo  lure  her  lassel-i;eiitle  back  again,  I  do  not 
knnw.  Certain  it  is,  there  was  nnthing  anti-native 
or  fnreisn  in  ihe  eonjiinclinn.  The  fnrin  of  llio 
lellers  alone  iiossibly  partook  of  lhat  character, 
being  what  I  believe  the  |irintera  call  llniniin  capi- 
tals. All  the  rest  was  iiiiion  and  harmony.  And 
so  it  remained  for  a  considerable  lime.  Flow  ihe 
partnership  came  lo  be  dissolved,  some  of  our 
friends  perhaps  can  tell.  So,  however,  il  was.  A 
divorce  look  place,  from  bed  and  board  at  lensl — 
even  the  bunds  of  matrimnny  were  probably  burnt 
asunder.  The  iiLscripiion  on  the  intermediale story 
of  the  hotel,  having  failed  of  its  promised  purpose, 
was  ell'aced,  so  that  not  a  vestige  of  it  can  he  seen, 
and  the  phrase  "  Dnnitcralic  //fni/ipirti/f/s"  stood 
again,  na  nl  first,  alone,  in  proud  and  uncompro- 
mising dignity. 

If  I  am  wrong  in  giving  to  Native  Americanism  n 
Democratic  origin,  lell  me  what  was  its  paternity. 
Generalities,  thrown  out  after  either  an  agreement 
lo  separate,  or  a  disappoiiileil  atlempt  to  allaeli  it 
lo  yourselves,  will  noi  suffice  for  explanation. 
Whence  came  il  ?  Did  it  spring  nil  mature  in  wis- 
dom, like  Minerva  from  the  head  of  Jove  ?  Or  did 
it  arise  ft'om  the  sowing  of  a  dragon's  teeth,  like 
the  men  nf  Cadmus,  fiill-!;rown  and  completely 
armed.'  No  subslilntes  were  returned  when  the 
ground  opened  at  lhat  mysteriou.i  and  terrible  de- 
iiuncialion  of  Korali,  Dailian,  anil  Abriam,  and 
swallowed  up  the  miniFiiers  of  false  ineense,  or 
we  might  inquire,  was  it  from  such  as  those  the 
present  active,  intelligent,  and  energetic  party 
came.'  An  iinniitiKateii  democracy  .separ.iteii,  and 
pari  of  il  became  Native  American  in  my  vicinity; 
and  when  that  portion  of  it  shall  return  to  its  first 
allegiance, or  shall  more  wisely  affiliate  with  a  bet- 
ter faith,  it  will  in  the  one  rase  have  proved  its 
,  ancestry ,  and  in  the  other  have  redeemed  its 
pledges  of  vvisdom  and  patriotism.  At  present, 
and  in  the  re.'olleetioii  of  the  past,  il  stauos  aloof, 
except  perhaps  ocrasinnally  in  accidental  concur- 
rence not  of  scntimen  t  but  of  votes,  from  the 
Whig  par'y. 

[\Ir.  niioDiiF..\D  here  interposed,  and  said  he 
would  like  the  gentleman  to  exjilain  how  it  had 
hapiiened,  that  in  a  certain  gubernatorial  eleciinn 
in  Pennsylvania  the  Native  Americans  and  Wlii:,'8 
had  united  together  and  had  thcieliy  carried  the 
city  for  a  Whig  Governor  by  a  majority  of  six 
thoiisaiid  votes  ■] 

.Mr.  JNGERsoi  L  said,  lie  did  not  really  know- 
how  the  Native  Americana  happened  lo  tlirow 
away  their  votes  upon  an  iinsiiceess.'iil  eandiilate 
in  October;  bill  however  it  had  happened,  lliey 
very  soon  repented  of  their  .sin;  fnr  al  the  Presi- 
.  den'tial  election  on  the  first  of  Nnvemlier,  when 
every  additional  ballot  would  have  been  a  ble.ssing, 
they  returned,  unhappily,  to  their  ori!.'inal  alle- 
triance,aiid  in  that  vital  anil  glorious,  but  unsuccess- 
ful Htrnggle,  the  sail  effecls  of  wliii'h  now  bo!,'in  lo 
be  experieneed,  the  Whigs  were  able  to  count  only 
I'leir  own  proper  votes. 

There  is  another  point  (said  Mr.  I.)  on  which 
it  becomes  me  lo  say  something.  This  I  do  the 
more  cheerfully,  because,  in  lending  support  to 


IRKJ.l 


>i5)TH  CONII 1st  Sk8», 


AFPKNIMX  TO  TIIK  COMJRKSSION  \I.  (U^OHK. 

j\ntimil!z(ili(iii  Ldiv.i  -Mr.  J.  II.  Iiifrrmoll, 


Nkw  Skhik No.  «a. 


anti  sniil  lin 
I  liinv  it  lirtd 
liirial  fliTiinn 
lis  mill  Wliiija 
liy  rnrricd  tlio 
iijoiity  (if  six 

reiilly  know 
'cil  til  iliniw 
..'ill  caiidiclme 
pppiiiMl.  lliej' 

ill  Ilic    Pl-PSI- 

vcml'er,  when 
fii  a  lilcs.sint^, 
lui'jiiHil   allo- 

Iml  iinsiiciicss- 
iiuw  l)cs,'ln  to 
to  count  only 


i 


liiHtorii'  liulli,  I  most  rliri'irnlly  rl*c'  nlliTiinri'  In 
firliiii;Mnl'|M'rH"iiiil  nllMi'liiiniil  ami  rc^'aiil.     ,\'iTit 

lias  lii'i'ii  I'liiii I  lor  iiiiliviiliinlN  ol'  rlii'  Niiliii' 

Ann  rii'iin  |iiiriy,  dm  if  liny  inul  rxrliinivi'ly  ili- 
Bi'i'vi'il  llw  liniioi'  and  lionii'  llii'  |M'ril  iiC  iinii'liii'J!; 
r(  rtiiin  ^^ricviiiis  oiidin-tiks  wlii«-l)  oi-<'nrn-(l  at  oiii' 
|ifiiocl  in  till'  ni'i'.'lilioilioo'l  of  ihc  ciiy  ol'  I'liila- 
iiil|>lii.'l.  No»',  u'lilioiit  iliKiiirliiii'r  wliat  Inis  liccn 
Willi  liy  my  iolliiii;iic  ii|ioii  i|iin  In-iiil — lor  mil  in'- 
in:;  nrrHoiially  art|iiMinn-(l  willi  tin-  I'irrninstam'i'H 
111  w'liiili  III'  luiH  |iarli<'nlarly  rrii  rn'il,  I  am  nnalili' 
•  itlirr  III  (•(nilriiilii'i  or  roniirni  tin  in — I  will  pro- 
ri'i'il  III  Mtali' wlial  I  know  lo  lii' I'lrrnal  Iriilli  in 
vliiiion  fo  tliiit  iiioMi  ilcliran'  and  intcn'Mliiii;  orni- 
pion.     'rim,  howcviT,  I  liiui'  always  nmlrfstood, 

■  lull  llir  n'ls  wliK  li  liavi'  I n  nrrni  d  t riiMiiiiil- 

in-;  ill)'  raiinoii,  iV''.,  orriin-t'd  in  (tie  da\'liim',  and 
III  a  pi'riod  t'lirliir  lliiiii  llial  In  wlilrli  I  am  cIIiti'I- 
iii^  my  atii'iiiion, 

Ahont  iliriT  inonlliH  p1'(n■iou^■ly  lo  ilto  hvi'IIIn  in 
<|iirstlon,  riiil.'i  liad  ornirrnl  in  a  dillVrnit  illHlrii'l, 
ot'ii  diHiri'MNiiti,'  and  di-adly  rliarafli'r.  'I'In-y  wrrr, 
nl  Ica.il  ill  llii'lr  i'Xlrrinity<  niw  to  lint  roinnninily  I 

ill  wliii'li  liny  look  pi '.     'I'lwy  wcni  niiirly  or 

ipilli'  I'liini'ldiiilM  of  laru'i' iNaliic  Anii'rii'an  mrri- 
inu'!'.  'I'lia  pnlilir  was  xi'ai'i'i'ly  prcpiircd  for  llirni. 
Consprvnloi'M  of  iln'  pi'in'i'  wrri'  not  milliiiMilly 
familiar  wiili  llain,  or  widi  llir  proper  nwans  of 
nrrosliii','  ilicni;  lliry  did  mil  prrliaps  aniiiipatii  ilin 
rxlint  lo  which  iln  y  would  ijo;  anil  ihry  wcri'  not 
nrrfsli'd  nniii  Ihi'v  had  attaini'd  a  frari'iil  lii'iu'ht. 
In  M'ry  lii n  i  iii'nh  and  I'liry,  liowi'vrr,  was  I'oiiiid 
nJi'MSon.  l'",Npi'rii'nrr  now  provi'd  how  rormiilalili' 
wa.i  ihi'  r\il  and  how  siirii  ihc  iiri'i'ssiiy  oC  hrini; 
pn'parcd  for  iln  ripi'liiioii.  .Indii'ial  iiitilrmlion  j 
was  rcri-ivrd  ill  tlir  shiipi'  ol'  i'liiiri,'i'.s  lo  ihn  ^M'and  I 
jury.     Till' law  ofi  ^iiri'inc  riou  and  inilawrnl  as- 

unnlilii'H,    and    ol'  il nn'rsponilin','   iliitii's    iiiiil    ' 

imwi'iH  whiili  liny  I'onl'i'rrcd,  wliirh  had  loiii; 
liiinhi'i'i'd  lln'  sliiln's  of  ihr  lawyrr,  was  hi'onuht 
lininliarly  lo  llii'  pnhlir.  mind.  I'lvil  doers  were. 
Wnriied  of  the  (lanner.s  they  eneonnlered.  I'l'aee. 
olfii'ers  and  wi'Ii-dispo.si-d  eili/eiis  were  (-nemira!:!'!! 
lo  the  lielief  that  Ihey  nii;,'lil  fearlessly  protei'l  ihn 

Ihreaieni'd  vielinis  of  violei ;  and   lo  n  relianee 

for  nidemnilv  upon  Ihi^  sovereignty  of  pnhlie  pis- 
tii'c  in  ea.se  lliey  slionld  linldly  d.i'  their  dnly.  It 
was  iinnoniiMil  from  the  heneh  ihal  if  there  was 
reason  to  liemve  that  the  iii.sin';;enls  were  armeil 
with  linrtl'iil_  y.iiipons,  ami  an  ordinary  civil  force 
was  nolNuHicie.it  to  nnest  lliein,  lln;  .sheriirshonld 
call  mil  11  mihlary  force  for  Ihal  purpose— the  eili- 

Kcn-soldiery.      Il    wiw   also   aniioi eii    lliiit   the 

sherid'wii.s  then  liotiinl  lo  use  that  di','r(}e  of  force,  | 
which  niiirlil   ill'  necessary  lo  .suppress  ihe   riot,  ' 
linmill,  or  dislnrhiince  of  ihe  piilihi'.  peace,  and  lo 
jirevent  ihe  ilesirnelion  of  property  or  injury  of 
the  persons  or  lives  of  the  eilizens.  ! 

These  occiiricnci's  and   inslruclions  crew  onl  of 

corlain  dislnrliainns  in  Kciisin^'ton,  in  the  ni h  ' 

of  .May.  A  Roman  (Jalholic  chnrcli  was  then  (le- 
slroyed,  lordlier  willi  several  private  houses,  and 
lives  were  losl.  Karly  in  .Inly,  the  demon  of  dis- 
order hegan  apiin  m  niter  his  forclindinc  emails.  I 
Another  place  (if  pnlilic  worship,  of  ihe  same  de- 
nnmiiiAliini  of  Christians,  was  tlireaiened.  The 
sancluniy  of  n  palron  saini  was  violaled.  A  chord 
was  struck  of  imen.se  stnsihijiiy  which  conid  not 
fail  to  vilirale  discord.  A  iival  i.s.sne  was  to  lie. 
tried.  I' poll  ils  result  miirhi  depend  the  character 
(mil  secnriiy  of  a  vast  population.  Was  hlooily 
riot  lo  slalk  abroad  in  triumph,  m  was  it  to  he 
put  down  ennihalically  andfon'ver.'  On  . Saturday, 
the  lith  of  .Inly,  ihe  sherilf  n'oeived  iiolico,  in 
wrilini;,  from  llie  county  comnii.sKioner.s,  to  lake 
all  measures  lo  preserve  ihe  pulilic  peace  and  pro- 
lect  ihe  e.liurch.  I  lu  was  informeil  thai  the  ref- 
erence made  ill  the  notice  lo  his  "  depulies"  was 
understood  lo  mean  mililary  force,  if  iieees.snr v ; 
mill  lie  con.siilied,  a.s  he  afterwards  .solemnly  lesii- 
fieil,  wilh  all  the  ollicers  of  ihe  county, nnil  acted 
willi  llieir  full  coiiiiirreuce  and  npprolialion.  ! 

lie  applied  ill  due  form  to  Ihe  commandiiiK  ofli- ' 
oerof  Ihe  first  division  of  I'ennsylvania  mililia  lo  \ 
ilirect  two  companies  lo  lie  immediately  ordered  on  i 
service,  ami  lo  have  ihe  remainder  nf  Ihe  force  un- ' 
(ler  his  command  held  in  a  siaie  of  readiness  to  act 
on  Ihe  Hhortest  notice.  A  nrii;ade  order  was  then 
issued  that  one  company  should  l>e  -.-'isiereil  as 
soon  -AH  jiossihie,  to  proceed  without  delay  to  ihe 
church  ol  St.  Philip  de  Neri,  w 


22 


villi  diredioim  ihat 


ihe  od'icer  ill  coinntand  should  make  f:iii'Ii  di.''po- 
silion  of  Ills  company  lis  lo  proieci  ilie  church  in 
llie  most  ed'ecimil  manner,  and  he  was  miihori/ed 
am!  direcled  lo  use  force  of  arms  In  re.sisi  and  re- 
jiel  any  aliack  which  nierhi  he  maile,eiihi'r  upon 
lii.s  connnanil  or  upon  ihe  ilinrcli.  Anoiher  com- 
paiiy  was  soon  delailcil.  I  )ill!ciillies  incre'isin;;  a" 
Ihe  day  went  on,  Ihi'  sherilV  called  ai;ain  upon  llie 
coinmandim,' t'enernl  for  such  nnnilier  of  coinpa- 
iiiis,  not  e\ceeiliii;;  i.-i,  hi  jo  liis  discreiion  he 
miL'ht  Ihi.ik  nropei'.  I„iteinilie  aflcmooii  ( Jen 
I'rnI  CaiUalailer  proceeded  lo  llie  elnircli  vi'illi  his 
commanil,  lonsislinc  of  wlml  could  In-  v'ot  loireiher 
III  ihe  moiinni,  of  a  rcirimem  of  artillery  and  one  of 
vohnilier  infaiilry,  and  fniiliii!,'  mocli'dislin-liance 
and  lioslilily  lo  ihe  law,  '^-rcai  liimnll  and  delermi- 
nalloii  lowards  violence,  n  niiinlierof  persons  were 
taken  iiiloeiislody.  Clniel  was  reslored  iluriu',' Ihe 
niU'hl.  Diiriii'^'iheensiiiu",  ihiy,  Siimlay,  thelOlli 
,Iiily,lhrealeniiit;api'iarini"es  ivere  assumed  auiiiii, 
wild  inereaved  lendeiicies  lo  mischief.  .\  proi'la- 
inatioii  was  issued  hy  ihe^sherilV  nnnonncinur  il,,it 
cerlaiii  evil-disposed  persons  had  iinlawfiilly  re- 
sorted lolliii  use  of  firearms,  ill  open  di  fiance  of 
llie  pulilic  aulhoriiie-i,  and  uiviii^  iiolice  ihal  all 
such  persons,  and  all  oihersaidin!r,alieltiii';,assisl- 
in;r,  or  in  anywise  i';i\iii'.r  any  encoiir.aiTeinenl  or 
I'onnlelmncc  lo  Mllch  |ieri'Olls,  were  decliireil  lo  lie 
in  open  rehellion  lo  ihe  laws,  and  would  he  ilcfilt 
wilh  iiM  trailnrs  and  insiii';;eiils. 

It  was  olivioiis  thai  u  erisis  had  now  arrivf-d. 
tlenernl  fadwalailer  reached  the  ^'roimil  v.ilh 
alionl  two  hundred  men  lowards  Ihe  seliiac,'  in  of 
in;;hi.  A  muss  of  people  was  I'ollecied,  accorilinc 
lo  the  evidence  allerwarils  t'iven  hv  ilepuly  sherilfs 
and  oilier  wiluessei,  inn"li  creiiler  in  niimhers  mid 
much  more  violeiil  in  eoniliici  ihan  the  nioli  of 
eillicr  of  ihe  pi'ci'edin  ;  ni'.;hls.  .Many  wer"  ai- 
re,»lv  lliire,  and  miiiiy  more  were  liasleiiiinj;  lo- 
warils  llie  scene  of  rioi,  and  were;'nlherin'_' raiiiil- 
ly  alioiil  il.  Stones  were  ihrown  al  the  niililary. 
One  soldier  was  slriiel;  with  n  In-icklial  on  llie 
lireast.  A  \ery  .'xallani  company  otficer  came  to 
Ills  cominander  and  inrornnd  him  ihal  liis  conip.i- 
liy  was  chiliheil  and  sioneil,  and   lliey  niusl  have 

orders   lo   lire  or  Ion  trial.     lie  was   dii led  lo 

maintain  his  position,  and  was  informed  Ihat  he 
should  have  Ihe  necessary  orders  and  reiiiforc"- 
ineiits.  A  rush  was  nnide  upon  llie  vohnileer.s. 
They  liore  all,  like  hraM'  nnii,  ready  if  nccessiny 

10  sacrifice  lliemselves,  if  l.y  m  If-ilevolion,  |iroloie;- 
eil  and  (lain;crous,  ihev  erndd  avert,  even  frniii  their 
nssailanls,an  itnpendin;.'calaslroplie.  Forhearnnee 
proved  lo  he  worse  ihan  vain.  Delay  liad  no  otlu  r 
efl'ci'i  ihan  lo  eiicoura-re  iliranrhanc-;  and  ithcanic 
n  (pieslion  nl  InsI  wluilicr  the  district  should  he 
niveii  up  lo  destruction,  or  some  Mood  should  flow 
for  ils  pi'olecliou.  Il  was  a  sad  alternative;  lail  it 
was  one  ihal  left  no  room  for  doiilil.  A  captain's 
sword  w.'is  si'i'/.ed  liy  one  of  llie  nioli;  lie  was  him- 
self knocked  down  liv  a  Mow  from  a  lirick  or.stnne, 
and  a  shower  of  missiles  wa';  Imrleil  at  the  military, 
amid  the  shoiils  of  ihe  miiliiiuih'.  A  dischar:;p  of 
niuskelry  look  place  with  fatal  conscnnences.     It 

was  fireil  liy  ih iinpany  ovi  r  their  captain,  who 

lav  hefore  them  prostr.ileil  li\'  the  hlow  which  he 
had  received.  An  event  so  niiexpectcd  (for  it  had 
licen  tlireaiened  repealeilly  niilil  all  a|nireliensinn 
of  it  had  passed  away  from  llie  Ihou'jrlils  of  evil- 
doers) could  not  fail  io  shock  and  paralyze  the  al- 
most Iriiimphaiil  iinillilude.  Dislurlianees  wer.': 
for  the  nnimenl  allayed.  Trtinquillily  was,  how- 
cvi  r,  only  momentary.  Three  field-pieces,  well 
served,  and  hronchl  with  ci'cat  caution  lo  diO'erent 
positions,  al  considcralile  distances,  in  the  straii;lil 
street.s  of  n  reirularlv  liiiill  ilistricl,  wen>  repealeilly 
fired  with  inurdiroiis  eircci,  and  speedily  with- 
drawn into  small  streeis  and  allevs.  The  wheels 
were  nnilTled,  so  as  lo  prevent  noise.  A  lire  frnni 
the  cnnnon  of  the  troops  could  lieefl'eclually  return- 
ed only  liy  watching  the  flush  of  the  irnii's  of  the 
rioters,  and  iiistanily  firiie;'  in  the  proper  dii"ei,'licii. 

11  was  done  wilh  i;reat  iiiillantry.  A  leailiii'_Mic- 
tive,aml  very  daring;'  rioter  was  thus  killed,  ntid 
fell  upon  his  <j;\\ii  hefin'e  there  was  lime  lo  remove 
it.  Sinallarms  were  dis'-hac'cd  from  reiesscs  and 
houses,  both  within  mnl  without  the  lines  of  Ihe 
military.  Ropes  and  barricades  of  carts,  drays. 
iVc,  were  placed  a''ioss  llie  streets  to  im]iede  the 
pro}!;i'ess  of  the  cavaliy,  which,  coniiii'!;  from  a  dis- 
Innce,  did  nol  read;  t!ie  field  of  bailie  until  a  late 


hour.  An  observer,  pessiie,'  over  llie  i;i'omid  ai  n 
HnliMci|iieni  period,  would  find  il  ditllciili  lo  acoiini 
for  the  coinpaialivelv  lilile  loss  of  life  end  linib  llmt 
was  simlaiiicd.  Window -slnitlers,  liiinp-)iostH, 
awtiiiu;-po.sis,inid  sides  of  houses,  are  i  vervwliere 
indented  wilh  biilleis  anil  other  missiles  of  ileiilh. 
An  ii-'iii  hydianl  exhibin  an  lotire  perforalioii 
niiule  by  !;rapesliol  or  sinall  camion  ball.  The  ciiim 
of  the  onlliiws  were  no  doubt  o\ersliiilleil,  uh 
briiisis  oiilv  were  nfien  )ii'oiliiced  by  them,  anil 
lliey  were  ifiiecled  loo  hit'li,  as  appears  from  the 
injuries  to  seeoml-story  windows.  Otherwi.'"',  ihe 
ileMerily  with  wliii  II  lliey  were  Mirved,  ihe  fre- 
iniency  with  which  llu'y  were  iliseharL'eil,  iiml 
llic  ip'ianlily  of  meial  wliii'li  lliey  poured  forth, 
would  have  been  far  nen'e  fal.'il.  The  darkiieSH. 
dnriiri'  which  the  eonibat  was  carried  on, also  pre- 
vented '/real  a iracy  .if  aim.     Tic  Iroons,  many 

of  them,  were  drawn  up  in  line  at  the  siiles  nf  lliP. 
.'ilreeis,  and  the  inslrnnients  of  destrnction  |  .sseil 
for  Ihe  mosl  pari  liiinnhssly  aloii;'  llii'  cenlrc.  The 
otVicers  iiiiil  men  who  fill  woniidid  or  (lend  witb 
for  Ihe  mosl  pari  Hiiperiiileiidln'j'or  servini;tlifi  can- 
non in  Ihe  niidille  of  ihe  sireil,  and  (\  posed  lo  the 
direct  lire  of  llie  eneinv.  (iciiernl  ( 'adwiiliuler  wan 
everywhere,  displayiie,'  a  '_'all;nilry  and  a  skill  less 
ih.iii  whic.li  has  inaile  ni  niy  a  lield-marshiil.  Sev- 
eral .shots  sirnik  lii-s  person  and  (ipiipnunils.  lie 
emitimied  encoiira'.;iii:r  anil  irn'ccliii'^  his  ^^allaiit 
little  bjind,  firm,  clieerfnl,  cool,  aninialed,  sell'-po«- 
si'ssed,  and  insoiriii'.;  wilh  '/'-al  all  n'-'iul  him,  until 
ihe  olijccisof  his  ( ll'orls  and  example  wereaccoin- 
plislied,  ,'111(1  until  his  duty  was  fully  discliariji'd  lo 
the  spiril  and  ihe  leiier.  I  le  has  Inid  ihe  snlisfiie- 
lioii  of  hearini;  il  lestified  by  the  liii;hesl  uuthnrily 
tital  the  clini'ch  could  not  have  been  saved  but  fur 
Ihe  inierposiiion  of  the  niiliiary.  Two  ennnnn.s 
were  liikeii  from  llie  enemy.  /N  third,  which  was 
monnlcd  on  a  di'.iy,  and  thus,  friaii  ils  piciili.'ir 
eipiiinnent,  escapeif  obscrvali'Ui,  was  wilhdrawii 
by  llie  aid  of  darkness 

A  successful  army  generally  sleeps  upon  llie  field 
of  bailie.  Success  was  achieved  on  ihls  Iryin^oe- 
easiiiu  only  by  the  perils,  exertions  and  evposiin  a 
of  a  livelonij'niu'lit.  Di.rinu'  twenty  hours  of  fa- 
tiu'Ui;  and  diun^'er  the  I'l-oiuid  was  inaininined  by 
cili/.en  soldiers,  wilhoni  a  particle  of  rest,  niid  for 
a  i;i'eiit  portion  of  the  time  withonl  any  supply  of 
fond;  it  e.ime  al  l.isl  in  the  moniiiiL',  aid  llieii  to  nil 
inadeimale  ainonnl. 

On  rtlonday  aflernoon,  111  about  Iwo  o'clock,  the 
troops  were  wilhdiawnat  llie  i'e(|iie;-i  of  the  sherifl". 
The'commissionersof  .Soiithwark  passed  a  resolu- 
tion, and  appoinled  n  coinmiii"' lo  (till  upon  the 
Majin'  O'enenl  end  advise  with  him  upon  the  ex- 
pediency and  pi'oprieiy  of  wiihdrawiii','  llie  mili- 
tary, lie  replied  at  once  ilia'  he  would,  without 
liesilation,  place  llie  church  under  the  (are  and 
protection  of  Ihe  civil  authoiilies,  as  soon  as  lie 
should  receive  nolicn  ihal  lliev  were  able  and  ready 
lo  defend  it.  It  was  lesolveil  by  the  conimission- 
ers  tlii'l  the  clerk  should  conimnnii'ate  lo  Major 
G(  nenil  I'llterson,  in  writing:  and  persoiiallv,  llint 
ill  ilieir  opinion,  the  civil  anthorilics  of  iho  district 
wire  able  and  pady  lo  defend  the  chinch.  The 
iildernien  of  Soulhw.'irk  united  with  the  cnmmis- 
siouer.s  and  the  sherifT  in  the  oninion  luid  retpiest 
which  have  been  slated.  Snc.li  is  an  ep'.ome  nf 
the  procecdiii'is  wlilcli  .'aved  the  chur'-.i  and  did 
holier  to  its  conservator.':. 

As  riols  have  seldom  occurred  anywhere  more 
ihrcatenin;;  or  more  disastrous,  -leldnm  has  L'enernl 
and  vivid  excilemenl  subsided  inoinmoreleinpenite 
or  jnsi  appreciation  of  a  fearless  exercise  of  respon- 
sible duly.  That  duly  called  for  nol  only  ihe  nerve 
of  well-lrained  soldier's  in  the  presence  of  n  bravft 
foe,  but  for  llie  discretion  and  prudence  of  Chris- 
tian nien,  who  were  ri  quired,  in  mercy,  lo  shed  the 
blooil  of  their  neighbors  and  fellow-citizens.  Il 
eallc.l,  loo,  for  a  fiirbearance  and  lenity  which 
v.'.MiliI  in  no  eveiu  be  reci|a'oeatc(l.  The  Governor 
and  Cominander-iii-Cliief  of  the  Commonwcnltli 
promplly  issued  his  nllieial  ordei's  of  uneipiivocal 
and  elotpient  coinmendalion.  The  citizens  of  Phil- 
adelphia, in  a  no  less  elofiuent  address,  responded 
in  cheerful  acquiescence  lo  the  manly  voice  of  the 
Executive.  Approvincni'ininns  were  utlercd  from 
'he  lofty  seats  of  justice  in  its  due  adniinislratioii 
of  the  laws.  The  )ieople,  who  are  seldom  far  be- 
hind in  a  true  estiniaie  of  conduct,  gave  in,  it  is 
believed,   a  cordial  ami   lionesi  concurrence.     A 


^#^ 


m 


Mi! 


m 


.11 


i)8>J 


29TII  C(1N( t«T  Sbbs. 


Al'l'KINDIX  TO  TIIK  (  ().\(iUKSSI()[NAL  (iLOMK. 
The  Orri^on  (^ui.Hion — IMi:  li.  Mtirlin, 


I l'\l).  (>, 


Ho.  or  \U:vi. 


.^ 


whiili'  coinmiiiiin-,  ili'Miuli  I'nr  «  mnmriil  nninzrd 
nl  till'  iiMU'lly  iiTfi)  Miiiiiimry  mid  nhiwy  ii  irlnlm- 
(jiii),  iiiioit  rfftmnril  mm  r'(irn|iuNunMiiHl  its  cIciiriit^H 
dl'  |ii'r>'i'|>li<>ii,  mill  iiniiiniiMi'i'il  ii  jiiilitniriil,  iVnin 
wliiili  lliirr  1.1  nil  ninlily  u|iih'hI — llio  niiilicilliiit' 
iiiilL'Mii'iiliiriMililic'  Hriiliininl— ill  liiMirul'  llif  iimii- 

ly  lull  i-(ini<iilii:ilr  i\>'limi  nl'  llir  iiiililmy  in   i" "■ 

Mirv  mil  mill  |iii'nii-viiiiiiii  nl' ilii'  liuv. 

'riicNO  st'ciH'M  lit' (lai'kiirsH  1111(1  (ti  mil  liiivo  pnHHrd 
nwuy,  I  iriHt  I'cirrvn'.  In  ilic  lii.iniiy  nl'  iiuuhiih 
I'i'iiN  iit'wHr  mill  liiiiiiill  liiivr  iirii'ii  hrni  Hiicrii'iliil 
liy  iii.'1'M  111'  wimliiiii  mill  |ii'iiii'.  'I'lir  i'ciiihiiIciiih  iil' 
the  lir:<I  ii|i|ii':irMin'i'  nl'  .Nmivi'  AiiirriniiiiHiii  lis  » 
piirlv  ill  l^iiiii-iylvitiiin  wrrr,  liki-  lliiiNr  nf  iiiiiiiy  ;i 
ri'tiiKrKiil'lt;  |icii|ili>t  rnim-iilt'iiis  nrNii'il'r,  In  Miinr 
jiiHlmii'i  s,  tlirsi'  lii'ijiiinin!:.-!  Imvr  licrii  llic  innriiM 
111  II  Wlirllld'  IMc'i",  ImiI  lliry  limr  iiImii  Itiii  llir 
iiini'iii  ill  llmi  r-ii'c  uf  puwi'i*  mill  irrriiliw  s^.  ll  is 
piissilili'  iliiii  KiK'li  iiiiiy  III'  llir  (li'.Hlniy  nl'  iln'  |imlv 
wliii'li  iiiiiiilirrN  111  iis  I'lnikN  iiimiy  rrtiiiii.ilili' riii- 
zi'iiM.  ll'  It  lid  Ml,  mill,  il'i'iisini;;  nil'  tlii'ir  ini  n  ly 
rXi'luHivc  rliuiMrli  r,  llit-y  iMii  IiiKr  the  fntiri'  1'  .i|i, 
(111(1  I'l'iininii'ini:'  mi  iillc^imM'c  wliirli  ho  timiiy  nt' 
tlii'iu  niii'c  iiiMlisKcil,  'iicy  i-mi  cnnil  tlniiisrlvo' 
I'liily  ami  Nniil  iiiiinii:;  llic  inn'  l■'lllsl■|■vmivl■^  ni'  ilic 
roiiiiiry,  li:i  ihciii  ;;ii  mid  |irnH|icr.  In  tin'  niinn- 
tinic  till'  Inrty  |iiii'|ui.si  s  of  i!ir  Ur|inlilii'  will  lint 
I'ail  til  Ik'  sliailily  iiiKmii'iii',' liy  im  aiis  nl' llir  ■.'im  ■ 
riniH  <'iniiliiliiiii  and  iiiitiriii','  rivnliliiii  nl'  iwn  ^ri  at 
I'arlii-s,  ir  tlinsr  ;;i'i'al  pm'lii'a  will,  ilrvnid  nl'  .srlf- 
lull  iiinllvcs,  linms'ly  r  '\  ranii  Illy  Mrivi'  in  Niir- 
piiss  lai'li  mini'  in  /ral  in  |ii'nninli'  the  i;niid  nl'llir 
•'iiuntry  and  llii'  wcll-ln'iii;,'  nriiiaiiluiiil. 


OIIKGOX  CinKSTIDN. 

SPEECH   OK   M  ii.    It.   MA  RTI  \, 

(ir  •i'E.NM:ssKr;, 

In  Tiir.  IIium;  hf  IlKi'HE'<KSTAri\r.s, 

FrhrudriJ  fi,  1S4(!. 

On  the  Resolnlinii  in  ti'i'iniiiiili"  ili"  jninl  nri'iipamv 
nl'llri'irmi. 

Mr.  .MARTIN  addrcssnl  llir  I'nnnnitir'i'  iiriirly 
aa  fnllows:  I 

Mr.  ('iniRMVs:  I   iiiiist  onnfiss  thai   I  nni  lint  j 
wlinlly  di'sliiiiii'  nf  all  fX|itriciiri'  in  |iulilii'  s|irak- 
inir.      1  i'X|irric'iii'i',  linwi'wr.  nn   lliis  nrca.sinn,  a  i 
diiriili'iK'i'  I  iiivcr  lill  Iji'l'nii'.      I  shniilil  lii':.'niiilii'd  j 
cniilil  I  cntinly  iliMst  inysi'lf  ni'ii,  iluii  I  nii^'lil  In'  ; 
ablt'  with  i;i'<\iu*r  rlranass  to  rnaiininiii'ale  to  iliin  \ 
rniniiiitU'L*  lln.'  vicw-s  1  i  ntcrtaiii  nn  iliis  inijinrtant  ' 
Hiilijei't.     In  ilirinitMi,  I  will  |ii-nini.si'  nm  tncniir  j 
iiitii  a  |iriilnii:ri'.l  dis.'ii.sHinn  nn  tin'  (lucsii.in  nl' niir  | 
(llie  Aiiii'rii'mi)  till''  tn  Oii'^mh,  Imm'.hiisi'  llir  iiMt' ] 
and   li'.iriK  d  iir'hiIiim-  rrniii  Ui  nr^ia,  [.\Ir.  .Fnsi,'..!  ! 
IniH  rliarly  and  ni'i.-''  rnnvinriii'^Hv  in.inilaini'd  tlir 
validily  nl'niii-  liili',  iii:i  niily  a..'aiiist  (.(real  lirilaiii, 
lint  aj:ainsi  all  ilic  wurlil,     Onr  iiili'  liiis  Ihtii  innsi 
iilily  sc'i   fnrili  liy  .Mr.  Calliniin.  as  will   as  .Mr. 
Hni'liiinmi,  niiil  liv  tin'   linanniilo  und   vria'ialili' 
^^iMitteiuaii    rr«iin   ^Iiissarlinsfiis,     [Mr.    AIl^^I■'■| 
ill    view    of  wliiili,     it    wnnld    In-    iirrsninpiinn 
in  one  likn  iiiysill'  l.i  ailfinpl   In  i-liicidalr,  liy  ii 
leniiiliy  nrifinniiit,  iliat   wlmli  i.<  sn  iip|imiiu  m 
i'\fry  .in'inlii'r  nn  this  llnnr,  with  niily  uvo  rX'  I'p- 
tioiis — my  inhcnKUt's,   |. Messrs.  Ukmhv  and  I'^iv- 
isa.]     At  the  i'niiiinnn'1-iiioiii  nl'  lliif  Cniii^ri  .■^.'••,  a 
jiciulenian  iVoin  .Mu'liiiran  [Mr.  t'liii'MAvJ  cxjiic.'.s- 
I'll  reiiri-i  at  hciii'.,'  a  unlive  nf  ilii'  Slnlc  (Vcrniniil) 
nf  his  lintli.     Ill   liiiit   I   diU'er   l'r>iiii  llie   iiiiiiila  r 
frnin  .Mi'-lii'.'iiii,  and  with  llie  iiii'iiil.i'r  liefnie  in.', 
[pointing-  In  .\tr.  Di-ht.)     I  was  hnrn  in  Kdirtlield, 
III  Suiilh  Carnliiia;   and  I  ^Inry  in  the  land  nf  my 
l.iith — the  land  nf  liemi  s — llie    land  nf  lintleilje, 
Moiilirie,  and  nf  .Marina — the  land  nf  pairlnis  mai 
of  .siatesineii,  whnsi.'   Iirilhant  eaner  hu\e  shed  a 
halo  nf  slnry  over  her  own  iiistiuilinns.     .Sir,  wi  II 
may    I    jrlnry   in    my   liiilhplaee;  tn  nic   it   is  the 
noblest  retleelinn  in  '*  titfuwrti's  irrt.s/r.'* 

Loviiii;  the  land  nf  my  hirlli,  it  is  ita.soiialile  to 
faippoHC  that  1  shniilil  ii;iiiirally  feel  an  adniiniiinn 
fur  Iter  stiitesineii  and  sons  wiin  held  iheir  seals 
upon  thi.s  (lonr  durin;,'  the  -Jcitli  (Joiif;re.4s.  That  I 
Rlinnid  be  led  as  a  hat  kwnodHinnn,  (as  I  was  de- 
nominated by  the  edilnr  nf  the  ■\Vashiii^tnn  IJiiinn, 
wliirh  I  appreiiiite  iis  a  eninplimeiil.)  to  be  iiillii- 
eneed  in  the  fnriiialinn  nf  my  opinimis  iipnn  this 
great  national  subjoet  by  ilie  union  of  llio.se  i!is- 


liii:;iii!ihrd  for  tin  ir  Hniiml  |iiil)(nieiit,  leanniii,-,  anil 
palilnlii'  devnlinii  In  the  liminred  llistltllllnlis  nf 
niir  I'niiiiiinii  I'nniilry,  i.i  iiai'ii'.il.      Win  ti  I  hanieil 

thai    the    i;i'iiileinaii   fr Sniiih    t'lirnlliia,   |.Mr. 

Kiii:i'r,]  nr  either  nl*  his  eoIleii'^nrH,  wiiri  In  iii'(-ii|iy 
ihe  llnnr  nil  him  ll  and  sinli  davs,  I  felt  sure  llial 
my  tiinehniinn  d  iiail\e  .Seiie  u  mild  be  iinly  rep- 
resented. When  I  f,iw  my  enlleau'iie  |.\Ir.  .Mil.- 
rii\  l!iiinvN|  \nliiii;  for  the  anieiidmenl  In  anv 
( ii'eat  Itrit.iiii  iiiitiie  In  teriiiiiiat  llie  enii\eiilinii  of 
l^'J7■  anil  llieii  \iiliii','  nijainsi  lln'  bill  as  iimeiiiled, 
I  asked,  w.is  ll  riu'lii  ?  Win  ii  I  s.iw  my  aide  prede- 
ee-..snr  (Mr.  \.  V.  Ilrowii)  \nliii','  fnr  Ihe  lull  as 
aiiieiideih  when  I  read  the  lumeH  nf  the  l'i  nlleiiieii 
from  .Sniiili  <  'iirnliiia,.|  .Mer.-ns.  llnnr  r  iiikI  Hi  iir,! 
mill  a  hn.'ii  nf  nther.i  Miliiij;  I'nr  the  bill  that  pa>.si'd 
the  I  louse  in  IHI.'i,  and  I'nr  the  miiiexiitinii  nf  llie 
I'uie  star,  I  eanie  nnineilialely  In  the  eniielnsinn 
lli.ii  Oie'^nli  was  nius;  llial  we  .-dinllld  extend  niir 
liws  liver  niir  nwn  i,nil,  and  t;ive  m  Cfreal  lirilaiii 
the  pearefnl  iiniiee  prnuded  for  by  the  eniiventinii 
nf  IK'27.  .After  mamre  reileetinii,  and  v.hen  be- 
fore the  peiiple  e.iju.is'^in::  fnr  ihe  M'jtt  I  iinw  ne- 

eiipy,  1  t  ink  the  bold  .;r id  ei.nlennihili  ll  by  the 

ris  ilnlinn  now  befni<'  ilii.s  ininmilti  e.  Siieli  were 
my  views;  siieh  are  slill  my  views — mid  the  ih'ler- 
iiiinalion  Inis  been  Mre.i^tlieiied.  Other  nieaiiH 
liavin:;  filled,  ii  bi'.  nines  lis  In  inari'h  up  tn  this 
i|iiesiinii,  ilirei'liii'.;  llie  I'l'esideiii  in  ael  ill  the  name 
and  by  aiillinriiy  of  this  (jnvernmeni.  :iiiil  irniii- 
iiaie  llie  N.'iid  eniiveiition  of  Ih'J'i. 

I  pri  I'l  r,  nir,  mid  wiil  vnte  I'nr,  the  ri'sohition  re- 
poried  by  the  Cn. nniiliee  on  Korci^'ii  Itilalions, 
wiihinit  amendment.  If  thai  rainioi  puss,  ilieii  I 
will  vole  I'.ir  I  illii  r  of  till',  ami  ndinenls  nll'eri  d  by 
the  L'enlleinan  frniii  Vn':;inla,  (.Mr.  !)KeMniiiii.i;,| 
nr  Snnlh  f'arolina.  [.Mr.  hi.iiK;]  and  last,  iml 
least — 1  bei;  piirdnii — and  la.M,  yel  least,  I  inny 
irive  my  vme  fnr  Ilie  ann  ndi'iein  nf  ilie  i,'eiit|eiiian 
fiiiiii  Alabama,  [Mr.  I  lii.i.tAii|i.{  notwithst  iniliie.; 
the  t''nileni'\'  of  his  risnluiinn  to  inereasi'  the  inneh- 
e- II  n  I  ila  I  lied -nf"  ear -mini  ;».'i('ir." 

The  hniinrable  ;;eniliiiian  I'rniii  Alabiinia,  in  ihe 
debalo  'in  this  cpir  siimi,  tnid  IIS  thai  he  had  sepa- 
rated frniii  his  p.tliiii'al  fill  nils,  u  Iili  whniii  he  was 
in  til'-  habit  nf  ariiii'^,  when  lie  lirnke  away  frmn 
the  balk  of  that  piirly  on  ihe  Texas  iiiieslioii;  but 
tli.it  on  the  f|iiislinii  nnw  iiniler  ll.  Iiale,  he  fniiiid  a 
iiiajiiriiy  of  lii.i  parly  with  him,  as  well  as  a  lar^'e 
pnrlinii  nf  the  Denini'ralii'  |iariy. 

.\  lar.'e  pnrlinn  nf  liie  I  lenmeralie  pnrly  with 
him  !  \ol,  .sir,  wlili  Iniii  fir  lii.i  mneiidnieiit  in 
prefereiiee  tn  eiilier  of  the  mlieis  as  abine  noted. 
.Not  a  niajorily  of  the  l)i  nineraiie  parly  I'nr  llial 
lion-enmniiltid  resn|ii*iiin  wlin-li  is  desinneil  to 
sliil'i  the  rep'iiisibilily  I'rnin  this  Uniise,  and  pive 
In  llie  I're.-iilent  the  pnuer,  as  ari^'iied  by  iiiv  enl- 
leaL'iii',  |.\lr.  ('neKK,]  tn  aiiniil,  repeal,  or  lermi- 
iiaie  the  treaty  nf  l.-^'iT,  whieli  treaty  was,  and  nnw 
is,  the  supreme  law  nf  ihe  Innd.  Knlerlniinii!;  a 
hii:li  re^Mrd  fnr  ihe  ^^entleiiiaii — niire  iiiv  near 
iiei:;libnr  in  fienruia — I  wnnld  ask  t!ie  i;i'iitlemaii 
if  he  did  tint,  in  l"'Uiand  in  I>^4'1,  oppose  Ntreim- 
nnslv  the  *' e)ir-)ii(/M  /leirer'' — the  "  rf/e"  power — 
as  prnvided  fnr  in  tlii'  Cnnstiiulinn.'  I  do  not  see 
the  ni'd  of  assent;  tail  I  fee  the  playful  sniile  si;:;- 
nifyiie.,'  vea.  We  all  reenll.'rt  the  Inie-and-rry 
iiirainsi  llie  inerease  and  eviension  of  allesed  eii- 
eroaeiinients  upon  the  Ie;:tsl;iti\e  powers  eonferred 
by  the  people  by  this  "  rnir-ilaol  peieer."  It  was 
the  siibiert  nf  nianv  able  and  elmpieiit  appeals  to 
inlhienee  the  .Anieriean  people  In  eniifer  their  Mif- 
I'raues  lipnli  nne  wliii  had  npellly  avnweil  that  the 
"  r//a;)ei''ee";i|iniild  be  (puililied,  and  that  il  slinnid 
be  ('Xereised  nnly  in  exlreme  eases.  Vet,  slraiie;e 
In  till,  in  this  very  Hall,  bef .ie  the  eii.rnienee  nf 
able  I'eiiilenien,  now  iiiembeis  nf  the  rJ'.MIi  Coii- 
L'ress,   had   died  away  upon  Ihe  ear  of  listeniii!; 

iniiliiindes.  o if  that  panv  'nines  forward,  and, 

by  r.snlntinii.  lenders  in  ihe  i'resiibiii  Ihe  disere- 
linn  In  aininl  absnlntelv  a  siipr' me  law  of  this 
land. 

Permit  nie,  sir,  to  warn  niv  fre'iids,  nnil  to  tell 
them  that  this  measure  is  iivowr-d  by  nne  L'enlle. 
man  in  the  f)p|insitinii  with  fraiilcne.^s.  Ifnfijnod 
result,  well;  if  evil  fnllow,  we  will  hnhl  the  I'res. 
idenl  respniisible  befnre  the  Anieriean  people,  ll 
naiybelhi'  poliey  of  Ihe  <;i'iillenian  from  .Alabanni, 
ami  lill-  avnweil  polii-y  of  llie  ;:enileiiiaii  frnm  Ohio, 
(.Mr.  l>i;i,A\ii,|  and  bv  him  sn  expressed,  to  avnid 
responsibility;  bnt  it  is  not  sn  with  the  Uepresciit- 


nllve  tVom  llie  sixth  rnn^iresslriial  ilistrnt  nf  Trn- 
iiesNi'i'.  Ill  ihis  leniilt,  eieal  ,is  ll  iieeessmily  will 
be,  the  iniinber  nnw  aililresniin;  Ihe  Chiiir  feels, 
as  he  triisis  every  Anieriean  slinnld  feel,  a  liiinla- 
ble  aiilbitinn  In  share  ilH  nioinentollH  eoliseipieliees, 

.My  eolleau'iie,  (Mr.  Cue  kK.,|  who  has  aeipiireil 
iiini'h  eiedii  from  ihis  body,  learned  as  it  is,  (at 
leiisl  It  ahoiild  be,)  in  his  miiidin  speeeli,  tells  lis 
thai  ihis  notiee  is  a  vi'iir  measure.  In  siip|ii.rl  of 
lliis,  lie  eiillH  In  Ills  aid  llie  liiiiirna',;e  wliieli  the  ven- 
erable ;;eni|eiiian  t'l'iiiii  iMaNsaelinsells  (Mr.  AiUNfl 
Used  at  llie  last  se-i  linli  nf  the  Iw  l-llly-slxlh  Cnn- 
1,'ress,  le/ni  I'j-jirrs.ilii  flirtiii-fit  lltitl  thr  tiutirr  v'lii  a 
*'  icar  i(iiii.iio-r;"  and  that,  "  beeanse  it  was  nf  that 
eliaraili-r,  and  the  war  power  was  expressly  ;;iven 
to  ('nni;re.-s  by  llie  ('oiisliliitlon,  ihe  linnse  ball 
everylhini;  tn  do  w  itli  il.  i'aii  my  eolleii'^^ne  then 
Mile  for  the  aiiiendmi'iil  of  the  yenileman  from  .Ala- 
bama, will  11  hi'  nils  lis,  in  ihe  hlll;;ilie,'e  of  Mr. 
ApA.Mi,  lliat  it  in  n  "war  nieiisiire,  '  .iiiil  "that  Ciiii- 
j;re«s,  and  iml  the  I'resideiil,  was  Ihe  war-niakiii'J: 

power.-"     iM\ Ileii'.'ne  au'aiii  said,  "il  is  proper 

111  ^l\e  to  (beat  t'irltaiii  iioiii'i-  nf  onr  deli-rmiiialinii 
In  iibrii','iile  the  enliM  iitinil  nf  l^^'iT."  Onr  de. 
lerminatiiiii  in  alirn;;,-ite !  1  low  tri\e  this  nniii-e? 
Hv  ailnpiini;  die  mnendment  nf  the  iienllenimi  I'rniu 
Alabama.-  Snrelv  tint.  AVniild  my  enlleamie '_'i\e 
llie  President  adilitinnal  pnui-r-  .'^m-li  will  be  tli« 
faet — a  pnwer  tn  dei'larewar — if  the  miiendinent  \h 
ailo|iti  ll.  Is  this  in  eli.nai'l'  r  with  the  (-reed  of  tlio 
pariv.tn  ilelineaiid  restrii't  l-'.xeeiilive  power  ?  The 
enneliisioii  is  the  reverse, 

.My  poliey  is  fiirl'iini.'1-ess,  in  laninaie  |i|ainnii(l 
inieipiivoeal,  In  speak  In  l'',n;r|iin(l,  tli|-oii!.'h  tlia 
Chief  .Mau'i.strale  of  thi.s  nalion;  speak  In  la  r  iin 
innvided  fnr  \)V  the  ennveiitinn,  and  tell  her  that 
the  "Jninl  neeiipani'y,"sn  fainibnrly  used,  .t/m// and 
tmist  IPiluiiiale.  It  is  a  peace  measure;  il  is  so  enn- 
sidered;  il  is  sn  iiiiended;  and  is  so  eniieeded  by 
able  ireiitlinien  on  this  llnor,  wlin  nppnse  the  nn- 
tiee,  (live,  llii'ii,  iliis  nnlii-e,  and,  at  the  expira- 
linii  nf  twelve  inniiihs,  we  are  as  we  were  by  the 
treaty  >'(  tiheni,  the  riLrhtl'iil  possessors  of  the  ter- 
ritory snrreiidereil  and  i-niiveyed  to  (is  by  the  Hril- 
ish  tiovernment  throii^'h  lirr  dnly-ipmlilied  ai;eiit 
at  that  liiiii  . 

This  notiee  should  be  eiven,  Ihni  Ihe  privileges 
eninveil  bv  tin.-  snbjeels  ol'( ireat  Ib-ilaiii  on  ./aii-ri- 
riMi  siii'  shniild  ti  rminale,  niiil  iVnieriean  i-iti-/.ens  be 
iiini-e  perfeetlv  seeiired  and  eonfirnied  in  their  ri'.'hls 
of  freemen  lo  ,Iinfi-inin  sitil.  (five  Ihis  notiee,  lliat 
the  way  may  be  eli-ari-d  Im-arry  into  full  fnri'e  and 
ell'ei-l  whal  is  ennleiniilaled  by  ml  iir';anie  lerritnrial 
irnvernnient.  ( live  this  iinliee,  thai  l-an,'laiiil  may 
iinderstand  and  kiinw  that  wi"  are  resnlved  In  pro- 
leil  onr  eili/.ens  and  lo  oieiipy  onr  soil;  and  In  de- 
feiiii  both,  willi  all  llie  eneri.'ie.s  of  this '^rowin:; 
viiiinu  Itepnlilii'. 

liy  doin^  ihis,  sir,  we  cncmirnse  emiL'ralinn:  we 
siren;rlhen  tin-  penple's  love  nf  free  Kiivernment. 
Tlirnw  around  ymir  eilizeiis  the  prniei'linn  of  ynnr 
stripes  mid  stars;  let  llieiii  f(-el  that  th(-y  are  un- 
der your  laws;  thai  they  are  not  iieijleeted,  east 
nfl',— and  yon  will  have  barriirs,  which  will  ben 
defence  aL'.-'inst  the  iiiirmler,  who  dare  claim,  darn 
seek  to  get  a  fnnthnld  iipnii  American  soil.  Main- 
lain  onr  rights,  prolect  onr  eitizens  w  herever  lliey 
are,  and  yon  will  inspire  the  noblest  patriotism — 
and  Ihe  |ieople  w  ill  liy  to  arms.  In  the  tented  field, 
11  nil  to  the  baltle  lield,a;;aiiist  llu-savn^'e  fiie,a;:ainst 
this  bill  little  le.<ssavai;eeivili/.eil  (iovernment,  that 
oiiie  wbeiU'd  the  knife,  and  L'-ave  llie  tnmaliawk  lo 
the  Indians,  that  were  reddened  in  the  blnnd  nf  nnr 
iniineent  and  helpless  nnes.  Maintain  nnr  riL'hts; 
|irniect  niireiil/.ens;  be  jnsi  to  all — fearnniie;  imireli 
I'lirwnrd  and  give  llie  President  the  pnwer  cniitem- 
plated  by  the  resnhilioii,  and  nnr  penple  will  snnn 
erect  temples  nf  jasiice,  temples  in  which  lo  wor- 
ship  the  liviiii,'(Jnil,  within  the  heariii;;of  the  waves 
of  ihe  deep  bhie  Pacific. 

.Sir,  1  have  been  partienlar  in  definin;;  my  posi- 
lion  upon  this  '.^reat  Anieriean  fiiM-siinn,  which  I 
cnneeive  tn  be  sn  elosely  allied  willi  the  si'nwlh  and 
periietnily  of  onr  ijlorloiis  iiisliinliniis,  thai  those 
who  have  lionnred  me  with  their  ennfulenee  may 
malei-sland  me  ihnrniiL'lily.  I  shall  nnw  pinceed 
In  notice  the  remarks  wlilcli  fell  frnm  several  u'en- 
tleinen  ilnriiit,'  the  disciissinn  nf  this  all-ab.snrbins; 
subject, and  ;;eni'rally  to  defend  lair  country  against 
Ihe  jcfi'.'i  and  ji'iM  ihrowii  upon  lis  as  a  nation  I  v 
tlio.se  who  call  iheinselves  the  Ueprcsenlaiives  of 


i 


1816.1 


APPENDIX  TO  TUF.  CONGKKSSIONAL  GLOUK. 


339 


the  privilcirrs 

\h\  on  ,hni  ri- 

an  I'iiizciis  lie 

in  (Inini'.'liis 

is  Molti'r,  tliiU 

fnll  f'"n'c  mid 

ii'  trrriliirial 

U'liiiiil  may 

Kcl  1(1  |n-ii- 

;  uiiil  to  ilc- 

lis  '^rDwinij 


Tallinn :  we 

.iivrrnntfMit. 

'tiiin  nf  your 

l)(\v  arc  un- 

rlrctnl,  cast 

all  will  lie  a 

'taini,  darn 

il.     Mnin- 

hciTVPr  they 

pairioiisni — 

Irnted  licUl, 

foi',ai:ainst 

'riiinint.lliat 

iuahawk  to 

hliMul  ot'oiir 

I  onr  I'iu'lils', 

lone;  inari'li 

WIT  I'onlcin- 

iIp  will  soon 

lii'li  to  wor- 

iifllie  waves 


111'^  iny  post- 
linn,  wliii'li  I 
■  siiiwtlinnd 
s,  thai  those 
ilUlence  may 
now  pi'oei'ed 

several  seii- 
l-alisorliins 

intryiiiiiiiis't 
I  a  nation  by 

dcnlalives  of 


130th  Cono 1st  Sghb. 

frepmcii,  mill  who  were  .<o  pnrllrnlar  In  dnpicline  '! 
liie  .HtrenL;ili  of  Ureal  Itritani,  iniil  heraldhii;  lorUi 
In  llie  world  thii  linpoieney  of  this  lirave,  ^'all.nil, 
and  iVee  people,  who  liiive  met  Ijiijlaiiii  man  In 
iii<oi,aiiil  L'oii  to  ^'iin,  and  whose  prowi'NH  In  iIir 
thnni'  of  adntiralion  tlirunghoiit  the  eivili/ed  ' 
world. 

In  doin^  lliii,  I  will  rcNpreiriilly  iintirc  whiitfcll 
from  till'  veiieraideKenllemKii  from  MasHaelinaelts, 
|Mr.  Ai)AM«,|  and  also  tVoni  a  uinlleihan  from  In- 
iliaiiM,  [Mr.  ('.  II.  SMrrii.)  Wlial  hiiIiI  llie  i;enlle- 
inan  from  Massaehusetls  ■  "  Hive  noliie,  anil  my 
word  i'or  il.  I  believe  ihere  will  lie  no  war,  nnlesH 
I'resiiliiit  I'olk  lia.  lis  out." 

|.\lr.  A  HAMS.  'I'lienenlleinan  iniMiinderstood  me. 

The  CnAiii.  Does  llic  (;entlenian  from  'remie»- 
Hee  yield  the  floor  lo  the  neiitlt'limil  from  Munrni- 
ehnsi'tts  I'or  an  explanalinii  ? 

Mr.  M  \UTIS'.    ('eriMinly. 

Mr.  AiiAMi.  I  will  i.'Xplain.  I  said  I  hrlieved 
lliei-e  would  lie  no  war;  and  llnil  I  lalhi  r  lielieved, 
in  ea.^e  of  la'ees.iity,  Ihiii  war  wonld  lie  preveiili  d 
liy  the  Presidenl'Nlia'kiim  out.  I  said  llial  1  ap- 
iireheiiiled  llm'  if  the  eoiinlry  pushed  its  riu'hls,  a.s 
1  ilioii;:hl  il  oll^hl  to  do,  and  hoped  il  wonld,  (ileal 
r.rll:iiii  wiiiild  yu'ld;  linl  if  she  did  not,  that  war 
eonlil  liejirevenied  hy  Mr.  lolk's  liaekiij;;  ont.| 

Mr.  .VlAiiris.  I  I....1  1  did  not  nnieh  niisnnder- 
stand  the  ;;eiillemaii.  The  Bpiril  of  liia  remark 
was  eani;ht  np  liy  the  jjentlenian  from  Indiana, 
[.Mr.  •'.  I!.  .Smitii,]  who  endor.seil  the  senlimenl. 
i  w.'iilil  speak  ol'  the  veiieralile  uentleman  from 
M  ..■  <.  rhiisi  Its  with  the  profonnilest  re.speel  and 
veiieiation.  Very  respi  ett'iilly,  therel'ore,  wiiuld 
I  siiy  that  he  is  under  a  mistake  as  to  ihe  elniraeter 
of  the  I'resiili  111.  I  know  his  iron  nerve;  I  know 
his  nohle  Ijeariin;,  liin  fnni  and  ileieniiined  pnr- 
jiose — eool,  eMiitions,  yet  derided;  audi  feel  ini- 
iilieit  eonfnlenee  that  if  Coii^'ress  will  liiit  eloihe 
liini  wilh  ihe  powur  lo  ^ive  this  noliee,  he  will  do 
il,  anil  mil  reeeile  it  sintrle  ineh.  The  niemlirr 
from  Ohio,  [.Mr.  GiiniiMis,]  ilr.t  voimi?  mid  mai;- 
lianiniotis  Slate,  in  the  will"'r',i^  lidi.^l  of  his  healed 
iniai;iiiaiioii,  is  at  a  loss  for  words  snirieieiitly  eoii- 
leni)iliioiis  111  ileserihc  the  President's  piisillaiiimi- 
ly.  lie  Hnv«,  "Yon  eaiinol  kiek  the  I'resident 
into  nvvar.''  Let  me  ask  wlienee  has  this  li;;hl 
HO  suil.leiily  dawned  on  the,  nienilier'a  intellect: 
Where  liiil  he  f;el  llial  iiilellit'eiiee  .' 

i"'i'  '  ■  inisns  here  rose  anil  inquired  whether 
Mr.  .M    wished  n  reply. 

Mr.  AIautiv.  Take  your  sent,  sir,  and  keep 
yonr  seal,  sir ! 

The  ''iiAHi.  The  ceiulemnii  fi'oni  Tennessee 
lins  llie  n.ior.) 

Mr.  Martin.  I  ask  nsjain,  whenre  sneh  wis-  ^ 
doin.'  Wlienee  sneh  a  sudden  revelation?  Permit 
me  to  remark  that  he,  loo,  has  misnnder.stood  llic 
rhaiaeier  of  (he  Cliief  Matri  <lrate  of  his  eniintry, 
ns  well  as  the  eharaeter  of  the  sonlhern  people.  1 
will  till  the  meniher  line  triuh:  When  his  Idaek 
re'.'inient.'! — his  odoriferous  allies — the  e.ontenipla- 
tioii  of  whieh  seems  to  ^ive  him  so  miieh  deh;lil, 
shall  reach  the  8onili,  the  President,  wilh  the  aid 
<if  all  true  patriots,  "  hefire  we  drink  the  dre'_'s  to 
lie  pressed  to  our  lips,"  will  kiek  not  only  him, 
lint  his  coail  jutors,  out  of  South  (,'arolina,  and  hold 

lip  to  ihe  seorn  and  eon [Here  Mr.  M.  was 

eailed  lo  order  hy  the  f:hair.] 

I  will  now  (said  Mr.  M.)  jmy  my  re.spcet«  lo 
my  h  inoralile  eollea;;iie,  [Mr.  CotKi;,]  for  wlinni 
jiersonally  I  elierish  the  hi:;liest  respeel.  He 
seems,  hy  some  means,  to  have  worked  himself 
into  a  jiel;  and  because  he  is  in  a  pel  himself,  he 
imagines,  as  a  matter  of  eourse,  that  every  member  • 
of  the  (yahinet  is  also  in  a  pet,  and  the  President 
more  partieularly-  My  colleas;np  .say.s  that,  after 
|jnblisliiiia;  to  all  the  world  that  our  title  lo  Oregon 
iseteaniiid  imiispntable,  the  President  inuneilialely 
turns  round  and  oilers  lo  i;ivc  away  one-lialf  of  it; 
and  ilieii,  beeause  the  British  Minister  does  not 
aeeept  the  offer,  he  flies  into  a  pet,  and  withdraws 
II.  Anoilier  of  my  eolleai;ues,[Mr.  Gentuy,]  says 
the  President  "hnfnshlv"  withdraws  il.  '•Iluf- 
Jishlyl"  I  apfieal  to  the  noble  Tennessee  spirit 
whi  -Il  1  know  inhabils  the  breasts  of  my  eolleaf.cues, 
and  I  ask  of  them  to  s,iy  what  the  Presidenl  eoiild 
have  done  liss.'  When  Mr.  Pakcnlmm  said  to 
liini.Knslaiid  expects  a  pronositioii  on  yoiiriiart 
whieh  shall  have  f;realer  jiistiee  and  liberality: 
would  he  have  had  the  Cliief  iMagistrate  of  lliis 
greul  Republic  to  degrade  himself  and  the  Aiucri- 


Thi;  Ortfion  (^insiloii — Mr.  II.  Marlln, 


ran  people  liy  re|i'aiin<.;  the  ofler,  and  humbly 
Holii'ilini;  its  aeeeplanerr  Wiiiild  he  have  askiil 
hi  in  to  implore  Cineeii  Vieloria  i;rai'ionNly  lovoueh. 
s:ile  one  smile  of  iipprobalioii  upon  ii.'  I  seorn 
SOI  )i  an  impniatiim  on  mir  ( roternnienl  as  is  itn- 
plieil  in  the  snier.  I  for  one  would  have  deninni- 
I'lil  .Mr.  Polk  if  he  liiiil  not  wiihilrawn  iheiiirurtlie 
instiiMi  II  was  NO  ilisrourl  ■ously  refieieil. 

Is  Ore'^on  onrs.'  I  hear  anoiher  sound  eoiniiii; 
from  an  honorable  u'einlinian  from  Nev.  \'ork,[.\lr. 
<'ini:ii,|  who  .<ays  ihat  I'reijon  is  ours,  and  that 
"  there  would  have  been  none  of  this  dilihnlly  if 
the  I'resideht  h:iil  mil  NwaL;;;ired  so  miieli  in  Inn 
liiau;;nral.'*  I  .vould  respeell'nilv  ask  ol' the  tren- 
tleman  wlnrein  the  "  swa'.';r<rin';"  innsisls.^     Is  it 

in  the  ilei'laration  thai  our  title  i ir  property  is 

clear  and  iiiilispnt;ilile  ,>  Was  this  "  swai:i;eriin:" 
Was  this  '*iirroL,nuil  lioaslintc.*"  What,  sir!  hiis 
it  come  to  this,  lb. It  a  !  lovernmciil  that  represents 
twenty  millions  of  I'm  i  len  is  not  to  piuclaiin  to  the 
world' ihal  they  hold  their  title  lo  the  noil  of  their 
eonnlry  clear  and  iniliNpulable,  under  llie  penally 
of  lieiie;  Ntiijmatj/cd  as  a  swaL'irerei' and  boaster? 

My  collea'iue  [.Mr.  I'oikkI  "i'Vs  lhal  the  Presi- 
dent lu'ojiosed  lo  I'ivc  away  a  part  of  the  let'rilory 
lliiis  inilispulably  oins.  I  put  it  to  my  colleamne 
of  the  Nashville' ili-lrii't,  [.Mr.  Kivivi;,!  who  .says 
that  he  had  no  rivUl  lo  do  this,  and  lo  my  col- 
leau'iiefromlhe  Willimnsonilislri'  l,(Mr.l.iK\riiv,l 

wli iincides  in  llie  remark:  was  it  a  fanll  in  the 

Presidenl  lo  do  what  was  riivbl — lo  oiler  what  inv 
colleaiTue  iVom  ibe  Williamson  disuici  is  biinsclf 
in  favor  of— the  line  of  V.P;  How  ma::iianiinoiis  ! 
Iiow  eonsisieiit  1  to  condemn  atiolher  for  piirHuini; 
n  policy  whieh  we  adopt  and  a[iprovi:  of  lor  iiiir- 
selves  I 

Iiiil  I  am  told  n;;aiii  that  the  President  proposed 
in  uive  away  n  part  of  onr  territory.  I  ask,  did  he 
not  most  salislaeiorily  explain  the  reasons  and  eon- 
sideralioiis  which  iniiuced  liim  lo  m.ike  ihe  propo. 
Kiiion?  Willi  the  lii^bly  landiiblc  and  palriolic  > 
desire  of  sellliiii,' amicably  and  honorably  ihe  lon;;- 
pendiii:;i|Ueslioii  iM'Uveeu  ihe  two  eonntrieM,he  had 
repealed  the  oiler  |n-evionsly  made  by  President 
Monroe  and  Presidenl  Ailaias,  mid  saiietioneil  by 
the  approval  of  many  of  our  nlilest  and  Viisest 
statesmen.  Il  wa.i  made  in  a  proper  spirit  of  def- 
erence and  respect  lo  the  opinions  and  acts  of  lii.<i 
predecessors  in  oliii'e.  Had  the  case  bein  entirely 
new,  the  )iroposition  would  never  have  been  made 
by  Presidenl  Polk. 

On  the  i|neslion  of  onr  title  to  Orei;on,  I  re;rcl 
to  hear,  for  the  first  time  in  my  brief  career,  an  as- 
sertion lUi  llie  floor  of  I 'oni^ress  ihal  Ihe  American 
tiovrninenl  has  less  title  to  the  lerritory  than  had  , 
even  been  conceded  by  the  Orilisli  Uovernmem  it- 
self. That  Government  admits  that  we  have  riirhta 
in  Oreixiin,  and  a  clear  title  to  a  ]iarl  of  lliet  terrilo- 

rv;  luid  who  is  it  thai,  in    the  fa f  this  iiilmis- 

siou  by  Ihe  lirilish  Clovennni  iit,  rises  in  this  Hall, 
and  declares  to  her  and  to  the  world,  **  No,  nn; 
(ml  title  is  doublful — onrriuhl  is  ilimbifnl?"  I  re- 
gret to  say  il  is  one  of  my  eolle:i;;nes,  [Mr.  F.w  i\n,] 
a  nenlleman  who,  of  all  others,  I  should  ha\e 
ihoiiu'ht  had  drunk  the  dee|iesl  of  ihe  spirit  of  the 
Hero  of  the  Ilermiiaue.  Yet  he  tells  us  our  rii:lils 
in  Oreironaredonbtl'iil — the  .American  lille  is  doubt- 
ful— and  this  in  the  f.ice  of  the  admission  of  the 
lirilish  Government  itself,  of  the  validity  of  onr  ■ 
riulit  and  title  lo  n  portion  of  ihe  leniiory.  The 
^'enlleman  ^'really  risked  his  reputation  as  a  law- 
yer and  a  statesman  in   the  hazardiie^  of  such  an 

opinion;  but    I    lie',;  that  ill iininillei!   will   not 

juilire  of  the  jrentleman's  le','al  and  profe.ssioiial 
siandin;!;  at  liomi'  by  the  opinion  so  rashly  ii:iven 
here.  I  can  assure  (reiitlenu'ii  iba.t,  as  a  law  yer,  he 
stand;-  precmineni  in  bis  district;  liiil  I  reirrct  that 
while  he  is  so  jiuod  a  hiwyer,  he  is  so  b.ul  a  poli- 
tician. 

My  eolleaine  from  Ihe  Williamson  district  [Mr. 
Gr.S'riiv)  goes  even  futlier.  He  says  we  have  no 
title,  nor  have  the  Pirilish  any  title,  io  Oregon,  nor 
any  ri;;lils  tlnre;  nnd  he  went  on  lo  say  that  the 
En'ipei'or  of  the  Cclesiial  City i 

[.Mr.  C.  J.  I.vrtitiisoi.i..    '1  he  Celestial  Km|iire.] 

Mr.  Maui  IS-.  Well,  the  Kmperor  of  the  Celes- 
tial F.mpire,  then 

(.\Ir.  C.  .1.  iNcr.iisoM..  The  brother  of  the 
sun  and  moon.] 

Mr.  Maiitin:  Very  well;  lie  il  so.  The  gentle- 
man ought  lo  be  learned  in  these  matters,  as  he  is 
chairman  of  ihe   Conimiltoe  of   Foreign  Aflairs. 


Ho.  or  Hrpi. 

My  mlleiigtie,  then,  «i>yi«  that  if  thin  pulenmie, 

the  brother  of  the  snii  nnd  moon,  were  to  "lo- 
cale" himself  In  Oi'e;;oii,  on  land  oecnpiiil  neither 
by  (treat  llnlaiii  nor  ,\merii'ii,  he  would,  in  prii- 
ce>s  of  Inni  ,  !.;el  a  Mile  ipille  as  i;iiod  \\n  ihnt 
(if  Great  llniain  or  the  I'lnlid  Stalls.  Mr  havo 
mi  lille  there,  nor  rights  of  iiny  kind;  but  he  nd- 
iniis  that  the  /fii/.'.i/i  have  claims.  lie  lays  llmt 
he  is  a  farmer,  and  t'oes  for  «  "  straight  fence"  on 
ihe  pai'.illil  of't'.l'^  norlh.    i  am  told  llie  gentlemuii 

il  a  farmer,  and  a  very  g I  one.    I  was  mil  aware, 

however,  lliiit  Tenncssie  l^irmirswere  in  the  lialiil 
of  rnnnini;  Iheir  femes,  whether  sirai'.'hl  or  crook- 
ed, on  iliejr  nei'.hboi  's  land,  or  on  land  where  they 
had  no  rii-'ht  or  title.  I  would  ini|uiie  of  the  i,'i  n- 
lleman  wlien  ibis  hi  came  llie  law  or  iisa;;e  of  Ten- 
nessee. It  is  Willi  me  a  laibieci  of  deep  rcL'tei  that 
ihe  P.rilish  (iovernnienl  and  the  world  should  lie 
told  by  a  llepri  seiilatue  on  the  floor  of  Congre.sa 
of  bnive  and  patriotic  Tenin  .-■seanw,  llial  we  havo 
neither  riuhl    "or  lille  lo  Ori;;on — only  a  einim — 

when  our  riL'bi  mid  lille  have  been  c stunlly  as- 

serii  il,  and  liavn  been  it  subject  of  the  deepest  soli- 
eiinde  on  the  pari  of  our  liiivurnnienl  niiice  tlio 
.Vdminislralion  of  .leffcrson. 

I  will  now  call  the  atlenlion  of  the  eommittee  to 
HOine  of  the  11  marks  of  the  honorable  •;eiilleinnii 
from  Yiruinia,  (Mr.  Pi-,\ni,i.rii\,l  ol'ien  designated 
as  th(^  "lone  Mar"  (of  Whii;;;ery)  front  lhal  an- 
cient ('oinmonweallh — I  mean  thegcnlleioan  of  the 
delicate  allusions,  and  who  liearil  the  beat  of  iho 
lirilish  drums  all  round  ihe  i;lobe.  The  L-eiillcmail, 
1  perceive,  is  nol  in  his  seal.  I  would  lhal  he  were, 
so  that  I  nn;,'ht  feel  the  more  at  liberty  to  say  what 
I  iiituiiiled  in  reference  lo  Ilia  remarks.  What  did 
llial  (lisiiimnisiied  ^cnlleman  say?  He  points  ti> 
the  L'enllemin  from  .Micbiu'in, '[.Mr.  Ciiii-man,) 
who  isashannd  of  his  birth  in  the  .Stale  of  Ver- 
inont,  nnd  he  tells  ns  lhal  no  donlil  the  Ibilisli 
Government  will  be  greatly  alarmed  when  il  shall 
hear  that  two  such   iiiilividuals  as  General  Ca«« 

and  .Mr.  Chii'MAN-  have  pr iscd  in  lake  Caniidii 

ill  ninety  days.  There  was  more  than  poetry  ill 
this  rcinark.  The  I'rilisli  Govermniol  is  indeed 
very  likely  to  be  alarmed,  1ml  from  another  cause. 
The  ilelia'les  of  lliLs  Congre.ss  have  ;;one  forth  to 
the  world,  and  llmt  (^loveriiment  cannot  but  feel 
some  apprehension  nl  the  noble,  patriotic,  and  able 
s'^cech  of  Goveror  Cass,  in  unollier  part  (if  the 
Capitol.  Il  will  occ.ision,  doiibiless,  deep  solici- 
tude in  Cliiei  n  Vicioria's  bosom,  and  she  will 
aiiNionsly  innnire  of  her  Albert  respecting  il,  and 
proliablv   aihire.ss    him    somewhat 


this  way: 
.My  ((ear  Albert,  wlio.sc  spccli  is  this?"  and 
he  will  rcpiv:  "  Il  i--<  ihe  speech  of  oik  .\lr,  Cass, 
who  is  a  .Senator  from  iln'  Slate  of  Michigan, 
who  is  goinu:  lo  lake  Canada  from  us,  and  lo.se 
and  win  ii  lack  aviain,  all  in  ninety  days,  merely 
fir  the  spun  of  ihe  ijame."  T'he  t'tiici  i,  amazed 
at  what  she  hears,  replies,  half  d■lllbl,o^ly,  "I 
will  iro  to  Sir  Uobert  Peel,  and  ash  him  wlio  the 
man  is.  Sir  Uobert,  who  is  this  man  Cass  that 
makes  this  verv  furious  speec'.i?  Do  yoti  know?" 
"Yes,  may  il  filease  yonr  Majestv,  I  have  heard 
soniethin;;'  of  him.  lie  is  a  Yankee,  lint  now 
living  somewhere  on  the  norlhern  border  of 
the  IJniled  S.ales.  He  was  ihe  first  man  that 
entered  Canada  in  arms,  in  llie  war  of  lrtl;>.  lie 
was  the  officer  that  eommandi  d  the  first  detaoli- 
meut  that  was  engaged  wilh  the  Uriii.sh  Hoops, 
and  was  present  when  the  first  blood  was  shed 
mill  the  fust  man  .-lain.  He  was  al.so  selected  by 
the  .\niericnii  (JovermiKnl,  in  |s;.'ll,  lo  treat  with 

Ihe  Indians  on  iheir  northern  fi tier,  over  whom 

we  exercised  a  perfect  control,  by  means  of  our 
liberal  snbsidies;  andbciuins  thm  our  liidian.s  were 
holilin,'  a  council,  with  the  lirilish  Ihig  floating 
over  their  heads,  be  proceeded  immediately  to  the 
spot,  accompanied  by  a  single  interpreler,  reached 
forth  his  hand,  pulled  dowii  the  Urilisli  flag,  and 
trampling  it  beneath  his  feel,  declaring  it  could  not 
float  ov<°  American  soil,"-  "Indeed:"  "Yea, 
mav  il  please  yonr  Majesty;  nnd  this  sanie  man 
was  111  I  long  since  the  American  Minister  in 
France,  when  we  were  agiinting  all  Europe,  your 
Majesty  remembers,  iibonl  the  right  of  search. 
He'  wrolc;  a  jiamphlet  ot  that  time  in  Pans,  whieh 
chansed  the  whole  policy  of  the  French  Govern- 
meiilT     Pint  1  find  here  the  speech  of  onother  old 

•Hec  SchiHilcrntrs  N'arrative  of  tlie  Espodition  to  the 
Sources  ol'tlie  MissUfipiii,  lip.  13T-38. 


1 
I 


340 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


(Feb.  G, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


TAc  Oregon  Question — Mr.  B.  Martin, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


l'; 

Us 


ti' 


!;^ 


limn  they  liavo  got  dvcr  tlioii' — an  nf;ccl  mnn,  llin'.  | 
was  iiiirc  Anilias«ailoi-  at  CUiciit — your  MajfMtv 
wiiM  tlii'ii  too  yoiiic  to  rcniiTi)li(  r  liini — a  little,  oltl, 
sliorl,  cliiiiiky  man,  «iili  a  liald  liniil.  That  (.Id 
1111111  ';as  always,  on  nil  ocra.sioiis,  o|i|iosril  himself  '■ 
10  what  luM'onsitli'rs  Hriti.sli  airsrcssinn.  ]  will  iii)t  ' 
tell  your  Mnjrsly  his  imme,  li-.-st  tin"  royal  heart 
nhoiilt!  be  too  seriously  a^iliUed."  This  iiitornia- 
tioii  nindo  the  little  Ciueeii  very  Ihouiihifiil  tor 
Foiiie  days;  li'ii  the  nc\t  mail  f.rrivcs,and  sudden-  1 
ly  n  wondevtnl  ilianu'e  eomi  s  o\er  I'  r  leiliii"S. 
i^he  sends  in  haste  tor  her  prineely  eoiisorl,  and 
ciilhrneini;  him  joyoiislv,  exelaims,  "Albert,  here's 
news,  ijloritnis  news  lor  lis.  thir  Hon  has  been 
seen  by  one  of  the  1  Iots]ni!S  ol' the  I'almeilo  State; 
he  turns  pale,  aianiud  at  the  uliject  before  liiiii; 
urid  in  llie  Anierii'an  roni;ress  says,  '  1  fear.' 
More  than  that:  the  memlier  from  the  'moral  anil 
reli^'io,is'  town  of  IJoston  says  il  wonid  be  the  ii..<e 
of 'brute  foive'  to  fifjht  for  l)re;oii.  Ciooil,  very 
pood.  Ihil,  Albert,  the  news  i.<  still  more  eheer- 
iiii:.  Whilst  we  have  ecneedeil  to  Aiiieriea  riijhls 
iii(h"e!;on,one  of  lierUepnsentnlives  from  the  State 
of  Tennessee  has  luibliely,  in  his  speerli,  t'oniend- 
od  that  his  own  Govern; iient  had  neither  rii^hts  nor 
titji',  but  only  n  'elaini'  to  llrtiron.  .V  true  jni- 
tri'it,no  doubt;  bnt  «e  thank  him  t'or  his  nr;;u- 
monl,  ns  it  sirensrthens  onr  elaini.  And  ...till  an- 
other Teiinessean — he  who  repriients  '.ae  distriet 
in  wliieV  Andrew  .Taelison  sleeps — i  ..  I<cs  an  arirn- 
ineiit,  bold  and  I'earless — what  ''.e- war.'  -No,  t'or 
'ma.Jterly  inaetivily;' nnil  '  os  Congress  that  ilieir 
riulils,  by  the  law.i  '■''  rations,  lo  any  part  of  Ore- 
i;on,  are  doubtt'i'!;  and  i.i  siipjiort  o}  this  opinion, 
he  will  risk  his  eliaraeter  as  a  I"'  '.t  and  a  states- 
man. We  are  re.aly  to  aecoriMhal  his  areinne.it 
is  eomplimentarv  to  onr  elnini:  of  his  le;^ai  ability 
and  slntesniansiiip,  his  enunlry  will  no  doiib; 
jmlije.  And  slill  the  news  is  rlieerini^.  The  '  lone 
star'  has  risen  in  the  'Old  Oominion;'  its  brilli.int 
ravs  are  bwiniiiii;  aeriiss  the  .\tlantie.  lie  has 
jiroclaimeti  it  .loud,  that  the  sound  of  our  morn- 
in;;  drum  rati  is  round  tiie  ;rlobe  and  the  vii;c  r  of 
ourarins  has  i  een  listed  in  the  triumphs  of  a  iliou- 
nand  liaiilc-fifi.ls.  The  eelio  has  rea.  hed  our 
shores  that  those  sturdy  aiul  turbulent  Amerii'ans 
nave  heard  our  'earpiereii  fit'e' — the)  have 
eaught  the  distant  sound  of  onr  '  spirit-siirrinij 
drum' — M.id  they  will  awe  those  Yankee  devils 
into  siihmission." 

Mr.  t'liairnian,  when  these  sentiiiieiits  from  the 
North  and  .South — from  ihe  Stat,  s  that  eontain  the 
remains  of  two  rtf  the  no.st  distiiiiruished  states- 
men, ns  well  ns  the  ablesi  generals  that  ever  led  lo 
victory  theeiii/.eii  soldier — one  who,  in  the  revolu- 
tion, fieio'd  the  tyr.uit's  "  inornin!;  drum" — wiih 
fear-  No,  sir;  su.'li  n  supposition  wmild  be  an 
insult  to  the  Illustrious  dead.  The  other  heard 
their  "  spiril-stirriii'.;  drums,"  when  bat  a  boy,  in 
our  revolutionary  stru^L'l.- — with  t'ear.-  Mis  whole 
rareir,  in  y.nitli  and  mauiiood — from  the  eradle  to 
the  ffrnvi; — shows  thai  tlie  heart  of  that  man  knew 
110  fear.  The  now-slei-piu;;  Tennesseaii,  lliou*;li 
he  saw  her  lion,  tliou;,'h  hi'  luard  her  "  morninir 
drums,"  saw  and  heard  tin  in  uitlimit  dread,  but 
with  n  warrior's  conlempt  and  delianee  of  their 
prowess,  and  with  a  buruiu.'  desire  |.<  avcnffe  the 
injuries  of  his  country  upon  her  h;  u^hly  ojipres- 
Hors.  When  these  indieations  of  timii'.ty  by  Kep- 
re«inlaiive..  of  the  Amerii'on  [leople  i  ii  the  floor 
of  Conirress  shall  reaeli  the  little  Hueen  of  ICnu'- 
Innd,  they  will  elfei'tnallv  er.'ise  from  the  royal 
mind  (.very  sentiment  ol'  al.irni  exeited  by  ilie 
pntrioiii'  sjieieli  of  the  war-worn  veteran  and 
HtatisuKin  [Gen.  Cas«|  in  the  Senate;  it  will  be 
the  sii;nal  for  mirth  and  exultation,  that  the  Ann  r- 
icnns  "  ("ear;"  ihat  n  Itenresentative  in  the  Ameri- 
enn  Conirrcss  proelainis  lier  "  title  lo()re^'(,n  doiihl- 
fnl;"  thn' another  Itepi-esentalive  has  denied  that 
Aiiierien  has  any  "  riL'ht  m-  title'"  to  Orejoii,  hut 
"  a  elaini  only;"  and  that  her  drums  are  ,'ienrd  in 
the  mornini,'  "to  raliie  ail  arumd  the  world." 
Sir,  the  |»enilemnii  from  Viririnia  (Mr.  P'.vni.K- 
ton]  need  not  be  under  .any  solieiiiide  for  the  re- 
pose of  the  youthful  (Ineen  .so  rudely  disturbed 
by  the  pntriotie  blaring  and  military  fiiineof  Gen 
erni  Cn«.s;  the  indieations  on  this' floor  from  so 
mil./ gentlemen,  Hint  wiili  iliem  "disereiion  is 
the  better  pari  of  valor,"  will  i  I'eeliiaiiy  allay  any 
apprelieiLSions  she  may  have  indulged.  I'hi  (/(  ntle- 
nian  has  ho  little  leirard  to  our  rijjIiiH  in  Orci^on, 
and  to  our  claim  lo'tb.it  territory,  that  he  mivs  he 


would  not  ;,'ive  ilie  paper  on  wliieli  ihe  deed  eould 
he  written  for  the  "whole  of  On  ^on"  to-morrow — 
and  why  .•  Ii  is  too  t'.ir  oil';  we  don't  want  it;  it  is 
not  worth  a  liir.  .Sir,  was  this  the  laiuiiiai;*;  of  our 
revolutionary  sires  when  they  resolved  to  resist  ihe 
power  of  Great  nritain  .'  Was  it  the  liinc:iiai;e  of 
the  American  people  at  the  )airehnsp  of  Louisi- 
ana.' Did  they  then  say,  this  territory  is  too  far 
away — we  don't  want  it — it  is  not  wnrlli  a  fi;;.-  He 
says,  it  will  lake  some  six  or  eisht  or  ten  months 
to  i;o  to(>r(;:on  by  sea;  bnt  1  am  told  thai  we  eaii 
{TO  ihe  whole  (listt'i.'e  of  fifteen  iliousnnd  miles  in 
four  nionlhs;  while  KnulanrI  has  lo  txo  nearly 
tw.nty  thousand;  and  weian  make  ilie  land  jour- 
ney o'  three  thousund  miles  from  New  York  in 
three  months. 

t^iie  word  as  to  the  Inncun'je  vfipi]  by  the  ^eiitle- 
ninii  I'roiii  Massa.huseits,  [Mr.  Wixtiibop,]  not 
the  venerable  ex-l*resiilent.  There  is  a  materia! 
dill'erenee  in  the  opinions  of  the  two  i;entleinen. 
This  i;eul!inian  ;ud  llial,  on  the  whole,  it  was 
a  litlle  doiibil'iil  as  III  liile,  but  he  lliouf;ht  that, 
of  the  two,  we  had  the  better  title,  lint  then, 
he  asks,  are  we  eoiuir  lo  turn  savai^es,  and  fii^ht 
Great  Urilnin  t'or  such  a  stnit  of  It  rritory .'  In  his 
retjidnr-built  spee.-b  he  d.ies  not  say  sa\n2:es,  but 
brutes.  Are  we  iroinu;  lo  turn  brutes,  and  n:"-  mere 
brute  force  lo  sn|iporl  our  tille.'  Tins  may  sound 
well  friiii  the  Represeni;ilive  of  ihr  city  in  which 
it  was  resolved  lhat  it  was  inibeconiin:;  a  moral 
and  reli£;ious  people  lo  rtjoice  at  ilu;  victories 
achieved  by  mir  t;allaiit  I, us  over  llie  boasiinij 
"mistress  of  the  se. is."  and  from  ihe  portion  of 
the  Union  ihat  held  out  blue-lii,'hts  to  e^.iide  the 
fleei.s  of  the  enemy;  but  it  does  not  sound  very 
well  to  an  Aineri'an  ear,  and  is  not  very  palatabli 
to  an  American  heart,  lie  says,  if  we  li'jht  for 
Oreijon  it  will  be  a  conlest  of  mere  brute  "oree.  I 
ask  him,  iflh-enon  is  ours,  and  it  .shall  conieevin- 
tunlly  to  the  last  resort  of  sovereisnlies,  whether 
he  would  not  employ  "  brute  force"  to  maintain 
the  rii^lus  (>f  his  eoimtry  r  Our  fathers  employed 
"  brute  force''  in  a  qiit  s"iin  lt-'W  in„.'  out  ot'  n  tri- 
fliii:;  tax  Ujion  a  Crw  pounds  ot'it-a,  and  ibnl,  too, 
in  itoston,  the  irenllemnirs  own  craille  of  liberty. 

The  Uepresenlalive  of  ihi'  Chiuleston  dislricl 
[.\1r.  llui.Mi^]  acknowieilt;es  that  lir  isafrniil;  and 
he  asks  us  if  \cc  went  out  with  a  riile  to  rescue  n 
stray  sheep  I'rom  the  t'ni:;s  of  a  woll',  and  when  we 
reached  the  spot  found  I'Ur  sheep  in  the  laws  of  a 
lion,  whether  we  wiiiiid  I  .It  be  afraid  loo,  and  ;;o 
back  and  ^-et  ei^ht  or  ten  rides  more?  1  would 
meet  the  fi'_'uie  used  by  the  irentleman,  by  sayli:;; 
that  our  object  is  to  prevent  ilu^  lion  from  ^jeitint; 
hold  ol'  our  ■' sheep;"  but  ihe  ;:enlleinan  t'roio 
Charleston  is  not  willin<;  to  loan  us  his  rille;  and 
that  .South  Carolina  title  is  just  what  I  wani  in  this 
eonlesl.  It  was  ell'eciive  in  nTdanil  in  Hi'.';  and 
v.liy  should  it  not  be  In  iH^i;'-  Tl,e  ;;enllein,ui 
froiii  Virginia  [Mr.  I'r.vni  i.  ion]  endorses  iln- ib'e- 
hiration  of  the  KepreseiiialiM-  of  ihe  t  liarleslon  dis- 
trict, null  says  he,  loo,  is  afraid.  Well,  sir,  I  as!;, 
what  has  created  this  sudilen  panic?  I  reniember 
that  once  a  British  armyinvaibd  this  District,  and 
Consumed  this  Capilol  wiih  lire.  The  i;enlleman 
from  Virifiiiia  was  then  |iriibably  playini:  nnd 
sportint;  on  ihe  ^reeti  lawn,  or,  scliool-boy  like, 
was  "  bobbin;.'"  his  pinliook,  in  hope  of  captnrinir 
n  "  minnow,"  in  the  babbiini?  brook,  w  lien  he 
heard  the  boomiim'  of  tlie  distant  camion,  and  be- 
held afar  oil'  the  risinir  smoke  that  iiiarkcd  the  bar- 
barian Iriumph  of  the  iiuailiic;  incendinries — nay, 
was  probably  williiM  heariii.r  of  the  rolling' of  the 
Hritish  driiin,  tlie  ini  -e  llioujht  of  which  now 
strikes  terror  lo  hl.s  heart.  One  nif.'lil  have  im- 
nLMiied  tlinl  the  recolli  ciion  of  n  daininu'  Capitol, 
and  the  in  ■olcnl  triuniplis  of  the  royal  myrmidons, 
would  luui'  enkindled  the  lire  of  palriotir  indiifna- 
lion,  anil  awakened  un  anient  desire  for  an  oppor- 
tunity of  avenirin;;  ourscKes  upon  the  lUTijressor, 
and  wipins  out  in  his  blooil  the  lueitiory  of  his 
alroeiiics  and  his  nisoli  n.'e.  I'ut  the  irhosi  of  for- 
mer days  rises  but  in  lerrnr  and  dncid  to  the  (jen- 
tleinan,  and  hi'  frankly  i.ckiiowledL'cs  that  he  is 
afraid.  In  mHkiiie;  sui  h  n  confession,  I  feel  viry 
Bine  he  does  injusliee  to  old  Virginia:  such  cunimt 
be  her  si'ntinientn:  no,  iicMrl 

Ilui  these  over-eautinUN  ;:int'einr'n  ire  n.osl  iir- 
gent  in  their  elli.rls  to  'iili  it  oihi  rs  w  iili  llieir  fears. 
If  we  but  shak"  our  hand  at  Old  (''.iiLiland,  we  are 
reproached  with  L'asconailin^.  We  are  told  of  her 
power,  of  her  ri  soiirees,  \^  hal  :;lie  has  done,  what 


she  cnn  do,  nnd  what  she  means  lo  do.  Hut,  T 
bc'.^  of  ijentlenien,  if  they  are  not  williiijf  lo  j;o  for 
this  notice,  to  cease  miilervaluiii!;  and  ileprecintinK 
the  ability  nnd  ihe  w  illiii;;iiess  of  the  American 
people  to  defend  their  honor  nnd  their  inieresli* 
w  hen  assailed  from  any  tpiarter,  however  power- 
ful. Mr.  ('lay,  in  lui-J,  when  addressed  by  the 
sni.missionisis  with  siiuihir  ar^iiments,  exclaimed, 
"  Cease  to  proclaim  lo  us  the  arms  and  the  power 
oftireat  llrilainl"  His  injunction  would  apply 
with  eiinal  pertinacity  and  force  in  Iy4fi. 

Sir,  liow  Ininiilinliii};'  iiiiist  it  be  to  nil  American 
in  a  foreiirn  laud,  when  he  reads  of  the  (;lory,  the 
power,  and  the  invincibility  of  the  nritisii  n'atiot, 
iieralded  by  members  of  an  American  Coiiijress  as 
an  arijitment  to  deter  it  tVom  asserlini;;  iIh;  iialioi  al 
riL-hls  and  honorl  I  low  ,  I  asi.,  will  such  declara- 
tions of  our  inability  to  defend  our  just  riir'als, 
and  copt;  \\  illi  an  einniy  that  our  anei'Stors  success- 
fi'My  grappled  with  in  intl.ncy,  before  we  had  a 
distill. t  nalionality,  (all  upon  ilie  ears  of  ihosR 
veternns  of  llie  Uevohition  w  ho  still  linu'cr  amongst 
us  ?  Will  they  not  be  ri  ady  to  conelude,  and  with 
reason,  that  this  is  truly  n  degenenite  a;:e,  when 
the  roll  of  ihe  I'ritish  ilriims,  that  only  (iirected 
them  with  lidiri.-  of  sh  el  to  tin.'  enemy,  is  lienrd 
by  their  oH'spiiug,  after  ihe  lapse  of  halfn  ceiiuiry, 
wiih  "  fear  ?" 

•Sir,  in  inaintaiaing  what  we  eonciive  to  be  onr 
nalional  rights,  in  iticl.-oing  to  ihe  world  that  in 
the  hearts  of  the  American  people  there  is  still 
burning  bri'„'litly  the  iires  ot'  I77G,  we  are  relleeted 
upon — I  had  almost  said  with  n  sneer — as  the 
"  war  genllemeii:"  we  are  elianrcd  wiih  "  gascon- 
ading'," yes,  gasconading  !  If  it  be  ga.scoii  iding, 
let  us,  for  the  honor  of  our  re\oliuiouary  sires, 
g.'isronaih;  on  the  side  of  our  own  beloved  country. 
Truly  till  re  has  bei  n  j;asconailing,  even  to  llie  rat- 
tling of  l''ii;rlaiid's  moriiiiiL:  drums,  producing  that 
sensation  which,  I  trust  in  (bid,  will  never  be  felt 
,  by  but  mie  Virginian  ;  and  if  fell,  never  ai;ain  ex- 
pressed in  the  halls  of  an  .\meriian  Congress,  I 
ask,  can  the  seniiminls  .if  the  ij^cntleman  be  the 
senliiiKMils  of  llie  "did  Dominion  ?" 

[Here  fieneral  .Atkixsiix,  hali'risinu',  said,  "No, 
never;  anil  God  t'orbid  it  eier  should."] 

Ihit  the  gi  ntleman  says  we  must  negotiate. 
Well,  sir,  we  have  done  it;  we  have  been  iiego- 
lialing  t'or  nearly  thirty  years,  and  we  are  now 
just  where  We  Were  ill  l.'^l'.b  l!ut  ag.iin:  we  nrc 
told  we  miist  selil.'  tiiis  ioug-peiiding  (ptestion  by 
nrbitrnlion.  And  who  are  we  lo  select  as  the  ar- 
biirntor?  Russia?  .She  is  a  ineinber  of  ihe  Holy 
Alliance.  Auslrin?  She  is  also  n  m.'^niber.  Prus- 
sia? She,  likewise,  is  a  member  of  ihe  holy  fra- 
ternity of  desnots.  l'r;uice?  She,  Ii.o'.gli  not 
nominally,  is  als.i  in  feeling  and  principl"  with 
them.  Anil  why  not  subiinl  the  (ptestion  between 
us  and  Great  I'riiain  lo  ihe  arbiiranienl  of  any  of 
tins..  Powers?  Ilecause  ihe  end  and  objcci  id'  tilt 
Holy  Alliance  is  lo  ehc.'k  llie  advance  ot' repiih- 
lice.ii  principles  tliroin;hout  the  world.  .-Xiid  the 
fillings  of  the  l-'renchGovermnent  towards  us  and 
I'l  publican  principles  are  pn  Ity  well  inilicalcd  by 
In  r  rei  cut  conduct  in  Tr  xas,  aiul  her  present  wan- 
loii  and  unprovoked  auack,  in  conjiinclion  with 
MiiL'land,  upon  llie  Ar:reniine  Uepiiblic.  Uiissia 
has  been  thoui'-ht  of  by  some  as  likely  to  be  an 
impartial  innt.ire;  but  there  would  be  special  rea- 
son.', for  111  r  leaning  on  lliis  ipiesiion  lo  the  side  of 
(ileal  llrilain.  If  llie  Wolverines,  the  Hoosiers, 
the  .Suckers,  and  the  I'.ni'keyes  should  sellle  in  the 
proximity  of  ,'i4"  -111',  .joing  to  a  man  for  Dem 
ocratic  principles,  (as  they  used  to  sing  "a  Dem- 
ocralic  wit'e  or  none  al  all,")  his  Itnssian  Majesty 
niiu'ht  not  like  such  people  for  near  neighbors,  but 
would  iiifmilcly  preler  tin'  Hriiish.  I  would  trust 
none  of  ll.ise  moiianlis  for  referees.  I'ait  my 
frii  lid  f;-om  Virgiiiin  is  in  favor  of  "  a  masterly 
iiia.iivily."  I  am  really  al  some  loss  to  know 
what  "a  masterly  inact'ii  ily"  is.  I  am  lold  by 
simie  L'eiillinien  it  is  "  llie  American  niultiplicalioii 
table."  The  genileman  s.iiil  that  .Mr.  Polk  and 
Mr.  Ihichanan  never  calculated  on  success  by  this 

rule,  for  Victoria  and    Peel  were .     The  'geti- 

lliman  ou'^lit  to  have  ic  ollecleil  that  he,  loo,  does 

not  seem  very  well  lo  iniilersiand  the  rule  of  siili- 

Iraction;  for  he,  like  niVMlf,  has  not  practically 

learned  tlinl  one  from  two  make  three. 

'<      My  I'riend   from  lIu'Tenlh  Legion  (Mr.  Ri:niN- 

I  (ii.ii)  says  he  is  for  a  masterly  inactivii\';  we  must 

'lie  low;  we  iiinst  "  bide  oiir'tiine."     Wait  i\  lilile 


[Pell.  «, 
OF  Heps. 

0  do.     litil,   I 

lliiij;  li>  f;o  for 
11(1  ilrpiTcinliiiK 
ilif  Amorii'iin 
their  inii'iTslst 
(uvcvcr  piiwcr- 
(ircssrd  hy  the 
Ills,  I'Xclaiiiir'd, 
si\iid  till'  i>nwer 

II  wduld  npply 
lH4r). 

III  nil  Anicriraii 
•  till-  kIitv,  tlie 

I'riiisli  niitiii'i, 
'an  (^oiiijrrss  iim 
in;;  llii'  iiiitiiii  nl 
ill  .siii'li  dci'liira- 
iMir  just  rii'als, 
icistitrN  siu'ccss- 
rfoif  we  had  a 
'    tars  of  llioso 

1  liiiiTiT  amongst 
icliidc,  and  witli 
fi'ato  n^rc,  wliin 
lit  Hilly  tiirii'lcil 
riirniy,  is  Ik  nrd 
iriiali'aiiiitury, 

lu-i  i\T  to  lio  our 
!■  world  that  in 
lie  llicrf  is  still 
we  are  rellecled 
a  sneer — as  the 
(1  willi  "  gase.on- 

lie  S'l*"^""  "''"R> 
iiliilioiiary  sires, 
lifloved  eiiiiiilry. 
;,  even  to  the  rat- 
<,  nrodueiiij;'  that 
lill  never  lie  felt 
never  ai;ain  ex- 
an  <'oii;;rcss.  1 
■eiillenian  he  the 
1?" 

islOL'.  said,  "No, 
aid."] 

must    neffotinle. 

have  lieell  IH'go- 

iiid   we  are  now 

.■i;^ain:  we  arc 

U'j;  qiieslioii  hy 

select  as  the  ar- 

er  III'  the  Holy 

n.niher.    I'rns- 

r  ihe  liidy  fra- 

e,    ii.o'.L'li    not 

priiieil'l"  with 

esliiiii  letwoeii 

iiieiil   of  any  "I' 

I  olijeet  of' the 

vaiiee  III'  ri  pnh- 

iihl.     .\iiil  the 

liiwaiils  lis  iind 

ell  imiieali  d  liy 

(r  present  wati- 

iiijiinetion  with 

piililie.     Russia 

lilii  ly  to  he  an 

1  lie  special  rea- 

III  III  the  side  111' 

,  ihe  Iliiiisier.i, 

iiildsellle  in  tin; 

niiiii  I'lir  Oem 

I  siii',1:  "  a  Peiii' 

llissi.iii  .Majesly 

!■  iieiifhliors,  llllt 

I  wiiitlil  trust 

in  IS.      I'tiil  iiiy 

nC  "  a  niiisKrly 

e  liiss  111  liiiiiw 

1  am    mill  hy 

\\\  nnilliplii'aliiiii 

t   .Mr.  I'liU.  and 

I  SI 'ss  iiy  this 

.     The'  -eii- 

lal  he,  liio,  does 

the  rule  of  snli 

lint  praeiiially 

iree. 

ion  |,\Ir.  RriMv- 
I'tiviiv;  we  iiiiist 
Wait  a  liiile 


1816.] 
29i*H  Cong 1st  Sess. 


^says  the  prudent  i;entlenian) — wait  a  little  while; 
John  Hiill  i.MirettiiiK  to  lio  an  old  man,  and  yon  will 
.soon  he  slroii!;  ciiiamli  to  .  op.i  with  him  and  ,i;ut 
liim  down.  I  really  did  not  e.vpeet  siieh  an  cx- 
hiliition  of  Virginia  ehivalry.  [)o  ymir  bullies  in 
"Vir^^ima  wait  till  iheir  adieisarics  i^ptold  and  fee- 
lile,  and  then  I'all  alio.ir.l  of  llieni.  This  is  a  "  mas- 
terly inaiMuiiy,'' iiiileid  I  Wail  till  John  liull  in 
old  and  deiripit,  and  then  yo..  ran  "et  liim  on  his 
bai  k,  and  ;;ouj;e  liiin  al  pleasure!  This  is  Vir- I 
ginia  elii\alryl  This,  then,  is  "  ii,a.;'.erly  iliac-! 
tiviiy!""  '  j 

liiil  the  irentleman  explained  him.«.lf.  He  pwc  I 
MS  a  ai'a|ihie,  sUeleJi  of  the  Ameriean  ea^de,  and  \ 
held  him  up  as  an  i  xaniple  llir  niir  imilatioii,  in 
uiir  course  about  Oitl^oo.  And  what  was  this  im- 
perial hinl,  after  all.- "  A  foolish  fowl,  (if  it  was  an 
ni'Je,  it  musl  have  been  a  very  youiii;  one,)  that 
took  his  seal  on  a  tall  ne'k  at  Harper's  Kerry,  lie- 
oaiis^'  he  was  afraid  of  a  eie.nd  that  afterwards 
passed  by  without  a  drop  of  rain.  [A  lauirii.l  If 
this  is  the  j^'entleiiiiin's  inaslerly  inaelivily,''  I  will 
!.ave  none  of  it.  The  u;entlemiiii  the  other  day  .-aid 
he  was  speakinj;  witlioni  his  i;las.se;s,  and  could  not 
tliseern  the  irentleman  I'roiii  Ohio,  on  the  oilier 
.side  of  the  hall.  I  would  respeeifiilly  ask  of  iiiin 
whether  lie  was  wilhoiit  his  i;la.sses  when  he  saw 
that  cowardly  bird.  |Laii;;litei'.]  This  Harper's 
Ferry  ea^^le  tif  his  has  been  siltini;  on  ihat  rock, 
with  his  wiiiL;s  folded  in  "  miiskriv  iiiaetiviiy,'' 
for  nearly  (iiirty  years;  but  I  would  sav  to  Kiin, 
let  us  ^:ive  this  notice — let  us  break  the  fetters  that 
Imve  so  lon^  jiaralyzed  every  nioveiuent  of  this 
noble  bird,  and  then,  uiiencninbered,  he  can  spiv.ul 
Ills  iiiajesiii;  pinions  lo  every  breath  of  heaven — 
his  llii.^lit  will  lie  upward  and  onward,  breastiiii^ 
;iny  and  every  slonii.  faiinir  the  eye  of  day,  uiilil 
liis  ulorious  fill  in  shall  be  lost  in  the  daziiling;  ein- 
jiyrean. 

We  are  told  tlmt  there  will  be  a  war.  Perhana 
you  may  be  able  to  convine.e  us  that  there  will  be 
It  wa'":  but  ibis  should  not  deter  lis  from  assertinii; 
our  riirhls.     Tlie;:rntleiiiaii  says  we  will  get  vliip- 

red  in  the  light,  and  asks,  AVliat  I  do  yon  not  fear- 
do  fear;  bill  not  tie'  Hritish  lion;  his  paw  has  no 
terrors  for  me.  I  t'ear  to  refuse  to  speak,  lest  I 
.should  oll'er  insult  lo  the  thousands  of  freemen, 
who,  at  the  Imllot-box,  said  to  me,  ■'  Go  and  give 
this  notice  lo  Great  IJrilaiii.  Oregon  is  ours;  and 
if  war  tfi'ows  out  of  ii,  we  are  ready  for  the  con- 
test." l''or  myself,  1  have  no  fears  of  the  coiillict. 
True,  it  has  not  beeii  my  lot  to  miiigle  in  the  strife 
of  actual  war,  bin  1  h.ivi:  been  familiar,  since  cliild 
liood,  Willi  tlie  recital  of  the  horrors  of  Indi;*!! 
jilrociiies:  i  if  the  terrific  war-whoop;  and  I  have  also 
witnessed  the  ell'ectof  the  death-dealing  riileof  the 
Wesi.  lint  I  do  fear,  if  wfi  do  not  give  this  notice, 
and  follow  ii  up  by  additional  measures,  linelaiid, 
by  our  laidiness,  will  ;ret  possession  of  fair  and 
fertile  Oi-e!j;ii]i.  I''ear  I  Mo;  we  were  hut  in  our  in- 
fancy as  a  nation  when  we  had  but  three  millions 
of  people,  mid  we  caiislit  the  Urilish  lion  by  his 
Nliag'.;y  beard,  and  made  the  dew-urops  fill  fro  n 
his  mane  thicker  than  a  siiminir  shower.  Ann 
are  we  to  fear  him  now,  when  we  hive  twenty 
millions,  and  means  of  oll'ince  and  def.'iice  in  prd- 
))orli"n  :  What  did  we  do  in  181  J.'  VVe  repealed 
the  rough  embrace  of '?(;,  and  sent  iiim  howling  to 
his  den.  And  now,  t'or  one,  I  s.iy,  if  he  will  light 
us  ai;ain  sooner  lliaii  suriendi  r  the  prey  he  lias 
got  his  claws  upon,  let  ihe  contest  conie. 

But  it  has  been  .-aid  here  thai  Kentucky  and 
Tennessee  are  far  in  ilie  interior,  ;iiid  that  e\en  ihe, 
hound  of  the  bailie  will  not  reach  us.  True,  our 
yiaies  are  iioi  on  the  fioniier;  bin  I  ask,  if,  in  the 
Jjour  of  peril  and  coiulici,  their  hardy  sons  liave 
Hot  been  found  wherever  daniiei'  pressed  iheir  coiin- 
iry's  arms.-  Were  they  no;  at  Xew  Orlf  ans?  Ami 
upon  what  lialtie-lield  on  '.nr  northern  frontier  do 
not  iheir  Imnes  wliiien  in  the  sun.-  Tliey  were 
ever  ready  lor  tiie  warlil(e  strife,  and  never  mnn' 
BO  than  at  the  preseni  nionient,  sluiiild  Iheir  loiiii- 
try  tlcmaiid  their  services.  Kearl  .No,  before  they 
would  snbinit  to  that  haughty  and  domineering 
Power,  wlinb  seeks  lo  iiowtlie  entire  [.'lobe  lo  her 
Bceptre,  they  will  cheerfully  lia/ard  aii  the  dangers 
of  the  li;;hl.  lint  we  are  lold  we  have  no  navy, 
no  army,  no  cannon,  no  muskets,  no  munitions, 
no  ;;enerals.  We  lane  generals  in  Teiine.isee;  and 
if  we  had  none,  by  the  grace  of  (iml,  we  vMiiihl 
raise  (ieiieial  Jackson's  "cocked  bat  upon  a  hick- 
ory pole,"  with  the  epaulettes  he  wore  at  New  t)r- 


AFFEIVDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


341 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Gordon, 


Ho.  OP  Reps. 


leans,  and  its  eU'eet  would  ho  more  magical  thiin  [ 
the  standard  of  the  prophet  of  Mecca.  Fifty  thou-  j 
s.iiid  brave  Teimesseans  would  rally  at  the  sight, 
and  arm  themselves  for  the  batile  I  am  very  sure 
the  gallant  genlleinan  from  Alabama,  [Gen,  Mc- 
C'ox.vKi.i,,)  and  the  valiant  gentleman  from  Miit- 
soiiri,  [Mr.  Sims,]  would  soon  be  upon  the  muster 
ground,  slrug;.ding  for  the  pole. 

I  had  much  more  to  say,  but  I  perceive  my  lime 
is  rapidly  running  out.  There  is  one  thing  in 
which  I  rejoice:  I  have  seen  throughout  litis  en- 
tire debate  that  there  is  u  fixed  deteriiiinalion  on 
all  sides  of  this  cuinniittee  not  lo  make  this  a  ]»ar- 
ly  ({ueslion.  ll  is  irnly  a  national  iiiiestion.  I  can- 
not, and  I  will  not,  eon.scnt  that  ii  should  be  made 
n  party  (|iicstion.  ll  is  strictly  and  eniplmlically 
a  national  ipu'Stion,  involving  the  riu'hts,  the  inter- 
ests, and  the  lionor  of  the  nation.  True,  1  have 
lieaid  this  stoutly  denied,  and  it  has  been  gravely 
asked,  iiow  is  our  honor  implicated r  Where 
have  the  Rritisli  ever  insulted  our  flag?  But  arc 
gentlemen  not  aware  that  a  nation  tuny  be  insulted 
wilhotit  having  its  Hag  trampled  upon.'  1  would 
say  there  is  a  ipiestion  in  which  our  honorns  a  na- 
lioii  was  eotniiroiiiiiieil,anil  it  is  a  bnrning,  "mur- 
k'v"  shame,  that  our  Ciovernment  has  rested  lame- 
ly so  long  under  il:  I  allude  In  the  burning  of  the 
Caroline ■  when  an  .'Vnietican  vessel  was  seized  on 
.■Vmericiiii  soil,  .set  on  lire,  cast  ofl'inio  the  stream, 
and  prec.ipilaied  over  the  Falls  of  .N'iagara,  with 
American  ciiizens  enveloped  in  the  flames  of  the 
doomed  vessel.  This  was  a  ease  in  which  llie 
iiniioiial  lionor  was  deeply  involved,  mid  which 
has  never  been  moiied  for.  Did  lime  permit,  I 
could  point  lo  other  instaiici!.s. 

I  am  llioroiiL'hIy  i  oiivineod  that  the  time  musl 
soon  arrive  when  a  eonlest  belween  us  luid  the 
British  Govertnnenl  will  become  inevitable,  .She 
has  long  beheld  with  iaiindiced  eyes  the  rapid 
strides  of  our  glorious  Urpultlic  to  strength  and 
greatness.  We  an  her  rival  in  the  contest  for  do- 
luinion  on  tiie  oeeii  we  ari'  her  rival  in  aria,  civil-  j 
izalion,  and  Icitert;.  oid  more  than  all,  we  are  the 
representative  and  champion  of  free  t:(iverimieiu; 
while  she  is  the  ally  of  the  worn-out  despotisms  of 
Ihe  Old  World.  .She  never  will  rest  iiiiiil  she  makes  ' 
ti  miirhty  eltbrt  to  prostrale  this  Uopiiblic,  anil  ar- 
rest its  onward  march  to  irreaUiess.  The  iiii'_'litv 
contest  lietween  liberty  and  despotism  musl  soon 
befoiighi;  and  kiiowintc  iliis,  1  am  for  preparing 
our  countrv  for  the  conilici. 

II  is  .said  we  have  no  arms.  Hut  the  nflieini  re-  ! 
turns  .show  that  there  are  mure  than  (1(10,0(11)  in  the 
coiiiitr\',  and  in  Tennessee  every  boy  has  his  own 
rifle  by  the  lime  he  is  sixteen.  Yes,  but  we  have 
no  cannon.  Ihit  a  i;entleiiian  from  Pennsylvania 
[Mr.  TiioMi'soN'l  has  lolil  us  iliat,  in  two  years, that 

Stale  aloi onlil  cast  eiioii'.'b  to  supply  the  wants 

of  the  eniire  wor|.!.  We  li.ive  men  in  abundance; 
and  (poinling  in  the  galleries  ) — (tod  bless  llieni — 
we  have  the  ladies  with  us.  With  our  brave  men, 
our  ii"ble-liearied  women,  nod  Cfod  upon  our  side, 

i  mil  sure  we  shall  Iriuiinih. 

This  is  not  the  imie  for  us  lo  hIiow  anything  like 
fear  of  Did  Kimland.  I  confess,  for  one,  llint  if  we 
are  In  have  a  fiL'ln,  she  istne  very  Power  above  all 
others  with  which  1  would  have  ti  eonlest.  We 
have  been  told  that  we  tire  blood  of  her  blood,  thtil 
we  have  a  common  nncestr\-,  coninion  laws,  ami 
common  langiiatre.  Hut  iliat  is  a  powerless  nrgu- 
nieiit.  No  enemies  are  so  bitter  as  estranired 
friends.  The  uiiinii  beuveeii  the  lu  o  eoi-iilries  wa.s 
severed  by  the  tyrannical  uiipressiiuis  of  our  iin- 
iiatunil  parent;  it  is  sundend  foreM-r;  and  I  think 
of  her  now  only  wiili  hatreil  for  all  the  wrongs  she 
has  done  my  country. 


HAIUJOUS  AND  RIVEUS. 
SPEECH  OF  .MR.  S.  GORDON, 

OP  NEW    YORK, 
In  Tiir.  Horsr.  of  Reprksentativf.s, 

.Ifiiir/i  10.  1H.|(!. 

On  the  nill  makiii','  !i|ipropriatioiis  for  certain  Har- 
bors and  Uiver.s. 

Mr.  GORDON  did  not  believe  that  <  :oiis:ress  had 
the  power  to  einriere  this  <  tiivernmeiit  in  internal 
iinpriiveiiienls,  fur  the  sake  of  lliose  inlernal  im- 
provements; and  still  he  w.is  of  the  opinion  tlutt 


they  had  the  power  lo  make  some  of  the  apiiropri- 
ntions  contained  in  this  bill.  He  read  trom  the 
Constitution,  luid  held  that  whatever  power  Con 
gress  j)ossessed  on  the  subject  of  the  improvement 
of  harbors  and  rivers,  is  derived  from  the  power  to 
lay  and  collect  taxes  for  the  common  defence  lUid 
general  welfare;  to  declare  war;  to  raise  and  sup- 
port armies  and  lo  provide  and  maiiituin  n  navy; 
and  to  make  all  laws  that  shall  he  iieecssury  nnil 
proper  to  carry  into  execution  the  foregoing  pow- 
ers. 

There  v/ns  n  distinction  between  nnvigable  and 
unnavigalile  rivei-s.  Every  navigable  river,  as  high 
as  the  tide  ebbs  and  flows,  belongs  lo  the  public. 
It  is  an  arm  of  the  .sea — a  part  of  the  sea  itself — 
and  as  much  pulilic  property  us  the  .sea,  and  sub- 
ject lo  ihe  same  ]iiiblic  uses. 

Navigable  lakes,  if  they  form  great  channels  of 
eninmunicalion,  are  res  pitblicit,  and  subjeel  to  the 
same  public  u"'  s  navigable  rivers  where  the  tide 
ebbs  ani'  '  ,>vs.  In  this  country  our  great  naviga- 
ble I;  ..^.j  are  properly  regarded  as  public  properly, 
and  not  susceptible  of  private  jiroperly,  any  more 
than  the  seti. 

In  navigable  river"  whei-o  the  tide  does  not  ebb 
and  flow,  owners  of  adjoining  lands  own  «ii  medium 
Jilnui  aijUiv. — lo  the  middle  of  the  stream.  ,So  of 
rivei-s  declared  navigable  by  lu'ts  of  legislation. 
These  belong  to  tlie  proprietors  of  the  land  on 
cither  side,  each  jn'oprielor  holding  to  the  middle. 
Not  so  of  navigable  rivers  where  the  tide  elibs  and 
flows.  The  soil  of  navigable  rivers,  where  the  tide 
ebbs  and  Hows,  belongs  Ui  the  public.  In  naviga- 
ble rivers,  vUiere  ihe  tide  does  not  ebb  and  flow, 
the  public  have  merely  the  easement,  or  right  of 
navigation,  without  any  ri;mriiiH  rights,  or  right  to 
the  soil  under  them,  except  by  prescription  orgrant. 
They  are  analogous  to  public  roads,  where  the  pub- 
lie,  have  only  tiie  easement,  or  riirht  of  travel — the 
soil  belonging  to  ihe,  owner.s  ihrough  which  they 
pas.^,  for  every  purpose  not  inconsislenl  with  the 
ea.sement,  and  reverting  to  the  owners,  entirely 
free  of  the  public,  use,  on  the  road  being  disooii- 
tiniied. 

The  sea,  its  bays,  inlets,  and  tide-water  rivcis, 
anil  the  great  lakes,  are  .subject  to  'he  admiralty 
and  maritime  jurisdiction  of  the  judicial  power  of 
the  Union. 

He  held  that  ilio.se  iiavii;able  rivers  where  the 
tide  ebbs  and  flows,  and  the  great  lakes,  were  the 
public  properly  of  the  naiion,  and  as  iiiiich  under 
llie  jurisdiction  of  the  General  Government,  for 
purposes  of  improvement  for  military  and  iiaviil 
defences,  as  the  high  seas  themselves;  and  he  de- 
nied  the  auiborily  of  this  l-iovermnent  to  eiigaire, 

directly  or  iiidii lly,  in  the  constructinn  of  roads 

and  canals,  or  of  improvements  that  do  not  come 
within  this  class.  In  lime  of  war,  a  dill'erent  rule 
governcil — necessity  knew  no  law  bui  its  own 
enactments.  It  was  a  law  to  il.self.  Martini  law, 
which  was  nolhing  more  nor  less  than  the  law  of 
necessity  in  time  of  war,  justifieil  whatever  was 
indispensable  to  the  public,  .safely.  Hut  he  was 
then  s|ieaking  of  llie  war-power  in  jieace,  and  not 
the  marlial-power  in  war. 

He  came  from  a  district  in  New  York  where  no 
improvements  of  the  kind  had  ever  been  made, 
with  the  exception,  perhaps,  of  two  small  light- 
houses, and  where  none  ever  would  be  made. 
Hence,  he  hail  no  peculiar  local  interest  in  this 
bill;  and  with  re'rard  lo  the  Hudson  river,  he  did 
not  n]>peiir  here  as  the  advocate  of  the  improve- 
iiieiii  of  llie  Over^lau;;ll.  He  should  vote  for  it  liy 
iisrlf;  but  his  final  vole  iipiin  the  bill  would  depend 
entirely  upon  the  other  appropriations  which  were 
connected  with  it. 

This  Govermneiu  liati  no  right  to  im|irove  the 
sen,  or  any  navigable  river  where  the  tide  ebbs  nnil 
.  Hows,  except  for  the  purpose  of  giving  proteciioii 
lo  the  navy  of  the  (.iovernnient,  or  to  faciliuitc  our 
mililary  0|ierations;  or,  in  other  worils,  for  any 
purpose  except  to  establish  a  navy  to  jiroteet  our 
conunerce,  or  defend  ns  from  invasion,  or  in  e.xe- 
cuiioii  of  llie  war  power. 

Some  of  llie  appropriations  )irnpnsed  for  the. 
h.irbors  of  Lakes  tlrie  and  .Michiijan  oU'.rlit  lo  be 
made,  to  protect  inir  navy  and  our  commerce  in 
case  of  a  controversy  with  (treat  lirilnin,  or  the 
Power  which  may  hold  llie  ('aiiadas.  Tie  object- 
ed lo  the  manner  in  which  the  appropriations  for 
i  the  lakes  and  rivers  have  heretofore  Ijeen  made  luid 
[  expended — a  few  thousand  dollars  sc.Ulercd  tdong 


'•lis 


..ti 


^f 


it 


tsa 


342 


l^[ 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess, 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Harbors  and  Hhcrs — Mr.  Gordon, 


[March  10, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


\t 


at  every  little  covn,  liailiiM-,  and  iiilrt,  witlioul  ni-- 
com|>li'".liii.,';  an  eirootive  ricrnioc  iil  ;iiiy  niir  |)iiint; 
and  n(ivisc»i  hia  wrstcrn  frirnds,  instead  orcontin- 
ninsr  this  sysloni,  wliicli  Imilicd  nulicr  liken  snmn- 
lile  fur  a  division  of  the  spoils  linn  :i  wise  provis- 
ion for  the  wnnts  of  ilie  rciinilrv,  to  silivi  some 
one,  Iwo.  rir  ihree  eli:;ihle  p^tinis  npou  wliii'h  to 
coneejitrnte  onr  anpropriiuions,  ;ut<l  to  make  these 
effii'ient  hnrbors  for  niilitMry  and  Mind  proleclion  j 
and  defence.  He  referred  to  the  iiianner  in  whirh 
(he  apprttpriations  had  l-eni  ,  Npendi-d  for  ihe  ini- 
provenient  of  ih.c  ovfrslantrh  io  (ho  Hudson;  tlte  j 
estinniles  for  this  work  lieinL'  S''!'''''''-!'  "ad  sHTD- 
000  havinu:  hf'n  appropr'aird  npon  il  al  dillirenl  , 
times:  and  llien,  the  appropriation  havinir  eeased, 
the  M'ork  was  left  iinMonpli-te  and  ins'-riire,  so  (hat 
it  had  heen  injured  and  washed  awav.  and  had 
done  little  or  no  irood,  in  ])roporlion  to  wliat  wouid 
have  heen  dime  had  the  appropriation  Iteen  made 
and  (lie  work  earrird  on  in  a  proper  and  workman-  ■ 
like  manner.  He  read  I'mm  a  report  of  ( 'olonel 
Ahcrt,  showiu!^  (he  iniporunice  of  (ho  improve- 
menl  of  the  Hudson  in  a  military  yn\i\l  of  view; 

*'  1st.  In  rel'ereuee  to  the  roiteii  Sttites  ;u'sfnal, 
'  WatiTvliel,  niidwav  between  Alimny  and  Troy. 

*  This  po.st  is  not  only  ii  tTre!it  depot  of  arms  atid 

*  munitions  of  war,  tmt  is  ;tlso  (he  irread'st  in;uin- 

*  fac(ory  of  jrun-ei\rri;iu<'S,  iltf.,  tV'*.,  lirhuiLriiii;  to 

*  the  Government.  In  ease  of  eoienreney.  when 
'  arms,  <jun-<'»rria;,'es,  anil  other  warlike  stores  are 
'  required  on  the  Atlantie  eoasi,  to  he  ilrawn  frtmi 
'  this  nrsenal,  if  the  river  .shmilil  he  low,  srrions 

*  and  even  ruinous  delavs  in  their  tran3port;tlion 
'  niiirlit  lie  experienced. 

"  ad.  Tin;  vast  inipfirt:nire  of  AHiany  as  a  mil- 

*  itary  post,  for  the  dei'eiirc  of  the  norlhern  fron- 
'  tier,  and  a  iH>rtion  of  the  Atlantie  coast.     In  ref- 

*  ereiu'e  to  this  ptirtion  ol'  the  suiject,  I  he-.:  leave 
'  to  suhmit  the  followiii;;  extract  ironi  a  report  to 
'  the  Secretary  of  W;ir,  hy  a  Hoard  of  diiu'ers,  of 
'  which  (^  donel  Totlen,  of  the  Cojps  of  Kni;ineer3, 
'  was  President; 

"  '  In  rel'erenec  (o  the  northern  frontier,  'jeiieral- 
'  ly,  it  is  the  (h'cided  iipitiioii  of  the  hoard,  lh;it,  he- 
'  sides  the  defences  which  have  hren  suu'u'csli  d 
'  alon;;  Ihe  border,  ehielly  tor  |inrposes  of  local 
'  protection,  there  should  lie  a  irrcat  central  siiiiion 
'  at  sinnc  position  in   the  interior,  at  which  iroops 

*  ntii:ht  be  assemhled   for  instruction,  and  where 

*  they  wtuild  still  he  with'ii  supporinii:  distance  of 
'  the  more  exposed  piu'is  o('  the  iVoniier.* 

"  TuniiniT  our  views  inland,  in  search  of  some 
'  ftin;;Ie  ])o.sitiou  jit  which  preparations  miirht   he 

*  made  for  cxtendinij  opei*ations  tni  this  frontier, 
'and  from  which  aiil  and  succor  could  alw;iys  he 
'  speedily  derived;  sinne  position  which,  wlide  it 
"shall  he  eipmlly  near  to  many  important  poijits 
'  of  the  enemy's  possessions,  .-hall  alliu'd  at  no 
'  time  any  indication  of  the  directioti  in  which  our 

*  etTort    .ire  to  be  maile,  which  will,  it'  it  be  ptissi- 

*  ble,  nnite  the  opposite  ipmhiies  of  Iieiui:  at  the 
'  satne  time  remote  iniii  proximate;  far,  as  to  ilis- 
'  tance,  but  near  as  to  time;  which,  while  it  brink's 
'  a  portion  of  the  military  res<inrces  of  tin'  eoinnry 
'  (o  (he  support  of  the  inland  frontier,  and  places 

*  them  in  the  best  attitude  lor  the  ooeratioiis  in  that 

*  quarter,  whether  defensive  or  ollensive,  at  the 
'same  time  lakes  them  not  away  from  the  sea- 
'  roast.  Looking'  for  these*  various  properties,  we 
'  find  ihein  all  united,  in  n  remarkable  dec;ree,  ir 
'  the  position  of  .'llbanii. 

"  From  (his  place  by  steamboat,  canal  boat,  ■  r 

*  railroad  ear,  triKips  and  munitions  could  he  tea  is- 

*  ported,  in  a  short  time,  lo  Hiilfalo,  or  oiiwai.,  to 
'  Detroit,  to  Oswe'jo,  to  Sackell's  Harbor,  (o  I'ialts- 
'  bur«r,  to  lioston,  and  all  alon;  ihe  coast  of  New 
'  Encland;  lo  New  York  by  steamboat  now,  and 
'  soon  by  railroad  idso;  and  thence  onwjird  to  IMiil- 
'  adelphia,  Baltimore,  \Vasliini:ton,  and  the  heart 
'  of  the  southern  country,  if  necesstirv.  In  a  word, 
'  Alliany  is  a  ffreat  eeniiid  |iosition,  from  which 
'  radiates  the  principal  lines  of  coinmuiiicaiion  lo 
'  the  north,  to  the  south,  to  the  cast,  and   (o   (he 

*  west;  and  combiMcs  so  maiiv  ad\aiiliiL'es  for  a 
'  military  depnl,  that  the  expeilieiiey  of  occupyiiiK 
'  il,  ami  thus  a\ailiie^  ourselves  of  lh()sc  iidvan- 
'  taees,  would  seem  lo  be  niaiiilesl." 

He  eonsidcreil  that  the  onlv  u'ronnd  on  which 
thi.1  anproorialion  could  be  pislilieil,  was,ilial  while 
it  facilitated  and  atlvaiiced  the  eommeree  ol*  these 
Slates,  and  of  (he  civilizial  world,  which  was  borne 
upon  its  waters  in  no  iinmciiBf  quantities,  It  was  also  '■ 


necessary  in  ;i  militarv  view  to  fiu'ililale  (he  trans- 
pm'taliou  of  our  troop.s  and  innuiitons  of  war  in 
e;ise  of  war  and  our  naval  operations. 

[Mr.  Tiiin  \'rTs  intpiired  ulielher  ihe  improve- 
ment of  (he  Ohio  and  Mississippi  rivers  was  not 
called  for  on  the  same  ;ri-,,iniils.'l 

Mr.  tlor.iiov  resumiu;:,  replied  that,  with  refer- 
ence to  ilnan  he  had  not  yet  made  up  his  mind 
that  ihev  were  arms  of  the  sea,  that  (hey  ebbed  and 
(lowed,  and  were  siibjec(  lo  ailmirally  anil  mari- 
liine  jurisdiciion.  I  |c  knew  that  the  Miuupliis  con- 
vention lind  nniile  w  lun  w;is  eertaiiilv  it  new  discov- 
ery— that  these  itdand  streams  were  "  inland  sens;*' 
where  ships  could  lloal,  and  where  whales  could 
swim,  he  siipposeil.  jlui  he  was  not  yel  satisfied; 
Ins  niiiid  wanti'd  more  li",lit  ;  and  l;e  believed  after 
all, that  the  li"h(  struck  up  by  that  cotneiiiioii  w  as 
a  sort  of  i'fiii.s  /ii/iiiii,  which,  instead  of  liiidini; 
them  into  ;i  safe  harbor,  would  le;id  them  into  the 
KW.nnp,  iVoiu  which  they  would  never  emersre,  of 
political  iliirkness — he  wemld  not  say  of  political 
destruciion.  He  was  not  i.-oiin:;  to  ipinrrel  alMutt 
(he  (lliio  and  (he  Mis.-.jssippi;  he  cared  not  where 
the  money  Wiis  expended,  if  expended  promrlv 
where  il  was  neeihil,  and  for  ohjeits  which  were 
within  Ihe  pale  of  the  C'lnistilution. 

.\  yrcai  cr\-  hial  I  ecu  niade,  espci'iallv  by  the 
trcutleinan  from  .Xhiiinna,  [Mr.  P\vxi;,|  that  inoir 
moiiev  had  been  expended  for  deli  nee  at  the  \oith 
(hail  at  the  South.  .Mr.  <i.  dissented  fiom  this 
staiemrail  with  refereni  e  lo  wha(  had  already  been 
expended;  bni  Texas  had  tiol  ceme  in  for  her  share 
Vei.  The  Slate  of  Tex;is  would  soon  be  hiMid  by 
tier  Itepreseiitjifives  on  this  lioor,  and  soon  we 
should  lie  called  Ujioti  lo  appropriate  millions  on 
millions  for  her  harbors.  She  would  fix  herself  like 
a  horse-leech  upon  the  ire;»surv  of  the  cotintrv,  and 
would  not  cive  over  unlii  "oic-ed.and  nil  her  ports 
and  harbois  iiad  received  due  atteiition  tVoin  ihe 
treasury  of  this  n;niou — more  attention  tli.in  they 
deserve,  and  as  much  as  other  sections  have  re- 
ceived. His  lamenialions,  therefore,  were  prenia- 
line. 

HaviiuT  fiiiislu'd  what  he  had  lo  say  upon  (l.e 
bill,  he  wished  now  to  sociik  a  little  of  matters  and 
ihiii'is  in  L'eneral,  as  the  "  stale  of  the  rniou  u'en- 
erally"  was  ■•under  consale-alion."  The  Wist, 
(he  2n  at  and  irrowiie:  West,  hinl  com[ilained  that 
il  had  not  been  fiirly  dealt  by.  |.Mr.  (i.  referred 
lo  an  article  from  the  "Daily 'i'iiiies"  upon  this 
siibjeci.)  He  was  sorry  lo  see  such  coinplainis; 
for  he  really  lhoii:;lii  the  West  was  irettin;r  nenily 
all  (he  appropriations  thai  were  made, and  slill  I  ley 
were  not  satisfied. 

\.\  voice:  "  What  have  we  !;ol.=  ") 

.\1r.  (J.  woelil  till  them  what  they  had  eoi.  He 
had  he;irtl  some  iieiitlcuieii  the  other  liny  say,  upon 
the  authority'  ot  ii  di  ^liiiu'uished  southern  statesman 
who  had  laKeii  a  jiromiiient  part  at  the  .Memphis 
eoiiveniion,  ilial  some  lifieeii  or  sixteen  millions  of 
dollars  had  been  ex|iended  in  the  VVesl,  which  were 
not  worth  a  million. 

The  irreat  b'.rie  canal,  the  line  of  eommnnica- 
tioii  fnun  the  l''.ast  lo  ihe  AVest,  lo  the  liirmcrs  of 
.New  York  has  been  a  curse  rather  ilian  .'i  blessiiiij. 
It  has  broui:ht  ihe  Wesi  ni'iner  lo  the  ciiy  of  New' 
York  (hall  (he  \ery  lands  of  his  consiiluenls,  which 
were  within  sixty  mill  s  of  the  Hudson  river.  There 
had  already  been  nppropri  iled  for  these  western 
lakesS'  ,ii,!>()4,  wind,  went  inoreforlhe  benefit  of 
the  West  than  .New  Y^^rU  or  ihe  easiern  Siaies. 

(.\1r.  M(  ('i.rnxAVii  ini|iiiri  d  if  Lake  Ontario  and 
a  pan  of  I'aie  were  counted  in  the  West.'"] 

.Mr.  (foiiiiox.  Since  the  completion  ofihe  Wel- 
land  canal  (hey  were,  Tlie  bem  lit  of  ihise  irreni 
lines  of  eoinmnnicaiion  iniireiL  espi-iiidly  and  al- 
most e.vcliisively  lo  the  Wesl,  eiiabhni;  them  lo 
becoine  the  powrrfiil  and  snciissful  competitors 
III  the  ninrkel  of  New  York  in  ;iL'riculinral  pro- 
iliiciioiis,  aii'l  iiijuruiL^,  in  iliis  [loiiit  of  view,  in- 
stead c)f  benefilini;,  the  faituers  of  the  Slale  of 
New  Ycu'k.  The  Wisi,  up  lo  ihe  first  day  of 
.lannary,  1^41,  had  had  f  .(n.'i.UTsI  acri  s  of  hind, 
wcnth  a(  least  >^l  ,'iO  per  acri',  in  aihlition  (o  nc  arly 
three  inillions  of  dollars  ';i\en  for  schools,  roads, 
and  eunats.  How  much  since  (hat  he  did  (loi 
know.  He  heard  a  voice  sayinir  they  had  foiiL'lil 
for  il  anil  won  the  w  hole  ot  il.  "  I'on^lil  for  it 
and  won  the  whole  of  il  ="  he  asked.  Wlieii' 
was  Ihe  Wesl  in  (he  revohilionnry  w  ar  r  In  the 
woiuh  of  lime.  The  old  thirteen  Stales  fomrlil  fcM- 
and  won  our  iiidepenilenec;  and  New  York,  Vir- 


ginia, Massachu.seds,  Conneeiiettt,  South  Caroli- 
na, North  Carolina,  and  Cieor:.ia,  (n  whom  the 
whole  of  the' public  domain  behniKed,  ceded  it  to 
the  coiifederalion  and  Iheljnion;  and  thisGoverit- 
nient  had  mncrnanimouKlysiven  away  (o  this  youns; 
and  irrowini,'  infant  of  the  West  millions  of  land 
and  money  for  schools,  roads,  and  canals,  and  (he 
improvements  of  harbois.  This  wa.s  not  all. 
There  were  bills  reported  this  session,  appropria- 

;  liin:  for  inlenml  improvements  in  (he  Wesl  nearly 
three  millions  of  dollars,  and  about  ei!;ht  millions 

1  ofacres  of  land.  Not  only  that;  bnl  they  wanted 
all  ihe  mineral  lands  broushi  within  ihe  ijeneral 
laud  policy;  and  then  they  would  inlroduce  bills 
lo  cede  these  lands  to  ihe  Stales  in  w  liich  they  lie. 
And  if  all  this  was  not  done,  they  would  com- 
plain, he  supposed,  that  they  were  not  well  Ircat- 
ed.  This  WHS  all  very  modest  I  Slill  the  West 
ecMTiplaincd  ihat  il  had  been  "  w  ron^jed,  pluiideied, 

1   oppressed,  and  ontra'^ed." 

I  Thecommerceoflhe  West,  both  exporlsandiin- 
]»nrts,  in  vast  amount,  w;is  eari'ied  on  the  Hudson, 

',  and  derived  as  much  benefit  from  the  iinproveinent 
of  Ihe  Ovi'i'slaurh  as  thai  of  any  either  part  of  the 
country;  and  il  mi;;lil  well  he  called  a  wr^terii  im- 
provement. He  iiLso  rcuitendeel  that  (he  West  de- 
rived as  much  l>euclit  from  the  navy  in  proportion 
to  its  commerce  as  the  easiern,  mideile,  or  southern 

I  Slates.  It  was  iialional,  and  L'ave  proleclion  alike 
to  the  forei;;n  commerce  of  every  part  of  the  conn- 
try;  ijave  character  lo  the  ccuinlry  abroad  among 

I  the  other  Powers  of  the  world;  overawed  piracy; 
inspired  the  barbarous  nations  with  fear  of  onr 
power  and  elrejid  of  otu"  venceauea';  and  thus  held 

'  them  in  ofdi'r,  anil  eleterrcd  them  from  commilliiif; 
ilepredalions  em  our  eennmeree.     In  all  these  ereat 

!    beiielils  ihe  West  pnrticipaleil.      She,  ihei'el'ore, 

1  had  no  reason  lo  comjilain  that  e'venhanded  Jusliee 
h:ui  not  been  elealt  out  lo  In  r.  She  was  wroni:  in 
ihreiileniiic;  reljdi;ilion  on  lie-r  siste'r  States,  so  soon 

1    as  her  numerical  streiiL'th  woulil^rivc  her  the  phys- 

!  ical  ability  to  inflict  it.  Much  li'ss  would  iho.se 
trnuindless  rcmiplainis  jnslify  a  system  of  inlcrnal 

'    improvements  on   the  part  of  (his  (iovernnicnt, 

'  which  il  had  not  the  power  loen^aee'  in,  ;ind  which 
was  Ihe  worst   policy  it    could  adopt — a  system 

■  Ibr  (he  sake  of  the  spoils,  and  not  lin'  the  coinple- 
1    lion  of  the  defences  of  the    eouniry'.      Hoads.  ea- 

■  nals,  and  railways,  should  he  made  ;ind  owned  by 
the  Stales,  iudiviilnals,  or  companies,  and  not  by 

,    Ihe  I'nioii.     New  Yeu'k  liiul  made  her  own  canals, 
!    roads,  and  railways.    Let  other  Slates  do  the  same. 
'    It  wiuild  be  unjii^t    lo   her,  who  at    her  own  ex- 
I    peiise   has  constrncled    her  canals  and   other  im- 
i    provemenis,  (o  compel  her  lo  coiitribnte  her  epicua 
of  taxes,  direct   or  indirect,  lor  internal  improve- 
ments in  other  Stales.    She  never  oiiL'hl  lo  submit 
to  such  injustice, and  he  llioti;;lil  she  neverwouhl. 
In  her  iiaiiie,  he  prolesteil  a'.Miut  the  system. 

In  his  opinion  il  wenilel  have  been  wise  for  the 
Stale  of  New  York  lo  have  improved  the  Hudscui 
river  at  her  own  expen.se,  with  her  canal  lolls,  anil 
Icfl  the  navicalion  free  to  all  the-  Siales,  as  it  now 
is.     Had  she  done  this,  she  would  have  made  the 

■  improvetnenl  I'liirient,  with  le.-s  expense  and  ade-- 
qu.iie  (o  (he  necessities  of  the  comnierce  of  this 
noble  river;  and  by  her  ex.iinple  have  sei  the  .seal 
of  condeniiinlion  on  Ihe  syt  ieui  of  river  imiirove- 
menls  which  ihrealeiis,  by  e.<ieiisioii,  to  insnifthc 
nation  in  irredeemable  deb(  and  bankruptcy,  as 
had  happened  to  several  of  the  Stales.     A  liistri- 

:    billion  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of  (he  puhlie. 

lands a  policy  repuu'uant  lo  the  Constiiiilion  and 

hierhlv  inexpeilieni— would  be  preferable  even  to 
(his  iiiicimsttlntional  and  d;iiiceriHi«  system  of 
river  improvemenis.  lint,  liie  lliielson  is  noi  ludy 
an  arm  eif  the  sea,  bnl  a  coiinectinn-  link  beiweeii 
the  [.'i-eal  lakes  , ■mil  the  ocean:  and,  (hen  foci',  in 
no  respect  is  like,  in  my  view,  those  rivers  pro- 
vided fm-  in  this  bill. 

The  larilf  speech  of  the  eenlleman  from  Massa- 
rhiiseiis,  |.\lr.  HrDsiiN.J  on  this  bill,  nnil  some 
su'/irestious  lie  had  liearil  from  eiihers,  would  jus- 
tify  him  ill  alliielins;  lo  ninlter  not  necessarily  eoii- 
iieiied  with  the  bill. 

Il  had  been  stateel  thai  we  were  (o  |uirchase  free 
trade  in  the  iiorts  of  (ireal  Hrilain  for  onr  fjraiti  and 
breailslnll's  by  ihe  siirreude  r  of  half  the'  territory 

,  of  <)ri'i,'eiu.  and  a  ri'ihietieui  of  onr  own  larilf.  He 
dill  not  believe  thill  our  policy  should  be  reirnlnteel 
or  L'overued  by  the  polii'y  of  (iri'at  lirilain  in  any 
K spec  I;  thai  i)ur  jusl  righls  in  Oregon  wore  to  be 


[March  10, 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


343 


OF  Rkps. 

South  Ciiroli- 
,  to  wliorii  tlie 
ed,  celled  it  to 
il  ihisGnvprit- 
y  totliis  yoi\ii]a; 
illions  cif  land 
cniKils,nm!  llie 

WMH  nnt  nW. 
iori.  a|iprnpriii- 
10  West  neiu'ly 

eiiilit  imIIIIoiis 
il  I  hey  wiinted 
ill  the  ijpiiernl 
inlrraliiec  bills 
ttliii'li  ihey  lie. 
■y  would  I'oni- 

iioi  well  trrnt- 
Siill  the  West 
;e(l,|iliindeicd, 

exports ;\nd  im- 

■  11  till'  Hudson, 
V  impro^i'iiieiit 
lux  part  iiCllie 
I  ;i  wr^teni  iiii- 
it  the  West  de- 
!•  ill  piiipiirtion 
lie.  nrsnnthern 
iroleilinii  iilike 
irt  of  the  eoun- 
iihnmil  nniiing 
eniwed  piviiey; 
ill  fiMi-  i>l'  oiir 
(ind  lliiis  held 

oiii  eniiiniilliiij^ 
1  nil  those  irreiit 
"I'lie,  thevoloro, 
iliiinded  justice 

■  \\;ts  wroni:  in 
Suites,  so  soon 
r  her  the  phys- 
ss  would  those 
leiii  of  internal 
*  Ooveninient, 
e  iii,:ind  which 

ipi — a  f-'y.ilem 
ir  the  eoinple- 
i^oiids.  ea- 
aiiti  owned  iiy 
'S,  and  not  hy 
cr  own  eiinaiN, 
In  the  .■-nnie. 
1    her  own  e\- 
ind   other  iin- 
nie  her  (|iioiii 
lull  iinprove- 
:rlit  to  Mil'init 
never  would, 
-system, 
wise  tor  the 
I  the  Hudson 
nal  tolls,  and 
CH,  as  it  now 
iive  made  the 
■use  and  aile- 
nieri'o  of  this 
e  hf-i  the  seal 
ver  improve- 
to  iiiirnlf  the 
nUrnplcv,  as 
;es.     A  distri- 
<if  the  ]iiihlic 
siiinlioii  and 
■alile  oven  to 
(    system    of 
oil  is  not  only 
link  heiween 
ilierel'oie,  in 
ise  rivers  pro- 

froni  Mnssn- 
lilt,  and  some 
w  oiild  Jus- 
cfssarily  eon- 

purchapo  free 
our  ^rain  and 
the  lemlory 
III  tarid".  He. 
I  lie  reirnlated 
Itritain  in  any 
on  wtjrc  to  ho 


29th  Cono 1st  Bess. 


The  Oregon  (luestion — Mr,  Ratkbun. 


Ho.  OP  Rf.ps. 


iTiaintainod  at  every  linzard,  and  our  tnrift"tiioi!ificd 
without  any  regard  to  what  Great  nrilain  niiijhtdo 
with  her  own  tarifV.  If  we  should  cede  the  niie-lmlf 
of  Ore;,'on  as  the  ef|nivalciit  fm'  the  reduction  of  the 
tarifl",  sho  niJErht  turn  round  and  raise  her  duties, 
and  would  do  so  undouhtedly,  and  slint  her  jiorIM 
iiirainst  the  entrance  of  our  lireadstull's  wdienever  it 
iniirlit  suit  her  inleresls.  He  was  a  revenue-tarifV 
man,  and  he  held  that  weouirht  to  do  what  our  duty  . 
required  in  the  matter  of  modil'yine  onr  iarilf,  with- 
out loferencc  to  the  action  of  Groit  l!ritain  upon 
hers.  t)iir  title  to  Orci^oii  was  <rood  to  54°  40'. 
He  denounced  the  idea  that  we  shmild  liarter  away 
our  elernal  ri^rlus  in  territorial  sovereii^nty  for  a 
favoralile  loon  from  Knirlnnd's  mn^'iianimily,  in 
the  oponiii!^  id"  her  ports  to  onr  productimis,  wlien, 
after  she  had  ohtaiued  a  title  from  us  which  would 
lie  till'  only  title  she  ever  held,  she  in|i;lii  close  her 
iKirts,  and  we  would  thus  ho  hei^uiled  and  cheated. 
J'he  larif.'of  IH 13  should  he  the  hasisof  our  action, 
and  such  luodjfications  should  he  made  as  time  and 
experience  had  shown  to  he  necessary,  with  refor- 
eneo  to  the  treasury  and  to  orpial  ju.stice  to  all  the 
yreat  iiuerosis  of  the  country. 

liolore  Air.  G.  had  eoiicliided  his  remarks,  the 
chairmairN  hammer  fell,  and  he  resumed  his  seal. 


HARBORS  A?.'D  RIVERS. 


it.  It  propii.«eH  simply  to  remove  ohstruetiona 
which,  from  lime  to  time  and  from  various  causes, 
jure  orendantrer  their  naviirition.     They 


ture's  hi;liways 


f  them  exlondni'!:  from 


.  PEECH  OF  MR.  G.  RATIIBUN, 

OF  ,NF.W  VOr.K. 
Ix  Tur,  Hot'SK  oi-'  REi'iiF.si;NTAri\i;.s, 
Mimk  IG,  1840. 
The  Rill  fiu'  the  inipiovcmeMt  of  coriaiii  Harhor.s 
and  Rivers  hein;;  tinder  eoiisideration — 
Mr.  RATHRUN  made  the  followiii';  remarks: 
Mr.  (_'|IAIHMA\:  'I'lie  task  of*  addressing;:  the 
eommiiiee  on  the  snhjcct  under  eoiisideration,  i.s 
nnyll  inu'  hut  aiirecalile.  It  has  heen  ably  discussed 
cm  all  sides,  and  I  have  little  hope  at  present  of 
hoimj  able  to  present  any  new  views  or  ar;^uinents 
wliicli  can  enlifrhteii  or  interest  this  committee.  1 
am  not  one  of  the  mourners  on  this  occasion;  that 
honorable  position  has  been  monoiioli/.ed  by  a 
};entli'niaii  from  Soiuh  Carolina,  in  the  eommenee- 
ineiit  of  this  discussion,  we  wore'  told  liy  the  hono- 
rable centleman  from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  Riiett] 
that  this  bill  was  a  revival  of  the  exploded  system 
of  iiilernal  improvements;  that  it  was  a  Pederal 
measure;  that  its  tendenev  was  to  eonsolidatioti; 
that  it  was  destructive  to  the  rii'lits  and  independ- 
iiieeof  the  States;  and  that  its  passaije  hihs(  fcf  (iff  i' 
llw  ruins  of  the  Comliliilioii.  fSir,  it  was  for  this 
reason  that  the  mourners  appeared  here,  and  an- 
nounced the  intention  of  perlorniin;;  the  last  sad 
and  solemn  rites  of  burial  of  its  remains.  1  am 
not  about  to  address  the  relatives  and  mourners  in 
the  manni'r  usual  in  some)iarlsof  the  country,  but 
1  will  endeavor,  in  as  brief  a  manner  as  po.ssiblo,  to 
eonvinie  them  that  the  Constitution  is  iiottiestroy- 
ed;  that  il  will  not  be  endanijered  in  the  least  liy 
the  passa!;e  of  this  bill,  notwiihstaiidin;;  it  has 
created  so  much  alarm,  and  has  heen  subjected  to 
so  much  abuse.  I  propo.se,  lirst,  to  iminire  into 
the  eharaeter  of  this  bill,  and  to  ascertain  whether 
il  is  subject  to  (lenniieiation  as  reviving  the  systi'in 
of  internal  improvements.  With  the  exception  of 
the  clause  pronoain;;  to  purchase  in  behalf  of  the 
Government  the  stock  of  the  Louisville  and  Port- 
land canal,  for  the  purpose  of  makiuf:  the  navi^a- 
lioii  of  llie  Ohio  free,  there  is  nothinu;  contained  in 
it  except  provisions  to  remove  obstructions  from 
Nome  of  the  most  Important  navi;;able  rivers,  and 
to  improve  eertaiii  harbors  on  the  mreat  lakes  and 
on  the  .•Xilauiie.  Kvory  harbor  mentioned  in  the 
bill  is  upon  waiers  separ'atiiiir  us  from  and  formiii'i: 
the  boundary  between  us  and  foreisrn  countries. 
They  are  open  to  the  ships  and  eoinmerre  of  those 
eounlries  as  well  as  our  own.  They  are  not  inter- 
nal, but  external.  They  are  not  mw  and  arlllicial 
eonstruetlons,  to  aceoniniodale  internal  triule  and 
eomniunieatiim;  but  they  are  uaMiral  harbors,  re- 
riuirin;;  not  so  mncli  improvement  as  protection. 
Without  harbors  loroi'jii  commerce  eauiiol  exist 
any  niori'  than  rlomesiic;  they  are  both  dependant 
upon  those,  and  they  are  di-iii'iiilaiit  upon  lach 
other,  as  I  inti'iid  to  sliow  before  I  t;et  llinaiy:li. 

Now,  sir,  let  us  examine  that  part  of  the  bill  re- 
Imiiig  to  imiirovumeiits  of  certain  rivers  named  in 


near  the  extreme  nortliern  limit  of  this  TTnion,  and 
terminatinr;  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  They  are  n.'i- 
lional  thoroii^lifares — no  State  has  any  power  or 
authority  to  interfere  \\-itli  their  free  naviiration. 
Floods  washioc;  their  banks  carry  the  earth  and  the 
trees  upon  their  borders  into  thestream,  prodi'cin<; 
bars  and  9na;,'s-.  thus  renderini,'  navi^ralirni  dillicult 
and  dangerous.  This  bill  proviiles  for  their  re- 
moval. 

Thus,  sir,  I  have  shown  the  scope  and  ohjecl  of 
the  hill,  and  I  deny  that  it  is  in  any  sense,  what  is 
eommnnly  or  properly  undei'siood'by  the  term,  in- 
ternal iniprovonienls.  It  I'oniaius  no  pro],osiiioii 
to  create,  or  r  instruct;  nothini,'  now  is  lobe  pro- 
duced; no  canal,  road,  or  railroad  is  to  be  made; 
no  now  line,  mode,  or  means  of  internal  eommuni- 
catiou  is  projiosed.  It  is  dosiirned  to  preserve  the 
iisefulness  of  those  i,'rent  worivs  which  a  wise  and 
beneficent  I'rovideuce  has  bestowed  upon  dur 
country.  I  trusMlie  niembers  of  this  House  are 
not  to  1ie  l'ri;;htene(l  at  an  improper  christeniii"' of 
the  bill. 

The  bill  fiu'  ibe  eimslrnetion  of  liL'lit-honsc-sand 
another  fm-  fort  ific-n  ions  may  as  properly  be  called 
internal  improvement  bills.  Rni  it  is'  said  that 
this  hill  is  uneonslitniionnl.  Sevenil  honorable  ; 
members,  from  dllloroi  t  Stall  s,  have  opposed  it 
upon  that  ','i'oond,and  'lie  of  them,  [Mr.  Riiutt, 
of  Soiiih  C;  foihia,]  ^wlu  appears  on  tliis  nceasion 
as  chief  mo  iriiorii  assert,  that  Conrrri  ss  li.is  no 
power  to  imp -ove,  or  to  pn  serve,  or  lo  interfere, 
ill  any  way,  v.-itli  jiny  harbor.  And  wh\  =  Ro- 
caiise  there  is  no  express  ;.owei'  conferred  I  r  that 
purpose  ill  the  Ccun  liluf'nii.  If  1  remember  ari<rht 
he  did  not  h  ok  into  the  ' 'onsliiuiiou  for  llir  power 
to  annex  Texas  to  this  I'liion;  eoii'iruci'-.o  iiower 
was  then  necessary.  Let  nio  ask  t';-il  very  able 
memb.  ■  if  he  finds  in  the  Coustitntion  express  au- 
thority to  build  a  fori,  to  east  a  cannon,  to  make  an 
anchor  or  ehaiii-cabi  ■,  toosf.-iblish  a  navy-yard,  to 
build  a  dry-dofk,  to  buy  a  lihiary,  to  bi'ijlil  a  cus- 
tom-house or  liiiht-bousi  .-  They  are  not  to  I'o 
found  there,  sir:  and  yet  I  have  'lever  heard  him 
interpose  eiuistilutional  objections  to  iUiy  of  these 
thinas.  The  Conslimtion' L'-ives  to  CoiiCTess  the 
power  ••  to  provide  and  maintain  a  navy."  This 
is  a  ffeiieral  L'rant  of  |iower,  and  embra'ees,  in  the 
most  eomprehensiveseii.H',  all  incidental  power  iie- 

eessa "  carry  it  into  full  and  complele  efl'cct. 

.■\ll  to. litis  necessary  to  provide  or  maintain  a  navy 
are  incident  to  the  express  power  sranled,  and  are 
posses.sed  by  Coni;ress  in  the  same  manner  and  lo 
the  same  extent  as  If  lliey  had  been  particularly 
specified.  A  navy-yard  ibr  the  eonstmciion,  an 
anchor  and  cable  to 'secure,  a  dry-dock  to  repair 
and  preserve,  a  luirbor  for  proleciion  a;;aiiisl  llie 

■  winds  and  storms,  a  li:.'-|it-liouse  to  warn  a'.,'ainsl 
daiiL'ers  and  to  direct  to  a  place  of  safety,  ai'e  all 
iieeessary  to  |.roviile  and  niainiain  a  navy.  It 
would  bo  more  wise  to  dispense  with  the  cable  and 
anchor  than  llie  liarlio'       Ihil  it  is  objected  that 

'  these  harbors  are  used  for  the  purposes  of  eom- 
meree,  and  thatComrre.ss  lias  no  rislit  lo  appropri- 
ate the  |iuli|ic  money  for  thai  purpose.  Sir,  I  hold 
that  expendilnres  of  iiioney  which  are  neces.snrv 
to  the  jiiiblic  defence,  and  ai  the  same  time  encour- 
ai;e  and  frive  security  to  iho  commerce  of  the  coon- 
try.ari'  not  only  eonsiiiuiioiial,  but  are  emiiiontiv 
omilled  'o  the  favorable  consideration  of  Coiiirress. 
It  is  beca'ise  eoinmeree  is  fostered  and  improved, 
that  I  pre'er  this  kind  of  expenditure  lo  wastiinr  it 
upon  the  army  and  navy. 

It  lias  also  been  eoiilended  that  we  have  i in- 

stituiioiial  riulil  to  remove  a  bar  or  a  tree  carried 
by  the  floods  iiilo  the  Ohi,,  d.- ,Mississippi  rivers. 
Those  rivers  are  not  u.itioiiai  works,  but  they  are 
national  property — national  in  theirehar.icier.iises, 
and  purposes.  The  miliiaiy  |iowi'r  oi  the  Gov- 
ernmenl,  iii  a  iireat  doL'tee,  is  depemlant  upon  the 
naviiratioii   of  these    irreat    streams.     Celerilv   of 

movemem — the  power  lo  concentrate  military  i'oi 

— is  the  secret  of  military  success.  The  western 
rivers,  bindmir  to^'other  all  that  portion  of  the 
counlry  west  of  the  Allo^'hany  moniitaiiis,all'ordin!,' 
facilities  for  speedy  eonimun'iciiinn  north  or  south, 
;;ivinir  wind's  to  military  nu  vemenis  in  lime  of 
wiir,  may  well  claim  the  attention  of  Confrre.ss  as 
the  most  eilicieiil  nn'ous  '..f  public  defence.     Tliev 


are  oitr  mililnry  ronds,  made  to  our  hands,  and 
reqtiirinj^  occasional  repairs,  Nolhinj!^  bvtt  the 
mn.it  shorlsifjlited  policy  would  withhold  il.  Here 
nirain,  it  is  elinrged  that  those  expendilnres  arc  for 
the  benefit  of  coinmerce — that  the  people  are  taxed 
for  those  improvement.s — that  a  lii;;li  tarirt'  will  he 
ref|iiired  lo  meet  those  unconstitutional  and  waste- 
ful expenditures. 

Sir,  I  repeat  that  a  stroiii;  indne.ement  to  tlie 
su|)port  of  this  bill,  in  all  iis  provisions,  to  improve 
and  preserve  harbors,  and  to  preserve  the  imvijja- 
tioii  of  the  rivers,  is  the  fuel,  that  ihey  arc  the 
most  efficient  means  of  naval  and  military  defence; 
and,  at  the  same  time,  they  are  of  the  ntmo.st  im- 
portance lo  the  conimerce  anions-  the  several  States 
of  this  Thiion,  and  with  foreign  countries.  This 
bill  calls  for  Iho  expenditure  of  about  one  inillion 
of  dollars;  more  than  thai  snni  has  been  aii|iro- 
priated  this  session  to  build  fortifications.  They 
are  of  no  service  but  in  limeofwiir,  and  then  of 
doublful  utility,  except  for  the  proteclion  of  our 
principal  cities.  Those  lake  harbors  furnish  the 
ships  and  men  for  their  own  defi  nee.  They  pro- 
vide your  navy.  The  objects  of  this  expendiluru 
are,  as  I  have  said,  two-fold — for  defence,  and  lo 
benefit  eommerce.  There  is  no  objection  lo  tax- 
iiiir  the  people  lo  keep  up  and  maintain  a  navy  and 
army.  Ten  or  twelve  inillion  of  dollars  arc  an- 
iinallv  expended  for  that  purpiiso.  brinKiiii;  no 
return  wlmtever.  Yet  those  who  are  the  most 
alarmed  about  the  profllL'ateexpeiidituroB  contained 
in  this  bill,  are  the  most  ardent  supporters  of  the 
useless  exiiendilures  for  the  army  iind  navy. 

This  hill  aids  commoree,  which  .supplies  the 
funds  to  the  Government  to  carry  it  into  exceulioii. 
Il  li.as  been  often  said  during  litis  discussion  that 
no  nation  can  import  unless  il  exports;  and  that 
exports  and  im|)orls  aicdependenluponeaeli  other 
in  'amount.  Tlii.<  is  undoubtedly  true,  and  il  is 
therefore  important  to  increase  our  exports.  The 
ninre  we  sell,  the  more  we  are  enabled  to  purchase, 
and  the  sreaier  the  umounl  of  revenue  derived  lo 
the  Government.  Sir,  su|ipose  Congress  ahould 
netrlect  our  hiii'bors.  and  permit  them  to  be  filled 
up  and  destroyed:  what  would  become  of  our  com- 
merce upon  the  lakes.-  What  would  become  of 
the  cities  and  towns  upon  those  harbors?  They 
trrew,  and  they  vyoulil  perish  lo<,'ether.  Suppose 
the  navi'ralion'of  the  Mi,ssissip|>i  dcslioj-ed:  what 
would  be  the  ofVeet  u]ioii  the  western  country  r  Her 
ihrivins  cities  and  villaires,  her  prosperous  farm- 
ers and  mechanics,  her  ihou.saiids  of  steamboats, 
her  rich  products,  and  her  thrivins;  commerce, 
would  all  lie  destroyed.  Without  the  rivers  emp- 
lyiiiu'  into  the  Gulf'of  Mexico,  without  tlic  harbors 
on  the  lakes,  and  the  canals  leadiii'.;  to  the  Atlantic, 
the  rich  lands  of  the  West  would  be  vidueless, 
their  produrts  could  not  reach  a  market,  her  people 
could  no;  purchase  forci'.xii  ffoods,  the  consuiiin- 
tion  of  the  country  would  fall  off,  imports  would 
diminish,  your  public  lauds  would  not  sell,  and 
your  revenue  would  be  lost.  Sir,  if  ;;eutlemen  are 
I'lf'raid  of  larse  expenditures,  I  ask  them  to  look  at 
the  army  and  navy,  and  to  count  the  millions  they 
have  cost,  and  tell'  mo  what  !:ood  the  country  has 
derived  from  them.  Sir,  the  army  and  navy  is 
filled  with  superannuated  oHiecrs — useless  to  the 
country  and  unlit  for  service — who  are  drawinaj 
from  the  treasury  from  three  to  seven  thousand 
ilollars  each  of  them  nnmially.  OtRccrs  wailing 
orders,  some  of  whom  have  been  wailine  for  twen- 
ty veins,  doiii!:  iiothiuir,  receive  anmially  little  less 
ilia'ii  a  million  of  dollars.  Let  this  sum  betaken, 
which  is  now  wasted,  or  reduce  the  navv  or  army, 
and  save  the  money.  Let  it  be  expended  as  pro- 
vided for  in  this  bill,  and  it  will  benefit  the  whole 
country. 

Rut  benllemen  :ire  lu'oparins:  for  war — we  have 
always  been  ]n'eparini;  for  war.  Peace,  we  are 
told,  is  the  time  lo  jnepnre  for  war.  Grant  it. 
What  is  preparation  for  war?  Is  an  army  and 
navv,  sup|Hirted  at  the  expen.se  of  millions  annu- 
ally" and  eternally,  pre]>aration  for  war?  Is  an 
enipty  treasury  preparation  for  war?  Are  large 
sums  of  money  drawn  from  the  pockets  of  ihe 
people  and  uselessly  expended,  pre[raration  for 
war  ?  They  may  be  estecmetl  lo  he  so;  such  haa 
been  the  practice  of  our  Government;  but,  to  my 
jiuL'nient,  it  is  f'olly  and  a  waste  of  the  public. 
money.  I  am  in  favorofcuriailint,' both  army  and 
navy-— 1  am  fordismissin.^  ahost  of  usolessnlheers, 
and  reliovint';  the  Government  from  the  payment 


:im 


"I 
''I 


'29th  Cono. 


.1st  Sks9. 


APPENDIX  TO  TIIK  CUJVGIIKSSIOAAi.  (;iX)Bi;. 

The  Orcfj^on  C^umtion — l\lr.  Dodge. 


[F.b.  7, 

11(1,  OK  Uki'h. 


<)fc.MniV(U,'iirii  Niilmii's.  ilcii',  il'we  will,  we  imi 
relniioji  Miilfioii'iil  luJimpiDVc  itll  cue  IuuIhus  mid 
riviTS.  Tliia  iiKuiiy  will  cimlilc  vii  in  striiir  the 
imii'i'ily  ami  llif  livt-s  urtliu  piuiili' <\f;auibl  wimis 
ami  wtt)rm3  uptm  lliu  lakot* — ilif  mihl:s  U[miii  nur 
rivi'i's  ill  tmii'orptiii'iMiml  uyiiiiifii  I'lHiiiica  in  war. 
'I'lidsc  will)  arc  awaru  nl'  llio  iMciil  iiC  (lie  ciMii- 
inci'ft^  nl'nur  lakusaml  n\i-rs — llio  lf)!»«of  uroin'rty 
and  III'  Iininaii  lilc  lor  ihr  want  ol'  liiat  H4'i'urily 
whicii  lilies  liill  iM designed  in  |>arl  lo;;i\i' — will  nut 
liiinl  at'ier  .s)>m'1uiis  and  inuuniiMis  constiuuioiiiit 
ari;uimnl«  and  nlijiciiinm  In  ilil'eal  iu  |iaN«i!;i'. 
'I'lie  fear  ol' the  coiiMilidatiiiii  nl'llu'  |iowi'i'  in  lliis 
(jiovcrinneiu  will  nnto|U'ratr  ii|M>n  llii' mind  nl'aiiy 
ralinnal  man.  ll  is  an  (ilijirlinn  llial  wiinld  a|i|ily 
to  llio  I'xiTt'iaf  nri'\ery  |>uwtr  nrUif  Giivcnmu'iii. 
Till'  riT  iiion  ol*  an  army  or  navy,  llio  rc^rnlaiion 
nf  fiMinni'i'Ou  ainnii^^  the  Slairi*  and  willi  rnrfiirn 
I'oiinlrii'H,  nrc  all  lonncried  wiili  it,  and  are  each 
lialdi:'  In  llit  siinie  iliarsie. 

•Mr.  Oliairinaii,  llie^'eniliinun  iVoni  Suulli  Cain- 
lina  (.\lr.  Uiif.tt)  diiiouiirud  this  bill  with  ^icat 
severity  as  a  lederal  iiietn^ine,  and  all  ilmse  wlm 
wimld  Mile  I'nr  il  as  l''ederali.ils.  f>ir,  willi  llie  is- 
ei'plioii  of  a  H!n;;le  item,  1  nin  in  I'aNor  iil'  llic  lull: 
W'illi  lliat  oiil,  i  intend  to  voti'  lor  it;  and  1  a.isu'l 
lliat  every  Adininislratioii,  iVoin  ilie  daj  a  nrUeor^e. 
WasliiiiKUin  lo the  ineseiu  lime,  lias  .xani'liiinedand 
snslnined  the  prin<'i|iles  of  l!ii.s  I'ill,  in  every  pin- 
tieidai.  i  aMserl  altio  that  llie  Demoeraiii*  parly 
now  arc,  and  always  have  heeii,  in  favor  til' the 
same  iirineiplea.  .•Vnd,sir,  I  deny  llie  ii:;lil — at 
least  llie  cDnsiitnliinial  riu;lit — ol' any  member  nl' 
this  House  to  read  me  out  of  llie  parly,  for  doin\' 
what  1  know  to  be  my  iliity  as  a  parly  man,  and 
asu  Rppresiiilalive  of  an  iiilelli!.'e.'ii  and  liberal  eon- 
slitiieiiey.  I  nil  not  to  be  ilelerietl  liy  llie  ery  of 
fedemlism,  .  onsolidalion,  eorrtipiioii,  prolliiraey, 
or  of  ruin  lo  llie  (.'onsiitnlioii,  wliirli  liave  been  so 
ofieii  repeated  in  refereiu-e  lo  this  bill,  from  i;ivin:^ 
lo  it  an  lioni'st  and  l'earle,vs  snpporl.  1  nil  lliose 
who  have  adopted  this  motleof  opposiiion,  ilnil  it  is 
labor  lost.  We  iiiiileislaiid  llie  olijiet  loo  well  lo 
b«  iiilUieiiced  or  friiiliii  iied.  I  am  not  in  fivor  of 
a  syslein  of  niiernal  improve  nieiila  by  llie  General 
Ijovennneiu.  1  never  have  biiii.  .\i  bolli  .se.s- 
sions  of  the  last  t'oiii^ress,  siirh  ainenilmeiits  were 
Htlaehed  to  thi.sbill  as  t'onipilled  me  lo  vole  ai,'aiiist 
it.  .'\nil  I  .say  now,  ilial  if  a  road,  or  lanal.  or 
railr,iail.  or  any  river,  noi  national  in  lis  eliarailer, 
simll  be  aliached  lo  iliis  bill,  as  niiieli  as  I  desire 
its  pn.ssnije  as  ii  ousjlu  loreiimin,  I  shall  vonairaiiisi 
it.     I  shall  hope  lo  see  il  defeali'il.     'I'he  ilaiifjeis 

10  be  apprelr'nded  from  ihr  adopiion  of  the  prinei- 
pltaof  Ibis  bill,  liie  aiaises  lo  result  iVom  it,  the 
abtisc  of  the  prniiiples  iliein.selves,  have  been  de- 
pleted lo  the  House  in  vivid  eoiors.  I  saul  jnsi 
now  ihal  the  prnn'iple  was  loiiir  sinee  ailoined  and 
saiii'lioned  by  every  previous  .\diniiiisiralion.  I 
Irnsi  It  will  be  by  ili'e  pnseni.  ."sir,  the  fear  of  ex- 
i-e.sH  of  llie  abuse  of  this  parlienlar  powv  r  applies 
til  every  exenise  of  power,  livery  appropriaiion 
of  money  may  be  iMrned  lo  exeess.  It  has  been 
»>  in  releriie  e  to  i|i.  jriiiy  and    navy  I'reipn  inly. 

11  i»  inneli  more  bkely  to  be  so  airaiii',  Ih.in  for  the 
iinprovemeiii  of  rivers  anil  harbors.  The  disiiv- 
tion  of  Con;;ri  ss  nnist  lie  eXerci.-eil;  if  that  is  found 
iiiHiitKeieiii,  the  people  will  apply  llie  correeiive. 

The  o|iposilioii  to  ihis  bill  Ims  been  prineijially 
of  a  seciioiial  ehaiiirler;  and  npialed  eli'oris  have 
been  made  to  array  tin  suniliern  piiriion  u(  ihe 
I'liion  aiiainsi  il,  upon  ihc  ^|■ollnll  llial  more  money 
IS  appropriated  for  the  .North  than  the  .Sonih. 
Several  '.'enilKinen  have  been  liitniiiiK,  lo  prove, 
and  1  believe  have  proved,  the  fail.  \  t»,  .sir,  snr- 
prisiiiL'  and  alariniir;  as  the  lint  may  appear,  after 
lookiiiu'  at  the  fiiur  .s,  I  niinioi  deny  il.  .\iid  why 
is  it  so-  Ueeaiise  tiitL'reai  lakes  are  in  the  .N'orlh; 
beeau.sc  the  Ohio  i  ivi  r  is  in  llie  .Norili,  (its  ,iiitli  i 
beiiii  in  tiie  .Soulli;,  the  lomiiierei'  is  in  the  North, 
or  is  larned  on  from  the  .North;  ihe  sliipn  are 
owned  111  the  .N'oriii;  ihe  whah men  and  fishernien 
Kie  ill  ihe  .North:  ii  is  la  ,-<:,,■, nv,  iherefore,  that 
eompelled  wlial  is  eoinpKilned  of  as  en  luinpial  di- 
\i.sioii.  Uiii,  sir,  alihoni-li  I  would  not  vusli,  yi  i 
I  would  iiol  shun,  a  full  ex.nnniulioa  of  the  whole 
«eeoniil  of  cxpeiidiiiires,  from  llie  beKlnniiiLr  of  ihe 
Uoveriniieiit  lo  tins  hour,  iii  the  .Norili  and  South. 
I  believe  such  an  i  xamiii.aion  would  show  the 
fn't,  that  llie  ,s;.iiitli,  iipmi  li.e  basis  of  iiopulalion, 
liaa  hull  ne.irly  two  dollars  lo  every  dollar  e.'vpenil- 
ed  111  thcNorili.    Lulus  look  ul  u  ii;vv  iitniH.    The 


pureha.se  of  Louisiana  eost  (ifueii  millions;  Florida 
live  million.!;  Klorida  war  probably  foriy-live  mil- 
lions; dcfuiee  and  expense  of  securing  Te.xas, 
and  i-i'llliii!,'  bonndaries,  probably  from  five  lo  ten 
millions;  annual  dr.ili  upon  the  Xorlli,  liaM'u  mil- 
lion, mirplus  post  olliii:  revenue,  lo  .-iiipply  the  ile- 
lieieney  in  the  Siiilli.  I  iiii;;ht  add  many  more 
iiems  III  swell  the  aeeount  millions,  if  neee.s.sary. 
The  last  I'limplaint  lli.it  any  soiitliern  niiui  .should 
make  is,  lli.it  the  .'^onlli  has  not  always  received  a 
full  share  of  what  has  iVeipienlly  luen  designaled 
in  lliis  disi'iis.sion  as  "  publir  plnnihr," 

This  allusion  to  the  i  xpriuliliire  of  money  in 
dilierenl  seriions  of  the  l.'nioii  was  fori'ed  upon 
nie,  not  elioseii.  I  am  deli  iiilini;  the  .North,  vvliieh 
has  been  assailed  bv  several  members  from  soulli- 
eniStaus.  Sir,  1  eonehule  by  repeatiii!,' thai,  with 
ihc  amendmeiU  I  have  iiaiieaied,  I  shall  vole  for 
this  bill.  I  have  no  lonsiiliilioiKil  dillicullies;  lliere 
are  none.  The  ery  of  I'l'di  riilisin  has  no  lerrors  to 
alarm  any  iii:ui,  and  lo  me  is  idle  wind.  Standing; 
upon  prineiples:idvoealed  anil  .suppurlid  by  Wasli- 
inslon,  .lelli'ison,  .Madison.  .Monroe,  .laekson,  and 
Van  Ijnreii,  and  last  of  all  by  .Mr.  (.'alhoiin,  eiin- 
stilnlioiial  iilijeeiioiis,  and  fiineral  oralions  over  iis  ' 
mills,  line  ats  and  dennniiaiions  of  oslraeisiu  from 
party,  iiies  of  eorrnptioii  and  plunder,  exeite  no 
feeliii:;biil  eommisenilioii  f.ir  llie  folly  of  lliose  who 
have  resorted  to  iheni.as  ihe  i. leans  of  inllueiieiii!; 
the  aelioii  of  ihc  meinliers  upon  this  lloor.  .\iiil 
now,  sir,  liav  iin;  said  thus  mneh,  anil  seeing:  many 
members  around  iiie  eai^er  to  obtain  ihe  door,  1 
yield  it. 


OREGON  aUKSTlON. 


si'RKcn  OF  y\]\.  .\.  V.  jx)dc:e, 

Of  IOWA, 

In  rut;  HorsK  or  Uki'1(ksi;ntativi,», 

Filirminj  7,  IHKi, 

On  ihe  111  solution  for  t(  niiiii;iliiii;  the  joint  occupa- 

lion  of  (^-ei^oii. 

Mr.  DODGE  addressed  ihe  Ilou....  as  follows: 

Mr.  CllAinMAS:  I  hope  tliiil  the  resolution  now 
under  coiisideratioii  will  pass.  It  is  ihc  tir.stofa 
series  of  measin'e.s  lookiii'T  lo  the  assertion  and 
inninleiiauee  of  our  riu'liis  lo  the  northwest  roast 
of  this  ronlineni;  all  oluhi'li  will,  1  trust,  reeeive 
the  early,  prompt,  inid  fivoiable  ui'tion  of  the 
preseiil  L'on^'ress.  The  lime  lia.s  eonie  when  the 
piiblie  voiee  demands  aelion  iipnn  lliis  IbTgon 
i|ueslion — the  i;realesl  iniesiimi,  in  my  Inmible  cs- 
limalion,  of  llie  day.  It  is  one  whieh,  (on  ;;reHler 
or  less  extent .  has  a';ii;iieil  the  mind  of  llie  people 
of  lliis  iinlion  for  more  ihaii  a  ipiari'T  of  a  eciiliiry, 
and  upon  wliieli,  in  the  reeeiit  presidential  elee- 
lion,  tiiev  have  spokiMi  iii  a  voiee  no]  to  be  misun- 
derstood. 

The  peopie  an  ,  sir,  upon  this  ipie.«lion,  ns  ihev 
have  alvvavs  been  on  all  '^re;it  (inestioiis,  iinmens- 
iirablv  in  advaiiee  of  the  poliiieian  and  the  leirisla- 
lor.  The  former  ileniand  aetioii,  eflieient  and  de- 
eided  aelion;  the  latter  hesilale,  and  are  afraid  of 
eonsetiiienet  s.  If,  uiil'oriiiimiely,  vvar  sliotild  iirnvv 
oiii  of  the  exereise  of  onr  *'ele.ir  and  imipiestioii- 
able  ri^'hls,"  the  people,  whose  blood  aiidwho.se 
treasure  will  be  expended  in  that  vvar,  .say,  "  lei  it 
eoiiie.''  This  1  sineerely  belii.ve  to  be  the  voiee 
of  ninefiitlis  of  the.\inerii  .111  people,  and  I  know 
il  lo  he  the  nniled  voee  of  ihoisc  whom  1  re|i- 
reseiil.  They  are  a  froulier  people,  and  prefer 
peaee;  but  they  are  bravi  ,  and  will  ever  be  foniifi 
ready  to  vmdieaie  ilieir  ri:;liis,ainl  those  of  the  na- 
tion: nor  vvill  llii'v,  when  these  are  ass;iiled,  ever 
stop  lo  iintuire  vvhelher  il  be  by  (it-itit  Ih'ilaiii  or 
weak  and  divided  Mexieo — wheilirr  the  fool  of  the 
hosiile  invader  treads  upon  sonlherii  or  norlliern 
soil.  They  vvill  mar -h  as  r,  adily  and  as  eiicer- 
fully  in  del'eiiee  of  ihe  one  as  of  the  other. 

>^ir,  if  any  apoloi;y  were  neeessary  why  I  have 
departed  from  the  nsiial  eoiirse  of  Ufltirates  iipjii 
this  llnor,  wliieh  iii,  not  lo  speak  upon  (piestions 
other  than  those  ri  latiiiu^  iniinedali  Iv  to  the  Terri- 
tories from  vv  hir.li  they  eonie,  it  nnisl  be  found  in 
the  inleiisu  interest  felt  liy  the  eonslilueney  that  I 
represent,  nnil  by  inv^'  If,  in  the  pa»sa;;e  of  this 
resoluiion,  and  its  oiler  kindred  nieaniires — the 
bills  to  ^raiil  lands,  enci  lorts,  Ae.,  all  liaviiiL'' 
for  llieir  olijeii  llie  iMriipation  and  seiilemeni, 
by  American  citizen,'),  of  the  terrilury  of  Oi'egoii. 


I  feel,  sir,  that  I  sliiudd  but  poorly  relleol  the  views 
and  feelinjfs  of  tlio.se  who  have  plaeed  me  upon 
this  floor,  and  do  injiisiiee  lo  my  own,  should  1 
fail  lo  rai.se  my  voiee',  ficble  tlioiiuh  it  may  he,  in 
.support  of  lliise  measui'i's;  aiid,as  1  esiimale  their 
imporlanee.it  is  to  i.'e  a  melaia'holy  relleelion  lliat 
I  eaii  do  no  more  than  vjitu/t  in  favor  of  their  pas- 
saj;e. 

lUr.  Chairman,  I  trust  tl'ut  il  m,iy  not  be  roiriml- 
ed  as  inapi'.i'apr.iitu  in  me  so  far  lo  digress  iVom 
the  subjecl  imiiii''lutely  iiiiile.'  iinisideralioil,  as  li> 
iulvert  io  a  tran.saelion  wliiih  li.d  its  orifjin  in  this 
hall  at  the  hist  .si'ssion  of  t'oii;;re.ss,  iiid  whieh  may 
have  ail  iinporlaiit  beariii;;  upon  tin  nliimate  Ikio 
of  ihis  fjrtat  Amerieaii  i|iii  siioii.  Il  w  ill  ii,.  :"'iiiciii- 
bered,  sir,  thai  at  thai  session  of  (.'oii;;ress  ilio 
Terrilory  from  vvliii  li  1  eome,  having'  iheii  mueli 
more  limn  ihe  reipiisiie  populaiioii,  presenled  ti» 
this  House  a  eoiistitulioii  /a'cfiaiiiial/y  re|iubliean 
in  all  ils  feainrrs,  and  askid  admission  into  the 
riiioii  upon  an  ii|iiid  footiii:;  with  the  oiij;iiial 
.Slates.  In  the  first  arliele  of  lii.at  eoiislitulion  were 
defined  llie  ihoseii  boundaries  of  the  people  of 
Iowa  for  their  fnliire  Slate.  They  were  yood,  hc- 
eaii.se  they  were  nalural  boundaries.  The  n'eat 
rivers — Mississippi  on  our  east,  ihe  Mis.souri  on 
our  west,  and  the  Saint  I'eler's  on  llie  iiorlli,  willi 
a  short  arlilieial,  bill  direei  line,  eoniieitiii;^'  llie  Iwo 
hisl-named  rivers — were  llieeverlastiiif;'  Stale  divis- 
ional lines  upon  uliieb  we  bad  lixed.and  whii'li 
are  NO  plainly  iiidiealed  by  the  hand  of  nature,  tliiit 
to  adopt  otliers  is  a  manife.^l  iiilerhrence  willi  her 

desiiriis.     'J'liey  embri d,  as  I  am  iinic  ollieially 

inforined,  lint  about  firty-seven  thousand  sqiiaru 
niile.s — ten  thoit.sand  le.ss  than  were  ^'iveii  by  a 
eommoii  paienl  lo  air  sister  .Missouri;  and  mado 
onr  propo.sed  Stale  less  llmii  Virginia,  Georiria, 
.Missouri,  and  .Mii'hi;;aii,  and  about  the  size  of  Illi- 
nois. Wlial,  nniler  lliese  eiri'iiiuslaiu'es,  had  we 
u  I'iuht  to  expeet.'  Ailniission,  with  the  bound- 
aries of  our  Heleetion,  as  every  oilier  new  State 
had  been  thus  adinitted.  Not  so,  sir,  however, 
was  the  result.  And  auainst  the  solemn  protest  of 
the  humble  Ui.'le;;iile  who  now  atldres.si'S  you,  our 
loni;-eherislieil  boinidaries,  at  one  fell  blow,  wen; 
sirieken  from  onr  i  (iiisiiiiilioii,  and  a  set  of  arii- 
fh'ial  lines  impo.sed  upon  lis,  whieh,  until  then,  we 
hud  never  drenmrd  of,  and  lo  which  ihe  people  of 
Iowa  are  opposed.  Well,  sir,  what  may  be  the 
result  of  this  act  .^  And  to  that  1  wish  lo  aa;k  the 
iillentioii  of  iris(fru  fienllemen,  and  llie  friends  of 
Oi'CHon  everywhere.  If  rumor  be  not  sadly  at  fault, 
1  say  lo  them  that  lliey  have,  by  depriviii!;  ihein- 
selves  of  two  voles  from  Iowa  in  llie  other  eiitl  of 
this  i.'apitol,  periled  the  faic  ot'  a  most  imporlanl 
portion  of  the  -\iiierican  eonlineul:  they  have  iii - 
eiirred  llie  risk  of  losing  Oreijon,  with  her  six  hun- 
dred tlioiLsund  sipiare  miles  of  lerrilory,  or  a  larue 
portion  thereof,  wdiile  siimilihlitig  with  Iowa,  their 
yiiiiiiu:esl  sister  and  neiu'hhor,  for  a  few  hundred. 
i)|ie  amoiiic  the  many  trralifyini,'  refiills  which  I 
antieijNite  from  the  certain  possession  of  llie  whole 
of  Ori'u'on  by  onr  Governmeiil  is,  that  the  people 
of  Iowa  vvill  hi:  allowed  ihi'  boundaries  for  which 
they  are  so  anxious.  I  tell  i;eiillemen  that,  wheiher 
we  want  elbow-room  in  iowaor  not,  we  are  in  eur- 
liesl  in  desirins  .S/n/c-room. 

lint,  sir,  to  relnrii  lo  llie  tpieslion  immedialcly 
under  eonsidcralioii.  I  leOTid  the  notice  to  Great 
Dritain  of  our  inlenlion  to  dis.solve  ih"  eonvenlioii 
of  IHIH,  which  was  iiidelimiely  conlinued  by  thai 
of  I8'.i7,iis  hiirhly  expeilient  and  jiroper.  It  is,  as 
we  wonlil  exiiress  il  in  llie  Wesi,  remnviim  the 
uiii/>r/ii'ii9/i,  wliieli  is  in  ihc  way  of  the  liiiililiii,_'s  we 
intend  lo  erect.  These  eonveiiiions  have  worked 
frrcal  benefits  to  the  I'.inrlish,  and  nothing'  but  injie- 
lies  to  lis.  Ibil  for  them,  ihe  l'',ii^disli  would  not 
now  have  the  Nliadow  of  foiiiidatiou  upon  wliii-h  lo 
re.st  their  uiiiust  and  riiiiculons  prefensions  to  the 
ownership  ol'  the  territory  ill  ipieslion,  or  lo  any 
portion  of  it. 

Mr.  Chairman,  ihe  wlnde  ,if  Oregon  is  ours — 
ours  from  first  di.seovery  and  from  first  seltlemeni, 
Klrenetliened  by  a  cession  lo  iis  of  all  llie  claims  of 
l''ranee,  Spain,  and  UiLssia.  I  hit  tl  is  iioliny  pnr|iiise 
lo  discuss  llie  title.  I  am  willini^'  lo  lei  it  siaiid  upon 
the  impresnalile  Kroimils  upon  which  it  Ims  been 
placed  by  our  [irese'il  lalenled  Seei-etary  of  tSiaie, 
(.Mr.  Lhicliaiiaii,|  and  by  Ins  able  predecessor,  |.Mr. 
<  'alhoiin;]  llieir  arL'unicnls  in  siipjiort  of  onr  title, 
with  those  which  htive  been  made  in  both  llonses 
of  Coiixrcsa  duriiif;  the  pieseiil  luid  previous  bcs- 


(ImI>.  7, 
y  Uei'h. 

li  il  tlin  vk'WB 
<-r(l  nic  itpou 
iwii,  nIiouIiI  1 

il  imiy  III',  iii 
t'stitiiatf  llii-ir 
iTllcc'iidii  thia 

ol"  lliuir  pus- 

111)1  lie  ipjuid • 
t  iligvcs^s  iViim 
Icvation,  iiM  li» 

iiii^in  ill  llii.'* 
Ill  wliii  11  limy 

iilliiiiaU:  lull! 
\ill  lit  r"inciii- 

('(iii;;rews  ilin 

1^  tllcll  lllUI'll 
,    lUl'SClllCll    111 

illij  re|iiililii'iiii 

SKlllll    iiilo    till' 

1   die    ovi^'iiKil 

l:>liuiliilll  WHO 
lIlU     [H'(l|llu    (if 

lure  mmiU  l"3- 
s.  Tlic  Kimt 
;  MisKiillli  nil 
111'  iiiii'lli,  Willi 
Ill-tin;;  ilii-  twii 
11^'  Siiilr  ilivis- 
I'll,  mill  wliii'li 

111'  llUllU't-',  lllilt 

riiiri'  willi  lii'i- 
Mine  (illiriiilly 
iiiisaiiil  .siiiKiri: 
ri'  ^'ivcn  liy  ii 
mi',  iiiiii  iiitiiiu 
;iiiiii,  (.ii'"i'i,'i»> 
(lie  sizi'  nl'  llli- 

IlllR'l'M,  llllll  Wl! 

itli  llie  liimiiil-' 
lu'i  new  State 

,iil',    llllWUVC'l', 

leiiiii  protest  of 

-cNsi-s  you,  nur 

ill  lilow,  wen; 

ii  .1  net  of  iirli- 

I  until  ilieii,  we 

till'  people  of 

It  may  lie  llii: 

to  ask  llie 

llie  tVieniU  of 

yailly  al  laiill, 

irivini;  llieni- 

'  oilier  eiiil  of 

wt  imporiaiit 

liiey  liave  in 

I  lier  six  liiHi- 
ly,  or  a  lar^e 

II  Iowa,  llirir 
few  luiiitlred. 
FiillH  W'liieh   1 

n  of  llie  whole 
lat  the  people 

irie.s  for  wliieli 
llial,  wliellicr 
we  are  in  ear- 


lft-16.1 
'iI)Tii  Cong 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GIX)LIE. 


345 


[i 


1  immediately 
viliee  to  Great 
I'onventioii 
iniieil  l>y  iliai 
pi  r.  It  in,  as 
reiiioviii!;  the 
'  hiiiltlinua  we 
have  worked 
thiiiL'  liut  iiijii  ■ 
\>\\  woiilil  not 
lilMOl  wlii<-|i  to 
rtisioim  to  (he 
ion,  or  to  any 

iron  is  ours — 
rsl  rJltllemelit, 
1  (lie  elaimNof 
lot  my  purpose 
t  itslaiid  upon 
rli  it  has  heeii 
■lary  of  .Stale, 
k-eessor,  |Mr. 
■t  of  our  title, 
liolli  Houses 
prcvioue)  beH- 


I     ; 


sioiis,  for  niori-  than  a  ipiartcr  of  a  century,  have 
never  lueu  aiiswereil,aiid  ill  my  liuiilMc  eHliniation 
never  i-aii  he  liy  the  advoeates  of  the  Ih'itlsh  title. 

The  truth  is,  .sir,  that  no  other  Ciovernment  in 
Christendom  than  that  of  Great  liritain  would  have 
the  hardihood  lo  slanil  up  and  press  a  i-laim  to  tirri- 
lory,  resting  upon  preteiiNions  so  flimsy  a.s  those 
iipiiii  whieli  hers  to  the  eoinilry  in  ipieslion  are 
liased.  And  ill  the  nami-  of  God  and  the  people  1 
represent,  I  say,  lei  us  neither  lie  IriekeU  nor  liullied 
out  of  our  territory.  Let  us  iheii  move  forward. 
'I'lie  eyes  of  llie  eountry  an-  luixiou.sly  turned  to- 
wards the  present  Coii;;ress',  and  I  tell  fjeiitlenien, 
unless  (his  noliee  is  passed  and  followed  liy  the 
other  measures  reeoninielided  (o  ns  hy  the  I'resi- 
deiil.lhat  those  who  shall  assume  the  le.spoiisiljili 
ty  of  defealins;  them  will  find,  too  late,  that  they 
have  iiieurred  the  Luting  displeasure  of  tlieir  eoun- 
try. 

Mr.  Chairman,  a  very  large  iiropinlion  of  the 
population  ot'()ri-;;on  has  gone  tliilher  from  Iowa, 
and  I  have,  from  sympathy  and  assueiution,  u  feel- 
iiii;  of  stron;;  attai'.hnient  for  them,  and  for  the 
pioneer  in  whatever  part  of  the  eounlry  his  lot 
may  he  east.  You  may  imii^^ine,  then,  sir,  the 
feelings  of  astonishment  and  regret,  not  to  Kay 
indignation,  witli  whieh  I  listened  to  (he  extraor- 
dinary, unjust,  and  uniiistifiahle  aitaek  of  the  gen- 
lli  iiian  from  Virginia,  [.Mr.  i'KNiu.K'roN,]  upon  ilia 
people  of  (he  western  8lates  and  Territories  gene- 
rally, and  ihose  of  Oregon  in  partieiilar.  I  allude 
lo  the  sneering  manner  in  whieh  he  spoke  of  Pres- 
iileiil  Polk's  rei-oinmeiidatioii  to  "  I'aeililate  emi- 
graliop  to  Oregon,"  and  to  protect  our  "  patriotic 
pioneers  who  are  there." 

'J'he  geiilleman  from  Virginia  calls  tliese  pioneers 
"  restless  and  wayward  wanderers."     He  says: 

"i;,'iilli'tai'ii  tell  UN  (iC  the  attaetaiieiit  of  the^e  peiiple  to 
their  ili'iir  native  liiiiil.  Why  lio  tiley  leave  it,  sir?  Why 
is  il  tliiit,  with  iiistinrtivu  nversioii,  they  retire  helnre  the 
Hilviuii'f-  (,t'eivili'/.n(ioii,  preCerriiii;  the  wild  e.Yriteiiieiit  iiiul 
the  nlimeil  iliseniiitiirt''  of  (he  wilileraesH  to  the  re|H>,>e,  the 
Heellrily,  anil  Ihe  rel'llieiaeats  iif  Hiiejiil  and  eultivuteil  lil'e  f 
They  iii:iiiili*i.(  their  attiiehiiieiit  hy  ilisregnriliiiK  (he  iiifhl- 
eiirt'^  (hat  hiinl  ordinary  men  to  the  plneesiirtheir  nativity, 
tty  simppins  rerkh'HwIy  (he  ties  of  hloiid  nad  kiiiilred  aiid 
Hiieiiil  eoiinexiolif,  and  enlinly  luid  of  their  uvvo  free  cheiee, 
ilesi.-rliiigiiifeDeriillasoililiidaKeaiiilelinie.  Ahnailuiiintitlie 
hearths  and  tlie  aluiri*  iit  their  ehildlinoit  and  youth,  they  (nil 
llirniicli  a  vien  and  eheerlesa  wilderness,  to  ifiiiii  a  lioine  so 
iiihi>s|>itnl)le  and  rude,  (]mt,nceordiii^  tn  the  learned  ifcnilo- 
lima  from  l*hihl(l"l|iliia,  i(  (akes  (he  |;eiiiUH  of  Shakspimre 
1(1  ilii  jaslire  to  its  horriirs."  •  •  *  (' It  is  not  the  pulley 
of  nur  tJoverninent  tn  he  nialiiai!  over  th(^  world  Idokiiig 
after  ei(i-/.('ns  whnHe  nlleginiiee  is  iiiiiiilfested  only  hy  acts  of 
expntriatidii.o 

Ai;ain,  the  same  gentleman  says:  "I  protest 
'  ugainst  llieir  right  (the  western  Slates)  lo  decide 
'  when  we  are  to  go  to  war  for  this  miserable  uiul 
'woiilihfs  tirrilorii."  The  ntlaek  upon  the  value 
of  Ore^'on  is,  sir,  lull  a  repetilinn  of  the  federal 
slang  whieli  was  applied  to  the  whole  iMississippi 
valley  when  it  was  purchased  under  the  name  of 
Louisiana,  in  Ihll.'),  liy  Mr.  Jelleison.  Yes,  sir, 
the  Mississi|)pi  valley,  of  whose  extent,  of  whose 
ferliliiy  and  mmiineralile  advantages,  it  is  unneees- 
(^ary  at  this  day  I  should  speak,  was,  hy  (he  ene- 
mies t'l  its  nei|iiisitioii,  (lenoiineed  im  **a  bogwil- 
deri¥t.-ss  filled  with  savtiijes,  outlaws,  and  runaway 
negroes, "and  it  was  said  it  was  only  fit  to  lie  kefil 
IIS  '*an  untrodden  waste  for  ow-ls  to  hoot  and 
wolves  to  howl  ill '." 

The  lugtilirious  predictions  of  the  enemies  of 
Oregon  will  fall  as  far  short  of  realization,  should 
it  he  thrown  open  to  American  enterprise,  as  have 
tlio.se  which  were  made  liy  the  I'Y'deralists  against 
Loiiisiuiia.  Carry  out  the  measures  conteniplaled 
liy  the  hills  to  which  1  have  referred,  connect  the 
trade  of  the  Colnmliia  and  the  I'aeitic  eoasl  with 
that  of  the  .Missouri  and  (he  Mississippi,  and  yon 
will  o|H'n  a  mine  of  wealth  to  the  shipping  interesis 
and  to  the  whole  country,  the  extent  and  value  of 
whieh  the  most  siUiKiiine  now  under-estimale.  Of 
(he  advanlages  w  liich  we  will  derive  iVom  (he  Chi- 
nese and  Asiatic  trade,  which  will  tliuH  he  thrown 
open  lo  us,  i  can  do  im  more  llian  allude.  Our  prox- 
imity to  those  ancienl  and  densely  popiilaled  por- 
tions of  ihe  Old  World — the  nature  and  exiiheranee 
ot"  our  (  roductions,  which  are  nece.^sary  lo  feed 
their  s'arving  miilions — will  enaltle  lis  (o  carry  on 
a  coimncrce  with  (he  people  of  (hose  countrii^s  in 
ariicNs  ihat  will  piircha.se  their  inanufactnreM  and 
products  al  heller  profit  tlnin  gold  and  silver. 

I  re:;retieil,sir,  toheara  Uein-esentativefroiuirood 
(lid  VirL'inia — the  Stale  of  WaMliington  and  Jeller- 
Bon,  llie  Stale  whose  unparalleled  ii.-jnificenee  Im 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Dodge, 

Ij  done  so  much,  in  time  past,  to  extend  the  area 
of  I'reedoni — thus  attai'k  tiie  men  who  are  piignged 
I   in  that  great  work.     Sir,  the  gentleman's  cliargo 
|;  of  "expalrialion"—'- of  snapping  reckle.s.sly  the 
\\  'aesof  hlood  and  kiiidicd  and  sia  ialconnexions" — 
I   applies    with  ei|ual   or  greater   force  lo   (he    Pil- 
,,  grim  fathers  and  lo  the  early  setllers  at  James- 
town in  his  own   Stale,  and  lo  tho.se  of  our  ances- 
tors who  hranched  oil  in  dilfi^reiit  direction:)  from 
llie.se,  llic  fii-.st  pioneerdo  America.     Has  the  gen- 
tleinan  from  Virginia  so  soon  forL'otten  the  process 
I'  hy  which  and  the  son  of  men  hy  whom  his  own 
nolile  old  Commonwcdth  was  peopled — ay,  sir, 
how  this  whole  c(Miliiieiit  has  heen  settled.-     The 
first  charier  graiUed  hy  King  .lames,  in   lllIKi,  lo 
Virginia,  limited   the  Helilemenls  lo  one  hundi-ed 
'  iiiiiis  in  llie  interior.      In  Hiihsequeiit  acts  of  a 
similar  character  these  lioiiiidaries  were  soniew  hut 

1  extended.     Hut  s we  find  the  authority  of  the 

'   Crown    inlerpo.sed   to   previnl    "ihe  restless  and 

■    wayward    wanderers"   of  the   "Old    l.lominiiai" 

from  settling  west  of  the  Alleghany  mounlains, 

'    which  proved,  like  the  elforls  of  our  own  Oovern- 

,    mental  a  later  period,  lo  he  altogether  a  vain  at- 

'  tempi.     To  use   the  words  of  a  ceh  hrated  writer, 

,    "the  hall  of  empire  was   rolling  to  the  West," 

1;  and  no  power  of  any  fiovernmenl  could  (dieck  or 

;i  slay  its  progress.    And  it  i.s  a  melancholy  faci,  the 

[i  truth  of  which  is  engraven   upon   every  page  of 

western  hislory,  that  ihe  Governmenl  of  the  conii- 

try — and  1  say  il  willi  feelings  of  the  deepest  mor- 

j    tification — has,  lo  a  very  L'l'eat  extt^nt,  manircsled 

towards  the  advancing  pioneers  of  the  West  much 

of  that  unnatural  hosiiliiy  and  indill'erence  wlihli 

the  gentleman  from  Virginia  has  so  holilly  pro- 

elainied.     A  glance  al  thai  hislory  will  attest  llie 

truth  of  what  I  say,  that  the  great  work  of  exleiid- 

iiig  llie  empire  of  this  country  has  been  i;//(df(///;/ 

the  ]ieoj)lt,  ill  op(io.si(irni  lo  Ihe  (liivirnint ill.     Yes,  sir, 

h^  "men  with  Federal  halters  around  their  necks." 

Kentucky  was  settled  hy  L):uiiel   Hooiie  in  177.'). 

This  extraordinary  man  and   his  few  iiohle  and 

adventurous  eonipanioiis  occupied  the  "  dark  and 

hloody  land"  in  violation  of  the  |)ro('lamuli(ai  of 

George  111.,  issued  ten  years  hel'oi-e,and  defended 

it  for  sixteen  long  years  with  their  own  hlood  and 

treasure,  and   laid   the   foundaiion  of  ils  present 

high  stale  of  improvement  and   irnindeur.     .Sir, 

the  representalion  of  liiainc  which  is  seen  over  the 

door  of  your  Uoiunda  opening  into  this  Hall,  is 

truly  emlilenmtic  of  the  man  and   men  hy  whom 

the  western  country  lias  heen  setiled. 

Tennessee  was  settled  al  a  suhseqiient  period, 
contrary  to  the  express  order,  hoih  of  this  Gov- 
ernment and  thai  ofAorlh  Carolina;  and  I  lielievc 
it  is  a  portion  of  llic  hislory  of  those  times,  that 
Governor  Sevier,  a  gentleman  of  great  enterprise, 
liiL'li  inlcirrily  and  honor,  was  even  oiil/nim/ for 
having  the  holilness  (o  go  In-yond  the  liinils  as- 
signed lo  the  people  by  ihi-ir  fiovernmenl.  The 
Tennes.seans,  like  the  Keiiluckians,  were  hard 
pri-ssed  by  (he  numeioiisand  warlike  Indian  tribes, 
who  then  inhabited  (he  country  which  now  con- 
sliluies  their  State.  During  twelve  years  of  In- 
dian warfare — from  17HII  to  17!l'2 — with  ihe  merci- 
less scalpiiig-knife  and  war-club  suspended  over 
the  heads  of  their  wives  and  children,  they  in  vain 
besoiiL'ht  the  Federal  Government  for  help  and 
protcclion,  bul  none  was  iiH'orded  them;  and  iheir 
own  expciliiions  against  the  Indians,  who  had  iit- 
laeked  (heir  sellleinenls,  were  ol'len  recalled  by 
orders  from  the  Government.  In  violalion  of  the 
commands  of  Congress,  the  brave  and  patriotic 
Temiesseans  swam  the  river  thai  givi's  name  lo 
llieir  Siiiie,  llirei'-nuiirters  of  a  mile  ill  w-idih,  in 
Ihe  dead  hour  of  niiriil,  shoving  their  arms  before 
them  on  ral'ls,  am!  ''.ae.dit  llie  balile  of  ISiekaJac, 
memorable  in  Tennes^.  "  hislory  for  bavin;,'  given 
permanent  peace  to  their  i.'iii  ier  sellleinenls.  'i'his 
campniiTii,  I  say,  was,  in  h;.  '■  accepialion,  a  law- 
less invasion  on  a  friendly  tribe  of  Indians,  resnlt- 
ing  from  the  refusal  of  f'oii'_'i-ess,  as  the  Jonrnals 
show,  lo  furnish  niiliuiry  aid  I'or  tlieir  dd'ence. 

The  appropriale  and'  eloipicnt  allusion  which 
was  made  by  my  esleemed  friend  fi-oiii  Illinois, 
[Mr.  H.  Smiiii.I  to  the  irallanlry,  pei-.sev(0-,mce, 
and  indomiiable  courage,  lacl,  and  skill,  of  that 
irrealest  of  all  partisan  warriors — (ieorire  llogers 
Clark,  who  was  so  appropriaiily  termed  the 
Hanmbal  of  llie  West — reialers  it  unnecessary 
thai  1  should  attempt  (o  add  aiiylhing  to  what  has 
been  said,  and  so  well  said  by  him,  in  regard  tu 


Ho.  OF  Reps, 


I  (he  early  history  of  Illinois.  A'or  need  I  repeat 
the  sullcriii'_-s,  privations,  anil  I'angers  which  her 
early  sellhrs,  unaided  by  ;lic  l-'cih-ral  Govcnniienl, 
W(  re  compelled  lo  cncoiinier.  This  duty  has  been 
perf.iniied  by  my  friend,  the  (  verfailhlnl  and  un- 
tiring l!epri-s(  Illative  of  the  disiricl  which  was  the 
thealre  of  till  M' early  exploiis,  and  in  which  lliere 
are  many  pnsinis  now  residing  who  participated 
in  them. 

A  more  recent  example  is  aifonhd  us  In  iheset- 
lli  nieiii  of  "  r.oone's  Lick,"  Ihe  finest,  fairest,  and 
most  fertile  put  of  the  magnificent  Stale  of  Mis- 
souri. The  lioones,  Ihe  Coopers,  am!  many  other 
ciiK-rprising  individuals,  advancing  beyond  tlje  few 
Kreiii  h  and  .Spanish  settlcmeiiis  ihat  iheii  dolled 
the  W(;;.lern  .-In/ie  of  tln^  Missis.sippi,  .-.oiiiilii  ihe. 
dislrict  of  (  niujtry  of  which   I  am  siieakiiiLS  and 

-upii-d  it  ciiiitrary  lo  the  wishes  anil  anlhority  of 

this  Govermneni,  and  (h  h  iided  ihemselves,  but 
not  wiih.nit  ilic  loss  of  ni.'iny  valuable  liv(  s,  ic.;ainst 
nnincrous  iiii.e  Ks  of  povvcrl'nl  anil  hostile  mi  esof 
Indians  by  vv  linni  ihey  were  siirroMiiiled. 

Xorthern  Illinois, 'Wisconsiii,  and  Iowa,  were 
also  sctili  (1  miller  like  eircinnslanci  s.  1  inny  say 
of  my  ncarcMt  relative,  as  was  said  of  Governor 
.Scvier,  he,  loo,  was  pronounced  an  oiillaw  hy  the 
ollicers  of  the  l.fOvernm(.-nl.  The  first  ollirial  doc- 
umenls  1  ever  reinember  to  have  heard  read,  were 
i-(.-ad  at  my  father's  log  cabin,  by  the  ollii-eis  and 
agents  of  the  Uniled  Slates,  to  bnnsell'  and  neigh- 
bors, who  had  assembled  to  hear  thcni.  They 
weri^  nianihiies,  iiimnianding  us  in  the  nanii  and 
by  the  anlhorily  of"  Uncle  .Sani,"  not  exactly  lo 
dlspi  rse,  bul  to  wilhilraw  from  llie  eounlry  in 
wliiidi  we  had  then  sellled,  uiiih.r  the  general  pains 
and  peiialiies  of  the  law  in  such  i-a.se  iniule  and 
providi-d;  bul  more  parli(-ulaily  of  (  xpiilsioii  atlliir 
point  of  the  bayonet.  Ihil,  sir,  we  did  not  go. 
We  treated  the  otficers  w-itli  every  civiiiiy  in  our 
power,  and  informed  theni  that  any  ollu  i'  order 
they  iiiiL'ht  i--siic,  than  one  lo  abiinilon  the  priin- 
ises  upon  wlii.'h  we  had  selikil,  should  be  proinpi- 
Iv  ob(-yed.  (^wing  to  our  interior  position,  and 
the  rigors  of  the  (-limate,  al  llie  lime  of  which  I 
now  siieak",  tin  se  selth.-rs  were  not  inarched  upon 
by  the  regular  soldiers,  but  maintaineil  their  posi- 
tion. Many  of  them  now  own  the  land  upon 
which  they  were  then  sipiaUers,  and  the  country 
is  densely  populated — the  inlKibiiams  having  de- 
fended il,tlirouL'li  two  Indian  wars,  are  now  iiidiis- 
triously  enga-.'ed  in  developing  its  resunn-es,  both 
agricniiural  and  mineral. 

.\ol  .so  forlnnate,  liow(-ver,  weri!  my  inimedialc 
consiiiuenis  who  settled  lown  six  ye.-irs  al'ter- 
wards.  These  hardy  and  adveiiun-oiis  men  from 
the  i.-asl  side  of  ihe  Ali.ssissippi,  who  had  lust  ihe 
entire  spring  and  sumim-r  in  defending  themselves, 
tlieir  wives  and  their  children,  from  Ihe  iiniirsioiis 
of  HIacIv  I  lawk  and  his  followers,  and  who  had 
led  ihc  van  in  every  encounier  with  those  liidiiins, 
S'liighl  lo  explore  llie  rich  mines  and  seiile  the  val- 
uable lands  of  Iowa.  The  povveraial  arms  of  iheir 
Govermnent  were  immcdiaiely  direcled  against 
them-  and  I  have  now  in  my  eye  a  gHllanI  mid 
eslei  .Jil  frii  lid  and  lalenicil  Represeiiintive  from 
the  Stale  of  .Mississippi,  [.iKCi-nasiix  U.viis,)  who 
was  then  an  olhcer  in  the  uriiiy,  and  at  the  head  of 
a  military  force,  expelled  some  lliiee  hundred  of 
my  conslitui  Ills  from  ihe  spot  where  nov.  siands 
the  (;ily  of  Uiibuiiue,  with  a  pnjiuiailo'i  of  nearly 
three  I'lmusanil  iniiabilanls.  !i  was  to  my  I'ric  I'd 
the  performance  of  an  unwclcnme  duly,  kiniiiy  and 
courteously  exei-nted  by  him,  for  his  sympalliies 
are  all  with  the  frontier  people,  and  1  caknliile  inost 
ceriainly  iipnii  his  vole  and  inlluence  lo  grant  jire- 
einplion  rifjhis  to  those  whom  he  was  lluts  coii- 
sirainf  d  to  urivi;  t'roin  llieir  homes,  and  of  which 
they  have  never  yet  had  an  op|ioi-lunily  to  become 
the  purchaM-rs.     [Mr.  D.vvis  nodded  assent.] 

The  first  settlers  of  lim-lin.'lon  (now  one  of  ihe 
lai-i;est  towns  north  of  St.  Louis)  W(  r(  driven  oil', 
and  their  bouses  tlirovvn  down  and  burnt  by  olH- 
eers  of  the  Goverunieiii,  alilioiigli  ihe  eounlry  had 
then  been  purchased,  bul  the  In  aly  not  yei  rali- 
liiil:  thus  ;lmwiiig  that  tin;  people  iiiusi  forever 
await  till-  lardy  action  of  Congress.  .Similar  scenes 
of  opposiiioii  and  persecntion  attendid  the  seiile- 
mciit  of  ihe  "  Lovely  P'lrchase"  in  .-\rkaiisas,  the 
"  PI. lite  Pun  base"'  in  Aiissouri,  and,  more  recent- 
ly, the  l)es  Moines sellkments  in  Iowa.  And  soil 
has  ever  been,  that  those  holding  anlhorily,  wlieih- 
er  royal,  iiiOicrial,  and,  1  aiii  sorry  to  add,  or  rc- 


.-■■■wa 


■  '-tV', 


■\i  I 


346 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  7, 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


The  Orfffon  Question — Mr.  Dodge. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


U 


publicMii,  nil  «prm  to  liavn  tnkrn  npoii  themselves 
tlio  oxcliisivp  pr'  ilci;p  of  thiiikins:  I'lT  the  pmplr, 
ol'i'lii'i'ltini;  llio  pro;;ri  ssof  popiil(\tii)ii  in  one  ihrrc- 
Mriii,  iind  fi\inj;  lioiiiuliirics  to  it  in  nnoilii'i'.  This 
'  tIispi>si(ion  oT  Gi)vi'rnmcnt  lias  rliri'ked  cmi.!»;ra- 
linji;  hill,  Ihnnk  Ciml.  ilt'Sj>itr  all  iippusilinii,  it  lias 
iiillt'ils.U'aiti!yoii\va.'l  until  it  Imsrcaohi'dihc  Pacific 
iiiiil  the  Uio  ih'l  Norte,  and  li  u:islalion  hcins  unable 
III  stiip  till'  ciiri'cr  Id'  the  people,  has  slowly  and  re- 
luctantly followed  in  tlieir  rnolsteps. 

Sir,  as  I  before  said,  llic  OriLCon  eini'::rnnts  are 
but  aclins,'  prcisi  ly  upon  'lie  s:inie  jirinciple  which 
has  directed  the  proirress  ot'  poiniliilioii  from  the 
lime  lli:it  nil raiii'csinrs  first  laiiileu  in  Massachusetts 
mid  Vir^cinin,  down  to  the  date  of  the  latest  settle- 
ment on  this  side  of  the  Uocky  monniaiiis:  and  if 
//ifi(  bo  snilty,  who  are  innociMit  ■  Sir,  the  Ameri- 
can pionicr  is  impelled  onward  by  ihe  stronirest 
motives  III  hinn.oi  action — the  cuiisideration  ol'liet- 
li  rin^;  his  eonilitioii;  and  slill  more.,  that  of  benefit-  ! 
in:;  his  children.  And  w  hat,  I  ask,  bus  been  the  re- 
sult of  this  process  of  *'expatrialioir' — tliis  **snnp- 
piie^r  reck'i  nnIv  the  ties  of  llond  and  kindred,  and 
soi-iiil  eon:ie\iniis  •"  It  has  !;ronL'lit  into  the  I'niiin 
fifieeii  111  w  Slates,  with  two  more  somi  to  follow,  in 
a  spec,'  of  time  co\erinL'"  but  fil'iv-ibree  years;  and  it 
has  inciea.sed  the  poimlation  tVoin  iliiee  to  twenty- 
five  tnillions.  AVhat  inoie,  sir,  has  it  done?  It 
has  reetaimed  an  almost  boundless  w  ilileriiess  from 
the  possession  of  savaire  be.-isis  and  slill  more 
KiiVi'ue  men,  and  ridnccil  it  iiiio  iViiitfnl  fields  and 
cultivated  lanils.  Carryinu;  with  theni  the  Uilile 
and  the  ploinrh — die  two  irreaiest  civiliy.ers  of  nian- 
kiiid — ihe  ]  iuiiei  rs  ill  their  westward  inarcli  have 
laciliiated  ini|iroveinenI  and  di.jpenscd  conitort, 
happiness,  and  lilessiiiL's  aronnil  them.  Sir,  I  envy 
not  the  fi  elinu's  of  that  man  who  re^jrets  the  t-.nns- 
formation  of  the  extended  and  «;]ooniy  t'orest,  or 
the  dull  moiiotonoiis  prairie,  which  hide  within 
their  bosoms  all  thai  is  tiecessarv  to  the  subsist- 
eii'-c,  comfort,  and  wealth  of  man,  into  a  land 
leemii'Lj  w  iili  millions  of  eiiterprisin;;  freeineii,  in- 
Jnslriiinsly  eo.Mv'id  in  de\elopiii;j  its  hidden  re- 
sources, aiiil  theieby  making  it  the  theatre  of  man's 
Iii;:licsl  destiny  on  earth  '■ 

Sir,  if  ever  there  was  a  prayer,  deep,  solemn,  earn- 
est— if  ever  asnpplicaiion  which  slioiild  find  an  in- 
stantaneous response  in  the  hearts  and  acts  of  an 
American  (.'niii;ress,  it  is  that  which  M'as  read  at 
your  table,  nt  an  early  day  of  the  present  session, 
from  the  Aineri'-.in  eiiizeiis  now  settled  on  llie  coast 
of  lie-  I'aeife',  'I'liejc  pi'iipli',  sir,  "bone  of  our  bone 
and  ilesh  of  onr  Ih-sh.''  have  iroiio  thiihrr  under 
the  jilii^hted  faith  of  ihis,  ihe  GoverniiienI  of  llu  ir 
rlioicr,  that  the  leuis  of  onr  laws  would  beexlciid- 
ed  over  tin  111,  for;s  built  for  llo  ir  proicction,  and 
liberal  ijranis  of  land  iiiaiie  to  llieni.  For,  situated 
as^they  are,  these  ineasured  arc  of  the  utmost  mo- 
ment to  Iheiu. 

Mr.  Chairman,  to  plant  a  colony  and  In  lay  the 
foiindaiion  of  a  State  or  Slates  on  the  coast  of  the 
Vaeifie.  is  an  enterprise  of  no  ordinary  character. 
In  nddilion  to  the  natural  didhnlties  arisiiiir  from 
the  distance  which  onr  emi'.'raiits  lia\e  to  travel 
from  the  seithd  iv,riioiis  of  the  countrv  to  reach 
Oregon — the  wihferness  character  of  the  region 
over  which  they  have  to  pass,  itifcsli  d  ns  it  is 
with  nninerons  and  hostile  tribes  of  Indians — the 
firs'  seitlcis  of  an\*  country  have  always  to  con- 
tend with  innnnieralile  obstacles,  which  only  un- 
daunted firmness  of  mind  and  constaiicv  of  pur- 
pose ran  overcome.  These  men,  women,  and 
children,  to  tin-  number  of  from  se\en  to  ten  thou- 
sand, many  of  iheiii  in  evtreniely  iiidiireiit  cir- 
ciiinstanci  s,  iinnidid  hy  the  powerful  arm  of  their 
Governtucnt,  and  in  violation  of  its  |ienid  .slal- 
nies,  which  Ibrbid  iliem  to  enter  the  Indian  coim- 
Iry,  ha\e  accomplished  that  which  ii  has  been 
liiiif  and  iiu'ain  lu-.xrted,  on  this  door,  thai  the 
Govennnent  of  ihe  I'nited  Stnt.s  eonid  not  do  wiih 
anurniy  of  paid  and  niounled  soldiers.  They  have 
marclied  to  ihe  I'acific,  inainiained  ihetnselves, 
and,  it  is  si.iuil  on  <:ood  anthoriiv,  raised,  in  the 
I'ertih'  valleys  of  the  f'olumhia  and  "the  Wallanieite, 
one  hundred  tlionsiind  bushels  of  .«iir/i/iis  wdieiil,  of 
the  last  year's  crop. 

liehold  the  ^erm  of  a  mijrhly  empire  which  lins 
linrsi  into  existence,  as  it  were  but  yesterday,  and 
eonsiitntiniran  intei^ral  portion  of  our  tiivored  hoid  ! 
Shall  it  remain  niicared  for — unprotected — and  be, 
byonrslndiid  nei_'lect  aii'l  cold-blooded  indilfer- 
eiice,  lostt'i  us?   1  trust  not,  sir. 


I  npenk  thus  feelingly,  Mr,  Chairman,  in  support 
of  the  claims  of  our  sctllem  in  Ore;;on  luid  in  vin-  ' 
dicnlion  of  Ihe  elinracters  of  Ihe  weslern  pioneer, 
beini:  excited  to  do  so  by  the  un;;eiierons  sneers 
and  unmerited  attack  of  the  !;entlenian  rroin  Vir(;i-  j 
Ilia,  and  also  by  the  remarkM  of  my  I'riend   [Mr.  i 
IIixt]  from  New  York,  on  Ihe  "law  less"  charac- 
ter of  the  frontier  population. 

Sir,  I  reiterale,  that  from  sympathy  and  associa- 
tion, my  feelings  of  iitiaclimenl  to  the  frontier  pon- 
ulalion  are  stroii:;^.  \\'ere  they  otherwise,  I  should 
he  wiiniiii'^  in  the  finer  and  better  l*celiiii;s  of  man, 
false  to  all  lln'  oli|i;;ations  of  duty  and  <:ratiliiile, 
and  traitorous  to  the  land  of  my  nativity,  h'or  I 
was  born  in  a  terrilorv  west  of  the  Mississi|ipi  riv- 
er, and  have  resided  tiiroii-^h  my  wdiole  life  anion*; 
thill  people  wdio  inhabit  the  extreme  frontier.  I 
am  now  thirly-foiir  years  of  m';c,  and  have  never, 
as  yel,  had  a  voice  in  the  eleclimi  of  a  President 
or  olher  officer  lii:;lier  than  the  one  I  now  til'.  | 

I  have  livid  many  years  of  my  life  wilhonl  the  j 
jnrisdiction  of  iiia!;islrales  or  law  ofany  kind.  Yet,  j 
let  my  friend  Irom  New   ■\'ork  know,  that    even  , 
miller  these  eircnmsiaiices  we  administered  justice  | 
and   respiclid   the   laws  of  God.     ,\nd    I   assure  , 
him,  that   had  he  been  there,  he  would  ha\i  seen,  \ 
thai  ,dihnie.;li  oiliceis  and  a  peiinl  code  weroviant-  ] 
inir,  when  a  mniiler  or  other  felony  was  conmiil- 
ted,  a  Jury  w.is  empainieiled,  and    'f  the  accused 
was  t'onnd  ::nil'y  hy  bis  jiecrs,  ai;allows  was  erect-  . 
ed  and  he  hansced.     Dybls  were  collccied  as  rei;n- 
larly  as  they  now  are:  and  law,  by  the  eonimon 
consent  of  the  people,  was  viriimlly  enforced. 

Mr.  Chairmoi,  coniparisons  nre  said  to  be 
odious.  I  will  not,  iheiefnrr,  attempt  to  ilraw  ' 
any  hetween  the  people  of  the  old  and  new  .Staie.^', 
hn'wever  advaniajeous  to  the  l.iller  I  may  think 
the  eontmst  would  ho.  Sir,  Maniel  Hoone,  of 
whom  I  have  before  spoken,  was  the  type — the 
inibodinient  of  all  the  marked  eharacierislies  of 
the  froiiiier  ni'ii;  and  bein^-  so,  I  can  with  con- 
fidence apiieal  from  iho  eharacior  which  the  !;eii- 
tlenian  froni  VirLrinia  [.Mr.  Pr.NMii.KTOs']  lias  *;iven 
llieiu  to  the  <;eneral  esiiinate  which  iinuikind  have 
awarded  to  their  jrreat  proiolypi'.  It  was  hut  a 
few  nionihs  since  tlial  a  i|e|iulalion  of  grateful 
Kenlockiaiis  ( mion.'si  whom  was  the  elorpient 
.Tolni  .1.  I 'ritlenden,  v\'ho  did  jiistiie  to  his  mem- 
ory) visited  Hoone's  hinnble  i;rave  in  Mis.soiiri, 
whence  they  bore  his  bones,  to  deiiosite  tlieiii  in 
the  place  of  his  earlv  home — in  the  once  "dark 
.'Old  bloody  land'' of  his  voimcer  days,  now  the 
rtonrishiii'/  and  popul.ms  State  of  Ken'liieky. 

I.oril  liyron,  in  speakiiu;  of  lioone,  in  his  early 

settleoieiit  in  the  West,  says; 

^  I 

"  t'riiii''  crilie'  l:nl  iie.-ir  liiiii— ,-lic  {•=  not  the  cllilil 
iM^otiniil,';  hc.'tilii  <^hiiiiik  not  Ireiii  tillll— for 
llcr  liDiiie  Is  III  Uic  riirely  troililea  wiiil. 

lie  Wits  lint  ill!  iiioiie;  iirniitiil  liiin  f!r<'W* 

,-\  H\l\iin  tribe  oreliiiilnn  el"  the  eail>e, 
Wlio^'e  >iiiiiiL'.  iniwiiken'il  worlil  was  ever  new. 


Ami  till!  anil  slniim  iiii'l  siviC 
Iteyiiml  the  liwiirli.'i;  cily"..;  p,,i<- 


n  were  iliey, 
iiliartions. 


Till'  pri'^'eiil  ciise  in  [Ktliit  I 
rile  i".  Ihlll  Ititiiiii.  liM'it  lilniliiit'  up  In  nilieiy; 
Ami  mImh'^  >nll  ^l^alli;l■r.  I' ll  luliiijii  ii  liiiiiiO— 

Tur  \\liii-!i  iiirii  \;iltil>  li'  i-iiii:il,    Ihi'  lliKitic, — 
N'n!  onl>  I:iMl<iu>i.  1)111  of  Mini  ^iiitil  lllltie 

Williiiill  winch  Hlury'n  tun  ii  tnveni  snug— 
Sillllil''.  MT'lnMheaii'lilKiilis  crl>li;ili|i', 

Wlncll  llilte  iiiir  envy  e'.-r  ciiiilil  liii;jf  w  lUl  w■^lnl^. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  know  well  the  vast,  the  fearful 
odds  that  I  must  eiicounter  in  shiverinc:  a  lance 
wiih  the  talenieil  and  eloipienl  L'entleniaii  from 
."^outll  ('aroiina,  [Mr.  VVdonw.vnn,!  who  has  just 
preceded  me,  and  whose  aiirmneiitaiive  and  im- 
passioned speech,  I  admit,  did  honor  to  his  head, 
iiowever  erroneous  I  mav  and  do  believe  his  views 
to  he.  That  L'enlleinan.  afar  a  sort  of  ceiu'ral  in- 
dictment of  lliose  whom  he  styles  his  opjionellts 
for  their  "  declamation  and  inierniinnhle  di.scoiirse 
upon  onr  title  to  <  lre'.;on,"  iVc.,  asks,  in  a  siraiii  of 
;;reat  ap]iiiri  nt  inilitrnation,  "  Wlio,  sir,  denies  that 
'we  have  n;;liis  in  OrcL'on,  or  that  they  inn.sl  be 

'defended-     Who  desires  ll iiiitry  to  fall  iino 

'  the  hands  of  the  Hrilish  .'  Who  is  opposed  to  ils 
*  settlement  r  Who  is  not  ready  lo  vote  all  such 
'  laws  as  may  be  essential  to  the  w'-ll-bein;;  of  onr 
'p(o|ile  there  f"  Sir,  the  ;;eiitleiuan  from  Sontli 
('aroiina  has  surely  not  paid  that  attention  lo  the  de- 
bate on  I  IreL'on  that  some  others  have,  or  he  woiilil 
.  not  have usktdnf/ these (luestiuiiB.  1  knuwofiioone 


in  either  House  of  Congress  who  lmsn»»erted  thdt 
we  have  no  "  rit;hls  in  Oregon,"  or  who  has  ex- 
pressed Ihe  wish  that  that  country  should  fall  inio 
the  hands  of  Ihe  Hrilish;  but  I  do  "know,  sir,  "who 
are  opposed  lo  ils  aellleineni,"  and  "  who  are 
not  ready  to  vole  such  laws  as  ii.iiv  he  essential  to 
Ihe  well-heiiif;  of  onr  people  ihce.^'  The  two  dis- 
tiiiKuished  Senators  from  the  ■.'jenllemairs  own 
Sliile,  [Messrs.  C.M.inifN  and  Mc|)t  kkik,]  neither, 
as  I  iinderstanil,  doubliiii^  the  validlly  of  onr  liile, 
and  one  of  tlietii  hnvint;  made  a  most  conclnsivn 
iii-^iimenl  in  ils  favor,  are  both  opposed  to  the  sel- 
llenieiit  of  the  territory  in  ipicHiion,  and  are  not 
ready  to  vole  such  laws  as  may  he  essential  lo  the 
well-beini;  of  our  people  llicre,  titiless  a  "  clnm«;e 
has  come  oVr  the  spirit  of  their  dreams,"  w  liich, 
I  fciir,  is  not  the  ca.se.  They  liolh  spoke  and  volcil 
a;;ainst  Or.  Lino's  bill,  which  iiiaile  pr.ivision  for 
these  ihiiins,  and  iliil  mil  iiilirfirr  irilli  llic  ijiicfliini 
of  nothi- lit  all.  One  of  lliein,  [.Mr.  .Mi'I)tti--ii;,]  in 
a  speech  delivered  but  two  short  yearn  since  on 
Ihe  lloor  of  the  Senate,  in  speaking  of  Ore;;oni 
said  : 

''  \V!i\ .  ftir.  of  wlinl  ii-^e  will  it  lie  liir  ;"irielllliirnj  ptir- 
inwi'>  .'  I  w-niil(l  nel,  tiir  tliiit  iinriHise,  mvc  n  i,i:v-li  nrsiiufT 
lor  the  w-h'ile  lerriler.v .  /  fo/i  III  (ioil  iiv  iliil  mt  oil  n  |7  ;  1 
wl-li  it  w-iis  nil  iiii|iii^.<iilile  linrrn-r,  to  M-ciire  n^  ntiiiin.-t  llie 
iiilnisiiiii  iir  .itlnis.  Whoiue  wc  to  .M-inl  tlieic'  ll.i  jmi 
tiiink  I'liir  Innicst  liinnerH  in  l'i-iins\lviiiiin,  Neiv  ^■erk.  or 
evi-ii  llliin  iir  .MiiiHDiirt,  will  iiliiiiiiloii  their  tiiniis  lo  un  iipnii 
:iii>Mich  eMleriiri'«i- iiH  Ihi-*.'  liml  liirlnil.  irniiy  iiiiiii  who 
i- ill  L'i)  to  that  ciniiitr.v  iiail<-r  tin-  li-iii|iliititni.<  iil'  tin-,  hill, 
was  lay  i-lnlil— it'lic  w'ns  an  hniii-st  nnil  iiiilii>tri<ni:i  nmii— I 
winilil  --i\  to  hill),  I'lir  (loitv  «nki*.  lie  iinl  itoilicn';  jeii  will 
not  lK>ilt-r  yiMir  eiiiiilitiini;  .miii  will  evehiiiiu'e  tin-  CMiiliirls  of 
llollic,  iiinl  llie  hll|itnliesM  of  eivih/.'-il  lite,  lor  the  |iiniis  iuill 
p--Ml-.  nf  :i  |)ri'r;irnnls  e\i>tiiicf.  lint  IT  I  hnit  ii  -nii  w  hose 
-.'iiilni-t  mniti-  liiiii  ii  tit  ^iiliji-i-l  tiir  Itulnny  liny,  1  wnnlil  miv, 
III  the  iiiinn-  in'liml.L'ii-  Tlii"  is  nil-  c-liMllttcorilu'  iinpiilt- 
illice  of  the  settlrmelil." 

Lanjiia^e  such  as  this,  sir,  and  coniilii;  from  a 
source  so  dislin^rnished,  and  followed  up,  as  it  li  is 
been,  by  the  opposition  of  ,Soiith  Carolina  to  tliiit 
ipiesliou,  in  almost  every  shape  in  which  it  has 
made  ils  appearance,  may  serve  to  aceonni  for 
some  of  the  notices  that  have  been  taken  of  the 
ctiurse  of  her  Keprisentatives  in  both  Houses  of 
roiii;rrss,  and  iiniler  which  the  !;entleinan  and  his 
colle,-io;in-s  seem  to  be'  so  restive. 

Nothiiit;  was  done,  says  the  ;;eiitlemnn  from 
South  Carolina.  tliroii'„diont  live  Administrations, 
towards  abroL'"atiii!;  this  convention:  and  whilst  ho 
eschews,  in  part,  the  |iolicy  of  masterly  inaclivity, 
which,  he  says,  it  has  siiiiid  the  pur|ioses  of  gen- 
tlemen to  ri  present  as  a  S. null  Ciuolma  scheiiie, 
he  reniiirk's,  •'  I  am  proud  to  he  able  to  say,  that 
'  there  is  no  other  dill'erencc  hetw-eeii  tiencral  .lack- 
*  son  and  ourselves,  on  this  siibjeci,  lliiiii  this;  whilo 
'  he  was  not  only  nnw-illin:;  to  :;ive  the  notice  liiiii- 
'  self,  but  onposed ,  also,  to  tlu-  enactment  of  any 
'laws  for  Ore'.ron  winch  iiii:;lit  induce  (i real  Itru- 
'niiiloeive  the  notice,  we  are  opposed  to  notice 
'  only,  and  are  in  fiivorof  laws;  wliile  he  declined 
'  both  to  ::ive  notice  or  lo  tjike  the  risk  of  receivinj^ 
'  it,  we  nre  prepared  to  lake  that  risk." 

1  was  rejoiced  to  liCiir  the  L'entlemaii  say  that  he. 
was  prepared  to  take  the  risk  of  extendin;;  our 
laws  over  Oreeon — for  this  is,  in  Ihi-I,  the  kernel 
of  Ihe  whole  mailer.  His  sincerily  and  williii:;- 
ness  to  do  what  he  Inisiivow-ed,  I  doubt  not;  and  I 
hope  lliiit  the  term  "  oiirseives,"  is  intended  to  em- 
brace, not  only  his  colleai;ucs  on  ihis  lloor,  but 
lliose  in  the  other  wiie,' of  this  Capitol,  who.se  voles 
are  so   hiajldy  essential,  hut    I  fear  will   never  lie 

•;iven,  for  any  measure  looknar  lo  llie iipaiioii 

and  settlement  nf  Dretron.  Ihit  let  us  see  if  llie;;en- 
ill-man  and  his  collenL'ues  arc  entitled  to  ihe  credit 
of  lieiii<r  as  jrood  nrei;on  men  as  (_jeiieral  .bickson 
was.  He  .says  that  the  .lackson  |mrly  of  l^u'f^ 
voteil  down  the  hill  of  (hni-rnor  Kloyd.  I  do  not 
know,  sir,  how  this  may  be,  IIS  I  have  no  means  of 
arriviii:;  at  the  polniral  opinions  of  those  wliouavu 
that  vote,  which  was  cerlainlv  not  a  party  vote. 
Hut,  sir,  troin:;  back  lo  a  jicriod  of  lime  several 
years  anterior  to  that  of  wliii  li  he  speaks,  I  Iind 
ilial  on  Ihe  Isl  of  iM.irch,  IS!?,'),  General  .liiclison 
voted  in  llio  .Senalo  of  the  Ibiited  Stales  for  a  bill 
takini;  uiililary  possession  of  Ore:;on;  estahlishiny; 
a  ciisioni-hon.se  at  the  inoiilh  of  the  <  'oliimhia,  and 
a  lerrilorini  'jovernmeni,as  soon  as  a  census,  which 
it  was  piopi'.sed  lo  he  liikeii,  should  show  that 
lliere  were  two  thousand  inhalntants  in  the  terri- 
tory. Ihit,  siiys  the  tretitleinan,  the  .'/i/iftini.v/nrlt'eiKY 
of  General  .lackson  and  .Mr.  Van  Ihiren  pursued 
the  policy  to  which  South  Caiohna  now  adheres, 


(Fob.  7, 
Hki's. 

isHcrlt'il  thnl 
vim  liiis  IX- 
i\M  full  inio 
r,sir,  "who 
"  wliii  lire 
'  rsft'lltiiil  to 
I'llP  iwii  ilis- 
•iniihV  "Wii 
■  IK.,]  iioillii  T, 
dl"  imr  liili', 
U  coui'liisive 
■il  in  the  sc'l- 
uni)  lu't'  not 
sriitial  til  the 
^  a  "  clmnmi 

lllH,"  w  hil'll, 

ilic  Mini  vciird 
|>v<>\isioii  lor 
/i  tlif  (/iir.vfif.ii 

I'Ol  I  Ffl'.,]  ill 

ai's  .sinot'  on 
^-  of  Oi-('i;oii, 

•rriiMlIlnrnl  piir- 

u  |i;:"-ii  urfiiuir 

ill  iiul  1)11  II  it ;  i 
us  atiiiiii>t  tliti 

llllTI'.'  Ho  jnll 
I.  Ni'W  Ynrk.  iir 
iinil!*  to  l;«i  il|tnii 
iriiiiv  man  who 
Ills  III'  ihK  iiill, 
iislriiini*  tiiaii— I 
itlii-rr;  \iiii  will 
'  Ihf  I'tiiiiliirlji  til* 
i>r  till'  iiaiiiM  ami 
iiail  a  Mill  w  l.iix! 
lay,  I  wniitil  ^av, 
tiMif  lliu  iin|init- 

■oniinu;  from  a 

I  up,  lis  it  h  IS 
arolliui  to  tliii* 

wliii'li  it  has 
o  arrount   lor 

II  lalii'ii  of  llio 
uh  Ilonsts  of 
Icniaii  anil  hi.s 


tliMunn  from 
inistnilii'iis, 
111  whilst  ho 
y  illartivily, 
losi's  of  i;i'ii- 
iiia  silu'iiu', 
to  M\y,  lli:it. 
iMii'i'al  .liu'k- 
11  tlii'i;  whiiti 
iiotirr  hini- 
ini'iit  of  any 


(iiiai  Hiil- 

isc'il  to  iiotire 

he  (itrlineil 

k  of  leoriving 

1  say  that  he 
xiriiiliim:  iiiir 
1,  llic  ki  Tiiol 
anil  willins- 
lilt  iiiil:  anil  1 
IiiiiIcmI  lociii- 
lis  llonr,  liut. 
,  wliosi'  voles 
will  ncviT  be 
ii-rii)mlion 
if  tlii'i;cii- 
I  to  llii'  orrillt 
iii'iil  .lai'kson 
ally  of  l^^>f^ 
yil.     I  ilo  not 
no  niiNiiiH  of 
losr  w  hii^^avo 
a  luiriy  voU'. 
■  111110  srvcnil 
jiiaks,  I  liiiil 
ii'ral  .lai'kscin 
Irs  for  a  liill 
i;  I'slalilinliiii!; 
Inn)liia,ani) 
I'i'iiNiis,  w'hii'h 
111  kIiow    thai 
i  ill  till'  Iriri- 
'/i/»tint.v/r(ifii"ifl 
IhiiTii  piusnril 
now  atllirre«» 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


347 


I 
I 


SJh'H  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr,  Dodge. 


nnd  nolhlno;  was  said  in  condemnntion  nf  its  wis-  | 
dom  and  [iropriely;  luit  siidilonly  there  is  n  tremen- 
dous exeiteinent  which  has  sprung  up  in  rep;nrd  to 
OiT^roii.  The  votenf  General  Jnekson,  to  whieh  I 
have  referred,  nnd  his  whole  pnlioy  in  regard  to 
the  tii'qnisition  of  territory,  ana  his  known  devo- 
tion, which  was  equally  enlerinined  by  Mr.  Van 
Hiiren,  to  the  western  pioneer,  forbid  n  donbt  us 
to  what  were  their  views  on  this  question.  Hut 
why,  sir,  did  not  these  Illustrious  men  move  in  this 
niailir'  Why  did  they  iiol  feel  some  of  that  cx- 
citemen'.  which  now  animates  ihe  great  American 
heart .'  It  was  because  there  was  not  at  that  time 
an  American  settler  in  Ori  >;oii\ and  now,  sir, there 
are  from  seven  to  ten  thoiisiind,  iniplorins;  protec- 
tion n)H.n  our  own  soil,  aaaiiisl  a  powerful,  over- 
liijiriii:^.  ami  hiiirderoii.i  Uriti.sh  Company — \  ineaii 
llic  lliiihioii's  Bay  Cnnipiiny — which,  in  the  hisl 
lweiuy-fi\e  years',  has  incited  the  niiincroiis  fierce 
and  warlike  sava;:es  of  tin;  moiinlains  to  kill  and 
scalp  from  i-ii^lit  hiiiiilreil  to  a  thousand  Antcriean 
eiiizeiis,  Inwiully  eiii^a^'nl  ill  pursiiiii','  the  Inilian 
trade,  Iiiit,  .sir,  I  w'ill  ii;ivc  a  turther  answer  lo  the 
fieiiih man's  ipiestion,  by  askin;;  him  one,  which  I 
think  i.-i  ill  point.  Why  did  not  General  Jack.son, 
(IS  President,  when  the  £;allaiit  yinuii;  republic  of 
Texas  had  risen  in  her  stren:;th,  and  thrown  oil' 
the  sh.ickles  of  the  dictator,  Sania  Anna,  who  liad 
trampled  her  cmistiuition  iniiler  his  feet,  and  forced 
lier  peoole  to  assert  their  indepeiideiiee,  w'hieh, 
wiili  their  own  jrood  rilles  they  achieved,  and  af- 
terwards asked  to  be  adinilled  into  the  American 
I'nioii ; — why,  I  nsk,  did  he  not  favorably  re- 
reive  their  application  and  reeommend  their  ailmis- 
sioii?  Can  anyone  donbt  that  his  feelinijs  and 
sympathies,  then  warmly  aroused  by  the  cruel  and 
airocioiis  manner  in  which  the  Mexicans  had  con- 
ducted the  war,  were  on  the  side  of  Texas  and  her 
admission  ?  I  answer,  none  will  dare  to  do  so;  and 
vet  he  did  notliiiiu:  to  favor  it,  and  actually  declined 
lier  advances  !  Who  can  doubt  that  his  course  in 
this  matter  was  indiienced  by  a  desire  lo  let  public 
.senlinient  act  upon  the  ijiiestion  .*  His  subsequent 
course  fiirnishes  the  answer  and  the  proof. 

Sir,  I  am  not  one  of  those  who  believe  in  the  po- 
tency of  I'resideiit.s — ^reat  and  mighty  a.s  was  the 
one  of  whom  I  am  now  speakini;' — or  Cabinets,  or 
('ongresses,  to  settle  great  questions  of  this  char- 
acter, only  so  far  as  they  rellect  or  are  backed  by 
the  will  of  the  people.  Sir,  we  have  had  denun- 
ciaiions  from  the  Whig  side  of  this  House  loud, 
long,  and  strong,  against  the  re.sohition  adopted  b'- 
the  Deniocraiic  conveiiliou  at  Baltimore  in  favor  of 
the  reannexalion  of  Texas  and  the  reoi^cupation  tif 
(Ve;:on.  1'he  Democratii'  party  has  been  charged 
with  diMg^'ing  (Hir  fiireiL;ii  relations  into  the  late 
I'residential  election,  for  party  purposes,  Ac.  iVow, 
sir,  I  was  proud  of  that  resolution,  and  regardeil 
its  introiliictiiin  and  adoption  as  highly  proper;  and 
1  will  tell  gentlemen,  if  lliey  give  llie  iiUesiion  now 
before  us  the  go-by,  that  they  wi.l  find  at  the 
next  Presiileniial  election,  not  Hemoi  rats  only,  but 
Whigs  resolving  ill  favor  of  Oregon.  Xo  nian  or 
jiarty  will  be  abli;  lo  make  even  a  decent  race  be- 
fore the  peojile  of  this  country  unless  his  and  their 
view."  on  this  qneslion  are  known  to  be  in  favor  of 
Oregon — ilic  whole  of  Oii'iron. 

Sir,  as  1  have  before  said,  Texas  was  repnl.ied 
even  by  Old  Hickory  and  a  Democratic  Hon.^c  and 
Senate  when,  in  1 837, she  first  iLsked  admission, and 
that,  too,  after  she  had  planted  the  tree  of  Amer- 
ican liberty  so  deep  in  her  luxuriant  soil,  and 
nioiiilened  it  so  thoroughly  with  the  blood  of  "Trav- 
is, and  Crockett,  and  Fannin,  and  a  Ihniisand 
others,  that  its  life  and  growth  was  beyond  the 
pos.sibility  of  a  donbt.  Ihil,  sir,  look  at  the  part 
wliii'h  this  .same  immortal  man  in  ,';d  in  reference 
to  this  very  question  at  a  subsequent  lime.  What 
Democrat,  at  least,  has  forgotten  the  pleasure  with 
which  he  read,  during  the  lale  Presidential  canvass, 
each  successive  letter  written  by  Andrew  .Taekson 
from  the  Hermitage  in  favor  of  the  admission  of 
Texas .-  These  were  documents  not  emanating 
fidiii  him  as  President,  but  as  a  citizen  of  Tennes- 
see, a  voter  of  this  ]iroiid  Ueiniblie.  Nor,  sir,  in 
rousing  lip  the  noble  spirit  of  his  eountrymen  to 
thwart  and  eireumvent  the  designs  of  i'.nglish  iliplo 
inacy  upon  the  imporlanl  portion  of  the  Vnlie-  ,if 
the  ^Iississippi  of  which  I  am  speaking,  did  he  I'oi  ■ 
gel  to  admonish  ihem  of  Ihe  neces.siiy  of  hidking  lo 
our  rights  on  the  Pacific,  which  he  said  we  sluuild 
inaintain  at  the  eaimou's  mouth.     His  palriolism 


knew  no  bounds,  '  Western  soil  was  nn  dear  nnd  ! 

precious  to  him  as  Honthern,  or  northern,  or  east- 
ern. Texn.s  annexation  and  admission  has  been 
triumphantly  and  liappily  consummated;  and  I  tell 
gentlemen,  that  nothing  had  so  great  an  inriiienee 
in  carrying  that  question  as  the  fixed  deierniinition 
of  the  American  people  to  resist  British  rapacity 
and  lirillsh  domination  upon  this  continent. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  not  one  of  those  wdio  be- 
lieve, or  would  insiniiale,  that  there  was  a  barcain, 
as  .some  have  alleged,  between  the  respective  friends 
of  Oregon  and  Texas,  that  they  were  lo  be  carried 

^  ;)ffri  passu;  for  as  has  been  Iriily  said  by  some  gen- 
tlemen from  the  West,  we  went  foi  Texas  because 
we  wished  lo  see  her  in  the  Union,  and  believed 
that  it  was  right  that  she  should  be  adniitled.  But, 
sir,  I  remember  well  when  west-  m  members  came 
here,  in  184'1,  t\ill  of  hojie  that  v  u  their  increased 
strength  under  the  new  apportionment,  (Dr.  Linn's 
Oregon  bill   having  passed  the  Senate,  and  been 

■   lost  in  this  House,  at  the  preceding  session,)  they 

,  would  be  enabled  to  carry  this,  their  darling  meas- 
ure, without  doubt. 

A  member  from  Missouri  [.Mr.  HtutiF.s]  olTered 

]' a  resolution,  "declaring  it  as  the  opinion  of  this 

*  tlonse,  that  we  iiad  a  clear  and  indisputable  title 
'  to  the  whole  of  Oregon,  and  that  it  was  the  duty 
'  of  Government  to  take  pos.session  of  its  territory 
'  on  the  norlliwest  coasi,  &c."  And  a  gentleman 
from  Georgia,  [Mr.  PiI.ack,]  distiiignisbed  for  his 
zeal  in  support  of  the  re  annexation  of  Texas,  im- 
mediately moved,  as  an  amendment,  "  that  it  was 
'expedient,  anil  conducive  to  the  be.st  interests  of 
'  the  country,  that  Texas  should  be  re-annexed  as 

*  soim  as  it  could  be  accnmplished  upon  fair  and 

*  legitimate  princijiles;"  which  wasa'-cepted  by  the 
mover  of  the  oriu'inal  resolution.  From  that  time 
on  lo  the  meeting  of  the  Hallimore  cniiventioii,  in 
which  the  subjects  were  again  united,  as  they  were 
Ihroiighniit  the  whole  Presidential  canvass,  it 
seemed  to  ine  that  tiiere  was  a  union  and  common 
undcistandlng  between  the  friends  of  each,  which 
could  not  but  be  highly  conducive  to  the  success 
of  both. 

Mr.  Chairman,  by  way  of  eonsohition  lo  rihtio 
gentlemen,  who  seem  to  have  gotten  into  rather  an 
awkward  position  upon  this  question,  and  who 
arc  very  restive  under  the  dread  of  the  application 
of  parly  screws,  1  ask  them  to  call  to  their  recol- 
lections the  manner  in  which  a  iireeminenllydis- 
tinguished  ineniber  nf  the  Democratic  parly  [Col. 

.  Bkntos'I  was  assailed  during  the  last  Congress  t'or 
his  course  on  the  Texas  question.  All  the  hell- 
hounds of  party  were  let  loose  upon  him.  Not 
because  he  was  opposed  to  the  measure — for  he 
had  been  iis  earliest  friend,  and  had  invoked  the 
curses  of  Heaven,  as  far  back  as  iNOj),  upon  the 
heads  of  the  men  who  Iniil  consented,  by  the  trea- 
ty of  Irtli),  to  dismember  the  valley  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi: but  to  the  iiailiciiliir  fill  III  in  which  it  then 
came  before  Congress;  or.  in  other  words,  to  the 
Tyler  treaty.  Yes,  sir,  "Old  Bullion,"  who,  from 
time  whereof  Ihe  memory  of  man  ruiineth  not  to 
the  contrary,  Inul  been  the  very  Ajax  Telamon  of 
the  nemocratic  parly,  was  to  be  read  out  ot'it,  for 
daring  to  prefer  one  mode  of  doing  the  thing  to  ano- 
ther; and  from  no  jiortion  of  the  country  were  these 
deniincialions  aganiKt  him  more  fierce  or  intolerant 
than  from  South  Carolina.  All  who  were  here  re- 
member the  manner  in  which  he  was  from  day  to 
day  assaulted  by  a  paper  ("The  Spectator")  under- 
stood to  be  the  .South  Carolina  organ  at  the  seat  of 
Government;  and  also,  the  attempt  that  was  made 
ill  the  other  end  of  the  Capitol,  by  one  of  tlie  Sen- 
ators from  that  State  [Mr.  iMcDiiflii  |  to  read  him 
out  of  the  party,  in  consefpicnce  of  his  [Col.  I'en- 
ton's]  non-adherence,  as  was  alleged,  lo  the  Balti- 
more   resolutions   in    favor   of  Texas.     All    this, 

'  mark  yon,  sir,  was  the  consef|iience  of  objections 
to  the  ]iarticular  form  in  which  the  subject  was 
then  presented;  for  he,  (Benton,)  when  it  came  up 
in  anolliei  dhnjie,  spoke  and  voted  in  favor  of  the 
measure. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  been  astonished,  in  look- 
ing at  the  debates  upon  this  question,  to  see  the 
manner  in  which  the  same  ground  has  been  trav- 
elled over  and  over  again,  from  I8'3(),  the  time  at 
wtiicli  Governor  F'loyd,  that  pioneer  in  the  Oregon 
movement,  first  broiurht  forward  liis  bill,  to  the 
present.  Why,  sir,  a  conqiarison  of  Floyd's 
lull,  with  the  discussions  upon  it,  and  the  bills  and 

'I  discussions  of  ihe  prcsciit  day,  show  that  we  have 


Ho.  OP  Reps. 

not  only  not  been  pro/fressive  upon  thin  question, 
bill  that  we  have  aittnally  retrograded;  and  all,  sir, 
all  owing  to  our  dread  of  giving  oU'enee  to  Great 
Britain,  As  I  have  before  suited,  Floyd '.s  bill  (n 
copy  of  which  I  now  hold  in  my  hand)  provided 
for  taking  military  possession  o^  the  country,  es- 
tablishing a  custoni-houso  at  the  nioulh  of  the 
Columbia,  and  a  territorial  (iovernmenl,  as  soon 
as  there  were  two  ihoii.^and  inhabitanis,  (there 
bi  'ng  at  that  time  none,)  over  whom  it  was  to 
ope  'ate. 

'Ihe  far-seeing  and  enthusiastic  Doctor  FInyd, 
though  reu'arded  as  visionary  Ijv  some,  and  by  oth- 
ers as  a  bold  projector,  conliniieil  for  ten  long  years, 
(from  1830  10  1830,)  lo  press  upon  Congress,  at  ciieli 
successive  session,  this  his  favorite  measure:  and 
though  often  defeated,  he  had  the  salisfaclion,  Ui- 
wards  the  close  of  his  Congressional  career,  to  see 
his  bill  pas.scd  by  this  House  by  yeas  111,  nays  ,')8. 
And  il  is  rather  a  singular  coincidence  lliat  a  gentle- 
man of  Ihe  same  iirofcssion,  (Dr.  Linn,)  who  canio 
into  the  Senate  years  al\er  Dr.  Floyd  had  left  ihi.s 
body,. should  have  taken  up  the  same  subject,  press- 
ed it  with  the  same  untiring  ardor  and  zeal  on  the 
allention  of  the  Senate  for  the  .same  length  of  lime, 
and  to  precisely  ihe  same  result — its  triumphant 
passai.'-e  ihroiigli  the  Senate.  But,  sir,  what  is  most 
mortifying  to  ine  is  the  fact,  now  siaritej;  us  in  iho 
faee,  that  nosuch  bill  aseiilnrFloyd'sor  Linu'seaii 
now  be  jiassed  through  eiiher  branch  of  Congress, 
and  we  are  almost  afraid  to  give  the  simple  and 
pe:icet*ul  notice  ilsell'.  How*  altered  is  the  voii'c 
which  now  comes  from  tin:  "Old  Dominion"  lo 
that  which  was  spoken  by  Floyd,  to  whose  mem- 
ory, in  considerniion  of  his  early  and  constant  de- 
volion  to  their  section  of  the  country,  I  trust  the 
people  of  Oregon  will  erect  a  moinunent.  [Mr. 
I'kki.i.v,  of  Illinois,  spoke  nut  and  .said:  "The/ 
should  call  their  seat  of  government  after  him. "| 
Yes,  sir,  or  name  one  of  their  States  in  honor  of 
him. 

But.  sir,  it  is  not  the  voice  of  Virginia  only  on 
litis  question  that  is  now  changed.  I  find  tlnit,  in 
January,  1823,  even  little  Verniont,  the  "Green 
Mount.iin"  Stale,  was  willinsio  look  "John  Bull" 
full  ill  the  eye.  Yes,  sir,  willing,'  and  anxious  to 
inaintain  tlie  great  interests  of  the  country,  and 
especially  lo  look  after  the  /is/iing  interests  in  the 
direction  of  Oregon.  Twenty-three  years  ago,  in 
the  discussion  of  this  bill  in  this  House: 

'■  Ml.  IMallaiy.  of  \'criiMint,  saiil,  lie  was  npiiosed  lo  Itie 
prnlli»-cil  aillelKlineiit.  He  tll(ill'.'.lll  tliat  ('rini'rcs;*  .slirilljd 
lake  the  rc-|iini,siliiljty  of  (iirrfiiiai  l!i,'  orcii|iali(ia  nf  Itie 
icrritery,  anil  nut  place  il  nii  ilir  I'roiili'lil.  It  w;is  not  to 
lie  Mi|i|iiisi<il  llie  rrcsidenl  li.'iil  iiinrc  ialurnintion  lliaii  is  in 
piisflcssioii  of  tile  House.  It  wnilil  ti;'  viry  exlrnnrfliiiary 
that  ttii;!  laeasiire  Ktioiild  lie  satti-nil  to  jiiotfre^s  for  weeks, 
anil  yet  sniin;  ilccp  reasons  ot  Hialc  .-lioiilit  reiiiaia  iniilis- 
co\  iTcil.  For  one,  .'Mr.  M.  saiit,  tie  was  willinc  lo  meet  lltn 
[iiopcr  i'es|)i)nsitiility  of  Ills  station,  niiil  not  cast  it  ott'on  any 
other  (IrpartincnI.  He  wisticil  lui  iiccnpat..iii,  Ijy  inililar'y 
force  uiity.  Willi  some  eneoiirii'^ciiient  to  settlers.  The  es- 
t.'ililislinicnt  of  a  civil  ^ovcrinncnl  was  unnecessary  until 
lliirc  were  p:Mip|c  over  whom  il  niiixiil  lie  exercised.  '  * 
.\s  it  respects  Ilic  occupation  of  die  territory  in  question, 
Mr.  M.  said  ti.-  was  dcciilcilly  in  its  favor,  'i'tic  nilvanlairi'S 
it  would  alllird  lo  tlie  tisheries,  to  eoiinncrce,  and  lo  itie  Uir 
Iraili',  liad  ticeii  most  clearly  shou'ii.  We  arc  at  ficai-c  Willi 
tin-  world,  inir  means  arc  aliiindant.  Slionlil  w  c  lie  licrc- 
attcr  ciciaL'cd  in  war,  a  place  of  sccniity  would  lie  iiroviitcil 
for  ttie  inillions  of  |iro[ii'rtv  we  stinnld  tiave  on  the  I'jiritic, 
:^ome  ttiousht  the  mciLsiire  visionarj' — too  hazarilmis  for 
.\liicricans  lo  lunlcrlake.  How  oricii  arc  wc  rcinindi  it  of 
.\incricaii  enterprise  ?  Ills  made  a  cotislnnl  ho;i-t ;  and  >  it 
we  appear  to  he  alarmed  at  the  idi-n  of  occiip}  inn  our  oivn 
domain  !  'I'tie  smallest  nation  of  Europe  would  not  fear 
the  inidcrtakinu;  yd  we  are  fearful  il  is  licyond  our  power. 
i''irlui'al,  snmll  as  she  was,  did  not  hesilale  in  plant  her 
colonies  in  every  part  of  Ilic  world.  Russia,  Willi  tier  capi- 
tal in  Ihe  centre  of  Europe,  enclosed  with  walls  of  ice  one 
hall'  of  the  year,  cviends  lier  enloiiies  and  eoinmcree  lo 
every  conlin'ciit;  imil  >  et,  with  all  niir  enterprise,  we  ilaro 
not  venture  lie>(»iid  the  llocky  uionntaias.  'I'his  siihjcct 
ocenines  a  LTcat  share  of  piililic  allention;  it  is  anxiously 
looked  for;  the  inti'resl  and  enierpiisc  of  the  nation  requires 
the  adoption  ot*  the  pro(ioscd  measures.      *        *        *        * 

'•  .Mr,  -M  said  his  fceliims  were  not  much  excited  liy  the 
sulijeet.  The  pass-n;»c  of  this  measure  would  secure  tlio 
possession  of  thai  porlioii  of  niir  dominion  lo  ourselves, 
and  prevent  na  encroaehinciu  upon  il  h>"  olhers." 

I  especially  commend  the  extract  which  I  have 
read  l*roiu  llie  adminble  and  slatesninn-ltke  speech 
of  Mr.  Mallary  to  the  consideration  of  the  present 
liepresentatives  t*rom  Vermont,  and  especially  to 
Ihe  gentleman  [Mr.  Foot]  who  discoursed  so  elo- 
(pienlly  lasteveninu'  in  opposition  to  the  "  notice," 
and  so  vividly  held  up  before  us  ihe  horrors  of 
war  wiili  which  it  would  seem  he  ap|iiTliends  wc 
are  soon  to  be  vLsitcd,  unless  wo  "  lay  low  and 
keep  dark." 


i 


\h 


I 


348 


APPi'-NDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAIi  GLOBE. 


iMarch  12, 


'29rH  Cong 1st  Sess. 


TIiIh  (llHiMLssioii,  mark  you,  Mr.  Cliainiinn,  wns 
in  18^;),  Imi  live  yvM»  atier  liie  treaty  of  jniiit  oi'- 
i'n|iaiiiy  had  liei'ii  I'mcrcil  iiilo,  and  to  show  that 
Ureal  Itritaiii  iiad  iiti  ehiitn  (tt  ttiat  time  to  the  soil 
nr  jnrisdietion  of  Ore!;nn:  niul  thai  the  convi'iiiion 
of  ISldwaaonly  desif;ned  to  lonfer  U|Hin  liersoine 
eonnaorcial  privileges,  such  aa  the  iiavipuion  of 
the  waters,  tradijii,'  with  the  natives,  ite.  I  find 
tliat  ni'iif  of  those  irlio  lilt ii  oiiiiused  the  hill  vj'  Of, 
yiojiil,  dill  so  un  the  jri'oiim/s  nf  inlLiJ'emire  tritk 
llrilii'k  ri'j;hls  in  any  siiujte.  Mr.  Traey,  of  jS'ew 
^'ork,  made  a  loni;  ami  ahh' s|»eucii  in  opiiosition 
to  il,  iViHH  whieli  I  will  read  an  extract  to  piovb 
what  I  have  said,  ajal  I  ask  tlie  espei'lal  alli  ntioii 
of  <;entleinen  to  it,  that  it  niay  bt;  S(;en  how  the 
opponents  of  Oreijoii  have  shifted  their  jzrouiid: 

"  It.,  ttt'licvrd  Hint  hi-  sliiiiild  suit i  in  !*iili...r\ih(j  tliu 

Il'»^l^:'  tilllt  liMTf  U;iseiHIU(TtlMl  WUll  llll>  ^.L-Ilt'lllti  lltntl'jlTH 

tjf  iii\Iiiili;i!  lilt  mi^is"*  whti-h  \M  iiiil  iiintV  Ilii'  vriy  rMii>iil- 
eniMe  f\|H'nS(  \\  jlli-tl  l'\|irrilIICMt'  llin-t  ni'iMvinn  ;'iuni  tlmt 
rill-  fiuiitrv  a  'iHTnlty,  Inn  pi'eiiliiirly  the  iiininli  m"  tin*  Co- 
l-lliil>i;i.  ii'V.rtlfil  limit'  nl'  Itia.i-  {iltniellniis  witli  wlih-h  lliu 
liiiic.i    11'  till  ciiilli-Mi.ni  liii'l  ,i.;ei.,-:in  il  It.     Ilill,  i-uiil.Mr.  'I'., 

ii'  I  liai  mil  t' '';:  :!..il  tin..!  iiM'H-iiri  Mivnlvi-iIeuii-iiiin'iH'ri. 

iirmnrf  iiii|H»rt!llU'i'  Illllll  Ilie  ll.-cleHri  w.-stiMlfll  ft'Wlllillli'lI'lit 

nriiiill.ir-.iiiivvcvi'r  I'liijiiiiii  tlie\itnv.irritsmlvnciitcM  nil  jilt 
liiivt-  ii|i[i  MTi-il  til  nil',  I  !.||iiiltil  liaverei'U'll  lity  opiHiHlltra  on 
II  >ili'iit  vuti-  ai.MiM>l  It;  lull  It  iloi's  srei'i  lii  iiie  tliul  I'litf  hill 
iliviihi'^  :i  iiriiieiple  iif  iticiil  iiiitinlinl  ei-iiiii'iiiieii'^v— li  prin- 
ciple ivhli'll  he  vva-i  Hliri'  Ihis  Unil-ii  \va.i  iint  ;iri'piircll  to  i'.*- 
talilidll.  Wllhniil.  at  li'ie-l.  pan- lie;  In  retlertiiii  its  niiliiie  mill 
imp  irtaiiee  ;  I  iillmle,  sanl  .M  .  'I'.,  tii  till!  prnieiplu  iil' eiilti- 
a.zali  111  whii'li  li' I'liutaiiiril  111  Ihi- lull.        «         -         •         • 

•■  Mihl  ir>  p,i~ls  ...iHinM  Ik'  |iI.utiI  liir  the  purpose  iif  jiro- 
tei'Iiiii!  an  I'xi-lini:  Ireiiti 'r  [utpiilalimi.  hut  not  liir  tin."  pur- 
pose orultiai'tiauimr  popiilatinn  tii  an  e.xpiMetl  situation,  lt.4 
natural   teiiileiiey  is  tn  iMl'iiso.     Its  limits  are  already  stll- 

tieii-'iilly  lar^'i' ;  its  it  het 's  iimre  ilcnse   it  will  e-\li-nd 

ihiMii ;  inn  it  i'  li'it  the  tnu' pulley  iif  the  IJiivirliiilriitti)  invite 
lis  dispcr  ;i,Mi.     '         *         •         *         *,*         "        '         * 

'•  Anntlier  inipiirlant  indiieenn'iit  ivhich  is  iirneil  liir  the 
llilopliiiii  nt'tllis  niiMSIire  is  the  inllniMlce  wlliell  lIM'ttleineiit 
on  till'  eit;i-I  \i'unlil  have  t'l  ((Uiet  the  prepii.-.ti.'riins  ehillns, 
ami  prevent  111.'  d  llii.'''r(ilis  eiienun'hinents  iit'  the  KiisMiui 
Civerniiiunr.  The  si'iillenmn  had  ihvelt  niiieli  on  the  e\. 
Irava'.'aiit  and  riilieiilnns  pretensions  wliieli  had  lieeii  ail- 
vaneeil  hy  ihi'  Kiis-iaii  .Minister.  Ill  his  eiirre*iniiiileiiee  Willi 
uur  (;Mverninent  on  tlie  siihjt'el  ui  this  eiiuiitry.  .Mr.  T. 
paj.l  that  li''  ht'liev'd  no  sentleinan  eoiild  entertain  a  seriiins 
apprehension  thai  the  Kinperor  of  Kiissia  had  ever  thouuhl 
o:'  eiirtireiiuj  tlie.-e  [ireiensions,  lie  ht'tieved  they  were  the 
alistini'l  spteulainnis  uf  a  diplomatist,  who  hail  no  oliji.'ct  in 
pre-i  iiliii_'  lUfiii  hut  to  aniiise  his  niitsier  liy  his  iiii;eniii*> , 
and  to  siiiev  his  own  adroitness  in  det'eiidin^  I'aiieiriil  titles 
In  wild  Hiiil  unoeeiipied  territory.  •  •  *  .-\ny  steji  wliieli  lie 
uliall  take  to  enliiree  tills  most  absurd  and  unjust  preteii- 
Eiou.  eaii  be  rejtarded  as  iiolltiii!!  less  than  an  aet  of  diieel 
hostility  aiiaiiist  us;  but  it  will  be  an  aet  wliieli  a  pililiil 
parn-otl  at  til"  mouth  of  the  t'oluiiihia  ean  neither  av4rt 
nor  avcnje.        *•*«•*••• 

".Mr.  T.  daid  he  was  ready  lo  ailiuit  lliat  neither  Kiiit- 
laiiil.  Sp.iiii,  nor  Itiissia,  had  ttei  ur'n,  or  [irohably  would 
Inoe  till'  iltr|i'i-itiiiii.  lo  eoiiiplaiii  (it  tile  mea-uie.  [tut  he 
was  Miir>  that  his  eo!li-';ii.'il"  bad  loryollen.  that  althoimli 
neither  oi;  tiiese  iiniinns  had  a  rii:lil  to  oliject,  there  was  a 
people  who  had:  he  allinli'd  to  the  present  iiiliabnanls  and 
line  priipnctiirs  ot"  the  eomitiv.  The  Indians  nl'  thin  eoiist. 
he  bail  leard,  were  niiiiieroii-  ami  ivarlike,  and  he  did  not 
lii'lieve  llie\  woiilil  reirard  w  illi  eoinplaeeney  a  inilitaiy  es- 
tabli>)iiiii'tit  anion;:  nietii.  Me  bad  no  doubt  but  it  would 
involve  u>  111  a  w.o  willi  ttieni."' 

Tuns,  sir,  in  )is'23,  ml  skins  were  hold  up  to 
fii^liten  us  from  the  oeeitpation  uf  Oregon — now, 
red  j(tckets. 

Sir,  it  has  been  said,  in  many  portions  of  tlie  eoun- 
iry,  .inil  broadly  inlinialed  at  the  eominenreinent 
of  this  debate,  that  uenileiiieii  from  the  West  W'ere 
anxious  for  the  adofition  nf  this  notiee,  beeaiise, 
if  war  should  be  its  resnliiiii!:  eonsequenee,  tiiey 
would  be  out  of  all  dan:!:er,  and  would  have  tlie 
opporliniity  of  i^rowin;;  rieh  upon  the  niisforlunes 
of  their  country.  I  rejiel  the  cliarae.  I  repel  ir, 
ns  lieini  niy.self  a  western  man,  and  a  native  of 
the  Stale  of  Missouri.  When  and  where  has  it 
lia|i|ieiied  in  the  liistory  of  this  eoiiiitry,  tliiit  her 
rutins  have  e\er  been  assailed,  and  her  snii  ihreat- 
ened  by  an  iiivniler,  that  the  men  of  the  Wesi  have 
not  come  to  the  rescue,  niid  poured  out  their  blood 
like  w.iier  ill  the  nation's  detenee.'  1  ask  gentle- 
iiien.  who  put  I'lirth  a  eharire  so  unfounded,  to  rail 
to  mind  the  events  fif  the  hist  war  with  Ureal  I'rii- 
nin,  and  those  of  the  Florida  war.  Sir,  llieliurd 
H.  Gentry,  of  Ivenliieky,  then  a  eiiizen  of  iVIis- 
Koui'i,  who  hod  siood  side  by  side'  with  Colu- 
iiel  Uiehard  M.  Jolinsun  at  the  battle  of  the 
'I'liames,  iijioii  an  iiitiiiiatinn  that  their  sei'viees 
wereneiilcd,  rallied  anniiid  him  a  rei:inicnt  of  gal- 
lant volunteers,  and  inarehed  from  the  confines  of 
.Missouri  to  the  HWainjis  and  fai*ln(!ssesof  Klorida, 
then  the  theatre  ol'  .sa\;ii;i;  warfare  in  all  its  hor- 
rors, t  ask  i;entlenien  to  renieinber  how  tliat  man 
mid  his  lirave  followers  bore  iheiiiselves  in  the  bai- 
tlc  uf  Ukee';hubee,  Ibujrht  in  Florida  on  Uie  y5lli 


The  Orciroii  (Question — Mr.  Atchison. 

of  Dceeniber,  1W37.  Sir,  they  luarelied  tipon  the 
enemy,  who,  thoii^^h  concealed  from  view,  wore 
known  to  be  strongly  postetl  aiul  lyiiii;  in  wait  to 
deliver  H  deadly  fire  upon  the  advaiiciii<|;  ciilnmn, 
At  the  iiead  of  that  eolinnn,  sir,  willi  Ins  face  to 
the  enemy,  and  aiiinialiii(;liis  men  on  lo  the  rliar<;i', 
the  heroic  and  lainenttdUeiitry  fell,  perforated  with 
bullets,  in  the  arms  of  death,  one-sixih  of  his  en- 
tire coinmand  beiiii^  either  killed  or  wounded. 
Ainonj;  the  latter  was  his  son,  (Harrison  Uentry,) 
whose  conduct,  like  that  nf  his  sire,  is  80  hoiiom- 
bly  miniioned  in  a  public  order  of  the  brave  and 
just  old  Ueiieral  Gaines.  Sir,  ilo  facts  like  these 
furnish  no  e\  idence  that,  should  war  eonie,  ;;:entle- 
liieii  would  liiiil  the  people  of  the  West  by  their 
side  whenever  it  was  reipiired  to  present  a  mint  lo 
the  foe.  Sir,  to  tiefcnil  ourselves  iii^ainst  an  accu- 
saiioii  so  monstrous,  we  can  appeal  to  the  battle- 
lichls  of  the  Itiiisin,  the  Tliames,  of  Mew  Orleans, 
and  to  tlie  bones  of  the  Missourians — once  my 
iViends  and  iieii^hburs — scattered  lhronj,'h  the 
hammoeks  and  everirlades  of  Florida:  they  attest 
our  fidelity  to  the  Union  and  to  every  portion 
of  it. 

Sir,  an  insinuation  wiw  thrown  out  here  by 
a  j^entleinaii  iVotn  South  Carolina,  [Mr.  Uiiii:tt,] 
that  the  demand  to  maintain  the  national  lioiior 
euine  with  a  bad  iirace  from  men  who,  in  private 
life,  dill  not  lhemselve.s  recofjnise  the  biiidin^r  force 
of  honor's  code;  and  who  would  condemn  lo  a 
felon's  y;i'ii\e  the  man  who,  in  private  combat,  de- 
t'ended  liif  honor. 

(.\lr.  H(ii.Mi-:s  here  interposed.  He  said  hip 
col!ea;;iie  wius  not  present,  but  it  was  due  to 
him  to  say,  that  that  fjentleinan  never  had  meanl 
to  insiiiiiale  that  gentlemen  in  llie  West  did  liol 
recoe:inse  the  laws  of  honor  lo  their  fullest  extent. 
Mr.  II.  had  found  the  same  feelint:  on  thai  subject 
in  the  West  which  prevailed  in  the  South;  anil  it 
was  of  as  niueh  strenjjth  there,  iiis  anywhere  else 
in  the  couniry.] 

I  do  not  know  what  scope  the  gentleman  in- 
tended his  remarks  to  have;  as  1  understood  him, 
till  y  enibraeed  the  West.  And  I  am  glad,  on 
account  of  the  personal  respect  which  I  have 
always  entertained  for  him,  to  hear  this  disclaim- 
er t'rom  his  colleague.  1  did  not,  of  course, 
understand  the  remark  as  havini?  any  iiersonal 
I  application  to  me,  or  it  would  never  have  been  no- 
ticed here;  and  I  had  only  this  to  .say,  that,  whilst 
I  do  not  esteem  it  a  matter  to  be  boast(;d  of,  there 
are  some  puitions  of  the  West  in  which  as  much 
chivalry,  even  nf  this  sort,  has  been  displayed  as 
in  anv  part  of  the  world.  And  if  duels  be  the 
prout',  1  have  yet  to  hear  of  the  spot  upon  which 
more  of  them  have  been  i'ou^'hl — closer,  belter 
foiiirhi — than  upon  "  Hloody  l.sland,"  in  Illinois, 
opposite  lo  the  city  of  St.  Louis. 

.Mr.  Chairman,  so  far  as  my  con.slilurnts  anil 
myself  arc  coin'erned,  I  can  truly  say,  that  we 
have  ever  entertained  and  cherished  towards  the 
.siiiithern  section  of  the  Union,  feelings  of  the  most 
friendly  description.  iVIy  as.socialions  with  snuth- 
ern  gentlemen  here  and  elsewhere,  have  been  of 
the  most  ph'asini;  eliaraeier.  Opposition  to  this 
niea."iure,  in  wliicli  I  feel  .so  much  interest,  comes 
from  ihe  >«orlli  as  well  as  the  South.  I  cast  no 
imputation  on  those  who  oppose  it — they  act  un- 
der the  responsibility  that  they  owe  to  their  eon' 
stitiients  and  country,  and,  I  doubt  not,  conceive 
they  are  doing  their  duly.  I  trust  they  will  award 
to  us  the  same  inteirity  of  purpose,  and  will  not, 
as  rumor,  vviib  her  thousand  toni:ues,  Inus  done, 
aitritnite  our  course,  on  this  occssion,  to  a  mere 
■  disL'racefnl  senimble  for  the  I'l-csidency.  Sir,  we 
scout  and  trample  the  iiisinualion  under  our  feet. 

iiul  iustie.e  should  be  done  here  to  a  dislin- 
giiisheil  siiitesmaii  from  the  West,  [.Mr.  Ukxton;) 
portions  of  whose  early  speeches  in  support  of  our 
li'ihts  on  llie  Pacific  I  w.is  astonished  to  hear 
iiuoted  by  treiitlemen  opposed  to  Oregon.  AVlien 
that  .-ininent  m.'Ui  said  thai  ihe  god  'rerminus  had 
planted  his  foot  on  the  top  of  the  llocky  moun- 
laiii.s,  as  a  liniil  to  ilie  lioundaries  of  our  Uepnblic 
1111  the  Wist,  it  should  be  remembered  that  the 
great  '*  Siiuili  I'ass"  through  those  mountains  hail 
not  then  been  discoveretl;  that  distance  had  not 
I  then  been  aimihilatcd  by  the  application  of  steam. 
Sir,  thai  iiiairs  |ien  was  employed, even  before  his 
iniii'iince  into  public  life,  in  pointing  out  the  ini- 
meii.sc  value  of  our  possessions  on  the  northwest 
,  cuust,  and  lliu  blessings  und  benctitd  thul  wuuld 


Sbnatb. 


I  rosiill  to  our  Uovernnunt  and  people  from  ill 
occu|ianey  ami  settlement.  Mis  first  speecheH  on 
entering  the  Senate  were  made  in  vindication  of 
our  title,  which,  in  his  masterly  manner  of  argu- 
iiieiil,  he  established   beyond  all   iloiilil.     lie  did 

more,  sir.  Having  proved  our  tide  to  be  "clear 
lUid  unqui'Stionable,"  he  Hiiiil  that  we  were  ac- 
countable that  repiiblican  and  nut  monarchical  iii- 
stiliilioiiH  should  be  olanted  upon  it;  and  wilh  ihal 
sagacity  for  which  lie  is  so  remarkable,  he  pre- 
dicted, twenly-rtve  years  ago,  that  unless  we  acted 
proinplly  anil  elllcienlly,  we  would  liave  to  light 
the  ISritish  I'or  the  monlh  of  the  Columbia.  And 
to  show  how  far  he  was  in  niKance  of  the  men  of 
tilut  time,  both  his  colleagues  [.Messrs.  liarton  und 
UatesJ  spoke  and  voted  against  Oregon. 


OREUON  UUliSTIO.N. 


SPEECH  OF  I\IIJ.  ATCHISON, 

i  OF  JlISSOLRf, 

I  Is  Sr.vATE,  .Wrti-r/i  I'J,  18'l(i. 

The  .Joint  riesolntion  for  giving  Ihe  notice  to  ter- 
miimte  the  convention  belweeii  the  United  Slates 
and  Great  I'ritain,  rel.itive  to  the  Oregon  terri- 
tory, being  under  consideration  — 
Mr.  ATCHISOX,  of  .Mis.souri,  being  entitled  to 
the  Hour,  promised,  in  the  ont.sel  of  his  remarks, 
that  he  would  not  Idng  detain  the  Senule,  norshould 
he  now  have  deemed  itneces.sury  to  sav  a  word  on 
the  subject,  had    mil  the  ipiestioii,  within  the  last, 
week,  assumed  a  new  aspect.     Various  proposi- 
tions I'or  notice   had   been  submitted  to  the  body, 
but  the  object  common  lo  all  of  them  was  to  give 

I  notice  Ui  the  Uritish  Government  of  the  lerminaiioii 
of  the  joiiil  occupancy  of  the  Oregon  territory  after 
llie  expiration  of  twelve  months.     Mr.  A.  preferred 

,  among  these  that  furin  of  notice  which  went  to  ac- 
complish this  eiiil  in  the  fewest  words  and  in  the 
most  pointed  terms.  For  this  reason  he  gave  the 
preference  to  the  resolution  as  reported  from  the 
Connniltee  on  Foreign  Ilelations.  it  went  to  cfl'ect 
its  object  directly,  and  was  unencumbered  by  con- 
ditions of  any  sort.  Mr.  A.,  however,  was  ready, 
if  this  did  not  prevail,  to  go  for  the  resohilion  which 

'  had  been  sent  t'rom  the  House  of  Uepreseiilatives. 
Yet  it  was  with  great  reluctance  that  he  could  bring 
himself  lo  vote  for  the  second  clause  of  that  resolu- 
tion. He  objected  to  it  because,  if  it  meant  any- 
thing, II  was  intended  to  interfere  with  the  risrlits 
and  ihe  iliscrelion  of  the  two  parlies  in  the  prcsenl 
controversy  to  renew  i  pursue  negotiation  i'or 
an  amicable  setilemeni  ol  the  diliiiully.  Il  .seemed 
to  Mr.  A.  that  the  .Vmcrican  Congress  could  confer 
no  power  on  the  Government  to  iiegotijite  ;  that 
power  resided  in  the  President  of  the  United  States 
nil  one  hand,  and  in  the  liritish  Govcrnnn.'iit  on 
the  other.  He  admitted  that  this  conslriiction 
iniiiht  be  niaced  on  that  resolution,  and  lie  knew 
that  it  hail  been.  It  miudii  lie  understood  as  say- 
ing, "Although  the  President  recommends  to  us 
thai  notic.e  should  he  given,  and  we  confer  on  him 
the  power  lo  give  such  notice  to  F.ngliuid,  yet  we 
do  it  with  reluctance,  and  we  do  it  witli  tiinidily." 
If  the  latter  clause  meant  anything,  it  meant  lliis. 
Cert.iin'y  the  Hou.se  could  never  intend  to  confer 
on  the  President  the  power  lo  negotiate,  and  every 
one  knew  that  they  could  not,  under  any  circuin- 
slanccs,  prevent  negoiialion  if  the  President  and 
the  Hritish  Uovernment  desired  it.  The  resolu- 
tion, then,  was  to  be  undersiood  to  iiieaii  this: 
"Congress,  by  ihis  resolution,  do  advise  the  Presi- 

I  dent  and  the  IJriiish  Government  lo  negotiate."  If 
that  was  its  iiieaning,  then  the  .second  clause  was 
mere  siu'iilusiige,  and,  as  .such,  Mr.  A.  protested 
against  it;  but  still  he  was  willing  to  vote  fur  iho 
whole  resolution  as  it  stood. 

The  resolutions  proposed  in  the  form  (>f  an 
ainendmciit  by  the  Senator  from  Keiilucky  [Mr. 
Ciirn'LSDKN'l  were,  in  his  view,  still  mure  objec- 
thniable,  though  his  objeeiion  was  directi'd  mure 
especially  against  llie  preamble.  iMr.  A.  here  read 
fidiii  iMr.  CiiirTK.Niii'.N's  preamble  as  follows: 

'  With  a  viinv,  Iheiefiire,  that  ,step.s  be  taken  foy 
*  the  abrogalion  of  the  said  convention  o('  the  (ith 

,  '  August,  18^7,  ill  the  mode  prescribed  by  its  2il 
'  article,  and  thai  the  atlention  of  the  UovcrmnentH 
'  of  both  counlrics  may  be  the  mure  earnestly  and 

I  '  imineditttely  direcled  to  renewed  ellorls  fur  tUu 


I 


|>'  iVnlll  IIR 
N|l(«''llL'H  (Ml 

iiiliiiiiion  of 
mr  of  mt^u- 
l.l.  lU'ilUI 
II  bo  "I'loiir 
kll  WIM'O  »<•.- 
niiiTliicul  iii- 
1(1  will)  tliiil 
iItIc,  1i(!  |iip- 
(Ns  we  iiilcd 

invf    to  llL'lll 

iiililii.  And 
f  llio  men  (pf 
.  lidl'UXI  uikI 


HISON, 


li. 

Holier  to  ler- 
lliiilcd  .SliilcM 
Jrogoii  t(;rri- 

ni;  eiililled  to 
liis  I'fiiutrkHt 
Ic,  iioi'sliodUl 
i(V  II  word  on 
•Uliiii  Ilie  Ik.iI. 
ions  pi'ojKirti- 
to  the  body, 
1  Wiis  10  cive 
le  tcrniiniilioii 
teniiory  iifur 

■.A.  IMtftl'lCll 

■h  went  to  iic- 
ds  mid  in  llie 
n  lif  !;uve  (he 
nod  from  tlic. 
went  to  cIVei-t 
beied  by  coii- 
!i-,  was  riiidy, 
lolution  wliicii 
pi't'.sciitiitivcs. 
could  liriiii; 
tiialii'solii- 
niciiiii  iiny- 
b  I  In;  riu'lits 
the  |iicsi'iit 
riiiiiition  for 
li  sicnieil 
iimid  confer 
foiiiiiu;  tliHt 
Uniled  Stiui.'S 
uiinn;.'iit  on 
const  rucliun 
id  be  knew 
tood  ns  siiy- 
iiionds  to  us 
nil  r  on  bini 
hold,  yet  wo 
til  tiiindiiy." 
iiieiuii   this, 
lid  to  coiil'ui- 
ic,  iind  every 
iinv  circuni- 
iTsIdeiU  Mild 
'j'lic  r(.-S(du- 
>  iiiiiui  tills: 
isc  tlic  Prcsi- 
U'otiiilc."     If 

;1    cIllUSC  WHS 

A.  |irotc;sti;d 
vote  for  lli(\ 

I'oiiii   of  an 

■iiiucky  [Mr. 

nioio  objec- 

licctcd  iiioio 

A.  Iiern  read 

follosvs: 

s  be  taken  fov 

I  of  tlic  (illl 

1  by  its  2(1 

(jovcrinnciits 

earnestly  and 

ill'orls  for  llie 


1H46.I 


2{)th  Cono 1st  Sf.ss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  CO\GRESSIOi\AL  GLOBE. 

The  Oregon  (Question — iWr.  Atrhhon. 


.340 


Senate. 


'  Bctllnmcnt  of  nil  tlieir  difTcreiiccs  mid  disputes  in  !: 

'  res|ii'ct  III  said  iirriiory." 

To  tlii^  hiiif;iiiii;e  Ml.  A.  objected.  It  was  not  ! 
willi  a  view  to  coinniil  tlie  I'resiitent  lluit  be  sboiilil 
vole  for  llie  notice;  it  was  not  in  ilie  cxpeclnlioii 
of  cliaiiKiiii;  ills  course  iis  lo  iicu'olialioii;  tlnil  was 
n  c|neslion  lie  nIioiiIiI  submit  lo  llic  I'lcsidenl  liim- 
Rclf;  he  could  ne<^nliate  or  not,  nt  bis  discretion 
and  Ml  bis  peril.  Mr.  A.  went  on  to  read  from  tlic 
nsolniion: 

'  That,  in  order  to  ntTord  ampler  lime  and  oppnr- 
'  tuiiily  for  the  ainic:ible  seiilcmcnt  and  luljiisimcnl 
'  of  all  llicir  difTcreiiccs  and  disputes  in  respect  lo 
'said  teniiory,  said  notice  onslit  not  lo  be  };iven 
'  till  after  the  close  of  the  present  session  of  Con-  , 
*^ress.'^ 

'i'o  ibis  cliUisn  be  liiid  yet   more  serious  objec- 
jections.     In  the  first  place,  be  luiil  iinliniiled  cou-  . 
fidcncc  in  the  discielion  of  the  President,  and  \vas  , 
vi'illiii;;  to  leave  it  discretionary  with  him  to  ftivc  [ 
the  notice  or  lo  wilbliold  it,  at  bis  pleasure.     Unt, 
tlionuli   he  bad  imphcit  conlidcnce   in   llie   Presi- 
tlciit's  discrelion,  be  was  willing;  to  shjcc  with  him 
tile  responsibility  of  ^iviiii;  the  notice,  and  not  only 
-\villin^,  but  anxious,  to  do  so.     I5iu  if  the  resolu- 
tion proposed  by  the  Senator  from  Keiuncky,  and 
which   he  bad  just  read,  should  be  iidoplcif,  then 
all  l^xecutivc  aclioii  in  this  matter  during  the  pres- 
ent  session  of  Congress  must   be  put  a  slop  to. 
There  were  a  few  nicasnres  which  C'oniire.ss  ini:;hl 
adopt,  but  ibi^y  must  be  very  limited   in  their  (ex- 
tent until  we  were  set  free  from   the  oblij;iilions 
imposed  upon  us  by  the  treaty  of  joint  occn|Hi-  ; 
tion. 

Mr.  A.  said  he  \vn.s  prepared  to  vote  for  the  notice,   ■ 
lait  not  with  any  purpose  thereby  either  to  retard 
or  to  forwa'd  n(>!;oliation.     He  should  vote  for  it  , 
without  any  rejjard  either  to  peace  or  war.     Tbo.se 
were  niatlcrs  which,  as  be  conceived,  should  have 
no  inlluencc  over  bis  voic;  they  were  matters  en- 
tirely aside  from  the  (luestion.     There  was  but  one 
plain  point  presented  to  the  Senate  for  its  decision,  i 
and  that  was  the  simple  r|ucsiion  whether  it  was 
ri<;lit,|iolitic,  and  best  for  the  interests  of  the  coun- 
try to  ^ive  the  proposed  notice  for  annulling  the 
treaty.    This  was  the  ipiestiin,  and  the  only  ipies- 
tion.'eii  which  the  Senate  was  now  called  to  act;  | 
it  \\..s  the  nnly  qucition  which  should  have  been  ' 
considered.  i| 

And  here  permit  hiin  to  say  that  the  Senator  from    , 
Jv'ew   Jersey,   [Mr.  DAvrox,!   the  Senator  from   i 
Maine,  [Mr.  Evaxs,]  and  the  Senator  from  Mary- 
land, [Mr.  .TiMixsux,]   the  last  of  whom  had  so  | 
el(ii|iienlly  adilrcsseil  the   Senate   yesterday,   had  i 
each  of  ilieni  assnnicd   bigli  and  manly  ground. 
The  Senator  from  New  .tersey  and   the  Senator 
from  Alainc  doubled   altof^clher  of  llie  pidicy  of 
giving  the  proposed  notice  at  this  time,  and,  if  their 
■views  were  ciirrcct,  tbey  were  bound  to  vole  against 
it.   'fhis  was  the  one  and  the  only  point  to  be  con- 
sidered.  Encmnbranci'S  he  knew  had  been  tlirown 
around  il,  and  a  great  deal   had  been  said  about 
coniproniise  and  aliotit  title,  which  had  nothing  to  ' 
do  w  illl  the  (|ni'stion.    The  aiiicndnient  of  the  Sen- 
ator from  Soiilli  Carolina,  oll'cred  lo  the  rcsohilions 
of  the  Senator  from  Indiana,  [.Mr.  Ma\'\K(; an,]  are 
surfeited  wiih  ciunproiniscs.     Aow,  if  a  niajoriiy 
of  the  Senate  were  of  tlic  mind  that  there  s'bonrd 
be  a  coniproini.'<e,  and  thai  we  should  make  a  con- 
cession of  what  we  believed  to  be  our  rights  for 
the  sake   of  peace,  and  if  they  tboiighl  tliat   the 
resolutions  of  the   Seiialiu-  fniin  South   Carolina  ' 
were   not  sutlicicntly  lo  the   point,  let  gentlemen 
propose  suitable  luncndmcnls  lo  Ibeni.     Let  them 
either  leave  the  PresidenI  unshackled,  or  let  lliein 
olVer  abstract  and  substaniive  lesolulions  advising 
him  lo  a  compromise.     'I'liis  would  be  a  plain  ami 
open  course;  and  the  opinion  of  the  Senate,  if  thus  , 
exiu'cssed,  would  have  ([iiiie  as  much  wci;^bl  with  ; 
the  Kxcciuive  as  if  it  were  contained  in  a  clause  ■ 
auacbid  lo  this  rcsoluiion  of  nolicc.  ! 

l!ul  the  Scn;itor  from  Maine  [Mr.  F.vaxs]  was 
much  einbairasscd  by  this  diliicnliy  lie  did  not 
know  what  use  llie  I'rcsideiil  iiilended  lo  make  of 
this  noiici;  if  it  was  passed.  He  apprehended  ihal 
the  i'i4'^  4()'  men  in  llic  Senate,  at  the  head  of  whom 
stood  Mr.  A.'s  friend  Iroin  Indiana,  [Mr.  IIaxxi;- 
ciAX,]  who  was  considereil  on  all  liaiids  as  their 
leader,  were  willing  to  u'ive  the  President  what  the 
Senator  I'roni  North  Carolina  [Mr.  11avwooi)| 
called  a  great  moral  weapon,  that  thereby  he  might 
enforce  our  rights  to  llie  whole  of  Oregon,  from  . 


California  to  the  Russian  line — from  latitude  4S!°  ! 
to  .')4'^  411'.  The  Senalor  from  Norlh  Carolina 
[Mr.  llAvwaniij  informed  the  Senate  thai  the 
President  denieil  this  tube  his  inli  nlion,  but  wish- 
ed il  in  order  Ui  fon'C  a  negolialion  on  the  paralb  I 
of  4!P.  And  the  Senalor  from  Maine,  [.\lr. 
FjVAXs,]  in  reference  to  this  conslruciion  of  the 
I'resideiit's  meaning,  said  that,  in  that  view  of  the  , 
mailer,  the  notice  would  not  be  so  objectionable;' 
lint  still  be  could  not  tell  which  of  the  two  views 
was  correct — wbelhcr  the  Prcsidcnl  wanted  llie 
notice  for  ,54°  4(1',  or  whether  he  wanted  il  for4'.l^. 
Now,  on  this  doubtful  point,  .Mr.  A.  would  ask 
leave  to  refer  the  Senalor  from  Maine  lo  the  ex- 
press (leclanuiini  of  the  President  bimself  when 
speaking  on  this  subject  of  notice.  He  lliooghl 
the  Prcsidcnl 's  language  was  so  )dain  that  it  was 
impossilile  there  should  be  any  dilVeri  lice  of  opin- 
ion as  lo  the  construction  that  was  to  be  put  upon 
it.  The  Senator  from  .North  Carolina  [Mr.  IIav- 
wooii]  assumed  one  constrnction,  but  the  laogaage 
ilself  carried  i|uitc  anolher.  Wlielhcr  lliat  Sinator 
spoke  with  the  tongue  of  the  Pri  siilent  or  not,  ns 
lo  the  meaning  of  ibis  part  of  the  Message,  he 
thought  there  could  be  no  diflerence  between  the 
411°  men  and  the  o4°  40'  men.  What  did  the  Pres- 
ident .say  .- 
"  All  allempls  nt  compromise  hiivini  failed,  il 
'  becomes  the  duty  of  Congress  to  consider  what 
'  measures  it  may  be  proper  to  ado|it  for  the  seen-  ' 
'  rity  and  protcclion  of  onr  ciiizens  now  inhabiling 
'  or  who  may  iKueafler  inhnbil  Oreufon,  and  for  the 
'  mainlenancc  of  our  just  title  to  that  territory.    In 

*  adopting  measures  lor  lliis  purpose,  care  should 
'  be  laken  lliat  nothing  be  done  lo  violate  the  slipu- 
'  lations  of  the  convention  of  IHST,  which  is  still  in 
'force.  The  faith  of  trealies,  in  their  Idler  and 
'spirit,  has  ever  been,  and,  I  triisi,  will  i:\ir  be, 
'  scrnpniously  observed  by  the  riiiled  S|:iles. 
'  Under  that  convention,  a  year's  noiici'  is  rcfiiiircd 
'  to  be  given  by  either  party  lo  the  other  before 
'  the  joint  occupancy  shall  terminate,  and  before 

*  either  can  riglilfnlly  assert  or  exf  rcise  exclusive 
'  jurisdiction  over  any  jiortion  of  the  territory 
''riiis  notice  it  would,  in  my  judi;nicnt,  be  projier 
'  to  give;  and  I  recommend  that  provision  be  iniulc 
'  by  law  for  giving  il  accordingly,  and  terniinating 
'  in  this  nianner  the  convention  of  the  6th  of  Aug- 
'usl,  1827." 

It  was  precisely  for  the  reason  here  given  by  the 
President  that  Mr.  A.  sustained  ibis  resolution  for 
notice.  Il  was  that  the  treaty  of  1818  might  be 
removed  out  of  the  way;  that  all  objections  to  ac- 
tion on  the  part  ot'  Congress  iniglil  be  put  an  end 
In.  Hil!icrto,  whenever  it  had  been  proposed  lo 
erect  a  TerrilorialUovernnient  in  OrcL'on,  to  extend  I 
onr  laws  over  the  territory,  to  establish  a  chain  of 
military  posts,  and  to  create  Indian  agencies  in  ' 
thai  country,  the  advocates  of  these  mcasincs 
had  been  met  upon  the  threshold  by  the  argu- 
ment, that  all  these  things  were  inconsistent 
with  the  treaty.  Hence  arose  tbe  neccity,  if 
either  party  desired  to  extend  their  j'.risdictioii 
over  cither  the  whole  or  a  part  of  tin  territory,  of 
annulling  the  cnnveniion  of  1818,  anil  thus  remov- 
ing all  oiistach s  from  their  path.  Mr.  A.  ihougbt 
it  a  suOicient  answer  to  the  argument  of  the  Sena- 
tor from  Maine  [Mr.  Evaxs]  to  remind  him  that, 
whether  the  President  intended  lo  assert  the  juris- 
diction of  the  United  Slates,  either  now  or  liere- 
aflcr,  to  the  whole  or  lo  any  part  of  Oregon — 
whether  only  to  the  Columbia  river,  or  up  to  49°, 
orlo  the  whole  extent  of  54°  411' — the  neccssily  of 
annulling  this  treaty  was  as  great  in  the  one  case 
as  in  the  other.  The  Senalor  from  Maine  believed 
our  title  lo  be  good  as  far  as  4i)°,  tboiiLdi  be  thoiiL'bt 
that  beyond  that  line  shadows,  clouds,  and  dark- 
ness rested  Ujion  il;  though,  on  the  whole,  we  had 
perhaps  a  better  title  than  anybody  cl.-e.  Admit- 
ting all  this  to  be  so,  still  this  iiolici;  was  necessary 
before  we  could  assert  and  esiablish  exclusive  jii- 
risdh'tion  lo  any  pan  of  the  country,  greater  or 
Ic.-'s. 

Mr.  A.  went  on  to  say,  that  he  had  long  since 
come  lo  the  conclusion — a  conclusion  based  on 
liicls  known  lo  all — that  the  policy  of  the  Senalor 
from  South  Carolina,  who  advocatad  what  was 
called  a  "wise  and  niaslerly  inaclivity"  in  Ibis 
matter,  would  not  answer.  We  never  should  get 
the  country  in  that  way  before  the  lapse  of  half  a 
century.  Tbe  Senator's  ]iolicy  was,  if  he  under- . 
.  stood  It,  to  do  jnsl  iiolbiiig — to  make  no  move,  to 


eiiael  no  law,  to  ludd  out  no  unconrngenieiit  to  our 
ciii/ens  to  settle  there.  This  tourse  had  been  al- 
ready tried.  This  was  the  course  wc  had  been 
pursuing  from  1818  to  184(1,  when  Mr.  .\.'s  prede- 
cessor, llic  lamented  Dr.  Linn,  bad  first  moved  in 
this  business.  This  move  had  conic  from  the 
farthest  frontier  of  the  West.  At  the  time  he 
made  it,  there  was  not  a  solitary  .\ineric'in  settler 
in  the  territory.  We  bad  no  trappers,  no  traders, 
no  agriculturists.     All  these  had  come  since. 

.Speeches  and  reports  made  in  (von;;rcss  from 
184(1  to  '43  had  beendiligenlly  distributed  throiigb- 
(Hil  the  WesI  by  western  Senators;  and  the  Kep- 
rcscnlatives  in  llie  other  House  bad  called  the  at- 
tention of  the  people  of  the  West  to  the  condition 
and  advantages  of  this  new  territory.  The  first 
emigrants  who  ever  went  into  that  conniry  for 
purposes  of  settlement  and  agriculture  went  from 
the  western  frontiers  of  the  Slate  of  M  issonri — and 
what  bad  been  llicir  inducement?  Mr.  A.  knew 
them  well;  he  was  personally  acf|uaintcd  with  the 
mill  who  went;  aiul  be  knew  that  v.'hal  they  ex- 
pected bad  been  that  this  LJovcrnmcnt  would  rx- 
teiid  over  tliein  the  laws  of  the  UniK-d  Slates;  that 
it  would  make  lo  them  donations  in  land,  and 
would  sec  thai  they  were  principled  in  their  rights 
and  properly.  Tbey  bad  been  taught  lo  believe 
thai  il  was  an  obji'ct  with  this  Govcnnncnt  to  lake 
pos.scssion  iif  that  territory,  and  they  were  just  ibc 
men  to  do  il.  Il  bad  hern  said  that  Ihey  were  ii,:- 
liialcd  merely  by  a  wild  spirit  of  ailvi  iiliiic;  and 
that  |)erlia|is  might  have  had  its  inlluencc  with 
some;  but  it  was  not  this-alone  wiiich  carried  ibe.ii 
to  Oregon.  Wild  as  that  spirit  niiclil  be,  il  never 
could  have  iiiduiX'd  tliem  in  ciu-uunier  sucli  danuers 
and  difficulties  as  lay  between  their  linnics  and  this 
new  country.  Most  of  tliciii  went  there  lo  belter 
their  condition.  Many  of  Mm  in  were  poor  men 
Willi  huge  families.  'Ihey  expected  ample  grants 
of  land,  and  they  were  willing  to  risk  tlicir  lives 
end  encounter  every  privation  and  bnrilsliip  lliat 
they  might  belter  tIieir,own  comliiion,  provide  a 
home  for  llieir  cliihlrcn,  and  carry  out  tlic  policy 
of  the  Goverimicnt.  In  I84II,  the  first  ccuiriaiiy 
set  oul  to  cross  the  wilderness  wilb  the  plniii^h  and 
ihe  prniiiiig  hook  in  one  hand,  and  wiili  dclinsive 
weapons  in  the  other.  Since  then  this  stream  of 
emigration  had  constanily  increased,  imA  it  was 
increasing  at  the  present  hour.  Ihit  c:iiiy  out  the 
masterly  inactivity  of  the  Senalor  from  South  ('aro- 
lina,  and  this  increasing  stre;un  would  shortly 
dwindle  down  lo  a  small  fu'ook.  Those  brave  and 
hardy  pioneers  who  were  now  pouring  over  the 
mountains  with  their  lurds  and  flocks,  would  no 
longer  be  seen  making  their  way  through  the  wil- 
derness ns  soon  as  il  should  lie  underslood  tliiit  the 
protection  of  this  Government  was  to  lie  wilhhcld; 
that  ihcy  were  to  be  let'i  lo  their  own  rcsinirccs,  or 
obliged  to  become  I'ritish  subjcls.  Mr.  .\.  spoke 
fi'iim  knowledge  when  be  said  that  from  lliat  time 
emigration  would  cease.  Hence  be  cmicluded  thai 
the  Senator's  "masterly  inactivity"  would  no 
longer  do. 

And  here  he  would  lake  occa.sion  to  remark, 
lhal,  although  when  the  Senator  from  Norlh  (^"ar- 
olina,  who  addressed  llie  Siaiate  a  week  ago,  wns 
sficakiiiir,  Mr.  A.  had  understood  at  the  lime,  as 
he  believed  nil  the  nicmliers  of  the  Senate  did  iin- 
dersland,  ihnt  the  opinions  he  expressed  were  pre- 
tended by  him  to  be  those  of  the  Prisidcnt  of  the 
United  Slates,  yet  he  could  not,  on  refleciion,  refer 
to  any  particular  exjiressimi  from  which  he  was 
justified  in  that  conclusion;  and  he  had  since  set- 
tled down  in  the  opinion  thai  ihc  Senalor  spoke 
not  from  the  niouih  of  the  President,  bm  from  doc- 
umenls  and  from  llic  record.  He  had  ]iut  on  the 
langiKiire  of  the  President  a  diO'crcnt  construction 
from  that  which  his  words  seen  cd  to  others  to  bear; 
nor  was  this  surprising,  for  wi  found  lliat  even  tbe 
wordsof  Holy  Writ  were  viewed  by  men  under  very 
diflerent  constrnclions,  and  hence  llic  variety  of  re- 
lisious  creeds.  The  Senator  from  North  Carolina, 
when  interrogated,  had  refused  to  answer.  He 
would  iii)t  expressly  say  wlielhcr  be  spoke  with 
the  tongue  of  the  President  or  not.  Hut  Mr.  A. 
had  attributed  this,  in  pari,  lo  the  manner  in  which 
the  interrogatory  liad  bein  put  to  him.  He  did 
nol  altogether  blame  the  Senator  for  rcfnsiii'_'  to 
answer  when  the  interrogatories  were  put  to  bim 
in  a  manner  and  wilb  u  tone  of  voice  which  he 
deemed  exceptionable,  l-'rom  one  of  the  expres- 
sions employed  by  the  Senator,  Mr.  A.  was  led  to 


aso 


m 


39th  Cono IsT  Serb. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONORESSIONAL  CiI.0I3E. 

Tlie  Orcf^nn  (Question — Mr,  Atchison, 


[March  12, 
Sknate. 


iiil'cr  llml  llii'  rriisun  why  lu'  linil  iinl  irplicd  wns, 
lliiil  lie  wiiiild  ni>l  ii|i|iPMr  Ii>  iiiiswcr  I'vi'ii  under 
foHHtriit'livc  riini|tiilsi'Mi;  t'tir  lie  liiui  s:ii<l  ilitit,  out 
ol'ddiirs,  anil  \vln>n  niddlv  n'(|i|rHli'd,  lir  wcmid  iln 
tliinirs  \y\\'\'  !i  lif  had  rnnsidtTcd  sinnt'wliat  hinnili- 
nliuL'*.  I>nl  h'-  wn.ihl  nn(  dn  sn  wht-n  I'lKerhisid  in 
hi»  |iliv'('  hi  the  Si-nale.  IVoiii  the  whuh'  id'  what 
the  Seriiiliir  .>i;iiil,  Mr.  A.  hail,  iin  rcrtoi'linn,  hien 
hriiiii;hl  In  itic  I'oin'hisiiMi  that  h<'  diiiu'd  his  iii- 
f  irinntiiMi  iV.nii  the  sanii'  soiirri;  as  llie  ticnatrn'M 
froiii  Ohio  anil  Indiana  did. 

.Mr.  \,  said  In'  nniti  Inre  he  allowed  to  'j;o  liai'k 
10  (he  heiriniiinsr,  and  to  refer  (or  a  nnnneiil  to  the 
viewK  whii'li  had  lieeii  eonlaiiied  hi  tlie  IVdliinore 
resnliiliiin,  lieiMiise  tliey  weri!  ill  reality  the  Oiun- 
dnii'iii  of  ihis  whole  prn^'eediii'.:.  Fie  did  not  refer 
to  these  re.solnlions  willi  any  aliriii|it  to  show  ihiil 
thev  were  hiiidiii><;  on  the  Senator  fnnu  ATai.e', 
f.Mr.  KvvNs.l  the  .Senator  iVoni  .N'ew  .lersiy,  [Mr. 
nvTTiix.l  or  llie  Senator  iVoni  Maryland,  [.Mr. 
Jiiiissiis,]  nor  thill  tliey  were  hiniliii!;  on  the 
inasseM  of  the  Denioer.itie  [tarty;  hut  he  did  he- 
lieve  that,  on  everv  priu'-iple  of  i^ootl  m.irals,  those 
resntiition.s  were  hindiii'^  nn  the  ineniliers  of  the 
e  nivenlion,  and  on  tliose  wli  i  were  its  nominees. 
The  (leelaration  of  llial  einuenlioii  w:is,  in  siih- 
smnee,  iliat  our  title  to  tlie  whole  of  Oretron  was 
eIe:o-  and  niirpiestionahle. 

Now,  Mr.  A.  insisted  that  the  Pre.sidpiit  of  the 
T'niied  .States,  and  llie  Vice  President,  or,  if  the 
lilieriy  would  he  allowerl  him,  that  .Innic.s  IC. 
Polls  and  Oeor;:e  M.  Pal!  is,  were  hound  hy  liial 
resolution,  heeaiis'^  if  ih,  v  dilVered  from  it  in  >']|- 
tiniein,  eonniioii  honesty  required  ilieni  tii  inform 
the  lonvintioii  of  ih.at  I'aet,  and  to  deeline  the 
nomination.  Was  not  lhi.s  rii:ht(  Would  any 
Cenllenian  dissent  iVnu  it.-  Hen.'e  it  was  thai  the 
Senators  from  Iiidi.ma  .and  Oiiio  had  alluded  to  the 
ennvenfion  in  that  ronnexion.  TiiiuiL'h  the  re.-.:!!- 
Intiiiis  at  I'al.'iniore  were  not  liindiie;  on  the  .Sena- 
tor from  Maine,  anv  nmri'  than  the  .\ew  Tesiaiiieiit 
was  hindin^'  on  a  .Mnssnliiian.  or  the  Westininsiir 
Confession  of  Divines  fni  ,1  Meihodisi  nr  IViptis', 
still,  if  they  aeeepn^d  the  nnmination,  hiit  di.s.stnii- 
ed  from  the  resoluiioas,  tiiey  ouijht  lo  have  stated 
the  tart  and  '^iveii  iheir  reason.s. 

Mr.  A.  admitted  that  the  ijreat  ma.sses  of  the 
Democmlie  i>.irly  were  not  hound  hy  all  those  re- 
s.ilniioiis.  When  a  man  joined  a  pidilieal  party, 
or  joined  a  elnirrh,  tlionL'li  there  niii;lit  1  e  in  the 
tenets  of  that  party  or  (hut  ehnreli  some  whieh 
seemed  olijeetionahle  to  him,  he  weiirhed  the  w'hole 
ease,  and  if,  on  tin:  whole,  he  helieved  the  rreed  of 
that  party  or  elmreh  to  he  hetter  than  that  of  anv 
other,  he  niijlit  eonehide  to  join  it,  tlion'rh  he  had 
still  o'oeetions  to  some  of  il.s  opinions.  S",  if  Mr. 
A.  helieved  the  Deniorrntie  party  to  he  s-oiiid  in 
its  dortrines,  or,  nn  the  whole,  hetter  than  thetiarly 
opposed  to  it,  he  would  j.iin  it.  Yet  he  did  not 
tlierehy  hind  himself  to  adopt  every  opinion  it 
miL'ht  put  forth.  On  this  uronnd  it  Was  that  lif 
held  thtit  the  masses  tii  the  demoeriiey  were  re- 
]'  .ised  front  the  oUliijation  of  resolnrirais  p:tssi-d  at 
llaliimore.  I',iit  the  President  of  the  Senate,  and 
the  President  of  (he  United  States,  havin<r  aei-epied 
the  nominations  of  the  eonventioii  there  assenihled, 
whieli  eonvention  had  piil  forth  thesit  resohitions, 
were  ceri  liiily,  in  eotnniin  Ii  niesty,  hound  hy 
them.  Ilenrp  the  kn.iwn  ijronnd  taken  hy  the 
President,  in  the  faet  of  hi.s  neeeptin:^  the  nnniina- 
linn,  taken  in  eonnexion  with  tlie  lani:iin'_'e  of  his 
Mi'ssa'.'e,  and  the  lanrnaL'e  of  his  rnant;iir,al,  hfi 
n.i  doniit  as  to  what  his  oiiinions  really  were.  .\iid 
who  eonll  think  for  a  moment  that  the  President 
would  stierifiee  ri^'hts  which  he  liail  himself  in-o- 
nonneed  to  he  elear  ami  nnqiiestionahle,  and  he  a 
Deinn'raiie  President-  If  the  President  eonid  do 
this,  then  Mr.  A.  had  no  clear  notions  of  rijht  and 
wroiiir.  If  he  Inid  \\ipu  .appointed  >riiardiaii  over 
a  ward,  and  his  ward  h.id  a  rlenr  title  to  certain 
lands  which  were  claimed  hy  a  third  p.rrtv,  he 
would  put  it  to  the  common  sense  and  common 
honeslv  of  all  men  whether  he  should  not  he  dere- 
lict to  the  .sacred  duty  he  owed  tu  the  fatherles.s,  if 
he  yielded  nti  .a  half  or  a  qii.irter  of  the  land.  Tlnai, 
if  the  President  of  the  United  Slates,  in  the  very 
first  act  of  his  oirn'ial  life,  had  declared  our  title  to 
Orevim  to  he  cle.ir  and  un((uestionahle,  and  the 
piiople  were  fast  L'oin;;  into  Oregon  to  consummate 
tiiat  title  hy  actual  posses.sion,  how  could  hu  now  . 
no  hack  from  that  i;rouiid  and  relinquish  the  terri- 
tory  by  compromise .=     When   the  people  of  the 


West   lienrd  his  ileclaratioii   on  this  huI 


vholc  Pi 


mocralic  parly,  as  mie  man,  anil 


ijeet,  ll 


sses  of  the  Wliit;  parly  als. 


I  I 


ll 


irew   lip   llieir 


I   litr- 
(hi 


lips,  anu  (iii/.zaei 


"I 
laralion  was 


I  for  Polk  and  Dallas.     Ilisde 
hailed  mid  saiicliimed  hy  the  I)em 


ratic  presses  everywhere,  and  hy  mimeroiis  piih- 


;s.     The  declaraiion    was   (hree    (i 
of  his   Messatre.     In 


llie  course 


he    meelin, 

reiieradil  i 

clause  of  it  he  decl.ired  that  our  title  to  the  wholi 

of  Orcsjoii  vias  the  hest  ill  existence.     Then  In 


'  With  this  conviction,  the 


proposition  i 


'  promi.se  which  had  heen  made  and  rijeclcil  wii 
'  y  inv  diri'ction,  siihscipieiilly  willid 


Jrawn,   am 


'  I'.' 

■  our  lilies  (o  the  whole  Oreiron  territory  asserli  d, 
'and,  as  is  helie\ed,  mainlaiiied  hy  irrefra;;ahle 
'  (acts  and  ari:iiments." 

In  anollu  r  place  he  holds  similar  l.aiii^naire.  Put, 
not  cmiient  w'itli  three  times  decl.nini;  the  clearness 
of  our  title,  llie  President,  in  Ins  \le.ssa;;e,  made  a 
further  declaraiion.  which  the  .Seiciior  from  .N'orili 
Cirolina  ditl  not  dwcd  upon,  and  in  wdiich  he 
caia'iisl  till!  matter  to  ihe  exiremesi  point; 

**  .Near  a  (|n.irler  ol'a  century  le^o,  the  principle 
*  was  distinctly  annoimced  In  (he  world,  ill  llie 
'  Annual  Messaije  of  one  of  my  predecessors, 'dial 
'  the  Ainerican  conlinents,  hy  the  fVee  and  inile- 
'  penilenl  Condition  which  they  have  assiimcd  anil 
'  mainiain,  are  henct'torth  not  lo  he  consid  red  as 
'  siilijecls  fir  I'ntnre  coloiii/.a'ion  hy  anv  iMiropeaii 
'  Power.*  This  principle  will  ajiply  with  iireatly 
'  increased  force,  slmuld  any  F.uropean  Power  ni- 
'  tempi  lo  eslahlish  any  new  colony  in  .N'orih 
'  America.  In  the  exisiini;  circunisianccs  of  the 
'  world,  the  present  is  deemed  ti  proper  occasion  (o 
'  relierale  and  reatlirin  the  principle  avowed  hy 
'  Mr.  MoniMc.and  to  slate  my  cordial  concurrence 
'in  iis\\'isdom  a  ml  son  ml  policy.  The  re-assertioii 
'  of  this  priiici|ile,  especially  in  reference  to  .\ortli 
'  .-Vinerica,  is  at  this  day  hut  the  promnliralion  of  a 
'  policy  which  nil  Kuropean  Power  should  cherish 
'  the  disposition  to  resisl." 

.\ow,  Mr.  .\.  understood  this  to  he  an  assertion 
hy  the  President  that  neither  F.ni:lanil  nor  any  oth- 
er Power  would  he  permiltcd  to  coloni/.e  on  this 
coniiinn';  that  ii  was  not  open  Cor  eolonizalion  to 
any.  Whelher  in  this  lan^n.ase  lie  referred  to 
Oregon  or  not,  Mr.  A.  could  noi  undertake  to  say, 
ihoinjh  he  believed  that  that  was  (he  only  part  of 
the  coiiiiiient  at  present  free  and  unoccupied.  Did 
he  mean  Orea;nn  .=  nr  did  he  mean  f'alifornia.-  Did 
he  mean  to  say  that  we  should  yield  up  pan  of 
Oregon  fir  the  express  pnrfiose  of  iMiropeaii  eolo- 
nizalion.- Mr.  .\.  could  not  fnr  a  moment  helieve 
it.  Did  he  mean  t-i  include  Mexico-  .Vnd  In  de- 
clare that  she  should  not  tr.insfer  Cali.''oriiia  to 
either  Iv'irland  or  I'rance.-  That  this  Government 
would  forbid  her  to  do  so.-  If  so,  then  he  went  a 
step  beyond  Mr.  .'V.:  hut  the  moment  any  portion 
of  Oreiron  should  he  ceded  for  the  jiuriiose  of  Ku- 
ropean colonization,  every  honest  man  in  the  coun- 
try would  repudiate  the  deed. 

It  was  very  unpleasant  lor  Afr.  A.  to  dwell  on 
these  topics.  He  acknowledtred  that  he  entertained 
on  these  snlijei'is  the  same  views  which  had  heen 
put  forth  hy  the  Senator  from  Indiana,  ihe  Senator 
from  Ohio,  and  the  residue  of  the  small  corporal's 
?iiard  who  were  the  ,">l°  10'  men  on  the  floor  of 
the  .Senate.  If  their  number  were  still  smaller — if 
they  were  hut  two;  nay,  if  they  w-ere  but  one.  and 
Mr.  \.  stood  alone,  it  would  he  to  him  a  matter  of 
but  small  consr^qnence.  Put  he  would  leave  this 
pin  of  the  siiliject.  If  he  believed,  as  some  Sena- 
lors  dill,  that  the  President  desired  this  notice  to 
enfoive  or  to  induce  the  surrender  of  any  portion  of 
Ore._'on,  if  would  he  with  him  the  stroni^est  possi- 
ble ar-^iiment  aijainst  ihe  measure;  nay,  he  should 
much  prefer  the  "in  isterly  inactivity"  of  the  .Sen- 
ator from  Sniidi  Carolina.  Ill  thai  case  inactivity 
would  he  wise  and  masterly.  Py  the  one  course 
we  should  certainly  lose  five  and  a  half  de2:rees  of 
latitude,  and  by  the  other  we  could  lose  no  more. 
In  this  sentiment  I  believe  my  friend  from  Indiana 
[Ml.  IKvvKinvj  fully  concurs  with  me. 
•Mr.  II\xxi;(;av  nodded  as.sent. 
Mr.  .'Vtckisiin  said  he  did  not  intend  to  ffo  into 
the  question  of  tide;  that  h  id  heen  well  and  fully 
argued  by  the  Senator  iroiii  South  Carolina,  [Mr. 
Calhoun. 1  when  Secretary  of  State;  by  the  sentle- 
ni m  now  in  the  Deparlme'ni  of  Slate,  [Mr.  Buchan- 
an,! ""  ^vell  as  by  the  distiii'jrnislied  Senator  from 
New  York,  [Mr.  DicKi.visox,]  who  hud  so  uhly 


hel 


iir«:iicd  It  the  oilu'r  day.  Mr.  A  slnaild  do  himscir 
<.n'eat  injnsiice  if  he  attempted  n  tusk  which  liml 
been  so  well  pert'ormed. 

.•\  very  proper  inquiry  would  he,  to  whiil  portion 
of  Ore^jon  we  were  eniiiled;  hecaiise  to  fhal  extent 
«e  lUi^'hl  lo  n.sseii  our  ri-hts.  If  he  ihou^'hl  (hat 
Kiiu'land  had  a  heller  iiHc  ilmn  we  to  any  iiorlioii 
of  (he  (errilory,  lie  Mould  let  her  have  it;  lint  not 
if  her  title  was  doilhlfol;  sooner  than  surrender  an 
inch  of  it  to  her  on  a  douhtriil  title,  he  would  {;o  lo 
war. 

A  qiieslioii  had  been  raised  here  as  to  ihe  pro- 
prie(y  of  disciissinsr  here  the  liritish  title,  Ho 
would  not  say  how  far  this  mie;lit  be  proper.  Ho 
did  lint  prol'ess  to  be  very  compeleiK  lo  form  an 
o|)inioii  when  so  lii:;li  anlhorilies  dill'ered;  bnl,  for 
himself,  he  should  think  it  hiirhly  proper  that  ISen- 
alors  should  discuss  it.  Certainly,  he  would  much 
rather  lli.it  tiny  should  do  so  than  (lirow  out  hints 
that,  if  the) ly  dared  (o  do  il,  and  public  opin- 
ion would  perinit  (hem,  and  tliey  should  not  he 
char'.'ed  with  heiin^  Urilish  Wliiirs,  (hey  could  show 
the  Itriiisli  title  to  he  as  (dciir  as  a  sinihe  ini.  He 
approval  the  manly  course  pursued  by  the  Sena- 
tor friiin  Maine,  (.Mr.  Fnxs,]  llioii;;h  he  did  not 
presume  lo  pass  tin  o|timon.  He  held  it  (o  be  a 
solemn  duly  of  a  .Scnadir,  if  he,  on  examination, 
came  to  (he  conclusion  that  r.ni^land  li.id  a  better 
lille  lo  Ihe  whole  or  any  p.irlinn  of  ihc  lerrilnry 
than  we  liad,lo  eiilit;hlen  the  Senate  and  ihecoun- 
Iry  on  the  snbiecl,  le.st  we  should  be  led  into  an 
uiijiist  wiir.  The  mono,  (o  ask  nolhiii;  but  what 
is  riu'ht  and  lo  submit  to  nolhiiu;  that  is  wroiu;, 
should  be  eniraveii  in  letters  of  t;old,  and  always 

acted  on.     1  le ilil  not  but  approve  the  course  of 

the  Senator  from  .Maine,  tliou^'h  very  hi;;h  author- 
ity could  be  |ileaded  on  the  other  side.  .V  distin- 
guished .Senator  had  said  th.il  his  toni;iie  shoiiM 
be  blisleied  in  his  mouth  hi  fore  it  should  utter  n 
word  au'ainsl  our  title  while  it  was  under  lU'^'otia- 
lioii.  The  .Seiiai'"-  i^hl  he  rii;ht;  Mr.  \.  would 
not  undertake  to  i  indimeiit  between  them;  but 

for  himself,  if  hi  aved  the  F.iii^lish  (itle  to  ha 
II.  his  ((me;ue  should  he  Idislered 
■e  he  should  say  a  word  lo  de- 
list ri;;lit.  He  should  consider 
himself  as  doiiii;  his  duty  while  speakin;  in  de- 
fence of  her  title.  He  should  licdd  il  to  be  a  duly 
lo  his  country  lo  prevent  her,  so  tlir  us  he  eoidil, 
froiii  rnshinir  into  an  nnri;;hieous  w.ir.  lie  threw 
out  these  views  with  all  deference  to  the  better 
jiide;nienl  of  other  more  able  and  experienced  Sena- 
tors. They  involved  n  question  in  morals;  and  he 
did  not  ihiiik  himself  much  .■■killed  in  questions  of 
that  sort. 

The  President  declared  our  title  to  he  elear  and 
iinqiieslionable  to  (he  "whole  of  Orei;on."  But 
the  Senator  from  North  Carolina  [.Mr.  liAYwnon] 
raised  a  qiiesdoii  us  to  what  was  the  "  whole  of 
Oregon. "  This  wae  rather  a  new  question.  They 
had  heen  in  (he  habit,  in  the  West,  of  calliiii;  all 
Ihiit  tract  of  country  lyiii?  between  the  Rocky 
mountains  and  the  Paciiic  ocetiii,  and  between  Cal- 
ifornia and  the  Russian  possessions,  Oregon.  He 
believed  all  the  modern  maps  laid  il  down  us  such, 
thoii'li  he  had  not  examined  paiticiilarly. 

Put  the  Senator  from  Norlli  Carolina  had  also 
said  that  llie  President  would  coiiipromi.se  on  49°, 
and  he  went  on  to  make  a  plausible  arcuinenl  lo 
show  that  this  wti.i  so  because  the  President  had 
actually  olTered  lo  eoninromise  on  that  line.  Put, 
if  .Mr.  A.  understood  ihc  PresidenI,  he  said  that 
that  ofTer  had  been  made  a;;ainst  his  belter  JiidL'- 
ment,  and  only  out  of  deference  to  the  acts  of  his 
preileces.sors;  and  that  he  hud  on  that  ground  con- 
ducted thenes;otinlion  with  a  view  to  conqiromise. 
This  was,  the  excuse  he  olVered  to  ihe  American 
people  for  makintr  '•"'  "H*'''-  P-ntwhen  the  oiler 
was  wilhdrawu,  then  he  S|ioke  in  the  latiiriiaa;c  of 
exultation,  as  if  he  was  n  lieved  from  an  oppres- 
sive load  of  rcsponsihiliiy.  He  spoke  then  like  (ho 
Prcsidenl  of  the  Vniled  Slates,  or,  ,as  his  friend 
near  him  siuriji^sted,  like  Old  Hickory.  And  it 
seemed  some  source  of  self-^ralnlatiini  (hat,  thoui^h 
he  had  offered  49^,  yel  he  luiil  not  soiie  quite  as 
fir  as  some  of  his  iiredecessors,  but  had  refused 
to  accompany  it  with  the  naviealion  of  the  Colum- 
bia river,  (o  the  iiavieation  of  an  iinnaviijahle  riv- 
er," as  the  Senator  from  Maine  called  it.)  The 
PresidenI  says: 

"  With  tills  conviciiiiii,  the  proposition  of  coin- 
'  promise  wliicli  had  been  made  and  rejected  was. 


belter  than  our  ow 
in  his  month  bef 
prive  her  of 


\i 


he  clear  and 

Uwwoon] 

"  wlii^lo  of 
lidii.  Tlirv 
.f  I  alliiiu'  all 
tlio  llcic-Uy 
lictwiTii  Cal- 
Iriffnii.  Iln 
iwii  as  sucli, 

ilv. 

Imil  also 
iiilsn  on  49°, 
ar^iinicnl  to 
icsiilciii  liad 
..  line.     Hot, 
lie  sail!  llial 
fW\-  .jiiilir- 
>  ai-is  of  his 
ji-ooiii!  con- 
romiiromise. 
Aoic'iii'an 
lull  tliH  oll'rr 
laiiijnai^e  of 
.  an  (ipprcs- 
'  ilirn  like  tho 
liiR  friend 
>iv.     And  it 
tluit,  ihouirh 
;oiif»  quite  a.s 
had  ri'l'Msed 
if  the  Coluni- 
lavii^nhtc  riv- 
ud  it.)    The 

ilinn  of  com- 
rcjectud  wn», 


I8t().| 


!29th  Cono IsT  Skss. 


APPKNDIX  TO  TIIK  CON(JKKSSK)NAL  GI.OBK. 

The  Orci^on  (^iuhIIoii — Mr,  Atchhon. 


351 


Senate. 


'  liy  my  dirolinn,  siilMeqiieiUly  withdrnwtii  niid  I 
'oiiriiil''  lo  tliiMvliiilc  Oi7'!,'oii  Irrritory  aNKi'i'lid,  I 
■mill,  H.I   iM  loliivtil,   iii:iuilaiiii.'d   liy  ini'lVii^nlilu 
'  f.ii'ls  and  ar','ninnii,<. 

'•'I'hr  I'ivili/.i'd  svoild  will  see  in  ihi'sr  |iroi'rid- 
'  ini.'M  II  M|iiril   of  lilici'id   i-oni'i'isjon  on  ihr  |mn  of 
■  tin-  riiiti'd  S'.id'N,  and  thin  (iiiMTiniii-iil  will  lie 
'  I'dii'ii'd  fniiii  nil  n  s|iiin.iiliilily  «  lin'h  may  follow  ' 
'  llii'  I'ailnrr  to  srlilr  iIh'  rniiU'ovrrsy."  | 

Dill  lir  not  N|K'iil<  with  cMiliiiiion  of  liavin:;  with- 
drawn  llo'  od'tr,  and  aHhni;dour  tilli:  to  the  whole 
terriliiry?  |, 

Uiit  till'  Senator  from  Nnrlh  Carolina  said,  in  Bid)- 
Htanci',  {an  will  iim  Mr.  A.  n'rolliTli'd  IiIm  !f|ipri'h,) 
lliat  if  llir  l'n':-iih'rii  liiiil  rlaiiiird  any  |inrlion 
of  the  lia-ril'ii-y  l.ryond  llir  lalilndi^  of  ■HI",  hi' 
wonld  havr  il  irradrd  hiin.u'lf  and  ilishonoiTd  Iiin 
conillry.  iVil,  what  w.im  wovmi  nl'  dl,  he  had  ai- 
lrni|ili'il  111  in-ovi' llii<.  'Vhi'  I'rcviil,  nl  ^.lid  hr  had 
mailn  llic  nil'  r  of  l!!"  in  ihl'i  ri'ii.  i'  in  IiIm  pirdrii«- 
Nors;  lull,  if  iliis  li.id  lii'i'ii  a  now  oiii'slinn,  hr  would 
not  havr  dmir  il.  Mr.  A.  wonhl  not  Ih'it  ijii  into 
a  hinlorv  of  what  liiM  prialoci'.s.sor.i  had  dour,  liiil 
lir  would  lay  down  nnr  rh  ar  [»riiiri|il('  of  ijii-  law 
of  I'vid.  nrr.  And  he  did  nnl  i»'c,  why  a  I'lnir  prin- 
oipli'  aiiplyinir  to  tin.'  rii,'lil.s  of  |irrHon.s,  did  nil  ap- 
ply with  I'Miial  inilh  and  jnfltire  to  the  risjhl.i  of 
nalions.  'I'hi'  iirini'ijili'  was  iliin  :  lliat  a  proposi- 
tion of  .V  lo  I!  Ill  si'iilo  a  illspnio  lii'lwi'in  ihcm 
roiild  not  111' '.'  i\  111  in  I'viilrin'ii  when  Ihi'V  I'anie  into 
eoiirt  lo  try  ihcirri.'lits;  and  tliis  applird  a.i  well  to 
real  ai  to  prr.'-onal  properly.  .Sin'li  wa."  llie  law; 
and  if  il  was  fiiunilid  in  jn.stice,  why  did  il  nol  ap- 
ply lo  nalimiN.^  If,  in  ell'mls  In  .sellle  a  national 
di.^pnll■  ill  an  aniii'al'h'  manner,  propnsilion.'<  slionld 
lie  made  hy  one  leiMon  to  the  nile'r,  eonld  il  prop- 
eilv  111'  Slid  ih.it  the  pruposin;,'  nation  wa.s  lioiind  ' 
liy  thai  iider  al'ierward.'if  lie  ihiini'-hl  mil.  Ihil 
if  the  I'l-i'sidenl  wa.s  liinind  to  areepi  ilie  parallel  of 
•1i)3  lieeaiKu  his  pridece.ssor.-i  had  ollered  il,  then  ^ 
he  niiisl  1)1' lionnd  also  to  yield  the  nav'iratioii  of| 
the  tliilnniliia  river.  If  he  was  bound  liy  a  pari  he 
was  lionnil  liy  the  whole. 

If  Mr.  A.  reeollieied  ri^'ht,  in  theeorrespojidenee  , 
wliieli  preeeded  llie  enjiveniinns  of  ]H|8,  and  in 
|.'<J4  and  1H-J(1,  propnsiiiniis  olVered  hy  l.iiih  par- 
ties were  .•!nli.si:f|ni'nlly  withdrawn,  under  a  pi-nlest 
llial  the  oder  should  not  alleel  their  ri^'hl.i  then 
after.  This  made  the  aririiminl  for  Mr.  A.stroni;ir, 
and  that  tor  the  iSenainr  from  North  C'ariilina 
weaker. 

lint  the  same  Senator  look  other  sroiiiid,  whieh 
he  ,n;;ned  more  plansilily.     He  .said  that,  liy  the 
treaty  of  (.Ilreehi,  ih..  line  of  49^  wa.s  esi„M|shed 
nsa  liounilary.      It  wa.s  some   linio   sime  .\(r.  .'V.   \ 
liad  examined   the  history  of  that  treaty,  lint  he  i 
had  looked  inln   the  treaty  itself  the  last  ('Veninn.  i 
tie  found  that  the  line  of  iliP  was  not  mentioned 
in  the  treaty  at  all.     If  it  had  lieen,  there  would 
have  liei.'ii  no  nei'd  of  appointing!:  I'ommissioners 
to  "preserilie"  the  line.     There  was  no  evidenee 
that  this  had   ever   lieen  done.     Air.  Ci'reenhow, 
who  stated  this,  held  a  respeelahle  position  in  the 
.Slate  DeparlinenI,  and  had   lieen   furnished  with 
the  amplest  means  of  invesiii;alion;  and,   in  his 
work,  he  asserted  thai  there  was  no  proof  that  this  ; 
line  ever  was  presrrilied  as  the  treaty  direeted. 
He  proved  this  eonelnsively,  liolh  jios'iiively  ami  ' 
iici'iilively,  and  lielij  it  a  inifieiKe  in  Mr.  Monroe 
and  others  to  siippnsc  that  it  had  heeii. 

lint,  after  all,  what  was  the  amount  of  his  ar-  ■ 
irmneiit?  .Suppose  the  line  was  run,  and  that  il 
exieniled  to  ihe  iii'ean:  did  il  not  show  the  arro- 
;.'.ini  e,  the  superlative  arroirnnee  of  England,  to 
elaim  territory  sonlh  of  that  line'  En^'land  was  a 
party  to  the  irialy  of  flreeht,  and  must  have  heen 
nware  of  all  its  |iriivisions.  If  the  ar;;uinent  of  the 
.Senators  from  Maine  and  Maryland  was  enrrerl, 
what  lieeanie  of  the  l''.nu'lish  title  aoiiih  of  llie  line 
of  4'.)'^:  "^'et  some  Senators  insisted  that  .she  had 
n  lille  lo  the  territory  south  of  49°,  and  that  we 
ottirht  to  surrender  it  to  her  for  the  sake  of  the 
peai'e  of  the  world. 

The  arL'umcnt  wa.s  good  thus  far.  It  was  a  fiir 
infireni'e  frnin  the  treaty  of  ll~<19,  that  lieeause  the 
parallel  of  49°,  which  was  onr  lionndarv  with  ; 
Great  nrilain,  ran  from  the  Lake  nf  the  Woods 
to  the  Uoi'ky  inountains,  that  there  it  slopped: 
then  we  agreed  to  the  joint  oeeupaney  of  the  whole 
territory  lieyond  the  inoiinlains,  leaving  the  title 
in  aheyanee,  and  lieyiiiid  the  niounlains  the  |iar- 
ties  were  thrown  on  their  oriijjinal  right.s  to  ilici, 


wlinin,     Mr.  A.  n!;r«eil  with  the  Hennlor  ^nm  I 

Mii'hii;an,  fMr.  Cass,']  when  he  deelared  that  he 
was  mialile  to  see  why  this  parlieular  line  of  19" 
liorlli  waHiilfered  asa  eoninrniihse  linundary.  'I'he 
Niije  reason  eonld  not  he  that  it  was  onr  lioimdary 
east  of  the  niiinntains,  and  llial  we  helil  the  loiui- 
try  siiulh  of  that  line  hy  eiiiiti:,'niiy :  for  with  so 
i;i'eal  a  miinntain-liarrier  in  the  way,  none  iimld 
eonlend  that  eoiiti^nily  alone  enidili.-ive  lille;  Kut 
if  It  did,  eonti'.'iiily  ran  as  Mill  from  south  lo  north 
as  iVoni  ea;^t  to  west ;  and  it  so,  the  eountrv  iioilh 
of  f  California  lielnn'.;i'd  as  niieh  to  .Spain  liv  eon- 
litjiiily  as  the  eouniry  north  of  49°,  and  wesi'iirihe 
mniinlains  lieloti;;iil  liy  eiinlii;iutv  lo  Kimland. 
We  elaimed  the  whole  eonntry  iindir  the  Spanish 
title,  as  well  as  liy  onr  mvii  riiht  nl'disiovery. 

The  Senator  from  Maine  tried  lo  sliiike  onr  title 
from  discovery  and  .seiilemeni  liy  sayini;  that  Mr 
Astor,  who  sillied  at  tli.'  ninuth  of  the  f'olninhia, 
was  in  parlnirslnii  wi'li  u  !hiiish  suliject  from 
(Canada;  lint  .Mr.  (ireeidiow  stated  ll'  it  the  s;realrr 
pari  of  those  who  settled  Astoria  were  Americans, 
and  that  none  were  rnninlians  hiii  the  trappers. 
I'lil  snppoiinu' that  they  were  all  r'anadians,  and 
that  the  s"|t|eniriit,  tlierelori',  accnrdins;  to  the  S,ti- 
alor,  ini!;ht  as  well  he  called  a  Ihilish  seiilemriil 
as  an  American,  was  it  not  a  little  siran;;e  tint 
l'"nt,dattd  should  end  out  a  ship-of-war  lo  ea|iliire 
her  own  post,  and  sliniiiil  ri-tnrn  lo  us  at  the  peace 
a  riritisli  .sctilrineiit  which  we  never  po.ssessed  ? 
Rnirland  lier.scif  had  answered  the  Senator's  nr5;u- 
inent. 

The  Seimlor  from  Maine  .admitted  that  onr  lille 
was  .rnnd  to  iheCnhimliia  valley;  Init  if  so,  wliv.stop 
at  49°,  for  the  norllierneiost  waters  of  tlii'  f'niiim- 
Ilia  hiid  their  source  as  far  iiortli  as  ,"i,'i°.'  Mere, 
then,  we  hi.,1  four  ile:.'rees,  Dnt  innrethan  that,  liy 
eslalili'jhiii!:;  the  lite'iif  49°  we  slmuhl  In'e  twenly- 
nitie-lliirlieths  of  Vanenuver's  Island,  which  was 
the  mnsf  inifinrlanl  pnrli'in  of  the  whole  lerrilorv, 
and  indeed  of  ihe  whole  nirlh  west  coast.  .Vnw.AIr. 
.•V.  iiad  lhoni;lit  that  if  there  w,is  any  slreiiirlli  in 
the  argument  of  the  ,Sen  itor  from  .Vew  York,  [Mr. 
Vt\\,\  it  was  in  that  part  ol'  it  which  eslahlished  the 
.Spanish  tiile  to  Vancouver's  Island.  The  Span- 
iards were  the  llr.st  who  discovered  il.the  firsl.  who 
surveyed  il,  and  the  (irst  who  occupied  il.  If  they 
had  a  title  lo  any  part  of  the  coasi,  il  was  to  V^aii- 
eoni-er's  Island. 

Mr.  A.  then  repealed  that  he  eonld  see  no  rea- 
son why  our  title  was  to  stop  at  the  49tli  degree. 
If  I'.ngland  had  any  valid  title  to  Fra/er's  river 
— if  she  could  show  any  lietter  title  lo  thai  valley 
than  we  could,  nliy  let  ns  yield  ii  up  |,i  her.  There 
did  nol,  however,  exist  the  slightest  color  of  title 
on  the  sidi^  of  Great  nrilain  to  the  I'V.izer-river 
eonntry.  dnr  title  in  onr  own  right  and  as  ihe 
grantees  of  Spain  is  complete  here  and  wilhonl  a 
flaw.  The  valley  of  Fr.izer's  i-iver  is  enveloped 
lietween  the  Cohmilii.i  on  the  east  and  the  deeply- 
channelled  seacoast  on  the  west,  lo  hotli  of  which 
il  is  parallel.  That  river  itself  dischat-n's  into  the 
narrow  hay  liehind  Vancouver's  Island,  as  the  ,Sns- 
quehannah,  Potomac,  and  other  rivers,  are  received 
hy  the  inland  Chesaiieake.  The  desultory  trip 
made  hy  Sir  Alexander  Ma'd<enzie,  in  which  he 
crossed  this  river  near  the  ,')4th  degree,  and  return- 
ing lo  Knglandi'i'i'iiorted  himself  as  having  dis- 
covered the  npner  f^olnnthia,  ainonnls  to  nothing. 
The  river  was  identified,  navigated,  and  named  hy 
Frazer  in  1813,  during  the  war,  and  no  exception 
was  made  in  the  general  resloraiinii  made  to  ns  hy 
Knglanil  in  I.SIS.  Kngland  never  claimed  any  title 
to  this  coast  or  the  streams  delioneliing  throiigli  it 
either  against  Siiain  or  the  Ifniled  .Slates  prior  to 
the  Spanish  ennccssion  lo  ns.  The  title  to  the 
coast  carries  with  it  the  streams  and  the  country 
drained  hy  tliein  as  far  as  the  highlands  from  wliieli 
they  flow,  l-aigland  has  here  as  well  as  elsewhere 
in  Oregon  a  temporary  right  to  free  Ir.ide  wilh  the 
natives  conceded  to  lier  hy  Spain  and  the  United 
Slates,  and  no  more.  Whatever  .settlement  the 
I'jiglish  fur  eoinpanies  may  at  any  time  have 
formed  either  here  or  elsewhere  heyond  the  llocky 
monniaiiis,  are  stipulated  lo  he  only  for  the  eon- 
veniencc  of  trade,  and  lo  give  no  ri;,'lil  of  perma- 
nent occupancy. 

AVith  these  views  of  our  title  which  lie  had,  Mr. 
■\.  wniild  not  yield  up  one  inch  of  it,  for  he  thoughl 
with  the  President  that  onr  title  to  the  whole  was 
the  best  in  the  world,  and  he  wonld  spend  the  last 
drop  of  blood  and   the  last  dollar  in  the  United 


8tateii  Ireniiury  liefiirn  he  would  yield  up  any  por- 
lioii  of  il  without  a  just  and  lair  ei|niMileii>.  In 
the  way  nf  Iriide,  indeed,  al'ter  I'^iclnid  acknow- 
ledged our  titli  ,  he  would  he  willing  tn  taken  very 
small  equivalent;  and  if  we  had  the  ennstiiniional 
power  to  surrender  up  lo  her  tWo-and-a-hiil(' de- 
grees of  laliinde,  he  would  say,  hi  her  idkc  il. 

Hill  the  ,Si'iia|iir  from  Maine  seemed  to  him  to 
come  very  I'lluctanlly  to  the  conclusion  that  onr 
lille  nii'.'ht  run  I'V  iinssihilily  half  a  degree  north  of 
49°,  Vet,  hy  the'  .\ootka  treaty,  it  did  extend  up  In 
Nootka  .Soniiil,  and  the  Seiiainr,  in  his  inaL;na- 
tiiinity,  had  intimated  that  he  would  suggest  looitr 
negntiators  to  claim  i.'p  to  that  pinnl,  Mr,  A, 
thanked  the  lionorahle  Senator  for  that  much, 

Ihil  the  .Senator  from  \nitli  Camlina  had  inli- 
maled  thai  this  wlinle  Oregon  i|iiesiiiin  had  been 
"oiten  up  fnr  the  iinrpose  of  putting  little  men  inln 
gre.il  places;  or,  in  oilier  words,  of  ni. iking  great 
men  out  of  little  niies.  Now,  he  would  ask  that 
genileman  wheilier  lie  did  not  lliiiik  il  possible  that 
this  proeeediiig  might  have  nriginaled  in  higher 
motives?  For  .\Ir.  .V.'s  own  part,  he  would  never 
yield  one  inch  of  our  lerritmy  lo  m.ike  a  line  of 
rresidents  that  should  extend  f'lr  a  ihoiis.ind  years, 
and  he  was  unwilling  to  iinpiiie  base  nnitives  to 
honnrable  men.  He  was  himself  no  nian's  man. 
When  the  Democratic,  party  presented  to  him  a  man 
of'  hi'^h  character,  pure  morals,  and  sonnil  princi- 
ples, he  yielded  him  his  support,  and  he  expi  cied 

still  to  do  it,  will  tiler  his irse  w.is  governed   by 

the  resolutions  of  the  lialtiiiinre  convention  or  not. 
.Mr.  ;\.  went  to  that  convention  with  no  parly  con- 
nexions— he  belli  himself  alnof  from  such  ties; 
his  ;State  bad  liken  the  nritter  in  band,  and  she 
had  dclegales  ilieve  cnisisiiie.v  nf*  as  pure  and  hnit' 
oralile  men  as  any  lliat  his  State  eniitiiineil.  Hut 
the  Senator  frmn  .N'nrlb  C'arnlina  bad  .s.iiil  that 
that  eonveolion  was  made  no  of  ficiionisis  led  on 
by  demagogues;  if  so,  no  good  was  to  be  expect- 
ed I'l'iim  it,  and  if  we  lost  llie  whole  of  Oregon  il 
was  what  we  well  deserved.  .\  great  poliiical 
parly  who  would  select  and  send  up  representa- 
tives from  every  part  of  this  country  lo  be  led  by 
taelionists  and  demagogues,  ilescrved  nothing  but 
loss  and  defe.il.  Ihil  \lr.  A.,  for  one,  eiinlil  nnt 
bi'Heve  tii.'il  such  had  been  the  fn't. 

The  Senaior  rrniii  North  Carolina,  [Mr.  TIw- 
1  0011,)  ciintinned  .Mr.  .'X.,  asked,  "Where  will  ymi 
;;o  fiira  President :''  And  il  was  well  answered  by 
my  friend  from  Indiana,  who  said,  "  To  the  ranks 
of  the  peojile."  ".Vli,  (replied  the  Senator,)  will  you 
go  among  the  shoemak'er.sand  Ihe  cobblers  for  your 
President.-  They  me  no  more  qnalified  for  such  a 
station  llian  n  blacksinilh  is  lo  make  a  watch." 
Now,  I  am  no  deniagogne,  but  I  have  always  been 
liinght  111  have  the  highest  regard  for  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  people — t'or  mechanics,  and  all  those 
whoearn  their  bread  by  labor.  .Vnii'Og  them  arc 
many  wdio  have  adorned  society;  many  who  have 
in  their  day  been  the  firnaineiiis  of  the  world. 
Men  taken  fVom  the  ranks  of  the  people  have  shed 
a  lustre  upon  hunvinity.  Among  Ihe  ancients,  if 
I  recollect,  the  name  of  Andronicus  stands  conspic- 
uous— a  man  elevated  frotii  a  garden  to  ii  throne. 
He  acquitted  himself'  as  well  with  a  crown  upon 
his  head,  as  he  did  wilh  n  sp.ide  in  his  hand.  A 
distingnislied  Roman,  Cinciiiiialns,  was  several 
times  taken  from  the  ploitgli  to  lead  the  armies 
of  the  Repnl-ilic.  He  was  invested  wilh  the  su- 
preme eommand.  There  are  nnmerons  examples 
where  men  have  been  taken  iVoin  the  ranks  of  the 
people  and  placed  in  the  highest  ollices.  Is  not  the 
liislory  of  llie  world  crowded  with  examples  .'  Na- 
poliMin  llonajtarle,  the  [loor  t'orsican,  boasted  him- 
self one  nf  the  people.  The  .Marshals  of  France, 
who  led  armies  lo  victory,  were  t.iken  from  llie 
ranks  of  the  soldiery.  Sir,  if  that  seniinienl  had 
eonie  from  the  other  side  of  the  house  I  shoiihl  not 
have  been  so  much  surprised  as  1  am  when  1  bear 
it  coining  from  a  Deniocralic  Senator. 

I  had  intended  to  .say  something  about  war.  .Sip, 
it  devolves  on  England — and  I  wish  to  impress  it 
upon  Senators  on  the  other  side  that  it  devolves  on 
England — to  relinquish  her  pretensions  for  the  sake 
of  peace.  We  are  not  to  make  all  t!ie  sacrifices, 
and  she  to  make  none.  If  her  title  is  not  clear  and 
unquestionable,  it  devolves  upon  her  to  yield  In 
order  to  preserve  llic  peace  of  the  world.  But 
they  tell  us:  Take  care  what  you  do — better  lo 
sacrifice  rights,  unprofitable  rights,  than  lo  involve 
the  country  In  a  w.ar.     Sir,  it  was  said  by  the  Sen- 


•*;  i 


w 

'il 

i 


» 


•.]ryi 


aOrif  CoNo 1st  Sk*!. 


AI*PF,M)I\  TO  TIIK  CONGRRSSlONAt,  (H,OHR. 

Iliirhon  and  liivrri — Mr.  Thoniasmn. 


11(1.  (W  \{v,p». 


Mt 


niiir  f'nriri  Kciiin.ky,  (Mr.  CRiTTr.Nnr.v,]  nnil 
wlHf'ly  "liili  ill  I'i'liitidii  t'l  lliiH  iii.itiii',  ilial  llii' 
mail  «lhi  UiMilil  iii-'lily  inviilvi'  itii'  I'ciiiiilry  i"  M 
««i-  wiiiilil  ii.."iiimi  n  ii'^pniiiiiliilily  ill. II  wciiilcl  ,iiiil< 
a  ntu  \'.  I  liiivr  t<i  iiiiswiT,  that  the  iiwui  wlin 
w.MililKn'-rilirr  lln-  ri(,'lilH  nf  lii"  ruiiiiiry  wimiIiI  iim. 
Niiiiii'  a  rri<|i<iii!iil>ililv  lli»l  wiuilil  xinli  a  world.  I 
Iicaril  llic  Sciialiir  fnmi  Uiiirftia  [.Mr.  llKitHir.\| 
ninkr  nil  cxiiiTsniiiii  nf  lliis  kliiil  in  llir  early  pari 
ol*  till'  «rn.<liiii,  aiiJ  it  is  mil'  in  wlinli  I  lirarlily 
riiticiir,  lliiil  liii'  niiiii  wli'i  coniiNrls  Iih  I'lMintrv- 
iiioti  t'l  U'l  111  war  iiiiiic'i'issarily  wmilil  uliiuin  i(ip 
iiiriLlfmH  rrmiwii  "I"  Mi'ti^lriUUM,  '\\\  lliis  I  siili- 
"■•rilx.  Itiil  I  "ay  ("iiriliir,  thai  llii'  iiinii  wlin  rnnii- 
»p|»  tlin  surii'iiili'r  111"  ilii'  riu'lilN  of  liis  I'lmiiiry  In 
|iiiri*liaN(' pra'T,  an  iii'.'InnnitM  jirarr,  riiriis  tor  liiiii- 
ni'll'a  tiiiirt'  inramoiiN  ri'iiowii,  and  will  rrn-ive  il, 
tlinii  Mro.timlii/i. 

Sir,  till  11'  in  one  oilifr  romnrk.  Orr:;iiii  i-nii  luit 
It  I'lMt  ill  two  ways:  oiii'  ih  liy  iir^nlialiiiii,  niiil  tin' 
mliir  ii  I'V  iiii^iirly  iiiin'iivily.  I  will  not  dwrll 
ii|ion  till'  lirsl  |<oiiii,  I'or  I  do  not  niilii'i{ial('  tliat  it 
will  III'  ri'sorli'il  to.  .\h  I  liiivc  tlir  iilmoKt  I'liiili- 
ddn'o  ill  llif  PiT.sidi>nl,  I  runfidrnilv  inlirvi-  thai 
\\r  will  ii'il  (ItrriM-  Iii.i  rririiilK.  It  may  lit'  liwt 
by  inai'tiviiy.  I'rcini  lliis  limi'  t'orwnrd  Inl  it  lie 
iindnsiaiid  tliiit  rioiii^ri  nh  if*  to  siamt  siil]  in  ri'- 
;:anl  to  i>iti;oii',  iliiit  onr  liliz.'iiN  in  l>iiL''iin  an'  mil 
t'l  r''*'i'i\r  ilio  lii'iii'lit  of  our  law.i;  tli:ii  ilit-v  are  not 
to  liavc   llii'  |iriii<'''tion  lit'  our   s.ililii-is;  in  I'Vi'vy 

|i'iiiii   iiC  \ii'\v,  llial  wi'  ari"  to   |in 'd    iijion    tliV 

jilaH'oini  of  iioii-ai'iion;  what  will  In-  thr  I'lVrrt  • 
Till'  iiihaMlnnt.i  tlii'rr  imi'il  have  a  u'ovi'riiiiK'iil: 
our  I'i'opli',  a'lovr  all  iitliorsi  undir  llie  sun,  arr 
wi'.liiid  to  i;ovi  "•iiiiirnt  luiil  law.  F.imvi'  thi'iil  to 
tlu'iusi-lvos,  and  liny  \v\U  I'lrin  a  no\i-riiim'nl;  and 
what  "ill  ill'  111''  ri'siilt  as  to  us?  Pafiioiism,  on 
ihi'  oni'  liaiiil,  till'  til."  I'lal  liiiid  a  man  In  tlic  loini- 
try  which  '.:.ivi'  liini  liirlh,  plai-cd  in  mi'-  sialr,  and 
tlir  indiii'i'iiiiiits  that  will  he,  and  aiT  now,  lidil 
out  hv  somo  of  tliiir  Iradin:;  iiirii,  and  liy  Hr.  Mi'- 
Lan^lilin  niiil  oihrr.s  ol'  llii'  Iliids'.ii  I'lay  Com- 
p.iny.f'ir  iln'  I'lniiatii'ii  of.-m  iiidi-prn  liiii  ( Jovirn- 
liiciit,  i'l.i'"id  in  till'  oiliir,  and  how  will  ilipy  llki  ly 
111!  di'li'rmini'd.-  Will  tlipy  not  say:  "  lliir  riHiii- 
try  li'is  ii'iivid  to  sivc  lis  priitri'liiiii;  slir  has  ijivi'n 
lis  iKi  laws;  she  has  <rivin  ns  no  soldirr.s  I'or  our 
prolei'tioii.  Afier  a  while,  wlieii  we  sli.ill  have  in- 
ere.ised  and  mnkiplled,  ami  filled  the  fertile  valleys 
of  Ore.Mii  with  po|inlalion*.  w'lien  \\e  shall  Inve 
envercd  her  luoiiui. tins  with  riur  (loel.s  and  herds; 
when  our  ri\ers  shall  lie  envercd  willi  vessels  hear- 
ini;  eoiiimen'e:  iluii  ihe  (ioverniiieiit  nf  ihe  rniled 
States  will  lie  w  llliii','  eiuuii;h  to  exieinl  I'Vir  ns  her 
jiirisilietinn:  they  W'ill  he  ready 'iioiii,'h  In  send  its 
^oviriiors,  jiuh.;es,  ni'irshals,  and  sluritlV,  ni  eon- 
tnil  lis;  they  will  Im'  ready  eiiou'_'h  lii  eslaldish 
nistoin-hoiises  and  jive  us  ollieers  of  eiistoins,  to 
send  lis  survevrs  and  eslahlisli  land  ntliees,  and 
npp'iint  l.llld  :e_'euts  to  sell  to  the  hi-jliesl  liillder 
our  doiii  lin;  they  will  lie  ready  eiimi/h  to  do  all 
thi.ii.  Is  it  not  lietter,  thi-refore,  thai  we  now  de- 
rlarp  onrselve.s  iiidejiendent  r  Does  not  the  head 
iifthe  Ilnils.m  Hay  C.iiiipaiiy  tell  ns  that  F.ii'^laiid 
^vilI  assist  ill  luainiainiiiL:  our  indepeiidi  Mie  ■-  Have 
Hot  the  I-'reiioli  nlVered  the  same  tliiii'.'.-  M.ive  llii-y 
not  n<siired  us  that  eaeh  settler  .sliall  possess  n 
priii''i|ialiiy  of  laud  if  we  place  ourselves  under 
the  shield  of  their  proleriioi) .'  Place  patriotism 
in  t'le  one  scale,  and  llie.»e  indueomi  iis  in  i  he  oilier, 
and  I  leave  it  to  Si-iiator.s  to  judco  w  liii  h  scale  will 
kick  l!ie  heain.  And,  i\n  the  .Senator  from  .Maine 
|Mr.  F'^vw']  said  the  other  d'ly,  *';iliforuia  will 
folhiw,  and  in  the  course  of  less  tli.in  fifty  years 
they  will  hive  sireuL'ih  eiinusli.  ll;cy  will  have  al- 
lies and  friends  ennii:xh,  to  enalile  ihoni  to  carry 
their  [lossc.^sions  from  the  Unssiau  liiielothr  Islh- 
iiiiis  of  D.iricn.  Sir,  I  may  lie  wroii;,  hm  I  ihii.l; 
that  llie  Senalor  from  .Maine  foresh.idowed  \\]\:.i 
will  take  iilace.  The  fjiic<itiiin  presiuis  itself  iliiis; 
if  the  country  we.Jt  of  llie  nioiinlaius  is  de.^inil.le, 
is  worth  pri  servin'_^,  i.s  iieces.sary  to  the  sii-i  iii;tli, 
the  I'l'iry,  and  the  power  of  this  ciiiutry,  we 
must  Inve  it;  we  must  keep  uii  a  stream  oi'  enii- 
grntion,  a  constant  stream,  ami  iiiihice,  hy  every 

Eossihlo  means,  a  coiitiiiuatice  of  [lairi'iti.uu  in  the 
rea.sts  of  the  settlers:  we  must  eouiitciiancc  tin  m, 
nnd  make  them  fnl  that  they  are  in  imniedieie 
connexion  with  thi.s  Government.  .And  if  we  do 
this,  we  shall  preserve  that  vast  territory,  and  shall 
make  it  a  pennaiient  and  undivided  piirtion  of  this 
irreal  Ucpublic. 


llAIIIiOllS  A.NDItlVr'.UH. 


RMM.VRKS  OF  M.H.  TIIO.MASSON, 

OF  Kr.NTll'KV, 

Im  T(ir.  Mill  kF.  ui''  l(Ki<Kr.«KNTATiVRi, 

filniKii'ii  •.'(!,  |S4(I. 

The  House  liein?  in   ('ommitfee  of  the  Whole  oil 

the  stale  of  the  rnion  on  Ihe  liill  inaliini;  appro- 

prialioiis  fur  certain  liners  iiiid  llarliurs  — 

Mr.  TII(tM.\SSI).\  addrcHsed  llie  C'oinniittee 
ns  follows: 

Mr.  CiitinM \v:  .■\ltlioni;liiioiriewlinl  indlsponeil, 
I  einliracr  the  eiirhcMl  oppiirtunity  of  replvitii^  to 
the  ileuiniciatiolls  which  several  LJi'lltll'llieii  lin\e 
made  of  the  item  ill  this  hill,  iinihori/.iii:;  the  l'',\- 
ci'iilive  of  the  (ii  iieriil  (ioveriiiueul  lo  piircliase 
the  stork  held  liy  individuals  in  the  I.,oiUHVille  and 
Porllaud  ciiiial.  It  will  lie  iiiosi  c.uivenienl,  how- 
ever, first  lo  notice  ihe  iinesiions  ilireclly  liefore 
the  coiumillee,  and  the  dilVerent  position.s assumed 
liy  some  of  the  ijenllenien  who  have  preceded  me 
ill  thi.s  deliaie, 

The  propiisilion  of  the  irenlleinan  who  spoke 
last,  [^tr.  .Tons.sov,  of  Tennessee,]  to  nmeiiil  the 
lieiiiliiur  aiiie  idineiit  liv  aihliii'.;  appropriatioiiH  to 
improve  the  triliiiiary  sireiiniM  of  the  Tennessee 
river,  caiinol  receive  my  support,  for  these  rea- 
Botis;  that  we  June  no  survey  of  the  streams,  nor 
are  we  furnished  with  anv  speciffatiotis  oresti. 
mates  of  wliiil  the  impioveiiienis  contemplaleil  will 
cost.  Ii  is  not  e\en  asserted  that,  as  I'ar  as  the 
proposed  iiiiprovctiienis  are  lo  iw  maile  on  ihese 
triliiilaricH,  they  are  not  local  instead  of  national 
olijects,  nor  areanv  rensniis  olVercd  for  iiiakiiu;  an 
exception  in  their  fivor.  lint  it  is  not  fiirllin;;en- 
tlemaii  from  Tennessee,  [.Mr.  .Toiixsox,]  nor  any 
other  memlier,  to  expect  sup)iort  for  a  proposition 
of  iiuiendment,  accfiuipiiiiied  liy  declarations  of 
niiconiiiromisiii'.r  liostiliiy  to  the  principle  nf  the 
liill.  That  ixciitltuian  has  depicted  in  slroiii;  terms 
the  daii;;er  of  oppression,  hankriiplcy,  and  ruin, 
to  the  no\erninenl,  if  this  mode  of  expending 
money  liecomes  a  fixed  pnidice;  and  he  calls  upon 
the  Democratic  parly  (as  several  others  have  he- 
fore  called  upon  th;il  party)  to  re-estalilish  the, 
orlliodox  Ilcinocratie  creed — "  IS'o  nppriipriations 
for  internal  improveiueni  I" 

If  till  estimates  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
he  correct,  we  sh:ill  have  surplus  revenue  enoUL'n 
on  the  ensiiini;  fiscal  year  to  meet  two  such  hills  as 
this:  .so  that  there  can  he  no  dnnirer  of  want  of 
ftiiids  at  iiresiiii. 

I  cordially  jiiiii  in  the  call  upon  leiiilenien  tn 
deluie  their  positions.  My  opinion  is,  that  those 
who  oppose  iiiternnl   iuiiiroveinenls  are  ultra  De- 

niocratic;at  any  rate  tin iiirtry  nIiouIiI  know  who 

a ri'  for  and  will ia'_nii list  such  iiiiprovemeiits.  There 
is,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  mauit'est  impropriety  in 
ndvocniiie.;  one  dm  nine  hefore  our  eoiislitiients, 
and  tictim;  upon  another  here. 

The  i-rcat  expiiiient  of  the  present  dnniinnnt 
party,  the  laineuicd  President  .Tackson,  unproved 
hills  has'il  upon  I  he  same  principle  as  this  lull,  and 
expressly  rccoi^uisi  d  the  ri'ilit  to  make  apjiropria- 
tioiis  where  the  ohject  Icnilcd  to  the  i^eiieral  wel- 
fare, and  was  ohvioiisly  ii:itioii:il  in  its  character. 
If  this  reasiin:ilile  position,  however,  is  now  to  lie 
nliandoned,  and  one  more  contracted  and  ahstraci- 
ed  is  to  lie  siilistiinled,  as  an  ultiinaliuu,  liy  lliosr 
who  prot'ess  to  follow  in  the  t'ootsieps  of  ilieir 
illuslri'iiis  chief,  it  is  due  to  .-ill  eoncerned,  and 
esrvcially  to  their  hitherto  mistaken  friends,  to  lie 
informed  of  that  iletermiiiiiiinii. 

The  frenlleman  last  u|i,  (.Mr.  .Toiivsov,]  the  gen- 
tleman t'rom  Alalinina,  (ATr.  IV\v\t:,l  and  the  ireii- 
iliiiian  from  .South  riuohiia,  (.Mr.  Uiiktt.I  ufier 
ilefiiiin:;  their  parly  creed— seeminj  to  fear  iliat 
indiviilnal  necessity  may  aflilinte  the  rankand  file — 
res.irteil.  as  is  iisiijil  in  such  cases,  to  hiudi-wroiiflit 
de.'-'criplious  of  a  viol.ueil  Conftiliiiioii.  And  it 
struck  me  at  the  time  as  an  extremely  unkind  cut 
of  the  last  iiained  L'eutleniaii,  [.Mr.  Uhktt,]  lo 
chur^'e  the  western  wiiiL"  of  his  parly  nut  only  with 
heiier  unmoved  hy  the  reasoniii!^  of  jiiuiself  and 
;soiithern  friends,  hut  wiili  vyiie.'"  with  their  poliii- 
cal  opponents  in  reileialed  ell'orts  to  incorporate 
(he  system  of  iiiternnl  improvements  upon  the 
riiiictions  of  the  Oeiieial  fiovernmi  iil.  Rut  the 
(reiiiletnan  deceives  himself,  if  he  ilouhls  the  loy- 
alty to  the  Constitution  ofi  It  hi  r  parly  in  llieWe.it: 


I  Ihe  day  is  fur  in  the  ruiuic  when  a  force-hill  w  ill 
I  be  necesNary  to  reniind  thriii  of  their  fealty  to  that 
I  •nereij  liiNlriimcnt. 

That  i;eiilli'iiiaii  he;;N  the  ipienliiin  ill  nlaliiic 
llmt  we  of  the  West  claim  that  our  rivern  Hlaiiil  in 
in  relation  to  the  Ueiieral  (lo\ernnienl  ilill'ereiil 
I  from  ihnt  of  the  iiavi:;aiile  streams  horderiiii,'  on 
the  .\itantii',  hecaiise  of  the  pro\iHioim  of  the  or- 
iliiiance  of  17H7,  nnd  the  iiiai;niluile  and  uses  ot' 
those  riverx.  We  desire  no  niisiiiiderstandin:; 
upon  this  Biihiect.  We  cliiini  that  the  oriliiiance 
iifUHTwas  hut  a  reni-wiil  of  the  law  of  the  land 
and  i;enernl  u»H:;e,  lecured  hy  the  treaty  of  j'lli.'l, 
nnd  that  it  merely  recosnised  pre-exislini;  national 
rii;hts,  and  sanclioued  their  enlar'-'i  il  excrcia',  hy 
dechiriiiL'  that  the  can  yinu;  pliu  es  hetueiu  llie 
liiivii'.ilile  wateiH  of  the  Mississippi  iinil  ihe  iSl. 
Lnwrence  should  he  conniiou  lii^hwayn. 

ThroUL'li  the  whole  of  the  ^'eulli'Uiaii'ii  remnrks 
Ihete  is  ividenlly  what,  ill  li'T  d  parlance,  is  termed 
a  iii";ative  preirnnnl:  thai  is,  that  if  it  i  an  lie  shown 
that  the  proprietary  rii,'hl  lo  luir  western  rivers  is 
.in  IheOeneral  (.fovernmenl,  then  to  n[iproprinie 
'  inoney  to  improve  llieiii  is  conslitillioiinl.  Now, 
I  underlake  to  say,  that  het'orc  onr  (_io\eriiiiienl  ac- 
Hiiired  any  ri'.'hts  in  the  premises,  the  .Mississippi 
river  was  a  common  hi'.;liway,  inaile  so  hy  Irea.y 
Nliiiuliition,  and  so  treated  hy  the  nations  whose 
sulijects  had  occnsion  and  ri'^Ut  to  use  the  same; 
thai  the  Oeneriil  <Joverniueiii  has  aeipiired  a  pro- 
prietary ri;;ht,nnil  that  rislit  has  ne\er  lieeii  parted 
with.  Now  for  the  proof  The  seventh  arlii'le  of 
the  tre:ity  helween  Knu'lnnd,  l''iance,  and  Spain, 
concluded  at  Paris  the  jllth  of  reiiriiary,  I7(i,'l,  is 
in  the  followiiii;  words  : 

"  In  order  to  reeslahlish  |ieace  on  solid  nnd 
'iliiralile  foundaliiins,  and  lo  remove  forever  all 
'  suhjecis  of  dispute  with  re',Mril  lo  the  limits  of 
'the  liritish  and  [''reiicli  territories  on  tiie  lonli- 
'  nent  of  America,  it  is  iu;iied  that,  for  the  fiiliire, 
'  the  confines  hetween  the  dominions  of  his  Ihi- 
'  tannic  Majesty  and  those  of  his  iniist  Chrisliaii 
'  .Majesly  iii  that  part  of  the  world,  shall  he  fixed 
'  irre'vocalily  hy  a  line  drawn  nloii;;  the  miildh'  of 
'  ihe  river  .Mississippi,  from  its  source  to  the  river 
'  llierville,  nnd  from  thence,  hy  a  line  drawn  alonj; 
'  the  middle  of  this  river  and  the  lakes  Manrepas 
'  nnd  Ponlrhailrain,  to  the  sea;  iiuil,  for  this  piir- 
'  pose,  the  most  (JhriMllau  Kin;;  cedes  in  full  riiiht, 
'and  <ruaranties  lo  his  llritnnnic  Majesty  the  river 
'  and  port  of  the  Mohile,  and  everything- which  he 
*  possesses,  or  ou2:lit  to  possei-s,  on  the  leftside 
'of  the  river  Missis.sippi,  (except  the  town  of 
'  .New  Orleans,  and  the  island  in  which  il  is  sil- 
'  iialed,  which  .shall  remain  lo  France;)  pnnidid 
'  thai  Ihe  iiavi^'ation  of  tlie  river  Missis.,ippi  sli.ill 
'  he  I  ipuilly  free,  as  well  lo  the  siilijci'ts  of  Great 
'  nrilaiii  as  lo  those  of  I'' ranee,  in  its  whole  hreailtli 
'and  leni'lh,  from  its  source  to  llie  sen;  and  ex- 
'  pressly  that  p;irl  which  is  lielween  the  said  island 
'  of  .New  Orleans  and  ihe  hank  of  tluil  river,  as 
'well  ns  the  piissi'M'  holli  in  and  oul  of  its  mouth. 
'  It  is  further  stipulated,  that  the  vessels  heloiic-- 
'  ins  to  the  siilijecis  of  either  nation  shall  not  he 
'  stopped,  visited,  or  snhjected  to  the  payment  of 
'  any  duly  w  liatsoever.  The  siipulatiniis  inserted 
'  ill  ihe  fi'inrlh  arlicle  in  favor  of  the  inliahilants  of 
'  <  'niKida  shall  nhso  take  place  with  ri"_':iril  to  the  iii- 
'  luiliitants  of  Ihe  cnimtnes  ceded  liy  this  article." 
'J'liis  riu'ht  to  naviu'ale  evidently  was  iuleiided  lo 
extend  to  the  navitrnhle  trihiitaries,  as  well  as  to 
the  .\Iissisi-i]ipi  proper;  fiir  such  a  construction 
is  presumed  liy  many  to  he  siistaineil  hy  inter- 
nniional  law. 

The  twentieth  article  of  the  same  treaty  has  the 
followiii",  viz: 

"His  falholie  Majesty  redes  and  iriiaranties 
'in  flill  ri^'ht  to  his  ihitauiiie  .Majesty,  l''l.iriil;i, 
'with  Furl  .St  .Aii'.'iisliue,  niid  the  Imy  of  Pens.i- 
'  cola;  as  well  ns  all  that  Spain  possesses  on  the 
'  riiiitinent  of  .North  .Vinerica  lo  the  east  or  to  llie 
'  southeast  of  the  river  .Missis.-iippi;  anil,  in  ;;en- 
'  eral,  evervihiii'.;  that  di|ieiids  on  the  .said  conn- 
'  tries  and  lands,  with  the  sovereiL'nty,  properly, 
'  piisse;asion,  and  all  ri^'hls  ac(|iiiiei|  hy  irealies  or 
'  otlierwi.se,  which  the  (^allinlic  Kiii'r  and  l.'rown 
'of  Spain  have  li:iil  till  iiaw  over  the  s;iiil  eoiin- 
'  tries,  lands,  places,  and  their  inliahilants:  So 
'  that  the  Catholic  Kiicj  rodv-i  and  makes  over  the 
'  whole  to  the  said  Kh\j:  and  to  the  Crown  of  Circal 
■  Piriiain,  and  that  in  the  mnsl  ample  manner  and 
'  form." 


I  l''fl).  5i(l. 

('(ircr-liill  will 
iViilty  til  Ihal 

III  in  ntiitinu; 
ivi'i'N  Nliiml  til 
llctll  ihll'rrciii 
liiirili'iMiii;  nil 
iii'4  111'  llii'  or- 

V  mill  imi's  111' 
iiiiili'iKliiniliii;; 
ll\i'  miliiiMiii''' 
W  111'  till'  liiiiil 
rraly  (if  I'lliM, 
iHliiii;  iiiiliiiiiiil 
I  I  xi'ni'i',  liy 

Im'HH'III    llif 

li   mill   ilir  Si. 

iiyt. 

iinn'H  |-i'iiiMrl<'» 

IIIIT,  IM  lll'llll'll 

I  ciiii  III'  wliiiwii 
strrn  rivri'H  in 
III  ii|i|iiii|iriiiii' 
liiiiiiil.     N.iw. 

IflMTIinllMlt  111'- 

lii'  Mississipiii 

V  sii  liy  iri'iiy 
iinllnns  wliiiHi- 

iiHi'  ilii'  H'lmi'i 
iri{iiiiTil  11  |ii'"- 

cr  Ix'i'U  piirlfil 
vriitli  iirlii'k-  o( 

ll',    mill    S|l;lill, 

iiinry,  niilt,  i" 

'   on  Niiliil  mill 
mi'    fiiri'vri  iili_ 
til  till-  limits  III" 
1  nil  tiir  1  iiiili- 
,  fill-  the  futiii-n, 
linn  111'  liis  liri- 
niiiRt  ('liriHtiiin 
I,  Himll  111'  fixnl 
IX  till'  niiilillii  111' 
lire  to  till"  rivrr 
nnilniwn  iilnns 
iikcH  Muiiri|iiiM 
III,  for  tins  piir- 
lis  ill  full  riiilil, 
ii'irsty  ilii'  livi'i- 
■tiiiiiiiwliii'li  111" 
ill  llie  kl't  siili' 
till'   town  nf 
liii'li  it  is  sil- 
iiiri",)   proNiilill 
issis^ippi  sli.ill 
iliji'i'ta  ot'Grriit 
whole  liiTiiilih 
sen;  iind  cx- 
llic  siiiil  islnnd 
tliiit   river,  ns 
I  111' its  niiiiuli. 
essels  lielonir- 
III  slinll  not  lie 
piiyment  of 
liitioiis  inserieil 
iiiliuliilmils  of 
_';iiil  111  tlie  iii- 
y  tliis  iirlii'le." 
WMs  inleiiiled  to 
1  well  as  lo 
I'oiistnii'tioii 
mill'. I  liy  iiiter- 

:  tri'llly  luis  llie 

mill  uniiirmilies 

lljesly.    I''l"riil:i, 

liny  of  I'eiis,!- 

ssl^-|^-i  on  I  he 

<;isl  or  lo  the 

li;  mill,  in  ireii- 

Ihe  siiiil  eniiii- 

L'lily,   properly, 

■il  liy  iremies  or 

ill','  iiiiil  •^'rown 

the  saiil  eoiiii- 

nhiiliitmils :    So 

ni^ilies  over  the 

Cnnviiof  l.ireiit 

lie  iiianiier  mill 


1H4(>.1 

•iS>rii  I'liMi Isr  Si;ss. 


AI'PENDIX  TO  THE  COMJUKSSlONAli  GLOHK. 

llarbon  and  llivca — i\li:  Thoimmson, 


:\:,;\ 


Nkw  Skhibh No  'liii. 


i 


Lf>t  It  1)0  iioled  lliiit  EiikIhikI  only  iiei|iiire«  liy 
thin  neetlnn  owiirrsliip  nf  the  soil  (n  the  riviir  Min- 
sissippi,  NO  tliiit  llie  river  ilsilf  eontiiiiieil  lo  lielnii;; 
lo  the  oilier  piirty  iiliove  the  river  llierville.  Tliere- 
I'lire  the  (ieiienil  Ljnveriiitient,  liy  the  LiiiiiNiiuiii 
treaty,  iii'ipiirn'  the  prnprieiiiry  ri','hl  lo  the  MIh- 
Bis«ippi  river.  After  the  iiiivii;iitiiiii  of  the  river 
hull  lieeii  hi'iileil  liy  the  tii'iitVi  it  w'lis  wholly  iin- 
iiiiiteriiil  who  WHS  proprietor,  iiiit  ns  Hhnwini^  wliiit 
the  L'linliiienliil  ( 'iiii2:ie.iH  Ireateil  nit  mir  we»terii 
limit.  The  lmii:iin;;e  in  the  ."illi  seetinn  of  the  orili- 
liiinee  of  I'lH"  is  refirreil  to  iiii  foljoWH,  viz:  "The 
'  western  .Suite  in  the  .laiil  lerrilorv  Hlinll  lie  lioimil- 
'  eil  liy  the  Mississippi,  the  Ohio,  and  Wabash 
'  rivers." 

The  next  nneHtinn  in,  llna  the  OcnernI  flovcni- 
nient  ilivesieil  itself  of  the  nrnprietary  rifjlit  thus 
aeqiiireil.'  Il  may  lie  siiid  tliiit  the  ndiiUHsioii  into 
the  Union  of  the  States  liorderiii!;  upon  the  river, 
IH  n  reeo!,niilion  of  tlii'ir  exilusive  jurisilietioii  to 
the  extent  of  their  l>oiiiiilaries  defined  liy  their  eon- 
fititnliiiiis.  Let  lis  fust  exaniine  the  laots.  The 
conslitiiliiiim  nf  Missouri  and  Arkansas  define 
their  Slate  lioiindaries  as  riinniin;  "  with  the  niiddle 
of  the  iiiain  elminiel  of  the  Mississippi  river."  The 
ronsiitntion  nf  llliiiiiissnys,  "  lo  the  middle  of  the 
Mississi[ipi."  That  of  the  .Stale  of  Mississippi 
uses  the  terms  *'  lie!;iniiiiii^  on,  riinnini;  to,  and 
theiiee  up  the  Mississippi,"  I'lumly  lull  eniliraeini; 
the  river.  'J'liai  of  Louisiana  lists  the  lainjiiiiKe, 
"  to  till!  river  Mississippi,  tlienee  down  the  said 
river  lo  the  river  llierville,"  evidently  not  eni- 
lirai'ins;  the  river  Missis.«i|ipi  from  where  il  strikes, 
to  the  river  llierville.  Keninekv  and  Tennessee, 
by  the  eeminns  nf  Virsinia  and  North  Carolina,  ro 
oiilv  (()  llie  river. 

'riiii3  it  is  seen  that  there  isa  larije  portion  of  the 
Mississippi  not  within  the  ehartered  liiiiils  nf  the 
Slates  resneelively  liorderin^  thereon;  and  it  is 
manifest,  that  the  States  einliraeinij  portions  of  the 
river  did  so  with  n  view  to  Jnrisdieiion  over  eivil 
Biid  eriniiniil  iransaetions,  anil  iioi  as  a  ri^ht  to 
interfere  with  the  water,  or  to  eslahlish  any  eontrol 
over,  or  limilatioii  of,  the  trenenil  navisntion. 

Let  us  next  examine  the  fads  as  relates  to  the 
Ohio  river.  Virginia,  under  eharlcr  grants,  claim- 
ed territiiriiil  rii^hts  from  sea  to  sea;  as  a  colony  of 
Great  Britain  she  was  resirieted  in  lionndary  to  the 
eial  sii/f  of  lilt  „Wi».ii«i/i(ii  rirrr  liy  the  treaty  of 
171)3;  liy  her  net  of  177(i,  estalilishinf;  Kenliieky 
eniinty,  the  call  for  hounilary  is,  "  lo  lieirhi  on  the 
Ohio,  at  the  mouth  of  Ureal  Sandy  Creek."  The 
resolution  of  VirKinia  of  tlie  :>il.Taiiuary,  1781,  au- 
thoriziiii,'  the  cession  of  her  uorlliwcstern  territory 
to  the  Uniii  d  States  has  the  following  reservnlinn, 
viz  :  "  That  all  the  remainiiif;  Uirritnry  nf  Vir^'i- 
'  Ilia  included  lieiween  the  Atlantic  ocean  anil  the 
'  sniilliia.it  liilv  iiflhe  rirrr  O/iin,  and  the  Maryland, 
«  Pennsylvania,  and  North  f'aroliea  lioundaries, 
'  shall  lie  Kiiarantied  to  the  Comnionwealth  of  Vir- 
'  piiiia  liy  the  said  United  Slates." 

This  is  fdllowed  hy  the  ordinance  of  Congress 
of  1787,  for  the  resiulation  of  the  Nnilhwestern 
territory,  lo  which  the  ijemleman  has  referred.  The 
following  is  a  part  of  the  fointli  article:  "The  navi- 
'ffalile  waters  leading  inln  the  Mississippi  and  St. 
'  Lawrence,  and  the  carryin;;  places  helween  the 
'  same,  aliall  lie  common  hij^hways,  and  forever 
'  free,  as  will  to  the  inliahitanls  ol  the  said  terri- 
'  lory  as  to  the  ciiizeiis  of  the  United  States,  and 
'those  nf  any  other  States  that  may  lie  admitted 
<  into  the  loiifederaey,  wilhonl  any  tax,  impost, 
'  or  duty  therefor." 

Then  come.-j  the  act  of  Viri;inia,  of  the  18tli  De- 
ceniher,  17.s;),  giviii!;  her  assent,  with  conditions, 
to  Kentnckv  lieoomin!;  a  Slate:  the  llth  section 
is  in  the  following;  words,  viz:  "Seventh,  Thai 
'  the  u.^e  and  naviiration  nf  the  river  Ohio,  .-.o  far 
'  as  the  territory  of  the  proposed  State  or  the  lerri- 
'  toiy  which  shall  remain  within  the  limits  of  this 
'  Cominonwialih  lies  thereon,  shall  lie  free  and 
'  conimnn  lo  the  citizens  of  the  United  States;  and 
'  the  respective  jurisilictionsofihis  Commonwealth, 
'  and  of  the  proposed  State  on  the  river,  as  afore- 
'  said,  shall  be  eoncurrenl  only  with  the  States 
'  which  may  possess  tlie  opposite  sliores  of  the 
'  said  river." 

All  of  which  was  approved,  and  received  the 
erowiiing  sanction  nf  the  Coiistiluliou  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  adopied  in  178'.». 

The  next  in  order,  and  th",  Inst  thai  I  will  notice, 
IS  the  act  of  Congress  of  the  4th  Fehruary,  1791, 


•23 


i;ivin;;  eniiHDiit  ihnt  the  DiNtrlci  of  Kentucky,  ae- 
cordini;  "  til  its  nclinil  lioundarieH  on  the  IHlfi  day 
of  Deceinlier,  178l»,"  niiiy  lie  formed  Into  a  now 
Siiiie  mid  iidmiltcd  into  the  Union. 

vVith  all  these  fads  liel'ine.  us,  can  there  lie  a 
doulit  lhal  the  Ohio  river,  from  the  western  line  of 

I  I'ciinsyUiiiiia,  liiis  liecii,  hy  the  priiper  authnrilics, 

'  declared  a  "  pulilic  and  coinmoii  hit;luvay,"  and 
thai  il  is  miller  the  cniitn  I  of  the  lleiicral  Uoverii- 

iiieiit?     If  the  foie'.'oiin;  fads  fail  ti iivince,  rcii- 

Koniiii;  will  he  vain.  There  is  hut  one  iipinion  ii 
the  West;  and  il  excites  surpri.se  that  anyone, 
and  especially  !;eiitlemeii  w'.io  arc  lauded  for  their 
iiitellii^eiice,  can    cniiie  to  a  ditii-ient   I'oui'hisiiiii. 

1  Ilesides,  sir,  we  of  the  West  see  no  ditrerence  lic- 

I  tweeii  an  appropriation  In  remnve  a  rock  thai  oh- 
slriicis  naviiratioii,  and  one  lo  liiij!il  a  li;;lit-hoiise  to 
warn  the  iiiiviijalor  from  such  an  nliNtriiciioii.  Will 
il  he  said  llail  fresh  mid  salt  wali'i-  make  llie  dill'er- 
eiice?     "  I  cainiol  Iind  il — 'lis  not  in  the  hoiiil.'' 

The  tfentliiimn  |Mr.  UiiF.rr|  iissumeN  anoilier 
posiiion,  111  jirove  that  the  General  Uoveriiiucnt  has 
no  aulhnrily  nvemur  lakes  and  rivers,  mid  cniisc- 
ipienlly  that  il  is  iiiu'onsiitnlional  to  appropriate 
money  lo  improve  llieni.     It  is,  in  suhstaiice,  that 

'  the  Consliiuiioii,  liaviiii;  ijiven  exclusive  milhorily 
to  the  Federal   cumtM  over  "all  cases  of  aduiirally 

,  and  luariiinic jinisilidiiui,"aiiil  tlie.Sii|iremeCniirt 
liavii'ir  dei'ideil  llial  this  {urisdiclion  exienils  only 

iei//i  tide  water,  therel'nre  lln lirls  have  no  jiiris- 

didiim  over  inlirnal  iiavii^atioii  where  there  is  no 
tide,  eonsei|iienlly  the  Cinvcrmiient  has  no  milhor- 
ily there.  My  hi'.'h  re^'ard  fnrtliat  i^enllemau's  sii- 
iierior  iiitellij;cnci'  and  legal  acunun,  induces  the 
lielief  that  this  posiiion  has  lieen  n.ssiimi'd  without 

i  due  relleclion.  It  is  manifcslly  unicnalile.  He 
seems  tncnnl'iiniid  the  r.rlrnsiuii  nfjuriidiiiiim  willi 
fiilnrf^tiinnt  of  ju/irfr,     Tlie  yieieictif  the  jiidiriary 

i  is  not  enlarged  liv  eMriiiling  the  S|iherc  nf  its  op- 
eralion.      The    Cniistilulioii    fixes    the   exiiiit  nf 

I  flower:  to  Congress  il  is  given  to  |ire3crilie  the 
manner,  when,  ami  where  this  power  may  lie  ex- 
ercised. The  p'lwers,  riglits,aiiil  authority  nf  the 
Government  are  not  coufnieil  to  the  jurisdiciioii  o. 

I  the  judiciary,  else  wlieme  the  antlinrity  In  annex 
an  empire  to  our  territorial  domain. >  Adniiially 
and  maritime  jurlsttU'lion  was  clearly  detiicjit  at 
coiiininn  law,  and  unilerstond  hy  the  coiivcntiniiisls 
as  relating  to  enutracts,  customs,  and  usages  on  the 
high  seas,  and  eiuliraced  our  exterior  or  foreign 
trade,  and  the  rights  and  duties  nf  natinns;  hence, 
lliere  was  a  peculi  ir  litiiess  in  conferring  the  excln- 
sive  lurisdictinn  nii  ihe  Feileral  courts.  It  was  also 
well  settled  thai  llie  cause  of  action  or  eomplaiiit 
must  have  iis  ori^'in  upon  tidewater;  heiire,  the 
correctness  nf  the  decision  nf  the  Supreme  Cnurt. 

The  second  section  of  the  third  article  nf  the 
Constiluliou  (the  one,  too,  in  which  tlie  exclusive 
jurisilietioii  rcl'erred  lo  is  given)  reads  es  follows: 
"The  judicial  power  sliall  extend  to  all  cases  in 

,  'law  and  e(|uity  arising  uiuler  this  Constitution, 
'  llie  /(ill's  e/'(/i('  I'liilid  M(i((S,  and  llu  treaties  made 
'  or  which  shall  he  made  under  their  authority." 
From  which  it  is  clear,  lhal  il  was  enntemplated 
that  laws  would  he  passed  rei|iiirinij  the  extension 
of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  ctuirN.  1 

We  nf  the  West  think,  as  did  our  fathers  who 
framed  the  CMiistituiinn,  that  the  ends  for  which 
the  Government  was  eslahlished  were,  (witli  oth- 
ers,) "  lo  form  a  more  perfect  union,  estalilish  jns- 
'  lice,  ensure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for  the 
'  common  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare, 
'  secure  the  hiessiniis  of  lilicrly,  and  to  regulate  ' 
'commerce  amnng  the  Slates;"  and  vvc  linid  that 
it  is  the  duly  nf  Cnngress  to  pass  laws  to  i  il'ect 
and  secure  each  of  these  objects.  IJul  ennugli, 
perhaps,  has  been  said  already  upon  this  point. 
Gen^  emeu  are  implored  to  rcnieinber  that  we  have 
a  e.immon  country  lo  .serve,  and  that  party  tactics 
shoiihl  not  iiitluenec  our  action  upon  ipieslions  of 
such  vital  iniiiorlance  ax  this.  The  right  of  aState 
to  interft-re  with  the  Ohio  or  Mississippi  rivers, 
under  pretence  nf  Imprnving  or  obstructing  their 
navigatinn,  is  positively  denied:  to  permit  such  an 
exercise  of  local  interference  might  lead  In  wnrse 
results  than  dependence  upnn  a  jicnurinus  ur  ne- 
glectful General  Government. 

The  course  pursued  by  gentlemen  nppnscd  lo 
internal  improveinents  is  well  calculated  to  ]iroduce 
the  results  they  predict  and  seem  de.sirous  to  avert. 
They  oil'er  amendments  which  they  will  not  vote 

I  for  tllcm.solves;  they  vole  for  others,  thut  they  hope 


tuny  he  disii|;reeiibli'  lo  somi  friends  nf  the  hill, 
ami  thereby  drive  llu  m  I'lnui  i'  i  support;  and  in 
every  way  they  endeavor  lo  disiriict  those  who 
believe  the  practice  constitiltiniial,  and  who  desire, 
III  good  I'liili,  In  coiillni'  appropriatioiw  to  legilj- 
male  objci  Is.  And  if  the  result  to  iheGovernmerit 
shall  be  even  worsf  tliiiii  is  foresliailnwi  d  in  their 
speeches,  iliey  niay  lake  more  tliiiii  nrdiimry  credit 
lo  llienisehes  for  nnviiig  lirinighl  it  about. 

If,  after  a  fair  l.'Sl  vote,  il  I  <  found  the  friends  of 
the  lueasiire  are  the  majority,  and  llie  iiiinorily 
would  permit  tlie  bill  to  lie  piil'ecied,  niucli  that  is 
coiii|ilanicd  of  would  be  excluded.  IIiil,  no;  lliey 
boldly  justify  II  resort  to  every  nrtilice  In  defeat 
the  bill,  whilst  we,  in  their  Mlfishly-prejiidired 
judgmenls,  arc  chargeable  with  corrupt  bargnin- 
ilig,  if,  upon  the  principle  nf  scli'-ilel'eiice,  or  self- 
preservation,  we  make  similar  ri  sorls  to  insure 
success.  It  would  be  far  better  for  all  conceriied 
if  a  dill'ereiit  course  was  pursued. 

The  auieiidmem  before  the  enmmillee  by  llie 
gentleman, also  I'rnni  Tennessee,  [.\lr.  CnoziKR,!  is 
for  aa  epproprialiou  to  cnniplele  the  caniil  around 
the  Muscle  Shoals  nii  the  Tennessee  river. 

We  are  iiifnrmed  ih.it  (^ougrcss  hcri'tol'ore  do- 
nated to  the  Siale  of  Alabama  four  Imiidred  llioii- 
saiid  acres  of  choice  land  to  prnviile  fur  coiistruet- 
iiig  this  canal;  thai  the  prncei'ils  nf  the  lands  liiivo 
bci  11  expended,  and  the  canal  is  iini  yet  liniidied. 
We  are  tnid  that  a  fintlicr  survey  ami  csiimate  are 
not  necessary  to  u  proper  nnderslaiKliiig  nf  this 
imprnvenieiit. 

This  aei  of  a  prior  Congress,  in  connexion  with 
the  fact  that  your  present  Chief  Magislrate  voted 
for  it,  (and  for  his  vnle  w;is  publicly  eulertaiiied  at 
the  festive  bniiril  by  ihi'  paiiimic citizens  nf  Hunls- 
ville,  as  we  are  told  by  a  friend  nf  his  on  this 
lliior,)  would,  if  I  had  no  oliier  knowledge  nf  the 
location,  be  satisfactory  evidciu'e  In  my  mind  that 
tlie  iindertaking  was  ni'  naliniial  Impnrlanee,  and 
tiiat  would  enlist  my  cnriliiil  support.  We  have 
heard,  in  trnlliful  aiiil  eliKpniil  language,  I'rnni  the 
mover  of  this  aiueiidmeiii  the  lulvmila'ges  likely  to 
result  to  the  penplr  of  tliegmif  i'c(/c!(  by  the  com- 
pletion nf  this  Work.  It  is  as  yet  a  broki'ii  link  in 
the  chain  wliich,  by  menus  of  railroails  through 
Georgia  and  Snnih'Caroliiia,  and  the  Tennessee 
river,  is  to  reach  from  the  .Mississippi  river  In  the 
Atlanlic. 

If  a  selfish  motive  was  permitted  to  influence  my 
action,  or  I  dared  In  iiiecl  my  eonslitueiicy\vitli 
such  a  reason,  ii  mostpiileiil  one  coiilil  be  assigned 
for  opposing  this  appropriaiinii.  For  the  last  two 
years  the  subject  nf  internal  iinprovcmeiit,  which 
has  mostly  engrossed  my  alicniioii,  is  the  construe- 
tinii  nf  a  railrnad  I'rniii  the  fall.'!  of  the  Ohio  to  iho 
Atlantic,  terniinaling  at  .Mexanilria,  in  the  District 
of  Colnnibia,  or  at  Uiiliiiiond,  Virginia — passing 
the  nearest  pracllcable  niiiie  over,  nr  through,  the 
mountains  of  both  Kcntiicljv  and  Virgini'i.  The 
advantages  of  the  road  would  be  alninsi  innumera- 
ble and  iinlimilcd. 

An  intelligent  and  respectable  citizen  nf  the  eity 
of  New  York  informs  me  lhal  the  New  ^'ork  and 
Erie  railrnad,  conipleled  less  than  sixty  miles,  hav- 
ing Its  terminus  upnn  the  I  luilsnn  river  twenty-.six 
miles  from theeity, which  interval  isplicdbysteam- 
boiits,  has,  nntwilhstanding  the  incnnvenleiiec  of 
changing  from  cars  to  boats,  proved  a  saving  of 
over  two  hundred  thinisand  dollars  mmually  to  the 
consumers  in  the  city  in  the  trilling,  yet  necess.iry, 
article  of  milk  alone.'  The  price  formerly  was  six 
to  seven  cents  per  cpiart;  the  siip[ily  by  this  new 
thnroughfare  has  reduced  it  to  tliiee  or  four  cents 
iier  tpiart;  and  all  other  products  of  the  farm  have 
been  reduced  in  nearly  the  like  proportion.  Nor 
is  tlic  benefit  eouliiied  lo  the  consumer;  the  present 
prices  give  the  producer  iieiir  the  satne  ratio  of 
profit,  as  is  the  decline  of  price  to  the  consumer. 
Such  are  the  ad  vantages  of  alVoriliiig  cheap  and 
ready  iransportaiioii. 

The  distress  nf  the  people  of  Louisville  for 
weeks  but  just  passed,  caused  by  the  obstruction 
to  Ihe  uavlgalioiifof  the  Ohio — which  occurs  more 
or  less  every  winter — Imperiously  demands  n  rem- 
edy for  an  evil  of  such  uiagniinde.  Coal  thatu.su- 
ally  sells  at  from  eight  lo  ten  cents  per  bushel,  rose 
to  forty-five  cents;  and  all  other  necessaries  were 
much  enhanced  in  price  In  consequence  of  tl-oso 
obstructions  to  the  customary  supplies.  The  phil- 
aiilhro)iic  heart  is  pained  at  sucli  contemplations, 
for  iiKces  that  the  toiling  poor,  who  should  be  the 


I'v'-  '8 
Ml 

r:.F'r 


'  I 


354 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Harbors  and  liivcrs — Air.  Thomasson. 


[Feb.  26, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


r 


first  olijcrls  of  proteclion,  hit  Uk^  ifrenlest  suirei-Pis. 
Like  ol'siructioiis  iii  the  Fotoiniic  pimluce  liki-  t'f- 
fiiiis  here. 

The  people  of  Konliicky  now  ure,  and  have  been 
fur  yeiiia,  payiim;  ii  Irilmtt^  of  i\h(int  half  a  inillioii 
of  (iollai-s  aiiiiiially  to  f-isli-r  Slates  on  Ihe  Ohio  river 
for  the  iieeessary  'rtieles  of  salt,  iron,  eoal,  and 
hiiniier,  uhil  :  onr  momitaina  eoiitain  inexhansii- 
ble  snpplies  if  earli,  of  e(|nal,  if  not  superior  ipial- 
ity,  nml  this  ioail  will  ena!>le  us  to  olituin  litem  at 
far  eheaper  ralo  than  ar<'  ,io\v  paiil.  Viri;inia, 
too,  if  1  am  eornetly  iiilorineil,  has  to  "hew  wood 
ftf.d  draw  waiei"  for  some  i>r  ner  iieiijhliors;  or, 
to  use  a.  more  appropriate  illnslration,  and  one 
worthy  its  disiiiii;uislied  aiithcn-,  she  |iermits  the 
water  of  her  rivers  "to  run  into  Ihe  sea,  haviii"; 
hardly  tonehed  a  water-wheel:"  whii-h  the  wortliy 
mitho'r  seems  jnslly  to  think  is  "a  ijreal  waste  of 
natural  wealth."  Sueh  a  road  woidd  enable  her  lo 
proeure  the  material  to  ov.i|ilov  her  almost  unlim- 
ited water-power,  whilst  her  iii;rh  lamls  and  lite 
grazinj;  lands  of  KeiUueky  wiaihi  ftiri\ish  meat  and 
bread  to  teed  her  laliiniiiir  Ihou.sands,  at  far  less 
priecs  than  are  now  paid.  The  imriiised  viilne  of 
real  estate  aloni;  llic  road  would  l-e  no  ineonsidera- 
ble  item  in  ihe  .State's  reveiuie;  lor  there  is  little 
donbl  that  the  price  of  land  v.'ouM  lie  etdianced  to 
nil  amonnt  e([ual  lo  the  eosl  oi"  the  road,  ll  is 
eoually  eerlain  that  the  full  cost  of  ihe  mad  wteiM 
he  saved  lo  the  e/nisuiners  el  eaeli  terminus  in  a 
few  vears,  in  <'heapenin^  the  )a-ii'e  of  neeessaiies, 
whilst  it  would  ;;i\e  a  .  iiiisid(ual'le  profu  'o  the  'u-o- 
dueers.  The  natural  wealth  embowelled  in  our 
mountains  w(nild  l'urni.--h  pri.ii.ibl.  eniploymeut  to 
icns  of  thmisauds,  whilst  the  promicta  of  their  la- 
bor wonlil  benefit  huudredsof  thousands,  by  elieap- 
enint;  the  artales  of  daily  eiuisiim|iliiin.  The  stoi'k 
in  Ihi.s  road  eould  not  tail  lo  be  i.rolilable.  The 
cstimaie  is,  ihal  four  hundred  ihmi.^and  perstuis  a.s- 
cend  and  descend  the  Oliio  river  amnially,  and  ex- 
(lerience  proves,  that  as  faeilities  increase,  so  does 
travelling:.  The  railroati  from  Lexini;l(m  lo  I'rank- 
fort,  owiud  by  Ki  mucky,  h  ss  than  twenty  miles 
by  Ihe  luLdi  I'o'ad,  is  renieil  I'o-  ^I'.IWl  |ic-r  year, 
nnd  tlie  lessees  rfali/e  a  handsome  proiit.  Tliis 
would  e(Uislitule  a  ]iart  of  the  ju'opo.sed  road.  IJe- 
fore  the  Kentucky  river  was  locked  aial  dammed, 
n  few  llat-lioats.  al  L'l'i  at  risk,  weri>  hurried  on:  du- 
riiiir  iVishels.  .Now,  althiaiLrli  the  v.mk  is  ciun- 
plete  only  a  few  mi!i  s  tiliove  Frankfort,  there  are 
two  daily  liius  of  siramboats  frnm  that  town,  (one 

10  Ciiieiiiiiau  and  one  to  Louisville,)  lhiitiri\e  |irol'- 
itnble  employment  to  t'cair  .steamer.-.  The  same  is 
equally  true  iif  IJreiMi  river,  v.  hi-li  has  e.lso  bem 
locked  anil  dammed.  Cineiiniati  owes  a  frreat  ptrr- 
ti  in  of  lu-r  wealth  and  commercial  importai.-  .'  to 
lier  canals,  extendiit;.:,  until  lauly,  but  a  limited 
distance  into  her  interior.  ■ 

If  such  results  attend  iiunrovinu'iits  so  limited, 
who  i^aii  r.,iculate  ilie  i"  uetus  iVian  iliis  iniiiro\{'- 
tuetit,  olVerio'z  au  tasv  .oal  ehi  ap  comnuniication 
for  Si\  lumdred  iiules,  ibrooirh  a  country  ineah-u- 
lably  rich  in  minerals,  and  over  a  soil,  pa' t  of  the 
distai!C( ,  etpial  lo  iMiy  known?  Is  'he  retention  of 
the  seat  of 'joverriae'it  in  this  District  a  (b'sirable 
object  -  This  rund  would  srciue  ii  lor  a  century, 
ifnoi  for  all  time  Income.  L.oek  to  the  jiresrut 
HIale  of  our  counlry  west.  If  Ohio  completes  her 
iiuprovemenls, MS autici paled,  in  less  tbau  Iwoyc  ars 
frnm  tlii."  time  the  Iimvi  lb  r  will  pass  from  the  Falls 
of  the  Ohio  up  to  fi'icinnati,  iluin'e  ihronirh  Ohio 
bv  r.ailri.ads,  and  -a,  roinid  by  the  city  of  >'ew 
York,  as  the  (piicKeyi  route  lo  WashinL'toii  ciiy. 

11  will  tiike  about  i  ixhty-four  hours  -i  make  ihe 
tri|i — il  now  tikes  one  hniidred  and  forty-fmr 
hours  by  way  of  Wlieeliier,  and  twemy-four  hours 
niore,iflhi  wan  r-ronte  by  Pit'  I  e  .inil  lin.vis- 
vilic  is  prefers  i!  I!y  the  prnpofed  r ',id,  the  jmir- 
ta  y  criohl  bi    male  in  fu'iy  boms,  at  a  moderate 

»pe,-ii. 

This  r.iad  would  mtike  Virt'inia  and  Kentucky 
what  iialure  de^iu'iad  them  to  be — aninn;;  the  IIi-hI 
States  in  the  l.^omn.  ll  would,  iiiiieed,  be  e.s  strong 
as  an  ron  band,  bindiu^r  'ozetiier  parent  ui.t]  etnlij. 
Il  wouhl  uive  Keniiii'jty  what  is  luiieh  wanted,  and 
what  she  must  and  wdl  have,  if  her  riiers  ari'  not 
improved  and  ki  pt  in  ;;ooil  order— an  outlet  for  her 
siirphu  products  ii|iou  tiie  Alluniio,  north  of  Cajie 
Florida. 

It  is  not  intriidnl  to  ask  the  aid  of  the  Generiil 
(iovirnnnnl  in  this  maynili.'enl  enterprise.  The 
eii'zi'ii.'i  of  the  two  Slates  have  the  anility  lo  ac- 


complish il.  And  notwithslaiidiiii;  I  feel  n  deep 
inlcresi  in  the  ju'oieet,  and  intend  lo  itri^e  the  iin- 
derlakiu;;,  yet,  altluniuii  aware  tlinl  possibly  the 
sonlherii  navii;,-.ble  roiiie  iiitiy  proilnee  rivalry,  iny 
support  shall  not  be  withheltl  on  the  present  oeca- 
ision;  for  the  proposed  work  is,  in  my  judgment, 
I  essentially  national  in  its  characier. 
I  The  attention  of  the  committee  is  now  moat  re- 
spei'tfnllv  invited  to  the  history  tind  uses  of  the 
Louisville  and  Portl'iiid  eaieil.  And  il  is  mnlter 
of  resrret  thai  =0  many  ireiiilemen  who  have  de- 
nounced this  work  are  absent,  for  it  was  lo  them 
particularly  1  iateuded  lo  arldress  myself.  .Tiistice 
IS  all  that  is  reiptireil,  and  a  iiatient  hearing  must 
insure  it.  Wi;  ask  for  two  thiiiL'-s:  first,  an  iii- 
ereased  ficility  t«i  pass  the  falls;  .second,  exonera- 
tion from  the  hea  y  taxes  paid  the  present  cnnal 
company  011  our  commerce.  1  cannot  believe  that 
Congress,  when  informed  of  the  Irne  slale  of  the 
case,  can  ivithhold  relief  in  some  shape.  I  am  not 
wedded  to  the  plan  in  this  bill:  and  if  another  less 
exceptionable  can  be  siiL'gested  that  will  ell'ect  the 
desired  ends,  it  will  nnet  my  eordiiil  support. 

While  rccollecled.  the  remarks  of  the  gentleman 
from  .■Vlabaiua  (iMr.  Pavvk]  will  he  noticed,  for 
they  were  ealculaled  to  rellect  upon  the  odicers  of 
the  I'aiial  conipanv. 

[Here  Mr.  T.  yielded  the  floor  to  Mr.  Pavnf,, 
who  staled,  thai  in  whal  he  had  said  it  was  not  his 
iiitentiini  lo  make  any  personal  reileclion  upon  the 
oiKcers  of  the  canal  eoni|i:niy.| 

Mr.  TiMMASsnv  resumed.  1  am  glad  lo  hear 
Ihe  explaualidu,  fir  these  ircntlenien  are  irreproach- 
able citizens.  They  are  aileniive,  eneru'etic,  mid 
obliiring.  For,  allhongh  complaints  lotul  and  gen- 
eral have  been  heard  airainst  the  oppressive  canal 
tax,  }'et  not  a  murinnr  of  complaint  has  been  heard 
as  to  the  maimer  in  w  hicli  the  canal  has  been  con- 
ducied.     IJiil  to  the  subject. 

On  the  tHiio  river  near  Louisville  there  is  n  fall 
of  about  tweiiiy-:ive  feet  in  the  distance  of  two"! 
miles.  It  is  caused  by  a  limestone  rock,  which  is 
exposed  at  low  water  f  uir-lil'tlis  of  the  dislance 
across  the  bed  of  liie  sirtaiu.  I'honirti  llie  water, 
when  low,  is  comjircssed  into  a  narrow  channel, 
there  is  not  then  a  snificient  depth  lo  pass  ■'  llal- 
iioal  with  ordinary  cargo;  hence  there  is  a  tolai 
siisftensitni  ot'navi'ration  Ihromrh  the  imlnial  ciiaii- 
liels.  Al  a  ineiiinm  sttu^e  oi'  water,  llat  and  small 
steamboats  descend,  bui  it  requires  a  irretiter  tleoth 
lor  summers  to  ascend.  The  ri.»e  on  the  falls  has 
beiai  "ver  lorty  feet;  so  great  a  lui_'ht,  however, 
is  niiusii.al. 

Till'  olisiriiciion  al  Ihese  fills  10  the  uavirntion 
of  mir  beaiiurul  river  atlrai'ied  piibla'  atii  niton  al 
an  i.-irly  period  of  our  seiilements.  'I'lie  first  ai- 
tenint  to  overcome  it  was  made  bv  our  friends  and 
neighbors  on  llie  Indiana  side.  I'liey  |irocnre(l  a 
charter  from  tliiir  Lcjislaiare.  A  sntlicieiicy  of 
stock  we.-  sabsciibed  looriraiiize  the  company,  and 
llicy  proceeded  to  w'rk.  Tin  re  is  10  this  d.iy  a 
laiiic  dike.  liar,  of  the  niifinislied  work,  adjoining 
till'  beaiitilal  town  of  Ji  Ifersonville,  which  will 
Ion::  remain  a  lui  iiiento  of  ibis  patriotic  ellbrt  of  a 
pnblii'spirited  tieople  to  ethel  an  object  t'ar  beyond 
lliiir  loeaiis.  t'nwilliiig  lo  relinqinsh  llie  hope  of 
liiciliiaiin:;  ihe  Iransportalion  nl  llie  falls,  they  pre- 
vail! d  iipciii  llieir  Lf '.'islalnrc  I"  authorize  the  con- 
struction of  a  railroad  from  .leili  rsonville,  above, 
lo  Aew  Albany,  In  luw.  Ihe  fills — a  distance  of 
iiboni  five  miles.  The  greater  |Kirt  of  the  road  was 
graded,  and  iiuich  work  was  dora'  iii  brid'.ring, 
when,  the  lueiins  UL'^ain  failing;,  the  road  was  aban- 
doned, and  il  is  now  ra[iidly  dilapidating. 

The  people  of  Keiiincky  were  not  iiisi'iisible  to 
Ihe  inaL'iiitudc  or  imporl.uice  of  the  subjeii.  In 
l^'J"i  11  charier  was  obiuiiid  from  llu  Legislature 
for  the  pre.,,  Ill  cnniiiany.  The  enpital  stock  was 
ori'_'inal!v  ^ritHl.lllHl;  it  was  increased  by  siibseqiiem 
nets  lo  'U ,(11111,111111.  So  national  was  ibis  work 
then  esteemed,  that  on  the  41I1  of.liiiie,  iH'i.'i,  the 
General  (iovei-  aieni  snbscniied  Slh(l,lllin,  'o  d 
a-ani  on  the  yd  .March,  |,->'.l,  >,i;t3,.''>l|n,  n.akiii- 
si'Ch.'ilHI  of  the  stock. 

i.  IS  nnneeessarv  '  unit  the  didicnllies  thai 
the  iiim|iauy  h;id  t  .iinier  in  the  eompleihiii 

of  their  liilerprise.  . .,,'  r  was  scarce  and  al  high 
prices;  ihe  11:1.1  riaiiily  of  sue.  1  ss  compelled  )iioin|  . 
payment  on  llie  pari  of  the  company;  iiiaiiy  sp.'.e 
o*'  ibe  nndertakinir  as  visionary — an  estravai  ail 
outlay  without  ,1  n  asonable  hope  of  adequate  re- 
turn.    The  company,  however,  persevered  under 


1  11  scries  of  diflicnllie.s,  which  were  of  years'  dura- 

i  twin,  and  completed  the  work.  It  has  |iroved  10 
bn  not  only  n  great  coiivenieuce,  but  ab.sidntely 
iieces.sary  to  the  improving  commerce  of  our  river. 
1  have  in  my  hand   the  last  anmial  report  of  the 

I  canal  company,  which  shows, that  for  the  l.ist  .seven 
years  there  have  been  paid  in  tolls  to  this  company 

,  upwards  of  Sl.'lD.DOO  inniitally.  This  is  a  (lireci 
lax  upon  the  eonimerce  of  the  Ohio  river.  Is  ibis 
justice.'  The  plain  practical  result  is,  that  i/oii,  Ihe 
(.'■  ral  llovmiiiinil,  la.r  Ihr  rmm.itrce.  of  Ihe  Ohio 
Krer  III  Ihr  eiUnt  nf  votir  share  of  the  illriilriufs  of 
'f.KtO.OdO  ;ifr;/('(/r,  auil  fiul  il  hilu  ijuiirhrcmini.lofot.- 
ler  Ihe  roiiimerec  of  other  seelions  of  the  eonfnierit  ij. 
1  einphatieally  repeat  the  (|iiestion,  Is  iliis' juslire  .' 
(A  Democralic  member  remarked,  "Von  an:  in 
the  wrong  crowd  for  justice.")  Tlie  r-eiitleman  ex- 
nresses  a  worse  opinion  of  himself  and  friends  than 

■  1  will  suffer  myself  to  enlerlain.  Il  cannot  be  be- 
lieved that  honorable  and  iiilel'igent  gentlemen, 
.sent  here  to  leixislale  for  the  whole  nation,  will  tol- 
erate this  crying  injnsliceand  oppression. 

After  the  (bneral  (bivernmeni  had  received  in 

I  cash  for  lolls  S'J."ifi.:i.')f<,  beini;  «*24,Hr)8  more  than 
she  udyanced  as  slock,  the  Legislature  of  Kenlncky 
nnthorized  the  canal  company  to  apply  all  dividends 

'  Iherentlcr  aecriiinar  to  the  (lurchnse  of  the  stock 
held  by  individuals.  Under  Ihe  opeiv.  ion  of  ihist 
act  the  Ciovernment  is,  in  fact,  at  ibis  day  ibo 
owner  of  i"),.'t.')H  shares  of  the  stock,  whilst  individ- 
uals own  only  .1,647  shares.  Since  gentleiueii 
have  learned  that  1  voted  for  this  act  of  the  Leiris- 
latnre,  the  question  li.is  been  repeatediv  asked, 
AVhenee  the  Riilluu-ity  to  pass  the  act  ■  SVe  i.iav 
have  followed  a  hii'li  example,  and  assumeil  Ihe  ir- 
sjtonsiliilihj.  80  far  as  iiidividitally  coiicenied,  llio 
eoufession  is  freely  made  by  me  that  there  lias  been 
no  lime  tipent  in  searching  for  that  which  was 
known  not  to  exist.     Hut  of  what  do  ','eiiileineii 

I  eompl.iin.'  That  we  have  withheld  the  dues  of  the 
Govermneiil  from  the  Ireasury,  wdiidi  has  been 
surfeited  during  the  whole  lime  with  asiir|>liig? 
.'Vdmitiiiig  the  charire,  we  answer,  vmir  money  hag 
been  put  to  use  ill  the  Iniiids  of  the  exchniujer,  and 
il  has  yielded  you  a  hundred  fold.  It  w  ill  enable 
yon  lo  do  an  act  of  justice  to  11  large  portion  of 
your  [leople.  If,  however,  justice  is  to  be  witb- 
iield,  iiive  orders  to  your  odiccr,  thai  his  maiiilate 
may  go  forth,  to  exact  the  principal  with  the  pen- 
alty. Let  the  Iribiile  lliiis  eXiicO'd  from  our  local 
commeriM'  be  ilnis  m:ide  manifest  to  llie  world,  and 
redress  will  be  inevitable.  If,  however,  the  citi- 
zens of  Kentucky  have  lo  pay  the  tribute,  il  would 
be  much  less  obnoxious  to  their  sense  ot' justice  to 
liave  III  p:iy  i'  to  the  individuals  who  subscribed 
the  slock  lo  ficilitiite  their  eonimerce  than  lo  ihn 
Ueneral  Crovernnient,  which,  after  being  refunded 
its  iidvance,  continues  its  exactions,  instead  of  af- 
fordinir  relii  f.  It  is  due,  howe\f  r,  to  the  execu- 
tive otiiecrs  of  llie  Cioveriiiiieni  hi'lierio  having 
charL'c  of  the  cnll.'ciion  of  tins  fund  to  say  thai" 
seeing  the  manifest  injustice  complained  of,  they 
have  iiermitted  our  net  of  leeislatioii  to  take  efl'eei. 
-And  I  feel  tb.at  il  is  not  out  of  place,  but  es.snitially 
proper,  to  tender  lliem  iny  thanks  for  their  eour.se 
towards  us. 

Many  impediments  are  thrown  in  the  way  of  de- 
liber.iteaciiiin  upon  this  snbjeci.  The  pnveedings 
of  a  meetiiiu:  of  citizens  of  ('inciniiali  have  been 
t\iriushed  to  members  of  Coieiress.  It  is  due  10 
Iriitli  and  jus'ice  to  sav,  that  from  iiiforuialiou, 
deemed  reliable,  from  dlH'erent  soitrei  s,  this  oli|ec- 
tioii  proceeds  from  ,'xenilciucii  who  baieeuterid  iiiio 
what  they  hoped  would  be  a  splendid  sperulation. 
(Ihe  pnichase  of  the  .1<  fr.rsonvilb  SpriiiL's  and  a 
larg"  tr.ici  of  laud  conti;:iMius  thereto.)  bin  wbi.  b, 
wiiliout  the  chance  nf  selling  ibe  riu'htofway  fora 
canal  and  coiisequi'itt  enhancement  ot'  price  bv  eon- 
struetiiiga  canal  ihroue'li  llie  .same,  will  result  in  a 
considerable  loss,  lie  Ibis  as  il  may,  we  wish  the 
obslriictidii  to  the  itavii'tite'i  removed.  If  you  are 
not  siitlieieiiily  iuriirund  by  siirvevs  and  reports 
alreaily  made,  cause  others  to  be  m;ule.  ,\aiure 
lias  gi\eii  IIS  HO  great  an  aihanlaire  over  our  iieiirh- 
bors.  thai  we  tear  no  exaniinalion  or  investigtition. 
On  ;lw  Kentucky  shore  the  banks  are  biw  com- 
pared with  tl.iise  I'll  llie  iippii-Jiie  side,  and  ihe  ex- 
eaialed  earth  will  be  .^ullicient  to  prolect  the  work 
iigtiiusl  inundations. 

(b  nilemeii,  bearing  lhi.s  slock  represented  as  of 
L'l-eai  vail  •,  have  inquired.  Why  is  il  that  tlieie 
Htocklioldera  ure  ho  anxious  lo  dispose  of  their 


ft    ? 


[Feb.  26, 
OF  Ukps. 

nf  years'  dnrn- 
hivs  pvDVcd  to 
lull  iili.siilMlcly 
re  of  our  river. 
1  report  .it"  the 
>r  tlielvst  seven 
(1  ihisconiimny 
I'his  is  a  (lireet 
)  river.     1h  tlii^* 
is,  lliiit  ynii,  Ihr 
me.  cf  llic  Ohio 
the  tliriileiiils  of 
rlmisimj.lnfm- 
'  lilt  ronj'rilrra'  ij. 
Is  lliis  justice;.' 
,  **  You  nre  iu 
letrentlemaii  ex- 
niiil  IViemIs  than 
It  eaniiol  he  he- 
;ent  sriMitlcmen, 
nation,  will  tol- 
essioii. 

hiiil  rereiveil  in 
1,H58  nicn-e  than 
ui'cot'Kenlni'Ky 
ply  all  iliviilenils 
ise  of  the  sloclf 
iper  inn  nf  this 
al  thi>:  (lay   the 
,  whil.-^l  iuiliviil- 
■linee   <jentlenien 
Kl  of  tlie  I,e<ris- 
'pealedlv  asked, 
■  ai-l  r     SVe  luay 
d  mmnnftl  the  rc' 
y  <-oni'<Tned,  the 
al  then'  lias  been 
thai   wliieh  was 
at  do  ';entlenien 
d  till'  dues  of  the 
whiih   has   Keen 
with  a  sm-phis? 
your  money  has 
e  exehanL'er,.'nul 
I.      It  will  etialile 
ilar;.'e  portion  of 
■e  is  to  he  with- 
Ihiii  his  nianclalB 
pal  with  the  peil- 
I  frnni  our  local 
the  world,  and 
wiver,  the  eili- 
iliule,  ii  would 
isi'  of  ju^lii-e  to 
ho  sulisenhi'd 
•e  than   to  llie 
heiii'j:  rel'in.ded 
sieail  of  af- 
,  to  till.'  exeril- 
li'herio   havinj; 
I   III  say  that, 
lained  of,  Ihey 
u  to  lake  illeil. 
.hut  essnuially 
s  for  llieir  eiuu'.se 


J  846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


355 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr,  Yancey. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


the  way  of  de- 
he  pro  eediuir-i 
lati  have  heen 
It  is  due  Id 
10  iiiroruiaiiou, 
VI  s,  tins  ohiee- 
nveeiilereil  into 
hd  speriilation, 

SpriuL's  and  a 
to.)  hill  whi'  h. 
iirhl  of  way  torn 
of  priee  hv  eon- 
,  will  result  in  a 
:iy,  we  wish  the 
id.  If  yon  are 
ys  ami  repoiis 
uiaile.  .Naliire 
over  our  nei'_'h- 
>r  iuvesii:;ation. 
H  ai'i'  low  c'oui- 
lile,  and  llie  e\- 
iriile.'t  llie  work 

repnseuled  as  of 

IS  it  thai   lh<"  !• 

dispose  of  their 


stock,  if  it  is  ns  profitahle  ns  represented.'  Were  ! 
we  to  exclude  the  idea  thai  the  owners  of  the  stock' 
may  he  influenced  hy  jintriolic  motives,  yet  there 
is  a  siirtinienl  reason  for  their  wishes  upon  the  .score 
of  individual  interest.  They,  as  well  as  the  com- 
tnnnity  at  larj^e,  Ijelieve  that  the  necessities  of  the 
country  require  other  or  enlarijed  iinprovemenl.s; 
ami  they  expect  this  Government,  true  to  its  inter- 
est, (alioiil  which  there  seeni.'4  to  he  some  douht,) 
will  iu  some  way  improve  the  uavii;ation  at  the 
falls;  and  thevare  unwilliutr  that  the  present  I'anal 
shall  he  firiud  to  compete  with  an  improvement  of 
the  Government.  But,  a.s  evidence  tlint  the  canal 
company  have  acted  with  kind  rcijard  to  the  pnhlic 
interest,  and  ns  matter  of  imjiorlance  connected 
with  the  subject  under  consiilcration,  I  desire  to 
plate,  that,  adjoining  the  canal,  there  has  heen  a 
dry-dock  constructed,  o'n  the  laud  owned  hy  the 
canal  company — such  n  dock  as  will  prohahly  cost 
von  half  a  million  of  dollara  at  j.ue  places;  the 
land  is  held  hy  lease,  in  which  lease  there  is  a 
elipiilation  that  the  Government,  hecomini;  the 
owner  of  the  canal,  shall  have  ihe  privilege  of  hny- 
iuii;  the  dry-dock  at  $5(1.000.  This  dock,  with 
))roper  niaiiasement,  would  produce  a  lart^e  portion 
of  what  would  he  required  to  keep  the  canal  iu  or- 
der. It  is  thoUL'hl  advisable  that  the  Government 
should  own  it  with  the  canal. 

Geiitlenicn  need  not  hope  that  rejcctinj;  our 
application  will  free  them  fi'fun  iuiportnnitics. 
Our  necessities  and  jusi  demands  will  he  defeated 
hut  to  he  renewed;  we  will  continue  to  speak  of 
justice  in  your  hearin;  until  inir  wants  are  minis- 
tered uulo  and  our  ij^rievances  redressed.  Thi.s  tax 
upon  our  cniniuerce  is  wnnm-,  and  should  not  he 
tolerali'd.  We  \\ish  this  canal  to  heloni?  to  the 
Goverhinent,and  then  to  be  enlarired  and  improved 
with  an  aildilional  set  of  locks  of  .sullicient  dimen- 
pioiis  to  ailniit  any  sized  steamer  used  upon  our 
waters;  with  no  more  toll  than  will  keep  it  iu  re- 
pair. This  much  is  due  to  us;  less  will  be  a  re- 
flection upon  the  Government. 

I  am  fi'er|uently  a'kcd,  why  this  ircat  imporlu- 
nilv,  when,  under  the  operation  of  llie  act  of  the 
Lefislaiiiie  of  Kentucky,  the  stock  owned  liy  in- 
ilividuals  will  have  been  acquired  hy  the  Govcrii- 
ment  in  five  or  six  years?  Do  OTiitleinen  reliect.- 
Whal  diilerence  is  it  to  our  comnieree  whether  this 
tax  i^'  paid  to  individuals  or  to  thi"  Government.'  If 
it  will  be  just  for  the  tiovernmeni  lo  j^i-iint  our  re- 
quests, then  is  it  no  less  jnslice  that  it  should  be 
done  now.  No,  sir;  now  is  the  accepted  lime — 
"hope  deferred  makes  the  heart  sick." 

It  has  heen  siii^ested  that  a  dam  across  the  river, 
with  locks  al  each  eiiil,  would  he  the  most  desirable 
improvement.  This  was  my  lavorile  plan  until 
Captain  Crain  made  his  report  on  the  subject. 
UiHyin:;  ur.on  his  superior  jndsiinent  and  expe- 
rience, such  an  improvement  was  lostsi^dit  ol  until 
lately,  when,  troni  several  sources,  and  especially 
from  a  |iriiitvd  slateineni  of  Major  W.  II.  Morell, 
in  whose  jnilgment,  formed  upon  Ioul;  experience, 
there  should  be  preal  confideiiee,  I  am  induced  to 
believe  it  would  not  aflect  our  harbors  or  ilie  health 
of  the  city.  If  those  twof  ssentiahsare  iinl  jeopard- 
ized, llieh  'he  dam  and  locks  are  n;;ain  favorites 
with  me.  • 

My  zeal  upon  tins  sniijectiloes  not  proceed  tVom 
any  individual  or  local  iu'ierest.  I  donot.  nru'iloes 
any  rehiiive  of  iniiie,  mvn  stock  iu  the  Louisville 
and  I'oriland  Canal  eompanv;  inilcid,  Ihcre  is  but 
little  of  ii  owned  111  Kentucky.  About  two  years 
Hs;o,  I  was  fiii'iiished  wiili  the  list  now  hefrre  me, 
shnwiu^-  where  the  stock  was  llun  owned.  I  |ire- 
suine  it  is  held  by  the  same  persons,  except  what 
has  heen  luuiLrht  iu  for  the  General  Government. 
There  is  a  L;rcal  diversity  of  opinion  at  Louisville 
as  to  Ihe  ailvantau'c  of  ihe  canal  so  far  as  the  iuti  r- 
esl  of  the  city  is  concerned.  A  l.n'ire  poriicm  of 
the  producis  o'f  Kentucky,  and  I'ven  of  my  district, 
reaches  tin-  river  al  and  below  Portland,  and  is  not 
Kubjeci  to  the  canal  tax. 

The  ciii'/.cns  of  southern  Oiiio,  wcstrrn  New 
^ork,  western  .'"ennsylvania,  and  western  Vir- 
ginia, are  as  imineiliately  inleresicd  iu  this  iiu- 
provenient  a.^  any  norlion  of  my  Stale. 

The  remarks  'ot  the  ireinlcinan  from  Alabama 
|Mr.  I'.WN'KJ  clese.  e  a  iioiiie.  lie  eiinnieratcd 
the  rivers  in  his  .-^uin.;  i„ul  then,  to  show  thai  his 
o|iposuioii  to  this  bill  w,.s  disinleresicd,  he  said 
that  nothiu','  was  asked  for  their  improvement. 
Why,  111  myState  there  is  the  Keuiuckv,thcGreen 


with  its  trihutnrics,  the  Salt,  and  the  Lickin;;  riv- 
ers, with  olhers  of  le.ss  note;  not  one  of  which 
are  appropriations  asked  lor  or  expected.  Look 
throui^h  the  Slates  of  Illinois,  ludiiiiia,  and  Ohio, 
at  the  many  navi[^tiblc  streams  of  equal  I'ommcr-  ' 
cial  importance  lo  any  inenlioiuil  by  the  ireulle- 
men;  and  yet  because  they  lie  within  the  .'ilales  ; 
respectively,  no  appropriation  is  proposed  for  them. 

'The  indehtcdnesa  of  the  Stall's,  occasioned  hy  | 
makiii!?  internal  impruvtments,  has  been  animail- 
verledupim  with  much  severity.  I  willansweronly 
for  my  own  Stale.  .Mlhnu^h  a  iiortion  of  the  money 
borrowed  for  internal  improvements  has  doubtless 
been  improvidently  expended,  Kentucky  could  not 
now  take  hack  the  money  with  inlcrest,  and  do 
without  the  iinprovements;  for,  were  she  to  recon- 
slriict  them,  she  would  still  he  the  loser  hy  the 
chei'k  lierinlernal  trade  would  sustain  whilst  the 
improvements  were  heins;  made.  Uni  even  if  some 
of  the  money  was  wasted,  is  the  State,  on  the 
whole,  a  loser  or  a  irainer  hy  her  iinprovements? 
Suppose  her  income  from  these  invitslments  falls 
short  of  the  ordinary  rales  of  inn  lesi,  is  not  ihc 
did'erence,  nay  three  times  the  dili'eience,  made 
ffood  to  her  treasury  hy  the  eulianceuient  of  pro]>- 
erty  subject  lo  her  taxation,  and  hy  the  ausmenla- 
lion  of  her  commerce  •  ■'  properly,  which  furnish 
the  main  s')urces  of  h' .•  Ili  oine  ? 

It  will  not  he  out  of  place  to  mention  the  su^;- 
Sjestions  which  have  been  made,  no  doubt  in  ;:rond 
faith  and  with  generous  iuleni.  One  is,  lo  i;ive 
the  entire  interest  of  llie  CTOvenimenI  in  the  Louis* 
ville  and  Piu'llaud  caii.d  to  the  Siale  nf  Kentucky. 
To  this  propnsilion,  as  a  .itizen  of  Kentucky,  and 
one  of  her  Itepieseiilaiivcs  on  ihis  llnor,  I  have 
and  do  enter  my  :  oleinii  protest:  not  ilial  the  pat- 
riotism of  the  Lei^islatui'e  of  the  State  is  distrusted, 
hut  because  the  work  is  essentiallv  iialional,  and 
should  be  under  the  immediate  control  and  super- 
vision of  the  Giiieral  Governnienl.  If,  however, 
Ihe  Governinent  shall  deteruhiie  (as  has  been  suff- 
ircsted  it  w'ill)  tn  dissitlveall  connexion  with  incor- 
porated companies,  it  may  then  become  my  duty 
not  only  to  accede  to  the  proposition,  hut  lo  iii'ce 
its  consuimnatiou  as  a  choice  of  evils.  Ihit  let  it 
be  recollected  that  such  a  course  is  declared  unjust 
towards  the  citizens  of  other  States  havina;  as  great 
an  interest  in  this  navii::ation  as  we  have. 

Another  siujijesiion  is,  that  we  of  the  AVest  shall 
name  a  sum  deemed  ample  lo  iin])rove  our  rivers, 
and  that  (.'oii;.rress  shall  by  law  authorize  ils  pay- 
ment as  the  work  pi'o<^resses,  and  when  expended, 
no  I'urlher  appropriation  to  be  a.'-ked  or  i^ivr'ti.  For 
one,  I  have  no  auihorily  to  listen  lo  such  terms; 
and  if  1  had,  theotfir  of  millions,  or  hundreds  of 
millions,  would  not  tempi  nie  to  close  the  con- 
tract. It  was  but  a  short  time  since  one  of  our 
most  experienced  eniiineers,  whilst  a.sceiulini;  the 
t^hio  river.  rcii:arked  that  iu  loss  than  fifty  years, 
twenty  millions  of  dollars  would  br-  ex|ieiKieiI  on 
ihat  river;  dial  lime  was  a  siilHcii'ut  volume  of 
water,  with  proper  dams  and  locks,  to  all'ord  an 
e;isy  passai;e  tor  the  lari^t^st  class  of  sleamhoats  at  ; 
all  seasons  nf  the  ye.cr;  and  the  necessities  of  ihe  i 
country  would  insure  the  completion  ol'tlie  work.  \ 
It  is  best  to  leave  to  those  who  .'■hall  shortly  take 
our  places,  the  nnreslricted  privilesre  of  judiin:; 
and  actin;;  t'or  themselves,  with  an  ardent  hope 
that  their  w;mis  may  receive  a  more  attentive  hear- 
in;^  and  ready  help  ill. in  we  are  likely  to  receive. 

.\eillier  my  oxperii  nee  or  situation  m  lite  o;ive  me 
the  riijlit  to  oll'cr  advice;  but  I  beir,  in  all  kindness, 
lo  suii'^est  lo  tIieUepre--'culati\esof  the  irlorions  uld 
ihii'leen  States,  that  the  lime  will  shortly  come — 
yea,  it  is  no  further  otVtlian  IH.VI — when  our  bre- 
thren will  c.ime  across  from  ihe  valhy  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi in  such  uiiniliers  as  to  eouirnf  the  destinies 
.if  Ihis  naliiui;  and  it  were  heller  then  lo  have  no 
open  iiccouiii  to  sciile.  Not  bill  that  llieir  mai^- 
nanimily  will  restrain  tliein  within  the  riirhtfnl 
exercise  of  power:  but,  there  should  exist  no  just 
cause  foi  ils  inqicrions  excrci.se. 

M.U'k  the  events  of  the  times.     If  a  vessel  is  east  I 
away  at  .sea,  and  lives  are  lost,  there  are  lamenta- 
tiiins  thron'rhout  the  land;  your  Ciovernment  ves- 
sels, rei^ardless  of  expense,  are   immeditilely  de-  . 
spatched,  oil  the  chance  of  all'irdiiiir  relief.    This  is 
tint  ri  t'eired  lo  in  ihe  snirii  ot' coin  plaint — far  other- 
wise: it  is  commendable;  it  hi  spejiks  :i  Christian 
people.     Hut  mark  the  coiilrast.     We  hearalmost  | 
weekly  of  Ihe  deslniclion  of  thousands  iu  proper-  ' 
ty,  and  ofthedeaili  of  .scores  who  find  an  untimely 


and  watery  grave,  because  of  the  obstruction  to 
imvisation  on  our  western  waters.  And  lair  hearts 
seem  to  be  hardened  by  llie  frequency  of  such  dis- 
asters. Do  (L^entleinen  feel  that  their  consciences 
arc  easy?  Have  they  examined  their  '.rarmeuls 
Ihal  they  are  uii."lnini'd  with  the  blood  of  their 
fellow-citizens,  who  are  thus  unmercifully  sacri- 
ficed by  our  .supinencss  ami  iiiatteulioii  lo  mirduty 
and  their  ri2;lits  and  merits? 

Alilioimh  the  pros|)et;t  is  2:Ioomv,  I  still  hope  a 
i;ood  result  to  crown  our  cH'orls.  As  the  friends 
of  internal  impi'ovciiieiK,  let  ns  lurree  to  make  no 
appropriaiiioi  bevond  the  probable  surplus  for  the 
current  fiscal  year,  and  only  upon  surveys  nutl 
eslimates,  or  oilier  reliable  iuformniion,  from  the 
proper  source  acliu'j:  under  auihorily  of  the  Gov- 
ernnienl, and  ihen  only  for  onjects  of  national 
import.ince.  And  if,  after  all  our  exertions,  we 
are  ilefeated,  let  us  ix\n\  up  our  loins  to  renew  the 
conflict,  rcmembcriii^-  there  is  iu  store  for  us  the 
toil-compensalini^  recompen.se  (rendered  more  cor- 
dial hy  success)  of  "  well  done  goad  and  faithful 
servaiil." 

t'lom  the  Twenty-First  Annual  Hcport  of  the 
Presideiil  and  Directors  of  the  Lmiisvilie  and  Port- 
land Cam.!  Company,  it  aiipears  the  tolls  received 
amoimte''-- 


Iu   IKil, 

upon  -r,:.m 

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to 

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,;")0(),.'JOi''  34 

Individual  stockholders  own  hut  4,647  shares, 
whilst  the  Governnienl  owns  5,353. 


The  iniliviilnals  owiiimr  slock  in  the  Louisville 
and  Portland  Canal,  in  |S|4,  resided  iu  thet'ollow- 
iu:.'  places,  and  owned  liie  number  of  shares  allixed 
to  their  places  of  residence,  viz: 

In  L'nrsvill.  ,  Kentucky 157  shares. 

New  Orlciois H       " 

St:ite  of  Ohio 144      " 

Connecticut ;>7      " 

Portsnioutli,  New  Ilainpshire.. .  (i3(i      " 

St.  Louis,  Missouri 5fi5      " 

New  York 449      " 

Philadelphia 4U(i4      " 


HARHORS  AND  RIVERS. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  W.  L.  YANCEY, 

01-'    AL.\riAMA, 

h;  Tin;  llnrsi',  of  Rei-rksext  itivks, 

Mtiirh  10,  184G. 

The  House  beiiis;  >"  Cmnmillee  of  the  Whole  on 

the  stale  of  the  Union  on  Ihe  bill  ni.ikin;;  appro- 

pri.itioiis  fir  cerlain  Harbors  and  Rivers — 

Mr.  VANCEY  addressed  the  cinumittee  ns  fol- 
lows: 

Mr.  Cti.MiiM.w:  The  principles  involved  in  this 
bill  have  ever  met  with  sireuuoiis  opposition  (Vom 
the  Republican  party.  From  the  days  of  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson uiilil  now,  whenever  asserted  they  have 
been  eomhalted.  No  subject  of  h'l^islaiicui  has 
ever  called  forth  so  ot'ten  the  Execitli\'i'  veto;  and 
for  the  reason,  Ihat  owiiiL'  to  the  innnerous  pecu- 
niary baits  held  out  in  such  bills,  llicy  have  been 
able,  like  a  rollins;  snowball  which  iratliers  up  in 
an  incoierriious  mass  even  llie  dirt  over  which  it 
passes,  to  streu'.'then  iheni-ielves  hy  support  from 
all  secti.uis,  bleiidiniT  the  IcriiJiniiie  and  illeiriti- 
niale  sullicicntly  lo  pass  themselves  to  the  Execu- 
tive, with  whom  such  considen, lions  li.ave  less 
wei:rhl,  and  there  to  meel  with  their  quietus. 

I  shall  not  eniei-  u;  Icnpth  into  the  constitutional 


m 


m 


m 


-'•ji 

,;>'! 


'm 


^KBtmimm 


imp 


356 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[March  10, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  yancey. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


fc, 


nr^'iiiiif  lit,  sn  well  siislniiinl  liy  my  cnllrn'tiie,  nnd 
by  my  tVioiuH  IVoin  South  Cnri^lina  ;m(I  Teiinoaarr. 
In  lliiii  nrijninrMt   ihfy  hnve  such    incti   to  coiiiitc-    [ 
niini'i'  llirni  :is  Jrlli  rsnii,  Mndisnn,  Mor.iiiic,  Jack-    ' 
son.  Villi  Hnreii,  iiml  Wnsidont  Polk.  i 

Hnl  tho  s^ciitlt'mnn  fVoni  liujiann — with  ft  hold-  | 
nf  «s  |iprnlinr  to  him;  inut  with  a  want  of  iTvrreiioe  | 
for  ihi'  hallowed  iianips  of  the  jinst,  I  may  say  ne-  I 
ciiIkii'  to  liim,  loo. — plarrs  this  power  under  that  j 
"  lo  (Ipclare  war,"  to  '•  raise  ami  siip])ort  armies,"  | 
mid  to  "  ri".;ulati'  eomnu'rcc  with  foreign  nations  I 
and  anion;;  the  State.'^."  I 

Sir,  Mr.  Madison,  in  tlie  41si  number  of  the  i 
I'l'deralisl,  denoiiiinalcs  this  reasoiiinsr  liy  iniplii-a-  I 
tion,  liy  whirh  jiowir  lo  do  everythin;;  is  thus  de-  1 
dui't'd  from  an  I'lmnieralion  of  .specific  powers,  as  \ 
an  "  ahsurdity."     I  read  tVoiii  that  mimlier: 

"  It  has  heen  nririd  and  eihocd,  llial  the  power  '• 
'  '  to  lay  and  collect  lays,  duties,  imposts,  and    j 

*  ex  'iscs.  to  pav  I'lic  dclils  and  provide  lor  the  com- 

*  nion  defence  and  jjenera!  welfare  of  the  riiitcil 

*  Slates,' amounts  to  an  unliniilcd   commission  to    | 

*  excr-'ise  every  pou-er  which  may  he   aliei;ed  lo    j 

*  be  necessary  tor  the  common  defenee  or  ireneral 

*  welf'are.     No  stronger  proof  could  be  «riven  of 

*  the  distress  under  which  these  writers  labor  for 
•objections,  than  their  .stooping  to  such  miseon- 

*  siniciion." 

"  Had  no  other  enumeration  or  definilion  of  the    i 

*  powers  of  the  (.'"iii^ress  been  found  in  theConsli- 
'  tution  than  the  ^'iiieral  expressions  just  cited, the 
'  authors  of  tlie  objection  nULrlit  have  hail  some 
'  color  for  it,  llioiicii  ii  would  have  been  diHiciill  to 

*  Inid  a  reason  for  so  awkward  a  form  of  de.scrihiiic: 
'  an  nuihority  to  Ic^'islate  in  all  jiossibli'  ca.ses.  .'V 
'  power  lodestrov  the  t'leedom  of  the  press,  ihetriid 
'  liyjnrv,  or  even  to  regulate  tlie  course  of  de.sceiifs, 

*  or  the  forms  of  conveyance  s,  must  be  very  siiiiru- 
'  larly  expressed  by  the  terms  '  lo  raise  money  lor 

*  the  general  wt  'fare.' 

"  Hut  what  color  can  the  objection  have,  when  a 
'  specification  "f  the  objects  alluded  to  by  the  u'eii- 
'  eral  terms  immedialely  follows,  and  is  not  even  se- 
'  jiaruted  by  a  lonu'cr  pause  than  ;i  semicolon?" 

.Sucli  are  the  sound  common-sense  views  of  one 
of  the  most  illustrious  of  the  framers  of  the  (,'on- 
ptiliitioii.  lie  denouni'i's  "  the  idea  of  an  eniimera- 
'  lion  of  particulars  whii'li  iicitln  r  explain  nor(|iial- 
'  ify  the   ^leneral  incaniiiL:,  and  can  h.ive  no  othe 

*  etVect  than  to  coiitbund  or  mislead,  as  an  ahsnnl- 
'  ity,  whii  h,  as  we  are  rediiecd  to  the   dilemma  of 

*  charirin::  either  on  the  authois  of  the  objections, 
'oronihe  authors  of  the  Consiitiiiion,  we  must 
'  take  the  liberty  of  supposing  had  not  its  origin 
'  Willi  the  latur. 

We  thus  see  th.it  this  system  nf  reasonimj  by 
itnplicaiioti  washi  Id  up,  whilethe  Constitntion  was 
nniliraoiiiir  llie  ordeal  of  ratificaiioii  by  the  several 
Slates,  as  '*  Oil  (Wi.seri/i/i*,"  and  that  the  aiilhors  of 
it,  who  make  the  power  to  "  lay  and  colhct  taxes, 
'  imposts,  and  excises,  to  pay  liie  deliis  and   pro- 

*  vide'  lor  the  conmion  defence  and  ijeneral  wellare 
of  the  I'nited  Slates,"  iiichid"  lar:'e  grains  of  powei 
not  expressed,  are  spoken  of  aa  "  sloojiini.;  to  such 
misconstructions." 

The  above  clause  in  tht:  Constituiion  is  the  one 
under  which  the  ^'i:itlenian  from   Keiitueky,  who 
reported  this  bill,  (.Mr.  'I'innATT"i,]  claims  power    ; 
for  tlii.s  fiovernment  to  carry  mi  works  of  iniernal 
im|>rovemeiit    That  I'lause  clearly  specifies  a  power    , 
to  collect  taxes.     The  siicceediinr  articli  s  all  i,'ive 
the  oijects  for  which  the  taxes  may  lie  raised — 
some  fourteen,  I  lielicM,  in  number— bill  i,ot  one 
even  hints  at  a  power  to  colled  taxi  s  for  imrposes 
of  internal  iin|irovement.     These  siicceeilini;  arli- 
cle.',   .Mr.  Madison  says,  are  all  "  .^/Kci/icidmn  of  ! 
the  (ihjrcif  iilluiltil  lo  by  llnwe  ^'eiieral  lerius."     If  ! 
BO,  (and  who  here  ran  ;;aiiisay  the  venerable  and 
ilhisirious   autliority  of  one   who  had  a  liand    in    : 
framing:  the  (/oiistittitioii  •)  and  y"U  find  no  specifi- 
cation conveyii;;.'  power  to  col|e,|  taxe.s  for  emu-    ■ 
nieiiciiii;  and  cariyintr  on  a  general  sysiem  of  inn  r- 
nal  improvemi  111,  have  we  a  rii.'ht  lo  mierpolale  one 
by  that  implicniinii  mode  of  reasoninir,  which  Mad- 
ison denounced  an  "an  absurdity  .-"     Certainly, 
its  exclusion  under  such   circmnstaneeN,  by  every    i 
rule  of  let;al   and   coimlilulional   coiiHlruciioii,  ih 
conclusive  ai;aiii«t  it.  ,| 

I  will  refer  au'ain  to  the  positions  assumed  by  the  ' 
KnitlMnan  from  Indiana,  (Mr.  I'liTrn.)    He  ei'aims 
this  bill  to  be  framed  under  n  !.'niiit  iin|>hed  under 
llie  power  to  "  dci'Iare  war.' 


Wiiat  is  the  jiower  to  ileelare  war?  la  it  com- 
plicated ?  Is  a  road  or  liarbor  necessary  to  its  ex- 
ercise }  liy  no  means,  (hi  the  contrary,  that  j;en- 
ttcman  and  liis  compeers  in  Icijislaiion  have  already 
given  us  a  sample,  in  debate  nt  least,  of  the  ex- 
treme simplicity  of  the  opernlion,  in  wliieb  neither 
ships,  men,  nor  money  were  deemed  at  all  neces- 
sary to  be  considered  in  enteriiiij  upon  such  a  grave 
mailer  as  11  war.  We  e  the  framers  of  the  Consti- 
tution driven  to  such  desperate  sliills  as  to  leave  a 
siihjeet  of  sucli  vast  tna'.;iiitnde,  involviiiij  taxa- 
tion to  an  almost  unliiuitcd  exleiil,tobe  implied 
by  so  forced  an  im|ilication  from  such  iiisullicienl 
grounds?  Why,  sir,  one  would  siip|io.se  thai,  un- 
der the  power  to  declare  war,  the  lust  and  most 
natural  implication  would  be  a  power  lo  "raise 
and  support  arinit  s,"  ant)  to  "provide  and  main- 
tain a  navy."  lint  were  those  powers  leO  lo  im- 
|ilicalioii .-  No;  for  lliey  arc  expressly  ^iveii;  and 
if  the  eonvention  did  not  choose  lo  leave  even  pow- 
ers so  iinttiraliy  lo  be  deduced  from  the  power  to 
"  declare  war''  to  be  implied,  how  can  any  one  so 
far  .itraiii  the  point  as  lo  imply  under  it  so  entirely 
exiraneoiisa  power  as  that  of  piin'liasiiii;  a  canal, 
or  iniproMiiiC  a  river,  or  liariior .'  Indeed,  the  gen- 
tleman must  have  been  "  in  dislres.s,"  as  .Mr.  ,Mad- 
i.soii  has  well  observed,  to  "  sloop  to  such  iniscun- 
sirticlioii.'' 

Unt  he  claims  it  under  the  power  "  to  raise  and 
support  arinies.''  Is  this  a  necessary  power  to 
carry  out  thai  uraiil  .■ — for  I  believe  you  can  only 
imply  what  is  nee  es.sary  to  eiiahlet.'onuress  lo  carry 
out  a  specified  power. 

Is  it  necessary  in  this  ease?  Cim  voti  not  raise 
ineii  for  your  armies  without  reference  lo  a  posver 
lo  dii;  <;aiials  or  improve  a  river?  !  think  thai  ex- 
perience has  shown  ihat  voii  niav.  .\  recniitinn: 
ollicer  has  not  yet,  1  beliexr,  found  i'  nei'essary  to 
emit  e  ciii/tns  lo  enlist  to  inlbrm  iheni  ol'  otir  sys- 
tem of  internal  iniprovcnii  in.  We  have  ^one 
tliron^h  three  wars  ynccessfnllv,  (if  I  may  denom- 
inate our  brush  with  Kraiicea  war.)  belbre  the  sys- 
tem had  been  acuil  iijuni,  m-  coiicei\ed  even,  to  the 
extent  lo  which  il  is  now  pushed.  Our  fon  ii^n 
conimerce  and  internal  taxalioii  have  borne  tiie 
burden  of  them.  The  only  powers  which  are 
clearly  deducible  fioiii  this  power,  are  such  n.^  the 
riirhl  to  pay  the  soldiers — lo  oiler  boioiiies  I'or  en- 
lisimems — pensions  as  iudnecnicnis  lo.  and  com- 
|M'iisalion  t'or,  acis  of  heroic  ilarinii; — to  build  armo- 
ries, l'orls,i'i:c. 

Driven  from  this  point,  however,  the  irenllemnii 
from  Indiana  llns  lo  anoiher  Ibr  refime,  and  sliel- 
ters  Ins  bantiinii  niiiler  tin'  power  "  to  rei.oilale 
conimerce  with  foreign  naiionN  anil  amoiiLr  tht^ 
several  Slates,"  Ac.  The  ixeiieral  ariiiimeiil  1  have 
iirt'cd  will  apply  to  this  position  also;  Inil  as  weight 
of  anlhority  may  have  more  wei'^-hl  with  the  geii- 
tlenian  than  even  irrefutable  aiirumenl.  I  willa<;ain 
read  from  tin.'  4'id  Mo.  of  the  I'ederalist,  by  .\lr. 
Madison; 

"The  second  class   of  powers    loih^eil    in    the 

*  (ieiteral  Goverimieni  consists  of  those  which  re^- 
'  iil;ile   the    intercourse    with   fore'iuii    nations — to 

*  wit:  to  make  treaties,  to  send  and  renive  iiinlias- 

*  aadois,    oilier  public  niimsiers,  and  ctnisnls;  to 

*  deliiie  and  punish  piracies  and  felomes  eonmiil- 

*  ted  on  the  hii,'h  seas,  and  olfcnces  auainst  the 
'laws  of  nations;  to  reii-iilate  (brei:;ii  coimiurce, 
'  incliuliii;.'  a  power  lo  proliioil,  after  the  year  If  In, 

*  the  imporUition  of  slaves." 

Von  liiid  in  the  above  list  of  speci  Ileal  ions,  which 
are  so  naturally  inferred  aiidileibiced  l)-n\u  ihc  pow- 
er lo   re:,'iilal oiuiKri'e  with  foreiicn  naiiinis,  no 

power  to  build  harbors,  or  iW'Z  canals,  or  leii;;lheii 
rivers  for  the  beiielil  of  tbreiirn  conaiierce.  It 
only  prescribes  a  power  lo  re'j-iilaic  ihe  m.-mner  in 
which  our  intercourse  wi'h  villier  nations  should  be 
condncted. 

-Now,  .sir,  what  is  it  "  to  reKulalc?"  I'lie  would 
suppose  that  ueiiileiiMii  who  claim  iimler  this 
:;r;iiii  the  I  ovvf  r  lo  (li'r  a  <inial  or  nialo  a  harbor, 
in  Older  lo  ailvaii'-e  and  aid  einiimerci',  believe  the 
nieannn/  of  **  rei^iilale"  i.s  lo  "  rfrii(f  " — to  -.rcia'rale 
— lo  piodiiee.  Webster,  however,  says  lliiil  it  is 
"  loailinst  by  rule;"  lo  "snhjei-t  to  rules  or  reslric.- 
tioiis,  as  to  re^'iilale  trade;"  and  Mr.  Madison  so 
understood  the  word. 

As  to  what  that  other  brancli  of  this  clause 
means,  which  u'ivcs  Ciiii;;ress  power  to  reiiiilali-' 
iMiimnerce  "  iimoii!;  the  Keveral  .Slati  s,"  the  same 
auilioriiv  says: 


1 1  "  Under  this  head  may  be  included  llie  parlicu- 
'  lar  restraints  impn.sed  on  the  authority  of  the 
'  States,  nnd  cert;\in  powers  of  the  judicial  deparl- 

I    'ment,"(!tc. 

"The  defect  of  the  power  in  the  existing  ron- 

i' '  f'.'derncy  lo  ret^ulate  tlie  commerce  between  its 
'  several  members  is  in  the  number  of  those  which 

I  '  have  been  clearly  jioinled  out  liy  experience.  »  • 
'  A  very  mnierinl  object  of  this  power  was  the 
'  relief  of  the   States  which   import   and   export 

il  '  throufjh  oihi'r  Suites  from  the  improper  contribu- 
'  '  lions  levied  on  them  by  the  latter." 

This  is  the  sole  view  jioiated  out  by  the  dislin- 
Snished  commenlalm-.  It  was  the  sole  reason  for 
llie  iiLserlioii  of  the  power;  experience  of  the  kind 
having  proved  its  want  in  the  articles  of  Coiifed- 
erntion. 

1  will  briefly  urge  another  view  of  this  subject. 
The  friends  of  this  bill  eonlend  that  Cimeress  has 
the  power  to  purchase  a  canal  within  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  one  of  the  Stales,  and  to  exercise  exclusive 
jurisdiction  over  il.  AmouL-  the  .specilied  powers 
liiven  to  ('onj^ess  is  onii  to  make  I'ertain  purchases 
and  to  extend  the  Federal  conirol  over  them.  It 
is  the  followin;;: 

"  To  exercise  exclusive  legislation   in  all  cases 

,  '  whatsoever  over  such  district  (not  exceeding  ten 

*  miles  square)  as  may.  bv  cession  of  (varliciilar 
•States,  and  the  acceptance  hv  (^>ngress,  become 
'  the  seat  of  covcriiment  of  ihe  I'niled  Stales,  and 
'  toexercise  like  anthorilv  over  all  places  purchased 

*  by  the  consent  of  the  Legislature  of  the  State  in 
'  which  the  same  shall  be,  for  the  creciion  of  forts, 

*  mag.vzines,  arsenals,  dock-yards,  and  other  useful 
'  buildings." 

Now,  sir,  in  the  above,  tiie  Cniislilution,  with 
clear  |)i'ecision,  poiiils  oul  such  places  as  you  may 
"exercise  exclusive  legislaiion"  over.  Willi  a 
]iarlicnlarity  to  be  well  noli  d  it  apecilies  even  the 
small  piece  of  soil  necessary  for  a  dock-yard,  as 
one  of  he  bus  which  you  may  purchase  and  ex- 
ercise authority  over.  And  yet  if  any  such  pow- 
ers of  implicatnin  exist  in  that  instrument  as  is  con- 
tended t'or,  would  it  not  have  reasonably  been 
deemed  that  lo  purchase  a  piece  of  ground  to  build 
a  dock-yard  upon,  was  fairly  incident  to  ilie  pow- 
er "lo  provide  for  and  maintain  a  navy?"  I?ut 
the  (Constitution,  by  expressly  in.serting  it,  has  as 
expressly  forbid  you  in  thatariicle  Iroin  |)urcliasing 
any  other  places  Irom  the  Stales  ihan  those  so 
clearly  and  minutely  specificil.  Voii  cannot,  then, 
buy  of  the  citizens  of  Kentucky,  or  of  the  Slale,  her 
canal;  iinr  can  you  exercise  jurisdiction  over  it. 

IJiil  we  are  asked  by  mv  friend  from  Oiiio,  [.\Ir. 
Fmian.I  "  where,  then,  do  you  get  power  to  build 
light-houses,  jiiers,  and  place  1miov>  ,  tie.r"  I  an- 
swer, under  the  above-reciled  power  and  llie  pow- 
er "  to  provide  and  mainiain  a  navy;"  for  you 
cannot  inaintiiin  or  preserve  your  navy,  unless  you 
have  propcrlv-iniproved  harbors  lor  il  to  tloat  in, 
[irolecied  from  storms  or  a  su|n  rior  eiien.v;  ..ml 
yon  inusl  have  light-houses  to  guide  il  in  darkness 
and  stormy  weather,  and  buoys  lo  m;irk  the  chan- 
nels. Ah  far  as  doing  this  for  the  legiliinale  pur- 
pose of  giving  your  navy  shelter  and  proieciion, 
so  far,  and  only  .so  far,  can  voii  accidenlally  (Ibr  1 
dislike  iliat*word  incidentally)  biaiefit  conimerce. 
But  under  Ihis  i  laiise,  it  was  never  contemplali'd 
that  you  Mhould  improves  rivers,  where  a  vessel- 
of-vvar  never  floats,  or  in  iln'  very  heart  of  oiir  re- 
public; nor  I  )  build  harbors  where  nature  has  not 
already  roughly  but  plainly  moulded  one,  or  indi- 
cated ils  necrssily. 

Ibiib  r  ihis  clause,  in  accordance  with  the  desire 
of  the  Li'gislalure  of  Al.ibuna.  I  have  od'eicd,  as 
nil  .'imendment  to  the  bill,  a  clause  lo  appropriate 
Jii'ill.llllt)  to  Ihe  im|iroveni"iil  of  .Mobile  harbor.  It 
is  one  of  the  only  three  good  harlims  on  the  (iiilf 
of  Mexico,  f'rmu  I'lorida  lo  the  Sabine.  Voiir 
navy  iTipiires  its  passes  to  be  slightly  deepened  to 
eiialile  it  lo  resort  there  at  all  times.  Il  is  the  out- 
let ot'a  great  river,  which  wafts  lo  ihe  connuercial 
mart  at  its  mouth  oiie-fifih  of  the  eottoii  made  in 
the  Union,  and  which  can  furnish  to  your  navy, 
when  needed,  men  and  {irovisions.  In  the  ports 
of  great  marilime  connneriial  marls  it  is  expei'ted 
your  navy  will  ride,  h.iih  lor  the  proieciion  of 
commerce-  and  I'or  recriiiling  and  refitting. 

If  this  principle  is  emreci,  then  the  remark  of 
the  same  gentleman  that  "  if  Congress  can  erect 
lighl-houses,  build  piers,  iSic,  on  the  Atlantic, 
coast,  il  can  draw  out  siia^s,  and  remove  rocks  In 


March  10, 
F  Reps. 

il  tlio  pnrliou- 
inrily  "f  the 
iiliciiil  ilcpnrt- 

exisliiig  cnn- 
3  hctween  iis 
if  those  which 
cpmcnre.  *  * 
ower  WHS  the 
I  nml  export 
oper  comrihu- 

by  the  dislin- 
Mile  renHOii  I'ur 
ce  of  the  kind 
Ics  of  Confod- 

f  this  siilijnct. 
I  Concress  hns 
n  the  jurisdii- 
roise  exohusive 
lecil'ied  powers 
riniii  purchnses 
overllieiii.     It 

>n  in  nil  cnses 
I  exi'eedin;  ten 
1  of  pnrtii  nlnr 
injress,  ho'.ome 
led  StnloH,  nnil 
i\i'csp\ir('hii3ed 
of  ilie  Smie  in 
ri'oiioii  of  forts, 
md  other  useful 

(Wtilution,  with 
res  as  yon  nii\y 
ovir.     With  n 
jecificd  even  tlie 
i\  (hicis  Viudi  ns 
irchnsr  ;ihd  ex- 
nny  such  pow- 
imient  aw  iseoii- 
■oafonal>!y  l»een 
\'roond  tohuild 
lent  to  the  pow- 
In  navyr"     Unt 
[crtin^'  it,  has  as 
pvn-chasin? 
than   tluise  so 
.    annot,  then, 
ofthcSluic-.iier 
u'tioii  ovrr  il. 
•oni  Ohio,  [Mr. 
power  to  build 
-,  Ai'.r"     I  nn- 
F-r  and  ihepow- 
i.ivy,"  for  you 
avy,  nnli'M.f  you 
for  il  to  lloat  in, 
ir  encniv;  ..nil 
.  ii  in  ilarknnss 
mark  the  r-han- 
lci;iliiTia|i'  pnr- 
ruid   jn-oiec'iion, 
■idemally  (for  [ 
III  conimercp. 
conleni|ilali'i| 
wlii'ie  a  vesscl- 
icart  of  onr  re- 
nal nre  has  not 
il  i.ne,  or  indi- 

viili  ihe  desire 

have  ollVred,  as 

lo  appropriate 

(bile  liarbor.     It 

ois  on  llie  Ciulf 

Sabine.     Vour 

Illy  deepened  id 

'  It  is  the  out- 

llic  I'onuMeri'ial 

cutlnii  made  in 

to  your  navy, 

I.     I'll  the  ports 

K  II  !.•<  expected 

;   proicclion   of 

I'fiiiin'.'. 

the  lenuuk  of 

i^rcss  can  erect 

I    the    Allanlic. 

•eniove  rocks  in 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


357 


29th  Cono Isi  Skss. 


Harbors  and  Rivera — Mr.  Yancei/, 


Ho.  OF.  Reps. 


the  way  of  commerce  in  the  rivers,"  is  sufficiently  I 
neff.ilived.     Commerce  can  riijhtfiilly  demand  of; 
us  no  aid,  save  lawu  to  rejulatc  its  transit,  and  a 
navv  to  protect  it  in  its  passage  from  port  to  port. 

"fhese  viewB  Mr.  Madison  carried  from  the  hall  ; 
of  the  convention  to  the  Kxer.ulive  mansion',  and 
vetoed,  ilurini;  the  last  days  of  his  adminislralioii,  ■ 
a  hill  iiavinii;  i'or  its  ohjeets  improvemenls  such  as 
arc  contemplaied   by  tiiis  bill.     In  that  paper,  he 
says: 

"  The  legislative  powers  vested  in  Conu;res9  are  I 
'  specilied  and  enumerated  in  the  8th  section  of  the  , 
'  1st  arlicic  of  the  Constitiiiiun;  ami  it  does  not 
'  appear  that  the  jjower  proposed  lo  bo  exercised 
'  by  the  bill  is  amoiii;  the  eiiumorated  powers,  or 
'  that  it  falls,  by  any  just  inlerprelalion,  williiii  the 
'  (lower  to  miike  laws  necessary  and  proper  for 
'  carryiiii;  inlu  executio.i  those  or  other  powers 
'  vested  by  the  Conslilutioii  in  the  Government  of 
'  the  United  Slates.  The  power  '  to  re;;ulaie  coin- 
'  nierce  amoni;  ihu  several  Slates'  cannot  iiicludi;  u 

*  power  to  eohslrnct  roads  and  cnnals,  and  to  ini- 

*  prove  Ihe  naviiration  of  water-courses,  in  order 
'  lo  lacililale,  pnunole,  and  Bccnre  such  a  coni- 
'  ineree,  wiiiiout  a  latitude  of  cunstrneiion  dcpnrt- 
'  in*  from   Ihe   ordinary   import   of   the    terms, 

*  siren;rihenod  bv  ihe  known  incimveniences  which 
'  donbdess  led  to  the  grant  of  this  remedial  power 
'  to  Coni^ress. 

**  To  refer  llie  power  in  question  to  the  clause 

*  *  to  provide  for  the  common  defeni'e  and  f!;eiieral 
'  wellare,'  would  be  i;oiilrary  to  the  eslablished 
'  and  consistent  rules  of  iiuerpretalion  as  render- 

*  iii!^  the  special  and  careful  enumeration  of  pow- 
'  ers  which  follow  the  clause  nugatory  anil  im- 

*  proper." 

Mr.  Monroe,  too,  has  left  us  his  recorded  ojiin- 
ioMS  unfavorable  lo  this  syslein.  In  his  velo  of  a 
bill  lelatinij  to  the  Cumberland  road,  lie  said  ihat 
Congress,  in  appropriating  m>iney,  was  "restricted 
by  ,he  duly  to  appropriate  it  to  purposes  of  com- 
mon delence,  and  of  general,  not  local,  national, 
not  .State  benefit." 

What  is  general  and  iialimml .'  A  navy,  I  would 
answer — all  necessary  means  tor  its  eipiipment, 
repair,  and  pieservalion;  and,  to  this  end,  the  im- 
provement of  the  necessary  harbors,  the  building 
of  dry-docks,  armories,  light-honses,  and  ihe  |ila- 
eing  of  buoys.  Il  prolecis  your  commerce  from 
enemies  in  war,  and  from  piracies  at  all  times. 

Of  this  object,  too,  may  be  considered  forts, 
barracks,  arsenals,  and  foundries. 

But  surely  it  caunoi  be  considered  an  object  of 
general  and  national  benelil  to  dig  out  a  harbor 
ainuially,  which  the  winilsaiid  waves  annually  re- 
hll;  nor  to  lengihen,  in  the  heart  of  your  naliun, 
rivers,  and  dig  canals,  for  llie  mere  purpose  of  pri- 
vate gain.  The  bill  before  na  proves  that  these 
remarks  are  not  unfounded.  By  reference  lo  the 
original  estimate  for  most  of  these  harbors,  h  will 
be  found  tluil  they  have  already  swallowed  i  p,  in 
some  ca.ses,  fourfold  the  amount  originally  deemed 
necessary  to  make  ihemall  iheir  friends  desired. 

I'rom  an  able  speech  of  my  friend  iVvim  Missis- 
sippi, [Mr.  Tiio.Mp.soN,l  made  upon  a  h.  rbur  and 
river  bill,  May  l(j,  1844,  1  gather  llie  following 
facts: 


Orisiiml 

Aint.cx- 

AllKIIIIlt 

usUltmle 

peiidcil. 

ilMW  AHked 

liir. 

liiiprnvpnicai   of  liarlior  of 

Sa3,728 

.■S»7,7^3 

Sl.i.OOO 

lin|Mii\rinciil    of   hlirhor   of 

IllilViilu 

(a,.i94 

i!i:t,7TJ 

50,0110 

ItiijirnM'iiiriil  nt  lifirhiir  at  tlie 

Il|[>1ltll  'iI'  (Jrlir^rc 

.'i;i,ni9 

150,370 

90,000 

bniirnvciiii'iit  nl    lijirlKir  of 

tif»\vciitt 

?J,435 

aia,u3« 

30,000 

Iiiiprovciiiriit  III    hiirliiir  of 

('lc\ri:iliil 

ar.s.M 

ia:i,740 

30,000 

Jiti|in>\.'ttMiu  of    linrhiir  lU 

llir  hioiali  iil'Crluiil  river.. 

a0,!)97 

iit^.U.Vt 

10,000 

tlli[iro\i'tii('lit    (It     hiirhnr    {It 

iiiiiiiUi  III  .Vrtliliitiulu  creik 

as.ajv 

fM,-,SU 

10,000 

Thus  it  will  he  seen  that  in  soinc  instanoei  as 
much  as  fourfold  has  already  been  expended  upon 
many  of  these  Imrbm-s;  and  In  no  instance  less  than 
Iwofold,  over  and  above  what  llie  original  e.sti 
males  called  for,  and  on  «  liicli  ('iim;ress  dnulilless 
BCUid.  The  ilenllcinan  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Vintii*,) 
reininds  me  that  these  (■sinnales  were  i  lercly  ex- 
perimenuil,  and  that  the  experiment  has  succeed- 


ed. Sir,  I  have  ;no  doubt  that  he  is  correct;  but  i 
al.so  have  no  doubl,  in  order  that  the  experiment  ' 
might  be  a  fair  test,  that  enough  was  culled  for  and  ; 
apfiropriated  to  iiut  these  harbors  in  such  condi-  ' 
tion  ns  to  be  really  useful;  and,  therefore,  that  the  ■ 
estimates  were  taiieii  as  a  guide  to  what  mitrht  be 
considered  the  eveniuul  cost.  But  how  is  Ihe  re- 
siili.^  Why,  one  advocate  of  this  bill,  and  partic- 
ularly of  these  harbor  appropriations,  [Mr.  itooT,] 
says  that  many  of  the  harbors  are  now  in  worse 
condition  than  they  were  before  a  dollar  of  Gov- 
ernment money  was  expended  upon  them;  and  he 
now  desires  a  large  appropriation  to  clear  out  and  i 
repair  what  Goveromeni  buiinlintrly  hiisdone.  In- 
deed will  we  be  working  in  a  circle,  if  this  is  to  be 
always  the  case.  It  is  classical  too;  for  we  are 
told  in  classic  lore  lliat  it  took  the  rust  of  .Achilles's 
sjiear  lo  cure  the  wound  it  had  made.  And  need 
we  wonder  ai  siieh  resnlls,  wheii,  as  we  have  just 
heard  from  the  gentleman  from  Ohio,  [.Mr,  Uour,[ 
that  iialure  has  not  made  a  ainnle  harlmr  on  the 
soiithern  eo.ist  of  Lake  K,ie,  and  nearly  all  these 
harlmrs  provided  fir  on  lluit  coast  are  arlificialr 
He  says  ihal  several  are  wor.se  now  than  belbre  a 
dollar  was  spent  ii|iiin  ihein  by  ihe  General  Gov- 
ernment. This  miisi  be  expected  when  you  war 
airainst  nature,  The  winds  and  ihe  'vavcs  claim  it 
as  their  diiininioii:  and  in  a  contest  with  them  you 
muste.xpcct  ;o  Lie  ceaselessly  engaged,  if  you  ex- 
pect success.  It  is  on  this  account  that  lliese  har- 
bors have  cost  so  enormously  over  ll  eir  i.i-ii'io.'il 
eslimale.  Coiiirress  never  once  dreaaicd,  in  enter- 
ing njion  their  erection,  that  they  c.i.mld  go  much 
beyond  iheir  estimate — experinit.-n'.s  though  they 
were  deemed  lo  be  by  the  gcnileman  from  Ohio. 
It  seciiis  that  every  year  or  so  as  lar^jc  a  sum  as 
the  original  estimate  of  the  whole  cost  is  required 
to  kceii  them  in  good  repair,  f  lave  we  any  guar- 
anty tli!\t  this  (iraiii  of  expenditure  will  cease? 
>'oiie.  It  will  last,  if  the  system  is  lo  be  perpetu- 
ated, as  long  as  tlieangry  windsand  lashing  waves 
rage  on  that  coast, 

iVow,  sir,  if,  as  is  contended.  Congress  has  pow-  i 
er  under  the  clause  to  regulate  commerce  co-exten- 
sive with  commerce,  which  1  do  not  deny,  (con- 
fining that  power  lo  mere  regulation,  or  prescribing 
rules  for  its  course,  and  defending  it  against  hostile 
nttiick,)  and  under  it  a  power  is  chiimed  to  facilitate 
its  progress  by  improvement  of  a  harbor.  Congress 
certainly  has  the  power  to  build  these  Erie  harbors 
as  is  asked,  every  litieeu  or  Iweiily  miles,  for  the 
protection  of  the  lake  commerce;  and  yet,  while 
claimed  by  one  t'rieud  of  this  bill,  it  is  riuiiidly  de- 
nied by  others,  and  ihey  not  the  least  able  and  in- 
lelligeiil  of  ils  advocates.  To  su'li  unlimiled  ex- 
tent and  contradictions  is  one  driven  when  he 
lounclies  on  the  boundless  sea  of  implication  and 
coiisiruciion. 

General  Jackson  l:;'l  down  a  law  upon  this  sub- 
ject, which,  if  honesily  imrsued  and  applied,  inii;ht 
not  be  considered  as  an  improper  one,  considered 
with  reference  to  the  great  extent  to  which  the  sys- 
tem is  now  pushed.  Il  was,  that  rivers  might  be 
considered  proper  objects  for  such  a|)propriatiims 
ns  far  upas  ports  of  entry.  JS'iiw,  sir,  this  never 
v\as  dcsi;;iied  lo  mean  thai,  lo  gel  such  appropria- 
lioiis  through,  pons  of  entry  should  he  made 
where  only  a  llatboat  couhl  lloat.  The  true  mean- 
ing was,  ports  where  foreign  commerce  disembark- 
ed iiself,  where  sea-vessels  could  safely  come, 
where  duties  were  paid.  Into  such  places  your 
vessels  of  war  generally  have  lo  go. 

If  I  undeistood  the  genlleman  from  Tennessee, 
[Mr.  Stantiin,!  he  endeavored  lo  prove  that 
General  .lacksoii  favored  the  pnsiiion.i  he  saw  lit 
to  lake  ill  favor  of  internal  im|irovement.  1  re- 
gretted, sir,  lo  hear  a  Tennessee  .Tnck^on  Demo- 
crat advance  such  opinions,  and  endeavor  U)  give 
such  (.iiislruction  to  General  Jaekson's  views. 
Thai  great  man  has  not  Icll  ilioi-c  views  so  doubt- 
ful of  meaiiin:;  ns  that  they  should  be  subjects  of 
leKitimate  controversy  as  to  their  Inie  iiileiit  now. 
In  the  celebratid  velo  of  the  May.-.sille  road  bill, 
he  discussed  ai  lengih  llie  constiiniioiial  poiiil,and, 
ileciding  against  the  possession  of  the  power  by 
Conu-ress,  gave  to  the  syMem  a  Ijlow  which  para- 
lyzed even  its  mighty  and  combined  powers,  and 
caused  il  to  shrink  and  lo  decay  lo  such  a  degree 
lhai  111  IMii''  and  Ifvl'J  hardly  the  skeleton  reniahied 
to  shock  the  view  . 

li.ler  the    ireneral    de.'-pondency   and  despair 
■  wliich  the  Waterloo  defeat  of  our  parly  in  1840 


brought  on — a  defeat  mainly  ntlributahio  to  its 
large  expenditures,  and  wliieli  should  leach  u  les- 
son to  us,  who  now  by  such  memis  seek  lo  uicrensc 
them — the  system  seemed  again  to  be  galvaniited 
into  life.  It  was  resurrected  with  features  render- 
ed by  no  means  less  hideous  by  ils  long  and  grave- 
like repose  in  the  Inst,  and  but  temporarily  pros- 
trated by  the  exercise  of  that  leaven  of  Jackson- 
ism  which  Mr.  Tyler  showed  he  posse.s.sed  in  no 
inconsiderable  di,s;ree,  and  which  added  another 
ray  of  honor  and  glory  to  the  halo  which  encircled 
the  closing  da)s  of  his  Administration. 

Not  dismayed,  ils  friends  have  again  put  it  upon 
its  legs — it.s  last  legs  1  irust — and,  from  a  remark 
made  early  in  the  debate  as  to  Presiilent  Polk's 
opinions,  hope,  doubtless,  that  if  successful  in  the 
halls  of  legislation,  it  may  receive  the  Kxeeu- 
u\e  sanction.  I  sincerely  believe,  sir,  that  these 
gentlemen  have  counted  without  their  host.  The 
President  has  nm  improperly  or  unwisely  been 
1  died  "  Young  Hickory."  Il  is  known  that  1  am 
not  one  who  has  habitually  fawned  upon  power, 
or, as  a  niailer  of  ciiiivse,  approved  of  all  thai  pow- 
er does  or  recuiniiieiul.i.  lint  1  will  say  here  that 
I  have,  as  i  have  ever  had,  greiil  confidence  in  the 
iinblenchiiig  moral  courage  and  unyielding  integ- 
riiy  of  the  President.  Opon  all  the  old  issues 
which  have  divided  parties,  1  believe  him  lo  lie  as 
sound  as  the  .■^niiinlesi.  Durii:";  ihc  election,  I  in- 
vii  iably  referred  lo  his  past  c.i.  3er — his  solemnly- 
declared  opinions  and  recmd  d  votes  as  more  ic- 
liable  sources  of  iiiformaiion  as  to  what  his  ad- 
minislrative  career  would  be,  than  to  those  inno- 
cent Delphic  luyslicisins,  drawn  out  by  cutechiuts 
in  a  dosely-conlesied  ciuivnss. 

His  course  lluis  far  has  not  deceived  me.  It  is 
true,  on  the  Oregon  (piesiinn,  my  judgment  could 
not  go  with  him  as  to  lite  propriety  of  so  speedily 
terminating  the  joint  convention  between  Lngland 
and  onr.-:elves.  On  the  great  ipieslion  of  our  righls, 
and  of  the  undoubted  propriety  of  defending  tliose 
rights  when  assailed,  as  well  as  upon  the  course  he 
had  pursued  to  bring  the  malter  to  a  successful 
clo.se  by  negotiaiioti,  1  am  and  was  with  him.  Be- 
tween the  President  and  myself  exists  but  one  dif- 
ference on  this  point— that  merely  one  of  time — as 
to  the  tc/ifil  we  should  lake  posses.sioii  of  Orego'-  , 
without  iTLTard  to  the  claims  of  any  other  Power. 
On  the  tarill",  he  has  noi  ly  redeemed  his  fame  and 
his  pledges.  >'o  President  has  ever  done  as  much 
for  free  trade  us  he  has;  uid  in  conjunction  with 
his  able  Secretary  of  the  T.casnry  on  thai  doctrine 
— thai  great  and  favorile  (.oclrine,  for  which  our 
party  has  been  slrugu'ling  fo.-  so  many  long  years; 
a  strugLrle  which  slio.di  to  its  liiundation  the  tem- 
ple in  which  it  has  been  held,  so  fierce  and  hitler 
were  the  feelings  elicited  by  he  oppression  the 
South  siiU'ereil — ho  is  about  ti  irium|ih;  unless 
this  system  interferes  with  ils  Gt  rgou  head  to  turn 
onr  livi  ly  and  victorious  activity  o  the  immobility 
of  stone.  On  this,  too,  wilhoul  Itn  iwiug  other  than 
what  his  oft-recorded  opinions  shai.owiiirlh,  I  have 
every  confidence  that  the  Presideii' is,  as  he  was, 
ils  unshrinking  opponent.  I  will  quote  but  one 
passage  of  his  past  opinions,  and  that  delivered,  in 
the  great  crisis  in  the  history  of  this  system,  on  the 
considerulion  of  the  Maysville  velo.  Mr.  Polk 
said: 

"  He  hail  planted  himself  on  the  raniparlsof  the 
'Constitution,  and  had  taken  llie  hi;.'li  rcsponsibil- 
'  iiy  upon  himself  to  cheek  the  downward  march, 
'  in'  which  the  sysiem,  of  which  this  bill  is  a  pari, 
'  was  fast  hasleiiinn  ns."  "  The  pernicious  coiise- 
'  ipiences,  the  evil  tendencies,  to  say  nothing  of  the 
'  corrnpiing  iidluences  of  the  exercise  of  a  power 

*  over  internal  improvements  by  the  Kederal  Gov- 
'ermnetil,  were  not  iTilly  develojied  until  within  a 
'  very  few  years  piisl.  The  President 'could  not 
'  slntt  his  eyes  to  the  constant  collisions,  the  lieart- 

*  burnings,  the  coinbinaiionSi  and  the  (pertain  eor- 
'  ruplion  to  which  ils  continued  exercise  would 

*  lend,  both  in  and  out  of  Congress.''  "  He  hoped 
'  ihat  the  result  of  the  vole  we  are  about  lo  give  in 
'  the  solemn   discharire  of  a  high  duty  wliicli   liiul 

i  '  been  devolved  upon  us,  upon  this  precise  nietus- 
'  ure,  in  the  first  year  of  a  new  Auminislr:ilion, 
'might  resuscitate  the  almost  forgoiteii  principles 
'  of  the  (  onslitnlion,  and  put  an  end  lo  a  system 
'  which  caiinol  end  in  good,  and  must  lead  lo  the 
'  most  ruinous  const  'iices." 
'  Such  are  the  views  of  the  Prcsidenl.  It  woiilil 
,  be  unbecoming  in  mu  lo  hold  up  these  views  hero 


t.-S 


358 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[March  10, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


FInrbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Yancey. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


If 

■  i  -?' 

.1.^ 


for  t!ic  purpose,  of  Bwnviii.i;  tlie  voir  (>("n  siiif^le 
ineinljcr.  I  do  it  for  no  surli  pui'|insc.  1  trust 
thai  emii  will  vote  upon  tliu  v:irimis  tMopoailions 
ooiilJiined  in  this  liill,  on  tlioir  njcniN,  ^iivcrnwl  by 
a  ron,'<fientious  desiro  to  disrliarijo  iiis  duty.  I 
confoss,  however,  that  I  have  retorred  to  these 
opinions  of  the  President  wiili  deep  interest.  1 
leave  wati'hcd  the  eonrse  of  deli;ite  In  re  upon  this 
billw  'ideep  inlerisl.  If  it  is  destined  to  pa>-' In  the 
o'herend  of  the  Capitol,  1  shall  vvnleh  its  pro^rress 
■with  deej>er  interest  still:  md  if  ilestinetl  to  pass  on 
to  the  L'xeentive,  1  eontVss  that  I  do  feel  a  sin- 
cere an.'i  intense  desire  to  see  tin-  Pi-esalenl,  *'  not 
coinc  the  J  oil  n  Tyler  upon  if,"  exactly,  as  iny  kind 
tind  true-hearted  ecdleamie  e.\|iiesses  hiniselt',  hut 
eonie  the  Old  Tliekory  upon  o;  tlnit  he  will  not 
hesitate  to  scourire  it  hark  to  this  House,  where  it 
orii^inated;  and  tltus,  to  use  Ins  own  t  loiptent  and 
expressive  lanictiiure  when  himself  anproviti^  of  a 
similar  aet,  '*  resus'-itaie  tiie  almost  loriiotten  prin- 
'  eiples  of  the  Coustirniion.  and  put  an  end  to  a 
'  system  which  eaiuiot  end  in  irooil,  and  must  lead 
*  to  the  nii'St  ruinitus  eonsequ*  noes.'' 

I  have  thus  passed,  in  rnpiil   review,  before  the 
comniiltee,  some  of  the  ooini-tris  of  the  fathers  and 
trreat  sn|iporters  of  the  Constitution  and  of  our  : 
party. 

In  addition,  I  will  observe,  that  so  stronixly  eon- 
vineed  were  Madison,  Monroe,  and  JacK-son,  of 
the  iineoustitutionality  of  the  exercise  of  fhi.s  po\\-- 
er  by  Coni;ress,  that,  yieUliin;  to  the  pri-ssure  for 
its  exercise  itiade  upon  the  le^'islalive  ileparlnient 
from  nearly  all  pans  of  tlie  country,  each  of  thiise 
illustrious  Chief  Maiisirales  reconnneiuled  that 
the  Consriiurion  be  ana-ndt  il,  in  order  to  inirrat't 
upon  jr  i)u^  power  winch  it  does  i>ot  now  contain. 

If  the  system  may  be  eoiisidered  as  esitdilished 
Iiy  these  jiuihorities,  as  nnconstitiiiional,  I  will 
say  further,  it  was  \\isely  prohibited  to  the  (general 
Govcrnnienl.  (-riven  to  il.  it  would  have  conferred 
t'lo  vast  a  powc'r  tipoti  the  Federal  authority.  Iiy 
reacliini:  into  every  co«-ner  of  n  Slate,  and  proOei*- 
ing  the  Federal  funds  lavishly  to  local  iiiieresi.s,  it 
would  neeessariiy,  so  loie^  as  interest  is  a  prcdnm-  I 
inant  feelin;  in  the  heart,  hcdd  a  controllni^'  influ-  I 
ence  over  men's  opinions,  and  seduce  the  States 
from  their  proud  positions  as  soverei^riis,  to  beeonie 
bciTL'ars  at  the  shriueof  the  Federal  treasury. 

Whenever  it  shall  become  n  settled  policy  of 
thisGovermnent.  then  will  every  local  iutifesl  con- 
frreiate  in  this  Hall;  the  eoininittee-rooms  will  be 
converted  into  an  exchan^^e,  where  b-u'ter  v.'tll  be 
the  rulinu'  spirit;  and  by  a  union  of  all  its  forces, 
hnviii;;  reference  mnrct.i  strenirth  than  to  juilicions 
and  \vi<e  esnenditure  of  a  common  fund,  will  un- 
told iTtilliiuis  be  voted  away  tor  local  purposes; 
and,  cnnsefpienily,  to  provide  the  means  "  the  un- 
holy aliiance'"  will  have  to  impose  enormous  and 
heavy  taxes  upon  the  people. 

Sncli  a  slate  of  ihiims,  if  it  does  not  exist  al- 
ready in  this  Hall,  has  been  invited.  The  e-eiitle- 
man  t'roiu  Indiana  has  saiil  that  the  South  must  ; 
look  to  it,  tor  il  should  pass  no  taritVbill  until  thi.s 
bill  passes:  and  others  of  the  eouimiitie  have  inti- 
mated till-  same,  tireal  God  I  and  lias  it  cnm,.  to 
tins,  that  bel'ore  the  spirits  of  the  Uevolution  have 
been  swept  away  by  the  w'mz  of  time,  such  a 
systi  m  ol  IcL-islation  should  be  ndopied  on  the 
floor  if  Congress;  that  the  f'ousiiimiim  should  no 
loniicr  be  looked  to  nS  a  irnlde,  but  that  ilie  polar 
star  of  a  le^'islator's  rnur.se  here  should  be  ven- 
peance;  that  because  one  infraction  of  the  Consti- 
tution was  resisted,  another  should  be  piirpo.sely 
made.'  iViiil  shall  suc)i,  1  must  .say  slranire.  I 
iiiusi  further  say  most  rc;Tehensible,  jirinejples  he 
openly  avowed  liere  }  It  was  to  prevent  the  prev- 
nleiicr  of  such  a  spirit  douliikss  thai  this  power, 
nninni,'  ninny  other  good  reasons,  wa..s  refused  to 
Con^rc.s.s . 

Airmn:  it  was  wisely  prohibited,  to  prevent  so 
Ta.si  !in  expenditure  ol"  public  nion.  y,  ,iind  con.se- 
rpient  heavy  taxation.  I  low  vast  r  would  become 
miy  lie  partly  conceived  by  the  il.  iarntion  of  the 
gentleman  from  K.  iiiucky.'that  hr  would  not  a^ree 
to  limit  the  demands  of  liie  AV'es'.  inr  wi  stern  riv- 
ers alone,  to  five  hundred  millii.i;s  of  doll.irsi  Our 
country  is  so  eovered  with  sire.ims  and  lakis,  and 
is  of  .siiidi  vast  extent,  that  this  system,  carried  out 
fi.'ly,  would  cover  it  with  a  vast  I'letwnrl!  of  work.s 
of  internal  improvement,  which  would  retpiire 
eonnilesx  tr  asnres  to  build  up;  ntid  insteail  of 
inisin;;  twenty  millions  luiiuiully  by  tcxes  for  the 


support  of  an  economical  administration  of  the  | 
Government,  wo  sliould  be  called  upon  to  lay  taxes 
upon  the  jieoide  to  at  le.isl  the  aniouut  of  one  bun-  I 
dred  millions  a  year.  The  [gentleman  from  Ken- 
tucky has  already  advanced  a  principle  w  liich  will 
emisume  near  double  that  snni.  He  asks,  with  an 
;  ir  of  indiv:nalion,  "  wdiy  a  steamboat  shinild  be 
taxed  nearly  its  cost  annually  in  navi^alini:;  the 
Falls  of  ihe  ( Ihio-"  I  answer,  that  eonimerce  niiist 
bear  its  own  ImrJeiis — that  you  cannot  nsk  my 
eoiisliineuts  (a  plantiiis;  people  in  .Mabaina)  to  buy 
out  that  Ohio  eaiial,  in  oriler  to  relieve  nn  Ohio 
sieamboat  from  iiayincr  ils  own  way  up  and  down 
(hat  river.  Ibtt  if)  am  wroii;;,  ani[  the  ireiuleman 
is  correct,  then  I  will  ask,  on  the  .same  |irinciple, 
what  ii:;htis  there  for  ciiareitn^  a  canal-boat  for 
traveliiii::  the  >iew  York  canal,  or  a  bale  of  cotton 
for  passiiiijover  the  Charleston  railroad.-  Sir,  the 
principle  avowed  would  demand  the  purchase  of 
e'very  means  of  transit  now  exisiini,',  on  the  gfonnd 
that  il  IS  a  biiiibii  lo  commerce.  To  such  unlitil- 
ited  results  docs  this  sysleni  lead  us. 

A'^ain:  it  ^\'as  wisely  prohibited,  because  injus- 
tice would  otherwise  be  done  liy  mere  luimerical 
majorities.  Il  is.  in  ihe  nature  of  ihiiiirs,  that  the 
siront^cst  should  appropriate  the  most;  and  yet  the 
siroiejest  do  not  al\\;tys  pay  the  most.  Already, 
imbed,  are  we  threatened  with  this  result.  The 
gentleman  frmn  Kenliickyealls  u|>on  us  to  beware,  . 
that  the  \\'cst  would  soon  have  the  power,  and  let 
us  be  can  till  thai  there  be  no  old  scores  to  settle.      i 

Sir,  this  eternal   cry    if  the  West — iiipisttco  to  | 
the  AVesi — the  West  will  soon  have  the  power — is   ' 
disirosiin;:  when  desioneil  as  threatening.     It  can  :. 
have  no  innuenee  ovcrti  siin:;lu  vote  1  have  to  t;ive;  ] 
and  1   ininiriiie  lliat  but  tew  here  are  to  be  driven 
by  ihrenis  to  swerve  a  haii-'s  breadth  li-om  any  line 
they  may  have  marked  out  for  tliiniselves.     I'ut  I 
have  no  fears  of  the  West,  and  no  belief  in  iisdis- 
posiiion  to  avt'ii;;e  itself  upon  any  section  of  eoun- 
try  for  a  couscjentious  (lischartre  of  its  duly.   I  be- 
lieve thai  a  few  nil  0  may  nach  lo  this  station  as 
Hepresenlaliies  of  ihe  West,  who  hold   out  such 
threats:  but  that  tin  y  do  not  know  or  represent  it 
in  inakiiiLi:  such  remarks.      I  have  been  :iccustoinetl 
to  look  upon  her   peofile  as   likely  to  beeomc  not 
only  a  threat,  but  a  just  people.    Maenilieenl  in  ex- 
tent, pierced  by  noble  and  lenj^thy  rivers — blessed    ! 
with  an  iiniaziiiv'  fertility  of  soil — I  have  been  ac-  . 
customed  lo  think  ihe  face  of  therouiitry,  cxhibit- 
iiitr  as  it  does  the  t:i-iiideur  and   beueticence  of  the    ; 
.Mmi'^bly  in  a  liiirh  de;,n-ee,  \\-ould  assist  nmlerially    : 
in  fornilii::  imbbc  cleiracier  there;    that  their  views 
would  be  enlarireil,  and  their  hearts  be  as  fruitl'iil  in  , 
all  th.at  is  L'rrjil  and   noble,  as  tli-'ir  prairies  were    '■■ 
Ieemin2:willi  rich  nbimdaiici>;   that,  liberal  as  (ind    \ 
had  been  in  lavishiiaj'  blessiui^s  upon  it,  they,  too,  !: 
would  (  xliibii  a  noble  generosity  of  character  far  ! 
above  petty  piipie. 

I  fear  not  the  Wesl,  then,  sir.  Let  empire  take  ''■ 
its  way  tlicie.  The  South  will  not  (-nvv  her  the 
possession  of  power.  All  ilial  she  aslcs  is  a  strict 
nbscrvaiice  of  the  cb.o't  by  which  you  hold  power. 
,\o  m.atferwbo  wields  it,  if  il  is  but  wielded  justly 
and  well.  We  asic  I'or  no  power  to  juntect  ourin- 
dusiry— to  luiild  up  t'avorei)  classes — to  imiirove 
lair  siiTams.  All  that  we  ask  is  freedom  from  op- 1 
pression.  We  ask  for  no  expi'iulilure  Ibr  local  or 
eomiuercial  lutrposes.  All  that  we  iisk  is,  that  you 
protect  us  from  t"orei^:n  ii«:i-ression,  and  allow  our 
trade  to  reiniiiii  iinfetiered  by  proieciiiiir  law.  With 
wants  so  few,  we  wnni  no  power,  save  to  prevent 
its  unjust  exercise.  **  Let  ns  alone,"  is  our  motto 
Let  the  power  pass  lo  the  Wesi,  if  it  is  so  destiii- 
rai.  It  cannot  be  exercised  there  with  a  harsher 
hand  than  it  has  been  by  the  North.  Win  n  it 
shall  rro  there,  we  will  bid  it  (rod  speed;  and  our 
prayer  shall  be,  what  every  mother  in  ihal  broad 
valley  will  say  aim  n  to,  that  virtue,  n  due  rcL'-ard 
fornihers'  rn:bts,and  love  of  theCoiistitutjon,  may 
[TO  with  II.  IIiil  If'  that  uiijost  spirit  should  rule 
there,  such  as  is  heralded  here  iiy  ;_'enilemeii  lron\  ' 
Indiana  and  Kentucky,  and  the  purposes  nf  the 
I'liion  are  no  Ioniser  subserved  by  the  Union,  wc 
can,  and  be  a.'Sured  we  will,  ri^'lit  ourselves.  i 

Such  a  course  will  be  a  painliil  one  to  ns.  Hut ' 
if  driven  to  it,  the  reirret  we  shall  li'el  will  be,  that 
we  thus  jiarl  t^■om  the  halloweil  jraves  of  their 
sires,  and  not  that  we  shall  sever  a  connexion 
with  such  tle'^euerale  sons,  as  such  a  course  ofi 
eonduel,on  their  part,  would  clearly  indicate  them 
lo  be. 


In  connexion  with  this  threat  if  the  WesI,  llio 
srentleninn  IVoni  Ifentncky  (Mr.  1 'Iu.m.vsson)  de- 
sired to  see  party  lines  rijjidly  drawn  here  on  this 
ipteslion,  and  to'let  it  be  proidainied  In  the  West 
how  men  stood  upon  il.  i  join  with  him  in  the 
wish,  sir;  at  the  .same  time,  however,  believint; 
lliat,  if  Democratic,  papers  and  orators  have  done 
their  duty  there,  the  West  needs  not  lo  be  told,  at 
this  late  ilay,  what  the  views  of  the  Democracy, 
as  a  parly,  are,  on  this  debate-riddled  and  lime- 
honored  issue.  The  Democratic  jiarty,  at  all 
times  and  on  all  occasions,  whenever  they  have 
met  lo  assert  their  principles,  have  branded  this 
system  ns  unconslitutional.  I  believe  that  the  edi- 
torial Democratic  corps  of  Illinois  has  a  represent- 
ative liere,  |.\1r.  Wkstwoktm.]  If  his  paper  has 
publisheti  the  I?altiiuore  resolutions  since  iJS^Ki, 
the  people  of  the  AVest  already  know  what  the 
Democratic  view  of  this  subject  i,i;  and  knowing 
that,  they  expect  their  Uepresentalives  here,  I  pre- 
sume, to  stand  np  to  those  resolutions, 

I  will  here  mention, that  even  in  Illinois, as  early 
ns  i}7lh  .Vpril,  IKi."),  the  I  )eniocracy,  in  a  Stale  con- 
vention, denonncetl  this  sysleni  as  a  "useless  and 
uncoiisiiliitional  expenditure  of  luiblic  money,  in 
a)iproprintini,^  it  lo  works  of  internal  improvement 
of  no  ijeneral  importance." 

Our  parly,  which  has  assembled  every  four  years 
at  i'altimore,  since  IKIG,  to  a.s.sert  the  principles 
ujion  which  \\e  are  uiiitcdrand  to  nominate  candi- 
dates for  the  otfices  of  President  and  Vice  President, 
who  are  expected  lo  act  upon  those  jirinciples,  on 
the  aTth  of  May,  {I  believe,)  Ir^-l-l,  asnin  met  in 
Hallimore;  and,  af^ier  uominalin;;  ciiiididates  for 
those  two  hi^h  stations,  (iroceeded  to  (lut  forth  a 
siriesof  iTs.ibitions,  embodying  the  sieat  parly 
principles  which  disiiiiguisheil  it.  The  third  of  the 
series  reads  thus: 

"l{(solrcil,  M'liat,  enterinininjr  these  views,  the 
'  Democratic  party  of  this  Union,  tiirotic;h  their 
'  dele^'ates,  as.seniVded  in  sreneral  convention,  rc- 
'  tifie  imil  rrnistrl,  before  the  Ainericaii  people, 
'  the  declaralion  of  lainciples  avowed  by  thcin 
'  when,  on  a  former  occasion,  in  s,'ciieral  eonven- 
'  tion,  they  presented  their  candidates  for  the  pop- 
'  ular  EUlTrat'es." 

Immediately  after  this  follow  the  resolutions 
which  our  parly  bad  adopted  in  ixeneral  eouven- 
liou  at  P>allimoi'e  in  IH-IU,  and  identically  the  same, 
I  believe,  as  were  adopted  in  Ib.'ili.  Tlie  second 
of  these  reatls  thus: 

"That  the  Constitution  does  not  conl'er  upon 
'  the  General  Government  the  power  lo  commejicc 
'and  carry  on  a  general  system  of  internal  mi- 
'  prnvements." 

Now,  sir.  before  I  proceed  to  comment  upon 
this,  and  aid,  so  far  as  my  voice,  and  iiiilueuce,  ami 
vote  <'an,  in  drawini:  members  of  the  Democraiic 
parly  up  lo  that  line,  and  thus  not  only  t:rMlify  the 
Kentleman  from  Keiiliicky,  |Mr.  Tho.m.vssun,]  iiiit 
also  trraiify  the  whole  Ijeniocracy,  I  trust,  of  this 
broad  land,  I  will  address  myself  lo  the  task  of  ri;- 
lievim;  from  my  own  shoulders  the  chartxe  which 
treiitlemen,  in  the  height  of  their  liiry  on  the  Ort- 
tvoii  (picstion,  have  endeavored  to  lix  upon  tlieiii, 
and  those  of  some  lil'iccii  other  trooil  DeiiMcrats, 
that  we  have  been  recreant  lo  our  iiarty  liiilli. 

After  renew  iiiL^  and  reasseriiir.^  llie  cardinai  prin- 
ciples of  onr  parly,  lont:  since  adopted,  the  con- 
vention proceeded  to  p:iss  other  resolutions,  and 
ninnnu  tlie  last  was  the  follow iiii:: 

"  liraiilveil.  That  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Ore^oiii 
'  is  clear  and  unqiifstionable;  that  no  portion  of 
'  the  same  oiij^bt  lo  be  ci'ded  to  Kii;rlaiid  or  any 
'oilier  power;  and  that  the  reociiipalion  id' On - 
'  t'oii,  and  the  nnnnexation  of  Texas,  at  the  earliest 
'  praclicaiile  period,  arc  threat  .\nicrican  measures, 
'  which  this  convention  recomii'  mis  lo  the  cordial 
'  support  of  the  Dcmm  lalic  party  of  this  t'nion." 

In  whal,  then,  I  would  ask,  have  I  oll'cnibd  > 
Are  there  any  de'i:rees  of  latjfnde  meniioiied  in  that 
resolution  that  I  must  manu  up  to,  m  ilefimicc  of 
riirhf,  and  proof',  and  ;;oot!  sense?     >^i[  one. 

Have  I  lulvocated  the  ceding  to  Kiislantl,  or  any 
other  Power,  an  inch  of  what  is  clearly  and  un- 
(pieslionably  ours  ■  I  have  not.  Have  I  op|>oscd 
a  reoeeu[iatiou  of  Oreiron  .-  Ilvnomeans.  I  liave, 
on  the  conlrary,  proposed  w.  hat  I  considered  as 
ample  means  to  eucoiirai^e  »fijiiiratioii  there. 

lint  w  hill  then  iiave  I  dow'  -  t  have  luivocaled 
titnr  t'or  perl'ectini^  our  title  by  possession;  have  ad- 
vocaled  limr  for  preparation  to  nminluni  uiid  defend 


[:\larch  10, 
)v  U Ill's. 

tlie  WrsI,  tlio 

lOM.VkSUN)  (Ir- 

11  here  iJii  tliis 
1  lo  llie  West 
ih  liim  in  llit' 
ivcr,  iK'liuviiiE; 
irH  liiue  (Ifjue 
t  1(1  lie  lolil,  III 
e  Dcimieniey, 
lied  ami  liiiie- 

piirty,  at  all 
vcr  tlu-y  Imve 
!  Iiraiideil  lliia 
velliai  llie  edi- 
t\H  a  reprosent- 
1"  Ills  paper  has 
lis  ainee  183fi, 
now  wimt  llic 

mid  knowing 
vcs  liiTC,  1  pre- 

lllM. 

IliiMiis,  as  early 
,  in  a  Slaceeiin- 
a  "  useless  (Uld 
hii'-.  money,  in 
il  iinpi'oveineiil 

very  four  yc.iia 
llie  prineiples 
loniinaie  eaiidi- 
V'icc  President, 
e  prineiples,  on 
I,  »?;nni  met  in 
eandidales  for 
il  to  put  forth  a 
llie  eii'at  party 
The  third  of  the 

ncse  views,  llie 
,  throiish  their 
eoiivcr.lioii,  rc- 
nerieaii  people, 
•owed  by  tliein 
general  eonven- 
ites  for  the  pop- 

the  rcsnlutions 
;;eneriil  eonveii- 
irally  the  same, 
U.     The  seeond 

ol  I'onfer  upon 
.T  to  eoninieiiec 
iiilernal  nn- 


1846.1  

29th  Cono 1st  Sess, 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLORE. 

Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr,  Yaticey. 


359 
Ho.  ov  Reps. 


nliimelll  upon 
llilluen'-e,  anil 
le  Demoi  niiic, 
ily  tiratitV  the 

nMASSON',]  liut 

I  trust,  of  thiH 
the  task  of  re- 

eharL;e  wliieh 
ry  on  the  Ore- 

\  upon  tlieiii, 
III   Dem.icrats, 
Illy  faith. 
■  I  Midiiial  priii- 

|.h  d,  llie  eoii- 

.  iilutions,  and 

hole  of  Ore-oil^ 
no  portion  of 
OLrhnid  or  any 
pillion  of  t'i'e- 
it  the  earliest 
icaii  nieasuies, 
1  the  eoidial 
f  this  (^nioii." 
I  ollendeil' 

icntioned  in  that 
,  lo  ileliance  of 
N^ti  one. 

Kniilanil.nr  any 
.il  iirlv  and  un- 

UaNe'l  opposed 
neaiis.  I  have, 
I  eiiriMdered  as 
on  there, 
have  aiivoeaied 
•.ssioii;  have  ail- 
lUuiiaiid  defend 


n 


our  riKhls  ii  Oreffon.  1  liiivc  expre.ssed  my  eon- 
vietinn  that  our  title  to  the  whole  eountry  we  liavc 
ever  oeeujiied  is  '*  elearaiid  niiipiestionablo  " — and 
that  hevinid  4!)°,  which  we  have  four  liine.s  olfered 
Ctreai  lirituin  a.s  a  eomproniise,  the  territory  i.s 
'airly  and  leijitiniately  a  iiialter  for  negotiation; 
llins  approving;  of  all  that  h.i.s  iK^retofore  liecn  done 
l»y  nei:;otiation.  iMv  sin,  then,  if  any  I  have  rom- 
iiiitted,  consisis  in  not  sternly  |ilaiilin'i;  myself  upon 
,')P  40',  and  denying  the  ri:,'ht  of  the  Government 
lo  settle  the  eonlroversy  liy  neioliiitioii  and  com  j 
promise.  Not  n  .sinsjle  word  is  said  about  "  tlie 
iioiiee  "  in  that  resolution.  That  is  a  matter  In  be 
u.scd,  to  bo  sure,  as  one  of  the  means  of  reoerupy. 
in;;'  Ore:;oii.  ISiit  tlie  resoluliun,  if  liindiin^  upon 
any  ns  parly  men,  left  this  inatter  entirely  to  their 
iliserelion.  The  question  of  linir  wa.s  not  settled  i 
by  the  e 'nvciition;  it  only  bound  us  to  enrry  it  out 
"at  the  earliest  pnietieable  moment."  In  niyjudi;- 
inent  it  had  been  far  wiser  to  have  left  it  alone  for 
one  or  two  years,  at  least.  I  was  not  prejiared  lo 
say  that  the  most  favorable  moment  had  arrived  lo 
risk  a  war  with  aiiv  other  Power  on  thi.s  issue;  and,  i 
believiiiii;  so,  voted  a'^ainst  iiotiee.  ! 

Airnin,  sir.  when  I  took  my  position  on  the  siib-  ' 
jeet,  tile  notice  was  advoraled  here  by  its  jieeuliar 
friends  as  a  war  measure.  One  meiitioned  it  as 
"  the  military  way  of  doin^'  liu.sine.«s."  Anniher, 
tliiit  the  liritisli  linn  lay  in  our  jialh,  and  that  we 
must  pounee upon  him  anil  "make him  siioiit  ilood 
like  a  harpooned  whale  !"  Another,  full  of  valor, 
v.as  readv  lo  give  it,  that  "  Mielii^an  misht  take 
Canaila  l\ir  her  share  of  the  fi;j;lil."  All  of  its 
friends  were  for  civin:;  it,  in  order  that  we  might 
"  take  possession  of  the  whole  of  Oregon."  F  voted 
against  it  then  in  order  lo  prevent  the  eountry  from 
being  plunged  bv  these  hotheaded  gentry  into  too 
preeipilat.'  and  uneipial  a  eonflici  with  England. 
It  has,  however,  by  the  foree  of  my  friends'  nrgii- 
iiients  brouglit  to  near  upon  the  subjeet,  and  liy 
the  voice  of  an  aroused  people,  been  made  to  as- 
sume n  greatly  modified  shape.  Finding  the  coun- 
try not  .so  warlike  as  thoy  had  suppo.sed,  the  advo- 
'-■ates  of  notice  for  ihe  sake  of  war  dwindled  down 
to  Ihe  small  inimbcrnf  (rii  by  the  lime  the  vote  was 
taken;  and  I  have  ^reat  hopes  that  the  matter  will  ' 
be  made  to  assume  a  still  more  pacific  aspect  before  ' 
it  leaves  the  halls  of  legislation — informing  the 
President  that  the  American  people  desire  no  war 
for  Oregon,  unless  our  rights  there  are  Iranipled 
upon  and  no  redres.';  can  be  obtained  for  the  injury. 

lint,  sir,  I  assume  liis;her  grounds  in  onr  beliaif 
The  Baltimore  convention  declared  theqncslion  of 
Oregon  not  to  be  a  party  (|uestinii.  It  reeoinmeiid- 
ed  Democrals  to  loiik  upon  it,  freed  t'roni  mere 
parly  shackles,  as  a  "  great  American  measure," 
111  which  not  the  Uemocraey  nloiie,  but  the  Whigs 
and  all  other  parties  were  interested.  .Sir,  I  so  re- 
ceived that  recomniendalion  of  my  jiarly;  and  in 
over  one  hundred  speeches  made  by  myself  over 
a  great  part  of  Alabama,  during  the  canvass  of 
184  I,  I  solemnly  denied  either  the  Oregon  or  Tex- 
as ipieslions  being  parly  ipiestions,  I  urged  ihein 
upon  ihe  people  as  iialioiial  issues — soaring  above 
our  p.irty  domesiic  broils. 

Kveii,  then,  if  I  have  erred,  which  1  deny,  1 
nm  not  amenable  to  party  for  it.  My  party,  ill 
Koleinii  convention,  iiavc  placed  the  Oregon  mailer 
lielbie  me  as  an  American  citi/.eii;  and  in  this  Hall 
I  have  voted  upon  it  as  an  American  legislator, 
answerable  for  thai  vote  alone  to  my  constituciita, 
lo  iny  ennseiener     :■ !  to  my  God. 

And  now,  uiitr.  :■  .died  by  the  charge  of  n  sin- 
pie  deri'liction  froi.  party  linty,  I  turn  to  those 
j;entlemeii  who  were  so  knid  as  to  desire  to  teach 
me  a  iiarty  les.son  not  to  be  found  in  the  bonk,  and 
ask  litem  hi  .v  they  ■  .and  by  the  tesi  of  party 
menKi-.„inriit.> 

I'  >•  ni-ny  of  theni  have,  hi  reference  lo  this 
liili,  endorsed  the  principles  laid  down  by  the 
pa-'  .t  I'alliinore  in  IKKi,  i.ni  wed  in  1H4(),  and 
rea.-i.serted  in  1H44,  '« ilial  tin-  < 'onstiiiiiioii  does 
not  confer  nptin  tiie  General  ( iovernineiu  the  pow- 
er to  coiiiiiience  ii!  carry  on  a  general  system  of 
internal  iinproi ,  nient.-"  '  Aln.idv  have'  leading 
IVinocrai.;  iVom  Ohio,  Michigan.  Indiana,  Illinois, 

Kentucky,  and  from    Tennessee,  boldly  set 

themselves  up  against  this  stereotyped  porliiin  of 
onr  parly  creed — tis  sacred,  us  woriliy  lo  be  oh- 
servi<d,  as  that  to  villi'  iigains!  a  national  bank  or 
a  proiecim  lurilf— in  tact,  one  of  a  series  of  prin- 
eiples, uU  of  which  nuiluully  sustain   each  oilier. 


Ay  '■  and  what  is  worse,  the  gentleman  who  re-  ! 
ported  this  bill  [Mr.  TiuiiArTs|  was  sent  by  the  • 
bemocmc.y  of  Ivenuicky  as  one  of  the  Democralie  i 
fathers  to  this  great  coiivenlion  at  lialtimore,  and 
there,  in  conjunction  with  delegates  from  the  whole 
Union,  aided  to  frame  these  resolutions — aided  to 
adopt  them  unnnimi  nsly;  and  now,  in  capacity  of 
a   representative  of  a   Democratic  dislrict,  and  a  | 
legislator,  refuses  to  endorse  Ihe  principle  liy  vote; 
anil,  in  lad,  conilcmns  it  by  his  legislation!     And 
at  what  a  time?    .Inst  as  we  have  triiiniphcd — be- 
fore tlie  echoes  of  our  shouts  of  joy  have  harilly 
(lied   away,  at  our  success — eerlV.inly  before  the  ' 
people  have   forgotten  thai    we  were    pledged  to 
them,  if  they  elected  Mr.  Polk,  that  we  would  re-  ' 
trencii  the  expenses  of  tiie  (iovernrieiit — that  we 
would  repeal  the  tarill'of  ISl:.',  and  enact  one  for  ' 
revenue   purposes  alone — that  we  \yould  re-estab- 
lisli  the  consliiutional   treasury  system — that  we  | 
would  not  "coiiimence  nor  carry  on  a  j^eneral  sy.s-  ' 
tein  of  inieriml  improvements." 

With  a  llriii  belief  in  onr  sincerity,  the  people 
have  corC;|ed  to  ns  tliii  reins  ot' Government — have 
elected  our  President — and  sent  a  large  majority 
here  to  refuse  to  "coiiniience  and  carry  on"  works 
of  internal  improvement.  And  what  is  iloiie.-  AV^hy, 
hot  liasie  has  been  made  in  this  the  first  (.'ongri'ss 
of  the  new  'Vdministr.it'ou  'no  commence  and  carry 
on  a  gener.d  system  of  works  of  internal  improve- 
ment." 'J'lie  friends  of  t'le  Presi.leiit  .are  the  most 
ciinspicuons  iu  tiiis  breach  of  party  f.iith,  and  they 
advance  principles  in  sup|iort  ol'thtir  system  run- 
ning far  beyond  even  what  the  great  Whig  candi- 
date, Mr.  Clay,  laid  down  in  his  speech  at  Hano- 
ver, in  IH4U,  in  which  he  opposed  a  general  svsiem 
of  works  of  Ihe  kind,  and  said  that  lhe.se  works 
were  now  so  far  advanced  ilial  he  H.iiiid  lie  con- 
tent to  stop  all  furllier  ii;;l  ;.:  them  from  the  Gen- 
eral (.(ovei'iiment,  at'ier  luuiig  jiaid  lo  them  the  last 
instalment  under  the  Deposiieacl.  .Sir,  Mr.  Clay's 
plan  had  a  fixc'd  liniil.  The  plan  of  these  Demo- 
crats (;')  has  no  limil.  It  laughs  to  scorn  the  old 
god  Terminus.  The  principles  they  and  tlieir 
Whig  eondjnlors  avow,  allow  of  no  limit.  Tho.se 
principles  call  upon  you  lo  build  harbors  where  na- 
ture has  made  no  provision  for  them;  to  make 
channels  where  imlure  has  made  none;  to  buyout 
canals,  because  tolls  are  there  imposed  upon  cimi- 
merce;  annually  to  sweep  the  Mississippi,  and 
other  great  western  streams,  with  dredges  and 
snag  boats,  for  annually  that  monareh  of  rivers  re- 
places V.  hat  yon  remove.  Can  any  principles  In- 
more  "general.-"  .'Vnd,  as  I  have  shown,  as  the 
bill  appropriates  nearly  ihe  amount  of  the  original 
esiiniates  to  lake  harbors — al\er  three  and  four- 
fold has  already  been  expended  upon  them — there 
appears  lo  be  no  limit  indicated  to  the  extent  of 
these  appropriations. 

Is  there  any  wonder,  sir,  that  the  gentleman  from 
Teiiiies.see  (iSlr.  Gkn'tuv]  should  charge  the  De- 
mocracy with  iiicousisleiiry,  when  siicli  plausible 
grounds  are  given  for  his  doing  so.'  I  trust,  how- 
ever, that  the  sins  of  a  few  will  not  be  visited  upon 
Ihe  many.  If  prolestation  could  be  of  any  avail,  I 
would  snleninly  protest  against  the  parly  being 
held  responsible  for  such  errors;  protest  against 
lhe.se  Democrats  forcing  their  friends  lo  listen  to 
such  nnple.vanl  attacks  upon  us,  without  power 
lo  deny  the  impniation;  protest  again.st  their  for- 
cing the  President  of  our  choice  lo  the  nnpleasanl 
alternaiive  of  sanciioniug  wieit  he  cannot  approve, 
or  of  vcioiffft  a  bill  of  this  House. 

I  have  now  done  with  |!ie  pally  view  of  the 
qneslioii.  Party  has  no  ehariiis  flir  ine,  if  not 
baved  upon  principle.  If  iru"  lo  those  principles, 
as.^ociated  efforis  in  liivor  of  a  great  end  will  be 
ell'cctive  t'lir  good.  If  iinlrue  to  principle,  how- 
ever, and  only  held  together  for  purposes  of  eleva- 
ting certain  men  to  olHce,  I  have  no  language  at 
command  to  express  my  contempt  for  it?  Such, 
I  trust,  will  not  lie  the  result  of  mir  organizalion. 

I  will  now  refer  lo  a  lew  facts  short  jiig  the  prac- 
tical operation  ot^iiiis  system,  and  the  great  wisdom 
evinced  by  the  framers  of  the  Constitutinii  ill  re- 
t'using  the  power  lo  Congress. 

Ill  Ihe  first  [I'lice,  iis  operation  since  I*!)!  shows 
1  ■inclusively  ili.it  sectional  interests  will  piislomi- 
iinte  io  this  mode  of  expending  ihe  public  treasure; 
and  that  neilher  extent  of  country,  iis  wants,  or  its 
resources,  can  eonipeie  wiili  a  mere  numerical  ma- 
jorii  v.  determined  lo  s|iend  as  much  as  pos.sibic  at 
•  their  own  doors. 


In  the  third  volume  of  F.xeciitive  Documenis,  ail 
session  of  the  twenty-third  Congress,  I  find  the 
following  fuels,  exhibiting  the  amount  of  money 
disbursed  by  the  General  Government  to  the  two 
sectiens  of  the  Union — Xorlli  and  Smith — for  pur 
poses  of  internal  iiniirovcmcnt,  between  the  years 
I7i)l  and  183,3: 

To  the  States  north  of  Maryland. .  «.3,I17,206  ^7 
To  the  States  south  of  Maryland, 

and  including  ■iliat  State 878,7119  14 

This  array  of  figures  shows  that,  in  the  course 
of  forty-two  years,  fourfold  the  amount  of  money 
was  di'sburseu  at  the  North  that  was  expended  at 
the  South;  though  our  coast,  in  round  numbers,  is 
four  hundreil  miles  the  longest. 

In  my  comparisons  I  shall  also  include  the  Statu 
of  Ohio',  as  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  [M".  HjiiNK- 
KniK.ir]  appeared  lo  boast  of  the  magiianimily  of 
his  State  in  asking  for  so  little.  During  that  time 
there  was  expended,  for  purposes  of  internal  im- 
provement in  the  Stale  of  Oiiio,  though  a  new 
Slate,  ^S.-)!),124— a  sum  within  v:2U,IIOU  (d'wliat  the 
whole  South,  witii  an  exposed  coast  of  four  thou- 
sand miles,  bad  received  ! 

Pint  this  is  not  all  that  tliis  favored  region — the 
Xorth — received  in  that  period.  In  the  above- 
mentioned  items  are  not  included  tlie  followint't 


<',3,72;i,53n  63 
ilili),OOU  OU 

i>:i;i,;'on  uo 

2UU,I)()U  OU 
394,513  ,33 


To  Cumberland  road 

To  Ohio  and  Chesapeake  ciuial. 
To  Louisville  and  Porlland  canal. . 
To  Chcsapeadc  and  Delaware  canal 
To  improving  Mississippi  and  Ohio 

rivers 

Of  this  enonnoiis  sum,  amounting  lo  ()5,5.'j0,.543 
9G,  not  more  than  a  million,  it  is  fiur  to  presume, 
from  the  direeiiuii  of  the  works,  was  expended 
south  of  Baltimore  1 

From  the  Treasury  Department  I  have  gleaned 
the  f  dlnwing  st.iieineiit,  showing  the  amount  of 
money  disbiirseil  for  harbors,  rivers,  road.'!,  tinil 
can, lis.  III  the  s.iiiie  divisiins  of  country  since  1830. 
It  1 ,  true  the  statement  inehides  three  years,  the 
expenilitures  for  which  are  included  in  the  state- 
ment given  above;  but  as  this  operates  nioreaffaiii.st 
the  South  than  the  North,  il  will  not  serve  lo  viti- 
ate my  argument. 

To  the  States  north  of  Maryland. .  .«i7,075,933  5.) 
To  the  States  south,  (ineluiling  Ma- 
ryland  ',>,l41,7n2  50 

Tolhe  District  of  Columbia ()99,.30(i  OU 

To  the  Stale  of  Ohio 1,940,319  96 

From  the  above  table,  linn,  it  will  be  seen  that 
the  N'lirih  has  received,  with  less  extent  of  coast, 
S4,934,23l  05,  from  1830  to  184.').  more  than  the 
South  has,  for  purposes  of  internal  improvement; 
or  more  than  Ihreelold  over  her  h>ss  favored  sis- 
ter! while  this  in.ignanimous,  this  disinleresled 
State  of  Ohio  has  alone  received,  for  such  pur- 
poses, within  $200,000  of  the  full  ninoiiiit  re- 
ceived by  the  whole  South!  Why,  sir,  a  force- 
pump  of  siipernaiiiral  power  could  not  force 
into  the  pores  of  Ohio  much  more  than  she  has 
received.  She  is  already  f^orged  with  public  plun- 
der. 

.Ml  tjie  sums  slated  above  have  been  expended 
upon  works  within  the  .States.  In  adililion,  there 
have  been  cx|ieiide(l  since  IH.W,  on  roads,  canals, 
and  rivers,  connected  with  .■'cveral  States,  anil  all 
north  of  IJaliimore,  with  the  exception  of  a  small 
Slim  south  of  it  fir  the  Mississippi  and  Arkanfws 
rivers,  the  comfortaiile  sum  of  'ft5|235,fi23  11. 

But  we  have  been  told,  the'  \.  •  of  the  South  get 
onr  due  proportion  in  expt  •linores  for  fortifica- 
lions;  while  the  northwest,  :.■'  p  irtieular,  asK  to 
receive  all  their  share  in  the  impiovemei.  ol'  their 
harbors.  Well,  let  us  see,  sir,  if  the  same  undue 
proporlion  in  expenditure,  even  in  this  brunch  of 
It,  is  iioi  kept  up  against  the  south. 
The  length  of  the  coast  from  Kastpori,  Maine,  (o 

Baliimoie,  is 2,335  mihs. 

Leiigih  of  northern  coast  iVoni  Calais, 
on  the  Si.  Croix,  to  the  Falls  of  St. 

1      Mary 2,000     " 

,  Length  of  coast   from  Baltimore  to 

I      Cape  Florida 2,170     " 

Length  of  Gulf  coast  I'roin  Cape  Flor- 
ida to  I!  io  Grande 3,530     " 

Executive  Document,  volume  (i,  Isi  session 'Jfilli 

Congress,  informs   us  that    upon   old  works,  ex- 

■  tending  from  Fori  Sullivan,  Maine,  to  Fort  Mars- 


:m) 


APPENDIX  T(3  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


(March  U, 


529th  Cono IST  Se9». 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr,  O.  iV.  Jones. 


Ho.  or  Kbpr. 


¥ 


den,  Si.  Ausualiiip,  P'lnridn,  out  of  l,0i)7  (niiis 
monnlfd,  ilicii' .iir  but  yOS,  iir  loss  thnii  niu-fy'tli, 
mnuiilMl  ii|ii)n  tlio  ruasl  smilli  (if  Bnllimore;  an(l 
that  nut  ci|'SI.O'.'",-'lHi'\|icni|t'(l  upon  tlmst'  works, 
1)111  -Ji.Ti.'i.OdO  wi'ic  (lisliiii'sed  soutli  of  tlir  same 
jioini,  iir  about  om-sirth! 

ll|mn  works  iiniliT  consiriii'liini,  out  of  2,287 
trims,  l.ODfi  arc  for  soiiilicni  works,  or  less  than 
mu'-h.ilf ;  aial  »iG,774,21H  an-  alloucil  lo  us  out  of 
S10,2l(l,7(;il. 

Afior  tlw  romnlclion  of  iliosc  wi.fks,  llic  aysli'm 
is  to  build,  firshtj,  works  entiiflij  nl  ilie  N'orlli, 
iiioiiiitini;  1,;)27  iruns,  and  ■•osuii^'  «i3,42.'),0IHI. 

After  tilt'  i'om|ilrti"ii  of  tins  class  of  works,  aii- 

otlifr  otif   (o   li. mnii'in'id,  niotiiitiii;:  (ia.'l  ^'iiiis 

soulli  of  llaliiniori',  and  KK)  iiortli  of  tliai  liiy — 

At  a  .■osi  for  till'  Smiili,  of <»1. 170,00(1 

And  for  the  Norili,  ot".    ftl."i,OUU 

Last  of  all,  oilirr  works  arc  lo  be  romidctpd — 

Oivin:,'  lo  tile  S,.iiili 1„W0  pins 

And  lo  tlir  iNorlli :i,24n  gims 

And  ralliii'.;  for  an  ixpriidiluru  at — 

Tin;  Soiitli  of S'i.0 10,402 

And  for  the  .N'nrtli  llie  sitni  of 12,222,422 

Or,  will  11  all  are  eomplc.tid,  to  i;ive  at  a  fflaiice 
the  inimeiise  disparity  between  tlie  two  rejions, 
when  looked  iii"iii  as  recipients  of  govcrnmenlal 
favor  and  proti  ciion,  iline  will  huvc  been  expend- 
ed for  llie  deteace  of  the  Union — 

South  of  Hahiiuore <ilO,2'.i:t,G7J 

North  of  lialliniore 21,.".4:),20l 

And  iliere  will  have  been  nuninted  ii|Mni  the  for- 
tifications of  the  I'nioii — 

South  of  l>aliiiiiore,aiid  inehisive. . . .  :i,.").'M  •lun^. 
Norili  of  Uahliiinre (i,7G2  i:niis. 

.Showing',  both  as  rrt,Tirds  foriincalions  and  suns 
an  expenditure  of  (iro  In  iiiie  in  favor  of  the  \orlli ! 

Is  this  disparity  ealled  for  by  the  lenijlh  of  eiiast 
or  superior  products  of  tin-  north  .' 

The  total  cost  of  defences  on  llie  norlliern  iVoii- 
lier  iiroper  has  been  ^2,^)U2,322. 

Tne  nuniber  of  iriiiis  niotmted  are  ,j5j. 

This  exhibits  one  nun  to  every  3i  niilea  of  fron- 
tier, and  an  expenditure  of  Si, 2.%  for  (U'fenee. 

On  the  north  Allaniie  eoasi  are.orwil'  bc,iijnunl- 
ed  three  i;uiis  to  c\ery  mile  of  roast;  and  an  expeii- 
diiure  of  «il),2(i7  a  mile  lor  defence. 

On  tlie  south  Atlantic  coa.-^t,  there  are,  or  will  be, 
mourned,. 11  llic  rale  of  one  and  three-fifths  i^inis  to 
every  mil''  of  coa.st;  and  an  expenditure  of  <j4,3p2 
a  mile  for  delV'uce. 

On  the  Gulf  eoa.st,  tliero  have  been,  or  v.ill  be, 
mounted  a  i;im  for  eve^'v  i.ole  and  a  half  of  eoa.st; 
and  an  eX|icndiliiiT  ol  >t,(!'.  a  mile  for  deleiice. 

Or,  sum  it  all  up  at  one  view,  and  it  appears  that, 
ill  round  iiuiiiliers,  then  will  be  three  i^uiis  to  de- 
fiiid  every  mile  .f  coast  an'(  frontier  norili  of  Ilal- 
timore;  and  but  one  ;,'un  lo  defend  eacli  mile  of  the 
souiheru  ci<a.st,  «!,i!e  about  >*j, 500  is  ihe  avern^i' 
expenditure  a  mile  for  the  northern  defence,  and 
^4,401^  is  the  avcraije  exiH:liditiire  a  mile  fur  soutji- 
I'rn  del'eiice. 

To  show  the  further  injustice  and  inetiunlily  of 
the  pnielic.il  workings  ol  this  system,  1  will  here 
.iiale  the  exports  of  ihrie  articles  niirely  from  the 
iSiMilh  during'  the  year-;  |.''44  and  1^4;"): 

In  1^44  cotton  exported  to  amount  of  S.'>4,0i;.'),")0] 
1H45    "  "  •'  .■|l,7;t9,fi43 

lMlH44iirc  "  "  >2,lt<2,4fi8 

1845  "  "  "  2,l(iU,4.'i(i 

In  1K44  tobioco     "  "  Sf^,;i!l7,2.".') 

1>-4J      '•  "  "  7.4(I'J,H|!I 

R.in-  for  1-44 <('i4,(;4a,224 

And  lor  l«4,'( (;i,:).VJ,016 

The  dutif  s  piitd  on  ili<  iiripoi'taiions 

niioh  m  l''44,  « ere S21),2r)fi,.').".7 

III  |H4.'),  were :iii,>.n,-i,t)i; 

The  whole  amount  of  iiiiportutions  may  lit  mi)- 
sid.r.'d,  in  round  numbers,  as  »|(JO,000,000.  0< 
tins  vfu.i  Mil. I  the  .Somh  brini;s,  as  ;i  return  for  its 
evporlid  indu-iry,  more  Ihan  'oi'  half  nj//  your 
norl-<;  and,  eoll^e^plenlly.  pa\  ■'  more  tlj,;/i  one- 
lialf  of  your  revenue.  Aiici  yet,  look  at  tin  vast 
disproportion  in  the  expenditure  of  this  coniniou 
l'iind^(it  oiiL'ht  lo  be.)  Eleven  hundred  ilollars 
mole  per  mile  l.sexpendi'll  for  defence  of  the  iNorth, 
Ihioi  IN  uiuii  lo  liie  .South.  Three  pun  ,  nru  jiinn 
to  ihu  Norili  to  every  mile,  mid  but  one  tsjjiven  lo 


the  South,  for  the  same  piiriMise;  while  three  dol-  , 
lars  ia  expended  at  the  North  for  internal  improve-  ■ 
meiil,  lo  every  dollar  ™rudi;iim^ly  doled  out  lo  us! 

Pray  tell  me — you  are  so  irooil  at  "nilniliiliiiix" —  i 
hnw  huii;will  it  lake  lo  render  your  portion  of  the   | 
Union  a  garden,  and   ours  a  waste  place,  at  this  | 
rale.'     And  further  tell  me  if  the  system  is  not  fast   i 
lending'  lo  relieve   the   North  aliOLjelher  from  Uie   : 
burden  of  taxes,  by  i,-ivinK  back  to  it,  in  the  shape  i 
of  internal  ini]irovenienIs,and  fortiliealions  thickly 
sutdiled  aloii;;  its  coast — all,  or  nearly  all,  that  it 
pays  iiiio  the  treasury  ill  the  shape  of  taxes:  ,Most 
of  your  navy-yards,  foundries,  barracks,  and  ar- 
mories ail'  there,  and  I'on.seipiently  the  expendi- 
ture for  these  means   id'  defence  are  made  there. 
Pros]ierily  may  well  be  cmisidured  as  stamped  upon 
the  face  oi'lhe  eomitry  and  its  people; — when,  prae- 
lieally,  it  is  freed  from  taxation,  and  is  nourished 
by  a  liberal  expenditure  upon  it  of  taxes  wrunj; 
from  olhtrs  I 

What  has  been  disbiir.sed  at  the  South  ha.s  been 
eminently  national;  and,  owini;  lo  the  course  of 
trade,  as  peculiarly  for  the  beneril  of  northern  and 
eastern  Hhip-owners,  and  the  tiirniers  ot'  the  i^rcat 
valley  of  the  .Mississippi,  as  for  the  South.  The 
trade  ol*  the  Mississippi  has  to  diseniiioirue  itself 
on  the  iriilf  by  the  mouth  of  that  river,  has  to  run 
the  iramitlel  of  the  breakers  on  the  Florida  reefs, 
and  sail  along  our  eonsts  to  northern  pons  or  for- 
eign harbors.  This  trade  is  cnrried  on  almost  en- 
'  lirely  by  eiiizens  of  the  North,  and  in  vessels  . 
'  owned  there;  and  yet,  even  with  aid  of  this  fact,  ' 
we  have  been  thus  partially  dealt  by. 

1  mention  these   facts  to  show,  tirsi,  that  even 
for  the  lesitimaie  purjioses  to  which  public  money  ,: 
la.'iy  be  npjiropriated,  its   appropriation    has  a.s-i| 
snmed  a  sectional   partiality;  and   llnil  when   the  ■ 
Constitution  has  been  s*^i  unmercifully  stretched  as 
to  make  its  very  joinis  lo  crack,  in  m-iler  lo  lavish 
that  inonev  on  works  of  inlernal  improvement,  the 
siiiirle  Stale  of  Ohio   has  a  t'-rabbinL^  or  ^^raspiii": 
power  ei]ual  lo  the  whole  South! 

To  these  arLOumnts  and  ficls,  however,  comes  ,i 
the  respmise,  ••  il  is  fur  the  i;eneral  welfare;  it  will  t 
cement  the  Union."  Never  was  reasonitiij  vainer  [ 
or  more  absurd.  The  continued  exercise  of  tin-  i 
constitutional  powers  will  cominnally  weaken  the 
bonds  which  bind  us  loireiher.  The  repealed  ex- 
ercise of  even  dounifnl  constitutional  powers,  and 
the  injudiciiaia  usi  of  even  conferred  riu'his,  will 
in  time  C!  'ate  jealmisy,  distrust,  and  hearl-burn- 
iiiU's — ay,  and  lialred  loo,  when  accompanied,  as 
in  this  instance,  by  rank  oppression.  Partiality 
in  the  distribution  of  lawful  I-'ederal  patronai^eaud 
protection  will  produce  these.  Injustice  in  ex- 
penditure, and  eonseipient  ineipiality  in  taxation, 
so  far  from  cenientiiiir  the  \arioi(s  p.-irts  of  this 
riuon  into  a  irri-at  whole,  wit!  either  crush  these 
various,  distinct,  iiiteirral  j^art.s  into  one  consolida- 
ted mass,  or  force  them  a.siinder  wlili  a  power 
whicli  cinnot  be  resisted.  If  yon  desire,  indeed, 
to  cement  this  Union,  abandon  this  jiolicy — a  pol- 
icy so  intimately  connected  with  the  iiixini;  power, 
as  lo  call  for  the  exercise  of  each  cnexIniNively. 
Kcniiomy,  low  duties,  a  scrupulous  re»rard  for 
Slate  riehls,  a  non-exereixe  of  doublfiil  powers, 
will  preserve  harmony  in  this  wide-spread  repub- 
lic— \s  ill  create  respect  for  hVderal  lei.;is!ation — will 
j^ive  rise  to  a  free,  and  therefor*^  noble  enmlation 
amoiar  tlie  States,  in  the  race  for  commercial  and 
ai^riculturtil  prosperity;  and  do  far  more  to  perpet- 
uate the  Union  liian  armies,  nr  the  la\'isli  expend- 
iture of  untold  millions  wriiii!;  from  a  discontented 
people. 

APPKNDIX. 
Slalrimiii  slwteing  uyniu/idin    brj  llie  Ctniral  Cov- 

crniiieiitfnr  iiii/iroie iiif lit  oj  harbors,  rirtra,  ninaU, 

mill  rniiils,  ivilliiii  Ike  scleral  Utales,  Jrain  1830  lo 

|h4,'>,  iiif/ii.'iirf.- 

In  .Maine Sl'>'.t,'.l.').".  01 

.\ew  {iampahire 20.ll.~i.'l  01 

Vermont 1111.40.1  (Ml 

.Masaiicliliselts .■|.'(-',';4!l   Mi 

Rhndr  Island I!i.4(i.'t  04 

Conneciicut lU.'i.Ilir)  77 

N.  w  York l,.l.7l,.M;t  K') 

New  Jersey 2.-<,'.lli;i  00 

Pennsylvania 2()li,l4l   --'7 

Ddiuvjire 41,114  (iO 

.Maryland .1.'),(MK)  00 


In  Viririnin .10,440  00 

North  (,'aroliim ;M0,72H  70 

South  Carolina ,'i,IIIMI  00 

AlahamH 147,2,VI  .'17 

Oenrgia 102.201  (iH 

Florida ;to;i,0(i2  .'i2 

Louisiana I.iliio  (10 

Miasiasippi l.M.OIIO  00 

Arkansas K"'|,7rtt  (12 

Missouri .')l,4r>H  HS 

Teiiieasee l.Vi.OtlO  00 

Kentucky 

Ohio....'. i.o:iH,;ti!i  oi; 

Illinois !»:t.'i,7(i|  ;«> 

Indiana l.;il4,M.-.4  2.'> 

Michiiran 2.M ,:I4 1  2(5 

lowii Mli.HO.H  00 

Wisconsin 107.(if<0  0(i 

District  of  Columbia (iltH.Moe  00 

Stalrmnit  ihnirhic;  fipcnililiirc  hii  the  (Inurnl  (!nv- 
fniiiieiit/iir  luirlwrs,  rinrs,  coia/.s-,  iinil  reai/.v,  reu- 
neiltil  irilli,  nr  txiniiliiii;  liiln,  the  frrmil  Stales 
rrilhin  llir  smiie  iicrinil: 
For  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  canal...  !iji724,'J'.)0  00 
Ohio,   Mi.ssissippi,   and   Mis- 
souri rivers I,77.7„"in4  48 

Harbors  on  Delaw.ire  river  . .       (i."i,l.'!,T  00 

Delaware  breakwater L."i2!),4;t4  H7 

Cumberland  road '.127,339  (>(> 

Ilcuuls   ill  Mlcliii;aii,  Indiana, 

undOhio IM,191  27 

Road    from    eouili    boundary 

of  Missouri 20,000  00 


HARBORS  AND  RIVERS. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  C.   W.  JONES, 

OF   TKNNP.SSKK. 
In  the  Horsi;  of  1!v.iuii.sf.xtati\K5, 
March  II,  IH4(i.  ■ 
The  Honse  beiiisr  in  Cominiilec  of  the  Whole  on 
the  stale  of  the  Union  mi  the  bill  makinu'  appro- 
priations for  certain  Rivers  and  Harbors — 
Mr.  JONKSsaid: 

^ir.  CiiAtnMAn;  It  is  at  all  times  with  ditfideuce 
and  reluctance  that  I  attempi  public  speakinsr.eiiher 
here  or  elsewhere.  And  I  should  not  now  tres- 
pass on  the  time  and  patience  of  the  I'ommiltec 
but  for  the  anieiidment  proposed  by  my  colleniiue, 
(Mr.  Croziku,]  now  pendiiar.  This  atnendnient 
proposes  to  appropriate  the  sum  of  two  hundred 
and  tiftv  Ihou.-^and  ihdlars  to  be  expended  in  lite, 
improvement  of  the  uavi^'iilion  id'  the  Tennes.-eii 
river,  by  reinoviu!;  the  olisiruclions  at  the  Muscle 
Shoals,  located  in  that  river.  This  is  the  only  im- 
jirovement  proposed,  or  which  will  be  proposed, 
in  which  a  lara:e  portion  of  my  eonsiliuents  have 
any  direct  interest.  My  dislrict  ia  eoniposed  of 
four  coiinlies:  Klk  river,  a  sni.ill  stream.  Hows 
ihroiiL'h  the  two  siailhern  eouiitie.s  (Franklin  and 
Lini'olnl  of  the  .lisiricl,  and  empties  into  the  Ten- 
nessee river,  some  ten  miles  below  the  head  of  the 
Muscle  Shoals.  This  river,  lliouu'h  small,  and  per- 
haps known  to  but  few  iipmi  this  lloor,  is  of  sulli 
eient  size  to  lloal  llalboais  of  the  lari,'est  clasa, 
heavily  laden,  anil  is  the  only  water,  or  navigable 
outlet,  or  comnmnieation  which  the  people  of  these 
counties  have  to  the  jireat  river  id'  the  world,  (the 
.Mississippi,!  iliroiiL'h  which  their  cotioii  and  other 
prodiictiona  tind  their  way  to  the  markets  of  the 
world.  Elk  river  enieriiii:  the  Tennessee  near 
the  bend  of  Muscle  Shoals,  we  have  to  eucinimer 
nil  the  dansers.  dilliculties,  and  delays  presented 
by  this  irrrat  iiatiirni  obstruction  in  the  iiBvienlioii 
of  lh<  se  rivers — the  ;;re,iiesi,  if  not  the  only,  bar- 
rier in  the  nnviiraiion  between  the  portion  of  my 
eoiisliliienls  referred  to  and  the  city  of  New  Or- 
leans. 

From  what  I  have  said,  the  commiliie  must  see 
the  imiiortanre  of  this  improvi'menl  to  my  con- 
Biilnents,  and  thi-  I'orce  and  power  with  which  the 
anieiidment  of  my  colleau'iie  addresses  Itself  to  my 
inlerested  selHshness,  And  were  i  to  look  alone 
to  my  eontininince  hi  re,  I  hol'Io  yield  the  better 
convictions  of  my  mind,  and  eive  my  support  to 
lie  proposition  now  under  consHleraiion, 

Mr.  Chairman,  before  I  eniered  this  Hall  I  had 
prescribed  a  rule  tiir  the  covernnient  of  my  ai  lion 
as  the  Repre.ienmiivc  of  those  who  placed  nie  here; 


I 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


361 


r.'.l.44«  oit 
)l(l,7-.'H  70 

M7,'j:>!t  :i7 

1(I'J,'J!>1   (irt 

;«i;)  ,()«•»  M 

l.liilO  00 
l:t,<HH)  110 

5l,4r>H  HS 
l,Vi,(lM0  00 

i):iM,;ti;i  ou 

!inf>,7(ii  :w 

:ii4.s.->4  '-'S 

L',M,;t4i  •-•(> 

:it;.>ioM  00 

107,tiM0  ot> 

iwii.Hoe  00 

ilntirfif  (ini*- 
iik/  riiiii(,<,  fim- 
jfvmil  SfMlei 

i,704,>)90  no 

,77:>,:):t4  48 
r,:>,ixi  00 

,5^!),4;i4  87 
!W7,339  66 

113,1!)!  'J7 

•JO  ,000  00 

:us. 

.  JONES, 

TATlNtS, 

the  Wliiili'  on 
iniikiiii;  a|ipio- 
larlinifi — 

with  (lirildciii'p 
i|i('nkiiis.',  rilher 
\(it  HUM'  ircs- 
(unmiitec 
ny  nillensrui", 
M  amomlineiit 
iwii  liiindrpd 
iinili'tl  ill  the, 

IVlllU'M.'-L^t! 

11  llio  iMiisrIe 
N  llic  niily  iiii- 
[iritposcil, 
liliii'iils  linve 
i-titi)|iosi-(t  ni" 
irrnni,  lliiwM 
(Ki'Miiklln  iiikI 
into  iho  Tc  II- 
ir  liriiil  ot'tlio 
mall, mill  prr- 
nr,  is  nf  sutli- 
liiri.'cst  rlns8, 
.  Ill"  iinvii;nbie 

iMlplf  ol'llll'MP, 

K  Wllllll.  (iliti 
r..iii  mill  oilirr 
inrkfls  (>!'  iIip 
ciiiii^PMrr  ;io»r 
r  til  ciKMUiiuei* 
nvi<  prosnitpi! 
till'  iiiiviixnOnii 
till'  imly.  liHr- 
piiiliiiii  111'  my 
tv  o(  Now  Or- 


iilli  r  must  mv. 

Ill  111  my  ron- 
«  illi  wliirli  Iho 

ca  lisoll'lii  my 

I   111  look  ninnp 

III  ihr  lii'tlei- 

my  support  to 

'Uinll. 

his  Hall  I  liH<l 
t  of  my  III  Hull 
ilacrdincliiTc; 


MM 


i 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 

R  rule  wliiili  1  iiilciul  ri;riilly  to  adhere  to,  whi'"li 
I  cnniiiit  disir^'nrd  wiihont  roiulerint;  myself  uii- 
Miirihy  thii  station  which  I  ocriiny.  That  rule 
was;  wliciiiivci'l  slmuld  he  called  upon,  in  the  course 
iifiiiv  legislative  duiies,to  ait  upon  a  proposition, 
to  look  liist  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
Stales,  and  satiify  myself  wlielhcr  the  powers  pro-  i 
posed  to  be  exereiseil  were  authorized  by  that  sa- 
cred instriimenl.  In  this  case,  I  have  n|)plied  the 
rule  and  appealed  to  the  Conslitntion,  biit  have 
been  wholly  and  utterly  unable  to  find  therein  even 
the  semlihiiice  of  authnnty  In  jiistil'y  me  in  voting 
either  fur  the  ameiidinoiit  or  bill  before  the  com-  ; 
niiliee.  ' 

This  is  a  Government  of  limited,  delegated  pow- 
ers, possessiii:;  not  iiiio  iota  of  oricjinal  or  inherent 
power,  and  should  be  kept  rigidly  within  the  limits 
ansigned  it  by  the  Constitution.  Pass  those  limits, 
and  act  upon  those  enlarged  and  liberal  views  so 
earnestly  contended  for  by  gentlemen,  which  shall 
enable  (jongrcss  to  do  whatever  they  shall  think 
will  best  proiiiole  and  "  provide  for  the  coniinon 
defence  and  general  wellare,"  you  virtually  abolish 
the  Constitution,  usurp  the  rights  of  the  sovereign 
States  composing  tliis  confederacy,  concentrate  all 
power  in  the  Federal  head,  and  will  make  this 
Government  a  despulisiii — a  curse,  instead  of  a 
Messing,  which  all  good  nun  and  patriots  will  seek 
to  rid  themselves  of. 

Mr.  Chiiirman,  my  colleague  who  addressed  the 
committee  this  morning  [Mr.  Gkvtiiv]  claims  for 
Congress  not  only  the  power  to  puss  this  bill,  but 
a.>io  the  power  to  do  everything  which  shall  "  pro- 
\  iile  for  the  coninion  drfenie  and  general  welfare;" 
an  assiimptioii  which  1  ulicrly  repudiate.  He  read 
tlie  iiicHiiible  to  the  Constitution:  t 

"  We,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  order 
*  to  form  a  more  perfect  union,  establish  justice, 
'  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  ])rovide  for  the  coni- 
'  inon  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and 
'  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  to 
'  our  posterity,  do  ordain  ancl  establish  this  Con-  i 
'  siitution  for  the  United  States  of  America." 

My  colleague  contends  that  in  this  preamble  is  ' 
to  be  found  the  olijects  which  induced  the  adoption 
of  the  Constitution,  and  an  enumeration  of  the 
good  to  be  attained  and  the  blessings  enjoyed  un- 
der its  operations.  In  this  I  fully  concnr.  But  he 
I'urtlier  contended  that  Congress  can  legitimiUely 
do  any  and  everything  for  the  attainment  of  those 
enumerated  objects.  From  this  1  wholly  dissent. 
The  wise,  the  good,  and  the  patriotic  men  who 
framed  and  siilimiiteil  to  the  people  of  the  ITniled 
.States  this  Constiliitioii  for  their  ratification  did 
not  leave  the  manner  and  means  of  altaining  those 
<ibjects  to  doubt  and  uncertainty — to  the  whims 
and  caprices,  ilie  avarice  and  selfishness,  the  ]ietty 
ambitions,  the  bartering  and  lo-r  rolling,  of  mcm- 
liers  of  Congress  and  those  who  should  be  eii- 
triislid  with  the  inaiingcinent  of  public  nlVairs.  Js'o, 
sir;  but  in  phiin,  iiuellisible,  and  unambiguous 
terms,  the  mode  is  prescribed  how  those  objects  are 
to  be  eflcctcil;  in  terms  so  plain  that  he  w-ho  runs 
may  read,  and  reading,  may  understand.  In  my 
opinion,  the  rule  lulopied  for  the  construction  of 
the  sacred  writings  by  a  numerous  and  respectable 
denomination  of  Chr'isiians  in  the  West  should  be 
iijiplied  to  the  Coiisiiiuiion— that  the  text  should 
be  literally  construed. 

I  have  heard  inich  said,  sir,  about  men  learned 
in  ihe  law,  great  consiuiiiional  lawyers,  and  their 
opinions  of  ihc  instrument.  In  my  opinion,  none 
such  are  required  for  the  true  inlerprelntinn  of  the 
Consiitiitiiin.  Such  men  are  most  usually,  if  not 
always,  required  to  find  in  the  Constitution  some 
nower  which  was  not,  nor  ever  was  intended  to 
be,  included  therein.  The  language  being  plain 
and  simple,  is  comprehensible  by  men  of  ordinary 
capacity,  liven  unlearned  and  unlettered  men,  nn- 
able  to  read  themselves,  hearing  it  read,  may  cor- 
rectly   istriie  and  imderstand  its  provisions.     If 

the  construction  given  to  the  preamble  by  my  col- 
league is  correct,  iheii  the  eimmeraiion  of  the  pow- 
ers of  Congicss  is  not  only  idle  and  useless,  but 
ridiculous  and  absurd. 

P.iii  my  colloau'iie  further  read  from  the  Consti- 
tution— "Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  iiiid  col- 
'  li  ci  ia\es,  imposis,  mid  excises,  to  pnv  the  debts, 
'  and  pioviilc  for  ilie  common  dcCence  iinil  giiieial 
'  welfaie  of  the  Uniliil  States;  but  all  duties,  im- 
'  posts,  and  excises,  shall  lie  uniform  throughoui 
'  the  United  States."    And  from  this  he  argues, 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  O,  W.  Jones, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


that,  as  the  power  is  here  expressly  delegated  to 
Congress  to  lay  and  colled  money  in  the  several 
ways  specified,  to  pay  the  debts  and  provide  for 
the  common  defence  and  seneral  welfare,  the  pow- 
ers of  Congress  are  limited  alone  bv  its  wisdom 
and  discretion; — that  here  is  full  and  ample  au- 
thority to  do  everything  which  Congress  shall 
think  will  provide  for  the  common  defence  and 
ireneral  welfare  of  the  United  Slates.  This  is  ton 
broad,  and  never  could  have  been  intended  by 
those  who  IVamed  the  Constitution.  For  imme- 
diately succeeding  this  provision  follows  an  enu- 
meration of  the  powers  deleiiated  to  Congress;  by 
the  cxerci.se  of  which,  Omgress  can  provide  for 
the  common  defence  and  ireneral  welfare,  and  in 
no  other  way;  among  which  is  the  power  to  bnr-  I 
row  money,  regulate  commerce,  raise  and  supjiort 
armies,  provide  and  maintain  a  navy. 

My  colleague  and  others  rely  with  great  confi- 
dence upon  that  provision  of  iheCnnstitiition  which 
gives  Congress  power  "  to  regulate  commerce  with 
foreign  nations,  and  anions  the  several  States,  and 
with  the  Indian  tribes,"  for  the  power  to  pass  this 
bill  appropriating  S1,H!13,450  for  works  of  internal 
improvements.  Sir,  this  provision  gives  Conirress 
the  same  power  to  make  internal  improvements  in 
foreign  nations,  and  in  the  countries  of  the  Indian 
tribes,  that  it  does  within  the  Stales  of  this  Union. 
As  ample  power  is  conferred  to  appropriate  one 
million  of  dollars  to  the  improvement  of  the  harbor 
at  Liverpool  or  at  Gibraltar,  as  is  given  to  appro- 
priate «,75,000  to  improve  the  harbor  at  the  ciiv  of 
St.  Louis,  or  mi  indefinite  sum  to  purchase  the  indi- 
vidual stock  in  the  Louisville  and  Portland  canal 
for  the  purpose  of  making  it  free  of  loll,  thereby 
relieving  western  commerce  of  the  burden  of  those 
tolls. 

My  iViend  from  Ohio,  who  addressed  the  cotn- 
mitiee  on  yesterday,  [Mr.  Farav.]  in  the  cnni- 
menccment  of  his  remarks,  avowed  himself  a  strict 
constructionist,  and  opposed  to  a  loose  or  latitiidi- 
nous  constniction  of  the  Constiliition,  and  of  the 
two,  thought  there  was  greater  safety  in  a  too  rigid, 
rather  than  a  too  loose  construction.  He  also  ex- 
pressed his  apiirobation  of  the  principles  of  the 
Maysville  road  veto.  After  the  mtcraneeofthe.se 
sentiments  by  the  gentleman,  it  was  with  surprise 
and  reerctthat  I  heard  hiin  declare  that  he  approved 
most  of  the  provisions  of  ihe  bill  before  the  commit- 
tee, in  id  should  vote  fiir  it,  upon  the  ground  that  those 
rivers  were  navigable  slreanis,  and  as  such,  this 
Government  has  jurisdiction  and  power  M  iniprove 
them.  -Apply  this  rule  to  all  the  rivers  in  i|ie  Union 
— and  I  know  no  reason  why  it  should  not  as  well 
be  applied  to  the  Tennessee,  or  even  I'.ik,  us  to  the 
Mississippi! or  Ohio — and  where  wiii  you  stop? 
Or  where  will  you  raise  the  nioney  to  su;iport  the 
system?  Uefore  ten  years  shall  have  passed,  you 
will  find  this  ( foveriinieiu  in  the  condition  of  some 
of  the  Stales,  not  rcimdiatinar,  but  entirely  unable 
to  pay  her  debts,  or  even  the  interest  upon  her 
debt. 

The  genllemnn  inquired,  if  he  be  not  co.-reci, 
where  was  ithe  power  derived  to  erect  forts,  ar- 
senals, inairazincs.  dockyards,  and  li^ht-boiises? 
For  most  of  these,  the  power  is  derived  from  direct 
mill  PXfircss  frrants  in  the  Constitution. 

[Mr. TiiiHATTs.  Will  ihe  gentleman  refer  to  the 
provision  of  the  Ci"  •-»tution  which  authorizes  the 
exercise  of  the  pow--"' 

Mr.  .Tjnrs.  It  is  to  lie  t'ound  in  that  provision 
of  the  Constitution  which  aiilliorizcsConiress  "to 

*  exercise  like  aiithoritv  [exclusive  legislation]  over 
'  all  places  purchased,  by  ;lie  consent  of  the  Le^is- 

*  latore  of  the  State  in  which  the  same  shall  be,  (or 
'  the  erection  of  forts,  magazines,  arsenals,  dock- 
'  yards, and  other  necilfiil  biiildinu's."  This  I  hold 
to  be  as  clear  t\>H\  ryphcit  a  irrant  of  power  as  laii- 
cruage  fnu  make  it.  am'  I  hope  is  saiisfaciory  to 
the  irentleman  from  Keiuiicliv.  The  power  to 
erect  li'jfht-hnuses,  deepen  the  channel  to  Imr- 
liois,  anil  place  buoys  to  indie  ale  where  the  chan- 
nel is,  I  derive  from  the  power  to  "provide  and 
niaiiitaiii  a  navy."  The  scciiriivand  )irescrvaiion 
of  the  navy,  when  provided,  is  as  clearly  within 
the  power  of  CoiigrrsKas  that  to  j-iroviile  it  in  the 
first  instance.  Its  preservation  is,  in  fact,  a  prin- 
cifi.'il  item  in  its  ninintenance.  The  appropriate 
place  of  your  War  vessels,  in  active  service,  is  upon 
the  hi'/h  .seas.  When  (liese  vessels  return  from 
this  service,  or  are  not  needed  for  it,  it  is  as  im- 
portant for  them  to  luivi    harbors  where  they  can 


ride  in  safety,  as  it  is  to  have  dockyards  in  which 
to  build  or  repair  them.  Hut,  sir,  in  erecting  those 
light-houses,  deepening  tlio.se  channels,  improving 
those  harbors,  or  placing  buoys  to  direr  I  the  govern- 
ment vessels  Ihe  course  of  the  channel,  you  must 
confine  yourself  in  good  laith  to  the  single  purpose 
of  maintaining  or  preservingthe  navy.  Whenever 
this  line  is  crossed, and  a  light-house  erecteJ,  a  har- 
bor or  river  improved,  for  the  protection  or  to  facili- 
tate commerce,  to  promote  the  private  eiiter[)rise8 
of  individuals,  we  shall  find  ourselves  without  the 
pale  of  the  Constitution,  in  the  o|)en  field  of  con- 
struction, witii  a  corruptiiiff  system  of  bartering  and 
log-rolling  as  our  only  guide.  If  Congress  can  ap- 
propriate money  to  deepen  the  chnmiel  of  a  harlior 
for  mere  commercial  purposes,  it  can  grade  or  tun- 
nel a  niountiiin.  If  it  can  place  buoys  to  guide  and 
direct  private  ships,  it  can  place  iron  rails  upon 
the  road  it  has  had  graded.  And  thus  n  general 
system  of  internal  improvements  can  be  embarked 
in,  which  will  be  most  cnrru|it  and  corru|>ting,  and 
must,  fi*om  the  nature  of  things,  end  in  the  bank- 
ruptcy of  the  treasury  and  the  disgrace  of  the  Qov" 
euiment. 

Every  harbor  for  the  impi-ovenient  of  which 
an  appropriation  is  proposed  to  be  made  by  this 
bill,  is  included  within  the  presi'ribed  limits  of 
some  one  of  Ihe  States.  And  if  it  is  necessary 
to  improve  them,  to  aid,  encourage,  or  fnciliuito 
commerce,  the  money  for  that  purpose  should 
be  raised  by  duties,  levied  upon  the  tonnage  en- 
tered and  cleared  at  the  .several  harbors,  by  iha 
Legislature  having  jurisdiction  over  tiie  paiticu- 
lar  harbor  jiroposed  to  be  improvcil;  which  can 
be  done  by  the  several  State  Legislatures,  with 
the  assent  of  Congress,  and  was  the  iirac.ticc,  if 
I  mistake  not,  in  the  earlier  and  better  days  of  the 
Republic,  and  so  continued  until  alioiit  the  year 
1S16,  when  the  protectivetarilf  policy  had  its  ori- 
gin, when  it  became  necessary  to  increase  pernia- 
neiitlv,  by  all  possible  means,  the  expenditures 
of  this  CTOvernment;  thereby  alfonling  the  advo- 
cu'.es  of  the  protective  policy  the  double  aigunient 
if  the  necessity  of  levying  high  taxes  to  meet  ex- 
;ieiiditures  and  give  protection  to  domestic  muiiu- 
Ihctures. 

In  answer  to  the  gentleman's  inquiry,  where 
the  power  to  pay  pensions  to  the  soldiers  of  the 
revolutionary  war  and  others  is  to  be  fimiid  in  the 
Constitution,  I  refer  him  to  the  power  to  pay  the 
debts  of  the  United  States.  We  owe  to  tlmsu 
men,  who  achieved  and  bequeathed  to  us  the  liber- 
ties we  enjoy,  ndoiible  debi — of  gratitude  and  dol- 
lars. The  former  we  call  never  pay — the  latter  we 
may  in  part  at  least  cancel,  by  making  to  them  that 
remuneration,  in  the  shape  of  pensions,  which  the 
Government  was  unable  to  make  during  or  al  the 
end  of  that  Revolution.  Invalid  peiisioim  are  paid 
to  such  :is  have  been  disabled,  while  in  the  servic.e 
of  the  United  .States,  t'roiii  supporting  themselves 
by  manual  labor, and  are  p.iid  in  )iroportioii  lo  ilieir 
respective  disability.  All  pensions  are  paid  eitlur 
for  services  rendered  which  have  not  been  paid 
for,  or  lor  damages  sustained  while  in  the  service; 
and,  in  either  ca.se,  is  a  debt  against  the  United 
States. 

Sir,  gentlemen  have  labored  to  prove  the  nation- 
ality of  the  western  rivers;  and  when  they  have 
satisfied  themselves  of  the  truth  of  the  position  as- 
sunieil,  have  claimed  the  fosleringcare  of  the  treas- 
ury of  the  Union  t'or  those  rivers.  I  am  willing 
to 'admit  all  that  has  been  said  upon  tbci  siiliject, 
so  far  lus  the  general  public  imporiain'c  of  those 
rivers  is  involved;  but  then  1  deny  the  power  of 
the  Government  to  exci'cise  jurisdiction  by  making 
ihe  rivers  of  the  country  the  objects  of  internal 
improvements. because,  tbrsootli,  these  rivers  may, 
in  the  I'stimatioii  of  gentlemen,  be  tinctured  with 
the  "iidor  of  naiionaliiv.''  Iiut  these  rivers  are 
not  national.  We  are  not  a  nation,  but  ;i  conl'ed- 
emey,  conipoficil  of  ilifl'erenl  and  distinct  sovereign- 
ties. I  assert  '.bat  tlicie  is  not  one  square  inch  of 
;iiiv  one  of  ihe  rivers  proposed  to  be  ini)iroved  by 
this  bill,  under  ilii'  exclusive  jiirisdiclion  of  this 
Governmeiit.  iinless  ir  lios  been  miide  so  by  Ibo 
consent  of  the  Legislature  of  the  .State  in  whose 
limits  it  is  included.  Thus  Congress  cannot  pur- 
chase Ulaniierliassett's,  or  any  other,  island,  how- 
ever small,  in  eiilier  the  Ohio  or  Mississippi  rivers, 
and  erect  thereon  a  fort,  a  magazine,  an  arsenal,  a 
dockyard,  or  any  oilier  public  building,  without 
first  obtaining  the  assent  of  the  Legislature  of  the 


1    r' 


I    Jig 


til 


363 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


flNIarch  11, 


2^H  CONO IST  SE8S. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  G.  IV.  Jones. 


Ho.  OF  Keps. 


I  ,  ■  li  ! 


■M 


n ' 


parlii'iilnr  Stall' wiihiii  wliii'li  mwli  idliinii  niny  hn 
rmliiMi'i'il.  ItTciiiLTi'is  run  do  Hniic  of  tlii'  lliinu's 
I  Imvr  s|ii'i'ili('il,  cuiild  it  I'l'iimvc  mip  ot'llioar  isl- 
nnils,  if  liy  s.i  ddin;;  it  would  iniprovt'  the  iinvisn- 
tion  ?  1  think  not.  Itow,  1  ii8k,i'nii  ('on^rcss  cx- 
(Ti'isp  powers  nvftr  tlic  wjitiTfl  within  n  Sintc,  wlion 
it  rniinol  ovi'f  ihi"  Iniul  or  on  lui  island  in  the  same 
.Stale  ? 

Hy  one  of  the  provisions  of  the  hill  it  is  prn- 
poHpd  to  appropriate  an  anvninl  (indelinitc)  snlli- 
rient  to  p\iri'hase  the  individual  stock  ill  the  Louis- 
ville and  Portland  ranni, — a  work,  sir,  whieh,  it 
\f  ron''eiled  on  all  sides,  I  lielieve,  this  Uoiern- 
ineiit  hiis  no  power  t,j  eoiistniel;  hut  now  tli/U  it 
has  been  eonsinieted,  it  is  eonteniled  the  tiovern- 
mcnt  can  pnrehase.  This  canal,  Mr,  is  cut  thronjh 
the  soil  of  Kenluekv,  over  which  this  Conireps 
possesses  u<>t  one  parliele  of  leLrisIali\  e  power;  and, 
ennseqnenttv,  lan  neither  eoiisirucl  such  work,  nor 
purchase  it  after  it  has  heen  eonstrueted. 

I!y  anolher  of  the  provisions  of  this  hill  it  is  pro- 
posed to  appropriate  ^T.i.OIHI  to  the  improvement 
of  the  harlior  at  the  city  of  St.  Louis,  in  the  Slate 
of  Missouri.  A  Imrltor  at  Sr.  Louis!  A  hurlnu* 
where  nature  never  niaile  cuie;  where  n  harhor  is 
not  needed.  This,  sir,  will  he  news  to  the  .Missis- 
sippi honinien.  Xo  one  pretends  that  this  iiisiinird 
harhor  improvement  at  St.  [.onis  is  required  for 
the  s:ifety,i)reservaiion,  or  maintenance  of  the  naval 
vessels  lif  the  United  Slates.  ,\or  is  it  advoeated 
upon  the  sroiinil,  or  even  in-eieiiiled,  that  this  pro- 
posed imnrovenient  will  atl'ord  irreater  saf"ety  and 
security  to  ste.amhonts  and  other  private  tradini; 
erafl.  '  Xo,  sir:  liut  liy  one  of  those  freaks  to 
whieli  the  milhly  fuller  of  waters  is  adilicted,  of 
ruuninir  iiretty  niiK'h  where  it  jileases,  it  threatens 
very  sirioiisly  to  turn  its  main  ehauiii'l  on  the  Illi- 
nois side  of  liloody  Island,  am!  thus  leave  the 
wharf  of  St.  Louis  with  eildv  in  f\-'<nl  of  it,  which 
willof  ciurse  heeome  filled  with  mud  and  .sand, 
and  will  heeome  so  shallow  that  it  will  he  impo.s- 
sihle,  p'^rhaps,  for  boats  to  laud  there  as  heretot'ire. 
This  is  the  true  secret  why  this  appropriation  is 
Hskeil.  .Sunpose  the  main  channel  of  the  river 
should  he  Ibiinil  on  the  Illinois  side;  I  ask,  could 
not  hoais  as.'end  and  ih  s-eud  wi'h  equal  sat*,'ty  as 
if  found  on  the  .Nfissonri  side?  I  apprehend  none 
will  eniitrovert  this  position.  This,  sir,  is  not  a 
vnlinniil,  nor  is  if  a  work  of  general  )>nl)lie  import- 
ance to  the  people  of  that  reirion.  This  appropria- 
tion is  to  he  made,  and  this  harhor  improved,  for 
the  sole  henefi'  of  the  i  iii/eus  and  properiy-liolilers 
of  the  riiv  of  St.  Louis.  The  immense  trade  wliieh 
is  tifiw  done  at  St.  Louis  can  he  as  well  and  asad- 
vanl-ijeously  done  a  tew  miles  above  or  below  this 
point  as  it  can  be  done  there.  Snpoose,  insle.\d  of 
this  jrreat  river  threateniujto  leave  the  city,  it  was 
evident  that,  unless  arresdil,  it  would  in  a  few 
A'ears  entirely  wash  this  alre'iidv  ijreal,  but  still 
trrowiii'j:  and  pros|>erons  city,  away;  would  this 
fTOvernment.  if  applied  to,  have  the  power  to  arrest 
its  courser  (.'learlv  not,  .Sir,  wh;U  are  the  t^ieis 
with  resrird  to  the  lower  Mississipiur  W^hat 
would  he  the  fate  of  Xew  Orleans,  and  the  villa'^es 
and  farms  for  miles  altove  ami  below  the  eitv,  but 
I'or  tlic  levees  which  confine  tin-  waters  to  their  pre- 
seribed  limits.-  And  vi't.  I  believe  that  no  appro- 
priaticin  has  ever  been  asked  to  levy  the  banks  of 
the  Mississipjii  to  prevent  its  floodniir  Xew  Or- 
leans, or  anv  other  portion  of  the  coast.  Sir,  if 
yon  have  the  power  to  .so  inij>rove  the  river  as  to 
force  the  cnrriutt  by  the  eitv,  voii  certsiulv  have 
the  power  to  turn  it  ofTfrom  the  eiiy.  If  it  were 
proposed  to  exercise  this  latter  jiower  here,  we 
should  not  oidy  hear  the  eloquent  voire  of  the 
able  Kepreseittaiive  froui  St.  Ijouis  upon  this  (lor,r 
protpstinLT  airainst  the  exercise  r>f  such  n  power  by 
Contrress  as  unaiithori/.ed  bv  the  f'onstiliition,  hut 
we  should  h.ave  mtnen-ials,  and  special  committees, 
anii  delf.-:iiiona  here  iVom  S'.  Louis  also  protestini^ 
III  like  inanner.  Sir.  yon  have  ilie  same  power  to 
a[>propriate  money  Ibr  the  iiufirovement  ot' each 
harbor  (landiiiir)  at  itie  several  wood-yards  on  the 
.Mississippi,  lliiil  von  have  to  make  this  appropria- 
tion. The  principle  is  the  same  identicaltv.  Siip- 
posi'  St.  Louis  had  been  loc;iti'd  a  few  mile's  above 
where  it  is,  at  a  point  where  liiere  is  now  a  wood- 
vard,  and  a  wood-yard  located  where  St.  Louis 
now  is,  would  the  eonstiliitionalitv  of  iniprovinir 
the  present  h.irbor  of  St.  Jjouis  be  transferred  tVom 
its  present  locjiiion,  because  a  wood-yard  should 
li»!  there  instead  of  a  city,  and  localeil  where  this 


wood-yard  now  is  heeansn  a  eity  had  been  bnilt 
there?  I  cannot,  for  a  moment,  suppose  the  Con- 
st ilution  of  the  United  Slates  to  be  susceptible  of  so 
easy  aceomniodation  to  cin'itmslances  and  locali- 
ties. The  anthorily  to  make  this  appropriation  is 
derived  hy  many  of  its  advocates  from  the  power 
to  "  rejiilate  eommeree  between  the  Stales."  lint 
do  they  not  by  it  uive  a  preference  to  the  port  of  , 
St.  Louis  over  that  of  Alton  and  others  on  the  Illi- 
nois hank  of  the  river,  am!  n  thousand  others?' 
And  is  it  not  in  direct  violation  of  that  provision  of 
the  C'unslitntion  which  di'clares  that  "no  prefer- 
'  enee  shall  he  iriven,  by  aiiv  regulation  of  rom- 
'  mercf  or  rfrriiiic,  to  the  ports  of  one  Slate  over 
'  those  of  anolher?"     Most  assuredly. 

My  eolleae;ue  from  the  .Memphis  ilistricl,  (Mr. 
Stax'ton,)  in  the  course  of  his  remarks  a  tew  days 
since,  assumed  positions  and  I'lainied  for  this  Gov- 
ernment ))owers  which,  in  mv  jinh'ment,  are  nii- 
.'Uithori/.ed  bv  a  solitary  provision  of  that  Consti- 
tntiou  which  I  took  a  solemn  Oiilh  to  support 
before  takini;  my  cial  upon  this  tlofu-.  He  stated 
tli'it  the  United  States  is  iit  this  time  buildin?  a 
.1  '  ileiidid  ste,ain-fri:rate  at  the  ciiy  of  l'ittsbnr:T, 
which  will  be  readv  to  descend  the  river  in  a  few 
months.  .'\nd  should  it  become  necessary  to  pull 
(uit  a  sna'.r,  or  to  cut  throinrh  a  bar,  or  even  to  cut 
a  canal,  in  order  to  eet  this  friiTiUe  ti>  the  ocean, 
winild  any  srentleman  nru'iie  that  the  (ioTernment 
coiilil  not  do  this,  liceau.se  it  has  no  jurisiliction 
over  the  river?  Sir,  what  would  be  the  ell'ect  of 
such  a  powi.'r  if  possessed?  There  would  be  no 
work  of  internal  improvement  which  this  Gov- 
ernment would  not  have  power  to  construct.  All 
that  '.vouhl  he  necessary,  in  order  to  brim:  a  ship 
canal  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  the  month  of 
tlie  Columbia,  within  the  eoiistitntional  power  of 
this  Government,  would  be  tor  Coiicrress  to  order, 
or  for  the  Scretary  of  the  \avy  to  contract  lor, 
the  buildini;  of  two  ships  of  the  line,  or  war  steam- 
ers, (U'  splendid  friuMles,  upon  the  hiirhest  peak, 
if  you  please,  of  the  Uocky  mountains — the  one 
desiijned  for  the  Atlantic,  and  the  other  fiu'  the 
Pacith' — and  surelv  no  Eentleman  would,  in  the 
opinion  of  my  colleau'ue,  deny  to  this  Govern- 
ment the  power  to  remove  nil  intervenine;  obstacles 
between  those  ships  and  their  respective  deslina- 
tioiis,  bv  ooeniuir  a  ship  canal  tVom  the  Atlantic 
to  the  Pacific.  .Sir,  this  proposiiion  is  enormous 
and  absurd,  and  needs  only  to  be  stated  to  be  re- 
futed. 

I  have,  sir,  endeavored  to  state,  briefly  anil  con- 
eiselv,  mv  view  of  tile  eoiisi  itniional  power  of  this 
Goveriimeiit  over  the  subject  of  internal  imiirove- 
meiiu.  I  hope  I  lia\e  been  sulliciently  clear  to 
leave  no  doubt  upon  the  mind  of  any  a.s  to  my 
position.  I  ho)>e  I  shall  ever  have  moral  courage 
enouL'h  faitht'ullv  t,i  dischai'L'e  my  duty  to  (iod, 
my  cons 'ieiiee,  and  thi'  Conslilutioii  of  my  conn 
try,  even  in  a  ease  like  the  present,  where  the  in- 
terest of  mv  eonstituenls  mav  seem  to  be  in  con- 
lli''t  wiili  those  duties.  .Should  the  time  cverarrivc 
when  I  shall  place  a  hi;:her  esiiiuaie  upon  a  seat 
in  this  Hall  than  upon  a  t'.iithfnl  dischar;re  of  the 
.sacred  oldi^'atioiis  under  which  I  act,  I  shall  be- 
come dcrradeil  in  mv  own  estimation,  and  un- 
worthy i!ie  eoutideiice  so  i^cnprouslv  reposed  in 
roe  bv  "  c.rosiiiuents  such  as  few  men  ever  had." 
I  could  ii"t  aid  in  ilie  passage  of  the  iinconstitn- 
lioiinl  au'.l  ciM'rupiiii'-,'  system  now  endi'avored  to 
be  incorporated  into  ilu'  policy  of  the  Government 
bv  this  hill,  tlioiic:h  my  entire  ennsiiineney  should 
desire  it.  In  such  a  case,  I  would  return  to  tlu'in 
the  commission  with  which  iliev  have  honored 
me,  and  h'l  them  select  one  as  their  oriran  here 
who  could  cousi'icniionsiy  net  in  aecorditnce  with 
their  wishes.  I  never  will  knowintjly  thwart  the 
will  of  my  constituents. 

Mr.  Chairman,  a  few  w.^'ds  to  the  advocates 
of  this  bill.  Tliev  eonstiiuie  the  i-iajorilv  of  this 
House,  and  I  doubt  not  of  the  prese.'i  ('oni^ress; 
and  upon  this  subject,  tor  all  practical  pui:'os<'S,  are 
the  Conjress  of  the  United  Stales.  What,  then, 
are  their  dulies  as  American  li':;islators  ?  Should 
ihev  not  look  to  everv  part  of  ihis  wide-spread 
Union,  and  )>rovide  for  the  iinprovenient  ot'  all 
those  jjreat  public  hiu'liways  which,  in  //icir  opinion, 
sh.'ill  be  fairly  within  the  constitutional  power  of 
this  fioveriimeut,  rather  than  be  <roverned  bv  the 
ceiiiiiinn  /(lie  of  the  (Imil  H'cjl,  where  eaih  individ- 
ual ret'uses  to  help  hi.i  iiei^'bhor  to  )•"/(  his  Ions  un- 
less that  nei;;hbor  will  lielj)  him  ?     If  Cun^'is;»3  liau 


the  power  to  provide  for  the  improvement  of  tlio 
Ohio,  it  has  equal  power  lo  provide  for  that  of  the 
Tennessee.  The  former  I  believe  runs  throu;j;li  or 
washes  the  shores  of  six  .States.  The  latter  runs 
thron;;h  and  drains  parts  of  seven  Stales.  The 
amount  of  the  commerce  (lonted  upon  the  Tennes- 
see, properly  improved,  would,  in  a  short  time, 
equal,  if  not  surpass,  1  hat  U|ion  the  Ohio,  i  contend, 
then,  that  the  friends  rd'this  system  are  bound, hy 
everv  principle  of eoinmon  honesty  and  disinterested 
patriotism,  to  take  this  river  under  their  improvini; 
care,  thoueh  every  Ueprcsenlative  residiin.'  ill  its 
xalley  should  be  Ibund  arrayetl  airainsi  it.  Permit 
me  to  illustrate  by  relerence  lo  a  case  or  two.  Sup- 
pose this  country  should  he  involved  in  war  with 
I''ne;1and  in  consequence  of  the  ditticiilties  ^rowiii;: 
o'lt  of  the  Oreiron  question,  and  every  Uepre.seiit- 
alive  from  any  one  of  the  Slates  should  vole  against 
that  wnr,thoii!;li  wa^'ed  in  defence  of  onrriiihtsaiiil 
themaiiuenanee  of  our  honor;  would  the  services 
of  the  patriotic  citizens  of  such  .Slate  be  rejecteil  ill 
the  lionrof  necessity, and  they  told,  Vint  can  have, 
no  part  or  lot  in  this  fii'lit  beeao.se  your  Ilepresent- 
alives  ill  Contrress  voted  aizainsi  the  war?  Sir, 
upon  the  passable  of  the  exislin;;  iiefariiais  and 
iniquitous laritV  in  AiiL'Ust,  IHI'J,  the  entire  ileleira- 
tioii  from  Tennessee,  Whisrs  and  Democrats,  with 
one  exception,  iiiclndiii'j  my  colleau'ue,  [.Mr.  Ge.m- 
Tiiv,l  recorded  their  votes  a"aiiist  it. 

[.Mr.  Oks'thv  here  stated  thai  he  did  not  voIh 
a'.;ainsi  that  bill  because  he  was  opposed  to  its  pro- 
tective leatures,  bill  because  it  (lid  not  contain  a 
provisimi  for  the  ilisiribution  of  the  proceeds  of  tlio 
sales  ot"  the  )inblic  lands. ] 

Mr.  .'"NFS.  1  did  iioi,  Mr.  Chairman,  refer  to 
that  vote  tor  the  purpose  of  arrnii^nin;:  my  eolleairue 
at  this  time,  but  for  the  purpo.se  of  illnslratin;;  llie 
point  I  was  discussim;.  Now,  sir,  noiwithsiand- 
inu'  the  delegation  from  Temies.see  voted  upon  that 
occisimi  as  I  have  staled,  the  peopli'  of  that  Slate 
pay  into  the  treasury  annually,  under  the  opera- 
tions of  that  act,  fiver  one  uiillliin  of  (hilars;  which 
is,  in  fact,  a  part  of  the  very  money  now  proposed 
lo  he  appropriated  by  the  bill  under  coiisideralioii. 
.•\iid  vet  this  (.iovernment  has  never  said  to  the 
people  of  Temies.see,  Vour  Uepresenlntives  voted 

a'_'ainsl  the  tarilVof  181'.' d  therefore  your  mmiey 

cannot  be  received  iiniler  its  operations.  .Nor  has 
any  advoeaie  of  this  hill  ever  niadi'  a  similar  dec- 
laration. X'ow,  if  we  are  Ibrced  to  pay  money 
into  the  treasury  under  the  operaliim  of  a  law 
which  we  caniio'l  approve,  can  it  he  thou^'ht  un- 
reason.ible  in  us  to  ilemand  a  fair  proporiion  of 
nvin-s  ill  the  dislrihiitioii  id'  that  money,  thmi^'h 
we  eaiinol  approve  the  mode  iidopted  to  ellecl  that 
object?  For,  after  all,  I  must  consider  this  whole 
system  as  calculated,  if  not  intended,  more  lo  con- 
fer t'avors  upon  partienlar  localities,  iliaii  lo  ell'eet 
any  peniianenl  public  ;rood  by  the  improvement  of 
these  rivers  and  harbors. 

Mv  collea'j;ue  [.\Ir.  Gf.VTiiv]  referred  to  the  dif- 
feren'ee  of  opinion  liciwec  ii  the  si'vernl  win^s  of  the  . 
Democratic  parly  and  their  want  of  harmony,  and 
s.iid  there  were  two  Procrnslean  beds  upon  which 
lo  measure  Democrats — a  short  one  and  a  Ion;;  one; 
ami  when  a  Democrat  from  the  shorl-bedsti'.id  lal- 
itude  happens  to  get  in  the  locality  of  the  lom;  bed- 
stead, he  must  be  stretched  out;  aiid  when  a  Demo- 
crat from  the  I, oiuide  of  ibii  loiiL' bedstead  happens 
to  liiid  himself  in  the  locality  of  the  short  one,  he 
must  submit  lo  the  operation  of  beniir  either  cut 
olVor  iliove  np.  \Vhi;.'s,  I  am  iiielini'd  to  think, 
are  never  stibjeeted  to  the  operation  of  beiiiu'  either 
strelched  out',  cut  oil',  or  drove  up;  composed  of 
maierial  which  can  be  expandi  d  in- eontiacied  at 
will,  they  cmi  with  wonderful  facility  adapi  them- 
selves to  the  dimensions  of  the  bedsteailupoii  which 
it  mav  be  found  ra')ifi/ir»(  to  repose,  as  strikiie.'ly 
exemplified  by  mv  colleaL'Ue,  who,  in  I H.'JI!,  zeal- 
ously advocated  tlleeleciion  of  .Ind'.'e  White  to  the 
Presidency,  who  was  the  striclesi  of  ilie  strict  eou- 
struetimiisi.s — alike  opposed  lo  «  hank-  of  the  United 
States,  the  proieclive-tarifr  policy,  and  intenial  im- 
provements by  the  General  Governnieiil,  as  uiiau- 
ihorized  by  the  t.'oiisiitution  ami  inexpedient;  and 
who,  in  lf<14,  was  the  no  less  zealous  and  able 
supporter  of  the  eleciion  of  Henry  ('lay  to  the 
same  exalted  slaiion,  who  is  avowedly  in  I'avor  of 
a  most  liberal  and  latilndinoii:'  cmi.'.iruclion  of  the 
Conslilutioii,  ill  llivor  of  (I  bank  cd'  the  United 
States,  for  the  protecliv(;-tarilV  policy,  and  a  ;;eiie- 
ral  sy.sicm  of  imeriial  imiirovciiients  by  the  G'unei.d 


I 


^ 


1846.] 
29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


363 


"P" 


linn,  refer  to 
my  rolk'n:r"P 
nstrntiiii:  t!ir 
iii\vilhsi:iiiil- 
cil  M|)"ii  tliat 
(if  lliiil  Siiile 
'1  iho  (i|nrii- 
nlliirs:  wliii'li 

lOW  (irr)|«isfil 

oiisiilfTfttion. 

r  si\i(l  In  tlif 

ilativoM  viiled 

yinii-  iiioiii'V 

IS.       Nor  Illl:! 

siinitar  (l'''> 
pay  nioiii'v 
(if  ft  law 
(Miirht  un- 
iiiiin  nf 
.  ,  llimiu;!! 
I'H'col  lliat 
his  wlmlo 
irt'  to  ron- 
lan  to  clVo't 
einciuot' 

1  to  the  ilif- 
•iri^'M  III' the 
anii'Hiy.  ami 
i|ion  wliii'h 
a  loni^  nil*'; 
irdsliad  hil- 
loii.j  lird- 
I  a  Di'ini)- 
I  lia|i|ion3 
n  one,  lie 
either  I'lH 
il  lo  Ihiiili, 
I'iiiu'  eilher 
iii|iosed  of 
tulraeied  at 
adapt  theni- 
iipoii  whieh 
IS  Nli-iliiii';Iy 
IKII!,  zeal- 
Viiile  10  the 
e  strict  rr>n- 
f  the  United 
internal  iia- 
it,  as  unail- 
ledienl;  and 
US  and  aide 
(.'lay  to  the, 
y  in  lavor  of 

eli It'  the. 

(he  I'niled 
and  a  ijpiie- 
llieliulieral 


Unvcrnmcnt;  nnd  yet  I  liclicvc  my  colkairuc  lius 
neither  been  utretched  oiii,eiit  nir,  nor  drtivc  up. 

Sir,  that  there  are  dill'erenees  of  opinion  ainon^' 
tlie  ineniljcrH  of  the  Ueinoeratie  party,  I  will  not 
deny.  But  I  will  siiy  that  no  one  deplores  the  fad 
more  Hineerely  than  I  do.  I,  sir,  have  heard,  to 
me,  Nlriiii^t!  d(ti:lrincs  to  come  from  Denmerats. 
When  we  look  to  one  portion  of  the  parly,  wo  find 
them  advoealin;;  a  system  of  internid  iinprove- 
iiienla  whieh  eannol  Init  eni^ender  eorrnption,  and 
end  in  ruin  and  haiiUrnpley.  Looldii;;  to  anolher 
]>ortion  (d'  the  party,  and  we  find  lliem  the  advo- 
eates  of  proieeiue  diilies,  thereby  conferring  favors  \ 
uiion  one  portion  of  the  people  by  oppressing  and 
pinnderiiit;  tiie  otlieis.  .Sir,  I  do  not  aii'Of!aic  to 
liiysdf  the  prerofialive  cither  to  receive  or  read  ont 
a  inenilier  of  the  IJemocralie  party.  I  haveaaland- 
nrd  for  ihe  p;overnmenl  of  my  own  enniliicl,  whicdi 
is  a  strict  and  riijid  adlierenee  to  the  (Constitution, 
and  uncompromisini;  oppoailion  to  all  special  fa- 
vors, exclusive  privilei;eH,  and  elnsa  k^^islatioii, 
whether  intended  for  the  benefit  of  inilividnnis, 
corporations,  or  soeietics.  The  Constitution  is  ror- 
rectly  represented  by  the  iron  bedstead  of  Pro- 
crustes, and  he  who  does  not  fit  it  should  be  stretch- 
ed out  or  cut  olf,  ns  the  case  rer^uires. 


OREGON  UUESTION. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  GARRETT  DAVIS, 

OF  KENTLTKY, 
In  the  Hoi'se  ok  1!ki'iif.se.vtatives, 
Fcbrunrii  7,  1S46. 
On  the  Resolution  for  lerniinatinu;  the  joint  occu- 
pancy of  Oregon.  j 

Mr.  C'liAiKMAN';  I  regret  that   the  limit  of  the 
hour-rule  will   not  allow  me  n  sulKcient  time  to  ■ 
present  my  views  U|)on  tlii.s  iiiomentous  r|ueation,  ' 
and  the  various  matters  of  interest  whieli  are  con-  ! 
iiected  with  it.     This  con.sideration  will,  however, 
anihorize   me,   if  1  prepare  my  remarks  for  the 
))ress,  to  amplify  on  .some  points  of  what  must 
now  be  u  liurricil  exaniiiiaiion. 

I  sUind  here  as  n  freeman,  representins; freemen,  ; 
and  I  intend  to  speak  my  opinions  in  a  spirit  which 
becomes  bolli  them  and  me.  The  whole  Ameri- 
can (leople  are  looking  to  Coni;re.«s  for  informa- 
tion, for  fads,  upon  this  long-mooted  and  intricate 
enhjecl.  All  such  iiueations  must,  siioiier  or  later, 
be  decided  by  puUlie  opinion,  and  that  this  public 
opinion  may  be  wisely  and  jnally  formed  and  pro- 
nounced, the  people  should  know  their  truth  and 
their  reality.  Here,  in  the  two  llou.sea  of  Con- 
frress,  this  inl'orniatioii  is  to  be  collected,  and 
thence  ia  to  be  disaeminaled  throughout  the  na-  ■ 
tion.  The  member  of  Congress  who  misrepre- 
teiils  or  suppresses  important  facta  coimectid  with 
this  e.vciling  subject,  and  thus  aids  in  the  forma- 
tion of  an  erroneous  and  viiions  public  judgment, 
whieh  may  precipiiale  the  country  into  an  un- 
ncce.Nsarv  and  desolating  war,  conmiita  a  great 
crime.  The  guilt  of  that  crime  shall  not  attach 
to  me.  So  far  as  I  can  aitain  to  the  tnitli,  in 
fact,  in  public  law,  in  aiguinenl  and  doduclion, 
my  constituency  al  least  shall  know  it ;  and  I 
intend  here,  in  my  |dacc,  to  deel.u-e  it  to  the  coun- 
try, and  meet  all  ihe  ix.sponsil)iliiy  which  may 
await  me.  Even  if  the  loul  and  false  charsjc  of 
sympathizing  with  a  foreign  people  in  this  Ore- 
gon controversy,  and  being  impelled  to  it  by  excess 
of  opposition  to  the  Admijiislralioii,  be  tlirowii  at 
me,  1  will  not  ahrink  from  my  task,  but  will  alike 
scorn  it  and  ila  authors.  iVo  such  denunciation 
will  deter  me  from  doing  what  I  understand  to  be 
my  duty.  So  Imig  as  the  question  is  what  shall 
be  the  measures  and  relalions  i>f  our  country  with 
others,  I  will  support  those  whieh  I  deem  to  be 
jusi,  wise,  and  politic;  when  those  measures  and 
relations  are  determined  upon,  [  stand  by  my  coun- 
try and  those  who  are  charged  with  its  tiovern- 
inenl,  be  they  right  or  be  they  wrong. 

The  President,  in  his  Message  at  "the  beginning 
of  the  session,  gives  a  rapid  but  clear  history  of 
the  (linlomaey  of  the  Uniti d  States  and  Great  I'Srit- 
nin  in  relation  to  Oiegim;  upon  which  he  ecnncs 
(o  this  eonelnsion:  "All  alti'iniits  at  compronii.-.e 
'  having  failed,  it  Ijecomes  the  duly  of  Congress  to 
'  consider  what  measures  it  may  be  projicr  to  udo|)t 


The  Oregon  Qiieilion — Mr.  G.  Davis. 

'  for  the  sreuritynnd  protoclion  of  our  citizens  now 
'  inhabiting,  or  who  may  heirciifter  inhabit  Oreirnn, 

'  and  for  the  maintenance  of  our  just  title  to  that 
'  territory."  He  then  refers  to  the  treaty  between  \, 
the  two  eonnlries  whieh  secures  to  the  people  of  | 
both  countries  the  temporary  right  of  free  arcess 
to  all  Oregon,  nnd  particularly  to  the  article  which 
provi(h>s  that  either  party  may  terminate  it  by 
giving  the  other  twelve  months'  notice.  The  Pres- 
ident adds,  "  this  notice  it  would  in  my  judirnient 
be  proper  lo  give;"  and  he  recommends  tiiat  "  pro- 
vision may  be  made  by  law  for  giving  it  occorri-  ' 
ingly,  and  terminatins'lbe  convention  of  the  fiili  of 
Angusi,  1837."  He  suilea  and  admits  the  inhibi- 
tion which  this  C(nivention  crentes  lo  the  full  and 
proper  legislation  of  Con?ress  for  ihe  assertion  ■ 
and  maintenance  of  our  riglila  lo  Oregon,  as  be 
sels  them  forth;  and  then  clearly  inilieitcs  his  fu- 
ture ]ioliey,  in  this  aisnificani  parngrnph:  "At  the 
'  end  of  tlie  year's  noliee,  should  r'oiiLn'ess  Oiink 
'  it  proper  U)  make  provision  for  giving  that  notice, 
'  we  shall  have  reached  a  jieriod  when  the  national 
'  rights  in  Oregon  must  eiiher  be  abandoned  or 
'  firmly  inainlaiueil.  That  they  cannot  be  aban- 
'  doned  without  a  sacriiiie  of  both  national  honor 

I  '  and  interest,  is  too  clear  to  admit  of  donhl."    He 

I  recommends  at  mice  the  extension  of  the  laws  of 
Ihe  United  Slates  over  American  citizens  in  Ore- 
gon. 

The  language  of  the  President  upon  thia  subject 
is  explicit.     His  position  is,  that  onr  title  lo  the 
whole  of  Oregon    is  clear  and  indisputable,  nnd 
that  he  ha.s  denionatrnied  il  so  to  be;  llmtall  elforls 
to  negotiate  a  compromise  of  llie  controversy  have 
failed,  and  it  was  manifest  that  the  Krilish  Gove  rn- 
ment   would   not  concede  any  terms  which   ours  , 
oinrbt  to  accept;    that  the  subsisting  convention  ■ 
between  the    two  countries  was    the  nl'stacle  lo 
mcasiirea  necessary  to  ihe  assertion  and  nininte-  ; 
nance  of  our  righls,  and  ought  therefore  lo  lie  ter- 
minaied;  and  that,  at  the  termination  of  twelve 
months,  when  the  eonsummnlion  of  this   noiice  ; 
would  have  alirogated  the  eonvention,  unless  Con-  J 
cre.ss  should  then  tirmly  maintain  the  riirhl  of  liie 
United  States  to  all  Oregon,  il  woiihl  uniloubledlv 
be  guilty  of  n  sacrifice  of  national  interest  and 
honor. 

England  claims  to  have  as  much  right  to  nil  , 
Oregon  as  she  concedes  to  the  Uniled  Slates;  that  i 
it  is  a  vacant  unappropriated  country,  and  open  to 
the  people  of  all  the  world.  Her  Governineni  has 
repeatedly  refused  tin;  proposition  of  ours  lo  divide 
Oregon  between  them  substanlially  by  the  49ili 
pnndlel.  From  the  mouth  of  tlie  Columbia,  in 
4G°  1(>',  to  the  line  iH°  41',  to  wliich  we  claim  as 
onr  northern  boundary,  there  is  not  an  Americ,'in 
emigiaiit;  and  wilhiii  that  area  there  are  tweniy- 
lliree  armed  liritisli  posts,  beloii'^xing  lo  the  Hud- 
son Hay  Company.  This  fact  is  well  known  to 
.Mr.  Polk.  The  English  Govermnent  has  con- 
tended iiillexibly,  in  all  its  negoiiaiions  with  pre- 

I  vioua  ,\dniinistl'al:ons,  as  well  as  with  Mr.  Pcdk, 
that  llieir  righls  in  part  of  Oregini  are  su|ierior  lo 
those  of  the   United   Slates;  nnd  he  has  seen  the 
solemn  annunciation  <»l'  that  Government  lo  the 
w<nld  that  it  is  prepared  and  delerniined  lo  main- 
tain lliem.     In  view  of  ihe  failure  of  all  allempis  | 
to  adjust  the  dispule  by  negoiiaiion,   of  the  rejec-  ., 
lion  bv  our  Government  of  the  IJriiisb  proposiiion 
to  refer  il  to  nrbiiraiion,  and  of  ihe  notice  being' 
given,  be  means,  nnd  in   substance   recommends,  : 
that  we   then   proceeil    to  ns.sert  our  right  to  ihe 
whole  of  Oregon,  and  establish   (uir  jurisdiction  ; 
and   laws  over  il.     This  can  onlv  be  efl'eeled  by 
ihe  expulsion  or  subjuiaaon  of  llie  Urilish  jiower  ■ 
in  Oregon,  and  ilien  comes  ihe  shock  of  arms. 

Now,  underslanding  ihc  President's  pnrpo.se.s 
and  line  of  policy,  it  .seems  to  me  that  every  gen- 
tleman who  supports  the  resoluiion  for  Ihis  noiice 
adopis  his  posiiion,  that  our  title  lo  all  Oregon  is 
clear  and  perfect;  acquiesces  in  his  conclusion  that 
nil  attempts  to  settle  the  controversy  by  compro- 
mise have  failed;  and  pledires  himself  to  go  with 
the  rresidenl  at  the  termination  of  the  noiice,  lo 
assert  our  indisputable  right  lo  all  Oregon  al  the 
point  of  the  sword.  Such  is  what  the  President 
contemplates,  judging  from  the  language  of  his 
Message;  and,  unless  he  be  a  mere  political  trick- 
ster, he  means  noihing  short  of  it. 

If  this  noiice  be  .so  formally  given  by  the  eoii- 
currence  id' the  legislative  and  executive  branches 
of  the  Government,  after  so  explicit  a  declaration 


Ho.  or  Reps. 

Iiy  the  President  of  what  he  intends  it  lo  lend  to, 
anil  tlie  dispute  should  not  he  amicably  settled  be- 
fore ihe  expiralimi  of  ihe  twelve  inonihs,  national 
honor  \vonId  forbid  ("Jomrreas  iheii  to  remain  pas- 
sive. The  soleinnily  of  such  a  notice  would  be 
an  annunciation  to  England,  and  lo  the  vtiirld,  that 
it  was  10  be  followed  iip  by  other  and  vigorous 
nn-'iisurcs  ;  and  when  the  crisis  comes,  to  pause 
would  justly  subject  us  to  universal  derision  and 
conlemiil.  The  President  would  revolt  at  his  Ad- 
minisiralion  nnd  ihe  coiinlry  beini;  placed  in  any 
such  hnniilialiuu'  posiiion,  lind  would  nni|uesiion- 
nbly  prefer  llial  the  notice  should  not  be  given. 
He  and  ihe  public  will  regard,  and  will  have  the 
right  to  regard,  the  suppori  of  iliis  the  first  in  his 
aeries  of  meaanrea  as  a  committal  to  the  >v'liolc. 
Hi!  recommends  a  particular  course  of  policy, 
which  rnimot  be  adoplcd  unless  lliia  first  measure 
Micceijds.  Genllemen  who  cmidemn  what  ia  to 
follow  ought  lo  make  iheir  fipposilion  lo  it  certain 
and  eO'eciive,  by  the  defeat  of  the  initiatory  meas- 
ure. They  should  |iause  mid  carefully  examine 
the  ground  which  thi^  President  occupies,  and  the 
prolmbleeonse(|nences,  before  ibey  link  themselves 
to  him  on  it.  Heyond  all  ijuestion  they  ought  to 
be  salisfied  that  it  is  both  just  and  wise. 

At  the  threshold,  we  ask  ourselves  why  Ims  the 
President  asked  Congress  lo  pass  a  law  anthoriz- 
in'_'  him  lo  give  this  noiii-e.'  What  is  the  proper 
aulhorily  to  uivi- it.'  With  the  exce|ilion  of  de- 
clarin'.r  war  and  n  L^ulaliinx  commerce  with  foreign 
nations,  Congrc-s  is  vested  only  with  the  jiower  of 
internal  leirislnliim.  The  operation  of  this  notice 
will  be  external,  inlernatimial,  and  ila  suliject  on 
existing  treaty  between  our  Governmeni  and  a 
foreign  cnnnlrv.  That  Ireaiy  iiself  provides  for 
tliisiiotice,  nnd  witboiiisueh  provision  itcoiildnot 
be  iriven.  The  power  to  give  it  is  the  joint  cre- 
ation of  the  Ire.ily-makinsr  authorities  of  two  sov- 
erei;:n  nnd  indejU-'Jident  nations.  It  was  necessary 
Ihat  both  Eniiland  and  ihi^  Uniled  Sinies  should 
concur  in  constituting  the  ri^ht  to  give  this  notice, 
becau.se,  actins  upon  nnd  binding  bolli,  nil  the 
authority  of  eilher  would  have  been  insnilicicnt  to 
that  end.  To  L'ive  the  noiice  is  not  an  a<  t  of  legis- 
latiim,  but  the  exerci.se  of  the  treaty-making  func- 
tion. The  President  and  the  Senate  could,  with 
the  consent  of  England,  add  a  provision  to  this 
treaty  declaring  the  clause  lhat  authorizes  ihis  no- 
tice to  be  given  void  and  inoperative;  and  the  same 
aulborily  ccnild,  when  it  was  lu'.'otialcd,  and  can 
at  any  time,  add  ajirovision  making  it  a  irealy  to 
conlinne  twelve  monlh.s.  .Now.  il  is  a  Ircaly  of 
indefniilc  cnnlinuance,  wiih  n  I'lause  ilint  cither 
party  may  so  far  alter  it  as  lo  make  it  a  treaty  to 
exi.st.  from  tl  e  lime  of  such  chaiiue  for  twelve 
moiiihs;  and  lo  this  provisitm,  llius  autlnn'izing  it 
to  be  niodilied,  both  iialions  have  consenlid,  as 
llipy  have  lo  all  iis  other  siipulaiicms.  Instead  of 
being  ibe  eomplele  nnd  final  nelioii  of  the  trinly- 
makiiig  power  of  the  two  nations  at  the  lime  it  was 
siL'ned,  it  is  there  oirreed  that  each  reserves  the 
ri'.dit  and  is  to  have  the  powi'r,  at  any  fntuie  time, 
to  modit'y  the  ireaiy  as  it  \\as  then  drawn  U]i  in  a 
sinjle  feature;  and  thai  is,  lo  provide  lhat  llio 
treaty,  instead  of  eoniinuing  for  an  indefinilo  time, 
■  should  exist  but  for  twelve  mmilhs.  How  is  Con- 
gress clothed  with  aulborily  to  execute  this  sus- 
pended will  of  the  ireatv-makiiii:  power.-  Where 
is  our  warrnnt  for  adding  siibsiantially  a  new  ar- 
ticle lo  this  Irenly  lo  ebanae  the  ell'ect  of  an  exist- 
ing one.'  The  otfice  of  Congress  is  lo  enact  laws, 
not  lo  make  or  modify  treaties  with  foieii'ii  na- 
tions. It  does  not  and  ennnol  act  in  concert  and 
covenant  with  nny  foreijin  aulborily.  All  the 
validity  nnd  elVeet  of  iis  action  lesulls  from  its  own 
properly-published  will.  The  operation  of  the 
treaty-making  power  is  ditVerent,  for  it  proceeds 
ill  eonjunclion  with  the  Governmenis  of  other 
countries,  and  can  produce  noihing  without  them. 
It  is  made  and  ronsiittited  lo  net  with  lliem,  and 
cannot  act  without  them.  If  (,'ongiess  could  au- 
thorize and  require  this  notice  to  be  given  by  ila 
Inw,  it  could  do  so  of  its  own  unaided  will.  The 
giving  of  il  is  the  emanation  of  two  wills — of  the 
iieaty-mnking  power  of  both  England  and  the. 
United  .Slates.  The  will  of  each  has  in  part  acted 
belorehand.  and  been  expressed.  Each  has  slip- 
ulated  that  lliis  notice  shall  be  iriven  and  be  ob- 
ligatory upini  her  on  ibe  liappeniiu.' of  a  condition; 
which  is,  that  ihe  other  shall  decide  to  irive  it. 
The  efiicicncy  of  the   notice,  if  our  nulhorities 


)r:ff 


;)64 


a9TH  CONO l9T  SksS. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIOIVAL  GLOBE. 
7%e  Off  iron  (^ueition — ]Mr,  G,  Davia. 


I  Feb.  7, 


Ho.  or  Rcps. 


nhoiilil  Hiridp  id  i»ivp  il,  will  rrmill  n»  iiuioli  frnm 
Ihodiivirnmrnt  orKiiiilanil  »n  iil'lhi'  I'riili'il  Slnlcs. 
It'  till'  niilirr  bIihiiIiI  fnnii'  IVdiii  llint  l'i>wer,  im 
fiirro  will  rninimic  rqimlly  iVnin  mir  Pn"niil('iii  anil 
Scimie  us  t'rniii  iiir  lAiir(  n.  Tin  oonciiriTncu  of 
Ixiili  will  liRvc  linn  inili  ipcnsnlilc. 

It  will  tint  Iw  cnntfiided  timt  Imlli  ihf  Inw- 
mnkin^'  mill  irenly-innkiii:;  |icnvort  in  onr  Onvcrii- 
nioiil  ran  iI"imi1o  lliiii  iIiIh  iiolii-e  shall  lii"  i;ivcii. 
It  is  ilir  liimiiioRs  111' oiu- ami  mil  the  niliir,  iiml 
raiiiiiil  Iwliui?  to  liiilli.  ir  ilii^  Prrsiili'iit  ami  ilie 
Spiiatp  weri'  to  innki'  a  Inrnial  tri'aty  with  Ktii:laiul 
tlinl  this  iioiiri'  hIhiiiIiI  lip  L'ivni,  the  vnliiliiy  "f 
Niii'h  a  sti|iiiliilinn  I'liiilii  nut  br  ilniiliti'il.  ll'  the 
siinii'  aiilhoiilv  wprc  in  make  an  arriiiiirPiiiciil  tn 
expiiimp  till'  arlii'li'  priiviiliu;:  I'nr  tlii-  milioc  iVnin 
thB  treaiv,  all  will  c'liiu'i'ilt-  ilnit  ilie  ircaly  wmilil 
hci'onipalisniiitc.  A  like  iiiiiilifii'alidii  Ki  |ioit|i(iiie 
thP  notice  t''ir  twPntv  venrs,  nr  any  li'ni;ih  ol'tiiue, 
wovihl  he  lit"  the  sanu*  uiH'iniivornl  aullinriiy.  'i'hc 
tfealv-makini;  iinwcr  |iriiviileil  iirit,'inally  I'nr  iliia 
notir'o,  anil  il  ;ilonr  was  rii.n|>ploiil  to  that  jiurposp. 
ll  may  L'Ivp  the  iioiirp,  may  eriulii'Mip  II  <'iiiiicly 
from  ilie  trriilv.  may  iiost|ioiie  il  or  imulil'y  il  in 
nnv  iiossililp  lorm.  It  li.in  all  power  over  ilie 
a'll'jert;  Ciin£rri'--is,  in  triitti,  has  nonp.  To  pivn 
the  nolirp  wniilii  he,  in  HnliHtanep  ami  etl'eel,  ami 
nothniir  more,  than  lo  nniilify  the  exisliiiL'  ennven- 
tinn  lo  make  it  ennlinne  twelve  months  insieml  of 
nn  inileliniie  nine.  Tliiil  proposiiion  alone  rel'iiles 
the  jiirisilieliiin  of  Comrress  over  llip  siihjeet. 

1  ilii  not  in;eiiil  to  eonirnveri  the  iiosiiiini  thai 
Ponsrress  miirht  uhrojale  this  treaiv  liy  a  ileelara- 
lion  of  war.  I  eomede,  also,  that  when  one  nation 
violiiles  or  disre'rarils  its  trealy  o!i|ii.Mliiinfl  in  a 
Hiihsiantial  point,  the  liealy  lieeoines  forfeilcd,  and 
the  ritiier  parly  niav  deelare  hprself  a'hsolvetl  t'rom 
the  I'lirlher  oliservanee  of  it.  The.so  are  iinde- 
liiahle  primiples  of  national  law,  luit  they  do  not 
toueh  the  fireieni  i|iieHlioii.  The  iiosilion  of  ihe 
trentleninn  from  Illinois,  |Mr.  MeCi.KKXixn,!  that 
Conirress  enn  aliroL'iitc  a  treaty,  is  un^U|lpllrtell 
hoth  liy  anihorily  and  morality.  One  nation  has 
no  more  rishi  or  power  to  renonnee  its  treaty  ihan 
an  individual  has  lo  ippndiale  his  ciinlraei. 

I  r:in  eonip  lo  no  other  eonelnsion,  Mr.  (Speaker, 
tlian  that  the  jiving  of  this  notice  is  iioi  a  le'.'isla- 
tivc  ;iel,  lint  purely  exeeiilive;  and,  under  our  (,'on- 
sliiniion.  IS  leferalile  tfi  the  President  and  the  Seii- 
aip.  aa  the  sole  depositaries  of  the  ireaty-makinz 
power.  If  the  President  had  made  a  eonlidenlinl 
cxec'iiiive  commnnieaiion  lo  the  Senate,  and  had 
reeontmendfd  lo  thai  hody  lo  eoiiour  wiih  him  in 
eivini  the  nntii'e,  and  Iwo-thirds  had  so  advised 
hini,  il  will  nut  lie  eoniroverieil  that  he  mislit  ron- 
simiiionally  and  properly  have  ixiven  it,  withont 
even  cninmiiniciiliii!:  willi  the  House  upon  the  siili- 
jeel.  It  is  fit,  as  well  as  runsiitiilinniil,  that  it 
'ahoold  he  so.  The  Nennie  are  the  eonstitiilinnni 
advisers  of  the  Prcsiilenl  alioiit  all  sneli  inaller.i. 
Not  so  the  House.  He  has  seerei  eonfidenlial  re- 
lations with  tlicm  in  all  lran.--aftioiis  reiaiiiii:  to 
eiih)eelaof  this  ■haiaeier;  not  with  ns.  He  may 
])roperlv  iro  to  the  •Senate  t'or  eonnsel  upon  this 
K'.ihject  of  notice.  To  irive  an  enliLrhtened  and  just 
decision  11(1011  il,  the  nulhentic  and  exiiet  state  of 
lite  netroiialions  and  iliploniaiii' eorrespondence  lie- 
tween  the  iwo  countries  slionld  he  known.  The 
whole  of  this  the  Prefiident  would  he  rei|nired  to 
send  up  to  the  .Senate.  All  |irotorols,  |ia|«Ts,  and 
notes  exehanL'cd,  all  propositions  peiidin;;  anil  re- 
jected, verhal  or  written,  the  entire  hndt'et  of  in- 
formation relntimr  lo  this  sulijeci  which  tin  Piesi- 
dent  possessed,  he  would  hi*  and  onjhi  to  he  re- 
iiuirefi  to  lav  before  the'  Senate,  that  tliev,  hein? 
eoiirdinate  consiiiulional  powers,  iui«rlit  enter  upon 
the  solution  of  a  (lueslion  over  which  they  held 
eoncnrrenl  pirisdiclion,  each  possessed  of  the  same 
arnidiiiide  of  informaiion.  How  stands  the  case 
with  this  House."  Inlil  wiiliin  the  last  I'ew  hnnra, 
the  only  information  upon  the  snhject  which  we 
have  posspsspii  is  what  was  eominuincaled  in  the 
doenments  aceroupaiiyini!  Ihe  Prestdeiii's  .Messai^e 
al  the  betrinniiii:  of  tlu*  session,  and  vvlinl  was  pre- 
viously before  liie  world.  We  have  been  consid- 
erin*.:  ibis  threat  subject,  iiivolvinir,  as  most  persons 
think,  the  issues  of  peace  and  war,  upon  the  invi- 
tation of  the  Pre.'^ident,  for  more  than  a  inonili.  We 
have  no  roinmunication  from  him  durinir  ilie  trreat- 
er  pan  of  this  period.  About  n  >ve(  k  since  ineni- 
bersof  ihis  House  heard,  by  rumor,  that  iliploniatie 
intercourse  between  the  two  UovcrnnienlH  had  been 


reaumed.  .'\  call  is  mnile  upon  the  President  I'nr 
this  correspiiiidence;  and  only  to-day,  a  few  hours 
before  we  are  to  vole  upon  this  important  ineasurr, 
il  is  sent  to  us.  We  arc  not  mlil  by  him,  in  his 
note  lo  the  Speaker,  accompanyin!!;  it,  ihal  wliiil 
he  transmiis  is  not  the  whole  coiTespomlence,  and 
that  he  has  siip|>re,-<sed  and  williheld  a  part.  The 
House,  in  its  ea*.:eriiess  In  know  ihe  contenls,  di- 
rects it  to  be  linmcdiatply  read;  and  a.i  il  is  read 
by  the  Clerk,  it  appears  to  be  the  whole.  The  im- 
prpssion  is  made  that  11  is  complele,  and  conliiines 
iiiilil  after  it  is  printed;  and  then  il  appears,  by  a 
irreal  number  of  asterisks,  that  parts,  and  ilonblless 
impinliint  pans,  have  been  suppressed  and  willi- 
held hvihe  I'resideiii.  This  was  the  time,  iind  the 
mode,  and  the  only  mode,  in  which  the  I  louse  was 
inl'orineil  that  it  had  been  fiirnisln'd  wiih  unirhled 
informiilioii.  Surely,  this  course  of  the  President 
rellecis  as  much  upon  him  as  it  is  nnjusl  and  1111- 
coiirleons  lo  Ihe  House.  Hiii  thai  11  has  been  done 
is  ano|heran;iimeiil  in  snpporl  of  the  posiiion.  that 
to  jive  this  nolice  is  no  part  of  ilie  business  of  the 
House.  This  iiuporlaiil  l''.\eciiiive  cominiiniciilion 
reveals  lo  us  the  fact  ihal  the  llrilish  (foverniiient 
hall  twice  renewed  the  oiler,  hi  fore  niiiile  to  Mr. 
Tyler's  .\iliiiiiiisiralion,  10  nrbilrale  Ihis  whole 
controversy;  and  tliiit  hoili  renewed  oll'ers  were 
promptly  and  decidedly  rejectpd,  nolwillislanilin<; 
the  last  WHS  made  in  :i  mode  pminenlly  suitable  lo 
conciliiiie  the  favor  of  ,iur  (lovernineiit  and  ppople. 
This  nil'ormalion  the  President  w.is  not  hound  lo 
impiirl  111  us,  and  he  bus  done  so  only  upon  the 
iiuiiireslion  of  his  own  liiiih  )ilrasnre.  He  has,  in 
the  exercise  of  this  smne  pleasure,  reserved  niher 
parts  of  ihe  correspondence,  which,  for  nujlit  we 
know,  may  be  still  more  important  and  necessary 
lo  enlnrhieii  us.  Away  wilh  the  proposiiion  ihiit 
it  is  onr  alfair  anil  our  duly  to  direct  this  nolice! 
.Suppose  Ciinsrre.sa  were  lo  |iroviile  for  il,  ami  the 
President,  as  the  medium  of  communication  wilh 
foreiirn  tSlales,  would  not  jive  it.'  Suppose  that 
the  House  were  to  resolve  Ilint  the  noiice  oujhl 
not  to  he  L'iveii:  but  the  Prpsident  and  the  Senate, 
haviii!;  a  dill'ereni  Judjmenl.  would  jive  il  ?  Tliev 
coiihl  act  independenily  of  the  House;  the  notice 
would  he  valid;  and  we  would  have  no  redress  but 
to  be  ridiculed. 

ll  may  be  pointedly  asked.  Why  has  the  Presi- 
dent willnlrnwn  fiom  the  dei'isioii  of  the  Senate  in 
appropriate  Kxeculive  session  this  jreal  subject, 
and  thrust  it  upon  Con jress  ?  The  answer  is 
plain.  '!'...!<'  is  some  cause  anil  fitness  for  il, 
produced  by  his  terniiimlion  of  all  nejoiiations  for 
the  seiilenieni  of  the  controversy;  hut  srill  he  is 
not  fully  s;iiisfied  of  its  propriety,  and  especially 
thai  it  will  rei'eive  the  popular  favor.  To  i'ive  the 
notice  would  be  a  bold,  hazardous,  aiirl  experi- 
mental move.  He  is  resolved,  if  possible,  lo  jei 
np  a  jreal  and  popular  .\nicriran  rineslion,  which 
will  result  in  his  own  jlorificaiion,  and  he  thinks 
this  is  the  rijhl  siibjeci  and  the  rijlii  lime.  l!ni 
he  shrinks  from  breastinj  the  siorm  which  he  him- 
self is  conjurinj  up;  and  he  calls  upon  Congress 
lo  assume  its  responsibiliiv,  to  leap  into  its  perils, 
and  to  aid  him  lo  ride  it  jrandly.  He  thinks,  by 
niakinj  an  issue  wilh  a  foreign  nation,  and  jiarli- 
cularlv  with  l-'iijland.  members  of  Conjress  will 
be  deicrrrd  from  opposini:  his  course,  even  thoiijh 
il  violate  truth  and  jusiice,  and  put  in  peril  the 
peace  imd  the  cliaracier  of  the  eoiinlrv.  He  wants 
the  iinpeluoiis  weij'hl  of  his  jreut  majority  in  the 
llou.se  to  beat  down  the  sober  sense  and  calm 
purposes  of  ihe  Senate.  He  wants  Ihe  arena  of 
both  Houses  10  be  irrejiilarl v  llun'r  open  in  the 
face  of  the  nation,  that  perverted  facts  and  phren- 
zied  declanmtion,  sweeping  wide  in  ihiinder-tones 
from  these  halls,  mav  lash  a  quiet  jieople  up  to  the 
war  fiirv.  He  is  determined  this  nolice  shall  be 
'/iven.  and  knowing  that  il  would  not  command 
the  votes  of  iwo-ihirds  ot"  the  Senate,  ho  surrep- 
litiouslv  wiihdraws  the  dei-ision  of  the  r|iiestiiui 
from  the  ipiiet  and  consiiiulional  Jiiilirmeni  of  that 
coordinate  branch  of  the  treat v'-niakin?'  [lower, 
and  throws  it  into  the  siormv  debiiies  of  Congress. 
Here  is  anoilier  instance  of  Ihe  triumphant  march 
of  jiiciion,  headed  liv  the  Chief  I'.vecntive  otllcer 
of  the  Government,  upon  the  checks  and  partition 
ot'  power  established  by  ihe  Consiimti.in.  The 
1  louse  nike  pan  in  the  atVair  of  a  Irentv,  assist  in 
luodifyintr  one  of  its  stipulations;  ihe  House  "aii- 
lliori/.e,"  "  empower,"  the  President  lo  jive  this 
notice  !     Preposlerons  I     Thai  (lower  exists  Bepu- 


ratp  from  and  inilp|ieiiilint  of  the  I  louse,  in  thfl 
Presidcnl  ami  Iwo-ihirils  of  ilie  Seiiale.  Wn 
may  aid  him  in  doinj  violence  lo  the  Consliiiilion, 
by  dispensiu!;  with  this  nnaltainable  majority  of 
two-thirds  of  the  coiinlinaie  bnnicli  of  the  liealy- 
niaklm;  power,  but  tliiil  is  all  we  can  ellect.  Tlin 
notice  conlil  be  properly  L'iven  in  liefiaiice  of  all 
ihe  opposition  we  can  ninke. 

It  has  occnrri'il  ofien  that  the  House  has  ex- 
pressed its  judgment  on  jrenl  publi''  ipicHiions  in 
the  form  of  lis  separate  lesohilion.  This  is  proper, 
and  ofien  siilnlarv.  Ihil  unless  the  subject  be 
lejislalive,  and  coiiie  williin  the  scope  of  its  pow- 
ers, it  nrrojates  no  jiirisdiclinu  over  if;  and  espe- 
cially il  pretends  to  deli  jale  none  to  any  other 
branch  of  ihi'  (fovernmenf.  t>n  such  occnsions  it 
jirof'sses  only  10  nller  ils  own  opinion,  and  to 
claim  fm-  il  no'  anthnrily  but  ils  nioriil  power.  If 
I  now  believed  it  was  wise  iiiin  timely  t'or  the 
House  lo  jive  ulieranee  lo  ils  opinion  upon  thiti 
inonienloiis  f|ueslion,  I  never  could  or  would  snp- 
porl any  of  the  niimerons  t'ornis  proposed;  all  of 
which  assume  that  we  have  jnrisiliclion  over  llie 
nolice,  iinil  propose  to  empower  anil  dirert  ihe 
President  wilh  liie  execution  of  onr  will  in  lelalioii 
to  if .  He  wiiiifs  neither  fair  aiillioriiy  nor  advice; 
he  only  re(|iiesis  our  eiiilorsemeiil  ot'  w  luii  he  has 
done,  and  what  he  proposes  to  do.  He  wishes  In 
make  instnmienls  of  ns  to  overihrow  llie  consiiiu- 
lional and  iinpas.Halile  barrier  of  two-thirds  of  llin 
Senate  to  his  further  advance;  and  for  one,  1  shall 
niil  consent  to  be  soused. 

Milt  this  subject  has  other  iiilerestinj  relations, 
and  aiuoiij;  the  most  iiuponani  is  ihe  (|uesiioii  of 
the  title  lo  Orejon.  ll  would  eenainly  be  belter 
that  this  branch  of  it  should  not  be  discn.ssed  111 
Conjress;  but  when  the  I'residenl  has  improperly 
obtruded  this  subject  upon  us,  and  his  palpable 
purpose  is  to  brinj  Conjress  and  the  country  to 
the  decision  lo  fijht  for  all  Orejon,  there  is  no  es- 
cape from  an  exaininalinn  of  the  point  wheiher 
the  whole  of  that  cnunlrv  belonjs  lo  us.  This 
debate  may  produce  mischief  in  our  relations  with 
a  toreijn  nation;  it  has  already  produced  vast  mis- 
chief in  disturbiii J  the  business  of  the  country.  It 
was  nnnei'essary  and  improper  in  ils  orijin;  it 
can  do  no  jood.'and  all  ils  frnils  will  be  evil.  The 
President  and  his  advisers  only  are  responsible  for 
il.  ITniil  the  last  few  davs  of 'the  debate  there  has 
been  but  one  fair  and  eliihorate  examiualion  of  the 
riuesiion  of  lille.  The  able  jenlleman  from  Cieor- 
jia  |.Mr.  TiMiMiisl  was  the  first  10  cast  u  broad 
lijhl  noon  il.  All  the  jenllemen  who  have  advo- 
cated the  nolice,  except  him,  have  not  denion- 
strnled.  hilt  linve  only  nssiinied  boldly  onr  title  to 
the  whole  counlrv.  He  admits  ihal  onr  title  lo  a 
l.irje  portion  of  it  is  liable  lo  be  seriously  qnes- 
lioned.  I  ]iropose  to  examine  this  point  sonic- 
wlial  in  deliiil,  as  I  deem  il  to  be  one  of  the  most 
important  involved  in  the  debate. 

We  aci|nired  the  S|ianish  title  of  Orecron  by  the 
treaty  of  Florida  in  IHlIt,  so  ihal  we  combine  that 
with  onr  own  previous  rijiil.  The  world  concedes 
that  the  Spaniards  were  the  first  European  discover., 
ers  of  the  nnxlhwest  consl  of  America.  Discovery 
of  ilself  does  not  jive  title  to  a  country,  but,  if  fol- 
lowed uo  with  certain  acts  by  the  discoverers,  it 
does.  The  principle  of  nalional  law  applicable  to 
such  cases  is  concisely  but  perspicuously  .staled  by 
Vattel,  pnje  09: 

"  .\11  mankind  have  nn  equal  rijht  tn  tilings  that 
'  have  not  yet  fallen  into  the  |ios3ession  of  any  one; 
'  and  those  thinfrs  belonj  to  the  person  who  first 
'takes  possession  of  them,  When,  •lierel'nre,  a 
'  nation  finds  a  conntrv  uninhabited  and  wilhoui  all 
'  owner,  il  may  lawfully  take  possession  of  il;  niiil, 
'  after  it  has  sufficiently  made  known  ils  will  in  thin 
'  respect,  il  cannot  be  deprived  by  anoiher  nation. 
'  Thus,  n.ivijiitors  joinj  on  voyajes  of  ili.scovery, 
'  furnished  wilh  a  commission  from  their  sinereijn, 
'  and  meeiinj  wilh  islands  or  othe,  lands  in  a  des- 
'  eri  state,  have  taken  possession  'U  the  name  of 
'  Iheir  nation;  and  this  title  has  been  usually  re- 
'  specteil,  provided  it  was  snnn  iiftrr  fi'th'Veil  htj  a 
'  i-rni  pnssesfinn.  Hut  it  is  quesiioinble  whether  11 
'  nation  can,  by  the  bare  act  of  lakin  j  possession, 
'  appro]iriiile  to  itself  countries  which  it  does  not 
'  really  occupy,  and  thus  eiijross  a  much  jjreii'.'i 
'  extent  of  territory  tli;iii  it  is  able  10  people  nr  c  il- 
1  tiva'e.  It  is  not  ilillii'ult  to  determine  that  such  a 
'  pretension  would  be  an  absolule  infriiipemcnt  of 
the  nnturnl  ri!;lits  of  man,  and  reputriutiit  to  the 


•t 


I  Feb.  7, 

•  Reps. 

mmr,  in  Ihn 
rimlc.  Wo 
'iiiiHllliilhiii, 

niiijiirily  "f 
I'  I  hi!  liinty- 
cllVrl.     'I'l'in 

(iiinro  ol'  all 

iMco  Ims  f\- 

({IMHllllllN    III 

liiH  iH  |iriii»'r, 

I!  Hllllji'I't  li« 
'  III'   ilH  jMtW- 

I;  mill  t'sjio 
to  nny  itthri' 
I  nci'nsiiiiis  it 
MJiin,  mill  In 
il  pownr.  ir 
nrly  Ti'i'  111" 
>n  upon  iIiIm 
r  woiilil  siip- 
ipowil;  nil  of 
lion  iiviT  ilip 
ill  iliri'it   ilie 

ill   ill  ll'lolioil 

y  nor  iiilvioo; 
wliiil  111'  Unn 
111'  wislii'S  lo 
,*  ilif  roiiNiitii- 
■tliirila  of  llii" 
ir  line,  1  MJiall 

in:;  relntioiiH, 
I'  (piisiion  of 
inly  lie  lictti'i* 

lIlSI'IISSl'll    ill 

i\s  iinpropirly 

Ilia   palpiilili: 

w.  ciiiiniry  lo 

lin'o  is  no  cs- 

point  wlioiher 

to  IIS.     This 

rdntioim  with 

iii'ed  vast  mis- 

c,  I'ountry.    It 

Its  orii.'in;    it 

be  evil.    TliR 

esponsible  I'or 

hiite  there  has 

liimlion  ol'llie 

III  from  CJeor- 

rast   II  lironil 

Imve  ailvo- 

not  ileinon- 

iiiir  title  lo 

iir  title  to  a 

oiisly  qiios- 

poiiit  soiiie- 

iif  the  most 

Irejon  liy  tlie 
imliine  that 
rill  roneedes 
innn  ilisrover- 
Discovery 
,  lint,  iffol- 
s''overers,  it 
appliealile  to 
tated  by 


1846^ 
:i29Tii  CoNo Iht  Seii. 


Ain'KlNDIX  TO  THK  (JONOUESSIONAL  (ilXJUi:. 
The  Oregon  (Question — Mr,  U.  Davit, 


365 


Ho.  or  Rv.v*. 


islv 


to  thinci  that 
in  of  any  one; 
son  who  first 

ihrrel'ore,  a 
lid  without  all 
on  of  it;  and, 
IS  will  in  this 
lot  her  nation. 

if  discovery, 
■ir  so\eri'i:in, 
nils  in  a  des- 

ilie  mime  of 
■n  usually  re- 

t'otli'treil  htj  a 
lie  wheilier  a 
r  nossessiun, 
h  It  does  not 

iiiich  greater 
leople  or  O'll- 

e  that  such  a 

ViiiKenioiit  of 

,12-iuint  to  the 


<  viewanf  nature,  which,  Imvinstdrstined  the  whole 
'earth  lo  Hiipply  the  wants  of  niankiiiil  in  t;eiieral,  ' 
'  gives  no  nation  II  rif;lit  lo  iippro|iriate  to  itself  a 
'  country,  excrpl  for  the  purpose  of  nialiiii;;  use  of 
'  il,  and  not  of  liinderiii'.;  oilirrs  from  deriving  nil-  , 
'  vanlai!i's  from  it.  'i'lie  laws  of  nations  will, 
'  Ihercfiire,  not  iickno\vled:;e  the  property  and  siiv- 
'  ereignty  of  a  nation  over  any  nninhabited  coiin- 
'  tries,  except  lliose  of  which  il  has  really  taken 
'actual  piissesfiioii,  in  which  it  liiis  forineu  settle- 
'  iiii'nts,or  of  which  ii  makes  iicinal  use.  InellVcl, 
'when  iinvi;;aliir»  have  met  with  desert  countries 
'  ill  wliicli  ihiiHu  of  other  iialioiis  had  In  their  trail- 
'  sleiit  visits  erected  some  monument  to  »liow  their 
'  liaviii'.;  taken  |iosKessiiiii  iil'  them,  they  Imve  jiaid 
'  as  lillle  regard  lo  that  empty  cereiiioiiy  as  to  llie 
'  I'f.gulalioii  of  the  Popes  who  divided  a  great  pari 
'  of  Ihe  H orld  between  the  crowns  of  Castile  mid 
'Portugal.'' 

Disem  ery  is  the  first  ineepiion  of  title,  but  itlajises 
unless  followi'd  up  within  a  reasonable  lime  by  pos- 
session, (jroliiis  and  some  of  llie  earlier  writers 
required  eiiltivaiioii  in  additiiin.  Occupancy  and 
tlii'exercise  of  dominion  are  iiidi.-peiisable;  and  if, 
after  discovery,  llie  country  has  remained  a  long 
time  without  tlieiii,  it  is  again  open  to  all  inankiiid. 
This  isihe  law  bolh  iifCjod'sprovidencc  and  man's 
rc.'isoii.  Spain  was  iini|iii  stionably  llie  first  Hu- 
ropeaii  Power  lo  make  selilenients  ufionthe  north-  ' 
ern  as  well  as  the  southern  division  of  this  conti- 
nent, and  at  many  distant  puints.  Tliiit  I'ower,  in 
conjunction  wilh  Portugal,  took  formal  possession 
of  ihe  entire  .New  World — contiiieiil,  oceans,  and 
islands;  and,  in  perpetuation  of  it,  eree'ed  nioiiu- 
iiienls  in  numeriiiis  places.  Those  lw(i  nations 
nfterwards  divided  this  vast  dominion  by  an  imagi- 
nary line  drawn  from  pole  to  pole,  and  procured 
Pope  Alexander  VI.  to  eoiifirm  it.  Spain  particu- 
hirly  insisted  upon  thisextravagant  claim  for  ages, 
but  the  rest  of  the  world  regarded  il  wilh  eoiitennit, 
and  treated  the  vaslunscltled  regions  of  the  entire 
western  hemisphere  as  open  lo  their  colonization 
and  .seltlcmenls. 

In  15;).i  the  Spaniards  under  Cortcz  sailed  into 
the  bay  of  California,  and  anchored  in  a  port  now 
called  La  Pa?.,  in  about  the  Sltli  degree  of  norlh 
latitude.  In  ITilS  Werrello  explored  the  coast  as 
far  north  as  41°.  In  15i)()  there  are  some  tradition- 
ary accounts  ilial  Fuca,  a  Greek  sailor,  under  Span- 
ish colors,  sailed  ihroiigh  the  strait  now  bearing 
liis  name,  and  which  is  siluatid  between  Van- 
couver's Island  and  the  continent,  and  extends 
from  about  4»o  to  ,')1°  of  latiiuile.  Vi/.caiiio,  in 
](Hi3,  explored  llie  coast  as  I'ar  north  as  43"',  and 
then  returned  to  Mexico,  l-'roiii  lliat  time  until 
ITlii^,  the  entire  western  shore  of  America,  north 
of  Acapnlco,  was  almost  totally  neglected  by  the 
JSpaniards.  Their  settlemenls  upon  it  were  all  be- 
low the  iOth  degree  of  latitude  until  1770.  In  170'J 
the  Jesuits  had  formed  missionary  establishments 
on  the  eastern  short;  of  ('ahtornia  bay  up  to  about 
the  head  of  the  peninsiihi  in  lalitude  3\P;  and  in 
1787  they  were  expelled  from  the  domiiiiuiis  of 
Spain,  even  from  those  distant  possessions.  In 
17(19,  their  jealousy  being  llien  stimulateii  by  the 
frequent  voyages  of  English  and  Uiitch  ships  into 
those  seas,  the  Spaniarils  again  turned  an  active 
attention  to  this  const,  and  between  thai  )'ear  and 
1774  sent  out  several  expeditions  of  exploration 
nnd  settlement,  and  successively  loiiuded  San  I  lie- 
go,  Monterey,  and  San  I'ranci.ii'o.  'I'he  last  men- 
tioned town,  being  in  latiiuile  .'IH'^  40',  is  the  most 
northern  Kittlement  which  the  Spaniards  ever  made. 
In  17711  Perez,  at  the  head  ot'  one,  of  their  expedi- 
tions, discovered  nnd  anchered  in  Xoolka  Sound, 
on  the  Island  of  Vancouver,  in  4!P  3U'  north,  hav- 
ing previously  explored  the  coast  as  high  as  u4°. 
The  Spanish  expedition  commanded  bv  Ilirela, 
whilst  coasting  along  in  177.'»,  discover'  d  the  moiiili 
of  the  Columbia  river.  lie  lay  by  a  l.iy  to  eiih  v 
il,  bill  was  picveiiled  by  the  strong  ci.uciit  wlii'h 
rushed  out  from  it.  He  gave  it  the  n  oiu'  of  tee 
Hio  lie  San  Roqne.  1  le  iheii  relnrned  l.i  Mexic.j, 
having  eoasted  up  as  far  as  ,'i(P.  In  the  bLinie  ye  ir 
llodega  and  Alaundta  reached'  as  high  a  point  on 
the  Coast  as  ti;p.  These  wi  re  exploring  expedi- 
tions undertaken  by  the  Government  of  Spain  with 
a  view  to  obtain  particular  knowledge  of  the  coast, 
nnd  lo  assert  her  right  lo  it.  At  many  placs,  to 
the  exiremest  point  of  their  examination.-i,  these 
explorers  took  I'ormal  po.'isession  of  the  country 
in  the  name  of  their  sovereign,  and  sel  up  crosses 


and  oiliermrmriitoeR  iw  evidcntei  of  hio  dominion,  j 
Uiit  no  emiKnilion  or  seltlemciit  ensued. 

In  17HH,  Mcurrs,  mi  I'^nglish  tin.l'  r,  anchored  in 
Xooika  Sound,  and  with  thecon.'M  m  of  the  Indian 
King,  formed  an  cslablishnicnl  i here  for  Ihe  reii- [ 
dezvous  of  two  or  thru  small  ships  in  Ihe  Inv 
trade.  The  Viceroy  of  Mi  xico,  Icarnin','  Ihis  fuel, 
III  Ihe  following  yi  ar  sent  an  expediiion,  under  , 
Marline/,  and  llaro,  to  assert,  peaceably  and  eoiir-  ' 
Iconsly,  the  paramount  rights  of  the  King  of  Spain 
to  that  place  and  the  adjacent  cnast.  iMeari  s  was 
absent  on  a  trading  voyage  to  ('lima  when  Marli- 
nez  .sailed  into  iVooika  iSound;  and,  iifier  .'ome 
days'  delay,  the  Spanish  coinmandcr  Miok  possen- 
sion  of  his  ships  and  the  place,  anil  iioisted  upon 
it  the  Spanish  llii^.  This  was  a  ri  iniiani  of  the  . 
old  iSpaiiish  prelension  to  the  whole  of  Ps'orth 
America.  The  Kiiglish  colonies  upon  the  Atlantic 
slope  had  pushed  il  to  the  western  shore  and  lo  the 
Pacific,  lint  I'jigliind,  I  |ollaiid,iiiiil  I'' ranee,  never 
had  recognised  it  lo  extend  reihtfiilly  beyond  the 
immediate  iieigliborliood  of  Spanish  settlements, 
and  had  always  claimed  and  asserted  the  perfect 
freedom  ol'  the  seas.  1'liey  sent  their  trading  ships 
iiilo  llie  Pacific,  and  U|>on  the  coasts  where  there 
were  no  .Spanish  colonies,  at  pleasure.  This  sov- 
ereignty which  Spain  claimed  over  ocean  and  an 
almost  boiiiidh.ss  iinpiMipled  forest,  «  is,  duiing 
the  long  period  that  il  was  sel  up,  i  .pially  anil 
everywhere  conteinned  and  disregarded  by  all  the 
P  nvers  of  the  world,  as  their  setilemenls  or  trade 
brought  them  into  conlliet  with  it.  It  was  Ihe 
great  dislanee  of  the  northwestern  coast  of  Amer- 
ica from  the  business  and  civili/ation  of  Europe; 
it.5  being  sparsely  peupled  by  poor  savages,  and 
having  no  Spanish  authorities  resident  within  its 
wide  limits,  that  deferred  so  lung  and  rciidi nil  so 
rare  overt  acts  of  resistance  by  other  Powers  to 
this  claim  of  Spain. 

In  1740  the  llussians  commenced  iheir  expedi- 
tions of  discovery  and  expluraiion  on  the  extreme 
northwest  coast  of  America.  The  eelebraicd  I'lic- 
ring,  in  that  year,  conducted  an  expeditinn  from 
Kamlschalka  to  the  opposite  shore  of  this  eoiili- 
ncnt,  and  eoasted  along  as  far  as  Mount  St.  lilias, 
under  the  fiOth  parallel.  He  ran  down  south  in 
view  of  the  Ahaska  mountains  in  jb'-^,  and  then 
passed  the  Aleutian  archipelago  nearly  under  ihe 
ii.')d  jiarallel.  Other  expeditions  were  midertakeii, 
and  settlements  were  formed  by  the  UnsKians,  anil 
pushed  oil  south  ill  the  direciion  of  the  .Spanish 
Power,  but  still  far  distant  I'loiii  any  of  iis  scats, 
under  the  auspices  ot' Catharine  II.  llers-m  Paul, 
ill  17'J8,  irranied  to  a  Kiissiaii  coinpanv  the  iiitirc 
li.sc  uitil  Ci>yili'(-l  for  twenty  years  of  the  coasis  ot* 
America  on  ihe  Pacific,  iVom  the  5,')lh  degree  of 
laliiude  to  lihering's  Snails,  loi;ct!ier  with  the  ad- 
jacent isles.  All  this  was  in  disregard  of  tlie  as- 
sumed ris;lits  of  Spain  to  the  wlmie  of  the  north- 
west coast  of  America;  nor  was  the  mareli  of  the 
Uussian  Power  soiiili  limited  but  by  its  own  will. 

The  Knglisli, under  Orake,in  ir)7!l,sail(!d  around 
Cape  Horn,  and  displayed  llieir  ensigns  in  the 
Western  ocean,  for  the  sole  jairjiose  ot"  warring 
against  the  rights  which  Spain  abrogated  in  that 
quarter  of  the  L'lobc,  and  preying  upon  her  com- 
merce, lie  swept  their  snips  from  the  seas,  and 
let't  a  name  terrible  alike  to  the  coast,  island,  and 
ocean.  He  struck  the  American  shores  under  the 
4*ld  parallel,  and  coasted  along  until  he  found  a 
harbor  in  about  3f<'^.  He  saw  here  no  settlements 
or  vestiges  of  civilized  man.  He  remained  some 
weeks,  and  relitted  his  shifi;  during  which  lime, 
the  natives  conferred  upon  him  the  country,  nnd 
crowned  him  its  king.  He  received  its  cession  for 
the  benefit  of  his  soverei'zn,  tiueeii  Klizabelh,  sel 
upmomiments  to  perpetuate  the  transaction,  named 
the  country  New  Albion,  and  sailed  for  Kngland. 
Cavendish  made  a  cruise  in  ihe  Pacific  in  l;i,s7, 
having  objects  similar  to  llio.se  of  Drake.  lie  lay 
in  wait  for  the  Manilla  galleon  Santa  Anna,  near 
Cape  San  Lucas,  the  soiiihern  extremity  of  Cali- 
fornia, eaplured,  plundered,  and  biiriil  her, and  left 
her  crew  on  the  desert  coasi.  In  his  i*ruise  he  was 
only  less  formidable  to  Spanish  commerce  than 
Drake.  The  o|ipositioii  of  the  English  to  these 
preleiisions  of  S|iaiii,  so  early  and  vigorously  miiii- 
ifested,  never,  through  the  loiiglraci  of  lime  which 
has  siibsequenlly  ensued,  in  any  degree  relaxed. 
They  were  well-seconded  by  the  Dutch.  The 
Governments  of  both  countries,  with  equal  ear- 
nestness, protested  against  lhe.se  iiiordinnle  Spaii- 


iiih  HMumplionn,  ns  briiie  in  dcrni^linn  not  only 
of  their  own  rights,  but  those  of  mankind.  Their 
Irnders  never  Irentcd  them  with  any  regard,  and 
when  relations  beiween  llie  respective  counlries 
were  at  all  uiisettlid,  ilieir  cruisers  were  ready  to 
avenge  the  all'ront  of  the  I'l  Mill,  liiil  in  the  liiiier 
half  of  the  last  century  lit'  llrilish  Government 
began  lo  give  a  iiiofe  serioii  i  and  eoimecled  atten- 
tion lo  the  Pacific  nnd  its  .North  American  coast. 
In  I77liiiii  expediiion  was  lilted  out,  and  that  great 
iiiivigator,  (.'api.iin  (^ook,  appfiinliil  to  its  ciuii- 
maiiil.  He  WIS  instructed  to  |  inceeil,  by  the  way 
of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  .New  Zealand,  and 
across  the  I'acific,  to  the  co.ist  of  New  Albion, 
which  he  was  lo  iitumpl  lo  reach  in  latitude  4i'i°. 
On  his  way  thither  he  was  specinlly  instrncli  d  not 
to  touch,  if  he  could  avoid  it,  any  part  of  the  Span- 
ish dominions  on  llie  western  continent  of  Ameri- 
ca. This  enterprise  was  enveloped  in  some  secrecy 
in  coiiseqneuce  of  the  American  llevolntion  havinsT 
Jnsl  then  broken  out.  Cook  was  further  directed, 
when  he  should  arrive  at  New  Albion,  to  refit,  and 
then  proceed  iiorlliward  along  ihe  coast  as  high  lis 
(j.')°;  and  from  that  point  he  was  to  coinineiice  a 
sciirch for  the  northwest  passaiie  into  the  Atlnnlic. 
All  uninhabited  eomurics  which  he  mi^'lil  visit  lie 
was  "  to  take  )iossessinn  of  for  his  sovereign,  by 
seilin;;  iqi  propi  1  marks  and  inscriplions,  as  first 
possi  ssoiB  and  discoverers."  Cook  made  the  coast 
about  the  4tllli  parallel,  and  commenied  L'leatly  the 
most  miiiuie  and  accurate  exnminalion  of  it  that 
yet  had  been  made,  on  the  7lli  March,  177is.  lie 
anchored  in  Pricndly  Cove,  in  latitude  411.',°,  aid 
remained  lh<  re  nearly  the  whole  month  of  .•\pril, 
reiiltiiig.  He  eoiilinued  his  examinalions  of  ibe 
ecnst  Willi  i-igiial  perseverance  and  (iilelity.  Inking 
possession  of'  the  numerous  )itaces  at  which  lie 
Iniiihd  lor  ihe  Crown  of  Great  llrilain,  and  giving 
KiiL'lish  names  to  the  bays,  inleis,  sounds,  rivers, 
mountains,  and  islands,  and  eventually  renelied  a 
point  oil  the  American  shore  as  high  as  ^'i'-"  Ii!)'. 
Cook  Jienahcd  in  177!),  on  Ins  return  voy.i^'C  to 
England,  atOwyliee,in  an  affray  with  the  natives; 
nnd  the  results  of  his  voyage  were  not  made  pub- 
lic inilil  after  the  war  of  the  Americnn  Uevohiiion. 
Within  a  few  years  afti  r  the  vovsL-e  of  Cook,  n 
coiisiderabh!  English  trade  spriinu  up  between  the 
niMihwisi  coast  and  India  and  (liina,  carried  on 
by  the  KasI  India  l'oni|.aiiy,  the  South  Sea  Com- 
pany, and  private  traders  with  Poriii^'i  se  licenses, 
lo  evade  llie  monopoly  of  those  corporations;  and 
il  «as  prosecuted  from  Noolka  .Soiiiid  and  other 
points  with  great  activity.  Meares  made  his  first 
ailveniure  lo  those  regions,  with  three  others,  all 
under  the  flag  of  the  East  India  Company,  in  17t>(i. 
His  second  voyage  he  made  ill  17t*H,  witli  Portu- 
guese papers,  to  escape  the  exactions  nnd  fort'eii- 
ures  of  the  two  great  associalions  which  I'lainii-d 
an  exclusive  monopoly  of  this  trade;  and  it  was 
during  his  absence  with  a  cargo  of  furs  in  China 
that  the  Spanish  authorities  seized  his  remaining 
sliijis  and  his  eslabli.dmieiit  nt  Noolka  Sound. 

When  the  news  of  this  seizure  reached  tinirland, 
it  greatly  arini.ied  the  Government  and  the  |ieople. 
The  most  active  and  powerful  preparations  were 
immediately  made  for  war,  and  Pitt  deninnded  of 
the  Sjianish  Govermnent  timpli.'  indeimiity  for  the 
property,  and  immediale  restitution  of  llie  pilace 
seized,  and  threatened,  if  ihey  wire  withheld,  to 
obtain  immediate  redress  by  the  sword.  'I'lie  con- 
se(|nenre  was,  the  formation  by  the  two  Govern- 
meiils  of  the  famous  Noolka  .Sound  treaty.  l!y 
ils  terms,  the  Spaniards  stipulated  to  restore  the 
builithi^s  uiul  tritcts  of  Imtd  of  which  Meares  had 
been  dispos.sessid  by  their  luiihorily,  to  make  ju^t 
reparation  for  the  ads  of  violence  and  hosilliiy 
commilled  upon  his  ships,  his  other  property,  nnd 
,  establishment,  and  upon  the  persons  of  those  who 
had  charge  of  it.  The  parties  further  nmliially 
"  agreed  that  their  rei.peclive  subjects  should  not 
'  be  disturbed  or  molested,  either  in  nnviualiiig  or 
'  carrying  on  their  fisheries  in  the  Pacific  ocean  or  in 
'  the  .South  seas,  or  in  landing  on  the  const  of  iliose 
'  seas  in  places  not  already  oecu|iied,  for  the  piir- 
'  pose  of  carrying  on  their  commerce  with  the 
'  natives  of  the  country,  m-  ol'  Hid/.iiig  selltcmtul.i 
'  there."  Al  tlie  lime  of'  this  treaty  the  most  north- 
ern Spanish  setllemcnt  was  still,  as  it  coiitiimed 
ever  af'terwards  to  be,  at  San  Erancisco,  in  latitude 
'  37°  4f';  and  by  its  terms  .Spain  acknowledged,  in 
eli'ect,  that  she  had  no  exclusive  rights  north  of 
this  point;  ilial  the  Llrilish  establishment  at  Noot- 


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Sciences 

Corporation 


23  Wf  ST  MAIN  STREET 

!'.'6BSTER,N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


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Si. 


366 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  7, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  O.  Davis. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


m 


kn  wns  righlfully  formed,  and  the  seizure  by  the 
Spanish  Riithoril'li-s  wrongftil;  nnd  thM  the  entire 
roBsl  northward  wns  open  to  the  Ena;li«h  subjects, 
as  well  ns  to  her  own,  for  navigation,  fishing,  land- 
ine;,  tradins;  with  the  natives,  and  forming  settle- 
ments. These  ar<'  the  mutual  richts  which  these 
Powers  roeosnisod  earh  other  to  iiossess  in  the 
rountry  of  Oregon.  They  are  sucn  rights  as  are 
universally  inrijcul  to  nil  uninhabited  vacant  coun- 
tries, whore  there  are  neither  settlements,  nor  nco- 
)i1p,  nor  laws,  nor  officers,  nor  dnmininu  ;  ana,  in 
relation  to  Oresron  at  that  time,  and  nil  countries 
in  its  then  condition,  these  rights  Ijelonged  .lot  to 
Ensland  nnd  Spain  only,  but  to  all  the  nations  of 
the  world.  The  earth  is  the  common  heritage  of 
mankind,  the  universal  gilt  of  n  bounteous  God. 
It  is  alik>"  the  law  of  reason  and  of  nations,  that 
such  portions  of  it  ns  are  not  occupied  may  be 
appropridted  by  any  people;  and  Oregon,  in  1790, 
when  this  NooiUa  treaty  was  made,  hnving  no 
people,  no  government,  no  laws,  no  political  nu- 
thnriiy  of  any  kind,  but  being  in  a  state  of  nnl)ro- 
ken,  unsubjugaied,  primeval  solitude,  except  the 
occasional  landing  of  traders  upon  the  coast  to 
trafiic  with  the  savages,  and  having  so  continued 
for  more  than  two  centuries  since  it  wns  first  visit- 
ed by  civilized  innn  from  Europe,  was  open  to  any 
race  who  might  sock  it  for  a  home  and  subsistence, 
to  establish  their  hearths  and  their  altars. 

Vancouver,  on  the  part  of  the  English,  and  Qua- 
drnga,  for  the  Spaniards,  were  appointed  conimis- 
sionnrs  to  superintend  the  execution  of  this  con- 
vention; nnd  the  Spanish  authorities  either  formally 
surrendered  iVooikn  to  a  Hritish  orticer,  wlio  wns 
commissioned  to  receive  it,  or  they  informally 
ilinndoned  it  in  fulfilment  of  their  stipulation. 
Tlu'y  also  paid  Mcares  a  inost  ample  pecuniary 
inilemniiy  for  the  confiscation  of  his  ships  and 
property.  Vancouver  made  the  coast  of  America 
in  April,  1793,  near  Tajie  Mendocino.  lie  met 
Gray  in  those  srn'i,  and  received  from  him  an  ac- 
count of  his  discovery  at  the  nioulh  of  the  Colum 
bin,  but  did  not  credit  it.  He  struck  into  I'lica 
Strait,  and  there  came  across  Galiano  and  Valdcz, 
who  led  the  last  Spanish  explorini:  expedition  into 
that  rcsrion.  Vancouver  united  with  the  Spanish 
navigators,  nnd  they  "  "ijointly  conducted  the  fur- 
th.^r  examination  of  the  strait  through  a  consider- 
able part  of  it.  when  the  Spaniards  desisled.  He 
continued  and  cnuiplcled  a  survey  of  the  whole 
strait,  with  all  its  principal  sinuosities,  and  made 
charts  thereof  with  a  degree  of  care  and  nccnracy 
remarkable  for  that  day.  He  gave  Engl:  nanu.s 
to  most  of  the  objects  of  interest  noted  in  his  work. 
On  liis  return  iVoui  the  niore  northern  coast,  learn- 
ing certainly  that  (Jrav  iiad  discovered  the  Coluni- 
liia  river,  Vancouver  ilespatcdcd  Hniuirhton  to  ex- 
amine it.  He  entered  the  Columbia,  and  explored 
it  about  one  hundred  niil"s  up,  and  named  the 
hiirhcsl  point  whi-'li  he  reached  Vancouver.  He 
took  possession.  I'ormatiy,  of  both  shores  for  the 
frown  of  (ireat  Itritaiu. 

In  179i,  Sir  .Alexander  M!icken7.ie,  the  superin- 
tending proprietor  of  the  British  Xortliwest  t'oin- 
jmnv.  ascended  Fc.ice  river,  tVom  Athabasca  lake, 
east  of  the  Hockv  iMountains,  to  ihe  head  sprinirf' 
on  ihcir  rfuniinit.  Wiiliiii  a  li  'f  mile  of  one  of 
them,  and  just  acrtiss  the  ajies  of  the  niountain, 
nnd  near  the  lil"iy-f'>urth  painllcl,  he  emliark- 
ed  on  one  of  the  lii>ad  branches  of  a  river,  which 
!m<!  since  been  called  Kra/er's  river,  and  llouted 
down  it  in  cinoe.s  about  two  hundred  ami  lii'ly 
miles.  He  then  left  this  river  and  proceeded  about 
tvvo  hundred  nules  over  land,  and  struck  the  Pa- 
cific at  the  nioulh  of  an  inlet  in  latitiuli- .VP '.'()', 
M'hjch  bad  liceii  surveyed  a  few  weeks  before  liv 
\'aMcouver,  and  named  by  hitu  t.'ascjule  canal. 
The  most  noriliern  sources  of  Ki*a7er  are  about  un- 
der the  j^arillel  of  Ht'P.  and  it  disenibo^iies  into 
I-'nca  Strait  in  or  near  49'-*.  lis  ffenenl  and  very 
direct  course  is  fnnn  norili  to  south,  anil  it  divides 
the  portion  of  Itreeron  north  of  49^  into  somethin,' 
like  eijiial   parts. 

The  expedinon  of  Lewis  and  Clarke,  which 
sinrti:d  for  the  PacKic  jn  lf<ll.j,  attracted  the  atten- 
tion of  the  ISrilisli  Norlliwesi  ('(Mupanv.  and  sliiii- 
ulated  it  to  nttenipt  settli  iiienti  west  of  liie  Itocky 
Mountains;  ami  in  that  vear.M.  Laroi]iie  was  di's- 

ilched  by  it  to  esisblisb   irading  posts  on  the  t  'o. 

lubia  river.  He  tailed:  and  in  the  year  follow- 
iM',',  (  IHIMi.i  Fn7er  was  sent  on  an  expedition  tbr 
ihe  name  purpose       He  followed  the  geneml  route 


i;^ 


which  had  been  pioneered  previously  by  Macken- 
zie, niiU  established  a  trading  post  above  latitude 
54°  on  a  small  Jake,  which  now  bears  his  name, 
nnd  which   eommunicfltes  with   one  of  the  head 
branches  of  Prazer's  river.    Other  settlements  were 
formed  in  the  same  rountry,  and  the  inhnbilnnts 
and  traders  in  18(W  named  it  New  Caledonia.   Erom 
lime  to  time  these  settlements  were  extended  down  j 
this  river  to  near  its  mouth,  where  Port  Langly  was  i 
established.     They  spread  wide  over  the  country  i 
until  they  numbered  twenty-three,  and  dotted  fit 
di.-itnnt  but  consecutive  poiiits  even  the  northern  i 
margin  of  the  Columbia.     They  have  been  iinin-  j 
terrupledly  maintained  to  this  day;  and  no  civiliz- 
ed people,  except  the  English,  have  ever  had  a  post  [ 
or  settlement  north  of  that  great  river.     The  laws 
of  Canada  were  extended  over  the  British  settle- 
ments of  Oregon  in  the  year  If^JI),  nnd  man  in  that  \ 
remote  and  still  untamed  land  has  never  known 
another  code.  ' 

Let  us  now  lake  a  view  of  the  title  which  the  | 
United  States  set  up  to  Orcgou  previous  to  the  ac- 
quisition of  the  rights  of  Spain.     Gray  nnd  Ingra-  I 
ham  sailed  from  Boston  on  a  Irading  expedition  to  I 
the  northwest  const  in  1788.     Gray  spent  the  fol- 
lowing summer  at  Nootka  Sound,  and  in  running 
up  to  that  port  saw  an  opening  which  wns  proba- 
bly the  mouth  of  Ihe  Columbia  river,  nnd  which  he 
attempted  unsuccessfully  to  enter.     He  explored 
the  coast  east  of  Clueen  Charlotte's  Sound,  pene-  j 
trated  some  distance  into  Fitcn  Strait,  and  then  re- 
turned to  the  United  Slates.     In  1791  he  left  Bos- 
Ion  on  a  second  Iraflicking  voyage  for  this  shore  of  | 
Ihe  Pacific,  in  the  ship  Colurhbia,  nnd  hnving  met  ; 
with  Vancouver  on  the  coast,  informed  him  of  his  i 
discovery  of  the  Columbia  during  his  previous  voy-  | 
nu'c;  nnd   in   May,  179^,  he  agein  discovered  the  | 
mouth   of  that  river,  was  the  first  white  man  to 
enter  it,  and  called  it  by  the  name  of  his  ship.    He  i 
sailed  up  the  Coliiinbia  twciily-fivc  miles  and  re-  i 
mained  some  days  in   it,  during  which  time  he 
made  ^everal  attempts  to  gel  back  into  the  ocean 
before  he  succeeded.     He   proceeded  to  Nooikn 
Sound,  gave   inforination  of  his  discovery  to  the 
S|ianish  commandant,  and  returned  to  the  United 
Stales.  ! 

Mr.  .TetTcrson  originated  Ihe  expedition  of  Lewis 
and  Clarke  before  our  acquisition  of  Louisiana. 
On  Ihe  18(liof.Tanuary,  180.3,  he  brought  the  subject 
to  the  aitenlion  of  (^ongress  in  a  confidential  mes- 
saje,  and  the  two  Houses  having  approved  of  his 
enterprise,  he  commissioned  Lewis  and  f 'larke  to 
ex(»lore  the  river  Missouri  and  its  branches  to  their 
sources,  and  then  to  seek  and  ti-a'*e  lo  its  Icrniiiia-  , 
tion  ill  the  Pacific  some  river,  **  whe'.lier  Ihe  Co- 
lumbia, Ihe  Oregon,  the  Colorado,  or  any  other 
which  might  oiler  the  most  dir.'ci  a,  d  practicable 
water  coinmunicalion  across  the  continent  for  the 
puriioses  of  coninierce."  It  is  true  that  when  Mr. 
•TelTprson  conceived  ami  undertook  this  project,  he 
was  necj.iiiniiiig  the  Louisiana  treaty  with  Bonn-  ^ 
jvirle,  with  every  ]irospect  of  success;  but  he  never, 
nor  any  jH'rson,  seriously  contended  that  the  west- 
ern boundary  of  Louisiana  extended  beyond  the 
summit  r>f  ilu!  Uocky  mountains.  The  expedi- 
tion of  Lewis  and  Clarke  crossed  the  Mississip;ii 
ill  May,  18114.  and  encamped  in  Ihe  Mandaii  coiin- 
trv,  up  the  Missouri,  the  ensuing  winter.  In  the 
sfiriiig  of  180;"),  il  re;,timed  its  explorations  oi*  the 
head  branches  of  that  river,  ami  traced  soi.ic  of 
them  lo  their  soriiiL's  in  the  liocky  iiiounlsins. 
Lewis  and  Clarke  passed  over,  mid  at  the  bei^in- 
nini:  'if  their  weslern  slope  fell  in  with  the  sources 
of  <-'larke  river,  the  great  southern  branch  of  the 
Columbia.  They  pursued  il  down  lo  ils  condii- 
eiice  wilh  Lewis  river,  or  the  -northern  branch, 
and  thence  lo  where  their  unileil  s'reams  disem- 
bo'riie  into  the  Pacific,  nnd  close  lo  its  beach  iln^y 
|.:.-<>ied  Ihe  winter  of  18ll"i-'(;.  In  the  spiini;  of 
IHMi  they  coniiuenced  llieir  return  to  the  United 
Slates.  They  ascended  this  miirhty  river  of  the 
I'Vr  West  lo  the  (Jreiil  Uapids,  i\t)t\  from  thence 
crossetl  over  elevated  plains  and  siruck  into  anri 
passed  the  Hocky  inoiinlaiiiN.  The  two  chiefs 
liere  separated,  each  with  a  division  of  their  com- 
pany, and  severally  explored  some  of  the  irilinia- 
ries  of  Clarki-  river.  They  reunited  east  of  the 
Uocky  mountains,  and  briaiijlit  this  iiiosl  ardii'uis 
and  importniil  ey|i|orint;  exiieiliiion  lo  a  close, 
r'roin  this  epoch  the  Gove  •iimeiit  and  people  of  the 
riiiled  Slate  s  have  claimed  to  have  rights  in  Ore- 
fon,  and  have  never  for  a  inumont  abandoned  the 


purpospof  making  permanent  settlements  in  il.  In 
1808  the  Missoui  Pur  Company  was  formed,  nnd 
soon  nflcr  it  established  a  trading  post,  under 
the  superintendence  of  Henrj",  on  n  branch  if 
Lewis  river.  In  1810  the  Pacific  FurCoinpnn/ 
was  constituted  in  New  York,  under  the  atispi'  es 
of , John  Jacob  Astor;  and  by  it  Astoria  was  foi.ud- 
ed  in  October,  1811,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Colum- 
bia. That  place  was  captured  by  the  English  in 
Ihe  war  which  immediately  ensued,  nnd  its  resti- 
tutiiui  wns  insisted  tinon  by  our  Government,  and 
mode  by  the  English  in  October,  1818,  ns  an  Amer- 
ican possession,  under  a  general  provision  in  the 
treaty  of  Ghent.  A  short  time  before,  nnd  in  the 
progress  of  the  negotiation  which  resulted  in  the 
treaty  concerning  Oregon,  in  1818,  between  the 
United  Slates  nnd  Grent  Rritnin,  Mr.  Monroe  sol- 
emnly ofl'ered  to  terminate  the  controversy  by  di- 
viding the  whole  of  Oregon  between  the  two 
PowcTS  on  Ihe  forty-ninth  parallel.  Great  Britain 
to  have  in  addition  a  common  right  to  navigate 
the  Cohm.bin.  By  Ihe  Florida  treaty,  in  1819, 
we  acquired  not  the  territory  of  Oregon,  but  only 
such  light,  title,  and  interest' as  Spain  had.  There 
wns  no  transfer  of  fortificniions  and  other  public 
properly;  there  wns  no  exchange  of  nuthorities; 
no  delivery  of  possession  consequent  upon  that 
treaty. 

I  liave  given  n  rapid,  but,  I  think,  a  fair  and  just 
view  of  the  Spanish,  English,  and  American  title 
lo  Oregon,  ns  it  is  to  be  deduced  from  discovery, 
exploration,  and  selllement.  The  Spanish  title 
has  stood  exploded  for  generations,  by  the  laws  of 
nations  and  the  unalienable  rights  of  mankind. 
The  English  disregarded  it  uniformly  for  more 
than  two  centuries.  Russia  mnde  successive  and 
large  encronchmenls  upon  il,  and  never  definitely 
recognised  it  anywhere.  The  United  States,  from 
the  time  of  Mr.'Jeflerson's  elevation  to  the  Presi- 
dency down  to  the  period  of  Ihe  Florida  treaty, 
always  treated  the  Spanish  title  ns  shadowy,  un- 
substantial, obsolete,  of  no  validity;  and  even  of- 
fered to  divide  the  country  with  E'nglnnil  without 
any  reference  to  il.  Our  exploration  of  Oregon 
with  an  armed  body  of  men,  continuing  through 
two  years;  our  settlements  on  its  eastern  nnd  west- 
ern confines;  the  capture  of  one  ofthe.se  seltlemen  Is 
by  our  public  enemy  with  whom  we  were  at  war; 
our  demand  of  ils  restitution  under  an  article  of  the 
treaty  of  peace,  and  its  public  and  formal  redelivery 
to  our  aiitliorilies;  mir  protracted  negotiation  with 
England,  in  which  we  asserted  title  to  the  whide 
of  (liTgon,  prior  to  th'  .'reaty  between  her  ami  the 
United  Stales  in  relation  lo  it  in  1818;  and  our  oiler 
to  that  Power  to  sever  Oreiron  with  her,  without 
any  allusion  to,  much  less  the  recognition  of,  any 
rielils  in  Spain,  nil  iitler  the  distinct  nnd  irreversible 
judgniciit  of  the  United  Slates  a^inst  the  Spanish 
title.  That  Spain  wilnesscil  nil  this,  and  mnde  no 
complaint,  no  iirntest,  nnd  look  no  measures  to  as- 
sert anv  riirhl  loOreL'on,  proves  that  she  acquiesced 
in  the  rightfulness  of  that  judgment.  The  manner 
and  terms  in  which  she  ceded  this  lirte  in  the  Flor- 
ida treaty,  slroimlv  indicate  that  she  had  ceased 
to  altach'nny  consideration  lo  it.  Our  ri5_'ht  results 
t'rom  exploration  and  selilenu'nls  in  a  vacant  and 
unappropriated  coiinlrv:  the  acquisition  friun  Spain 
quiets  a  pretended  claim,  but  ..dds  nothing  to  the 
slren<rth  of  till.'. 

The  posiiiou  that  the  British  title  lo  the  country 
draineil  by  Frazer's  river  is  as  alron'J  as  ours  lo 
the  vallev'of  the  Columbia,  caiinoi  be  succe.ssl'ully 
conlroverlcil.  Siqipose  that  England,  iiislead  of 
till'  Ignited  States,  had  obtained  ihisnnliquatcd  title 
of  Spain,  which  never  in  trnlli  had  n  legal  or  valid 
exisfcucc;  null,  connecting  that  with  her  explora- 
tions of  the  Frnzer  river  country,  her  prior,  many, 
and  continued  seiilemcnis  along  llie  whole  course 
of  that  stream,  in  exclusion  of  all  other  people, 
should  make  an  issue  with  us  of  title  lo  the  valley 
of  the  (Columbia;  thai  all  the  right  which  England 
ccuild  make  out  to  the  latter  ciuinlfy  resulted  from 
her  sliiphnviuL'  firsi  entered  the  inoiilli  of  Frazer's 
river,  h  -  earlv  exploralioiis  and  settlemeiit  upon 
it,  allliouirh  lolly  luouiifaius  rise  between  the  two 
stream  ■;  nnd  lo  these  eirciinistances  was  added  this 
simulation  of  n  title  from  Spain.  To  this,  (ui  the 
other  hand,  we  opfiosed  Ihe  disi'overy  of  the  mouth 
of  the  Coliiinltia  in  I79'J;  the  i  xploralioii  of  its 
I  sources  and  of  the  sirenm  for  about  a  third  of*  its 
course,  and  then  a  further  exploration  of  the  coun- 
try between  it  nnd  the  Pacific  in  1793;  ihe  estab- 


Piiir  nnd  j'lst 
iiprican  title 
(lisciivery, 
punish  title 
tlic  laws  of 
f  mnnkind. 
y   for  more 
■cessivR  Riid 
T  definitely 
St!\tes,  from 
;o  the  Presi- 
iridn  trcntVi 
mdowy,  un- 
uid  even  of- 
niid  withont 
1  of  Oreson 
int;  ihrou^h 
irn  nnd  wpst- 
^  BPltlPinrnla 
vere  at  war; 
icienf  the 
redelivery 
itiation  with 
the  whole 
niul  the 
dour  rifl'er 
withont 
in  of,  any 
rrrversihie 
IIP  Spanish 
I  made  no 
ires  to  as- 
aiv*]uieflced 
le  manner 
the  Plor- 
<n\  erased 
'ht  ri'snllH 
ni'aiit  and 
from  Spain 
•  to  the 


he  oonnlry 

ns  onrs  to 

irrcssl'nlly 

istrnd   of 

irinatrd  title 

111  or  valid 

r  explora- 

•ior,  many, 

jole  course 

icr  people, 

the  valley 

h  I'.n'iland 

illi'd  from 

if  I'ra/fr's 

•inent  iipcm 

n  the  two 

lidded  thin 

lii",  on  the 

f  the  month 

ition  of  its 

third  of  its 

if  the  coiin- 

tlie  eslab- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TC  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


367 


1 


29th  Cono IsT  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Q^uestion — Mr.  O.  Davis, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


lishment  of  a  trading  post,  the  first  that  had  exist-  \ 
ence  west  of  the  Koeky  mountains,  upon  its  liead 
walers  in  1H()6,  and  the  formation  of  others  lower 
down  in  IBOSand  1810;  their  progressive  inerense,  I 
until  tliey  iniiuhered  twcnlry-three,  studtlcd  the  { 
niarfjin  of  the  river  to  the  oeean,  nnd  had  spread  i 
wide  from  it  over  the  country;  the  unhroken  eon-  | 
tinuity  of  these  settlements  from  their  origin;  and  < 
no  other  people  possessing  or  having  ever  attempt-  j 
fd  to  make  any  settlement  in  that  part  of  Oregon. 
If  we  could  and  did  array  such  a  title  to  this  valley  i 
as  all  these  fads  make  out  against  the  right  of  Eng-  j 
land,  as  before  staled,  and  her  Government  were 
to  lake  the  position  that  "  her  title  lo  Ihe  con  .try 
thus  held  and  |  ossessi'd  by  us  was  clear  and  in-  i 
disputable,"  wo  dd  it  imt  strike  every  American  ' 
with  indignant  1  .nazement?  Is  there  a  mind  in  our 
twenty  niilliont  of  people  which  could  be  convinced 
that  our  title  v  as  not  tlie  best .'  Is  there  an  Ameri- 
can heart  in  t  lis  broad  land  wjm  would  not  prefer 
to  peril  the  whole  of  Oregon  upon  the  wager  of 
battle  sooner  than  yield  our  solid  title  over  more 
than  half  of  it  to  this  ridiculous  English  pretension } 
Just  such  a  title  has  England  to  the  country  upon 
Frazer's  river,  and  just  such  an  absence  of  title  ; 
do  the  Uiiited  Slatesexhibit  to  that  [  'Ut  of  Oregon. 
But  other  grounds  and  facts  have  been  relied  up- 
on by  genilenien  who  assert  that  we  have  a  perfect 
title  io  all  Oregon.  It  is  assumed  that  Robert  Crray 
discovered  the  month  of  the  Columbia  in  an  Amer- 
ican ship,  and  that,  by  an  established  principle  of 
the  law  of  nations,  the  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  a 
river  eimres  lo  the  Government  of  him  who  made 
it,  nnd  carries  title  to  the  whole  country  drained  by 
it.  Gray  was  ceriaiidy  the  lirst  navigator,  of  whom 
there  is  any  record,  who  sailed  into  the  mouth  of 
the  Columbia  river  and  demonstrated  that  it  was 
the  dcbouchtment  of  a  great  river.  Hut  Hecela 
had  discovered  it  in  1774.  He  lay  by  some  lime 
endeavoring  incH'ectually  to  enter  it,  and  mimed  it 
"  The  lliver  San  Roipie."  Other  navigators  hud 
noted  one  of  the  capes  at  the  mouth,  anil  the  coast  j 
north  and  south  of  it  had  often  been  examined  and 
was  well  known.  Neither  is  it  a  princi|)le  of  pub- 
lic law  lliat  the  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  a  river 
gives  title  to  the  country  drained  by  it.  The  .Span- 
iards, under  Mcrnando  de  Soto,  in  liiiS,  traversed 
the  country  I'roni  Florida  to  the  Mississippi,  stri- 
king that  river  near  the  siie  of  Memphis,  and  de- 
scending it,  passed  out  into  Ihe  gulf.  iS'citlier  the 
Knglish  nor  ihe  Dutcli  coiicodeil  that  this  gave  title 
to  .Spain  lo  all  the  country  drained  by  the  Missis- 
sippi; bill  both  those  Powers  afterwards  appropri- 
aicd  and  sealed  sictionsof  the  coiinlry  in  which  its 
head  blanche.-  have  iheir  sources.  The  Hudson 
has  some  of  its  tributaries  to  take  their  rise  in  Ver- 
mont; and  the  I^iiglisli  never  recognised  thcsettle- 
iiiciit  oi"  Xew  .Amsterdain  at  the  mouth  of  the  Hud- 
son and  tlie  country  atUK'lied,  constituting  the 
present  Stale  of  .New  York,  as  giving  Holhiiid  the 
risht  to  Vermont.  The  Delaware  and  the  Sus(|Ue- 
lianna  have  llieir  sources  iii  New  York;  and  yet 
the  discovery  of  the  niiaith  of  tho.se  rivers  by  ihe 
English  was  not  afterwards  regarded  by  the  Hol- 
landers as  !;iving  ihun  llie  title  to  VVeslern  New 
York,  which  was  ap|riiprialed  notwilhslanding  by 
the  Uulcli,  111  became  a  possession  of  Holland; 
nor  was  th.  .  resist!  d  by  Ii'ii!;laiid.  The  French 
discovered  the  mouth  of  the  Si.  Lawrence  and  set- 
lied  tliiebec  long  before  the  E;i:;lisli  had  discover- 
ed any  of  its  head  branches;  yet  she  afterwards 
jmshed  her  culoiiies  into  and  lield  large  sei'iions 
of  the  country  drained  by  its  tributaries,  without 
i|iieslion  from  Frain'e.  Oilier  cases,  as  strongly  in 
cniilhei  with  this  nssiiineil  princijtle  of  the  laws  of 
iialioiis,  iiiii;lit  be  aililiiccd  iVoni  the  history  of  the 
earlv  seiileiiienl  of  oilier  portions  of  this  couiinent. 
iViitions  hiivi^  couleniled  for  or  resisted  its  author- 
ity as  their  eiiciimstaiices  and  inteiesis  prompted: 
It  lias  not  yet  been  incorporated  into  their  code. 

(jinliiuuty  anil  contiguity  have  also  been  relied 
upon  to  uive  Its  title  to  Oregon.  These  grounds 
arc  open  to  the  same  objection  taken  to  the  right 
deduced  from  the  discovery  of  the  moiilli  of  a  river. 
To  Ihein,  iiidi'cd,  it  applies  in  unbroken  slrength, 
as  there  is  no  respectable  aiilhorily  that  gives  ti.> 
cniitinuiiy  or  continuity  any  such  elfe-e,!.  In  their 
very  naoii-e  they  are  loo  vague  and  indefinite  ever 
lo  [.e  adopli'd  as  riih  s  to  determine  ihe  rights  of 
ciinlliciiiig  empire.  Mill  if  llieir  existence  and  ap- 
pllraliou  were  adinilled,  what  would  be  the  con- 
sei|uencc?    Spain   unipiestionably  liiscoveied  and 


made  settlements  before  noy  otiier  European  na- 
tion, both  upon  the  northern  and  southern  division 
of  this  continent.  The  argument  of  continuity 
would  have  given  alt  America  to  Spain,  and  have 
made  all  other  nations  that  planted  colonies  on  it 
trespassers  i;pon  her  righU).  Contiguity  would 
conler Oregon  ujinn  Mexico,  Russia,  nnd  Eagland, 
in  exclusion  of  the  United  Suites,  as  it  binds  upon 
their  possessions  also;  and  ..arh  of  those  Powers 
had  prior  seltlements  nearer  to  it  than  those  of  the 
United  States. 

Such,  Mr.  Chairman,  are  the  titles  of  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain  to  Oregon,  as  I  have  been 
able  to  trace  them.  These  titles,  in  all  their  facts, 
in  their  points  of  strength  and  weakness,  are  just 
as  well  known,  nnd  have  been  for  the  last  thirty 
years,  to  English  statesmen  ns  they  are  in  the 
American  Congress  or  the  President's   Cabinet 


made  his  proposition  to  compromise  the  contro- 
versy "  in  deference  to  what  had  been  done  by  his 
predecessors,"  and  especially  in  consideration  ;httt 
propositions  of  compromise  had  been  thrice  made 
by  two  preceding  Administrations  to  adjust  the 
question  on  the  parallel  of  49°,  in  two  of  them 
yielding  It.  Great  Britain  the  free  navigation  of  the 
Columbia;  nnd,  as  the  pending  negotiation  had 
been  commenced  on  the  oasis  of  compromise,  he 
deemed  it  to  be  his  duty  not  abruptly  to  break  it 
off.  Tlie  two  last  of  "the  three  propositions  to 
which  the  President  adverts,  included  the  right  of 
England  to  the  free  navigotion  of  the  Columbia, 
yet  they  were  aU  firmly  aiid  absolutely  rejected  by 
ncr.     Mr.  Polk  had  no  reason  to  believe  that,  in 

riroducin^  the  proposition  again,  even  in  its  mo.st 
iberal  form,  it  would  be  more  favorably  received 
by  the  Government  of  Great  Britain.     He  was  not 


The  question  arises,  should  they,  in  all  their  de- j|  hearty  in  making  it,  and  did  so  only  in  deference  to 
tails  be  discussed  before  the  American  people  at  i|  the  course  of  his  predecessors,  nnd  because  Ihe 
this  inomenlous  crisis  ?  The  President  has  repeat- |!  pending  negotiation   having  been  commenced  on 


ed  in  the  most  solemn  form  to  Congress  and  to  the 
world,  that  "  no  compromise  of  tjiis  controversy 
'which  the  United  States  ought  to  accept  can  be  j 
'  eflected;"  that  he  has  "  as.serted  our  title  to  the  j 
'  whole  of  Oregon,  and  he  believes  has  maintained  : 
'  it  by  irrefragable  facta  nnd  arguments;"  and  that  j 
"  our  rights  in  Oregon  cannot  be  abandoned  with- 1 
'  out  a  sacrifice  of  both  national  honor  and  iiiter- 
'  cat,  is  too  clear  to  admit  of  doubt."    To  sustain  i 
the  right  of  the  United  States  to  the  whole  of  Ore- 
gon, which  he  declares  to  be  "  clear  and  unques- 
tionable," he  invokes  Congress  to  stand  by  him  in 
taking  the  initiative  of  war.   The  English  Govern- 


ihe  basis  of  compromise,  he  deemed  it  to  be  his 
duty  not  abruptly  to  break  it  o(f.  Yet  Mr.  Polk 
withdrew  from  Ihe  proposition,  as  it  had  been 
twice  made  by  his  predecessors,  the  free  navigation 
of  the  Colur'ibia  to  England.  Did  he  think  that 
the  tendency  of  this  variation  would  be  to  continue 
and  bring  to  a  successful  close  the  pending  nego- 
tiation, which  had  been  commenced  on  the  basis  of 
compromi-ie,  since  he  withheld  so  important  a  stip- 
ulation, which  left  a  proposition  that  could  only  be 
presumed  to  result  in  the  surprise  nnd  irritation  of 
the  English  Government .'  Why  did  he  propose  at 
all  to  cede  almost  one-half  of  Oretjon  .'    Why  did 


ment  have  heretofore  steadily  refused  us  the  half-  he  do  this,  since  our  title  to  the  large  part  which 


of  Oregon,  upon  our  propositions  to  partition  it 
Before  we  can  obtain  the  whole,  we  must  count 
upon  an  expenditure  of  blood  and  treasure  which 
we  have  never  yet  known.  Where  national  honor 
or  manifest  nniional  right  miulc  war  neces.snry,  I 
should  be  as  prompt  lo  resort  to  it  as  any  man. 
But  nsa  private  citizen,  and  especially  as  an  Amer- 
ican  Representative,  I   never  would   evoke   this 


he  offered  to  surrender  was  clear  anil  indisputable, 
and  the  territorial  rights  of  the  United  States  were 
of  too  .sacred  a  character  to  be  the  subject  of  nrbi- 
trntion?  He  says:  "The  right  of  any  foreign 
'  Power  to  the  free  navigation  of  any  of  our  rivers, 
'  throush  the  henrt  of  our  country,  vv'ns  one  which 
'  I  was  unwillin'T  to  concede;"  and  yet  he  proposes 
to  give  lo  the  English  Frazer's  river,  having  n 


most  comprehensive  and  terrible  of  all  scourges  as  ;i  course  of  a  thousand  miles,  nnd  a  country  five 
the  means  of  seizing  upon  what  does  not  belong  j  times  greater  than  the  Slate  of  Ohio, 
to  us.  The  .American  people  are  loo  just  and  moral  1,  If  we  form  an  opinion  upon  the  President's  lan- 
to  tolerate  their  own  Government  in  any  such  j!  gunee,  he  made  this  proposition  of  com|iromiso 
measure.  Though  there  is  no  sacrifice  to  which  i|  to  the  British  Government  with  much  relueiance, 
they  would  not  submit  in  a  rightful  cause,  they  jj  and  would  not  have  ni.ade  il  except  that  it  had  been 
woiild  never  consent  to  pay  the  frightful  cost  of  a  M  repeatedly  offered  by  his  predecessors.  If  he  felt 
war  of  wrongl'iil  aggression  with  England.  Such  i!  nt  liberty  to  absolve  liimself  from  .so  important  a 
would  be  a  war  (or  alt  Orcgoii;  a  war,  loo,  ns  im-  i]  term  as  Ihe  navigation  of  the  Coltimbin,  wilh  his 


politic  and  unnecessary  as  unjust;  which  would 
prove  the  greatest  ealimiily  that  could  befall  my 
country,  and  in  comparison  with  which  the  re- 
election of  Mr.  Polk  would  be  a  priceless  blessing. 

According  to  my  opinion,  the  .'Vdminislration 
and  it.s  friends  have  iissiimcd,  against  plain  nnd 
incontrovertible  facts,  thai  we  have-  a  just  nnd  clear 
title  to  all  Orignii.  This  is  the  iinportanl  point, 
which  ought  to  be  rigliirully  and  triilhfiilly  deci- 
ded before  we  tiike  a  position  that  will  render  war 
or  national  dishonor  inevital>le.  When  this  great 
issue  of  IVnforall  Orft^nn  is  presenteil,  as  it  has 
been  by  the  President,  to  the  American  people, 
they  have  a  right,  both  from  the  Executive  and 
Congress,  to  the  Ihcis,  lo  enable  them  to  form  a 
just  judgment.  I  have  no  liii;her  duly  to  poii'orm 
than  to  present  this  whole  subject,  including  the 
questiim  of  title,  in  itsnakcil  truth  and  reality,  and, 
as  far  as  I  can,  I  intend  fully  to  acipiit  myself  of 
this  diit".  Before  leaping' into  a  yawning  abyss, 
I  will  fi  ',  atleniiit  to  look  into  its  terrible  prodiii- 
dily. 

('Vom  the  best  <reograpliical  accounts,  Orejon 
coiiiprehends  upwards  of  four  hundred  ihou.sand 
sipinre  miles;  and  the  part  of  it  north  of  the  4!tlh 
parallel  contains  an  area  of  about  one  himilred  and 
seventy-five  thousand  square  miles,  and  is  five 
times  as  larije  as  the  Stale  of  Ohio.  If  my  reason 
wa.-*  convinced  thai  the  United  Stales  had  a  clear 
and  indisputable  title  to  the  whole  of  Orcjon,  I 
never  would  sanction  any  proposition  tosnrrendrr 
such  an  exIiMil  of  it  to  a  Power  having  no  right  lo 
any  part  of  it,  for  her  rc'-oguiiicin  of  our  title  to  the 
residue.  Ifsuchbethe  honest  conviction  of  Mr. 
Polk,  and  his  position  that  the  iiUeirrity  of  ourter- 


rilor 


ry  is  so  .sacred  that  thisOicL'on  ipiestion  cannot      but  nothing,  save  their  perfl'd  jier 


'  convictions  of  oiir  perfect  right  and  of  the  inviola- 
bility of  our  terrilorv,  he  wimld  have  been  fciually 
i  justifiable  to  have  made  no  overture  to  divide  the 
j  country.     Why  should  he  mnfre  one  when  the  Brit- 
ish Government  had  ihricc  rejected  such  a  propo- 
sition?    A  total  omission  on  his  perl  would  have 
i  produced  less  surprise  nnd  di.ssatisfai'tion  with  the 
'  British  Government  than  a  reproduction   of  the 
I  proposition  slripi>cd  of  their  riilit  of  the  free  navi- 
;  gallon  of  Ihe  (Columbia.     .'V  friend  of  the  Admin- 
'  istrnlion  [Mr.  PbestovKino]  has  said  in  a  speech 
I  which  he  made  on  this  floor,  in  reference  to  this 
'  subject,   that  no  person  rniild   have   lidieved  llin 
'  President's  pioposition  would  have  been  nccepted 
Ij  by  the  British  Governmint;  and  that  it  was  not 
niade  with  the  expeetatioi    ir  \vi  di  that  it  should 
be.     Certainly  tliis  statement  is  stronu'ly  rorrobo- 
raled,  if  not  rlenrlv  established,  by  the  chaiarler  of 
the  proposition  itself,  and  what  ihe  Pmsidenl  has 
said  in  explniiation  of  his  oftir  of  it.     It  iloes  look 
;1  very  much  like  the  Presidi  nt  and  his  Prt  niier  were 
j;  not  olVerinira  proposition  lor  the  accrjilanre  of  Ihe 
'[  British  Government,  but  were  making  up  a  rase 
upon  which  deniaroines  miL'hl  trull  and  iiillame 
Ihe  people.     If,  however,  he  has  acted  in  this  bii.ii- 
iie.ss  seriouslv  and  f  lirly,  he  niiist  feel  greatly  re- 
I  lieved  that  his,  the  fourth  proposilion  on  the  part 
of  our  Government  for  the  eomproniise  of  this 
question  wi.h  England,  has  failed:  nnd  now,  witli 
Ins  cnnvicli:  m  and  opinions,  I  cannot  conceive  how 
he  can,  wilh  the  preservation  of  his  palrioiisin  and 
honor,  ever  airain  consent  to  so  lar^e  a  sacrifice  of 
'  the  rights  of  the  United  States  in  Oregon.     Mon- 
;  roc,  .Adams,  and  Clay,  successively,  and  with  the 
approval  of  the  .American  people,  made  this  olfer; 

sioii  that  ihe 


become  the  subject  of  arbilralioii  be  taken  in  good      title  of  the  United  .'^tati  s  lo  a  large  portion  of  Ore 


fiiith,  liiiw  can  lie  stand  justified  lor  his  oiler  lo  ll 
English  Governineut  to  divide  the  countrv  by  ilie 


involved  in  doubt  and 


ertainty,  if  it 


4!hh  p 


rallel?     He  excuses  li 


I  not  even  infi'rior  to  that  of  Emrhind,  can  jus- 
iniself  by  saying  he      tit'y  them.     It  may  be  safely  assumed  that  they 


368 


APPENDIX  TO  TM»  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  7, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (^mttion — Mr.  6.  Davis. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


were  as  wise  aiid  patriotic  a*  Messrs.  Polk  and 
Buclinimii;  Jut  upon  this  great  subject  the  present 
Adniiniatration  must  think  and  act  for  itself,  es- 
pcclHiiy  as  it  is  now  fairly  relieved  of  nil  obli,  ation 
rt'sulling  from  tlie  fruitless  effort  of  its  predeces- 
sors to  settle  this  controversy.  If  I  come  to  tlie 
conclusion  that  the  President  is  acting  in  single- 
ness of  heart  and  purpose;  that  his  mind  is  satis- 
fied beyond  doubt  of  our  perfect  title  to  all  Oregon; 
thai  this  title  to  the  trhole  cannot,  without  question, 
be  abandoned  short  of  the  sacrifice  both  of  nation- 
al honor  and  interest;  that  this  notice  ought  to  be 
given,  to  clear  the  way  for  meaaures  which  cannot 
otherwise  be  adopted  to  enable  him  to  aisert  oar 
perfect  rit;ht  to  the  whole  of  Oregon,  and  which 
will  inevitably  and  speedily  brine  on  a  bloody  and 
terrible  war  with  England,  I  could  not,  nor  I  would 
not,  even  in  n  proper  form,  vote  for  a  rasolution 
advising  the  notice  tn  be  given.  I  should  be  totally 
unwilling  to  plunge  the  country  into  a  war  for  Or- 
egon above  the  49lh  parallel,  because  I  believe  it 
would  lie  a  war  of  territorial  aggression  and  with- 
out right.  To  that  line,  substantially,  I  tliink  we 
have  a  clear  and  unc|UC'stionahle  title,  and  it  would 
be  the  contiiiuniion.in  a  direct  courae,  of  the  boun- 
dnry  line  bclween  the  United  Slates  oiid  the  Brit- 
ish possc's.sion3  east  of  the  Rocky  mountains.  Our 
tiovcriiniem  has  planted  itself  so  long  and  so 
tenarioiisly  upon  it  ns  to  have  made  it  a  mutter  of 
honor  as  well  as  right;  and  vihencver  war  becomes 
iiei'«ssary  to  inainiain  us  upon  it,  I  am  ready  to 
unslieiuh  tlie  sword. 

Hut  the  President  further  tells  Congress:  "  Had 

*  this  been  a  new  question,  coining  under  discus- 
'  sion  for  the  first  lime,  this  proposition  would  not 
'  have  been  made.   The  extraordinary  and  wholly 

*  inadniissibie  demands  of  the  British  Government, 
'  and  the  rejection  of  the  proposition  niiidc  in  tUfir- 

*  tncc  alone  to  what  had  been  done  by  my  prede- 
'  oessors,  and  the  imiitied  obtigalion  which  their  acts 

*  seemed  to  imjiose,  aiford  satisfactory  evidence 
'  that  no  compromise  which  the  United  Slates  ought 
'  to  accept  can  be  efl'ected.  With  this  conviction, 
'  the  pnposilion  of  coinpyomise  which  had  liccii  made 
'  and  njectod,  was,  by  my  direction,  subsequently 
'  withdrawn,  and  our  title  to  the  whole  Oregon  tcr- 
'  ritory  a.sserted,  and,  as  is  believed,  maintained  by 
'  iriefiugable  facia  and  argiimenls." 

But  there  arc  other  considerations  opposed  to 
this  nolicp,  which,  in  my  judgment, ought  to  have 
great  weii;bt.  If  it  be  given,  a  peaceable  settle- 
ment of  the  controversy  or  ww  about  the  time  of 
the  expimtioii  of  llie  notice  will  be  unavoidable. 
Things  couid  not  long  cominue  without  one  or  the 
oilier.  If  the  result  be  war,  we  could  not  possibly 
Bind  nulitary  supplies  through  an  unsettled  coun- 
try of  itto  thousaii'l  miles  in  extent, one-half  con- 
sisiiiig  of  loftv  and  sterile  nioiuitains;  and  tlie  Eng- 
lish, having  command  of  the  ocean,  would  cm  us 
olT  tV'ini  the  only  water  communication  around 
(;ape  Horn,  the  sailing  distance  by  which  is  about 
eiizhleen  tlinusjind  miles.  Orciroii  \Muild  be  cer- 
tainly and  early  subjugated  and  held  by  a  British 
army,  and  we  cmild  neither  send  nor  maintain  a 
force  on  so  di.stant  a  iheatre.adeiiualc  to  its  recon- 
qncst.  We  would  have  to  strike  the  British  pow- 
er at  other  jinints,  and  might  be  forced  to  come  out 
ot'tbe  KtriK.'gle  stripped  of  all  Orej;on.  But  if  war 
could  be  aurled  by  a  settlement  of  the  dispute,  no 
sane  man  cxptols  more  favorable  li'rni.s  tliun  a 
division  of  the  couiilry  by  the  ■I'.hh  parallel,  and 
thus  wc  should  uiuiuestioimbly  lose  near  one-half 

of  11. 

Althoui.'li  1  do  not  believe  that  we  have  a  perfect 
title  to  all  Oregon,  ntviriheless  I  want  all  of  it. 
Especially,  1  do  not  desire  to  see  It  continue  a 
British  possession.  I  cherish  no  feelinirs  of  hatred 
f.ir  En',;laiiil,  yit  1  am  distnistl'iil  of  her  irrusping 
Kclfi-ilinesM  and  her  iloiiiinating  prnpciisity.  Jler 
hislory  proves  that  she  never  foregoes  an  oppor- 
Uniity  to  airgraiidiic  lM:rKelf  at  the  expense  of  any 
iieopie;  and  thoii::h  we  are  so  closely  allied  to  her 
liy  lamjiiiige,  by  liis'ory,  and  by  blood,  her  onward 
iiiid  ri'lt'iilli-ss  spirit  would  a.s  sr  m  niaki^  a  victim 
of  the  L'liiicd  .St^Ues  as  iitiy  iiHire  alien  nation. 
Mainifaclurin::,  colonial,  naval,  and  ctMiiniert-Jal 
supremacy  have  bi  en  the  great  objects  of  her  am- 
biiioii  and  licr  policy  for  ccntiirii.><.  Hit  thrinie 
has  once  criiiiibiid  and  been  reconstructed;  u  new 
ilynasly  has  ofleiiiitncs  grasped  her  sceptre;  she 
has  experienced  all  the  vicissitudes  of  |(e'..,:e  iii.d 
war;  her  'onteiiduig  political  p.irlitH  lia\e  met  in 


the  fienieet  conteiia  and  overthrown  each  other 
without  number;  antagonist  ministers  have  en- 
countered with  warring  systems,  and  in  the  dead- 

I  liest enmity ;  hetcpnstitution,  her  laws,  her  policy, 

1  in  all  elae,  has  been  subject  to  mutability;  but  in 

I  relation  to  those  great  olnccts  it  has  known  "  no 
variableness,  neither  shadow  of  turning."   What- 

I  ever  was  th&  nature  or  extent  of  the  revolution, 
just  where  they  were  leA  did  the  succeeding  power 
or  influence  take  them  u)>,  and  with  the  name 
trueness  and  constancy  press  them  forward.  Who- 
ever or  whatever  has  aspired  to  rule  England,  has 
found  that  devoted  service  to  those  great  national 
ends  was  the  law  of  their  being:  and  they  illustrate 
the  story  of  all  her  wars  and  nil  her  .statesmnn.ship. 
Look  at  the  mitrlily  results  of  n  long  course  based 
upon  a  practiral  knowledge  of  the   relations  of 

!  things,  both  internally  and  e.xternally,  and  aslecp- 

'  less,  never-ending  exertion  of  the  Government  and 
the  people  to  make  the  most  of  them,  in  promo- 

j  ting  the  manufacturing,  colonial,  naval,  and  com- 

I  mercial  supremacy  of  England — a  policy  almost 
as  firmly  fixed  ns  llie  seagirt  isle  itself^     From 

I  this  small  spot,  almost  unknown  to  the  ancient 

]  world,  and  which  now,  but  for  the  extraordinary 
achievements  of  her  mind  and  her  eoui-age,  would 
hardly  be  observed  by  the  rest  of  the  world,  in 
the  midst,  as  she  is,  lif  the  surf  of  the  northern 

I  seas,  has  sprung  the  most  wonderful  fabric  of  po- 
litical empire  that  man   has  ever  reared.     In  the 

'  annuls  of  the  world  there  is  but  one  instance  of  a 
nation  exercising  a  great  and  controlling  influence 
in  all  the  important  movements  of  the  afl'airs  of 

;  every  race  and  country  of  people,  savage  and  civ- 

I  ilized,  Hihaliiting  the  globe.  That  nation  is  Eng- 
land, and  she  directs  the  destinies  of  mankind. 
Her  great  people  have  won  this  pre-eminence  by 

,  the  most  persevering  exercise  of  the  highest  phys- 
ical, moral,  and  inlelleciual  t'aculties  for  ages,  and 

'  when  I  hear  my  eountrynieii  exulting  in  the  supe- 
riority of  the  .\nglo-.Saxoii  race,  I  turn  to  the  pa- 

!  rent  stock,  and,  with  mingled  sentiments  of  pride, 
gratitude,  and  wonder,  contemplate  tlie  glorious 

(  manner  in  which  it  has  vindicated  its  just  title  to 

;  that  distiiictimi.  1  observe  the  wi.se,  fur-seeing, 
noble  constancy  with  which  she  adheres  to  a  sys- 
tem that  has  made  her  so  great  and  so  renowned, 
and  then  contrast  it  with  our  fickleness  and  cru- 
dities. What  a  valuable  lesson  docs  the  teeming 
experience  and  the  ripe  wisdom  of  the  mother,  in 
this  respect,  read  to  the  daughter,  if  she  would 

,  but  hearken  to  it.  Let  us  be  true  to  cuirselves, 
and  move  steadily  on  to  that  greatness  which  des- 
tiny opens  before  us  in  ilic  future.     An  American 

:  policy,  wisely  lounded  in  mi  our  peculiar  condition 
and  circumstances,  com|ii'  bending  the  proper  pro- 
tection of  all  our  L'real  induslrial  iiili:resls,  the 
general  improvement  of  our  physical  coniliticin, 
and  the  perfect  evolvenieni  of  our  vast  and  siill 
sluniberin!:  resources,  oimht  to  be  the  one  great 
object  of  our  people  and  our  statesmen.  Who- 
ever seta  himself  against  such  a  system  should 
"  fall,  like  Lucifer,  to  rise  no  more." 

1  This  North  Ameiicji  is  our  own  world,  and  time 
will  enable  the  Anglo-American  race  to  occupy  it, 
and  to  oiilsUip  far  ihiit  older  one  whic'li  our  an- 

:  cestors  Itiit  beliind,  if  that  race  be  but  it'ue  to  itself. 
Our  system  is  mie  of  peace  and  progress.  There 
will  be  no  restriction  to  our  conquests  and  achieve- 
ments whilst  iliey  cominue  to  be  bloodless.  On 
till'  defence,  too,  we  would  have  resources  equal  to 
the  assault  of  the  comliined  Powers  ol'  the  earth. 
The  greatness  of  the  exterior  pressure  would  act 
upon  our  Union  as  upon  an  arcli,  .iildiii:.^  to  it  com- 
pactness and  Htreiigtii.  .Military  au'Kiession  on  our 
part  would  result  in  disnieniberiuent  and  ruin.  It 
IS  to  our  injury  and  insecuriiy  for  any  Euro|>eaii 
I'ower  to  he  strongly  fell  in  the  concerns  of  this 
coniinent;  and  it  is  in  the  course  of  iliings  that  nil 
of  ilieni  will  lose  their  possessions  and  inlluence 
here.  What  the  lJiiiU;d  .States  have  to  do  is,  to 
bide  their  time,  and  await  the  natural  devclop- 
Iiien  of  evcnis.  Nature  has  iiiarki'd  cut  the  limits 
which  we  are  lo  occupy,  and  they  arc  so  am- 
ple that  we  must  grow  a  long  time  and  much  to 
llil  them.  In  relation  to  llre';oii,  inactivity  on  our 
part,  except  natural  progitss,  w  ould  certainly  have 
laeii  '•  wise  and  niasieily."  The  lie.ily  between 
En:;Iand  and  the  UniK  d  Slates,  ileclaing  Ibegoii  to 
be  open  to  the  jieople  of  liotli  countries,  has  t>xisted 
for  near  thiriy  years.  When  it  wis  made  there 
was  not  an  American  emigiant  in  that  country.   It 


is  only  since  1843  that  onr  people  have  begun  to 
form  settlemfinls  west  of  the  Rocky  mountains, 
and  now  they  number  upwards  of  seven  thousand 
souls.  Last  year  the  emigration  exceeded  four 
tliou.sand,  and  during  the  presrnt  it  is  not  doubted 
that  a  larger  wave  sull  will  roll  westward.  On  the 
contrary,  the  increase  of  the  English  population  is 
inconsiderable.  We  now  have  thousands  where 
they  have  hundreds,  and,  whilst  the  swell  of  their 
niimbera  would  be  barely  perceptible,  ours  would 
become  tens  of  thousands.  Oiir  policy  was  to 
throw  the  aigis  of  our  laws  and  protection  over 
these  pioneers,  to  erect  posts,  and  have  mounted 
riflemen  to  give  them  security  against  the  Indiana 
on  their  journeying  through  the  wilderness,  and  lo 
postpone  this  question  with  England.  1'ime  and 
emigration  would  certainly  have  conquered  the 
whole  of  Oregon  for  us.  Or,  if  the  conflict  of  arms 
for  it  should  be  brought  on,  each  year  would  give 
important  additions  to  our  military  power  there, 
by  the  increase  of  Ilia  brave  and  hardy  settlers,  of 
agricultural  productions,  and  the  means  of  sub- 
sistence. 

The  strength  of  all  claims  of  a  nation  upon 
others,  depends  not  upon  their  intrinsic  justice,  but 
its  ability  to  maintain  them;  and  when  the  rapid 
progress  of  things  \r  greatly  to  increase  ours,  both 
generally  and  locally,  why  should  we  hasten  to 
firing  on  a  crisis  with  England  in  this  Oregon  con- 
troversy.' Every  day's  delay  adds  strength  to  us, 
and  coiisequenlly  to  ou,"  title.  Her  statesmen  and 
her  press  perceive  this  to  bo  the  posture  of  afTaiis, 
and  therefore  desire  a  prompt  settlement  of  the 
question.  The  present  is  the  most  favorable  time 
for  her;  each  revolving  sun  makes  it  less  so.  What 
is  there  now  to  render  this  notice  so  urgent  for  us  > 
What  imporuint  end,  what  good  do  we  expect  to 
accomplish  by  it.=  Wc  will  certainly  defeat  those 
sure,  progressive,  and  pearealile  advantages  to 
which  1  have  referred.  Convince  me  that  our  in- 
terest or  honor  requires  the  notice  to  be  given, 
and  it  shall  have  my  prompt  approval.  Almost  the 
only  ground  for  it  even  suggested  is  an  apprehen- 
sion of  collisions  between  the  American  and  English 
settlers,  and  this  controversy  should  be  settled  and 
the  inhabitants  be  separated  by  the  ascertained  ter- 
ritorial boundaries  of  the  two  nations  to  prevent 
them.  The  Columbia  divides,  and  would  continue 
to  separate  the  two  people,  until  the  southern  part 
of  Oregon  was  comparatively  filled,  and  then  the 
flood  of  American  population  would  break  over 
this  ffrcat  natural  limit  and  flow  up  lo  the  Russian 
border.  The  almos'  stationary  English  .scttlemcnis 
would  before  many  years  be  displaced ,  or  he  merged 
into  the  leeming  American  family.  The  two  peo- 
ple have  ye'  had  no  collision,  and  a  most  harmoni- 
ous and  neighoorly  spirit  seems  to  exist  between 
th„'m.  The  Englishmen  are  so  few  even  now,  and 
arc  so  rapidly  becoming  relatively  more  inconsid- 
erable, lliat  they  could  not  produce  any  serious 
dilTiculties.  The  disputed  territory  on  the  norlli- 
cnsiern  boundary  had  within  il  for  a  great  many 
years  both  English  and  American  settlements. 
They  were  in  ditferenl  sections  of  the  country,  and 
gotalongquilenmicably.  The  only  disiurbancea  re- 
sulted from  the  roiillic't  of  the  civil  uullioriiies  of 
Maine  imd  New  Brunswick;  and  in  Oregon  similar 
occurrences  would  be  avoided  by  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  operatin;  exclusively  upon  our  eiti- 
zen.s,  and  those  of  Canada  upon  Ihilish  subjects. 
But  if  these  local  dilHciiliies  should  spring  up  and 
threaten  the  peace  of  tliecoi;niry,it  would  be  time  to 
tliink  of  a  remedy  when  they  were  present;  llieir 
anticipation  is  certainly  a  very  insiillicient  reasiin 
for  now  giving  this  notice.  Things  have  been  in 
their  present  condition  for  a  whole  geneialion,  ex- 
cept the  great  improvement  which  llie  last  few- 
years  have  made  for  us:  why  should  we  court  war 
by  making  so  important  n  change  in  tbem.=  It 
w'lll  be  averted  if  this  notice  be  withheld;  and  if 
such  would  be  the  consequence  willioni  any  iiijiiry 
to  national  interesis  or  national  honor,  by  all  the 
rights  of  huniunily  let  it  be  done.  ^  It  is  probaMy 
our  falc  to  have  ninilher  war  with  I-^iiglaiid;  but  let 
it  be  kept  olV  until  it  becomes  nec<'.s.sary.  We  iin; 
now  much  more  equal  to  u  contest  wiili  her  than 
wc  were  ill  1812;  and  when  anoilier  comes,  if  come 
it  must,  I  want  every  ndvaiilage  that  intervening 
growth  mid  resourcis,  posiiion.  eirciinislances,  and 
u  forecast  of  it  can  give  us.  I  di'siie  my  couiiti  v 
then  III  b"  III  such  slrength  and  condition  that  we 
will   be  able  to  meet  and  vanquish  her  at  every 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


ti69 


Russian 
:Ulemeiics 

Iwd  [H'O- 
,  linriuoiii- 

ist  lielwei-ii 
nnw.and 
iiicoiisid- 

ajiy  serious 

rcnt  iiiniiy 
:'Ulcmeiiis. 
iiintry,  mid 
rlijuuTs  I'l'- 

luililS    (if 

in  similar 

IWS    (if   lll(! 

1  our  citi- 

sul)jpi!t3. 

imk;  up  and 

■  licliiiic  to 

sont;  llii'ir 

'in  reason 

liccn  in 

■ration,  rx- 

lasl   few 

roiirl  war 

tlienir     It 

■Id;   and  if 

my  injury 

liy  all  lli'i! 

proliaMy 

iud;liMt  Id 

We  ar.i 

1  her  liiaii 

•H,  if  come 

nlervoninij^ 

ineeN,  and 

ly  couuli  y 

in  liiat  we 

il  every 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Hayioood, 


New  Series No.  24. 


iwint  on  tliis  continent.  When  we  unsheath  the 
«word  against  her  agftin,  come  it  soon  or  come  it 
lale,  if  it  be  in  my  time,  I  will  be  ojiposed  to  re- 
turning it  to  the  scabbard  until  wo  drive  her  from 
the  nhores  of  America  to  her  island  home.  I  have 
a  great  horror  of  war,  and  I  want  but  one  more 
With  England;  and,  so  far  ua  theaubjugstion  of  her 
colonial  power  in  America  could  remove  cause  of 


OREGON  will  become  forthwith  subjccta  of  legis- 
lation by  Congress  exclusively. 

But  to  proceed.  At  the  meeting  of  Congress  in 
December,  the  negotiators  of  the  two  Govenimenta 
had  been  unable  to  agree  upon  a  compromise  of 
their  conflicting  claims,  and  the  President,  believing 
that,  under  the  existing  convention  of  1837,  the 
United  States  cannot  "  rightfully  assert  or  exercise 


future  wars,  I  would  go  for  it  at  any  cost  of  blood  jl  exclusive  Jurisdiction  over  anv  fortiok  of  the  ter- 
and  treasure  and  suffering.  Demagogues  are  the  j'  ritory"  witliout  giving  n  year's  notice,  declared  to 
devils  of  Republics,  and  faction  their  multiform  |  Congress  that,  in  his  jndgmeni,  it  would  be  proper 
curse.  These  are  the  mischievous  influences  that  J  to  give  the  notir.e;  and  thereupon  by  his  Meamge 
have  so  untimely  agitated  this  question,  to  jeopanl  j  |  he  recommended  that  provision  be  made  by  Ime  for 
the  peace  of  the  country  and  blast  ils  prosperity:  '|  givingitaccordingly,and  terminating"m(Afem<m- 
devotion  to  national  interests  and  honor  are  but  ii  ner"  the  convention  of  the  6ih  August,  1827.  This 
hollow  pretexts.  If  war  do  now  ensue  from  this  !'  then  is  the  question:  What  shall  we  do? 
Oregon  question ,  it  will  fix  upon  tliose  who  rule,  j  j  The  Message  of  the  President  wa.s  accompanied 
both  in  England  and  in  the  United  States;  a  great  ij  by  acopy  of  all  the  correspondence  which  haa  taken 
and  horrible  crime.  If  it  were  a  law  of  man's  des-  'I  place  in  the  negotiation;  and  we  have  subseciuent- 
tiny  tliat  those  charged  with  the  affairs  of  nations,  il  ly  been  furni.shed,  by  our  request,  with  such  fur- 
who  sport  with  the  lives  and  happiness  of  millions  j)  tlier  correspondence  as  had  taken  place  in  it  \ip  to 
to  minister  to  the  lust  of  their  own  criminal  anibi-  ;  February,  184().  In  the  meanwhile,  various  propo- 
tion,  were  to  be  the  first  to  meet  the  miseries  and  j  sitioiis  in  the  Senate,  emanating  from  individual 
slaughter  of  war,  what  an  incalculable  amount  of  ||  Senators,  but  not  from  the  Executive,  have  been  of- 
wo  would  the  world  have  escaped  I     Puch  an  or-  I   fered  and  proposed;  rind  it  is  true,  as  some  honor- 


deal  would  at  this  conjuncture  save  both  nations 
from  tlte  ravages  of  this  grim  Moloch  ! 


OREGON  aUESTION. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  HAYWOOD, 

OF  NORTH  CAROLINA, 
In  t'ie  Senate,  March  ilh  and  5f/>,  1846. 
The  Jc       'Jesniiition  for  giving  the  notice  to  termi  ■ 
nate  ii: ;  coiiveiition  between  the  United  States 
and  Grejii  Britain  relative  to  the  Oregon  Terri- 
tory, being  under  consideration — 

Mr.  HAYWOOD  addressed  the  Senate  as  fol- 
lows: 


able  Senator  said  the  other  day,  that  ve  have  exliib- 
1  ited  the  singtdar  spectacle  in  this  Ca.nlnl  of  a  dis- 
j  cusnion  by  Congress  with  open  doors  of  nearly  all 

the  foreign  affairs  of  the  nation,  and  more  especial- 
,  ly  of  our  affairs  with  Great  Britain  upon  this  very 


to  the  interest  of  the  nation,  and  which  he  may 
have  supposed  to  bo  important  to  the  peace  of 
the  country  7  Upon  making  such  a  reconunendu- 
tion,  how  could  he  conceal  the  information  that 
waa  necessary  to  aid  Congress  in  considering  it? 
Had  he  any  means  of  foreseeing  that  this  simple 
act  of  necessary  duty  on  the  part  of  the  Execu- 
tive would  be  perverted  into  an  occasion  for  de- 
bating, not  the  question  of  notice  or  no  notice, 
whicli  properly  belongs  to  the  Legislative  depart- 
ment, but  also  our  negotiations  with  Great  Britain, 
when  her  Minister  is  in  the  city  and  even  in  the 
lobby  of  the  Capitol,  and  our  foreign  relations  and 
our  grievances,  real  or  supposed,  with  all  the  king- 
doms of  the  eartli ,  which  legitimately  twlong  to  the 
Executive  dejjartment.'  Perhaps,  he  felt  a  strong 
reliance  upon  the  prudence,  moderation,  and  wis- 
dom of  Congress — the  assembled  Representatives 
of  t'.ie  people  and  the  States— and  hoped  that  they 
would  111  such  a  case  talk  less,  but  deliberate  and 
then  act.  Perhaps  he  thought  that,  u]ion  a  question 
of  this  kind,  the  necessny  he  was  )mt  under  to  dis- 
close what  was  done  by  the  Executive  before  he  had 
terminated  negotiations  would  hardly  be  made  a 
pretext  for  snatching  negotiations  out  of  his  hands, 
which  he  did  not  recommend,  instead  of  enacting  a 
j  law  to  arm  him  with  a  notice  thai  he  did  recorn- 
1  mend.  How  ftir  he  was  mistaken,  if  he  did  so 
!  feel  and  so  tliink,  need  not  be  said  to  this  Senate. 
i  The  events  of  the  kst  few  weeks  speak  for  them- 


s'ubjcct  of  the  Oregon  territory,  nltfioiigh,  at  the  j|  selves.  Believing  that,  so  far  as  the  President  has 
ii  sanic  time,  negotiations  have  l)een  going  on  at  the  ■'.  been  concerned,  the  Brilisli  Government  has  got 
Ii  Executive  deparimeiit  with  the  British  Minister;  i|  no  advantage  of  us,  I  confess  I  did  feel  mortified 
Ij  and  it  was  rather  intimated  than  charged,  that  the  i!  in  reading  the  news  by  the  last  steamer  at  the  iie^- 
',  President  was  to  blame  for  it.  Now,  in  the  spirit  i!  cessity  of  conceding  to  the  di^bates  of  the  British 
ii  of  kindness  which  cliaracterized  this  complaint,  iJ  Parliament  n  decided sujieriority  over  Iho-ne  of  onr- 

suffer  me,  a  friend  of  the  Administrntion,  loan- 

:  swer  why  I  do  not  concur  in  it,  and  how  I  suppose 
'  the  sending  of  this  correspondence  here  may  be 
'i  vindicated. 
j     The  President,  believing  that  the  convention  of 

1827  had  better  he  abrogated,  we  know  that  he 


j  selves  in  llieir  dignity  and  moderation;  and  it  would 
I  be  quite  a  satisfaction  to  nic  to  get  news  l)y  the 


Mr.  Prbsidekt:  The  subject  before  the  Senate  is  ,  could  do  that  in  either  one  of  two  ways,  but  in  no 


«n  important  one.  Viewed  in  connexion  with  the 
topics  that  have  been  brought  into  the  discussion 
of  it,  it  is  one  of  momentous  interest;  and  I  confess 
that  its  magnitude  oppresses  me.  My  wantof  ex- 
perience in  political  affairs  imturally  made  me  reluc- 
tant to  enter  into  it  as  a  speaker,  when  I  must 
necessarily  feel,  in  addition  to  the  high  responsibili- 
ties of  the  occasion  itself,  the  embarrassment  of 
addressing  those  who  are  my  seniors  in  age  and 
in  political  knowledge.  Besides,:!  have  thought 
that  a  nlent  vote,  could  it  have  been  obtained, 
would  be  much  more  imposing.  But  the  occur- 
rences of  the  last  few  weeks  have  left  me  no  choice. 
Silence  would  now  be  a  compromise  with  niy  con- 
science and  my  duty  to  the  country,  and  I  must 
speak.  It  will  take  me  some  time,  but  I  throw 
myself  upon  the  patience  of  the  Senate,  with  a 
pledge  that  my  heart  shall  be  opened  sincerely, 
at  this  the  council  board  of  our  common  country; 
I  have  no  actions  of  the  past  to  explain,  and  no 
aspirations  for  the  future  to  restrain  me;  and  if 
God  gives  me  strength  and  utterance  for  the  work, 
I  will  do  my  whole  duty  according  to  my  jioor 
ability. 

The  President  of  the  United  States,  who  is  au- 
thorized by  the  Constitution  to  make,  but  not  to 
unmake  treaties,  has  a  negotiation  on  foot  which 
was  commenced  or  opened  before  his  term  of  office 
began.  The  object  of  it  has  been  to  fix  o  line  of 
divisi'jn  by  compromise  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain,  and  thereliy  to  adjust  the  con- 
flicting claims  of  the  two  Governments  to  the  ter- 
ritory lying  west  of  the  Stony  mountains,  common- 
ly called  OREGON.  I  assume  for  the  present — 
hereafttr  I  will  demonstrate — that  in  the  view ef  our 
President,  as  well  as  the  British  Minister,  the  ne- 
gotiation is  still  a  pending  one.  The  assumption 
IS  wan-anted  by  every  incident  of  the  subject  in  this 
country  and  in  Great  Britain,  except  the  absurd 
conclusions  and  unauthorized  constructions  given 
by  some  of  my  own  party  fViend.i  to  the  Message 
of  ilie  President.  And  it  is  cdiifirmed  beyond  all 
fair  doulit  by  the  silence  of  the  President  upon  that 
point,  when,  if  the  negotiation  had  terminated,  Ex- 
ecutive silence  would  be  unpiirdonaldc — the  nif.re 
especially  ns  his  jurisdiction  over  the  subject  will 
cease  the  moment  negotiation  ends.  The  negoti- 
ation oni-e  closed,  concUided,  put  an  end  to,  by  the 
Executive,  and  all  the  remaining  questions  about 

24 


other.     Either  he  must  get  an  agreement  with  j 
Great  Britoin  to  abrogate  it  by  mutual  consent,  and 


next  packet  of  an  ouliageous  debate  in  the  Ih'itish 
Parliament;  nt  least  sufficient  to  put  us  even  with 
them  on  that  score.  I  cannot  iielp  wishing  il  may 
be  so. 

[Some  Senator:  "  "Tis  likely  you'll  be  grat- 
ified."] 

But    surely   the   fault    is  not    altogether    that 


then  Congress  need  not  be  applied  to  at  all:  or  he  ii  of  the  President.  Had  he  known  ever  so  well 
must  get  the  mandate  of  a  law,  .iutho;izing  him  iJ  that  his  recommendation  to  legislate,  if  Congress 
to  give  a  year's  notice.  The  fi-t  mode  was  not  il  saw  fit,  so  as  to  help  bis  progress  in  negotiation, 
attempted.  ii  would  lie  mi.sconstrued  into  an  invitation  for  all 

Tlie  other  manner  of  doir.,  it  is  by  a  lam  of  l|  sorts  of  intorference  by  Congress  with  the  more 
thi.s  Government;  and  the  P(T!sident  recommended 


to  Congress — Congress  alone  being  competent  to 
j  enact  it — that  provision  be  made  for  giving  the 
!  notice  accordingly,  and  for  tenninating,  "  in  this 

tnoiintr,"  the  convention  of  1827.  Can  it  be  said 
I  that  the  President  erred  in  choosing  "  this  manner" 
I  of  tenninatiiii;  the  convention,  it  being  the  only 

mode  by  which  that  object  could  be  legitimately 
1  accomplished  without  closing  his  negotiations  for 
i  a  compromise?    Tlie  complaint  against  the  Mes- 
sage implies  he  had  no  intention  to  do  thai.     It 

being  indispensable  to  apply  to  Couf^ress  for  a  i 
'  law  to  give  the  notice,  was  it  not  both  proper  and  i 
i  necessary  to  commiinieate  to  Congress  everything  | 
I  th'  had  taken  jdace  in  the  negotiation,  as  far  as  j 
;  it  had  progressed  when  the  President  made  his  , 
]  recommendation.'  \ 

I  The  case  is  a  peculiar  one;  but  that  peculiarity  | 
j  did  not  arise  out  of  anything  that  this  Admini.'j-  j 
j  tratinii  has  done,   but  allogellier  from   the  con-  i 

vention  it  is  desired  to  abrogate,  ond  the  limited 

conslitiitional  power  of  the  American  Execu-  i 
i  tive.     Look  to  the  Message  itself,  and  you  .see  ' 

nothing  in  it  either  more  or  less  than  what  the 
!  President  was,  in  a  great  degree,  obliged  to  dis-  : 
i  close  to  the  legislative  department  under  the  pecu- 
I  liar  circumstances  of  the  subject.    That  Congress  ; 

might  determine  this  question  of  notice,  they  must 
'  know  the  slate  and  condition  of  the  negotiation. 
'  They  would  know  that  best  by  sending  up  all  the 
i  correspondence;  and  in  order  iliat  they  might  see  i 

and  judge  fi'r  themselves,  the  President  commiini-  J 
'  cated  to  Congress  the  v-hole  con-esjwndence  which 

had  taken  place.  He  has  done  no  more,  and  he  is  i 
!  responsilile  for  nothing  more.  ; 

I      Had  he  any  right  to  suppose  that  this  would  be 

made  the  foundation  for  violent  invective  and  irre- ' 

gular  discussions,  and  for  uU  the  propositions  that ! 

have  followed  it?      If  he  had  appi-ehendcd  any  ! 

such  consequences,  would  that  liave  authorized 
i  him  to  withhold  the  recommendation  of  n  mea-  i 

sure  of  legislation  which  he  deemed  to  be  esienti»l  ■ 


I  appropriate  duties  of   the    Executive,   he  would 
•  hardly  have  been  justified  by  it  to  omit  all  or  any 
!  one  tiling  which  "lie  has  done.    He  haa,  as  1  un- 
i  dersland  his  Message,   but  done  hi.i   duty,  and 
no  more,  and  he  dared  not  do  less.     I  hope  Sena- 
tors will  see  in  all  this  an  excuse,  for  the  Presi- 
dent, if  they  do  not  find  in  it  a  justification,  for 
his  Message  to  Congress  commimicn/iiig  the  corre- 
siiondence  with  the.  British  .17iiii,i(cr.   That  the  Presi- 
dent sent  this  Message  to  Congress  might  be  excu- 
sed indeed  for  other  reasons,  without  a  heavy  tax 
up<»i  our  charity.     He  was  bound  to  presume  that 
Congress  arc  wise  and  prudent  legislators;  that 
they  would  say  nothing  to  embarrass  negotiations 
unless  Congress  really  wished  to  defeat  negotiation; 
and  even  in  that  case,  he  may  have  thought  that, 
as  by  the  Coi,slilMtion  treaty-making  belonged  to 
the  President  under  the  advice  of  the  Senate,^  his 
own  "IViends,"  without  any  recommendation  from 
him,  would  long  ago  have  proposed  and  voted 
directly  "  that  the  President  shall  be  aoviseo  by 
the  Senate  that  he  is  mistaken  in  supposing  the 
nation  committed  itself  to  any  compromise,  and 
that  the  negotiolion  upon  that  basis  ought  to  be 
'  concluded,  if  that  indeed  lie  the  decision  of  the  peo- 
t  pie."    That  would  be  DOING  .something. 
I      I  do  not  affirm  that  the  President  thought  all  this, 
I  or  any  of  it.      "ict  i  'other  thing  has  struck  my 
own  mind  with  s  m       .rcc,  and  possibly  it  might 
not  liave  been  without  ils  influence  upon  the  Presi- 
i  dent.     When  he  came  into  otiicc,  he  declared  his 
,  belief  that  our  title  to  Oregon  was  "clear  and  un- 
>  questionable. "    In  prosecuting  the  negotiation,  he 
j  found  it  to  be  his  duty  to  offer  a  line  of  compro- 
i  mise  at  40,  and  to  give  up  James  K.  Polk's  opin- 
1  ion  to  the  President's  obligation  to  preserve  na- 
i  tional  honor.    From  some  cause  or  other  the  |)ublic 
I  minii  had  been  pre-occupied  with  the  belief  that 
,  this  oflbr  had  not  been  made  by  him.     But  as  it 
I  had  been  made,  the  President  might  have  felt, 
and  probably  he  did  feel,  a  solicitude  at  the  meet- 
'  ing  of  Congress  to  tell  the  whole— to  let  out  the 


m 


370 


APPENDIX  TO  TH%C0NGRESS10NAL  GLOBE. 


[Mareli  4, 


29th  Cong Isx  Sess. 


leerel iiihI  Io  prevent,  if  he  could,  clamors  or  cal- 
umny upon  the  gubjecl.  Hnd  the  Prcsiilcnl  dread- 
ed ilic  Slime  clamors,  nnd  souijlii  lo  avoid,  by  bucIi 
a  disclosure,  drnnncialiona  like  those  which  have 
been  unceasingly  poured  out  upon  the  heads  of  the 
Itrcat  men  who  iiegotinted  and  voted  for  the  Wimh- 
in:;lon  treaty,  I  "m  Hure  llie  StJialc  would  not 
iilanie  him  nincli  for  it — not  ttrij  iniic/i.  That 
Washington  treaty  seem*  to  have  become  a  favor- 
ite hobby.  Perhaps  it  is  to  be  kept  agoing  until  it 
can  get  company.  It  may  be  that  the  I'lcgideut  did 
not  wish  to  furnish  the  companion  for  it  by  keep- 
ing his  "  friends"  uiiappri/.ed  of  the  importiinl  fact 
that  he  had  oirered  a  euinpromisc.  I  shoidd  not 
wonder  at  it,  if  he  did  not.  As  it  is,  that  thunder 
will  all  be  spoiled,  as  fur  ns  roucciUment  goes. 

I  have  seldom  heard  a  discussion,  Mr.  Presi- 
dent, about  our  territoriid  rights  in  any  cpiarter, 
thatUENTON's  .speech  agaiiLst  Websteh's  treaty 
was  not  rc-nrodnced.  A  new  edition  of  an  old 
ii|H:ech,  abridged  to  be  sure,  but  not  improved. 
Our  politicians  seem  determined  to  convince  the 
world  abroad,  and  the  jieople  at  home,  whether 
or  not,  that  our  nation  is  always  ovcneacbed, 
cheated,  and  disgraced.  Hat  why  do  this,  if  at 
all,  long  after  a  treaty  has  been  soleuuily  ratified 
by  a  vole  of  Jt'.l  to  i) !  in  the  American  Senate ;  Let 
not  Senators  give  their  aid  to  ii,  I  say,  as  we  love 
one  another  or  the  eoimtry.  I  nticr  no  cnitiplaints 
ngain.st  the  speech  it.self  of  my  honorable  friend 
from  Missouri,  [.Mr.  ISkxtov.)  Like  everything 
else  that  comes  from  him  luiv,  it  was  e|oq\ient. 
It  was  in  sea.son  and  at  the  right  time  when  he 
made  it.  The  occasion  which  called  it  forth  has 
now  piLssed,  and  along  with  it  the  strong  c.\ciie- 
ments  under  which  the  speech  was  made.  'I'he 
constitutional  authorities  of  the  Government  over- 
ruled his  objections,  antfit  is  no  disparagement  to 
the  fame  of  the  speech  or  of  that  Sejiator  to  be- 
lieve that  his  noble  and  generous  heart  would  be 
able  to  see  now  (and  his  manly  character  would 
let  him  own  it)  that  there  was  quite  enou'.'h  of 
invective  and  .suspici'in  in  the  speech  when  it 
was  made.  I  know  not  bow  lie  feels  under 
ius  repetition,  with  or  w  ilhont  noleg,  but  I  have 
ndmircd  the  ]iatience  of  Jieniiors  implicated 
by  denunciations  about  the  Washinsilun  treaty, 
and  wondered  how  they  could  silently  enilure  it. 
Certainly,  when  such  t(iiii;;s  are  introduced /hit, 
Ihey  are  in  exceeding  bad  taste,  and  very  like  w  hat 
a  venerated  friend  of  mine  used  lo  call  the  dullest 
tiling  ill  the  world  to  listen  at — "  nlil  psalms  sunn 
ovtr  dead  horses."  Out  of  llie  iSenale,  it  is  the 
eame  by  which  great  men  of  this  nation  are  lo  be 
killed  olT,  and  more  room  left  for  exaltin'r  lUtle 
men  to  big  oiiices. 

But,  Mr.  President,  let  all  this  be  as  it  may, 
nnd  let  it  be  right  or  wrong  in  the  President  to 
have  sent  his  Alessago,  and  'he  infoniialion  in  it, 
to  the  Congress  of  the  United  Stales:  he  has 
done  it — ihe  art  is  past  recall.  The  subicct  is  be- 
fore the  Senate,  anil  w  ilh  all  its  embarrassments,  it 
has  become  necessary  for  Ihe  Senaie  toiut  upon  it, 
and,  in  my  Judgmeni.  the  soiuicr  we  do  that,  the 
belter  for  thecouiilry. 

In  order  lo  act  unglit  we  nuisl  look  to  Ihe  Presi- 
dent's Mes.sagcs,  and  see  for  ourselves  what  po- 
Bition  he  occupies.  I  agree  entirely  witli  some 
other  Senators  that  we  cannot  take  our  position 
upon  this  (piestion  of  the  notice  until  we  .see  the 
position  of  till!  President.  !Sie  it,  I  mean,  with 
a  riasouable  certainty;  as  positive  cerlainly  cannot 
be  arrived  at,  and  .annot  be  expected.  If  he  means 
to  negotiaU'  for  a  comprnmise,or  if  there  be  a;)c«i/- 
in^  ni'gofi(i/ioH,  it  would  be  unwise,  uimrecedent- 
ed,  and  indeliiale,  for  the  Prcsidenl,  either  him- 
Bclf  directly,  or  indireinly  lliiMui;h  anollier  pers.m, 
to  declare  beforehand  any  deterniiiiaiion  of  his 
own  mind  upini  iiuesiions  to  arise  in  the  fiirlher 
progress  of  such  a  negotiation.  I  shall,  in  justice 
to  him,  have  occasion  lo  point  out  to  the  .Senate 
hereafi'  r  how  1  think  ihis  silence — this  necessai-y 
silencf — inoves  almost  of  itself  that  his  "  tllOugh^s 
are  turned  on  |>cace." 

But  what  is  the  po.sition  of  the  President  in  t)iis 
negotiation  •  About  il  Ihi  re  would  be  less  doubt  if 
there  had  lieen  less  ert'ort  to  assign  the  President 
an  extreme  ))ositioii,  and  a  false  posliion.  What 
say  the  "  records?"  Where  does  he  stand?  We 
must  see  before  we  fling  him  the  notice  to  terniinatc 
the  convention  of  1827. 

First,  we  all  know  lliat  Ihe  President — whose 


The  Oregon  Questioti — Atr.  Haywood. 

r"     '  '  rr 

'  assent  is  indispeneablp — will  not  agree  tonnnrtiitrn-  \^ 
lion.  I  do  not  Blop  to  defend  or  to  accuse  him  for  i 
this:  it  belongs  to  some  other  occasion.  If,  in 
the  Providence  of  God,  Ihis  (Iregon  controversy 
should  terminate  in  a  conflict,  the  responsibility  of 
hnvins  rejected  arhi/rnfian  will  be  a  fearful  one,  and 
he  will  have  In  meet  it.     But  Ihe  responsibility  has 

i  been  taken  by  him.  The  Senate,  therefore,  lunsl 
now  proceed  upon  it  ns  a  fact,  a  "  fixed  flict,"  that 

{arbilmtion   is  out  of   the  question.     We  cannot 

j  help  it  if  we  would,  and  I  owe  it  to  candor  lo  say, 

I  that  Iieoutd  not  if  I  could. 

'  Well,  tlion,  wo  have  seen  in  his  Mes.sagc  that 
Great  Britain  made  an  olTcr  of  compromise,  which 
was  rejecled  by  the  American  Governmeiil,  in 
.\us:tist,  1844,  and  the  President  has  informed 
Congress  plainly  and  distinctly  iliat  this  British 
proposition  to  ns  cannot  be  entertained  bv  him,  but 
that  il  is  "  wholly  inadmissible."  Sr  fir  there  is 
no  difficulty.  Everything  is  plain  and  directly  to 
the   point,  as  it  ought  to  be. 

Xext,  we  are  infornied  by  the  Mes.saiTC  that  the 
President  himself  niaile  an  ofTer  toGreal  BriUiin  by 
which  the  terrilorv  of  Oregon  between  the  paral- 
lels of  42°  and  .'i4°  40'  was  proposi'il  to  be  divided 
by  rt  ciiiii/ii'OHnV  on  tilt  line  if  4!l°,  and  that  the 
British  IMiiiister  rejcted  il  without  submitting  any 
other  proposition,  \*c.  This  otTer  of  our  Presi- 
dent was  made  on  12tli  of  Jnlv,  1H4.") — refused  on 
the  3!)lh  of  llie  .same  montli.  Bui  on  SOili  August, 
lH4."i,  the  President  withdrew  his  rejcrlrd  proposi- 
tion, and  rea.sscrled,  hy  his  letter  to  the  British 
Miiii,<iler,  our  claim  and  liile  lo  the  whole  of  Or- 
egon— ir/iic/i  Iftln'  litis  not  hern  anyiret'ed  ! 

The  President  does  not  say  that  the  negotiation 
Artv  been  nbaniloneil,  nor  that  it  irill  be  concloded  by 
him  without  waiting  to  receive  another  offer.  No 
such  thing.  Me  does  not  intbrni  Con<:rcss  that  he 
will  or  will  not  reneir,  or  that  he  will  or  will  not 
enlertaiii*  his  own  nlTer,  which  he  adopted  as  that 
of  the  nation,fo- n  compromise.     1  r'peal,  llinl  it    | 

'  was,  under  ill*'  circnmsianccs,  impossible  for  him 
to  do  thai,  orovided  he  eonsidt-red  compromise 
still  ADMISSIBLE.  But  he  does  .say  that  he  has 
receded,  notwilhstandin';  his  opinion  as  to  title,  to 
Ihe  line  of  49°  ns  a  enmprowise,  and  his  reasons 
for  il  are  given — reasons  quite  ns  conclusive  in 
fivor  of  rtfr^ji.'iiig  the  offer  iioir  as  they  were  for 
mfil:iuix   it    last  year!     And  as   I  nndersliind  the 

■  President's  posiiinn,  he  stanils  ihis  day  upon  that 

■  line  of  49°  as  a  rr.m^j.oHiisf,  if  COMPROMISE  is   ' 
to  be  had.    Om  e  for  all,  hi  mc  explain,  that  when 

I  have  spoken  or  shall  hereafter  speak  of  the  ' 
"eomjiromise  line  ef  49°,"  I  do  by  no  means  intend 
to  be  imdcrstooil /i7oii//!(.  But  I  mean  that  line' 
in  suhslnnee — not  "  every  inch" — I  mean  the  same 
compromise  suhslanliallij  which  this  (loverinneiit 
has  frequently  offered  wilhoiit  rejaid  to  slight 
variations;  wliich  may  be  lef't  fin'  selilcment  by 
"equivalents."  I  do  not  nieasiirc  loy  own  or 
other  people's  patrii'lsm  by  the  "  inch."  I  shall 
not  recognise  that  measurement  in  deciding  upon 
till  Mieiils  of  the  Admiiiisiralioii  or  the  wi.sdoin 
of  a  trealy — noi  at  all,  at  all. 

Mr.  Prcsidenl,  /  disnviiir  ani)  aulhoritii  la  speak 
FOIl  Ihe  I'nsidrnt.  I  have  already  said  that  he 
cniiM  not  speak  for  himself,  nor  aulhorizc  another 
to  s|)eak  for  him,  so  Ioiil'  as  neu'oliation  was  pend- 
ing, or  not  concluded.  Oh  I  1  wish  it  were  .so  ilial 
he  could  speak  out.  But  1  innsi  he  allowed  lo 
speak  for  myself  since  the  .Adniiiiislralion  has 
been  so  perseveringly  put  where  I  oiiirht  not  lo 
stand  by  it:  and  I  will  dare  to  spciK  lo  llie  Presi- 
dent, and  o/'ihe  President  and  bis  Mi  ssaires,  from 
my  Kiatioii  upon  this  floor,  ns  I  jmL'c  him  and 
them.  .\iid  I  say,  in  answer  to  certain  Senators  of 
my  party,  thai  ihe  I'risidcni  did  ri'.'ht,  exactly 
riirht,  in  continuing  ihis  neiroiiniioii  for  a  cnnipro- 
niise  which  he  fniinil  on  foot,  and  ill  renewing  Ihe 
offer  (;(  49°n»n  Zinc  ofrumpromise.  .'\iid  in  reply  to 
tlieni  furlhi-r,  I  say  that  he  ought  not,  and  my  coii- 
vii-tions  are  as  strong  as  death  iiself  ihal  he  caii- 
nol,  will  not,  dis^'race  hiniself  and  his  Administra- 
tion by  refusing  Ar.s  eirji  e//i'r,  should  it  be  reiiirneil 
upon  him — rertisiiur,  1  nieaii,lo  enlfrtiiiu  ii;  repuls- 
ing' il.  and  rashly  pulling  a  final  terininaliim  lo  his 
nc:,Mliation  for  a  peaiefulconipromi.se;  and  madly 
forcing  his  coiiniry  into  a  war,  wiihouf  eceii  con- 
snliing  his  conslilulional  advisers,  the  .Senate; 
who  are  this  day  assembled.  Vet  that  is  said  of 
him  day  after  day  in  this  Senate.  A  lenrfor  what  ? 
Wliy,  Mr.    President,  a  war  between  two  great 


Senate. 


C/irii(i<i»  nations  upon  the  meaning  of  the  word 
Kllltnvnls  in  the  Nootka  convention !  A  war, 
perhaps,  of  twenty  years,  to  determine  which  of 
these  Chrislian  Governmcnis  shall  (ujoy  the  privi- 
lege of  cheating  the  poor  Indians  out  ol'^lhe  largest 
portion  of  On:gon.  No,  air;  no,  sir.  The  Presi- 
dent will  not  do  that.  As  he  loves  his  country, 
and  values  his  own  fame,  he  dare  not  think  of  it. 

But  I  h;ivc  said  the  Prcsidentdid  right  in  offering 
a  coiiirn'omiw  of  this  controversy.  Other  friends  of 
this  Administration  have  said  he  did  wrong,  par- 
ticularly the  Senators  from  Ohio,  [Mr.  Ali.en',] 
Indiana,  [.Mr.  Hannroan,]  and  Illinois,  [Mr. 
BnEK§E.]  Friends  and  enemies,  (if  he  has  an  ene- 
my here,)  will  you  hear  another  friend  in  his  de- 
fence.' It  is  a  serious  charge,  if  it  be  true.  What 
are  the  facts .'  Let  him  be  tried  by  tli  ise,  and  there 
can  be  no  doubt  of  the  decision.    Hii  rtliem. 

He  found  it  in  ourown  history  afact, an  undenia- 
ble fact,  that,  so  longago  as  f.irty  years,  in  negotia- 
tions between  this  Government  nnd  Great  Britain, 
the  United  Stales  had  niaintained  and  asserted  that 
tlie  Irue  line  of  our  imiional  rights,  west  of  the 
Stony  mountains,  was  at  the  49lli  parallel  on  tho 
north,  ill  virtue  of  the  trealy  of  Utrecht,  and  of 
our  treaty  with  Fra  ice  in  IHU.I.  He  found  that  it 
was  urged  by  our  Government  upon  the  oppo- 
site party  as  a  fact,  too,  that  eomniLssioners  had 
been  appointed  In  designate  tiie  line  west  of  the 
Stony  mountains,  coiislituling  the  south  bound- 
ary (if  Great  Britain  and  the  north  boundary  of 
France,  who  sold  ns  Louisiana;  and  that  that  iuie 
had  been  settled  at  49°;  and  this  fact  was  assumed 
as  the  basis  of  very  important  negotiations  at  that 
time  in  progress  between  ns  and  Great  Britain.  He. 
knew  that  this  was  in  the  days  of  Jeflersmi  and 
his  compalriots. 

.V(i/)orfi(,  /  believe,  ever  auspecled  Jefferson  of  being 
"IMtish!" 

He  found  that,  in  subsequent  efforts  to  adjust 
this  long-pending  controversy,  to  wit,  in  1817,  the 
American  GovernmenI  had  proposed  this  same 
compromise  line  at  49°,  (subsiantially,  I  mean, 
not  in  all  itsdeUiils.)  And  although  our  Minis- 
ters were  instructed  to  insist  upon  it,  they  were 
unable  lo  gel  the  consent  of  Great  Britain;  and 
that  negotiation  finally  lerminaled  in  a  convention 
for  what  we  call  a  joint  occupancy  of  the  whole 
territory,  entered  iiito,  I  believe,  by  our  request, 
and  certainly  done  with  onr  oonseiit,  which  con- 
vention was  to  coiuinue  for  ten  years,  nnd  no 
hinger.  That  convention  was  sent  to  the  Senate, 
leilh  all  Ihe  correspondeme ,  and  it  was  ratified  and 
appiiived  by  a  vote  of  ayes,  .'JB;  noes,  none — all 
"«,i(i,,/i.'" 

He  fimiid  that  this  comcntion  was  not  satisfac- 
tory; but  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
grew  anxious  to  settle  and  adjust  the  line  of  di- 
vision between  us  and  the  European  Governments 
elaimins  territorial  rights  west  of  the  Stony  moun- 
tains. Russia  and  Great  Britain  both  as.serted 
rights  there.  Russia  furnLslied  pretty  strong  signs 
of  the  Emperor's  intention  toinaintuiii  hers  against 
all  the  world.  The  Aniericnn  Government,  (after 
a  long  delay,  growing  out  of  onr  policy  towards 
Spain,  whom  we  did  not  wish  to  oflcnd  liy  setting 
up  onr  claims  prematurely,)  finally  acceded  ton 
proposal  of  opening  nca-ot'iations  w  ith  Uussia  and 
Great  Britain  about  18'J4,  for  a  iiiif  of  compro- 
mise. Our  Ministers  were  instructed  to  get  this 
line  adjusted  upon  a  compromise  with  both  nations 
at  the  49ih  parallel,  and  we  hoped  at  one  time  to 
unite  Great  Britain  with  ns  against  Russia.  But 
Great  Britain,  althoiiah  a  "  joint  occupant"  with 
ns,  managetl  her  diplomacy  lietter  than  thai,  and 
after  the  United  States  had  agreed  with  Russia  to 
abandon  all  our  rights,  viz, :  "  not  to  settle"  north 
of  Ihe  parallel  of  .'■)4°  4(1',  his  Majesty  the  King  of 
England,  iVc,  made  a  separale  treaty  with  the 
Emperor  of  Russia,  and  took  lo  himself  a  large 
share  of  vlinl  ire  had  surrendered!  [Our  i)i°  40' 
tV.eiids  ouL'ht  to  go  for  it  all  back  again,  according 
lo  their  doctrines,  iiiiil  perhaps  England,  with  Rus- 
sia lo  help  her,  would  favor  ns  with  a  fi:xht,  and 
that's  something.)  Ill  our  negoiialion  of  that  con- 
VI  iitioii  with  Russia,  and  ill  our  altempls  lo  iiego- 
tiale  at  that  time  wiih  Great  Britain,  the  American 
Government  yielded  up  her  claims  lielweeii  f)4^  40' 
and  (il''  nnto'Rnssia.  (What  an  uncoiisliiutional 
luid  dis(;raceful  disniemberment !)  And  the  same 
old  comproini.se  line,  substantially  that  which  the 
President  rc-ofl'ered  in  184.'i,  was  tendered  to  Great 


4, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


371 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


TTie  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Haywood. 


Senate. 


not  sntisfftc- 
itcd  Stales 
line  of  (li- 
lovcrnnientB 
nnv  nioun- 
assertetl 
strons;  signs 
Irers  >u;ainst 
nieiil,  (aflor 
y  tinvarils 
Ijy  scttinc; 
•oiled  to  n 
Hussia  anil 
of  conipro- 
lo  alct  tliiH 
joth  nations 
one  time  to 
issia.     Hut 
|iant"  with 
III  tliul,  anil 
li  RiisNia  to 
■ttle"  iiorili 
the  Kin;;  of 
with   the 
iself  a  larse 
Our  54°  ;1U' 
I,  ai'corilinu; 
I,  with  Riis- 
fi:;lit,  and 
if  that  con- 
pis  to  neijo- 
c  Ameriean 
i-eeii  54"  40' 
iislitntiomil 
d  the  Kiinii; 
I  which  the 
■I'd  lo  Great 


Britain  and  deelined — urged  and  refused!  [How  || 
one's  .flnwricnnhlood  boils  at  the  thought  of  ceding  i[ 
an  inch  !]  The  treaty  with  Russia,  which,  in  the  i 
view  of  Senators,  so  dishonomhly  and  uneonstitu-  ll 
tinnally  dismcmberr  '  he  national  doniain,  (for  the  I  i 
Ijenefil  of  crowned  neads  loo!)  was  submitted  to  ]! 
the  American  Senate,  and,  wiH  a  full  knoKledge 
■of  the.  eorrtspmulence,  the  Senate  approved  it  all,  by  h 
a  vote  of  ayes,  41 !  no,  1 !  \\ 

["Who  was  it?"   exclaimed    several    voices.  ,i 
"Where  v-as  he  from?"]  ' 

Jim.    Rhode  Island.     His  name  was  D'WoIf.   I 
All  "UrilMA,"  save  one!  |j 

In  passing,  the  Senate  will  suffer  me  to  say  that  1 
this  treaty  with  Russia  was  made  within  the  very  ;i 
year  succeeding  the  famous  declaration  of  President  j  i 
Monroe's  Message  against  new  European  colonies   ' 
on  ihis  continent!     Made  by  him.     It  is  of  itself  ,; 
a  contemporaneous  construction  of  the  meaning  "• 
attached  to  that  declaration.    Attention  is  due  to  the 
names  of  the  fortt-ose  Senators  who  approved  1; 
of  it!    Thei-e  are  illuslrions  names  in  that  list;  but  ! 
I  have  not  time  to  go  into  such  details;  and  if  I 
liad,  the  Senate  would  hardly  have  patience  to  hear 
me  through. 

The  President  further  found  that  our  imporlu- '1 
tiity  to  fix  upon  the  line  of  49°  as  a  compromise  i 
was  again  manifested  as  soon  as  the  convention  of  ;. 
1818  was  likely  to  expire;  and  that,  in  the  corrr-  ij 
apnndence  preceding  that  identical  convention  of '' 
1827,  which  it  is  our  present  wish^to  abrogate  by  [ 
a  notice,  the  American  Minister  was  instructed  to  ii 
adjust  the  controversy  at  thi.s  same  line  of  49";  i[ 
and  the  convention  was  made  nnly  because  that  : 
tompromise  lino  could  not  be  got.  That  corre- i 
spnndence  also  was  laid  before  the  Senate  along  ! 
with  the  convention  of  1827,  where,  in  despite  of  ,j 
the  opposition  of  my  honorable  friend  from  Mis-  ; 
souri,  [Mr.  Benton,]  and  in  defiance  of  his  pre-  1 
dictions,  the  convention  was  approved  by  a  vote  of 
ayes  31,  noes  7. 

The  "  Brilhk  "  party  seems  to  have  been  still  a 
strong  party  in  the  American  Senate !  The  names 
of  some  of  them  stood  high  on  the  rolls  of  Democ- 
racy, and  some  are  now  in  high  places.  I  will  not 
tax  the  patience  of  the  Senate  by  reading  them 
over. 

He  found  that,  under  the  Administrations  suc- 
r.cejing  the  ratification  of  this  convention — all  of 
them — Adams's,  .Tack.son's,  Van  Uuen's,  Harri- 
son's, and  Tyler's,  too — wc  made  n  <  complaint  of 
Great  Britain  about  Oregon,  and  soi  ndcd  no  alarm 
to  the  people  to  prepare  fur  a  repiidiation  of  our 
own  offers  to  compromise  "an  inch  "  below  54°  40' ; 
but  quietly  submitted  to  let  things  remain  as  they 
were,  until  October,  1843,  when  the  Message  in- 
forms us  that  our  Minister  in  London  was  au- 
thorized to  make  an  offer  of  compromise  similar 
to  those  made  by  us  in  1817  and  1827;  in  other  j| 
words,  to  renew  our  offer  of  the  compromise  line  ji 
of  49°.  Thus  stood  the  qiiesiio  i  when  the  iiogo-  ,' 
tiation  ".as  transferred  to  Washington.  Here  1  beg  I' 
the  Senate  to  observe  that  Mr.  Tyler's  Mes.sage,  in  |: 
December,  1843,  informed  Congress  that  "  the  ne-  i^ 
goiiations  for  an  adjustment  and  settlement  had  i 
again  been  proposed,  and  were  in  progress  loa  re- 
Humption."  Yes,  proposed  by  us;  and  the  Presi- 
dent said  that  "  every  proper  expedient  would  be 
resorted  to  for  the  |iiirposc  of  bringing  it  to  a  speedy 
and  happy  lerniinalion."  And  again,  by  his  Mes- 
sage to  Congi-es.o,  in  December,  1844,  he  said,  "  A 
'  negotiatioM  has  been  formally  entered  upon  be- 
'  tween  llie  Secretjtry  of  Slate"  and  her  Britannic 
'  MnjeHty'sMinisler,&c.,  residing  at  Washington, 
'  relative  lo  the  Wg/i(s  of  their  respective  nations 
'  in  and  over  the  Oregon  territory.  That  negolia- 
'  tion  is  still  pending."  This,  too,  after  Mr.  Polk's 
election — after  the  lialliniore  Convention  of  1844. 
But  nowherecoiild  the  Preaideii'  find  thatanyof  the 
"  I  rue  friends  of  Oregon  "  had  recorded  their  o)ipo- 
filion  lo  it  by  their  votes  in  Congbess.  If  he 
dill,  it  is  more  than  I  can  find.  'I'he  Senators  from 
Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illinois,  [Messrs.  Allen,  Han- 
NEGAN,  and  Ureese.]  were  all  Senators  at  the  time. 
No,  Mr.  President;  the  Senate  did  not  ndi'isc  nor 
protest  against  negotiation  when  it  was  only  "  in  pro- 
gress lo  a  II sumption,"  nor  had  Senators  brought 
thi'mselves  up  lo  the  point,  so  far  as  1  knowi  of 
only  moving,  so  late  as  two  years  ago,  whilst  there 
\yas  time  and  opportunity  for  it,  to  .slop  the  nego- 
tiation itself,  wliiih  has  new  b;come  so  unconsli- 
tutionnl  and  so  dishonorable  lo  the  nation. 


But  again:  Ho  found  that  these  persevering 
efforts  lo  fix  our  northern  boundary  in  Oregon  at 
the   forty-ninth   parallel  by  a  coiiiuromisr — these  i 
well-considered  instructions  to  our  Ministers,  end 
often-repeated  propositions  to  the  adverse  claim-  I 
ants  for  a  compromise — made  before  Spain  liad  I 
released  her  rights,  and  repeated  afterwariis — were  ; 
lonff  since  exposed  to  the  public  eye;  and  that  i 
neitlicr  the  People's  Representatives  m  Congress, 
nor  the   Slates,  nor  the  People  themselves,  had  ! 
coini>laine(l   against  the   Presidents,  and  Slates-  '■ 
men,  and  Senators,  who  had  been  endeavorirg  to  I 
accomplish  a  compromise  at  49°  for  nearly  half  a  [ 
century.     No,  sir.     Until  very  recently,  indeed,  ■ 
the  complaints,  when  made  at  all,  were  aimed  at  ! 
Great  Britain  for  refusing  to  accept  this  reasonable 
and  just   conij)roiiii.ie    of   our   conllicling    claims.  ; 
Memorials,  when  sent  at  all,  were  applications  to 
settle  and  adjust  the  controversy;  and  our  efforls 
to  legislate  over  the  subject  were  confined  to  the 
valley  of  the  Columbia  river — this  side  of  49°. 

Well  might  the  President  pause,  then,  notwith- 
standing his  own  individual  opinion  that  our  title 
to  the  whole  of  Oregon  was  "clear  and  unques- 
tionable," ere  he  took  the  responsibility,  In  view 
of  all  Ihis,  of  abruptly  putting  a  slop  to  the  nego- 
tiation which  he  found  on  foot,  as  it  had  been  be- 
gun by  his  immediate  predecessor  upon  n  negotia- 
tion for  u  compromise.  Well  might  he  feel  that  the 
NATION  was  rommitled  to  a  compromise.  Well 
might  he  dreai'  liint,  for  him  to  put  his  personal 
opinion  upon  tne  strength  of  our  paper  title,  how- 
ever "clear  and  unquestionable,"  against  all  these 
solemn  acts  of  the  Government,  and  against  ihis 
concurrent  action  and  acquiescence  of  all  our  Prea- 
idents  from  Jefferson  inclusive,  and  of  all  our 
Statesmen,  and  of  all  oui  [^■•iialors,  (except  Mr. 
D'Wolf,)  and  of  all  our  People  and  their  Repre- 
sentatives for  two  generations — constituting,  as 
it  were,  a  nation's  opinion — would  be  sacri- 
ficin.T  the  failh,  consislency,  sincerity,  and  honor 
of  this  counlry  to  preserve  the  personal  consist 
ency  of  himself — a  sinsle  man !  A  mere  polpi- 
CUN  might  have  halted,  but  a  statesman  could 
not.  He  lifted  himself  above  himself,  and  showed 
how  well  he  merits  the  office  his  country  has 
appointed  him  to  fill.  God  grant  he  may  stand 
firm  to  his  position ! 

And  what  "commits"  a  Nation  but  its  honor? 
Honor!  National  honor!  But  its  obligations  must 
be /('//,  and  are  not  a  topic  forai-jiimeii/  and  debate 
in  an  American  Senate.  I  have  imperfectly  group- 
ed the  facts  from  our  own  history.  Senators  must 
determine  for  themselves.  Appealing  to  their/ifni7.s 
as  monitors,  I  ask  whether  I  was  not  justified  in 
as.serting  that  the  President  did  right  in  offering 
the  line  of  49°  as  a  compromise,  because  the  Nation 
was  thus  committed  to  it  by  the  past. 

But  the  Senator  from  Illinois  [Mr.  Breese] 
has  said,  the  question  was  "  a  iific  one  so  far  as  it 
concerned  the  President,"  because  /le  had  n  clear 
opinion  that  our  title  was  good,  and  gave  that 
opinion  befoi  his  nomination;  and  he  seems  to 
think  that  the  "Baltimore  Convention  of  the  Demo- 
cratic parly  had  resolved  this  matter  out  of  the 
general  rule  and  mailc  it  a  new  one  lo  this  Admin- 
isti-ation.  Strange  proposition  !  Passing  strange  I 
Of  the  Baltimore  Convention  I  shall  .speak  here- 
after. And  now  as  to  Mr.  Polk's  opinion  upon 
our  title.  However  dear  and  whensoever  entertain- 
ed or  expressed,  let  me  say  that  Mr.  Polk's  opin- 
ion, nor  the  opinions  of  the  Baltimore  Conven- 
tion, nor  those  of  the  People  themselves,  upon 
the  title  to  Ore<;on,  touch  this  question.  All  tliiit, 
has  just  nothing  at  all  to  do  with  it.  If  the  char- 
actei-,  and  sincerity,  and  failh,  and  honor  of  the 
Nation,  were  committed  to  a  compromise  befiu'c 
Mr.  Polk  was  elected,  they  remained  so,  notwith- 
standing his  election,  and  notwithstanding  his 
opinion,  or  anybody's  opinion,  upon  our  tillc. 

The  men  who  become  Presidents  of  the  Repub- 
lic are  always  changing;  they  live  and  die,  but  the 
Republic  i.i  the  same  at  all  times;  and  once  com- 
mitted by  the  public  failh  and  honor  to  no  or  not 
to  DO,  even  the  People  cannot  release  the  obliga- 
tion by  anything  short  of  Revolution,  if  they  could 
by  such  an  e.r/i'eiiic  measure  as  that.  The  ques- 
tion, then,  is  not,  and  was  not.u  "  new  one  to  thi.s 
Administration."  The  sovereignty  of  a  nation — 
the  People  themselves,  have  not  a  right  to  do, 
nuich  less  to  command  another  to  do  a  ilishnn- 
orable  act — I  mean  an  net  dishonorable  to  the  Na- 


tion in  her  intercourse  with  other  nations.  All 
power  rests  with  the  sovereign  authority;  but 
in  a  Constitutional  government  like  ours,  even 
till)  People  may  bind  themselves  against  doing 
wrong.  If  they  would  set  about  taking  off  that 
shackle,  they  must  revolutionize  and  strike  at  the 
Constitution.  Alter  that,  if  they  choose;  but  even 
the  People  have  no  right  to  (to  wrong  lo  other 
nations,  and  leave  the  r«iw/(<it(ioii  as  it  is.  I  honor 
that  statesman  who  can  go  whither  the  honor  of 
his  counlry  carries  him,  forgetful  of  himself  and  his 
personal  convenience,  or  the  consistency  of  hia 
mere  opinion.  Had  Air.  Polk  repeated  his  opin- 
ion of  our  "  clear  and  unquestionable"  title  for  an 
Jlmen  to  his  daily  prayers  ftir  years  and  years  to- 
gether, it  would  still  have  been  the  duly  of  the 
President  to  go  to  the  line  of  49°  as  a  compro- 
mise,  if  he  believed,  as  he  .says  he  did,  that 
his  country  was  "commitied,"  and  the  honor 
and  failli  of  the  nation  bade  him  go  there.  It 
is  stilt  his  duty  to  do  it,  if  he  sim«!rely  be- 
lieves what  he  says.  Talk  what  you  may  of 
the  People — Hatter  them  as  you  please — yet  in 
spile  of  all  the  one- sided  arguments  upon  our 
(t((e  to  Oregon,  and  the  unfairness  of  preclud- 
ini;  a  debate  upon  it  here  by  llie  cl'iinor  of 
"British"  aijainst  every  one  that  doubls  it  for  an 
inch, — only  let  this  question  go  to  the  People  of  the 
United  Slate.-i,  whether  the  honor  of  the  nation  is 
not  dearer  than  "ereri/  inch"  of  Oregon  on  the 
other  side  of  49 — lei  the  people  hoar  and  under- 
stand the  motives  and  the  policy  and  the  honorabia 
necessity  under  which  the  President  has  acted,  and 
from  the  mountain  valleys  of  the  West  lo  iUo 
shores  of  llic  Atlantic,  they  will  respond  that  the 
President  has  done  ri^'lit — the  honorof  n'.ircountry 
before  everything  else  !  If  honesty  and  patriotism 
did  not  sustain  the  President,  nruilence  and  .peace 
would  lend  their  aid;  and  all  tlie  world  would  see 
that  a  war  for  the  whole  of  Oregmi,  wlieii  w;e  are 
ourselves  divided  in  opinion  upon  the  question  of 
right  lo  the  wliole  of  it,  and  the  Chief  Magislri.le 
liim.self  believed  that  it  was  not  hoiioiable  to  go  for 
our  ey  trenie  right,  would  be  matlmss.  How  could 
we  pray  God  to  bless  us  and  to  aid  our  arms  in 
such  a  conflict  ? 

But  Senators,  who  are  relying  upon  the  Pres- 
ident's Message  to  Consresa  as  a  lieclaralion  of 
hostility  to  further  negotiation  and  llie  pledge  of 
a  determination  on  his  part  not  lo  settle  this  contro- 
versy at  all  by  a  pacific  compromise,  even  if  his 
own  offer  .should  be  returned  upon  him,  may  find 
themselves  disappointed.  I  warn  them  that  they 
have  been  deceiving  themselves  bv  their  own  mis- 
interpretation. Even  if  there  coufd  be  found  in  the 
"  record"  (as  the  Si  n  uor  from  Ohio  has  called  his 
Message)  a  line  oi'  a  sentence  to  stimulate  the 
hopes  of  some  Senator?  or  to  excite  the  suspicions 
of  others,  I  hope  to  ili.>,sipate  them  all  by  a  re- 
view of  his  acts  and  omi.ssioi«,  and  of  the  icortls  of 
that  Presidential  "record."  Fori  undertake  to  say, 
that  if  there  be  truth  in  logic,  faith  in  the  integrity 
and  virtue  of  public  agents,  and  meaning  in  Eng- 
lish words,  it  can  be  demonstrated  from  tlie  course 
of  the  Administration,  from  its  acts  of  commission 
ami  acts  of  omission,  and  the  language  of  this 
"  record,"  that  the  President  will  not,  as  he  ought 
not  to,  repel  and  refuse  to  entertain  an  offer  from 
the  British  Minister  for  a  compromise,  sub.stan- 
tially  the  same  that  he  himself  has  heretofore  pro- 
posed; and  that  whilst  the  Senate  are  in  session, 
he  could  not  think  of  such  a  thing  without  their  ad- 
vice. Kor  he  must  know ; — we  do  know  that  a  con- 
stitutional m.ijority  of  that  body  would  prefer  a 
compromise  at  the  line  of  49°  lo  an  "  inevitable 
wwr"  for  the  line  of  54°  40'. 

Upon  this  Rubjeel  of  a  icnr,  suffer  me  to  say  a 
word  before  I  proceed  to  this  ilemonstration. 

"To  deprecate  war,  as  a  calamity,  by  any  la 
bored  remarks  in  the  nineieenth  century,  and  in 
an  American  Senate,  would  be  a  trespass  upon 
your  lime,  and  I  fear  an  insult  to  your  understand- 
iiis.  Bui  it  has  been  thought  that  Great  Britain 
will  not  fight  for  Oregon;  and  the  Senator  from 
Illinois,  [iVIr.  Breese,]  .speaking  for  the  "true 
friends  of  Oregon,"  would  almost  seem  lo  think 
that  the  only  use,  of  any  negotiation  about  this 
matter,  (and  that  he  does  allow  of,)  is,  to  let  her  get 
time  to  quit,  so  as  lo  avoid  being  kicked  out  of  Uie 
possession  all  the  way  up  lo  54°  40'.  These  are 
not  his  words,  but  this  is  hardly  a  caricature  of 
'  the  impression  they  made  upon  the  minds  of  his 


mi 


372 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[March  4, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Qiuitum — Mr,  Haywood. 


Senate. 


I 


lienrera.  NciW,  without  s<>ii'K  •>'  «!' '"'"  ''"^  l'"^"" 
linn  of  which  cmintry  hns  ihu  best  title  nliove  tlie 
line  of  49°,  let  me  nsk  the  Senntc  to  look  nt  the 
map  of  Oregon  printed  hy  your  order.  To  oast 
i'oiir  eyi'H  over  it  aiiove  the  4'.)iU  pnmllel — to  see 
h'mzer'a  river  oeciipied  and  fortifictl  from  its  mouth 
to  its  source;  all  Knclish  torts  ! — to  recollect  that 
Orcat  Britain  Imx  held  possession  there  for  forty 
years  iiiij  more  I — to  hear  in  mind  that  nn  Ameri- 
ean  selilcr's  .'oot  (so  fin-  as  1  know)  never  trod  that 
soil! — not  to  forjtel  that  we  have  heen  nei;otiatin{); 
for  forty  years,  and  always  olVcring  to  Great  Britain 
to  eomproinise  for  all  below  Frnzer's  river! — then 
to  turn  to  the  Sixth  protocol  of  the  uesotiation  this 
day  pendinv;  and  uiHletermincd,  and  there  rcail 
what  the  British  Minister  said,  to  wit,  oi-  the  24th 
of  Scnicmber,  1844:  "  llr  temforthe  jiretent  oblij^ed 
'  to  iltelare  thai  he  did  not  fttl  nulhor'ntd  to  kstkr 
'  IMTO  A  nisci'ssioN  resfteting  llir  trrriloi-y  north  :f 
'  liu  i^lh  pitrulltl  ofliililitde" — iiy,  not  authorized 
to  ul^cl^-.  the  British  olninis  on  this  Fnizer'r 
river! — and  then  tell  me  if  nntimial  pride,  na- 
tional honor,  and  every  considenition  thai  i-jxii 
Biiinnlate  n  nation  to  war,  would  not  compel 
Great  Britain  to  resist,  ^<hou!d  our  Government 
undertake  to  dislodje  her  seillenipnts  there,  after 
first  rudely  terminaiins  lliencsniiaiion,and  boldly 
declarin'j  that  compromise  is  inadmissible — yes, 
even  our  own  oflVr,  for  two  eencrations,  out  of 
the  question — "  All  or  mm"," — "  The  whole  or  a 
fieht."  In  such  a  case,  CiCat  Britain  must  fi;;ht; 
she  ought  to  fishl;  and  jlie  xrnvid  fight.  If  the 
Senator  will  permit  me  to  suppose  him  an  Enilisli- 
man,  to  him  I  put  the  question,  then:  Wei e  you 
an  Englishman,  would  you  not  resist  ;  would  you 
notfijht?  And  if  you  "would  li^rht  were  you' an 
£ti;^/iWimnn,  what,  Ijeinsr  an  •hnericnn  Statesman, 
have  you  done  with  the  ijoldcn  rule — what  with 
the  .lackson  rule — whilst  you  are  thtis  "  deinand- 
inir  what  is  not  right?" 

I  propose  now  to  call  the  alteniiou  of  the  Senate 
to  the  ACTS  of  the  President  having  an  immediate 
connexion  with  the  inquiry  of  what  is  his  posi- 
tion. 

His  acts  of  commission :  What  are  they  ?  Look 
to  the  "  records"  anil  see.  Therein  you  find  that 
lie  himself  offered  the  line  of  49^  as  a  compromise 
last  August.  He  made  that  olicr  notwithstanding 
his  "  settled  conviction"  individually,  then  as  well 
as  now,  that  our  title  was  "  clear  and  unqnestion- 
nble" — not  unque.stioncd,  but  unquestionable — 
not  the  only  claim,  but  "the  best  in  exist<:ii"e." 
He  admitted  in  so  many  winds  to  the  British  Gov- 
ernment that  he  felt  "  commilled"  as  a  Chief  Ma- 
pistrate  of  the  Nation.  He  tells  rmigress  that  he 
was"  conmiitied."  "Committed,"!  say,  by  every 
thing  but  the  Bond  of  the  United  Stales  !  I  have 
already  shown  tlml,  in  saying  and  in  doing  all 
this,  he  only  did  what  it  was  riif/il  in  him  to  do  as 
a  President' of  the  United  Stales.  At  all  events  he 
has  solemnly  dic'aretl  to  the  world  that  such  was 
his  opinion.  Haviiig  "committed'"  himself  by 
his  own  declaration,  and  by  his  correspondent 
act,  who  is  a  "friend"  of  the  President  in  this 
Senate  and  yet  will  dare  to  say  of  him,  or  having 
said  so,  will,  on  that  account,  adhere  to  declaring 
that  he  ought,  or  that  he  can,  be  unilcrstood  now 
as  speaking  to  ua  for  himself  hy  the  sume  "  rfronfa. " 
Sucii  languajge  as  this,  "  I  rrcaiit  it  all."  "  True, 
my  Country  was  commiticd  by  the  acts  of  my 
predecessors."  "True,  I  liavu  in  my  own  per- 
Hou  oH'i'reil  to  redeem  hir  honor  by  a  |iroposa! 
to  yield  some  ])ortion  of  what  I  believed  to  bu  hir 
strict  right."  "  But  should  the  oiler  of  my  pre- 
decessors already  adopted  by  me,  as  that  of  the 
nritinn  itself,  happen  to  be  returned  upon  me,  I 
will  not  entertain  it !"  "There  shall  be  no  com- 
promise"— "No  consultation  with  the  Senate" — 
"  .Ml  of  Oregon  or  none" — "  M°  40',  fight  or  no 
fight!"  Oh,  my  God,  what  an  attitude  is  this  for  n 
man's  friend  to  assume  for  him  ! 

I  hear  a  Senator  behind  me  say  from  his  seat, 
"  The  Presidtnt  has  ;iii(  himself  there  ."'  Never  !  ncv- 
rr  I  He  has  not  said  it.  It  is  nowhere  on  the  "  rec- 
ords.'' This  kind  office  has  been  performed  fur  him 
by  his  "  friends,"  who  seem  dcleriniued  to  have 
hi»  company;  and  because  they  go  for  "  All  of  Ore- 
gon or  none,"  to  take  the  Administration  along 
withthcmby  cowtruction.ataiiy  and  every  peril, to 
its  consistency  and  to  the  peace  of  tin-  United  States. 
No,  sir !  no,  sir!  The  President  has  not  put  him- 
Mi/into  that  position.     Had  he  done  it,  or  if  he 


J  should  do  it;  I  for  one  do  not  hesitate  to  declare 
I  that  it  would  compel  mc  to  torn  iny  back  upon 
him  and  his  Administration.  I  have  not  that  fVieiid 
upon  earth  witom  I  would  support  in  a  position 
BO  inconsistent  with  his  own  professions  of  high 
devotion  to  his  cmintry 's  honor — so  injurious  to 
this  great  Nation's  fame — so  perilous  to  tlie  world's 
peace.   The  President  made  not  a  manly  oflVring  to 
:  the  committed  character  of  our  country  and  to  the 
I  peace  of  the   world,  that  he   might  ingloriously 
snatch  it  back  again  before  it  could  be  accepted, 
I  simply  and  singly  because  it  was  not  seized  upon 
I  in  the  d:iy,or  month,  or  year  he  offered  it.     I  ask 
,  his  pardon  for  the  supposition  that  he  could.    For 
I  one,  I  do  not  doubt  liim.     Before  I  will  do  it,  he 
'  must  sign  a  plain  recantation.     I  would  hardly  be- 
lieve that.     He  must  no  the  foui  dkeu  beliire  I 
'  surrender  my  faith. 

i  What  if  it  was  iril/irfrnien  after  its  last  rejection .' 
That  is  nothing,  for  it  liad  been  in  like  manner  tci//i- 
drawn  by  his  predecessors.  If  th.'ir  withdrawal  in 
lf<17  anil  It*".}"  left  the  Government  still  committed, 
how  cou'd  it  be  otherwise  because  he  withdrew  the 
same  otfer  in  I84i">?  This  plea  would  be  a  miser- 
able subterfuge,  and  no  Senator  will  adopt  it  in 
the  name  of  the  President;  none  can  do  it,  and  call 
it  nil  act  of  friendship  to  him. 

Mr.  President,  ought  not  this  one  net,  of  itself, 
to  be  conclusive  against  these  false  constructions 
of  the  Message?     lint  it  is  not  all.     We  are   in 
:  possession  of  more — much  more — in  these  **  rec- 
ords;" for  it  is  to  them  I  speak.     The  President 
knows  his  own  purposes  best — where  he  iiilends 
to  stop,  and  whether  he   has,  in  truth,  already 
terminated   his  enbrta  to  negotiate  a  eoinpromi.w. 
He  knows  that,  if  he  terminates  negotiation,  and 
rashly  encounters  the  hazard  of  asserting  our  ex- 
treme claims  to  ti.e  ipfto/c  of'  Oregon  ii;>  to  i)4°  40', 
the  IJ.iiied  Slates  must  either  retreat  ingloriou.ily 
from  her  pretensions  or  prepare  to  dislodge  Great 
iivitaili  and   U>  defend  herself  by  force  of  arms  ! 
That  I  think  I  have  already  proved.    And  yet,  oh! 
I  what  anO.MISSION !    No  notice  has  been  given 
for  this  nece.'^sity  to  Congress  or  the  people  |ilainly 
and  directly,  as  it  ought  to  have  been.    No  rec- 
ommendations to  Congress  to  |iiepare  for  our  de- 
fence, or  for  the  forcible  assertion  of  our  rights, 
are  ir,  these  "records!"     To  prejiare  noir — to-ilay. 
'  No  estimates  have  been  sent  up  to  ns  for  that  ob- 
ject.   None.    Nothing  of  the  kind.    The  estimates 
are  lowered,  not  increased  !   What  is  the  inference  ? 
What  does  he  mean  that  vou  shall  understand  by 
this?     That   t'lerp  is,  on  his  part,  no  intention  to 
,  compromise?  That  ncL'"iiation  has  come  to  an  end, 
and  will  not  be  pursued  by  him?     And  will  not 
'  his  friends  permit  lliemselves  to  see,  when  they 
!  thus  misconstrue  his  Message,  that  they  involve 
the  President,  were  it  true,  in  a  guilt  too  deep  for 
!  decent   nilerance? — An  inexcusable,  treacherous, 
;  cowardly,  criminal  concealment  of  fmr  country's 
!  danger;  when,  if  in  reality  there  is  to  be  no  liirihi.T 
negotiation  oii  our  part,  there  cnn  be  no  excuse — 
no  reiLson — no  (iretext — for  silence.     But  the  con- 
struction is  false:  President  Polk  would  not  betray 
his  country  thus.    Depend  upon  it,  he  would  have 
told  you  plainly  and  dipcily  of  it,  if  he  had  almn- 
doned  negotiation  on  his  part;  not  daring  thus  to 
bring  yon  to  an  "  inevitable  war,"  or  a  worse  altrr- 
,  native,  for  "  .Ml  of  Oregon  or  none,"  airainst  your 
coiisom,  and  without  notice  to  prepare  for  it.   That 
he  has  not  so  warned  and  .so  inlbrmed  you  plainly, 
is,  to  my  mind,  conilnsive. 

Nor  is  this  all.  The  President  knows,  as  well 
as  he  knows  the  faces  of  Senators,  that  a  very 
large  jiroportion,  I  will  nni  say  how  many,  of 
those  who  expect  to  vote  this  notice  into  his  hands 
are  favorable  to  negotiniion  for  a  < o»i;iromisf  at 
49°;  and  that  we  would  not  do  it,  voT  ion  an  ik- 
STAST  WOULD  I  THINK  OK  Doixci  IT,  if  We  bclieveil 
the  iMuistructionthat  has  been  placed  upon  his  Mes- 
sage by  the  Senators  of  Ohio,  [Mr.  Ai.lk.v,]  Indi- 
ana, [Vtr.  Hanskgan,!  and  Illiiioi."-,[Mr.  Bhkese;! 
and,  perhaps,  also — I  am  not  certain — by  tlie 
Seiiaiiir  from  Michigan,  [.Mr.  Cass.J  He  must 
know — he  docs  know — that  we  would  not  vote 
for  it  if,  on  the  contrary,  we  did  not  confidently 
believe,  from  his  past  conduct,  and  the  absence  of 
'  any  plain  recantation  in  the  Message,  that  this 
notice  will  be  used  as  a  means  of  pursuing  the 
pending  negolistionupon  the  basis  of  compromise, 
as  a  moral  instrument  to  help,  and  nut  to  hinder 
it,  as  it   has  been  heretofore  conducted  by  him- 


i  self  nnd  hia  prcdcresanra.     And,  yet,  is  there  n 
I  Senator  here  to  sgteak  to  us  and  say,  that  he  is 
I  authorized  to  unileccire  us; — if,  indeed,  we  have 
I  been  thus  deceived ?     No  answer?    Then  there  is 
!  no  one.     Then   the  President  has  authorized  no- 
i  body  to  apeak  for  him,  and  confirm  this  aciiato- 
i  rial  interpretation  of  hia  Message,  as  made  by  the 
!  "  true  friends  of  Oregon,"     I  do  believe  he  would 
j  have  done  that, nnd  more  than  that,  rather  than  de- 
ceive and  betraysomanyoftliisS»'nate.  lam  there- 
fore friend  enough  to  the  President  to  doubt  and  to 
I  deny  thia  false  construct  ion  and  fttilhfuliiessto  my 
trust  ns  a  Senator  compels  me  to  do  it,  as  from  my 
i  heart  I  do  this  day,  onenly,  before  the  American 
I  Senate.     If  any  one  liere  be  now  authorized  to 
I  speak  for  hiin,  let  him  tipcak. 
I      I  come  to  one  other  uut  of  ^mission,  which  I 
I  mention  without  the  alightest  im.ntinnal  diseour- 
I  H:ny  to  the  honorable  Senator  from  Ohio,   [Mr. 
!  Allen;]  but  the  facts  me  v/ell  known  to  the  Seii- 
I  nte;  anil  the  omission  to  which  I  allude  bears  too 
i  strongly  upon  the  point  before  mc  to  be  altogether 
,  preteriiiitted.     Mr.  President,  my  subject  is  too 
'  imjiortant  for  mc  to  sai  rilice  truth  and  aivument 
to  any  false  delicacy.     It  is  no  question  of  dollars 
'  and  cents;  but  it  is,  ns  I  regard   it,  and  as  'his 
i  Senate  looks  at  it,  a  question  of  peace  or  war — 
:  honor  or  dishonor  to  my  country.     The  chairman 
I  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  then,  has 
'  always  been  regarded,  in  the  pmcticc  of  legislative 
bodies,  as  a  depository  of  the  Executive  purposes 
,  and  opinions,  private  as  well  as  public,  in  so  far  as 
'  they  arc  connected  with  our  foreign  relations.     I 
do  iiot  say  he  is  required  or  expected  to  tell  the 
[Senate  anything  confidentially  entrusted  to  him. 
By  no  ineans.     Not  at  all.     But  heretofore  it  has 
!  sufficed  if  he  met  imprudent  inquiries  by  an  m- 
'  )>ressire  silence — by  his  simple  unexplai  icj  waiver 
of  unsafe   interrogatories    we  could   know   what 
we  were  about.     How  is  it  in  this  matter?    The 
honorable   chairman,    with    most    alarming  em- 
I  phasis,  more  than  once,  when  he  was  stimulated 
I  by  no  question  from  others,  but  of  his  own  head 
and  imagination — I  grant  you,  of  his  own  "clear 
and  unquestioned"  right — has  assumed  to  construe 
.  the  Message   for  us,'  as  a  record  by  which  the 
Presiclent  li:id  both  pledged  himself  nnd  notified  the 
■  Senate  that  there  would  be  no  further  negotiation 
I  for  a  compromise.     I  hoped  he  waa  mistaken,  and 
I  always  believed  he  was.     This  has  been  iterated 
<  and   reiterated   in   the  Senate    by   the   honorable 
chairman  nnd  other  Senators;  and  it  has  gone  to 
the  world ,  where  it  will  be  hostily  taken  up  by  thriu  - 
aniids,  as  though  it  had  been  an  AUTHORIZED 
'  exposition  of  the  views  and  intentions  of  the  Ad- 
.  ministration.    More  recently,  the  Houoroble  Chair- 
man proclaimed  that  the  President's  opinions  and 
views   had  undergone    "  iio  sh-ulow  of  turning;" 
but,  in  answer  to  a  direct  inquiry  put  tr   him  on 
the  floor  of  the  Senate  by  the  honorable  Senator 
from  Maryland,  [Mr.  Johnson,]  it  was  distinctly 
admitted  liy  himself  that  the  "  records,  and  the 
records  ALONE,"  were  the  sources  froiu  which 
he  derived  any  authority  thus  to  commit  the  Pres- 
ii'.ent  against   negotiation.     In  a  word:  thot  the 
Honorable  Chairinau's  speeches  were  but  infer- 
ences of  the  Senator — not  imthorized  iuterpi-elations 
,  by  the  chairman.     From  the  "  lecords  ALONE." 

Mark  that! 
I  The  Honorable  Chairman  of  Foreign  Aflaira, 
then,  it  appears,  has  not  obtained  and  does  not 
possess,  fO»/i</«i(iri/(!/,  the  views  and  purposes  of 
the  President;  and  what  he  has  given  us  was  the 
logic  of  his  mind,  not  an  authorized  dictum  of  his 
,  otficp.  After  his  own  declaration  in  the  Senate,  it 
would  be  doing  him  great  injustice  to  insinuate  or 
to  suspect  otherwise,  or  that  he  meant  anything 
else. 

Here  then  we  see  a  Committee  or  Foreign 
Afliiirs  in  the  Senate  for  more  than  two  months  in 
pos.sission  of  a  great  subject,  and  with  these  iden- 
tical "  records"  referred  to  them  for  consideration 

early  notice  asked  for — a  resolution    reported, 

and  speeclies  delivered — but  no  communiaition 
has  been  made  to  the  chairman  imimniing  that 
his  senaUirial  construction  of  the  President's  mean- 
ing is  true  or  false!  If  thecnnstiuction  be  not  true, 
we  see  a  reason  for  the  President's  silence.  1  low- 
ever  painful  to  him  per.sonally ,  he  ow^d  it  to  all  the 
proprieties  of  his  own  public  station,  nnd  to  the 
service  of  the  Republic,  not  to  speak  beforehand 
of  his  future  purposes  in  a  negotiation  through 


f! 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


sia 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


'The  Oregon  (luesiion — Mr.  Haywood. 


Senate. 


the  Chairman  or  miy  body  elHO,  If  tlie  consiruc- 
tion,  however,  be  true,  llie  duty  of  the  President 
would  be  n  plain  one  to  hiinsclf,  to  the  ijeimlc,  uiid 
to  the  Nation.  Ho  should  have  aulhorizeil  ihnt 
committee  to  set  the  country  right  at  once,  by  eon- 
tinning  the  Senator's  interjiretntion  to  the  letter,  and 
bringing  the  Senate  to  one  mind  about  what  it  ia 
lie  means,  and  what  it  ia  he  want.,  with  a  notice 
after  having  determined  to  go  for  "All  of  Oregon" — 
"  No  comi>romiae" — "  No  negotimion  !"  To  my 
mind  it  appears,  therefore,  that  this  omission  to 
make  the  c>islomary  coiifuUnliiU  disclosures  lo  the 
Chairman  of  Foreign  AH'airs,  is  pregnant  with  in- 
ferences. More  especially  as  we  know  that  Sen- 
ator to  be  the  pcruonal  aiid  political  friend  of  the 
President,  but  one  who  fias  committed  himself, 
iind  would  seem  inclined,  I  must  say,  to  carry  the 
Administration  with  him,  cither  bemre  or  behind, 
against  all  compromise,  and,  consequently,  against 
all  negotiation.  I  do  not  say,  that  these  miscon- 
Klructions  are  wilful.  I  never  harbored  a  thought 
that  they  were. 

But,  again,  Mr.  President:  If  the  Administra- 
tion wished  to  stop  nil  ntgotiatioH,  on  Uuir  part, 
nothing  was  easier  than  for  the  President  of  tlie 
United  States  to  do  all  that  without  coming  to  Con- 
gress at  all.  By  the  general  law  of  natioiis  and  of 
common  sense,  we  know  that  this  convention  of 
18d7  might  have  been  abrogated  by  the  muttial  eon- 
seiU  of  the  parties  to  it.  That  is  precisely  the  mode 
in  which  a  new  treaty  annuls  an  existing  conven- 
tion. Beyond  all  controversy,  the  President,  in 
virtue  of  his  constitutional  power  to  propose  nego- 
tiation and  to  make  treaties  with  foreign  Govern- 
ments, had  authority,  without  the  knowledge  or 
consent  of  Congress,  to  make  a  proposition  to  the 
British  IMinister  to  annul  the  convention  of  1827, 
by  the  mutual  consent  of  both  Governments,  and 
there  to  stop.  1  think  it  is  highly  probable  that 
this  proposition  might  have  been  accepted.  But 
what  if  It  had  not  ?  Is  there  a  Senator  who  doubts 
that  such  a  proposition,  whether  agreed  to  or  not 
by  Great  Britain,  would  have  terminated  and  of^  it- 
self have  put  an  end  to  the  pending  negotiation  for  a 
compromise;  and  that  the  British  Minister,  if  he  had 
not  taken  leave  of  the  country,  would  have  been 
obliged  to  take  short  leave  of  this  subject  of  Ore- 
gon? 

Why,  then,  was  it  not  done  ?  Why  was  it  not 
attempted  "in  that  manner.'"  Why  was  that 
more  ready  and  direct  manner  of  termiraling  the 
fie^o/ia(ion/oracoHi;>romise  and  abrogating  the  con- 
vention of  1837  omitted  altogether.'  There  is  no 
answer  consiRlcnt  with  the  republican  integrity 
and  manly  patriotism  of  our  President,  except  that 
which  I  have  already  insisted  upon: — That  he  di'J 
not  wish  to  put  a  stop  to  negotiation  on  his  part. 
That  he  stands  upon  the  line  of  49°  as  a  com/jro- 
Hiise,  by  the  side  of  the  nation's  honor,  ns  he  un- 
dersuinds  it.  That  he  stands  there  to-tlny,  as  he 
did  last  December,  with  the  crown  of  peare  upon 
his  head,  and  he  has  not  asked  to  be  clothed  in  the 
panoply  of  tear.  That  he  wants  ijeace,  lionorabie 
peace — not  war,  dishonorable  war ! 

Mr.  President,  I  am  very  loth  to  trespass  upon 
the  patience  of  the  Senate;  and  pcrhnps  I  might 
safely  stop  here.  But  your  indulgent  aitcniion 
encourages  me  to  proceed;  and  as  I  propose<l  at 
this  point,  so  I  invite  you  to  look  ondsee  whether 
the  irorrf.*  of  the  "record"  are,  alas!  so  plain,  and 
their  meaning  so  clear,  as  to  exclude  those  infer- 
ences which  the  confidence  ofagenerousfriendship, 
the  justice  of  a  Senate,  and  even  the  ordinary  chari- 
ty of  any  man,  might  accord  to  the  President  of  tlie 
United  States,  in  a  full  view  of  that  wliicli  I  have 
already  imperfectly  reviewed.  Before  doing  that, 
1  remark,  however,  that  when  Senators  talk  about 
making  the  inference  from  these  "  records"  that 
the  negotiation  is  at  an  end,  they  forget  that  the 
fact  ap[iears  in  their  liice  directly  opposite  to  their 
inference.  The  negotiation  which  begun  in  Mr. 
Tyler's  time,  and  which  has  been  continued  by 
President  Polk,  is,  in  reality,  a  pending  negoti- 
ation this  very  day.  It  never  1ms  been  tenninaletl, 
on  our  part,  up  to  the  hour  when  1  am  addressing 
this  Senate.  Only  discriminate  fur  a  moment  be- 
tween a  iif^olialion  and  the  corresjiotM/encc  of  the 
Ministers,  anil  the  fact  is  at  once  palpably  before 
you.  A  negotiation  may  be  open,  and  continued, 
whilst  the  correspondence  of  the  Ministers  may  be 
suspended,  or  delayed  for  a  month  or  a  year. 
This  distinction  needs  liut  to  be  suited  in  so  cn- 


I   lightened  a  body  as  this.     Illustrations  would  be 
useless  and  unprofitable  HERB.     Yet  may  I  not 
be   pardoned  for  reminding   you  Ihnt  a  negotia- 
'   tion,  in  the  proper  sense,  is  a  business  between 
'   two  dovernnunls,  as  G'orrminentj— opened  by  their 
mutual  consent  as  Governments  to  treat  with  one 
another  upon  Stain  uH"irs;  and  which  once  oiiened, 
I  cannot  bo  amicably  concluded  without  a  like  mu- 
ll tual  consent,  (as  by  a  treaty  or  a  convention,)  ex- 
i  cept  one  of  the  parties  shall  first  lUrectly  notify  the 
'  I  other  of  its  iiilend'on  Jo  close  it. 

I  think  this  definition,  if  not  precisely  accurate, 
'    is  enough  so  to  answer  the  purpose  of  presenting 
H  this  point  to  the  mind  of  llie  Senate  distinctly, 
!  and  that  is  all  I  shall  aim  to  do,  making  no  re- 
fi'rences  to  dictionaries  or  authorities,     With  this 
■  distinction   in  our  minds,   it  will   be  seen  that  if 
I  the  President  had  said  to  CongresH  in  so  many 
[words,  "Negotiation  Iwui  terminated;"  it  would 
!  have  been  nothing  but  the  mistaken  si:itement  of  a 
fact,  80  long  as  a  reference  to  the  "whole  corre- 
!  spondencn"  clearly  showed  the  fact  to  be  other- 
<i  wise.    The  President's  own  direct  statement  could 
not  alter  the  fact.    If  it  would  be  so,  were  the  state- 
ment unequivocal  and  direct,  what  is  lo  be  said  of 
'   a  mere    INFERENCE   by  his  "  friends, "  from 
:   equivocal  language,  but  that  it  is  a  FAL.SE  IN- 
!  FERENCE?     Now,  then,  this  whole  correspond- 
1  ence  does  show  clearly  Ihnt  the  negotiation  was 
regularly  opened;   but   it   nowhere    appears   that 
'!  the  President  has  nolified  the  British  Minister,  or 
'   that  the  British  Minister  has  notified  the  President, 
{i  of  any  unwillingiie.ss  to  |aiisue  it,  nor  that  they 
have  niii(iK(//iy  agreed  to  terminate  it;  and  therefore 
i   it  is  still  open.     On  the  contrary,  the  British  Min- 
ister was  informed  by  the  President  (page  85)  that 
he  earnestly  "  hoped  that  this  long  pending  con- 
•   '  iroversy  may  yet  be  finally  adjusted  in  such  a 
'  manner  as  not  to  disturb  the  peace  or  interrupt  the 
'  harmony  now  so  happily  sunsiating  between  the 
'two   nations."    That  hope  is  again   expressed 
upon  the  occasion  of  our  refusal  to  ARBITRATE. 
Great  Britain  so  underswnds  it;  and  accordingly 
■',  we  see  her  Ministers  daily  in  our  streets,  and  our 
intercourse  with  Great  Britain  is  as  friendly  as  it 
!  ever  was. 

The  assertion  or  the  inference,  therefore,  thntthis 
negotiation  has  been  concluded,  is  thus  shown  to 
be  directly  contrary  to  an  ascertained  FACT;  and 
every  attempt  lo  prove  it  is  a  most  absurd,  may 
I  say  a  ridiculous,  attempt  to  prove  before  an 
American  Senate  that,  which  wo  both  sec  and 
I  know,  from  the  "  record  itself,"  to  be  UNTRUE. 
Negotiation,  then,  in  its  proper  sense,  is  pending. 
What  negotiation  ?  What  negotiation  is  it.'  That 
same  unconcluded  negotiation  which,  by  the  first 
protocol,  our  Gorrriimcii/  agreed,  in  writing,  to  ap- 
proach "  in  the  spirit  o*"  coinpromi.se,"  (page  3(i.) 
That  same  unconcluded  negotiation  which  Presi- 
dent Polk  declared  to  .the  British  Minister  he  bad 
"  <1.  terniiiied  to  pursue  to  its  conc/iision,  upon  the 
principle  of  coiiipromi.»f,"  (page  6d.)  That  same 
negotiation  in  which  President  Polk  admitted  to 
the  British  Minister  that  this  Government  was 
"  committed  "to  "a  compromise"  which  he  offered 
to  Great  Britain,  (page  (j!i.)  That  same  negotia- 
tion in  which  the  President  said  to  Congress  that 
he  was  "  committed"  by  the  conduct  of  his  pre- 
decessors to  oiler  the  line  of  49°  iis  n  compromise, 
and  that  he  had  therefore  superadded  his  own  offer 
of  it  to  their  precedents,  (pages  10,  11.)  That 
same  negotiation  whereof  he  declared  to  Congress 
that  the  "Brilis/i  proposition" to  us  is  "wholly 
inadmissible  and  cannot  be  entertained,"  with  a 
due  regard  to  our  honor,  were  it  re-ollered;  but  in 
which  he  has  NEVER  said  that  he  would  refuse 
to  entertain  the  .'Imerican  proposition  if  it  should 
be  leiurned  upon  him  again.  But  he  does  admit, 
and  by  his  cotutuct  he  iins  confirmed  the  truth  of  it, 
that  the  .American  proposition  for  compromise  wjis 
consistent  with  our  honor  and  demanded  by  his 
regard  for  the  national  character.  Yet,  Mr.  Pres- 
'dent,  have  you  been  constrained  to  sit  here  and 
listen  to  a  long  and  (I  fear  it  will  he)  a  tedious 
speech  from  me,  lo  prove,  to  denionslmie,  that  the 
President  has  not  ieiininaled  negotiation  us  iiis  pakt, 
and  that  he  has  not  resolved  not  lo  comprmnise  this 
controrersij,  almost  upon  his  own  terms,  should 
Groat  Britain  ask  him  to  do  it. 

One  or  two  general  remarks  upon  the  charac- 
ter of  the  Message,  I  must  make,  before  I  dissect 
'  those  particular  sentences  which,  by  being  separa- 


ted from  their  context  and  improperly  assoeinicj 
and  identified  with  the  opinions  ot  Mr.  Polk  upon 
our  paper  title,  have  misled  so  many  people. 

R  for  the  sake  of  being  understood  I  should 
be  guilty  of  occasional  repetitions,!  pray  the  Senate 
to  excuse  me.  I  will  l>«  as  brief  as  I  can.  So  far 
as  llie  Presiilent's  Message  touches  upon  ORE- 
GON, it  is  not  and  wiui  not  designed  to  be  a  dis- 
closure of  his  purposes  and  opinions  in  the/uli<re 
progress  of  nrj^i'infioii,  but  of  liis  past  nclion  only. 
What  is  said  m  the  Message,  from  the  beginning 
to  the  end  of  it,  about  iiwottufion,  is  nothing  more 
Ihaii  a  tmrrafire  of  the  President's  ACTION  vp 
lo  tluU  time;  and  the  whole  correspondence  is  at- 
tached to  let  Congress  see  and  know  for  them- 
selves what  he  had  DONE — with  perhaps  an  occu- 
sional  introducticni  (as  if  by  way  of  narcnihesia) 
of  the  motives  and  opinions  by  which  lie  had  been 
infiuenced  to  deviate  in  that  ACTION  from  an  as- 
sertion of  our  extreme  claim  to  all  of  Oregiin.  Now 
it  is  chiefly  from  the  unfortunate  sticking-in  of 
these  parenthelioal  excuses  to  sati.ffy  the  ultraism  of 
the  President's  "  true  friends  of  Oregon"  that  the 
misconstruction  of  his  Message  has  arisen — stim- 
ulated, 1  know,  by  external  causes;  but  to  which 
I  will  allude  no  further  at  present,  1  speak  of  the 
Message  as  I  read  ii,  mid  according  to  my  own 
mind  and  judgment  upon  it;  not  BY  AUTHORI- 
TY, In  concluding  this  narrative,  and  precisely 
where  it  concluded,  (page  11,)  the  President  did 
proceed  to  express  his  opinion,  upon  "  evidence" 
referred  to  as  "satisfactory,"  that  "no  compro- 
mise which  ice  ought  to  accept  can  be  effected." 

If  he  alluded  to  the  f\iture,  he  might  or  might  not 
be  mistaken  in  his  conclusion;  butif  to  that  lime — 
the  time  preseni — it  is  a  harmless  fact,  as  if  he  had 
said,  none  has  been  eliected,  I  commend  to  your 
consideration  either  one  of  these  alternatives. 

His  reasons  for  it  are  given;  and  they  consist 
altogether  of  these  facts: 

1st.  That  the  British  Minister  had  made  a  prop- 
osition that  was  "  iiiadinissible." 

I  Sd.  That  he  had  rejec'ted  one  which  our  Gov- 
ernment had  made,  "without  submiltingnny  other 
proposition,  and  had  sutlbied  the  negotiation,  ON 
HIS  PART,  to  stop."  The  Senate  can  judge  of 
their  sulliciency. 

.\t  all  events,  it  was  "  with  this  conviction," 
continues  the  Message,  that  the  American  oflTer, 
tchich  had  been  made  and  rejected,  was  withdrawn, 
(p.  il)_THAT  IS  ALL!  Whether  afact  or  an 
opinion,  for  the  future  or  the  present,  it  was  made 
the  basis  of  his  withuhawing  the  hejected  of- 
FKn,  AND  NOTiiiNo  MORE.  And  HOW  \yhat  be- 
comes of  all  the  inf'erencf  I  made  from  this  single 
sentence  ? 

Again:  it  is  to  be  observed  that  he  did  not  express 
any  determination  of  his  own  mind  in  respect  to 
li is /(((lire  course;  but  the  fair  inferences  to  be  made 
from  the  words  of  the  Message  are,  that,  without 
"this  amriction,"  the  American  proposition  would 
not  have  been  withdmwn  at  all;  and  upon  tlie  sup- 
position or  contingency  of  a  change  of  "  ihis  eon- 

'  viction,"  by  the  British  Minister  ceasing  "on  his 
part  to  stop,"  he  did  not  declare  nor  intimate  that 
Ilia  own  offer  had  become  also  inadmissible.  It 
seems  to  me  the  inference  by  us  ought  to  be  pre- 

Iciselythe  other  way;  luid  that  the  con8truction.s 
given  to  these  oft-quoted  words  are  illogical  and 
untrue.  There  the  narrative  ended,  concluding,  I 
again  repeat,  by  as.signing  "  this  conviction"  upon 
Ills  mind  as  his  reason  fm-  icil/idroiciiig  his  propo- 
sition after  U  had  been  rejected !  But  nothing  more — 
iioihing  more. 

'  He  does  not  expressly  ask  for  tlie^  notice  ns  an 
instrument  of  negotiation  at  all.  That  is  left  for 
Congress  to  sec  and  decide  upon.  He  asks  Con- 
gress for  a  LAW  that  will  show  the  concurrence 
of  the  two  Departments  of  the  Government  in  one 
conclusion,  and  that  is,  that  the  old  convention  of 

I  1827  is  to  be  no  more,  after  a  year's  notice.  We 
see  for  ourselves — we  know  foroiirselves,  that  such 
a  concurrence  will  sliengthen  his  hands,  and  there- 
fore we  will  give  him  the  authority  at  once,  and 
whilst  negotiation  is  pending.  In  that  form  and 
lo  that  extent  he  asked  it,  and  in  no  otiier. 

11  is  true,  Mr.  President,  that  tlie  Message  re- 
commending certain  measures  of  Icgijlation — all  of 
them,  however,  entirely  consistent  with  further  ne- 
gotiation— contained  this  general  declaration:  "All 
'  attempts  at  compromise  iiaving  failed,  it  becomes 
'  the  duty  of  Congress  to  CONSIDER  what  mens- 


t  'W 


374 


a9TH  CoNo 1st  Seh. 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  COI\GUKSSIC).\AL  GLOBF, 

The  Oregon  (^tuition — Mr.  Haywood. 


[March  4, 

Sknate. 


'  uroi  it  MAY  be  proper  to  ndopt,"  Ac,  (pni;e  11.) 
And,  nfter  rfinarKinit  ihnt  n  yenr's  notice  miiit  b« 
ghen  lioforo  I'illier  pnrljr  rnn  riiihtfully  B«("ert  or 
excrrisr  "  fxHiwiM"  jnrimlirticiii  iitrr  "  atiypm^ 
lion"  of  the  tfrrilorj-,'  tho  l'rr»iilfnt  wiiil:  "  Thiii 
'notice  it  would,  in  my  jndcment,  ho  proper  to 
'pive;  and  I  reoommond  that  provision  lie  maile 
'  By  law  ft)r  ijivinj;  it  ncrordingly,  nnd  trrmiimtint; 

•  in  Ihif  maiiiiiT  the  (-(nivcniion  of  the  tiih  Aiigtut, 
'  1827."  "  All  nltempts"  are  very  eenernl  words. 
I  admit  Ihnt;  and  I  nm  not  rnniplainini;  nti^iiiNl 
Senators  for  their  first  impressions;  hut  surely  it  is 
not  illngirnl  nor  inirensoniible  for  nielo  insist  tlutt, 
with  the  light  of  his  piisi  rondiiei  now  hefore  us — 
his  arts  of  omission  nnd  commission, — with  the 
words  "consider"  and  "  may"  in  the  same  sen- 
tence— not  "eiinil"nnd  "  is, "or  the  like, — with  the 
nlreadyaacertnined  fnct  that  neaolinlion  wns  nnil  is 
still  pending, — with  the  knowledge  ihnt.IAMESK. 
POLK  is  not  nn  imiierious  MIMTMIY  CHIEF- 
TAIN, hut  n  CHRISTIAN  STATESMAN,  to 
whom  politically  there  is  no  ex|icctiiiion  of  n  fu- 
ture ntihe  close  of  his  Hrcsidentiul  leriu, — with  the 
very  sirons:  fnct  Ihnt,  unlc!<»  the  President  desired 
to  have  this  leKiNliiI've  action  as  a  luerelv  niornl  in- 
strument to  aid  liim  in  his  executive  duties,  nnd 
lo  pvirsuc  the  necolinlion  to  n  conclusion,  (if  such 
should  be  the  will  of  Cousrtss,')  he  could  have  no 
use  for  it  that  is  honorable  to  liim  or  to  his  Ad- 
iniuiHtmlion, — with  nil  these  tliins^s  ns  n  key  to 
their  true  nunnin?,  it  will  not  be  said  (at  Itnst, 
not  by  his  "  friends")  tlint  "  nil  r,l]orls  lo  rffrcl  a 
compromm"  meant  anything  more  than  "all  the 
efforts  made  nii/rrier  («  Iht  dale  of  Iht  .Vf.Miwff " — 
"  all  the  etVorlH  mmlc  «;>  (o  that  ptrioil."  So  niler- 
preted,  how  hnmilcss  the  sentence  wns!  How 
unjust,  how  false  the  deiluctious  madi  from  it! 

But  the  MesHnste  said:  ",1l  Iht  end  of  Iht  ytnr's 
'  nol'ui,  via  shall  have  reached  n  period  when 
'  the  national  ri^'his  in  Ore;;on  must  either  be 
'  abandoned  or  finnly  mniiilnined.     That  they  cnn- 

•  not  be  nhandoned  without  a  .siiciifice  of  both  na- 
'  tional  honor  and  interest  is  too  clear  to  admit  of 
'  doubt,'"  (page  1,'i.)  .\  crent  ileal  has  been  attempt- 
ed to  be  made  of  this  by  the  "  true  friends  of  Ore. 
gon."  Now  observe,  ilmt  "  nt  Iht  end  of  Iht  yeiir'i 
notiet,"  not  In  t'ore  it,  in  the  view  of  that  part  of 
the  Message,  will  that  period  be  reached.  Bet  it 
is  as  clear  ns  n  siuibeaui  that  the  period  can 
delayed  "  a  year"  unless  negotiation  is  to  b. 
sued.     If  the  President's  mind  had  been  ma. 

to  compromise  nothing  and  lo  negotiate  no  liuigi^., 
it  was  little  less  than  a  deception  and  a  mockery  to 
tell  Congress  ihnt  the  i  eriod  for  nbandoning  or  as- 
serting our  rights  will  le  renched  a  i/fnrafler  nolice 
to  Great  Briiain  !  In  such  a  rase,  the  period  had 
come  already.  It  is  now  here  I — NOW! — TO- 
DAY!— and  he  would  have  told  us  to  prepare  for 
asserting  "  «iir  rlear  niw/  tinqueslionable  litlr  lo  all  of 
Ortgm\."  This  onuMit  lo  have  been  his  lnns.'uaL'e, 
if  such  had  been  his  niciinini.'.  But  if,  indeed,  ne- 
gotiation vi.is  to  be  "  pui'Mied  lo  n  conclusion  in  a 
spirit  of  compromise,  '  tlie  period  for  asserting  or 
abandoning  our  "  nntioniil  rights"  must  be  delay- 
ed, and  cannot  be  reached  until  the  negotiation  is 
concluded;  nnd  if  the  notice  is  passed,  it  may  con- 
tinue u  yenr,  but  no  longer. 

If,  therefore,  Mr.  President,  I  nm  not  most  griev- 
ously mistaken  in  the  man  and  the  officer — if  j  have 
not  been  altogether  deceived  by  his  past  conduct 
and  by  these  "  records, "  the  President  has  not  shut 
the  door  lo  a  peaceable  and  honomble  adjustment 
of  the  OREGON  controversy  by  a  Ct^MPKO- 
MISE  ;  but,  with  noble  reliance  upon  his  own  good 
purposes  and  a  just  regard  for  Congress  as  the  con- 
stitutional inlei-jirelers  nnd  representatives  of  the 
public  will,  he  lins  luily  pau.sed  to  see  whether  the 
Represeiitatives  of  the  Slates  and  the  People  will 
stttnd  by  him  or  not.  humding  in  the  halls  of 
negotiation,  wiih  the  door  of  eoncjiintion  ns  open 
as  before,  he  but  turns  to  receive  from  Congress 
this  law  lo  aid  his  progress.  He  invites  their  sanc- 
tion as  a  legislative  body  to  a  law  for  notice  to  ter- 
minnte-the  existing  c'onvention  of  1827.  But  he 
stands  there  with  dignity,  modernlion,  and  di.scre- 
tion,  ready  to  hear  his  constitiitionnl  ndvisiTs, 
should  they  bid  him  to  forbear,  and  if  that  indeed 
be  the  will  of  the  People  cnnsliluliinially  expressed. 
Tliiit  is  his  exact  position  as  dcHiud  by  liis  past 
conduct,  and  in  no  way  crmlrndicteil  by  the  re- 
cords fairly  interpreted.  You  see  what  the  Presi- 
dent's position  is,  if  1  understand  it,  and  1  beli.ve 


I  that  I  do.      I  hnve  nn  fear— no  doubt— no  distrust 

I  of  it  or  of  him.  WHAT  WILL  NOW  BE 
Y01IRS.>    What  shall  we  do.' 

1  If  you  think  the  President  has  done  wrong,  an 
some  of  "  the  true  friends  of  Oregon"  do,  nnd  that 
he  has  "committed"  himself  to  surrender  foo  inucA 

I  for  honor,  compromise,  and  peace, — then  close  the 

I  halls  of  the  Snia(e,niid  let  Ihoso  Senntors  meet  the 

{  responsibility  of  advising  hiin  to  nut  an  end  lo  ne- 
gotiation;  nnd  until  yon  have  told  him  that,  and 
he  has  obeyed  it,  do  not  give  him  this  law  to  an- 
ihorize  the  notice;  and  then  you  will  be  duinu — 
voTiNn — something  towards   "All   of  Oregon  or 

;  none."  That  course  would  be  manly;  and  less 
than  tluit  will  not  be  just  to  yourselves,  nor  to  the 

\  President,  nor  to  the  country.  He  will  then  see 
and  uiidersutud   your  positicui   truly,  and  he  will 

I  know  how   to  use  your  nolice.     He  will  know 

[  how  lo  ailvise  vou  for  a  preparation  for  conac- 
(luenccs.  Hi!  will  iindersland  thai  you  have  given 
it  to  him  as  a  sword,  and  not  as  an  olive  branch. 

I  If  you  think  he  has  proposed  (no  /i///f — and  I 
fear  there  may  be  some  here  who  do,  although  iio 
one  hns  yet  declared  so — that  more  coiKcssion 
ought  to  be  made  to  the  demands  of  Great  Brilnin 
than  the  offered  fomproiMi.«  tine  ul  i\P;  that  be- 
cause the  President  lias  not,  and  probably  may 
not,  make  that  concession,  it  were  bcticr  lo  remit 
both  countries  to  their  ancient  condition  of  u  per- 
petual feud  nnd  n  Joint  occupancy  under  the  exist- 
ing convention  of  18d7;  mid  that  this  can  be  safely 
done  in  full  view  of  coming  events,  then  it  is  cer- 
tain— I  admit  it  without  hesitation — that  the  notice 

I  ought  to  be  REFUSED  by  you. 

i  But  if  this  Senate  have  made  up  their  niiiid.s  Ihnt 
the  line  of  compromise  nt  4!)"  is  substantially  nil 
tlint  we  ought  lo  yield,  or  can  yield — and  if  they 
are  willing  to  strengthen  the  arm  of  the  Executive 
in  hisetroria  to  settle  this  dispute  THERE,  and  by 
a  COMPROMISE,  to  preserve  the  honor  and  peace 
of  our  country,  ar.tisfied  as  we  must  be  that  now 
or  never  is  the  time  to  prevent  demnfjogues  of  our 
land  from  converting  this  difference  into  a  disjnite 
— this  negotiation  into  a  war — lliey  will  then  give 
him  what  he  asks  for — give  it  to  him  nroimiily, 

,  confidingly,  by  passing  some  sort  of  law  tor  a 

notice,  while  lie  sutnds  in  his  present  position, 

that  he  may  terminate  the  convention  of  18:27. 

Mr.  President,  1  hope  1  hnve  not  decided  with- 

at  u  just  considerntion  of  my  responsibility,  both 

're    and    hereafter,   upon    the    po.tition  1    shall 

,ake.    But  after  much  rellectinn,  long  nnd  nnxious 

thought,  n  cnnBcicntious  effort  to  determine   the 

point  with  justice  to  other  nntioiis,  but  with  un- 

1  faltering  faithfulness  to  the  honomble  obligations 
nnd  lasting  interests  of  my  own  country,  I  have 
conic  to  the  conclusion,  as  a  Senalor  of  the  United 
Slate.s,  that  we  caniioi,  (mglit  not,  must  not  coni- 
proniise  this  coniroversy  in  any  manner  very  ma- 
terially diHerent  from  that  to  which  the  Presidcnl, 
ns  I  underslanil  his  posilion  and  these  records, 
stands  himself  committed,  and  RIGHTLY  COM- 
.MITTED; — nnd  I  shall  therefore  vole  to  give  him 
the  notice,  and  wiih  it  all  the  moral  weight  of 
an  A.MKRicAN  Senate's  settleu  oeixioM,  that  if 

I  Grent  Britain  will  iioi,  or  if  she  cannot,  cinseiit 

i  to  do  us  justice,  by  yielding  her  pretensions  of 
dominion  over  the  territory  below  tlint  line  of 
4i)°ns  n  comproinise,  then  SVE  WILL  HAVE 
TO  FIGHT.  I  repeat  it,  WE  MUST  THEN 
FIGHT  FOR  IT.  If  my  mind  had  not  settled 
down  into  a  deterinination  to  concede  no  more  than 
a  compromise  at  A'.P,  with  the  ipialificatioiiu  al- 
ready staled,  I  would  vote  ngnin.it  the  notice;  for 
without  tlint  deterniiiintion  of  the  Senate  the  no- 
tice would  have  no  moral  weight  whatever,  and  be 
worthless,  worse  than  worthless,  in  the  negotiation. 
It  would  be  a  temporizing  pretence — n  s|iecie3  of 
legislntive  diplomacy,  an  empty  bravado,  of  which 
we  have  had  tpiite  enough  already,  unsuiled  to  the 
dignity  of  this  body  or  the  gravity  of  the  subject, 
and  rather  embarrassing  than  help.'ul  to  the  Ad- 
inini.slmlion  in  pursuing  the  ncgotialion.  In  a 
word,  we  ought  to  refuse  the  notice  unless  there  is 
a  soh'inn  deterniiiintion  to  make  the  conipromise 
line  of  4'J°  our  FIGHTING  LINE— i/  il  miut  be 
so. 

Bui,  Mr.  President,  there  are  some  oilier  topics 
that  have  been  introduced  into  this  discu.ssion, 
which  I  feel  obliged  to  notice.  We  have  been  iidd 
that  the  PEOPLE  have  decided  this  question, 
and  all  Dcmocruts  ure  called  to   obey  tlie  voice 


of  Um  ptopl*  M  tha  peril  of  ooniequences.     I 
am  a  Demm-rat,  and  upon  jwrti/ questions  a  j(irt|» 
man.     Of  this,   I    make   nn   ciincculment;  and  at 
home   I   have  never  been  suspected,  I  think,  but 
once,  nnd  Ihnt  did  not  last  limg.     But  I  am  not  a 
slave  to  diclntion,  nor  a  Uune  follower  of  any 
man's  lend,  especially  upon  questions  likely  to  in- 
volve my  party  in  danger,  or  my  couniry  in  ruin. 
I  am  Democrat  enough  not  to  shrink  from  speak- 
i   ing  the  Intlh  boldly  to  the  people,  as  they  shnll 
I   hear  who  hear  nie  nt  nil.     I  had  rather  wrre  thoin 
than  pleiue  ihem,  though  I  hnve  found  in  my  own 
I  experience  that  honest  service  is  the  best  nveiiue 
|,  lo  ilieir  confidence.     I  do  not  know  nor  believe 
<   that    the   people   are    opposed    to   an    honorable 

I  compromise    of    this    conlroversy.      That    they 

I I  niiglil  be  mnde  so  by  artftil  appliances,   I    have 
no  doubt.     But  I  do  not   shrink  from   mceiiiis 

I  such  .in  issue  directly — not  I.  I  should  hold 
I  iiiyself  no  Democrat  if  I  did.  By  the  Conslitu- 
I  lion  of  the  United  States,  the  making  op  trea- 
ties is  confided  to  the  PRESIDENT,  under  the 
I  advice  of  the  Senate.  I  talk  of»rrn(ifj;  notordinu- 
I  ry  lavvs.  In  treaty-making,  we  net  in  private,  and 
I  upon  inforination  we  cannot  disclose.  Wcdenyto 
foreign  Ministers  the  right  to  discuss  the  cnuse  of 
iheirGoverninenla  to  our  PEOPLE.  Should  one 
uiulerlakc  it,  he  would  be  driven  from  the  coiuitryi 
as  he  ought  to  lie.  We  represent  STA'I'ES;  and 
Senators  are  presumed  to  be  statesmen  of  some 
learning  and  great  judgment.  We  generally  raiify 
a  treaty  before  the  PEOPLE  are  |ierniitteil  to  know 
anything  of  it,  or  of  the  reasons  for  ils  ralificntioii. 
If  we  were  cautious  to  observe  the  rules,  this  would 
always  be  the  case.  How  nbsurd,  therefore,  to 
assert  that  the  People  have  reUiiiied,  or  that  they 
wish  to  exert,  or  that  they  cjtn  rightfully  exercise, 
the  power  to  iii.i(rucl  the  StMls  ur.on  the  making 
of  a  treaty.  How  execrable  anil  revolutionary 
would  be  the  doctrine  Ihat  a  President  should  seek 
lo  set  aside  his  coiMli(ii(iona<  advisers,  and  go  be- 
fore the j>eop|e,  whether  it  were  the  honest  "  mass- 
es," or  Baltimore  Conventions,  or  town  and  county 
meetings,  wherein  factions  uro  first  formed,  mid 
then  led  by  demagogues,  who  cnlled  them  together. 
Oh,  my  country : — my  country!  when  that  shall 
lie  our  fate,  if,  in  the  providence  of  God,  it  shall 
ever  be! 

Sir,  hear  what  the  Father  of  his  Couniry  said,n 
half  a  century  ago.  Let  the  People  hear  him.  Let 
an  American  Seiinte  henr  him.  Let  PRESIDENT 
POLK  henr  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON,  and 
siniid  to  his  position  !  How  precious  will  be  his 
rcwnrd  I 

"There had  been  a  public  meetingiii  Philadelphia 
'  for  ihe  purpose  of  passing  resolves  against  Jay's 
'  treaty.  After  the  business  of  the  meeting  was 
'  closed,  a  copy  of  the  treaty  was  suspeiiiled  on  a 
'  pole  and  carried  about  the  streets  by  a  ciunpany 
'  of  people,  who  at  lei  gth  stopped  in  front  of  the 
'  British  Minister's  .nuisc,  and  there  burnt  the 
'  treaty;  and  also  befoio  the  ;!oor  of  the  British 
'  Coii.snl,  amidst  the  huzzas  and  acclamations  of 
'  the  multitude  !"  In  llosion  ihe  same  sort  of  thing 
was  (hme,  and  a  town  meeting  nddreased  to  the 
President  n  protest.     This  was  his  reply  to  all: 

"  To  Ezekiel  I'rice,  Thomaa  ll'alUy,  M'.i/inin  Board- 
man,  Ebeneier  Hiaitr,  Thoinua  Vrafls,    '1'huma.n 
Ediranb,   ffllliniii  I.illlf,   William  Hcollay,   and 
Jesse  Pulnmn — !Seltctmtn  of  Ihe  lotcnof  Boslon. 
"  United  States,  July  28,  1795. 
"Gentlemen:  In  every  act  of  my  Administrn- 

'  lion,  I  have  sought  the  happines.s  of  my  fellow- 

•  citizens.  My  sy.stem  fur  the  atwiuuient  of  tlii.j 
'object  has  uniformly  been  lo  overhiok  all  per- 
'sounl,  hical,  nnd  partial  considemtions;  to  con- 
'  template  the  United  Stales  as  one  givat  whole;  to 
'  confide  that  sudden  impressions,  when  erioiieous, 
'  would  yield  to  candid  rellertion;  nnd  lo  coiLsult 
'  only  the  substiintial  and  permanent  interests  of 

*  our  couniry. 

'•  Nor  have  I  depaited  from  this  line  of  conduct 
'  on  the  occasion  which  has  produced  the  resolu- 
'  lions  conuiincd  in  your  letter  of  the  IJlth  instnni. 
'  Without  a  prediieciioii  for  my  own  judgment,  I 
'  have  weighed  with  allcnlion  every  argument 
'  which  hns  at  any  time  been  briuight  into  view. 
'  But  the  CONSTITUTION  is  the  guide,  which  I 
'  never  cnnahanibin.  It  has  assigned  lo  the  PRES- 
'  IDENT  the  power  of  making  treaties,  with  the 
'  advice  and  coiLsent  of  the  SENATE.     It  was 


I 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


375 


39th  Cong Iht  Sess. 

•dnnbtlftm  mippniipcl  ihnt  the«o  two  Ijrnnrlicd  of,! 
'  (Jovprnmnnt  wnulil  rnnitiinp,  willicml  iinKnion,  mill  i 
'  with  till'  lioHl  incniiH  of  inrrirmnliiiii,  iIiiihr  fiii^iH  | 
'ami  priiici|ili'»  upon  wliicli  the  niicccHii  of  our 
'  fiiroit;ii  rdalioiia  will  always  ilepeiiil;  timl  thi^y  ! 
'  oui;lit  iHit  to  Miilmliiiilo  for  tluirnirnfonr(r(ion(Ae  I' 
'  (iiiiaioiMr  o/  ullirrs,  or  to  HCik  tiiitli  lliioiii;h  any  I 
'  I'.iuiiiiK  I  liiit  lliat  (if  a  ((iii/iri'a(i;  and  tvetl-informed  | 

*  iiii'«%n(io)i. 

"  Uiiiler  iliis  peraiinnion,  I  ImvR  resolved  on  the 
'mnniicr  of  exeoiiliiip;  ihiMliity  lirforc  me.  To  the  ' 
'  hi),'li  icsporiHiliilily  altni-hoil  to  it,  I  ftcety  Hiiliiiiit;  ; 
'  anil  you,  {jeiitlnmon,  ni-c  at  lilierty  to  make  these  : 
'  fieiilimeiils  known  iih  the  ground"  of  my  proce-  ' 
'  dure.     While  1  fed  the  most  lively  pralitnile  for 

*  tlie  iTifny  inmnncesof  approtmlioii  fromtnyroun-  - 
'try,  1  can  no  oiherwino  DKSKRVK  it  tlinn  by  |j 

*  oldiiiijf  the  didalea  of  my  rO.VSr/KA'CK.  ; 

"With  due  rcsperl,  I  am,  sentlemcn,  &<■.,  \' 

[SioNED]         "OEORGE  WASHINGTON."      ! 

11 

Who  dof  a  not  know  the  liiRtory  of  that  party  i 
denunciation  and    violrnce  which   di^ilurlied    thfs 
iiRlion  even  uiuliT  Wuxiiinstoii's  Adininiiilration,  i 
when  GENF.T  appealcil  to  the  I'KOPLE  of  the  i 
Smtc«  in  liehnlf  of  h'rance  ntid  asuinot  Great  Brit- 
ain, and  how  I'RF.SIUI-'.NT  WASHINGTON'S  ! 
celebrated  Proclaniiition  of  Neutrality  saved  the 
PEACE  OK  AMERICA.    In  tnkin^'l^avcof  the 
duties   and   cares   of   public    station,   hear   what 
Wasiiinoton  said  of  it  to  the  people: 

"  After  deliberate  exiiniination,  with  Iho  aid  of , 

*  the  best  lights  1  could  obtain,  I  was  well  satisfied 

'  that  our  country,  under  all  the  circumsinmeH  of  , 

*  the  case,  had  a  rii;ht  to  take,  and  was  bound  in 

*  duty  and  interest  to  lake,  a  NEUTRAL  position,  i 
'  Havini;  taken  it,  1  determined,  as  far  us  should 

'  depend  upon  me,  to  maintuiii  it  with  moderation, 
'  persereronce,  andyiriimtM."  ' 

And,  oh,  how  like  n  patriot  and  father,  did  he,  • 
still    vearnins  over  hiscount.y,  warn  lis  by  his  ' 
I'ARtiWELL  ADDRESS  to  beware  of  all  self- 
enimtitutcd  comliiiialions  to  overawe  anil  control 
this  Senate  !     It  is  Washington  who  speaks  to  us 
from  the  srrave;  let  Senators  listen! 

"  The  basis  of  our  political  systems  is  the  rijlit 
'  of  the  people  to  make  and  to  alter  their  constitii- 

*  tions  of  Government.  Hut  the  constitution  which  • 
'  nt  any  time  exists,  till  cimngcd  by  an  explicit  and 

'  authentic  act  of  the  whole  people,  is  sacredly  ob-  ' 
'  list.ilory  upon  all.     The  very  idea  of  the  power  ' 
'  and  the  right  of  the  people  to  establish  govern- 
'  nieiit  presupposes  the  duty  of  every  individual  to 

*  obey  the  eslalilishcd  covernmenl. 

"All  obstructions  to  the  execution  of  the  laws, 
'  all  combinations  and  associations,  under  what- 
'  ever  plausible  character,  with  the  real  design  to 
'  dirrcl,  control,  eotinlernci,  or  mre  the  rrgulnr  delih- 
'  eralion  and  action  of  the  constiti'ted  autiiori-  ! 
'  TIES,  are  deslructivi'  of  this  fundamental  princi- 
'  pie,  and  of  fatal  tendency.  They  serve  to  orgaii- 
'  ize  faction,  to  give  it  an  artificial  and  oxtraordi- 
'  nary  force,  to  put  in  the  place  of  the  (Wf^nlti/will 
'  of  the  nation  the  will  of  a  party — often  a  small 
'  but  artful  and  enterprising  minority  of  the  com- 
'  munity — and,  accorJing  to  the  alternate  triumphs 
'  of  diflcrent  parties,  to  make  the  public  adnilnis- 

*  tration  the  mirror  of  the  ill-concerted  and  incoii- 
'  gruoiis  projects  of  faction,  rather  than  the  organ 
'  of  consistent  and  wholesome  plans,  digested  by 
'  common  counsels,  and  modified  by  mutual  i:.- 

*  Icrests. 

"  However  combinations  or  associations  of  the 
'  above  dcscriplion   may  now   and    then   answer 

*  popular  ends,  they  are  likely,  in  the  course  of 
'  lime  and  ihiiigs,  to  become  potent  engines,  by 
'  which  cimiiiii;!',  niiidilioii.t,  and  rmjirinciftrd  .)un 
'  trill  lie  enabled  In  suhrirttlie  ;)niPfr  of  (/k- PEOPLE, 
•and  to  usurp  for  THEMSELVES  the  reins  of 

'  Government,  destroying  afterwards  the  very  en-  ] 
'  gines  which  have  lifted  them  to  unjust  domin- 
'  ion." — f'aretrell  .Iddres.i. 

What  words  of  wisdom  and  of  truth  are  these ! 
They  arc  the  iirinciples  of  lilierty,  well-regulated 
liberty,  of  freedom,  conslitutional  freedom. 

Methinks  I  see  the  coming  storm.  Tlie  press  may 
be  already  charged;  but  no  mailer.  This  is  my 
country's  question,  not  a  mere  iiarty  strife.  These 
are  the  sentiments  my  bend  ami  my  heart  approve, 
and  I  will  not  withhold  them.  The  President  may 
peril  his  Administration — some  of  you  believe  he 
will — if  he  or  Ida  friends  should  dare  to  tliiiik  like 


7%c  Oregon  (^ueition — Mr.  Hayvooil, 


Senate. 


WASHINGTON— to  ad  like  WASHINGTON.  !( 
Rut  he  will  violate  his  iiitv  and  jieril  his  cnr.sTnT  I 
if  he  does  not.  So  did  WASHINGTON  pen!  | 
his  AdminiNlration  ;  but,  the  people,  the  L)E- ;j 
MOCRACY,(ame  to  the  rencue,and  all  was  well.  \\ 
A  much  humbler  victim  (like  him  who  nddresHes  |j 
you)  miisl  expect  lobe  marked  as  n  disturber  of  our  [ 
parly  harmony.  Rut  shall  I  preach  harmony  when  I 
there  is  no  concord,  upon  I'lich  questions  as  llietic.'  ! 
It  would  be  po'itical  hypocrisy.  I  read  loanAimr-  1 
lean  Senate  llic  lessons  which  Wasliinglon  taught,  ! 
and  um)n  wliicli  Wasliinglon  ACTED;  and  if  ' 
"that  lie  treason,  make  the  inost  of  it."  " 

Uiil,  before  you  strike,  the  PEOPLE  shall  hear,    j 
.Are  not  these  the  true  principles  of  the  Consiitii-  J 
lion,  upon  which  every  Administration  of  this  Gov-  | 
enimenl,  from  Wahhisotov  down — Federal  iind  i 
DEMOCRATIC— have    ACTED,— have    ACT- 
l''D,  I  siy — m  the  manofitment  of  our  foreign  (\(fairs}  1 
I  challeiiKe  a  refutation  by  their  AtT« — not  mere  ! 
words.     It  is  soiiihern  Democracy,  Mr.  Presiileiil,  j 
beyond  all  dispute.     It  is  that  sort  which  I  have  i' 
always  professed;  not  like  n  potato,  that  grows  j' 
under  ground  at  the  root;  but  which  blooms  and 
bears  ils  fniil  in  the  open  air  of  hcnven,  aiid  then 
ripens  and  is  fit  run  t;iiK. 

I  say  nothing  aliout  Lkuislative  I.vsTRrcTloNa: 
not  a  word.     I  have  not  time  to  speak  upon  lliut 
point,  so  as  to  express  myself  in  a  manner  to  avoid 
inisrepresentations;and  it  is  not  necessary  I  should 
raise  thai  question  before  I  shall  be  iiu(riic(crf.    Suf-  I 
fice  it  to  say,  that  North  Carolina  has  not  in- 
slrucied  her  .Sena'ors.     I  esteem  it  a  jewel  in  the  i 
crown  of  my  Slate,  llial  North  Carolina  never  did, 
in  any  party  niiilationr  or  giolitical  excitements,  in-  I 
slriici  her  Senators  upon  a  treaty   or  treatv- 
MAKiMfi,  so  far  lis  I  know.    I  presume  it  will  not  so 
much  as  be  prclended  that  1  oiisbt  to  pay  obedi- 
ence to  the  mandates  of  any  other  Slate.  ' 

[At  this  stage  of  his  remarks,  Mr.  Haywood 
gave  an  amusing  account  of  tlie   game  of  politics  ' 
to  be  played  with  this  Obecon  question  in  Presi- 
dent-making.    The  substance  was,  that  Ihc  great  \ 
If'eslem  Demoeratir  statesman,  (Mr.  Benton,) — [he 
had scencversince last  summer,] — wastobedrum-  I 
med  out  of  the  party,  wilh  the  false  label  upon  his  ! 
back,  of  "  truilor  to  Oregon!"   The  great  Southern  , 
nemocratic  statesman,  [Mr.  Caliioi'N,]  was  to  be 
dismis.scd,  falsely  laiielled  with  the  cry  of"  I'unic  j 
/(ii(/i  (o  Oregon."    The   Senator  fiom  Arkansas,  ! 
[Mr.  Sevier,]  another  eloquent  and  early  friend  [ 
of  Oregon,  would  find  him.scif  marched  out  for  his  i 
want  of  forasight — because,  in  the  last  Congress,  i 
he  made  a  speech  for  the  noiice,  but  inslead  of  i 
going  for  "  all  or  none,"  "  fight  or  no  fight,"  ho  | 
had  gol  for  his  reward  a  vulgar  patch  to  his  back,  ] 
of  "noiice  for    the  sake    of   n(golialion."     The] 
Seereliiry  of  State,   [Mr.  Buchanan,]  and  all  the 
Cabinet,  would  probably  he  dismissed,  in  a  hndij,  \ 
from  the  parly,  branded  as  "  British  comjiromiscrs."  j 
And  as  thai  left  the  (.'orcriior  of  ^'ew  York  still  in 
the  party,  Mr.  H.  B.«ked,  "what  of  him.-     How 
is    he  to  be  got  rid    ofr"     "Oh,    that  will  be  a 
small  job,    provided  the  indignalion  ngniiist   the 
Wasiiinbton  Tnr.Arv  can  be  kept  up  to  a  white  | 
heal  long  enough,  as  lie  voted  for  its  rnf i/irn(ioii."  ' 
[Then  turning  to  Mr.  Webster] — "  The  .Senator 
from  Massachu.sclls  may  see  a  more  amiable  ex-  i 
cuse  for  certain  siale  siriclures  uiioii  the  "  Wash-  j 
iuglon  d'cn/i/"  than  malice  lowarils  the  negotiator. 
GOVERNOR  WRIGHT,  as  a  Senator,  voted  for  ■ 
ils  ratification;  and  be   happens  not  to  be  here  lo  ; 
vote  upon  Oregno.     So  "  Ratification  of  the  ,'1shhitr-  j 
Ion  Irealii,"  \\i[\  be  his  badge  upon  his  dismissal,  i 
During  this  part  of  the  speech  there  was  much  i 
l.uighler,  and  the  picture,  although  drawn  serio's-  : 
ly,  was  exhibited  in  good  humor,     lie  ihen  pro- 
ceeded as  follows:]  ! 

Why,  in  the  name  of  all  that  is  safe  lo  my  parly,  ; 
where  do  the  Democrats  expect  to  find  a  Presiden- 
tial candidate?     Who  will  he  our  President  after  ' 
we  have  expelled  all  our  biggest  men }    Sir,  1  am 
sure  I  do  not  know. 

[Mr.  Hanneoav  remarked:  "Take  him  from 
nmong.st  the  people,  where  we  got  one  before."] 

Ohl  Ay,  inen  he  IS  lo  be  aiken  from  anions  the 
people,  is  he — without  resorting  to  such  stalesmen 
as  tho.se  I  have  named?  We  shall  sec,  however, 
whether  the  people  agree  to  have  this  game  played 
aflcr  n  three  year  s  noiice.  i 

There  is  a  mistake,  however,  Mr.  President,  in  : 
what  the  Senator  from  Indiana  exclaimed,  at  his 


(lr«t  sight  of  my  Impcrfret  picture,  In  tny  Slate, 
let  mo  tell  thai  Senator,  when  Democrats  talk  of 
"  lheiieople,"weincaii  "  the  masses" — llie"bone 
and  sinew"  of  the  land,  ns  distinguished  frrii  the 
slalesmen,  lawyers,  poiilicians.and  such  like.  In 
ihal  seiiHc,  I  (leny  that  President  Polk  waa  got 
I'm'  a  candidate  from  among  "  the  people,"  Ho 
has  been  a  fiofi/iriim  all  li's  life,  anil  we  knew  it 
when  he  was  nominaied.  Thank  God  for  it! — 
he  liar,  now  proved  himself  lo  have  been  more — 
one  i,f  the  ntatesmen  of  this  great  country.  And 
if  he  will  only  stand  up  by  die  side  of  Wash- 
iniruni,  as  be  has  done,  and  I  hope  he  will  do,  ho 
will  be  entitled  to  our  lasting  aitmiralion.  That 
sort  of  flattery  to  the  jieojde  would  not  take  nt  all 
wilh  "  the  people"  in  my  part  of  the  world,  and  I 
should  be  sorry  lo  think  it  would  tickle  the  people 
very  much  anywhere.  A  man  is  no  worse,  as  tt 
man,  because  he  does  not  possess  the  learning  and 
poliiical  experience  which  are  requisite  lo  fit  him 
for  the  slalion  of  Chief  Magislnito  of  the  Uiiiled 
SlalcM.  Nobody  pretends  to  llial.  Bui  it  is  u 
emu  evil  when  everybody  thinks  he  is  fit  lo  be  the 
President;  and  if  my  friend  fVom  Indiana  should 
stand  up  before  a  crowd  of  honest  Democrats  in 
my  Slate  and  talk  to  "the  people,"  t'lic  "real  peo- 
ple," the  "masses,"  there — ilio  men  who  drive 
till  ir  own  ploughs,  make  their  own  carts, &c.,  and 
qiiiellv  pursue  llieir  occupation  at  home — about 
NOMINATING  ONE  01' THEM  FOR  PRES- 
IDENT, Ihey  would  do  what  /  will  not — laugh  in 
his  face,  and  tell  him  that  he  might  aa  well  talk  (f  get- 
ting a  blacksmith  lo  mend  watches. 

Rut  let  me  ask  ihe  attention  of  Senators  whilst 
I  give  to  the  llalliniore  resolution  a  more  par- 
ticular notice.  It  has  been  often  referred  lo  iii 
the  Seiiale,  and  no  one  has  answered.  I  be- 
lieve Ihc  Senator  from  Illinoi.^  [Mr.  Breese]  is 
entilleil  lo  ihc  dislinelion  of  having  firat  rend  it 
in  the  Senale.  He  did  not  have  the  Secretary 
lo  read  il,  but  read  it  himself:  Next  year  for 
the  next  step !  The  Senate,  having  no  wish  to 
misrepresent  me,  need  not  be  asked  lo  remember 
that  I  shall  have  nothiiiglosay  against  the  conrcn- 
lion  or  ils  members.  The  resolution  which  has  been 
gravely  read,  and  often  relied  upon  as  deserving 
great  weiirhtaiid  conaideralion  in  our  deliberations, 
is  my  subject;  not  the  rom'fiid'on.  The  resolution 
on  Oregon  is  simply  this:  The  declaration  ofopin- 
ions  by  a  jiarty  conveniion  recommending  those 
opinions  lo  the  people  which  were  unanimously 
adopted  by  ihe  conveniion.  That  is  its  precise 
character.     They  are  before  me: 

"  liesolred.  That  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon 
'  is  clear  and  iiiiqueslioiialile;  that  n  ■  poition  of 
'  the  same  ought  to  be  ceded  to  England  or  any 
'  oiher  Power;  and  that  the  re-occupation  of  Ore- 
'  son,  and  the  re-annexation  of  Texas,  at  the  ear- 
'  liest  practicable  period,  arc  great  American  meea- 
'  ures,  whicli  this  convention  recoitimcnds  lo  the 
'  cordial  support  of  the  Democratic  jiarly  of  this 
•Union." 

It  is  remarkable  how  this  resolution  has  acquired 
so  much  importance  now,  when  it  was  not  even 
thought  worthy  of  being  communicated  lo  Mr. 
Polk  at  that  time  by  ils  authors.  I  have  before 
me,  in  Niles's  Register,  the  letter  informing  him  of 
liis  nomiimiion,  ninl  f.r/iiWiiiif  to  elect  him:  and  his 
j  re|)ly  accepts  the  nomination,  hoping  thcij  may. 
That  is  about  the  whole  of  il.  In  good  lasic,  and 
enough  said.  If  any  Senator  wishes  it,  I  will  read 
the  letters.  Here  tliey  arc.  But  not  u  word  about 
Oregon— not  a  svHable.  No  pledps  made,  and 
none  required.  In  truth,  we  all  know  that  ihe 
j  Baltimore  Conveniion  was  not  called  lo  inslnictor 
'  to  exnicss  opinions  for  the  Iiaity,  but  simply  to 
choo.se  a  DEMOCRATIC  CANDID.\TE.  So 
you  come  round  again  to  Mr.  Polk's  opinion 
volunlarily  expressed  before  ho  was  o  camlidatc 
for  President,  and  which  he  has  not  changed  lo 
this  day.     Of  thai  1  have  already  spoken. 

Then  whom  does  this  resolution  bind.>  Why 
brought  into  this  Senate?  But  before  you  answer 
mc,  recollect  l!i"re  were  iwo  Baltimore  conventions. 
[Some  person  .said — "  three. "]  I  know,  but  1  don't 
count  the  Tyler  Convention.  [A  good  deal  of 
laugliler  took  place  at  this  remark,  and  Mr.  H. 
■said,  "  I  mean  no  sneer — no  offence  to  any  one."] 
The  HViig  Senators,  I  suppose  il  will  be  admitted, 
are  not  bound  by  the  /)fiiiocrn(ic  Convention  rcs- 
olutinn.  [Mr.  bicKiNsON,  of  New  York,  and 
i  otherssaid,  "  Of  course  not. "]    Then  that  is  settled. 


m 

m 

Uv 

0 
m 
m 

lim 

.V 


^^^  ■'1  1 


^16 


AFPENUIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIOA'AL  GIX)BE. 


20th  CoNfl IsT  Skis. 


'I'he  Urrgon  t^iuitiun — A/r.  H'li/u'ood, 


[Man-li  &, 
Sbnatb. 


How  ia  it  with  n  Dcmncrntic  Spnalor,  whom  Stale 
»ol«il  for  Mr.  CIny.nnil  rrpmlii>l<«l  lli«  Democratic  j 
Convention?   ThBt  i»  my  cium-.    My  Stiiic  nilomed  j 
llic  Conalilulion  many  yeiiriinf;iii  ami  licaidra  lliat, 
they  rrfuHcil  to  vole  fur  Mr.  Polk.iir  to  iipiirovc  ihii  | 
rfmliilion  in  1H44.     Whi\l  in  it  cximctcd  of  MR 
lodo?    To  oiiey  ihc  Cimmimtion,  nnd  follow  the  , 
people  of  my  Sutic;  or  this  rcnoln'ion  of  n  con-  I 
vention   ••;nt    lo    Baltimore   to   NOMINATE   A 
CANDIDATE  FOR  I'KESIDENT,  but  not  lo  I 
innke  CREEDS  for  the  party  .>    [Som«  one  re-  ; 
iniirkedi  "  Of  course  you  are  not  hound  an  H  Skn- 
AToR."]     Very  well ;  it  in  una  Sfiinlor  I  lolk  here,  ', 
KH  a  Stitalor  I  vole  hero,  nnd  ha  a  Senator  I  heard 
tliene  resolutioun  read  here;  nnd  yet  on  o  Senator  [ 
I  am  not  bound  to  heed  them.    That  in  a  mrnnKe 
rCHult  ofler  all  we  have  hciird  of  ihis  mailer.     And 
in  hclmlf  of  niy  Deniocralic  iieit{hliors,  the  Sen-  ' 
ntors  from  South  Carolina,  1  would  reaneclftilly 
in(|uire  whether  they  were  binmd,and  now  fur.' 
—since  South  Carolina  would  not  join  the  conven- 
tion, nnd  had  no  deleijalcs  in  it,     [Sevend  voices: 
"Oh,  yes;  her  delegoles  came  in  after.")    I  under- 
stand II:   South  Carolina  delei^ates  came  into  Ihe 
nomination.     However,  I  su-ipert  that  much  of  all  i 
this,  intended  or  not  inteinled,  will  be  u»ed  to  iiid 
the   cry  of  "  I'lmic    faith"— "  I'unic   faith,"  of, 
which  I  shall  speak  hcreuAcr. 

But  in  the  next  place,  Mr.  President,  I  presume  ' 
to  tell  my  Democratic  assoiiates  who  thrust  this 
new  CREED  upon  me  as  a  lest  of  orthodoxy  in 
Ihe  party,  that  they  seem  lo  me  not  to  undersland  [ 
it  themselves,  and'  it  were  as  well  to  look  lo  that  , 
before  any  cry  of  treason  shall  be  col  up,  either  ' 
BgaiiiHl  the   rrcsidcnt,  or  airuinst  the  Senate,  or  . 
aijainst  an  humble  individual  like  myself.  I  charge  j 
Ihe  Senator  from  Illinois,  and  all  other  Senators  wno  , 
subscribe  this  as  a  cre»-.d,  and  yet  t:o  foriiio  40', 
with  insisting'  upon  more  than  the  nallimore  Con-  ' 
vention  have  recommended  the  parly  lo  believe  and 
do;  and  here  is  my  proof.    It  truly  says  ihatTexas 
and  Oregon  are  "  gi;eat  .Jiiierican"  nucstions !  You 
insist  tlial  Oregon  is  a  " If  fi/rni     question:  and 
sometimes  il  is  treated  by  you  as  a  "party"  ques-  ] 
lion;  and  I  am  afraid  that,  by  bringing  it  here,  j 
you  will  soon  induce  other  persona  (without  Sen- 
ators intending  it)  lo  convert  il  into  a  very  danger-  ' 
ons  presidenlinl — sectional — anti-democratic,  anti- 
Adminisiraiion  question, and  teach  others  to  PRO-  ' 
SCRIBE  those  who  caimot  lay  aside  our  original 
faith  OS  we  do  our  clothes;  anu,  therefore,  slill  be- 
lieve that  this  is  an  ".Imtricnn"  question,  and  thol, 
likeTexas,  the  *'lwin-sisterlo  Oregon,"  the  bound-  | 
aries  of  Oregon  ought  to  be  left  lo  a  settlement  by 
negotiation  through  Ihe  President  nnd  Senate  of 
Ihe  United  States — the  only  conslitulionul  organs 
for  treating  with  foreign  Goveruinents. 

Buimorcthaiulial,  Air.  President;  thisCURED  , 
is  in  favor  of  ihe  "  RE-OCCUP.\TION  OP  ORE- 
GON."    And  that  is  what  it  rc(  ommended  to  our 
party.     Ah!  "re-occuiinlion" — ihiit's   the   word; 
not  occi(/)(((''>n,  but  t'e-occiijuttion.     Now,  we  cannot  i 
"r«-occupy"  what  we  never  "ocoupied"  before. 
We  never  occuiiied  the  Oregon  that  lies  north  of 
tlic  compromise  line  of  49°  before,  but  the  Oregon 
on  this  side  of  that  line  we  have  heretofore  o(.'cu- 
jiied.   Therefore  we  cannot  rc-occupy  north  of  49°,  ' 
i)Ut  we  can  re-occupy  all  south  of  that  line  I     And  ' 
that  is  exoctly  what  the  President  has  been  endeav- 
oring to  do,  nnd  exactly  what  I  nm  in  favor  of  do-  j 
ing — "Jiglit  or  no  fight."    Sir,  if  a  Democrat  thus 
comes  fiilly  up  lo  this  creed  by  his  action,  whatga/e 
Senators  here  the  privilege  'o  denounce  him  as 
untrue  to  the  Democratic  faith?    This  construction 
of  the  CHEEI1  is  not  hypercritical.     What  is  "OR- 
EGON .'"    The  country  on  the  Coluinliia  rirer  anil 
tniitk  of  il — lUl  lying  below  the  line  of  49° — u.sed  ; 
to  be  Oregon.     The  old  historians,  maps,  and  ge- 
ographers all  had  it  so.     It  is  a  thing  of  modern 
origin  to  call  any  part  of  the  territory  north  of  49°  '• 
"Oregon."    There  is,  then,  an  old  Oregon  anil  a 
modern  Oregon.     The  old  Oregon  was  once  occu- 
I)icd  by  us.     Outside  of  that  we  have  never  occu- 
pied aiiy  portion  of  the  modern  Oregon;  aiid  there- 
fore, if  this  (REED  had  gone  for  an  ocriijind'ott  of 
Oregon,  it  might  well  be  construed  "all  of  Oregon," 
ctJ  nnd  n«r.     But  as  it  only  went  for  a  "  re-occu-  ; 
ilion,"it  is  OS  clear  as  day  that  the  creeu  must  ' 
e  interpreted  to  mean  the  old  Oregon  up  lo  49°;  ' 
that  same  Oregon  which  we  once  occupied;  that 
sinie  Oregon  which  lies  south  of  49°;  that  same 
Oregon  which  the  DEMOCRATS  all  go  for  still;—'' 


C; 


I  only  some  of  us  are  not  anxious  lo  I'ltr^it  for  ant 
MORE !  If  we  sumd  to  the  failli,and  tiecp  ihe  bond 
as  it  was  wrilleii  for  us,  will  not  ilmt  snillcr?  I 
think,  Mr.  President,  1  have  disposed  of  the  Ualti- 
niore  reaolution  generally  ami  sjiccially. 

With  unnirerled  pain  did  I  hear  a  charge  of 
"  PUNIC  FAITH"  brought  ami  repented  iigainst 
Ihn  South,  in  this  Senate,  with  respect  lo  this  Ore- 
gon notice,  &c.,nnd  in  u  way  that  challenged  n  re- 
ply^o  it. 

Personally  I  care  nothinr;  about  it,  as  I  voted  for 
Ihe  Oregon  bill  hist  sessi(m;  and  smne  Senators 
know  llial  my  rcnson  for  vol'iig  against  notice  iho 
sessicm  before  wna,  that  its  form  appeared  lo  nie  lo 
violaie  theConslilution.  [Mr.  II.  here  explained 
111  length  his  olijeciion:i  lo  the  form  of  llmt  notice. 
He  also  excused  himself  for  voting  In  lake  up  the 
Oregon  bill  limt  session,  by  slating  that  if  he  had 
known  at  the  time  (ai  he  does  now)  how  ihe  jie- 
goliation  thenRlood,he  would  not  have  voted  for  so 
much  of  that  hill  us  proposed  lo  Uike  jurisdiction. 
But  the  Senate  did  not  kno.v  the  tlicisal  Ihal  lime, 
nnd  they  had  not  been  luld  to  him.  He  did  not 
wondfcnt  Ihe  oflencc  that  was  taken  by  thi'  Brit- 
ish ParfiStwent,  who,  no  doubt,  believed  that  we 
knew  il  im,  at  th<!  lime  Ihe  bill  passed  the  other 
IliMiHc]  But  1  do  not  feel  myself  at  liberty  to 
let  such  nn  accusation  grow  into  a  prorerh  against 
Ihe  SofTii.  The  Soi'tii  is  my  Home;  and  siich 
accusations  have  n  lialeful  influence  in  kindling 
and  preserving  srrlional  feelings:  I  slmll,  there- 
fore, expose  its  injustice,  and  then  forlieai.  I 
shall  do  thai  by  the  Joiirnciti  ofthr  Senate  now  be- 
fore me.  1  will  read  from  llic  books,  if  any  of  my 
sinlcmenis  shoidd  be  questioncil.  This  charge  of 
"Punic  failh,"  the  Senate  will  remember,  was  in- 
troduced hero  some  days  ago,  when  the  honorible 
Senator  from  Georgia,  (IVIr.  Colqcitt,]  had  .spoken  ; 
of  the  coui'se  of  the  »  iiator  from  Indiann  IMr. 
Hannegan]  upmi  the  Texas  f/uMfioii.  Tiie  lion-  ' 
ornblo  Senator  from  Indiana  said,  in  subslance,  as 
I  understood  him — ( I  have  not  his  words  before 
n  v') — that  he  had  fm-  some  lime  desired  a  fit  occa- 
sion to  explain  his  voti^  fig>iiii.t(  7V.T(m,  and  now  he 
had  il;  nnd  'jwil  it  was  siinply  because  he  had  i 
foreseen  "  Punic  faith — Punic  faith."  Then,  or! 
al  some  other  time,  he  more  than  inlimnlcd  that  he  ' 
had  found  that  Punic  'lilh  in  the  South.  Other 
Senators  were  formal.^  called  to  the  floor  lo  vindi- 
cate that  Senator,  by  their  sUilemcnts,  showiii';  ' 
that  he  really  was  suspicious  of  the  South,  of  which 
I  do  not  complain.  Altogether  the  complexion  ; 
given  to  this  mntler  before  tiie  public  eye  was,  that 
this  "  Punic  ftiilh"  had  been  practised  by  one  or 
iTiore  Sontheni  .SeniUors  of  the  Deniocralic  party  ! 
and  ihesngacity  of  the  lionorable  Senator,  it  seems,  ! 
enabled  him  to  see  it  betlirehaiid.  In  that  way  he 
e.xnlnined  his  vote  against  Texas. 

Now,  Mr.  President,  there  is  a  grave  mistake  in 
all  this  thing.  In  Ihe  first  place,  the  Senator's 
memory  deceived  him  as  to  the  fact  of  his  oieii  ! 
role  He  did  not  rote  agaimt  Texas  !  L'pnn  Ihe  treaty 
he  dill  not  vole  at  all  !  For  the  Texas  Resolutions, 
the  next  session,  he  voted  ni/ .'  The  Journals  are 
before  me,  nnd  these  arc  facts, 
will  read  the  votes. 

[Mr.  Hannegan  remarked: 
and  did  not  vote  on  the  treiily.' 

No  doubt  of  il;  hut  present  or  absent  wns  nil 
the  same.  No  single  vole  was  worlh  having  upon 
the  treaty,  for  everybody  knew  in  the  Henate,  al- 
most from  the  beginning,  that  the  treaty  could  not 
imss.  The  Senator  will  admit  that.  Then  what 
insis  for  his  charge  is  left  ? 

In  Ihe  second  place,  Mr.  President,  the  resolu- 
tion for  notice,  4c.,  on  Oregon  was  rejected  at  that 
session — before  the  Itattiinore  Convention  met !  Il 
was  rejected  by  ni/f  J  nnd  noMon  tlieSlst  of  March ! 
The  converuion  met  on  27th  May  !  Now,  what 
does  the  Senator  think  of  his  charge  of  "  Punic 
faith,  Pnnic  faith?" 

In  the  third  place,  every  Democratic  Senator 
save  (iro^thc  two  from  Simlh  Carolina,  [Messrs. 
Hiker  :ind  McDi:fi'Ie] — voted  for  the  Oregon 
iiill  upon  the  lest  vote  in  Ihe  Senate  at  the  session 
when  Texas  wns  passed  through  by  the  Senator's 
vote.  The  Senator  from  Indiana  at  ihnt  session 
held  Texns  in  his  hand — his  single  hand  !  Without 
his  vote  it  could  not  have  passed  !  Oregon  lacked 
one  vole  lo  save  it,  Texas  but  one  vote  to  kill  it. 
What  claim  wdl  he  set  up  for  sagacity,  nnd  upon 
whitt  grounds  can  he  mukc  this  charge  against  tlie 


If  contradicted,  I 
"  I  was  present, 


South,  when  he  had  only  lo  have  made  llie  passage 

I  of  the  Oregon  hill  ii  iijnf  71111  tioii  to  his  Mile  lor 

Texiu>,  iiiid  the  thing  would  have  bei'ii  done, — 

both  would  have  |sisscd,  or  neither.     Tlie  Oregon 

bill  must  have  pnsNed — nlways  pnivided,  he  could 

have  got  a  .'.<iiutiicrn  >SKNAroR  lo  make  such  n 

bargain  with  him  I     He  had  but  two  Senators  to 

,  trade  with,  for  all  Ihe  real  of  us  voted  for  Ihi'Ore- 

I  pin  bill  wiilioul  a  price.    Tliat  he  did  not  drive  a 

bargain  for  Oregini  is  no  concern  of  mine. 

[Mr.  Hatwouu  here  spoke  of  Mr.  Hioer  n» 
an  absent  friend,  whom  he  loved  too  well  not  li> 
vindicate  against  unjust  aspersions,  and  was  about 
to  proceed;  when 

Mr.  Hanne(.an  al  once  interrupted  him  by  ex- 
pressing the  liigheal  adiniralion  and  respect  for 
Mr.  HiinER,  and  disavowed  all  sort  of  intention  to 
impute  tu  him  nn  net,  or  even  a  thought  of  the 
slightest  diahonor  us  u  man  or  a  Senator.) 

Mr.  Hatwooi)  continued.  Tliul  is  enough, 
Mr.  President.  Tin:  oilier  honornble  Senator 
from  South  Caroliim  [Mr.  McDurriKJ  is  here, 
nnd  very  able  to  vindiciilc  himself,  if  he  thinks  ii 
is  required.  Bill  I  turn  lo  higher  topics.  This  is 
i  not  a  pleasant  one. 

Mr.  Preaident,  in  eoniing  to  the  eoncluaions  I 
have,  and  which  have  been  expressed  to  the  Senate 
without  evasion  or  disguise,  and  in  taking  my 
Hinnd,  iw  I  believe,  nlongside  of  the  Executive 
depnrlmciit  of  t'.ie  OovernmenI,  I  took  no  counsel 
of  Great  Rritnin's  strength  lo  make  me  recedt 
from  the  extremest  claim  of  niy  own  country. 
Were  it  MF.XICO,  or  any  still  weaker  and  mora 
dislrnried  OovernmenI,  if  I  know  my  own  heart, 
I  would  demand  nn  more  from  it  than  I  would 
insist  upon  against  Great  Britain, — our  rights, our 
honorable  rights,  peaceably  nnd  in  lovo.  From 
neither,  and  from  no  other  Government  in  the 
world,  would  I  lake  what  was  not  honorable  for 
my  own  lo  demand ;  nor  go  lo  war  with  any  nation 
for  either  a  profitable  or  an  unprofilablc  wrong.  I 
must  be  jHirdoned,  therefore,  for  giving  uilerance 
lo  the  sentiment,  timt  nn  accusation  of  this  kind 
against  our  own  OovernmenI  was  neither  Just  nor 
politic  nor  patriotic.  The  rest  of  the  world  will 
be  easy  lo  persuade,  with  American  Senators  to 
instruct  them,  that  our  country  is  mean  enough  lu 
oppress  the  weak,  and  too  cowarilly  to  assert  our 
riglits  ngaiiisl  Ihe  strong.  Great  nriuiin  will  hard- 
ly find  in  that  (if  she  believed  il)  a  motive  for  sur- 
rendering "ail  of  Oregon"  without  n  fight,  even  if 
il  should  become  necessary  for  her  10  fight  us  sin- 
gle-handed for  it. 

So,  before  God  and  the  Senate,  I  do  abjure  and 
repiolmle  Ihe  sentiment  of  hatred  lo  any  nation 
ns  a  motive  for  going  back  no  ftirther  than  the 
oll'ered  compromise. 

The  venerated  man  whose  image  hangs  con- 
.stantly  before  us,  and  whose  name  should  ever  be 
his  eulogy  in  an  American  Senate — GEORGE 
WASHINGTON — in  his  last  words  10  the  coun- 
try, taught  us  "that  the  nation  which  indulges  to- 
varils  another  habitual  iiatrko  is  in  soiiie  degree  a 
m.AvE;"  and  the  Declaration  of  Amcricon  Inde- 
pendence has  sanctified  il  as  a  political  nuxim  of 
this  republic,  "  lo  hold  Great  Britain,  as  ire  hold  the 
rest  of  mankind,  enemies  (only)  in  war,  but  in 
peace  friends."  There  is  nothing  that  has  teiiintcd 
me  to  forget,  and  nothing  shall  drive  me  lo  violate, 
the  counsel  of  my  country's  father,  nor  this  funda- 
mental maxim  offrec  American  institutions.  Nei- 
ther will  I  leach  ihe  people  to  do  il.  Good  men 
could  not  applaud  ilio  Senate  for  it.  Heaven 
would  not  excuse  its  piuclicid  application,  nor  fail, 
perhaps,  to  visit  the  consequences  upon  the  nation 
Itself. 

Without  going  into  our  title  to  the  Territory, 
(which,  if  the  Senate  choose,  can  be  done  here- 
after and  whenever  the  bill  for  taking  jurisdiction 
over  Oregon,  or  "any  portion  of  it,'  conies  up 
for  consideration,)  I  will  tell  you,  in  very  few 
words,  the  ground  of  right  upon  which  (if  there 
were  no  other)  I  would  put  my  vindication.  I  be- 
lieve il  is  the  political  RIO  FIT  of  my  country  to 
stretch  itself  without  any  inlemiption  by  foreign 
Governments  from  ihe  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific — 
from  sea  lo  sea  on  this  continent — according  as  we 
ourselves  slmll  judge  it  expedient  or  not.  That 
weocqiiired  ihalRIOFITupon  this  continent  when 
our  INDEPENDENCE  wns  established,  subject 
only  to  the  proviso,  that  we  muf  t  not  do  it  so  us  10 
deny  the  like  privilege  10  our  neighbors,  nor  inter- 


\. 


1846.] 


20TII  CoNo Ibt  Sbii. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Ortfron  (Question — M, .  JJaywooJ. 


877 


Senatc. 


fiir  with  «itil«in<iil»  pcinmiiirilly  iniuir  litl'iiio  ciur 
lijili'|ii'ii(ti'iice   wiiN  calnliliNlicil,  iinr  willi   Niniiliir 
riL'litH  lii!luiif;iii);  to  cir  arntiiri'il  l)y  llirriii  rmr  net  ' 
witli  iiijiiiillc'C  to  llic  .Iboriginiii.     Wlinl  wr  rlaiin  j 
n  HiuiiT  III  ill),  v/v.  iniiNt  mil  deny  to  iIip  Canadai.  | 
It  in  II  aurl  or  Nulioiml  prnciniitinn  right  to  both,  i 
Qruat   Hritain    cannot    rir,hti;ou9ly    cuiii|ih\in  ho  | 
long  tm  wc  ilo  not  >l    y  to  hcri  na  the  mother 
country  of  the  Camauah,  Iho  same  nghl  equally  ' 
with  iiurnclvva.     She  nunnot  riuhtfVilly  interrupt 
our  enjiiynient  of  ihiil  right.     Anil  ir  nIic  iloes,  { 
tlun  we  CANNOT  SIIIIMIT  TO  IT.    Our  ilivi-  ] 
ilini;  line  is  at  4'/'  on  tluH  Hiilu  i<(  the  mniintiiiha',  , 
null  ir  it  ia  alriiighteiiril  to  the  Paeinc  on  the  other 
ill  hiirniiiny,  wc  ought  to  be  auliafied.     In  aettling  | 
that  line  helwecn  the  two  Oovcrnnicntj,  the  great 
law  III'"  love  Hiiil  good  will  to  m«n"  requires  con-  I 
leHsiona  for  couivaknta,  to  be  Of^rced  forliy  mutual  ! 
conaeiil,  iind  llicy  alionld  be  mutually  made  for  the 
convi'pienrc  of  ciich  oilier;  and  ihcac  ore  fit  aub- 
jecia  fur  friendly  iiegnliatiiin, 

TliiH  Hinulc,  Mr.  Preaident,  are  more  ftimiliar 
with  the  doetrinea  and  the  learning  of  booka  iibiiut 
cimli^riiili/  and  conliniiiti/  than  I  profeaa  to  be;  and  ] 
tliey  might  well  complain  uf  me  if  I  enlarged  upon  , 
those  tiipica.     My  conatituenla  arc  a  plain  repub-  ' 
lican  people,  who  generally  do  not  cure  to  be  en-  ■ 
lightened  by  audi  Ircatiaca.     Aa  many  of  them  aa 
do,  will  read  for  themaelvea.     Dy  the  Conslitiilion 
they  have  cntruatcd  the  making  of  THliATIES 
with  the  President  and  Senate.     They  are  aatialied 
with  the  Constitution  ai  i(  is,  and  piitrioiically  dia-  | 
puaed  in  all  partiea  to  take  aidea  with  their  coun- 
tiy.    I  mean  "  the  People"  arc.   They  will  feel  and  ^ 
unilerntand  this  aaacrtion  of  our  rit'ht  to  grow  and 
multiuly  when  in  ihcpri"  idcnceofOod  the  country  | 
wania  to  do  it;  and  I  dim 't  lui  it  will  vindicate  me. 
At  any  rale,  they  put  mc  ii  thia  Senate  to  act  on 
qucationa  of  thia  aort,i;u(3fiaiM  i!/'(reafi/-innfcin^,iuid  | 
to  iidviae  the  Preaident  aui  ording  to  my  beat  judg- 
ment,  upon    the    reaponaibility  of  my  own  con- 
Hcience,  and  I  ahall  govern  myself  accordingly; 
accouolal  Ic  lo  God  that  my  motives  are  good,  to 
my  asaociaiea  that  my  apeecli  be  frank,  to  the  . 
people  only  that  I  DO  lUUHT.  , 

What  the  end  of  theae  thinga  may  lie,  if  the  Sen- 
ate .shall  come  to  the  same  conclusion  with  me,  i 
must  depend  upon  the  course  Great  Britain  may 
|iursue,  or  may  not  pursue,  upon  the  subject  of  u 
coni|iromisc.     Of  that  I  know  nothing.     I  only  j 
know  what  she  ought  to  do,  and  that  I  truat  in  { 
God  she  will  do.    One  thing  is  certain — it  will  | 
bring  ua  to  the  end.     If  it  doca  not  aid  negotiation  ; 
it  will  not  hinder  it.  \ 

I  believe  Great  Britain  desires  peace,  because  it 
ia  her  interest  to  do  it.    Mer  Minister  ia  still  here — 
the  Minister  of  Peace — the  Minister  of  Peace  from 
a  Christian  people  and  a  Christian  Government. 
Why  should  wc  doubt  the  result  ?     He  will  hard-  1 
ly  leave  before  he  has  at  least  told  ua  what  ia  that  ' 
"FdllTHKR   PROPOSAL  MORE  CONSIST.: 
K.\T  WITH   FAIRNESS  AND   EQUITY, "  : 
which  he  trusted  tlie  American  Government  would 
make  to  him,  (pp.  U,  (i9.)  Sir,  the  civilized  world 
would  execrate  the  Minislei-a  of  both  Guvernmcnls 
if  thia  iiegotiatiiin  should  be  terminated  upon  any 
point  of  personal  or  diplomatic  etiqubtte.    Chris- 
tian lands  arc  not  to  be  involved  in  wars  at  ihis  day 
for  the  personal  ;iiuiie  of  their  agents.     Ministers 
of  peace  do  not  seek  occasion  for  a  quarrel ;  but,  if , 
really  inclined  to  compromise,  they  would  be  look- 
ed upon  as  miserable  bunirlers,  when  cither  or  both  , 
of  tbcm  cannot  find  in  their  own  correspondence, 
or  elsewhere,  a  reason  or  a  pretext  for  making  any 
odor  thatwouUI  prove  acceptable  to  both.  If  there 
BE  anv  such,  leave  all  that  to  them,  and  tlierc  let  i 
the  responsibility  rest,  undivided  by  us.  i 

This  matter  can  be  compromised,  if  the  two 
Governments  are  willing  to  do  it.  If  Great  Brit-  ; 
ain  does  not  intend  to  compromise,  we  ought  to 
knovy  it;  let  her  not  have  the  excu.se  for  it  that  the 
Preaident  was  against  "all  comprnmise,"  but  in 
favor  of  "  all  Oregon  or  none."  She  shall  not  be  , 
permitted  to  say  that  that  misconstruction  of  the 
American  Presidcnl,  although  proclaimed  in  the 
American  Senate  by  some  Senalora,  was  neither 
refuted  nor  contradicted  by  any  other. 

This  notice  is  no  threat  at  all;  and  I  do  not  ex- 
pect it  is  cither  to  intimidate  Great  Britain  or  to 
offend  her.  But  hitherto  neither  of  the  two  Gov- 
ernments seems  to  have  fully  realized  the  necessity 
of  terminating  this  last  cause  of  dispute  between 


them,  and  of  opening  tiiu  way  wider  for  the  cul- 
tivation of  a  permanent  natiniiid  concord. 

Whatever  may  lie  //leir  comae  or  1/itir  condition, 
it  aeema  to  me  that  WK  are  no  Ijiiger  left  at  liber- 
ty to  poatponc  a  final  aei.lemeiit  of  thia  whole  con- 
troversy about  Oregon.  The  public  will,  oxprcsa- 
ed  through  their  immediate  dvlegatea  in  the  other 
House,  la  very  conciuaivc  upon  that  point.  An- 
other Preiidcnlial  election,  and  every  other  quea- 
lion  will  be  made  subordinate  lo  this  one  for  "Our 
Hiftkla.'' 

The  public  mind,  already  pre-orcupied  by  one- 
sided ai'giimcnta  upon  our  title  to  the  w  hole  of  Ore- 
gon, will  be  ill  no  alale  to  diauuaa  it;  the  people 
will  be  excited  and  misled  by  denunciations  against 
every  man  who  liaa  the  moral  coiiiaje  horealXcr  to 
doubt  it,  and  even  taught  lo  call  him  HrTI^  "  British;" 
the  prudence  of  age  will  be  decried  aathccoiiii' 
sela  of  a  foreign  influence  by  a  hired  press;  the 
wiadoiii  of  atiiteamen  will  be  setasido  by  the  clam- 
ors of  wlfish  demagogues;  the  love  of  peace  and 
the  fcariifOod  denounced  by  factiona,  and  vilified 
by  self-ronstiliited  aaHociationa,aathe  coward'ceof 
traitora  and  the  alTcctatiun  of  hypurriay.  It  will 
aoon  become  the  unholy  work  of  un  infuriated  party 
spirit,  aided  Inrperaonal  ambition,  to  create  anil  pro- 
duce in  our  happy  country  this,  and  much  more 
than  this; — all,  as  I  apprehend,  for  the  sake  of  put- 
ting great  men  down,  and  exalting  little  men  to 
high  plucea,  more  than  it  will  be  for  the  purpo.se  of 
aecuring  our  national  righla.  Senatora  and  others 
who  would  Hcorn  to  play  the  game  are  incaulioualy 
fiiriiisliiiig  the  cards-  '  \"  of  Oregon,  or  none" — 
Our  tille  is  '• 'tear  and  uniMcstioiiablo" — "The 
Administration  is  with  us  -"  Down  with  the 
treacherous  ntiiiociiilor"niilisl;"Wliig\vho  opens 
his  mouth  for  roiiyiromi  f .'"  Theae  criea  will  be 
so  many  obstacles  to  I'eaer  '. — liononiblo  peace. 
Aa  we  would  keep  the  powri  iver  this  subject  in 
the  hands  to  which  the  CONSTITUTION  lias  en- 
trusted it;  ua  we  would  protect  the  irust  committed 
to  the  Senate,  and  do  om'  whole  duty  to  the 
cause  of  lideiity  reoulateu  nY  law,  to  C)iid,and 
to  our  conaciencea — I  think  the  Senate  should  aid 
to  bring  thia  controversy  to  a  conclusion,  in  some 
way  or  other,  as  soon  as  possible.  Another  year, 
and  it  iimj/  be  too  late  to  settle  it  in  peace.  Another 
thret  yean'  rfe/iii/,  and  it  iiill  not  be  settled  without 
a  dreadful  ciinflict  of  political  agitationa  at  home, 
and  perhaps  a  desperate  war  between  two  Christian 
nations.     God  deliver  ua  from  both ! 

If  the  trusta  of  this  body  under  the  Constitution 
must  be  carried  for  discussion  beforehand  to  the 
court-houses  and  parly  caucuses  of  the  land — if  we 
inuat  encounter  the  agitations  ami  perila  and  bitter- 
ness of  a  popular  ordeal,  in  our  foreign  uflnirs — 
will  not  the  Senate  agree  that  it  is  safer  and  wi.ser 
to  take  care  that  the  pleadings  ahall  be  made  up  so 
aa  to  present  llie  TRUE  ISSUES.'  Notice  or  no 
notice  is  an  old  ipicstion — prcdetei  mined  and  pre- 
judged; and  the  peace  of  the  country  can  hardly 
be  preserved  if  we  suffer  that  to  be  the  issue  whicli 
goes  before  the  country.  Let  us  give  the  nolice, 
then,  to  the  Picsidoiit'a  bauds,  before  the  negotia- 
tion is  closed,  ami,  if  there  is  a  compromise,  the 
qucBlion  will  go  to  ilic  people  upon  that.  The  re- 
sult is,  to  my  mind,  iieillier  doubtful  nor  fearful. 
If  no  coiniiromise  that  wc  can  accept  with  honor 
shall  be  utl'ered  now,  it  never  will  be  offered;  and 
then  wc  ahall  soon  have  the  whole  subject  before  us, 
and  can  lake  such  steps  as  will  protect  our  rights 
and  carry  this  question  into  our  popular  elcclions 
upon  fair  and  true  issues.  But  there  has  been  a 
doubt  excited  lest  the  President  might  abuse  the 
notice  after  we  have  aiithoriyed  it,  and  you  hesi- 
tate. Is  there  not  more  danger  from  our  delay, 
than  in  any  trust  we  may  repose  in  the  Executive 
by  giving  him  the  use  of  this  notice,  even  if  he 
should  abuse  il?  Friends  of  the  Administration — 
Democrats — surely  WE  can  confide  it  to  him, 
else  wc  ought  not  to  be  his  friends.  Confidence  ia 
not  to  be  expected  with  so  tuucli  nlacrily  from  those 
who  have  been  his  political  opponents,  especially 
when  some  of  ourselves  have  misconstrued  the  Pre- 
sident. But,  Wiiius  of  the  Senate,  do  you  still 
doubt  his  position?  Do  you  fear  he  may  abuse 
this  notice  after  it  is  given  to  him,  (as  it  has  been 
said  be  would,)  by  abruptly  closing  negotiation, 
and  even  refusing  his  own  offer  for  a  compro- 
mise at  49°,  should  it  be  returned  to  him?  To 
such  as  are  resolved  to  stand  by  him  AT  THAT 
LINE  OP  COiMPROMlSE,  and  to  NO  OTH- 


ERS, do  I  appeal.  I  have  said  already  thai  if 
you  do  not  mean  to  stop  concession  at  lliut  line, 
you  do  right  in  rrAiaing  the  notice.  He  eainiot 
apeak  upon  that  point;  offli  iai  propriety  l^irbida  it, 
IIS  I  have  already  said  and  proved.  But  here 
ia  a  guaranty.  Let  him  but  venture  lo  occupy 
that  position  contrary  to  your  hopes  and  expect- 
a.  ions.  Let  liiin  only  attempt  lo  betray  tlis 
cniindenco  you  put  in  hia  comluct.  (Oh!  ha 
will  not  do  it.  1  feel  like  I  was  defending  a  friend'* 
honor,  when  I  siiy  again,  and  again,  and  again, 
that  this  conatruclion  CANNOT  be  true.)  But 
what  if  he  ahould  attempt  it?    The  country  will 

Ket  be  aafe.  He  might  embiirraaa  the  Senate,  but 
e  would  dea'roy  hiinaclf.  The  moment  he  dopi 
it,  the  whole  aiibject  will,  by  the  Constitiiti.iii,  paaa 
outof  hi8lmiida,and  fall  EXCLUSIVELV  INTO 
OUIvS.  The  l^giatatiec,  and  not  the  Executive 
department,  will  thencefirth  have  it  in  chuij^O) 
with  no  change  but  the  abrogation  of  a  convention 
that  it  were  rashncsa  in  us  to  coiithn  .  longer  iit 
force.  We  have  a  majority  here  for  pe  ice,  and  for 
every  honorable  means  of  preserving  it — no  more, 
but  all  that — men  who,  I  am  auro,  would  defy  fac- 
tion, and  laugh  at  dcmagogiam  in  thecrisiaol  their 
country's  fate — Dcmocrala  and  Whigs,  all  patriots 
and  together  upon  an  "AMERICAN"  question. 
And  the  bill  for  extending  our  jurisdiction  over 
Oregon  need  not  to  be,  as  it  ought  not  to  be,  adopt- 
ed, until  wo  sec  what  more  the  President  will  do, 
and  irhttt  Grtat  Britain  mtuns  to  do.  And  this  Sciinla 
ought  not  to  adjourn  until  we  know  whether  we 
are  to  have  PEACE  or  a  SWORD.  IT  SHALL 
NOT  BY  MY  VOTE.  It  would  not  be  becom- 
ing in  me  to  undertake  to  advise  how  wc  ought  lo 
net  in  aiich  a  caae  upon  siiiiaequcnt  measures. 
Though  I  do  not  admire  iho  cominoii  use  of  Sci  ip- 
turequotatioiia  in  political  speccliea,tlie  aubjcctand 
the  occasion  appear  lo  be  solemn  and  inipreaaiva 
enough  to  excuse  me  for  savina'  upon  that  point, 
"  Siitficient  uiiui  the  day  is  tlic  evil  thcieof." 

I  come  now  to  invite  the  attention  of  the  Senate 
to  some  of  the  several  forms  in  which  it  has  been 
proposed  that  this  notice  shall  be  authorized.  The 
resolution  reported  from  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Atfuirs  was  not  at  all  objectionalilc  to  my  mind  in 
the  outset.  For  nolliiiig  on  its  face  do  I  now  think 
that  resolution  objectionable.  But  other  St  i.^i.ors 
were  not  satisfied  with  il,aiid  preferred  to  pursue  a 
diilei  eiit  form  of  words;  and  I  have  held  myself 
ready  at  all  times  to  adopt  any  form  that  might  be 
more  acceptable  to  others,  so  long  as  the  substance 
was  not  sacrificed.  If  I  could  desire  to  put  Sena- 
tors of  any  party  in  a  false  position  ii|ion  a  ques- 
tion of  this  kind,  I  should  despise  myself.  The 
resolution  and  prenniblc  offered  by  the  Senatorfrom 
Kentucky,  [Mr.  Crittenpen,]  when  it  was  pro- 
posed, seemed  to  mc  to  arrive  at  the  objcci,  sub- 
stantially, by  another  form  of  words,  perhaps  bet- 
ter, perhaps  not;  any  way,  I  was,  at  the  beirinniiig, 
ami  I  am  now,  contented  to  take  that.  I  like  it — I 
approve  il.  But  I  should  like  to  sec  it  altered  by 
striking  out  the  proviso  which  delays  the  notice 
until  after  the  present  session  of  C'ongrcss.  My 
reasons  have  been  alrcfldy  slated.  Should  they 
make  no  impression  upon  the  judgment  of  the 
Senate,  I  do  not  expect  to  iiiake  that  proiiso 
a  reason  for  voting  against  that  amciidnient.  The 
picamble,  although  not  originally  necessary,  was, 
perhaps,  expedient,  on  account  of  the  course  of 
the  debates  which  sprung  up  in  the  Senate,  and 
connected  themselves  with  OREGON;  and  the  in- 
troduction of  the  proposition  of  the  Senator  from 
Kentucky  [Mr.  Crittende:.]  was  ot  once  a  wise 
and  patriotic  movement,  to  clieck  the  progress  of 
unnecessary  alarm  in  the  counlry.  With  the  lights 
at  that  time  before  us,  I  think  it  was  so.  Though 
I  knew  nothing  of  it  until  it  was  proposed  by  him, 
in  my  heart  I  thanked  him  for  il.  "That  Senator  ia 
a  better  judge  than  I  am,  whether  all  the  valuable 
and  patriotic  purposes  designed  by  him  have  not 
been  fully  nccnmplishcd.  The  difference  be- 
tween autlinriziiig  tlie  President  to  give  the  noticn 
at  liii  di<icretion,  and  a  law  annulling  the  treaty  ajid 
directing  him  lo  give  the  notice,  does  not  aecm  to  mo 
to  be  very  material;  and  if  it  were,  I  would  suggest 
that  the  House  resolution  leaves  it  to  his  discre- 
tion, as  well  aa  the  resolution  of  the  Senator  of 
Kentucky.  I  am  willing  to  vote  for  either  of  the 
three,  as  may  be  most  agreeable  to  others. 
The  amendment  suggested  by  the  honorable 
'  Senaloi   from  Georgia,  [Mr.  CoLituiTi']  I  cannot 


I 


-§: 


378 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[March  2, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  ()rcs:on  Question — Mr.  Breese. 


Senate. 


r 


vole  for — llio  Inst  rrsnlutioii.  I  sat  down  to  rx- 
amino  it,  with  ii  aincon-  drsire  lo  approve,  if  I 
roulil;  but  I  cannnt,  and  I  ie;;rct  it  on  many  ac- 
counts.    The  words  are  as  rollowa; 

"  Six.  2.  .'/iirf  he  i(  further  resolreil.  That  it  is 
'  earnestly  desired  that  the  lon^-standing  eonlro- 
'  versy  rrsperlin?  limits  in  tlio  Oresjon  territory  , 
'  lie  speedily  seitlcd,  by  neffotialion  and  eoinprn- 
'  mise,  in  order  to  tranquillize  the  ]inblic  nund, 
'  and  to  preserve  the  friendly  relations  of  the  two 
'  countries." 

1  ohjert  to  this,  heeanse,  althouijh  eireunistanees 
nvtv  r.iake  it  jiroper  or  excusable  in  a  Smulor  or 
Seontors  to  express  his  or  their  individual  opinion.s 
upon  a  negotiation  in  a  debate,  yet  this  .Senate  as 
a  SriKilf  ou;ht  not  to  do  it,  and  we  ou!;lit  not  to  take 
eharsje  of  a  neu'oliaiion  pending  at  the  Exrcullve 
Departinenl.  The  Consimition  has  left  all  that  to 
the  President,  unless  lie  asks  the  Senate  for  nd- 
viee;  and  that  advice  .should  then  proceed  from  the 
^'l•ll(l/f  alone,  aetin;  in  Kxecutive  session,  not  from 
Coii'^ress.  This  Senate  may  be  ntiire  compelent 
to  conduct  a  negotiation  than  President  Polk,  but 
the  CO.NSTlTrTION  has  determined  that  uudter 
otherwise;  and,  "  by  the  Constitution,"  President 
Polk  is  the  wiser  and  safer  iieijoiialm'.  We  must 
jiol  i:aiiis:iv  that  by  oiu'  resolution.s  as  a  Senate.  If 
it  be  our  riirhl,  I  shouhl  ipiestion  the  ex|)ediency  of 
p:ivin^  any  advice  ionj^/.Y*/.  If  we  were  evei'  .so 
compeleni  by  the  Consiitution  to  ijivc  the  advice 
unasked,  and  it  were  not  inexpedient  to  do  it  for 
other  rensinis,  yet  it  is  eulirely  unnecessary  in  this 
case.  The  neL':niintion  is  pendiuLj  upon  tl'ie  basis 
of  '*  fCffr/treaii.sf,'*  and  we  have  the  President's  de- 
claration to  the  IJrilish  Minister  that  he  has  "de- 
tennineil  lo  pursue  it  lo  .a  c  inclusion"  upon  that 
basis.  Indeed,  .Senatiu's  know  that  after  the  basis 
was  once  arraiiL'ed  by  mutual  consent,  it  was  not 
in  the  power  of  (Ute.  of  iticni  lo  change  that  basis,  ' 
without  the  consent  of  the  other,  or  else  termina- 
tniir  the  negoiiation. 

I  object  lo  ii  further,  because  if  the  SF..V.\TE 
has  a  right  lo  advise,  and  it  would  bo  prudeni  and 
wise  lo  ^ive  the  .aiivict-,  siill  it  cannot  be  pretended 
that  CONtiHKSS  h.is  sueh  a  power  under  the 
Constitution;  and  it  is  oiu'  of  the  first  and  highest 
tluties  of  the  Senate  lo  protect  the  peculiar  trusts 
which,  under  the  Consiiiution,  appcriain  to  it,  ami 
not  to  admit,  much  less  to  invite,  the  Ilousf*  of 
Uepresentatives  into  partncrsliip  tor  atirhitts:  the 
Pr-v(teni  upon  our  foreign  atfiirs.  Hy  adding 
this  amendutent  to  a  ji'iat  resvliilitm,  we  violate 
th.it  duty  ourselves,  aiirl  couseui  to  and  inviie  an 
encroai'hiiient  upon  the  Seinte;  and  that  fiu'ins  to 
luy  mind  a  con.'lusive  objection.  Were  there  mi 
other,  it  ought  to  pre\ail. 

I  o!'ject  to  it  further,  because,  if  it  is  intended 
ns  a  dcclaralion  ot*  our  *' e.-irnest  desire"  made  ti> 
a  forci'_'n  Ciovcrninent,  and  addressed  lo  it;  tin  n  it 
i:.  very  unusual,  if  it  Ite  not  a  lellectimi  uptui  <nir 
Cliiif  Mngislrate.  Hi-  is  ihe  "  only  moiiih"  of 
this  ("lovenunent  to  ^;peak  to  oilier  nations;  and 
lie  has  already  t'dd  (ireat  Briiain  that  lie  "  i/i- 
.*ir«s"  a  compromise.  Unce  is  enough.  1  would 
give  no  room  for  au  mlerence  that  we  disirnsr- 
I'd  him  or  his  peiceful  purposes.  It  is  prtipe* 
that  we  siiould  give  him  the  moral  \\ ciirlil  of  our 
Legislative  oj>inion  by  a*'t  or  risohiiion  tor  notice, 
and  le.ive  him  lo  use  it  ilie  best  wav  he  c;in,  but 
ttill  ri'sponsible  for  any  abuse  of  ii.  'I'lien'  I  hone 
we  shall  slop.  Give  all  llie  aid  In-  asks,  liul  oiler 
no  impciliniciils,  Tlnncciorlli  I  would  ninke  no 
more  calls  tor  corresponilence,  but  leave  the  .Min- 
isters to  carry  thriuigh  the  negotiation.  Our  calls 
may  be  enibarnissing  to  both  of  them.  They  are 
iKii  calcni.'iied  lo  aid  our  'iwn. 

There  is  iaioiher  objeciion  lo  this  resolutioti,  that 
is  conclusive  to  my  own  mind,  and  I  ask  particu- 
lar attention  to  il.  If  I  iiiierprei  it  aright,  il  advise:^ 
a  iMtmiirianise  between  4!Pand  the  t^tilamlna  ririr, 
.\ow  lo  that  /  rniiuftt  at^ref.  In  the  (lih  protocol 
me  il\.  so  words:   The  jiritish  Minisiir  s.iid   '•  that 

*  ne  dill  ti"l  ftrl  itiithnrizft(  tn  ntlfr  intn  ii  tlisrttysifiu 
'  rf^/)*'c/ot;r  Ihf  territnrtj   north   of  thr  4*l//t  purallel 

*  ft'  laliltult .    trhifh    tcfi?    tnulrrstoiKl   hy  the   Hrithh 

*  tlorerainrnt  to  fhrin  the  ha^th  (f  nixotuitioti  on  Ihi- 

*  %tile  ot  the  I'ltittil  States^  as  thf  li»e  of  the  f'utitmhia 
'  firiiuil  that  on  the  \iilr  if  drtnl  llrilain." 

To  this.  I  .■ippreheiid,  our  <  io\  rrntiM  ut  assented 
bv  siL'uing  the   proioco!.  ,iiid    .Mr.  P.ikenham   has 


understood  tn  be  a  controversy  whether  those  lim- 
its shall  be  sellh'd  at  49°,  oral  the  Columbia  riverj 
and  our  advice  to  settle  il  by  compromisewould  be 
advice  tocomprnmise,  viz:  lo  give  and  lake  for  a  line  ' 
between  these  two.  1  do  not  say  it  was  so  intended; 

I  am  suit;  it  was  n-it.  But  see  how  much  difficuliy 
ihere  is  in  agreeing  upon  our  construction  of  the 
Message.  Shall  wc  not  multiply  embarrassment 
by  every  step  of  our  inlcrfercncc  with  negotiation  ? 

Sut  oose  that  mine  was  not  the  proper  inlerpre- 
latic,  "f  this  resolution.  It  must  lie  admitted  not 
to  he  free  of  doubt.  That  is  sufficient  to  con- 
demn it;  for  it  may  mislead  Great  liriiain.  Her 
.Minister  may  understand  it  aa  I  do,  and  the  con- 
sequence will  be  that  no  oiler  that  we  can  accept 
will  he  made. 

Upon  the  whole,  I  Mibinil  to  the  Senate  that  the 
House  resolutions,  under  all  the  ciri  uinstanees 
now  siirrouuding  this  subject,  had  heller  be  adopt- 
ed by  the  .Senate.  Their  .second  resolution  is  hut  a 
proviso  excluding  any  inference  that  that  House 
designed  by  the  first  one  to  obtrude  inio  a  subject 
belonging  to  ihe  President  and  Senate.  It  was 
perhaps  right  tor  them  to  say  so.  It  was  but  say- 
ing to  us  and  to  the  Presidenl,  ".Asa  negotiation  is 
pending,  and  this  House  claims  no  right  lo  inter- 
rupt il,  wc  have  taken  care  lo  declare  that  negolia- 
ticui  is  a  matter  with  which  tin;  people's  Keprcsent- 
ati\es  in  ihe  House  do  not  liereby  inlerpose." 
And,  at  the  same  lime,  the  vole  on  their  part  im- 
plied the  absence  of  any  lioslility  lo  negotiation, 
t'pon  this  subject, and  at  this  stage  of  il,iirn:()(in(ioii 
means  coijirciiiisr.   I'roin  that  there  is  no  escape. 

The  great  re;\son  why  1  would  entreat  the  Senate 
to  lake  the  H(uise  resolutions,  so  free  of  objection  ■ 
as  ihcy  arc,  is  this: 

The  diderence,  if  any,  in  favor  of  cither  of  the 
other  )n-oposilions  over  tho.se  from  the  Hoii.se,  is 
not  lo  be  compared  to  the  inconvenience,  using  no 
stronger  expression,  which  the  sending  of  this  dis- 
cussion back  lo  the  oiher  House  will  (iroduce  in 
the  ciaintry,  and  the  cert.iin  delay  and  probable 
einharrassiiienls  il  will  lead  to  in  pursuing  the  ne- 
goiialion.  The  whole  subject  is  with  the  Seiiaie — 
with  Ihe  Senate  I  li>ave  it. 

Mr.  President,  I  have  now  concluded  what  1  h.ad 
to  say.  I  must  be  more  or  less  than  a  man  if  I 
felt  so  indilVerenl  lo  the  kind  and  flattering  atten- 
tion of  the  Senate  for  two  days,  as  not  to  express 
my  gratiiude  for  il.  I  have  spoken  plainly  of 
principles  ;uid   ihings — I   hope   not   too  miicli  so. 

II  is  dillicull,  I  know,  to  do  that  without  an  ap- 
pear.ince  of  disrespeci  to  those  I  answer.  But 
an  iiltack  upon  errors  of  oiiinion  s  no  assault 
upon  the  |icrsons  holding  them.  in  my  heart 
there  is  noihing  of  uidtindness.  If  I  had  iiol  been 
placed,  most  reluclanlly,  in  an  aoitude  where  I 
must  speak,  or  be  misunderstood:  if  I  had  not 
been  goaded  by  repeated  declarations  which  I 
could  no!  a.sseni  to,  and  which,  if  correct,  I  knew 
would  force  me  to  oopose  the  .\dniinisiraliou.  and 
lo  abandon  a  frieml',  end  which,  if  nol  correct,  ii 
was  my  duly  and  my  right  as  a  Senalor  lo  refute 
in  free  debate — I  shmild  not  have  opened  my  mouth. 
If  this  pi-rlormauce  of  an  unavoidable  duty  should 
le.ivc  me  exoosed  to  inisrcpresentalinn.  I  must 
bear  il.  .\Iy  hands  are  chuu — my  heart  is  easy—- 
my  cinsi'ience  is  iinliurdeneil:  and  if  I  have  done 
auyihiug  for  good  I  shall  rejoice — if  not,  I  have 
tried  lo  do  it.  And  lM\mg  eonfidince  in  God 
siroji:.'cr  than  any  "  conlidence  in  prim-es,"  I  pray 
that  IIK  who  rules  the  desiiny  of  nations  may 
guide  lair  i-onnsels  so  as  lo  save  ihe  pcai-e  of  mv 
beloved  couni  ,  ami  protect  it  foreicr  bv  \i'\:i 
miijhlyariii  in  .iie  enjoyment  ii(  I  Hurt  ijmni  religion. 


tin 


er  since  ticatiil   Ihe  milter 

pending  controversy  "  res)iec 


nlmglv 


Th. 
limits 


OKKGd.VCltTKSTKI.N. 

Sl'KHCII    01'  .M  R.    ISRKKSi:. 

OP   ILLINOIS. 
I\  riiK  Sr.sArK,  Mareh  2,  H4(i. 
The  .lonii  iiesoluiioii  for  giving  ilii;  noin-e  to  lernii- 
iKile  Ihc  coiui  nlion   beuvei  n   the  I'miid  .St.itis 
andtireat  Jlr.iaui  rel;iiiie-  to   ihe  ( Iregon  terri- 
tory, being  under  consideration — 
Mr.  DUKKSI'",.  of  Illinois,  adilre.sscd  the  .Senate 
:is  fnljow.'-: 

.Mr.    Piii;»iih:s't:  Ii  is  not  to  he  uxpecled  that 


dclmie,  can  throw  much  additional  light  on  the 
iinnortnnl  qiieslion  before  lis.  Il  has  been  so 
elaborately  discussed,  not  only  in  these  Halls,  but 
by  the  public  press  throughout  the  country,  that 
it  is  now  scarcely  possible  to  invest  it  with  a 
new  interest,  or  urge  topics  with  which  the  Senate 
and  the  counlry  are  not  already  familiar.  It  had 
excited,  ni'd  justly  too,  throughont  every  part  of 
our  widely-exieiuled  Union,  the  most  earnesi  at- 
tention of  the  whole  American  peojde.  Probably, 
no  question  .since  we  had  become  a  nation,  li.id 
aroused  so  strong  an  interest  as  this  has,  and  none, 
)irobably,  has  been  more  ably  debated.  Tiie  na- 
tion awaits  with  intense  anxiety  the  decision  of 
Congress,  and  the  eyes  of  all  are  nov/  turned  tn  Ihc 
action  of  the  Senate.  The  Kxecutive  has  done  what 
belonged  to  him  in  the  matter;  and  the  House  of 
Representatives  has  performed  its  duly.  It  now 
only  remains  for  the  Senate  to  perforin  its  duty,  by 
consiinnnating  the  action  of  both. 

1 1  is,  Mr.  Presidenl,  in  view  of  the  great  interest 
the  Slate  tVtun  which  I  come  has  in  this  question, 
and  in  obedience  lo  an  overruling  sense  of  duty 
to  it,  that  I  am  now  prompled  lo  :iildiess  the  .'^en- 
ate.  I  did  not  know,  sir,  iinlil  this  morning,  that 
llu:  General  .Vssembly  of  my  Stale  had,  at  ils  la.-it 
scssiim,  adopted  the  resolutions  just  pre.senled  by 
my  colleague,  [Mr.  SKMn.K,]  and  read  by  the  Sec- 
retary. I  was  aware,  sir,  that  two  years  since, 
similar  resolutiims  had  been  adopted  and  present- 
ed here;  and  two  years  since,  it  wii.s  my  duly  and 
my  jileasnre,  here  in  my  place,  to  respond  lo  lliem, 
and  lo  express  the  views  I  llieii  eiilerlained  of  the 
subject,  and  of  the  obliga'ions  resting  upon  Con- 
gress to  carry  out  the  wishes  of  that  Stale,  aial 
those  of  other  Stales  who  had  conveyed  here,  simi- 
hir  expressions  of  the  public  will.  These  resolu- 
tions, sir,  read  here  at  this  moment,  but  strengthen 
me  in  the  delerininntion  I  had  formed  lo  vote  for 
some  resolution  to  annul  and  abrogate  the  conven- 
tions of  l.SIS  and  ]m27,  and  to  lollow  it  up,  by 
pressing  such  other  mr-asurcs  as  should  place  mir 
citizens  beyond  ihc  Uocky  muiutains  niiiler  the 
proteciitui  of  our  laws;  incorporate  the  country  into 
mir  Union;  prole  i  the  emiL'ianl  on  his  way  to  its 
fertile  plains,  and  pledge  lo  all  who  seek  them,  the 
honor  and  faith  of  the  Government  that  they  sliall 
be  made  secure  in  their  possessions  by  Jierfi'ct 
grants  of  land,  at  the  earliest  period  within  the 
competency  of  the  (iovermnent  lo  act,  consistent 
with  treaty  stipulations.  .\nd  I  cannot  but  hope 
that  my  conduct  in  these  regards  will  he  approved 
by  the  .State  of  Illinois,  whose  will  and  feelings 
and  oiiinicuis  I  take  pleasure  in  reflecting. 

In  that  Slate,  sir,  there  is  bill  one  opinion;  nay, 
sir,  in  the  entire  .Ncu-thwesl,  so  far  as  I  am  inform- 
ed, (and  I  have  p;iid  much  attention  lo  the  manifes- 
laiiotis  of  till-  imblif:  mind,)  there  is  no  dillcrence 
of  opinion  upon  il.  I  ilo  not  think,  sir,  that  any 
party,  or  any  respectable  portion  of  any  parly,  is 
opposed  to  prfunpt  and  iinmediale  aciion  by  Con- 
gress, to  terminalc,  what  ;ill  tcel  and  believe  to  be  an 
inconvenient  and  injudicitiiis  relalioii  belwecn  this 
and  a  loreign  counlry,  afleciing,  as  il  dues,  so  dis- 
astrously, many  import;mt  national  interests.  Thcv 
are  nol,  sir.  t'or  "  wise  and  masierlv  inactivity;'' 
whatever  iniL'ht  have  bren  ils  virtue  in  times  piist, 
Ihey  IhiiiK"  the  tune  has  arrived  for  aciion,  pnuiipt 
and  decided;  and  in  this,  sir,  I  concur  \viih  llieni 
most  heartily:  and  with  the  favor  of  the  .Senate,  I 
will  give  some  reasims,  briefly  as  I  may,  for  their 
and  my  opinions. 

I  do  not  intend,  Mr.  President,  to  eiilir  upon  a 
iliscussioii  of  the  relal've  merits  of  the  vari,'iis 
proposiiions  now  on  your  table,  by  which  the 
first  object  is  ;40Uglll  to  be  allallicii.  I  will  lint 
contrast  or  compare  them,  or  atiem|it  to  pnint  nut 
ihe  dillercnce  between  llieoi;  siiflice  il  to  say,  ihiit 
my  pref.rcnce  is  fnr  thai  form  which  shall  in  the 
tuosi  direct  manner  ell'ecl  the  nitjcci  desired.  .\nr 
will  I  discuss  the  imporlanl  junposiiions  cuntaiiird 
III  llie  re.--olulioiis  of  the  S.ii.iinr  of  Indiana,  |Mr. 
1 1  v\sr.i.\N,l  or  ilie  siibstiiuti.  fnr  llicni  prcsiiiied 
by  the  Senator  of  South  C.irolina,  |Mr.  Cm- 
iiiirx,]  believing,  as  I  do.  timt  il  is  unnecessary , 
at  this  lime,  lo  express  an  opinion  upon  llii'iu. 
.\l  prisent,  we  have  only  to  di>  wiili  ihe  naki  il 
ipn-slion  id'lhc  propriety  of  giving  notice  to  Gnat 
liriiain  of  our  desire  to  annul  and  abro'.'aie  a  enii- 
vi'iitinii,  the  bencliis  of  which   are  wholly  upon 


Ihe  side  of  Great   lirila 


anil    wliii'h   stands  in 


Senator  rising  in  the  prtHent  sluge  of  this     the  way  of  the  free  and  untrainmellcii  i,.  lion  of 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


379 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Breese. 


Senate. 


this  Government  upon  nil  integral  part  of  our  na- 
li^MUil  (loninin,  to  whioli  many  tlioiisanils  of  our 
ciiizeis  have  pushed  their  enterprise,  but  who  are 
wiihoul  the  efficient  protection  of  this  Government 
Riui  its  hiws. 

Nor  do  I  intend,  sir,  in  tlic  view  I  shall  take 
of  this  suliject,  to  go  into  ai  extended  and  labor- 
ed discussion  of  the  title  of  the  United  States  to 
the  country  west  of  the  Rocky  mountains,  nor; 
dilate  upon  its  beauties  and  advantages,  though  ' 
I  by  no  means  believe  such  a  discussion  is  inap- 1 
prcpriate;  nor  would  I  desire  to  restrain  Sena- 
tors, on  either  side,  from  a  full  and  free  expres- 
sion of  their  opinions  upon  tiie  question  of  title,  i 
It  is  true,  sir,  the  propriety  of  the  notice  at  this 
time  is  the  only  question  before  the  Senate;  yet  the 
title  is  necessarily  mingled  with  it,  and  forms  an 
important  clement  in  the  debate;  for  if  the  United 
Slates  have  no  valid  title  to  the  country  covered 
by  the  ronventijn,  it  may  well  be  contended,  a  < 
mitice  to  terminate  it  would  be  impolitic  and  un- 
wise. Two  years  ago,  sir,  when  this  subject  was 
before  the  Senate,  the  'itle  was  discussi'd  more  or 
less,  1  think,  by  every  spenki  r;  and  what  is 
worthy  of  note,  not  a  .Senator  was  then  found  ex- 
pressing u  doubt  of  the  validity  of  the  American 
title.  iN'ow,  after  two  years  of  investigation  ajid 
reflection,  I  do  hear,  sir, occasionally,  some  doubts 
expressed  of  its  validity.  I  entertain  none  niy- 
.felf;and  if  I  did,  I  should  solve  them  formy  coun- 
try. Then,  sir,  objections  were  urged  against 
giving  the  notice  at  that  time,  for  the  reason  that 
we  had  invited  a  renewal  of  negotiations,  witli  a 
view  to  a  final  adjustment  of  the  controveray,  and 
that  a  special  Envoy,  at  our  instance,  had  been 
sent  here  by  Great  Britain  to  conduct  them  on 
her  part;  and  that  ii  would  be  discourteous  at  such 
a  moment,  and  under  such  circumstances,  to  give 
the  notice;  ajid  it  was  further  said,  that,  at  that 
tune  and  in  the  then  aspect  of  alVairs,  war  might 
be  the  consequence  of  our  action.  At  the  present 
session,  we  have  heard,  sir,  from  t!ic  only  Senator 
who  has  spoken  to  the  question  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Chamber,  (Mr.  J.  M.  Clayton,]  that  the 
notice  would  not  lead  U)  war;  but,  on  the  contrary, 
that  it  wcadd  be  a  preservative  of  peace;  that  it  is 
a  measure  tending  lo  peace,  and  important  to  be 
given  a.s  a  means  of  preserving  that  relation  be- 
iwi'cn  two  great  and  powerful  actions;  at  the 
same  time  giving  it  as  nis  opinion  that  the  ques- 
lion  of  title  shouhl  be  discus.sed  with  closed  doors — 
thereby  implying,  there  might  be  some  obscurity 
resting  upmi  it,. which  it  would  be  prudent  not  lo 
expose  before  the  world. 

As  I  have  slated,  Mr.  President,  1  do  not  pro- 
pose to  go  al  lensrth  into  the  discussion  of  our 
liilr.  .Afier  the  veiv  able  argumenis  of  the  Sena- 
tors of  New  York  [.Mr.  Dix  and  Mr.  Dukixson] 
upon  this  branch  of  the  subject,  by  which  the  Scn- 
nle  and  the  countrv  were  so  nnich  edified  a  few  days 
s.lncc,  fnr  me  to  ailcnipt  lo  add  lo  ihe'r  force  and 
point  would  be  "wasteful  and  ridiculous  excess." 
1  sIkiII  not  altempl  it.sir;  and  I  throw  myself  upon 
the  iiidiihrencc  of  the  Senate  merely  for  the  pur- 
pose (if  presenting  some  principles  ol'  pulilic  law 
to  whi''h  they  have  not  iuherted,  which  Great  llrit- 
airi  herself  has  cNiablished  (Ui  this  couiim'nl,  hav- 
imr,  as  I  coiu'eive,  a  direct  bearing  upon  her  as- 
sumed claims  to  Hie  country  wrsi  of  the  Rocky 
mountains,  and  decisive,  in  my  judgmeni,  of  the 
i-ase  ai^ainsl  her.  I  wish  lo  slnnv,  sir,  lluu  she  is 
esioppe<l  by  her  own  voluntary  acl,  on  her  own 
[ainciples,  front  selling  up  any  claim  whatever  lo 
any  pari  of  llic  teri'ilory  ot  drei^mi.  Not  an  estop- 
pel in  law,  Sir,  bul  an  estoppel  in  jiiiiy — an  act  done 
liy  her,  wlm  h  deb. us  her.  lor  all  liiiie  Income,  from 
any  lerritori.i  rii^hl  there,  unless  she  can  extort 
one  from  our  (_iovermnent,  by  a  cession  of  some 
[.art  (d"  tl'.e  lerrinu'V  lo  licr,  with  or  williout  an 
ei|uivalenl:  iha'.  wllhout  such  cessiim,  she  can 
hue  no  claim  winiicver. 

I  did  no!  siiy,  sir.  as  I  am  leporled  in  llie  jour- 
nals here  In  iia\e  saul,  in  the  few  hasiy  remarks  I 
Muiile  i  1  llie  Senale  llie  lUlier  day,  thai  I  could  de- 
nionslrale  "ih.al  we  had  a  perfect  lille  lo  llie  whole 
of  Oieixmi."  I  would  by  no  means  make  such  a 
pledge;  for,  however  sirinig  my  own  coiiviciimis 
iiiiiy  he,  I  niiirbt  In'  on.iiile  so  lo  preseni  lliem  a;i  lo 
cciiivniie  olln  rs;  hence,  1  would  nol  iiii'iir  the  ir- 
.•■iionsibilily  which  allaches  lo  such  a  declaralion. 
Whal  I  inleiideil  lo  say,  sir,  was,  thai  I  would  en- 
deavor to  show,  on  the  principles  established  by 


Great  Britain  herself,  that  our  lille  was  clear  as  I; 
against  her,  and  that  she  could  not  di.spule  it —  ; 
principles  which  she  had  put  forth  and  maintained  I 
al  the  cannon's  mouth,  before  the  war  of  indepen- 
dence— principles  which,  if  correct  then ,  are  applica- 
ble now  to  this  territorial  dispute,  which,  witii  such  i 
remarkable  fatuity,  we  have  so  long  entertained,  ! 
but  which,  I  trust,  is  now  soon  lo  be  terminated.    | 
It  is  a  matter  of  well-known  history,  Mr.  Prcs-  | 
idem,  thai  the  King  of  Great  Britiiin  granted  colo- 
nial charters  to  Virginia,  and  lo  other  British-Ameri- 
can colonics,  long  prior  to  the  conquest  of  Canada, 
which  extended  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  :: 
ocean,  and  covered  by  their  broad  and  comprchen-  |i 
sivc  description  the  whole  of  ihe  territory  west  of 
the  Rockv  nmiintains,  from  34°  lo  62"  north  lali-  ' 
lude.    That  to  Virginia,  by  .Tames  the  First,  Ijcars  i 
dale  May  23, 1609;  it  erects  the  colony  into  a  body   i 
corporale  and  politic,  and   the  grant  is  thus  ex-  '■.' 
pressed : 
I      "  We  do  give,  grant  and  confirm,  unto  the  said    ■ 
i  'treasurer  and  company  and  ihcir  successors,  all 
'  '  those  lands;  countries,  and  territories,  situate,  ly-  ; 
'  ing  and  being  in  that  part  of  America  called  Vir- 
'ginin,  from  ihe  point  of  land  called  Cape  or  Point 
I  '  Comfort  all  along  the  sen'  '  ist  to  the  northward 
'  two  hundred  miles,  and  tVom  the  said   p.iint  of 
j  '  Cape  Comfort  all  alonsr  the  seacoasi  lo  the  soulh- 
I  '  ward   two  hundred  miles,  and  all  that  space  and 
I  '  circuit  of  land  lying  from  the  seacoasi  of  ihe  pre- 
'  cinct  aforesaid  up  into  the  land,  Ihroushout  from 
'  sea  to  sea,  treat  and  nnrlhirest,  and  also  all  the 
'  '  islands  lying  within  one  hundred  miles  alone  the 
i  'coast  of  both  seas  of  the  precinct  aforesaid:  lo  ; 
j  '  have  and  to  hold,  pos.sess  and  enjoy,  all  and  sin- 
'  gular  ihe  said   lands,  countries  and  lerrilories, 
'  with  all  and  singular  the  premises  by  these  pres- 
'  ems  ginnledor  menlioned  to  be  irianlcd  to  them, 
'  their  successors  and  assisrns,  forever."  !■ 

1      The  first  charter  of  IfiOG  extended  along  the  sea-  i 
'  coasl  from  the  34th  to  the  41st  degree  of  north  lat- 
itude, but  only  fifty  miles  inland.    The  third,  da- 
ted  in  1612,  annexed  to  Virginia  all  the  islands 
within  three  hundred  leagues  of  the  coast;  and  al- 
though this  charier  of  161(9,  with  the  other  two,  ■ 
were  vacated  by  quo  irnrranio  in  1624,  yel  a  coni- 
i  mission  i-ssued  fiu'  the  Government  of  the  Colony 
I  of  Virginia  under  the  royal  seal,  withoul  making 
any  alleralions  in  the  boundaries  as  established  by 
,  the  charter  of  16US). 

Grants  lo  Lord  IJaltiniore  and  to  William  Penn 
curtailed  this  colony  on  the  north,  but  the  western 
limit  was  nol  reslricied. 

By  nmninir  a  line  from  a  point  "two  hundred 
miles  from  Cape  Coinforl"  on  tlie  Atlantic  coasl, 
in  a  northwest  direciion,  it  will  be  t'oiind  lo  p.'iss  lo  I 
Ihe  easi   of  the  Lake  of  the  Woods,  and  to  strike  t 
i  the  Pacific  coast  near  or  al  llie  fi2d  ileirrf  e  of  north 
laliliide,  and  ihiil  this  i.orliiwcsl  line  sinnild  run 
from   thai   point,  and  not  from   the   point  on  the 
'  coasl  two  hundred  miles  south  of  I'ape  Conifiirt; 
but  lluu  the  west  line  should  start  from  this  south-  : 
ern  |ioiiit,  is  of  manifest  propriety,  for  in  no  other 
way  cmild  the  limits  of  the  ■■oloiiy  extend  "  from 
sea  to  sf.i,"  Olid  by  so  markiuLT  it,  no  violence  is 
done  lo  tin  laiiiriuige  used,  miil    i|i|.  object  of  the 
L'rant  rnrried  out,  and  llie  cardinal  rule  observed, 
"solo  consiriieinslruinents,  if  possible,  that  every  ■ 
part  may  stand." 

This  uiaiil  was  made,  sir,  by  the  Brilish  Kinir 
as  an  ai'I  of  so\erei;:iity  ami  in  virtue  alone  of  the 
discovery,  inuler  his  niispices,  iif  ilie  .American 
.\llaiitic  coast  one  hundred  and  fourtreii  years  be- 
fore. This  charier  is  emlciici',  sir,  lliul  he  claim- 
ed not  luily  the  riulit  of  preeinptioii  of  the  native 
occupants  of  llie  soil,  Inn  absolute  jurisdiction  and 
soverei^"nly  overall  ihc  territory  covered  bv  il  from 
si'a  lo  sea,  liy  an  aiiti<|uated  diseoverv  made  by  his 
subjccls.  not  followed  up  for  more  iIkim  ji  cenliirv 
by  luiyefliirt  at  sellleinenl  whatever,  and  by  coiiti- 
nuily  of  tiTrilory,  there  being  nolliiiig  to  break  lluit 
chain. 

History  informs  us,  sir,  that  Pope  .Alexander 
VI.  \\i\i\,  the  year  after  the  diseoverv  cf  .Ann  rica, 
!:raiit(  il  the  same  cnuntry  lo  I'enliimiid  and  Isa- 
bella by  his  memorable  bull  issued  iVoin  St.  Pi'ters, 
at  itoiiie,  in  1493,  as  God's  vice^crciil  mi  eaitli, 
lo  wlioiii  all  kiiiL's  were  siiliject,  rather,  ]>erliaps, 
as  \t  iiliin  the  boiimliuics  prescribed  liy  him  lie- 
Iwcen  Spain  and  Portiu.'al  llian  ns  a  '.;raiit.  The 
riu'hl  of  these  two  poietitates  lo  make  llie  grnnis, 
sir,  will  not  be  inquired  inlo,  as  it  is  unnccssary  lo  ■ 


a  true  understanding  of  the  point  I  wish  to  make. 
The  fact  of  making  the  grant  is  alone  imporlani  in 
this  discussion.  If  Great  Britain  did  make  them, 
I  maintain  she  parted  with  all  right  to  every  part 
of  the  domain  included  within  the  charter,  and  the 
act  is  an  estoppel  m  paia,  as  to  any  right  on  her  pari 
to  any  portion  of  this  continent  between  the  hnea 
of  her  grants. 

Great  Britain,  then,  assumed  lo  own,  by  virtue 
of  her  pri.)r  discovery,  not  only  the  British  settle-  ■ 
ments  Oii  the  coast  and  rivers,  and  the  land  imnia" 
diately  contiguous,  or  drained  by  Ihe  waters  of  the 
rivers  which  flowed  through  her  inhabited  places, 
but  she  insisted,  sir,  upon  excluding  France  and 
all  other  nations  from  colonizing  any  part  of  the 
country  west  of  the  Alleglniiiy  range  lo  the  Pa- 
cific, on  the  ground  alone  that  prior  discovery  ami 
settlement,  after  the  lapse  of  more  than  a  century, 
of  a  small  part  of  the  Atlantic  coast,  gave  lo  Great 
BriUiin  a  rishtof  sovereignty  and  soil,  by  continu- 
ity and  conliguily,  from  ocean  lo  ocean. 

France,  wc  know,  sir,  miule  an  unsuccessful 
effort  to  resist,  by  war,  this  British  principle  of 
international  law.  The  parent  country  called  upon 
her  American  colonies,  now  the  United  Stales  of 
America,  to  join  the  British  forcesand  sustain  this 
ereal  principle  of  her  national  policy;  and  after  a 
long  and  desolating  war,  iii  which  Po'itish  and 
American  blood  and  treasure  were  freely  expend- 
ed, victory  crowned  the  arms  of  the  confederates. 
The  treaty  of  peace  of  the  10th  of  February, 
1763,  made  belweiMr  Great  Britain,  S|iain,  and 
France,  ratified  this  British  principle  of  interna- 
tional law,  by  implication  at  least.  By  the  4tli 
article  of  that  In  aty,  sir,  the  King  of  France,  as 
the  aggressor,  and  as  unfortunate  in  the  field,  "  le- 
'  nounces  all  prefemions  which  he  has  herctnforc  forni- 
'  t(/,  or  mii^ht  fnnii ,  toShvu  Sri'liaorttcailia,  in  all  its 
'parts,  and  guaraniies  the  whole  of  ii,  and  with  its 
'  dependencies,  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain:  more- 
'  over,  his  most  Christian  Majesly  cedes  and  giinr- 
'  unties  lo  his  said  Britannic  .\tnjesty,  inj'ull  right, 
'  Canada,  with  all  its  dependencies,  as  well  as  the 
'  Island  of  Cape  Breton,  and  all  the  other  islanils 
'  and  coasts  in  Ihe  gulf  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence, 
'  and  in  Ecneralevervlhingthal  depends  on  the  said 
'  countries,  lands,  islands,  and  consis,  with  the  sov- 
*  crcign/i/,  property,  possession,  and  all  rights  ac- 
'  quired  by  treaty  orothcrwi.se." 

France,  it  is  well  known,  sir,  ha:l  commenced  set- 
tlements at  Aeadia,  and  in  a  dependency  of  Canada 
northwest  of  the  Ohio,  being  now  the  Stale  from 
which  I  come,  and  mi  the  Ohio  river;  and  being 
beaten  in  the  field,  renounced  her  right  and  yield- 
ed all  her  pretensions  lo  them.  .She  was  forced, 
sir,  to  acknowledge  this  British  doctrine  for  the 
American  continent,  that  prior  remole  discovery 
and  subsequent  partial  setlleuieni  on  the  Allanlic 
and  a  few  of  its  rivers,  afl'uded  a  just  and  siilii- 
cient  ground  for  exleiision  by  contiguity  and  con- 
tinuity from  that  coast  to  ihe  Pacific. 

The  same  rule  of  public  law  she  had  applied, 
sir.  Ions  previously,  lo  the  Dutch  ill  their  colony  of 
New  Nelherlands,'  afterwards  colony,  now  .Slate 
of  New  A'ork.  Gre:it  Britain  claimed  to  have  first 
discovered  the  Iliidsoii  river  in  1608  by  a  Uiilch 
naviiralor  in  their  service,  who  sold  it  to  ihe  Oulcli; 
and  althonih  lliey  first  settled  at  its  miuiili  prior 
lo  the  setllemenl  ofihe  Pil;;riins  at  Plymouth,  and 
occupied  il  for  half  a  ceiiiiiry.  liny  fi'll  under  the 
operation  of  ibis  Britisli  .Ann  licaii  principle  of  iii- 
lernatioiial  law,  and  conquest,  justified  by  Britain 
on  prior  discovery  and  coiilinuily,  as  inter\etiirig 
her  colonies  both  iiorlliward  ami  southward,  liiialh' 
ad  'ed  New  York  lo  the  British  colonies  in  -North 
.Aioericii,  exieiiiliiig  from  the  sea  to  the  great 
lakes. 

(ireai  Briiaiii,  sir,  uitiimained  this  doctrine,  of 
riirht  to  lerriiiu'y  beiiiu^  conl'erred  by  discovery,  by 
her  sword,  and  coiiipelled  al!  oilier  Powers  feebler 
than  hersell',  lo  sutimil  to  its  application.  Cer- 
tainly, then,  sir,  we  had  a  clear  risht,  when  con- 
tending'with  her  about  title,  resting  upon  similar 
yel  sliiiii;;er  ^'rounds,  lo  apply  to  her,  her  own 
principlis,  which  «e,  as  colonies,  aided  her  in  es- 
lablishinu:.  And  it  neither  comports  with  justice 
nor  projiriely,  that  she  should  be  |ieniiitted  to 
chaine  her  Lrrmmd  the  moment  those  priin'ipli  s 
become  inconvenienl  lo  herself,  and  obstruct  her 
path  lo  territorial  a;rgraiidizeme:it.  She  must  now 
Kt;uid  up  lo  the  principle — "  ihe  chalice  must  bo 
■  returned  to  her  own  bos." 


I  r 

J't  I 


a 


I 

m 


1 

iit'i 


ii 


360 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[March  2, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question— Mr.  Brcese. 


Senate. 


She  applied  this  same  principle,  sir,  to  the  Falk- 
land Ishnils,  on  the  Atlantic  coast  of  South  Amer- 
ica, which  were  first  see<i  in  1592  by  one  of  her 
navisators;  and  afterwards,  in  1764  possession 
w«i  laken  of  all  of  them  in  the  name  of  George 
the  Third,  then  King,  by  landing  on  one  of  lliem, 
though  no  settlement  whatever  was  made  or  at- 
tempted. Spain,  two  years  after,  sent  troops  from 
her  province  of  Buenos  Ayres  to  one  of  tliese 
iiilands,  took  possession  uf  it,  settled  it,  and  gave 
it  a  name.  In  1769,  a  dispute  arose  between  these 
two  crowns  as  to  the  sovereignty  of  these  islands, 
when  this  British  principle  of  public  law  was 
again  invoked,  and  Spain,  weak  and  timid  Spain, 
Imd  t»  submit. 

Indeed,  sir,  her  whole  history  shows  that  prior 
discovery,  even  unacconipanie4  by  settlement, 
was,  for  her,  a  sufficient  ground  of  title. 

It  may  be  suid,  sir,  that  a  true  exposition  of  the 
law  of  nations  does  not  sanction  this  principle. 
Dut  Great  Britain  has  established  it,  and  the  con- 
troversy is  with  lier,  and  lo  her  it  can  be  applied 
with  peculiar  and  powerful  force.  She  was  en- 
abled (o  write  this  law  with  the  point  of  her  swonl, 
and  to  interpolate  the  code  jf  public  law  in  a 
niainur  to  suit  herself.  In  this  matter  of  interna- 
tionaLlaw,  sir,  the  great  moral  law  which  should 
govern  nations  nti  well  as  individual  man,  is  not 
iinfrei|uently  disregarded.  With  nations,  might 
is  loo  commonly  regaitled  as  right,  and  power  com- 
pelj  obedience  to  the  most  odious  principles,  which, 
from  the  forced  acquiescence  of  the  weak,  become 
in  lime  to  be  regarded  as  fundamental  principles 
of*  international  law.  No  nation,  sir,  has  been 
more  uniformly  successful  than  Great  Britain  in 
esuiblishing  those  principles  of  international  law 
which  best  comported  with  her  own  views  of  poli- 
cy; and  she  has  defied  all  nations,  not  excepting 
our  own,  sir,  in  their  assertion  and  prosecution. 

Apply,  Mr.  President,  this  conjoint  British  and  ' 
American  exposition  of  public  law,  which  I  have 
slated,  to  the  Sjianish  discovery,  in  r.  national  ship, 
tilted  out  for  the  purpose,  l)y  I'erc-^  in  1774,  of  the 
Pacific  coast  of  Oregon  nsfaruoith  as  the  north- 
west point  of  Washington  Island,  as  claimed  by 
the  United  Slates,  including  also  Nootka  and  Van- 
couver's Island;  of  Hecela  and  (Quadra  in  177.i, 
of  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  river,  and  of  various 
other  pans  of  the  coast,  as  related  by  Il^mboldl 
in  his  "  New  Spain,"  (vol.  -i,  pp.  252,  253;)  to  the 
fact  uf  an  actual  Spanish  occupation  of  Nootka 
from  1789  to  1795,  when  the  Spaniards  voluntarily 
aliandoiied  it;  and  that  no  British  settlement  has 
iliice  been  made  there.  Apply  it  to  the  American 
discovery  of  and  sailing  up  the  prii)ci|)al  river  by 
Captain  (iray  in  hijgoou  ahijithe  Cohinibiu,  whose 
name  the  river  bears.  Apply  it  lo  the  prior  set- 
tlement by  Spain  of  California  and  other  points  of 
the  coast  of  the  Pacific,  under  the  orders  of  ihe 
Vueioys  of  >ie«'  Spain,  with  a  steady  and  un- 
yiel'liiij  claim  of  title  from  1774,  to  the  whole  coast 
froi.i  (Jalifoniia  to  a  latitude  north  of  54"^  4U'.  Ap- 
ply it  to  the  explorations  of  Oregon  by  Lewi.t  and 
Clarke  from  the  heail  walcrs  of  lite  (!o'hnnl)ia  toils 
mouih  on  the  line  uf  continniiy,  and  lo  the  Ameri- 
can seltlomenia  made  in  1809  and  lell — the  latter 
being  Astoria,  at  its  inouih — and  the  post  on  the 
Okaiiagan,  six  hundred  niihs  up  the  rivtr,  and 
one  on  the  Spokan,  slill  fiirllier  advanced,  and  on 
the  Kooskooskce  and   the  Willamelle  rivers,  and 

10  the  Hiirrendcr  of  Astoria  lo  the  liniled  Slates  by 
Great  Britain  in  vinue  of  the  first  article  of  the 
treaiy  of  Ghent,  and  without  any  i|ualificaiion  or 
reservation  whatever;  and  consider  ihat  all  ilieac 
arls  and  fouiidalions  of  title,  Spanish  and  ,\nieri- 
caii,  belong  to  the  United  Stales, — ajid  we  find  our 
title  perferi  to  the  whole  of  On'iron  upon  those 
prniiMples  uf  pul)lio  law  established  by  Great  Bril- 
ani  hci.self  on  tin;  American  (•oiitinenl  prior  to  our 
llcvoluiKwi  in  I77IJ,  and  which  she  has  always 
ur:red  in  her  own  belialf. 

t)n  1-jiglaiid's  r.wii  doctrine,  sir,  have  we  not 
a  pi'rfi  It  liile  to  the  whole  of  Ore:;on  r  Have 
we  not  a  perfec:t  ri,,'ht,   sir,  lo  U|iply  to  her  iire- 

11  tisions  then-,  the  t»-.st  tt(  her  own  principles.' 
If  litr  discovery  of  llie  Atlantic  I'oiist,  and  her 
|)arlial  seltlenienta  at  Jamestown  and  I'lyniouth, 
entiiled  her  to  claim  the  whole  roast  anil  country, 
and  to  turn  the  French  and  the  Dutch  out  of  it — do 
nut  onr  discoveries,  unil  those  of  Spain,  wlmh  now 
bc'..iiiir  loiiM,(Mi  the  Northwest  coasi,  ami  her  and 
our  eslablishmenui  and  posscasiuu  there;   (Spain 


j  being  undeniably  the  first  discoverer,  and  that  I 
not  remotely;)  give  us  a  title  equally  valid  to  the  i 
I  const  of  the  Pacific  ?  If  the  British  principle  was  i 
'  sound  in  the  one  ease,  why  was  it  not  in  the  other.' 
^  Cim  this  be  answered .'  Or  shall  it  be  permitted  her,  j 
I  at  her  own  caprice,  to  change  principles  she  has  , 
;  established,  without  resistance,  from  a  Govern-  j 
I  ment  and  Power  equal,  if  not  superior,  to  her  j 
] own?  I 

i  The  views  here  presented,  sir,  justify  me,  I  I 
{  think,  in  the  assertion,  that  from  the  public  law  | 
j  in  reu^ard  to  title  arising  upon  discovery,  as  as-  | 
I  serted  by  England,  she  is  estopped  by  her  own 
'  act  from  claiming  any  part  of  the  >"orthwcst  coast  i 
I  between  34°  and  62°  north  latitude.  It  will  not 
do  to  say,  sir,  in  opposition  to  this  conclusion, 
that  the  limits  of  the  British  possessions  on  this 
I  continent  were  confined  by  the  treaty  of  1763  to 
I  the  couniry  east  of  the  Mississippi;  nor  that  the 
treaty  of  peace  of  1783,  acknowledging  the  inde- 
;  pendence  of  the  American  colonics,  confined  them 
to  that  river  as  their  western  limit.  This  is  no 
1  answer  to  the  argument,  based  us  it  is  upon  the 
!  previous  act  of  Great  Britain  herself,  and  she  now 
]  the  opposing  claimant;  for  by  the  terms  of  that  ac- 
knowledgment, his  BritanicAlajesty  acknowledges 
I  "  the  United  States  to  be, free,  sovereign,  and  inde- 
I  '  pendent  Stales;  that  he  treats  with  them  as  such; 
I  '  and  for  himselt*  his  heirs,  and  siucessora,  relin- 
I  '  quishes  all  claims  to  the  government,  property, 
'  '  and  kirilorial  rights  of  the  same  and  every  purl 
j  '  thereof."  Although  boundaries  were  established 
;  by  this  treaty  for  the  Slates,  yet  there  w;is  no  as- 
i  sumed  resumption  of  territory  theretofore  granted  '. 
i  by  Great  Britain  to  any  of  the  colonies;  but  all 
j  their  "  territorial  ri";ht3  '  are  preserved  to  them  as 
I  staled.     By  the  colony  charter  of  l(iU9,  Virginia  ! 

had  "  territorial  rights,"  as  against  Great  Britain, 
•.  on  the  Pacific  coast,  comprehending  tweiity-ciglit  ' 
degrees  of  latitude;  and  though  she  did  not  claim, 
as  against  France  and  Spain,  any  farther  west  than  1 
the  Mississippi,  she  could  claim  as  iigainst  Great  j 
Britain — no  treaty  or  act  of  hers  having  restricted  ! 
,  her  western  liinitd  in  favor  of  Great  Britain.  Apart,  ; 
.  then,  sir,  from  the  claims  of  France  and  Spain,  , 
Virginia  clahned  rightfully  from  sea  to  sea;  and 
this  title,  thus  emanating  from  Great  Britain  herself, 
she  grunted  to  the  United  Slates  by  her  deed  of 
cession  of  the  1st  of  March,  1784.  [ 

Another  view  of  the  question,  sir,  and  aux-  ' 
i  iliary  to  this  already  presented,  makes  the  case 
more  conclusive ;  and  it  is  this :  Great  Britain,  i 
by  virtue  of  prior  discovery,  and  of  small  and  de- 
tached settlements  made  al'lcr  the  lapse  of  more 
than  a  century,  claimed  a  perfect  title  to,  and  juris- 
,  diction  over,  the  vast  region  stretching  from  the 
Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  including  Oregon,  and  cov- 
ered it  Willi  her  colonial  charters,  as  we  have 
seen.  ^ 

By  the  treaty  of  Paris  of  17C3,  before  advened 
ti>,  sir,  and  by  the  treaty  of  peace  of  1783,  Great 
Britain  abandmied  her  right  to  all  ihe  land  covered 
by  these  charters  west  of  the  Mississippi  ri\i  r, 
(which  of  necessity  accrued  to  Spain  as  the  owner 
of  Louisiana  by  the  secret  treaty  of  17l)2,)  and  uf 
all  the  couniry  west  to  the  Pacific,  including  the 
whole  of  Oregon;  because  there  was  no  ulher 
Power  then  in  existence  nsserling  a  claim  to,  m- 
which  had  made  a  selllcmcnt  at  that  time  on,  that 
coasi;  and  the  claim  by  continuity,  extcndins:  east- 
ward from  the  Pacific,  and  westward  from  the  Mis- 
sissippi, would  lattfully  cover  the  whole  space. 

This  treaty  of  I7H3  was  to  close  a  war  waged 
for  terriiurial  rights,  and  it  was  intended  "  to  re- 
'  iiiove,/i'rerfr  all  sulijecls  of  dispiile  with  regard  lo 
'  the  limits  uf  the  iSritixh  and  French  lerriluries 
'  oil  thf  contiiuiU  of  ,ltiifncu;'^  tlie  secret  treaty  nf 
17()'inol  being  then  known,  by  which  Spain  had 
.iiiccceded  lo  tlie  ri^'hts  of  France.  It  was  agreed 
by  it  "  that,  fur  llirfuliire,  Ihi  roii/incs  hclKcen  Ihe 
*  (/oftiinioii.v  uf  his  nritainiic  Majesty  and  llioKC  of 
'  Ins  most  Clirislian  Majesty  in  tliat  pan  uf  the 
'  world,  shall  be  fixed  iiretocnlilij  by  a  line  drawn 
'  aluiii^  the  middle  uf  the  river  Mississipjii,  from 
'  its  source  tu  the  river  Iberville,  and  from  ilience, 
'  by  a  line  drawn  alcnig  the  middle  of  this  rivor 
'  and  the  lakes  Maurepas  and  Puntclinrtrain,  to  the 
'  sea." 

Spain,  at  llie  same  time,  sir,  ceiled  to  Great 
Britain  Fhirnla  and  all  .S|uiiiish  piissi  ssions  east 
of  the  Mississippi;  and  these  parlies,  by  their  re- 
spective ixHsiuns,  left  the  inference,  ultliuugh  nut 


expressed  in  the  treaty,  that  the  territory  ir«l  of 
that  river  remained  in  the  possession  of  either  or 
both.  Prance  and  Spain.  The  sub.sequent  cession 
of  Louisiana  by  Spain  :o  France  in  18110  enabled 
her  to  cede  the  same  ti  the  United  States  by  the 
treaty  of  1803.  If  not  conveyed  by  that  treaty, 
sir,  as  not  within  the  limits  of  Louisiana,  it  was 
within  the  dominions  of  Spain;  and  that  Power, 
by  the  Florida  treaty  of  18)9  ceded  to  us  all  her 
"rights,  claims,  and  pretensions"  to  the  territories 
on  the  Pacific  north  of  the  forty-second  degree  of 
north  latitude. 

Mr.  President,  to  say  the  least  of  this  exhibition 
of  title  on  our  part,  a  strong  prima  facii  case  is 
made  out,  sutficient,  in  a  court  of  justice,  to  put  the 
opposing  party  on  his  defence;  and  if  he  shows  no 
title  on  his  pari,  a  recovery  must  be  had  for  the 
premises  in  question.  It  is  a  good  title,  and  must 
prevail  over  a  party  showing  and  claiming  none, 
although  in  the  actual  possession;  such  po.ssession 
being  by  the  consent  of  the  party  holding  the 
title,  and  which  the  tenant  is  not  at  liberty  to  dis- 
pute. It  is  now  for  Great  Britain  to  show  her 
title.  We  have  made  out  a  primn  facie  case  aa 
again!  her,  and  can  recover  on  its  strength,  un- 
less some  act  has  been  done  by  us,  or  by  one  or 
all  of  the  parlies  through  wlnmi  we  claim,  to  defeat 
a  recovery.  Since  this  charter  of  1609,  and  the 
treaty  of  1763,  Great  Britain  could  put  forth  no 
valid  pretension,  sir,  to  any  part  of  this  continent 
west  uf  the  Mississippi,  unless  she  can  found  it  on 
some  transaction  or  treaty  subseciucnt  lo  ihoao 
dates.  The  conclusion  is  irresistililc — there  is  no 
esuipe  from  it:  she  has  given  un  nil  the  continent 
west  of  that  river,  and  can  claim  nothing  there, 
unless  on  the  ground  of  smne  subsequent  arrange- 
ment, by  wliicli  a  valid  claim  has  been  acquired. 
And  this,  sir,  it  is  pretended,  she  has  acquired 
by  the  convention  between  Spain  and  Great  Brit- 
am,  signed  at  the  Escurial  on  the  28ih  of  October, 
1790,  called  the  "  Noolka  Convention."  This  con- 
vention, allowing  British  subjects  to  make  settle- 
ments for  trade  with  the  Indians,  without  any  grant 
of  soil  or  sovereignty,  it  is  allef,ed,  changes  the 
position  of  the  parties,  and  defeats  our  claim  to  a 
recovery.  It  remains  to  be  seen,  Mr.  Preiident, 
if  this  IS  so — if  the  convention  docs  secure  to  or 
recognize  in  Great  Britain  such  a  territorial  claim 
a.'  will  defeat  our  title. 

The  languaui'  of  the  convention,  sir,  speaks  for 
itself.  There  is  not  a  syllable  in  it,  nor  a  sentence, 
which  can  be  tortured  to  convey  the  idea  of  a  ces- 
sion of  soil  and  .sovereignty,  orof.a  recognition 
of  territorial  or  national  rights,  as  pre-exisiing  in 
Great  Britiiin.  It  secured  simply,  sir,  to  the  sub- 
Jecte  of  both  Great  Britain  and  .Spain  certain  priv- 
ili-ges  on  that  coast.  Look,  sir,  at  the  fourth  ar- 
ticle of  the  treaty  of  1763  fur  the  terms  nations 
use  in  ceding  soil  and  sovereignly.  They  are  far 
dilVerent  from  those  used  in  the  Noolka  conven- 
tion.    There  are  words  importing  grants. 

.No  terms  of  grant  or  cession  of  any  sort  being 
found  ill  the  Noolka  convention,  it  must  be  deem- 
ed, like  the  convention  we  are  seeking  to  annul 
and  abrot.'aie,a  mere  internalional  arrangemeni  tor 
the  purposes  of  trade,  which  can  have  no  inlliieiico 
on  the  question  of  sovereisnly  and  title.  Great 
Uritain  was  seeking  no  national  sovereii;nty  or 
jiirisdictlon  on  that  coast,  but  to  protect  ihe  indi- 
vidual property  of  her  subjects  there,  and  trading 
privileges,  "  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  their 
rominercc  with  the  natives  of  the  coinitry,  or  of 
making  selllemcnts  there;"  and  these  subject  to 
many  restrictions  which  Spain, as  the  lightlul  sov- 
ereiirn,  could  alone  impose. 

It  is  diriiciilt,  sir,  to  misunderstand  the  relative 
position  uf  the  two  parlies  to  ihe  convi^niion — Spain 
eiaimin;  lo  be  the  sovereiirn  of  the  couiilry,  and 
Great  Ihiiain  simply  stimilating  for  the  protection 
of  the  private  rights  of  lier  subjects  within  it,  for 
the  sole  purposeof  tradiiu;  with  the  Indians  on  the 
Spanish  coast;  stipiilaliuiis  which  would  lie  inno- 
cent and  admissililc  if  applied  this  very  day  in 
favur  uf  a  foreign  Power  to  the  Atlantic  coast  of 
the  United  Slates.  Such  a  u'raiit  would  be  perfect- 
ly harmless,  and  would  convey  to  such  Power  no 
more,  and  as  niucli,  sovereignly  as  was  conveyed 
by  the  iNoolka  convention. 

Indeed,  sir,<jreat  Britain,  so  late  as  the  I6lli  I'e- 
ceinber,  1H'.'6,  declared  lo  our  Minister  that  she 
**  claims  no  exi'hisive  soverciiiiiiy  over  any  portion 
'  uf  that  territory  :  lier  present  claim,  nut  in  lespeck 


'W  % 


184G.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


881 


29th  Cong 1st  Sebs. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.Brecse, 


Senate. 


conveyed 


'  to  any  part,  but  tlie  whole,  is  limited  to  a  right  of  ! 
'joint  occupancy  in  common  with  other  States,  |^ 
'  lenvins  the  right  of  exclusive  dominion  in  obey-  | 
'  ancp."    This,  it  must  be  admitted,  sir,  is  a  very  ' 
vngue  and  undefnied  claim;  the  convention  recog-  r 
nising  only  the  right  of  British  subjects  to  trade  | 
with  the  natives  only,  and  even  that  subject  to  re-  h 
Btriclions.   Yet  Great  Britain  admits,  th, I  whatever  j 
the  title  may  have  been,  "either  on  the  part  of  Great  i 
'  Britain,  or  on  the  part  of  Spain,  prior  to  the  con-  ■ 
'  vention  of  1790,  it  was  from  tiienceforward  no  j; 
'longer  to  be  tnued  in  vogue  narratives  of  die-  l! 
'coverics,  several  of  them  admitted  to  be  apocry-  \\ 
'  phal,  but  in  the  text  and  stipuliuions  of  that  con-  I' 
'vention  itself."     Why,  it  may  be  asked,  make  ]; 
such  a  convention  with  Spain,  if  she  had  no  right  .; 
of  soil  or  sovereignty  there;  if  she  was  not  enli-  ! 
tied,  on  British  principles  of  public  law,  to  the  full  '' 
bcnefitof  all  her  discoveries  and  settlements  on  that  1] 
coast,  which  she  was  at  so  much  pains  and  expense  ' 
to  make,  through  an  organized  department  of  her  H 
Government  established  for  that  express  purpose?  |i 
Great  Britain,  up  to  that  time,  sir,  had  never  sent  \\ 
out  a  single  ship  for  any  suih  puipose.     Drake  'i 
was  a  pirate,  and  navigated  the  seas  for  plunder,' 
and,  instead  of  a  halter,  received  from  his  sovereign  \\ 
knighthood.     Cork  was  sent  In  discover  the  much  :! 
wisTied-for  western  passage  to  China,  and  had  strict  ij 
orders  not  to  take  po.ssession  of  any  part  of  the  !l 
coast  already  discovered  or  visited  by  any  Euro-  ' 
pean  Power.     In  mtiii/inii/erf  countries  he  was  to 
erect  the  proper  symbols  of  possession.    He  made  ' 
no  discoveries,  sir,  which  had  not  been  made  years  !| 
before   by  Spanish  navigators,  except,  perhaps, 
the  Icy  Cape.     Perez  was  in  Noolka  Sound  in  ;l 
1774,  and  Bodega  y  duadra  in  1775  had  named 
B  mountain  under  tlie  parallel  of  57°  Mount  Son  ,, 
Jaciiifo,  which  Cook  saw  in  1778,  and  culled  Mount  ji 
Edgccomb.  And  it  may  be  asked,  sir,  whose  right   i 
of  "exclusive  dominion"  over  this  country  was  ' 
thus  "to  remain  in  abeyance?"    Did  Spam,  by  , 
ihot  convention,  agree  to  anything  more  than  this,  ; 
tliat  whilst  the  convention  existed,  her  exclusive 
sovereignty  and  jurisdiction  over  the  cotmtry,  up 
to  the  61st  degree  of  north  latitude,  which  she  had  : 
repeatedly  asserted    and    insisted   on   before  the   i 
Powers  of  Europe,  and  not  questioned  by  them, 
should  not  be  exercised  as  to  the  subjects  of  Great  'j 
Britain.'  h 

This,  Mr.  President,  appears  to  me  to  be  the  :1 
true  meaning  and  spirit  of  the  convention  of  Noot-  '! 
ka.     Great  Britain  did  not  claim  the  sovereignty;  : 
the  treaty  was  not  made  to  convey  the  sovereign- 
ty;  it  was  to  re-establish  British  subjects  in  the 
possession  of  such  "lands,  buildings,  ves.sels,  and  ^ 
merchandise,  and  other  properly,"  of  which,  it  ; 
was  alleged,  they  had  been  forcibly  dispossessed;  \ 
"or,"  in  default  thereof,  "n  just  compen^tion" 
to  be  made  to  them  "  for  the  losses  whirh  thev  had  , 
■ustained."    iVeither  the  Message  uf  the  king, 
air,  nor  the  discussions  in  Parliament,  nor  the  Ian-  \ 
guagc  of  the  diplomatic  correspondence,  nor  the 
words  of  the  treaty  itself,  make  the  least  allusion  i 
to  a  claint  of  sovereignty  by  Great  Britain,  nor 
to  a  direct  denial  of  such  sovereignty  as  existing  ' 
inSnuin.  The  debates  in  Parliament,  sir,  which  en-  ; 
sueu  this  convention,  will  be  in  vain  appealed  to,  as 
furni.shing  any  evidence  that  it  was  ilie  understand- 
ing of  any  British  statesman  of  that  day,  who  took  ' 
pari  in  the  discussion,  that  any  territorial  rights, 
jurisdiction,  or  sovereignly,  were  acquired  by  il.  : 
Besides,  sir,  whatever  it  iimy  be,  it  was  extorted 
from  Spain  whilst  under  a  moral  iliiress.     She  was 
not  in  a  condiiion  to  re.''isl  any  demand  Great  Brit- 
ain, in  her  arrogant  spirit,  iniL'ht  ciioose  to  make.  ' 
It  was  an  extortion  which  shocked  the  moral  sense 
of  naiions.     One  of  the  most  distinguished  British  ; 
hislorians,  in  commrnling  upon  this  Iransaction, 
■o  derogatory  to  the  fame  of  a  great  and  proud  na- 
tion, says: 

"  By  the  treaty  of  17(i3,  the  river  Missis,=iippi, 
'  (lowing  from  north  to  soulh,  in  a  direi't  course  of 
'  filVen  hundred  miles,  was  made  the  perpetual 
'  boundary  of  the  two  empires;  'ihcl  the  whole 
'  country  to  Ihe  west  of  thai  vast  river  brlonired  to 
'his  t'alholic  Majesty,  liiijiisl  as  rnliil  n  Iniurr  as 
'  llir  citunlrtj  eiiMinint  of  the  rivf}'  to  Ih'  Kiitfr  of  Eiiir- 
'  land.  Exclusive  of  the  rercnt  and  decisive  line 
'  of  demarcaliun,  by  wliii'h  the  relative  and  poliii- 
•  eal  rights  of  both  naiions  were  clearly  aseer- 
'  taincd,  the  Spanish  Court  referred  to  ancienl  trea- 
'  lies,  by  which  the  rights  of  the  Crown  of  Spain 


'  were  acknowledged  in  their  fiitl  extent  by  Great  I 
•Britain."  | 

After  coinmenting  on  the  offer  of  Spain  to  .jfer  } 
the  matter  to  nnv  crowned  head  in  Europe,  which 
Great  Britain  rcftised,  and  the  proceedings  of  the  j 
King  and  Parliament,  he  says:  i 

"No  assistance  being  had  from  France,  Spain,  ' 
'  yielding  to  necessity,  complied  with  the  Imrak  de-  I 
■  mands  for  restitution  and  indemnification;  and 
'  at  length,  on  the  a8th  of  October,  1790,  a  con-  i 
'  vention  was  signed  at  the  Escurial,  by  which  | 
'  every  point  in  dispute  was  conceded  by  Spain,  i 
'  The  setUement  of  JVootka  was  restored,  free  imv- 
'  igation  and  right  of  fishing  in  the  southern  Pa- 
'  cific  were  confirmed  to  Britain;  a  full  liberty  of 
'  trade,  and  even  of  settlement,  was  granted  to  all 
'  the  northwest  coasts  of  America  beyond  the  most  i 
'  northerly  of  the  Spanish  settlements,  unoceoiiipa-  i 
'  nieii,  however,  by  any  formal  remmoiafioii  of  their  ^ 
'  rishts  of  sovereignty."  i 

This,  Mr.  President,  is  the  language  of  the  im-  | 
partial   British   historian,    Belsham,   (vol.  8,  pp.  : 
336-'7,)  and  clearly  shows   that  no  sovereignty 
was  acquired  by  Great  Britain  over  any  part  of  the  | 
no.thwest  coast;  and  such  privileges  as  were  actu- 
ally  granted,  if  not  exercised  by  the  grantee  du-  ' 
ring  the  continuance  of  ownership  by  Spain,  (and  ; 
they  were  not,)  would  not  attach  to  the  territory  '■ 
when  out  of  the  po.ssession  of  Spain.     The  con- 
vention would  not  bind  the  nation  to  whom  Spain  , 
ceded.     It  is  not  a  covenant  running  with   the 
land,  and  to  adhere  to  it  through  all  the  mutations 
of  ownership.     lf"that  country,  sir,  had   become  , 
settled  after  this  convention  by  our  own  citizens, 
or  subjects  of  a  foreign  Power,  and   they  had 
established   their    hidependencc,    the    convention  I 
would  have  been  ipso  Judo  abrogated,  and  ctiually  i 
so  by  a  cession  to  another  Power.     Take  the  case  ! 
of  Texas,  sir,  for  an  example.     Whilst  an  inde- 
pendent nation,  she  made  treaties  with  several  of  1 
the  European  Powers.     She  is  now  no  longer  such 
a  natioti — she  is   incorporated    into   our   Union. 
What  becomes  of  these  treaties?    Arc  they  bind- 
ing upon  u'l?    Can  those  foreign  Powers  ilemand 
of  us  the  fulfilment  of  the  engagements  of  Texas? 
I  do  not  so  understand  it,  sir.     No  more  can  Great 
Britain  claim,  that  the  country  upon  the  northwest 
coast  ceded  to  us  by  Spain,  is  encumbered  in  our 
hands  by  stipulations  which  Spain  entered  into 
whilst  she  possessed  it. 

But  look,  sir,  to  a  part  of  the  letter  of  Alleyne 
Fitzherbert,  the  British  Minister  at  Madrid,  to 
the  Count  Florida  Blanca,  the  Spanish  Minister, 
for  the  true  understanding  and  real  view  which 
Great  Britain  then  cnterlaiiied  of  this  question,  lie 
says,  in  his  reply  to  the  count's  memorial,  after 
jpcaking  of  the  reparation  to  which  England  was 
entitled  for  the  violence  at  Nootka: 

"Finally,  as  to  the  nature  of  the  satisfaction 
'  which  the  Court  of  London  exacts  on  ihis  occa- 
'sion,  and  on  which  your  excellency  appears  to 
'  desire  some  explanation,  I  am  oulliurheil,  sir,  to 
'  assure  you.  that  if  his  Catholic  Majesty  consents 
'  to  make  a  iUclarulion  in  his  name,  bearing  in  sub- 
'  stance  that  he  hud  determined  to  oiler  to  his  Bri- 
'  tannic  Majesty  a  just  and  equitable  satisfaction  foi 
'  the  insiUt  offered  to  his  Jlag,  such  ofl'er,  joined  to  a 
'  jn-omiie  of  nuiki'ig  reslilution  of  the  vessels  eap- 
;  '  tured,  and  to  iiii/fiiiai/i/  the  proprietors,  under  the 
'  condilions  specified  in  the  oiKcial  letter  of  Mr. 
'  Merry,  on  the  Itilli  of  May,  will  be  regarded  by 
'  his  Urilaiiiiic  Majesty  as  roiii/idi/iiig  ill  itself  the 
^  satisfaetioH  demanded;  and  his  said  Majesty  will 
'  accept  of  it  as  such,  by  a  counter  iloclaiation  on. 
'  his  part. " — {Appendix,  vol.  8,  page  33. ) 

Florida  Blanca  made  the  required  declaration, 
which  Fitzherbert  accepted  by  his  promised  cimn- 
ter  declaration.  And  now,  sir,  whaiilo.s  this  IJrit- 
ish  historian  say  of  the  whole  proceeding  *  Hear 
him,  sir: 

"  But  though  England,  at  the  expense  of  three 
'  millions,  extorLed  tVoin  llie  Spaniards  a  promise 
'  of  resloratioi.  and  reparation,  it  is  well  ascertain- 
'  ed— ;/irs(,  that  the  selllemcnt  in  ipieslion  never  was 
'  restored  by  Spain,  nor  the  Spanish  (lug  at  Noot- 
'  ka  ever  struck;  and,  seeondhj,  that  no  .selllement 
'  has  ever  been  subsctniently  atteiniHed  by  England 
'  '  on  Ihe  California  coasi.  'The  ilaini  of  right  set 
'  up  by  the  C  lUt  of  Limdoii,  il  is  ihercl'oiv  plain, 
'has  been  Mrtiially  abaniloned,  nolwilhslaiiding 
'  Ihe  menacing  tone  in  which  the  negoliulion  was 
'  conducted  by  the  British  adininistnuiun,  who  can- 


'  not  escape  some  censure  for  cncoiirnging  Ihear.  vexa- 
'  lious  encroachments  on  the  territorial  rights  of  Spain. ' ' 
{JIfpendix,  pp.  40,  41. ) 

What,  then,  Mr.  President,  becomes  of  the  ter- 
ritorial claims  of  Great  Britain  upon  the  northwest 
coast;  since,  whatever  they  may  hove  been  "prior 
'  to  the  convention  of  1790,  they  were  from  thence- 
'  forward  no  longer  to  be  tracecl  in  vague  narratives 
'  ofdiscoveries,  several  of  them  admitted  tobeapoc- 
'  ryphal,  but  in  the  text  and  stipulations  of  that  con- 
'  vention  itself,"  and  they  of  the  character  I  have 
shown  them  to  be,  on  the  authority  of  her  own 
historians  and  her  own  published  documents? 

And,  sir,  it  may  be  observed  here,  that  if  these 
views  of  that  convention  are  erroneous,  and  that 
England  did  actually  acquire,  or  procure  the  recog- 
nition of,  territorial  claims  there  by  this  conven- 
tion, then,  sir,  it  may  well  be  insisted  such  cinim, 
or  title,  or  whatever  it  may  be,  enured,  on  prin- 
ciples of  natural  equity  and  justice,  to  us  as  her 
assignee,  through  Virginia,  ot'  ihe  whole  country. 

But,  sir,  this  convention  being  of  the  character  I 
have  slated  it  to  be,  a  mere  international  arrange- 
ment for  tradingpnrposes,  on  a  remoieeoast,  was  ab- 
rogated, on  principles  of  British  law— and  I  prefer 
appealing  to  that  in  a  controversy  of  this  nalur* — 
as  pronounced  by  one  of  her  most  distinguished 
ministers  and  statesmen.  Lord  Bothursi,  in  the 
negotiation  of  1815  between  England  and  the  Uni- 
ted States,  respecting  the  Newfoundland  fisheries. 
He  said  "  Great  Britain  knows  of  no  exception 
to  the  rule  that  all  treaties  are  put  an  end  to  In'  a 
subsequent  war  between  the  same  parties."  The 
warof  179fi,  between  Spain  and  Great  Britain, 
abrogated  this  convention  theretbre,  and  it  has 
never  been  renewed.  No  subsequent  treaty  be- 
tween those  Powers  can  be  shown,  which,  in  its 
terms,  or  by  its  spirit  and  intention,  renews  this 
convention. 

The  mode,  as  practised .  sir,  by  those  very  Pow- 
ers, of  renewing  a  treaty  after  a'war,  is  by  an  ex- 
press recital  and  renewal  of  it  by  dale,  or  particular 
i  description  and  confirmation.  The  second  section 
of  the  treaty  of  Paris  of  1763,  so  often  referred  to, 
sir,  shows  the  mode  in  which  Great  Britain  and 
Spain  and  France  renew  treaties.  It  is  in  this 
form:  "The  treaties  of  Westphalia  of  1648;  those 
'of  Madrid,  between  the  crowns  of  Great  Britain 
'  and  Spain  of  1667  and  1670;  the  treaties  of  pence 
'of  Nimeguen  of  1678  and  1679;  of  Ryswick  of 
'  1697;  tho.se  of  peace  and  of  commerce  of  Utrecht 
'  of  1713;  that  of  Baden  of  1714;  the  treaty  of  the 
'  triple  alliance  of  the  Hague  of  1717;  that  of  the 
'  quadruple  alliance  of  London  of  1718;  ihe  defini- 
'  tive  treaty  of  Vienna  of  1738;  the  definitive  treaty 
'of  Aix-la-Cliapelleof  1748;  and  that  of  Madriti 
'  between  the  crowns  of  Great  Britain  and  Spain 
'  of  1750;  as  well  as  the  treaties  between  the  crowns 
'of  Spain  and  Portuffnl  of  the  13ih  of  Febniarv, 
'  1668,  of  the  6th  of  Febniarv,  1715,  and  of  the 
'  lath  of  Febniary,  1761,  anil  that  of  the  Ulh  of 
'  April,  1713,  between  France  and  Portugal,  with 
'  the  guaranties  of  Great  Britain,  .serve  as  a  basis 
'  and  foundation  to  the  peace  and  to  the  present 
'  treaty;  and  for  this  purpose  ihey  are  all  renewed 
'and  confirmed  in  the  best  form,  as  well  as  ihr- 
'  treaties  in  general  trhirh  subsisted  belvfen  Ihe  /iig/» 
'  rontrarling  parlies  before  the  var,  asifthtij  ivere  in- 
'  serled  liere^  v^ord  for  \rord,  so  thai  thetj  are  to  be 
'  exactly  obserredj'or  the  future  tii  theirtehole  tenor," 

This,  sir,  is  the  regular  mode  of  reviving  treaties 
which  hove  been  abroealed  by  a  war — not  by  si- 
lent inference,  but  by  expi'  ss  rccosniiinn  and  enu- 
merjxlion;  for  in  this  mode  oil  doubt  and  uncer- 
tainty as  to  Ihe  intenlion  of  ihe  parlies  is  removed. 

The  treaty  of  Madrid,  of  1814,  did  not,  nor  was 
it  intended  to,  revive  the  Nootka  convention,  or 
any  commercial  treaty  or  inlernalional  arrange- 
ment which  war  had  terminated,  except  those  re- 
lating to  commerce  between  Great  Britain  and  Old 
Spain,  not  including  her  American  colonies  or  dis- 
tant possessions;  for  one  clause  of  that  treaty  slip- 
ulales,  if  the  trade  is  opened  to  her  colonies,  Eng- 
land shall  be  placed  on  ihe  fooling  of  ihe  most  fa- 
vored nation  in  respect  to  il.  How,  Ihen,  it  may 
well  be  inquired,  can  "  the  text  and  slipiilnlions  of 
the  Nootka  convenlion,"  which  did  not,  viriunllv, 
grant  anything  to  Great  Britain,  but  merely  permit- 
ted British  sulijecis  to  settle  for  trading  purposes 
u[>on  the  northwest  coast,  and  did  not  even  grant 
I  to  them  the  fte  tiinple  of  their  settlements,  be  now 


383 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Air.  Brecse, 


[March  2, 

Senate. 


regnrded  ns  such  a  foundntion  of  title  in  Great  Brit-  i 
ain  aa  to  iusliry  her  in  demanding  of  us,  who  have 
siicccedeil,  by  fair  purcliase,  to  all  the  rights  of 
Spain,  a  division  of  the  country?  With  cqiial 
propriety,  sir,  might  a  tenant  at  will,  or  at  suner- 
once,  who  lias  occupied  the  premises  of  another 
under  a  license  unmolested  for  a  series  of  veal's, 
demand  of  the  proprietor,  on  receiving  a  notice  to 

?uil,  a  partition  of  the  farm,  or  the  occupied  field, 
insist,  therefore,  sir,  ui  view  of  all  these  fads, 
arguments,  and  inferences,  that  Spain  had  not  en- 
cumbered her  title  before  she  passed  it  to  us.  It 
was  not  ftlTected  by  the  convention  of  Nnotka, 
and  our  title  ihrougli  Spain  is  therefore  "  clear  and 
unqucsiionnblc." 

1  insist,  also,  Mr.  President,  that  there  is  great 
propriety  and  manifest  justice  in  according  to 
Spain  all  the  benefits  of  these  principles  of  British 
law  to  which  1  have  referred,  and  which  Great 
Britain  had  forced  all  nations  to  acknowledge;  be- 
cause Spain  had,  for  many  yeors,  made  it  a  prom- 
inent feuliirc  in  her  policy  to  originate,  and  at  great 
expense  promote,  voyages  of  discovery  ihrough- 
out  (he  whole  extent  of  the  northwest  coast.  So 
importani,  sir,  was  this  object  in  her  view,  and  so 
deeply  was  it  ingrafted  upon  her  system,  that  she 
erecled  a  distinct  deparlment,  (.called  the  Marine 
Depiirtnient  of  San  Bias.)  purposely  to  conduct  ex- 
ploriiiions  and  surveys  of  the  northwest  coast  of 
America.  She  made,  sir,  all  the  most  important 
discoveries  on  that  coast,  and  named  its  rivers, 
bays,  c.tpes,  and  headlands,  and  followed  up  her 
discoveries  by  such  settlements  as  were  suited  to 
Iter  then  condition;  or  if  no  selllemcnts  followed, 
contiiiuul  claim  was  made,  which  no  nation  ques- 
tioned. And  why,  sir,  1  would  ask,  were  we  not 
entitled  to  the  benefit  ol'  this  as  claimants  under 
Spain  of  that  very  title  which  these  acts  of  hers 
originated? 

As  to  the  true  exposition  of  the  public  law,  sir, 
upon  the  question  of  title  arising  from  discovery 
only,  nothing  conclusive  can  be  urged.  We 
have  seen,  sir,  how  Great  Britain  has  under- 
stood and  enforced  it.  It  cannot  he  contended,  sir, 
in  any  view  of  the  question,  that  a  nation  is  bound 
forthwith  to  follow  up  a  discovery  by  settlement. 
As  to  that,  her  condition,  the  exigencies  of  the 
State,  must  be  considered ;  but  she  must  do  some 
act  which  will  be  notice  to  the  world  that  she  i> 
determiiied  to  appropriate  the  discovery  to  herseli. 
What  particular  act  this  shall  be,  is  not  settled. 
It  must,  in  the  nature  of  the  subject,  depend  on  very 
many  circnnistances — no  invariable  rule  can  be  ap- 
plied. Yet  some  act  must  be  done,  evincing  this 
design  of  appropriation;  but  at  what  time,  must 
always  be  an  o|>eii  question.  Spain  did  as  much 
to  notify  the  world  of  her  intention  as  any  other 
nation,  that  is  certain,  which  had  originated  dis- 
coveries. 

Another  view  of  this  convention,  Mr.  President, 
ns  a  fnnnd.ition  of  clnim  by  Great  Britjiin,  may 
With  oroprietv  be  urged.  Whilst  it  was,  as  now 
alleired  by  tin  at  Britain,  in  full  force,  why  did  she, 
in  1818,  iiefoie  we  had  acquired  the  Spanish  tilin, 
voluntarily  enier  into  the  convention  with  us  on  the 
20lh  of  October  of  that  year,  so  inconsi-itent,  as  it 
is,  with  her  engiiueinents  with  Spain  under  the 
Noolka  convention?  And  why  did  she  not  base 
her  pi'tiensions  at  that  time,  as  she  does  now,  on 
its  "texts  (UkI  stipulations,"  and  not  on  "  vague 
narratives  of  discovf  ries,  some  of  tiit-in  admitleil  to 
lie  npocryiilial  ■"  If  she  really  believed  the  coii- 
vtiition  ol  Nootka  was  in  force  ni  that  time,  it  is 
incomprehensible  that  she  should  not  have  iiru'cil 
it.  By  neiriecting  lo  do  so,  sir,  these  inferences 
(in  fair  anil  riitionnl:  1st.  Tiiat  Gnat  Britain  no 
loniicr  cijijsidered  it  in  »  xi.slence  or  binding  upon 
her;  otherwisi  ,  she  could  imi  have  violated  lierolt- 
lifalions  to  .Spain,  by  covering  the  sani"  eround 
in  a  treaty  with  aiiotlur  Power.  5d.  That,  by 
transferring  lor  oblijations  from  ,'^pain  to  the  I'nl- 
led  •Stales,  Greiil  lirltain  ihereliy  acknowledu'eil  a 
light  in  the  L'liiteil  Slates,  iiHlenenilenily  (if  .Spain, 
ns  exisliiii;  III  virtue  of  our  well-known  prior  dis- 
covery, rviiliiiation,  and  Neilleni'iit.  Tho  i  in- 
veiiliiiii  of  S'oolkii,  supposed  I'V  Great  Ibitain  in 
1818  to  be  exijici  anil  not  alluded  lo,  u. is  niuije 
an  eleniem  in  llie  cnntroversy,  by  our  own  Minis- 
ter in  If'UJ,  who  liroiiijlit  it  forward  under  iiislruc- 
tion  iVoin  Ills  Government. 

Thus  forliearliig,  sir,  in  181S,  to  present  her 
claims  under  the  Noolka  convmtion.  Great  Brit- 


ain cnn  now  repose  on  no  other  right  than  that, 
gratuitously,  without  any  equivalent  whatever, 
granted  to  her  subjects  by  the  convention  with 
us  of  that  ycari  ami  indefinitely  continued  by  the 
convention  of  the  Gth  of  August,  1827;  ft)r  by  the 
conclusion  of  the  former  treaty,  she  considered 
and  treated  that  of  1790  with  Spain  as  a  nullity, 
and,  thus  regarding  it,  it  follows,  as  a  necessary 
and  inevitable  consequence,  that,  im  by  heromi  ac- 
kiwwlidgmeni  ice  ircre  Iht  parlrj  in  possession,  the 
right  of  sovereigitty  resided  in  the  L'nileil  States. 

Should  it  be  necessary,  Mr.  President,  to  adduce 
strong  circumstantial  proof  of  the  conscious  want 
of  claim  of  Great  Britain  to  any  part  of  the  north- 
west coast  south  of  54°  40',  derived  from  whatever 
source  she  may  now  choose  lo  select,  it  may  be 
found,  sir,  in  tlie  moat  solemn  and  imposing  form. 
By  the  convcniion  between  the  United  Slates  and 
Russia,  made  on  the  I7lh  of  April,  18i24,  it  was 
agreed  that  she  should  make  no  settlement  south 
of  ,'54'-'  40'  north  latitude,  and  we  none  north  of 
that  pareliel.  It  is  a  fact,  in  the  history  of  that 
transiution,  that  it  was  contemplaled  to  have,  at 
that  time,  a  joint  convenlion  netween  England, 
Russia,  and  the  United  Slates;  but  after  the  an- 
nunciation by  President  Monroe  of  the  non-colo- 
ni/.ation  prinriole,  in  regard  lo  this  continenl,  it 
was  abandoned,  and  separate  conventions  were 
framed.  Gre.it  Britain  being  thus  aware,  sir,  of 
this  arrangement  between  us  and  Russia,  and 
wishing  to  secure  the  sovereignty  and  possession 
of  a  part  of  that  coast,  entered  into  negotiations 
with  Ku.ssia  for  that  object;  and  by  the  convention 
of  the  88th  of  February,  1825,  more  than  ten 
months  after  the  dole  of  the  convention  between 
the  United  Stales  and  Russia,  Great  Britain  ac- 
cepted a  Hii|iulation  restricting  her  to  the  coast 
lying  between  ,54°  40'  and  ,'>6°  of  north  latitude. 
In  thus  accepting,  .sir,  this  restriction  on  the  south, 
either  Great  Britain  tacitly  relinquished  onyjire- 
tensions  lo  interfere  with  the  territory  of  the  Uni- 
ted Suites,  or  the  Russian  Government  undertook 
lo  prevent  such  interference  (so  far  ns  she  could 
do  it  by  treaty)  with  the  rights  of  the  United 
Slates,  so  recently  acknowledged  by  herself,  under 
the  solemnity  of  Irealy  forms.  Tlie  former  is  to 
be  presumed,  sir,  rather  than  the  latter:  and  a  mag- 
nanimous spirit  would  atlrilmte  such  acknowledg- 
ment by  the  British  Government  lo  n  conscious- 
ness of  the  superior  title  of  the  United  Slates  to  that 
territory  above  all  other  nations,  wc  having  then 
the  entire  SpanisI'  title,  rather  lliaii  to  the  tame 
subniissi.m  of  a  nation  possessing  a  power  more 
extensive  than  that  of  Rome  in  the  plenitude  of 
her  glory. 

It  may  be  said,  sir,  that  the  arrangement  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  Russia  did  not  atTect  any 
conflicting  claims  as  between  Great  Brilain  and 
the  United  States  to  any  territory  south  of  54°  40'; 
but  the  value  of  this  suL'gesliori  will  be  properly 
appreciated,  sir,  when  it  is  considered,  that  in  the 
negotiations  between  the  United  States  and  Russia 
no  notice  was  taken  by  either  party  of  any  claim 
whatever  of  Great  nritain  to  any  part  of  that  terri- 
tory; which,  it  is  not  lo  be  supjiosed  would  have 
been  the  case,  had  any  Aiioicn,  v-fll-foundeil  claim 
on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  existed.  A  nation  of 
her  power  would  scarcely  have  been  treated  with 
so  much  indiU'crence,  not  to  say  disregard,  by  the 
other  contraciing  parties. 

Moreover,  sir,  had  Great  Rrilain  considered  her- 
self in  18:.'4  us  possessing  any  right  over  the  terri- 
tory south  uf  54°  40',  or  hud  she  considered  herself 
as  liavlni;  *'  a  claim  not  in  respect  to  any  part,  but 
to  ilie  whole,  limited  to  a  ri^lit  of  joint  occiipain'y 
til  coiiiiiion  with  other  Sttitrs,  leivviiii;  the  right  of  do- 
niiiiioii  in  alieyiini'c."  it  is  not  lo  he  imagined,  as 
olis'  rved  by  ihe  pies<-nt  dislin<riilsheil  Kiivoy  of 
C.reat  Britain  to  our  (fO\ eminent,  (in  speakinir  of 
tin;  preiciisidiis  ot'.Spuin  Id  the  Siime  lerritory,)  that 
Great  Britain  "  wmilil  have  passively  snlimilted 
'  to  see  till'  conleniliiiir  claims  of  |  Russia  |  iiiid  the 
'  I'lilled  .Stales  Inn  portion  of  that  territory  the  siib- 
'jeit  of  foriiml  diiilomatic  trnnsactinna  between 
'  thoxr  two  nations. 

It  was  iinpotlant,  sir.  to  the  interests  of  the  Ignited 
Slates  tlihl  an  arrnii'ienient  of  this  kind  should  be 
made  with  P.iissia  al^tr  we  li;id  Nuccecded  to  the 
title  of  Spain,  Its  Russia  h. id  ei-.;l\t  estalilishiiiciitH 
on  that  coast  of  very  considenilile  aiiliqoily  at  M 
and  5'.)  degrees  north  latitude,  composed  of  several 
luiiidred  individuals,  and,  on  ilie  jjrinciples  of  con- 


tiguity and  continuity,  might  well  have  claimed  a 

I  more  southern  boundary;  and  she  was  the  only  Pow- 

■  er  whose  prelensiona  wc  might  have  found  difficult 

to  resist,  being  coterminous  with  us  in  our  exten- 

'  sion  north  on  the  same  principle  of  conlinuily;  for 

it  is  admitted,  air,  on  nil  sides,  that  the  claim  of 

.Spain  to  Noolka  at  49°  30'  is  good,  by  virtue  of 

her  settlement  there,  made  in  1789.     Russia,  then, 

extending  south  from  59°,  and  the  United  Slates, 

under  Spain,  north  froin  Nootka,  would  bring  the 

line  very  near  the  parallel  of  54°  40',  which  these 

parties  did  in  fact  establish. 

Believing,  Mr.  President,  the  grounds  set  forth 
to  be  conchisive  of  the  title  of  the  United  Stales  lo 
the  territory  in  question  from  lalitudo  iHP  lo  54° 
40'  north,  I  do  not  deem  it  necessary  to  enter  into 
a  discussion  of  many  considerations  |iertainiiig  to 
the  case  which  have  been  brought  to  our  view  by 
the  able  efforts  of  distinguished  diplomatists,  (t 
may,  however,  sir,  not  he  inappropriate,  as  in  close 
connexion  with  this  subject,  and  as  having  a  favor- 
able bearing  upon  our  title,  to  notice  the  just  re- 
marks of  Lord  Bathurst,  in  his  cominunication  to 
our  Secretary  of  Stale  of  the  .lOlh  of  October,  1815, 
di.scussions  being  then  pending  as  to  the  etTect  and 
operation  of  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  but  a  short  time 
previously  concluded: 

"  It  will  not  be  denied,"  he  said,  "  that  the  main 
'  object  of  the  treaty  of  Ghent  was  the  mutual  res- 
'  lorntion  of  all  territorij  taken  by  either  party  from 
'  the  other  during  the  war.  As  a  necessary  conae- 
'  queiice  of  such  a  stipulation,  eaeh  partij  reverted  to 
'  their  boundaries  as  before  the  war,  teithout  reference 

*  to  Ihe  title  htj  iphich  those  possessions  trere  acquired, 

*  or  to  the  mode  in  ichich  their  boundaries  had  been 
'  previously  fixed.  In  point  of  fact,  the  United  Slates 
'  had  before  acquired  possession  of  territories  asserted  to 
'  depend  on  other  titles  than  those  ivhich  Great  Britain 
'  could  confer." 

Again  he  says:  "  It  is  ju.stly  stated  by  the  Amer- 
'  ican  Minister,  that  the  United  States  did  not 
I  '  need  a  new  grant  of  the  boundary  line.  The  war 
'  did  not  arise  out  of  a  contested  boundary;  and 
'  Great  Britain,  therefore,  by  the  act  of  treating 
'  with  the  United  Stales  recognised  that  nation  in  its 
'former  dimensiom,  excepting  so  far  as  Ihe  jiij  belli 
'hud  interfered  with  them;  and  it  was  the  object 
'  of  the  treaty  of  Ghent  to  cede  such  rights  to  ter- 
'  rilory  os  the  jus  belli  had  conferred." 

These  remarks,  sir,  applied  lo  the  condition  of 
the  question  concerning  the  territory  of  Oregon, 
will  be  seen  lo  have  a  peculiar  and  powerful  force. 

The  JM  belli,  sir,  had  given  lo  Great  Britain  the 
American  settlement  of  Astoria  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Columbia  river — the  symbol  of  our  sovereiirniy 
and  title  there — the  rightful  possession  of  which 
had  been  acquired  by  us  previously,  and  rested  on 
"  other  titles  than  those  which  Great  Brilain  could 
confer."  The  main  object  of  the  treaty  of  Ghent 
was,  "  the  mutual  restoration  of  nH  lerritory  taken 
by  either  party  from  the  other  during  the  war." 
I'lie  United  Stiites  claimed  title  to  the  whole  terri- 
tory in  virtue  of  discovery,  explomtion,  and  settle- 
ment, in  their  own  right,  and  by  cession  from 
France;  and  "  without  reference  to  the  title  by 
which  it  was  acquired,"  they  reverted  to  the  rislu 
as  it  existed  before  the  war.  Before  the  war,  sir, 
we  had  exclusive  possession  of  the  lerritory  of 
Oregon — of  distinct  jiarts  in  the  name  of  the  whole. 
By  the  war  we  lost  it;  and  by  the  tinconditioniil 
siirieiider  of  this  part,  on  the  (illi  of  (V'lober,  1818, 
without  any  reservation  whatever,  we  were  I'nmi 
that  moment,  a!;nin  in  legal  contemplatioii,  in  the 
exclusive  possession  and  becnine  sovereisiis  de  fiC' 
to  if  not  de  jure,  of  the  whole  coiiiilry  claimed;  the 
British  Ciovernmenl, through  ilieiraiitliorized  fun<' 
lionary,  admitting,  "  in  the  most  ample  extent,  our 
riu'hl  to  be  reinslated,  and  lo  lie  the  ;inr/i;  ill  posses- 
sion while  treiitiiig  of  the  title."  (ireal  Britain  is 
esloppcd  from  denying  our  ri'^lil  lo  lie  in  posses- 
sion by  her  owii  acknowledirmenl ;  she  cannot  now 
contest  it.  This  rii^hl  of  possession,  sir,  we  now, 
and  from  thence,  have  wholly  enjoyed:  and  we 
raiinot  be  deprived  of  the  rishi,  except  by  force  or 
by  a  voluntary  cession  on  nur  part.  1  biving  thus, 
sir,  our  sovereignty  acknowledijed,  foiirleen  days 
after  the  rcstnralion  of  ANloria.on  the  ;J()lh  of  ftc- 
lolier,  1818,  withiiul  any  equivalent  whatever — un- 
less the  concessions  in  the  liisl  arlii'le  of  tin ii- 

venlion  of  that  date  were  inlended  by  the  liiirh 
eonlraciing  parties  as  nil  equivalent — we  ngir'ed 
with  Great  Britain,  thai  this  territory  "slinll,to- 


ar* 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


383 


29th  C(»no 1st  Sess. 


27*6  Oregon  (Ration — Mr.  Breesc. 


Senate. 


sir,  vvc  now, 

(I;  iii\il  \\>' 

(  liy  foi'i'P  or 

(iivina  lliiH, 

nrtren  (iii\M 

i;(l(li  nf  (ir- 

lUlivTr — iiii- 

(if  the  I'oii- 

liy  llu'   hi'rli 

-we  Hi^ii't'd 

"slinll,  to- 


i 


'  gctlicr  with  its  linrbora,  bays,  mid  creeks,  nnd 
'  tlie  navigation  of  all  rivers  within  tlic  same,  be  free 
'  and  open  for  the  term  of  ten  years  from  the  date 
'  of  the  signalnrc  of  tlie  present  convention,  to  the 

•  vessels,  citizens,  and  subjects  of  the  two  Powers; 
■  it  l)eing  well  undrrstnod   that  this  agreement  is 
'  not  to  be  eonslrncd  to  the  prejudice  of  any  claim  1 
'which  either  of  the  two  hinh  contracling  parties  I 
'  may  have  to  any  part  of  llie  said  country,  nor  ! 

*  shall  it  be  taken  to  alVect  the  claims  of  any  other  I 
'  Power  or  State  to  any  part  of  the  said  conntry;  ! 
'  Ih    only  object  of  the  high  contracting  parties,   ii 
'  that  respect,  being  to  prevent  disputes  and  dilfer- 
'onces  among  themselves." 

This  convention,  sir,  it  will  be  perceived,  ad-  , 
mils  no  claim  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  to  a  foot  ' 
of  territory  there — no  sovereignty,  no  right  of  soil,  ' 
no  territorial  jurisdiction  whatever.  It  is  a  mere  ' 
easement  granted  to  Great  BritAin  for  the  sole  pur- 
pose of  preventing  disputes  and  diflerences  between  ; 
the  parties  through  collisions  among  their  citizens  ! 
and  subjects,  and  originated  in  motives  of  policy. 
Brili.-ih  traders,  nfler  the  capture  in  1813,  sought 
the  country  in  great  numbers,  enriching  themselves 
from  its  wild  nroduotious,  with  whom  our  own  ; 
citizens,  allured  by  the  same  object,  might  come  1 
in  collision,  from  which  angry  disputes  and  na- 
tional difficulties  might  ensue.  It  was  deemed  pol- 
itic, sir,  under  such  circumstances,  to  licen.'se  this  | 
use  of  the  country  for  ten  years,  as  it  was  not  then 
needed  for  any  national  jnirpose,  or  expected  at 
that  dav  ever  to  become  an  important  appendage 
to  our  Union.  I  shall  not  say,  sir,  that  this  con- 
vention was  not  a  wise  arrangement  at  the  time  it 
was  entered  into.  No  right  in  Great  Britjtin  is 
acknowledged  by  it.  'I'here  is  no  such  idea  in  any 
part  of  the  instrument;  no  recognition  expressed  oi 
implied  of  a  right  in  Great  Britain  to  any  part  ot 
the  country.  And  at  that  time,  too,  sir,  we  had 
not  the  Spanish  title  upon  which  to  repose,  nor  in 
other  respects  were  we  then  in  a  condition  to  assert 
more  res(dutely  than  we  did  our  right  as  against 
Great  Britain,  independent  of  the  title  of  Spain. 
It  was,  perhaps,  sir,  sufficient  for  us  at  that  time 
to  have  our  right  of  possession  acknowledged  by 
that  Power.  The  ten  years  being  about  to  exjiire, 
the  term  was  indefinitely  extended,  very  unwisely 
1  think,  sir,  in  view  of  our  then  altered  circum- 
slani IS,  by  the  convention  of  the  Cth  of  August, 
1827,  u  liich  we  now  seek  to  abrogate;  and  when 
abrogated,  we  are  for  the  third  time  in  the  exclu- 
sive possession  of  the  country  as  its  legitimate 
sovereign;  a  trespass  upon  which,  wilfully,  and  by 
force,  by  any  other  Power,  would  be  an  act  of  war, 
to  lie  treated  accordingly.  Having  the  right  to  be 
the  party  in  pns.session,  on  the  admission  of  Great 
Britain  through  Lord  Casilereagh  in  1818,  that 
right  must  necessarily  be  exclusive.  Great  Brit- 
ain will  have  no  right  to  occupy  any  part  of  the 
country;  for  if  we  are  of  rig/i(  tin;  party  in  posses- 
niof,  she  cannot  be  there  except  wrongfully.  Such 
subjects  of  a  foreign  Power  as  shall  choose,  after 
that  event,  to  remain  in  the  country,  would  neces- 
sarily become  subject  lo  our  laws  and  jurisdiction; 
nnd  on  taking  the  oath  of  allciiianci',  would  share 
wiih  our  own  citizens  all  the  benefits  of  our  na- 
tional liberality,  as  gran  lees  of  lands,  and  participate 
in  the  ndvantaires  humanity  derives,  of  whatever 
country  or  creed,  from  our  nuah-cherishcd  and 
free  institutions. 

I  think,  sir,  the  time  has  arrived  when  this  eon- 
vciition  should  be  terminated;  and  I  had  hoped  we 
would  have  voted  upon  the  proposition,  wilhout 
debate,  with  great  nnaniiniiy  and  promptiinde. 
At  present,  sir,  although  we  have  the  acknow- 
ledged right  of  possessi<ni  to  the  territory  of  Ore- 
gon, in  ,iie  greater  piu-t  of  it, — in  all  of  it  north  of 
the  f'olumbia  river,  except  a  small  American  set- 
tlement al  Uulfinch's  Harbor,  Great  Britain,  by 
her  subjects  and  her  chartered  power,  is  in  the 
actual  and  exclusive  possession.  So  exclusive 
w.iM  this  jKis.scssion,  that  the  northern  bank  of 
that  river  was  known  and  called  the  "  Brilish 
side,"  and  the  opposite  Imnk  the  ".\nierican  side." 
Our  own  cili/ens,  Mr.  President,  derive  ini  benefit 
whatever  from  ihis  convenlion;  all  the  advanlages 
are  on  llie  siile  of  British  sul>jecls;  nnd  we,  at  the 
same  time,  the  true  owners  of  the  whole  coun- 
try. This  being  the  case,  sir,  unless  we  take  some 
decided  acii{m  in  tu'dcr  lo  oliiuin,  mi  our  pari,  that 
exclusive  pos.se8sion  which  belongs  lo  tlie  right, 
they  will  continue  to  derive  these  benefits,  to  the 


■  exclusion  of  our  citizens.     It  seems  tn  me,  there-  jl 
;  fore,  sir,  the  advantages  being  all  on  the  side  of  il 
Great  Britain,  unless  we  give  the  notice,  unless  || 
we  express  a  desire  to  terminate  the  convention,  it  n 
will  never  be  terminated  by  Great  Britain.  Notice  i; 
I  will  never  come  from  that  side,  sir.     She  has  all   I 
she  desires,  as  things  now  stand,  and  has,  there-  Ij 
fore,  no  stimulant  to  act.     She  will  not  take  the   ' 
initiative.     She  does  not  desire  to  be  remitted  to   | 
her  original    barren  pretensions;   whilst  we   en-^; 
counter  no  danger,  by  reposing  upon  a  title  "  the 
best  in  existence."     And,  as  was  said  the  other   , 
day  by  the  Senator  of  Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Web- 
STEB,]  it  cannot  give  offence  to  Great  Britain,  be-   ' 
ing  but  in  accordance  with  a  treaty  stipulation;  and 
I  will  a»ld,  sir,  she  would  have  no  rigiit  to  demand 
the  reason  for  such  action  on  our  part,  nor  would 
we  have  the  right  lo  nsk  of  her  the  reasons  should 
she  choose  to  give  the  notice,  but  receive  it  in  amity    [ 
should  it  come  from  that  Power.   Tliis  convention, 
sir,  is  an  obstacle  in  our  |)Olh  of  progress,  and  we   ' 
must  get  rid  of  it.     So  long  as  it  exists,  we  can  do 
nothing  efl'eclive;  we  cannot  extend  our  laws  in   ; 
their  most  ample  scope  over  the  country  for  the 
protection  of  our  citizens  there;  we  cannot  erect 
means  of  defence  or  of  refuge;  we  cannot  make 
grants  of  land  in  fee  to  the  settlers  who  are  now 
there  in  thousands,  reposing  with  confidence  upon 
the  firmness  and  justice  of  a  Government  they 
dearly  love;  in  short,  sir,  we  can  do  no  eflfective  act 
whilst  the  convention  exists.      By  abrogating  il, 
we  are  at  once  enabled  to  exercise,  in  the  fullest 
extent,  any  act  of  sovereignty  we  may  desire — it 
will  restore  us  to  fieedom  and  enable  us  to  pursue 
such  a  course  for  our  own  interest  as  we  may 
choose,  in  our  wLsdom,  to  adopt.     If  we  do  not 
take  this  course,  if  we  do  not  give  this  notice,  if  we  . 
allow  things  to  remain  ns  they  are,  there  is  mani- 
fest danger,  befme  the  lapse  of  many  years,  that 
difficulties  will  so  grow  up  and  thicken,  that  a  war 
may  be  the  result;  or  else,  that  a  country,  favored 
by  Providence  beyond  almost  all  others  in  all  the 
great  essentials  of  human  happiness,  and  so  neces- 
sary to  us  ill  an  enlarged  view  of  our  future  des- 
tiny, may  become,  by  our  unpardonable  neglect,  an 
independent  nation  under  some  foreign  guaranty, 
and  possessed  of  elements  and  a  position  well  cal- 
culated to  annoy  and  embarrass  us  hereafter.    Sir, 
there  are  strong  indications  of  a  desire  in  several 
quarters  that  such  should  be  its  destiny.     It  is  the 
opinion  of  gentlemen  of  great  intelligence,  high 
character  and  induence,  that  it  is  not  possible  that 
Oregon  should  long  continue  lo  be  an  appendage 
of  our  Government,  but  must  be  independent. 

I  think  diflerently,  sir,  if  we  do  our  duty.  I 
think,  ns  il  is  an  inlegrnl  and  most  important 
part  of  our  empire,  we  should  be  awake  to  its 
preservation.  If  we  are  mindful  of  this  germ 
the  enterprise  of  our  people  has  ))lanled  on  the 
shores  of  the  Pacific,  if  we  nurture  it  and  cherish 
it,  as  il  should  be  nurtured  and  cherished,  bestow- 
ing upon  it  our  kind,  protecting  care,  it  cannot  but 
grow  in  beauty  and  expand  in  strength,  and,  de- 
riving its  sustenance  from  the  parent  stem,  will 
nourish  with  it  in  undying  verdure. 

It  deiiends  upon  ourselves,  whether  this  coun- 
try shall  remain  wilh  us  or  nol.  Its  desiiny  is, 
under  Providence,  in  our  own  power,  luid  we  en- 
counter a  most  weighty  anil  fearful  responsibilily, 
if  by  any  supineness,  limidily,  or  want  of  resolu- 
tion on  our  pari,  ils  preservation  shall  be  jeopard- 
ed, and,  in  the  end,  lost  lo  us  forever. 

If  it  was  proper,  sir,  in  the  nascent  slate  of  the 
Allanlic  colonies,  for  Great  Britain  to  assert,  and 
prosecute,  and  establish  by  force  of  arms,  and  by 
arguments  from  ilie  cannon's  mouth,  the  principles 
'  shedid  establish  for  the  ex  tension  of  her  territory, — 
'  how  much  more  proper  and  necessary  is  it  for  us, 
sir,  in  this  our  age,  wilh  all  the  imimivenieiils  In 
mechanical  philosophy  ami  the  arts,  by  which 
'  space  is  anninilated  and  distance  nii'asureil,  not  by 
miles  but  by  niinules,  with  lun' teeming  millions  on 
the  vast  plains  of  ihe  West,  in  reach  of  the  P.acific — 
many  thousands  of  whom  have  gone  to  sclile  upon 
its  shores  nnd  upon  the  fertile  banks  of  ils  rivers — 
that  the  l\ill  benefit  of  this  principle  of  British  law 
should  be  claimed  bv  us,  and  we  be  as  ready  and 
as  willing  lo  contenit  for  it,  even  unto  war,  as  she 
was,  wilh  ouraid, against  France.  And  why  should 
we  hesilaleto  lake  llie  initiative  of  measures  which 
will  force  her,  sir,  lo  acknowledge  her  own  doc- 
Iriiie.'    The  judgment  of  the  civilized  world  will 


be  pronounced  against  her  should  she  disavow  the 
doctrine,  and  the  sin  of  a  war,  should  one  follow, 
will  lie  heavy  on  her  soul. 

Relying,  PWr.  President,  on  the  principle  of  pub- 
lic law,  as  to  territorial  rights,  taught  us  on  the 
Heights  of  Abraham  and  on  Braddock  's  field ,  Great 
Britain  will  have  no  reason  tn  complain  if  we  urge 
them  against  her,  who  originated  them  and  gave 
them  currency.  And,  sir,  when  Oregon  shaM  be 
filled  with  our  people,  (as  il  soon  will  be  if  thin  Gov- 
ernment is  true  to  its  own  interests,)  no  apprehen- 
sions of  any  foreign  intruder,  under  what  ilag  so- 
ever l;emay  seek  to  make  his  entrance,  need  be  en- 
tertained. It  is  our  true  policy,  then,  sir,  to  give 
the  notice,  and  assert  and  maintain  the  principle  of 
Brilish  law  which  England  is  estopped  from  de- 
nying, nnd  which  establishes  our  liile  to  the  Rus- 
sian line.  If,  however,  sir,  I  could  be  made  to  be- 
lieve that  the  effect  of  the  notice  would  be,  as  has 
been  intimated,  to  place  our  Government  in  a  posi- 
tion to  compromise  our  undoubted  right,  upon  any 
other  line  south  of  that,  I  would  vote  against  il, 
and  fall  back  upon  the  "masterly  inactivity"  of  the 
Senator  of  South  Carolina,  [Mr.  C.\lhois,1  as  the 
wisest  policy,  and  leave  lo  time  lo  accomplish  the 
great  oliject  to  which  the  whole  American  heart  is 
so  earnestly  and  truly  devoted.  But,  sir,  I  have  • 
full  faith  in  the  prudence,  firmness,  and  sagacity  of 
the  Executive,  nnd  do  not  anticipate  any  such  ca- 
lamitous result.  I  do  nol  suffer  myself  for  a  mo- 
ment to  believe  that  he  will  violate  his  laiblished 
pledges.  No,  sir;  I  have  implicit  faith  in  him,  and 
that  he  will  so  act  on  this  and  on  all  other  great  oc- 
casions, in  which  the  inlercsts  and  honor  of  his 
country  arc  involved,  as  to  command  the  unqual- 
ified approbation  of  those  who  have  raised  him  to 
his  present  elevated  position. 

Considering,  sir,  the  contiguity  of  Oregon  to 
our  western  seltlemenls,  and  as  the  only  venl, 
westward,  of  the  vast  surplus  productions  nf  the 
rich  basin  of  the  Mississippi  to  ihe  shores  of  Asia 
with  her  millions  of  inhabitants,  and  ils  accessi- 
bility by  railroads  from  the  Allanlic  States,  bring- 
ing lliem  also  into  close  proximity  to  the  same 
great  markets;  and  considering,  also,  that  our  re- 
public opens  her  public  domain  lo  the  over-popu- 
lated eounlries  of  Europe,  and  offers  to  all  who 
I  may  seek  it  cheap  fee-simple  farms,  nnd  ihe  full 
enjoyment  of  our  free  institutions,  we  cannot  be 
charged,  sir,  in  desiring  to  possess  Oregon,  wilh 
selfish  or  ambitious  views,  or  wilh  a  spirit  of  mere 
territorial  aggrandizement;  but  the  impartial  and 
the  just  will  see  in  it  a  desire  only  lo  extend  more 
widely  the  area  of  human  freedom,  and  diffuse 
more  broadly  the  means  of  human  hn|ipiness — as 
an  extension,  sir,  of  that  grand  thenlie,  on  which 
God,  in  his  providence,  nnd  in  hi.s  own  appointed 
lime,  intends  to  work  out  that  high  destiny  he  has 
assigned  for  the  whole  human  race. 

But,  Mr.  President,  it  is  said  ihe  difficulty  must 
be  settled  by  negotiatiim.  The  notice,  sir,  will  not 
p  event  negotiations;  on  the  contrary,  it  will  stim- 
ulate the  parlies  lo  bring  all  differences  growing 
out  of  this  controversy  to  a  conclusiim.  There 
are  many  things  to  negotiate  about,  sir  ;  many  im- 
portant questimis  ami  interests  wiiich  are  fit  sub- 
jects of  negotiation;  and  among  ihein  are  those 
pertaining  to  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company.  And 
I  believe,  sir,  that  all  the  difficulty,  or  nearly  all, 
which  surrounds  this  (niesii(ni,  so  far  as  Great 
Britain  is  concerned,  is  llie  obligations  she  is  under 
to  that  corporation,  growing  out  of  the  renewal  of 
their  charter  in  1838,  for  twenty-one  years,  io 
which,  by  the  way, sir,  the  privilege  was  reserved 
to  Great  Britain  to  mant,  for  the  purpose  of  settle- 
ment or  colonization,  any  of  the  lands  comprised 
within  the  limits  of  their  charier.  In  the  corrt- 
spondence  with  the  British  Colonial  Secretary  of 
State,  which  led  to  this  renewal,  sir,  the  company 
urge,  as  a  reason  for  it,  that  "  they  have  succecdetf, 
'  after  a  severe  and  fjpeiisiiT  competition,  in  estab- 
'  lishing  their  settlements,  and  obininiiiir  n  decided 
'superiority,  if  not  an  exclusive  enjoyment  of  the 
'  trade;  and  that  they  occupy  the  country  between 
'  Ihe  Roiky  mountains  and  ihe  Pacific,  by  six  per- 
'  niancnt  cslablishments  mi  the  coast,  sixteen  in 
'  Ihe  interior  cimntry,  besides  .several  migratory 
'  and  hunting  parlies;  and  they  maintain  a  marine 
'  of  six  armed  vessels,  one  of  them  a  steam-vessel, 
'  on  the  coast."  They  also  speak  of  their  large 
farms,  and  of  other  ]irojecls,  having  reference  to 
,.  an  export  trade,  and  the  seltlemenl  of  their  retired 


384 


APPENDfX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[March  3, 


29th  Cong 1st  Se3&. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Breese. 


Senate. 


serrnnis  in  llic  country.  All  tlicsc  things,  BJr,  su- 
perinduced by  the  net  of  Great  Britain,  tend,  no 
doubi,  tn  enibnrrnss  her,  n»  she  may,  it) justice,  be 
compelled  to  answer,  over  to  that  coinpany,  for 
nnv  iiijnry  that  may  result  to  it  from  a  surrender 
of  lierpreiensions  to  the  country. 

Now,  sir,  it  would  be  manifestly  proper  for  the 
two  Governments  to  confer  together  nn  these  mat- 
ters, to  ne6;otinte  about  them,  and  jicrhaps,  sir,  it 
miglit  be  fciund  to  be  expedient  to  nidemnify  this 
company  for  their  outlays  there,  and  concede  to 
them  the  use  of  the  Columbia  river  for  a  few  years, 
to  facilitate  their  exit,  with  their  property,  from 
the  counlry,  and  as  auxiliary  to  winding  up  their 
affairs.  So  far  as  theRc  aiui  kindred  matters  are 
concerned,  sir,  1  hope  neijotiation  will  po  on,  but 
am  utterly  opposed  to  it.  if  it  is  to  involve  a  ces- 
sion of  any  portion  of  the  country  to  Gnat  Britain. 
I  am  opposed  to  that,  sir,  and  will  never  sanction 
Buch  an  act  by  my  vote.  A  nation,  sir,  submit- 
ting to  a  negoliaiinn  which  shall  end  in  compromis- 
ing a  claim  so  valid  as  ours,  by  yielding  uj)  a  part, 
when  it  has  strength  enongh  to  preserve  the  whole, 
does,  in  my  judgment,  an  unpardonable  wrong, 
and  becomes  dishonored,  not  only  in  the  estimation 
of  its  own  people,  but  of  the  world.  1  will  never 
consent  to  it,  sir,  let  what  may  happen. 

But  it  is  said,  sir,  the  matter  should  be  referred 
to  arbitration,  and  ih«l  such  a  models  in  strict 
conformity  with  the  law  and  practice  of  nations  in 
like  cases;  and  our  Governmei  '  is  censured,  sir, 
for  not  acceplins  a  proposition  of  this  nature, 
when  lately  tendered  by  the  Britisl>  Envoy.  The 
Senator  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Crittenden]  said 
the  other  dav,  that  he  ^id  not  know  what  right 
we  possessed  to  exalt  ourselves  above  all  law 
licieiofore  rccosrnised  amongst  nations,  and  to  say 
that  our  lerrilorial  di.ipules  are  to  be  placed  above 
nil  arbitration;  and  then,  with  great  emphasis, 
remarked,  "  what  a  glorious  homage  would  this 
'  Republic  render  to  its  own  best  principles  by  ac- 
'  ceplins  the  arl)itration  of  a  tribunal  composed  of 
'  men  distinguished  only  for  their  talents,  knowl- 
'  edge,  science,  and  moral  worth."  Sir,  1  should  be 
very  much  opposed  to  submit  a  question  of  territo- 
rial'right  to  any  Power  on  earth,  or  to  any  board  of 
civilians,  in  whatever  form  it  might  be  proposed. 
There  are,  to  my  mind,  sir,  insuperable  objections 
to  it,  and  it  does  not  seem  to  nic  lo  be  nracticable 
according  to  ilie  proposition  of  the  Senator.  Leav- 
ing out  of  view  all  others,  there  is  one  fatal  ob- 
jection 10  such  a  proceeding,  and  that  is,  the  par- 
lies cannot  lie  com]ielled  to  abide  by  the  award; 
there  is  no  power  by  which  it  can  be  enforced. 
Insiead  of  settling  the  tineslion  finally,  it  might 
render  it  more  complicated  than  before;  and  in  the 
event  of  a  refusal  bv  one  party  to  stand  by  the 
award,  wni'  most  proUnbly  woufd  en.sue.  Suppose 
the  Cohinil)ia  river,  sir,  should  be  declared  by  the 
Brbiimtor  as  the  line,  in  cnnformiiy  with  the  Brit- 
ish proposition:  can  anv  one  believe  this  Govern- 
ment or  country  woulj  abide  by  it-  If  a  mon- 
aivli  is  made  the  arbitrator,  we  would  have  his  pre- 
judices to  encfiuntcr,  and  incur  the  risk  of  his  sub- 
miitiiictht  <|ue?<iion  to  one  of  his  Mini.stcrs,  or  !Sec- 
reuiries,  or  (Jliiefs  of  a  Bureau;  and  in  either  case, 
\vc  would  have  no  personal  knowledge  of  some  of 
the  parties  by  whom  the  award  is  to  be  made. 
The  nrbitinlors,  whoever  they  niiirht  be,  wo.ild 
not  be  rc<iuired  to  be  ;rovcrni'd  by  the  right  ftf  the 
ea.'5e,  nor  by  the  strict  l.iw  of  the  case;  nipr  would 
they  be  thus  governed.  Other  principles— i-on- 
Biderations  of  expediency,  sugiestlons  of  policy, 
anil,  wiilial,  a  desire  to  give  each  claimant  somc- 
thiiie — would  naturally  intlueiice  thcrn.  Sir,  this 
Adniinislration  could  not  stand  a  siiisle  moment 
bel'iire  the  American  people,  if,  by  its  act,  by  re- 
fcrnoL'  a  tpieslion  of  this  nature  to  ihe  decision  of 
a  board  of  arbitrators,  the  entire  contr.il  of  fhe 
Pacific  criast,  and  of  the  commerce  with  China, 
and  the  foreiirn  expnr'  and  import  trade  of  the 
western  .Stales  now  opening  to  ihem  with  the  east, 
shall  be  lost  lo  them.  No  Ailminisitnilion  could 
survive  a  surrender  of  such  important  jirospective 
interests.  Arliitration,  sir,  is  oni  of  the  (picstinn. 
In  con'roversies  between  iiKlividuals  siibmilled  to 
nrbiiratioii,  the  arbitrators  are  known  to  the  par- 
lies, and  a  (lower  is  vested  in  the  ciatrls  to  enforce 
obedience  to  the  award;  but  there  is  no  iribunal  to 
compel  obedience  lielwein  niitions.  The  whole 
thing  is  surrounded  by  diiruiilties.  Besides,  sir, 
there  is  really  nothing  here  to  arbitrate  about;  for  ■ 


a  proposal  to  arbitrate,  and  an  acceptance,  presup 
pose  n  right  exists  to  a  part  of  the  country,  which 
we  deny.  Where  a  right  to  coterminous  terri- 
tory is  admitted  to  exist,  but  the  boundary  un- 
dehncd,  it  may  be  pro|)cr,  in  stieh  a  case,  to  re. 
fer  the  matter  tn  mutual  friends,  tn  establish  the 
line  of  boundary.  That  was  the  case  in  regard  to 
our  northeuslern  boundary,  and  it  was  referred  to 
the  King  of  the  Netherlands;  and  he,  instead  of 
attending  to  the  terms  of  the  submission,  and  fol- 
lowing the  highlands,  assumed  the  valley  of  the  .St. 
John's  river  as  the  true  boundary;  which  satisfied 
neither  party.  But,  sir,  it  is  unnecessary  to  say 
anything  about  arbitration,  as  the  Government  has, 
in  the  most  decided  manner,  rejected  the  propo- 
sition; and  there  is  no  wish,  I  am  sure,  on  the  part 
of  this  countrv,  that  it  should  be  accepted  at  any 
future  time.  Whilst  negotiating,  sir,  in  1818,  upon 
this  very  question  of  Oregon,  then  called  "  the  set- 
tlement on  the  (Columbia  river,"  a  reference  of  it  to 
the  Kmperor  of  Russia  was  in  contemplation.  The 
action  of  our  Goveriuuent  then,  sir,  upon  Ihe  sug- 
gestion, was  not  dillercnt  from  the  present.  In  a 
despatch  from  our  Secretary  of  State,  (Mr.  Ad- 
ams,) of  the  date  of  July  28,  1818,  to  our  negotia- 
tors, (Messrs.  Rush  and  Gallatin,)  I  find  the  fol- 
lowing passage,  which  I  will  read  for  the  benefit 
of  the  Senate  from  the  4lli  volume  of  American 
Slate  Papers,  title  "foreign  Relations,"  p.  377: 

"The  expediency  ittilf  of  submitting  (juesiions 
'  of  territorial  rights  an>>  boundaries,  in  discussion 
'  between  two  nation.^,  to  the  decision  of  a  third, 
'  was  unusual,  if  not  tnlirely  Jicir,  and,  should 
'  the  contingency  occur,  will  probably  encounter 
'  dilKculties  of  execution  not  loreseen  at  the  time 

*  when  tJie  stipulation  was  niade  of  resorting  to  it. 
'  The  subjects  in  controversy  arc  of  a  nature  too 
'  intriciile  and  tomplicaleil,  requiring,  on  the  part  of 
'  the  arbitrator,  a  patience  fif  investigation  and 
'  research,  historical,  political,  legal,  geographical, 
'  and  astronomical,  for  which  it  is  impossible  to 
'  conceive  that   the  sovereign  of  a  great  empire 

*  could  persotialty  bestow  the  time." 

This,  sir,  was  American  docu-ine  then,  and  it  is 
correct.  Air.  Adams  was  right.  (Questions  of  this 
description  should  not  be  submitted  to  a  foreign 
Power,  for  the  reasons  giving  by  him,  and  those  1 
have  given — that  there  is  no  power  existing  to  en- 
force the  award,  and  if  one  of  the  parlies  does  not 
choose  to  abide  by  it,  it  can  only  operate  to  produce 
the  coufiict  which  it  was  Ihe  object  of  the  arbitra- 
tion to  avoid.  While  speaking  of  this  subject,  sir,  I 
wish  to  notice  the  peculiar  phraseology  of  the  let- 
ter of  Ihe  British  Minister  conveying  the  proposal, 
to  the  lejoctioh  of  whiih  so  much  exception  seems 
to  have  been  taken.  In  his  note  of  the  10th  Janu- 
ary lust,  to  our  Secretary  of  State,  after  alluding 
to  the  rejeciioii  of  his  first  proposiiion,  as  cnnlain- 
ed  in  his  note  of  the  27th  of  December,  for  a  refer- 
ence of  the  question  '*  of  an  eqiiiuible  partition  of 
the  territory,"  and  the  objections  of  our  Secretary 
to  it,  he  says  : 

"This  premised,  the  object  of  the  undersigned 
'  in  addressing  to  Mr.  Bucluinnn  the  present  com- 
'  niuiiibitiiiii  IS,  lo  ascertain  from  him  whether, 
'  supposing  the  liriiish  Uovernmenl  to  enleruiin  no 
'  objection  to  such  a  course,  it  would  suit  the  views 
'  of  the  United  States  Government  to  refer  to  arbi- 
'  tialion,  not,  as  has  already  been  proposed,  the 
'  queslion  of  an  equitable  partition  of  the  territory, 
i  '  bul  the  question  of  title  in  either  of  the  two  Pow- 
'  ers  to  the  whole  territory,  subject  of  coiiree  to 
'  the  condition,  that  if  neiilier  (hould  be  found,  in 
'the  opinion  of  the  arliitralor,  to  possess  acom- 
'  plete  title  to  the  whole  territory,  lliere  should,  in 

*  tluu  case,  be  assignt'd  to  eiu'li  that  portion  of  terri- 
'  tory  which  would,  in  Ihe  opinion  of  the  arbitia- 

*  tin;j  Power,  be  called  for  by  a  just  appreciation 
'  of  the  respective  claims  of  each." 

I  Now,  sir,  it  will  be  perceived,  here  is  no  dis- 
tinct proposition  lo  relVr  the  question  of  title  at 
all:  he  merely  inquires,  Hiqiposing  Great  Britain 
should  eniertiiin  no  objeciion  lo  refer  the  (|ucstioii 
of  title  to  arbitration,  what  would  the  Governiuent 
of  the  United  .StuU's  be  williii"  lo  do'  II  would 
have  been  proper,  in  my  jud.'iiieiil,  to  decline  a 
riply  to  a  ppipositicm  preset/ted  in  such  a  form, 
as  it  was  not  a  definite  projiosal  to  submit  the 
quesiion  of  title.  It  is  a  '  .iViiiig"  question.  A 
hypothetical  case  is  presented,  which  our  Govern- 
i  mem  might  well  refuse  to  enlertain,  and  made 
I  subject  to  the  condition,  on   Ihe   liiip|)eniiig  of  a 


contingency,  of  an  equitable  division  of  the  terri- 
tory. Sir,  we  do  not  desire  a  division  of  the  terri- 
tory. I  am  instructed,  and  feel  pleasure  in  acting 
up  to  those  instructions,  to  oppose  by  my  vote  a 
surrender  of  any  portion  of  territory  rightfully  be- 
longing to  us  through  the  instnimentalily  of  arbi- 
tration by  crowned  heads,  or  a  board  of  civilians, 
or  by  negotiation  in  any  form.  I  would  advise 
negotiation,  sir,  as  I  have  already  said,  in  regard 
to  all  other  matters  growing  out  of  this  question, 
or  with  which  it  is  legitimately  connected;  and 
should  be  disposed  to  be  liberol.  I  would  grant 
lo  the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  which  has  so  much 
at  stake,  certain  privileges  for  a  limited  period.  I 
would  do  nothing  that  is  unjust,  nor  advise  it  to 
be  done;  and,  in  taking  a  retrospect  of  our  past 
history,  sir,  1  believe  the  greatest  enemy  of  repub- 
lican principles  cannot  point  his  finger  to  a  single 
act  of  national  injustice  committed  by  us.  It  may 
be  said,  to  the  glory  of  the  American  name,  that 
not  a  single  act  in  our  whole  career  can  be  found, 
by  our  most  unscrupulous  enemy,  cnlculated  to 
stamp  injustice  upon  our  national  character.  We 
have  never  done  injustice;  we  have  always  sought, 
in  our  national  conduct,  in  all  our  difiicultics  and 
embarrassments,  to  carry  out  the  golden  maxim, 
"  Do  unto  others  as  ye  \vould  they  should  do 
unto  you."  Our  reputation,  in  this  regard,  is  pure 
and  unspotted,  sir;  and  I  desire  to  keep  it  so.  I 
wish  to  do  nothing  bordering  even  upon  the  eon- 
fines  of  injustice;  and  therefore,  sir,  il  the  Hudson 
Bay  Company  have  important  interesls  there — 
and  that  they  have,  I  i,m  free  to  admit — and  the 
British  Government  is  re  iponsible  to  them  for  any 
injury  which  may  resul',  in  consequence  of  any 
disposition  of  the  country  policy  may  require  Great 
Britain  to  make;  and  if,  in  order  to  carry  on  their 
trade  a  few  years  longer,  and  settle  their  afPaiis, 
they  should  desire  the  use  of  the  river  for  a  short 

Period,  I  would  concede  it  to  them  most  cordially, 
would  nflTord  them  every  facility  for  closing  up 
their  afl'airs,  and  leaving  the  country  to  our  exclu- 
sive jurisdiction;  but  to  no  division  of  the  territory 
could  I  ever  consent.  We  all  recollect,  sir,  that 
memorable  display  of  the  wisdom  of  Solomon — 
the  case  of  the  living  child  claimed  by  two  mothers 
— and  the  exhibition  of  true  parental  aficelion  on 
that  occasion.  She  who  consented  to  the  division 
of  the  child  was  adjudged  not  to  be  Ihe  tnie  parent, 
and  the  real  mother  was  restored  lo  her  own.  So 
it  is,  sir,  with  the  true  friends  of  Oregon:  they 
cannot  consent  to  a  division  of  the  child  of  their 
love.  If  England  is  the  true  parent,  give  it  all  to 
her,  sir.  We  cannot  consent  to  a  division  of  the 
territory,  either  by  the  Columbia  river,  or  the 
forty-ninth  parallel.  And  here,  Mr.  President,  I 
must  be  permitted  to  say,  "  mtire  in  somw  than 
in  anger,"  I  regret,  as  n  iViend  of  the  Executive, 
that  he  felt  himself  bound  to  ofler  to  Great  Britain 
the  proposition  lo  divide  the  territory  on  the  forty- 
nintii  parallel.  1  think,  sir,  the  error,  on  his  part, 
consisted  in  this:  that  he  did  not  consider  it  a  new 
question,  so  far  as  he  and  's  Administralion  were 
concerned.  In  my  judgnu  it,  sir,  so  far  as  he  was 
concerned,  it  was  an  entirely  new  (|Ucstion.  And 
wh",  sir?  Because,  at  the  convention  which  as- 
sembled in  May,  1844,  to  nominate  candidates  for 
President  and  Vice  President,  to  be  supported  by 
the  party  to  which  he  belongs,  a  delegate  of  the 
iSiate  of  ,\ew  York  oll'ered  the  following,  among 
other  resolutions,  which  was  unanimously  adopt- 
ed, as  a  principle  of  action  and  of  union.  Here  it 
is,  sir: 

•'  [iesolrtd,  That  our  title  to  the  whole  of  the  ter- 
'  ritory  of  Orcffon  is  clear  and  unquesiinnnble;  that 
'  no  portion  of  the  same  ought  to  be  ceded  to  Eng- 
'  land  or  any  other  Power;  and  that  the  re-ociupa- 
'  lion  of  Oregon  and  the  re-annexation  of  Texas, 
'  at  the  earliest  practicable  period,  are  great  Amei- 
'  icaii  measures,  which  this  convention  recommends 
'  to  the  cordial  support  of  ihe  Democracy  of  the 
•Union." 

Now,  sir, on  these  great  "American  measures," 
then  for  the  first  time  adopted  as  such,  we  went 
before  the  country.  The  present  Executive  was 
the  candidate  of  the  parly  that  avowed  this  right 
and  title  to  ihe  whole  of  the  territory  of  Oregon. 
Oreson  was  the  watchword  throu;jrhout  the  wlioli' 
lentrth  and  breadth  of  the  land.  It  was  not  con- 
fined to  the  west  or  southwest;  but  in  the  north- 
ern, middle,  and  throughout  all  the  States,  it  was 
the  rallyinj;  cry.    Orer on  and  Texas  weie  one  and 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


385 


'iQxH  CoNo 1st  Sess, 


The  Oregon  Qiiesiion — Mr,  Brcese. 


New  Series No.  25. 


undivided.  The  Executive  wbs  elected  by  the  aid 
of  lliis  mciisurp;  nnd  to  what  dirt  he  plodgn  himself 
on  tlie  cnslern  portico,  liefore  his  nswomlilcrt  fcllow- 
citizcna,  in  liis  Inniiguml  AiUlrcsH  to  them  and  to 
the  coiuitry  ?    Mnik  his  lnu!;iiasc,  sir; 

"Nor  will  it  Ijcconie  in  n  fcBs  degree  my  duty  to 
'  nssert  and  inniii/»iii,  hy  all  constitutional  means, 
'  the  right  of  the  United  Sliitcs  to  that  portion  of 
'  our  territory  which  lies  beyond  the  Uocky  moun- 
'  tains.  Our  title  to  the  co'intry  of  the  Oregon  is 
'  'clear  nnd  unquestionable;'  nnd  already  are  our 
'  people  preparing  to  perfect  that  title,  by  occiipy- 
'  ing  it  with  their  wives  and  children." 

Such,  m-,  was  his  explicit  and  frank  declara- 
tion, in  Hccoidance  with   the  piiblic  judgiuent  of 
the  country;  such  wn.s  his  pledge,     fje  had  been 
elected  ns   friendly  to   a   series   of  measures,  of 
which  iho  eniirety'of  Oregon  was  one;  and  thus  i 
it  became,  in  my  opinion,  us  to  him  nnd  his  Ad- 1 
niinistraiion,  ar\   eniirely  new  question.     I'  never  j 
had  before,   Mr.   President,  been   nn  element  in 
any  political  controversy,  and  his  Innugurnl  Ad- 
dress   prefigured   to    his    consiioienis   what    his 
course  would  be,  when  called   to   act  upon   the 
quefiiion.    In  his  Slessage  ticlivered  to  Congress  at 
the  present  s-essioii,  he  does  nut  ilepart   from   the  | 
ground  he  li.en  assumed  as  to  tlie  right,  tint  "  in 
'  deferenee  nlcine  to  what  had  lieen  done  by  his  pre- 

*  deccssnrs,  and  the  implied  obligation  wliich  tlieir 
'  nets  seenu'd  to  impose,"  nnd  iu)t  considering  it  a 
new  question,  he  made  the  proposition.     Again,  I 
f.ay,  sir,  1  regret  the  President  took  tlint  view  of 
the  subject,  nnd  olVered  a  proposilicm  so  well  cal-  ' 
euhiled  to  enibnrriiKs  his  friends  in  dilVerent  pans  , 
of  the  country,  and  who  had  united  in  condemning  ' 
those  predecessors  for  making  n  similar  oU'er.    P.ut  ; 
the  proposition  was  nuule  ami  rejected   by  Great , 
I'ritain,  withdrawn  by  our  (jovermnent,  nnd  is  no  , 
longer  biniliug.     The  President  tells  us,  with  his 
conviction  that  no  compromise  which  the  United 
States  ought  to  accept  can  be  etfecled,  "the  pro- 

'  position  of  coiuproinise,  which  hiul   been  mtule  ; 

*  nnd  rejected,  \\as,  by  my  direction,  subseqently 
'  withdrawn,  and  our  title  to  the  whole  Oregon 
'  territory  asserted,  nnd,  as  is  believed,  maintained 
'  by  irrefragable  (nets  nnd  arguments."  He  then 
recommends  iriving  the  nonce  to  terminate  tlie 
conveiuion,  ami  says:  ''At  tlie  end  of  the  year's 
'  notice,  should  (0<nigress  think  it  proper  to  make 

'  provision   for  giving  that  notice,  we  shall  have  : 
'  reached  a  period  when   the   national    rights   in 
'  Oregon  must  either  be  nbandonrd  or  firiuly  niain- 
'  tnitied.     That  they  camiol  be  abandoned  with- 

*  out  a  sacritice  of  both  nntifUnU  Inmor  nnd  inter- 
'  est,  is  too  clear  to  ndmit  of  doubt."  Agnin  he 
'  says:  "Oregon  is  a  part  of  the  North  X\  cncan 
'  continent,  to  which  it  is  confidently  nflirnicd,  the 

*  title  of  tlie  United  States  is  the  best  in  exislniee.^^ 

To  understand,  sir,  what  i.s  meant  by  our  na- 
tional rights  in  Oregon,  which  cnnnnt  be  aluuidon- 
ed  without  a  sacrifice  of  both  national  honor  and 
interest,  we  liavo  only  to  recur  to  the  pnssage  iirst 
above  quoted.  AVe  there  find  lli.it  it  i.s  to  the 
whole  Oregon  territory,  our  title  to  wliicli  is  main- 
tained "by  irivl'ragahle  ("acts  mill  arguments." 
Under  these  full  and  patriotic  declarations,  the  coun- 
try can  repose,  sir,  with  perfect  confidence;  enter- 
taining no  apprehensions  that  their  I'resideiit  will 
swerve  from  tliein  in  the  slightest  particular,  now 
that  the  honorary  oliligation  is  fully  discharged. 

The  recommendations  of  (ho  President,  sir, 
should  be  carried  into  cU'ect.  I  hope  they  will  be 
by  the  uiiaiiinunis  vote  of  the  Senate.  "I  should 
rejoice  to  see  entire  union  upon  tlicni.  In  cases  of 
this  kind  there  fchould  be  no  party  divisions;  party 
should  liuvc!  no  existence;  it  is  not  now  a  party 
question.  l!y  reference  to  the  vote  in  the  other 
House,  it  will  be  seen  that  party  lines  were  not 
obser\ed,and  I  hope  it  may  be  sii  here. 

Even,  sir,  if  the  very  oljectioiinble  re.<oUitiona 
oflered  by  the  .Senator  from  Georgia  [Mr.  Coi.- 
Hiitt]  sliuiild  receive  the  assent  of  the  Senate,  1 
shiaild  still  feel  assured,  having  so  much  confidence 
in  the  wisdom  and  firmness  of  the  Executive,  that 
wha(ever  compromise  he  might  be  compelled,  un- 
der the  terms  of  it,  to  oiler  or  accept,  it  would  not 
be  such  an  one  as  would  involve  a  cession  of  any 
jmrt  of  the  terriuny,  because,  sir,  he  is  folly  com- 
mitted to  the  nation  to  maintain  its  right  to  the 
\yhole  territory,  n-A  to  preserve  unsullied  the  na- 
(iontd  honor,  and  he  feels  (he  responsibily  of  that 
position. 

25 


Mr.  President,  let  us  inquire  whnl  will  he  the  i 
state  of  things  after  the  nottce  is  given,  nnd  the  i 
twelve  months  have  expired.  What  wil  follow,  ] 
sir?  Ifliritish  subject.s  remain  in  the  territory,' 
they  will,  necessarily,  become  subject  t.i  our  laws,  ! 
as  they  nie  now  in  every  other  part  of  the  United 
States  in  which  they  n'lny  happen  to  be.  That, 
sir,  will  be  their  condition — that  will  be  the  elTect 
of  the  termination  of  the  convention;  for  we  would  i 
be  at  once  remitted  to  our  right  of  possession, 
which  must  necessarily  bo  exclusive,  p'ncing  us  | 
in  the  actual  sovereignty  of  the  country.  'That 
we  can  maintain  that  position  is  very  cer(nin. 
There  need  be  no  apprehension,  sir,  if  notice  be  ■ 
given,  nnd  the  mensnres  recommended  by  the 
President  enrried  out,  nnd  emigration  enconratred, 
that  any  act  of  violence  on  the  pnrt  of  (ireat  IJrit- 
ain  will  take  place;  because,  in  addition  to  other 
ctnisiderations,  we  have  her  unqualified  admission, 
that  we  have  the  right  of  possession,  and  any  act 
of  encrnnchment  on  her  part  would  be  eniirely  un- 
authorized and  unjustifiable,  nnd  which  she  would 
not  hazard,  as  it  would  be  nn  net  of  war.  She 
cannot  now  gainsay  (hat  admission.  She  cannot 
abridge  it,  anil  while  it  remains,  she  would  have 
no  riglil  to  interfere  with  our  exclusive  jiosscssion. 
The  question  then  will  be,  sir,  shall  we  maintain 
this  right,  fortified  by  the  admission  of  Great 
Britain  herselt*,  aii.i  reposing  upmi  a  title  so  clear 
and  uiiqiiestiiuiable  ns  ours  is  shown  to  be,  by 
force  of  |)rinciph"s  which  she  has  herself  establish- 
ed, or  shall  we  abandon  it .'  I  cannot  think  of  it 
forn  moment,  sir,  ns  it  would  be  a  wilful  nnd 
wicked  nbandonment  "of  our  own  self-respect  and 
our  national  honor."  All  we  have  to  do,  sir,  in 
this  and  every  other  emergency,  is,  to  pursue  (he 
path  of  duty  and  honor,  lead  wlieie  it  may.  After 
all  we  have  said  and  doii'-,  sir,  it  would,  in  my 
judgment,  be  liiL'hly  derogatory  to  our  national 
character  to  recede  a  sinirle  inch  from  the  position 
we  have  assumed,  fortified  ns  if  is  by  the  clear 
right  of  the  cnse,  sanctioned  by  the  common  judg- 
ment of  the  whole  country,  and  taken  with  delib- 
eiation. 

i!ut  it  is  said,  sir,  Great  Rriiain  will  not  recede — 
she  will  not  yield  her  pretensions,  and  war  may 
ecuue;  ;ind  this  seems  to  be  the  opinion  of  the 
Senator  of  Michigan,  [Mr.  (yAss.l  I  cannot 
undertake  to  say,  Mr.  President,  wliat  England 
will  do  when  the  crisis  comes;  but  this  I  think  I 
can  say,  that  lu'r  history  shows  that  in  almost 
every  cn.so  threatening  a  controversy  with  us,  in 
which  she  has  been  (irmlv  met  ami  resrdutely 
opposed,  she  has  never  persisted.  'J'o  in.Htaiice  no 
other  exanqiles:  at  the  time  wo  acquired  Louisiana; 
did  she  not  obj.  ct,  and  protest,  and  threaten  :  She 
was  then  at  war  with  h  ranee,  and  might,  by  belli- 
gerent capture,  have  nddi  d  that  rich  ]irovince  to 
her  Crown;  but  we  pursued  the  even  tenor  of  our 
wny,  kept  oitr  object  steadily  in  view,  and  in  spite  , 
of  enemies  nt  home  and  abroad,  consunminted  the 
act:  nnd  ^vhat  was  the  result.'  So  in  regard  to  our 
proceedings  towards  Spain,  before  the  Florida 
treaty.  She  charged  us  wilh  a  desire  for  territorial 
aggrandizeinenl;  she  protested  against  our  right  to 
lake  possession  of  that  part  of  it  we  chiiiued;  yet 
we  pursued  the  course  ]»olicy  nnd  justice  to  our- 
selve;s  dictated — placed  ;U  the  disposal  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive means  adequate  to  the  exigency  of  the 
cnse,  and  we  heard  no  more  of  Ih'ilish  interference 
or  iqiposition.  So  in  regard  to  the  surrender  of 
this  very  territory,  uiiiler  the  first  article  of  tha 
treaty  of'  Ghent.  Fiu-  three  years  she  laisid  difii- 
culties,  coined  objectiuns,  and  |>ostpoiieil  |lie  exe- 
cnlion  of  a  positive  treaty  stipulation;  but  we  were 
firm  nnd  iinporlunute,  nnd  were  reinstated  in  our 
possessimi.  And  it  is  only  necessary  tor  us,  sir, 
in  this  case,  to  be  firm,  calm,  nnd  prudent,  demand- 
ing nothing  but  what  is  exactly  right,  and  mani- 
festing a  dispBsition  to  do  full  justice,  and  there  is 
no  danger  of  a  controversy. 

lint,  sir,  if  we  adopt  a  timid  policy:  if  we  betray 
a  weak  and  vacillating  piirpo.ie;  if  we  hesitate, — we 
run  the  hazard  of  bringing  upon  us  the  very  calaiu- 
ity  we  seek  to  avoid.  Great  Britain  undecstands 
this  well.  She  knows  our  histcn'y.  She  knows 
we  are  ns  firm  tmd  unyii-ldingns  any  nation  can  be 
with  the  right  on  our  side,  and  that  we  have  never 
persisted  in  the  assertimi  or  maintenance  of  wrong. 
All  we  have  to  do,  then,  in  this  crisis,  is,  to  main- 
lain  (his  firm  and  decideil  position;  and  my  life  on 
it,  she  will  not  involve  her  counlrv  anil  this  in  the 


calnmit  es  of  war  for  Oregon,  Sir,  Great  Britain 
is  not  prepared  for  n  wnr  with  us.  She  never  wn.s 
ill  a  more  precarious  condidon  tlinn  she  is  nt  this 
inomeiu;  no(  from  internal  decjiy,  perhaps,  sir,  but 
fioin  the  circumstances  of  her  position,  nnd  without 
u  friend  in  any  one  of  the  nations  of  the  earth.  Shn 
is,  too,  at  (hi-  moment  embarking  in  a  bold,  and 
(o  her  dangerous,  experiment — no  less,  sir,  than  a 
radical  change  in  a  policy  to  which  she  lias  ad- 
hered, with  such  pertinncilv,  since  (he  revolution 
of  1C8S.  Her  success,  sir,  in  this  experiment,  she 
niusi  kn.iw  nnd  feel,  depends  in  a  very  great  degree 
upon  the  mninlenance  of  amicable  relations  with 
this  country.  We  have  been,  nnd  now  are,  her 
best  cnstomer,  nnd  it  is  not  to  be  presumed  she 
would  altcnipt  such  a  change,  with  her  best  cus- 
tomer in  nrnis  against  her.  That  would  be  falali 
suii'.idal. 

The  controversy  will  never  lie  prosecuted  to  a 
wnr  by  Great  Britain,  under  the  circuiusinnces  in 
which  sle  is  placed,  unless  we  ninnifest  timidity 
and  indecision;  and  if  it  should,  sir,  I  cannot  lliiiik 
she  could  do  ns  any  very  L'l'i'nt  injury.  I  have  re- 
flected a  CO. id  deal  upon  (his  siil  jeci,  and  I  cannot 
for  my  life,  sir,  see  how  she  can  iiifiict  upon  iia 
any  permanent  injury,  while  she  is  exposed  to 
llnit  hazard  from  us  by  (he  very  nature  of  her  sys- 
tem. We  nii'_';l  lose  some  merchant  sliip.'^,  luid  a 
vessel  of  wnr  or  so;  but  her  own  cnmmerce  would 
be  more  crippled  than  ours.  We  could  carry  on  a 
^V!lr  of  ten  years  wilh  Itss  injury  to  us  than  to  her. 
Our  condition  is  vastly  dill'erent  now  from  what  it 
was  when  the  war  of  1812  was  decland.  Then 
our  populalion  v  as  small,  our  iiilernni  cominc'ico 
nothing.  ]Vow  we  have  facilities  of  approach  lioin 
the  seaboard  into  every  part  of  the  country,  near 
yO,0(JO,U(J(l  of  people,  and  nn  internal  commerce 
fifteen  times  as  gi'eat  ns  our  foreign,  which  we 
could  full  back  U)>oii,  and  verify  the  fiict,  that  wo 
can  live  and  flourish  without  any  foreign  coni- 
inerce.  These  malte  our  position  more  (avorable 
for  a  war  than  (hat  of  Great  Ilritain;  besides,  so 
fiir  ns  the  great  staple  of  her  manufartures,  cotton, 
is  concerned,  she  is  niniost  wholly  dependent  on 
us.  She  cannot  procure  from  India  and  Kgypt 
enough  to  keep  her  spindles  employed  three 
monllis;  and  unless  she  draws  her  supply  from  us 
through  nentrni  ports,  she  must  be  broken  up, 
Tnking  this  single  consideration  into  the  account, 
the  prospect  of  inevitable  ruin  to  her,  keeping 
her  conditimi  in  other  rcsoecis  in  view,  is  alarm- 
ing indeed.  This  great  siaple  contributes  so  much 
to  the  support  of  her  populalion,  nnd  is  so  inipor- 
laiit  an  element  of  her  commercial  and  inlerii.tl 
prosperity,  that  it  will  always  operalc,  whilst  we 
control  its  production,  as  bond  and  security  from 
her  that  she  wil!  keep  the  peace.  It  is  most  iiian- 
ifeslly,  sir,  her  interest  not  to  go  to  war,  nnd  she 
will  mnke  great  s:icrifices  to  avoid  it — every  sacri- 
fice short  of  nalional  honor,  which,  so  far  us  she 
is  concerned,  is  not  involved  in  this  question. 
Seeing,  ns  she  docs,  this  territory  filling  up  by  onr 
own  citizens;  that  it  is  contiguous  territory,  and 
the  only  outlet  westward  for  the  great  valley  of  the 
.Mississippi  to  the  markets  of  Asin,  nnd  entirely 
dctncheil  from  all  her  colonies  in  either  hem- 
isphere, nnd  thnt  it  cnn  be  to  her  but  a  barren  jios- 
scssion, the  sacrifice  in  yielding  peaceably  her  pre- 
tensions to  any  part  of^  it,  accompanied  by  those 
friendly  arraneenients  to  wliich  1  have  alluded,  tviil 
bear  no  comparison  to  that  we  should  encounter 
by  an  abniidonment  on  our  part. 

And,  sir,  it  will  not  be  England  alone  which 
will  be  engaged  in  this  war,  should  one  befall  ns. 
The  people  of  Europe  have  llie  spirit  of  rev- 
olution and  reform  raging  within  them,  only  sup- 
pressed by  the  strong  arm  of  power.  It  is  the 
|)olicy  of  ihrones  and  dynasties  to  preveni  a  wnr 
with  us.  If  a  war  does  come  it  will  be  a  war  of 
systems — not  for  Oregon;  nnd  in  such  a  war,  so 
sure  as  (he  red  man  fades  nway  before  (he  advanco 
of  civilization,  so  sure  will  tlio.se  thrones  nnd 
dynasties  tall  before  the  advance  of  republican 
iirinciples.  No,  sir;  Europe  \\ill  not  suffer  Eng- 
land to  wnr  for  Oregon  'vith  us.  The  great  free- 
trade  interest  alone,  now  promising  to  be  in  the 
nscendnnt  in  England,  will  have  power  sufficient  to 
prevent  a  war,  nnd  will  prevent  it  at  every  sucri- 
iice. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  see,  sir,  how  a  nation  so 
politic  as  England  is,  cnn  hazard  n  wnr,  in  her 
present  condition,  provided  the  matter  is  managed 


I 


386 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29rH  CONO I  ST  Se88. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr,  Breese. 


[March  2, 
Senate. 


by  us, «» it  should  be,  (wo  doing  nothing  cnlciilnted  ! 
to  irritate,  mid  iiianifeslin^  ii  just  and  liVml  spirit  I 
tiiwnrds  her,)  with  brcoming  tirmneas.  If  war  rtocs  | 
gniw  out  of  lhi«  qtu'Hlinn,  Mr.  Presiileiil,  it  must  I 
lie  connnpiii'iid  by  EiiKlunJ — we  will  not  take  the 
initiative  in  that.  But,  it  in  Maid,  sir,  wc  must  so 
tiiiuia)te  the  matter  by  ni'jjolintioii.romiironiise.nnd 
uoquieMc'Pii.M',  in  the  demands  of  Great  Britain,  na 
not  to  (on-e  her  Id  this  nlleniiilivi  ;  for  ii  is  said,  sir, 
if  war  dues  ensue,  we  will  lose  our  foreiH;n  trade, 
be  visitf.l  liv  all  its  ftciiunnliticd  horrors  and  cal- 
ninilies,  and  thai  we  would  l>e  broken  down  in 
our  finiiniTs,  as  ilie  Senator  of  South  Carolina 
[Mr.  C'alihii'nI  said  a  few  days  since.  If  these 
aiv  proper  eitUNiderutions,  sir,  and  to  be  used  as 
arfrumenis  cm  suih  a  topie,  the  duly  of  inainiiiiu- 
10':  nalinnni  'i^-hls  would  lie  :ii  an  en<l.  iSuch  ar- 
Cuinenis  iwrsusde  us  to  surrender  iheni  up  iinielly 
to  any  arrostani  demand  or  biiselcss  pretension,  if 
made  by  a  formidable  Power,  lest,  by  resisiin^, 
we  should  be  snbjeeled  lo  loss  niid  injury.  Siii-li 
reasoning,  sir,  puin  h  ."^uip,  at  once,  lo  the  assertion 
and  mainlenunee  of  any  ri<;lit,  no  matter  how  im- 
portant. .\Ineh  im  1  ileiest  war,  sir,  and  would 
eurneslly  seek  to  avtiid  iis  ronseqnenees  eould  it 
be  done  houornbly.  luneh  ;is  I  should  depreraie  ,ui 
increase  of  the  paper  syslem  which  iniglit  ensue, — 
I  would  greully  prefer  lliein  all,  lo  a  surrenikr, 
uuderexisiini;eiicumsinnce.s,of  any  portion  of  the 
Oi-egon  terriiniy.  There  is  noihin^  that  can  ;;row 
out  of  a  war  that  my  Slate  would  noi  be  willing 
to  endure,  in  preference  lo  the  surrender  of  any 
part  of  Ii — nniliiug,  whatever,  sir.  lAir,  so  far  as 
ir«  are  concf  rued,  tiie  point  of  honor  is  invoKed. 
We  have  bei'ii  told,  sir,  time  and  again,  if  \ve  do 
assert  our  lille,  and  lake  measures  to  maintain  it, 
war  will  follow;  and  ifgnin  and  ataiii  are  we  re- 
minded of  the  magnitude  of  England's  power,  and 
of  our  own  unprepared  and  defenceless  ctnidilion. 
Sir,  I  have  said  I  did  iml  believe  a  war  could  do 
us  imicli  injury— <'erl«inly  noi  so  inui  h  as  it  would 
England.  She  has  no  iniernal  ronimene  to  fall 
back  upon  to  sustain  her — no  internal  resources — 
all  is  scallei'ed  over  the  face  of  ihe  earth.  With 
us,  it  is  wlndly  dilVereiii.  We  possess  nil  ihe 
varieties  of  soil  and  climate,  well  adapted  lo  ihe 
most  profu.se  jiroiluction  of  all  necessary  ar'iclis 
of  consumiitinn  ;  a  population  pos.sessing  c\ery 
kind  and  degree  of  skdl,  enteqiri.se,  nnd  pursuit: 
with  an  internal  commerce  spreading  over  mm'; 
t*ian  three  tlinn.sanil  miles  of  lerrilory — luununiiifL' 
annually  to  many  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  wiili 
the  most  perfect  facilities  by  railroads  and  canals 
to  accommodate  it,  which  would  uoi  only  snsiaiu, 
hut  enrich  the  whole  cmuitry,  and  verify  the  faci, 
PS  I  ha"e  belore  said,  ihal  we  i-ould  live  sud  prtis- 
per,  mdcpendeni  of  all  foreign  nations.  We  would 
discover  that  our  pros|ieriiy  does  not  d,  peml  <ui 
the  accidents  of  foreign  commerce,  or  cm  lhi>  unruly 
politics  of  Europe.  This  commerce  beuveen  ihe 
Stales,  sir,  is,  wiihout  ils  rcslrictions,  like  that  be- 
tween so  many  foreign  and  disiinci  nations.  (Join- 
pare  our  situation  in  this  n-irard,  wiih  ilinse  Euro 
|)ean  Stales  having  but  lilllc  foreign  comnuTCf .  and 
none  internal,  esti mated  by  ours;  l bey  seem  n,  j>ros- 
per,  sir,  under  burdens  and  exaciinns  far  heavier 
and  greater,  even  in  a  time  of  peace,  ilmii  ours 
could  be  in  war.  .Siliialed  as  we  are  now,  sir,  if 
we  have  not  the  nbilily  lo  .snslaiii  a  war,  il  seiins 
lo  nie  that  no  nation  on  the  f,\n;  of  the  larlli  i'\tt 
had  or  ever  will  have  ihai  abilily. 

,\s  to  *' |i|.,>nl{i|ip.  down  our  liimnces,'*  sir,  and 
the  evils  of  the  pa|s'r-sysiiin,  whi'li  il  is  ihonuhl 
will  necessarily  follow  n  war,  this  will  In;  but  lein- 
porttry,and  can  be  greatly  modified  by  wise  li'L'i."*- 
iation.  There  is  nothing,  sir.  in  iliis  view  of  ihe 
subject  calculated  lo  in.spire  itlnrni,  or  make  us  hcs- 
itaie  in  defending  all  our  riarhls.  We  Inne  now, 
sir,  in  the  coniilry  about  JIOO.OOO.OtM)  ofsoeiie, 
which,  in  the  e\ent  <n'  war,  wiaild  reinain  in  the 
country,  us  there  would  be  no  use  f.ir  ii  to  pay  b.il- 
nnces  abroad,  there  being  no  fiueiirii  trade.  This 
would  be  H  basis  for  safe  Lssiies,  according  lo  the 
modern  science  of  banking,  of  three  hundred  mil- 
lions of  dollars.  Treasury  notes  bearing  no  iiilerest, 
and  receivable  by  the  Cfoverninent  fur  all  dues, 
would  be  at  par  for  all  Government  paymenis,  and 
being  in  demand  lo  pay  laxes,  would  not  fluctuate 
Tery  much  in  value  in  ihe  inarkcl.  Such  a  system 
might  be  made  lo  work  quite  safely,  sir,  during  a 
war,  but  should  termiiiBle  with  il,  or  before  our 
revived    comm»rce    created  a  balance    of   irade 


ngainat  us.  As  to  the  taxes,  sir,  do  the  people 
not  pay  now,  indirerlly,  through  the  operation  of 
our  tariO'laws,  more  then  ihcy  vcould  have  to  pay 
directly  by  taxation.'  If  lliey  have  no  laxes  to 
pay  in  ihe  shape  of  diilies,  as  they  would  mil 
in  case  of  war,  they  wcuild  be  belter  enabled  lo 
pay  those  which  should  be  levied  by  tiixnlion 
to  Hup|H)rt  a  war  waged  in  difence  of  national 
rights  and  niilioiml  honor.  A  war  with  nil  Ihe  ca- 
Inmilies  nllenilant  upon  il,  such  as  they  may  be, 
would  not  be  barren  of  bencfii.  It  would  unite  our 
people  more  closely  than  they  are  now  united, 
would  iitereasc  their  energies,  and,  by  calling  into 
exerci.se  the  sterner  virtues,  lead,  in  the  end,  tea 
rast  increase  of  our  power.  Wo  are  becoming, 
sir,  too  efli'ininale,  luxurious,  and  cNtravagani; 
all  these  leudencies  would  be  checked  by  a  war: 

"  Hwci't  src  llic  usea  ot'ndvprsily  ! 
Which,  like  tlir>  load,  liLily  anil  vcnoiiiriuM, 
Wears  ycl  a  pi-cciuiis  jewel  in  its  licad.*' 

And  as  for  a  speedy  recovery  from  the  ill  elTecls 
of  a  war,  sir,  nonaiionini  the  globe  possesses  half 
the  recuperaliveenergv  ihaloui's  possesses.  This 
our  history  prove.i.  Who  believes,  sir,  that  the 
late  war  was  of  any  injury  lo  us  ?  Though  many 
fell — though  much  blood  was  spill — our  foreign 
commerce  broken  up,  and  all  industrial  pursuits 
crippled  and  damaged,  and  not  mie  object  attained 
for  which  the  war  w:is  declined  and  waged  at  so 
much  expense  of  blood  and  treasure,  who  can 
doubt  that  it  was  of  ifumciiRe  service  lo  us,  weigh- 
ing all  these  against  lliat  one  item  which  it  gained 
for  us — the  respect  iif  all  other  Towers,  and  the 
high  exaltation  of  our  naliniial  characlcr.'  And  we 
recovered  from  ils  etlecis  in  ii  few  yeius,  and  with 
renewed  life  and  vigor  have  since  pursued  our 
tflorious  and  successful  career. 
The. Senator  from  Delaware, sir,  [Mr.  J.M.Ci.w- 
ToNjl  took  occasion,  in  his  remarks  n|H)n  these  res- 
olutions, to  contrast  our  naval  force  with  that  of 
Great  llriiain,  and  read  to  the  Senate  i\  prepared 
stalemenl  of  her  military  and  commercial  marine. 
But  the  Senator  did  not  seem  lo  recollect  that  the 
number  of  vessels  of  war  p.isses.sed  by  a  nation  is 
no  criterion  by  which  lo  esiimale  ils  power,  t'.ng- 
laiid  hiw  many  .ships  of  war,  sir — she  has  the 
wooden  walls.  Inn  has  she  the  sinew  and  muscle 
with  wliich  10  man  ihem  ?  Can  slie  gel  the  men .' 
I  recollc  I  reading  last  summer,  sir,  in  a  British 
magazine,  an  article  upon  the  defences  of  Great 
Britain,  and,  among  oilier  things,  the  coiiilition  of 
her  navy,  both  as  lo  tlie  iiialeritl  and  the  jier.soHnet, 
ill  whicli  it  was  slated  ilial  Captain  Liishington, 
one  of  the  niosi  jiopular  ortii ers  in  her  navy,  had 
great  diiriculiy,  anil  had  been  unable  uii  lo  that 
lime,  lo  ship  a  i  rew  for  llie  sieaniir  •'Uclribniion." 
Now,  sir,  wilh  this  fact  in  view,  1  wiailil  ask  that 
^lelmtor,  how  it  is  in  ihc  power  of  Great  Briuiin  to 
nian  one  half  of  ihi'  ves.scis  on  llial  fonnidaiile  list 
he  presented  to  the  Senate,  even  by  resorting — as 
shecerlainiy  would  resort — lo  llie  press-gang.-  .She 
caiiuol  man  lliiin,  sir.  The  Scn.unr  showed,  sir, 
by  his  stalemenl,  thai  in  pi'iuiiulion  lo  our  com- 
merce, as  compared  with  that  of  lOngiimd  and  some 
of  the  minor  Powers  of  Europe,  We  had  fi-wer 
guns  for  its  protection  than  any  of  ihom;  but  the 
Senaior  did  not  seiin  lo  consider  the  capacily  of 
lliis  naliou  to  arm  ilself  on  an  eiuergency,  nnil  he 
left  Ihc  inference  very  fair  llial  he  believed  ours 
was  llie  weakest  naval  power  mi  the  globe.  1 
ihink,  sir,  a  liule  consideraiimi  of,  and  examina- 
iion  into,  elcinenis  of  naval  power  will  serve  to  sat- 
isfy every  .Sriiaior  llial  we  have  the  capacily  to  put 
allo.ii,  in  a  v.ry  short  time,  a  more  powerful  navy 
than  Gnat  Itrilain  ever  posse^-sl■d.  It  caiinol  be 
denied,  sir,  that  weave  capable  of  cuiisirncling  ves- 
.scis with  iiiori  rapidity,  and  wilh  belli  r  equipmenl 
and  sailing  r|ualilies,  liiaii  any  olher  iialion;  and  if 
war  conies,  instead  of  finding  ns  unprepared  in 
this  arm  of  a';.ioyance  and  defence,  we  slionid  be 
fiaiiid.  ill  a  few  inontlis,  ilie  best  prepared  nation  in 
the  world.  It  istriie,  sir,of  nnlional  vessils,  wehave 
lint  .seventy  six,  all  lolii,  but  we  liavea  coiinnereial 
marine  niisinpassed  byaiiy.  All  our  paikei  ships, 
sailing  from  the  pons' of  \ew  York  and  Philailel- 
pliia,  are  larircr,  belter  filled,  slaunclier,  heller  sail- 
ers, and  capable  of  carrying  more  vans  and  siislain- 
ing  their  recoil,  and  resisting  an  enemy's  broadside, 
than  our  sccond-elass  frigaies  were  in  ihe  last  war, 
or  could  soon  be  made  so  by  additional  bulwarks, 
the  work  of  a  few  weeks.  These,  wilh  our  whale 
ships  armed  and  filled,  losny  noiliingof  ouraleam- 


boats  with  armaments  on  hoard,  will  enahin  u<  to 
put  afloat  a  more  efficient  navy  than  Great  Britain 
ever  possessed;  and  for  shippini;  crews,  patriotism 
would  supply  the  place  of  tlie  press-gang. 

If  you  will  look,  sir,  at  tire  list  of  the  British 

navy,  you  will  find  that  many  ships  named  in  it 

are  not  seaworthy,  and  cannot  be  made  so;  many 

ll  of  them  are  old  ships,  ships  engaged  in  Ihc  bailies 

j  cf  Trafalgar  and  the  Nile  ■  iliey  are  now  old  hulks, 

'I  nliflt  for  service. 

,1      Mr.   .1.    M.   Ci.WTON    desired    to  correct    the 
L  honorable  Senator  in  one  or  two  particulars.     He 
I   did  not  .say  that  wc  were  Ihe  weakest  nation,  nor 
;  had  he  enileavored  lo  place  the  strength  of  Great 
,  Britain  in  a  striking  light  before  the  Senate.     He 
'  had  merely  stated  Ine  relative  naval  power  of  this 
j   cinintry  and  England,  in  reply  to  Ihc  remarks  of 
'   the  Senaior  from  Ohio,  [Mr.  Ali.ek.I     He  had 
'  said  nothing  to  disparage  our  own  naval  force,  but 
I  he  had  thought  it  proper  to  correct  some  state- 
menia  of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  in  regard  lo  Ihe 
]  naval  power  of  England.    And  he  had  done  so 
'  from  facts  then  in  his  possession.     Since  he  had 
made  that  statement,  he  had  seen  a  still  later  au- 
I  tliority,  disclosing  more  particular  information  as 
i  to  Ihe  naval  power  of  Great  Britain  than  he  had 
I  been  in  possession  of  at  the  time  he  had  the  honor 
j  to  address  the  Senate.     He  slated  at  that  time  that 
:  England  had  671  ships,  carryuig  an  armament  of 
Ifi,27i  gnus.     By  llie  latest  official  documents  re- 
ceived by  the  last  steamer,  I  perceive,  so  miieh  has 
she  increased  her  naval  power  within  the  last  quar- 
ter, llial  she  has  now   17,772  funs  in   her  navy. 
This  is  a  great  inciea.se,  and  this  has  been  cflected 
I  in  the  last  qnarler  of  the  last  year.     The  number 
of  her  war-steamers,  according  to  the  account  we 
,  were  in  possession  of  when  he  last  addressed  the 
'  Seiinle,  was  9tj.     He  perceived  by  the  documents 
lately  received  that  there  were  now  121.     He  had 
also  slated  that  her  military  marine  amounted  to 
!  40,0110,  and  he  did  say,  too,  in  reference  to  the 
!  commercial  marine,  to  wliich  the  Senator  from  II- 
,  linnis  Imd  now  alluded,  that  ours  was  about  equal, 
or  perhaps  a  little  inferior  to  that  of  England.    But 
Ihc  recent  information  showed  that  that  estimate 
was  somewhat  erroneous,  or  at  least  that  their 
commcrciol  marine  had  increased  since  the  former 
suitenient. 

The  tonnage,  foreign  and  coastwise,  of  the  Uni- 
ted Kingdom  of  Greal  Britain,  at  the  close  of  the 
'  year  183H,  was  2,420,759  tons.  The  same  stale- 
ineiit  IS  made  by  McCulloch,  title  "British  Em- 
pire," nnd  by  Baron  Charles  Dupin,  in  his  "  Pu- 
ralUUiUs  Troii  Principalis  .Varinea  de  I'Vnirers." 

A.  rare  work,  very  recently  published,  and  re- 
ceived williin  a  few'  days  past  at  the  Treasury, 
(McGregor's  Commercial  Tarifl's,&c.,)  referred  to 
and  relied  upon  in  the  Secretary's  report  this  day, 
brings  down  the  information  on  the  subject  as  late 
as  the  31st  December,  1844,  at  which  time  it  ap- 
pears that  the  whole  tonnage,  foreign  lO'd  coasl- 
wise,  of  Ihe  United  Kingdom,  wus2,9!)4,16(j  tons; 
wliich,  added  to  llmt  of  Guernsey,  Jersey,  and 
Man,  (r)l).226  Ions,)  makes  the  whole  tonnage  of 
all,  by  the  l.ilest  relurns  received  witliiii  the  last 
week  at  tlie  Treasury,  3,044,392  tons. 

The  Secretary's  report  suites  the  tonnage  of  the 
United  Stales,  on  the  3Uih  June,  1845,  at  2,410,999 
tons.  This  was  the  amount  sliued  by  Mr.  C.  in 
his  speech  of  the  12ih  ultimo,  on  the  Oregon  qnes- 
,  lion.  He  then  eslimatid  the  loiinage  of  the  Uiii- 
iled  Kingdom,  vVc,  at  2,42l),7.'i9  tons,  wliich  was 
according  lo  the  latest  relurns  to  be  relied  on  at 
the  time. 

By  the  hues*  "  List  of  the  British  Navy,"  it 
appears  that  there  has  been  a  very  extrnnrilinnry 
increase  of  the  naval  power  of  England  vvilhin  Ihc 
last  qunrler  of  the  year  1H45.  He  (Mr.  C.)  slated, 
in  the  debate  on  'the  12tli  ultimo,  from  the  best 
informelion  lo  be  then  had,  the  whole  number  of 
guns  in  the  Brilish  navy  at  10,242.  That  slale- 
meiit  was  founded  on  the  then  latest  returns  of  the 
British  navy.  The  officinl  list  received  by  the  Inst 
steamer  now  shows  the  number  of  guns  lo  be 
17,772,  exclusive  of  the  arinament  of  the  sailing 
packels.  Il  is  cerlaiii  that  the  British  navy  has 
greatly  increased  of  lale.  Mr.  C.  staled,  on  the 
same  occa.sioii,  the  number  of  English  war  steam- 
ers, by  the  only  official  list  then  to  be  consulted 
un  this  side  of  the  water,  at  98.  The  late  intelli- 
gence shows  that  this  number  has  been  increased 
within  the  last  iiuarier  to  121.    Mr.  C.  observed 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


387 


29th  Cono IsT  Seas. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Starkweather, 


Ho.  OF  Keps. 


Xavv,"  it 
xtriiDrilirinry 
III  within  llie 
r.  C.)slntcd, 
oni  the  best 
le  luiniber  ot' 
TImt  Kiale- 
rtunis  of  tlip 
J  by  tilt'  Inst 
trims  to  be 
the  xuilin^ 
h  navy  has 
alrd,  on  the 
wiir  sleam- 
i>  consulted 
late  intelli- 
III  increased 
observed 


in  his  speech  of  the  13th  ultimo,  in  reply  to  Mr.  !j  n  vote  to  inerense  the  nnvy,  nnd  the  ronson  he  nr-  : 
Allen,  that  he  had  caiefully  avoided  orfi-ratin^  '\  siprncd  was,  thai  (Ji-eat  Britain  had  then  three  ad-  ' 
the  British  power.  His  cstimalcs  were  correctly  ;|  dilional  naval  stations  to  maintain:  oneon  Iheconat  i 
predicated  on  the  very  best  infoiiiintion  to  be  had  ;|  of  Africa,  one  in  China,  and  one  in  the  Pacific;  ard 
at  the  time  he  spoke,  and  he  had  rather  undei  rated  ' 
the  British  and  sli;;litly  overrated  our  own  naval 
power.  He  stated  the  number  of  gnus  in  our  navy 
at  3,353-,  the  number  is,  I  now  learn,  precisely 
2,33y.    The  important  result  of  this  interesting  in- 


ihat  they  would  require  an  increase  in  the  naval 
force  of  four  thousand  men,  and  for  the  navy  and 
ordnance  an  additional  sum  of  i'l  ,000.1)00.   He  also   ; 
proposed  an  increase  of  the  steam  navy,  and,  as 
lie  ileclared,  not  for  anv  purposes  of  a  war  of  a;;- ;i 
quiry  into  the  relative  naval  and  commercial  power  i,  grcssion,  but  in  consequence  of  the  extension  of 


of  the  two  countries  is  almost  precisely  the  same 
as  stated  by  Mr.  C.  Oruat  Britain  appears,  by 
the  Secretary's  report,  to  have  about  COO  kuus  for 
every  100,000  tons  of  commerce;  we  have  only  96; 
while  France  has  1,04(5;  Holland  683;  Sweden  and 


their  commerce  in  all  parts.     He  said,  "  We  do 
not  propose  this  increi.sc  from  any  apprehension  of  j 
war,  [hear,  hear,]  or  with  nnv  view  whatever  to 
agRression."     [Loud  cries  of 'iear.l 
I      All  this  was  before  Oiesjon  had  become  a  prom- 
Norway  394;  Turkey  1,2'J3;  Denmark  703;  Portu-  '  inent  topic,  and  mav  be  Meed  to  the  pamphlet 
gal  798;  Austria  321;  and  Russia  far  more  than   j  "On  the  State  of  the  Naval  force  of  France,"  put 
any  other  nation,  in  proportion  to  the  amount  of     forth  in  May  piecedinir,  bj^  the  Admiral  Prince  de 
her  commerce  to  l>e  protected.     We  are  behind  all   i  Joinville,  and  the  publication  of  Thiers,  eoin?  to  ' 
other  civilized  nations  in  this  respect.     We  have  |I  show  that  a  descent  by  Napoleon  upon  the  F,ng-  | 
less  protection  for  the  same  amount  of  commercial  >1  lish  coast  was  seriously  contemplated  from  Bon-  ; 
wealth  than  any  other  people,  and  wo  must  double  ,,  lo^ne,  and  would  have  been  carried  into  effect  but  i 
our  navy  before  we  can  stand  on  a  respectable     for  accidental  causes.     This  pamphlet  pointed  out  \ 


Eeace  establishment,  if  we  are  to  measure  our  own 
y  the  standard  which  regulates  the  other  navies 
of  the  world. 

Mr.  Breese.  The  Senator's  statement  confirms 
what  I  said,  sir;  for  it  does  represent  his  own  coun- 
try as  the  weakest  naval  Power  on  earth;  it  shows 
that  even  the  minor  Powers  of  Europe  have  more 
puns  in  proportion  to  their  commerce  than  we  have. 
And  it  confirms  another  statement  1  made,  sir:  that 
Great  Britain  cannot  man  her  guns.  She  has,  sir, 
it  seems  by  the  Senator's  showinj:,  17,723  guns  in 
her  navy;  and  as  ten  men  are  required  to  each  gun, 
she  should  have  177,220  men;  whereas  the  fact  is 
she  has  but  40,000. 

But,  sir,  this  inequality  is  not  the  point.  The 
question  is  as  to  the  capacity  of  this  nation  to  arm 
for  a  contest;  and,  in  this  particular,  that  of  Great 
Britain,  vast  as  it  may  be,  is  still  inferior  to  ours. 
She  does  not  possess  the  elements  of  preparation 
and  combination  we  do,  and  in  these  recpccts  we 
are  the  strongest  naval  power  on  the  globe.  Look 
at  one  fact,  sir,  in  proof  of  what  individual  enter-  V 
prise  can  do,  in  building  steam-vessels.  In  1834, 
when  the  whole  steamboat  tonnage  of  the  British 
empire  did  not  exceed  82,000  tons,  that  in  the  Mis- 
sissippi valley  alone  amounted,  two  years  ago,  to 
135,000  tons,  or  one-third  more  than  that  of  the 
whole  British  empire.  Compare  the  capacity  of 
Great  Britain  with  that  of  the  United  States  to  pre- 
pare a  military  marine.  Sir,  there  is  no  compari- 
son. We  have  forests,  which  she  does  notpos-,: 
Bcss — we  have  all  the  malerid,  the  frrsonncl,  and 
the  skill.  Our  skill  in  naval  construction  is  un- 
equalled. She  has  never  posses-sed  such  ships  as 
our  line  packets;  she  has  never  yet  approached  us 
in  the  construction  of  steam-vc'sels,  in  beauty, 
Hwitbiess,  and  capability.  We  have  constructed 
them  to  run  twenty-seven  miles  in  the  hour — a  ' 
speed  never  yet  attained  by  any  British  steamers, 
and  never  will  be,  unless  our  models  are  adopted. 
In  every  particular — I  have  not  the  ability  now  to 
go  into  the  details — in  every  particular,  we  have 
immense  advantages  over  her,  in  the  possession  of 
the  elements  of  defence  and  assault,  which  can  soon 
be  worked  up  into  effective  means.  Our  capacity, 
air,  to  nut  the  country  in  a  state  of  naval  uefence 
is  deciaedly  greater  than  hers. 

But,  sir,  as  s.lgns  of  approaching  war  the  gre.it 
military  and  naval  preparations  in  which  Great 
Britain  is  engaged,  and  of  which  we  have  heard 
BO  much,  are  referred  to:  and  to  what  do  they  all 
anioinU?  I  have  said,  sir,  I  did  not  believe  Great  , 
Britain  would  go  lo  war  for  Oregon,  and  I  consider  ji 
these  preparations  no  indication  of  such  a  purpose,  i 
She  makes  pcriodiaiUy  a  survey  of  her  marine, 
examines  and  repairs  her  dock-yards,  cuts  down 
large  vessels  into  razees;  and  it  is  apart  of  her  sys- 
tem. She  has  been,  and  is  now,  misily  engaged 
in  Ibrtifying  the  more  exposed  points  of  her  coast, 
but  the  reason  of  that  was  well  known.  ,\11  this 
activity,  to  which  the  attention  of  Senators  and  the 
country  has  been  directed,  comnicnccd  bel'crc  the 
Oregon  question  had  assumed  its  present  iniporiant 
and  interesting  aspect;  at  least  bclore  it  had  become 
such  a  prominent  question  between  the  two  Gov- 
ernments as  it  now  is.  Before  the  President's  in- 
augural was  delivered,  sir,  the  British  Premier,  on 
the  14lh  of  February,  1845,  in  presenting  the  an 
nual  estimate  uf  expenses,  declared  he  should  ask 


the  weakness  of  the  defences  of  the  British  const 
opposite  Prance,  and  insisted,  in  case  of  a  war,  an 
army  from  France  misrht  easily  make  a  sudden  de- 
scent upon  F.nglnnd,  and  this  through  the  affency 
of  steam.     Steam,  sir,  has  placed  those  ciTOt  Pow- 
ers on  more  equal  ground.     Brest,  canalile  of  con- 
taining fifty   war  steamers   of  the  first  class,  is 
only  one  hundred  miles — a  few  hours  run — from 
the  const  of  Cornwall.     Dieppe,  Boulogne,  Ca- 
lais, and  Dunkirk,  though  smaller  ports,  are  from 
sixty  to  twenty-four  miles  onlv  from  the  shores 
of  Sussex,  Kent,  and  Essex.     With  ihat  immense 
control  of  men  which  France  )iosscsscs,  and  with 
war  sieamers,  what  is  to  prevent  her  from  repay- 
ing the  visit  Ensland  made  to  her  capital   thirty 
years  ago,  or  of  ravaging  her  coasts,  unless  ade- 
quate fortifications,  eiihi  r  fixed  or  flnntin?,  and  a 
suffinient  military  force,  be  raised  to  prevent  a  land-  i 
ing?    The  Duke  of  Wellington  himself,  in  his  evi-  ' 
dence  before  the  Committee  on  Shipwrecks,  raised 
by  the  House  of  Commons,  says:  "  In  the  event  ■ 
'  of  a  war,  I  should  consider  lhat  the  want  of  pro- 
'  tection  and  of  refuge,  which  now  exist,  would 
'  leave  the  coasts  of  England  opposite  to  those  of , 
'  France  in  a  very  precarious  situation."    These  ; 
forts  now  erecting  might  protect  the  points  where  ' 
they  shall  be  built;  but  they  do  not  insure  the  safe- 
ly of  England,  because  the  jiowcr,  certainty,  and  i 
celerity  of  steam,  enables  France  to  choose  her 
own  point  of  debarkation  and  attack.     Wind  and  ■ 
tide  are  not  to   be  waited  on.     .Steam  has  revo-  | 
lutionizcl  the  science  of  navel  warfare,  rendering  ' 
comparatively  inctl'eciive  the  immense  .sail-navy  of 
England  for  tlcfencc;  at  the  same  time  increasing  I 
the  eflfectiveness   of  a  small   steam-navy  at  least 
fourfold — it  unfits,   sir,  the   tactics  ami   strategy 
of  past  times  for  the  present,  and  makes  Franiw,  i 
by  her  proximity,   a   most  danserous  neisbbor. 
When  it  is  considered,  sir,  that  she  has,  in  addition  i 
to  her  force  of  HO.OOfl  men  in  .\lgiers,  a  standing 
army,  well  disciplined  and  equipped,  of  350,000, 
with  maiinzines   and  arsenals  filled  to  repletion, 
and  all  munitions  of  war  on  hand,  besides  near- 
ly a  million  of  militia,  and  a  well-drilled  nation- 
al guard  in  all  her  provincial  cities  and   towns, 
it  is  very  easy  to  believe,  in   tlic  present  slate  of 
improvement  in  the  means  of  warlare  and  aiiproach. 
Great  Britain  would  be  alarmed:  hence  her  past 
and  present  activity.     Her  insular  position,  sir,  is 
no  loneer  her  sure  protection.     Her  popular  na- 
tional air — 

'•  Britannia  nccd.^no  lailwirlu), 

\o  tnwcr^  nldllH  the  sleep ; 

Her  innrcli  is  nVr  l)ic  ninnntnin  wnvc, 

Her  Iioiac  is  on  tin.*  deep," 

is  now  no  lonjer  true,  sir.  She  dors  need  those 
"bulwarks,"  and  at  a  vast  expense  she  is  build- 
ing "  towers  along  the  steep;"  and  they  all  had 
reference — not  lo  us,  sir,  but  to  her  dnnreroiis 
neiixhbtu'  and  hereditarv  foe.  She  has  to  oppose 
to  this  tremenduiia  power  of  France,  a  standing 
armv  of  130,000  men,  80,000  of  whom  are  scatter- 
ed abroad  over  the  world,  33,000  are  in  Ireland  to 
keep  down  the  commotions  of  a  people  waiting 
ilieir" opportunity," when  England's"  necessity" 
shall  have  arrived;  and  the  remainder,  most  of 
them  raw  recruits,  are  scattered  over  England  nnd 
Scotland.  Well  might  she  be  alarmed,  sir,  at  the 
prospect  before  her. 


The  Senator  from  Delaware,  sir,  [Mr.  J.  M. 
Clattov,]  when  exhibitinj  to  the  Senule  the  im- 
mense naval  power  of  Great  Britain,  forgot  to  say, 
or  at  least  he  did  not  say,  that  much  of  it  had  to 
be  spread,  for  the  protection  of  her  colonies,  over 
the  globe;  and  without  leaving  these  colonies  and 
posts  exposed  lo  the  attack  of  a  hostile  force — and 
they  are  the  most  inviting  points  of  attack — sho 
could  not  concentrate  a  fleet  upon  our  coast  that 
need  give  us  the  slightest  nlami.     With' the  aid  of 
our  vast  and  unexcelled  commercial  marine,  such 
nalionil  ships  anil  steamers  as  we  could  soon  sup- 
ply, instead  of  being  blockaded,  as  we  have  been 
told,  we  could  blockade  oiir  enemy:    I  have  no 
sort  of  doubt  about  it.     So  far  as  naval  superiority 
is  concerned,  and  lo  be  tested,  let  the  cneriries  of 
this  nation  and  this  people  be  roused,  and  all  doubts 
on  that  siibjert  would  soon  be  put  lo  flight.     It  is 
not  our  policy  to  keep  up,  in  time  of  peace,  and 
no  war-cloud  impending,  a  cumbrous  and  expen- 
sive naval  force — it  will  not.  I  trust,  ever  be  our 
policy.     I  am,  sir,  among  the  warmest  and  best 
friends  lo  the  navy;  and  because  I  am  so,  I  shall 
oppose  its  increase,  in  time  of  peace,  to  any  great 
extent,  test  that  should  break  it  down.     It  is  snfTi- 
I  rient  for  us,  sir,  that  we  have  the  capacity,  when- 
I  ever  an  emergency  shall  arise,  to  make  it  more 
I  formidable  than  ihat  of  any  other  power  on  the 
1  face  of  the   globe,  lei   that  arrive  to-day,  or  at 
I  any  lime.     1  am  confident,  sir,  should  the  einer- 
!  gency  occur  to-morrow,  the  energy,  the  alacrity, 
i  the  means  and  capacity  of  the  country  to  meet 
I  it,  would   be   so  displayed   as   to  astonish   our- 
;  selves.     Should  ■  war  ciime,  sir,  in  the  prosecu- 
tion of  our  right,  I  believe  all  parlies  wouldcor- 
dially  unite  in  carrying  it  on  with  viiror.     There 
I  would  not  be,  as  in  the  last  war,  "  a  peace  oaily ," 
aiding  the  enemy,  preventing  capitalists  f^rom  loan- 
ing money  to  the  Government  lo  carry  it  on,  and 
rejoicing  over  our  defeats.    There  would  be  no 
donn'stie  traitor".    We  should  all  be  Americans  in 
deed;   and  heart  and  hand,  in  cordial  union,  rally 
as  one  man  around  our  country's  standard.     A 
war,  sir,  will  not  proceed  from  us.     It  must  come 
from  the  other  quarter;  and  if  it  does  come,  it  will 
be  a  war  of  aesrrcssion,  iinsuslnined  by  the  sense 
of  justice,  or  the  sympn'hif  s  of  other  nations.   Wa 
never  will,  we  cannot  Uf  co'.ue  an  njgressive  Power; 
hut  when  an  assault  is  made  upon  us,  sir,  the 
whole  land  will  rise  as  the  mighty  man  armed, 
and  with  a  vigorous  and  united  eflbrt,  overwhelm 
the  airgressor.     Sir,  I  have  done. 


6REG0N  aUESTIOX. 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  STARKWEATHER, 

or  OHIO. 

In  the  HorsE  of  Rkprksentatives, 

fViiriiflri/  6,  1846. 

On  the  Resolution  to  terminate  the  joint  occupancy 

of  Oregon. 

Mr.  STARKWEATHER  obtained  the  floor, 
and  addressed  the  committee  as  follows: 

Mr.  Chairman:  In  enterine  on  this  discussion,  f 
wish  to  slntc,  bel'ore  I  approach  the  subicct,  (and 
this  I  speak  more  for  the  information  ol  my  con- 
stituents than  that  of  the  House,)  that,  on  the 
Texas  question,  I  have  not  voted,  not  because  I 
wished  lo  dodire  the  qucslinn,  but  because  I  was 
absent  from  the  city  when  the  question  was  taken, 
on  important  business,  and  tiais  lost  the  privilege 
of  recording  my  vote.  I  may  lie  ullowed  to  pre- 
mise this  IvTr  the  information  of  tlie  people  of  my 
disirict,  though  it  will  not  be  without  its  bearing 
on  the  remarks  I  am  about  lo  submit  to  the  com- 

1  miltce 

I  should  not  (said  Mr.  S.)  have  attempted  to  ad- 

!  dress  the  committee  at  this  late  hour,  had  I  not 
tlioiiffht  I  had  discovered,  in  some  quarters,  a  fixed 
determination  to  decrade  this  great  national  qnes- 
tioii  to  a  mere  sectional   and   western   measure. 

\  When  the  debate  opened,  the  gentleman  from 
Alabama,  [Mr.  Yancey,]  and  the  genllemau  from 
South  Carolina,  [Mr.  Rhett,]  followed  by  another 
from  "Old  Virsinia,"  who  "  never  tires"  m  sound- 
ing her  own  praises,  charged  expressly  that  this 
was  a  western  measure.  The  gentleman  from  Al- 
abama said:  "1  beg  of  our  friends  of  the  West 

'  '  that,  if  some  of  us  of  the  South  are  disposed  to 


Xn 


388 


APPB:!VDIX  to  THK  CONGRKSSIONAIi  GLOBE. 


aOTH  CONO IST  Skss. 


tl' 


'  put  a  curb  on  f/il»  liol  impfluotlhj,  wo  iiliiOl  nnl 
'he  clofiiii'il  their  ."iifmii-s  on  lliiH  pv»i  inHiie." 
Asiiiii,  ho  HllV^<;  "AiPwc  pn'|ianMl  I'm-  IhJH  inmir 
'(il' iiriiiK.'  i'li'in  the  vtrti  H'rfl,vhitli  nnii'  urka  In 
'  hiiolrr  Ihr  coiiiilrii  in  i(i  fiiimluiltH  niiil  /kiitois, 
'  hiix  roiiii'  n  liiiii;  niid  tinUMHUil  ii|>|iohi1iiiii  In  any 
'miih  Incrfiisn  nl'  iiiir  t^ilhiiii  iiiiil  ulnrioiiH  imvy  nt 
'  tho  wtinln  i>r  llii'  loiililry,  it  m ciiiM  m  im-,  hii|>ri-- 
'Blivdy  ilfiiuiiul."  Sir,  I  ri|M'iil,  il  han  Uiru 
cliar^rrc'l  lliat  this  Ih  r.  wchIciii  incasmi',  urn/  llinl 
tprj/«r»  mnnhem  iirr  srrkiii:;  tn  inioler  iiiii'  lirlnrnl 
counlry  in  all  ilio  viciHulniilisi  and  hurnn's  ol'  war. 
Sir,  hail  nnl  'im  Wtsl,  wliii  li  a(lii|iti'il  ukmih  nnu 
of  iier  mmii,  Ih'cm  thn«  a.ssailid,  I  nhdiilil  mil,  pcr- 
Impii,  hnvr  atlrnipi'il  '"  fl'i':il<  iin  ihi.t  (M-i'a«n.n; 

but  I  onulil  II"!  srnl  In   »ii   sull  anil  Inar  iin- 

moriieil  UBpiTsioim  hraprcl  iipmi  the  Wi  .-I,  willnnit 
Biivin'^  onr  vvnril  in  vinilaaiinn  nl'  llnit  innnlry 
wliidi  niloplril  nii'  an  hi  ih  whi'ii  ii  ynnlh,  rlnllnil 
niR  wlif  II  iiakcil,  anil  (■■msnli'il  nir  when  iliwnii.sn- 
Imp.  Tlio  ;,'inili'ni.in  iVnni  Alahaina  (.Mr.  Vas- 
rEv)  AirlhiM-  caiil:  '-Al  lln.M  mtv  linu'.  Inn,  whin 
'  wnr'H  ilrcnil  nnrrnrs  ini'  /ninf/iiij  nl  Im  ijii  iiirf  hiiiii- 
'  bers  of  (/til  //oiw,  .rii/(  (■/  tuiiraar,  i/niiW/i M,  lint 
'  with  111)  r\pi'rii'iiri',rM'n  imw  whni  we  are  aliinit 
'  In  (laic  Old  K.naland  In  rrns.i  .s>viirdH  with  lis,  ki:- 
'  rinuH  iippnsilinn  in  niaile  In  pa.'^Miiii;  a  liiil  pnni- 
'  dins  '"■■  ll"'  niisins  nl'  a  Hiimli'  n  u'iini'nt  nl'  rilln- 
'  men."  llcri',  .sir,  ill  lliiH  i.si-nnlainid  ihe  cniirKi', 
thnl  lliOHC  who  ijo  I'nr  llie  iinlicc  am  yniiii!'  and 
Incxperieni'ed  inin,  rnidy  nnd  wiUins  to  pliini;e 
this  countrv  inin  an  uin'neparcd  nnd  diN^'mri'l'iil 
wnr.  As  tliis  sfnlinii'ni  tVII  iVmn  ihe  lip.s  ol'  the 
inexperirni'cd — I  aNk]iardnn — iliecxprriciirrd ''eii- 
tlcman  I'miii  Alaliama,  |.\lr.  '^'.vnclv,]  1  hniiil,  iir 
thoiij;ht  I  heard,  my  yininir  and  nie^inrii  mod 
frieiij  Ironi  iMassai'hnsefi!',  [.Mr.  AiiAMs,j  wlio  in 
H  friend  of  the  niiaNiire,  in  llie  laii!,'na:,'e  of  llie 
jfrent  philnsnpher  ol'pneuy,  inquire,  •'  How  iiincli 
older  art  tliou,  yoini!:  nmn,  llnni  ihy  yiais-" 

This  n  west -rn  meiiNure!  Dms  On  iron  lielnnc; 
t'l  the  Wesi.-  jS'n,  Nir,  it  ljeloii;;.s  tn  llie  whole 
Union,  mill  to  ilie  SVesi  only  in  eonininn  with  la  r. 
It  1.1  true,  an-,  it'  war  Klimild  ijTnw  ont  of  ihin  no- 
tice, (of  which  I  have  no  I'lais,)  llie  hardy  kou.s  of 
the  \VeMt  would,  al  llie  fust  lin^'le  note  of  war, 
unvoke  llieir  lior.sis  from  ihe  plim:;h  in  llie  lialf- 
tiir'ned  furrow,  and  liarnesn  Ihein  for  the  Blioelt  of 
ballle.  Wherever  ijlnry  was  lo  he  won,  or  ilii  lU 
of  valor  In  he  aeliieveil,  wheiln-r  on  llie  plains  of 
Orosnn,  ill  the  fni7.en  Norih,  or  ihe  Nnnny  Souili, 
there,  sir,  wniild  ihey  he  found. 

Let  me  nnl  he  mitiinderslnod.  I  am  ii  lover  of 
peace.  Sirielly  nnd  eiii|ilialiiMliy  .-in  I  a  peacr 
man.  I  can  see  all  its  iieauliis,  and  iippreci^ile  ail 
ils  licnelii.s.  1  well  know  ihal  civiliz  uioii,  .scieneo, 
the  arm,  reli;inn,  and  uenenil  social  prnspcrily — 
nil  llnuri.-^h  under  ihe  rei^-n  of  peare.  IVace  is  llie 
goddess  I  wnrsliip.  I  wnnlil  piir.-linse  il  al  any 
price  hilt  the  price  of  cowardly  fear  or  imlinnal 
dishonor.  Tin  se  are  Inn  lii^li  u  price  lo  pay  even 
for  peace  ii.welf. 

One  rear  since,  I  was  a  prlval"  citizen,  living  in 
tlie  iniilsl  of  my  conslilnenls.  Y\'e  read  with  deep 
anxieiy  the  deliales  on  the  Texas  iniei^linii,  and 
wil'-lied  with  sohciiuile  every  Mip  laken  lliereon. 
1,  for  one,  was  anxioii.s,  jf  the  deed  v.'as  tn  le 
done  thai  il  were  done,  and  so  were  my  ronmil- 
uenLs.  A  larsre  inajoriiy  were  in  favor  of  ilie  an- 
nexalinn  of  Tixas  in  rinine  fnnn,  .■•■o  thai  il  could 
lie  I'diiHlitnlionally  done,  and  wilhonl  dishonor. 
The  deed  wa.s  dune.  'J'he  West  went  uiih  the 
.Soulh,iind  Ihe  lone  star  now  enhninales  wilh  her 
sisters.  Tex.is  wa.s  ailniiiled  inlo  (his  IJiiinn  as 
a  .Slale,  not  reannexed.  That  arirnmenl  is  lo  ine, 
like  ihe  lale  of  an  idiot,  si^^iiifyinu:  notliiiiL'.  Slie 
was  taken  inlo  iliis  I'liion  liecanse  idie,  like  niir 
revolniionary  fathers,  had  won  her  lilieily,  and, 
lieini;  frr-e,  liad  a  riL'lit  to  loniract.  I  li  i\e  .■^aid 
thai  Texas  is  now  in  this  confeiieraey.  Tiie  hrond 
flior  of  this  Uinou  now  lloais  oM-r  In-r,  irivini;  In-r 
an  assurance  of  prnieciion  and  peace. 

Sir,  OreKoii  and  Texas  were  tivni  sisters,  hnrn 
al  a  hirlh;  Orei;on  Ihe  elder,  and  for  a  while  she 
did  seem  to  oulstrip  her  sister;  liut  suddenly,  at  a 
Dingle  hound.  Texas  sprang  ahead,  and  where  now, 
lei  me  a.sk,  i.s  Oregon?  Left  lo  all  Ihe  dan','crs  of 
an  early  and  perilous  orplianai;e.  Sir,  we  luae 
protected  (hat  which  was  not  ours,  and  forsaken 
ihut  which  is.  Why  is  this.-  I  will  not  answer 
the  question.  1  will  leave  it  to  others.  Hut  this 
I  do  know,  ihnt  some  (ienllemen,  who  nov.  neeni 


The  Orrgon  (^itrstion — Mr.  Starkwenthtr, 

to  mm  pain  in  ronWriplnllti!;  the  power  of  En?-  l' 
land,  her  warlike  preparations,  aiidher  proweufi, 
who  now  are  elaiuornuN  a'.'aiiist  the  (.nviiis  of  this 
noiice,  liecanse.  lMi*:l.iiid  poHsilily  tiiiiii  olijret,  lull 
one  shinl  year  a','o,willi  rash  and  fiery  hand,  were 
for  phickiii'^  the  i;iilil>'ii  fruil — Texas.  'I'lieii  was 
the  hour.  The  !;olden  pear  was  riiie,  and  that  was 
the  luoineiit  lo  !;allier  il,or  il  wnuld  he  lost  forever. 

I'ji'.^tnnd  proieslcd  ai^^aiust  (he  annexalion  of 
Texas,  and  Mexico  set  up  her  claim  to  it.  War 
was  auticip:iled  with  Kiu;land  then.  The  ilisdn- 
Snislied  cenileinan  fiom  Sonili  (.'arolinii,  (Mr. 
UliKTT,]  who  now  infoniis  ns  ihal  hefiire  we  can 
aci|nire  possession  of  Oreijon,  "we  nnist  liiilit  in 
'  c\ery  reiiion  of  ihe  world,  wherever  llrilish  com 
*  merce  extends,  Itrititih  power  is  felt,  and  itrilish 
'  strrinrlh  is  accnimilated',  that  we  iiinsl  teiirdowil 
'  llie  pillarH  which  snpitort  Ihe  vast  structure  of  the 
'  Ilritish  ( inpire — llie  iiiiisl  iiiai;iiilicent  Ihe  world 
'  ever  lieheld;"  llicn  exi'lainied,  "  the  annevalioii  of 
'Texas  would  he  a  proclaniation  lo  Knuland  lo 
'  comi?  on,  if  she  chose  to  i^o  lo  war  on  that  issue." 
(Sff  CitUf^fesslotutl tliiin-ndir^  }hi;si  llili.) 

What,  in  one  short  year,  h.ilh  caused  a  chanse 
In  Ihe  spirilof  ihiseienilemcn'sdrriunN.'  On  what 
lialli  ihiN  llrilish  linn  fed  that  he  haih  now  srnwn 
«ii  l.ii;?  When  Texas  was  lo  he  annexed,  we  were 
liuii;hl  lo  helieve  llial  he  was  ImI  a  mean  cur,  wliicli 
a  woman  wilh  a  da;;^er  of  laili  cnnhl  w  hip  hack  lo 
liis  kennel.  Cicntlenun  who  llieii  were  as  hrave 
as  Ca'sar,  are  now  ready  to  lliwii,  and  crin:;e,  and 
yield  Huhmissive  lioniai;e  to  any  who  may  please 
III  ilcinaud  it. 

Why.  sir,  the  whole  ar2;umenl  in  opposition  lo 
tlii.s  measure  has  In  eji  addre.-JRcd  to  llie  fears,  and 
not  the  pairiiitism,  of  this  Housi'.  When  Texas 
was  In  he  aiiiicMd  In  ihi.s  Union,  we  hearil  noth- 
ing, from  the  «;cinieiueii  who  now  oppose  this 
measure,  of  the  horror.s  of  war — nothin;:  of  delay 
f(>r  preparation — notliiii.^  of  Inirninj^  and  sacked 
cities — nolliinjj  of  inglorious  del'eal — iioihin;;of  the 
Kroaiis  of  llie  dyinu  stricken  down  in  lialtle — nnili- 
iiii;  of  the  criiflied  liearl  of  liiu  widow — nolliiiif,'  of 
liie  tears  and  taill'ain;.;  ol'  the  orphan.  Then  all 
was  ijlorions  victnrv.  'J'he  area  nf  freednm  was 
to  he  exleiuled,  ami  we  were  to  achieve  an  easy 
eoinpiest  over  l'^n<;lanii,  and  iMexico  too;  hut  now, 
when  we  sim)ily  wish  to  cartV  out  a  (realy  sliiiu- 
latioti  wilh  l''.imlaiiil,  wc  are  .solemnly  adiiionislied 
lo  pjuise — called  on  lo  practise  a  maslerly  inactivi- 
ty— ay,  sir,  we  are  now  lold  tlial  the  lietter  part  oi 
Milor  is  discrelion,  and  iir','ed  to  write  that  iii!;ln- 
rions  molto  on  our  national  siaiidard.  Will  we 
do  il.'  I  iriisi  nut,  unlil  we  at  hast,  iiupiire  inlo 
llie  characier  of  hni  who  uttered  it,  and  llie  oe- 
easioii  wiiich  '^'\\f  hirlli  to  iio  cowardly  a  seii- 
tiinent.  Who  was  it,  Nir.-  Thai  ili.-iiini^uislied 
kniirht,  .lack  IsiLstall',  whose  lavi  rn-liill  ran  llius: 
"  Such,  lirn  if./.Voii.s,  ,">».  ."^i/.  llMu;  Anchovies, 
iomI  sork  ttfti r  stijipir, '^.  (iJ.  Iieni:  llrntil,  u  half 
/If  (Oil/."  lie,  sir,  w  ho  called  for  a  cup  of  sack  lo 
make  lii.s  eyes  look  red,  thai  il  niiulil  he  llioiiirlil 
Iin  had  wept,  lie,  sir,  who  exclaimed,  "if  sack 
and  sugar  he  a  crime,  ( iiid  help  the  wicked."  The 
same  heroic  kiiii;lit,  who,  with  his  own  da:;L'er, 
h.-ickcd  up  his  sword  like  a  handsaw, and  swore  "  it 
was  done  in  valorous  ronllict."  lit,  .sir,  who 
fiwore,  "  if  he  was  not  nt  half  sword  with  a  ilo:^en 
nienin  hiicki'ani,aiid  niishe^roitenroi.'itesiu  Kendall 
L'reen,  fir  (wo  hours  lo'^i-ilier,  llien  was  he  a  ' 
hnndi  of  radishes,  and  nn  lv.o-leir::eil  creaiuie." 
Tiic  .si'iiii'  man,  when  Poiiis,  his  cnmpaiiion.  ex- 
claimed: ••  I'lay  heaven,  .lack,  you  have  mil  mur- 
dered some  nf  iliein,"  repliiil;  "Tli;i(  is  pas(  pray- 
ing for.  I  have  peppireil  (wo  of  iliein;  (wo,  I  am 
sure,  I  ha\e  [i.-iid:  Iwo  roi^ues  in  huckram  siiils. 
I  tell  Ihee  wliai,  llal,  if  I  lell  thee  a  he,  spit  in 
my  face,  call  ine  hoise.  Thou  knowesl  toy  old 
ward.  Here  1  lay,  and  liiiis  1  hore  my  pnini,  and 
look  all  of  ilieir  seven  points  in  my  lur^el,  thus. 
Their  poinis  Lieiiig  liroki  n,  1  fnilowiil  me  close, 
came  in  foot  and  hand,  and  wilh  a  lhou<.;lil,  seven 
of  the  I  liven  I  paid," 

This,  -sir,  is  a  siiort  oiilline  cif  the  character  of 
thai  lyiiiL'  lii'a;;t;iol,  who  first  uttered  (he  .sen(i- 
iiienl,  "The  lietler  pan  of  valor  is  discielion," 
wilh  which  Ihe  u'enlleman  from  Alalmma  (Mr. 
'\'am  kv)  seems  lo  have  fallen  so  deeply  in  line. 

Le(  lis  now,  for  a  monienl,  iii(|uiie  inlo  the  occa- 
sion and  tint  circnmslanceN  under  which  ihal  sen- 
limeiit  was  uitueil.  It  was  on  the  linitle  field  of 
Shrewsliiiry,  where  ihe  ;.'allanl  I'riiice  Uemy  em- 


fFfb.  6, 
lilt.  Of  lie.ra. 


brared  the  Bery  lloispur,  anil  alriirk  him  down  In 
hnllle;  where  ihe  dreaded  l)oiii,'lass  of  ihe  Norlli 
crossed  the  (rack  of  this  (,'alliuit  l-'alslatV,  who, 
wilhoiit  slrikini;  a  blow  in  self-defence,  a  blow  for 
his  kins;,  or  his  coniitry,  fell  to  the  earth  and  coun- 
lorfcited  death;  and  there,  sir,  yes,  ihere  lay  the 
iiinsl  illnsti'ious  i  xampln  of  masterly  inarlivity 
ever  recorded  on  the  piiije  of  history.  As  the 
shock  of  lialtle  passed  liy,  he  raised  his  cowardly 
carca.ss  from  the  earth,  a  ml  seeiiii;  Hotspur,  the  once 
dreaded  and  gallant  leader  of  the  war,  stretched  in 
ileadi  by  his  side,  drew  bis  sword  and  stabhed  the 
body  ot  ihn  noble  dead,  exclainiim,',  "ihe  bellir 
|iart  of  valor  is  discrelioii."  Ves,  sir,  such  was 
the  mini,  and  such  the  circumsKinces  under  which 
the  seniiment  was  uttered.  Sir,  I  am  a  plain, 
unletlered  mall,  and  bear  with  i;i'eat  humility  the 
reprnach  easi  upon  me  by  llie  ijenllcnmn  ('mm 
Alaliama,  (Mr.  Yaxcf.v,!  in  his  charge,  "  that 
the  West  has  sent  here  her  yoini;;  men,  full  ol' 
conraire,  but  wilhonl  any  experaU'e  al  all."  I 
will  close  my  reply  In  this  lirandi  of  the  ques- 
tion, by  ndiliii!r,  that  il  is  owinu:  entirely  to  my 
inexperience  that  I  cannol,  willi  him,  nppreciale 
the  characier  of  his  l''alslall',  or  the  beauty  of  his 
sentinientM. 

The  gentlemiui  from  Snuth  Carolina  tells  us  that 
this  notice  is  a  war  ineasure.  and  that  rumor  Buys 
that  il  is  a  scheme  for  I'residenl-makins.  For  my 
own  part  I  ran  appeal  lo  llim  who  knows  the 
heart  to  wilne.ss  iliat  I  am  moved  by  nn  such  con- 
sidernlions.  I  would  not  turn  iiiinii  my  heel  this 
day  (o  make  any  one  man  I'resiileni  over  annlher. 
All  1  ask  now,  or  shall  ever  ask  liereafier,  from  my 
comiiry,  is  (o  put  a  man  al  the  head  nf  (his  Govern- 
meiil  who  shall  carry  out  American  doctrines,  and 
act  on  American  princijiles.  If  the  ;renlleniaii 
ineaiiH  to  allnile  to  me  in  any  such  remark,  he 
does  me  rjreat  iniustice.  Ones  he  me. in  to  say  that 
I  am  ready  lo  cover  this  land  with  bloisl  for  the 
mere  petty,  paltry  nliject  of  advancing  one  man  over 
another:  If  he  means  such  a  charge  for  iiie,  I  llirow 
back  the  eliargi^  with  indisnaliun.  It  is  possihlo 
lliat  we  may  not  comprehend  this  ineasure  as  clear- 
ly a.<  do  gentlemen  from  the  .Smith;  lint  surely  our 
liearia  are  not  so  utterly  steeled  to  all  hiimanily — 
so  utterly  dead  to  every  Just  Hentimem — oo  imniind- 
ful  of  ih'  ;;lory  and  happiness  of  onr  connlry — llial 
we  should  be  willing  In  cover  her  fair  fields  and  her 
verdant  plains  with  blood  to  advance  the  preten- 
sions of  Geneial  .ScotI,  Governor  Wright,  Lewis 
(.'ass,  John  C.  ('alhoiin,  or  any  other  individual,  lo 
the  presiilenlial  chair.  It  was  unjiisi  in  the  genllc- 
maii  to  bring  a  charge  like  this  a'riiinst  the  West. 

Perhaps  in  my  )iii-^i|il  state  of  licallli,  it  wniilil 
be  doing  injusiici'  t.  vself  In  urge  this  di.scussion 
very  far.  During  iiin>i  of  llie  day  I  have  been  con- 
fined to  my  room,  and  when  I  eiiUred  this  Hall  I 
had  Jiisl  risen  from  my  bed. 

liiil  I  said  llial  I  fell  il  an  imperiniis  duly  lo  say 
a  few  words  here  in  favor  of  the  West. 

And  now  let  me  turn  for  a  monieiit  to  the  genlle- 
man  from  Virginia — lo  the  "  lone  star"  of  the  mii- 
rrrsul  Dominion,  lie  says,  in  speaking  of  llie 
patriiilic  pioneers  who  liavegoneloOregnn,  "Why 
'  is  il,  llial,  wilh  instinctive  aversion,  they  letnn 
'liefiie  the  advance  of  civilization,  preferring  llin 
'wild  excitemeiil  and  rugged  discomforts  of  the 
'  wilderness  to  the  repose,  the  security,  iinii  rrfti^C' 
'  imiils  of.'.nriiil  iiml  nillivaleil  life  >  They  manifest 
'  their  aliachment  by  disregarding  the  inliuences 
'  lliiil  hind  ordinary  men  lo  the  places  of  llieir  iia- 
'  livity — by  snapping  rfcA7r.«/!/ llie  lies  of  blond  and 
'kindred.  Abandoning  the  hearths  and  allars  of 
'  tlieircliil(lhnnd,lhey  Inil  ilirongha  \aslanil  cheer- 
'  less  wilderness,  where  .savage  man  and  savago 
'  beasl  mill  them  al  every  liirii,  llirough  seems 
'  where  danger  lurks  in  every  path,  and  death  is 
'  whispered  in  every  breeze."  Again,  he  .says:  "It 
'is  nol  the  policy  of  our  Governmenl  lo  lie  riin- 
'  niiig  over  the  world  Inokiug  aHer  ciiizens,  whoso 
'  allegiance  is  only  nianifesled  by  acts  of  fxfalrui- 
'liuii."  Sir.  we  llie  lold  llmt  llie  hardy  pioneer.^ 
of  the  West  have  expatrialed  themselves  by  !;oiiig 
to  Oregon. 

Sir,  some  fifty  years  ago,  the  Alleghany  mnuii- 
lains  were  lo  ihe  rich  valley  of  the  .Mississippi, 
what  ihe  Ilocky  i  iniinlains  now  are  lo  the  fertilii 
plains  of  Oregon.  The  same  obstacles  weri^  then 
presented  by  llie  one  that  now  ohstrnct  ihe  other. 
Had  tliegenileman  Iroin  Virginia  [.Mr.  l'ENni.ETo.\( 
inei  the  advenliirous  pioneer  who  lirst  climbed  the 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  COiNGRKSSlONAI.  GLOBK. 


;189 


20th  Cono IsT  Sr.ii8, 


The  Oreffon  (^uention — Mr.  Sevier. 


Sr.NATr. 


<hr  •;cnllc- 

nf  llie  i()ii- 
ikiii^  of  llin 
:nii,  '*\Vliv 

tlit'v  rt'tinj 
rctViTtnj;  llio 
ifiiriH  of  llic 

and  rffii'c- 

K'V  iiiniiiri'Ni 

ititluenccs 

lit'  ilii'ir  iiM- 

irliliiiidand 

il  iiliar.i  111" 
iiMiiil  c'lircr- 
nnd  Httvn^n 
iiiifli  scriiiH 

(1  ilnalli  i'l 
lie  snyw:  *'It 
I  to  lie  run- 
:riiH,  wlioNii 
ol'  fjjwd'i./- 
(ly  piomeiM 
■s  liy  ;;oin:; 


riii;ec<l  lirighlx  of  the  Alleiilmnipa,  lie  would,  I  prf- 
KHiiir,  Imvc,  nddri'snnl  him  iIiuh:  "Hold!  Ymi  iirc 
liiivioB  widlcrn  civili/.nlion.  Comr  Imck  lo  llic  re- 
fim-mi'iils  of  niHlprn  Vliiriiiiir,  wi'iir  your  Imir  Ions; 
like  II  woniuii'.  I'liiHc  MM  iMi|ii'ri  il  nrid  llir  inmistachi", 
)>('rfiiniPycMir«rlf  with  I'liiidr  riifii;riii',aiid  llii'  Bow- 
quel  lie  Curolinn  nllciid  llinm-liool  of  a  I''rr'iii'hdaii- 
oiiiir-iiiasiori'lliat  you  may  li'aiii  to  cnpnr  nimhly  in 
iilady'H  chainlKM',  to  the  hiHoivioiis  pleaHini;  ofn 
Idle.'  CioNM  not  yon  rnirijed  height;  lipyoiid,  daii- 
(;i!r  liifkN  in  evei  v  palli,  and  death  is  wliifipcrrd  in 
every  liree/.e."  1  hear,  or  think  I  hear,  llin  sturdy 
pinnuer,  thuN  nrrealed  and  lhn:'i  invoked,  reply,  "  I 
iiciil  rather  have  one  HnnlV  of  yon  puru  mouulain 
air  than  all  thi^  perfumery  of  your  ahops.  I  would 
rather  hear  one  note  of  yon  mountain  hur[),  HWt^pl 
liy  the  u  inils  of  heaven,  and  lourhed  l>y  (he  hand 
oj' nature,  than  all  the  ii'Msie.  cd' your  inaHlers.  Yim 
tell  tne  tl  ere  Ih  danger  in  every  path.  Thiit  of  itaelf  j 
would  lure  nie  on.  Panifer,  1  eoint  it."  Findiui; 
that  thi.'<  liarily  woodsman  could  not  lie  turned 
bill  k  to  Virffinia  riri/ijiidim  hy  Biich  I'onBiderntloiiH, 
hn  Ik  uri;ed  Hiill  further,  and  informed  that  he  ex- 
palrialeH  himsi^ll' — in  unworthy  the  name  of  an 
Amerieau  citizen;  that  lie  viilunlarily  and  rcrk- 
lensly  iH  Nnappim;  the  ties  of  hlood  and  kindred,  hy  ' 
forwikini;  the  alinrh  of  IiIh  idiildhood.  At  this,  in  I 
Horrow  he  excliiiiuN,  "  I  expatriated  I  I  unworthy 
the  name  of  an  Amerieim  citizen  I  I  reckleaaly  ; 
vnuppin*!'  the  ties  of  kinilred  !  I,  who  before  tlidc  : 
iirms  liiul  fifteen  years  pith,  took  up  ariuM  for  my 
eounlry.  mill  fouirhl  on  every  liatlle-field  of  the 
Kovoliition  !  I,  who  saw  my  own  patriotic,  sire, 
in  a  hurce'^rtl'ul  charire,  stricken  down  by  my  side, 
whose  last  and  only  word  was,  '  Onward,  my  son, 
your  country  needs  you  '.'  'Twas  then  the  tics  of 
Kindred  and df  blood  were  snapped."  Are  stich 
men  as  lhe.se  to  be  ilenieil  the  privilege  of  citizen- 
ship because  they  can't  dance  with  eastern  p;riicc.' 
Sir,  had  it  not  been  for  our  Uooncs,  our  Poes,  and 
men  like  these,  the  places  where  now  stand  our 
western  cities,  our  temples  of  worship,  and  halls  of 
science,  would  be  inlmbiled  by  savaye  man  or  sav- 
age beast.  The  joyous  soni;  of  nlenly  would  not 
now  rise  daily  from  the  hearts  ol  our  happy  mil- 
lions. I  am  replyinc;  more  to  the  nixumenlsurped 
here  against  the  VVcst,  than  arguiiii;  our  title  to  the 
territory.  It  is  now  too  late  to  begin  an  argument 
on  thccpicslion  of  ourtitle.  That  seems  to  be  admit- 
ted on  all  h.md.s,  at  least  by  moat  of  the  gentlemen 
who  are  opposed  to  giving  the  nolir.e  at  this  time. 

The  gentleman  from  Virginia,  [,Mr.  BcoiKCiKR,] 
apparently  not  content  with  the  praises  that  have 
been  urged  in  favor  of  British  vnlor  and  Uritish 
power,  dragged  down  the  Aiueiican  Eagle — the 
iiobli!  emblem  of  our  country's  freedom — from  its 
high  night,  and  made  it  to  stop  in  its  free  course, 
'hat  a  rainless  cloud  might  pass  by.  It  i.s  true, 
!iir,  iho  gentleman  made  his  bird  at  first  to  soar 
gracefully  and  boldly  upwards,  as  though  to  snatch 
ill  its  beak  the  lightnings  of  Heaven;  but,  as  it  ap- 
proached even  an  inmginnry  danger — "arainles.s 
cloud" — like  a  coward,  it  stooped  to  its  perch  to 
let  it  sweep  by.  .Sir,  I,  too,  am  familiar  with  the 
habits  of  the  eagle,  and  well  remember,  on  the  ap- 
proach of  one  of  those  maildening  tempests  that 
Hometimes  seem  to  be  struggling  for  mastery  over 
both  sea  and  land — one  which  carries  before  it  con- 
sternation and  terror,  and  leaves  in  its  track  de- 
struction and  dcatli--oiie  that  now  sweeps  the  vale 
below,  and  now  seizes  by  the  top  the  mounUiin 
pine,  and  dashes  it  to  the  earth,  and  anon  lashes 
old  ocean  to  a  fury.  At  the  approach  of  such  a 
tempest,  I  beheld  one  of  these  noble  birds,  with  its 
wings  (olded  in  peace,  watching  the  coming  storm, 
und,  a.s  it  felt  the  first  lockings  of  the  tempest,  it 
sprang  aloft,  and  for  a  moment  lay  suspended 
ill  mid  heaven,  as  though  to  discover  where  the 
tempest  most  raged;  then,  dashing  onward,  it  ap- 
piiiael;?d  nearer  and  yet  nearer  the  coming  storm, 
until  at  last  it  was  lost  in  its  darkness  and  con- 
fusion. 1  could  but  exclaim.  Noble  bird!  even  if 
thou  fullest,  stricken  down  by  the  bolts  of  Heaven, 
'twas  bravely  done,  (jaziiig  for  a  moment  to  learn 
its  fate,  I  saw  it  gracefully  emerging  from  the  cloud 
into  the  broad  sunshine  of  Heaven,  far  above  the 
raging  tempest  below.  Then  shaking  the  rain- 
drops from  its  triumphant  wing,  it  rut  its  cour.sc 
westward  to  its  scat  of  empire.  That,  sir,  that, 
was  an  American  eagle,  and  no  mou.sing  and  cow- 
ardly owl,  that  stoops  to  its  perch  because  a  rain- 
less cloud  lay  in  its  free  course. 


HIr,  wearoadmnnislipd  by  gentlemen,  that  if  this 
notice  be  given,  we  shall  lose  ( California.  Lose  f 'iil- 
ifornia!  When, sir,  was  it  ours?  Never, sir, never; 
und  how  lire  we  to  lose  iliiit  wlili'h  Is  not, and  never 
was,  ours?  Sir,  I  have  no  objection  to  the  pnrihase 
of  ('iilifornia;  and  here  let  me  siiv,  that  1  ciMilideiit- 
]y  believe  that  this  llcpublie,  with  her  I'rei)  iiisliln- 
tioiis  and  prosperity,  si, Hiding  us  an  example  to 
the  world,  iVee  and  eiiligliiciieil  governments  are  to 
and  will,  extend  I'rom  one  coiunry  to  anoiiier,  iiiilil 
at  last  every  man  will  be  I  eft  free  to  speak,  free  to 
net,  and  free  to  think,  liul,  sir,  tor  the  chance  of 
purchasing  California  from  a  weak  iiecl  distracted  i 
nation,  1  am  imwilling  to  yield  terriinry  that  is 
ours,  siinidy  beiaiise  a  proiiil  anil  arrogant  nation 
demands  il.  We  are  Inld  by  genilemen  who  ad- 
mit Oregim  to  he  ours,  that  we  iiiusl  not  give  this 
notice,  because  Kicrland  is  in  a  sem-  of  (ireparation 
for  war;  that  she  is  stronger  tins  dav  than  she  was 
when  she  set  her  proud  fool  upon  the  neck  of  the 
vcrv  genius  of  war — .Vapnleon;  thai  she  belts  the 
earth  willi  her  mililarv  posts  and  colonial  posses- 
sions; thill  the  sun  iievir  rises  bul  it  awakens  an 
Kiiglish  soldier  loariiis;  thiit  it  nevir  sets  but  upon 
Mrilish  dominions.  >Sir,  this  is  iiii  iirL'umenl,  if  true, 
luldres.sed  solely  to  the  fears  of  this  I  louse  and  this 
nation;  but  I  am  one  of  ilmse  who  do  not  believe 
England  is  so  pinverfiil,  and  this  Governnicnt  so 
weak,  as  represented  by  gentlemen.  On  the  ona 
hand,  we  have  ni  least  four  millions  out  of  our 
twenty  millions  of  iiihabilants  able  to  bear  arms 
ill  defence  of  our  country's  honor,  and  in  defence 
of  American  soil — with  all  the  nuinilioiis  and 
sinews  of  war  lit  our  control — \\ith  a  country  pro- 
ducing all  the  necessaries  of  lile.  On  the  other 
hand,  Kngland,  with  n  |inpulatioii  of  about 
four  millions  greater  than  ours,  miiiiv  of  whom 
are  engaged  in  their  mines,  and  have  never 
seen  the  sweet  riiys  of  Heaven's  sun,  another 
large  proportion  of  her  siibiccts  are  confined  within 
the  walls  of  factories,  with  sinews  worn  out.  by 
fatigue  and  shrunk  by  starvilioii.  And  who  of  us 
is  there  who  does  not  know  that  there  are  now 
eight  millions  of  hearls  of  the  Crrrn  Emcriilil  pant- 
ing for  liberty,  and  eager  fAr  a  conlliei'  Sir,  who 
is  there  of  us  that  does  not  know  that  some  of  the 
colonial  possessions  of  K.iglaiid  rather  weaken 
her  in  war  than  give  her  strength  ?  I  repeat, 
sir,  in  my  opinion,  England  is  not  as  power- 
ful as  represented,  fiut  if  she  is,  I  would  mtlier, 
as  an  Aniericuii  citizen,  proud  of  my  country,  en- 
ter into  a  just  war  wilh  ICnglanil  than  set  a  coward- 
ly foot  on  a  weak  and  powerless  iialion.  Nay, 
more,  sir;  I  would  rather  yield  Oregon  to  the  iiii- 
perious  demands  of  England  than  lie  iruiltv  of  steal- 
ing it  by  miislerly  iiiactiviiy.  If  we  are  afraid  to 
det'eiid  our  territory,  let  us  say  .so  to  the  world,  and 
give  it  up  with  as  much  grace  ns  possible,  and  for- 
get the  inglorious  deed. 

Let  me  now  lor  a  iiionient  revert  to  the  proposi- 
tion before  the  committee.  It  is  the  giving  of  no- 
lice  to  terminate  the  convention  existing  between 
this  Government  and  England.  The  express  treaty 
stipulation  is,  that  either  nation  may,  at  anytime, 
give  such  notice.  Suppose  we  give  the  notice  and 
England  declares  war,  setting  forth  in  her  declara- 
tion that  the  United  Slates  have  dared  to  execute 
an  express  treaty  stipulation.  This  is  all  she  could 
in  truth  say,  and  this  imbodies  the  entire  proposi- 
tion. Do  you  not  see  in  Kueh  an  event  the  civilized 
world  would  be  against  England  and  hold  her  re. 
.sponsible  for  the  result.'  Sir,  believing  as  I  do 
that  our  title  to  C>reiroii  is  perfect — feeling  it  to  be 
i  right  that  we  should  vindicate  our  title  to  it,  and 
beheving  no  niition  should  voluntarily  surrender 
jurisdiction  to  her  territory,  and  believing  that  fuiv 
Iher  delay  involves  the  question  in  more  difficul- 
ties— I  shall  cast  my  vote  lor  the  notice,  and  leave 
the  issue  with  Him  who  holds  the  destinies  of  iih- 
tions  in  his  hands. 


OREGON  QUESTION. 


SPEECH   OF   MR.  SEVIER,     I 

OF  ARKANSAS,  ! 

Ix  Si.N ATE,  ,Vnrf/i  2.'),  lH4(j. 
The  Joint  Resolution  for  giving  the  notice  to  ter- 
minate the  convention  between  the  United  Stales 
and  Great  Britain,  relative  to  the  Oregon  Terri- 
tory, being  under  coni>ideration — 


Mr,  SEVIEH,  of  Arkansna,  addreaaed  the  Sen- 
ate lis  follows: 

.Mr.  I'uKninKVT!  The  Preaident  of  the  United 
Stales,  in  the  discharge  of  a  public  duly  to  his 
country,  gave  us,  at  llie  eoimneiicement  of  the 
presnnt  session  of  Congress,  a  full  and  detailed 
stiilemeni  of  our  relations  with  Greal  Britain,  upon 
the  subject  of  the  Oregon  tirritory;  and  he  recom- 
nieiided  Congress,  in  the  eoiichision  of  that  slale- 
nient,  to  annul  and  abrogate  the  conveniions  of 
IHlH  and  IH'JT,  which  are  now  in  force,  lielween 
III''  United  States  and  Greal  Britiiin,  and  by  the 
lirius  of  which,  certain  privileges  in  that  territory 
were  conferred  upon  the  respective  citizens  of  the 
two  countries.  'I'lic  President  also  reronimeiidcd 
in  his  .Message,  in  conncclion  wilh  this  subject, 
oilier  measures,  of  which  I  sliiill  not  now  SfieuK,  as 
tlicv  are  not  now  properly  before  the  Seiiale. 

Sir,  this  iMes>'age  of  the  President,  recommend- 
ing the  abrogation  of  those  conveniions,  and  a  res- 
oluiion  ofl'ered  by  the  Senator  from  Ohio,  [Mr. 
Ai.i.Kv,!  having  in  view  the  .same  ob|i'ci,  were  re- 
ferred, at  an  early  day,  to  the  Comiiiiltee  on  For- 
eign lielatioiis.  That  committee  acted  promptly 
U)inn  the  subject,  and  reported  the  resiilution  now 
under  consideration,  us  iinliodyipg  the  views  which 
that  ci.inmiltee  deemed  liiost  proper  for  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  Senate. 

This  resolulioii,  sir,  is  brief,  clear,  dcfinile,  com- 
prehensive, and  unenciimbeied  with  any  extrane- 
ous matter.  It  propo.ses  only  to  do  that  which, 
williout  ollence  or  explanation,  wu  have  the  uii- 
fuiestioiipd  right  to  do. 

The  chairman  of  the  Coimuitlec  on  Foreign  Re- 
lations, [Mr.  Ai.i.EN,)  on  the  eighth  of  January, 
(,i  day,  by-llie-by,memomble  ill  the  annals  of  our 
coiiiitry,)'inoved,  in  obedience  to  the  instructiona 
of  his  eonunitiee,  to  designate  an  early  day  for  ils 
ronsideiation.  That  motion  he  made,  but  it  did 
not  succeed.  But  a  day  for  llial  purpose,  some 
weeks  more  remote,  was  fixed  upon  by  the  Senate. 
This  postponement  was  made  to  gratify  some  Sen- 
ators, who  desired,  before  acting  upon  this  subject, 
to  hear  from  England.  We  were  told  tliala  jmck- 
et  iibout  that  liiiifi  was  expected,  and  that  it  WUH 
hi-lily  important  to  wait  until  it  should  arrive  with 
its  intelligence.  Other  Senators  desired  this  post- 
poiieinent,  because  they  thought  it  unwise  for  the 
Senate  to  act  until  the  House  of  Repre.senUitives, 
which  was  then  considering  it,  should  have  dis- 
posed ,if  Ihi.s  rpiestion.  And  other  Senators,  reai- 
ding  eonveiiieiit  to  this  cajiital,  desired  this  post- 
poiieiuenl,  that  they  might  be  indulged  in  a  visit 
to  their  homes,  on  biisiiiesH  or  pleasure.  All  these, 
constituting  c.  majority  of  the  Senate,  wew;  gratified, 
and  iiccordingly  the  consideration  of  this  resolution 
was  deferred  tiiilil  the  lOlli  of  FelMuary.  Before 
that  day,  sir,  the  House  had  disposed  of  this  sub- 
ject; the  expected  packet,  with  its  intelligence,  had 
arrived;  the  absentees  had  returned,  and  this  reao- 
lutioii  was  then  taken  up;  mid  from  that  day  to 
this  its  considerolion  has  engrossed  nearly  the 
whole  of  our  time.  And  yet,  sir,  can  any  one  tell, 
however  careful  may  linve  been  his  obscrvalioiia, 
what  is  to  be  its  fate,  mid  when  it  shall  be  dis- 
posed of? 

Sir,  ill  the  interval  between  the  report  of  this 
resohition  and  the  day  designated  for  its  consider- 
ation, the  Senator  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Critten- 
nKxl  proposed  a  substitute,  which  lias  for  its  ob- 
ject the  removal  of  the  responsibility  (whatever 
that  may  be)  of  giving  this  notice,  from  Coiigre.ss, 
where  it  properly  belong.-,,  and  to  place^  that  res- 
ponsibility upon'  the  shoulders  of  the  Executive. 
From  this  responsibility,  should  it  be  transferred 
to  him,  the  President  will  not  shrink.  Authorize 
him,  in  his  discretion,  to  give  ihis  notice  to  Great 
Britain,  and  as  certainly  us  the  sun  rises,  on  the 
dav  on  which  he  is  vested  with  such  discretion, 
will  this  notice,  before  that  sun  sets,  be  given. 
This  we  all  know.  Bul  is  il  right,  is  it  consistent 
with  tile  dignity  and  character  of  the  Senate,  to 
j  cvaiie  their  just  and  proper  responsibility,  and 
I  confer  il  iipoii  another  department  of  the  Ooverti- 
meiil?  How  unlike  is  this  to  the  chivalrous  bearing 
of  my  friend  from  Virginia,  [Mr.  Archer,]  who, 
the  other  day,  expressed  his  unwillingness  to  vote 
for  any  measure  which  might  lead  to  war,  because, 
from  his  iiee  and  position,  he  was  protected  from 
its  consequences.  Is  there  not  something  tiniiil 
and  unmanly  in  such  n  proceeding?  Something 
i  very  unlike  the  brave  and  proud  heart  of  old  Ker\- 


890 


39th  CoNfl IsT  Seii. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONORESSIONAI.  GLOBE. 

The  Ont^on  (Question — JMr.  Sevier. 


[Mnrch  25, 

Sr.IfATE. 


11,1  ky— (I  Ml«l(!  rvir  jrnloin  of  tlir  iliviiiiin  of  llir  | 
•liiiils  wliiii  clnm:>r  in  ilir  lioniy  to  lie  |mirilltil 
eiiil?  SliDulil  wiir  itniw  mil  ol'llii^  iidIicc,  n.^wiiiic 
()n|i|>ciiif  ii  \mII,  in  II  inupir  ihul  llii»  |power  Ici  ninkf 
w.it  filiniilil  I'C,  inonl  iiiiiiiTi  nuki ilv,  |iln<'>il  nl  llir 
flidrii'tinii  olnny  Kxri-iilui' >  I  liml  lli(Hi'.:lil  llinr 
wn»  n  mirl  of  W  hi!:  nuiliniiKiiml,  which  wiin,  llml 
lliK  Kxrcnlin'  iMV/fr  if  lliia  rminlry  "wimlno 
jtrfiil,  WHB  inrmiiiiiii.',iinil  mn-lil  In  bi'  ilimiiii»lirii." 
Tlini'  i-frlniiily  "»«  ii  limi'i  »ir,  wliiii  imr  riieiidi 
over  llir  wny  iuicl  mil  kiicIi  iiiiiMiiimlril  wiiitiilriiiT 
in  KxcnilivV  riifirriliciil;  n  liiiir,  sir,  wlii'ii  wr 
Wfrc  liild  Iiy  "  iirninini'iit  li'iulci'  (il'llic  parly,  lliiH 
he  woiilrt  ii'il  ciiiilVr  mnli  ixiianrilinnry  power 
upon  n  Di'miiiTiiiic  rrccidcnl,  if  llic  eiieniy  W(  it 
at  llie  gnirs  nf  llie  Cnnllnl.  Wliy  llii>  Hiiiliirn, ' 
lliii';onerniiK,iim"ilii'iiiil,iiiili)rl(iclforcoiiti(l<in'i': 
il  Kiiiely  rnniHii  lir,  tlint  ihe  ^ciinlcir  frnm  Kin- , 
lupky  [Mr.  t'nirTiNDr.Nl  drmrtnlnplnpe  ilic  I'ru- 
ideiil,  upon  lliii  exntinu'  qui-.ilinii,  in  a  piisilion  in 
wliirli,  wlinlpvir  he  imiy  do,  or  oniil  lo  do, 
Ihe  oppiirtiiliily  will  I'p  iiltnrdrd  lo  fiiriionialii  mill 
ulandrrcre  for  iIip  irrniitioutiini,  lo  llir  full  rxli'iil, 
of  llieir  nnlioly  wiHiie.i.  'I'liounh  mieh  arc  ilii 
inevitnlilc  conseiiiicncrs,  in  my  ludcnieiii,  of  tin- 
exercise  of  iliis  discrrlionnry  power  on  n  i|>iealioii 
of  such  inHuniluili',  yol  I  Minll  ever  Ijc  llie  lii»l,  mi 
fnr  nx  he  Ihicoiiii  iiird,  lo  diaclniiii,  on  hia  behiill', 
nnv  mich  unwnrlhy  dc«ii;n. 

Thp  Senuior  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  rRiTTENDBs] 
also  propospH  lo  limil,  iia  lo  liiiic,  llie  discielion- 
arv  power  of  ihe  I'rpnideni  on  the  givin:^  of  this 
nolice.  Il  ia  lo  hp  jtiven,  not  before  Ihe  cloae  of 
the  present  sessioi  of  Congress.  And  ih's  limi'ii-  ' 
lion  I  think  unwise.  WJialeverc.onsequenceJaluill 
grow  nut  of  ihe  sriving'of  thia  notice,  I  think  it 
very  proper  that  Conu-rras  ahoiild  lie  here,  in  aes- 
aioii,  ready  and  wiliinirlo  meet  iheni.  Unh-as  on 
very  great  and  unforeseen  enierccnciea,  I  desire 
never  ttgiiin  to  see  another  called  session  of  Con- 
cress.  The  country,  I  think,  for  nil  the  good  they 
have  done,  are  siiflicienllv  salislicd  with  such  cx- 
perimenlB.  And,  after  nil,  what  srood  can  we  ex- 
pert from  a  delay  of  ninny  or  a  hundred  daya  in 
the  giving  of  tliis  notice?  Will  the  counlry  be 
better  prepared  for  it  than  now  ?    I  think  not. 

I  oliject,  alao,  to  the  "  PrKimblr"  of  the  Senator, 
ns  I  do  to  the  "Jhrthvilh,"  in  the  Seiialor'a  reso- 
lution. The  "Preamble"  of  the  Senator  isinninlv 
an  historical  narrnlive.  It  recites  Init  facta  will 
known  to  every  body,  and,  therefore,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  information,  ia  wholly  iinneceasary.  Do 
we  earnestly  desire  a  speedy  settlement  of  ihisllr- 
es;on  controversy  ?  Our  acta,  ns  well  aa  our  words, 
ahow  it.  It  rei|uirea  no  preamble  loaittiafyaiiy  one 
of  thia.  Preamblea  and  forthwilhs,  Mr.  I'ruBideiit, 
have  ever  been  my  ahnininnlion.  The  first,  I  re- 
gard aa  a  rpflection  upon  my  capacity,  and  the 
other,nresliaintupnna  !;entleman  a  liberty.  What 
benefit  can  the  Senator  ixpf  ( t  from  his  prcnnililc  > 
la  il  intended  as  a  ^ihlcd  cover,  or  as  swecleiiiiijj 
to  the  physic,  we  are  about  lo  adniinialer?  Or  is 
it  deaisned  aa  a  piece  of  diplomacy,  by  which  her 
Majesly'a  Miiiisiers  are  to  be  lickleU,  and  good- 
hiimoredly  ponxed  into  nezotiaiionr  Is  it  calcu- 
lated that  this  preaniblp  will  oroiliicc  this  result? 
My  opinion  is,sir,thalGreat  Hrilain  will  be  more 
apt  to  look  at  ihe  measure  it.self,  ila  purposes  and 
eonseqiiences,  than  many  garb,  however  fanciful, 
in  which  it  may  lie  clnihcd.  That  Power  will  ne- 
gotiate with  or  without  ihis  preamble,  unmindful 
of  our  anxiety,  should  she  consider  it  her  interest 
to  do  so,  and  not  otherwise. 

Sir,  shorily  after  ihe  Senator  from  Kentiickv 
(Mr.  CniTTEVOKN]  had  favored  the  Senate  with 
Ills  proposition,  the  Senator  from  North  Carolina 
[Mr.  Manci'm]  save  us  notice  of  his  intention  lo 
move  two  additional  provisoes  lo  the  re.iolution 
oflpred  by  the  S<nator  from  Kentucky.  The  first 
of  these  waj*,to  siibniit  the  Oregon  controversy  lo 
arbitrntion:  and  the  other,  lo  oiiranize  in  Oiei;on  a 
Territorial  fiovernment  after  a  fpei'ified  time,  and 
upon  certain  enuineraied  conditions.  But,  on  the 
loth  of  Kcbruary,  ihe  day  on  which  this  r|iiestioii 
was  taken  up,  that  Senator  finding,  I  suppo.se,  that 
a  proposition  to  arbitrate  this  i|iieslion  had  beea 
offered  by  Great  Britain,  and  that  that  offer  had 
been  rejected  by  ihe  United  Stales;  and  finding, 
alao,  I  suppose,  that  in  the  Hoiine  of  KepreseiUii. 
lives,  ase|mrate  bill  to  nrgani/.e  in  Oregon  a  Terri- 
torial Government  had  bdn  reported,  he  abandon- 
ed his  intention  of  olleriii!;  those  provisoes.    Those 


proposilionn,  therefore,  not  now  bring  before  the 
■Sennlp,  I  have  no  remarks  to  make  iiiion  ihem. 

HubseqiiPiilly  to  ihln,  ihn  .lennlor  from  Onnrcia 
[Mr.  Cm  diittI  proposed  nn  amendment  In  the 
resoliilion  offered  by  the  Sentilor  from  KpiiliiPky, 
of  wliii  II  I  have  sookpii,  and  iIip  Senator  from 
Kenluckv,  in  purl,  nccepird  niiil  nilo|ilcil  il  ns  his 
own.  The  propnsilion  of  ihe  Spiintor  from  Ken- 
lucky,  ns  modified  ;'t  Ihe  inslnnce  of  Ihe  Senator 
from  Geori'ia,  differs  frnm  the  originsl  in  ibis;  the 
original  [iroposilion  of  ihe  Seimlor  ft-oni  Kpniiipky 
aulhoriyis  ilip  President,  in  bis  di?'Crelion,  In  ^irf 
or  nnl  rice  the  notice  after  the  pIosp  of  the  present 
session  of  Congress  ;  iluit  proposllion,  ns  now 
nioilidi'H,  proposes  lliat  Centfre^i  fund  ii"/ (Ac  Prr- 
nidnll)  sliiill  •'ice  ibis  notice,  (o  lake  ilVrfl,  nbso- 
Inlelv,  after  Co nirrcss  shall  .'idionrn,  unless  the  Vrr- 
sidpiil,  ill  his  discielion,  shall  see  (il  to  defer  il. 
No\e,  sir,  accordinir  lo  niv  readin.',  ihe  differpnce 
in  lliese  rcsoliilioiis,  in  iIip  ori'.rin.il  and  mmlifipd 
form,  is  not  widp  pnongh  lo  pay  fir  ihp  ink  and 
papiT  on  wliiili  ihni  diffcrpoce  i"  recorded.  I'.ilher 
to  (rive  il,  in  llie  one  case,  or  lo  defer  il,  in  the  other 
— lo  do  the  net,  or  lo  pievenl  il — are,  lo  nivmind, 
eoually  objeclinnable,  as  boih  rrn*  upon  the  basis 
of  F-^xecnlivp  discrefion.  and  therefore  amenable  (n 
all  the  ol'ieciions  I  have  already  urged  'elative  In 
this  disciTlionarv  power. 

The  pi-oposilion  of  the  Senator  frnm  Oeorsin 
also  proposes  lo  "negniinle"  and  "compromise." 
If  Ihe  Presiilent,  under  our  Consiitulinn,  did  not 
fiossess  the  power  to  npi-olisle  upon  all  subjecis, 
there  miirlit  be  some  propriety  lo  confer  such 
power  npoii  hinr.  Imias  he  possesses  il,  under  the 
Consiitulinn,  and  iii'lependent  of  ns,  I  fhink  noth- 
ing beneficial  can  result  from  inserting  such  nn 
aiilhoriiv  in  thia  resolulinn.  On  the  ennlrnry, 
many  evils  may  grow  nnl  of  il.  Il  may,  by  thus 
manifesiiiig  such  niixiely  to  negniinle,  defrnt  ihe 
very  obieci  it  is  desiirned  lo  subserve.  Ft  may  do 
more:  il  may  form  a  dancerona  precedent,  and 
lead,  in  ftilnre,  if  not  in  ihis  inslnnce,  to  inroads 
upon  the  Constiiiiiion— nn  insirnnienl  which  he 
and  I  are  alike  poiipeined  in  presprvingin  ila  heau- 
liftil  form  of  simplicity  and  pfRciency.  F.vermind- 
ftil  of  Ihis,  lei  us  exereise  only  the  powers  ihe  Con- 
siitulinn confers  npon  ihe  Senate,  nnd  leave  In  the 
Executive  Ihnsev'hich  properly  belong  In  him. 

The  Senator  also  proposes  In  rninprfimt'.'e.  To 
compromise  what  ?  The  disputed  leirilorv.  And 
what  ia  that '  In  ihe  British  vocabulary,  it  means 
thai  lerriinry  which  lies  between  the  Cnlumbia 
river  .-,oi|  ihe  4!)lh  parallel  of  lalilnde.  We  hnve 
been  offering  for  yenra  lo  settle  this  boundary  by 
thai  parallel;  and  lirenl  Rrilain,  nn  her  part,  has 
bepn  offering  In  seiijp  it  by  thp  Columbia  river, 
giving  ns  nil  «niith,  nnd  she  relninins  all  north, 
and  Ihe  river  In  be  ponimon  to  both  nations.  Is 
it  to  divide  ibis  eoniiirv,  lyinjr  between  the  Co- 
lumbia and  the  49ih  parallel, that  the  word  "com- 
promise" is  inserted  '  The  Senator  from  Georgia 
dnes  not  mean  ibis,  for  he  hna  told  me  he  does  nnl. 
He  means  lo  include  in  his  compromise  all  the 
counlry  lo  which  either  parly  set  iip  claims  on  the 
Northwest  enast  of  America — all  inclmled  be- 
tween Ihe  parallels  of  4UP  nnd  'ti°  40'.  This  is 
what  he  means.  But  will  that  meanin;?  be  pnl 
upon  it  by  Ihe  British  Government?  Will  even 
nur  President  so  rnnslrne  it  ?  The  President  has 
Inld  us  thai,  actins  on  the  principles  of  "  enmprn- 
mtse,"nnd  in  deference  In  the  acis  of  his  prede- 
cessors, he  has  been  unable  to  settle  this  dispute, 
on  anch  terms  ns  the  TTniled  Slale.s  ought  In  nccepi. 
This  is  ihe  information  he  gives  i,s.  He  tells  us 
exniicilly  the  offer  he  made,  and  of  its  rejection. 
We  are  informed,  in  one  of  the  protocols,  that 
the  Briiish  Minister  is  not  nulhorized  even  to 
discuss  onr  lille  to  the  country  nn  that  enast,  north 
of  49°.  Me  tells  iia,  his  Government  would  not 
acci  pi  of  the  4<)th  parallel  as  the  dividing  line; 
nnd  insisis  upon  the  Columbia  as  the  boundary. 
All  these  ihiiigs  are  in  llie  President's  Messaje 
and  llie  ilocnmenis  which  neeninpany  il.  This 
Mes.sage  is  now  upon  our  tables;  il  has  been  car- 
ried lo,  nnd  read,  in  every  quarter  of  America;  il 
has  been  widely  circulated  and  freely  commenled 
upon  in  every  pari  of  Europe;  and  yet  the  .Sena- 
tor proposes  to  direct  the  President  In  "  cnmpro- 
misc"  thia  tniestinn.  And  hnw  ?  By  taking  less 
than  49°?  iVo,  sir,  he  is  not  for  that.  He  sees, 
by  llie  Messaire,  ihal  the  President  has  been  una- 
ble lo   get  I'J'^;  can   he  get  it  now  ?     I  have  seen 


noihinif  In  nnthnrize  anch  a  eonclnaion.  Upon 
what  evidence  Is  thai  o[iinion  founded — if,  indeed, 
Ihe  Sennlor  entertains  that  opinion  ?  I  should  like 
In  know  it.  Not  being  able  to  gel  49°,  upon  what 
terms,  then,  is  be  to  "compromise?"  The  reaolu- 

'  lion  falls  In  iiidlcnie  the  lerma  upon  which  lhi» 
compromise  is  in  1»  make.  Would  il  not  be  well 
for  the  Preaideni  lo  lie  informed  of  ihe  terms  on 
which  he  is  to  enmproniiae?  and  of  Ihe  term* 
which  would  be  antisfaclnry  to  the  Senate?  Sir, 
the  President  tells  the  Senator,  in  his  Message,  that 

I  he  ia  unable  In  c  ompromise  ihia  quesiion  on  term* 
which  the  United  Slates  ought  lo  nccepi.  He  lell» 
them,  in  suhstnnee,  that  he  cannot  compromise  lb  in 
qnesiion  on  terms  olher  Ihnn  those  iliahonnrahle 
lo  Ihe  nnljon.  .'\nd  will  the  Senator  from  Geoigi(» 
agree  lo  compromise  this  question  on  any  audi 
terms?     Il  would  be  a  libel  on  his  life  lo  say  so. 

I  And  yet,  from  a  fair  conslruelion  of  all  wo  1iav« 
beftire  us,  could  the  President,  or  would  llie  Brit- 
ish Governmenl,  put  any  olher  constrnclion  upon 
this  resoliilion ,  than  thai  olher  lerma,  more  favor- 
able to  Gieal  Hrilnin,aiid  more  [lernicioua  lo  the 
inlerf.<is  nf  the  Uniled  Stales,  are  In  be  offered  ? 
Terms  which  must  be,  if  more  favorable  than 
those  already  offered,  in  the  judgment  of  the  Preai- 
deni—and  in  that  judgmeni  I  concur — iliagvaci  f  il 
to  the  United  Slates?  I  think  no  other  eonclnaion 
could  or  woiild  be  put  upon  thia  reaohilion.  I 
cnnnol  vnle  for  it,  or  for  any  resoliilion,  under  the 
circumatancea,  which  has  the  wprd  "  compromise" 
in  it. 

Sir,  I  am  not  sure  but  that  a  majnrily  of  the 
penple  nf  ijie  United  Stales  would  rather  flghl 
Great  Britain  to-morrow,  than  yield  np  to  her 
ami  pm'l  ffOrrunn,  fr<vth  e/,'i4°40'.  I  am  not  sure, 
bill   that  a  mnjorily  of  the  people  nf  the  United 

I  .States  are  now  ready  to  antrl  Ihe  tille  oftht  Vnilei 
Slnlen  to  Ihe  whole  of  Oregon,  believing,  as  that 
majority  do,  that  the  lille  of  their  cnunlry  tn  the 
whnle  (if  il  ia  unqueslinnablc;  and  M-ith  this  asser- 
tion of  their  title,  I  am  not  aurc  but  lhal  thia  ma- 

'  jority  are  not  now  ready,  upon  Ihe  alighleal  inlima- 
linn'frnm  thnse  whn  have  contrnl  of  our  public 

I   affairs,  lo  mniniain  it  at  all  hazards. 

Sir,  the  people  of  the  United  Slalea  love  their 
counlry.  They  love  it  because  it  is  their  country. 
They  love  il,  for  ila  insliuitions,  its  fame,  its  pro's- 
periiy,  ils  inevilnble  dealiny,  nnd,  not  the  less,  for 
Ihe  immensity  of  apace  what  that  country  covers 
Sir,  in  the  affairs  of  ihis  country,  these  people  bear 
with  impatience  any  interference  of  any  foreign 
Power,  nnd  pnrliciilaily  if  that  interference  wears 
Ihe  slightest  encroachment  upon  their  territorial 
riehts.  With  siill  less  patience  do  ihey  bear  aiich 
interference,  if  led  lo  believe  it  is  prompted  by  a  de- 
aire,  nn  an  unfniinded  claim,  to  seek  a  posirion  at 
a  vulnerable  point  of  iheir  counlry,  from  which  it 
is  designed  lo  annoy  the  country  in  fulure.  And 
with  siill  leas  patience,  if  such  interference,  on 
such  a  claim,  wiili  such  objects,  comes  from  Eng- 
land, the  rival  of  ihis  cnunlry  in  everything— a 
Power  with  which  they  have  had  two  wars,  ami 
many  subsequent  irrilniing  disputes;  all  of  which 
are  well  remembered,  and  yei  green  in  their  memo- 
ries. These  penple,  with  these  impressions,  are 
now  looking  and  reading  about  Oregon,  and  are 
quietly  and  (irmly  forming  their  resolves  upon 
the  subject.     .')4°  W  are  chslked  upon  doors  nnfl 

'  windows,  and  upon  walls,  pillar  and  post,  every- 
where  ,'54°   40'    are    words,   which    nre   makin; 

iheir  way  into  rhyme  nr  metre — and  before  th« 
summer  ia  over,  .54°  40'  are  appellations  which 
will  be  given  lo  (livorite  objeeta,  and  by  many, 
bestowed  as  names,  upon  their  children.  The 
signs  nf  the  limes  nre  ominous,  and  are  fast  thick- 
ening nrnnnd  us;  and  let  those  who  can  read,  read 
nnd  understand  them.  These  people  are  in  no 
temper  for  unjust  concessions,  in  the  form  of  com- 
promises. 

Is  there,  sir,  a  man  in  America,  of  any  parly  or 
of  any  sect,  that  would  not  sooner  fighl  Great 
Britain  to-morrow,  than  yield  up  any  part  of  Ore- 
gon, nouth  of  49°?  In  support  of  our  title,  up  to 
llml  line,  and  for  everything  s.iulh  of  il,  we  should 
find  even  our  dunker  friends  in  nniform,  with 

I  arms  in  Iheir  hands,  crying  aloud,  in  Ihe  high- 

'  ways  and  by-ways,  "  To'  your  tenis,  O  Israel !" 

Sir,  quite  recently,  we  had,  upon  ihe  subject  of 

this  notice,  a  jiroposition  from  the  .Senator  from 

Maryland,  [Mr.  Joiissiin,)  which    I   believe  has 

iiol  been  printed,  and  of  which,  llierefoie,  I  shall 


[March  25, 

SeifATC. 


Kliiiinn,  Upon 
iileil — if,  iiiilrpit, 
^>  I  iihniUd  Ilka 
I  4!l°,  upon  wimt 
pi"  'IVreMlu- 
niinii  whirh  lhi( 
1(1  it  mil  l>e  well 
of  I  he  tprm«  dii 
nil  of  till"  trrniit 
le  .Srnnlr.'  Sir, 
iJH  MrMiii;f>,lhnt 
LiPNiion  on  li-rmii 
nrccpl.  HpIpIIi 
mmpromiiir  llii» 
I'e  iliahonnrnhlit 
or  from  (ieor?ii« 
r>n  on  uny  iiicli 
in  Ufi'  to  anv  ho, 
"f  nil  wo  iiniB 
woiilil  llip  Prit- 
mUriii'tion  upon 
nin,  niori"  fnvnr- 
vriiii'inuii  to  tlip 
p  lo  hfi  oflercil  ? 
thvornhli"  tlinn 
pnl  of  lliB  Prrni- 
niir — iliBgi'BPifil 
Mhfr  conclusion 
»  reioliilion.  I 
iilinn,  under  tlip 
i  "  coinpromiH" 

mnjorily  of  tlia 
ildrnlher  flsht 
I'iplil  up  to  her 
I  nm  not  sure, 
e  of  the  Uniteil 
ille  ofll\e  L'niltil 
elicTinir,  ns  thnt 
r  cnuniiy  to  the 
with  this  Hsacr- 
•iit  thnt  this  mn- 
slightesl  intimn- 
I  of  our  public 
I. 

Kites  love  their 

s  their  country 

I  fnme,  its  pros- 

t  the  lesi,  for 

roiinlry  covers 

cae  people  beiir 

of  nny  (iireijit 

ference  weiirs 

icir  tcrntorinl 

liey  lienr  such 

inipted  by  nde- 

;k  n  position  nt 

from  which  It 

future.     And 

ilfrftrence,  on 

mc.i  from  Eni;- 

cverythinj— fi 

two  wnrs,  and 

II  of  which 

in  their  mcmo- 

prcssions,  are 

I'Kon,  nnd  nre 

resolves  upon 

non  doors  and 

pofil,  every- 

are   mnltiii; 

nd   before  the 

Hal  ions  which 

nd  by  many, 

Idren.      The 

are  fast  Ihick- 

■iin  rf^ad,  read 

'h'  are  in  no 

form  of  com- 


20th  Cono 1st  Srhs. 


APPENDIX  TO   THK  (•0>(JHESSIO\AL  GI.ORK, 


891 


Senate. 


any  porty  or 

'  fijhl  Great 

1/  piirt  of  Orr- 

r  title,  up  to 

I,  wp  should 

iiiConn,  with 

in  the  hijjli- 

()  Israel!" 

the  subject  of 

Senator  from 

belicvp  has 

cfore,  I  shall 


I 


I     ^ 


linve  tospenkfroni  memory.  If  I  luuitht  its  mean- 
ins;  correctly,  win  n  rend  by  our  Nccietary,  this 
priipoaitiun  is  intcndnl  tii  ii  sture  ilie.  iiri;<;iiial  iiriip- 
iisitiiin  of  the  Ki nalor  from  Ki'iiluiky,  witli  llie 
Blight  modificatUin  of  Ktnkin'^'  iVom  it  (lie  worilH, 
"  the  end  of  tin  prcxi  nt  siHNion  of  ('iinj^ress,"  at 
whicli  lime  the  I'rrsidint,  in  liis  dlMcri'tiun,  is  to 
piviMlic  noliir;  and  lo  insrri,  in  lieu  of  the  words 
Biricki  n  out,  "  the  firm  of  June."  If  I  be  ri^ht 
in  siippoHini;  that  thin  is  the  only  iilttration,  I  have 
nolliiiiK  to  say  upon  a  noint  which,  to  my  mind,  < 
is  HO  entirely  immaterial.  And,  for  the  Bume  rea-  ]| 
•on,  I  shall  pass  nvir,  without  observntion,  the 
proposition  of  the  Senator  from  Illinois,  [Mr. 
HH|-.K>r.,|  which,  at  best,  is  only  Uesij^ncd  to  ciir- 
rect  a  verbal  omisHioii. 

Thus  far,  sir,  I  have  attempted  to  detail  thnprn- 
eiedints  of  the  Senate,  in  thetr  iireliminary  etforts, 
upon  the  r|uestion  of  notice;  and,  that  my  narrative 
may  be  com(ilete,  it  becomes  necessary  for  me  to 
detain  the  Senate,  on  this  branch  of  the  inquiry, 
for  a  innnirnt  loin.Tr. 

In  the  House  of  llepresentuiives,  after  full  de- 
hnle,  Ion;;  deliberation,  and,  I  will  aild,  able  and 
searchin?  investigation,  this  measme  ofnotice,  to 
annul  the  conventions  of  1818  and  1837,  has 
passed,  and  has  been  Kent  to  the  Senate  for  ils 
concurrence.  The  fust  resolution  of  the  House 
is  essentially  the  same  as  that  reported  by  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  of  the  Innate. 
In  substance,  these  two  rcsolulinn.-t  are  identical; 
and  whilst  I  prefer  the  resolution  of  the  Senate, 
on  account  of  what  I  regard  as  the  better  iihrasciil- 
ogy,  I  am  yet  willing  to  save  time,  and,  out  of 
deference  to  the  action  of  the  House,  to  give  up 
my  preference  for  the  one,  and  vote  for  the  other. 
To  this  first  resolution  of  the  House  there  is  an- 
other, disclaiming  all  intention  to  interfere  with 
negotiations.  This  latter  resolution  I  dislike,  and 
think  it  entirely  out  of  place;  and  yet  1  nm  willing 
to  let  it  BUind,  if  any  gentleman  desires  it.  j 

Sir,  1  am  not  trained  in  the  language  of  eulogy; 
compliments  from  inc  arc  rare  and  generally  re- 
Birictcd,  and  on  that  account,  and  on  that  account 
only,  should  be  appreciated.  I  cannot  forbear,  on 
this  occasion,  however  much  as  it  may  seem  to  be 
out  of  my  element,  to  say  to  that  House,  that,  in 
passing  tiiia  notice,  you  nave  fait'ifully  responded 
to  the  Message  of  your  President;  you  have  faith- 
ftilly  reflected  the  opinions  and  wishes  of  your 
constituents;  and,  what  is  better  than  either,  in 
the  fear  of  the  timid,  and  amid  the  terrifying  cries 
of  war,  you  have  manfully  sustained  and  iiphelii 
the  interest  and  honor  of  your  country.  And  God 
grant  that  this  Senate  may  have  the  wisdom  and 
the  courage  to  imitate  your  example. 

Sir,  shall  we  pass  this  notice,'  Shall  the  Presi 
dent  be  sustained  by  us  in  his  recommendation,  as 
he  has  been  by  the  House  of  Ueprcscntatives  ? 
Sholl  the  |X!ople  of  lliese  Stales  be  gratified  in  this 
particular?  Shall  we  pass  the  notice  ond  nothing 
more,  or  shall  we  have  a  sort  ofhalf  and  half 
qualified  affair'  Or  shall  we,  after  all  our  parade — 
after  exciting  hopes  at  home,  and  attracting  the 
attention  of  all  Europe,  whose  eyes  are  yet  upon 
us — quietly  adjourn  and  go  home,  and  do  nothing, 
leaving  this  Oregon  question,  where  it  has  been  for 
about  thirty  years,  an  unsettled  matter  of  constant 
irritation,  lieneficial  only  to  Great  Britain,  and 
daily  bcioming  more  and  more  dilRcult  of  settle- 
ment, by  our  unwise  delays ,'  Thefie  are  questions 
well  worthy  the  grave  answer  of  an  American 
Senate. 

Sir,  some  Senotors  are  opposed  to  this  notice  in 
any  form,  and  have  kindly  favored  the  Senate 
with  their  reasons  for  their  opposition.  They  are 
against  it,  because  they  think  it  unneces.sary  for 
the  purposes  of  HfifoHnlioH;  and  if  wanted  iiir  any 
other  piirp  ise  than  negotiation,  they  are  unwilling 
to  give  it.  The  President  informs  us,  in  the  pro- 
gress of  his  negotiation,  he  linds  this  convention, 
for  the  abrogation  of  which  this  notice  is  intended, 
an  impediment  in  his  way,  and  desires  Congress  to 
remove  it.  He  has  told  us  what  he  has  done,  and, 
this  convention  out  of  his  way,  what  he  hopes  yet  \ 
to  be  able  to  do.  We  ail  know  that  so  long  ns  tnis 
convention  continues  in  force,  Greiit  Britain  can 
have  no  motive  for  settling  this  dispute.  Uy  the 
terms  of  this  convention  she  has,  practically,  the 
possession  of  the  'vhole  of  Oregon.  She  can  never 
get  more,  and  by  any  negotiation  she  must  lose 
Bomething;  and  knowing  this,  what   inducement 


The  Orffron  (^nriitioH — Mr.  Sirier. 

can  slie  have  for  a  settliiuein  of  this  i|uestion,' 
What  has  been  her  past  policy  upon  this  subject.' 
Whenever  this  quesiion  lias  been  ii)>  before  t 'on- 
giess  and  pressed  for  a  decision,  she  iiuinedjately 
liegiiiH  to  talk  of  negoliatioii;  anil  upon  this  being 
intimaled  to  us,  we,  credulous  and  confiding  souls, 
stop  our  proceedings,  and  wail  for  iii'!;otlatioii. 
Hut,  sir,  BO  soon  as  we  cense  to  talk  aboiil  Oregon, 
Great  Ib'iialn  ceases  to  nei;otiaie;  and  llila  is  the 
game  we  have  had  jilayiil  upon  ua  for  Beveral  | 
years. 

Lord    Ashliiirlon   was   aiitliorii'ed    to   nei'oiiale  | 
upon  thi,i   question,  and   yet   he  e\ailed   it — said 
nothing  about   it.     .\iid  now,  sir,   when  we  are 
pressing   ihe  settleinent    of  this  quesiion,  for  the 
third  or  fourth  lime  in  C'oiigrcss,  we  are  told,  as 
iisiinl,  lo  wait  a  lillle  hiiii'.ir,  and  leave  it  lo  be  ad-  ' 
jiiHti'd  by  negotiation.     Mow  Inn;;,  sir,  is  our  pa- 
tience to  be  abused?     How  long,  sir,  are  we  to  bn  j 
trifled  with  by  smh  ioMncerily,  by  siieb  hypocrili-  ' 
cal  professions?     Is  this  riMestinn  never  to  be  set-  ' 
lied?     It  will  never  be  se'tled,  until  Great  Britain  I 
shall  be  iiidni'i'd  to  bclie\e  that  it  is  our  inlenlMin  I 
lo  change  the  state  of  this  question,  anil  that  we 
are,  nt  last,  resolved  to  have  it  settled  in  sinne  way. 
Let  us  nullify  tKis  convention;  lei  us  restore  our- 
selves to  the  jiossessinii  of  the  vnlley  of  the  Colum- 
I  ia  river,  ns  we  had   it   in  1818;  let  us  iilanl  our 
citizens  there,  make  them  frei>holders  lliere,  and 
extenil  to  them  the  beiiellts  of  our  laws,  and  secure 
the  friendship  of  the  natives  by  just  and  liberal 
treaties;  and  l;isl,  though  not  leasl,  lei   us  defend 
and  protect  theni,  by  the  power  and  foii'e  of  our  < 
army  nnd  navv.     This  protection,  every  citizen  of 
this  Republic,  liowever  humble,  or  however  renmie 
from  this  capital,  has  a  right  to  claim  at  the  hnnds 
of  this  Ciovernment;  and  that  protection,  I  hope, 
be  will  never  invoke  in  vain.     Let  these  things  be 
dune,  and  then,  sir,  if  Great  Britain  desires  to  ne- 
t;otinte  for  the  countrv  north  of  the  valley,  we  will 
ihink  of  it.     All  of  these  things  we  can  lawfully 
do  when  this  convention  is  abrogated,  and  it  may 
be  doubted  if  we  can  do  them  before. 

The  President  doubtless  thinks  that  this  step 
will  facilitate  ^and  probably  by  negotiation)  thoNet- 
tlemeiil  of  this  quesiion.  But  should  he  be  mis- 
taken in  this,  he  then  tells  us  that  it  is  oui  duty  to  ; 
assert  our  rights,  and  prepare  manfully  to  maintain 
them.  But  the  asserllon  of  our  rights,  and  above 
nil,  the  preparation  manftilly  to  defend  them,  arc 
the  very  things  which  these  gentlemen  don't  want 
to  do.  I 

If  these  gentlemen  can  get  Oregon,  the  whole  . 
or  a  part  of  it,  peaeeubly  nnd  without  n  fi<;lit,  they, 
in  their  generosity,  nre  now  willing  tf  accept  it.  ' 
Time  was,  sir,  when  some  of  tho.se  gentlemen 
were  unwilling  to  have  Oregon,  on  nnv  terms, 
peneenbly  and  withoet  a  fight.  Their  speeches 
and  their  voles  in  1840,  1841,  1843,  184;t,  luid  in 
1844,  will  throw  a  flood  of  light  upon  tlieir  past 
policy  in  relation  to  this  .subject.  And  I  invite 
Senators,  on  some  rainy  day,  when  they  can't  go 
out,  nnd  have  nothing  else  to  do,  to  look  over  those 
speeches  nnd  those  votes.  These  Senators  then 
thought  that  on  some  lofty  penk  of  the  Stony 
mountains,  nnd  fronlins  the  East,  the  god  Termi- 
nus, of  this  Republic,  should  be  placed,  nnd  thnt 
all  west,  or  beh  d  biin,  should  be  given  up  to 
others.  They  then  thought  our  territorial  pos.ses- 
sions  were  already  too  widely  extended  for  the 
harmony  nnd  safety  of  the  American  Union,  or 
for  the  improvement  of  our  people  or  their  eoiin- 
try  in  minti  or  morals,  wealth,  resources',  or  com- 
forts. They  tohl  us,  on  those  occasior.s,  some- 
thing respecting  the  efl'ects  of  the  bss  of  population 
and  capital  upon  the  value  of  lands  and  properly 
in  the  good  old  "  T/ilrlcfii,"  and  of  the  ruinous 
efl'ects  upon  workshop,?  and  mnniifncturcs  by  the 
destruction  of  competition,  and  the  enhancement 
of  the  value  of  Inbor,  resulting  from  this  process 
of  emigration.     We  wee  favored  with  touching 

predictions  as  lo  the  fate  of  the  poor  Indians,  now  '  ject  of  Oregon — if  robbing  is  your  determination — 
quiet  and  happy  in  the  still  and  gloomy  forests  of     why,  in  the  name  of  your  flag,  the  bloody  cross  of 
Oregon,  undisti'irbed  in  their  wigwams  and  hunt-     St.  George,  tnke  it,  for  we  will  not  fight  you  for 
'  ing  grounds  by  the  woodmiui's  axe,  or  startled  by  [';  it. 

'  the  sound  of  an  American  rifle.  Oregon  they  de-  ['  Sir,  these  honorable  Senators  will  not  vote  for 
scribed  ns  being  poorer  than  the  mountains  divi- ]'  this  notice,  because,  for  the  reasons  I  have  noticed, 
ding  Canada  from  Maine,  which, on  another  occn-  j  they  think  it  unnecessary  for  the  purpose  of  nego- 
sion,  were  said  to  be  too  poor  to  furnish  subsistence ';  liation,  and  aside  from  that  purpose,  it  looks  too 
even  for  .luvennl's  lizard.  It  was  described  ns  a  1  warlike,  and  smells  too  strongly  of  gunpowder, 
;  country  entirely  unfit  for  cultivation,  and  fit  only  '  for  their  approbation, 
for  a  grand  hunting  ground,  or  a  place  most  suit-  '      Sir,  we  were  placed  in  the  possession  of  thevnl- 


able  for  •  sour,  bilious,  ill-naliirt'd  Knirlishinaii  to 
blow  out  his  brains  in.  They  then  told  iih — and 
so  far  as  British  pirlodicals  and  British  magaTiiiiea 
coiilil  prove  unythiii!;,  they  proved  it,  loo—that 
England  did  not  want  Oregon  for  coloiii7,ation,  or 
for  any  other  purpose  than  a  hunting  ground;  and 
llinl  ns  Nonn  as  llie  game  in  it  was  ileslroyeil,  it 
would  be  Voluntarily  Bliandniiid  ;  that  New  /en- 
land  niii!  New  Hnllnnd,  nnd  other  vacant  fields, 
within  her  control,  were  llirmori'  eligilde  for  colo- 
nizati.iii.  .Sir,  they  were  elotpienl  upon  all  these 
inler.'siini  themes.  But  now,  sir,  most  happily 
for  ns,  in  this  day  of  lliis  great  Republic,  we  hear 
nothing  of  those  old  olijeeiioiiB  against  Oregon. 
Those  olijeclinns  are  allowed  to  slnqi  quietly  with 
the  things  that  were,  and  we  never  shall  hear  of 
them  again,  until  Califniiin  and  all  .Mexico  shall 
knock  at  our  iloor  for  nilmission.  They  will  then 
iinppenr,  in  the  shape  of  new  additions,  and  be 
again,  for  our  edification,  rehearsed  in  this  chnm- 
ber._ 

Texas,  sir,  'I'eva.,  ||„„  Kiithd  and  exploded,  for 
the  present,  all  those  old-fashioned,  but  beuutiAil 
theories.  Texas  has  done  Oregon  this  mmdi  good, 
if  she  never  does  any  olln  r.  I'hese  gentlemen  are 
now  willinit  to  accept  of  Orei>;on,  or  n  part  of  Ore- 
gon, proviiird  it  can  be  liiul  by  mgotiation  nnd 
wilhoiii  a  fighl.  But  they  tell  ns,  nnd  at  Iho  same 
time  (Jlrent  Brilnin,  with  conimeiidable  frnnknesH 
and  candor,  that  they  will  not  fighl  for  Oregon.  Oh, 
no,  sir;  not  for  the  world.  Fighlinir,  they  Ihink, 
a  terrible  business.  They  lell  us  a  war  with  Great 
Biiiaiii  would  ruin  our  commerce,  and  cut  oflT our 
comfnrls  and  supplies;  that  it  would  slop  our  im- 
provenv  its  in  steam  and  in  thunder  and  lightning; 
and  llint,  to  carry  it  on  Buei'essfnlly,  it  would  re- 
quire seven  armies  nnd  two  navies  ;  it  would  re- 
vive the  paper  enrreney,  of  which  we  have  just  got 
clear,  and,  at  the  end  often  years,  (the  jieriod  tnis 
war  is  to  last,)  leave  us  five  hundred  inillinnB  in 
debt.  Nor  is  this  all;  we  nre  to  have  upon  our 
hands,  at  the  same  lime,  they  tell  us,  a  war  with 
Mexico  and  our  Indian  tribes,  with  the  opinions 
of  all  Europe  against  ns;  and,  at  the  end  ofit,  a 
civil  War,  conducted  by  rival  generals;  and  thnt 
one  of  them,  in  Ihe  subjugation  of  Ihe  others  is  to 

I  succeed  in  overthrowing  the  liberties  of  the  coun- 

I  try,  by  trampling  our  Consiitution  under  his  feel, 
and  sentiiig  himself  in  our  Executive  mansion, 
"every  inch  a  king;."  And  when,  nnd  under 
what  circumstances,  Mr.  President,  is  this  gloomy 
prediction  promulgated?  In  the  chamber  of  the 
Senate,  in  open  day,  before  the  world,  in  thn  pros 
enee  of  our  adversary,  and  in  the  face  of  Ihe  pic- 
ture of  the  Father  of  his  Country,  which  hangs 
over  you;  anil  thai,  too,  pending  our  controversy 
with  Great   Britain   nboiil   the  Oregon   territory. 

'Strong  reasons,  indeed,  are  these,  my  countrymen, 
fo  induce  Oieat  Britain  to  negotiate.  Nor  nre 
these  the  only  ones  with  which  we  have  been  fa- 
vored in  furtherance  of  negotinlion.  With  ;i  sort, 
of  mock  gravity,  they  remind  Mr.  rukenhnni.  the 
British  Minister,  that  Great  Britain,  like  the  Uni- 
ted States,  is  a  religious  nation;  they  teil  him  it  is 
n  breach  of  one  of  ilie  holy  commandments  to  covet 
thy  neighbor's  goods  or  lands,  nnd  that  it  is  a  sin 
lo  steal  either;  and  therefore,  for  the  salvation  of 

;  his  soul,  for  the  love  of  God,  nnd  out  of  mercy  lo 
this  country,  which  cannot,  under  any  circum- 
slnnces,  figlit  Great  Britain,  they  beg  of  him  to 
think  of  these  things,  and  nrgnlinle.  They  remind 
Mr.  Pnkenhani  that  we  m-r.  of  the  English  stock, 
nnd  thnt,  unlike  many  of  our  countrymen  who  arc 
abroad  for  six  months,  we  have  not'forgotten,  but 
still,  on  ordinary  occasions,  at  least,  speak  the 

'  English  Inngunge;  Great  Britain  is  our  aearly-bc- 
loved  grandmolher:  and,  oh,  what  n  crying  shame, 
Mr.  Pnkenhnm,  for  you  to  insist  upon  robbing 
your  ^rnnd  children  of  their  blessed  patrimony; 
but  still,  remember,  Mr.  Pakenham,  if  nothing 
else  will  do — if  you  nre  inexorable  upon  tlie  Bub- 


39-2 


li-i 


2f)TH  CoNo 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

I'Ac  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Sevier. 


[March  25, 


Sknatk. 


li>y  ciClhi'  roliiniMii  l>y  Grcnt  Urilnin  in  1H18,  bihI  n 
t'fw  (lavs  nl'liT,  U<s\  din  r.ir/ii<ii'f  |iossi'S»imi  nfllril 
villi'V  I'V  iii'giilialion:  \\r  lliiiiK  it  iiccssary  In 
niinr.1  iliJM  oiMivciiliim  to  n'niiiii  lluil  iXrlu^Ar  \n'n- 
.-.■.■■^iiiii.  To  llii^»  piiMirsdion  wc  kIii'II  lie  ciitilidl, 
wImiumt  lliis  i-MiiM  nlion  mIikII  '  c  ic  inovril  oiif  of 
I'll!'  vav.  Ilul,  till'  Sciialnr  Inmi  Maiiio  \S\i. 
I'.vw-l  iiii|iiiri-s,  iT  Ciirat  Urilain  will,  ^'I'lcr  ili,' 
alinii'niion  of  lliis  I'oiivcntioni  Kive  ns  llial  |iiiM:rs- 
si'Mi-  InolliiT  woiils.will  (irral  ISrilain  ki'cp  lur 
faiili  ami  <'oin|i|y  will,  lii-r  ^.n'liu'ciiii'iil  •  I  Ic  lliiiiKs 
she'  w.U  ncil;  and  il  may  lie.  sir,  thai  .<ln'  -.vill  ii.'f, 
ami  il'slii'  will  mil,  llic  ."ooncr  wr  Icimw  il  ihi'  I',  1- 
Icr  A  l"inil,"f  linc'W,  llnU  will  nrvcr  lie  paid,  is 
win.  Iv  i!is|iiiMMl  of  wla-n  llini::  into  tiii^  lin'.  Hal 
liii.r,  sir,wiiii'li  iipi-iali-.s  n|H>n  i  viTylliiiig,  will  ipvc 
us  Ii':Iil  u|>ia)  ib:.s  snlijiM'l. 

•^  iMla'Scna'"!-  iVnni  Massni-lnisi-lis,  |Mi-.  Wkii- 
«ri'.n,l  and  lln'  Si  nalor  h"\n  S.nilli  t'ar.>linn,  |Mr, 
Cami'iiv.)  well'  bill  iri'iMily  oar  Scrniariis  in 
ourSaiic  l)i|>arina'ni.  In  ilial  posiiioii  il  waN  ila  ir 
ilu'y  to  invt  sli.;alr  and  iindnsiand  lliis  iMtvai 
qn<'Mioii.  lliilli  ol'  ihi'M'  i;! mil  nwii  liavc  iniud 
I  niuirli  10  in\(siti;ali-  and  iiiidi  tm.iihI  any  i|ia  .111,11. 
IVilli  aif  iM-iMilin  d  l,ili<',  niid  ilnul'i|rs.<aiT,  raini!i,u- 
Willi  iuiii  ,i!l  iin  Icarin;!".  And  yi  l,iii  lliim'lianil'ii- 
as  I^fii;\lors,  acrnsionu'd  as  lla\v  arr  to  laKo  llie 
lead  upon  all  ^ri'al  iiinsiiiinKol'  pnl.ln'  po|ii-y,  lli-  y 
pnldii-ly  iloclimil  In  disiaiss  our  iiilo  10  llri".")i. 
Tlu"  Scniilor  iVuni  >[assai'lin.-  lis  li.is  i.dd  us,  in 
Iiis  iisuiilly  cinphaiii'  inanntT,  llial  hr  wuiilil  railar 
havp  lii.s  liniL'ni'  !i|i>U'ri'd,  lliaii  lo  discuss  lliis  liili- 

I  ending  lliis  1  niiirovi'rsy:  and  llic  Sriialor  fioin 
Sniiili  C'arc'lina  (.Mr.  t'ti.'ior\]  ilri'Iincs  1,1  di.v- 
cus-:  nur  liilr,  hri-aiisa  he  ilttnis  ii  iiidrii.alf  in 
r( iVri'iiiT  to  liis  posiiiiin.  ,   Kin-.;  Rn-liaid,  I   ilitnk 

II  was,  sir,  Inld  ins  niiiii.-'irr,  lii.'<  ■•ousii,  i.i"  ISm-li- 
iucliani,  iioi  10  .say  il,  Ian  slnnii^ly  ">  iiilir  llic 
basiardy  of  Kdwaril's  idiiUInai. 

Thrsi^  Si'iiniors.  sir,  di^flinr  iho  disi-nssioii  of 
our  titV  |o  ()rr-i'ti.  1  for  lln-  n'lison  ussii^ni'il  liy 
ilif  S,  n.iior  fioiu  ,10,  [.Mr.  Am.fx,]  llial  iliV 
tinii' for  sii,  li  t<cr\  > '  had  (wssi'd,  nor  llial  il  was 
]a-,-ri!aliiri'  or  in.uiproprirvit'  lo  tin.'  snl>Jcrl-maMi-r 
of  our  dcliliriai  iiiis.  Howi'vi-r  laudahli'  may  ia- 
llii'  nioiivrs  forilii'ir  siWni'r,  liowi-vcr  sali.sfai'lory 
lo  Ihrin,  yet  il  slrikis  me  lliat  ilieir  siloiire  nuiiii 
llii.<  liranoh  of  our  iiiriiiiry  hns  llirown  ihoit 
doiills  iiiion  (Uir  lillc  to  (Jrcnoii,  than  all  that  has 
heoii  said  it  writttn  aL'"insi  thai  tiltr,  on  lliis  or 
till'  .iiliiT  .<idc'  of  the  Allaiilic  The  in.oiair  ofd,'- 
i-luiiu^X  this  discussion,  liy  Sennlors  of  iheir  hi';li 
and  lonini'Oidiin;  laleiiis.  and  hnl  reiruily  so  iuii- 
iimndy  eonneoicd  with  il  olli'i:i!ly.  has  iloin;  iiimh' 
to  iindrrinine,  ovirlhrow  ,  and  <!■  ."iioy  onr  lilh'  10 
thi.i  country,  and  lo  h,dsier  up.  strci'L'iln'n,  and 
t-astnin  ilie  e.\lrava:.'ant  preii  nsiniis  of  1  Ireai  1'  ii- 
ain  lo  ii,  thnn  anvthin^,  with  that  view,  I  Iki\i> 
hinrd  in  ;his  ("hainl'ir,  or  read  ol  elsi  where.  Il 
is  iKit  for  ine,  sir.  lo  iiidi'"nle  the  eourse  of  duly  10 
those  ,S-untors;  Ihey  will  jud'.'e  of  llial  for  tin  111 
sehes.  nul.siill,  I  will  say.  Ilia!  il  strikes  nie.  from 
ihe  ;:iTal  eonfulenre  ihe  pulilie  liav,'  in  their  opin- 
ions, from  their  late  prninineiit  mid  presetii  resje-ii- 
Kihle  ..■oi.'iexion  with  iliis  sni  jeet,  iiial  they  owe  il 
to  the  eoiiiitrv,  as  well  as  lo  iheinselves,  in  speak 
out,  and  oil  ns  >\  lullier  our  title  to  'he  whole  of 
nre'.;on,  or  onlv  to  a  pan  of  it,  or  .0  any  pan  of 
It,  is  ill-foniideit.  The  Anierieaii  ;  eople  will  lliank 
von,  ,'^enalors,  .a"  vonr  revelations  upon  this  rpies- 
ti'tii.  Tin  .Ameiie.'in  jieople  are  Just  and  '.reneriais. 
and  no  nnn'ic  on  earth  is  as  aereptnhle  lo  them  as 
llial  oftmlA,  littered  in  the  spirit  of  tVaiikm  ss  and 
eaiidor.  This  truth,  and  ilu'  w  lioh  of  it,  wlno,  \i  r 
It  may  he.  iliey  had  the  riirht  lo  expect  fnun  llnir 
distinjui.sh;  1  Senators.  Thev  detest  niysiery  and 
eoiii'ealnient  np-ni  ijreal  fincstions  of  piililic  policy. 
Till  y  want  tioihinL'  Ini'  iheirown,  •  onvince  tin  m 
tliat  their  claim  lo  (Iri'rroii,  or  any  part  of  il,  is  ill- 
fnnnded,  a'd  they  will  he  the  first,  like  liomst 
men,  promptly,  instantly,  in  the  face  of  the  world, 
and  after  all  llial  has  occurred,  10  uive  it  up  to 
Ortat  Hrilain,  and  even  tn  apoloirizc,  U|h'I1  siieji 
conviciion,  to  tlini  Power,  for  havint;  nnwillin;;ly 
civen  her  so  much  trmilile  ahoiii  It.  'I'lnse  t^i[\- 
Hlnrs  owe  It  to  the  enuiitry,  to  (jiint  the  puhlic 
mind  upon  ihis  excitiii;;  ipiisijon,  hy  eidiijhleiiiii;,' 
that  pnlihc  mind,  hy  upsettin;;  (not  their  own,  for 
that,  indeed,  would  he  indelicate)  ihe  nrijumenis 
in  siii.porl  of  our  title  to  Orei.'oii,  which  have  heiu 
d  with  so  much  force  hy  our  present  nhle  anil 


who  have  preceded  or  followed  him  in  ihis  achieve-  ■ 
inent.  In  the  event  of  11  eollisiiai  with  (ileal  l!ri'- 
ain,  n|Miii  the  .siihjecl  of  Oic;,'on,  which  I  ha\e 
llioiii;lit,  and  still  lliiiik.  not  unlikely,  is  il  iioi 
soinethin.'',  Seiialois,  lo  have  a  ipiiel  conseience, 
and  to  IccI  that  our  ipiariil  is  jiisi .-     I  ihiiik  so. 

The  N'  nalor  fioni  Smith  Ciirolina,  «  lieu  Seere- 
larv  of  r--i;itc,  conclusivcU*  proved  our  tille  'ip  lo 
■t!l^,  find  adds  ill  one  of  his  ahio  State  iiajiers, 
ihai  the  ri'iled  Stales  have  a  claim  In  the  Imhince 
ofOrcr.ir.  whi.di  lies  n..rlh  of  that  j'ar.illel.  And 
«hat  kind  ol'r  hum  is  tins  «liic!i  lies  north  of  J!Pj 
What  il.i  :.  he  think  of  il  ?  In  defending:  his  |iolicy 
of  •' ma.-ierly  inactivilv,"  he  iuslili"d  that  policy 
oil  the  rriMiial  thai  hy  11,  in  a  few  years,  we  should 
olil.iin  ill"  wlmh-  of  ('ccum.  jli.l  lie  »  am,  " /n/ 
iiinc(iei(e."  llie  wlndc  oft  ire'.;on.  ifwe  liiid  no  lil'e 
10  it  .=  I  shnnid  lliiiik  ii.il:  and  if  lie  did,  iipmi 
such  priii'-iples  as  these,  I  did  not  iind  do  not. 
*'iiive  inilo  (*a*sar  the  tliiir.'s  llmt  ,ire  I'a-sar's" 
I  have  ever  I'oiisideied,  if  not  a  wise,  at  least  an 
honest  moll, I, 

I'm.  sir,  those  s.|.|,;||.,is  wl.o  .11  one  time  were 
,i"'iiiisi  ii.ilice  ill  any  furi.i,  are  now  wllliii'.;  to  uoi 
fur  II  me.lil'icd  iiclice— a  iiotii  e  cmipli  d  «  ith  direc- 
tions to  the  I'resideiil  lo  teillc  llii.s  mailer  hy  nei:o. 
ti.ilicni,  nil  the  principles  of  compromise.  Thev 
jii^iily  tlieiiisclves  for  this  niUaiii'e  iiiovcmein, 
'sliuht  lis  il  IS,  on  the  ■'round  that  thilii;s  lia\c 
t'lMi":rcd.  ...Ill  now  wear  a  more  n'.icid  aspect.  .Sir, 
anxiously  linpini.;,  and,  1  May  .i.ld.  nnxiniisly  Inok- 
im;  for  such  ehaino,  I  must  say  I  ha\e  not  seen 
any  ehanjie,  lail  in  the  Senators  iheinsihes.  Ac- 
cordini;  in  my  vi.anii,  lliiiii:a  are  now  as  ilie_\  wire 
at  the  hc:riiiiiin'4  of  this  si  .ssioii,  1  las  aiiylhini 
arri\fd    frnm    r'ni^land   since  iheCamhria   s-ailcd  r 

\iid  wlin  that  was  here  can  have  f,ir;rniicii  tin - 

ciirreiices  in  the  Senate  on  the  'I'liurs.lay  prccediiiir 
the  sailini:  of  that  vessel  •  The  Senate,  sir,  on  tint 
luemnraMe  dav,  w-as  in  a  tearful  panic.  On  thst 
n.-cjisinn  we  had  a  sort  of  Sciiatoriid  ''  >t(unt>rth\'* 
It  was  eniitai;inus.  I  In  cam"  myself  most  terrililv 
friL'hiinid.  I  iliniisrht  ipiickly.  .\  ihousand  iliim^s 
came  iiiin  my  mind  in  a  innini  lit.  I  ihcaiL'ht  of 
liladens'iii!; — of  Teiini  Icylnwn  — of  niir  Capitnl  in 
llames — that  the  I'ritish  were  I'lmn  us  indeed,  and 
was  very  nearly  l.iknix'  In  my  Inels.  Ijiii,  sir,  I 
Innked  over  my  shonlih'r,  ami  .s.iv  the  Senator  from 
'Missouri,  of  wlinm  it  iiuiy  he  said,  |is  il  was  of 
Cresar,  "he  is  the  twin  l.rnther  nf  dani'-er — and  of 
ihe  two,  tile  elder  and  mnre  lerrilde," — I  saw  him 
readiin:  his  document.':,  'iniel  and  ealii'  is  a  sum- 
mer's niorn,  and  enii'-hidcd  to  sl.oid  h;  him — anil 
did  so,  tind  \nterl  with  iiim  for  an  adjniiiimieiil.  In 
prevent  the  vnte  iipnii  the  resnhitinn.  w  liich  it  was 
the  ohject  of  snme  Seicitnrs  lo  take,  with  the  \  iew' 
of.sendiie,'  il  mil  ',v  tin  Catiihria  as  a  peaee-oirer- 
in»;  to  Kni'land.  Our  adioiirnuit  iit,  sir.  prexenicd 
this  vole.  SSiinc  that  day  I  have  seen  a  ehaiiu'c, 
nnt  in  the  ipieslinn,  hnl  trnni  ehildish  terror.s  to 
manly  snliemess  and  firimnss.  True,  sir,  we  had 
one  little  panic  since,  and  llial  occiured  yesterday. 
This  p.inic  was  prndiicid  hy  the  I'n  suhui's  iiii  s- 
s:ii;e,  in  reply  In  one  of  mir  own  resnliiimns,  upon 
a  snhje,'!  whiili  we  had  h.  ;l  hefnre  us  fur  mnnllis, 
and  on  which  the  Seiiaie  liail  partially  acted.  'I'liis, 
however,  was  hnl  o  f  mall  allair,  and  did  not  frij^hl- 
en  ns  veiy  Inn^:. 

Sir,  if  snme  .Senators  have  heeii  silent  upon  llie 
siihjei't  of  our  title  lo  Oii^'ini,  oiliers  have  nnt. 
Tliey  lia\e  discussed  tins  title,  jind  have  taken 
;:rouiid  a.'2ainsi  it,  with  an  ahilily  and  /.e;tl  imeipial- 
led  hv  am'lhinj^  I  have  vet  seen  einMiiaiin'.r  iVom 
the  pen  nf  the  Hriiisli  Nlinisn  r,  iihly  as  he  has 
ennirovci  ti  d  our  claim.  They  make  hot  sln>rt 
;  work  of  the  disenvi  rics  ,if  Cira\-;  they  pass  ipiiie 
lii'hlly  over  the  evolnrallnn  of  f^ewis  and  fliirki', 
and  n'linosi  ridicule  nnr  Spanish  title;  they,  iiiile, d, 
seem  to  ihiiik  that  we  linve  a  sort  of  a  claim, 
iirrisiMir  from  our  treaty  of  Hll.'l  willi  the  French 
Rcpuhlic,  winch  takes  ns  In  the  moiiiitaiiis,  and 
thin  In  the  r.icific,  on  the  principle  of  fnvtii^itilii. 
They  tell  11  ilinl  the  N'nnika  convention  cunferred 
no  riL'hts  iipnii  (Jreai  nritain,  and  thai  that  cnnveii- 
liniioiily  .icknnwledi^ed  ri;:hts  pievimisly  existing. 
.And  wli.it  are  these-  Tn  lis'i  mi  the  const,  lo 
trade  with  the  natixes,  end  make  setiliinenls,  iii- 
t(  r'l  rin;:  with  no  other — in  a  lonntiy  win.-  ,  had 
heeii  discovered  and  eliiimed  hy  Spain  Inr  centu- 
ries hefnre.  These  are  the  riuhts,  ilieyiell  us,  not 
nhlaiiied,  hut  iieknowledL'eil  to  exist,  hy  the  Noot- 


eiise,evpriicknowlpilL'ed  such  riL'hts  to  exi.'^t  a;;ain.'it 
her  claims  and  her  disenverieu;  Never,  never,  sir! 
Has  Great  Hrilaiii  ever  elaimrd,  or  iittempled  lo 
exercise,  such  a  claim  as  this  upon  the  United  States.' 
I  think  not.  We  own  an  extcnsue  roiinlry, 
strelcliiiiL,' from  Canada  lo  the  Ilocky  iiiounliiins. 
We  own  an  exlell^■■ve  eounlry,  some  five  or  si  x^ 
liiindred  miles  wide,  helween  the  wi  "tern  limits  of 
o,ir  Stales  and  those  mouniaiiis,  inhalnlcd  only  hy 
Indians,  and  in  which  there  are  lakes  and  rivers, 
and  fish  and  'rame,  and  places  for  scttlemeiil,  that 
would  interfere  with  nn  .setlleinenis  nf  civiliycd 
man,  and  vet,  in  any  p'ut  "(  this  country,  for  imy 
i.tirpose  whatever,  we  Imve  never  allowed  the  fnnl 
an  Kiii,'lisliiTmii  to  make  a  trneU.  .Nor  has  any 
I'.ii-lislimau  ever  yet  cl.iimed,  or  liiiil  the  insnlcncc 
i\er  In  dream  that  he  had  llie  rielil  m  claiiu,  llie 
privilege  nf  Iradini;,  nr  fishinu',  or  seillin?,',  for 
such  purposes,  anywhere  within  mir  limits.  1 
doulil,sir,  il  linuland  -.'ver  claitnid,  or  enfnr.-ed 
such  n  claim,  upon  any  mher  Power  than  Spain, 

„r  npmi  1 as  feel.le  and  as  uiinhlc  as  she  was,  in 

defend  her  rii'hts.  Cnnfideiit  dn  I  fe,l,  sir,  llial  ivj 
such  cl.im  as  this  wniild  ever  have  .  icii  pretcried 
hv  (iii.ii  I'.niain  in  ihc  heller  days  of  the  Spanish 
.Monarchy— III  llie  dnvs  of  rerdinand,  or  Charles, 
or  Philip.     lint,  sir,  it  is  not   my  purpnso  lo   l;o 


lille   t 
i  form 


Or 


-on.     Thai 
■isinn;  and 


"I 


into  11   disciis.iuoii   of  our 

I  ihor  1  have  iitlenipicd  on 

if  I   had  not,  1   would  not,  hy  my  elhiris    weaken 

the  unnnswcral.lc  aru'umeiilB  of  Uuce  who  have 

preceded  me  in  this  dehale.     I  would  not,  alter  the, 

aide  siaieinentsof  oiireaw  by  our  late  and  present 

Secreiiry  of  Slate.     I  am  willimr  to  resi  our  litlo 

nil  these  slalelinnis  of  that  title, 

Hut,  sir,  under  tlietrcalv  oi' If^jH,  which  it  is  the 
,,!,ie,'i  of  this  notice  In  ahro-aie,  and  which  wan 
afterwards  extended  for  an  indefinite  period  hy  the. 
treaty  of  18-27.  I  lulniit  that  lireal  Ih  nun  has  ri-lils 

in  (1r II.     She  has  the  iit,'hts,  in  the  first  place, 

which  "that  lieaiv  confers.  I!ii;lils  so  Ime.:  held 
and  eninved  have  assumed,  in  snme  iiiiiances  lo 
.■miiif  exiciii,  ihe  character  of  permineiit  ones. 
These  ri'.'hts  have  assumed  this  coinph  xion,  (from 
whatever eaii."e,  11  nii'V  now  he  needless  tn  in.|uire.) 

irrowiuir  nut  of  the  i.inhes,  or  iieHect,  ,,f  .Spa^ n 

the  fii-si  iiislaiice,  and  since  hy  li.e  I'niled  .Sl.'ilca. 
The  siihiccls  of  (ileal  Urilain— the  .'crvants  of  tliu 
Hudson's  V,:\\  ('nnipaiiy— liave  In  en  periinlted, 
w  ilhonl  inlenupiion,  10  occupy  the  valleys  of  Fla- 
yer's river  for  ahmit  forlv  years.  Tlmse  peo|ile  in 
Ihiit  valley  liav.'  a  son' nf  s.piallcr's  title,  orini- 
naiiiii;  in' trespasses,  anil  slil!  wiihont  law;  yet  I 
would  respect  that  title,  which,  in  the  new  Slates, 
is  ii'iilerslnnd  lo  mean  somelliin;;.  In  thai  vallt  y 
ihc'-  are  oil  I  of  onr  way,  and  while  lucre,  can  never 
he  in  01  ,..;v.  'I'hev' ;ne  heyom!  r.l<^.  I  am  wil- 
lini,  Jur,  ail  of  a  spiril  of -eiierosiiy,  (for  I  should 
so~re:jard  such  eonees-sinn.)  and  fa'  the  sake  of 
|ieace^and  a  spefdv  selllemenl  of  ihis  dinieultv, 
that  the  President 'may  provide  for  these  people 
u|inii  the  iniivcirli  s  nf  ei|uity  ioid  jiistiic,  and  deal 
hherally  lowiirds  them,  and  irive  tliem  the  fullest 
iiistice.'  How  he  shall  do  ihis  I  .'hall  not  slop  to 
inquire.  Winn  lie  shall  act  iipmi  this  enliieci,  I 
will  see  what  he  has  done,  iiiid  approve  of  il  if  I 
enii.  I  will  not  stop  lo  impure  whether  this  shall 
he  done  hy  a  cession  of  llial  coiiiiiry  to  Ureal  Ihii- 
aiii,  or  hy'payiin:  these  people  fnr  tin  ir  palihes  and 
.-liainies.'as  we  li.ive  dnne  10  ihe  Potlawatninie.s, 
the  Wyandois,  and  other  savages,  or  hy  srraiiiing 
them  reservations  and  citizenship;  where,  however 
hopeless  the  task.  We  may  have  the  op|iortiiiiily 
In  try  and  (In  snnnihiie:  fnr  them.  I  leave  ail  llnse 
thilll''S  10  the  Inner  jlld-mellt  of  the  Presilh'llt, 
which  I  shiill  approve' or  not  when  Ins  art  in  tins 
respivl  shall  he  laid  hefnre  me.  And  111  dmnj-  tins, 
sir,  1  dn  nnt  find  il  ne.essary  lo  dispara-e  our  tille. 
In  (Iretrmi.  We  can  do  this,  and  at  the  s.iiiie  lime 
l,elievi~lhal  our  title  to  tin'  whole  „f  IIicl'oi,  i.i  im- 
ipieslionahle.  We  '.'ave  up,  wiihonl  cnniplimt,  a 
part  of  tins  very  country  to  Kiissin,  We  ).'iive  up, 
more  recently,  ii  part  of  the  Slate  nf  Maine  In  (iie.ii 
Mrilain,  and  for  that  surreudei  of  a  pan  of  Maine, 
in  eompaiiv  with  all  .New  F.m;laiid,  in  a  treaty 
made  hya  New  F,iiL;laiid  Secreliiry  of  State,  I  voted. 
Ves,  sir,  I  iini  one  of  the  sinners  that  did  that  deed, 
iiiid  I'nr  1,'iviii:;  thai  >n'e  I  have  nevi  r  yet  fell  a 
l.liish  upnii  my  cheek  or  11  thnrn  in  my  pillnw. 
This  In'iily  wa's  made  hy  the  asseiil  of  the  com- 
missionersof  the  Slates  of  Maine  and   Miis.sachn- 


distiiijjiushed  Stcrttury  of  Slate,  nnd  liy  oiher.s     ka  eonventioii.     Has  (inat  Britain,  in  u  similar     fnis,  and  we  paid  in  nioiiey  to  Maine  and  Mas.sa 


[March  25, 


ISiG.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


393 


Sknatb. 

In  Id  exist  iiguiiiHt, 
VcviT,  lii'Vrr,  sir! 
nr   lillrmptoil    Id 

he  ITniled  Smtrs? 
iriisivo  country, 
ncky  mouiiliiiiiN. 
siiiiii'  five  or  six 
\vi  etcrn  liniiis  nf 
iiliiiliiicd  only  liy 
liiKc  s  and  rivers, 
■  SI  iilcmi'iil,  lliiil. 
iciils  nf  I'ivili/.'d 
iMinnlrv,  lor  nny 

iillowril  ihe  Coot 
k.  Nor  li.is  liny 
ind  llu*  inMolniii: 
[111   to  t'Iniiu,  llin 

(jr  h(*lllin£^,  for 
n  onr  limiin.  I 
iird,  or  cnlort't')! 
ucr  lliiin  .S|hiin, 
ill?  lis  slie  WiiM,  lo 
I  iVil,  air,  tlinl  no 
»■(;  If  on  prfirrri'd 
;s  ol'tlii'  Spiinisli 
mild,  or  (^iiiirlcM, 
y  |Hiriiosc  to  i;f> 
»  Ori'^^nii.  Tlint 
K  r  oii;i.sioii;  iind 
y'  riroriM,  wniiii.Mi 
ilioM-  wdio  li:i\e 
mid  iiiil.iirKr  llii! 
'  liiu  juid  ]trr?ii.'iil 

lu  rest  <nir  title 

8,  wliirli  it  is  ilio 

,  iind  M  iii'di  wria 

lit,'  pn-iod  l»v  'Ins 

I'lii.iiii  luis  rii;hls 

in  till-  liisi  plaoc, 

Ills  ;<o  loii'v  lirld 

inn.'  in&irtm'cs  lo 

perm  tut  iit    ones. 

niipli  \i(pn,  (("luni 

dli'ss  lo  inipiiiT.) 

Ii'i-i,  ol'Sp:iiii,  ill 

.c  Uiiitnd  .Sl.ili  s. 

I'  M  rvnnis  of  tliu 

iuni    prrniiih-d, 

valleys  ol'  Kni- 

liosi'  people  ill 

r'.i  title,  ori:;i- 

ml  liiw;  yei  I 

11    new  8iiiies, 

In  llmt  nilley 

ieiT,eaii  ii»i\(:r 

W.     I  iini  wil- 

y,  (lor  I  sliiHild 

for  the  sake  of 

iliiM  dillieuliv, 

r   llieye   people 

(-•liee,  mid  deal 

iii'in  the  l"iille.vl 

ill   not  flop  lo 

this  snlijeel,  I 

ld\i'  of  'it   if  I 

iher  lliis  shall 

V  lo  Ureal  lirii- 

ir  I  alehe.s  and 

'oltaualoniie«, 

r  liy  L'r.iiiting 

i\  here,  however 

11    op|iorliinily 

leave  all  llief.e 

llie  I'residellt, 
hlH  art  III  Ihis 
I    ilM!.e||.-lhis, 

;ije  our  tiilti 

e  same  lime 

t'l  liei.'on  i.<  iin- 

I  c ipl.iini,  a 

We  (.'live  U|>, 

Maine  to  (ileal 
pan  of  Maine, 
I,  in  a  treaty 
Slate,  I  voleil. 
did  thai  deial, 
VI  r  yet  fell  a 
ill  my  pillow. 
It  of  tile  eom- 
mI  Massaehu- 
le  and  Massa- 


T] 


•1" 


V. 


f  I 


^ 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 

clnt.irtl8  wliiil  tlicy  tlceinud  a  fair  equivalent  for  tlic 

fided  lerrilory. 

The  Florid  1  treaty  vvn."-'  a  treaty  of  iicmihll'inn  and 
"  iiiiid'falinii."     WlilNl  wo  aei|iiired   llorida,  mid 
the  SpnnlNli  title  lo  ihe  norlhwest  eonst  of  Amorieii, 
we  eedcd,  liy  this  trialy,  to  Spain,  a  part  of  our 
territory  lyiu^;  snnth  of  lied  river.     I  will  not  i,'o 
into  the  extent  of  this  eessioii,  further  than  to  Hay, 
tliHl  a  part  of  it  iiiehuled  a  (niiiilynnd  n  half  lie- 
|oii;;iii<i;  In  Arliaiisa.s:    I  mean,  sir,  the  enuiily  of 
Miller,  and  half  of  Ihe  eounly  of  Lal'ayello.     Sir, 
thin  eounly  and  a  half  emliraeed  a.s  imieli  lerrilory 
as  .some  oi'llie  New  I'Jii^land  Slates.    These  eiiun- 
ties,  under  anolher  name,  ori^ilinlly  ronstitulili;;  n 
part  of  .vlissoiui,  and  suhseiiueiitly  formine;  u  part 
of  .Arkansas,  were  seiiled  at  uii  early  day  liy  native- 
liorn  eilizens  of  the  Uniieil  Slates.    Tl|ey  were  or- 
fjanized  counties,  in  wlinli  we  had  oiireonrlsof Jiis- 
liee,  from  the  eiii/.ens  of  whieh  we  eolleeied  taxes, 
mill  from   whieh   we  hail    represeniaiives  in    our 
Le;:.datiire.     Tlie.se  eoiinliis,  wilhoiil  the  kiiow- 
led^ie  of  .\rkaiis,\s,  and  without  the  kiiowlcdf.'e  of 
those  livim,'  in  lliem,  were  eeded  iiwiiy  to  his  Ma-  1 
jisly  the  Kiiiu'  of  Spain,  without  even  iho  deeeney  ! 
of  a  u'uaranty  in  their  helialf  of  the  riirlit  of  prop-  | 
ertyand  llii'  liberty  of  eoiiseieiiee.      liefliie,  how-  ] 
ever,  the  houndaiy  line  enliiiii,'  llieni  olf  from  their 
native  laud  was  riin,  and  the  eoimlry  formally  de- 
livered over  to  Spain,  the  revoliiiion   ill  Mexieo 
hnike  out,  and  Spain  was  expellrd   liy  the  success 
of  that  reliellion  from  all  of  their  possessions  on 
this  eoiitiiieiil,  except  the   snip  of  country  lyiiiu; 
heiween   the  Siihinc  olid   lied  river,  into  whieh  n 
Mexiean   soldier  never   niarehed,  and  of  course 
never  conipiered.     Diirini;   the   pendency  of  this 
revolution,  our  eilizens,  ill   the  i.oiiiiiies  of  .Miller 
and  I.alayele  held  on  lo  us,  and  we  to  them,  enn- 
linuin:^  oiir  eoiirls,  eolleeiin:;  taxes,  eniimeraliii? 
them  on  our  census,  and  cxlendin;;:  lo  llieni  the 
rii;!il  of  sudVaL'e,  ami  allowing:  tl;e  riijhl  of  repie- 
SI  nialinii  in  our  I.eL'islalure.    Thus  they  reniaineil, 
when  ill  If^.'UI  or  Ihltl,  I  novrd  a  resolution  ill  the 
lliaisc  of  Itepicsenlaiives,  reiiueslini;  Ihe  hlxecii- 
tive  tn  vfyimr/iiKr  of  S|iaiii  this  detached  remainder 
of  her  once  exteiii'ive  possessions  in  .N'orlli  Amer- 
ica.    Mv  resolution  was  deiiated  in   the  House  of 
H'  prcseiitaiives,  and  voted  down;  and  this  strip  of 
eonntry,   which,  l.y  the   h'loriila   treaty,   we   had 
traiisfeVred  to  Spa       and  wliieli  Mexico  nevereon- 
([uered  or  invaded,  was,  hy  this  (foveriiiiieiit,  un- 
necessarily transferred  to  Al.xico.     At  that  time, 
sir,  it  could  have  been  had  of  Spain  for  the  askiiii,'-, 
pcrh.aps  for  six    sliilliiiL'S  and   imiepence.     AVell, 
sir,  we  siill  held  on  lo  our  eounlies,  and  they  ad- 
hered  lo  us.      No  line  was   run   and   no  delivery 
made,  until  Mexico  and  Texas  ;;rii  into  their  trou- 
bles.    In  that  contest,  neitlier  a  solilier  of  Texas 
or  Mexico  ever  enlered   the  cniiiilrv  north  of  the 
Sal  I  le.     Iliil    in    lf<U",  we  ackiiov.led:;ed   the   in- 
dependence  of  T.xas,  and   afterwards,    in   IKt.), 
this   line,  dcsiijiiated   by  the   Florida  treaty,  was 
run,  for   the    firsi    time,    and    those    people    ilien 
fonnallv  deli  vend  over  to  a  I'oreiL'ii  Power.    Here 
is  a  case,  a  slroiie  ease,  of  a  nuitilaliou  of  our  ter- 
ritory.    And  yet  there  is  another.     The  wesierii 
boundary  of  .Xrl'aiisiis  was  established,  I  think,  in 
'*^0-l.      "^riml    bonndai  V   commenced    forty    miles 
wesi  of  the  Roulhwesi  corner  of  ihe  Stall'  of  .Mis- 
sour  ,  and  ran  iliie  south  lo   Ued  liver.     This  line 
was  run   immediately  afterwards,  and   it    formed 
the  wesieru  lioiuulary  of  all  of  onr  western  coun- 
ties, of  wliieli  then    were  four  or  five.     In  IHon, 
wilhout  ihe  knowleil'.;e  of  .\ilcansas,  and  in  despiie 
of  111 ,'  strenuous  ed'oris  lo  preveul  it,  a  treaty  was 
made,  by  which  a  conniry  conslitiilint;  ihe  finest 
part  of  Arkan.-ias,   forty  iiiiles   wide,  mid    ahruit 
three  hundred  miles  lon^,  i'ri;aiii/ed  into  counties, 
ill  which  we  hid  eoiirls  of  justice,  tax  collectors, 
Ihe   ri;;lil   of  sullVap'    and    represenlalioii    in    our 
l.e;:;islalure,  was  ceded  away:  and   to  whom  do 
voii  suppose,  .Mr.  I'residenlr     To  Indiau.s — lo  Ihi; 
('lieroid'cs  and  Choelaws-.  and  that,  too,  williinit 
flu    dei'eiicy    ordinarily  exieiided    lo    Indians,   of 
payiiii;  these  people  for  their  improvemeiits,  from 
wllich,  ii  was  slipuliileil,  ihey  were  lo  be  expelled 
for  till'  benefit  of  the  Indians.     A;;ainst  the  ratifica- 
tion of  this  treaty  tiiere  was  the  voice  of  the  Seii- 
iiior  from  Missouri,   [Mr.   Ukxton,]   and  a  few 
others,  only,  all  the  others,  with  a  full  kiiowled;;e 
of  all  Ihe  ficis,  (for  I  myself  had  taken  the  ironhle 
to  lay  the  fads   before  the  Senate,)  voted  lor  the 
ratification  of  llii.s  treaiy.    And  yet,  air,  the  people 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr,  Sevier. 

of  Arldinsns,  who  were  oiict  niielically  ilescrihcd 
liy  nn  chi'iuent  Senator  from  Masaacliusetls,  [Mi. 
f  II04TK,]  aa  being  the  children  of  the  ami,  and 
parlakiiijj  larjLiely  of  the  warmth  of  his  fires,  suli- 
milled,  without  reliellion  or  an  aitenipt  at  revoln- 
tinti,  to  those  lii;;h-liaiided  acta  of  iiijnstice.  True, 
sir,  they  complained,  for  they  leltthis  wrong  moat 
deeply. 

I  mention  these  IhiiiKs  only  to  show,  that  this 
Senate,  in  theadjUHimenl  of  boundary  lines,  have, 
in  more  instances  than  one,  ceded  away  a  part  of 
the  well-known  and  acknowli'df;ed  liniila  of  the 
United  Stales:  never,  however,  lii;hlly  "  with- 
out reluctaiice.  I  mentioii  ih"  instances  of  oi.r  ees-  ; 
sions  lo  lliissia,  lo  Cireal  Ihitani,  to  Spain,  and, 
lastly,  ,1)  the  Indians,  as  precedents,  which  llie 
ITiiileil  Stales,  if  they  chooMe,  can  lollow  on  the 
adjusimenl  of  ihis  flree;on  ipieslion,  should  it  In; 
considered  wisi',  under  all  the  circuiiislances.  s"  :., 
adjust  It.  And  I  mi  tilioii  these  tliirii;  f  .  ..Mther 
purpose,  which  is.  lo  show  llial,  if  such  are  the 
views  of  any  .Senator,  it  may  be  done,  wilhonl  the 
iintiecessary  and  fruitless  lalior  of  eiideavoriii'j;  lo 
disparij^e  onr  liile  lo  any  part  of  Oreiron. 

Ihit  still,  sir,  honorable  Senators  will  not  vole 
for  this  iiotici',  because  it  iii.iy  lead  lo  w.'r.  And 
so  it  mav  i'Noi  i.'cessiiri'"  '"."r  we  have  the  triaiv- 
rli^hl  to  give  this  iiouce.  lint,  sir,  I  have  thoiejlit 
fir  sometime  that  this  Orei^midirticuliv  was  likely 
lo  brini:  a  war  upon  the  country.  I  am  no  pniiic- 
niaker,  for  I  despise;  them.  I  have  based  this  con- 
clusion upon  the  kiiowled^^e  of  my  counlrvmen  on 
the  one  hand,  and  on  a  careful  perusal  of:tllllie 
docnmeiiis  unoii  this  stibjeei,  on  tiie  other.  The 
jiublic  iiiiiid  in  this  country  is  too  intent  and  ear- 
nest upon  the  sell leme III  of  thisquesi'on  for  loimer 
delay;  and,  from  all  that  I  can  see,  the  two  Uov- 
erniiients  apj-ear  to  be  as  widely  apart  tVoni  a  sei- 
tlemeiit  as  ever.  We  have  ofl'ered,  ill  the  spirit  of 
compromise,  4;P  to  f  ireal  Rrilain,  and  it  has  been 
refused  by  the  Ih'itish  Minister,  wilhonl  even  re- 
ferriu:;  that  oiler  to  his  country  for  >  "iisideration. 
Ureal  lirilain  has  not  authnri/ed  her  -Minister  even 
lo  disiMiss  our  title  lo  the  eounlry  north  of  4U'^. 
Great  llriiain,  tliroie.;h  her  Minister,  has  ollered 
to  settle  this  controversy  by  the  (.'olumbia  rivi;r, 
as  ihe  boundary.  That  river,  a.^  a  bound.iry,  he 
tells  us  is  iji(/i>/;rii.sff/i/c  lo  Great  Ih'itain,  and  that 
the  ii.ivifjatiou  by  (.(real  I'ritain  of  that  river,  wliich, 
by  the  by,  ill  its  present  condition  is  not  iiaviga- 
ble  but  for  a  short  distance,  caiinol  be  ^'iven  U|i. 
l''roni  all  that  1  can  discover,  the  parlies  stand 
firmly  and  siubbonily  planted  upon  their  respec 
live  proposiiions, — no  symptoms  of  concession  on 
the  p;irl  of  eiilier, — onr  tio\erniiieiit,  el.iiniiiii;  all, 
but  oH'erin<;  'I'.P;  ;ind  Cireal  Ijrilain  refosiiiL''  even 
to  discuss  the  lillc  to  the  country  north  of  ■l!P,niiil 
in\ht'ni<^  upon  the  river  tor  the  boundary,  and  its 
I'm:  navigation,  in  coiumon  with  the  rniteil  Slates. 
What  is  lo  be  the  result.'  liolli  countries  exciieil 
about  il,  and  that  exciieiiieiii  daily  iiiercasing.  If 
the  peace  of  the  two  couiitv'"-'  ;..  to  he  preserved, 
these  are  no  limes  for  dilatory  pleas  or  frivolous 
delays.  If  the  pi  ace  of  the  two  coiinirii's  is  lo  be 
preserved,  ;icli'iii,  prompt  action,  I  reL^.ird  asevery- 
thing.  This  ipiesiion  nuisl  be  .sellled  now,  before 
the  Slimmer  elections  are  over,  or  il  ni:iy  assume 
a  form  whieh  will  place  it  beyond  the  power  of 
I  either  toiverunient  lo  settle  iieaceably.  Let  this 
notice  be  given. 

Hut  Seii:ilors  lusilale — thev  caimol  vole  foril, 
because  il  may  lead  le  war  !  'The'y  stop,  as  I  shall 
not,  to  iiii|iiire  into  the  value  of  Oregon.  They  ask 
us  if  Oregon  be  worth  a  \var.  W.ir  does  not  al- 
ways originate  in  the  standard-value  of  the  thing 
in  dispute.  Wars,  someliuies  the  most  blooily 
and  dis;istrons,  oriu''inale  in  irilling  causes.  Onr 
fathers  l'ou'.;lit  railier  llian  pay  unjuslly  a  fewcenls 
a  ponml  upon  tea;  iliey  longlit,  I'or  the  unjust  im- 
pressnient  of  a  few  of  their  seamen.  They  con- 
sidered these  things,  tliouiih  small  in  ihem.sclve.s, 
as  involving  great  and  iiuporlant  principles,  and 
hence  they  loituht.  In  thai,  war  lliey  risked  and 
sull'ered  a  great  deal.  They  went  in  debt  in  carry- 
ing on  those  I'onlests,  but  have  since  paid  thalilelit 
entirely.  They  issued  paper  money,  but  have 
since  restored  the  constilulionul  curremy.  These 
things  lliey  did,  for  causes  less  valuable  than  Ore- 
gon. .\re  we.  Senators,  the  legitimate  descendants 
of  ihose  fathers.'  Have  their  examples  of  devo- 
tion lo  country,  of  courage,  energy,  sutlering,  of 
self-denial,  hunger,  thirst,  and  exposure,  ceased  lo 


Sewatk. 

inllitenec  our  jiidgincnl,  or  to  iinimule  onr  hcarlH? 
I!ul,  by  a  war,  we  shall  lose  Oregon — it  will  he  lost 
siglil  lif  in  the  loiitesl!  It  may  he  so;  it  may  be 
that  Great  lirilain  is  ton  powerful  for  the  United 
Slates,  and  that  by  a  war  we  shall  lose  Oregon, 
lint  I  do  not  believe  it;  iiotwitlislaii  bug,  in  this  con- 
nexion, we  have  been  reminded  of  Kiigland's  thou- 
sand ships  of  war,  of  her  40,1)1)0  sailors,  and  of 
her  numerous  battalions,  which  are  said  to  lie  bet- 
ter disciplined  and  more  ellicient  lliaii  any  other 
troops  the  world  ever  saw.  All  ihcfle  things  may 
bese;yfi  they  have  no  terrors  (or  this  conniry. 
An  Prince  Henry  said  of  Percy:  I  give  lliee,  Kiig. 
land,  "all  the  odds  of  thy  u'reat  name  and  esli-  ' 
million,"  and  yet  we  fear  tine  mil;  but,  on  tho 
contrary,  view  ibee  as  a  Powc:r,  if  need  be,  the 
more  worthy  of  the  manly  cnergirs,  courage,  mid 
arms  of  ihis  young  Republic.  Oregon  to  be  lost 
by  a  war  !  Sir,  in  ninety  days  we  are  capable,  in 
a  eontesi  like  this,  where  the  hearts  of  the  pco- 
[ile  are  with  us,  to  raise  an  army  as  iiunierous, 
though  not  so  well  discipl  led,  e(|iially  as  cincieiit, 
as  that  led  by  the  (_ire:it  l-anperor  into  Mom-ow' — 
for,  ill  this  country,  arms  coiislitule  a  pan  every 
gen ih; man's  wardrobe,  and  irnnsiire  the  pi., .  lliiiiL'W 
of  our  children.  ^'i:i,afier  all,  upon  our  own  ami, 
mid  in  so  just  a  cause,  we  may  be  vaiii|uislied.  If 
we  are,  I  Irnsl  that,  like  ihe  gallant  h'rancia,  when 
he  lost  Pavia,afier  doiii;;  all  he  could  lo  prevent  it, 
we  shall  li.'ive  at  the  I'lid  of  this  eont'sl  the  cniiso- 
lalion  to  feel  that  we  have,  at  leasi,  preserved  our 
honor.  Ihit,  sir,  however  honorably  il  may  ler- 
niinale  to  the  inieiesl  or  fame  of  this  country,  I 
want  no  w;ir,  if  it  can  be  avoided  on  honorable, 
terms.  War,  to  say  the  ieasl  of  it,  is  an  inconve- 
nience, and  ]iarticularly  so  al  this  time  to  the  Uiii- 
lell  Siales. 

I'm  rather  than  settle  the  Oregon  difTiciilly  on 
any  oiln  r  than  honorable  terma,  that  inconvenience 
this  conniry  will  readily  encoimler.  This  notice 
will  not  make  this  war— it  mav  |acvent  it.  Let  it 
be  passed,  and  confide  this  diiliculiy  lo  ihe  Pres- 
ident. Is  he  not  worthy  of  our  eoiiiideiice.'  ]n 
he  capable  of  deceiving  us,  or  at  all  disjioscd  to 
involve  tloH  country  in  an  unjust  war.' 

Sir,  I  am  no  I'allerer  of  the  Pr'siileiil;  I  hope, 
without  such  imputation,  I  may  be  jiermitted  lo 
say,  thai,  I'onliding  in  his  poliiieal  ofiinieiis  and 
ability,  and  firmness  mid  liom  sly,  I  voted  to  place 
him  in  his  present  elevated  jiosition.  I  have  not 
yet  had  occ  asion  to  re^'iel  thai  vole,  and  have  no 
ea.s'in  to  believe  I  ever  shall.  AVe  have  all  known 
him  for  years;  and  during' a  period  of  great  politi- 
cal exciienient  in  the  country,  we  have  seen  him 
tilling  high  and  responsible  stations,  and  dischar- 
giiii:  all  the  duties  periaininir  lo  them  with  iinsiir- 
passed  lidelity  and  eminent  ability.  He  pijssesses, 
as  all  will  concede,  great  piiriiy  of  privaie  charac- 
ter, tine  i.'denis,  and  unipiesiioned  palrioiisrn.  Vie, 
sir,  is  no  military  rhiefuiin,  punting  I'or  ballle-fielris 
and  nii'i.ary  renown.  He  is  an  exemplary  Clir'S- 
lian,  advanced  in  years,  and  without  children  on 
wlioin  lo  bestow  otlicc  or  enudinueiiis,  or  his  fame. 
He  is  no  adventurer,  having'  noihing  lo  lose;  but, 
on  the  contnirv,  is  a  L'entlenian  of  fortune,  and 
holds  n  heavy  Interest  dependent  and  resting  e.pon 
the  blessings  of  peace.  He  is  now  safely  sealed 
in  the  hiir'irsl  ollice  in  the  -^'ifi  of  his  counirymen, 
if  not  ill  ihe  world:  oiie-l'oiirtli  of  the  period  of  its 
tenure  already  expired,  and  is  no  candidate  /'or  re- 
el(-ciioii.  Wliat  possible  indiK'ement  can  iuch  a 
man  have  In  sacrifice  the  best  inleresi  ot'li..s  couii- 
trv,  or  to  involve  that  country,  to  which  '.le  owes 
i:vervl!iiit'j,  i^  an  unjust  warr  Have  we  no  secu- 
rity for  this,  in  his  Ion:,'  jiast  life  of  sairncity,  vir- 
tue, and  fidelity.-  .None  in  bis  able  aad.  nntriolic 
t'abinet ,-  None  in  the  limili  u  lenure  of  ins  oiii  -^  > 
.None  ill  the  iippropriaiion  bills,  by  which  armies 
and  navies  are  raised,  armed,  and  fed .'  None  in 
the  revisory  power  of  a  stern,  vigilant,  uiiqiiairnig; 
Sen.ite  ? 

Is  there  no  security  in  the  terrnra  of  the  im- 
pe:u'hiinr  power.'  N'oiie  in  the  unifiini,  and  beau- 
lil'ul,  and  fascinating  examples  of  all  of  his  prede- 
cessors? Sir,  has  the  inieresl  of  tlii-j  country  eve,' 
been  betrayed  to  a  foreign  Power,  or  an  unjust 
war  brouglit  upon  it,  by  any  of  our  Executives? 
Never,  sir,  never.  .'Ml  of  onr  P.xe.'iitives,  no  mat- 
ter to  what  iiarty  they  may  have  hi  loiiired,  lane 
extended  wiilelv  and  more  'widely  the  just  fame  of 
this  country.  .\iid  yet,  sir,  we  find  .Senalio's,  with 
a  I'nll  Knowledge  of  all  lliese  lli'.igs,  doubling  and 


m 


394 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOftE. 


[March  11, 


:i9TH  CoN(! 1st  Sess, 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Constable. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


1^' 


M 


hesilnliii^  rIioiU  passing  this  noliw,  because  they 
fenr  IhnI  the  President,  bv  his  inahncss,  or  folly, 
or  wiekediess,  mny  involve  the  country  in  Wftr. 
Such  fenrs  nnii  such  suspicions  ns  these  iirc  un- 
worthy of  IS,  and  unjust  to  thnt  distinguished 
ftmnioimry.  They  cniinot  irnsl  liim,  liccnuso,  in 
his  InnuinirnI  Address,  he  slnted,  wiiiil  he  lieheved, 
that  nil  of  (Ireffon  wr.a  ours.  He  did  make  I  lint 
stntemrnt,  and  he  believed  it.  And  yet,  sir,  in  a 
spirit  of  roinpromise,  nnd  in  deference  to  the  nets  of 
his  predecessors,  he  yielded  up  his  own  opinions, 
nnd  offered  to  settle"  this  boundary  on  tlic  4!tth 
parallel.  Rut,  oh.  the  Baltimore  eouveution!  He 
Is  hound  by  the  edicts  of  that  convention  !  Sir,  I 
was  a  member  of  th.ii  convention,  and  claim  to 
know  somelhiPL'  of  "the  open  (ley  and  midnisrht 
transactions"  of  that  assemlil.iije;  but  of  them  I 
shall  not  speak.  It  can  now  do  no  cood  to  the 
Democratic  parly  to  revive  n  discussion  of  our 
family  ditlicnilies,  which  are  now  happily  forsot- 
len  by  the  finiilv,  nnd  are  "in  the  deep  boso:ii  of 
the  ocean  buricif."  X  repetition  of  these  family 
jars  is  now  rather  stale,  even  for  the  tender  sym- 
pathies of  our  sympathi/inj  iViends  over  the  way; 
and  therefore,  out  of  proper  reu'ard  to  them,  they 
will  be  spared  the  iiillictioii  of  such  a  recital.  I 
was  there, sir:  was  one  of  tlmse  who,  on  the  iiirfdiis; 
of  that  conveniion,  was  called  bv  some  of  the  ar- 
dent a  traitor  to  the  parly;  but  tliree  days  there- 
after, at  the  r/rsr  of  that  couveniinn,  my  itssociates 
and  myself  ucit  esteemed  patriots  and  saviours 
of  the  (Kiriy — tlins  furnishiiij,  in  this  instance, 
another  illusiration  of  the  truth  of  history,  that 
chissifications  i;enernlly  are  the  results  of  successes 
or  failures,  in  any  enterprise  of  magnitude.  I 
was  there,  sir;  and  was  one  of  the  Brutuses  who 
helped  to  slav  our  Ciesar,  (Mr.  Van  Buren.)  "  not 
that  I  loveil  him  less,  but  that  I  loved  Rome  more;" 
and, like  Brutus,  I  have  reserved  the  same  dasrger, 
to  be  used  bv  s.inie  friendly  hand  upon  myself, 
whenever,  like  him,  I  shall  so  far  forg-et  or  misuike 
the  interests  of  my  country.  I  will  barely  add, 
;«r,  that  there  was  iiothm;:  which  occurred,  in  my 
judmnent,  at  that  convention,  inconsistent  with  a 


either  side  of  the  Atlantic,  will  reioiec  at  it  more 
than  myself.  And  in  doing  this,  I  nsk  no  favors 
at  her  hands.  1  am  loo  proud  to  a.sk  her  for  con- 
fessions. Of  the  two,  I  would  sooner  give  than 
receive  them.  All  I  want  is  that  to  which  my  conn- 
try  is  jnsily  entitled.  All  I  nsk,  ill  the  settlement 
of  this  question,  is  justice  nnd  fnirne.ss,  nnd  these 
willingly  i;rnnted,  in  a  frank  and  manly  sjiirit.  Let  ' 
her  do  this,  and  our  nncient  dilVerences  and  our  late 
and  pre.><ent  irritations  will  be  soon  forgotten,  and 
peace  will  shed  its  happy  influence  over  the  rela- 
tions nnd  intercourse  of  these  two  great  and  power-  , 
fill  nations  of  the  earth.  She  has  the  honorable 
offer  of  ;ifnfc  on  these  terms,  or  war,  if  she  desires 
it,  on  any  other;  and  in  selecting  this  option,  it 
is  to  be  earnestly  hoped  that  wisdom  and  justice, 
and  not  petty  jealousies  or  passion,  will  rule  her 
councds. 


settlement  of  this  oiicstion  by  negolia' 
resilient  on  this  questioi 
what  lisrht  he  views  it 


action  of  the  Presii 


lion.     The 
stion  shows  in 


Mr.  Presiilent,  I  have  now  Raid  nearly  all  I  in- 
tended to  say  upon  this  subject.  I  shall  deuiiii  the 
Senate  but  a  lew  moments  longer.  Sir,  I  deprecate 
war;  I  have  no  taste  for  fields  of  carnage,  or  for 
the  conflasralioti  of  cities;  no  desire  unnecessarily 
to  internipt  the  business  or  peaceful  pursuits  of 
men.  p'eiliiii  thus,  sir,  1  hope,  notwithstanding 
mv  fears  to  the  coiiiniry,  that  we  shall  have  no 
w.ir.  1  desire  that  tins  notice  sli;il!  I'ass,  that  the 
President  shall  be  left  untrammelled;  that  he  may, 
if  possilile,  secure  our  rislits  in  ("tiT;xon,  wliicii  can 
never  be  abnndoinil,  and  nt  the  same  lime  avoid 
this  war.  A  war,  however  honnribly  it  inav  ter- 
nii"a'c.  (fi>r  of  that  I  have  no  tears,)  would  be 
troulilesome,  expensive,  nnd  incoiivenieiit  to  the 
United  Slates.  It  would  be  the  same  to  Great  Brit- 
ain; and  fllie,  1  hope,  is  not  disposed  to  overlook 
that  consideration.  Her  people,  like  tliose  of  the 
I'niied  Slates,  live  bv  their  Inlior.  and  flourish  by 
their  commerce.  .V  war  between  the  two  countries 
would  interrupt  those  pursuits.  To  her  it  ought 
to  be  ns  dosirable  „?  to  the  |ieople  of  the  United 
Stales  that  this  irriMtine  cpiestion,  so  Iool'  lui  open 
one,  should  be  settled  amicably,  and  serled  soon. 
She  must  learn  ilie  lesson  now,  if  she  has  not  al- 
ready learnt  it,  that  however  desir.ible  it  may  be  to 
her,  this  nregoii  question  can  no  loneer  remain  in 
its  present  position — ihat  the  i  onveniions  of  \t*\H 
and  1H1?7,  whale  .er  may  be  the  resnlls,  are  already 
(looineu  to  anmhilaiion.     This  is  settled. 

I  am  ready,  sir,  lo  ronfess  that  I  have  no  pailir- 
ular  pnriialliy  for  (in  at  Britain.  1  have,  perhaps, 
iiiheriied  prejudices  a'.'ainst  her.  But  slill,  sir,  il 
hIk!  will  sriilr  this  question  fairlv  and  justly,  and 
I  will  add  promiitly,  and  by  so  doina  preserve  the 
peace  between  llv'two  couiitries,  I  shall  be  luie  of 
the  firsl  to  Inrgct  the  past  of  two  wars — the  loany 
irrilitiiie  dispule;<  since,  and  in  my  own  lime,  with 
|„.|- — licr  unjust  dijiloniacy — and,  in  the  honesty 
anil  sineiriiv  of  my  heart,  do  all  I  can  to  cultivate 
the  most  aniieable  relations  and  Milerciuirse  with 
her,  henceforth  and  forever.  Lei  her,  in  the  elo- 
quent  laiiiiiKure  of  our  Secri'tary,  "remove  the  luily 
ibmd  that  now  iiilnp-epls  a  lonu'  and  prospero.is 
peace  between  the  two  countras,"  and  no  one,  on 


HARBOUS  ANO  RIVERS. 
SPEECH  OF  MliTTv.  CONSTABLE, 

(IK  MARYI,.\.Nn. 
In  tiik  HuisK  or  Rf.pukseniatives, 
March  U,  lri4G. 
The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  slate  of  the  Union,  on  the  Bill  for  making  , 
appropriations  lor  >larbors  and   Rivers,  with  a 
view  to  greater  safety  and  facility  of  the  Mari- 
time Coininciie  of  the  country — 
Mr.  COiSSTABLE  addressed  the  committee  as 
follows: 

Mr.  CiiAinM.^N:  1  regret  at  this  laic  period  of 
the  debate  to  trouble  the  committee  with  any  re- 
marks on  the  bill  under  consideration:  and  espe- 
cially do  I  distrust  the  aiiempl  to  follow  in  reply 
the  able  and  eloquent  gentleniaii  from  Alabama, 
[.Mr.  V.*NCEY,]  who  last  occujiied  the  nlteiition  of 
the  commillie.  Indeed,  sir,  when  I  first  took  a 
seal  in  this  House,  1  sincerely  hoped  'hat  nothing 
would  occur,  at  least  during  the  present  session, 
rendering  it  necessary  for  me  to  depart  from  the 
purpose  then  lormed  of  remaining  a  silent  member, 
sanctioned,  as  ihat  resolution  was,  by  the  example 
of  the  disimguished  gentlemen  who  have  succes- 
sively represented  my  district  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  for  the  last  quarter  of  a  century. 

But,  .Mr.  Chairman,  the  subject  before  the  com- 
piittee  is  <uie  involving  interests  of  such  magnitude — 
coniiecliiig  itself  so  Mially  and  essentially  with  the 
whole  maritime  commerce  of  the  couniry,  part  of 
which  floats  on  the  head  waters  of  the  Cliesajieake 
bay  and  its  tributary  rivers,  williin  the  district  I 
have  tlie  lioiinr  to  represent,  that  a  failure  to  luaKe 
woine  elfort  tw  vindicate  theie  great  interests  would  , 
jusilv  subject  iiic  to  the  imputation  of  a  dereliction 
of  duly.  Urged  by  such  considcralioiis,  and  a  de- 
sire io  do  justice  to  the  C(unnierci  tl  wants  of  those 
ivhoni  1  represent  on  this  floor,  it  beccuneb  my  duty 
to  give  notice  of  my  iiUentiim  to  olb  r  at  a  proper 
time — when  in  order — the  amendment  which  I  liold 
in  my  hand. 

"  That  Ihf  sum  of  JiQU.OOO  be,  and  h  herebtj,  ap- 
propriiUtil  fur  the  imprortmcnl  of  the  harbor  of  llAvnt: 
UE  CiRAci:,  .Vrir(//(Oi(/. " 

It  is  not  my  purpose,  sir,  to  participate  in  the 
general  ranee  of  discussion  to  which  this  bill  has 
given  rise;  iiiit  to  cnnline  myself  more  particularly 
to  the  subject  of  the  aiiiendiiient  I  have  indicat(H!, 
nnd  an  exnniiuaiiou  of  the  consiitulnuial  power  of 
Congress  lo  make  appropriations  for  the  iniprove- 
meiii  ot"  our  hnrttors. 

or  the  tj-jirtluunnif  the  particular  appropriations 
coMtaiiud  in  lliis  lull,  I  do  not  projiose  to  speak. 
Tliey  air  matters  of  (Il  tail  in  regard  'o  which  1 
shntl  rely.  Ill  the  alisenct  -if  other  information,  upon 
ihe  iiblr  C'ouiinittee  on  <  ''■nimerce,  \\  ho  have  f  utii- 
fiilly  e\ainiiii-d  and  rep'-iied  tliciii  lo  ilu'  House, 
in  connexion  wiili  the  cl,  n-  and  .•^.ttisfu'tory  expo- 
sition made  by  ihcir  distniu'n  "^lied  I'hairniiui,  [Mr. 
.McCi,i;i,i,A\i>. )  .Anil  as  to  liii  invidious  niiitrasts 
drawn  between  dilfercnl  se<*iioiis  of  the  Union, 
sliouiiu:  the  relative  advantages  they  will  derive 
under  tli'^  provi.sions  of  ihis  bill,  and  tlir  alleged 
inequalities  operated  by  the  system,  deiioniii'(-d  as 
anKunliiii.'  to  iiiju.^tiee  liy  ihc'gei.tleuian  from  New 
>'ork,  (.Mr.  (iimniix,)  and  by  the  ;;intlcinau  from 
(ieoruia,  [.Mr.  Conii,|  characHrized  on  yesterday 
as  "  public  plunder,"  I  shall  only  make  a  iia.ssing 
I  remark,  because  they  arc  consiileratiuns  looking 


to  the  expediency  of  Ihe  system,  and  not  affecting 
the  great  principle  invohed. 

Sir,  this  Government  can  exert  scarcely  any 
one  (d' its  most  ordinary  functions — none,  indeed,, 
authorizing  an  expenditure  of  the  public  money — 
without  producing  such  inequalities  in  a  greater  or 
less  degree.  It  cannot  be,  in  the  nature  of  things, 
that  the  Government  can  be  so  administered  as  to 
confer  precisely  the  same  advantages  in  its  expend- 
itures upon  every  citizen  or  every  section  of  the 
country.  Each  citizen  can  no  more  share  the  di- 
rect benefits  of  national  expenditures  required  nt 
(daces  reinrte  frotr,  his  home  nnd  property,  than 
le  can  the  emoluments  of  any  public  ollice  in  this 
city.  The  counterpoise  must  be  found  in  other 
expenditures  which  the  wants  of  the  country  may 
require  in  their  respective  seclions,  or  in  the  in- 
creased resources,  prosperity,  and  power  of  the 
Union,  of  which  they  are  citizens. 

.As  10  excesses,  so  much  apprehended  and  dep- 
recated by  honorable  gentlemen,  to  which  the  ex- 
ercise of  ihe  power  to  make  these  appropriations 
may  lead,  the  same  may  be  predicnteil  of  nny  other 
subject  of  nppro)irialioii  within  our  conslitulioiia! 
competency.  This  bill,  sir,  like  nil  others  reported 
to  the  House,  is  subject  to  the  nclion  of  a  majority 
of  Congress,  possessing  all  the  light  that  can  be 
obtained,  an<l  acting  under  the  influence  of  elevated 
and  patriotic  motives.  If  these  do  not  constitute 
a  sufficient  guaranty  that  the  power  will  not  be 
abused,  1  asK  honorable  members  what  security 
there  is,  or  can  there  be,  that  we  shall  not  prosti- 
tute every  power  intrusted  to  us  by  the  Constitu- 
tion. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ihat  particular  districts  of  the 
irnion  may  receive  more  benefit — that  a  greater 
amount  may  be  appropriated  by  this  bill  north  of 
Mason  iiiul  Dixon's  line,  as  pointed  out  a  few  dnys 
since  by  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Alabama, 
[Mr.  Pavkf.,1  and  less  soii(/i  of  that  lint ,  does  not 
vary,  in  my  apprehension,  the  aspect  of  the  ques- 
tion. 1  look,  sir,  at  all  these  as  great  national 
wants,  growing  out  of  the  extended  and  prosper- 
ous maritime  commerce  ofthe  country,  and  as  such, 
I  care  not  where  the  expenditures  may  be  required: 
whether  on  the  .Atlantic  seaboard,  the  Gulf  coast, 
along  our  great  lakes,  or  upon  the  navigable  rivers 
that  penetrate  the  interior  of  the  country,  is  to  me 
wholly  immaterial.  Why,  sir,  without  such  en- 
largeif  and  liberal  views,  how  can  this  great  coun- 
try ever  attain  the  high  and  ronlinanding  desliuy 
wliich  awaits  her.'  What  disasters  may  not  befall 
us  if  we  cherish  those  sectional  feelinirs,  which  do 
not  and  will  not  look  beyond  our  own  district. 
Slate,  or  quarter  of  the  Uinoii,  in  voting  appropria- 
tions. 

Sir,  should  this  Government  unhappily  become 
invohed  in  a  v.-ar,  necessnry  for  the  mnintennnce 
of  its  just  rights,  or  in  vindication  of  the  national 
honor,  il  would  be  as  unreasonable  and  unjiistifi- 
able  to  refuse  to  vole  larsrer  supplies  for  the  military 
and  naval  )irolection  riqiiiied  by  the  exposed  situa- 
tion of  Maryland,  than  for  one  of  the  interior  west- 
ern States,  eoinparaiivcly  invulnerable  from  her 
position,  as  are  any  objeelioiis  to  the  appropria- 
tiiuis  of  this  bill,  founded  on  geographical  lines. 
.  In  a  word,  sir,  the  commerce  of  the  lakes  requires 
harhors,  and  the  commerce  of  the  .Atlantic,  that  its 
harbors  shall  be  fvrtifieil;  the  ngririi/din'sls  of  the 
Great  West  want  a  safe  iinrtgdliioi,  upon  which 
their  immense  pniduetiinis  may  float  to  the  Atlantic 
cities,  while  the  merchants  who  purclin.se  and  ship 
those  productions,  want  a  urtrat  squadron  to  con- 
vey them  across  the  ocean,  or  protect  them  in  dis- 
tant .seas.  These,  then,  are  .some  of  the  wants  of 
the  country  (leinanding  expenditures  at  points  dis- 
lanl  I'loni  each  other,  and  in  diU'rient  sei  lions  of 
the  Union,  and  may  sutfli  e  .o  illustraO'  the  fallacy 
of  all  llie  iibjeclioiis  to  llie.se  appropriations  fouii({- 
ed  on  toe  supposed  iiiiapialilies  of  the  system. 

.Mr.  Chainoaii,  it  has  been  said  thai  all  ihe  ap- 
proprialions  contained  in  the  bill  under  considera- 
tion, with  the  exception  of  ihat  for  the  I'orilaiiil 
and  Liaiisville  laiial,  have  been  n  coinmciided  by 
the  War  Peiiarlmei't,  while  the  niuendinenl  which 
I  (l(  sire  to  have  ingrafted  upon  il  has  no  olVicial 
sauftioii.      In  aiiswiM*  to  this,  I  beg  leave  to  stale, 

for  the  iiiforiualion  of  tin iiimitlee,  that  as  early 

as  IKtIi,  this  subji  ct  was  brou^'lil  to  the  atleiition 
of  (.'oiejiress  by  resoluiioiis  ndoitled  by  the  Le;:isl.i- 
liiie  of  iMiiryland.  By  the  order  of  this  I  louse,  a 
survey  was  made  of  the  liarbor  of  Havre  dc  Grace, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


395 


29th  Cono IsT  Sess. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Constable. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


Bnd  n  sufficient  sum  appropriated  to  defray  the  ex-  i 
pense;  in  obedience  to  a  cull  of  this  House,  made 
in  '837,  the  report  of  that  survey  was  communi- 
cated by  iVlr.  Butler,  nrf  mterim  Secretary  of  War,  ' 
was  oiilcrcd  to  lie  printed,  and  referred  to  the  , 
Commiiice  on  Commerce;  in  1838  this  document 
was  rciirinted   by  order  of  the  House,  with  the 
chin  I   ilinl  accompanied  it.     I   have  now  in  my 
haiul  one  of  these  documents,  with  the  chart,  and 
make  this  statement  froin  the  record.     From  1838,  ' 
this  subject  hiid  over  until  the  last  Congress,  when  ; 
the  sum  of  J.20,000,  now  proposed  by  rny  amend-  [ 
ment  for  the  imptovemcnt  of  the  harlsor  of  Havre  ; 
de  Grace,  was  inchid'Ml  in  ilie  general  appropria-  I 
tions  for  harbors,  which  passed  both  Houses,  and 
was  vetoed  by  the  Kxituiive.     1  ask,  sir,  that  the 
clerk  may  read  a  i^iirt  of  the  report  of  this  survey, 
made  by  an  al)h   otKccr  of  the  Topographical  Bu- 
reau, CanUiin  Hughes. 

The  Clerk  having  read  it,  Mr.  Conitablb  con-  i 
tinued: 

I  liaznrd  nothing,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  affirming 
that  there  is  no  harbor  in  the  country  in  which 
the  tides  ebb  and  flood,  that  has  so  extensive  or  so 
important  an  internal  canal  communication  as  that 
of  Havbc  de  Grace.  This  harbor  is  the  terminus 
of  the  Susquehanna  and  tide-water  rannl,  whicli 
connects  with  the  Pennsylvania  works  at  the  town 
of  Columbia;  thence  continuous  lines  of  canals 
extend  up  both  the  north  and  we.it  branches  of  the 
Susquehanna,  near  the  line  of  New  York:  thus 
nflbrclins  to  nil  northern  Pennsylvania,  a  large  por- 
tion of  Xew  York  bordering  upon  that  river,  to  its 
highest  northern  fountains  and  springs,  ond  to  the  i 
whole  intermediate  country,  with  its  boundless 
forests  of  valuable  pine  timber,  inexhaustible 
mines  of  rich  ores  and  coal,  and  extensive  agricul- 
tural regions  of  unsurpassed  fertility,  an  outlet  to 
the  Chesapeake  Ray.  ~'rom  these  canals,  at  the 
junction  of  the  river  Juniata  with  the  Susquehan- 
na, another  canal  diverges,  which  reaches  up  the 
.Tuniata  to  the  base  of  the  Alleghaniea,  where  the 
Portage  railroad  across  the  mountains  connects 
with  the  western  division  of  the  Pennsylvania 
canals,  extending  to  the  Ohio  river  at  Pitisburir, 
thence  connecting  with  Erie  and  the  great  frontier 
lakes.  Thus,  sir,  these  various  lines  of  canal  nav- 
igntion  stretch  through  all  northern  and  western 
Pennsylvania,  drain  a  considerable  part  of  New 
York,  and,  tapping  the  Ohio,  offer  a  direct  and 
che;ip  channel  of  communication  with  the  Atlantic 
cities;  furnishing  n  route  from  the  great  valley  of 
the  West,  which  is  open  several  weeks  earlier  in 
the  sprin;  and  later  in  the  fall  than  the  northern 
one  bv  the  Erie  canni  nnd  lakes:  some  two  hun- 
dred miles  less  in  distance,  and  incalculalily  safer 
than  the  triji  down  the  river  to  .\ew  Orle:ins,  or 
bv  tlie  lakes  around  to  New  York.  And,  I\Ir. 
Chairman,  I  beg  leave  to  .>iay  to  honorable  meni- 
bi'is,  who  represent  on  this  floor  the  Stales  of  Ohio, 
Indiana,  Illinois,  Kentucky,  and  as  far  south  as 
Tennessee,  that  many  of  their  constituents  alreadv 
avail  thniiselves  of  this  outlet  to  the  niniketsof 
the  .seaboard,  although  it  has  only  been  completed 
a  few  years,  and  cannot  be  generallv  known  to 
those  who  are  so  remote  iVoin  it.  1  hold  in  my 
hniicl  a  ll-!t,  made  soon  after  the  opening  of  the 
cnniil  to  Havre  de  Grace,  which  shows  the  irreal 
fXleiU  nnd  importance  of  the  trade  arriving  at  the 
harbor  I  ask  the  Government  to  imprnv(\  The 
followiii?  are  the  principnl  articles  arriving  there 
for  trniishipment  coastwise,  vi-i:  iron,  coal,  lum- 
bei-,  umber,  wool,  cotton,  hcniji,  tobacco,  lead,  lea- 
ther, domcsiii'  s^iirits,  bark  rough  and  ground, 
slate,  baron,  lain,  tallow,  cheese,  biiiier,  pot  and 
pearl  ashes,  piaster,  lime,  flour,  whi  al,  corn,  rye, 
clover  nnd  inner  grass  seeds,  Ac,  Ac,  of  the  o"- 
pi-eiriile  value  of  near  ten  millions  of  dollars,  be- 
siilcs  ihe  asmulhig  trade,  which  is  also  very  con- 
siderable. 

r.iit,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  Government  has  inler- 
pHls  coniieciril  with  the  improvement  of  this  Imr- 
bor.  It  |iroi:ures  ihere  large  supplies  of  lumber, 
tiinbcr,  iind  granite  stone,  lis  extensive  foriilica- 
tions  in  Virginia  were  linill  chiefly  of  stone  taken 
frniu  the  bills  above  and  adjacent  to  Port  ni.i'otiTE; 
HO  were  those  in  the  Delaware,  and  at  some  points 
along  Ihe  southern  coast;  and  at  ihis  very  lime  the 
Gnvernnicnt  bus  entered  into  large  contrai'ts,  now 
in  the  course  of  execinion,  for  tbi'  delivery  of  sloiie 
frnin  those  qu.-irries  for  the  i-ompletiim  of  its  works 
in  Virginia,  nnd  for  the  sea-wall  at  St.  Augustine,  ' 


in  Florida.  At  Havre  de  Grace  also,  the  important  ] 
articles  of  coal  and  iron,  of  wh.ch  Ihe  Government  | 
is  so  large  a  consumer,  can  be  had  in  great  abun- 
dance, and  on  terms  as  fiworable,  perhaps  more  so,  | 
than  at  any  other  point  on  tide-water.     It  is  indeed 
confidently  affirmed  that,  when  the  short  line  of 
railroad,  now  constructing  from  the  Lykens  Valley 
Coal  Mines,  represented  as  nearer  the  Atlantic 
than  any  others  in  the  Union,  shall  be  completed  ■ 
to  the  Susquehanna,  coal  adapted  to  the  use  of  our  ' 
war-steamers  will  be  delivered   at  the  harbor  of 
Havre  de  Grace  for  $9  30  per  ton — being  leas,  I  he-  | 
lieve,  than  two-thirds  of  the  price  now  paid  by  the 
Qovernmenl. 

If,  then,  Mr.  Chairman,  we  consult  the  interests 
of  Ihe  Government  in  this  respect,  identified  with 
those  of  the  immense  regions  of  the  interior,  fertile 
nnd  productive  in  their  agriculture,  rich,  abundant, 
nnd  exhaustless  in  their  mineral  treasures,  which 
this  extensive  canal  communication  opens  to  Ihis 
harbor,  I  cannot  perceive  what  reasonaole  objection 
exists,  looking  to  the  expediency  of  the  fnnttrr, 
against  appropriating  the  small  sum  desired  for  its 
improvement.  When  the  bar  at  the  mouth  of  this 
harbor  is  once  crossed  there  is  ample  depth  of  water 
within  to  float  any  safe  sea-vessel;  but  owing  to 
the  obstructions  al  its  entrance,  thofie  who  ship 
from  Havre  de  Grace  are  compelled  to  employ  ves- 
sels that  are  not  .safe  beyond  the  capes  of  the  Ches- 
apeake; thereby  being  subjected  to  the  expen.se  of 
heavy  additional  premium  for  insurance,  or  obliged 
to  undergo  the  .serious  inconvenience  and  delay,  as 
well  as  incur  the  increased  expense,  of  receiving 
and  discharging  cargo  of  a  larger  class  of  safe  sea- 
vessels  outside  the  bar,  by  means  of  lighters.  I 
therefore  trust,  sir,  that  the  committee  will  express 
their  concurrence  in  the  propriety  and  necessity  of 
Ihe  appropriation  asked  for  the  harbor  of  Havre  de 
Grace,  bv  adopting  ihe  amendment  I  shall  offer. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  (|nestion  may  and  has 
been  propounded,  why,  if  this  harbor  is  so  im- 
portant from  the  extent  of  its  commerce,  was  not 
an  apin'opriation  for  its  improvement  included  in 
the  bill  reported  by  the  committee.'  I  will  explain, 
sir.  Early  in  the  session  this  subject  was  brought 
to  the  notice  of  the  House  by  the  presentation  of 
resolutions  of  the  Legislature  of  Maryland,  which 
were  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Commerce. 
The  harbor  lo  which  these  resolutions  related  be- 
ing within  the  district  that  I  represent,  and  my 
constituents,  in  common  with  the  people  of  the 
State  generally,  feeling  a  deep  interest  in  this  sub- 
ject, I  inquired  of  «  member  of  the  eomniiiiee  what 
action  had  been  taken  upon  it,  nnd  was  informed 
that  it  bnd  been  passed  over  to  the  honorable  gen- 
tleman from  Kentucky,  [Mr.  Tibbatts.]  From 
an  interview  with  that  honorable  gentleman,  I  be- 
lieved he  was  satisfied  that  the  improvement  we 
desired  was  proper  as  a  national  object,  and  hence 
I  supposed  it  would  be  embraced  In  the  bill  from 
the  committee.  And,  sir,  I  was  not  aware  of  the 
reason  why  it  was  not  included,  until  I  rend,  a  few 
days  ago,  the  s|ieech  ot  the  chairman  of  Ihe  com- 
mittee, [.VIr.  McCi.Ei.i.AVD,]  in  which  he  stated 
that  the  committee  had  allotted  the  subject  of  ri,fr 
improvements  to  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky, 
[Mr.  TiBBATTs,]  while  the  appropriations  asked 
for  harhnrf  had  been  confided  lo  others.  This  at 
once  satisfied  me  that  the  committee  had  mistaken 
Ihe  object  for  which  the  appropriation  was  asked, 
by  classing  it  with  applications  for  the  improve- 
ment of  rirrrs  instead  of /lailiorj,  to  which  it  prop- 
erly belonged. 

[Mr.  TiBBATTS  here  explained,  that  the  commit- 
tee bad  been  led  into  the  error  by  the  bill  passed 
at  the  last  session,  which  described  thi!»  ns  an  im- 
provement of  the  Susquehanna  river.] 

Mr.  CnvsTAiii.E,  al'icr  staling  that  he  had  never 
seen  the  liill  of  the  Inst  sessioii,  i-onlinncd.  As 
soon,  sir,  iis  I  di.scnvercd  this  inistiike,  I  took  steps 
to  bring  the  subjci  again  lo  the  consideration  of 
the  commillee;  and,  I'rnni  indications  of  Iheir  opin- 
ion since  then,  I  believe  that  I  inny  venture  to 
slate,  that,  if  the  matter  had  been  properly  nnder- 
slnod  by  them  before  this  bill  was  re}inrte(l  to  the 
House,  an  appropriation  for  the  harbor  of  Havre 
de  Grace  would  have  been  included.  That  a  sep- 
arate bill  for  it  could  now  be  obtained,  I  no  not 
donbt;  but,  sir,  it  is  not  desirable.  I  wnnt  no  I>ill 
with  an  is  -ntcd  olijecl,  which  could  never  attract 
siillicient  atlention  to  secnre  an  examinatimi  of  its 
merits,  nnd,  ns  a  consequence,  could   never  com- 


mand sufficient  strength  to  he  taken  up  -n  Commit- 
tee of  the  Whole  on  ihe  state  of  the  t  n.on. 

Mr.  Chairman,  if  Ihe  object  poir'ed  out  by  the 
resolutions  of  the  Legislature  of  Marylancf,  re- 
peatedly adopted  nnd  pres.sed  upon  the  attention 
of  Congress,  and,  ns  1  have  understood,  by  res- 
olutions of  the  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania  also — 
I  know  anxiously  desired  by  all  western  Penn- 
sylvan'.i — was  not  enlarged,  general,  and  national, 
I  would  not  support  it.  Nay,  sir,  if  it  approx- 
imaud  so  near  the  divisional  line  which  separates 
what  is  national  from  that  which  is  local,  as  to  ren- 
der it  difficuU  to  distinguish  to  which  class  of 
works  it  belonged,  I  would  not  sus'airi  it;  be- 
lieving, as  I  do,  that  it  is  prefcrab'o  upon  a  ques- 
tion of  power  lo  err  on  the  .safe  side,  if  error  is 
unavoidable,  nnd  that  a  reasonable  doubt  ns  lo  the 
existence  of  a  contested  power  should  be  regarded 
lis  conclusive  against  its  exercise.  Standing,  then, 
upon  such  grounds,  I  do  not  Ijelieve,  with  the 
honorable  gentleman  from  South  Carolina,  [Mr. 
RiiETT,]  that  I  shall  witness  in  the  triumph  of  this 
measure,  "  the  murder  of  any  great  principle  of 
the  Republican  party,"  much  less  become  an  "  ac 
cessory"in  its  "  [lerpetration.''  Sir,  what  grer:. 
principle  of  that  party  did  the  honorable  gentleme' 
allude  to?  Where  is  the  ar  Icle  of  faith  which  this 
bill  violates  to  be  found  in  the  creed  of  the  Repub- 
lican party?  I  am  no  Intitudinarian  in  any  con- 
struction of  the  Federal  Constitution — no  disciple 
of  the  Hamiltonian  school,  ns  my  honorable  friend 
froin  Georgia  [Mr.  Cobb]  yesterday  charged  upon 
those  who  advocate  this  meosure.  On  the  con- 
trary, I  will  go  as  far  ns  any  member  upon  this 
flooi-  in  maintaining  the  reserved  rights  of  the 
Stntts;  but  I  must  first  be  convinced  that  they  are 
right  never  surrendered  by  the  States;  for  I  hold 
that  t.i  '  duty  is  alike  imperative  to  uphold  the 
just  authority  of  the  Federal  Government,  as  to 
absliiin  from  encroachment  upon  the  powers  of 
the  Stales. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  authority  to  make  appro- 
priations for  the  improvement  of  our  harbors  and 
rivers,  in  which  the  maritime  commerce  of  the  coun- 
try is  carried  on,  has  received  the  sanction  of  every 
Executive,  from  the  organization  of  the  Govern- 
ment down  to  the  Administration  of  ,Iohn  Tyler, 
when  a  bill  of  this  description  was  vetoed  for  the 
first  time  in  the  whole  history  of  the  action  of  the 
Executive  deparlmenl.  The  vetoes  of  Mr.  Mad- 
ison and  Mr.  Monroe  were  upon  measures  in  prin- 
ciple essentially  different  from  this;  and  as  to  the 
authority  of  Mr.  Tyler,  I  care  nothing  about  it; 
let  him'wear  the  faded,  withered,  and  drooping 
wreath  of  his  last  veto,  rereried  to  on  yesleidny  by 
Ihe  gentleman  from  Alaliamn,  [.Mr.  Yanh;v,1  as 
on"  thai  decked  his  brow.  Sir,  I  prefer  to  stand 
on  the  hiirh  authority  of  the  illustrious  slalesaian 
wlio  first"  administered  the  Gnveriiment,  and  who 
signed  bills  not  distingnishiilile  in  )irinciple  from 
this,  in  the  presence  of  the  first  Congress  that  as- 
sembled under  the  Constitution. 

Mr.  Yaxcev:  Will  the  gentleman  from  Mary- 
land .idopt  the  authority  of  General  .Tacksnn  ? 

Mr.  Constable.  Yes,  sir:  it  is  here  at  hand — 
in  this  book.  I  will  adopt  the  authority  of  Gen- 
eral Jackson,  alihough  he  was  represented  on  ycs- 
terdoy,  and  by  that  honorable  gentleman,  ns  having 
put  down  this  system  when  it  was  a  giant,  full  of 
sinew,  strength,  and  blond.  AVbat,  sir,  did  Gen- 
eral Jackson  say  in  his  annual  mes.s.ige  to  Congress 
at  December  session.  1834,  long  after  the  vetoes 
alluded  to  by  the  lionoralde  gentleman?  I  read  n 
subsequent  part  of  the  same  message  cited  and 
read  by  the  Clerk  nt  the  request  i\f  the  gentleman 
from  Georgia,  [Mr.  Conn,]  and  which  he  used  in 
his  argument  against  the  expediency  of  milking 
these  apprnpristions.  Spenking  of  approprinlionH 
for  objects  such  as  this  bill  provides.  General  Jack- 
son snvs: 

*'  Tliere  is  another  class  of  appropriations  for 
'  what  may  be  called,  wilhout  impropriety,  inter- 
'  nal  iniproveinenis,  which  h-ivc  always  been  re- 
'  garded  ns  standing  upon  diflereni  grounds  from 
'  tliosr  lo  which  1  have  referred.  I  allude  to  such 
'  as  have  for  their  object  the  improvement  of  mir 
'  harbors,  the  removal  of  pnrlial  and  temporary  ob- 
'  structinnsin  onr  navigable  rivers,  nnd  the  .security 
'  and  facility  of  our  loreigii  cninnierre.  »  •  • 
'  As  a  nainral  consequence  of  the  increase  and  ex- 
'  tension  of  our  foreign  commerce,  porta  of  entry 
'  and  delivery  have  been  multiplied  and  establish- 


i' 


;:;ii 


m 

if' 


[ 


398 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[March  11, 


'29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr,  Constable. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


m 


m 


'  ed,  not  only  upon  our  senbonrd,  but  in  the  inle-  ; 
'  linr  of  the  couniry,  npon  our  lakes  and  navii;aljle  i 
'  rivci's.     The  onnvenicnee  and  sal'uly  of  this  roni- 
'  niiTce  liave  led  lo  tlie  ^raduid  rxionsion  ol'lliew 
'  expenditures;  lo  the  ereolion  ol'lisrhl-houses,  tlie 
'  phtclns-,  planlin!;,  and  sinking  of  buoys,  lieaeons,  ] 
'  and  piers,  and  lo  ihc  removal  of  partial  and  Icni- 
'  porary  obstructions  in  our  navi;;alile  rivers,  and  ' 
'  III   the  harbors  upon  our  cient  lakes,  as  well  as 
'  on  llic  sealioai'd.     Altliou;;li  I  have  expressed  lo 
'  Coiiijress  my  aiinrehenaioiis  that  these  expendi- 
'  lures  have  souietinioa  been  exlravai^ant,  and  di.s- 
'  proportionate   to  the  ailvantaijes  to  be   derived  . 
'  from  them,  I  liave  not  felt  it  my  duty  to  rtl'use 
'  my  assent  tii  liills  eonlainins;  them,  and  have  enn- 
'  tented  'iivself  to  I'nllow,  it)   this  respect,  in  the 

*  footsteps  of  all  my  preth^i'essors." 

Here,  then,  Mr.  (.'htiirnmii,  we  find  General 
Jackson  asserlinu'  the  very  power,  and  speeifyins; 
the  identii'al  objei'is  of  the  tippropriatlons  made  by 
this  bill — "the  ihipi'oveniiMit  of  our  li;iibiM's,  and 
the  removal  of  partial  anil  tein|iorary  olistrncticnis 
in  (Uir  navi;:abli'  rivers,  t'or  tin.'  seeiiiily  and  facility 
of  f  irei:.rn  commerce"' — a  jiower  nut  only  to  pro- 
tect, but  to  I'licililiite  commerce,  anil  as  such,  exer- 
i-.isable  for  its  nnivenirnct'  as  well  as  its  siifi'tii.  .And 
an  succeediiii:  p  i::i  s  ol"  this  Alessam'.  he  hiys  down 
tile  rule  that  llie.-^e  appropriations  should  be  con- 
fined to  the  removal  of  obstructions  below  juirts  of 
itiirtj.  This  rule,  sir,  the  Jioii(»i\ible  ireiilleman 
(Vom  •■Vlabaina  [Mr.  VaxcxvJ  told  us  tni  yester- 
day thiit  ho  w.is  Hillini;  lo  adopt;  bi.i  he  took  the 
preciuition  to  annex  a  ipialilication,  which  is  n  >l  to 
lie  f  luiul  III  the  rule  iiself,  as  laid  down  by  CJen.ral 
.I.ick.son — aconiliiion  oi  liinitation  which,  if  nii;rai':- 
ed  iiiion  it,  would  iin[ity  u  want  of  information 
wlioiiy  inexcusable  nn  the  jiart  ol' that  ^reat  hkho 
AVI)  srATr.^M.^^•.  Tn-j  ceinleman  insisted  that 
Cieiieral  .Taekrtou  niejint  ports  of  entry  in  which  the 
proud  ships  that  broiuht  tliecuri^o  acro.'is  the  ocean 
i;n::ht ,  iiirr,  and  not  iliosc  established  where  an  In- 
dian cauoe  would  s.-arcely  fio:it.  Sir,  was  not  Gen- 
eral Jackson  aware,  at  the  iinie  iliat  he  [>rescribtd 
the  rule,  that  pons  of  entry  had  liecii  esiaolished  tar 
ill  ilic  interior,  when'  the  shipping'  eiii,'aired  in  our 
f  iri  urn  commerce  ne\ereiiiered,niid  could  not  lloat- 
Did  he  not  know  that  Pillsburtr,  two  thousand 
iinles  disiaiu  tVoiu  tin;  seaboard,  was  a  port  of  en- 
try- What  does  he  u  II  ii:i  in  the  part  of  the  Mrs- 
•■■■■•e  Jii-il  read  .•  "  As  a  natural  ciniseijuence  of  the 
'  i  icrease  and  extension  of  our  foreiL'ii  eomiifice, 

•  ports  of  entry  and  delivery  have  lieen  multiplied 
'  and  CHlaltlislied,  lea  onlv  on  the  seaboard,  but  in 
'the  inlrrior  t\f  tin  naintr^."  lie  knew,  then, 
that  ports  ol*  entry  li.ei  lit'eu  established  in  the  in- 
leri'T,  and  yt  makes  n<i  discriminatioii  in  the  ap- 
pli.aiicui  of  the  rule  lietwienany  of  theni,  whether 
iViuiid  in  the  interior  or  on  the  si.ilioanl.  It',  sir, 
lieneral  .lackson  liad  iiii?iided  what  the  honora- 
ble iren-ieinan  from  .Vlaoania  supposes,  why  did 
he  not  make  the  inii-  exelusivelv  apfilicuble  to 
ports  of  enirv  on  the  staboard  r  Why, at  the  very 
inonieiit  that  his  nlieiitioii  was  einrrossed  by  the 
whole  subject,  and  when  he  was  fashioniiii  a  rule 
to  eovcrn  his  fniiiie  conduci.  and  especially  when 
lie  meiitiota  il  the  innltiplifation  of  lhi;se  pm'ts, 
did  lie  not  desiirnate  to  whi'li  the  rule  should  ap- 
j'ly,  if  not  iiiiended  t'j  be  •.'■eneralr  No  reason  can 
tr'assi  iiicd.  It  is  therefore  manilV  si  that  Uenei-.d 
.lackson  did  not  desii^n  to  limit  the  rule  to  those 
ports  of  entry  only  in  which  careoi^s  were  dis- 
chai'^red  from  the  iT'illant  vessels  that  lloated  them 
o\ert  lie  I'll  low  soft  he  ■Vtlantic.  And,sir,  wliileljen- 
eral  Jackson  aflinns  that  thest;  expenditures  have 
sometimes  laeii  exiraviu: ml,  so  tar  iVoni  inter}io- 
fciii;;  any  constitutional  check  to  tin.'  exercise  of  the 
power  by  ('oiiirri^ss  lo  make  such  appropriations, 
he  expressly  tells  us  thai  he  iVIl  it  nis  duty  to  "as- 
1.1  III  to  the  bills  I'oniainiiit'  them,"  and  to  "  follow 
m  this  re>in'<  I  1)1  the  footsteps  of  all  Ins  ju'edeces- 
Mcirs."  This  power,  then,  was  saic-iioned  by 
every  Chief  Mairistrale  of  the  country  who  pre- 
,  I  di'd  him,  as  well  as  by  the  profound  and  dis- 
tiio/oished  staiesinan  (Air.  \*aii  llureii)  who  suc- 
I  f  i-ded  him;  and  y»  I,  honorable  jrentlemeii  as- 
sume lo  denounce  it  as  a  ili  partiire  Ironi  the  old 
laii'lmnrks  of  the  Itepublieaii  partyl 

Mr.  t-'hairmaii,  the  whole  ac  a  of  power  ("overed 
bv  ibis  bill,  so  far  as  1  shall  support  it,  was  marked 
out  by  Jelferson  and  Miidisoii,aii(l  their  illuslrious 
I  oinpi  ers,  who  laid  ihe  (hep  and  endiirinu'  fcuiida 


the  lisjht  rellected  on  our  path  by  such  crent  names, 
the  ijcntlemaii  from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  Uiiktt|  - 
will  not  I'olhiw  "to  its  last  home"  the  "hearse"  of  | 
any  srtM  principle,  of  that  parly.     Nor  do  i,  Mr.  ' 
Chairman,  share!  any  of  the  apprehensions  express- 
eel  by  the  ijenlleman,  thai  this  system  will  operate  \' 
nn  "overthrow*  of  tin;  Constiiutioii."  No,  sir;  that  ! 
honorable  jjetitjemau,  with   till  his   gloomy  fore- 
boiliiiijs,  will  never  bend  as  "mourner"  over  n  sep- 
ulchre for  the  Constitiitioii  in.ide  by  this  syaleiii. 
l''ar  ollierwise,  sir.     That  elierished  record  of  the 
wisdom  of  the  .sa:;e.s  who  formed  it  was  iiitendeil  ] 
for  the  attainment  of  the  ijreat  practical  ends  of  a 
iVee  representative  Govcrimient;  and,  as  siteli,  siir- 
vivinir  the  last  aniuinciation  ol' the  doctrines  of  the 
tri'iitlennui   from  South   Carolina,    [Mr.   Rhktt,] 
which  renders  it  useless  for  the  liit;licst  national 
purposes,  will  remain  the  firm, cndurin;;,  and  brij,'ht 
arch  of  the  rnioii,  mirroriiii;,  from  tjeneration  to 
ireii'-ration,  not  only  iiuiepemlence,  and  honor,  and 
renown,  but  a  more  intense  and  iTlovviiii;  devotion 
to  it  in  every  part  of  the  Republic,  for  the  pros- 
perity ill  peace,  and  power  in  war,  coiiferreil  by 
tile  svsteni  ot' which  this  bill  is  part.  i 

Why,  .Mr.  <_'liairnian,  so  dillereiit  are  mv  views  - 
of  this  measure,  that,  il'  I  had  any  stron;:  desire  to 
live  in  the  hisiory  ot'  my  country,  and  the  i^rateftil 
recollections  of  those  who  ere  to  succeed  w^,  and 
w.is  now  callctl  upon  to  select  from  amoni^  the  va- 
rious subjects  before  Coni^ress,  oiii'  upon  which  1 
wiaild  pn  I'er  to  ri  si  a  claim  lo  that  di.^tinciioii,  next 
to  OiiK.r.ox,  every  square  acre  of  it,  no  mailer  in 
what  latiluile  il  may  be  f.iiind — next  after  planiiii>.' 
lual  iinfiirliii;;  our  starry  banner  all  over  llreioii,  I 
would  point  to  the  siilijecl  of  this  bill,  based  In 
princijtle,  as  I  believe  it  is,  on  the  clearest  nirtiiifcs- 
talions  of  power  to  be  found  in  tin;  Constitution, 
and  in  its  results  sheddin::  aliroail  over  the  whole 
surface  of  the  t'liion,  npon  land,  and  hike,  and  in- 
land sea,  the  ehceriiiLj  iiilluetices  of  n general,  pro- 
gressive, and  permanent  prosperity.  I 

I  therefore,  submit,  sir,  that,  so  far  as  the  aiilhor- 
tiv  of  precedents,  both  Lej^islative  and  Executive, 
may  weisli,thev  all,  willi  asin.'lo  exception,  allirm 
the  power  lo  iiiake  ilii'si'  ap|iropriations,  esjiecially 
in  harbors  like  that  ol'  I  lavre  de  Gr.'ice,  from  which 
niariiiineeommeice  amoin;  the  several  .Si;ites  is  car- 
ried on;  over  wlii'li  your  admiralty  jurisdiction 
extends;  wh.ere  the  Government  ;:raiilslicense,  col- 
lects revenue,  and  has  erected  and  keeps  tipulii^ht 
house  to  fa«'iiiiale  approach  lotlie  harbor. 

.Mr.  ('hairman,  before  etiterma;  into  the  ariit- 
iiieiit  as  to  the  consliliili  iiial  power  of  lloimiess 
over  ibis  snbjiM't,  1  must  bcjj  leave  to  premise  that 
1  do  not  intind  tii  rely  upon  any  of  thosi'  sriants 
ill  the  Consiitutiou  cited  by  the  lionorable  ^'I'liile- 
men  who  have  prei'edul  me,  which  coiifer  power 
"  to  dfrhnr  ic«, ;"  "  in  rai.sr  utn/.sn/iyie)"/  (n-anis;"  "  lo 
rxtn-he  exrtusirf  (iutli(o-itti  ovir  utl  ftlorts  jinrcfuH'id 
Itij  lilt'  foiiftut  of  tile  I,ii;isliiturt'  of  Ihf  Sttitt  in  u-ltioh 
till  stunt'  siittll  tit,  for  tlif  irirtion  tf  fort".,  niiifniziiiis, 
ttrseiuih,  thirl:  iiarih.  anil  oltur  )ifc(//'u/ /nii/i/iii^.s,"  or 
lo  "  proriilr  for  tin  coiiimini  dfl'encr  mid };,  nrriit  icel- 
ftirr.  '  I  do  not  leiritnl  ija.  power,  as  ex|n'essed  in 
any  of  these  chiuses.  or  resultim;  I'roni  any  power 
which  they  dele:_'aie  by  neet  ssary  ini)ilicalion;  un- 
less, indeed,  v\('  adopt  the  loose  and  liceiitiotis  hiii-  i 
tilde  of  exposition  for  the  last  of  tlntu  wiiii  h  has  so 
ofieii  mill  so  justly  bi'en  rebuked,  .'^ir,  1  shall  claim 
the  power  to  make  these  appropriations  under  no 
i:ene:Ml,  roaminir.  va'.rraiit  iiraiit  of  tin-  Constitniioii. 
Nor  shall  1  adopt  either  ot'  the  eoncessions  of  my 
ffie))ils  t'roni  Alalcima,  (Mr.  I*vvxt:  and  .\lr.  ^'ax- 
tF.v,j  b.ilh  of  whom  admit  the  power  as  to  those 
harbors  entered  by  the  public  vessels;  thf\foriiifr,  as 
incident  to  tlie  aiiihoriiy  to  jirotect  the  public  pro- 
jierty,  and  the  Intlir,  under  the  clause  to  "pr.ivide 
and  iiiaiiilaiii  a  navy."  And  I  shall  not  cl.iim  it,sir, 
IIS  JiifiW*  ii/u/ to  any  express  power,  ai.il  thus  can 
have  no  objcetion  to  the  ireiitlenian's  [.\lr.  \'ax- 
(  r.v's]  dislike  to  the  word  "  iin  ii/c ii/ii/;"  Imt  1  mean 
lo  relv  entirely  on  a  clause  of  the  ('onslitution  upon 
till!  face  o['  u  hieli  this  powi  r  is  written  in  the  most 
liL'ibh'  characters — that  clause  which  i:ives  what 
may  Jippropriately  be  termed  the  (  oviMniiitAt. 
iMiwF.it.  It  is  the //n'l-i/  r/oK.si ,  lii'titli  ftrlioii,  first 
(O'fir/f  of  the  t'onstitution,  wlin  h  savs,  c,niiri-,.HH 
shall  have  power,  "to  iiia.ri.Ari'.  (  oMviKiitK  vvnii 
niiir.Ki.N  .Nviioxs,  Axn  amoxc.  tiik  h;veiial 
•Srvri-s,  and  v\'iili  the  Indian  tribes." 

Hen  ,  then,  1  answer  the  inipnry  of  my  honor- 


tioiisul  ibelli  pubhcttii  parly; and  while  wi  walk  in      iiblo  friend  from  Georgia,  [Mr.  Cohb,]  is  the  "  be-  A(;aii 


sinning  and  termitmlion"  of  the  power;  and  I  say 
to  liini,asvvell  as  to  the  honorable  f;eiilleniati  from 
Tennessee,  [.Mr.  JoNKs, I  that  llii.s  is  the  "  stand- 
aril,"  and  not  the  iiidlviilital  opinions  of  members 
who  may  erect  (Uliers  inilependenl  of  the  Coiisti- 
tulion.  Il  is  a  fixed  and  permaneni  "  standard," 
distinctly  and  clearly  enuiiciuted  by  the  Constitu- 
tion iLself. 

liiil,  .Mr  Chairmnn,  the  lionorablc  gentleman 
from  Alabama  [.Mr.  Yaxcet)  referred  us  nn  yes- 
terday lo  the  forly-seeotnl  article  of  the  I'eileral- 
isl,  written  by  .Mr.  Madison.  He  read  the  first 
para'.;raph  of  that  urtidc,  in  which  Air.  Miidison 
says: 

"  The  .wre'id  class  of  powers  lodged  in  the  Geii- 

*  eral  (ioverimienl  consists  of  those  which  rcijnlaie 
'  the  iiiteicntirse  with  foreiirn  nations— to  wit,  to 

*  make  treaties;  to  send  and  receive  Atnbassailors, 
'  other  public  iniiiisters,  and  consuls;  to  define  and 
'  punish  pii'iieii's  and  t'elonies  committed  on  the 
'  liii:h  seas,  and  otl'eiices  injiiinst  the  laws  of  na- 
'  lions;  to  rf;^iiltttc  ceiinncrcf,"  A'c. 

Mr.  (^uxsTABLK  was  tlieti  proceediii::  to  show 
that  each  of  thesis  povveis  was  ijiveii  under  sepa- 
rate clauses  of  the  t'onstitiiiion;  that  some  of  lliem 
vverc,;ii(h'c)'(i/,  oiliers  «fcii/iiY;  and  thai  they  were 
not  classed  by  Mr.  Madison  with  any  view  to  an 
exposition  of  the  le:;islative  power  lo  refjiilate 
commerce:  and  was  readiiis;  that  part  of  the  same 
article  in  which  the  author  dischilmed  the  inten- 
tion to  treat  of  or  define  the  terms  cunveyinjj  the 
power  to  rciiulale  comnnnce;  when 

.Mr.  Yancky  arose,  and  snpposinff  Iiis  nrj:ii- 
meiit  misiindei'siooil,  asked  how  the  Kentleniaii 
[Mr.  Oixstaiii.k]  derived  the  power  to  improve 
the  harbor  of  Havre  de  Grace,  under  the  power  to 
.•e!;iilate  foreign  cominerce.- 

iMr.  CoxsTAni.F,.  1  have  probably  niisappre- 
lieiulid  the  course  of  this  part  of  the  aiirumeni  of 
theireiuleman,  [Mr.  Vani  f.y,]  as  1  was  absent  iVom 
the.  1  louse  for  a  short  time,  and  did  not  hear  the 
whole  of  what  he  said  on  this  point.  The  (piea- 
tioii  that  he  now  puts  shall  be  answered  in  u  sub- 
seipieiit  )iart  of  my  remarks. 

He  then  commeiiied  upon  other  portions  of  the 
article  in  the  Federalist, read  by  the  i;eiitlemaii  from 
Alabama,  (,\Ir.  Vaxtev,]  in  relation  lo  the  lliird 
class  of  powers,  which  includes  that  to  re4,'ulute 
commerce  '■  .nnoiij;  the  several  States." 

Mr.  Channian,  it  is  true  that  Mr.  Madison,  in 
this  article,  stales  it  lo  have  been  "  a  very  material 
object  of  this  power  to  relieve  the  .Slates  which 
import  and  export  thidiiirb  other  Stales,  from  the 
inipropir  coniribiitioiis  levied  on  them  by  the  lat- 
ter;" but  he  nowhere  atlirms,  either  in  this  articlo 
or  any  other  written  by  him,  that  this  was  the 
only  ilbject.  If  it  had  been,  why  not  employ  a|i- 
pi'o'priate  terms  to  convey  that  nieaniiur .-  The 
irreat  precision  anil  perspiiiiity  which  characterize 
all  his  writiims  would  not  have  been  waiitinu'-  lit 
this  seiileiii-e,  if  be  had  intended  lo  desit.'imte  the 
onlv  object  of  the  power  lo  rejiulale  commerce 
anioiii;  the  several  Stales.  And,  sir,  his  language 
Is  not  Buscepiible  of  such  an  inU'rpretaliou.  The 
phnisi-,  "a  very  material  object,"  impliis  that 
there  wire  other  objects;  it  is  synonymous  with 
tile  exjiicssion,  "  out!  of  the  miiterial  objects." 

That  the  object  stated  by  Mr.  .Madison  was  one 
of  L'teat  importance  is  not  denied;  but  I  insist  that 
there  were  others,  scarcely  secondary  to  il,  niiit 
which  were  as  distinctly  indicated  by  the  wants, 
necessities,  and  action  of  the  separate  Slates,  bet'ore 
the  adoption  of  the  presi  in  Constiintion.  liiit  of 
these  1  shall  speak  presently. 

L.ei  us,  then,  Mr.  Cliairniaii,  liirn  lo  the  words 
of  the  frrant,anil  endeavor  lo  ascertain  what  [lower 
they  convey.  Tiny  are  "  (o  rii;iiliitr  rniniai  ■n  ici(/i 
foreifsii  notions  and  uiiwiitf  the  st  I'eral  h'/oltd,  imd  «'i(/i 
till  Intlitin  Iritii:." 

What,  then,  sir,  is  tlie  inie  mennini;  of  the  lerni 
"  lo  rijfiiliitt,"  as  lomid  in  this  clause  of  the  Coii- 
stiuuion-  'i'hal,  bniidly  and  strictly,  il  siirnilies 
to  prescribe  rules  in  rtstrtiint,  may  be  adniilted, 
not,  however,  in  ibis  connexion.  That  such  is 
not  the  universal  or  even  :^eneial  import  of  \\n'. 
phrase,  imisl  be  appari^nt  from  the  fact  that  every 
leitulatiou  is  ml  nei  essarily  in  I'c.'Iniiiil.  Volt 
may  nutilalf  the  disordi  red  condition  of  the  coun- 
try, its  army,  navy,  or  its  finances,  not  only  by 
rc.s/riiiiiiD.ir  some  tliniL's.  but  by  doia^  olhei's.  Why 
mil,  therefore,  its  commei'ce.' 

1,  sir,  the  extent  of  u  power,  cillier  geneiul 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


397 


)29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr,  Constable. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


Vlmlison,  in 
y  iimtiTinl 
UK'S  wliirli 
fioni  tlie 
y  tlifi  lal- 
is  iu-iii:iis 
w;\s  till! 
iinldV  iip- 
■  'Tlie 
arai'teri/ij 
anlinir  in 
i:;iiiite  tlic 
ninmeriv 
liini;iiiii;o 
Ml.  'I'lie 
[iliiH  that 
l.s  willi 

.,,V,S." 

Ill  was  line 
insist  tiial 
lo  It,  anil 
ilii'  wants, 
iirs,  liil'iirr 
Kill  lit' 

till:  wnriis 

'lull   |inwn' 

nHi"('(  iritli 
',s,  and  tvitU 

iftlip  term 
III.'  •'.Ill- 
It    sil^Mllils 

adniilti'il, 
at  siii'li  IS 

lit  111'  till- 
that  cvrrv 
!ll(.  Voii 
■  till'  I'oiin- 
it  nnly  hy 
L'l's.   VV'liy 

cr  pciiei'ul 


I 


or  spcc'.lnl,  cniinot  nlwnys  be  nRrerlnliietl  from  the  | 
words  cinplcyed  to  ronvpy  it;  llic  intcnlion  of  the  i, 
jinnies,  niul  the  nature  of  the  sithject  upon  whirli    ' 
It  is  to  net,  often  nlVord  higher  n'lid  more  eurtuin 
cvidenec  of  its  Ie2;itin»ate  scope  jind  ('h»raeter,Home-  > 
times  restrainini;  general  terms,  at  others  ciilargins   ' 
parlii'nlar  ones;  mid  without  the  aid  of  such  a  rule 
of  ('onstruetioii,  it  would  hn  utterly  ini]iossihle,  in   ! 
many  cases,  to  execute  powers  in  sneh  a  manner 
IIS  to  accomplish  (ho  most  ohvintts  and  ptdpable 
purposes  of  those  who  confer  them. 

'I  hen,  sir,  apply  this  rule  in  the  present  case,  and 
what  douht  can  exist  that  llie  words  conferring  up- 
on (,'oniri'ess  the  commercial  [lower  enable  us  to 
make  these  appropriations?  This  power  is  con- 
veyed in  the  !,'eneral  phrase  "to  regulate,"  and  as 
an  aiithoriiy  "lo  re'^iilate,"  must  necessarily  he  co- 
extensive with,  and  pervade  the  whole  subjecl-mal- 
tcr  to  be  reiralated.  What,  sir,  is  that?  The  mar- 
itime conimerrc  of  the  country,  prosecuted  among 
the  several  States  and  with  foicien  nations.  It  is 
the  entire  power  of  regulation,  as  connected  with 
this  whole  commerce,  whether  relating  lo  imposts, 
tonnage,  enrolment,  marking  its  channel  and  light- 
ing its  track  over  the  waves,  or  removing  the  dan- 
gers beneath  them,  ol'ien  more  alarming  than  the 
.sur::ing  billow  and  the  howling  storm.  1  therefore 
insist,  sir,  that  the  jiower  of  regulation,  I'rom  its 
jtiisolnte  and  entire  cliaracter,  as  well  as  its  en- 
Ini'^Tcd  llie.itre  of  action,  must  have  been  desjirned 
to  ciiiifer  unon  f'oiiirress  the  authority  to  do  what- 
ever they  snoiild  believe  iiulisjieiisable  or  reasona- 
bly necessary  for  the  exigencies  of  this  commerce. 
Mr.  ('hairmaii,  if  I  am  not  riijlit  in  this  view, 
and  the  power  is  not  vested  in  the  General  Gov- 
eniiiient,  then  I  subiuit  that  there  is  no  aiithnrily 
ill  either  the  Slates  or  General  Government  to 
make  any  improvement  all'ording  additional  secii- 
riiy  or  facility  lo  oar  maritime  commerce  willi  for- 
ei;;n  nations  or  among  the  .several  Slates.  That 
tile  Stales  are  inliiliited  the  exercise  of  all  power 
over  or  in  relation  to  the  commerce  of  the  country 
\iiih  t'oreiL'ii  nations  or  among  themselves,  seems 
to  me  clear  upon  the  face  of  the  clause  of  the  Con- 
siitnlion  to  which  1  have  referred.  They  cannot 
prescrilie  the  terms  or  conditions  upon  which  the 
vessels  of  nnv  other  country  or  of  any  Stale  in  the 
I'liion  shall  enter  their  navicalili!  rivers  or  harbors. 
Tiicycan  neither  j-rant  license,  require  rcLnstralion, 
nor  demand  a  manifest  of  the  cargo — nothing  what- 
siiever  bejoiid  inspection  and  iinaraiitine,  with  a 
view  to  the  execution  of  their  mtiiiicipal  and  health 
laws — a  power  cyjiressly  rrservi  d  to  them  liy  the 
t'nnstiliition.  ^V  hat,  ihen,  I  ask,  sir,  can  the 
Stales  do  in  reirard  to  maritime  coiunierce  with 
forein-n  nations  or  among  iliemselves?  Let  us  test 
tin  ir  power  by  statin:.!:  a  case.  Suppose,  sir,  the 
Stale  of  .Marvlund  should  nndertalvc  lo  ordera  ves- 
sel arrivitiii'  from  Havana  or  iVew  Orle;uis  at  the 
|iia't  'f  lialtimoii',  oiii  of  (he  harbor;  rel\isi!  lo  al- 
low her  lo  disciiari;e  cargo,  or  e\pn  land  fiassen- 
girs;  and  this  not  with  a  view  lo  inspection  or 
(Hiiirantiiii',  but  in  the  exercise  of  a  claim  of  ab.'-'o- 
luti' siiven-iirniy  over  that  imrlior,  beiiuj:  within  her 
territorial  limits:  who,  sir,  will  say  that  the.re- 
ipiisiiiiin  could  be  ciiiistitulionally  eiifon'ed  r  Who 
will  allinn  that  aiiysiii'h  |iower  exists  in  the  Stale 
of  ,^'aryland,  or  any  other  Slate  in  the  Union? 

A'.v:iin.  sir:  Have  the  States  any  power  to  erect 
light-houses,  or  interfere  with  llicir  navisrable  har- 
bors, as  ri  'Tuhiiions  of  I'oinmcice  with  foreiitn  na- 
tions, or  annuiu'  iliemselves?  I  ilo  not  mi  an  as 
comiecied  with  theirexcliisivcly  internal  commerce, 
for  with  iliiii  the  (icneral  liovcrnmeiit  has  nntliin^ 
lo  do,  The  power  over  that  conimerce  Inis  been 
reiMiiied  by  the  Si  tes  respeciivily,  and  c:'.n  mi- 
iloiililcilly  be  exirciscd  more  co'nvenieiiily  and 
I'dielicially  by  them.  I  speak,  sir,  of  nuiritime 
exlcrn:il  eonimen  e  with  l'oi'ei;;n  nations,  and  com- 
iiicrce  iinii.n'j:  the  r.everal  Siiiies. 

I  will  iHiistiaii'  by  an  i  xample.  Suppose  the 
Si'ile  of  Virginia  should,  confessedly  as  conncited 
with  fori  iu'ii  coinmerce.  erect  li":lil-housi's  on  the 
capes  of  the  Chesiipeake  within  her  ackiiowled;;ed 
lerritnry,  which,  so  far  from  iliminishmu;,  increased 
lo  the  hist  di'i^iTc  the  perils  ol'thal  iia\i",'iition:  will 
any  line  di'iilit  (hat,  npon  a  reprcsi  ntaiion  to  this 
Uovernmenl,  it  would  have  a  ri'.'hl  (o  oriler  their 
removal,  and,  if  necessary,  enforce  it.-  Sir,  take 
anniher  case.  Suppose  tiie  .Slate  of  South  (  aro- 
liiia,wiih  a  Mcw  lo  the  improvement  of  the  ha.bor 
of  Charli'ston,  and  the  belier  acrommodalion  of  its 


foreign  commerce;  or  the  State  of  Alnbanin,  in  or- 
der to  iinprove  the  liarborof  Mobile,  should  actiinlly 
create  bars  nt  the  entrance  of  those  harliors  whicn  j 
incommoded  or  obstructed  the  navigation:  could 
not  this  Government  cause  llieir  removal,  arrest 
the  progress  of  llie  work  by  those  Stales,  and  re- 
store the  navigation  as  it  previously  existed  ?     I 
assume,  of  cour.se,  in  all  these  ca.ses,  that  the  Stales 
act  bona  fide,  with  the  best  intentions,  and  reidly 
design   lo  benefit  foreign  coimucrce;  bnl,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  General  Government,  their  works 
are  injurious.      In  a  cor.llict,  then,  who  can  doubt 
that  tlie  General  tJovernment  would  prevail?  And 
why?     Because,  sir,  the  qnesiion  does  not  depend 
upon  the  ncluolly  beneficial  or  injurious  character 
of  the  work.     1  hat  fact  may  be  found  either  way 
as  an  iiumaleriiil  issue.     It  is  mere  matter  of  opin- 
ion, bnl  it  depends  upon  a  .solution  of  the  problem  ■ 
as  lo  where  llie  power  over  the  matter  rests.    The 
Government  which  possesses  the  power  to  iiromote, 
or  even  to  preserve,  maritime  commerce  carried  on 
between  those  harbors  and  foreign  nations,  orwitb 
other  Slates,  has,  of  necessity,  and  as  involved  in 
it,  the  right  to  prevent  all  obstructions  of  every 
kind  lo  its  prosecution  ami  enjoyment:  and  that, 
sir,  is  the  General  Government.     If  this  is  not  the 
case,  how  can  this  Government  excciiie  and  en- 
force  the  requisition   of  the   Constitution  that   it 
shall  reuitilate   this  commerce?      Kow  preserve  it 
from   tiller  annihilation?      I''or,    if   the  Slates  of 
South  Carolina  and  Ahibiima  possess  such  a  power 
over  their  harbors,  every  other  State  in  the  Union 
has  precisely  the  same  jiower  as  to  the  harbors 
vi'ilhin  its  limits,  and  if  exercised  in  the  same  man- 
ner, might  .sweep  ourwhnle  maritime  commerce 
from  the  ocean.     .Sir,   it  is  no  answer  lo  the  dan- 
gerous eonset|iiences  of  the  doctrine  of  our  lionor- 
ttble  friends  on    the  other  side  of  ihis  measure,  lo 
say  that  the  Stales  would  never  exert  such  a  power; 
that  may  be  irranled;  1  trust  they  never  would:  but 
the  cpiestion,  Mr.  Chairman,  which  I  submit,  is  as 
to  the  existence  of  such  a  power  in  the  .Stales,  and 
that  is  not  ilependent  noon  the  extent  lo  which  it 
may  he  exerteil.     If  it  exist  at  all,  the  degree  to 
which  it  may  be  exercised  is  |nirely  discretionary. 
There  cannot,  then,  be   tiny  such  reservation  of 
power  by  the  .Slates.     And,  sir,  I  have  not  select- 
ed those  harbors  because  il.cy  tire  entered  by  our 
pulilic  vessels,   in   reicard   lo  which  my  honorable 
friend  from   Alabama,   [Mr.  I'.vvxi;,]  takes  a  dis- 
tinction,  and   admits   the  power;  but  I  a|iply  the 
same    rule    to   any  other  harbor  in    llie  interior, 
where  commerce  with  foriiirn  nations  and  anioiiir 
the  several  Slates  is  carried  mi,  Inn  whcie  the  pub- 
lic ships  never  go;  nay,  where  there  is  no  I'oi'eign 
commerce,   but  only  maritime  commerce  among 
the  Stales. 

Mr.  (^hairman.  as  to  the  question  of  the  juris- 
diction of  this  tioveriinient  over  the  Mississippi, 
the  Ohio,  and  other  irreat  rivers  of  the  West,  I  as- 
sume it  to  be  where  tiie  tirirunieiu  of  Mie  luninrtible 
treiillenian  from  Soulli  Carolina  |.\Ir.  Hiiltt] 
placeil  it — upon  common  S'round  with  whatevei  ju- 
risdiction exists  o\er  the  other  tiaviiralile  rivers  and 
harbors  of  the  country.  And,  sir,  I  desire  no  liel- 
ler  ('"oting  I'or  it.  1  care  not  whelliera  river  tl.tws 
throii;rli  ten  States,  five  Stales,  or,  like  our  harbors, 
is  enlirely  within  the  territory  of  a  sinude  .Stale; 
I  insist  lhat,for  the  purpose  of  regulating  maritime 
commrr.e  willi  foreiu'ii  nations,  and  among  the 
several  Stales,  the  Ibncral  ( iovoriimeiit  has  jiiris- 
dicti.iii.  .Sir,  this  tJovernnieiit  holds  that  power 
as  a  srreal  public  and  national  mst'iiieiil — the  riirht 
of  free  and  uninterrupted  navigation  for  the  com- 
merce confided  to  its  c:u'e  and  control  by  the  Con- 
slilntion.  For  ihe  same  purposes,  in  rehition  to  the 
exflnsively  internal  commerce  of  a  State,  that  ease- 
ment is  in  the  States.  Il  is  an  essential  inu:i'edient 
ot'  the  power  given  lo  regnlate  commerce;  for  as 
cnnimerce  with  foreiL;ii  nations  ami  among  the 
Slates  can  only  be  successfully  prosecuted  upon  a 
free  and  unobstructed  navigation,  the  power  lo 
preserve  such  freedom  of  llie  navigation  is  inilis- 
pensable  to  the  prescrvalinn  of  that  commerce. 
T'liis  special  jurisdiction,  therefore,  must  exist  in 
the  General  (Jovernmeul.  It  is  trite,  sir,  that  a 
Stiite  may  refuse  to  sell  or  cede  a  site  for  a  liirlit- 
hoiise;  bnl  what  power  can  prevent  the  General 
Government  from  erectin:;  one  on  piers  in  llie  river 
or  harbor?  The  fad  of  the  loc:uion  of  the  light- 
hon.se  being  within  the  limits  of  a  Stale,  can  make 
no  dilVcience;  for  having  delegnled  the  power  to 


Congress  to  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  iin- 
tions  and  among  the  several  States,  the  right  must 
exist  to  assume  jurisdiction,  and  exert  that  power 
wherever  any  proper  object  of  it  may  invite.  Sir, 
were  it  olherwise,  and  this  Ciovernment  could  not 
enter  the  navigable  harbors  of  a  .State  without  stop- 
ping nt  its  external  boundary,  knocking  nt  the 
door  of  Stale  sovereignty,  niiil  obtaining  permis- 
sion to  enter,  it  would  be  utterly  and  palpably  in- 
adequate to  execute  the  great  trust  in  regard  to 
commerce  with  which  it  is  specifically  chnrgcd  by 
the  Constitution. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  Stales  being,  then,  ns  I  con- 
tend and  hope  I  have  shown,  divested  of  nil  power 
over  the  subject,  if  it  Iins  not  been  conferred  on  the 
Gcnernl  Government,  it  hns  no  existence  anywhere. 
But,  sir,  the  Stales  could  only  be  deprived  of  this 
power  by  investing  the  General  Government  with 
It.  They  possessed  this  nttribule  of  sovereijniy 
prior  to  the  formation  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
and  upon  its  adoption  reserved  all  powers  not  del- 
egated. It  therefore  neces.sarily  t'oUows,  as  the 
Stntes  have  not  retained  ll  ■.  power  of  adopting 
regulalions  required  fiir  l'  security  and  facility 
of  maritime  commerce  carried  on  amon;r  them,  or 
with  foreiirn  nations,  that  it  imist  be  lodired  in  the 
General  CTOveriiment.  No  one  can  suppose  that 
so  important  a  power  has  been  left  in  abeyance. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  now  proimse  to  exainin.'  llie 
ingenious  argument  of  the  lionorable  i^enlleman 
from  Alabama,  [Mr.  I'.vvxi:,]  which,  1  have  no 
hesitation  in  sayinir,  condenses,  in  themo^t  jilaus- 
ible  manner,  ilic  whole  ffronnd  of  constilniional 
objection  against  the  power  to  make  the  apttropri.i- 
tioiis  contemplated  by  this  bill.  We  find  it  mask- 
ed under  abslrnct  propositions  that  cliallcu're  mir 
assent,  and  enforced  by  deductions,  which,  nt  fir.'a 
view,  seem  naliirally  to  result  from  them,  while 
the  conse(|uences  to  which  he  traces  them  are  truly 
alarmiii',',  not  only  enuring  Ihe  interior  of  a  .Stale, 
but  controlling  the  whole  inland  and  domestic  trade 
and  inlercoiirsi'  of  its  citi/ens.  Il  becomes  us, 
then,  sir,  to  look  carefully  m  the  honorable  centlc- 
mnn's  n/ijWirnd'oH  of  the  principles  upon  which  liis 
nriumeiit  rests. 

Mr.  Chairman,  after  asserting  that  the  advocates 
of  this  bill  claimed  the  power  to  pass  it  under  the 
clau.sc  of  the  Coiislitutioii  "  lo  re;;ulate  commerce 
with  forei;;n  iritions,"  the  honiii.'\ble  cenllemaii 
asked  us  what  was  iiicant  by  the  words  "  lo  rctrn- 
latc  commerce  with  foreiirn  nations  ?''  Could  they, 
by  any  Iciriiimate  rule  of  construction,  be  mnde  io 
open  a  river,  di;.'  a  canal,  or  ii;ne  a  road  ?  If  no(, 
ihen  thev  were  not  incident  lo  the  power  to  ''rej^u- 
lue  coinmerce  with  foreign  niuious."  And  why? 
r>ccaiise,  as  the  honorable  ffciilleman  tells  us,  "tie 
power  lo  rcirulatc  commerce  with  forei;.'ii  nations 
is  an  f.r/frn»i  <;iiesiion,  while  to  improve  a  river, 
make  a  road,  or  dig  n  canal,  is  an  iiifd-niif  ques- 
tion.'' He  said  that  he  could  not  perceive  "  how 
the  one  was  incident  to  t'le  f-(/ier— how  a  j'.owcr 
■  confcrreil  for  an  exlernul  object  could  be  diirclfd  lo 
an  inlrntal  one.'' 

Now,  sir,  I  say  to  the  gentlemnn  that  I  do  not 
rely  exclusively  tor  the  constitutional  iiilhority  (o 
pass  so  niitcli  of  the  bill  under  e";,siileralion  ns 
makes  appropriations  for  the  impi'ovinient  of  our 
harbors,  upon  the  words  "toregiilale  commerce 
with  foreijn  nations,"  and  Ihat,  tihlioiiLdi  Ihey 
may  not  empower  Congress  If  "  diir  a  canal,  or 
pave  a  road,"  yet  they  are  sulli''ieiuly  comprehen- 
sive lo  enable  lis  lo  remove  jwrtial  and  temporary 
ohstrnciioiis  at  the  entrance  of  our  harbors,  wheti- 
ever  it  may  be  deemed  necessary  lo  facilitate  com- 
merce with  foreiL'ii  nations,  lint,  sir,  let  us  reiiir 
lo  il.e  reason  L'iven  by  my  honorable  friend  from 
.Mnbama  ajainsi  this  constrnclion:  that  (he  ren-u- 
lation  of  c.imuierce  with  forei'.'ii  nations  isan  cWii'- 
iiii/qnes(ioii — the  n/ijfcMif  the  I'raiil  beinscrd  cm//. 
Mr.  C'liairm;ui,  it  may  be  conceded,  for  die 
purposes  of  the  f;eiilleiuan's  argument,  that  the 
power  "  to  regulate  commerce  with  foi'ei;rn  na- 
liiiiis  ''  w.'is  conferred  npnu  CoiiLrress  for  ihe  ac- 
complishment of  an  f.T(cran/ object,  and  yet  I  deny 
that  the  question  is  purely  an  external  one.  The 
(i/ijrc(  of  (he  general  power  is  one  (Inns',  while  ihe 
mrfni.9  necessary  for  ils  altainmenl  is  quite  anoiher. 
What  is  Ihe  oliject  of  the  !;eneral  ]iower?  Iiiler- 
coiirseand  commerce  with  foieism  nations.  Hut  is 
lliis  commerce  carried  on  only  in  the  seas,  bays, 
rivers,  and  harbors  of  forciL'ti  nations?  And  if  it 
'  were  so,  what  would  Congress  h.ave  lo  do  with  it' 


■•^Jl 


f,»: 


m 


.398 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[March  11, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Constable. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


i 


i  u'-i- 


Can  our  laws  operate  beyoiiil  Ihe  territorial  limits 
of  iheUnioii: — exert  nny  binding  force  in  foreign 
seBB,  l)ny»,  rivers,  or  harbors  ?  No,  sir;  tlie  only 
nuthoriiy  to  make  provision  for  the  regulation  of 
our  c.ominercc  with  thrni  is  coiitiilcd  to  another 
department  of  the  Govcrnnienl,  the  Extcutive,  with 
the  roiK'urrence  of  the  Senate,  and  la  the  ireaiy- 
maknii;  power.  If,  then,  the  aition  of  the  power 
10  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations  is  not 
here,  "  in  our  own  country,"  aii'i  within  the  limits 
of  any  State,  the  entrance  to  Ihe  harbors  of  which 
arediillcult  and  unsafe  from  partial  nnd  temporary 
obstructions,  where,  I  ask,  is  its  appropriate  tlu- 
atie-  Has  it  any  sphere  of  action  wliatevcr? 
While,  therefore,  1  may  very  'veil  admit  that  the 
object  to  be  accomplished,  by  the  general  power 
"  to  regulate  commerce  with  foicgn  imlinnB,"  is 
external,  yet  the  place  of  action  of  the  particular 
jiuwcrs,  where  the  means  adapted  to  its  accom- 
plishment must  be  used,  nnd  by  which  alone  the 
purposes  of  the  power  can  be  gratified,  is  iiWrriiui. 
Sir.  Chairnian,  the  error  in  the  argument  of  my 
honorable  friend — I  say  it  with  the  utmost  defer- 
ence to  his  superior  powers  and  more  enlarged 
experience — arises,  it  seems  to  me,  t'rom  confound- 
ing the  place  vf  action  of  the  power,  where  the 
means  may  be  employcil,  with  the  objtct  to  beac- 
cmiiplished.  lie  denies  thai  power  conferred  for 
an  external  obiecl  can  be  ilhected  to  the  altninmeiit 
of  an  iii/tnini  one;  thus  afcribing  all  means  to 
which  the  Gove  rnmeni  may  have  recourse  for  im- 
pioviug  the  navigation  and  thereby  facilitating 
matitinic  commerce,  tn  objects  which  are  cx/trniii. 

IJui,  sir,  this  is  not  the  ease.  1  would  not  con- 
trovert the  geniieinan's  proposition,  that  power  cou- 
lened  for  external  could  not  be  directed  to  internal 
objects,  and  yet  the  uncslion  is  still  open,  as  to 
whether  a  |.ar"iicular  improvement  of  a  harbor  un- 
deriaUeo  by  the  Uoveriinient  is  for  internal  or  ex- 
Icrnul  purposes.  The  fact  that  the  harbor  was  . 
within  the  Im.its  cf  a  single  Slate  could  not  in  any 
manner  art'ect  ilie  i|ueslion.  If  commerce  with  for- 
ciirn  nations  is  carried  on  in  that  harbor,  or  if  it  be 
desirable,  in  a  national  iioint  of  view,  that  it  should 
be  c:irried  on  there,  anil  the  improvement  is  made 
to  alVord  it  greater  safety  or  lacjlily,  the  object, 
according  to  my  honorable  fiiend's  own  defiiniion, 
would  clearly  be  external.  It  lience  resulis  that 
the  fact  of  tlie  locality  of  the  harbor  in  which  the 
improvenieiit  is  made' canniPl  determine  the  object 
vihellier  internal  or  exiernnl;  and  so  far  as  it  indi- 
cates eiilier.  I  iiisisi,  that  if  the  harbor  is  one  in 
ivhicli  ci'iomerce  with  foreign  nations  is  carried  on, 
we  are  hound  to  infer  that  the  object  of  the  Uov- 
ernmcnt  is  to  promote  that  c.oinmercc. 

.•\nil,  Mr.  C'liairman,  as  my  honorable  friends 
fiiihi  .Mabama  seem  partial  to  the  expositions  of 
the  powers  of  this  Ciovcriinient  contiilned  in  those 
arliclcB  of  the  I-'edernlisl  written  by  .Mr.  Madison, 
I  will  rend  a  few  lines  from  t!ie  44tli  miniber  of  that 
work  which  lucidly  explains  the  error  in  ihe  argu- 
ment of  mv  friend,  [Mr.  1'.(v.\k.]  Mr.  .Madison 
in  that  article  says  :  '•  In  every  new  application  of 
'  a  general  power,  the  iiarlicular  jwu-ers,  w  hi<'li  are 
'  the  means  of  attaiiiiiig  the  e/ijic(  of  the  general 
'  pnv.er,  must  always  necesBurily  vary  wiih  that 
'  objtct,  nnd  be  often  properly  variid  whilst  the 
•  ob'iect  remains  the  same!"  Dere,  then,  is  the  au- 
thoiity  of  my  .rieiids  on  the  other  side  cf  the  ipies- 
tion,  tor  ihe  ilisliiiclion  I  have  urged.  The  regula- 
tion of  foieitrn  conimeice  is  a  general  power  and 
its  object  coulVssedly  external;  the  particular  pow- 
ers, 111  this  instance,  to  remuM-  temporary  obstrnc- 
liuiis  at  the  entraine  of  our  harbors,  olieii  vary, 
alwavs  nici«sarily  wiih  every  new  ai)plicatioii  of 
ihe  power,  while  the  ebjecl  remains  the  tamr.  So 
thai,  if  the  provisions  of  this  bill  contemphited  a 
new  aiiplicauon  of  the  ueneral  )iower  ccniferied  on 
us  by  the  ('(UiSiiiutiou  in  relation  to  this  subject, 
iiiskiid  'ifi\  familiar  and  ordmary  (me,  it  would  not 
I'ollnw  •'.  Iieoliject  of  ihe  general  power  luul  been 
pirvi.r  I    ibcrif'Me    submit,  sir,  that    under 

l|,ose  ■     in   the  ('"iistiiutiiMi  we  have  the  i,u- 

liiority  '        move  pariial  nnd  n  "y  obstruc- 

tions to    '  trance  of  our  harb     .,,  where  mnri- 

lime  conn..'  •■  is  carried  on,  wheui'ver  necessary 
for  its  greater  security  and  more  successful  pros- 
ecution. 

liut,  Mr.  Chairman,  as  the  attention  of  the  com- 
mittee lias  been  directed  by  the  honorable  gentleman 
rrom.\labania,  (Mr.  P.vv'.si;,]  to  the  old  eoNFiiUE- 
KiTioN,  I  bfj  to  make  a  remark  upon  the  subject. 


I  admit,  lir,  that  the  utter  inefficiency  of  the 
CONFEDERATION  WBB  not  SO  deeply  felt,  or  BO  gene- 
rally acknowledged  in  relation  to  nny  one  subject, 
na  that  which  concerned  the  regulation  of  com- 
merce; not  only  the  want  of  a  unllbrm  rate  of  im- 
posts throughout  all  the  States,  but  a  'general  eom- 
tnerriat  system  which  slnuild  allord  all  those  facili- 
ties so  niiicli  needed  for  its  growth  and  exnunsion. 
And  'be  convention,  being  sensible  thai  tliese  im-  : 
portaiu  ends  could  only  be  attained  by  vesting  the 
whole  power  over  the  siibject  in  n  single  depositary, 
where  it  would  be  exerted  for  the  general  benefit, 
drafted  the  3d  clause,  tUth  section,  1st  article  of  the 
present  Constitution.  This  clause  clothed  the  Gen- 
eral Government  with  all  power  of  regulating  inari- 
liine  commerce  with  foreign  nations  and  among  the 
several  Slates,  which  was  then  possessed  bv  the 
Stntes  in  ilieir  sepnrale  sovereign  capacities.  What, 
then,  sir,  w.as  the  nature  of  thni  power?  It  was  su- 
preme, absolute  sovereignty  over  the  subject,  and 
under  which  the  States  lind  nircndy.niid  to  the  ex- 
tent of  their  separate  slender  means,  ntlorded  all  the 
facilities  they  could  to  commerce,  by  the  erection  of 
piers,  buoys,  beacons,  and  light-liou.scs.  The  grant, 
then,  being  of  a  power  nerfect  as  to  the  olijects  it 
embraced — excluding  all  n  .servatioii  of  righton  the 
part  of  the  Stales  to  particiimte  in  its  exercise — 
must,  I  insist,  sir,  have  conlerred  on  the  Generul 
Government  complete,  supreme  power  over  the 
commerce  to  be  regulated',  and  as  acoustituent  part 
of  such  a  power,  the  right  to  niVord  those  facilities 
necessary  for  its  security  and  protection. 

I'or  what  purpo.se.  ilieu,  .\lr.  Chairman,  was 
this  power  conferred  on  the  General  Government, 
let  me  nsk,  as  the  honorable  geutlemnii  from  Ala- 
bama [Mr.  Pay.ve]  has.'  What  was  the  object 
and  design  of  the  States  that  made  the  grant .'  VViis 
It  merely  to  enable  Congress,  ns  that  honorable 
gentleman  supposes,  "to  prescribe  the  rules  by 
which  the  interchange  of  commodities  between  the 
several  States  nnd  (lureign  nntioiis  should  be  reg- 
ulated •"  I  think  not,  sir.  I  believe  that  the  .Slates 
not  only  intended  the  General  Government  to  do 
what  the  iientlemnn  supposes,  but  also  to  exercise 
a  general  siineriiuendenee  over  the  whole  subject, 
as  lliey  dill  befme  surrendering  the  power;  to 
adopt  ineasures  for  the  security  and  promotion 
of  maritime  commerce,  as  well  that  prosecuted 
among  the  several  States,  ns  with  foreign  nations; 
and  with  that  view,  make  appropriations  from  the 
general  treasury  for  the  improvement  or  preser- 
vaili^n  of  harbors  indispensable  or  necessary  to 
relieve  its  urgent  general  wants.  This,  Mr. 
Chairman,  was  nn  object  of  deep  concern  to  the 
Slates  then  actively  enirnged  in  commerce,  and 
when  they  surrendered  the  power  to  this  Goverii- 
lueni,  knowing  that  it  would  soon  be  able  to  coiii- 
niaiid  ample  means,  they  must  have  expected  that 
It  would  employ  .some  of  them  to  advance,  foster, 
nnd  cherish  their  maritime  commerce,  then  in  its 
infancy,  but  nnxiously  nnd  confidently  looked  to 
ns  one  of  the  jprolific  sources  of  the  future  pros- 
periiv,  power,  nnd  greniness  of  the  Uepul)lic. 
.\nd,'  sir,  I  refer  my  honorable  friend  [.Mr.  I'avke] 
to  the  conduct  of 'the  Stales,  while  they  retained 
the  power,  in  nHording  nil  tlw  facililus  to  this 
commerce  which  their  limiud  menus  and  prosirnto 
criilil  would  allow,  nnd  which  speaks  n  laimuaL:e 
lliat  cannor  be  misnnderslood.  Why,  sir,  what 
motive  could  have  exisled  at  the  minieni  of  ihe 
transfer  of  this  power  from  the  Stntes  to  the  fed- 
eral Government,  for  circumscribing  its  ordinary 
nnd  accustomcj  range — especially  in  legaril  to  ob- 
jecls  clearly  indicaled  by  me  Sla'ti  s  as  proper,  ex- 
pidienl,  and  neces.-iary-  There  could  have  been 
none.  I  leiice,  soon  after  the  adoption  of  the  Con- 
siiiuiiftn,  we  (imi  Congress  assertini; nnd  exercising 
Ihispnwerby  lakiim  possession  of  the  piers,  buoys, 
bene,  lis,  and  liiiht-houses,  previously  erected  nnd 
iiwi.cd  by  the  Stntes;  and  from  lime  to  time  sine* 
Iheii  dircctini:  the  coiislniclion  of  oihirs. 

Mr.  Chnirman,  in  reply  lolhat  pari  of  the  argii- 
nieiu  of  the  honorable  cliairmaii  of  the  cominillee 
tlint  repoiied  this  bill,  [.Mr.  .\Ic('i,i:i.i.anu,|  who 
pressed  wiih  so  much  force  the  act  of  Congress  of 
I'b'.),  the  liimornble  u'enlli  innii  from  South  Cnroli- 
na  [.Mr.  UiitTx]  admits  "that  our  li^'ht-hoiise  sys- 
tem does  uli'ord  .,oine  nppnreni  lusiificatioii  to  np- 
pro|iriation8  for  other  purposes  than  harbors." 
liul  he  denies  that  liglit-hou.ses  were  ever  designed 
to  become  a  general  charge  upon  the  treasury;  and 
us  evidence  of  this  he  refers  to  the  "lonnaye  duties 


ami  light  money"  imposed  and  exacted  for  the  pur- 
pose of  supporting  light-houses;  and  cites  part  of 
a  report  made  to  this  House  in  1796,  by  the  Com- 
mittee on  Commerce  and  Manufactures,  upon  a 
iietiiion  for  indemnity  for  the  loss  of  a  ship  oil' the 
harbor  of  A>teiiir!//)or<,  owing  to  the  then  recent 
destruction  of  the  light-house.  Having,  thus,  sir, 
established  that  the  tonnnge  duties  nnd  light-money 
exnciioiis  were  intended  to  reimbiirae  the  treasury 
lor  advances  in  support  of  light-houses,  the  honor- 
able gentleman  asks,  ns  if  the  argument  against  the 
power  of  Congress  was  conclusive,  "does  the  bill 
before  us  lay  any  tonnage  duties  to  reimburse  Ihn 
treasury  for  the  expense  of  making  the  harbors  It 
proposes-"  Now,  by  way  of  testing  the  nri;ument, 
I  would  like  to  ask  the  honoralde  gentleman,  if  this 
bill  did  impose  tonnnge  duties  to  improve  these  har- 
bors, whether  he  would  then  vote  for  it.'  If  so,  it 
appears  to  me  that  he  would,  upon  his  own  hy- 
pothesis, exercise  a  power  unauthorized  by  tlia 
Constitution.  Sir,  how  does  the  imposition  of 
tonnage  duties,  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the 
liirht-liouse  system,  affect  the  question  as  to  tha 
power  of  the  General  Government  to  erect  lich'- 
iiouscs.'  So  fnr  from  the  imposition  of  such  du- 
ties furnishing  eviilence  on  which  to  hang  even 
n  tloubt  as  to  the  power,  it  is  nn  additional  proof 
iliat  Congress  deemed  their  authority  perfect.  It 
is  a  double  exertion  of  the  power.  Why,  sir,  if 
we  have  no  power  to  build  light  houses,  who  will 
contend  that  we  can  impose  any  tax  to  defray  the 
expense  of  keeping  them  up?  Can  Congress  levy 
a  tax  to  support  nny  object  not  under  the  control 
ipf  this  Government  ■  (.'an  you  appropriate  money 
for  nny  purpose,  in  resard  to  which  you  have  no 
constitutional  power  to  legislate?  If  this  were  so, 
you  might  levy  a  tax  to  make  these  harbor  im- 
provements, altliouirh  you  had  no  authority  or  ju- 
risdiciion  over  them,  or  the  maritime  commerce 
carried  on  from  them  with  foreign  nations,  or 
among  the  Stntes.  You  could  levy  an  impost,  by 
toll  or  otherwise,  to  defray  the  expense  of  keeping 
up  nny  cnnni,  turnpike,  or  railroad  in  the  country, 
while  you  could  neither  construct  one  nor  exercise 
any  control  over  it. 

I  therefore  submit,  sir,  that  the  tonnnire  duties 
nnd  light-money  exnctions,  levied  to  reimburse  the 
irensury  for  ndvnnces  to  support  light-houses,  re- 
nl)irms,in  the  opinion  of  tlio  Congress  that  pa.s.sed 
those  nets,  the  existence  of  a  power  in  the  General 
Governnienl  over  the  subject. 

Hut,  Mr.  (Chairman,  it  was  aa  evidence  of  the 
existence  of  a  power  in  the  General  Government  to 
erect  light-houses,  build  piers,  and  grant  similar 
facilities  to  maritime  commerce  with  foreiL'o  na- 
tions nnd  nmimg  the  several  Stntes,  ihnt  my  friend 
from  Michigan  [Mr.  McCi.r.t.i.ANDj  cited  the  ncmf 
i78i),  nnd  not  merely  to  show  that  the  money  ex- 
pended on  those  objects  was  rlrawn  from  the  gene- 
ral funds  of  ths  Government  in  the  treasury.  Hut 
whether  such  was  his  intention  or  not,  I  shall  use 
it  for  thnt  purpose;  tor  I  mnintnin,  sir,  thnI  it  is 
wholly  unimporinnt  for  the  purposes  of  the  argu- 
ment based  on  the  act  of  Compress  of  Hi^il,  how  or 
where  the  funds  were  obtnined  which  were  applied 
to  the  support  of  these  objects;  whether  I'nrnislied 
Ijy  the  Si.'ites,  or  by  the  private  eoniribiitions  fif 
I'iii/.ens  engniicd  in  commerce.  The  lad  of  the  ar- 
cejitunee  by  Conirress  in  the  nci  of  178!!,  of  the  trans- 
fer made  by  the  Slati  s  of  their  liL'ht  houses,  piers, 
I'lioys,  nnd  bencons,  was  itself  an  exercise  of  power 
by  the  General  Gnveriimeiit  over  the  subji  it.  And 
whence,  sir,  was  ihat  power  derived  ?  Where  is  it 
to  be  found  ?  Ill  the  Constitution  only;  it '  an  exist 
nowhere  else.  Kor  although  a  State,  or  any  niiiii- 
ber  of  the  .Slates,  iiiii,'ht  execute  a  grant  of  their 
light-houses,  piers,  buoys,  nnd  beacons,  lo  the 
(.cnernl  Government,  ii  would  be  wholly  inopera- 
tive, uuless  the  General  Government  had  the  au- 
thority iinili'r  the  I'oiisliluiiou  to  urcr^l.  It  will 
no;  be  preleiiiled  llnit  the  !;rnnt  itself  could  confer 
any  power  of  iirri/idiioY;  I'or  no  .State  can  invi  si  tho 
(je'neral  Ciovernmenl  with  any  power,  nor  can  any 
miniber  ol'  the  .Slates,  unless  by  an  niiiendui.'iit  of 
the  (Jonstitulion.  The  power,  then  lore,  iniisl  linve. 
been  conferred  on  Congress  by  the  < 'onsliiutioii; 
or  the  act  of  1781),  accepting  the  cessions  made 
cu'  to  lie  made  by  the  .Stntes  of  their  light-houses, 
piers,  buoys,  nnd  beacons,  wns  unauthori/ed  and 
void.  And  yet,  sir,  who  will  deny  our  title  to 
these  acquisitiuiiH,  or  to  others  subseuuently  con- 
structed, upon  which  this  Oovernmenl  lias  expend- 


wm 


[March  11, 
lo.  OF  Reps. 


1846.]  „  _    ___ 

29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


890 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  H'oodward. 


Ho.  OF.  Reps. 


exacted  for  the  piir- 
•x;  mill  rilea  pnit  of 
I  1796,  by  llic  Com- 
imilninurrH,  nimn  a 
OSS  of  n  ship  oft'lhe 
to  the  thon  iTient 
Unvinn,  thus,  sir, 
lies  mid  lishl-inonny 
inlmrsp  ilic  treasury 
t-hmiscs,  the  hnnor- 
irfjunienl  nS'Tin*"  tin* 
isive,  "ilocs  tlie  hill 
:ies  to  reiniluirsi.'  the 
nking;  the  Imrhors  it 
estinn;  the  nr;;iiiiieiU, 
ileKentlcnmn,  if  this 

0  improve  these  liiir- 
lOte  for  it?  If  so,  it 
,  iipiiii  his  own  hy- 
nmilhorizcil  liy  ln« 
s  'he  inipositiiin  of 
e   expenses   of   the 

1  question  iia  to  the 
nment  to  ereoi  liah'- 
position  of  sucli  iln- 
I'iiich  to  liniic;  even 
on  nildiiiijiml  proof 
uthority  perfect.  It 
ower.  Wliy,  sir,  if 
;htliou«es,  who  will 
ny  tnx  to  ihfrny  the 

Van  Coneiiss  levy 
ot  under  the  control 
1  nppropriaie  money 

which  you  linve  no 
te?  If  this  were  so, 
ke  these  hiirhor  im- 
i  no  iiiitliority  or  ju- 
maritime  conimcive 

foreifjn  nations,  or 
li  levy  an  impost,  by 
e  expense  of  keeping 
Irottd  in  the  country, 
met  one  nor  exercise 

,t  the  tonnnp-e  duties 

^ied  to  reimburse  the 

rt  lisht-housps,  rc- 

oiifrress  that  passed 

wer  in  the  General 

as  evidence  of  the 

neral  Government  to 

and  i;rant  similar 

with  foreii'M  iia- 

tales,  that  my  friend 

and)  cited  the  act  of 

that  the  money  ex- 

rawn  from  the  eene- 

itlie  treasury.     Hut 

n  or  not,  1  shall  use 

main,  sir,  that   it  is 

ises  of  the  ar?u- 

■ess  i)f  178!l,  how  or 

winch  wrreH|iplied 

\\  lu-'ther  I'urnished 

cnntnlmlions  of 

The  fact  of  the  «c- 

if  1789,of  ihe  trans- 

lisrht  houses,  piers, 

m  exercise  of  power 

r  the  suhjcct.     And 

•ivid.'     Where  is  it 

inly;  it  uin  exist 

Stale, or  any  niini- 

H  irrant  of  their 

id   iieacnns,   lo   the 

he  whiilly  iiiopera- 

■nnieiit  had  the  nn- 

tii  acctjil.     It  will 

I  itself  cduld  confer 

.Stale  can  iini  si  the 

power,  iinr  I'aii  any 

V  an  amendm-nt  of 

n-ri  tore,  must  have. 

y  the  ('onstiuition; 

the  cessiinis  made 

tlieir  li:;ht-hiiiises, 

uiiauthorix.iMl  and 

I  deny  our  title  lo 

subseauently  coii- 

iiment  lias  expend- 


ed millions  of  dollars  i'  Who  will  introduce  a  bill 
for  their  retrocession  to  the  several  States,  within 
the  respective  limits  of  which  they  are  situated, 
upon  the  ground  that  the  action  of  Congress  upon 
this  subject,  extendini;  over  a  period  of  liftysix 
years,  has  been  a  continuous  usurpation? 

Mr.  (.'hairnian,  the  grant  in  the  Constitution  "  to 
refjulate  commerce  wiih  foreign  .lations  and  among 
the  several  Slates,"  confers  upon  Congress  pre- 
cisely the  same  power  in  character  and  degree  over 
each  of  those  descriptions  tif  I'nmmerce;  it  is  con- 
veyed in  identically  ihe  same  terms;  for  by  the 
structure  of  the  sentellrt^  the  words  "  to  regulate" 
are  eipially  applicable  to  "  commerce  uniong  the 
several  Sliiies"  as  to  "  commerce  with  foreign  iia- 
lions."  No  ingenuity  can  suggest  any  distinction. 
VVIialevrr,  then,  we  can  constirutionally  do  for  one 
of  these  oljccts,  we  may  for  the  other,  if  deemed 
expedient  and  necessary.  So  that  if  Ihe  Govern-  i 
luenl  can  protect  and  encourage  foreign  commerce  \' 
without  transcending  its  constitutional  power,  it  i! 
may  afl'ord  the  same  measure  of  protection  and  en-  ! 
coiirageincnt  to  commerce  among  the  several  States.  !| 
No  just  or  sound  rule  of  construction  can  enlarge 
our  powers  in  this  respect  I'or  the  advantai;e  of 
foreign  commerce,  and  narrow  or  restrain  litem  as 
to  commerce  among  the  several  States.  And,  Mr. 
Chairman,  it  was  with  this  view  that  I  haveendia- 
vored  to  demonstrate  the  authority  of  Congress  to 
make  appropriations  to  improve  our  harliors  for 
the  safety  and  ficility  of  foreign  coinnierce;  be- 
cause I  thence  deduce  a  like  power  apjilicable  to 
commerce  among  the  several  Slates.  My  honora- 
ble friend  from  Alaliaiiia  |.\lr.  Yanci;v1  will  now 
perceive  the  answer  lo  his  r|iicstion.  1  do  not 
claim ,  sir,  the  iiowcr  to  improve  the  harbor  at  Havre 
de  Grace,  uinler  the  authority  to  reirulate  foreign  ' 
enmnierce,  but  use  the  analogy  found  in  the  excr-  \ 
cise  of  that  power  by  the  improvement  of  harbors 
where  foreign  commerce  lloats,  as  evidence  of  the 
existence  of  a  similar  nower,  under  the  Conslilu- 
tion,  which  is  appliialile  to  the  improvement  of 
harbors  where  maritime  commerce  is  carried  on 
among  the  m  veral  States.  And  this,  sir,  I  trust 
i  have  not  wholly  failed  lo  establish. 

I  propose,  llieii,  .Mr.  Chairman,  to  close  my  re- 
inarKS,  by  briefly  recurring  to  one  other  evidence 
of  Ihe  exercise  of  the  power  lo  facilitate  and  en- 
courage I'm-eign  commerce. 

Sir,  what  is  this  Govermnenl  doing  every  year 
for  the  benefit  and  advancement  of  our  foreign 
commerce?  In  the  depth  of  winter,  when  the 
mountain  waves  are  madly  bursting  on  the  shore, 
your  revenue  vessels  are  ordered  lo  cruise  along 
Ihe  bleak  coast  of  the  Atlantic,  to  all'ord  relief  ami 
protei'tion  lo  tliis  I'oinnieice.  The  Government 
vessels  exposed,  the  time  of  its  oijicers  consumed, 
its  means  expenitcd,  and  this,  not  nien^ly  to  rescue 
the  stranded  mariner  and  seami  ■!,  clinging  to  .some 
dcsohile  and  danirerous  reef,  or  lashed  to  parts  of 
tile  wreck,  drifting  on  llie  wide  deep  sea,  an  object 
well  worthy  tin'  Ireasine.  of  the  nation,  but  to  se- 
cure and  preserve  the  nierchandise  of  the  opulent 
imfMirter  or  corporate  underwriter. 

And  whence.  .\lr.  (.'hairman,  is  the  power  de- 
rived to  send  the  public  ships  and  squadrons  lo 
foreign  stations — into  the  Pacific  to  protect  our 
whale  fishery,  to  cruise  ainomr  the  West  Indies, 
in  the  Mediterranean,  the  liast  Indies — indeed,  ev- 
erywhere upon  tiie  ojicn,  unbounded  sea,  for  the 
pr>tectioii  and  extension  of  our  foreign  commerce 
—cruises  by  our  ships  and  squadrons  thai  some- 
times cist  ,is  much  in  a  single  year  as  the  sum 
total  of  ihe  appriipiiatioiis  made  liy  the  bill  un- 
der consiileralion  r — an  expcndiinre 'made  for  the 
avowed  purpose's  of  not  caily  albuding  proper  and 
necessary  security,  but  I'or  extending  our  lbrei;;n 
commerce,  already  reaching  into  every  sea,  and 
bringiiis  us  ihi'  products  (if  every  continent  and 
isle.  'I  hat  this  is  the  proper  and  appropriate  em- 
ployment of  our  navy  no  one  will  question.  'I'lien, 
air,  as  tlie  coiisiiiutioiial  competency  of  the  (iov- 
ernincnt  lo  use  the  piililic  property  and  ollicers, 
and  incur  heavy  expciiiliiures  in  this  way  tor  one 
of  tiie  oliji'cis  ennmeraied  in  ihe  grain  is  not  de- 
ini'd,  the  question  is  surrendered;  for  it  must  be 
regardeil  as  a  virtual  ctnicession  ot'  ihe  coiistitu- 
tionul  power  of  C'ongress  to  appropriate  money 
for  the  security  and  facility  of  tlie  other  object, 
which  is  iiiari:inic  commerce  among  the  several 
States.  We  conseqeuiitly  have  the  power  neces- 
sary to  authorize  the  construction  of  a  breakwater, 


the  erection  of  light-houses,  the  planting  or  sink- 
ing of  piers,  buoys,  beacons,  and  removal  of  par- 
tifd  nnii  temporary  obstructions  in  our  navigable 
rivers  and  harbors  below  pons  of  entry,  when  re- 
quired for  the  safely  and  facility  of  maritime  com- 
merce among  the  several  States. 

I  have  thus,  Mr,  Chairman,  presented  to  the 
committee  the  subject  of  the  aniendmciit  which  I 
desire  to  have  incorporated  into  the  bill  under  con- 
siderdlion;and  having  shown,  I  hope  satisfactorily, 
that  we  possess  constitulioiial  autho-ity  to  make 
these  appropriations,  1  must  leave  the  subject,  wilh 
the  expression  of  an  earnest  wish  that  the  majority 
of  the  committee  will  neillier  surrender  nor  refuse 
to  e.xeri  tlii.s  mo.st  necessary  and  important  power; 
one  which  I  cannot  but  regard  as  no  less  conducive 
to  the  highest  interests  and  enduring  prosperity  of 
the  country  than  to  the  permanence  ot  the  union  of 
the  States,  the  earliest,  latest,  and  most  cherished 
object  of  patriotic  devotion. 


HARBOUS  AND  RIVKRS. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  A.  WOODWARD, 

OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA, 
Im    the    HoISE    of    IlErRESF.NTATIVES, 

March  17,  1840. 
The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  state  of  the  Union  on  the  liill  making  appro- 
priations for  certain  Rivers  and  Harbors — 
Mr.  WOODWARD  said: 
It  is  not  from  any  unfriendly  feelings  towards 
the  West,  that  I  oppose  the  bill  now  before  the 
committee.  I''ar  frmn  it.  My  disposition  is  to 
gratify  my  western  friends,  whenever  I  can  do  so, 
consistently  with  a  sense  of  duty  to  my  constit- 
uents and  to  the  Constitution.  But  the  time  shall 
never  come,  when  that  sense  of  duly  shall  cease  to 
be  paramount  to  all  other  considerations.  This  is 
not  Ihe  only  measure  of  interest  wilh  Ihe  western 
people;  they  have  before  Congress  two  other  great 
measures:  that  relating  to  Oregon,  imd  that  rela- 
ting to  the  ]niblic  lands.  In  regard  lo  the  tirst  of 
these  two,  though  dilfering  in  views  of  policy  with 
my  western  friends,  they  will  yet  learn,  there  is 
no  difl'erence  in  feeling  or  purpo.se.  When,  twelve 
months  hence,  we  shall  meet  in  this  Hall,  if  it 
shall  be  our  fortune  to  meet  again  here,  they  will 
tell  me,  that  the  advice  I  have  administered  to  them 
ill  relation  to  tJregon,  was  iiuoil  advice.  I  have  no 
fears  of  that.  Ami  with  rei;ard  to  the  public  lands: 
I  am  in  favor  of  such  iiolicy  as  will  he  most  liberal 
lo  .vards  the  West,  and  most  gratil'yiiig  to  any  wish 
of  theirs,  not  ini'omputible  with  reason  or  justice. 
Hut  let  me  not  be  imderstood  as  committing  myself 
to  the  su|)|iort  of  either  of  the  land  bills  nowbefore 
Congress,  without  substantial  modiiications.  There 
are  olijections  to  each  I  could  never  coiLsent  to  over- 
look. I  am  disposed  lo  be  generous  lowards  the 
new  States,  but  nut  unjust  towards  the  old. 

.Mr.  Chairman,  the  bill  under  consideration  pro- 
vides for  sundry  appropriations,  I'm-  a  variety  of 
objects:  to  improve,  in  some  instances,  in  others, 
to  errn/r,  harbors  on  the  lakes — more  especially 
Lake  Michi;;an  ;  to  improve  tlie  navigation  of 
certain  rivers,  |irincipally  llie  western,  and  to  re- 
store what  is  cn//f(/  the  harbor  of  St.  Louis,  on  the 
.Mississippi  river.  This  lasi-mentioncd  item,  t'ur- 
nishes  an  original  idea  in  geographical  and  coiiimei- 
cial  science. 

Sir,  I  look  upon  the  bill,  in  all  it.s  provisions,  as 
reviving  the  old  system  of  internal  iiiqiroveinents; 
and  I  am  utterly  opposed  lo  its  passage,  both  upon 
the  question  of  constitutionality  and  that  of  expe- 
diency. It  is  wholly  indefensible  upon  either 
ground,  but  most  to  be  deprecated  because  it  vio- 
lates the  Constitution.  'I  hat  inslrument  should 
forever  remain  sacred  with  us  ail.  .'Viid  let  its 
friends  not  despair  of  being  able  to  defend  it  against 
lilts  second  assault  of  an  old  enemy.  Let  us  be 
encouraged  to  make  battle  once  more,  at  least. 
The  issue  is  made  i/c  iioro.  'I'he  liill  propo.ses  to 
revive  an  exploded  and  almndonedjioliey;  abandon- 
ed, both  for  its  unconstitutionality, and  its  manil'est 
injustice  and  inequality. 

The  gentleman  from  Illinois  [Mr.  Douglass]  is 
the  zealous  defender  of  this  bill  ;  but  he  denies, 
with  great  emphasis,  that  he  is  the  advocate  of  any 
system  of  internal  improvements,  and  prole3.?e9  to 


feel  indignant  that  he  should  have  been  suspected 
of  any  such  thing. 

Sir,  how  differently  the  same  thing  affects  tht 
understanding  of  the  gentleman  and  myself!  Willi 
me,  the  leading  objection  to  the  bill,  wliether  us  re- 
gards the  question  of  constitutionality  or  expedi- 
ency— that  objection  which  stands  in  front  of  all 
other  objections — is,  that  it  is  iiul  systematic:  but 
that  it  is  a  parlial  bill;  a  bill  not  for  the  whole 
Union,  but  for  a  part  of  the  Union;  not  for  all  the 
Slates,  but  some  of  them  only;  a  bill  whose  opera- 
tion is  local,  and  w'lnse  bounties  are  sectional. 
But  it  is  just  because  it  is  so,  that  it  meets  the  ap- 
probation of  the  gentleman  !  Otherwise,  he  could 
never  have  thought  of  giving  it  his  support.  No, 
indeed  !  Had  it  claimed  to  improve  the  navigation 
of  all  the  rivers  in  all  the  Stales;  to  scoop  aiiddeeij- 
en  the  boat-landing  at  every  town  on  any  river, 
in  whatever  State,  the  gentleman  would  have  turn- 
ed from  it  with  loathing,  as  a  AVhig  abomination. 
But  its  localism,  its  exelusiveness,  its  preference 
for  some  rivers  over  others,  have  commended  it  to 
the  gentleman's  democracy  ! 

I  have  said  it  is,  with  me,  a  fatal  objection  to 
the  bill,  that  it  claims  a  power  not  systenmlic  and 
universal;  according  to  the  form  and  method  of 
every  power  delegated  to  the  ConiriTss.  Look  at 
the  idan  of  the  Constitution.  Its  intention  was  to 
produce  unity  of  right  and  rule  in  relation  to  cer- 
tain objects  where  the  Sliiles  had  reciprocal  in- 
terest, or  suffered  common  danger,  lU'  mutual  in- 
convenience. It  provides  that  duties  anti  customs 
shall  bceiif,  and  iiiurtTSa(,  fo.  all  the  States.  Reg- 
ulalions  of  trade  and  comnurce;  naturalization; 
bankruptcies;  coinage  and  valuation  of  money; 
weights  and  measiue.i;  p  )st  and  mail;  patents  and 
cojiyrights;  army  and  navy;  military  and  naval 
regulations;  shall  each  be  one  unifurm  and  uni- 
versal thing  for  all  the  States  throughout  the  eniiro 
Union.  And  if  the  phrase  "  ireneral  welfare"  con- 
fers any  power  at  all,  (which,  however,  I  main- 
tain to  be  preposterous,)  it  is  a  uniform  power, 
though  vague  and  undefined.  It.s  vagueness  can- 
not destroy  its  universality.  Whatever  its  na- 
ture and  romjiass,  it  is  applicable  alike  to  every 
jiart  of  the  Union.  Whoever,  therefore,  asserts  a 
power  in  this  Government  to  improve  the  naviga- 
lion  of  rivers,  asserts  a  power  that  must  compre- 
hend every  river  in  the  Union.  A  dillerent  (loc- 
irine  from  this,  would  establish  the  most  llacrant 
injustice,  and,  in  principle,  amount  to  a  constitu- 
tional deformity.  But  I  need  not  dwell  upon  this 
view  of  the  question.  The  propositions  1  have 
laid  down,  require  only  to  be  slated,  to  be  fully 
comprehended  and  assented  to.  .Many  have  been 
bold  enough  to  disregard  them  in  practice,  but 
there  can  be  none  so  ia.sh  as  lo  venture  to  deny 
their  trutli. 

But,  in  reply  lo  all  this,  it  will  be  said  that  the 
Constitution  gives  to  Congress  the  right  "to  make 
'  all  laws  whidi  shall  be  ntcfssmy  and  proper  lo 
'  carry  into  execution  the  foregoing  powers;"  and 
that  the  power  in  question  exists  under  this  clause, 
as  an  incidental  power,  claiming  no  appropriate 
subject  of  its  own,  but  .serving  only  to  promote 
and  advance  the  ends  and  objects  of  some  primary 
power,  to  which  it  is  an  incident. 

This  brings  ine  to  a  .second  licneral  view  of  the 
Constitution,  uliicli  I  shall  discuss  with  srreat 
ia-evity,  Iml  yet  in  such  a  manner,  I  trust,  as  to 
make  myself  undersiood  by  all. 

When  It  is  said  iliat  the  I'oiisliiulion  emimerates 
and  defines  the  powers  of  Conu:ress,  it  is  meant, 
that  it  euumirates  and  defines  the  sulijecis  over 
which  the  CoiiL'icis  has  power.  'I'he  post  otKce, 
for  instance,  is  not  itself  a  power — it  is  llie  subject 
of  .1  power;  so  of  wiighis  and  measures,  coina"e, 
and  the  n  si.  These  are  the  subjn-ls  of  power,  alid 
the  power  is  lo  legislate  upon  these  siihjerls.  The 
Constiiution,  then,  enumerates  and  defines,  not 
strictly  the;  powers,  but  the  suhjeels  of  power. 

After  this  enumeration  of  subjects,  the  Constitu- 
tion proceeils  to  express  and  declare  the  power  to 
make  Itiirs — lav.'s  upon  these  subjects  ;  alt  laws,  I 
concede,  but  not  on  any  other  subjects  than  those 
enumerated  and  described  definitively;  all  laws  ne- 
cessary and  proper— necessary  to  these  subjecls— - 
proper  lo  these  subjects;  but  by  no  means  such  laws 
as  are  proper  lo,  or  pertain  to,  other  and  dilTerent 
subjects.  Now,  sir,  there  is  no  dispute  as  to  what 
uowers  of  legislation  are  granted  to  the  Congress 
^  1  concede,  for  the  present,  that  our  power  to  mako 


400 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


(March  17, 


29th  Cono I  ST  Sbss. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Woodward. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


H< 


m    ' 


% 


/bim  id  B«  nmplo  nnd  plenary,  ns  that  ponacfiscd  by  ' 
any  of  the  Suite  OoviTiiiiiDnla  in  reference  to  any  i 
auliject  upon  whii'li  they  may  Icpaliile  at  nil.     I  l{ 
only  contend  thiit  our  leijislntion,  ample  as  it  may  ji 
be,  varied  as  it  may  be,  discretionary  as  it  may  j 
be,  must  yet  be  limited  to  the  jiiiyVc/s  which  the  i 
ConHiiliilioii  has  enumcrnled  and  defined.     It  can-  ' 
not  c<^  beyond  these  sulijects,  and  embrace  other 
subjects;  it  cannot  cover  a  broader  f;round  than  ' 
the  Conelilulion  has  prescribed  nnd  ciniuniscribed. 
Whnt,  then,  is  the  matter  of  dispiUe  between  nsr ' 
Ii  is  not,  wlial  Imrn  are  we  compcient  to  make,  btit, 
whnt  are  those  nihjccia  over  which  we  have  power 
of  legislation  ? 

And  this,  I  maintain,  is  an  inquiry  of  fact,  nnd 
not  a  question  of  law.  A  question  not  for  the 
court,  lul  for  the  jury  of  the  country.  A  mnllcr 
nol  to  be  spieled  liy  siihllc  disqui.siiion,  by  nice 
metaphysical  disiinciions,  or  nny  exact  process  of 
abslrnci  loiric;  but  by  the  pinin  common  sense  and 
ireneral  conseiil  (if  niankiiiil.  Wb;it  is  an  army; 
what  a  post  ortice  csiablishnient;  wii.-it  ibeir  prfiper 
elcmcnls,  npptrlini  nts,  and  cunstiturnt  pnrls?  are 
matters  of  fad,  known  to  the  illiteinlc  as  well  as 
the  learned.  And  complex  ns  tbr  liict' may  be, 
still  it  is  only  fact  al  last,  and  is,  at  once,  cupalile 
of  beiiii:  recoi^nised  and  identified  by  the  hiunblisl 
intellei  I.  Kew  objects  in  nature  or  art,  present  ihcin- 
selves,  otherwise  iliiin  in  a  very  complex  siale;  but, 
nevertheless,  each  oipmized  mass  of  fiicts  consli- 
tiW'  s  a  disiiiK't  and  definite  object  of  coiKenipla- 
tion,  in  relation  to  which,  even  brute  cicaliires  do 
seldom  misapprehend.  When,  therefore,  the  Con- 
stitution eminieratesand  calls  by  name,  I  be  several 
suhjerts  upon  which  wc  have  power  to  leijislale,  it 
apciKs  not  scientifically  )iut  liistoriaillij,  nnd  ad- 
dresses itself  lo  the  coimnonest  sense  ot'  the  cou)- 
monesi  men.  And  there  is  not  a  sinijie  subject 
deaiirnaled  in  that  t'onsiiiulion,  that  caimot  be  as 
readily  conceived  of,  and  identified,  as  n  mediral 
college,  an  orphan  asylum,  or  penitentiary.  Tlie 
sciences  of  asironomy,  anaioniy,  or  boiany,  are 
known  only  to  those  who,  by  profound  invesiiga- 
lion,  have  ilctected  the  laws  iliat  bcloni;  lo  these 
ditferent  deparimenls  of  knowlcdue,  but  as  to  what 
are  the  subjects,  respectively,  of  these  sciences, 
even  little  cinlilicn  know  as  well  ns  ourselves. 

I  know  that  nice  and  dilliculi  questions  arise,  ns 
to  the  Ijoundarics  between  the  li'jislalive  iiowirs 
of  this  Governmeni  and  those  of  a  Stale  Ctovein- 
ineni,  where  both  CTOverninems  possess  the  ri^ht 
to  lejislale  upon  llie  same  snbjeci;  but  this  imparls 
no  obscurity  to  Ihe  (piestion  of  fact,  a.--  to  what  is 
that  subiect-  nnd  to  this  c|uestion  of /'.ir(,  my  ar- 
jruiuent  IS  aimed  to  be  directed,  nnd  is  made,  in 
tile  absolute,  without  any  reference  to  what  may 
be  ihu  ri'jfhts  of  a  .Stale.  Qiiesiinns,  too,  of  pro- 
found dilliculiy  sonieiinies  occur,  between  the  dif- 
ferent deparimenls  I'f  the  i''edcral  Govenimciii, 
touching  their  jiisi  limitations;  but  these,  neither, 
have  any  relaiion  to  ihe  objeei  of  my  inquiry 

]Vot  doulitiii'.:  that  I  am  fully  understood,  let  me 
njiply  the  docirnies  i  iiiue  iirired,  lo  the  diirercnt 
provisions  of  the  Constitution,  under  w  liicji  the 
iVitnds  of  this  bill  have  nllempled  lis  ju.-.lifiialion. 

As  to  tbr"  *'  ^tneral-weltari-''  jdiraae,  no  fMie  but 
nn  nl)an(loneil  consolidaliomst  could  ever  look  to 
that  source;  and  to  that  school  of  politicians  it  is 
in  vain  to  address  ari;unienls.  I  shall  cciii.sider  ihe 
three  c  lauses  of  llie  1,'onstilulion  ihiil  have  Ijeen 
relied  on  by  sri'iii!,- men  of  my  own  political  party — 
to  reirnlate  foreiifii  eoiumeree;  to  rnisiMUiil  support 
armies;  to  create  and  mainlnin  n  navy.  Tliese 
three  elnuses  ih-sccibe  three  distinel  su^jcc/.s,  Con- 
gress lias  power  to  lecislme  upon.  Nov, ,  I  apj/cal 
lo  the  cniiditr  and  eonmion  sense  (»f  j^entleiiu-n; 
with  what  sort  of  propriety,  with  what  decent  re- 
gard to  anv  principle  of  ju.si  ree.soninir,  can  it  be 
]treii-Mdeii  ibnta  river,  a  canal,  or  the  wharves  upon 
a  river-bank,  are  part  nnd  parcel,  component  elc- 
nicnts,  appropriate  appendaijes,  i,f  an  army,  or  a 
navy;  or  of  a  sy.steni  of  t't^iiltitiuHX  for  the  f^oveni- 
meiil  of  persons  t  nL'aired  in  business  of  tbreiun 
eoninieice  .-  And  this  I  put  to  t'enllemen,  upon  the 
BU|>posilion,  thai  the  restrictive  words  "  necessary 
and  propc-r,'*  werei  xpiinged  from  the  Constitution, 
aud  Con;;ress  left  without  any  othci  restraint  tluiii 
what  thccoiumon  sense  of  ilbteruie  persons  would 
impost-  upon  it.  I  adniil  there  are  relations  of 
utility  aim  convenience  between  an  army  and  a 
river  urcannl;  but  similar  relatii>ns  subsist  between 
all  the  parts  and  interests  of  society.     The  social 


system  is  constructed  upon  the  principle  of  mutual 
dependence  and  support  between  nil  its  component 
elements;  "  All  are  but  pnrts  of  one  sliipeiidoiis 
whole;"  but  if  your  powers  covernp.irt;  must  they 
therefore  embrace  the  whole  .'  The  improvements 
contemplated  by  this  bill  niny,  uniler  some  coiiliii- 
geney,  at  some  future  time,  be  of  occasional  and 
transitory  use  to  your  army  or  navy.  Unt  the 
products  of  agriciMture  and  the  mechanic  arts,  are 
nt  nil  lima,  nnd  without  contingency,  absidiitcly 
indispensable  to  the  support  of  your  army  and 
navy.  Why,  therefore,  could  you  not  erect  pub- 
lic clothing  factories,  purchase  public  farms,  lo 
supply  your  military  ginnaries  and  warehouses  .- 
True,  n  public  ship  might  want  to  pass  up  or  down 
the  Ohio  river,  or  might  want  to  lie  for  n  few  days 
al  the  wharvesof  St.  Louis.  Hut  chaplains  for  iiie 
health  of  souls,  and  phyaicians  and  surgeons  for 
the  hialih  of  bo  lies,  you  n/irni/.i  want  to  your  ar- 
mies, ns  of  indispensable  ii.se.  If,  therefore,  you 
can  improve  this  river,  nnd  deepen  that  harbor,  on 
the  ground  of  contingent  convenience,  why  may 
yon  not  endow,  or  aid  in  endowin;:,  theological 
>eminarics,  or  medical  colleges,  upon  the  ground 
of  Vour  invariable  demand  for  chaplains  nnd  phy- 
sicians.' Where  would  such  reasoning  ns  this  find 
a  stopjiiiig  place?  What  is  there  in  the  physical 
or  mechnmcnl,  the  niornl  or  inuilectiinl,  elemeiils 
of  society,  it  would  not  comprehenil  ? 

The  nriiiy  nnd  navy  are  very  similar  things. 
A  navy  is  Init  an  army  at  sen — an  army  on  board  of 
ships:  and  while  so  similar  in  their  conqiositimi, 
ihey  are  even  ideniical  in  their  objects  and  pur- 
poses, and  sometimes  actually  bleiuietl  into  oni!  in 
a  military  operntion.  And  if  there  had  been  no 
clause  ill  the  Coiisiitiition,givinglo Congress  iiowcr 
to  "create  and  maintain  a  navy,"  it  would  have 
been  very  iinlurnl  to  infer  that  the  power  to  *'  raise 
and  support  niniies"  was  intended  to  include  a 
navy  also:  both  being  so  similar  in  their  constitu- 
ent jiarts,  nnd  so  absolutely  identical  in  their  ob- 
jects and  imrposes.  And  yet,  so  careful  were  the 
framers  of  the  Constilnlion,  to  preserve  the  defini- 
tive boundaries  of  every  subject  of  power  enumer- 
ated in  that  instrument,  they  did  not  leave  this  mat- 
ler  lo  implication  and  inference,  but  made  each  the 
subject  oi'a  separate, eo-orUinnle,  provision.  Now, 
if  tlic  power  to  "raise  and  support  anuies"  was 
not  nieanl  lo  cover  n  nnvy,  so  "necessary  and 
proper"  lo  armies,  so  nearly  identical  with  ihem,  is 
It  not  inonstrous  to  pretend  that  either  of  the  pro- 
visimis  in  question  was  iiileiiiled  to  aiiihorize  the 
lunking  of  cannis,  the  improvenieni  of  rivers,  the 
excavation  of  boat-landings,  the  deepening  of  every 
harbor,  at  every  village,  on  the  margins  of  every 
hike .' 

The  power  lo  "create  mid  mnintain  a  nnvy" 
might  very  nalurnlly  have  been  construed  to  in- 
clude a  power  "to  make  rules  for  ibe  government 
and  regulations  of  the  naval  forces."  What  more 
proper  lo  a  navy  than  ilie  rules  of  its  own  conduct  ? 
I'beic  would  be  nothing  of  violence  in  the  infer- 
ence, that  Congress  might,  of  course,  give  law  to  a 
thing  of  its  own  creation;  a  thinu'  boni  of  its  own 
will  and  authority,  lint  the  framers  of  the  Con- 
sliluiioii,  in  view  of  the  original,  inheri'iit  rights  of 
the  .States,  which  every  grant  to  Conijress  must 
needs  entrench  upon,  left  not  ihis  niatlir  to  iiiipli- 
c.ilion,  safely,  as  it  seems,  they  mlglil  have  dcun 
so;  but  disii'nguished  cnrclhllv,  ami  kept  asunder, 
the  two  things,  and  made  eacli  a  disiinct  mihju't  of 
[-.ow'-r,  under  separate  clauses  of  llir  Cmisliuilion. 
With  what  a  Inch  hand  of  usurpaiion  is  it,  then, 
that,  upon  ihecoiisiduralion  ofsomecontingentcoii- 
\*  nience  anil  facilities  to  your  army  nnd  navy,  you 
claim  to  make  ihese  enormous  approprialions  of 
money  for  the  various  oljecis  m>  nlioned  in  this 
liill '.  .Vre  no  inconveniences  lo  be  uli  li\  thisOov- 
ennnent,  no  petty  facilities  to  be  fiaind  wanting, 
but  foriliwith  the  sovereign  rights  of  the  Stales 
must  give  way  for  your  comfort  and  accommoda- 
lion: 

I  have  not  resorted  lo  the  restrictive  phrase  "  ne- 
cessary and  proper."  I  have  felt  that  the  argu- 
ment does  not  require  it.  To  me  it  is  nol  surjiri- 
sing,  that  Mr.  Madison,  in  view  of  the  |ilaiii 
nieanin^  of  the  Constitution,  should  have  llimighl 
it  wholly  unnecessary  lo  insert  those  words.  Hut 
il  is,  indeed,  surprising,  thai,  in  despite  of  those 
words,  that  plainest  of  all  iiistrumenls  should  have 
suffered  siicii  monstrous  perversion.  Sir.nn  army, 
with  all  ils  component  elcnienis — with  whatever  i" 


directly  incident  nnd  nppcrtincnt  to  it,  whatever  it 
would  draw  to  itself,  by  n  sort  of  elective  atUnily, 
not  ns  having  no  relation  to  other  things,  but  i\ 
.i:ore  "necessary  nnd  proper"  relation  to  itself, — 
this  is  Ihe  whole  subject  of  your  power.  If  il  ba 
more  than  thi.s,  it  is  any  anu  everything. 

With  regard  lo  the  words  "  necessary  nnd  prop- 
er," the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Stew- 
art] discovers  in  them  a  great  enlnrgement  of  the 
powers  of  the  Tederal  Government;  assuming,  that 
all  things  not  in  the  Constitution  are  "  ncci'ssary 
nnd  proper"  to  all  things  that  arc  in  it.  Now,  ( 
shall  oiler  no  other  exposition  of  ihese  words  llinn 
whnt  may  appear  from  a  very  homely  ilhistrution: 
Suppose  a  laborer  should  contract  with  a  farmer  to 
fell  trees  and  rive  them  into  boards  for  him,  and 
it  should  be  a  part  of  the  contrnct,  ihnt  the  farmer 
should  I'urnish  the  labiuer  with  nil  the  implements 
"  necessary  and  proper"  for  the  business;  nnd  sup- 
pose that  for  breach  of  contract  in  this  particular,  on 
the  pnrt  of  the  fnrmer,  the  laborer  should  bring  his 
action  nt  law,  and  esiablish  the  breach.  Now,  air, 
trees  might  be  felled  with  n  hewer's  nxe  of  what- 
ever size  or  shape,  and  with  many  other  descrip- 
tions of  edge-tools.  And  lo  the  luminous  intellect 
of  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvaiiin,  [.Mr.  Sriiw- 
AiiT,]  nothing  could  be  more  evident,  than  that 
every  description  of  edge-tool,  with  which  n  tree 
might  be  felled  or  bonrils  rived,  would  be  includxl 
in  this  eoniract;  nnd,  also,  whatever  else  might  be 
necessary  for  repairs,  safe-keeping,  nnd  forjiutting 
the  tools  in  good  plight,  &c.  But  I  nin  quite  sure 
that,  tbrou^hoiit  the  entire  population  of  these 
United  Stntes,  there  could  not  be  found  twelve 
illiterate  men,  who  would  not  repudiale  the  logic 
of  the  gentleman,  and  render  a  imaniinouj  verdict 
only  for  certain  descriptions  of  implemenis.  Com- 
mon sense  would  never  mistake  the  words  "  nc- 
ccssury  and  proper."  That  gentleman's  reason- 
ing never  finds  a  stopjiing-place,  until  it  hns  run 
out  to  the  end  of  all  things.  With  him  nn  aiitbnr- 
ily  lo  regulate  the  economy  of  the  "  house  that 
Jack  built,"  would  most  unquestionably  imply  lliu 
ri;:ht  lo  control  the  conduct  of  "the  maid  all  for- 
hn'ii,*'  and  the  rest  of  the  series,  up  to  the  "  m.ilt 
that  lay  in  the  house  that  Jack  buill,"  inrlusivcly. 

The  i:lause  of  the  Conslilulion  which  declares 
the  ri£;ht  "  lo  make  all  such  /«ir,i  as  shall  be  neces- 
sary nnd  proper,  to  carry  into  execution  the  fore- 
going powers,"  is,  habitually,  regarded  as  a  speeica 
of  residuary  clause:  but,  sir,  it  was  meant  lo  lom- 
preheiid  Ihe  entire  lairmaking  nulhority  of  the  Con- 
gress The  preceding  clauses  had  already  named 
and  described  the  (iillereiit  subjects,  in  relation  to 
which  ibis  authority  to  make  (nics  was  provided. 
.Ml  (|uesti(ais  siriclly  arising  under  this  clause  arc 
questions  of  law;  as  I  have  shown  thai  questions 
arising  under  the  preceding  c:lauses,  arc  questions 
of  fact.  When  fear  was  expressed  that  this  clause 
might  be  misconstrued,  Mr.  Madison  replied,  that 
it  ccnild  nol  well  be,  us  il  was  limited  to  the  siifijcch 
mentioned  in  the  preceding  cinii.ses;  nnd  continued 
to  remark;  "The  success  of  the  usurpation  will 
'depend  on  the  execmive  and  judiciary  dcpart- 
'  meiits,  which  are  lo  expound  and  give  ellecl  lo 
'  Ihe  legislative  acts."  >ow,  if  this  clause  of  the 
Consiiiulimi,  which  provides  for  the  making  of 
iMr.t,  be  coiisirucd  in  such  manner,  as  lo  enlarge 
llie  subjtrts  menticnied  in  ihe  preceding  clauses,  or 
ralhcr  lo  originate  iii'W  subjects,  not  mentioned 
there,  what  refuge  li;:s  the  Constitution  ill  the  ju- 
diciary ili'|iartmeiil.'  The  court  cannot  annul  a  phys- 
ical fact.  It  caiiiiot  make  void  and  of  none  ell'eci  a 
cinal,  a  river  iui|iroveineul,  or  a  liiibt-liousc.  In 
ordaining  these  thiiiirs,  then,  you  evaile  the  judici- 
ary, and  d'  fraud  the  States  of  that  chief  .sal'e',;iiard 
I  and  guamnty  of  their  rights.  The  legislative  and 
executive  deparimenls,  elecled  at  sliorl  intervals, 
become  absohile  and  despolic.  Il  is  not  worth  a 
;rront  lo  the  .Stales  that  there  exists  nn  independent 
judiciary.  Your  Federal  ccnirt  becomes  a  mere  m- 
;)ii(  mortiiiim,  in  reference  to  its  most  importaul 
function,  ils  inosl  sacred  trust,  and  its  highest  grade 
of  iiirisdiclion. 

Mr.  Chairman,  to  all  I  have  said,  il  will  be  ob- 
jcclcd,  thai  a  slrict  adherence  to  the  subjects  enu- 
merated in  the  Constitution  would  disable  Congress 
to  adapt  ils  IcL'islation  to  the  grenl  chnnges  hiiuiaii 
affairs  me  daily  undergoing,  by  the  ])rogres3  of  the 
arts  and  sciencl^s.  To  meet  tliis  objection,  I  shall 
proceed  to  n  third  general  view  of  the  Constitution. 

The  Constitution  assumes  fiicta  according  to  their 


« 


184(5.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  COiNGRESSlONAI.  GLOBE. 


'101 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess, 


us  ft  specicrj 

cunt  to  roni- 

[if  tlic  Coii- 

idy  iinmeJ 

rtlalion  li) 

s  provided, 

.s  clause  are 

lat  qut'slions 

re  questions 

lliia  rliuise 

replied,  that 

tlicsiiiji'dJi 

i  eontinuod 

palioii  will 

iry  depnrt- 

vc  edeet  to 

;uiRe  of  tlje 

making  of 

:>s  to  rnlartjc 

I'lauses,  or 

ineiilioned 

n  in  the  jn- 

nniilapliy«- 

lone  ellt'ei  a 

-house.     In 

'  llie  Jiuliel- 

■f  safe  miard 

islntive  and 

rt  inlcrvals, 

not  woith  a 

ndependerit 

es  a  mere  cu- 

I   important 

if;licjil  ijrade 

will  he  oh 
ihjeets  enn- 
le  ('on;ire.sH 
\iivi  human 
i^ro.ss  ot'  the 
lion,  1  hIuiII 
onstitntion. 
ling  to  iheir 


nnlure  mid  ehnracler,  aa  nettled  by  tlic  common  I 
sense  and  iiniversnl  ronsent  of  mankind.  What 
fonslitiiles  a  navy  is  left  for  soeiety  to  determine. 
The  Consiitution  ettenipls  no  delinitioii  whatever, 
and  eonld  not:  for  any  irit'en  definilion  woiiM  Noon 
eea»e  to  he  true,  ll  hanes  itHelf,  therefore,  upon 
no  nielaphysieal  definilion  or  ahstract  coneeptioii 
of  this  or  any  other  NUhjcei  of  power.  The  coil- 
Htitueiit  pari-"  of  a  navy  have  under;;one  inimeiiiie  I 
chan^CN,  and  perhapx  are  ileslined  to  iindei'fto  ,slill 
greater  chanire.  IJut  the  power  of  Cong:refls  to  . 
"create  and  maintain  a  navy"  will  remain  forever 
the  same.  Take,  for  instance,  money.  The  Con- 
stitution does  not  say  what  shall  he  considered  ac- 
tual money,  hul  leaves  it  to  he  determined  by  the 
cominereial  world  Mud  society  at  larf^e.  Suppose, 
for  in;<lance,  Kome  new  nielal  should  hi'  discinered, 
better  adapted  for  money  than  gold  and  silver,  and 
this  new  lueial  should  ;;raduallv  lake  iheir  place 
as  iTKUiey,  and  ihey  he.  worked  tip  into  jewi  Iry 
and  merchandi.se,  and  wludly  cease  to  be  useil  ns 
money,  who  douhis  that  ('omrress  could  coin  this 
metal, or  "reijulnle  the  value  of  foreiijn  eoiir'niaile 
(d'il.'  This  new  money  would, as  it  were,  be  the 
lineal  descendant  of  ^'old  and  silver;  and  as  it  would 
have  laken  iheir  place  in  ihe  comniereial  world  and 
the  economy  of  society,  so  it  would  take  iheir 
place  under  the  Constiluliim  of  the  IJniled  Stales, 
So,  too,  in  reference  to  the  post  office:  llial  depart- 
ment is  unileriioiii!;  n  wonderfid  transforinaiion: 
hut  still  it  will  coniinue  to  he  ihe  "  post  office," 
and  these  chaiifres  would  no  more  exempt  it  I'roin 
the  nutlifu'iiv  »d'  Coni^ress,  than  the  theological 
clinnpes  of  the  earth's  body  and  siirfac.e,  in  the  pro- 
gress of  a:res,  have  exiiopied  it  from  its  proper  sub- 
jecliou  to  the  .sun.  These  changes  niignt  render  it 
inexpedient  lo  exerci.se  a  power,  but  could  never 
destroy  the  power  it-'^elf. 

These  views  w  ill  illustrate  what  Madison  nnd 
Hamilton  meant  wlien  they  spoke  of  this  Govern- 
ment adaplini;  itself  to  future  chansjes  in  the  aflairs 
of  soeiety.  Not  that  its  poirem  would  contractor 
expand  or  multiply,  but  that  its  legislation  vi-ould 
adapt  itself  lo  the  progressive  modifications  of  facts, 
over  which  modifications  theConsliliilion  pretends 
to  no  control,  but  at  every  successive  stage  of  the 
transition,  assumes  the  fact  as  it  then  exists.  These 
views,  too,  will  serve  to  defend  ihe  .Slate-right  doc- 
trine from  the  charge  of  narrowness  and  illiberal 
severity,  1  nininlain  ours  is  a  just  and  liberal  con- 
struction. That  of  the  opposite  party,  which  they 
.seek  to  dignify  with  the  name  of  hbemlity,  is  down- 
right perversion  and  falsification.  The  Constitu- 
tion I  would  make  as  liberal,  as  the  common  sense 
of  an  enlightened  people  is  liberal.  According  to 
this  stimdard  1  would  test  it,  and  fiufi'er  no  petti- 
Ibgger  to  lay  hands  upon  it.  | 

Mr.  Chairman,  my  allotted  hour  is  rapidly  pass- 
ing. I  have  lieen  ccmipelled  lo  omit  many  view.s 
I  wnscxceediiigly  anxious  to  present.  Hut  before 
I  proceed  to  the  i|uestion  of  expediency,  1  must 
allude  to  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania,  [Mr. 
Thompson.] 

ITe  points  to  this  Capitol  nnd  the  Prerident's 
Mansion,  and  asks:  Where  are  they  mentioned  in 
the  (Umsiitutinn  >  And  he  fancies  he  has  discov- 
ered in  these  things  striking  evidence  of  the  great 
hililude  (lur  foref.ither.s  meant  to  give  to  the  powers 
of  the  Federal  Government.  Sir,  the  gentleman 
could  not  have  been  less  Ibrlni.ile  in  his  selection, 
Tlie  Constilulimi  .says,  tbi  re  shall  be  a  Senate 
and  lIou.se  of  Representativis,  a  President,  a  Su- 
preme Court,  &c.  Now,  was  it  ever  imagined, 
that  these  otllreis  would  sit  upon  the  grovind  in 
open  air,  any  more  than  that  the  sun  should  cease 
to  ri-se  in  the  easi  r  All  human  beings,  savage  as 
well  as  civilized,  have  their  places  of  abode.  In- 
stead, therefore,  of  Ihe  honorable  gentleman  hav- 
ing found  an  instance  of  liir-feiched  power,  there 
is  as  great  moral  ceiiainly  that  these  public  build- 
ings were  conteinplaled,  lis  lliiit  the  rivers  will  con- 
tinue to  How.  Let  Ihe  common  sense  of  mankind, 
or,  if  you  jilcase,  the  nonsense  of  any  blockhead 
in  the  streets,  decide  this  matter.  It  is,  however, 
a  grand  mistake  lo  suppose  ihat  these  juiblic build- 
ings have  any  cminexion  with  the  regular  enumer- 
aied  poirers  ii(  Congress:  I  hey  are  incident  to  the 
eii.inicraled  (ijllrrn  of  Government,  Suppose, 
while  the  reguhilion  of  trade  was  given  to  Con- 
gress, the  appointment  of  custom-house  officers 
and  the  safe-keeping  of  the  customs,  had  been  left 
with  the  Slates:  who  doubLs  that  ihe  erection  of 

2G 


U(trhor$  and  Rivera — Mr,  H'oodward. 

ciistom-liouncs,  and  the  supplying  of  the  necesanry 
executive  inslrumenls  of  eollectiiui,  would  have  be- 
longed to  the  Stales,  and  not  lo  this  Oovernment  ? 

Hut,  air,  ndmilling  we  have  the  power  to  pass 
this  hill,  is  it  not  manifestly  inexpedient  nnd  even 
daiigeroiistoexerci.se  the  pinver.-  What  have  we 
witnessed  on  this  occasion  ^  L.ookuiion  ibis  .scene 
of  "log-rolling"  here  practised  in  Ihii  very  face  of 
daylight!  Sir,  is  it  not  pluin  lo  every  one,  that 
the  inevitable  result  of  such  b'gislalioii'v  ill  be,  lo 
convert  this  Hall  iinoa  rende/.vous  of  demagogues, 
mere  h>cal  job-agents,  coming  here  with  no  higher 
iiirpiise  than  to  feed  ihe  greedy  appetites  of  Iheir 
constiluenis,  whom  they  llieiiiselves  have  misled 
loideorrupled?  The  bill  hn.i  brought  intocoalilicni 
the  Whigs,  who  go  for  a  gener.il  system  of  inter- 
nal improvements,  and  ti  large  body  id"  western 
Democrnis,  who  go  for  the  imiirovemeiit  of  the 
Mi.-isissippi  and  its  tributaries.  The  policy  of  both 
I  look  upon  as  lOiooiinable;  but  if  we  inii.it  have 
the  one  nv  liie  o;her,  give  me  the  Whig  system, 
which  treats  nil  the  Slates  alike,  and  distributes 
the  bounties  of  (fovermnenl  etpially  animig  ihem; 
while  this  newlaiigled  doctrin'-  of  western  Demo- 
crnis, puts  all  the  moiii'y  into  their  own  pockets. 
The  Lord  deliver  us  from  this  latter-day  system  1 
I  call  upon  my  western  friends  to  return  to  llie  triii^ 
iloctriiie;  rally  ariainil  the  standard  .\ndnw  .faek- 
son  planted,  nnd  sillier  not  the  temptation  of 
money  to  li'iul  you  astray. 

!  know  it  is  vain  lo  argue  with  our  political  op- 
ponenls  about  tlieir  I'lVorile  policy.  'I'liey  will 
yield  up  nruhing;  not  even  that  greaiest  of  politi- 
cal mischiefs — a  Niiiional  Hank.  1  address  my- 
self lo  my  own  iVicnds  upon  this  new  project  of 
theirs — a  sprout  that  cnu  never  llourish  except  by 
being  grafted  on  Ihe  old  Kedeivil  stock.  What 
greater  claims  has  the  Mississippi  uoon  this  Gov- 
ernment than  other  smaller  rivers  this  side  of  the 
mounlains.'  Ours,  for  the  most  part,  are  humble 
and  unimiiortnnt  streams;  your"  is  n  glorious  nnd 
magnificent  one,  \<m  are,  in  this  respect,  blessed 
of  Providence  beyond  all  people  on  the  face  of  the 
earth.  Hut  because  you  are  the  favorites  of  Prov- 
idence, shall  you  therefore  be  made  the  pets  of 
Government  r  If  this  Government  jiossessed  the 
creative  faculty  lo  make  rivers,  where  there  were 
iirnic  belbre,  and  the  people  of  our  interior  high- 
countries,  who  have  lo  trudge  with  cumbrous  wag- 
ons over  niouniains,  through  bogs  nnd  swamps,  in 
mud  and  water,  to  get  their  little  produce  to  mar- 
ket, should  call  on  this  Government  lo  make  them 
rivers,  there  would  be  someihing  of  reason  or  fit- 
ness in  Ihe  application.  It  would  be  the  weak  ap- 
pealing to  the  slioiig;  the  poor  lo  the  rich.  Hut 
with  wleil  grace  can  you,  who  have  the  finest  river 
on  earth,  claim  tribute  from  those  who  have  none 
at  all,  to  make  yours  still  betU'r  than  it  is.-  Why 
should  you,  who  have  all,  "  take  from  tho.'ie  who 
have  nothing,  even  that  which  they  have?"  If  you 
are  determined  to  depart  frmn  the  rule  of  the  Con- 
stitution, substitute,  in  lieu  thereof,  the  rule  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures;  do  a  generous  and  clniritable  act. 
You  who  are  ble.s.sed  with  navigable  waters,  join 
together,  and  make  railways  for  those  who  can 
never  have  ri\'ers. 

.Sir,  this  new  doctrine  for  the  great  river  of  the 
West,  is  only  another  inslanee  of  the  tendency  of 
government  in  all  things:  lo  make  the  rich,  riclier, 
and  the  p' nr,  poorer,  it  derives  its  whole  force  from 
the  impression,  which  grand  and  imposing  objects, 
both  in  the  moral  and  physicnl  world,  make  npmi 
llie  imaginations  rd'  men.  If  an  humble  mechanic 
should  present  himself  at  that  door  nnd  ask  per- 
mi.ssiou  to  Ciller  this  Hall,  your  doorkeeper  would 
laugh  in  his  face.  Hut  if  a  jierson  of  wealth  and 
great  I'onsideration  in  socif  ty,  should  make  the 
same  request,  the  dom-keeper  would  stagger  in  the 
act  of  refusal;  and  you  would  all  I'eel  that  there  was 
sonieibingof  propriety  In  tiic  recpiest.  Ifan  individ- 
ual, though  of  the  best  credit  and  undoubied  probity, 
should  solicit  us  to  receive  his  printed  |ironiissory 
note  as  money,  we  should  ail  doubt  whether  he 
were  in  his  right  mind.  Hut  if  a  joint-stock  com- 
pany of  individuals,  under  Ihe  name  of  t\  hunk, 
should  make  a  similar  proi>osal,  we  could  hardly 
find  it  in  our  hearts  to  refuse,  .fust  so,  in  regard 
to  the  matter  under  eousideiatimi;  our  rivers  are 
small  and  detached,  unsustained  by  each  other; 
your  Mississippi,  is  a  joint  company  of  many  riv-- 
ers.  And  itis  therefore, that  it  claims  to  stand  alone, 
and  occonv  a  high  jihicc  in  the  I'-mple  of  the  t.'on- 


IS'ew  Sekiks No  26. 

I  Ntitiitinn.     Why,  8ir,  should  the  liiimbler  rivers, 
||  on  this  side  of  the  miumiains,  be  made  to  bend  Ihe 

■  knee,  as  it  were,  to  this  monarch  river  id"  the  West? 
The  prerogatives  claimed  by  gentlemen,  are  just 
such  as  are  exacted  by  selfishness  joined  with  con- 
scious dignity  anil  power,  the  world  over.  And 
the  eoncessioiiH  we  are  .lo  proinpl  to  make  to  these 
demands,  spring  from  that  seiiiimeni  of  slavery, 
which,  too,  seems  lo  have  a  place  among  the  in- 
stinctH  of  the  human  heart. 

Genilemen  led  us,  this  is  n  national  river,  nnil 
Its  improvemeiil  should  be  a  naiioiial  oljiecl.  Sir, 
I  know  of  no  "lause  in  ihe  I'on.litntioii  which 
gi\es  C'oiigresN  a  power  lo  pursue  '*  national  ob- 
jects." The  powers  of  Congre.ss  were  not  given 
iiecause  lliey  were  national;  they  are  national,  be- 
cause they  \veie  given.  It  so  happens  that  not  one 
solitary  power  enumerated  in  that  instrument  was 
inherently  and  originally,  national.     Whiil  neees- 

!  snry  connexion  was  there  between  taxation, 
money,  nainrali/.atioii,  armies  or  navies,  in  one 
Stiite,  wilh  the  same  lliings  in  another?  These 
Ihings  were  iiiui/e  national,  or  rather  federal,  by 
being  granted  lo  the  Federal  Government,  If 
everything  that  spreads  ovr  niore  ihan  one  Slate 
is  to  be  set  down  a.4  n;viiou;\l,  in  a  political  sense, 
then  is  agriculture,  in  all  iis  branches;  the  me 
ehiinic  arts,  in  all  their  ilcparlinenl.s;  and  languege 
and  litepitiire,  the  most  nationnl  of  all  ihings. 
Why  not  call  the  .•Vllighaiiy  a  iialional  mountain? 
.Sir,  V'oiigriss  has  no  power  that  rests  upon  the 
niiiure  nf  tilings;  its  powers  stand  upon  jfrioi/.«  in  the 
Ciinsiitiition. 

Hut  it  is  alleged  further,  that  by  (he  ordinance 
of  I7h7,  the  Mississippi  riur,  willi  its  Iribui.iries, 
was  stipidaieil  to  reinain  "a  common  highway  and 
forever  free"  lo  the  people  of  the  several  Slates. 
.\nil  iheret'in-e,  Congress  is  bound,  and  haa  the 
foifer.  too,  to  improve  its  iiavigalion  and  deepen 
lis  harbors.  ?s'ow  ,  it  strikes  me,  Iliiit  ifMr.  Polk, 
in  a  treaty  in  relation  to  Oregon,  should  stipulate 
with  Great  Hrilain  that  the  t)regim  river  should 
remain  "  a  eommon  highway  and  forever  free" 
to  the  people  of  both  n.itions,  it  would  he  lliought 
very  strange  if  either  should  insist  thai  Ihe  oihcr 
was  bound  by  the  treaty,  lo  improve  its  naviga- 
tion. I  am  siire,  my  western  friends  would  never 
consent  that  the  United  Stales  had  incurred  nny 
such  obligation. 

There  is.however,  another  excuse  for  calling  on 
us  lo  make  appropriations  for  this  river,  ll  is  pre- 
tended, ihat.  as  many  Stales  border  upon  it,  no 
one  .State  could  enter  ujioii  its  improvement  with- 
out interfering  with  the  rights  of  ttie  others.  This 
is  not  correct.  Any  iniiiediment  which  simply 
obstructs  or  renders  perilous  its  navignlion,  is,  in 
the  eye  of  the  law,  a  nuisance;  and  any  nuisance, 
on  any  highway,  nalund  or  artificial,  may,  by  any 
citizen  or  person,  be  abated.  The  ]>ubUc  roads  in 
ft  Stale  may  be  closed  or  disconlimied,  if  the  Stale 
please;  but  so  long  as  they  remain  public  high- 

I  ways,  any  person  may  remove  a  nuisance  or  ob- 
struction, or  mend  a  breach;  and  to  take  a  sawyer 
out  of  the  Mississippi  is  as  clearly  the  right,  the 

[  pei-sonal  right,  of  every  citizen,  us  to  shool  a  bear 

I  or  a  panther.    But  suppose  it  were  not  so,  and  that 

'•  the  plea  of  want  of  jurisdiction  be  well  founded; 

'  lliis  gives  no  right  lo  call  on  this  Government  to 
contribute  the  money  neces.sary  lor  lhe.se  purposes. 
Gentlemen,  however,  are  mistaken  in  supposing 
there  i.s  no  provision  in  the  Constitution  to  meet 
the  case. 

The  ("ramers  of  that  instrument  foresaw  that  two 
or  more  Stales,  less  than  the  whole,  might  have  a 
common  iiileresl  in  reference  to  some  matters;  and 
in  view  of  this,  iiny  Stale  is  authorized,  ii'i(/i //ic 
cuii.viid  ef  Coiigrfs.s,  lo  "enter  into  any  agreement 
or  compact  with  another  Slate,  or  with  a  fm'eign 
Power,"  This  provision  was  intended  lo  meet 
tlic  precise  case  now  before  the  committee,  ll  is 
hardly  pos.<ible  that  the  Federal  Convention  did 
not  Ibresee,  and  have  in  its  eye,  the  exact  class  of 
cases  to  which  the  present  belongs.  It  is,  Then, 
perfectly  compclent  for  the  Stales  interested  in  this 
river  to  agree  upon  a  joint  roinmiosion  of  officers, 
for  iis  improvement,  eillier  by  locks  and  canals,  or 
in  any  oiher  manner.  And  if  they  will  enter  into 
sin  h   "compact  or  agreement,"!  pledge  myself 

;  Congress  shall  give  its  sanciion,  and  confer  upon 
them  the  right  to  do  just  what  they  please  with  the 

i  Mississippi  and  its  tributaries.  'Will  gentlemen 
meet  ni"  on  these  terms?    Or,  as  want  of  jurisdic- 


40S 


iJOrii  f'(iN<i IxT  Sksh. 


APPKNDIX  TO  TflK  CONGRRSSlONAfi  GLOni'. 

tJnrlinrs  and  Hii'irn — Mr,  liayli/. 


fMnrch  I   , 


Ho'.  OK  l{i:i's. 


tion  is  ehr  Hiin|iiiKi'il  ditBi'iilly,  if  ('i)ii!;r(!<H  will 
|wsi  liiwn  rririiiiiiin','  rlirw  iiii|<i'i>vriiii'niH,  will  i;!'!)- 
tlruiru  (li^rt  f  that  ilir  Htatrw  iiilrrrrtfMJ  hIi.iII  i-oii- 
IriLnlc  till'  iiiohcy?  TliiH  I  iitn  Miirr  tliry  (Multl  (it> 
M'illiDiil  tlio  riiiifi'iil  (irc'i)iii;i'('H«.  Will  llii'Vi'loNo 
ill  iij'iiii  lillirr  iil'llii'  |i''i>|MiniiiiiiiH?  Nil,  hIi".  tiny 
wiMilil  i)('|irr<-atr  till'  >rnuii  ot'  jiiriHilirtinn  iin  n  ni' 
l.iiiiily.  It  wmilil  iliMtniy  ii  |nrti"\l  for  I'Miniii:; 
liilT  fur  iiionry.  If  tlif'V  Mliciily  pmihfonfil  jiiri*i- 
(li'tiiMi,  iIh'V  V,  ■•nil!  iiiiiHiilcT  "  iiN  lims  'jri'ni  irni"." 
It  i^:  ]i|iiiMlrr,  Mini  lint  jiiritnli^ihiii,  ilim  is  waiitril. 

Mr.  ('Iiainiiaii:  In  iMiii|mnii'_'  ilii' lu'tiial  iidniin- 
iHlnilinii  oCilir  I'V'dinil  ( iini'iiiinriil,  iinil  ilii'  Hintr 
iif  its  li'ijiNlaii'iii,  wiih  ilir  iinivij>iiiiiNiit'lln' < 'iinsli- 
liitiim,  Dili-  is  Hlnicl<  with  iiNloniNliim-iit.  Thn-e 
ni'ViT  was  MM  iiiHiniiiniii  so  »inipli'  .'imiI  iliiii'i,  in 
lis  sliiti  niniiM,  "f  no  iiiii'i.nriisiMl  in  lis  iiia'Irr  :inil 
niclliciil.  lis  rmiiilirs  i-niilil  nnl  Inivr  made  it 
ninrr  sn.  \Viih  tl><'  r\|u^ririicc'  wi*  tinvc,  I  tihoiild 
mil  know  Iniw  to  I'.i  iilinnt  iiii|irii\  ill"  ilir  |iiii'iM'- 
inKs  111' |ii-ii|'in'iy  "f  Ms  Ian:;!!!:'!',  linn  iml  siii- 
prisi'd  iliiit  llainilinn,  I'Virywlii'p'  in  ilir  l''rdrral- 
Ist,  cxliiliils  siirli  iiii|ialii'iiiT  ill  tlic  caviilinijs  of 
olijrt'lnrs.  1  If  spiriks  riinstaiitly  in  a  vi'in  "f  s  ir- 
castir  rriiirisni,  that  a  tliiii!;  so  plain,  sliniild  imt 
sulisfy  tlip  I'oinniiin  srnw  'd' ivn'y  inan.  Ilnw 
nrr  wr  to  aci'mmt  \\\r  so  many  nisliinrcK  ol'  vi':\! 
(Icpai-lniT  from  its  inir  iiitini  and  mcanms?  Tlir 
chiofi'ansc  is  t-vidciii  lo  iiiv  mind. 

At  ihc  MTy  iM'uMiinim.',  tlir  (jovi  '■mnrnt  fill  inio 
till'  liaiids  ol'  sonic,  plcd'-rij,  I  lalic  vc  I  may  .-ay, 
tnltrini;  alioiii  a  trriiiliial  IraiiHtorni.ilion  ot'lhc  svs- 
Ifiii.  Tims,  the  tiist  jiron-ss  oT  admiins'trailoii 
was  a  praiiii'wl  niisintorprctation  of  the  Coiisiiin- 
lioii;  and  ircni  ratiil,  at  itwco,  in  tlir-  popular  mind, 
n  wronij  lialat  of  ilioimliK  l*ni  under  the  mispiirs 
of  .letfrrson  tlir  roiuitry  was,  in  i  irri'iit  iniasnri', 
rcdi'i'inrd  from  \\it  fii'crts  ol"  ilii.s  oriiiiiinl  sin. 
How,  tlii'ii,  were  we  thrown  hack  inlit  i-rror.'  't'o 
my  niind,  it  is  an  casv  prohlrm;  onr  Presidents 
li.avo  hern  imr  rxpoiinders  orConslilnliim;  a  class 
of  individuals  the  least  favoiaKly  sitnntiil  for  ihr 
I'xt'rcisoof  mi  uiiliiassed  jiidu'iiicni.  I  mcim  not  to 
speak  (lisrcsprctfnlly,  or  oilierwisc  than  with  feel- 
iiii^R  of  charity.  I  trust  I  am  not  insciisihir  ot'  the 
mural  worth  and  pairiotisni  of  ;i||  oiir  I'resiilciiis. 
Sir,  I  s!iy  noihiim;  that  the  Constitiition  li.is  not 
first  said.  So  impressed  were  oiir  foret'athers  with 
the  weakness  of  limnan  naliiri  ,  ilicv  made  ii  ,•,  sol- 
emn constitiitioMftI  provision,  that  no  one  holdiii',' 
ortice  under  this  Go\ernmeiit  should  accept  aiiv, 
the  ninsl  trivial,  present  from  a  toreiiin  prince  or 
•Stale.  And  yet,  sir,  it  is  the  hahii  of  the  eonniry 
lo  limk  til  onr  Presidents,  under  the  liiiih  (eniiita- 
tions  of  olliceand  ( itioliimeiii,Ms  the  infillihie  or.i- 
I'les  of  the  ('(nisliliiiion.  AnoHicerof  ihis  (iov- 
eriimeiit  coiilil  not  accept  a  smiU'liox  from  the 
lCinperori>f  .Morocco,  or  n  policy  t'loni  the  Iniaiini 
of  iMnscat,  lest  hisofiicia!  inleL'riiy  iniirhl  lie  sha- 
ken; ami  yet  yon  hold  up  to  one  of  your  aspiriin; 
eiti/.eiis,  iwo  opposite  proposition.s  in'  politics,  and 
s.'iy  to  him,  **  If  ymi  will  emhrace  this,  yon  shall 
have  onr  eonseni  to  wear  a  crown  and  live  inaL'iiili- 
eeiuly  in  n  palace;  if  that,  your  rival  shall  r. cm 
over  yon."  .Sir,  if  yon  will  consider  the  power 
id'  such  a  temptation  as  this,  yon  will  imdeisiaiul 
why  it  w.'is  that,  twelve  ye.irs  au'o.  hoih  your  po- 
liiical  parlies  were  liroinjhi  to  nn  ahnosi  iilenlical 
irrouiid,  upon  the  three  LTeat  i|iieslioiis  that  now 
divide  ns — laritl',  iiiiennl  improvenienls,  .-11111  ilie 
principle  of  a  I'nited  Statis  liank. 

[Here  the  alloiteij  hour  expired.] 


-..T', 


IIAItliOliS  A\n  lilVKUS. 
Sl'Ki:C  II   OF    .M  U.  Ii.\  \  L\  , 

or    \IIIGIMA, 

In  TMK  lint  SK  UK   I'l.l'llKSKS'T.lTIVK'i, 

Much  11,  Ink;. 
On  ihc  Fliirlior  nil!,  and  in  reply  m  .Mr.  I  In 

upon  (he  Corn  trade  of 'l-:ii;,'laiid. 
The  House  lieini;  in  Cominittie  of  the  Whole 
the  state  of  the  I'lnon  mi  the  hill  inakini-api 
priatioim  forcirlain  Uiver.saiid  llariiors— 
Mr.  BAYLY  rose   and   .said:   I   have  very  Ii 
to  say,   Mr.  Clinirnian,   upon   the  hill   hefn're 
comnutl«ie.     The  .snbject   is  one  with   which 
touiilry,  loi-  H   loni;   time,  has   heeii   faiiiihar,  : 


the  opinioiiH  of  iiiohi  pernonHare  made  up  in  refer- 
eiiee  toil.  I  liavene\er  tlionirhl  that  this(jov- 
ernnieni  had  power  to  carry  on  n  Hysteni  of  inter- 
nal iinprovemeiils;  and  I  have  always  heen  of 
opinion  thai  il  would  he  inexpedient,  if  the  power 
existed. 

The  Onveriiment  of  the  tinileil  Slnlon  in  ntip  of 
deleu'iited  powers;  and  liy  the  iiroviHioiis  of  llie 
Consiitntion  if^'etf.  it  is  deehinil  iliat  all  powers 
not   delegated   are  reserved   lo  the   Slates    or   the 


in  the  ('onstiiiiiion.  The  words  in  i|nesiioii,  so  fir 
from  hein\'ilesii.Mied  as  an  eiilar';enieiil  of  the  pow- 
ers of  ('ini;;ress,   were   desiu'iieil   as  a  restriclioii. 


Itle 
the 
iIk' 

Old 


people.  The  Coiistiiii'ioii  not  only  contains  a  ih  I- 
ewilion  of  powers,  liiil  also  of  nie.iiis  lo  exi'cnio 
them;  iinil  the  ileleijalion  of  one  class  of  ineuiis, 
iici'oidinc;  to  the  most  I'aniiliar  rides  of  roiistriie- 
tioii,  exchnles  ilie  idea  of  an  iiiteiiiion  lo  ileleijate 
any  oihei-.  These  an'  positions  which  no  Iti  |aih- 
licaii,  w  ho  nnderslands  the  lir.-t  princi|iles  of  Ins 
creed,  will  dispute.  Then  the  iiii|iiiry  arises:  Ih 
the  power  to  carry  on  11  system  ol'  internal  im- 
pro\emciits  to  lie  t'oiiiid  amoiic'  tin'  powers  ex- 
pressly ^'ranted  to  ('oieress-  This  is  not  pri  tend- 
ed, fs  it  eiimnerated  anion;:  ihe  specitied  nieaiis 
to  execute  the  irr.intid  powers-  .Neither  is  this 
preleiidi-d.  Il  is  not  i;raiiled  in  express  terms 
eiilier  .-IS  an  end  or  11  means.  And  it  w-.-is  not  in- 
aiherlence  ihal  il  is  so.  On  the  conirary,  a  mo- 
tion was  iiimie  in  the  f'onvinlion  which  iVanied 
lhi>  ('oiistiiiition  to  in'ani  the  power,  and  it  failed, 
A\v\  now  ireiiilemeii  seek  10  confer  upon  ilie  tiov 
eniment,  hv  eoiisirnciioii,  what  itie  I 'onvention 
refused  in  confer  liy  express  u'raiit  1 

I'.iil  L'eiillemen  do  not  coiiieinl  ih.-it  the  pow-er  In 
ciirrv  on  a  sv.-^iem  in'  mieriial  impriuenients  is 
conti'rred  liy  express  craiil.  They  chiiin  it  as  an 
implied  power.  There  are  two  tests  of  implied 
powi  rs,  eilherof  w  liich  is  fatal  in  ihis  case.  I'pnn 
evt-ry  principle  of  coiisiriii-lioii   appiicahle   lo  onr 

I  'oiistitnlion,  an  inipln  d  power  inii.^t  not  he  a  dis- 
tinct, indepciidciit,  and  sithsiiiiniv-  pi'erof-alive.hnl 
it  imist  he  secondary;  such  as  it  is  fair  to  piesnme 
was  meant  lo  I.-  conferred  hy  implication.  Is  the 
pow-er  ill  (pieslionofihai  sei-mulary  character  r   Is 

II  noi  a  iftMinei,  tnih-peiideni.  and  snhsiaiiiive  pre- 
roL'ative'  It  sei  ms  to  me  iliai  there  c-innoi  he  two 
opinions  on  ihis  point,  'i'iii-  si  coiid  It-st  to  w-hicli 
I  rel'er  is  lliis;  A  power  claimed  hy  iinplic-a!:on,  us 
a  nii'iins  of  execiiiiii;r  n  pow-er  expressly  LM-anted, 
must,  in  its  iiatnie,  lie  inferior  or  snljordinale  to 
means  i  xnressly  irraiited  lo  1  xei-iile  ihe  .same 
power,  l-or  yoii  cainiol  suppose  when  ilie  I '011- 
M'lition  uranled  expressly  ini'eiior  means,  that 
they  meant  to  eoiifer,  liy  iniplicalioii,  Ihose  in  llieir 
chara'-ter  superior.  To  slum-  that  Ihe  power  in 
i|Ues[ioii  is  not  of  this  inferior  cl.iss.  I  have  aoiliin^ 
to  1I-.  inn  10  lel'er  10  ihe(  'oii.-.iiinlion,wh|cli  is  full  of 
ennmeraied  Oiians  of  e\i  ciiilii;;  Traiin  d  powers, 
of  a  viisl  deal  less  conseijiience  than  the  one  leiw- 
elainied. 

Let  lis  examine  this  (|iitslion  a  little  more  in 
deiail.  The  power  in  ipiesiion  is  soo^dil  to  he  di-- 
rived  Ironi  varnais  sources.  In  the  lan-rnaL'e  of 
.\lr.  ("lay.  "  it  is  a  vairrani  power" — now  sc-kimx 
a  lialiiMlion  in  one  clause  of  the  ( 'oiistitiition,  now 

III  another,  ami,  in  Irnih,  inning'  a  IcL'iiiinale  lionie 
in  lion-.  .Not  io  tlelain  Ihe  comniittie  in  .-01  exaiii- 
iiiaiion  of  all  the  t'ancifnl  sources  from  whii  li  ^'i-ii- 
tleinen  aitenipt  lo  derive  this  power,  Id  ns  exam- 
ine the  two  fiian  which  it  is  most  i^eni  rally 
lhon>:lit  lo  llow  . 

The  first  is  the  pow-er  lo  "layand  collect  t.ixes, 
duties,  iniposi.s,  lo  pay  ihe  ih  his  aad  provide  for 
the  eimiinoii  ilefeln-e  and  ireoi-nl  \,elf.i|-e  of  lln- 
I'niled  .Sliiles;  hoi  all  illllles,  ilnposls,  and  ex(-ises, 
I  sliiill  he  uniform  llii-on'.;liont  the  l.'nited  States." 
'  It  Is  insisied, thai  miller  tliisi-hiiise(.'oiie|-e.sseuii 
do  anythin;,'  that  can  lie  done  hy  money,  which  in 
IIS  opinion  will  provide  lor  the  e,  ner.-d  wi-llare.  In 
oiln-r  words,  llie  iiowe-  's  s.jii;;hi  to  he  derived  iin- 
ili  r  what  is  well  known  as  "  ihe  ^eiaral  welfare" 
doctrine.  There  is  a  very  .simri  im.sw-er  to  liiis 
whole  doctrine,  which  is  |  erfeetly  eonclnsive. 
'i"he  C.onsiinitioii  was  desi:;iad  as  a  restraint  on 
('oiiiiress;  to  f.-iier  discreiioii;  to  conline  It  within 
narrow-  and  prescriiied  limiis:  in  a  word,  as  an  ex- 
act measure  of  the  powers  of  (.'on^'iess.  lint  this 
doctrine  makes  "  the  discreiioii  of  <Joni;re.ss,  and 
not  ihe  Cinislitution,  the  ineasnre  id' its  power." 
If  this  docrine  is  true,  nearly  evi-ry  oilier  clause  of 
Ihe.  ('oiistitnlion  is  siirjilns.i  :e;  f.a-  ihire  is  very 
little  pertaiinnL'  to  Uo\eniinent  wliuli  inuy  not  he 
done  under  the  sweeping  jiovver  lo  provide  for  the 
;;eiita'al  welfare.      Uiit  there  is  nollinii;  snperlliions 


('oiejres.'i  not  only  may  not  do  w-|iatevcr  il  may 
fancy  will  provide  for  the  .'jciieral  welfire,  hiil  it 
may  not  even  exercise  the  |  oweri  expn 


may  not  even  exercise  the  |  oweri  expressly  ;;raiit- 
eil  for  any  other  imrpoHe  lliaii  to  promote  tiik  (ikn- 
F.n»l.  well'are.  'j'he  powers  iiiantcd  are  not  lo  lin 
used  for  iipeciid,  hiil  i;eiieral  pnriioses — not  for 
Stale,  hilt  for  naliiaiid  piirpo.ses.  'I'his  view-  aloim 
is  fatal  to  the  hill  hi  t'ole  llie  House,  as  it  will  he 
to  liny  one  which  will  he  inirodiii-ed  wilh  any  pros- 
iieelof  KiiccesH.  Local  appropriations  w-ill  have  li> 
lie  made  to  secure  slren^'lh  eiioie^-li  lo  carry  any  hill. 

The  interiial-iniprovenient  power  i.'i  also  cWiined 
under  ihe  clauses  anthori/mu' l'oii'.;ress  'Mo  re-j-ii- 
late  conimerce  w  illi  forei-rn  nations,  and  anion'.;  the 
severiil  Sl;ilis,  and  with  llie  Indian  Irihes;"  anil 
"  to  make  all  law.-i  which  shall  he  iieeessnry  ami 
proper  for  carrying-  into  eM-cntimi  the  forii;oin|; 
powers. " 

'I'he  word  eonimeree,  at  the  lime  il  was  used  in 

the  Constiliitinn.   had  a  leceiveil   and   r L'liiseil 

nieanin;.'.  Il  ineanl  "  trade,  trallic,"  in  iin  eli- 
lnr;:ed  sense.  It  ineiuil  a  (iiii-Mii/,  rather  than  a 
thine;.  Il  Is  the  Imsiiim  of  connnei-ce,  and  not  the 
inraiis-  hy  which  it  is  carried  on,  which  <'oii"i-ess 
has  II  riu'lil  to  le'.'iilite.  I'lider  the  pow-er  lo  reirii- 
h'lte  coniniei-i'e,  Con^'ress  may  prescrihe  the  terinfl 
upon  which  inide  may  he  eonilucled  with  foreiu'ii 
nations,  hut  it  eiiimot  prescrihe  the  medinni 
tliroii<:h  which  it  is  carried  on.  Il  cannot  say 
10  :i  nierclrint  Ihct  he  shall  export  his  t'.oods  in 
a  sloop  and  not  in  a  scluioner — in  a  s.iil-vessel 
and  not  in  a  steamhnal,  Itilt  if  it  were  oilier- 
wise,  i  wnulil  slill  deny  the  power  in  this  case. 
Tilt  ;'rovision  ol'  the  ( 'onslitnlion  conters  power 
only  o\er  lluii'^s  in  existence;  and  so,  it' we  eon- 
cede  to  It  the  ii:most  latiliiile  of  nrii/ii/ieii,  it  iIoi-m 
not  !;ive  the  power  of  o'e«/i<m.  I  deny  that  I'on- 
L'ress  call  reL^nlale  the  nwiitts  of  comineree.  lint 
suppose  il  can,  lhal  confers  no  poiver  to  rvmlf 
llii'in.  I  may  a.linit,  for  the  art'-unieiit.  that  Con- 
trress  may  rev'niatc  the  shippiii;;  ot'merclianls;  hnt 
dm  s  it  tlier*-hy  acquire  the  power  lo  furnish  them 
wilh  shippini;  at  its  own  expense r  I  deny  thai. 
Coii'^ness  has  the  niitliority  to  furnish  ships  and 
w-a;:oiis  to  carry  our  produce  to  market;  hut  it  ha.^ 
as  much  power  to  do  that  as  it  has  to  t'lirnish  I'a- 
iials  and  iioats,  railmads  and  cars,  lienllemen  also 
claim  the  power  in  i{nesiion  under  the  clause  an- 
thoriziii','  (  oiiirress  "to  make  all  laws  which  shall 
lie  iircr.s.sfici;  and  /n-a/in'  t'or  ciirryini:  i»/a  r.rrnifioii" 
the  (rranled  powers.  A  stroniii-r  lOL^tinient  against 
lliia  whole  doctrine  of  powir  hy  implieation  coiikl 
not  he  devised  than  from  this  provisinii  of  ihe  (Jon- 
stitiition.  If  ihi  re  is  any  priii'-ijile  of  universal  ap- 
plication, il  is,  thai  w-hei-e  a  power  is  exphciiiy 
delegated,  the  means  iiecess'iry  for  its  execution  is 
(1(  lei'ated  also;  and  yel  so  averse  was  the  coiivin- 
tioii  whicli  framed  llie  Constilntion  to  powers  hy 
implication,  that  even  in  ihis  ease  they  resorted  to 
1111  express  ;;rani.  .Vow,  sir.  in  all  the  discnssioris 
relative  to  the  i  lanse  under  eoiisideralion.  it  seem.s 
to  me  that  Ihere  is  a  L'real  conl'Msion  of  ideas.  The 
ai-L^uiiients  advanced  tend  to  show  that  the  exercise 
of  the  powi-r  claimed  is  iK-cissiiry  for  the  vvt-lfare 
ol' Ihe  people — t'or  ihc  (joverniiient.  Tins  miirht 
he  adnutleil,  and  yet  il  would  not  ailvunce  tin  111 
one  step  in  the  arL'uinent.  To  i;et  power  to  pass 
laws  under  the  clause  we  are  disciussin;r,  you  iiiiist 
show  that  they  are  necessary  lollif  ftnrtr;  and  that 
vvilhonitheniihepowerciiijuotheexi'ciiled.  When- 
ever you  can  do  that — w  liinever  you  ran  show  licit 
the  piissa^e  of  any  particular  law  is  necessary  to 
^ivi-  rilatitij  to  a  citinted  power,  without  the  p;is- 
sic  of  which  it  wonlil  he  dorinant,  then  I  "i-aiii 
yon  have  aiilhiniiy  to  pass  it.  The  iiece.--sily  must 
lie  Co-i-xisleiil  Wlih  the  power.  l!ut  \vliell  yi.ii 
have  shown  that  tin-  exercise  of  any  ttiveii  power 
is  very  expedient  in-  ciiivenient  for  the  Cfoveni- 
nient— nay,  I  will  ;'o  fnrllier,  and  say,  when  yoii 
show  Ijiat'it  is  al'solntely  ill  cessary  I'or  the  (jovcrii- 
mciit  to  possess  such  a  power,  yoii  have  not  ,ul- 
vaiiced  a  step  lowiirils  showiic,'  that  the  Clovern- 
nunt  ill  fact  po.ssesses  il.  All  yon  have  done  m 
such  a  ease  is,  to  denioiislrate  the  propriety  of 
amendiiiL'  the  f'onslilntion,  so  as  to  confer  ihe 
power,  express  jacvision  for  w  hich  is  made.  .-X  ml 
III  the  very  fact  of  providni::  it,  the  t'laniers  of  the 
Consiitntion  showed  that  they  coiiti-mplaud  a  staie 
of  ihiiiiTs  in   which   mliliiional   povver.s   would    he 


•    1 


I 


I 


[.Miircli  I    , 


iic>iii"n,  sii  l;ir 
111  (if  till'  |iinv- 

I    II  ITSllicliilll. 

llrviT  li  iii'iy 
ivrll'irr,  I'll'  i' 
:|irrsslv  u'niiii- 

llllllCTIlK  (;kv- 

I  lire  Mill  111  liii 

HIHCH III  it    I'lir 

'IlitI  VIl'W  llllllll! 
I-,  MM  it    will  llB 

wiili  luiv  |iriiN- 
inn  will  liiuoiii 
niriy  iiiiy  liiH- 
in  iiIhii  cWiiiiHil 
rresH  I'  III  vcru- 
iiiiit  (iniiiiii;  lliH 
I)  Iriltf'.s;*'  iiiitl 
iici'i'sMiii'y  mill 
till'  fiirii;iiiii!; 

it  wii»  iiTil  ill 

mill  r sriiiHi'il 

ii',"  in  ml  cii- 

riilliiT  lliiin  11 
riM',  mill  mil  iln; 

vllli'll  Clll'-ITKH 

■  |Mi\v('i'  111  rru'ii- 
<rrili''  llii'  Icrnin 

[I'll    Willi  flUci'.'ll 

'  llii'  ini'ilinni 
ll  I'Miiniit  i-iiy 
irl  liin  kikmIh  in 
-in  a  siiil-vossrl 
'  ii  wi'i'i'  (itlicr- 
,'tT  ill  llii«  I'll*"'. 

I  I'lllll5  IH    pilWIT 

II  sii,  if  wi'  I'lin- 

','■11(11(11111,  it  iliii  M 

iliiiy  lliiit  t'liii- 
riiniinnrc.  lint 
|in\\cr  to  rreatf 

mil  111,  lllllt  (-'nil- 

f  nin-rlimiis;  lint 
ti)  t'nniisli  tlirm 
Isr?  I  iliny  lllllt 
sli  slii]is  mill 
t;  Inn  11  lia.s 

10  fnrni.-<li  i';i- 
I'lilli'iiii'ii  also 
llir  clmisc  mi- 

s  wliii'li  sliall 

11(11  (,rfcii(inii" 

inicnt  tiiriiiiist 

^  lii'iilinn  rmilil 

',111  iif  llii'  (Niii- 

f  nniM'isiil  a|i- 

r  i.-i  (Xi'lii'iny 

I  I'Xii'iiliiin  M 

s  ilir  iiiiivi  11- 

III  |iiiwrr«  I'Y 

n  y  ri'siirti'il  In 

lie  (lisi-iissiiiii.s 

iiiiiii,  il  sinus 

iifiilras.   'llm 

lilt  llii'  cxi'ii'ise 

I'.ir  llie  wilfai'P 

.     Tins  iiii^iit 

lulvmii'i'  til-  111 

[.ilWi  r  111  |':l'S 
SMIL',  yiiii  ll"'^'- 

i.irii-;  1111(1  lllllt 
i-nliil.    Wliiii- 

11  can  sliow  liiiit 
Is  iii'i  issm-y  to 
lliiMit  llic  I'liis- 
1,  tli'ii   1  '/I'liiii 

III  I'cssity  niiisl 
lint  wlirii  ymi 
y  I'ivcn  |iiiwi'r 
iV  llii;  (invnii- 
say,  wlii'ii  ynii 
I'm-  ilietjoviiii- 
111  have  mil  ad- 
ul  llie  Ciiiveiii- 
III  liave  ilmie  111 

|il-n|llillV    111' 

1,1  iMiiifer'  llie 

ii  is  made.    ;\nil 

iVmiiei's  iif  llie 

ni|ilillell  a  stall: 

ivers   wiuilil    U' 


184(i.l 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  CONORESSFONAI.  OLOHE. 


40!) 


29tii  Cong Ist  Skrb. 


llarhun  aiitl  Hivcra — Mr,  Jiinjly. 


Ilo.  OP  Rrps. 


IWf 


,11.1 


ilii 


(■' 


I  I 


lirriU'd  liy  llic  Govrnimenl,  tliiit  rmilU   nnl  lie  dc-  ' 
lived  in  liny  oilier  niminei'.     'I'liey  li  id  no  idea  of 
di'iiviiii;  mfditiotiid   |iiiwerH  liy  lln>  tiiiide  of  I'lin- 
Hlnielioii  now  eiinlenilt  il  for. 

As  an  illiislratioii  nf  llie  soil  of  neeessily  wliirli  ' 
will  milliiii'i/.e  the  |iass,ii;e   of  a   law  for  nirryiiii;  ' 
iiiiii  ixeenlion  a  ijrmiled  power,  I  will  lake  the  ease 
of    llie    Mini.      ('oilL'lesH     is    em|iowered    In    eilill 
iiiiiiiey.     Il  eainiol  do  lliis  without  a  mint.     It  is 
mil  iiossililej  llie  neeessily  is  iiihereiil.     ll  is  indu-  1 
|ieiiileiil  of  ein-innslaiiees.     ll  eNisted  the  day  llie  ] 
('  iiislilnliiin   was  ailii{iled;   il  will   exist   forever. 
Tims  eoiisiriK'd,  yon   make  llie  Conslitnliiin  what 

II  was  de.iiijiieil   to  lie — a  Mliilile  and  fixed  ihiiif;.  , 
liiil  eonslnie  it  as  Kenllemen  would  |iersniiile  us, 
nail   yoii  niiilie  il  miylliini;  cIho — as  clian^'ing  an 
fii'K'ie  eiii'iinislaiii'es.  j 

I'ail  not  salisfied  wiili  llir  ar^juinent  derived  from  . 
llie  ('inisiiliilioii  ilself,  Keiilleiiieii  resort  10  prece- j 
deiii,  mid  lliey  ri  iVi   pariienlarly  to  llie  rslalilish- | 
111' III  of  li^'lilhonses.     The  power  of  the  tiini  rn- 1 
iinnl  I'l  I'sial'lisli  li;;litlinusi  s  is  very  iiuestioaiilile.  1 
Mr.  .ll  ll'i  rs'in  and  Mr.  Madison  lioth  so  ret;ariled  ' 
il.     They  did  not  lUrive  the  power  to  ereel  llier.i  j 
froiii  llie  power  10  ifirulale  eiiinnieri'e.     They  re- 
ferred it  to  ihe  power  10  niainlain  11  navy.     Le^lil-  ' 
hiinses  were  eonsidereil  as  neeessary  for  thai  pur- 
pose as  dork-yards,  power  10  nmsunet  wlii'di  is 
reeoLrnised  liyilie  ('oiisiiinliim  In  he  ill  Consiresa; 
mid  ihe  power  in  the  ease  of  liijlilhoiises  was  con- 
sidered as  also  reeo^niseil  in  llie  same  clause,  under 
Ihe   he.id  iif  "olliir  III  III  fill  hiiilirnins."     The  lan- 
^iiiije  of  Ihe  C'lnsuiiilion  is,  "  10  exercise  exclu- 
'  sive   le;;is!alion    in    all    cases   whatever  over  all 
'  places  purchased  liy  the  consent  of  ihe  Lei;isla- 
'  lure  of  the  Stale  in  which  ihu  same  shall  he,  for 
'  the  ereclioii  of  forts,  mii^'ii/.inis,  arsenals,  dock- 
'yards,  and   (i(/ii  c  iii'ilful  )iiii/i/iii!,'.i. "     The  con- 
nexion in  w  liicli   these   lii«l  words  arc  n.sed  shows 

thai  "  ll her  needful  liiiildiiif;s"  referred  to  such 

lis  were  ill  llie  same  caliijory  wilh  dock-yards, and 
needful  10  the  army  and  navy;  and  li^lilhuu.sus 
wore  considered  as  helon^jini^  to  this  class. 

A  more  .^Irikinj;  ilhislratioii  of  Ihi;  mi.schief  of 
relyini;  upon  prcceileni,  liy  whii  h  llie  ahiisc  of  to- 
day is  made  ihe  law  of  to-morrow,  could  not  well 
lie  |irod\i'-eil  Ihan.  lliis  case  all'ords.  In  the  case  of 
li^hlhoii.scs,  u  donlill^il  power  is  exerted;  this  is 

III  ide  ihe  prcedeii'  for  one  slid  more  so;  and  this, 
a'_'ain,  is  iiiaile  a  pre.  ■dcnl,  until,  hy  this  ayslem 
of  heapint;  I'eliou  upon  Ossa,  you  deslroy  every- 
tliins;  like  limiialioii  of  po  -Kr  in  llie  Ciovernmeiit. 

Iliil,  sir,  the  power  to  consi'iicl  internal  iniprove- 
nienls  is  mil  only  not  iri-anled  i'l  the  ('onsiiiiilion, 
liiit  it  is  inconsislciit  Willi  ils  spii!'.  t'liijuniulij  is 
a  characlerislic  of  the  tamslilulion.  "All  duties, 
imposts,  and  excises  sliall  he  uniform  lliriiui;lioul 
the  Uiiiled  Slates."  Naluralizalion  and  hiinkru|i| 
laws  shall  he  iiiii/iin/i.  '*  No  prefcreiioe,  shall  lie 
^'iveii,  liy  any  re!;ul:ilioii  of  coinmcrce  or  revenue, 
to  the  ports  of  one  Stale  over  those  of  anolher." 
"  liepiTsenlatiou  and  direct  taxes  shall  he  iipiioi- 
lioiied  aiiioni;  the  several  Stales  according  to  llieir 
respective  inmiliers." 

'riiese  last  provisions  were  desi:;ned  hi  in.sure 
ei]iial  advanla'j;cs  and  lo  |irovlile  au'.iinst  une(|nal 
favors  anionu;  ihe  snvenil  Siales.  liul  what  folly 
il  was  ill  Ihe  framers  of  ihe  Coiislilulioii  10  take  , so 
iiioi-h  pains  lo  secure  luiiforinily  in  raisiiit;  revenue, 
if  lliey  designed  to  puruiit  incipialiiy  into  ils  dis- 
triliullon.  Practically  the  same  result  follows. 
There  is  ns  much  parlialiiy  and  injiislii'e  in  the 
one  case  as  in  the  "llier.  Ineipialily  is  inherent  in 
I  his  wli'ile  syslcin;  it  is  the  very  law  of  ils  exist- 
ence. If  ho  Stale  or  section  could  receive  more 
under  It  than  ils  share — if  no  Suite  coiild  receive 
more  lliaii  she  conlriliules,  none  would  care  auy- 
ihiie;  aliiinl  il;  for  lliey  would  only  !;et  hack  llieir 
own,  diminished  hy  the  cost  of  colleclioii  and  dis- 
linrsement.  If  no  Stale  could  receive  more  ihaii 
il  conlriliules,  il  would  he  heller  for  it  to  collect 
and  dislnirse  for  iisiif.  If  il  does  receive  mare 
llian  ils  just  pioporlion,  olher  Sialcs  will  receive 
less,  which  would  he  uiijusl.  So  this  is  a  sysieni 
which,  10  make  it  dcsir.iLic  lo  any  you  must  make 
il  unjust  111  some.  The  provisions  of  this  hill  show 
the  Ineipialily  of  llie  sysU'in.  ll  appro|'riales  a 
niillioii  and  a  half  of  dollars;  and  in  ilio  Southern 
Slates,  fifiy  ihoiisand  dollars  for  S.tvunnali,  and 
tweiiiy  Ihousand  dollars  for  Oharlesioii,*  comprise 

*  Tlic  apiirupriiilioii  Ilir  Cluulesloii  w.is  iillcrwai il:i  strick- 
en out. 


nf'^ 


is  expendiliire.  Is  thin  mich  discreiion  ns  oiiyhl 
111  he  conferred  upon  Ihe  I'Afculive?  ll  is  no  larL'o 
as  ill  cllicl  lo  confer  upon  il  Ihe  power  of  le:^isla- 
lioii,  llul,  xir,  1  will  mil  pursue  this  disciMHioti 
I'lrlher.  My  iiimn  ih  sii;n  is  lo  reply  lo  ihe  ;;en- 
llemaii  iVoin  Mii^sacliiisells,  |Mr.  1  Iiiishn.) 

Kill  peniiil  me  m  remark,  hefore  I  dismiss  lliR 
snl'jccl,  lllllt  the  insidi'ins  clmracler  of  llie  sysleni 
is  such — il  addresses  ilself  so  powerfully  io  llic 
sordid   inleresis  nf  llie  coiiniry — il  has  in  eoiiiic- 

ipienie  iinplunicil   in  il  ..o  1 h   viialily,  ihat  it 

li.is  revived  a'aiii  al'ier  five  l'',xeculive  velois.  I 
i^rcally  fear,  liku  a  cal,  it  has  nini;  lives,  lUiU  llmt 
it  will  lake  nine  veloes  lo  kill  il. 

When,  Mr.  <'hairniiin,  pendinjtliis  hill,  the  ern- 
lleinan  Ihmii  Massachnsclls  |.\lr.  Ill  iihun]  ci.m- 
nii  need  his  remarks  upon  llie  larill',  he  was  called 
lo  order,  upon  ih"  !,'round  llial  the  snlijccis  of  the 
larill'  and  inlcnml  iinprovi  iiienis  were  dislincl,  l!ut 
llie  Chair  decided  lliiil  llic'ciillcnmn  was  in  order. 
An  appeal  was  Inkeii  from  ihe  decision  of  ihe  Chair, 
and  il  was  susUiiiied  i'y  a  kiri'e  inajorily,  ihe  parly 
iViends  of  the  iri  iiileioiin  voiinu'  in'  ihe'allirnialive. 
I  iliiiik  the  decision  was  cornet.  The  two  suli- 
jecis  are  closely  allied;  and  ihe  success  of  one  de- 
i"'iids  very  nnicli  upon  ihe  success  of  llic  olher. 
Indeed,  I  iiiive  always  llioiii.'lil  lliet  llu'  larill" ipies- 
li'iii  was  more  eni]ih:ili''ally  foii'^lil  on  hills  appro- 
pri.iliii'^  revenue  llian  itp'io  ihose  raisim^  il.  The 
coiinlry  universally  ncipiiesces  in  llie  propriely  of 
raisin;;  the  iiccess.,ry  revenue  liy  imposts.  If, 
iherefore,  our  expeinlilures  arc  lar:;e,  our  tiirill* 
iiiiHI  he  lii','h.  So,  oil  ihe  other  hand,  il  is  helievi  d 
lliai  ihis  nation  will  never  siilnnil  lo  colled  more 
money  from  ihe  peoiile  llian  is  necessary  lo  ineel 
the  expelldilnres.      If.  therefoie,  the  exi'iaidiliircB 

are  1 leriile,  the  larill' iniisl  he  low.     'Ihe  friends 

of  llie  priileclive  policy  see  Ihis;  and  hence  you 
will  find  few,  if  any  of  llieni,  voliii'-T  a;;ainsl  lliis 
'  hill,  or  indeed  any  oihir.iiiproprialinu' money.  And 
here  permit  me  lo  reinai  k,  that  this  is  one  of  my 
slroiiiest  oliieclioiis  lo  liie  larilf  policy,  ll  enlists 
a  lar;:e  interest  in  the  country  in  favor  of  lavish  ex- 
penditure, which,  lint  for  it,'  would  he  the  slrona;- 
esl  advocale  for  ii'onoiuy.  I  rl  jnslilicd  in  sayiiiij 
this;  for  if  il  was  not  his  interest  to  lie  exlravai:ant 
ill  the  im'ilii-  exnendilures,  llie  Mew  l''ng:laniler 
would  helie  his  cliarii'ler  if  he  was  not  a  stickler 
for  econoiny  ill  his  pulilii'aslie  is  in  his  privale  life. 
Mr.  ('hainnaii,  the  '_'i  nllemau  from  Massachn- 
seiis  (Mr.  IIiii'-iix]  has  ;;oiie  iiiio  a  very  miiinle 
exaiiiiualion  of  llie  elleils  which  ihe  adoption  of  llie 
iiroposed  modilh'ation  of  ihe  Kiiu;lish  corn-laws  will 
liave  upon  our  imriiultural  pursuits,  mid  the  iiilUi- 
encp  it  oukIiI  lo  exert  upon  our  own  eommereiul 

.  ..      ■     , hrislatioii.      He  has  allempled   lo  show  that  llie 

:;:::rZ:^Z  ;;;i,:::;vi' illlallT^lll^lia'tK^r^T!;;!  K     agriculturist  win  nm  l.  l,enefi,cd ,  ami  that  so  far 

fi'im  Its  iiiiluciir;  ns  10  relax  our  restricuve  sys- 


the  whole  of  llie  appropriatlnni'i  frnm  iho  linnkH 
ihe  I'otomac  to  llie  Ciiilf  of  Mexico !  And  this 
ineipialily  has  existed  whenever  the  system  has 
heen  ill  operalioii,  and  il  will  coiilimu  as  loii'^r  as 
il  exists.  The  facU  upon  this  head  presented  hy 
llie  Kcnllcman  froiil  Aluiiaina,  [Mr.  V.\NLi:v,|  are 
conclusive. * 

llul,  sir,  I  not  only  insist  thai  ihissyslem  is  iin-  ] 
conslilulioiial,lintllial,if  il  were  otherwise,  it  would  ; 
he  inexpi  dii  III.  This  Ci"Veriiiiient  could  not  wisely 
I'Xeri'isesnch  power.     The  counlry  over  vvhieli  we 
h;;islale  is  so  exiensive,  thai  il  is  iaipossiiilc  for  ' 
us  lo  possess  llie  local    inliirmali'iii  mcesMiry  for 
ihe  judicious   exercise  of  such    power.     .'*aippiise 
ail  approprialion  is  askd  for  in  Maine,  or  Wis- 
'■oiisiii:    how  can   I    know  anylhini;  persoiially  of 
ihe  propriely  of  il .'     Shall  I  rely  upon  llie  lieore- 
senlative:      lie  will   he    inlureaied  ill  luisleuuin(; 
me.  ^  i 

The  iialural  tendency  of  such  n  nysleiii  is  toex- 
IraviiL'ance.  Such  was  die  ca.sc  in  Ihe  Siales  where 
there  were  ijuards  a;;aiiist  it,  which  do  not  exist 
lieie.  There  was  the  iietler  local  iiiformaliou;  llieie 
was  ihe  iiiore  ilireci  respoimihiliiy  Krowinj;  out  of 
smaller  eiinslilneneies;  llii  re  was  llie  safeguard  of 
direct  taxation.  In  the  Slates  ihere  was  no  inicresl 
in  favor  of  expenditure,  except  thai  which  was  to 
profit  directly  l.y  it.  llul  it  is  very  diircrcnl  here. 
Allied  wilh  Ihe  iiiieresl  to  he  diicclly  lieneliled  hy 
the  expendiiiiie  is  the  larilV  interest  which  is  to 
profit  mdireclly  hy  il.  Wilh  all  the  powerful 
guards  111  wliidi  I  have  referred  in  llie  Slates,  the 
syslcm  ran  into  iirolliu'acv  and  ruin.  If  the  sys- 
tem is  iiiirodiiccd  here,  wliat  will  he  its  end  .'  Can 
anv  "lie  douiil  r 

'riiis  systein  will  eiiormonsly  increase  Govern- 
nieuial  pairoiia);e.  Hi  ri  lofore  it  has  heen  confmcil 
III  individuals;  and  ihiis  conlined,  we  all  know  llie 
iiilluenee  of  il.  Inlriidu'c  lliis  system,  and  it  is 
extended  to  districts — lo  SlaU  s.  Suppose  llie  L)c- 
inoi'ialic  parly  in  the  ascendency,  or  the  Wlii;;, 
and  it  will  he  the  same  wilh  holh.  The  Denio- 
cralic.  parly  is  in  the  ascendency,  A  district  is 
Wlii:;.     Il  gels  110  iiiiproprialion.     All  election  is 

10  come  on  in  anolher  ll  is  imporlaiil  lo  carry  it; 
and  iifjeis  an  approprialion.  And  look  what  enor- 
mous discrelion  this  hill  confers  upon  the  Kxecu- 
tive.  There  is  appropriated  for  the  inipruvomenl 
of  the  Ohio  river,  almve  the  f.ills  at  Louisville, 
'jyU.hllO — helow  the  falls,  and  llic  Mississippi, 
Alissouri,  and  Arkansas,  i:24U,UOU.  l''or  harbors, 
oil  AUautic  coast,  !(,;JU,IIUI), — no  place   named  for 

•  -Mr.  Naxckv  cniii: 

I'  la  till'  till  1(1  viiliiiiie  (iri''.v('ciiliv(>l)nciitnenti(,'2itKeflffliin 
-i;i(l   I'liimrcs-i,    I   liiul   llie  Inllawiim   liicl.-,   exlnliiliiiii   llie 

llliiauiit  iit'lil y  ilivhiii>cil   l.\  111,' (I'l'iirrai  (JiiiiTiiliiciil  ti 

till 

|in.-'cs  iiriiit.rliiil  ilill 

\i-:a: 

■I'll  |iie  fliil.'s  iiiirlli  («■  Manliiail .«:i,117,'.'0(i  ST 

'I'll  llic  Still,  s  si.iilli  iil'.M.inlali'l,  nil  I  iiielllil- 

iim  iiuii  suit' 87H,;im  i-i 

"Tliis  uriay  nl"  liiairi  s  sli.'Ws  l.iiil,  in  llie  coiir-e  urrurly- 
Iwii  vciir-,  liiiiirilil  the  aiiiiiaiil  (il'iiiaiicy  wiiH  i|ji«liiir.-eil  ill 
the  Niirth  licit  wa~  cxin'iiilcl  iit  tlic  Siiiilli;  lliiiii«li  niir 
i'(m>l,  ill  riiiiiMl  iiiiiiitiiT-.i-  liiarliiiiiilrcil  mills  lilt.' l'iiiL"'sl. 

"Ill   iiiv  i'niii|i:iii-Mii..s,  I  sliiill  til-ii  iiiclitilc  Ihc  Suite  ti( 

Olila,  11^  Ihc  uciilii lU  iriiiii  (Miio  (.Mr.  IIiunkkkiiiikI'-J  iip- 

jH'lUi'il  til  ll  last  III' llic  111  itiii  iliiiilliy  el'  Ins  Slate  111  iisKiiiil 
liir  sii  lltiic.  Iliiriii!;  1.1:11  linn'  lin'r''  wii-  c\|iiiiil'il.  liir  pin- 
lio'iviiliiilenial  iiiipravi  111'  la  111  lac  Slate  nf  llhin,  lliaiiah 

11  iii'W  Sliilc.  .'-s.',<i,|','|_a  fiiiiii  within  .'^'.'ll.lltio  iit  what  l.c 
wliiilc  Siiillll,  Willi  an  evpas.il  C'lart  iitlulir  IhniiMlliil  mil.'.-, 
llUil  rccrivi'il  I 

"  lint  ihi-i  is  lint  all  thai  llii '  lavnrcil  r.'^loa— the  N'urlh— 
ri'ci-iviil  ill  tliit  p  Tiiiil.  Ill  the  iilinve  iiiciitaiiieil  items  arc 
mil  iiicliiileil  llicrnlli'Wiiii;: 

■I'll  riniilHTlaiiil  mail 5;:i.:-!:l,"'.'lll  C,:! 

Til  Diiialliil  Cln'-aii'ilk"  canal !.li|l,ililO  (1.1 

'I'll  I.iiiivill,'  anil  P.. Ill, 111. I  canal •;.!.l,-,illl  (I'l 

'I'll  ('iie,.i|«'akc  anil  Del  ovarc  caicil .Jllil.niia  ml 

'!'«  iiiijir  iviim  .Mi'-ii^sippi  iiial  (Hiiii  rivers      .■l!il.."'l.l  ;i;( 
"  (irtlii-i  I'll'Mliiaiis  -iiiii,  aiaiiiniliiiu  III  .s,'i..V,il.;il.l  ml,  nul 

linilc  than  a  niilli il  i-  lair  In  pi'.'slliin  ,  Iniiil  Ihc  ililci.  hah 

m'tlii'  works,  \\-;iw  ,'\|i'ii,!'  il  ..iiitli  (ifllaili re. 

"  h'niiii  Ihc  Trea-iiry  Iti'pininclil  1  liav.'  -I.'aaiil  III"  l.l 
IiiuiiiL'  .-tali'iiii'iit.  ^Ii'iwin::  ilic  iiiiiinnit  oi'iinnicy  lii-hinsi'il 
liir  liai liars,  overs,  luiiils,  1111,1  ,aiiiils,  tii  the  .saun'  ilivisiniis 
III' ciiiinlr,\' -in.'i'  l^a;l.  |i  is  true  the  .-lili'iii  iii  iitclil.lrs 
Iliri'i'  y.'ars.  ihe  evpi'inlitiiri' '  liir  which  are  ilieliKlcd  ill  llie 
stal.'il'li'iil  L'lvcii  nlHivc;  hut  as  lias  iipcral's  liitire  ictaili-t 
tlie  Sdiilli  lluia  the  Niirlli,  it  will  not  scrvi;  In  viliate  iiiy  ar- 
Uiinicnl : 

T.i  Ihc  Stales  iinrlll  nl'Marvlailil ,9T.0",ii.'l:t  .'.."1 

'I'll  Ihi'  Siil.'s  siiiii!i,  iii.'liiilliiL'  .Mimlaail.    -J,!  Il,7i«  .111 
'I'll  the  Ih-tricl  lit  (''ihlniiaa ll'Jll.illi'i  IIU 


ulditional   inducements  lo  adhere 


'rutin-'  Slal.'  nl'Oillil 

♦.  I'riiiii  theahuv'tahlcjli 
has  r.'crivi'il.  with  less  cvl 
is;*)  III  IS  1.1,  iinire  lliail  llii 
iial  iinprinciiii'iit;  or  iini 
lav"0il  >isli'r." 


l,ai(l,:(l!l  Ski 

11.  il  will  hi' seen  thai  llic  \ortli 
at  iir  ciiasl,  .«l,!i:i!,'>:il  U.',,  I'mai 
Sinilll  has  liir  piirpii-cs  nl  ililcr- 
I'  lliiiii  llircemal   nvcr  In-r  Icrs 


m  Its 
leiii,  il  nirords 
10  it, 

The  district  which  I  Imvo  the  honor  to  re|)re.scnt 
is  almost  exclusively  n!rricultnrid.  I  nm  myself  a 
farmer,  and  depend— as  do  nearly  the  whok,'  of  my 
consiiineiils — upon  llic  |iroduc('of  the  farm  for  sup- 
port. Our  si'cal  slaples  are  Indian  corn,  wheat, 
and  nals — llie  iiiiporlaiice  nf  the  crops,  slandin;;'  ill 
the  order  I  have  iiameil  tin  in.  In  lliis  respect,  as 
shown  hv  theiaiisns,  my  dislrici  is  a  lair  prototype 
of  the  farming,  .is  conli-a'lisiiiiL'nished  from  the 
planlinj  porlions  of  llie  I 'nioii.  .My  consliliieiiis, 
having- ll  deeii  iiiKacst  in  ihe  (piesi'ions  dis.-ussed 
hv  ihc  i;eiillenian  from  Massachusells.  [Mr.  Hiii- 
siis,]  will  very  nalurally  desire  lo  know  the  views 
ol'  llieir  llepre.sentative  eoncerniiiL;  ihciu.  1  have 
therefore  seized  upon  the  lirsi  opporluniiy  of 
makiiii;  llieiii  known.  And  1  am  the  more  anx'ious 
Id  do  ihls,  as  I  ciinsider  llmsc  of  llie  ^renilemaii, 
tlioie^h  most  erroni.'ous  and  unsound,  yet  specioii.s, 
and  calculated  to  deceive.  To  such,  however,  as 
have  exiensive  access  to  ollicial  documeiils,  and 
Ihe  induslry  to  explore  iheir  dry  delails,  the  lask 
of  exposiui;  them  is  easy,  as  I  shall  atlempl  to 
show.  r>iit  liefore  1  come  lo  examine  the  fads  and 
cali'ulaiionof  the  irentleman,  1  desire  to  make  a  few 
preliminary  ohservatioiis. 

In  these  larilf  discussions,  nolwilhslandins;  the 
siransc  features  which  lliey  ciinsinmly  |ire.sent, 
nolliiiit;  has  siruck  nic  more  forcihiy  than  the  kiiiil 
and  paternal  soliciuide  with  which  tenllenicn,  no; 
thinisclves  farmers,  or  rcprcsciiiin!:  farniins;  con- 
sliiueiicies,  undertake  to  inslrucl  us  in  our  true  in- 
leresis.    To  hear  some  of  these  genllenieii,  tlicin- 


404 


Jilh-H  CoNo 1st  Sf.hs. 


APPENDIX  TO  TIIK  CONfJRKSSIONAI.  nf,()HK. 

Ilitrhnn  ami  Hiirn — l\lr.  lioijly. 


[Mnrrh  1 1 , 


llo.  nv  [{fPH, 


I 


i 


m  Im*  nmnul'ii'iiirci-i,  mill  rrinTufmiiii;  iniiimrMc- 
tiii-n.",  y<'n  wimlil  think  ilinl  nil  ilieirHnliciliiili'  uiih 
fur  tlir  tti'irni-f  (il'llii  nrririildiiiiil. 

Ii  [n  ilo,,'iil('KH  \i'i'V  ini'iirriu'ilili'  in  ii<<  not  In 
hIimw  ;>  lni'iiiiiiiiu'  !;riiriliHliMiml  yrry  iiiciin«iilirnli> 
Mill  I'l  liMil  'MK  h  ilinliilcri'HIoil  liMiiiiii;,'.     lIiM  llii'ir 

nr'.'iiini'nla,  ill  diflrriMil  iiiim'h,  iiii'  « inlnxlKinry 

nml  ini'iinHiHlinl,  luiil  llicy  iiilliiri'  tii  (k  i'liiu\i'Miiii<ly 
iidiKt  fVci  y  flniiif;i*  itf  I'lrt'iiinNlaiiiTH  to  'hi'  "lunr 
iloUiiiiiN.  thiit  it  i>4  iiiipoKHlhlr  Till*  111!'  to  ninriilr'  iin- 
|ili''iiiy  i't  ilii'iii. 

Ill  lill  tlir  iiirilV  ili»iii»»iiinii  wliiili  I  Imvr  lunril 
hni  lol'oii',  ttlirii  tin'  |"ilii'y  nl'  iiiircntiiiiril  n'i\i- 
iiiij'i'c  has  hnii  I  <inlili«liril  ii|iiim  iIih  !.'rnil  |inni'i- 
ph  H  ol'|>i>liti>':il  ri'iMinniy,  mill  lliiir  liiiniiniiy  wtih 
Ihi'  liiw  111'  miiiiii-  NJiiiwii  in  Ihr  mrniy  I'l'  ihiins, 
mills,  nnd  iini'Miiitn,  llir  IVii'IiiIn  nl'  |iriiii'iMiiin  Imvr 
iiiliiiit'.i'il  till'  Hiiiiiiiliii'HH  lit' till'  Ihi'iiry,  uliin  |irMi'- 
Il'llii  ii|iiiii  liy  till'  I'liiliii';  ijiiliiiiiM  III'  till'  iiirlli. 
tliii  llnv  ilniiril  lliiil  ihls  wiiiilil  rvii- I'l' till' I  iiMr, 
mill  ilpij.iri'il  thry  » i  ri'  I'niy  ii|ijiii.-iril  M  lliiit  mii' 
niili-il  Tri'i'  limit'  hv  whu-h  ii'sirn'iiniiH  w  i-ri'  iiiit 
w  nil  ifjiixntions.  I.ri  the  Inuliiii;  i-iiiiiiiirr<'tiil  iin- 
tiuiiM.  till  y  liiiM'  Hdiil,  i-rt  the  rNnin|ilf  III'  t'ri'i'  trmii', 
mill  wf  will  I'lilliiW  il.  N\  I'  fviliiiil  tin'  iiitviiiiliii:rK, 
iiiiiliT  siii-li  rirriiinNtiiiii'rN,  wtiicli  iiiir  ^rinnl  rli- 

lllllll',  I'l  Tlill'  Sllil,  rhll\|l  lllllll,  i'nln|i|inltlM'    r\l'lll|i- 

timi  t'i'iiin  tjiMitiiiii.  mill  t'lrr:  insiniiiuiiiH,  will  'Mm' 
iik;  lull  lllllll  lliiil  IS  ilmii',  wi  iiiir^i  imi  t  r<'sirii'iinii.s 
liy  rrslrirtiiiiiB.  Anil  In  ihr  i'ik"  iircirml  liritiiin, 
Wf  wiri'  iiHkiil,  AVill  villi  iiilinil  hn'  iiiiiinil'.iriiii'iH 
nl  n  liiw  limy,  wlii'ii,  liy  Ini'  ini'li  Inws,  kIii'  i'X- 
I'lnili  H  niir  liniiilMiili's  •  '  ll'slif  v.'ill  Irt  im  I'.i  il  h' r 
iii:niiirariiircrM,  wi-  will  pnrrliasc  tlini-  r.ilirirs;  l>iit 
ir  Hlir  w  ill  mil  ilii  III. 11.  Iiiijirottrliini  la  (iiir  miniiijUr- 
titnSi  ii'f  mitHl  hfttlil  iifi  a  lioiiw  iniirkil  Jnr  our  iii^ri- 
i-ii/fiiri../<'.  'I'lirv  uiiil  riirilii  1*.  anil  tnlil  lis  iliat 
Ureal  Hriinm  n'l  luiiy  i  \iliiiliil  mir  lircailMiiiira, 
Mill  n  shr  hall  a  Inicralili'  sii|i|ily  at  Iniiiu',  Inn  that 
fvin  in  yi'iirs  ol'srarrily.  wlnn  alif  wiiH  riiiii|iilli'il 
In  iiM|inri,  liy  the  ii|iri'aiiiin  nl'  liir  uliiliiit;  siiilr,  a 
ilr-i'iili'.t  ailvaiita^r  was  i;npn  in  riiniinrntiil  I'ai- 
riipi'  iiM'r  lis.  Ijnili  r  Inr  I'nni  law.',  as  lliry  Mlniid 
a  «hiirt  time  Hiiice,  lla'  ailinissi.iii  nl'  liiri-iirn  rnrii 
iinil  u'inin  t'nr  Iioihl'  i-iinsiiiniiiiini  limk  |ilari-  iiiiili'i' 
ft  .slidint;  si-alt'  nt'  ilnlii's,  wiinli  .hiriiialid  with 
till'  ai;i;iTiralii  ;iriro»  liiki  n  in  mit' Inniilri'il  and  lil'iy 
rn.irkit  tnwiis,  Hiiiiati'  in  dill'iri'iil  |iarls  nl'  ihr 
ciiiiiitrv.  AVhi'ii  till'  1  rji'r  nl'  wlirai  in  lln'.'^r 
lowiiM  IS  fill  ^hlllill;;s,  mi  an  aviraqr  nl'  six  wi'i'ks, 
llir  duly  is  ;i(ls.  hd.  |>i  r  ipiailrr,  (iif  uiL'ht  Inisli- 
cls;)  and  t'nr  cvi'ry  shillni;;  wliirli  tin*  |inrt;  ad' 
vaiii-PS  iir  falls,  lln'  duly  iidvaiKCN  iir  falls,  as  ilu' 
rnsi"  niav  I"",  so  thai,  in  ilii'  risim;  srali'.  w  Inn  llii' 
j.ri''t'  ailv-.ii'PK  in  71)  ^llll!ill",'s,  thi'  duly  falls  In 
line  shillinj;  pir  <|iiarlir.  I'lidir  tin:  ii{i('i'iiliiiii 
nf  this  systi'in,  wlioni'VPr  at  tin'  iiiil  nf  any  j^ix 
wofka  till'  priri'  rosi-  sii  liiirh  as  to  lirinjj  ihf  duly 
down  Id  the  lowi-si  pniiit.  and  ihis  fart  was  pin- 
I'huini-d  liy  thr  Ci-ivi  riiiii'  nl.  niili  rs  w  i  rr  di'^pnlrh- 
ed  fur  fiir';i'_'ii  iiraiii.  Thnsi'  sini  In  ilif  purls  in 
Knviipi'  wt-rranswiTfilal  iiiiri".  iiiipiirialiniis  ilowi-d 
in,  and  hpfnrf  tin;  rxpiraimn  I't'aiioihfr  six  wprk'j, 
the  prii-'c  nf  wheat  winild  Iwui'  fdleii,  and  the  duly 
r:-*('n.  The  orders  spin  in  iln.-  I'liiipil  ^Slal^'S  rnnid 
luii  lie  aiisw'i-ri  d  in  six  wiiks;  and  when  they' 
were,  ihe  duly  winild  liiue  risen,  and  i.iir  expnris 
PXi'linled,  or  iidiniiii'd  ai  a  hi'.'ln  r  duty  than  Inul 
lieen  paid  liy  the  eiainlries  mar  nt  hand.  In  a 
word,  protpelioii  ni  niainifaelnrers  was  held  oni  lo 
the  fnrnn  r  as  the  aliernailM'  fur  ilie  fin,'  iraile 
whi'!h  was  denied  them,  and  only  as  ilie  alterna- 
Iive.  Il  was  in  \nin  showed,  that,  t.ikiiiir  nnr  en- 
tire exports  ftiiil  iiinioris  in  and  frfiin  (ireat  Ihi- 
laiii,  the 'ivern^e  of  ifiiiies  whirh  we  iinfiosi  d  were 
more  ihini  Iwiee  as  hii.'li  as  tlii'se  wliieli  she  iiii- 
posed:  11  was  ill  vain  we  .sliowi  il,  thai  inure  than 
half  nf  oiir  exporis  lonsisied  in  eotloii,  w  hull  was 
ndiniinil  into  Knirland  at  a  nominal  iliiiy.  and  iliai 
by  ilie  eiienurngeinenl  thus  ^nvi  n  In  iis  i  iillivalioii. 
a  larifp  ir.iel  of  ferule  lanil  was  withdrawn  iVniii 
the  prnduelion  nfecrn,  from  ei.nipiiiiinn  wiili  ih^ 
farininL' portions  of  ihe  eoimiry,  and  even  a  mar- 
ket all'oi'ded  for  the  liorsis,  iniiles,  pmk,  anil 
liria.lsliili's  of  ihe  lam  r.  The  advainajjes  were 
iiidireel,  and  not  very  palpalile,  and  tin  foree  nf 
the  aieuiiient  was  denied,  Il  wa.s  in  vain  we  re- 
ferred to  the  fact,  thai,  ill  spile  of  the  nlislileli  s,  ' 
we  e.\por'ed  a  laiL'e  aiiiniinl  of  lireadslnlls  ami 
provision  lo  I.^iii^laiid;  and  that  iiy  exporliiii^  llieiii 
ihroiiL'h  Onndu,  the  Hrilish  duties  vttr  eir.il.'d, 
and  ihiis  u  compensatim;  ,iilvaniai,'e  nfl'onic  i|  ns  fm- 


the  dii>ndvaiitn:;enii»  nppration  iipnii  ii«  of  the 
•liditijjsnile.  It  \vii«  ill  vain  we  exposed  the  utter 
folly  nf  expei'tin.'  to  (Ind  eonsiiniers  of  ilii  prodiipm 
nf  iMir  tieiiiiii'^  lieliUi  ill  the  iiianiifai'lnrii  i  wliieli 
the  prnteelive  polj.'y  would  raise  lip.  Ahove  all, 
il  was  in  vain  v  e  lieni'iiK'Iraled,  hy  the  prineiples 
ofpoliliial  ei'onoiny,  that  i'  only  nm,'raVMled  the 
ilijiiriniiM  ell'eets  iipiiii  us,  of  the  resiriiliolis  of 
nllier  imtions.  In  ineei  iheiu  with  reslriiliinis  upon 
our  part:  and  ihai  it  was  the  eoiirse  of  veiu'eaiiee 
rather  ill. Ill  wi.'iiloiii.    The  arirnnienls  were  inlhered 

111',  and  I  niiisl   admit  they  pmili I   Ihi  ir  i  Ifeel. 

They  appealed  In  the  iiatiirid  iliiposilioii  lo  reialiale 
hiinries;  to  Ihe  'ipirit  mid  pride  if  onr  pi'ii|'le;  i.ail, 
I  'i"peal,  they  had  llieir  ell'eel. 

Hill  ( ireat' nrilain  no  sooner  ehaiifrPs  lier  pulley; 
she  no  sooner  does  the  very  tliini;'  whieli  il  had 
lieen  iidmiiied  woiilil  make  It  rxpedieiii  loiiiifeitrr 
eiiimneri'e;  ^he  no  snoner  removes  even  the  nonii- 
mil  duly  I'miii  oiir  eoinm,  redm  i  s  the  iliily  upon 
all  the  in-oiliiee  of  ilie  farmer,  and  proposes  to  re- 
inove  llie  duly  entirely  I'lotii  nnr  Inilinn  eorii — the 

ereat  I'raiii  ef.ni  of  II niiiiry;  I'lniii  onr  lininn, 

lieef,  lllllll  J.  ilti'il  and  frehli  port,  -11111  oilier  meats; 
fioiii  our  luiekwheat— nil  item  of  importaie  p;  from 
hay,  anoilier  one  of  iiiiporlanee  ;  levies  only  n 
lioiiiinal  ilnlv  niinii  nnr  nee;  aliolislns  her  sliilimr 
si"ile,  anil  ailmlls  wheat  111  a  Imv  lived  duly,  till 
.laimary.  I>'l:i,  and  llienafier  iVee;  in  a  word,  she 
no  Kooiier  sets  the  example  of  aliotishii':,'  eninmer- 
eial  restrii'linns— the  rein  s  of  n  ilaik  and  feudal 
aire — andailmils  ihree-I'mirllis  nf  ihe  ariieles  of  our 
doniesiie  exporU  eoiiipnralively  free  of  duly,  than 
these  ■.■eiiilnnen  Inn.  lonnil,  niall  all  their  nwii 
iidinissions,  n  eani  all  their  fornn  r  iirciiments,  and 
iiltenipt  In  palm  nfl' upon  us  others  nllerly  ineon- 
sisieiil  'Villi  lllllll  I  II  ninains  in  he 'a'eii  whether 
siii'h  of  the  pi'ii|i|e  as  li.iie  fieii  lie;.'nilid  into  tin 
mippnrl  of  lln'  proleeiive  poliey  liy  ihe  ar^ilinenls 
I  have  rd'errid  10,  will  adiiere  to  it  now  after  tliey 
have  hcr'H  alianiloned. 

The  foiindalion  of  the  falliieies  to  whieli  I  linve 
nfern'd,  leiier  ilenioli^hed,  it  has  lieen  foiinil  no- 
pessary  In  lav  the  sioundwork  of  new  nins.  And 
the  speeeli  of  the  xenllinian  iVom  .Massaeliuselts 
I  Mr.  Ilinsnvl  i^- a  very  vigorous  lie'^innin:,'.  lie 
does  not  Sep  the  ailvniiim':es  10  11s  of  the  rplaxatinii, 
or  Ihe  ripe.il  of  ihe  oorn  laws  liy  (<real  I'ritaiii; 
.says  that,  liy  the  lep.'  il  of  Ihiin,  we  will  Irse  the 
nd'vanla;;'  s  nf  the  iii'iln-'i'i  trade;  thai  the  wanis  nf 
Knu'land  will  he  .'aipplieil  from  the  ( 'oiiiinent,  and 
liy  the  exU'iisinii  and  iinproveineiii  i.f  her  own 
airieiilinre;  that  llie  ilenianil  lliero  for  our  lireiid- 
Hinll's  and  provisions  will  he  very  ineiinsideralile; 
and  thai  the  lie.sl  reliam-e  of  our  firiiiers  i.s  in  a 
liii;li  tarilf,  liy  vvliiih  a  home  market  will  lie  liiiilt 
up!  'I'his  i's  ihi'  i;ra!id  ./iiiii/r  of  all  their  nr'.'U- 
iiienls.  Tile  p;ni,ii  ea  for  all  llie  ills  li.e  .Siale  is 
heir  to' 

I  desire  111  exainiiie  all  these  proposllions,  and 
some  olliers  eo|iiie.led  (Villi  lliein. 

I.  As  I'l  ihe  .•iilvaliUi^es  of  llie  illilireel  trade 
llnoii';h  Ciinada,  of  whieli  llie  repeal  of  the  l''.li;;lisll 
enrn-laws  will  deprive  lis.  I  adiiul  it  wasnf  nineh 
advantnire  lo  ihe  Aiiierieaii  farmer,  and  weiil  far  to 
i'iiinpen>ale  him  fur  ihe  injn.riou  ;  op.r.ii.'ii  oflliu 
.sjidiiii:;  seale.  IJni  there  are  many  en'  lunManees 
wliieli  iniiile  that  irade  far  less  adveii''.  ;i  -  is  iluiii 
at  first  .si'.'hi  would  appear.  Tin  roiii,-  ihroii'ih 
the  lakis,  and  llie  laiials  whieli  eoniiei'i  ,'heiii  ami 
the  Si.  Lawienee,  lo  the  nei  an,  is  lole,  .mil  eiiriii- 
tiuis;  ininli  imae  so  iliaii  the  one  il,ioii;li  the 
.Stales.  Il  elo.se..  early  111  llie  winter,  and  does  not 
open,  in  its  full  extent,  iinlil  late  in  tin-  spriii:;, 
upon  the  appma.-li  of  warm  weather,  \,  liieli  is  1111- 
prnpiliniis  III  ihe  shipmeni  of  lireailstiilis  and  meal, 
riie  I  xpiM'ls  from  Cnnaila  are  eliielly  of  heivyar- 
Ii  h-.  mostly  l.reajsinlls  and  linil.er.  Tie  import.s 
in  linl'c  are  eoinpniatively  small,  eoii^'siiiii;  only 
nf  supplies  fu-  lheiii.>.elM  .;'.  aiiil  sueh  small  artieles 
as  llnv  eaii  sinu;r'-'le  into  the  rniled.stai-s.  t'oii- 
si  ipni'iily,  iiearlv  the  whole  frei'^ht  is  on  llie  out- 
wiu'il  voyai'i'.  'riiiis  the  a.lMiiiiai,'es  nf  the  indirecl 
Ir.ide  are  nnl  verv  Lrrenl.  This  is  shown  liy  the 
fa.-l,  ill, It  ilireit  i  xportalioiis  lake  pLn  e  to  a  eoii- 
sidenilile  exieni.  I'iesides,  when  the  export  takes 
iilaee  IhrouL'h  raiaida,  il  is  earried  exehisively  in 
kimlish  hollonis,  ainl  onr  navi'.^alion  los.s  the  iiil- 
vanlau'u  of  earryiie;  lo  iimrket  our  own  pnnlnee. 
I  adiiiil  that  the  indiieit  trade  ihrnin.'h  Canada 
has  heeii  nf  miieli  ailvanlai;e  In  the  fnrnier,  and 
efinpriiMiOll    In     Milie    exoiit    f'r    the     injiii'ioiis 


pfl'eeis  iipnn  lis  nfllie  sliilini  si'ale.  (till  I  deny 
thai  the  advanliifie,  even  (o  him,  is  inythiii';  like 
ns  threat  a«  a  free  trade  in  eorii,  to  say  iioiliini; 
alioiil  the  iiilvanlaueH  whieli  the  latter  eonfers  upon 
niir  iiiivii,'iilion.  So  ihe  firiiiers  need  mil  he  fl-inlit- 
Olieil  111  Ihis  part  of  the  lo'lllleniall's  expiisilion. 

'}.  As  to  iheasserlioii,  that  l'',ni:laiiil  will  he  am- 
ply Niipplird  wiili  liieadsliilfi  iVoin  the  eoiiiiiiPiil  of 
Kiirope,  wilhoiil  draw  111!.' iiiiieh  of  them  frnin  n», 
and  at  eheaper  rates  than  we  eaii  nifnril:  To  sus- 
tiiiii  this  position,  the  t^eiiilemaii  r|iioien  largely 
from  llip  ptiini  of  the  llrilisli  eonsiils  luailelo  their 
(I'overnnient  in  IHIII.  The  hislm  y  nf  llmse  returns 
is  this;  III  the  disenssioiiH  w  hieh  wi  re  tiikiin;  plin-e 
at  that  time  in  (''.iiLdainl  relmive  to  the  repeal  ofilie 
enrn-laws,  the  apprelieiisimi  was  nnl  ni  niiieli  thai 
the  l''.ii:,'lisli  market  wniild  heoverllooiled  with  eoii. 

linenial  wheal;  lull  that  if  llie  siinnilaiil  of  prol 

tiiiii  was  willnliaw  n,  priiiliielioii  would  he  less  nt 
home,  and  (inai  llrifiineonld  imi  safely  nly  uimn 
an  adequate  foreign  supply.  Il  was  ari.'ued  that 
the  only  enei'tiial  seenriiy  aijninsl  seareily,  was 
the  sliimilanl  of  prnleeiinn  to  Imme  au'rieiillnre. 
To  possess  ilself  of  full  iiifornnlioii  on  this  point, 
llie  Govermnint  dirpeieil  iis  eonsiils,   in  all  nf  the 

irreat  srnin  marls  of  lli nlinein,  to  answer  the 

f  illowinu'  i|iiestiiins; 

Isi.  What  i|iiaiitily  ofirrnin  of  raeli  kind  eoiild 
le  exporled  to  l''.iiKland  from  the  eoimlry  nr  ilis- 
Irii'l  ill  wliii'h  ynii  reside,  if  the  trade  in  eorii  in 
r.iiL'laiid  wa.i  made  eniisianlly  open  nt  n  inndeinle 
duly  = 

•Jil.  ■\Vliat  would  proliahly  he  the  avernire  priee 
free  011  hoard  ? 

•111.  Wliiii  would  |iiiilialily  he  the  freight  pet 
qiiiirler  to  l''ii^laiiil } 

lili.  Would  ilio  exportation  tif  snhjeet  In  any 
olh'-r  eliarires  * 

.Itli.  Wlielher,  If  llierp  was  a  reirular  and  sleaily 
demand  in  r'aii^land  for  forei'^n  eorii,  the  ipinntity 
nf  eorn  produeed  in  the  said  eoimirv  or  distriel 
woiilil,  willinnl  nuieh  dillieiilly,  aiiif  in  n  short 
spiiee  of  lime,  lie  materially  inereased  .' 

The  reply  lo  these  ipiesiions  are  enntnined  in  the 
lame  ipiiirlo  voliiine  whiili  I  hold  in  my  hand.     I 
have  examined  lliem  with  eare.     As  lo  the  ipmii 
lilies  wliii'h  eiinlil  he  supplied,  the  f  illowini;  is  tli« 
suniniary  printed  in  the  neiilleman's  s|iei  eh; 


Bii..Ai'/-.. 
fl.  Pelernlllim..     I,MII,IHXI 


l.ietlllll  .. 

W'amnw  . . , . 

Oilesun 

Hniekll'lllll.  . 

Diiatzi.' 

KnllilI>llPrc. . 


•JIO.IHK) 

a..iiNi.iiii<i 

1,-JIIII.IHKI 

s.Dim 

^..^rJlMlllll 

.VSi.lHHI 


ftettin 

Mi'inel    

Mtiiiiliiini  . .. 
MlMiiure .... 
ruteriao, ... 


ytii.ftrlt. 

'.VHNi.mio 
i7.:iQ 

4.;ilM,lKIU 

i.inu.iiui) 

l.l!l)II.IK.lO 


17,771),;  I'J 

The  iiKijrennle  whieli  eniild  he  siiplied  from  the 
ennliie'iit  is  thus  put  down  at  17,770,71'.'  hush 
els.  I!iit  lei  us  examine  the  data  upon  whieli  ihis 
slatemenl  is  made,  and  we  will  Iniil,  I  think,  that 
il  is  ^really  exat:;:erali  il.  Let  ns  take  up  lln- 
plaees  thus  i^iven.  one  liy  one.  In  all  the  esliniaie.^, 
fir  siinplieily  and  ease,  I  ludy  lake  wheal.  Ihii 
there  ."re  also  lari'e  imporlalions  of  rye,  harley, 
oats,  heaiis,  &e.,  iniporled  from  the  eountries  in 
(piestion;  hut  the  same  reasoiiin;:  applied  to  wheal 
will  ap|ily  to  them. 

|si..S'(.  I'rirrshurg.  The  eonsiil  says;  "Thedis- 
Iri.'l  nf.*^!.  I'etersliur;;  does  nnl  prodiiee  ffniin  siif- 
fnieiit  for  its  own  eonsiimpliiin,and  the  defieieney 
Is  supplied  from  the  inland  proviiiees."  I-'rom 
this  and  other  portions  of  his  answer,  it  is  e\'ident 
the  eonsiil.  in  his  nliirii  for  .St.  reierslniii;,  in- 
eliidesa  larL'e  distriel  of  eoiiiilry,porliiins  of  whieli, 
ill  all  pro!iiiliiliiy,are  inehiiliil  in  the  ranu'e  of  oiher 
roiisiits'reinrns.  He  pnisdow  11  ihe  i|iiaiitity  wliieh 
eoiilil  he  expnrled  (»  nil  /i.m'a-ii  rnioid'ici,  lint  t'> 
Kii'.'land  alone,  nl  from  M.'i.imi)  to 'JKhnOII  imperial 
qiiarlers,  of  eii;ht  linshels  I  .nil.  In  the  lahle  the 
mean  of  l!l-,',;')()0  qiiarlers,  or  I , .1 111,1100  hnsliels,  is 
iriien.  This  quanliiy  is  purely  ennjeetural,  and  is 
evideiiily  Ino  hi'.'h.  "The  eonsiil  frives  the  «e((io( 
exports  from  IKlll  to  l.-.'t!l,and  they  are  for  whole 
lime  (i7.'),'l(Hl  quarter.s — yearly  average  7.'),(18(l,  or 
fillll.filll  laishels. 

The  entire  nnanlity  impnrteil  into  Knglnnd  from 
ihe  w  hole  of  Ilnssiii  ill  IHII),  whieli  wa.s  a  year  of 
si'iireily  in  I'ji;i;laiiil,  when  upwards  of  nineleen 
inillions  of  linshels  were  iinporled,  was  ^,l.|li,IU'l; 
and,  in  IHIl ,  when  npvMirils  nftvieiitv-one  millions 
were  imported  into  I:an;lnial,  only  7i)(),7!l*J  eaine 
from  Russia.  For  the  three  years  eiidiiiir  IH'I.'I, 
the  avera'.:e  import  inio  li]ii;ftniid  frnni  the  ir/in/r  of 


Iha 


'2»tH  C't 

Uilssia  was  hi 
dent  that  the 
alniie  is  nlllell 
nune  wiili  nie 
eslimale.  It  1 
porlalinii  from 

*Jil.   I.ithiiti. 
'  wealher   eon 
*  time,  till'  una 
'  hail  anil  \  jiii 
'  leiii,  say  ;i(l,l 
(he  iinaiiiiiy  i 
ly  111  this  uraii 
land,  the  eonsi 
and   the  priei 
siiiiplies  vMri 
iiiierior  1!'   I! 
thirty  tl.onsai 
W  llleli,  after  I 
pell  In  .Si.  I'll 
thai  llleexpol 
of  .St.  I'pier  i 
desiie  III   mal 
leave  the  aiim 

.'Id.    jrnr.iiiiii 
the  eoii:'ul 
leiiiriis  fniin  I) 

l)aiit;-ie  is  al 
iiort  of  the  \'i.. 
\Viu«aw  is  siiii 
exeept  in  lliii-l 
ipieHtioii,  the  ei 
/iiii.if  (if  i(.(i/fe  I- 
duty,  anil  ehars; 
l'J.1.   per  quiirle 

"The  ehief  eX| 

lirodneeof  I'olai 

quarters,      lie  I 

veins  preeedin^- 

maiiil  for  I'jiL'lai 

*  is  to  he  ennsidi 

'  iry  and  in  Vol 

'  or  four  year-  | 

'  erau'es  in  Kritai 

'  nieiits;  there  i 

'  Ics.s  than  a  la: 

'  peil."     TliP  I'lii 

ports  from  that  1 

saw  is  not  a  ship 

vieinity  is  eiirriei 

eoiislriieiiiin,  hy 

t:ated.     for  tliesi 

one  plnee  only,  a 

lii^'hesl,  and,  as  \ 

of  the  eiinsiil,alrt 

•llh.   Oilessn.     1 

I  see  no  reason  I 

the  liiissiaii  pllrt^ 

export  In  Kiijlni 

very  liifrh  is  sine 

yearly  import  int. 

thne  years endiii! 

-\nd   for  the  tine 

years  nf  hijrji  pri 

lilngl'iiid,  the  ami 

ene.;e  for  six  yeai 

is  lar<;cr  than  It  hi 

years.     The  qua 

IS  upwards  of  a  1 

evidently  very  hi< 

,')lli.   Stockliolm. 

tliis  port  Is  1,(101) 

'  liesi  information 

'  vary  in  quantity 

'  other  Enropeim'i 

'  nppenrs  that  the 

'  nary,  and  one  In: 

of  pnidure,  he  saj 

liiit  the  quantity  e 

siderahle. "     The 

for  six  years,  n;iv 

was  .'117' quarters, 

was  il  as  hiijli  as  1 

beinu;  801)  quarters 

and  I'or  the  reasoii> 

will  not  disturh  th 

(ilh.  Dimlzic.     I 

whieh.for  the  reas 

The  avemije  expnr 

quarters,  w'liieh   is 

quantity  !;iven  in  1 

7lh.   fi'nniirs6iirif 


1846.] 


99rH  Conn In  Sum 


APl*E^ulx  TO  Tin:  conukkssional  uloue. 

Ilinboii  uud  liivtrs—Mv.  Bayly, 


40ft 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


Kii'sin  wnn  8))4,I)S7  ImhIipIk,     Ii  in  llirrd'fii'R  pvi- 

ilciil  ili»l  till'  iiiiiiMiiic  |iijl  (liiu'ii  III  iSl.  I'l'iriKliiii'i; 
hIiiiii'  ix  iiiili'li  Ion  III  >li.  I  iliiiik  llii^  I'liiiiiiillln'  will 
ii^ri''  U'kli  iiii^  tiwi'  iiiw  iiiillinn  III'  Iiii.hIil'Ih  im  a  lii^li 
c.^liiiinlt'.  It  IN  |IH(,(Hh)  iiifiic  tliiiii  llii!  avcmj,'!'  i'.\- 
pui'liiiiiiii  ri'iMii  li^MII  M  K'l:), 

tjil.   I.ieliitti.     'I'll''   riiiiMil    Hny**:    '*  Slioiilil    llie 
■ucniliir   I'liiiiiinii'  I'immiiIiIi'  iIiiiiii^  iIh^  liarvcHt 
'  iliiu'.tlii'  iiiiiiiiiilit'H  [.Miln'ii'il  fur  i\|i'iil  rriiiiil.il'-  i 
'  lillll  (lllll  \  llllliill,  limy  riillli'  In  lln'    rnllnwilli;  l'\- 

•  li'iit,  Miiy  ;il),(«)ll  (jiiiiiiij'^"— (ir  •J-tll,IJUO  liii.-ilii'lH, 
(hi'  nlliiilillV  '.'lli'll  111  lllr  llll'll'.  Ah  III  llli-  i|illlllli- 
ly  "I  ilii'<  !;riiin  wliuli  rniilil  li<i  rxiinrii  'I  ui  I'jii;- 
li'iiiil,  llif  I'liiiMiil  h:\\h  (lr|ii'iiiU  u|iiiii  ilii^  ilriiiiinil 
mid  till'  piii'i':  "'I'lii'  (;rinli'iil  imrl  nt'  mil  I'liiirn'r 
Mi||i|illi'ii  «(ri'  Hlll{i|irll  nil'  til  nnllllllll  llnil  I"  llli' 
iiitiTiiir  I  !'  ISii.isiii."  Ai;aiii,  lii^  kiivh:  "  Aliiiul 
tliii'ty  thniiNiiiiil  (|iKirlM's  ol'i-yr  liu\i-  lit'i'ii  linti'^lit, 
M'liii'li,  afiiM'  lii'liiu;  uiriiiiiiii  liitu  iiiral,  is  in  lii'  Nliip. 
|i('il  til  St.  I'clri'Niiuri;."  (''iiiiii  llii.s  it  iH  iirnlialili' 
tliut  tli<'<!xprirti:  iViMii  IJi'luiii  ai'c  iiii'liiiliil  in  tlm.si' 
111"  Si.  Poicrsliir','  ami  lliillaml.  IIiiwcmt,  iis  I 
(IcHii'i'  111  iiiaki'  an  txiini.il>'  nliiivc  all  ravili  I  will 
k'livf  tlir  aniiiiiiil  as  .niatiil  in  tlii'  talili-. 

.'til.  Iloi'.iiiir.  It  is  i'\iili'iil,  t'l'inii  llio  li'tlui'ii  of 
ilic  riiii:<iil»<,tliat  iIk'niiiiu'  wliral  in  iiii'liiili.'il  ill  tlir 
iiinriis  IViiin  Daiilzii'  anil  Warsaw. 

Daiilric  In  at  lln'  mniilli  nl'.  anil  ia  tlir  sliippiiii; 
iinrt  111'  llic  Vi^lnla,  upon  wliic.li,  in  llic  iiili  I'ini', 
Wai'flaw  In  Hiliialril,  unit  wliii-h  i.s  iini  iia\iLMliIr 
cxiTpl  ill  llal-liiialN.  In  aiiHWrr  to  llii'  Miiinil 
i]iir8tinn,  llii'  cohhiiI  at  Warsaw  says:  "  The  fx- 
/if/i.ii;  (if  iftiter  ftti'i'iai'c  to  hitntzir,  Pni.vsiaii  Iratisii 
iln'.y,  anil  I'hai'Ui'.i  mi  .iliii'iiu'iii,  may  In' laki  ii  ni 
Hi.  pir  iinarlir."  'I'lir  rnnsnl  at  Daiii/.ii-  say.H; 
"Till'  eliii'l"  I'Xpni't  111'  );raiii  fi'iim  lliis  pnri  i.s  ilic 
pi'nillirr  nC  I'lilallil."  lit'  putH  llic  i\\|iiiil  al  .'l|,'>,IIOl) 
i|iiaiH'i'.s.  Ill'  I'nniis  his  ONiinmic  iip'ni  iIumIii'i'c 
yt'iiis  prri'riliii;,',  iliniiii;  whii'li  hi;  say.-;  "  the  ili'- 

inanil  j'ni' i''.ii'.'laiiil    has  I ii  nnisidcnilili-.  "     "It 

'  if)  In  111-  cnnsiilcnil  tin'  sinrk  nrrnrii  in  lliisciiiin- 
'  try  and  i/>  I'niimil  had  liri'ii  acciiniiilalin:;  three 
'  or  dair  year-  prcvimis  in  Irtl.'^,  wlini  ihe  low  av- 

•  I'l'np'S  ill  Hriiain  were  .so  discniiraijini;  I'nr  ship- 
'  nit'iils;  there  is,  tliereHiie,  n  L'i'ealer  elmiiee  of 
'  less  llinii  a  lar^'er  uvcraiji'  tpiantily  lieiii;;  Kliip- 

•  pod."  The  I'misnl  al  W'ar.'^aw  estiiiiati'8  the  ex- 
ports from  that  plaie  at  HOII.ddll  ipiarlers.  AV'ai- 
saw  is  not  a  shipiiini;  jmi't.  The  wheat  from  its 
vieiiiity  in  rarried  to  Danizic  in  llat-lioais  of  riiilc 
I'oiislrui'iimi,  liy  wliieli  alnne  is  the  Vislnia  iiavi- 
pited.  l''or  these  reasons  I  take  the  eslimale  for 
one  plaec  only,  and  I  take  D.mizie,  which  is  the 
hi;;hesl,  and, as  will  he  infernd  from  the  l,iniriia;;e 
of  llieeonsiil,  already  i|iioted,proliably  Ion  lii^ih. 

4lh.  Oitessa.  I  take  the  eonsnl's  estimate,  aa 
I  see  no  reason  for  diseai'diiii;  it.  'I'liis  i^ives  to 
the  Knssian  ports  a  sir.rk  of  !J,I-1(),IHH)  luisliels  for 
expnrt  to  Knsland.  That  even  this  estimaie  is 
very  liiirh  is  shown  liy  the  fai;t  that  llie  averni,'e 
yearly  import  into  Kniiland  from  llnssia,  for  the 
three  years  endiiiK  ISIH,  was  only  S(i4,IIK7  Imshels. 
And  for  the  three  preeedinj  years,  \\  liieh  were 
years  of  lii^'h  prices,  and  a  very  lar^'c  demand  ill 
iMii^l.-ind,  the  annual  lUeraEe  was  l,Ml(i,7!14.  Av-  : 
era'^e  for  six  years  1,34(1,440.  And  ihis  averaire  ' 
is  lai'<,'er  lliaii  it  had  heen  for  the  preoeiliii;;  .sixteen 
years.  The  rinanlity  f,'iven  in  the  eorreiMeiltalile 
is  upwards  of  a  million  of  bushels  more,  and  is 
evidently  very  high. 

.5tii.  Slnikliotm.  The  estimate  of  the  consul  for 
this  portis  1,(1(10  quarters.  He  says:  "  l^'nini  the 
'  liesi  information,  I  find  ihal  the  cropu  in  Sweden 
'  vary  in  quantity  and  qualiiy  more  than  in  aiiv 
'  oilier  European  eoiintry;  lui'l  takins;  six  years,  it 
'  appears  that  ihere  are  two  alninilant,  three  ordi- 
'  nary,  and  one  insiitlicient  harvest."  The  export  ■ 
of priuliice,  he  s.iy.i,  is  "  .sent  ehielly  to  .Norway, 
lint  the  quantity  of  wheat  has  always  lieen  ineo'n- 
sideralile, "  The  averasre  expnrt  from  Sweden, 
for  six  years,  s;iveii  liy  him,  eiidini.'  wiili  IKH, 
was  .'117  quarters,  and  iluriiin;  no  one  of  the  years 
was  it  as  hiijli  as  the  ennsiil  estimates — the  hii,'liesl 
bein.i;  800  quarters.  Still,  as  it  is  a  small  ainoiint, 
and  I'or  the  rea.snns  jriveii  in  the  case  of  Liebaii,  I 
will  not  disturb  the  eoiisnrs  estimate. 

(ilh.   /Mii/:if.      Hire  I  take  the  eoiisul's  estimate,  ' 
which,  for  the  rea.sons  already  !;iveii,is  very  hiirli. 
The  average  exports  from  lH;t4  In  1H40  v.  .is  •J7(i,-)7!) 
quarlera,  which   is  UIO.OOI)  bushels  leas  than  the 
quantity  sjiven  in  my  table. 

7lh.   Knnitrshurg.    Tliis  port  is  on  the  Vistula, 


near  iis  inoiiih.  It  draws  its  supplies  froin  ilio 
same  ii'v'ion  which  Hiinezic  does.  'I'ln' prnlmliihly 
is,  thill  the  Iwnenlisiils  have  iii'llllh  il  the  Name  ihuil 
in  their  estiinali  .  .Sij||,  |  dn  iini  ili'parl  iViim  ii,  im 
I  liH\e  lint  and  shall  iint  dn  in  any  easi ,  except  I'or 
the  phiincKi  ri'iismi. 

Hill.  SUHin.  Tli''eoii;,ul  aayy:  *•  As  the  crop  of 
'all  kiml.'i  u.Vr.iiii  iscmisiilerid  this  year  to  be  very 
'  favoralile  iii  qiiuiiiity  anil  (piahiy  in  this  part  of 
'  I'mrfsia,  and  also  in  .Silcsiii,  the  experlatinii  to 
'  (Ircal  Hriiain  mini,  if  i<  nimlenile  duly  adniils  of 
'  il,  aiii'iiiiii  In  ;j,'iO,OOll  iii.aili'i'M."  This  is  the  ' 
qiianiity  '.iveii.  imil  of  course  x  hiL^li  line. 

Olli  .',1  aid.  The  consul  says;  "The  qimnliiy 
'  of  :»rHiiiiliip|ieil  from  hm-e  last  yeiir,(  IKl',1,)  wliiii 
'  I  he  duty  aM'rin;ed  very  low,  wiis,  of  wheal,  ,%,'.( j4 
'qiianiiN,  mill  it  ciimini,  miili  r  llir  iiieit  furiirimlt 
'  ciiriliiisiiiiiri»,  be  expei  led  to  exceed  thai  of  IK)!), 
'lis  till'  ilt'iiiaiid  fur  ^'.raiii  of  nil  diM  riiiiinns  uus 
'  ::eiirral  llirniiH|iniit  cM'ii  in  lliissui."  The  qnaii- 
lity  ijiveii  lA  i\  ideiiilv  iiio  hiu:li  fur  an  iiveiai;i'. 

"lIHli.  Elsiii'iif.  The  cmisiil  puis  ii  iii  ri,),OllO 
i|uarleiH.  Tli  s  is  eviilently  iiiiicli  Ion  hi^li.  The 
iiNeraie  expnri  fniin  Denmark  In  all  plai  es,  for 
iweiiiy  years  enilinu'  l^y;t,  w  in  llilJ,7.'U).  The  »v- 
i'riii'.e  iiii|iiirl  iiiln  (jriai  llritiun  was  iniicli  less. 
.Much  of  her  exp'irls  l'o  to  .Norway,  and  her  own 
Wi'si  India  Islanils.  The  consul  laiciilaii's  upon 
n  hu'Lje  ini'rea.se,  if  llie  porl-i  of  l''.ii'.;liiiiil  u  ire  onen, 
as  hi:  lliiuks  that  ilnri  liy  land  would  In;  cun\erlcd 
from  pMstiira^e  to  tilliure.  Uiit  it  must  be  boriio 
in  iiiiiid  lliat  llie  piopiiNod  i'ai^lirh  tarill' iidmils 
aniiiiils  free  of  duly.  .So,  in  llie  cmnilriiN  in  ihe 
viciiiiiy,  HlocK-raisiiii;  will  laiher  incre  me  lliaii  ili- 
inliiiNh.  Il  IS  lint  safe  tn  put  dnmi  Ueiiiiiark  u( 
iiinie  than  the  averiii;e  export  for  twenty  ) curs.  1 
therefore  lake  ih.ii  Mini. 

Mill,  //niii'iio'i;'.  The  eslimale  fur  this  place  up- 
pears  In  me  to  be  Mi  v  extravananl.  'I'lie  iiuaiiii- 
lies  are  lakeii  "nil  the  aM'ne.'e  of  years  in  which 
the  liir;^est  tj'jinii  has  taken  place  mii/rr  llit'  nun^tfU- 
loriihlf  rhciiiiisldiicis."  "llow  miicli  Iherenf,"  ihe 
consul  says,  "can  be  apprnprialeil  In  Kni;land,  w  ill 
depend  upmi  what  may  be  wauled  for  llnlland, 
I'" ranee,. Spain,  l'orlui;:il,and  niher  cniintries,  winch 
are  as  iiuicb  or  iiinre  ilipendeiil  on  supplies  froiii 
(ierinany,  lliaii  l';iiL;laiiil  is.  "  liesiiles,  ii  is  known 
that  the  :;iaiii  which  is  exporled  from  llaiiilairg  is 
not  the  ;,'riiwili  of  llic  Mirrnuniliii','  country.  In 
years  of  piciily,  lars;e  i|iuinliiies  an;  pin'cba.-icd  in 
the  ports  of  Uussia,  L'russia,  iVc,  already  refcrird 
to,  and  lUircil,  to  be  run  into  Kniilanil  whenever  the 
nperalinii  of  the  sliding;  si  ale  would  enable  llieni  lo 
do  s. .  11.  ,'ii  advanla:.'e.  Tlio  eliiuab;  is  siieli  that 
^'I'aiii  can  be  k'  pi  for  several  years;  and  llie  specula- 
tion in  the  manner  I  have  meiiiioneil,  has  been 
very  prolitabb' to  ihe  1  lainbur:,'  nierebaliis.  The. 
consul  says;  ■•  The  imrcluinls  at  Liib'ck,  as  well 
as  at  Uoiteriliiiu,  rreiuen,  and  Haiiibiir';,  are  ilesi- 
rous  the  enrii-laws  nf  Kii'jiand  shiill  remain  una!-  , 
lered."  "  If  she  slim ild  adopt  a  fixed  duty  al  :i  Inw 
rale,  they  are  afraid  of  the  cninpelilion  of  Odessa 
and  .liiKiicn."  .Miieli  of  ihe  corn  inclinled  in  tlii."i 
estimate  is  doubtless  inchiiicil  in  llio.se  ;ilieady  meii- 
lioiicd.  Hesiile;:,  it  includes  the  entire  anioiuit 
which  emt  be  exported  to  all  eonnlries,  and  not 
such  only  as  can  be  exjinrteil  to  J'"ni:liiii(I.  Tlie 
averau-e  annual  iinpori  into  Kiiu'lanil  fiimi  the  whole 
of  Ciermanv  for  l!ie  lliite  years  eiuliiii;  IHI.'t,  was 
•J,4'IU.()'.M)  Im-hels.  For  the  reasons"  i;iv':n,  the 
qiiHiitiiy  available  I'nr  expnrt  to  Knudaiul  from  Ger- 
iiiany  ouslil  not  to  be  put  even  so  high  as  thai;  but 
I  adnni  ihal  aiii'iuiil. 

lijlli.  I'likrmo.  Tliecnnsnlsays:  "Abnut ^(10,0110  ' 
'  (pi;irlersof/ini'i(  wheal  iiiiuhl  be  exporled  in  abnii- 
'  ihiiit  harvests.      In  armi::c  hareetis  little  or  iioiii. 
'  The  preseiu  produciioii  barely  serves  for  the  con-  ' 
'  suiuplion  uf  the  pieseni  population.    Sicily  cased 
'  lo  be  a  ciirii-expnrliiij;cniiiilrviii  ISiil."     "The  , 
'  hard  wheat  is  Inn  hard  In  be  grouial   by  Knglish 
'  inill-siones,   and    the  soft— priniipally  iiseil   I'nr 
'  makinu:  nmcearnni — will  not  keep  in  siranaries,  or 
'  bear  traiisporlaiinn."    The  cnumiy  is  in  a  mis- 
erable condition,  and   the  people  ex'ceediiiirly  op-  ' 
pressed.     Il  is  idle,  Iherefme,  lo  expect  exports 
from  it.     The   table,  as  I  have  corrected  it,  sia;i;ls 
thus: 


ItissuN  ji.ucr.i. 

Si.  I'cicrsliiii'.r 

I.iclwii 

VViirsuw 

Odessii 


/.'lefti;.-.       /)ii.</i.';s. 

,  .i.iino.noii 
. .  'Jiii.oou 


H<vill»<(. 

NlMckliiiliii SIKX) 

l*HI>«li. 

|l,'liil/.i.' 9„'i'lll,IKI0 

K'liiij-liiirg .'wn.lHiii 

Hull li.lMKI.IHNI 

.Mciu'l 47.;i'J 

.1,0(«7,71IJ 

ItF.IMAKK. 

Klilliiiic 8.W,H|<8 

IJl'IIMANT. 

llmiilHiig il.llD.liUO 

'I'lillil (l.-'.ill.'JllU 

This  Miiin  cxeeedi  by  ,'t.'19,773  Imshels,  as  iho 
lable  hereafter  preseiiled  shows,  the  averaiie  ye:irly 
iiiipnri  intn  Knu'laiid,  for  liricen  years,  frni<i  all 
coiiniries;  and  il<  iliicliii<_'  the  imporls  from  the  IJiii- 
led  .Sillies,  which  for  llie  .same  lime  have  iiveriiKni 
044, .">;i(i  bushels,  null  ii  leaves  llie  entire  averaao 
iiii|inri  frnm  Kiirnpe  ^„^i4 4, !!'<•.'  biiHliels;  which  la 
I  .■■.'''<4 ,llOy  biiHliels  h'fs  than  my  eMlniiile.  iliii  tlin 
ui'iilli'iiiaii  from  .VIiisNachiisells  [Mr.  II.  I  eomplaiiifl 
Ibai  111  ihe  eslimale  ni'the  ciinnnls,  Uiga,  iioiieiilani, 
Aiiuverp,  ai'il  scleral  nllicr  iiii|iiirlanl  por's  for  ihe 
■mn  liiiile,iii'e  nnt  ineiiiileil.  The  reasons  given 
I'or  mil  ini'ludiii;;  llieiii  are  cmiclusive. 

Isi.  As  In  l!i';a;  'I'll!'  cniisul  lines  nnt  aniicipniB 
any  supply  from  this  norl,  for  reasons  w  lii>  h  will 
be  iidvirleil  In  pi'i';<enlly.  Iiesides,  the  suppli.  of 
the  p'lrl  of  Ui;;,!  iiie  ili;iwil  frnm  ('ollrlallil.  '.llllll- 
aiiia,  and  While  Russia,  t'rnm  which  1.'  .lau  also 
draws  her  supplies,  an  eslimale  for  w'  .eh  is',i\eii. 
Ill  uililiiion  to  this,  il  has  been  shown  thai  a  lai'uer 
.siip|ily  isi'ii'iliii  il  III  Uussia  than  she  will  proli.ibly 
iill'nril.  The  emisiils  siiiie  thai  Ihe  f.'reiiler  purl  nf 
llie  siiiiphcs  both  nf  lliga  and  Liebau  arc  shipped 
la  Holland. 

yd.  An  to  Unlterdam;  The  consul  slates  ihnt  her 
e.xporisare  llie  produce  of  iifirlliern  Kiirnpe,  wjiie- 
hiiiised  ill  llnllanil.  The  expnri  of  ihn.se  coiinirie.i 
I  ns  abi'iiily  been  eslimaled.  The  consul  stales 
I  bill  llie  wheal  uriiwn  m  I  lollainl  "is  not  ufu  qual- 
ity ailapii'd  to  ihe  Kii^lish  inarkel." 

ltd.  As  to  Antwerp:  The  consul  says  what  w<" 
:ill  know,  ihal  I!i'!giuni  rniscs  no  ;;i'aiii  far  export, 
lie  says:  "  The  exporlalion  of  whiul  and  rye  in 
'at  lu'csent  (.Viiijusi,  |.-'4ll,)  piohib'eil;  end 'with 
'  ail  aiiirmenlin?;  popiilalion,  ilu;  qimiiiity  of  laial 
'  ciillivnleil  in  flax,  beet-root,  and  chickory,  which 
'  is  iiicrei'sini;,  has  so  diminished  llic  grnwili  o 
'  corn,  lliat  lliere  is  a  deficiency  of  prniluce."  Tlio 
prohibiiioii  of  the  expon  nf  irraiii  froiii  nelijiiim 
slill  coniinues.  As  to  "  the  other  places"  spoken 
of.  it  is  iin|>o.ssilile  in  say  iinylhini;  of  iheiii  uiilil 
iliey  are  named.  It  is  ln'lieved  that  the  whole  cir- 
cuit nf  ihe  cnrn-lr.idi'  in  L'!iirope  is  included  in  llie 
table  presented,  if  iiiilecd  the  same  countries  nro 
iiol  sometimes  incluiled  mure  ihaii  once. 

The  estiiiiaU',  even  ill  the  lable  I  present,  in  my 
opinion,  is  Ion  lii^'li,  made  sn  by  my  tun  liberal 
concessions.  I'nt  at  all  events  it  is  not  loo  low. 
This  may  lie  lesieil  by  a  criierion  which  is  prcuy 
cnni'liisivc.  The  tlirce  harvest;'  prccei'iii!'  the  last, 
bnili  in  England  and  on  the  continenl,  lime  been 
very  favorable:  ill  Knglaiid,  so  iiiucli  so,  lliat 
their  imporls  of  brcadstull's  have  been  com|iai'a- 
tivcly  li^'lil.  The  climalc  is  such  in  the  north  of 
l'',i!riipe,  and  the  ^'raiii  there  grown  is  nt'  a  kind 
which,  in  lln  ir  cliniate  will  bc.ir  .siorage  for  several 
years.  When,  tlierclhre.  the  seasons  are  favor- 
iiblo  and  the  demand  small,  the  inerrhants  are  in 
the  habit  of  sloriii^'  it  to  a  \ery  larje  exiciit,  very 
ol'ieii  In  ihe  amount  of  many  milliniis  of  quarters. 
The  ollicial  reinnis  of  imporls  into  England,  in 
our  library,  dn  not  come  down  later  than  1843. 
I!ut  in  a  paper  said  lo  be  wrilteii  by  the  gentleman 
from  .Mas.sachiisells,  (.Mr.  llriisiiN,]  they  are  staled 
for  l.'^lllaiid  1H44.  I  find  statements  of  slaiislica 
in  mere  parly  produclinns  so  constantly  inaccurate 
ihat  I  always  use  tlieiii  Willi  distrust.  '  But  ill  this 
insiance  1  find  ihein  to  con'cs]ioiul  very  nearly 
with  those  made  last  .liiiie  by  Sir  James  tirahani, 
the  ilome  .Secretary,  in  the  debate  upon  the  i'C|ieal 
of  the  corn  laws,  and  I  presume  they  may  be  re- 
lied on.  In  ln4.'),  the  imports  were  7,l,"i3,9:ia 
bushels.  le  i' 14.  they  were  (),586, 15:3.  In  1845, 
ihey  are  supposed  lo  have  been  somewhat  larger. 
If,  ilierefore,  the  surplus  produced  ill  Europe  ex- 
ceeded these  amounts  lo  any  consid-  .able  extent, 
there  would  have  been  a  lar;'"  e  innlation  in  the 
grain  marls.  13ul  so  far  frniu  i;'is  being  the  case, 
when  Ihe  late  unfavorable  harvest  liappencd,  the 
siatemciils  were  universal  tluU  the  stock  on  Imiul  in 


i 


li  ' 


;  i 


n. 


406 


APPE^D^X  TO  THR  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[March  II, 


529th  Cono 1st  Skss, 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr,  Bayly, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


En:;IiunI  uiid  iijuwi  tlio  eontiixiit  was  nevrr  known    , 
to  !>(_'  so  liiriil:  NO  nnicli  j^n,  tii;tl  scxcral  of  (he  Gov-   ! 
t'ricinnis  liinc   in-Mliibiifd   txiKui.s  iif  i;iiiin.     As    , 
aiMilKT  proiif  liiat  tin-  nuriilus  iliit  noi  fxct't'ii  llu-    \ 
exi'oir  lo  Kni:ljUHi,  I  niiiy  ivi'rr  to  tlic  ran,  iluii, 
(hinn:;  tlial  lime,  tiif  ii\n;ii;i'  i-rn'c  nt'  wheat  nn  tin- 
coulmenl,  wiihonl  iVi-i^hl  anJ  chai-ui's  m  Knivlanil, 
was  \bs.  |H'r  qviartei',  or.  uUnuin;!:  tor  cxrlian^^e, 
about   si   4'Ji    yvv   hn.shtl.     'I'lus  pruT.  whifh   is 
lii:xlnr  than   the  irrnciul   avt  ra^c,   jh  nn:oiisis(('iu 
with  tlio  idea  ut'.ui  a'TUHiuianii  surohis.      I  ihiiik,    ; 
ihrnlorr,  that  I  am  saiV  iti  ^.tylllL:  lliat  'hf  siir|'his 
on  llio  coiHiiK'Mi,  in  a  scncs  of  y»iU"s.  \\\\\  not  rx- 
CQK\\   from  si\  lo  ciirlit  millions  of  iHinhels.  iinh'ss 
ihfre  is  a  Iari;*ly-in>'ri'.t^t'il   iiroducnon   then-,      is 
this   probahle:     IJiTe,  aicain,  1  •''liiill   n'.soi't   iVcrly    i 
'o  ihe  infoniihtion  t'nniishcd  in  the  returns  of  tlio 
lirili^h  ooiisuIm. 

Isi,  as  to  Russia.     The  ronsu's  siair  that  nn  in- 
creased supply  is  not  to  lie  hwikcd  for;  and  ihf  rr.t- 
sona  ijiven  for  tin*  '>pinioii«  arc  ronfiusivi-.     The    , 
oiif  tVoin  St.  Vrtrr.'iliurt:  writi's  that  — 

•■The  (Ii-tri>'i  nt"  St.  ri'm-littr::  dois  not  prnditcp  cr:iiti 
<uilii  ifiu  lor  Its  "wii  r.ih-iun|'li"i».  ■muI  Hie  (IftiL-iiair.v  w 
feii|>iitii'(t  Iroiu  lilt-  inluiiil  l*r<ivHi(-c:<-'* 

The  one  from  Riira  savf=:  I 

*''i'!u'  nipui  iiu-rcii!'!-  oi'  iii:iiaiiti'  tiirrs  i.i  this  r<Mnitr>  li:i« 
wiili-lrnun  many  liiiiu).-  frnm  ti!Ia::<>.  w  In  -|i,  iji  a  rhmiy 
pDjMiiatc.l  pmnUry  likr  lln— i,i.  mut  nji-mc  a-Mut  iiiiv 
im-rraso  oriuiii-ulmri'.  In  la-'T.  it  is  nif,.'ii|.  n  il  ti\  iiip.'v 
to  tiaM.'  cnatnti  I'ril  In  tiir  tl.  liiai-ni  p.  >>ituc;iua  iri'i  um  in 
tiii<  ooiiiiiry  inr  ?oiih>  y*Mr-  |)i-i.  ahlioiu'li  iliis  ili'iicaMn-v 
Mi:iv  III'  |»rim-ip-|I>  nllnr  f.'.i  l  i  t!..-  m.i-.-ii^.  V\a\  \*  licai; 
V'-arly  mnrt'  nu\\  tintr**  (Mitii\ii'' ■!  in  li'i.-^ia.  aad  i'-[»  Tjiiilv 
IM  \\\\i  i'ravuiri-.  nihl  ilu>  iM'ii:hli<iria.'  iiim->:  r>|'  K~tlini:ia, 
(^)^^lanll,  Litlaiariia.  nml  ni  Wmti-  Ua-  ia.  tx  jiiif  an  nrPcIe 
ili;it  always  tiii'l-  a  rrarU  -al«-  iil  Ih.-  Ui-.'ainaik.  t  at  rt-inii- 
nrrating  prices;  wliiili  iiKnttriJ-  tn  rnniilfTai-t  an\  cr.  at 
inrrca:^!!  in  tlic  pmiiarlinn  ni  .tirri:  i-*  utiirli  inav  iiI-d  tji- 
addrd  iho  ycaily  ''.xti'iidttcr  '•>\  thh-tun  'la-  r-t'  l)i  r-t  nm!  su- 
par  rttirnTics.  and  iiilioan"ri  ni  Ik  .  t  i'n)i.  more  (laitiiulaily 
in  tlio  ii-U*rnal  rrnviniu,  i.;'  ihc  c  ni;>ir(  ." 

Hu:  tl.j  most  conchisivc  rcasi.u  ia;;iven  l)y  the 
consul  at  Odt'^sn : 

'■  Tiirrc  would  111'  nn  iniihTiai  in''r.''-i>--r,  and  oprt'iinlv'  rmi 
in  a  >lmrl  ^pu^'  nt  uni"  :  It.  l)'r;niM>  ut  Toduli:!  ai.d  Knvv, 
wliiiic-   (),|iv-,-:i   d.iivi'-u~   ,)iiiict|)al  sn|iplii'-.  t'lr  lin  atr'-t 

qnruitity  |i(i"ililf  nC  nr.in  i-  at  all  tiair.  |ir.nli|c.(i  wirt i 

ri':;iril  to  pric-'  and  d.  inaad,  in  con-^'-iint  iifi- tiT  .-ftiut  d  h-- 
lay  lavcstni  HI  I'lavp  laiiir,  wlm-Ii  \-  \\n\  ntlM-rut^r  \-i  hr> 
Oliiplnyt'd.  -Jd.  Btcui--'  till"  plain- <  alicd  >tc'p|if>,  ail|.n'i':il 
to  thi'  Rliick  -^i-a  and  A/nph.  an'  thiidy  p']inlat..| ;  -n  ili!-  la 
years  wlifn  Ihi'  ^^o[)^*  an*  nlinud:u:t,  ttwy  an-  t-wu  -ni)'  w.'.i 
on  till-  tTouinl  Inr  warit  ill' r.Mpir...  .'t-l.  Ilt'can^*- nn  tln-t- 
t^trpj"'  crnp^  ar:'  rvrcd. n^ly  pn'.ar.nu'i  hy  n-a.-cni  nr" 
drniiL'lil.  Ihr  rrnnninn  r.il.irn'i.v  \>\'  ilti-  liunatc  ;  ni  the  Injti 
wind-,  which  carr>'  nil"  tin-  -«'  d  I'mrn  I'li-  il)i-i\  snj) ;  oi'  V\y 
early  thaws  ami  snh-fipuni  tVn-i-.  witlr>iii  'iinn-.  It'i.  |lc- 
causc  liilagt'  is  di-fccnvf  mid  impoA.  niiid  ditlicalt,  nn.l.r 
the  pn'sciil  rirciinistuiccs  nt  Ihc  cnmiry.  .'.th.  II.  cau-c 
di*=tanc.'s  arr  yn  at.  and  r'.ntiMnnicaii  m-*  nniml  d  hv  ;:ii. 
th'TP  hi'in?  ii'i  ruad-.  and  tlif  nvi-r-  I.-ini;  niiM:i\  iImMi'. 
Rlh.  necaasr  tli*-  liuidlmtl.r*  ai-  iiripnvi  ristii<|.  anit  tir  •-! 
of  !h«'in  ittilrlit*  d  to  th  '  rrnwa.  aiul  lli-  wnrkitig  cI.lsx^  arc 
dcL'Tudcd  by  (iicir  r-tadiimn  ni'  slav.  rv.  ;ili.  Ilfcitn-i' no 
prnnrcs-iivf  laiprnvcnicnt-  ar-  i-t  l>  ■  i  yp  ctrd  in  Uii"i  i.  ua 
til  ercni  nriru.ic  rhans^--  ar-  t>rnn!!!il  ahn  n.  nr  -..  In;::  a-  Ma- 
rnal  iniiTi>(tt9  of  the  cnantr\  nrc  -acrit" '"d  tn  an  anti  cnni 
lucrrial  |K>licy.  Very  hii^li  prici>  may  r  dcfd  cause  at  Imics 
•A  irriat.f  c\iM>tiainn.  nni  la  nicreu-t;  (f  prmhiciKHi,  hat  hy 
y\\-\.  hnu  the  ■  .'cp-  n(  >npply." 

All .'",  anlhciiti'^  .iccoiniis  of  lluNsiaand  Pf.Iaiid, 
winch  ai.  included  to-_Mh«  r,  ii::n;(;  w  ith  lluisi'  I 
piTsoiit.  As  to  tJM'  iniiih'  .'ud  dilliciilty  «»f  navii;a- 
rin-^  liie  ri\Trs,  I  |.ris(ju  the  fuUowin;^  accouiit'^of 
the  trade  of  Datilzic; 

•■  The  I  irL'«  .1  Mipph'  -  nf  L-raiii  inipnrte.l  jntn  iir<-M  Iliil- 
ain  haw-  L'cM'raII\  c-mie  tiDin  |»,inl/n  .  'V\\v  yrain  i.-c|,j.  i(y 
limnL'liI  Irnjii  th'-  tnt'Tior  nn  tin- tner  \i-tuta.  IIkl',  »\i-', 
in  llalh'tiils  nl  Uie  ru'l 's(  eiin>tri|cfinn.  np.-n  to  tia  -lici^ 
of  Die  w.:ith<-r  and  Ihc  hiiti'l  ui  the  pilf.rcr.  Dnriit;.'  tlie 
pa-iii^.  u|)i.|i  lists  Mveral  \M  til-.  :ij:  i  cv.ii  nn.nlti...  Mic 
Bprnntuiir  of  tli'-  wh-  at  on  tin- 1  >ji  inrnis  a  Hack   mat.  and 

that  -UMUe,    a    tn|(-nd»le    c.Mcfiir.!    fnr    (he    huUi.      Tin- 

iM.iU- car-;  h"m  1- Mo -.kii  .pinriers  M.  I  M  to  |,(i(HI  hii-McIs) 
ol  wh'«l;  ar.-  na\iiia'  il  l.y  >i\  nr  sri. n  rnci..  wuh  a -mall 
'-•a*  In  -nniid  ah.  ad.  \^^  lirnl  lur  -|iiinn;(  -tmaN  ;  air  liri';».n 
lip  and  ihp  matcriiils  vi>|tl  ai  Ii;i;,t/!c      Thi-  wheal  lall   hn; 

th.- uniHii  >nriai-c)  i^  thmw u  apoh  the  nchN  ;iii,t  itrn  d, 

and  ih>  n  r-tnod  in  warchun-.  -.  the  wlmh-  of  which  ar.'  e.i- 
pahh-  nt  lid)  liiiL'  .VMl,iN  (juarl.r-*.  il.'" "'.''■>''  hiishds.)  The 
av.raaf  cn,«t  of  the  inlai.rl  frMit'it.  indndum  ua-t  -.  is  i--.  f\,i 
[H-r  tpialer  e.pml  In -ii  cents  |Mr  In-hel.  Tin- ,  vpcn-e  nf 
dryinir.  chaiiinK.  anil  wari-linni»uitf.  at  Danl/.ie.  is  o,.  uiMrr, 
or  hi\  <-rntM  jK  r  hiisht-i." 

This  is  the  tnaiinrr  in  whi'di  tio   trath-  is  rarrird 


The  principal  supply,  however,  is  hrnnjihl  tt)  Ihn  town  In  ' 
<  art«.  dia\Mi  hy  o\eii,  iVoin  di  taacc-  xarsita;  Irnni  ma!  to  : 
f.iitr  hni.dri  d  miles.     'I1it- vn>a:{e  in   laiJaiKl  i-  Iimil'.  and  '| 
tlicrc  is  ureat  ri-k  m'  tlic  Lnain  lientim;.  nnil  i!ic  expensi.'  of   \ 
iinpnrruic  amoants  in  l.'o.  or  l  U.,  nr  cvi-ri  -JUs.  the  ipiarlcr, 
nr  <►"  cents  t!ic  Pn>(ie|.    Mr.la  o!>-  s  ii.'efnini  nithe  manin'r 
itiWhi    h  en  II    IS  tian-p  iri.-d  t-i  ^M^■^^a.  >UnW     ti:c  pliy>M-al 
in.|'n-iiiiliiv  .<!  this  ennipeii  en  lv  cutain*^  a  iiiiiltcr  oi  iin.\ 
ici\  In  the  I'nnra  limit]  auriciihu' i-t" 

I'.ach  (d'tlicsc  curls  mx  drawn  hy  two  oxen;  and 
.^!r.  Pli-v.iays: 

"Two  o\cn  can'jittnuelovcrjiiich  indeed  InlU  and  deep 
siunN  as  ;ire  fniiml  hetween  tin-  cmti  :iinuin.!  lij-tricl.s  mat 
I  hlcfisa  at  a  u'leaiev  rate  itiia  ten  miles  |ici-  d  ly.  Mai-li  laiti 
dicdimh-s  will  tlnistcqiine  icn  day.-  woik  tin  iwooveiiainl 

niii."    "In  tin-  .Innrmyoi'  mac  lUD  \\,\Ws  a'lu.'Sihc 

.-icppi  s.  in  the  innnths  in  whn-!i  ihc  f:re:Ucr  ninni>'  i  olcni 
ticspi.s.s  over  iliciii,  Ww   \.u''iannn   i?*  \\li.li'   I'liiiii  up,    i 
wliii'h.  \\  till  the  >cat.-ii\  ni  w.iicr.  nin-teiui^e  much  i-.\pi'asc 
m  the  aiainlcnancc  ol  liie  .-aid '."  | 

Thesp  are  the  two  ^ri-'nt  ;:;rain  marls  wiih  wliich    j 
the  ;:cntlt'niau  thinks  w  cannot  ('oinjicir.  ' 

Ud.   As  to  Prussia.      A-_'i  iculture  in  I'rus.sia  is  in   ] 
sucli  an  tulvanccd  slate,  the  )irnnilatioii   i.s  nicfc^is-   | 
ini:;  .so  raiiidU',  and   the   fiirnn  is  lind  ilic  hrerdiui; 
of  hiMsi-.';,  cal'.lf,  and  shi'cp,   so   prolilahic,  that  an 
inori-ascd  supply  of  corn  is  not   to  he'»looked   lor 
froni   this  kio^d.nn.     And   here  penult  me  to  re-   : 

'  mark,  oneo  tor  all,  that  ilu>  proposed  rhamre  (d*  tlie 
itritisii  tarilf,  winch  admits  live  animals,  and  meat, 
lioth  salt  and   tVt-sh,   iVi  c   of  doty,  is  c  nculMtctl  (o 
iuc:-''i.><r,    ratiier    than    iliiniiiish,   i:;r;»/iu:;    in    the   | 
countries  near  L'Jiirland.     In  irrmii  ami  s.iltcd  meal,   j 
iluy  wdl  havo  ei'inpt-titor.-*  in  disiaiit  lands;  hut  in    : 
iivt',  stock  and  fresh  inval,  they  wdl  have  the  Kni;- 
li^h    market   to   thom.selvos.      Tlie    consul    from    ■ 

I  Koni'rslair:^  savs: 

"Tit''  fariih-.-  find  it  rtmre  pintiialdctnde\ni»'  ih.'ir ntten-    | 

'  (ion  1,1  tile  bircihiu  nf  sln-cp,  i.oi^csj,  and  cattle,  vvtaeli  an-    j 

'  sucr  111  Iter  titan  uiowiity  inrij."  ' 

I'Vom  I'mutzie  : 

"  The  di:-lricts  (\['  Pru-M.-i,  ailjninjnii  Danl/ic,  are  in  such 
aa  ntlv;incrii  -talc  nf  cnhn  rrmii,  Uiut  a  liuycr  .-apply  lor    ■ 
shipment  could  not  he  i-\|»cci,  ,1." 

I      From  Sintin :  i 

"  The  pr"diiciina  of  hU  kiiul  of  arajii  Im.s,  these  two  or  ^j 
thrc"   \ear-,  he,-n  extendi  d  in  a  rnii-^idiTalilc  degree;  n  is  i; 
I  i.T.  tote  mil  t.i  tti'  evpcci  ci  tin-  |an  lii'.lij'  r<  ciMi  nimli  amr-    j 
m   III  the  ^alllC.  the  eiipivahnn  iil   a.|.}iiinii:il  snil  lait  h''ili(i 
111  their  .system  ui  auviiMdtnr.-.  p.".rticularl>'  a.s  ihc  prndni-iinn 
ni  (til  >.'e",!,  of  piiiai'.s  Inr  rpiiu.aiid   pa.-hi'c  and  foiHl  tor 
■  !k'''|i   ami  calth'.  ha.s   h -en   Inn  ad\-aiilai;.iins   for   tlicni  to 
<urlail  the  >;\i\iv  to  nny  cm.-ideiahl.'  d-  urt  )■.'' 

As  loGcrmany,  the  eiuisnl  fnnii  Ilamhur!;  says:  : 
"  An  incriased  (piaiility  nt"  irraia  js  lint  to  he  p.oL.d  fnr, 
nceaiise  as  milch  land  i>  Jilreadv  appmixiat.'d  in  tit-  district 
I'llh'-iirnwth  nfrnrn.as  th.   -y-t.in  nf  |in-haiiui\  e^Ial.|i-:    d 
III  the-' dtnhii  -  uill   aihiiii  "f ;   wnnl.  huitcr.  luid   (otaii.e> 
I'lriii-tillatinu.haMni  tor  maia  v  'ar-  Ixcn  pr.ifilahh-  pindnec  , 
t'l  the  firmer,  In- « ill  net  i-i.-i!\  tn'  imlnciil  in  ^'ivc  up  the  \ 
<  uliivatinn  nf  the  hitter,  nr  m  sip  riV  hi »  >!ic.  |)  ami  cinile.  i 
\\  hich.  inori'ovi  r.  .-illbrd  iitaaui.-  pitrUivcly  iicccsiiury  lorttie  < 
I'lillivatMin  'if  Krain.*'  ' 

In  conclusion  upon  this  head,  I  may  refer  to 
ilie  ralcnlalinn  unuer  tiie  prceedii  '  one,  to  show 
that  diinini.'-hed,  ralher  ilian  incnaHcd  suppi.e.'*  arc 
lo  \,v  he  looked  for  from  tin- c(uitiiuiU.  Su  .Tai  ics 
CJrahum,  in  the  House  of  ('ounnous.  in  Juntr  nst, 
the  siaicnicnts  of  .Mr.  Villters  upon  ihis 


SON']  presents  the  followiii','  talMe,  coiKainini;  the 
importations,  nr|  inchidiii','  Ireland,  from  I8::20  to 
18-i:i.  This  tahlc  makes  the  avcrni^e  I0,lKi4,H!)(; 
hushels,  iHcludimr  the  years  IH^II,  I8;U,  lK*5,and 
iH.Sd,  dnriiij;  wlr  \  the  hnrvesi.s  in  Knirlaiid  were 
ahundant  heymei  ail  precedent,  and  when  the  im- 
portations were  very  small.  TJic  colonial  e\port.^ 
were  prmi'ipally  from  r'anada,  and  ihe  produce  of 
this  country,  as  is  apparent  from  the  fact,  for  a 
scriea  of  years  our  expo,  i.-^  of  thair  and  ^rain  to 
(.'auada  have  hcen  hiij:er  than  licr  exports  of  the 
same  ariicjcs  to  En;;!and. 

%hnovni  nf  vin'tt  and  vlicat  Jlour,in  hushels^  import- 
ill  inio  (irnit  liri'  -'n  for  home  rnitsumpl'mn  from 
I.'^'-i'J  to  18411,  t»i)7i«('iT,  distb)i;tiislun}:;  foreign  from 
c-^unial. 


Vkar. 


Foreign. 
IliisheN. 


I*."*! 

!i..-in.|.7iw 

IKII 

i;i.-..is.:n  1 

ISIl 

iii.;i:)j;i".-j 

IS« 

l.-iio.ui:) 

IKi:i 

III..V!  ) 

IKU 

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isr. 

!»>J 

IKIii 

p;»!c) 

Ih:i7 

1,1^    1,1  T« 

ls:iK 

M.'Ml.li'M 

IftW 

91..W.'.HW 

IMll 

l!-'-,i91.il!«i 

IMI 

l!l.lll.-..*14 

t  -  l-J 

^IdH.r.vi 

it^ia 

'.M\.  •-■! 

Av<'ni«r 

M«518 

Vjloniitt. 

UtMlK'lM. 

(IH.CH 
■Ibl.lVJ 

l.liiL.VW 

l,;Vil.ftl 

(ilil.ms 

:.iT.iT-j 

•JJ7.-.4I 

•.':i'j,4iiti 
™i:i.iini 
'j;i7.i7ci 
iiri.ii:!,; 

Olii.lWJ 
2.1171).'^  »S 
1.7I1.IH> 
l.95a,91-3 


TU3.U1I 


T\)liU. 
Dtislicl!*. 


10,0(il,b»l) 


rL-iniUinir  the  sui 
siMJt-rt,  staltMJ: 


on  III  ipiii' frcal  ariuw  iimrl;  li'l 
ill  (he  nil 


Th"  h'iiinr;it»I(*  inciiilHT  fur  WMlvcrliliinittnii  Iijh  (miii- 

il'Mlhlfil  th<-  ■^\-t''lil  "!|I.L>I  Tljulrt  tioli  ;  lillt  *'  illl  ri'l'iTt'l (i)  i 

lU.   Iiitiiri'.lll"  lii-l»   li.'   iliM  I.,  c  -  :iri- iicpt  M  lie  ov.tI  inki'cl.  , 
llf   t-  li-   11-  llii'.l    j-Yiii'i'  i-  r.iiMtlU   tif.uiiitii'i  11  liHirt'  (iiifl  ' 

rt' iiii|)"ttii;i!  i-nimlrv  ;  tli;tl  Hrl^'iiiii  liiL-i  lollnwi  (I  lOir  ex    ; 

Tinpl''.  ;iln!  iirntfit^  li.r  cuni.  It'  I  iiil-t-ikf  ii'il.  l!iiv;iii;i, 
.Till  -I  v.'rril  oiilj.'  Itlinii-li  pnniiuM*-.  li:iv.'  pl;i.-(  d  ;tri  i  .xp'trt 
duty  ii|M'ii  tlii'ir  foni,  iiroiTt --ix.ly  iiifn-n-niL'  it-  rti"  pri'*'' 
..'■  r.irii  ri-'v-.  It  UJH  -ra:  tl  li>  tii-'  IciilMral'li' in- iiiIh  r  liir 
Wi'lv  ilittiiipl  .11  hiiiisiir,  III, I  in  ( 'iiisr.,ii.-titM'  ol"  llic  iniii-i  ■ 

I  (in  w  liicli  ti!H  f  iK*'M  |)l"iT  111  I  liuiy  Ml'itic  <  >rv  irr""  luuitj-' 

trials  nt  i;:iiM|ii'  t'liilil  till  c'lulltlnii  nt  [lliri'ly  ;mil(MlltllI:ll  (d 
tllilt  nf  ll.ixil'  IMaiMlliU'tlinilL'  <  niiiltrM's,  the  inli-lliIllKinll  nf 

r   III  1^  HUM  :i-iiiL'.  uliitf  III!'  m-.ji-i  iil'i'xpnniim  iiri'  piopor- 

II  Mially  (IJiMilii-liili':.  'I'll'  liniinraMr  iin-lnluT  slinuri  ynii 
that  \niir  Ml  'aii-<  nl"  nlilatiiiii::  a  -iipply  nt"  rnrn  t'rniu  I'lir'npc 
iTf  lini'llially,  lint  prn[rr''M,-l\>  ly  iliaTi-ll-iilc." 

Lit  US  nrxl  iiic|iiii('  mIipi  (|ii:iiiiiiy  nf  Cnroiu'ii 
;:tain  (Jiriii  nritiiiti  will  |irnli,ililv  fci|Miri'  I'm'  liiT 
iii|isiiiii|ilinii.  SliP  i'\|iiiriril  i;nifii  iiiilil  aliniit  ihi' 
•  lose  nfilm  his(ri.|iUii-y;  lull  fimii  17!l.'tlii  llii>  time, 
willi  the  siiiL'li'  rxoi'iHiiin  nl'  If^lH,  Ikt  iin|Mirls  luivc 
L-nviily  pxni'ilfil  jmr  cxiMifts  nl'  jrfaiii,  ami  llm 
ss  has  lipcti  proiriTssinly   iiMriiiKiiiff.      Finiii 


aws,  Nays 


ler.    Mr.  Plan,  m  liis  lnHinry  ofilie 

y 

•urn  trnivillB  ivmiltrlfw  IM  (he  inullifML*'!  nf  lliin 


c   hinv  il  \n   I  l.-JK  lo  jHJJ,  (tji, 


iiltinal 


last   \iaf    fnr  wliirl 


rc'tiiriin.)  fiftcfii   V  am,  ihi 


I   wn   liayi 


Tlir  enillymaii  mlmils  llial  I'.iiijIaiHl  in  fiiliiro 
will  rrniiirciaaiiaveriiiciif  yparialHait  M.IIUU.IMK) 
nf  laislii'ls.  1  Ihink  llii-  aiiKMint  will  In:  niiiili 
lari;or.  'I'lin  avfrairc  fir  the  last  six  years  pri'siMitcil 
in  the  lablr  is  I>I,U)4,U77;  and  in  fiilurp  I  lUink  ilie 
nnaiitiiy  wliicli  il  will  reiinirc  will  lie  larger,  rallier 
innn  less.* 

Jn  the  first  plaiT,  nn  increaseil  supply  Will  lie  ro- 
quisile  to  ini'.t  ilie  (leioaiiils  of  lirr  im  leasing  pop- 
nlation.  li.illi  .Mr.  Wusk  rn  ami  l)r.< 'oliiuliimn— 
wliosf   r.-ionlatinn   Mr.   Mi-Cnlloeli  adopts  ir,   his 

Coininen-ial   Ui.'iioiiary— estiinales  the  siiiii|i- 

tion  of  Great  Ihiiaiii  in  l^lJ  and  1^14,  with  a  pnu- 
nia'ion  of  lll.UUtl.om),  at  ^5,01)11,000  ol'quariers,  or 
a  fiaetion  ovir  17  hushels  per  head.  Thisesliinaio 
iiielnde.s  the  enliie  aninniit  eonsunicd  hy  man  ae.d 
heasi,  ti.sed  in  hcer  anil  spirits,  and  in  various  nian- 
nfaetnres.  'i'he  Ihiulish  pnpnlaiion  is  inereasiii:;at 
Ihe  rale  of  ahonl  400,000  annually.  .\t  the  rale  es- 
tinialeil  hv  iliese  ;;eiitli  nun,  this  iie'rease  of  |.opn- 
lalion  alone  would  I'aiisean  inerea.sed  consnniptaiii 
or(;,WIO,OUO  hnsheU  of  srain. 

In  Ihe  second  idaee,  hy  the  repeal  of  the  corn- 
laws  the  pri"e  of  liread  and  meal  will  he  less,  and 
the  i-oiisiiinption  w  ill  iie  (.-really  inerea.sed,  A  very 
larire  •Minion  of  the  Eimlisli  cotisniners  are  labor- 
ers, who.se  wa^es  are  scarcely  siilVieient  for  thei- 
support,  and  are  divided  in  -supplying  their  wants, 
hotween  a  hoii,-e,  fuel,  lainieii  ,  iVc,  and  only  a 
portion  is  app  oiaiaieil  lo  f(«.,l,  and  very  ran  ly 
eiioush  lo  procni  •  an  ample  supply.  When  f  mil 
is  cheaper,  more  can  he  pmcha.sed  with  the  s  inie 
mone),  and  cons, iinp'ioii  will  he  iiicn.  d.  'I'liis 
has  iinariahly  lain  foi.inl  to  he  the  ease  in  Kn^'- 
laiid,  pnrlii'uliirly  in  articles  of  food.  This  wa.s 
lately  Nlrikint;ly  exemplified  in  ihe  ease  of  si|i;ar, 
where,  in  eonsmpience  of  ihe  reiliielion  of  ihe  ihiiy, 
Ihe  price  was  lowered,  wherehy  the  consunipuoii 
was'(,'reiilly  increased;  so  much  s.  tha',  liolwilh- 
slandin;,'  the  ;;rent  ridnetioti  of  d  .i. ,  Ihe  revemie 
derived  w.'is  Ma—  lil'le  diminished.  .Many  other 
iiislances  of  Ihe  .sina  sorl  are  uiveii  in  the  very  ahle 
pamii'det  of  W.  K.  Gladstone,  (a  nieniher  of  tlin 
llrilisiiCahinel,)  upon  thei'll'eclol  the  hue  i  inimer- 
eial  legislation  in  l'ai;;l.ind,  and  also  ill  the  dehalcs 
III  the  Ihiiish  rarhaieeiil. 

Ih't,  savs  the  u'eiillenmn  from  Massaclni.setis, 
|.Mr.  llemii'N,)  "il'  the  mice  of  wheat  is  reduced 
•  in  (treat  Drilaiti.as  Inr  ilependenee  is  mainly  upon 


al 


lend  to  r'^dii 


'  lln 


rici^  ut 


exci-ssof  imports  over  exports  has  li-i  n  14,l.'IO,0!lf 


ai.  I  111  till',  niihirie.-  I Pun;;  Uif   ItlacN 


irnpr 


hit 


pmili 


hv   Mil'  llnll,   llif    Illl 
ria  liihfl  < 


In  I  Illl 


(III 


Miirl  Ihiir      |h;|m  to  l.-l'i,  tl 


hels.     Ami  for  the   last   five   years,  viz;  fr 


'  lalior,  imd  hence  cliniiniNli  ihe  alii  I  it  y  of  the  lain 

'  ill"-  elassi  s  lo  piirchasi 

'full 


■I'll 


iisinav  o, 


lerale  lo  ihi 


iiu'M  I'liiiilnix  1  anil  lliai  |inrl  .^lanil-  la  the 
lliii  loulll  ul'  Eurii|ic  lu  Dniit/.ie  <li>e«  m  iJi 


iii'-nr.  (lint  tin' 

a.  Inr  plltjillli'lit  In  Inr- 

•lllii'   iclalina  In 


over  I'Xporis  w 


lal  px.essol  imporls     .  ii„.,i.a»i  I  c^'iisiiniiition, 


amoiini  of  the  rediiciion,  niid  so  prevent  any 


i^hides  ll;-  trade  with  In  land. 


IS   ;.'l.l|-J,s'J4  hiiaheU.     This  in 


'  .-^ir  (i.  Clerk,  as  will  he  i-ecii  ia  a  sal |ia  nt  mile,  e«ii- 


lie  iinrthcni  pan.  The  i,'enlleman  from  .Massaehnsetis  |Mr.  IIiu-      nmte.t  ilie  (inaiihty  ul  •JLilUtiiHIIIiif  iMishelJ. 


1816.] 


29th  Conc 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  TFIK  CONGIIKSSIONAI.  GLOBE. 

Harbors  and  Uircr.i — Mr,  liaybj. 


407 


ll.> 


Hki 


This  irt  nn  \\n\  idea  cil'  Ilic  O'lillijmiin'M;  it  wan 
|in>|in;5iUi'(l  iind  cxpliiikd  iiiiuiy  yoiins  u^o.  Tliu 
idijii  lliiil  wiigr.s  iiiviinalily  rise'  luid  tall  wiih  llic 
|irii'o  of  rmid,  was  inoiilcaicd  iiy  iXiiil'olk  scuiircs, 
as  liinL' aijoas  17'J'>.  IJiit  I'lirlif,  llii;  most  jiliilii- 
Mi|iliii-a!  of  slaicsincii,  fxposiil  iis  tallacy  in  his 
" 'riioii'.dils  and  l>('iail»  on  .Soairily."  "Nay," 
said  nmlvo,  "it  is  not  so.  I  all!)W  ii"  (the  rate  ] 
ol'  wa^rs)  "  has  not  lluctiiated  with  that  p;  ■,"  I 
(of  pnivisioiis,)  "  noi'oa;;ht  it;  and  llie  sijuin.  of  i. 
'  .\''if.,ll:  hull  irmtil  wIk  11  thry  irave  it  as  ilieir  o|iiii- 
'  ion  that  it  iiiii,'lii,  oi-  ouLjhl,  lo  risi;  and  I'all  with 
'  tlio  iiiarK'ot  of  provisions.  Tho  laio  of  waives, 
'  in  Initli,  lias  no  direct  relation  to  that  prire. 
'  Lalioi  is  a  I'ninniodiiy  like  every  other,  and  rises 
'  and  falls  aci-onliii-  to  the  deniand." 

I  lii'lieve  (Slid  .Mr.  n.)  that  the  i;-eiitleinnn  from 
Mass:a'liiis(tis  [.Mr.  I1ii)mi\|  does  nut  ilinc  in  the 
:-eiise  in  wliieh  DnrUc  said  the  N'orlblk  sniiiies 
had. 

Mr.  Gk.ntkv.    lie  is  ii  teetotaller. 

iVir.  Davi.v.  I  am  aware  of  that,  lait  then  he 
i-iniies  into  this  House  and  attempls  to  pa.^.,  oil' 
upon  us  opinions  which  liiirke  could  only  acioiint 
for  when  propounded  liy  iVorfolk  squires,  upon 
the  supposition  that  tiicy  were  imytliin^  but  ice- 
tutalleis. 

So  fir  from  cheap  provisions  ciiiisinff  low  wa^es, 
ihc  lendeiicy  is  the  very  reverse.  The  rate  of 
wa;,'es  is  resnlaled  liy  the  supply  and  the  deniand 
for  laljor.  VVheii  the  prices  of  provisimis  are  low, 
the  eoiiiminiity  can  expend  more  in  the  purchase 
of  older  articles,  an  increased  deniand  for  which  is 
ireated,  and  cmseipiently  for  the  hhor  lo  produce 
them:  and  wiih  that  increased  demand,  an  en- 
hanoenitnt  of  ilic  rate  of  watres.  Upon  this  snli- 
Jecl,  in  llie  deiiaU;  in  Parlianienl,  on  Ilic  2:2d  of 
.lannary  last.  Sir  llohcrt  Peel  said: 

'•  flr-l, a-  lo  w use-.     Wlici  inn  (|.Mi- ilic  ficl.  Iliar.  iliiriiii! 

llic  ilir.c  yiur-  lliiil  pr-cilcil  ilic  ir ih  „r  (Vlulicr  la-i, 

piiccM  wco'  c(iiii|i:iralivcl)  Icjw.'  'I'lic.  ■  -.a-i  cnin|iiiiiuivc 
.  Iii'a|iic.-s  anil  |il  nly,  ajiil  vd  at  no  |>.i...  were  die  wages 
111  Intiiir  liii'lici   lli.ui  iliiriiii;  llial  |ii'iiiril.     ir  vau   take  Ilic  n 

ilai'iir IniL'.vcais  j-..ii  will  liml  |n.r;|i  pri,-,"'.^,  ,niil  vikx-  ' 

i-l.  at  H  nil  hinli  pri. .■..Villi  will  liml  l.,u  «,il'.  s.  \Vi  IMIicii, 
I  liilvcH.v  yi'iirs— I  liiivi-  ililrnii!  the  lii>l  tlipc  vcars  liiuli 
111 :cc>  Mint  low  «,ii!ii;  I  Icivi'  iliaiiis;  llic  l.i-i  tiirc.'  vcirs 
law  piles  mill  |iii;h  wiiijis;  anil  I  iiiinmi  rc^i.-t  llic  cniicla. 
Miin  tliiil  wiifi'y  i|.i  mil  v.irv  Willi  ilii.  pn.i.  ni'  pnni.-i.in--. 

■flicvrfi)  vary  Willi  III rcu-c  lUcapiMI.  willi  ilic  pni-piii- 

t>  III  llii' riinany,  ulM  llic  iiiiTca-.'il  power  In  ciaiilnv  l:i- 

liar;  liiil  there  •    ' icili.itc  n  lalcm  in  tweeii  waLns'iniil 

imiHiiiiMs;  c.  ir  iliere  tic  a  iilall.in,  il  la  in  un  invci-c 
num." 

Tooke,  in  his  History  of  Prices,  produces  luaiiy 
fails  and  ar^oimeiits  to'esiahli  di  this  proposition; 
lint  it  is  clear  euoush  without  (piotiii:,'  them,  liut, 
says  tl'.e  ;;ent!ia..an  from  Masiaclmsetts: 

'■i;vet>  man p.  linicil  Willi  !.n:;li-li  iiOTeiilinre  knows 

llialurciu  ■nip,.iviMiiiii..i  no'  .  .jiist.inlh  Mliliiu  ppiee  m  her 
IIIMl  e  III  clllliviill.lii.      |l,i|..i  |,|„|    swillllil..!  lire  h,  iim  leelliini- 

cit,  liiiri-,'11  liill-.-nhi.-i  are  lielnit  cnavcrleil  iniii  I'rniil'nl  liehN, 
aiMl  her  wa.-tc  phui «  arc  bi  .ii|!  iiiiule  to  hlnssiiia  like  the 

"I'liiler  Ihesc  circiliM  ,111 1.   it  is  nut   pinhalile  licit  her 

aeinanil  l.,i-  inivmn  ■.'ruia  will ilnUv  iinicasc.    Her  iiwii 

.-iipply  «ill  nil  na.-c  wiili  tier  ilcnnai.l." 

Now,  sir,  I  have  seen  this  proposiiion  olbai  ad- 
vanced hclore,  and  I  desire  to  eXMinine  it.  We  all 
know  that  Kiurlaiid,  from  its  fust  .letilemeni,  has 
.een  .,„  ai;riciilii,ral  country.  From  that  lane  a- 
.  n.al  pursims  have  hivn  cnisidered  most  hon- 
"Hihe-  and,  as  a  eoii.seqnence,  have  hecu  most 
sonu'lit.  hor  a  Ion-  inne  the  accinnidatinn  of  cap- 
tal,«nd  the  want  111  „n,.„r,;  invrsimciit  for  it  has 
.ecu  very  s^.e,,!.  Laud  has  always  heen  re-ardcd 
there  as  i  le  nmst  desiralile  of  iiive.«tmeuts  Tlie 
po.^scssi  in  of  land  conferred  consideration.  It  is 
'onsiucred  a  iieces-.saiy  (|ualilication  to  laihlic  em- 
ployment and  adinissani  into  ihc  House  of  Lords 
1-or  a  loiii,  tune  the  pressure  of  an  iiicreasini-  pno. 
ulation  has  heeii  \ery  -rent,  and  the  supplv^of  la- 
bor has  oninin  the  denmiid;  so  much  .so,  iliat  the 
coimtantcall  upon  the  parishes  tor  tlui  support  of 
■he  poor  has  been  V(  ry  ureiii;  and,  as  a  copsc- 
'luciicc,  ilip  posses.sors  of  th,.  soil,  upon  whom  the 
cosi  ol  snpporiiii-  the  poor  mainlv  fdls,  have  had 
Hot  only  theslinndant  of  huiuaiiirv,  lint  of  pecuni- 
ary nilerest,  to  liiid  (br  that  lalibr  employment, 
which  -enerallv  could  be  commaiiiled  for  llie  sup- 
port ol  the  lalaircr.  In  addition  to  all  this,  the 
price  ol  H^ncnllnral  produce  in  IJreat  Urilniu  for  ' 

'i-'i'i-'"  1  "*'  ^'""^  '""*  '"■''"  ^"-'''y  '''-''•    '»  Ainrust, 
!..).>,  wheat  was  lllMs.  4d.  per  iiuarlei— [a  quarter 
IH  ei-ht  bushels,  and  a  sliilliiiir  is  a  little  more  than  ' 
^-•1  cents.)    Tiie  price  fell,  in  consequence  of  iibun-  ■ 


diuit  harvests,  Ibr  the  two  siicceedinj;  years,  but 
rose  a^aiii  in  .lune.  ISIIl),  !o  l,'i4s.  .id.  the  .|iiartei ; 
but  in  December  fell  to  llllis.  In  March,  |Ht)|,  it 
was  l.")Os.  Tile  prices  lluctuated  with  the  .seasons, 
bill  tlii^  averau'e  for  ihe  leii  years  from  171),")  to  1SI)5 
was.xls.  In  the  leii  years  eiidiicj;  If^lT),  the  har- 
vests had  been  unfavorable.  In  .August,  iMl'J, 
wheal  was  la.'is.  the  cpiarter.  Coincident  wiili  iin- 
favorablti  seasons,  ihere  was,  d.iriiii^  this  period, 
superadded  the  ell'eets  of  the  i;ieal  wars  in  which 
Knirlanil  was  eni;a','ed,  which,  by  iinpediiiL,'  ecnn- 
niercial  intercoiirsc,  i  ut  oil' finciu;ii  supplies.  .Vve- 
raire  prici'  Ibr  ten  year.s, '.17s.  (id. 

These  hi'.;li  prices,  and  the  sia::iialioii  of  entn- 
inereial  and  niaiiul'i  luring'  i  iilerprise  ilurini,'  the  . 
war,  stiiniilaied  ciiltivalion;  and  IVom  liHtM  to  |H|.| 
the  royal  assent  wa.s  uiveii  lo  1,1^1  eia  losiire  bills. 
.\  i;real  deal  of  land,  uiisuitcd  to  cidtivalioii,  was 
put  ill  ','ritiii — down.--.o,ily  fit  lbvshcei>-walk.^,  v.  ere 
coiuerted  into  cornliclds,  which,  after  the  conclu- 
sion ot' peace,  were  thrown  out  of  cuitivaticai  .i;.^aiii. 
.\nd  yet  the  prices  at  iliat  tma;  were  by  no  ineaiis 
low.  Ill  the  ten  yi.ais  eiidiic;-  ISA'),  the  aurieje 
price  was  7Ss,  ,Sd,  j>er  quarter;  for  tin-  ten  years 
endinu'  i-^l!"),  it  wa.-  atis.  7d.:  and  for  the  ten  yens 
eudiu!;  IS'la,  'utf,  lid.,  or  a  little  nioiv  than  <jl  "i'l 
per  bushel.  Willi  Muse  adinilted  facts  stariiii,' us 
in  the  face,  iln  re  are  lew  who  will  doubt  that  eiil- 
tivaliou  has  In  en  exieniled  nearly  to  its  inmost 
limit,  or  belie\i;  thai,  after  the  repeal  of  the  corn 
laws,  cultivation  will  be  much  more  extendtd. 

The  l:eiilt(Miia'l  tells  us  about  bo;rs  to  be  reclnjiu- 
ed,aiid  l.jarien  liill-sides  tube  coiuerted  into  fruit- 
ful lields.  I  have  hi  ard  all  this  iiI'1l-ii  before,  and 
I  have  seen  a  forniidalile  array  of  the  uumber  of 
acres  of  land  m  Cinai  Hriiain  v.liich  are  not  eidti- 
vaied.  .\fter  the  statements  I  have  made,  who 
will  believe  that  there  can  be  inncli  land  fit  for  cul- 
tivation unoccupied  ?  The  lands  rel'erred  to  ni-e 
precipitate  and  rocky  lull-sides,  unfit  f'or  colii\a- 
tioti,orsalt  niarslies,  which  are  either  irreclaiin- 
uble,  or  not  to  be  reclaimed  except  at  loo  :;i'eat 
cost;  liii;liwavs  and  conunoiis  dedicated  in  the 
public;  or  nobleiiien's  .lud  ^entknien's  jtaiks  and 
pleasurc-L;  rounds. 

.\s  to  the  last,  it  is  not  to  be  expected  that  they 
will  be  curtailed.  The  En;;lishninn  looks  iqnai 
his  old  baronial  halls  and  ancestral  oaks  as  sacred 
ihini^s,  not  to  be  touched  by  the  ruttiles>  hand  of 
innovation.  .\  fondness  f'or  these  ihin'.:s  is  a  na- 
tional taste.  .-Vnd  as  the  pnpnlation  and  wealth  of 
the  kin^'doni  increases,  the  probability  is  that  .; 
laricer  rather  than  a  less  extent  of  land  will  be  ue- 
cnpied  in  this  way.  .\  man  who  has  i^rowii  ric.h 
in  connnerci?  .idds  lo  his  consequence  by  becomiin; 
a  land  proprietor,  with  bis  parks  and  erniuiils. 
These  iliin;.'s  are  luxuries  which  are  induk'cd  in 
without  rd'ercncc  tu  the  loss  ihi'rcby  incurred; 
but  they  are  not  entirely  profitless.  The  parks 
are  'grazed,  and  wood  is  f.;ot  from  them;  and  the 
dill'ercnce  in  nn  re  priffil  is  not  so  ^'real  as  to  hold 
out  any  irreat  induei-nienl  to  sacrilici;  taste. 

As  to  the  first,  the  fact  that  it  has  reinaiiied  so 
lonsj;  uncultivated,  when  lliere  were  such  strong' 
ii.dueenients  to  cultivation,  shows  that  it  cainioi 
be  cultivated  with  profit.  What  do  we  mean 
when  we  say  land  cannot  be  eullivated  with  proft.^ 
As  loiiu;  as  I  Old  will  yield  more  than  will  pay  for 
the  culiivatpin,  it  will  yield  a  profit.  In  a  eoiuury 
like  Kiiitlanil,  where  there  is  a  siiperabundaiici  of 
labor,  it  can  always  be  i  ominanded  t'or  a  suppnri. 
When,  therefore,  in  snidi  i»  coiuury,  you  s  ly  land 
cannot  be  cnltivaleil  with  piofii,  yon  only  say  that 
It  will  yield  no  ncre  than  a  sii|ipiirt  to  the  lalioreis 
employed  ill  its  ciiliivaiiini.  You  may  extend  the 
euliivatioii  of  such  land  indelinitely,  and  you  do  I 
not  add  to  the  availalile  surplus  of  provisions. 
Vou  add  to  the  enijiloynieiit  of  labor,  but  yon  do 
111)  more.  ''Vhy,  I  h.'ive  heard  it  said  by  persoii.i 
well  inlbrmeil,  ihai  the  two  thousand  of  miles  of 
railroads  lately  authorized  in  Kruland  will  occupy, 
estimating;  quantity  and  quality,  more  laud  than 
now  remains  to  be  cultivated. 

But  the  ;;cnllemaii  argues  that  the  improvement   1 
in  Ihe  cultivation  of  the   land  will  keep  pace  with 
the  increased  demand   for  provisions;  niid  he  cal-   j 
eulntes  upon  the  savim;  of  five  millions  in  an  im-   | 
proved  mode  of  seediii;;  alone!     I  have  no  doubt 
that  improvements  in  ai^riculture  in  Eiifiland  will 
continue  to  be  made;  but   I  have  no  idea  they  will 
keep  pace  with  the  increasin;;  deneinds  of  a  erow- 
iiis;  population.     We  have  already  seen  that  the 


inporlK  of  provisions  liavi'  been  prou:res.ively  in- 
criasiu,'-  for  fifty  years.  t)in;land  is  already  culti- 
vated like  a  ^'arden,  and  the  averau'e  produce  of 
wheal,  including'  "II  the  land  in  cultivation  in 
the  kini^doiu,  aiul  all  the  accidents  aial  casnnl- 
lies,  is  tj"*  bushels  per  acre  !  l)ii  the  u'ooil  land  it 
is  a  vast  deal  more.  Tlua'e  is  a  point  beyond 
which  a;,'ricnltural  iniprovcmeiit  cinnot  iro  ;  and 
the  farmers  of  this  country  can  jiidce  whether, 
wJieii  th..  averai;e  product  of  the  land,  including 
■.'o  id,  bail,  and  iuditrereiit,  has  reached  tweiity- 
eiirht  bushels  per  acre,  that  pniiit  has  not  lieett 
ne.irly  attained.  IJesides,  we  have  seen  that  the, 
popuhtion  is  iiureasinu' rapidly,  and  that  that  in- 
eieise  alone  wilt  require  an  increased  supply  of 
l!,ril)ll,(IIIO  bushels  of  ijraiii  annually.  I'opnialioii 
for  the  last  fifty  years  has  been  c'lnslantly  ;;row- 
iuL'tipiiii  proiluciion,  and  in  the  fiituie  it  will  ilo  si) 
more  rapidly.  In  an  inercu-e  of  population  .liere 
is  laid  the  fonndation  of  siill  i^reater  increase;  pop- 
ulation increase  in  a  u;cometrical  ratio,  snbsistance 
can  only  proceed  in  an  ariihnielical  ratio.  AV'hile. 
popidalion  puts  on  its  seven-leauuie  boots  am!  ad- 
vances ai  ihe  rale  of  1,  ri,  4,  >•',  It),  IW,  Ii4;  or  in 
other  words,  accordim:  to  my  friend  from  Indi- 
ana [Mr.  Kks'.khy's)  nniltiiilicaii'iii  table,  nn 
■  s'ience  or  skill  can  add  m  the  lueans  of  snli- 
.-isteiice  at  a  '.rrealcr  rale  than  ihe  sober  pace  of  1, 
■-'.  y,  4,  .■),  (i.  7.  8o  that  population  outstrips  pro- 
duction more  than  nine  to  one.  tMi'4land,aiid  still 
more  this  conntry,  is  a  sirikiiiu'  exi  inplifieation  of 
this.  In  the  former,  notwiilistaniliii;;  improve- 
nients  in  a;;Tieiiltni-e,  and  additional  lands  have 
been  brmn^ht  into  cultivation,  the  supply  of  the 
means  of  subsistence  has  not  kept  pace  W'ith  thi" 
increased  demands  of  an  nuinicntiii'.;  population; 
and  in  this  couniry.  notwiihstandinj;  the  vire;in 
soil  constantly  inoinxht  into  cultivation,  the  iti- 
creased  supplies  ha\e  iiol  outrun  the  increased  de- 
mand, (.'onsiderinu'theu'reat  extent  of  uncnltivaled 
land,  this  can  only  be  aecountrd  t'or  in  this  country 
by  the  u'reat  encourai!;enicnt  wdilcli  has  been  iriveii 
to  other  [lursuits  of  indusiry  at  the  expense  of  as;- 
ricultine.  IJut  in  Enudand  the  reverse  is  the  case. 
In  future,  I  insist  that  tlie  snpjily  in  Eierlnnd  will 
not  keep  pad'  with  the  demand.  Whereas  here, 
in  con.s:(iuence  of  the  vast  extent  of  either  uncul- 
tivated or  badly  cultivated  land,  the  reverse  will, 
fill  many  years,  be  the  case,  if  the  Government 
will  only  allow  the  aj^ricnlturist  fair  chance.'"' 

We  have  thus  seen  that  Enirland  is  constantly 
requiring'  increased  supplies  of  provisions,  and  that 
they  are  not  to  be  looked  fir  ill  adequate  quanti- 
ties, either  from  the  eoutinent,  or  in  improvements 
or  extension  of  her  ownmrricnlture.  How  will  it  be 
as  to  Ireland  ?  Heretofore  En  dand  has  drawn  large 
supplies  from  there.  Are  they  likely  to  increase  or 
fall  olf.'  Her  population  is  conatnntly  increa.sing, 
and  fiir  a  number  of  years  her  exports  to  Eni^land 
have  been  I'dlinixolV."  Besides  this,  fiir  the  last  few 
years,  particularly  the  last  year,  potatoes — her 
i'l-eal  article  of  food,  the  excbisive  article  of  food, 
it  is  said,  of  t'onr  million  of  her  jieople — has  been 
subject  to  e-real  destrncliou  from  disease.  This 
In.s  been  attributed  by  tlio.se  well  informed  on  the 
subject,  lo  over  stimulant  in  the  vnw  of  manure, 
applied  to  iiicreiLse  the  product.  To  remove  the 
cause  of  di.sease,  you  have  lo  lessen  the  supply, 
and  tliiieby  increase  the  demand  for  other  food. 
Ill  addition  lo  this,  of  late  there  has  been  a  «reat 
addition    lo    ile  culture  of  llax.      This  fact  was 


*  \s  le  Itle  lllercliseil  ilenclail  I'nr  prilvinillll.H  ill  Enttliilld, 

Ihe  riiai Iliir  III'  the  Mxelieipi'-r,  ill  the  liitc  ilchiue  in  Pnr- 

Inlinenl.  rceeocil  since  tins  spei'ell  wits  llolivcreil,  saiil  ; 
"'i'he  ii'liiiliiin  iiniile  111  the  iiuailicr  of  the  pnpulalinii  ot 
tills  eniinirv  everv  yciir,  was  siicli  as  wniild  rci|iiirc  frem 
Itia.iiiia  la  '•»in.oa,')  .-'lercs  m  he  taken  intn  eultbiitinn  far 
wheat  to  iii'iet  the  w.iul-*  ol'  Ihc  iilercaseil  |H)|inlaltiiii.  In 
such  a  stale  of  lliiniis,  you  iiiiisl  be  tililc  to  lulil  iilaiost  im 
i'.iUiHoiml  vounlif  iiniler 'eiiltivntion  every  year."  In  tho 
sa|iic  dclmte,  Sirti.  t^lerk,  tile  Vice  rresiitent  ef  Ihe  Hoard 
III'  Traill  mill :  <<  VVilhlii  the  ImI  live  years,  there  lins  liiicn 
iinpartc  into  tlii,i  eimntry  ten  iiiillioiis  of  i)uurterH  of  com, 
or  two  /  .1  Ions  lueilially.  The  experience  of  the  lust  thirty 
veiirs  1.  '■  •  ,1  iliiit  the  nite  of  poniilation  ailvuiiecd  iiiarc  rap- 
iilly  tliiui  the  niie  ol'  proilu»tiiiii,  iiiiil  Hint  Una  ivaa  true  wiu 
iitli'stcil  hv  the  I'lict  tlinl  for  a  Ime: -encH  of  years  vvc  Innl 
every  veil-  hcen  eonipelk-il  to  iiiereasu  our  importiitioiiH  of 
I'on'rae  rn  in  pri|M)riioii  iw  we  approaclieil  more  closely 
to  the  I  -eiit  liaie ;  niiil  hcnriiiii  in  iiiiail  thi.s  fad,  the  triiin 
of  wtie  I  v\'iH  net  to  he  contesteil,  lie  coiilil  not  Ill-Ill  think 
itiH — an  inatler  how  vigorously,  an  niiittcr  how  sciciitihcally 
the  arts  ol'aiirionlliirc  iiiiijht  lie  applicil  to  the  eiiricllniciit  of 
Ihe  soil— for  the  next  tea  years  we  wniilil  he  coinpi'lled  to 
iiiiport  .1,0011,001}  of  i|iiiirte'rit  of  com  ainiually  iiistcud  of 
two. 


£| 


m 


n 


-lOB 


APPEiNDIX  TO  'Vm:  ( OiVGKCSSIOiVAL  I.JLOBK. 


•i9rn  CoN(i Isf  Skss. 


I 

I 


a(;ili-.l,  anil  aiMiiiifsrcd  in  in  llie  (lebiKr  In  i'ailiii- 
Tuont  III  Jniif  lust.' 

Till'  iiirvilalile  i-oiu'lnsiiin,  llirr<  l"iri',  in,  tliat 
hi'i-raln  r  sniullfi-  sniiiilii-s  will  lie  ilrawii  iVnin  thai 
I'linnti'V.  AVo  liav:'  sicii  llun  llii-  ilriniinil  lor  |iiii- 
viMiiinsisrniistanllyincri'a.siii^,  and  licl'iiindiNiniss- 
111.'  llir  .snlijt'i't,  I  'iiwr  111  rrinark,  liiHt,  as  in  Kiiri)- 
iii'an  i'nin|ii'li|iiin  with  ns  in  »ii|ifilyiiiK  it,  llial  any 
nn'ifa.«'d  pindiii'lion  in  Hiii^laiid,  Irclanil,  nr  on  tlie 
•■onllnriii,  of  uraiUjis  llir  wmk  nt' tinir,and,  in  tliu 
I'lmimiiN  rclVnvd  lo,  it  's  dilHrnlt.  Tin'  inniniodily 
docs  not  admit  ofniiiid  and  I'riiain  niiilli|ilii'iuion, 
rxi'i'|it  |«'rlia|is  in  llio  Unili'd  Stalis.  All  alli'ini>ts 
lo  prodin'o  ijraiii,  I'OHls!  ^rain.  I'lvsciil  inuintily  i;* 
saorifii't'd  in  manv  ways  to  I'lUnri'  iniTcaMi'.  Tin; 
pi'iidni'iiiin  ol'aniillioiinr  luL^lirls  ol' wlirat  ovit  the 
IMT.sfiii  siijiiily,  will  I'oMt  as  iiuioh  labor  and  food 
Ks  till'  linildin;:  ol'  a  t'oi'titu'aiion,  llie  rntlini;  of  a 
ouiial,  tin'  i-oiistnii'lion  ot'  a  i-ailroad.  or  any  otin  r 
I'XIi'lisivi'  work.  Nations  wliiili  in  o'ln  r  rcspci'ts 
urp  [loor,  iiirlVri'iivc,  and  dt'slitnio  of  fiKil!  and  fil- 
ter,iii.s-',  art'  HO  ill  ilu'  jiioilin'tiiia  of  i^raiii.  All  of 
u.s  will)  ai'i'  farmc'iti  know  liow  farnn'i'N,  above  all 
other  people,  are  wediied  to  tiie  mode  of  i-idtivatioii 
to  wlucli  we  are  a.'i'ii'^toined.  Tlie  m-n  onr.iiirs 
ilie  system  of  his  father,  and  beranse  it  was  hi.'< 
fa.lier's.  Tliey  are  diatrnstlid  of  innovalion.s.evcn 
under  the  most  favorable  I'irrunistanci  s.  With 
what  lolly  in  it  then  that  v.  e  look  for  iniproveinenis 
ill  I'limitr'-'s  where  the  eultivalors  of  the  soil  are 
borne  down  with  poverty,  taxation,  and  oppren- 
Kion  ill  every  .diape;  Uieir  taeiiltie.^  beinnnbed  by 
despotism;  evirythin;;  like  eiilerprlse  disi'iuira^'i'd; 
iiotlini„^  but  iirnoruiK'i:  and  poverty  in  possession; 
iiiilhiiii;  but  i;;noraiH'e  and  poverty  in  iirn^piel, 

;.'d.  A  i;ie,ii  want  in  Kiiu'land  and  Ireland  is  a 
sutislituie  for  jioiatoi's  anil  a  eheaper  breadsnill's 
than  wheal.  This  Is  found  in  onr  Indian  eorn  and 
buekwlieui,  whieli  .Sir  11.  I'eel  propcLse.-!  to  adniii 
niiinediately  Iree  id" duty. 

;id.  .\  desideratinn  In  l-aii:ldnil  Is  a  ^ood  and 
i-heup  food  for  ealtle.  Siroiiicr  proof  of  tlnsemilU 
not  be  addnecd  than  a  f.n't  mentioned  by  the  ueii- 
ik'iiian  liinisell'.  He  says:  "  Tooke,  an  expe- 
■  rieiu'ed  Knijlisli  wrin  r,  inlonns  ii-  that.  iVom  Ib.'iJ 
'  lo  IKjt,  the  irops  in  (.ilea*  Llruaiii  and  Ireiaml 
'  were  so  almndaiii,  thai  wlie.il  was  fi  J  mil  to  i-.ii- 
'  tie,  sheep,  and  swine  i  even  used  for  (list ilia- 
'  lion."  .Now,  diiriiiu'  tlial  llnio  the  ttvern;;e  prlie 
of  wheat,  per  .'..oiidon  Ctazelte,  wa.s  it'ia.  m\.  a  i|iiar- 
ler,  or  about  <jl.()0  per  bushel.  Hallier  dear  iboj 
for  eaille.     (.'iir  Indian  eorn  a. id   hay  s;ipplii.s  It. 

I  have  .seen  the  Idea  lelirred  to  with  .some  indi','na- 
lion,  iliat  onr  Indian  eoni  sijuiild  only  be  wauled 
aa  I'ood  for  wittle.  Hut  for  inys'  If,  as  a  prodni'er 
of  eorn,  I  would  rather  liiev  \Muiid  use  ii  in  that  way 
than  any  oilier,  as  it  would  likely  lead  to  aijiiaier 
iliniand  for  It.  In  relireoee  lo  this  snbjiei,  .Sir 
iliibert  Peet,  in  his  speeeh  in  .l.iiinary  List,  said; 

■'  I  I'livi'  iilri'iiily  .'uliirli'il  iiii'iilrtit.illv  to  Iliiil  w<i-t  >;ilil 
alllr  ,li'|i:milii  lit  "I  at;n<'1lltlir>'.  Ilii-  t^ttli'lillii!  ol  ellllli'.  I 
I'i'li' v  •  II  1- 'inii'-- -ilil"'  t'l  iivr  r-tiiii:il''  llif  iiii|i.irtaiiri'  nl 
I.iti.niii:,' •■;itlt'' .1- iii-lniiiii'iil-il  in  ll'-  iiiipo.ii'il  *>.t..'i  oi 
iijri'-iilturf.  '1''k-  luri'ii'i'  nl"  Ilie  liT'  ,  nl  lilt-  t-ml.  iiy 
:lll'  nl  liiilliure.  1^  '111-'  111  till'  lllii^l  111      .ill'ltl  111' till'  lll<|ii'ii'- 

- 11  Mil «  ni'I'rii\nJi-iiri' ;  iiiid  I  lii'lii'ir  ili.  rt-  if  iin  iiiiiiiiiri.  Iri 

II  eiHii"  t'nirii  va  Iiiri'  it  uitl.  ihiil.xi  illi  I'l'-pi'Ct  lo  it- 1",  rlili/.iiiu 
Iviiv.T. ''(i!!  I'"'  ■  iiitii  •■niinii-tiliiiii  mill  Unit  iti'rivi-il  Imtii 
lie' I'.lttii' Ii'  "ij" 'iHl  ii.i'ir.  Villi  'iiiuuit  eiiiiiliii''  iiini< 
t'l  Ilii'iiiipr.vi'im  hi  nl'inrtriiir  ^iiil-  lliiiii  liv  eiii'Oiiratfiii;:  I  in 
.•'I'llinx  iiliit  I'liiti  inns  ciTll.'.  ioiit  liniiii'iltii:' till-  ii|i|)ll>'iili"ii 
"I  lllilr  iiuniiiit.  Ill  iiirri'ii'iiit;  ti'tltlilv.  I  iiriiii-i-i  .  Ilirrt'inre, 
On;  :iii  iirtii'l.'  nritr.iiii  ivlii'li  I  Ivli.  i.-  iiii.'lil  li.-  iimihi'il  i" 
llli- rate'liMii!  i!  I'-int'- ^l)'lII  lii'i'-iillir  111' itiiiii'rl''il  iliili  In  <■. 
(CIii'Ti]  ll  |.  :m  'irtii'l'-  "I  niiiii' II*.'  iiiii"irl  mm'  -'"ii:ii/". 
iir  Iii'lmu  ''nni.     jfiii'i  r-i.]     1  iirii|ni."  iliat  Ilie  'iiil>  ii[i'i(i  it 

"ll'lll   III'  il'Tl'lllt'T  ilMll    llllllll-lllllll'tl    MlMlinial.       |!l"llr.}       lit" 

n  It  '''iii-iil'-r  thn*.  In  111'-  ri'iii'iviil  nl  lln-  ilitti  iiii  iiimi/--.  I  .nn 
il"proi-tL'  nKni'ililiire  "I"  Bill  prnli-fllnil.      I  lllii|i'l*l:nii(  llnii 

III  till-  I'lill-'il  .'^lill'-«  llinire  l.H  ll-ril  pilllll  iLi  lltllliull  liinil.  .iiitl 
Hint  111  till'-  I'-inilri  II-,  litlllll  11^  llllliiun  I'linij  1.  tiHi  iMiH'ti 
ih-n-Karil  -ll-  [H'-;ir.  Iii-iir  J  In  ^niit--  p-irN  nl"  Ijie  I'liiitintnl 
II  i<  Ill-Ill  M  liiilk  '   '-,-'.  II' I,,    I'l-iil,  -mil   ll   lillL-lll   In-  ililiiiii 

I'n: i-\\  iippli-  I  III  i.ir  -iiiii'-  u;i>  i-i  tJi'ia  nriniin.    Tn 

[iniiiinli- Ih'' I'- '■  iiii;Mifl  nf  iiiiii/'-  "11  lie- In  till-  «"  r.ir  irniii 
(l-iiiiLi  nirri'  iiliiit'-  -I  ili«*i'ni<'i'.  ii  Mill  li<-  ilniiiit  il  ii  In-iit-lii. 

i>>  prnlltnllle.'  till  ll'-tiri^illltrllt  -lllii  l:ni"llllitf  nl  rllllli'.  l-'nr 
iii*nrl\  111"  mini--  r.'ii-inll-.  I  >iiL'L'i'-t  lliiil  Inn  kivlii  in  "liniiiil  In- 
-IlllJ-rlirt  In  Ilie  (.niili-  nil'-.  Iblilli  ll .  Itlill  tin-  llull  i.l|nill(l  he 
mini'  lli'-ri'l>  ll'iiiilliitl-  I  |>rn|i,Mn  .lilo  ui-i'.  Ihiii  iiii'iil  r.|iniilil 
I"-  iMlrmliiriil  U)Miii  tlie  Htune  liTim  it.-«  Krani-  (lli'iii.  Ii'-:ir.j 
It  iiiiy  hnlinriilile  tr''lllleiliail  I'ltil  a-n-i-niun  lln-  ennrinnii,! 
l-uill^tlniv  jiniil  liynin  lieal  liirineri  III  till'  |ilirellll-<f-nt  linm-i'il 
i.lki-  anil  m|K>  eaki-.  f  Itiink  tlP'l  mil  aim-e  l\  Itll  lin-  Itl-'il  In 
I'll'' ili'-reaHiiil  t'lii'ihlii'f  I'l  die  iiilrnilin-tinn  nl' -n'-li  arlii'li-f, 

III  till-  late  'I'-liali'  111  rarliaini'iil.  nlreniti  ri't'erri-it  in,  Sir 
Inil-  rt   I'l-.l   .,11.1  :   -•  U-  ..  •■  In  lln-  elldi-iiee  nf  l.iiril  De- 

I'ln'-  I uMitn-i-.  mil  Hal  l-  iiino- |iriititalile  Itinii  ivlii-al.'' 

"Till'  (-tiltii-iiii'ii  lit  ll;u  111  Iri  laiiil  lias  (iroi.|M'ri-il-"  .Vliil  lit* 
'li-oi>  Uml  11  h.ni  i  tli  iiiltil. 


IJarhurs  and  Hiucrs — Mr.  liayly. 

ivill  i'l-  ilnJMi;  no  ili>^(-rvli'i'  tn  nvrii'iiltilre.  The  ili'iiiaiiil  Tnr 
till"  e.iki- i-i -n  irr.'iii.  ilini  tin-  prii'e  i"  ••riiilinlly  ri-itiiit.  and 
till-  I'lii'tiiiiptinii  nil  -.line-  r.iiiiH  in  iliiii)  ilii'ri'li--iii|/  ;  nn  -iiliie 
liiniis  iiii-i'i'il  mill  liip.-  i-;ik'-  eliii-ll>  prnviiiti  llii-  iiiiiiiiiri-  liir 
till-  111  Hit  I'Ullnatinii  nl' till- mill,  'i  iie  Inliiiw  lim  ii  a  eiilii- 
pai'-'iO'-'  sl:itriii'-iil  nl"  tin- priei-  nl' liiiM't-il  aiitl  riijii'-elike  at  , 
liiriini"  .     i-iit  (I'-rin-N  :  - 

Trie  -  nf  liil-i'll  ellki'S  per  I.INMI  In  tl'l-  lllnnlll  n!'-- 

Jaiiiiarv,  islll jCtI    n    ilinjtill    0  0 

-   ■     ISII 10     0     11  1. 1     II)  III  0 

ii^^iii I'j  0   0  1,1   vi  :,  0 

l*in'i' nl'mp  ■  eaki-  pi-rlnn— 

Jaiillarv.  If^lll .'i     .'i  0 

llvl-l ,"l     .1  II  t'l       .1   III  0 

ll'-'r.       isll I     .'■  II  to      -I  III  II 

Jrilliiary.  ISlii ,-,17  0  tn      «    00 

.Now,  III  the  supply  of  lialian  lorn.weean  have 
iioeoinpelitors.  It  Is  not  raised  in  l''a|n;laiid  or  Ire- 
land, or  ill  the  norili  of  {'ainipe  ;il  all. 

And  here,  .Mr.  Chairman,  pei'init  me  lo  dlL^refis, 
and  leiiiark,  lliiil  the  opi  niii;.-' nl'  the  l'ji;^ljsli  ports 
to  the  free  adniission  nf  Initl.m  corn,  is  mil  oiih'  of 
the  u;re.uesi  eoiisefiueiire  to  the  ;i;;rii'iillin'i'  of  Vlr- 
i^iiiia,  lint  to  her  merehants  imd  towns.  We  liavi! 
been  l-ilkinu^  for  a  Ion;:  time  aiioiil  a  direi't  liaile 
with  I'ai^'land,  but  mir  ilillieiiliy  heretofore  hasbeen 
the  waul  of  siiMieient  esporls  lo  keep  up  a  i'oiisl;iiit 
trade  with  her.  We  export  but  liitli'Ao'ion,  and 
the  (li'inand  In  l'".iii;!iiiiil  for  oi-r  V'lr^'iiiia  loliaeeo 
was  not  snliii'li  III  to  keep  up  a  I'oiisi  iiil  liiiile.  Ilia 
.Norfolk  Is  .1  nie.il  depot  for  mm.  There  arc 
bron;.'ht  lo  ih-ii  marki'i  fiom  Norili  f'arolin;i  anil 
V'lri^iioa.  M'lii'al  niililons  iiiiniially;  it  Is  tlieiiee 
shipjied  I'l  t'ue  "West  Indies  and  tin  eastern  Slati's. 
Ibit  if  onr  iiiei'i'hanislii  that  eily  shall  hereafier  i  x- 
hibii  ;'.  jitiijier  enterprise,  they  will  ship  illrei  tly  lo 
Kii::l.i|iil.  Corn  is  ehi  aper  iu  .Norfilk  Ihini  in  the 
liortherii  eUii  s,  and  .--lie  will  have  the  ailvaiilii'.'e, 
solar,  of  iheni  In  this  trade.  It  was  a  similar  st  He 
of  lliiiijts  whieh  heretofore  save  her  siieli  a  laiL;e 
sliareiif  the  West  India  trade,  lint  I  will  mil  pui- 
sne tiiisMiliiei-t,as  my  ai'ijunienl  isdesiijiied  mainly 
for  ilie  :i;rriciilliirlst. 

-lili.  In  I  silniainn;  what  we  have  to  r x.ieet  from 
I'airoi  eiiii  lonipiliiion,  there  Is  aenrioii.s  fuel  whieh 
I  have  to  iiieiiiion,  one  of  many  millions  of  others 
ilhislraliM' of  :'.  .'  ;;oodni  ss  of  an  iiU-.vlse  IVovi- 
deiiii  .  I''r.ini  a  Ion;;  series  ofiibservalloiis,  il  has 
been  loiind  iliat  siiort  erops  In  l:;iii'ope  me  almost 
;ilways  eo-exisient  with  nood  erops  here.  In  both 
hemispheres  niuid  and  bad  euips  eonie  hi  eycU-s, 
varyiii;;  from  three  to  si  veil  years.  And  I  repeal, 
tii.it  111  a  Ion;;  series  tn  vears,  i;ood  erops  in  this 
eoiniiry  have  beiii  eo-exlsietit  with  I  '.  i'rO|.s  in 
Knri'pi'.  This  is  not  ai"'idenial,biit  il  .esidlslVoin 
a  priuision  of  an  all-wise  Provlileii(;e.  It  results 
tVom  the  tail  that  the  eorn  re.'ioiis  of  ihe  two  e.oii 
tiiieiii-i  are  111  diHireiii  laliliiiii's.  In  lliis  eoiinlry 
the  will  at  ri  ;;iiiu  is  bei'.vien  llie  ^tliili  and  I'.M  piir-ii- 
lei  of  north  l-iintnle;  iii  l''.iii'iipi'  it  is  l-eiMien  ,"ill"-' 
and  tjip.  .So  the  eliiiiiiislaiiees  \iiiieli  insure  a  ^ood 
erop  here  ari'  api,  nay,  as  observ;illon  shows,  are 
.>iiie  I'l  prodnee  bad  erops  there.  .'\nd  here,  per- 
mit IIP'  to  olisi-rie,  IS  aiiiithi'r  pronl*,aiiiid  liionsand-s 
of  oiliir^,  tli.il  the  t'ree  i  onmieri'e  and  Inn  i'i'liaii;;e 
of  I'linnnoditn  s  is  thi'  law  of  iialiire.  So  sung 
Vil'uii,  as  Ion;;  ;i;;'i  as  the  ilajs  of  drtai  Ins; 
"  'I'tii^  L'niiiiiil  mill  lli'-'tni-.  Ilial  mtli  t'l-ri'--  Mill.-. : 

'riiat  nlh-r  l":nt-i  nil-  Ir-''  -  mill  lia[i|iy  IriiiM  : 

A  tiiintti.  iMlii  i;r:i"  iiiil'iil.li'ii  ili-ek-  llie  urniiitil. 

'I'liii-  'rninlii-'  1-  mill  irllniv  siiirrnll  er-ii\lluil  : 

liiilia  lila-k  i-ii'Ui  aiiii  ivliiti-  ivnry  hears; 

\llil  *ii!t  lilllliir  m-i'p*  hi-r  nil'rnil-  ti'.-U'-. 

Tlii.1  Pntiiii-  ~''ii'l>  liiT  il-  ir.'T  .-lnin-<  t'rniii  far; 
\iiil  iiiiki-il  ."^paiiianl"  li-ii'|ii-r  ^ll'|  I  liir  war: 
r.liirll-i.  I'nr  tir  K|i-;ili  i-liiiri'il,  Iini-il. 
(Ill  linpi'S  nl  p;iliii.-l  a  i.i'  i-  nl   lllllllllli,'  i-ti'L'il-i. 
Till-  1"  111'  nnulil.ll  I  nitnai'I  ;  till'-'-  the  tail -i 
luijin-t  ll  111  \;inii.' -I'l.l  111   Naliir''- ''-111*1'. ■' 

I  i|nole  from  Diyileii'.s  beautiful  translation. 

II  is  not  le."s  In  I'onsoniiiii'C  with  the  wlsiliini 
til. Ill  willi  ihe  nnodness  of  (jod-  ll  modifies  the 
sad  and  awful  eui'se  by  wliii'h  man  w-ts  I'oiiilemiied 
to  hie  bv  ihi'  swiiil  of  his  bi'iiw.  I'ermii  ll,  and 
the  laliiirs  of  iiati'iiis  are  diminishi'il .  and  llnlr 
eonil'orls  liii'iiased.  I.lois  litis  triiili  r  ijiilrc  an 
lllnstraiioii.-  If  so,  In-ri' ii  is.  The  Virninia  far- 
iinr  wants  Inend  and  lie  wants  siiL'.ir.  Me  can 
make  both.  <  iood  sni;ar  is  niiiile  of  lieais,  and  he 
mil  raise  tl.eiii,  but  not  to  an  ad\aiita;:e.  The 
Cuba  planter  lii-s  the  same  wiiiiis.  he  wants  bread 
and  he  Mains  sn^ar.  lie  enij  riiis'-  bulb,  idllionnli 
his  ellmate  and  sod  is  not  adapted  to  the  proilui'- 
tlon  of  the  fiirnier.  Let,  iheti,  the  Vii'L-inlan  ile- 
viiie  hiniself  exi'liisively  to  llie  rultlvatioii  of  Kraiii, 
mid  Ihe  Cuba  plaiiler  In  sii;;ar,  uiid  bolli  will  have 
iiiore  nf  eaeli  urilele  lliuii  if  he  uiiderlook  lo  I'liise 


[.Uilivll    Ii, 
III).  OP  Kki's. 


fa 


itntli  fur  Iiini.irir.  rinUr  iliis  syntrm,  llu;  Vir- 
iiiitt  t'liniHT  full  f;Tl  iiiui-L!  sii'.j;ar  \Mtli  llif  .siiuir 
ulntr  by  rultivaiiii«;  mni,  luui    tl   .  <'uliii  plutiur 

1  vatiittjf  Hugiir.     (Jut  luaii,  l»v  Ici^iHlaiinn,  will  iiii|H- 
I  vusly  aUeniiit  to  ciiuiUfmi't' lilt  ilecretiy  ol' ui"  all 
wise  and  nll-LTood  God. 

I  luivf  nit  11  tcil  uninlcntioimlly  into  lliin  diijrcs 
sion.     It  is  nui  in  ihcories,  but  in  »liiliatic«,  I  d»'- 
'  wnT  lo  dcai. 

TUc  .«;('ntltMnaii  froni  Mas.sai'luist'tls  [Mr.  Hi;n- 
son]  unilertakcs  to  niiilorrati;  mii-  trade  with  for- 
ri:i^n  countries  in  Iti'radsliiHH  and  prnvision.s — nar- 
lie'ulailv  with  Uirat  Hi'ituin.  Hf?  niakis  a  niicn- 
talioii,  Iiascd  u|kiii  tlic  cmnnicn-ial  d>i'-wnii-nt,  ilio 
I't'nauH  op  1^41),  .nid  tlic  fsiiniatt's  ol'  vlir  CunnniH- 
Mioner  ot'  I'aiciils  sinrr,  to  slmw  lliai,  of  tlic 
9f»,UU0,(HH)  uf  buHln'U  of  wlnal  |H'odiicfd  I'm-  ilir 
la:it  five  vt'uvH,  in  L'-itMiiIi  iias  bct;n  rctaim  d  iVn- 
weed;  7'J,(i(IO,(Min  nt'  bni^ln-ls  hnvi-  hcni  rnriHinncd 
in  tlji.-<  cnuniry;  <ind  inily  7,UKI,0(K(  fias  bci'ii  rx- 
linvli'd.  In  rL-i.-rcacr  tn  (iirat  Uniani,  W.  makes  a 
siatininii,  wliiih,  n.s  \  di;'iif  to  uu-v  to  it  by-and 
i)y,  \  qnMic  birt  nwn  bnij;niii;c  t'lnm  tlic  [lanipblct 
cojiy  ol'  lii.s  8|U'n'h: 

"  hi  1^1''  and  tf^il,  \\v  v^,\t^i\w^  '->  O"-  :  Urnani  lui  iimt- 
n:;p 'n' -iiJli'O.inio  Itiinlii'i- a  \"-.'»r  •  .ihiinnii'  two  ^u't't'tdnip, 
\i/.:  I'-iidiiul  1-"'  ui- cxi'f'ii  ll  oitiv  nil  ;i\m;ii:(;  nf  liil.f^H* 
Imi^Iu'I.-*  n  jriir.  Iiiii.  mi.  ji.^  I  wi-h  ti>  Ho  iMTti-i'i  jit^^tirt-  to 
tliH  siiltjri  I.  I  riMfhly  udniil  tliiii,  li.\  ii  thiiii^'i;  m  <mr  i'miii 
nicniiil  vrjir,  Hu'  \r:ii  li-iM  fi.:iM-ti'tl  nf  only  ni  r*  luonilis ; 
I  v.i-li.  tln'ii-iorr  t(»  ikild  i">  It  jiiiniiHT  iinaiitT,  ,-it  i.  lo  umkfi 
il  nf  til"  u-ii)it  l('iii;ili.  iliii  W'wv  add  nrii-  fMinili  tn  l)ii'  itii 
port")  nt'lliai  yi-iir,  .-n  \\<  lo  miiki-  ii|i  mtir  <|ii,'iilPi-.  <ir  iwclxft 
HI  )t)l)is,  ut;  ^iliUI  liuvt!  t>vt;lt  X'M'W  till  ii\iMJr.,'c  liir  Itii' |twif 
yr  trs  ul'oiily  r.d,7(KJ  hurtliels  a  \t  ;ir.  ' 

A  Unit:  tuvlln  r  on  hr  P.iysr 

"(iiir  Iw-t.  .Hid  H)  •'■  -;  ■•nr  pnnriivil  trnde  wnh  flip  in    '  rr 
iniiiitrx.  Ill  nil'  Jirti'-li'  in  iinf-'tlnii,  !i:i^  lui-n    hmugli 
iiilii.     FiM  tlif  la«i  i^i-\fii  yt'ai.-.  wi-  have  t*u)!t  Inir- 'Cttf  .    ■ 
l-J.-VlL^ll-J  l.il-lirl' nf  nii.-al,  Ullllr   niir  dUiT.'  I-  u    '    , 

land,  at  th*-  <aini'  liiiii'.  Iia>  aniniiiitfil  in  nnly  •.  i  '.-•  l.o^..- 
i*i'<,  iK'iiijj  fvl  ptT  ('flit,  aiorr  to  Canada  ttiarr  tu  Fn.';laiid. 
Or.  if  \\\-  taki'  the  ta>t  thnr  \far-'.  wf  \\iy\v  sci,*.  into  r.m 
ndii  ^..;^iV^^^T  lni>ln'l.s  and  into  Ivi«luMd  -J.Oit^w-f'^  Imstu'li, 
Iwin^i  iiion;  lliiui  tlir"P  times  as  iiiii<-:i  into  ('aiiu<la  as  iiiti> 

I'Voni  all  ibi.s  be  intVi'M  ib'.it  nin'  txport.-!  an;  very 
in.'siijniticanl,  i.s  iNnnparad  witb  ibc  con unniiticii 
nfthis  rnuntry.  \n  i'ai  ds  \hc  nninber  ofbusluU 
is  coiH'mifd,  llie  fxporl  it  cnmiparativfly  insii,^nir- 
iiuin. ,  bill  as  t'ai*  a.>  its  '.trrcts  on  |n"i(i's  arc  roii- 
f'frni'd,  it  is  ini;:litv.  It  is  Iih'  pri'c  nbtaiiit'd  I'nr 
tbf  excess  e\|inrted,  whirb  fixts  (be  price  n('  tin; 
wlmle  aiuonnl  »d"prndu''c.  'V\\c  I'ainier  coii'-unies 
ni(U"e  than  half  lii-'  <>\vn  jiiodiu'i',  but  iiis  own  enii- 
Nnniption  has  nntbini:  to  do  with  tlie  price  of  it. 
Tlwn  depends  iipnn  wluil  be  i;*'ls  in  tiic  market  t'lr 
lliesnrpius.  The  price  ot'  j;rain  m  Virijiinia  de- 
pends npnii  ibe  price  in  \cw  York,  find  tbc  pricn 
there  depeinb^  upon  the  pricr  in  ror(.-i;;ii  Cfiutitries. 
A  ibnnsand  (iic.ts  could  l»e  produced  h>  istablisii 
ibis  position;  Init  a  litilo  r  ectmn  will  siitisly  any 
one  (if  its  trulli.  Wbeiitv.er,  in  any  country,  tliere 
is  a  HurphiM  ot'any  conmmdily,  win  never  the  sup- 
ply exceeds  the  di'inand,  eompcutitni  takes  placn 
between  the  holders  of  it  until  the  price  is  brou^'ht 
lown  to  the  Inwe.st  pmnt.  And  so,  on  the  other 
band,  when  (here  isailetieiency  of  supply,  conijie- 
litioii  lakes  place  between  the  buyers,  mitil  the  ar- 
ticle is  adviincrd  to  a  \i-rv  bi:;li  pri'C.  And  il  lines 
not  rcfiuire'  a  lar^^e  .surplus or  dciicjencv  lo  produce 
iliis  result.  The  rise  or  t'all  of  prict*  is  by  nn  meaiKS 
ill  the  ralio  ;d'  the  evccss  nr  deficiency  <tf  supply . 
Very  nl'ten  a  w-ry  small  surplus  will  cause  a  very 
i:reuf  fall,  and  so  *•  rtn  eoaa.*'  A  nmre  strikinj:; 
ilbistratinii  of  this  caniiol  lie  produced  ih.in  the 
c(irn-lradc  ol'Kimland  itself  r'V.,|-(|H.  .Mr.  I'lnli,  in 
hit*  history  of  llie  corn-la  ,s:  '"  Theaveni^re 

*  price  of  wheat  for  IKt5,  w  i.h  under  His.  iiie(|uar- 
'  t(!r,  and   afnr  InIJU  ii  was  HU  per  eeni,  bii.her,  or 

*  7(I\H(/.;  yr't  no  one  will  as.-terl  that  lln-  crops  wtio 

*  nearly  *'iie  half  bcldw  an  a\erai;e,or  even  one- 
'  t'nurth.  The  (hdicifiicy  in  IKt'J  is  not  e.vliinated 
*asinnrciban  a  seventh,  or,  nt  the  ulnmst,  one- 
'  liftli,  yet  the  prices  rose  in  nearly  double  that 
'ainniint."  This  was  the  effect  of  the  iiicretiNed 
ib.'iniiiid  in  I'aiuland.  What  wms  it  4111  llie  conti- 
nent.'    The  .same  author  s.iys;  "  In  IKiH,  after  ue 

*  hiul  fur  NCMial  yearn  nearly  ceas*  d  resnrtini;  tn 
'  the  eoiiiinentiil  nidrkels,  we  n.'Min  became  exien- 
'  sive  purchnseis.  (Jrfnre  ihi.^  iH''es>i(y  wiis  fully 
*Hppnrenl,  the  pru  e  of  wlieat  at   |);uit/.ic  was  as 

*  low  a'  ills.  !(/.  the  i|niirter,  but  in  the  course  of 

*  tiie  yt'tti-  pricey  udvanccd  lu  (>U.  *3(/.,  beiii^  a  rise 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CUNGRESSIOAAL  GLOBE. 


409 


llnlaiii  mi  nvt-r- 

«<VMl«f'TilNI(,', 
i\;\lH:  lit'   Ilil.HH* 

ijt!  in  niir  nmi 
ly  iii  I"  MHMilhs; 
■,  ,-io  \.-  lo  iniikR 
illilll  tnlhi'  ini 
l^I^r^".  or  twi-lvR 
i;;(:  liir  the  ,l\Vi* 


iDrt.s  iirt!  very 

COIlMUnipti*'!! 

»er  ot'luishiU 

fly  iiiMiijiiit'- 

I'urs  Ml")'  <'.))ii- 

olitairu'd  t'nr 

\\viyv.  lit'  tilt; 

it'i'  (■((.I'^uiues 

ii.-»  own  con- 

prill'  of  ii. 

niarktt  I'n' 

Viruiiii;i  dc- 

1  li'O  prioi 

i.ni  Oduritiie.s. 

)  (HtaMimli 

iMtisly  Miiy 

uiiiiy,  lIuTi* 

vr  the  Hup- 

talics  plai'o 

0  \t^  l»ron;:lit 

nn  tin;  iiiIm-T 

iply.roiiipe- 

UMtil  (lu!  ar- 

Ai)(l  It  tinv.H 

V  to  piii'iurc 

l>v  iioiiiraiia 

if  supply. 

raii.sf  a  very 

mre  sinkinj:; 

Clj    til, 111     (l)n 

Mr.  riair,  id 
riic  a\t'rau'<' 

U.S.    lilC  iplMV 

,  iuLlit'r,  oi' 

OlflpS  WflO 

t'vrii  oiif  ■ 
t  isliinaU'd 
iitinoNt,  one 
iliiuhlr  that 
ir  iiMTi'aMil 
II  the  t'.niiti- 
'.'(H,  uficr  wf! 
n.siirlinu:  l<» 
aiii<-  cxKMi- 
V  war*  full V 
ii/ir,  wan  aH 
I'  ctuirsc  of 
liciiiic  u  riMC 


I 


I 


•iih-H  Cong Ist  Sess. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Bayly. 


'  iifir>4  per  ii'iiLjiHcasuiiiLil  liy  tlieili'iLiiinil  in  Eiiir- 
■  IuikI.     Al  AinHK^nliini  llicri.sc  wiis  131  iicrronl." 

'I'lic  >i('W  \'iiik  I'licij  Curh'iit  mill  imr  i-oinnicr- 
ri;il  (InciiniciK  ^liow  thr.  sahic  ri'Hiilt  ill  tliis  <M>un- 
11 V,  lliiwiiii,'  I'liiiii  II  ili'cn;iiM;il  (Icmaiid.  In  184J  we 
iX|Hiiii;il  y ,'SM ,'.H')'i  liiwlicls  1)1'  wlicut  lo  ull  the 
woiUI.  'I'd  I  ill, 11  Ili'iliuii  direct,  iiiul  tlirmij;h  the 
Caimiliis,;), (!&■<,. '44;  uiid  ihopriruin  New  Viirk  Wiis 
riiiii  i.\  i")  I'l  >1  ;W.  Ill  1843  we  expiirted  to  idl 
Ihr  wiiilil  4,r>l',),l),"),),  heiip^  u  liillin!;  olt'iii  the  ex- 
piiit  111' •J,7lrt,'.)|3.  'I'll  Cxiciit  liriuiin,  diioet  and 
iiiiliieit,  iHU- export  was  1,316,5'Jd;  lieiiig  lesa  liy 
'.'.3Jii,()'J'J — iieaily  the  eiiliie  I'alliiiii  oil'  hciii^  in 
our  export  to  L';iii;hiiiil;  and  the  price  in  New  \  iirk 
was  from  ninety  lo  iiiiieiy-flvc  cents.  The  falhiij;; 
oil'  ill  the  exp.irl  was  a  hllle  more  than  two  per 
cent,  upon  imr  entire  crop,  and  the  fall  in  jirice 
wa.s  I'oiiy  per  cent. 

lini  ii  in  iiniiecessnry  to  eluliorate  this  poiiil. 
We  111!  Know  wiili  what  nnxieiy,  small  as  it.  onr 
eX|)ort  to  l''.n';laiid,  in  coin)iarisoii  with  our  entire 
pidilini  111'  wheat,  the  rariners  look  out  for  the 
new.s  of  theohararter  of  the  Kiiglish  harvest.  It 
is  fresh  in  the  recollection  of  all  of  ns  how  pri  ;es 
of  agricultural  produce  advanced  last  iiulunm,  as 
soon  as  it  was  ascertained  that  the  English  crops 
were  sliorl. 

Having;  llius  seen  thai  the  price  of  j;raiii  in  this 
rouiilry  will,  lo  a  very  ^leat  extent,  lie  reL'ulaled 
hy  the  price  in  I'in^'land,  lei  us  tsee  what  will  lie 
the  prolialile  price,  tliere  under  a  system  of  free 
irade  in  corn.  We  have  already  seen  '.hat  ihe  av- 
ernije  price  of  wheat  in  I'.iii^land  lor  the  ten  years 
cndiiii;  IH45 — most  of  which  period  was  one  of 
uood  liiM  vests — has  liecn  57s.  11</.  Jier  quarter,  or 
alii'ui  ill   7;')  per  Imsliel. 

We  have  also  seen  that  the  avernsje  price  on  the 
coiiiinenl,  for  the  last  ihrce  years,  wlieii  ihe  ile- 
liiaiid  in  lMi;;laiiil  has  lieeii  eoinparalively  li'.;hl, 
was  4.^.v.  ihe  ipiarter.  All  charj^es  added  would 
lirini;  it  aluiiii  up  lo  ihe  averai^e  price  in  En^rland 
for  liie  last  nil  years.  I  have  read  all  the  dcliales 
ill  I'arliaiiiciii  which  have  '.aken  place  on  this  suli- 
jeci  in  ihe  last  U-\v  years;  and  also  inosi  of  the 
aiiihentic  and  v.'iluatile  piiljliealions.  And  no  fine 
whose  opinion  has  any  anlhorily,  or  who  ^'ives 
aiiv  siilislaiilial  reason  for  his  lielief,  has  siijiposed 
thai  ihe  i^eiieral  averai^e,  iinde;'  a  free  admission  of 
pniiii,  will  lie  less  than  it  has  lieeii  for  ihe  last  ten 
years;  and  in  vears  of  scarcity  it  is  adinilied  it  will 
lie  hijrher.  Take  the  i;eiieral  averay^e  of  J^l  75  per 
I'ushel,  and  let  ns  ini|iiire  what  will  lie  the  price  in 
New  York.  I  am  inforiiicd  upon  irood  authoriiy 
that  111''  f:ei'.:ht  from  .New  York  lo  Liverpool  is 
geiierallv  14  ceuls  per  liushcl,  and  that  the  ex- 
elian;xc  lietween  this  country  and  lOnjjfland,  whicli 
is  uenerallv  alioiil  !)  per  cent.,  will  cover  oilier 
rliari;es.  'I'he  i;enlleman  from  Massacliusells  [.Mr. 
HinsiiN]  eslimales  ihe  freiuhl  at  from  17  to  I.S 
cents  per  luishel,  and  coieidis  the  exchange  lo  he 
lU  per  ceiil.  lint  lo  avoid  all  cavil,  I  will  piil  down 
the  freii,'ht  and  char;^es,  in  addition  lo  ihe  exchani;e, 
al  iO  cents  per  lioshel,  which,  with  ihe  exchange, 
would  lie  30  cenls  per  Imsliel.  Thai  would  leave 
liie  price  on  ihe  siahoard  al  <J1  55  per  liushel.  The 
I'-eiffhl  from  ('hica.';o  lo  New  York  is  34  cenls  per 

-ishel;  from  Delroil  ^H;  from  iinlfalooy.  Imlian 
con  is  generally  a  lilile  more  than  half  the  price  of 
w';eat,  and  oiils  a  liille  more  lliaii  half  Ihe  price  of 
■ .  .11.  The  New  York  price  current  of  tins  morn- 
ing; i|Ui>tes  corn  at  (iH  lo  (ii)  cents;  wheal  SI  15;  oais 
41)  rents.  Now,  sir,  I  can  s,iy,  li:al  as  a  fiiriner,  I 
want  no  more  prosperily  lliaii  I  can  enjoy  with 
$1  55,  or  even  with  a  steady  price  ot  Si  U5  for  my 
wheal,  l"'N'  ilie  price  for  my  corn,  a:id  li.ilf  the 
price  of  thai  for  iiiv  oaK.  And  Ihat,  al  least,  1 
sh-ill  enjoy,  and  I  Iielie\,'  more,  if  (_'on^'i"ss  will 
only  i^ive  ihe  asriculiiirisi  "a  fair  held,  ami  i.o  fa- 
vor." This  is  all  1  ask  from  llnni.  Sun  ly,  sii."- 
ly,  as  lliiy  compose  ihe  meat  mass  of  our  popula- 
tion, 1  have  u  rii'hl  to  ask  ilial. 

The  ;;eiillemaii  from  .\he  .-acliiisetls  (Mr.  lliii- 
i(ix|  .'■■ays  thai  lahor  in  ihe  i;rain-i;rowiiii,'to'iniiies 
of  lln  coniiiieiil  of  Knrope  is  cheaper  lliaii  Willi  us; 
and  he  insisis  ihai  they  will  he  aide  lo  undersell 
us  not  only  in   llie  Hnu'lisli  market,  liui  even  in 

ludwii,  if  llie  duly  on  wheal  were  repealed,     lie 


liillcil  to  liilinr  liir  lUn'eii  "r  iwriilv  cciil.<  per  ilny?    Wniilil  | 
ill-  atiiiii  In  |iiirt>.  or  O'.'  ...iiti.-liiciKiiiMtiiilliaviii:;  (iiil  llii'  ile 

liiwive  llii'itry  nt  I'ri  i-  irailc,  rci-ttinile  tlieiii  In  II  i lilliiii 

>ti  itcurailcii?  It  tlli'V  )iusM->.s  lite  llliti-[ieiiili'iit  uptrll  nl' 
iVcciiiiii— it  tliey  lire  Aiiieiicaii>— llicy  will  ^|lllr^l  hucli  uii 
lili'ii.'' 

Can  anylliin;,'  lie  more  ridiculous  lliaii  all  this- 
I  would  not  deinii  lo  answer  ii,  if  I  had  not  foiiiid 
lhat  as  uli.suril  fillacies  have  heretofore,  to  some 
exieiil,  received  ciedence. 

Ist.  .Vslo  llie  iinporl  of  wheat  in  iH37:  that  was  ' 
owini;  to  a  variety  of  causes,  which  then  for  the 
first  time,  and  it  is  to  lie  hii)ied  for  ihe  last,  cti- 
exisled.  Diiriie,'  ihe  years  1H34,  IH35,  and  iM.'Ki, 
lliere  were  asuccession  ol':;ood  liarvesis  in  Knrope. 
In  l>  37  th,  summer  in  Kurope  everywhere  was 
warm  and  <;eiiial,  and  the  crop  was  uncommonly 
111  indiinl.  In  Aiii;iisl,  1^37,  wheal  sold  in  llaiii- 
linn.?  for  from  :&.  \(l.  m  :!'.ls.  4.'.  ili'  ipiarler. 
Thai  was  the  er.i  of  paper  e>.paiision  ami  wild  eii- 
lerprise  in  this  coiiiiirv.  The  oaper  hiililde  was  i 
llieji  al  iis  extreme  iiillaiion,  anil  reckless  S|iecula-  I 
lion  had  usurp'  d  ihe  place  of  re|;iilar  industry. 
Canals,  railroads,  morns  innllicaiilis,  every  sorl  of 
hiimliii'.;'  and  sclienie  was  slarled  and  projected  in 
every  purl  of  ihecoiinlry,  and  one-half  the  industry 
of  the  nation  was  diverled  from  ils  regular  eliaii- 
111  Is.  .Vt  the  .same  lime,  our  crops  were  short  fioin 
had  seasons.  These  were  the  eircnmslttiiees  under 
which  llie  iniporl  of  wl'.eal  look  place.  It  is  not 
prolialile  lliey  will  ever  coexisi  a'^aiii. 

Hut  the  a;;ricullnral  lalioi  of  America  euiinot 
compeie  wilh  the  pauper  liilior  of  Kurope  I  The 
;;eiilleiiiau  has  foiniil  lliis  slaiip;  so  potent  in  I'n; 
case  of  the  maniifacion  is    he  lio|ies,  it  seems,  it 

may  lie  eipially  so  in  il ase  of  the  faruieis.    Why 

I'an'iiot  we  com]iele  w  ilh  tlieiii  .•  Are  we  less  iii- 
lelli^ent?  .Are  we  h  ss  iiii-.enious.'  les.s  vi^ioronsr 
less  enterprisin;;?  In  wliit  field  of  compelilion 
have  we  lieen  iiiiaMe  lo  meet  the  \vorIil,  or  any 
portion  of  il,  eillier  in  the  piirsiiiis  of  war  or  laai'e.' 
Have  we  sliriink  from  cumpeliiion  wilh  ihem  in 
ihe  liallle-held  or  in  the  irackless  pallis  of  eoin- 
luerce.'  Our  naviiraiion,  for  iiislance,  laliors  under 
a  posilive  dis:iilvaiila;;e  in  CDinpanson  uiili  ihal  of 
Kurope.  It  is  calculiiled  ilia:  our  noilf  increa.ses 
the  cost  of  iiiiildinir,  ei|iiippiinr,  and  sailinir  our 
shippins;  ul  I'  ast  live  ilollais  per  Ion.  Vet,  wilh 
this  disadvar.ia^e,  we  compeie  wilh  Kurope  in 
every  iiuarler  '.f  ihe  ulolie.  Onr  cominercial  ma- 
rine already  learly  ei|uals  lhat  of  Kn^'land,  and  it 
exceeds  that  if  any  oilier  iialion  on  the  ^lolie. 
How  is  il  wilii  iiur  aL'riciilliiie'  Nolliwillislund- 
iier  the  oppii  ssiiins  of  llie  laril "  as  I  shall  hereaf- 
liM-  eyhil'ii  lliem,  we  already  compeie  successfully 
w  ilh  the  H  urlil.  We  already  supply  Ihe  West  India 
colonies  of  l'.ni;laiiil  and  .Spain  alino.si  exclusively, 
and  lliose  of  oilier  I'jirope.ui  Suucs  lo  a  very  larire 
amoiint.  We  supply  Ihazil,  and  lo  a  eoiisiderahle 
exieiil,  I'll:;! I  herself.  "nVc  not  only  can  com- 
peie wilh  Kurope,  lull  we  do  il.  No  inlerest  in 
Ihe  '■'  nitry  is  afiaiil  of  llie  compeiiiion  of  foreiijn 
lain  .  asks  proieciion  aL'ainsi  il,  hut  Ihe  niaiiii- 
facliirers;  and  llie  reasons  assi,;ned  for  il  in  iheir 
case  are  nllcrly  fallacious,  as  was  most  clearly 
shown  liy  ihe  :;enl!eniaii  from  New  ^'ork,  [.\Ir. 
Cnl.MX.l  whose  niMid  sense  elililles  him  lo  he 
heard  ofieiier  lliaii  )ie  is  in  ihis  hall.  He  look  ihe 
case  of  Ihe  Cleenham  factory,  which  was  espe- 
cially sinsleil  mil  liv  ihe  Comrrcss  of  184-',  as  one 
showing;  llie  necessily  of  prou  ciioii;  and  he  proved 
lliai  of  Iheir  eiilire  expenditures  only  Hveniy-fiuir 
per  ceiil.  was  for  liilior.  In  all  the  olher  items  of 
exjieialiinrt — the  cost  of  water-power  ami  the  site 
for  llie  faciory,  the  price  of  the  raw  niiilerial,  the 
Hiuoiiiil  of  luxes,  the  cost  of  liviie.',  Ac,  ihey  had 
the  advaiila'ie  of  the  Kie^lish  manufacturer.  Well, 
suppose  iliey  paid  twice  as  much  for  their  lalior, 
thai  would  only  make  a  diU'i  reiice  of  twelve  per 
cent.,  which,  as  I  shall  directly  show,  is  less  than 
the  c.ost  of  iinporiiiitr  wiihoni  any  duly.  .So  if 
ll'llle  was  alisollltely  free  Ihey  would  slill  have  ihe 
advauliiire  of  Iheir  l-'.uiopean  compelitor.  .-Viiil  if 
you  would  uive  ilieiii  a  duly  of  twelve  per  ceiil. 
ihey  would  have  ihe  udvaniee  of  his  Kuropraii 
compelitor,  even  if  he  did  not  pay  a  cent  for  labor  I 
Anil  yet  il  is  pauper  liilior  they  fear! ! 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


lluin  of  capital.  You  eannot  impair  the  prolits  of 
lalior  willioitl  iiijurin;;  us.  In  this  respect  the 
southern  [ilaiiler  and  the  independent  Uxt:  fanner 
who  riiltivales  hy  Ills  own  labor  his  own  land,  dif- 
fers from  nearly  all  other  eapiialisls.  There  is  no 
aiila!;onisni  wiilillnni,  helwecn  lalior  and  capital', 
and  this  was  the  real  philcisophy  of  Mr.  Jell'erson's 
remark,  that  Ihe  IJeniocracy  nf  the  North  were  llie 
nalnral  allies  of  Ihe  South.  .As  the  repre.senlalive 
of  hihor,  a:id  llie  owner  of  il  lo  no  inconsideruhlR 
extern,  a'i  I  ask  is  lo  he  pennitled  to  compete  wilh 
the  paniier  lalior  ot'  I'Jurope. 

jSeveial  western  niemliers  :  "That  in  nil  we 
ask, too. "I 

That  is  all  yon  need  ask.  I  know  youreounlry 
well.  I  am  personally  tleeply  interested  in  il.  In 
one  sense  I  am  a  western  farmer  as  well  as  an 
eastern  one.  The  only  dill'ereiii'e  is,  1  do  not  there, 
as  al  home,  cidiivate  my  land  wilh  my  own  labor. 
We  have  i^reatly  llie  ad'vaulaire  of  r'an'opean  and 
in  a  fair  coiii[ietiiioii  we  .oust  irreatU  oiiisirip 
them.  Troliis  are  divided  belween  ea|iii!d  iind 
lalior.  The  more  capital  is  entitled  to,  the  less  w  ill 
hilior  get.  Kor  iiisuince,  ihe  land  my  friend  from 
Indiana  before  me  ci  llivales,  which  is  as  rich  and 
productive  as  land  can  he,  did  not  cosi  him  sll)  pi  r 
acre. 

Mr.  Ki,.s'NEDV.  No;  not  five. 
Mr.  ii.wi.v.  The  same  land  in  Kiiirlunil  would 
sell  for  five  hinidieil.  In  l''.iitrland,  j,'ivini;  cnpiial 
three  per  cent,  it  would  receive  SI5  before  labor 
could  ;;et  a  cent.  AVhereas  here,  iiiviin;-  capital 
si.x  per  cent.,  labor  would  receive  all  over  31)  cenls. 
lint  this  is  not  our  only  advanlaire.  Where  is  our 
comparative  freedom  from  laxalion,  our  cenial  eli- 
inate,  our  naliiriil  ailvanlaiies  in  our  bays,  rivers, 
not  iiavii^ateil  by  .*iicli  imseraiile  crafl  as  we  havn 
seen  are  used  in  I'riissia  and  I'oland,  but  by  iniiir- 
nilicent  sleamboals  ,-  Where  are  our  railroads  and 
canals.'  .And,  above  all,  where  are  onr  elorious 
free  institulions.'     [A|iplaiise.  | 

Ihil,  sir,  we  cannot  re.ip  llie  full  beiielii  of  these 
advanta^o's  uiilil  we  have  removed  the  incubus) 
of  our  reslriclive  sysleni.  We  laiinot  eypeci  lo 
export  our  airricuhural  produce  to  other  eoiinlries, 
unless  we  will  import  what  ihey  have  to  sell.  It  is 
physically  impos-'  ile  I'oryou  to  export,  unless  you 
iniporl.  Our  cxjiiTis  are  about  one  hundred  mil- 
lions annually.  Tins  export,  if  we  import  iimhiiiir, 
would  drain  Kurope  of  ils  specie  in  one  year:  money 
would  licconie  scarce  there,  prices  would  fall  very 
low,  and  our  expml  of  necessity  cease.  These  are 
axioms  in  political  economy  which  re(|iiire  no 
proiif  It  is  erpially  true,  thai  if  you  embarras.s 
your  iinporls.  you  lessen  ihe  iiuaniiiv  and  value 
I'lf  your  exports.  The  ellict  ,if  the  laiilV  of  184:2 
was  to  curtail  both  our  exports  and  imports,  and 
lo  knock  down  Ihe  [irice  of  out  a:iricnlinral  proiluci.'. 
Ilefiire  I  loin  to  the  fac  to  prove  his  last  posi- 
lion,  1  desire  to  explain  the  reasi  of  it,  and  1  enn 
do  this  best  by  an  illnslration.  Suppose  n  iiier- 
chaiil  of  .New  York  exports  a  hundred  biislii'ls  of 
will  at  lo  Knsland,  lliere  sells  it,  and  pio'chases  with 
llii' proceeds  a  hundred  yards  of  cloth.  Suppose 
.".U  CI  Ills  will  pay  the  cost  of  exportation  and  im- 
poriaiiou,  and  i^ive  the  merchant  a  fair  prniii;  and 
suppose  llie  merclian.  can  sell  ihecloili  in  this  mar- 
ket for  ■^l  511:  if 'liere  is  no  duly,  do  yon  not  per- 
ceive he  will  be  ible  to  ijive  the  fiiinier  Si  a  hush- 
el  for  his  wlie;il.-  liiil  snppo.^e  the  Governnieiit 
steps  in  and  levies  a  duly  of  tJ5  cenls.  (ientlemeii 
say  this  will  not  enhance  the  price  of  the  cloth 
here — their  llieory  IS,  ili;ii  herb  liiities  make  lower, 
not  higher  prices.  Well,  llie  clnth  w  ill  slill  be  sold 
here  for  Si  50.  The  mi  reliant  must  still  have,  lo 
cover  the  costs  of  exportiie.;;  and  imporlins:,  50 
cenls — till'  (iovei'iimeiii  will  claim  'J-,^  „,,,|  ||„.re 
Will  be  only  75  lell  I'm'  llie  wheal.  .And  the  trade 
cannot  uo  on,  if  more  is  sriveu.  Hut  u'eullemen  will 
.say  that  ihis  is  ihe  fallacious  '•(■oi(y.|,;,|r"  theory. 
I  l<now  it  is  ihc  "forly-bale"  theory;  and  I  believe 
il  is  lo  some  exlent  fallacious.  Uni  you  niiist  i>d- 
niil  il  to  he  a  fallacy  thai  the  duly  docs  not  raise 
llie  price  of  the  impoiieil  article,  to  prove  it  to  be 
Admit  the  truth  of  this  la.lli  r  fall 


refers  to  the  fact, thai  in  |S37  we  i 


nporied-J.38!),10'J      my  le^'i 


w,  sir,  I  am   the   represeiitalive,  not  onlv  III      llni 


defy  any  one  to  answer  the  "forty-bale"  the 


and   1 


bushels  of  wliral  i 

asks  Ihe  independent  yeomanry  of  the  Wesl  if  the 


latt> 


111   III  1 


siipi 


the  ilmv  lo  I'ai.se  the  orice  of  the  iiii- 


iiy  individual  oharacter,  of     purled  article  lo  the  full  exlent  -if 'ihe  duly,  lei  'is 


iiore  Ihaii  we  exporiril:  and  he      biiili  ciipi'   ,  and  labor.     My  consiiuienis  and  my-      then  see  how  the  farmer  would  stand.     A.-i  befoir 


self  c'lovate  our  land   with  o 


lur  lain 


.\re    nllliiia   In  lie    lirniiulil   lain 


IH'tiiina  with  till 


lliem  w  ilh  till  ir  uw  n  iiai.d",  olliers  by  iheir  slaves. 


cms  is  Ihe  merclianl  s  share 


iiiMi  lioilil.  a  I'lilii  mill  ,-iir-  nt  Ihiitviii.  ami  3.1  I; 


w 


Ill's,  'Jil  Ihe 


iarmer  s,  am 


I  till 


ihe  (i 
rlicle 


ells  fo 


e  are  liior 


■e  iiiu.esud   ill  the  proliis  of  labor     ijl  75.     Hut  the  farmer  is  but  liille  beileriilV;  he  i 


."  m 


1^; 


-•fj 


410 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[March  II, 


29tii  Cono IsT  Sess. 


a  (•onsiimiT  of  imported  Brtides,  as  MTfell  nii  lliR  pro- 
ducer ol"  ilic  nriiili's  ofrxpiiri;  iind  alllmii^'li  he 
(lois  iiol  lose  on  lliis  supposiiioii  lis  i\  iiroilneer,  lie 
does  lis  n  consumer.  Ami  as  lie  tills  liotli  cnpaei- 
lies,  it  is  ininiiiterit\l  to  liiiii.  In  eiliicr  eveni,  he 
;;els 'Jii  ceiiis  worlli  less  cloili  for  his  wheiit  thiui 
bri'ore  the  iniposiliiiii  of  the  duly,  and  to  the  exienl 
you  increase  or  lower  the  duly,  is  he  taxed  more 
or  less.  It  is  often  very  dilliciilt  to  till  to  what  ex- 
tent the  duty  falls  upon  ilie  producer  of  the  export, 
or  the  eonsumer.  It  depends  upon  a  variety  of 
eiriMiiiistaiiccs,  wliiih  are  cotisiautly  tluctuatin^; 
and  to  the  agriculturist,  as  I  li;ive  shown,  the  ex- 
act adjtistuieiit  is  a  matter  of  no  i^reat  eonsef|ueiice. 
'To  this  view  there  is  hut  one  possilde  answer;  and 
that  is,  that  the  elVcet  id'  tlic^  duly  is  not  to  in- 
crease llie  price  of  the  iinporicd  ai'iicle  in  our 
market,  liiii  to  lower  the  price  of  it  aliroad.  If  this 
Mere  true,  it  would  iiiipo\erisli  the  foreimier;  Inn 
I  do  not  .see  who  possil.le  advantage,  in  a  eom- 
iiicrcial  poiui  of  v'ew,  it  would  lie  to  us. 

\V'i>  would  i;et  the  article  here  at  the  sanii'  price; 
llie  eonsumer  would  not  !>e  injurctl;  nor  would  luir 
in.uiul'actiii'er  be  heiutited.  Ihit  our  fori  i;;ii  I'us- 
toiiur  would  lie  inipoverislied,  and  would  he  a 
worse  ciustonier  lor  our  exports.  fSo,  in  that  view, 
\vc  woiilil  he  iniured.  I>ut  is  it  true  tliiit  the  el- 
fcct  ol'  tlie  duiv  is  to  Ciiinpe!  the  foreigner  to  sell 
lower  r  In  Eiinland,  tor  a  Ion;;  time,  the  pri  .■^sul■e 
of  p-ipulaiion  has  heeii  so  j^itiit,  and  the  c<>iiipeti- 
tiim  so  active,  th.u  pric-es  haii  reached  tiie  iowi.-st 
limit  bel'oie  the  enactment  of  our  larilV.  Hesiiles, 
the  proportion  which  we  take  of  Ih'iiish  sroods — and 
we  uike  more  of  ilieiii  than  of  any  other  nation — 
ill  comparison  witli  her  consumption  at  home,  and 
her  exports  to  her  colonies,  and  to  otln  r  forei::ii 
nations  than  ourselves,  is  very  incoiisideralde;  and 
it  is  not  {irohahle  that,  to  ^in  access  to  our  mar- 
ket, they  would  sulniut  to  a  reduction  on  the  ureal 
m.Tssof  her  production.  Tlicy  would  lose  less  hy 
friviii;;  up  our  Iraiie  nlloirether.  liut  it  may  he 
said  that  1  Ii.ive  ahe.idy  proved  that  the  price  of 
the  ipiautitv  expoii'd,  wnicli  is  fixed  hy  the  p-ice 
in  the  foreijju  market,  fixes  the  price  of  the  entire 
produciion.  In  the  case  of  the  a;.:riculturist  of 
this  country  that  is  so;  hiil  in  thetase  in  hanil  it 
is  not  so.  In  the  tirst  place,  our  export  of  airrc  h!- 
tur.il  )irodiice  hears  a  much  htr;;er  proporiiou  U) 
our  enuic  production,  than  the  exports  from  Knir- 
land  to  this  eouiury  of  !ier  maiiul'actures  i\i't':<  to 
the  entire  amount  oi"  her  production,  and  ol  course 
exerts  a  ;:ieaier  inlhieuce  on  tile  [trice.  In  addi- 
tion to  tins,  the  fanner  cannot  reijulate  his  supply 
wiih  the  diriuaiid.  The  farmers  are  scattered  ail 
over  the  land,  and  they  eaniioi  ry  cmiihinatioii  ad- 
just the  supply  to  the  demand.  In  this  country, 
where  most  of  the  land  is  cultivated  hy  the  laiior 
of  the  owner  of  the  soil,  he  has  no  oilier  occu- 
pation than  ils  culiivation,  and  he  makes  all  he 
can  wiihniil  reference  to  the  price.  Indeed,  when 
the  price  is  low.  so  far  from  milking  less,  he  tries 
by  increasdl  production  to  make  up  for  the  small- 
er price.  His  rot.ition  r,f  rrojis  is  fixed,  and  lie 
cannot  well  chaiiL'e  them.  His  crops  are  pitched 
hut  !■'  e  a  year,  and  when  pitched  they  must  be 
saveii.  The  ipiamity  of  the  crop  depends  upon 
the  seasons;  and  fa'  that  and  the  oiiier  reasons 
I  have  eiven,  tiie  f.u'iiier  cannot  adjust  the  supply 
to  the  demand,  liut  it  is  otherwise  with  llie  man- 
ufacturers, particularly  of  Eni.'land.  They  are 
e,oii;re!;alcd  loiiellier  in  ia;;e  towns,  and  they  call 
combine.  The  aniounl  of  their  proijuciion  does 
not  <le[iend  upon  the  seasons,  or  other  casuality 
They  do  not  own  ihe  labor,  and  are  not  compelled 
o  tind  tor  It  einplor  nil  nt.  Wlieiiever,  at  any  sea- 
son of  liie  year,  tiny  hiid  the  supply  is  likely  to 
onlniii  the  ilemand,  and  that  they  will  lose  more 
by  the,  ciin.sef|iii  lit  fall  of  prices  than  they  will 
jrain  by  increa>i-d  production,  ihey  can  shorten 
work,  curtail  expinses  at  a  day 's  warning',  and 
adjust  the  supply  to  the  ilemand.  This  eonsti- 
tnies  the  dirt'erelice  of  the  two  rases. 

Now,  sir,  let  us  turn  to  'he  fuels,  and  see  how 
thev  bear  out  this  theory. 

1st.  Its  eirirl  on  imports  and  exports.  I  take 
for  the  eonipanson*  the  two  years  pieceilnii:  and 
the  two  years  f.illouini;  the  adoption  of  the  larilf 
of  I"-)'.'.  Uf  articles  the  L'rowih,  produce,  and 
ni.oiuficliire  of  the  I'nited  Stales,  wi  I'xpiuieil  as 
follows.  In  l^■ll)  the  liscal  year  was  ehanu'eil;  for 
that  year  I  Iuim  added  a  (piarter  in  each  of  the  Ibl- 
lowiii"  Htulcinems: 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Bayly. 

1S40 <!ill3,8!).'>,(i:i4 

1H41 imi,:iH;.',7Ua 

Two  years lii), •.''(><, :i,")() 

1H43 sn,7i);i,7H;i 

"   ^'.-.,!i:u,-Jiii 

1844 O'.l.Tl.'i.l?!) 

•j(i:i.-i;tt),|o:t 

Sliowin^'a  fallins;  olVof  >i,|fi,H4.S,i3;):!  in  two  years. 
Let  us  now  see  how  it  has  been   with   the  pro- 
diire  of  au'rieullnre,  incluiiins;  tobacco,  cotton,  lla.\- 
seed,  hops,  nrown  siij;ar,  and  inili;;o. 

In  l.-i-ll) '. •S!l-J.."i4r).:t:l!t 

In  lf<41 Kl.7-lli.7r.) 

iTlT/iio.llHH 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


In  IS43 •N-,-,.1»M,;-,t;i 

111  1844 7ll.i):i8,4M) 

riir..i-J7,'.i7i 


Fidliiison',  «,in,8fi4,117. 

.\L'riciiltiiral  produce  exported, exchidini;  tobac- 
co, eolton,t!axr-,'ed,hops,  In'own  su;;ar, and  indi?j;o; 


In  ISII). 
In  1841. 


In  l'-i:t  . 
In     •    I 


Fallini;  oii. 
Of  wheat  am. 
In  1811).. 


.Si8„-i!i:t,(;ni 
. .  ii;.7:n.4ir> 


.•).').:i;ii.i,'i:i 

<«i:t,n.'>n 
'i7.:is-< 

m 

81(1 

:tl,ii4.-< 

:>.') 

fi8. 

alone  we  exported  — 

..  Sll,77'Ml!H 


111  1841 8,.-, 


•Jll.Slil.Cii 


In  U 
Inl; 


4:1... 
14... 


v,4,li:;>7,l8:i 
7,-';fJ.8!IS 


ll.'Jtill.llH) 


Fallinr;oir,  S'.),ll)l.iil.">. 

.N'ow,  s'r,  let  us  examine  what  efl'ecl  this  has 
had  upon  prices  here;  and  as  I  have  tieen  deidiii!^ 
only  with  wheat.  I  shall  confine  myself  to  that,  or 
r.iiher  to  (Inur.  I  confine  myself  to  Ihiur,  because 
the  nnlv  si.tit  iiient  I  have  of  ]irices  I'or  a  lar-je 
number  of  veai-s  contain  the  price  of  llour  alone. 

The  period  from  the  end  of  I8->|  to  the  Hist  of 
necember,  ls:K(,  when  the  first  rediiciion  under 
the  coiuproinise  act  toitk  place,  may  with  lu'opriety 
be  called  the  era  of  lii::li  duties.  l>iirin'r  these 
nine  yeirs,  as  appears  by.\  table  )iuMisheil  by  the 
niiitcd  .States  Coinmercial  and  Siilisiical  Heijister, 
the  avera'/e  price  of  (lour  was  *^.'i  'M).  For  the  next 
nine  years,  when  under  the  operntiou  of  the  com- 
promise aei,  the  duties  were  constantly  fallinir,  the 
avera'je  was  Sll  7',*.  -And  the  rise  in  the  averai^e 
of  wheat,  corn,  iVc.,  was  about  in  the  same  pro- 
(lortion.  In  the  siinnuer  of  184;2  the  present  larilf 
Law  was  enacted.  The  jirice  of  (lour  in  |84I,lhe 
year  precedint;  its  enactment,  was  >;fi  aO.  In  18tH, 
llie  v^':^\•  succeedinir  its  enactnieiit,  it  was  iit]  44. 
In  Is-'U,  it  was  m  ."id;  ami  last  year,  iiiili!  the  par- 
tial failure  of  llie  I'.iiiopean  harvest  was  ascertain- 
ed, it  was  about  the  same  amount.  .'\vera:re  for 
llie  three  vears  succeetliiie;  the  enactment  of  our 
present  larilf,  ^4  ,7il.  We  have  thus  seen  that 
iVoni  l^U,  to  this  lime,  a  period  uf  twenty-two 
vears,  the  price  lit'  (hair  lias  iiivariablv  risen  and 
l.illeu  as  the  rate  ofiliiiies  has  risen  or  fallen.  The 
leii'jth  of  tins  pi  riod  precludes  the  idea  that  acci- 
dental causes  have  produced  the  result. 

Ihit  the  ;;entleman  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr. 
llrii«o\.|  •u;;iies  thai  the  northern  niaiuif iciurers 
atl'ord  till  lie.it  niarket  lor  our  iciriciilttuMl  produce. 
He  L'oes  into  a  ivilcnlation  of  the  amount  ol'  their 
consumption,  and  insists,  if  we  repeal  the  taril]",  we 
will  break  down  the  m  iinifacturers  and  destroy 
our  best  market. 

,\ow,sir,  I  insist  that  llii'  market  ali'orded  lis  by 
siii'li  nvuiiifaciiirers  bh  are  benefited  by  the  tarilVis 
\ery  iuciinsidia'able.  A  ::ood  deal  of  tiilse  reason- 
iii'j-  upon  this  subject  has  irrowii  out  of  ilie  tnanner 
in  which  ihe  late  census  was  taken.  All  lho.<e  en- 
u'liLred  in  niaiiufaclures  anil  Iritihs  arc  put  down 
under  one  head;  the  factory  t^irl  and  the  sliip-car- 
penter  are   put  tos^ellier.      In   this   iii  inner,  those 


i  enijnsert  in  mnnnfaenires  are  put  down  at  7i)l,74!). 
Nov/,  of  these  n  very  larsie  proporiiou  aremechnn- 
i.  s:  joiners,  ship-carpenters,  smiths,  masons,  brick- 
layers, shoemaKers,  itte.,  none  of  whom  are  bene- 
fited, as  I  will  presently  show,  by  the  tarilf.  I  have 
made  a  ealculation  as  to  my  own  Slate,  which  es- 
tablishes this  beyond  (lue.stion.  It  is  known  that 
most,  nay,  nearly  all,  of  our  niaimfnctnres,  proper- 
ly speakiiiL',  are  in  F.aslern  Vir',niiia;  and  yet  in 
tlial  part  of  the  Siate  there  are  L''i:2.Md7  eiii;ai;eil  in 
a'_M-iciiltiire,  and  nnlv  4,81)0  in  nianuniclnres  anil 
trades — upwards  of  4.")  to  1.  Whereas  in  Weslerii 
Virginia,  wdiere  there  are  scarcely  any  manufacln- 
riii;  establishments,  llicre  are  S).").!)44  eUL'aL'ed  in 
ai^ricnlinre,  and  l(),ti7(l  in  iiianiifactures  and  trades 
— not  f|iiite  (J  to  I.  'i'liis  shows  that  the  i.'-|-(.;,tpi. 
proporiiou  of  those  in  Vir'j:iiiia  included  under  the 
ireneral  head  are  ei]ea'j:ed  in  trades.  The  reason 
of  the  dill'erenre  in  F.aslern  mill  Western  Viru'iiiia 
is  this:  In  Kastern  Viririnia  our  shoemakers,  hat- 
ters, blacksmillis,  tailors,  iVc,  have  been  driven 
from  iheir  eniploynienl  by  ^'aiikee,  not  KiiL'lisli 
competition.  WhereiiH  Western  Virginia,  in  eon- 
sei|ueiice  nl'  ils  remoteness  t'roiti  the  seaboard  and 
the  want  of  inten'oiimmnicaliim,  is  cmnpelled,  ton 
much  ;:reater  extent:  to  jjive  employmenl  to  resi- 
dent mcchiuiies. 

The  same  thiui:  is  apparent  in  .Massarliiiselts. 
I  have  lietbre  me  her  late  census,  taken  lasi  year, 
by  her  own  orticers;  and  wiilioiil  Koiin^  into  a  mi- 
nute analysis  of  it,  I  assert  that  even  in  that  Stale, 
tiie  number  of  persons  ensaL'ed  in  the  mechanic 
arts,  not  benefued  by  the  Inrill',  sreatly  exceeds  the 
miinber  eniaiied  in  niaiiufaclures,  benefued  by  it. 
The  followini;  table,  taken  I'roin  that  census,  com- 
prises nearly  all  those  pniteeled  by  the  tarilf: 
,\'lllll^fr  of  mills,  mniiiifiiclnriis.  .St.,  niid  mrile  and 
J'imali'  oi>eriiliri's  riniil":iril  lliiniix. 


•Mill.s.  -vc. 

.Males. 

Fi s. 

•Petal. 

t'atlnii  mills,  eiinl.lui- 
inuSIT.IKl  splaillcs, 

anil   enii-iiiiiiini.'  .iti.- 
9i)l.iJ.".4llis.  iit'i'Mllaa 

.Ti-J 
II 

n.ifn 

1,W 

14.4117 
1«6 

9n.7in 
a,ii.w 

t'alii i!iialt";ieinries 

Itleiirliitii:  anil  eolnr. 

OIL'  ciilii  n 

\\".i|l.il   mills,   eiia- 
l.uriiaa    .'il  1    sets     ■( 

0 

- 

'- 

Ql. 

iii:i'lii!ici>. an.i  ecu, 
>i ac        ir..:(s7.lls 

Iti-,  c.r  weal 

Ciiriii'l    nulls,  coa-ll- 
miiiu-  l.VMKH)  II)-.  iif 
cciii.n.  luiil  l.7.sii.-i')s 

17S 

:i,!)iii 

;i,i7i 

7,:ic.> 

III-.  Ill'  Hinii 

17 

71.1 

.■ifj 

1,1)34 

W'nr-lril    iMiiiiiiractii' 

III 

mis 

.'it.') 

816 

II. -en         I'staMi.li- 

Liic'ii    inannl'actohes 

Sill,  iiianiifactDncs.. . 

'ratal 

17 

;{ 

s 

■,:i 
<.y.i 

IS.-, 
<i» 

19* 

i!i.:.'j.i 

SIS 
l'« 

m 

iw.Bia 

.V,.-i        1    ll.'J-.S 

Now,  sir,  there  are,  as  shown  by  her  census,  en- 
ir.'iired  in  boot  and  shoe  makinir  alone  in  .Massii- 
chiisetis.  !2-.M'.l!l  males,  and  18.1178  females— total, 
4."i,877.  Upwardsof  ten  ihonsand  more  than  in  all 
the  maiiufaetiires  III  which  I  have  nli'rred.  To  show 
lh:it  these  people  Icue  no  intei'esl  in  a  tarilf  of  pro- 
tection, but,  on  the  eoiilrary,  as  consumers,  are  in- 
terested ;i^'ainst  il,  iioilum;  niore  is  necessary  than 
to  refer  to  the  import  and  export  of  boots  and  slioe^; 

J'c.TV.  J'limrlf't.       Kr^torltiK 

is|ii .>i,i..'vi:i      .■iiM,:»io 

isil .".....      -ItLiW 

is|'! .'ii,;iiM 

1  s  i:i  ( rcir  lliree  i|iiarler.c  at  llie  venr)      s,l|i.n 
1M4 '-'-..  I-J 

•il)s,;il.1 

i:\i'c^4  lit  c\ purls  liver  illl|inrts ,Sfi)^7.!.llS 

Tlui.s  it  appears  there  is  a  Iar::e  excess  of  exports 
over  imports;  and  the  itnporis  consist  principj  'ly 
of  faii-'V  articles,  Parisian  boots  and  shoes,  ■.■.uicli 
are  ini|>orti'il  for  their  fashion,  wilhoiii  any  refer- 
ence to  the  price,  anil  would  be  imported  mi  matter 
bow  liiL'h  the  tarilf.  Df  the  exports,  a  larire  por- 
tion weni  111  the  Dritish  colonies.  It  thus  appears 
that  Ihe  shoemakers  not  only  can  eo  ..niaiid  our 
own  market,  but  that  tin  y  can  conipeii.  with  fir- 
ei;Micrs  ill  their  markets;  uial  of  course  thev  want 
no  tarilf  for  |M'olecliiin.  The  prosperity  of  the 
mechanic  depenils  upon  that  of  the  a^'ricidtiirist, 
and  whate\er  iniuns  or  henefus  that  pursuit  in- 
jures or  benefits )''iii 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


411 


29tii  Cong 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  Q^itesfiov — Mr.  Citmviins. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


!•■ I.>. 

r..,„i. 

M.411T 
KM 

■W.71I1 

a.ii.v) 

" 

an 

;i,iri 

i;srj 

iii'i 

l.iWl 

M- 

M« 

nil 
|.JS 

I.Vi 

lii.::i.i 

l-!IH,-!!:i 

•_ii-'.;ii'. 


From  nil  tliis  it  is  npimii'iit  llint  it  is  i\liHur:I  tn 
cliiim  nil  iliosc  enpn4;eil  in  niiiininicturcsandtnulc.-i, 
lui  iTi'nicil  ('(iiisiimers,  liy  tlir  larill',  (if  af;ri('ulliiral 
|in!(lui'i>.  Why,  sir,  no  imtinn,  lilesncd  with  n  fcr- 
lilc  soil  and  KPiiial  rlinialc,  wliieli  is  wcllciiltivalcd,  ' 
1:111  find  in  tlie  persons,  nci'osaiiry  to  mainilai-lnre 
I'or  il,  coiisiinii'rs  for  ila  p^riiMiiturnl  |iroduoc.  Oik! 
man  in]:;a;;cd  in  niaiuiri  •Uiicswill  |irodnccasmuc'li 
as  iwenly  will  cnnstinip;  and  one  engas;ed  in  a!;ri- 
cnliiirc  will  produce  as  inncli  ns  ten  will  coiisnino. 
Ill  lliis  slatemciit  I  do  not  pretend  10  speak  witli 
preeisc  acciiiaey,  Init  in  round  niiinliers,  and  I  nni 
not  far  from  die  mark.  Even  in  ICnijIand,  who 
inanufa'  res  exclusively  for  her  extensive  eolo- 
liies,  »i  ,  10  a  creat  extent,  for  tl.c  world,  who  has 
a  vast  iciininercial  marine,  whohasalari;e  army  to 
support,  who  has  a  larf;e  number  of  men  of  wealth 
foildwitiijf  no  industrial  pursuit — *'  )i(//i  coii-sioutce 
fiiii;ts" — even  in  England  we  find  that  eoimnin|i- 
timi  (if  a2;ricultiiral  produce  has  not  far-outstripped 
production.  Sir,  if  you  were  to  build  a  Chinese 
wall  around  tliia  nation,  allow  nolhini;  tn  he  im- 
ported, and  nmnufaclure  everything  for  yourself, 
you  would  not  find  consumers  for  your  agricul- 
tiual  jiroduce.  Tliis  call  he  estahlished  by  a  very 
short  calculation.  In  1840  the  aggregate  value  of 
manufuctnred  articles  produced  in  this  country 
was  <j3y5, 83:2, 615.  The  iiunilier  of  persons  ein- 
ployid  was  791,749.  In  round  numbers,  aliout 
S5JUO  per  head.  Our  import  of  manufactures  of 
all  soriM  is  aljoiit  fifiy  millions  annually.  Suppose 
we  slioiild  exclude  iinporliitions  altogether,  and 
mamif.ictiire  these  articles  ourselves,  how  many 
persons  winild  it  take  to  do  it — and  how  much  (if 
agricultural  produce  would  iliey  consume?  Tlic 
avera:,'e  is  §500  per  hand;  but  this  includes  mechan- 
ics who  do  not  lu-oducc  so  much  in  value  per  head 
as  operatives  einjiloyed  in  factories,  and  our  im- 
poiis  are  prhicipally  of  ailiilis  proiliiced  hy  tins 
iailer  class.  It  will  ihereforc  le  seen  that,  in  faking 
$.')00  as  the  average  prodnclion,  I  make  a  eonces- 
sinii  very  much  in  favor  of  the  manufacturers.  I!ut 
at  llial.  It  v.'ould  take  100,0(10  pcsoiis  lo  manufac- 
ture !j50,000,000 — the  entire  amount  of  our  import 
of  nianulactured  articles.  Suppose  you  allow  an 
<  (|iial  number  for  children  too  young  10  go  into  the 
factories,  (and  they  go  in  very  young,)  and  fin' 
those  too  old  to  be  employed,  (and  they  remain 
ni  iirly  as  long  as  they  live,)  and  you  have' 200,1100. 
We  have  .seen,  in  England,  llial'  the  average  con- 
Kniii[ition  is  about  seventeen  bushels  of  grain  per 
head.  The  (.'eiilleman  frmn  Ma.-sachuactts  [Mr. 
IIiDsox]  shows  that  the  cmisiimption  of  wheal  In 
this  couiilry  is  less  than  four  Ijushels  per  head, 
which  is  less  than  is  ineluihil  in  the  English  esti- 
inale.  Still  1  will  pill  down,  for  the  coiisumplion 
of  this  country,  twenty  bushels  per  head;  and  the 
consumption  of  200,000  operatives  would  be  4,000,- 

000  ol'  bushels — imii'h  less  than  our  present  ex- 
port. And  to  raise  up  this  iiumber  of  consumers, 
von  have  de'stroyed  others  more  valuable,  ^'oii 
nave  destroyed  your  foreign  commerce,  and  '  ^i 
the  consumers  which  il  gives  you.  And  I  do  mil 
lii'siiate  10  .-lay  they  are  much  more  extensive  con- 
sumers of  our  iigriculloral  produce  than  all  your 
nianufaclurers,  benclilcd  liy  a  l.uilVof  proteclion. 

The  persons  connected  vvilli  the  commerce  of  ihe 
couniry  alVord  us  a  very  lar^e  market  for  our  pro- 
visions; and  it  is  known  thai  the  ell'ect  of  the  tarilf 
policy  ^s  greatly  to  injure  that  pursuit,    lii  the  city 
of  Aew  York  alone,  there  are  ihree  thousand  .-ar- 
mi  11,   wiih   nearly  twice  that   number  of  horses, 
principally  dependem  upon  the  foreitrn  commerce 
of  the  count-y.     In  proportion  to  the  size  of  ihe 
ciiiis,  there  a -e  as  many  In  lioston,  I'hiladelphia, 
Bahiinore,  and  ihe  oilier  towns.     It  may  safely  be 
said,  that  in  the  laisingiind  subsislingot  the  horses    j 
engaged  ill  this  one  branch,  as  much  of  the  pro-    , 
(luce  cd'  the  ,, inner  is  used,  as  is  consumed  by  all    ] 
the  sickly   inmates  of  every  manufactory  in  the  '| 
(■"iiniry,   wl  ich  is    benefited    by  a  larill— to  say  ''\ 
iioihingabout  the  sixty  ihoiisanil  seamen,  the  laige 
iiiuiiber  of  ship  carpenters,  stevedores,  sail-makers, 
and  persons  eiigagi  d  in  the  prodnclion  of  hemp  and    ! 
the  mamifaclure  of  cordaiic      Ihil  this  is  a  calcu-    | 
huioii  which  every  one  i-:\\\  make  for  himself,  and  , 

1  will  not  go  minutely  into  it.  ■'• 
Hui  the  coiiclusiveaiiswerlo  the  argument  under 

cousideration  is,  that  we  do  not  propose  lo  destroy 
the  mannfaclures.  On  the  coiilrarv,  we  iliiiik  iliat 
such  as  the  country  is  ripe  for  will  flourish  under 
11  revenue  turifl'. 


I  do  not  desire  (said  Mr.  B.)  to  be  considered  a.? 
the  enemy  of  manufatures.  I  am  friendly  to  them, 
and  I  will  be  glad  tn  see  them  established,  when- 
ever the  eouiilry  is  ripe  tor  them.  AVhenever  that 
is  the  ca.sc,  they  will  be  introduced.  Until  then 
they  ought  not  to  be  introduced.  iVly  only  fear  is, 
that  the  protection  which  a  tarilTfor  revenue  alone 
will  atford,  will  cause  many  tn  bo  introduced  pre- 
maturely. That  protection  is  much  greater  than 
is  generally  supposed.  The  memorial  of  the  New- 
York  merchants,  presented  to  Congress  at  the  exira 
session,  .says:  "Twenty  per  cunt,  duly  is  a  pro- 
tection of  no  less  than  forty  iier  cent.  10  domestic 
manufactures,  because  in  addition  to  the  duty,  the 
expense  of  imporUition  are  about  seven  and  a  half 
per  cent.,  and  the  profit  to  the  importer  is  probably 
iilunit  twelve  and  a  half  per  cent."  Will  not  this 
afl'ord  proiection  enough?  Are  there  any  manu- 
factures for  which  the  couniry  is  ripe,  that  cannot 
prosper  under  a  protection  oflorty  percent.  ?  They 
nourished  and  made  larger  dividends,  even  during 
the  latter  [leriod  of  the  coinpromi.se  act,  than  any 
other  pursuit  in  theeonnlry.  In  making  this  statc- 
nieiit  I  do  not  draw  my  inferences  from  uiiautheii. 
tic  sources.  I  hold  in  my  hand  u  letter  wriilen  by 
Thomas  G.  Cary ,  treasurer  of  the  Hamilinn  Manu- 
facturing Company,  addressed  on  the  1st  of  De- 
cember, 1844,  to  my  honoriible  colleague,  [.Mr. 
Pexuletox.]  It  was  designed,  ns  it  purports  on 
its  face,  to  disabuse  the  public  mind  us  to  the  ex- 
tent of  manufacturing  profits,  and  it  is  published 
by  the  itmiiufiKtutrrs  themselves,  for  that  purpose. 
It  contains  the  following  table,  giving  the  nverase 
dividends  of  the  Lowell  factories,  ■'  taken,"  as  he 
says,  "  from  their  own  books:" 

Name  of  com-        Time  of  mm-     Term  of    Jlvcrittieofdiii- 
fi'iiiy.  mcitriv^,  lyCi.T?.  (h'uil\. 

M'  I riiiiHck IS-}.', 5fl  years b'i  per  ei'nt. 

Hniuillnii 1:;-JH 17  ycjir.-' laj  percent. 

.■\p[)lttoii IHjy 16  years UJptTceMl. 

I.iiwrll IKIl...  .14  years 9  pcrecnt. 

Pinr.plk 18.1;) 1 1 J  yciirs It    |i,  r  eeiil. 

'rrfiiinnl lP:t3 U;  years 10 J  |»it  cent. 

Liiwreacc ls.1-t II  years 7   piT  cent. 

Heat lSi8 0!year.-< 8  pen 1. 

Massacliii.-ctts Ib-ll 4  years j|  per  cent. 

I  have  not  included  the  allowance  for  loss  of  in- 
terest, and  for  fire  insurance,  amounting  to  a  little 
more  than  mie  percent.,  because  these  are  charges 
which  equally  attach  to  all  other  pursuils.  My 
own  opinion  is,  tluit  at  this  time  the  firofiis  are  gen- 
erally much  larircr  than  these.  But  I  have  selected 
this  statement  because  its  authority  eaniint  he  dis- 
iiuted,  and  because  the  greater  portion  of  the  time 
It  covers  was  during  the  operation  of  the  compro- 
mise act.  Well,  sir.  ought  not  the  nmnufacte.rers 
to  be  satisfied  w'illi  these  profits?  In  what  oilier 
pursuils  are  as  largo  ones  made?  lean  answer 
for  the  farmera.  It  is  ditliciili  for  us  to  make  ends 
meet,  to  say  nothing  aliont  profits.  Sir,  on  an 
average,  the  farmers  in  my  Slate  do  not  clear  two 
|ier  cent,  on  their  invesiment.  And  in  making  this 
statement  I  answer  another  argument,  and  that 
is,  if  we  reduce  the  tariif,  manufacturers  will  be 
thrown  out  of  eni|iloymeiit,  and  engage  in  agricul- 
ture, and  become  our  competitors  in  |ilaee  of  our 
ciistmners.  Tlii^y  will  scarcely  aive  up  ten  |ior 
cent,  to  take  two,  and  (inil  an  em|ilnynient  yi(  id- 
iiiL'good  profits,  :o  engage  in  one  which  yields  little 
or  none,  and  w;iicli,  ns  those  seiuleinen  tell  us, 
would  be  made  still  worse  by  the  increased  compe- 
tilion  by  this  division  of  labor. 

Hill  I  have  already  exiended  this  argument  fur- 
ther than  1  designed.  In  conclusion,  permit  nie  to 
say,  let  the  expendilnres  of  this  Govcrnmenl  be 
economical;  the  tarilV  reduced;  the  peace  of  llie 
country  preserved;  and  a  course  of  prosperity 
opens  before  the  country  such  as  it  iius  never  lie- 
fm'e  enjoyed. 


OREGON  QT^ESTION. 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  D.  CUMMLVS, 

Ol'  OHIO, 

In  the  IlnrsE  ,'F  llErRESENTATIVES, 

Fihruitrij  7,  IHlti. 
On  the  bill  to  terminate  the  joint  occupancy  of  the 
Oregon  territory. 
Mr.   CUMMINS   luldressed  the  committee  ns 
fidlowa: 
Mr.  CiiAin.MAN':  The  resuhitioii  reported  by  the 


Commillee  on  Foreign  Relations,  and  now  under 
consideration,  involves  one  very  plain  and  dislinet 
proposilion:  Shall  we,  or  shall  we  not,  give  lo  Great 
Britain  lln^  twelve  months'  notice,  provided  for  by 
the  2d  ariicle  of  the  conveniion  of  1827,  to  termi- 
nate the  joint  (i,se  of  ihe  two  countries  in  the  Ore- 
gon territory?  The  right  to  give  this  notice  is  not 
(leliied;  it  is  a  part  of  the  convention  itself;  but 
Ihe  [lolicy  and  expediency  of  givinir  it  now,  .oiJ 
Ihe  form  ill  which  il  shallbe  givim,  if  given  at  all, 
constiiuie  the  grounds  of  the  present  di.scussion 
and  dillerences  of  opinion. 

The  w  ide  range  which  has  been  given  to  this 
debate,  and  the  niomenloiis  eonseipiences  which 
have  been  so  fearfully  and  eliKpieiilly  predicted  and 
|iortrayed  by  genllemen  who  oppose  the  resolii- 
lion,  if  we  can  believe  llieiu  lo  be  sincere  in  what 
lliey  say,  should  at  least  admonish  the  friends  of 
this  measure  lo  give  lo  it  that  careful  and  candid 
eoiisideratinn  which  its  iinportance  demands,  be- 
fore it  is  adopted.  If  the  sriving  of  this  notice  will 
lead  to  an  erpiilable  and  final  adjustment  of  the 
riirhls  and  claims  of  the  tw-o  Governmenls  in  Ore- 
g'ni,and  the  eslablishnient  of  their  lerrilorial  lirnin- 
daries  there — as  I  hope  and  believe  it  will — then, 
sir,  the  sooner  it  is  ixiven,  the  better.  Most  ques- 
tions discussed  and  passed  upon  in  ibis  Chamber, 
are  of  a  dnmestic  charai'ier,  alVecting  only  the 
rights  and  interests  id'  our  own  people.  Tin  y 
are  also  of  a  temporary  character,  for  the  acts  of 
one  Cnnirress  can  lie  altered  nr  repealed  by  the 
next,  as  the  friends  nf  this  or  that  course  of  jiolicy 
may  be  in  power.  Not  so  with  Oregon.  It  is 
strictly  n  national  question,  between  two  separaio 
and  independent  sovereignlits;  it  is  n  territorial 
questinn,  and  therefore  preeminent  and  Insting  in 
lis  nature;  for,  sir,  tlii^  lines  once  run,  the  stakes 
driven, and  the  miniiimenls  erected  there,  ihey  must 
iinalleiably  remain  as  the  lainlmarks  of  di\ision 
between  the  Republic  and  llie  Aliiiiarcliy,  the  cili- 
zeii  and  the  suiijcct,  the  hereditary  sceptre  and  the 
I  ballot-box 

Mr.  Clmirnian,  the  reniark.ii  which  I  shall  make 
on  this  subject  will,  in  pan  be  in  reply  lo  the  argu- 
ments nf  ihe  geiillenian  from  South  Carolina,  [.Mr. 
1  lot. Ml.-,]  who  appears  to  me  lo  oe  the  slaiidard- 
b(  arer  of  the  op|iosilioii,  and  the  defender  of  ilio 
faith  of  "  ina.'ilf)'/;/  uuicliritii"  in  this  end  of  the 
Capitol.  Ill  my  jndinieni,  he  has  nssunied  as  bold, 
I  sirontr,  and  unienable  erounds  in  favor  nf  the  claims 
;  and  preiensions  of  lirilaiii,  an  airainst  the  rights 
of  the  I'liited  Stales  in  Orerion,  as  has  ihe  British 
Minislry,  or  any  of  lir  r  iliplomaiie  a^cnls  or  politi- 
cal journals  assumed,  since  ihisipiestion  first  came 
under  discussion  between  the  two  Go\ernnients, 
In  his  ari'unieiit,  that  iTiiilemaii  propnunds  im- 
portanl  iiif|uii'ies:  AVIiere  is  Oregon? — What  is  it? 
—Of  what  value  is  it  tn  us?  I  dn  nnt  suppose  tlint 
!  the  gentleman  is  a  disciple  of  Dioienes,  and  now 
for  tile  first  time  has  cnien-eil  from  his  philosophic 
tub,  to  behold  and  contemplale  Oregon.  No,  sir. 
Oregnii  is  to  him  an  old,  ainl,  as  would  now  appear, 
an  unwelcome  acqiiaiiUance. 

nm,  sir,  where  is  Oreiron,  and  what  is  it?  Ore- 
gon is  iliat  part  of  the  ,\i>iih  American  continent 
which  lies  between  the  Mexican  line,  on  the  42d 
parallel  of  north  latitude,  and  tin  llussian  line,  011 
the  parallel  of  54^40'  ninth  latitude.  It  is  bniindeil 
on  the  west  by  the  Pacific  ocean,  and  on  the  east 
iiy  the  Rncky'Mnuiitains — upon  which  line  it  is, 
tlie  scienter  part  of  the  way,  coterminous  willi  the 
other  territories  of  the  T'nited  States.  It  embrticcs 
alioul  nine  hnndred  miles  nf  the  western  coast  of 
this  continent  bordering  on  llic  Pacific,  ocean,  is 
of  an  averaire  width  of  about  six  hundred  inihs, 
and  contains  about  four  linnilreil  thousand  square 
miles  of  territory.  In  extent,  it  embra((?s  nnn'O 
terriiory  than  the  "Old  Thirteen  Slates"  on  the 
.'Vtlantie  slope.  Its  climnte  is  much  milder,  and 
more  genial  than  the  climate  in  the  same  lati- 
tude on  the  Allanlic;  its  soil  is  fertile,  its  streams 
pure.  Its  lorcsts  are  alinidanily  supplied  with 
Ihe  choicest  timber;  and,  in  short,  it  possesses 
the  elements  of  a  gi'f.it  and  v;duable  eoitntrv. 
If  we  do  our  duty  in  preserving  and  mnintai'n- 
iiig  our  just  riu'hts  lliei-i',  OreLrmi  is  destined  to 
be  the  home  of  millions  of  happy  and  prosper- 
ous freemen,  whose  labors  will  be  rewarded  by 
the  exuberant  fertility  of  its  valleys,  and  whose 
docks  and  herds  will  Iced  upon  its  thousand  hills. 
As  a  means  of  our  military  ih  fence,  it  is  n  tower 
of  strength,  both  by  land  and  sen.     Il  skirts  one 


tn 


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'11-2 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


a9TH  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


mi 


h      j 


The  Oregt.n  Question — Mr.  Cummins. 


H 


().  OF 


[Feb.  7, 
Rkps. 


wliiile  from  ol'  this  Rppulilic,  mill  liema  us  in  on 
thi'  wesMiml  cniircly  sluiia  us  oiu  iVoiii  llio  I'ai'U'u'. 
Ii  rtiiiiislit's  abuiulaiil  supplit-s  ol'  tiiultri\  of  wiiicli 
10  fonsirucl  niivica,  and  uruat,  crt|tacioUN,  aiul  e;ife 
Iwvs  ami  liail'ois,  in  wlin'ii  liiey  can  lloui  in  sut'u- 
IV.'  'I'o  nny  counlry  jnisscssum  skill,  indusU'y, 
anil  eiili'r|irise,  llic  |ios3C"ssiiin  of  On'uon  will  tj;ise 
ilie  military  ami  marine  coiilrol  and  Hn|irtinacy  of 
Ihc  I'ai'ilii'  iii't'aii  and  its  islands,  ol'  (,'liiiiu,  llio 
Kast  Indies,  and  llie  western  coast  ot'  tJoutli  Aine- 
rii'a, 

iSliould  Ore;;on  fill  into  the  hands  of  Britnin,  ' 
what  security  would  von  have  ini  your  weslern 
tVonlierr  Wiuit  would  liecoine  ol  your  extensive 
and  valimhie  wliale  lislicrns  in  the  i'ai.ilic  •  What 
w  uuld  lieeoine  of  your  China  trade,  now  so  jtros- 
|ierousiy  carried  on,  and  yearly  increasin!;.-  i  low 
would  you  resist  ihe  niililiiry  control  thai  liritain 
would  iiVi'essarily  exercise  in  cr. Mexico,  raliioruia, 
(.iuatenuila,  L'liili,  I'eru,  the  whole  western  coast  of 
South  America,  the  Siouth  fiea  islands,  and  the  lii- 
ilinii  tril-»es:  Sir,  you  would  l.ieeinniteiled  loabaiidon 
Ihe  whole  to  her  doin;inon  and  |uiwer.  IJui,  sir, 
of  what  value  is  OreiTun  to  lis  in  a  eoniinereial  iHiiiil 
nf  viewr  In  my  juilirineiu,  it  is  more  iin|iortaiit  lo 
our  eonini''n'ial  iiiieiests  than  any  aci|Uisiiioii  we 
have  ever  lieretoi'ore  made  or  can  ever  heieal'nr 
make.  There  is  not  now  any  inaritinie  nation  in 
the  Ruecessful  possession  or  eii|oyiiient  of  any  pan 
of  the  Pacific  coa.--t  from  lihenns's  Str.uls  In  the 
('ape  of  (Jood  Hope.  The  whole  lemains  yet 
coiup.irativtiy  unoccupied  and  open  to  the  first  na- 
tion that  may  secure  it.  Look  upon  your  maps, 
and  what  is  our  position  wiili  nt'erence  Co  ihal 
nuarier  of  the  i;lol)e:  This  conliiieiit  lies  lietwein 
llie  Allaniic  and  Pacific  ucrans:  u  Ins  nearly  eipii- 
liisi.iiii  and  in  the  dire-t  rouie  helwei  ii  llie  continent 
of  Kiirope  and  Asia;  and  across  this  eontiiient  at 
the  same  i>oint  must  and  will  ere  Ions;  he  carried 
tlip  Iraileaiid  mereliandisc  passini;  lielweeii  Euid|ie 
and  Asia.  Let  us,  then,  secure  our  just  rights  in 
Ore^'oii,  and  our  territory  will  extend  across  lliis 
coniineiil  from  sen  to  sea;  on  the  east  within  ihri  e 
llinusand  miles  of  Kiirope,  on  llie  west  wnhiii  four 
liioiisand  miles  of  Asia.  \Velia\e  now  the  eom- 
iii.ind  of  the  I'oast  on  the  liulf  of  .Mexico,  the  At- 
lantic from  the  Rio  Ciraiuie  to  the  JSt.  .lohii's,  a 
dist.iiice  of  more  than  twelve  Ijiindred  miles.  By 
rivers  and  lakes  we  have  water  coiiiinnnication 
alopL' our  iiorihern  and  iiorllieaslerii  holders  tor 
twelve  hundred  miles.  Oregon  will  give  us  the 
comuinnd  of  nine  hundred  miles  of  tlie  Pacific 
coasts,  and  will  eiiaide  us  to  coniinand  the  einn- 
merce  of  that  ocean. 

Let  (iovernmeni  hut  do  its  duly,  lei  it  quiet  our 
title  to  (<re'_'oii,  and  exii'iid  our  laws  and  jurisdic- 
tion over  that  country  for  the  protection  of  our  set- 
tlers there,  and  the  indusuy  ai  !  energy  of  the 
p  -:»'■  ■:.^  who  will  make  tin  ir  lion:- s  in  theColuin- 
bin  .  i|i''  will  do  the  nsl;  ihey  will  salMlue  the 
forest.^  and  convert  them  into  harvest  fields;  they 
Villi  dot  the  fnee  ol' ihe  country  with  thrivin:;  towns 
and  villa^'cs,  and  the  waters  of  the  streams  of  Ore- 
gon will  propel  the  machinery  id'  our  ingenious 
and  cnierprisim.'  artisans  and  inanul'aclureis.  Tlic 
enterprise  of  our  merchants  will  build  iipcoinmir- 
ciul  cuies  on  the  inajjnificeni,  diep,  and  .safe  har- 
bors nn  the  Pacific  coast  north  of  llie  mouili  <d'  ihe 
(  idnmhia,  in  which  their  ships  and  steamers,  to  an 
almoM  indefinile  exieni,  can  lloat  in  the  eieatest 
sec  only. 

How  Ions  will  11  be  before  the  commerce  of  ihe 
.^l!alltlc  and  the  Pacific  will  he  connecied  across 
the  eontment  by  (he  aveniie.s  of  trade  .-  How  lonj; 
will  it  lie  before  the  iron  arms  of  railroads  will 
strei'  h  from  sea  lo  si  a  ■  I  have  no  doubt  but  ihere 
are  thousands  now  livniirwho  will  w mass  ihe  coii- 
Kununatioii  of  ilnil  ma.'nilicenl  project.  .Sir,  it  is 
praclicable,  and  the  miiiiniiude  of  tlie  iiileri  sis  de- 
|ieiidaiil  upon  it  are  loo  great  to  be  perniu'ed  lo  lie 
dormant.  The  distani-e  across  this  continent  is  va- 
riously estimaic  d  at  I'rom  seveiiii  en  hiinilii  il  to  iwo 
iluuisand  nules:  lake  the  irrealest  distance,  ami  add 
lo  It  one  ihoiisMiid  milts  for  ciirvmires  and  devia- 
iioiiH  of  a  railroad,  and  yoii  have  a  distance  of 
ihree  thousand  miles.  < 'aniiot  thai  dtsiaiice  br 
oven  nine'  Why,  sir,  there  are  now  in  the  United 
.States,  completed  and  in  Hitcei..^Mltit  ojuraiKui,  over 
foiirthoiisaiid  miles  id' railroad,  and  as  much  inoii. 
projecud,  and  larj^e  portions  of  it   in  an  advaiaui 


•<tate   of  rjiinpletioii 


Do 


Kciillenien   doubt   ihi 


must  remove  all  dotibi  on  that  subject.  At  the 
Irealy  of  peace  in  ITPll,  when  our  national  inde- 
pendence was  acknowledged  and  peace  restored, 
what  was  our  condition.'  This  Goveriinient  was 
then  t'ceble,  its  means  exhausted,  wilhoiil  com- 
merce and  almost  witluait  internal  resources,  and 
with  a  populalion  of  ubmit  three  inillions.  What 
is  It  now.'  What  has  it  ^lown  to  he  in  sixty- 
three  years.-  Its  populalion  is  now  altoiit  twenty 
millions.  Its  commercial  imirinc  i  fully  equal  to 
thai  of  Cireat  Britain,  and  more  than  doiiblo  that 
of  all  the  other  coniniercial^Lioveiinnents  ol'  Ku- 
rope.  Korslalistics,  I  avail  myself  of  the  compi- 
lation of  another,  which  ii  said  lo  bi'  correct:  and 
what  (hies  it  show  :  I'oreii^ii  tonnage  of  l-aigland, 
■J,4:iO,()l)ll  tons;  of  the  United  States,  ^,4l7,l)Uti  tons, 
Itavini::  out  the  tomiaiie  of  our  lakes  and  rivers. 
AVIiai  IS  the  comiueicial  loiina;;e  of  oilier  European 
l-iovernmciils.-  I'rance  has  (ioo,b()U  tons;  Uiissia, 
•.';i'.l,()(H)  Uiiis;  neiumirk,  '.)o,y,:n  Holland,  oi.|,o,s4; 
.Sweden,  Ht^,0'Jo;  Turkey,  l,i)o".',  amounting  in  all 
lo  I  ,'Jll,'),,nU,  or  about  one-half  of  lliai  of  the  I'lii- 
led  Siaic^.  Whai,  sir,  was  the  cuiiimerce  of  llie 
.Mississippi  and  iis  iribiiuiries  only  forty  yt.vrs  ai^o: 
h  was  unknown  to  the  world.  A  few  canoes  and 
keet-bo.Us  were  paddled  and  poletl  aloni;  iis  siioies. 
What  IS  il  nou  .•  Hundreds  of  Ihiatiiii;  pidaces 
bear  upon  its  bosom  more  than  S'JdU,lHIU,IMKl  w  orlli 
of  commercial  coiomodities  annnally.  \\  hat  was 
the  eontmcrce  of  your  lakes  forly  years  a!io .'  A 
few  Indian  trailers  along  ihe  shores.  \Vliat  is  it 
now.'  \'oii  have  upon  Lakes  Lrie  and  Alichig.iii 
alone  four  hundred  ciimniercial  vessels,  with  a  loii- 
iia^'e  of  MI,IKIII  tons,  corying  annually  a  eonmierce 
of  liie  value  of  «.4,5()II,(RHI,  and  in  pidtrress  of  c. in- 
struction ihirlv-four  vessvis  more;  l>1'  w  liicli  ten  are 
sieamers  of  tin'  first  clas.s.  These  are  the  avenues 
ihrougli  which  the  agriciiliural  products  of  the 
Western  valley  pass  to  markel. 

If  tf.is,  sir,  has  111  en  our  progress  in  sixty-three 
vears,  siai-tuii:  I'roin  a  state  ot'  comjiarative  inibe- 
eiliiy,  and  w  ith  but  one  sea  ojieii  to  us,  what  will 
it  be  Willi  ihe  trade  of  the  Pacific  opened  lo  us, 
with  our  present  means  of  advancenient,  in  the 
next  qiiarier  of  a  century  to  come  .-  That  country, 
where  sohuide  now  rei;;ns  almost  nnln'oken  save 
by  the  sitrhing  of  ihe  winds,  the  whoop  of  the  .sav- 
age, ihe  crack  of  the  hiinler's  rille,  or  the  dashing 
of  the  PaciHc  waves  upon  lis  shores,  will  then  have 
become  the  home  of  civilized  men.  !•  roin  Us  ports 
and  harbors  will  go  forth  a  eonimercial  marine, 
whose  sails  will  whiten  every  wave,  and  whose  ma- 
jestic steamers  will  ride  triumphant  on  the  traiii|uil 
bosom  of  llial  great  ocean.  \\  e  caniiol  expect  that 
the  Hade  commanded  by  that  ocean  will  be  yielded 
wiihont  a  slrugL''  by  adverse  Powers.  Kull  well 
does  Gil  al  Briiaui  understand  the  military  streimih 
and  eonimercial  iniporiance  of  Origon.  She  will 
noi  yii  Id  II,  right  or  w  ron;',  to  her  natural  rival,  so 
Ion::  as  she  can  bv  any  means  relaiii  it  or  any  part 
fif  n.  \\'liv  has  she  so  long  and  o\i>imaIely  per- 
severed ill  theasseriion  of  liei  unfounded  preten- 
sions to  the  wiiole  of  the  coiintrv  north  of  the  Co- 
lumbia, and  to  a  joint  right  to  the  use  of  lliat  river.' 
The  reason  is  ohvions.  There  is  lira  a  good  har- 
bor soiiih  id'  ihe  Coliimbi.i,  and  iiavig.uion  al  llie 
inoiiih  of  ihal  slreain  is  rendered  unsafe  and  dan- 
gerous by  bars,  shoals,  and  eurrenls.  All  ihc  good 
harliors  be  norlh  of  ihe  Columbia.  Yield  her  that 
claim,  and  it  is  all  thai  she  wants,  ."she  will  then 
have  SI  cured  to  herself  the  sooiig  places  of  Ihe 
coumry,  and  rendered  the  balance  of  it  compar- 
atively valueless  to  us.  Our  producis  could  not 
then  reach  ilie  ocean  safely, except  lliroiiL'h  British 
pons  in  a  Bi  iiish  province, and  subject  to  lie  encnin- 
lered  or  prohibited  by  such  duties  us  she  may  im- 
pose. 

Wilh  Oregon  iin|iioved,  and  connected  by  rail- 
roads wiili  llie  Allaniic,  we  will  furiiiiih  lo  the 
world  the  great  desideraliiin  so  long  sought  for  iiy 
eommercail  nations — a  dirici  conimunication  from 
I  jirope  to  Asia;  and  we  -.vill  then  be  brought  in 
Close  eoimiuiiuciiiioii  with  the  ooinmercc  of  China, 
the  I'^asl  Indies,  the  west  coast  of  .South  .America, 
and  ihe  Paiilic  isles.  Call  Britain  sail  0  1,11011  mih  s 
around  Cape  Horn,  or  'J7,00ll  around  tiie  ('ape  of 
Good  Hope,  and  siiecessl'nllv  compeie  Willi  us  in 
that  Inule  which  we  can  reach  from  the  wes'vrn 
coasl,  by  sle.mi  vessels,  in  4(tOUr  Her  voyage  will 
require  soiiieei;;ht  iiiomhs;  ours, scarcely  so  many 


eks. 


Who  till 


acro.'i.s  the  Islliiniis  of  Oarien,  trade  through  our 
works,  permit  us  lo  have  llie  carrying  Ir.ide  oj 
be  driven  from  the  niarkei.  Sir,  ihat  ocean  gem  of 
India  trade  has  been  acquired  and  enjoyed  bv  each 
eonimercial  n.iiioii,  successively,  fro'in' the  earliest 
agesof  theworld.  Carlhage,  Greece,  Itome,  Ven- 
ii'e,  I'i.sa,  Genoa,  Portugal,  Holland,  have  each,  in 
their  turn,  enjoyed  il.  Kiighind  now  has  il.  Our 
ilesliny  now  oilers  il  to  us.  Will  we  accept  it? 
Will  we  adopt  eml  carry  out  such  jiisl  and  prudent 
measures  of  i^iolicy  us  will  secure  to  us  this  greal 
and  valuable  held  loi  coairiereial  enterprise  .'  I'liia 
leads  US  lo  the  consideration  of  another  branch  of 
this  siibjcci. 

The  next  qiieslion  wdiich  presents  iiself  lo  our 
conaideration  is:  to  whom  does  Oregon,  in  wholo 
or  III  jiarl,  heloiiL'.-  'Po  the  I'niled  Slates  or  lo 
Greal  Brilaiii?  Wlial  are  our  righls  in,  and  our 
tille  to,  Oregon,'  And  what  are  the  picteiision.s 
and  claims  of  Greal  Brilaiii  lo  the  same.'  Bv  what 
evidence  are  the  rights,  claims,  and  pretensions 
of  Ihe  parties,  respeciinly,  supporied  or  proved.' 
.Viid  here  again  I  ninsi  qiio'ie  from  llic  speech  of  lln; 
gentleman  from  South  Carolina,  |.\lr.  IIoi.mks,] 
who  says:  "  I  diny,  in  lolo,  .my  ri::lil,  any  claim 

■  lo  ihal  lerritory,  ur  In  uiiij  iiurl  ec  /mm/  ilnre- 
'  of,  Ihal  does  noi  apply  with  equal  lince  and  eill- 

•  ciency  to  the  power  oi'  Greal  Brilain;  and  if  I  do 

•  not,  by  as  liiir  reasoning  as  I  can  bring,  ilenion- 

■  slrale  lliis  pnsilimi,  I  am  willinu'  lo  give  up  now 
'and  forever  any  claim  to  logic. d  powers."  Tiiis 
111  iki's  the  issue  beiwccn  the  p.irlies,  and  preseiiis 
the  Ihitish  view  of  the  qiieslion,  in  substance,  and 
almost  III  the  same  words,  in  which  it  was  present- 
ed by  .Mi.s.M-s.  Hopkins  and  Aildingion,  Briiish 
I'leiiipoieniiaras,  e  I  the  Kiih  day  of  IVcembi  r, 
l&M,  when  negoiiui.ng  upon,  and  discussing,  the 
Briiish  liile  lo  Ori  /  n,  with  tin*  projier  aiilhoritic.H 
of  the  Uiiiled  Slates.     They  say:  "Great  Briiuni 

•  ilainis  no  exclusive  sovereignty  over  any  portion 
'  of  ihal  territory.     Her  present  claim,  not  in  re- 

•  spiel  III  any  jiarl,  but  lo  the  whole,  is  liiniud  to  a 

'right  of  joint  occupancy  in   union  wilh   other 

'  Siales,  leaving  the  right  of  exclusive  sovereignly 
'  III  abeyance."  Kvery  British  Minister  and  (irplo- 
nialist,  from  that  lime  ui  the  presciii,  has  contend- 
ed for  Ihe  same  position,  that  she  had  ajoint  right 
w  nil  the  Uniied  Slates  lo  the  w  hide  of  Oregon,  but 
that  neither  Goverimieni  had  a  scparale  right  to 
any  p:irt  thereof.  To  this  proposition  I  cannot 
yield  my  ussliiI.  It  is  not  my  purpose,  however, 
to  argue  the  title  to  the  whole  lif  Oregon — lime  will 
not  permit,  ma'  is  il  necessary  for  my  present  pur- 
pose. 1  propose,  however,  to  .show  that  we  have, 
a  clear,  perfect,  and  nneneimibeied  tide  to  the  soil 
and  sovereignly  of  a  part  oldregon  If  I  succeed, 
by  f  i.r  and  legiumiUe  proofs  and  ar:;iiiiieiiis,  in  ilo- 
iiigso,  I  shall  have  nn.iandoverlhiown  the  position 
of  the  gentlcinaii  from  Soiiih  Carolina,  and,  with 
It,  the  |io3itioii  ussumcd  by  Britain,  for  ihey  are 
ideniical. 

l''or  llie  purposes  of  my  argument,  I  selecl  ihat 
lari  of  llie  Oregon  lemiory  which  lies  soiiili  of 
ika  .Sound:  ihal  is,  so  niiicli  tin  lenf  as  lies  be- 
tween the  .Mexic.in  line  at  the  4AI  parallel  of  lali- 
loileaiiil  >;oolk.i,  which  is  in  latitude  41)'^;!;)',  being 
7°:t3',oraboiil  live  hundred  nuh  s  along  the  Paeilic 
coast.  .Mr.  Cliairiiian,  that  we  iii.iy  have  a  clear 
and  dislinet  view  of  llie  qiieslion,  allow  me  lo  pre- 
mise, by  slaliiig  the  fact,  that  up  lo  the  year  lfU3, 
mere  were  live  several  sovereign  and  indeiftmleiit 
(.iovernmeiils  wliicdi  claiineil  lo  have  righls  and  in- 
leiesls  III  Oregon;  lo  win  Fiance,  Spain,  Russia, 
Gnat  Briiaiii,  and  ihe  Uniied  States.  The  claim- 
ants .ue  now  reduced  to  ihe  two  last  iiained.  How, 
winai,  and  by  whom,  the  righls  of  l-'raiice,  Spain, 
and  Russia  were  eximguislnd,  and  who  became 
possessed  of  ihein,  1  shall  show  in  the  progress  of 
my  remarks. 

Our  lilh'  to  Oregon  is  of  Iwo  kinds — first,  ihat 
which  we  have  in  our  right,  by  discovery,  explo- 
ralioii,  and  si;itlenieiil;  and  secondly,  that  which 
we  have  bv  purchase  from  other  l-ntvernmenls,  by 
which  we  have  consolidated  in  the  l.'mied  Stale's 
all  llie  onlsianding  claims  to  Oregon,  except  thn 
prelensions  to  title  by  Ihilain,  the  inesiait  adveisn 
claimani.  I  shall  speak  lirsi  of  mir  P'rench  liile. 
.■\iiil  what  IS  il .'  Aficr  llie  discovery  of  this  eonii- 
imcnl  by  Coliinibiis,  in  14'.t'J,  Greal  Biliain  and 
I'rance  both  acquired  lirritoiial  righls,  and  plant- 


!;• 


1 
i 


riic  liisiory  of  ihe  pas!  progress  of  our  counlry     Brilaiii  will  be  coiii|)elled  eiilicr  lo  open  a  pi 


II   have  the  carrying  Hade?      id  colonics  upon  it.     The  British  po.sse 


the  Allaniic  coast, ii 


ow  coinposing  a 


pari  of  the 


[Feb.  7, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 


413 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


I'/ie  Orcfron  (Question — J\lr,  Cummins. 


Ho.  OF  Rkps. 


Stairs  (il'this  Conl'fMipr.T'y',  rxtrtidim:  by  tln'-ir  chnr- 
ters  iViMii  sell  iiisi'ii,iin(l  ii|r(pn  I  IikInhu's  I'ny.  The 
I-'rcni'li  i«i8Hrssi)iriM  wcrriipnn  tin*  Mississippi  ant! 
ill  Cinncla,  also  exii'iiiliiii,'  iialeruiili'ly  \vi;sl  nncl 
liin'tliwrst. 

'I'lu'so  I'lninis  nri'cssmily  cnnllii'K'd.  In  1714, 
Frnacp  and  Kn'jlaiid  rnnrladcd  a  licaty  ol' poarc  at 
I'liTolii,  wliii  li  Irraiinaiiil  ilii.'  war  iliiii  nii;iiii;  lic- 
t\v*'«Mi  tlieni,  and  srdlrd  all  tlifir  ditVt'ri'ncr'S  in  ICii- 
rope  ami  Anicii'-a.  i>v  iIh"  tt^nli  ai-li<'Ie  of  that 
treaty,  i'  was  ai;ri'('d  llial  ('(nnniissinncrs  shmild  lit' 
uppninU'd  Id  run  and  islaiilish  a  divisinn  line  lie 
twi'cn  ihi'ir  Irrriinrial  possessiriii,<  in  .Nurth  Anier- 
ii'n.  f'oMuiiissioni'rs  >vTri'  appoinlcil,  who  eslali- 
lishcd  that  line — (•(nnniciiiMn'.;  on  ihi'  coast  of  Lab- 
rador, mid  nimnni:  sonlhwrst  to  the  Lako  of  the 
Woods,  npoii  the  ■lilth  par:dlid  of  latitndi-,  and 
Ihoni'i!  ('xn'ndiiiir  wi'st  i>loiii,'  that  parallel  indcli- 
niiily,whi''h  id'eonrseextcnils  to  ihi'  Pai-ilie  oiran. 
This  line  divided  the  territories  oeiiiiiied  by  the 
Hndsoirs  l!ay  ('onijiany  on  the  norlli  from  the 
Canadas,  and  the  Alississipjii  and  Ijonisiana  pos- 
Bessions  of  l-'ranee  on  the  south;  and  so  tar  as  these 
CioverninentH  were  i  onrerned,  established  a  line  of 
separation  between  them,  ^'i\  ini;  to  Kraiiee  all  Ilril- 
ain's  i-lainis  siMitli,  and  to  I'lilaiii  all  Kraiii'e'selaim 
north,  of  4!l°;  sontli  of  whii  h  line  lireat  I'rilaiii 
roiihl  iifit  ^'O,  or  aeipiire  any  territorial  ri:;lits,  after 
that  lime,  without  ihe  eonsenl  of  l'rr\iii'e,  nor  eonid 
Franee  le'tpiire  any  territorial  rii^hts  north  of  it, 
without  liritain's  eonsi  nt.  tin  tlie  -J^Jd  day  of  I'Vb- 
rnarv,  l^'tl^J,  a  treaty  was  eoiiehided  b,_'tween  the 
United  Slates  and  l'"ranee,by  wliirh,  for  a  valualile 
consitleratifUi,  h'l'ani'e  sidd  an.l  ceded  to  the  United 
Stales  ail  her  Mississipjii  and  Louisiinia  [in.s.ses- 
nions,  upon  lliia  la-  the  other  side  of  the  lioeky 
Alountams,  and  also  niaile  tis  a  jtarty  to  the  lenth 
article  of  the  treaty  of  I'treclit,  so  far  as  this  terri- 
tory is  concerned.  'I'ln  .l!>tli  pio'allel  lieeaine  the 
same  to  iis,  as  against  the  claims  of  Hritain,  as  it 
had  before  that  time  been  to  1' ranee.  ( treat  Britain 
t'oes  not  pretend  to  have  had  any  valid  claims  west 
of  ihe  Uocky  monnlaiiis  in  17M;  she  emild  acc|uirc 
none  south  of  49°arter  that,  asa'^ainst  France, nti- 
til  181)3,  when  we  purchased,  nor  since  that  time, 
ns  a;;ainst  tin;  t'liited  States,  as  the  pur(diasers  of 
French  rii;ht3.  This  treaty,  inilependenl  of  terri- 
tcn-ial  riihia  acrpiircil  by  it  of  France,  might  sne- 
ressfnlly  be  plead  in  bar  to  any  I'ritish  claims  sonih 
of4'.P,  and  would  therefore  establish  the  positi.in 
assumed,  that  we  have  a  cle.ir,  iinencinnbered,and 
indispnlable  title  to  so  much  id'Oie;;oii  as  is  south 
of  4'.l°.  lint,  .Mr.  Cliairmaii,  1  fixed  my  point  nt 
Nootka,  a  little  north  of  4!P,  to  which  I  propose 
to  examine  latr  title.  Ami  lor  that  purpose  I  shall 
next  consider  our  Spanish  title.  And  w  bat,  .sir,  is 
that  tide.'  Spain  was  no  parly  to  the  tenth  article 
of  the  treaty  of  I'trecht,  and  was  not  Iherefo-e 
ulTected  or  bound  by  it. 

I)||  the  Oil  day  of  February,  1819,  n  treaty  was 
made  at  W'ashinirloii  between  the  United  Stales 
nnd  Spain,  by  which  the  Kin-z  of  Spain  "  sold  and 
'  ceded  to  the  United  Siati"<  all  Spanish  ri:;hts  and 
'  prcleiisimis  east  and  north  of  the  4-M  jiarallel  of 
'norlli  l.'ititude,  ami  for  himselt',  his  heirs,  and 
'  sncce^sorK,  he  reaonnced  all  ( laini  to  said  lerri- 
'  lories  I'oriver."  This  treaiv  of  pnirhti.se  lixed 
tlie  ■I'Jd  parallel  of  laiilmic  .'is  'the  northern  bounil- 
nry  of  Spanish,  now  Mexican,  and  the  sontheni 
boniiilary  of  the  United  Slates  ti  rritory,  and  yive 
to  till  United  Slates  all  Spain's  riulit.s  in  Oreii-on, 
nnd  on  the  I'acilic  north  of  the  4-.'il  deirree  oflati- 
tude.  What  were  the  riirliis  of  Spain  thus  scdd 
anil  transferred  to  the  Uniteil  Stales?  I  will  briefiv 
slate  them.  Shortly  after  the  discovery  of  this 
eontineni,  in  M!l;>,  t'ortez,  iW  Spain,  eoiK|nered 
Mexico,  ami  Spain  establisln  I  her  Governnietit 
there  inuhn-  n  \Mcroyally.  AVlien  nothinir  more 
remained  in  Mcmi'o  for  Spanish  conquest,  she  be- 
gan lo  extend  Ina-  .search  and  explorations  north- 
ward along  the  Pacific  coast  lor  new  eonntries  to 
eonipierand  settle.  1  shall  pass  over  many  of  the 
earlier  and  more  obscme  difcoverics  of  Spain  on 
the  Pacific  coast,  and  meiitimi  those  only  which 
are  well  deline(l,and  upon  wliii  h  title  can  be  predi- 
cnteil,  and  from  which  territorial  rights  can  be  de- 
rived. 

In  l.'ilO,  f'abrillo  was  sent,  with  two  vessels,  by 
the  viceroy  of  .Mexico,  with  instruclions  to  explore 
the  coast  northward,  as  fir  as  pfissible,  in  se.-iri  h 
of  new  countries.  Tlii.s  expedition  eontinued  its 
explorations  alioiit  one  year;  C-ibrillo  ilieil  on  tin? 


voyage,  and  the  eomniand  devolved  iipini  Ferelo, 
who  exaniineil  the  coast  as  fir  north  as  the  4Hil 
parallel  In  l.'illj,  the  viceroy  of  Mexico,  still  in- 
tent on  northern  discoveries,  sent  .liian  de  Fiiea,  a 
(lisliiiL^niNlied  nifigator,  to  explore  the  northwest 
coast  and  to  discover  the  .Straits  of  Annian,(now 
Fuca,)  which  were  supposed  to  I'onneet  the  Pacific 
with  the  Atlantic  ocean.  He  sailed  norlh  iniiil  he 
reached  a  point  between  the  41^111  and  4!lth  f.aral- 
lels  of  latitude,  when  he  eanie  inio  a  lari:e  inlet  of 
lliesea,  in  which  he  .sailed,  making  ex|ilorations, 
as  he  says,  for  twenty  days.  This  was  the  Strait 
of  I'Vica,  which  yet  bears  the  name  of  that  naviga- 
tor, who,  beyond  all  doubt,  first  discovered  the 
exislene.e  nnd  entrance  to  that  strait.  In  16113, 
Vizcaino,  a  Spanish  navigator,  carefully  surveyed 
Ihe  coast  of  Calilornia  to  the  .'I7tli  parallel.  In 
1774  Perez  was  despatched  by  the  viceroy  of  Mex- 
ico on  an  explo'-'iig  expediliiin  to  the  norlh,  with 
instrnelions  lo  procied  lo  the  lIDlli  de<_'ree  of  north 
latitude,  and  to  explore  llie  coast  smilh  lo  Monte- 
rey, in  the  37th  degree,  and  to  take  possession  of 
llie  country  ill  the  name  of  the  King  of  Spain.  Me 
saileil  norlli  to  the  .'i4th  degree  of  laliinde,  and  on 
his  rcuirn  south  nimig  the  coast,  in  latitude  i'.P 
33',  lie  enlereU  a  eapai?ious  bay,  and  remainerl 
there,  trading  with  the  natives,  for  some  lini".  This 
bay  is  now  called  Mootka  .Sound,  and  Perez  was 
the  first  navigator  who  ever  saw  or  discovered  this 
sound,  and  at  that  time  he  took  jjossession  of  it  in 
the  iiaine  of  his  sovereign. 

in  177,"),  IJrinio  Heceia,  in  the  service  of  Spain, 
was  sent  north  on  an  exploring  expedition  in  com- 
mand of  the  ship  Saniiai'o,  with  inslriieiinns  to 
examine  the  coast  to  the  (iotli  paivdiel  of  lalilinle. 
On  his  northward  voyage  he  landed  at  various 
places,  nndftook  ]iOsse.ssioii  in  the  name  of  his 
iving,and  ci  ?cted  crosses  with  inscriptions  .staliiii,' 
that  he  had  visiled  the  places  and  taken  |iossessain 
ofthesamcin  the  n.inic  of  his  sovereign,  which 
were  fonnil  by  Vancouver,  n  liritish  navigator, 
when  he  afterwartis  visiled  the  saint;  places.  He- 
ceta  sailed  norlh  to  the  oDlli  parallel,  anil  landed 
on  (vinadra  and  Vancouver's  Island,  anil  exam- 
ined the  coast  of  the  conlineut  from  the  48tli  paral- 
lel south,  and  discovered  the  current  issuing  from 
the  month  of  the  Columbia  river,  but  did  not  enter 
it  by  reason  of  the  rapid  current,  which  drove  him 

I-Kicli. 

In  iliesaine  year,  Seil(>rs  Quadra  and  Alaurelle, 
who  had  sailed  in  company  with  Heceia,  on  board 
the  schooner  Santiairo  visiled  the  coast  as  far  Uiu'tli 
as  Ihe  .'iiStli  parallel,  and  llieii  explm-ed  the  coast 
soiiihward  to  California.  In  17t>'.),  Martinez  and 
Hero,  two  Span'sh  conim  luder.s,  were  ilespatched 
by  Mexico,  in  command  of  two  vi'ssels  armed  and 
equipped,  wilh  orders  to  take  possession  of  iVootka 
for  Spain,  anil  to  erect  and  arm  a  fort,  and  make  a 
seitlemeni  there  in  the  name  of  the  Kin;;  of  Spain. 
t)n  the  (itii  May,  17811,  Martinez  eiitereil  the  sound, 
tbinid  it  entirely  unoccupitd,as  Perez  had  left  it  in 
1784;  po.ssession  was  taken,  a  fort  erected,  armed, 
and  a  settlement  made,  and  the  Spanish  Hug  floated 
there  until  I7'.ir>. 

At  this  time  Kiissia  had  six  setilcments  on  the 
Pacific  coast,  and  French  ships  had  also  visiled 
that  loasl.  .Vl  this  time,  also,  Spain  claimed  the 
sole  and  exclusive  soveieigniy  ol  the  Pac.itic  coast. 
This  claim  was  too  liroad  lo  be  admlited  to  the 
full  extent  it  was  made;  but  it  cantiol  well  be 
ihmbied  but,  at  that  time,  Spain's  claim  was  good 
against  any  pretensions  of  LJreat  Ih'itaiii  in  that 
coiiniry. 

Had  Spain,  in  ony  inaniicr,  bet'ore  the  treaty  of 
1819,  by  which  we  acquired  her  title  to  Ore;ron, 
impaired  that  tiller  It  is  not  claimed  by  lirilain 
that  she  had,  except  by  ihe  Nootka  couveiilion  of 
1790,  of  which  1  shall  haie  occasion  to  speak  lierc- 
al\er.  It  is  not  pretended  thai  we  have  im|inired 
that  tide  since  we  aciiiiired  it  from  Spain.  This  is 
our  Spanish  title,  wliich  yet  stands  unimpaired, 
and  whiidi  can  with  great' force  be  carried  much 
lii^'her  up  Ihe  coast  than  it  is  necessary  for  my 
present  piiipo.se  lo  carry  it. 

I  shall  next  proceed  to  present  the  title  we  have 
in  imr  own  proper  right,  by  discovery,  cxploralion, 
and  seiilemenl. 

In  1787,  Ca|itaius  Gray  and  Kcndrick,  of  Ros- 
loii,  sailed  from  that  jilace  for  the  Aortli  Pacific; 
the  former  commanding  the  American  ship  Wash- 
iiitlton.  the  lalter  the  Columbia.  In  1788  they 
hindeil  al  Nootka.     In  178i|,  Ciray,  among.?!  their 


discoveries  and  explorations,  exiilored  the  whole 
east  coa.st  of  Uueiai  Charloile's  Island;  also  entered 
and  .sillied  fifty  miles  ihrmigh  iheSlrails  of  Fuca; 
he  being  the  first  navijiaiorw'io  had  entered  beyond 
the  niiailh  of  .said  slrails  or  sailed  in  ihe  same.  In 
the  fall  of  1791),  Ciray  and  Kendrick  exchanged  ves- 
.sels,aiid  Cirav  ihereHlier  commanded  Ihe  Colum- 
bia, upon  winch  ve.s.sel  he  proceeded  to  China,  and 
iVoin  ilience  lo  IJoston.  Kendrick  remained  in  the 
Pacific,  and  shortly  after  sailed  entirely  through 
Ihe  Slrails  of  Fuca,  and  in  17!)1  purchased  from  ilie 
Indian  chiefs  at  >,'ootka  several  large  tracts  of  land, 
and  to  di  deeds  for  the  same.  In  1793  he  was  ac- 
cidentally killed  at  Uwyhee.  In  1791  Gray  again 
arrived  on  ihe  Pacific  coast,  nnd  during  thiit  year 
examined  many  of  the  inleisnnd  passages  between 
Ihe  .")4lh  and  ."ibth  parallels  of  lalilnde. 

On  the  Till  May,  1793,  Ca^nuin  Gray  discovered, 
entered,  and  laniled  in  Unllnich's  Harbor,  in  lati- 
tude 4(1°  .58',  and  remained  iliree  days  trading  with 
the  natives.  On  the  llih  of  the  name  month  he 
discovered,  enlercd,  and  sailed  some  twen  t 
twenty-five  miles  up  the  Columbia  river,  w  here  he 
remained  for  several  days,  trading  willi  the  natives. 
Ca|iiain  Gray  was  the  'first  navigator  who  discov- 
ered and  navigated  that  river,  and  upon  leaving,  he 
gaie  it  the  name  of  his  ship,  (Colunibio,)  which  it 
yet  bears. 

He  afterwards  communicated  to  Vrncouver  and 
Clnadra  his  discoveries  of  Bulfineh",  Harbor  and 
Ihe  Columbia  river,  which  was  the  first  knowledge 
they  hud  of  them,  and  Icfi  wilh  Ciuadra,al  iVoolka, 
charts  ot'  tin;  same. 

In  I8II4  an  expediiion  was  fitnd  out  under  the 
Adminislralion  of  Prepidenf  .lell'erson,  to  explore 
the  principal  branches  of  ihe  Missouri  river  to  their 
Sonne,  and  then  to  cross  the  liocky  JVIounUiiiis 
and  trace  lo  the  Pacific  some  stream  that  would 
afibrd  the  most  direct  water  communication  across 
Ihe  conlinenl.  Captains  Lewis  and  Clarke  were 
connni.ssioned  lo  conduct  this  expediiion.  On  the 
lolli  Xovcinber,  181).'),  they  landed  mi  the  coast  of 
the  Pacific,  having  traced  The  waters  of  the  Colum- 
bia from  ils  source  In  the  nioiintains  i  •  its  ternii- 
naiioii  at  the  Pacific  ocean.  They  took  .  ^sessiim 
of  the  country,  encamped  near  the  mooih  of  the 
Columbia, and  remained  thereuntil  the  2.jd March, 
18()(),  when  they  reiuriied  up  the  Columbia  in  ca- 
noes,as  far  as  Kooskook  river, explori  tig  itsshores, 
and  noting  the  large  Iribnmry  sireams  which  flow 
into  the  Columbia.  In  1811',  John  .lacob  Astor, 
of  iVew  York,  enlercd  the  Columbia,  sailed  up  it 
about  ten  miles,  and  built  Fort  Astoria,  which  he 
occupied  niiiil  1813,  when,  during  the  last  war,  it 
I'ell  inIo  llie  hands  of  Great  Hrilain.  Its  restoia- 
lion  was  nrovided  for  in  181-'.,  at  ihe  Ireaiy  of 
CTheni;  and  on  ihe  6th  day  of  October,  1818,  by  a 
wriiten  order  of  the  Brili.sh  Government,  the  pos. 
session  id'  Astoria  was  formally  restored,  nnd  de- 
livered by  the  agent  of  that  'Government  to  uii 
ai.'enl  of  the  United  States;  the  cro.ss  of  St.  George 
was  lowered,  and  the  stripes  and  stars  floated  aiiain 
over  Astoria.  This  is  our  Anierii:an  title.  Does 
it  irive  to  us  the  exclusive  sovcreianty  and  right  of 
soil  in  ihe  Columbia  valley .'  By  iiilernaiional  law, 
a  CTOvernmeut  can  acquire  title,  in  nil  unoccupied 
country,  by  discovery,  if  it  be  followed  up  m  a 
reasonable  lime  by  exploration  and  seltlement- 
Have  we  brought  ourselves  within  this  rule.* 
Gray  discovered  in  179'J;  Lewis  and  Clarke  e.v- 
[ilorcd  in  1805;  .-Vslor  founded  a  seiilemenl  in  1811. 
Do  not  these  events  follow  in  a  reasonable  lime 
al'ier  each  other,  the  remoteness  and  diliicidtv  of 
access  of  the  country  considered.'  Can  Great  llrit- 
nin  show  as  troodaiitle  to  the  valley  of  the  Colum- 
bia.- Sir,  if  she  can,  she  has  not  done  so.  What, 
sir,  isiheexlenlof  llie  valley  of  the  Columbia  .=  The 
head  waters  of  its  sonlheasl  branches  reach  the 
Mexican  line  in  latitude  4'J°;  the  nortliweslerii 
branches  siretch  lo  54°  40'.  Hnl  this  rarries  the 
I  argument  further  than  I  proposed,  having  proposed 
to  ar>;ue  the  title  as  far  as  the  NoolkaTinly.  To 
litis  I  will  add  the  title  of  coniigiiity.  (Irejon  lies 
coterminous  wilh  the  whole  western  frontier  of 
the  United  States;  it  lies  beiwten  iis  and  the  Pa- 
cific ocean.  It  hcins  us  in  on  the  entire  western 
frontier  of' the  Republic,  li  is  highly  important  lo 
us  for  agricultural  and  commercial  purposes.  It  is 
almost  indispensable  to  us  for  our  iialinnal  defence 
and  safely.  From  Briiain,  the  other  claimant,  it  is 
remote.  She  can  desire  it  only  for  naiional  ag- 
giandizement  and  the  pride  of  empire.     She  needs 


41  t 


Uth-H  Covo 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Oregon  (^iwHtion — jT/r.  Ciimmiiu, 


[Feb.  7, 


Ho.  OK  i{KHS. 


il  nol  for  the  nnliniml  siilrly  nr  nalioiml  oxisldn'c. 
Il'ilicso  I'u'Cs  iinii.,'  us  wiiliiii  III!'  priiiciplis  dl'lMli' 
*' !)y  roiKtijnityf"  ns  rcroi^niNcd  t>y  intcriinlinhMl 
hiw,  tlii'ii  ii|iiiii  llial  |irini'i|ilc'  wi'  I'liiim  ii.  Allciw 
mi',  Nir,  ti>  mill  I'lio  cillirr  ovidi'iiri^  of  tiili'  Id  (Iio- 
eoir,  I  inlrodiHT  il  l)y  v,ay  "I"  pli'ti  i"  ln'r  lo  Gront 
llriinin.  In  llir  siMiciiili  cenliii'V  linnl  I'i'iliMii, 
liv  rliartt-rs,  i^rnntiMl  to  ilnM'oloiiirs  of  Viririiiia  ami 
Aliissai'loisciis  nil  laiiiln  lyiiiL'  I"  twi'i'ji  ci  liaiii  |iar- 
alli'l."  of  lalliiuir  ai'i'oss  iliis  coiiiini'iil,  "  finin  sea  lo 
si'a."  All  llu'  Irrriloi'iiil  vi-jlils  wlii.  Ii  l!i-itaiii  llicii 
lia'l,  ri'wii'il  in  tlw  ro|o;u(  s  liclwi'c'.i  llic  Iniils  nirn- 
lioiipil  from  llin  Ailanlir  to  llie  I'acili''.  Tlirsf 
chartcroil  limits  rinlirai'o  all,  or  nearly  all,  of  Orr- 
(Ton.  In  17"'i,  these i'oloiiii-»  wrrp  nlirls;  in  ITK'I, 
ihcy  were  viriors,  Ireatin;:  on  tcrn^-i  of  iiaiional  in- 
ilejiendrM'M!  ami  national  ciimtliiv  with  tin  ir  formi-r 
sovrni;;!!.  l!y  tin:  treaty  of  ITriH,  liritaiii  ae- 
K-nowledsed  their  indcpendenee,  and  lel'i  tlieni  in 
llie  foil  and  praeealde  enjoyineni  (d"  all  the  territo- 
rial ri^'hls,  as  framed  to  the  etdonies  hy  the  ehar- 
ler".  withoni  any  res-ervation  or  exeeption. 

Th Innics  to  whi'di  these  "jrantH  were  made, 

have  sini'e  reded  all  their  trrritfirial  riirhis  hevond 
eerlain  limns,  to  the  I'niled  Stales,  where  the  title 
is  now  vested.  The  (piestion  now  eomes  no  i>e- 
IwriMi  Brimin,  the  grantor  lo  the  colonies,  and  tin* 
I'liio'd  Slates,  as  ass i^niee  of  ihe  eolonies  who  were 
ihe  irranU'es  of  Itritaiit,  under  the  hand  and  seal  nf 
her  Kinj;.  Tan  we  ii'it,  then,  siieeessfutlv  set  .;p 
in  liar  of  nritain's  rlainis,  the  titles  i:raiited  Ity  her 
Kim:,  sii:ned,  sealed,  and  delivered,  ill  Ititlll,  and 
lli'.'il,  and  Ipy  hi  r  a>;aiu  ratified  mid  ronfirmed  in 
17-.'),  au'ainst  any  elaim  she  ean  now  make-  l!y 
her  eharlers  she  eimveyed  all  the  ri!;lits  she  then 
had,  and  hy  the  same  crant  she  estoppeij  her.^elf 
f  inn  afterwards  aeqtiirini:  any  further  riirlus  in  the 
e  iiMitrv,  iiiile.ss  hy  piirfhase  orhy  eoiupiist,  neithiT 
n''  whieli  she  now  pretends  to  idaini.  I  will  add. 
R  r.  line  more  miiiiiment  of  title,  and  Ihe  last:  it 
i-i  the  title  of  the  L-eiitleman  frmii  Illinois,  "  iiievit- 
a'di  destiny."  There  is  more  in  this  ari^iiment, 
sir.  tlian  appears  upon  the  surfaee.  If,  hy  poliiiial 
derelieiions,  ni-isiiei  eiiher  from  poliiieal  aniliition, 
seetional  iealousies,  eiipiiiiiy,  avarire,  party  hos- 
tilitv.  loreiL'ii  attaihmenisaiid  foreiirn  inteiisi.s,  we 
H'lonid  lo.si'  Oreiron  now,  hy  inevilalde  destiny  it 
will  lie  reenvereil.  Sir,  na'ions,  like  men,  )i'ass 
throuffh  infaney  to  the  viL'or  of  inaiiliood,  and  linn 
the  deerei'itiide  of  hoary  iu;e.  If  we  are  true  to 
ourselves  and  preserve  onr  idnrions  ITnion,  when 
our  vasi  and  fertile  cinpire  shall  sustain  its  fit'iy 
iniilioii  of  freemen,  Ihe  sails  of  our  eommeree 
whiten  every  wave,  and  our  luny  ride  triumphani 
on  every  sea,  then,  sir,  we  will  win  on  Ihe  hallle- 
fii  111  whal  we  may  this  day  lose  in  ihe  eouneil 
ehamher.  Thus  will  inevilahle  destiny  ^'ive  us 
Oretzon.  Tpmi  these  five  several  L'roiinds  I  hase 
nor  riu'lits  in  and  title  to  Ore^'ou,  and  leaie  each  f.ir 
himself  to  deeide  upon  the  t'oree  and  it'.',i  i  of  the 
pro'if  addueed. 

Mr.  Chairman,  hefore  1  pi  leeed  Instate  ijieevi- 
denee  upon  whieji  liriiaiii  rests  her  elaiiii  ami  pn- 
tensions  in  Oreiioii,  allow  me  to  notiee  noe  iinpor- 
laiil  fart,  whieli  is  now  a  matter  of  history  and 
ennnol  he  denied.  It  is  this:  that  in  all  the  diplo- 
liiatie  diseussions  whieli  have  taken  plaee  la  tween 
taetwo(ioveriin:enls  in  relatinu  to  Ore^'on,  fi-oni  ihe 
treaty  of  Gheiii  in  1H14,  down  to  the  year  Ih-Jli, 
EiiL'lanil  hased  her  el.dms  exeliisively  upon  ilj,. 
disenveries  i.f  her  luiviu'ators.  The  Nieiiku  eon- 
viitiioi  was  never  named  in  these  diseii.vsioiis  until 
\Ir.  liiish,  the  .Ameriean  .Mnnsier,  intiodneed  il 
111  IvJI'i.  In  Ifit)  I'riiain  ehaiiL'ed  irriamd;  she 
abanihaied  her  elainis  hy  diseovery  as  i|,e  sole 
L'roimds  iif  her  title,  and  plantid  her.seif  upon  the 
Niiotk:ieoii\eiiti"ii.  And  wliy,sir,  wa.s  lliisehaiiL'ef 
The  reason  is  oh v ions.  'I'he  diseussionof  itiisi|ues- 
IHHI  lead  the  .Miiiistirs  of  the  tv.ii  liovernnieiils  Id 
tniee  liaek  their  elaiiiis  res[>retively  to  tin  ir  oriiiin, 
ill  the  JoLr-hoiiks,  daily  JDUriials,  and  eonii  inpora- 
iipoiis  wrilinirsof  the  .sevenil  iiavi^'ators  upon  '.vhose 
diseoveries  Ihe  title  of  the  elaiiiianls  inu<l  si.ind  or 
full.  r,erorelliis  DiMsii^'.ailrjnthe  lirilish  title  laded 
away,  and  ils  iiiei  liable  oMrihrow  was  fori  si  en  by 
her  sliiK'snieii:  ihe  Aim  rieaii  title  L-nw  hri;;liier 
and  siroiiL'er  at  every  slip.  The  I'ritish  iieiroiia- 
tors,  to  avoid  defeat,  in  If  Jti  elianu'ed  vrouiiil,  an 


them,  diirini;  the  thirty  years  iie!,'DliatiDn  on  that 
subjeet,  lirsi  by  disi'overy  and  explor;ition  of  her 
iiavii^ators,  and,  Hi'eondly,  by  virtue  of  the  Noot- 
ka  eoiiveiition.  In  the  early  part  of  her  iieijo- 
li..tiDil,  iiiiil  whil.Hl  Great  l!ritain  predieated  her 
elainis  upon  diseovery  and  eX)iloraliiin,  she  eoin- 
meiieed  with  the  voyai^e  of  .Sir  l-'raneis  |)rake. 
Sir,  what  was  that  voyai;!'-  On  ihe  the  l.'lili  of 
Deeeiiiber,  l.'iTT,  Urake  sailed  t'rom  I'lymontli, 
I'aiudand,  ostensibly  for  u  voynm'  to  Iv^ypt,  but 
really,  as  the  seipiel  proved,  on  ii  predatory  ex- 
eiirsiDii  oi^ainst  the  Spanish  setilenienis  in  Amer- 
lea.  Ill  tSepteinher,  ]'i'^,  he  arrivtd  in  the  I'aeifie 
near  the  Spanish  setilenienis  there,  and  after  pliin- 
deriiiir  llieir  towns  and  ships,  and  lillinu  his  vessel 
with  the  spoils,  in  the  spnni,'  of  1J7'.I.  heeoiieludid 
to  reliini  home.  l''earin:r,  if  lie  sailed  south  by 
Magellan's  Strait,  the  Spmiiards  would  inlereepl 
liiiii,  he  sailed  norlhwest  to  about  the  PJd  deirree 
of  laliliide,  wlieii,  by  stress  of  weather,  he  was 
driven  baik  to  latitude  ,'H°,  when  he  landed  in 
Calit'ornia,  refuted  his  vessel,  remained  lilt  the 
spriiiL'  of  l.^stl,  look  possession  of  ;uid  railed  the 
plaee  .New  .Albion,  .ind  in  .Sepienibi'r,  l,"),*^!),  he  ar- 
rived in  I'.n^laiid.  This  is  the  aeeouni  of  Drake's 
voyaij-e,  as  i;i\en  in  l.5S!l  by  Kratieis  Pretty,  \vho 
was  with  Drake,  and  whieli  is  doubtless  eorreel. 
lie  never  touehed  the  shore  north  of  the  .'if!lh  de- 
irree,  whieli  i.s  two  decrees  south  of  our  southern 
boiinii  iry. 

ICimland  does  not  now  rely  ujion  f'ook'svoy- 
a:,'e  for  title.  In  177ti,  two  eeiiliiries  afterwards, 
the  next  IJriiish  naviirator  who  appeared  in  the 
I'aeilie  was  Captain  .Tames  Cook,  who  was  sent 
by  ihe  lirilish  Governnienl  on  an  explorins;  expe- 
dition, with  instruetions  to  take  possission  of  siieli 
plai'es  ns  he  niiirht  discover,  which  had  not  al- 
ready been  "  (/(5ciifTf (/  erri.sr/fi/"  by  other  naliiins. 
.After  a  voyage  of  near  twe  years,  in  whieli  he 
visited  Van  Dieiiian's  Laud,  New  /ealaiid,  Friend- 
ly and  Society  l.slands,  i.nil  oilier  phicea,  on 
the  7ili  of  March,  17,''H,  h  •  arrived  opposite  the 
nortliwest  coast  of  Am  riea,  in  latituile  44^. 
Thence  he  sailed  north  to  Nooika  Sound,  where 
he  landed  in  April,  177H,  remained  there  mar 
one  month,  reiiitini:  his  vessel,  ami  su))plyin::  ''is 

ship  with  \v I  anil  water,  and    tradini:  v^ilh    the 

n:itives.  Cook  took  posses.sioii  of  the  phice,  named 
it  Si.  (.ieorire's  liav,  and  the  cove,  l-'riendly  (.'ove; 
thence  proceeded  north  on  his  voyas:!',  but  made 
no  further  discoveries  in  the  disputed  teiritory. 
Cook  lontinued  his  voyaire  iiiiiil  the  Itiih  of  Keli- 
riiary,  177'.l,  when  he  was  killed  by  ihe  natives  at 
tlwyliee,  one  of  the  .Sandwich  Islands.  Knuland 
e:in  claim  nolhiini;  from  hisdiseoverii  s.  for  the  rea- 
son that  Perez,  on  the  part  of  Spain,  had  "  dis-  i 
ci.vered,  visited,"  and  taken  possession  i if  .Nooika, 
in  1774,  four  years  before  Cook  ever  saw  it. 

In  17h7,  Jolin  .Meares,  whose  acts  are  iiiliniale- 
ly  coiniecied  wiih  the  N'mitka  convention,  mid  will 
he  mentioned  hereafter,  in  the  capaciiy  of  super- 
cari;o  in  a  Porluijnese  Iratliiej"  ship,  visit  d  -N'ootka. 

In  17It:2,  Vancouver  visited  the  .Siriiils  of  l-'iiea. 
This  was  two  hundred  yens  afler  h'tn-a  Iniil  dis- 
covered the  entrance  of  tlnse  straits,  and  three 
years  after  Captain  Gray  had  sailed  into  them  lilly 
miles. 

In  17H7,  lierkeley,  then   in   the  service  of  the  i 
.Austrian    Ivisi    India  Company,  saw   the  JSlrails 
of  Knca,  hut  did  not  enter  ihein. 

In  17!l.')  Alexander  iMcKenzie,  nn  iiirent  of  i>  fur 
company,  pa.ssed  from   l-'ort  Chippewayne  souih-  i 
west  ai'i'oss  the  eountrv,  and  diseoxeied  the  lie;id-  . 
waters  of  the  river  Tacnehee  Teese,  (now  ealh  d 
l*'r.izei's  ri\er.)  down  which  he  and  his  comrades 
lloaled  III  canoes  two  hundred  miles,  llieii  left  ihe 
slreaius,  passed   by  land  wesiward   to   the  Pacific,! 
where  he  arrived  in  .luly.  17!i:t,  ia  latitude  ,W  o|)'. 
Kroni  tlienei'  he  ri  lurin  d  by  huid  lo   I'ort  Cliippe-  ' 
wanve,  whence  he  h:td  started,  makiiii:  no  othei- 
discoveries.     So  little  was  kno.Mi  of  this  Ntreani, 
ihat,  lip  lo  |f<PJ  it  w.is  believed  i.i  be  a  hraiicli  of 
the  ('ohiinbia,  when  it  was  discovered  lo  be  a  sep- 
aiMte  stream  that  i  nijilied  into  the  .Straits  of  Kiica, 
III  lalitudi'  411".     Did  Great  Ihitaiii  ever  follow 
the  discoveries  of  any  of  her  iiaviL'alors  li\ 
session  and  seiilement  ■     If  she  dal,  she  hi 
I      lo  this  day  furnished  the  world  with  tin 


took  shelter  behind  the  Nooika  eiiiiuriilion,  upon      of  it.     The  first  setilenient  ever  iii:ii 


■  up 

liy  pos- 

I  never 

ide 


tradiiiKposton  the  Taciirhce  Teese,  in  lalitiale  ;'i4'^. 
This  is  the  lirili.sh  title,  so  fir  as  il  resis  on  dis- 
riivcry  i'y  her  navit;alors  and  .McKcn/ie,  and  tliesi! 
are  all  she  ever  made.  Of  all  the  discoveries  of  e.ieh 
nation  I  have  i^iveii  only  tin.  oiiiline,  the  dales  and 
places,  when  and  where,  and  by  whom  they  were 
made.  Want  of  lime  eom|iels  me  lo  omit  tlio 
details. 

Mr.  Chairnian,  a  careful  and  aecurale  examina- 
lion,  an  analysis  and  comiiarisoii  of  the  aiilln  ntic, 
evidences  of  the  tiile  of  ihe  iiresent  claiiiinnls,  an 
the  same  is  fotinil  in  the  lo;;-booKs,  {oiirnals,  mid 
conteniporaiieoiis  writings  of  tiu>  seviral  navi- 
f;alors  and  others  who  discovereil  and  exphned 
tli.it  eoiintry,  will  fi  lly  suslaiii  the  iniih  of  this 
proposition:  that  the  iiavii;alors  of  llritain  never 
made  an  oriirlnal  diseovery  of  any  iinportant  part 
of  the  territory  in  dispnie.  Thai  her  naviniitoiM 
made  ex|iIiiralions  of  pi, ices  previously  discovered 
and  explored  by  Spaniards  and  .Americans,  will  not 
be  ('.llieii;  hut  that  she  ever  made  all  original  ilis- 
ciiv.ry  of  importance  in  Ihat  territory,  reinains  yet 
to  be  proved. 

.Mr.  Cliairnian,  let  lis  next  examine  the  Xoii||<h 
convention;  thai  bein^  the  oilier  branch  of  lirilish 
claims.  And,  sir,  what  is  this  convention  >  V,y 
whom  was  it  made?  And  ran  any  ritjlil  or  title  to 
the  sovereii^nty  or  the  soil  of  ()res,om  be  derived 
from  or  predii'ated  upon  it.  It  is  a  conveiiiion  en- 
tered into  by  Spain  and  Uritain  in  171)0.  The  cir- 
enmslanees  that  :;ave  rise  lo  this  eoiive-ntion,  and 
which  are  hii;lilv  Important  to  its  true  inlerprela- 
tiiiii,are  biielly  tliese:  In  1788  two  Iradin;;  vessel.s 
Were  fitted  out  at  Macao,  in  China,  for  a  tradiie^ 
CNpedition.  Upon  one  of  them,  John  Meaies  was 
supercar:;o,  in  the  employ  of  a  Portuijnese  mer- 
chant. .She  sailed  uinter  l*orHi::uise  colors,  was 
commanded  by  a  Porlumiese  captain,  her  passpoils 
and  sea  papers  were  made  out  in  the  Porlin^iii  se  lan- 
f;ua^e,  und  by  luuhority  of  a  Portiit;uese  colony, 
the  vessel  and  earj^o  beloiif^inij  lo  .Tiian  Cavello,  a 
Porlu^'iie.se  merchant.  In  I7.'<8  this  ship  (Fi  lice) 
arrived  at  Nooika,  on  her  tradiiii;  expedition,  fmir 
yearsafier  Perez  had  discovered  that  plaee.  .Mean  s 
while  there  procured  from  Maipiiinia,  an  Indian 
chief,  lit  Nooika,  a;rrantof  privilei;e  lo  use  a  sniiill 
s|iol  of  ground  in  I'riendly  Cove,  upon  which  to 
eonslriiet  a  small  trailiii!;  vessel,  on  condition,  Ihat 
when  he  left,  lie  (Meares)  would  surrender  the  same 
back  to  the  Indians,  with  any  bnildiiiirs  h"  'iiiixht 
erect  upon  it,  and  for  which  privile:,,:  oe  ijave  the 
Indian  chief  a  pairof  pistols.  Part  of  the  crew  of 
the  ji'elii  e  was  hiiiihd  at  Nooika,  to  build  the  pro- 
posed craft,  and  .Meares  sailed  south  aloii;;  the 
CO, 1st  on  a  Iradins  and  exploring  exenrsinn.  In 
luly  followinu',  Meares  relumed  lo  Nooika,  and 
fiiiiiid  there  two  .Ann  rican  ships,  the  AVashin-jion 
and  Ciilninbia,  before  menlioneil;  al.io  fiiind  his 
new  vessel,  which  was  called  the  Nortliw  si  Ame- 
rica, eoiislrncted.  Mciires  took  upon  his  vessel  the. 
furs  that  had  been  collected,  and  sailed  for  China, 
atul  from  that  time  lo  the  present,  John  Means  has 
invir  seen  Nooika  Siiiind.  Tlieolher  two  ves.sels, 
the  Iphi^eiiia  and  Norlhwest  .America,  spent  the 
iV.llowinmvinter  at  the  Sandwich  Islands.  .Meares 
had  promised  lo  meet  this  vessel  nt  Nooika  in  the 
sjiriii;  of  1785),  to  pursue  their  tnde. 

At  this  lime,  the  Spanisli  Government  had  be- 
come diss. itisfied  wiili  and  jealous  of  the  frequent 
appearance  of  foreii^n  vessels  on  llie  Pacilir  cuast, 
ovir  which  she  claimed  to  be  the  exclu.ove  mis- 
tress. She  therit'iire  commenced  more  \  ii;orously 
lo  proseciiie  her  disi-oviries,aiid  assert  her  ri:ilils. 
Karly  in  the  spriiii,'  of  17'il),  in  piirsnance  of  ihis 
delenniimlion,  Don  Manui  I  de  Finns,  then  vice- 
roy of  .Mexico,  fiileil  out  and  despatched  two 
armed  vessels,  with  the  mee-ssary  iuipleinenis  I'or 
seiilini;  and  defendini;  Nooika.  'I'liese  vessels 
Were  eomnmiidcil  by  Martinez  ami  Hero,  two 
.Spanish   i:avii;:itor.<,  who  were  insiriietid  hi  pro 

cei  d  to  Nooika  to  take  possession  tliei f  in  ihi; 

name  of  .Spain,  to  mat  with  eii  ility  any  lirilish  or 
l!iissiaii  vessels  that  nUL'lit  come  to  Nooika;  inii, 
at  all  hazards,  to  asscri  and  mainlain  the  smerei^n- 
IV  wf  Spain  at  that  place.  On  ihe  (lib  of  .M,iy, 
|7s'.l,  .Mariincz  arrived  at  .\ooika,  took  possi  .■-inn 
of  the  place,  landed  bis  cannon,  and  other  material.^ 
for  .seltlement  and  defence.     On  his  arrival   there. 


vhii  h  ihe  title 


her  sale  is  iiowiiiaiidv  resiei 


le  1 


I'd  to  state  the  claims  and  pre- 
tensions of  Urilain  to  Oretnm,  as  she  lias  made 


y  11  Dri 


^1,      he    found    till 


sHcls    Ipl 


plilL'i'ina   a 


lid   Norlhv 


I  si: 


slof  the  Ho.  ky. Mountains  was  made  by      .\nieriea.     'I'liey  had  ariived  on   the  'Jllih   .\piil 


lall  now  proce 


.MeKe 

iif  Ihe 


>ioiihwi 


St   1' 


year  Irtili,  when,  as 


III  ai,o'n 


t      17^;),  still  .sailiii;,' as  Porlii.;iie.se  Iraih  rs.      lie 


nr  Company, 


he  established  a   ■  '"i"" 


id   uiicliorcd 


the   two  American 


liips, 


ii.*!^'; 


1S16.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


415 


"I 


)   S 


'2i)Tii  CoNii 1st  Skhs. 


The  Orviron  C^nestion — Mr.  Cummins. 


Wiisliiii'.'i'in  iiiiil  ('oliimliin.  Afir-  tiiki  i?  pos- 
mssinii,  111'  iiiCnniircl  ilir  iMiiiiiriMiiilaniN  dl'llir  vcs- 
m<1h  iyii)';  iIh'I'i'  of  Ills  iiilt'iilinns  niid  insIi-nrtioiiH. 
'I'lii'V  nmdf  no  oliJcriiojiM,  Imt  jiii|'i'ar)'(l  siilisticit 

illl  \\'lint  hull  l.riji  ilniir.     'rilill;;.-i  rrnuiihrll  iIuih 
tor  iilioiil  mil'  wi'i'k,  wlii'ii  HiTo  iirrivcil.    Miu'liiirz 
tlirn  (li'iuMiiilril  ill)  inHpi'rtioii  of  till;  jiupiTM  of  tlif' 
I'lirliiiriii'm,'  vi'N^.  Im,  wliii'h  wiih  u'riiiiii'il;  iinil  liy 
the  rriinnlatioii  ot'llu'sr  pii)ii'i-n  iVinii  llir  I'nrtii^iii'su 
liiii^'iiiii'i',  Miiriiiii  z  WMM  Inrnrnii  il  iliiit  tiny  wrn: 
inMtriii'ti'it  to  iaki>  all  HnirliHli,  Sjianish,  aiul  Uiih- 
Nian  \rNsi'lM  (hat  wrrr  inlVrior  in  forrf,  anil  si-iul 
ilirni   lo  Mai'ao,  to  lit  Irinl  as  pirali-M.     Martini'/. 
tlii'n'n|ioii  Kri'/rd   till'    l|i|ii'_'i'iiia,  her  olln'ris  anil 
riTW,  and  wiih  iiliout  lo  sriiil  thi'ni  to  San  lllas,  a 
Spanish   port,  lor  trial,  whrn   tin'  (illiccrs  aa:r('('(l 
I'or  anil  on   ln'liitll"  of  thr  irpnlnd   owni'r,  Juan 
C'avidlii.  llial.  if  ihi'V  Hi'ii'  rrli'.isi'd,  anil  iil'icrwanis 
ttpon  trial  roiHK-natrd,   llir  I'oiidi'innation-inoney 
sIiokM   Ih!  imiil;  iinil  arrordini^ly  tliry    wrni    ri'- 
li'aMil,and   soon  alli-r  li'I'l.      In  .Funr,  ihi'  iN'orth- 
wi'.^t  Aincriia  rnlnrni'il   to   Norika,  and  was  also 
iintncdiatciy  si-i/.i'd;  lait  afii'rw  irils  rtliirni'il  to  hiT 
iiM-nirs.      It  aflrrwaiils  turni'J  oiil  that  thcM'  vi'S- 
f-'i-ls,  althoni;h    sailing'    nnilfr    Portui;iii-sr   iiolors, 
W'l  re  the  propi'rtv  of  John   Mi'ini's  and  his  asso- 
I'iairs,  llrilish   inri'i'liaiits  tradini;  at  Marao;   iind 
till'  piralii'al  dis'.'uisc  had    hi'i'ii  assuiiwd   for  the 
iiinposi'of  ili'fraiidiim-  iho  Cliinrsc  revcinirs.    John 
i\lrarc's  tlii'ii  h'fl  lin^  I'nast,  and  arrivi'd  at  Mai'ao 
thr  saini:  yi'ar.     'I'lifsc  nii'ri'hants,  with  Mrari'S  at 
thi'ir  lii'ad,  fulfil  oiil  unolhrr  ('Xpcdiiion,  thr  ships 
Ar'oniiiit    and    I'riin'iss    Itoyal,    romniandid    hy  ! 
Colnott    and   llndson,  two   Knirlish  ollirri's,   and  ; 
saiird  inidi'r  Knirlisli   cnlois.     ( In  the -Jil  of  July, 
till-  ArLronant   arrisi  il   at  Nonlkn,  and    fnnnil  liii' 
I'rinrcss    Royal    thrrc     Martinez    drnianilHl    an 
inspci'lion   of  llnir  jiapi'i's,   wliii'h  was  roniplied 
with;  and,  iipmi  iiHiniry  of  ihi'  intention  uf  ilu'ir 
expedition,  was  infonni'il  that   lliry  inti'iidi'd   In 
iTci-t  a    ISrilisli    foil    tlu'iT,  hoist  the  lirilish  llap;, 
and    lake    possession.     iMartiniz    told    them    this 
eoiild  not  he  done,  as  the  plaee  was  already  oei'ii- 
pieil   liy  Spain.     A  ipiarri  I  ensned;  the  Spaniard 
arrested  the  eonnnamlanl,  seized  the  ship,  and  sent 
her  lo  San  I'.las  for  trial.     She  was  afterwards  re- 
stored I»v  f^uadra,  on  the  !^round  that  ihe  llrilish 
eoniniander  was  i'^norant  of  the  Spanish  rights. 
I'lider  these  I'irrnntsianees,  the  Nootka  eonven- 
lioii  iiri'.'inaled.     Information   of  those  dillii'iiltie.s 
lieini;  eoinnniliii'iitrd   lo  the  home  Ciovernmenls,  ; 
Kn'.'land    and    Spain,    a   disenssion   of  their   re- 
Kpei  live  ritrhis    was  eonimeneed  at  I.iindim  and 
Madrid.      In  l''elirnary,  171111,  the  Spanish  Minis-  ■ 
lerai   I.oniliin  infonned  lie  Kiiirlisli  Government 
of  ihe  I  aiiinre,  and  reiiiu'sted   that  Government  to 
restrain  her  sithjeels  rrom   fnrtlier  intrnsion  njion 
the  Spanisli  seltlemenis;  to  wliii'h  the  llritisli  .Mill- 
iner ri  plied,  he  would   not  ne^roiiate  on   the  siih- 
jii'l,  unless  inimeiiiale  restiiiiilon  was  made  lor  the 
vessel  whii'h  had  lieen   seized.     This  reply,  wiih  ' 
the  eir('innstan''es  alte   '.iini^  it,  eonvineed   Spain 
that    I'^iiLdaiul    had  oilier   desii^ns.     The  Spanish 
Conri  heranie  nlarnied;  and  another  note  was  ail- 
dressid  lo  the  Ih-ilisli  .Minister,  sayins;  tlint  Spain 
W"u!il  lie  satisfied  if  liriiain   woiilil  eommaiid  lier 
sulijeelH  lo  respei't  the  riiihis  of  Spain  in  future.       I 
Alioiit  this  IniU!  (May,  UDO)  John  Meaies,  now  ' 
representiiiiT  himself  to  lie  a  lii'iiienaiit  in  the  I'ril- 
i.-ili  serviee,  arrived  from  Maeao  at  Londnii,  wiih 
a  nieninrial  to  his  Governmen',  on  hehalfof  him- 
M'lf  iind    his  assneiates  at  Macao,  who  were  also 
repri  seiiti  (I  as  liritish  siiliiei'ts.     In  his  in"morial 
he  set  forth  that  four  I'lriiisli  shins,  with  'lieirear- 
iroes  and  erews,  had  hern  seizeii  at  Nootka  liv  nn 
otiii-er  C'lnimaniliii'^'  two  .Spanish  ships  of  war,*aiul 
seat  to  n  Spanisli   port  for  trial:  also,  tlial  he  hud 
lieeli  dl.  possessed  of  rert;illl    hniises  and  Irai'ls  of 
liiiil  at   N'ooika.     Thi-i  inliirniaiion  the  Kin^'  of 

l'',iu'.land  nimedialelyeomniiiniiaiid  lo  I^arlianienl, 
di'iiyiiiLr,  .'I  the  same  time,  the  eM?lnsi\e  riirhls  of 
Mpain  lo  the  lerritorv  in  dispute,  and  asking  for 
sin  plies  lo  prepare  for  war.  ISi':;otiaiions  were 
I'hised  at  f.oiiilon  and  opened  at  Madrid  lietweeii 
the  two  Governments.     Meanwhili?   I'rilain  was  ! 


Kiirope  t'ritain  mi;;hi  name,  and  lo  Rntisfy  any 
award  tliiil  mi'_'hl,npon  snlislantial  proof,  he  niaile 
a-ji'iinsl  it,  provided  no  iiifereni'es  slioidd  lie  drawn 
from  this  oHi'r  iill'ei'liiii;  ihe  territorial  riu'hls  of 
Spain  in  .Viiieriea.  This  |iropositiiin  was  aeie|ii- 
ed  Ijy  liriiain  as  lo  the  inileninily :  Imt  eniipled  with 
llie  aeeeptani'e  was  a  demand  that  .Spain  .-•■honld 
admit  that  Tiritisli  snhjei'ts  miijlil  fish  on  any  part 
of  the  Pai'ifii'  eoa^l,  and  trade  and  settle  on  e'ly 
nnoi'i'iipiiij  part  of  the  .Ameriean  eoasl.  The  .Span- 
isli Minister  iiroposed  to  admit  the  ri^lit  lo  fish 
and  trade  in  the  open  sea,  lint  not  to  .settle  on  llio 
coast  south  of  Ihe  .list  ile;rree.  This  iirnposilion 
was  rejei'led  liy  ihe  liriiish  Minister,  who  then 
proposed  to  divide  ihe  lerritorv  n|ion  the  |iaral!el 
of. '11^.  'I'his  heiii'^  rejei'led  liy  Spain,  a  proposi- 
tion was  then  niiule  to  divide  liy  the  Kith  parallel, 
whieli  was  also  pronititly  rernsci!  Iiv  Spain.  \e- 
colialions  had  now  lieen  eontinn^d  aliont  eiL'lit 
nionlhs,  and  at  this  point  appeared  lo  have  eome 
lo  an  imfavoralile  elose.  ,\ll  Kiirope  had  lieen 
anxiously  walehinir  the  proirress  of  ihi^j  attempt  at 
amii-alile  settlement.  Franee  had  eipiipped  .-x  Heel 
of  forty-live  sail.  Rel:;iiini  and  Russia  were  also 
armed.  Ilrilisli  statesmen  seeiii',' the  fearful  ]iro- 
i^ress  of  revolutionary  prineiples  on  the  rontinent, 
and  all  Knrone  armed,  thev  elearly  foresaw  the 
liloody  eonfiii't  whieli  woiiIil  ensue,  and  in  whieli 
she  mnst  neeessiirily  ant  her  part.  In  this  stale  of 
tliin','s,  she  roin'liided  it  was  Keller  to  make  an  ally 
than  an  enemy  of  Spain,  and  that  she  would  ]iut 
oil' the  settlement  of  title  to  the  Ore;,'oii  territory  to 
some  more  eonvenieni  seasnii.  Aeeordingily  the 
Rrilish  Minister  withdrew  the  proposilimi,  whieli 
he  had  made  fixins  lines  and  honndaries  of  terri- 
torial di\isions.  Ne!,'otialions  were  renewed  with 
Spain,  and  in  a  short  time  the  Nootka  eonvention 
was  eoinhided  upon,  and,  on  the  'jHth  Oeiolier, 
17!l(l,  w:'s  signed  liy  llie  I'lenipolenliaries  of  the 
two  eoniiiries,  at  lh'3  Fsciirial,  and  Spain  Iieeamo 
ihe  allv  of  Kn'jland.  This,  sir,  is  hrielly  the  his- 
tory of  the  Xonlka  conveiilion.  Till'  next  iiiipiiry 
is  to  determine  the  true  inieni  and  meaning;  of  this 
treaty  liy  the  ordinary  rales  of  eonslrnrlion.  Of 
what'  nature  is  this  convention?  Is  it  eonimerrial 
or  territorial.'  Wlialofieet  lias  itnpen  the  nllimale 
terrilori'.d  riirhtsof  the  parties?  I  shall  only  notice 
so  miieli  of  it  as  tends  t'l  form  the  issne  I  made, 
that  our  title  lo  Ore^'on,  soiilli  of  Xooika,  is  aliso- 
liile  and  clear.  Our  title  north  of  that  has  lie*  n  too 
;  ot'leii  and  alily  arL'ned  lo  reipiire  'iny  aid  of  mine. 
',  The  first  am)  second  arlicles  of  this  convention 
provides  "that  the  Imildinu's  and  tracts  of  land  of 

*  \\'hich   Rrilish  snlijecls  wen    possessed  in  -'\pril, 
,  '  ]7S!I,  i^hall  lie  rest.ired,  compens.'ition  made  for 

'  ships  or  merchandise  of  Rrilish  sidijects,  which 
'  may  have  lieen  seized  or  taken  from  them  in 
'  1780."  The  fifth  article,  and  most  material  one, 
is  as  follows: 

"  ,\nT.  .'i.    It   i.s  n;recd,  that,  as  well   in   the 

'  ]ilaces  which  are  to  he  restored  lo  the  Rritish 

!  '  snlijecls,  liy  virlne  of  the  first   article,  as  in  all 

'  other  ixirls  of  the  norihwestern  coasts  of  Xnr'li 

'  America,  or  of  the  islands  adjacent,  sitnaled  to 

*  the  north  of  the  coast  already  oecnoicil  Ity  .Spain, 
'wherever  the  snlijecls  of  .ai    .  .,'o  Rowers  shall 

I  *  have  made  settlements  since  i  le  month  of  .Vpril, 
'  17.''!),  or  shall  hereafter  make  any,  the  snlijecls  of 

*  the  other  shall  have  free  access,  and  shall  carry 
'  on  I  heir  trade,  without  any  distiirliance  or  nioles- 
'  tation." 

(The  sixth  article  refers  to  Ronth  America.) 
To  execute  this  convention,  Rrilain  appointed 
Vanciniver  and  .Spain  Hiindra.  two  distiiuoiislied 
navipatnrs.  Thev  met  at  .Vooika  'n  An'_''iist,  17!1'3, 
each  under  instrnciions  from  his  tfovernmeni, 
hill  neither  hjiil  any  ''escription  of  the  '•  lands  or 
hoiisc-i"  to  he  stored,  or  any  evidence  that  Rril- 
ish snlijecls  hall  ever  lieen  possessed  or  ilisp-issess- 
ed  of  any  houses  or  lands  at  that  place.  Ciuadra 
ini|iiireil  of  the  Indians  if  any  lands  had  lieen  sold 
III  John  Meares,  and  they  replied  Ihcre  never  had 
I'len.  He  next  procured  the  testimony  of  the 
American  captains,  Grjiy  and   Imrraham,  who  le 


Ho.  or  Hep8. 


*  nn^l,  there  was  a  house,  or  rather  n  hut.  consist- 

'  iie^' of  roii!.'li  posis vercd   wiih  lioards,  niailt! 

'  liy  the  Iiidiiiiis;  Imt  this,  ( 'aplaiii  Domjlass  pnlli  il 
'  to  pieces,  prior  lo  his  sailin:;  for  the  Sandwich 
'  Islands,  the  same  year.  The  hoards  he  took  on 
'  lioaril  Ihe  lphi'_'enia,  and  the  roof  he  i^ave  to  Cap- 
'  lain    Keiiilrick,  which   was  cut    up  and    used  as 

'  fircw I  on  hoard  the  ('olimiMa;  so  thai,  on  llie 

'  arri\'al  of  Don  Mci'tiiii  /,  tlirri'  was  no  \is(i're  of 
'  any  house  reniaininLr." — I'rvijt  (ml  lllmlruthiim 
If)  CircfnArtic'.i  Otfi^aiis  /'.  41.^>. 

Vancouver  |ii'ocured  testimony  of  Mr.  nnllln, 
a  Rritisli  seaman,  who  said  he  was  with  Meares  in 
17Hf<,and  thai,  on  Ih"  I7lli  May.  17--<,  he  (.Meares) 
pun  liaseil  of  Miupiilla  and  ('allicinn,  two  Indians, 
the  whole  of  Friendly  Cove,  for  which  he  £riivii 
lliem  some  sheets  of  copper,  and  other  trilliiej;  ar- 
liiles.  Meares's  own  journal,  pages  113-14,  has 
the  followin;;  entry: 

'*  A  present,  coiisislini?  of  copper,  iron,  and 
'  other  ^'ratifyinir  arlichs,  was  ni.'iile  to  the  chiefs 
'  Maipiilla  and  C'allicnin,  who,  on  receivin;;  it,  took 
'  oil'  their  sea-otter  !:arnients,  threw  them,  in  ilio 
'  tnosl  ijriicefid  mainii  r,  at  onr  feel,  iinil  remaini  d, 
'  in  the  unaltind  ijarli  of  nature,  on  the  deck." — 
Voimae,  ;i.  IR)-1). 

Not  a  word  nhont  land  And  also,  on  pa^e  114, 
the  following; 

"  Mai|iiillft  had  not  only  most  readily  consented 
'  In  ijrant  ns  a  spot  of  L'ronnd  in  his  Icrrit.-ry, 
'  whereon  n  lionse  mi'^ht  he  Imilt  for  the  a'coin- 
'  niodation  of  the  people  we  iniendeil  lo  leave  there, 

*  hut  had  promised  ns  also  his  assistance  in  for- 
'  warding'  our  works,  and  his  proleclion  of  the 
'  parly,  who  were  destined  to  remain  at  Nooika 
'  diirinu''  ou.  ahsence.  In  leliirn  for  this  kindness, 
'the  chief  was  presealei!  with  a  p;iir  of  pislols, 
'  which  he  had  rcL'arded  with  an  eye  of  solicitude 
'  ever  since  onr  arrival." — IVa/i/i-c,  ;i.  11  J. 

What,  then,  hecomes  of  Ali'.  Dullin's  evidence? 
Is  it  prohalile  that  .Meares,  in  178S,  sailiii!;as  a  Cren 
trader  underPorlimue.se  colors,  would  hiiv  land.s 
ill  Ihe  name  of  Fimland  ?  Meares's  ov.n  journal 
contradicts  Dnflin,  and  sli  -ws  that  he  never  liouj;ht 
any  laud,  lull  that  he  merely  had  the  privileije  of 
Imililiie;.!  vessel  on  a  small  lot  of  Lrround.  In  iIiIh 
Stan  i' the  case,  (.inaiira  very  jnsily  mainlained 
that  ?\leares  never  possessed  any  houses  or  lands  at 
Niiotka.  He  admilied,  that  liy  the  conventiou, 
Fiiijland  Kill  a  joint  ri'jlit  with  Spain  lo  niakn  set- 
llenienl.s  and  trade  north  of  .Vootk.i,  hut  not  siuitli. 
-Afli'r  lon[^  neirotiatioiis,  these enmniissioners  could 
not  a'/ree.  The  ease  was  referred  hack  to  their 
res)ieelive  Govcrhuii'iits,  with  the  evidf-nce  they 
had  taken,  forfiniher  in.4i'iiclioiis;  haviiiir  aiTreell 
that  Nootka  should  in  the  mean  inue  he  cunsidered 
a  Spanisli  sellh  ment,  and  lo  remain  in  the  pos- 
session of  Sfinin.  In  Dctohcr,  Vancouver  left 
Nootka.  In  I7'.I4,  he  a?ain  visited  Nootka,  mid 
f'lnnd  Rri::adier  Alva,  a  -Spanish  otliccr.  in  posses- 
sion and  command  of  llit  place:  Quadra  in  the 
mean  time  liaviii'^-  died.  Vancouver  liavim;;  re- 
ceived no  fnrtherinslrui'tioiK'ifromhisGnvernmenl, 
he  returned  home  in  17114.  There  is  no  aiuheniic 
evidence  thai  Nootka  ever  passed  from  tiie  pos- 
session of  Spain  lo  that  of  himxland.  Relsham, 
a  Rrilish  hislorian,  says  that  the  Spanish  fia;; 
never  was  struck,  and  iliat  the  territory  was  vir- 
tually ahandoned  hy  the  Eiinjish.  What  inl"rpri  - 
tation  was  iriven  o  the  convenlion  hy  Rtiiish 
staiesmen  al1cr  its  adoption?  Let  them  speak  I'^ir 
themselves.  Charles  James  Fox,  opposini;  the 
convenlion,  says;  "AV'hatdid  we  ohject  to  liefoit- 
'the  eonvention  Imt  lo  Ihe  inilefiulie  claims  i.f 
'Spanish  America?  That  olpjeclioii  still  remains, 
'  for  the  limits  of  Spanish  America  were  still  un- 
' defined." 

"  Thus  we  IkiiI  s^ivni  vp  all  r'liiht  tn  frtllr,  except 
'  for  temporary  purposes,  lo  Ihe  ^niilh  I'flliv  Spuui'-li 
'  sillhmculs,  ec  in  llir  iiilrrvdls  liilirri  a  limit,  if  ihey 
'  happened  to  he  tlisUint.  AVe  had  oliiainedjin  ad- 
'  mission  ..f  onr  ri'_'ht  lo  si 'lie  to  the  north,  and 
'even   that  we   had   lail  ohl.iiied  with   clearness. 

.'\sSpanijii  settlements  were   tlio   onlymuk   of 


iiiaki 


prep. 


lor    war. 


lified  that  they  were  at  Nootka  in  I's.-',  and  also      '  limits,  suppose  we  were  to  meel  wiih  one  farther 


ihe     duriiiLr  all  llie  dilliciilties  lielween  Marliiiez  and  the 


to  the  nortli  than  we  expected,  and  a  ihspnie  were 


I'lHipped  two  lar::e  Heels,  at  a  ci,.,i  of -t'.l.liilll.lllll).      Ih'itish  traders  in  H."*;):  that  tla-y  could   converse      '  t,,  arise,  whether  it  was  new  or  ei.l,  it  would 
Spam  also  armed.     The  nlli  rinr  disi'^Mis  of  Rriiain      prrfeclly  well  with  the  Indians,  aiul  never  he.ird  of     '  I 
lo  wrest  from  Spain  some  of  her  Aniericau  posses-     any  |inrchasi' of  laud  havinir  heen  madehy  Meare.- 


dillicully  to  send  out  our  buildcr.s  to  de 


Slims  iiecanie  main 


fesl.   The  Spanish  Govermnent,     Tlieir  test 


lo  avoid  dilliciiliy,  proposed  lo  Hiihmil  the  whole  '    I'n;;,  is  yet  extant,  and  is  as  f 
mailer  lo  llie  arliilranient  of  any  of  the  Kne'- of  '       '  


'On  till 


I  lo  huildim.'-s  was  t.ikeii  in  wri- 
nd  i 


ille, 
Wl 


\';-c.— ;i.  im.-i. 


alof    lie   Col 


:  Mil 


thi 


lister  ol  I'.ii 


epiy    of  Wl 


!  M 

■'lit 
'  m 


I  ■•'» 


i.Vi 


riaiid. 


111  till 


I'efi'nde 


umnia.  in  the  year 


he  cieivention 


Mthon-hRi 


h  id 


416 


29rii  CoNo 1st  Ses». 


APPENDIX  'lo  Tin:  (;()^(Jm•:ssIO!\A^  (jf-ohk. 

Thr  Oreirnn  (■^urslion — Mr.  Ciimmliin. 


(I''rl..  7, 
IIki's. 


"4 


nr(|nirc'(l  mm  i"'w  liu'liH,  »lie  orrmiiily  liml  nrqiiirnd 
new  ii'lvjuiiMir*'^."  Tltim,  mm",  it  will  In*  mitii  thiit 
l'ii\,  I'm,  ami  ttiiailni,  piil  »\<nn  llir  ,^>lli  iirlirlr  ol' 
that  I'niuintioii  llif  ^.ODi'  t'onstrih'tiiii)  we  tiow  put 
lIliiM)  It — iIk'  'iiiIv  ll'ili'  OIK'  its  l:U)!;ilM';i>  will  ailllllt 
111':  wliii'li  ix.  thai  Iti'llHin  hail  |ii<'i'liiili'>l  liirsi'll' 
from  rlaiiiiiii'-.'  any  tr'rntnriiil  ri^-hiH  Hiliiali-  In  tin- 
s.iiiih  111'  till  parlH  nl'  salil  I'na^t  alirailv  iitiMnlin', 
I71lin  oi'i'iipii'il  liy  S|ialn.  iinl  hail  sn-iii-i'il  iinlhinL' 
l)iil  a  jiiiiit  I'iu'lil  with  S|i..iii  III  iniilc  III  thr  rniiiilry 
tiiirih  lit"  till'  iiiiisl  iiiirthi'ily  S|iaiiinh  Mi'lllriiiriits 
111!  llint  I'liaHl,  li'iiviiii;  llio  (|iicslion  ot'  soviTiM^-nly 
III  nliryaiu'r.  IC,  tlii'ii.  I  havr  nIiuw  ii  ilial  tlii'ii' 
was  i>  Spaiiif'h  si'tllrnii'iit  iil  Nnnika  on  thr  'JHili 
(lav  111'  C.-ioliff,  IT'.III,  that  John  Miaii's  hail  "  no 
ira'i't.'<  of  lainl  or  hoimes"  Ihrri'  to  lie  piirrtMiili'fi'il, 
Mint  that  iln'  po^Nrrtsioii  of  itit!  SiKinisli  fori  anil 
si'illi-iiifiit  at  Sioiiika  iiinrr  imssiii  fidiii  S|iaiii  lo 
Itritain,  thn  I'onclnsion  must  follow  iliat  onrSoan- 
inIi  tlili'  alone  is  l'ooiI  a',-aiiial  Ijiiiaiii  ii|i  to  that 
point — nIit,  liy  till'  tri'iiis  of  thr  I'onvinlion,  Inn - 
ir  ■  iclnnpiifhcil  all  liTrilonal  riirlim  south  of  ili.a 
p,,  Ii'tii-i'al  llniain  iiuil  no  tilh' South  "f  Noot- 

kam  IVOll.sIn-  hasnoni'  now;  slir  has  a('<|nii*i-il  noiio 
Kiiii'i';  mil  wr  taki'  np  tin'  i|nrsliiin  of  llllr  at  this 
tunc — ^o  fir  as  w-  nly  upon  onr  Spanisli  title — 
jitsi  wIktp  Floiiila  IliaiH  a,  ihn  Spanish  .Minisirr, 
l.ft  It  in  IT'.III.  On  the  ">i!i  clay  nf  April,  \f-H,  n 
Iioalv  was  roiii'lnih'il  lunwei'ii  the  I'lntiil  Stales 
anil  iliis-'ia,  liy  wlin-li  the  iliiisioii  line  lietwem 
their  leriitories  in  (treson  was  lixeil  ai,'>l^-UI'  — 
Ku»^si'i  on  llie  north,  anil  llie  rnileil  Slates  on  the 
sonih,  of  lliat  line.  'I'lien,  sir,  ihe  riv'hts  of  all 
elaiinanis  in  (Ireijoii  ha\e  lieeii  extiiiL'nisheil,  and 
ae.|nireil  hv  tin  UnileJ  Sia;es,  exeepl  thai  of  the 
Kimlish;  ami  she  herself  has  ihriee  L'ranteil  them 
HWav  to  oihers,  front  Mlioni  we  have  aii|uire(l 
theii'i.  In  thesixiei  nih  eentiiry,  sin- i/ranieil  all  the 
rii:liis  she  then  liail  to  her  eoloiiies,  anil  I'onfirineil 
the  irraiil  at  the  treaty  of  ITK).  In  I7U,  she 
prantecl  all  to  I'ranoe  sonili  of  4!l°,  anil  we  now 
own  llial.  In  IT'.HI,  she  cxlin^nislied  her  claims 
Noiiih  of  Nooika,  ai-koowleiluiiif:  the  riirlii  to  lie 
in  Siiain,  ami  W'e  now  hold  Spain's  rJLMits.  Add 
to  these  onr  own  title  liy  diseovery  anil  settlement. 
Olid  liv  eNi'loraiions,  continuity,  and  inevilaiile 
de.'tinv,  anil  you  have  liel'oip  you  the  American 
tiile  to  OreL'on.  which  vesls  in  ihe  rnileil  Stales 
the  ahsoliite  anil  exclusive  title  south  of  Nooika, 
nnii  also  the  lalter  title  north  of  that  point.  .Sir, 
we  hold  too  clear  and  sirini^' a  tille  to  Oregon  lo  be 
bullied  oil'  of  it,  'iiiil  too  liiiMi  and  valiiaLile  a  lier- 
itai.-e  there  to  I'e  lioii^lit  out. 

Sir.  Cliairinan,  two  ihin:;s  yet  remain  lo  lie  brief- 
ly considered:  fii-it,  our  conveiiiiiiii:il  stinnl'iiions 
\villi  Kiiu'laiid  loncliini;  (Inu'im  ;  and.  secondly, 
some  of  tiie  olijcctioiis  iirired  :li.^lins^  the  passage  of 
this  resiilniion.  Onr  convention;il  stipulations, 
what  are  thevr  1  will  endeavor  to  show.  Al  the 
(ilient  iriaiy.  in  1^14,  nnion^'st  other  nn]iorl:iiil 
national  iiuesiioii"  wliuh  were  li  1^  nnseiilcil,  was 
our  northwi  sli'rn  lioumhiry.  Shortly  after  ih.'it 
time,  ne'_'oiiaiiiiiis  upon  that  Kiiliject  were  renewed, 
and  coniinned  up  to  the  year  li^l!^.  without  arriving' 
,11  ,inv  s,iiisl':ieiory  concliisinn.  (In  the 'Jllih  uf  O,  - 
l.ilier  of  lliai  year,  a  eiMnemion  I'or  the  joint  use 
of  the  territory  was  conclnded  In  iweeii  the  riiited 
Stales  anil  l-Oeal  liritain,  lo  prevent  d'liiculiy  and 
eollision  I.I  twei  n  the  citizens  and  snlijects  of  the 
iwocoiinirif's  w  lio  laiL'ht  inliahii  thai  -011111  ry,  iiinil 
the  (piestioii  of  title  slionid  he  seitleil  liy  their  re- 
Koiriive  (iovermnenis;  nf  which  eonventimi  the 
I'liird  article  is  ;is  I'ollows: 

"  II  is  ii'jreed  that  any  country  that  may  he 
'  clainuil  by  either  |iarty  on  the  uorthwisi  coast  of 
'  .\merica, ' westward  of  the  Stony  Monnlains, 
'  shall,  tML-eih'  r  with  iis  Inirbors.  I.avs.  ami  creeks, 
'  :iiid  thi-  m>vi-_'«ti  m  of  all  rivers  wiihin  ihe  same, 

*  he  free  and  open  for  the  term  of  ten  years  from 
'  the  d:itc  of  the  siu'iiatnre  of  the  present  c.i.n- 
'  veniioii,  to  lie-  vesiM-ls,  ciiizens,  and  snlijects  i,f 
'the  two  I'utters:  it  beiin:  well  umh-rstooil  that 
'  ihis  airriemint  is  not  to  he  consirued  to  the 
'  in-eiiidice  of  any  claim  which  either  of  the  two 
'  iii'jh  ooiiiractin'.'  parlies  may  have  lo  any  pan 
'  of  the  said  e.nnitry,  nor  shall  it  be  l:iken  to  allii-i 

*  the  claims  of  any  other  Ptiwer  or  Stale  10  anv 
'  part  of  the  said  coiinlry;  ihe  only  objeci  nf  ih'e 
'  liiu'li  ciintr  ictiiL'  parlies,  in  that  respect,  beiui.'  to 
'  prcieni    dispnie.s   and    dilfcrenct-.H   nnioin^'  theni- 

*  selves." 

This  cnnventmn  of  ioint  use  continued   in  force 


iiearleii  yeais  more  of  fruilless  iiei^oiiainni;  when, 
on  the  hih  day  of  .\in;nsi,  IH07,  anolher  ciinven- 
tioiial  inrreeini  lit  \\-:is  inadi  bv  lli'-  iieL^oiiators  of 
the  two  lioterinnenis,  r,v  the  lil-sl  in-licle  of  Ihe 
ciiiiMiiiioii  of  |feJ7,  the  third  arlu  le  of  ihe  eon- 
venliiin  of  HIH  was  citeinhd  iin/r/iiii/i/i/.  'I'lie 
sei'.nid  article  provides  thai  eiihei-  of  the  cniitriicl- 
iii\'  par'ii'H  cm,  al  any  linn-  afn  r  the  ootli  of  Octo- 
ber, ICt'JS,  by  !:ivin2:  ihe  niiii-r  p.ulv  iweUe  inunlhs 
notice,  ainint  mid  abro -aic  that  convenlion. 

The  third  article  pro\  ides  thai  nothiii:;  coiilaineil 
in  lliia  convention  shall  be  soconnrued  as  in  any 
manner  to  iilVect  the  claims  iImi  i-nhi-r  party  mav 
have  to  any  territory  wi-si  1  it' the  It ocky  .Mountains. 
This  convention  si-lilcd  no  ti-rrilor];il  ri-^hts  of  sov- 
ereii;niy  or  soil,  bnl  was  a  mere  tempi  rary  expe- 
dient; leavin-.r  liv  its  nwii  terms  the  ipiestion  of 
lerrilorial  liinils  and  title  in  abeyance.  Aliroi;ate 
lliis  convention,  ami  in  what  siiuaiion  do  yon  place 
the  riu'his  of  the  rinii-d  Siali  s  ni  ( li-i-L'on  .■  ."-iir,  we 
will  iheii  be  resiored  lo  llie  i  iiji iviiieni  of  oiir  riuhts 
as  they  wen-  00  the  liih  day  iif  Ociobi  r,  Ir^l-',  and 
on  thai  day  we  had  not  only  tin  ri-^'lil  of  iiroperly 
and  till.'  rii;lit  of  possession,  bnl  the  acinai  posses- 
sion. On  the  Mil:  day  of  Kebrinry,  lH|s,  ii  was 
ailnnitiil  liy  l.ord  ( 'astlereau'h  llnit  we  had  a  riu'lit 
to  be  reinstiiliil  in  the  possession  of  Astoria,  iii-d  lo 
be  the  party  in  posvession  while  IreatiiiL'"  of  the 
title,  and  for  which  purpose  Ins  wrilK-n  order  was 
issued;  which  was  dii!\-  execuierl  by  ib  ii\eriii'.;  to 
us  the  po^sessiiiii  of  .\s|.iria  :ind  the  ( 'olnmbia  on 
the  tlih  of  Ociiiber  follow  iinr.  lint  unt'irlunalely 
for  .American  interest  in  1  Ireu-on,  on  the 'Jtllli  of  ihe 
same  inonlli  this  conveolion  of  jonil  tiM-  was  made 
at  [.iinilon,  withoui  knowlediM-  lliai  Astoria  had 
been  suriendered, ami  by  which  (ireal  liritain  was 
allowed  the  joiiii  iisiofiill  the  enimlry  chiimi-d  by 
IIS  west  of  ihe  Rocky  .Mountains,  lo^eiher  with  llie 
harbors,  bays,  creeks,  and  naviirahle  rivers  thereof. 
Had  Cireat  Urilain  any  rivers,  liarbors,  bays, 
creeks,  or  lerrilm y,  there,  I'n-  ns  to  possess  in  com- 
mon with  her.-  Xo,  .--ir.  'I'here  was  but  one  ^real 
river  lliere,  which  drains  all  Oreeoii,  and  that  is 
Ihe  ('olnmbia.  lireal  Ibii.un  ailmiiu-d  onr  rii:ht 
to  the  possession  of  that  sireain,  and  by  her  written 
order  we  obtained  it  fourleen  days  lielore  this  con- 
venliini  was  si:riieil.  ( ireat  l>rilaiii  had  no  harbors, 
bays,  or  creeks,  in  l^ri-:roii  for  us  in  i-iipiy  in  com- 
mon wilh  her.  The  i-onveiiiion,  in  its  inci.-plioii, 
was  alto!i;ether  one-sided.  We  L'ave  all.  and  e:oi 
nothinir.  Sir,  I  want  this  cimveniionubroyraied.  I 
desire  to  be  I'reeil  from  iis  irammcls,  and  that  our 
coiintiy  be  restored  to  the  ri--:his  she  possessed  lie- 
I'ore  its  adoption.     What   has  been    the  practical 

elfi-ci  of  ihisi veiitioii  -     Why,  sir,  it  has  brought 

us  nothing'  but  the  bitter  friiiis'of  disappoinlnienl. 
It  drove  our  citizens  I'rom  Ore>:oii,  and  converted  : 
.■\niericaii  soil  into  a  Ibiiish  province,  ll  irave  In 
the  1  lulls. ni's  liay  Couuiany  lie- exclusive  pc.saes- 
siiin  of  (tre'_'iin.  luiii  tie-  nmlistiirbed  enjoynienl  of 
its  tr.ade  mill  cjinnierci-  for  a  i|iiirter  of  a  century. 
It  tiepriveil  ns  of  the  benelils  of  the  restoration  of 
Astoria  under  tin-  treity  of  ( ihent.  ll  rendered 
sliil  more  eoinplic:iieil  onr  iliiliciilties  with  Eii^'- 
laiid:  it  milled  new  cuLiriiej;  to  In  r  pi-i-ieiisiniis,  by 
lapse  nf  time,  ami  she  miw  m-is  up  ai-aiiisl  ns  that 
by  ll  we  admiti.d  she  had  rr^hh  m  that  country.  ' 
.Sir,  it  has  been  the  source  of  umnitnrated  evil  to  ' 
our  interests  inth-e^'.m,  and  I'nr  a  lime  desiriiyed 
all  we  had  llnre,  except  our  rii'hl  lo  llie  coiuiiry. 
The-^e.  sir,  ai-.-  the  fruits  tif  this  cnnveiition  and 
"  iiiii^ltrtii  iimcliiilij"  fnr  a  ipi.irii-r  of  n  .eiiinry. 

.Mr.  ('hairiii:iii.  we  h.ivi-  irii-d  minlirlij  iinic/iri/i/ 
hum-  enoiiL'h.  We  w:nil  no  more  of  it.  We  now 
wain  a  little  masterly  iirlirilii.  I'p  to  the  year 
IHIK,  the  ereaiir  p;  rl'nf  the  iraile  of  that  "iiimlry 
was  in  llie  hanils  nf  American  citizens;  but  ihe 
unproiei-ted  citizen,  under  tin-  operations  of  this 
joini-use  convention  and  the  wiiln-ri'iir  in'biem  1-  of 
miiilrrlii  inarlivilti,  wii^  niial.le  to  wiihsuind  the 
eiicroai-hmenis  of  the  lliiils..ii's  I'.iy  Comi.aiiy, 
backed  tip  and  siipporled  by  llie  inasii  riy  :iciiviiy 
of  the  lirilisli  ibivc  rnim-nt;  and  thus  the  exclusive 
pos.jessioii  and  trade  of  the  cnnniry  fell  inlo  the 
iiands  of  that  company.  .Siiici-  IK(7,  our  Ciovern- 
nieiit  has  turned  Us  aiienii.in  in  Ore-_'on.  Onr 
wi-siern  pioneers,  en. -on r;e/ed  by  the  aciioii  of  tjov- 
ernmeni,  commen.-eil  as  early  iis  l.s.'l!)  to  relnrii  to 
Ore-.'iin.  As  the  neasiires  of  the  (.bi\ernnicni  pro- 
jiressiil,  the  tide  nf  enii>.;ratiiiii  increased,  uiilil  we 
now-  have  in  Orciron  some  seven  iliousand  citizens, 
who  have  f..rnied  flmirmliiii'^-  s-lilements  al  Willa- 


mette hikI  Wallaw  ilia,  and  cliiiin  our  proieciion. 
We  can  irraiit  them  no  (idei|iiaie,  permam-nl,  or 
exclusive  riiilits  or  homes,  until  this  i>.in\i-iiiinii  is 
iiliro','ated.  Mm,  say  .;i-iitleineii,  if  ymi  !;ive  llui 
niiliee,  ynii  will  pniduee  a  war.  Tli.ii  can  iill'nrd 
no  jiisl  cause  of  a  war.  It  is  a  Irealy  Kliptil:ilion, 
and  we  have  a  rii;ht  In  exercise  ii  at  all  linn  s,  a  id  s.i 
ciiii  (..ireat  Urilain.  |!ul,  say  they,  what  will  you 
do  then-  Why,  sir,  we  will  extend  onr  laws  and 
iurisdi.-iion  over  onr  citizens  in  On -,'1111,  and  ilirnw 
ariiunil  them  the  Hhiehl  imd  pnite.'linn  of  the  Gov- 
eriimeiil.  Can  (ileal  Hrilnm  cninphiin  al  this' 
f 'erlainly  nol.  Wlial  has  she  done  I'nr  Inr  lliiil- 
sou's  Hay  ( 'ompany .!  In  Kih!),  Knc;  Charles  II, 
of  l-)n.;lanil,  !;raiili-il  a  1  liarler  In  ihis  cninpany  to 
tnule  nil  Hudson's  Ha).  This  company  im-n-iised 
in  power  and  imporlance,  and  sln-lehed  iiself  inross 
the  northern  le-^ioi:  of  this  Cniitimni.  In  IKH), 
by  the  inlltience  of  the  liriiish  I'.irliaineiit,  the 
.N'orlhw'esi  Cimipanv  w.-is  nniied  with,  imd  now 
forms  a  part  of,  the  I  liiilson's  I'.iy  ('nnipanv.  Ibi 
the  o|st  day  of  Deeemb.-r,  Isi-JI,  by  an  act  nf  I'ar- 
liamenl,  (in-ai  Urilain  t;niiiliil  to  lliis  Hudson's 
Itav  Company  the  exclusive  privtle.;e  of  the  inidi- 
aiid  eoinmen'e  of  Ori-ij.m  t'nr  Iw-enty  years,  ilnwii 
even  In  llie  Mexican  line,  exieplln;;  from  that 
irraiii  only  the  ri^ht  of  /\nieii.-an  citizens  i.i  iraile 
in  common  wilh  lliat  company,  uiiiler  the  e.iiuen- 
liiiii;  and  I  y  llie  same  act  she  exieinled  her  laws  ami 
jurisdiction  over  (h-i-".in,  establislu-d  her  indicial 
Iribimals  there  wilh  civil  and  criiiniial  jiirisilictioti. 
In  IK'tH,  ih.it  privile^'e  w;is  c.inlinm  .1  for  Iwi-nly- 
onc  years  ntore.  ^'t;s,  sir:  lirilish  laws  have  been 
in  full  force  in  ()n-uoii,  i-ver  sine-  |H-,i|,  and  ;ire 
yet  111  full  force  thei  -.  Trile,  llley  (hi  lint  allcmpl 
ill  enfon-e  iheir  criminal  laws  m^aiini  our  citizens; 
but  the  I  Inilson  Ihiy  Cnnip.iny  I'm  mil  ollii-r  1111:1 11.1 
just  as  eli'eilmil  to  drive  onr  1  iii/i  ns  mil  of  the 
eoimtry.  .Sir,  onr  ciiizens  li:i\e  now'  reiurm-d  lo 
Ore;;!!!!,  tliey  deiinmd  onr  pnileclion;  and  will  we 
ffive  it.'  Yes,  sir,  we  will;  but  we  will  iro  no 
fiirlhrr  with  onr  law,  W'hilsi  this  convention  ex- 
ists, than  liritain  has  !,'om  .  lint,  sir,  two  separate 
and  independent  sovereiirnlies  cannot  loni;  co-exisl 
ill  peace  in  the  same  territory.  .'X'^'ain,  we  are  ask- 
ed, will  yon  esl;iblisli  your  forts ."  1  answer,  ves. 
We  will  esiablish  11  conloii  of  blnck-honscs  ami 
sto.'k:ide  forts,  from  the  tipper  .Mi.isoitri  to  the 
Rocky  .Mimntains,  for  the  pnitection  of  emi;;raiits, 
ffranlini:  prnspe.'tive  pre-einpiions  of  lands  to  set- 
tle, al  each  f  nl,  that  prnvisinns  nniy  be  supplied; 
and  we  will  ida-'e  then',  our  imninied  rillemen,  Ui 
pro'ect  them.  Cm  llriniin  comnl.iin  of  this  r  .\o, 
sir.  We  are  told  she  has  now  ihirtr-  I'oiis  in  ()ir~ 
i^t>i],  npim  wlii.-h  floats  the  Icuin.r  of  St.  Ciior;^c. 
.Should  our  ciiizens  settle  and  iinproM'  ihe  eoun- 
Iry.  liritain  eaiinoi  compkiiii.  She  has  made  a 
settlement  at  Pii'/et  Sound,  in  lalilmle  47°,  on  the 
most  inhnil  arm  of  the  sea,  a;iil  wlii.h  is  desiineii 
In  be  line  of  the  irreatest  coimiierei;!  em|ioriums 
in  that  cnuiilry.  .Sir,  sniiie  i.'entlcmen,  who,  but 
a  few  weeks  since  w  ere  as  brave  as  Cesar,  when  n 
certain  111  her  territorial  tjiiesiion  *-.  is  peiidiii'.:,  w  liich 
has  now  been  h;ip|iily  coiisni,  ;.  .ted.  said  10  the 
helinsinan  of  ihe  ship  of  .Slate,  .M-  limfs  Civxiirrui 
rr/ii.t,"  ami  who  were  lln-ii  ready  ami  w-illiiiL^  iioi 
only  to  li;;ht  Kii;;lanil  and  Friince,  fnr  ilieir  mierfer- 
en.-e,  but  In  fi^'ht  "the  world  in  arms,"  have  by 
some  iniseen  and  myslerious  inlliience,al.'i"M  iiilhe 
twillklui;^  of  an  eye,  becnine  llie  enlivens  in  peace 
and  ihe  alarmists  nf  pnwer.  A  1  li:or_'.-  has  com. - 
over  tliesiiirit  of  llieir  dream,  .'sir,  I'-n-  the  last  five 
y.-eeks.  ill  theopeniin^of  our sissinn,  e\er\  morning 
a  lirilish  linn  has  been  introduced  inin  this  ll;iM,tii 
shake  his  ;;ory  locks  in  onr  faces,  ami  aue  ns  into 

submission.      Shall  we  take mscl  nf  niu-  I'.-ns, 

and  surn-nder  nl  discn-iion-  .Sir,  lliat  heist,  pow- 
p;-fnl  as  he  may  be,  is  not  invincible.  H.id  .S.im- 
son  taken  counsel  of  his  fears,  he  never  would 
have  met  and  shiin  llii  hfinf,  and  won  and  wore  ihe 
prize  of  his  nchieveinent,  or  sipped  honey  I'lom 
the  prostiate  carca.ss  of  this  monster  kin;.'  of  the 
fon-st. 

(icnllemeii  have  not  slopped  here  wilh  their 
pictures  of  terror.  They  have  lold  us  of  the  vast 
doniininiis  of  lirilish  p.issessinns;  that  the  sun 
never  rises  nr  .sets  iipnii  her  dnnnniniis;  no  matter 
in  what  clime,  her  hnnner  ll-ciis  in  the  bn  i-ze, 
and  the  peals  of  her  drum  e;i-(-et  the  ear  around 
the  I  in  le  nf  the  (;lnlie.  Tlu-y  have  cniinleil  lier 
ships  and  numbered  her  cannon  an!  her  bainiliiins 
of  infainry.  Tliey  have  Inid  ns  she  hold':  ih.'Ktroiii; 


■1;*! 


[Im'I..  7, 

nr  |irnrt*i'iinn. 
tfi'tiiMiii'Mi,  or 

fnri\<'llllfM)  is 
V<HI  ''ivr  tlin 
ll.ll  (MM  (ll)ni-(l 

y  sli|MihiCtiMi, 

liim  ^,M  1(1  s(( 
A'hnt  will  V(iii 

iMir  huvs  iihd 
1)11,  and  ilirow 
n  (It*  lilt'  Gov- 
ilain  itt:  fliiN  ' 
lor  III  r  1  liul- 
i:;  ('ItiuliH  II. 
H  ('ip|ii|i!iiiy  ti> 
an V  iinTi'iivi'ii 

it  ll^t■l^n^■|^tH^ 
■Ml.  In  IHIU, 
ivliiutu'iit,  ilio 

illi,  niul  imw 
'oiu|iaiiv.  On 
ini  act  nt'  I'jir- 

ImH  lluihnii'rt 
r  it\'  llic  tijuir 
,'  yt'iH's.  iliiwri 
iiLC  t'niui  rhai 
i/.ciis  to  tiadt^ 
T  ill''  c.tnvf'n- 
il  her  laws  anil 
(I  Ik'i*  iurtii'ial 
il  itirisilictinn. 
■il  lor  twenty 
lU'N  havr  licrn 
jH-Jl,  an'l  arc 
Im  not  MttiMnjit 
t  our  riii/rh'': 

l|  other  UKUItfl 
tIM  (Mlt  ol'  tin* 
nv  n-mrncd  to 
i;  (Ui(t  will  WH 
•0  will  L'o  no 
onvcnlion  (.x- 
,  tw(t  Mrpanitc 

t  [(MIl;  i*(t-rXISt 

n,  wc  arc  nsk- 
I  iiMHWor,  yi'H. 

k-hoiises  mill 
i.^Honri  to  llie 

ot't;nHi;ranl», 

lands  to  sci- 

Ite  sii|){i|i('d; 
d  riflemen,  lu 

(d' litis  r  No, 
y  toi  iH  in  (hr- 

r  St,  tieor-e. 

rove  tilt'  I'oun- 

liiis  made  il 

lie  .17^'^,  on  the 

Il  is  ilesiiniMl 
ii  I  riii|>orinni3 
KMi,  who,  hut 
I'snr,  when  n 
triidiii'.^  w  hii'h 
I,   s.ii(l   to  till' 

tiiiits  f'((s'(U"(JU 
id  willinir,  mu 
r  tlicir  miet-l»r- 
ins,''  have  hy 
CmI.'I'-:,!  Ml  the 
iverts  to  peaee 
in'j"e  has  eoine 
T'lr  I'le  lust  (ive 
r\or\  mornin'j 
to  this  UaP.  to 
nd  au  e  la^  nit(( 
I  of  (iin-  I'cars, 
lilt  III  I'^t,  puw- 
e.  li.ul  Sani- 
f  never  wonhi 
n  I'lid  u.tre  thr^ 
d  linh'y  I'lom 
er  km;:  of  th" 

fvc  with  their 
us  ot'  the  vast 
that  the  Niin 
ons;  no  matter 
in  the  hrei'/.e, 
he  ear  aroinid 
e  enuiiled  her 
!  her  hattaiions 
lohh-  th*'v:irotit; 


181G.1 
iif'Tii  CoNfi 1st  Smrh. 


A1»IM>:M)IN  to  TUV.  COiNCJUKSSIOiNAI,  (il-OHK. 

Imltficniliiit  'I'n a.Hiini — Mr.  / /iiiiiiiihsidi. 


417 


\kw  Srmif.h I\().  27. 


)  . 


i 


] 


jilnrra  nil  (•vc'ry'inilinoiil,  niul  llji'  I'nminiiniliii'^ 
!hIiumIh  nt)  rv<'r\'  scii;  tli.-d  ( iilii-Mliiu-,  Miitrn.  runt  tlit;  , 
PiirtlaiH'IN'N,  HIT  hnvt;  St.  llt'li-iiM,  (innd  I  Itipr,  flic, 
lil'll'  H  Itlill  (  'lllti:l,  Itt'c  ll'T  l>llt|l(l:•it^4;  llir  Itrrt  llltlitM  I 
111  ilti'  Atltiiitji',  till'  Siiiiiln  ii'li  iiiiil  halidHiiil  IsImiiiIh 
III  ilic  I'arifii',  wrir  liir  iTKliii!,'  iiliiri'N,  williiii  Hiri-  : 
Itilll' llinllllli'r  III'  lUlf  Hlliiri'Sl.  Tlllll  nIio  niril'i'IrH 
IIS  on  ilir  iMiiili  iiiiil  <'ii-ii  liy  llir  ('lUindiiH,  Nrw 
llfiii  ruvirii,  mill  Nin.i  Si'iiliii;  mill,  in  Hiipi'iitr  lirr 
i:i|iiirily  I'm-  ilniiiiiiliui,  wr  mf  imw  In  v;iv('  lii'i' 
4lrii;iiti,  iiiul  tiiii.*  lo  mIiiiI  otii-Hflvf**  mil  tVoiii  llin 
I'mil'ii',  mill  lii'iii  11^1  ill  nil  the  Wf»l.  Arc  iIickp 
ilio  m'L'iimi-iil»i>rAiii''rii';iii  stnii  viiirii,  in  mi  AiiHT- 
iiMii  Ciiiiiiri-^s?  No,  sir,  lliry  nrr  llir  iiririiiiii-iitu 
nC  tint'.  Vi's,  tlir  very  iiri^iiiiiriits  the  lintisli 
(invi'Miiiiciil  ilrsiri'  tn  licar.  ( 'rcnti' iiliiftii  miil  (li- 
\isiiiii  III  liiitiii',  mill  <'iir'Miv;i'^c  llir  "listitiMlcly  III 
|irrM>i  lirr  |iri'ti'iisi(iiiM  ;  ynn  n"i'iMn|ilisli  I'ur  Iht 
V  lull  sill'  rmiiiiil  in'iMihiiilisli  I'lir  liirscll'.  Vnii  liiiir 
lilt  such  !ir^iiini'iit-i  in  iii'r  i'iiiiii''il;i;  licr  (idvin-'itr  ^ 
■■mil  iilanni^ili  ii|i|ii'iir  In  lir  nii  this  siili'  llir  w:ii>r. 
I'^ir,  i^■  il  |iiis-iili|r  ll;iil  iIimI  riirli-irirl  s|ii'i'l(  nt"  mi 
"ni'emi  islr,"  limlii'il  liy  iIh'  wiivrs  nl'  n  iinrlii''nt 
fir>a,  I'dli  linM  i1;i>  wnrtil  ill  I'liiiiiiM,  anil  llu-  iimiotis 
nf  ilif  (NiKt  ill  fr;  r  mill  lintnln'^i' I  Tti.it  slii'  liiiH 
iinwcr,  will  lint  III'  I'l'iiii'il:  Inn  llml  slir  is  iiiviiiri- 
iili',  raiiiiiii  111'  ailiiiitlril.  Tlic  u'imii  iiiiiiislcr,  rliiil 
111  his  |iaiin|ily  nl'  s;lcrl,  wan  nliiiii  liy  the  mripliiii,' 
r<lii'|ilii'i'il  liny.  Sir,  wli.it  iii"aii  tlirsi'  aixniiiiiils 
{il'iciilli-iiirii-  l)n  lliry  li'itil  In  prini'  niir  liili' nr 
dispnivi' llir  cliiiiiri  III'  llriliiiii?  .Nn,  sir.  Why, 
llini,iirr  tlii'V  iiNi'il-  'I'licy  mil  llii'  r.'lin,  in  wnrds, 
III' till'  siitni'  iirnnniriils  liv  w  liiili  ihi'  Ihilisli  Unv- 
•'niiiii'iil  intends  In  ;'ni-ri'  hir  drtnmiils,  liy  tlic  prn- 
iiiiiliraiinn  nf  lirr  military  piTinimtintis.  Tiny  ai-f 
llir  miiinni'iiis  nf  dims,  wliiili  Hilrinc  the  vniic  nl* 
ri'asnii  and  rnfrrr  siihniissinn  tn  nnjnst  iiinl  itti- 
t'.innilcil  drninnds.  AVIin  I'vrr  kiii'«-  liriliiiii  In 
lir-^ntiatr  nn  jniv  iinpnrlmit  r|iii'Slinn,  I'nr  ccnlurirfl 
past,  williniii  lirst  iirniini;,  and  prniiiii!t;atiii!;  In  llie 
Wnrld  that  sin-  was  nriiicil  ?  Ilisinry  lines  iinl  fur-  i 
n  sli  mi  instmii'i'.  Sir,  Imw  and  liy  wliit  iiicmis 
has  she  eNiendeil  iior  (Innniiinnsr  In  the  very 
siiinr  inmnier  and  liy  the  saini'  means  she  iinw 
.seeks  tn  ^el  Oreijnn.  Siinie  stni^'i;llni,'  smiiL'sler, 
sueli  as  Jnliti  Alenres,  nr  sniiie  inariiiiiliti<;  t'nc- 
liiioler,a.s  nrake,eitlier  by  I'hnii'c  nr  aeridciit,  land.^ 
iipiiii  sniiie  unaettli'd  shnre;  remains  a  slinrt  time 
Cnr  lempnrny  pnrpnses  nl'  trade  nr  repairs;  he 
takes  pna.sessiiiii  nt' the  enimtry  in  the  name  nf'lii.s 
mivereiu'ii.  Nn  mailer  win)  has  diienvered  nr  rx- 
plnrid  the  pl.iee  liefnri^  him,  hi;  retnriisin  I'aiylmid 
M'ith  a  inni;  and  fal.-^e  aeenimt  nl"  ini]inrtanl  disenve- 
ries.  F.nirlmiil  wants  the  ennnli-y:  sheiuake.snirani 
(n  some  enliiny  nr  enrpiiratinif,  il'tlieir  intrusinn  lie 
resisted  liy  anntlier  iiatinii,  iipim  lietter  lille,  l'!ii;;- 
laiid  arms,  and  then  prnpnses  nesntialinn;  iiiit  if 
her  claim  lie  Inn  new  mid  I'l'iitiile  nt  that  time  lo 
bear  investiLratinn,  nr  she  is  ntherwise  eiii!:a2'ed,  a 
final  divisiiin  nl'terrimry  and  adinstnienl  nf  elaiiiis 
is  waived  t'nr  the  present.  .Snme  diplomatie.  eini- 
vention  is  prii|iiiseil  and  agreed  iipim,  liy  wliieli 
Britain  is  kejit  in  jinsHissinn,  and  in  whieh  are 
nrtfully  interwnven  exiensive  terms  and  enmpliea- 
ted  cnndiii^ins,  tn  form  the  irerins  nl' future  eniitrn- 
versy.  I'm-,  sir,  il  has  heenme  a  maxim  that  IJri- 
tain  never  makes  a  treaty  witlinnt  planliii!:  in  it  llic  Ij 
Feeds  nf  its  nwn  dissnhitinii.  Time  rnlls  nn.  Her 
claims,  hy  time  and  eireiimstaiiees,  ripen  iiitn  what 
Blie  then  enlls  treaty  riL'hts;  she  refuses  In  crn  liaek 
nf  her  eonviutiiiiis',  plants  herself  upon  them,  in-  i 
sisla  iipnti  the  exeeiuinn  nf  iheir  terms  as  she  enn-  ! 
xtrues  them.  If  slie  ennunt  entirely  lununpnlizo  | 
the  ennntry,  nt  snme  eniivenient  lime  fnr  her  she 
renews  iir^'ntialinns  In  settle  liniindaries,  prn|inses 
iirhitrary  and  unfair  lines  as  a  ennipromise,  with-  , 
out  rc;;ard  In  the  jnstiee  nr  injnstiec  nf  the  nriii;in 
(if  her  elaims.  If  her  denmnils  he  lint  yielded  tn, 
she  arms,  pnlilishos  in  her  ija/.ettes  that  her  flee'  : 
are  equipped,  her  !;arrisniis  siippli'jd,  thereijiments 
filled,  and  then  shakes  her  triileni  at  the  world,  j 
anil  demands  a  eate^rnrieal  answer,  and  thus  en-  • 
erees  ui",'ntialinii,  and  she  dieiates  the  terms  nf  the  ; 
Iiealy,  always  hein::  sure  In  have  the  linn's  share. 
Hlie  iinw  attempts  tn  make  that  experiment  u|inn 
us.  Will  wc  .sohmit.'  Site  has  planted  herself, 
iipnn  the  .N'nnlka  eniivenlion,  anil  eiiuslriies  il  in 
her  own  way,  wilhniit  ever  Innkiiur  tn  llie  euiire 
waul  nf  any  Just  elaims  tn  base  il  upon.  In  li.SS, 
.Tnliii  Meiires,a  rnrtuL,^uesesiim:ri^Ier,  visitsNontka 
anilhuildsa  linai.  In  l*!)!)  .Inlin  Meares  isehaii- 
1"  d  iiitn  a  liritish  lieuleimnt,  and   his  elaims  have 


L'rnwn  iiiln  "liaels  nf  liiiid  and  I ses."     In  IHI,'! 

liiis  elaitii  liiis  ripened  intn  a  nalininil  ri'.;lil,  and 
tlllll  Inn  witlinnt  either  selllement  nr  pnsaessinll. 
Ill  lH-1,")  il  has  L'rnwn  intn  ii  jnini  ri",hl;  a  teiiaiili  y 
In  enminnii  in  an  empire  nrrilnry  nf  nine  liiindreil 
miles  in  extent,  nf  wliieli  she  iimm  ilemaiids  par- 
litiiel. 

.Sn',  Ihe  pnssi  ssinn  nf  a  lar'.'e  pari  of  llie  lirit- 
ish einiiire  WHS  aeimireil  by  llie  lei  inr  nf  her  arms; 
and  is  held  III  lliisiliiy  by  the  same  tenure;  with  her 
nietaJH  ill  emninii  ami  in  eniii  she  fri;;lileiis  llie 
liiilid  anil  lirihes  the  venal.  Her  Inn'.;  eareer  nf 
iialiiiual  a^".;rl'.^sinn  has  jusily  eniith'il  her  In  the 
appellalinii  nf  "  |iliiiiileri  r  nl'  na'imiM  and  llie  rnb- 
lier  111"  the  wnrld."  Sir,  I  wniilil  tint  be  sn  unwise 
as  In  underrate  the  pnwer  nf  her  arms  or  the  diplo- 
niaey  nf  her  ('aliiiiei.  |  wnuld  eaiefully  Ktiidy  the 
prnwess  of  her  aeliievements,  the  streii;;tli  nf  her 
arms,  llie  liinlnry  nf  her  n',"-'re.ssinii.^,  the  priiiei- 
nles  nf  her  pnliey,  mid  the  lllnili'  nf  its  exenilinll; 
Inn   never,  sir,  nn,  ueverl  while  I   li.nl  a  enimiry 

o\'  my  iiH  II,  nr  a  hem  t  In  Inve  it,  wnnld   1  In me 

the  enlnuist  nf  her  iireatness,  the  pmiiler  nf  her 
interests,  nr  the  apolnijist  nf  her  erimes.  St),  sir; 
rather  wnuld  I  turn  tn  llie  Inslnrie  paires  nf  niir 
ri  vnlntiniiary  sires,  wlm  m-li'i-vi  d  niir  iiidepeud- 
eiii'e  and  fnimded  our  insilMitinns,  .iiiil  learn  frniii 
them  llie  priee  nf  niir  naiinnal  freednni,  and  the 
tiiiepriniiples  ol'|)nlii'y  In  preserve  litem.  Ilallier 
wnuld  I  ennleniplate  the  !.'liiiv  of  nnr  aihieve- 
neiiis  by  land  and  sea  in  lliewarnf  IHl'.'.  Itallier 
wnnld  I  traee  iln;  i;inu'lli  nf  nnr  piiwer  and  the 
perfeetinn  nf  niir  pnliey  I'riiin  lliat  lime  tn  llie  pres- 
ei.t,  and  earefnllv  examine  and  enmpare  nnr  pres- 
ent sin  iiijih  with  that  nf  nnr  adversary,  anil  llieti 
enli'ttlme  the  ilianees  nf  sneeess.  It  is  alilie  un- 
wise In  exalt  nr  depreetate  llii;  pnwer  nf  yniir  ad- 
\ersary,nr  vaini.'lnrinnsly  to  boast  nr  enwardly  tn 
(Iispani'/e  your  own. 

Mr.  Cliairiiian,  one  passin;;  renuirk.  .Slionhl  I 
ever  be  so  ittiliirtiinate,  either  by  eliniee,  necident, 
nr  in  nbedirnee  In  the  behest  iifsiuiie  superinr  lead- 
e",as  tn  find  myself  plaeed  upnn  the  aiiti-.\iiicrieiiii 
side  nf  any  irreat  national  fpiestinn,  I  Iriist  I  shall 
never  seek  exlrie.itinti  frniil  lliat  pnsilinn  by  avail- 
in;;  inyself  nf  the  aid  nf  any  nf  that  ephemeral 
R)iawii  nC  venal  seribbiers,  wlin  infest  every  eapitnl 
and  pnllnle  every  paper.  niit,sir,  snine  uenllemeii 
tell  us  lliis  is  a  iVesident-niakin;;  ipiestinii.  I  have 
bill  a  sinijle  leiiiark  upon  that  snbjeet.  If  any  of 
the  aspirants  tn  the  sneeession,  or  their  friends, 
Seek  prninntinii  to  thai  lii^'h  oll'ien  by  ijaniblinp; 
with  the  ri^jiils  of  llieir  ennntry,  or  the  inli'2;rity  of 
her  soil,  upon  the  pnlitieal  elitssbnard,  they  will 
liiid  the  w.iysides  of  the  road  tri  the  li'hilf  Ihiusf 
slriinil  willulead  pnlitieimis.  'I'lie  .Vmerieaii  pen- 
pie  will  never  by  their  suH'raijes  elevate  any  man 
In  nffiec,  wlm  wnnld  prninnte  his  nwn  persnnal 
ai.''Kran(lizem(  lit  by  abandniiiu^'  nr  saerifielut,'  the 
interests  nf  his  eniinlry.  ,Sir,  wc  are  told  that  this 
is  a  western  (juestion,  and  that  western  men  cnin- 
pnsn  a  war  partv.  ANTIiat  advantage  does  the  West 
train  hy  rnaiiitalninp;  nnr  riirht.-.  in  Ore;ron,  niore 
tlian  llie  I'^asi.^  None,  sir,  iiniie.  >>:iy  iiiore,  the 
eastern  eilies  would  be  the  l.ir'jesl  irainers.  When 
llie  nienn.s  nf  ennimimieation  anil  the  elmimels  nf 
trade  are  opened  up  and  eslaldislied,  eonueclii)!; 
the  Ailantie  eilies  with  those  of  the  I'aeifie,  and 
lhe.se  eomineieial  points  are  bound  tn(;elher  by  the  j 
lies  nf  interest,  of  kindred,  and  of  blond,  will  tint 
the  eoniniereial  men  of  the  KiLSt  have  a  iiiiieh  f;reat- 
er  interest  in  (h'e2;oii  than  the  ngrieullnrisis  of  the 
western  valley  ? 

Sir,  the  \vi  stern  jieople  are  a  peaeeable  people; 
they  desire  nn  nnjnst  war,  nn  war  nf  a;;q;ression. 
They  full  well  kiimv  and  appreeiale  the  devasta- 
liotis  and  hnrrnrs  nf  war,  and  alsn  the  blessings  of 
peace.  Thev  rejoice  in  the  niaiutenaiiee  of  that  , 
peace;  but,  sir,  it  is  not  wilh  the  Joy  of  fear.  They 
wnnld  fnrbear  Inn;;  and  endure  iiiueh  bel'nre  they 
wnnld  destroy  our  peaceful  relations  with  the 
wnrld.  Rill  t'liey  will  never  cnn-jent  to  purchase 
that  jienee,  dear  as  it  may  be,  by  a  sacrifice  nf  na- 
tional linnnr  nr  naiinnal  interest. 

Mr.  t'hairuian,  we  say  tn  !linse  irentlemen,  be 
just,  and  fear  nnl;  ascertain  clearly  the  extent  nf 
nnr  just  riidits  in  that  "niinlrv;  demand  nn  more, 
take  tin  less;  "  a:d{  iintliins;  lint  what  is  clearly 
rishi,  submit  In  uiithin'j  thatis  wrnni;."  And  we 
say  further  lo  ihem,  that  the  friends  nf  Orei;nn 
will  never  cnusent  to  barter  nne  acre  of  its  soil, 
nnr  one  tree  nf  its  fiu-ests.  to  which  we  luuea  jrood 


title,  Inr  ri>ltni}-ha:x^  er  f la ii  /((c's-,  riilirn  initils,  roll* 
Jhli,  III'  fluid/  </er/.'i.  Iliil  shnnlil  war  cniue  of  this — 
slmi'ld  the  swiird  niii  e  he  iliau  II — 1  wnnld  adviNP 
'iiy  eniintrynien  tn  llirnw  away  the  scMhliard,  iiml 
never  sIk'iiiIi  lliat  swnril  until  the  lasi  binndy 
track  of  the  llritisli  linn  was  blolled  out  finin 
Aiiieriemi  soil,  mid  his  last  lalnii  eiil  Innse  frnni 
the  eoiitineiit.  lie  is  at  best  but  tin  iiiiweli-oiii'* 
mal  dmiL'croiiM  neighbor. 


i.\1)I''.p|':ni)I',.\t  tiikasury. 


si>i;i:eii  of  ,\iu.  iiakmanson, 


1)1' 


l>j   tiu:  III 


On  till 


27 


l.lll  IS1A\.\. 

;  111-    l!i;i'tii>i.VT*Tivr.^, 

./;.,;/ 1,  ink;. 

Inilependeiu  Treasury  Hill. 
The  House  beiie;  in  ('oniiiiiltee  nf  the  Whole  nn 
the  slate  iiT  the  niiiiin,  nil  the  ilill  fnr  the  belter 
nivaiti/.alinii  nf  ihe  Treasury,  and  for  the  safe- 
keeiiinu',  transfer,  anil  ilisliurseincnt  nf  the  pub- 
lic lieMiiiK — 

Mr.  HAUMANSCIN  nildressed  the  cninmiltee 
as  fnllnws; 

There  is  nn  measure,  Mr.  t 'liiiiniian,  i  lendnptinn 
nf  which  I  shall  hail  Willi  ninre  heiuti'eli  pleasure 
tliiiii  the  line  now  under  cnni-ileralinu.  I  ;;nfnril, 
sir,  willi  the  fullest  eiimictiiin  and  llie  fcrient  hnpe 
tlllll,  if  I'lilly  and  fairly  carried  nut,  it  will  ni'adiially 
bill  eireeliially  rill  iis  nf  nnr  )iresent  visionary,  va- 
I'lllatin:;,  i.^itiililiiii;,  paper  innney,  credit  systenr, 
and  replace  it  with  another,  that  will  [live  stability 

1 ir  eninmerce,   place    credil   on   its  leijitininle 

fniiinlatiiin — linnesly,  iiliility.  ami  iiidnstry;  and 
make  a  prnjier  discritiiiiiatinii  between  an  finiiest, 
capable,  and  inditsiriniis  lumi,  and  the  cunniii;;, 
artful  villain. 

1  ^n  fnr  il,  sir,  frnni  the  indispensable  neeessily 
nf  this  Unvermin  111  resitniiiiu:  its  ri!;litfiil  pnwer  of 
eniiiin;  iiinney  and  re;;iilatiiii  its  value,  which  sn- 
ereil  unvermnciilal  I'nnctinii  is  nnw  tisiirpeil  by 
irrespnusilile  inrpnratinns,  called  banks,  or  pn)ier- 
inntiey  minis,  wliieli  ciinlrol  its  value,  by  eontrne- 
linii  or  Dxpansinii,  as  avarice  or  iimhiilon  may 
ilict.ate. 

I  ^o  for  it,  with  the  biirnin;;  desire  lo  cf^lablish, 
in  nnr  ;;reat  Itepnblie,  the  L'feat  triitli,  that  even- 
handed  Justice,  eipial  laws,  ei|iial  ri'^hts,  eipinl 
benefits,  and  er|ual  iiiirdcns,  ar«  llie  only  le;;ili- 
inate  ends  of  f  invernment. 

I  am  an  npeii,  iinilis;;ni.seil  enemy  of  our  paper- 
mniiey  system.  It  is  iiiterly  at  variance  with 
the  prinei|.les  nf  e(|iial  ri;;lils,  ilHstrtictive  nf  every 
jireiil  interest  nf  the  cniinlry,  particularly  the  eoin- 
iiiercial — llie  very  interest  its  advocates  contend  it 
advances — and  spreads  demoralization  fi'dtii  end  lo 
end  of  the  Unimi.  I  am  willing;  ni  ;;o  for  any  h";i- 
liiiiate,  prndenl  measure,  that  will  rid  us  of  this 
system;  and  I  honestly  believe  the  ndoptiiiii  of  this 
bill,  if  fairly  enforced,  will  ultimately  lead  In  llint 
result.  Snme  nf  my  friends,  hnwever,  dill'er  with 
me.  Tlii'V  tliiiik  the  r-ll'ect  nf  ihis  bill  will  be  lo  re- 
sirain  the  banks  from  iloin;  harm,  and  leave  ihcni 
the  power  to  do  L'ond.  Sir,  in  either  event,  the 
eiiimtry  will  be  benefited.  If  they  lire  riirlit,  the 
evil  will  be  palliated  :  slinnid  I  he  right,  the  evil 
will  be  eradicated. 

I  will  examine,  Mr.  Cliairninn,  our  paper  sys- 
tem, 1  hope,  sir,  with  canilnr  and  fairness;  wilh 
nn  dispnsilinn  tn  exai:L'erate  nr  exleminle  its  evils, 
but  with  an  honest  desire  tn  strip  the  system  of  its 
many  dissuisi-s,  and  phiee  it,  In  its  nakedness,  be- 
fnrc  my  (■niimrymen;  with  a  enns-inusiiess,  if  my 
views  be  ri;:hl,  that  every  j;ond  iiimi,  witlinnt  dis- 
tinciinii  of  partv,  will  cheerfully  lend  his  aid  lo 
rid  us  of  it.  I'arty  iiaines,  parly  shaekles,  are 
stroll';,  very  stroie;;  but,  sir,  when  party  com- 
11. anils  are  clearly  in  opposition  lojnsiice  and  truth, 
pnlitieimis  may  still  fnllnw:  but  the  men  nf  neither 
parly,  who  have  jusl  elaims  to  lionesly  ,11111  inde- 
pendence. Would  Inns  hesilale  which  lo  obey — un- 
just party  enmmands,  nr  the  diclati  s  nf  rea-son  mid 
enuscience.  Party  eommmuls  have,  and  should 
have,  this  jnsi  inlluence;  to  make  their  honest  fol- 
lowers hesitate,  relltct,  examine  wilh  care  and  cnu- 
tinii.  Uiit  when  their  minds  are  clearly  convinced 
that  ilio.se  eoimimnds  are  uiijusl,  false,  and  lend 
111  immorality,  every  t'eelins;  of  an  honest  nature 
would  )iinmjit  them  in  the  side  nf  Inilh  and  jus- 


m 


4I« 


^Uiii  CiiMi I^-T  Skm 


Al'FKiNUIX  TO  'I'HK  CONORKSSIONAL  GLUUt:. 

Iiiili  jii'inli  .It  'I'ri'dsiiri/ — Mr.  llnnunn.wn. 


[April  I, 
111).  Ill'  Kiel's. 


liiT.  S<(H'-ir,<|icil,  lAI'ii  liiliciii  I'l'  iHfsinl  ifMiiril 
III  lliii  tfiiiiil  (.iiiiiiiiii  111  llmir  I'llliiw-rili/ciiK,  mill  i\f 
fminr  irwiiiil  ni  llii'  nihiIih  i\<  lliiir  (iml,  wmilil 
ini|>i'l  llirni  l.i  fiil'i'"!'  'In'  H'H'li-  Wi-rr  il  mil  nn, 
ilinl  iiiir  |it'.<|>Ii' ^^<||llll  jiii'l'ir  inilli  mill  jiiiiiii'i' tii 
fulKi'liinxl  ;iMil  iMiiiinriilily,  ur  liiiil  iml  lln'  inlilli- 
priici"  111'  I'lililiiliMl  ni'llM  III  ilisriilllilllllr  lirlttnll 
tliriii,  Ilii'ii.xir,  Mil'  |inni  i|ilr  111' wir-;;inrniiiiriil, 
uliii'li  liiH  I'M'iti  il  llii' Mm  lii'si  liiipiH  iiriiiiiiiiiiiilv, 
wliirli  I'MTy  I'liiliiiilliri'I'iKl   n*  Miilcuuriii;  In  iiii- 


pri's 


I  lllr'i  U|ll/ii|  HOI  111  ll«  nil  l■1lallli^lll  ll  |iu!ili- 


>':\- 


i'lil  r.ii-l,  in  l.iii  lli>-  fiiiiil  ilriMiii  of  .1  NiHimniry— J 
iiiiw.'liii'MMin  ilniiiii,  .sir,  w  liii-li  wiiiilil  ^lir  ii|iiinil 
five  lilV  111  llii'  iliMiii'sii  I'.iliii^'i  iil'iiiu'  imlmT.iinly 

to   I'l'  I'ni'.lllll    111   ill  . Slum  Jllll    ||illllll>MIII'h:<. 

1  mil  ii'il  mil'  Willi  iliMlrii'.l.-i  lliiil  .■•ii'Tii!  |ii-iiii'i- 
pip  111"  M'lt'-uiivi'niiiiriil  I  I  liiiM'  nil  iiliiiliiii;  liiiili, 
!ilr,  ill  llii'  iiililii  •,iiiii'  mill  I'.'iiii.iiy  "(  iln'  iii.iss  of 
my  I'liuiiryiiii'ii. 

'Iliil  1(1  llir  i|i;r^liiili.     Il  niiiy  l""  nniH sMiry  M 

Ui^i'iiM  iiiir  liiiiikiiiir  .lyNlnii  iiiiiUr  ii«  luiil  luliniii- 
isiriiliiii).  All  pai'tii  s  iiiliiiii  lliai  till' I'ViiH  iii't  in- 
liili'nililr.  It  in,  iiiiilir  ii.i  lii  kI  m;iiiii;;i'iiii'iil,  Willi 
liirii  wliii  mi'  liiiiiiHl  mill  willing'  1"  iln  llii'  I""! 
till  y  I'i'ii  I'lir  till  ir  ri'iiiiii'y,  iliiil  I  sli.ill  ilisniss  li, 
i\iiil  Iiiipi'  111  piiivi',  IVoin  ilH  very  imliirr,  lliat  it  is 
n   !;iTat   iniiiniii'i'ial,  pnliiiral,  s'linl,   nml   iiiiinl 

PVll 

Lit  MS  supi'iiM',  Mr.  Clialrnian,  imr  liaiiku  to  lie 
niiiinirtil  liy  lioiii.si  imii,  Icnilin^  mil  llirir  papiT, 
sny  lliii'i-  til  niir.  fairly,  tii  llii'  riiiiliiiiinily,  w  itlii'iit 
liny  rnviHitijiiu  w  liaiiM  r,  wiilirvi'ii'limiilcil  jiixtiri', 
nml  111  tlirrr  In'  a  rmi'i'.'u  nr  iluim'slii'  ili  iiiaiiil  I'lr 
.■<l>i'i'ii-:  I.<  II  11"!  |ii  riVilly  ell 'ir  llial,  li  pay  llir 
deiiiami — '-.ly  I'nr  mir  iiiillmii  nl'  sprric — tlio  li.iiik 
WiiiiliI  liavi'  to  I'liiilriii'l  il«,  riri'iilali'in  llii'i'iMiiil- 
lioiLs;  tliiiH  rciliii'in:;  tlio  iiMiml  rroilit  ol'  tlnw  wlin 
liorriiw  iVniii  tliriii  III  tlic  faiiii"  pnipi'ifioii,  miil 
c.-iiiMini;  a  roni'KPi'iiiliii'.:  lall  in  lliiir  prii'i  s  r  Tliii 
woiilil  iicii  liavf  I'lin  till'  i';in'  iinilir  a  luiri'ly  im - 
tallii'  sy.-^ii'iii.     'I'lii.'',  i  lliiiik,  all  will  ailiiiit. 

.'Vnil,  I'liiilifr:  I'ank.i  mi'  iiiaiia<;i'il  liv  nii'ii  in 
nriivL'  I'l'iiiiiu  ri'i-il  lai:^iia'>.i  ill  coinpi  minii  with 
tlio-ip  wli'i  liiirni"'  I'l'  111'  lia'ik.  .Now,  i  vi  ry 
■ri mil  iiiun  mi  tlii-*  llnnr  knows,  ami  will  adinii, 
tli.it  two  >t(aiiiliii.ti''<  I'aiinot  niii  liriwrrii  tlil.-^  plii''(' 
Biiil  Rirliiniinil  willioiil  iisiii:;i'Vi  ry  poMsilili'  tiiraii.i 
to  iTct  pa.i.'Hi  tiLif'r.'^  and  fi'fi'^^lit  tV'tin  rarli  otluT. 
Who  would  I'wv  ''iintnilol'tlii'  iVci.'lii  and  p,i«.'-a;;c' 
I"  fiilierof  thi'i'i?  N.n  ma'  man  in  my  prisincc 
would  n::i'*'''  to  ir,  I'tr  two  1.^1. nd  sul'.suiiitial  irif^on.s; 
Till'  tii-rii  i",  iIk?  mil'  who  1;  111  llii-  powi  r,  w  oiilil  W 
«onU!wlial  nim-i-  llian  liiiiimn,  if  II"  did  not  Ini  iik 
down  the  other',  and  the  oiliiT,  .10  -<oon  as  he  rid 
Iiiins'  It'  ol'  emiipilitloa,  would  raiHt'  the  prii'c  of 
fp'ij^Iit  and  passn;;!'.  'I'liis  would  ln'  naliir.il  i-noiiirh 
nil  will  ii'.;r('c. 

Now,  I  Hiiiild  (i»k  the  (•(iiiiiTlillf'c  If  it  Im  wise 
rr  jiift  t.i  liiiild  a  Hystcin  of  ort'dil  that  will  iirci.s- 
.larily  placi-  ili'  rridil,  iniy,  I'oi-tunis,  of  tho.-ic  mil 
of  tin*  liaiik.  diriclly  ninli-r  the  c'liirol  of  nun  in 
the  NaiiK'  lm'»int'.-!s,  mid  in  i'onipt'li:iou  Willi  llu-m.' 
To  say  limy  wmild  not  ii'^f  tlif  powiT,  would  ar- 
(.iic  a  want  nf  rN|ii'rii'iii'i',  rmiinion  '■(ii'<(',  nr  loni- 
luon  liomslv,  fm'  all  uuoi  IkHcm'  ii,  :-:\y  >vhat 
tlu-y  may. 

And,  .sir,  whon  llu^  hanks  nri'  rjdh'd  mi  for  sop- 
cit' — owiii;^  tliri'P  times  ^s  niurli  as  they  lan  pi'.v, 
nnd  ihc  rry  is,  "  I'hv  up,  ay  nii" — who  do  ihiy 
rail  on  first,  I  ask  in  all  raiidor.-  Ooi's  not  cirry 
prntk'iuan  on  this  door  know  that  llii'  small  iiur- 
rhant,  who  has  hut  ftw  frinids,  will  hr  rmnprllril 
Id  pay,  romnii-m'iii;;  aU'.'.iys  w  lili  thi  wcaki-si  and 
pooi\sl=  The  slriing(st,fri>ni  thfir  p'lwi  r  and  in- 
riuenr.e,  w  ill  f;il  tlirir  noirs  rrnrwid. 

Li't  lis  say,  that  the  diiiiiiiiil  for  sperie  is  heavy, 
nnd  ihreali'iis  a  suspension.  'I'he  (juesiion  eomi  s 
lip,  .Shall  tliei-e  ineii'liniils,  who  inanau'e  the  limik, 
rinew  ll.eir  notes,  y\\v  tliein.selves,  hi  the  hank 
suspend,  and  throw  the  loss  on  the  people  hy  the 
depreciation  uf  their  j'aiier,  or  ruin  themseUes  to 
siislaiu  the  l.aiik?  Wliieh  woidd  lliey  prefer: 
'I'ho  ehoire  Is  ni  their  own  hands.  Say,  sir,  ihc  v 
do  their  Uuly,  run'  Iheni.selves,  nnd  s'a\e  the  pen- 
pU",  whieh,  howiM-r,  is  leit  very  iinilial'le. 

.\ow  lliese  men  mana'.;im.j  the  liaiiks,  liovve\ir 
dis|io.srd  lliey  may  he  to  fax  or  the  dehlors  of  lliu 
hank,  do  nut  ii;m:  it  in  their  power;  for  the  iner- 
I  hauls  owe  them,  and  lliey  owe  the  people,  who 
hull!  their  notes.  (Jnc  of  Iwi.  lliimrs  is  inevllahle — 
lliey  have  no  aliernative:  tlieyi'itlicr  have  to  hreak 
the  nieriliniils  mid  .-iave  the  hank,  or  isave  the  ne'r- 


I'haiils  hy  11  renew  id  of  lliiir  paper,  leltin;  the 
hank  siiHpeiid,  nnd  throw  the  loss  on  the  people. 

.N'ow  ,  Hir,  under  our  puperi'redit  system,  e\en 
nil)  II  iiianiiL.'eil  hyhmiisl  nien.lhis  willidwiiys  he 
the  resiili  1.1  e\erv  pies.siire  in  the  iii'itit  y  m.irkei, 
Uiir  small  merihiinis,  who  are  sirn:;';liiiL,'  lo  make 
a  I'oinfiM'lahle  tuiii'.:  fer  their  t'eiuilie's  will  iilwayN 
he  Knerifned — the  very  men  ihiil  should  he  pro- 
teeleil. 

Let  lilt  Kee,  Mr,  ('hnlrmiin,  how  ililTereiil  wniilil 
he  the  ii'snh  under  a  speeie  systi  ni.  Say  lliiit  rial 
nii'iiey  w.'S  leaii  iI  mil.  mid  ilial  ihere  was  a  lie- 
iiiand, either  fmeir  11  or  limm  she,  lor  money,  'I'he 
hankeri  win'  loe.u'd  out  llie  speeie  wniilil  rriicw 
■  he  nol''>i  of  llie  iiirrehmils,  heeiiiise,  iiiiliko  iiiir 
piiper  haiik.'i,  they  would  owe  liolhiiij-.  Ililiee  II 
IS  seen  ihiil  spci'ie  h.'inkH  ran  'ilw'ii\s  save  the  iiier- 
elianlH,  w  liile  our  paper  hanks  I'amml.  And  this 
is  ihe  reason  why  there  are  more  iiiiri  hauls  rnlni'd 
In  the  ruiled  Slates  than  in  nil  the  iif  tof  the  eiiiii- 
iiierilal  world.  One  sy.sli  m  li.ia  the  power  to  saM', 
and  it  is  i!s  Inleie.'.i  10  do  II,  while  tiie  mlier  is 
eerlain  deslnii'iimi.  W'eie  we  emisidt  the  hap- 
piiii  ss  mid  safely  of  those  eonei  rneil,  and  the  sia- 
iiilily  of  I'linimei'i'i',  all  impreiudiied  niiiids  iiiusi 
nilniil  the  speeie  sysleiu  is  imimiily  Ihe  hesl. 

I  will  now  e\an line  theai'i  oinnii"lalion-emlorse- 
neiit  system,  w  liii'Ii  is  put  mal  par.-'  1  of  our  pape. 
sysleiii ;  and,  in  my  opinion,  no  part  of  it  has 
ereaied  more  disiress.  Ask  llie  hanks  w  hy  they 
nsli  endorsemenis,  nnd  tiiey  will  tell  yon  II  Is  In  j 
make  the  paper  safe.  'I'liis  is  f  ilse,  i,ir.  Il  Ih  a 
hiind  lo  ihro'.i  iliisi  into  the  eyes  of  ihe  puhli,'.  It 
Is  a  di'viee  nf  lln  se  I'limiinu'  siiei  iilalms,  w  ho  niaii- 
HL'e.  the  hanks,  lo  horrow  lar:;.'  mnoiinis  of  money, 
so  ns  111  nioniipoli/e  husiness.  Lei  one  of  thise 
sfiei'idnlors  horrow  (say)  two  hundred  lliniisniid 
d'lllars,  mid  the  1  ompliiint  he  niiiile  that  he  had 
hmr'uved  tiei  mmli  fm-  ihe  safely  ol  the  hank,  and 
tell  times  as  nine h  MS  In  jnsi ire  he  slimdil  have  had; 
he  would  show  len  "llier  names  that  were  hound 
for  his  paper,  w  hull  would  seem  pnlly  fair,  ivhile 
in  reality  they  would  make  It  mneli  wnrse,  as  en  h 
one  of  these  li  n,  hy  eniliii.-  lie.:  for  eiieli  nlln  r,  101' 
leu  times  lis  inni'li  as  ihey  shmild  have  had.  And 
there  is  no  It  IliiiiT,  whiii  one  larire  house  fails, 
where  it  will  end.  .\  mereluiiii  not  only  jeopur- 
di/.es  his  ow  11  hiisiiie'  s,  hut  of  all  others  conni'et- 
I  il  willi  him,  hy  this  deeepllve  lliln^',  eiidorseniPiil. 
'I'he  people  al'ler  all.  sir,  are  the  real  1  ndm.sers,  mid 
run  all  the  risk,  as  they  hold  the  noles  of  the  hank. 
As  to  the  safely  of  1  ndorsemenl,  as  a  sysleni,  il  is 
all  luinihin;  It  is  a  rolleii  ehaiii,  eomieetin^'  liiin- 
dreds  lo;,'ellier — hreak  one  link  and  nil  nre  ^one. 
It  is  worse  itanihliiiL'.  and  the  risk  (;i'''"l<'i'i  'h"" 
the  riro-ial'h'. 

Mr.  ('hiiirmaii,  under  n  speeie  sysii'iii,  endorse- 
nienls  would  soon  ;;o  out  of  use,  as  it  would  he 
safer  wilhout  them.  /Xs  for  the  lender,  lliey 
would  he  linilim;oiit  ihelrown  money, and  vonid 
mil  run  any  risk.     'I'liev  emild  ahv.iys  liiid   out 

wlinln  n wed   himself;  hut  it  is  Inniossilile  In 

find  oiitwhm  he  would  owe  for  olhers,  nnd  for 
lle'ir  safely  lliey  would  not  eneonra'.'e  endorse- 
meiilM.  It  is  a  erealiire  of  our  paper-eredlt  system, 
devised  hy  nrlfiil  men  10  einer  their  frniids.  The 
whole  system  is  as  iinjusi  as  it  is  unwise.  It  irive.s 
a  few  men  Ihe  powi  r  uf  i'"niin'.' money,  nnd  of 
horrowin,;;  from  and  leiidin;:  In  ihemsilves,  wliieli 
Is  wholly  ineonipailhle,  as  11  leaves  no  elieck  lo 
iheir  avariee  or  ninhllion. 

It  is  imjii'  t  to  olhers,  ns  it  hreaks  down  all  fair 
eoiiipetioir.  not  only  nllowiier  iln'se  In  hank  lo  eoiii 
all  the  money  lliey  wmit  1"  nionopoli/e  husine.ss; 
hm  ixives  them  the  eonlrol  ol'tlie  ereilit  of  those  in 
llie  same  hnsiness,  out  of  the  hnnk.  .\nd  nhove 
nil  thinsia,  I  ohji  el  In  the  jiower  this  system  sive.s 
ihese  speeulatoi's,  of  piitliiv,'  llie  properly  and  lahor 
of  llie  oeople  lip  and  do\;u,  its  liny  ple.ise  nml 
when  ihey  please. 

I  ohje'l  lo  this  paper  system  as  the  miiiii  ea'-.se 
of  our  over-tradln';;  aiviie,'  sptculriors  the  power 
lo  liny  as  inneli  ns  they  please,  nnd  iihvnys  at  the 
people's  risk,  ns  I  sliiill  endeavm'  to  show.  AVIieii 
these  eumiiii';,  had  mi  n,  w  ish  lo  speeii!,iie  on  [he 
eounlry  and  hreak  down  all  eompi  titiun,  lliey  w'ill 
irradnnlly  press  their  paper  eredit,  nnd  s'inmlnto 
every  lueniie  of  trade,  niitil,  lo  those  who  nre  not 
iniliiiled  into  llie  luysOri'S  of  ihi.s  system,  the 
I'ountry  would  seem  Oi  sniile  wiih  pntsperity;  fieii- 
ple  n;'c' persuaded  lo  :;o  liilo  deht,  hny  themselves 
rieh,  and  live  wilhoni  wmk. 


These  spi hums  send  llieir  orderH  lo  Kiirop" 

fur  imtlimiN  of  i.oiods,  ni  fniir  or  six  nimilliH'eredll, 
nnd  ihe  iniiiiiiHu'ini'er  will  si  nil  them  inimediately, 
Willi  n  posilue  kmiW  lidue  llmt  these  liiiles  will  not 
he  pnlil  win  11  due;  for  lie  well  knows  our  Hieniiin; 
inosperily  Is  all  spei'iilalinii-  ihc  hiihhle  will  sonii 
liiirsl. 

lie  seiiils  till'  (roods,  Mr.  Cliairmaii,  nt  six 
inonlhs,  hill  he  does  mil  ;;ivii  iheereilll,  im  It  seeniit 
he  does;  It  Is  our  ow  n  people  ihal  do  il — llie  peii- 
ple  who  h'lld  Ihe  hnnk  noles — lliey  are  the  real  se- 
eiirlly  lor  llie  speelllalois.  :\s  soon  .is  the  '.^ooiIn 
arri\e,  the  Holes  ■.'lieu  for  them  are  disi'omilid  ill 
hiinkt  Ihe  niiinufiieturer  lakes  ihe  liMiik  noie.s  mill 
liiiys  our  I'lirk,  lloiir,  nnd  eollon,  Likin;:  the  siih- 
sinnee  nnd  leavini;  our  peuple  the  h.ink  iiolci — 
Ihe  '^'hiiilow.  111  hold.  The  limik,  meii'hiiuis,  nor 
niaimfni'iurers,  do  not  lose;  hut  our  people,  who 
had  no  interest  lii  the  mailer,  do. 

And,  ns  soon  as  the  hiihhle  he'.;ins  lo  hreak',  the 
I'ry  will  he,  '*  Pay  up,  p.iy  up."  The  small,  lili- 
iVieiiiled  nieri'linnis  Init  hy  hiiihlrMis,  in  (h'spiiir 
mill  ruin,  injnriui,'  nil  eouneiied  w  iili  lln  in  in  husi- 
ness, nnd  inilliin;  down  the  prii  e  of  property  mid 

l.lhiM'. 

I  would  nsk,  v.lio  is  heiiefiieil  hy  this  ■  Il  niiiiht 
hi;  said,  mill  will  he  .snid,  hy  lliose  who  hiue  not 
e\nnnni'il  ihe  sysleiu,  llial  all  nre  iiiiiiied.  Nol  so, 
hnwever.  Tln.se  iiien.  I'liiniii'..;  ihe  puper  iiioney, 
,ire  heiiefiled  hy  il.  They  have  swept  olf  liiin- 
ilreils  of  mei'i'hnnls.  whose  husiness  falls  into  their 
hands.  They  huy  up  property  nnd  produi't  at  low 
priees,  nnd  S'l  skoii  ns  the  eounlry  reeovers  a  lit- 
tle, they  throw'  out  their  rii;;s  airaiii,  r.iise  jire'es, 
mid  sell;  and  our  opponents  will  no  ilmiht  any,  lliia 
is  nil  ri^lil. 

.Sir,  tluse  eunniii'.;,   Iieftrlless  iiioney-eliaii^'ers, 

wheiieu'r  ihey  eniiirai-l  ll in'iilnlimi,  le  deeeivn 

the  people,  eiill  pill  die  alli'iilion  lo  llie  hank,  llironuh 
Ihe  papers  under  ilielr  p;iy.  The  ery  is.  Will  ilni 
h.iiik  siisinin  il.<elf  r  "^I  he'  more  the  nieri  linnis  fall, 
Ihe  more  liilensely  w  ill  ihe  puldii'  1  ye  he  riveleil 
on  lliem,  lo  know  whilhtr  ihey  are  lo  he  rohhtd 
hy  a  suspension.  When  the  storm  passi  s  over, 
wliieh  lliese  men  have  rai.sed  ihemseUes,  the  pei 
pie  will  hreallie  lasier,  nnd  even  I'omplinieii  ■"' 
for  'heir  eood  m.in.iv'emeiit  in  snslaiiini;,'  1'' 
ovei'loekin;;  entirely  the  hmidreds  thai  iir 
111  lie;,';;ary — the  hundreils  of  hihonrs 
thrown  out  of  eniploymt  ni,  nnd  the  in,  ^  ...>(■ 
every  liiriner  lins  siisniined  in  ihe  low  piiei  s  of 
lii.s  proilnelii'ii.  Cur  Wlii^  oppi.innls  eonsider 
these  tliin!;s  mere  irides. 

Our  onpmienls  coiupliiiii  lliai  hi  iwe.  n  the  yeari 
I«'2h  nnd  1.'<4II,  some  iwoor  three  hundred  i.iillioim 
were  imporu-d  more  t'i;iu  were  evpniled. 

It  Is  true;  il  Is  a  niei.uu'lioly  I'lei,  sir,  that  wo 
imporiid  wiiliin  the  tini "  spi  eliiei',  some  two  h'ln- 
died  nnd  lifiy  millions  nme  than  we  exporled — 
lifiy  million.s  of   wliieii  was  in  speeie.     Thai,  I 

suppose,  there  will  he  1 hjei-llon  t.i.  'J'he  halniire 

wns  III  ^iiods  and  iiieiehandise.  AVe  hnnuh.t  them 
ou  a  ercdil,  sir.  We  have  eonsiimed  them — WO 
have  i;iien,  drink,  and  worn  them  mil.  And 
what  slioiild  make  every  holiest  iii;iii's  cheek 
manlle  willi  shame,  is,  thai  we  liml  ilie  iinspe«I{- 
nhle  iiienmiiss  1.1  dr.il'l  on  our  ehildreii's  kihor 
to  pay  fur  ii,  111  the  shape  of  .Sijile  )  ,.;ids.  That  I 
'  eonsiiler,  Mr.  ( 'Iniirmnn,  nil  iinniili',':il' d  rol.heiy, 
and  iiiidei'  ,'is  lllmsy  pretexts  as  despotism  ever  a.i- 
sMim  d  lo  I'liver  ils  hlsiekesl  erinie.s 

•\iid  I  fervently  hope,  as  our  o|iponents  h;ivn 
at  last  disi'overed  that  overlradin;;  is  an  evil,  llint 
they  will  join  us  in  n|iplyiii'4;  the  ri^hlfid  remedy. 
I  will  not  i|imrrel  willi  llieiii,  sir,  heeaiise  ihey  rail 
themselvis  Whiu's.  Let  them  lake  what  ii;inin 
they  plea.se;  hill  lend  us  your  iniihly  ;iid  to  rid  lln- 
eiiunlry  oC  this  camhlmu'  svsien|  of  1  red'l.  Let 
us  (ease  draflim;  011  our  1  hildren's  liihm-,  ilml  we 
nniv  live  In  alllueiiee,  liixmy,  iind  liceiiliousness, 
mill  foree  winl,  denioraliy.ilimi,  and  slavery,  mi 
them.  These  fjreat  ends  nre  worlliy  the  irrtniest 
ell'orls  of  the  sialesinan  and  |iliilanlliropisl. 

Let  ns,  one  and  all,  Iny  the  axe  at  the  very 
rooi,and  rid  oiir  emiiiln  of  our  paper  system; 
,  lease  rohhiii;;our  ehildren,  ind  ailnpi  the  prnieiple 
of  "  pay  ns  we  LJii.''  Weslnill  then  hear  no  lunrn 
«if  overtradini;;  and  slinll  nehieve,  sir,  ihe  dmihle 
triumph  nf  hiindiii.'Mlovvn  In  pnstcrlly  uti  honest 
exnmpte,  nnd  lf-;ivinir  them  freemen. 

And  noiv,  sir,  whnt  ohjeelimi  is  olTered  lo  a 
s|iei'ie  currency  •     All  ohjuctiunii,  1    believe,  arc 


ein 

t 


\ 


m. 


1S1».] 


iJOTH  CONO I  AT  Sr.i*. 


APr»ENDlX  TO  THE  ^O^fJR^.SSIO^.\f,  GLOnE. 

Inili pendent  Tnntiinj — Mr,  lliivminuon. 


419 


III).  OK   \{v.V», 


hIjumcIiiiu'iI,  «iivn  (inr;  it  i«,  tliirc  in  nut  ft  »ii(II-  ^ 
ncriry  ol'  ^iilil  unci  xilviT  for  n  cin'Mliilini;  nii'iliiini.  i 
It  i^  t'tilnc,  Nir,  It*  wr  liiid  a  pui'cl)'  inrtiillii-  nii- 
rriM'Vt  tlit'K*  Wfnitil  Im-  thf  M:ini('  iiiiinuhl  Dt'ihtllurH,  \ 
ill  llir  i»;iiiu  nn  if  ttn-  t'lit'i'iiiry  \s'a^t  |ni{m c,  with 
tliiH  illll'iTciiii',  tliiit  wlicn  llii'.  |in|iiT  luriincy  i" 
I'vpaiiili'il  yiMi  wiMiM  liavc  a  ^fai'T  riiTiilaiiiui 
ihaii  yim  could  piiHuilily  have  in  K|K''ii'.  Hut  u  li<'ii 
il  ia  I'tiiili'artcil,  hh  it  iii'crHHarily  innwt  lie,  aOiT  nit 
rX|iaiiHiiin,  lli(^  ciiTiilMiinii  wuiilil  lie  Iinh;  ami  lliin 
(;i  (Hif  lit' tin*  i»i"iii''i|t,il  ri  nsdiiJH  why  a  N|M'i-ii' riir- 
riiiiy  i»  II'"''  llwiMilil  111'  Ihiwcmii  ihi'  Iwn  cx- 
iii'iiii:<  cil'  |>ii|irr;  i'Hra|iin'^  llic  evil  lit'  tcio  iiiiK'h 
in-ilay  Hiid  I""  linl''  Im-miimtiiw.  Wc  Nhimld  jiavi! 
«lial  wr  all  (Irniir,  M.ilMliiy.  I''iiiiii  thr  iinp.st  ic- 
linl'lc  niliiiiali  H  nl'llii'  aiiioiiiil  nl' {ia{K'r-niMiii  y  niid 
(i|,ccic  III  the  World,  11' iiii|i<'r  was  ciiliri  ly  cxohiilrd, 
Ihrrc  wiiiild  mil  lio  ailcfu'il  nl'fur  |ii'i-  iv'rit.  i 

If  all  laif  |ia|uir-iiiiiiii'v  waa  willHlrawn  friim  cir- 
riil.iliiiii,  llic  olVfi'l,  diiiilith'sa,  wiiiild  lie  In  Inwrr 
|irii'i-.H.  That,  Hir,  WMiild  he,  ihi.'  vi-ry  tliiiii,'  that 
wiiiild  liiinu'"|i<'''i''  hcrii.  Natidim  wuiilil  run  hriii;,' 
Ihiii-  luciiliirtiiiiiH  here  Inr  Hah',  I'lr  tlii'  lust  of  re  a- 
nnii-: — llity  cniild  eel  liciiiT  |iri\'(M  aiiyw hi  10  f Isi'. 
TIh'V  wni'ihl  hriii;;  ilii  ir  irnlil  and  siivi  r,  Inr  ihr 
rcaanii  thai  ihry  rniild  liiiy  rhraiuM'  \\v\i:  than  auy- 
M-hrti'  rlci',  ami  llir  iimiiiy  wniild  l>ii-|i  cniiiiiii,'  aa 
Iniir  aa  pricfa  cniiliiiiii'd  Inwcr.  Sn  Hnmi  as  mir 
priri'N  dlinuld  lii'rniiir  i'i|iiah7.('il  it  would  oi'asp 
inii.iiifj,  and  an  cxrliaii:;!'  ol'  prndiirliniis  lalie 
|i|ac<'.  ir  wi:  had  Inn  iniiili  Hiiri'la  hi'rr,  we  could 
lint  h't'ii  il.  Prices  wniild  raise;  other  iiatinns 
wniild  sell  Ihcir  |irnduciioiiH  In  us  al  liijrii  |iriccs, 
lull  wnulil  lint  lake  niiiK,  liiit  take  away  the  apecie 
mid  laiy  in  oilier  cniiiilries  when!  ihi'  prices  were 
Inwcr.  Yon  rauimt  have  too  luiiidi  or  (no  little — 
Imilc  will  icirnlale  it. 

fr  we  lm\e  paper  money,  it  drives  nwny  Rnld 
iiiid  silvir,  ill  tins  way:  Nay,  air,  that  we  liiid 
line  hiiiidied  and  lit'iy  uiillinii.s  in  Npccii',  and  that 
was  enoimli  to  lill'  the  aveiniea  of  trade;  miy 
till  re  waa  no  paper  money,  and  the.se  Kpecu- 
lalnis  were  In  per.'aiade  iia  to  eslahlish  Imiiks, 
In  make  niniiey  more  pleiiiy — the  one  liiimlred 
and  lil'ly  millinus  of  aperie  wnuld  he  piii  iiiio  the 
liaiiks.  And  .say  ncain  they  issiu  d  two  hundred 
millinn.s  of  [lapcr  innin'y;  prices  wmild  ri:-c;  oilier 
n.Tiinns  wnuld  sell  to  u.s  tn  uet  liiuli  priie.s,  hut 
wnuld  not  hiiy  of  us,  for  ilie  same  rcaNnii.  Tliey 
would  take  the  silver  where  llicyciaild  hiiycheap- 
<  r,  uiilil  the  paper  currency  should  come  down  In 
whire  it  wa.s  liefore  you  is.siieil  the  paper,  (one 
liiindreU  and  lifly  million.s.)  lint  then  yoii  would 
have  much  less '^miM  and  silvir.  S.iy  au'.iin,  that 
ynii  chsirny  all  ihe  paper  hanks:  prici  a  wnuld 
fall,  and  mn'ld  and  .silver  would  cuiui  in  anlil  it 
broii^'ht  the  prices  up  to  an  eipialiiy  Willi  those  of 
othfr  imliona. 

This  thin;;,  Mr.  f^lniirnian,  was  fully  exempli- 
fied in  thi'  years  IHll-'--'.').  Snue  years  prior 
to  thai  nine,  the  penph'  i^\'  ihe  Sniiih  and  tjouth- 
wcst  took  New  Orle.iiis  depreciated  bank  notes, 
much  of  which  were  entirely  worlliless.  'I'lie  peo- 
ple's naiieiice  wiis  worn  mil  with  this  wholesale 
Bwindlinir,  and  they  refused  any  lonL;er  to  lake 
these  rasr.s — ilem.uided  the  ijnld  and  silver.  Ship 
nfter  ship  liroUi:lii  it  iVmn  all  parts  of  the  cninmer- 
I'ial  wnrlil,  until  there  was  mnre  ;;nld  and  silver — 
nay,  ilnuhle  as  much  as  ever  wa.s  hmuirlit  hefnre; 
iind  the  friends  of  a  specie  eiirrcncv  had  the  jln- 
I'irais  Btitislaclion  of  seeinii  the  predictions  of  the 
prcat  weslern  statesman  realized.  (iOiiisiana,  Mis- 
yissippi,  Arkansas,  and  the  West,  demandi  d  i^old 
and  silver  for  their  Hour,  pork,  enttnn,  i^ic.  A 
stream  ofi^old  and  silver  ascended  the  ^reai  Mis- 
si.ssippi  in  exclinn5e  lor  the  farmer's  lalinr.  To  the 
deliiilil  of  the  friends  of  real  money — tn  the  sur- 
prise of  thosi;  wlin  were  deluded  into  the  belief  that 
there  was  not  tjnlil  and  silver  enon;;li  in  the  world 
In  do  Ihe  business — and  to  the  horror,  mortifica- 
tion, and  dis'^raee  of  the  money-inonii^ers,  the  I)e- 
mncraey  of  Louisiana,  sir,  threw  the  specii;  (lai;  to 
the  hreeze;  and  the  haiile  cry  was,  "  Real  money  vs. 
I'.iper  money,"  "  Pay  itself  v.v.  Promises  to  pay," 
"No  Hank  ts.  Bank."  The  vicinry  was  wnn, 
ere  the  balllc  had  fairly  eoinnieiiced.  Half  of  the 
Whi:^  party  iinhly  acknowledijed  their  error,  joined  \ 
the  Democracy,  tiistened  a  clause  in  tin?  eonslitniinn 
iif  Louisiana  prohihiliuu;  the  idiarter  or  recharter  of 
another  bank  in  the  State;  and  when  the  vole  was 
east  in  the  convention,  of  seventy-seven  meniherJ, 
bill  liftcen  voted  in  favor  of  banks. 


Thai,  .>ir,  wa.i  a  i!lorinii.s  day  for  the  I  iiinni'fiiey, 
and  not   hus  ".lorioim   f.r  the  iinlile  Wlnu's  who   1 
joined  UK   ill   the  irreat  work  in  d'llaiice  of  parly   j 
eominanib',  hill  did  their  duly  tn  their  cnnscicTced    ; 
and  their  cniimry.     Lii  loi' heir  my  iVleiiils  in  place 
thill  issue  I'airly  hefnre   I  lie  penpfe;  Musi  tn  iheir 
honor  and  inli  lli;;eiice;  and  my  word  for  il,  if  our 
opponents  dare  meet  tliat  i»»uc,  ttr  will  not  leave   ' 
them  a  cnrporal'i-  I'linnl. 

I  would  ask,  Mr.  f'hairman,  why  our  IlenlnnN,  . 
Callunins,  flays,  Wetislers — the  tlrst  intellecis 
of  our  country— devilled  luonihs  lo  the  iliRciissinn 
of  the  ','nld  bill,  and  days  in  iirixiiiL;  llu^  propriety 
or  im|iioprieiy  of  niakiu,'  five-dollar  L'nld  jueees 
one  '.'r.iiii  ninie  or  a  ejiMiii  les...  •  Why  mis  iAac|. 
Iiess?  Itnes  il  not  nppe  ir  childish  for  ^lave  Sena-  i 
liirs,  reputed  our  wifle^f  men,  lo  occiijiy  !--ii  much 
lime  ill  selllio;;  with  tin'  niiiuilest  exactness  the 
weijlit,  ipinlity,  and  v.ilue  of  this  coin;  and  after 
having'  accoinplished  this  Kical  end,  for  us  tn  al- 
Inw  a  Kel  of  lei'iili/ed  cniinterfciters  to  inidn  their 
work,  by  e\p  iiision  or  cnnlrai  tinn  of  the  ciirrcney, 
by  maklii'.;  piip"r  mniiey,  which  lliey  snbstiliiie 
tiir  specie,  scarce  or  plenty  at  their  pleasure.  | 

I   wnuld  ask  our  opnnncnls  m  pnint  out  the   ' 

difl'cr -e  liet\v(en  adiilur  iiiic;  and    dippini;  the 

cnin,  and  allcriii'.:  its  value  hy  loakiin;  paper 
mniiey  scarce  or  (ilenty.  There  is  tin  diircrencr 
thai  lean  see. 

It  is  made,  sir,  ft  penil  ofTcnee  In  clip  the  coin  of  ; 
ft  sinjle  L'raiii  or  adnltente  it  with  allny.  Your 
law  says  it  is  slealin^',  and  wlim  ver  does  il  is  sent 
In  the  iieniienliary.  1  a'so  say  it  is  ste:i|iinr,  and 
the  pniiislinient  Just.  I'ut  what  justice  i^i  ihere, 
In  sendili;' nne  ii'iaii  to  the  penileniiary  liir  aller- 
ini;  llie  value  of  n  siiiL'le  coin,  while  yon  permit 
others  to  niter  the  value  nf  the  whole  currency 
of  the  Col  111  try,  and  Icalize  the  wholesale  phiiulir; 
You  have  nne  law  fir  the  peop|,.,  inakni;,'  it  a 
crime  In  swindle  on  a  small  scale,  and  piiih.sh  se- 
verely; mill  nnother  l.iw  I'or  the  ]iaper  mnnsers, 
le.:alizinL'  ihe  same  iliiii::  on  a  lai'L'e  scale.  I  would 
ask  if  this  is  even  handed  llepiililican  justice.'  Our 
opponeiils  say  i'  :  ;  is  all  I'air  and  just. 

I  would  a.-',  our  oppnne,iis,  if  a  prnposition 
wire  inadc  In  this  House,  hy  a  naiiir  of  spec- 
nlatnrs,  to  i,'ive  them  the  niakinu:  and  remila- 
tiiii;  the  measures,  the  luislii  Is,  and  yardstick; 
iir.;e  they  wauled  a  bushel  with  twn  bntinnis,  that 
when  th'ey  wished  In  buy  lliey  eniild  make  a  bii; 
bushel,  and  when  tin  y  sold,  lliey  could  inak"  a 
small  one;  and  particularly  a  yardslick  of  India 
rubber,  that  when  tin  y  biumht  tin  y  could  stretch 
il  out  and  make  a  lonu'  yard,  and  when  they  sold 
ihey  could  let  it  draw  on  and  make  a  short  one: 
would  oiir  ^ood  Whii;  tViends  irranl  these  speeiila-  ' 
tors  the  power  Ihey  som^lit .'  All,  no  doiilit,  will 
say  no.  And  why  not,  1  ask.'  What  reason  can 
yon  ^ive  that  would  not  eiiually  apply  tn  ynnr 
paper  mints?  I  ilety  yai  tn  slimv  the  least  ihll'er- 
ence  in  principle  between  the  two  eases.  (>ne 
makes  the  yard  or  bushel  Ion;?  or  short,  larjc  or 
small,  as  he  buys  or  Kells;  the  other  l>iits  prices 
up  and  dnwn.  There  is,  in  effect,  no  did'erence. 
'hie  would  be  as  wise  and  just  as  the  other.  In 
?itlier  case  it  is  open  robbery. 

And,  Mr.  rhairin;-.ii,  why  is  it  thai  the  farmer  , 
lull  meehanic,  to  make  llielr  money,  have  In  toil 
from  mnruins  till  iilL'hi  .it  the  plme^h  and  ihe  work- 
nench  for  perhaps  a  dollar  a  day,  while  another 
class  of  men,  not  c:enerally  reputed  the  most  linn- 
est  or  patrioiic,  lune  only  to  write  their  nanus  on 
paper, and  make  lliousands  a  day:  Our  opponents 
can  see  no  injustice  in  this.  One  law  for  the  me- 
ehanic and  farmer — to  vvork  for  their  money !  This, 
sir,  1  consider  just.  Another  law  for  the  paper- 
Kamlilers,  to  make  money  without  work  !  This  law 
nuro|)poiienls  consider  very  ecpiitable  and  Itepubli- 
can.  1  am  W'llinj  to  leave  the  decision  to  the 
people. 

And  ajain,  why  is  it  that  the  l.iw  forbids  the 
people  frnm  ehar:;iii:;  only  a  certain  amount  of 
micrest  for  real  money?  It  is  called  usury  if 
they  lake  mnre,  and  in  snme  St:ites  it  is  punished 
Willi  the  loss  of  inleiest  and  principal.  .Another 
law  for  the  money-eliaiisriirs  allows  theni  to  loan 
out  one  real  dollar  tn  hall'  a  dozen,  and  eharaje 
inleresl  to  each  one  they  loan  their  pvonii.ses  lo. 
(Jiir  oppiments  cannot  see  the  inju.stiee  of  this. 
-And,  .sir,  if  a  proirressive  Democrat  proposes  lo 
'  make  the  laws  more  just  and  eipial.  lo  bear  eiinal- 
ly  on  all  of  our  I'ellow-eitizens,  our  oppunenls  de- 


nounce hiiiia«  ft  had  man,  a  Jncihin,  anarchist,  fte. 
I  do  noi  eoiniiliin  of  this.  When  WiiKliiie^ion, 
.Tell'er.Miii,  and  olheis,  conceivid  the  !:reat  iih  ,i  of 
self-irovernmenf ,  ami  struck  fir  iu'lependeiice,  tliey 
iirL;ei|,  as  n  reason,  that  llie  people  would  be  hap- 
pier, iimre  viriiiouM  mid  free,  umter  eipiiil  law  lliiiii 
under  a  niniianliical  ijnvernnii  nl.  They  w  ere  de- 
iioiinccd  a.4  bad  men,  rebels,  ,lac  ilnns,  nnd  iiimv- 
ehislH,  by  tlinse  wlin  did  nni  wi.sli  a  i  limine. 

It  is  iifsn  n  1  iw  of  morals,  Mr.  Chairinan,  tlinl 
no  in. Ill  can  m.ikr  a  pmniiee  ihal  he  Knows  he  mn- 
not  redeem.  If  he  does,  he  is  Jiisily  sli;;niaiizeil 
as  (I  ihshonesl  man.  Ihit  for  the  especial  heiielil  of 
our  paneriiinnjeiM,  they  lire  nhsolveil  froni  llin 
opentinii  of  this  f'hiisiian  law.  Il  is  re[M'aleil  for 
llii  ir  ^llecial  henefii;  and  tliey  are  al|n«  cil  by  law 
In  make  three  pminisi .«,  v.iih  a  positive  kiin«  !•  ilgc 
that  lull  nne  of  the  promises  can  be  redeemed;  iiii'l 
our  Whi'i  opponcnis  wish  in  press  it  on  ns  as  a 
Christi.ui  and  pairimic  duty  to  assent  lo  this  nlmo- 
lulirin,  nourish  uni\  'hei-ish  lliese  manufactories  of 
I i'  s, null  ejve  these  lies  cir.-iitnlion,  tlieiv-by  impresR- 
iin;  it  on  the  iniiids  nf  tlie  risiicr  '.;eiieralioii,  thnt 
the  hi'.;lie' I  duty  nf  the  patriot  and  I'lirisliaii  is,  to 
h  iralize  falsehood  and  oiiilaw  irutli. 

And  we  arc.  called,  sir,  wilh  a  sneer,  the  pro- 
gressive llemncracy;  nnd  who  is  a  |irom'i'sivn 
Democrat?  Il  is  he  who,  in  the  days  nf  ihe  llefor- 
nialioii,  Biriick  for  reli^'ioiia  hi  erty.  and  whose  hnt- 
lle-cry  was,  ('lian','i — change.  It'  i-;  he  who,  in  the 
days'of  tin  nevniulion,  slradc  I'lr  iiidepeiiileiirT — 
h.iv  in;:  achieved  il,  his  bat  lie  cry  n  as,  i;f|iial  ri-hts. 
It  is  he  who  b  illlis  for  liiiniaiiiiy,  to  raise  il  to  a 
lii'.'hcr  eivili/aiinn,  a  ninre  perfect  liappiin  ss,  a 
mnre  refined  virtue,  a  laii;ei'  libi  rty,  nnd,  lo  coiii- 
(lass  those  ends,  has  ilarini,' eiinujh  m  wa;^e  an  iin- 
spariii'.'  waroii  error  and  fraud,  howevrr  eoiisecra- 
led  it  niiy  lie  by  liini — aiiiieil  .■done  with  reason. 
.•\nd  who  is  your  Conservaiive ?  It  is  he  who,  in 
the  days  nf  till)  Ibfnruia'inn,  wnuld  have  built  a 
eihhel  fu' Luther,  and  his  battle-cry  would  havo 
hern,  .N'nchaiiL'e — iin  chaii'.;e,  Il  is  he  who,  in  tho 
days  nf  Ihe  nevolutioii,  v.  oiilil  have  erected  a  ';:\\- 
lows  for  Washiir^tin;  his  cry  would  have  been,  Xo 
!  elian;,'!'— noehaiiL'c.  It  is  he  who,  from  pure  self- 
I  ishnei.s,  for;rets  his  obli'jalions  to  liiinianiiy  anil 
his  (iod:  whose  drivillinu'  .soul  has  no  hii;her  aspi- 
latioi  s  ihaii  to  keep  ihiii:;  i  :is  they  :iie:  who  is  so 
wholly  absorbed  in  self,  that  not  a  fei  Iin;  is  left  lo 
prompt  liim  to  alleviate  the  suD'erings  of  his  fellnw- 
miin. 

'Stm,  1  do  not  pretend  tn  mnre  lioiie.';ty  anil 
morality  than  my  ni  i^ihbors  ;  but  as  1  belong 
to  the  proirressive  Democracy,  I  hope  oiir  op- 
pnneiils  will  not  hold  it  an  iinpanlonalile  sin  il  I 
rebel  nitainst  their  doctrine  of  absolulion  I'or  the 
especial  benefit  of  the  iiiniuy  chiinuers.  If  their 
doctrine  lie  ri;;ht,  sir,  let  them  carry  it  out,  nud  ijive 
ev.  ■  duidy  ft  charter  to  manunicture  lies,  and  ;?ivG 
Ihe  .,        '  i^  carle  hhtnrUe  tn  serve  the  devil. 

A  minister  nf  the  Cbisnel,  Mr.  C'hainnaii,  opeiia 
the  deliberations  of  this  body  daily  by  prayer,  by 
the  vole  of  the  honorable  members  of 'liis  llnu.-e. 
I  cannot  see  the  use  nf  this,  if  this  dnclrine  of 
absnlul inn  prevails.  "We  e:iniini  si  rve  two  mas- 
ters. We  eaiinnt  fool  our  felliiw-nmn  by  sueli 
nimsy  pretences,  much  le^<  our  t.ioil.  1  do  not 
think  these  prayers  will  do  ns  much  cooil;  for 
if  this  doctrine  jn-cvails,  we  will  be  p;i.st  praying 
for. 

.\nd,  why  is  it  that  these  speciilators'  note.'j 
should  be  reeeivid  for  tax,  s  wiihont  liidividiml 
responsibility,  and  the  farmer's  and  mechanic'.s 
notes  are  rebiscil  with  disdain,  thontjh  secured  to 
the  extent  of  his  properly'  (.'an  our  opponents 
show  any  ffood  reason  for  this? 

.And  how  eomes  il,  that  ihe  capital  of  these 
speculators  is  exempt  from  taxation,  while  the 
capital  nf  nil  others  is  taxed,  whether  that  eanitnl 
is  in  land  or  other  property?  Xo  doubt, sir,  Ino.so 
Wlii'jr  gentlemen  can  find  reasons  satisfactory  to 
their  minds. 

1  do  not  believe,  that  the  wit  of  man  could 
devise  n  system  hy  whiidi  more  nnliappiness,  im- 
morality, inju.'ilice,  nnd  fraud  eoi'.ld  be  iiiHicted  on 
oureoiinlry,  and sneirectiiallv. secure  the  perpetra- 
tors from  ileteetion  and  piMi.s|inieiit,  as  our  paper- 
money  credit  system.  It  is  marked  from  its  very 
incejition,  ihrou'rhout  its  deceptive  career,  with 
oppression,  injustice,  ruin,  and  immorality.  And 
I  believe,  sir,  if  the  politicians  will  he  honest 
eiioui;li  to   put   the  issue,  "l!aiik,  or  no  bank," 


v'n 


"''*i 


li:^ 


490 


29th  Cono 1st  Sf.ss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

HfS^ment  of  Riflemen — Mr,  Mc  demand. 


[April  10, 


Ho.  OK  Hrvs. 


il 


»^  f:  11 


•  If. 


fiiirlv  to  llm  |ieo|iIe,  llin  iTlif;imiB  feelinj;  of  llii? 
I'll  iiilry  «'ill  riiiKlriiiii  the  sy.^lcin. 

Ami  \vc  HIT  rlmr^'od  \vii'>  mnUins  \v.\r  on 
till'  iKiiiks.  If  to  liavo  iiiilliin^'  to  do  wiili  iliriii, 
niul  lei  lliriii  aloiii',  is  ninkiii;;  war.  'Ian  I,  f" 
(nu\  laipt'  tlic  war  will  ni'vei'  ciul.  I'lit,  sir,  it 
is  tin'  iiKiiiry  tlian^ers  makiii.;  war  mi  ilinUiivcrii-  ' 
niriit.  to  ton'C  till'  ("TOviTiiiitcnt,  hv  ptil.>lif.  law,  to 
ii('kii(>wlr(l^'0  tliat  tl!''y  iir<*  a  sujicrinr  class  of  rit- 
i/Hiis,  and  (U'inaiid  a  charlrr*  li  ]irivilr!:o  to  riot  in 
wi'alili  i-Ntorlfd  from  llii'  labor  nf  ihp  ]>i'op]c.  Ho 
fore  I  tnke  iiiv  seal,  Mi .  L'liainnin,  let  me  nyain 
It;,'  my  friciuls  to  plaoc  loarlissly  anil  fairly  thr 
is-iuc  lii'forc  tlie  jiooplo,  ami  trust  to  the  lionisty 
ami  inteliiu;t.'ni'e  of  our  cimnlrvmcii. 


ItEGIMKXT  01"  RIFLF.MK.N". 
SPI:ECH  of  MR.   McCLERNANI), 

OF   ILLINOIS, 
I::  Tiir.  llin  ^i:  i.i-  Ui:riii>iA-TATH  i:s, 
./;iri/  ID,  }S-U\. 
The  Ifoiisr.  Iiiin^'  in  I'liinniitici'  i<f  tho  Wlioli'  on 
tlip  sintf  of  llip  rnloii,  (III  i!i.'  fill  friini  tin-  Sm- 
flto  to  iiroviili.  for  rjusiii:r  oni'  llpunnifnt  of  Momit- 
«1  Ritli'mrii,  aiu!  to  rsialilisii  Military  Posts  on 
I'le  rnnti'  to  Ori-ron,  willi  ilie  nnunilincnls — 

Mr.  .MiCLKliN.Wr)  rose  iiiiil  said,  iluK  tin- 
surprisr  wltirli  lie  liad  frit  nl  tin'  very  stri'mioiis 
opposition  made  to  ilie  Mil,  was  i':iliaiir('d  wlim  he 
loolii  d  Ic  tl>e  t;rmiiuls  njioii  wliiili  it  had  Im  ii  in 
the  main  prediealrd.  It  wan  a  fa  -t,  in  his  jiidL'nienl, 
thnt  the  hill  had  heen  opjio^ed  nioie  for  iniai^inary 
rhan  sulslaniial  rensons.  CJrnilcivien  had  assumed 
faels  In  exist,  wMih  ihd  not  exisi;  and  had  reason- 
ed from  fheni  to  eonelnsions  a.uvirse  to  the  meas- 
ure. Sii,  h  had  hern  the  ease  with  il:e  ;;eiitleniini 
from  Mis.sissi|ipi,  [Mr.  TiioMrsiix.)  That  eeiitle- 
niiiii  liad  assnnii  il,  that  ifweraisiu  the  pro|insci| 
ri'.'inieni,  it  would  heeonie  n  part  of  the  pernianem 
military  estiililislnnent.  .And  why  so:  lieeaiise, 
ns  the  gentltnian  says,  we  have  nevi  rliecii  nlile  to 
rediiec  the  .iriny  after  '..e reasiie)  it.  Xow,  sir,  ihe 
pensleman's  premisesare  altoL'i  tlier  hypotlielieal — 
inilird,  they  are  eontrary  to  the  faet'  The  nrmy 
is  smaller  now  tl)an  the  peaee  estahlislo  ,enl  of 
]^t)-i,  isio,  181,-,.  1^21,  „r  1,-40.  Piirin-  ine  inn  r- 
val  lienieen  the  Iw-  'irst  named  periods,  '•'  anioniii- 
ed  to  !I,|?.\S  men;  during'  tlie  iiex,,  ii  ai,  'anted  to 
U.o'.Ki;  in  184v!  it  amounied  to  li.alU:  and  since 
that  tnmc  ii  ha.^  Iieen  n  dneed  tn  7,f<''^!!;  eonsideralilv 
less  [li.Tn  it  was  in  18II-'.  At  llie  list  uienlionni 
date,  oar  pnpnlalinn  was  alioiil  T.llltll.dOII,  and  the 
rticipta  from  i  usinais  wire  Slli..'!ll.'l,.ull;  now  our 
population  i.s  some  :.'0,0(IO,(llll),  and  the  receipis 
friiiii  customs  for  the  la.-:t  tiscal  vear  were  5,07,(1011,. 
0'' 1  Since  If-llS,  the  frontier  lif  the  I!i  pi'ililic  has 
1"  .  n  extended  west, so  as  to  emhraie  terrilorvaiid 
Si.ites  which  coui.iiii  the  elements  of  a  miiility  em- 
pire. The  iiopnlalion  of  thi-  Wesi  is  ^'reiier  now 
than  the  whole  [.opiilatiun  of  the  nniieil  Siati  s  was 
in  IWIS.  N'ew and  ,;:ri'at  inleiesis  have  sprnu:^  iniu 
(  '  'enee  in  'i  •'  liiahly  favored  reijioii:  and  it  may 
III  .issulil'  ('  .  .^  /.  I'ael,  ihat  the  di  1  rease  iif  ihe  mill- 
taivesiahhshmi  nt  i.s,  n  laiiiely.  iiiiuh  I'leaier  now 
Ihan  it  :.lioi-M  III  he  hy  a  coinpnrisoii  of  iiiinilieis. 
Th'- cause  of  liie  oppiisilioii  of  the  t'enilenian 
from  .\!'s'  s  ,ipi  10  a  iierinani  lit  iiii'rease  of  the 
army  is  tin-  fiar  \,  hich  lie  expresses,  that  the  mil- 
it. oy  mi;;ht  liecnae  daoireroiis  to  liherty.  ,Mr. 
Mi'i'.  said  he  had  heard  ime  li  of  ihe  rliiM'.er  of 
i:t;ini!iii'_;  armies  to  free  iiistilnlions.  As  .1  general 
prnposiiiiin,  there  wa.'<  nuidi  Inith  in  i';  Init  he 
imd  hum  I  I'lii  ved  ihnt  miicli  of  the  clanior  which 
he  imd  lie.  -d  In  this  coiinlry  a'mut  tlie  daiiL'i  is  of 
standini;  a.  lilies  was  im  re  demajroiiisni.  MiL'lit 
nut  the  onlcry  wliicli  was  raised  uiraiiist  Mr.  Van 
Hiireii,aiid  his  jjiirpose  more  1  lliciiiiily  ii.  urban- 
ize ill-  niilitia,  he  justly  , so  deserihed  ?  .Sinndin;; 
annus  rarely,  if  ever,  prove  daiii'irons  to  a  peo- 
ple .iiitil,  ijy  a  t,'radiial  process  of  d.'ceneratioii  and 
cor.uptiun,  1,..  y  Ijiiume  rip'  iieil  fur  military  siih- 
jni,'Btiiiii.  He  Ihaiiked  (iiiil  ih.il  there  \vas  no 
dnnijer  of  a  stiiiidiriiT  army  in  (liis  eoniilry  now, 
and  he  hoped  it  would  ever  lie  so.  The  American 
people— the  whole  people — c.ii,;iiiinn:  il,,.  Aiiier- 
lenn  army,  and  s.i  it  Mas  in  all  free  Slates.  Here 
the  peiipi'i  were  allai'hed  to  peace  for  ilsi  If,  as  an 
agent  in  develop  their  Individiiid  anil  lolleciut. 
ener;»ies,  and  those  uf  ih.-ir  happy  ai.,|  li,l,.\ed  in- 


stitutions; and  the  sii^nal  f  c  'he  annihilation  of 
any  ort^anized  force,  whie*,  CnniJCicsa  mij^ht  '-aise, 
would  he  the  atlem.pl  of  sueli  a  force  to  .--uhj  1  ;ale 
the  ]»eople,  or  overturn  our  inslilulions. 

There  was  a  time  in  the  hislury  of  the  Roman 
empire,  when  loii^  pre-existing  corruptions  and 
deLrradalion  had  j'lepared  the  ]ieopK  to  suhinit  to 
a  military  \'oke.  The  Pra'torinn  hand,  depraved 
liy  a  \arlely  of  causes,  monnteil  llie  ramparts,  and 
with  a  loud  voice  proclaimeil  tin*.  "Roman  world 
was  for  s.de,"  and  actually  sold  it  to  an  (ilrii-eic 
hut  wealthy  Senator  iiir  (i,i.-iO  drachms.  Iii;i  we 
have  not  arrived  at  that  iioint  in  thr  disccndiii!; 
scale  of  vice  and  ruin.  Onr  lliirht  is  still  upward, 
our  C'.i.irsc  is  still  onward — full  of  hii|»e  and  prom- 
ive  to  ourseUes  and  to  mankind. 

The  '^'iitleninn  from  Mississippi,  however,  says, 
that  we  have  already  jnissed  a  inll,  which  may  in- 
crease the  military  eslahlisimient  from  T.OiiU  to 
ahoiil  lO.tlDI)  men.  Tie  must  he  aware  1'  it  the 
in  rease  iif  which  he  sp-aks  is  a  eonlinL^'  it  one — 
to  le  made  or  not,  at  the  discretion  of  ae*Presi- 
deiit.  Now,  if  this  he  the  case,  (and  it  is,)  the  fici 
nnlilfus  his  arjtinient.  for  if  we  raise  this  rei.'iment. 
it  ^\■i!l  deduct  as  much  from  the  ciiiitinireut  force 
provided  for.  In  eiVect,  this  will  he  no  iucrea.se  of 
the  army,  additional  to  what  provision  has  lieen 
made  for,  either  positively  or  eniiditioiially. 

It  has  lieen  ur'red  as  a  matter  of  economy,  th.il 
officers  should  he  taken  fi.mi  the  army  rather  llian 
from  civil  life  In  command  the  re^dnient.  I!u'  how 
stands  the  ease  r  (f  ymi  promote  supernnmerary 
licuteuauls  to  the  comniiiiid.  yon  niusi  necessarily 
increase  their  pay  to  "orrespond  with  their  new 
grades.  Or  if  yim  efl'ecl  the  olijeet  hy  a  liwi^fn- 
of  oflieers,  of  course  a  iiumher  of  vacancies  will  he 
created,  which  must  he  filled  hy  promoiiuns,  attend- 
ed with  incrc'sed  pay.  In  eilher  ease  the  saving 
would  unlv  he  llie  amoniit  naid  to  the  inferior 
oiricers  hefore  promotion.  The  increased  expense 
of  such  an  arramrement  would  he  the  dillereiice 
hetween  the  jiav  of  these  otlieers  hel'ure  ;,nd  after 
promotion,  which  would  he  wellnii;li  equal  to  the 
expeni'e  of  Likinir  the  rei|uisife  mimher  of  officers 
from  civil  life.  Perlmiis  the  true  cminse  is,  to  mix 
the  commission  hy  st  lections  fi'..m  hoih  civil  and 
military  life.  Thi-i  policy  would  iiiiile  ex|ierience 
with  ji'ipnlar  syiu|iatliy,  and  prevent  Jealousy  and 
the  pri  judi'e  of  iirii.itioii  and  disappointment. 

It  seems  to  he  a  siiiiiniar  iiiconsislency,  that  iren- 
thnien  should  insist  iipiin  an  aiiiendiuent  limiiinL- 
the  dnriition  of  the  re'j-imenl  as  the  only  means  of 
previ  ntiii;;  it  from  liecomiie,'  pernuuient,  and  at  the 
same  time  insist  upon  pultiii'r  it  uiider  the  coni- 
maiid  of  oilicers  of  the  army.  The  i.dier  provision 
would  nullify  the  former.  Is  it  not  manifest,  so 
fir  as  ihe  per'uiineiicv  of  the  ri '.,'imenl  may  he 
controlled  hy  official  ihlliienee,  that  It  is  far  more 
likely  to  he  rendered  perinanenl  ihroiitih  the  inllu- 
ence  of  a  class  of  men  educated  to  military  life  and 
ami'itioii,  whose  tenure  of  oflii-e  is  dnrimi  liood 
l(lia\iiir,  or  practically  for  life,  than  hy  a  few 
private  citizens  promoied  to  the  cominand  for  a 
temporary  purpose,  and  iinwilliin;  to  hold  it  louder 
than  the  exiijeni  y  coiitimied  r 

SeM'i'al  i.eulh  ,111 11,  and  narticularly  the  senile- 
man  from  New  \oi'k,  [Mr,  H atiiiu'v,]  had  oli- 
jfi'tid  to  Ihe  reMiiiii'iit  as  unnecessary,  and  had  ai- 
triliiiled  its  a:^itation  to  the  inllnenee  of  olJice-seek- 
ers.  Now,  as  to  the  aiilhorship  of  the  measure, 
the  i.'e!itienian  '.vas  certainly  mistaken.  It  had 
heen  ri  ci'iumended  hythe  I'res-  iit,  the  Secretary 
of  War,  and  tin'  two  military  commiiiees  of  Coil- 
sress.  And  as  to  the  ohjeclion  if  eMraiieuns  in- 
fluence. It  was  miiii.'  lo  asi  rihe  it  any  more  to 
iirivate  citi'/en.s  llian  to  professional  miliiary  men. 
Mr.  .Mc<'.  di-iirccaled  these  inlluences,  if  iliey  ex- 
isted, as  iiiiich  as  any  irentlein-in.  Itnt  if  ii  was 
the  desire  lo  pli  vent  llieni,  ol  hi  I- means  in:  1  he  em- 
ployed llian  ihe  defeat  of  the  hill.  Cienileinen  must 
iro  io  the  army,  and  to  the  principle.^  of  its  or;:aiii- 
zation.  Th' y  mnsi  e-o  in  ihe  Military  .'\cademy, 
and  lay  there  the  axe  of  ri  form  deep  and  .■.iroiiL'. 
There  are  now  iiiiu-iy  live  siipernumerarv  olllcers, 
and  ihe  iiuniln  r  of  e.idi  Is  annnally  uriiiluaied  at 
West  I'oiiil  niusi  add  to  l!ie  list.  As  many  of 
Ihi.s  class  had  idrr  iiily  lieen  p  mided  for  in  the  .sinll 
as  piopriely  wiil  permit.     Ii  deed,  ii  is  s.iid  that  the 

slair  of  our  army   (only  aliout    seven    ll sand 

stroll!;)  is  more  <  xpensue  than  the  stalf  of  (Ileal 
Pi'ilain,  with  an  nrmy  of  more  tliiiii  one  hundred 
tlioiisiiiiil.     Thf-n  they  must  I"    .ihi'-'.vi'a-  pri'\  iih-d 


1  for;  hence  here  i.s  an  iir!;aiiized  force  annually  in- 
I  ereasinp;,  cut  off  from  promotion,  without  eom- 
mnnil,  restless  and  amhilieiu-! — ever  rtirer  and 
■'  anxious  to  nnsnient  the  army,  n.s  the  only  means 
of  ohtaininv:raiil;  and  iiilliienee.  Tins  inlluenee  is 
cert.iinly  more  forniidalde  than  any  diacmnecled 
and  nnre^nlated  1  llirls  which  private  citizens  eonid 
mak'e  for  inililar\'  position,  'I'lie  iiiieresl  of  one 
class  is  in  favor  of  a  lai'L'e  army,  as  airordmi;  op- 
porlniiilii-s  of  promotion;  the  interest  of  the  other 
IS  adverse  to  siidi  a  policy.  These  eonsideralions 
strongly  nri;ed  the  importance  of  an  ellicient  organ- 
ization of  the  militia.  They  weighed  inuch  with 
•he  framers  of  Ihe  Coiistitutioii  in  jirovidiin:  the 
power  lo  arm  and  orOTniz-e  the  militia  as  the  eili- 
cieiil  1  nhverk  of  our  national  secnriU'  and  defence, 
and  they  should  he  jpven  practical  eil'ect  now. 

The  .Military  Academy  nl  West  Point  was  vir- 
tually nothin;;  nio-.-e  than  a  /irici/eirM/coc/ierH/ia/i,  a 
militani  mnnapolij,  as  olijcciionahle  for  its  exclusivi- 
ness  ns  a  hankiii"'  or  any  oflier  enrporation  ))r(i- 
hihitins  the  exercise  of  rl:;lils  to  the  many  for  the 
I'rni-lil  of  Ihe  I'lW.  To  limit  the  rifilit  of  civil  pro- 
motion to  a  favored  few  would  he  vintriled  not 
only  a  violation  of  tiie  Cousiitnlion,  liut  llie  over- 
Ihrowofonrfiovernmeiit:  yet  are  not  ilie|irinciple.< 
ofeipialilyand justice eipially  violated  hya  practical 
limilalion"  of  military  promoiion  10  the  few? 

Merit,  not  duration  in  ollice,  .should  form  the 
criterion  of  promoiion:  the  revef.se  of  ,ne  rule  re- 
wards "i/isrre/ioii"  with  rank  and  at'iuence — valor, 
nidy  with  a  Ldoiimis  death. 

Another  misapprehension  of  jcntlemen.  is,  tlia. 
Ihecreation  of  this  roirimeiit  looks  touards  hostilily 
with  Great  liritain.  The  President  recommends  It 
fir  no  such  purpose.  Independent  and  irrespective 
of  the  iusieiu'ity  of  onr  relaiio,;s  with  foreiuoi  Mil- 
lions, Immanilyaud  sound  polii  y  require  il.  ('011- 
C:iess  and  il.e  coiintrv  seem  lo  lie  falnlly  nncon- 
scioiis  of  the  fict,  thin  we  have  a  vahialde  and 
ffrowin^  coinmerce  upon  the  prairies  of  the  h'ar 
West,  and  the  lives  of  .American  citizens  there  lo 
protect,  asiainsi  the  treachery,  iiimcy,  and  hoslil- 
i'y  of  numerous  warlike  liniids  of  savage--.  These 
in'leresls  are  iiiatiiiet  from  the-  interests  and  security 
of  ihe  immediate  wi  sierii  frontiers.  In  IH.'i.'t,  per- 
hajis,  the  lirEt  reirimeiii  of  dra;;oons  was  nised; 
in  l.'^.'ll!,  the  second.  Tl"  first  was  commanded 
hy  General  DoiIl'C  now  hy  Tolonel  Kearny,  the 
se.'ond,liy  I 'oloiielTw  i-.'irs.  They  were  dese^'ned, 
as  far  as  lie  understood,  to  protect  the  frontiers,  and 
to  restrain  the  savages  inhaliitin;;  the  frontiers, 
from  warrins;  upon  e.-ch  other.  .'Xt  the  lime  they 
were  en  ateil.  our  frontier  ex  tended  only  iVom  Lake 
Superior  to  the  Saliine.  Since  then,  it  has  heen 
ixlendi-d  fr-im  the  Sahinc,  several  liundrt  cl  miles, 
throuL'h  roviiit;  and  -savasie  bands,  to  the  Rio 
(iranile.  If  these  rei;iinents  were  only  suHicient 
for  the  lervice  to  whi'li  they  were  ortc-inally  os- 
si^rned,  much  les.s  are  they  cniiiiii  lent  to  that  which 

emanils  Ihe  allenti'in  of  (he  Uineriimenl  now,  and 

.'ill  less,  since  the  second  rec'imenl  has  been  order- 
ed to  ioin  ihe  army  of  occnpaiion,  under  General 
Tavliir,  upon  the  e'onlines  of  Mexico. 

The  ie:;iment  now  proposed  is  degiq:ned  neither 
lor  the  exifieney  of  a  collision  with  l'!neland  nor 
for  the  frnnlier  service  meiilionid.  \<  la  sjiieinllii 
desiL'iicd  to  protect  .Amiriean  emiirralion  and  tlm 
commerce  of  the  prairies.  The  nia'..'intitde  of  these 
iiiteri-sls  will  npjiear  from  the  subjoined  extract  of 
a  |.iiblicaliiiii  which  laielya]ipeai'ed  in  llie  "Union'' 
iii'Hspap.'r,  and  fur  the  correctiicss  of  the  sliiie- 
nieiiis  of  w  Inch  .Mr.  McC.  vouched  the  authority 
of  .Mr.  William  Gilpin,  a  ^;emlenuin  of  honor,  iii- 
telli'.'enee,  and  veracity,  and  who  had  visited  Ore- 
i_'oii  by  the  ov  'ind  route,  and  was  now  a  eiliz.pii 
of  Inih'penden.       Missouri.     lie  says: 

"  I'liilr  tr-'lll  Ir  .liiilc  I'UMIuIs  llie  wcH  from  Inile- 

tienil'  ace    Mj--sn-.l 

•1.  Tl.  Mi-l-nuri  river  in  till' lliirlh.  ilim  the  enuillries  nl' 
ll|i'('OiH«.    IllllCkle.'l.  <;ni-VelitO'S,    IIIOHll    lllillllM".    --\<-illi- 

lician.  nil. I  Miller-  - re  llinii  liirl>  lillic.i— rich  iafiir^,  wilil, 

wiirlilic.  mill  1 u'li--    'I'll''  triiile  uf  the  Mi."-iiiii.  river 

eiiihni'i'-'  l'-ii.i'iiil  li'ili.iii:. 

'--J.  Till-  Ore.jiui  i.'iil.  |iiH»iiiB  In  till'  (loiil  I'liille  ID  the 
SuitUi  I'liis  Miiiitf  it-l-.  lire  rill'  K'llizili.  I'au  111  I  >.  l-'iiiilv, 
Sli.'veiilii's,  'It  lire.  1I-.  Alii|'lllliie-...'\riek:tri  cs.  Sllii^liiiliii'^, 
ILiiiiiaek-.  ,  .1.1  \'iilns  -  ;i'.  an). 
I  -III.  'I'lic  lli'\ii-;iii  Iniil  mill  ili  I'mk  In  llie  I'piK'r  .-Xrknii- 
ui(..  Cptiii  lliK  iriii!  lire  Itie  l►^Iule--:.  rauiiecp,  (■iniiiaii  Iich. 
Kii'Uiis,  .\riiiiali(ieii,  .'•heveiiiics,  .Apitclu'it,  Vula>  111  all 
HI. nan. 

"4.  'file  'revn.«  Iniil.  |ri»-iiii'  tiir  the  iiiiisl  piirt  tliriiiiiih 
till'  Icrriliirie-  111  till'  I  'iMietiiH--.  ( 'hi'iiiki  es,  mill  utlier  Incntiil 
IikIimii  -    l.'i.lHlll  ill  iiiiiiitii  r. 

"  'flee  lii.liniii  luc  111  iiiminilie  iritii!!  nrtlic  ijtent  pliiiiis 


[April  10, 
i)F  Reps, 

V.  miniiiilly  in- 
withmil  dim- 
er  enj::t*r  and 
lie  only  niriinfi 
his  inlliirnce  is 
y  (lisroniM'i^lfd 
I!  ciii/.pnsrnuld 
nlcrrsl  (if  line 
M  iilJinHiin^  ii|i- 
st  III'  ilic  other 
cnnHiih'rntinnB 
cllirinit  or^iin- 
ii-il  nnii'h  wiili 
ininiilniir  ihr 
hiiii  lis  I  hi'  cili- 
ly  mill  (li't'ciU'e, 
fir  rl  now. 
I'liiiil  «iis  vir- 
(/lor/H/ivj/jini,  a 
ir  its  fxi'liisivi- 
iriiiirntion  pro- 
r  nmny  tor  the 
.'lit  of  civil  ]in)- 
!■  VI  i;«rili'il  not 

,  llUl    till'  liVCl'- 

»t  till'  jtrinriples 
'il  iiy  n  prai'tioal 
ihn  fi'U-  r 
I'lnkl  lorni  Ihn 
ol'  ,110  rnlt'  ri'- 
'luoiii'e — valor, 

llfniPii,  i«,  tlia. 
wiiriis  lio.ilihly 
I'i'i'onimrnils  it 
mil  irrcspi'i'tive 
•iih  Coremn  hh- 
Huirr  it.     Con- 
■  t'alally  imi'im- 
!i  valiuihii'  anil 
rirs  of  llu'   l'"i\r 
'itizens  ilu'i'i'  Ii> 
iry,  nn<l  im.'^lil- 
;iva?XP'-.    Those 
Us  and  soi'iirity 
III  183;i,  per- 
ms was  raised; 
IS  I'oininaiided 
I   Kraniy:  the 
■wi'io  ilesi'jjned, 
e  frontiers,  and 
the   frontier.'', 
I  the  time  they 
Illy  iVoin  Lakft 
I,  il   lias  been 
uiiidri  d  miles, 
I,    to    tlie    I!io 
only  siillioicnt 
orliriiially  as- 
t  to  that  which 
lent  now, and 
rder- 
iinder  UenernI 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOIiE. 


491 


haslH 


signed  neither 
Minj-laiid  nor 
It  is  spi'ridlhj 

ration  anil  the 
iitiiile  of  these 
tied  exirai't  nt' 
I  the  "Union'' 
■1  of  till'  state- 

I  the  aiithiirily 
I  of  honor,  ill- 
id  visited  Ore- 

4  now  a  eitizni 

\M»1  froin  Inile- 

the  rlllllltrie^  nl' 
iiiituili<.  .A--iiii- 
rii'li  nifiir-.ullil, 
'  >I|--<HII.    livrr 

III   niilK'  III  llii' 

I'.IU  II'  '  :-.    .-.<M|\, 
S.SIlClsll.lill..., 

he  I'luier  .\rlxini- 

r,'..  I  lllil.tll'  ll>'i<, 
H,    \'llta>     111   all 

in.i|  part  tliniiiifli 
mill  iillierliiriiliil 

lllif  i;n'(it  plain-. 


29th  Con« 1st  Sess. 


■ailHJstililtnii  linrtliln  anil  other  niliiie—iis  elk.iiefr,  luitelnpi^,  '' 
(.Tisli  lirnr.  t>''iner.  otti-r.  piircilpini-.  St'-. —anil  itie  nnliinil  ' 
I'liiN,  vi'Ui'lalili'w,  mill  iVllit-'   of  tiie  roiiiiny.    The  \iilas, 
•SliM-lioiH'e,   Baliiiil.'t;.  Cniw,  nilil    Hlaekfri'l  tiities.   r '-iili' 
witllill  the   Kiieky  .MiiinittliMS,  hut  vistl  tlie  ^  iiuils  to  liiiiil,    ; 
tiritte  war,  anil  pliniiler. 

'',\ii  iiiiinen';!'  foiiiiiieree  i- I'ltrri.  il  Mil  with  thi'se  Irihes,  '' 
ami  tlirinr.:li  tlie  rMiii,irii'>  wl.irii  itiri'  iiiliali.t. 

'•  Ttil?  eiMiiliii'ri'e  iiiro  If'  airaii'^iii  ih  .iMiavi ; 

"  1st.  'I'lH-  Inele  ill  (illllllhi  rulie-,  tint'  .In  elllves,  I'lirn,  pel- 
lirii-'?*.  h(U*PH,  iiiiilfw.  il^rl^s'\Ia.-■,  iiio'iM-in- .  (•iiriii.'*ili''s,  iiiiil 
Uiriki'ta,  with  III'.'  Iiiihitii.-. 

**'3il.  Till'  i'\le.\inm  !i  lie  111  fpi-eie,  iiierch.iiiih.'ie,  piilil  . 
fliHI.  rntii'.-'.  pi'ltrit'C.  Iilaiii\"ti,  hnri-i's,  iiiiili's,  .\ti-xii  an  .-ail-  c 
<M '>,  hri'If'.s.  spins.  Sli-.  I, 

"Hil.  ,\ii  iiniiii'i'sf  iiiiiur.'itinn  to  I Ireiinii  and  ('iilifMriiiii, 
In  oil '  liail,  anil  to  Tt'.\as  h.v  mintlirr.    Tlie  liiiiiii'r  periuiii-  ; 
eiil  wilil  th-'  .-ira-iiii-,  Ihe   l.lflT  eiai.-Iaiit;   Il.illl  vju'iiriul.-i.  ' 
wi-ll  I'sMihli.sheil,  niiil  aiiiillalty  ull;;tii(at(iiK  in  viiluu  inul  ' 
llliialicrH. 

"  liiihr  liieiH'  wepniale  Ili'iuts,  hi'liolil  liie  vaiiie  In  inoiii-y 
III  the  Nlili'iieaM  pi'iipli-  ol*  tliis  fi'iiiini'rei',  iiii-rli'il  nil  tiy 
eiiiiipiiiiii's,  piutlit-rships.  anil  inih   iihliils. 

"Tile  .supplies  liir  ih.-  liithan  iraile  ine  triiiispnrtril  in 
steaiitti'iats  11(1  till'  .Mi-sniiii.  anil  in  «at."ii;.'   I'l  Ilie  f'ase  ot"  ' 
Ille  Kerky  Moiinlains.  ■M'nvd  Ihi'ir  wliiiie  iaii(li',  frulii  \i'W 
iMi'.\irii  ti'i  till'  llritlsll  lioiiiiil  irv  liiii-. 

liie  lapilal  .'iiipl'.vi'il  aiii.ill'il-  t" S'l'lAlOO 

The  vi  111.  iiiilii  aiairi  ;:iir',  i'20,(IOill.iiir,ilo  ruin's, 

111  .^1 1'ai'ii ■i-o.oon 

(lllier  iti  nis.  calvi's,  hnikskin..  p.'Hiles ;ifi,l)(K) 

"  .Ailil'il  I'l  tllesi-  is  till' luiMiilliI  'if  ill- itniiiiltii-s  p.ilil  to 
Ille  Iliiliaiis  iif  till'  IrnaiiiT,  wiii-ll  ri'tllriis  ititii  llie  Ijiiniir 
c^lalfs.  la  e.\i'liiui'a'  l(ini|iT'-liai..li-i'  anil  eatlle. 

'■  ( liii'  nimisaii'l  .\ni;'riealis  an  I'li'jaui'il  ilireelly  ami  iiiill-  \ 
riTlIj  ill  lliepriis.  i.-ii;iiin  i)ri!ii<  Ir.iiif. 

'•'i'ile  Ml  \i  'an  Ir.-'.iii'.  p  e-uiii  aein.-s  lln'  Imliaii  eonntiy. 
ill-Ill  ir.'iti'rf  as  itir  as  Mi-\tii  iii>.  ami  Cm  mas,  ,-iii.-i  .\I,t/,jiV 
l:in,  upon  tin'  I'aeitie.  \,i  il.iiiln  iipu.-iiil  oC  .■i.-i,n(ll),(lllO  iif 
eapltal  null  l.'iUII  im  ii  an-  '-iiijit>i>'-ii  in  ttiis  traili-.  wtiiell  Is  ; 
alioiu  til  ri-ciive  a  en  al  niiiintse  iliniiiL'  tin*  pri'se  't  i<eiiKuii 
iV-'iii  llie  drawliai-k  not  a  ii>  llie  i  isi  <  'oniriL'ss. 

•■  'I'iie  trait '  reliirtis  aiiim;'!l\'.  lii'-iiles  rnlirs.  Curs.  p'-Itvirs. 
iiiali  -.  iiiiil  iiursi--.  >.:.'il.lliill  II,  Mi-\ii-..ii  sil\i'r  r.iiii  anil  uoiil 
ilti-si.  Till-  i'\porL-.  I,'  .M.'\t'-ii  art'  silks.  vvi,nlli-ii  ami  etitittii 
r.ihrlt'S,  shoes,  i-nllt-r, .  way-  us.  piea^mre  i-urriiii'i!s,  playiui,'- 
i-arils,  ,-\iiii-rii-aii  iitiis--s.  .s^,-. 

"  Otlur  riiuli's  t'riiin  .\rkii;'s-'s  anil  Texas  also  sliar.-  in  this  i 
Mi'xiean  i-oiiiiiii-rei',  aporti  i  ol'tlie  returns  iifwhii-li  eonii'  1 
houie  by  iii'ii. 

■'Till' i-iiiiiimnon  to  OroL't-ii  passim:  iiii'i  ttiat  tcrrit'iry  hv 
On-  stairei'sof Itii-  riau,-  ami  .\iknisa'  rivers,  has  lietn—  '   , 

"la  IH  .1.  l;i7  lui'ii,  wtiili  11,  mill  i-hiMii-ii;  in  lt-l;i,  h7.i 
liii-li.  wi mien. anil  i-hildri'ii.iiiel  l.ItOO  hpil'lol'i-allle;  in  l-s-l-l, 
1,47.',  iiii'ii.  \Miiiii-ii,  anil  t-hil-lreii.  ami  :i,Ullll  ht-ail  of  rattle 
ami  sheep;  in  ls-i.>.  ;l.(imi  im-ii,  wnineii,  ami  elillilren.  aiiil 
7,.i00  iR'iiil  ofi'altio  ami  slii-e|i. 

I'Tlii'se  Hiiiiuratlii!,'  partn's,  tni.ii-tlii-r  Willi  similler  ones  hi- 
8CQ,  frtiiii  the  iiioiintains.  ami  tVoiii  t'alitbrniu.  itia!,-e  ili't> 
Amerii-aii  [mpiihittoii  of  I  ir'-smi  alioiit  s.llIKi;  wlii'-li.  mlili'il 
111  l.'J.'ill  llritisli.i!ivi-s  the  i-m  iiBtholthinvliile  iiopahitioii  of 
that  t'-rrilory. 

"  Till' t-uii^'ration  til  Texas  has  hei-ii  as  yi-l  maio-  tiiiien 
vreati'r  tliiiii  lli.'il  to  llri'ieni.  iiiitl  a  uri  at  tiatiii- alli-mls  ilu- 
passni^i'  of  so  iiiiiny  parlit's  tlntaiftti  llif  imliaii  eoinilrit-s.' 

The  rc^inient  proposi-il  is  iiilcnded  to  protect 
these  interests  and  the  luiinaii  lil'e  involved  in 
them.  Its  field  of  operations  will  include  tile  wilds 
on  liolh  sides  ol'  the  Riuky  .Mininlains.  To  the 
cast  of  these  nioa.ilains,  vast  plains,  for  the  most 
pni't  open,  extend  from  the  Uiilf  of  Slexico  to  the 
Aretie  seas,  and  from  the  iiorder  settleinent.s  of  ihe 
8lates  lo  the  liiise  of  the  same  mountains.  These 
plains  are  inhahili  d  by  L'lll),IJI)(l  savifes,  skilled  in 
luirsenianslii;.,  expuri  in  the  use  of  the  liow  and 
arrow,  nn'J  are  forniidalile  for  their  [in-daiory  liali- 
its,  Birateu'y,  and  warlike  spirit.  Tliey  resort, 
inr.iiy  tribes  of  lliein,  from  ihe  distant  re^Hons  of 
iVew  Mexico  on  the  south,  and  the  Larkatciuviiie 
on  the  iiorih,  to  the  interineduite  valleys  of  the 
Platte  and  Ihe  Missmui  perinilically;  there  to  hunt 
biilValo,  for  the  ini-iit  -.11111  the  skills  they  aH'ord;  to 
trade,  to  roll,  anil  i.i  pliuider. 

Over  tlie.sc  plains,  thus  iiihal  itcil  liy  fierce  no- 
inailie  tribes,  ciimiiieri-e  and  emi^'ratiiin  are  left  lo 
tight  and  forte  their  way.  :  a' th"  «  ant  of  aije. 
cpiale  and  ir.eriled  pi'ote,-iii>n,  both  have  seriinislv 
sull'en  d.  .More  than  •i.llllll  valuable  lives,  and  aii 
immense  iiiiinuiil  of  property,  have  been  lost,  iii- 
de]-endenlof  the  reslraiiil  i'miiotied  upon  the  in- 
1  lease  of  eiiiiu'rali'in  and  of  coinnn-rt'e. 

When  the  biinli-r  .setilers  are  liaiil  pres.sed  by 
overpowerin-;  niimbers  of  savi-L'es,  they  may  re- 
tire upon  the  interior  seillemenis,  and'there  find 
1  afety  and  proteetion.  Ihu  mii  ,„,  \viih  the  trailin;; 
mil  eii.ioratini;  parties  of  the  in-airies.  When 
they  have  once  peneiiateil  iliese  t|c|iibHi,  ihcy  imisl 
press  on,  for  il  is  worse  lo  ^-o  ba  k  than  forward. 

ir,'l,';oit;  Ihe  aid  of  tiovernmcnl,  the  ihiriin,' and 
■■'i^jeniul,'  of  American  citizens  have  adopted  a  ilis- 
■  .plii'ti',  which,  to  some  extent,  pi.necls  them 
a'.'ainsl  iln-se  dangers.  Il  may  not  be  iininteresl- 
iiiu:  or  iinpriilitalile  to  notice  it.  At;  eini-.n-atiii!; 
party,  for  example,  leiidezvoiis  in  the  viciiiiiv  of 
Indepeiulcnci.,  Miswniri.     There  iirepaialtoii.Vare 


Cumberland  Road — Mr,  Yancey. 


mode  tn  embark  unon  the  great  prairie  oreanj  ' 
wni'^oils  are  repuired  or  pureliascd:  iiiulesand  cat- 
lie  procured;  provision.-)  laid  in;  rilles  and  aiii'iiu- 
nitioii  seciiivil  a^rainst  exposi-re;  11  day  and  place 
for  a  !;i'and  council  appointed,  upon  the  edf^eof  the 
Indian  ctniiitrv,  to  which  all  repair  as  their  erpiip- 
ments  are  (.0, .ipleted,  1-lere,  in  the  i^i.'iiin'al  assem- 
bly of  the  males,  a  military  ori^ani/.ation  is  adopt- 
ed; cverylliin'4  nece.sNary  for  the  ioiirney  pre- 
scribed, and  submitted  to  the  iiisjieciion  ot'  com- 
mittees; and  whoever  or  xvliatsoe\er  is  Uefieient  is 
rejected.  Ollicers  are  selected;  ihe  whole  party 
distributed  out;  iruards  and  duties as.si!:iied  toearli. 
Thus  organized,  the  ;:;rand  t.'ncainonieiji  is  struck, 
sjuides  are  sent  forward,  and  the  party  move  for- 
ward. When  the  i;reat  plains  are  reached,  the  1 
wa:rfroiis  and  liorsemeii  me  arraiii;ed  in  two  paral- 
lel lines,  which  form  llie  order  of  movenient,  so 
taal,  upon  any  sisii  of  dain'cr  from  tlie  Indian  foe, 
th  'y  may,  by  a  «iiii|ile  evohitinn,  fonii  a  tami,  or 
lioliow  sr|iiai-e.  The  waixuntis,  lliiked  to'o-ihcr 
with  chains,  t'orm  a  defensive  breastu  orlc,  within 
which  are  secured  the  families  and  cattle  in  tiiues 
of  daimer— willieii/,  tents,  bivmiacs,  and  camp 
fires,  encircle  the  whole;  anil  still  beyonci,  .si-iiii- 
nels  are  posted  lo  give  notice  of  upproachin;^ 
ilan<;ei'. 

In  the  absence  of  these  jirccaitlions,  robberie.s 
and  iiiitrderH  are  IVupientiy  perpetraled — some- 
times m'Ik'II  they  are  observed.  'I'he  wily  saxa^e 
proceeds  as  I'ollows:  after  the  whites  are  encamped, 
the  hor.se.s  lurm  d  upon  the  prairies  to  Wv{\  upon 
the  fjrnss,  iimler  the  walcli  of  Miitiiiels,  and  all 
seems  to  he  secure,  he  steals  fnrtli,  in  the  dead  of 
tiijllit,  drap-irin;;  himself  upon  the  sroiind,  eoii- 
cealed  by  tile  ^^rass,  iiiitil  he  Hears  the  horses. 
When  he  has  don-"  this,  he  siidilenly  rises  up,  en- 
veloped in  il  bear  or  builido  skin,  and  issues  some 
quaint  and  starilini:  siiind.  'I'lie  horses  lake  friehi 
— a  slampeiio  ensues — the  Iittiinns  waitini;  at  a  dis- 
tance throw  Ihemselves  lieiween  the  horses  and  the 
encampment — pursue  the  horses,  with  a  horrible 
discordancy  ol  sounds,  until  they  are  driven  far 
hence,  where  means  are  taken  to  secure  them. 

This  point  i;aiiied,  the  whites  theiiHelves  become 
an  easy  prey.  Notniifrefptentlv  they  are  stripped  of 
their  clothes,  robbed  of  their  money,  and  arc  either 
murdered  or  left  to  find  their  way  as  they  best  call 
throiii;h  a  wild  and  almost  hoiiiulless  cotintrv. 
Diicinr  While,  Indian  Airent,  and  his  party,  xve're 
robbed  on  his  way  last  i'a'l,  and  a  l;ill  is  now  jieial- 
ini;  before  Coii'.;i'ess  for  his  iiideninification. 

To  the  xvest  of  the  nieiinlains,  tin  si.'  parties  are 
exposed  to  little  less  daiit,'t'r  by  the  sava^^cs,  and 
more  from  exhausliun  of  slieii'^lh  and  provisioii.s.  ' 
The  regiment  would  be  of  the  greatest  ser\  ice  in 
assistini;  and  eonviiyiii!;  liieni  llii'oiii;li  the  ijoriiis 
of  the  niimerous  niouniains,  anil  down  the  iribii- 
taries  of  the  i 'ohuiibia,aiid  that  river  itself;  also  in 
liuildiii'^  stations  and  restiie.;-  places  upon  ihc  ex- 
tended line  of  transit,  and  in  transporting'  the  mails. 
Such,  sir,  are  soiiie  of  the  ilaiii;ei-s  and  losses  iii- 
ciu'i'ed  by  the  hariiy  pionci  rs,  who  o;ii  t'lrtli  to 
conipier  the  wildernes.s — to  extend  the  area  of  free- 
dom— 10  eonnect  tlie  ends  of  the  old  xvorld  and  the 
new — the  ends  of  the  etirtli  by  ihe  bands  and  hooks 
of  a  new  and  infinite  comnierce. 

.Shall,  then,  these  brave  men,  and  this  infant  yet 
valuable  coninierce,  lie  left  longer  to  striic;:Ii-  over 
our  national  di-niain,  exposed  10  the  nL'i;ressioiis 
and  spoliations  f  liordis  of  sav.-i!.'es,  10  whom 
iilunder  is  a  hni  tt,  and  mercy  and  ipiarter  iin- 
inowii  .*  Shi'l  inillions  continue  to  be  poured  out 
I'lr  tlie  eneou'-iu;eiui.|ii  pml  protection  of  conimcrce 
upon  'he  li!.;li  s.  as,  and  the  lives  of  our  citizens, 
and  our  cimimi  rci  tipnn  the  priilricM,  bu  left  the 
victims  and  spo,',  of  »ava;;es.- 


CITMBEULANDUOAD. 

SPEECH  OF  MiTTiv.  L.  VA^•(•|;^ , 

01'  At,.\l)A.Xl.V, 
l>J    rllK  IIoi'SK  OK   I!KIIlhs|;.XT.M'H  KS, 

.•/;i/i7  ;i,  lH|(i. 
I  hi  the  bill  makiii;!:  approprialiims  for  the  conijile- 
tion  of  the  I'uniberland  Road. 
1\Tr.  Y.'\N('l-'.V.s,ii,|_ 

Mr.  CiiAiuxnv:  I  desire  lo  say  a  few  words 
upon  this  bill.  Its  frii-iids  ur;i'  that  it  is  I'rained 
upon  Ihe  basis  of  a  conti-,ict  entered    into  bv  ihe 


Ho,  OF  Reps, 

General  Govenmient  wilh  the  Stales  of  Ohio,  In- 
diana, Illinois,  and  Missouri,  and  that  iriiod  faith, 
iherefiire,  deiniinils  its  pasHiij^e.  ^  haveexamini  d, 
wiili  all  the  care  which  the  brii  f  space  allowed 
since  1  heard  il  advanced  xeould  admit,  into  this 
allci^ed  eonlraet,  wiih  a  sincere  disposiiion  to  see. 
to  it  that  "  the  i;ood  faith"  of  the  Goverminait 
should  sud'er  no  detrinteiit:  nnd  lia\e  conic  to  ihe 
(.onelusion,  that  if  this  is  the  only  basis  upon  m  hieli 
the  l.'ill  rests,  it  must  fail.  The  irood  faith  of  this 
Cioveriiinent  was  certainly  pledged  lo  appropriate 
a  eerlain  proportion  of  the  net  proceeds  of  the  pnli- 
lic  lands  lyiiit;  Within  those  States,  sold  1-y  C'on- 
ijress,  to  laving  out  and  niakin;^  iiublie.  roails  !iad- 
iiis,' to,  and  tliroti<rh  them;  but  it  was  not,  and  i.s 
not  now,  |ili'djeil  to  an  indefinite  ex|>eiidititre  of 
the  I''i  ileral  treasure  for  the  puqaisc  of  finally  c.oni- 
pletins;  such  roads,  if  the  |iroportioii  originally  de- 
siL'iieil  for  them  fill  short  of  that  object. 

T'le  a"t  of  April. 'Ill,  181)2,  aiithorizingllie  people 
ofOhiotoform  a  constitution  and  Suite  govern- 
ment for  admii-siiin  into  the  IJition,  itiaile  this, 
anioni;-  other  piopnsition.s,  to  Ihe  convention,  for  its 
"  free  at-eeptance  or  rejection,"  to  v.il: 

"That  one-tweiititih  part  of  the  net  proceeds  oP 
'  the  laiiils  lying  within  said  State,  sold  by  Coii- 
'  gress,  from  and  i.fier  the  thirtieth  day  of  Jinu'. 
'  III  xt,  lifter  dednctiii'g  all  expenses  incident  to  the 
'  .same,  shall  he  applied  to  the  layiPf  out  and  nia- 
'  king  )iub!ic  roads,  leading  from  the  naviL'alile 
'waters  einplyini;  into  the  .Vtlaiitic,  to  the  Ohio, 
'  to  the  said  State,  tiiitl  thriiugh  the  same;  such 
'  roads  10  be  laid  out  under  the  aiilh.iiity  of  Con- 
'  t'less,  with  the  coiiseiit  iif  the  nevend  States 
'  tlirougli  which  the  road  shall  pass,"&e. 

The  act  of  IDlli  .-Vpril,  18Ui,  to  eiitibln  the  people 
of  Indiana  Territory  to  foriii  a  ronstiliitioii,  iVf  , 
for  ailnii.ssion  into  the  Union,  made  a  similar  prop- 
osition, \iz: 

''  That  five  yivr  cent,  of  the  net  proceeds  of  the 

•  lands,  lying  williin  the  said  Terrilory,  and  whi,di 
'  shall  iu-  .sold  by  Congix'ss  from  and  after  the  first 
'  day  of  December  next,  at'ter  deducting  al!  ex- 
'  penses  incidem  to  the  same,  shall  be  reserved  for 

*  making-  public  roads  and  canals,  of  vvhicli  lliree- 
'  fifths  shall  he  applied  to  those  objects  within  the 
'  said  .State,  iiiuler  the  direction  of  llie  Legislature 
'  thereof,  and  two-fifths  to  the  ninking  of  a  road  or 
'  roads  leading  to  the  said  Stale,  under  the  direction 
'  of  Coiii:re.«s." 

Till-  ad  of  It'ih  .-\pril,  181R,  authorizing  the  peo- 
ple of  ilii  Illinois  Territory  to  form  a  coiisiiuuion, 
Oil'.,  with  t.  view  to  adnii.ssioii  into  the  Union  as  a 
Slate,  has  a  similar  provision. 

The  act  of  Gill  .March,  1H2I),  authorizing  the  peo- 
ple of  Missouri  to  tio  the  same,  has  precisely  a 
.similar  provision. 

In  the  above-recited  acts,  accepted  by  the  con- 
ventions of  the  four  States  named,  are  found  ihe 
clauses  which,  it  is  contended,  contain  this  conli-aet 
which  binds  f'oie;ress  to  eoiitiime  the  Cumberland 
road.  1 1'  Congress  has  not  already  fulfilled  those 
stiiudations,  the  contract,  I  admit,  is  biniling  11)1011 
11-  ,,'  this  moment.  liiil  I  contend  that  ivery  dol- 
lar, ay,  an.'  lunjotis  of  dollars  beyond  tin-  ainoniit 
stipulated  to  in,  'las  expended,  has  long  since  been 
"  ii;i/i.'if(/"  liy  Congress  "to  the  layini;'  out  and 
'malting  public  roads,  leading  from  the  naviiiable. 
'  waters  eiiiptying  into  lite  .'\tlaiitii',  to  the  (,>hio, 
'  to  the  said  State,  and  throiigh  the  .same"'  into  In- 
diana, Ac. 

!!y  reterence  to  dociinient  Xo.  Ijjlt,  of  3d  session 
of 'J.'iih  Congress,  it  will  be  t'iHiiid,tliat  on  the  ,'IIst 
of  Deceiiibei',  I-"*,'!?,  lliere  had  accrued  to  il-  fo;ir 
Siali  s  in  (pieMiiiii,  for  the  purposes  of  biiililii, '  puli- 
lic  loads,  leadiie;  10  and  ihroimh  the  same,  the  sum 
of '>i'J'i'.'.'278  -Jll;  uliile  up  to  tliat  period  there  had 
been  appropriated  to  this  piir|iiise  out  of  tli*^  I-'ederal 
trit'isure  the  enormous  sum  of'kli,{il8,"3'.l  8'.';  show- 
nig  that  the  <  fovcriinieni  had  exceeded  llie  .sunt 
ciiTlcd  for  by  "  the  contracl"  by  s.'),.'ll.'i,7lll  (IJ. 

til  tilleiiien  have  said  that  the  most  of  tins  sum 
has  been  expended  in  Virginia  and  the  old  State.'; 
eiist  of  Ohio.  Not  so,  sir.  The  lengih  of  the 
Ciinilierhind  road  in  the  various  Slates  in  which  it 
passes  is — 

111  iMiirylaiid 'I'l  miles. 

I'eniisylvania K|     " 

Virginia 14     " 

Ohio •-';>4     " 

Indiana 148     " 

Illinois 'JO     " 


ftS 


N< 


423 


2}>rH  Cong Isr  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Oregon  (^uesf'^n — Mr.  Cast. 


[March  30, 
Senate. 


Ni'l  niiile  II  I'lurdi  of  llio  sum  Ijhs  bcru  cxpniileil 
eas!  riffhc  (^Ium. 

AVIiiiI  llic  cXiirl  nmniml  of  tbo  pi-(>nr>iliciii  of  (lie 
ncl  urniTcdrt  of'  llio  n:»i(  s  (tf  pii'ilir  iimds  in  tlirsf 
SStatcs  sini'p  J,^;J7  is,  I  Ihtvp  ii.tt  llit^  (li^ouiin'ii's  nt 
hand  to  show.  As,  li"\\fvor,  il  liiti  not  rrficii  n 
million  fVon\  I'-d-i  lo  1S17,  il  is  liot  a  rcnsonnMf 
faliMihilioii  lo  I'lfsiiiiiu  lliiil  IliP  aiiionni  which  hn« 
nn'rnrd  siinT  dors  n<it  irach  al'ove  hnlf  a  lotllion 
of  dolhwM.  riariii::  it  at  liial,  we  will  find  that 
S-l.tifiOiTfil  have  liccn  iirMtiiilonsIy  aiiproprialn!  to 
ihe  |iui'posrs  indii'nli'd  liy  the  ai'l.'<  adiiiitlnis  lliosc 
StaKs  into  the  f^nioi!. 

It  is  adniiiird,  iiidcnl,  I'V  ihi'  fi:(  nds  ••C  this  liill, 
l!ial  till'  s|i('i'itir  aiiionnt  pl('il'r''d  for  ihi'  hiiildintj 
ofthrsc  puhilo  roads  Ims  l.(  I'M  cxpcndrd  upri:i  ihoni 
hy  Conirre.v,  Inil  Ilial  il  has  l.cni  nnwisrly  a(al 
inipiopirly  I'Xorndid — ixptMulid  in  a  maiintr  not 
licsl  ■alcnliilcd  lo  sirnrc  llie  end  in  view.  Il  i.^ 
i'oiili"wli'(l  that  if  n  1p.-s  cosily  road  had  liccn 
planncti  and  huill,  I'lP  sprcilir  finrl  set  apart  for  it 
under  tlic  scvciid  acts  rinotfd  I'V  nn.'  wiadil  have 
been  sr.iiicieiit.  Mva.'swcr  lo  this  is,  i!,ai  the 
applicalion  of  this  (imd  w;'.s  h  ft  lo  Ihe  discri':ion 
of  Coniress.  It  was  "  lo  he  laid  out  under  ihr- 
ntithority  of  f'onTress,"  and  ■'  ni'der  llie  ilireclion 
of  ("cnmress."  Power  :"mI  discretion  have  to  le 
re|l■'^ed  sonii  where.  They  were  in  this  e.ase  re- 
posed in  Conirriss;  and  no  smci/ic  charact.T  of 
road  having  I  een  ilcsi'j:naled,  Conjress  wa.s  left  lo 
the  exercise  of  its  jmlsnient.  In  exerci.se  of  that 
jud  :'nent,  the  whole  nroporlion  of  the  net  proceeds 
of  ;he  sale  of  these  lands  has  heen  expended,  and 
larsru  snni.s  not  liar'.'ained  or  contracted  for  li.ave 
hem  L'latnilou'dy  \otei|  tp  those  State.* — making 
the  Sinn  total  applied  to  this  road  near  seven  mil- 
lions of  ilollars. 

lliii,  L'enlleinen  sav,  the  conti-act  was  thai  Con- 
^re.^s  should  leclce  i.'iis  road;  and  make  ii  \vp  most, 
or  fail  in  our  phrhti  d  faith  !  I  read  the  Imnd  dit'- 
ferently.  I  read  that  ('onsress  promised  to  Ohio 
tiiat  *' eiie-ficfnfo//i"  of  the  net  proceeds  of  sales 
of  land  in  the  Slate  .should  "  hr  (ii<pli'>I  to  the  lay- 
in;:  out  and  niiikinu'  pnhlic  roads,"  i^-c.  In  that  I 
81  e  I 'III  two.«(tiniilaltoii,'; — the  reser\  a  lions  from  sales 
of"  e?ic-(icfii(it//i,"  and  the  ni>i'lirii!i<.n  of  thai  Mini 
to  n  specific  purpose.  I  read  ih.al  CoiiLness  did 
not  undertake  posiiivi  ly  and  wilhoni  fail /o  mn/.r 
n  puhlie  road  ieailin;:  lo  and  throuL-h  nil  these 
Slates;  hut  In  ofj'hi  lire  fir  crnl.  of  ihe  net  |iro- 
ceeds  of  sales  fif  the  lanihs  wilhi  i  iheni  to  ilnil 
purpose.  If  the  sum  failed  of  it.i  ohjcct,  there  is 
no  provision  that  Conjress  shall  a;ndv  another 
'*  en< -/irfn(ir//r'  to  tlial  purpose.  On  the  ec>ntrai\'. 
Coiieress  is  specifically  deu'ed  llie  power  of  ap|dv- 
ins'  more  tiian  "  oiie  lircniicth"  to  thai  ohjeci.  If  1 
am  correct,  tiian  there  is  no  enntract  now  hindino; 
upon  the  Governnieni  to  appropriate  anv  fnnlier 
Slim  lo  the  eompleiion  of  this  road.  This  hill, 
then,  must  he  supported,  if  supported  nt  ,ill,  on 
other  s^rounds. 

The  constitutional  point  I  shall  not  artnie.  Is  it 
expedient,  then,  lo  uraiit  Ihe  three  million  nine 
hundred  and  eighty-six  thoiisanil  three  hundred 
and  twenty-two  acres  of  land  called  lor  liy  the 
hill  .•  To  render  this  larce  slice  of  piildic  domiin 
as  palatahle  a.<  )>os.sili|e  to  o.ir  throats,  nienihers 
iidiocalini  the  hill  promise  if  we  will  pass  it,  riol 
to  ask  for  another  acre  ordolhir  for  the  road. 

This  savors  of  some  r|iialms  of  cons-iencp 
even  ill  its  friends.  Tliev  suspect  ilmt  we  enniiot 
well  _-ulp  down  so  much  land  at  a  swallow:  niiil, 
tofpiu;!  our  startled  iiid;:ineni,  sa\',  "well,  we  know 
it  is  rt  laiKC  slice,  hui  .^wallow  it,  and  we  we  will 
not  iroii'ile  you  Mi;ain."  Rut  who  is  lo  ^'iiarantv 
this?  The  peoide  may  not  keep  these  memliers 
here  lonir,  and  tin  ir  successors  may  not  consider 
themselves  ns  hound  I'Vsuch  pleriL-'es.  Ihil  if  it  is 
proper  lo  Vote  for  the  hill,  we  do  not  need  the 
jiled^'e;  if  impropr  r,  it  cnnnot  inlliieiKe  us  lo  vote 
for  It. 

When  the  project  of  ihis  f'umlierland  road  was 
firs'.  I  (ini'eiKil,  It  was  needed  as  a  ireal  hi'.'hwav 
for  ihe  travel  and  orodiice  of  ihe  ferli'e  WVsi  t',, 
find  an  outlet  upon  the  .-Vtlantic  hoard.  'I'lii  ..lonn- 
tnnis  intervened  hetween  the  Ohio  vallev  and  the 
Atlanii'-  roast.  iSleain,  not  ilnai  in  mcli  general 
use  as  now,  hid  not  reiiilered  the  upper  Ohio  iiavi- 
pihle;  railroads  hsd  not  einniped,  as  now,  with  iron 
liaiids  the  n.-iiioliie.'  eiirlli;  eaieils  diil  not,  as  now, 
mil  rsi  I't  ihul  u'leat  valley  m  every  dire'tion.  The 
rich  produci;  of  iliu  noil  found  iiu  way  lo  miirket 


over  roirrli  roads,  upon  the  Inniheriiiff  wai^im:  and 
the  traveller,  when  joli,  .1  over  them  at  the  rate  of 
sixty  miles  a  day,  cnnftidcred  himself  ii.'!  doing  n  1 
good  ihiy's  worli.  ! 

Ilow  diti'ere,.*  "n\Y.    The  hroad  Ohio  is  navi-  | 

ijated  hy  hiindreds  oi   tin;:  palaces,  propi  Ilei]  ! 

n'iainsi  its  enrrenl  iiy  lin-lneathinc;  eiijiiies.     The  [ 
mountains  are  pierced    l»y  railroads  and  canals.  I 
These  means  of  eh'  ,ip  anil  rapid  Iransportalion  are  i 
iViiind  till  over  Ihe  West.     The  (feneral  Govern-  ]\ 
meni  hasexneiiflpd  millionsof  dollars  in  iniprovi'i^r  i 
Ihe  uavi-ratioji  of  western  streams,  in    reiulerin:; 
valnalde  Inirliors  upon  the  lake  eoast,  and  hnildiui^ 
ihem  where  nature  li.is  not  even  indicaldl  the  ex- 
istence of  one:  and  has  '.';ranted  lar're  tracts  of  lain!  ; 
for  purposes  of  iiileriml  improvement! 

Why.  si;-,  men  are  hehind  the  times  with  thisohl- 
fashioned  piad.  The  spirit  ol'the  ai;e  is  "onward." 
Thirty  niili  s  an  hour  on  laud,  and  a  thousand  a 
minute  on  I'rofe.-.s.ir  Morse's  wires,  are  lieenie-!  loit 
ordinary  spi  '''I  I  On  this  i-'iad.  my  friend  from  In- 
diaiKi  [Mr.  Owr.v]  iiif'irnis  me  that,  during:  parts 
of  the  year,  he  has  heen  ahle  to  make  lot  two 
miles  ;ii'  hour  on  hin*.''e!';icK'  !  l?esides.  the  win-k  is 
not  need'Ml,sir,  hy  the  Governineiit.  It  has  lietli;r 
ii.se  for  its  fiouls. 

I  re  ret  t'l  h.'arlhe  .rcMileniaii  from  Illinois  [Mr. 
FtiKiiN'l  C'lniplain  th:!l  the  new  Stales  were  tm- 
jiistly  ihalt  with  hy  Con'.r  i-ss.  I  think  the  reverse. 
Congress  li;is  heen  liia'ril  and  Iciiiil  to  them.  Iiy 
reference  i.>  report  N".  ~hll.  ,'M  .sei-sion,  37th  Coii- 
Cress,  it  will  he  found  lli  'i  the  f.dlow  iiii;  '.'iiintH  'if  , 
laiiil  had  been  made  lo  new  States  up  to  l^^^!): 

.\'Te>.  '' 

T'l  Alihima l.ntl.'I.K'iO 

To  Mississiiipi ri.'i.'h.i.'itl 

To  Louisiana (iKt,?,-^!) 

To  Ohio l,f*IO,mi 

To  Indiana I  ,(I7.|,1(;,'?       ' 

To  Illinois i..-.;n,.'fi7 

To  .Missouri I.Ol-M'Jt; 

To  Arkan.sas 

To  .Mi'hi.'an 

To  I'l'Tida 

T'l  Wise,'-  sin  Territory  .... 

To  I"Wa  Territory 

In  addition  to  the  ;diove  liberal — far  loo  liberal — 
rraiits  of  the  public  ih  nain  to  the  new  Stales,  the 
dislribulion  act  ^'ranleii  five  hundred  thousand  acres 
more  to  many  of  them. 

Five  peretnt.  of  the  net  proceeds  of  all  sales  of 
public  l.md.;  within  llitir  limits  has  also  been  grant- 
ed 111  them. 

The  sixteenth  section  of  every  township  in  each 
•Slate  has  nls'i  been  •:raniid  to  iliem  for  purposes 
of  eiha'atioii. 

For  purposes  of  inlrni.il  improvenunt,  the  fol- 
I'.win;;  sums  have  also  I"  ii  eranlid  to  them  siiii'e 
IKIO,  eX'-liisive  of  Ihe  rriiibi  rlainl  road  ap|iropi,i- 
lions,  and  those  for  the  Ohio,  Mis.souri,  and  Mis- 
sisiippi  rivei.s: 

111  Florida ii:io:t,o(;a 

In  Louisiana l,(;t|() 

In  .Missi^.sippi l.'l.lhit) 

In  Arkiins.is >^.'<l,'iK) 

III  .Mis'uiri i'il,-l."ili 

In  Temifssi  e I.I.^.IHMI 

In  Ohii l.!i;iN..'il!» 

III  llliii"is !i:),),7lil 

In  Indi.ina 1,.'1I1,K.".I 

In  .Mi-liiL'.in ~'.')1..')J1 

I"  Iowa :)ll,Mi;i 

_  III  Wis'Miiisiii I07,(;^0 

These  fai'is,  sir,  do  not  seeni  to  indicate  that 
Congress  has  held  a  rc-'ririivc  and  uii:rinerous 
course  t"V\  iirils  the  nr  w  S'a'rs.  On  the  eonlrary, 
sir,  thiy  eir.uly  indicio  .  that  if,  as  I  believe,  the 
(''iiisiiiiiii"n  lias  ii'il  III'  \iolaled,  in  order  that  il 
miu'ht  be  liberal,  it  has  al  i'  ;is|  heen  sliel.'lied  lo  the 
very  hist  tension  wiiieh  it  is  ea|  able  of  hearing,  in 
order  to  satisfy  the  linic^'ry  a|'i.etites  of  the  new 
States,  iind_  |iartieiihTly  of 'the  \Visi.  Why,  sir, 
the  Slate  ofOl^.o  alone' h. is  re.-eived,  in  the  coiir.se 


had  irorifed  her  with  it.s  treasure — freely  lavished 
upon  her  its  public  domain. 

Fin*  these  reasons  1  am  ojiposed  lo  this  bill. 
The  road  is  not  needed  for  nalional  purposes;  ami 
if  wanted  for  loi:il  purposes,  I  am  not  willing  lo 
lax  my  constituents  to  make  it. 


!t76,>illi 

!l7i;,f^nfi 

I,f)li-<,l!i.') 

l,lll)t»,7,'.;t 

l!l(i,T4« 


of  the  last  'ifl  'en 
fore  Ihi 


I  III 


will 


'Userve,  am 


tin 


had  I 

:bi 


bl 


table 


ni  two  hundred  ihousand  ilollars  of  tin 


anioiint   reieivei; 


.Ma 


'III  aii'l  Iliye 


I   by   tin 

lii 


i^ir.  li.e  West  has 


has  h, 


whole 
ri'dit  t' 


ry 


nth  of 


'  liber  ll  to  III 


II 


ill 


I  not  onlv 


fulfilled  its  bond  Willi  her  lo  the  very  letter,  but  it 


ORF,GON_aUESTION.  . 
SPEECH    Op'iMR.    CASS, 

OF  MICIIKiA.V. 

Iv  THE  Sf.v.\tk,  .VniWi  .10,  ISIG. 
The  .Toint  Resolution  fir  ttivinj  the  notice  lo  ter- 
minate the  convention  between  the  Pnited  State« 
and  (irrat  Urilnin,  relative  to  the  Ore5on  tern- 
lory,  beiiii;  under  eonsulei-ilion — 
Mr.  C;'vSS  addressed  the  Senate  (W  follows: 
Mr.  l*iiK.siDi;xr:  I  do  not  rise  al  this  late  perioil 
lo  enter  into  any  lormal  eonsidernlioii  of  the  prin- 
cipal I'lpic  invohed  in  t!ie  proposition  now  peinlinir 
bef'ire  the  Senate.  I  cannot  Hatter  myself,  that  tmy 
such  I  ll'orl  of  mine  would  le  sueces.si'id,  or  wonlil 
deserve  to  be  so,  I  have  listened  attentively  lo  the 
projrress  of  this  disi-ussion,  and  while  I  ack'iov.'l- 
ed;j;e  my  irratification  nt  inucli  I  lia\e  heard,  still 
scntinienls  have  been  advain-ed,  and  views  |ire- 
senled,  in  whii'h  I  do  not  concur,  and  I'roni  which, 
even  al  the  ha.'.aid  of  lresp;i.s.sii]!,' upon  the  iiidiil- 
srcnce  of  the  Smate,  I  niiisl  express  my  dissent, 
and  brietly  th.e  rrasons  of  it.  lint,  sir,  1  have  not 
the  remotest  inteniioii  of  lonchiii'^  the  rjueslion  of 
Ihe  title  of  Orijoii.  The  trilnite  I  liriinj;  lo  thai 
subject  is  the  tribute  of  conviction,  leit  of  ilis'-us- 
sioir,  a  eoiu'iirrence  in  the  vii.'ws  of  others,  not 
the  jiresentation  of  inv  own.  The  whole  matter 
has  lieeii  placed  ill  hold  relief  beOtre  the  eouiilry 
and  the  world  by  men  far  more  ''ompetent,  than  E 
am  lo  do  it  justice,  anil  jnstic'  they  have  done  it. 
The  disiiiiL'iiislied  Senator  from  Soiitli  C'arolin.i, 
who  filled,  a  short  time  since,  tlicofHi'e  of  Secreta- 
ry of  Stale,  h;is  left  the  impress  of  his  talents  and 
intethuence  upon  his  eorrespondence  with  the  Hrit. 
isli  .Minister,  and  he  lel't  lo  an  able  successor  to 
finish  well  a  task,  wl|i  di  was  well  beirun.  And 
upon  this  Ihan-,  the  S'-nat'ir  from  .\ew  York  iii- 
striieleil  us,  while  he  ^mtified  ns,  by  a  masterly 
vindication  of  the  .Vmericaii  title;  and  he  was  fol- 
lowed by  his  collein;iie,  and  by  the  Senator  from 
Illinois,  and  by  others,  loo,  who  have  done  honor 
Ui  tliemsehes,  while  doing  good  service  to  their 
country. 

Ihl'ore,  however,  1  procreil  further  in  my  re- 
marks, there  is  one  subject,  lo  whicii  I  will  make 
a  passin::  allnsion.  As  lo  i  orreeiiiii;  the  inisrep- 
resinitation.-  of  Ihe  ihiy,  whether  these  arc  volunta- 
ry or  involuntary,  he  thai  si  eks  to  do  it,  only  pre- 
pares f.ir  himself  an  abnndanl  harvest  of  ilisap- 
poiiilnient,  .inil,  I  may  ailil,  of  vexation.  I  seek 
no  such  impracticable  object.  In  tunes  like  the 
present,  whin  inli-rests  arc  thriatened,  p.issions 
excited,  parties  aniiiated,  and  when  iii-iiiienroi'..j 
i|ueslions  pre.se;il  theniselves  for  s"!utioi  ,  an.i  'he 
pulilic  mind  is  alive  to  the  sl:i:htesi  sen.siuion,  \\c 
must  expecl,  that  those,  upon  w  hose  act  ion  d.pends 
the  welfare,  if  not  the  destiny,  of  the  eonu.ry.wil! 
be  arrai;;iied,  and  ass.iilid,  and  eoiidenned.  I 
presume  we  are  ail  pre|iart(i  !'"!■  this.  A'e  have 
all  lived  long  eiiouiili  I"  know,  thai  tins  ih  the  lax, 
which  our  position  [--lys  to  its  eleuition.  We  have 
tVeijiienlly  ni'eii  reminded,  during  the  pro;i'<  ss  of 
Ihis  debuie,  of  the  responsilnliiy,  which  men  "f  ex- 
treme opinions,  ns  some  of  us  have  been  cj  'led, 
nmsteneoiiiiter,  and  have  heen  .siiiiimoned  o  meet 
il — 10  meet  the  coiiseipicnces  of  the  mea-iurcs  wc 
invoke. 

During  the  roiirse  of  a  P'l'olie  life,  now  verging 
towards  forty  years,  I  In.ve  been  placed  in  many  ii 
condiiion  of  respoiiKibi  ity;  and  i>fien,  too,  w  here 
I  had  few  to  aid  me,  an  I  nuiie  lo  consult.  I  have 
found  myself  alili'  I'l  m  irih  no  to  ir.y  duly,  and  no 
responsibility,  in  cities  ir  in  foresis,  has  been  cast 
upon  iiie,\vhicli  I  have  not  readily  met. 

As  it  is  vvitli  me,  so  i  is,  I  doubt  not.  w'itli  my 
jioiitii'iil  friends,  who  reuurd  this  whole  matter  as  I 
do,  and  who  are  ready  to  follow  it  lo  ii.i  fund  issue, 
whatever  or  wherever  that  maybe.  I  snb'iiit  to 
honorable  Setialors  on  the  other  side  of  the  <  liam- 
ber,  whether  these  adjurations  are  in  t^ood  I.,  le; 
wdii  iher  il  is  noi  fair  to  presume,  that  we  have  loin;- 
ed  .U'lUiiJ  us,  e.xamiiied  what  ill  our  judgment  wc 


i 


i- 


184«.] 
29th  Cong Ist  Sess. 


II)  my  re- 

I  will  m  ike 
ilip  riusrcp- 
;h('  vi'ltinta- 
il,  only  |H"f- 
fst  of  (tisii[t- 
inn.  I  si'rli 
Ji  fi  likf  the 
tl,  [lasHioiis 
ni.iiiitjntoi'.j 
ill!  ,  "V..I  'lie 
usiitifin,  we. 

Iln|lil.|iril(ls 

mill, IV,  will 

111  null.      I 

\\'i-  hnvK 

K   i^    tllO   (H\, 

I.  W,.  Iiavc 
I'l-itii'i  srt  ni" 
1  iiirii  "rt\- 
liri'll  I'i  l|i.'il, 
iiiril  II  iiicot 
■,,iri'.s  wc 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Oregon  (Question — Air.  Cass. 


423 


Senate. 


nui^ht  to  (In,  and  limn  detoriiiined  to  dn  it,  come 
wimt  niiiy?  This  !!;i'''Ht  <onlioveiTy  with  Engkiid 
ciiiinol,  he  mljuNlcd  without  a  iliic|)  and  soloinii  rn- 
Hpoiisihility  liiiiii':];  ciist  ii|inn  all  ut'iis.  If  there  is 
a  I'csponsiliility  in  iroin^  (bi'ward,  lliure  is  a  respon- 
BiUlity  in  staii'liiif;  still.  Peiu'r  has  it  (laiii;er.s  lus 
well  as  war.  'I'hcy  are  not  indeed  of  the  .s.mie 
kind,  bnt  they  'iiay  he  nioie  lusting,  more  dishon- 
orable, and  more  dcfitrueiive  of  the  liest  interests  of 
the  country ;  becniisedeslriictivc  of  those  hopes  and 
seiitimeiits,  whii'li  elevate  the  moral  above  the  nm- 
Icrial  world  Let  lis,  then,  leave  to  each  member 
of  this  body  the  course  that  duty  points  nut  to 
iiiin,  toi;etlier  wiih  the  respoiisiliihty  he  must  meet, 
whether  arnii'jned  at  the  triliiinul  ol"  his  conscience,  ' 
liis  coiisliliieiils,  or  his  country. 

1  observe,  that  as  well  niysilf,  a.s  other  .Senators, 
upon  this  side  of  the  Senate  have  been  accused  of 
dealinu:  in  raiif, -(in!  n/)i(Sf — that  1  believe  is  the  term — 
ill  the  remarks  we  have  siibmitled,  from  time  to 
time,  upon  the  subiecl,  as  it  Ciinie  up  incidentally 
or  directly  for  coiisKleration.  1'bis  i-atit  and  ahu.se, 
of  course,  had  rt;('crence  to  remarks  ujion  the  con- 
duct and  prclciisiiins  of  ljii;rlaiid. 

1  should  not  have  aiiverted  to  this  topic,  had  it 
not  been  that  the  honorable  Senator  fiom  North 
Carolina,  [Mr.  Il.wwoou,]  not  now  in  his  place, 
iias  ^iven  iMilor  to  the  charsie,  by  the  expression 
of  bis  "  ninnitication  in  beii't;  obliccd  to  concede 
'  to  the  debates  in  the  British  Parliament  a  decided 
'  superiority  over  ourselves  in  their  dignity  and 
'  moderation." 

He  expressed  the  hope  that  "  we  mia;hl  get  the 
'  news  by  the  next  packet  of  an  ontraj^eous  debate 
'  ill  the  IJritish  I'arhainent."  "At  least  sufHcieiU 
*  to  put  them  even  with  us  on  that  score." 

Kow,  Mr.  I'rcsidint,  it  is  not  necessary  to  wait 
for  the  next  packet  for  specimens  of  the  courtesies 
uf  l!i'itisli  parliamentary  eloipieiK  e. 

I  hold  one  in  my  hands,  which  has  been  lieic 
some  time,  and  which,  from  the  circumstances, 
and  from  the  slation  of  the  speaker,  I  nt  least  may 
be  permitted  to  rel'er  to,  when  1  iiiid  niyselt',  among 
others,  charged  with  participating  in  an  outiageous 
debate,  and  when  patriotism  would  si^em  to  de- 
mand an  inibecoimiig  exhibition  in  the  liriiish 
rarliameni.  in  order  to  restore,  not  onrdigiiily,  but 
our  self-complacency. 

.  Now,  sir,  I  am  a  firm  believer  in  the  courtesies 
nf  life,  public  and  ]irivate;  and  1  di  sire  never  to 
depart  Iroiii  them,  hi  all  1  have  said,  1  have  not 
littered  a  word,  wb'  i  ought  to  give  otlciice,  even 
111  political  fastidiiHisncss.  1  have  spoken,  to  be 
sun-,  plainly,  as  became  a  man  (haling  in  jtreat 
truths,  involving  the  character  and  interests  of  bis 
CMiintry,   bnt    becomingly.     I    have    not,    indecil, 


c  died  ambition  moderation;  nor  ciijiidity,  pliilan- 
iliropy;  nor  arrogaiici ,  humility.  Let  liini  do  so, 
who  believes  tlieiii  such,  lint  I  have  heard  the 
desire  of  the  West,  that  the  sacred  rights  of  their 
ciiuntry  should  be  enforced  and  defended,  called 
vixlnii  ariitilij,  in  the  Senate  of  the  Uiiiii  d  .Slates! 
I  have  not  even  imitated  l.oril,ioliii  llussell,  and 
talked  of  bbisiiriiig.  ,Sii|i  less  have  i  imitated  n 
ftreaier  than  J.iiiil  John  Ifu.sscll  in  talents,  and 
one  higher  ill  station,  tlioiigli  far  lower  in  those 
(|iialmes,  that  conciliate  ie>pect  and  esteem,  and 
preserve  them. 

He  who  seeks  to  know  'he  appetite  of  the  Urit- 
ish  public  for  abuse,  and  how  greeilily  it  is  catered 
(or,  has  lint  to  consult  the  daily  coliinms  of  llie 
Ihiiish  journals;  but  let  him,  who  has  peisuaded 
hini.-^elf  that  all  is  de.-nrr.n  in  the  British  I'arlia- 
liieiil,  anil  ilial  these  legislative  halls  nri;  b.it  bear- 
t;,irdeiis  cuinpareil  with  it,  turn  to  tin.,  speeches 
sonictimis  delivered  there.  Let  him  turn  to  a 
speech  delivered  by  the  second  man  in  llie  rcilni 
by  the  late  Lord  Cl'iancellor  of  England,  ibe'rii,  ,' 
SUCH  indeeil  of  bis  day  and  country,  but  with  high 
inlellecliial  powers,  and  a  vast  slock  of  nil'ornia- 
lioii,  and  who  no  ihiuin  iiiidi  islands  ihe  lasle  of 
his  coiinlrynieii,  and  knows  how  to  gratil'y  it. 

I  have  no  pleasure  in  these  exhibiiions,  Hlii''li 
les«en  tlii^  dignity  of  human  iiaiuie;  bnt  we  must 
look  to  the  dark  as  well  as  to  ilie  bri'.:hi  side  of 
lite,  if  ve  desire  to  bring  onr  opinions  to  the  siaiid- 
iird  of  exiierience.  In  a  deiiate  in  the  Hritisli 
lloic.e  of  Lords,  on  the  7ili  of  April,  1S4:),  1  had 
lie-  honor  to  be  the  subject  of  the  viliipeialion  of 
Lord  I'roiigliani  ;  and  an  honor  1  shall  esteem 
il,  iiiidi  r  the  I  ircimisianccs,  as  long  as  the  hoii.irs 
of  lilts  world  have  any  interest  for  iije.     i  shall 


muke  no  other  nlhisinii  lo  the  nintler  but  what  is 
!•  cessary  lo  the  object  I  have  in  viev,',  lo  exhibit 
the  style  of  debale  there,  so  nuieli  lauded  here, 
and  held  up  to  our  coinnryinen  as  tlie/icKK  iiknt  of 
all  thai  is  courteous  and  dignilied  in  political  life. 
"There  was  one  man,"  .said  the  cx-clnuicellor, 
"  who  was  the  very  iinpi  rsonalioii  of  niob-lios'il- 
'  ity  to  Kinrland.  He  wished  to  name  him,  that  the 
'  name  might  be  clear  as  the  guilt  was  undivided. 
'  He  meant  General  Cass,  whose  hreacli  of  duty 
'  to  his  own  (jovernmenl  was  so  discrcdicable,  niiil 
'  even  iiiore  lliigraiit  than  bis  brcachof  duly  lo  liu- 
'  manltyasa  man,  and  as  the  free  de,scciident  of  free 
'  English  parents,  and  wlio.se  conilnct  in  all  those 
'  particulars  it  was  impossible  to  pass  over  or  pal- 
'  liaie.  This  person,  who  had  been  sent  lo  inaiiitiiin 
'  peace,  and  to  reside  at  I'nris  for  that  puriiosc, after 
'  piu'ific   relations  had    been   eslahbsheit   between 

*  b'rniice  and  .\merica,  did  his  best  lo  break  it, 
'  whether  by  the  eirciilatioii  of  siatcments  upon  the 
'  (piestionoi' international  law,  of  which  he  bad  no 
'  more  eniieeplion  than  of  the  liiiigiiages  that  were 
'  spoken  ill  llie  moon,  |lonil  hiii;:liler,"|  (this  sar- 
casm provoked  their  CTiive  lordships  lo  merri- 
ment.) "  or  bv  any  oilier  ar;i:iimciils  of  reason,  for 
'  which  he  bad  no  more  eapiicily,  than  h::  had  for 
'  understanding  legal  poiiil.sand  ilill'erences."  "For 

*  that  purpose  he  was  not  above  ]iaiiiieriiig  lo  the 
'  worst  mob  feeling  of  the  United  Slates" — "  n  (nic- 
'  las  sit  of  ralililf  iioliliriaus  nf  hifrrior  cnxle  nnd 
*s((i/.'inr' — "  ((  gr(ic(7/i»g,  gcot(ii(//(iig  sit  nf  poitli- 
'  ciaii.s" — "  ri  ,s((  nf  mere  riihhir,  us  ((mdYii/i.v/ingiii.s/i- 
'  ed  frnin  persons  nf  prnperty,  or  resjterliihilil<i,  mid  nf 

*  infuniuilinii^* — "gi7)i(;i(//(»g.s'  In  .s/n/iyji,"  ,S'c. 

And  I  am  thus  eharacicrized  by  this  moitesi  and 
moderiile  Engli.--li  lord,  because  I  did  what  little  was 
in  my  power  to  defeat  one  of  the  most  llagiiioiis 
ntteninis  of  modern  times  to  eslablisli  a  doiniiiion 
over  the  seas,  and  wlindi,  iiniler  llie  pretext  of 
aboli,diiiig  the  slave  trade,  and  by  virtue  of  a  (piiii- 
tuple  treaty,  would  have  placed  the  (iag,  and  ships, 
and  seumeii  of  our  country,  at  the  disposal  of  Eng- 
land. 

Lord  lirougham  did  nol  always  t.ilk  thus — not 
when  one  of  his  friends  applied  to  me  in  Paris  lo 
remove  certain  unfnvoral.le  impressions  made  in  a 
/liff/i  (/iKir/er  by  one  of  those  im|<riident  and  impul- 
sive remarks,  which  sieni  Ui  belong  to  his  moral 

habits.    The  ellort  V.M.,  successful. .\iid  now 

my  account  of  good  liir  evil  with  Lord  Urougham 
is  balanced. 

It  is  an  irksoiiK  i;isk-  to  eidl  expressions  like 
these,  and  repeat  .licin  here.      I  hold  llieoi  up  not 

■  (IS  11  wariiiii'.' — that  is  not  neeih  d — but  to  repel  the 
intimat."       '-.m  «<■  oiighi  lo  siorly  the  courtesies 

of  onr  I '  111  the  Urilisli  I'arhaineiit. 

When  I  '  o...  here,  sir,  1  fell  it  due  lo  myself  to 
arraign  no  i.  loonves,  but   i.i  yield  the  same 

credit  for  iiiugiir,  of  lU'lion  m  oi'liers,  which  I 
idaiined  for  my.-elf.  The  I'-pect  I  owed  lo  iho.ie 
who  .seiil  me  here,  anil  m  those  lo  whom  I  was 
sent,  ei|iially  dictated  this  course.  If  some  of  us. 
as  has  been  intimated,  are  snial  naii.whohavi 
iillaincd  high  places,  if  wo  have  no  other  claim  to 
this  false  distinction,  I  hope  we  shall  at  least  es- 
tablish that  cl.iini,  which  belongs  to  decorum  of 
langnnge  and  conduct,  lo  life  and  convcrsaiioii. 
We  all  occupy  positions  here  liisih  euoiinb.and 
useful  I'liongli,  if  u.sefnlly  filled,  to  ,snti.-IV  ihi^ 
measure  ol^  any  man's  ambiiioii.  It  oii!;lt'  in  be 
onr  pride  and  our  etlovt  to  identify  ourselves  with 
this  representative  body  of  the  sovereignties  of  the 
States.  With  this  great  depository  of  so  much  of 
llie  power  of  the  Am 'ricaii  people  in  the  three 
great  (icpartnients  ot''''  ir  CJoxcrnnicnt,  execiiti\c, 
legislative,  and  judicial — lo  esiiblisli  an  e>i"U 
.nrps,  which,  wliilcii  shall  leave  us  free  to  i 
our  d lilies,  whether  lo  our  eon ii try  or  to  onr  |iiii'.\  , 
shall  yet  unite  us  in  a  deterinination  to  disiard 
everythiim,  which  can  diminish  ihe  inlliieme,  or 
lessen  the  diirniiy,  of  the  Seiialc  of  the  I'liiteil 
Slates.  While  I  have  the  honor  of  a  seat  here,  I 
wil'ido  nothing  to  coiinteraei  these  views.  I  will 
liaiidy  words  of  reproach  wiili  no  one.  And  the 
same  nieasnre  of  coiirlesy  I  am  prepared  to  mete 
to  others,  I  Iriisl  will   be  incled  by  others  to  nie. 

I  At  any  rate,  if  iliey  are  not,  1  wiUhiivelio  conten- 
tion in  this  chaniber. 

I  have  regreiied  many  expressinns  which  have 
been  heard  during  the  progress  of  this  discussion, 
rurtioii,  (/riiiir^'dgiii «,  ii/(r((  jwlrinls,  nmliillniis  Ittiders, 
iiijhniniiilorij  (i/i(if  n/s,  iiirfcliiY,  lillle  miH  seeking  to 


be  ffre nfotiM,  and  other  terms  nnd  epithets,  not  pleas- 
ant to  hear,  and  still  less  pleasaiu  lo  repeal.  Now, 
sir,  nothing' is  (easier  than  a  bitter  retort;  and  lie 
who  impugnj  the  motives  of  others,  cannot  com- 
plain, if  he  is  accii.sed  of  measuring  ihcm  by  his 
own  slaiidard,  and  seeking,  in  lus  own  breast,  their 


lie  of 


ion.  It  one  poriion  ol  ihe  Semite  is  lu-.- 
ciised  of  being  nllrn  on  the  side  of  their  country'.s 
pretensions,  how  easy  to  retort  the  charge  by  accu- 
sing the  licensers  of  being  iillrii  on  the  other.-  I3nt 
wlmt  is  gained  by  this  war  id' words.'  Nothing. 
On  tin  contrary,  we  lower  onrdigiiily  as  .Senators, 
and  onr  characters  as  men.  For  iny.self,  1  repudi- 
ate it  all.  I  will  have  no  part  nor  lot  in  it.  I  ones- 
lion  die  motives  of  no  honorable  Seiiaun-.  I  be- 
lieve we  have  all  one  common  object — the  honor 
and  interest  of  onr  country.  We  diti'eras  lo  the 
best  nicaiis  of  action,  and  that  diircreinc  is  one  of 

j  the  tributes  due  to  human  fallibiliiy.  Hut  there  is 
no  exclusive  patriotism,  on  one  sideorother  of  this 
body;  and  1  liojic  there  will  be  no  exclusive  clnim 
to  it'. 

Some  days  since,  in  iin  incidental  discussion, 

'.  which  sprung  up,  1  remarked  that  1  could  not  per- 
ceive wliy  the  parallel  of  49°  was  assumed  as  the 
boundary  of  our  claim.  Why  any  man  iilanlcdhis 
foot  on  that  snpposilious  line  upon  the  fivce  of  the 
globe,  and  erecting  a  barrier  there,  said  all  lo  the 
north  belongs  lo  England,  and  all  lo  ihe  soiilh  tn 
the  Uiiiled  Slates.     iMy  remark  wasnarely  the  cx- 

I  pression  of  my  views,  wilhout  touching  ihe  reasons 
on  which  Ihey  were  founded.  The  honorable  Se:;- 
ators  from  Maine,  and  Maryland,  niid  Gcor(,'ia, 
li.ive  since  called  in  (|ueslion  "t\ie  accuracy  of  this 
opinion,  and  have  entered  somewhat  at  length  into 
the  coiisideratioii.s,  wliiid.  prove  that  line  llie  true 
line  of  deinarciuion  between  the  two  countries. 
And  the  Senator  from  North  Carolina  [Mr.  Hay- 
wiiiid]  lays  iiiiich  mess  upon  this  niatler,  making 
it  ill  fact  the  liiiiiiihition  of  a  large  portion  of  his 
argnmeni.  That  parallel  is,  in  his  view,  the  wall 
ot' separation  between  our  ijuestioiiableand  onr  un- 
(piistionable  claims.  To  the  south  he  would  nol 
yield;  lo  the  llorlh  he  would,  lliongh  ho  thinks 
that  even  there  our  title  is  the  best.  There  is  an 
erroneous  impression  upon  this  siibjccl  somewhere, 
either  with  the  i(/(in,  or(if  1  may  coin  a  word)  the 
iiii-ii/(ni  advocates  of  Oregon;   and   as   this   line 

''  seems  lo  be  ii  boundary,  beyond  which  we  may 
look,  indeed,  and  wish,  but  must  not  go,  il  is  worlli 
while  to  examine  summarily  what  are  its  rcid  pre- 
tensions to  (he  character  liiiis  assumed  for  il,  of 
being  the  line  of  contact  and  of  separation  between 
two  irreal  nations. 

There  is  no  need  of  discussing  the  right  of  civ- 
ilized nations  to  appropriate  to  ihem.selvts  coun- 
tries, iirwly  iliscovcredand  inhabited  by  barbarous 
lrl!'e.^.  Til-  principle  and  the  practice  have  been 
siinciii  mciI  liy  centuries  of  experience.  Wluit  coii- 
sliluii  >  this  ri'.i:htnf  iip|iropriaiion,  sons  to  exclude 
other  nations  from  its  exercise  in  a  given  case,  is  a 
queslinn,  which  has  been  dillereiilly  sellled  in  dif- 
fei-enl  ages  of  the  world.  .\t  ohc  lime  it  was  the 
I'ope's  bull  w  liicb  conll  rred  tin  tide;  at  another  it 
was  I'l^covcry  only;  then  sellli  nu  ni  under  some 
circio  lances,  and  under  others  discovery;  and 
llicii  I  tllenieiil  and  di.scovery  combined.  There 
has  been  iieillier  a  uniform  rule,  nor  a  uniform 
jiractice.  Ihit  under  any  circninstances,  it  is  not 
easy  lo  see  why  a  certain  parallel  of  latitude  is  de- 
rlarcil  lo  be  the  boundary  of  our  claim.  Il'llie  val- 
ley of  a  river  were  assumed,  a  principle  miglil  bo 
also  Hssunied,  wliii  h  would  siiiit  us  ii|i  in  it.  This 
>•  'idil  be  a  naiural  and  a  tangilili-  boundary.  How, 
.cell,  baigiand  could  look  to  herown  practice  and 
.'ipusilioiis,  and  say  to  us,  you  are  stopped  by 
ihis  hill,  or  by  ihat  \alle\  ,or  by  that  river,  1  know 
not.  iMigland,  whose  colonial  charters  extended 
from  the  Atlantic  to  the  South  .^ca,  as  ihe  Pacilic 
ocean  was  then  called,  and  whonctiially  ejected  the 
I'rench  from  the  cnuuiry  between  the  uiountaiiis 
and  the  Mississippi,  where  they  had  fir.'.t  estab- 
lished themselves,  upon  the  very  L'liiund  tlint  their 
own  rights  of  discovery,  as  shown  by  these  chart- 
ers, ran  nidelinitely  west;  nnd  who  now  holds  the 
cohiiiient  of  .'Vnslralia — a  region   larger  than  Eii- 


roiie- 


ly  virtue  of  the  ri^dil  of  d 


iscovery ;  or,  in 


other  words,  because  Capuiin  Cook  sailed  along 
a  poriion  of  its  coast,  and  occasionally  hoisted  a 
pole,  or  buried  a  boiile.  1  am  well  aware  tliero 
nuisl  be  limits  to  this  conveiilion.d  liile,  by  which 
new  countries  are  claimed;  nor  will  il  be  always 


»}*,: 


i 

il 


(>i.'ti| 


:f 


iii 


AITE.NUIX  TO  TWIl.  COWGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Miiicli  30, 


•J9th  CoN(!....lsT  Sess. 


The  Oregon  i^ueniion — Mr.  Cans. 


Senate. 


easy  lo  iisHign  iliem  in  I'ait,  iis  ;h(y  cai'iml  lie 
aasigncd  ir;  /riiiiiplii.  We  chiiin  llit  ()re^:(iii  li  r- 
riiory.  The  !;r(iuiid»  of  tliis  I'laiiii  an:  litlorc  ihc 
worlil.  Tlie  lomilry  it  cdvers  fxlemls  tVdiii  C'mI- 
il'oniin  1(1  tlie  KiixHiaii  piisNeNsions,  mid  I'roin  ilio 
Rocky  mouiUnins  lo  ilic  I'ai'illc  orean, — a  lionioije- 
iieous  couiilry,  uiirlaimed  liy  Knuliind,  when  our 
Ulle  ooinmeiicfd,  ainiilar  in  il«  ilmracier,  its  pro- 
diiolions,  iiN  climnle,  iis  iniercnis.iind  its  wiinis,  in 
nil  (lull  consliuiten  nnttiral  idcntiiy,  and  liy  llicsc 
elements  of  union,  talcnlated  I'oiever  to  lie  nniled 
togelluT, — no  nioie  to  be  dl\i(led  by  llie  paral- 
lel of  -i'.P,  llinn  by  llie  parallel  of  48°,  nur  by 
liny  of  tlie  geognipliioal  eiriles  in.irkeil  upon  ani- 
Iicial  globes.  No  more  lo  b*  no  divided, than  any  of 
llie  possessions  of  Kni^laiul,  scattered  over  the 
world.  Ill  thus  I'laiinilii;  the  whole  of  this  niaip- 
propriatcd  country,  unapprcin  iaied  «  hen  our  liilo 
nttached  to  it,  the  valley  of  tiie  I'otuinbia,  the  val- 
ley of  l-'rnzer's  river,  and  all  the  other  hills  and 
valleys  which  diversify  lis  surface,  we  but  liillow 
Ihe  example  set  us  by  ih.-  iiMlioiis  <if  the  oilier 
hemisphere,  iind  hold  on  to  the  po.-.sessioi'  of  e 
roniitry,  which  is  one,  and  oii:;hl  to  be  indivisil  ie. 

It  is  contended  that  this  parallel  of  4'.P  is  llie 
iiorlhern  boundary  of  our  just  claim,  because  ibr 
many  years  it  was  assumed  as  such  by  our  Gi-v- 
ernnient,  and  that  we  are  bound  by  us  early  coiiise 
in  this  controversy ;  thai  the  treaty  of  Uireclil, 
in  1713,  between  Kraiice  and  l'Ji^;laiid,  proviiled 
for  the  appoinlmcnt  of  coiniiii>sioiiers,  to  esiablish 
a  line  of  division  helweeii  their  respcciivc  colonics 
upon  the  coiilinent  of  North  Aiiicnia,ai;d  lliatlliis 
parallel  of  41'°  was  llnis  eslalihshed.  ''.'he  luiiiiu- 
nble  Senator  I'roni  Lieorsia,  in  Ins  leni'uks  a  few 
days  since,  if  lie  iliil  not  abimdon  this  pictension, 
still  abandoned  all  reference  lo  ii,  in  llie  support  of 
his  position.  He  coiitemh  il,  tlial  the  pai.illt-l  'if 
4D°  was  our  boundary,  liui  for  oilier  reasons.  In 
the  view  1  mil  now  lakinir,  sir,  my  principal  object, 
an  will  he  seen,  is  to  show,  ihat  we  arc  ai  full  lili- 
Tty  to  iibserl  our  claim  lo  lliecoiinlry  north  of  4'.i°, 
unembirrassed  by  iheearly  aciioii  ofoinown  Uo\- 
eriiment,  by  sliowiii!;  iliat  ihc  Ciovernmeiit  was  led 
into  error  re^pectnm  us  rights  by  an  Inslorical  sUUc- 
mcnt,  probably  inaccurate  in  iiself,  I'erlmiily  iimc- 
ctirate,  if  applied  lo  Oreffon,  bin  then  supposed  lo 
be  true  ill  both  respecis.  .Now,  what  was  iliis 
erroi  ?  ll  was  the  a.-isenion  I  have  Just  mi  ntioned, 
that  aijreeably  lo  the  treaty  of  litrechl,  the  piH'allei 
of  41)°  was  cslablislied  us  a  boundary,  and  liaviin; 
been  coniinucd  wi>t,  had  become  the  norlhern  liiiut 
uf  Oregon — at  leusl  of  our  Oie;_'ipn.  L'pon  this 
^'rnund,  and  upon  this  i^round  alonr,  risled  the 
ai:tioili>  and  the  pretensions  of  our  Uovernmeiil  in 
this  matter.  .So  I'ar,  then,  as  any  question  of  nu- 
lional  fuilh  ir  juslice  is  involved  m  tins  subjecl,  we 
mus,  leol  the  proceedings  of  the  Cnncrnmem  by  its 
owe  views,  n  it  byoihur  consideiacions  presented 
fieii;  al  this  day.  The  Uovernment  of  ilie  Umied 
Stales  pave  to  llial  of  Great  Unlam  ilnir  claim, 
and  their  reasons  fur  II.  That  claim  lirst  slopped 
nl  41t°,  while  the  liealy  of  Uirccht  was  suppo.'<cd 
to  atlccl  it,  as  part  of  Louisiana,  and  before  wc  liul 
acquired  another  title  by  ilii;  acquisition  ot'  f'lorid.i. 
Since  tlier  it  has  been  ascertained  that  that  tie;tty 
never  e.Meniled  tonrc;jjoii;  and  we  lia\e  alrenirili- 
eticd  and  perfc'cted  our  claim  byanoiher  purcli;is('. 
ll  is  for  lliese  reiusous,  thai  I  ■  online  myse'f  lo  what 
has  passed  het'.*een  the  iwo  Oovermin  nis.  with  u 
Mew  to  ascei'taiii  our  pri..ieni  olili^^alions,  and  omii 
the  coiisideralions  picsenled  iiy  the  honoiatije  Sen- 
ator from  Ucor^jia.  I  will  luirely  remark,  hem  ever, 
tlinl  in  ihe  far  lno^l  impoiianl  i'ucl  to  which  'le  re- 
fers, as  iitrcciin;;  llic  eKlcnt  (.t  our  claim — to  wit: 
the  inuiude  of  til,  .Miurcf  ol'  ihc  Columbia  river — 
he  IS  Miidt  r  a  misajipri-lieiiMon.  lie  pui  it  al  l'.f\ 
But  11  i.H  far  north  iiftlial.  Ii  i.-;  iiavi|;ali|c  by  cii- 
noes  to  the  Thiec  l-'orKs,  ibinii  the  latnude  of  .">?/-* 
How  fir  111  yond  ihni  is  its  head  spring'.  I  know  iii.t. 

.Mr.  Ijri  inliow,  in  Ins  wmk  on  nre:;oii — ,i  work 
marked  with  talent,  industry,  and  caution — has 
I'.xplf  tiled  how  this  niis,ippiehcn-ioii  rtspectiiii;  the 
parallel  of  41'°  orit'iiiaicil.  He  has  bron^'lit  fii- 
waid  proofs,  both  poMUM.  iujil  iiet;allve,  to  show 
that  no  such  line  was  i  .siabhshed  by  ihe  trealy  of 
1  treciil,  nor  by  cnnmisiianes.  named  to  cany  its 
provi.-ions  into  elfei  t.  I  shall  not  an  over  the  sub- 
ject, but  be^'  leave  to  refer  the  iccn'li  nieii,  who 
niaint.un  the  c.intrai  y  npnitoii,  to  tin  invisiiira- 
ilocs  liny  will  liiiil  ill  Ihai  work.  The  as.M'itlon, 
liuwtvtr,  has  been  so  peremptorily  miide,  and  llie 


conclusions  drawn  from  it,  if  true,  and  if  tjie  line  j 
extended   to  Ure:;on,  would  discredit  so  lai'sc  a  | 
|iorlion  of  our  title  )o  th.ii  lountry,  that  1  may  bo  ' 
pardoned  for  bnelly  alhidin;;  to  one  or  two  coiisid- 
eralions, which  ^eelll  to  me  lo  denioiislrate  ihe  er- 
,  ror  respeclini;  iliis  assumed  line  of  parallel  of  41)°, 
at  any  rale  in  its  extension  lo  C'res^on. 

Il  will  be  peicetM'd,  sir,  that  there  arc  two 
qiieslioiis  involved  in  this  mailer:  one  a  purely 
historical  quesiion,  whether  commissaries  acting 
under  the  treaty  of  I'lrecht,  established  the  paralli'l 
of  41)° as  the  boundary  betvk'jcn  Ihe  Kreiich  and 
English  po>se.ssions  upon  this  continent;  and  the 
other  a  piai  tic.il  one,  whether  such  a  line  was  ex- 
tended wi'st  to  the  Tacilic  ocean. 

Ah  lo  the  rrst,  sir,  1  refer  lumorahle  Senators  to 
Mr.  Gieeiilio\i 's  work,  and  to  the  autlioriiies  lie 
(jiiotes.  1  do  not  ]>resume  to  speak  iiutliorinilively 
upon  the  (picslion,  bin  1  do  not  hesiiate  to  express 
my  0|iiiiion  thai  .\lr.  Grceiihow  lias  made  oul  a 
siroiii;  .  asc;  and  my  own  impression  is,  'i  il  such 
i\  line  was  not  aclnally  and  otticially  ( siiuilished. 
Still, sir,  1  do  not  say  that  ills  a  point',  upon  which 
there  may  not  be  diirerences  of  opinion;  ncjr  that, 
however  It  may  be  nliinialely  ili'terniined,  the  so- 
lution of  the  mailer  will  di.scredit  the  jiidu'iia  i  I  of 
any  one.  This,  however,  has  rclalion  to  the  line 
lei'minalinir  willi  tlir  lliiilson  Hay  possessions; 
and,  as  1  have  observed,  the  t'act  is  a  mere  ques- 
tion of  history,  wiihoiit  the  least  bearing  upon  our 
controversy  willi  Eiiirland. 

1  have,  however,  I  me  pieliminary  remark  lo  make 
in  this  connexion,  and  il  is  this:  lei  linn  vvlio  iis- 
sirts  tlial  our  claim  wesl  of  the  Rocky  mountains 
is  bounded  by  the  parallel  of  41)°,  provi  it.  The 
burileii  is  upon  linn,  not  upon  us.  If  conimissaries 
under  the  treaty  of  Llrecht  esinhlished  it,  produce 
iheir  award,  i'loot'of  ii,  if  it  exists,  is  lo  be  found 
ill  London  or  I'aiis.  Such  an  act  was  not  done 
wilhoul  leavini;  the  most  authentic  evidence  be- 
hind il.  I'roduce  il.  When  was  the  award  made.' 
What  were  its  terms  r  What  were  its  circumsuui- 
ces.-  Why,  a  sail  1 1  Iween  niaii  and  man  for  an 
i/ic/iof  land,  wou'd  not  he  decided  by  such  evidence 
as  this,  especially  d.-  ledited  as  it  is,  in  any  court 
of  Ihc  United  Stales.  Tlie  party  clamiini;  under  it 
would  be  told,  Tiuti  h  httUr  erii/ciice  in  i/ci/r/ioictr. 
Sii^Ik  it  ill  ImviIoh  or  /'(O'is,  and  oriiiixt'orifai-d  ttif  ci  r- 
lijied  copy  of  tin  ;nv;cc((/iiiifs  of  tlte  finiiitiissiontis. 
This  is  equally  ihe  dictale  of  i  oiimion  sense  and  of 
common  l.iw,  and  there  is  not  always  the  same 
union  belweeii  those  Inu'li  tribunals,  us  many  know, 
lo  their  cost.  Lcl  no  man,  ilicrefore,  assume  this 
line  as  a  barrier  to  Ins  country's  claim  wilhoul 
prininir  il. 

'i'his  hue  IS  hist  Instorically  made  known  in  the 
negoliatioiis  between  our  Goveiimiunl  and  ihal  ot' 
KiiLdand  by  .Mr.  .Madison,  in  a  despatili  lo  Mr. 
Monroe  in  1WI4.  Mr.  .Madi.son  alludes  lo  an  liis- 
tjirical  notice  he  had  somewhere  I'oimd,  sf  ■  ^  ihal 
commissioners  under  the  trealy  of  I'tf  nail  es- 
tablislieil  the  line  of  41)'-'  as  tile  bin;  ,  .i  y  of  the 
British  and  I'reiich  pos.sessions, thus  fixmt;  ihal  par- 
allel as  the  iiorilani  bomid.iry  of  Loiiisiana.  I 
have  extiniined  tins  despatch,  and  1  find  thai  he 
speaks  doubtfully  rcspectin;;  the  aulhenticiiy  of 
this  noiicc;  and  ilesir<-s  .Mr.  .Monroe,  before  he 
made  it  ihc  basis  of  a  pi-oposili>i.i,  to  asccri.on  if 

the  f.iclM  were  liuly  st.iied,  lus  li.e  uieiuis  of  ii s 

so  wcir  not  lo  be  t'onnd  in  ihiscoumiy.  Mr.  .Mnii- 
roe,  however, could  liavem;idc  no  invesli'^aliiunor 
if  he  did  so,  11  mu>i  hiue  I  ecu  imsatisfaciory,  f.u 
iie  iransnnis  tin;  proposiuon  siilisiantially  ni  ihi' 
words  of  ihe  historian  l)ou::las,  from  v  lioiu,  prob- 
ably, -Mr.  .Madison  acquired  tins  notice,  without 
reference  lo  any  autliorny,  either  histurical  or  dip- 
lomatic. 

I  cannot  find,  thai  the  nrilisli  Governineiit  ever 

look  the  slii;htesl  liollcc  of  ihe  iisserlloll  rcspi  elini; 

lliis  incident,  [.'lowin;.' oul  of  the  Ireaiy  of  t  ireclii, 
ilioif:li  it  has  been  reli  rred  lo  more  than  ome  by 
our  dipliiniatic  agents,  m  tin  ir  coinmiimcatioiis  to 
the  lliiltsli  aulhoriliis  ^'inccthat  period. 

lint  ill  late  years,  il  ha.;  disaiipcared  from  the 
eorri  ...poiideni  e,  aud  iieiihrr  party  has  adverted  lo 
It,  nor  lehi'd  upon  il.  It  is  slrani^e,  indeed,  tliiit  m 
ihis  body  we  should  now'  iLSSuiiie  iln;  exisience  of 
a  taei  like  this,  supported  to  have  a  most  imiiorianl 
be, inn;;  upon  llie  ri;:lit«  of  Ihe  parlies,  when  the 
able  men  lo  whose  custody  lite  iiiaimetiaiicc  of 
these  rmlils  has  been  leeiiitly  committed,  have'  lo- 
lully  ubunduned  it  in  tliei:  uii^iuiiiviilii  and  illustra- 


tions. The  a.sMimpiiun  was  nri'xiiiaily  an  errone- 
ous one — cerlainly  so,  so  far  as  respect:!  Orci^on; 
bill  while  it  was  netieved  lo  be  true,  the  cons,;- 
(|uences  w;re  ri^hlhilly  anil  iioiiestly  carried  nut 
iiy  our  Government,  and  the  line  wiis  cIniiTied  an 
.1  boundary.  Bui  our  Uovernment  is  now  belter 
informed,  as  the  Biiiisli  (fovrrnnieiit,  no  doubt,  ah 
ways  were,  and  llience  their  silence  upon  the  sub-- 
jeci;  and  llie  lilies  of  both  parlies  are  mvestipited 
without  rcferenc|.  lo  Ihis  historical  error,  or  to  ihc 
position  111  which  it  lenipnmrily  placed  llieni. 

The  treaty  of  (Ttrecht  never  ret'ers  lo  the  parallel 
of  4!)°,  and  the  boundaries  it  proposed  to  establish 
were  llioan  between  the  I'Vciicli  and  Eii;;lish  colo- 
nies, incliidim;  Ihe  Miidsnn  liiiv  I'ompany  in  Can- 
ada. The  charier  of  the  llnl'in  Bay  Con, /any 
^^raiited  lo  the  propiiiiurs  tii*^  '*  lands,  (iiun- 
lries,aiid  territories,''  upon  iiie  waters  discliari^in^ 
lltemsclves  inio  Iludsoirs  Bay.  .Vl  the  date  of  the 
treaty  of  I'ireclit,  which  was  in  1711,  Great  Brit- 
ain claimed  niilhmi^' wesl  of  those  "  lands,  coun- 
tries, and  leriiloiies,"  and  of  courve  there  was  no- 
thin;;  to  divide  beiween  her  and  Emiice  west  of 
that  line. 

A;;ain,  in  1713,  the  norlliwestern  coast  was  nl  • 
inosl  a  (fiTo  iiiceirai/a — a  blank  upon  the  nm|>  of 
the  world.  l'".n;,dand  then  neither  knew  a  foot  of 
it,  nor  claimed  a  foot  of  it.  By  advertin"'  to  the 
lei'er  of  Messrs.  Galium  and  liiisli,  <  ■•■ --11111- 
calin;:  an  account  of  liieir  interview  with  .VIessi's. 
Gou.hurn  and  Itoblnson,  British  commissioners, 
dated  October  ullili,  IHIH,  and  lo  the  htler  of  Mr. 
Fakeiihain  lo  Mr.  Calhoun,  dated  .Scpleinber 
lOlli,  1M44,  il  will  he  seen  lli.ii  llie  commencement 
of  the  Brilisii  claim  i:^  etreclively  limited  lo  iIm 
discoveries  of  Captain  Cook  in  177H.  IIow,lhen, 
could  a  boundary  have  been  e.^ltddishetl  fifty  years 
befoi-e,  ill  a  rc;;ion  where  no  Eii;;lishmaii  had  ever 
penetrated,  and  to  which  l'.n;;land  had  never  as- 
serted a  prctenstoii.'  .'Viid  yet  llie  assumption,  lliat 
the  parallel  of  11)  de^'rees  was  rsialilislied  by  the 
Irealy  of  I'lrecht,  iis  ti  line  between  I'ranco  and 
England,  in  those  unknown  regions,  necessarily 
involves  these  incoiisistent  conclusions.  But  be- 
sides, if  England,  as  a  ptirly  to  the  treaty  of 
Ulreclit,  established  this  line  running  Ui  the  west- 
ern ocean  as  the  northeni  boundary  of  fjoiiisinna, 
.vliai  possible  claim  has  she  now  south  of  that  line? 
The  very  fact  of  her  existing  prcli  iisioiis,  how- 
ever unfounded  these  may  be,  shows  that  she  con- 
siders herself  no  parly  to  such  a  line  of  division, 
ll  shows,  in  fact,  that  no  line  was  run;  for  if  il  hail 
been,  the  evidence  of  it  would  be  in  ihe   Endisli 

archives,  and,  in   trnlli,  w Id  be  known  to  the 

world  witlionl  coiitr,idiclion.  The  esiabhslnnejit 
of  a  boundary  between  l"'o  u'feal  nations  is  no 
hidden  fact;  tmd  we  may  now  sal'ely  assume,  that 
the  parallel  of  411°  never  divided  I'lc  Oregon  lerri- 
niry.aiid  esljillishes  no  barrii  r  to  the  rights  by 
which  we  claim  it.  The  assertion  was  oriu'inally 
a  mere  (/ir/ioii,  now  shown  lo  be  unf'oui  ded. 

The  . Senator  fn  101  .Maine  has  iuhe.ied  likewisR 
to  the  treaty  of  I7(i.'l.  as  fHrmshnig  a.lditioiiH!  Ic;- 
limoiiy  in  t'avor  of  lliis  line.  That  lr>aiy  men  ly 
provides,  that  the  rnnfiiKS  b'tirtvn  the  lirithh  and 
Fnufh  ilomininns  f^hiiit  ttp  thril  ii''tf''rnhlit  lit/  a  line 
ilritii'ii  ohni^  Ibf  mi>'-"e  of  tlir  r'rrr  ,)/i.s.vi.s,vi/i/ii,  fiotn 
ill  suii/Yi ,  \c.  This  IS  ihe  wl.'il.'  provision  that 
liears  upon  t  lis  subject.  I  do  not  stop  lo  analyze, 
il.  That  cani.fi  iie  necessary.  It  is  obvious  that 
this  arnui'jeiiient  merely  established  ihe.Missjssijipi 
river  as  a  boundnry  betwien  the  two  countries, 
leavin:;  iheir  other  claims  precisely  as  they  Pir- 
iiierly  existed.  .\nd  this,  loo,  w;is  firteen  yeais 
bel'ore  the  voya^'e  of  ''aptaiii  Cook,  the  lom- 
meiicement  of  "the  liritish  title  on  the  norihsvest 
coasl.  Bnelly,  sir,  there  are  six  i-cihohs,  which 
prove  ihiit  this  parallel  was  never  established  un- 
der Ihe  irealy  of  litrechl,  so  far  at  least  as  regnrda 
Oregon. 

I.  ll  l.<  not  shown  thai  any  line  was  established 
on  the  parallel  of  4'.)  to  the  IJiicifa-  oVeaii. 

If  Ihe  fe  1  be  so,  llie  proper  evidence  is  at  I'.iris 
iir  London       id  should  be  pn.ibiced. 

o.  The  I  ■  Miiiry  on  die  noiihwestern  coast  w.is 
then  iinkimw  n.and  1  believe  unclaimed;  or,  al  any 
rate,  no  en  iiiislances  had  arisen  to  call  in  quesiion 
,inv  claiiii       It. 

;).  The  11,1  iiisli negotiators  In  IWI!,  and  iheirMiii- 
isier  In;  III  |.i44,  lixi  ll.  111  <  ll'cct,  upon  the  voyage 
of  Ci].!  nil  Cook  in  I77H  as  the  i  oiiinieuceniehl  of 
llic  Bnlisli  litlc  in  what  is  now  called  Oregon. 


f 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL       OBE. 


425 


The  Oregon  Q^uestion — Mr.  Cass. 


Senate. 


4.  Tlie  liTiily  (it*  Ulrcclit  proviilcs  for  the  CHlal)- 
li»hnii'nl  dla  line  belwicii  ilw:  t'leiicli  mid  I'liifliHli 
iiilonii's,  iiH'ludiiii;  tlie  Miidsciii  iSuy  Cnnipiiny. 
Till;  Oriiisli  ludd  nntliiii!;  wi»t  oC  timt  r(im|)iiiiy's 
pij.si^ossions,  wliii'li,  liy  iIk;  chiirti'r,  includes  oidy 
Iho  "  lands,  couiiiiii's,  and  lriTilorius,"on  tlic  \va- 
leis  ninninij;  inlo  lliidscin's  Uay. 

T).  11'  Knuhuid  cslalilislied  ilie  line  lo  tlie  Pacific 
mean,  she  can  have  iin  claim  siiiith  of  it;  and  this 
kind  of  arjfumenliim  ml  Imiiihiem  becomes  con- 
clusive. And,  let  me  add,  that  I  owe  this  aricu- 
ineiit  lu  my  friend  iVoni  Missouri,  [Mr.  Atchison,] 
tn  \vho.'<e  remarks  ii|ion  Oregon  the  Senate  listened 
with  imitlt  and  pleasure  some  days  since. 

6.  How  could  I'rance  and  Kni;laiid  claim  the 
coimlry  to  the  Pacific,  so  as  lo  divide  it  between 
lliem  in  17,1U,  when,  as  lale  as  1790,  the  British 
Govermnenl,  by  the  Nooikaooiivention,  expressly 
lecofrniscd  the  Spanish  title  to  that  country,  and 
claimed  only  the  use  of  it  for  its  own  subjects,  in 
common  wiih  those  of  Spain. - 

I  now  a.ik,  sir,  what  ri^lit  has  any  American 
Matcsman,  or  what  rislit  has  any  British  states- 
man, to  contend  that  our  claim,  whatever  it  may 
be,  is  not  just  as  i;ood  north  <if  this  line  us  it  is 
south  .:r  it.-  When  this  (piestion  is  answered  to 
my  satisfa'tio.i,  I,  fo.  one,  will  ccnisent  to  slop 
there.  I3u'  ■';:'.il  then,  1  am  nnionj;  those,  who 
mean  to  i  larcli,  if  we  can,  to  the  Ilussiun  boun- 
dary. 

N'ow,  Mr.  President,  it  is  the  very  ground  a.s- 
sumed  by  the  Senator  from  Xortli  Carolina,  and 
by  other  Senators,  respecting;  this  parallel  of  4lP, 
together  with  the  v.ourse  of  tliis  discussion,  which 
furnishes  iiie  with  the.  most  powerful  ar^^umenl 
against  tlie  rel'erence  of  this  controversy  to  m'bi- 
tration. 

I  have  shown,  I  trust,  that  iliere  is  no  such  line 
of  demarcalion,  esiiblished  under  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht,  exiemiin;;  .o  tin:  Oregon  territory,  and 
the  niisapjireheiision,  whence  the  opinion  arose. 

While  such  n  conviction  prevailed,  it  was  fairly 
luid  properly  assunieil  by  the  Government  as  the 
northern  bminJary  of  the  Oregon  claim,  bet'ore  the 
Florida  treaty.  Since  ihat  treaty  I  consider  the 
oli'ers  (01  our  part  as  oilers  of  compromise,  not  re- 
C0i];iiitiims  of  a  line,  from  the  resumption  of  iiego- 
liations  by  Mr.  Hush,  w  ho  carried  our  title  to  51°, 
lo  their  abandoninent  in  iHi"  by  Mr.  Gallatin, 
who,  linding  a  satisfactory  adjusinicnt  impossible, 
withdrew  the  pending  oiler,  and  assertcl  that  hi;i 
Government  "  would  consider  itself  at  liberty  to 
contend  for  the  full  exieiil  of  the  claims  of  the  Uni- 
ted .Stales."  And  lor  their  full  extent  we  do  claim. 
And  I  take  the  opportunily  to  tender  my  sinoll 
tribute  of  apnnibaiion  to  the  ire'vjral  conduct  of 
these  ne;;  ualions  \.y  the  A'.ierican  Government, 
aii',1  their  cniiiniissioneis,  and  especially  to  Mr. 
Rush,  a  citizen  as  well  known  for  his  private  wmlli 
as  ftjr  his  hi^li  talcnis  and  i;reat  public  services, and 
who  .seeiiis  to  have  lieeii  the  lirsi,  as  Air.  Green- 
how  remarks,  **  to  inijuire  careliilly  into  the  laels 
of  the  I'asu." 

AikI  it  is  not  one  of  the  least  curious  phases  of 
this  coiilroversv,  that  down  to  this  very  day  the 
preunsions  of  l-lnuilaiid  areeilher  wholly  contradic- 
lory,  or  are  shrouded  in  ap|iarently  studied  oli- 
tcuniy.  She  a.-:.-ieiis  no  exclusive  claim  anywhere, 
l)UI  an  eqi'.al  claim  uveryw  here. 

"  A  ri^'lil  of  joint  occupancy  in  the  Oregon  terri- 
'  lory,"  says  tlie  nriii.sli  Minister  in  Ins  letter  lo 
Mr. '  ralhoiin,  dated  Sepleniber  1:2,  IH44,  "of 
'  v.  M-'  h  rii;hl  she  cm  be  divesud  with  respect  lo 
'any  part  of  llial  territory,  only  by  an  eipial  p,,rli- 
'  lion  of  the  irhdr  hetneni  liic  imrlifs." 

And  yei,  noiwithsiaiuling  he  refers  lo  the  irlmlr 
lerrilory,  slid,  in  the  protocol  of  llie  confereiee  at 
Wa.-diiie;loii,  dated  .Sepleniber  -Jl,  IHll,  he  ri/a.wi/ 
.'"  f/i/rr  iii'rt  (Oil/  difcuMioii  resjiiTlin-i  llic  cniiiiliii 
)ifiili  iif  1'.)",  hmidxi-  il  icd.s  vuilmlood  liij  llii  llrilish 
(uireniiiunt  In  fuini  Hit  busts  nf  iiij^iiliiilioii  on  Hit 
jiiirl  i\l'  (/if  L'liiUil  SInlrs.  Thos,  on  the.  I'Jlli  of 
S(plemlier,  recognisni;;  our  right  loan  eiiual,  on- 
divided  nioieiy  of  (IriL'on,  aid  two  weeks  afler 
coolly  claiimiiL,  ihe  ninlliern  half  of  ii,  us  a  fact  not 
e\iii  to  be  call(  (I  mio  (|(ieslioii,  and  ihen  ofVeriiii;  lo 
discuss  Willi  Ks  ihe  nmliial  claims  of  the  two  coini- 
iries  to  the  souiliern  half! 

Well,  sir,  iiilluenced  by  ihc  motives  I  have 
slated,  and  by  n  desire  to  leriiiiimie  this  tedious 
controversy,  iliis  parallel  of  -IIP,  soincliiiKs  willi, 
iind  someliiiies  without  an   accessory,  hits  been 


i  four  limes  ntVered  by  us  to  the  British  Governmeni, 

!  and  four  times  rejected,  and  once  indignantly  so; 
and  three  times  withdrawn.  Twice  willidrawn  in 
the  very  lernia— once  by  Mr.  Gallatin,  November 
1,5,  IStiii,  who  withdrew  a  proposition  made  by 
Mr.  Rush,  and   once  during  the  present  Admin- 

I  islration;  and  once  withdrawn  in  ell'ect,  thougli 
withoiu  the  use  of  that  word,  by  Mr.  Gallatin,  in 
\&il,  who  nnnounced  to  the  British  ncgothitors 
"  that  his  Government  did  not  hold  itself  bound 
'  hercHfter,  in  consef|uence  of  any  pronosid,  wliiidi 
*  it  had  made  for  a  line  of  separation  oetween  the 
'territories  of  the  two  nations  beyoii''  the  Rocky 
'  ninuntains;  but  would  consider  itacli  liberly  to 
'  contenti  for  Ihe  full  extent  of  the  claims  of  the 
'United  States." 

The  Senator  from  Louisiana  will  perceive,  that 
he  was  in  error  yesterday,  when  he  said,  lliat  no 

I  oiler  of  a  eompromiac  had  ever  been  withdrawn, 
till  Ihe  withdrawal  made  by  the  preseiu  Adminis- 
tiition,  unless  such  oiler  had  been  amionnced  as 
ail  ultimatum.  But  without  recurring  to  any  au- 
tlii  rily  upon  this  subject,  it  is  evident,  that  if  a 
imt'oii  is  forever  bound  by  an  oiler  of  compromise, 
no  j."udent  nation  would  ever  make  .such  an  oiler. 
There  would  be  no  reciprocity  in  such  a  coiidiiion 
of  tliir.gs.  In  controversies  respecting  territory, 
each  parly  would  hold  on  to  its  extreme  limit;  for 
if  it  made  an  oiler  less  than  that,  it  would  aban- 
don, in  tact,  so  iiiucli  of  its  own  pretensions,  leav- 
ing ll'.ose  of  its  opponent  in  their  full  integrily. 

Such,  sir,  is  the  slate  of  our  controversy  with 
England;  and  yet  honorable  Senators  upon  this 
tloor,  able  lawyers  and  jurists  also,  mainiain  that 
this  line,  thus  oH'ered,  and  refused,  and  withdrawn, 
is  now  ill  efl'ect  the  limit  of  our  claim,  and  ihat 
weare  bound  honorably, and  ino(ally,aiid  they  say, 
at  the  risk  of  the  censure  of  ihe  world,  to  receive  it 
it  as  our  boundary  whenever  lOiigl  mil  chooses  so  to 
accept  it.  This  is  all  very  sin  iige,  and  would 
seem  lo  me  so  untenable,  as  not  to  be  worthy  of 
examination,  if  it  were  not  urged  jy  such  high  au- 
thorities.    Let  us  look  at  il. 

The  honorable  Senator  from  Ataryland  has  en- 
tered more  fully  into  this  brancn  of  the  subicct 
than  any  other  member  of  this  body,  and  1  shall 
therefore  confine  my  iiKjuiries  lo  his  remarks. 

There  are  two  propositions  connected  with  this 
matter,  which  it  is  proper  to  consider  separately. 
The  first  is,  the  obligation  upon  the  President, 
agreeably  to  his  own  views,  to  accept  this  rciecied 
ntfer,  if  it  conns  back  lo  him;  and  the  other  is,  the 
obligiition  upon  the  country,  and  U[ioii  this  body, 
as  one  of  iis  depositaries  of  the  trealy-niaking 
power,  to  confirm  the  act  of  the  President,  should 
It  come  here  for  co.ifirnialion.  What,  sir,  is  a 
compronii.se .^  It  is  an  olVcr  made  by  one  party  lo 
the  other  to  lake  less  than  his  whole  claim,  with  a 
view  to  an  amicable  adjuslmeiil  of  the  controversy, 
whatever  this  may  be.  The  dociriiie  of  compro- 
mises is  foiiiided  upon  uniiersal  reason;  and  its 
jbligations,  1  believe,  are  everywhere  the  same, 
w  hcllier  ill  the  codes  of  municipal  or  general  law. 
All  oiler  iiiaile  in  this  spirit  never  furnishes  the 
siighiest  presumption  against  the  claim  of  the  [larty 
making  il;  and  for  the  best  of  reasons,  not  only 
that  this  amicable  inocess  of  settlement  may  be 
encouraL'ed  and  exlended,  but  because  it  wll  ofien 
happen,  Ihat  boih  individuals  and  nations  may  be 
willing  to  sacrifice  a  portion  of  what  they  consider 
their  jus:  rigliUi,  rather  than  encounter  the  ceriain 
expense  and  trouble,  and  ilu  itnecrtain  issue  of 
litigation,  wlielhcr  ilial  liligation  be  in  a  conn  of 
'Mstice,  or  upon  a  batllc-field.  Such  is  the  general 
principle;  juid  the  pratMical  oiteration  of  any  other 
would  hold  one  of  the  (lartics  forever  bound,  and 
leave  the  ixlher  forever  free.  One  makes  his  olfer, 
and  nmi.i  adhere  lo  it,  while  the  other  declines  il, 
or  refuses  il,  and  still  may  hold  on  to  il  iiidefi- 
iiilely. 

Surely  it  caiinol  be  necessary  to  pursue  this 
illustration  farther.  Such  a  construction  as  this, 
which  plays  fast  and  loose  at  the  same  lime,  carries 
with  it  its  own  refulalion,  however  respeciable  the 
■ml lioritv,  which  aiienipth  tosiippia-!  il.  liiit,  revert- 
ing lo  tlie  obligation  of  the  I'nsideiil,  wlial  says 
the  lioiiorable  Senator  from  .\larvland  .-  lie  says 
that  the  President — not  James  R.  Polk,  iail  l!ie 
(.'liief  Miejslrale  of  ihe  nation — Inuiie.'  fell  an  ini- 
phi  d  oliliLfiuion  III  renew  llie  oilVr  <<(  4'J'^,  is  now 
bound  in  all  lime  to  accept  il,  and,  I  .suppose,  pa- 

I  tienlly  to  wait  for  it,  till  the  demand  comes.     1 


must  say,  that  in  this  brief  abstract  of  the  Presi- 
dent's views,  the  Senator  has  haixlly  done  justice 
lo  him.  I  do  not  stand  here  lo  .say,  what  the  Pres- 
ident will  do,  should  Great  liritain  propose  to  uo- 
eept  the  parallel  of  41)°  as  llie  boundary  between 
the  two  countries.  In  the  first  place,  it  would  be 
I  to  argue  noon  a  gratuitous  assumption.     I   have 

I  not  the  sliglilest  reason  to  believe,  that  the  British 
Govermiieiit  have  given  any  intimation  that  it  will 
ever  come  back  lo  that  line,  liiil,  in  the  second 
place,  if  it  should,  what  then  .'  The  incipient  step 
IS  for  the  President  lo  lake,  and  1  should  li^ave  the 
matter  here,  without  remark,  had  not  the  Senator 
from  Maryland,  and  the  SeiiaUir  from  Xorlh  (Car- 
olina, and  other  Senators,  laliored  lo  impress  tliu 
coiiviciion,that  the  President  ought,  and  must,  and 
would,  close  with  the  British  propo.sitioii  to  accept 
the  parallel  of  4'J°,  should  it  be  in.ide.  I  shall  not 
analyze  the  words  of  the  President's  .Message,  but 
cmitent  myself  with  a  general  allusion  to  il.  Truth 
is  seldom  proinoied  by  picking  out  particular 
phrases,  and  idacing  tliein  m  jiixlaposilion.  The 
President  says — and  it  is  evident  the  whole 
Message  was  carefully  prepared — that  though  lie 
entertained  the  settled  conviclion,  that  the  Brit- 
ish litle  lo  any  portion  of  Oregon  could  not 
be  mahitained;  yei,  in  deference  to  the  aclinii 
of  his  predecessors,  and  to  what  had  been  done, 
and  in  consideration,  ihat  the  pending  negotia- 
tion had  been  commenced  on  the  basis  of  eonipio- 
iiiise,  he  determined,  in  a  spirit  of  conipromihc,  lo 
oiler  a  part  of  what  had  been  oll'ereii  liel'ore — the 
parallel  of  V.P,  without  the  navigation  of  the  (.'o- 
iiunbia  river.  He  says  this  pripo.-iilion  was  re- 
jected, and  111  what  terms  we  .ill  know,  and  thai 
he  immediately  withdrew  il,  and  then  asserted 
our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon,  and  niaintaiiied 
it  by  irrefragable  argiimeiils.  jN'ow,  sir,  1  am 
not  going  lo  argue  wilh  any  man,  who  seeks  to 
deduce  from  this  i.inguage  aconviciion  in  the  mind 
of  the  President,  that  he  cinisideis  hini.self  under 
the  slightest  obligation  to  Kngland  lo  ai:ce|it  iliij 
parallel  of  4'J°,  should  she  desire  it  as  a  bound  iry. 
In  this  account  of  his  prociediiiiis,  he  is  explain- 
ing to  his  countrymen  the  operations  of  his  own 
mind,  the  reasons  which  induced  him  to  ma'e 
this  ofl'er,  made,  as  he  says,  "  in  deference  alone 
to  what  had  been  done  by  my  preiieccssors,  and 
the  implied  obligaiions  tiieir  aeis  seemed  to  iin- 
|)o.se."  What  obligations.'  None  lo  EiiL'l.ini!, 
for  none  had  been  created;  but  the  obligiitioot>  im- 
posed upon  a  prudent  statesman  to  loik  at  the 
actions  and  views  of  his  predecessors,  and  not  lo 
depart  from  tlieni  without  good  reasons.  The  ob- 
vious meamiig  is  this:  I  found  the  neiroliations 
pending;  after  an  interval  of  almost  twenly  yeais, 
lliey  had  bci-ii  renewed;  they  began  on  the  ba.sis 
of  coni|iroiiii.se,  and  though  lliree  times  a  ccmpro- 
iiiise  had  been  oll'ered  lo  ICngland  and  reiecled, 
and  though  she  had  not  the  slightest  right  to  claim, 
or  even  to  expect  it  would  be  oli'cred  Ui  her  again, 
and  lliough  I  determined,  that  the  same  propesi- 
tioii  should  not  be  oilereil  to  her,  .-.iill,  as  a  proof 
of  the  moder.ition  of  Ihe  United  Stales,  I  iheni'Ml 
it  expedient  lo  make  her  aiioih -r  oiler,  ii  ss  iliaii 
the  preceding  one,  which  a  qua  Mer  of  a  century 
before  she  l.ad  rejected.  A  curious  obligalioii 
this,  if  it  has  reference  to  the  ri  ,Iils  of  England, 
and  a  curious  mode  of  I'liUilliii;  ii!  If  he  (tins 
President)  were  uiidi'r  any  obhgalion  to  her,  the 
obligation  was  complcie,  lo  make  the  oiler  as  it  had 
been  made  before.  .\iid  she  has  the  same  right 
III  claim  ihe  navigation  of  the  Columbia  river,  that 
she  baa  to  claim  the  p;irallel  of  411'^  as  a  boundary; 
and  the  honorable  Senalor  from  Louisiana  n.is 
[ilaccd  the  matter  upon  this  very  ground.  .A;,- 
simiing,  thai  the  obli:.'aiioii  referred  to  by  the 
President  was  an  obligalioii  I"  !;iiL,land,  he  thin!,  i 
llie  I'residriu  failed  in  his  dn'y  in  net  carrying  out 
his  own  views  of  the  nalioniil  duiies. 

Why,  sir,  if  ot'ers  of  eomproioiso  were  to  bo 
m.uleiilldoonisilr.y,  ihe  rights  of  both  parlies  would 
reiiiain  in  tin  ir  integrity.  And  wliai  oiler  create:J 
this  implied  obligation  r  Several  oil',  rs  have  been 
made  by  our  Government  ;o  that  of  I'.nulaiid  for 
the  adjusiiiieni  of  this  controversy.  AVhic.h  eiealcs 
this  ohligalion,  one  of  them,  or  all  of  them.-  I'm 
il  is  very  clear,  sir,  that  neillier  of  them  creates  il. 
The  eoimiion-seii.se  viewof  ihis  subject  is  the  Iriie 
one  in  this  case, as  in  most  oiher  cases.  The  party 
oireriiis;Hays  to  its  adver.sary,  I  will  consent  lo  lli,,t 

II  line.     If  you  consent  to  il,  our  c.ontro\ersy  will  be 


:1, 


m 


,:M 


426 


' 


I 


I 


t 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Orvffoii  (^uistion — Mr.  Cass. 


[March  30, 


Sknatk. 


niniralilv  afljusinl.     The  only  obliffati(»n   ("rented  '  — tmi  I  will  iipin'iil  to  lii.H  iJciiw  nf  jiiHiin-,  in  my,  whfilinr  i  i>Yiriii)<i(M-ir<'iiiii>lJiii('f!<.  iinunt'  omhshu  luiil  ni"  ,-<ttttmi^\ior, 

h„  tl.lx  m-i  i^    IK  allow  miaonable  lime  lo  tllii  oilier  »'"''  "  iliH''riMii-n  i.f  nnlnlon  us  l^\i^l.«  h,  ivvccii  hiin>..||-  mid    :  n.s  li !!»  Iliiiii,  liy  nliieh  Mi.  I.iiikiuii;i'  iiI'  llie  rn>.iil.'Til  h 

by  tins  ni  l  i.h,  id  aiiow  ruianimo  j(.  imu.  ui  u  e  oiiiir  ,^^  ii,i.,„i,jpet  .nu  Ju-tlvbec  Iwniricri/.cd  mvili-.iism  en    '  lo  lu-  emiir.) I,  ai i.  Iiirilnr  c >e  In  ilij.  f.,iiirev.r-> 

parly  for  (Ireision,  and  tlicii  laillilully  In  ndlicrc  lo  m,.  |,,,f,   ,,1,^  ,„|,,  |„.,„j,,i,,||,i.  Iir»i_niii  iadi^|Mltidlll•;  lull  niinlnfd.     '  dnnlii  ilie  |irn|irieu,  ii»  well  nn  ilie  wl<d'p|ii.  (if 

the  leriiiti,  .-thnuht  thev  he  aeocpled.     It'  unreaHoii-  ftilltlie  lici'i.   'I'he  siiliir  cvideiiccwlacli  iiniddeiiltluH  .'im-  all  thiF<.  cliliri'  at*  rrcanls  tlM>  rroidciii,  the  Hcniiie,  or  lld^ 

ahlvdelaveil.slill  more  if  reieclciKliotli  niuliesare  vi.iioa  in  hi<  ninnl,  inudii.c*  a  >ir.iiii!ir  (me  in  mine;  and  ((Hinin.    ir  ^a.•l■l■-^lul  ia  hi.  di  daration*  (ir  ev|i.i«iii(iiia, 


lliH  if*  Ihi'  irihiilf.  »  In.  Ii  ivrry  (l;i>  '^  **)[|ii'rirn<'i'  (ihvh  in  hti-  whirliivcr  iIh'V  iiiny  hr,  I  iIh  imi  mt  wlial  [trncli-iil  ailvun 

iimii  I'iillUiililv.     Wf  iin-  (liili'irtiilv nm-ijiiilnl.  iiml  diil.T  tain*  tin*  Sniiitnr  r\|i'.'tril  tn  lmiii.     TIh'  I'n'^nl -iit  wnnlil 

iMilly  ntf'Tl'-il  iiy  tin-  ?»!Uiii'  tiict.-j  tiiid  iirLMinirntf.     Wliili'  ilic  fhll  Imvr  to  inrtiiriii  Iihiiwpi  diiiirH.  tiiiil  vvc  ro  ii'.ilorm  ours, 

oiiiinitiletiriiatMr  Mi.-uiil.s  u|tnii  Ihr  )>anillf|  iii'-lir,i)M|)K>  pre-  williniit  rcrcrcin'*'  ti>  tin-  t  iiihiirrut(t<<iiti'iilf*  i-niit' H   liy  iIuh 
( i~i-  liiif,  u'iMTf  imr  <)ui"-tintiithl<-  uiul  iiiH|U<'!iii<)iialtli'  liilrti    '  ni>\rl  dmxIi-  i>i'r>'ailini;  tin'  |);i  -I  \\»'S\n  ami  tlit-  future  ('••iiix; 

inrci,  itirrr  an>  Jiiaiiy,  anil  t  iiin  aiii'nii:  i)i<-  iiiiiiilitT,  u  l)<>  <>!'  thi'  ( 'lii<-t'  M;i)tJ>(raii'.    In  Um-  riicaii  tliiii>,  what  In  llrr  |)l:iii 

rarry  niir  iiiiiiiicsiinii'alih'  hilr-  tn  llu'  Uii«-iaii   tHuirirlary  in  cimld  hr  (IrvJM-d  in  txciti  ihf  piililic  luiriil.  ami  ininri-r  mi* 

oiir  4llrf.'iinii,ainl    rtnijif.  [)'  rliapff,  tliunuh  I  liiivc  not  Imitifl  pifinns,  whu-li  wniild  tl     ipnri  tli>'  wiiiii-'  tit  ilir  uiiid  In  tli-' 

one.  wlm  rarrv  it  in  nntilhi-r  ilir.  ttmn  inthrCnhiinlna  rivnr.  larthi'i*!  v«ti''-  ni'  ihi-  cnnntiy?    \a  r^m-li  ijii*  nimii  rwr  >  ii- 

h  sri'rn- tn  iiii>  in  bat)   ta.-li-,  tn  say  iMr  |i  a^^t  oi' ii,  lur  any  ti-n-il  llif  nmut  m' ihr  ItnMnratiU-  Ht'riatnr;  l:iiT  I  Mtimni  in 

nn'niliir  to  a--nni*' hi- n\Mi  \n  u-.' ii' Mil'illiltli'.  anil  tn -say  i(>  hitn.  it,  in  il-;  vri\  nuun'.  (hi-  prnci'-i  i<  not  cali-nlaii  il  lo 

all  Ihf  Hnilfl.uh..  iliiV-  rtrnm  him.  wln'ili.'inn  the  rii;ht  hand  pnulur.-  .-n<-li  a  n'-nlt.  anri  u  hfiln'r.  in  liict.  ii  tun  nm  pro 
nr  on  tlit-  It'll,  M\  npmiou  i.-  tin-  iini'  ;i'nnlaril  ()rnilliinln\y,    ,  dnn  d  it.     Anil  yil.  it  .sccni"*  lo  rnr,  lliat  tlic  ri  a-tnns  in  ^up 

and  r\'  rvoni'.  who  il   iisiri-'  In  in  it  i-^  a  hm-'i-  iiinl  nnnllrii.  pfni  ofji  nrc  nti-'ilj  iiisiitruniit  to  jii-lny  tin-  cnmiiiHioiH. 
Tim.*  In  .^imniatizf  n  lari;*'  tiotti»>n  ni  thfSriiatr.  isimr,  I  nni    ,       Wliat  an-  thrsf  n  a-^oiis.^     I  will  ju-i  iniu  h  Honir  nlllu'iri, 

(»iin'.  tlioinli'iitinn  nf  the  Smalnr;  Itni  sii,h  is.  in  flnt  and  liaviny  nn  lini'' to  pnr-tii- llu' snhj'-i-i. 

clVci't,  lilt'  diri'ct   ttinh-niM-   \\'  liin   n'lniirks.     We  an-  it'trir,  ' ,       'I'licre  witi-  i\\o  ai-t-'  ni'  <'onii'ti.'<\i'nt:  niir  wa»ilii'_ort'"r  he 
laystlfno  riyhl  tn  pr.   t'lih  ■  tin'  cour-.*  olnihi'is.  wlnth.  r  nt       liccinisi',  to  n-i'  a^onu?«ln\i  iinaini  hui  ;>  tiinihli'apnthcsni,  ■    lore  nmdi'  nl'  ih.'  paralh'l  of  lit'  ns  a  rnnippuni:''- I'aml  tin? 

thf  rnvul.  lit  or  nf  tin-  S  'nat»-.  or  to  jiitUi-  ii  whrn   laki  n.       „c  »  iU   vot    irc-.^firc  nnr  tnru   l<i  lii"  I'mhil.     Whv,  r-ir.  wv  ntlirr  wa^  tlii-  (■\pri-s>inji  nf  .Mr.  Unfiiinan  in  hi-  h»-(  htPT 

U  It  I  rj;cUiii.(ln'-lriihMifn  initmu  d  nhlunlion  m  I'tudaml.       |,:iv.'  vn>  h  a  hn-hrlif  mir  own.  L'ivrn  n^  hv  tht'rn"iil'-r.and  m  th.-  Hiiii>ti  :\TiniMiT.  dai"d  An-iu.-t  ;Mllt.  l?|.i.  thai  tin; 

I  di'ny  ih  ■  njiit  oi  any  one  tn  coin  mil  llic  faith  of  liU'i  rttnn-       iji)  the  Srnninr'.-  i^  srah'd  and  n-niilcd  hv  a  hiatiiT  aiilhnr-  rrf.-i-l-iii  Inip.d  thi-  conlroviTsy  would  hi-  ti'iminatiMl  with 

t  V  (o  a  r  j«-.-|.  d  line-  tn  hind  ui.  h-axma  niir  npiioni-nt  nn-       nv.  w.'  I»"c  I'-avr  to  kt-ip  nnr  own,  anit  to  inra-^inv  onr  oni  a  cnlli-ioii. 

1)  I'lnd— to  L'onv.Tt  n  nnr.'  i.fl'er  of  coinprniiMM'  into  tl)i>  piir-      dittic-  liy  il.  Nnw,  ^l^,  a^  to  tin'  fir>l.     1  tni<t  I  hiivi'  ^Iiown,  thai  what 
ri.uliT  of  n  plaini ;  l"  olianyt-  Ih»?  i*st;ihli-hiil  npniinii:*  imd          |  ,|id  imi  nmlf^i^tand  tin*  pn-ci-n*  nlijtrr  nf  sonn'  of  ilif  ri'-  '    fvcr  ('oui<i'  Ihf  IVr^idi-nt  in,n  pni-nc  n  sp..  iniy  MicpaialU  1 

mark"  of  Ih-  S.-nalor  from  \orili  Camliicuthinih  I  |ii:d  Ichs  of  -19'.  as  a  hmimlaiy  h.-r.-afi   r.  hi-i!ni;   will  hr  hiiorr  lii;,i, 

didiPiiltv  ri^^pfctins  tlu'  nrnark-^  tlr  niM'hv!^.     Hi-  mid  n»<  nn   nih.irra--:cd  liy  lln- ndVrlii'rrlnrnrt'iimdc.and  tlial,<'mis.'- 

lh(>  Troidt'tii  nnwiicr''  r1  imii  d  .Vl 'tii :  and  I  prcsniu''  hf  iiu'MIIv,  tliat  (■lrlMll^^talH'l•  ih  no  ki'y  to  itnlnik  llu- hidden 

tliii*  cnni'ndi'd   HI  ord>r  io:.|.o\\   that  iIk'  l*ri- nl  nl  inutit  fiittin-.' 

.nn-i-l   ntlv  aci-*'pi  anv  bnnndtiv  sou'h  of  Ilait   pir;dl<l.     I  \nd  a<  In  iIm-  pri-(nnl.     I  will  ask  the  Inmorahh'  Srimtnr 

I'Lviin  diM-l-om  all  inti-if  r-in'.'  wilh  tin'  Pr-snl-nt  in  ili"  i\-      if,  nponrrlhi'tinn.  hi- thmk- tl vpr^■^sinn  ofih-  Tn'Mdi'tit's 

i-miiion  nf  hi*  dntn-H.     I  do  not  think,  that  whit  h  -  will  do  Impv  i-  malty  (-ntitli-d  to  ihi-^  lthvu  innwul'ratinn. 

in  a  u'lahhtons  i  i\,-i-.  ^honM  fnrni-h  the  miIij  -ft  of  spccnla-  It  senn-  to  nif  partly  a  politu  and  cntnlt  nii-  plirasi-.  and 

»*hno-*t  rT(-((f^'/r.!  ton.  iliai  wi*  Inve  coin-ludcd  oiirsrhfy,       lion  upon  Ihit*  lloor.     I  know    uliat   1   \Md  do.  and  Hint  H  partly  tin-  pinei'ir  iLti-laraiinn   of  a   \\isli,tliat  >onu'  mod' 

hy  this  ollVr  nf  I!.^,  arui  lital  ajMn  that  paiali' 1  nii:>r  hr  our      cnou:!!!  for  inf;  and  an  I  innk  tin-  oppoitaniiv.  ilirff  years  iniL'til  hf  di'vi-rd  fnr  an  ntnifabh- atlju- tni -nt  nf  tiiM  ninti  r. 

hnundrtry,  wlnn  Erml'.i.d  lualies  up  lier  miid  t-.  mine  m  it.       nun,  in  a  puMif  and  prinitd  addn';'-.  at  Kml  Wavni-.  to  d,--  Lfi  ii>  not  dfprivf  riiplnr^aIl^ls  of  ituil  hopi>,  \\hif|i  earrn-* 

fini'  i:iv  pi.-iimn  in  thi-  inaltfi,  h.forf   I  h-fainf"  a  mln-r  n-*  all  fnrward  lo  thf  Iiri','ht  rff<aripin-f  of  the  fnliire.     Hu! 

ofthis'tioily,  my  alhi  inn  tn  n  h«  rf  taniM.t  h.- dftjnfd  tlie  lei  ii- nor  fonMfl  llif  fxpit-.sMon  of  it  into  solid  pionli^L■s^, 

pffniaairf  f\prf>!-ion  ><(  my  npininn,     I  iln-n  said  :  nor  siiil'  d  fnn\  n-tinii-:. 

••  Our  flaini  l-i  the  fnui.iVy  Wf.~t  nf  thf  Uork\  mnanlainH  And  wirit  arf  Ihf  aii.-'  of  o;iiF*»in»  .'     dm   i-;  the  nech  el  (n 
*i"<  a*i  nmlfiiiahlc  a-*  onr  rinht  to   l^inkfr's   Hill   and   \r\\ 
Mtrli'a'is;  Hnd  who  will  fall   ini)ii--tnai  mir  Iillf  m  Un-se 

■hi I  Maiiifil   flflds?     And    I    Ini-i   it  \m1)    hf   niainlaini-d 

•  uirh  a  \i':in  ami  piompiitml"  ripial  to  \<<  in.-ti<  e.  W'r.r  \* 
'  a  L'n  al  evil.  Imt  mil  >o  un  ;i|  n^  iiali'  iial  dishonor.  I.iiitt' 
*i*i;.'iiifd  In  \irtilinji  to  in-n!f]it  and  inijiij-i  prrti-nfionn. 
'  Il  ts  hftifr  inil'-i'i'iid  Ihf  lir-t  ineli  n|  trrntiiry  than  thelanl. 
'  I'ai    III  Iter,  in  ilfaliiiii  "iiM   I'.iijlantl.  to  rfi-t  auureoinii, 


thrown  luiek  u|>oii  tlitir  orii^itiai  poHitioti,  uncin- 
bnrnisfcd  by  this  iiti('ni|>t  at  tMnu.iliaiitin. 

IJnt.  ^Ir.  ttif' Prt'^idi'iil  i- a  jud«f  of  hi- own  dtilifs.  Iain 
notiilraidio  lave  Ih-niuilh  him— tin- y  nn- in  j-u'I*  kecp- 
imi.  Sliould  the  ipu -tio;i  te^periiin;  tM--  paralh-l  evi  i  Itf 
prf-enl'  \  to  hnu  f"r  difi-iini.  I  lia-.t-  a  pertVei  eonvi'inm, 
Mat  \\  lii'thfr  he  defiih'  tor  it  or  a;min-t  it,  or  n  fr r  it  to  Un- 
(••nMdeiaiion  of  the  ffnate.  hf  will  fnllil  hi-  r.-poii-ih|f 
ihitif*  Willi  a  fon*eifniioiis  regard  lti  Iln-  lii:,'li  (<t<lisatioii> 
))■>  i-  iirnh  r  in  Ihf  i-onuir>  and  t'>  the  Con^tltlltioIl.  lint  wo, 
ion.  h:iVL-  dun--  tl  [i- norm,  and  ainnim  the<f  in.iy  In- the 
invi'S'ih  of  deeiduitf  for  onr-elves  the  niiliire  and  I'Xtfnl  ni 
till-  nlihi:nlii)n  up  tn  the  iiuiioii. 

I  do  mil  >pi^t\k  nnw  oi'  any  conftidfratiniiH  nf  expedifiiey, 
which  m-i\  opi-ritf  upon  lln?  d'-ei-inn  ofthi.;  inaltf  r.  Thf  rf 
ii'iiif  whieh  will  np<  rate  np'in  nif.     Hut  I  a—iiinf  in 


usages  nfthe  worM  upon  ilits  suhj-  ct.  It  vein  -  to  in-,  lliat 
n  cau-f  cannot  be  struiii:  whieh  needs  cueh  uti.viliiifii'!'  for 
iiA  support. 

iliu.  Mi-,  tiii*do.nriiif.as  I  hefoiv  olKerveil.andtlic  eonrsf 
of  th  •   nniaik..   I'y  wlneh   it  \a  endea\nrfd  in  nimit  nn  it. 
f.irnish  if)  ni'-eoiu-ln-iv'-  aryi'iients  nj!aiii;-l  the  ifii  r^  lu-e  of 
this  oontuivcr-*  tn  a.hilraiion.     Here,  at  Imnif,  inlhHOo-  ' 
n  diiiate  hiani  il  n:  tin   national  h-ui-lature.  ww  are  tnid,  and 


Now,  in  thi-  ^tale  of  iht*  matter,  what  ufold  he  the  eflVcl 

»/nn  arUilralion?    Tin*  Sfcretary  of  Slate,  in  hi-  answer  to 

tiie  Hnii  h  Miin^tfr,  t'l-  ahly  nnd  triil>  '.xpn^id  the  ten 

deiify  ot*  thi.-  proi'f*.i  of  adju-tiiieut.  wlifthe r  piihlie  or  p:i- 

vite,     |i-<  t'ndfi.ey  i.-  imt  to  fi;ttJe  the  fti-in  i' riKhl*  of  the 

pvt'r-.  hut  |o  rniiiprnnnsi    them.      Tn  divide,  nnd  mu  to 

decid*'.     \\*e  nil  know  tins,  and  lie  who  runs  may  read  it  in 

th  -  history  of  :.lmosi  i  v-  ry  arhitialion.  withm  iIm-  ciir'.v  of 

liis  o!is(  rvatiori.     Tlinncli.  ."!-  I  lia\f  alreaih-  -aid,  III--  oirfr> 

(if -^oinproni'^e  wehavr  ;n:ideioF,m;land  oimLt  not  to  inrm-h 

tiie  f'Iitflit'->t  p,'<-^uinpi)on  a^ain.-i  thf  vahdtt>  •  I  onr  \\h.>)(' 

cliini.  nnd  would  nor.hcfoif  any  Wfll  n  L'ulai*  d  jinlieial  t.ii-ii- 

II  il  in  ('ht'ist'-ml->iii,  \t  t(-oinniitoiirfaii>f  to  aihiiialton.  and 

wliere  a:e  wi- r    W'c  nii::lit  a^i  well  throw  to  ih  '  «  imlsall  thf 

I'aet*.  and  ari'iimfiit--.  and  illni*triitioiiH.  nji  ni  wKn-li  Wf  ltni!d 

ourelaiai.and  ^a\  to  ihe  ailiilnitnr-.  rjo  as  yon  p'fa-i'.  Wf  arc 

at  your  nn  rey.     For  tlii-  tlicy  woi.l  I  do  at  an\  raif.     Tin  > 

wo'iilil  nothi'c'd  \onr  vir\'  -.  Imu  ihf>  would  turn  lotlif  lii-ior\ 

of  t'le  eniitrovf rs\,  and  to  tin?  fonr^f  oi'  tin-  p:irtif-.     Tin  y 

wnulii  nie;i-urf  what  eol.  had  oifiTfil.  and  \\oii!d  rplit  lin- 

(hl)Vrfneo  to  ilie  niitlh  pait  ofa  hair.     'I'lny  would  a<--iime. 

that  t!if  Ainerifan  claim  eio.- to  tin-  -iHth  patallel.  and  tiie 

llrili-li  flaiin  to  the  ('oiiimhia  river;  ami  lhf>  uonid  add, 

nnd  subtract,  nnd  iiuilli;>l>.  and  divide,  till  alt  thi"  [irofi-- 

would   f  ;id  in   a  loh-rall.v  t-'iual   pariilion  of  what   im  one 

upon  II  I-  HoiT  di-nie,''.  and  what  <  vf  ry  Aineii'iin.  'ir  ahno-t 

every  .\iiit-riean.  a-  lirndy  believe-  makes  p.irt  of  hi-  fmni- 

iry,  a-  d'"  s  ttie  tnnib  ai   .Mount   Virmm,  or  Ihf   yi-ivf  at 

the  llerniitaii-f.  wheff  lomiUf-s   g  -in'ratiniis   of  nn  n  wiM 

roiii«  a-  to  place-  of  pit;!riiiiaL't'— not.  indeed,  lo  worship, 

bnl  to  (hink  upon  tin*  ila\s   and  tin-  deid-  oi' Hh-  patri>t- 

n:id    warri'irs,  who   -I   "p   b"low.     You    v<nU\    jft    lind    a 

kovfrvigti  nor   a  -tibi-rt,  a  Sinte  mir  a   fitizfii    in  I'liriH- 

cndoni.  \vlio,    ill    f\icU    a    fonirnver-\    hiUvfi-n    i\\.t  nn-ai 

nation-.  W'lUld  int  rallnr  ib-fidf  with    thf   itivntir-.  ihan 

with  thf  litl--.     Widl.  -ir.  I  airri'f  iidlv,  ihui  if  wf    wi-h 

to   p- 1    rid   of  rdl    ihi-   n.aiP  r  Wiilio'ii   n  jar<l    H)   tin-    why 

or  the  Ii<iw  .  w.-  may  -:if  1\  coinmii  ii  In  tin-  <  iitod>  of  ar!>i- 

tiaf^T^.    Til-  ir  »l.  f  i-ioo,  liiousrh  w--  -houid  Uimw  ii  h  ti-ri' 

ll-llid.  niiijtil  In   C'ln-iiN-n  d  a  pla-I'T  for  nnr  ^v..llnl^fd  hmior. 

A  p'Kir  oitf.  Hul'  fM.  win  It  would  l-a\"  a  mn-i  miMi-htlv       tnlkmc  nf  tin-  whoh-  o|    a  .■ .  t.ntr\ .  when  h-'  dot-  nut  i 

scar.     Itut,  in  r'.diiy.  ^ir.  i!ii>  f.ur-f  of  iifiion  would  he       ihf  whole  of  iir     \o.  >ir:  the  id.  a  invfr  or-nin  d  to  Inm, 

np.-'ii  and  ol.vn.ii-  to  oiir-f|\fs  and  to  thf  world.    Il-  nioii\i-       mvfr  mi-^'-d  hi-  mind.     Win  ii  In   -aid  Up  -.rnn.   Iif  incant 

an.l  It-  reMili-i  would  (..■  f<|ualty  jmlpald  -.     Wf  siioiild  |n-f       m,  ;  and  I  liavf  no  mnr'  donhMhnii  I  Inivf  of  iii\  extKifiiff. 

nnieh  ill  i.icif^i.  and  miieli  morf  in  eharaei.  r.    For  ni\>"tt.       ihat  In-  In-li'  v.s  a-  hrmh  in   tlif  .Xnnrn  an  iitif  to  n,  as  In- 

I  vvould  far  ratln  r  di'idf  with   i:ii'.;laiid  thi>  portion  oi  tin.'       h.-iifVfs   In-    in  now    iln-   t'hnf  .\hi);i-Ualf   of  the    1' -d 

Iprrif->rj-,  tiian  eoniniii   oitr  ri((lii-  to  arMfration.     Tlnrf       Htaii 
ould 


reeomnifiid  d-  li- nsive  niea^'urfs,  and  tin-  otln  r  in  a  \vnnt  of 
i-mittilriif  in  tin-  cliairiiian  ol  iln-  Cnniinilhc  on  Fnrei|:n 
Uflatioh... 

And  now  for  the  first.  I  im-siimf  (-n-  tlii-  th.' honorahh; 
Pfiialor  I-*  a\ -arf.  that  he  lia>t  «  niir-lv  ini-nndfr-tood  tin; 
vii'Ws  of  ilif  I'ri'sidfut  upon  tin-  siilijei-t.  In  ni-  Ms 
!<aCf,  at  tin-  t-oinuHnfiiient  of  tin-  sf.s:-inii,  du-  rrf^idriit 
iimiifiidfd  ilnit  a  forff  of  nioiinled    iiilfinin   tlumhl  l« 


-  wh'  I'nT  ot*  iii'pr'-.tnfM.  of  srareli.  or  ofleiriiorv ,  when  rai-id,  and  also  an  ani:ineiilatinii  of  tlif  naval  mean-  of  the 

'  Iir  t  alt  nip'-  d.  than  I"  >ii  Id  in  ttif  Imp. .  that   lorhfaiam-e  eminirx.     Iliii  lar-r  in  tin-  sr--ion.  in  fontinmiiy  wilh  rf -o 

'  w  ill  be  nnt  in  a  jiisi  >pjit.  and  »  td   had  in  an   lunifalih*  Intions  whn  h  nriirinated  hi-rf .  r minif  ndaiinn-  and  i--li- 

'  fniiiprniiii-f .     I. 'I  f  ha\e  no  rt'd  lit;f-  up  <ii  ihi-  iiia|i  of  iivitf.-,  t'fin  and  apitrovid  bv  the  I'rfsnlfiit,  and  hi.-  in  lln-t, 

'DrfL'nn.     I,.  I  II- h<  Id  on  to  the  inieL'iin  of  nnr  in>t  flain.  a«r.tabh  to  ihf  consiitntion  ot  mir  lv\(iuti\e  di  parlnn  nt. 

•  Ami  if  wareonie.  I'f  ii  -"  :   I  do  not  lnht-vf  it  will  he  Imit  w  .  rf  sf  lit.  by  Ihf  Hi-.-iftarn-^  of  War  and  ofthn  \a\.\,io  tin- 

■a\oii|rd.  niib'!'-  pnvi  nifd   tiy  itiif-iinf  tiilliriiliir-   in  .In*  pmpfr  fommiiiff- of  tin-   S.natf.     .\biilwa-   reportfd  by 


r.ntt-li  I'.i.ipiif.  .\nd  woIm>  tn  us.  if  wf  Maitf  rnur-rlvi^ 
■  fan  hf  arre.-Ifd  lo  anv  -j-tfjn  of  inii-.-.'SMon.  in"  all  dfhi- 
'  sm::^.  this  would  bf  thf  riio-t  liital,  and  wi- .-bniild  awake 
*  fr-MH  it  a  di-lmiH.inl.  il'not  a  ruim  d  piopl-'." 

\-iw  tin-  Onxtin  I  'Inm.  i-  all  ( irfL'on.  and  no  vote  nf 
miiif  III  tins  Scnaif  will  ^ur^fnd•'r(me  imfi  of  it  lo  F.iiL'laiut. 
I!ut  Ihf  Sfnaior  ftoni  .Norili  rarolma  savf.  ilial  thf  Ureunn 
Ihf  Trfrid- lit  elaim- i-  an  '  ir-non  of  his  ow  n.  and  noithe 
cniiiiirv,  will'  It  now  t  \i-iifs  the  an\imis  Miiniiudf  of  ihf 
Aim  rn  an  pfonh'.  Ami  it"  il  wirf  mi.  h  it  tin'  ilnly  of  a 
frifiai.  (  in.iy  ahnori  ^ay  fl  iiminir  lobi-  an  f  vciusivf  nm',  in 
bobi  nil  t<i  hi-  fonniiMiKii  thi- wonl  of  piouiif  o|' tbfir 
rhiff  Ma^Mi-tratf.  I'm-  kfpt  to  tin-  <  ar.  but  not  m  the  hopf  .■' 
Milt  il  i-  not  -n.  Thf  Inmorabli'  .-^ftiator  lia-  ln-fti  \i;[  into 
an  «rrt»r— a  palpal. b-  t-rmr.  The  I'lfsidnit  xaV''  Ihe  Urilish 
preh-iisiniis  eniihl  not  hf  iiiaiiiiained  In  .inn  fyntiiu  oj  Ihr 
(}rf!--ti  /.■mZ/i".  Me  sa>-.  afn,  Ihal  nnr  lilb-  m  tlif  uk-)'c 
'•fthr  Orrjiiyt  tcrri/'-ri/  is   inaintainrd    b\'  nnlrai:al)|.-   farl- 


lind  aryiiim-nt-.     ]l- 


Ihf  \a\'al  ( 'oinnnttef  for  an  additional  stfani  force,  and  wih 
ald>  ami  vi!.'oroii<ly  advocai'd  b\  thf  bonnrabl-'  i- h  iirman  of 
Iha'i  roniiniiiff.  Ibii  it  vvas  put  to  sb-.  p,  partl.\.  :•  not  piin- 
fipall).  I  bi'lifvc.  upon  thf  trroiiml  iliai.  if  yon  n,  .ant  im- 
ii)fdiati't\  fiiuip  a  nav\*.  tln-rilor '  >oii  niusl  nnt  build  a  shi[i; 
and  if  >  on  ilo  tnitrfiiniteanarnn  .iln-iiforf  younmr-i  not  raise 
a  rfu'l'in-ni.  .Vnd  ih<-  result  nia\  \vfl|  haxe  hi-i'u  takfiiiistiii 
iinliealion  both  by  tin-  \a\at  and  .Mii;tai\  ('ominitt'f-.  that 
tin-  Hfitatf  did  ii'>f  dffiii  an  auiimf nlalinn  nf  the  dflftisivo 
nirans  nf  iln-  founn>'  nefi-.-fiiry  tindfr  thf  fireuni.-'laitCf«, 
and  thercti<rf  [irevfiitfil  all  liiriher  aetion  on  ilinr  part,  :ia 
u.-i'lf-^.  For  I  (-on^nbr  ilie  [iropo-Hnm  of  Ihf  Naval  Cnm- 
miiief ,  ilms  put  to  siiip.  oi(f  of  Iln-  Ifa^t  ohj.ciionaldf  of 
all  thf  iiMa-nrfs  -ubmni'-d  to  ih  un'!rr  the  -anflion  of  iho 
I'ri'-idfiil.  I  liiivf  biokfd  omt  tlu".!.'  e-imiali-s,  sir.  boih 
from  the  War  and  \.tv\  lifparinn  nl-'.  and  I  ronsid.  i  tln-iii 
prop  I  ;md  jmln-n.ii-.  in  tin-  f  m-Iihl' -I  ilf  of  oilinlalnms 
with  F.nL'latid:  and    I   will  add.  tin-   In  ad- of  both  of  tin 


Itrih-h  law- havf  txi-ii  cMfinbd       (Irparipifiits  di-i  harL"d  tin  ir    if>p.in-tblf  diiiif--ior  thfir 


Ihrouihoiit  the  i//i.i/e  nf  Ojc  'Tn.     \ow  ,  sir.  ha-  aii>  man  a 
riaht   lo  -av,  that  iIm-   I'n  -nif nl  fahfi-  in   his  pnrpnsi-.  by 


^pon-dilf  -  in  a  -ali-faftoi\  mam 
apitiilatiounia\  not  be  una-efptabu-,  nor  unpm 


f-»ry,  tiiaii  eoniniii   oitr  ri((lii 
Id  DC  .  om<-  inavnai'Miiiiv  in  : 


^iic-ii  a  iToffdiiri'.  lint  to 
fi'if^  f  heltfr  bflMi;d  tin  ■  .or»ii  o*  [fjjii  ,„  (,,  ffsort  |o  a  im-fia 
bif  «u!iifrr'a<-.  which,  .rnl  iln-  pn-li-ti  of  an  c.pi  ii  adju-t- 
nifiit,  wnubl  I"  tmt  n  ^n^^-.  ibr.  If.  Itn-n.  wi-  -iiinii-lv  bi-- 
iiev  in  Ol"'  .  'ailo^.  i-\ru  to  -(9".  and  Mn''fn-I\  di-irf  to 
inaint'  ..  .u. '  --  mii-t  uiiiie  m  approMuy  Ihf  rfj-i-iioo.  It,\ 
the  Prfcidenl.M  |lu:<pa(itiemfaiisnr  tran.-(i  rfinuio  Knulanii 
a  \  ilnabb  pfi:!  of  our  co',ii)ion  foiintrx . 

Mr.  I*rf.-id'iit.t'n'  honorable  Si  nil  .r  from  \orth  I  'amlina. 

n   I  tow  in  I. i-  s'at.  fail 'd  thn-c.  wlio  I.. 'n-v ir  lille  to 

.>(  PI  to  he  fifar.  l!if  .o7ni  iVifln!  ^  oi  thf  l*ie-idf  nt.  and.  I 
nodfr-lood  Inm.bf  i-Iaiiin  d  lo  be  In-  trm  fifm!.  -a\  mu  him 
from  itiow  imprndeni  onf.  A-*  1  tirid  m\-i  It  in  tin-  em 
yory.  I  am  obtnixioii-  to  thi-  i-haritf,  and  wiili  thf  tniinral 
in^iiiifl  nf  !.flf  dff-  me.  I  de-ire  to  rrpfi  M.  W'f  are  u:t,.i 
frn-nd-.  b<  <aiisf  w.do  not  »|opat  I!*' .  I  hi-if  alii  ad>  -ho\Mi, 
tlirit  tin  r.  H  no  ■.tiippiiij  plaff  on  Ihal  par. dll-  noinn-r.-t 
for  an  Annrnan  I-hiI,  Thf  Hi-nator  Inm-' If '  on-nlfrs  mir 
titl"  I  I  Ibal  Inn-  '  Ji'ar  an  1  imb-ptilalib-.  and  I  nmtfr-lood 
him  Ibai  h"  would  nia.niam  it,  lojuf  a  hat  imu'l^i.  Well. 
if  It  is  loiind  i:iai  ih'  trtaiv  ni  I'irffht  no  morf  r Mfiiib-'t  hi 
OrfL'on  than  i>  Ibf  iif  mi.  wliai'Vi-i  nil,>  r  bound. iry  inav 
bn  -nu?lil  or  loMttd,  11  fannnt  In-  Ihat  pur'  i\  araluitou-  fioiiri 
el-try— Ihe  paralh'l  nl  ■.!».  Ami  a-  tin-  S'titlor  irom  N'orili 
4'atoiina  nnis|  have  ii,  win-re  will  hf  titnl  a  bi-itfr  banicr 
tbiin  the  |{ii<-iati  |>o<(.-f  -nm-.'  lluMii'  •a\-.  aNo.lha.  Ihoiiitii 
niir  nth'  t-i  thf  fniiiitr>  nortfi  of  i'.V  t-  n  it  iiidi>>|nitaldf ,  hlill 
Il  i»  hftn  r  than  anv  o'th  r  tllb'.     \nw  .  I  will  app>-al  loth 


It  it  wiTf  |M>-'siIi|f.  that  till-  propo-itioii  needed  Hiipp'ut. 
It  \\  fiidd  bf  (a-il\'  I'mnd.  Tlif  fnniiiiu:iiealton-of  ih.- .-^ec 
n  1ar\   of  .-^taif.  ;'rf  tlif   f  Hiiiminn  aiio i,s  ot  thf    I'l    -idfOl. 


diitn  ,-  \v.  I 

,\  brif  I 
lilal.l.-. 

Thf  Sffr'-iary  fif  War  rf-oniinended  Ilie  iminediatf  pas- 
-ai.'f  of  a  bill  bir  Ihf  in-w  work-. 

.An  appropnatnm  of  .<>:tiio.iHi(i  for  Ilif  rnriilieatimi  and  ob 
f-trin-lton  ot  flmnml-;  and  id-o  nir  hi  Id  wmks. 

An  appropriation  of  >ii)u,iiihj  tor  L'fmial  cnntincfiififs  in 
tin-  li'-M.  im-ludint!  Iln-  prfparatinn  o|  ,i  pontoon  npiip  iii'  . 

An  I'sliinale  of  tin-  sum  of  .«."..'Hi.i.oo;i.  .i:*  nff^■^sal>  b»r 
foiiiib-aiioii-  ami  ob-trufltoiis,  in  In-  appro)itiaii  d  ^vll■'lt 
'   nrrfss  miL'hl  think  thf  a-pffi  of  alfans  Ihivaleiifd   ho 


writtfo  In  hi'   dirfcin    i  anti  -ubniit'fd  for  t.i-  ;ippr'dtaiinti,       tiliiif-.  and  then  m  bf  placfd  al  ilif  rli-positiou  of  tin*  I'rfsi- 
u.d  in  \'  r  -fot  witlionf  In-  •iipfrM-ion.  :iad  \frv  -<  Id-.m,  1       (b'lil. 
Thf 


imaL'im- .  \\  it'ioui  f  nniid.ition-  b\  him.  The  forrf-pondi'tii"- 
with  thi-  Ihiti-b  Mini  t-r.  bud  bff.iri  u-  at  tin- fimnifni-r 
iiiftir  o:  tin-  -'  -sum.  ^^a-  doiihlv  bi-.  Hi  .  brfaii-'  farrnd 
Oil  If  hi  •  S.-frftar\  "f  stit<'.  wiiii  it  for'inn  (Jovi- rnni'  nt, 
and  hi-  l>i'fan-f  i  oinii,uiui-al' dlo  I'on'jrf--  and  I o-  '■'aiiilrv, 
as  liic  dfpoMiorv  of  hi  ■  vifws  and  nn-a.-iirf-.  Wfll.  sir.  in 
thf  bit'  r  rtotn  Iln  Si  fi.tar\  of  r^ial-  to  .Mi .  Pakitihain,  da- 
ted .In!-.    I-J.  I-lu  Mr.  Hiifhanan  sa\r-: 

--  rpon  the  wlioh  .  troll)  Ihf  mo-i  farehtl  and  amnb'  i  \ 
'  aimtia'n  n  w  Imli  thf  iimterHirm-d  ha-  b'  en  aide  to  be..tow 
'  iiiion  thf  -nbj'i  I,  In-  m  -aii-'ied  tliai  itn  Spam-ii  .\iii.ri'aii  faiin-  t 
•Iitb  if'W  hi  Id  In  thf  fdild  Hial' -. 'inbta.  ini:  Ib-wlotf 
'  tl  iritor\  biiwi-eii  the  |iatalbUuf-)-J  di  ^'ni-s  and  .M  de;^rei  « 
'  IM  iMimilf  s,  if<  the  he.-t  tub  in  exl-^ti  tief  to  iIhk  eiiUre  re- 
■I'lon.-  \e. 

.\nd  In-a.ld^. 

•■  \oiwiih-tamlini!  sui  h  w  a.-  and  sidl  i-  tin-  opiiii<m  oithf 
rre-id'iit."  h-f. 

I  In  Mian  wdid-  and  human  t\iit\-  are  worlhb'-H  |o  dii-bwi- 
bmn.in  ojiitinins.  It  tin-  wretjon  of  tin-  I'ce.-idi-iit  is  not' 
I  ir-  L'-m  \\e  I  1,1! HI  and  luip-  to  -i  euie. 

The  r*'  iiato!  Iroin  NorihCarnhiia  ha-  prfsentid  to  ii-  Hiine 
p"fuharM.WMiI  Ilie  I'm  -lib  nf-  po-iln.n  ami  doln-.  anil  Ini' 


&'.-italor'<chunii-'iio,iiottulniicliunl),t]iutiHnutlicect9iary      deduced  hu  luiure  courne,  not  tiniii  Iih  .Mecsagf.  but  tiom 


imatf  for  ordnanci-  and  ordnam-e  stores  aniounied 
t')  ••■|,-.'"'.i.ii-'a— ot  i-nur-i'  to  bt-  appropriatetl  as  Cnnuris-i 
miuht  lb-em  proper. 

.\n  addiiion  to  tlif  armv  of  so  many  privatf-  ii:*  would 
rai  .1-  eai-li  eonijiany  to  luO  nicn,  ihuHaddin:iT/.l<iiiim'n  to  iho 
armv . 

.Anliiorily  to  the   I'.e-ideiil  to  rai-e  j(l,0l*0  vidimtefrs,  to 
bf  i-atb  d  into  thf  public  nervier  ilir  one  year,  whenever  i' 
iiuir'd. 

Thf   pro;.o-itton*J  rf-pf<-tiitL'  torlifii-aiioti«  ami  ordnamf 

hf  proper  burfaiis.  and  tiie   proposition   i..r  an 

auirmentatnm  of  itn-  armv  and  a  vidunleei  toief  caiin-  iroiu 

Ihf  foiuiininhmj  LfOfral.  wlme  hmh  fharaeler  .mil  L'allam 

srrv -  in  tin'  Iif  Id.  jii-llv  i^ive  urfal  wciiihl  lobl- opmnai-; 

and  iho-'-  proiio-nnms  wre  as-iinifil  by  Ihf  Secretary,  and 
III-  hecaiin-  lespoii-ibb-  tor  llifin. 

*i'hf  Seerci  u\  of  tin-  \.iv\  ni-oninifmledatiaefiiuMiIatinu 
of  i.a»al  nial'ii.il-  and  -tores  in  tin-  annmiil  nf."  l,(Kiil.ono. 

Forth-  r'  pair  nnd  ■  .pnpmeni  of  alt  tin-  ve-MJs  m  rodiaa 
,y.  ..-■d  of  tin-  fnifatf.-nf  tin-  rmi.-d  .'^i.Ues.  .->•>. I  (...iino. 

Km  in.-rs|iaiii  Inualf-.  tivc -team  slnnp.-,  and  iwo  .-icani- 
i-r-  ni  a  Ml,  'Mcr  ela-^-.  .r-<.;tl'i."  "'. 

Va\al  ordi.  M and  >i'.ie^.  .*:iiin,n'Ki. 

IIovv  tlie»e  i.-tunateji  wire  prepared  in  the  \a\y  Depart- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


427 


^9x11  CoNo 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Cass. 


Senate. 


J 


I 


iimnl,  Dm  ilocutntMit  In  my  poH^es*i(in  dncti  not  nliow.  I  | 
prc»<Mmf  til. -J  '■vnn!  tlirniiKli  iIm'  prnpi  rhiiri'iiii-t.  Tlipy  ciimo  j 
to  tlH'  Hi'imrp,  liiiwrvcr,  n*  tin-  net  nf  the  Hi-f-rt'tury. 

It  if*  nhvioiiit  lluit  nil  tlll■^^  apiKopriaiiDiM,  iii  iiny  rnnliii- 
gf'n<*y,  would  ixii  tir>  wiintcd  tor  ^t'tni- tiiii)>;  nrid,  irulcnl, 
tliiit  tlic  lull  Iruir'Intivf.Mi'-tion  >ip<iri  Uw  Milijcct  wniiUI  nwiiit 
\Uv  di'VclopniciitH  urnwinit  oiil  ol'nnr  lon-iun  rflntmns.    Or-  : 
(liiiary  prinluiici'  rcipiirtM  tliiU  n  ronniii'iufiiiLMit  >)ioiild  lie 
iiiiiiifilmti'ly  iiifiilc;  to  wliiit  oxtcut,  fonan-i'M  iiiii-t  jitdijt'.  '• 
Itiit  it  u'ill  hr  nMii.irk*  il,  that  iiiih'Ii  th'  Imiifr  pnrlioii  of 
tJHv^r  i-liinati'.-t  irt  lor  iiialfrial-'  aiirl  siipplif,-^,  which  we  iiiu-t  ; 
liiivc,  soinr  ttnu*  or  other,  and  onj:iit  to  hiivt;  vrn  long,  let 
tlio  a><prct  nt  niir  Ibrfijin  att'airs  hn  lu  it  may. 

In  nmkiii:^  till"' prnvii-jon,  wr  hut  imlicipatR  our  nrpi'sr^i-  . 
lip.-', and  the  wnr-t  (hat  can  happi'ii  will  lio,  lli.il  we  >hall  he 
hooniT  prrparrd  lor  n  ^taIe  ottliiti:;-^,  for  which  wo  ought  to  ; 
bi!  nhviiys  pn'pnred.  ! 

A-*  to  tin'  iii'idii  ot'  rcrclviiiir  lliin  information,  it  hn*  Ivrn 
fani'tiorifd  bv  thi'  practice  of  the  Uovcrmncnt  for  jcarr*. 
ftinmc-s  and  it'  cotnnnlli  cs  have  ttfen  in  the  dail>  hatiit  of  ' 
r  illini;  n|mn  tln'  li-  ,1(1-;  ot'tin  (icpariincnl'*  lor  tin'  ricr(',---nry 
fill  t-;an<l  \i-WH  in  th"  di-cliari;''  of  iln-ir  I'u'i^lalivc  rhitics. 
And.  in  all  ca-.c  Ukc  the  present,  tin-  report-*  art  j-nhniitled 
to  iltf  l'rc:-idcnt  before  henia  .-"'nt  here,  and  thus  receive  hi» 
»ancl:on,  and  they  are  nlt.-n  chimyfd  by  hir<  direeticni'.  Thin 
h  well  kniiwn  tn  all,  who  are  acquainted  with  tbf  routine  of  , 
onr  rxFi-nlive  deparlnient. 

Tit  return  now,  jiir,  to  thin  act  of  omi-*>inti,  thi;*  necleet  to 
n-cuniniepid  proper  mea-*iirrs  of  defi'nee.by  u  linh  ihi'  I'n-:'- 
jdcnt'.-*  vii-w-^  ar-'  to  be  vterprctcd,  a-*  I  imilcr-land,  in  lilies 
m:iiincr.  Tin:  I're^idint  rceinnncmt.'i  no  ineat»ure.s  of  dc- 
t>ii'-<'.  Thcfi  fore  he  eon-idfr-  liie  einintr\'  in  no  dan.'cr. 
Thciffitre  lie  intend-'  to  yirbl  to  tlie  parallel  of  Iii".  wbirh 
tli'>  lliiti-li  K^ivriMui-nt  intt-nd^  to  demand  ;  and  thuH  there 
v.ill  b'*  no  «ar.  Snw,  •.(r.  mnre  ilian  nvn  niMiitU-j  b'inie 
Ibis  po-itton  wa5  (akt'n  by  the  liutiorable  Scimtor.  the  Pn  ^:- 
idcnt  had  recnninn'aded  hy  hi^  HecreTuries  nn  addition  to 
the  army  of  alino-i  (*,inh)  men,  the  or;intdzuiioii  of  .")i).u(K( 
v<dnnlcer-i,  the  ronioval  id"  the  limiialiMiH  renpectinff  naval 
r^ta'.di.-hm.-nt-^,  that  he  niisbt  be  aid  ■  to  direct  ^nell  mi  ain»- 
niciitntion  of  the  ^eame||  ni'tlie  r  avy  a^  rircuin-tanoes  mii;l;t 
recpiire.  and  appropriations  for  I'lilitary  pn'"iKi>es  tn  the 
ntnount  of -S'.UTP.Ii'^l;  and  lor  iia\al  piirpo-e<  to  the  aniomit 
nf.*(i..*il;'>.0it')— makiiiir  in  tin*  wli.'l"  .-rhl.uri.risp.  in  addimni 
tn  til'' recmnnicndation'i  in  hi-- AIc--ai!e  at  the  eumnicnce- 
inent  of  the  ses.-*ion,  and  lo  the  ordinary  e.-(iniates  of  the 
depriinent. 

it  i^  miruTCHsaryto  pu'^uc  this  topic.  Wlinf^ver  may  he 
thejuf^l  c<in-^trneiiori  ol' the  l'rr»'iilcnt'.>»  nu'iMdiu'  which  to 
ine  is  e\eecdiii[.'ly  cbur,  it  i^"  now  nhvinufi  tini  .h  act  of 
ondt'^inn  hecomc  nn  net  ni' ronnni-sion,  and  proves  that 
I'lp  Pre>idtiit  is  by  no  means  traiKjiiil  icsin  etinij  the  ron- 
('itinn  of  the  cnnntiv. 

As  10  the  alie'.'Cfi  want  of  Eveentr.  ■■  entiftilence  in  the 
rbatrman  of  the  (Viinmiitee  on  I'oreiim  llelaiinns,  I  liardly 
ktiow  hnw  to  f^pcak  of  it  heromiimly,  when  urm'd  in  thi;* 
connexion.     Were  the  fact  .-ti.  it  would  seem  xery  straiifre  j 
to  me.  ami  I  !*hnnld  think  the  I're-ident  ver\'  badly  advi-rd,  [ 
to  withliold  n  proper  eonfidenee  finm  one  ot"  his  triu'ct  nnd  ' 
iiin^t  eiiieienr  friends  upon  this  door,  and  one.  too,  u  ho, 
from  his  position  at  the  jiead  o|'  a  nin>t  inipr>rtant  comniit- 
Ije,  wa.s  otficially  entitled  to  it. 

Nonni.whn  has  witnc-^'i•d  the  energy,  tlu' talent,  and  the 
prtunpiiluilc  of  the  lionornbte  chairinan.  can  doubt  the  ser- 
vice lu!  has  rrndored  this  .Adinini-tration,  rn)r  ilii>  cnnlidence  j 
he  di'pcrves— a  Cfuifirlcripc.  indeeil.  d-inainb  d  mon;  for  the  ! 
bike  of  the  public  interest,  than  for  hi.'  oun  sake. 

Hill,  ^ir.  I  have  n  a-nn  to  Know  that  tin'  Henatnr  from 
Nortli  CarnUna  is  in  ermr  in  all  this;  tljat  this  dcductinn 
finm  eMrinsic>  cireiiinstarices  is  bin  anotln  r  proof,  that  tintli 
is  net  always  ailaincd  wlicn  >oii'itii  by  indirect  and  rerimte 
facts.  I  have  pMsen  to  kn*  w.  that  ihc'ehnirmnn  of  i|i|.  Cnni- 
niittee  on  Foriii;n  Ilel.Ttinns  ennnnnnicales  freely  with  Itic' 
l're-i<lent.  ami  itijoys  his  ((inttdene"'. 

And  what  pronf  nir-iramrcnn'Mt  between  thesi'liiuh  fiine- 
lionari -s  is  t'nrni-shed  by  til"  li'iiioiat>|e  Senator  tVoin  N'nrtli 
rnrolina?  Why.ilr.H  stanils  tbi-ea^i':  The  honoralib- eliair- 
nian  ftntcd  thai  the  opinions  ol' the  president  ha<l  nndeiuone 
noebanac:  but  b.uii!  ipiterrogatid  upon  the  Milijeet.  h,.  nii- 


Hwered,  tiiat  the  records,  and  tlic  records  alone,  were  the 
honrccs  ol"  his  iiitnriiiati<«n. 

It  seems  to  nn*  it  wotdd  b-(ler  be 
all  !-'in:ht  the  \iews  of  the  l're>i(|. 
HC'k  theni.  ill  llii<  -aim'  ailtheiitr 
save  a  wnrld  of  unproiitalil-  coi.j 
^b)e^  all  this  aneiunt  to.'     Whv.  t< 


ouic  our  position  if  \\e 
It.  >o  lin-  as  we  ouyht  to 
docnmi-iits.  It  wonid 
■tine.  \niv.  'iir,  what 
this:  ih.'  President  tohl 


the  Senator  iroin  *  »liio  no  nnire.  a-  to  his  future  rimrse  than 
lie  told  ilio  eontitry  :nnl  fouiiri'ss  ni  Ins  Mcs^acc.  It  woiild 
be  j-traML"'  if  he  liad.  The  avowal  or'a  line  ot  poliev,  wln-u 
Hie  pnipcr  cirriinistances  are  beiore  him,  is  the  duty  of  n 
votind  and   pra  tieal   sia'.'sinnn.     Itnt  I  should  niiich'donbt 

Ihe  wi-dnin  of  tiie  Chief  MiiL-isirnte  of  a  cnat intr\.  who 

Bhould  sit  down  t')speeulatc  np'ui  fnrnre  arid  leniote  contin- 
peri'ies.  aileciin','  the  pnlilic  welfare,  w  ith  a  view  i  ven  to  the 
decision  upon  his  own  cours.-.  and  still  less  with  a  view  to 
ifs  arinuneiation  to  the  iidrld. 

Let  ine.  th'Ti.  ask  Ihe  S.-nitor.  if  he  thinks  it  is  the  dnty 
nf  til  ■  I  haiiunn  of  (he  ('(uninitti  e  on  Forejirn  Helaiiims  lo 
put  i!ratnilou«  u"  ■>'i""i'*  to  the  Pre-^idenl.  in  order  tinit  he 
may  he  able  to  come  here  ami  declare  what  tin-  Kx<'cuiiee 
will  d'l  in  siieli  and  such  n  eoriiini;fney.  ^\■hieh  mav  ui vr 
happen;  or  whn-h.  if  it  do  happen,  niiiy  briiij  with  it  eir- 
rilin-'tatiees.  tbr'I  intiv  ilianu''  Ihe  whole  aspeit  of  the  (pics- 
Iion?  Hul  1  fniheai.  sir.  I  consider  it  unneeessary  to  pnr- 
me  fliis  (lui'srinii  turllier. 

A  '■nn-iderable  portion  of  tlie  argument  of  tlic  Senator 
froin  \ortli  rarolina  was  ilevnt^d  to  prove  that  tlie  Messa-ic 
of  thf  IVe-nhnl  did  not  lu-tify  tlo'se  anticipaticnis  of  war, 
w  liifli  if  aitpear-  |otn\  -r-iiaml  to  other  Senators  to  ilo.  \oi 
that  h'- 1 -ailed  in  ipi<-<l>on  th-'  na'm,i|  leuilere  y  <if  tlie  meas- 
ures reeomineinb-d  by  the  l*r"'--Hl''Mi,  n"r  ihr  tair  construe - 
tmn  i>f  hi-<  lan;>naL'e  ;  hut  In'  coiilrollid  thi-e  by  thf  e\trin-ie 
facis  to  wlie-h  I  have  adv  -rtrd.  I  sliall  saynoibinj  nmre 
upon  Ibis  snltjeei.  hul  I  shall  foriily  my  own  opinion  bv  rhe 
vii'ws  !■■  ,,;'!  r  m  inb  rs  of  this  body,"  who  are  entitled  to 
more  w  ■  iuht  ihan  I  am. 

Tin;  lionu. able  Heiialorfrom  yonlli  I'iirullriasaid  'Uhalllie 


reeominendntinn  in  the  Mesuniii'  I**  foimiled  upon  the  eon-  [ 
viction,  tlint  there  la  no  hope  of  eompromise  of  the  dllflcnl-  I 
til  ■^  urowing  nut  nf  the  IVe.ddtNilV  .Mis-nire  i.s  ton  clear  to 
ndnni  of  any  donhi." 

,\Oer  fome  furllier  remnrkf«,  Fhowini;  the  opinions  ennr- 
tnined  of  the  diumers  of  war,  he  adds  :  "  Kntert-iiniim  tlienc 
optnioMN,  \v<>  Were  compelled  In  oppose  notice,  because  it 
was  necessary  to  prevent  an  appeal  to  anna,  and  in»urG  the 
peaceful  wtllcment  of  Ih''  qiiei'tinn." 

And  the  Semilor  from  Maryland  said  :  "  U'n  have  all  felt, 
Mr.  I'renhlent,  tirat  at  ime  time  at  lea-t— I  trust  llmi  time  ift 
past— the  iia'ion  was  in  Inimiiient  daiiRer.     From  the  mn-  > 
inent  that  the   President  of  the  United  Stales  deemed  it  j 
ri'jlit  and  heeoniinc,  in  the  veryoutsi-t  ot"  lii^  oiricial  career,  I 
tn  anntmnce  lo  th<'  world  tliat  the  title  to  tlin  northwest  , 
t"rrihiry  was  char  and   indifpuiable.  down  l<t    his  Me.s- 
Ha-.'c  in  DecemluT  la-l,  I  could  not  (lee  how  war  was  to  he  > 
averteil.o 

Anil  the  lif>nnrable  Senator  from  I,ou|siann,  in  liii»  speech  ' 
yesttjrday,  advanced  the  same  opinion  upon  this  subject. 

And  tln^  Senator  fmin  (ieoritia  also  expressed  the  oaivic- 
tion  Hint  ''this  risolution.  ba-ed  as  It  is  nn  Ihe  Pre-idenl's 
Message,  Is  n  distinct  intimation  to  flreat  Hritain  that  this 
matter  mu^t  he  settled,  ami  in  u  imiiinrr  nceeptal)le  to  us,  nr 
that  at  the  expiration  nf  that  time  we  will  take  forcihjf  pos- 
ses.-irm  of  the  whole  country."  which  nf  course  means  war. 

And  he  adds  Hmt  '•  ttc  Si-nator  from  North  Carolina  tel!«« 
»•»,  that  the  Pre-iibnt  is  waitiiis  at  the  op^n  doorof  hiseabi- 
mt.  r''ady  to  atlju-'t  this  eontroversv.  and  to  prcervi'  lb" 
peace  of  the  cnijiitry.''  "  Sir,"  he  adds.  ••  even  with  Ihe  aid 
of  Ihe  Senator^  optica,  I  cannot  >ee  him  there."  And  he 
adds  also,  if  tliese  ibinirs  were  yn,  referrinc  to  the  vi"Ws  of 
the  Sctiaior  from  \orlh  Carolina  respcctinc  Ihe  Pp'cident's  , 
IMes^aLn',  •■  i  slidiild  be  >orry  to  dn  so."  And  I  fully  concur  i 
with  liiin  in  th<'  s<'nitmeni.  i 

Now,  sir,  I  ^  hail  not  thrust  rny.«clf  into  thi:=<  di-pute— 
*'  \on  nostiuia  inter  vns  taiiUi!*  cojnpnnerc  litcs." 

Durim;  the  proureps  of  thi.s  discussion,  the  hles.-lncH  of 
peace  ami  tin?  Imrrorsof  war  have  been  frequenilv  prcM'tited 
to  ns  with  the  force  of  truth,  and  sometimes  with  the  fer- 
vency of  an  excited  irmirination.  |  have  listened  atlcniively 
lo  all  this,  thou'ih  much  of  it  I  remember  to  have  heard 
Ihirty-nve  ycar.-;a?o.  Hiii  I  b"y  honorable  Senators  pi  iccol-  : 
li'ct.  that  upon  this  -itle  nf  iIm'  ejianibcr  we  have  interests,  ; 
and  families,  ami  hnmes,  and  a  coijntiy,  ns  avcII  as  th"y  ; 
have;  and  that  ^ve  are  as  little  di^po-cd  to  briiiL' war  upon 
our  native  land,  iinnrcesaiily.  as  they  can  be.  That  some 
nf  lis  k'lnw  hy  experience,  all  of  ns  hy  re:idin<i  and  redee- 
lion.  till!  calntiiities,  moral  ntid  phvsical.  tliat  war  linni.'-'  in 
its  train.  And  we  apprecirtie  the  hlc^sirii^  of  piaee  w  itli  a 
conviction  a;*  deep  and  as  .-lea'Vast.  .\nd  no  one  de>ires  its 
continuance  more  earne>tl\  ihan  T  do.  Hut  all  this  leaves  > 
unlouehed  the  only  real  snhj-r  .  ;'  inquiry.  That  is  not 
u  In  th'T  peac'  is  u  h'>  ■'y'iua  ami  war  a  curse,  but  whether 
peace  can  he  preser.  -i  i.nd  \*'ir  avoifled,  con->i.-t''nt!>*  with 
the  honor  ami  inierc-t  of  the  con  dry.  That  (pie-tiitn  may 
come  up  f.,r  solution  ;  and  i'  it  does,  it  niu.-t  he  met  b\'  each 
nne  nf  us,  with  .'i  lull  sense  of  its  alii'linir  imporlanc",  and  of 
his  own  re-pon-ibilit\'.  I  sup|io-;e  tie  re  j?;  not  a  i!t  niji'inan 
in  thi."  body.  Hdio  will  noi  --aK.  that  cases  may  occur,  even  in 
this  stape  of  the  world,  wliii-h  nnn  drive  this  country  m  the 
extreme  remedy  of  war,  radier  llian  she  should  submit  t. 
nrroiiant  (ind  unreasnnal.ie  demands,  or  to  direct  altaeks 
upon  our  riLdil.'  and  indi'pendcncc-  -like  impressinent,  or  the 
search  of  (Mr  .-hipf.  or  varioiH  other  nets.  \->y  wlii.'Ii  power 
is  preciircd  and  niaintainecl  over  the  timid  and  the  weak. 
The  true  pra'lieal  rpiesiicm  for  a  nation  is  not  the  cost  of 
war.  whether  nn-isnred  In-  dollars,  or  Indanci  rs,  or  hv  dis- 
asters, hut  \\  beilii  r  war  can  In?  honorably  avoiih-il ;  and  that 
(pii'-tion  cadi  piTson  Innioi,'  tin'  power  nf  detcrminatiou 
itni-i  dctcriinne  for  liim-"h".  when  the  case  i.s  prcH-ntcd. 
(I'lod  men  may  indiiLM^  in  ila\-di  ams  upon  ibis  subject, 
bn!  he  who  looks  upon  the  worlil  as  it  hn>  been,  as  it  is."  and 
tiH  it  is  likel>  to  he,  mn-t  se.-  that  Ihe  moral  constiintion 
of  man  has  nrnh  riroii"  little  eliaime ;  and  that  inli're>ts  and 
p  is.-ion-  op'  rate  not  le.-s  upon  ('cmnnnmlies,  than  they  did 
v.hen  Ihe  law  of  pnblie  miLdit  ua.s  the  taw  of  public  ri:;ht, 
moie  openly  a\ow  .-d  than  now.  Certainly  a  healthful  pnlilie 
opinirxi  exert-  a  sirtini.'eriiitim'nee  over  the  world,lli:m  at  any 
former  p-rioil  of  n^  hi>torv,  (iovcrnrncnts  are  more  or  less  re- 
strained In  it.andalllec!  theetli-elsof  it.  Mistresses,  and  fa- 
vorites, and  minions,  no  lonycr  drive  nations  to  war.  nnr  nie 
mere  (pie- turns  ot'(fi{piette  aiMon.Ttj.e  avowed  cau.-csot'Iios- 
iiliins.  It  I:;  not  prohable.  that  a  people  w  ill  ever  he  aL'ain 
nvcreoine.  hc-aihc  a.-tat''sninn  inny  consult  his  vanity  rather 
tlem  his  ta-i"  in  the  choice  of  his  pictures,  nor  that  the  state 
of  Knrop..  will  he  elianui  r|  heeaire  n  lady'.s  s-ilk  •rown  may 
he  spiiib  d  iiy  a  eiip  of  lea.  Iluinanitv  Ji.is  cained  sniiie- 
tbinc— let  iis  ho|  e  it  w  ill  aaiii  more,  ("luestinns  of  war  are 
pa-->inj  t'rom  eidijiiet-  1 1  the  p-  o)  |e.  If  they  ari-  disr  n«sed 
ill  sC'Tct.  tlii\  aie  al-o  (li-cii-><  d  lieinre  the  world,  lor  there 
is  not  a  (ioverniii''nt  in  t'liri-temiom.  \viii>-li  would  dare  to 
rusli  inio  war.  uidess  tjru  measure  were  sam'tion"d  hy  the 
slatr  of  )nd'lic  f  rhiij:.  Still.  Id  ns  not  deifivc  oer-elves, 
let  II-  not  yeteonviTtonr  sw-ords  into  phinu'h.-harc--.  tmrour 
sp  ars  into  preniuii-books  nornr -.deetthe  maritimtand  iniL 
iiirv  lietencv- of  the  country,  lulled  by  the  syn-n  son^' of 
peace,  peai'c.  when  there  may  he  no  p"iice.  I  am  afraiti  we 
have  rmt  yrnw  n  so  niuch  wiser  ami  bett'T.  than  (Uir  fathf  rs, 
as  inan>- cood  p^'oplc  suppose.  I  do  not  di-'-eni  upon  the 
liorizfin  of  the  tniuie  the  first  dawn  of  the  millcniiMn.  The 
ea'ileand  thehoii  will  nor  alwavs  lie  d"wu  in  peace  to:,'"ib'r. 
Nations  are  yet  -ubjiet  tobuman  passi(ais,and  are  too  oitci, 

their   victims.     The  (Jovcri nt.  which  should  sav.  I  will 

not  defend  myself  by  torce.  would  soon  have  nothing  lo  de- 
fend. An  Iionoiable  Senator  quoted  a  remark  I  made  some 
lime  since— I  \;il|  not  say  with  a  sneer,  bui  with  an  appear- 
ance of  di-approliatitni— that  it  was  b-tter  p.  defend  thi'  Hr-t 
inch  of  natiitnal  t'rritory  than  the  la-l.  Does  the  Inniorable 
Senator  bc|ii-v.  in  the  (-onverse  of  tins  prnposjiion  r— that  it 
is  heller  to  dcPiid  the  li-t  imdi  of  territory  than  Ihcfir-t.' 
If  he  does.  I  -iiiiccrely  trii-t,  as  well  lor  his  own  sake  as  for 
the  >ake  ol"  to  ctmiiir' .  t'lai  he  m:n  never  hi*  dri\i'u  to  ettr- 
reei  his  I'rror  in  He  school  of  r'X)>eiii  nee.  What.  In^wevcr, 
tUe  Senator  t"totii  New  Jersev  did  imt  do,  ihc  Senator  from 
North  Carolina  hiis  done.      Ho  sneers  at  tcrritoridl  as  w  ell 


H*  vatriotir  iiwhr^  ;  lie  inenni  n  *•  line  in  finhstnncn,  not  f  rcriy 
itir/t.^f  '*  r  dn  nnt  measure  my  own  nr  other  people's  patrl- 
oti-m  hy  the  I'mVf."  "Ilnworu'^  .^meri'-an  blood  IhiiIs  nt 
the  thoiiiihlid'  ceding  mr^rv."  lie  does  not  tell  ih  by  what 
f-Iandard  he  would  measure  the  soil  of  the  Itepuhlic.  nr  the 
patriotism  of  her  people.  It  is  eviib'iit  that  he  does  not  be- 
lieve that  wise  idd  s'lyinir,  "  Give  a  man  an  inrh.  nn<l  lie  will 
take  iin  pf/."  flive  nnniionn  ;-mall  strip,  and  it  will  demand 
II  htrcer  one.  To  attemjit  lo  purcbnse  sabdy  by  coiii*i'-sion 
is  to  build  a  bridge  of  yold,  not  for  n  iPlrentiiic,  hut  t!ir  nn 
advaneim{  enemy.  Nations  are  like  the  danifhtera  of  the 
Inuse  leech  ;  they  cry,  "irlve,  uivc."  |i  Is  idle,  ^ir,  lo  array 
ourselves  eiminst  the  powerlul  Inftiiicts  nf  liiinmn  nature; 
and  he,  whoi.sdead  to  their  influence,  will  find  as  little  sym- 
paHiviiiHii.s  niienfthe  world,nshe  wnuld  have  foimdhnil  h« 
liveii  in  Che  nuci  tliat  nre  pas.'^ed.  If  we  cutler  nur>elves  to 
he  trniMen  upon,  tf»  he  dcErndcd,  to  be  despnilcii  of<inr  ttnnil 
name  and  our  rliflils,  uml  t  the  pretext  tliat  war  Is  unwortliy 
of  us  (»r  our  time,  we  shall  And  ourselves  in  the  d"crepitudc 
of  n'.;e,  betore  we  have  passed  the  period  nf  manhood. 

A  L'reat  deal  h:\i*  been  ^ald  in  L^oLdand,  and  not  a  little  in 
the  I'nit'd  States,  resjjeetimr  our  craspin^t  propensity  in  de- 
niaiidin!.'ihe  whole  ot  Orepon;  and  we  havehcen  solemnly 
aihnoni-hed  of  the  awtui  n'spotisjlijliiy  nf  involvingtivoyreat 
nations  in  war.  The  subjei'i  in  dispnic  is  ^uld  not  to  he 
worth  t!ie  perils  a  conilict  w  oiild  brins  with  it;  and  the  hon- 
orable Sen  iior  from  .Maine  has  exhibited  tn  n*,  as  in  a  bal- 
aiice,  the  di.-ii-ters  nf  war,  and  th"  value  nf  the  matf'^r  in 
conirnversv,  and  has  made  oiirtctriioriil  cptiins  to  knk  ihu 
hcMin.  Pirmit  me  to  turn  to  tlie  oHi-t  sid«i  of  thj-:  pietur.'. 
I  acknowlcilieihi'  mor.il  ohliuiiilon  o,'(jovcriimeiils  to  avoid 
wir,  wImtc  hinlier  ohhuation'-  ilo  not  drive  them  lo  ii.  I  will 
not  call  Eri.:larid  the  Phari.seonf  miHnns.  hut  I  will  sav  that 
«h''  does  not  hide  the  litdit  of  her  own  uood  deed  mider  » 
bush.'l.  The  ncenn  scarcely  heals  njion  n  shore  witliii  sijht 
of  wiiich  her  flair  is  iml  seen,  and  within  sound  of  uhiiji 
her  drum  is  nnt  heard.  .And  yet  her  mndertiion  is  prnclaiiii- 
ed.  and  nl>en  with  the  snund  ol"  her  cannon,  tVnm  oie>  end 
of  the  civilized  world  to  the  other.  She  ii  wtt  iihc  ofier  nu- 
tioif,  and  l'a--t  of  all,  like  th  t  "tc-it  <:rii-^j.in-(  inohoirun,  of 
the  l^t■<^  *' I  thank  find,"  -aid  the  Pliari«ee  of  old,  "that 
I  am  not  as  other  men  are."  Noiv  the  chapter  nf  acciilentd 
has  turned  up  t'avnrably  for  RiiLdnnd,  if  she  will  acept  thn 
opportiii>ir>'  afl"nr(led  her.  No  man  in  this  eniintry  wants 
war— .■''/^■,:7■,^•  nn  more  thnn  '-^inirrnnUhtr,  if  I  may  it'-e  terms 
jir  tilled  by  the  occn-inn.  The  exlremepanj-an  nf  deci-ive 
measures  a-ks  nnlhinc  hut  the  whole  of  Orcsoti.  f;ive  bin) 
thru,  and  he  will  h  'coiiic  ns  meek  as  tlie  latest  profes  or  of 
humility,  wlu>  writes  honi'Iies  upon  natioiril  nifubTation 
for  the  London  Times.  Now,  sir, let  Kni.dind  abaml'm  her 
pretensions,  and  all  i!ies.-  di-a-ler-',  t'i''coii  .([uercis  ofwa;, 
wbieli  are  t'oreiopl  ;ii,  I  I  do  not  doubt  nriiiy  of  tlieiti  Jii-r- 
ly  forettdc!— will  ^i\e  way,  and  exist  only  in  the  memory  cd' 
thi':  debate.  There  i.s  no  condition  of  t'liiiL",  foreseen'  l-y 
any  man.  laiblic  nr  private,  in  this  entrntry,  which  cth 
trive  to  KiiL'land  n  betPT  line,  than  49°.  The  country  nortli 
of  that  line  is  tlierefnre  nil  she  could  ynin  by  a  conte  i, 
which  i.i  to  involve  the  fearful  consequences  predicted 
to  both  cotintries;  which  rlnrniu'  its  procress,  it  is  said,  will 
hriiii!  nniion  nfler  nation  witliin  the  sphere  of  it-*  opera- 
tion, and  which  is  l!nnlly  to  cnnimit  to  the  decision  of  tin; 
sword  the  L'reat  que-tmn  nf  free  tovi.'rnnicnt  ihrniiirh  ilie 
world,  hy  placinir  in  its  pntli  the  nntaaoni-^tic  princi[ile.  tliat 
the  many  should  be  snverned  by  the  ffw.  What,  then, 
Would  r.nslnnd  siirrfuidcr  to  preserve  Hie  peace  of  the  world, 
and  thus  uive  Hie  flrst  practical  proof  of  rnoderaiion  mle 
found  in  th"  loim  annals  nf  le-r  liistor>  '  I  a-rree  fully  with 
Hie  iMmorahlc  Senator  from  ]Mi--(Miri,  [.^f^.  .\i-(iiison'.]  that 
if  Fiijlaiid  woidd  acknou  ledu'c  oiir  n:.'bt-.aiid  withdraw  her 
o[iposition  to  thcni,  and  should  then  a-k  n  hciti'r  access  to 
th"  ocean  for  her  interior  tirritorios,  I  would  ((rnnl  it  Hith- 
niit  hciialion.  as  n  favor,  upon  the  mo-t  rcasonnblc  coii>i.l- 
eration.  If  tbi.^  should  be  done,  she  wouhi  have  left  about 
three  hundii.'d  miles  ot'  cftast  tn  tiLdit  for;  and  I  will  minin 
the  rpie-iion  otthe  uenili  iiinn  from  .Maine,  nnd  nskifthtH 
snip  of  laml  is  worth  the  price  of  sindi  a  eont"-i ,-  F.niiland 
i-  alrcad\  cor^M  d  with  pos-*--ion--,  both  coniincntnl  and  in- 
sular, overrun,  alini'st  overloaded  with  ^nhjcets  of  all  en  tes. 
colors,  and  condition.  .\]  thi.s  very  nionieiit.  ^l|e  is  wa;:;int; 
two  wars  of  aearandi/emcnl — one  for  eonimercial  projects 
upon  the  La  Plata,  and  the  other  for  a  new  empin*  upon  the 
iMiliis.  The  late-.t  .Morniti'i  Cbionicte  I  have  seen,  one  nf 
last  month— and  tliat  paper  is  Hie  AVhi::  nruan  of  KiiLdnnd— 
says,  ami  th"  proposition  is  ennnciafed  wilh  chnra't-iisiic 
oohicss.  and  with  ns  mu'h  apparent  la-idnr.  as  if  it  wera 
extracted  from  the  latest  treatise  upon  pn)  lie  moials,  ••  :cr 
r.m  never  govern  ItJ^ia  so  i.c'/  <ts  u-c  ml:ftt^  •tifif  vf  jms'-ris 
//i;' e/cj/c  o/' (7,"  ,\  congenial  5cmini''nt  i:'  qii:»e  ns  mu^'li 
nt  home  in  c\ery  rnch.sh  hrea=t,  tlmt  *imcrir>'  ii-ou!f  he  nvtck 
f.i'!t''y  S'lin-vcilth  :u  >'  f«.  if  F>t^!<nld po-^'^cf^cil the  'rholcofit 

Let  the  IJritish  Covernment  now  :^ay.  two  wnr^  at  Iho 
same  liiiie  are  enoii;:h  lor  the  pnrpo.'Ts  of  a^araiidi/.enieni. 
We  will  not  eneonnter  a  thinl~we  will  nive  up  Hii^  donbt- 
I'lit  and  di-pnted  claiiii.  and  h'ld  nn  in  .America  to  what  wc 
h;ne  cc't -we  will  do  so  miicli  for  pe.-we.  Let  lier  do  thi-', 
and  l.for  one,  will  ^-ay, ''cH  f/>i*c.  Vni  bc^iii  to  praetiic, 
tboiiLih  iip'in  ;i  --m:ill  scmIc,  as  yon  preai  h.  .Ami  whv  not  do 
so.*  This  t  TMlorv  is  M'parated  by  an  o'-ean  anrl  a  continent 
tVom  Fn-rland.  She  cannot  loni!  h  dd  it,  if  she  shoidd  -iain 
it.  I  ne-aii  lo  ;i:.  coni|iarcd  \\\i]\  th"  life  of  nations  ;  whereas 
if  joins  us.  intervenes  bi'twcen  us  and  our  comimmicaiion 
\\iih  111"  Paeiiie.  will  lorm  nn  inle^'ral  — I  do  not  i!oiihi  a 
perpi  tnal—porlirm  of  cnir  colli'' ileraey.  will  he.  in  time,  .-i 
necc^-aiy  outlet  for  mir  population,  and  prc-ents  all  those 
eh'ineiits  of  coniiL'uiiy  and  of  poidlion,  whieh  indicate  and 
invite  political  unions. 

Hut  it  has  been  said  and  resaid,  in  the  Senate  and  nut  of 
ii,  that  two  irreat  nations  cannot  yo  to  war.  Ami  whvean- 
nor  tw-oirrcat  nations  l'o  to  w.-r  aL'idiet  one  another,  as  w.dl 
as  iwo  creat  na'ionv  comhined  a;:;nn-I  a  r-niall  one.'  .So  tar 
as  li.iii"rcotiteitins  a  dtsp.iniv  of  force,  lin-  liirmer  wnuld  ho 
inui-li  more  hoiiorahlc  Ihaii  Hie  latlet. 

What  is  .'foinii  on  in  tlie  La  Plata,  wliere  France  and  F!it<r- 
land  b;ive  -ent  their  nniicd  tb'efs  and  aniii"--  against  the  Ar- 
rj.'niliic  npnblie.  nnd  wteTc  the  echoes  of  thejr  cannon  are 
a-'-cmtin:!  the  Parana  and  i;s  vast  tributaries,  till  Ihev  niu 
lo^t  in  the  yort:cs  of  iliu  Amb.'s  r 


.:1 


m 


i 


•ii 


498 


JilVrii  CoNn 1st  Srss. 


APPKNDIX  TO  THE  rONGRESSIOi\.\I.  GT.ORK. 

The  Orvi^nn  (Question — Mr,  Cass, 


Sknatk. 


TUrrt'  I'lifi  I  ;.  ■  «  111  ill  Ihix  ciilialirt'iicil  njinnf  tin*  wnrlit ! 
W'lirtl.  llit'M,  if  p  ;  -iiiif  in  Afiicii.  where  cmk'  liiindriil  tlitni- 
91)11(1  t'!irij>li;n  lt;i>"ii  i-hiiv.  iinvm  iIh-  Arah  (Vnni  lii-*licinu', 
Hiiil  iiri-  iiUMiiiiii.'  him  iitio  the  tl' ^'I'M,  tliu  n  rtit{f  fit'  tlh-  (iir- 
hitii  -iiiiM-  ih<'  (I  !>)•  "t  ihf  i>a!ri;in'hi«r 

\ViiHt  Is  im-'-iim  ii|hiii  ih>'  t*tinrt'^  nt'ihc  I'uviiii-,  wtM'rctln' 
CitN^iU'U  hA^  U'l'I  hip-  Miiltvi'  |)hiiii!>.  ntid.  hi  Hu'  i-nll  <))'  ltu.><.iii, 
u  iiMviiihiiB  the  ri'iat''*  "f  Ihf  ('iiu»-a.--ii''  i*'  ■uli'lin-  it-iiiiti- 
ucrnm-i  rit'  •'",  ami  l>>  MiiU'tiluh'  thr  iniUl  ml''  i>i  tli*'  Mum  •>- 
vih'  I'lr  Ihi'ir  nwii  t'it'riiuilml  t'uini  of  Kuvniiiiu'tir— 'Icpt'iMl' 
tilt'''  u|hMi  th<'  (V.tir  till-  <l(>|K>iiih-iiri    iipuM  Ihiiii-i  \\v-f 

Ami  \Miai  1.-*  )iit<>iii<;  in  Hit'  l'iiii,,aiil),  wIhtc  .  m-  Iu-(  iiil- 
m-t-ii  li'i'l  twii  imuhi>  aniiirs  iihiNi-^i  \miiiiii  hnji.t  m'  i-at-ti 

•  >iii  T.  nitiT  hiiMiiii  ti>ii::h(  a  urt  iii  hullle  im  itiiulitn  iiin''itiun 
a«:ah)»l  Knaiili  nt<;inult  m  ! 

Aiiil  Itit^v  r>im -im't' ail  raliulih'Di'il  (iitvi  nnnciit.  j<ni- cj- 
r.  /  I'jhf.  hiiiKf  {'.%•■  Inrri  r  uC  I'lKtir-i-  |ii»\\  'T.  \\  tin  li  ha-  m» 
lnhji  in-'iilati  <l  a  \.i-\  ''in|iir>',aml  "i-iiil*  I'll  ih-inay  ami  tli'itih 
aloue  iw  t'<>a>l>.  t''<an-<-  ii<  ml-r-  hint  inl<iili<'i>-i|  th<- ••air 
ni  i.piiiiii,  a  ilin:  i-i|iiall.v  il<  ^-tnii'IUi-  !'»  itif  iiinal  la''iil(ii''< 
ami  iJilii-  [iU>,-iral  piiH.'-r,'  -tt'iiuiii;  Thi-  Tariar  pa,-.-til  tin- 
V.Tf\\  «.ill.  ami  |tlaiit.''l  lii-.  )iiir,-«c  laiN  nputi  iht-  (uwri  -  nr" 
IV^kiii.  il>>  ilit'ii  !)' •  .1111''  a  ('hMi«-rt>,  U'lil  Ihc  riiipirr  Weill 
<i,i  a.>  hi'tiM'.  \\\\\  111.  I',nuh-!tiiiaii.  will)  Iih  raiiiior  Itallf 
ant  hi-  u|i:ii:ii.  hn-  irinoiliiiril  mi  iiniMvuttiii  iiitn  ihc  halm.- 
aml  <'i>tiiliTi((ii  \\\  i>'i< -ihinl  luirl  *'i  ttir  hiiinaii  rui't.',  uliiili 
iii;i>  la'.illy  all' ri  ii-i  ruMin*  |»|u,.pi-rily. 

Ahtl  W\w  1<>  lu  I-  II  viii'-i   an  I'uvh'li  ariii>'  pi!"'i>il  \\\v  cati'H 

•  It' A-iia,  an  I,  II  f'mlihL'  li'>'  taoh'  laml  im  'tlhU  <'.>iiiiii'Mi.  iC 
It  It  itt  mit  t).''-ii  jMiiihilal'  il  liy  a  ■<*'ru '^  ni'  <li>])-it  {<.  wln<  h 
t)av  '  i'-  ->v  |Kirall(  I  in  iii>>t|rrn  uariar<'.  niiulil  linvc  n'\<;r;-f  (I 
t'li)  uMir-ti  <i|  Al  '\a;i<l<  I,  ami  r<'a<-li>->l  ilit-  M>'ilih>rriinfaii  hy 
Ni.d'V  11.  ail')  Italivlmi,  ami  Ji'rii  aliMiif 

Aml  I'lilj  Uw-  slMTl  year.-  liavii  <  lap/*fil  ^ill^f'  Chn^lian 
caaii'in  v\  -x  ■  li<  aril  ui  ttif  iii'Miiiiain-  m  l.>  baiion.  ami  tlKir 
hsi.tih- f\|>l<>ii<"l  amoiiu  i)ii>  l>r.ik>'iniini,nni<-nt<  <ii  Snlfii. 

(a  tliin  li.ir:  vit.'.'.  uml  mv  imv  tirpi'mlmix  iiiitl  r^-iriit  war-^, 
I  <l )  iiotatttiTl  t  >  i.H>  lin.-rihti  -^  L'liitiu  on  atii'ini:  -iuik'  oi  ihf 
Slat  >  ni'  :*^):iiii-fi  uiium  ii|'tm  wxi*  cuutiiii  til,  i:i  ll'i.vii,  iii 
S.>.iMi  rii  Airna.  n|Hiii  ili-  rnmiH  r- oi'ilir  i-ipltHi\  ailln'*apt- 
(11  (;  >'>il  Il>i|)' ,  in  .Mail:i<iaM  ill, :i;i>l  in  vari'iii-.  i.-laiicl^  ni'  tlif 
K  i-l  rti  i»'-i'aii,  lp -iMU-t' ij.'-.'  ,tr''  ^m■l!l  wi.r,-.  ami  finim-  nf 
liM'in  ari-  waited  l>y  i-i\  ilizi'it  ii;tliiiii~a;  im.-i  harlia/mi-  irih  ■-, 
am!  Iianily  vvoii'i>  ui'  ail'iiiMin  in  llu  .  •>  thv-i  oi'  pttil  inrtni 
in  — ultMa'i  |i;iitiint!iM»pv  Willi  li  iiiyli-t-  iit-j. « I-  ii;  iiii.-'T>  iii 
hotiii',  ^^lii'ili'T  III  Kmiliml  it  IM.hkI.  ilit<  nlit  t' i.r  vOir  Ii 
wntii.l  It '  -il  at  ;mii|  iiiiohtni  ivc,  ainl  '«i  i  k-  th'tii  •« '  r^  uIm  re 
fl-rihiiMuli  III''  \iiirlil,l:iai  lm'>  ina\  '  ■  iinhi  (I  iif  amlc\- 
liiliiiiMl  a>  pKM)'-  tu'  h(>:i<'\''!i  iii-r — uhitli,  a-  an  nniiK  iit 
FrtiiiMi  \\  riuM  siH-,  uwrjnokr*  llir  \»aiiH  »'t'  tmr  iii'i::!i- 
h'jr^,  but  )!••-'•  ('■  t'M-  mtrlii  pnh-  up  ni  a  mi-aili-  nt'  ('haiiix ! 
wiiir  1  hu--  anitiiiat  ■  hnrri^  al  ilir  v  ri>  nl-a  ni  lil;i'k  >la\riy . 
l.il  luok.-*  ralaiK  and  |iliil<>.-i)|iiiii.-ally,  iiiid  uitli  n<>  Ixiui'U  ui 
ejiin>i>!*n»ii,  nor  ctmipiinrliiin^  nt'  n-inorr-t'  upon  u  nil  ■  i.|;i- 
V.  ry  ami  iifiiWii  !'lui'r>,  .iiiniiiDLnsi  h*  million-*  ii|i<tri  mil 
lioil^ia  Uu-.-ia,  and  in  *'•<•  I'lijilidi  [Wsf-ious  m  Inni)  ami 
iN''wiirif,  b  '.ini'.  linjiit.-  '..  iiii-  ^(•|■\i(ml•  i-*  iml  in  Iln-  | 
\  liit'-d  .Slat-?,  and  nLiilur  cui'oii  nur  rujttr  v\ill  be  airt'uu-d 
l>\  it. 

Tiif-f,  and  t'u-  Brljiui  war.  and  Iln-  S[iaiii.-h  uar.  uml 
r»p  Ur  ■!  k  ^*u'.  an-  .  vniis  ut  hut  y.-lrnln  .  j.i  ••nuiidiiiji  in 
fiur  car-,  and  dwelling  ii|i');i  mir  tomiii'-..  And  1  iiiiulit  .m 
on  wiiii  the-)-  proii.-  ami  iliii-iMinni-  o:th  ■  pni'iiai-iini-  dis- 
i>'>«iii>'ii  nllh''  world,  lilt  youi  )i.Ltii.'ii'-i>  and  mini'  )\rrt-  <.'\-  ' 
liau-te  1. 

\Vh\.  Mt,  ill:  i^'l.iii  i  lia.l  a  t-mplc  i.rJann-.  a-  Ilnine  had 
oM.l  l.'u  uoidd  lp«'  a-  -tl  io'ii  shut,  a-  wa-  iiiai  o^  h  r  luip-- 
li.d  pruiolvp  .  Tnr  !ir-l  li:!''  n  >r.ir-  Ui'  tin-  xiry  (■.iitiiry  , 
^\pl■|■  m-  iriy  all  p:)->i-d  iii  tin  i;r*-alt'-l  u  ar  kmitvii  p<  rlia|)«  iii 
li)i-n'ui.il4  ut'iut.iki:id;  aii't  im  r--  iir-S  -naior-*  u\  tins  bnd\ , 
Mad  I  aiittm:!  ihi'  mi  •.)>-i.  u  I:  i  w  r  -  l<  •rn  at  tlh'  tlosi-  nt'imi' 
w-.r  wii:i  K  i.-l  lu-l.  mhIh.im-  Imd  ttirMii.'ii  ain'iiM  r,  and  uho 
ar-' [1  iimjj;  i!«-  tin*  il  tiM\  iin.»  a  tliinl.  And  \v\  /.i  alon- 
Iml  ^1  jiid/iii|[  III  n  vwnild  try  t  I  in.Iui-  n-  lo  f:i>i  li>  .an 
annur,  aiil  I  .y  up  n  tair  cmijitry,  beran<r,  lor-iiuth,  lin'  ayi- 
IS  to  >  i-idi<!  it  m-d  I'l  I'llrati  war.  lam  al'iaid  \m-  are  imt 
ai  uoiMi  a- ('.I'l'  iic-:c<.mii,  <:t  ..II   ^>icrijfiyj  ^t  r.ti,;(lt' //ict/i- 

Hut,  Mi.toadv.  il  1 1  anii;.rr  I  P|m-.     I  pi*rr<'iVf — and  I  am 
liappy  t  Mind  It  >.» -t'tal  li.ri''  l.a*  Ifi-n  a  iH'arrr  nninn  ot' 
»>iitiiit  III  iMi  ".n-  hr.imh  "I  tlii-  rii'tj  ft  hi  tuc-ii  ijn'  iionoi 
a'lh*  .Si'd.iior  iViMi  .M  ir\|aiidaud  in>.-<li  tnan  I  lia  I  ^^l|^p  p-ii|. 

All  I  rrari  t  in.  t.iai  b  -  iiad  iioi  av.iw.  il  in-  o, i-..,  Iht  in 

t;if  i.  >-i.(ii ;  I'lr  I  >!i  old  I  tnvi'  f-  Ii  mv-iir^r  aii\  •  n.-mi  a.r.  ,t 
111  in.  <-(Mir.-i  li>  IlliM'l  l.lity  I  Pi  oil  r  \itn-  |.-p..  tiiii;  tie'  d;i.i 
K.T  ut"  III-- ripiin'ry.  Thi-  l.n'ioiatpli  ifiilh  man  >;iy  -  :  -  U'r 
>  .ill  lia\  ■  lilt  at  oM<- tiiiir.  at  l''iu>t— I  tiit^i  that  that  lime  Iia> 
'  p'i>^  d-lb-  iMli-pauaniii  imtiilm-ntilanf^rTol  v\ai."  --rri'iii 
'  t^l'.*  lilom   III  l.i     IVf-id   Id   "f  Ihf   liilt   d   Sial.sd -iim-d  II 

•  ri.'bt  a  id  h  -"■MiniiiL',  i!i  lii*  \-  r>  on;-*,  tm  hi-otlii-iai  '  arrtr. 
'  lit  aihioitaoi'  in  III  wo.  Id.  that  t<n'  tilti- onhi:  l.'fill'-d  r^'alo 
'  m  tin-  llo,-tinvt■^l  |.*rritor>  »a--  'I  -ar  andimlir-putalih'.  dnu  n 
M..  tin  p-jiiid  !i:  Ins  >I  >^s.ii--  in  l».  r  ni'p.-i.  u  h' n  h'-  r*  ii- 
'.rtt'-d  till  ;t"»-ili  pii,  I  I'laild  not  -■>•  ti<n\  it  ■ail-'  pi.s^ihh' 
■  uar  wa-  to  h-  a\i-rt  d.''     '■  I  <''ailil  Jioi  hut  li.-trn  u  iili  iIh- 

•  nia\  and  aliuui  at  u  lial  !■  II  iioni  iln-  lin-iiii'j'Ji-iii  U  .^■.■nalttr 
'  iPMii  Mi>  Id^iiri  at  an*  a-U  p  riod  oi  tin-  ^'  -«n.n." 

Niiu,  >ir.  I  lm\tr  ii'd  the  -Iriiliti-'t  wi-h  to  mi-iiihrpn-i  Mm- 
M'lilini'-Ml-orihe  S  -nali.r  I"i«pin  Mir\laiipi  ;  hiil  I  I'ratikiv  i  on 
I.;.-*  I  d  J  llPl  nmf'-r^ta.nl  iioiv,  Wlhl  Ih''  opinion  In-  .  \pre--i  -, 
llljll  wai  ua-  unaV'iidahie,  an>  r.  aiirhs  nl  nnne  ii.iild  inivi- 
been  tn  1-  itiaiaet  T./ ■  1.  I  a.n  u.Jl  auaie,  ind- >  .1,  |]<al 
Ihev  ea>iM-  like  a  lio.id)  •tfH  ml  <  a  poud<r  rnaL'</.iMe.  Itiil 
'A  hi.  I  hav  ■  \- 1  lo  t"T-ii.  I. ike  the  liMnora!p;eS-<iaroi  lion 
>|:inl;iihL  1.1-   .11' nl    I    i-ad   Ih-    riiMd'Hl's   M..v.u:r,  | 

•  )W.  to  iii>  o.M i\  "hoM  'It  le.i-l.  Unit   oitr  II  lalion-  ui|]i 

LiiKUml  wer'- in  a  •'•iii'-at   piiii.iliuji ;   and   tiiai   a  n  ijard  to 

iiUI  dPl!\  .  a-  fepn  ."    nl  IfiVe*  illld   ^fjitPIH  I'  ol'  llje  pi  np|r.  le 

ipiir-  d  11-  Ip)  liki  III-  .ism,  .  of  pre.  a-iiion.  pio[ii.rii'.ii.  d  i-t 
ia  ■  ilatiit   r.  wli  a 'V   i  Iliat  tiiiiiht  Np-.     Tin    l'ii--l<Ieiii,  vmMi 


vcr>'  tt'iini'inii.;  a->  lo  the  wnril.  I  do  mpl  atlat-h  that  lin)n»rt- 
anee.  in  I'net.  to  tin-  eonditloii  iIhiH.  \^  liieh  |hf>  Semilppr  I'roni 
Noiili  raripjina  itpp<'ar<<  to  d'l,  I  dim  willinittoeall  il  e|ii--i  <l, 
or  tenniiiiil' d.  ol  -n-^ti  nil.-d,  or,  in  tin-  K\eetp(iv.  pln-'-e, 
■*  dldpp'  d.*'  All  I  u  l-ll  lo  ^boW  irt,  llllit  llolhllia  wiiM  ifoinu 
nil.  W'iiy  ihe  liipiiipiahh- SeniHorfroin  N'orili  ('aroiinii  ilwelt 
will)  Mh'b  ei(rne-lne<-  ii|Miii  Ihi-'  [imni,  I  do  not  i-'miprelieml, 
Hll|e!«s,  imh-i  d,  lie  -llpponeit,  Ihat  )t'  Ihe  Iie<joli-Uiolt<4  \\ere 
elosrd.tlni   \\i  re  "|..--d    toreV.T.  (»m  oml    till-    reaeli    ol"  the 

pintles.     It  ^neli  Wire  hi>  \iew^.  I  il< t  pariakp'  tln-ni.     I 

tin><t  no  tp'''-t1oil  ol  nn-re  rtnpietie  will  keepllie  partie-'  -e(>- 
aialt  (I.  It  olliei  iiienniMailep-H  ^l.olllll  indit  -lte  lliiy  miuhl  he 
bioiiuhl  Ippui  tlier.  Sinb  a  ro<ir>'e  nl  ailiori.  or  ralbet  iprni- 
ii'lioii,  would  i|i>perv>'  Ihe  ripripbalio])  of  tile  whole  world. 
Mm  howevir  tin-  mu\  b--.  the  J'li-idi-nl  >aid.  M.!/  ,ili -f- 
/(■/(i/rf«  .;/  «.)(»/n-t)«n'M  halt  t.^ihiK  'I'lie-^e  are  lii<  wordf.  M" 
iitviti'd  tis  lo  uiv4<  the  not  lee.  t'orthe  I'Timiialinii  of  tin-  joini 
ipeeiipatioii  iil'tli'  eonnii  \ .  II"  -aid  i)  \\i\<  alt  ipiir-.  and  //le/ 
our  tUlc  to  it    '-(n  iPf.i/d/.fNii-''  1-11  ityvt'nt:;>ihlv  ,i'it\  i.tui  <iriu 

>.ii>»fu   •     Tlliil     111!     ..111.1     11I..1     llifil     »l     till,     i.i.il   i.r    111   >      I  ..iir     ill.. 


diiK  Kuur.t  t->  tn 


,niriMl)iht\ .  a-   w  II  a> 


-  of  III-  eoiititivnitii.  -pn  ad   h-  f ore 


I'Xpeetallon 

In.-  "wn  views  a!iii  rct 

tliHll-  eiirieip  pimIi  ll'i-. 

t;  iv.-rnimiii*.  p>n  the  ^' 
theri-  wii-  u  it'-adbaU  m  li>< 


II  til 
.  IKPl  < 


pilv 


iiinend.iItoii.H.  hnl   tin-  uh<pli   dip; 


I  had  p:i 
ll.j.et  id  tire 


■il    IH  iwe 


■u  Ih'-  lu.i 


W.jl.  w.    .ill   -aw 


11  Mpli-inii  iliilv.  i-oininiKcd  to  him  bv  the  I'lpn-lilillion. 

dm- would  think  thp-re  were  element  enipni:li  ni'lrniihe 
to  enija.'p' Ihe  alteiiliini  01  the  National  l-eL'i-Iiiiiire.  ami  to 
I  luimnnd  11'  iniim  ilrile  ,-ietioii.  Il  the  •ihlp  ol  ,^tale  Weri" 
to  II  -  -I  ered  by  Iln-  <  liaii  ihii-  prepared  b>  the  pilot,  eilln  r 
(Ireiil  Iliiiiiin  mn-l  tnin  I'lmn  her  eoiir-*c.  m- w--  mii-t  meet 
her.  Tin  re  vsn-*  no  inh>r  aiteriuiiive.  .<he  iiiii-t  iiaiii-n> 
iniieli  r'he  bad  s  ml.  ."^lie  mii-t  rehmpii  )i  mm-h  ^ln'  hail 
elaini'd.  She  mn-i  coneede  nim-li  -he  b.nl  denied,  f^he 
iiiii-l  do  w  hii  a  pioiiil  nidion  diti  s  w  ith  ri  Im-tainM'— reiraee 
her  .-tip.  in  tie- iiiee  oi'the  wipilil.  ami  li'Wei  lit  r-.!  It' in  If  1 
iputi  I  -lunation.  I  dul  not  -a.\  ^be  wonid  not  do  nil  lbi>.  I  do 
no)  -.:iv  -o  now.  lint  lookmi;  to  In  r  hi-tor\ .  to  her  pooiiion. 
and  Itt  ihe  iuo[i\.  -Ill  |mni;in  rondnr:— ii^  the>e  op.  rale  iiipoii 
eoninitimii  --.  ;>-  well  a.,  upon  individiiid- — I  bad  iii-'itt  ditli- 
eiil|\  in  hebi-MiiL'  tinil  >he  wotild  do  it,  and  I  siiid  so.  .\iiil 
llieri'  wa-i  yet  anoilier  element  oi  uMeertamt^M-oinbined  wit  It 
all  lln-e  raii-e.!  of  enib  :Mr:^^-Im■lll.  and  that  wa^  tin-  doiibt. 
if  rb.«  (-am-- III  the  p;ini!l' I  of  ID,  wb.  titer  r^tie  wmilil  lind 
oiir  <i'o\eimiieni  read>  io<-oii(e  bui  k  to  tin  same  Inn'.  I 
know  iioibinu  "f  ibe  inteni-oh-  of  eiiln-r  tJ.iverninent  njn'ii 
that  .(ibj.ei.  I  laiini'i  >p"ak  iitithoritati^  p-ly,  ainl  tlieretore 
I  dt)  not  undertake  lo  -p  -ak  at  all.  I  knnw  a.s  liit'e  a>  any 
one  Ml  Ibis  rppoiii.  be  In-  aetor  or  f.p.-elalor  in  the  r-eeiie 
that  i-  pa-slPi-.'.  Wln-tln-r  the  ojfer  woidd  be  a<-e.'pted.  if  re- 
peated, or  wh'  Ibcr  il  would  bp-  repeah-d,  if  d'-mandi-d.  .AM 
I  know  w.  th.it  it-  the  ha-is  oj  an  amieable  arljii.-tnn-nt.  that 
liiiie.  w  bieh.  wlnh-  it  iii'-iid-  some  lll|ln:^  mar-  others,  ih 
every  thi>  iiien-a-iin:  the  ihtli'-tilty  of  ii- e-nibli-biiM  nl ;  and 
thai,  as  a  means  ot'  termiaatm-i  this  eontroversy.  I  believe 
Ihe  ipit"»inm  I':  rapidly  pi--in::  t'rom  tin-  eohtrol  of  the  d'ov- 

l-rmnelit  lo  III.-  eoni(-Ml  of  pllbhe  opHlioll. 

I'lid.  r  lhe,e  eir>  iilil-t;il.',T..  1  inlrodueed  ri'solutiony  nt'ill- 
ipiin  into  liie  ii.ee— ii\  tit  a-biptMej  mea-iure-i  t'ortli"  detent-*' 

of  tl »niilr\ .  and.  on  I'l--  l.'.th  of  0 nih'-r.  I   advueated 

then  adipp'i-tii  and  e\pt  tiiu-d  pii\  \ lew-:. of  w hieli  1  ba\ e  riovv 
troubled  Ihe  S.  n.iti  with  a  hrnf -iimniarv .  and  to  vvliieti  llir 
lionoiahle  Senator  pay-  In-  lisiemd  w  ii'i  ••  ib-tna>  ami 
alarm."  "  I'lsui.iy  and  alarm"  at  propo-ilions  |),r  defeine, 
when  the  gentleman  him-i  It  sa)s  that  '■  tin'  nation  w  a-^  in 
imnnii'lil  ilnn^er"  I  V\  in  n  '-beeould  niPt  <ee  Imw  h  was 
po^sihli- w;ir  Wit.- lo  he  nvipided"!  For  it  will  he  oh>.r\'d, 
ihey  Wtie  -nli-.-'iup-nl  eireum-taaees,  -nh-eipn-nt  !)>■ -ouh- 
week-,  wliieh  reiiioxi  d  tin-  inipTi's-ioii  ..I"  the  diiKL'er  ot' war 
made  by  tin-  Pre-i  b  ntV  hifni'.'iiral  Aildn-M.  and  by  Iih  Mes- 

sifie  at  the  eonillieiieenpi  Ml  of  Itie   -C^'f-ion.      Ttie\    were  thf 

•■'[leeetn  ..  of  tin  Si  natof..  t imn  .Mi-sonii  and  \ei\  ^'ork.  ami 
e-p-ciatlv  the  -pc.-'-h  i.e.nlK  il  hw-H'd  bv  tin'  Senator  from 
\orth  Carolina.  I'or  inxs.lf  |  dni  not  he  >r  one  word  liill 
Irom  the  S-naior-  tioio  Mi— inn  tnnl  \ew   \'ork.  so  far  as  I 

ri  .oil.  It.  Ill  Whicti  1  ilel  hot  fiill>  e. uf.      Ttie  luriiier.  be- 

sid  s  the  autborit)  wlmh  lonr  expeirnee,  hi;:li  labnt-',  ami 
lireal  -erxie,  stip  hn  <  on n try  and  hi-  pait> .  i.-ive  to.dl  (n-.-axf. 
Ill-re  and  else\vhi'ie.  nmb-r-l.-uid-  Iln- w  Inde  >nlpjei-i  liet'ier 
perhaps  than  anxtntin  in  the  nation.  .And  we  ;i||  have  borne 
onr  tribnfe  o|  ^iratifnatioa  to  tin-  abb  nint  -tan-manliki'  e\- 
|.o-iir.ii  of  th-'  inalter  yuen  b>  the  St  nator  ffom  New  Vork. 
I  ili'l  li"t  oij  I.  r-i:ind  I  H'nr  of  lin'-e  Senai-.r-.  as  allmbnif  lo 
the  nherior  ei-ar^'-  of  tin'  I're-ident.  or  -eekll.i;  toe\pie-s 
.IM>  O{iu0o||  II-  p.  .tlllL'  the  ri-'ltit  of  tins  eotitriP\  iT-V.  Ami 
I  w  ill  a-k  Ihe  Senatp.r  liom  Maryland  win  thi-r.  upon  a  uraxt- 
ipie-hoi;  like  Ihi-.  n  is  not  ^atl  r  and  wi-.-r  to  dediiee  Ibe 
view  of  I'le  Pn-^idi'it  I'roMi  twii|Mihlte  and  >o|.-nin  doeii- 
iiient.-.  spri.idini'  bi-lon-  liH  ei  ■iir\  In-  npiiiionit  and  l'"ri - 
-badowinu  hi-  eonrre.  rallier  Iban  oom  rne  eon.-irueiniri 
L'nej,  Iln  10  by  others,  and  re-tin«  ii|inn  w  iiat  i-  c.-UImI  ael>of 

oini<isi,,i  ami  o|'"tr»f(H«'.(Oii. 

Ill-  not  a  liiih- 1  iiriour.  but  it  i«  tievertln  h-sx  iriie.  that 
duriiiL'  the  diM  ii.-oim-  hrouirl.i  '  nt   lp\    iii>^  -ohiiions,  «en- 

lli-lll>  II  I. II  (lie  other  M'!  ■  ol'  ill.  Seiiaie  look  the  ti|i|ioi  inillly 
of  e\pre--iil«  tlieir  entire  eolielirieilee  ||i  llie  \ii\m  aird 
etnir-"  ot  tin-  rre~pdeiii.  and  avowed  llnir  L'ralilieatiou  at 
the  K\ei-nli\e  -lalein.  Mis  and  rp-e.-nnie ml  ili.-n^.  ThouLdt 
a  eoiidfMxd  iKiriatue  ot'lhe  ne^oManoiis  ae.  ..nipann  d  lin- 
Me->ai;p-  aiid  lorm  pI  tin  LT'PindAoik  oi  (in-  ■uL'i:t'>tini'  --nii- 

ttili'i'd    !<l  II-,  and   IboliL'h  Ibe  eorre-pOMib  Mi-e   wa->  spreail  Kill 

ill  tiill  heloie  I1-.  Whai  I-  now  lliip|ii;bt  upon  ibis  -n|ii<>et  on 
tlie  other  -ide  nf  the  <  baiober.  Il  need,  not  that  I  -liontij 
I>  II.  Tlie  view-  ther-  e\pre..ed  ale  as  unetlliv.n  at  a-  the> 
are  erHiiieiiitiatiny.  ••  W'l-  all  have  b'|(.o-a>s  t!ie  Seiial.pV 
fidm  Mar\  land. '- that  \uir  wa>  iinmtneai."  and -till  niort- 
eitiiibati.  allv,  "  I  i-ould  not  peif  how  il  was  pni-Mlde  war  was 

to  he  avi  ried  ■' 

Itiii  I  in;i>  III    pi miitied  to  a-k   Ihe  hniiorahle  Sena'or.  if 
wa-    thus  imnniient.  and  not    l>i   h 


\\M.   in   In 


opiiooji 


jti-t       »\    rl'  it.  bow  haiip'ned  il  that  tn>  n-marks  ■■tilled  loin  witb        m  aihatieeni'-nt.    And 


drive  ii«  tn  the  la-t  alternaiivc  id*  inime  I  nation, .  And 
therefore  wa-'  I  -o  miMon-  for  an  iiiiim'diate  and  dcei-M" 
inamfi-«taiiou  upon  ilii-  >iibii>et.  Ilni  we  have  all  sniien-d 
these  re-tdiitiiiii>  10  ^h-ep,  a--  I  remark  -d  Tie  other  day,  it' 
not  the  -.leep  of  d  ■alb.  a  -Iiimtier  alino-t  as  1,111 -f!  ami 
tlioiitfli  Ihev  "ere  a  Ilttb-  -larili  il  bv  Ibe  l're>iib-nt's  >!e..- 
saye.  sidl,  laMon-  Hie(r  lull  ii'Mi  I  tniioti  into  lib',  il  may  bi! 
rie.  e— ar\ .  lb  it  that  same  -oleam  w  .irniim  --iHiiild  peiieirat-! 
Iln-M-  marble  Halls.  w'b.>  b  ba-  Miid  to  otb-  r  improviib  ut  mi 
liohH,  awake!  lin-  em  in.\  is  -jpun  \oii.  If',  then,  b  p|h  Mnt 
Hi-nator  anil  iinselt'  wi-m  apprebeii-ive  o,'  win-.  Jiiid  In; 
IhoUL'ltl  II  eoiild  not  hi-  aveit'd.  ill'  •■  di-ina>  and  iilartn'* 
\\  hi'  h  111)  remarks  oeea  nmed.  dul  not  n-..iilt  t'r-un  tm\  ibf- 
I'eienee  of  views  upon  thill  >U'.>\  'it.  .\ml,  a-  Ihe-e  reuiUri-,  t 
liarl  but  two  ob)i  el*— one  to  chow  iln- danmr  ue  weie  in, 
and  tlie  other  lo  !iiiaril  aiain»I  it— it  wipiibl  ^11  in  to  he  lb  ■ 
la'ier  III  will,  h  Ihe  lionorabb- Si  naior  look  exeeplmn;  and 
II  It  e<-rtainh  a  cause  nl  nmitiiie-iiion.  that  I  inah.u!-  d  mv 
^iibin-i  >o  awKwardlv.  aw  loeoiiveil  ui>  piop.i>iiion>  itir  df- 
leiiee  itiiii  u  matter  tor  ••alarm  and  di>ma\  ."• 

Since  Ihen,  howi-vi-r,  sir,  aiioilM-r  iioIm  of  w.priiiin;  haft 
ri-aeln-d  us  Irom  the  la.-tprii  hemi-pberp  ,  and   we   not  ni.Jy 

know  thai  Kii-'buid  is  a n:'.  but  iln    -overei:;ii    Imself  has 

aimoutici-d  the  I'aet  in  iln-  mod  Hiipo-iiiL'  111  mm  r,  and  lia^t 
called  iipou  I'arliaineni  m  extend  tin-M-  ar.nann-i.t^  Hiill  fiir- 
llier.     And  we  now  exhibit   io  ibe  w.eld  Hn- exirao.dini'ry 

epec-taeb  nf  a  iial in  a -t.lle  of  p.-i  bet  tpam|inilil\  —  I  mi:.'bt 

rather  sax  of  a|paib> ,  almo-i  — u  iiooiit  an  uinn.  witlnaii  a 
inibli:i— t'iit  our  iiiihiia  \-  uiiliniunap  ly  nearly  di-oriiam/.d 
—With  nil  fun-tied  mid  ininnni-hed  p|iti  m-i -,  w  nb  an  la.iib 
"llial  '  riippiv  of  tiie  iiH-trr'.-I  of  war,  w  pli  a  nir,y  >  ah-ulal'd 
oidv  liir  a  siaie  of  pea<-i-.  with  tbrc  •  ihim.-aii.l  -ix  In. 1  died 
niih's  of  seai-eatl  on  the  .Atlantic,  and  one  thou  and  iiirce 
Iniinlrc.l  miles  on  Ihe  t'ai  Hie,  and  tour  Hu-u-and  on.'  hi. 11 
ilr'diiiib'sof  lilt -nor  fioiiiierli  0111  T.  isipiprt  bi  the  lim-  wiien; 
,'tr-ti) ■^t^'^esIt|eocea^.alldt"||lhou-alIllf  110  bun  n-dmil-.s 
of  iniernprfioiiticrftotn  tbc.-oiitliup'-leni  com  r  ot  ib.u,.nt.i 
the  Kill  del  Norb — making:  a  boundary  of  e|e\,n  thon-andimir 
linmlred  miles,  aareenlilv  to  ibe  ealenlatioii  I  ba\--  po  eat.  d 
tfoai  Ibe  librarian,  ami  p-'m'lnibb'  in  all  din  etnm.s.  W'lide, 
at  the  ^anie  lime,  w.-  are  iinolv  -d  in  a  ynai  .  ontrov.  rsy 
witii  ibe  iiiDsl  fprmiilahb-  iiaii'Pii— forniidablp'  in  tm-  iiiimiiu 
ot  iniartnir  iiH— upon  'iie  r'n-.-  of  tin-  Ldolv.  whch  1  •  hui-k* 
biiifon  Its  armor.  andt'-ltiiiL!  I'l  wiabl.  tiivotii^n  Ussomtcii,  ., 
thai  tt  will  nianiliin  it<  iniere-t- ii.nl  it-  Ihpiioi— wbi-'b,  be 
iit^  iran-latp-d  into  plain  .\meriraii,  iin  aiiri  liail  II  will  luilil 
on  to  ill*  eiaim-J. 

Mr.  rrej^nbni,  a  ureal  ibal  has  Iv  eu 'tiiil,  hoili  hen- ami 
elsewhere,  re-p-clini:  the  prnbabilii>  of  w.ir— win 'licr  tt 
will  rej-ult  from  itie  pn-seni  eniidiiion  of  ihi*  two  mnbins. 
Some  iicntlemen  Ibiiik  ibid  in  a  b-uiiimat-  -ul-i-ii  of  i.nimry, 
ari-itia  otii  (»f  Ibe  prinejpal  (pio-lioii— tli;rt  of  tlieiiotn*. — 
directly  helipre  us;  whib'  I'tber-  Ihliik  we  shunld  1!'  enb-  tliH 
ipie.tioii  on  ils  own  nn'rti«.  I'-avimi  out  of  vi.-w  the  emi-e- 
(pn-n.-.s,  to  wliieh  it  mav  b^ad.  <"i-ttainly.  a  i(a.-lion  of  ler- 
litoriil  riu'lii  should  b-- jadL'i'd  and  d'teiuiim  d  namdiy,  and 
lliieiidparia--ed   b\    oiln-r  eonsideritioii-.      \\  ■'  owe   tiiat  to 

our  own  honor.     Still,   it   beeomes   prud-lil   ti.  opevuiUv 

prpid'iil  stall  simn.  wilt  II  t.ikina  an  iiPiporiani  sii-p,  to  look 
lints  results,  \either  national  ii'tr  indiwdnat  aeis  are  in- 
Milated— one  im-asiiri'  Icad-^  to  anoiber.  It  srcms  to  me  ii  is 
not  Old',  our  ri'.dit,  bin  onr  itat\.  a-  llie  K<  pri-si-(itaii\eH  ol' 
the  Stiiies,  to  impure  wilt  re  this  nieiL-iire  Will  coadm-i  11-. 
If  to  a  stahb-  peiiee.  fit  nun  b  tb  '  in  iter.  It  to  war.  b  t  ui 
coiilempi  III-  It-  prospect-  uml  it-  dtni-ers,  and  b  i  n-  prcpar« 
fnr  Its  coii^eipieiice4.  Itiil.  at  an>  rate,  let  ii>  coiiiiiiilllH 
p.^.  th.r.  iiml  not  hhndlv  rii-b  into  the  tiitare,  ralli,  r  dratai 
tiv  our  in-lmeis.  than  mmb  d  by  mir  n- i-on. 

'(»ur  ■■■-I  ohjed  IS  10  pies'-ri  -  our  iiyhi-;  oiip- next  to  do 
tliat  p  iillv-     While  we  all  liopi-  tlml  w  u  wdl  he  avi-rl- 

eil.tlmi  „opi-  will  never  In-  st irtn;lb.-m  il  li\  nmiejrallliL'  lIlO 
eapaciiv  of  eiiber  nation  to  deieinl  ii-eif.  or  to  injun  iis  op- 
pimeiit.'  T'lr  mv  cwn  part.  I  -e,.  no  want  -pt  paiii'iti  111  111 
-tatiiiL'  phitn'v  iPiid  frankU  the  mean-  uf  am.oi  ;niee  that 
KiiL'land  po-^-es-e-:  and  I  tbmk  tin-  .on:-*"  of  iti\  iionoiabbi 
friend  fr.nn  llp  biwaf-  iip-m  thai  siibf  ei  w.i>  <  .p''dl.\  puriotii: 
and  pidieioiis.  There  1- -aid  to  lip-  a  hiril  in  tin- d-  1  ri,  whicli 
Inde>  Its  bead  in  til''  sand,  and  tb.  n  tliiiik- n  1- -ab- iiom 
dan-.-er.  he(-au-c  it  eaiitiot  see  II.  Let  lis  ni>t  imiiate  this 
folly.  I. el  II-  look  ibr  etlv  at  What  wi-  mii-t  i-i,e<aiai.  r,  if 
we  are  toreed  to  war.  and  lien  b-t  u.>  liebiiv  lilo-  reason 
able  men.  and  make  tea-onabb-  pre|.araiioii  to  mc.  t  ii. 

I  M-e  It  said  in  a  lati-  London  lleiald.liiat  w>>  cannol  carry 
on  war.  bp-'-au-e  we  cannot  pioctire  the  nn  mi-  to  im  •  1  ijtn 
iieeet-arvexpcfniiitires.  'I'll,  -anil-  a-^eition  ha*  \h<  11  tna.b^ 
in  some  ot'oiir  iivx  n  joiiinals.  ami  even  b^  hi'jti.-r  aiitln.rtiv . 
Tb"-  Seii-itor  from  South  farolma  b. IS  rcieried  111  tlii.c.n 
nexion  to  a  veiieralib-  man,  for  whom,  and  torwho-e  pu 
rmiie  -ervieer,  I  iia\p'  t'reat  and  sineefp-  re-ji  ei,  w  ho  han 
aw:ikp-ne.t  irom  a  piditieal  sbimher  ol  almost  a  ipiartcrof  a 
eentnrv.  ami  present-  liiin>elf  to  bis  cipiinlrvmcn  uith  t-Iah- 
orat-'  .^lah-lie;d  tabb--,  >how  inu  the  p- eimiarv  eo-l  of  war, 
and  the  hniib  lis  it  briiii.'- with  it.  All  Ibi-  i>  nnm  ee.,sar> . 
Il  i-*  Iiimiln  in  ihe  ver\  born  b-.ok  ot  nali'Mial  .  xpt-iulilines. 
iiiirs  1-  hot  aipi-  -lion  ol  the. 0-1  of  v.  it.  but  of  it- m  eisaiv. 

That  -anie i.-nl  mui.  I',-    -(iiM\or  ol  tin-  .al'iii'  i-  of  Mr. 

J.tl'M-on  iiml  of  Air.  >Iai!i-on.  w...  iind.r-lood.  m  l"l-».  to 
enterfiin  a  -imiiar  n  pnunan'-p-  a-/ mil  eommitiinix  (he  d-  -ti 
nil- of  his  e  mnt.v  lo  war.  wbi-b   In-  now    exbilai   .  an-.l  to 

iipre.-hadow  s Iiii  dilliculiie-.     I  do  not  know  if  lb-  Met  tic 

-o.     I  ean  leprat  oidv  the  niMior-  of  that  ila>.     It  w a-  ibi-ii 

a-^serf.  d  and  beli'-x.d.  th.ii   r-one-  i-  pott   or  d  i.-iiun  i.t  Ir 

the  S'cietaiy  tpt  the  Tr^-a-.in>  was  intend -d  to  damp n  Itn' 
nationid  aidor.  U\  an  tinjio-ina  arra>  of  the  c..iiti  ihulmn.s  it 
wonbl  I..-  m  .  .--arv  to  |.  v\  iip-(p  tin-  eoniitr'. .  in  he  event  ot' 
w.ir,  and  Ibn-  m  pn  vent  it-  onnm  in-e.  Itiil  tt.  ■  -  Ibirt.  it 
made,  wa>  ii>ib's<  then,  .iiid  it  w  ill  he  usi  b  •e'  hp>w.  Tin- 
war  wei.i  MM.  |p  cause  II  eonid  not  bea-.oiibd  willnpUt  a  .-a- 
rihee  ol  the  nali<mal  iiL'ht-  :nid  boiira.  aint  ii  •  anie  m  a  l'I-i 
nous  coMi  lu-ippii.     It  pn-lip-d  us  lorw.inl   ui  all  tbc  eb- 


did  tin 


>  .hill  w  do  n< 


alarm 


aiol  dip-inai :"     I   itimiubt  tin 


re  v\  as  daiiL'er  < 


If  a  war  1-  foiv.  .1  upon  n-.  vve  -hall  me   t  it  with  its  dan 


It  app. 


-And   bi.s  e-timai'- 
l  tlimitibt  that  am 


areh  pif  thp-  neif-iimiiuh- 


wa>  hi-jlier  titan  imtie 

o|  ;ivoidptiu   II,  in-^l  Uil  and  .'idi-uiiate   pn  paralio 


lit>o|hi 


I're.-idp-nt  I  ibl  li.soi  '  liet:l,llH>  Wt-ic  Lbiseii, 


tidal  . 
Ill  the 


h    power-  ol'  olli-ie 


ulttefr 


li:!bt  • 


n'.''*r       and  ii.s  rc-pon-ihibtie-.. 
e.-iii'.'       pi'opb'  in  rbeir  iiatiiotic 


hi  ^top  the  ^uruesof  the  oeeail  hi  allllL' npoil  Ibe 


arrav    ol"  lijnr's   will   -t-'p  lln- 
^  ini  nii'.!hl  as  w 'It  alteiiipt 
,  t  by 


tilry,  iliut  Knubind  llli^dU  pa<i,-c  In  lore  r-lic  would       lln'ii  p<i 


and  ■  il'b  a  spirit        marku  in  Iln   -ami,  which  the  (i^^l  Wttvu  ^Weep- 


.  and 


Ill  rir\t  I'l  ilo 

IV, II   It--  ilVlTl- 

iiil<-tr;ititiL'  tiiu 
itijnn  ii.s  o}!- 
p:iiiM>it  111  111 
hu\;.ii.-f  that 
in>'Ui>nui,ihlr 

<|II.llh    [MtllOlK-. 

il'  •.  ii,uiiifU 

h   I-   'Mir  limil 

II  IIIIIMt'-  this 

-t  I'lit-i'iiiih  r,  >r 

■  hkr  ri'ii>oii 

I  IMC.  I  ti. 

'  r;triliii|  rarry 
I-  lu  nil  •  t  tliti 
i;i^Ii,'liliiii.!<- 
ili.T  iitiili'.riiv. 
•  I  III  llii^rnn 
,ll'i-i-  jilt 
■|t  ■'  t.  \i  III)  hnn 

ItUMIttT  <itil 

-II  uiih  t'!,-i)i- 

<'.iM  I'l"  u;ir, 

I-  iiiiiiii'i'>-.iii*\ , 

ipcrnliiiirrs. 


'I  it- 


ilv. 


il'lji.  t-.,fMr. 

.Mi.  Ill  l"|-.'.  I'l 
MI,:i    Ihr  .[.Ml 

xhi'xi  .  ;in'.l  t.i 
HI'.'  I.K't  h«> 
It  \>;i-.  ili.-ii 
'■■itiit'  M  In-iri 
<  tl.iinp  II  ili<> 
Mtiihwn.ir,.s  )t 
.1   ■!!.■  .-\.-ii(ot' 

I  ti.  '  lliiri.  It 
'-  WW.  'I  In- 
uilliuiil  :i  >;t  ■ 

■H\.f  toil  u'l.i 
llM>l'|.-rii''llt:< 

II  \v.  rl..  II..'-. 
Mil  !t-i  .hiPiL'.  rn 

will    -I.-JI    III.' 

•^   Ui-ll   illt.'IMpt 

I    tiV 

|i-  ,i\\.i>,;iiul 


IHIG.) 
lii9TH  Com* 1st  Skph. 


AIM'KNDIX  TO  THE  CONGRHSi^IONAh  GI.OIJK. 

The  Ores(on  (Question — Mr,  Cass, 


4i9 


Sknate. 


Ah  tn  thiiH  nnilitii.  tliiiti)  uiir  oiiiiini  III'  hiiiiiiliiiiK'd  niili.tiit 


riivli  i-iiiMiuli  ill  I'll-  |iu.-( 


nt'  Ilit'C 


ivi'iiun.'iil  'i>  riirrv  it 


nr  Hi''  iiH'iiii-'  itt' iirn.'iirinu  il  iil  iinv  tiiiM'  h>  Iniin-^,  tlm 
-till .  xp'Titiicjit"  wr  'liiv'  iiiMrt'-  liiiviili'iiiiiiislrii(''(| 


i|.i  t;illii'V. 


<!<> 


lit  ftopi'i  pi.iitt  Mtti  nil'  |i<'.'iiliiiiiii<-Hiii  our 


miiliiti'ii  wtiii-l)  pr>'Vi-iit  Miir  iiiiiiMii:il  <>\i  iti.iii>4  I'runi  In-iim 


l>;imlv>'-i'<t  l)>  lii  liri<  111  rt.-i.'iiM 


'Vi\v\  lire  l<>  III-  IiiiiimI  In 


nt  11)1. 1  pittii.ill^ni  oi' our  |i<'iiplr :  in  Hi*' <.'<i?riiii<)ii  iti- 


tip'  t  til.  y  li .  I  111  n  (Jnvniii 
-I" 


tiilih'hiil  l.y  tiii'iii.  nml 


.ili|i'  tn  till  III ;  ill  till'  >>-tiiii  .if  priviiir  cr.tlit,  wlii.-h 
;i|ii)'i-i  iiiaki'-  piii't  of  mil  in>li1iiii(in^,  hihI  w  IiicIi  ntii-ii  m  p 
iMiiti  -  l>>  ui'li-  iiit'ivrih  lilt'  piit.-li'i  .'  and  llir  pii.Mintit ;  in 

■     iiiiii 


(.(■  tln'  n^■^■l'^>il^l^^ 


III'  hi.- 


|Im<  :iliuiiiliint'<-  inid  t  luiipii. 

ill  ilii>  iitilltnrv  iir.l.ir  wlii.h  >tliiiiiIiii>'-<  oitr  >i)iiiiit  iik  ii  iiiiil 

^' iiil<  llii'Hi  to  llii-   Ht.iii<l:u.l    ol   111.  ii-  <  niintn.      N'n  lii<>il"iii 


tf»l.  will 

II  It 

It'iul    (ri 

Wa 

T\\v\  t*\ 

■:ik 

HIIV  H  till* 

..  H 

Wlllll-ll 

vnii 

lllMil.'Ilt 

IIIK 

ilo.h  .'" 

>■<■ 

Iiiorl.ly 

,      . 

tnr  <nir  f*tiiii\ 

iln-iiiltnl 

U>  i 

li.'UKv  1li:il 

lioncir." 

T 

■'Tlirj. 

int 

•nil  rill' 
^  ('.ii'iim 

:*MI 
II VI 

'  H''ti"(nr  Hiiy«.  Ill-  ihiiiiiflil  tiit-ir  |m»»«itn'  would 


Anil  \s'hiit  sin   ilif  iiilvj. 


Iriini  r.nstnixt- 
11  latminL"'  i'--  pi'Hti\<',  c-  it  i-j  niiiMit.<  > .  W'litt 
Mfiiiilnnl,"  of  Miiri-h  11.  tii.-  irrt-iil  'I'nn  urcnii  •  I 
:  ••  Hill  will  Mm*  AiiH'tii  ini  ('Miiiirc^- I'lmlir' ;  iiib 
I  uii\Miri'iiiii:iltli<  t.ini-  ii.l.i|)l<'il  )i>  tliix  I  iii:'4a- 
Ainl  llii-  |ii*r-.)ii  iliiis  tji'iioiiiinith'il  'ydirwc 
•iiiiiiiH't'  (fil  In  lis 


nrnii.-i,  Hn  nttrii  i 


\ .  i>  tin'  I'n  fiii'iit  nl  llii-  LT.  Ill  ltrpli',11 


•Atiil 


.T  il  llnaiii-i.-r  »!'  kiiii: 


pnny 


i»  till-  alt'TiiiiI'v.-.  it  » ill  lii>  » itli  t'.i-  I  linn''t  ilil'- 
iiii\  Mriti-li  .Miiii-t>-r  fiui  i-^i'ii|i '  I'ri  in  il>\Mli 
III'  lii>t  LiMiimii  riiiii's  iliiit  I  Imvc  hi  f-ii  H(iy-< : 
liiivii^aliiin  lit  till'  l'nliliiihi:i.  tli  *  riitlit  n>'lii4ilinr.-i  \ 
nii-i.ttiitl  tilt-  rtuiil  Dl'inilli'  f'l  r  tin-  Mi  itKn,.  Ihiy 
tliiiilt.ili-nifinti;' 


nil  mil'  litink  III' til 


iif  iivi-r.  iir", 


linl.l>  Ml  ins  I t>  tin-  nrtinimt  |)i|..(;( 


Hut  I'vcn       Aliiri-ii  '• 


*  iii'ltiitT  iitijiisl  nnr  I'VtnivituuiM,"    Tin-  L Imi  (iii/tltr  .nl' 


I  I'.nr.iii 


•  7'Ac  tieir.i  frrnn  the  C  litt-if  SlitlvH  jiutitiv 
i  ill'  -i'lvr  f\|n  riiii.'nl  iiii  •  !-lu'\\  ti.  tliiit   til'-  I'ViT-        '  t/iv  t'cn-H  vf  Imic  rvf  I'l.ti-iilfi'fTfnrosrilnf  'lirilrfiTwiiivf  kiuiH 


•  tint  t'it.i'.-ri(ip|i  illn  iiiTi|i|ilMi  tn 


f  h.iililihj  'riti.fi  I'v 


■  uht 


t  /,-j 


»ini'  nl'  lilt-  mi-ai  i-rrurs  nl  Mr.  IMlt  am-c  t'rniii  In-ln-lirr,  iliiil       '  Shton/'     'I'lir  i.nuilnii  Hiin.  n  n.-iilral  pap'T 


rrlil   im'hi  in    liic   I'l.tlid 


-tli.frr.'ii-l. 
il-'  tr.'M'.i.llMr,  Inf. 


.'.•.lllllll'IV 

['ratii' 


Till 


'  il.  laimrdiiiiii  alin.i.-l       *  nt-wti  rroiii  llii'  r.xiiitry  has  |iriiilii(-i-tl  ii  stniiU  ti-i-iinu  nl'in- 


'  iiHiipaiilr  III  tlu>  iirrt' 


liillimiio.i  lunniiK  uiir  i-iiiiiin.-n  ml  liri'li-' ;  a.'il  iIiiim>  wlin 


I'.-rH  t'l  .I'l'.'uil  li''i's'-ll'ii:.'iiiii>i  til''  Inriiiiilaiili-  inalitimi,  nt  ,    Miiivi-  nil  (limiu  ii[ipnHi>il  itii-  .'.\p('iiji'iir.\  nl'  witr,  m  m-i'niinl 


til.'  iM'i-.il  III'  ulii.-ii  i:iii!laiiii  pin.  •  it  liiTsilt',  anil  in  Miiiitilaii 
whi'li  ^llt■  pi.nnd  nut  lii-r  til.init  iis  in-t  l>  ii:- her  in-iiMiri' 
llill  Ihc  n.-ull  nrnv.'il  Itn'  \'»\h  aiiit  tin-  t.iltiiiy  nt'iill  Itii^.tint- 


nl'iiii-rriiiititi-  <  niini-xinn'',  nnw  np'-nly  i-t.-iiin  n  \  iiiiiniti.fi) 


•nf  till-  tmiinrnt'til' 


im.irv:"  Ml"  liinuls.il'ihi'  Ta Tiiiiv.' 


Tin'  1'i'i'liiiL' i-vi  r,\  wli'Ti-  is.ui.ii  I'iii.'lai.ii.  tiiivinL' 


ililtiruiir- 


:i<i  til 


lit  pri'c-iali'iit  nl'  tin*  I'lriif'li  |iii|i.'r   iinil  tlii>       <  iitiirii  turlii'iiniiici-  n<^  ii«  rniiip;>iilii.'  with  Inr  ^t:itioi    in  thr 


nii-«'i|n<'nl  iipnii  it.     Wliiit  u  ;l-<  iIic  pi'nirr('>.>4  nml      *  scah-  ornntiiuK,  is  nnw  riilliil  iiimii  tn  tmii  lii.'  pin 


Ih.' i.'-nli  nt  tiii-  fir.iii  in  iirtv.nt  a  pi'npir  (Viim  I'lmiiKiii'j 
nil. I   r.  nri(aiii/iim  Hi.  ir  <;  i\.-rnni.'nl.  i.*  wriili'ii   ii|i<mi   llii' 
iiiiir\  I'f'war.  iiml -liil  nmr.'  pliiinly 


tin- 


liiiiti.'t 


iri.'iin  l.-ri'lal'Ts  wMli  Ihf   cniil.'inpt   thr\    ilc- 


)  nl  a  ipimti' 


p.i?' 

lipnii 

iipnn  liiT  pn 


of  111 


Tile  l.ivrpn.il  CiMiii 


nC  March  4.  ,-«a\s 


nii> 


tin 


(ins<>(pirii'>«'s  In  \^  iii.-li  it  in:n  Ica'l  I  tin-  rcl'iisal  l.iiirhitn.lc) 


"ppi 


scti  l;i\atinn*tr  I'.iDilinnl;  uliii'li  nnw  wi  JL'li^       '  may  lie  nmsi   cahnininns.     t'.iM   tin*   Aiiii-rican-'  will  only 
nluinti  hii.-  an  inciiiiiiH.  nml  nvcrt^hail-  !    *  havi;  tlicmsrlv.-.  to  hiaMic.  if  wiir  ciisnc«;  I'nr  l-'imlnmi  Iiih 

liiMit'  nil  in  her  pnucr  In  hiiii^  mal let's  tn  ii  siUistSctnry  nml 


ICIK  oi'iii  i 


.  hcrrnmrc  willi  dari^  tliiiiii.-<  nlaiixcr-iiy. 
I  now  pMipoM'  I'l  MiliiiiM  riiinic  nlisi  i\'nlii>ii.-i  npnii  till-  re- 
mill  Its  pr.s.  ntcii  l-i  liic  Hi-ii;ir.'  n  I'.-w  days^lnl•l^  hy  the  dirf-  ',  hi  PaiL'himi.  wliich  the  l.isi   paclvcl   Iirnufilil  us  j  and  nl'  llu' 
"     "■   "      "'         ""       -^        ■■-      "      -  ■■      ■  -  hi'-h  remicrs  ncimiprnini-i' (.'urlain, 


Such  an*  tin-  ivhlenci's  nl'  pnhltc  npininn 


-ii.'d  S.na 


tiir  I'lnin  SniiTh  Camiiiia.     Tin-  nriuiintlity  of      laviinilileeliai 


,  and  the  I'mi-.-  nt'iiie  illii-trritinnr:,  Willi  wliieli  |liey       ami  a  ipn^tiii 


upimrli  ii,i.'ivi-tli.-iiiuri  atrnii-i.|i-ratinii;aml  ii-<i)si>eim4 


Tile  hniiniaiii.'  Senalnr  lias  ri-lerrod.  in  this  cnnnexion,  in 


me,  III. It  in  .-nim-  iinp.irlani  pin 


liars,  till  ir  P  n.li  nc\  is      tlic  decla'aii.in  ofSn  li.ili.'il  I'.-,  i,  iii;td.'  snnit'  litn.-sin.-e  in 


iTr.Mi''<iii- 


I    desire   to 


mad'   ti)i.iit  III'' 


niniiiniii<'a|('  tlii'   ilnp^os^inn 


Iicy 


llip  Mrilisli  llnn-i 


nl'  r. 


.  thai  i 


'  re^>r.'Ited  their  Mil 


Wiiile  I  ^liail  do  this,  Willi  tli.'  rrcednm,  wliirh  a  tincerc  I    of  in 


isliT  had  iml  irailHuittid  tn  tii>  (;"\i'riiiiicjit  Hie  |lrnpn^|lin|| 


ar.  Il  alt.'!  ti  nlh  jii>Iiti.'S.  1  ^!lall  t\n  it  .villi  tie 


inipminise  ii 


ipun  tlic  pnall.  I  . 


(!r  ;  that  it'  imi  sati^ 


■  eminenl  -.rvict's  and  lni;h  cliiirael.  r  nl'  llic  Hinatnr  jiis- 


-pi-ci  tliiit  '    I'ai'lnn.il  miijlit  have  hern  mad*'  th.' ijiir-isnl'ii  inndiiied.ill'.T. 


iMv.  and  that  an  uiiiarerinptcd  I'li. 


Ilisll 


[  am  nnr  imllm-d  tn  driw  as  rnvdralih'  a  cum  liisinn.  tmw- 


p  i\\'  thirty  year«,       ever,  a.s  the  Inniorahl.'  Senatnr.  lioin  this  im-iiii  ntalremarl; 


which  hiw  liM'ii  It)  inc  n  sniirce  nl'  ureal  uraiilication,  iiiitu-      mail.',  iinl  in  ii'-.  imt  in  tlie  •nurse  nt' a  I'arliaiucntary  rliscii' 


r^div  iii'plrc-. 
'1  he  r^.'iiainr 


slates,  tlial  wlien  tliis  prnpn-iljnn  for  iMitici 


Sinn.     In  Tact,  M  is 


;'aiMinii-ly  i.\[ii-cssfi|,  as  t.»  lead  in  mi 


tn  i.rminaii'  the  jnint  .iccaprmcy  nf  (iriiinn  wa*  tir-l  Milt- 


iist'tiil  (Iciinrtinii  rc^pi-ctinu  i'ls  r.'al  vi.'Ws.     It  isji  niere  har- 


arlv.    Had  lit.-  I'r 


nt.'iid.  d  it  -iinnlil  prn.inc 
cs,  he  w.iidil   have  .-ninni<iliici(li'd 


initted  l'>r  cnii-iihraiinn    he   was  nppns,-d  tn  il.     IJnt  that       any  prai-inai  i scpi 

now  he  is  in  lavnr  nl  il  in  Minie  iimdilicd  r.iriii ;  the  I'nnn,  I  ;    tn'mir  (jnvernin.'nt  Ihr  vi.'ws  of  the  ItriiiAh  raiiiiiet,  and 

iihl  hav.'  ac.'cpii'd  tlie  *  Jlci.  nr  loliirm  d  it  \viili  the  pni- 
'  hi'ar  iii>llMiic  nf  liiis  ilisn[iprn- 


h.  lieve.  il  a.s.siiim'^  in  tin;  icsniiiiinii  nf  lin-  .SenaiDr  frnni  1 


'I'l 


t  liis  niMtivcs  ol'aclion  were  the  f^anie  in  hnth  rnsi 


Put  w 


H   il.sire    to   pr.'serve  |||.'   p. 
1,1  Hie  i'.irin"r  part  of  Hi> 


,hi'llinMt!llt  tin-  linti.'i 


pos.'d  uinililicatinn. 

iiatinti— iin,  nnt  disiipprnltalinn.  imt  nf  s.ili  rrarelai  thpliii>ty 

d^'rininii  nf  Ihf  Hritish  Minister  iier.-— till  t^ix  months  alter  il 


lead  to  war.  i' 


onlJ       took   place,  nmt  then  w'c  li-iirn  It  in  til.'  [iniiii.'  lii'hati' 


id  liicr.'fnrc  I pp'.^i'd  il;  tliai  liethinlts  now       that  is  ihelastnrit.     Il  i 


ami 


It  w.tiiid  lea.i  I.I  pca.i-,  a'td  tli.-rctnr.'  he  favnr-  it. 


a  .-nriniis  cli.ipl'r  in  ilii'  lii> 


•  nf  Hrilisli  (liploinaci .  that  !i  Mini-tii  wniild  vcntii 
lalii'  the  iirave  n'snniisil.ilit\  nlicjt  .-tin-,'  .-ii.'ii  a  pmpnsitinn, 
nccnp\ .     A  chaiiiie  nf  artinii  nii  qnc-tiniiH  of  c,X|iin       witlinnt  refcrriiic  it  In  liis  (;.iv.rmm'iii.  tnii   he  is  not  i'\.'ii 


(•■■iiaiidy.  Mr.  Proi.l.'nl,  this  i* 


i-il.. 


IlllVt' 


i*>ist.nt  ■.'r.iiiml  for  an 


chniiui'il.  is  II  iliciatc  of 


snnd  fill  it.     If  he  hail  h.-cn  reeali.'d.  nra  sm- 


in  fai  I.  thai  Hi.'   Ic-sui 


lie.  wiintina-ts  lie  has  m-v.  r  elianm..!,  hna.--i.s,      out.  wiMi  in-lriu'tinns  tn  nc.-. -pi  the  pniposiii.ms  nia.le  hy 


ol'  e\perien.'c  liavc  liecn  Inst  upnn      our  (■oveninicnt  I'nr  a  cnnipniiin-^.'.  W'  -iiniild  tlieii  Iiave 


;  nmt  Hiai  lie  srows  nlihr  witlmnt  crnwint'  wiser.     Hut       had  ii 


'  lakes  pla.'ein  our  appr 
iil'a  irreat  ipie  timi  .il'iiatinnal  pnh.'V.tl 


nr  cnnd.'iMiia 


I  pn 


of  nf  sincerity  lie! tcr  Hiaii  a  harren  ilei'lnratinii,an(l 


id  In 


Ijwli.  d. 


fully  . 


whi.'ii  niiahl  have  led  to  a  h.-thr  siate  nl  f.  i  iinir. 
Tlie  Si-natnr  fmiii  rionlli  4'aniiina  ha^  i  iMeiett  at  snnic 


•id.'n'ii,  and  cteartv  e^iah-       I.Mi'itii  into  a  d.-f.*mi*  o(  Ids  views  r.-p--.'tini;  lin 
ofUreL'nn,  tiywliat  is  cilied  ttie  pr 


ac(pii>iti.in 


II'i'  this  Ih'cii  iloiie  tiy  Hie  Si'natnr  fnun  South  rarntiim?       ity.     Ami  ithc  has  tint  nra!-' 
I  think  not.     11-   as^uim's   Hie  v.iy  fa.'t.  iiikhi   wIiicIi  Ihh  '.       ' 
WJiuli'  aru'inmnt  ic-ts.     He  as-niiic-i  I'nit  a  L'r.'at  ciiaiiiie  has 
id  in   lliiuiand,  in  piiMii 


ipl 


•  hoHt  in  this 


npiiii'in  iipoii  this  snhj  -et.  whi.'li  uiii  m 


of  masterly  inaciiv- 
n\rrts  to  liis  opinion,  lie  hart 
'd   many  aiiininTs  of  Ids  tnl.Mits  tiy  tiis  masterly  vimli- 
'U  of  il.' 

Illy,  sir,  it  is  orton  itie  ]i:irt  nf  true  wisdnin  In  ttiis 


oniprnmise. 
rion-  and  I 


id  llnis  I.I  an  am 


al.tc 


-ariiy  tend  ton       woild  In  stand   stilt— to  wait  for  him'  and  rircnm-t-inc 


nf  liic  ta<  t  its.-ir.  lilll- 


.ndiiiu'  cniiirov.r-y. 


iitjiislmeiii  nf  this 


Thcii'  is  a  ynat  deal  n\'  wi-ilo 


ail.ij.-il.  tiM 


proof.     Iii.1. .  d,   1)1'  aticmpt*   lo  I'nnd-h  ni> 


old    prnverlis,  iiiid  nnc  of 

r", •11.111 -ill  r'niw."  'I'iini'  ha-  .vrmiL'lii  many 

otuiiry.fim!  is  de-ii:ii-ii  inw.irk  mai.)  irmre. 

il''  merely       The  praciiral  dilliciilt>  is,  tnd<  t'Tinine  u  h.  n  ina.  Hon  sh.inld 


•i-nnior  furnishes  no      w.imtcrsfor. 


IS  one  point,  in  wliidi  w.'  miist  alt  he  niirei-.i,       pease  ami  ad  inn  .-nmimiir'c.  an.t  ii.iw  ;iii' opera  t  ion- 


'  Hiat  a  u'lcat  .hainre  ha^  t  ik.n  pliu'c  stin 


IM>  lit  ol  this    illHU-.. 
'  Ilp.i!!  Hi '  "pi 


can  ill'  ii.'sl  ai.l.'fi  liy  enterprise  and  i!idii»Ir\ .     The  li< 


I  in  n-lati.in  I'l  notice,  in  its  iicarin^s       hlc  .-i.-iiaior  •^a\s,  ihai  (ircnmsta 


•IMilili.' 


Iiavc  L'nt    ahead  ol  Ids 


>pil 


'Iri'l  tnie    fi  d.  v.lop  it -.If.  mil  .inly  on  Hn.  tail  on  tlie  other       to  ilefiiMl  i 


id  Hiat  In-  adverts  to  III.'  Miiijcei,  not  tn  apply  M.lmt 


Il  - 


ins  |o  me.  sjv.  n  n.-ver  eoitld   liave   pr 


iide  of  Hi-'  All  intic.  and  that  opinion  has  pninoinieed  ino>t  .    diiceil  th  *  rirulis  tlic  .-'ienatnranli.-ipaied.aiid  pnidiieediin 


>  ati'idilv  an.l  <'1i-arl> 


iiw  >laiid,  I  im  i 


'■::aid  il  as 


ipi.'hln 


p.'a.  I'lnilV' 
Herewa'  an  open  ipiestion.  which,  for  almost  torty  ye 


'  iiMnvcii  ill  w  h:ii  mannei  ii  sliall  Iti-arni 


:-hailhepa''Hi.-ali\  arraiiue.l  or  not,       t ceiipie.l  th.'  atlcnlnm  nf  the  two  cniinlrics.  \\  Im-'h   |,;id 


-d.      I 


'Snteiil.    I 


n^^  MinpiV  a  (ph'sii. 


^i>.'n^  .It  tile  imte 


iiini'it    part  ike   XUtr-   . 
ttiiiil!  hut  aiir|'i.-i.i 


.'.ml  H] 
Th. 


u'       tie.'ii  kept  at  arm's  t.-MUth  tiy  an   iiiipro\id<nt  arr.aiiL'e 

iie-t   ad  nf  hein<j  L'lappled  »  itti  and  a.IJii.-ic[t.a.s  it  ennht  tiaxe 


'It.  and   :-hniild   lia\e  hi 


ami  wid.-h   had  al 


he  p 

the 

rlmnco  in  laditn-  opinion   an. I  iii.nn  \\i 


ivcn.d.  tliat  till' 

lint    (I'rniiiiaii.m    *ti'  tiiis    inait- 


to  Hi 


a.lv  to 
'  lilll 


eilaiiily  made  of 
t-'sts  upon  the 
nvi.tiuii,  Hnitliotli       ,1,1,1  ro 


leM<.'lii  inen'ased  to  a  f.-ari'ni  mairninide;  and.  wliai  is  ^p) 
more,  iia.l  ti-trmi  tn<>nli>l  pas- 


>ts.  Hiat  Hn-.-ate I  t.>  take  tin 


and  inkli  |.n  pared  I 


imtiiit  It  to  tin' 


swont.     Till 


and  f.'i  Iil 
.intro\er-\  fnun   the  pen, 


;  so  much  so.  in.le.d.  Ht^i  the 


jitoi  adiis.  ••heirn.-f  tliat  in  cnnclnding  it  tlicn'^-Svilt  tic  nn  ; 
iinneee  <.ny  d.  lay." 
ill  a!l  this.  ,|r.  i  am  niid.-r  the  impression,  tliere  is  a  un-at  ' 


a  di-taiii  tcrrili.ry  w.-n-   imim  iiled. 


nmliiion  nnpiecett.'iiied   in   the  lii~iory   of 


I'ai'li  wMii  a  rivdd  to 


tipy  tin 


ell   liahte    to    have    liiis   ilL'lit  defiMteil   hv  Ihe 


../  rj//..'r. 


ehen-i'in.     A-.  In  Hie 


prcvinii-;  iictiiHi  til'  the  nllicr 


I'll  ti.it.!in<j  n  renint.' 


■.•j'.j///,V  of  th.'  piopii-Mion,       pnv-.rs:;io„.  h-yinuiii::  to  llii  lip    -y  emiL'iaiion  uiHi  their  n' 


.  I  know  tit.  1 


spectivi' 


i.lsnhjrets.hani.v 


ran    he.  imi  otilv  tlial   the   eln 
taken   pi; hnt   Hiat  a  irnat  eh: 


eoiivieiion       uhat    pui-iiaeioiis,  intcrmin'iled    upon   t 


elMiTpri^llIl] 


Hiiis   iudieat-'d    has   not       hiu  ii   as  Hiey  nmlil.  and   liotitinK  ii   as  they  mii-ht.  with,  nt 


iittary  .lir.-.iion.  I  Ir  h.v.-  thai  the  oppi-.tion  to  aenni- 
proini-.-  iip.Mi  till'  p  uatl.  t  i)f  l!>  ha-  increas.-d.  is  inerea.-i.-it', 
an.t  uilt  L'ooTi  ii  iiL-na-.-:  and  that  Imtti  lien-  and  in  l',ti<i    . 

elaniK  pnhl pinion  is  ic-s  and  tc-s  coiili.lent  in  an  ainica-  . 

'  ^-liall  not  pinsm'  H,is  mailer 


.)fth 


and  siipp.irt  thi 
wholK  " 


riinpiov.  inenis.  wlii.-h  n  ipiin-  f.ir  tin 


lit  and  t''L'al  action  of  a  c.miiiiniiii\ .  and 
•ir  their  ait-  !■. wants 


epi  iliniii<.'ti  Hie  iii.'diinn  of  trilaiiiais  ln'tonuinii  to  the  paity 


Hint  I'lisdipati 
int.i  Its  d   i.nls.     ]  will  tn.'i  't>  ninarU.  that  Hie 


:  all"i;ii 


->  m|iath>  w 


ii!i  Hn 


er  III.'  am;n'-si.i,  aiat  p. 


in  <i|-< 


.uspiper-. 
^.ilnli. 


<-h  n-,  wli   Iti.T  ti.itiie  hi 

e  .te.'laiati..Jls  .if  .'oiiV.' 

of  Ii'gislaliVi-hoiti.-.  IS  dct  i-ive  ami  ttidi- 


nf        li(-  lore-.-.p  Willi. Mil  llieililt  of  • 


Til. 


eml  of  all  this  may 


Till' 


ml    liiht.  Cdli-ioiis  inltsi 


otilv  w.md<r  i-.  tin)*  ha\e  not  atrea.ly 


pill, llii;  .      AihI.  Ill   pro. if  nf  iU\r-.  l.iol,  at  Hie    pis>Mi;e  of  I'l 


VMM  .< 


an-it.    Ami  the  tir>l  tiun  that  is  lin-.t  ii| ttie  ('.>tiitnl>iii 


id  Its  .'cl s  lo  tlie  Poto 


aii't  Hie  'I'hanies.     And       need  two  il.'et 


tort  is  r*ill  of  ihcne  Ineldi'itt.s  t  atiit  the  \t*-nv'  of  two  ^'tcitt 
iiaiioiii*  Ir  miw  tield  li>  Ihu  sli^liicNt  tciiore.  drpendeiit  upon 
pa-!«iom4  nil  I  int.  re-t  >  to  In  ealli-d  iiM.i  lit  ree  aetinii  iijion 
the  ^hon-s  ili.ti  look  nut  u|ion  I'inna  and  Japan.  V\'e  uro 
mill  that  lime  t  Hie  un'at  phisieuin,  who  imitlit  hnvc  i'iin<il 
ti.is  di  ord.-red  Kliite  ot  mir  potiiieal  alfairs.  I  am  a  lirni 
iiclli  vt  rill  ihi'  ^it.'lll  ami  c  a  .  n-rs  .jp.-raiions  nl  that  miuhty 
ilU.'iit.  Kill  llii- en,-"  Hit-  tievnn.l  its  pmv.  r.  It'.iinleed,  uilii' 
w.aild  stiiiid  ^till  lormie  of  Hie  parlier,  mnl  innvit  only  ihr 
the  other — ^land  •lilt  l<ir  laiutami,  nml  imiV)'  on  for  Uh— out 
slate  of  [ini!ire-'s  would  .siii.n  pom  lhroiii,di  tin-  pncces  nt  Hn* 
Urtky  .'MniintaiiitJ  a  Im-t  of  i'iidi,'riitil.-«  who  would  ■'pHinl 
ov.T  iill  the  nillr  ami  valli  yn  fnim  Itie  siinnnit  of  thnt  qn'hi 
hairier  tn  Mial  oihcr  harrier,  Hih  ocean  its.ti'.  uhicli  ^ll>s  to 
the  aihani'iMU  t-'tilent'-ms.  Come  imfarlinr.  lUit  rpiHu  |- 
Knie  n.tr  Kniihiml  w.Mild  fliiml  rtill.  ifer  (;nvertjiiieM  i»  s-i 
(lacions.  idi\'c  In  hi  r  ititere-t-.  ami  r.-ad>  In  mainiaiii  Hi'to. 
Slie  Kii'iws  the  x'ahic  nf  tin'  i-oiuirrv  as  will  i»s  u.  do,  nml 
llppr.'ciali-sit  perhaps  hiuliei'  iNniineciiii  read  'm.  rpeeepix 
ill  I!'.'  I(mi-e  of  roitnii'in.-  on  the  itji  m  April  la-t,  wtihnni 
h.'iiitr  .-^"ii-ihl.-,  llial  Hie  sUhji  el,  in  alt  Mk  •  \|.  .  t,  !ia  .  occu- 
pied Hie  uticnti f  the  lirilt.-li  Koviriiineiil,  ,'riit  |i>at  the 

citiniry  its. 'if  will  eecniiy  iis  lii-t.-rimrean'.  Ttni  k  \i  .i  tliHl 
that  tiiivernment  would  have  eontiioHii  t.i  *■»■'■  mi. I  nder 
hand  of  our  cui/.enf  l":ivinij:  <inr  iroatn  r  M-u|cmeni  l.ict  |.. 
Iiiimaii  oli-t  r\'aiion  alnio:-!  tor  nioiiHi-  while  pas-inu  thi  uKh 
the  d<  s.rt  w  Itli  It-  Hats,  iu  [irivi.tioiis,  and  i|s  daruers,  i,,-d 
liiially  eiiieruinL'  into  the  land  tti  pnimi<e,  to  ^ci/.e  it,  and  in 
hold  it, and  would  Iniv.-  Iimked  eahntv  nn.  reeeilini:  nswo 
iidvaneeil.  relnalmtrl.i  Hie  tail  a.- we.h-MTi.ah'd  nun  tlie  val^ 
ley.  and  liiiatly  >ieldinu  ih  iphct  pns.-"s>-ion  nf  H  i-  Iohl'- 
ili.-pnied  territory  r  lie  wlm  docs  ii't  la-h.  \e  all  tin-,  miisl 
lu'lM've  ihal  tiiiH' woiittl  not  have  piaeefntiv  inljii-i.-d  tins 
eiiiiiniver>y  fnr  ii -.  lint,  header.  Hr,-  pnic.---  ol  a.ilusiiiicni 
does  mil  a-Minie  that  our  ri:^«  pi  c\elii.le  the  liriii^h  fn  ni 
the  cmintry  ivill  '..;■  iiicre,i-i,i  't.  M-nlement.  It  iiiav  a-Id 
xtreiielti  lo  our  ifower.  hut  none  to  .air  title.  It  d.ies  nut 
jircfillpposi.  ||i:i;  w-(ir  \f  to  h.-  aMiUd.  luil  oi|e  pn. tp.it, ed. 
The  riuliis  of  :;ii[.|amt.  at  li.e  end  of  any  «iven  perif  .1,  w  ill 
he  p.*  eiH-ly  V  il  at  Hie>  now  an':  ami,  iiiih  s-  she  sjioniu  vol 
ii.ii  nity  n-hi  piisii  iheiii.  a  .-oi.iti.  t  woiilij  he  mevitalile.  It 
-.eeii'-  lo  nie  V.  ry  char,  tliid  it  -he  would  ev.r  hv  ih-  jio.  cd 
In  iinandon  toe  eouutry,**!!!'  woiild  do  it  mr.v .  w'l.-n  t'lc  im  - 
pari'y  (''"f.-rce  tin-re  is  md  snch  ii.s  to  ..-a-l  ti.e  n-pniiieli  of 
timiillty  upon  her  eoiinH'ts,  and  w  hi  ii  th.'  nninh.  r  ol  h<M- 
siili).  (-Is  is  not  ^uetl  us  to  lender  didicnli  a  ^-aiisili.-tory  at- 
laiiL'einf'ht  tor  Itieiii. 

Mr.  rt'e>idi'nt.  the  .termor  Irnm  Honili  Candin.-i  has  hell 
up  to  nnr  view  n  somhre  pi.  tun'  in'  the  ''niannttes,  witieti  ,i 
w ar  Willi  i:ii','laiid  w.iuid  tninj:  upon  the  I  nitd  ;-iaie-— too 
s.iinhre.  sir,  if  I  am  not  ui(eil\  ii.'riorai'.i  of  rli-  hi.-torv  ami 
eondiiinn  of  my  eonniry,  and  ot'ihe  ehi-n-v  ami  -pint  of  m> 
eoiinir\ men,  I  shall  not  examine  it  featuie  hy  i.  .iiiire  ;  Imt 
tii'Tc  in.'  c.  itaiii  p.iitions  I  doiic  to  pn  -cut  i.'i  ih.-  .''ciiale. 

Wliat  pndiaMe  cin-nmstaiiecs  could  n'lpiire  thi- e-ainiiy 
lo  ki.'"p  up  a  military  and  naval  I'oicc  o|  tv\o  hmidr.  d  rlmti 
naml  men  f.ir  ten  yi'iirs—tti.' land  pnrti.'n  m  it  divided  m.i.i 
seven  un-al  ariiii'-s— I  confess  niv  iiit-r  iunlnliu  to  eimj  e. 
tiiie.  Why  the  tion.inilile  Senator  liv.s  upon  that  peri,  d  tor 
the  diir.iiion  of  the  war,  I  know  not.  It  is  .-o  wtioilveocpp 
liiral  as  to  elude  ttie  appheation  oi  any  primii.l.- to  it.  I'.mw 
tiefnre  u- e.xpiralioi;,  if  w.' are  md  niierh  unworthy m' our 

iianie  and  our  hirHiii<:lii,  we  should  sw |itl,e  Itiiti-Ii  i*o\v.')- 

Ironi  the  cniiliii"iit  of  .V.irtli  America,  ami  Hie  icmr.iiuh'!-  of 

the  time  must  1 'eiipieit  tiy  preda!nr\'  imur-n  lis  upon  Hi.- 

coast  and  Ijy  ho-iiiiti,..-.  upon  ilieoe.  an.  The  .laiiL'  ror  ,lis. 
ii>ters,  which  tin- state  oi  tliiim-  tiling's  v  iHi  it,  w. add  reipnn' 
imt  a  small  piniioii  of  the  ton.-  con-i'l-n  d  neee>.iirv  l.v  thf 
Senator.  A.-  to  Mexien.  !  iriist  -.v.-  -halt  hear  niiieh  from 
ti.T.  W'c  iiwe  that  In  ear  nwn  .-lieiiMh  and  to  h.-r  weak- 
ti.'-s;  In.mrown  pn-ifi.m.  not  le.-s  itian  to  the  siiiu.ti.m  or 
her  (Jovernmeni  ami  to  the  ijnasi  eivil  war,  whicli  .•  ■■(in-  t.i 
he  the  eiirM-  "if  In  r  .-.mdition.  Hut  should  we  he  ijhven  hi 
put  forth  our  stnnjHi.  iicac  wnnld  cnsii.'.nnd  ^pe.-dil\;  ini 
il  w  niil.l  he  a  peace  dictated  ill  lur  capital,  and  plaeini  Imi 
pnliti.'at  (te.-tin>  at  .^ur  (h-posiii,ni. 

Ami  hesiiles,  liiiriny  the  pro^-resr.  id'  such  a  war.  |.t  '\iiii'!i 
Hie  hoiionihle  uentlemaii  alludes,  who  can  tell  the  -pin  n'  or 
i|s  operations,  and  wliat  nan. ms  would  t"Tome  parti. s  to  it? 
Ilnw  soon  woiild  ttie  trreat  maiitime  (p^'^tioll-  i^\'  oiir  lUw 
pn-enl  Ih-  nisctv.s  f<.r  s..luti.m .-  How  lom;  w mild  ii  l-e  h  ■ 
f.ire  Kntilaiid  w.mid  n'viv.aml  eiii.in-e  iji..;-.'  hrliit"  icht  pre 
tensions,  wlii'h  ilmveus  to  w  ar  w  li.-n  w  were  m  ntra!,  ami 
wlii.-ii  would  ihi\e  other  tiaHou-  to  war  oc.-upMi.ij  the  -ami* 
po-iri..n;  II. ov  Iohl'  hcfon-  tiie  \hriatioii  of  h.r  iiic.  uoidd 
an.u.-e  Hie  puldi.'  leclnm  .d' i'Vaiic.  and  .-ompi  I  li.  ri;  .vi-rii- 
■ijent  tn  vii  .li-ate  iis  Iioiior;  .And  wiio  .-aji  ti  It  whri'  war  of 
piiiieipli's  and  opinion^  wmilii  eoine  t'l  ;idtl  M- e\i  Menniif 
and  pas:.ions  to  the  ii^iial  ^tMlL'L'l.■s  of  c.-nM-ndniir  nations  ? 
'III.'  wnrld  i^.  imleid.  i.i  cnniparain  e  r.'|)o-e ;  hut  Unn'  arn 
caii:-!--^  in  opt-ratiiiii  v  iiicli.  if  ipiick.'ii.  d  int.i  ai'tinii  hv  pe- 
culiar cjreiiiiistam'.-s.iiimtit  stiakc  tlie  iiishiiMiniis  oi  Knni{>i> 
to  tin  ir  V.  ly  foiimiaHniis.  I  coiiM.ier  a  war  lieiwe.  ti  Knp- 
land  and  iv  L'liiicd  Slates  f..r  ti-ti  years,  or  for  half  ot  tliai 
lini".  nlieily  inip.i--ili|-'.  wiltiniil  hnn:;in:.'  nun  cnlh-ion  thn 
un  al  (|iie>tions  .n  .mr  day— H.e  riiiht  io  i-ovcrn  ami  the  duty 
hi  siihuiJi— and  into  th-n-.'  action  Hie  iiiterc-|s  and  pa--iom4, 
which  sncli  n  struitLde  w.mld  i  \eiie— a  stniirjie  that  iiin»-t 
conic,  hilt  \\  hicti  sncti  a  war  would  wv  lerate. 

Iiionhr,  tliat  I  titayn'mnve  ev.-n  the  p.isMhility  of  nii-in- 
tcrpn-iiiii:  Hi.'  sentmi.-nt.s  of  ih.'  Senator,  1  wilt  rl'ail  an  ex- 
tract nr  two  fnnii  liis  speech,  After  allmhnL'  tn  tin-  imiierini 
hornns  le  war.  and  itniiiL' Jii>ti.-e  mthe  .-.iiiraL'.'  of  liispnun- 
tiMiien,  tie  adils.  Hiat  a  war  lieiw.'cn  ii-  ami  (in^at  Itritaiii, 
su-'h  as  lias  he.'u  ilescrilied,  "in  wlii.  h  e\en  nerve  iind 
'  nnis.-l.'  w.nitd   h.-  strained  to  tlic  iitnio-t,  and  ev.rv  ilodar 

•  put  in  n.pi.Miiou  wliii-h  eoul.l   he  .■ontmamh  d.  e,,|,|,(  ,„„ 

•  lad.  under  pn-ent  ciniiin^taii<-cs.  t.i  work  ni.i-t  ili-a-t'ou  > 
'nml  I  U'ar  tneimdite  ehaiiL'cs  in  the  ,-ocial  ..miliii.in  of  our 
'pfoplf.  iud  Ml  iheir  poliiii-al  in-Iiiuiioii  ."  Jfc  u-vn  ad- 
verts to  ttn-.-.iiis,.,|n.'n.-esor  .m-h  a  war,  draw  in- alter  il  a 
Me\n-;',n   war  and  an   hidian  war.     lie    tlnnlis  wv  -hniUd 


Mo 

:'liii.i-t  iiiiKii..\\  •!  ill  a  frc' 


of  H.-pr 
■oiii;t;\  up  111  ! 


think    >nn. Hiaiihi-  niMli-r  w  ill  h.-  e.io||\  e\imiiiied,  di-^pas 


veil  armies,  one   Imndnal   niilliot 


■at  iliie-i,.,u  Ii!;e 

Hds.niid  iiivnl  villi*  sui'ti  nioni''ii(ousennseipiemes  :  and  this. 


natmn  w  ill  tielnvi'  its  nwn  -inrv 


id  I'.dh 


.'II  Its  hniinr.  and  den-ml  W-  eiti/i-n 


No.  vjr; 
-ill    he  |.'ad\    to 


nt  doM.irs  annmilty.  am)  ,(  propmli.mat.'  sy..ti , 

IL'    tlK'n  ciintinucs,  at\.  r  ^liou.nt  the  d.-strmii. 

Slate  ijoveinments,  and  tlie   eoiiidnlation  of  all 

,  Hie  i.ntral  antliinity,  aini  that  our  \erv -u -s   \i 


'i  .'-V^-i 

m 


480 


99Tti  CoNO liT  Sem. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAT.  GLOBE. 

Iniliiin  AiiniiiliiH — Mr.  (iiililiiii>.i. 


fF(<b.  18, 
II(>.  OK  lir.rs. 


I 


feniltT  n  n\t.Tit  in •M<-til  \miIi  llii-  iri'tiiiH  nfoiir  iJcivi-rn- 

nit'nf :  "  ll  wniilil  thnn  l«'  n  >-tiniL'lil  nixl  (rtwiiwnnl  ro;i<t, 
<wlMrh  l«';uU  tn  wImti'  "m  nriiiyCri'*!  Hmii'tt  Imvi-  trriiiiniiti')! 

•  llioir  rnrt-rr — h  milrlitrv  ih'  pnilHin.     In  lln'  nn'iiri  (iiiM' wi- 

•  nlKiiiM  Iiitvr  111  nnivitli'  Inr  thrm*  or  tinir  miitchmIiiI  ip-n*'- 

•  rni".  Hlid  wnulil  umii  IxTuinpfiinir  t«'f  the  PrrsMlfiipy,  itnrt 
Mi(')nri>  tlit>  i7''ni'rnii>>n.  u  hirh  wmilil  tinvi*  wrutrd  tht*  ivnr 

•  woiilit  hiivf  pii^Trl  nwity.  Ilii>y  riiiuht  p<Hf|ti|y  wiitiOHii  u 
•r"itin'i*t  ht'iwri'ri  liiMfilr  it-inT;il.'*  (i'r  timl  Miipn-mc  "fllt'i- — 

•  ii'  nnl<>->t  h'lwctMi  hiin  ulirMiiiulil  coiHiui-r  >li'\l<  n  nrMl  tiliii 
<  wlin  iMiizht  ('(iii.|ii<  r  riutiiilii.  liTtiiiimh-fl  liv  th<'  •iwnril." 

Diit  [icTtiiir  nil- 1  •  ;i-k  iId'  St'imlor  r'roiii  Hoiitli  rnrnlirin.  If 
all  till*  «tTi'  ^n.  It  hi-  rimn-i|P!i'l'>ii«  wiTf  fcrtiuri.  iii-ti-Hd  nf 
It'iiitr  purely  tfnitiillMti''.  miglil  Ilii'  n^oiiraiict-  nl  •'•i<-|i  i-vi-iiIh  , 
t(i  cMini'  rViifii  him,  t'mii)  Niirti  ii  hm'h  iiiilhnrit\ .  in  tut  hi^h  u 
pl'ico?  Ill  Ihi-  Hnuit.' of  the  I'lili  il  Stitc-.mul  nom  dh.' 
will)  lino  liiicil  tttyw  nf  thi'  niit>i  iinport'int  |>n>itlnii'<  tn  niir 
(joviriiiii'-hl ;  who-.  >».r\  irrs  nmt  t)ilciiii>.  ■,u\i\  (•h:irii<t  r  navf 
hiiDun-ut  iMiiciil-rnliitn  wilh  hiMimii?iynn'ii; «  hn  pn^.r^^i-ti 
n  t^iiropi'iiti  t'iinic  :  tinil  uh(i-«-  tipliiiMn«  nri<  ipinird  ni  ihi^ 
iiiuMPiit  III  l.oMilnii  iiikI  I'ldi"  n«  ilMlir:lliol|^  of  Miir  p<>li.>y, 
mill  or'  llit>  liiiiil  n'>iilr  nt'  thi«  (-noirnv  ni\  ?  I-  ii  will  ihii< 
(o  niiiiiiuiici'  Id  ihi-  \M>rht  (Hir  nii'iipi>'ity  Inili'Ti-iKldiirHclvi'-'  f 
Kim  (hnt  i?'  in  in  (  th<-  r<-iiilt.  A  «i<ivi>riiiiicnt  di-'fiijvi'tl.  or 
r;il;if'r(-iiniie<'il  loii  ilrKpohsin.  n  <  i>uiili>  ruiiird.  ntiil  ■■vcntn- 
idly  it«  lVit:;i(i<'i)t<>  ii  pD-y  lo  iiinliiiioiix  ci'iii'nil",  as  the  mi- 
11  iV  i.r  Af.'vniiilrr  wiH 'p'l'I""""'''  iinmnj  hii^  tii-iitciiaiils  T 
\\''ir.  llnii.  bt'i-  Milt  K  not  n  nit-iioiiri'  Dl-iiirly,  Imt  a  i<i«ii:il  of 
ll  slni"  li'iii  »!>  lit' Aiinririiii  p'opjt'.  W'r  iiir  powf-rli'i'd  l*i 
<|ri< ml  oinftlvcH.  W  wt'  m;  ^tflI(■k  upon  om-  I'lui-k,  wo 
iii:i-l  mm  rhf  oih*  r ;  not  in  .-,  -pint  urciiri-lnui  rhiirity.  Imt 
in  ilif  di'tJpnir  ot"  In  Iph  "siicf*^.  \Vc  arc  liitinid  loirt'ili'  r  l>y  u 
liiir-\vi  allhT  ttovi  riiun  iit.iii<>n|iiihlt-  orridiiu'  "iii  ll;i'  <'r<iriiin 
Ml"  fiuflmi  iii';iri'--i'i,i.  Mil'ini^-Kiti  iiiiiri  li<-  our  rcriiiji-,  Wn 
Ii**\oiid  !<ubiiii«!'M>n  I-  d- -triH'iinn.  \\'r  .hIikI)  i>\hil>il  llii' 
I"  It  11  Tdiimry  ^proiin  (•■  ni'ti  arvm  pt'opli'.enai  in  all  ili>-  <  Ic- 
iii('ht<<it'po\M-r  lutil  |i.<>-)ii  rit>  .r^iniiii!  to  Ihewuilil,  m  i  tr<  <-|, 
wi'  fnriiiiii  iMtiii,  nil  wuii  Ijijlaitd.  W'l;  urc  at  Inr  im'rcy, 
lor  t'Vi-ii  PHcii'-s  «onl.l  riiiii  u". 

\iiu.  i-ir,  till- 1*  not  M>.  'riiiTc  i<)  not  oiw  iimn  within  the 
loniid  of'  my  voii-<'  wluwi-  hfiut  dmi  nni  fll  him.  >u  /i  'j.n 
u'tt  bi'tn  y^iir  i''iit — ti'fi  I  ill  }i(it  U  ifi^ur  f'uhnr.  Tin'  lnni- 
ornliN'  Si-nalnr.  in  loukiriir  at  tin'  'rt'.ii  calamilhs  of  war. 
wliii'h  I  >f('k  iH'iilpTtii  finii'.  al  nor  to  tl''i,y.  has  fiill'-'rid 
hiin^cli'  to  nvirrjiti'  tlnin.  'I'h"^-  have  -tnirk  hltn  riti'n-  liT- 
cii-ly  than  lh»'y  ^lnMlld  d'».  TIh'  <'.x|)frinii'iii  oiiwn  \vi'r-» 
will  K  lulainl.  int'i  uhii-n   \\r  i  nt'-n-d,  and  ('mm  wliii'li  wr 

■  •-II' d  i>loriiiii-l\ ,  ptil^  till-  ^1  niij)  (>]' «  rmr  npnn  llici-  >ad 
t,fiii((.|iiiy^.  How  (lii'v  tiii-li'-d  ll--  I'nrwiird.  iin  linrart-  rand 
po-i'io.i  aiiinnn  thi>  nation-t  oi'thr  •  arth.  I  nn  d  imi  t>'ll ;  nor 
M«'fd  I  -ay.  thai  iIk-  march  of*  till;*  rniiafry  in  al)  that  <*or.  'ti- 
tl|l'■^  til"  p'lwiT  and  liappiin--'  ni' a  p-opli'.  i-  n  [ira'-tn  a] 
p.-.i..(*.  ttiai  (ttii-if  .•.nirli'i>  htt  no  v\.hiimN  up  m  "'tir  iii^iitii 
tt  M'.  and  liipl  t   nipi'Miry  clH-tits  (i|)-iii  our  pro-p'  mv. 

'Ill  li'.tior.iMf  S.i,ai>r  ha-  app*  a.i'd  to  Ins  pi-t  hi-t'TV  in 
]K.u,i,  that  III  pn'-riiiinu  ih'-.-^f  vi-mv-  In:  lut -d  in  i.uiiiiniHnly 
r  ;:r  IT  liim--  tf.  aii'l  that  it'\\ar  nniM--.  h'-  wniild  In-  ann'My 
|:!i'  la-*!  to  llnirli,  \o.  Mr.  Pr.'-idi  nt.  no  (nii-  m  tlu-«  iinti<.n 
duiiSt^  tjiat  his  rniir-c  would  Iim  tiiiu  and  palritiic.  -hmild 
V.  <r  hr  i.im-d  upon  :i<.  Mm  lie  will  |i  rmit  m<-  nNoiM  iippi-al ; 
t  I  ,.ppi  al  In'Mi  t'l.  M  iii'Ior  ot  Idlti  to  itit-  l(.  pr  -.'iitiinv.-  of 
i'lJ.  Ill- 1:- 111-'  i'tiiiim  lt'iiu^>ucrum~Uif  hi-I  nl  thf  IJ.inian-: 
t'ic  Milr-  -ur^iv.  >r;!;)in||  J  ii.  of  a  C'lni  011011  ol>iai'  -imii.  w  ho 
hav--  pa'>.tl  Iroiii  the  !■  ';i-|a!ivi'  le-rvirc  of  Hit  n  riMiritr\'. 
'I  I.I-  l.i-i  ot  iLc  a.'i.ir^.  iiHt  nf  ih-  -iirro  r-,  uh.i  t;a\r  in  ihf 
world  our  M'r(>iid  1)  •laiiitinii  nf  Ind.  pvniti  n>->  .scarci-ly  in- 
I-  nor  in  il-  raii-i-^  and  <oi-.('Ui  iir<^  to  ih"  fir.-».  Hi-  <amr 
li'it-  \oini!;.  NhkiiOM  n  to  In-  i-<<niiiiy.  Ilr  t' ;l  thfoi*  hallf* 
Willi  n  iiiaiu.tiy nf  fanic.  wlni'h  rarrlv  falN  to  iIn'  1..|  nt  any 
f-;alf^inaii.  I  waj*  dn-n  n|nm  Ih-  truntiiT,  an  .  well  do  I  ro- 
iii   mix  r  with  wli.at  -traimiiif ''\i  i^  and  In  atinuln  arts  w>'  (urn- 

•  d  tiiwaril-^  the  ('  ipilnj.  in  know  iitlic  lioiioi  and  inl*-r'--t-  nt' 
niir  cniiniry  \vnnhl  ht-  a>-(  rt'il  and  inaintaund.  "riit'rc  were 
t  H  ;i  two  m>  ti  ht'rc.  upon  whom,  iiiori'  than  U[inn  aiiv  othrri*, 
p-rtiap-  lintrt-  tlniiiipon  .ill  oihrr-*.  ih-vnivid  tin  i;iyk  of  ai|. 
\ni' itm^  till'  war.  ando!  tarryiii'!  ihrouL'h  lli<'  im-a' iiri>nt|||». 

Adniini-tiat ■  Ami  nohU  did  they  pirioim  i.'i'  irduiy.  Tlx  y 

\\i  f  Ihi-  hniior.dtl'-  S'  naior  trnm  ."^nntll  Tarnhni.  :mil  a  n-- 
tiinl  "lat  -in  lii.  Mr.  (*l  IV.  fr-m  wh'im.  thnNi.'h  ii  haft  h"  "n 
my  foitnii'-  (.t  itiii.  t  III  thf  p,irt\  rni|it>t*  iliai  dr.  i  if  ii- .  \  1 1 
i:  ha.s  alwa\>  h*  in  inv  pi  id  i<t  do  in-iic-  lo  l,i<  •  iiimi<  nt  ip-al- 
Kit'-,  and  to  ill-  Itijh  frvii'  s  to  jii-i  country,  a.td  i  -pti  lally 
lo  itis  terMcf"*  dinim!  our  I  i-t  cniiti  -t  with  Kmrl  mil.  'ri<\' 
v'.iri^  llio  leaders  oi  tlint  ^n  at  h  liilaiive  war,  wlm.  like  t!;e 
Homeric  lurow.  threw  tliemsi  ivet  iinn  (he  middh-  »d'  liic 
ii.'ht.  ami  fmiL'iit  l!ic  liaiih  «  ot  their  p  irt\  mid  oi  their  conn- 
i:\.  with  eijual  talent-,  iirnine--.anil  >ncce-^, 

A^  let  liip  evils  01  war.  lie  of  ii4  i>  hlind  lo  all  !ii-toric.iI 
e\p;-rieiici',  wlio  dm'.-*  not  !>ec  t'l'iu.  iiml  nul'aithfiil  |o  Pis 
p  i-lmn,  who    does   inil   acKicwIediie    llieni.     There   i-   nn 

■  11    ll  repre-eMintlVe  of  t!lf!  Stat'  -here.     W'e  ,./'ael,|inwI>  dt'c 

ll,  'MN  nf  war.  hoth  moral  and  mat. -rial.  We  dHFer  an  lo 
I  ii-ir  di-L'ree.  ntal  a-  f  tlie  pnw.  r  of  tlii-;  eoiiTitr\  to  endme 
audio  iiitli't  them.  Whil"  th'- eotidiiion  of  iJii'laMfl  pie. 
k- nt-  areni  mean,  of  annnyance.  n  pre-^i-nts  at.-n  palpalle 
ehMip-nt.'*  of  w-akin^s,     |   am   rmt  her  pin«u\  ri-t.     I  hhall 

nevei  be    accilhe, (  nf  llml.       Itut    ll    I    s-.-e    Ihe  derr.|«   nt    hcf 

i.ritmnal  riiara-ter.  I  can  fe.  al-n  hir  rede)  iniiiL'  viriue-;. 
I  am  Kcji-ilily  ah\.'  to  Hie  a't-*  nf  imn-iic-  -In-  d.is  ihne  m:. 
'I'll.- U-clini:  i- depn-iii  d   at   nn  heart's  r.ir'-.     Hut  I  dn   rmi 

•  mil  niy  e\e-i.  eitner  to  tn-r  pnwer  or  to  Ih.-  \iiine>.  -he  aciii- 
Ollv  po•>'e^*;(s.      I  need  nnt  tell  wlial  -he  ha'-  d.  -le  to  allr:i'  ( 

tile  admiration  of  the  woild:  i<ir  her  deeds  of  w  a  and  pea.  e 
are  wnlteii  iip>n  nianv  a  hriL'lil  p-iyi  nf  human  ^Io^l.  She 
lia-*  rea'  lieil  a  ennmiaiidiiiL"  iLintiirc  aiimiti;  Hie  \y,\\-  r-  of 
t'l.' »  a.ili— a  Li-.d>  uiitneiice;  and  I  believe  -Mr  will  lind  i( 
an  u'l-tahle  one,  I  dn  nni,  how  i  \.  r.  einnai-'  lo-r  pr.  -i-nt 
[...-itrnii  Ii-*  liiLdi  ifj  maiu  do.  and  I  enn-id-r  it  a-*  nn-ati-  ;is 
ali'in-t  any  one  c-aii.  *i'he  element-  nl  her  weaKiM--.  he 
iip'iM  Ilic  \i  r\  ^nrIaee  of  her  alliiir:-.  open  in  Hie  nm-l  <  aie- 
Ir— i  nh-iTVer.  Itui  she  |jiiH  creat  m]|iiar>'  and  nav:il  esiab- 
hsiinient".  mid  nne  ik  aiiirim-nlinL' and  exP  ndnie  them.  I 
aiit  nnt  tfoinij  In  -spread  heiiiri'  Ho-  Senate  ttif -ntii-iiie- nf 
h'T  powers  ot  annoyance  and  deP-Nce.  Tht-  has  I,  (H 
MtlfieieiiUy  done  ahead\.  Itnl  I  will  express  m\  dended 
.  i.n\i<'linn.  that  the-r  tahldar  ;.lati  lie  Itt-i  L'lVe  an  e\ ;«[[»,(». 

led  [neiure  oi  Ui  r  i-unditioii      Old  vciscN.  old  yunf.  mere 


bulk*,  invalidx,  Ilic  relic*  id'  bn'f  a  i'ciiliir>  of  war.  are  nr 
raiitfi'd  In  formidable  hutrt  ot  (lijiireit,  and  u>i  in  hwcII  ttii' 
iten(*nd  aizcrcuatc. 

lic'ttde't,  nhi-  ban  pi'culiiu  drawhack-  to  (be  exertion  of 
hrr  power.  The  »ptu\>%  of  diiiiBer  are  xowti  in  the  inoMt  Im- 
porinnt  pmviin't'  of  hor  home  empire,  and  may  al  any  Hme 
Hlart  up  into  an  abundant  liaivc*t  of  mln  and  di^ahter.  'I*lie 
draiinn^M  tecih  may  become  armed  men. 

Hlie  lint)  pOintr-HtilonM  miind  the  world  to  retalii.  and  in 
many  of  lliem  a  diitcontentei)  pn|)iilallnn  tn  re-lrain.  Her 
cotniiierce,  (be  vcf)  foundation  oi  |i>t  pro-perit>  and  itreat* 
ncHs.  i*  ttcaltercd  over  all  the  ba\>',  and  mh't^.  and  itiilff, 
and  Kcaii  of  iho  world  ;  and  he,  w  bo  know-*  Hie  dirinc  char- 
acter and  cnlerprise  of  our  people,  kirnxx^  thai  our  puhjir 
and  private  aruicd  vcihcl- wniihi  ahim-i  -weep  it  fmm  ex- 
i«|encc.  Hut  I  hhall  md  pnr-<in'  ilii-i  iii\'e-ii'.!alinn  furlbcr. 
While  I  believe  -he  w  Ml  ifo  !••  w .ir  w Hli  ll-,  it '^hl■  eanimi  (-4- 
eaiie  trnm  it  wiibniil  wlmlh  -  nritieiiej  her  own  Imnor,  a^  -be 
views  the  ipic-iion.  I  r'-rolleei  -be  ha-  done  -nt  twice  btd'ori*, 
with  no  credit  to  her-'etf.  hut  with  imp  ii-hable  iilory  for  ii-«. 

A  few  words  a-*  lo  the  comlltmii  oi  Inr  (liianro',  and  Iht 
nieaiiH  nf  rarr\  iiiti  on  a  war-  ll  i-  -aid  to  h>-  tin-  ta-t  feather. 
tbal  bn-aks  tlie  eaiin  1^  back.  Thai  the  time  will  conie 
when  tbe  artilleial  and  ojipresnive  rl-cal  hV^P'oi  n\'  Kiijland 
iniiHl  break  down,  and,  like  the  rtirniii:  man  of  |-rae],  iniotvi' 
lierexjstmi.'  in-titiition-.  in  the  fall,  is  a-'ecrtiin  asmiy  t'litme 
iMdltleal  eveiii  eaii  he.  Iliit  that  line-  ba"  not  yet  cfmie.and 
III-  niii-l  be  a  bolder  or  a  wiser  man  than  I  am,  to  prednt 
when  ll  will  eoiiie.  She  ha-i  the  -aim-  in-ati'i  now  in  mcei 
her  war  expemlitiircs.  w  Inch  --iTe  ba-  loin:  h nj.  The  p..wer 
of  drawiiiK  ii|inji  ihi-  future  fnr  the  cxnreneif^of  the  present, 
leaving  Hie  fieiicralions  income  to  )ia>  tin-  debt,  or  |o  ca-t 
it  otf.  like  a  burden  too  heaw  to  be  Imnc.*  At  Ihi-*  very  nio 
nieiil  she  I-  makiini  an  expeiinn  nt.  wtiieh  will  he  atino-l  a 
re\olu(inn.  A  wiseevp  rum  nt.a- 1  hi'|jev<  .  hnt  -till  n  fearful 
nni  .forannhUoeitty  wln.-e  haho^  nn-  liv  d.  and  wlilcbac- 
eoninindate-  It-ielf  w  lib  ilillieult\  even  to  L'radiial  ohanciH. 

A-  In  tli<-  pnuit-«  nf  cmitrar-t  beiween  our  entitbtion  and  that 
of  I'liuland.  Iln  >  are  beiiire  the  w  orld  ;  and  for  the  [air|iosei« 
of  pe;u-r  or  v\ar,  we  need  imt  fear  llic  mo.-t  >t-areliiii<j  e.xaiii- 
iiialii)n. 

Ilapiini  wlial  may,  we  ran  neither  he  overrun  nor  eon- 
ipiereil.  Kntihmd  miuht  as  well  ailempt  |o  blnw  up  tin-  roek 
id'tithraliar  with  a  s<pid<.  a-^  to  iili-uipi  (o  -iihiliieii>.  |  ^up 
pn-c  an  Kimb-hnian  even  m-ver  thinl.s  ofHiai,  and  1  di  not 
know  that  I  can  evbihit  in  str-tnt'er  ternn  ii-  iinpos-ihihtv. 

I  iiii:*hi  ea-dv -prcad  befnre  iln-  S.  hale  our  rap:iei»y  m 
aniio>  a  inaritiim'  adver.-arv.  and  in  f^wei  p  the  HrlTl-li  (laK 
fr.-m  this  part  nf  (lie  cnntiiieiil ;  hnt  I  fnrh,ar.  What  we 
have  twict-  d'liie  in  tin-  days  of  mir  comparali\e  weakm'SH. 
wi»  ran  repeat  and  far  exceed  in  llie>^e  day-^  of  our  ^(rl'n::Hl. 
Willie,  tberi-forc,  I  do  not  conceal  iVoni  loy-elf.  that  a  war 
with  rtiLdaml  would  |enipi>iaril\  i  beek  oiir  pro;.rre>s.  and 
h-ad  man\  evil-  in  ii-^  Irani,  ^iill  I  have  no  frar  of  the  i-Hiie. 
and  have' an  iihidinu*  "nniidemi.  thiit  we  -bidjconiennt  nf  it, 
not  ind-ed  iinliai  in 'd,  hot  w  illi  all  Hie  eh  in  cuts  of  our  pnn- 
|)erit\  *-ate.  and  w  ith  iiian>  a  ahirloii^  acliieviuienl  wnllcn 
on  Hie  p;it'r'-  of  nnr  |n-tor> . 

[i  p  ihts  me,  <it.  to  In  ar  alhi-inus  to  tin-  di'stniction  ol'iliis 
i:4iveriimeiil,  an<l  to  ihe  dl-MduImn  of  thH  enol.  di  riiei  .  [| 
paint-  nil',  nni  In  eaii-ethe\  in^pire  tm-  w  iih  any  fear,  but  he 
eau-e  wi  oujhi  t-i  have  om  unproiinimeeable  word,  a-  the 
Jew-*  had  of  nid.  and  that  w-nid  i- di'.t(j/ii//oii.  Wi'  -h<mld 
r.ieci  till-  ferine  iMHn  nur  hearts  and  it-^  name  fmm  our 
tMriL;ii,'s.  'i'bis  er>  nf  ■•  lo.  "o,  to  Jeru-alem."  L'riile-^  li;u-Ilty 
upon  ni\  '-ars.  tnir  Jcru-iiiem  i-  in  itlnr  In  haL'nered  nor  in 
danger.     I'  i-  \  ei  the  ejiy  npnn  a  bill,  u'lnn-.n-  in  w  b.ii  it  i  -. 

-till    more    nlotinli^.    hy  the    blei-;iiL' of  (e.d.  Ill  w  hat   it  is  to 

he— a  landmark.  inxifMii.'  thcnaiinn-'  m  tin-  wnrld.  strumjbm,' 

upon  the  st<>rm\  an  of  p..hii'  al  np|iii  >-i'ni.  m  Inllnw  us 

to  a  haven  of  .-al*  t\  and  of  raiitmal  lilnrh  .  \o  l^ngbsli  Tim-* 
wilt  I  liter  our  tciiipl.  oi  ii.ednni  itirriiiih  a  hreaeh  in  the 
baith-nent-'.  \i>  In  ar  ihejn-e  ihe  arii  nf  our  enn-titution  and 
the  hnnk  nf  oiir  l.iw.  to  take  tleir  ^tJltioll-  in  a  t-^iiimpbal 

prn. ion  III  the  hireitsofa  inoilem   Koim,  a.s  tuiphiis  id' 

ennipit  -t  and  proofs  ll|'^lll. mis-inn. 

Maiiv  a  raven  ha-  ernakcd  in  iny  day.  bill  tbe  aueury  ba« 
trilled,  and  the  lo-publie  li a-  in.irehrd  onward.  .Man\  a 
en-is  has  pre.enl<  d  itstlf  |o  Hn  iiiiauMliati'iii  ••f  our  |H>liMi-al 
Ca-sandras.  hiii  we  iniM-  -till  iner'  a-i  dm  pditn-al  pro-per- 
.t\  as  we  have  increased  in  years,  imil  tlial.  too,  with  an  ae- 
e.h  rated  prnere-s  uiiltiiowii  to  the  bi>torv  of  tin-  W(»rld. 
\\'"  have  a  ela-s  of  men,  who-e  i-\ej  are  always  npori  tlie 
fiiiiire,  overlonkina  t!ie  hli'-^incit  around  n^.  and  fonvcr  ap- 
prt  in-n-ive  of  >nme  yri  at  piilitnal  evil.  v\liii'h  i-  |o  arrc-i  our 
etiiirre  somewhere  or  oilnr  tm  thi-*  piib-  of  ibe  inilleniiim. 
To  tbi'iu,  wear*-  Hie  imaL-e  of  t'nld.  and  silver,  and  brass,  and 
cla\  .eniitrarnty  in  iinil\ .  wht<-li  the  (ir.-l  lude  blow  of  mis- 
(■iitmie  H  to  strike  I'lnm  its  pedestal. 

I'nr  m\  own  part,  I  enuMder  tins  iliesironne-t  i.'"Vi  rmueiit 

nn  the  iVu-e  of  the  earth  fnr  i!""d I  tin    we;die-t  lnr.\d. 

Slron::,  Iieoaiise  supported  by  ll"'  piihli  ■  opinnm  n|"a  p'  npic 
intcrinr  to  none  of  ilw  eommnuiiies  ot  the  earih  in  all  thai 
eon-tiliite-  moral  v^nrih  and  n-eltd  know  teili"  .  ami  who 
have  hreaihed  iiilo  their  pnlitieal  ->.-P  in  the  |.r<-ath  nt  hb- ; 
and  wlin  wniild  d-  -tnix  ii.  a-  thev  t n  aied  it.  if  ii  were  un- 
worlbyof  them,  er  faih  d  to  fnltd  Hn  ir  jii-I  e\p.etntinr,-. 

Ami  weak  for  ♦■Ml.  fiom  iln-  \eiy  ron-idt-iatinn.  which 
\xrtuld  make  its  lidhi  -  and  it-  taiili-  tin-  t^i-jwA  it  its  nver 
throw,  ll  is  the  onh  IJ'ivi  rnment  m  exi-ieme  w  hicli  no 
revobitirin  ran  -ubveii.  ||  ma)-  be  ebam.'ed.  hnt  it  iirovnlen 
for  its  own  cbaiiL'c.  when  the  public  \mII  reipiire-.  plots 
and  in«urrectjons.  and  He-  varion-  -iria'ul'  s.  b\  whieb  an  np 
presf-ed  population  iiiamfe-t>  it-  -^idleritiL's  and  scks  th<'  re 
env  ry  of  Its  rights,  have  no  place  lure.     We  have  noibing 

In  tear  hnt  onrf^ehes. 

And  Ihe  ."-ifnaior  fiorn  Hoiitli  rarolina  will  |>ermil  me  to 
remark,  thai  the  appniH-n-ion  he  i  xpn-.i  -.  Hint  a  war  may 
hriiiL'  liiri\ard  nnlilaiy  elm  flat n^.  who  would  olliiiiale|\  c- 
talih-h  Hn  ir  o\x  n  pnwir  ujmn  the  rimi- ni  their  enoiitr\V 
freedom.  1-.  tn  iii\  opiinnn,  it  not  tin  la- 1  ni  all  the  ex  il--,oiie 
of  the  XI  rx  la^t.  Willi  h  this  U.-pid'lic  ha-  lo  bar.     I  will  not 

-top  In  pnint  mil  the   i  inillii-tJIlM  rs  <.l   ntir  |i..-|llOll.  ehar.-.e- 

ler,  and  iii-tiinlmiis.  wlneb  remb  r  a  nnlii.iry  dopnii-m 
im|MJK>ilde  III  this  eiointiv.  The\  arc  w  riiiiii  in  bnminu 
cbaraet.  is,  not  upon  Ho*  wall,  but  upon  Ho-  heart  of  every 
AiQcricBiii  and  tbcy  need  »u  kclt  to  P.\iKJund  ilitin.     Uiir 


In  ilia  moral 
re  pnni-hi'd  hv 


tinrety  In  mir  uniou  ;  our  only  fear,  di-ii 
irovermncnl  of  Hn-  worbl,  millonal  olVe 
naliomil  cMlandtieH.  It  mavbe  that  xvi  may  |ori*iki-  llieCid 
of  oiir  fniher-',  am)  seek  >\\\>r  i-trniitfe  uod-.  If  xvc  do,  nnil 
art  ■  riiek  w'ilb  Jiidnial  bimdnexH,  we  nball  but  add  amdhcr  tn 
the  bmt(  h-l  of  naimri^  nnwonliy  of  tbe  bleortlims  actpiiriil 
lor  Ibeni  by  prcecdiuir  itencratlons,  and  imapable  of  malii- 
*  iininK  thcni ;~  but  none  a^  Kiyiially  >o  iih  \vc. 


INDIAN  ANNUITIKS. 

SPEECH  OF  MlTj.  R.  (ilDDINGS. 

OF  OHIO, 

In  T'IK   Moisk  or   IU.PMK*iKN'TATIW:'i, 

Fthnianj  IH,  ItSKi. 
On  ihp  ji|-<>pn«iiti(iii  looiiu'iiil  tlic  liill  iivikiiijr  nppro- 
priulmnN  ("nr  the  heiirfit  of  the  Indinn  IiiIjih,  so 
tiitU  11(1  moiicyH  Nlioiild  lie  jiaid  for  t'u;.ntivr  s]uvei>f 
or  iiH  (I  (■(impriisiiiioii  for  fii*;iiivi?  sIuvth,  iiiidfT 
liie  ti-ciity  (»f  .laniiiiry,  IHI5,  In'twrni  tlu*  United 
Siiit(-H  ;mi|  tlir  ('let  k  and  SfiiiinoItJ  IiidiaiKJ,  iM 
C'uiiiinilliM'  of  till-  Whole  Hoiimi'. 

Mr.  (JI^^IN(i.'^  iciiiiirkcd:  That  when  lircnnio 

to  till*  tloiL-st-  Ik-  eiilis'laitird  no  idea  tA'  addn Hsi)i>^ 
the  rooiiniltn-;  Imt,  said  he,  I  deNiri-  lo  call  the 
n'tciition  of  i:ej)ileiii(-n  to  sonir  |niiiitH  which  np- 
prar  to  lit;  lfj;ilimatcly  jiivolvtu  in  ihe  present 
diMenssioii. 

'i'hi.'*  hill  prnvidi  Hfor  tlip  pnynirnt  of  forty  thou- 
sand ddllars,  iiiider  mir  treaty  wilh  I  he  Creeks  and 
ScininoleH  of  IHI.5.  That  treaty  has  never  liei  n 
piihlished,  mill  L'ciitlrntcn  are  iioi  iiifuiiiHd  o\'  its 
e'Uileiiis.  'I'lie  ircnly  ii.'self  i.s  nut  only  kept  from 
us,  Imt  the  eii-eiiiiislaiiees  which  led  to  it;  tiie  eoii- 
sideralioii  whicli  the  United  Stales  have  rrnivej 
fur  the  Hiiin.'^  whieh  we  are  railed  on  to  appropriate, 
are  hidden  from  our  viexv.  I'lider  lhe.se  eiivuni* 
sianceH,  my  frit  ltd  fioin  New  Yi irk  [Mr.  C'i'l.\Kn] 
olVt-rH  hi.-j  aineMdnieiil,  t'orbiihliii:;  till-  paymenl  nf 
any  p'Miion  of  th<'  ninneVt  in  rom^'uferulioti  of  the 
ruf-tnrf  of  fuii'il'n'e  slaves,  or  as  a  fhtnju  n^.(llilln  for 
fii'^itivt  .v/(/f(.'>  irlio  hart  liti-ii  rrcniiluriil.  (Jenilenien 
have  expref'.-cd  dould.s  \\  iniln-r  the  paynit-nt  nf  ilie 
money  stipiilaled  iti  the  treiitywns  fur  slaves,  nr 
for  the  eaptiiie  of  slave."^.  If  llieir  suspieioim  he 
emrert,  tin' amendment  will  he  perfii'tiv  harmless. 
It  can  ill)  no  iii|ury  in  any  event,  it  is  ud'iri  d  asa 
preeaiilionary  measure,  and  the  mover  says  he  has 
.^alisfachivy  reasuii.s  to  helievu  llu-  payments  are 
intended  an  «  ennipensation  for  ulavi  .'^.  No  man 
denies  his  Rtalemeius,  or  professes  to  dispute  the 
tacts  he  ImK  .sel  forth,  Uni  mi-mhers  appear  will- 
ing to  vole  away  the  funds,  nut  liecanst-  they  aro 
informed  on  tlie  snhjeet,  hut  In  ean.-e  tin  \  are  not 
int'urined;  nm  hee  uise  they  kimw  the  appmpria- 
tioti  to  he  prujier,  1ml  heeause  they  are  un.ihlo  to 
say  wheiliev  it  he  riu'ht  nr  wi'mij;.  It  appears  tn 
mi'  that  we  have  arri\ed  al  a  new  and  extraunliiiary 
era  in  the  h'i;isl,tliun  of  nur  eciunlry.  Tiie  Kxreii- 
tixe  demmid.'s  this  money,  and  rails  on  ns  lo  i.'-rmit 
if.  hut  witlilioids  fnun  us  and  from  tlie  euiiniiy  all 
ii.l"irmaliun  concern  iiiij  the  uhjeeis  or  eon  Rid  era  lion 
t'ur  which  it  is  to  he  paid  o\ii.  I  say  it  i:i  trilhheld; 
for  the  Kxei'utive  has  pnssi-sRion  of  tlie  treaty,  and 
of  the  eorrespundeiM  e  whi<-li  shows  the  eireum- 
stniices  w  liii'h  h  d  lo  it,  as  well  as  the  eonsideratinn 
•  m  which  It  is  tuiiiided.  Vi-t  they  are  In  ihe  niem- 
her.'*  here  a  *'  siahd  honk."  (lenileinen  here  are 
ns  ienm-ant  of  liuni  as  ihey  are  of  the  decrees  <if 
ihe  Ciiand  Sultan.  'J'he  ehairmini  of  the  Cnmtnil- 
l(  e  of  Ways  and  Mtans  possesses  a  eupy  (d*  the 
III  aty;  hut  I  ihitik  I  may  snfi  ly  say,  that  he  never 
showed  il  to  luix'  mrinher  <d'  tliis  I  louse  until  siueo 
thisdehate  eotiimenerd.  I,  too, have  a  enpy,  wliich 
ha.s  heen  examined  liy  my  friend  who  otVi  red  this 
amendment,  and  a  eo!lea',oie,  [.Mr.  Dki.wo,]  now 
I'unttnod  to  lii-4  rouin  tiy  indispnsittun,  Iml  who,  if 
his  health  had  permitted,  would  hav<'  fi.vored  ns 
with  the  views  whi''h  he  eiilerlains  of  this  mysU  ri- 
uns  transaction.  With  tlie  exception  <if  llie  hmi- 
nrahle  chairman  of  'he  ('nimuittte  of  Ways  ;uid 
Means,  my  friend  iVoni  New  Vurk,  (.\Ir.  Cii.vfh,) 
and  my.self,  m.  nit mher  now  present  ever  saw  tir 
read  ihi.s  eahalistie  treaty,  to  which  I  intend  Ih  ic- 
al'ler  to  <  nil  tin-  atlrtition  nf  the  enmiinltee.  The 
manner  in  wliieh  I  nhtained  n  copy  is  of  no  im- 
pnrtanci-.  /  huvi  it.  It  hears  date  .in  the  •lili 
.lamiarvt  A.  I).  |S4,'),  at  the  C'rerk  A'^ency,  wc-l 
of  the  Nlississippi.  (Ill  the  (ith  l-'i-hrunrv.  IH.].'., 
I  I  infornied  this  hmly  that  a  stav  dt  aliin:  eoin|mi  t, 
I  called  a  treaty,  hud  hei-n  entered  into  helween  llie 
i  L'niit'd  State.)  luid  ihu.'ie    Indians.     In   u  speech 


-A 


rv 


[Feb.  18, 
OK  Kk.ps. 


1816.] 

y5)TH  CdNt; 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CON(JRESSIONAI.  GLOBE. 


431 


II.    In  III*  iiinnil 

ri  ftrr  ptllil-lHMl  bv 

ivliirpiki'  ilH'OrtI 
.i.  II'  vvi-  iln,  niid 
liul  mill  alMitliiT  111 
li'a:4llli;.«  nri|illrrit 
rn|llllll>'  m'  llllllll 


,S. 

IDDINGS. 

TATIM.H, 

ninkiiienppro- 
iiliiiii  IiiIkh,  so 

ru(.'itivr  hIiivi'S, 
I"  sliivcN,  iimlir 
,(Tii  llii'  United 
iilu  Injiaiu,  in 

it  wlicn  lie  onmn 
\  III'  iiililri'.s.tiM2; 
siri^  In  rati  ll.c 
iiiiilH  which  (ip- 
iii   tlii:  presinl 

It  of  forty  tliou- 
lh('('rri'l<s  1111(1 
KIS  iicvi  T  liciil 
iiifiiniHil  of  its 
only  kept  from 
(I  111  it;  the  i-nii- 
■i  lime  rci'iivcj 
1  tiuippropriiitr, 
tr  iIm-si'  I'lri'iiiii- 
i  [Mr.  Cr!.\Kii] 
tlir  p.iyilK'lll  of 
IM'i/fll/(io)l  (if  lllf 
ri. 111(11  llMlli'ill  /i'T 
■((/.  Uciiiliiuin 
r  piiyiiiciit  (if  ihc 
IS  fur  .iluvi>H,  or 
ir  Mispii'ioim  he 
I'l  iilv  hunnlcHs. 

It  ISdili  11(1  iisti 
IVCV  SilV'H  )i<'  liiis 
(•  piiyiiiciits  nr« 
•cs.     .No  iiKin 
to  (lis|nito  the 
rn  npjipur  will- 
use  tlii'V  lire 

lIll  \   HIT  11()( 

the  .■ippiiiliriii- 

(irt^  iiii.ililo  to 

It  nppcnrs  to 

I  rMianrilinnry 

'I'lic  ICxccii- 

(111  us  to  rniiit 

the  ( iiiiiitiy  nil 

rciiiisidci-iitinii 

,■  it  1.1  irilhliild: 

ihc  iri'iiiy,  mill 

us  ilic   circum- 

(IIISKlci'iltioll 

til  ilip  niciii- 
:1riiioii  hero  arc 
r  the  (IciMcen  of 
of  llic  Ciiminil- 

n  iM.pv  "f  III'" 
V,  tliiil  lie  liner 

iiise  until  siiirfi 

H  ciiliy.whiell 

.111  red  thi.-! 
|)i.i.\s(i,l  HUM' 
111,  hut  who,  if 
:\\i-  li.vorrd  us 
if  iliis  iiiysl'ri- 
1011  iif  the  lion- 
r  of  Wny.s  Jiiiil 
IMr.  Ct-Lviii,) 
lit  ever  siiw  iir 
I  1  iuuiiil  111  re- 
iiiuiitl(<c.  Tliif 
y  is  of  no  iiti- 
I'le  .ill  the  -lili 
k  Ai;iiicy,  we-t 
'ctiriiiirv.  lH.|."i. 
nliiiU'  ciiiiipiii  t, 

1(1    liCtWCCll   till! 

Ill    11    sp(.ccii 


.III 


{ 


which  I  iiindr  diiriiii;  Ihd  diaciiHsiunH  of  tlint  diiVi  I 
I  pninieil  out  the  circiiiiistiinci's,  mid  rcliiicd  ifir 
hisloriiiil  iiii'idcniH  which  liiid  led  to  the  ii('i;oliii- 
tiiiii  of  ilii.H  Ireiiiy.  1  then  dednred,  iis  I  now  cni- 
|i|iiili('iilly  iiHNerl,  ihiit  this  iri'iily  wiw  ik  ijotiiiied 
for  the  Idle  purpose  of  nrrnii^'in^  dilVicnliies, 
Mild  sMtisfyiiu;  clninis  iirisjn!;  from  the  ciiplure  of 
I'll  alive  shives,  iind  fur  the  purpuse  of  piiyin:;  for 
such  sliues.  On  the  .'nil  of  Sliiri'h,  ihc  ticiily  wiiH 
cpproved  hy  the  Sciiiile.  I'Voui  ihc  liiiic  of  ilH 
iniproviil  1(1  this  liiiiir,  it  liiiH  hceii  ciilimihcd  in  the 
I'.sc.'iiiive  iiii'hivcs,  iiiid  kept  IVoiii  llio  view  of 
(.Tiiileiiicn  who  lire  now  called  to  iiei  olllciiilly  under 
il.  'I'lic  Kxceiiiivo  (iri,Mii  HI  this  cily,  to  which 
\\p  liiok  for  the  pnlihciiiioii  of  siuli  iniporiiint 
Ireiitics,  1ms  never  iiinlcd  nt  its  riitificaiiiin  or  ex- 
i.-ii  lice.  The  .'iiiniiiiiiceiiiciit  which  I  iihi'dc  iiiorc 
tliiiii  M  ve.ir  since,  lliiit  such  n  Irciity  luid  hceii  iie- 
p.iiiiileil  fur  the  purpose  of  clusiiur  up  iin  old  sliive- 
ihiiliii;;  Iriitis.iclioii  li(!\\'(iii  mil'  (lovermiieni  ttnd 
those  IndiiitiH,  iiltriicied  hut  little  alK  nliun,  mid  the 
cuiniiry  is  now  iiiicuiisciiiiiM  that  such  »  trciiiy  is 
in  hi'iii^';  and  iiiilil  the  readin;;  of  the  liill  hci'ure 
lis,   cMii    the   mcnilicrs   of  this   Mouse  ^•'cnerally 

wer iualtv  iiniiil'uiiiied  respeetiiiir  it.     •^ii".  why 

lliis  secrecy  r  Why  has  the  trealv  hcen  withheld 
IVuiii  us  and  from  the  people.-  \V'liy  are  the  cir- 
(iimstaiices  wliiidi  led  to  its  iir:,'oliatiiiii  kept  from 
lis?  Why  are  we  iml  permiiu  (I  to  know  the  con- 
siilera;iiiii  on  which  h c  are  to  paysnmurh  money 
lieloiuriiiu:  to  the  people,  iiiid  which  has  h( en  eii- 
Irusled  to  our  care.-  Why  arc  two  huiKlrod  and  ' 
liiiieteeii  iiu'inher.s  on  this  llnor  kept  in  prot'oiind 
i  1:110 ra 111  e  on  the  siilijectof  this  Ircaly  .'  No  hlame 
(iin  altaidi  to  ^'eiiiliiuen  here  fur  nut  liaviii;;  .seen 
it.  'I'lie  respoiisihihiy  resis  with  those  w  ho  have 
had  possession  i.f  il,  and  w  huso  duly  it  was  to 
|.iihlisli  il,  hut  who  have  kept  it  concealed.  This 
siippressiuii  of  the  triaty,  and  the  fads  connected 
with  it,  liesptiiks  ils  suspii^ious  character  in  Inii- 
};un^;e  not  to  he  iiiisiiudcrslood.  AhhoUL'h  on  two 
former  occiisions  I  have'  reliUi^d  most  ol'  the  cir- 
cumstances which  led  to  the  iieu'oliatiiin  of  the 
treaty,  yet  I  presiiiiU!  they  are  recollecled  hy  few 
inemliirs  now  present,  and  il  seeiiis  proper  that 
I  sliiiiild  r('|ieat  them. 

On  the  Till  Aii-'i-l,  17110,  the  United  .*i|atcs  en- 
tered into  a  Ircaly  with  the  Creek  Indians,  hy 
W'liiidi  they  ii'^'reed  to  deliver  up  to  the  ollicers  of 
the  Uiiile(l  Slates  sU(di  negroes  as  resid(?(l  nuionij 
iheiii.  'riici'c  iicfiims  had,  dnriiii,  and  suhseijueii, 
to,  the  revolulidiKiry  war,  lied  from  their  masiers 
ill  Ci'eor!;i;i,  and  liy  this  treaty  tlie  Federal  Cjov- 
'■rnniiiit  atlenipled  to  recover  and  return  them  to 
ilieir  owners.  (Vide  oili  vol.  American  .State  I'a- 
pers,  p.  HI.)  The  Indians  failed  to  d(  liver  up  the 
tieirrues,  and  the  Irraiy  of  (,'oleiaiii  was  neirotiatcd 
111  I'lllll.  (Vide  oili  vol.  American  Stale  I'apers, 
)iane  .'ii^fi.) 

At  the  lime  of  entrriii:j  into  this  treaty,  the  Indi- 
ans renewed  ilieir  covenam  to  deliver  up  I  he  slaves; 
and  did,  at  the  time  of  enterini;  into  it,  deliver  such 
>'(  iliini  as  were  resident  in  what  were  calli  (I  the 
"iijipi  r  luwiis."  (Viile  1;  Am.  Stale  I'ap.,|i.  )>')].) 
Ihii  many  of  die  ne;,-r(ies  had  ijune  into  t'lorida, 
and  had  settled  and  interinarried  with  the  Semi- 
lolcs.  Till?  ('reeks  could  not,  therefore,  ohtain 
llieni,  and  of  course  W(  re  unalile  tc  deliver  them 
10  the  ai.'eiils  of  our  ( iii\i  rniiK  iit.  (ti  Am.  Slate 
raiL.p.  iri.)  The  plaiilers  of  lieori^ia  became 
(laiuiM-oiis  for  iheir  slaves,  and  in  Il^-JI  the  treaty 
of  "Indian  Sprins;"  was  iicfoiiaU'd,  iiniler  the  su- 
pcrvisiiiii  of  euinmi.ssioners  appiiintcd  hy  the  Kx- 
(iiiliveof(ieoi;;ia.  ((i  Am.  Slale  rnp.,p.';J,")J.)  IJy 
tlie  lerms  of  this  treaty,  llie  Indians  agreed  to  pay 
for  the  .slaves,  and  left  in  llie  hands  of  our  fioverii- 
iiieiit  two  hundred  and  lifiy  ihuusaiid  dollars  for 
Ihat  purpose;  all  whicli  waK.iiilisciiiiently  paid  over 
to  the  (leonria  claiiiianls.  (Vide  \'.\.  D'oe.  1st  ses- 
siiiii  •.'hill  Cuiieress. )  The  Creeks,  having'  thus 
paid  10  our  (lo'.(  rnmeiit  at  least  six  limes  the  value 
of  tlie.se  molhers,  and  children,  and  fathers,  now 
claimed  ihcni  as  their  property,  helieviii^'  they  hud 
ohtaiiK'd  a  i;iiiid  liile  10  iliem.  Hut  the  Semiiiole.s, 
lieiii:,'  comiected  with  llicin  in  all  the  lelatiuiis  of 
(liillieslie  life,  refused  lu  (K  liver  them  up  as  slaves. 
(i:x.  I.loc,  -JTI,  Isl  ja.ssiiin  -Jlili  ( 'mcress.)  The 
•'recks  removed  west  of  llie  Mississippi;  hut  the 
SMiiiiKih  s  dare  nut  j;o,  learinL.'  that  their  people 
would  he  si  ized  hy  ih.' Cricks  as  slaves.  (Kx. 
Hoc.  [H'l,  3(1  session  a'iih  Conjjress.)  They  were 
ut  U'ligth  compelled,  hy  the  (lOwer  of  our  units,  to 


Indian  AnnuUka — Mr,  (iiililin^i, 

nhnndoii  their  homes  in  Floridn,  nnd  mthmit  to  bo 
carried  to  the  Indian  country  in  the  west.  Soon 
as  they  crossed  the  western  line  of  .Arkan.inn,  they 
fioppi'd  upon  lauds  iiwned  hy  llie  CherokecB,  and 
refused  1(1  u'o  III  the  coimtry  assiu'iicd  to  them,  ns  it 
was  under  the  jiirisdictinn  of  llie  Creeks,  and  they 
wonhi  heconie  siilijcct  to  Creidt  laws,  if  they  enter- 
ed it.  The  Chirokees  were  olfendeil  in  eniise- 
(|ueiice  (tf  the  intrusion  of  the  Semiiioles.  Alul  if 
(.'(■iillcmen  will  refer  to  llie  National  lntellii;encer 
of  ahoiil  ihetnili  .laniiary,  iHI.'i,  they  will  fmd  ihnl 
it  rerpiired  all  the  inllnciice  of  the  Kxeentive  to  pre- 
vent huslililiis  helween  ihose  Indians.  Tlieiie  ililli- 
ciillics  continued  duriii-;  four  or  five  years  next 
previous  to  the  inakim;  of  this  ireaty.  The  cause 
of  the  ditliciilty  was  iioi  puhlished  throuuli  the  pa- 
pers, hut  may  lie  learned  from  the  eorrespnndciice 
on  file  in  the  Hureaii  of  Indian  Alfairs.  At  time  i 
the  excitenieiit  was  so  ^'reat  as  aeriinislv  to  threaten 
llie  peace  of  the  froliiii  r,  as  is  set  forth  in  the  pre- 
amhle  to  the  lic.iiy,  which  I  shall  soon  read  10  llie 
roinniitlee;  and  is  mure  ahnnd.inlly  niaiiifesled  li\ 
letters  and  reports  in  the  War  neparlnii-nt.  These 
dilliculiies  arose  eiiiirelv  in  coiise(pieiice  of  our  al- 
tempis  to  return  the  fm;ilive  shtves  of  fJeortria. 
These  are  the  circumslances  wlii(di  hil  to  llie  iie.ily. 
The  trniisaction,  fniiii  he^'innin;  to  end,  in  its  ireii- 
eral.s  and  in  its  details,  was  n  slavedealinu:  liiisi- 
mss,  disirraci'fiil  to  Ihuse  vsdio  manai^ed  it,  and 
disreputalile  to  the  riovernment  who  luithori/.rd 
and  approved  it.  These  eirciimstniici  s  are  Itrietly 
referred  to  in  thefollowini;  portion  of  the  prenmhle 

10  the  treaty,  to  wit: 

"  \Vlii'iiiH  iniiiiv  (if  ihe  ScniiiKiIes  Ji.Tve  uetil'd  niiil  nrc 
new  li\'iiit'  ill  l)i(.  t're(.i(  riiiiiitr> .  u  liilc  ntli-'-s,  <  on^tftnliiiii 

11  InrL'c  iinniiiiKiI'lhc  Irilic,hiivcrel'ii*e(l  to  iiitikc  llicjr  lidincs 
ill  llli>'  Piirt  lliiTcnf.  nK.-iciilim  iih  a  rnismi  llinl  they  lire  nil- 
\\inhil.Mii  Miliiiijt  to  Creek  law.'  iinil  L'liverniei'iil.'ainl  ttiiit 
they  are  apiirt'liciiKiveiit'liciicidcjinvtij  liytlic  Creek  nilllKir- 
ilics  (il'tlieir  [irejicrly. 

'*  And  whcreii-  reiiciit'-'l  coiiniIainlJ  Iiavinii  hccn  made  In 
till-  L'liited  folates  tiiivciiiincnt.  that  tlio^c  (it'llie  .'^(■nijiiiilc.-' 
wlin  ri't'i(-i'  I'l  no  iiitii  the  (.'leck  coiiiitr\'  have,  wittiimt 
mitlinrit\-  er  rinlil.  setllcd  iipnii  land  yecnrcd  in  elli.^r  Irihcs, 
nnd  that  they  have  coininill'il  ntlliicrniM  and  evti'ii-ivi'  d'*])- 
fdiiljiiii..'  iipijii  llic  iiriipcrly  of  ttiuse  upon  whose  liiiid.^  they 
linve  iiuriidcd." 

I  desire  to  call  parlieulnr  attention  In  that  por- 
tion of  llie  preamlile  which  recites,  tliat  "a  larue 
'  portion  of  the  trihe.  have  refused  to  make  their 
'  homes  in  any  part  of  the  Cre(  k  country,  msi^n- 
'  (')i^  na  (1  rcrt.sojt  thiti  llinj  are  i(jnci//iiiq'  to  Hiibuill  to 
'  llir  Cirri:  Inirs  mul  f:;nrir>imi)il;  nntl  lliiil  llirii  are 
'  fipiinheitsivr  t'fhcivi^  ilijn-ii'til  hij  the  Cretks  cftlnh' 
'  /n'c/icrfj/. "  The  jcsiiiiical  laiiijnaire  made  use  'if  is 
only  worthy  of  the  ttansaclion.  The  term  "  (ii'o/i- 
frlii,"  instead  of  "slaves,'"  is  ealculaled  to  deceive 
llie  ca..(iial  reader.  Hut  tlic'e  )ieoplc  were  never 
held  or  rei^arded  as  slaves  hy  the  ,Semino!es.  They 
had  rted  to  the  Seiiiiiiole  coiintry,  and  had  vohiii- 
liirily  .selllcd  with  them,  and  hecome  a  part  of  the 
trihe,  anl  were  no  more  the  proiierlii  of  llie  Indians 
lliaii  the  Indians  were  llio  prupirty  of  the  nei^roes; 
(Kxerulive  Do.'.  Xo.  "271,  l.<t  sess.  2.}ili  Compress;) 
nor  were  they  .0  any  lime  clainied  as  slaves  hv  ihe 
'Semiiuiles.  1  denv  that  any  instance  can  I'eshi.w  n 
where  the  Setiiinoles  expressed  any  a)iprelieiision 
that  llie  Creeks  would  lake  from  tlieni  eiiher  ;)i'op- 
fi7i/ f.c  .s/«cf.i,  oilier  than  those  neijroes  who  lived 
anion::  them  in  perfect  freedom,  lull  who  were 
rlmiiitil  liii  Ihf  Cml.s  hi  /irn/irrd/.  Il  is  true,  that 
in  some  of  llie  dociiments  they  are  leferred  to  as 
"  iiei;ro  prnp'-rty,"'  hut  i:enerally  they  are  called 
negroes  or  slaves,  (h'.x.  Hoc.  I'J,">,  .'Id  sess.  i'lth 
CnuLM  -371,  1st  .sess.  Olili  Coict.) 

I  will  now  call  ihe  ailenliun  uf  gentlemen  to  lhat 
portion  of  the  preaiiihle  wliicli  sets  firth  the  con- 
siderations on  which  Ihe  treaty  is  hased,  and  the 
ohjeeis  for  which  it  wa.s  entered  into.  It  is  in  the 
followiie;  words: 

"  Now.  lliciTron'.  ill  order  to  reconcile  nil  ilitlieulties  rn- 
"iIiceliiiL'  liicatioii  mill  jdri^dicti'in.  I'l  settle  nil  disiiiitcil  (pies- 

li'iii-  \vlitcii  liiivc  iirix'ii  'If  y  hcrcril'ler  I'ViM-  in  .-ccard  In 

rinlils  III"  priiperlv.  ami  c:p:'riiill\  In  prc-ervc  lie  piiicc  iit' 
llic  rronlicr.  ^cri■lll-Iy  eiHl'iiiu'Tcd  liy  the  •■  -ilcss  and  war 
like  spirit  ol'  llic  iiiinidiiii'  Si-iniiinic-.  Ilic  parties  to  this 
treaty  liave  aiirced  to  llie  tnilou  iiii:  sli,iiiliitiiiii..'.'' 

The  first  consideration  uioviin;  the  Ooveriiment 
of  these  United  Slates  to  enter  inli.  this  treaty  is 
to  "  ivrinifi/i'  III!  ilitj}nillhs  mpvctiuf^  locution  and 
Jnnsdirlinn/* 

In  piirsnauce  of  this  cnnsideratior ,  the  treaty 
provides,  in  the  two  first  articles,  as  fdlows: 


••  .\11T.  I.   The  Creeks  :l 

eiitlilcd  10  senie  ni  a  hod; 


''ini'K'lcs  -hall  he 
\t  tliej'  plcmc.  ill 


Ilo.  Of  Rki's. 


any  pait  ol' Ihc  Creek  ronnlry;  tliai  llicy  rhall  make  thrlr 
m\  II  inwii  rcunliiiioiiH,  i.iiliji'ci.liow'.vi'r,  |.i  the  ui  ncral  con- 

Iml  nrtlle  Creek  Cnlincll,  III  whicll  tili'V  -llllll  lie  lvpri"Cllli'd  I 

and,  III  ^ll(l^l,  that  no  diNiinctioii  >li.ili  In-  iiiiidi'  lictwecn  the 
two  llllics,   III  iiiiv  ri'Hpeel,   except  111  tie'  lllllliaaelll'  lit  of 
their  pccdiiiaiy  uIliilrH,  la  wliicli  in  illier  i*linll  intcrrere  Willi 
thcoliicr. 
".\H'r.  II.  The  Heiiiliiiilei  iiurce.  tiKii  ihn.-c  iiI'iIm  ir  Irlha 

wlio  linve  ant  (I f'l  h.  lure  the  ralldcnllnn  (d'tlii*  Ircan, 

I'liiill  iiiiiiii'diately  tlierealh'i  remove  to,  and  periiiiiiieiitly 
Nellie  III,  liie  Crci'k  coiiiitry." 

These  tv. o  articles  fully  •'  reconcile  all  dilTlenl* 
ties  respediiii:  hiealion,"  hy  pliiciii','  the  Seniinolcs 
w  itiiiii  the  Creek  lerrilory,  to  which  they  ii'.'ree  tii 
remove  iinntftl'mleliit  and  to  seiile;irriM(ni(M//i/  thcrf- 
iii.  Il  reconciles  all  i|iieNtiiiiis  nf  jiirisdictinn,  hy 
L'ivinir  Ihe  .Seniinules  power  "  to  make  their  own 
town  rei:uliiliiins  siiliject  lo  Ihe  Creek  Council." 
The  eommiltee  will  lienr  ill  mind,  liiat  the  soln 
reason  why  the  .'^'eniinoles  did  not  '_ni  to  the  Creek 
cuiinlry,  in  the  first  instance,  was  the  dread  nf 
placing:  these  people — sonie  of  whom  were  their 
wives  and  children — williin  l.,e  jiirisdiciiim  of  thn 
Creeks.  These  circumstances  arose  solely  from 
Ihe  fact,  that  our  C'ovcrnmi  lit  had  exturied  the 
iiiiiiiey  friim  the  Creeks  to  pay  to  the  slaveholderR 
of  lie(ir;;ii(.  And  now,  to  curri  el  this  slavedealinj 
error  of  the  (ioveri,meiii,  the  hill  liel'ore  iis  '_'rant9 
twenty-six  ihoiisaud  dollars  fur  tlie  ri  iiioval  of  the 
Seminoles  to  the  Creek  eomiiry,  and  for  snppnrt- 
iiii;  tlieiii  six  months  after  their  rinioval.  litil,  il 
may  he  asked,  why  should  our  Ciovernnieiu  inter- 
fere.' W'liy  not  let  the  Indians  arian'_'e  their  own 
(litlicnliies-  I  answer,  the  didii'ully  was  hroiiirht 
ahout  hy  the  intert'erenee  of  oiir  (.lovermnent  in  he- 
half  of  slavery;  and  if  hnsliliiiis  had  arisen  from 
il,  our  nalioii  would  have  heen  still  more  dis'iraced 
than  il  now  is.  To  save  this  slave-miin'j;criii::  Ad- 
ministralion  from  fiirlher  disgrace,  our  eoiistiui- 
ems  are  conipelhd  to  pay  this  item  of  twenty-six 
ihiiusand  dollars.  The  second  eonsiileration  set 
I'lirth  in  the  preamlile  is,  "To  sitllr  all  iUfpiiltil 
tiuestions  v'liick  hnir  itrisen,  or  aiet/  lipypiifter  iifhf, 
ill  rnjiiril  lo  llie  rii^lih  iif  prijiiiiii."  'i'his  was  the 
;;reat  and  prineip.d  ohjeet  of  llie  treioy,  and  is  pro- 
vided for  111  llie  third  article,  which  rends  as  fol- 
lows: 

'•  It  is  niiiniallv  n2r''ed  hy  iIt^  Creeks  and  f^cniinolo..',  that 
nil  eoiilesteil  eii-es  h 'tween  the  1\V"  Irihes,  eoncernlnn  lllH 
li.'iit  "I'piop  rty.  urowiity  out  01  sai-s  or  lrans:l."tioiis  liiat 
iiiii>  liioc  neciiiK  (i  pri  vloi's  tn  111.'  rainicaliiiaol'lltii  treat!', 
sliall  he  siiliji'it  to  the  dcci.-ioii  of  Iho  I'rcniilunl  of  llio 
I'liitcd  Stales." 

If  i;enlleineii  will  refer  to  the  Nntinnal  liitilli::en- 
rer  of  the  latter  part  ofjaii'iary,  iHl.'),  they  will 
fmd  it  stated,  on  the  aiithoriiy  of  an  odif.er  from  tliii 
Indian  country,  that  an  arrani^cinent  of  (;reat  iin- 
pnrlanee  had  hi  1  11  iiiadewilh  ihe  (h-eeks  and  Seinl- 
liolcs,  hy  which  all  trials  involviii;;  the  riL;lil  "low- 
in;;;  out  of  sales  or  tiansactioiis  which  had  occurred 
prior  to  the  arra.i.':emeiit  should  he  decided  hy  the 
I'rcsident.  And  the  writer  adds;  ^^Tliisiit  un  iin^ 
'  jioittnit  c/(it(.«(*,  and  ferri.s  a  oi'.i.ic.vte  (ii'usrio.v. 
'  The  Srininoles  t.ilijirird  licntijhrr  In  enminc;  under 
'  Ihe  Cieik  gnrei-nmi  nl,  Icsl  Ilini  should  lie  mnlcfted  in 
'  Ihtir  NKr.Ro  I'liiirKhTV,  oik'  wnr  fe,irj'ul  rf  Ihe  ad- 
'  tninislratiun  ifi'rtil:  Inw!',     till  mist  tiled  quesliviit 

'  AIlOfT    Till;    ■riTl.KS    TO     NF.fiaoKS    ill    }IUSS(Siion    if 

'  Seininnles.  pievious  to  Ihe  rat'ltnition  of  Ihii  Irealijt 
'will  be  settled  hij  the  President."  All  allusion  to 
the  orisiiial  cause  of  this  ilitlieiilly  was  avuided, 
hut  the  material  facts  to  w'  "li  I  have  advern  (1  aiP 
hinted  at;  and  all  cavil  a  In  tlic  use  of  the  word 
lii'0}ieiiii  may  he  set  at  rest  h\"  referring  10  the  pa- 
pers of  that  dale.  The  President  of  this  ijreat  and 
iVee  Kepulilic  is  to  sit  as  arhitrator  hetween  the.-^e 
sava^:es,  and  is  to  decide  who  shall  luive  the  hody 
of  this  mother,  and  to  wlinni  that  child  shall  heinn;:; 
that  the  father  siiall  he  this  man's  slave,  and  the, 
wit'e  shall  he  delivered  to  tlmt  masler.  .Sir,  tha 
suhject  is  most  revollim:  10  the  feeliii'.:s  of  liitman- 
ity.  Ihit  I  feel  hmiihled  when  I  rcllect,  that  the 
people  of  our  free  .States  are  lo  furnish  the  funds 
lor  this  slave-dcaliiii;  transact  ion:  and  that  northern 
lleprcsentatives  are,  hy  their  voles,  to  involve  our 
people  in  this  dcL^radation. 

liy  reference  lo  the  sixth  article  of  ihis  treaty, 
it  will  he  seen  that  we  are  to  pav  to  the  .Seminoles 
ninety  thousand  four  luinilred  dollar.-,  in  addition 
to  the  Iwenly-six  thousand  fir  their  removal  and 
subsistence.  Tliis  is  the  compeusaiioii  which  they 
are  to  receive  for  (hliverini^  up  such  of  their  people 
as  the  President  shall  direct  to  he  held  as  slaves  hy 
die  Creeks.  lUit  il  was  eudeiilly  expected  lhat 
about  one-half  would  remain  with  the  Seminoles, 


m 
m 


^m 


ii 


439 


tf^H  CttNtJ 1st  Skms. 


APPKNDIX  TO  THE  (^(IN(JRKSSK)N AI.  (Jl-OHi:. 

Iniliiin  Annnilim — Mr.  iiiililin/xs. 


ll-'.li.  1H, 
11(1.  ov   lUll'H. 


I 

i 


and  wiiiilcl,  iliinlori',  W  lii»l  Id  tlu'  Clci'ld",  fur  \\\v 
t'cfi'k"  ri"»r"l  ilirm  nn  iliiir  |iro|ii'rly.  lAir  iIuki, 
liiK,  wi'  Mv  111  iiiv  ll"'  Criik"  mil'   liiiiiilrni  unci 

IWt'lllV  tlHiUMIIIlI  llnlliil'.'*;   liluklllt:*  ill  nil,  IWd  llllh- 

ilrril  iinil  ii'ii  lliiiiiiiiiiiil  1(1111'  hiiiidriil  ildllKrn  wliicli 
Ml'  !iiv  111  |iiiv  liir  lliiNi'  iliuiN,  iiiiiirdiii;;  lo  llic 
trivilVi  lull  «liiili  will  I'l'  (III  nil"  ir  \\r  ciury  iMil 
till'  |iUlirl|>l>H  iirtlic  |irii|ii>nrll  lllllilillllK  III, 

.And  iinu'  llic  i|iir^liiin  |H  (li^t!i)t-tly  licroii^  iin. 
Will  \\v  Ihi'iini  iiiir  liiiiidx  iiil  I  tlic  |iii('ki'lH  dl'  niir 
I  iiiiHUiiiciiis,  mid  Iiikt-  iliiN  niniiry,  and  |)iinm  it  iivrr 
til  a  hln\(  tlcitliiiL;  riiMilciil.  Ill  Iji-  ('\)H'ii(li'd  HI 
imyini;  I'nr  llic  IhuIkk  dl'  liindiiiiiiU  anil  wivi'K  iiiiI 
ililldrin.'  Arc  lln'  Ui  |iri'«(ni:ili\es  iVimi  llir  iVir 
^^liili'M  |ii'('|uii'id  Id  run  I'  iiiiii  (Ills  liiiHinraaiir  liiirk- 
Rltriii^'  III  liiiiiuiii  llcidi  -  .Sliall  « I'  invdUf  inir  I'liii- 
MUliii'iila  III  tliiHilt'i|iaiid  diiiiiiiilii;  rriiiic  dl'lnidnii; 
III  lilt'  jiiiiigc  lit'  Udil  r  Uur  voln  iiiiiiil  oiinwn'  llimc 

Ijllt  Ktldllfl. 

'riic  lliiid  I'liiiMidiriilidM  ini'iitidiird  in  llii'  prr- 
niiildf  dl'  the  Iniily  i»,  "  (i>  jirrsim   llir  /iiiiiy  i/'  Ihr 

,;'i(iii/irr."     l!iii  lln-  | jilc  will  auk,  Imw  i  ami'  llir 

|iciii'('  ill'  llii'  riiiiiliir  III  diiMiiiT-  I  aiinwcr,  II  lic- 
laiiip  <'iiiliiiii;iir(l  liy  llicsr  i*l  in  di  almi;  IraiiHai'- 
tiii|i.«.  'I'luKc  |ii'ii|i|(' Wfii'  liiiiii;  Willi  till'  Srini- 
liiili'H.  Our  Litivcninii'iii,  iii  viiilallnii  nf  tlir  Ciin- 
Hiliiiiidii,  ill  di  lianii'iir  iiiNiiicaiiil  id' liiiinanily .  |aii 
I'liitli  itH  iiitlui'tin'  111  t'liri-f  till  m  liiii'k  mill  NJaxcry. 

I'lialilc  Id  (1.1  iliMi,  «!■  1 i|ii  111  d  till'  (Vii  k»  Id  |iiiy 

tiir  iIk'Iii;  and  lliiHr  liiirlianiiiM  IiidiiuiN,  In  hi'vini; 
tliiil  i>  tillc  lliiiK  drnvid  I'nnii  a  Clirisiian  naliiiii 
iiiiiiii  I'c  v.ilid,  1  laiiiii'il  III!  Ill  MS  sla\i'»,  nnil  drlii- 
tiiiiii  .1  Id  liiiM'  |i.,>ni  «.si,iii  iii'tliiin,  wliili'  Ihr  .'<('ini- 
iiolm  and  ik^'Um.h  wcic  dilr  rinini  iI  In  iiNi.il  llir 
dcnmiid,  'I'liiis,  in  llic  wmdw  id'tlii'  pirainiili',  Ihr 
|nai'r  dl'  the  j'l-iiniirr  lirrainc  •'  nrriinisly  rnilnii- 
prrrd."  Tlir  dan;;!  r  was  a  nrcossiiry  ('diiNr(]iirni'r 
dt'  llir  sliuri'airliiiitf  rlI'driH  iif  inir  Cidvrrnniriil,  In 
W'liii'li  i  liino  alhidi'il.  'riinn  rvrry  I'dnsjdrniljnn 
Hrl  I'lirili  in  llir  |irr,(inlilr  ul'tliis  Irraiy  i«  rdiiiirrird 
W'llh,  and  I'drins  a  jiarl  nl',  llic  lii.sinry  iil'  ilirNc 
niirni{iiri  dl'diir  Ciiivrrninrnl  In  iipliidd  liiid  auHlniii 
the  slavery  nl'lhr  Siiiiih. 

.Mr.  Cliiiiriiiaii,  I  h.ivr  miw  dunr  with  ll-.r  lari.s. 
If  I  have.  III  any  n  siini,  I'aili  d  in  Mali-  llirni  I'anlv, 
as  lliryixist.  I  will  iliank  llir  rhiininan  nl'  llir 
f'diiiiiilllrr  dl' Ways  and  Means  (Mr.  MrKAV]  In 
r.irrr.'l  aiiv  erriir  inid  wliicli  lir  .''ay  siipimsr  iiie 
t'l  ll  ivr  I'llh  II,  and  fur  lliai  piir|iiiHr  1  will  iiladly 
yield  Id  linn  llir  llimr.  \Mv.  liiinnviis,  i\(in-  n 
ulidil  pause,  le.-unird.l  1  rel'erred  In  tlieaMri;rii- 
tiein.iii  al  ilir  In  ad  nl'ilir  linamial  rniuniillrr,  I'nr 
tlio  rr.isdii  ihai  he  rrpmird  llir  hill  lii'ldre  un,  and 
is  bdiiud  I'lilly  Id  unilrrsUind  llir  I'ai  in  rdiiiieried 
Willi  iliis  wul'Jrri.  llr  IS,  iil.'id,  llir  iinlv  inrnilirr 
wild  liai;  li.iil  an  dpi'druniily  id'  I'liUy  rxaniniini,' 
lliis  ireaiy;  Inn  as  lir  n  inaiiis  silrni  under  inv  ap- 
peal, 1  will  I'l  rl  under  deep  dl'lii.uiiinH  Id  any 
i>:lirr  niiniliir  wh.i  will  punil  nut  any  error  w  liat- 
Bvir  111  till'  rKlaiidii  1  li.ive  !;iven.  |.\|r.  (iinnixns 
n'xani  paused,  iinil  llirn  remarked:]  If  i;enileiiien 
Mill  examine  ihr  die'iiim  nis  iiiwliieli  I  Innrrr- 
frrrrd,  and  the  iiiriespninli me  in  the  Iteparlmrni 
df  W.ir,  they  will  fnid  in. my  nlhrr  inlrresinm'  tin  Is, 
I  1  v.liirh  1  have  init  -.iine  l.i  refer,  lint  wliirli  .slmw 
iJie  nnlirin;:  elfurls  nf  iliis  iinlidii  in  iiplu.ld  Ihis 
iiiKiiMiii.n  df  slavery,  so  delesled  liy  all  rivilizrd 
iiiiil  I'liri.siian  p.  onlr. 

Ill  fiirr  1  proeced  farlhrr  nil  this  piiiiil,  I  desire 
Id  !>ay,  ilial  i  very  aJleinpl  nf  iliis  (jiivernineiit  In 
fusl.nn  llie  sla\ery  nf  ilie  Siinlli,  i  illn  r  hy  Ihr  ri- 
eaiiinrr  df  fni,Mivr  slaves,  or  dllirrwise,  is  a  dirrrt 
vnilaii'iii  <if  mjr  ('diisiitniidn,  an  i  nerdai-hnieni 
upnii  ihr  ri^hlNi'f  ihr  fiee  Slates,  an  iili'iin  r  ai-aniM 
tlio  Uws  nf  Cidd,  and  an  diitra^e  npim  Innniinily. 
1  liavr  nil  time  imw  lu  i;d  into  an  rxlended  exanii- 
nntiiin  nf  ihr  snliji.l.  .An  rininenl  siaii  small  df 
our  dwn  tiiin.,  (Henry  I'lay]  has  deelared  thai 
" /Af  fj-i.^l^  111  1 ,  the  mtiiiiliuauct .  nnil  nnlitunntri'  nf 
*  itomt*.tic  slitvnii  (ItiHiitU  trfhiyivilij  ti^irii  thr  i>nirfr 
'  iiiut  niillionlii  I'l  llir  Sliiirs  in  ic/iir/i  il  ijinls."  This, 
nr,  i.i  llir  dd'-irinr  nf  ihr  ('diiniiiiHdn.  ll  is  Whit 
ddi-irnir,  anil  tin-  inly  iriir  Wln'.Mliielrinf .  .A'.'rri- 
nl.ly  I.I  11,  1  siy  •■  ilie  fji,(riiri  df  slavery  |iii  lieor- 
'  gia)  deprmlid  eiiiirely  ii{idn  Ihc  pnwer  and  nil- 
'  lli.iriiy  df  thai  Sialr. "  If  her  ponple  eiinld  iml 
supjMiri  ii,  lei  it  eea.se.  They  had  nn  riu'lil  In  eall 
oil  the  iiriiple  df  the  frrr  .Slairs,  iir  iipi'ii  ('.ni::rrNs, 
Id  uul  litem  m  .snsi.uiiiii:^  It;  f.ir,  as  .Mr.  Clay  ninst 
disiinetly  and  riii|diaiiL'.illy  dclari",  "  ( 'iiNi^nKn 

'  ll*s   S(i  Hjh  til  „|(   XI   rilliHI  I  V    ill  KR    rilK  I.SSTI  l  I  - 

'  llu.s  UK  »i..MK»v."     Td  appriipri'ile  lln-  iii. ys 


priipdsrd  111  tills  hill  Id  pay  fur  ihesr  nhi\eH,  will 
lie  as  riearly  a  \  iiilatidii  iit'itiir  l-'eilenil  ciimpael  iih 
il  wiiiild  he  for  us  III  alidlisli  davery  in  (ieiii'iria, 
nr  eslalilisli  il  in  .Man-iai'husells.  If  tliiN  t  liivern- 
liieiit  piiNseNsrs  thr  pitwrr  Id  dral  ill  slaves,  we 
may  eslal.lisli  a  slavr-inarKel  in  I'dsiiin,  nr  in  .New 
A'nrk,  and  set  up  Inismess,  nn  (.idvernineni  ae- 
ediiiil,  III  any  nlhrr  piiiiil  we  iih  nsi ,  If  we  pus 
nrsH  the  pnwrr  In  lax  llie  peii)ne  iifllii'  free  .Siatrn 
td  llir  aiudiinl  df  Iwii  Imndi'i'd  lliniisand  dnltars.  In 
lie  e\|iriiiled  I.I  payineni  nf  slairs,  as  ednleinjil.i- 
led  ll)'  lliiN  treaty,  we  uu\y  lax  tin m  Iwn  Inmilred 
lllt//jrll.l  fdr  the  sallir  purpiisr.  'I'llr  i|lirNlidn  III'- 
fdir  us  is  diir  iif  arjtiri/i/i ,  and  nni  nf  aiiidiinl.  I 
liiur  i|iidted  llir  hiii'_'uii^'i'  nf  .Mr.  Clay,  a  Blavr- 
lid'diiiir  Wliiu',  and  I  desire  In  srr  Innv  many  id' 
diir  Wliiu'  I'nrnds  will  Htaiiil  liy  the  diKlrine  wliieli 
he  li.is  laid  ilnw  ii. 

Ihil  I  wish  tiifd  n  litllr  fiirllier  inId  ihe  delail  nf 
cnir  rdnsliinlidii.d  riL'hiH  In  resperi  i.i  fni'llive 
KlavrH.  And  as  I  iiiniee  iihlr  eiinHiiintidlial  law- 
vers  and  sialrsinrn  fnim  ihr  Sunlli,  w  lin  arc  iinw 
llslrilinsr  Id  mr,  I  nidsl  rrs|ierlfiilly  reipie.sl  llieill 
Id  I'lirreel  any  eirnr  in  iri'ard  In  ihr  rdiiNiilnliiin.'il 
ri^dils  111"  llir  slavr,  i.r  nf  ihr  maslrr,  nr  nf  ihr  peii- 
jilt'  df  llie  slave  Slalr.-i,  nr  nf  tlmsr  df  llir  frrr 
Stales,  iiil.i  wlii.'li  1  iiiav  fall:  f.ir  ii  is  an  inipnrl- 
aiil  Niil'jii'l,  and  inie  whnh  shniild  he  well  tinder^ 
sldi.it  li\'  e\ery  slatesin.iii. 

I'y  llir  l.iw.s  i\(  V'ii'^'inia,  iind,  perhaps,  nf  all 
the  slave  .Si.iirs,  if  a  slinr  run  fnini  Ins  inaslrr,  nr 
frdm  a  ciinslalile.  afler  lu  iiii;  drdered  In  slup,  ihe 

niasu  r,  nr  Ins  aL'eiil,  nr  ill iiislahle,  may  sli'iiil 

him;  nr  if  ihe  iii:tsirr,  hi.s  ai^riii,  nr  a  rinrsnilile, 
niresls  a  t'liLrilive  shive,  and  siirh  slave  raises  his 
hand  ii'^'ainsl  the  irrsnn  '(rresliii..^  him,  sneli  prr- 
siin  may  at  nner  kill  the  firrilive  in  any  m:inner  lie 
plrasrs.  This  law  is  in  I'lrrr  in  \'ii-i.'iiiia.  Ilul 
when  ihr  sl.ivr  rritsses  ihe  river,  and  sels  Ins  liidt 
dii  Oliid  sdil,  he  is  lieynnd  the  reaeli  nf  V'irt^iuia 
I.iws.  llr  llirn  rri;ains  all  his  naliiral  ri'/hls,  p;ir- 
lirnlarly  llii'  riu'lil  nf  srlf-defeii.'e,  nf  wliirli  he  was 
deprived  while  in  Vir::iiiia.  The  Ijiwh  dfinir  Stale 
llien  lliniw  iheir  priiieelinn  aniund  him.  liy  the 
Ciin.siiinliiin  nf  Ihe  I'mlid  .Snurs,  thr  niasirr  iimy 

iiursne  and  arresi  Ins  shno  m  a  free  Snile,  and  lake 
lim  liaek  fi'diii  wlienee  he  lied.  In  dnmi;  lliat,  he 
may  use  the  same  f'nree  ih.'ii  inir  nllii-ers  are  peniiil- 
ted  td  use  in  arrrsIiiiLT  erimin  ils:  lint  he  iiinst  trn 
nn  failher.  If  he  shnnis  nr  kills  llir  slave  dii  Ohin 
Kiiil,  we  shall  han:;  him,  as  wc  Wnuld  any  mlirr 
murderer.  Our  pi  nple.  iinilrr  llir  Cdiisllluiinn, 
and  uiiiirr  thr  law  nf  IT'.KI,  arr  pridiihili  d — fnsi, 
frdni  prdlerini!,'  ihr  slave  ii'^'ainsi  an  iirresl  hy  the 
nrisler;  se'-diidlv,  frnni  i'iini'(';ilin'.:  the  sla\r  frniii 
the  miisier;  and  ihirdty,  t'r.mi  reseniiiir  llir  slavr 
after  his  .irre-si.  If  we  dn  eiilier  iiC  ihesr  iii'is.  we 
vinhiie  dur  e.instituii.inal  edinp:ii't.  itnr  diilies  in 
rrirard  In  fiiiriiive  slaves  are  Ihe  siinir  as  our  iillicr 
dhli!:alidns  iinv.irds  ihr  instnulidn;  ihry  are  In  let 
llirni  aliinr — nni  in  inirrfrrr  hrtwrrn  niasler  and 
.slave.  "Iliiiuh  (/;"'  IS  Ihe  ilii.'Ii;:ie  i.f  llie  Cnnsli- 
Inlidii,  and  liie  ni.iii.i  id  every  suppnrier  nf  llrii  iii- 
strumenl.  Our  diilies  are  enlirrly  arjr.i/irr.  There 
is  no  iihli'.:aiidn  resiinij  iipnn  ns;  nnr  is  ihrre  any 
pnwcr  in  CdiiirrrKs  In  ( oinpi  I  ns  lo  ael  in  lilt  mai- 
ler. 

In  re'^ard  to  arreslini;  shives,  we  ow'e  no  diiiie.s 
Id  llie  nrisier:  nn  ihr  rnnlrarv,  all  mir  sympiillnrs, 
iiiir  frilmus,  am]  inirindral  liiitirs.  hryniid  wlial  I 
have  siiileil,  are  with  ihe  sl.ive.  W'.-^  will  in-ilher 
ariTsI  llirn  fur  Ihe  master,  nor  will  W'-  n.'-sisi  ihc 
niiisti  r  111  iii.ikiii:;  sii'-h  arrrsi.  I  am  aware  that 
the  lliird  ehiiise  nf  ihe  seennii  sei'l:iiti  nf  t!ie  first 
ariiele  (if  the  Cdii^titutidii  wns  nner  lirhrviil,  liy 
"dine,  to  imiv-.sr  npnii  'lie  pruple  of  the  free  .Siairs 
llir  diiiv  df  arresliiis  luL'ilivr  slaves,  lint  il  is 
nnw  jiiilii-i:iliy  SI  ttli  ll  lh;it  nn  sn.-li  iititiLMlinii  rrsis 
ii|Hiii  ns.  Indreii,  it  prnpnsi'lnn  in  iiniinsr  iipini  us 
siieh  a  (Inly,  at  the  linir  of  framins;  thr  Cinisliln- 
lidii,  wns  rejri'led,  wiiliiiiil  a  divisinn,  hy  the  riin- 
ventiiiii.  We,  iherefiire,  leave  the  master  Id  arrest 
the  slave  if  In.  .■nn;  and  we  leave  the  sljiye  in  de- 
fi ml  hnnsrlf  n;jainsl  the  in:ist(  r  if  hr  t':in.  AVr 
dri  lidl  n.leifi  re  helwirll  ll.eln.  The  slave  pos- 
sesses as  peril  'I  a  liuiil  lo  drlriiil  his  prrsnii  and 
his  lilarly  aifaiiist  thr  master  as  any  eiii/eii  nf  mir 
Slale.  li'ir  laws  prnleet  him  a;;aiiist  every  iiilier 
perMOM,  t.xrrpl  the  master  or  his  a;r*nl,  l"il  il'cy 
leave  him  In  pnite.  t  himself  a'_.\insl  them.  If  lie, 
while  dl  fenilnii;  himsi  If,  slay;,  ih.'  innsier,  nnr 
l.iMMild  mil   mil  rl'i  re  to  piinish  him  in  any  way. 


fiirtlirr  ihaii  ihi'V  wi.iild  any  olhr  prrsnii  who 
hIioiiIiI  slay  a  man  in  in'lu.il  srlf-ilel'rii. c.  The 
lawNof  Ihr  slave   Stair  I'liiinol  reiiH    liiiii,  imr  in 

there  any  law,  i  if  Odd  nr  man,  I  Inn iileinns  liiiii. 

On  the  eiinlrarv,  mir  reas<in,  nnr  )>iih.'ineiil,  nnr 
hiimanily,  appioves  ihe  ael;  anil  wr  ailinin  thr 
rdiira.;r  and  himnrss  wiih  w  lii.'li  h' ilrl'rnils  ihr 
**  innlienahte  riudits  with  wliirli  Ihetiiui  of  iialniii 
has  rndowrd  liim."  We  re;.nird  hini  as  a  hern 
wi  111  hy  of  Inn  I  It  inn;  and  wi  ptai  (  In--  name  in  lln- 
saine  eale^'diy  with  llinl  nf  Al.idison  Wiislimirinn, 
who,  on  hoard  the  Cienle,  Imlilly  maniinini  d  Ins 
()oil-;,'iM'M  riithls  in^Minsi  those  Inhinnan  pirales 
who  were  earryini;  hiin  mid  his  fellow-.servniii.s  in 
n  worse  tlniii  savaire  shue  market.  \'et  Ihe  hill 
lief.irr  un  is  intended  In  riiiiijn  I  us  In  pay  llie 
money  of  our  eonsiiiiienis  l.i  ihnse  w  Ini,  in  de- 
fiance  df  the  laws  nf  ( ii  rii.il  pisiiee,  have  si  i/ed 
III)'  p:iiiliiiu:  fii;,'iliM',  and  ihiiinn  (I  him  In  a  life  iil' 
servilnde. 

Had  our  ( idvernmi'iil  i  no  red  inio  a  irenly  with 
those  Indians,  and  :i._'ri  eil  In  pay  tin  iii  tun  Ininili'eil 
ihiiiisanil  diillars  for  assistm;;  the  slaves  nf  lir.ir;:ia 
Id  rseape  fritm  liiinilai;e;  we  sin  in  Id,  all  id'  us,  liave 
proiioiiiireil  Hiieh  a  Irrnlv  imi'onsiilulional,  and  I 
do  mil  lirlirve  thai  a  lue'idn  r  of  lliis  Inidy  wniihl 
liava  vdted  In  apprnpriale  a  siii:;li'  dnllar  iii  piirsii- 
iinre  df  It.  \i  I  the  uiii'iinsiiiiiiidii.ilily  df  sni'li  a 
Irraiy  wmild  Inur  hrrii  nn  iinirr  pnlpahlr  than  is 
thai  iif  ihe  treaty  liefnre  us.  ll  is  a  iierfei'lly  dear 
pi'iipiisilidn,  ihal  if  llie  Onvernim  nl  nave  pnwrr  lo 
ri'sloi-e  slaves,  lliry  have  the  Mlliir  pnwrr  In  rnlti'p 
tin  III  away;  and  ii'  they  have  pnvver  In  pay  out  the 
inoiiry  of  thr  priipir  for  iinr  piirpnse,  ihey  have 
eipial  pnwcr  111  pay  it  iiiil  for  the  mlier.  Ilul  I  wiin 
examiniiii:  the  ri::lils  of  nnr  people  in  rei^ard  In  fii- 
ttilive  slaves.  When  a  slave  enters  onr  Slale  wc 
reirard  htm  as  a  persiiii,anil  iml  as  properly,  lln- 
drr  our  laws  he  in.iy  snt  or  he  sued— he  may  he 
rewarded  fur  Ins  \irtiiiiiis  ilerils,  and  he  pinnsheit 
for  his  entiles.  Indeed,  he  eninys  all  the  rii'lil."! 
wliii'h  ollirrs  possi  ss,  exi-ept  thai  he  is  lialile  Id  la^ 
sei/ed  hy  Ins  maslrr,  and  earned  liaek  iiilo  slavery. 
Wr  may  frrd,eliillii',aiiil  IhiIlo'  him,  kiiowint,'  hiiii 
lo  he  a  slave.  We  may  Ie:ii'li  him  Ins  riirhts,  show 
him  the  road  to  Cnnnila,  and  furnish  him  with 
ine.ins  Id  net  llirrr.  We  may  furnisli  him  wiili 
llie  ineniis  nf  defendiir.'  Iiiinsi  li,  in  llin  .same  inaii- 
iier  thai  wr  may  furnish  nllii  rs  Willi  wr.npons.  In 
sliorl,  wr  trial  iiiiii  in  all  rrspnis  as  wr  do  olhrr 
persons,  exeept  defendin:,'  him  iiu'ainsi  Ins  nrisier, 
or  seerrlnn;  him.  1  repeal,  thai  I  am  iiinsl  liii[ipy 
in  seeiti'.:  ahir  lawyers  and  slalesmeii  from  ihe 
South,  iMvv  lief.ire  me.  They  innsi  feel  a  deep 
inler.'st  on  llie  siilijrrl,  and  if  ilny  ih  iiy  any  posi- 
lion  whieh  I  have  hiiil  down,  I  eall  upon  iheiii  lo 
ei.rrei  i  me.  'I'his  is  ihe  plaee  where  ilie.--e  ^^rjive 
mailers  slinuld  he  disriissed.*  Lei  it  he  done  he- 
fore  the  lldiisr,  .iiiil  l.rfiire  the  ediiniry.  l.rl  iriith 
III'  sent  forth  lo  llir  prii|ili'  of  the  nation,  and  hi 
Ihrm  hreorreelly  iiifiirmed  ini  a  in;itlir  so  vit.il  to 
liolh  sri'lions  of  ihr  I'nidii.  I  erriainly  ran  have 
no  dhje.'t  III  the  niaimemmi'i'  of  error,  iiiid  hope  I 
may  lie  sel  riL'lil,  if  any  :il.ivelidldin;,' meiulM  r  shall 
lielieve  me  wriini.r  oi;  tliesr  pniiils.  I  make  ihrsr 
rriimrks  in  nrdrr  llnil  iliry  m:iy  :.'ii  liirili  In  assisi 
diir  pr.iplr  in  I'drmiii'.;  enrre.'i  opmidns  of  ilieir 
riu'hls  nil  this  sulijei'l.  sn  imporlant  t.i  hiimanily. 
The  niiiral  feilin!;s  of  imr  people  are  eorrret. 
Were  lliey  mil  resirained  liy  thr  Cdiistitulinn,  they 
would  he  as  aiiMoiis  In  Iniiir  the  man  w  ho  I'.'iiehes 
a  slave  in  our  I'nr  .^laies,  as  ilnv'  vmhiIiI  to  U:\u^ 
him  who  .^des  Id  .At'rii'ii  and  edmnins  the  snine 
rriine.  They  lielieve  the  tiirpiiuile  of  sei/.itii.'-  a 
slave  in  Ohio,  and  lakiii:;  him  liaek  to  inleriniiialiln 
lioiidai^r,  to  he  as  iivinl  ns  il  is  lo  sn.'e  ihe  s;inir 
man  in  Africa  and  liriie,' him  inlo  slavery.  |.Mr. 
iM(  l)mvt.l.i.,  of  Ohio,  innuired  of  Mr.  liiDi.ivc, 
if  he,  ns  a  lawyer,  had  nm  edinisellid  masirrs  m 
ii'i.ird  Id  dlilaininir  lli'ir  I'l'^'iiive  slaves.]  .Mr. 
(tiiiniN'os:  Never;  nn,  inrrr.  Why,  sir,  yiiii  eiiii- 
not  induee  a  slnve-rjileher  In  ennie  iiiIii  thai  civil- 
ized an'l  CInisiiaii  piirlion  of  the  ."siatr  whrre  I  re- 
side. Von  ini','lit  as  easily  indiiee  :i  llolleiilnt  to 
enter  a  ehun-li. 

Whilst  these  arc  tlin  ri'.;lils  Kenired  to  us  under 
the  Cdiislilnii.in,  wr  liavr  annually,  for  thr  lasi 
Iweiiiy  years,  made  apprnprialiiins  iVdin  ihe  puhlie 
ireasury  lu  pay  I'm'  llie  enpiiiru  (if  fii!,'iiive  slavis; 

-  \i iiitu-r  ili'iii'il  aiiv  lit' lliiisr  |i(i.iliiiiiii.  iilltii.ii!(li  mill. y 

ill. I.-  I;i\\>ir>  I'r.'iii  the -lav  Siiir.''H  vv ere  [itl.'iKlliii!  lo  .Vli, 
li'inl'iM's's  ri'iii;irk». 


)Hit;.i 


Al'PKMUX  TO    I'lIK  ((>!N(JU1:HSK)NAI,  tJI/MlK. 


•i:j;» 


I  iriaiy  Willi 
u II  liiiiHlri'il 
M  nl'  lit'iiru'lH 
I  III'  iiH,  liiivr 
iiiMiil,  mill   I 

lioily    Wnlllll 

liir  III  |iiirMi- 
IV  111'  Hiii'li  n 
iiiliic  Ihiiii  IN 
■riVilly  <'l<iii' 
ur  |iip«(  r  III 
wi'i'  111  c'liliri' 
I  piiy  unt  till- 
I',  Ihi  y  liiivr 
r.  Hill  1  WMN 
iTi;iii'(l  In  I'li- 
Miir  Stiilc  wr 
i|irlly.  llll- 
— Ill'  limy  111' 

III'    |illlllsllt'il 

ill  ilii'  li'/liis 

IS  lillllll'  1(1  \iC 

iiii<i«liivi'ry. 

kllllWIIIL'  llllll 

I  nirliiM,  hIiiiw 

|sli    llllll    wiili 

li  liim  wiili 

siiiiii'  iimii 

';i|iiiiis.    In 

we  ilo  iiiIht 

lis    IIIMSllT, 
KlSl    llM|l|iy 

I    fnuii  llip 

it!    U    (ll'Pjl 

y  nny  jiiisi- 
llii'iii  III 
ihiM-  irravf 

I'l    lIlilK'  ll.'- 

l.pl  iriilli 
ION,  mill  III 

Nil    Vtl   ll    111 

y  I'lui  liiivc 
md  lin|ii'  I 
iuIh  r  sluill 
l.ikr  lli.M- 
rill  111  iisii>i 
Its  III"  llii'ir 
I  liiiMiiinlly. 

HI -I'l-i'l. 

iiiiiiHi,  iliry 
«  ho  I'liii'lirs 
III  In  lialiJ; 
s  ihi-  sniiie 
r  M  i/illu:  11 
iilrriiiiiiiiiiln 
l/,(^  llu'  saliin 
vny.     I.Mr. 

r.  Ci'Dl'IMi!', 

I  niaHit-rH  in 
vcs.)  Mr. 
ir,  villi  I'ali- 

II  llial  rivil- 
svh.  ri'  I  II'- 

I  liilii'iiliii  III 

i  111  ii-i  iiiMJt  r 
r.ir  ilii'   I'lsi 

nil  llic  |iiililii' 
iii\('  .sln\(:.ii 

althiiiiitliiiiiii'.v 

l<  lillllll!    Ill  >l[ 


I 
1 

i 


'J!)tii  ('iiMi 1st  Skss. 

unit  llr|iri'Ni'iilaii\'rM  fViiiii  llii'  frrn  Shilcii  ri".:iilm'Iy 
Mill'  I'lir  iIm'Iii  Miiliiiiil  iiliji'i'liiiii.  Iliililiiiii;  liii'i'li'iir 
mill  iiiills|iiilali|i'  ii'.'lil  III' Im'Iik.,'  r\i'iii|it  rrmii  llir 
('\|irimi'  iiC  HliiMry,  ilm  |k'ii|iIi'  i,f  ilir  iVi'r  Siiili'H, 
Milliiii  llii'  lust  III]  vi'iirs,  liiivi'  in'niiiilily  imiil  niim' 
lliaii  iliirly  iiiilliniis  nl'  ilnlliirs  I'm'  Us  h'ii|i|iiiii. 
I'nirlMiniiii  I-  111  llii'  \MirM  lliiil  wr  iiri'  Iriir  Invrm 

iilTrrrilnlil,  wi>  li'lill  lilir  jiiililii  III  mill  IIIMI'lll  lllllll- 
nlrr  In  linlil  llli'i'c  inilllnllii  nl'"  NlHivi'  AllK'lirilllM" 
III  llii'  iiinsi  ili'ii-railiME;  Hliinry.  ( 'ii1IIii!V'III'h''Iv''H 
,1  Clirlsliiiii  |irn|ili',  wi'  ilriiy  Innnc-MlMli  |iiill  nl'iiiir 
)i'i|illhlliiill  lllr  wnril  nl'  I'ti'i'liiil  lil'i",  mill  Nllli'lri't 
iliini  In  ilir  iinlividlril  IumI  anil  [itisHinim  nl'  linrlitir- 
niis  iiuiNli  rs  llllll  iinnifirH,  liy  whniii  llii'V  mi' 
nfliii  rnnijii'lli'il  In  Milniiit  In  llii'  iiiiiMl  liriiliil  iiiili.'- 
iiilirSf  mill  I'M'ii  In  ili'iitli  llsi'ir,  \f\  lint  few  nt* 
tiiir  incinlirrM  aliiinl  I'lirlh  In  (■x|itinr'  mul  (ti'tiniini'P 
llliisi' ll|||ivi'll'llarill/  illil|llitirs.  \Vl'  nil  llrlr  Willi 
I'lilili'il  iirmn,  ii|i|iiiri'nlly  iiiilllli'ii'til  In  tlin  niilnnn's 
i'iiiiniiiil<'i|  liy  ( jiivrninii'iil,  miil  m'l'nni'xrlvi'H  nl'ii'ii 
iii.iilr  t)ii>  iinrnnNliiv.^  iii.strnniciil.s  nf  niir  iiwii  dis- 
liiinnr.  TliiiH,  ill  llin  I'nsn  hi'l'mti  iin,  ii  Nliivi'-dral- 
iiii;  I'nsiili'iil  liaviiii^  iii".;iilialrit  llii.s  lii'iily,  and 
till'  .v'liali'  liiivinu'  a|i|irnvisl  ii,  wr  iirr  rallril  nn  In 
ii|i|irii|<riali'  llm  nnniiy  nl'niir  |icn|ili'  in  pirfi  ii  iIiIn 
in.siilt  In  rini'lliiTii  liniinr;  iind  LTnllcinMif  i't'|iri'- 
wpiilins!;  norllii'rn  fii'Cinrii,  will  mlr  I'lir  lliis  linal 
raliliratinii  nl'  llic  ni'lraiji'.  \Vi'  linvr  l.ilcly  Ham 
tlid  IJiiinn,  rnniiid  liy  niir  falliris,  uivr  |ilaiT  tn  n 
iirw  mid  iinnaliiral  rnnridi  rai'Vi  lia.'ail  n|>nii  ilio 
|iiiliry  111'  |irr|ii'lnal  slavrry — ili  ".;i'adinu'  iiiif  rnii- 
NtiliicnlH  In  till'  li'\i'l  nrTrxmi  NJiivcs;  and  we,  tlir 
disrrndanls  nf  llir  l'il'.:i'jni  l''alliri'i!,  in'ilnriniisly 
tailiiiiil  In  till'  iiisiill.  Wlii'fi'  is  till'  spiril  I'vliiliii- 
<  ll  liy  niir  illiisiriiiiis  aiiri'sinrs'  'I'liry  vvnidd  nni 
Miliiiiii  In  ll  i'nin|iar.ilivi>1y  ninniiiiil  lay  n|>nii  Ira; 
VI',  tlirir  di'si'rnil.inls,  vnlt*  tn  lax  nnrscKc'i  mid 
I'liii.sliiiioiits,  fur  till'  |iiM'|inKa  nl'Nii'/'.nii;  iIip  |iiintiii!; 
ri|i;itiv(!  aa  III'  llii's  ri'niii  n|i|ii'i'ssiiiii,  and  dra'.;^'ili;; 
him  liiU'k  tn  inlrniiinalili*  linndai^i'.  1'tir  ran.HCs 
nf  cninplaint  wliirli  lirniiirlit  aliniit  tlio  Ut'viil'itinn 
liiii'i'  nn  |irn|ii>rlinii  In  llii'  niilrairi'H  li('n|i('d  iiiinii 
llic  I'ri'i!  Slati'  I  nf  llila  IJniiin  liy  tlic,  Fcdri'ul  ciiiv- 
'rnniiiil  ilurlii;,'  tliii  last  Iwrlvr  innntliN.  Our 
t'lllii'i's  did  mil  lii'.sita|p  tn  apiu'al  tn  tin:  Oiid  nf 
liHlllis  a;,Min.sl  siu  li  insnllx;  wc  lirsitali',  fuller, 
and  i|iiirlly  Hiiliinil  In  every  iiiill;;nity.  VVe  wenni 
In  liavi;  fnnrntleii  tlieir  devniinu  tn  ilin  emise  nf 
fneilniii.  'I'lieir  illiislrinuN  exainplr.s  arc  Inal u|inn 
lis.  'I'lie  tiieniiiry  nf  llii;  iniixlily  dead  eallH  I'nrlli 
nil  Kiiirit  nf  I'liuilalinii  frnni  us. 

'I'liis  treaty,  arranuiiiu'  mi  nld  .slavc-dealiiif;  Irans- 
ai'linn  al  the  eX|i(nMi'  nf  niir  pen|ili;,  Ih  iiiiw  lilted 
aa  ilie  liasi.s  nf  tliia  appniprialinii.  Genileinen  are 
ealled  m  ai't  under  tin:  treaty  witlinnt  liaviiii;  neeii 
II,  and  witlinnt  knnwini;;  il.s  eniitenlH,  exiept  a.i 
they  have  been  diveliiped  dnriiii;  this  dlHi'iiNsinii. 
We  inn.st  emiiply  with  this  exlrunrdiiiary  drnmnd 
nf  the  h^xei'iitive,  mid  make  the  apprnpiiatinti,  nr 
we  iiuisl  rejei't  it.  Our  vnte.s  will  lie  eulereil  npnii 
the  reenrd,  and  pasH  dnwn  In  pn.slerity  a.s  evidi'iiee 
nfiha  seuliinenis  wliii'li  guide  im.  I'lie  eye.s  of 
llie  |i(>iiplii  nf  ilir  fri  e  Klales  are  upon  u.s,  and  I  I'e- 
jniee  thai  they  are  iinw  wan'liing  niir  iiinveineiilH  , 
Willi  an  iiileiiaiiy  never  hefnro  w'ilne.s.sid.  Our 
viiles  nil  this,  and  nil  all  ntlnr  nuestiiina  Iniii'liin;,' 
slavery,  will  ;;ii,  fur  cxmninalinn,  lafni-i!  ihn.sc 
w'liii  Milt  us  here.  'I'liey  i.ixpi'i'i  caeli  nf  u.s  tn  de- 
fine liis  pnsiliini  elearly  nn  this  .sulijeel.  They 
de.slii!  U)  .see  Imw  and  where  we  stand  on  these 
i|iiestiiins  cf  iiiirlheru  ritchls.  Our  enusliliiciiUaro 
licj,'iiiniiif;  In  think  the  name  nf  liherly  ean  lie  of 
Inn  liille  ii.si,',  if  their  inleresl.s,  ilnar  moral  purity,  , 
and  their  hniinr  lue  m  lir  tamely  surrendered  tn 
^lavl■llnldiniJ  arrnuaine.  I  am  aware  lliiu  Nome  nf 
nur  Wliii;  friends  think  if  we  lake  clear  mid  di--  ' 
linel  i;i'iiniiil  in  favnr  nf  our  eoiiHtilulinnal  rights, 
we  .shall  tliereliy  drive  nnr  snuiherii  friends  from 
us.  If  that,  he  sn,  we  had  Hiirely  heller  Kepnralc 
I'riim  them,  than  In  .surrender  up  the  Constiliilion, 
mid  nnr  nwii  rights  under  it.  We  eaniint  afford  to 
pnri'hase  their  eoopi'ialinu  at  an  liif;h  a  priee.  If 
oiir  snnlherii  frie.iiil.s  e."imiit  meet  ns  upon  the  line 
of  Ihe  Cnnslilulinn,  v\  e  emiiioi  aet  with  iheni. 
(iiid  fnrliid  that  we  should  surrender  norlhern 
rigliLs  and  norlhern  honor  tn  iniri'ha.se  soulhi.'rii  ' 
votes.  ! 

lint  1  entertain  too  liipih  .w  opinion  of  our  8oul]i-  I 
era  frienil.s  In  helievo  they  will  desert  us  and  the 
•  'nnslitnliim,  heeausc  we 'refuse  to  surrender  onr 
riiht.s  to  the  slave  power.     Mr.  Clay  was  a  slave- 
hnldi  r  in  lhl4,  when  lie  dei'l.ired  lliai  "  reajTf.iv 

•2S 


Imlhin  Aiiniillii.i — Mr,  (Uddiiii'.s. 


Nkh  Skiiikh No. 48. 


nii'iw.iMi/  im  ;K)ierr\  ill  n /nljiiii  la  ii'iiHinfir  .(/iM'i ri/."  ' 
If  nnr  snnlliern  \Vh|i,'a  will  sland  liy  this  dneirme, 
we  ean  aet  lnj,'etlier.      We  ask  llieiii  In  ujii  no  fur- 
ther.     I. el  us  ri'fnsi!  In  exert  nnr  jinwer  either  to 
ii|ilinld  or  ahnlish   NlaverVi     In   alinrl,  sir,  let  iin 

rel'llf'e  to  exerl  11    pnwi^r  whii'll  We  lln  not    poHHess, 

This  iM  Ihe  ilni'irine  nil  whii'll  the  i/lnrinna  Irinmpli 
111  Oliio  wiia  prini'ipally  liased  in  lH'l'l,aiid  the  Htill 
liiiiri'  i;loriouH  Iriiiiniili  in  |H|,'>.  Ii  wan  on  tliia 
diii'lriiie  llllll  the  WliifHof  my  district  put  forth 
Niii'li  elViiriN  in  llllll  caiiipaiv'ii,  i\n  In  win  I'rnin 
the  fiir  ladies  nf  Kentneky  n  i^nr'.^eniis  liainier, 
US  a  Inkeii  nf  their  iippn  '111  *  .Sir,  lliia  prniid 
ilisliiielii'ii  was  nnl  conferred  iipiiii  iia  in  iniiae. 
(|iii'iiee  nf  linviii'.;  Nirvilely  siilnnilted  In  slave- 
linldiii'i  ilicliilinn.  Nn,  air;  disiiiii.;ni:diei|  as  tlia  ; 
slrnii'.'cal  Wliiu'  district  in  the  nniied  .SliiteM,)  and  ' 
eiilirelv  dissenliii';  frnm  ihosc  whn  have  fell  it  their 
diilv  In  nrcanize  a  aepanite  political  anti-Hlavery 
pari!  ,  the  penple  nf  my  dislrii'l  have  Iniii;  waleheil, 
wi  ill  iinreasiiiy:  vi;;ilaiice,  every  alleiii|il  In  involve 
them  in  ihe  eriiin'H  of  the  Hnnlli.  We  sIuill  enii- 
liiiiie  111  resist  I'Mry  ell'nrl  nf  the  hind,  nnUvilh- 
Maiirlim;  the  emit  lif  hypncriles,  the  wliiniu:,'  nf 
dniii:lifai'eN,  and  the  Mupeii'ilioiia  di'iiiniciaiinns 
nf  sliivelinldirH.  The  ari'n^'iilit  eoniplainlH  ahniit 
"  ii'/itiUiiiir  Ihi  1  ipiestinii,'' to  which  we  havi'  no 
iil'li'ii  lisleiied  in  this  Hall,  are  now  unde't'iilnod. 
And  I  .Jiiy  In  sniillierii  '^t  iillemeii,  rid'r  In  iii'ifr  vn 
Id  hrronir  (iio'dih  n  ill  1/aiii' ,!,'Im'/,  and  we  will  cease 
III  aijilali'  the  i|iieslioii  of  slavery.  Cease  ynnr 
alleni|jls  In  ', inlale  our  ri','hts,  and  we  sli.'ill  nf 
I'liiirsc  cease  111  resist  such  atti  inpl.s.  'I'he  ii:;ila- 
limi  is  with  ynii ;  fnr  I  will  take  this  nccasinn  In 
declare  that,  dnrin'.r  the  nine  ycirs  which  I  have 
held  a  sell  in  this  Hall,  I  have  neverealleil  up  this 
MlhjccI,  except  ill  del'endill:;  ihe  l'i';hls  of  my  penple. 
The  war  which  I  have  wa;;ed  liim  lieeii  entirely  u 
tliff-mive  war. 

IIiil.lo  return  In  ihe  issue  nfNiippnrlint;  llic  enn- 
slilnlinnal  riuhls  of  all  the  Slates,  mid  i'c«i.«/iii;f 
fi'ci'i/  (i/(i»i/)(  /iiiiirii/re  (/"'  (iia/i/c  of  lliv J'lee  SlaliH  in 
llir  ,vii;i/irii'(  I'i  Wai'in/.  'I'hin  l«  imw,  and  iiuihI  he, 
Ihe  tjrial  and  principal  pnlitical  issue  in  iho  free 
SlalcN.  The  lime  for  preventiii;;  it  has  ijiini'  liy 
forever,  ll  is  iisele.'-'H  fnr  servile  editnr.s  and  trein- 
lilini;  poliiiciaiiH  to  complain.  There  is  a  fcidiiis; 
aruiiKcd  on  this  siilijecl  mnnn^  the  freeilien  nf  the 
.N'nrlli,  which  caiinol  lousier  he  Nlilltd.  ll  ia  daily 
spreailiie.',aiiddeepeuiii,i,',and  ex  lend  in;;,  and  must  ^ 
inevilahly  overwhelin  lho.se  who  shall  atleinpl  In 
stnpilHp'rogreNri.  The  descendants  nf  the  I'ilnrim.s 
will  nol  lunch  loiter  remain  sniiservient  to  the 
slave  power.  If  we  shall  liereufier  he  fniind  falter-  ' 
ini,' and  timid  in  nur  support  of  Nnrlhirn  rights,  I 
dn  mil  hesitate  In. say  thai  the  day  nf  nnr  nverlhrnw  1 
will  then  he  near.  The  siiirdv  yeomanry  nf  llic  , 
Xorlh  will  nnl  iinicli  longer  snil'er  iheniselvca  to  he  , 
made  the  iiiMirnmeiils  for  aupporliu;;  ii  commerce  ; 
in  the  hoilicH  .if  wnmeii,  and  for  harlering  in  chil- 
dren. They  will  soon  refuse  to  iiniie  with  sonlh-  ; 
ern  slaM'holders  in  |ihinderinu:  cradles,  and  ill  I  ear- 
ing children  frnm  their  trundle  huls.  In  .supply  ihe 
:  lave  markets  nf  llie  Sniitli.  They  will  demand 
exemplinn  frnm  such  iinmierBhle  disgrace — smli 
ignnmiiiinns  guilt.  I  may  he  peinhlted  In  say  that 
s»c/i  Is  llu:  fVliif:  (Inclrinc,  nr  I  have  studied  Whig 
principles  In  liille  purpnsc.  Onr  people  regard  no 
man  na  ii  Whig  whn  liu-ks  the  mural  or  political 
funines.slo  mainiain  ihe(.'onslitntion,aml  theriglit.s 
which  the  free  .Stales  hold  under  it.  We  are  all 
nware  that  a  nio.sl  exciling  eanva.ss  is  now  going 
on  in  New  Hampshire.  The  (lenple  of  ihal  Stale 
are  arousing  to  ihe  conlliei.  This  ipieslion  of  suli- 
serviency  to  the  sl.ive  power  has  called  into  action 
the  political  energies  of  her  people.  Suppression 
of  the  right  of  pciilion,anil  of  dehate  in  lliis  hall — 
Ihe  support  nf  the  slave  trade  in  this  Dislriel,  and  , 
nil  our  souihern  coast — the  I'lnrida  war,  and  llie 
'I'exas  ontragi — have  h  d  the  elecinrs  nf  thai  Slate 
to  lielieve  that  they  have  reached  the  point  where 
fnrhearunce  ceases  In  he  a  virtue.  They  are  now 
arraying  the  past  sins  nf  their  pnhlic  servants  on 
this  .snhjcci  hefnre  llic  electors,  and  appear  deter-  , 
mined  In  hold  Ihcir  Repre.senlative.s  hcrcauer  In  a  ] 

*Tlie  liiilii's  nt'  I.i'\iii2inn.  Kentucky,  iire.^i'iiieit  tn  tin: 
\Vliii.'rt  oi' .■Vsliialiiila  ciiiimv.  iiliin.  in  wliicli  Mr.  ii.  reiiiilcs, 
a  liciiiini'iil  liinniiT,  in  eiiii.-iileiaiiaii  nf  tlic  iiuiiiirilv  which 
llie  Whit'i  iilllial  eiiaalVL'iive  nt  llie  Smtc  clecliiiii  of  l.-ll ;  \ 
it  lieliii!  nearly  i/oiiWc  llie  iiL'i.'rci'iite  Wliiii  iiiajorlly  of  llie 
Suite. 

I 'I'lie  nmlnrily  in  Mr.  (IiililniKs's  iliMrict  in  l'''ia.  for  llic 
Wliiu  lickit.  wa-  c.'.'iia 


"triet  neeoiinl  nn  ihiM  point.  Thin  .  ale  of  lliint;i» 
IniH  heeii  piecipilalid  upon  the  penple  hy  allenipln 
of  the  l.iiediiniiiiahl  party  of  that  .Stale  in  nstraciHH 
a  meiiilier  nf  llie  lioil  CniigieHs,  for  the  reason  that 
he  pnvses:a'd  Niillii'ienl  lioni'Hly  and  indepeiidence 
to  onpiine  the  L'l'ealeal  oiilra!;e  eier  inlhcled  upon 
the  rieemen  nf  the  .Nnrlli.  Tina  servility  In  souih- 
ern dieialioii  ia  well  ciih  ulated  tn  call  forth  llie  in- 
dignant fi  iliiigH  of  every  eh'cinr  who  Inm  rei/ard  for 
the  liiiiiiir  of  his  Slate,  ihn  righlH  of  her  people,  or 
the  riinstiintion  of  nnr  eonntry.  iVIay  (iiid  Heiiil 
tliein  a  safe  deliverance  I'miii  all  "servilea"  anil 
"  dniighfaces."  There  is  iiInii  a  vacancy  in  tlia 
delegation  frnm  iMaaMachiiMellN.  Why  is  imi  the 
nld  liny  Stale  fully  reprisenlid  nn  this  llooi|.'  It 
is  lii'CjiuNe  the  former  inemln  r  nf  llii'  vncanl  dislriel 
vnled  In  admit  Texas  sliivelinldei'H  In  tliia  hall,  to 
eiiart  laws  In  cniilrnl  the  lilnrly-lnviiig  lUsceiidanlH 
of  Ihe  rdgriiii  Kalhera.  lie,  sir,  wii.-t  willing  to  in- 
volve lliein  III  the  Niipporl  nf  an  iiistiliilion  which 
they  execraii-  mid  alilior;  and  they  now  discaid 
him  who  llniM  iiacriliced  their  InlereMls  and  llieir 
honor.  I  will  pill  unollier  snlemii  ({iieiitinn  tn  lliii 
DeinncralM  nnw  present.  Where  are  the  fniir 
Ki'|iresi'utalives  frnm  ( 'omiecticnt,  whn,  in  llie  Inat 
rmigresM,  declarial  hy  their  vnleH,  llial  the  nwiier 
nf  five  slaveH  ill  Texaa  was  woriliy  to  exert  thn 
same  political  power  in  lliia  nalinii  as  fniir  of  ihi: 
free,  inlelhgeut  eleclor.s  nf  thai  palriolie  Stale.'  I 
fay,  where  an:  they,-  And  echo  answers,  where.' 
Sir,  the  voice  nf  a  palrinlic  people  has  prniininieed 
llieni  iinwnrlhy  lo  reprcKenl  fiee  principlis;  and 
they  have  enl  them  nd',  mid  nnl  oilier  Kirynnlii 
here,  who,  I  trust,  will  pinvc  more  Worthy  nf  thai 
mieienl  Slale. 

If  we  hiok  Ml  .New  'S'ink,  we  shall  find  that  llii.s 
siiliiei't  ia  occupying  ihe  alleniion  of  her  penple 
alsn.  One  nf  lln:  leading  parlies  of  that  .Slate  linn 
taken  its  pnsilion  in  linor  oroppi'e.,.':ioii,  of  TexiiH, 
and  of  perpelnal  slavery.  The  oilier  has  espnnseil 
the  caiisi;  nf  the  ('nnslilnlinn — nPllio.':e  "  .self-evi- 
ilenl  Irnilia"  mi  which  niirCinvi  rninent  ia  fniindcd, 
niid  which  de.'lare  the  eijiialiiy  nf  maii':i  pnlitical 
rights.  Ilia  true  that  smne  of  our  friend.s  appear 
lo  hesilale  and  Iremhle  in  view  of  the  progress  of 
free  principles.  Ilnl,  if  triiili  hn  oninipolenl,  wc 
cannnl  doiilit  the  result.  I  desire,  nlsn,  tn  say  a 
wnrd  in  regard  lo  my  own  .Suae.  This  i|iiesiioii 
of  Ihe  inainlenanee  o|  our  right  to  he  exempt  from 
the  crimes  and  the  disgrace  nf  slavery,  an  I  have 
already  remarked,  greatly  eoulrilmieil  lo  nnr  iri- 
iiniphs  in  l,-^44  and  l.S-1.5.  Texas  and  perpetual 
slavery  have,  lliii.s  far,  prnved  a  inillsloiie  iirounU 
the  neel'-i  of  our  opponenlH.  The  parlies  are  again 
in  the  I'll  Id,  preparing  for  llic  r.onllicl.  The  Denio- 
cralic,  party  have  seh  cied  for  their  Nlalidard-hearer 
a  man  whn,  in  use  his  own  language,  gnes  against 
these  principleH  "JliU-fonlcd" — one  who,  in  IfS-ht, 
went,  and  siill  goes,  for  Toxn.s and  eternal  alavery. 

[.Mr.  S.\wvKli,  of  Olio,  desired  lo  ask  his  col- 
league [,Mr.  GiiiniNusl  wlien  ilio  Dcniocralio  rnn- 
didute  or  Cjovcrnor  iiiade  lln;  declaration  imputed 
lo  liim.-{ 

Mr.  CiinniNds  replied:  In  183H,  while  a  meniher 
of  the  Senate  nf  Ohio.  He  then  repnrled  the  fa- 
niniis  hill,  which  made  nnr  penple  generally  the 
call  hpoles  for  Souihern  slaveholder.s.  It  was  re- 
jiorled  under  the  diclalimi  nf  a  slavehnlding  em- 
lin.ssy  frnm  a  sister  Slate.  I  have  long  kiinwn  Mr. 
Tnd,  and  I  knnw  he  is  regarded  as  arrant  a  dnugli- 
face  as  ever  ireinhled  hefnre  the  frown  of  a  slttve- 
hnlder.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Whigs  Iinve  se- 
lected a  man  with  whnni  I  have  nol  the  honor  nf  a 
personal  ac(|nainiaiicc,  hut  who,  I  imi  infnriiiecl, 
draws  the  eonstilnlional  line  of  demarcation  he- 
tweeii  nur  people  of  llie  free  .Stales  and  slavei-y 
w  illi  such  nc.ruraey,aiid  iilaees  il  in  such  palpable 
light  l)i:fnre  his  hearers,  llial  all  can  .see  and  under- 
stand it.  Taking  his  position  upon  this  line,  he 
says  lo  the  "peculiar  inslilulions,"  "  Thus  far 
shall  thiiu  come,  and  here  shall  thy  proud  wavu 
he  stayed."  I  am  lold  that  ho  will  never  .surrender 
onr  rights  lo  the  supercilious  arrogance  Oi'  "he 
.South,  nor  to  the  trembling  poltroonery  of  tl.j 
North.  The  day  of  trial,  loo,  for  iho.so  of  my  col- 
leagues who  shall  he  candidates  for  re-election  will 
corneal  the  same  lime  of  our  gubernatorial  elec- 
tion. I  am  desirous  that  the  vote  on  this  bill  Nliall 
show  lo  the  people  of  our  Slale  which  of  us  are 
willing  to  lax  them  fnr  the  purpose  of  catching  fu- 
gitive slaves,  and  which  of  us  oppose  such  insult 
to  the  fi'eciilPii  nf  our  Slate. 


m 


434 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[MaiT-h  16, 


II 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Jefferson  Davis, 


Ho.  OP  Reps. 


%:U    I 


[Mr.  SAwvKn.nrOhio,  (Icsiioil  to  .,iiy,  llint  if  lip 
wp'-e  Hi-qnniiUcil  willi  llir  I'lirls  wI'mIi  his  collcniiue 
fMr.  GinniNoi]  Imd  kIhIliI,  lie  wiiulil  iiol  vote  Inr 
the  liill,  liiil  "S  Ml".  (iiniiiNr.s  liii{|  not  cxIiiLiilcd 
the  (InrnnicTiis,  hi-  Bhnulcl  fiul  boiiiul  to  vote  for 
till"  nppro|ii'imions.l 

Mr.  GiDiiiNiis  r(s\iniei).  Mr.  Clinirm^n,  I  fori 
niorlifiMl  ami  liiiniMod.  ■\  '{piiri'.-irtiliitivo  from 
my  own  frallaiit  .State  rises  in  tlii«  Hall  mid  de- 
rlnrc.s  liimsolf  ready  to  vote  for  this  iippropriatioii, 
not  lierniisp  ftp  friimr.?  i(  (o  "ir  projier,  luit  bi-'canse  he 
don't  Aiioir  v-litlliiril  r  riirftf  ''''  irroii^-.  Not  lic- 
rnnsc  lie  is  nrtiiiaiiited  with  thr  tliclM,  Imt  licraii.'ic 
he  iii  iffiinrant  of  ilipin.  Sir,  I  had  sopposi'd  that 
.itatrsnicn  acted  from  knowlcdjjcniid  nut  from  the 
want  of  it. 

(Mr.  Mi'IlinvFii,,  of  Ohio,  fiilil  timl  tin  Imd 
looked  at  iIif  treaty,  and  thai  did  not  mention 
fliires,  hill  ."spoke  of  proprrlu.  'I'liat  he  therefore 
had  no  evidence  hefore  him  tint  the  term  projierlti 
meant  .^fnivt.'] 

Mr.  (iiitiiiv<;«!  resumed.  It  WfiH  the  diitv  of  my 
eollea^ne  to  iindiTMIand  these  faeis  itelore  he  came 
to  this  Hall.  If  he  will  look  at  tlie  doi'inneiils  to 
which  1  have  referred,  he  will  liiiil  that  in  them  the 
t<rm  slnres  is  used  insieail  of  |iioperty.  I  am 
allowed  lint  an  hour  to  speak,  and  it  will  reipiire 
several  hours  to  rend  the  documents,  willioiit 
speakiiij.  It  would,  iher,  I'ore,  have  lieeii  iiseles-s 
for  me  to  hriiis  doninii'iits  to  this  Hall.  I'c.t  inv 
eollenirne  was  Iiotni-'  :o  uii(lei>iaiid  tlnin,  and  his 
iirnornnce  can  h"  no  Ici^itiinate  excuse  tor  iiivolvii-j 
his  consti*-.,  tits  ill  the  expense  anil  disgrace  of' 
payi*"-,  for  t'oirrive  slaves.  In  Indiana,  I  nni  tol.I 
tiijit  two  memliers  of  the  last  ( 'oii<rress,  who  wvyv 
candidates  tor  ■  'eciion,  were  rielented,  hecaiise 
thoir  constituents  thought  tliey'':id  not  inel  .soiiili- 
ern  ncirressions  with  snth'cient  prompiiinde. 

[Mr.  Catiic  \nT  said  he  was  sp 'cessor  of  one  of 
the  !jentienicii  alhidcfl  to,  and  ihat   his  opponent 

was  not  detejited  on  a nml  of  his  yielding  to  the 

demands  of  the  Sonlh.  Init  because  he  hail  acled 
upon  thi" principles  laid  down  by  the  ;;eiitleinan 
from  Ohio.  Mr.  tiinoixfis.] 

Mr.  (iinniN(;s  resumed.  1  may  have  been  mis- 
informed- but  if  the  people  of  the  '^'  tleman's  dis- 
Irirt  desire  to  pay  their  money  to  '  „  i^h  sonllieni 
n?2roes;  if  tl.  y  wish  ti>  .• 'lare  In  the  crime  of 
slave-tradiiii:  I  will  not  now  dispute  their  riirht  to 
do  jio.  I^et  them  speak  their  sentiments;  it' they 
prefer  slavery  to  liberty,  li't  us  know  it.  lint  I 
referred  to  this  f>ct  merelv  as  an  evidence  to  show 
that  this  qtiestioi;  was  enteriiiir  into  the  ele.-iiniis 
in  nearly  all  oftln  free  .Stales;  anil,  judirini;  of  ilie 
fnture  by  ilic  past,  ihe  day  is  not  fir  distant  when 
it  will  control  the  elections  of  the  nation.  I  proplic- 
py  thit  it  will  decide  the  Presidential  electimi  of 
1P4>*,  and  that  a  mijoriiy  of  the  members  of  this 
House  in  the  thirty  tirsi  <'«in?ress  will  be  elected 
with  reference  to  this  subject.  The  Texas  inii|iiiiy 
is  just  be;;iiiniiij:  to  be  realizeij.  As  the  people 
shall  hereafter  witness  the  eflects  of  lhat  ontraire, 
their  indicnation  will  increase,  iiinil  all  who  have 
aided  in  this  unpardonable  pnliiicHi  sin  shall  be 
hurled  from  the  hii^h  places  of  the  nation,  (Mr. 
Qllll'ivns  here  took   his  sent.  I 

Mr.  MrK^v,  of  North  Carolina,  answered  Mr. 
Giiinis'tis.  and  conteiv'-d — 

1st.  That,  as  the  'reaty  had  stipulated  for  the 
pavmeni  of  the  mom  v,  it  was  the  duly  of  Coii- 
trress  to  appropriate  ii, 

till.  That,  as  the  Indians  were  reeiirded  as  the 
wanls  of  the  (jo^erniiieni,  and  were  poor  and  ii;- 
nornnt,  they  oie/lit  to  Inive  the  inoiiev,  as  it  w;is 
to  be  exiiended  tor  the  purposes  of  edin-ation. 

'I'o  which  Mr.  liiiiinvi.'.  rcolied;  Tlint  the  sren- 
tleman  from  .'S'orih  t'nroliim  had  deiiii  d  no  fait, 
nor  had  b"  disjinleil  any  eonsiiintional  doeinhe 
which  had  been  advanced.  All  that  I  have  advo. 
rated  (said  .Mr.  G.)  seems  lo  be  adiniiieil.  Hm 
the  i;eii(leman  says  we  oiiL^ht  to  nial.e  the  anpni- 
priation,  because  the  I'l-esidcnt  and  Senate  h:i\e 
aL'reed  by  the  treaty  iliai  we  s||,,iili|  do  ii.  Sir. 
were  we  sent  here  to  carry  ''Ot  the  K\eeiitive  v.  lil  • 
I  trust  not.  Wo  are  each  eworn  to  support  the 
i'otistiliition;  and  if  we  \iolale  mir  "ailis,  i.  will 

eonstitnte  but  a  | r  excuse  t'or  ns  to  say,  that  the 

President  inid  .Senate  desired  us  to  do  it.  We  aie 
not  marhines,  to  be  moved  at  the  ExecuiiM- u  ill. 
We  do  not  inarcti,  nnu  •  oiintermarch,  .iiiil  Ihce  to 
the  right,  nnd  to  the  left,  and  to  the  rielu-nbonl, 
at  ,he  E.\ecu!ive  word  of  uomn.aiid.     The  appro- 


priaiion  of  moneys  is  peculiarly  within  otir  prov- 
ince, and  in  doini;  it  we  should  act  as  independent 
as  the  Lxecntiveor  the  Senate  do  in  their  stations. 
Suppose  the  Kxecutive  and  .Senate  should  make 
a  treaty  with  Spain,  or  some  other  I'ow  er,  that  the 
people  of  Ohio  should  be  delivered  lip  to  them  as 
slaves:  would  we  be  lionnd  by  such  a  treaty  '  We 
slioiihl  be  as  soleirinly  boi.ud  by  it  as  we  lue  by 
the  treaty  which  tikes  our  money  to  liny  slaves. 

Hut  the  wnilenian  lays  ','reat  siress  upon  the  fact 
that  the  Indians  are  poor,  and  ittnoraut,  and  bar- 
barous. I  admit  that  they  are  ii^norant  and  barba- 
rous, lint  ii;noraiit  and  barbarous  as  they  an,',  if 
they  are  so  desiitnie  of  decency  and  hiinianily  as 
to  undertake  lo  catch  and  return  fugitive  slaves,  I 
would  haui;  them  instead  of  payiin,'  them  money. 
'I'hcy  oiiL'ht  .surely  by  this  time  to  have  iiecn  so 
far  ('hristiaiiized  us  not  to  eonunii  such  barbarous 
tieeds. 

I  Mr.  HofsTON,  of  Alabama,  objected  to  Mr. 
Ginnixfjs  spenkinir  any  further,  as  he  bad  already 
spoken  once  on  the  bill;  .'iiid  ilie  Chairm  in  (Mr. 
I'nwi.ix,  of  Missimri)  decided  that  Mr.  G.  conUI 
not  proceed.] 


HAKGOUS  A.NI>  niVKH-S. 
SPEECH  OF  MK.  ,iEFF'N  DAVIS, 

<ll'   .MISSISSIPIM, 

In  Tiir.  Hoi«r.  hk  liKriiK.si.xTATH r,i, 

.1/niWi  It;,  1811;. 

The  Mouse  briiiL:  in  ('onimiiiee  of  the  Whole  on 

the  slate  of  the  l.Tnion  on  ilie  bill  niakiinr  appi'o- 

priatioiis  for  ceiiain  Rivers  and  Ilarbois — 

Mr.  DA  VIS  .said: 

I-'rom  the  formal  ion  of  o  irf 'oust  it  lit  ion,  by  which 
these  .Stales  becaiue  liniled,  liie  (]iieslioii  of  strict  or 
latihidmons  consirnction  ot'  the  compact  has  divi- 
dell,  as  it  slill  divides,  our  countrymen  into  the 
two  sreal  political  classes  of  which  they  are  com- 
posed. 

The  ]ieople  have  recently  entrusted  the  Govern- 
ment to  the  hands  ot'  those  who  al\cays  haveavow- 
ed  the  faith  oi'  .strict  conslrnciini..  Tliey  have  a 
riijht,  sir,  to  requiri'  that  we  will  thus  adininister 
it — that  we  will  restrict  appropriations  to  objects 
which  are  eh-arlv  coiisiiiutional. 

To  tl  is  ancient  limit  of  our  cree<I,  I  hold  each 
Democrat  is  bound:  and,  first,  I  will  address  my- 
self to  them,  in  answer  to  the  ar:.'nnienls  by  which 
it  has  been  aitempted  to  jnstity  -.lie  :i])propriations 
of  this  hill,  under  the  specific  {;raiits  ot  the  Coiisti- 
union. 

Prom  the  ^'rnnt  of  power  "  to  provide  .•tnd  nmiii- 
t.iiii  a  navy."  it  has  been  asserted,  flows  the  rii;lit 
to  construct  harbors  and  improve  rivers,  as  a  nie:ui 
to  promote  theextension  .d" our connneirial  marine 
for  a  ninsery  of  seamen.  This  is  to  appropriate 
money,  not  tfi  exeiaile  a  <rraiifed  power,  bui  to  et'- 
fect  an  object,  lier-anse  it  inav  la\oriibly  I'eact  upon 
the  <;ranl;  to  snbstiinie  the  iliserelion  ipI'  this  Ciov- 
ernnient  tor  Ihe  snei  itic  eniinieraiioii  c.f  objects  for 
which,  by  the  I'oiisiitut ion,  appropriations  are  per- 
niiitrd. 

Some  who  have  preceded  nie  in  tiiis  iliscnssinn 
have  defended  these  appropriations,  as  ensuini^ 
tVoni  the  power  **  to  rei^nlaie  cominerce."  Ke;ru- 
laie  is  not  synonvmons  with  facilitate  or  create — 
the  verb  is  ileriveil  from  the  ■iihslantite  n'lrii/ii,  a 
rule.  I'll  nuike  and  enf.irce  rnlis  for  connneree, 
I.)  "Id  |-|.i_'u|ate  coiinnirce."  .Nor  did  the  C^onsli- 
mtion  .'onvey  this  rule,  niakitii^  p^iwer  absolntelv; 
but  imposed  important  restriciinns  upon  its  exer- 
cise; such  es — till  re  shall  be  no  duty  iiocni  articles 
of  export;  no  preli  reinc,  "liy  any  reu'iilaiion  of 
cominerce,"  to  one  pin-l  over  inioilier;  and  that 
tlnre  shall  be  I'ree  trade  anion!;  ihe  several  ^;lates 
ot'riiir  riiion. 

Whctlicr  we  confine  oniselvi  s  to  the  text  of  the 
i  'onstitutiou  or  torn  tti  il.^  coiiiniioraneous  hisiory, 
it  is  impiissiiilc  to  resist  the  i  onclusion,  that  the 
maiit  w.isciinferred  loseciir"  harmony, nnifornilty, 
eipiabty;  to  4.'i\e  eiHciency,  and  naiionah/e  our  rei;- 
iilatioiis  ol'  commerce.  Iiiireinoiy  w.is  severely 
i.Ni";,  will  n  from  this  Loanl — ihe  pnwer  to  make 
rules  for  eonnnerci — ii  w.is  atteinplcil  to  draw  aii- 
ilionty  to  criaie  herltius,  as  teiidnii;  to  increase 
our  cominerce.  Willi  eipial  proprieiv,  and  more 
directly,  luielit  be  claimed  the  power  lu  uuiiitrucl 


1  merehnnl  ships,  lo  transport  the  eoninierce  upon 
•  which  these  reijiilations  were  lo  o]ierate. 
.  There  is  such  an  apparent  want  of  jiiiu  relation 
between  the  objects  lo  which  these  appropriaiionn 
ITC  directed  and  these  tyrants  of  the  <'ons!ltiitioii, 
Ihat  it  is  little  less  than  mockerv  lo  cite  them  for 
SI, (di application.  IfiliePederalGovernmenlshonlil 
be  permitted  to  take  power  from  a  connexion  so 
remote  and  inilireci,  it  will  be  no  lo.isrer  limiied  by 
the  terms  of  its  specific  j;rants;  the  barriers  of  the 
(.'onstitntion  will  be  levelled  lo  the  ;.'roiiud,  the 
ai^eiit  will  have  destroyed  Ins  letter  of  authority,  and 
Sone  forth  upon  the  illiinitable  Ii  'Id  of  nsnipatioii. 

'I'he  i;enlleiTian  from  Pennsylvaiii;i  [Mr.  Steu'- 
AiiTJ  asserts  the  conslitntional  jiower  to  make  the 
appropriations  in  this  bill,  iiol  because  of  .-uiy  par- 
ticular !:rani,  but  by  a  sort  of  lloaliii','  rii;ht  which 
he  asserts  ihi,    pederal  (»overi.ment  jiossesses  li> 
,  select   the  means   necessary  aril  proper.     A  riidit 
wholly  irreconcilable  to  Ilie  very  idea  of  specific 
trninls,  or  ihe  existence  of  reserved  and  soverei'^'ii 
powers  within  the  Slates.     When  Ihe  States  enter- 
ed into  a  union,  and  established  this  (lovernnient 
as  the  a','eiit  of  their  lea'.;ne    iliey  trave  to  it  certain 
earefiilly  enumerated   powers,   with   authority   to 
,  make  all  hiirs  which  should  be  nrressm-ii  and  prnper 
]  for  earryins;  those  powers  into  execution. 

'I'liis.  sir,  was  but  anlhority  to  lesislate  upon 
particular  subjects,  not  to  use  all  means,  but  to 
make  all  laws 'which  should  be  both  neee.ssary  and 
proinr. 

The  eentlenian  from  Tennessee  [Mr.  F.wix,:] 
took  a  jiosition,  if  possible,  less  taiiijible  ilnin  that 
ill'  the  i^entleman  f'rom  Pennsylvania.  He  placed 
the  power  lo  make  the  appropriations  asked  fnv  in 
this  bill  on  the  broad  basis  of  faith.  I*';iith,  sir,  is 
the  belief  ill  ibiiiL'^s  not  nnderstood.  [Mr.'  ex- 
plained,] The  ;;enlleniiiii  tlii'ii  only  desires  that 
others  should  have  I'liih,  and  cares  not  fiom  wliat 
clause  in  the  ( 'onsiitulion  it  may  be  derived;  lii.s 
own,  he  says,  is  drawn  from  the  power  to  provide 
for  the  common  del'eiice  and  i;eneral  welfare. 
I'liere  is  no  such  jiower  eianted  by  the  Consiiui- 
tioiu  a  power  which  w'Oiild  have  drawn  in  its  train 
all  the  specific  grants,  and  rendered  their  eiMMiiera- 
'ion  a  superfluous  act.  'I'he  irentleman  iini-i  refer 
to  the  i;rant  which  elves  |iower  "  to  lay  and  collect 
'  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises,  to  pay  the 
'  debts  and  provide  for  the  common  defence  and 
'  general  welfare  of  the  t'liited  States."  The  pow- 
er confi'rreil  was  to  raise  money,  and  amont,'  other 
purposes  for  which  it  miehl  be  exi  rcised  were  the 
■'  coiu.:ion  defence  and  ireneral  welfare."  This  i.s 
the  plain  imerpirl.alion,  this  the  conslrnctiou  which 
.Mr.  .Madi.son  and  i, titer  most  eminent  conimcnia- 
tors  have  placi'd  iipo.-i  the  lanenaee  of  the  ;',raiit. 
The  power  claimed  by  'li  ■  gentleman  would  have 
carried  wilh  it,  as  a  necess<tvy  means,  not  only  the 
taxin;r  power,  to  which  it  is  atiached,  as  declara- 
tory of  a  purpose;  not  only  the  specific  grants  lo 
borrow  money,  lo  nii.se  armies,  to  jirovide  a  navy, 
lo  eonstitnte  judicial  tribunals,  lint  all  others, — the 
powers  ot'  absolute  sovereignty  itself. 

Sir,  there  is  a  just  mediiiin,  between  the  cl  lini 
of  iniresirained  discretion  for  this  (lovernment,  and 
its  restriction  to  the  mere  letter  of  the  boinl.  The 
irrants  of  power  are  L'cneral,  and  theref'ore  many 
lliiii'^s  must  attach  as  iiicidenis.  If  the  States  deny 
the  means  necessary  to  the  existence  of  this  Gov- 
ernmeni,  uothimr  is  more  sure  than  that  it  wiil 
n.surp  them,  and  then  a  cuntesl  will  arise  between 
the  rival  powers,  iiijiirions  lo  buih.  If*,  on  the  oiher 
hand,  the  I-'ederal  ( tovernment  by  indireciioti, 
seeks  more  than  is  proper  to  its  t'linctions  or  neces- 
sary to  their  exercise,  an  indiscrinonale  opposition 
may  he  iretieruted,  and  ihe  liberality  of  patriotism 
be  lost  in  the  conflict.  The  harmony,  llie  cili- 
cieiicy,  the  p'.rpeiiiiiy  of  on:-  riiion  rupiire  the 
Slates,  wliencMr  llie  u'rantsof  the  f'onslitntion  are 
inadeiiuale  to  the  purposes  for  which  it  ivas  oi- 
daineil,  to  add  froiu  their  smcrei^'niy  whatever 
may  be  needed,  and  the  same  nioti\es  nri;e  ns  to 
seek  no  power  by  oiher  means  than  application  lo 
the  Stales. 

To  all  which  has  been  saiil  of  the  inherent  pow- 
ers of  this  (jovernnii'iil,  I  an;  wer,  it  is  the  crea- 
Uire  of  the  States;  as  such  il  could  have  no  inherent 
power,  all  it  possesses  was  deleniiteil  by  the  States, 
and  it  is  therefore  that  our  ('onstitntion  is  not  an 
instrnmciit  of  limiialions,  Init  of  iiraiits,  Wh.itcv- 
er  was  then  deemed  necessary  was  upecitically  con- 
veyed j  heyuiiJ  the  power  tu  ({ranted,  iiutliini;  tnii 


Uarch  16, 
•  Reps. 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLORE. 


485 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Jcjfiriion  Davit. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


imerce  upon 
IP. 

jiun  .-flTlinii 
)|n*opriiiuniifi 
:'iilistlll\li(in, 
ill-  ilicir  fnr 
inicntslKUiliI 
•DniifxiiHi  .-^o 
IT  liiiiiicil  by 
UTltTM  (if  tlie 

trronnd,  llie 
lUliiirily.ivml 

iisuipnliiiii. 
,  I  Mr.  Stew- 
r  111  iimkr  llin 
ii'  iil":iiiy  pnr- 
:  ri'.,'lu  wliioli 

pos.scsscf*  li> 
[n  r.  A  rit'lit 
';i  iif  .opri'llic 
mil  snviTfii'^ii 
'  Stmc'.H  rnlrl- 
1  (iiivrrnnicnt 
(■  III  it  ciTliiiii 

iiiitliiirily  111 
<n-\i  Hill/  /irnyicr 
lion. 

oaislaie  upon 
iii'iiiis,  Imt  III 
necessary  oiiil 

[Mr.  r.wiN,;) 
;ililc  ili:iii  llmt 
1.  1  li'  plni'i'il 
s  nskril  I'lir  ill 
l'':iil!i,  sii-,  i.s 

IMr.  ''  rx- 
y  di'sirrs  llmt 
mil  iVnm  wlmt 
I'  (lirivoil;  liis 
,M'|-  111  pi'iivicle 
niral  wrll'iiir. 
'  ilin  ( 'nnsiiui- 
vvii  in  jis  liain 
[liril-  1  i  iinliTll- 
|i:u\  11111  1  ii'for 
|hiy  ^I'lil  oiillci'l 
111  pny  tlin 

ilclViiri'  niul 
'I'lie  |in\v- 

iiniiiiii,'  iiilii'r 

!1  (I  WITP  llll" 

."  Tliia  is 
clillll  wliicli 
I  I'lminii'iiia- 
of  lliP  i',ranl. 
wmilil  liavp 
iKil  nnly  llie 

-1  ilri'lam- 
ifii'  ;:ranls  lo 

Ir  n  navy, 
nlliurs, — tlie 

I'll  111""  I'l  lim 

I  rniiM'iil,  ami 
l.niiil.  The 
rrlnro  innny 
■  Siali'silriiy 
lit'  lliis  Uov- 

lliai  il  will 
i^f  lii'lu'iM-n 
,  .ill  llll'  iiilicr 
iiilii'i'i'iiiiii, 
s  iir  iiorcs- 
III-  iippiwiliiin 
lit'  palriiilisiii 
my,   ill''  I'lli- 

II  ni|iiii'i'  till' 
iiistiiiiiiiin  an- 

I'll    il   U.'IS    111- 

iiiy  wliaii'Viir 

VI'S  lll'l^l'  us  III 

applii'aliiui  111 


lllll'l'l'lll  pilU- 
is  llll'  ri'i'a- 
1111  inlii'i'i'iit 
y  llll'  Sialt'N, 
Hull  i.'i  nut  an 
Wliaii'V- 
iiii'ally  I'liii- 
nutliini;  i;nii 


i 


^..».... ,  .......  .-i^.. J  .....,,, - 

;lie  pciiple,  by  an  aiiicii(iiiient  to  tlie  Consti- 
Sir,  if  llii'i  tiiiveriiminl,  at  discretion,  ran 


now  l)e  etiiinii'il  except  llinse  iiiridents  whicli  are 
inilis|iensnlile  lo  its  exiHieiicc',  not  merely  conveni- 
ent or  eonducivi',  liul  snlioidiiiatc  and  necessary  to 
llie  exercise  of  iIir  f^ranls. 

We  cannot  take  «  new  and  siilisl.intivc  power 
liy  elaiinin^  it  as  incident,  adjective  lii  ime  which 
has  lieen  deli'i;ated,  for  the  oliviinis  reason  that 
then'  are  no  ui\a|iproprialod  powers;  all  which  wuic 
not  di'h'saled,  wereexpresslv  reserved  to  ilie  feStjiles  ' 
and  to  tin 
tution. 

Bclect  its  means',  if  it  may  decide  at  will  what  i.s 
incidental  to  iis  t;ranlpd  powers,  and  tliiis  a.>i.4unie 
whatevc'r  it  lias  ihus  decided,  the  nclinowleilj;inent 
of  reservalioiiM  is  a  hitler  and  delusive  mockery. 
Let  lis  rcjeci  the  .supposition,  and  lhn.s  avoid  the 
conchisiii'n.  Wo  are  yet  in  the  lie.';iiiniii^  of  a  new 
Adminisiralioii;  the  fi'i'slRcis  arewalched  with  in 
tcresi  a.s  the  hasi.s  on  which  the  people,  foiin  their 
judu'ineiit:  1  trust,  sir,  they  may  lie  nus|iicioiis. 

This  is  the  second  lime  when  the  rajje  for  inter- 
niil  iinpiovcmeiii  liy  the  Federal  Uoveninieiu  has 
spread  like  an  epideinie  over  the  rouiitry,  lieariiie 
disease  into  the  liody  polilic.  'The  ciirumslances 
which  siirrouiid  us,  lirinjr  rememliraiice  of  the  for- 
mer period.  Then,  the  headlonp;  impulse  swept 
over  a  Democralin  Comrress;  liiil  the  '*  dnwiiward 
march,"  which  stride  on  n'L'ardless  of  the  liarriirs 
of  the  Ciinstiliiiion,  was  checked  liy  a  Deiin'craiic 
President  in  the  first  year  of  his  .'VdniiiUMr.itioii'. 
"  and  almost  fursolton  principles"  were  re.ston  d 
to  popular  coiisiileialion.  Tiie  Maysville  Road  hill 
liail  its  veto — let  Uomoernls  eenieinber,  and  make 
the  application. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  now  proceed  to  a  more 
parti'.'iilar  consideration  of  the  bill  under  discus- 
sion, and  will  ]ireiniMe,  that  in  voliii;;  upon  ils  va- 
riou.i  appropnaltons,  I  shall  submit  *'acli  item  tu 
this  inipiiiy:  Is  it  for  private  lienefn,  or  for  the 
exei'iiliiin  of  llie  proper  ]iowers  of  this  Uovern- 
meiil.'  All  of  the  lir.st  class  will  meet  my  oppu- 
siiion,  rciiardU'ss  of  whether  the  iiueresls  of  few 
or  many  be  involved;  and  llieiefiire  iminlluenceii 
by  the  arjrumi'iUs  which  ha'.e  been  liased  iiiion  the 
value  of  the  commerce  to  be  snbservd. 

Ill  liiokiii!;  over  the  bill,  the  tiisi  point  which 
arrests  atteiiiinn  is  the  seciioiial  characier  of  its 
appriipriations.  Fivi;  hundred  and  forty-live  thou- 
sand dollars— nearly  one  half  of  llie  whole  amount 
— is  located  on  the  lakes:  with  a  comparative  tri- 
(linu  amoi'.nt  for  the  soiilheasiern  coast,  the  re- 
inauiilcria  for  the  Northeafiiuid  the  Wcsl.  When 
the  nueslion  has  Ijeen  asked,  why  the  yniilli  wa.s 
tins  ni'ijlecled,  the  ehairnian  of  the  (,'iinimiiue  on 
Ciimnii'i'ce  has  answered  that  nuthiii!;  had  been 
asked  for  in  llmt  iiuarter. 

(.\lr.  MeCi.i''.i.i,.\Nii,  of  Michijran,  explained  his 
iiosilion  to  have  been,  that  no  case  had  been  broui^ht 
lietiire  them,  and  no  estimate  submitted,  on  which 
to  ba.sf!  an  appnipriatmn.] 

Sir,  it  is  not  my  purpose  (continued  Mr.  D.")  lo 
attack  the  chairman,  or  to  ceiisn''e  the  committee; 
it  is  the  policy,  the  rule  of  eoiidiict  now  avowed, 
v.ilh  wliii'h  1  h,.ve  to  dial.  .M.'irk  llie  position, 
sir,  in  which  ii  jilaces  is.  Tin.  "  cases  are  report- 
ed which  had  an  iidmcale  before  the  conimitlee; 
and  wlieii  the  tieai  iiry  lias  bivn  I'VliaiiKlcd  by 
these  appro|iriaiioiii,  the  niiii'e  merilnnoiiM  olijeclH 
not  iiichiiled  in  the  bill — those  which  were  ex- 
pected 111  attract  alteiitiiin  by  their  l-^  iieral,  well- 
known  impuri  ".nee — mum  from  nei'issiiy  remain 
yet  loinjer  unprovided.  The  liare  announcement 
of  the  rule  which  has  [roverned  the  coiMmittef! 
proiiipis  to  the  recommntal  of  tins  bill,  that  the 
surveys  and  n  purls  lyini;  in  the  ili  partnu'iiis  may 
be  e.<iaiiiini'il.  and  appropriations  based  upon  a 
liijjher  principle  than  that  of  ijiviii^:  lo  hnn  who 
most  imporuniately  asks. 

As  ih"  chairiitaii  of  the  Commerce  Commiliie 
invnes  iitnrinalion,  !  refer  him  lo  the  various 
surveys  and  rcporls.  naval  and  mihlarv.  >vhich 
from  IH'J'J  have  been  made  npon  the  "  l)ry  Tor- 
lu(;as" — il  place  equally  commandin;:;  attention 
from  its  posiiiiiii  and  ils  nalinal  advaiilai;es.  lis 
posiiiiin  rendiTs  it  the  key  to  the  Strait  of  Kliir- 
uhi,  and  whilsl  we  have  nejriecied  lo  seciiie  it  fur 
fnline  use,  nor  irr,  at  niaiilime  rival  (Kiijland) 
has  foriilied  her  islands  from  the  ISaliama  banks 
riiuinl  to  the  mouth  of  the  lli'iinoio,  and  now 
actually  invests  the  tiulf  of  .Mcxici  with  an  ocean 
line  of  eircniiivallatioii.  To  the  hi'^li  i|uahlies  of 
the  Tortugas  as  a  harbor,  and  the  bein  licia!  iiilhi- 1 


erne,  which  ils  occupation  would  exercise  npon  the   | 
Ceneral  commerce  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  (Jolonel    ; 
Totteii,  the  Chief  ICn^'inei'r  of  the  I'liiied  States, 
and  others  of  his  corps,  have  borne   iniiled   testi- 
mony.    General   .lesiip,  of  the   Ciiiirlermaster's 
Oeiiarlment  of  the   Army,  Comiiiodiire  Rodders, 
anil  other  distiii<.;uishu<l  oilicers  of  llie  navy,  have    I 
on  various  occasions,  throu[;h  a  loii'.^  |)criod    of 
lime,  ur^td  aral  elucidaled  the  imporUuice  of  ils 
occu{ialion,wilhsuch  conslructiniis  as  would  make 
il  secure  as  a  harlior  and  naval  depot.     Sir,  is  it 
a  salisfaciiiry  answer,  when  we  iifer  lii  the  oini.s- 
sion  of  this  from  the  list  of  harborfi  I'eporled  for 
appropriations,  lo  be  told  it  was  not  |iresscd  upon 
the  committee.' 

Mr.  Chaii'inan,  there  is  another  poinl  to  which  I  ' 
will  call  atlenlioii — "  iSliip  Island,"  lyiii;  olV  the 
coast  of  Mississippi.  Karly  in  this  session,  I 
made,  thronsh  "  Ihe  House,"  a  call  n])on  the  Sec-  . 
retary  of  the  .Navy,  furollicial  iiiformalion  in  rela- 
tion to  the  harbor  of  that  place,  especially  ils  *■  .- 
ural  advanlaL'es  for  a  navy  yard.  In  the  '•'  ,,ence 
of  an  answer  to  ihat  call,  1  will  only  sav  '  at  naval 
men,  most  accurately  inforined,  have  .iccided  il  to 
be  the  best  )iosilion  for  that  purpose  within  Ihe 
Ciiilf  of  Mexico;  ihe  on'y  harbor  where  the  natu- 
ral ehannel  has  snlTiRiGnt  depili  to  admit  vessels  of 
the  lai'ije.st  class. 

Here  is  the  entrance  to  the  inner  channel  of  the 
Onll',  the  apnroach  to  Lakes  I'unti  harlrain  and 
.Maurepas.  Here,  is  the  aiichora'.:e  memorable  in 
our  history  as  that  on  which  Mriiish  shipjiinix  r-'ide 
in  safelv  when  Urilish  troops  debarked  lo  attack 
New  Orleans;  vet  ifremaiiis  iiiilurtified,  the  chan- 
nel unmarked,  the  harbor  iiiiimin'oved. 

Sir,  I  do  not  |iro|iiise  to  :'ii  lino  a  loimite  state- 
nieiit  of  the  cases  ut'  oniissiiui  or  iii';rlecl  of  needed 
approprialioiis  aloiti;  the  (lulf  of  Mexico.  The 
l^vo  to  winch  I  have  referred  will  snliice  to  show 
the  impropriety  of  votinir  ihe  ajipropriations  of 
Ihis  bill  williimt  sirict  imiuiry.  wilhuin  an  exami- 
naiioii  broader  iliaii  was  cnuipassed  by  the  rule, 
V  'lii'li  limited  llie  items  of  llie  lull  to  iibjei  Is  press- 
1 1.  on  the  notice  of  the  commitlee  by  which  it  was 
reported.  In  the  cases  to  which  1  have  invited 
your  atlenlioii,  patrioiism  and  iiilercsl  combine  to 
lecal  us  to  ihe  disiiiiciiun  beiwi"  n  sreal  national 
and  little  local  objects.  They  belonsr,  sir,  to  no 
section.  'I'he  commerce  of  Ihe  \orlh,  the  exports 
of  llic  Soiilli  and  West,  are  all  inteiested  in  lliese 
works.  Harbors  of  refni^e  are  here  reouircd,  both 
from  the  stui'ins  of  ocean  and  of  war;  they  are  ne- 
cessary for  the  navy,  and  winiUI  come  e.ssi'niiall  v  to 
itj-  aid  in  the  protection  of  Ihe  inercannle  marine 
which  passes  lo  and  tVo  upon  lliC  (.lulI'.  Sir,  shall 
these  iniporuml  constiuilional  obj.'.'ls  be  postponed, 
until  the  Irciisnry  is  exhausted  Mr  local  interest.? 
which  have  apriuiir  into  i  xisliuie  since  some  of 
Ihe  surveys  to  which  I  have  referred  were  reported 
.11  the  (.iincrinnenl?  Or  shall  they  be  deferred  until 
appvopriaiious  shall  Ik'  suinrlit  liv  advocates  sup- 
piicatiinr  aid  for  local  benelii;  iiiitil  the  South  sur- 
renders her  I'onsiinilional  principles,  a  ml  enters  into 
uuscrupiiiiius  rnniliinations  for  success? 

I  ha\(;  been  surprised — yes,  sir,  and  have  re- 
erelieil — 111  hear  gentlemen  treat  the  ipieKlion  of 
appropriations  as  tlinu;'.li  it  were  a  division  of 
treasury  Hpoil  beiween  llie  dilVereiit  seciiona  of  the 
I'nioii.  We  have  been  lulil  that  the  South  has 
the  larirer  portion  lu  the  lurlitii'iiliou  appropriations, 
and  that  ihis  should  saiisiy  un  fur  any  di  ficieiicy 
ill  those  for  our  liarbors.  1  recin.'iiisi  no  such  prin- 
ciple in  le^islaliiiii.  aiel  would  inn  sloop  ni  claini  a 
share  of  ihe  niunevs  wrniii:  fnun  the  treasury  t'or 
sectional  advaiiia'.-e.  The  imrairnessof  llic  position 
is  easily  e;^)nisi'i|.  The  i^entleinan  who  )>receded  nie 
has  just  told  you  that  llie  dilVerence  in  the  forlilica- 
tion  appropnaiious  of  this  year  is  «;."i!),IM)l)  in  favor 
ot'the  Siiulh.  This  poorly  balances  the  dillerence 
aiT'iiiist  her  in  the  river  and  harbor  bill  we  are  dis- 
cussing:, and  sli'il  less  ihe  expendilures  of  t'oriner 
years  for  puriii'ies  of  defence.  i.,ieiii*  iiaiit  .Mau- 
ry, of  the  navy,  iii  an  arliile  upon  I'e  maritime 
inii'iesls  of  the  Souih  nnd  West,  exhibits,  from 
pulilic  iillicial  dm  unll'nl^^  that  the  seaboard  t'rom 
Norfnlk  111  Ihe  Muilh  iind  lijist  "has  been  pi'o- 
lecied  Willi  harbor  det'ences  at  Ihe  riite  of  >ill,.S(l(l 
for  e.ery  mile  of  coast;"  but  from  .Nurih  Caroliim 
round  111  the  Sabine,  "<l'J,(ilH)  a  mile  is  all  the  ave- 
ntire  for  coast  and  harbor  defence."  Though  forts^ 
'ind  hirhi-boniiies,  and  breakwaters,  .md  navy- 
yards,  stud  the  northern    oaal,  il  is  not  of  this  thai 


I  complain,  I  urfje  nol,  that  you  hovo  had  too 
much,  but  that  we  have  had  too  lilllc.  The  ex- 
nminatioii  which  I  ask  is  nol,  what  has  been  done, 
but  what  is  now  rcfpiired.'  I  make  no  other  dis- 
tinction than  that  which  constitutional  principle 
and  relative  ner.e.ssiiy  rei|iiire, 

I  waive,  air,  all  diseriinin.ition  beiween  tidn 
water  niid  still  water;  between  exterior  and  inland 
seas.  Wc  have  a  commerce  on  the  northern  lakes, 
nnd  towns  liable  to  attack  by  a  hoslile  fleet:  each 
have  a  full  and  proper  claim  to  our  protection. 
For  t'lis,  sir,  we  should  keep  a  navy  on  these  in- 
land seas;  and,  as  adjunct  lo  il,  li;;lit-lioiises,  navy- 
yards,  and  fortified  harbors  of  refu^'e,  are  required, 
t'or  these  purposes,  I  would  be  ready  there,  as  else- 
where, lo  make  ap]iropriatioiis;  but  1  claim,  in  se- 
Icciiimr  nbjecls  for  expciidiluiT,  that  immediate 
necessity  and  relative  importance  must  decide  to 
which  the  preference  should  be  fjiven.  Ry  this 
plain  rule  I  will  briefly  measure  sonic  of  the  ap- 
prnprialions  in  this  bill.  Time  would  not  permit 
me  to  notice  each  in  detail. 

The  first  item  to  which  I  invite  attention  is  the. 
harbor  of  Dunkirk,  on  Lake  Erie.  It  is  proposed 
Ui  appropriate  for  ils  improvement  j»l.'»,O0O.  Will 
il  be  contended,  sir,  that  this  is  necessary  for  a 
harbor  of  refu;;e.'  Can  any  other  arsHmeiU  be 
found  for  this  ex]iendiiui'e  than  the  adv;intage  it 
will  lirin;;  lo  the  tnide  of  the  locality  ?  Rut,  sir, 
this  i,s  not  the  first  expendiliire,  probably  it  will 
not  be  the  last.  From  the  report  of  the  Secretary 
of  War,  (see  Document  No.  2,)  it  a)ipeai's  that 
there  has  been  previously  expended  <j93,743  93. 
From  the  report  of  the  )irevious  year,  he  inakea  the 
fiillowiiiL''  extract: 

"  Haviii;;;  shown  that  it  will  require  about  (ii'for 
'  (Min  to  repair  and  renew  the  works  of  this  harbor, 
'  an  esiimale  for  the  eiisnin;j;  fiscal  year  of  (flS.OOO 
'  will  be  submitted." 

The  Secretary  adds: 

"The  storm  of  October,  1844,  ineren.scd  the  in- 
'  juries  of  this  work,  and  destroyed  much  of  the 
'  material  which  could  have  been  used  in  the  re- 
'  newal  and  repairs,  and  will  proportionably  in- 
'  crease  the  ultimate  cost." 

Sir,  if  the  commerce  of  the  place  will  justify 
such  lar:;e  expenditures,  I  rejoice  at  ils  prosperity. 
If  the  benefit  to  be  derived  from  these  constrnc- 
tioiis  will  inaiiilain  the  contest  between  artificial 
works  and  the  winds  and  waves  which  nnbrokeii 
beat  upon  them,  let  those  who  are  lo  reap  the  har- 
vest bear  the  burden  of  the  seed  time. 

The  taxing  power  of  this  Government  was  con- 
ferred for  aeneral,  well  defined  purposes;  no  dis- 
trict interest,  however  great,  can  vary  or  extend 
the  limit  of  this  power.  lieforc  I  consent  to  tax 
the  people,  the  connexion  between  the  object  of 
expendiliire  and  the  proper  duties  of  this  Govern- 
ment must  be  shown.  So  far  f^'om  bein;,'  swayed 
by  any  array  of  the  amount  of  local  interest  lo  be 
pi'oiuoieil,  if  I  could  depart  from  the  nile  just  stated, 
it  would  seem  to  me  more  consnnaiu  with  tho 
L'enius  of  our  iustitutions  lo  aid  the  weak  rather 
ilian  the  sironir.  The  case  to  wliicli  I  have  adverted 
was  selected  as  a  sample  of  the  class  to  which  it 
iK'longs;  the  exceptions  taken  may  be  applied  to 
many,  which  I  leave  others  to  dissect,  and  will 
nuw'proceed  to  the  more  inlerior  lake,  MicliiKim, 
Here,  less  than  on  the  lakes  which  lie  in  the  east, 
can  an  ar;runieiit  for  liarbors  be  sustained  on  the 
basis  of  "  defence."  The  forlificaiion  of  the  Straits 
of  Mackinaw  would  reinler  it  alinosl  inipossibiB 
fur  a  hoslile  fleet  In  pass  llieiii.  Itiit,  if  the  ease 
may  be  su|ipo.sed,  if  our  vessels  should  be  driven 
iulii  Lake  Michigan;  near  its  entrance,  on  the  north 
and  s.iiiili  lie  Green  and  Travels  bays,  fine  nalnral 
haiboi-s,  nnd,  if  forlified,  safe  retreats.  Would 
any  fleet  dare  pass  s'lcli  slron;;holds,  leaving  our 
eniisers  safely  sheltererl,  and  waiting  the  chances 
of  a  stonily  liike  lo  sortie  on  ibdr  foe? 

Willi  niiire  plausibility  il  has  lieen  argued,  that 
we  require  harliors  of  refuse  from  the  gales  which 
drive  across  tlic  lake.  I  will  now  lest  Ihe  proposed 
appropriations  by  this  purpose,  iii  order  to  which, 
I  will  olVer  some  remarks  upon  its  peculiar  eliarnc- 
ler.  The  prevailing  pales  are  I'lom  the  uorlhenst 
ami  norlliwesi:  these,  logethi'r  with  the  form  of 
the  lake,  and  lis  narrow  ennnexion  with  those 
which  lie  to  Ihe  cast,  produce  a  steady  current, 
rollin;r  an  eternal  tide  of  silt  and  sand  inwards  the 
aouthi'in  extremity  of  the  lake. 

A  bar  is  ihus  formed,  extending  all  around  'h» 


436 


^ 


2i)TH  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGUESSIOIVAL  Gf^OBE. 

Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Jefferson  Davis, 


[W;ucfi  \ti, 
Ho.  OF  Rkfs. 


past  nml  wesicrn  sides,  wilh  iininnv  bnsins  iif' 
water,  wliere  the  ereeks  debouehe  into  the  liike, 
the  enti-nnoca  to  whiolt  vary  with  the  nnimmtof, 
water  in  the  ercrko,  1)7  whieh  a  chuimel  Is  wnrn 
ihrouith  the  ncoiiiinilatfnn;  rim  of  snnd.  I  admit, 
(iien,  that,  after  pnssin':  those  wliieh  are  near  its 
rnlr«iicr,tl\ere  an-  no  harliors  nhin?  the  kikc  aliord 
intra  sale  retnat  from  storni:  l)ti»  vessels  einihl  beat 
otf  either  shore  unlH  <lrivpn  to  its  Hoiithern  extrem- 
ity; lliere,  if  tlie  •rale  eontlmied.  wrei-k  would  lie 
miavoidalilo.  If  a  harlior  of  refiiu'e  really  was  the 
olijec'i,  this  WIS  the  point  at  whioh  it  should  have 
heeii  ronstriieled.  No  such  a|i|>ropri»lic)n  is  )iro- 
powd;  and,i-(ii!ii)ed  wi'li  this  faet,  there  is  aiiirtlii'r 
^^•hil■h  may  exj.lain  it:  there  is  no  town  there,  no 
loeal  interest  to  lie  snliserved.  The;  nenr»l  town 
upon  one  siile  is  t'liica^'o,  ai«l  upon  the  ollur, 
Miehiiran  City;  n  vi'ssel  driven  jiast  either  ennlil 
not  jiossihly  iJoat  liui'k;  yet,  umler  the  |ilen  of  har- 
liors for  refuse,  appropriations  are  proposed  for 
e.ieh.  Nor  i.i  litis  the  firs!  tin»'  when  the  'I'reas- 
\iry  has  lnen  e,ille<l  on  to  conitihule  iVom  its  store 
l{»tlH'sc  works  lor  loeal  henefit. 

The  report  of  the  Seeietary  of  War,  the  same 
doeument  to  whieh  I  have  heretofore  referred, 
shows  that  there  h;i»  been  expended  on  the  luvrhcu' 
of  Chienco,  j,'J4l>,(><U;  it  is  now  proposed  to  add 
»>ld,0(X),  iiinkin:,-  an  au'L-rej-aie  of  ..i.W.tiOl.  On 
the  harbor  at  Mlehiijan  (.^ity,  theri:  has  been  ex- 
peiKU^l  >13."),7,'tl)  .")'.).  We  are  now  asked  to  <_'ue 
S4il,lllM1  more,  wliieli  woiiM  be  a  t'>tal  of  >il7.'i,7:t3 
.M*.  For  those  who  are  i;nvenu"d  by  consider 
ations  of  expedieney  alone,  I  will  slate,  tliat  my 
information  is,  notwithslandin?  the  larje  nmonnl 
whieh  has  been  expended  on  the  latter  harbor, 
but  one  ship  and  i>ik'  bar(|ne  has  ever  entered  it; 
thai  unless  the  p.iers  be  soon  ex  tended,  the  aeeuaiu- 
latins  Sand  will  at  no  ilislani  period  e!os,.  ibc  rn- 
trance.  Sm',  the  dril'iin;  s.nid  whieh  I  have  de- 
serilieJ  as  one  of  the  eiiarai'torislies  of  the  lake 
must  from  time  to  time  rcupiire  sueh  exlensiou  of 
ihe  piers  at  all  its  artifu'ial  harbors.  To  tlpvs,-  im- 
mediately interested,  1  would  leave  tlie  eoiuplelion 
oflhesc  works,  as  wellas  the  drt'ib/ini^operatimis, 
whieh  will  probaiily  be  n  eonstani  and  permanent 
fX|>eniliiure.  Mr.  Chairm.iin,  the  injurious  ten- 
doney  of  eondiininir  various  interests  to  seeure  ihc 
passa!;c  of  a  bill,  is  srldoni  more  apparent  than  jn 
the  cases  1  have  been  eohsi(|eriii;r.  I  have  shown 
that  it  pre\ented  the  seltition  of  the  only  point 
whieh  eould  have  luiswered  all  the  purposes  of 
n  harbor  for  relu:;e.  Now  I  will  ini|mre  why 
Miehitfan  City  was  seleebd.  This  was  the  oidy 
Mwn  Indiana  had  upon  the  lake,  ami  llnm^'h  a  few 
miles  north  of  it,  al  .\ew  llali'alo,  in  the  hftate  of 
Miehii^nn,  nature  had  made  knah  r  eli'oris  lo  t'orm 
n  harbor,  the  sn|>porl  of  Mii-hiL'an  had  been  se. 
enred  by  other  appropriations;  and  it  is  a  fiir  iri- 
ferenee,  that  tliereffire  llie  nuvn  iu  Indiana  was 
Feleeled  that  her  State  pride  nuirlil  be  priipiliated, 
and  new  iiueresis  brtuiL'ht  into  eonibinatioo. 

Mir,  in  the  eonrsi*  of  this  debai,-,  an  attempt  has 
been  made  ,it  wider  eotnbiaation,  bv  tis.si^ruiti^ 
llie.se  lake  appropritiliotis  to  "the  West."  The 
valle-y  of  the  Mississippi '  l.viins  to  be  "  ihe-  West," 
Hiid  if  there  be  a  rival  elaiinaiii  tor  the  natiK.',  it  is 
that  other  wide-spr«ad  valley  •'!"  a  single  river, 
whieh  lies  beyond  tin:  Uoeky  Mountains. 

The  Missis.sip[>i  is  the  natural  eliainal  f>f  the 
present  "West;"  its  thou  saiiil  feeih'rs,slreteliin:r  to 
the  ritiht  aiul  hit,  naiiire  desi^'tied  should  ^'atlier 
into  this  L'ri  at  channel  the  iinnaesiirable  i  .iiiets 
of  the  n'.:ion  which  it  drains.  '^very  work  cif  mt 
which  driiv^'s  a  ]>ccrlion  of  the  p  ciduc:Is  from  those' 
natural  nie.ans  of  transporf!>'''i  i,  is  so  inneli  lakc-n 
frcjin  the  West  for  eastern  in;. 'rests.  Thus,  sir,  I 
hold  these  lake  inipiovc  inei,ts  are  vvurks  I'ur  the 
Kt.  Lawri'iu'o  and  the  llnil.son,  rather  than  the 
Mississipiii.  Was  it  not  i  iaaii:h  that  \M'.  shmild 
sec  part  of  the  power  whi*  h  nature  desi:;ni-d  we 
should  possess,  transferinl  by  art  into  the  hands 
of  others;  ^^•a.1  it  not  ( iionirh  that  we  should  be 
liixed  to  eonstruit  the  wtnks  whieh  were  lo  in- 
jure us;  but  must  we  also  hear  that  these  thiii;;s 
are  dime  for  our  own  neruliar  benefit  .' 

1  do  not  complain  tliat  ih<  me.isnres  iiecr>ssary 
for  the  Konlhwest  have  Isen  omitted  from  this  bill; 
we  only  ask  for  sueh  as  are  lonslitntioinil,  and 
useful  to  exiended  iiitt  rests.  .Surli  as  ha\e  na-nts 
of  their  own  on  which  to  rest,  and  deserve  bt  iii-r 
eomiiaiiy  than  sueh  a  motley  ^roiip  as  this.  1  had 
ihu  liuiiur  til  present,  a  few  days  since,  a  memo- 


rial, from  the  Ije<rislalnre  of  my  Stale,  Rir  the  re- 
moval of  nlistniction.^  interposed  by  the  agency  of 
the  Federal  Government  to  nn  imjmrtant  natural 
navii;alion.  Helievinsr  the  object  ennstilutional, 
and  that  the  demand  is  just  and  proper,  hereafter 
I  desiirn  to  ask  an  appropriation  for  il. 

I A  member  from  his  seal  suid,  Will  you  vole  for 
the  lake  appropriations?! 

Sir,  I  make  no  terms,  I  accept  no  compromises. 
If  when  I  ask  foran  a|ipriiprintion,  the  obji  cl  shall 
be  shown  to  be  froiier  and  the  expenditure  i-on- 
stitutional.  I  defv  the  cetitleman,  for  his  eon- 
science'  sake,  to  vote  acaiast  it.  If  it  shall  ap|iear 
to  him  olherwise,  then  I  expect  his  opposilioii,  and 
only  ask  thai  il  shall  be  directly,  fairly,  and  open- 
ly exerted.  The  ca.se  .^linll  lie  pre.seiiled  on  its 
sinde  merit;  on  that  I  wish  it  to  stand  or  fall. 

I  feel,  sir,  that  [am  incapable  of  seclioniil  dis- 
tinclions  upon  .such  subjects.  1  abhor  and  reject 
all  inleresled  conibinations. 

Mr.  f'hairman,  1  will  only  examine  two  olher 
items  of  this  bill,  to  justify  my  opposition.  An 
indefinite  approprialion  is  proposed  to  purcha.se 
the  residue  of  the  stock  held  by  individual  stock- 
holders in  the  I'ortlaiid  and  Louisville  canal,  with 
a  view  to  make  it  free  of  toll.  We  ha\e  hi  en  told. 
In  most  eom)ilainiiu;  terms,  that,  by  means  of 
this  canal,  a  tax  is  iniinisiil  upon  llie  conimerce 
of  the  Ohio  river.  Sir,  Ininsiiiulalion  always 
is  a  tax  on  coniineice;  and  if  it  be  conducted 
nn  rivers  of  defective  natural  iiaviiration,  that  t,i\ 
is,  from  the  naliire  of  the  ease,  increased,  lie 
who  settles  above  a  natural  olislritclion  should 
exiiect  111  wait  uiilil  inivate  inleresis  and  individ- 
ual enterprise  should  o'-erconie  the  obstacle.  lie 
made  his  selei^lion  in  full  view  of  this  disadvau- 
tatre,  which  )u*iibalily  entered  into  the  estimate  of 
liie  propeity  he  acipiired.  To  eipiali/e  Ihe  cost 
of  transportation  "vould  be  as  forein;t)  to  the  pur- 
pose of  this  (roverinnent  as  to  eipiali/.e  the  value 
of  properly  in  our  widespread  and  unei(ual  terri- 
tory. Heyonil  the  impropriety  of  the  avowed 
object  in  this  case,  !  imcotidilionallv  object  to  any 
connexion  of  litis  I  Joveriiment  with  Slate  incorpo- 
rations for  any  jniiiiose.  and  will,  to  relieve  onr- 
sel\es  from  such  connexion,  meet  llie  tViends  of 
this  approprialion  half-way  iu  the  purpose  they 
avow.  If  their  objecl  lie  reduclion  in  the  tolls  of 
this  canal,  1  \\-ill  support  a  propo.-ition  lo  surren- 
der lo  Kenlucky  Ihe  stock  which  the  riiited  ,Stales 
iiotds  in  it,  on  the  condition  that  it  shall  be  can- 
celled, ami  the  lolls  reduced  proiiortioiuUilv  to  the 
reduction  of  the  capital.  'I'o  this  exfent  1  would 
rilieve  the  commerce  of  the  riviT,  and  thus  dis- 
solve our  cinnexion  with  the  I  bartered  companv 
of  a  Slate. 

We  have  bem  told  of  the  hiavv  dividends  the 
(iovernnient  has  derived  from  tins  invesiment. 
The  earlv  diviilehils  of  the  t  tovrrnment,  as  ap- 
pears bv  Senate  l)ociimiui  of  lf<l4.  .No.  r.M.'l,  was 
invested  III  till-  pni'cliasc  of  aitilitional  stock',  and. 
ill  like  manner,  undi  r  the  re\iseil  i-bnier  of  the 
companv,  ]iassed  in  |s4  t,  its  diviihiids  are  here- 
al'ier  lo  be  applied,  and  ihiis  L'niduallv,  bv  the  op- 
eration of  the  Ciovermnent's  own  stock,  it  will  iu 
time  become  tile  entire  owner,  but  the  tnasiiry.so 
far  as  I  can  uinlersiaial,  will  iii  llii  iiieaniime  be 
the  recipient  of  iioiliin;;, 

l!ul  to  reiurii  to  the  |iro|iiisiiion  for  the  piir- 
iliase  of  ihe  individual  stock  of  this  canal; 
uoiild  it,  .f  niaile  tVee,  serve  all  the  pnrtioses  of 
ihe  Ohio  coinmeree.'  No,  sir;  the  locks  are 
loo  small  for  the  lariri'sl,  and  as  it  has  been  tbiiiid, 
the  bi'SI,  class  of  boats;  they  would  have  lo  be  en- 
lartjed.  At  low  wan  r,  the  canal  h  is  not  snillcient 
depili.  and  it  woulil  be  nceissary  to  make  it  deeiier; 
the  iipiicr  entraiti'c  is  dillii-iilt,  and  sometimes  dan- 
'.ri'fous;  this,  and  the  otiar  necessary  improve- 
nietils  on  this  siii^-lc  cm  il,  would  cost,  aicnnlini/ 
lo  Ihe  estimales  iu  llie  iloiiimenl  rel'ern'd  to,  <i!l."i,'i,- 
■JOH,  whilst  the  interruption  lo  rnmmeree  peniliti!; 
the  impriivemenls  lui^ht  beesimiaied  atan  amount 
far  exi  ei'dinir  this  e\peudiiiire. 

The  ini|iiirlaiici-  of  this  last  consiileralion  has 
siiL'iresied  the  consiriicijiin  nf  a  new  canal  on  the 
liidiaiia  side  of  the  river;  and  the  possibility  of  tjiis 
siiL';.'estiipii  beiiii,'  adopted,  may  have  created  the 
piesent  ea'.Ti  ness  eviticeil  to  see  tins  <  Jiivi-niment 
sole  owner  of  the  iNirilaiid  nnil  fjouisville  canal. 
1  will  enter  inio  no  consuhMalion  of  the  relative 
ailvantaL'es  presented  by  jialiaiKi  and  Kentucky. 
My  objecl   ts  mil  111  advance  but  to  wiiltdraw.  lunl 


leave  all  strnjijles  in  the  rivalry  of  local  inleresis 
to  the  enertry  of  the  parties  and  their  natural  ad- 
vantaijes.  To  return  to  the  doclriiie  nf  those  who 
framed  our  Cons'.ltution,  and  denied  to  the  Federal 
(lovernment  me  power  to  invade  the  jnrisdietion 
nfa  State  for  purposes  of  internal   iiiiiirofenient. 


If,  in  the  preseiil  i 


I  shall  be  lolil  that  Indiaim 


will  consent,  f  n'ply,  that  individual  .Stales  car.not, 
by  special  i_'n\uls,  enlarcre  Ihe  |iowers  of  llie  {gen- 
eral Oovernmenf.  Fhil,  sir,  if  such  urant  be  relieif 
on  loeoiislruct  ihe  prii)iosed  canal  upon  the  Indiana 
side,  Kentucky  must  be  eonsiilled  also  before  the 
work  can  be  completed,,  because  her  jiirisdiclioii 
extends  across  the  Ohio  river  to  low-water  mark 
upon  the  norlliern  shore;  the  canal,  to  be  n.seful, 
must  be  sunk  below  the  level  of  low-waiei*,  and 
enter  the  river  within  the  jnrisiliciion  of  Krnlucky, 
whieh.  on  tlii'  dnclrine  of  consent,  cannot  be  done 
unless  her  irrant  be  addeil  lo  that  of  Indiana.  l!y- 
such  difficulties,  and  nnnierous  others  which  will 
readilv  sn^^'Zest  themselves,  are  we  warned  from 
allemptiiii;  the  conslruclion  of  artificial  branches  li> 
our  natural  hi-.'hways. 

.Sireams  like  (he  Ohio,  recognised  as  natural 
hi'.'hways,  free  mid  open  to  the  liii/ens  nf  llie 
T'nited  States,  we  may  be  called  on,  as  one  of  thii 
parties  to  their  use,  to  aid  in  keepiie;  in  repair;  but 
all  anriuTienIs  lia.sed  uimn  this  ijronnd  are  con- 
fined to  the  stream  itsell'— to  the  hiu'liway  pro- 
vided by  ntilnre— and,  tlienfore,  claimed  for  our 
commoi'i  use.  If,  sir,  the  necessities  of  the  ( Jener- 
;il  (oivininicnl  jiislify  the  Impiiivenieia  of  the  iial- 
iiral  iiaviL'ation  at  the  falls  of  the  Ohio,  so  as  li> 
render  il  cipalile  of  use  al  all  stau'i's  of  llie  river,  I 
have  here  the  report  of  a  civih  icinrer,  inlended  In 
show,  thai  a  canal  is  neither  necessary  or  most  ex- 
pedient as  a  mean  bv  which  lo  ell'ecl  the  object.  It 
IS  the  ri  port  of  William  11.  .\Ionll,  made  in  I'Vli- 
maiy  Inst,  lie  estimates  the  cost  of  iinproviin;^ 
the  tiills  of  Ihe  river  upon  their  natural  bed,  by  a 
dam  and  locks,  ;it  «;.'i.f(!,7i:i  I.'i — less  than  half  lite 
amount  estimated  by  Captain  Ciaiu,  of  the  topo- 
I'raphical  engineers,  for  the  imrcliase  anti  inipr.ive- 
meiit   of  the  existiii';  canal:  lis-  work  to  be  I'om- 

plcieil  on  a  plan,  which,  a irilin;,'  to  the  statement 

of  Mr.  Morell,will  possess  advanla:;ea  not  lo  be 
acrpiired  by  canals  around  ihe  tails.  He  slates 
these  advanlaires  to  be,  that  boats  of  the  lar'j;e.st 
class  can  pass  the  fills,  e/  nil  slitfi;i"i  of  tlif  rivtt\ 
without  tlie  delay  of  passin,'  throu'_'h  a  canal,  and 
the  onlv  detenlion  will  be  in  pas-iiiL'  lliroiijli  Iho 
locks,  which,  at  the  lowest  slat's  of  wmer,  anil 
with  the  smallest  boats,  need  not  evieed  one  hour; 
and  at  all  olher  sta'jres,  the  liii'.f  lonsmiied  will  be 
less,  and  when  the  river  is  fiill.  need  not  exceed 
half  that  lime;  while  the  liindrance  and  di.hiy  in  the 
passatre  of  boats  ihronu'h  a  canal,  nrisiiej;  friim  the 
accuninlatiou  of  mud,  ct>e.,  in  its  bed,  will  be  en- 
lirelv  avoided,  as  well  as  tin  i  xpense  of  reinovi.ii 
.  il.  Hv  this  iinpri.vinienl  llie  mininium  ilcpth  of 
water  al  the  head  of  the  falls,  will  also  be  incre.ised 
I.."i  feet,  and  the  chaiiiK  I  unproved  al  (irassy  Flat 
bat,  where  now  its  depth,  at  low  water,  is  but  'JM 

feel. 

The  harbor  of  Louisville  will  also  he  benefited, 

by  liavini,'  its  minimum  depth  permanently  in- 
crraseil,  while  the  raii'.-e  of  elevation  in  Ihe  river 
there  will  be  i.iiicli  iltniiiiishid,  and  its  maximum 
rise,  if  the  sile  of  tlu'  dam  be  properly  selected,  be 
'  less  than  it  its  naliiral  state.  F.xperimcnls  upon 
a  river  of  natural  dams  and  pools  are  always  haz- 
ardous. This  niode  is  ri 'oinmi'iiileil  lo  my  ininil 
as  lieinir  ihal  which  least  .haniris  the  natural  eliar- 
acler  of  the  river;  which,  indeed,  so  strictly  fol- 
lows il,  that  iniless  it  shoiild  ailed  the  icninien  of 
the  river  below  the  ilaiii.  I  see  no  possible  ilan;,'er 
which  eould  aileiid  it.  The  esiiniale  of  this  daii- 
;^ir,  and  tin  ditlieiiliy  of  couuleractin',' it.  I  I,  ave 
to  others.  My  purpose  was  to  aitr.icl  attenlion  to 
other  means  ilian  those  recommended  lo  oiiradop- 
lion,  believiuir  that  expeilieiicy  and  econoiuy  com- 
bine willi  a  re;,'ard  for  the  Con.  'Union,  to  reject 
this  indefinite  appropriation  for  tin.  i'ortlaiid  and 
Louisville  canal. 

The  other  approprialion  to  which  I  promised  to 
I'ive  some  allcntion  is  S7.").(MIII  "  for  improving'  the 


linrbi 


at  St.  Li 


All  whieh  I  III 
I  III 


aid   ill 


reference  to  a|ipriiprialiiins  (or  local  benelil  is  lue 
plicable  licie;  and  to  the  riiLomienls  based  upon  tin 
wealth  and  comiuer 
L'iv 


f  the  place,  I  answer,  tin 


'  the  pow  er  In  | 


In  preserve  the  landituc 


III  dnniti- 


ish  ihe  pr(>| 


rieiv  of  asking  aid  from  others.     Tc 


March  Ui, 
i-  Reps. 

Dcnl  intprcst!» 

•  iiiitiirni  11(1- 
itf  tlmsp  wlm 

I  the  Foilcni) 
!  jiirisdirlinii 
iii|ii-()vr'nii'iit. 

Iliiu  Iniliiiiia 
tlal»'s  cni.iKit, 
<  (■I'llii'  Gcn- 
rniit  In-  rclipif 

II  ihr  lii'lianit 
m  lipfnrn  llio 

•  iiiriH(lii"lioM 
-watiT  nini'k 
H)  lie  iisft'til, 
\-\VM(rr,  ami 
if  K'fiitui'ky, 
nnot  iip  (lour 
Iruliiiiin.  I'y 
rn  wlii*'Ii  wilt 
wnrncd  from 
:vl  lirmicliPH  to 

il  n.s  Imlll^l^ 
li/.nis  lit*  liie 

MS  IIMO  of  lll(! 

in  rrpnir;  but 
null  im'  rori- 
iJirliiviiy  pni- 
iiiiril  for  our 
ol'llic  (ioncr- 
<I.1  (if  tlir  Mill  ■ 
liio,  so  us  to 
iif  the  river,  I 
M",  intcniipil  ii> 
■yor  most  px- 
ilieolii(M-t.  1 1 
niiidp  Ml  I'Vli- 
of  iiiiproviuir 
mil  lipil,  liy  il 
tliiiii  liiilf'tim 

,    of   lIlP    tO|10- 

'  (ind  improvp- 

irk  to  lir  pom- 

1  tliPSliUpmPiit 

L'.i'S  not  to  lip 

s.     Up  slalps 

of  IliP  liiPi;pst 

s  I'f  Ihr  ririr, 

:i  Piuiiil,  (init 

tlirmicli  tlir^ 

wi.ipr,  and 

li  oiip  jioiir; 

mipd  will  lie 

not  pxpppd 

di.liiy  ill  till" 

IP,'  from  the 

will  lip  Pii- 

if  rpniiivi:i'; 

nini  ilppili   o|" 

lipini'rp.-ispil 

t.Jrassv  l'"lat 

er,  is  lint  i!.S 


is-ie.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGUESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


437 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess, 


The  Oregon  QHcstmi — Mr.  Ashktj. 


Senate. 


d( 


Iip  liPiipfitt'd, 
in.iniiitly    in- 
iii  the  rlvcr 
itK  nia>innini 
ilpptcd,  liR 
itiipiils  upon 
alwin'H  lia/.- 
to  my  mind 
iiatnr.il  cliar- 
strictly  I'oi- 
riiiiniPli  (if 
ililp  daipj;pr 
it'  tills  dan- 
ill;:  it,  I  l.avc 
-I  attention  to 
to  our  adop- 
inomy  poni- 
iiiii,  to  rpjppt 
I'orlland  and 

prnniispil  to 
iprovinu'  lliP 
liavp  said  ill 
tipiiPtit  is  a)>- 
ispd  upon  llio 
swir,  tlipse 
i;,  and  diniiii- 

lIlPlS.       'I'll 


Ihe  ei(nit  intpirsis  of  tradi?,  it  maltpr.'s  not  if  the 
landing;  lie  romnvod  to  a  |>oiiit  still  liii;lipr  up  tlip 
river,  ay  il  was  frnni  tlio  original  landing  of  tlK^ 
town  to  ita  prese^nt  prisilioii.  The  foriHRtioii  of 
Imrs  and  the  wasliin?  oil' of  liaiiks  are  tin;  constant 
operations  of  tlie  pvpr-pliaiuriii?  Mississippi.  Un- 
less ;;eiit|pmpi>  will  inidpitalfp  to  remove  lull's  and 
firesprvc  Imiiivs,  v.'hcrpv.'r  tlip  fonnation  of  llie  one 
ur  the  ciivins  of  ilie  other  shall  iiijiiro  private  in- 
Icrcsts,  I  pan  perreivi!  no  just  rea.'ion  for  gruiiting 
this  apprii|iriiitinn. 

To  tlip  inlliiep..c  of  spp.tioiml  feeling  upon  the 
votps  of  |{p|iiespiitHlivps,  iiiy  opposition  to  the  two 
last  iipins  I  linve  iintiepd  paiinot  he  Httriliiitpd.  Hy 
intpi-psi,  hy  piliu'atioii,and  asi;ociatioii,  1  am  ideii- 
tifipd  with  the  valley  of  "  the  AVest.|"  My  feel- 
ings prompt  me  to  do  all  that  my  iiriiiciplps  will 
permit;  iK-yond  lliis,  iiolhin;:  slionUl  he  expected, 
lint,  is  the  intPi-Pst  of  "  the  West"  to  lip  proniotpd 
Jiy  a  poliey  whirli  pprmlts  of  siicli  expenditurps  ? 
It  is  only  thr(ni:,'li  a  rijjid  ndherpnce  to  the  Consti- 
tnlioii,  with  n  striei  oliservrtiiei!  of  Ilepnhliean  econ- 
omy, that  I  can  scp  the  ^jreat  and  i;r(iwiii^'  iiitpiTs..-f 
tif  that  i-psjioii  inairiiifiPil.  Look  at  tli<^  nppropriii- 
tioiis  (if  this  lull;  tarn  to  the  aL'iri'CLmtc  of  piust  ex- 
jienditures;  place  llie  >iorth  and  Lmisi  on  oiii!  side, 
the  811111I1  and  West  upon  the  otlipr;  and  mark  the 
tlispriiporiion  hptwppn  the  ponlriliutions  of  tliptwo 
tlivisioiis,  to  the  I'Vdpi'.il  Government,  and  tlie  tx- 
|ieii(lilurps  which  itliiia  made  in  eai'li. 

This  inpqu.ility  niny  Iip  rliangpd,  t'lo  hand  of  the 
West  may  siKiii'liavp  \vpij;lit  to  coniitprpoise  the 
scale;  hut  her  liroad  and  pcrmaiiPiit  intei-pst  still 
M'oiild  lie  oppoR((l  to  ;^iich  a  piilicy.  An  a^  ■iciil- 
liiral,  nn  exporlin;,',  and  thprefore  importing  i  iter- 
pst,  must  lie  pernianpiitlv  op]iospd  to  artiticial  ,'iid 
burdpiisome  nvt'-amts  on  pommeree.  I-'pw  r  in 
be  so  hlind  as  not  10  have  perceived  llmt  heavy  ex- 
penditures are  soiiiht  10  preserve  the  present  oner- 
ons  (Intips  on  our  imports.  It  is  the  mode  of  jus- 
tification; and  we  who  have  declared  our  settled 
(lurpnae  to  rediipo  the  tarilV,  shoidd  furnish  no 
means  for  its  support.  Of  all  the  moder  '.y  which 
iiioiipy  mi!<lu  l)p  raised  for  purposps  of  internal  im- 
provement, diitips  on  imports  is  that  which  has  jpast 
of  justice  or  ecnnoniy  to  reeommeiul  its  adoption. 
It  eliar^ps  ihp  expense  of  siieh  iiiiprovemems  on 
the  eoiisiimption  of  the  eouiilry,  instead  of  the 
property  to  lie  licnefited  by  the  works,  and  siih- 
icets  the  people  to  a  heavy  loss  in  tlie  ditl'erenec 
lielween  the  amount  wliieli  the  treasury  receives 
from  the  collection  of  any  tliity,  and  tlie  liurdcn 
it  nnposps  on  the  mass  of  the  consumers.  Drawn 
without  relprencp  to  the  lienetil  conferred-  and  ne- 
cessarily lenvins  hy  the  wayside  iniici  .1  V.  hat  it 
gathers,  inerpiahiy  is  the  liefrimiine;,  and  waste  is 
the  end,  of  siieli  taxation  and  disliiirseinent.  Sir, 
if  it  could  lie  icpial,  if  the  expenditures  did  pass  to 
the  same  persons,  and  in  the  same  iiroportion  as 
the  tax  for  its  .sup|>ort,  if  phiss  Ip^islation  had  not 
ereated  a  party  ansioiis  to  enlar;;e  the  appropria- 
tions of  the  Government,  I  do  not  believe  this  pol- 
icy could  find  an  advocate. 

Mr.  Chairman,  1  rejoiced  in  the  adoption  of  the 
ipsolutioii  by  which  we  shall  be  ablp  to  ;;pt  a  sppa- 
rate  vole  iipiin  each  item  of  this  bill,  as  a  inpaiis  to 
wpakcii  the  torcp  of  those  combinations,  as  corrupt 
in  morals  us  injurious  In  lesishition.  i  wish  we 
could  so  fiirihpr,  and  mnkp  pach  sppaialp  work  the 
siijijeet  of  a  separate  bill,  that  Uepresentativps 
nii^'ht  be  reipiired  to  show  the  impoitance  of  each 
(ilijpcl,  the  i^eneral  welfare  in  each  case  for  which 
ilipy  voted  to  appropriate  the  public  money.  Thus 
iniu'ht  we  hope  to  arrest  a  systpi-.i  rejecii'd  by  the 
Democratic  parly,  opposed  by  its  leadi  rs,  de- 
nounced by  its  conventions,  yet  still  fiii(lin;r  allies 
ill  its  ranks.  It  is  no  answer,  sir,  for  tlieni  to  say 
they  do  not  favor  a  (general  systpiii  of  improve- 
inent.  A  partial  system  is  still  less  in  accordance 
with  a  Coiisiiimioii  which  rests  tipoii  the  basis  of 
jiisiiceand  e(|iiality.  As  little  satisfactory  Is  the 
reply,  that  appropriiitioiis  for  improvenicnts  are 
eiieval  with  our  Uovernnient;  because  it  is  the 
cliarartpr  of  tlip  apprmirialions  which  wp  have  op- 
posed, eonslanlly  adiiiittin;;  that  lliPi-e  arc  objects 
on  which  exneiiditiires  pan  constitiitioniilly  be 
luadp.  Wp  only  ask  llipiu  to  eoiitiiie  llipnis'i ivps 
within  tlip  limits  admitted  in  llip  period  dpiiomina- 
ti'd  (by  thp^pnllpman  from  Alabama,  .Mr.  I'avm;) 
'_'  the  purer  and  belter  days  of  the  Itepiiblic."  ||,iw 
far  WP  propose  to  );o  bpyond  them,  aiijicars  in  the 
fact  that  the  approprintions  of  lliis  bill  are  more 


than   three  times  as  great  as  all  expended  from   1 

17',ll)  to  IHll,  on  piirpo.ses  of  iiuernal  im]ii'(ive-   ; 

meiit.     This,  sir,  too  far  execiuls  the  ratio  of  our   ' 

eonntry's  fjrowth  to  he  justified  by  that;  it  is  Ihe  '! 

extended  eonstriictioii  of  our  Consiiuilion,  not  the   I 

extension  nfoiirffovcrnment.il  wants,  which  mens-   I 

i  ures  the  nwollen  sta'e  ofthe.se  appropriations.  I| 

Gramitdiisly.  and  in  most  positive  terms,  sen-   j 

tiemen  have,  on  a  nrcent  oecasioi:,  renewed  assii-   ! 

I  ranees  of  their  adherence  to  "  the  Haltiiuore  reso-   ! 

I  lutions."     In  the  front  of  that  spries,  stands  a  )iro-   i 

I  test  aj^ainst  Ihe  system  of  interiiHl  improvements  by   j 

the  General  (lovernmeiit.     This  bill  is  the  revival    [ 

of  that  system.     Do  th(;y  d(^<il:n,bv  snpportiir:  it,  .'-. 

to  n;ive  proof  of  the  siiipprily  of  tlipir  dpclaratiiins;  , 

As  they  vote,  so  shall  I  Im;  answered.     Mr.  ('hair-   ' 

man,  ail  eminent  Hrilisli  stntpsman  is  rpprrspiitpd 

to  have  said,  that  lieeouhl  lame  the  wildest  radical    j 

'  by  niakini:  him  kee|M'r  of  the  treasury  keys.     1  j 

Iriisl  lliat  a  thirst  for  local  appro|iriatioiis  may  not 

prove  as  potent  as  those  keys;  ihatil  will  not  trans-  j 

late  and  verify  the  remark  anuui'.;  us. 

I       111  the  course  of  this  diseii.ssion,  we  have  reppat- 

'  cdly  been  told   that  intprn.'il  improvcmeiits  by  thp  i 

i  lA'deral  (fovpriiment  wpi'p  necessary  to  cement  our  : 

I  Hiiioir,  and  the  i'eiitleniaii  from  IN  iiiisylvania  |Mr. 

:  Sri;u'AiiT|   iii'j;eiiiously  incpiires  if  appropriations 

for  internal  iiiiprovpineiils  be  denied,  what  can  the 

West  receive.'     I  answer, that  which  is  vastly  more  , 

iinpnrlaiu   to  an  iiirriciiltural  pxportin;;  ppople — ; 

PXPiiiption  tVom  llie  oneriiiis  taxation  necessary  to 

snsi  liii  the  vast  expenditures  of  such   a  system. 

;  lieli  f  tVom  the  oppressive  duties  wliieli   has  en- [ 

riclii  1  his  more  ppcnii.ir  fripiids  at  the  expeii.se  of  1 

the  Ni.ith  and  Wesf,  with  that  which  is  above  all  '• 

I  pompiii.tion,  the  preservation  of  our  l!epublicaii  ! 

C'onsliliiti.in  t'ro:;.  ihe  corrupting  tendei.cy  of  such 
''  a  syste'ii.  ^  ' 

Plendereil  in  llie  cnlleMion,  neslceled  in  the  di.s- 
i  trilv.dion  of  your  treasire,  the  siHilliweslern  and    ; 
western  .States  have  r.ssed  from  inl'aucy  to  man-    ; 
hood,  iheir  altaeliment  to  the  ITiiion  growing' with    '. 
their  tjrowtli;  and  now  it  is  proposed  by  works  of  ., 
internal  improvem(;nt  to  biiHi  them  to  the  Coiifcd-  ' 
eratinn.     Sir.  they  iiped  no  bonds  save  those  of'; 
'fraternal   feeliii;;: 'these,  natiiral   causes  will  pre-- 
,  serve;   these,  imeoiisiiiiitional  infrinsement  only  j| 
i  can  destroy.     Let  those   who  have  lovi;  for  the    : 
\  Union  on   iheir  lips  epase  fio;n  perpetrating  acts 
i  ed'eelive  for  its  dissolution. 

i       TI10112I1   not  llic  Reui'psentative  of  a   frontipr   \ 

\  Slalp,  I  have   had  mucli  opporlimity  to  observe   I 

our  froiuier  people — perhaps  nion;  extensively  than    , 

any  other  member  of  this   ('oni,'ress — have  seen    ! 

I  them  as  they  arc  upon  the  conliiies  of  our  settle-   | 

ments. 

To  such  as  tear  that  tlipir  rpmotcnp.ss  from  the   ; 
pcntre  of  our  Union  may  weaken  theirattaclinieiit,   ( 
I  answer,  ihe  reverse  is  true.     They  who  look  out  ' 
from  their  eotla^'e  door  lo   the  unpeopled  wilder-    j 
ness,  who  stand  in  cdiitaet  with  the  .sava'.;p,  or  on  'i 
Ihe  hinder  of  a  forei^'ii  Power,  revert  to  "  the  .set-   | 
tlementa"  with    the    fondness   which    belongs    lo    ] 
home,  clinj   lo  the   Union  with  a  love  siirpassins 
that  of  those  who  are  iiparcr  to  its  centre.     Sir,  it 
is  u*"iccpssary  to  providp  ajzainst  the  dain^er  of  n   \ 
cpiitnruffal  force,  whilst  our  history  exliibils  those    1 
who  surround  11.1  anxious  lo  come  into  our  Union,    . 
and  none  who  an'  iii,(lpsi,'ini!:  lo  !;o  out.     If,  from    1 
my  ob.sprvntion  on  ditrpreiit  portions  of  our  Union, 
I  weretodecide  on  the  law  of  ilsallraciioii,  I  should 
say  it  was  the  ri'vprsc  of  ffiavilalion,  and  varied  di- 
rectly as  the  square  of  the  distance  from  lis  ppiilre. 
Tlip  extPiit  of  our  Union  has  never  been  to  nie  the 
cause  of  appiehensiiin;    its  colipsion  pan  only  he 
disliirbed  by  violation  of  the  ponipai  t  which  ce- 
ments .'t.  '■ 
State  sovereignty  nn.sliorn  of  its  iiltribiites,  and   ; 
private   intprpsis  frppil    from  undiiP    inlprfpipncc  ; 
miilualadvaiila'.;p,iniisl  bind  the  ppople  of  ourCoil- 
fpileracy  )icrpptiially  l(i;:p|lipr. 

As  iialnrp  and  llip  nccpssiiies  of  eominerce  may 
direct,  ilinse   imineiliali  ly  eoiicprned  will  multiply 
and  extend  the  phannels  of  ponniiunicalion.      I'o 
individual  and   local   advaticpiupiit  will  be  added 
the  fruits  of  liarniony  and  l'(  lu'ral  prosperity.    If, 
otlierwi.se,    a    syslein    of    iuleriial    iuiprovcinent 
should  be  allempted  liy  the  l-'edcral  (iovernmenl,    | 
error  and  niisdircction  in  ajtprnpriations  may  be    ; 
expepted  eonstanily  to  occur,  whilst  corruption  :ui(l 
dissension  will  aticiid   the   division  of   tlie  spoil,    ' 
wruiif  from  taxed  and  loiliinr  millions  lor  works 


uncnnireeied,  it  may  lie  antagonist,  to  their  indi- 
vidual interest.  Tin;  means  thus  proposed  to  pre- 
sprv-,'  our  Union,  will  more  probably  epiienite  dis- 
ail'eclion  and  discord;  like  the  teeth  of  the  dragon, 
have  an  ofl'spring  for  family  strife  and  destruction, 
Mr.  Chairman,  this  bill,  in  its  present  form,  can- 
not reoeive  my  siijiport.  In  voting  mi  the  items  of 
which  it  is  eoniposed,  my  ptirpo.'ie  will  bo  to  per- 
fect it  by  preserving  only  siicli  as  are  national  or 
con.siiiutional.  I  u.se  these  as  eonvert.'ble  terms,  ami 
will  Piially  vote  upon  the  bill  as  it  may  be  modified, 
or  poniinned  in  its  present  objeetionnblc  shape. 

If,  sir,  the  political  storm  which  gcnllemeii  fore- 
see or  fancy  should  be  precipitated  on  us  by  0|ipo- 
sitioii  to  tlie  poli(;y  foreshadowed   in  thin  bill,  I 
trust  the  Demoeratie  ship  will  weather  it.    For  one, 
1  will  refuse  to  seek  a  refuge  in  the  artificial  har- 
bors which  llicir  ingenuity  eonstriicis.    Prcfen'ing 
to  see  our  vessel  stranded  there,  with   the  flag  <« 
strict  ponslruplion  Hying  over  it,  to  wait  the  iTtiirn- 
ing  tide  of  a  •'  sober  second  thought,"  rather  than 
have  a  |ipap(;ful  voyage,  by  hauling  down  the  an- 
j  eieiit  motto  of  our  I'aitli;  by  .sac;ificiiig  lo  political 
I  success  Ihe  preservation  of  that  rigid  interpreta- 
]  lion  of  Ihe  l^Ionstitulion,  by  whicli  alone  we  can 
I  hope  for  Ihe  maintciuuice  of  the  Union  it  was  des- 
tined 10  secure. 


THE  OUEGON  aUESTION. 
SPEECH    OF~MR.    ASHLEY, 

OF  ARKANSAS, 
In  tiik  Sk\.\ti;,  Jlpril  3,  ISJti. 
The  Joint  Krsolulion  for  driving  tiie  notice  to  ter- 
minate the  convention  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Hritain,  relati\e  lo  iho  Oregon  Terri- 
tory, being  under  eoiisideratioii — 
Mr.  ASHLE'V' addressed  the  Senate  as  follows: 
Mr.  Pkksihent:  I  can  scarcely  hope,  indeed  no 
one  could  reasonably  expect,  that  I  sliould  be  able 
to  throw  much  additional  light,  or  lo  advance  any- 
thing new  on  the  important  subject  before  the  Sen- 
ale  at  this  late  stage  of  ii.s  discussion.   The  utmost 
I  could  hope  to  do,  would  be,  10  present  some  of  the 
(^Id  argumenl.s  under  a  new  guise,  and  t^late  the 
results  of  those  argiimpnls  on  my  own  mind.     I 
shall,  of  course,  be  liable  lo  present  many  thoughts 
and  argiiiueiits  in  a  maiiner  somewhat  crude,  and 
iiotsiinicienily  maimed.  He  that  as  it  may,  I  do  not 
feel  myself  justified,  as  one  of  the  representatives 
of  a  sovereign  Stale,  to  give  a  silent  vote  on  u  riues- 
tioii  so  monientous,  which  may  possibly  resuli  in 
involving  the  pppce  of  lliis  country  with  oiip  of  the 
most  powerful  nations  of  the  earili,  as  Enghiiid  is 
vauulingly  represented  in  this  chamber,  but  feel 
myself  conscientiously  bound  to  give  the  reasons 
which  will  govern  my  own   vole  on   the  various 
propositions  now  uiidpr  eoiisideratioii,  and  for  the 
strength  and  correctness  of  which  I  hold  myself 
resoonsible  to  my  constituents. 

In  the  discussion  of  this  qiieslion,  various  topics 
have  been  introduced,  which,  in  iiiyjudgnienl,wero 
altogelher  irrelevant,  and  have  really  nothing  to  do 
with  its  merits.  If  we  bad  ponliiiPil  oursplves  to 
Ihe  isolated  question  legitimately  and  properly  he- 
lore  ns,  it  appears  to  nie  that  there  could  be  scarce- 
ly any  diU'erpiice  of  .spiilimenl  as  to  the  proper 
course  which  oiiglil  to  be  adunted.  The  siinpL 
(|li(slioii  of  iiiitice  alone,  would  surely  have  long 
ago  been  determined  U|iiin,  if  all  who  believed  we 
had  (1111/ claims  to  Oregon  had  acted  in  concert. 
There  are,  neverthelpss,  sonip  other  siibjeclswhi(;li, 
thimgli  not  strictly  coiinecled  with  the  question  bo- 
fore  us,  11  may  not  bp  iaiproppr  for  ihe  Senate  of 
the  United  States — a  most  important  branch  of  t'nc 
Goveriinicnl — 10  look  forward  lo,  and  carefully 
weigh:  such  as  the  itsuIis  that  might  be  aniicipa- 
led  as  likely  lo  spring  out  of  the  giving  the  con- 
templated notice.  If  we  believe  war  will  prob- 
ably follow,  then  iirudence  and  sound  wisdom 
would  ipqiiirc  us  lo  make  adeiiuatc  preparation,  in 
view  of  such  a  eontingeiipy. 

Thus  far  it  might  be  proper  to  go  beyond  the  in- 
'riii;ap  merits  of  iIip  (|ueslioii  lipfore  the  Senate;  and 
I  eanii(ilasi=enl  to  the  propriety  of  iiitroducing  any- 
thing else.  Molwithsianding  many  irrelevant  and 
extraneous  matters  have  been  brought  into  this  uis- 
piissioii,  (which  I  should  not  have  inti-oduced  my- 
self,) yet,  having  been  frequently  referred  to,  and 
commented  on,  in  the  previous  debate,  I  nm  iin- 


438 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  3, 


'29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 

willing  to  pass  in  silence,  Irat  the  Democratic  party 
bIiouIiI  be  sul.jrrU'd  to  wrong  conslnuMiiiiia,  nnil 
iniputiilions  wli^lly  ^mmiious  unil  unfiMnnled,  luiil 
our  silence  uiUlncul  iin  iviilinic  of  llie  justness  of 
the  alle:,^^tions  inuUr,  and  inferrnocs  deductd  IVoni 
tliem  l>y  our  Wlntr  iViendfl  on  llic  other  side  of  the 
rhandier.  One  of  ihisc  irrclevniil  im\lteis,  vvhicli 
has  most  surprised  me,  is  the  inlniduciion  into  this 
chamber  ninl  this  dilmte  of  the  di>inf;s  of  the  Ual- 
tiniore  convfiilion;  and  I  have  Uen  yet  more  sur- 
prised at  n  t'hnr|,'e  made  liy  nn  honorable  yein\lor 
from  Virginia,  on  il\e  oilii-r  side  of  the  rhnmber, 
[Mr.  Arc  IIF.R,]  that  the  convention  nnd  its  inlro- 
ductifin  here  was  the  result  ofJucubinmn:  and  not 
to  misrepresent  Ihe  remark  of  theijcnilenian,  1  hcg 
leave  to  rend  fri)n\  his  pulilished  speech  u  short  ex- 
tract.    He  says: 

"The  nnilinrjty  of  thr-  Rnltiriiore  coiiveniion  h«(l  br»rn 
npi'iily  invoked  ih  llie  (tUrusjtion,  ;is  "lie  nl'llie  npprnprtnte 
nic.-ui»  ro  inllucnce  it.  It  wiM  prrt[»er  tlj;u  (lir  ponplf  should 
bo  TrnvW  acfjnaiiitL'il  with  llic  rant. nnd  with  IIlc  Icarlnl  li«v,r- 
ins  nrthi«  nppiMl.  Tin;  B.illifnnriMMinventinn  1  t^'tint  \va.^ 
it.'  Tlie  niilhnrity  ol' itn  n^-sncinlinn  nnkimwn  tn  lin"  iii^li 
tutioni)  ol'tlie  cnurilry,  iiiadc  Ilie  i<nl>ji'rt  of  appeal  to  coiiirnt 
the  jpsii'lation  of  ihe  ci.iintry  I  Tins  I'oily.  really  M'h'ap- 
IMijiiled.  nr  nearly  so,  coMVi*nt'd  for.iii  aliened  utrnlir  ot)jcrl, 
to  carry  into  eflt'ct  an  a'snnicd  pnhtie  Frntinictit  in  n-laiion 
to  that  olijiTt,     Uii  tint  iirorrettin^  had  heen  to  tli^card  the 

adtniU'>d  (ultilie  scritiinenl  which  it  pnrporleit  to  ha\ rt  to 

rfti-rtirile.  tt-*  notorious  ripurse  of  ptiMM'idini*  had  lir.Mi, 
pot  to  rcrcivc.  hot  to  make  a  |inhlie  f^cntlTneat.  in  siilj.'tjlu- 
tlr)n  ortiint  which  it  prol»'«sed  lo  have  Iiecn  sent  to  <  \rnne; 
and  then  to  rui*'  political  i<Mi's  whicli  iniiiht  li'-  ititlanu'it  in 
aid  of  thiA  rip'ration-  .\  Jnnto.  will)  no  antliorM>  of  ;iny 
Kind,  or  actitnt  in  adniiltcd  contradiction  nnd  violation  of  it's 
proti'sjird  aultiorily.had  hcen  siiccesfsfnl  indictatini*  ii>  ino^t 
important  election  to  the  country  ;  and  its  nnthnritv  was  now 
employed,  on  the  irreili^c  of  that  success,  to  ili'Matf  liie 
hjistation  of  the  coimlry  on  a  snl^jecl  of  tin'  rno-t  vttal  Jin- 
portaiu'c.  Thi-  was  the  first  opnn  nvnwnl  Ihe  rtumlry  had 
ever  known  of  J.iir-iAinitm  in  its  halls  of  leittslation.  It  was 
yet  to  bo  seen  bow  the  a\'ow*al  wonhl  bo  received.'' 

It  is  nianifi  St  from  tlie.se  remarks,  that  the  .Sen- 
ator wishes  to  induce  the  people  to  believe  that 
there  has  been  an  attempt  lo  dictate  to  the  F/eijis- 
lature,  to  influence  their  decisions  improperlv,  and 
tn  control  their  action,  as  t!ie  celebrate*!  .Jacobin 
chib  of  Paris  did  in  the  days  of  t)ie  Fren-h  Rovo- 
hition.  Is  he  borne  out  in  this  by  nnythinj  that 
lias  transpired  in  this  chamber? — by  ailvthint'that 
has  been  done  out  of  it  ? — bv  the  acts  r^f  the  Balti- 
more convention  itself,  or  the  Demoemtic  party, 
whose  delegates  coin|ii>seil  tlint  convention.'  Sir, 
that  convention  was  composed  of  dele^-ates  from 
all  part.'  of  the  I'nioii,  repre.setitinj  the  will  and 
•wishes  of  the  wdiole  Democracy  of  the  T'uitrd 
Slates;  possessed  of  hi<rh  talents,  and  the  full  con- 
fidence of  tlinse  whom  they  represented,  convened 
lo  consult  on  the  common  weal  nf  the  pariv,  nnd 
lo  select  candidates  for  the  Presidencv  and  Vice 
Presidency  of  this  ^reat  Republic,  that  should 
liieei  the  wishes  and  carry  out  the  principles  of  the 
Demo''ralic]iariv — i!ie  principles  of  a  VVashiiijinn, 
a  .lelTerson,  a  Madi'"i:i,  and  n  JacUson — and  will 
did  they  perform  thiir  duty.  Allow  me,  Mr. 
President,  to  read  froi,-  tlie  pmceedinss  of  that 
eonvetition  what  th  'v  did  do  in  relation  to  tho  suli- 
ject  now  before  the  Senate.  Mr.  H.  P.  liiiiler,  of 
New  York,  ofii'icd  .t  series  of  resnlutions  exprcs- 
tiive  of  the  sentiments  ami  jirinciples  of  the  party, 
which  were  unanimously  adopted  by  ihc  conven- 
tion, amnn;  which,  the  onlj*  one  referriii;;  to  the 
subject  now  under  iliscnssion,  is  tne  fidlowin;;: 

"Rcio/if./.  Tliat  our  title  to  the  whole  of  the  territory  of 
Orej.iii  1-  ch'.ir  and  uiKpie.ttonahle;  tlini  no  [virtion  ot  the 
same  ought  to  lie  ee-le-l  toFnjlaiiff  orany  otiler  I'f>«ei  ;  and 
lh.it  ih  '  rencru|Kiiio-i  of  rir'>joij  and  the  reaiineTatioii  nf 
'J'exas,  at  tlie  earli  --t  iifnctieatde  period,  nre  en'at  AinetirTin 
niea-nri'S.  wliielt  tin-  convention  reeoinniend?  lo  Uie  eordiul 
milil^-'rt  rif  the  lieinorraey  of  llie  I'nion.'' 

Was  there  any  Jaeoliinism  in  this-  If  .so,  in 
w'li't  did  it  eonsi.slr  Atler  n  thorough  i  vaniina- 
ti'in  of  the  wholf  proeeeilinos  of  that  body,  and  all 
lliat  lias  been  done  since  under  those  reecannienda- 
tions,  in  and  out  of  Ihia  elmmber,  I  can  find  no 
foiiiidaiion  fin'  the  cliaree  so  gravely  ininle  by  the 
Senator  from  VirLrinia.  This  resoluiinn  I  have 
1-ead,  conuiiiis,  1  think,  oood  sounil  doetnne,  anil 
recommenils  the  reoccupaiiou  of  f)rei;oii,  ami  the 
reaiincxatioii  of  Texii.'-,  as  «real  ,\meriean  meas- 
ures. Is  8uch  aiecuiimii  iidalion  Jneoliiiiiiidr  If 
it  IS,  sir,  a  huL'e  por'iou  of  the  American  people 
have  shown  their  love  ol'.lacobinism,  by  adoptma; 
one  of  tho.se  .American  measures.  They  have  al- 
ready reaniiexed  Texas,  and  have  added  ihe  lone 
star  of  iluU  liitle  npulilic  to  our  own  I  ri'.'ht  and 
glorious  eoii.-iiellaliun;  and  within  ti  lew  day«  paot, 


7%c  Oregon  (^uettion — Mr.  Ashley, 

\  we  have  wiinesseil  the  full  evidence  nf  itscontum- 
mntion  in  ihia  ehamlier.  It  was,  sir,  one  of  the 
proudest  days  of  my  life,  when  1  heard  the  oath  of 
orticc  ndniiiiislernl  lo  her  Skuiiilors,  and  they  look 
their  seals  in  our  mid.st  as  iIk'  repie.senlaiives  of 
that  youn^  nnd  chivalroug  Slate,  whose  independ- 
ence was  obtained  by  hiu'  .sons  on  the  Hieniornble 
field  of  San  .lacinto.  'I'his  resolution  was  neither 
more  nor  less  ihan  a  reeommendalion  of  freat  meas- 
ures to  the  DeiniNirnlic  |mrty  thi-oimhinil  the  United 
Slates;  nnd  they,  as  I  presume,  will  at  this  day  be 
aeknowleili:ed  on  both  sides  of  this  elmmber  lo  con- 
stitute «  Iniec  majority  of  ihe  people  of  the  United 
States.  I  see  .some  ijcntleuien  on  the  oilier  side  of 
the  chamber  sliakini:  liieir  heads  at  this  proposi- 
tion. Is  it  not  tnie,sir.'  Have  we  not  the  most 
overwiieh/iiiie  evidence  of  its  iruth.'  But  if  they 
will  iioi  admtl  it,  we  c.nn  resort  to  aeltiid  ilemon- 
stration  of  its  truth.  Look,  sir,  at  the  lritim|ihant 
meiority  by  which  we  elected  our  President  and 
Vice  President,  nominated  by  this  convention,  in 
opposition  to  the  idol  of  ihe  opposite  party.  I^ook 
,it  Ihe  lar','e  innjorily  of  the  Demoeralie  parly  in 
the  IIou.se  of  [{epiesinl.ilivps:  and  look  at  this 
bealy  also,  willi  a  majority  a','ainst  us  prior  to  the 
4th  of  Mai-ch  last,  and  now  havin;;  a  larire  majority 
on  our  siilc  of  thr  chamber.  .Siindy  such  evidence 
is  tnll  and  I'oinplete,  and  eslnijlishes  my  proposi- 
tion loo  fully  to  be  iiidim;;ered  by  the  sliakinj  of 
lieods  on  tin;  other  side,  or  the  force  of  arq^nment 
itself.  I  deny  thai  it  is  .I;ieoliimcal;  and  how  its 
inlrodiictiini  here  can  In  edled  ajacohinienl  meas- 
uie,  quite  pas.-<es  my  eomprelunsion.  [admit  its 
inirodnctiou  was  not  called  for  in  this  discussion, 
and  I  shoiilil  not  have  mtrodnced  it;  lint  introduced 

i  it  has  been,  and  I  will  now,  therefore,  tell  yon  what 
I  do  d.iim  under  the  aulliorily  of  that  convention. 
Whether  the  resolutions  lliere  adopted  bind  the 
whole  Oemocniiic  parly  or  not,  it  is  not  necessary 
to  investi'_'aie  or  dett-rmine;  but  I  am  fpiile  sure, 
and  I  believe  the  .Senators  on  the  oilier  side  of  the 
chamber  even,  will  a'.;ree  with  me  that  the  resolu- 
tions of  iluii  convention  fcoiim/ the  President  and 
Vice  President  of  the  United  .States,  actually  elected 
under  nominations  made  by  it,  accompanied  by 
their  declaration  of  iirinciplts — "  their  confession 
of  fiiih."  lioni;  nniciior  lo  the  Daliimore  conven- 
tion,.Mr.  Polk, as  was  well  known,  had  :;iven  lo  the 
world  similar  views  on  the  Oree;on  ipiesiion  to  those 
which  were  presented  in  the  resolution,  (and  simi- 
lar views  to  those  |ire.sent#il  by  the  w  Imle  .series  of 
resolutions  adopieil  by  iluit  convention,) and  he  was 
selected  by  the  convention  for  the  lii;;h  odice  he 
holds,  aa  the  expmienl  of  these  i^real  principles 
proniuli;ale<l  to  the  .Vinericaii  peoph',  and  known 
to  h.ue  been  in  accordance  with  ilmse  entei-tained 
by  him  previous  to  the  meetin„'  of  tin:  convention. 
I  repeat,  sir,  the  Preside  lit  and  Vice  Presidi  lit  were 
houiiil  to  carry  out  tho.se  pi  ineipli.s,  by  haviii;;  ac- 
cepleil  ihe  iioioiualion  of  llie  coiivenlion  that  had 
at  the  lime  ileelared  them;  /mioK/,  sir,  as  nnieh  a.s 
an  elector  tor  President  and  Vice  President  is  lo 
east  his  vtdf  ui  favor  of  the  pei-son  whom  he  had 
pledRcd  himself  to  support  when  he  oli'ered  him- 
self to  the  piMiplc  as  :i  e^tudidate  for  their  sutfrases. 
The  resoluUon,  then,  d<,eH  but  t:nibodv  doctrines 
and  sentimcuts  which  Mr.  Polk  put  linth  publiclv 
loii!^  befcue  the  convention  was  held,  nnd  whicli, 
indeed,  he  bail  always  avowed.  He  claimed  the 
whole  Iff  Dr.  L;<in  as  slroni;ly  as  even  the  Senator 
fioin  Missouri  I  Mr.  I'.kston)  did  in  I8'.'j  and 
1842.  He  look  this  (.'round  m  public  addresses,  and 
publisheil  It  to  ihe  whole  Uuiietl  Slates.  When 
the  convention  was  called,  they  proclaimed  the 
same  principles;  and.  as  represeiitin<;  the  Demoe- 
lacy  of  this  Union,  they  etilled  upon  him,  as  their 

'  iioiuinee,  lo  carry  their  piinei|iles  into  action.  If 
he,  after  that,  aec.epted  their  nomination,  he  is 
most  assuredly  bound  by  their  resolutions.  He 
;,'ave  Ins  lioiid  t'l  the  .\mericaii  people.     I  hone  the 

'  iientlemei the  other  side  will  all  asjree  with  me, 

that  wliofvi  r  else  may  or  nniy  not  be  bound  by 
the  acts  of  thai  convention,  those  whom  the  eoii- 
vemioii  nooiniated  as  ciiididales,  and  whom  the 
people  aftirwaris  elected,  were  midemably  bound, 
lUst  as  much  ;.s  they  would  have  been  il'  iln;y  had 
issued  !i  niaml'eslo  conlainiiii;  their  political  creetl. 
In  all  iIiIn,  if  there  is  .Tacobiiiisiu,  then  il  makes  a 
hir^'e  iiiajiu'ity  of  the  .\merican  peopli'  amenable 
to  the  char;;e;  aid  I,  for  one,  Mr  President,  ;;lory 
tn  bciiii;  sieii  a  .lacobite. 

There  i.i  anolhur  topie  iiilroduced  by  the  genthi- 


SCNATC. 


11  man  from  VliKinin,  [Mr.  AnciiEn.]    It  is,  I  know, 

1 1  n  rather  delicate  nv>iier,  hm  1  feel  myself  bound, 

■  as  a  wcstcni  Reprcacnlative,  lo  vindirntc  the  pco- 

|!  pic  of  the  West,. and  not  sulfer  the  unjust  imiai- 

inlion  upon  ihem  to  pass  unnoticed  or'  nnrontra- 

dieted.     The  genileinni  from  Viru'inia  has  thought 

!  (iiop'r  lo  decry  the  iiilettigeme  of  the  western  peo- 

|i  pie.  h.'  had  accui»ed  them  of  a  recklessness  of  tcm- 

1   peraniei.t — lint  charitably  expres.sed  the  hope  that 

the  blessi.'gs  of  a  more  ili(Tuseil  eilucalion  among  us 

I    would  in  time  correct  the  evil   ell'eel.s  of  that  lem- 

j   pernment.     i'lit,  .sir,  lest  I  slionhl  not   (rroperly 

slate  the  .scnlni;"nts  of  the  gentleman,  I  beg  leave 

'  10  read  nn  extract  .""roui  his  published  speech: 

".A  suiiposed  |ieciiliar  w.'^siern  interest  rvii  this  subject  of 
tiregon  lind  t>een  adduced  to  eA,.f<iiu  the  propensily'tn  ex- 
tr'ine  measures  inniiilested  in  that  <|iiarter  of  llie  ciaintrv, 
and  by  its  lie|s-osentativ('s  here.    lli>  (.>Ir.  .X.)  iliil  not  n's- 
crihe  the  vehetncnce  of  this  |,rnpensity  to  the  InHuenee  of 
■ .  any  siK'h  seMi^Il  consiilrnition.    But  he  dirl  inicrilie  it  to  a 
j    js'ouharity  ot'  western  teniperatneiit,  the  iiicniiuil,  porbaps, 
!    of  their  sla;.'c  of  social  condition.    The  people  were  noto- 
riously lirnve  ;  but  tlii-<  bravery  ran  into  recklessness  nf  all 
;    I'onsenueiioes  in  controversy  with  torciirn  Powers.    They 
wen'  as  und.aililedlvfteneroijs ;  Inn  they  h:nl  the  quality  too 
ol'ti'ii  found  in  alliance  with  spi/it  and  tienerosiiy — i'nipa- 
;    ti'jnee  of  rcsistanee  to  tlfir  view.',  and  the  ilisiio'sition  to 
iloininc'T  over  it.     He  (>Ir.  .X.)  adinitterl  his  indulgence  of 
an  extreni"  nntiely  on  tlie  sulijeet  nf  this  weslcni  tempern- 
'    iiieiit,  not  in  retation  to  '.he  (H-esenl  instnncc  only  of  its  dis- 
play, tail  the  lai^je  t'utiire  which  was  U'fon'  us;  the  political 

p4nver  of  111 Mllitry  beiiia  (N'^tineil,  probably,  lo  p.TS8  |f> 

that  rcL'i'in.  hetr,re  this  tempernnienl  passed  away  from  it, 
innler  Ihe  inflneiire  of  its  only  corrective.  lUjfiretl  eilttcatian, 
Kiiniinanoii  on  tins  topic,  ho  had  tn  eoiifuMi,  had  l'"r  some 
time  kept  him  in  terror." 

Put  into  plain  English,  this  means  neither  more 
nor  less  than  thiit  the  whole  people  of  the  West 
are  so  iiynorant  that  they  could  not  he  expeirted  lo 
be  right,  eitiier  on  this  Oregon  question  or  any 
o  lei-.  This  is  certainly  a  tno.st  sweeping  charge, 
and  seems  to  involve  all  the  (X-ople  west  of  the  Al- 
lesrhanies.  .\ow,  1  ask  that  gentleman,  and  the 
Senate,  to  look  at  the  political  chapicter  of  these 
people — to  look  at  what  ihey  have  doiie,  and  omit- 
ted to  do,  nnd  in  what  this  western  lenipeinmenl 
has  manil'esleil  itself  in  their  conduct  and  history; 
and  I  aver  that  there  are  no  iieople  in  these  United 

'  SlBles  who  have  manifeslei)  so  strong  an  nllach- 
ment  lo  iheir  Goveninieni,  or  such  a  xealoiis  de- 
votion to  the  union  of  these  Slates.  Why,  sir,  if 
the  honorable  Senator  had  described  us  all  as  the 
lineal  descendaiits  of  |>atient  Job,aiid  had  summed 
up  our  character  by  saying  we  were  all  the  idiil- 
dren  of  nieekne.ss  and  tiatiencc,  he   would  have 

'  been  far  more  I'orrect.  What  have  we  ever  done 
a.s  a  [Hople  to  show  our  recklessness  and  our 
proneness  tt>  run  into  extremes.'  t,ook  at  our 
past  history,  iniil  .see  whether  I  claim  loo  much 
for  ihe  meekness,  forbearance,  and  patience  of  the 
people  of  the  West.   On  the  formation  of  the  Con- 

,  federation,  the  Old  Tliirlcen  became  .sovereign  and 
iiidepenilent,  and  in  the  iidopiion  of  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  tjeiieral  fiovernmeiit,  made  provision 
I'oi  the  atlim.ssioii  of  new  .Stales,  and  subhequenlly 
enlerinl  into  a  compact  with  Virsrima,  and  a  treaty 
with  France,  that  certain  new  .Slates  should  he  a(l- 
milled  "on  an   equal   Uniting  with   the   originitl 

'  Stales;"  ami  then,  forsooth,  although  the  onsinal 
.Slates  were  ilu'  absolute  owners  of  the  soil  wjtiim 
their  limits,  they,  in  violation  of  their  own  eom- 

I  pads,  refuscil  to  the  new  States  that  right  of  soil 
inherent  to  sovereignty,  nnd  which  each  original 
.Sintt!  possessed  its'lf,  but  held  on  to  it,  and  peu- 
dled  il  out  for  ihe  .sole  advnnlnse  of  the  General 
Governmrnt.  What  ilid  the  West  do-  Rebel.' 
Gel  tip  a  euil  war.=  Nullify  the  laws  of  Con- 
gress, thus  violating  our  Hovereiiriity  .'  IVo,  sir. 
We  have,  from  tiiue  to  lime,  complained  and 
protested  only.  What  did  llie  people  of  Ar- 
kan.sas  do,  w  lien  forty  mil's  in  w  idtli  of  the  whtilc 
western  portion  of  her  rei ncni.sed  territory  waa 
taken  finm  her,  and  by  which  hundreds  of  her 
citizens  were  removed  from  their  farms,  opened 
nnil  improved  by  the  labor  of  their  own  hands, 
anil  given  to  the  Indians,  lo  induce  them  In  re- 
niovo  west  of  the  .Mississippi,  oiil  of  ilic  Slales 
where  they  were  born,  and  their  ance.siors  had 
lived,  from  tiim  immemorial  r  Did  we  resist?  No, 
sir.  We  liavr'  shown  onrsehesa  law -abiding  peo- 
ple, and  liivve  never,  in  any  instance,  gone  against, 
or  resisted  its  aiilhoritv.  Take,  as  a  further  illus- 
Iraiion,  the  tarilV  id'  ISI'J.  I  am  not  going  into  Iih 
merils,  but  I  ask,  what  is  the  jntblie  senliment  in 
Ihe  whole  West  iii  regard  lo  it?  It  is  perfectly 
Vktil  known  that  a  large  luiijoiily  of  weslerii  men 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


439 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Ashley. 


Senate. 


consider  it  aa  n  system  of  *'  Ipjalizcd  roli'iery,"  | 
uiid  ytt,  how  have  \vc  deported  ;>insolves  iindei'  it? 
Hiivc  we  held  piiblic  mcctiiii;^,  mid  ndoulcd  reso- 
lulions  to  rtsjfit  the  law?    No,  sir,  we  Imvc  resort-  1 
ed  to  remonstrance — wc  have  niHdc  an  nppenl  to 
reiison  and  to  jiislicc;  iiiul  this  rrrkiess  western  ! 
Icmpernmcnt  li.is  coiitenlcil  itwif  with  resorting  lo  | 
the  Imllot-liox  alnne  lo  corrccl  the  evil.   That  is  our  I 
disposition  for  "  running;  lo  extremes."  No,  sir,  we  | 
never  had,  in  our  part  of  the  rountry,  any  Hart-  ! 
ford  Conviiiiioii.:;  we  have  never  putnrms  into  the  ; 
hands  of  our  mililia  to  resist  their  own  Govern-  ! 
nient.     We  never  railed  npim  our  people  lo  pre- 
vent the  collection  of  an  excise  tax.   We  have  nev- 
er attempted,   in  any  of  our  Lesialatures,  to  do  , 
nway  with  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution, 
<-ir  to  declare  the  Union  dissolved,  because  a  new  t 
Slate  had  been  admitted  into  the  Union,  agreeable  ; 
to  the  forms  of  the  Constitution  itself.     Noiliinsof  ; 
the  Kind.     On  the  contrary,  I  insist  tlint  the  people 
of  tlic  West  have  shown  more  attachment  lo  the 
Union  than  those  ofuny  other  portion  of  the  United 
,_  Slates.    Yet  the  gcnllcmun  says  that  our  rash  reck- 

-^  lessiiess  of  character  will  be  corrected  by-and-by, 

'  by  the  influence  of  education.     Yes,  sir,  by  the 

influence  of  education  !     Why,  sir,  1  liold  that  the 
il  population  of  ilie  western  Sniics  arc,  at  this  mo- 

ment, better  iiilbrnied  than  the  people  of  any  Stale 
in  this  Union, exceptthose  of.Vew  England,  where 
they  have  lougeiijoyed  the  advanlage  of  the  sysleni 
of  common  schools.  1  say  conlidenlly,  tluit  there 
i.s  no  portion  of  the  people  of  the  sontlieni,  or  of 
the  middle  Slates,  that  can  compare  al  all  in  useful 
kiiovvledgc,  and  the  general  prevalence  of  educa- 
tion, with  ihe  people  of  the  West.  In  confirma- 
tion .jf  this  statement,  and  as  a  test  of  its  trulli,!  beg 
leave  to  refer  to  a  small  statistical  table  which  I  hold 
in  my  hand,  and  which  has  been  made  out  at  my 
request,  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Sen- 
ate, from  data  conuiined  in  the  census  of  1840.  It 
exhlbiis  the  relative  number  of  those  who  are  una- 
ble to  read  and  write,  as  compared  witii  the  entire 
population.  This  is  intended  to  include  only  those 
States  whose  Senators  have  been  called  "  the  Hot- 
spurs of  the  Senate,"  "  the  ultra  men,"  "  the  nll- 
or-none-parly,"  the  51°  40'  men;  and  I  liave  left 
out  the  remaining  southern  and  western  States, 
because  neither  could  have  been  referred  to  in  the 
remarks  of  the  Senator.  This  table  I  especially 
commend  to  the  attention  of  the  Senator  from  Vir- 
ginia: 

i're/ioWioii  nf  while  pFrsons  oi'fr  20  iiearsnf  nge  tclio 
rannot  reail  and  ivrile,  to  the  a^i^ngnte  while  ;)o/nt- 
liilinn  of  the  following  Ulates,  aceonlin^  to  the  census 
of\tiAO. 

In  Virginia 7.73  per  cent. 

Arkans: 8.35      " 

Illinois a.S-2      " 

Missouri 5.97      " 

Indiana o.lil       " 

Michigan 1.03       " 

Ohio. a.35      " 

Average   per  cent,   proportion  of  the  six   last- 
named  Slates,  4.84  per  cent. 

And  now,  how  stands  this  matter  in  old  Virginia, 
in  the  "Old  Dominion,"  the  "mother  of  States 
and  statcsniiMi.:"  with  her  long-sciiled  country— 
her  universiiy— her  colleges,  and  all  her  academies 
and  common  schools.^  Uather  more  within  her 
borders  can  neither  read  nor  write  than  double  the 
projiorlion  In  Ihe  western  Slates'.  Her  average 
sUuids  7.73  ! !  1— below  any  western  Stale  but  a1-- 
kaii.>ias;  while  the  one  has  iieeu  .settled  more  than 
two  huiidied  years,  and  the  other  lome  twenty-five; 
one  a  free  sovereign  Stale  for  seventy  years,  and  the 
other  ((■«  only.  [A  voice:  "  Hut,  then,  Arkansas 
has  always  been  Democratic."]  True,  Air.  Pi-es 
idem,  she  always  has  been  Democialic;  and  I  trust 
in  Heaven  will  always  remain  so.  It  is  that 
democracy,  that  eipialuy  of  rights  and  privileges 
resulting  from  it,  that  has  extended  among  the 
whole  inass  of  her  citizens  the  blessings  of  dlflnsed 
education,  of  which  she  may  well  boast.  After 
having  so  recently  taken  her  station  among  her  sis- 
ter republics  as  a  free,  »ovi:iei;;n,  and  Independent 
Stale  of  this  Uniim— only  (me-lnilf  of  one  per  cent, 
below  yirginia— with  all  her  wealth,  her  literary 
insliiuilons,  her  ag-',  tind  superior  advantages  in 
every  ics|iect  1  !  1  have  taken  this  genciid  fact  us 
an  indication  of  the  state  of  information  in  a  com- 
iiiuiiily;  nor  do  1  know  u  better  or  fairer  test;  and 


it  places  Virginia  in  a  position  where  her  Rcpre-  ' 
senlativcs  in  this  chamber  should  have  been  the  < 
very  last  to  .say  a  word  ou  the  want  of  education 
in  the  West.  Is  it  he  that  charges  us  with  igno- 
r''.nce,  and  mensnns  our  temperament  by  ilr  I 
leave  it  to  the  candor  of  the  gentleman  from  Vir- 
ginia himself  to  say,  whether,  according  lo  this 
standard  of  educational  geography,  if  the  West, 
through  her  ignorance,  goes  for  .54°  40',  Virginia 
ought  not  to  stand  firm  at  least  us  high  as  latitude 
7.';o.' 

There  is  one  other  subject  to  which  1  cannot  but 
refer.  I  do  ao  with  rearet,  and  without  the  least  i 
purpose  of  casting  censure  ou  any  one.  I  refer  lo 
the  di.scusslon  in  this  chamber  of  the  British  title. 
1  concede  to  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  quile  as 
much  iialrlotism  as  Is  possessed  by  those  on  this. 
I  am  far  from  chnriilnsr  ilieniwith  advocating  lirit- 
ish  interests  in  opposition  lo  those  of  iheir  own 
country,  wiih  a  view  of  benefiting  them  and  in- 
juring us.  We  are  all  American  citizens;  but 
when  a  eoniesi  exists  In  regard  to  titles  between 

'  ns  and  Great  Hrilain,  1  hold  it  wrong  to  advocate 
the  Brillsh  title,  or  express  doubts  aliontoor  rights, 
in  open  debnlr-,  in  an  .\merlcan  Senate.  I  was 
much  gratified  to  hear  the  honorable  Senator  from 

j  Massachnselis  (.Mr.  Wi;nsTr.ii|  say  "that  his 
tonuiue  slimild  blister  bel'ure  he  would  say  one 
word  in  derogation  of  the  American  title  so  long 
lis  the  subject  was  under  negotiation.  I  think  ihat 
in  that  deierminailon  he  was  pcrfecllv  right;  other 
Senators  have  thought  and  acted  diflferentlv.  I 
give  ihem  credit  for  ilic  best  inlenilons,  but  not  for 
jiood  Judgment.  1  disagree  with  them  in  iheir 
ideas  of  duly.  Rut  what  may  be  the  etTect  of  this 
line  of  conduct.-  Mr.  Buchanan,  in  his  corre- 
spondence with  I\tr.  Pakenham,sr,ys  lhat  the  claim 
of  Knglaiid,  on  the  ground  of  the  irenly  of  Nooika 
Sound,  was  first  sutgesied  by  the  American  ne- 
gotiator,  Mr.   Rush.     In   this   it   is  possible   he  ; 

1  is  inislnkeir.  but  1  shall  noi  venture  to  cnnlradict 

■  the  Secielary  of  Slate  wiihoni  a  further  inve.stiga- ' 
lion  than  I  have  been  able  to  make  as  vet.     Let 
gentlemen  only  look  what  a  curious  position  they 
may  find  themselves  placed  in.     Since  this  nego-  ] 
tiation  commenced,  the  Gritish  Ministers  have  been 
compelled  lo  clianse  their  whole  ground.     In  the  i 
correspondence  which  took  place  in  1818,  Ihe  Brit-  j 
ish  negotiators  never  once  referred  to  the  Nootka  | 
conveiitlmi.     They  n  lied  then  on  smne  purcha.se  ! 
from  the  Indians,  on  C'aplaiii  (.'oidc's  discoveries,  j 

,  and  the  Lord   knows  what  else;  but  not  a  word  ' 

abmit  the  convention  of  Nooika.    Xow,  they  rely 
'  on  tliatconvcntion  altogether,  and  on  nothing  else; 
1  mid   yet  this,  which  they  now  consider  as  their 
i  sirongesi  ground,  was  firsi  suirgested  to  them  by 
lone  of  our  own   advocates.     If  my  views  of  that 
'  matter  are  coneci,  ihev  lia\e  got  to  change  iheir 
,  ground  once  more;  for  1  hold  that  thev  have  not  a 
shadow  of  title  under  that  treaty.     Will  not  those 
irenilemen,  who  have  devised  arguments  here  on 
the  nrillsh  side  of  the  question,  feel  rather  strange- 
ly If  Mr.  Pukenham  should,  on  a  renewal  of  the 
negotlttlloiis,  bring  forward  ncir  arguments,  such  as 
,  believer  used  betore,  which  have  lieeu  taught  him 

■  onlheoihersldeof  thlschamberr  If  cy  they  will 
have  placed  themselves  In  an  extremely  awkward 
position.  I  give  credit  lothlsScnate,asalegi8lative 
uody,  for  the  possi  sslon  of  talents  equal  to  those 
of  any  oilier  body  of  men  on  the  face  of  the  earth; 
and  cheerfully  admit  that  the  genilemcn  on  the 
other  side  of  the  chamber  arc  entitled  to  the  credit 
ttf  their  full  share.  Who  cannot  select  out  of  that 
portion  of  iht  Senate  at  least  ten  gentlemen  who. 
in  point  of  talents  and  kiiowlcdi;e,  are  quite  equal 
to  Mr.  Pakinham  r  I  I'aiicy  their  vanity  will  for- 
bid their  giving  a  negative  to  this  assertion.  Now, 
if  men  of  such  calibre  .set  themselves  down  lo 
i 'vestigate  a  naiional  title,  is  there  not  ground  to 
sui-,Mif!  that  they  will  hit  upon  arguments  and 
coiisiu  "1  itions  .such  as  Mr.  Pakenham  never  would 
have  thought  of.-  They  must  remember,  when 
they  are  nririiig  arjrnmeuis  to  rcMrain  onr  claims 
in  Orcircni,  they  are  addressini:  not  merelv  ns,  ul- 
tra claimants,  as  they  choose  to  term  ns,  but  they 
are  talking  to  England  also,  and  lo  the  whole 
world. 

I  believe  most  sincerely  that  the  case  ns  pre- 

■  senteil  is  not  exaixucriued.  Let  me  illustrate  by 
quoting  an  instance  of  it.  The  Senator  from 
i\Iaiiio  over  the  way,  [Mr.  Evans,)  suggested  in 
his  argument  the  other  day,  matters  entirely  new. 


and  such  as  I  will  venture  to  say  the  liiilisli  Min- 
ister neve,'  heard  of  before.  1  i.o  not  say  that  it 
would  be  right  in  us,  if  we  were  pessessed  of  a 
knowledge  ot  facts  wliich  Knglund  has  not,  to  pur- ' 
sue  a  fraudulent  course  in  iheir  contealment,  ns 
was  done  by  the  British  negotiator  in  the  famous 
ca.se  of  the  red-line  map.  rudr.iit  that  we  might, 
in  common  hoinsiy,  be  bound  lo  produce  evi- 
dence; but  I  say  it  was  a  new  argumenl,  and  such 
as  neve!  was  urged  against  us  In  any  of  the  pre- 
vious iiegotiations  which  have  taken  place  on  this 
Oregon  matter,  tnid  which  we  were  not  bound  to 
have  produced.     The  Senator  said: 

'■  There  !■*  Riinllicr  Ihilijr  \\  liii'h  llirnw^  d'Hittt  on  lliis  pnrt 
or  (iiir  c'hiiiM.njiil  whiih  «c  slioiildiarel'iiHy  unci  ihoroughly 
cxiiiniilH  liiMlirc  we  I.Ike  slepn  Hint  lliiiv  |illlMBi'  thi'  IlllMou 
inin  wiir.  I  liuve  seen  a  fnci  siiiii'il  ill  ii  l»iiil<,  wriltcn,  op- 
litiri'iillv,  Willi  n  view  of  iiiiuiiluiiiiii!!  Ilie  !-cHilulne»ii  ol'oiir 

title,  liy  u  Mr.  KniHTl.-iiii,  ii  •jeiill ail  wli 1  ilo  not  per- 

wniiiiUv  kiMivv,  liilt  wild,  lis  1  MiHleml.lliri,  is  connected  with 
one  ol'ilii'  ih  |iiirlineiil«  nl'llic'  llnvcninuiit,  iind  written  in  a 
spirit  whiili  iiliniii'.inllv  e\eiii|ils  liiiii  liimi  nil  iinpiilalion  of 
imrti.'ililv  lo  Greiii  Urii:lin.  'I'lie  writer  does  not  give  Ills 
luilliorili,  liiil  lie  .'«v».>p-iikiMi!ortlie  evplorntioa  by  Lewis 
mill  Clarke,  Hull  llic  iilijeel  of  their  ex|ie(lilion  \VB.s  not  •<) 
niilke  diseoveries.  hill  Hull  it  win  purely  eomnierciftl — for 
IIh-  purpose  nriipi'iiiiii!  ii  irailr  wet  ofmir  pnsai'sNioiis;  and 
tliiii  tliev  iippiii'd  lo  >^p:iiii,  niciliind.  iiiiil  Itiissin.  for  pa.sB- 
port- .  aiid  luiaiilly  olniiineii  tiiem.  M'lie  pnw.me  docs  not 
prole-:.,  iiiih'uii,  lo  he  ii  liter.ll  (luouition— thai  is,  it  lind  not 
the  iisiinl  iii.irki  of  qnotiitimi,  hut  is  introilii'M'd  us  a  trnii- 
hcripl  from  Ihe  instruclions  uiveii,  .ilid  thai  iil  n  lime  before 
we  L'ot  l.niiisiaiia.  If  Uiis  Iw  fo,  it  iiitirely  repudiates  80 
niil'-Ii  of  our  croiind  of  title  a»  rests  upon  the  exidoriition  of 
tlie  Coliiiiiliia  river  hv  Lewis  nnd  Clarke.  I  do  not  sny  Unit 
shell  is  till'  liiet.  All  I  f.iv  is,  that  tins  is  a  Riiive  salijeetfor 
dis.n.ssioii.    We  lii.iy  be  iilile  to  answer  Uie  dillieiilly." 

I  have  no  doubt  myself  but  this  is  a  "fish  story;" 
I  don't  beli(;ve  a  w^ord  of  it.  Still,  it  may  be  true. 
See  what  the  Senator  has  done  I  It  was  not  his 
intenilon,  I  know,  and  cheerfully  iidnilt,  to  do  any- 
iliing  lo  Injure  his  country.  If  it  be  true  that  appli- 
cation was  made  to  the'  llritlsh  Government  for 
p.issporls  for  Lewis  and  Clarke,  tlie  fiict  must  bc^ 
recorded  in  Ihe  British  archives;  and  if  Ihe  proof 

,  can  be  produced,  it  will  furnish  a  far  more  plausi- 
ble arsrnmeiii  against  us  than  Mr.  Pakenhnm'a  on 
the  Nooika  convention— more  plausible  than  any- 

;  ihlng  Great  Britain  has  been  able  to  adduce.  I  (lo 
not,  indeed,  say  il  will  be  conclusive,  but  it  wiH 
weaken  one  of  our  arguments  based  on  Lewis  and 

'  Clarke's  exploration.  We  have  said,  lhat  after 
getting  Louisiana  from  Trance,  we  sent  out  Lewis 
and  Clarke  to  investiL'atc  and  examine  the  value  of 
our  new  purchase.     We  lm\e  liumiieted  it  to  i\w 

I  world  as  one  of  the  wise  ads  of  our  Government; 

'  but  if  the  statement  of  this  Mr.  Robertson  is  true, 
il  was  no  such  thing.  They  were  sent  only  on  n 
eoinmercial  errand,  lo  procure  fresh  furs  for  our 
hiniters,  and  new  fishing  ground.s  for  our  fislier- 
nieii — an  explnr.alion  wholly  for  commercial  ob- 
jects.    This  refutes,  at  one  blow,  all  the  arguments 

I  of  <nir  previous  negotiators  in  all  the  correspond- 
enee  lhat  has  passed  between  our  Government  and 
theirs,  ba.sed  on  that  exploration. 

,  Allow  me,  Mr.  President,  to  refer  to  one  other  of 
the  vast  number  of  ncic  objections  lhat  have  been 

■  riiised.  'I'lie  zentlcman  fnnn  Virginia  [Mr.  Arch- 
y.w]  says:  "  Disc.oi  ery  was  nol  one  of  the  titles  to 
'  ;iullio'rliy  to  be  fomid  in  the  Coiisiltnllon  for  the 
'  acquisltimi  of  territory:"  and  that  we  had,  by 
the  Conslilnlion,  the  power  of  acquiring  territory 
by  treaty  only,  and  discovery  was  no  evidence  of 
a'trentv-making  faculty.  If  this  objection  was 
well  taken,  it  was  i  onclhsive  against  onr  title  by 
onr  own  discoveries,  explorations,  and  settlement, 
of  Oiei:on,aiid  mic  that  his  never  occurred  to  the 
British  Government.  I  will  not  argue  such  a  ques- 
tion, that  wc  cannot  acquire  territory  by  discovery, 
fiir  it  is  an  undeniable  incident  of  sovereignly:  such 
a  consirucllon  would  render  onr  Government  a 
laughing-stock  to  Ihe  world.  1  might  add  twenty 
other  similar  new  objections  tlial  have  never  before 
been  made  from  any  quarter,  but  1  leave  them;  and 
1  doubt  v.hether  Kentlemen  will  be  able  to  satisfy 
the  American  people  that  .such  arguments  are  ad- 
missible, or  proper  in  the  months  of  American 
Senators:  they  legitimately  belong  to  the  British 
Parliament  only. 
The  subjeclof  warhad  been  introduced  here,  and 

I  reasons  hiive  been  given  for  supposing  that  notice 
may  lead  to  war.  Of  this  I  do  not  complain.  But 
there  has  been  one  thins:  linrodueed  here,  which  is 
ti  tally  inexeusalile.  We  have  had  most  glowing 
descriptions  of  the  horrors  and  devastations  of  war. 

I,  Great  eloquence  has  been  displayed  in  all  this;  but 


i 


'I'lO 


API'KNDIX  TO  THK  COINIJKKSSIONAL  GLOBK. 


April  'J, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


7%c  Oregon  Quesiioti — Mr.  Aahky. 


the  question  is,  fiii  bono  ?    What  good  purm 
f  he  rlTccieil  hy  it?    Cm  gentlemen  expect  h; 


.  _  riioso  IH 
!•  i,v .  ii^u.>.J  hy  it?  Cm  gentlemen  expect  l)y  this 
,.)  influence  any  member  or  this  Semite  ?  Siiiely 
not.  Clin  it  he  in  oilier  to  "  pre|Tiire  tlic  hciuta  of 
the  people"  for  pence?— (o  nlunn  the  fears  of  the 
A mericnn  people?  If  these  are  not  the  ohjeita 
nin-j'l  nt,  then  I  eniniot  niiiler.rtand  why  these  ilc- 
Bcrii'ions  lire  inlroiluced  nt  all.  I  consider  it  as  all 
wrong. 

There  was  another  tiling  to  which  I  must  also 
olijecl.  A  resolution  was  introdiiced  hy  the  Sen- 
ator from  Delaware,  [Mr.  J,  M.  Ci.wton,]  ctdlins 
on  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  lay  heforc  the  Sen- 
ate the  naval  force  of  all  the  nations  of  Europe,  and 
of  the  world.  The  Sicielury  complied  with  the 
call,  and  1  beg  leave  to  read  the  Britmli  force; 

NAVAL  FORCE  OK  URCAT  nlllTAIN.* 


■h 

( 1.AS0  or  HUii's. 

■      PION.           "«'"•'»•«"•  j       NUIV. 

1             1         1             1 

.Vu. 

R»*M.  LV(J.  tlrHIW.    A'O. 

(flin-v. 

^ 

HIiifH  of  ilie  lilic. 

17 

1..-170  1  'J:!    i.l-Jl     7.'i 

li.iKj 

11.1 

;w 

l,ll!i  1  13 

.19^^     71! 

a,ftiG 

I'M) 

Hlitopti,  \ix\^^,  ami 

tHiintis 

71 

8:^i 

Ji 

aa'i 

lU 

rdi 

i;u 

(jchmmvrd,       ciii- 

tiTH,teii(lcrK,aml 

ki'tclii's 

;i;i 

fifi 

- 

_ 

li 

it» 

:« 

HU'.-iJii  trigati-*  — 

li 

i;o 

IJ 

uo 

4 

40 

iii 

^ih-nni  >^loo|*i4 

.M 

•27  U 

•ji 

1(K) 

« 

W 

«i 

Steam  park«u 

•Jl 

U 

:i 

li 

- 

- 

•^1 

iMIier  sieanicrs... 

y 

iU 

u 

'-  i     - 

- 

1,^ 

'rniiiciiorL*       uiiil 

\ 

tronp  &liii>s 

70 

- 

- 

A 

Reci'ivinn     t-liip:*, 

rntiytgunrilH.iiiiil 

\ 

oUiLT   iioii-i'lluc- 

!ive  Vfwst'U;  xm* 

CMHld^'jWiH,  t'on 

vici  hulk**,  &.C., 

rinplovett  in  hlt- 

vit'u     coiiiit?cU'd 

wiUi  the  navy... 

(-1 

tW. 

- 

- 

- 

P4 

Tomi 

Xti 

.|,.-i8;i  iioo  |y,i«.-.  201 

»,!«) 

C-B 

\oTR. — The  otTirial  list  nuinlit'ra  071  vtsselti,  but  liiiniis 
only  tia6. 

Number  ni'  voRsrI.'*  in   tlic  British  navy.  GIIT);   mounting. 
wlu'ti  nrniPiI,  n.HHl  cuns. 

NunilM-r  ot'nM  u  em|»lo\L'<l  in  llie  navv.  iHl.VHi U-.-MK) 

Do         Imys  ibi  do     '        ilu d.iHHt 

i>o        mdrinei*  do  do  du 10,:^) 

Total -lo.ooo 

Rpvrmie  vcssi'N  roinniruided  hyotjiror^  ol  thi'  royal  navy, 
7t>;  mounting  tl-lLjuiis. 

Indian  navy,  18-14 — [F.nzinecrs  ami  ^'In  kit ciW  Journal] — 

Hino[H ;n 

SclnHm;;;.::::;:::::  U"'"""»"'?i m^Mn^, 

riitttTP :i  J 

Hteamcrs '2i    nionntinc fiO     '* 


Total. 


otal, 


llVi 


Total  utramert'  of  all  tlasscs  in  tin*  Knclish  navy 1 11 

Do  in  111"'  ri'vcnm'  (xtvii-c 1 

Do  in  the  Inrtnui  navy A? 

"Cnntrart  mail 'trani't!-"  under  the  «"inlrol  of  ihi-  Ail- 

niindty.  fur  war  purjHtscs.  f>iirn;i!i".l  ai Xi 

Total  efl'i'ctivt'  .-i  am  navy,  vr^>rH ~iT*9 

EAST  INDIA   MAIL  STKAMtRS. 

In  tlii.s  service  tlioiT  are  itiiir  sicumors,  avtrnfjiiij:^ 
K13  tons,  DKumtini:  three  min.s  each,  (.TJ  and  3(i- 
(iniiiulcrs,)  showiiijr  u  touil  number  of  U2i2  ollicers 
anti  men. 

!  now  rt'il'r  you  tn  the  American  naval  ft>rcc,and 
it  makes,  I  contes.s,  but  a  small  slif)u  by  the  side  of 
the  olhcr. 

NAVAL  FORtK  OK  THE  I  SITED  STATED. t 


So.    tiiitu.  A'o.    (ifin 


Phiite-ot  thr-liup I 

Frigat'-.*  imij  razees 7 

HbMip-  ot  war I'l 

Bntfi  of  war ti 

BleatueD»  cjj  war ■! 

SrlKMnif-rp 1 

tSniall    nnarMi'd    vi  >:.e|^ 

Oiid  t<tori-Mln[b( II 

AsrcnpU)* 


.'171 

f 

:i7-i 

;i 

Jli 

l! 

m 

_ 

w 

4JU 
1.7) 


i;  |i,i.vi|  II     (114 

•  Frnin  Ihn  N'avy  l.i'-t  of  Jjiiiiiary,  l^lli. 

t  Nitiiiiiial  nniiiitni'nl. 

t  'Uli'  liil  tii>(;uili''llU,  Jaiiiun',  l>'4'i. 


IN  (iiini- 

NAIIV. 


A'o.   (sum. 


ir,l 
'JUl 
1-J» 


Tiiliil  imiiihcr  iirGnviTniiiciU  veniielB,  of  nil  eliuacs,  77. 

'roiiil  fiiiiiilHT  nt'({iii)M,  when  all  nrtiit-il,  •J,.'IIA. 

'I'oliil  iiiiniliiT  ol' ."I'lihiuii  mill  lioya  eniployi'il  in  the  imvnl 

urnice.  is-l.-,,  IKin ■. 7..'ilM)  ! 

Touil  uuiiiIkt  of  limrinc  eor|iK,  exclusive  of  oHlci'ra. .    1  ,'Ut  i 
Toinl "n,7J4  I 

or  the  four  line  of  hntile  vh'nt^  iiiiirkcil  m  in  "OiinnlxHiini.  i 
one  only  is  nt  M>>ii.  'I'liir  itlln-r  liin-i^  are  umi'iI  as  rrcrivinK  j 
sliipH.  (If  the  live  ninrkeil  ns  buililin):,  iiiii'  is  nt  SaekcU's  I 
llnrhor.  ! 

Of  Hi''  sifaiinTs.  one  nfihi!  ihree  in  the  cirlurnii  of  "onli-  j 
njiry"  is  fur  liarlior  (Irfeni'c.    'i'lie  ollirr  is  a  sIimui  \u^.  i 

Now,  sir,  allhouiih  the  irentlenuin  called  for  this 
infonnalion  while  the  liill  for  an  inciease  of  our 
navy  was  pending',  it  was  during  ihe  pendency  of 
the  Oregon  queation  also,  and  Hupporlinu;  the  views 
presented  in  his  speech:  and  with  what  ohject  was 
.  this  display  made?  AVa.sit  "  to  prepare  the  hearts 
of  the  people"  for  peace  liy  niarinin!;  their  fears? 
It  was  not  needed  hy  ns,  hut  it  may  he  vei'y  use- 
fill  as  a  politii'al  in.struinent.  This  comparative 
strenslh  of  Great  IJriUiiii  may  he  truinpcleil  forth 
to  the  pco|>le  to  rom/iii  n  /anfi".  I  hold  that  the 
whole  iiroreedinp;  is  wroii;;.  If  we  have  right.^, 
(and  wlio  doubts  them,)  we  are  not  U)  he  terrified 
from  enlbieiii^  them  by  ssch  a  [laraile  of  the  power 
of  the  lirilisli  eni|iire.  If  not  only  Great  Hrilain 
but  the  whole  world  wen;  arrayed  a'jiinst  lis,  I 
hold,  that  althon;,'h  they  mJL'lit  greatly  injure,  ihey 
eoiilil  not  cinupier,  anil  oii^'ht  not  Ui  lie  permitted 
to  deter  us  from  enforcinL^  all  our  jusi  riijhtti.  I 
do  not  say  this  in  a  lioasiins;  spirit.  I  n  I'er  to  oiir 
position — our  uco^rnpliical  position — our  rcniole- 
ne..is  from  Knrope — and  our  vast  lesourccs  in  men 
and  inalerial;  and  we  may  proudly  chnllen;;e  a  roll- 
test  witU  the  world  in  annsaiiainsi  us  without  iilli- 
inatc  daiiijer  to  our  I'rie  inslitutioiis.  IJul  if  the  ea.sc 
were  otherwise,  would  it  furnish  any  reason  wliy 
this  Senate  should  forbear  iVinn  elainiiii;;,  to  llieir 
full  extent,  the  just  rii^hts  of  tlii.s  nation.'  Pru- 
dence, indeed,  iiiii;lit  induce  delay,  bat  that  is  all 
it  should  do.  Tell  us,  as  if  we  were  children,  uboul 
the  horrors  of  war !  Why,  what  man  of  the  least 
i  reflection  does  not  know  thai  war  i.s  the  ji:reate«t 
I  curse,  and  iirace  the  i;reatcst  lilessiiiir  Ihat  iialions 
'  know  ?  Why,  then,  ihe.se  fine  poelical  haraiifiues, 
and  these  rhetorii-al  pictures  of  the  horror.s  of  the 
battle-field,  of  ihe  blood,  carnaiie,  and  devastation 
that  war  may  occasion  r  iJiit  the  Si.'iiator  from 
South  (,'aroliini  |.Mr.  ('ai.iioi:n]  went  even  furllier 
than  this.  He  not  only  treaied  us  to  some  pictures 
of  bloodshed,  but  he  inentioneil  the  ell'ect  of  war 
ujioii  the  finances  of  the  country;  and,  according 
to  his  calculation,  we  were  to  be  left  with  a  debt 
of  some  .seven  or  eight  hundreil  niillioiis;  we  nuist 
raise  two  huialnd  thousand  men,  and  keep  them 
ill  constant  pay,  and  have  seven  armies  and  two 
navies;  and  when  the  fi^'bt  was  over,  afler  ten 
years'  Ibreiitn  war.  we  were  to  encouniir  civil  war,  | 
to  have  some  half  a  dozen  military  cliieflains  fi^ht- 
inir  for  ascendency  and  the  presidential  chair.  I  ' 
cannot  a;;rce  wiib  llic  Senator  that  we  .'ire  in  any 
such  daiij^er.  1  believe  we  iiexer  .-^liall  have  any- 
thiiii;  to  lea  ''-oni  "  military  chieftains"  till  our 
whole  nati.  cliaracler  shall  be  chaiiL'cd — never 
till  the  .\merican  peo)i|e  shall  have  become  ener- 
vated by  luxury,  and  reduced,  tliroiiiih  tiie  cor- 
ruption of  the  whole  mass  of  our  people,  to 
such  dejjradation  that  we  shall  no  loM'.:er deserve 
I  to  enjoy  the  blessinj^s  of  liberty  and  freedom,  piir- 
i  chased  and  consccr.iled  by  the  ulorious  deeds  of 
■  our  sainted  fathers  if  the  I'evoliition;  then,  and 
then  only,  shall  we  liuvi  cause  to  tear  the  iii'^lorioiis 
contests  for  supremacy  anione;  our  "  niililary  chief- 
tains," so  elo([uenily  de.«cribed  by  the  ^'entlenian 
ftom  .South  Ca'dliiiM.  We  have  iilready  passed 
thioufrli  two  wars,  and  a  Washin!;lon  and  a  Jack- 
son— the  niililary  rhiefiains  of  those  wars — have 
cai'h  occupied  the  pn  .-idcnlial  chair  (williout  fiirlit- 
iiiL'  for  it)  liy  ilie  free  and  impnrchascd  votes  of 
millions  of  freemen.  > 

I  be;;  leave,  Mr.  I'resideiit,  with  a  view  of  couii- 
teractini  the  false   iinpressions  that  are  thus  eii- 
deaviu'ed  to  be  niade  upon  fan"  fe.irs,  to  present  a 
difrerent  picture,  the  results  shown  by  our  census, 
exhiliiiiii^'  the  iinniber  of  free  wliite  males  nt  the 
end  of  this  year,  and  our  annual  increase.     I  ex- 
hibit this,  jirepared  in  the  Secretary's  olhcc  at  my 
reipiest,  to  show  that  lair  ]ireseiit  numbers,  with  , 
the  animal  increase,  present  results  tluit  have  no 
parallel  in  the  world. 
I       From  lliis  statement  it  (i]>pears  that — 
'      "  la  l.«;iO.  ive  liiiil  nf  while  lu.ilu.-*  .-i.;iVi,i:i.'l,  nil'l  in  Ib'IO, 


Senate. 


7,349,434 — Klinwln|[  an  nverniie  increase  of  nlioiil  SM  |ier 
cent.  |icr  uiniiiin.  Hiijipntihiu  the  ineri'nse  to  pnniinne  llin 
simie  riilin  t'roia  IHlolo  |Hin,  inclusive,  wi:  shnnlil  have  at 
the  ernl  ot'tliat  year  s.(it."»,'_>'i'i.  'I'hc  li)r>-(r()iii|i  is  Imsfd  njHiii 
an  nvrnic^finiunl  iiicn>ase  of  the  first  ten  years  ;  hat,  ns  tlio 
prnnrcusive  or  itcoinetrii'iLl  raiin  wjis  prcalcr,  sny  nhoiii  4.113 
IN-r  eiMit.  for  the  iH'rioil  in  which  lair  |H>|inlnli(in  is  supposed 
to  (linililc,  u  ciilclUntion  foniKh'd  uii  that  ratio  wonlil  itive, 
ill  (he  inht  six  vcars,  an  incrciise  of  l,K70,(J.'>;i,  nr  niotal  of 
ll,^^Jt',4s7— nllcirilinn  S.'jM  hirtlis  nf  iiinles  per  day,  4S  jicr 
cent,  of  wheal,  aitrtM-ahlv  to  the  hills  nf  inortnlity.  atlaiil 
t'.e  llRe  of  IH  y.'nrs,  ami  tlais  (ho  ttnVy  ierrcase  of  limlcs  nt- 
tainirjij  is  years  of  au'c  wmnl  he  41'2,  nnil  iiiakinw  the  cniir- 
I1H1U8  nilililiiih  of  lliJ.;irUaitinnilly, capable  nfltcnriniinrint*." 

Mr.  President,  you  may  examine  the  census  of 
every  other  nation  on  Ihe  luce  of  the  earlh,aiid  find 
iiotli'in!;  to  compare  with  this.  In  this  country, 
the  whole  community  havinj;  arms  in  their  hands, 
enables  ihe  Government  to  raise  a  physical  power 
that,  for  defence,  would  be  adi  (|uatc  to  miy  and 
every  enicr;;eiicy.  Is  such  a  nation  to  have  their 
fears  alarmed  by  any  i'orce  that  can  be  broii(,'ht 
aq;aiiist  it  by  sea  or  h/  land  ?  No,  sir,  no.  Tiiis 
Government,  on  any  emer£;ency,  can  thus  easily 
coinniand  the  services  of  a  body  of  fif^htiin;  men 
which,  when  brinisht  to;;etlier  by  the  power  of 
stenm,  would  constitute  an  army  far  e.xeeeiling  in 
number  that  with  which  the  great  cajitaiii  of 
modem  times  invaded  ihe  Russian  empire.  This 
immense  force  is  wanted  for  del'encc  only,  and  not 
for  foreign  conriucsts;  all  we  r'qnirc  in  war  is  the 
ability  to  defend  ourselves. 

In  contrast  with  this,  nilow  me  for  one  moment 
very  briefly  to  refer  to  the  position  and  military 
strength  ol' Great  Briiain,  and  her  necessities  for 
its  use,  and  see  whether  she  has  such  a  power  at 
h<  r  romniMiid  as  can  justly  be  held  up  in  (riTomii 
over  us,  and  to  which  we  have  been  so  often  re- 
ferred in  this  debate. 

.She  has  her  subjects  scattered  over  the  wholi; 
extent  of  the  habiiabli;  globe,  and  nearly  all  of 
them  kept  ill  subjection  by  the  power  of  her  army 
and  navy.  She  ttare  net  fntal  iirnia  in  the  luniih  of 
her  milijcrls;  and  it  requires  nearly  Ihe  whole  of  her 
disposable  military  fori'e  to  keep  the  peace,  to  hold 
her  own  people  in  subjection  to  her  monarchical 
Government.  Is  not  iliis  true  now.'  Has  it  not 
been  true  for  the  last  century.'  Were  it  not  for 
her  niililary  force,  how  hnig  would  the  immense 
empire  in  ihe  Ka.st  Indies  remain  a  dependency 
on  F.ndand.-  How  lomr  would  down-trodden  Ire- 
hiiid  conlinne  in  ihe  abject  KJavery  she  now  en- 
iliiiTS  so  impatiently?  Mow  long  would  the  star- 
ving population  of  even  KuL'land  herself  remain  as 
they  now  are — dying  for  wan'  of  food  and  the  ne- 
cessaries of  lite  ? 

The  first  net  of  the  British  Government  towarils 
removiiitr  her  army  from  India,  would  deal  a  mor- 
tal blow  to  her  supremacy  and  authority  lliere;  and 
the  millions  now  kept  In  abjct  slavery,  would  then 
strike  for  freedom  and  emancipation  from  the  Iron 
rule  of  despotic  power,  and  soon  tlliice  and  uiierly 
destroy  every  vesiige  of  British  ilonilnation  under 
which  they  have  suH'ercd  for  ceiuuries  all  the, 
degradallon  and  inl.sery  that  Engli.sh  cupidity,  ava- 
rice, and  tyranny  could  Inflict  on  an  nnoflendlng 
people.  And  Ireland — brave  and  generous  Ireland — 
how  much  lon;;er  w  inild  she  remain  udependency — 
how  much  longer  snller  the  galling  lyranny  of  the 
British  Government  r  Not  a  moment  longer,  sir, 
than  it  would  require  lo  call  a  p.uliament  of  her 
own,  and  take  her  rank  ns  one  of  ihe  Independent 
nations  of  the  world.  She  would  loathe  and  spurn 
any  connexion  with  haughty,  overliearing  Eng- 
land, that  has  so  Ion/  contemned,  enslaved,  and 
bowed  111  r  sons  to  the  dust. 

And  look  at  old  England  herse'l':  the  whole 
power  of  the  (^iovernnicut  in  the  hiiiuls  of  the  I'cw, 
and  the  many — the  masses — ground  lotheclnM  by 
iirbilrary,  nnjiist,  and  inii|nilous  laws,  by  whicli 
even  the  absidnte  necessaries  of  life  are  scarcily 
attainable  by  a  large  porlimi  of  her  people,  and 
the  food  of  man  ilself  rendered,  by  their  iniquitous 
laws,  too  dear  to  be  purchased  by  her  thon.sands, 
solely  to  increase  the  enormous  wealth  of  the  few 
hundreds  that  own  the  hind  of  the  country.  How 
lon^'  would  such  a  population,  thus  oppres.sed, 
coiuinne  to  sulVcr,  to  starve,  Iodic,  from  want  and 
misiry,  were  the  power  of  her  military  force  dimin- 
ished materially  or  withdrawn  ? 

Sir,  not  a  month  would  be  siifl'ered  to  pass,  crn 
Ihe  o|iprcsscil  masses  of  her  peoiile  would  rise  in 
their  majesty,  and  call  their  rulers  lo  an  awful 
account  fiirthe  oppressions  under  whicli  they  have 
so  long  suH'ered.     Sir,  they  wiaild  abolish  the  ex- 


HUi.) 


AFl'KNJJIX  TO  THE  COINGRESSIOJNAL  GLOBE. 


441 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


7%e  Oregon  Q^uestion — Mr.  Ashley. 


Senate. 


iii'tions  of  the  lmi(lli)r(l,  (Irslrny  licr  nvfirlicnrin^ 
iiriNliiprncy,  mid  keep  up  will\  tlip  spirit  nf  ilie  iige, 
mill  rslal)li.sli  our  ^rcat  domocmlic  priui^iplc,  tlmt 
"  nil  111(^11  nrr,  burn  iVeo  nnd  prpiul,"  nnd  thus  pro- 
duce n  rcvoluliim  in  her  cxistin!;  Government  that 
would  nmleriiilly  eliini'j;n  llic  destinies  of  a  lar^c 
proportion  of  tlie  inlialiitanis  of  the  world. 

The  British  empire — that  most  imperial  Govern- 
nii'iil  of  fra'^menls,  surronndin:;  the  entire  f;lolic, 
anil  divided,  as  has  hten  well  remarked  in  this  i 
elianilier,  into  "  seventy-two  dilTi'rent  parts,  sepa-  ! 
rated  from  eaeh  (»ther  liy  water" — reipiires  a  mil-  ; 
ilary  force  to  presiTve  her  Hnjiremae.y,  and  to  keep  ! 
the  people  in  sulijceiion  in  each  ami  every  one  of  \ 
Ihrp-'e  parrels  of  her  empire.     We,  on  the  other  j 
lianil,  snfler  no  standin;;  army,  reipiire  no  armed  ' 
f.tirc  lo  prttleet  onrGovermnent  at^ainst  the  peo[tlc.  | 
dm' ( Jovrrnnient  has  its  fotnidulion  in  the  hearts 
and  alli'ilioiis  <:['  the  whole  mass  of  onr  eili/.ens,  | 
and  eaeh  man  here  feels  that  he  forms  a  part  of  the  ' 
Gnvernmeni  iiself,  and  that  on  him  rests  a  portion  ] 
of  the  Noverei^i-n  power  of  the  jieojile.     Thus  Great  ; 
I'rilain  ean  never  eonnnand  a  disnosahlc  foree  on  ' 
this  enntinrnt,  three  ihonsaiid  miles  from  her  re-  : 
.sources,  suffieieilt  to  cope  with  cnir  immense  dis- 
posable means.     She  (iaro  not  withdraw  any  eon-  : 
sidei'ablc   part  of  her  army  frinii    their  ]U'esenl  i 
employment,  of  fiuardim;  and  proteeliiii;  her  Gov-  ! 
ernment  ni,'aiust  her  own  citizens,  and  ju'cscrving 
dimiiniim  over  the  fia:;ments  of  her  empire,  .scat- 
tered in  every  part  of  the  habitable  c;lobe,and  con-  j 
ipiered  from  nearly  every  other  nation  in  the  world,  ] 
anil  held  by  the  power  of  the  sword  alone.  I 

True,   she   may  injure  our  eommercc  greatly;  ^ 
llmush  it  may  well  be  doubted  whether  she  would  ■. 
not  sutler  in  lirr  oii'ii  commerce  far  greater  injury  j 
and  h)ss  than  she  could  indict  on  ours.     1  then  re-  ' 
prat,  it  is  iiile  to  address  our  fears.    Let  us  pursue 
tlie  even  tenor  of  our  way,  do  jiisliee  to  all,  "  de- 
mand notliiiif;  but  whiil  is   rijthl,  and  submit  to 
iiitlhin^  that  is  wriiUi;,'^  rej^ardless  of  the  power 
and   threats   of  even    Kn^land    lierselt',   so  often 
iliiiominated   "  the  most  powerful  nation  of  the 
wmlil."    ^Ve  have  no  cause  to  fear  her,  or  any 
combination  she  may  form.     With  near  two  mil- 
lions of  men  with  arms  in  tlicir  hands,  and  an  an- 
nual  increase  of  nearly   one   hundred   and   lifty 
thousand,  wc  may  well  thank   Heaven  for  having 
thus  placed  onr  safety  and  destiny  in  our  own 
hands  and  in  our  own  keeping. 

I  trust,  then,  every  attemnt  to  operate  upon  the 
finrs  of  till'  .Xmcrican  people  will  prove  aliorlive. 
Who  will  doubt,  with  such  means  at  eommand, 
tlnit  we  can  successfully  protect  ourselves  against 
the  assaults  of,  not  Great  I'ritain  only,  but  of  all 
the  civilized  world?  Although  fully  sensible  of 
our  strength — onr  ability  lo  protect  ourselves — yet  j 
I  am  an  advocate  for  peace.  lam  for  applying  the 
ffolden  rule  of  "doing  to  others  as  we  would  that 
others  should  do  lo  us;"  which  doubtless  applies  ; 
with  as  i\iuch  force  to  nations  as  to  individuals.  ; 
Ihii,  sir,  1  doubt  whether  a  nation — even  a  Chris- 
tian nation — can  literally  apply  to  herself  the  Scrip- 
tural injunction,  "  Whoever  shall  smite  thee  on  the 
right  cheek,  turn  to  him  the  oilier  also."  Acting 
under  such  an  injimction,  we  sliould  soon  exchange 
the  ble.'<sin:;s  ol  freedom  and  independence,  for  ■ 
slayi  ry, degradation, and  iiit'aniy.  Whoever,  then, 
desires  to  press  upon  us  as  a  C'hristian  nation  an 
obligation  lo  avoid  war,  1  would  especially  refer 
lo  the  Clirislinn,  pliilimlhr.^pic,  I'aiglish  nnlinu,  the 
sole  aggressors,  nnd  lo  whom  alone  their  homilies 
ran  properly  and  appropriately  apply. 

Although,  Mr.  Presidenl,  I  I'lo  not  believe  tlmt  in 
this  discussion  it  was  proper  to  invesligalc  the  ex- 
tent of  our  title  lo  Oregon,  as  all  will  agree  that  w'e 
have  a  title  to  some  pinlion  of  it,  nnd  all,  therefore, 
ought  to  lie  willing  to  go  for  the  notice;  yet  as  nearly 
I  very  one  has  iiivestigated  the  title  who  has  pre-  , 
ceded  me  in  this  debate,  I  shall  detain  yon  a  snort 
lime  in  a  similar  research,  and  will  endeavor  to  ! 
avoid  the  beaten  track,  in  prcseiiliiig  my  views,  ns 
far  as  practicable. 

I  have  said  that  Great  Britain  now  depe"ds  on 
the  Nootka  convention  for  the  whole  Kronnd  of 
III  r  title  to  Oregon.  She  has  iilaced  her  reliance 
on  that  convention,  and  I  .say  that  iherebv  she  has 
eommitted  a  suicidal  act.  ff  she  dcpemls  for  her 
entire  elniin  on  the  treaiy  of  Nootka  Sound,  and 
avows  this  before  the  world,  then  i  insist  that  she 
destroys  every  shadow  and  vestige  of  claim  that 
she  ever  had  lo  any  part  of  the  lerritiiry. 


And  here  let  me  again  refer  to  the  stutement  of 
the  honorable  SeniUor  from  Virginia,  [Mr.  Aiicii- 
EH.l  That  gentleman  seems  to  suppose,  that  even 
could  we  succeed  in  driving  England  from  her 
ehiitn  on  the  Nootka  convention,  she  has  still  other 
claims  to  which  she  may  resort.  Allow  me  to 
read  a  short  extract  from  fiia  speech: 

"  Tlip  tanmincc  ol'  the  Eiii!ljsli  cnn)iliiH8ioncn<  in  IBQii  wa;*, 
lliiU  it  tile  lusKi.KTisu  I'l.AiMs  Willi  £j|iain  liail  not  liceii 
•KiNAM.Y  AlueK-rtn  liy  the  Niiotka  couveiitiiin,  mill  ull  iir- 
ftiiiiH'iiIri  mat  pirtriiHiaiH  (teliiiilively  iit*t  fit  rent tiy  the  mifiiii- 
tiiie  lit'  iliiit  eiinvcntiiin,  nntliJiiK  woiilil  I..'*  more  ennv  ilnui 
to  il'iliioii!itrate  ttiat  tlieclujlii.i  ot (treat  Uritan.  In  Ihatcoiin- 
try,  art  op|)iisi'(l  to  Uiiiho  lit'  H|mjii,  were  i-ii  I'ar  ii'iia  vi^iuii- 
ary  nr  arliilrarilv  ai'rtiniii'il,  lliatllii-y  <-Atalili»Iii.'il  .m  lat:  than 

A  I'AltlTV  or  TITI.K  to  tJH!  l(ll-l*l-.siill|  of  |l|l'  Clillllfy  111  ijllCfi- 

tioa,  eilhiT  118  aLiiiiiKt  t^pain  nr  any  oUier  imlioii.'  Tliey 
ailit,  tlial  tlie  iii;Iin  ul'  (Jreat  Ilritaiii  are  *reror('c(/  intd  dpjined 
in  lite  cjio'eii/tuii.'  'I'lii'V  H|)i'ak  iil' llii'iii  lu  'liM'il,'  iiuvcr 
nH  erenleil,  by  llic  eiiiivi-iition;  lrcaliii!{  tlii-i  iii..iriiiiieiil  iih 
eviileiice  iit'a  rcfodiiiliiui  nflhrsc  pri'lcasioiis,  never  on  iiii- 
IMirllnijaiiy  {rraiilnr  'iirtlitiiliiui  ot'tlieiii." 

If  the  lionora  ■  Senator  had  but  rend  the  next 
sentenes,  he  woiiid  have  seen  that  ihn  declaration 
of  ihc  Ihitish  negotiator  was  n  mere  idle  boast.  // 
she  had  not  parted  with  her  claim,  she  would 
doubtless  still  liave  retained  it,  such  ns  it  was.  If  a 
man  had  not  given  a  deed  for  his  farm,  and  vested 
n  fee-simide  litle  in  the  purcha.ser,  he  dnubtle.ss 
might  have  still  owned  it;  and  if  Great  Britain  had 
not  parted  with  her  claim  of  lillo  to  Spain,  she 
might  still  have  retained  it — that  is  all.  Unf'oriii- 
nately  for  her,  she  did  part  with  the  title,  and  she 
has  now  none  to  urge.  Let  me  read  to  ihc  Senator 
the  sentence  to  which  I  refer: 

"  U'llalcver  tliiit  title  may  liavc  licen.  Iiowevcr,  eitlier  nn 
llle  pari  iil'  Ureal  Hrllain,  or  on  ttie  part  of  S|t!itii,  priiir  to 
tile  i-Diivi'iiiinn  of  fiSKi,  it  wa..^  Iroiii  iliciici'l'orwan!  an  lon- 
ner  to  lie  Iraceil  in  valine  iiarrativcrt  iit' ili^eoverics,  several 
of  tlii'iii  ililiiiiltcil  to  111-  apncryplial,  but  ia  lite  text  athl  &/ijih- 
l'ili:im  of  thai  r'^nrcuHon  ilstlf.'^ 

Thus  she  is  esluppul.  She  cannot  go  belitiul  her 
own  deed  lo  find  and  set  up  litle.  1  do  a|)preliend 
that  the  position  taken  by  the  Senator  from  Vir- 
ginia is  wholly  untenable.  The  title  of  England 
was  "  fixed"  by  the  Nootka  convenlion  as  firmly 
as  if  it  had  bet'ii  bought  with  money.  1  refer  lo 
the  whole  diplomatic  corrispondencc  respecting 
Oregon,  from  18'JG  till  now,  for  proof  that  her  whole 
claim,  from  the  very  eommeneenient,  has  rested 
on  this;  nnd  •hat  she  has  abandoned  nil  inevions 
title,  resting  on  and  "  limited"  by  that  convention 
alone. 

What  were  the  respective  claims  of  Great  Brit- 
ain and  of  Spain  in  17!)0.=  What  claim  did  Greal 
Brilain  then  advance.'  Her  only  grounds  of  re- 
liance were  the  discovery  of  Cook,  and  a  pretend- 
ed purcha.se  of  an  Indian  chief,  for  she  wholly 
abandoned  all  prelensions  on  the  ground  of  what 
had  been  done  by  the  freebooter  Drake.  She 
claimed  on  Cook's  discovery,  and  on  some  alleged 
purchase  from  a  certain  Indian  chief.  This  was 
her  claim,  nnd  nolhing  nion. 

Vet  1  claim,  and  can  easily  prove,  that  Spain 
discovered  the  coast  before,  and  1  might  also  ad- 
mit, for  argument  sake,  that  the  basis  of  mere  dis- 
covery, without  snlwcqnentsetllenienl,  is  valueless, 
and  Iherefiire  Greal  Britain's  right  to  all  explora- 
tions previous  to  IT'.IO,  have  superseded  the  Soan- 
ish  right  from  di.scovery,  if  she  had  followed  up 
these  explorations  by  sellhment.  But  did  she  do 
it?  Not  at  all.  She'madr  no  settlcnieiils,butonly 
followed  out  the  Spanish  discovery,  by  a  more 
minute  invcsiigation  and  survey  of  the  coasts  and 
inlets,  'i'bis,  I  insist,  could  not  abrogale  the  pre- 
vious claims  of  Spain,  from  discovery.  Spain 
never  abandoned  that  claim;  she  had  the  inclio  ue 
right  from  ili.scovery,  and  might  at  any  time  coni- 
plcle  thai  right  by  actual  settlement;  but  iieilher 
she  nor  Great  Britain  did  this,  save  that  Spain  had 
a  small  settlement  at  Nootka,  and  occupied  it. 
This  Greal  Brilain  endeavored  lo  lake  from  her. 
but  the  Spanish  Governor  bravely  resisted  nnd 

si e.ssfuUy  repelled  her  attack.     What  happened 

after  ihis?  Greal  Brilain  demanded  satisfaction 
from  Spain  for  the  insult  lo  Inn'  fiag,  but  the  result 
was,  that  Spain  never  ilid  recognise  any  preexisl- 
iiig  riitht  on  the  pm't  of  Great  Briuiin  to  terriiory 
on  the  Norlhwcst  coast.  Nor  did  any  oilier 
nation  reco:;nise  it.  The  Nootka  convention  was  a 
concession  made  by  a  sovereign  Power,  having  it 
right  to  the  whole  const  in  which  she  permitted 
Great  Britain  lo  come  there  and  trade  and  fish. 
This  was  the  whole  aniouut  of  that  treaiy.  I 
nvcr,  therefore,  that,  in   17',)0,  Greal  Britain  had 


not  the  shadow  of  a  claim  to  any  portion  of  Ore- 
gon. If  she  put  her  pretension  on  the  right  of 
liiscovery,  Spain  had  discovered  the  country  bel'oro 
her;  if  she  put  it  on  the  faci  of  selllemeni,  she 
had  made  no  setllcnieiil,  bntSjiain  had  at  Nootka. 

Under  what  eircumslunces  were  that  eonveiitioii 
made?  l''i'cely,  or  by  coercion?  It  was  ubinineil 
at  ihccannon's  nioulh.  She  obtained  a  eniicession 
from  Spain  in  ii  way  she  never  will  obtain  any 
from  the  United  States;  for  sure  I  am  that  there 
is  no  Senator  here  who  will  not  say  that  he  would 
sooner  draw  llie  sword,  nnd  throw  away  the  scab- 
bard, ihan  think,  for  one  momeiil,  of  yielding  up 
rights  at  liie  mouth  of  the  British  cannon,  as  was 
lamely  done  by  the  Governmeiil  of  Spain.  I  havo 
not  yet  heard  any  altenipt,  in  this  debale,  to  give 
a  construction  of  the  grounds  of  thai  Ire.ity.  I 
have  carefully  examined  its  terms,  and  1  have 
placed  my  own  construction  upon  them.  I  may 
be  in  error,  but  I  have  been  unable  to  discover  in 
what  respect.  If  I  am  righl,  llicn  I  say  that  the 
prodnclion  of  that  convenlion  by  ihc  British  nego- 
tiators was  a  suicidal  act.  I  say  thai  (Jieat  Bril- 
ain has  thereby  placed  herself  in  a  position  wlieio 
she  has  defeated  every  claim  she  ever  could  have, 
had;  and  I  infer  this  from  taking  in  conne.xioii  llie 
convenlion  of  Nootka,  between  England  and  .'<pain, 
with  the  convention  of  18^7,  between  linglanj 
and  the  United  Slates.  The  whole  object  of  Great 
Britain  wa.s  to  do  away  the  clahn  set  up  by  Spain 
on  her  grant  from  ihe  Pope.  However  sieh  ii 
grant  may  now  be  ridiculed,  the  title  derived  IVnm 
it  was  at  ilial  time  good  and  valid — iii  vi-r  dispnic.d, 
for  more  than  two  hundred  years;  which  circiini- 
slance  was,  of  itself,  sulTicieni  lo  make  the  lilhi 
good,  let  its  origin  be  what  it  might.  The  ihird 
article  of  the  Nootka  convention  is  in  these  words: 

".AliT.  :i.  Inorilei  l'i.»lri'iigtiieii  tlie  boiiils  ot  I'licnil.stnp, 
anil  inpri'siTM'  In  fiiniri'a  p-rlicl  lianiinoy  anil  yoml  laiilcr- 
filaniliiin  litlufi'ii  tlie  two  cniilraoTiiiir  parlies,  it  is  iijircil 
thai  Iticir  rcsp'-clive  tiiibjrels  sball  not  tie  ili!iliiili'<il  nr  iiie- 
losti'il  I'lttier  ia  iiaviualliii;  or  carryin<j  iin  lli''ir  li-()icrit>s  ia 
the  Fiicilic  Uceaii  or  in  tin*  Snnlli  i-^cu.-,  or  in  tin. ling  imi  the 
coast  of  Ihiise  sea.4  ia  places  not  already  n.eiipi<-il.  lor  the 
purjiosi'  nf  carryiils  on  their  coniniiTce  with  the  natives  of 
Ihe  coiinlry,  or  of  miikinit  srttlcnit-iit^  there — ilir  whole  biil>- 
Jict,  lieviTlllrbrs.s,  lo  Ule  reslrieUollH  speeilieil  in  tile  three 
following  iirlieles." 

Now,  what  was  the  object  in  agreeing  to  this  ar- 
ticle ?  Spain  had  had  possession  of  the  country 
for  two  or  three  (tenturies,  and  there  was  then  it 
controversy  between  Ihc  two  nations,  arising  from 
the  fact  thai  England  had  molested  her  in  Ihis  pos- 
session. Spain,  in  this  article,  says  that  English 
subjects  might  contc  there  for  purposes  of  liiini- 
ing,  fishing, and  lrude,and  might  make  setllemenls: 
but  ihe  setllemenls  referred  lo,are  obviously  such 
as  mii^ht  be  necessary  to  further  these  objects,  and 
none  other.  To  lake  the  word  "  .seulenienls"  as 
here  used  in  its  ordinary  and  general  accepnuion, 
would  be  lo  defeat  all  the  rest  of  ihearlicle; — thai, 
at  least,  is  my  construction  of  ii.  I  apprehend  that 
treaties  between  nalitms  are  to  be  interpreled  by 
the  rules  of  coinuK.  i  sen.se.  It  is  then  added,  ihat 
all  the  provisions  in  this  article  are  to  be  held  suli- 
jeet  lo  the  restrictions  conlaiiied  in  the  three  fol  ■ 
lowing  articles,  viz;  'llli,  .^lli,  and  (jth.  Now,  if  we 
look  at  the  oth  article,  we  shall  .see  thai  these  set- 
tlements are  tho.se  subjected  lo  ihe  reslriclion,  that 
they  must  be  norlh  "  of  places  already  occupied 
by  Spain."  Spain  iheii  occupied  Nooika,  and  all 
British  scltlemenls  arc  here  confined  lo  the  coast 
aliovc  Nooika.  Bui  for  this,  Great  Britain  might 
have  claimed  the  right  of  making  setllemenls  as 
far  south  as  Mexico,  provided  she  could  havefiiund 
one  vacant  spot  on  ail  lliat  coast.  This,  I  say,  is 
a  lawyer's  construction  of  this  instrument.  Tho 
5th  ai'iicle  is  in  these  words: 

'•.An-r.  "i.  .As  well  in  Ihc  pi:ici's  which  are  lo  be  re^iorccl  to 
llio  llrilish  sultjccts.  by  \lrtiie  of  tin;  lirsf  anirle,  as  in  all 
other  parts  nl'llic  norlhweslern  ciasls  ol  Xorlli  .Aim-rica.  or 
of  Hie  islallils  ailjacclil.  Minute  lo  Ihe  iiortli  of  the  pans  of  ihe 
siiiil  C1III.SI  alrt'ivily  ncciipieil  by  .^piin,  whercvrrllie  >iil)|  -cts 
III' eilliir  of  the  two  Powers  shall  have  inaile  ^rnli'int'iils 
since  Itic  hiiinth  of  .April.  I>ll,  or  shall  llcrcallcr  iiiak.'  iiliy, 
llie  siiliji'cls  of  Ihc  oilier  shall  have  free  nrcrys,  ami  sliall 
carry  on  llieirtrailc  \\itlioiitaiiy  (lisnirtiaiieeoriiiolestntioa.'- 
Now,  where  was  the  most  norlherly  point  occu- 
pied by  S]iaiii  ?  ll  was  unimeslionably  at  Nooika; 
for  when  Vancouver  came  linck,  he  found  at  that 
place  (fii  houses,  in  the  possession  of  Spanish  oc- 
cupants. He  very  modestly  claimed  the  whole  as 
belonging  to  Great  Britain;  but  the  Spanish  com- 
mnnilant  utterly  repudiated  any  such  claim,  nnd 
ull'ered  to  restore  to  iiiin  ii  little  spot  on  the  beach 


ill 


i 


442 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  3, 


iiih-H  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (^iiation — Mr.  Ashley. 


Senate. 


!»■ 


i^ 


n  -i- 


«   \ 


Bl  Friendly  Cove,  (iibom  a.  qiinriir  of  nil  acre,) 
where  MenieH  Imd  ereeted  two  little  liutH.  Vun- 
cniivtT  conleiidcd  thiit  ilin  most  iiorlhcrly  setlle- 
mciit  of  Spniii  wns  far  below,  lU  the  Hiiy  of  San 
Kmiirlsco;  hut  the  fuel  whs  the  reverse.  It  wns 
at  Nootkn;  niid  tlint  selilement  wns  never  lestiiiTd. 
Although  Grent  llrilnin  inepnicd  uii  nrninnunt 
which  cost  her  fifteen  millions  of  dollnrs,  she  ni'Vtr 
got  it  back  from  Sjmin.  If  il  ever  wns  surrendered 
to  her,  the  proof  of  such  surrender  would  hnvc 
been  in  her  urohives,  and  she  could  have  produced 
it;  but  this  she  never  did,  and  the  nll'nir  wns  suf- 
fered lo  drop.  >'or  is  this  surprisin;:-  The  ren- 
son  for  it  is  pl.nin  nnd  obvious.  Knf;lnnd  liec.tme 
involved  in  the  wnrs  of  the  I'Veiich  Kcvolulion, 
nnd  she  nclunlly  forgot  Nootkn  nnd  the  IS'ootkn 
ronveiiiion  for  thirlv-lbur  vcars,  until  reminded  of 
it  by  Mr.  Rush  in  \^'i\. 

I'hnve  mnde  the  nsserlion  that  the  intentions  of 
the  pnrtie.s  nre  to  be  giiihercd  from  the  instrument 
it.self — from  n  fnir  construclion  of  its  terms;  but 
that  jiosilion  may  be  streUfrthened  by  the  cotem- 
pornneous  exposition  by  the  |)nrlics.  We  cnn  ■ 
annw  lii;'t  the  British  Parliament  ilsclf  gave  to  the 
trcniy  this  oonstriictioii.  In  the  debnics  in  the 
British  IWiainent,  we  finr'.  this  convention  spoken 
of  us  unwoihv  of  liiigbind,  and,  in  t'lict,  liicrnlly 
sneered  at.  I'his  is  n  inntler  of  history;  :nid  is  it 
to  be  supposed  t^Mi,  had  the  statesmen  of  that  lime 
anv  noii'in  of  tlie  value  to  them  of  that  conven- 
tion, wnirh  is  now  attached  to  it,  they  would  have 
allowed  the  reprcaenintions  which  were  made  in 
Parliament  to  go  lorth  !o  the  world  uncontindioted,' 
I  cnnnot  imagine  such  a  lhin<;.  It  i.-i  incompre- 
hensible, nnd  no  man  can  believe  it.  Let  me  rel'er 
to  this  niaiter  for  n  momoiit.  The  Duke  of  .Mont-  ; 
rose,  in  the  House  of  Loi-ds,  on  the  occasion  of  a 
vote  of  tlinnks  being  proposed  to  the  King  for  the 
iicg-iliation  of  the  convention,  says; 

"  Wa  are  not  oril.c  re-tor.  d  to  \')Mt:ia.  Iitit  ''<■  miui ptrti- 
cif'tc  in  <i  f'tsrc  h.>?Mit/i  ii///ri'ic'(^ir  we  ^llllull  linJ  ill  any 
tune  Ui.-il  a  iimro  nnrliuTii  8tt(iati-*ii  w.tulii  be  pri-f  Tabii;  fur 
the  carrvillg  (Hi  (H'  tlic  tr.iite.'" — i'.tr/.iiiriea/iliv  Iii*tory.  ro/. 
as,  II.  ».M. 

This  is  the  langunge  of  an  individual  who  was 
in  favor  of  the  Cbiverimienl:  nnd,  from  whnt  he 
says,  it  is  clear  he  did  not  believe  a  word  of  the 
S'.'ljiiments  now  advanced  by  the  British  .Minister. 
After  looking  well  into  the  matter,  after  consulting 
all  source:!  of  informalion,  having  the  best  oppor- 
tunity of  hearing  all  thai  could  be  said  in  relation 
lo  the  claims  of  Great  liriiain,  he  conlents  himself 
with  saying  that  ihey  had  nc(|Uired  the  right  of 
settlement  north  of  Nootkn  Sound. 

In  the  House  of  C'lnninoiis,  Mr.  Fo\  .said: 

•'  He  wa-;  a^  iimch  n  rrieiiil  In  thf  cliiiin.-  ti"' .Spain,  ^anf•- 
tioiic'l  liv  the  lr<-nl>'  of  flrcrln.  as  Ciiuiil  Flmid.i  lllaiica,  ur 
any  Spniiivh  Milii'l'-r.  ftooiiee  firit  urre  fotmU^'l  injwtuc. 
T.iesc  WIT.'.  i:ii  crc'it»iic  rt'jA/  o/'/ent'.iri/.  iiaviLMtuiii.  and 
eomliUTrc,  on  the  seft.*  anil  roasts  nrripuiil-h  .•Vinenca.  The 
aU^iiril  and  e\tiaviiQ:uil  cl;uaid  oni.^t'  I'niiii  etlenihiitj  the 
t.  rui  r?piiii-ti  Amp  rn  a.  tn  m-^is  <nul  citixis  iih^tc  .S^i..ni  h.id  I 
no  ri'^filoftyrcnfin^ni.  To  wtiat  did  wi' iihji'ct  hfl'.irr.  but  to 
lae  iiiileliiiile  laiiil!.  nt"  ^p.iinitii  Aanrica?  Thf  iilijectinii 
Ktill  n-inaiiicd;  f'n  the  liaiitAof  Spaiu.^li  .Vniera-a  vvure  bUll 
uiidcfiiad."— ji.  '.«ll. 

Following  up  the  snmc  argument,  he  adds: 

'•  Wlicre  ilur  nilinitti  d  ri3lit  of  setthMiit-nt  nn  (In-  nortli- 
wcit  Cfia-I  ef,iiiiin:lned  wa.i  C'liiiph  t.'ly  uiidelili' d.  //  it 
v.iA  i.:i^  lit  .Vjo(/../,  kc  itid  not  know  tK.it  y-jutku  u  ould  U  re- 

itorr.i.--rnii. 

And  nu'ain: 

'.  'I'hu'  W''  hull  eirrn  up  all  risM  lo  sr'/V,  except  I'or  teia- 
l>oraiv  puipO'Ps,  ^>  tfic  south  of  Ific  SpcniA  settlement'^  or  in 
/  ic  i'lti-yi  tl^  hrt'iren  t/iein,  if'tliey  liiippeiied  to  be  diitlaiil. 
W-  Jiad  nhtaini'd  nii  niliinK>ioii  of  our  riclil  ti>  settle  bi  the 
north,  and  even  that  we  liad  not  obtaini  d  Willi  eh  arni'-B. 
A*  Spanidi  senbinenH  were  liie  only  murk  nl  JMiiil-.  --iip- 
P'lse  we  were  vt  meet  witli  one  farther  to  Ibe  imnh  ttiaa 

We    expeel-.l.  ;u;lt   ;i    dispute   were   in  arise,  Whether  II  was 

a.  w  nr  old,  11  wuiild  he  s diirieiilij  lo  -end  out  nur 

iMiildi  rs  1"  deenb'."  he.—;..  'Mi. 

Mr.  Fox  u:is,  it  is  ndmittcd,  the  Icadir  of  the 
O|i]iostion  in  I'urliiiment,  and  was  coinplaining  of 
anil  obieeiiii:r  lo  the  Xoolka  convention;  but  did 
Mr.  I'iii,  the  then  Prime  Minislcr,  conlrovert  the 
IMsiiions  niken  by  his  tabnied  oiiponeni'  Hid  any 
member  of  llie  lir'ilisb  Cabinit  -  Were  the  positions 
i:ontio\erled  by  any  one  during  the  debater  No, 
sir,  not  ft  word  (if  it.  Mr.  Pill,  in  his  reapon.sc, 
oniv  cliiinied  iluit  they  had  addilional  t'aeilme.s  for 
tliei'i-  fisliLrics,  hnd  :i  tenipuraiy  use  of  the  territory 
north  of  .Nootka  for  hunting  and  trading  with  the 
iiaiives,  and  ilie  ere  lion  of  leinporary  liuls  in  fur- 
therance of  those  objects,     lie  s:iys: 

"  If  they  liiiil  iieiniirednuu-rnbinal  il'.;)lti,,  Ibe\  had  |i:uiied 
butie:  advaiila'i'i  ih'ydid  iiut  befon."  po-aeis." 


I  believe  this  is  perfeelly  concli,  ive,  and  shows   ! 
how  this  convention  wes  tiiiderslnod  at  the  time.  '' 
!  It  always  appeared  to  me,  Mr.  President,  that  the 
i  views  taken  by  the  Ilrilish  Minister  were  suicidal 
of  theclnnnsof  Greni  Britain.    .Mr.  Pnkrnham  has 
said  this  convention  is  in  force  up  to  ilie  present 
I  time.     But  let  nic  ask,  if  il  is  in  force,  how  does  it   i 
happen  that  she  never  claimed  under  it  the  country 
down  to  the  bay  of  !S:ui  Francisco-     Ilnw  does  it 
{  happen,  that  Great  Britain,  who  has  shown  it  her 
j  consinnl  purpose  to  lay  hold  of  every  fool  of  this 
I  earth  she  can,  has  never  cliiimed  as  far  as  the  liny 
of  San  Francisco'   Why,. she  fell  she  hnd  no  right; 
and  if  she  has  ever  done  so  since,  il  wns  ahogether 
an  afterthought,  for  the  purpose  of  opposing  our 
I  claims.     Nothing  else  can  account  for  it.     Grent 
I  Britnni  slept  over  her  nlisiird  clnim  for  more  thnii 
{  tliiriy  years,  and  until  she  found  il  necessary  to 
adduce  new  and  more  plausible  argunieiils  to  sus- 
tain her  unfounded  pretensions,  and  endeavor  to 
I  rebut  and  weaken  the  "irrefragnble  facts  and  argu- 
ments" by  which  our  American  rights  were  de- 
1  nionstraied,  and  she  was  driven  to  claim  under  the 
'  Nootka  convention,  because  she  had  nothing  else 
j  to  bring  forward — nolliing  else  to  rely  on. 
'      1  will  nut  go  through  the  argument,  as  the  Secre- 
tary of  Slate  has  done,  to  show  that  the  coiiveiuion 
,  was  terminated  l>y  the  war.    It  is  not  needed  to  sus- 
I  lain  my  argumeiil.     But  the  exposition  of  Great 
I  Liriiain  herself  shows  tlini  the  convention  was  ended 
;  by  the  war  of  17',Mj.     What  does  Mr.  Pakenliani 
!  say  on  iliis  point.-     His  ground  is,  ihnt  there  are 
i  some  national  rights  which  survive  n  war;  but  he 
I  has  not  pointed  them  out.     He  says  the  treaty  was 
j  revived  in  IH14;  but  1  contend,  that  if  it  ever  was 
;;  dead,  it  could  not  be  revived  by  the  treaty  of  It-H, 
j  because  there  were  o//ifr  pnrtie.s  then  besides  Great 
I  Briiain  and  Spain  who  had  claims  on  the  coast  a^ 
j  well  as  tlicni.selve.^.      We  were  actually  in  posses- 
I  sioii  of  theeouniry  at  the  time,  and  could  not  beinit 
j  out  by  the  revival  of  ilie  Nootka  convenlion. 
I      There  is  one  argument   not  used  by  Mr.  Bii- 
I  chanan,orany  one  else  that  I  have  seen,  which  I 
I  consider  as  having  great  force.    If  the  Nootka  con- 
vention is  still  in  Ibive,  wh;it  became  of  il  in  our 
i  own  convention  of  iS'i'i  ?     In  I81H,  we  were  not  in 
possession  of  the  Spanish  title;  but  when  it  was  re- 
newed in  1*.'",  we  liad  then  all  the  rights  of  Spain, 
including,(oifi'rigii/i/,  the  rmiiifiif  (/uiiKiiil,  and  all  the 
riglit.s  she  hnd  under  the  Nootka  convention.     If, 
:  then,  the  convenlion  is  m  force  at  this  hour,  how  is 
It  possible  lliis  was  not  included  in  the  convention 
•  of  1M-J7?     It  wa.s;  and  Great  Britain  and  the  Uni- 
ted  Stales  owncci  nil  the  claims  to  Oregon  which 
were  then  in  existence  ;  all  her  riirhls  under  the 
^  Noolka  convenlion  were  "liiniled"  to  joint  occu- 
'  pancy  with    Spain — Spain  |Hits  us  in  her  shoes. 
\Vhen  the  convenlion  for  joint  occupancy  is  ler- 
,    minaUfd,  Hiurtand  goes  back  to  her  original  rights. 
j    Uights  to  \\  hat .'     To  joint  oecupaney  r     For  lie  il 
observed,  Kngland  abandoncil  lo  Sp:iin  all  her  claims 
[irior  to  171M),  on  entering  into  the  Nootka  conven- 
tion, and  declares  lo  the  world  that  her  whole  claim 
or  prelension  is  '•liiniltd"  to  a  joint  occupancy  Willi 
Spain,  and  her  right  is  only  to  be  Ibniid  in  "  the 
text   and    siipulalioiis"  of  that    convention;   and 
Spain  having,  on  the  ^lid  of  .liily,  IHl'J,  transfer- 
red her  rights  to  us,  Kiiirlnnd  has  n  joint  occupancy 
with  usiiy  the  convenlion  of  IH'2',  hy  the  .'Id  article 
of  which  11  is  agreed,  ihat  nothini:  in  the  convention 
"  shall  be  construed  to  impair,  or  in  any  manner 
'  atVeci,  the  claims  which  iillurofthe  contracting 
'  parties  may  have  lo  any  part  of  ihe  eounlry  wcst- 
'  ward  of  the  .Stony  or  Kocky  .Mountains."     Nuw, 
then,  pray  wlial  are  her  "claims,"  which  are  not 
"alfected  'or  "impaired"?    She  has  none  whalevei 
'  bul  I  bat  of  "joint  oceupancy'' under  the  Noolka  c<  in- 
vention, which  was  merged  in  the  couventniii  of 
'  1H^7,  and  thus  the  lerininalion  of  her  "joint  ocru- 
'  fiancy"  would  tiot  "atl'ect"  or  *'iinpair"  her  "joint 
oc.'upancy."    This  is  a  eoniradiction  in  terms,  and 
shows  that  the  cnly  elainis  lliat  are  not  "all'ecied" 
or  "inijmircd,"  musibe  ihose  of.iorrrn;,''ii/f/,cHiiio'a( 
'  dmnniii,  or  title  of  some  kind  ;  nut  one  of  which 
!  does  she  [losscss,  or  even  cl;vini.      I'his  may  becall- 
I  ed  "clioppinir  l'ii:ie"  bvgentleoien  on  1  he  oilier  side 
of  the  chiinilKr;  if  it  is,  let  lliein  show  how  Great 


Britain  can  escapi 


le  till 


cbi 


I  think  the  in- 


ference irresistible,  and  that  the  "7111)1/  friil  deiiion- 
slniiidiiin"  of  the  iiuilhemaUciaii  might  be  fairly 
and  IcL'iliinaiely  npplicd  lo  il,  aud  that  she  has  no 
iust  claim,  bv  her  own  showing,  to  one  foot  of  ter- 


ritory west  of  the  Uoeky  Mountains.  She  has 
completely  trippcil  up  her  own  heels,  and  thrown 
herself  out  of  nil  shadow  of  clnim  beloir,  or  even 
abocf,  the  magical  line  of  54°  4U' — and  lhat  we 
possi.ss,  if  not  a  perfect,  undoubtedly  tlie  best  title 
111  existence  to  the  whole. 

I  pray  you  10  observe,  Mr.  President,  lhat, 
if  the  Nootka  Sound  convenlion  is  in  force,  as 
claimed  by  ilie  Brilish  Minisier,  then  Great 
Britain  could  have  done  no  act  during  its  exist- 
ence to  vest  any  rxdiisit'c  right  in  herself.  Van- 
couver's exploration  of  the  Columbia  river  in 
I7t)'J,  and  tnkiii"  possession  in  the  name  of  the 
King  of  F.nglaiiu,  was  a  void  act  on  his  ])arl,  and 
ill  violation  of  the  "  text  nnd  slipulalimis"  of  the 
Noolka  convention;  nnd  instead  of  claiming  uiiilcr 
il,  as  the  liritisli  Government  hnvc  modestly  done, 
they  ought  at  the  time  to  have  cashiered  Vancou- 
ver, ami  dismissed  him  from  her  service,  for  thus 
Uampling  upon  the  good  faith  of  the  British  na- 
tion. The  exploration  of  Mackenzie,  and  the  set- 
tlements subsefpiently  made  in  thai  territory,  on 
Frazer's  river  and  elsewhere,  eainiot  be  claimed 
as  giving  exclusive  rights  to  Great  Brit;iiii.  They 
were  made  solely  under  that  convention,  and  under 
which  she  lan  claim  no  exclusive  right  for  herself. 
And  allow  nie  to  oii.serve,  in  addition,  that  the 
3d  article  of  the  treaty  between  the  United  Slates 
nnd  Great  Britain,  of  SOth  October,  1818,  applies 
to  "  any  country  that  may  be  claimed  by  ti(/icr 
'  parly  on  the  northwest  coast  of  America,  west- 
'  wnid  of  the  Stony  Mountains;"  and  thus  includes 
the  whole  country  from  latitude  42°  to  the  Rus- 
sian possessions  in  latitude  54°  40',  and  all  the  re- 
gion e.ist  of  the  Russian  possessions  and  wesi  of 
the  Rocky  Mountains — the  Russian  line  going 
through  Portland  clmimel  to  latitude  5(i°,  mil 
thence  a  line  |iaiallel  lo  the  coast  ten  marine  lcai:iii  j 
tlierefrom  to  141st  degree  of  longitude,  and  in  that 
meridian  to  the  Frozen  ocean.  All  which  nortlieru 
region  is  included  wiihin  the  conventions  of  18)8 
and  18'2",  and  which  1  have  never  seen  any  refer- 
ence to  in  any  speech  delivered;  and  yet  it  is 
niaiiifesl  our  joint  occupancy  exlends  to  the  whole, 

,  and  ilie  rights  of  each  to  every  part  is  to  be  deter- 
mined whenever  a  division  of  territorial  rights  shall 
be  made. 

I  I  cannot,  Mr.  President,  permit  myself  to  pass 
unnoticed  the  title  which  we  have  to  the  couiitiy 
drained  by  the  waters  of  the  Columbia,  by  the  ex- 
ertion and  enterpriseof  our  own  cilizcns — acquired 
by  our  own  discovery,  ex|)loration,  and  sellleineni. 
It  a  bare,  naked  discovery  is  not  deemed  sulficiciii, 
we  do  not  depend  upon  lhat  alone.  That  Capiniii 
Gray  discovered  the  Columbia  river  before  any 
P  '  subject  had  seen  il,  is  now  conceded  even 

Ij,  I'.ngland  her.self;  and  that  Mr.  JelVersoii  tir;:t 
liiid  the  river  explored  by  Lewis  and  Clarke,  in 
18()5-fi,  and  shorlly  afterwards  published  their  do- 
ings, nnd  thus  publicly  proclaimed  to  the  world 
our  intention  to  occupy  nnd  sellle  that  country, 
are  matters  of  hiatoiy,  as  well  known  to  the  Brit- 
ish Governmer.t  as  our  own.  We  subsequently  (in 
IMIlt,  1810,  and  1811,  and  prior  to  any  other  settle- 
ment) made  the  settlement  of  Astoria,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Columbia  river,  and  also  'slablished  a  post 
on  the  Okanagan,  <ix  liunilred  miles  up  llie  river; 
nnotber  at  the  nioulli  of  the  Spoknn,  fifty  miles 
higher  up;  and  others  on  the  Kooskooskee  and 
Willameltc  rivers;  and  (allhough  the  Noolka  con- 
vention is  claimed  by  Kngland  to  have  been  then  in 
full  force,  by  which  she  sets  up  a  pretence  to  a 
right  of  joint  occupancy  over  that  whole  region) 
w  iiliout  a  whisper  of  reinonstrancc  or  objection  on 
her  part.  Our  hands  were  untied  then — no  con- 
vention controlled  us;  we  claimed  a  right  by  viriiie 
of  our  purchase  of  Louisiana,  whether  riglufiilly 
or  not,  1  do  not  deem  it  necessary  for  my  present 
argiiinent  to  iiupiirc.  If  any  nation  had  a  right  to 
object,  it  was  Spain,  and  Spain  alone;  and  idie  did 
not  oliject.  1  claim,  then,  that  our  right  lo  the 
rouiilry  drained  by  the  waters  of  the  Columbia, 
Ibuiide'd  on  our  own  discovery,  exploralion,  anil 
settlement,  wns  coinilete  and  perfect,  agreeably  to 
the  mosi  stringent  re  piisilioiis  of  the  law  of  iialions, 
eonseeraled  by  the  Miivcrsal  practice  of  nil  nations, 
in  relalion  lo  llie  .Viiierican  cuniineiil;  and  this  view 
Great  Britain  herself  has  fully  recognised,  and  by 
her  acis  fully  acknowledged  our  title.  Wewie 
thus  ill  possession  of  the  valley  of  the  Columbia  at 
the  I'oinmencementof  the  late  war;  and  during  ili:it 
war  our  possessions  were  cajitured,  and  passed  imo 


I 


[April  3, 
Senate, 


Uains.  She  has 
eelK,  iinil  llirnwii 
m  below,  or  cvcii 
U' — iiiiil  Ihiit  we 
Hlly  the  best  title 

President,   ihni, 

I  in  ill  furce,  tiH 
J    llieii    Cireiit 

(liiiiiif;  its  exist- 

II  herself.  Vaii- 
liinihia  river  in 
the  M.iinc  of  the 

oil  hi3  |mrt,  mill 
mlulioiis"  of  the 
f  elaiinini;  under 
?  modestly  done, 
shicred  Viincou- 
servire,  for  tliiiM 
■  the  Uritish  iiii- 
izie,un(l  the  aet- 
luu  territory,  on 
liiiot  lie  eliiiined 
t  l!rit;iiii.  TIrv 
iitioii,uiid  iiiiih'r 
riijht  for  herself, 
ddilioii,  thin  the 
le  United  yi.iteu 
L'r,  ISlfi,  n|i|ilie!) 
liiirned  Ijy  eillicr 
Ainericn,  west- 
nd  tlitw  ineliidea 
430  to  the  Kns- 
',  and  all  the  re- 
oiis  and  west  of 
siaii  line  goini; 
itiidc  5(i",  aii?l 
!i  marine  learnt  J 
tide,  and  in  that 
whieli  northern 
•entioiia  of  1818 
seen  any  refer- 
,  and  yet  it  la 
ids  to  the  whole, 
rt  is  to  be  dcter- 
orial  rights  shall 

myself  to  pass 
!  to  the  coniitry 
nbia,  by  the  ex- 
izens — aeqiiired 
,  and  settlement. 
:emi'd  siiifieieiii, 
That  Ca])iain 
ver  before  any 
/  I'oneeded  eveii 
.  Jed'erson  first 

and  Clarke,  in 
ilished  their  do- 
:d  to  the  world 
e  that  country, 
iwn  to  the  lint- 
ubsequcntly  (in 
iny  other  setlle- 
•ia,at  the  mouth 
labllshed  a  post 
tes  up  the  river; 
knii,  fifty  miles 
loskooskee  and 
he  Noolka  con- 
nve  been  then  in 
a  pretence  to  a 

whole  region) 
or  olijeelion  on 

then — no  con- 

I  ri^ht  by  viruie 
ether  riijlut'iilly 
fur  my  present 

II  had  a  ri^dit  to 
ic;  niid  she  did 
nr  rifilit  lo  the 

the  Columbia, 
xploralioii,  and 
:■!,  agreeably  to 
:  law  of  nations, 
e  of  all  iialious, 
;  ami  this  view 
ionised,  and  by 
lie.  We  w  re 
!ie  Columbia  at 
iuidduriiiir  iliat 
iind  passed  into 


1846. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


443 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Ashley. 


Senate. 


the  hands  nfOrent  Qritain.  By  the  treaty  ofOlient, 
"all  territorial,  places,  and  posseaiiona  whatsoever, 
taken  by  eilli  ■  party  from  the  other  during  the 
war,  Ac,  shall  be  restored  without  delay."  Our 
Uovcrnnienl  demanded,  afler  the  restoration  ol 
peace,  that  those  possessions  should  bo  restored. 
Afier  some  ne!;otiation,ttnd  some  delay,  the  whole 
was  restored  to  us — an  account  of  w  Inch  I  ask  tlie 
inilulgence  of  the  Senate  to  rend: 

"  .Mr.  Riigoi  [the  British  PliMilpnicNilnrv  nt  VVashlngtiin] 
nt  til  siiiiie  time  coiniiiuiiicateil  the  cirt:uini<tanc('8  In  his 
UoveniiM'  111,  aiKl  ihcy  tiecaiiii^  tlie  BUbject  at  di*ciui«lon  lio- 
Iwceii  Lord  Ciisllt-reagh,  the  Uriihh  tiecreinry  ur  Faroitfii 
Airiiir.i,  unci  .Mr.  Riii'li,  tlic  Aiiiciic.in  l'li'iil|ioirnliiiry  iii 
I.niiiloii.  Lnril  Ciinllcriiijjh  iirujiMvcd  Ihnt  Ihi'  qiiciitiiiii  rc- 
«|iL-etiiiii  the  chiitii  to  the  poflt  on  itie  C'oliiinhm  !<liiiulil  lie 
rcrerreii  (o  coiiiinlB^loiieiH,  un  miiiiy  ntlitr  iti.-putrd  points 
had  been,  Bjirccably  to  the  Ireiity  ot'Ohinl;  to  which  .Mr. 
ttiiuli  ohjoctod,  lor  the  simple  rcIl^^nH  that  the  ypcit  wih  in 
the  pnnMc.^flon  nt'  the  Americans  helcire  the  war ;  that  it  fell, 
hy  hi  UiKcrunl  capture,  into  the  hnniU  m'  the  Urill»li  during 
the  war  i  nnd  that  '  under  a  treaty  which  atipuhited  the  mu- 
tual rcHlitulliai  Ml'  nil  ptaccti  rcducd  hy  the  ariiiM  of  cither 
patty,  the  right  of  the  United  St  itca  to  jiniiicilinto  nnd  lull 
ripi'mvioii  cnuld  not  bo  Impugned.' 

*•  The  Britlf^  Sccrcttiry,  u}ton  (fti.s-,  ndmitted  t/ie  rinht  of  the 
JimiriiiiM  lo  he.  reiiintittcd,  i.nl  tt  he  thr  fiurtti  in  jmtscmGn 
while  (m.dni!  on  Ike  title;  lliouith  h'' r.grelliil  that  Ihe  Cinv- 
ernnient  nt*  the  United  Stales  ^il(lulll  have  cmptoyi  d  niruni 
to  nhlain  reHlitulInn  which  might  h  ad  to  dittlculthfi. 

''Mr.  Itutiji  had  iiu  apprehiuifioiisot'that  kind ;  and  it  was 
flnnlly  aijici  il  Ihat  Ihe  jio.-t  ^hclllhl  he  re-tnncl  ti  tliu  Aiiuii- 
cnns,  nnd  that  llie  l|Ul.'^tluu  ot  litli'  to  tlic  territory  ^hl>uld 
he  dl!>cus>cd  ill  the  ncgotiatinn  \u  tn  limits  and  other  mat- 
ters which  was  soon  tn  he  ciimiiicnccd.  Lord  Itathurst, 
the  Dritish  Secretary  for  the  Colonies,  aceonhnitly  sent  tn 
the  ag>-nls  ol'  the  Nortliwcst  Coiiipuliy  at  lllc  moulli  01'  the 
L'nlnuibin  n  dri-patch,  din  ctilig  thciii  to  nflord  du  ■  racilllies 
fnr  the  re.  ccupatinn  of  the  (in^t  nt  Ihat  point  by  Ihe  Aiiierl 
cnu!i ;  and  nii  ordr^r  to  the  same  ell'ect  w^*  ut.-<n  i^ent  from  Ihe 
Adinlraltv  to  the  cuinniander  ol'  the  Uriiish  naval  lorces  in 
the  Tacilic." 

The  nslils  of  the  parties  in  regard  to  the  posses- 
sion of  the  country  having  thus  been  adjusted  and 
defined,  the  icstoralion  was  accordingly  made,  as 
the  following  otHcial  documents  will  show: 

"  In  ohL'denee  to  the  coininaiid  ol'  Itis  Royal  Iliuhiiess  tlie 
Prince  Ut'gcnt,  ^^igliilicd  in  a  dcsp  itch  hoiii  the  riglit  lioiior- 
alile  the  Earl  llnthiir>t,  luldrissid  lo  the  partners  or  agi'iiis 
of  the  Nortliwci-t  Company,  bearing  date  the  a7lh  of  Jan- 
uary, imt*,  and  in  oheiliencc  to  a  subsequent  ordi  r  date 
the*-.jt3tli  of  July,  from  \V.  H.  Slnriir,  Esip,  captain  of  his 
Ma.ietly'a  ship'Aiidroniachc,  »  c,  the  nndcnigiiea,  ito,  in  con- 
1'o\'mit\]  to  the  first  ..-rtfc/c  of  the  trnitij  0/  Oltcnt,  reHorc  ti 
'the  GJicrnment  of  the  Uniici  St..tc-,"throii4h  its  iigcnt,  J. 
U.  Prevost,  E:i<|.,  'Me  sctt/t-inciit  of  Fort  Gi-or;ie,  on  the  Co- 
tunthiti  river. 

"Given  under  our  hands,  in  tiiplicatc,  at  Fort  George, 
(Columbia  river.)  this  6tli  day  of  October,  l.-lf. 

"F.  Hlt-'KEY, 
''  O^n^tuin  of  his  Miijetti/i  shin  hlossom, 
'*J.  KEITH, 
"  Of  the  Xorth:te.t  Conifitnty^ 

The  acceptance  on  the  part  of  the  United  States 
is  in  these  words: 

"  1  do  hereby  acknowledge  to  iiave  this  day  rceeivtil,  in 
bclmlfof  tiie  Govcriiiiieiit  of  the  United  Slates,  the  iiossession 
of  the  ietllcmeiit  ficsiiin.ttetl  nljore,  in  conformity  to  tile  first 
uriicle  of  the  treaty  of  Ghent. 

"Given  niidcr  my  hand, in  triiilicatc, at  Fort  George, (Co- 
lumbia river,)  this  Ijth  day  of  Ociohi  r,  IBIS. 

■'  J.  B.  PREVOST, 
".^jtont  0/  the  United  Stutes." 

On  the  consummation  of  these  acts  of  the  resto- 
ration of  the  valley  of  the  Columbia  river,  in  con- 
formity with  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  and  the  acknowl- 
edgment of  our  right  "to  be  the  party  in  pos.scs- 
sion  while  treating  on  the  title,"  Mr.  Grcenhow 
remnrks: 

"  The  Urih'iA  flaf  unj  then  formtilly  louered,  and  thai  of  the 
United  Slitcs  huvius  hecn  hoisted  in  Us  steud  over  the  fort, 
Mas  St'l'itei  i}i  the  BiOi^orn. 

"  The  ihnnnciiti  cilcd — the  only  ones  irhich  p'used  betveen 
the  eommi-sioucrson  lite  orctision — ire  stificient  to  shjw  tlt<tt 
no  re'enation  or  exceptiOH  vas  tntide  on  the  purl  of  Gretit 
Brittdn,  and  Ihul  the  restoration  of  .^sloriu  (j  the  United 
Staler  It  as  complete  and  uneonlitijn.'l,'' 

These  transactions  occurred  in  the  year  181S, 
and  in  the  month  of  October,  being  the  same  year 
nnd  month  in  which  the  convention  of  joint  occu- 
pancy was  entered  i::tu. 

And  to  show  the  view  entertained  by  our  own 
Government  of  this  surrender,  I  beg  leave  to  read 
from  the  instructions  of  Air.  Clay,  when  Secretary 
of  Slate,  to  Mr.  Gallatin,  our  Minister  to  Englainl, 
dated  lilth  .lime,  1826: 

"  It  was  stnteil  hy  the  Britisti  Plenipotentiaries  to  Mr. 
Uilsli,  that  the  surrender  tn  the  United  Slates  of  the  ixisl  nt 
Ihe  iiioiitti  of  Coluinbin  river  was  in  fulliiiiii'iil  of  ihc  stipu- 
lations of  the  lirst  article  of  the  trealy  of  (;iicnt,  without  af- 
feetinc  qiuv-tiotis  of  tight  on  eitliir  side,  it  is  most  true 
that  the  restoration  was  in  eonforiiiit>  to  that  article,  hut 
ther.-'  is  iioihiiig  in  the  terms  of  the  article  which  implies 
nay  ruservation  of  riitht  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain.  And 
does  not  the  stipulation  itself,  in  virtue  of  whieli  she  was 
bound  to  restore  It,  di'inunslraie.  that  at  the  Jute  of  that 


trenly  she  hnd  nn  prctenslnns  to  the  month  of  Coliimhin.' 
If  she  then  had  any  eintm,  winihl  she  haveconirneied  to  rn- 
store  the  po,si>ssi(m  uiieonditlniially,  and  wllhnut  even  the 
fonnalliy  of  areservniioii  of  hirrighl.'  The  ciuiise  which 
was  ndoptcd  in  regard  to  another  tiTntorlal  possession, 
clninied  by  both  parties,  was  very  dllVcrcnt.  t*\w  had  re. 
diieed,  hy  her  nrnis,  Mnnse  l.-land,  lii  the  Bay  of  Passninn- 
iiuoddv',  lu  well  as  the  post  at  Coluinhiu.  She  refused  tn  re- 
store iMoose  Island,  on  the  ground  ot  the  title  whieli  she  set 
lip  to  it,  ns  being  included  witliiii  the  liinitH  of  Nova  Scotia ; 
nnd  the  respective  titles  of  both  parties  were  agreed  t »  he 
referreil  to  a  board  of  cnniinissioners.  Now,  if,  with  respect 
lo  two  |H)ssessioiis,  taken  hy  tier  arms  during  the  war,  she 
agreed  to  restore  one  unconditionally,  nnd  insisted  up<  n  re 
tiiiiiing  the  ne<-u|iancy  id'  the  other,  as  iKdonging  to  her,  is 
lint  the  inlerenci'  irresistible,  ihnt  her  present  claim  t"  Ihat 
which  wns  sn  resiori  d  did  not  then  ciist,  but  has  been  buIh 
frequently  gotten  up.''' 

This  established  our  right  fully  lo  the  whole 
valley  drained  by  the  waters  of  the  Columbia, 
and  that  valley  extends  to  about  the  latitude  of 
53°  north.  I  would  like  to  hear  the  grounds  upon 
which  the  advocates  for  the  line  cm  the  49tli  par- 
allel, on  the  other  side  of  the  chamber,  and  the 
few  on  this,  will  justify  themselves  to  the  Ameri- 
can people  ill  thus  proposing  to  give  up  any  pot- 
lion  of  the  valley  of  the  Coluinliia,  thus  shown 
to  be  ours,  without  an  adverse  claim  hoving  any 
just  foundation.  If  we  had  no  other  title  or  claim, 
our  own  would  be  full  and  conclusive  to  latitude 
530. 

The  President,  having  made  an  ofTcr  to  setUe 
our  boundary  on  the  parallel  of  49°, "  in  deference 
olonc  to  what  had  been  done  by  his  predecessors," 
it  has  been  gravely  claimed  in  argument  here  that 
he  is  bound  by  that  oiler,  although  withdrawn; 
the  ofler  having  been  tliiice  made  by  his  prede- 
cessors, in  1818,  1824,  and  IHaCi.  I  cannot  agr^e 
to  this  doctrine.  All  oilers  of  compromise  arc 
cITorts  to  buy  one's  peace,  and  therefore,  under  the 
wise  provisions  of  our  law,  are  not  sull'crcd  lo  be 
adduced  as  evidence.  I  fail  to  see  any  dill'eicnce 
between  nations  and  individuals  in  this  respect. 
The  reason  is  surely  the  same.  What  nation 
would  ever  make  a  laoposal  or  ofl'er  of  a  conces- 
sion for  the  sake  of  peace,  if,  againct  her  will  and 
consent,  it  wasalways  binding  upon  her,  accepted 
or  not?  The  gentleman  from  Georgia  (^Mr.  liEn- 
RIEN']  says  this  principle  cannot  apply  lo  nations, 
because  they  have  no  common  arbiter.  1  deem 
this  is  no  reason  whatever.  The  rule,  as  applica- 
ble to  individuals,  is  not  based  upon  such  a  con- 
sideration, but  upon  sound  policy,  10  encourage 
attempts  at  compromise,  anti  lo  avoid  litigation; 
and  llie  same  reason  exists  in  respect  lo  nations, 
and  with  greater  force;  but  nations  do  now  have 
common  arbiters.  'I'lie  opinions  and  juilgment  of 
the  civilized  world  arc  now  those  arbiters  between 
iiation.s,  nnd  to  which  all  civilized  Governments 
find  it  necessary  to  submit.  1  hold,  then,  that  no 
obligation  tested  on  our  Government  to  fix  the 
boundary  on  49°.  If  the  President  was  bound 
in  honor,  as  some  allege,  lo  have  made  the  ofl'er 
because  similar  olVeis  had  been  made  by  his  preile- 
ccssors,  llicn  the  oiler  made  by  Mr.  Polk  was  dis- 
honorable, because  it  did  nol  include  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  Columbia  river,  as  his  predecessors  hnd 
done;  for  surely,  if  he  was  bounci  in  honor  at  all, 
he  was  bound  for  the  whole.  Besides,  one  of  the 
olfers  of  the  navigation  of  ihe  Columbia,  made  by 
his  predecessor,  was  trammelled  with  the  condi- 
tion that  the  river  should  prove  to  be  navigable 
where  the  parallel  of  49°  struck  it;  in  such  contin- 
gency to  grant  the  free  navigation  to  England,  and 
nol  otherwise.  Which  otter,  then,  bound  the  Pres- 
ident f  The  offer  of  49°,  in  1818,  if  without  the 
navigation  of  the  Columbia,  was  less  objectionable, 
because  we  then  liau  not  acquired  the  Spanish  title; 
since  that,  it  has  never  been  called  for  by  luiy  just 
regards  to  our  rights  or  the  British  claims.  The 
most  she  ever  could  have  justly  asked  would  have 
been  a  division  of  the  residue  of  that  immense  re- 
gion north  of  the  head  waters  of  the  Columbia, 
west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  up  lo  the  Rus- 
sian line,  and  east  of  the  Russian  possession  to  the 
Frozen  Ocean.  And  although  I  deny  that  she  has 
shown  a  shadow  of  title  to  one  part  of  the  territory 
to  which  our  Spanish  title  extended,  a  fair  division 
of  our  claims  above  53°,  us  derived  from  S^iain,  and 
her  own,  whatever  they  were  north  of  (11°,  thrown 
into  hotchpot  by  our  convention  of  1818  and  1827, 
would  i,ive  us  all  up  at  least  to  54°  40',  if  not  far 
beyond. 

1  then,  Mr.  President,  advocate  the  propriety  of 
giving  the  notice  recommended  by  the  President, 


provided  for  in  the  convention.  It  can,  of  itself, 
afford  no  just  cause  of  war;  on  the  conlrarv,  sir,  it 
is  a  peace  measure,  iiilenilcd  to  preserve  the  peace 
of  llio  country,  nnd,  in  my  judgment,  the  only 
measure  that  can  do  so.  The  tide  of  emigration 
is  selling  strongly  into  that  territory  now,  and  will 
doubtless  yearly  increase  its  volume.  Tlie  hardy 
sons  of  the  West,  with  their  wives  and  children, 
and  flocks  and  herds,  idready  swarm  on  the  road 
to  Oregon,  and  arc  preparing  to  occupy  oiid  settle 
it;  and  settling,  too,  piomisciionsly  with  the  Eng- 
lish subject.s  already  there.  The  partners,  agciila, 
and  servants  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Company  have 
dotted  the  whole  country  with  their  stockaile  forts 
and  trading  posts.  They  have  military  posses- 
sion, nnd  have  the  British  laws  already  extended 
over  the  country,  not  confined  to  British  subjects 
only  in  terms,  Gut  apparently  intended  to  include 
all  within  the  coiintry.  (iS'otwithstniidiii';  the 
British  Minister  says  those  laws  are  inteiuleironly 
for  their  own  subjects.)  Bui, Mr.  President,  wli.it 
assurance  do  we  have  that  she  will  not  claim  all 
thttt  have  been  born  within  her  dominion.s  as  her 
citizens,  under  her  long  asserted  principle  that  no 
one  of  her  subjects  can  throw  olf  his  allegiance, 
ciui  expatriate  himself.  Must  our  ciiizens  carry 
evidence  to  show  that  they  were  native  born .'  No, 
sir,  never;  and  nciiher  will  they  submit  to  the  laws 
of  a  foreign  Power.  Whether  we  do  or  do  nol 
give  this  notice,  we  are  bound  to  fiirnish  adequate 

I  protection  to  our  citizens.  We  have  encouraged 
them  to  go  there,  and  the  honor  nnd  good  faith  of 
ihc  country  are  pledged  to  protect  them;  wc  owe 
them  the  protection  of  the  American  e:iglc,  and 
will  cxtenil  its  xsis  over  them.  Then,  sir,  can  it 
be  imagined  that  "the  subjects  of  Englantl,  and  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  can  live  promiscu- 
ously together,  subject  to  dift'erenl  laws,  amenable 
to  different  magistrates,  and  owing  allegiance  to 
their  respective  Governments,  without  any  common 
arbiter,  with  no  mode  of  deciding  coniroveisies 
that  may  arise  between  the  citizens  of  one  niitl  the 
subjects  of  the  other?  Such  a  double-headed  Ciov- 
ernment  is  wholly  impracticable;  and  it  Is  prepos- 

,  terously  absurd  to  expect  that  they  could  thus  live 
without  disturbance  nnd  violence,  and  cvcniunlly 
bloodshed.     If  we  fail,  then,  to  give  the  notice,  I 

J  deem   a  quarrel  inevilablc.     No  one  who  has  a 

■'  spark  of  American  feeling  in  his  bosom,  would  de- 
sire that  our  citizens  should  lie  thus  placed,  and 
liable  to  be  involved  in  such  ditlicultics,  if  not  dan- 
gers. But,  sir,  look  a  little  I'urther.  Can  it  bo 
imagined  that  our  people,  already  organized  into  a 
government  of  their  own,  wilf  long  permit  the 
Hudson  BayConipany  to  exercise  nutlinrity  among 
them?  Most  assuredly  they  will  not.  I  then 
claim,  we  must  give  this  nolice,  and  have  exclusive 
jurisdiction,  "  peaceably  if  we  can,  forcibly  if  we 
must;"  and  nt  the  expiration  of  twelve  inonihs. 
Great  Britain  will  possess  no  other  claim  than  that 
of  arrogant  pretension,  already  too  long  tacitly 
nccmiesced  in  by  the  American  peo|  le. 

Allow  me,  sir,  to  re'er  lo  the  third  article  of  the 
convention  of  20lh  October,  1818,  and  the  conven- 
tion of  1827,  which  I  beg  the  indulgence  of  the 
Senate  lo  rctid: 

"  .'\bt.  a.  It  is  agreed  that  any  country  that  may  be  claim- 
ed by  either  party  on  tlio  iiorthwcf  t  coast  of  ..Viiicrlca,  west- 
ward of  the  Stony  Mountains,  (now  called  Ilocky  .'\Iouiit- 
II  niiis.)  sliiill,  together  with  its  harliors,  ha\s,  ami  crocks,  and 
the  navigation  of  nil  rivers  within  the  same,  be  freo  and  open, 
for  the  term  often  years  I'roiii  the  datcof  tlie  bignntlirc  of  the 
picicnt  convention,  to  the  vessels,  citizens,  and  .-iibj,  cts  of 
Ihe  two  Powers  ;  it  h.'ing  well  under.- rood  tliat  this  ayreenient 
is  ii.'t  to  be  construed  tn  the  (injudicc  of  any  claim  h  hicli 
eitlier  of  the  two  high  conlnicling  p.-irlies  may  have  to  any 
part  of  said  country,  nor  shall  It  be  takcu  tn  ntlectthcetniniit 
of  anv  other  Power  nr  State  to  any  pnrt  of  the  said  country; 
the  <ilily  oliject  of  the  high  contracling  parties,  in  that  ri-- 
spi'ct,  being  to  prevent  dis|iutes  and  diU'crences  nniniig  tliein- 
selves.'' 

Convention  bctuecnthc  VniieJ  Statesand  Great  Britain, si<nied 
at  Lmdon,J1u^uitS),  IW7. 
".\;iT.  I.  All  Ihe  provisions  of  the  third  article  of  the  con- 
veiilion  concluded  hi-tweeii  the  United  Slates  of  .■iniericn 
and  his  Majesty  the  King  of  the  United  Kingilnni  of  firent 
Hrilaiii  and  Ireland,  nn  the  '-!Oth  of  (l.tiher.  l"!!*,  shall  be, 
and  they  are  hereby,  further  tiulelinitrly  e.\tended  anil  con- 
tinued in  force,  in  the  same  manner  ns'if  all  the  provisions 
of  the  said  article  were  herein  spieilicall)'  recited. 

"  An'r.  a.  It  shall  be  competent,  however,  to  either  of  the 
contraetilig  parties,  in  ease  eilher  should  think  fit,  nt  nny 
time  nth-r  the  2flth  October,  \^-iS,  on  giving  due  notice  (if 
twelve  months  to  the  other  eontrneting  [mrty,  to  annul  and 
nbrngate  this  eoiiveiition;  and  it  shall,  in  siieli  ease,  he  ae- 
cordimily  entirely  annulled  and  abrogated,  after  the  e.vpirn- 

,  linn  of  the  said  term  of  notice. 

"  AttT.  U.  Nothing  eontaineil  in  this  eoiiveiilioii,  or  in  the 


:** 


444 


'iShii  CoNO 1st  Se88. 


AFI'KNDIX  TO  THK  CONCRCSSIONAI.  GI.()IJK. 

Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Cocke. 


[Miinh  17, 


Ho.  OP  Kci'B. 


4 

4 


:ii; 


tlunl  iirlirli'  i>r  IIk'  (■•mvi'iillim  iil' lliii  '.■illli  Oi'inliir.  IflH, 
tirrrl'V  I'lMiMiiiifil  in  f'ir<  I',  kIiiiII  tir  i'iin''rni<>il  to  iiii[i,'iir,  iir 
iiiitii)  Hiaiinrriit}'<'rl,tli<'rlriiiii><n-liirhrlllirrol'Uii-''Miitriti-l 
ilta  )itii  III'*  niJiy  li;ivr  n>  iiny  |i.irf  of  (lie  rnimtry  wi'Htwant  nl 
tin*  rilniij' nr  K<M-kt  MHinitiuii"." 

Ill  my  Ii'i-'mI  miislruction  of  tliiN  himjiiMirr,  I  cnn- 
IliK  »('!'  wlu'ic  we  (TC'I  llip  nlllll'>i|ty  In  si'ltic  iIii.m 
liii'il'iry  It  mII,  iiikI  I«'i>|i  uhikI  I'liilli  Willi  l''.ii:;liinil,  if 
wi'  rciiisiili'r  llii'roinpiilii<ii  in  finr.  In  ISjHOri'- 
yon  U'lis  H  \vitil<Tii<'SM,  anil  nil  we  llicn  wimlrtl  wn« 
III  Imvi*  iho  riiiifi/fj/,  MH  well  as  llie  Imrtioi-N,  IiiiyH, 
mill  rivckH,  "firr  uml  mien"  in  llir  sulijii'ls  iif  nnr, 
niul  liii-  iMti/niH  lit'  ihcnihcr;  and  iin  nni-  IkuI  a  riuttt 
III  *'ii[i|ir(i)ivi;ilc"  aiiv  imrlinii  of  llic  i-nuiilry  rxclit- 
hivrly  In  liis  own  ii.^i';  lull  if  llir  <'ihiiiIi\'  rciiniin.s 
(Vi'e  ami  n|nin  In  llii>  cili/i'iH  of  liolli  iiaii'inis,  liow 
ran  we  liuvc  a  riu'lil  m  unid  our  |>im|iI(',  willi  llicii- 
Wivi-N  and  rliildi-t<n,  to  ori'Uiiy  niid  ncitlr  11?  I  do 
iiol  ihiiiU  ilial  «•(■  have  siiili  a  ntrlil,  iiiiliss  wr  di.<- 
ri'uMrd  llio  convrnlinn  on  llir  iiround  ilial  il  liaA 
liri'ii  alivady  violalid  liy  (ivnl  Itrilain;  ihcn  wr 
may  LTo  on  and  srillr  il,  and  liiiilil  forl.'i,  and  rxiriid 
Mill  laws  ovrr  ii,  for  llir  ronMiiiion  is  aliroi^alril, 
in  fill,  al  llii.i  VI  TV  lii'iir.  Mill  if  wr  hold  ilial  il  is 
slill  in  f  irrr,  liow  llir  "inaslrrly-inarlivily "si'lirnir 
III*  ilir  i^rntlrnian  iVom  Sonlh  I'aroliiia  |Mr.  Cai.- 
ihiI'n]  i;ui  In*  rana'd  oiii  ia  i^nnd  fn'ilht  I  raiinot 
iina;.'iiir.  If  llir  roiiiiiry  is,  liy  llir  IrrniHand  siiiril 
of  llir  ronvrnlioii,  in  •>€  krpl  "I'rrr  and  o|uii,  we 
Il  ivr  no  ri::lil  lo  Ima'.r  llirir,  and  rloKr  il  ii|i  willi 
Nriilrinriils;  anil  I  aslv  wlirilirr,  in  iwo  yravs  from 
lliis  liiiir,  thr  Willaiiirllr  valliy  will  l>r  "frro  and 
oprn"  to  lli(!  rilizrns  of  onr,  and  I'lr  snlijrrla  of  tlir 
iillirr-  No,  sir,  II  will  all  lir  orriijiird  and  Rolilril 
liy  ill'-  oiilrrpiisiii'j  rili/.i  n-  of  llio  Wisl,  lo  ihc  rx- 
rlnsion  of  IJrilisli  sultjrris.  \  do  iioi  nialir  lliis  snt^- 
;;rstioii  wiili  a  \irw  to  iir('\riil  rniiiiraiion.  1  insist 
llial  onr  |H'i)|ilr  liavr  a  full  ri:;lil  lo  ijo  and  srlllr 
llirrr,  lirnnisr,  in  fart,  thr  ronvrinion  has  lirrn  hI- 
riailv  iinlliliid  iiy  ICii^laiid  hrrsrlf;  if  not,  Irt  us 
L'lvr  ihr  iioiirr  al  oiirr,  lirfoir  thry  do  srlllr.  We 
owr  It  to  thrill,  and  wr  owr  it  to  llir  wm'Id.anil  lo 
our  ow'ii  1^1  lod  faith,  oprnly  lo  drrlarr  ihr  aliroua- 
lion  of  thr  ooiivrnlion,  in  order  lliat  wc-  may  srlllr 
thr  roimlry  rii;lilfnlly. 

l!ui,  .Mr.  I'rr.sidrni,  I  will  not  onlarsc  I  w  isli 
fiirihr  uoUiT  to  lir  ^'ivrn;  lull  I  rannot  voir  lor  thr 
ri  .solution  iir.riidiiiiil  liy  ihr  L'rnllcinaii  from  Km- 
'iicky,  [Mr.  Crittkmikk,!  for  two  rrasons — fnx, 
lirraiise  il  drvolvrs  on  ilu:  PrrsiilrnI  thr  disrrrtioii 
of  i;ivinir  tlir  iiolirc.  I  am  fjiiitr  williir.:  lo  lakr  luy 
hliarr  (11*  thr  rrsiionsiliility,  .mil  no!  cast  it  on  llir 
I'll  ^ulrnt.  Com:rc.'<s  alone  .-hoiild  ilrtrnjiiin  sinli 
ail  iin|iortiint  niallrr,  alilnuiL'h  I  laur  riiiiir  niiifi- 
drmr  in  our  (,'liirf  MaL'i.^tratr,  and  liavr  no  donhl, 
if  this  rrsolnlton  should  pass,  lir  would  rxrrl■i.'^^ 
*'lii3  disi-rrtinn"  liy  ci^niir  inimrdiair  iiotirr.  And 
tlir  Hrroiul  rrason,  lirrausr  liiis  rrsolnlion  rmitrni- 
|il,i!rs  thai  thr  I'rrsidpiH  shall  not  i;ivr  the  iioiire  till 
ijftfr  thr  rxpiniiion  of  llic  fursriit  session  of  Con- 

!:irss.     1  liavr  hiard  i lie  siiu'i;i  st  the  dilliriiliy 

w  iiirli  pirsiuits  iisi'lf  to  niv  mind. 

If  till  IVrsidriii  «:ivrs  the-  iiotirr,  us  jiroposcd 
liv  this  aniritdmriii,  I  ran  sre  no  rrason  why  thr 
Diilisli  Miiiisler  may  mil,  on  llie  viry  iirxl  day, 
say  to  the  Prr.sideiit:  "  Wc  do  not  want  lir-  IwrUr 
iiitiiiihs'  iioiiir  Ill-fore  thr  rxiiiralioii  nf  liie  r.on- 
vriilioii;  the  allowani.e  of  Ihat  interval  i.s  inieiid- 
rd  for  tiiC  ailvaiit«:,'r,  and  as  a  |irivilr^'e  lo  us  as 
llir  parly  to  w  lioui  llir  notire  is  :;ivrn,  and  wo 
ran  waive  the  pnvilr^r  if  wr  rlioosr;  we  do 
waive  il,  and  insist  that  the  iiiattrr  bliall  stand 
1101"  as  it  would  stand  at  llie  riid  of  twelve 
iiionllis."  Suppose  thr  I'riiisli  Minister  should 
insist  on  this:  I  want  In  know  how  you  ronid 
avoid  it- — how  you  could  claim  that  the  ronvi  nrion 
should  not  lip  al)roi.Mied  at  once,  and  not  lie  ilrfrr- 
rrd  for  twelve  months.'  I  ronfrss  I  do  not  sre 
how  it  would  I"  iioss.KIr  to  ^^iiaid  a'.'ainst  snrli  a 
riiiilini;eni'y:  anil  ihrrefue  1  wish  iiotirr  to  hr 
^ivrn  whilr  ('onuTi'Ss  ism  srssion.  If  war  should 
rome,  I  sliould  not  like  lo  be  '*  f'opeiilia'^'eni  d"' 
at  any  rati,-;  lint  if  surli  atlemiit  is  lo  he  made,  I 
should  rhoo.ii-  that  Con:^ress  .sliotild  he  in  session 
at  the  lime, 

.'\i;d,  sir,  I  r;mnol  vole  for  the  ameiulnienl  pro- 
piisrd  liy  the  Si  aialor  from  Gi-miria,  not  only  for 
llie  re-asoiiH  1  have  urj;ed  a;;ainst  the  resolutions  of 
the  ;:entlemaii  from  KenUnky,  |.Mr.  Cun  tk.vdk.v,] 
hut  also  on  account  of  the  serond  resoluiion,  which 
1  1-1-;;  the  indul:;eiice  of  the  Senate  to  read: 

*-Sk(.-j,  .-7iii/ /„'  it  fntlltirr  niiufriU  Tlial  it  1.1  enrni'ntly 
ili-sirril  that  tlic  I  aig  i-taiallli;;  t-uillniviTfl>-  reKpreliiiL'  Inail.^ 


Ill  llic  OrcKiiii  trrhlnry  lie  Htu'eillly  m-llli'il  liy  iii'uiilirtlaia 
mill  riillljiriilllHr,  III  iirili-r  In  lriilli|illlll/.r  llir  '|.llli1ji-  iiiiiill, 
Hill!  Ill  |irr.«i-rvr  thr  rriemliy  irliilliin-  iif  the  I  w  n  i-iaiiilrii':i. " 

Now,  sir,  rvrry  Senator  knows  thai  the  reroiri- 
niendation  of  notice  liy  llie  I'n  ■  idriil  wa.*  not  made 
as  a  war  measiirr,  liiil  lo  priM  i-\r  the  pciice  of  the 
country;  and  llm  Senator,  I  lulicvr,  hoiieslly  sup- 
posed that  his  aniiiidnirnt  uniilil  he  a  means  iif 
rarryiii;,' out  the  wisliis  of  the  rrcsideiit.  Vet, 
ai'corilin^'  lo  my  ronccpiion,  il  will  cerlainly  defeat 
llie  olijri-l  llie  ifciillcman  had  in  view.  If  il  issi-nt, 
in  ilH  presciii  form,  to  ihr  I  loiisi- of  lleprcsi  nln- 
livrs,  it  will  most  rertainly  hr  rrjeclrd  there;  ami 
then  there  will  he  no  notice  i,'iven,'aiid  ilie  ullini.ite 
ciiiiscrpirnces  of  ihat  vvill  i  iiil.inirrr  Ihr  iiriicr  of 
thr  two  rounlrirs.  Kor  this  noli-r  is  llie  only 
miasurr,  in  my  judfjuu  iii,  tliatr.m  preserve  |ic,icr. 
I  no  for  il  as  a  pciirr  nuMsinr,  tliiiiii;h  1  am  ruuly 
to  usr  it  as  a  war  measure,  too,  if  that  shall  he 
medrd.  If  iliat  anirndmi  nl  israrried  in  llnscham- 
lirr,  il  vvill  hr  carra  d  liy  a  ,v;Mii/(  /Vardmi  of  llic 
Di  inocralic  |>arly,  with  the  help  of  all  the  Wliiss; 
and  then  it  i.s  Bine  lo  lie  rriecled  in  the  olher 
House. 

liy  i-efrrriiii;  lo  the  protocol  of  the  si\ili  confcr- 
rlicr,  in  llir  lir;;olialiolls  of  |HU,  il  vvill  lir  srrii  lo 
roniaiii  llie  following,'  declaralion  hy  llie  ISritish 
.Mini -111-: 


••'riint  lie  illil  mil  IrrI  niiiiiiiri-jril  in  i 

rrHIMTlin!!  lilt-  l-rnliirv  i li  in  llii    llill, 

vvliM'li  WM>  mill,  r-hioil  lo  iin-  llrili-li  < 
III"  hrl.  Ill'  II  -uii|t.iti-i|i  lui   II 
;iK  ilii'  tne-  iiniii-  rnliaiiliiii  lii' 

IlllfllOl   " 


liter  iiiiii  (li.rn<iiiiia 
|iai,>illi'l  III  lalilaili', 

livi  lllliirMl  In  liitlll 
ale  i-l  llli>  I'lllt-'il  .-iMl.  >, 
il  Urn  III!  llie  Mile  iilliK-at 


This  Ianj*itai;e  has  never   hern   retracted  hy  the 
Itritish  .Mniisier.      He  says  he  vvill   iiiii    iK-n-'iii-ile 
resperiin;;  the  country  iiiirth   of  .|<lt>;  and  we  say 
wr  will  iiol  iici:oiiaie  lo  Kciile  the  lionmlary  on  the 
iiorili  hank  of  ihr  rolnmhia.      Whilr  thr  tvvo  Liov- 
eriinii  nts  slaiul   thus,  ( 'oic_'i-css  says  thai  it  is  our 
laniest  desire  to  rll'rri  a  srillrmrni 'liy  compromi-'e. 
Hut  what  vvill  compi-oinise  he  held  to  mean?     One 
oll'i-rs  4!f^,  the  other  iiisisis  on   the  Columhia; — -i 
compromise  will  lie  a  division  of  the  rounlry  soii 
vvhiiie  111  tweeii  these  Iwo  lines.     That  will  lie  tin 
fair  cniisiriiriioii   111"  the   leriii.      I   know  that   the 
Senatiu  from  l,ieor:;ia   means   no  surh   tliinu',  yrt 
that  wnulil  lie  the  coiistriiciion  put  upon   il   hy  ilie 
Hrilish  .Miiiislrr;  and  il  wniild  lie  a  li  ^iiimale  con-  ^ 
slrui  lion.      And  will  any  Si-ualor  rousi-nl  lo  pass  , 
it  imilrr  such  rirrinnsiaiurs  •     Will  any  i;rnllrman 
put  such  ail  iiisliiimriil  into  llir  hands'of  the  lirit-  . 
ish  .Minister.'     Dm  s  any  man   here'  wish  to  see  n 
rompromisr  on  a  lioundary  south  of  4iPr     Is  there 
any  man  who  would   not  rather  i;o  lo  war.'     I  mil  , 
.•.lire  there  is  not.     No  ^eiilleman  on  either  side  nf  \ 
llie   chamlii  r  would   ron.sriit   to  surh  a   result,  or  ' 
even  dare  to  advoi-ale  il. 

1   conclude  with   r^xpressin 
Senate  will  pass  this  notice, 
aill  in  war  or  iieace,  we  owe  the   measure  to  our- 


^  niv  hope  that    the 
Wireiher  itshal' 


pa.s.s 
eii- 


siio  III  wai  orpeare,  we  owe    iiie    nil-asnre  lo 

selvis  and  lo  tlie  rnumry;  and  I  hopr  il  will 
mitraniniillrd  hy  any  conilitioii  which  shall  en- 
danger il  in  the  oilier  House.  I  should  prefer  the 
hare,  naked  noiice,as  reported  from  llir  ('omiiiillee 
on  l''iirei','n  Relations;  luil  rallier  than  send  llir  snli- 
jed  hack  lo  the  other  House  ai;ain,  1  will  vote  for 
the  Hoii.se  resolutions,  with  the  expectaiion  mid 
hope  that  we  shall  lliiis  pre.-i-rve  the  peace  of  the 
rounlry;  Ian  if  disappiiiniid  in  this  n  asonahle 
expeeiaiion,  and  war  comes,  vviili  the  inleniion  of 
'jivin;  it  the  fullest  suiiiiorl  in  mv  power,  and  leave 
the  cniisequences  to  llim  vvlio  liolds  the  destinies 
of  individuals  and  nations  in  His  hand. 


UAUBOIIS  A.M)  JUVKUS. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  W.  M.   COCKE, 

OF    TK.NNE.sSKK, 
In  tiik  Hoisk  ni'  UrriiKuKNTATivK'^, 
Much  17,  ISlfi. 
The  Honsi^  lieinj;  in  Conmiitiie  of  the  Whole  on  '\ 
the  .-iiate  of  the  I'liion,  mi  the  Iiill  makini;  appro-  : 
prialions  for  cerliiin  Harbors  and  itivers-—  i 

Mr.  ClKJIvK   aildre.s.sed   llie   eoiiiiniltee   as  fol- 
lows: 

Mr.   ('ii.Miivn.v;   I   liii.sl   that  the  deep  iiilereat 
whii-li  a  liu  u'c  portion,  if  not  the  wliolr,  of  my  con-  , 
stituenis  ferl  in  llie  success  of  the  amendnienl  jiro- 
posrd   hy  my  eolleui^uc  from  ihe  Iviioxville  dis-  ' 


trict,  [Mr.  C'Knzit;ii,|  will  lio  ilccmnd  n  NUlIleient 
npoloijy  fir  my  treNpansiim;  iipiin  the  palieiice  of 
llie  eominiliee  al  so  late  an  luuir  in  this  diMciissioii. 
They  are   more  deeply  interested    in   that  ainrnii- 

inent  than  in  any  mher  i|ursiiiiii  that  has  be or 

ill  all  prohaliility  will  be,  briiii','ht  before  lliis  ( 'on- 
|i;reHa;  and  I  feel  ihal  I  should  not  inert  thr  lii<;li 
rrsponsibiliiv  which  lesis  upon  me,  nor  disrhar;,!' 
llii-  duly  wliieli  1  owe  lo  lliem,  wen:  I  not  in 
.idvance  some  of  the  views  which  prisent  llieiii- 
HeheKtii  iiiy  mind  in  nlatioii  to  the  proposition 
:  embraced  in  that  iimeiidnieiii. 

I  do  not  inieud  to  eiiti-r  into  any  diseussioii  of 

Ihr  consiiiuli il  power  of  ( 'on;,'resa  lo  make  ap- 

iiropriatioiis  for  works  of  internal  iniprovemeni. 
lliil  I  will  iro  so  I'ar  as  lo  express  the  opinion  that 
the  (-Jeiirial  fiovernmeiil  has  the  power  lo  make 
appioprialunis  for  such  works,  to  the  extent  to 
which  they  may  be  of  a  i;eneral  and  national 
character;  nut  that  II  h.is  not  the  power  lo  iiiakn 
audi  appropriations  for  works  upon  rivers,  liar- 

;  bois,  iirmiythin;;  else,  wliiili  arc  jiiiiely  and  ex- 
clusively liicd  in  llii-ir  rhararlrr.  I'o  this  rxleni, 
1  consider  the  prinnple  Ims  been  settled,  cii-.irly 
settled,  hy  its  ailopllnn  and  practical  appliialinii 
iipiiii  ihe  pan  of  every  pn  cediir,'  .Vdniinislration 
of  the  liiivenimeiii.  To  ai!;iie  a^'ainsi  ihis  con. 
sirnctioii,  would  be  to  disturb  and  unsittle  a  well- 
di  lined  line  of  policy,  recoijnisi'd  and  acled  lui  by 
our  wisest  and  ablest  slalesmen.  In  this  position 
I  am  strongly  I'ortilii-d  liy  the  history  of  the  Ciov- 
rrnmrnl.  I  nerd  iku  refer  parliciihirly  lo  the  Ad- 
ministrations which  have  existi-d  from  its  foiinda- 
tioii.  I  need  imt  refer  lo  the  course  of  those  Aii- 
niiiiistralions  wiiicli  exislcd,  lo  use  the  laii','uai,'e  of 
the  i;!  nikniiin  fiiun  Alal'iinia,  [.Mr.  l'Av.s'r.,|  "ill 
the  purer  (lays  of  the  llepublic."  I  come  down 
al  once  III  the  ;\dininisIi'alions  of  ririieral  .lacksoii 
and  ,\Ir.  Van  l!iiriii—.Vdiiiiiiisli:iiioiis  which  have, 
iriveii  life  and  soul  to  thr  preseni  dominant  parly, 
names  from  which  lliey  have  imbibed  their  piiliii- 
d  f  ulli — to  show  the  existence  of  this  power,  and 
'  demonstrate  the  correcliiess  of  the  |iosilion  I 
ive  assumed,  that  this  has  bei-n  the  settled  policy 
nf  every  Admmislration  from  the  fonndation  of  ilin 
liovernnirnt  to  this  day.  Il  is  my  purpose  to  show, 
in  the  renutrks  wliieh  I  intenil  lo  suliniil,  that  the 
approprinlioii  ronlemplaled  hy  this  anieiidment 
clearly  eomes  within  that  class  of  public  works 
which  are  of  a  iiulimial  rharacler,  and  which  are 
enlilled  lo  the  I'.ivoralile  consideralion  of  the  Oeii- 
er;il  liovernment. 

II  is  my  desire  to  coiifme  my  remarks  almost 
exclusively  Ui  the  amendnient  of  my  colleague, 
and  conlrasi  it  with  some  of  the  improvemeiits 
coiitemphiled  by  ihis  bill.  There  are,  il  is  tnie, 
some  provisions  in  ihe  lull  which  do  not  iiirri  my 
concuirence — some  to  which  I  ain  dccidi-illy  oii- 
jiosi-d;  anil  I  hoiie  the  comimltir  will  pert'ecl  it, 
and  divest  it  of  all  its  objeclioiiahle  features.  ISiiL 
I  fi  el  Juslilied  in  assrrlin:^  thr  fai-t  here,  that  ihis 
coniemplaled  iniprovemeul  of  the  Teimessi-e  river 
is  a  matter  of  deeper  mid  more  ;;eneral  interest  in 
the  nation  than  that  of  any  other  provision  in  ihr, 
hill,  wiili  till  .-iicde  exeeplion  of  the  Mi'^sissippi 
river.  Anil  why  is  il  so?  Why  does  this  iin- 
provemeiii  ^.^.vunu-  lhal  national  (-haracler  which 
clearly  hriiii;s  il  within  the  si-npe  and  jiirisiiii-lioii 
of  the  powers  of  the  Uener.il  Uovermnenl .-  It  is 
because  llie  enlire  wesiern  eouiHry,  with  scarci  ly 
the  exce[ilion  of  a  siii>.;le  Stale,  has  a  deep  iiiu-rest 
ill  ihat  rivi-r,  as  it  cimsliluli-s  the  only  eoiinei  linir 
link  between  the  Western  Stales  anil  the  Allan- 
lie  .<ealioard  on  the  souili.  Itrmnve  tin  se  ob- 
slruclions,  as  eontemplated  iii  the  .■imendmi-ni,  and 
the  St.iK-s  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Missouri, 
Kentucky,  Arkansas,  Tennessee,  and  a  porlioii  of 
.-Vlabama,  will  have  a  direct  and  speedy  commnni- 
caiioii  with  ihe  Aihiuiic  c:oast.  I  ask  t'e'iulemeu 
to  exainiiib  the  map,  and  poinl  nie  to  a  siii!,'le  river 
in  llie  whole  Union,  with  the  exception  lo  vvhicli 
I  have  before  referred,  in  which  so  lart'e  a  number 
of  the  Slates  are  so  deeply  interested.  Aiuoiu,'st 
the  miitbiy  slieams  of  llie  West,  this  is  one  of  ihe 
tiiiest  and  noblest,  than  vvliieh  none  have  slronu'er 
cluiniM  upon  the  attention  of  the  General  Uovern- 
menl. 

The  Le!;islaliires  nf  Alabama  and  Temii  ssec, 
bill  parliciilarly  of  Ihe  lalier  Stale,  have  had  a 
wiUchful  eye  lo  ihis  improvemeiil.  They  have 
expended  lai'fje  sums  of  money  in  atlrmptinn  lo 
irinove  these  ohstruclions;  they  Imve  Uiied  every 


iMiirfli  17, 

.  OF  UeI'S. 

mud  n  NMlIirient 
till'  luilii'licn  iif 
I  iIiIh  (llHrlihHion, 
III  lliiit  iilia'llll- 
lldt  ImH  liriMI,  III' 
111  liil'r  tills  Cilll- 
l  iiii'i't  till'  IiIl;Ii 
r,  iinr  ili.si'hai';,!^ 
I  were  I  111)1  ti> 
li  [u'lNi'iit   tiieiu- 

tllC    |ll'll|lll.sllll>l| 

ly  disiciw<ii>ii  of 

]-r:tH  til  inaku  iip- 

lll  llll|l|'IIVt'lllt'llt. 
till'  ll|illlillll  tliut 

jKiwi'i'  III  nmke 
til  till!  cxtnil  til 
'ill    mill   iiiilliiiiiil 

'  poWIT  to    lllilkl*. 

|ii>ii  I'Ui'i's,  liar- 
I  iiiiirly  iiriil  vx- 
Tii  tills  I'Mclll, 
I  M'llliil,  I'll'. Illy 
'linil  :l|>li|l<'ali(ill 
'i  Ailiiiliii'Xiiatloii 
liXniiist  tills  I'l'ii- 
1  iiiisrtllc  n  wi'll- 
aiiil  lu'ti'it  nil  liy 

III  tills  lllisitillll 

liirv  tit'  till'  Ciiiv- 
ilaily  III  till'  Ad- 
IViiiii  ita  liiiiiiilii- 
rsi'  iif  lliiiHi'  Ail- 
■  tilt;  latii;im;;r  nt' 
li'.  I'avni:,)  "  111 
"  I  rimii-'  litiwil 
(ii'iii  r«l  .lai'ksHii 
linns  wliii'li  ImvR 
(liiiiiliiaiit  |iiii'ty, 
ilii'il  tlii'lr  |iiillii- 
:'  this  piuM'i',  anil 

it'  tllc    {iiiHltlnll  I 

llu'  srtlk'il  piillry 

fiiiiiiilalliiii  III' till! 

uii'imsL'  til  hIiow, 

siiliiiill,  that  till'. 

Ins   aiiiriiilnii'iit 

t'  |llllplll'    Minks 

and  wliK'li  aro 
tloii  of  tlic  Gcii- 

nmrk.s  alninst 
my  rnliramir, 
iiii|>i'nvi'iiniits 
111'!.',  it  is  tnii', 
(In  lint  nif'i't  my 
lirt'.ldcilly  nii- 

Wlll    pi'I'll'I't    It, 

u  t't'attii'rs.  iluL 
t  Inn;,  that  tliix 
'I'l'iiiirsst'i'  I'in'i- 
iicral  iiitci'ust  tii 
[irn\  isinii  ill  tlin 
till'  Mississiji|ii 
y  ilnt'.s  tills  1111- 

liarai'iir  wlilrli 
and  jiii'i.silli'linii 
ri'iimcnt .'  It  in 
y,  ttitli  si'.ii'i'.i  ly 
s  II  diC'p  liiti'i'cst 
niily  rniiiit'i  tliii^ 

and  tin:  Allaii- 
mnvi'  tlitst'  tib- 
imi'iidniriii,  ntiit 

Minis,    Missnllli, 

and  a  pnrtinn  nl* 
ii'i.dy  cnniiiiuni- 
ask  (.'Ciitltnii'ii 
to  a  siiii;li'  rivi'i' 
cptiiiii  tn  wiiii'li 

I  lartif  a  iniinlii'i' 

stl'll.  Alllnll;,'st 
Ills  is  linn  nl'tlio 
It;  havi!  Htrnni^i'i' 
iciii'ral  Govt'i'ii- 

iiiid  Tcniiissce, 
ic,  liavi'  had  a 
It.     'I'liuy  have 

II  atti'Diptini;  to 
luvu  iiiiud  every 


lHI(i. 


AIM'KNDIX  TO  'I'lIK  COIXCJItKSSIONAI-  GhOHK. 


445 


tiOrn  CoNo 1st  Sf.ss. 


Ilnrlmrx  and  llinr.i — Mr.  Vorkr, 


Ho.  or  Rkps. 


cxiTlinn,  nnd  tin  y  liiui'  Htri'lilii'd  rvrry  nmr  tn 
rnniplclr  tills  link  nf  iiitpri'niiiiiiiiini'atlnii,  lint  lliry 
hiivi'  fnili'd.  TliiH  iiiipi'iivcmi'nl  Iiiih  asHiiniPil, 
within  till'  Inst  ("rw  yrnm,  n  iiinrr  inilinind  I'liarnc- 
lir  thill  it  has  ever  licl'nri'  pnssrssi'il.  And  why 
sn,'  Ih'rnnsr,  sir,  tlici'i'  is  linw  a  I'lliil'niid  I'i'nill 
Cliarli'stnii,  in  Sniitli  f'lii'niina,  tn  wllliin,  If  I  mlN-  ' 
tiikr  lint,  thii'ly-fivr  ihIIcn  nl'  ('liatlaiinnjii,  mi  tlii' 
'riiini'ssci'  rivi'i',  llii'  pniiil  nf  its  ii'rniliniN.  A  t'ri'nt 
pnrlinii  nl'llilH  iinrniiHiii'd  iiiirlnl' iliii  riiuil  liiislii'"ii 
I'l'iiilid  Mild  will  III' rnmpli'li'd  wilhina  yi'iii' nr  tivn. 
In  IS'.H,  till'  (icnii'iil  (invi'i'inniiil  iiiadi'  ii  Ini'L'f 
ii|ipi'n|n'inlinn  I'nr  llio  piirpnsi'  nl'  iMiltin:;  n  I'liiml 
ni'iiiind  till'  MiiMi'li'  Sliniils.  This  iipprnprlatlnn 
was  snppni'li'd  liy  Mr.  I'dk  nnd  iilhi'i'  prnmlni'iit 
Pt'iiini'i'iits;  It  wiiH  th*'n  a  tnnil  lmpi'nvi'ini>tit'.  lint 
II  Hiiiall  pnvti.ni  nf  till'  I'niinti'y  was  intiTcsti'iI  in 
the  wnrk:  lint  Ihis  ainrndinMit  Innlcs  nlinvc  Im'nl 
inlori'sts;  it  is  di'si-'-ncd  tit  npcii  a  .rrrat  natinnal 
hi'jhw.iv  fi'nm  tin  Wi'sl  tn  the  Allalilir  I'oast. 
Sii',  If  ilif  (iriii-ral  ( invpninii'Mt  in  IM'JK  I'liiiHidci'i'il 
It  In  he  its  duly  tn  ri'innvc  llirso  nlisii'iii'iiinis,  fur 
a  niiii'li  .strnii'^iT  rciisnii  slimild  It  d.i  sn  nnw,  whi'M 
Its  I'niiiini'ri'iiil  I'ai'llilii's  nri'  tcnlnlil  yrcalcr  than 
llii'v  wi'i'i'  tlii'ii. 

'I'hls  iniprnvomcnt  is  nf  iimip  ijcnn'nl  rnnrorn 
nnd  impnilani'r  tn  thn  Wfsli'iii,  nnd  a  pni'timi  nf  thi. 
sniii)',{.rii  cnnntrv.  than  r\rii  ihr  linprnvrnti'til  nf 
till' I'liin,  111'  any  nthcr  rivri'  prnvidrd  fur  in  ihr 
liill.  wilh  the  sin^lr  rxrcplinn  I  liavi'  Hi'si^'iialfil. 
AVhy'  Hi'i'iiiisi'  till'  Tt'imi'ssi'p  rlvrr  fiirnlshrs 
innri' w.'iti'i' fur  naviiralinii  lliaii  llip  Oliln.  In  ihi' 
siinimi'i'  Hiiisnn,  at  tin'  Inwi'sl  stnii'  nf  the  wiiliT,  it 
Is  n;ivi<rnhli'  I'nr  sifiiinlinals  In  ihi'  Mii.'Ji'lr  Shnals, 
a  ilisiaiirr  nf  iii'Mily  tlit'iT  hnndi'rd  mill's  frnni  lis 
mnntli;  while  llio  Oliin,  wliirli  at  that  si  iisnn  nf 
ihi'  yi'ar,  sraltcri'd  ns  It  Is  nviT  a  liriiad  sni'lhci',  is 
iiniti'  nIihIIiiw  nnd  dlllii'iilt  nf  niiviiriUinti.  'riirrc 
ai'i'  nihrr  I'l'spoi'ts  also  in  whii'li  llii'  navi^^nitinii  of 
III!'  'rnini'ssi'i'  rivir  Is  li'ss  dillii'iik  than  lliat  nf  iho 
(lliln.  It  nnvrr  frrrzoH  in  ihr  v/inlor.  Cnniinri'i'n 
is  npvfr  rliri'kiil  lliiTO  liy  till"  I'idd  wralhcr.  And, 
in  a  inililiiry  jminl  of  view.  Its  intpnrlnni'o  In  the 
(ii'm-ral  (i'lvi'i'iimonl  I'nn  Hi'iiri'rly  iio  nvcr  fstinia- 
tod.  Wliyr  .Siippnsp  at  iiiiv  pi'i'ind  nf  the  yn\r 
yiiii  wish  in  Iranspni't  trniips  frnm  the  Wi'st  tn  the 
Allniilli',  say  in  Charlrsinn,  nr  n.ny  nlhiT  pnini: 
liy  npi'iiintr  ii)i  ihfi  Tcnncssi-i-  rivfr  and  rrmnvlnL' 
tlifsi'  nlistrni'linns,  ynii  will  liavi'  llic  means  nf 
rraily  rnniiniinli'atinii.  Voii  can  transport  tlicm 
frnm  almnst  any  pniiit  in  tlii'  Wrst  liy  wntor  tn 
(;iiiitanon;;a,  and  llii'iii'i"  liy  niili'nad  In  any  portinn 
nf  till'  ;\l!aiiiii'  I'nast.  liy  Ihis  rniito  tramps  ran  ho 
rnnvi'vcd  tn  ynntli  Carnlina,  or  any  pniiil  on  tin,' 
Atlaniii' cna.st,  wllhoiit  liiiiij  siiliji'd  tn  thp  sii'k- 
nrss  and  ilisrase  nf  an  iinhi'allhy  S'liilhrrn  olimali'. 
Nni'  will  yniir  wi'sirrn  rnnimi'rrn  distini'd  fnr  the 
Attaiitii'.  havp  In  iiiiilt'nrn  ihr  ha'/^ards  and  niiriT- 
taintii'.s  nf  nnr  Knnlli<.'rii  tiiilf  ii,ivi!;iitinn.  lint 
lii'i'c  yon  liavti  n  stri'am  I'liiinlii','  llirnii!,'h  nnn  nf 
till'  ninst  frrllli',  hi'iillliy,  nnd  hfanllfiil  ri'-j-inns  nf 
rnnnlry  nil  ilii.  cniiiiiii'iii,  wlilrli  is  npni  In  iiavl- 
(ratlnii  alike  In  the  winter  and  siiinnnr,  where 
enmmerie  meets  with  no  liiipediineiil,  exiepl  that 
wliii'h  ll  is  lliu  olijeet  of  this  aiiundmeiit  tn  re- 
ninve. 

Ihit,  Mr.  C'hulrman,  my  enlleatrne  from  the 
Memphis  ilisiriil  |Mr.  STANriiN]  Is  np]ios('d  lo 
this  Iniprnvemenl.  Why  sn,  I  eannnt  fnr  the  life 
nf  ine  tell.  I  rniinol  iiniferslanil  why  any  niemlier 
of  this  House,  who  enterlains  the  opinions  whieli 
he  has  eypresseil  in  relalinn  lo  the  ennstitntinnal 
jiower  nf  (!'iiin;i'i'ssover  the  siilijei'i,  should  opjinsc 
an  ap|iroprialloii  t'or  the  Imprnvenienl  of  the  Ten- 
nessee river.     Why,  I  ask,  is  this? 

Mr.  Si'ANTiiv  (the  llonr  haviiii;  I.eeii  vieldrd  for 
the  purpose)  was  iiiiderslond  tn  say,  iliat  if  the 
ijenlleniaii  wniild  read  his  speeeli,  he  wniild  see 
the  CToniid  nn  wlileh  he  (Mr.  S.)  had  placed  his 
opposilinii,  as  the  frenlleniiin  ealled  It,  to  liiis 
ainendnieni;  he  did  not  think  that  the  gentlcmiui 
had  nnderslnnd  what  he  said. 

After  a  remark  frnm  Mr.  G.  S.  Ilni'smv,  not 
heard  liy  the  Reporter,  bnl  wliii'h  was  iindirstond 
to  lie  nn  explaiialioii  of  the  !;i'niind  nf  Mr.  St.w- 
tun's  nlijei'ilon,  namely,  the  absence  of  proper 
Knrveys  and  estiniate.-i — 

Mr.  CiieKE  proceeded.  If  I  have  niisnnderstnod 
the  artrnment  of  my  eollea^'iie  I  shall  lie  liap)iy  to 
lie  enrrccled.  I  .should  miich  regret  to  do  liini  in- 
justice. I  have  not  read  his  printed  speech,  rnr- 
rccted  by  hliiLsclf    Hut  I  certainly  understood  him 


tn  nliject  In  the  apprnprialinn  fnr  the  iiiiprnvement 
nf  the  Teniii  .-'!ce  river — first,  liecaiise  it  \vniilil  I'lir- 
nisli  (I  precedent  fnr  ii  thnnsanil  other  nlijects  nf 
iipprnprlalinns  of  less  iniimrtiinci'  than  that  river. 
The  second  irroiind  of  nlijeclimi  was,  thai  there 
had  been  nn  surveys  and  eslimiiles  by  the  proper 
de|iiirliiienl.  lie  was,  however,  liifnrined  by 
my  enllea','iie  frnm  the  Knoxvilh'  illstrict,  [Mr. 
''iio/.ii'.ii,|  llial  the  Tennis'sce  ri\ir,  sn  far  nn  the 
iiiiiendini'iit  prniinses  an  nppropriiilion  for  its  iiii- 
iiinvemriil,  has  lieeii  tiirvi'ved,  iiiiil  lliiit  esiiinales 
had  111  en  sent  in.  I  tliniejlit  lliat  nil  objecllnn  hud 
llicii  been  remnvi'd,  bill  my  cnlleairili;  [Mr.  Stav- 
■rii\]  Inclined  In  the  liiliifihit  the  esliinali  s  here- 
tnfnre  tn'iile  Wire  not  tn  be  relied  ininii. 

Mr.  (i.  S.  IIiir»riiM  wi.s  nnderslnnd  In  sny  that 
the  ciiiial  on  which  llie  cviienditnres  had  breti  made 
had  liein  (nit  under  cnnlract,  and  that  every  single 
seclion  of  It  had  In  pari  been  cnnipleied. 

Mr.  f'lUKK.  I  sn  iitidi'i'siand  the  ('m-I;  nnd  If  the 
work  is  lint  enrrit'd  nn,  ilie  exiieinlitiiri  s  hilhertn 
made  will  prnve  a  Intal  Inss  In  ihednvernment.  It 
is  nf  vastly  mnrc  iiiipi  riniice  nnw  tliiil  this  im|irove- 
niciit  siionld  be  enniplcled  lliiiii  it  was  nt  the  lime 
the  iiri','inal  aiiprnprinlinn  was  made,  fnr  the  rea- 
sons I  have  slated.  I  do  not  )iropiise  lo  ^'o  inln  a 
loii'j  artrnment  upon  this  siibjeci.  I  did  nut  rise 
fnr  llie  piir|>nse  nf  iiiakiii'j  what  is  iisiially  called 
I  a  speech  In  lliincniiibi'.  bnl  merely  for  the  pnrpnse 
III'  iiiakin','  soiiie  L'cneral  slaleiiieiils  in  retrnrd  to 
the  Inipni'tance  of  this  iiii|ii'iivement.  Anil  I  re. 
Jnice  In  see  the  wlinle  sniiiherii  deli".v\f Inn,  so  far 
as  T  have  heard  an  evpression  of  .ipliiion,  alllniiu-'li 
ililferinu'  with  nil'  and  with  a  lirije  majorilv  of  iliis 
House  as  lo  the  cniislitnliiinal  power  of  Cniii^rfss 
In  ninke  inlerii'il  iniprnvemenls,  come  tip,  as  one 
man,  nnd  teslil'y  to  the  natinnal  impnrlance  nf  this 
linprovemenl.  May  I  iml  ask  gentlemen  to  lake 
this  fact  into  cnnsideralinn?  Mav  I  not  hniie  that 
even  my  colleau'ne  from  the  Memphis  district, 
nnw  that  he  has  ascertained  thai  snn'ey.o  nnd  esti- 
mates have  been  made,  and  tli.it  the  wnrk  has 
herelnl'iire  received  the  fivorable  consideration  of 
the  Goveriimenl,  will  wilhilraw  his  opposition  and 
eive  lis  the  hem  fit  nf  his  viite  fnr  the  amendment.' 
I  claim  that  the  Tennessee  river  furnishes  more 
water  for  the  Missi.ssi|ipl — is  a  i;realer  feeder  to  it — 
than  the  Ohin,  nnd  that,  in  fact,  the  iinproviinent 
nf  the  Ohio  is  secondary  in  eonsideriiltnn  to  ll. 
Diit  my  colleasne  is  in  favor  nf  the  itiprnpriations 
fnr  the  Ohio  river;  he  is  in  favni  .f  oilier  |iro- 
vislons  nf  the  bill,  bill  //li.i  cnnilnt  nbialn  Ills  sanc- 
llnn.  I  must  re|n'al  the  expressinn  nf  my  hope 
that  he  will  yet  chaniie  his  o|iinioii.  I  am  disposed 
tn  i'1'i.'ard  favorably  all  the  inlerests  nf  Memphis;  I 
am  willlii;;  lo  proinnte  lliose  Inlerests  so  fir  as  may 
be  in  my  pnv.-er;  but  when  he  manifests  an  Inteii- 
tinn  lo  vote  airulnsl  the  apnrnpriation  for  the  Ten- 
nessee river,  as  niiicli  n-;  I  am  iiiclined  to  advance 
the  inleresis  nf  Memphis,  and  all  that  pertains  tn 
her  naval  depot,  I  invite  him  In  recnllect  that  the 
Sei'i'i  lary  nf  the  \avy  has  recommeiided  that  the 
naval  depot  at  Memphis  shoiild  be  turned  Into  u 
ri>itrvalli  !     I  hope  he  iiiiderslaiuls  the  allnsinn. 

Iiiil,  .Mr.  Cliali'inan,  annlher  nf  my  enlleasrues 
[Mr.  JiitiS'siiNl  hasnirered  an  aiiiendment,  to  which 
1  tlesiro  lo  pay  my  respects.     I  am  oii]iosed  lo  it, 
and  oppn.sed  tn  It  for  the  ri'asnns  that  he  nssii^ned 
in  his  speech  fnr  its  adoption.     I  am  opposed  to  it, 
beenii.se   it  is  of  local,  not   ixeneral    interest.     His 
anicnilment  prnpnses  an  a)ipropriatiim  of  <i.')(IO,OOII, 
one-half  to  be  expended  between  Knovville,in  Kast 
I,  Teniies.see,  nnd  the  herd  of  the  Muscle  Shonis,  in 
i'  Alabama;   the  other  half  to  be  expended  above 
!;  Kiioxville,  upon  the  Holston,  rreneli  Broad,  and 
'    Nol|,.cluicky  rivers.     I   say  I  am   nppo.sed   to  it, 
.  because  it  is  local  in  its  character.     My  eolleai^ue 
endeavored,  by  force  of  ni';;mneiil,  lo  eonvince  the 
cnniniittee  that  it  was  the  interest  of  our  end  of  the 
J  State  that  an  appropriation  for  the  Muscle  Shoals 
j!  should  not  be  made,  because,  he  contended,  if  llint 
il  canal  was  coinplet,>i|,  and  those  obstructions  were 
removed,  competition  would  be  open,  and  "iir  mar- 
ket would  thus  be  injured.     I'.iit  still  he  expressed 
a  desire,  if  his  own  amendnient  should  t'ail,   that 
the  one  nlTered  by  my  collea^rne   from  the   Knox- 
vllle  district  should   be   ailo)<led    by  the    House. 
What!  adnpta  prnpnsitinn  which  lie  has  attempted 
to  show  would  produce  such  injnriniis  results  to 
iiur  penple — wniild   ileslniy  the  uinrket  for  their 
!  surplus  produce.'     Why  he  would  do  this,  I  am  nt 
a  lo.'is  to  understand.      I  read  the  .speech  of  my  col- 


leniiiie,  (ns  reported  in  the  niiinii,)  with  L'reat  care; 
nnd,  fi'fim  the  eniirse  nf  his  iirL'nmeiil,  I  do  iinC 
suppose  that  hf  will  vote  for  hh  mm  anirndnient. 
If  I  niiderstond  hin  position,  he  rnnslilers  that  the 
neneral  Cinvemm'-nl  has  nn  pnwer  lo  make  appni- 
|irliiliiiiis  fnr  works  of  internal  iiiipinveinen'.  Kie 
lirliiinlii'.'  these  views,  lie  will  nnt,  he  eiiniiol,  he 
daie  ii'it  villi'  for  his  own  anieniliiiinl.  lint  slioiilil 
his  nmenilmeni  fail,  he  i  iiiinnt  NU'cirely  desire  the 
piissa;;e  of  the  amendmi'hl  nf  iiiv  enlli'at,'iie,  [Mr. 
C'niiziKu;|  beiaiise,  as  he  has  atteinpled  In  prnve, 
ll  wniilil  be  an  infi'.iclion  itf  llie  L'niistlliillnn  lo  iln 
so.  Then,  sir,  I  should  like  to  know  liow  he  can 
vole  for  his  nwn  amendinent  ? 

Mr.  Aviiiirw  .T1111..1111V.  (Mr.  C  yieldim,'  tin- 
floor.  I  I  sliiiiild  like  my  cnlleicne  to  explain  the 
dill'erencein  the  natiniialiiynf  llie  twn.iineiidnieiils. 
The  amendment  of  my  enllea'.;iie  frnm  the  Kiiox- 
ville district  |Mr.  r'niizIKu]  nll'ei'S  n\\  ainniiiit  tii 
reninve  the  nbslrucliniiH  at  the  Muscle  Sho.'ils  in 
iheTemu'Ssee  river.  My  ainendmenl  prniinses  an 
ajiprnpriatlnn  fnr  an  linprovemenl  for  tlie  sanif 
river  up  lo  the  city  of  Kiinxville,  and  then  for  three 
Sreal  arms  of  tlint  river.  The  only  dilli'i'eiice  be- 
tween niy  aiiicndinent  iinil  ihni  nf  my  cnlli  aiiue  is 
this:  it  is  i'i|iially  national  in  lis  character  as  his; 
and  it  extends  the  same  ndvaiiiat'i's  lo  the  Souili; 
bill  it  operates  a  littleinnre  benrllcially  lo  us  locally. 
The  same  aih.'inlai:!  s,  however,  wntitil  result  ifi 
the  tiatinn.  I  ask  him  to  pniiit  out  the  ilid'ercnce ' 
Mr.  CncKK.  The  dilfeieiice  Is  very  |ilniii.  The 
appi'opriiiiioii  coiileniplated  liy  the  aineiiibncnl  nf 
my  enlleau'iie  [Mr.  ('iin/iKiil  Innks  tn  tin  reiiinv.il 
nf  such  nbsiriicllnns  In  iheTennesseo  riveras  liiri) 
from  its  bosom  the  Irnde  and  enniin'rce  nf  the 
in!'.,'lily  West.  Il  proposes  tnoiien  up  a  frreat  na- 
I  liiinal  lii','hway  from  the  streiit  West  In  the  Atlau- 
I  tic  seacoasl,  upon  which  the  ciinincrce  of  ibe 
Fnioii  can  travel  at  all  seasons  m  llie  year  willi- 
!  onl  hindernnce  ordelav.  Il  is  an  imprnveinent  in 
[  which  the  m.'iiorlty  nl'  the  Slales  are  iiinre  nr  less 
liiicreslcd.  Such,  sir,  is  lis  nallnnal  cliaiacici'. 
I  The  amendnient  nf  my  eolleau'iie  (Mr.  .ImixsiiN  | 
'  does  not  propose  to  remove  this  nbstiiicli'Ui  at  the 
Muscle  Slioals,  which  alone  :;ives  the  liuprnveineiit 
a  uiilional  elianicter.  It  shuts  out  the  e.ninmerce 
I  nf  the  West,  nnd  looks  alone  lo  the  Imprnveinent 
I  of  the  river  above  the  shoals — an  Imprnvenienl  in 
which  the  e.islern  |  orlinn  nf  niir  Slate  is  nlniio 
interested.  Such,  sir,  is  its  local  character.  Tlio 
iliU'erenee,  then,  is  this:  one  is  a  natinnal  wink,  in 
which  a  mnjnrily  nf  the  Slales  of  the  Union  are 
interested;  the  other  is  local,  confninir  itself  to  n 
particular  jiorlion  nf  the  Stale  nf  Tennessee,  anil 
.small  pnrlinns  nf  Geoi'i\ia  and  .'Mabama.  Will 
iny  cnlleaiine  infnrm  me  whether  I  am  to  iiiider- 
sland  him  as  .sayiiij  that  the  Geiieiid  Onvernnii  nl 
has  the  power  in  make  such  an  approprlalinn  as 
he  prnpnses' — and  whether,  if  il  has  the  power, 
he  will  vole  for  It.'  I  ask  him  In  answer  my  ipie.<- 
lion,  and  nnt  to  eonsiime  my  time  In  makiiu;  nn 
arsimieiit. 

Mr.  .TiiiiNsov  risinjtn  re|dy — 
The  C'llvtiiMXN  said,  that  it  was  nnt  nrnper  Cor 
niemberstlins  tn  address  each  niher.    All  iinesliniis 
slimild  be  lU'opnunded  throiurli  the  Chair. 

Mr.  C'lu'KK  liavini;,  In  form,  repeated  his  intcr- 
rou''aIory — 

-Mr.  .Toiivsnv  said:  I  will  say,  in  repiv,  that  I 
expressly  stated  In  the  Ilnuse  when  I  nll'ered  the 
amendnient,  that  if  (.'onL'i'css  had  ilie  pnwer  to 
make  an  appropriation  for  the  linprovemenl  nf  the 
Mississippi  river,  it  had  the  .same  pnwer  to  make 
an  apprnprialinn  for  the  Tennessee  river;  that  the 
one  was  as  constitntional  as  the  other;  lunl  that  if 
Onjress  had  the  power  lo  do  the  one,  It  had  the 
power  to  do  the  other.     Uut  now  1  want  my  eol- 

leau'iie 

Mr.  Ciu'KE  (interferins.)  Time  is  valuable. 
Will  my  eolleiiijne  answer  the  siniplu  ipiestloii  I 
hrtve  asked,  or  will  he  not.' 

Mr.  Joiis'soK.  I  should  like  tn  know  the  rele- 
vancy of  iliis  point  tn  'le  qiieslion  nt  issue.  I 
propose  now  tn  put  nn  interrnt^atory  to  my  col- 
league. Would  not  the  improvement  contemplated 
by  the  amendinent  I  have  offered,  be  a  ^renter 
advantaje  to  liis  ennstitncnts  than  the  removal  of 
nlisli'uctions  at  the  Muscle  Shoals? 

Mr.  CocKi-;.  I  see  that  my  colleague  refuses  t« 
answer.  He  etjuivocates — he  evades  the  question. 
Will  he  now  be  so  kind  as  to  tell  me — since  he 
savs  that  the  General  Govorumeut  has  as  much 


.'.f.l 


H 


416 


39rH  CoNn I  it  Sciit. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONORESSIONAli  GLOBE. 
Harbori  and  Bivert—Mr.  Cocke. 


fMnrrh  17, 


Ho.  or  Uki-s. 


'*■: 


piiM  or  10  iniikr  (lir  nh'  iniprovonicnl  im  llic  oilier — 
wlirllu-r  h(*  iM^licirx  ilmt  it  han  ttio  pnwrr  to  innki' 
nti  n|)|irn|)riitli()i)  for  (hi*  iiiiprovrnu-iil  of  the  Min- 
■JMlpiii  rivrr?  AiiJ  11° lie  rnii  liiiil  out  whtlhrr  il 
Aim  iiK'li  powi'r.  tlicii  I  rnii  tell  u  lidlnr  lie  Ix'lirvi'H 
it  hnK  ilir  power  to  nmko  an  iippriiprintKiii  for  lli« 
iimTovrniriit  of  the  Trnticji.ti'p  rivrr. 

Mr.  .loiiNni)-;.  I  will  srllle  tliiil  i^npsUon  wlii'i) 
il  If'iiiinmlily  C'liiifn  up  in  thin  liall.     (A  Iniigli.)     i 

Mr.  •'oriii!.  Vi'K,  my  rolUnKiie  will  m'ttli'  ilini 
qucNtlnn  W'licn  it  romm  np  in  tliin  liiill,  iiflrr  iiiiv- 
iiiC  iniroiliiioil  loi  iiiiicniliiu'iil — fiir  wiml  purpose  > 
For  ilie  purpi'"^  of  icmiri!;,  nn  hi-  male's  in  liis 
^(H't'oh,  tlip  Nin'i'rily  of  hii  rollciiyues  who  ililftT 
in  opinion  with  lour,  yrt,  wlirn  lir  ia  onlli'd  upon 
to  mate  wlicllirr  111' hiniKcIf  will  voir  for  liin  own 
nmcndmnit — win  ilier  lip  lit'licvos  tlial  llip  Uinr  rnl 
C}i>vrrnnionl  liiw  |.ow(>r  lo  niakr  audi  an  appropri- 
nlion  a.i  lie  roiili'iiiplnlrs — he  ;Tivr»  an  niuivonil 
reply:  he  refo»i»  to  ,i,mwer;  or  al  lenm  lie  »ay.s  lie 
will  iioi  nimwer,  except  when  the  ipiralion  eoines 
to  the  vote.  I  iini  well  HaliNfioil,  however,  from 
Ilia  own  niirunieni,  tlial  he  ilenieJi  ihe  power  of  the 
GovcrnnvMt  to  make  iiiiernal  iinproveiiienta.  I 
rend  un  iixlrai'l  from  liin  spoeeli: 

"Mr.  .1.,  lesiiMiini;  liia  eoiirse  of  rrninrk,  ex- 
'  pliiiiiej  the  loeal  htariii;,'  wliieh  his  ninenilmeiit 
*  would  have  U)H>n  the  iiiterentH  of  thai  por  ion 
'of  the    Siale  of  Tennessee    wliirh    he    had    Ihe 


Mioniir  to  represent,  and  advocated   ils  ndoplion 

*  lis  ciilciilated  to  advance  and  promote  those  in- 

*  leresls. '* 

Mr.  ('.  continued,  .\flcr  thus  arsiiiu!;  lo  show 
the  iniportnncp  of  ihi.s  amendment  lo  the  people  nf 
Temies.see,  and  lo  eonviiiec  the  committee  tliri;  its 
adoption  ]^  Just  loid  />re/ier,'iny  colleague  snys: 

"  lie  hesii.iled  not  to  avow  his  convieiioii,  that 
'  if  this  policy  of  indiscriminate  internal  improve- 
'  iiicnt  were  once  opened — if  the  fliiod;;ales  were 
'  once  hoisted — liiinkruptcy,  indehtediiess,  and  nil 
'  the  cninsirophcs  w  liicli  come  in  the  train  of  juch 

*  measures,  would  tn-sue." 

Yes,  continued  .\Ir.  ('.,  after  ndvocnting  his 
nmendment,  my  colleai^ie  turns  round  niid  says 
ihni  this  Kcneral  system,  if  ilie  rtoodsntes  arc  once 
lioisud,  will  Imnkrupt  the  nation,  and  lirini;  in- 
delitedness  nnd  liankriiptcy  in  its  train.  Docs  he 
desire  to  force  in  an  ainendmenl  which  is  to  lead  to 
such  results .'  I  say  that,  in  proposing;  this  amend- 
ment, ho  has  not  ncted  seriously,  nor  in  candor, 
nor  in  sincerity  and  uood  faiili  li  is  an  aliempi  to 
hreak  down  the  amendment  of  my  collensue,  (Mr. 
Cboiikii,!  Iiy  forcing  upon  the  commitlee  a  propo- 
sition whif  h  lie  will  not  support,  nnd  which  he  de- 
nies to  this  Goveriinient  the  power  to  carry  out. 
To  show  that  1  am  correct  in  placing  this  construc- 
tion upon  Ills  nrgunieni,  ii  is  only  nece.>snry  to  ad- 
vert to  the  allusion  lie  made  lo  the  one  orthodox 
Democrat  [Mr.  McCi.f.rxand]  on  the  suliject  of 
internal  improvi  nieiil,  from  the  State  of  Illinois. 
Ii  is  .rencnilly  known  that  nil  the  meniliers  from 
Illinois,  Willi  one  excc|ition,  concede  this  power. 
That  o'le  exception  (the  orihodox  Uemocral,  in 
the  acceptation  of  my  collcn^ue)  made  nii  nr<;uineiit 
denying  this  power. 

I  have  nlready  spoken  of  the  Tennessee  river  as 
one  of  the  nolilest  streams  of  the  WesI,  nnd  as  hav- 
insj  hii'li  claims  upon  the  fiivoralile  consideration  of 
the  Governnieiit.  In  my  district,  so  far  as  I  can 
learn,  there  is  little  or  no  divii<ion  amoni;  Whiles 
and  Deinocrnis  as  lo  the  power  of  inakini:  the  im- 
provement pro|iosed  hy  my  colleiurue,  (Mr.  Cho- 
ZIKR,]  nor  as  to  iis  iieccsity  and  expediency.  Sir, 
oilier  rivers,  of  niiieh  les.i  imtional  concern,  have 
received  from  the  General  (ioverninent  larxe  ap- 
propriations for  their  iin|aoveineiil.  Thousands 
upon  thousands  of  dullnrs  of  the  public  moneys 
have  hem  expended  in  profuse  aliundance  nil 
around  us,  fir  similar  ini[irovpinenis.  Hut  the 
Tennessee,  with  all  ihe  ndvaiilnieH  which  ils  iinoh- 
slrmli  d  navi^Miion  holds  out  lothe  counlry,  cannot 
fjei  a  dollar.  The  people  of  Tennessee  conlriliiile 
as  much  lo  ihe  siipiiorlofthe  General  Government, 
and  I'Car  as  many  of  ii,s  liurdens,  as  aiiv  other 
Sl.tle  of  eipuil  |iOpiilalioii  in  the  Union.  She  hns 
never  received  anylhin;,'of  any  coiiseipience,  in  the 
way  of  puldic  expenditures,  fnun  the  national  treas- 
ury; her  love  and  devotion  to  nil  the  i;real  inlercsis 
of  the  L/'nion  Inue  been  repayed  liy  neglect  and  in- 
diflerence.  Mer  inttreHls  have  been  ovirlooked. 
And,  sir,  when  she  now  asks  for  nn  appropriation 
tu  remove  the  obsiructions  in  one  of  her  most  beau- 


I  tifiil  rivers,  her  own  aons  here  arise  in  their  pliicni 
and  oppiian  it.  i  have  spoken  of  ihe  TenneHsce 
river  amongst  tny  conslitiienis,  as  I  ha\e  s|)oken 
of  il  here  lo  diy.  I  have  there  pursued  the  course 
of  aritunirnt  which  my  cidlenaue,  (.\Ir.  Joiix«iiv,| 
in  his  speech  n  few  clays  npo,  ihoui^lii  proper  lo 
ilesii;nate  as  demn<;oiruic.il,  I  do  noi  think  so.  I 
have  siiiikeii  the  InnKunL'e  of  truth;  I  have  attempt- 
ed faillifiilly  lo  siislnin  the  interest  of  my  ronslilii- 
enls,  ley  iiressini;  this  appropriation  iifion  the  ntlell- 
tiou  of  ilie  commitlee.  I  will  not  eharije  my  cul- 
lea;;ue  with  aclin;;  the  part  of  the  deinau'oi;ue  in 
proposine  nn  ameiidmeni  which  he  knows  cannot 
pass,  which  he  denies  the  power  of  this  House  lo 
pass,  mill  for  which  he  himself  will  not  and  cannot 
vote.  To  ilo  .11)  would  be  discourteous  nnd  im- 
proper. I  wish  to  treat  him  with  llie  iitmosl  re- 
sped.  Bill  the  rivers  desiirnated  in  his  proposition 
are  not  such  as  the  General  Goveinniinl  has  hiili- 
erlo  conieniplalcd  inakiiii;  appropriilions  for.  .\ 
portion  of  them  are  small  streams  uniting  loi;ethcr, 
and  finally  forinini;  the  ureal  Tennessee.  No  man 
— not  even  the  most  lalitudinarian  cunstriiclionisl 
of  the  Constilulion — can  say  il  was  ever  for  a  nio- 
meiil  coniemplated  that  such  iinproveincnts  should 
be  made  by  the  General  Governmenl. 

Mr.  .Toiis'iiiiN  rose  lo  explain,  and  was  under- 
stood to  iiii|iiii'e  if  hii  collenffue  would  voleairainsi 
his  aniendmeni — 

Mr.  CocKF.  (his  time  running  rapidly  out)  pro- 
ceeded. I  decline  to  yield  the  floor.  If  I  was  to 
say  that  I  would  vole  airninst  his  nmendnieni,  I 
should  do  no  more  than  I  am  sure  he  will  do  when 
ihe  vole  comes  to  be  taken  in  the  House.  Hence 
I  say  that  I  do  not  charge  him  with  dcmaKo^uisni. 
Mis  ainendmenl  is  one  w  liicli  he  considers  uncon- 
stiiulional,  nnd  for  winch  he  dare  iioi  vote.  Iliil 
the  rivers  he  desicnates  are  all  strcaniH  which  roll 
throuijh  the  first  consrressionnl  district,  nnd  the  nr- 
ITument  mimhl  be  deduced  ihul  he  was  in  favor  of 
Ihe  improvement  of  a  portion  of  counlry  which  he 
himself  represented,  but  fur  which  his  colleagues 
refused  lo  vote. 

My  colleasue  [Mr.  JoiiNtON]  asks  me  what  nd- 
vanlaiie  the  removal  of  iheolistructionsatlhe  Mus- 
cle Shoals  will  he  lo  our  consliuienls.  He  certainly 
has  niii  given  much  attention  loall  the  facts  which 
have  been  urged  in  favor  of  the  measure.  I  have 
endeavored  to  show  durinj;  ihe  whole  of  my  argu- 
ment that  this  improvement  is  a  mailer  of  nalionnl 
concern,  nnd  lo  point  out  the  benefits  which  would 
thereby  result  to  the  counlry.  I  rejiet  that  he  has 
not  understood  the  force  of  my  remarks;  the  fault 
is  not  mine. 

Mr.  Stanton  (Mr.  ('.  yielding  the  floor)  sniil, 
he  desired  his  position  in  regard  lo  this  matter  to  he 
distincily  understood  by  the  commiliee.  I  staled 
in  mv  speech,  which  1  have  before  iiie; 

"  If  the  Tennessee  river  stood  alone,  and  if  I  did 
'  not  know  thai  the  proposed  amendment  would  be 
'  the  signal  for  a  thousand  others  still  less  impor- 
'  tanl  ihnn  that,  I  would  feel  no  hesimiion  in  siip- 
•  porting  the  niotion;  especially  would  I  be  thus 
'  inclined,  since  I  have  received  the  niemorinl  oftlie 
'  Legislature,  asking  of  Congress  the  improvement 
'  of  Ibis  river.  As  expressing  the  voice  of  the 
'  .Slate,  although  not  coming  lo  me  in  the  form  of 
'  aiithoriialive  instructions,  il  is  cniiiled  lo  the 
'highest  respect,  and  in  a  doubtful  ease,  which  I 
'  acknowled;,'e  this  lo  be,  would  determine  my 
'  action." 

I  go  on  and  say: 

"  I  suggest  to  my  colleague  the  propriety  of 
'  modifying  his  proposition  in  such  a  nninner  as  lo 
'ripiire  the  War  Department  in  make  a  survey 
'  of  the  river,  lo  determine  the  charaiier  of  the  iiii- 
'  proveineiit  neces.snry,  :iiid  lo  submit  the  proper 
'estimates  for  it.  In  tliis  form  I  pledge  myself  in 
'good  faith  to  support  the  proposition.'* 

Mr.  (i.  S.  HofSTON  was  underslood  to  inquire 
of  Mr.  .Staxtox  whether,  after  lo.iking  to  the 
report  submitted  by  Colonel  Kearney,  in  18Hb', 
upiui  this  very  work,  and  afier  ihe  iminen:* 
amount  of  labor  and  money  that  had  been  expend- 
ed on  il,  he  would  not  now  moild'y  his  spee<:h, 
and  (oiiNcnt  to  vote  for  the  approprialion? 

Mr.  .St  \ston  was  underslood  lo  say  he  would. 

Mr.  CucKE  resumed.  Il  is  far  from  my  pur- 
pose to  do  injustice  to  my  collengue  from  the  Meiii- 
pliis  district.  As  I  have  before  slated,  I  did  nol 
read  his  printed  speech.  I  only  heard  it  us  deliv- 
ered in  committee.     If  I  have  said  anything  which  i 


i  is  calculated  to  misrepreNent  his  true  posit  inn  be- 
fore ihe  cminiry,  I  cheerfully  retract  it.  Iliil,  sir, 
he  certainly  was  infurmed  ny  my  colleague  (Mr. 
rHoiiraj  that  surveys  and  eilimaies  had  bt'en 
made  in  lHO>4,  and  lliai,  in  the  opinion  of  Colonel 
Alierl,  no  el/irr  jiirt'ci/  wiu  ntcrnfitrii.  I  am  liapfy 
'  lo  lenrn  that  the  proposed  iniproveiiii'm  of  llie  Ten- 
nessee river  will  now,  with  all  the  lights  beforx 
him,  receive  his  t'avorable  consideration.  Ihil  I 
am  well  salisfieil  that  the  friends  of  the  meaanrn 
have  more  reason  to  be  proud  of  his  vote  llian  Ilia 
speech,  nllhongh  it  was  one  of  niiieli  abilily  In 
his  speech,  while  relirring  to  the  vole  of  .Mr.  I'olk, 
ill  INUH,  in  favor  of  a  grant  of  land  for  this  im- 
provemenl,  he  ataleil  thai  he  would  infer  from  ilia 
snbseipieni  stringent  course  of  the  I'resuhni  on  tha 
siibp'ci  (if  improvcmcnis,  that  the  amendiucnt 
would  nol  be  very  favorably  received  by  liiin. 
Here,  sir,  we  had  the  first  intimation  of  llie  prob- 
able opposition,  on  the  part  of  .Mr.  I'olk,  to  ihia 
amendmenl.  The  friends  of  the  bill  are  afraid  to 
adopt  the  nmenilnieni,  because  il  might  endanger 
the  bill.  And  if  this  aiiiendinenl  is  voted  down, 
il  will  not  be,  as  I  conceive,  beransf  a  niajiirily  of 
this  Mouse  do  nol  desire  its  passage,  but  becausa 
they  fear  that  the  President  will  veto  the  bill  if  thia 
amendment  is  engrafted  upon  it. 

My  colleague  [.Mr.  Juiin»on]  has  inquired  how 
Ihe  removal  of  the  obsiructions  at  ihe  Muscin 
Shoals  will  promote  the  interests  of  our  section  of 
the  Slate — of  his  or  flty  eonsliluenis?  1  answer, 
that  he  ought  lo  know,  without  seeking  the  inform- 
ation from  me.  K.isl  Tennessee  is  destine-d,  as  I 
conceive,  at  no  very  disianl  day,  lo  be  a  great 
inanufiicturing  country.  No  portion  of  our  Ij'niim 
possesses  erpial  faeibiies  for  this  purpose.  The 
nneijiialled  sahibriiy  of  her  climate — her  immeiisa 
anil  unrivalled  waler  jtower — the  rich  and  inex- 
hansiilile  mineral  wealth  which  Providence  haa 
stovvi^l  nway  williin  the  bowels  of  her  beautiful 
hills  and  mountains,  all  point  with  unerring  cer- 
tainty to  the  high  and  glorious  destiny  that  awaila 
her.  .Mready  large  quantities  of  iron,  manufac- 
lured  there,  are  carried  lo  St.  Louis  nnd  other  por- 
tions of  the  western  country.  The  completion  of 
this  improvement  will  invite  mannfaciuring  capi- 
wlisLs  among  us — it  will  slimulnlc  ilic  industry, 
and  arouse  all  the  dormant  energies  of  our  people; 
it  will  bring  into  practicnl  i\nd  active  operation  all 
these  elements  of  |iowcrnnd  wealth,  wilh  which 
that  region  of  country  hns  been  so  abundantly 
blessed,  nnd  furnish  a  great  national  highway  to 
ihe  Alliiiilic  nnd  western  States. 

The  people  of  Tennessee  have  received  but  small 
boons  al  the  hands  of  the  Qovernmenl.  True,  iliey 
have  nol  asked  for  much.  No  appropriations  have 
been  made  for  llieir  benefit  for  years.  They  bear 
their  proportionate  part  of  ils  burdens.  They  con- 
tribiiie  as  much  to  tlie  national  treasury,  in  propor- 
tion to  their  popiiliiiion,  as  nny  other  Stale  in  the 
Union;  yet  when  they  ask  your  aid  for  a  work  of 
this  character,  they  are  turned  oil'  by  their  Gov- 
ernment with  the  sternness  nf  a  rrnei  and  unfeel- 
ing stepmother.  They  hnve  lieeii  failliful  lo  the 
Constilulion.  Tliey  linvo  been  failliful  upon  the 
field  of  bailie.  Tin  y  have  sustained  the  general 
inleresis  nf  the  country.  Yet  she  turns  her  back 
upon  IIS,  reftises  to  hold  out  even  the  cold  hand  itf 
her  charily  .uward  us,  and  tells  lis  she  will  give  iia 
nothing.  I  do  not  coinplnin  of  the  action  of  south- 
ern members — from  South  Carolina,  from  Georgia, 
and  fl'om  Alabama — ill  opposing  this  nmenilment. 
They  enlermin  con.stitulional  scruples  upon  tliia 
snbjeci,  and  it  is  not  for  me  lo  complain  of  them. 
Rut  theyndniii  the  importance  of  ihe  iinprovement 
of  the  Tenne.s.see  live  r;  and  il  does  seem  ii,  me, 
thal,aparl  from  lliise  scruples,  ihc  southern  section 
I'f  the  Union  is  the  ln.sl  llial  onghl  lo  oppo.se  an 
amendment  of  this  kind.  What  is  lo  be  ilie  effect 
iinoii  ilial  regiipii,  if  this  ninendinent  is  ndopied  .> 
Why,  sir,  Ihe  treasures  of  the  whole  West  will 
be  poured  into  the  laps  of  Georgia  and  South  Car- 
olina, and  their  cities  will  be  teeming  wilh  ils  vast 
commerce.  They  will  become  ihe  glial  dep'its  for 
the  exporting  trade  of  the  West.  And  why  will 
geiillenien,  unless  they  alwolulely  deny  the  power 
of  the  Govr  rnmeiit  lo  make  such  nn  iiiiprovemenl, 
oppose  a  iiroposiiion  which  will  redound  so  iiiucli 
to  llieir  ailvaiitaijer  Gentlemen  say,  nnd  it  is  true 
to  some  exttiil,  that  the  provisions df  this  bill  are 
local  and  sectional:  thai  the  .South  get  nothing; 
that  no  interest  ot  theirs  will  be  prunioied.     But, 


1^ 


fMarrh  17, 
ir  Kkpi. 

?    (l(i!»ili<in  lin- 

il.     Iliil.iiir, 

iilli'H!;iic  I  Mr, 

ill'H    hull   lii-'i'il 

nil  111'  Ciilnni'l 

I  mil  liii|i|'y 

111  nrilii''IVii- 

lii,'lilN  lii'lnrf 

aliiiii.      Ililt   I 

till)  iitcaNiirn 

vole  tliitii  liiu 

li   iiImIIiv      In 

•iiCMr.  I'lilk, 

I'lir  iliii  iin- 

inl't'i'  ri'iiiii  tliK 

TUldilll  nil  lll« 

I'    aiiicnitinriit 
ivi'il  liy   liiiii. 

II    111'   lIlC   |l|'(lll- 

I'lilk,  til  iliU 
arr  iilVaid  to 
iiijlil  «iulaiii;nr 
H  VOlfll  iliiwii, 
II  iiia)iirily  of 
p,  lull  lii'i'aii.in 
>  the  bill  if  till!) 

inqiilreil  hnw 
It  tlic  MllSCJH 
our  flci'tinii  of 
In?  I  answer, 
nij  till'  iiirorm- 
ilestini'il,  as  I 
to  lifi  n  srent 
1  of  our  I'liion 
inrpose.  Tlte 
-lier  iinnirii.se 
irli  mill  inox- 
lovidcncc  Imii 
r  licr  licaulll'ul 
1  iinorriiii;  ccr- 
iny  that  nwnlts 
rim,  maiuifac- 
laiui  oilier  por- 
'  roinplelioii  of 
il'aituriiig  cnpi- 
ilic  iiiiliislry, 
of  our  people; 
p  operation  nil 
li,  witli  which 
»o  abundttiuly 
ml  highway  lo 

i-ivcil  hut  small 

ni.  True, they 

ipriationshnve 

1.     Tliey  hear 

lis.  They  eon- 

iiry,  in  piopor- 

icr  Sinte  in  the 

for  n  work  of 

liy  their  Gov- 

lel  niul   nnfeel- 

I'aiihl'ul  to  the 

:lil'iil  upon  the 

■il   the  f:enenil 

urns  her  linek 

e  eold  linnd  of 

le  will  uive  us 

lion  ofHoutli- 

,  iVoin  Ueorfjia, 

is  aineiidnieiii. 

pleri   upon  ihi« 

plain  of  ilieni. 

iinprovenient 

seem   tc)  nie, 

Diillicrii  Rt'i'tion 

to  oppoHe  nil 

lo  ho  the  effect 

nt  is  adopted? 

lie   West  will 

uiil  Sdiith  Cnr- 

li,'  with  its  vast 

mat  dep-'iiH  for 

And  wliy  will 

L'liv  the  power 

iinpiiiveineiit, 

iiund  NO  iiiueh 

,  and  it  is  true 

if  thi^  hill  are 

1  L'et  iiolhiiiK; 

onioied.     But, 


IHlfl.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAI,  GLOBE. 


447 


■^Utii  CoNfl Iht  Sen, 


Internal  ImprovemcnU — Mr.  Jihett. 


Ho.  or  Kefi. 


^ 

1 


by  Kiniilin:;  the  iippiiipiialinneniileniplali  il  by  lhi« 
niuendiiieiil,  the  pi  oph-  of  South  Caiohiwi  \mI1  oh- 
tain  an  olijeil,  ih.iti  w  liiih  none  lan  he  iVaiiKht  with 
inoie  inipoi'lali'  or  lieuelieial  reHullH  to  them. 

Mr.  .^|l  ('i,Kli>J\Nli  deNiied  peiniinMioii  lo  explain 
the  (,'rouiid  of  his  oppoNiiion  to  this  hill,  lie  h.ul 
lir;;eil  the  eoiislituiioiuit  oli|e('tioii  lo  the  [ippro|iria- 
tiiiii  for  the  [ejiiist  ille  and  I'orlland  lanal,  iiiid  per- 
li.'ipi  In  "lie  or  ttto  olhiT  inni.H.  Hut  the  hiiiilin 
iif  Ins  nmunieiit  liiiil  hi  en  the  wastefulness  of  the 
outlay,  I  oimequciil  on  this  system  of  intcrnul  liii- 
prOM'llielit. 

Mr.  ('"<  ki;.  I  minle  no  other  refereiiee  lo  the 
penilenian  liiaii  as  lieiii;;  the  lueiiilier  from  Illinois 
lo  whom,  I  presume,  my  eollea^riie  (illudeil  when 
lie  spoke  of  one  ortliojox  Ueniiiernl  from  timl 
&ilale. 

Mr.  <'hairman,  1  eonelude  what  I  have  to  say, 
with  llie  expression  of  a  hope  iIimi  the  iiiiiendment 
may  leeeive  the  fiiMirable  aelioii  of  this  House. 
We  are  entitled  to  somelhiii;;,  iiiid  no  work  eail 
present  a  Htroiii;er  elaiiii  tlinii  the  Teiini'ssee  river. 
It  eleaily  eoiiies  williin  the  liiieof  poliey,aiiil  with- 
in the  precedents  esia  dished  by  every  admihistra- 
linii,  hill  more  especially  lliose  of  Cii  iii  ral  Jackson 
Mild  .Mr.  Van  llureii.  I  lioiii:  it  may  not  he  ilisre- 
(;nrdcd.  If  il  should  he — il  the  Teiiiie.«see  river, 
with  all  its  lii'.'h  ehiinis  upon  your  ■ju.iriliaii  eiire, 
i.s  to  he  iiei;lecteil,anil  iiupnivemeiils  eoiitemplated 
by  this  hill,  some  of  which  are  for  more  local  and 
n'clioiial,  mid  of  doiihitul  expediency,  should  be 
made— 1  shall  vote  a'ainst  the  hill.  We  are  told 
by  llie  ^'eiillemau  from  Alabama  [Wr.  UofSTiiN) 
tllat  ihiswork  had  already  been  comiiii  need  uiiiler 
the  auspices  of  the  (.ieneral  (toveriimenl — ihiil  a 
l,u\'e  amount  of  money  had  been  expended  iipnii 
il — and  tlat  it  wiis;,'oiii!,'  to  decay — nnd  that  il  will 
soon  he  useless,  if  appropriations  are  longer  post- 
poned  

.\t  this  point  of  Mr.  C.'s  arKumeiil,  the  C.'lmir- 
inau's  hammer  (announeiii<i;  the  expiration  of  the 
hour)  fell. 


INTKRNAL  IMPROVEMENTS. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  R.  B.  RHETT, 

OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA, 
Is  THE  IlofSE  OP  REPnESEN'TATIVEl, 

tUruttrij  Q7,  IHJfi. 
On  Internal  Improvements  by  the  Cciierul  Gov- 

ernuieiit. 
The  House  heinii;  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  state  of  the  Union,  and  haviiii;  under  ron.iid- 
eralion  the  bill  makini;  appropriation  for  the 
improvement  of  harbor.s  and  levers — 
Mr.  lUir.TT  obtained  the  tloor,  and  said: 
Mr.  CiiA!HM.\s  ;  The  principles  on  wliieh  the  hill 
before  you  has  been  defended  by  the  chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Commerce,  [Mr.  Mc(.'i.El.l..\.xii,] 
who  has  just  tJiKeu  his  seat,  will  doubtless,  in  the 
action  of  the  eommiilee,  prevail.  Like  the  hill  of 
the  last  Con^'iess,  of  which  it  is  the  prototype,  it 
will  become  a  law,  unless  arrested,  as  that  bill  was, 
by  the  veto  of  the  I'xeculive.  I  have  iiothim;,  sir, 
to  alleire  a'jaiusl  the  details  of  this  hill,  either  in  the 
ninoiiiit  of  money  .niipropriated,  althou^'h  it  num- 
bers millions,  or  its  ilislribntioii.  It  is  true  that  all 
L'Oes  North  or  West;  but  the  reason  assigned  by 
the  ehairman  of  tlie  Committee  on  Commerce  for 
this  jieeuliarity,  to  me  is  perfectly  satisfactory. 
'I'lie  Kouth  has  asked  for  iiothio';.  She  does  not 
aid  In  the  overthrow  of  the  Constitution.  She  i.s 
not  aeee.vsory  to  the  murder  of  a  i;ieat  principle  of 
the  Kepiiblican  parly,  |ierpetraled,  not  by  its  nii- 
cieiit  enemies,  hut  by  us  professed  IViemls;  and 
instead  of  rioting  over  the  dead,  will  follow  the 
hearse,  as  *i  mourner  to  its  last  home.  'I'lie  prin- 
ciple of  the  bill  is  all  1  proiinse  to  discuss,  rather 
iVom  respect  to  the  past,  than  from  any  hope  in  the 
future. 

Uut  let  me  say,  in  the  commencement,  that  I  do 
not  a^rree  with  ;;entlenieii  as  to  the  true  i.ssne  this 
hill  presents,  on  the  existence  of  the  measures  of 
internal  improveiueiit,  it  proposes.  It  is  not  an 
issue  of  the  existence,  or  nou-existciice,  of  inter- 
nal improvements.  These  have  been  most  exten- 
.sively  carried  on  by  the  .States;  nnd  with  n  ztnl, 
which  not  only  in  many  insiance3disi'ei;arded  ex- 
pediency in  tlie  works  proposed,  but  has  endaii- 


Ifered  till  ir  faith  and  honor,  frniii  the  enominnii  ! 
dcbis  they  have  incurred,  to  siislain  ih'iii.  If  the 
ineitsures  proposed  to  be  carried  out  by  the  bill,  he 
of  the  value  and  neceisity  they  liiivi'  been  described,  I 
they  will  doubtless  be  complelcil  by  siiii,'le  States, 
or  by  .Stales  combined.  The  (piestion  is  simply, 
shall  the  Slates,  or  sh.dl  the  tiencrMl  f loveriinieiit, 
carry  on  ihesc  works  of  internal  improveinenl.' 

And  in  enlerin;;  on  the  aranmeiit  toiicliiu;;  the 
Constiliition,  it  is  of  the  last  importance  lo  uiidi  r- 
Ntauil  what  il  is.  .Mlow  me,  theretnie,  to  clear 
away  some  of  the  mist,  some  of  the  irrelevant  mal- 
tiT,  which  has  been  thrown  moiiiid  it.  All  must 
perceive  Ihiit  the  renewed  efl'orls  to  incorporate  the 
system  of  inieriiiil  iniiirineiuents  on  this  Chiverii- 
meiil,  ori!,'iiiiile  with  the  West.  The  union  of  all 
parties,  vyin<^  with  each  oilier  in  reipiiriiii;  fif  this 
novermneiit  appropriations  for  their  rivers  and  har- 
bors, slioM  s  thai  they  do  iioi  reiisnii  on  this  subject 
as  others  do.  There  is  a  deep  impres'iiou  in  the 
western  mind,  lliat  they  have  peculiar  chums  for 
sinh  approiirialioiis,  which  do  not  apply  to  other 
sections.  Tliey  do  not  think  ihnttlieirrivers.water- 
iiii;  the  !;reat  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  stand  in  the 
same  relation  towards  the  (iovernmeiit  as  the  other 
rivers  of  the  I'liion.  The  .Secretary  of  War,  in  his 
report  to  this  Coiitrress,  recommeiiiliui;  the  hill  he- 
fore  IIS,  distinctly  allirms  this  peculiarity.  In  what 
does  this  peculiar'ty  consist  >  I  understand  it  lo 
consist  in  two  tliiims:  I'irst,  in  the  ordinance  ren- 
iilatiii','  our  Morlhwest  Territory,  passed  by  the 
Confederation, ill  1787;  and,  second,  in  the  nm^'iii- 
tude  mid  u.se  of  the  rivers  themselves.  I  propose, 
sir,  lo  show,  that  neither  of  these  ;;rounils  i^ives  lo 
'Coiipress  any  power,  rij;hl,  or  jurisdiction  over  the 
western  rivers,  dill'erent  IVom  the  oilier  rivers  of  the 
Union. 

The  ordiiinnce  of  1*87  applied  to  the  territory 
lyiiii;  between  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  rivers  .and 
the  lakes.  Il  was  a  law  of  the  old  Confederation, 
and  of  course  passed  hefoie  the  present  Coiistiti'- 
tiiiii  was  adopted,  liy  virtue  of  that  clause  in  the 
Constilutiim  of  the  V'nited  States  which  says,  "all 
debts  eoiitraclcd,  and  engiigcmeiih  tutered  inlu,  be- 
fore the  adoption  of  this  Cuiislilution,  shall  be  as 
valid  against  the  United  States  under  this  Consti- 
tution as  under  the  Confederation,"  the  ordinance 
I  of  17ti7wai!  niadcof  force  by  the  Constitution  iLself. 
|l  I  do  not  slop  lo  iiitpiirc  whether  the  Confederation 
could  eoiistilutionally  accept  n  cession  of,  or  own 
this  territory,  or  consequently  make  rej;ulutions 
concerniiijj  it.  No  such  power  is  "iven  in  the  Ar- 
,  tides  of  Confederation.  .Admit  that  it  was  valid 
I  by  the  Articlesof  Confederation,  and  ns  "an  a'jree- 
menl"  of  the  Confederation,  is  obligatory  upon  us, 
any  of  the  limitations  in  the  Conslitution  nutwith- 
standing,  the  questions  arise,  lirst,  what  are  the 
terms.'  and,  second,  wlml  was  the  extent  of  the 
ordinance .' 

The  terms  bearing  upon  the  subject  before  us 
are  contained  in  the  4th  article,  which  declares, 
"  The  navigable  waters  leading  into  the  Missis- 
'  sippi  and  HI.  Luxeirncr,  and  Iht  ciimjing places  be- 
'  Itrecn  III"  mine,  shall  be  roiiniien  liiglimiijs,  aiidyin- 
'  fiYi'  free,  us  well  to  the  iiihuhilanls  of  the  said 
'  territory  us  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  Stales, 
'  and  those  of  any  other  Stales  that  may  be  ndniit- 
'  ted  into  the  Confederacy,  wiihoul  any  lax,  iin- 
'  post,  or  duly  therefor."  Do  these  words  imjiorl 
any  right  or  jurisdiction  retained  by  the  Coiifed- 
eration,  and  consequently  by  us,  over  the  western 
I  waters''  Unlike  our  pres"eiil'Constitiition,  the  Arti- 
!  cles  of  Confederation,  as  1  ha\e  .said,  conferred  no 
power  to  the  Coiifederalioii  to  obtain  territory  and 
'  iiold  jurisdiction  over  il.  Il  organi/.ed  no  tribunal, 
I  like  the  courts  of  the  United  .Stales,  which  could 
decide  on  or  sustain  its  jurisdiction.  This  view 
nloiie,  if  the  words  were  far  more  dubious,  will  ac- 
count for  the  coiislrueliou  univer.sally  pul  upon 
them,  until  within  a  few  years.  'I'hey  were  sup- 
posed lo  confer  only  iirmoiinl  iiriiile;:es  to  the  citi- 
zens of  the  United  Siaus.  The  waters  me  lo  "  be 
eonimon  highways,  and  forever  free  In  the  inhahi- 
lanls  of  said  territory,"  and  " lo  the  citizens  of  the 
i'nited  Stales.*^  The  rivers  were  iiol  lo  bc/oji^  lo 
the  United  States  whilst  Ihe  coinilry  was  a  terri- 
tory; much  less,  when  the  Suites  the  tirdinaiice 
provided  should  ari.se  mid  be  created  out  of  it  ! 
should  become  sovereignties.  It  was  only  a  grant  i 
of  privilege  to  "  inhabiiants"  and  "citizens,"  like 
that  which  exists  amongst  the  people  of  dill'erent  , 
nations  on  many  of  the  rivers  of  Europe,  and  was 


nnlv  f  nfnrclnit  In  ihU  Territory  that  provision  of 
the  I'nited  Slates  Constitution  which  i  xisleil  in  the 
Conlederatioii,  declaring  that  "  ttin  citizens  of  cucli 
iSlnle  shall  be  rntitlrd  to  nil  the  privilege  nnd  im- 
inniiiiii  s  of  citizens  in  the  several  .States." 

Iliil  the  II  mis  of  the  ordinance  are  not  at  all  im- 
porliiiit,to  ihe  question.  I  will  ndiiiil  ihcm  lobe 
whatever  genileiufn  may  desire.  I  come  to  \inrx- 
Itnt,  and  deny  that  it  extended  either  t.i  the  (Jhio 
or  the  Mississippi  rivers.     Of  course,  n«  a  conae- 

?iience,  if  this  position  is  correct,  neither  to  the 
Tnited  .Sial.-s  under  the  Confederation,  nor  to  the 
United  Steteii  under  the  present  Constitution,  il 
any  right  or  jiirisiliciion  retained  over  these  rivers. 
And  first,  as  to  the  Ohio  river.  The  cession  of 
Virginia  which  conveyed  the  territory  is  "  of  nil 
her  right  mid  title  to  (Ac  (ilTi'l'iri/ situate,  lying,  and 
beiim  to  the  niirthirrsi  of  Ihe  riecr  0/iin."  I'eutucky 
nt  this  time  was  a  part  of  Virginia,  liy  the  words 
of  the  cession  conveying  "  the  territnrij  norlhxrtnl  of 
Ihe  Ohio  lirer,"  il  is  clear  that  no  pari  of  the  river 
was  ceded,  hut  only  the  territory  northwest  of  it. 
Conseqiientlv.the  whole  bed  of  ihe  Ohio  along  the 
borders  of  Virginia  and  Kentucky,  is  exclusively 
within  the  limits  of  these  respective  Stales.  Thi.s 
point  \*'as  distinctly  made  in  ihe  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  Stales,  in  the  case  of  Ilandley,  lessee, 
r.v.  Anthony,  ,'>  AVhealou,  and  the  court  deiermiu- 
ed,  "  that  all  the  .Slates  arising  out  of  the  Virginia 
cession  had  the  Ohio  river,  at  its  loir  \ruter  mark, 
as  their  boundary."  The  contest  arose  concerning 
a  piece  of  land,  covered  during  freshets  or  high 
w  aler,  lying  on  the  Inilinnn  side  of  the  river.  The 
ludiniia  claimants  look  the  land  from  the  Kentucky 
elaiinanis,  because  at  low  water  the  land  was  on  t!ie 
Indiana  side. 

Nor  can  it  be  shown,  with  any  better  grnce,  that 
the  ordin.mice  of  17m7  extended  over  the  Misshssip- 
pi  river.  Refore  the  war  of  17">li,  Virginia  eei- 
I'linly  elaiiiied,  indefinitely,  westward  across  the 
Mississippi  river.  It  was  this  pretension,  coming 
in  conflict  with  the  possessions  and  setilements  of 
the  French,  on  the  Mississippi  and  Ohio  rivers, 
thnt  occasioned  llinl  war.  The  trenty  of  I'I'iS, 
terminating  il,  fixed  the  limits  between  the  KnglisU 
and  t'lench;  and  conveyed  lo  England  "all  the 
territory  (o  which  I'ranec  wos  entitled,  on  the  left 
i/unkofihe  Mississippi  river,  reserving  only  the 
island  of  Orleans,"  and  declared  that  "the  eoiifines 
between  the  two  countries  were  irrevocably  fixed" 
by  n  line  drawn  along  (/i«  mhW/e  e/f/ic  vii'tr  Mis- 
sissippi, from  its  source,  ns  far  ns  the  river  Iber- 
ville; and  from  thence,  by  a  line  drawn  along  the 
middle  of  the  river,  mid  the  lakes  Maiirepas  and 
Pontcharlruin,  Il  i.s  clear  that,  in  1787,  neither 
the  Virginia  cession,  nor  Ihe  ordinance  of  1787, 
regulatmg  the  territory  it  conveyed,  could  have 
covered  the  Mississippi  river;  because,  at  this 
time,  one-half  of  il  belonged  to  n  foreign  nation. 

Hut  il  may  be  said,  we  purchased  Louisiana,  in 
180,1,  from  France,  and  by  this  means  ohlninert 
the  whole  of  the  .Mississippi  river;  and  ns,  by  act 
of  Congress,  or  Stale  coiislitulions,  allerwnrds,  the 
provisions  of  the  ordinance  of  1787  were  ndopied, 
and  made  applicable  to  new  Stales;  therefore.  Its 
stipulations  are  of  force,  nnd  give  ihe  United  Stales 
Government  peculiar  rights  or  jurisdiction  over 
iIk;  Mississippi  river. 

The  answer  to  tlii.<!  position  is  rot  dilHcnlt.  The 
Constitution  of  the  United  Stn'les  was  in  full  force 
when  the  Louisiana  purchase  was  made,  and  of 
course  it  (\<11  under  the  terms  nnd  limitations  of  the 
Constiluiion.  Neither  Congress,  in  leaisl.iling 
will'  respect  lo  jls  territory,  nora  Slate  arising  nut 
Ci  !',  jnn  niter,  change,  or  modify  the  Coustiuition 
of  tlie  United  Stall  s.  If  the  ITnited  States,  by 
Con^resr,  or  a  Si.ue,  by  eompnci  or  by  se|iaraie 
legislation,  should  make  any  agreement  whatever, 
enlarging  llie  powers  of  the  Ueneral  liovernment 
over  any  subject  whatever,  it  would  he  mill  and 
void.  'The  ordinunru  of  1787,  being  before  the 
Conslitution  of  the  United  Stales  was  made,  may 
have  possessed  peculiar  sanction  nnd  ellicieiiey  iVy 
the  terms  of  that  instrument,  adopting  the  "  agree- 
ments" of  the  Confederation;  but  when,  afterwards, 
either  by  the  legislation  of  Congress,  or  the  con- 
slitution of  a  State,  it  is  attempted  to  Ijc  extended 
lo  new  territories  acquired,  or  new  .Slates  organi- 
zed, its  provisions  fall  under  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  Slates,  nnd  can  neither  extend  nor 
abridge  its  powers,  I  do  ;iot  ndinit  that  the  ordi- 
nance of  1787  confers  or  retains  nnvihiiig  more 


'M 


■148 


APPKNDIX  TO  THK  CONGUKSSIOiNAI.  GLOUE. 


|K.'I).  •.>7, 


i 

I 


1 


n 


'2f>TH  CoNO 1st  Skss. 


Internal  finprovements — Mr.  Rhett, 


tlinii  pri-soniil  privili'£r«'s  to  llie  citizens  of  the  Uni- 
liil  8liilrs;  iml  lulmilliii;;  llmt  it  dnrs  do  inort,  it 
(Inrs  not  'iiiplv  to  llio  Ohio  river,  hcrmisc  that  uns 
mill  is  excliislvoly  williin  tlip  juriBdirlioii  of  Vir- 
irini;\  mid  KcnliicKy.  It  did  mil  iilil'ly  to  the  Mis- 
sissippi rivf  r,  li^i'auso  thnt  riv<T  was  tlicii  hcloiiij- 
ing  in  part  to  Fraiirr.  It  rannol  apply  since,  to 
Bny  portion  of  ihe  Mississippi  river,  sjiviiiir  pecu- 
liar powers  lo  the  Cfencnil  Goveniineiit,  tiecaiise 
the  Coii.^titulion  of  the  T'liitrd  Sfati's  forhids  it. 

1  come  i.'iw,  Mr.  Cliairiiian,  to  the  second  reason 
assigned,  niiit<in!i  tli  ■  Mississippi  and  its  trilnUari'  s 
sni  iects  for  ]n  cnliar  conirressional  a]ipropnatiotis. 
It  IS  said,  and  the  ^renllenian  from  Ohio  |Mr. 
SriiKNf  k]  has  aiitici|ialed  iiie  ni  discussiiij;  it,  that 
it  is  (X  ^reat  inland  sea,  lilce  the  hays  ^m  tnir  sea- 
coast,  and  stands  in  ilie  same  relation  towards  this 
Ciovernment.  1  cannot  suppose  that  those  who 
take  this  position  can  put  it  on  the  more  or  less  of 
water  in  the  Mississippi,  to  distiiu^uish  it  from  the 
other  rivers  of  the  I'inon.  To  put  a  jrreat  coiisti- 
liilional  power,  on  such  a  critevi..ii,  is  piittiii::  ilon 
no  criterion  at  all.  And  if  it  consliliite  u  citerioii, 
the  answer  is,  lli  '  Constitution  could  not  have 
I'onleiiiplated  it,  hremifr  the  rinr.W/.wi.wijijii  tra.i  nut 
ears  III  Ihc  lime  llii-  ('mi.i/i/iiM'mi  irns  mmle.  It  ha.-; 
Iicrn  aciiiiired  since;  and,  theretore,  either  from  its 
iiKejiiitiuie  or  uses,  could  not  have  lieen  contein- 
platcd  liv  the  (.'onsliiulion,  or  lie  the  suhject  of 
anv  dislinctifin  miih  r  it.  I  must  snmifise,  that  in 
lilieniinx  the  .Mih^is.'ippi  and  iis  inbiilariis,  t'rom 
the.r  si/e,  to  cmr  hays  on  the  seacoast,  it  is  siip- 
)iosed  iliat  they  arc  alike  in  the  Jurisdiction  of  the 
United  ^Jui.s  over  them.  Lint  tliis  m  a  great  niis- 
tnkc. 

Tlie  Consiittition  extends  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Vnitcd  Stales  courts  "  to  all  cases  of  admiralty 
and  maritime  jurisdiction."  Adi.iiralty  and  m;iri- 
lime  jiirisdii'iion  extends  to  the  sea  and  its  hays, 
and  to  ri\'ers  as  fir  as  liilewnlc'r  llows.  Does  this 
jiirisilii-iioii  incliiile  the  lakes,  or  the  Mississippi, 
or  the  Ohio,  or  any  other  river  inland:  It  does 
not.  The  tpiesiion  w.ns  ex|iressly  tried  in  the 
Snpri'me  Court  of  ilie  United  .Siaiis.  in  the  case 
of  a  sii  amhoat  wliich  run  from  Whielins  to  .\i'\4- 
Orleans.  IWiiiL'  found  in  tiile\v;iler,  in  New  Or- 
\i  ,uis,  it  was  lilielleil  tor  wau'cs  due. 

j  *.(r.  Vis'ToN  said,  it  was  the  case  of  Phehus  r,^,  , 
ft  fcs'eami'oat  ( 'oinpanv-] 

1  tliaiik  the  ireiHleni;\ii  for  his  infirmation.  He 
was  tlie  lawyir  wlnise  irreat  leaniin;^  and  aiiilities 
rnlighlencd  the  court  in  their  ilei'ision,  that  the 
iniisdiciioii  of  the  courts  of  llie  Uiiiled  Stairs  did 
not  norily  to  any  of  ihe  wesii  ni  rivers;  and  there- 
fore they  li't'iiscil  to  t.-tke  eoL'iiizance  of  the  case. 
Ihil  how  is  ii  with  the  Chcs'pe;ikp,  or  any  oiher 
lay  on  onr  seacoast  •  The  courts  of  the  United 
SialLs  do  taki-  daily  copni'/aii.-e  of  cases  arisiujon 
till  in.  Tlieie  is,  tneiefore,  no  MiKilo;.'y,  if  aiialosrv 
wniitil  h<  In  the  preieiision.  fon-iainiiiiL'"  appropria-  . 
lions  f  a- Ine  .Mississippi  river  and  its  '.illutaries, 
lieiween  the  Waters  on  our '.lays  and  the  west,  r.i 
rivers.  It  i.»  true,  an  n'"einpt  was  made  at  the  last 
session  of  CotiL'-  ss  I'V  a  lull  drawn  up,  I  uiiih  r- 
•iiMil,  l.y  .tiid-e."^lory  cud  .lii.hu  \!r|.,  an,  to  ex- 
li  nil  the  jurisdiciion  of  the  '_'iiitiil  (Slates  coiuls 
over  the  wntc  rs  of  the  lakes. 

|.\  loemlier  .said  that  the  lull  pa.s.sed,  and  was  a 
law.] 

i  an.  sorry  to  hear  it,  hecnnse  such  n  law,  in  my 
opuiion,  is  iiiliM-ly  iinconstittiiional.  The  inrisdi''- 
tioii  of  the  United  ,Siatis  courts  is  fixed  hy  ihc 
Coustilnti"ii.  it  can  luiilier  he  enlarLnil  hy  lli. 
laws  of  a  ."State,  no;  hy  the  law*  i  f  Coie.'res-'.  !  ' 
It  call  ill  one  particular,  it  can  in  another;  and  thus 
the  iuris4iiciion  of  this  court  he  exti-nded  to  all 
cases  v^■|lal^  -v  "  and  the  '  'onstitniinn  he  ch.aivji-d 
ii  ilif  i-apni-e  of  Coiui-ress  or  a  Siaie.  Tlie  Cn- 
siuu"on  IS  a  compact  ht'tw'i-en  all  the  States,  and 
can  he  altered  or  aimiided  only  hy  all,  n,-  hy  the 
mode  all  have  desiL'uateil  m  ihe  Coiistilmion,  Ihit 
wliether  the  law  i-  c,.n^MiuiiiUial  or  not,  it  is  roi^ 
•  hisive  (d'oiie  ihinir:  It  proves  that,  in  the  opinion 
of  the  'Supreme  Conn  and  of  Cnii!;rrss,  the  west- 
ern WHi'-rs,  without  it,  do  not  stn...i  ii|.)ii  the  s'line 
footiii;:  with  the  walirs  on  i.iir  Ailanlic  hays;  and 
not  vet  hiin;,'  iniide  appliiahlf  to  the  wesieni  rivers, 
liny  are  siill,  without  any  |ireieiision  to  the  "oii- 
ir  11  V,  under  the  i  xeliisive  ji/risdictinii  of  the  Slates 


IhiouL'h  wheh  ih'V 


'  Stales  as  onr  Atlantic  hay.s — I  lun  at  a  loss  to  con-  i 
ceivo  how  that  vvill  justify  expenditures  for  their 
iiaprovement.     Tluwe  who  deny  the  ]iower  of  this 
Governmrnt   to  carry  on  internal  iinproveineiits 
within  the  .Stales,  do  not  put  it  on  the  i^rniuid  thai 
where  llie  jurisdiciion  of  the  United  Slates  courts 
extends,  these  inipro.venieiil.s  may  he  carried   on. 
They  no  more  admit  of  the  constiimionality  of  ap- 
pro|iriations  for  <  astern  than  for  weslerii  Inirhors,  . 
for  .'\tliiiilie  than  for  weslerii  rivers,  for  canals,  or  ] 
roads  on  this,  or  the  other  side  of  the  I'lne  liid^'C.  ' 
Tliev  deny  all;  and  aLniinst  any  o     ail,  they  hold 
lip  tlie  harriers  of  the  Coiisiitulloii,  however  trail, 
to  r  -sist  the  inroads  of  power  and  rapacity. 

Having;  thus  endeavored  to  show,  that  the  di.s- 
tinction  altenipteil  to  he  drawn  in  favor  of  the  west- 
ern waters,  :;iviii5;  them  peculiar  constitntional 
claims  to  oiirappropriaiions,iswiilioiii  foundation, 
I  will  turn  to  lull  one  other  of  the  fcalurea  of  the 
hill  hefire  yon,  I.efore  I  enter  upon  Ihe  general 
conslilntional  aix'ument.  This  lull  makes  an  ap- 
proprialion  to  piircha.se  up  the  slock  of  the  Louis- 
ville and  Porllmid  Canal  Coinpanv.  This  com- 
pany was  charleieil  hy  the  Siale  of  Kentucky ;  and 
the  canal  round  the  rapids  at  Louisville  is  eiilirely 
within  iis  hmii.s.  It  is  propo.sed  hy  ihe  appro- 
priation thai  the  United  Stales  should  huy  out  all 
the  sloe  k'lolders,  and  tliuH  hecoine  the  exclusive 
proprietor  of  the  charter.  The  United  Slates  will 
thus  liecome  a  corporator  under  the  law  of  a  Slate, 
with  Ihe  piiwer  to  own  the  soil,  and  tax  the  navi- 
L'aiion  of  the  whole  West  lloaliiii;  up  and  down  the 
Ohio  river.  1  know  very  well  tliat  it  is  expected 
tluit  the  I'niied  .Slates  will  not  use  this  power,  hut* 
will  surrender  the  charier,  and  make  the  canal  free; 
hill  that  will  he  a  niaiter  of  discrelimi,  w  Inch  can- 
not alh'cl  Iheconsiiiiiiioiial  power.  I  put  it  to  this 
Democratic  House  of  Itepreseiilalives,  whellier 
lliey  are  jireparcd  to  assert  such  a  princiiile  on  the 
p.nrt  of  lliistiovernment.  If  the  United  Slates  can 
lliiis  own  n  canal,  why  not  a  hank — why  not  any 
oilier  corporation  wil'hin  the  Stales.'  AVe  have 
h*en  hatllin;^  for  years  aLrainst  Ihe  power  of  this 
l^iovernment  to  make  a  corporation  at  all.  On  this 
L'roniid,  afler  a  slruu'u'h'  conrnenciu!,'  with  the  Gov- 
ernmenl,  we  have  laiily  put  down  a  Uniled  Slalo.s 
hank.  Can  il  he  hcyond  our  consliliilioiKil  coiii- 
peh.ncy  to  incorporaie  a  hank  ourselves,  and  yet 
lie  ahle  lo  own  anv,  or  all  tin'  hanks  in  the  Union 
nil  orporaled  hy  tile  Slates.-  Have  we  power  to 
own  the  canals  and  railroads  incorporated  hy  the 
Siaii  s,  and  llnouL'h  ilieni,  tax  the  citizens  and  con- 
Irol  the  interests  and  iiide|ieiidcnce  of  theSialis.- 
.V  Stale  has  hut  to  raise  a  corpoiaiion,  and  linn, 
as  orii:inal  suhscrihcis  i>v  purchasi  rs,  this  Govern- 
ment exieiid.s  us  power  lo  any  purfiose  it  pleases. 
Still  furlliir,  why  inlerpnse  the  foiin  of  iiicorpora- 
lioii.=  Why  caiiiiol  a  Sl.ite  diri'cily  asseiil  l.y  law 
to  any  propused  exercisi  cif  power  wilhiii  her  lim- 
its, oil  the  pint  of  this  Govirnnnni  ■  If  this  pro- 
vision, to  ni.ike  the  Uniled  .*^lal.  s  the  |iroprii  tor  of 
the  Louisville  and  I'orllaiid  Canal,  In- consiilnlional, 
then  is  the  Consiitiitioti  only  w  Imi  Co!f.:ress  ami 
any  Si.iic  .■iniihininu  ni';ii|ii'r  shall  ordain.  We 
sland  towards  this  couipcuy  exacllv  in  lli*'  s;tllle 
relaiioii  wc  do  low.irils  ihe  Ohio  and  (,'hcs,ipeake 
Ciiiiid  Company.  We  have  lieeii  (when  the  {''ed- 
iral  party  was  In  the  asri.|alaiit)suhscriher.s  to  ilii> 
stock  of  liolii.  Why  should  we  purchase  oiil  the 
stock,  and  own  the  om- .nid  iioi  iheoiher-  Will 
any  iientleniaii,  Whi:^  or  Deinocr.ii.  assii^n  one 
LTood  ria.soii  for  tin  disliiiciion,  (puttini;  the  Con- 
siiiiiiion  under  ila'  l.ihle.)  Sir,  i  very  canal  in  ihe  ■ 
Union  may  I.-  ow  ned  hy  us  under  such  a  constrnc- 
lion  of  the  Coiisiiiniion. 

Mr.  Chairnian,  the  dilfereiiris  Intwein  ihe  Iwo 
^'reai  pailirs  of  tjji-  ciMoiiry,  on  iliis  very  snhjeci 
of  nileriial  iinprovenieui,  ,irose  in  the  ('onvi'iition 
which  framed  the  Ciinsiiliitioii.  No  ni.in  cmild 
he  iL;oorant  of  its  hen  in:;  and  import.ince,  whilst 
ei.deavoriin,'  to  hiiild  up  tW'i  (iovermiiciits  over  the 
same  pi  oiih  ,  and  to  appoiit"i>  the  powers  ta-iween 
iheni.  Acciirdiiiirlv  lliis  su!jici  was  distiiicily 
hrouidit  hefore  the  C'oiivenii.in.  (ion\erneiir  Mor- 
'.       I      ahhsl  and   most  skill'nl  >  liainpion  of  coii- 

.111  III  the  ColUi  III di  si;;rialed    the  pow- 

I  proposed  lo  j;iM',  hy  I' e  Consiilniion,  in 
Ihe  da;a  1  prescrihed  to  cerlai  .  ilH,  i  rs.  He,  pro- 
jiosed,  amongst   other',   lo     .nme  a  Secretary  of 


Domi 


Alfa 


Ho.  OF  lir.ps. 

'  nnvignlinns,  and  Ihe  facilitalinj  conimiinicalioiis 
'  llirongh  the  United  States;  and  he  shall,  from 
'  time  to  time,  recommend  such  mcasuris  and  estah- 
'  liHlimenls  as  may  lend  to  ;ii-omo(c  llnise  ohjects." 
Here,  sir,  in  iidmirahle  groujiing,  is  almost  the 
whole  hoily  of  Federalism.  The  Vhncral  Govern- 
meiil  was  lo  li.ave  charire  of  the  police  of  tin' 
Stales — enact  corn-laws  to  promole  agricnlliirc-  — 
jiroliihitory  lariils  to  promote  iiiamiftciurcs,  and 
"  the  opening  of  rniiils  iniil  tiiirif^ntiims  through  thf 
ritiliit  SIntis."  Mr.  Morris's  plan  was  referred  to 
the  Coinmillee  of  Detail:  the  commillee,  in  due 
time,  reported  on  these  points  the  present  Coiisti- 
ttition.  They  L'ave  no  power  lo  the  General  Gov- 
ernment over  the  police  of  ll.e  Slates,  only  autho- 
rizing the  rresidenl  of  the  Uniled  Stales  to  I'all  out 
the  niiliiia  "  in  case  of  iiisnrreciion  or  invasion." 
They  gave  no  power  "to  promole"  iiriicnllnre 
or  iniinufactiires,  or  lo  open  "i-nads  and  naviga- 
tions." It  was,  prohahly,  with  a  distinct  view  lo 
the  rejection  oi  these  comhined  lu'ojects  of  (.ioiivcr- 
neiir  IVIoiris,  that  Aiexander  Ilamillon  asserts  in 
the  Uederalisl,  that  "ihe  eiicourai;enieiit  of  agri- 
cullnre  and  maiiiifactnres  is  an  appendage  of  the 
iliimislic  polire  of  the  Stiitts."  Willi  nspect  to 
"roads,"  the  committee  reporled  the  clause  of  the 
Constitution  as  il  now  stands;  "Congress  shall 
have  power  to  (slahlish  post  oirices  and  post 
roads."  Dr.  I'ranklin  was  not  content  with  this 
clause,  heiiig  a  clear  ncL^alion  "  to  open  roads  and 
navigations."  He  Iherefore  proposed,  when  it 
came  up  for  consiiIeralion,as  an  addilitui,  "  tn  yirc- 
viitt  fitf  riif^'ag  ciiiiiih  v'hirf  tlicmtil  luri'ssunj. "  He 
still  111  Id  on  to  the  "  naviuMlions."  .Iiidge  Wilson, 
his  eolleau'iie,  supported  Dr.  Urmiklin's  aineiid- 
im  nl,  and  I  lug  leave  lo  ask  the  speci;il  atieiilioii 
of  the  cominittee  to  the  reason,  and  the  only  rea- 
son, he  assiLOied  for  siipportiic.:  it.  "Mr.  \V'ilsoii 
nieiilioned  the  iuiportance  of /iici/i/fi/iiig  tiii  runiila 
the  cvtnimiulctithtii  with  the  ii'estern  .sc/Z/i  aicji/.s-." 
The  importance  "of  facilitating  commiinicalion 
throui'h  the  United  Slates,"'  was  hroiii'ht  forward 
hy  (.iiiiveriienr  Morris.  The  iin|iortaiice  "of  fa- 
eililatinir,  hy  canals,  the  cominunication  with  the 
western  scttleinents,''  was  iirL'cd  hy  Mr.  Wilson 
in  the  eonvention.  All  power  looking  to  such  oh- 
jecls  filled.  Dr.  Franklin's  aniendmeiit  failed,  hy 
a  vote  of  H  to  ;);  Virsrinia,  Georgia,  and  Pemisyi- 
vaiiia,  only  voting  for  it. 

Now,  sir,  I  know  of  no  method  so  ennclitsive  of 
asciataiiijug  the  true  nieaning  of  the  Constitiiliou 
as  its  history.  So  complicated  and  intiTWOven  are 
all  the  interests  of  society,  thai,  w  here  two  ^^overii- 
meiils  are  to  he  or;raiii/.ed  over  a  people,  llie  one 
carved  out  of  the  other,  there  miirlit  he,  in  the  ah- 
sence  of  history,  the  ^rravis  doiihts  as  lo  the  pow- 
ers conceded  or  relaiind.  The  Constiinlion  of  the 
United  States,  il  is  true,  is  hut  a  Inindle  of  soiciaj 
i,'raiils.  When  a  power,  therefore,  is  imi  spei  iaily 
and  plainly  graund,  the  presiiniptnui  niust  he 
a^'ainsl  il.  Ihii  this  pn  sumption  iiiiist  lie  an  over- 
ruling fact,  wliere  it  lias  heell  expressly  propilsi:d, 
in  the  coii\enlioti  which  framed  the  Consiitulion, 
lo  he'  given,  and  it  luts  heeii  denied.  Thi-ic  is  no 
room  lor  ari:uinciil.  Power  may  asscrl  and  dog- 
inalise,  and  ruthlessly  stride  over  the  Coiistituiioii; 
hut  it  can  convince  noma;  hut  him  whose  iniensls 
or  pri'jiidiies  eoiitrol  his  reason.  To  niainiain. 
afnr  the  history  of  the  Coiivenlioii  I  have  laid  he- 
fore  you,  that  Con;:ri  ss  **  I'an  ]irovide  (or  ci'ling 
canals,"  or  "  lo  open  roads  or  navi;:atioiis,"  in 
the  ahsence  of  any  sucdi  power  in  llie  ( 'ueiitiition, 
and  the  express  refu.sal  lo  urant  it  in  the  Conven- 
tion which  nnule  il,  is  a  proof  how  vain  is  right  in 
striiiriles  fir  power.  Cioiivernenr  Morris's  whole 
hatch  Ml'  federalism  was  put  down  and  reji.ied  in 
the  Conveulioii.  It  grasped  hotli  ihe  taxia,'  and 
the  eNpeinlnig  power,  and  v\ms  desiiiued  to  render 
hoih  limille.ss,  excepting  at  the  di.sereiion  of  C. in- 
gress. ;\s  money  is  ihe  great  insiriinienl  of  all 
(joMTiin  eiil,  lie  kiiiw  that  niiliniiled  power  over 
monev  was  all  th.at  w;m  iieeesstiv  O'Mciir.  coii- 
sohdalion  lu  ^'overnment.  I  low  would  !,•  irinmph, 
if  he  well'  now  upon  this  floor,  mid  saw  his  whole 
polii  y  complete,  noi  hy  the  insirumentalily  of  his 

1 ieiil  friends,  hut  hy  that  of  his  aneient  f  ics  .-    A 

tanlf  "  lo  pr Ic  ni.iniif  uiuies"  liiids  advoc.ilcs 

aniongst  the  Dcmociacy  of  the  .\orili.  Appropri- 
ations "  lo  open  roads  and  I'lNigatioim"  is  upheld 


lint  lei  uH  adinii,  ilial  the  western  rivers  siniid 


^i<^- 


)>rceii<»lv  in  the  same  relation  towards  liie  I' iiied       •  lure  and  maunraeiuri's. 


111  madi  .1  hisduly   "  to  aiiend       hy  the   Democracy  nf  ihe   West.      Doiihilc.ss,  sir 
tiers  of  general  polne,  the  stale  of     '^riciil-      he  would  consider  them  capii  il  good  Federalists, 


if  roails  and 


Mleh, 


IMr    M.Ciri- 


|!<VI..  -il, 
Ho.  OF  Rkps. 


iitin;;  cnmiiuiniculiiins 
i;  and   lii'  sliiill,  from 
ch  mcasiinsnni\  csliili- 
■nHI"(f   lllilSt'  olijc.cl.H." 
lujiinir)  if^  nliunst  tli(^ 
Till- ViriK  nil  Oovi-ni- 
(if  llic  |MiUi;o  iif  llic 
|n'niiiitt<?  auiriiMiltiirc-  — 
to  nmnnraoluics,  aiitl 
iitrit^nlitnts  llir<>ui;li  the 
*s  plan  was  rrl'i'iTCtl  t(i 
ho  (■(iri'.iiiitlii',  in  dm: 
IS  tlio  pirscnt  Consli- 
r  111  llii!  Cic'Mi'ral  Onv- 
I'.c  Sinlrs,  iinly  aiillii)- 
iiiliil  Slalcs  IM  call  luit 
rncliiin  or  inva-^ir.ii." 
prnmiiti'"    a:;ri('iiUnre 
1  "niaila  ami  iiavif;a- 
villi  a  (lisliiii't  view  to 
icil  jiriijii'lsiil'CMaiviT- 
r  Ilaniillon  nssirl?  in 
looaraijcini'nt  iif  a!,'ii- 
■■  an  aupi'iiilai;!'  nf  llie 
(."     AViili   n-spect   ti. 
iiitfd  llii'  I'lansi'  ol'lhr 
nils;   *'  Coni;r('ss  shall 
lost    ollirts    and    piist 
not  ronlcnt  willi  tliia 
HI  '*  Id  opt-n  roiuis  and 
■e    pniposi'd,    wliiii    it 
s  an  addiiiciii,  "In  /)n>- 
iltimtil  jifrc.'.M/ri/."    Ho 
ions."    .Indi;.' Wilson, 
Jr.   I'Vanlvlin's  niiirnd- 
(  the  ."pei'ial  atU'iilion 
■ion,  and   the  only  rea- 
liii^'  il.     "Mr.  Wihioii 
d'7;»'i/i(n(iiiif  I'fl  nmiih 
iVt.ilrrn   xiltli iiiinh." 
itatinir   eonunnnication 
'  was  lironi;ht  forward 
'he  iiii]>ortanee  "of  fa- 
niiniiiniealion  wiih  tht; 
iirL'eil  l.y  Ml'-  Wilson 
ver  Inoknii;  to  sncli  oli- 
i  anienilnienl  failed,  hy 
Georu;ia,  and  I'l'iinsyl- 

lelhod  so  eonrlnsive  of 
i\::  of  llie  Consliliilion 
led  and  inlerwoven  are 
lai,  where  Iwo  ^oveni- 
iver  a  people,  the  ono. 
re  ini'.'ht  lie,  in  ihe  ali- 

Iniil.l.s  as  lo  Ihe  pow- 
rio'  I'.nisliiiilioii  of  the 

I  a  Itnlldle  of  speeial 
erefore,  is  iioi  spc,  iaily 
jiresuniplion  nnist  la; 
]itii'n  must  he  an  over- 
n  expressly  proposed, 
nni  d  Ihe  t 'onsiiliilion, 
I  denied.  Tliei-i*  is  no 
r  may  assert  and  do:;- 
over  llii.  Conslitalioii; 
ut  him  whose  interests 
reason.  'I'd  maiiUaiii. 
venlioii  I  have  laid  ho 
■an  providi'  fa'  c'lUini; 
Is  or  navigations.*'  ill 
ver  in  llieC'iieiiliilion, 
rant  it  in  the  Coiiven- 
lof  iiow  vain  is  riL'hl  m 

rneiir  Morri.-'s  whole 
t  ilown  and  reji ,  led  in 
d  lioth  the  laxni,'  and 
was  desii^ned  |o  render 
llie  diserelion  of  Con- 
;real  iiisiriinieni  of  all 
imliiniled  power  oier 
■i'ess:n-y  lo  seenr.  eon- 
low  would  I'e  iiinmph, 
iin',  and  saw  his  whole 
'  instriiini'Mlaliiy  of  his 
of  his  aiieienl  foes  .-  A 
''lines"  finds  advocates 
Ihe  Norih.  Appropri- 
ruiii-itioiiK"  is  upheld 
\Vi  SI.  I  loiilille.ss,  sir, 
il  d  i;ooil  T'ederaliNlH. 
hi-ai   I  Mr.   MiCi.n.- 


1846.] 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Internal  Improvements — Mr.  Hhett, 


449 


New  Sehies No.  29. 


i..\nd]  began  liis  armimciit  on  llie  Constitnlion  hy 
ciliiiff  n  iirri'edciit.  He  (iiioicd  the  act  of  178!), 
providini;  that  "  piers,  li^lit-hoii.ses,  lieaeons,  and 
liiioys,"  .should  he  supported  liy  paymeiils  out  of 
the  treasury.  He  laid  special  stress  on  the  woril 
"piers,"  to  siippnrl,  I  presume,  his  liarhnr  ini- 
provcmenls,  .Sir,  I  suppose  the  "piers,"  alhi- 
iled  to  in  this  aei,  were  iiieidcnt  to  our  liencoiis 
and  lii^ht-hoiises.  They  a'e  very  eoinmon,  to  fa- 
eilitalc  aeeess  lo  them,  o-  to  protect  them.  1  do 
not  deny,  however,  that  our  liirht-liouse  system 
does  nifortl  some  apparent  jnstiliealion  to  apiiro- 
prialions  for  oilier  purposes  jii  litirlinrs.  Tut  I  do 
deny,  that  (hose  who  eslaldished  this  system  ever 
cnniemplatcd  Ihe  policy  he  advocates.  They  never 
desiiriied  that  li^ht-houses  and  huoys  were  to  he  a 
pMieral  eliari;e  upon  the  treasury.  The  loiiiias;e- 
dutv,  exacted  on  all  of  our  vessels  ciueriiii^  our 
tioris,  was  expressly  (lesif;ned  to  support  the  sys- 
iein,  al  the  expense  of  tliose  who  should  enjoy  its 
lieiiefils.  For  Ihe  name  purpose,  lii^ht  money,  as 
it  was  called,  was  also  exacted.  In  179G,  a  peli- 
lion  was  presented  to  Cou'.'ress,  praying  lo  he  in- 
demnified for  the  loss  of  u  shipenleriiiK  Ncwbury- 
porl.  The  li^hl-honse  had  been  undermined  by  n 
storm  fourteen  days  before  the  ship  reached  ihe 
port.  The  pililinner.'!eouteiule<1,  that  as  they  paid 
(hiliea  to  keep  llie  lii;ht,  they  should  be  indeniiii- 
fied.  The  f'limmiitee  nf  Commerce  and  Miinii- 
facliires,  in  their  report  to  Conirress,  said:  "On 
'  ihis  ]ielition,  the  commillee  would  observe,  thai 
'  alllion^'li  the  toni\ti9;c-mi)nfH  pii'nl  Inj  llif  Iwttkrs  nf 
'  sliijtSf  J'itr  the  ;ij()';iii.V('  a/'  sa/i/ior/ia^  Ugltt-honaeSt  in- 
'  volvvs  a  duly,  on  Ihe  part  of  the  Governmeni, 
'  lo  lakcsenerallv  sneli  prudential  measures  as  will 
'  emhraee  the  oliject,  yet  il  cannot  he  sn|iposed 
'  llu't  Oovermiienl,  while  it  is  extendinf;  a  romv- 
'  iiieiifB  for  the  ;;.iod  of  the  eilizens,  ever  conleni- 
*  plated  it  should  lie  responsible  for  any  losses  that 
'  iiii;;hl  occur  in  conseipieiice  of  ihat  convenience 
'  hcins;  incoinplcti',  in  any  instance,  arisinji;  from 
'  ihe  neijlcct  or  omission  of  any  of  its  a';enLs,  or 
'  from  any  oilier  cause. " — Slate  I'upirs,  vnl,  10,  /(. 

:iii). 

Ones  the  bill  before  us  lay  any  lonnasre  duties, 
to  reimburse  the  treasury  for  liie  expense  of  ma- 
liins;  the  harbors  it  pro|ioses.'  If  it  did,  llien;en- 
ileiuan  misjht,  with  .some  show  of  reason,  cite  the 
li'.^hl-llousesvsleill,  is  il  was  orii^iilallvestablished, 
to  support  Ins  harlior  policy.  1  Know  that  these 
(niiiia:;e  dulies  and  li:',lilnioney  have  been  lonir 
since  aludishcd,  as  every  fillier  burden,  which 
lienrs  upon  llie  indiislry  of  llie  Norlli.  I'm  it  was 
not  so,  ill  Ihe  bei-imiinf;.  Those  who  put  the  Gov- 
eniimienl  in  nioiioii,  were  too  just  lo  expect  the 
people  of  the  Union  puerally,  io  pay  for  the  coii- 
veiiK'iice  of  a  pari.  The  evil,  as  well  as  the  daii- 
ffcr,  of  violatne.;  ihe  Consiilulion  of  the  Uniled 
Slalcs,  ill  approprialions,  consists  in  this.  Make 
those  who  beiiefil  by  Ihe  vi.ilalioii  of  the  f'onslil  i- 
lion,  pay  for  il;  and  few  would  complain,  and 
fi'Wer  slill,  would  seek  lo  violaie  il.  The  !;re:it 
.■irife  is  lo  make  all  pay,  whilst  n  nan  receive. 
Pul  back  ill"'  diilics  on  lomiaL'e,  ami  raisi'  them 
lii>,'h  cmnmli  lo  pay  for  all  harbor  imprnvcmcnls 
ConsrcsH  bIuiII  anihorize, — there  is  nm  a  man  here 
who  would  l;ike  them  at  such  a  cost.  It  would  be 
an  ouirase  on  their  palrioiic  sensibilities.  Vfi: 
miisl  pay,  and  ihey  receive.  That  is  the  policy. 
Sir,  ihe  act  of  Congress,  in  17W),  with  respect  to 
li^ht-hoiises,  no  more  oriL'iiiated  or  jnsliticji  ihe 
sysUMii  of  inlenial  improvenienls,  ih.-in  the  larilf 
act  of  Ihe  same  year,  so  ofieii  ipioled,  oriijinaled 
laesyslcm  of  proii'ctini'  loihniieslic  mamifacluref;. 
Neiiher  polii'y  properly  commenced,  until  about 
llie  year  Irt'.'ll,  when  they  arosi'  in  coniunciion,  as 
ihe  two  i;ii  al  palls  of  what  the  uenlleman  from 
Kentucky  (.Mr.  Tiio.m.\5Siim]  calls  "  llie  beaulil'ul 
Americnn  sysiem,"  whiidi  consisted  in  layimj 
ittxca  lo  enconrasre  manul'iciuves,  and  expeiiiliii!; 
them  on  inlenial  iinpicivenunls.  They  wi  re  the 
leu'ilimalfc  conseipiciice  of  .Mr.  Monroe's  ili'Clara- 
lion,lliat  "  we  are  all  I'eileialisis  and  all  Itepnli- 
licans,"'  ;iiid  iriiiniphed  in  llie  elecilmi  to  the  I'n  s- 
iilencyofthe  honorable  ixentleman  from  Massa- 
I'hnsclls  in  I.-'.',"!.  They  wcn'e  overlhrown,  by  llie 
c  li'ciion  of  (.iciieril  .iackson,  in  ]>i\\,  who  vindi- 
ealed  Ihe  ConsliMilioii,  with  respeci  lo  inlcrnal  im- 
]iroveiiienls,  in  his  veloes  on  the  approprialions  for 
llie  Maysville  road  and  tin'  Louisville  and  I'orl- 
laiid  canal.  Nor  can  acis  of  Coiniri'ss,  howevi-r 
numerous,  he  any  precedents  fur  the  policy,  .so  f.ir 


ns  the  Di'moerntic  p;irty  is  concerned.    They  were 
all  carried,  as  the  bill  before  you  now  will  proh-  I 
ably  be  carried,  by  an   intei'eHled  |iortion   of  the  i 
Democratic  parly,  unilinu'  with  the  Whi^s.  I, 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  first  i;reai  diirerence  between  ] 
the  two  great  parties  in  the  Union  afier  ihe  Con-  ! 
stilution  went  inlo  operation,  arose  as  lo  the  man-  i 
ner  of  construini,'  it.     The  Federal  parly,  ilissaiis-  ■ 
lied  with  the  limilalions  in  ihe  Consiilulion,  early 
resorted  to  eonslruelion  to  do  iheni  away.     Thus, 
from  the  power  given  to  Congress  "  to  regulate  com- 
merce with  foreign  imlioiis,  and  among  llie  sc'vcml  j 
Slalcs,"  they  deduced  the  power,  to  make  a  bank,  ! 
enact  tarilV  laws  for  prolecling  manufactures,  and  , 
lo  carry  on  internal  improvemeir.s  hy  the  Geicral  ' 
Governmeni.     The  same  lliings,  and  everyihiim- 
else,  they  claimed   under  the  clan.sc  "  to  provide 
for   the   common  defence    and    general   welfare." 
Thus  wiping  out  all  the  liniitalious  in  the  Coiisli-  i 
tnlion,  and  making  Congress  and  ihe  General  Gov- 
ernment  omnipotent   over  every    interest   in   the 
Union.     But  it  has  been  reserved  for  our  day,  lo  , 
tind   Democrats  taking  up  the  nrgunieiils  of  the 
Federal  party,  with  ttieir  policy.     The  Secretary 
of  War,  and   the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
,  Commerce,  u'oukl  not  disirrace  the  most  palmy 
day  of  fi.'dcralism,  by  tlicir  arguments  in  favor  of 
the  Mc'isLtre  before  yon.   They  are  neccssar^  ■'  for  j 
1  def  !i  L. "orlhey  arc  "  naiional  in  iheirchar.ieter!"  , 
i  as  if  r,re  melliod  of  defending  the  rminlry  by  ar- 
mies, and  navies,  and  forliAcatioiis,  were  not  sne- 
j  cified  in   the  Constitnlion;  and  as  if  Ihe  nationality 
il  intended  to  esiablish,  was  not  also  specified!! 
Sir,   when    genilemen   resort  to  such  ai'irumeiils, 
Ihere  is  but  one  way  lo  reason  with  iliem;  if  they 
do  nol  deliberately  design  to  destroy  the  (.'onsiitu- 
lion,  show  that  their  policy  will  deslroy  il.    I  lake 
it  for  granted  ihal  there  is  at  least  a  portion  of  ihis 
House,  the  Deniocralie  portion,  who  do  nol  intend 
j  or  desire  to  overthrow  lair  system  of  Ciov  .anient, 
with   ils  careful  disiribulioii   of  powers,  beiween 
1  the  Federal  and  Stale  Governmenls.     To  tlieni  I 
I  address  myself. 

I  Take  it  for  granlcd,  that  the  measures  before 
,  yon  are  juslilialile,  inidcr  llie  Consiilulion,  as  mcas- 
,  urcs  for  defence.  They  include  all  the  harbors  in 
I  the  Union — Atlantic,  lake,  and  river  harbors.  The  t 
I  Missouri  river  ihreaiens  lo  rim  oiri'rom  St.  Louis, 
and  there  is  an  appropriaiion  to  keep  it  straight. 
Then  the  rivers,  all  the  rivers  in  the  Union,  as  I 
lliilik  I  have  shown,  are  lakcii  under  our  jiirisilic- 
tion;  and  lastly,  canals,  and  the  power  of  owning 
Slate  corporations  of  every  kind.  These  are  the 
.special  uuasnres  of  ilir  bill,  bul  the  jirinciphs  will 
go  nnicli  furlher.  Sir,  will  genllenicn  ohli^'e  lis, 
by  giving  lis  a  reason  why  railroads  will  nol  prop- 
erly be  subjects  for  our  .ipprojirialiiiiis  under  Ihe 
princijiles  of  this  billr  Will  anv  one  prelend  that 
ihey  will  nol  I'onlribule  as  niucii  lo  the  defence  of 
Ihe  cniinlry  as  harbors  or  rivers?  Does  not  every 
one  know  that  they  are  far  more  eiruiciil  for  this 
purpose  than  all  iillier  instrumenis  of  inlenial  im- 
provemeiil  combined?  Leave  llie  Consiitiilion  in 
us  specificalions.  and  resorl  lo  any  melhod  of  con- 
si.  iiclion  lo  justify  Inlenial  improvements,  and  ' 
you  must  include  railroads,  as  the  firsl  in  principle 
and  iniporlance,  for  your  approprialions.  Nor 
will  the  mailer  slop  heie.  If  ihe  ( 'onsiitulioii  now 
ilives  you  power  over  this  limitless  svstcm  of  in- 
lenial nnprovemenls,  you  possessed  llie  power  all 
along;  and  no  one  will  deny,  ihal  if,  in  the  pariiiion 
of  powers  beiween  llieSl.'iies  and  Ihetieiieral  (.iov- 
■  ernnienl,  this  power  was  !,'iveii  to  the  General 
Government,  it  w;is  the  design  of  the  Consiilulion 
ihal  il  should  be  exercised.  The  .^lales  onglil  not 
lo  have  alienipieil  lo  I'xereise  il;  and  in  exercising 
il  ihey  have  performed  a  dniv  righlly  belonging  lo 
Ihe  General  Governiiienl.  As  a  leu'iliniale  conse- 
ipieiice,  iherefore,  the  debts  of  ihe  Slaies,  coiilracl- 
I'd  for  inlernal  iniprovemcnis,  ought  lo  be  assniiicd 
by  Ihe  Gener.d  Government.  This  is  no  extrava- 
gant speciilalion  of  mine.  Il  is  a  direct  loi;icnl 
conclnsion,  ab'cady  urged  on  ihis  lloor  by  the  dis- 
lingnislied  genllei'nan  I'roni  M,isj,ichn>e'lls,  ]  Mr. 
.\o.\Ms.l  And  ihen,  sir,  on  llie  other  ground,  of 
nationality — nalional  woiks  only  are  lo  be  carried 
on  by  ihis  Governmeni  I  Wbalever  Stales  are  nol 
eompelcnt  lo  do,  we  miisl  ;issiinie.  Is  not  this  ihc 
very  posilion  laken  by  ihouc  who  have  been  in  fa- 
vor of  a  Unileil  Slates  batik?  A  paper  currency 
for  the  whole  Union,  no  Stale  can  furnish;  ihere- 
fore the  General  Goverimienl,  as  a  matter  strictly 


national,  sliall  rurnish  il.  I.s  the  Ohio,  ihe  Mis- 
sissippi, or  Hudson  rivers,  more  nalional  than 
many  schemes  for  connecting  the  wesleni  with  the 
eastern  waters;  or  ihan  the  railroads  which,  leav- 
ing the  hill  on  which  this  Capitol  stands,  reach 
info  Maine.'  Sir,  in  a  very  few  years,  nil  dis- 
linciions  as  to  nationality,  from  the  inimciisity  of 
their  extension  and  communicalioii,  will  be  obliter- 
ated in  the  progress  of  railroads  in  internal  im- 
provenienls. The  whole  Uiuon  will  be  joined  lo- 
gether  by  its  iron  bands;  and  along  the  very  rivers, 
tor  wliii-h  appropriations  are  coiuaincd  in  lliis  bill, 
llie  mighty  tide  of  onr  populaiion  will  pass  on  the 
lailroail.  We  musl  lake  under  our  control  and  care 
all  the  works  of  inlcrnal  improveinent  in  the  Union, 
ami  a.ssitnie  all  the  debts  of  the  Slates. 

Mr.  Chairniaii,  1  know  gentlemen  will  object  to 
this  reasoning,  because  itassunies  so  niucli.  They 
will  say,  because  we  have  the  power  to  do  oil  these 
things,  it  docs  not  follow  that  we  will  exercise  it. 
Our  discretion  is  a  sutrieient  protection.  Sir,  1  am 
not  reasoning  on  mere  speculation.  1  am  reason- 
ing from  expericnc.e,  as  well  as  from  the  nature  of 
things.  Inlernal  iniprovcmenls,  is  no  untried  ex- 
perinient  in  the  Union.  We  have  ncconiplished 
much  by  ils  instrum.-ntaliiy;  but  look  ut  ilsiiistory 
in  the  Slalcs;  especially  the  Western  Slates,  who 
arc  now  so  desirous  that  we  should  leap  inlo  its 
devouring  vortex.  What  iliscrelion  have  they  ex- 
hibited,in  controlling  ils  abuses  and  excess?  Mil- 
lions of  debt,  which  they  cannot  or  will  not  pay, 
with  the  dishonor  of  repudiation  ihrouirhout  F.ii- 
lope,  resting  over  the  whole  Union.  If,  for  works 
iimuediately  under  their  eyes,  with  a  direct  respon- 
sibility of  representation,  and  direct  taxes  to  meet 
the  system,  it  has  run  into  the  mosi  hideous  and 
prolliijate  excess  in  the  Slates — what  will  it  be, 
wheii  iniroduced  inlo  the  action  of  litis  Govern- 
ment, with  itidirccl,  uns(  en  taxes  lo  defray  its 
costs,  and  a  more  dislanl  tvsponsibilily  by  repre- 
senlaiion,  and  a  greater  ignorance  of  the  subjccls 
I'or  appropri;itions,  front  their  vast  extent? 

lint  if  experience  bad  mil  taught  us  the  fate  of 
this  Government  undi  r  such  a  system  of  appro- 
pirialion,  it  could  not  be  mislaken,  in  the  iKiture  of 
things.  Once  fairly  eslabiished  as  the  duly  of  this 
Governmeni,  ami  iiisiead  of  legislating  for  the  lini- 
ilcd  purposes  for  which  the  Consliiutioii  was  made, 
(proteclion  from  foreign  nations,  and  protection 
from  each  other,)  we  will  meet  here,  to  play  the 
grand  g.aine  of  phmderitiu'  each  other.  Each  in- 
terest must  combine  with  olliirs,  (and  the  least 
meriiorious  the  more  unscrupulous,)  to  extortfroni 
the  ix'st.  .Vlready  we  have  the  forelasle  of  the 
scenes  which  must  occur,  and  the  protection  which 
diserelion  will  all'ord  to  aliases,  ill  the  fury  and 
iiniint  of  the  whole  West  for  these  approprialions. 
All  conslilutional  scruples,  all  parly  principles, 
sink  liefore  every  apiiroprialion — no  mailer  what — 
which  goes  to  tlic  West.  Will  not  the  same  uii- 
scrupnlousiicss  soon,  under  this  sv.stem,  from  ne- 
cessity, reach  the  other  seciions  of  llie  Union  ?  And 
ihiu  what  will  we  see?  Xot  |irojecis  or  objc: 
of  iiilern.il  improvements  merely,  struggling  I'l, 
approprialions,  lint  the  diircren't  sections  of  the 
I  nioti,  ■niering  into  and  rnling  the  fatal  strife. 
Talk  of  disirtbuiinn  amoni:st  ihe  Siate.i  of  ihe  mo- 
ney resnliiiig  from  ihe  .sales  of  the  |iublic  lands! 
VVIiy,sir,dislribuiion  of  the  money  in  the  Ireasury, 
not  only  from  ihe  public  lands,  bni  fnnii  every  other 
source,  will  be  an  iiieslinialile  blessing,  if  a  refuge 
from  sncli  a  system  of  corrnplioit  and  spoliation. 
,\nd  where  will  be  your  l:iri(V.*  Where  will  bo 
your  I  )cniocralic  proi'e.ssions  of  economy  and  pari  - 
ly  in  Governmeni  ?  The  laxes  must  be  put  up  to 
the  very  last  dollar  of  exiortion,  which  an  exiieri- 
meiiliiigund  saleless  lust  for  appropriations,  must 
emjeiiiler.  Your  approprialions  will  only  he  lim- 
ited by  your  inabiliiy  to  wring  more  Lixes  from 
Ihe  people.  The  protective  policy  will  not  then 
rest  oil  ingenious  sophisiries,  or  parly  fealty,  for 
ils  support;  but  it  will  riot  in  a  kindred  corraplioni 
and  111  as  elerual,  as  llie  iircdoniiniuice  of  selfish- 
ness and  avarice,  in  asysli  in  of  Government,  from 
which  all  good  has  lied.  The  Democratic  parly — 
that  proud  jiarty,  which  once  aimed  at  ihe  high 
destiny  of  preserving  the  Consiilulion,  and  lulniiii- 
istering  il  upon  the  principles  of  integrity  and  triuh- 
fulness — will  first  fill,  even  of  Fedei-alism,  even  of 
Itself,  an  object  of  lo;itliinu  and  scorn. 

(Here  the  Chairman's  hammer  fell,  the  allotted 
.  hour  having  transpired  ) 


i 


in 

m 


450 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


frdi.  10, 


'21>rH  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


J/arbora  and  Jiivers — j\Jr.  H'cntworth. 


KEiMARKS   Ol"  MU.  WKNTVVORTH, 

OF  ILLINOIS, 
Iv  TIIK  lIorsB  ii-  Hkimiksentativks, 
111  fiiviir  of  llu-  Hml"  r  nnil  Uivrr  liill,  siiUniillcd 
(liiiiii^tlii|H'iiiii'ni'V  ol'lliu  KoriiOi'nliiin  IJill,  l''ib- 
uiiry  11',  ISIti;  iiml,  alaii,  i\l  clitViTOIil  tiiius,  liy  ! 
wny  of  cxiilannliim.  iliiriiia;  tlieilisoussion  of  the  I 
Harbor  oiiil  River  bill  ilnt  If.  ' 

1  do  iKil  wisli  to  iiliiic  myself,  cvi'ii  constnie- 
llvrly,  ill  an  iiltitmlr  of  Imslility  lo  this  bill;  iiiid 
WHS  tliciv  11  siiisli' doubt  ill  the  iiiiiid  of  any  one  ' 
of  its  |>assai;p,  I  would  not  inlcrnipt  it  by  Niibinit- 
tingrtsinsli'  n'lnarlt.  Hut, under  tliri'iiruiuslaiu'cs, 
I  must  say  that  I  reijrel  ils  beiuj:  ealliil  up  to-day, 
since  tlic  i;ivat  importance  of  tlic  liarbor  and  river 
bill,  taken  :ii  connexion  with  tlic  repeated  vetoes,  , 
h:is  forced  me  to  the  conviction  tlint  it  is  my  iin- 1 
perative  duty  to  unje  that  in  |iiet'ercuce  lo  every-  i 
Thin;;  else.  One  Congress  has  learnt  me  nuicli, 
and  a  second  is  learniiii;  me  inoiT,  ivspecliiii;  the 
diplomacy  luid  arts  of  reacliiii^and  lian^actini;  bu- 
siness here.  And  I  lieie  assure  new  ni(  lubers  that 
their  only  hope  of  safety  lor  their  local  bills  is  in 
kiepiiis;  ihcin  ahead  of  the  sxeiieral  appropriation 
bills,  ns  there  is  a  class  of  politic  iaiis  who  woulil 
mcaspre  the  merits  of  an  .Adiniiiistraiinn  by  the 
Miiall  amount  of  moiieY  ll'.at  it  expended,  raiher 
than  iiy  the  beiiefils  it  conferred  U]ioii  ils  citi/.eiis. 
These  men  wish  only  to  pass  the  L'eiieral  appro- 
priation bills, and  then  will  strive  to  adjourn.  .\ew 
meml>crs  arc  apt  to  think  the  usual  apprippriation 
bills  for  delVnying  ihe  corn  lit  expenses  of  tlieUov- 
eriiment  so  just  mid  proper  that  they  alinosi  in- 
sii;ictivi'ly  give  tlicm  tlie  pret'/iiice  over  local  bjll.s, 
however  imporiant  and  descrv  in:;;  and  never  think 
of  the  conseiiiiences  until  it  is  mo  late.  j 

1  wish  the   harboi   and  river  bill  to  take  precc-  ] 

deiici  of  this  bill.     Then,  if  il  p.iss,  well u',-li; 

liiit  if  deflated,  I  wish  to  aiueiid  lliis  very  lill  now 
before  the  Hou.se  by  in.seriing  appropriations  for 
liarboi-s  at  some  of  the  more  proiiiineiit  points  on 
the  hikes  as  the  only  means  of  their  defence.  I 
Bsk  peiillemen  to  consider  the  silualion  of  laic, 
Cleveland,  Cliic^fO,  and  oilier  cities  and  towns  mi 
the  lakes  in  case  of  w .ir  I  For  to  s.ich  a  coiiliii- 
gency  Uic  iiill  Ulore  us  looks.  How  do  L'entle- 
men  propose  to  defend  those  phices.^  If  1  know 
anything  of  the  sentinienis  of  the  people  of  the 
Lake  rouniry — anioinj  whom  1  have  li\ed  now 
going  on  the  tenth  year,  ai.d  out  of  both  Mouses  of 
Congress  (in  such  a  way  are  the  di.siricis  carved) 
1  am  the  only  member  who  travels  Lake  .Micliiu'an 

toget  here — ihey  would  be  satisfied  with  tin  i- 

pUlii>n  of  tlieir  presi'iit  harbor  plans,  with  a  naval 
depot  on  Lake  Nliclii::aii  and  Lrie,  so  that  vi  ss>  Is 
eould  bo  built,  and  then  be  sheliered  I'ixmii  the  tre- 
mendous L'tvles  that  soofienand  so  suddenly  sweep 
the  hikes. 

[Some  one  here  interrupted:  ".\iid  the  nritish."] 
No,  sir;  with  siiitablr  naval  di  pots  nnd  l'O'hI 
harbors,  we  slu.iild  have  bin  little  fear  of  the  Ib-jt- 
isli,  as  we  shipuld  make  il  our  first  busines...  in  case 
of  a  war,  to  drive  them  from  the  I. ikes,  lint  liu- 
niaii  inu'enuity  has  yctiirovided  no  neaiisuf  .Icar- 
iiig  the  lakes  of  storms;  in  very  iii.iny  of  which  a 
hai'bor  of  refuge  is  of  the  ulinost  iinporianee. 
Give  us  harbors  a irding  to  the  tsliniales  sub- 
mitted by  the  Topou;rapliicnl  corps,  ,'which,  if  not 
ciirreel,  the  olFicers  inaknig  them  should  be  di.s. 
eliar2>'d,)  with  two,  or  pirliapsiliree,  naval  deputy, 
and  Cioverninent  need  iiivi  ii.self  no  further  fear 
for  tile  iiorlhi  rn  frontier.  'I'Ins  I  say  not  in  a  spirit 
(if  boa.^lini:,  as  all  who  know  the  eh.ir.ictir  of  the 
Lake  seamen  will  l"ar  wiiiii.-,-.  (iivi^  them  this 
small  pittance,  and  iliey  will  c|i  ar  tin-  laki  s  of  all 
tots  but  the  gales,  and  tli.il,  ton,  willnnit  bnasliii;.' 
in  advance  nr  after  the  work  is  ijniie. 

As  a  means  of  fronlirT  difeiice,  and  the  hf  ■  if 
not  the  only  nuans,  I  claim  that  the  most  of  the 
items  ill  the  harbor  and  river  bill  cmild  prnprrly 
l)e,  even  deserve  to  In  ,  inoliirled  in  iliis  very  f  rti'- 
fieation  bill.  Audi  w.uil  llie  nnrthweslern  nii  ni- 
bera  to  look  at  this  bill,  and  then  at  the  navy  lull, 
and  Ret'  how  w*  II  the  .suiiiliern  and  e.islerii  stelions 
of  our  t'nion  iiic  provided  for. 

In  the  first  place,  look  at  the  provisions  of  this 
lull  directly  under  c.iiisidi  latioii: 


Detr 


S'ullTIIKR.M  llluSTItlt. 


Ningnrn .'),:>IIO 

Oswego 8,000 

Chiimplain 45,000 

TlH.riOO 


NORTllE.lSTF.nX  FnOXTIFR. 

Ponohseol $^'),nOn 


Portland, 


S  Tort  Preble 


10,1101) 


' )  Fort  Scammel ',V),OI)0 

Portsmouth (1,000 

Governor's  Island ;|0,000 

lioston .|.'i,0()0 

Newport l.-|,000 

New  London xIO.OOO 

(  I'ort  Wood .10.000 

New  York,  ^  Fort  Schuyler 40,000 

(  Fori   ilaiiiillon ,'10.000 


MMTiinnv  nioxTiKii. 

.Aminpolis iftlO 

Potomac  river ^(1 

IIani])ton  lloads ,').'> 

Cape  Fear  river lo 

(  l''ort  Moullrie I.'i, 

Charleston,  x  Drunken-Uick  .Shoal, .  ;).'), 

f  Fori  .Siiiuier -l,"!, 

£,  1     •         <  Fml  Pulaski  . .  ,         ''' 

Savannah  river,  i  ,.    ,  t     i 

'  /  I'orl  Jiii'kson. , . 

PI       {  iMirt  Pii'kens 
ensacola,   J  ,,    .  ■, 

(  1-ort  ti.irancas 

Mobile  Poiiii 

Fori  Pike 

Foil  Wood f 

natli-ry'  liieiueniie  ....  .S 

Fori  .laekson 2.'> 

l-'orl  ,S(.  Philip ;tO 

_  Fo':  Liviir;slon 40 

Florida  Reefl jOO.i 


Louisinim, 


,000 
.000 
,000 
,000 
,000 
,000 
tlOU 
,000 
.000 

,0110 
,1100 
,000 

,000 

,.'ioo 

,000 

,000 
,000 
,000 

0(KI 


KORTIIERN    ATI.  \XTI(. 

Kiiliry sl(i,4S7 

Charleslowii 4O,7,"'0 

llrouklvn oJ:),707 

Philad.'lphia I.^.,700 

Chelsia :.'.4oo 

,')l!)7i!t4 

MU  ■IIIK.II.S'. 

Wiishinu'ton <I|),0:10  LI 

'o'sporl 4,-',.|»(l  110 

Peiisaeola I  J.'>,*.'7-^  tlO 

Meinphin 10;i,:fOO  00 

Near  Gosp.irt o  ,;,;;  m, 


III  this  bill,  too,  the  ii!.-u:il  cry  ai-aiest  the  harbor 
and  river  bill  niiu'hl  be  r.used  of  li.!;-n'!liiiL',  b.irgniii- 
in'_',  Ac.  Aiidviiih  ihe  s.oiic  pmpi  n  ly  iii,.,'lit  one 
ask,  why  iml  iiriiiL'  in  a  Ktpar.ile  bill  fur  eiich 
Item  ■ 

Let  ii.i  now  lofik  at  the  aggregate  aniount  of 
these  two  bills  fur  the  dilh  rent  se.  lions  of  our 
country. 

Niinriiciis. 


MO,0(H» 
^.''•,000 


I'ortificatii 
Naval... 


si  1:1  ,'1110 
1,000 


IM,.'iO«l 


Ho.  ov  IIki's. 


.'>ll'„'iOO 

Thus,  out  of  «,;),'iO,000,  Ihe  northern  frontier, 
which  is  far  the  most  exposed,  gels  for  forlilica- 
lions  only  Sll.'l,.'')00.  Here,  a.i  is  ol'ieii  asked 
upon  the  peiichncy  of  the  harbor  and  river  bill,  I 
iniixhl  ask,  why  not  bring  in  a  separale  bill  fur 
each  of  these  works  =  In  the  eonimon  parlance, 
why  this  iiargain  ami  corrnplion  - — why  this  log- 
rollin3?  -Not  thai  I  would  msiniiale  thin  there  is 
either  bargain,  inlriiTiie,  corrnplion,  or  lo;_'-i-(il|in;.- 
iibont  tlii.s  bill,  but  becaii.se  there  is  just  as  much 
reason  to  raise  the  cry  on  tliif'  bill  as  on  the  rivcT 
and  harbor  bill.  Poili  bills  rm.inate  from  ciuiimii- 
te-'s  of  this  House,  niiil  both  are  leased  upon  esii- 
iiiales  siibiijilied  by  the  .Si'crelary  of  War.  Now 
let  lis  look  at  Ihe  lull  in  iking  ap|iropriatioiis  for 
the  naval  sirvice,  [iJill  .II.] 

Ninniiniix  rno\rii;ii. 
Sackelt's  Harbor sLbOO 


I'.ASTBllN   AND  NON-HLAVf.lUll.lllNd. 

Fmlificalion «,o',)(!,OnO 

Naval ,'li;i,0!l| 

"(i'l;"i,001 

SI,AVI.IIOI.DlNO. 

Fortificni  ion fs.";  I0,.';0() 

Naval oO!l,7l.') 

'_WO,'Ji:> 

Thus,  the  North  gels  for  defence  about  one- 
sixlh  as  miieh  as  the  eastern,  tinil  one-ei;.jlith  as 
iiiiich  as  Ihe  slavi'holding.  'I'o  this,  I  would  not 
object,  if  it  be  snjlicient,  which  no  inan  pretends. 
lleyoiid  Oelroit,  ihe  whole  couiilry  is  in  a  defince- 
less  situation,  nnd  not  a  dollar  is  provided.  Nor 
do  I  wish  to  be  niiderslood  as  ol))ecliii<,'  to  the 
other  aiiKninls.  They  may  be  necessary.  In- 
deed, I  think  they  are,  and  shall  vole  tor  tin  mi.  1 
would  neiiher  build  up  myself  nor  my  ceiislitiienls, 
by  ileiracting  frmn  the  merits  of  others. 

Whilst  upon  this  subject,  lei  me  observe,  ilnit 
much  has  been  said  respeciuiL;  the  eiiorniniis  ex- 
peiidilures  upon  the  lake  harliors.  Well,  sir,  here 
Ihey  are,  villi  the  ninoiiiil  a[iproprialcd  by  Con- 
gress each  year,  and  the  amount  expended  on  eaidi 
harbor. 


III   IfJI ,t-JII.IHKl  IK) 

lulKI-l.... 

.  ,«->ji,!i7rt  iin 

lh>».'> I.CHIO  IHl 

IKl,-, 

..      ll.'i.OM    1:1 

ISdi .|!).(ll)iUKI 

IKHi.... 

..    :iiiii.ii  1  .'ill 

I.--J7 ,w.;wt  i,-! 

ih:it.... 

. .    :iii',!i:.',  IHI 

is->- Ki.iis-.'ai 

ls:is. ... 

..    lisii.c;:.!  in 

IS-JSI I(I7..WI  -Xt 

|si;i.... 

Ml. mill  IK) 

\fM sii.i.iii  :is 

If  II.... 

. .    ;iT.-..ii  HI  ml 

iKii i:!ii,  las  iHi 

Ifl.".... 

l.'i.e.m  IHI 

•I'etal. 

.,  K,;]  t,'\\  itfi 

Iiiiiliii 

..   )-->i".l.U»\  (10 

( 'iiltaiiiiiL:iiH 

..        .',7.1111(10 

Dunkirk 

. .      !i-j.M:i  si:i 

I'orlliuitl 

V.iw 

.Vi.  IIW  "11 
, .      1,\-.,:mI)  in 

.",li..«l,".  Kt 

t'.r.itul  riviT 

lis.e.ii  ^111 

ri.'vi'laiul 

. .     l.'.i.:ii:i  l.'> 

Ht;ick  ilviT.  Ohin 

..       II.Vsiil  77 

;".:i.ll-Jll  ,'.7 

■iH.:i7:t  7 1 

|{i\i  r  Itai-iiii 

IIII.IBIII  IKI 

I.;i  I'hu-aiii'c  l>ji\ 

liuiii:t  117 

I.",.it(HI  IHI 

rMiitiiiiuli^Hii  I'li-rk 

■JJ.lllKi   I'i 

Mji'hiaiiii  tiiv 

. .     i:i.7,7;ti  ,7'J 

Sr,  J-.^.-pti 

..     lai.iiaiiii 

riiiciiL"* 

.       O.IIkIUII    IHI 

^liluiiukir 

;,1I.0IHI  (HI 

Ha.'iiP- 

l'J,.',IIO  (10 

h^iiilllipnrt 

y7,.'iiHi  IHI 

lilt;  S.»ttHl«iy 

.      M7.l!l.')  no 

(Jiiif-cr  riv.T 

.      I(W.-J7 '  (Kl 

(i;ik  <  (h'lntril  c-n-ik 

•Jll.(^  .  11(1 

m.uk  rner,  New  Vork.,.. 

:);.H)i  ltd 

lllJilillL'liMI 

NI.IHHI  (HI 

lM;iil-l'ilri! 

ru.:A){i  (H» 

WiMti-  ll.'lll 

:i:i.ii!M)  ivi 

Ilirli.irs  "11  Oie  lakes  aciieni 

1) 

'jiMioo  m) 

Aiicn-L'ale 

.  »>.f*tw.!K;i  :«» 

^- 

The  whole  amount,  thin,  is  not  three  inillioiin; 
and  the  re(|uisile  iiiii.iinit  for  coinpletion  would 
have  belli  much  hss  had  the  appronrialions  bei  11 
made  rcLiilarly;  as  much  work,  hoiii  injurious 
del.TVs,  has  had  to  be  done  a  second  lime. 

.Now,  I  happen  to  have  by  iiie  an  account  of  the 
expeiiiliiurcs  for  ibe  defence  of  ihe  Atl.uitie  and 
tiiilf  liarbors.     Tin  y  are  as  follows: 

Niiiiriif.iis'  roil  IS  Its  Till;  Atlantic  emsr. 

N'iirniHs  1,1'  i'fii.ilt'.ol  ii\rr.  .Miiiiie 

I'lirt  IVi'lile.  ^lilliie.  rcjuiir^ 

I'nrt  .".icjiiniiM-t,  \.  II.,  n-|>iiir.i 

K..il<'"iiMiliiti'iii,  \.  II  .  M'piiirs 

Furl  M,ilt'ir\.  \,  II..  n-iiiiir- 

t'.irl  lM(l.|,.ii,l.ii.i.,  M.i-,-iicl.lHelts 

K'trl  W  ;iiti  II.  VLi—afhu-'TI.' 

I'..rl  .\iliii,-,  llliM.I.-  Miiiiil 

foil  ■roiiiiliiill,  (■..iihccl.elil 

fori  Si'liliilcr.  Nivv  \iirk 

.-iitiitll  Oiitlcrx .  tiMVerlU'iN  i^lilllil,  N.  V. 

I.*,.rl  ('••liliiilHi.',  N.  S'..  n-|i;iir' 

Cii^llc  VVilliuN-.  \.  V,.  rc|iiiirs 

I'oit  Ihunill'Mi.  N.  \.,  r,  piiir  

Il.ill.rv  Vurl.iii.  N.  \..  npiiin 

I'lirl  l,.iiiui  lie.  v.  v..  re  |i,iir- 

ll.lll    tl   lld'l-nll.  \.  \..  H  |,;lir« 


I'..il  W 1.  \.  V. 


np;iir^. 


,4-J.7.llll  ail 
.'..  1-1;  IHI 

l".-!lll    IHI 

I-.',|«.I  1111 

n.s.i.i  ml 

11,11. IIW  ml 

Klj.l  II  mi 

I..'.l",s|7  IHI 

I.V.',II^I  IHI 

7I-.MI.M  ml 

7, ■-'■,! I  ml 

s.lll,7  IHI 

•J.'i.lls  I  IHI 

.M.lls-  ml 

;i,'Mf  i«l 

al..7.VI  1)11 

l.',,(|s|  inl 

7II,'.HI7  no 


I'.iil  (Jil.K.iii.  N.  V..rc| 
Korl  .Miiiliii,  I'.i..  ic|)iin.i 


.1ll,(KlJ,aiO  IHI 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAI.  GI.OnE. 


451 


29th  Cong Isr  Sess, 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Waitworth. 


Ho.  OF  Rkps. 


.  .WWl.HTS  (in 

.  'ii.i,i!ii  i;t 

.  :iiiii,iil  :i> 

.  :ii!Mi":>  iKi 

.  (ic».ii7:i  1(1 

.  wi.mid  ix> 

.  a7.'i,ii!)i)  (in 

Cl.diK)  (W 

.o  NILS'. I  :i'.i 


,i-ji;:i.i(Ki  (in 
"  M.mx  (in 

.17,110  (10 

i«,T4;i  «:• 
.Vi,  HW  (in 

lK-,.:ViO  1« 

.vi,:i(i:.  c.'i 

-,1.1  III  7.) 

(;s,ir,i  -J!) 
i.M.:ii:i  iTi 
(M.WII  77 
r,:i.i;-,ii  .'.7 
.1H.;(7:(  71 

IMI.IIIHI  uo 

l'.i.{;ii;i  (17 
i:..itiHi  (HI 

It'.lKKi  \-i 

\:\.\rxi :» 
.  i:il.li:(  ml 
'jiClCih  ml 
:VI.O(»l  ("I 
Vl.-.iM  (III 
li;,.'.IHI  (III 
'il-I.'j;'--'  ^7 
1  I7.l!r.  (Ill 
lia,-J7  •  ("I 
Lll.ll  .  illl 
:M.m»  Illl 
;i7,liil  ml 
Ml. mm  (HI 
.'i7.:iiHi  (HI 
:i:i,(K»i  (HI 
'Jl.ltmi  (HI 

li.lHHI  (HI 
'JII.IHHI  IIU 


l-'.-!l(l 

ml 

l-.MII'.l 

ml 

11. ^...1 

ml 

■ll.'.MCi! 

(Ml 

^'.|■..  1  1 1 

(HI 

I..M-.>I'. 

(HI 

I.'.i.ll'- 1 

(HI 

7l-.MI.'il 

(HI 

7,--'*.'l 

(HI 

H,(lii7 

IHI 

U.7,0''  1 

IHI 

.'►l,!l^^ 

(HI 

;i,viH  i«l 

ai.;i.vi 

(III 

i.'..(i-i 

ml 

71l,'!li7 

Illl 

:,.'<n 

mi 

.'i.liKl 

(HI 

>  l.uij.Mb 

IHI 

■otrriiEn.T  forts. 

Furl  Mcllonrv.  M(I.,  ropaifH 

r'urt  Si'V)Tii,M  t..  n-|iairn 

l-'ori  ^ViiT'ltiimtiiii,  Mil.,  rt-'piui.^ 

J'iirl  M'mrtH',  Viruiiiiit i> 

|''i(rt  <  'ulliniiri,  Viruiiiiii I 

V'lUl  ClLHWi'll,  iV.  ('.,  rc|t:iirrt 

i-'iirt  Mnriin,  \.  ('.,  ri*p:iirs 

I-'.irt  .Miitrltrii',  S.  <-.,  luiil  purelKi-tiii;  or^iii'.... 

( ':islU'  riri<.!»Pi;.  iiiiil  .-fii  ivtill,  S.  i; 

V>\x\  .Miiritin,  I'loriil:!,  ri'p;urM 

I''itft  INfkf'iirt,  Kl'iridn 

r..rl  .Mi'Kuis  Fluriiln 

I'ttri  MorRUii,  Aliii'.tiii.'i,  rfpiiiri^ 

i;;;;;u';;m,1;":S""- '"«-i-" 

l-'.irl  J;i('k<i>h,  1,'Hii-iiUiii 

furl   l.lVIIIL'r'Illll,    l.'tlKMiinit 

jhki-  (11  liniiikcii  ilM-k  Shoitl,   in  CluirlcHKin 

iiiiiiiDr S7,ita  ;a  \ 

Sill- (.iTiirl  Joliiisiii^  (;iiiii(t-p|<iii  linrlinr,  jiro- 

liodnii  i.r. '.m;»I  (111  i 

K.irl  l-.niil.T.  I'lmrlisl.iii  liiirlinr 4.7l,:iHJ  0(1 

Site  III  l''iir(  Mui'iiii,  N-  (;.,  iiroccliiin  iil'. :a,H)l  Oil  | 

I'lirl  I'lilii-ki.  iiimilli  iilSavHiiiiiili  rivrr,  (ill Mlill.MO  (HI  I 

S;l.'  ..ri'iirtCnsw.-ll,  N.  (?.,  |inilii'liillliir n,'r!><  (HI 

l-.,fl  lianiicuK,  I'lori.l.i SI7,Hrtl  (HI  | 

Krjinir.i 111' Furl  St.  riiili|i,  l.mii.'iiiiKi ir'.7l:)  Illl  j 


5.4m 

4,710 
70,17! 

.Kill..'!  1 7 

,li:lM.II!7 
3'.l,!l.VI 
l'J,(i7li 

1271,0(11 
47,0:111 
91.100 

7:il,,'>l'! 

;i;io,i;i<i 

H.7,;ih'J 
«-l!),UW 

loH.airi 

U17,(i7U 


.«K,:H'i,7MI  iKi  1| 

With  these  cxpcndlluroii  I  am  finiJiii!;  ii<>  I'aiiU.  I 

Thcymiiy  he  nil  rijtiitdrall  wi'iiii'.;ri)niii'.;hl  I  kimw.  j 

ISiil  il  will  ill'  .<ci.'ii  llidt  twii  I'oi'ln  ill  Vii'jfinia  liav(^  ' 

<'ii.s(  (iiirUiiviriiiiiiiiil  llir  sum  iit"  j(i.'t,S(W,4'll,  wliilsl  : 
liiii  wliiilr  i'\|M'ii<lil(ir('.'<  fur  luu'licir.i  on  nil  mir  five 

tliiuisuiiil  niili'.siil'liikoc.(iiisl,t'inlir.'idii:c.i(',von  SliKrs  j 

iiikI  mil'  'I'lTiiliiry,  ainminl  in  (inly  ■Jiii.Hlil  ,91)4  ,'iD.  j 

Til  ilii.-*  nild  ihr  iininiint  fm'  lake  liarlinrs  in  tin'  [ 

|ii'('.si'iii  liill,  and  yiiii  iiici'i'a.s(i  il  lint  ^.'i'ilidlll)  inure,  ' 

and  slill   fall   slnirt  (if  (In;  cdst  (if  the  (Wd  fnrls.  I, 

Inilccd,   llic  wlidli'  aniiinnt   n.sKcd   fur  rivcr.M  (uid  I 
liarlinriiof  idl  kind.'',  tliLs  year,  is  liiit  !5il,;i4M,4r)(). 


N'lrthem. . 
.Si.  I,(uiis. , 
Kaslcrn. . . 
HivcrM. .  . . 
lie  Jail's. . , 


(i.'i^M.OlM) 

".■>,ll(H) 

i>.")4,4'iO 

4:.-|,0()l) 

;.'(1.IMII) 

i,:tif<,4.i() 


Ainniistlie  enstern  hnrlinrs  is  reeknned  <i7.'i,(IIJ0 
for  1  lie  licluware  lii'cakwaler.     The  cstiniale  fur  il.s 
.'iini|ileliiiii  is  ^.•|,(MKI,(iO().     Of  lliissnni  $1,UI)(),(HIU    ' 
lias  already  hci-n  cxjicnilrd.     We  ninsl  eilhcr  cnni- 
I  tide  il  di'  Idsc  I  lie  Mini  Mini  I  if  [ire  villus  exjiciuli lures. 
Sii  lliecdsl  dliliis.siiii;!!'  uiirk  will  exi'ced  llicwhdle  1 
aniiiniit  iliat  has  lliUK  far  been  ex|iended  niidii  the    j 
iijijier  laki.<.  I 

The  I'hairnian  of  the  f'unimittee  df  WavK  and  : 
Mean.s  slates  that  ihe  wmlcs  in  the  fdrtifieation  liill 
nie  did  Wdi'ks,  and   rifirs  id  tin-  esliniales   in  the 
icji'iil  iif  the  Si ci'i'larv  (if  War.     This  .ii'i'iinient 
t  (jnatly  a|i|ih('.s  di  ihe  Iiarlmr  and  river  hill,  which 
priiviili's  fur  wdrks  ln'^nii  in  tin;  .Adiiiiaislratidiis 
df  I'residmis  Miiiiriie,  Ad. mis,  and  .lacksnn;  and 
the  estinmus   iav  them  e.'iii   alsd  lie  found  in  the  ! 
re|i(irt  (if  the  S(;('reiaryi  "  War,  with  the  folldwin^'  I 
I  iiddi'semeiii  friim  him: 

♦•Most  111' iliiisK  wiirk'i  wiTi' ;iinh(iri/.('il  anil  (iiidiTiaken  , 
NDiiii'  .vcars  iiii.i;  hilt  hull'  \Vi|.<  .l.iiii'  ii|iiiii  Itli'iii,  (lariiii;  (lie 

|m^.t  year,  in  < ■Ji'iiiiriiii.  iif  (In'  linluri;  iil' tliii  a|i|irii|irja- 

(iiiim  I'lir  lliiK  jiiirp'Ki'. 

••Till'  laki's  WITI'  aliniijt  i'nnr.'lvili"til(ili  nriiatiinil  l^;ir- 

liiir...    .NuvicaU'iil  lipiiii  lll.'iii   v:is  i'K||.iM'il  Id  illl Ill  ;iiT 

il....  and  mil  (lliliiiiiu'iitl.v  alti'i,.!.  il  Willi  limlitliil  l.is  iif  lil'ii 

anil  i.riiiirrlv.    WKli  llic  sclll,' m  anil  aiiiwlll  (ifllii' wcsl 

ini  I'.iuiiln  .  the  0111 cri'i'iii ih.'sc  mhiiiil  M'a,i  h:n  rapid- 

ly  iKcr.'a-i'il.  and  its  c^tiiiialcil  aiiiiaal  aiiiiMint  iiiiw  i'.\('i'('(l,^ 
id  nihil'  (lie  ciiuri'  .  \|.i.rls.iiili,.priiilii.'iM  aiidiiiaiKil'ai'liiri's 
iil'llii'  riiinil  Slate.-,  in  all  liirii.jii  I'liiinlrii'a.  An  inliri'fKir 
(Ins  inaL'iilllldi',  dail.v  anilliii'iinni.',  in  \\liii'li  so  inaiiy  Slap's 
and  .^11  lar-ii'  a  pnrliiiii  (il'diir  eiti/cns  parCriiiad-d,  iiaturally 
I'lniiniandi'd  llie  atd'lili'iii  iif'(*iiii(!ri'ss,  and  prnp  rh-  rrccivi'Il 
il- lii.-liTiniji'i.ri'.  .Sale  liarlinrs  were  iiiilili  ii.i  iliil.  and  a 
i-\sli'ni  uliiii)irnvi'nii'nt.s.  with  a  view  liipriividi'  (lii'iii,  waj* 
ciiniiiii'iii'i'd  in  Is'JI.  'riii'  ineil  ainniint  I'vpiiiilid  npnii 
111. 'SI'  InulHirs  IS  -i-J.-si;  1 .110 1,   'rhc  nhiiiis  u,  wlin'li  llics.-  ap 

iniipinil s  liav..  hi'i'ii  apphiil.  and  (he  aiiiniints  iif  Uu'ni 

Irniii    IH'-M  lip  In  the  |ir(  si'iil  linn,  are  up lied   In  the  an- 

Ki'v.'d  ri'piirl,  liim'thi  t  Willi  an  I'siiaialr  di'iln-  rnri'iiT  sinus 
ri'i|iliri'(ll'.irlhi'  i  nsiiinaiisial  (.lar.  'riicadrks. siHaraslhey 
lia\'.'  li.'i'll  iirnsi'.'iK.'d.  !.'i\(.  alninil.inl  assnrani'i'  tlial  Ih.'  aii- 
lii'ip.iti'd  lulvaiitaai'SiMll  in  Hi.' end  lie  nah/i'd  In  llie  liilli'sl 

iM'iil.     Il  may  he  prnpir  In  r ark.  tliiit  llii'si'  iiiiprove 

nil  Ills  are  mil  wilhiiiil  lieachl  in  a  niililarv  pinnt  iil  vi   w. 
Shiilild  it  ever  heeiiMi.'  iiiie-sarv  Inliave  aiiaval  liiree  iipim 
ihi'se  lakes,  the  iiiiiii'Tous  and  I'liiiiiiindiniis  liarhnrK  Ihus 
priividcd  liy  tin*  aid  (il'i;>e  CnV'Tniiii'iit  will  eniilrihiile  tii  lis  j. 
i«al'i>ty  and  tiiieei'ssl'iit  (iiiuratinns.     IJesnli  s,  iinre  arc  iiiiv\'  ' 

phncd  in  the  ciiliiiinrce  iil  lliise  lakes  a  ureal  iinniliirdl' 

larije  sized   and   stniali  hdilt   -leaiin'rs.  wliieli   w.iiild   lint  ; 
have  hecii  placed  tiler.'  liy  inihvidiial  I'lilerprlsc,  tiiil  Ihr  till'  i 

i-iifclv  and  a iniiinilaiiini  air.iidcd  liv  llicsc  liarli.irs.     In 

e.lsc  df  a  pillil i;;.'nev.  Illc.c  slelillicis  can  lie  i.vncdl     ' 

liiai'-ly  cdid.'ri.d  iiiii  IhcKvc  v'<sels  i.l'v  .and  reml.'red 
siili-iivdiit  Id  niililarv  iiperalidiis.     N.n-  are  Ih.'  .ciimiiny 


niid  facijiiy  af  lraiis[inriiiia  Irridiis,  iniiiiitidiiH  nf  war,  nnd 
slipiilies.  Id  he  in'erlddkcil  in  cstiiiiiiliiii;  the  pillilie  ailvnil-  | 
lailiis  (if  lliu  lake  iiitprdViMiicnt:!.     It  is  alHii  Hrfid  that  (iiir 
hcst  Hraiiicii  arc  llidscwliii  have  liccii  Iraincd  in  tliu  naviuu-  I 
tinn  nfdlir  lakes.  1 

"The  iniriilicr  nf  lake  harlinr  iiiiprdvciitcnt.sniitlinri/(?dhy  ! 
law  is  twenly-six.    (.dnd  liarlinrs  have  hccii  itiaile  where  I 
iidile  existed  hcfiirc,  and  the  expenses  drcdiistriielidii  have  j 
nnt,in  the  wliide,  exceeded  the  fsliinalcs  prospeetividy  pre- 
scnli^ri.    Tliesn  rcsiilis  civ-i  assiiraiiec  that  tlie  plans  were 
jiKliciniislyi'dticeived,  and  the  work  ecniidiiiienlly  atid  Kkll- 
lully  execiiti'il.  1 

"The  piiliheiisi.rnlncssnrihcs(. iinprdvcinents  will  Iielict-  I 
icr  npprceiali'd  when  it  is  ciiiisiilered  hy  ineaiis  nf  them  n  ' 
llKistdaiiLd'rods  navitiatinn  has  heen  remlcreil  cdiiiparalive-  j 
)y  saf'.'.  11  larBcshippinii  interest  has  liccii  erected  iipnii  iiiir  ■ 
lak.vs,  and  tlieililies  and  shellcr  aUdrdcd  to  a  rdinmerni! 
now  estimated  at  a  Inindred  millions  iil'  ddltarii  aiiiiiially, 
and  increasiiiit  Willi  Hiirprisiiis  rapidily.  in  which  six  Slates  ! 
are  dirccUy,  ami  all  scnidiis  of  the  cniinlry  tnenlcntnlly,  in-  | 
t(!reslcd.  j 

"  Nnr  is  il  scarcelv  less  impnrtani  In  n  rniiniicrcial  or  I 
niililarv  piiiiil  of  view  that  the  hclpiic!  hand  iirimprdvcmeiit 
Hlioiild  hi!  extended  to  the  natural  avcinies  Cor  ediivcyinn  llir 
alllindant  prodllclidlis  oC  the  West  id  the  (;iiir  of^Iexici    I 
and  the  .Mlantic  cda~(— the  (llini  and  the  Mi.ssisaippI  rm  the  i 
one  Hide,  and  the  Iliiilsim  rivcrnn  the  i.llier.     The  pniuress  j 
of  the  wirk  da  llic  two  rdriner  rivers.  Iiavins  Cor  Its  main  1 
oliject  Ihe  rcnioval  driih^triicKons.  has  licen,  in  a   ineiisiire, 
suspended  dnriiijt  the  pa-l  SI  .isoii',  means  not  havimt  heen  ! 
provided  at  ti(c  la-t  session  of  ('diii(re-s  fur  that  purpose. 
I.ookiln;  to  till-  vasi  inlcri'sls  siihserved  hy  this  iinpi'dvc 
nii'iit.  and  In  its  nnipii'siiditalile   piililie  el-araelcr.  scaretd)  , 
a  ildiilil  is  eii(erliiiti"d  lliat  It  will  he  rcsnin.'d;    -("-timate's 
liir  Its  fiirthtr  prusi  riilinn  are  iheri'liin'  snlnnittcd  in  the  ! 
aecdiiipaiivinii  repiir'  iil'llie  ('hicriirihi' corps  ol'tdpiiirraiih    ' 
leal  emjiiieers.     In   ll;<.  same  repiirt  will  nisd  lie  jhiiiid  an 
I'lahorale  and  iiili're-tiiii»  cMiosilioii  of  the  i  n'seiit  ediidilinii 
of  the  Iliid-oTi  ri\er;  oi'  its  iiniidrtance  ia  reitard  lo  enm-  \ 
merec  and  M  niihlaiy  iidv  nients.  as  diie  iif  ihc  main  avc-  ' 
lines  oleoininiiiiii'aii..ii  IVdni  liic  west-  rii  Stan  s  to  the  sea    I 
hoard;  and  the  clia  mcl  ttirmnih  which  a  considerahle  p.ir 
lion  of  the  trade  lie' ween  ifie-e  Stales  aiidlhe  .■\llaiilieiniist 
nccessarilv  p-THs;  oI' lite  ihtti.'ntttes  which  now  t-niharrass  \ 
its  iiavitratiott  ill  (tie  viciiitly  III  .Mlian.x  :  or  (he  success  of 
rdniier  evp.  ndiliires.  and  lite   plans  and  iirnliahic  etist  ol 
fdrlhcr  iniiedyeinctit-s.  called  liir  hy  so  many  and  such  iiii 
piirlaiil  jiiililii'  coin-idcratidti  ■■,  That  part  dt'lhit  report  which 
liriinis  iiitd  view  the  Missouri.  Ihc  .Aikaasas,  the  ll.tl  river, 
aitd  111.'  liarhor  at  St.  I.oiiis.  eyi.nse.l  In  injury  hy  a  l.'mieiicy 
td  a  1  haime  in  Ihe  cnrreiit  nl  the  Mississippi  m  that  place, 
deserves  scridiis  cdiisideralidii.    Iteceiit  events,  and  the  ■ 
dpcniim  scenes  in  the  sdntliwcst,  hiiM'ttivcn  increased  iiii    1 
pdrlnnce  In  ihe  iia\iL*alidii  id'  the  ,'\rkiiiisas  anil  lied  rivers. 

They  op lirecl  ediiiniliniealions  Willi  an  exten.-ivi;  friiti 

tier,  which  reiinircs  td  he  irnarded  hy  military  iiosl-s.    '/'lie 
inipriiveinenl  nf  llicse  rivers,  tin  this  accdiint,  as  well  as 
IVnm  cdiisiih  raltiiiis  ef  a  iiiorit  acncral  eliaraeter.  is  em-  ' 
Iirnced  aiiioni£  the  piililie  works  prescnled  by  the  'ropoitraph-  ' 
ical  Unread  liir  the  patrdiiaiie  (irCdiiGrcss.  i 

o  .'Ml  the  esliiiiale-i  iif  that  Iniread  are  eniifitird  lii  nlijeels  | 
upon  which  the  iipinidiis  (irCiinircss  li.'ivc  heen  ('Xprcsscd,  , 
and  np.id  .some  iinhcin  in  re[)catc(l  iiistanees.o 

Cdldncl  Alien,  Chief  To|id^ra|iliical  Engineer,  ' 
adds:  j 

«.  Vessels  of  all  kinds  and  of  all  si/.es  artt  used  iipon  llie  ' 
lakes  ;  and  as  (he  navi.ialidii   rei|iiires  no  incdnsid''ralilc 
kniiwlciL't'  df  seainan-hip.  il  will  lie  s.'.'ti  that  this  nnrsery 
is  nut  nnly  valiiahle  (iir  the  ndinlii  rs  it  will  pnidnec,  hill  also 
fur  till' (piahlicaliiins  dflhdse   luimhcrs. 

'*.\  ureal  pioporlion  of  the  lake  lonnaite  is  in  steamlinals. 
These  hiitils  are  ahly  ciinim.  .idcd,  larite  ia  si/..-,  well  inaii- 
ned,  and  arc  dliliucd.  froni  the  storins  lo  whicli  (hey  arc  ex- 
p..scd,  not  duly  td  lie  well  t'litliid.  Inn  lit  lie  hiiilt  df  creat 
strenittii.  Ttie'y  llicrelitre  fnriti'lt.  at  liie  shnrtesl  nnltce.  a 
nleaiis  df  orL'atii/.iint  &  llidst  liinni.lahle  and  niiineroiis  Heel, 
capnltle  of  hcarint!  an  clVnicnl  arinaineiit.  aad  of  trans|idrt- 
irat  nutiicrdiis  lindics  of  troops,  at  a  indtnenl's  wnriiiiiL'.  In 
any  tinarler.  A  cdnditinn  itf  war  upon  the  hike  eotiiitr\ 
w.nild  iicccssarily  reslriet  llic  eoinnicrec  which  now  cvisis 
Ihcrc,  and  witnld  l.'avc  a  sreal  piiitind  (if  tins  Heel  in  want 
of  emiihiy.  ready  tiir  the  call  (tf  Cdvcriuiicnl,  and  taipphcd 
with  Ihc  niiwl  alile  pihils  and  lake  iiavitiatitrs. 

"  This  lintiieiisc  eiimaiercc,  llits  vast  nnrsery  of  seninen, 
this  ovcrwliehiiiii'i  licet,  in.i\  Willi  idstice  he  I'diisidercil  as 
Ihc  crcalidii  and  cdtiseipi-in'i'  iil"  tiiese  lake  liarhiirs  ;  lur. 
withdiit  lilts.'  harliin's,  Ihe  ntniiher  iif  laruc  inwiis  wlneli 
I'lnhi'lhsh  the  slKires  df  llii'-t*  lakes  w'laild  mil  have  hcin 
liiiill ;  the  itninciise  piipnlaitiitt  iiiioii  Iheir  liordcr-.  and  Ihe 
cxd'lisiv.'  ciiltivalidn  of  such  nnincr.ais  tracts  of  lands  would 
not  have  takt'ii  plai  c:  Ihe  cMcnsivc  -ale  of  piihlic  land* 
cddid  mil  hav.'  Iieeii  made,  iitir  Ihe  ('diiseiincnt  supply  ami 
ileinaiitl  have  liecii  ereal'd,  opdli  which  this  ediiimcree  de- 
pends 

o  We  see.  tliercnire.  IVdtn  tins  stnnniary.  the  iminciHc 
w.'atlh  and  pr.ispenlv  which  ihi'se  h  irliors'h.tv.'  (li'Vel'i|i''(l. 
and  the  itiinieiise  naiional  iiilcresls\vliii'li  rci|iiireprdlcctioii 
— interests  of  commerce,  and  intercsis  of  naiional  defence  ; 
priilrclioa  to  vast  antdniits  ofitrdp'rly,  to  iinnilters  of  lives, 
and  to  a  powerftil,  and  indi'i'd  it  ma>  he  saiil  to  an  d\  .'r- 
wln  linitie  .'iti\iliar>'  in  tiiii.'  of  war.  V.iw,  what  is  the  pro- 
li'clidii  which  III. 'se  v.. St  ti  ilitnial  inlcrests  re(|tiirc?  liar 
hors— (inly  harlmrs :  iiictins  of  1  iit.'rini!  places  nf  scctirilv  In 
Idiiil  and  diddiid.  and  l.ir  shell. t  in  ittiic  111  -turins.  (Inr 
.\tlaiitie  coast,  inure  lavdralily  sitiialcil  in  siiiiie  respecls. 
calls  f.iriirdlcclinii  in  ilic  loriii  of  ciistly  liirlill.  nliiins  and  nl' 
ntinicriiiis  trunps.  (liir  lake  coas(,  as  exlensive  as  that  of 
llic  Atlanlie,  is  (IcHcient  in  Icrlinrs  and  places  of  refllL'c  ;  II 
calls  e.imparalively  lint  liir  siirtll  prdlection  in  the  way  nf 
forliUcalions,  tan  it  calls  fur  protection  from  siorins,  ami 
for  faeililtcs  to  eiiler  harliiirs ;— these  alsii  r('()iiiriila  cdtii- 
parativi'lv  lint  stiiall  cvpcadiltires.  as  the  idttil  amniint 
aitpriipriated  I'.tr  sin'h  nlii.  cis  fniin  the  ciiiiiiiieiiccnietti  of 
Ihe  svsti'iti  (It  I'  !lid  Ihe  present  tiiiie.  IS  nut  mure  Ihan 
.«'!,s(il.^ii'.l  :i:i  " 


ij  These  eslimntes,  (iiilimittcd  liy  experienced  and 
I'  enmpetent  otKecr.s,  I  have  I'ctird  no  one  nttciiipl  to 
j:  iinpeach.  In  my  Ijelicf,  they  lire,  certainly  low 
i|  eii(iii;,'h;  and  soiiie  of  tny  eiin.stitiieiit.s  1  irk  they 
!i  lire,  lull  low.  ISiit  I  will  (lo  tliitm  the  Ji  toe  Id  siiy 
;  thai  they  do  not  wish  the  approprintidit  for  the 
I  .sake  of  having'  the  miiney  expended  anioiii;  them. 
jl  They  want  their  Imrhors  eompleted.     If  ^lli.OOO 

I  would  do  it,  il  would  please  them  Just  hh  well  n.i 
\  SI~II.'IIIU.  The  morn  ri^nd  the  ccoi'ioniy,  provided 
i;  the  ),'ieiit  end  Im  attained — the  comiiletinii  of  their 
j;  liarliors — the  hctler  will  it  suit  (heir  views  of  true 

I  fjoveriiieeniid  policy.    (Jniil  the  eonlrary  in  sliowii, 

I  the  (ainimittce  on  (Joiuniere.e  have  felt  hound  to 
'  take  the  estimateH  of  the  .Secretary  of  War  as  the 
I;  eorreet  ones.  And  aflitr  the  fdrei^diiii,'  rxtruci,  the 
I '  cliari;e  that  the  Seerctary  of  War  would  knowiiii^ly 

I I  under-eslimad,  the  amouiii  inec.s.sary  for  the  com 
i  plelion  of  any  work,  will  need  no  rcftitalion. 

I;  It  i'l  ■l.jeeted  that  too  L'lrye  an  amount  of  the 
I'  [tend.  ..I  hill  is  for  the  Inni  lit  of  Luke  Michigan. 
r   VVi:  V,  III  see  how  liiuch  llici'u  is. 

i  St.  Cl.'iir  Klats <<4(l,0(m 

!'  (.  I' did  River  liarhor 1(1,000 

r.alama'/'o 10,000 

^  1.  .Idseph 10,000 

li  niehi},'aii  City .10,000 

I  Chii'iiKo 13,000 

'  l.illlefdrt l:i,lllJ0 

f-duthitdi'l 10,000 

llncii.''    l.".,IIOO 

''  .Milwcpkie 'JO.OOO 

!  Urtd"e-hout 15,000 


»1!)4,000 

Look  ai,  ihi:;  lak(t  on  the  map.  Loiii;  and  nar- 
row, willi  nlidiil  ei^'lil  hundred  miles  of  coast,  and 
all  Aiiicrican,  usually  (fslimalefl  at  three  hiiiidred 
and  thirty  miles  in  leiiijth  mid  .seventy  in  width. 
Its  eiiiraiiee  is  ahdiit  furly  miles  frdiii  .Vlackiiiae. 
Until  lH4.'t,  all  the  appniprialions  were  made  for 
the  thi'ic  liiwiis  at  the  litnt  of  the  lake,  viz:  Chiea- 
Kd,  .St.  Joseph,  and  Miehit;aii  City — iiiie  puint  only 
in  each  of  the  three  Stales  liorderiii^'  on  said  lake. 
The  approprialions  fnr  these  points  have  lieeii  as 
follows: 

Chiciiio <ia4fi.fi01 

St.  Joseph i:u,i:u 

Mielii!;an  City l.'i.).73.3 

It  iliduld  lie  Inline  in  mind,  that  the  fusl  slenm- 
buat  1  n  Lake  \lic|iiiraii  w.is  in  1831),  and  the  first 
at  Chii  ai;d  in  I8.'W.  The  first  iippr(i|iri.'iti(in  for  the 
liarhor  at  Chiraid  was  in  |S3;).  Lake  Miehi'.,'an 
sends  Id  the  Kast  .'5,01)0,000  bushels  nf  wheat  (if  Inst 
year's  irriiwlh;  .and  hud  last  year  in  her  InitU;  'JIO 
vessels,  (I'l  (if  which  were  steamlmals,)  willi  a  toii- 
nai;e  of  ;W,-<.'iO,  several  of  which  wcii'  in  the  Cana- 
dian Ir.ide.  I'rom  the  best  informali'in,  1  enninit 
eslimalc  the  properly  cxpdsed  on  that  lake  the  |iast 
.seasiin  at  les;  than  tj-i."i,000,000i  nor  the  number  of 
lives  at  less  II  an  100,(MJO. 

The  eonime.ce  of  this  lake  is  rapidly  increasing — 
iiidre  so  than  that  of  any  oilier  body  of  water  in 
this  eonnlry.  In  two  years,  the  liiinois  and  Michi- 
gan canal  will  open  ailireci  cdinininiicaiidn  from  it 
lo  llie  Mississippi  river.  With  this  new  avenue, 
trade  will  he  iiicre,a.sed  to  such  an  cxicnt,  that  any 
rsliiiiaut  I  nii^'ht  make  of  it  which  would  seem 
reasiiiiiible  Id  this  Hiaise,  would  fall  far  short  of 
the  inilli  in  tint  miiiiks  of  those  who  know  the 
eonnlry  and  iis  rcsunrces. 

The  (ipenin^'  df  this  ean.al  will  be  fdlldwed  by 
the  e(,in]ileliiiii  of  a  railroad  to  Galena,  ihroiiu'h  a 
eoiintry  producing,  last  year,  3,1100,000  bushels 
df  wheat;  and  .secures  to  Lake  Miehi;;ini  the  whole 
of  the  lead  and  copper  trade — the  former  ninounl- 
iiiT,  llic  past  season,  to  3.'),0()0,000  pounds,  and  the 
latter  to  over  100,000  pounds. 

Niil  only  must  all  this  pass  over  the  St.  Clair 
I-'lals,  for  wlii.'h  an  apprnprialinn  of  only  '«i40,OIIO 
is  ini'iudcd  in  tin.'  prtseiit  bill,  but  also  the  eonnt- 
less  wealth  of  Lake  .Superior.  The  mineral  and 
asricnlniral  resources  of  this  country  have  yet  to 
be  l\illy  developed.  HiL'h  as  public  exiiectalidu  is 
rniscil,  the  reality,  I  think,  will  £:o  hiolier.  (Ipen 
a  canal  around  the  lulls  of  (he  Sault  Su'.  Marie  of 
only  onc-and-a-quf.rter  mile  in  length,  and  at  nil 
expense  of  only  Sii200,OI)0.  and  the  vast  wealth  that 
will  annually  pasM  over  tlie.sc  Hals  would  now  al- 

ist  subject  a  mail  to  the  charge  of  insanity  to 
corrcclly  estimate. 


!  ■ 

i'liie 


'  !■'¥ 

I  -I 


452 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  10, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  If^cntworth. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


And  I  limy  ns  well  !iere  remark,  thnt  the  wnlor  '' 
upon  those  ifiilti  is  subject  to  iieriiicliciil  riscH  unci  i 
fiillH;  rising  friim  six  to  twelve  feet,  anil  lulling  I, 
buck  iwiin.     And  the  sitnd  drifts  «l)om  sn  nincli 
witii  the  vnst  volume  of  water  rniniin;;  over  it,  that 
it  is  dilHctilt  to  keep  the  Siinie  chimnel  u  ions;  wliile.  i 
It  is  Htated,  oil  creili:  le  mithority.  llitU  i\l  one  lime  ■ 
lust  rnli,  It  lleet  of  rii^hleen  vos.sela,  loiidud  witli  l 
184,000  Inishels  of  whciil,  were  ililitiiud  several  ' 
diiyson  these  tluts  until  they  eould  be  lighlened  over 
nl  nn  expense  of  a  tliousaiiJ  dollars.     iS'o  eppro- 
iiriation  eomin;;  In  fore  Conj;re3s  this  winter  will 
ue  productive  of  so  mtieli  eennine  i,'Oo(l  ns  this  sin-  ' 
gle  item  of  S40,00()  for  the  rtl.  C:iair  l-'lals. 

The  following  t.ililu  of  the  public  land  still  un- 
sold in  the  Northwest,  will  show  thnt  the  tide  of 
emiijrntion  in  this  direction  is  far  from  beini;  sto|i- 
prd,  or  that  present  crops  form  any  estimate  for 
the  future: 

Ohio 877,862  acres. 

Indinim 4,H(m,.1!)l     " 

Illinois 1(1,744,781     " 

Michiirnn 27,187,(168     " 

Wisconsin  Territory...  43,11 1 ~,85"J     '• 

Total  acres ii,'i,o:i4,9.'i4 

Take  the  increase  of  the  population  of  Chicago 
within  the  past  few  years  and   the  increase  of  its 
business,  and  yon  t-Au  Inrni  sonif  idea  of  the  prcs-  ■ 
cm  advancement  of  the  Lake-Midiij^an  country: 
Kciirs.  '  Pofiit'itioti. 

1840 4,8.-):t 

1843 7,.'.M)         ; 

1844 1(1.170  . 

1845 I~',U88 

Tulle  sAoui'ii'  f/ic  f'thtc  of  itrlult's c.r/wrti'fl  attd imjiottcitj'rom 
IbJti  lo  IC14.'),  iiifiurirc. 

.«:i-r>,'.m  m 

'■■<i:\fiu  [■•  I 

.WJ.I7I  III 

HKl.UMI  Oii 

u:-i.uw,  dti 

«vi.ai7  CM 


la-Ki.  . 
H;r7... 
iK'ti... 

IKRl... 

1H4U... 

It'll... 
Ii^lj... 

IHII l.liN1.4l(i  m  I 

ii?4.'i a.nw.i-tr)  7:1 1 


EXI'OllTS.  I 

I8.K! .*l.n(M  lit 

18.17 11,0'n  (Irt  j 

IKW lli,M4  7.'>  ' 

IKW ;W.M.1  OH  I 

1M0 *>i,ti.Ti  74  . 

iMi :nc.:«;-.'  it 

isi-j ii.".ii.:«i:.  3(1  \ 

\y\t 7t'.-i,:.(M  -xt  ; 

jei:) i.54.i,.".iH  f.')  I 

Imagine  the  increased  commerce  for  years  to 
come,  and  si'e  the  vast  amount  of  proiwrty  and 
linmnn  life  trailiiii:  its  wny  past  hniubeils  of  miles 
of  shelterless  coast  lo  Mackinac,  and  then  down 
throunh  the  dnii;;ers  of  the  Si.  Cl.iir  I'lats  lo  De- 
troit, and  the  necessily  of  harbors  of  refuse  on 
both  sides  the  lake  will  present  itself  In  an  .\l- 
lalitic  storm,  iu  (he  want  of  a  harbor,  a  vessel  can 
always  |)ut  out  !o  sea;  but  iu  a  lake  ^ale,  a  \cssel 
is  always  between  >Srvlla  and  t'haiylidis.  To  {jet 
nway  from  one  coast  Is  only  lo  ^et  upon  the  other; 
and  thus  every  !;ale  has  its  wrecks. 

It  is  ar;med  that  these  worli.s  are  never  to  be  fin- 
ished— that  they  are  no  nearer  their  end  now  than 
beture  they  were  be:;un.  Is  this  so.'  Turn  to 
document  S'o.  '),  pa:;es  343-4,  and  yon  will  find 
nn  esliniati'  for  the  full  eouipleiion  of  the  (,'liicau'o 
harbor.  I-'.very  item  fir  wliieh  money  is  re(iuiii  d 
is  speeifieil  by  name  and  t[u;nility.  Is  it  saiil  this 
is  too  much  or  loo  linli^-  Let  juillemeii  turn  to 
that  estimate  and  show  il.s  incoinciness.  The  .':;uiie 


of  .Michi:.'aii  City  ami  St.  .To 


safest  situ  f 


I  depot  for  the  .Nl 


demiiiided  by  the  best  interests  ofour  country— ond  I 
no  reasonable  man  can  doubt  il — it  is  but  just  thnt  ; 
harbors  should  be  provided  to  shelter  the  persons, 
vessels,  and  properly,  iToiiij;  to  and  from  tlicm. 
The  three  harlioi's  in  Wisconsir  were  commenced  ; 
ns  Territorial  and  not  ns  commercial  works,  and 
the  only  objection  to  them  is,  ih.tt  they  are  too  near 
toirelher.  Hut  they  all  have  stroin;  commercial 
claims  upon  the  Government,  and  cspeeially  iVIil- 
waukie,  the  second  town  on  the  lake.  The  Cinn- 
millee  on  Commerce  have  deemed  a  harbor  neces- 
sary as  nearly  eqni-distant  from  C'liica'.;o  lo  Mil- 
wnnkie  as  possible,  and  have  selected  Littlefort  as 
the  point.  Ou  the  eastern  shore,  north  of  St.  Jo- 
seph, no  harbor  has  been  eoininenceil.  For  the 
safety  of  ves.sels  that  may  be  blown  upon  that  side, 
or  may  be  taken  there  iu  the  ordinary  course  of 
business,  the  eommitlee  have  selected  the  two  most 
practicable  )ioinls — Kalamazoo  and  Gmnd  River; 
and  it  is  confideinly  asserted  that  one-fifth  part  of 
the  properly  lost  within  cannon-shot  of  these  two 
places  would  have  built  them  u  harbor  on  a  grand 
scale. 

I  mnyns  well  submit  here  some  of  the  statistics 
for  Knlanm/.oo.  The  following  are  the  e.xporls  for 
184.';: 

i;,(IOO,nflO  feet  Innilier s:in,o(io 


l,.V)0,0O0slMiii;lc<.... 

coo  cords  hcuilock  liiirk 

9.111)1*1.-.  Hour 

l;C>  ca-ks  it.-ties 

40  tilil.s.lii):li  uhies 

Hide.-,  grOK:.  .-cud,  and  otlie-r  articles 


l.STS 
Ij.'iOn 
.11,SH.-i 
1 ,7.Vi 
4.'i(l 
1,000 

Oti,!!),! 
IMPellTS. 
t.or»n  lildH.  palt;  4.1  tons  nierchaitdise  :  1.",  tons  rnrnilure. 
'J'liere  hiii*  tieeii  im  itvemEC  of  si.x  vc.-seU  enmtiied  dllrinc 
the   pa.-l  si-iisni)   fn'iiiliUlie  IiiiiiIst  tVnin   lliiA  iinrl  to  porld 
neross   I, like   >Iiclit>::ui.     Five  vessid.^  were  driven  iistuire 
lie.'ir  the  luontti  el' the  ricr'r  in  tla*  liill. 
'I'liere  is  now  on  Imnd  awaiting  t^hipinenl,  as  follows : 

KiOIIfy     hi'll. 

At  the  linrlinr 9,0110 

I'oinN  on  the  river Il.'joo 

In  wlieat  at   llii-  ptnee  to  tie   iiiiiiilll':ii>liired   and 
filiililied  liy  tlii.H  route,  near .^OOO 


And  I  nii'Hit 


here  remark  that  thi.s  latter  harbor  is  becipniuig 
every  year  of  more  and  more  iiu|iiirlaiice.  tSi.  .In- 
seph  is  the  terniimis  of  tlie  irreat  railroad  fniin  De- 
troit westward;  and  all  our  northwe.-iteni  mails  anil 
travel,  during  naviijation,  here  take  the  steamboiii 
for  C'hi<'ago.  Besides,  locks  have  been  coiislrncted 
on  the  river,  .so  as  1.1  open  nuviiration  for  1,')0  miles 
back  from  the  lake .  The  1  ximrl  of  lasi  year's 
crop  ol  wheat  will  be  7.'iO,(M)()  bushels,  wo'rlh  lit 
le.isl  h.-.lf  a  inillinii  of  dollars.  lAir  $12,(1(10  the 
fsecreinry  i.f  War  i--ijuiaies  that  the  C.'liie.i:;ii  h.ir- 
bor  may  be  fully  .  nmpleteil.  After  trial,  how- 
ever, he  thinks  it  may  possibly  be  iieees-;  uv  to 
eMend  the  north  pier  somewhat  further.  Iu  ihal 
event  lie  may  vi     .  j^l  J.llllO  more. 

When  this  har'-.r  is  1  ompleied,it  will  be  the  best 
and  most  eapac;  .u.iof  .my  u|ioii  the  hikes,  leadiiii; 
not  only  into  iKr  very  heart  of  the  eiiy,  but  (iir  be" 
yoiid  it,  and  cmmnnicaiiiig  directly  wiih  the  mi  at 
eniial  conneeim^  the  laki  s  and  the  nveis.  Iu  its 
rear  would  \n  the  most  ecomiinical,  pneiicnble, and 


All  this  for  the  importance  of  the  point  itself, 
without  reirard  to  its  necessity  as  a  harbor  of  refuge 
for  vessels  upon  the  eastern  shore  ol'tln-  lake. 

As  n  basis  of  proper  estimates  for  these  two 
works  and  that  at  Littlefort,  tin  committee  have 
taken  the  amount  given  theui  iu  llie  bill  whieh 
passed  f'oiiirress  .at  the  last  session,  and  whieh 
was  pocketed  iiy  I'resldini  Tyler. 

No  one  lias  coiniilained  that  llii.<  estimate  for 
them  is  too  lars;"  or  Uio  .small.  There  are  but  nini 
points  in  all  for  Lake  Michiiraii;  and  this  number, 
Ihonu'li  small  'ompared  wiili  what  il  oii:;lii  to  be, 
is  yet  all  that  was  .asked  of  the  cnmtniuee.  Ami 
perhaps  il  is  Intter  to  have  these  lew  fully  eoni- 
ple'i'd,ifwe  can  £et  them,  than  have  more  par- 
tially so,  aial  run  the  risk  of  losim^  these  by  askiii"; 
more.  Tlion;;h  more  harbors  are  deser\eil,  it  is 
probably  this  consideration  that  has  hindered 
otliii-s  iVom  iieing  asked.  The  appropriation  (or 
the  St.  Clair  Flats  is  one  solely  for  Lake  Micliiuan 
trade,  ami,  ns  la  {'ore  hinted,  Lake  .Superior  also, 
wlv'u  its  shoics  shall  bi  cume  .si  tiled.  They  have 
no  local  iiiiporlance.  Tlnir  improvemenl  would 
benefil  no  iiiaii  in  their  \  iciiiily;  but  yet  all  who 
expo.se  iheir  lives  or  property  on  the  lakes  feel  a 
greai  inlerest  in  their  improvement.  The  neees- 
sily  tor  this  improvement,  and  the  conslrnction  of 
e\erv  harbor  on  Lake  .Miehiiraii — I  care  not  how 
do.^i  ly  the  most  uhr.iSiate-riirhis  man  scrutinizes — 
the  more  they  e\. inline  them,  the  more  slrontr|y 
loiiHi  ihey  becoiiic  couvinci'd  of  iheir  necessity. 
Instead  of  being  too  l.irge,  some  rvperienccd  men 
have  considered  the  estimates  I'or  Lake  .Michigan 
as  too  small, compaied  w  illi  ilie  estimates  for  winks 
in  other  .■sections.  The  commillie,  however,  have 
not  increased  ihe  eslimates  011  any  point  except  on 
the  Mi.ssi.ssippi  t'n(  r,  and  this  was  only  to  extend 
the  work  upon  the  upper  .Mississippi,  where  110- 
thiiiir  lets  yet  beni  done.  They  have  relied  upon 
the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  who  is  siip- 
poseit  to  employ  ineii  to  make  hi.i  estimates  who 
niiderstaud  their  bn.^uii  ss  es  wt-ll  as  any  other 
men    in   the   counlrv.      The  commillee    have    no 


an  g,i  to  this  place  and  coml 


grounds  lor  believing  that  they  i 


u.seless.     Hut  if  this  work,  uiid  the  other  tw 


mn  tins  Work  as      eslmiates   lor  invidious  dislmction; 


lid  iiiaki  w 
between 


one  costs  SlO.Or.O  and  the  other  ftriOiOOd,  the  com- 
mittee have  no  -ight  to  reject  the  lal.cr  in  coiise- 
nnciice  of  its  cost,  nor  to  raise  the  for.aer  to  make 
llie  distribnliou  of  the  nnniey  at  different  ex- 
(reinities  of  the  Union  equal.  Whn  works  are 
just  and  inoper,  and  they  are  unci  commenced, 
the  eommitlee  can  only  be  governed  by  the  es'i- 
ma(e8  of  the  ofKcers  iu  charge,  until  tliey  are  shoivn 
tube  incoirect.  I  maybe  tedious  to  some  in  dvell- 
ing  so  long  upon  this  one  point,  but  I  know  that 
whilst  at  home,  it  not  only  se'cms,  but  is  rightfully 
apparent,  that  there  is  not  einaigh  for  Lake  Aliehi- 
gaii,  the  impression  is  generally  prevalent  here  that 
It  has  assumed  too  much  importance  in  the  bill. 
Members  insinuate  that,  ns  a  member  of  the  com- 
mittee, 1  have  taken  too  good  care  of  iny  own  re- 
gion. Now,  sir,  a  great  deal  depends  upon  the  noise 
thnt  is  made  about  any  jdacc  with  some  people  in 
forming  first  impressions.  Until  my  election  there 
mtver  was  a  member  on  the  floor  of  either  Mouse  of 
Congress  from  the  State  of  Illinois  within  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  miles  of  Lake  Michigan;  and  out  of 
the  nine  Illinois  members  in  both  branches,  I  am 
now  the  only  man  within  that  distance.  I  nni  011 
my  second  term.  In  each  of  the  States  of  Michi- 
gan,Illinois, and  Indiana,  nn  Senator  resides  on  this 
lake,  and  but  one  single  member  of  either  House 
lives  in  a  district  touching  it;  two,  however,  re- 
side somewh.it  back  from  the  lake.  Neither  have 
to  cross  or  touch  it  to  gel  here,  and  both  would  go 
out  of  their  way  to  go  in  sight  of  it.  And  they 
are  both  new  members;  but  they  reside  fifty  miles 
nearer  the  lake  than  any  )ierfiim  that  ever  came 
here  tVom  their  States  before.  Only  two  of  the 
whole  Illinois  delegation  have  travelled  this  lake, 
and  a  large  portion  have  never  seen  it.  I  doubt 
whether  more  ihan  three  of  the  Indiana  delciralioii 
have  travelled  this  lake,  and  I  know  a  respcclabli! 
portion  has  never  seen  it.  If  it  is  necessary,  then, 
to  have  a  noi.se  about  Lake  Michigan  ill  order  10 
:;ive  it  its  deserved  prominence  here,  llien  there  are 
only  three  of  us  in  all  Congress  to  make  it.  If  we 
".XWO         seem  tediously  minute  and  over-zealous,  we  hope, 

:    tliei'i'fore,  to  be  |iardoned.     And,  perhaps,  1  will 

s,Oi10  lie  ,>i(il|  further  pardoned  fiir  saying  that  I  now  rep- 
I'esi^nt  tlie  most  populous  and  llie  most  rapidly 
populating  district  in  this  conntry;  now  eoniain- 
nnr  more  while  inhabilanls  than  there  are  in  two 
districts  in  many  Stales,  and  more  than  three  ill 
others.  The  districts  of  my  Lake  Michi^'ini  col- 
leatrues  are  also  fist  increasing;  and  I  can  pick  out 
six  dislrieis  npresented  on  iliis  lloor  that  contain 
no  more  inhabitants  than  our  iliri-e  districts.  We 
three,  then,  ought  lo  have  ihe  weight  and  impor- 
tance of  six  members  here  so  long  as  we  don't  usk 
the  double  pay  and  voles. 

The  people  of  Laki!  Michigan  have  been  heavy 
sufierers,  the  jia-st  .season,  in  conseipience  ot'llio 
want  of  haviuiT  its  harbors  conipli'ted.  Vessels 
have  been  wrecked  in  all  dircctioiiK,  and  one  was 
driven  upon  the  Chicago  shori>  in  broad  daylight 
in  siu^hl  of  all  its  citizens,  w  ith  its  crew  saved  with 
dilliciilty  and  its  cargo  an  almost  tolal  loss.  Thus 
liowerfid  are  the  i'ales,  which  are  no  less  sudden 
than  powerful.  It  lesnlis  iVom  these  danu'era  of 
navi:;aiion  that  thei-e  is  so  little  competition  in  the 
carrying  trade. 

After  looking  ut  the  amount  of  commerce  upon 
Lake  Michigan,  which  will  i|uailruple  iu  the  day 
of  many  of  us,  it  is  an  important  item  to  look  at 
Ihe  indirect  losses  the  people  sustain  tliiou:;li  extra 
insurance  and  extra  freight.  I  am  told  that  the 
average  rale  of  iusuraneu  from  -New  Yink  lo  Liv- 
erpool is  one-half  per  11  nt.  Now,  from  Chicagii 
to  liulValo,  in  the  lust  of  the  .season,  we  have  ti> 
pay  from  one  to  one  and  a  liaK  per  eenl.;  and, 
when  the  season  of  gales  comes  011,  (Vom  two  to 
two  and  a  half  per  cent.  And  an  insiaiiee  has  been 
reported  to  nie  where  a  Mssel  iu  distress  had  to 
nay  one  per  I  eni.  per  day  insurance  for  n  stenm- 
lioiit  to  rein  ve  In  r.  FreiLrhls  are  alfecied  in  the 
same  in. inner  as  iiistirance.  In  the  calimr  .sea- 
sous, n  bushel  of  w  .eiil  can  be  taken  to  llndaln  for 
lour  eeiil;i.  I'nt  ihe  freight  rises  as  autumn  ap- 
proaches, until  11  iTaches  seventeen  and  twenty 
eenis  oil  II  bushel.  \t  best,  a  farmer  caniiol  get 
his  wheal  to  market  until  late.  Me  must  either 
send  olTlnis  wheat  uinbr  these  eiiornioii.-i  taxes,  or 


b( 


le  withoiui  the  use 


,f  I; 


Tin 


us  iiiimey  111 


til  till 


at  till 


sections  of  the  I 


If  two  works  me  eipudly     Ihe  pri 


aid   the  fanner  varies  with 


of  msiiraiice  and  freight,  and  so  the  loss 


foot  of  the  like,  arc  proper,  and  even  imperiously     necessary  al  diH'eieut  sections  of  the  Union,  and     comes  wholly  out  of  the  farmer.     Nor  is  this  all — 


1846.J 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


453 


^  liccn  liciuy 
Hiciue  itf  tin; 

Led.  Vl's.-^oIs 
tuid  one  WHS 
uad  iltivli'-^lit 

w  .'^avt'ti  witli 

InSH,      TilllH 

IfSM  suddri! 

I*  dniii;i'i's  of 

ctiliun  ill  tlic 


1 


29th  Cono 1st  Srss. 


wmiUl  timt  it  worn  !    The  farmer'n  prntluco  poea 
III  pxclimif;c  for  mcrchniidise,  which  is  subject  to 
Ihc  s;ime  cxlranijinury  tii\  for  freight  ami  inau- 
riiice.     To  nmke   this  up,  the  inenhnnt  charges 
hiijhcr  for  ihe  articles  exchanged  with  the  ftirmer  [ 
liir  his  wliciil  at  this  icihiicd  priix-.     Western  men  ; 
roniplain   of   their  tariff  tax,  which  is  grievous  ! 
tiioiigh;  hut  it  hears  no  compuiison  to  wliat  tlicy  j 
Hre  tiixrd  for  the  risk  of  the  lakes.     I  myself  paid,  . 
this  very  last  fall,  one  dollar  per  hundred  pounds  I 
fmni  Buffalo  (o  Cliicau:o.  \ 

I  have  heard  it  said  that,  whatever  was  jjiveii 
fnr  the  construction  of  lake  harhors,  went  into  the 
pockets  of  the  stockholders  of  the  jrcat  steamboat 
roinliination  that  controlled  the  earryin!;-lrade  of 
Ihe  upper  lakes,  and  so  heliied  only  a  few  private 
mdividnala.     Let  iis  see  if  this  would  he  the  natu- 
ral Icmlency  of  thinjjs.     Competition  destroys  mo- 
nopoly.    At  present,  the  risks  of  the  lake  trade  arc  ' 
so  great  ihat  no  man  without  n  forlu'ie  can  nlVoril 
to  enter  into  it.     But,  iiiakc  good  harbors,  which 
is  tantamount  to  insurance,  and  the  farmers,  as  , 
well  as  Ihe  weallhy  merchanta,  can  be  secure  in  '. 
laiilding  vessels.  If  Ihe  freight  is  higher  tin   .they 
can  afford  to  pay,  they  will  combine  among  them- 
M.'lves,  and  buy  i*r  build  u  vessel  of  their  own,  ami 
cMi'ry  their  own  produce  to  market.  The  only  rem- 
edy for  the  present  high  prices  of  freight  and  of  ' 
iusurunce,and  of  the  presentinonopolyof  thee  irry- 
ing-lrade  by  the  comi  !nal'on,  is  in  good  harbors. 
Secure  them, and  all  issecn.elhat  iswanti^d  to  break  ■ 
lip  (nerytliing  like  monopoly  upon  thelakea. 

The  harbors  of  Lake  Erie  are  not  only  import- 
ant to  the  whole  commerce  of  Lake  IN'ichigan,  but 
they  have  a  much  larger  commerce  peculiar  to 
themselves.  The  wheat  crop  of  the  State  of  Mich- 
iL'aii,  last  year,  was  csiimatod  at  12,000,000  bush- 
els. All  the  surplus  of  this  crop  was  carried  over 
Lake  Krie.  Detroit  alone,  last  year,  exported 
>:i.O()0,O0i)  worlh  of  prodiic".  Besides  what  In- 
diana sends  ihrough  Lake  Michigan,  there  is  a 
vast  anxiunt  that  reaches  Lake  Erie  through  the 
Wab.ash  and  Erie  canal.  Of  the  great  and  yet  in- 
fant commerce  of  the  great  State  of  Ohio,  at  least 
onc-lmlf  seeks  n  market  through  Lake  Erie.  The 
following  are  some  statistics  of  the  single  port  of  i 
•Vleveland  for  the  year  1845:  i 

i^icaniers 027 

rropellers H).5 

Vessels <)S0 

.Arrived  from  foreign  ports 124 

Cleared  to  lnrei:;n  porta 135  i 

Amount  of  tonnage  owned  at  this  port. . . .  11,530 
Aumber  of  vessels,  inclinliiig  steamei-s  and 

|iropellers,  owned  at  ihis  port 84  |i 

Numlier  of  seamen  employed 038  ' 

Cleveland  has  a  commerce  of  §15,000,000  of  its 
own.  It  shipped  Inst  year  ]5,00O  barrels  of  flour. 
I  notice  that  the  exports  of  the  harbor  op  Erie, 
last  year,  were  i|j4O3,000,  and  the  imporm  were 
fl»"t..MiO,flOO.  ; 

The  number  of  arrivals  nt  Buffalo  the  past  se.i-  , 
son  were  as  follows:  Steainhoals,  932;  Propellers, 
73;  Brigs,  2.')8;   Schooners,  1,330;    Sloons,  (i4 — 
Tolal:  2,()r)f). 

But  the  trade  of  Lakes  Erie  and  Michiiran  is 
not  confined  to  Biilfalo.  Vessels  pass  ihrnuirb  the 
Welland  canal  not  only  to  the  ports  of  Lake  On- 
tario, Init  lo  Montreal  and  (inebec.  Larjre  ear- 
goca  of  .salt  have  been  imported  direct  lo  Chicago 
from  Montreal.  A  large  (luamily  of  beef  is  nrrw 
I -'ing  packed  nt  Chicago,  expressly  for  tlie  Liver- 
,  1  ol  inarkei,  which  is  to  be  transported  via  Moii- 
,.eal  and  tlucbec.  | 

The  Lake  ccnnmen-c  is  far  more  extensive  than  ' 
would  be  supposed  from  the  very  small  number  of 
I-,.':t'   Uciirescntatives   upon    this    floor.     On    Ihe 
ui-  lie  line  of  the  Lakes,  I'rnm   Buiiington  in  Chi- 
cago, there  is  not  a  member  who  ha.s  served  oul  his 
scc(nid  term  save  llic:  gcnllrman   from   the  Cleve- 
land diairici,  [Mr.  Uidiuncs.]     On   Lake  Mich- 
igan, I  am  Ihe  only  man  who  if  now  on  his  second 
ierni,aiHl  on  Lake  Erie  there  are  bin  three  on  their 
second  tirm.     Where  is  ihei-e  in  the  whole  world 
such  a  giiranlie  iiUiM-est  represented  by  so  few  per- 
sons, and   those  lew  of  sin  h  little  [ractical  expe- 
rience in  Ihe  body  where  they  aii'  called  upon   to 
act?    And.  when  t  see  much  smalliT  inleresls  with 
n  more  numerous  represenlalimi,  availiii'.'  iheni-   ■ 
selves  of  Iheir  long  experieiici'  in  ihia  body  and    i 
ai  iiiiainlance  wiih  Congressional  rules,  point.%  of'] 
order,  c|uirks  and  rpiibbles,  as  ihey  luo  ol'tin  do,   ! 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr,  Wcntu  ■)rtk. 

to  defeat  measures  of  aiieh  paramount  importance 
as  the  one  under  consideration,  1  feel  deejily  sensi- 
ble of  the  disparity,  and  would  almoKt  despair,  but 
for  the  to  me  self-evident  jnstiee  of  my  cause.  ' 

In  1845,  there  were  built  on  Lake  Ontario  17  '■', 
vessels  of  4, .5118  Ions,  and   between  Buffalo  und   I 
Chicago  48  vessels,  of  10,207  Ions — makin?,  on   j 
all  the  lakes,  .save  Champlain,  {i5  ves.scls,  of  15,000  |! 
tons,  costing  jli850,000.     In  the  last  five  years,  there  ' i 
were  built  above  Niagara  Falls  180  vessels,  eostin?  ' 
j«i3„500,000.     Of  these,  31  were  steamboats,  .ind  4 
were  propellers.     In  the  whole  lake  trade,  I  esti-  ii 
mate  fiO  steamboats,  20  iiropcllers,  ."if)  biica,  and  \\ 
970  schooners:  making  400  vessels,  of  80,000  tons,  11 
costing  <J4,000,000.     There  are  now  building,  on  h 
the  stocks  between  Buffalo  and  Cliicago,  10  steam-  '1 
boats,  12  propellers,  anil  12  sail-vessels — 34  in  ull. 
The  commerce  of  the  lakes  the  past  season  has; 
been   SI  25,000,000,  employing  (),000  active  sea- 
men.    The  large  amount  of  lake  conimerce  will   | 
bo  best  appreciated  when  it  is  known   that  the 
whole  export  commerce  of  the  United  States  is  but  li 
'J114,000,0t)0.  ;j 

Our  lake  coast  extends  5,200  miles,  through  ! 
seven  Slates  and  one  Territory,  containing  a  po|iu- 
lalion  of  about  7,.5OO,0OO.  'Of  this  coa.si,  2,000  f 
miles  border  on  the  British  colonial  possessions;  ■ 
where  national  defences  arc  as  much  necessary  as  , 
upon  the  Allai;tie. 

Many  mcnibera  will  be  astonished  at  the  aopalling  i 
account  of  the  losses  on  the  lakes  the  past  season.  ' 
Since  the  last  spiinu',  no  less  than  3f!  vessels  have 
been   driven   ashore,   twenty  of  which  were  tolal 
wrecks,  and  four  were  sunk.     The  entire  loss  was 
'i«2no,000.     And,  what  is  worse  yet,  (iO  lives  are  , 
known  to  hav.-;  been  lost.     All  this  within  a  sin- ' 
gle  year!     And  this  without  croing  upon  Lake  Su- 
perior, where  one  of  the  most  dislin^nished  men 
of  the  na-e  (Dr.  Houghton,   the  Michigan  Slate 
geologist)  was  drowned,  with  several  others,  in 
one  of  those  sudden  gales  peculiar  to  the  lakes. 
Duriiiir  the  last  five  years,  there  have  been  400  lives 
and  <tl, 000,000  of  property,  not  reckoning  losses 
from  fires  and  explosions,  lost  upon  these  lakes 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


Now,  the  whole  harbor  and  river  bill  (eastern 
and  western)  nmounls  to  hut  §1,348,000,  less  than 
the  sales  in  these  four  lake  Stales,  with  Wisconsin, 
and  more  than  dmible  the  amount  asked  for  lake 
harbors,  being  ■S,524,000. 

At  the  East,  tiicre  arc  certain  drawbarks  granted 
on  the  exportation  of  refined  sugar  and  domestic, 
.spirits,  and  also  bountie;.  on  salted  fish  and  allow- 
ances to  fishing  vessels.  These  are  apologized  for 
on  the  ground  of  encouraging  the  home  trade  and 
nursir,-  seamen  fm-  a  war.  1  submit  the  following 
amount  of  these  premiums  in  eight  of  the  eastern 
States: 


N.  Ilninp- 1   Mawii-     Ulioiln 
Maine.       eliiro.     !  ciaisctts.   Isliaid. 


I)riiwlincl<  on  re 

llncil  hiisiir S74!) 

]li>ilMlic.s    rill    i<llll 

li<li I      40,338 

ll'lmck  oil  spirit,*)       5,97s 

Allowances  to  liHll-i  I       '  '       „    „. 

ini!  vesiols a,0r,7,S.r,  ]      4+3,G1!)  r,,(K&,.^l 


giaO  '  .^8.1,903 

\9,(m    iiiy.ibiB 

4,1)79      700,911 


S  1,720 

59,.'>0r> 
293,51!8 


a,10l.9-il  I      4IW,;i93  7,;VJ4,911      4;H,3H7 


t  In  ftirthcrance  of  the  claims  of  the  lakes  for  np- 
propriationa,  I  will  give  the  following  statement, 
which  1  am  confident  is  correct,  of  the  amount  of 
revenue  collected  for  the  two  fiscal  years,  run- 
ninj  from  1st  .July,  1843,  to  30th  .fuiie,  1IS45,  at 
all  the  ports  of  entry  on  the  northern  fronlier,  and 
the  amount  collected  each  year  at  each  port: 


Tort  of  Entry. 


.Xiiinnnt  cullf.  inl 
'  frnniJnlvl,l!-i:i. 
1  In  June  HO,  is-ll, 


Amnnnl  cDllecind 
fni?M.lulvl.lS.|4, 
lo.!iinc:»,  IS  I,-,. 


Vermont 

Champlain ' 

Osweiratchie 

Sackett's  Harbor 

Oswego ■ 

Nia'j:ara 

Genesee 

Buffalo 

Cape  Vincent,.. . ' 
Presque  Islc  . . . . , 

Cuyahoga ' 

Sandusky I 

Miami I 

Dciroii ; 

Michilimackinac  i 


«115.H55  fili 

10,480  im 

2,003  24 

],05(i  48 

5,210  ,57 

3.011   41 

1,234  31 

8,0(10  52 

1,0(11  01) 

171  70 

2,431  37 

200  11 

70  J(i 

3,205  20 

179  30 

54,770  87 


S14,()22  84 

12,005  90 

2,8S3  40 

(108  ,57 

7,77(1  .54 

3,402  85 

1,203  95 

10,123  Ofi 

770  40 

312  (10 

3,4.75  43 

4()8  77 

4.-*  84 

4,704  19 

462^.5(i_ 

(i3,003  86 


Here  are  the  entire  proceeds  of  the  sales  of  the 
public,  lands  in  tour  Stales  and  one  Territory  bor- 
dering the  lakes,  up  to  this  time; 

Ohio c,23,i;i(;,7.3(>  Ifi 


Indiana. . . . 
Illinois, . . , 
Michigan. . 
AVisconsin. 


I9.(;4IM.')4  4!) 
17,2;i0,3T0  40 
II,(l74,^(iO  0(i 
3,041,785  .54 
75,332,910  .55 


Of  Ihia,  no  less  than  the  following  amount  was 
paid  the  past  year: 

Ohio....' 9188,711  28 

liidianu lUi.O.'iO  .39 

Illinois ,50H,HiMi  01 

Michigan 20.795  2(i 

Wisconsin 455,li5l  4li 

T3(i877IO  40 


Dr.iwlmck  on  ro- 
niii-il  siifiar 

Udiinlics  on  null 
liil 

P'lKick  on  s(iiril.-^ 

,.\H()\v:iiK'CH  to  fish- 
ing vessels 


Cnnnec- 
ticiit. 


.■iie.ooo 


7:i.:ioo 

1,96.1 


i;)6,i7t) 


a,  1,488 


N.  York. 


?  1,31 0,87.'; 

(19,81)1 
71,061! 

17,1.')7 


Pcnnsyl- 
vaiiid. 


jaj6.fl.)0 

.18,9.-,7 
15,437 


Mnry- 
lailil. 


.¥M,68(> 

fi3.r,R7 
17,.-|84 


1,471.969  1    411, .■Ml  I     99,85; 


Now,  whilst  eastern  .sailors  get  all  this  ,advan- 

i  (:ige,  (here  are  some  memlM'is  here  from  the  East 
who  would  not  give  the  sailors  upon  the  lakes  a 
siiu'le  h;irbor  in  Which  to  shelter  themselves  in  n 

!  storm.  They  ask  bounties  for  their  .(ishermen,  and 
yet  would  not  ;;ive  ours  a  place  in  which  to  dry 
their  nets  in  safety.  Bounties  western  sailors  do 
not  ask;  and  yd  lliey  pay  no  .small  share  of  those 

I  given  lo  the  sailors"  at  the  I'.ast — I  will  not  hero 
say  undeservedly,  because  1  do  not  believe  in  de- 
tracting from  oiie  section,  or  one  individual,  for 
(he  benefit  of  another;  but  this  1  will  say,  I  love  a 

:  sailor  wherever  I  find  him,  whether  on  the  lakes,  the 
rivers,  or  the  liiu'li  seas;  and  1  have  Imig  been  of  the 
opinion  thatthere  wasnoclassof  men  that  worked 
so  hard  and  risked  so  much  for  so  little  pay. 

Mr.  Ct'illatin  says,  in  one  of  his  recent  letters, 
that  "  the  primary  causes  of  the  disastrous  re- 
'  suits  of  the  campaign  of  1812,  were  the  want  of 
'  a  naval  fence  on  the  lalces,  and  that  of  a  sufficient 
'  regular  force."  Then  tlirre  were  no  vessels  of 
any^kind  suited  to  war  on  ihe  lakes.    Commodore 

'  Perry  had  to  build  his  own  fleet.  The  first  steam- 
lioat  on  ihe  lake  was  not   until  1819.     And  ex- 

'  perienced  seamen  were  han'.cr  to  be  got  than  war 

■  vessels.  Now  the  lakes  have  a  sutficieiil  marine  of 
'  themselves  in  their   0,000  able-bodied  sailors  and 

■  400  vessels.  Knock  the  upper  cabins  nO'  our 
steamboats  and  properly  ami  them,  and  we  have, 
in  one  day  after  notice  is  served,  sixty  steam-ship.s 
of  war  qualified  fir  immediate  service.  Let  a 
war  break  out,  and  our  vessels  and  sailors  are  out 
of  emjiloy  except  to  fiirht,  until,  fnnu  one  end  to 
the  other  of  the  lakes, "there  remains  not  a  single 
Briiish  vessel  to  interrupt  or  cripple  our  com- 
merce. In  apportiiming  (he  expenws  of  inir  Gov- 
ernment, charge  the  millions  for  our  navy  to  the  At- 
lantic: charire  the  army  to  the  Atlantic  and  Indian 
fioiiiicr;  .  a-  lakes  want  iiothiiigof  them  in  peace. 
Theygivi  "|.  :i||  their  cLiinis  upmi  the  midship- 
men alid  ■'•!<■  West  Point  laileis.  Give  the  sailor.i 
good  li'.'hl-bouses  a.d  good  harbors,  with  a  few 
nav.'l  (lepbis  for  supplies,  in  ca.se  of  war.  Pro- 
tect lliem  from  the  storms,  and  they  will  protect 
voiir  whole  lakecv>ast  from  (he  British.  Ami  your 
expense  t'o'  the  n:\vv  a  singli'  ye;ir,  in  this  time  of 
peace,  will  build  all  the  harbors  and  light-houses 
thai  the  most  visionary  speculator  ever  dreamt  of. 

When  we  .speak  of  ilii'  cost  of  l.ikf  harbors, 
we  should  tike  into  coiisiderntion  ih'  great  irregu- 
larity wiih  which  appropriations  for  them  have 
been  made.  In  1837,  there  was  the  sum  of  #319,- 
000  appropriated;  in  1838,  SOMO.OOO.  So  much 
for  the  lirsi  two  years  of  Mr.  Van  Biiren's  Ad- 
ministration. The  las'  two,  there  was  noihiDif 
I  npfiroja-ialed;  nor  was  there  but  «,H0,()00  (and  this 


'iSl 


4>vJ 

if! 


'.■■tA 


454 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Fob.  10, 


29th  Cong Ist  Sess. 

Bum  for  three  harbors  on  Lnkr  MioliifjarO  (liiiins: 
the  firsl  two  years  of  Mr.  Tyler's  A(liiiiiiislrnlii)ii. 
Here  wns  nn  iiitervnl  of  four  y  nrs,  iliiriii,'  whiili 
Iiurl)or«  conimeiieed  wire  left  in  nn  nnic)ni|iluipil 
dt.Aii'.  Any  prncliral  liiishiess  niKniiiniUHiui'liilly 
A  nrnclicnl  nieehaiue,i'ini  islimnlr  tlieririct  of  this. 
In  many  pittcea,  the  works  were  nhitotjt  entirely 
swept  nwiiy.  Al  the  first  session  of  tin'  liisl  Con- 
press,  ^llOiOIX)  were  Hp|'ro|>riiiliil,  anil  the  works 
were  resumcil.  At  the  next  sexsion,  the  hill  pass- 
ed both  Houses,  but  Mr.  Tyhr  porkelrj  it.  In 
many  plaees,  the  last  appropriation  was  ex)M'ti(lc(l 
mostly  in  proi'iiriiiK  timber,  snnie,  and  oilier  ma- 
terials for  piers.  Money  is  now  waiileil  to  |)ut 
them  loirelher.  In  si.nie  plnees,  erili  work  has 
bt^en  made  am'  partly  sunk.  Money  is  now  w.mt- 
0(1  to  f  islen  it  pcrmaiiciitly.  and  ki  ip  it  from  beins; 
washed  away.  In  other  places,  lliere  are  larse 
sand-bnrs  at  the  entriini'es  of  barbors,  where 
money  is  also  wanted  to  proenre  and  set  in  opera- 
tion a  dredffiii^  machine.  The  .system  hat-  i'een 
bef;un.  To  drop  it  lup*  ,  would  be  to  lo.'^e  all  thai 
has  been  previously  done.  And  the  liest  jioltcy  of 
the  Government  is,  to  ecunplele  ihc  harbors  imme- 
diately; for  they  have  ;.'ui  m  bo  cnnipbied.  1  ean- 
nnt  allow  inyself  even  llie  llioui;lit  that  they  will 
ever  be  abandoned.  One  Coiii.'rcss  may  def(  at 
them;  but  another  will  p.i.'is  tbeni.  And  iliey  will 
cost  the  more — nuicli  more — in  eonsei|iieiice  of 
these  delays.  It  is  as  iiiiicb  for  the  interest  of  ilii 
Government  as  for  the  defence  of  the  lake  towns 
and  the  safely  of  their  commerce  that  all  these 
works  should  l)e  hurried  ii  completion. 

The  chairman  of  the  Cimmiitec  of  Ways  niul 
Means  expresses  a  wish  to  have  the  liiU  ni)W  be- 
fore the  House  (the  bill  ap||roprialin:r  iinniev  lor 
fortificaiions)  pas.scd  early,  so  that  Uuvermnenl 
•Uiu  CO  directly  at  the  works.  The  .<Miiie  rea.soning 
iipnlics  to  the  river  and  harbor  bill.  Xavii^alion 
will  soon  be  open.  Puss  thul  liill  now,  and  imicb 
can  be  done  towards  expcditins  the  works  by  that 
period.  If  it  is  imponanl  that  we  should  have 
these  appropriations,  it  is  equally  important  that 
we  should  have  them  early. 

There  is  a  class  of  puii'iicians  lure,  who,  every 
time  lake  harbor  bills  ccuiie  up,  have  much  to  say 
about  internal  improveiiU'iils,  as  if  the  lakes  did 
not  line  a  foreicn  coast  as  well  as  the  ocean  nv  the 
gulf.— as  if  a  harbor  dire.ily  within  the  reach  of  a 
ISrilish  fort  on  the  Can.ida  shore  was  internal,  and 
therefore  unconsiiiiitiiiiial,bee;uiseona!ake;  whilst 
a  harbor  thousands  of  miles  from  n  fnieij,'n  coast 
was  external,  anil  then  I'lre  eonslitulional,  because 
on  the  Atlantic.  I  bavr  neiir  been  borne  from 
(^)n"l•e^"  VI'.  without  '^-iiiiii:  in  sijjht  nf  liritish  red 
con  .-.  .lid  ;hroujrh  nairow  passes,  where  it  was 
not  o.ily  111  the  iiower  of  the  sinnllest  cannon  to 
rliish  our  boat  (o  nieces,  but  to  be  successfully 
aimed  at  Ibe  sni.itlesl  ubjeels  on  the  .American 
shore.  I'lider  ii  strict  emistrnetion  of  our  rales,  I 
rthoiild  feel  myself  warranted  in  calliiij;  any  L'enlle- 
man  to  order  who  made  allusii'ii  tii  inliVnal  im- 
provements whenevei  a  harbor  u|>on  the  upper 
lakes  was  under  discussion.  President  Monroe 
\\as  not  an  "  internal  iiii|u-oviincnt  man,"  but  yet 
hesisued  a  harbor  bill.  Ueneral.I.ackson  veioidan 
apiiropriation  for  the  Wabash  river  and  llie  .Mays- 
ville  road,  but  yet  he  M:;i)(d  bills  tor  m  .irly  all  ilie 
lake  harliors  in  the  priseni  bill.  .Missis.  Von 
Bnren  and  Tyler  were  not  "  Internal  improvement 
men,"  and  yet  they  siL-ned  bills  for  still  more  har- 
bors than  General  Jackson.  Lake  harbors  have 
Blood,  and  ever  must  stand,  on  the  .same  j^'icaind 
with  Ailantic  harbors,  whether  considered  in  a  mil- 
itary, commrrcial,  or  national  point  of  view.  Is  it 
ronstiliitlonal  to  make  a  harbor  at  f'liarleston,  in 
Sonili  ''flroliiiar  It  is  M|ually  so  to  make  one  nt 
C'liiea}.'".  in  Illinois.  Ijiit  is  it  eoiistiiuiiimal  to 
make  a  linrluir  on  the  Atlanlic  ■  Tills  sl^'ni  d  by 
PreHiduilH  Washinptoii,  the  eliler  Adams,  Jefler- 
son,  M.idi.'on,  and  Monroe,  who  ouglit  to  know, 
respond  affirmatively 

'    '   '  '  'J 

'  ask   it  II   II  coiislllu- 

aij.-wer,  I  A  ill  stale 
that  we  have  no  rivers  m  the  bill  for  wliah  appro- 
priations wire  not  reeoij  iiidided  by  the  President 
throuL'h  his  Si  .relary  "f  War,  and  estimaics  were 
not  ni.ide  111  llie  report  of'ihis  ).  nne  Seen  tarv,  also 
presented  in  llie  biter  of  i  he  .Si  i  n  lary  of  ihe'l'ri  as- 
nry  to  thin  House.  T.i  all  these  rivers  appropria- 
tions hmt   heretofore   Inn   mude,  and   signed   by 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  H'cnt worth. 


Ho.  OF  Rp.pa. 


the  same  Andrew  Jackson  who  vetoed  the  Wabash 
river  and  the  iMaysville  road  bills. 

Ill  substnntialion  of  this  statement,  I  submit  the 
followiiif;  list  of  appropriations  for  rivers,  with  the 
date  of  their  approval: 


nm  one  may  state  th.il  tlirrf  ntl  IJM  ro  i  oniniiej 
',  and  iiiiiy  ii 
tional  to  improve  them  -     In 


with  your  la 


rbi 


l|c,iil»nf  .Appropiin- 

Hale  or 

Amniint 

tlnaf. 

Appriipria- 

npiirnpri- 

Total. 

linn. 

nti'il. 

Far  iiaprovtautlie  nav- 

MiiyJl.  1SJ.I 

^-.rijiiiirnn 

a;iila>a   111'  i|ii.  Ilhiii 

.Mar.  :i,  tsj; 

;iii,iiiw  00 

iiitil  MlsM.s.ii|i[ij  liv 

.IbiS'-i'l,  li»> 

.vi.onii  til) 

er«. 

Mar.  ;i,  IfSI 

.'.11  iKKi  no 

A|ir.'->:i,  ts.'iii 

.MMMKI  IN) 

Mar.  -J,  IKII 

■2nn.iinn  UJ 

.Mar.  :l.  ISiT 

llll.llllOtKI 

July  7,  IKte 

7n,ono  no 

$58.^00O(X) 

For  iiiiprovinsihenav 

July  :i.  IKB 

.'lO.IKKI  till 

iL'atnia  of  Itie  Oliiii, 

Mar  -J,  ls;i;l 

.'ilMKNI  IXI 

>fi^!i')lirl.   mill    Miri 

Jiin.-js,  l.s;n 

.vmnom) 

hiiij-ilHil  rivcrii. 

Mar.  :l.  1KI-. 

:in.ii;lo  im 

Jiilv  o  is.'lfi 

fio.mm  nn 

Mar.  :i,  ISI" 

■j:),iiiin  01) 

Jilly  7,  lilS 

■ji.iH)ii  nn 



.in.'i.noo  00 

Par  iliiprnviiiillie  imv- 

MavC:!.  IS-is 

■.'■..IIDII  IM 

i'j;iti"ii  III'  Itcil  riviT, 

.liilv    :i.  ts.'l! 

•jo.iiim  no 

LiiuiMailil. 

JillL-.'s,  IKIl 

.'in.nna  nn 

Miir.  .t,is:i-, 

.in.nM  nn 

Jiilv  o  |s,r. 

7n-SrK)  nn 

M.'ir.  :i.  1K'17 

r.-,,niin  m 

Apr.'-tl.  Irt^'J 

7n.noo  m 

M.ir. .'),  IS II 

7."i.nnn  nn 

■I'i'i.POO  00 

ForinTprnvia^ttiennv- 

.liilv  'J.  l";Ki 

■in.nnn  nn 

tn.ilM'li    III'  llie    .Mi4. 

MaV.  :i  IS.'IT 

in.iinnna 

^i^.-lJlpl  nviT,  atiMve 

July  7,is:is 

•jn.oiKi  nil 

llic    DiMiilh    (if    the 

100,000  00 

lljii'i.    mill  Iho  Mis- 

i^iiiiri  lixiT. 

For  itiip-aviiiK  till'  nnv- 

AUI.'JI.IHI'J 

in^iiinnnn 

■{.MIiDit  al   the   .Mis- 

Mar.  l.lsi:) 

l.'iii.noo  nn 

fMiiii,      .MIssi^.sipiH, 

Jna.  ll,ls.|4,  Isil.lHKluil 

1  Mill'.  llMit  ArJeaamiH 

4:10,00000 

rivers. 

Fur  liii|inivtiieltieii:iv- 

.Mar.  .-I.  l«.'i-.    .w.nnnnn 

li:;Ui'ili  at'  till-  Otiio 

July   a,  IKK,   aiLIHIO  IHI 

nvcr.  iibavc  lite  lult.-i 

>lar.  .'1,  IKIV     I'JI.niKIIIO 

iiftlie  Ol 

Jiiiv  7,  is:i«    .iii.min  nil 

Jllli.ll.I'SII    IIKKKIOIK) 



380,000  00 

For  imprnviiiall av- 

Jillv    :i,  IKB      l.-i.tKIIIIHI 

araiiaii  nt' the  Arkan- 

■Miir. :i.  ls:i.-,     in.niKiiiii 

sas  river. 

^I  r.  :i.  Is.'i:    fl:,.nnnoii 
July  7.  Is;(s    .iiLnniHHi 

100,000  on 

For  iiaprnvlnL'ltien.'iv 

jiin.:in,  is^n 

7n,n(Ki  nn 

iculiiiM  111'  the   lliiil- 

Jiilv   A  1  .-.'«'■ 

inii.nnnnn 

Miii  river,  iilmve  ainl 

Mar.  .').  Is;i7 

inn.iKMi  m 

telaw  .Mtmav.  In  the 

July  7,  IKl- 

iiKi.non  00 

Shite  or    Veil   Yiirk. 

370,000  00 

Furiiiipriivnie  Itie  na\ - 

MavlS.K-Jli 

."iii.iHH)  nn 

iL'.*liiia  of  .<avuiiiiiUi 

Jalv   :i,  IKM 

a.'i.iHin  nn 

river,  (Jeoryia. 

Jan.'Js,  is^n 

.in. nan  nn 

Mar.  :l,  IKC. 

■jd.nnn  nn 

Jaiy  7,IKW 

l.-i.niHiiin 



1  Pl.tlfJllH) 

j  himber,  produce,  and  nn  rcluindise,  increasing  loo 

,  fast  to  allow  any  aeeurate  eslimale  to  be  made.  The 

I  country  upon  the  extreme  Upjier  Mississippi  alone, 

hist  year,  sent  down  the  river  4i.>,()0n,0U0  pounds  of 

lead,  and  .1(),(mO,l)l)U  feet  of  lumber.     And  there 

are  now  H,()()0,llOl)  lbs.  of  lend  on  the  wharves  nt 

the  simile  town  of  Galena,  to  leave  the  moment 

the  river  is  open.     Appropriations  for  them  all, 

'  as  the  foresoini;  slali  nient    shows,  were  sigiieil 

:  by  Presidents  Jackson  and  Van  Ijureii,  and  by 

I  President  Tyler,  for   all    but    the   Hudson.      To 

;  my   inmieilintc   conslituenls   all    these    rivers  urn 

i  of  great   iimiorlaiice  in   ^ivini;  them  a  choice  of 

'  miU'kels.     They  u.'JC   the  Hudson   to   go   to   New 

York,   the  Ohio  to  po  to   Philadelphia,  and  the 

Mississippi    In    i;o    to    Xew    Orleaii  ..       I    notice. 

.  that  the   valui;   of  property   that   passed  the    Kric 

I  canal  ihroiisli  the  Hudson  river  the  past  sensoii, 

I  was:S,|(lU,(l(IO,{l(IO.   This  includes  only  what  passes 

;  over  the  canal,  leaving;  out  wh  it  is  sliip]ied  from 

1  Ihc  river  biuika  in  other  places.     The  number  of 

passeiiLTcrs.   at    the    same    time,   is   estimated    nt 

1,(1110,0111).     These  lives  anil    this  property  must 

,  look  In  Ibe  nation,  anil   not  lo  JJew  York  Stale, 

[for  their  f,'iiarilian;  the   Hiiilson   beiie,',  in  every 

I  sense  of  the  word,  a  frical  nalionnl   lhorouj,'hfare. 

'  T'irou!;h  the  tariff  and  the  public  lanil  offices,  the 

AVi  at  is  drained  of  its  money  by  the  GiMieral  Uov- 

eriimenl.     Save  the  lillle  that  is  doli  il  out  to  us 

tor  our  harbors  and  rivers,  alTcr  hard  slrii^'irles  oil 

this    floor,  every  dollar  collected   at   the  West  is 

taken  Kastor  South  for  disbursement. 

The  jiower  to  conimenee,  or  carry  on  such  works 

after  they  are  comnienci'd,  is  qiiesiioned;  and  yet 

it  has  been  exercised  ever  since  the  adoption  of 

I  the   American  Constitution.     Now,  whether   this 

I  power  is  derived  fi'oni  the  clause  Ki^ioi?  authority 

1  to  provide  for  "  the  eoimnmi  defence  and  {reneral 

i  welfare,"  or  to  "  regulate  commerce,"  or  whether 

i  it  necessarily  follows  our  ri:;bt  to  biijil   vessels  of 

war  and   to  transport   troops  or  munitions  of  war 

,  from    one   section    lo   another,    I    shall    nol    slop 

;  lo  determine.     It  is  tnoiii^h  for  me  to  know  that, 

'  with  the  limitalloii   lliat  the  works  should  be  pen-- 

;  eral  nnff  not  local,  naiional   and   not  State,  all  of 

'  our  Presidents — some  of  them  the  frainers,  and 

others  cotemporaries  of  the  formation,  of  our  Con- 

stiiiition — have  sigiii  il  bills  for  them.     Like  every 

'  other   irood    tiling,    this    power    may   be   abiiseii. 


The  abuse   of   it    was 
I  Jackson's  Adniinistrati 


I  also  add  a  few  -Vllanlic   works  approved  by 
General  Jackson  and  .Mr.  Van  Ibnen.  ' 


tlead:«  of  .\p|iriipim- 

IMIIIS. 


Far  errctinif  a  tireak- 
walir  nil  Si.'inlMnl 
li'ilu'c,  l*niil,'iiiil  liar 
l«.i'.  Mnu;e. 

r<ir  iia|iriniii|i||ie  h;ir- 
hMralllalliiaiiri-..Ma- 
r>ianil 

For  niiprnviiiL'  lliehai 
hiir  or  N'eivcaslle. 
lli'lHttllri'. 


Fur  iinprnviae  the  har- 
hnr    "f   Tort    riliu,  | 
lli'liiwnre. 


Date    of 

Amount 

Apprnprln- 

npprnpri- 

Total. 

tiiin. 

aleiV 

Jiily4.  ls;|.i 

.S'ln.onnnn 

Mur  :t,  ls;i7 

2.->,0(ll)  IKI 

Jalv  7,  |s:is 

'.ll,;iii«  nn 

.^«  1,306  no 

Jiiivt.  iKin 

■Jn.lKVI  (HI 

Mar.  :l.  |S.'(T 

l.'i.non  nn 

Jiilv  7,  IKIM 

ai.iinn  nil 

M,000  00 

I'slininlifl 

e'l^t  lirinrlil 

Julv,  lrt«'i.> 

7.?,:ire  in 

July  a,  llfiili 

'ir,,t>tv)  fin 

,Mar.  .'1,  IK'r; 

in,iKii)  nn 

July  7.  IK'IS 

11..773I10 

119,905  10 

Ksiuniited 

eoiit.' 

.M,eco  75 

.11  fWl  ^i; 

'i'lir  Dunihpr  (if  llat-hn.tt.s  lost  on  tlio  wrstorn 
nvfiN  (lie  [mst  scnNnii,  lins  nrvtr  itrrn  fxrooHrrl. 
Tlin  nrimlifrof  MtfuinlKint.**  siinirj:!;('(i  Imn  lifpii  lliirty- 
tivc.  I  SCI'  in  the  wr.stcrn  iiewspiipiTs  dwit  Ihr 
vri  y  sniiifH  ii|MMi  wlii'-li  iIjp  stcaini'nju.s  Pike  ninl 
l-'li)r*'in*('  wf  ic  (li'Htroyrd  liavr  lu-fn  lately  rrnifivcd. 
How*  nmch  f)^  prnjHrtv  and  life  iinu'lit  have  hern 
Navf'd  liad  thry  Iutd  r»ninvi(l  tarlicr! 

Tlir  rivfi-H  VinliraiMl  ui  liiiH  lull  mniain  r>,(MK> 
fiiiitH  ol*  riaviirHlili!  waters,  willi   a  Irade   in   jrad, 

*  TIm'  ii|)|ir«>{iMnt)nri-i  piKir  [m  ISUi.  tipr  itif  ncirki*  at  Ni>w 
rn-ilf,  INifi  I'tiiii.  ,ii|(t  ^.■\l•ral  otlHT  |)l;n  ■-.  hiivih!*  Iniri 
Mci.did.  wiitifiiii  rji'  .ii^iMi.'  Ill''  nainiiiit  iiiniin  attli-  In  cjud. 
't'Ui  <>iManii-il  cufii  up  til  tliiir  nine  in  (jivm  a- tla*  iiiMiatat 
uppri'ifriiiif'il. 


itinnnted    under  (reneral 

I   .jm.iva<ui   a  i^\uiiiiiiir.ii.i.i.ai.        I)Ht     hos[0]l|H'd     It  ItV 

Iii«  veto.  Vfi,  in  eon.-^rfineiice  of  'his  attempted 
abuse,  he  l>y  tin  nieaii.s  al)andnnt'il  ii,  l)Ht  emitiii- 
Mf  d  t(i  si;^n  hills  for  wurks  similar  it)  ttmsi!  in  this 
hill.  Indeed,  five-Hixths  nf  the  \\(irk.'<in  tli(^  West 
were  hr;.niii  undiT  hi.s  Ailminisiraiion. 

I  will  lieie  <^\\v  an  extract  from  General  Jack- 
son *.s  Annual  Message  in  1S,*J4: 

"  'I'Ihti'  is  iiTinilicr  cliH-*  o!'  a|i|iri»[iiiJiIi"n^  tor  Hlial  amy 
h<-    '-all'il,   \viiliotit    irii|iii>|>ra't,\ ,   iiir<'rnnl    iMii>n<vri)irritr<, 

ii  whn-li  liii\*'  alway-^  hcfn  n  lianh'il  a-j  ^tarnliiiB  upon  ditliT- 
<-iiI  nnnnicls  liMiii  Hid-:*'  l'>  ivlinli  I  hivr  iilirriit.  I  iillufti; 
(o  ^lll■ll  a.<<  U:\\f  tiir  Uirtr  olijri-i  ilii>  iin|iMn<'iiM'iit  <>r  ntir 
Imrliors,  tlir  n  iiidViil  or  piirliaj  ami  t<MMpMrai>  oii-triirtJMii.H 

!■  in  oiir  naviLTililr  livrr^,  auil  tin*  ^i'<  uii(y  ami  t'anlity  "I"  oirr 

'  fcrP'iBtl  I'tMnilHTC"'.  "  •  .  *  .  * 

As  a  nulUfal  cMti-iffpt'nri' nt' tin*  iiM-niL-*!- and  p.tCt'ii-iitn  (tt 

niir  lorcwa  »'iiinfia  rcr,  pitri.-*   nC  rnliy   ami    (h'li\('ry  liav«; 

lirtii    inulti|Hii-il    aiiij   <'.-lalili*hri|,  tn>\   "iii>    ii|i  ni  'lur  sca- 

;  tiaaiil    hill  III  till'  iiitirtnr  lit' till'  cdiintrv ,  \i\uni  mir  lakr,^  ami 

I  iiavJi>:il)l<'  rivers.     TIm'  <-<)(t\<iii('ii(M'  an*)  >atrt\  tH'  Ihis  rum- 

I  nn'rcc  have  Inl  in  tlic  jn"H'lii;il  rMrn-i'ai  m  ^iu•^^;  fxiiciitli- 

lun's;  In  tlH'  'rirnna  nt'  iiiilii  liMii<.'>.  (In*  (ilanair,  planiiaa, 

niid  ^iaklMK  ni  Imnv;;,  l»eai(in>,  nral  pi'r-,  and  in  the  n'nanai 

nt'   )Mirfial    ami    t<-rapnriir>'   rii><itriirnnm4   in   onr    iiaviunblR 

rivrr-f.  niiil  in  ttir  |ii'irtif)r^  iifon  niir  creal  l-ikfs,  a-*  wt'l!  iw 

nn  iIh*  fi-ahtmnt.     .Mtlmairli  I  liavi'   f\[irf^'"-ti  tn  Cnnu'rrsi* 

niv  api'f  licn-iitii-"  Itiat  tln-f  i\pt  ndMiirr^^  liavc  M>ini'liiMr.4 

hrVn   tAlravacant.   ;mmI    .Ii  [ir'.i^'rli-.naKr  M  Hip  advaiitau'i's 

lo  ti>  d'Tiv  cd  ifiMo  till-Ill.  I  havi    ii.a  ti  It  it  iit\  duly  t<>  nlii  -r 

my  n.-w-Mt   hi  hill^   cuTitaMiiiiL'   ilfai.  ami    liavr   i t'Mihil 

lliywir  in  liillnw,  in  lIliH  n-pi  It,  la  tlif  lont-tcps  nt  all  my 
pri-ili'fi-f»>'»rH.'' 

ynin<^  nienihers  seem  to  fear  tliat  we  .shall  event- 
ually plunirn  our  Gnverntnent  info  hankrupley  hy 
an  uniMMvident  and  reckless  Nystmi  of  internal 
iniiiroviinentH.  Winn  I  t'liniv  thai  one  eximiir 
f<»llnwH  anotlnT,  I  ennli.-^s  that  I  .snniilinies  iVar, 
that,  if  we  aliandnii  thisi'  work.-*  of  r\rry  kind,  and 
pursue  the  rii^id  ennrsc  .stancofunr  smitheni  frii'nds 
pre.s.'rilie,  the  (]Ut.stion  will  hr  tliniwn  into  our 
I'ri'fiidential  eaiiva«siH,  Stairs  will  bn  hid  for  hy 
promises  in  inakr  StJiti-  works,  and  an  internal  ini- 
proveinent  sy.strni  of  the  nio.st  MJarnnn;:  Kind  In* 
re.sorteil  In.  Tlir  rniiid  Slatt's  has  an  arsmal  nn 
tlie  1 1  mi -on,  a  tm\al  di  pi-t  at  M^inplns,  nianv  fnrts 
on  tlie  Ohio,  U<d,  ArkanMat?,  Missouri, and  Upper 


[F(<1).  10, 
OF  Kkps. 


inciTaHii)';  t(»o 
(1  licninilc.  The 
Ississippi  iilnnc, 
n,(IUOjii>\iii(ls(if 
ur.  Ami  tliciK 
llic  whnivrs  nt 

VI'    lllp    IIIOIIICIR 

IS  I'lir  llicni  nil, 
H,  were  sixneil 
Ijuicii,  mill  hy 
IIiuIniiii.  Ti> 
ii'si!  livers  ure 
ill  n  clioicc  of 
tci  !;o  1(1  New 
'Ipliiii,  niul  (lie 
itii  ..  I  iii>ii<>c 
liiy.sol  the  Krie 
he  pn.sl  Kef\HO)i, 
nly  wliMl  |ii\sse.s 
hi|i|>i'(l  tVdin 
The  miinlier  nf 
i  <  siinialed  nt 
|iiii|ieriy  must 
w  Viirk  Stale, 
leiii:,',  ill  every 
I  iliori)ii;i;hrare. 
Innil  offiees,  the 
e  Gigienil  Uov- 
Inli  (I  out  to  us 
n!  slru;rijles  on 
nt   the  West  is 

?Mt. 

'oiisiii'h  work"» 
iiiiied;  niitl  yet 
he  ndoplion  of 
,  whether  this 

iviiii:^  aiilhority 
ami  general 
'  or  whellier 
iiiild  vessels  of 

.inilioiis  of  war 
hall    nut    Ntoji 

'■  to  know  that, 
Nhoiild  he  {;en- 
ipl  State,  nil  of 
'   franiers,  anil 

nil,  of  our  Con- 

m.    I.iUc  every 

iny  he  nhiiseif. 
iimler  CJeneral 

e  slo|i|ird  it  hy 
'hia  atleinpled 
il,  hut  eoiiiin- 

lo  those  in  this 

■kHin  the  West 

on. 

I  UenernI  Jack- 


>hs  ihr  wh.'il  iMiiy 

ll  iiupriivririrttts, 
rithiiu  iijiDii  (lill'tT- 
n  ti'riid.  I  iillufte 
ipriivciiiriil  111'  niir 
tiriir\  nl»-lru(ii"'n?4 
iiihI  laellil>-  it\'  uiir 

•  arrd  e.Ylt-n^ion  o| 
ml  ilcli\t'r>  huvr 
il\  lip<)l)  niir  ura- 
)>'in  Miir  Itiki-.t  Mint 

ill.IV  IH'  Ihla  IMIMI 
Ml    till'-l?    fX|H'Illli- 

|i1;irni(!,  |tltinlui;f, 
lint  to  llie  rt'llinviil 
HI  tiiif   naviL'uhle 

likf-H,  a*  Wfll  iw 
'f^Hcd  Id  ('(timresH 

I  lime  Minirlimr'fi 

II  llir  [idvaiilaut'^ 
iii\  rtiiiy  ti>  ni'ii  >i- 

liiivi'  h'Mh  il 

ul-li'|is  III  M  lay 

we  shall  ivenl- 
halikrlllitey  hy 
an  of  inlerniil 
it  one  exireini; 
iniiiimes  frac, 
Mry  kind,  ami 
ml  hern  friends 
own  into  our 
he  hid  for  iiy 
in  internal  iiii- 
■niin;:  kind  he 
an  arsenal  on 
IS,  many  forts 
ni,niid  Upper 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


455 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


I^etv  Jersey  Contested  Election — Mr,  Jcnlcim. 


Ho.  OF  Rkps. 


Mississippi  rivers.  On  the  lakes  nnd  the  oeenn,  it 
has  forts,  eimtoni-hoiiscs,  ships-of-wnr,  nnd  rev- 
enue eiilters.  With  these  the  States  have  iiolhins 
to  do.  They  are  ihe  property  of  the  confeilcrncy, 
and  eonsequemly  the  eonfede'rney  shniild  niuke  nil 
improvements  necessary  to  their  proteeiion.  The 
Suites,  ill  their  sovereisfii  eapacity,  will  make  no 
Bueli  iiniirovementa.  Indeed,  in  nearly  nil  the  enses 
provided  for  in  this  hill,  the  States  liuvc  not  the 
jiinver  to  make  tin;  improvements.  Let  it  ho  un 
ilersliiiid  that  aiijr  one  party  in  this  eounlry  denies 
to  the  Ui'iieral  tioverninent  the  power  to  improve 
the  Missis.sippi  river  or  to  hiiild  a  lake  harlmr,  and 
the  people  will  a.ssnredly  rush  to  the  other  parly, 
even  ilioii^'h  it  ','0  further  than  first  preference  would 
conilni  t  them.  In  my  opinion,  the  surest  prevent- 
ive of  iialional  hniikniptey,  of  a  wild  ami  uiilim- 
iled  sysleni  of  internal  improvements  hy  the  Gen- 
eral Uovernineiit,  is  to  he  found  in  a  eompliance 
Willi  Ihe  rule  of  General  .Tacksnn  and  his  IJeino- 
eiatie  predecessors;  which  allowed  the  Genernl 
Goveriinient  to  make  improvements  where  the 
lienefiis  would  he  "tieneral,  and  iinllocnl — nation- 
al, ami  not  Stnte."  Notwithstnudiii','  the  old  niln;;e 
that  "names  are  not  thiiiijs,"  mid  that  "a  rose  l7y 
any  other  name  will  smell  as  sweet,"  I  find  that 
the  names  siven  to  hills,  and  to  the  committees  re- 
porting' llU'm,  make  a  f^rent  denl  of  dillerenee  in 
their  lonsiiuitinnaliiy.  In  the  "  Kortification  bill," 
from  Ihe  C'ommitlee  of  Ways  nnd  Menus,  I  see 
jj.'iri.OOO  appropriated  for  a  dyke  to  nrunkcn-Dick 
Shoal  In  the  "Naval  hill,'' from  the  .same  com- 
mittee, I  see  appropriations  for  wharves,  reservoirs 
nnd  pipes,  for  lence  round  frnrden  nt  Gosport,  for 
lahoralory  hiiildiiiirs  at  Washinsion,  iVe.  Suppo- 
bini;  the  harlior  and  river  hill  had  come  from  the 
Commiiiee  of  Ways  and  Means,  nnd  heen  called  a 
naval  hill  or  a  fortiliration  hill,  who  would  say  that 
n  shoal  at  liiill'alo,  Eric.  Cleveland,  Chicago,  or  St. 
Louis  liarhor,  could  not  as  well  he  removed  n.s 
the  Drunken-Dick  Shoal  at  Clinrleston,  South 
Carolina? 

'Vi^aiii,  who  will  say  that  a  pier  cannot  he  ex- 
tended as  well  nt  either  of  those  plncea  ns  nt  any 
of  ihe  points  in  the  naval  hill?    At  the  lastses.sion, 

I  knew  an  inslnnce  where  one  niemher  voted 
apiinsi  a  harhor  in  a  hill  from  the  Committee  on 
Commerce,  and  then  voted  for  it  in  the  Naval  hill. 
The  appropriniion  was  the  same,  and  for  tlie  sami^ 
speeillc  purpose,  in  hotli  instances.  I'Vom  what  I 
linveseen,  there  are  many  follov.-ers  of  this  ifeiille- 
nian's  iiiterpretalion  of  the  Coiistiuiiioii  in  this 
House;  and  if  they  hold  the  hahince  of  power,  1 
shall  he  for  rechrisieninii;  the  eomniercc  eommiltee 
nnd  the  harbor  bill,  so  as  toilet  lliesnpportoftlio.se 
{,'enllemeii  who  enlerlain  constilutionnl  scru)des 
iii:ainKt  all  bills  emanatini;  from  a  commerce  coni- 
initlee  and  which  scruples  carry  ihem  so  far  ns  to 
liinkeall  npproprintions  uncon.stitnlional  tlint  nre 
not  called,  ill  so  many  woid.s,  lor  army  ami  naval 
purposes. 

A  recent  number  of  the  London  Spectator  says: 

*''riii'  whnli'  of  iln?si>  tnki's  arc  ni)|i(irt.uit ;  liut  Lnke  Krie 

ji,  piThaps,  ihc  valhcraWe  |iiajit  iil'  the  West.     Ulockuilnii! 

Ilic  I llh"  III'  llie  Missi»si|ipi,  iJLc  lliiilsnii,  the  Dchmnre. 

Ihc  riii-iipi'iikc,\\iiiilil  ihcrk  Ihf  rnrciaa  ciiircspnnilelicc  nf 
llic  Siiui's,  hui  wiiiilil  iiin'rli'M'  htllc  Willi  ihi'ir  inliTiml  linilc, 
n-<  llic  ciiuiin.  inc.  Ill  III!'  Siiiilli  ninlil  liciir  laiiil  carrmiic. 

Ilia  III!'  iii.isliTy  III'  l.iikc  i;ric  wuiilil  nliip  Uie  cm uaicil 

llMil  liiuvciri  Ihi'  \V,'<|  iiliil  llic  u-riiil  i  ■m riKil  cMlri|j,-ils 

aiiil  ininulail.iric^  nl'  III.'  I'asli'ni  Slali'H,  pn'iniliau'  llie 
ni-t  Iriiiii  aillini:  riil  nf  M  raw  proiiiior'.  or  rcccivniu  piiv- 
ini'iil  in  r.iur vccpl  hy  an  exprnsivc  luinl  cnrriimc  iinil'i'. 

II  11  mil  lis  iniri'iv  inlircipl,  ;•  iln^  inli'riiiil  trade  (it  ihi' 
I'lianlry.llMil  iln  hikes  iiic  liapniianl.  llViorrcr  is  mrivdro/' 
lhr:r  :fnln-.  is  mmin  nj llic.  war.  No  iiiallcr  wnal  Ihc  sii 
licrinrilydl  Ihc  hind  liirce  la.iy  he,  it  I'liniini  act  en  ihi'iiHin- 
Kuc  wjlh  li('('dinn  ni  siili'ty,  11'  the  cni'iny  is  i.np('riiir  nii  the 
hikes;  iK^'uii.se  il.s  ciiiniaiiaicatidiis  nail  supplies  inti<t  he 
liahh'  III  he  iiiliiee|ili'il,  iu  line  (il'  relreiii  ilireuiened.  and 

III  c'lse  (If  reverses,  pnihahly  cat  nir.  Il'  Hie  llrili-h  he  ihe 
►  niieniirs  on  lln'se  waters.  Ihe  wliiile  iil'  Ihe  .Anienean  cuics 
liiayhedeslniyed  iir  nivaued.  Ii'llie  Aineneaaii  lie  the  niiisl 
li.iHi  rl'iil.  Ihe  sellleil  iieninsiila  iif  fppir  Canada,  Ihmk  he- 
liveii  Lakes  Miiiiia.  r.rie,and  (Inliiriii,  inav  lie  swept  hyihe 
lireL'iihir  iriinps  iif  Ihe  enemy,  even  il'iheir  ianil  army  shmild 
he  iiil'ennr,  unless  we  sairiMia  the  wlnile  cdiinlry.  ■  •  • 
.^h'liild  a  war  iiiilia|ipil>  niiiv  take  phiee.  Uie  p'lilillc  niind 
will  he  undivided,  and  exeepi  in  I'riiialeaiid  privalccrilii! 
nll'aiis.the  real  licliliimwill  imist  priihalil>  lake  place  nlnii'i 
Iheranaihi  Ininlier.'' 

Can  anyone  hear  this  nnd  nol  he  impressed  that 
soiueihinir  oiu;hl  to  be  done  to  defeiul  the  Lakes, 
since  "  whoever  is  niasler  of  lliem  is  niasler  of  ihe 
war,"  if  one  shiiiild  lake  place?  And  when  this 
^■real  iineslioii  comes  up  and  the  bill  is  already  be- 
fore us,  does  it  become  a  deliberaiive  n.sseinblv  like 
this  to  be  splitting  hairs  about  whether  a  bill  for 


this  piirpo.so  should  be  an  army  bill,  iinnvy  bill, 
or  n  harbor  and  river  bill,  or  whether  it  should  not 
have  nri(;innlcd  with  a  more  constitutional  commit- 
tee than  the  one  upon  eommerec.'  I  notice  that 
some  of  the  strnni;est  opponents  of  the  linrbor  and 
river  bill,  Inst  Con;;ress,  voted  for  nil  npproprintion 
to  pave  Pennsylvanin  Avenue,  in  this  city, nnd  that 
others  of  them  voted  for  the  Cumherlnnd  road 
npproprintion.  Constriiim;  the  Constitution  with 
their  strictne.-is,  it  would,  indeed,  puzzle  mo  to  find 
the  power  for  either  of  llio.se  works. 

As  much  lins  been  said  about  the  political  cluir- 
ncler  of  those  who  advocate  appropriations  for 
works  of  this  kind,  1  will  !;ive  the  yeas  nnd  nays 
in  the  Senate  on  the  western  harbor  bill,  signed  by 
President  Tyler  at  the  first  session  of  the  twcnty- 
eij.'lith  Coii;;ress: 

Yk.as — Messrs.  Alliii,  Atchison,  Carrow,  Bates, 
[iayard,  Benton,  lireese,  I'iiieliiinan,Choate,Cla»  i 
ton,  Crittenden,  Dayton,  Evans,  Ernncis,  Fulton, 
Hannei^an,  Henderson,  Himtinjton,  Jarnaijin, 
Johnson,  Merrick,  Miller,  Morehead,  Porler,  Se- 
vier, Siiii'Keon,  Talhnadite,  Tappan,  Upliam, 
White,  Wooilbride;e,  nnd  VVri^ht— ,12. 

Nays — Messrs.  Archer,  Atlierton,Colf|uitt,niiy- 
wood.  Huner,  nnd  McDuiiie— (i. 

Here  nre  the  yens  and  nrtys  on  the  eastern  bill, 
which  he  vetoed: 

\y:Mi — Me.';srs.  Allen,  Barrow,  Dates,  Bnyard, 
Berrien,  Breese,  Buchanan,  Chnale,Clavlon,  Day- 
ton, Evans,  Fairlicld,  Francis,  Fultnn,  tlanneian, 
Huntinijlon,  .TarnnuHn,  .Tohnsnn,  McDuflie,  Mer- 
rick, Miller,  Niles,  Porter,  Sevier,  Simmons,  Suir- 
!;eon,TallmadL'e,Tnppan,  Uphani,  White,  Wood- 
hridu-e,  and  Wriicht— 33. 

Nays— Messrs.  Archer,  Atchison,  Atherton, 
Ber.ton,  Haywood»Hu!.'er,  Lewis,  and  Semple — 8. 

At  the  last  session  niinther  hill  was  passed,  which 
Mr.  Tyler  pocketed.  Hero  nre  the  yeas  and  nays 
on  that: 

Yeas — Messrs.  Allen,  Ashley,  Atchison,  Bnr- 
row,  Baynrd,  Benton,  lini'hauan,  Clioate,  Critten- 
den, Dayton,  Dickinson,  Dix,  p'oster,  Frnncis, 
Hannei;an,  Haywood,  Johnson,  Miller,  Morehead, 
Phelps,  Porter,  Semple,  Simmons,  Sturgeon,  Up- 
liam, While,  and  Woodhridje — 27. 

Nays — Messrs.  Atherton,  Bajhy,  Berrien, Evans, 
Fairfield, IIii^'ei',Jarnagin,  Lewis, McDuffie, Niles, 
nnd  Woodbury — 11. 

Thus  we  lind  hut  a  very  small  portion  of  the 
Senate  ever  voting-  lujainst  works  of  this  chuss,  and 
that  porlion  of  boil;  parlies.  So  tarns  the  Senate 
is  concerned,  we  have  a  rii;lit  to  infer,  from  the 
recorded  votes  of  its  members,  that  the  opposilion 
in  that  body  is  of  a  local  ralher  than  a  political 
character.  The  p;;i:y  predihctions  of  the  ilisiin- 
guished  Senator  ir  in  South  Carolina,  who  re- 
cently presided  at  the  Memphis  convention,  ure 
well  known;  and  yet  no  bull  of  excomminiicntion 
has  hei  n  issued  against  him,  in  consequence  of  the 
sentiments  he  there  promuliiated.  It  is  vain  for 
gentlemen  to  ntiem]it  lo  raise  n  party  or  a  consti- 
lutional  question  upon  woiks  of  this  class.  The 
only  qui'stion  that  can  iiropcrly  be  raised  is  ns  to 
the  necessity  nnd  expediency;  nnd  an  is.sue  Joined 
on  these  points  no  one  acqniiiiiied  with  the  works 
will  shrink  from.  It  has  been  said  that  Mr.  Polk 
is  op|iosed  to  these  work.s.  Now,  no  one  has  any 
Mulhority  for  makiie^  any  such  ns.sertion.  lie  is 
<  own  to  be  committed  to  the  policy  of  General 
^.lek.son.  Heiiee  llie  name  of  " 'Voun;.' Hickory." 
We  all  have  reason  lo  believe  that  he  will  approve 
of  soeli  works  as  far  as  General  Jackson  did,  and 
no  further;  and  it  should  he  lemembeied  that 
many  of  ihe  stroniicst  opponents  of  the  jiresent 
harbor  and  river  bill  were  far  from  beinir  l^i'iendly 
to  General  Jackson's  Adminisli'ation.  Under  the 
Jackson  doctrine,  that  work.s  should  he  general 
and  nol  local,  national  nnd  notStnle,  confined  to 
rivers  below  eusiom-honses,  naval  ilepols,  and 
military  arsenals  nnd  forts.  President  Polk  can 
have  no  hesitation  in  signing  every  item  in  this 
bill. 

Put  il  has  been  snid  llint  he  made  no  allusion 
to  them  in  his  Aniiiud  Message.  I  contend  dif- 
ferenily,  aiu!  will  read  the  following: 

"  I  reCer  yen  to  the  aeeiiinpaiiyiiiii  report  in'llie  Secretary 
(Il  War,  r.ir  inrdrmaliiia  rcspeetinii  Ihe  presenl  Mlnnlidii  (if 
Ihe  arniv,  and  its  (ipenilidti  (hiriiii:  the  pas|  \ear;  Ihe  slate 
iil'.iiir  (hfenees;  ■|lll',  CUNDITKIV  UK  'I'll!',  PI'III.K' 
WOtJKS  :  and  (iiir  reialidiis  with  the  vnridiis  Indiilii  trihes 
witllin  nur  IliniUs,  iir  upon  our  border!.,  i  invite  your  ut 


IS  cdnt.-iiiied  in  that  report,  in  rolii- 

;i;n't  oujkct.h  of  national 


i  teiltiiill  til  the  sUSL'eslld 
'  tinn  to  liiese  I'ldlMi 
i  INTEIIEST," 

Now  the  question  nrises.  What  lire  these  "pub- 
lic Works.'" — what  nre  "tlieso  prominent  objects 
of  niilional  interest?"  The  quotation  mnde  in  tho 
former  [inrt  of  my  remarks  shows,  that  they  em- 
brace the  very  works  under  consideration  ns  much 
as  nny  works  in  the  United  States.  Who  can  rend 
this  extract  from  the  President's  Message,  nnd  then 
read  the  Secretar)^  op  War's  report,  vithout  com- 
ing III  the  conclusior  that  the  President  will  sign 
hills  for  all  the  works  therein  recommended  ?  I  will 
go  fiirthrr  and  contend  that,  if  the  President  dill 
not  approve  of  the  Secretary's  report,  it  was  his 
duty  to  have  ordered  it  withheld,  or  else  to  have 
removed  the  officer  making  it.  Again;  in  the  letter 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  submitting  the  cs- 
timaies  for  the  next  fiscal  year,  I  find  the  cstimatea 
for  these  very  works.  So,  if  the  President  is  op- 
)iosed  to  these  works,  he  has  permitted  two  of  his 
Secretaries  to  mislead  us.  But  it  is  nol  foriTie  ond 
the  friends  of  this  hill  to  entertain  any  fears  upon 
this  point  now.  We  have  first  to  tlo  our  duty. 
Let  us  pass  n  bill  ns  near  in  accordance  with  the 
Secretary  of  War's  report  os  we  can.  Wc  will 
then  have  discharged  our  oblignliom-  to  the  coun- 
try according  to  tho  best  light  thrown  upon  the  ex- 
tent lo  which  the  peculiar  views  of  the  Executive 
would  allow  him  to  go  in  the  improvement  of  liiir- 
boi's  nnd  rivers.  I  wish  to  avoid  a  veto  if  possi- 
ble. Because  the  President  will  not  sign  nil  my 
favorite  works,  1  will  not  sacrifice  those  which  he 
will  sign.  If  there  should,  at  the  latest  hour,  bo 
found  a  single  work  in  the  bill  which  would  cause 
the  veto  of  nil  the  others,  however  much  I  might 
approve  of  it,  1  w'ould  vote  to  disconnect  it  and  put 
it  in  n  bill  by  itself.  But  if,  after  every  efl'ort  to 
mature  and  perfect  it,  the  bill  should  be  vetoed,  we 
shall  have  the  .satisfaction  of  having  done  our  dutVi 
mid  then,  rather  than  now,  will  be  the  time  to  be 
disturbed  by  consequences. 


NEW  JERSEY  CONTESTED  ELECTION. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  T.  JENKINS, 

OF  NEW  YOniv, 

l.v  THE  House  oi-  Rei'REsentatives, 

March  4,  181G. 

On  the  Contested-Election  C;ise  from  New  Jersey. 

Mr.  JENKINS  said  : 

Mr.  Speakeh;  On  the  5tli  and  (illi  days  of  No- 
v(  luber,  184'!,  an  election  was  held  in  the  State  of 
New  Jersey  for  the  choice  of  electors  of  President 
and  Vice  President  of  the  United  States,  and  for 
members  of  Congress  in  the  several  districts  of  that 
State.  The  third  congressional  district  of  New 
Jersey  is  composed  of  the  counties  of  Hunterdon, 
Sumerset,  Mercer, and  Middlesex.  Isaac  G.  Fnr- 
lee  and  John  Ruiik  were  the  opposing  candidates 
forCmigress — Farlee  for  the  Democratic  nnd  Runk 
for  the  Whig  pally.  According  to  tlie  returns, 
Runk  had  a  majoriiy  over  Farlee  of  sixteen  votes. 

Thirty  students,  four  of  whom  were  then  at  col- 
lei.'e,  and  the  residue  at  the  Theological  Seminary 
at  I'riiiecliiii,  a|i[ieiied  at  the  polls  in  that  district 
and  deposiied  iheir  ballots  for  electors  nnd  a  mem- 
lier  of  CiiiiL'ress.  One  of  these  collegians  testified 
that  he  voted  for  the  contestani,  and  it  is  alleged 
that  the  remaining  f,ve;ity-nine  voted  lor  the  sitting; 
uieiular. 

The  ma'pirity  of  ihe  committee  have  put  theiiues- 
lioii,  For  whom  did  these  students  vote?  hut  have 
left  us  without  an  answer.  L(  I  us  first  examine 
this  point;  for  if  it  be  not  suHicicnlly  proved  that 
at  least  eighteen  of  the  twenty-nine  students  voted 
for  the  sitting  member,  any  further  investigation 
of  the  ease  will  be  of  no  importance. 

Nineteen  of  these  students  were  examined,  under 
oath,  as  witnesses  in  September  last,  upon  this 
.subject.  The  remaining  eleven  had  nearly  all 
graduated,  and  nil  had  then  left  that  .section  of  the 
country,  and  could  not  be  produced  for  examina- 
tion. The  four  who  were  first  called  testified  that 
they  voted  for  the  sitting  member,  and  the  one 
who  voted  for  the  contestant  admitted  the  fact  of 
his  voting  for  Farlee.  The  remaining  fourteen, 
who  were  examined  us  witnesses,  utterly  refuseit 
III  disclose  for  whom  they  deposited  their  ballots. 
For  tlic  purpose  of  proving  for  wlioni  seventeen  of 


t 


■-':*(' 8 


m 


456 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Mnrcli  4, 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


New  Jersey  Contested  J'^lccfion — Mr.  JerJnns, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


«l 


tl\o  sliiilfiiln  viilpil,  compowJ  of  n  pnrt  of  tliosr  i 
who  IiikI  rrfiiM'il  Ki  K.ilrt'yoii  lliP  Kiiliicol,  nnil  a 
imrl  of  llin  nliaciiU'Cs,  eviclcTii-c  wiis  l:ikeii  divi'lus- 
in^  their  iloi'InratioiiN  made  ln'rurr,  niul  iiltimt  llic 
lime  iif  tlic  elf'i'liiin,  wlirrciii  llii'y  nilniil'cil  that 
they  lifldnpil  li>  tin;  Wliii;  |mrly;  mid  sdiiic  iif 
llii'in,  urter  llir  I'lei'limi,  nllPL'cd  lliiit  tin  y  vniiil  fdi- 
tliesittiii<;  niciiilifr.  Tliiscliissiinlirnii  <  llii'  (Iliit  ' 
oollegiiiiis  lillt'sjpd  lo  Imvc  vnlcd  for  the  ullliii;; 
memlier,  mid  foiiriiTii  of  ilir  sliiilrnlN  of  llir  ilifo- 
logical  school.  The  rnnaiiiinu^  '■iirht  l»cloii:',*'d  also  i 
to  the  theological  liiniifiitinn.  The  proof,  from  ii'p- 
iilaiion,  n'rolvrd,  ihat  iliesn  ris;lii  MtiidciiiH  also  lie- 
hini;('d  lo  tlu  AVIiis;  parly  a!  i!ir  lime  of  iIk  (Ice- 
lion — ihat  the  nemocijitic  NOiilriita  in  the  llicoIi»:;i- 
eal  school,  prior  lo  the  elecdi.n,  wen;  aihi.'^cd  not 
to  ofl'er  their  voles — Ihat  il  w.ia  2;in(r.illy  spnkni 
of  in  the  theological  n-IiooI  thai  none  of  the  Ilem- 
ocratic  student.''  iiileiulcd  lo  vole,  and  nficrwards 
Ihat  none  hut  Wlii:^  sludenls  in  ihat  iiislinilinn 
lirtd  voted — made  up  a  sftroiLr  <airrrnt  of  e\idenee 
tending  to  csiaMisli,  and,  in  my  jnd:;nieiii,  fully 
CHlaliliHhiiii^  ihe  fncl,llial  the  iweniy-nine  xliidenls 
ensi  their  \ules  ivjain.-i  the  cnnlcslani,  and  ill  favor 
of  Ihe  siiiini;  meiiilier. 

I  am  of  the  opinion  ihnt  lliis  species  of  evidence 
is  admisisilile.  Where,  an  in  New  .Icrsey,  llic  law 
allows  of  volin;!  Iiy  h.illol,  llnis  iiileiiilin!;  loei.alle 
the  ele.'tor  In  vviihliolil  ihe  knowled^'C  of  his  elmice 
from  nil,  Ihal  law  cannot  «o  nm  eonnler  to  its  own 
spirit  as  to  I'onipel  linn,  on  some  oilier  occasion, 
to  unfold  the  secret,  lliiieellie  neces.'>ily  of  icsmt- 
ins;  to  a  sriulc  of  evidence  less  direci.  Inn  which 
may  be,  and  ofieii  is,  no  le.sa  cerlain  than  llic  <ialli 
of  the  voter.  This  position  is  supported  hy  the 
decision  in  the  election  ea."e  iVoin  New  Jcrsi'y,  in 
tliiii  House,  which  was  detirmined  in  IMO.  In  ' 
that  case,  the  majorily  of  the  Comnhllee  on  !%lec- 
tioiis,  cnnsistin-;  of  Messrs.  Cainpliell,  Rives,  .Me- 
dill,  Cmhh,  niid  Browi  aid  dow  '  tic  followin;; 
rule  as  llieir  L-uide:  '•  Alllionf;!!  in  nnnurous  iii- 
'  stances  the  vuier,  licinjr  ex.iinined  as  a  witnes.i, 
'  vikUintarily  ilisclosrd  liieeliai-aclerof  iiis  viile,vel 
*  in  many  eases  lie  (I'd  not  appear,  or,  nppeariii:;, 
'  ehose  to  avail  hi.nscH'  of  his  lc:;al  riu'lil  lo  n  I'nso 
'  an  answer  on  ihal  point.  In  snch  cases,  proof  of 
'  ireneral  repniaiioii  as  lo  the  political  cliiiiaciir  of 
'  ihe  voter,  and  as  lo  the  parly  to  which  he  ImIimi^'ciI 
'  at  the  time  of  the  cleclion,  has  heen  sniiicicnily 
'  demoiistraiivc  of  the  toinplexion  of  his  vote." 
In  the  same  ease,  the  miiioiiiy  df  the  coniiiiitlee, 
eonsislin^' of  Messrs.  I''illin"ie,  Smith,  and  llolls, 
adopted  a  rule  of  siniilar  import.  It  is  this:  "  If 
'  an  t'.nlawfnl  vote  he  cist,  how  are  wc  to  ascerlain 
'  who  had  th<?  lienefit  of  snch  a  vole."  It  .^eems  lo 
'the  «ndersi:;iicd  to  he  iiidispensahle  to  resort  io 
'secondary  eviiknce  (w  hen  no  Inner  can  lie  oh- 
'  tained)  lo  this  poiiii:  such  ,is  ihe  declanitioiis  of 
'  the  voter,  cither  at  the  elecitm  or  S{ion  after,  and 
'  also  proof  of  his  political  i  haracier,  which,  when 
'well  defined,  will  he  a  Biillicieni  guide  to  the 
'truth."  , 

Uesnrt  to  this  kind  of  evidence  is  often  had  to  i 
prove  the  eliaraeierof  a  witness.  .Mania'_'e  or  the 
pedigree  mill  rilatioiiship  i.f  n  family;  and  if,  for 
such  purposes,  this  arcade  of  evidenci!  is  cnmpe- 
tent,  surely  ii  must  hulUce  to  prove  political  alKn- 
iiy.  i 

The  honorahle  tjenileman  from  North  Caioliim, 
[Mr.  noniii.s,)  wilhoiii  iir^rins  this  poiiii  of  the 
cas»  \»'ith  ninrh  cniihasis,  inepiired  wheilieT  it 
wnK  not  co'nnion  for  electors  lo  vote  for  iheiroppu- 
ncnvs  in  polities  f  Allhoinrh  an  elector,  from  mo- 
tives of  personal  friendship,  or  s.ime  other  special 
ciitse,  Hoinetniies  may  cast  his  liallot  fir  a  candi- 
date heloiii^in:;  lo  the  opposite  parly,  yet  in  lis-i4, 
at  an  election  carried  on  with  more  ardor  ;ind  acri- 
mony than  was  ever  I'cfore  known  in  this  cuiiniry; 
when  Ihe  last  die  in  the  poliiic.d  forliinc  of  ihe  dis- 
tinguished Kentuckiaii  was  lo  he  e.ist,  it  is  not  to 
be  presumed,  in  ahseiice  of  all  proof,  that  one  of 
his  followers  would  break  from  parlv  drill  and 
vole  fill  a  candidate  lo  (.'onL'ress  opposed  lo  all  of 
his  Icadini,'  measures.  I  think  it  eaiinol  be  seri- 
ously denii  cl  hut  thai  sullieii  nt  is  shown,  by  leL'al 
evidence,  lo  I  si, i!i|i.s!i  ihe  fad,  that  the  tweniv-niiie 
students  voted  for  the  siltini;  member. 

I  now  proceed  to  the  discussion  of  a  r|iieslion  of 

more  interest.     Undir  the  consliiiition  and  laws  of 

-New  Jer.sey,  were  these  stnihuils  cnlilied  lo  vote 

111  the  third  coiii^ressional  district  of  that  .Slate  i' 

The  new  cunstitutioii  of  that  Siuti  ,  framed  in 


'  .Tune,  1S44,  went  into  elfect  in  September,  iinme-| 
dialely  prior  to  the  cleclion.     The  second  article  is 
as  follows:  "  I'.vcry  white  male  citizen  of  the  United 
'  Slates,  of  the  are  of  tweutyone  years,  who  shall  ' 

*  ha\e  lieen  a  rr^tttent  of  l  his  Siale  one  year,  and  of 
'  the  coiinly  in  which  he  claims  his  vote  five  months  , 
'  next  hilore  the  election,  shall  be  entitled  to  vole  1 
'  for  all  oHIcers  that  now  are,  or  hereafler  may  be,  I 
'ehcteil  by  the  people:  /'reriiW,  that  no  person  I 
'  in  the  military,  naval,  or  miiriiime  .service  of  the  | 
'  rnited  Slates,  shall  be  considered  a  resident  of 
'this  Slale  by  bcini;  siationed  in  any  e-arrison,  i 
'barrack,  or  milihiry  or  naval  place  m-  slalion  , 
'  wilhin  this  Slate;  and  no  pauper,  idiot,  insane 
•pirsoii,  or  person  convicted  of  a  crime,  wliiih 

'  now  eycludcM  him  f'roin  heiin;  a  wilncss,  unless 
'  paiiloni  (I  or  r( stored  by  law  lo  the  ri;;hl  of  siif- 
'  iVaL'c,  shall  enjoy  the  ri^hl  of  an  eleclor." 

Alihomrh  the  whole  (|uesiioii  will  he  found  to 
liini  upon  Ihe  inten^reiation  <;iven  lo  n  very  com- 
inoii  wind,  yet  the  iiniiiiry  is  one  of  some  im|<ort- 
iincp  to  Ihal  Slate,  and  es|ieciaily  to  the  third  eon- 
','ressioiial  district.  In  that  disirict  there  are  two 
eol|i'i;es  and  one  tlienlo;;ic,al  seminarv,  If^'etlier 
having  some  six  himdred  stnilenls,  and  probably 
a  iii:i|orily  of  whom  arc  above  the  aire  (»f  Iwenty- 
oiie  ye.irs.  If  ihesc  s'tiideuts  lia\e  a  riirht  !'»  vote, 
they  hold  the  balance  of  poliiicni  power  in  tliut ! 
ili.nricl. 

These  iiistiliilioiis  hold  out  favnrnble  indiice- 
meiils  to  the  parent  and  ll-.e  pupil,  and  youth  from 
all  pans  of  the  liiiion  resort  tlirre  for  ilie  allain- 
iiieiit  of  an  educalion.  They  leave  iheir  homes, 
as  other  sludciits  u'cnerally  do,  lo  jiass  ilii-ou>;h  n 
eniirse  of  siiidy,  iriisiiirr  to  the  future  to  point  out 
a  place  of  final  setllemenl.  Xoiie  of  them  enter 
these  inatilulioiis  with  the  intent  and  imrpose  of 
iiiakin;;  a  permanent  residence  there.  The  object 
they  iro  for  is  limited  as  to  time  and  specific  in  its 
cliaraclei ,  and  tVom  the  bcjiniiin'.:  they  expect  to 
leave,  and  lliev  ihi  disperse  when  that  object  is  ac- 
complished. .Are  such  siiideiiis  rc^'nlnits  at  the.se 
places  of  temporary  abode  wilhin  the  meaning;  of 
the  constitution  of  Xew  .Tersey.'  Do  they  lose 
their  re.sidciici-  in  the  olher  Stales  or  counties  from 
whence  they  ciniie,  and  irain  a  lepd  residence  in 

tin u:,'rc.ssional  disirict  einbracin;;  the  .schools  in 

qiustionr  The  word  "  n'sidenre"  docs  not  of 
itself  dcsii^uate  whciher  ;i  ]iernianent  or  teinjiorary  ■ 
al)od(;  is  thereby  iiileinb'd.  Tin!  circumslaiice  that 
this  word  is  capable  of  beiii;:  qualified,  by  joininu^ 
it  to  others,  so  as  to  desiijnate  a  loiitrer  or  shorter 
|)eriod  of  time;  a  fixed  iiihaliitaucy  or  a  teniporiry 
sojournment,  ihinonslraiesllie  neressilv  of  looking 
beyond  the  mere  letter  for  a  key  to  iLf  inlcrprc- I 
till  ion. 

If  we  examine  flic  books  for  aid  upon  this  qites- 
tiou,  it  will  be  fniud  that  various  discussions  and 
decisions  upon  the  words  doiuicil,  inhabitant,  set- 
tlement, and  citi/en,  as  well  ;is  resident,  are  ca- 
palile  of  aliordini;  us  some  liirht  to  ^uide  iis  in 
this  iuvesti'.xatioii.  Ctuestioiis  ..inch  like  this  have 
arisen  m  discu.s.sions  upon  the  law  of  nations. 
That  l;iw  has  recoLrnised  certain  special  ri;rhts  in  a 
class  of  men  whose  condition  tails  short  of  a  citi- 
zen, and  rises  alioM'  a  sojourner.  In  onlcrto  avail 
himself  of  snch  riu'hts,  the  claimant  must  have  it 
doinicil  in  the  roiintry  under  which  he  seidis  pro- 
tection. If  his  inleiiiion  of  nioviiiz  to  such  coiiiilry 
"  was  lo  make  a  permanent  seit'ement,  or  for  an 
indefinite  time,  ihe  rii.'lit  of  doniicil  is  acrpiired  even 
by  a  residence  ot'a  t\\v  days."  In  this  l.in^uaje, 
.Iiul;;e  Waslhnirton  has  aulficiently  defined  the 
|e'.ral  nieaniic  of  the  word  residence.  'I'he  same 
proof  which  was  rer|iiii-ed  lo  prove  the  rijht  of 
doinicil  IS  also  necessary  in  a  case  of  resiih  uvr. 

The  word  ciiiz(  II  is  ofien  used  in  a  sense  synoiiy- 
iiioiis  with  that  of  resident.  Hy  the  Consiiiulion 
of  ihe  rnited  Stales,  jurisdiciiou  isconterred  on  the 
l''ederal  courts  in  cases  where  the  parties  are  riti- 
:/H.^  of  dillerent  .Stales.  The  courts  have  uniform- 
ly held  thai  ciiizensliip,  when  spoken  of  in  llfcCiMi- 
sluuiioii  with  reterence  to  the  jurisdiciiou  of  ihe 
courts  of  the  rnited  .Slates,  mr'aiis  nodnni;  more 
than  residence.  "  If  a  ciiizen  of  one  .Stale  shall 
'  think   proper  to  chaii*.:e  his  doniicil,  and  to  re- 

•  iiio\c  jiimsclf  and  f.iniilv  (if  he  lia\eone)  into 
'  another  .Stale,  with  a  hmm  fitlp  intention  of  ahaii- 
'  dolling'  his  former  place  of  residence,  and  lo  be- 
'  ((nne  tm  inliabitniit  or  resident  of  the  Suite  to 
'  «  liich  he  removes,  this  makes  him  ft  resident  of 
'  the  latter  Slate.", 


The  siinremc  court  of  the  Slate  of  New  ^'ork  liiw 
decided,  tlmtnn  inhnhitanlniid  a  n'sident  mean  the 
same  tliini;,  and  that  a  "  resident  within  the  State 
'  is  not  one  who  had  n  rcHidence  of  a  temporary  na- 
'  tore,  biitoneof  npernmnentand  fixed  eliarnctcr." 
Chancellor  Wnlworlh  held  that  inhahiuincy,  resi- 
dence, and  doinicil,  "  mean  a  fixed  and  permanent 
'  abode  or  dwellinir-place,  for  the  lime  being,  iih 
'  contradistinguisht'd  from  a  mere  tcniporiiry  cxi.st- 
'  vncr. " 

In  the  eonstnictiim  of  the  poor  laws,  the  same 
rules  have  been  applied  lo  the  interpretation  of  tlip 
word  Kelllemeul.  Every  man  has  a  lawful  resi- 
dence somewhere,  and  that  is  ei|iiiviilent  to  the 
place  of  his  lawful  setllemenl.  If  he  he  an  infant, 
liis  residence  follows  that  of  his  parents.  If  his 
parents  gain  a  new  residence,  tlnit  of  the  infiuit 
changes  with  theirs.  If  no  oilier  residcnre  ran  be 
for.nd,  the  place  of  his  birth  is  his  settlement, 
h'vei  V  pei.son  has  a  hiwfiil  residence,  and  it  is  al- 
way.s  found  between  the  present  and  the  cradle. 
The  first,  of  necessity,  is  retained  until  u  new  one 
is  acquired. 

Ill  (Oiler  to  ehangfi  the  place  of  one's  residence. 
In  the  Irval  ncci  pmtiim  of  the  term,  there  must  bo 
an  absolute  intention  of  forever  quilling  the  fiirmer 
place  of  nbode  and  the  acluni  moving  to  the  new 
home,  with  the  undisy:uised  inlenlion  of  reiriainin^ 
there  an  indefinite  time.  If  the  leiii;ih  of  lime  be 
limited,  one  of  the  essential  ingredients  to  a  resi- 
dence is  gone,  and  nothing  above  the  uondilioii  of 
:i  s'ljoiirner  is  acquired. 

Tlic  three  collegians,  mid  tho.se  of  the  ihcologi- 
cal  sliidents  who  were  called  upon  to  testify,  -^avc 
their  places  of  residence.  The  catalogue  of  ihe 
theological  seminary,  under  the  head  "  residence," 
designates  the  doinicil  of  all  tlie  siudenls  in  that 
institiilion.  tlf  the  twenty-nine  who  voted,  one 
resided  in  the  State  of  Keniucky,  one  in  the  islanil 
of  Ceylon,  one  in  .Mabam.i,  two  in  Mississippi, 
one  ill  fHiio,  six  in  IViinsyhaiiia,  imc  in  Michi- 
i^an,  one  in  Maine,  one  in  Nlarylaiiil,  one  in  Ten- 
iic.s.sce,  nine  in  .\ew  York,  and  five  only  in  New 
■lei-sey:  and  not  one  of  iheni  in  the  di.strict  in 
which  they  voteil;  unless  it  shall  he  decided  by  this 
House,  that  the  mere  depiirliire  iVom  home,  and 
entering  an  instilulioii  fiir  the  temporary  puqioso 
of  going  to  school  fir  a  certain  period  of  time, shall 
coiislitiitc  a  lawful  residence. 

These  young  men  could  feel  no  strong  and  abi- 
ding interest  in  tliecivil  insiiliiiioiisof  New  Jeix^y. 
Their  atlachmeuts  iiatuially  centred  nlioiit  their 
homes  and  iheir  kindred.  There  would  they  go 
in  sickness  and  misforume;  and  the  day  of  pastime 
and  joy  would  .send  their  boinuling  Ibolstep.s 
there.  But  to  name  a  cidlege  home,  is  a  burlesque 
upon  the  word.  Il  were  more  n).|iropiiatc  lo  call 
it  a  prison. 

It  must  be  against  the  policy  of  New  .Teisey  to 
permit  mere  students  coming  from  ahrmul  and 
from  other  Stales,  with  no  knowledge  of  her  laws, 
no  acquaintance  with  her  caiiilidaies  lorolfice,  and 
no  feeling  of  responsibility  for  her  prosiierily,  to 
lake  part  in  the  choice  of  her  riid  rs.  vVlnHver 
should  be  enlilhil  to  the  exercise  of  this  imporlaiit. 
privili;;e,  should  first  have  become  incorporalcd 
lino  her  socieiy.  His  inieresis  should  inierloc.k 
with  the  interests  of  her  people;  his  palrioiisui 
and  his  love  of  country  should  have  n  hmiie  there. 
If  her  liberty  were  in  danger,  he  should  have  no 
place  for  retreat,  hut,  cemenled  by  lies  .stronger 
than  life,  should  be  prepared  to  snc'riiice  nil  for  Iter 
.safety. 

In'  this  respect,  the  well-being  of  the  students 
nnd  the  instinuions  of  learning  coincide  with  that 
of  the  Suite.  Parenis  do  not  send  iheir  sons  there 
to  he  convened  into  poliurians.  The  i  xerliona 
which  they  make  use  of  lo  educate  their  children 
would  bc'illy  reipiiied  if,  instead  of  acquiring' a 
Ihorough  knowled-e  of  ihoir  sludies,  to  fit  them 
for  honor  and  u.sefiilness,  llii  se  young  men  idiould 
surrender  ihemsehes  to  the  hoi  spirit  of  party 
sirifi',  sure  of  being  poliliciaiis,  but  .scholars,  never. 
Let  it  be  known  ihat  these  insliuitions,  which 
occupy  so  high  a  rank  ill  this  country,  lane  enter- 
ed the  poliiical  arena,  that  the  students  there  are 
alloweil  to  be  pressdl  into  the  service  of  ambilioiis 
aspirants  to  ollici?,  ami  I  pronounce  their  useful- 
ni  ss  and  prosperily  a!  an  end.  No  discreet  jiareul 
winild  ever  trust  his  oll'spriiig  to  their  charge. 

By  the  present  consiiiulion  of  New  Jersey,  who- 
ever of  lier  citizens  shall  have  had  the  miafortune  to 


I 


[March  4, 
or  Reps. 

\i^w  ^'firk  liiw» 
liiipiit  miMiii  l[\c 
illiin  ll>e  Slate 
Icmnomiy  nii- 
;r(I  rimrncter. " 
iiiliiiariry,  resi- 
111(1  ixTiiianciit 
tliiiu  iieiii);,  UH 
iiipomry  cxisl- 

iivvs,  (lie  same 
iiTtaliiiii  of  ihe 

a  lawCul  iMi- 
iiiviilent  to  tlic 
i;  be  an  ipiCanl, 
iiTiila.     ir  liin 

ol'  the  iiil'iiiit 
Miilcncr  ran  lie 
li.s  Killleincnt. 
I',  and  ii  ia  aU 
mil  the  I'liidlo. 
mil  u  new  one 

ne'H  resiilrnre, 
tlicre  iiiii.ll  be 
in;;  lliu  liirniei' 
iij;  to  the  new 
II  orieinaining 
i;tli  of  time  be 
ient.s  to  a  rctii- 
16  condition  of 

I"  tlie  llieolosi- 
i>  li'sliiy,  f^ave 
laloj^uc  o(*  the 
"  itsidnice," 
iilenis  ill  that 

10  voted,  one 
r  in  the  island 

11  Missiasijini, 
line  in  Mii'hi- 
I,  one  ill  'I'on- 
•  only  in  New 
the  ilistni't  in 
kciilud  by  this 
nil  lioine,  and 
orary  pur|io«e 
I  ofiinie.ahall 

irong  and  abi- 

iWew  Jersey. 

I  nlioiit  their 
Mild   they  jj;o 

ay  ot*  pastime 
;  |ipot.«ilep» 
I  bnrlesr]ue 

)piiiite  to  call 

<eu'  .Ters"y  lo 

abroad  and 

of  her  lawH, 

lor  oilier,  and 

pro.siierily,  to 

Whoever 

his  iin|iorlant 

iiii'or|ioialcil 

old  iiiU'rIot'.k 

i.i   {lairioiiKiii 

I  home  llicrc. 

)uld  have  no 

tie.s  .stroiMcer 

ice  all  for  her 

ihe  aliidenis 
de  with  that 
:-ir  son.s  there 
'he  I  .\rriiona 
lirir  I'liildrc'ii 
r  lU'ipiiiintr  a 
,  to  fit  iheni 
;  men  L.hoiild 
irii  of  party 
lolar.**,  never, 
lions,  which 
■,hiuc  entci- 
its  there  are 
of  aiiibitii)ii.s 
their  uscfiil- 
screet  parent 

liar:;e. 
lerscy,  wlio- 
niafurlunu  to 


1846.] 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAT.  GLOBE. 

Harbors  and  Rivera — Mr.  Payne. 


457 


IIo.  OF  Reps. 


loHchiH  properly, and  has  lieciiine  so niiich  worn  out 
by  ace,  or  proHtrnled  by  disease,  n«  to  conijt'il  him 
to  lean  upon  public  bounty  foraiipport,  is  excluded 
from  liny  piirtieipntion  in  the  choice  nf  lii»  rulers; 
and  this,  too,  thoie^h  he  may  have  been  Ihe  ijrent- 
eat  puiilie  benefactor  in  the  Slate.  Yes,  though  lie 
may  Inive  |)rojecled  railroads,  laiilt  up  towns,  ini- 
pi'uved  llie  mechanic  artH  and  the  amricnilnre  of 
the  Slate,  and  poured  ihe  Ircasures  of  eommeice 
into  her  bosonr,  yet  this  coiiHliiiition  allows  pov- 
erty to  sink  him  lo  the  (rrade  of  a  criminal,  and 
for  this  cause  denies  lilin  the  ri^ht  of  sull'rii^e.  If 
Ihe  people  of  Ihal  State  have  been  thus  strict  in 
iruardin^  the  rii;lit  of  siilfni!;c,  can  it  be  niainljiincd 
that  they  iniciuied  lo  extend  lliat  impnrtanl  priv- 
ilci;e  lo  n  mere  sojourner.'  iNo.  The  policy  of 
till'  Slate  and  the  well-settled  judicial  inlerprcwtion 
piven  to  the  word  iixidrnl,  unite  in  forbidding  such 
a  leinporary  resident  llic  ri^ht  of  sulVraKc. 

Whoever  may  not  be  convinced  by  this  view  of 
the  case,  shoulil  not  close  Ins  investiixiilions  hero. 
The  first  constilulinn  of  ^l'cw  Jersey,  adopted  in 
1770,  allowed  all  ia/ii)jii^Mi/,i  of  the  colony  of  full 
asje,  who  were  worth  filly  pounds,  and  had  resi- 
ded in  the  county  in  which  lliey  claimed  to  vote 
for  twelve  inonihs  immediately  prccedinir  the  elec-  ■ 
lion,  to  vote  for  all  otKccrs  elective  by  the  peo- 
ple. This  cmistiliition  continued  in  force  until 
Sepember,  1H44,  when  the  present  constitution 
went  into  operation.  Before  the  adoption  of  the 
new  constitution,. several  statutes  had  lieen  passed 
by  the  Slate  Lefrishiiiire,  renileriiis  the  property 
qiialificationH  prescribed  in  the  old  cnnslitulion 
merely  nomimil.  What  risjht  the  Lefrislature  hud 
to  abrogate  the  explicit  laiif;u.tge  of  the  eonslilii- 
tion  in  this  respect,  it  is  not  my  purpose  to  inquire. 
But  for  some  years  the  palrlotic  tcoiiirii  of  New 
Jersey,  lakins;  advanlase  of  the  liberal  phra.se  "all 
inhabitants,"  made  use  of  by  the  frauiers  of  that 
insirnnienl,  cliiimed  and  exercised  the  rif^lit  nf 
voting  for  all  olficers,  from  CJovernor  downwards. 
The  State  Legislature,  however,  in  18:20,  perhaps 
de.'ervini;  of  more  iipplansc  for  prudence  than 
praise  for  eallanlry,  passed  u  solemn  act,  forbid- 
dinic  the  women  from  volinii;.  By  this  net  the 
Lefjislalure  of  that  .State  look  it  upon  thein.selves 
to  trive  a  le};islative  (lellnitioii  of  ihe  word  "  in- 
liabiUinls,"  ihereby  holdine  that  the  phrase  "all 
inhabitnnls"  meant  all  male  inhabitants. 

Prior  10  the  fornialion  oftlie  present  conslilnlion, 
and  in  the  month  of  March,  1844,  the  Legislature 
of  that  State  pas.sed  an  act  dechirins;  that  when 
any  person  should  thcri';ifler  leave  his  home,  or 
place  where  he  resided,  to  niteiid  any  college 
or  theo^oi^iial  seiuinarv,  such  absence  should  liol 
cimstiliile  a  cliaiiL'c  ot'  the  place  of  residence  of 
such  person,  so  as  to  entiile  him  lo  vote  at  any 
election  in  which  such  colh  ijc  or  theological  sem- 
inary was  situate.  This  act  was  in  allirninnce 
of  the  common  law,  itnd  substantially  frnve  the 
same  I'cliiiition  to  the  words  "  inlialiitant"  and 
"  resident"  which  the  courts  of  law  had  Ions  since 
cstablishcrl.  Indeed,  tin:  supreme  court  of  Ni  w 
Jersey  had  before  llicu,  in  a  well-considered  opiii- 
imi,  delivereil  by  Jiidi;c'  Dayton,  (the  chief  jiislice 
and  a.'isocialcs  concurring',')  decided,  in  accoidani'c 
with  the  adjudiciilions  of  the!  courts  in  other  Stales 
and  of  the  United  Slates,  "  that  a  domicil  may  be 
'  defined  to  be  a  residence  in  a  parlicular  place,  ac- 
'  companind  with  positive  and  presumptive  proof 
'  of  continuing  it  an  unlimiicd  tune."  This,  ton, 
was  a  case  of  elecliou,  nrisiii;;  under  the  constitu- 
tion of  New  Jer.sey;and  the  learned  Jud<;e  remark- 
ed, in  {jivin-j;  the  opinion,  "  that  students  of  our 
'  collei^es  and  hundreds  of  others,  scattered  on  land 
'  and  sea,  emjasjcd  I'or  the  lime  being  in  the  prose- 
*  cniion  of  some  transient  object,  are  considered  in 
'  law  as  residing  at  thei-  original  homes."  At  the 
time  of  the  congressional  eleciion  in  (jiiestiou,  this 
statute  of  New  Jersey  had  not  been  repealed.  If 
then  it  were  in  force,  it  rcipiiies  no  argument  to 
show,  that  the  twenty-nine  sludents  were  manifest- 
ly excluded  thereby  from  voting.  What  answer, 
Air.  Speaker, do  you  think  is  ^iven  totliis  position? 
Verily,  the  honorable  gentleman  from  North  Caro- 
lina claims  that  tin;  adoption  of  the  conslilnlion  of 
New  Jersey,  .si(6.Nfi/MrH(  to  the  passage  of  ihe  act 
of  the  Leglshuure,  oper.iteil  as  a  rcpciil  of  the  act. 
As  well  might  he  claim  thai  the  new  constitution 
repealed  all  of  the  prior  legislative  I'liiictniciits  of 
that  Slate;  for  the  constitution  of  ihe  Slate  adopts 
the  common  law,  niid  1  think  it  is  manifestly  shown 


that  the  sialnle  is  in  nflirmance  of  that  law,  and 

hence  lliai  it  is  not  repugnant  to  the  cnnslitiilion. 

la  the  doctrine  sound,  that  whtn   the  constitiilion  | 

I  nscH  a  word  capable  of  two  diirerentdefinitionn,  the 

'  Legislature  cannot  prescribe  wliicli  interpretation 

I  shall  be  adopted  ?     If  the  net  be  in  existence  when  ^ 

Ihe  constitiilion  is  framed,  the  proper  eonchision  is, 
I  that  the  convention  forming  Ihe  conslitntion  used 
ilie  word  with  reference  to  the  statute,  and  in  ac- 
[  eordance  with  the  definition    therein  prescribed. 
;  Whether,  therefore,  the  statute  be  passed  before  or 
after  the  formation  of  the  ennstitution,  it  is  Cjimlly 
operative.     Hence  the  Legislature  of  New  Vork, 
■  under  a  provision  in  the  conslitntion  of  Mint  State, 
finite  similar  in  this  respect  lo  the  constitution  of 
New  Jersey,  has  enacted  that  no  person  shall  gain 
or  lose  a  residence  by  leaving  home  lo  attend  any 
seminary  of  learning. 
j      Hut  the  argument  of  Ihe  honorable  genllemnn  ] 
from  North  Carolina  is  based  mainly  upon  the  prn- 
ceedings  in  the  convention  which  formed  the  con- 
slilnlion.    What   were   they?     "Mr.   /abriskie  ; 
'  (a  ilemocratic  member)  moved  to  amend,  so  as  to 
'  exclude  students,  who  had  taken  up  a  transient  \ 
,  '  residence,  from  voting."  Mr.Hornblower(nlcad-  ' 
'   ing  Whig  member)   opposed    this  motion.  In   a 
speech  of  some  length,  and  said  "  He  had  nndoiibt 
'  that  there  were  then  many  men  who  came  there 
'  for  (in  one  sense)  a  temporary,  and  not  a  pernia- 
'  nciit  residence,  that  is  to  say,  tiiilil  I'rov'ulenft 
'  should  cull  llieiH  elsewhere,  or  as  long  as  they  should 
'  supiiort  themselves."  "There  are  (he  said)  many 
I  '  students  ic/i«  rxptci  never  In  rtlurii  lo  Iheir  nntivr 
'  Utale,  nor  to   remain    here  but   for  a  course  ol' 
'  study,"  mid  insisted  thai  such  students  ought  to 
linvc!  the  right  lo  vote.     Mr.  Vrooni  (of  the  Deni- 
ocnitic  party)  said,  "  he  thought  it  belter  to  leave 
it  to  legislation."     Mr.  Zabriskie  Ihereupon  witli- 
dre\/  the  amriidmeiit.     This  is  the  substance  of 
the  proceedings   before  the  convention,  .so  far  as 
lliey  have  any  bearing  on  the  qnesllon  under  dis- 
cussion.    Wlien  Mr.  Vroom,  a  distinguished  law- 
yer, expressed  an  opinion  that  it  should  be  left  lo 
le^isliilion,  not  a  member  of  that  convention  even 
iiillnmled  that  such  legi.slativc  action  would  be  re- 
pugnant to  the  constitution.     The  proposition  was 
'  obviinisly  withdrawn,  upon  the  grmind  that  the 
I  subject  was  within  legislative  control.    The  pro- 
'  ceedings  of  the  conveuliini,  therefore,  make  against 
the  position    taken    by  the    honorable  gentleman 
from  North  Carolina,   rather  llinii   in  favor  of  it. 
The  constitiilion    was  framed  with  the  decisions 
of  the  courts,  and   the  statute  before  the  conven- 
tion, both    prohibiting  such   sojourners  as    these 
students  were,  from  being  deemed  resitUiih,  and 
the  convention  adopted  that  word  in  accordance 
with  both  the  statutory  and  common  law  definition 
ofii. 

The  honorable  gentleman  from  North  Carolina, 
perhaps,  feeling  some  doubt  that  his  positions  of 
law  miglit  not  be  sound,  makes  up  an  isuc  of  fact, 
which  we  will  proceed  to  try.  It  is  this:  that  It 
appears  by  the  evidence  that  these  twenly-nine 
students  did  not  expect  ever  to  return  to  their 
,  homes.  If  this  were  so,  that  circumslance  forms 
no  answer  to  the  objection  against  iheir  voting; 
I'or  lo  coustiliue  lliem  resiilcnis,  it  must  nl.so  ap- 
pear that  they  intended  to  make  these  places,  at 
which  they  were  al  school,  their  permanent  abode. 
The  rule  by  which  a  man's  iulenllons  is  lo  he 
adjudged  is,  his  acts.  Acts  couslitntc  the  only  law- 
ful evidence  of  his  intentions.  In  an  able  opinion 
on  this  subject.  Judge  Washington  says:  "  A  ma- 
'  tcrial  ingredient  in  changing  the  place  of  resi- 
'  deuce  is  the  Inteni;  but  the  intenticni  is  to  be  col- 
'  leclcd  from  the  arts,  and  not  from  the  (lerlarnlinns 
*  of  the  party,"  ,So  a  party  to  an  alleged  fraud, 
called  upon  to  prove  his  good  faith  in  a  sale  of  prop- 
erty, is  never  permitted  to  speak  of  his  intentions. 
He  nuist  disclo,sc  the  facts,  and  the  jury  will  judge 
of  his  intent. 

Ill  this  case,  not  one  of  the  students  di.sclosed  a 
fdcl  tending  to  show  that  they  did  not  intend  to  re- 
turn to  iheir  homes.  They  swore  to  conclusions 
of  their  own  minds,  but  gave  no  facts  lit  support 
of  such  conclusions.  The  eighteen  students  who 
were  examined  upon  oath  did  show  quite  conclu- 
sively that  they  had  read  tin  speech  made  by  Chief 
Justice  Horiililower,  fi)r  he  had  predicted  in  Ihe 
Slate  convenliou,  that  mauii  stuilents  diil  ut>f  erpret 
lo  return  In  Ihrir  niilive  tiltile,  and  the  whole  eigh- 
teen ft'sf'Jicii  ill  substance,  under  the  solemn  sanction 


of  an  oalh,  that  Iheii  did  nnl  eijieel  toreimn.  Ho 
said  that  many  students  expected  lo  j/«;/  till  the 
providence  of  (iod  called  Iheni  ehitrhere;  and  they 
su'nre  that  then  expected  to  sttiij,  until  Ihe  providence 
nf  (!nd  directed  nihcni'ise,  .Some  testified  that  they 
intended  lo  remain  there  "/(cnHfinrnl/!/  «.«  Idtift  aa 
theyslnid;*^  and  none  would  admit  they  designed  to 
return  home.  All  this  was  In  direct  coniradii  lion 
lo  the  printed  catalogue  designating  iheir  places  of 
residence — a  catalogue  which  must  liave  been  iniido 
out  from  int!dligence  derived  from  them,  and  wa.s 
I  under  their  dally  observation.  But  they  may  liavc 
felt  ihemselves  justified,  becan.se  they  hail  only 
sworn  op  lo  the  point  designated  In  the  speech  of 
Cliliif  Justice  llornblou'er.  Verily  the  great  Whig 
horiiof  New  Jersey  was  blown,  and  these  twenty- 
nine  studeuls  personate  the  smaller  notes,  wliicii 
came  from  the  echo. 

Although  this  testimony  was  wholly  incomne- 
tcnt,  yet,  if  "ompetent,  it  Is  unworthy  of  creiilt. 
Is  it  |>robable  that  the.se  twenty-nine  students  ex- 
palriaicd  themselves  when  they  left  the  parental 
mansion  for  school?  If  so,  it  was  the  most  re- 
markable occurrence  which  ever  happened,  before 
or  since  that  time.  No;  this  cannot  be  true. 
They  leftwl'li  the  manifest  expeciation  of  relum- 
ing home  when  their  studies  were  finished.  These 
students,  who  had  been  so  wrought  up  by  pollti. 
ciil  excilement  as  to  be  Induced  lo  decline  slating 
for  whom  they  voted,  for  the  [lurpose  of  aiding 
the  silting  member,  ought  not  tu  lia\e  trusted 
themselves  to  testify  in  regard  to  their  iuieutioim 
when  lliey  left  home. 

But  it  is  .said  that  these  were  students  in  theol- 
ogy. Not  so.  Their  testimony  shows  them  |iro- 
ficienls  in  casuistry.  The  simple  but  sublime 
truths  of  that  religion  which  they  profess  could 
never  have  driven  lliem  back  to  the  schoolaieii  for 
modeh,  or  taught  lliciii,  with  an  adroit  play  upon 
words,  to  conceal  the  purpose  of  the  heart.  A 
fearless,  frank,  and  manly  ilisclosiire  oftlie  whole 
truth  alone  can  come  from  the  real  student  in  tlic- 
cdoiiy. 

The  rejection  of  the  silting  member  will  send 
back  an  appropriate  adnionilirni  lo  the  .State  from 
whence  Mils  case  jn-oceedcd.  The  theological 
inslitulion  il.«lf  has  already  felt  the  blight  of 
parly  politics.  The  catalogue,  made  since  these 
young  men  voted,  omits  lo  slate  the  "residence" 
of  the  students  us  the  former  one  had  done,  but 
holds  out  the  words  "where  IVoni"  ns  a  substi- 
tute. For  v.'hat  purpose  has  this  change  been 
made?  Was  the  inslilniion  fearful  that  any  one 
would  be  misled  by  giving  the  true  residence  of 
the  siiident — the  place  where  his  parents  live — 
his  nursery — his  home?  Or  has  die  insidious 
thought  of  holding  the  balance  of  political  power 
In  that  district  made  its  way  from  the  student 
upwards,  now  disclosing  il.self  ill  preparatory  ac- 
lion  ?  These  are  questions  which  time  must  an- 
swer. 

In  my  judgment,  a  due  regard  for  the  well-being 
oftlie  Slate,  the  prosperity  of  Mk.sc  iiistitutions  of 
learning,  and  a  faithful  examination  of  the  law  and 
llic  facts  belonging  lo  this  case,  irresistibly  lead  lo 
llie  conclusion  that  the  conlcsUinl  is  entitled  to  Mic 
dls|>uted  seal. 

HARBORS  AND  RIVERS. 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  W.W.PAYNE, 

OF  AL.VBAMA, 
In  the  House  or  I'ErREsr.NTATivcs, 
Febrvary  2,'i,  1846. 
On  the  Bill  making  appropriations  for  certain  Har- 
bors and  Rivers. 
Mr.  PAYNE  said:  AVlien  he  obtained  the  floor 
on  yesterday,  his  object  had  been  merely  to  suh- 
mlt  a   few  remarks  upon  the  bill  then  before  the 
conimiltce.     The  committee  rose,  and  the  House 
adjonrncd,  very  much  against  his  wishes;  because 
the  brief  remarks  designed  then  and  now   to  be 
made  assume  the  iqipcarance  of  more  formality. 

His  colleague  [Mr.  McCunxei.i.]  on  yesterday 
had  characterized  this  bill  most  odiously,  and  con- 
demned it  most  strongly.  He  nuisl  be  ]iermitlcd 
lo  remark  that,  in  his  opinion,  the  characier  given, 
and  ihe  condemnalion  pronounced  by  him,  were 
both  jiist  and  proper. 
Take  this  bill  up,  turn  it  as  you  may,  view  il  in 


M 


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29th  Cono 1st  Sess 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAr.  GI,onK. 

Harbon  and  Rivera — Mr,  Payne, 


\h\h.  25, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


nny  napirt,  nnd  in  «nme  |<nrliriilnrH  it  i.i  llif  niosi 
rxiniiiiilirinry  liill  fvrr  iirpnrrili'il  In  tlir  cniiHiilom- 
tion  (if  ("mimVss.  Tiikr  it  up  our  Hide  niiil  (li>wti 
tlip  ollioi'.  iiriil  il  liiis  110  piinilli'l  ill  prcilliirnry  (if 
expenditure  (»f  llie  pedple'n  money,  or  in  itn  nli- 
Rdlnlp  injiialicp  in  rcferonre  to  ilH  Hectionid  jmr- 
linlity. 
Sir,  (Moid  Mr.  l'.,l  in  Iho  tieiler  dnys  of  llip  Ue- 

fiiiMii  ,  il  WHS  held  liy  ill"  niosl  diMiini;niRlied  nieni- 
ler."  of  llie  ItepiiMieiiii  pnrly,  tlinl  ('on!;re»H  had 
11(1  ednNliliiiiniiHl  power  lo  eiirry  on  lliis  Nysleni  of 
liilcrnni  iniprovenieni  within  the  SmteH.  If  his 
meniiiry  did  not  fid  liiin,  Mr.  Mndi.>((>n  h;id  i^iven 
evidenre  'if  his  eoiuiotion  timt  no  mieh  power  wiis 
poHses.ied  liy  thin  (iiuernnient.  Mr.  Monroe,  nl 
i\  .■(iiliseipieni  period,  nne(piivoi'nlly  ih'iiied  the  e\- 
isience  of  nny  wneh  power;  and  it  was  upon  this 
vnsl  (pie.viinn  (if  politiral  power,  eliiinied  at  the 
time  hy  this  (iovernineiil  and  (h'liied  liy  the  Stales, 
whieh  prodiierd  the  hreaeh  in  the  Oiinocratie 
pnrlv  ai  llial  liiin',  and  finally  nsnhrd  in  the  ali- 
pnation  of  Mr.  ("lav  iVoni  lii.*(  Itepnl'liean  tViends. 
,\o  man  at  that  dav  eomnianded  a  irrealcr  deijree 
of  pdlili.' confidence,  or  enjoyed  a  hri'^hler  fntnre 
prospective,  than  Mr.  Clay.  What  has  lieeii  his 
llile.'  He  prd|iosed  inil  lo  read  his  hislorv  or 
write  hi.i  epii.iph;  lull  he  warned  the  piihlica(  as- 
piiMtits  of  the  present  d)\y  lo  learn  wisdom  liy  ex- 
pcri(Mice,  and  prot'il  liy  liis  example. 

.Mr.  P.  said,  il  was  not  his  intention  lo  make  an 
el.ilioraii'  arsinmenl  upon  the  (■(■nsliliilinnal  luiwer 
of  the  GovernnienI  lo  make  iiiiiirovements  within 
the  Stales,  lie  knew  loo  well  the  smile  of  de- 
rision wilh  whieh  llie  1  loiisc  received  every  arc:il- 
meni  a^'.iiiisl  its  own  power;  he  had  marked,  and 
deeply  re!irette(l  ihal  feeling;  .it  proclaimed  the  de- 
ray  of  political  intei^rity  in  llie  representative  liodv; 
and  should  it  tiiiallv  seiy.e  iipdii  the  piililie  mind, 
must  result  in  the  foss  of  all  worth  preserving',  if 
iidi  in  the  (!esir(i('fioii  of  the  (ioveniinent  it.self. 

Fie  would,  however,  even  at  the  expense  of  ex- 
eilinic  the  smile  of  the  eommillee,  respectfully  ask 
the  liiin.irahlc  !:eiiileiiian,  [.\Ir.  'riiiiUTTH,]  who 
reported  this  hill,  where  he  derives  the  consiitn- 
tional  power  aiilhoriziiii;  the  iinprovemenls  eon- 
templaled  liy  it.*  In  what  rian.se  df  the  Conslitn- 
tion  is  the  power  lo  he  found  ? 

No  reply  lieimr  L'iveii,  Mr.  P.  eontinned.  He 
knew  the  nihocnies  of  this  hill  claimed  the  power 
to  pasf  it  under  the  clause  aiilhon/.in;;  f'oiiL'iess  to 
"  reiriilale  eommeice  with  foieiu'ii  nations."  lie 
denied  llml  the  power  to  '  reirnlati;  cominen  e" 
C'lnlerred  anv  aiuhoriivnpon  the  Ciener.al  (Jovern- 
ini  Mt  lo  make  iniprnveineiU  wiiiiin  ill''  S'aies.  He 
niainliiiiied  iiiat  l!ih  was  a  tvneriinieiil  of  iniiifed 
and  (le!e..Mle(l  powers,  iind  thai  all  iIm'  |idwers  lie- 
lon^rin^  :o  il  w(  re  expressed  in  the  < 'onsiiiiiiion, 
except  those  which  arc  necessary  to  carry  into 
execution  the  ih  le^jaled  powt  cs.  The  power  to 
inijirove  rivers,  dtir  canals,  or  pave  roads,  is  ti>  he. 
fciiind  ill  the  lisi  dl"  eiuiini  lai'il  poucis;  iinr  is  it, 
in  his  opinidii,  *'  nec(  ssary  or  pr'iper''  lo  the  exc- 
ciiii'in  ttf  liny  one  of  the  (Iele;rale'l  powers. 

What  is  ineaiil  liy  the  words  "  to  n  L'lilale  cmn- 
inece  wilh  firei'/ii  iiaiiiins-"  Can  ilnv  hy  any 
|e'_'iiiinnle  rnle  (if  conslrdciion  lie  made  to  na  an  lo 
open  a  river,  diir  a  canal,  or  pave  ii  road?  No  one 
will  cdiiiend  f'r  any  siicli  meaiiiii','.  If  not,  then, 
he  asked,  i.«  llie  opeiiiiiir  df  a  ri\er,  the  diu'i'iie,'  of 
a  ccial,  or  llie  paviiii;  of  .a  rna.i.  in  inir  own  cnuli- 
try,  incidi  nl  to  ihc  **  reirnlalKni  of  cominerce  wilh 
f'ir(i'_'n  .Stales  •'■  He  llioushl  not.  To  reu'iilale 
( 'iminerce  villi  foreiirn  nations  was  an  txlcrviil 
fpiesiion;  lo  improve  a  river,  make  a  road,  or  dii; 
n  canal,  is  an  iii/rriifi/ (pieslion.  He  conld  not  pir- 
ecive  how  tin;  (mk  w.is  incidiiii  to  ihe  otht'f ;  nor 
eiHild  he  perceive  how  a  power  coiifi  mil  iijioii 
C'oiiL're.-s  fur  the  accoinpli.dnneal  of  an  i.tltniiii 
(i|i|eci  could  he  ilincltil  to  the  acomplislinient  of 
:in  internal  ol.Ject. 

The  wiirds  oi  "  reioilate  eoinmeree  wilh  forei'^n 
ii;oi(ins,"as  nsf  d  in  the  C'loslitiiii'iii,  mean  nothiie^ 
ni'ire  than  I'l  alllllllri^e  Cijn.:ress  to  prescrihe  Ihe 
ftilis  hy  which  the  interi  haie/e  cf  eommodiiies  he- 
iwe(n  //lis  and  linviu'ii  nalions  should  he  rcLoiLiteil. 
The    power  I'l   pres'-rilie   these    idles  necessarily 


helonf;s  to  the   reihia!  (;ov(  rnini  lit.     Why  llii 
necessity :    "     ' 


'    wonld  then  Imve  opened  her  porlH  to  all  the  world  ; 
Miwsachnsetls  closed  hers  aOTinsl  il;  while  other 
'  Slates  micht  have  adopted  a  v\'ise  and  liheril  syn- 
lein  of  revenue  duties.     To  dhviaie  these  ditHenl- 
I    lies,  iireveiil  the  defeat  df  the  revenue  taws,  and  to 
j    estHlilish  n  iiniforin  eoinmercinl  system  for  all  the 
I  States,  eonstitnled  the  sole  reiison  for  eonferrin;; 
j'  upon  Conirress  the  power  to  re^rnlate  commerce 
i    with  torei^'ii  nations.    Snnilar  reasons  re(|iiir('  that 
f    Coinjrrss  should  reuoilale  commerce  lielween  the 
I    .Stales.     MassaclnisetlH  iitii;ht — pndmldy  would — 
il  tax  lo  rxehision  the  prodin'ts  of  CoMiiecticnt,  and 
'    rirf  I'fcsri.    To  prevent  the  jealoiisy,  hearlluirniii'/, 
and  disciiiileni,  ennllii  liiii;  interests  would  einreii- 
der  helween  the  .Siiles,  and  lo  |irevent  one  Slate 
from   taxing:   the  prodncts  of  another,  is  the  only  , 
reaMiii   why  the  pdwer  lo  re;;iilale  eommeree  he- 
lween tl  ■  .Stales  was  confeired  upon  Coii:;ress. 

.Sir,  (said  Mr.  P.,!  if  I  am  correct  in  the  views 
alreinly  taken,  it  will  S''arcc|y  he  coiilended  that 
the  piiwer  to  remove  ohslriiclions  in  a  river,  dii;  a 
'  cnnal,  ot  pave  a  road,  is  necessary  lo  carry  into 
exeeiitioii  the  dcleL-atial  power  lo  reu:iilate  eom- 
meree with  foreimi  nalions  or  lielween  Ihe  Slates. 
If  li'il,  lie  hoped  the  eoniniitlee,  hy  a  decisive  vole, 
W'liild  c'liulemn  thi.s  hill.  Have  irenllenien  re- 
llei'li'd  upon  the  iremenilons  pmver  which  the  doe- 
;  trine  they  now  advocated  hestowed  iipoii  this 
i  (lovernment  over  all  the  eiiiplov'iiieiils  of  indnslry, 
ai:ri(MiltiiraI,  meclianical,  and  eonimercial .'  If 
( 'ini'^ress  has  the  powi  r  to  make  a  road  or  a  canal, 
has  she  not  power  to  pkac  wa;rons  and  hoals  on 
her  roads  and  canals,  for  eonimercial  purposes  r 
And  after  her  roads  and  eaiia|.(,  her  w.i'.;tins  and 
lioals,  were  hiiilt,  would  not  the  same  power 
claimed  over  commerce  anihorize  this  lioverinneiil 
to  monopolize  all  the  liranche.s  of  industry,  and 
'  (nrnisli  the  merchandise  or  malerial  upon  which 
coininerce  is  I'onndeil  ? 

If  till?  oolii^ation  rests  iinnn  Coni'ress  to  furnish 
liii^Iiways  lor  the  Iriinsporlatioii  of  the  jirodnels  of 
the  eonntry  as  a  tnennt  of  ri'txiilntht^  feianirirc ,  il 
seemed  lo  him  the  still  hii^her  (ilili^alidii  of  fiir- 
nishiin;  the  prddncts  upon  which  eoinmeree  is 
founded  is  still  more  imperative.  He  would  like 
to  hear  a  distinciion  taken  upon  thai  jioiiil;  he 
should  like  to  he  cnnvinced  himself  that  the  power 
to  esiahlish  liit^ti\r,itin  fi>r  tlit'  /JViiis/ifiWafimi  of  the 
prodnclH  of  the  country,  as  a  means  df  reirnlaliiii; 
roiiimerce,did  nnl  emliracelln  more  si  nsiMe  power 
nt  fiinii filing  the  products  upon  which  eominerce 
is  fdiinded.  Hehelieved  nnsncli  distinction  cdiild 
he  taken.     Il'not.aii'l  the  jiowcr  to  do  the  one  iie- 

■  erssiirily  involved  the  other,  what  ralinniil  man 
would  even  claim  for  this  (lovertimenl  the  power 

'  to  do  either'  lie  denied  the  ri  rhl  of  (^oie^resa  to 
exercise  this  power,  upon  ollar  irronnds.  Il  was 
iidniittcd,  he  helieved,  upon  all  sides,  that  the 
Slates  wire  .serciYijn  within  tin  ir  respective  limi's; 
whereas  this  (.idvernniir'U  can  exer'-ise  exclusive 
jitris'liction  nver  the  1  lislriet  oft  'ohimliia,  her  forts, 
arsenals,  and  do'-lc-vards,  only;  and  that  liy  ex- 
press cdnsliintional  (lermissiini.  If  this  lie  true, 
rnw  this  Ci'ivernineiit,  a<:aiiist  the  eonsent  of  a 
St. tie,  eslalihsli  winks  of  im;irov,nieiil  within  her 
limits,   iinppeiriate  her  lands   and    her  water   to 

I  roads  nnd  e.iii.ds;  estahlish  toll-L'iies  tliereon;  lax 
her  citizens,  and  perfnrni  all  other  ai  Is  of  jiirisdic- 
lidii  and  sovcrei.'rii'y  over  the  s-niie  r  I  le  helieved 
<he  conld  mil.  If  she  eoidd  do  so.  Slate  sover- 
( i'_'iiiy  WHS  a  mockery.  He  iiii..'ht  he  t'lld,  if  the 
State  fisstnl  to  these  improvements,  this  (govern- 
ment .mid  make  them.  He  denied  it.  The  n.«- 
friil  of  a  Stale  coiihl  roiifi  r  im  power  iiimn  this 
Govi-rnmem.     She  derives  all  her  power  fVoin  the 

■  Constilntidii  of  the  I'nited  Slates,  and  frnin  no 
other  source.  When  that  fills,  the  power  dois 
not  exist;  and  hence  llie  assent 'if  a  State  conld 
not  ehani^e  the  (piestion.  He  mi'^n  he  asked,  if 
Con:;r(  ss  had  no  power  In  luiild  hnrhors,  li^'lil- 
hiin.-''s,  hreak-wat.rs,  \c.>  I  le  helieved  Conu'ress 
dill  possess  that  power — iwlf'}'  ri'itinirrriiil  jntrpnst  s 
— hm  upon  the  principle  of  preserving;  the  piihlie 
pr'iperty.  This  Government  was  eharired  with  the 
ih  fence  of  the  eonntrv.  As  an  arm  of  that  de- 
fence, she   was  aiitlioi-i7."d   to   liiiild   and   (-rpiii 


Ifth. 


lit    Ik 


lower  to  reijll 
-d 


late 


'  had 


Id  h; 


cont'erred    iiimn    Con;:ress, 
iwer  to  ma 


resirved 


II 
I  till 


Ve; 


'■h    Slate       (|ii 


Wtierever 


tin 


sels  of  war  were  piihhc  property;  an 


stopped.  lie  mi','lit  as  well  now,  as  at  any  oilier 
time,  express  liis  tnlal  ilhmni  frinil  the  ddclrine 
tlinl  those  lar;;e  rivers  denominated  "inland  sens" 
dcciipy  a  dilferent  pnsilinn  to  the  (iiiverninenl 
frdin  rivers  of  less  mairniliide.  The  Constiliilioii 
was  the  same  over  the  Mississippi  that  il  was  over 
the  limpid  riviih  I  sparklin;,'  down  the  ninnnlain 
side.  The  power  of  the  tiovernment  lo  imiirove 
Ihe  naviu'iiiioii  was  the  same  over  lioili.  He  dnew 
no  iliderelice  resnltini;  fiom  leii^'th,  ileptli,  or  vol- 
lime  of  water;  anil,  in  IiIm  opinion,  the  CoiiHtiltl- 
lion  recou-niNed  none. 

.Mr.  P.  said  he  was  opposed  to  n  revival  of  litis 
system  of  internal  iinproveineiils,  tor  iinother  rea- 
son. It  is  the  m  till  prop  of  the  prottrlirr  jiolini. 
General  .Tacksoii's  veto  of  the  M.iysville  road  hill 
reinovei!  that  prop,  the  policy  fell,  and  the  eonipro- 
tni.se  hill  was  Miilistitntcd  in  its  place.  A  desire  to 
re-eslahlisli  this  system  of  internal  impnueineiit 
cnntrihuted  as  larLrelv  as  any  other  cause  lo  the 
revival  of  the  prote.'llve  policy,  Ky  the  passa'^e  of 
the  taritVlnll  of  l-^l'J.  Genileiiien  nIioiiIiI  perceive 
this,  anil  renieiiiher  thai  the  surest  means  of  en- 
forcini;  ref  inn  in  your  revenue  Nystem  is  the  nc- 
eiinuilatioii  of  a  laix'e  siirplii.i  in  yonr  treasury. 
The  people  will  not  siilimit  to  he  liixed  when  the 
piihlic  exi'.;eiicy  does  not  reipiire  it.  Thai  surplus 
can  never  iiceiilniilate  while  this  drain  upon  yonr 
treasiirv  i-s  kejit  open.  In  this  vast  country, 
drained  hy  so  many  iiiairtiiliceiii  rivers,  new  and 
increasiiii,'  olijects  of  imiiroveinenl  will  eonslanlly 
present  tlnanselves,  and  of  snIllciiMit  mie^'inlude  to 
ahsorli  every  dollar  yon  eiiii  draw  into  yonr  lieaH- 
ury  liv  the  existiier  or  any  other  system  of  revenue, 
yon  may  or  can  adopt. 

Il  w,is  in  vain  for  ireiitlemen  to  tell  him  that  they 
were  ill  favor  of  rel'ormini:  the  existint;  revemiu 
system,  or  of  redncim^  the  expenditures  of  Gov- 
ernmeiil,  and  yet  vote  for  sncli  approprialions. 
He  who  seeks  io  revive  the  condenincd  sysicni  of 
internal  iinprovemenls,  seeks  to  /icr/irliKilf  the  pro- 
tective policy,  no  miilter  under  what  Hpceioiis  pre- 
tences he  may  conceal  his  inntive. 

These  were  siinii!  df  the  olijections  of  n  tjcnernl 
eliaraeter  to  the  hill,  and  were  of  siilKcienl  impor- 
tance to  secure  his  opposition  lo  lliisor  any  similar 
proposition;  and  he  trusted  they  wonkl  lie  deemed 
of  sullicient  importance  to  eonlrol  the  action  of  this 
cominiltee.  He  would  next  state  to  the  eominiltee 
his  specific  ohjections  lo  the  hill.  1  le  resrretted  his 
imiomnee  iif  tlie  particular  Ideality  of  some  of  the 
ohiecis  the  imprnvemenl  of  which  is  conleinplated 
hy  it,  liecanse  he  could  mil,  from  that  circiiinst;iiice, 
speak  with  the  aciairaey  he  could  do  if  h(^  pos,- 
sessed  the  desired  informalion. 

The  first  nhiection  under  this  head  which  he 
slinuld  iidliee  wa.<  Ihc  sectional  charncK  r  of  llie 
hill.  He  found,  hy  examination,  that  the  whole 
Slim  appropriated  hy  this  hill  ainoiints  to  '(il,!llt.'),- 
.I.'ill;  of  that  sum  «.a4.'),IM10  is  a|iplied  to  the  lakes. 
Nearly  one-half  of  the  whole  ainounl  is  thus  dis- 
po"  d  of. 

!-ar,  (said  Mr.  P.,)  do  we  need  hnrhors  nil  the 
lakes  alone? — or  (hies  the  palridtisin  df  the  com- 
mittee emiirace  only  the  region  of  the  lakes?  This 
rcijuires  explanation.  His  lioiioralile  (MiUeairne 
(.\lr.  .McCnsvKi.i]  had  iriven  us  on  yisterdaya 
very  nia^'iiilicent,  and,  ln'  had  no  doiilil,  just  esli- 
maie  of  the  len;;tli  of  those  lakes;  laii  it' they,  in 
I'li't.  are  IIS  Intij;  as  the  !;entlemiiii  from  Cliicaso, 
I  Mr.  Wkstwoutii,!  he  yet  deemed  the  amount 
appropriated  thereto  vastly  loo  large,  and  unjust 
ill  reference  to  the  rest  of  the  ITnion. 

He  fdiind,  however,  that  f/ii.i  was  not  the  only 
seclional  olaectimi  lo  the  hill.  The  northeast  — 
eoniparatively  a  small  section  of  the  Uiiioii,  and  at 
which,  if  .lohn  Hull  could  set  another  stroke  with 
his  diphimaiii'  knife,  the  residue  would  he  .scarcely 
worth  eonsiderin^ — i;els  hy  this  hill  «'J;M,.|.W.  To 
the  northwest — that  vast  region  out  of  which  em- 
pires may  he  carved — only  ^1.'i.'),(lfH)  is  appropritt- 
t(d.  Why  lliis  iiieiinalily  ?  Does  the  palriolisin 
of  the  gentleman  repnrtin^'  this  hill  exclude  that 
section  (if  the  I'liiiin  df  which  he  is  a  native? 

The  sectional  partiality  of  the  hill  is  still  more 
strikiiiixly  ohserved.  hy  a  eoni(iarison  of  the  appro- 


d      priatioiis  lor  the  nrrllicusl,  with  ihr 


of  tin 


'dtl 


iMi. 


fri.s(.     To  the  forme 


iif  tin 


ii(/i- 


'  have  seen  *i'J.'14,'1,'i()  In 


leni  tot."i,  it  was  competent  for  tlietoivern-      heen  appropriated;  to    the    latter,    eiiihr 


K' 


n      ment  to  jirovide  the  means  df  tin  ir  |ir 


eonimer'-ial   ri  t^nliui'Mis.     *l'he  coimner'aal  policy      safety;  and,  in  his  opinion,  at  this /oTcisi  p'lfiiMli 


.I'l    . 
I      Stale  of  Atarylaiiil,  and  extending'  to  the  i 


the  Kid  liraiide 


iif  each   nii'-hl  have  lacn   diirerent.     Nev 


York 


ly  Sl'o.llllll  have  lieen  n|i 


pow 


er  of  the  Goveriiineiii  over  the  whole  (piestion     atcd.     Could  anytliin^'  evince  a  more  disgust 


mil  of 
propri- 


t     , 


[Vvk  85, 

K  Heps. 

K  III  niiy  "tlicr 
ll\(i  (Inclrinn 
'  iiilniiil  »niH" 
(iiivrniinrnt 
^  ('nflNtitllhnn 
iMt  it  w.Movrr 
iIm^  nioiinliiiii 
III  Id  inijinivi' 
ill.  Ill' Knew 
cli'|ilh,  or  viil- 

llui    ('l)llHtilll- 

rvivnl  cil'  lliis 
r  MiMilliiT  rcu- 
ofrr/fir  luilirtf. 
villi'  nmil  lull 
(1  llip  r(mi|irii- 
.      A  lIl'NilT  In 

iin|inivi'niriil 

I'luiNP  In  lli<> 
he  jiimsii'^e  iil" 
iniilil  |in-i'i'ivr 

nil  ;uiH  tif  cn- 
Irni  in  llir  niv 
iMir  lrc:iNiiry. 
\i'il  wlu'li   llll' 

'riinl  Hiirpliis 
in  iipini  yiiiir 
•;i»t  cnwiilry, 
irrs,  IH  w  iiiiii 
■ill  cniislmilly 

nin'^tiiluilr  In 
lo  yniir  liTaw- 
rm  1)1'  ri'Vi'iiuc 

him  llinl  llii'y 
Hliiin  nvi'iiiii' 
HUTS  ol'  ( Jiiv- 
|i|iv(i|irinliniis. 
ml  Hysii'iii  111' 
flliiilf  till-  pi'c- 
;  HpeciouB  prc- 

iH  of  n  ^rcnornl 
Itioii'iil  inipiir- 
nr  Hiiy  aiiiiiliii" 
llll  111-  ili'riiiril 
•  lUlioiioI'lliiM 
llir  I'oiiiinilli'ii 
'  rriri'i'tli'il  lii^i 

f  HMlllO  iiflliu 

rnnli'iiipliiteil 

irriinislaiirr', 

Jo  if  III'  pus- 

ml  wliiili  111' 
iriK'lf  r  of  llll' 
i;il  iliit  wliiili! 
lis  In  Slrl'.l-ii- 

I  In  llie  liilii's. 

II  is  lliiis  ilis- 

iiirliiirs  on  llir 
of  llll-  riMii- 
V.  Iiikrs?  'I'liis 
ilili'  ciillrni^iir 
1  yi'slri'kliiy  ;i 
iiiiil,  jiisl  rsti- 
iiit  it'ilii'y,  ill 
■niil  Cliii"ii!;n, 
I   llie  iininiinl 

■I',   1111(1  iiiijiisl 

iiol  llio  only 

iiorllii'iisl  — 

lliiinn,  anil  iil 

r  Hlrnkii  willi 

III  lir  si'iirroly 
«.->;tl,l,')().  To 

if  which  nil- 
is  iippinpi'ia- 
llii'  piili'inlisMi 
I  i'mIiiiIi'  lliHl 
I  nulivo? 
is  Klill  mini' 
if  Mil'  iipprn- 
of  till!  stntth- 
j,'.':t4,4.'')l)  luuv 
iiilii-iii'iii'.'  llll! 
iliii  mouth  iif 
inn  nppropri- 
ifc  ilis!iuf?tiii:; 


iji^rii  CoNo 1st  Sebs. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONORESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Wheal  Trade — Mr.  Hudson. 


4S9 


Ho.  or  Rbpi. 


Hi'rliiiniilpnrliiility  Ihiin  lliriliirrreiii'i'  in  llm  an 
of  llirsn  nppropriatinns  nfloril  ?  He  woiilil  no 


nmoiiiil 

,,. |i  ■   , I  nowrx-  ' 

iimini!  this  liill  in  refrrini'i'  to  lliii  two  croat  si'i'tinns 
oflho  Union — North  anil  South.  How  HtaliilHllin 
i-asc'  IVorlli  of  Mason  anil  Dixon's  lino,  tlii.s  hill 
iippropriatrH  fi!KI4,4.'')ll;  south  of  that  liiii',  tinlira- 
I'lnn  twn-lliirils  nf  llui  I'nast  anil  territory  of  the  \ 
Union,  only  $41.''>,IMHI  Imvij  hrrn  appropriati'il.  ^ 
He  Hifltcnwl  nl  that  patriolisin  whii'h  was  so  rir- 
riimsi'rilicil  ill  ils  viowH  as  tint  lo  embrarr  every 
Neilion  of  the  country  in  the  iliseharpo  of  Irgisla- 
livi'iluly. 

Mr.  1'.  sail!  he  woiilil  now  oiill   the  ntlrnlinn  of 
the  I'ommilli'ii  lo  one  of  the  most  exiraorilinary 
Hei'lioilH  ever  repiirlril    in   an   iipprnprialion  liilt ; 
mii-ii  was  ihe  pri'iiliar  rliarai'ter  nl^lhat  section,  he  ' 
fell  consiraineil  tn  reail  it  to  the  coinmiltee.     Mr.  ; 
1'.  reail  the  Bcclion  as  followti:  Tlicro  shall  he  np-  ! 
proprialeil  | 

"  Fur  Itie  jiilri'jm'i'  (ifltic  ri'-iillli'  nCllli'  Htitrk  llrli)  liy  lli- 
iliviilllill  fllKi'klliililtT^  III  tile  l.niilniillc  niiit  l*nrlliiii(l  riiiiill 
roiii|iiiiiy,  Kiicli  Mini  A.<  limy  llll  iiiTi'Mriary ;  wliii-ti  stocji  iliii 
rrrnlili'lil  nf  ttii'  riiitril  Htati'H  U  lii'ri'hy  nulllori/eil  tn  [ilir- 
I'lia."!',  It'll  r.ia  III'  iiliiiiiiM'il  llll  Miifti  ii'iiiH  a>i  In-  flinll  ileein 
a  liiiraliii  ri'iiMMialili' prli'i',  I'nr  llie  |tiir|Mi^e  iit'relieviiiu  the  ' 
iiiiviuaiiiiii  anil  riiiiiitierri'  of  tliu  Ohtu  river,  nail  iniikini;  ; 
Muil  I'liniil  t'ri'i'  I'liiiii  lull-** 

Mr.  P.  eoiisiileriil  this  section  ns  peeiiliiirly  im- 
porlanl,  liecaiisi'  il  fully  illiiNlrateil  the  spirit  of 
recklessness  with  which  the  peoiilc's  money  was 
In  he  Hi|iiaiiilereil  liy  Ihis  hill.  What  amount  is 
lliiiH  apiiriipriateil  liy  this  section.'  Will  the  ;;en- 
lli man  (Mr.  TiaiiAiTsl  who  repnrlcil  the  hill  in- 
form llie  ciiiiiinillie  ?  Is  il  iini',  two,  three,  five,  or 
ten  millions  nf  ilnllars.'  (Jan  the  };enlli  man  tell.' 
He  coiilil  iii.l'  the  aiuoinil  was  to  lie  liiiiileil  only 
hy  the  ilemanil  of  the  liolilcrs  nf  tlie  Ktoek.  The 
sum  ili'iimnileil  liy  them  is  to  lie  paid,  unlc.«8  the 
I'reaiileiil  of  the  Uiiiliil  Slates  shoulil  interpose  lii.s 
olijeelinns  lo  the  exiculion  of  a  law  of  Cnn;;i'ess. 
He  iliil  not  intenil,  su  far  as  he  was  conceriRil,  lo 
place  the  ICxecutive  in  any  such  preilicament.  He 
felt  eonliilent  Ihe  I'ri  siilent — in  whose  integrity  he 
(Mr.  P.)  hail  every  confidence — desired  lo  assume 
no  such  responsiliilily.  lie  maintained  that,  in 
iirivale  life,  every  man  should  know  the  exteiil  nf 
liis  liability.  With  eipial  propriety  Oovernmenls 
ahould  always  know  theirs.  If  lhi.H  bill  pa.ssed, 
such  would  not  be  the  case;  the  Government  ini^ht 
lie  saililleil  with  a  debt  far  lieynnd  its  expectation; 
anil  the  principle  nf  iiinkiii^  specific  apiiropriatiniis 
wimid  be  depiirieil  iVnm — a  principle,  by  the  way, 
whicli  caiinni  lie  preserved  with  too  much  tenacity 
by  this  Uovernnienl. 

Mr.  P.  wniilil  ask  for  what  object  a  departure 
from  this  principle  wa.-iilemaiiili'il  liy  the  gentleman  ■ 
from  Kentucky,  |.Mr.  'I'lmiATTs  f]  In  the  language 
of  the  section  nf  his  bill  already  read  In  the  com-  I 
millce,  it  is  "  for  ihe  purpo.senl  relieving  the  imvi-  | 
gallon  and  llic  commerce  ol' the  Ohio  river."  flnw.- 
By  lhepurcha.se  ofa  Iillledilch,  badly  dug,  scarcely 
fit  for  use,  and  in  five  year.s  v.ill  be  totally  iiiaile- 
ipiate  to  the  objccl  desired,  lie  hail  passed  ihroiigh 
that  canal,  and  knew  what  he  said.  He  was  op- 
posed In  any  such  purchase.  If  this  (iovernment 
will  adopt  a  system  of  improvement  within  the 
Stales,  in  Heaven's  name  let  llicm  do  so  upon  a 
scale  of  iinignaiiiiiiily  comiiatible  with  the  power 
iiiiil  iliguily  nf  the  Uepiildic.  If  a  free  canal 
aroiinil  the  falls  of  the  Ohio  is  to  be  established, 
lei  the  Government  build  one  adequate  in  every 
respect  to  the  great  and  increasing  commerce  of 
tliat  noble  river. 

Mr.  P.  had  u  remiirk  or  two  lo  make  to  the  gen- 
tleman from  Ohio,  |Mr.  Siiiknik.i  That  genile- 
man  iiil'ornied  llie  Cnmmitlee  on  yesterday  it  was 
the  inlcniion  of  himself  and  friends  lo  take  care  of 
the  South,  and  improve  her  rivers,  whether  she  de- 
sired il  or  not.  lor  lliisennsiderate  kindness,  the 
geiilleinan  frnin  Ohio  is  entitled  lo  the  homage  of 
our  kindest  ackiii.-.  ■  ilf^n'cnts.  But  he  hoped  lo 
be  pardoned  I'nr  'iiimaiinu  to  the  gentleman  from 
Ohin,  that  the  p  epic  of  llie  South  might  prefer 
ennfiding  her  ini  ii.il  iip' n  this,  as  upon  every 
oiheripiesiion.to  .'.  own  I!  -presentnlives.  Should 
the  South,  at  any  I'liirc  il  y,  unhappily  lose  eon- 
fidcnce  ill  her  preseiu  Ki'i.resentatives,  and  fail  !o 
nelcct  others  lo  represent  her  inleresls  in  Congress, 
she  might  pnssilily  call  upon  the  honorable  gentle- 
man to  protect  her  interests  upon  this  floor.  Hal 
until  this  docs  happen — until  an  intimalion  be  given 
that  Ins  services  are  acliially  needed  by  the  South 
— he  liojied  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  would  spare 


himself  the  trouble  anil  responsibility  his  new  re- 
lation wniild  ii'evilably  incur.  li',  however,  it  was 
the  fixed  determination  of  the  advocates  of  inter- 
nal improvement  in  revive  the  system,  and  perinii- 
iienlly  fasten  il  unnn  the  coiinlry,  lie  admilled  all 
.sections  of  the  Union  should  particiiiale  in  ils 
blessings.  He  doubted  the  sincerity  ol  gentlemen 
who  express  the  determinalioii  to  improve  our 
southern  rivers  wheiln  r  wo  desire  it  or  not.  He 
found  the  rivers  of  th.  West  had  been  iioiiccd  in 
tins  bill — put  olT  with  a  trifle,  it  is  true,  but  yet 
noticed.  If  ^eiiilinien  really  wished  to  eiitbriice 
southern  rivers  also,  why  were  some  of  the  largest 
soulliern  tributaries  of  these  western  riveis  totally 
overlooked!  Was  not  the  patriotism  nf  ihe  gen- 
tleman who  reported  this  bill  suiricieiitly  expan- 
sive to  embrace  them.'  Or  are  they  too  insignifi- 
cant to  be  dcnnmiimteil  "  inland  seas  ■"  Take  the 
Tennes.sce  river  ns  an  example.  Will  it  not  com- 
iiare  favorably  with  others  embraced  in  the  bill  ? 
It  flows  tliroiigh  Ihe  Stales  of  Kcnliicky,  Missis- 
sippi, Alabama,  West  mill  Knal  Teiiiiessee,  and 
pierces  Ihe  mniinlains  of  Virginia.  What  is  the 
ehariicter  of  the  country  through  which  it  passes? 
So  far  as  he  knew,  rich  and  productive  from  ils 
fnunlnin  to  ils  source;  nf  the  Tennessee  valley, 
ill  Alabama,  he  could  speak  with  certainly;  possi- 
bly he  tniglil  speak  of  it  with  the  milnr  nf  early 
inipressinns,  and  with  an  atlachinent  he  shnuld 
carry  lo  bis  grave.  lIiil  he  had  travelled  over  a 
large  ]ii)rtion  of  the  I'ninn;  he  had  seen  the  rich 
aniTiirnduclivc  countries  east,  west,  and  sniilh.and 
yet  lie  had  seen  no  counlry  ei|Ue,lliiig  in  beni- 
ty  and  advantages  that  part  of  north  Alabama 
known  as  the  Tennessee  valley.  There  the  mag- 
nificeiice  of  mnuntaiii  scenery  contrasts  beautiful- 
ly with  the  level  plain  spread  out  hefnre  you;  the 
salubrity  of  the  climate  luiil  ferliliiy  of  the  soil 
render  It  the  deliglitfiil  abode  of  eivili/.iitioii,  of 
science,  ami  of  enterprise.  The  Tennessee  river, 
in  its  onward  course  to  the  Gulf,  .sometimes  sweep- 
ing the  base  of  towciiig  mountains,  mid  then  roll- 
ing far  into  the  jilii'ii  below,  "  lends  enclKinlment 
tn  the  scene."  '1  hose  lofty  mountains  are  filled 
lo  their  summits  with  valuable  ores,  which  need 
only  lo  be  used  greatly  to  augment  llie  resources 
of  the  State.  At  cnnvetiicnt  poinlii,  medicinal 
waters  gurgle  frnm  these  mysterinus  but  healing 
founUiitis;  and  lo  them  llie  pilgrims  of  disease  pay 
their  nnniial  visits  in  search  of  n  rcslnralion  of 
health.     Thus,  in  that  favored  region,  nature  has 

I  enmbined  all  that  is  useful  and  valuable,  with  all 
j  that  is  enc.lianling  and  beautiful. 

liy  whom  is  this  coiinlry  inhaliiled?  By  a  brave, 
generous,  and  enterprising  race;  by  men  devnted 
In  liberty,  'Uul  who,  if  rou.sed  from  their  slumbers 
by  the  tap  of  the  drum,  would  spring  lo  their  feel 
with  the  rille  in  one  hand  and  tlie  battle-axe  in  the 
other.      Wherever   the  standard   of  their  eiiuntry 
lloated,  (/lire  would  ihey  be  idsn.     Slimild  an  op- 
portunity ho  offered,  or  the  liniior  of  the  country 
rei[iiire   it,    (which   Heaven    forbid,)  they  would 
perform  deeds  of  hemic  valor  which  would  add  to 
the  reiinwn  of  Saxon  arms,  and  reflect  new  glory 
,  upon  the  distant  isle  frnm  which  they  sprung. 
Is  it  lint  singularly  remarkable  thai  sn  noble  n 
river,  flowing  through  theeoiintry  he  had  described 
and  inliabiled  by  such  a  race,  should  have  been 
'  deemed  of  too  little  importance  to  be  provided  for 
j  ill  this  bill?    Was  it  because  the  navigation  nf  that 
1  river  needs  no  iniprovenient?     Far  from  il.     iVo 
river  needed  improvement  more  than  iheTennes- 
!'  see,  and  no  people  under  the  sun  suli'ered  more  for 
I  the  want  ol  navigation.     He  had   already  stated 
;;  that   be    believed    the  Constitution    conferred  iio 
;    power  upon  Congress  to  improve  the   navigation 

II  of  interior  rivers.     He  would  therefore   vole  no 

I   appropriation  for  the  purpose;  but  he  must  say,  if 

i  the  policy  should  ever  be  adopted,  the  Tennessee 
i;  river  should  be  amonn;  the  first  to  which  the  at- 

,  lention  of  the  Generul  Government  ought  to  be 

,  directed. 
i       He  could  name  other  rivers  ill  his  own  State — 

'  the  Alabama,  Tombigbec,  and  Black  Warrior,  are 
ji  all  iniporlanl  navigable  streams,  greatly  needing 
improvement  to  protect  and  secure  the  thirty  niil- 
1  lions  of  properly  which  annually  pa.ss  up  and 
:  down  them;  but  these  rivers  are  still  further  south, 
I.  and  he  feared  the  political  existence  of  the  gentle- 
:'  man,  if  coextensive  with  his  life,  who  reported 
ii  this  bill,  would  be  too  short  to  enable  his  patriot- 
.!  ism  to  expand  sufficiently  to  embrace  them.     He 


^•lioiilil  ihirefore  end  as  he  hml  begun,  hy  declaring 
iliis  bill  to  be  more  clearly  violative  of  the  Consli- 
liilion,  profligate  in  prnpn.ied  expenditure  oflho 
people's  money,  partial  and  Heclional  in  character, 
than  any  iiiioii  which  he  lind  ever  been  called  ii[ion 
In  act;  anil  for  these'  reiLsniis  he  slmnlil  resist  it 
at  every  step  in  its  progress  through  this  body. 


WIIE.XT  TIIADK  OK  THE  COUNTRY. 
SPEECH  OF   MR.   C.  HUDSON, 

OF  JIASSACIIl'SErTS, 

In  Till     llni  SE  OF  RuftlESENTATIVES, 

February  2(1,  184(i. 
The  House  being  in  Commiltee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  state  of  the  Union,  and  having  under  cmisiil- 
eralinn  the  Bill  making  apnrnpriation  for  the  iin- 
proveiiient  of  Harbors  anil  Rivers — 
Mr.  HUDSON  obtained  the  flnnr,  and  siiiil: 
Mr.  CiiAitiM.w:  On  the  rising  of  the  eoinmillre 
yesterday,  you  wi  .  ;  pleased  to  rejiort  that  the 
coinmitlce  had  had  the  sUile  of  the  Union  general- 
ly under  cniisideralion;  and  the  ileliiue  which  laid 
taken  pliiie,  and  that  which  hem  followed  this 
inornin;.',  have  fully  justified  that  report.  TliC'^'en- 
llenmii  from  Alabama  [Mr.  Pavve)  ami  the  gentle- 
iiiiiii  from  South  C'arolnia  [.Mr.  Kiitrr]  have  bolli 
objected  lo  the  passage  of  this  bill,  on  the  ground 
lliiil  it  would  make  a  heavy  draft  upon  llie  ire.isu- 
ry;  and  that  such  a  scheme  of  internal  iiuprove- 
iiients  would  defeat  the  proposed  mnilin<'alioii  of 
the  revenue  laws  of  the  counlry;  anil  liny  called 
iipnii  their  friends,  by  nil  that  wiei  near  and  dear 
to  them — ^by  the  success  of  their  parly — by  their 
couliiiiiancc  in  power — by  all  that  was  sacred  ill 
the  name  of  Deiiiocracv,  in  come  fnrward  and  save 
the  people  from  a  policy  which  must  ensure  llie 
eonlliiuaiice  of  the  present  odious  system  nf  laxa- 
tinii.  As  these  genlleinen  have  been  imliilged  in 
this  course  of  remark,  I  trust  that  I  shall  be  allow- 
ed lo  f'lllow  their  i«aiii|'lc.  I  am  in  fivor  of  ihis 
bill,  because  such  iinpi  leinenls  fiieililale  inter- 
course between  dill'ereiit  and  distimt  seetioi's  of  the 
country,  and  so  promote  the  interest  of  trade  and 
cninincrce. 

The  [iresent,  Mr.  Chnirman,  is  nn  impnrUinl 
era  in  the  history  nf  our  counlry.  The  President, 
at  the  o[ieiiin'4  of  the  sessinii,  recommended  the 
abanilnnment  of  that  policy  which  is  coeval  with 
nnr  Governinenl — a  policy  under  which  the  nation 
lifts  grown  and  prospered.  We  have  also  been 
told  by  the  Secrelary  of  the  Treasury  that  we  must 
abandon  all  proterlion  nf  domeslic  inilusiry,  in  or- 
der lo  |irociire  the  repeal  of  ihe  Knglisli  corn  lows. 
The  Brilish  ministry  approve  of  the  policy  recniii- 
,  mended,  endorse  the  doctrines  of  the  American 
Secretary,  and  order  his  report  lo  be  published 
and  laid  upon  the  desks  of  the  members  of  Parlia- 
ment, as  a  valualde  docinneiit  to  promote  Brilish 
inleresls.  An  effort  has  been  made  on  both  aides 
of  ihe  Atlantic  to  change  fundamentally  the  policy 
I  nf  this  couulry,  by  the  inlrnduclion  of  a  system 
which  would  check  the  prosperity  of  the  people, 
■  paralyze  every  interest,  and  so  greatly  impair  that 
very  eoinnierce  which  these  im|irovenienls  are  cal- 
culated to  promote.  We  sec  Sir  Iloliert  Peel  am! 
,  Sir  Robert  Walker  in  what  the  genlleiiian  from 
South  Carolina  [.Mr.  RtiEir]  calls  "a  ilisasiroua 
!  conjunclioii,"  tn  briiu;  about  this  result — a  resull 
truly  disastrous  lo  our  beloved  country,  but  lo 
Great  Britain  a  "  consummalinn  devoutly  to  he 
wished." 

As  the  subject  of  the  corn  laws  has  been  pre- 
sented for  consideratiini  by  both  Gnvernmei.ls,  1 
I  propose  to  call  the  altention  of  this  eommitlee  to 
I  this  subject,  and  to  the  effect  which  the  repeal  or 
I  modification  of  these  laws  would  have  upon  the 
I  cnmmerce  of  our  country.    And  I  regard  this  ques- 
I  lion  as  strictly  pertinent  to  the  subject  before  us. 
The  grain  of  the  West  must  find   ils  way  to  the 
Atlantic  through  the  very  channels  which  this  bill 
is  designed  to  improve.    The  wheat  trade  is  an 
important  item  in  our  commerce,  and  everything 
which  uU'ecls  that  trade  will  render  these  imiirove- 
menls  more  or  less  necessary. 

The  aubjecl  of  the  corn  trade  of  the  United  States 
has  of  laie  attracted  the  altention  of  our  people;  anil 
althnuirh  it  is  one  of  importance,  I  am  confident 
that  its  iniporlance  has  been  greatly  overrjiled 
From  the  language  which  is  sometimes  employed. 


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29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

JVheat  TVade—Mr.  Hudson. 


[Feb.  26, 


Ho.  OP  Reps. 


we  mi£;ht  naturally  infer  timt  wheat  and  flour  con- 
stituted n  great  portion  of  the  exports  of  the  coun- 
try. But  a  recurrence  to  ofKcial  documents  will 
show,  that  for  a  scries  of  years,  our  export  of  wheat 
nnd  flour  does  not  exceed  one-twentieth  of  our  whole 
export. 

I  propose,  Mr.  Chairmin,  to  take  a  brief  view 
of  the  wheat  trade  of  the  United  Stales.  And  here 
I  will  state,  once  for  all,  that  1  shall  use  the  term 
wheat  to  include  flour;  and  in  all  tny  estimates  i 
nuike  a  bar-el  of  flour  equal  to  five  bushels  of  wheat. 
Tlie  wheat  crop  of  the  United  Sti\les,  in  1840,  nc- 
cordinj;  to  the  census  returns,  amounted  to  t*4,823,- 
000  bushels,  and  in  1844,  according  to  the  report 
of  the  Commi.ssiouer  of  Patents,  to  9.i, 007,000 
bushels.  Of  this,  96,000,000  bushels,  which  is 
about  the  average  for  the  bust  five  years,  we  have 
exported  about  one-lhirieenth,  or  7,400,000  liush- 
els.  Nearly  one-tenih  of  the  whole  crop  will  be 
required  for  scctl.  In  Gioal  Britain  the  estimate 
has  been  about  three  bushels  of  seed  to  tlio  acre; 
but  with  us  two  bushels  to  the  acre  would  be  a  fair 
nverasjc  for  all  parts  of  the  country.  Now,  if  wc 
should  take  from  the  whole  crop  the  amount  re- 
miircd  for  seed,  and  the  amount  exported,  it  would 
leave  for  home  consumption  79,000,000  of  bushels. 
This  amount,  divided  amonj;  our  population,  say 
19,000,000,  would  give  3  9-lOths  bushels  to  every 
man,  woman,  and  child  in  the  country.  But  it  is 
minifrat  that  the  consumption  of  wheal  is  not  equal 
III  every  section.  The  black popiilotion  at  the  South 
c'lnsume  but  little  wheat,  and  tiie  apiriculturists  in 
the  New  Enijland  Slates  make  con.siderable  use  of 
rye  and  Indian  corn  for  bread;  though  the  con- 
sumption of  wheat  is  becoming  every  year  more 
general.  As  far  as  I  am  acquainted,  !n  all  coin- 
iniiiiilies  which  purcha.se  their  breadstuff,  wheat  is 
the  principal  article  of  consumption;  and  we  may 
safely  estimate  tlii.s  con.suniplion  at  one  barrel  of 
flour,  or  five  bushels  of  wheal,  a  year  per  head. 
This  class  will  include  the  manufacturers  and  me- 
chanics ;  'hose  eniraied  in  mining,  in  commerce, 
ill  navigation  in  all  its  forms;  ailfi  if  we  add  to  these 
those  engaged  in  the  various  pi  .'cssions  nnd  call- 
ings, other  than  agriculture,  aim  all  those  residing 
ii:  the  wheat-growing  sections  of  the  country,  it 
will  coiislitutc  about  iha'e-lil'lhs  of  our  entire  pop- 
ulation; and  these  will  consume  about  58,800,000 
bushels  of  wheal,  leaving  for  the  other  Iwo-tiflhs 
20,200,000  bushels,  being  about  2;  luislicls  per 
brad.  This  calrulaiioii  being  i.'encnil,  will  not  bold 
good  in  every  cose.  A  soldier's  ration,  for  exanj- 
plc,  would  aiixiuiit  to  9  bushels  of  wheat  per  year, 
and  some  of  our  population  engaged  in  the  fislicr- 
ics  would  consume  as  much.  Kloiir  is  also  largely 
consumed  iiiourinaniitUcloiics  in  the  forinof.''iiircli 
and  sizing.  'I"hc  maiiiifacloiies  at  Lcnvcli  alone 
consume  lictwccii  four  and  five  tliuu.sand  barrels  of 
flour  aiiiiu;illy.  1 

1  have  been  thus  particular,  Mr.  Chairman,  for  ' 
the  purpose  of  showing  tlini  the  greater  pan  of  our 
wheat  IS  (Miiisumed  at  home,  and  thai  the  home 
market  is  the  great  source  whence  the  wheat  gnnv- 
irs  derive  then-  support.  The  ipiaiility  of  wheat 
which  we  have  sent  aliroad,  tor  the  lii.*si  twelve  or 
fil'ircii  years,  will  not  exceed  six  or  seven  percent, 
of  the  quantily  produced,  as  will  be  s"eii  by  the 
I'ollow  ing  table,  made  up  fioin  the  coinincicial  doc- 
uments; 
T./A/i?  of  T'lpoWt  rinrf  Krjm-li  of  irtw.it  arul  yioiir,  in  htifh- 

c's,  t  taftkcr  iiUlt  the  vtihte  of  (Ac  utinCjJ'rom  IfJl  (j  1844, 

nictu.ni  c. 


Here,  sir,  it  will  be  seen  that  our  averngc  ex- 
port of  wheat  to  all  foreign  countries,  for  the  last 
fourteen  years,  amounts  to  only  5,.505,162  bushels;  |; 
or,  if  we  deduct  the  average  imports,  it  will  amount  | ! 
to  only  about  5,000,000  bushels.     It  will  also  be  |1 
seen  that  our  exports  do  not  keep  pace  with  our  ]■ 
population.  Inl83I  wcsentabroa(t,withapnpula-  | 
tion  of  13,000,000,  9,441,000  bushels,  being  twcn-  1 
ty-three  quarts  per  head  upon  our  jiopulalion;  but  , 
in  1844,  with  a  popnlation  of  19,()iM),000,  we  sent  : 
ahrnad7,751.000bushels,bcingonly thirteennuarts  | 
per  head.     Here  is  a  fiiUiiig  off  in  our  surplus  of  ; 
nearly  fifty  per  cent.     But,  as  it  is  unfair  to  reason  \ 
from  n  single  year,  and   1831  being  one  of  an  un- 
usually large  crop,  wc  will  take  an  average  of  three 
;  years.     Tiike  the  years  1831,  '32,  nnd  '33,  and  \yo 
'  have  an  average  export  of  6,220,000  bushels;  while 
the  years  1841,  '42,  nnd  '43  give  an  average  of 
,  6,907,000  busheis,  being  an  increase  of  11  percent., 
while  our  population  has  increased  abmit  33  per 
:  cent.     For  the  Inst  ten  years,  our  .surplus  for  ex- 
port has  not  increased  in  the  nitio  of  our  popula- 
I  tion;  nnd  the  same  causes  which  have  operated  for 
the  last  ten  years,  will  be  likely  to  operate  for  years 
to  come.     VVe  have  had,  and,  if  pi.ncc  cniitinues, 
shall  be  likely  to  have,  a  largo  flood  of  foreign  em- 
igration to  tne  country.     But,  as  these  enugrantK 
generally  settle  upon  new  lands,  they  do  not,  for 
the  first  year  or  two,  add  to  the  wheat  product 
of  the  country.     On  the  contrary,  while  clearing 
their  lands  and  building  their  cabins,  they  are  con- 
i  suniers,  nnd  conslitutc  a  considerable  market  for 
the  grain  of  the  West.     And  while  the  new  wheat 
lands  arc  being  brought  into  the  market,  the  old 
wheat  lands  of  the  Atlantic  States  are  becoming 
exhausted,  and  so  yield  a  less  crop.     It  is  also 
]  true  tImt,  ,is  population  increases  in  the  West,  and 
■  settlements  become  more  deii.ie,  a  larger  per  cent, 
of  the  people  leave  the  pursuit  of  agriculture,  and 
engage   in  other  callings;  and  hence  the  demand 
will  increase  as  rapidly  us  the  supply.     We  must 
also  exjiect  deficient  crops  from  time  to  lime.    The 
past  year  is  an  example  of  this.     In  some  parts  of 
the  country,  the  drought  of  the  past  seu.son  has 
greatly  reduced  the  wheat  crop;  and  the  disease  of 
ilic  potaloe  will  increase  the  demand  fur  wheat  at 
home  as  well  as  abroad. 

1  have  no  disposition  to  tindervnlue  the  wheal 
'  trade  of  the  country.  It  furnishes  an  important 
item  in  our  exports.  But,  at  the  same  time  1  niu.sl 
be  permiiied  to  say,  that  its  imporlance  is  frequent- 
ly exnggeiated.  From  laiij;iiage  which  is  frequent- 
ly eiiipluyed,  I  should  be  leu  to  conclude  that  wliec;, 
next  u>  cotton,  was  the  great  export  from  thecojii- 
try;  and  that  these,  with  perhaps  tobacco,  cm:  'ti- 
luled  nearly  our  whole  export.  But,  by  reference 
to  the  commercial  document,  from  year  to  year,  it 
will  be  seen  that,  fur  fifteen  years,  our  wheat  and 
flour  have  not  amounicd  to  more  than  one-tweii- 
lielli  of  our  ex|i(irt.  That  llie  cumiiiiitce  may  .see 
the  relative  importance  of  the  wheat  Iradc,  1  have 
prepared  n  table  from  the  coiiimer(;iul  ducuinents, 
which  I  will  read: 

i'lttue  of  some  of  the  pritu-ipal  arlirlei  of  KzMrt  from  the 
Utiili'J  St.ilc,,Jrom  ll'.ll  lu  IBH  iiudi.i,  e. 


^,556,000;  each  of  these  articles  being  nearly  half 
j  as  much  us  our  entire  export  of  wheat.  Audi  even 
I  cotton  piece  goods,  the  product  of  our  despised 
i  manufactures,  which  are  represented  as  being  in- 
jurious to  commerce,  have  amounted,  on  an  avc- 
j  rage,  to  92,674,000,  nearly  half  as  much  as  the 
wheat  sent  from  the  country.  But  if  we  add  to 
cotton  piece  goods  all  other  manufactures  ex|iarted, 
I  we  have  a  total  of  |;7,987,000  annually,  being  more 
I  than  the  value  of  wheat  exported. 

But,  sir,  this  is  not  all.  I  have  followed  the 
classification  of  the  commercial  document;  but 
every  gentleman  acquainted  with  the  subject  knows 
that  there  are  articles,  some  of  which  arc  strictly, 
and  others  substantially,  iiianufu<:tured  articles, 
which  arc  not,  in  that  document,  placed  under  the 
head  of  mamilacturcs.  In  the  commercial  docu- 
ment of  the  liist  year,  I  find  the  followiii''  articles, 
with  their  values,  placed  under  other  heads: 

Spermaceti  candles $180,49*2 

Staves,  shingles,  boards,  hewn  timber, 

masts,  spurs,  &c 2,022,498 

All  manufactures  of  wood 919,100 

Naval  stores,  tar,  pitcli,  rosin,  and  tur- 
pentine         818,692 

Ashes,  pot  und  pearl 1,140,884 

Total ^5,081,666 

Here  wc  liavo  a  total  of  more  than  five  millions 
of  manufactured  articles,  which,  in  the  commercial 

J  document,  are  placed  under  the  head  of  products 
of  the  forest  and  of  the  fisheries.     Add  these  to  the 

I  articles  set  down  as  manufactures,  nnd  wc  have  an 
export  of  more  than  thirteen  millions,  the  product 

'  of  our  infant  manufactures. 

I  have  no  disposition  to  disparage  the  wheat  trade 
of  the  country.     It  is  an  important  trade,  anil  one 

j  which  should  be  cherished  with  the  greatest  care. 
But  devotion  to  any  cause  should  never  lend  us  to 

:  overlook  an  important  fiict.     1  rejoice  that  we  are 

I  able  to  export  wliealat  the  average  rate  of  $6,000,000 

:  a  year;  and  I  rejoice,  also,  that  our  infant  manufac- 
tures arc  able  to  send  forth  to  foreign  countricj 

:  fabrics  to  twice  that  amount.  I  am  in  favor  of  the 
corn  trade  of  the  country;and,for  that  very  reason, 
I  wish  to  inform  the  wheat  growers  that  the  pro- 
posed chan«;e  in  the  British  corn  laws  will  probably 
operate  against  them,  and  may  prove  highly  detri- 
mental to  their  interest. 

I  am  confident,  Mr.  Chainnan,  that  there  is  a 
great  miaaiipreliension  on  this      ibject  of  trade. 

'  Some  geiiilcmen  seem  to  lake  it  for  granted  that 

',  Great  Britain  is  the  principal,  and  alnio.sl  the  only 

!  market  for  our  bieadstufls.  But  nothing  can  be 
more  false.     I  have  data,  drawn  from  the  ofiicinl 

i  dorumcnls  of  the  Government,  which  confute  any 

I  .such  hypothesis, 

'  Tuhle  of  exiiorls  ofwbi^iil  aiul  Jiour^  in  huihels,  ty  some  of  the 
I      jtrintiml  mitrket^;  ttnit,  aiti,  Ihe  tiil.it  timount  of  cx/iort* 
I     of  uhetU  to  iill  foreign  roioi/iic,,  fir  fourteen  vomeaitivc 
I, can. 


ri«iiK- 

ItlEit. 


HKKK    AND 
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I'HTTOS 

riyi  E 

CIIODS. 

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1 

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l«ll    9.441,1)01  tl0.461,71.'i 

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lMn\  ;t,is:i.-,,!i(w 

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.^vl•r.fJ,;,,vl,«i;l.»!,osJ,'.l^^»3,(r;a,Hl,■)l»•^.^l4.2)7_l»^.■i^l,^^.•l 

This  summary  view  of  fcrtuin  .irticles  of  export, 
shows  that  the  value  of  wheal  and  flour  sent  to  all 
Ibreivn  roumrics,  for  the  la,sl  fourteen  years,  will 
iiveragc  {;'>,233,000  a  yeir.  Uuring  the  same  pe- 
riod, our  I. f(-f  and  pork,  iiu'luding  all  the  avails  and 
prodint  (if  ciiUlc  and  .swiiic,  bavu  amoiililid  to 
S2,US0,()OO,  and  the  product  of  the  fisheries   to 

*  liicludtiig  butter,  cliecne,  hud,  bacon,  &r. 


■  Aver.l     ll44>'<ai  1   l.lHH.Ots  ;;istl,l.V, !      K!»l,711  |  .ViHSlB-i 

Here  wc  have  the  authm'ity  of  the  commercial 
(h.iument,  made  up  at  the  Treasury  Deparlnieiit, 

I  sliowiiig  the  direction  of  the  iradc  in  questiini.  And 
what  dors  il  prove'  Why, sir,  that  the  total  ave- 
rage of  the  export  of  wheal,  for  ibi'  last  fourteen 
yi  nrs,  is  5,505,000  bushels,  and  thai  the  average 
export  to  Great  Britain  is  only  944,0(10,  being 
about  oiir-,si,r/A  of  the  whole.  Our  trade  willi  Great 
I'ritain  in  this  arlicle  is  greatly  overrated.  For 
the  last  fourli:cii  years,  we  have  scut  to  l''.iiglan(I 
only  M  per  cent,  more  than  to  Ura/il;  and  for  iho 
last  three  years,  Brazil  has  taken  fiO  per  cent,  more 
tlinn  ICiigland.    Our  irade  wiili  Canada,  for  a  iiuin- 

'  bcr  of  yeais  puiil,  ha.;  been  greater  than  with  Eng- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


461 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Wlieat  Trade— Mr.  lludaon. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


Iftiid  itself.  For  the  lust  seven  yciirs,  we  have 
Bcnt  into  the  British  North  American  colonics 
J2,58G,900  Imshels;  and  to  Engliiiid,  at  the  same 
lime,  7,764,600  bushels;  showing  a  greater  demand 
in  Canada  than  in  England  by  62  per  cent.  I  am 
aware  that  it  will  be  said  llmt  most  of  the  wheat 
wliich  is  sent  into  Canada  finds  it3  way  into  Great 
Uriuiin.  I  admit  it;  and  shall  endeavor  to  show 
hereafter,  that,  in  this  indirect  trade,  we  now  en- 
joy a  sort  of  n)ono|ioly,  by  the  operation  of  the 
present  corn  laws  of  Cireat  Britain,  but  of  which 
we  should  be  deprived  by  a  repeal  of  those  laws. 
Thia  is,  in  fact,  the  point  to  vliich  I  wish  to  call 
attention— the  great  tiuesiion  t.T  the  committee  and 
the  country  to  consider. 

Bnt  let  us  now  inmiire  int  >  the  capacity  of  the 
Englisli  market.  What  an' junt  of  wheat,  of  for- 
eign growth,  does  she  cons  ime  annually .'  I  have 
compiled  the  following  table  from  the  parliament- 
ary reports  of  Great  Britain : 

^iiMunt  of  uhait  i.iul  uhcat  fl.mr,  in  tniiheU,  imparlrif  into 
UieiU  Bril.iiu, /./r  home  cmamitioii,  from  l<si»  (o  184J, 
iiicfu  ivr,  t:Miiifiiilims/'>rei^nJ'rom  voljimil.  


Year. 

FORBKIN. 

Colonial. 

Total. 

Bmke'a. 

iJu-.Ach. 

Biiihrh. 

ll«l 

Il,.'i04,7ti8 

liK,i-4l) 

ll,:V.d,r)Ot) 

1*0 

i;i,;«',;«i4  ' 

4M,47!! 

i:i,i-2a,77B 

i«;ii 

io,a-.a,a..2 

l.lOlj'itW 

I'j.avi.aa.) 

If.-H 

l,)io,nw 

l,.Vil,l«0 

a,Uli2.IHII 

ifait 

Ui,H}a 

lifll,W8 

liva.aM 

IKH 

'j,:i-2 1 

.'ii7,4ra 

.IliVW 

JK)-) 

iJliU 

ai?,440 

2*^,41.0 

lr':«i 

(<,.ij() 

3.iJ,4!K) 

a4ll,8.Tt« 

|p:i7 

1,0*1.178 

'^d;i,ooo 

1,9;  a,  178 

IHIti 

ii,;,.T(i,'a4 

ax, 178 

14,-87 ,1^00 

IK!) 

3j,.-il«,«4J 

101. 9.« 

ai,69:),784 

IWO 

lt<,3UI,()9fi 

9iu,a9j 

ia,aji,ie8 

ma 

ia,io.'-.,-'(i4 

9,I)7(1,HUH 

2i,ifa.o;2 

iwa 

a',->(.95ia 

l,7M,fi4S 

2;i,9i7,ir>o 

iwa 

7,.-|Hi,4;2 

i.ftkt.Dia 

9,.i4.),;i<:4 

lAv.TilKO 

!),4m,."il8 

7(«,811 

I0.9fi4,t9.> 

a  late  English  writer,  says  that,  by  the  introduc- 
tion of  a  new  machine  for  sowin,:  wheat,  which 
distributes  the  grain  equally  over  the  whole  sur- 
face of  the  ground,  they  have  found  that  a  less 
quantity  of  seed  will  answ.r  equally  well;  and  that 
this  improvement  alone  will  save  to  the  United 
Kingdom  five  or  six  millions  of  bushels,  and  thus 
supply  at  least  one-third  of  her  deficiency.     Under 
these  circumstances,  it  is  not  probable  lliat  her  de- 
mand for  foreign  grain  will  materially  increase. 
Her  own  supply  will  increase  with  her  demand,  n 
The  means  of  the  muss  of  her  people  are  limited;  ! 
and  w  J  caniiot  expect  that,  under  any  circumston-  1 
ces,  she  will  take  a  quantity  of  foreign  grain  much,  j! 
if  ony ,  larger  than  sne  docs  at  present.  | 

But  suppose  thol  her  demand  increases,  where  i 
will  she  obtain  her  supply  ?  Where  has  she  ob-  ; 
tained  it  in  years  past.'  In  1841,  '42,  and  '43, 
when  she  made  her  largest  importations,  avemging  i 
18,300,000  bushels,  or  about  64,000,000  for  the  ; 
three  years,  her  supply  was  obtained  tVom  the  fol- 
lowing nations,  in  the  following  proportion 


St.  Petersburg  1,. 540,000 

Liebau 240,000 

Warsaw 3,400,000 

Odessa 1,200,000 

Stockholm  . . .        8,000 

Danlzic 2„52O,O0O 

Konigsberg...    520,000 


Biuhela. 

Stettin 2,000,000 

Mcmel 47,712 

Hamburg 4,304,000 

Elsinore 1,400,000 

Palermo 1,600,000 


17,779,712 


From  these  twelve  ports  it  appears  that  a  supply  of 
17,779,700  bushelaol  wheat  could  be  obtained  annu- 
ally; and  it  further  appears  that  7,298,000  bushels 
of  rye,  6,820,500  bushels  of  barley,  and  6,445,700 
bnshels  of  oats,  could  be  supplied.  In  this  list  is 
not  included  Riga,  Rotterdam,  Antwerp,  and  sev- 
eral other  important  ports  for  the  corn  trade.  In 
answer  to  the  inquiry,  whether  the  quantity  could 
be  increased  if  there  were  a  steady  demand  in 
Great  Britain,  the  consul  at  St.  Petersburg  says: 
"  There  are  exlema-e  (rac/.i  of  land  in  the  provinces 
'  that  now  supply  St.  Petcrsbnrg,  which  would  no 
'  ((oiidl  be  brought  into  cultivation  were  a  steady 
'  and  certain  market  for  wheat  opened  in  this  place. 


ImpnUMonof  uhe.U  in'o  Great  Brituinfrom  the  pri,mp.U  ]'.  [  J"  y^."J:^°f.,".''""'Jf ",■=•=  ^^^  quantity  which  could 
U'he,  t  cjuiiiii      " ""  '" "  *  **  * 


Idespr  1841, 184!,  ,md  1843,  in  ImhcU,  together 
u  ith  the  sum  total  J'totn  euch  cOHntrij.  j 


Countries, 

lfc'41. 

1842. 

18.13.       Total. 

Kiis-in 

49H,ai5'l,t.24,688 

209,;if>l<!  2,.';!2.951 

Di-iiiniirk 

1, 91.1,271)    On.O.'iti 

X:i,-M^l  3.098,183 

l*rus>iH 

7,134,41)1)5,938,065 

■i,311,00(l,18,38;i,4t).) 

(iirri.u'iy 

.■i.29.-,,'i74'l,li2;,179  l.W^mi   7,949,070 

Iliilliuid 

Hl.-|.9;l4'      73,9;9 

,    (1,8«4;      89«,,''iU7 

Fraiici' 

l,W:i,9:i24,niB,IO() 

29,24,- 

,'),Hf9Ai() 

Inly  ami  Isliinil 

UtJl,liO(l4,h78,597 

a4,S4U 

5,805,037 

N<irUl  Americun  Cnl 

nnicH 

a,3:i3,3.VI  3,729,09(1 

9,';90,.WI 

B.aW,.';48 

Uliitrd  SIQton 

1,107,840  1,19.-1,873 

749.B01 

3,0.1.3,278 

All  (itlicr  couiitriua.. 

866,8ri9:l,816,340 

272,407 

2,95.'i,BU8 

I  Here,  sir,  we  have  a  view  of  the  demand  and 
!  supply  of  the  English  market  for  three  successive 
i  years.  And  does  it  appear  that  that  market  is  to 
I  be  regarded  as  ours?  And  is  the  United  States 
I  the  only  country  on  which  Great  Britain  is  to 
I  depend  for  her  breadsliitl's .'  A  glance  at  this 
j  table  will  show  at  once  that  our  supply,  when 
i  compared  wiih  that  of  the  continent,  dwindles 
'  almost  to  insignificance.     Russia  supplies  nearly 


Here,  it  will  be  seen  that,  for  the  lust  fifteen 
years,  the  average  import  into  Great  Britain  is 
10,904,896  bushels.  It  will  also  be  seen,  by  an 
inspection  of  the  table,  that  her  demand  1ms  been 

ixieedingly    variable,   ranging    from   228,400  to      

23,917,100  bushels.  Nor  is  this  all.  In  1835and  jl  „s  much  as  tlie  United  States;  Denr.iark  a  trifle 
18116,  she  actually  exporterl  a  large  amount  to  this  jj  move;  Prussia  more  than  six  times  as  much;  Ger- 
niid  other  countries.     In  price,  too,  thei«  has  been  ;|  niany  and  Holland  nearly  three  times  us  much; 


a  great  flucumlion.     In  1835,  the  averoge  price  of  n 
wliiNit  in  Great  Britain  whs  #107,  and  in   1839,  '.\ 
#1  92  per  bushel.     But  not  to   rely  upon  single  '■' 
years.     In  1829,  '30,  and  '31,  she  imported  on  un  '; 
average,  12,4b2,700  Ijuslicls;  in  1834,  '35,  and  '36,  '' 
an  aviiuge  of  oiilv  ."^9,900  bu.sliels;  and,  in  1840, 
'4 1 ,  and  '42,  an  average  of  21 ,434,000.     From  this  ; 
vic'W  of  the  subject,  it  will  be  seen  that  but  little  ; 
dependence  can  Ije  placed  upon  that  market.     At  ' 
one  lime  she  requires  a  "onsiderable  supply  of  for- 1 
eigii  giain;  at  aiioiker  she  raises  more  than  she 
consumes.     In  1836,  '.'(7,  and  '3H,Khe  sujiplied  us  ' 
with  an  uveiege  of  445,403  bushels  a  year,  diiect; 
and  wc  obtuiiied  nearly  half  us  nnuh  more  frmn  ' 
her  (.'umuiinn  possd^su'iis.     Tlie  dcniuiid  of  the  ' 
ICiiglish  niurkel  is  no'   only  fluctuathig,  bnt,  os  a  | 
f;cncial   truth,   we  muy  say   that  her  supply  at 
home   is  gaining   upon  her  dianand,  ruilier  than  i 
otherwise.     In   18:;9,  ','iO,  and  '31,  wilh  u  popula-  [ 
;ion  of  aliout  2,'),0l)0,l)(IU,  she   eonsmned,  us  we 
have  already  seen,  un  uvcrage  of  12,4S2,700  bush- 
els;  uiid,   ill    1«43,    with  a   populuiiun    of  about 
27,0U0,mill,   she   tonsunicd   'J,,'>40,300  bushels  of 
fiMi'i^ii  wliiat. 

TiHike,  on  expcrienciil  D'.ngli.-ih  wiilor,  informs 
IIS  tluil,  liom  l»:i2  to  l!-:i8,  ihe  crops  in  Great  Bnt- 
Kill  and  licland  were  so  uimmlam,  lliut  wheal  was 
lid  out  to  citlle,  sheep,  un  '  sunie,  uiiil  even  usi  d 
fc.r  distillulion.  This  iii>  icid  the  lunmr  to  .'^ow 
less;  uml,  liir  .■;i'Vciol  succeeding  yi  ais,  the  winters 
weii^  uiiluvoruljle  lor  (he  crops,  und  the  si.usdii  of 
hurvesi  wus  unpropiiimis,  so  as  to  incieusu  tlicde- 
iiiuiul  for  fcrci^n  giuni.  Kvery  man  ucquuiiued 
Willi  I'liiglisli  u;;riculluii-  know.-*  liial  u:real  iinpn.ve- 
niihls  ure  coiisluiilly  taking  place  in  her  iiiudc  of 
cullivulioii.  liogs  and  swanipsuiv  Uiiigrecluiincd, 
bunvn  bill-sidis  are  belli;;  coiivertcil  nuo  IVullliil 
liehls,  and  her  waste  places  ore  being  iiiude  to  blos- 
som iiki^  llie  rosi'.  .She  lius  also  mlo|iled  an  im- 
proved mode  of  .seeding.  Until  cpiile  reii  inly,  llie 
wheat  i;rn\vers  were  ill  (he  hubit  of  sowing  ulinut 
three  bushels  of  ijiuiii  to  the  acre.    But  llrunimoiid, 


France  and  Italy  each  nearly  twice  us  much;  and 
the  British  North  American  colonies  more  than 
twice  as  much  as  this  boasted  granary  of  the 
world.  To  show  the  relative  importance  of  our 
trad'T  to  Great  Britain,  it  is  barely  necessary  to 
say  that,  of  every  hundred  bushels  sent  to  the 
English  market,  we  supjdy  only  five. 

We  have  seen  that  the  importations  of  wheat 
into  Great  Britain  have  been  exccediiiirly  fluctua- 
ting, ranging  from  2^8,000  to  23,917,000  bushels. 


'  be  exported  would  be  three  times  as  great  as  is 
'stated  in  the  table."  From  Riga  the  consul 
writes:  "  When  the  foreign  demand  is  very  urgent 
'the  distant  provinces  of  Smolensk,  Kaluga,  and 
'  Orel,  send  suppli*  to  Riga.  The  principal  wheat 
'  districts  are  too  remote  from  the  pons  to  enable 
'  the  farmers  to  get  their  crops  to  the  market  siif- 
'  ficienlly  early  for exporU\lion  thesameyear;  and, 
'  therefore,  they  cannot  profit  so  decidedly  by  the 
'  occurrence  of  a  bad  harvest  in  England  as  ihose 
'  in  the  neighborhood  of  some  other  of  the  Baltic 
•ports."  From  JNlemel.the  rejily  is:  "  In  four  or 
'  five  years  about  a  fourth  more  of  grain  will  bo 
'  cultivated. "  From  Warsaw,  the  answer  is,  "that 
'  the  quantity  of  wheat  grown  in  Poland  has  in- 
'  creased  considerably  for  the  l.ist  six  years,  and 
'  the  production  might  no  doubt  be  further  prad- 
'  uidly  increased  if  there  were  a  steady  demand  for 
'  foreign  corn  in  England."  The  consul  from  El- 
sinore reports  as  follows:  "  In  caseof  a  steady  and 
'  regular  demand  in  England  for  foreign  corn,  the 
'  quantity  produced  in  Denmark  would,  without 
'  (litliculty,  and  in  a  short  space  of  time,  be  maltri- 
'  ally  increascil." 

1  bus  it  appears  that  ;hc  nations  upon  the  Baltic 
can,  in  addition  to  the  seventeen  or  eighteen  mil- 
lions of  bushels  of  wheat  set  down  in  the  table, 
contribute  a  still  further  supply.  One  of  llie  great 
difficulties  under  which  the  north  of  Europe  has 
labored,  is  the  want  of  communicalion  wilh  the 
Bailie.  The  consuls,  in  their  statements,  frequently 
allude  to  the  fact  that  large  .sections  of  wheat  lands 
in  the  interior  are  neglecied,  for  the  want  of  cheap 
nrd  ready  communication  with  the  seaports.  liut 
this  dilKculty  is  fast  being  removed.  I'he  numer- 
ous plans  for  railroads,  which  have  been  adopted 
in  Russia,  Germany,  and  all  the  northern  end  inte- 
ior  States,  will    bring   large  quaiililies  of  wheat 


A  tuir  estimate  of  the  English  demand,  for  a  term 

of  years  to  come,  may,  I  think,  be  put  down  at     lands  into  ciillivolion,  and  so  eimlile  tlicni  to  supply 

15,01)0,000  bushels  aiimially.     And  where  will  she     a  still  larger  amount  of  grain,  should  the  Englisli 


obtain  her  supply?  From  the  United  Slates?  Why 
have  they  not  supplied  lliat  market  in  years  past? 
Will  it  be  said  that  llie  corn  hxws  have  operated 
ucainst  us?  But  Ihose  l.iws  have  bce.i  i;eneral  in 
their  operation.  Why  have  not  these  lestriclions 
operated  against  the  nations  on  the  ci>iiliiieiu?  The 
thirty-three  millions  of  bushels  brought  fiom  the 
norlli,  during  the  i'  ree  years,  and  the  twelve  mil- 
lions I'roni  the  soul  if  Europe,  have  been  subjeclrd 
to  the  some  duty  as  the  three  millions  from  the 
United  Slates.  And  if  lliey  can  siqiply  more  than 
nine-tenlhs  of  the  wheat  under  the  present  law, 
they  can  do  the  some  under  a  less  restricted  dis- 
jiensatioii,  or  a  system  of  perfect  free  t^ide, 

I  .SUV,  sir,  for  years  to  come  wc  nioy  luirly  esti- 
mate tlie  denioiuf  in  Great  Ibilnin  at  15,(1(10,000  of 
bushels  annually;  and,  iuilu:ing  from  (he  post,  we 
may  say  that  the  Unilcil  Slates  will  supply  1,000,- 
000,  and  the  c.intiiu-nt  the  other  14,000,0(10.  And 
llieie  can  he  no  doubt  but  thai  llie  continent  can 
I'lniiish  that  supply,  and  even  in.'re  if  ii  were  re- 
ipured.  in  1840  the  Hritisb  Guveninicnt  called 
upon  their  consuls,  at  some  of  the  principal  marts 
(if  (he  corn  trade,  to  inform  them  what  amount  of 
gr.iiii  could  be  sent  to  (he  English  niurkel  ill  case 
llic  Kiiglish  duty  wire  reduced  to  a  nominal  sum. 
The  sub^tai.ce  of  their  replies  will  be  seen  in  the 
following  loble,  siibiuiited,  with  their  report,  to 
Parliament,  in  1841: 


market  require  it. 

It  also  appears,  by  returns  made  tij  Pnrliament, 
that  the  English  East  India  jiossessio,  supply  a 
portion  of  her  brcndslufl'.  In  1842  they  sent  to 
Eiidaild  170,000  bushels  of  wheat,  and,  as  ihe  bu- 
siness intercourse  increases,  the  supplies  will  iii- 
I  crease. 

From  this  .glance  at  the  subject,  it  appears  that 
the  whole  demand  of  the  English  market  could  be 
supplied,  and  ni.n-e  than  supplied,  from  the  eastern 
coiuincnt.  If  the  United  .Stales  sliould  withhold 
every  bushel,  there  would,  in  ordinary  coses,  he  no 
luck  of  groin  for  ilie  I'.nglisli  market.'  lint  we  are 
told  that  the  repeal  of  the  English  corn  l.iws  would 
increase  the  coiisiiinpiion,onil  liencealorscrquon- 
(ilV  would  be  required  in  that  iiinrkct.  As  a  gen- 
eral rule,  a  reduction  of  price  will  incroose  ihe  con- 
.siiinptimi  of  an  orticle,  and  this  principle  will  ap- 
ply to  the  subject  before  us,  as  well  as  to  any 
other.  But  s(ill  (hcreorecauses  which  will,  in  my 
esiiinalion,  tend  to  counteract  this  efl'eci.  If  the 
price  of  wheat  is  reduced  in  Great  Britain,  as  her 
dependence  is  mainly  upon  her  own  crops,  it  will 
tend  to  reduce  the  price  of  labor,  and  hence  dimin- 
ish the  ability  of  the  loboriiig  classes  to  purchase. 
This  may  operate  to  the  full  amount  of  the  rediic. 
tioii,  and  so  jirevent  any  increased  consumption. 
.\nything  which  promotes  general  prosperity  will 
iuci-easu  the  ability  of  the  people  to  purchase,  and 


^W- 


463 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  26, 


29th  Cono 1st  Bess. 


Wheat  Trade— Mr.  Hudson. 


Ho.  or.  Reps. 


whatever  paralyzes  business  neceiuarily  produces 
a  (liininished  consumption.  Tlic  price  of  wheat 
depends  upon  many  causes  other  than  the  opera- 
tion of  enactments.  In  1842  Sir  Robert  Peel  adopt- 
ed an  important  change  in  the  corn  laws  of  the 
Kingdom,  a  ehanse  by  which  the  duties  were  re- 
dui-ed  one-half.  This  law  took  effect  in  April, 
1H43,  and  yet,  in  the  first  entire  year  after  this 
change  had  taken  place,  viz.  in  1843,  the  imimrt  of 
wheat  fell  off  more  than  ontvlialf,  the  im|>ort  of 
1843  being  only  9,540,000  bushels,  while  the  aver- 
age importation  for  the  three  years  preceding  this 
change  of  the  law  was  SO,69i2,00O  bushels.  I  do 
not  suppose  that  this  falling  off  in  1843  was  pro- 
duced Dy  the  reduction  of  duties,  but  this  example 
clearly  shows  that  the  quantity  of  foreign  grain 
consumed  in  Great  Britain  is  controlled  by  laws 
more  ctfio.ient  than  the  corn  laws.  Judging  ft'iim 
this  experiment,  we  have  no  reason  to  believe  that 
the  opening  of  her  porta  would  have  any  considcr- 
p'^le  effect  upon  the  demand  for  foreign  grain. 

I  have,  I  trust,  clearly  shown  tiiot  the  caHtern 
continent  has  the  physical  ability  of  supplying  the 
English  market  with  breadstuff.   And  what  is  ilieir 
financial  ability?    Can  the  nations  upon  the  Uallic 
afford  their  grain  in  the  English  market  us  low  us 
the  United  Slates?    This  is  the  great  question  to  i| 
lie  derided,     I  have  taken  pains  to  satisfy  myself  | 
upon  this  subject,  and  I  have  come  to  the  coi'iclu    | 
aion  that  they  can  undersell  us  in  that  market.    In  1 
the  first  place,  we  see  that  they  do  so  at  present, 
when  the  corn  laws  operate  e(|ually  upon  them  and  ; 
upon  us.     So  long  as  the  lttW8,are  equally  applicn-  j 
ble  to  them  and  us,  it  matters  not  whether  the  duty 
is  high  or  low,  or  whether  there  is  any  duty  at  all.  j 
I  say  that  they  undersell  us  now,  as  appears  by  ; 
the  fact  that  they  supply  t'ourtcen  tiuien  as  much  as  ; 
the  United  States. 

The   following  table  will   show   the   prices  nf  j 
wheat  per  bushel  in  the  principal  marts  of  trade  on 
the  continent,  fh)m  1830  to  1843,  inclusive:  j' 


Yean. 

Dtintzic, 

Hamburg. 

Wmrfflr- 
(Jwm. 

Jlnlirerji. 

airita. 

1830 

A)  .07 

IM 

l.ia 

9.-1 

68 

14,11 

1.18 

1.19 

1 .  l.-> 

1.07 

71 

ISH 

on 

'.W 

1.10 

BO 

69 

IKCI 

M 

70 

H» 

.'v-i 

61 

1834 

70 

67 

66 

M 

77 

IKlo 

61 

6j 

76 

CR 

.^7 

!».! 

70 

79 

76 

70 

:a 

18.17 

7.1 

76 

(<1 

U9 

.Ml 

1*18 

94 

79 

l.*P 

I.4f 

6.1 

irsa 

Uii 

1.1". 

1..CI 

1..17 

79 

IMU 

1.(17 

l.UO 

1.11 

1.48 

71 

IMl 

1 .31 

'.:!' 

1.119 

1.4,-. 

71 

IKH 

1.10 

1.11 

1.11 

«.-| 

6.'. 

iMt 

7o 

ttj 

78 

76 

48 

Avenue 

ill 

Ull 

99 

OK 

(14 

Here  we  have  the  prices  of  wheat,  nt  five  great  ! 

marts  of  the  wheat  trade,  for  fourteen  V(  ars,  sliow- 

ing  a  general  avcruire  of  eighly-cigiit  cents  per 

bushel. 
TIk,   prices  nt  our  seaports,  during   the  same 

period,  run  n.s  follows: 

lnl!<:«) Sl.l.'i    In  l*;ii .•1.19     In  1-40...  ..ji. HI 

IMI 1.18  Ift'U 1.41  1^*11 1. 11.1 

IKH l.l.-.  1M7 l.KI  Ix-W 1. 10 

IKCI 1.11  l.H.')^ \.M  1843 1.0(1 

ls:n I. OH  XfM 1.4ii 

The  generni  nvoragc  of  the  nforennnicd  prices  is 
ftl  2.5;  being  37  (■eiil.t  more  lliiin  the  avirngc  per 
Imslicl  at  llii^  nforenieiilionid  porl.s  on  the  I'Imk 
.Sea  and  lialtic.  This  shows  dc'nioMstnilivily, 
tliiil,  in  the  first  cost  of  the  grain,  wi;  arc  ncji  nlilr 
to  r.ome  into  fiir  compi  lilinn  wilh  our  lraii;i.All.in- 
tic  wliiiil  growers.  And  how  is  it  with  refi niiii. 
to  freight?  ny  (ifHi'i;d  docunienls  laid  bcforf  I'nr- 
liaiiient,  it  appears  that  the  fieight  on  the  higlwsl 
culculalion  cannot  exceed, on  an  avirage,  13  n  nis 
per  liusliil.  liy  the  report  of  llie  lion.  Mr.  l'',lls- 
worih,  Coiimiissioner  of  Pnleiils,  laid  before  (Jim- 
;;reHS  in  1H43,  where  he  examines  this  Kulijecl 
SDinewhal  niiimlelv,  it  appears  lliiit  llie  nvi  niL'c 
friight  from  New  York  to  Liverpool  is  3.1  or  3(i 
i-ents  per  owt.  We  raiinot  cstiiiiale  wheal  nt  Uss 
tliiiii  .'iO  pounds  per  liKslicI;  and  lii-ncc  the  friiglil 
most  nniount  to  17  or  \H  ceiiis  per  l.uslir  I.  The 
dilTiri!nce  in  the  freight  and  first  cost  would  niiiki^ 
II  lialaiice  ngainsi  us  of  41  i-eiil.-i  |H'r  bushel,  Ijm 
us  the  year  1837  wn.s  one  of  uncomnioiily  high 
prills  ill  this  counlry,  I  will  iiniit  that  yiar  in  my 
csliniate,  whirli  will  ndtier  this  liuluuce  down  to 


abi  Jt  36  cents;  and  from  this  I  will  deduct,  for  the 
difference  of  exchange,  10  cents,  which  will  bring 
the  difference  down  to  S6  cents  per  bushel. 

The  Rnglish  consul,  writing  Irom  Odessa, at  the 
close  of  1843,  says: 

o  Unilfr  present  clrcuinsfniices,  extrnnrdlnnry  low  freiiilit 
mill  fhvnriililn  exelmnfle,  a  shipment  oriho  best  whent  rniiM 
now  III'  niuile  Biiil  delivered  in  Enfflnnd  on  the  rullowiiiK 
terms,  vir.  i 

First  rost QSf.  6ii.  per  nimrtnr. 

I'hjirseorinHding 9    .'i    piTciunrtrr. 

Krcluhl 8    7    ptTqunrtiT. 

Insurniire  and  tltctnmiio  in  Englaiiil  4    0    per  quarter. 

Tntnl 35    6    per  quarter." 

This,  reduced  to  our  currency,  would  amount  to 
97  cents  per  bushel  delivered  in  England.    And  in 
1843  there  was  a  still  further  reduction;  so  that  n 
wheat  from  the  Baltic  could  be  delivered  in  Eng-  ! 
land  without  duty  nt  87  cents,  and  from  the  Black  ! 
Sen  at  78  or  80  cents  per  bushel — a  price  much 
less  than  our  wheat  could  be  purchased  at  in  our  j 
own  ports.  j 

This,  as  it  appears  to  me,  is  a  just  and  fair  view  j| 
of  the  subject.  Bi:t  it  may  be  s,iid  that  T  have  ;; 
proved  too  much.  And  if  the  argument  be  sound,  ;' 
we  cannot  send  any  grain  to  Great  Britain.  But  ii 
every  practical  man  knows  that,  between  two  great  [ ; 
commercial  nations,  an  article  will  be  exported  \\ 
from  one  to  the  other,  when  the  prices  in  the  two  !! 
countries  seem  to  forbid.  The  wlieat  that  we  have  j  I 
sent  dir-ct  to  Great  Britain  is,  to  a  considerable  ;; 
extent,  the  result  of  accidenlal  causes.  A  mer-  |! 
chant  is  indebted  abroad,  and  must  send  forth  ; 
something  to  discharge  his  debt;  and,  not  being 
able  to  meet  the  demand  in  specie,  he  sends  for-  ' 
ward  a  quantity  of  flour.  Or,  a  vessel  is  going  '. 
out  without  a  fiill  cargo,  and  will  take  grain  for  a  ; 
mere  trifle.  Or,  a  speculator  has  a  large  amount 
of  flour  on  hand,  bought,  perhaps,  on  six  months, 
and  is  obliged  to  send  it  out  at  a  sacrifice.  Our  ; 
grain  goes  to  England  mainly  in  the  shape  of  flour,  i 
liy  whieh  a  saving  of  10  or  1.5  per  cent,  over  the  j 
export  of  wheat  is'realized.  These  are  the  cjiuses,  [ 
luore  than  anything  else,  which  enable  us  to  sup-  \\ 
ply  the  Englisli  market  to  the  small  extent  we  now  ^  I 
do.  Ask  our  merchants  who  have  had  experience  ji 
in  this  trade,  and  they  will  generally  tell  you  that  |! 
it  is  a  precarious  business,  and  one  in  which  much 
more  has  been  lost  than  made. 

But  gentlemen  seem  to  suppose  thot  the  repeal 
of  the  corn  laws  will  give  a  new  impulse  to  this 
trade.  But  how  is  this?  On  what  principle,  I  dc- 
niniiil,  do  they  base  their  calculations?  If  these 
laws  are  modiiied  or  repealed,  it  will  be  done  by  a 
general  law,  applicable  alike  to  all  nations.  The 
present  law  imposes  no  more  dmy  upon  wheat 
from  the  United  Stales  than  noon  wheat  from  'he 
Bailie.  Siippo.<ie  those  duties  lie  reduced  one-half, 
or  niiiiiilled  entirely,  the  north  of  Europe  will  en- 
joy all  llie  advanlagea  of  these  changes  as -well  ns 
we.  The  soniTiiy  of  grain  in  Europe,  the  partial 
failiin'  of  the  wheat  crop,  and  the  disease  among 
the  piitaloes,  enable  us  at  the  present  time  to  send 
forlh  an  unusual  (luaiitity.  But  il  is  unsafe  to  re.i- 
son  from  a  single  year.  In  1S37,  as  we  have 
aliiady  seen,  we  imported  4,001), 000  bushels  of 
wheat  iiilo  the  Uiiiled  States;  and,  were  we  to  rea- 
son from  that  year,  wc  should  be  compelled  to 
admit  lliat  we  could  not  misc  our  own  breadstuff. 
If  we  would  reason  correctly  on  subjects  such  ns 
this,  wc  must  take  a  succession  of  yearf  into  the 
mcoiint.  And  if  we  do  this,  wc  shall,  I  think,  at 
at  once  perceive  that  a  modification  of  the  Englisli 
corn  laws  would  not  benefit  us  at  nil. 

Wc  have  l-.iu  w  praclicnl  illustration  of  this  prin- 
cipli'.  As  I  have  before  said,  the  inndification  of 
liie  Eii^rlis,'^  corn  laws  in  IH4'Jdid  not  increase  the 
demand  fur  grain  in  Great  lirilnin;  on  the  contra- 
ry, in  the  I'rsl  entire  year  after  llie  reduction,  the 
imporlaiion  liilo  Great  Itrilain  fell  off  more  than 
one-linlf,  ;\iiil  how  was  it  wilh  our  export  to  that 
lunrkel  ?  The  reduction  in  1(^42  was  about  equal 
to  :lie  whole  of  the  present  duty:  and  Sir  Bohert 
IVel  docs  not  propose  to  lake  olf  all  the  duty  at 
present.  If  the  proposed  reduction  is  to  operate 
so  niucli  in  our  favor,  we  may  expect  to  find  that 
llie  grinlcr  rediiclioii  in  1842  proved  a  great  bless- 
ing to  llie  llniied  States.  And  how  was  it  with 
ihal  nioilifienlioii? 

I  will  tell  you,  Mr.  Chairman.  The  reduction 
took  place  ill  April,  1H4'J,  anil,  falling  in  the  midst 
of  III!' ciininii^rcial  year,  I  have  no  means  of  de- 


termining its  effect  upon  our  exports  for  that  year. 
I  will,  therefore,  throw  that  year  out  of  the  account, 
and  take  the  two  years  preceding,  and  the  two  suc- 
ceeding, 1843.  In  the  two  preceding, viz.:  1840 and 
1841,  we  exported  to  Great  Britain  an  average  of 
2,.300,000  bushels  a  year;  but  in  the  two  succeed- 
ing, viz.  1843  and  1844,  we  exported  only  an  av- 
erage of  464,800  bushels  a  year.  But,  sir,  as  I 
wish  to  do  perfect  justice  to  tlie  subject,  I  readily 
admit  that,  by  a  change  in  our  commercial  year, 
the  year  1843  consisted  of  only  nine  months.  I 
wish,  therefore,  to  add  to  it  another  quarter,  so  as 
to  make  il  of  the  usual  length.  But  if  we  add  one- 
third  to  the  imports  of  that  year,  so  ns  to  make  up 
four  quarters,  or  twelve  months,  wc  shall  have 
even  then  an  average  for  the  two  years  of  only 
476,700  buslicls  a  year,  which  is  in  fact  less  than 
one-fifth  of  the  average  export  of  the  two  years 
preceding  the  modification  of  the  English  corn 
laws.  I  am  not  superficial  enough  to  ascribe  this 
falling  off  of  our  export  of  wheat  to  the  reduction 
of  the  British  duties;  but  the  case  before  us  shows 
incontestably  that  our  wheat  trade  wilh  England 
is  governed  by  laws  more  efficient,  more  control- 
ling, than  any  rate  of  duty.  Is  it  not,  then,  per- 
fectly preposterous  to  maintain,  that  the  partial  re- 
duction, or  prospective  repeal  of  the  British  duty 
upon  wheat,  will  of  necessity  enable  us  to  send 
more  of  our  breadstuff  to  llinl  kingdom  ? 

But,  sir,  though  no  intelligent  gentleman  can,  I 
think,  see  any  just  cause  for  believing  that  wo 
shall  gain  materially  in  the  direct  trade,  it  must  be 
perfectly  obvious  that  we  shall  lose  in  an  indirect 
trade  with  Great  Britain.  Our  best,  and  in  fact 
our  principal  trade  with  the  mother  country  in  the 
article  in  question,  has  been  through  Canncla.  For 
the  last  seven  years  we  have  sent  into  Canada 
13,586,893  bushels  of  wheat,  while  our  direct  trade 
to  England,  at  the  same  time,  has  amounted  to 
only  7,764,.588  bushels,  being  62  per  cent,  more  to 
Canada  than  to  England.  Or,  if  we  tttk(!  the  last 
three  years,  we  have  sent  into  Canada  6,335,607 
bushels,  and  into  England  2,097,598  bushels,  being 
more  than  three  times  as  much  into  Canada  as  into 
England.  Here  are  facts,  which  no  speculations 
can  bend — which  no  theories  can  annul. 

The  questions  which  now  present  themselves 
for  our  consideration  are  these:  Why  have  we 
sent  so  liljde  to  England  direct  ?  And  why  so  much 
to  England  tlirough  Canada  ?  The  answer  to  each 
of  these  questions  is  obviouf .  In  our  direct  trade 
we  come  in  competition  with  the  north  of  Europe ; 
and  the  low  price  of  labor  enables  them  to  under- 
sell us  in  the  English  market.  This  is  the  rea.soii; 
and  iho  only  satisfactfiry  reason,  why  our  direct 
trade  with  England  has  been  so  small.  And  the 
reason  why  we  have  sent  so  much  to  England 
through  Canada  is  equally  obvious.  Our  wheat 
which  goes  into  Canada  i.s,  after  being  manufac- 
tured into  flour,  admitted  into  Great  Britain  on 
the  colonial  duty,  which  is  much  less  than  her 
duty  on  wheat  or  flour  direct  from  this  counlry.  I 
have  examined  the  English  tables  of  actual  iluties 
paid  duringeaih  week  of  1813, and  I  find  the  mean 
differen.'c  between  the  duly  actually  paid  on  colo- 
nial and  foreign  wheat  to  be  14  shillings  the  quar- 
ter, or  33  cents  the  bushel.  All  the  wheat,  there- 
fore, which  wc  send  through  (Canada,  is  admitted 
into  the  English  market  on  terms  more  favorable, 
by  thirty-three  cents  a  bushel,  iliaii  the  wheat 
which  wc  send  direct.  From  lliis,  however,  we 
must  take  the  Canadian  duty  of  the  nvcroge  of  8 
cents  per  bushel,  which  reduces  the  sum  to  25 
cents. 

Now  this  advnnlng!  of  25  cents  per  bushel — 
Iliis  monopoly  of  the  colonial  trade  which  wo 
enjoy,  luid  of  wliioh  the  north  of  Eurojie  is  denri- 
veil,  is  wimt  etiables  us  to  send  more  there  tliaii 
two-thirds  oi  our  export  of  wheal  to  Great  Britain, 
But  repeal  lh«  corn  laws  of  England,  and  we  are 
deprived  of  this  monopoly,  and  arc  brought  directly 
into  eompetion  with  the  great  wlieiit-^rowiiig 
countries  on  the  Baltic,  where  the  agricultural 
laborers  can  be  obtained  for  from  eight  pence  to  u 
shilling  a  day,  and  board  iheniselves.  Are  the  iiide- 
peiiilenl  yeomanry  of  the  West  prepared  to  yield 
all  the  benefils  of  the  Canada  trade,  and  thus  lose 
two-thirds  of  the  market  which  they  now  enjoy  ? 
Are  they  willing  to  be  brought  into  competition 
with  the  dowii-trmhlen  Poles  and  serfs  of  Russia, 
and  so  be  compelled  to  labor  for  fifleen  or  twenty 
cents  per  day?    Would  devotion  to  parly,  or  the 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


46.1 


29th  Conq.  ...1st  Bess. 


Jflieat  Trade — Mr.  Hudson. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


Batiafaction  of  following  out  the  dcliiaive  theory  of 
free  trade,  reconcile  them  to  a  ccinditinn  ho  degra- 
ded F  If  they  |M)8Be8S  the  independent  miirit  of 
freemen — if  they  are  Americans — tlicy  will  spurn 
uuch  an  idea. 

But  Mr.  Secretary  Walker,  whose  devotion  to 
Britinh  interests  has  been  complimented  in  thai 
country  by  the  publication  of  his  report,  would 
have  us  understand  that  the  opening  of  the  Erilish 
ports  to  our  grain  would  be  a  ^real  blessing  to  tliis 
country.  But  on  what  principle  does  he  found  his 
theory?  Whut  facta  does  he  adduce  to  sustain  his 
position  ?  None  whatever.  He  asks  us  to  be- 
lieve, but  furnishes  us  with  no  evidence  to  sustain 
our  faith.  In  this  respect  he  deals  less  ftiirly  with 
us  than  Lord  Ashburlon  himself.  At  a  meeting  at 
Winchester,  .Taniiury  19,  1846,  Lord  Ashburlon, 
when  speaking  on  this  very  subject,  said  that 
"  proleclion  hud  existed  in  EnglanJ  from  the  days 
'  of  the  PlantagenetB,  whilst  the  whole  line  of  coun- 
'  try  opposite  in  us  on  the  continent — France,  Bel- 
'  gium, Holland, and  Prussia— indeed, alinosteverv 
'  country  in  the  world — monarchical  Europe  us  well 
'as  republican  America — hud  its  protective  laws 
'and  regulations."  "It  was  clear  that,  in  the 
'  event  of  a  recurrence  of  difficulties,  her  (Ameri- 
'  ea'a)  first  step  would  be  again  to  shut  her  ports 
'  against  us;  in  which  case  the  supply  from  Ame- 
'  rica  would  iindnubtcdly  full  us.  But  the  supply 
'  must  nut  be  expected /lOiii  .imerlca;  and  we  could 
'  not  have  a  belter  proof  of  this  than  the  fuel  that, 
'  at  thh  moment,  .Imerican  corn  could  come  herefrom 
'  Cmuitla  at  u  dulii  if  four  shillings;  and  yet,  if  the 
'  returns  icrrc  t.Tfimiiirrf,  it  would  be  found  that  nine- 
'  tenths  if  the  foreis^i  '  in  England  was  from  the 
'  Baltic,  though  the  dhi>j  on  com  from  its  shores  was 
'fifteen  shillings  a  quarter.  This  was  entirely  owing 
•  to  the  low  price  of  labor  in  the  north  of  Europe. " 

Here  Lord  Ashburton,  more  frank  than  the 
American  Secretary,  admits  that  the  United  Slates 
would  not  derive  any  benefit  from  the  proposed 
change  in  the  laws.  Speaking  on  tliis  subject  in 
ParliuiTient,  on  the  29th  of  January,  Lord  Ash- 
burlon said :  "The  British  farmer  must  not  have  his 
'  hands  lied  behind  him.  Did  he  meet  the  foreigner 
'  on  equal  terms  ?  The  farmer  on  the  shores  of  the 
'  Baltic  had  his  labor  at  sixpence  a  day  to  compete 
'  with  the  farmer  of  this  country,  (Englartd,)  with 
'  his  labor  at  two  shillings  a  day.  It  required  no 
'  skill  in  political  economy  to  discover  that  these 
'  two  parties  did  not  meet  on  equal  terms." 

These  remarks  in  Parliament  would  apjily  with 
additiimal  force  in  Congress.  If  the  Brili.sh  farmer, 
whose  labor  costs  him  two  shillings  a  day,  cunnol 
compete  with  the  farmer  on  the  Baltic,  who.'ic  labor 
co.sis  him  sixpence,  how  can  the  farmer  in  the 
United  States,  whose  labor  is  worth  four  shillings 
a  day,  compete  with  the  cheap  labor  on  the  Baltic' 
Lord  A.'fhburlon  wiuiis  the  jieoplc  of  England  of 
their  danger,  bnl  the  advocate  of  British  interests 
in  this  country  would  lead  us  blindly  into  tlie  very 
jaws  of  ibis  ruinous  competition. 

Bnl,  sir,  this  is  not  all.  The  very  policy  which 
would  destroy  the  mo.st  important  brunch  of  our 
wheat  lra<le,  viz:  that  through  Canada,  wotdd,  at 
the  same  time,  greatly  impair  our  market  at  home. 
The  beat  and  llie  siu'cat  mnrkel  for  the  wheat  grow- 
er is  found  in  the  maniiractiiring  districis  in  our 
country.  This  home  market  is  near  at  band;  is 
not  disturbed  by  ruinous  foreign  competition;  is 
not  subject  to  tliiil  lluctuution  wliich  has  ever  chur- 
aclcrized  the  British  market;  and  is,  in  liici,  the 
principal  market  for  our  breadstuH".  With  our  pres- 
ent protective  policy,  this  market  is  constantly  in- 
creasing. Sir  Uobeit  Peel  has  justly  said,  that  the 
revenue  and  the  ilenumd,  and  the  prices  of  labor  and 
all  commo<lities,  seemed  to  depend  upon  the  gen- 
eral prosperity  of  the  country,  more  than  upon  any 
pnrlicnlar  legislation.  Our  present  policy  tends  to 
produce  thai  general  prospi'rity,  and  so  creates  a 
ili'mand  for  the  agricullurai  products  of  the  United 
Slates.  The  demand  fir  wheal  in  this  country  is 
cunslanlly  ini'reasiiig.  Thousands  who,  ten  years 
ago,  made  rveand  Indian  corn  their  princi]iid  bread- 
sUilV,  now  consume  a  large  quantity  of  wheat.  The 
Stale  of  Massachnai'tts  alone  consumes  about  three 
limes  as  niui^li  wheat,  the  growth  of  other  States, 
as  we  semi  to  England  direct,  and  the  New  Eng- 
land Stales  more  than  our  enthc  export  to  all  for- 
eign counlries. 

Lest  this  position  slwuild  be  thought  extravagant, 
let  me  present,  in  as  brief  n  manner  us  I  may,  some 


of  the  fiicta  on  which  thi»calculation  is  based.  The 
present  population  of  Massachusetts  may  safely  be 
eslinmlcd  at  815,000.  More  than  half  of  our  en- 
tire population  are  engaged  in  other  callings  thaii 
agriculture;  and  to  those  lima  employed  1  give  one 
barrel  of  flour,  or  five  bushels  of  wheal,  per  head. 
This  ealimato  cannot  be  considered  extravagant. 
Those  eng  iTcd  directly  or  indirectly  in  manufac- 
tures and  ine  mechanic  arts,  in  trade  and  commerce 
in  all  ita  varieties,  in  navigation  in  all  its  forms,  in 
the  fisheries  of  all  kinds,  and  those  employed  in  the 
learned  professions  and  as  teachers— these,  with 
their  familiea  and  dependants,  would  constitute  at 
least  420,000  of  our  population,  and  would  consume 
a  barrel  of  flour  per  head.  The  other  395,000,  em- 
ployed in  agriculture,  may  be  assumed  to  consume 
a  half  barrel  per  head ,  which  will  give  197,000  bar- 
rels— making  a  total  of  G17,000  barrels  of  flour. 
Flour  is  also  used  in  considerable  quantities  in 
manufactures.  There  is  used  in  Lowell  alone,  for 
starch  and  sizing,  at  least  4,000  barrels  ammallvi 
whicii  may  be  considered  as  one-fourth  of  the 
amount  consumed  in  the  State.  The  quantity  thus 
consumed,  when  added  to  that  used  as  breadatuff, 
would  make  the  entire  consumption  633,000  bar- 
rels, or  3,165,000  bushels.  This  estimate  is  fully 
sustained  by  the  imports  into  the  State.  There 
waa  brought  into  Boston,  in  1845,  730,138  barrels 
of  flour;  and  although  one-half  of  thia  may  have 
been  re-shipped,  or  sent  to  Maine  and  New  Hamp- 
shire, the  flour  brought  into  Salem,  New  Bedford, 
Fall  River,  and  other  smaller  ports,  and  by  the 
several  railroads,  will  make  up  the  deficiency.  The 
railroad  from  Albany  to  Boston,  in  1844,  distribu- 
ted within  the  interior  of  the  State,  of  flour  brought 
from  Albany,  144,754  barrels.  There  was  also 
brought  into  Boston,  from  other  States,  in  1845, 
2,371,406  bushels  of  Indian  corn,  548,583  bushels 
of  oats,  24,184  bushels  of  rye,  and  65,530  bushels 
of  shorts.  Nearly  the  whole  of  this  was  consumed 
in  the  Stt\le,  and  large  quantities  of  the  same  kinds 
of  grain  were  brought  into  the  State  at  other  points. 

f  have  no  means  of  knowing  the  amount  con- 
sumed in  the  other  New  England  States;  but  as 
their  population  is  about  1,600,000,  it  will  be  safe 
to  give  them,  upon  on  average,  three  bushels  i-er 
head,  which  will  make  a  consumption  of  4,800,000 
bushels  a  year.  This,  added  to  the  consuir^  .lion 
of  Massachusetts,  will  give  a  total  of  7.''()5,000 
bushels,  being  at  least  half  a  million  more  than  our 
average  export  to  all  foreign  nations.  I  liave  esti- 
mated the  consumption  of  the  New  England  Stales, 
other  than  Massachusetts,  at  considerable  less  per 
head  than  my  own  Suite;  because,  witli  the  excep- 
tion of  Rhode  Island,  ihcy  are  more  agricultural, 
and  because  they  raise  i  creater  proportion  of 
wheal  from  their  own  soil.  This  estimate  may  imI 
be  entirely  accurate,  but  I  am  confident  it  cannot 
be  far  l\om  the  truth. 

But  manufactures  arc  not  by  any  means  confined 
to  New  England.  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Penn- 
sylvania, and  several  other  States,  are  deeply  en- 
gaged in  them;  and  all  these  manufacturing  estab- 
lishments furnish  so  many  markets  for  the  wheat 
growers.  If  the  repeal  of  the  corn  laws  should  cut 
off  our  trade  through  Canada,  we  should  have  a 
surjihis  which  would  reduce  the  price,  and  so  injure 
the  grain  growing  interest.  Nay,  if  our  duty  on 
foreign  wlieat  were  repealed,  the  Eastern  Slates 
would,  when  the  crops  are  good  in  Europe, receive 
a  |)ortion  of  their  supply  from  the  Baltic.  And  if 
our  present  protective  policy  is  to  be  bartered  for  a 
repeal  of  the  corn  laws,  and  large  quantities  of 
British  goods  are  to  be  thrown  into  our  market,  it 
will  prostrate  many  of  our  maiuifactories,  and 
thereby  destroy  the  home  market,  which  the  grain 
growers  now  enjoy.  Let  our  present  policy  be 
abandoned,  and  the  surplus  of  Europe  be  tJirown 
in  upon  us,  and  the  balance  of  trade  will  soon  be 
turned  against  us;  in  which  case  our  specie  will  be 
sent  abroad,  our  currency  will  be  deranged,  and  all 
ihe  evils  we  experienced  a  few  years  since  will  re- 
turn. Individual  enterprise  will  be  paralyzed,  our 
imports  will  fall  off  from  our  inability  to  purchase, 
anil  the  Government  will  be  bankrupt  as  It  wua  in 
1841- '2.  These  are  the  evils  which  the  proposed 
policy  will,  in  my  estimation,  bring  in  its  train. 

But  we  shall  be  Uild  that  Great  Britain  has  set  a 
noble  example,  and  we,  as  a  free  people,  should 
follow  it.  But  what  is  the  example  which  Great 
Britain  has  set  ?  She  has  consulted  her  own  in- 
terest; and  lu'oposes  to  make  such  ii  modificutiun 


of  her  policy  as  ia,  in  the  estimation  of  her  mmia- 
try,  beat  suited  to  her  present  condition  and  the 
condition  of  the  world.  She  sees  that  her  corn 
laws  have  excluded  the  wheat  of  Germany  and 
Pru8sla,and  have  driven  them  into  manufacturing. 
She  sees  that,  instead  of  being  her  cuatomers,  they 
are  beginning  to  become  her  competitora  for  the 
markets  of  the  world,  and  she  wishes  to  arrest  their 
progress.  She  sees,  also,  in  the  United  States  a 
great  and  powerful  rival,  and  she  wishes  to  em- 
brace the  present  opportunity  to  check  our  growth 
and  impair  our  prosperity.  She  regards  the  pres- 
ent moment  as  peculiarly  favorable  to  atrike  the 
fatal  blow.  She  beholds  in  our  Chief  Magistrate 
a  leaning  to  a  commercial  policy  which  is  well 
suited  to  her  condition,  but  illy  adapted  to  our 
own.  She  finds  in  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
an  advocate  of  her  interests,  and  she  greets  him 
with  "  well  done,  good  and  faithful  servant." 

But  if  gentlemen  suppose  that  Great  Britain 
has  any  special  reference  to  the  wlfnre  of  any 
other  nation,  let  them  undeceive  themselves.  All 
her  proposed  changes  have  reference  to  her 
own  prosperity.  She  takes  the  duty  oft'  from 
American  cotton,  not  to  benefit  our  cotton-grow- 
ers, but  to  enable  her  own  manufacturers  to  com- 
pete more  successfully  with  the  manufacturers  of 
this  country  for  our  market,  and  the  other  markets 
into  which  our  manufactures  have  found  their 
way.  If  she  wishes  to  promote  the  agricultural 
interests  of  this  country,  why  does  she  not  abate 
her  1200  per  cent,  duty  upon  Americtm  tobacco, 
and  auifer  it  to  come  in  at  a  moderate  rate,'  No 
nation  looks  more  corefully  to  her  own  inlereats 
than  Great  Brilaiiv:  and  no  one  legislates  more  un- 
derslandingly.  Her  agriculture  and  manufactures 
liave  been  carried  to  the  highest  point  of  perlisc- 
tion  ;  and,  seeing  herself  in  advance  of  the  nations, 
she  now  proposes  free  trade,  with  a  full  conviction 
that  she  will  prove  more  than  a  match  for  them  in 
such  an  unequal  contest.  She  has  built  herself  up 
by  her  navigation  act  and  other  restrictive  meas- 
ures, and  now  she  proposes  a  jiarlial  abandon- 
ment of  that  policy,  and  kindly  mvites  other  na- 
tions to  give  up  the  very  policy  which  has  made 
her  what  she  is.  Free  trade  with  such  a  nation 
would  be  like  intercourse  between  the  wolf  and 
the  lamb.  To  the  one  it  might  prove  beneficial, 
but  to  the  other  it  would  he  death.  Free  trade,  in 
fact,  can  never  exist  between  nations  situated  so 
dliferently  as  the  United  Stales  and  Great  Britain. 
If  both  nations  should  model  their  revenue  laws 
after  the  same  standard,  the  trade  between  us 
would  not  be  "  free  and  equal. "  Her  aceumulalcd 
capital,  her  low  rale  of  interest,  the  cheapness  of 
her  labor,  the  advanced  slate  of  her  innnufactures, 
wiuiU  give  her  an  advantage  over  us.  You  must 
make  all  things  equal  at  home,  by  equivalents  and 
balances,  before  any  two  nations  can  have  a  sys- 
tem of  commercial  intercourse  which  will  be  stricl- 
I  lij  reciprocal  and  equally  productive  of  the  pros]>erita 
I  of  both. 

;      1  do  not  intend  to  censure  Great  Britain  for  Ihe 
new  policy  which  she  proposes.     She  is  the  gnar- 
1  dianof  he'rown  interests,  and  will  .see  that  they  are 
i  well  protected.     In  fact,  I  consider  her  example 
1  worthy  of  our  imitation.     She  ccmforms  to  her 
j  condition,  and  it  becomes  us  to  conform  to  ours. 
j  The  cheapness  of  capital  and  the  low  price  of  la- 
!  bor  in  that  kingdom  are  the  great  characteristics, 
so  far  as  this  question  is  concerned;  and,  in  order 
to  meet  her  on  equal  ground,  our  imiependeiit  la- 
borers must  consent  to  come  down  to  the  low 
standard   of  the  half-.starved   labor  of   England, 
They  must  be  content  to  labor  for  froin  30  to  50 
i  cents  per  day,  and   board   themselves.     But  are 
I  they  willing  to  do  it.*    Will  the  freclurn  citizens 
!  of  America  consent  to  deg^ai'    ion   like  this.'     I 
j  trust  they  will  not.     The  gl..  _    of  our  country 
I  conHiala  in  Ihe  fact  Miat  here  "  the'laborer  ia  worthy 
I  of  his  hire,"    The  great  mass  of  our  people  are 
!  horn  to  no  other  inhcrltarre  than   the  iirivilcgo 
J  which  our  coinilry  holds  out  to  every  industrious 
man,  of  obtaining  a  comfortable  living  by  ihe  fruit 
of  his  own  toil;  and  he  is  a  freeman,  indeed,  who 
is  born  to  such  a  patrimony.     The  I'oiiKciousncsa 
that  he  can  sustain  himself  by  his  own  hands,  and 
that  well-directed  industry  will  enable  him  to  pro- 
vide for  the  maintenance  of  his  family  mid  the  ed- 
ucation of  his  children,  more  than  luiytliing  else, 
gives  character  to  an  American,  and  makes  him 
what  he  was  designed  to  be  by  his  Creator,  a  man. 


■%- 


464 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  9, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  ^estion — Mr.  T.  B.  King 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


But  if  we  are  to  adopt  the  principle  of  free  trade,  | 
the  manly  and  independent  character  of  our  labor-  '• 
era  muat  ne  given  up;  and  they  must  content  them-  | 
sclve*  with  dra^giiiE;  out  a  miserable  existence  in  ; 
poverty  and  wretchedness.  This,  after  nil,  is  the  ! 
preat  objection  to  the  policy  which  has  been  recom- 
mended. The  rich  man  nceils  no  sympathy.  His  i 
wealth  will  give  !iim  consequence  in  any  state  of 
society;  and  n  change,  such  as  free  trade  will  bring 
upon  Ud,  would  increase  the  relative  value  of  his 
treasures.  Bring  the  laborer  down  to  the  English 
standard,  reduce  his  w/^jes  to  the  low  level  of  the 
Old  World,  and  you  put  him  completely  into  the 
power  of  the  capitalists  of  the  country.  Such  a 
change  would  break  up  our  small  manufacturing 
esuiblishments,  and  turn  many  an  honest  laborer 
out  of  employ.  But  the  Lowell  manufactories  ' 
would  go  on;  the  price  of  labor  would  be  reduceil; 
and,  having  no  competition,  these  wealthy  estab- 
ishments  would  conlinue  to  make  fair  dividends. 
The  South  and  the  West  would  suffer  most.  Their 
infant  manufactures  would  be  prostrated ;  but  the 
older  and  more  skilful  establishments  of  New  Eng- 
land would  survive.  Their  currency  would  be 
deranged;  but  the  accumulated  wealth  in  the  East- 
ern Slates  would  supply  them  with  a  sound  circu- 
li\iing  medium.  Born  to  toil,  the  hardy  sons  of 
New  England  would  put  forth  their  energy  and 
enternriae;  and,  by  that  industry  and  frugalily  for 
which  they  are  distinguished,  they  would  obtain 
n'Conifortuule  livelihood;  they  would  have  "  bread 
enough,  and  to  spare;"  while  their  brethren,  in 
some  other  sections  of  the  country,  "  would  perish 
with  hunger."  New  England  desires  no  change. 
She  believes  that  our  present  policy  is  best  adapted 
to  the  interests  of  the  whole  country.  Being  labor- 
ers ouiselve.%  our  sympathies  are  with  those  who 
eat  their  bread  in  the  sweat  of  their  brows.  We 
adhere  to  our  present  policy,  because  the  interest 
of  labor  requires  it;  because  a  change  would  fall 
lieaviest  upon  those  who  have  no  capital  but  their 
own  hands.  But  if  a  cTiange  must  come — if  the 
prosperity  of  the  country  mu.st  be  stricken  down, 
the  sons  of  the  Pilgrims,  enured  to  toil,  and  familiar 
with  hardships,  will  turn  their  altention  to  their 
ice  and  their  granite,  and  convert  them  into  bread. 
If  folly  must  prevail  in  our  national  councils,  and 
the  storm  of  adversity  ensues,  they  will  endeavor 
to  brave  the  tempest;  and,  thougli  they  liave  no 
desire  to  "ride  upon  the  whirlwind,"  they  will, 
as  far  as  in  them  lies,  so  "  direct  the  storm"  that 
iis  pitiless  peltings  may  fall  upon  other  heads  than 
tbeir  own. 


OREGON  aUESTION. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  T.  BUTLER  KING, 

OF  GEORGIA, 

In  the  HorSE  or  nKPRESENTATIVF.S, 

Fehniurij '.),  I84«. 

Mr.  KING  rose  and  addressed  the  committee 
during  the  hour  as  fiillows: 

Mr.  r'ii.»iKMA\:  In  view  of  the  Ciirrespondcnce 
which  has  reci.'iiily  pa.ssej  between  the  yi-crclary 
of  sieaie  and  the  British  Minister,  I  shall  not  oflVr 
the  aiucndniciit,  (^embodying  a  pruposiiion  for  ar- 
bitration,) as  I  intended,  to  the  resi)liiliiin«  now 
under  consideration.  The  propositiim  to  settle  by 
arbitration  the  riglits  of  the  Uniteil  Stales  and 
Great  Britain  to  llic  territory  of  Oregon,  and  es- 
lalilish  an  ecjuiluljlc  line  of  partition,  having  been 
made  in  all  its  forms  by  her  l!ritiuuiii- Majesty's 
Minister,  and  been  ijereniptorily,  and,  as  I'think,  i 
cavalierly,  rejected  by  the  Presi'dcnt,  that  mode  of 
adjusting  this  great  rnntinvrrted  qui-ntion  seems  to 
be  at  an  end.  Arbitration  is  one  of  the  most  an- 
cient modi  s  known  to  civilized  nations  of  Kcitlini' 
ditlicult  and  cml)arra.>faii)g  dispute.^.  It  is  sani> 
liinicd,  in  all  its  forms,  by  the  law  of  nation.s,  ,is 
fmnded  on  the  laws  of  nature.  It  has  been  ri- 
Horted  to  in  all  timi'S  by  tl.o.se  who  wished  to  mete 
out  that  insti(;e  to  others  which  tliey  desired  should 
be  nicted  out  to  ihcmsrlvos.  The  Prejidiiit  of  the 
United  Suites  has  declared,  or  permitted  his  Sec- 
retary of  Stale  to  declare,  that  the  teiriicn-ial  rights 
of  the  United  States  cmiiiot  be  siibiniited  to  ("rbi- 
tratioii.  Who  has  ever  desired  the  President  to 
Hubnut  to  arbitration  the  iicknowleilged,  clearly 
undisputed,  territorial  rights  of  the  United  Stales? 


It  is,  sir,  precisely  becauAs  our  rights  in  that  terri- 
tory arc  not  clearly  defined  with  respect  to  limits, 
nnil  that  the  title  to  a  very  considerable  portion  of 
it  has  been  claimed  by  Great  Britain  for  more  than 
half  a  century,  as  against  Spain,  from  whom  we 
profess  to  derive  our  own  title  in  no  very  iiicon- 
siilerable  degree,  and  that  this  Government  has 
acknowledged,  for  the  space  of  scven-andtwenly 
years,  that  Great  Britain  has  rights  in  Oregon, 
that  I  supposed  that  tliis  was  a  question,  of  all 
f;thers  which  has  ever  presented  itself  for  adii.st- 
ment  between  this  Government  and  that,  which,  in 
its  complicated  character  and  momentous  cimae- 
quences,  could  be  most  properly  and  equitably  ad- 
justed by  arbitration,  and  which,  from  its  very 
nature,  pointed  to  that  as  the  most  honorable  and 
suitable  mode  of  settlement.  The  President,  how- 
ever, seems  to  think  differently.  By  assuming  the 
broad  ground  that  our  title  to  the  entire  territory  , 
is  "clear  and  unquestionable,"  and  thai  our  rights 
there  are  not  "  to  be  a  proper  subject  for  aibitra-  ' 
lion,"  he  seems  to  sny,  in  language  not  to  be  mis- 
tmderstood,  to  the  Government  of  Great  Britain, 
that,  as  far  as  he  is  eoncerned,  or  can  control  the 
action  of  this  Government,  the  question  of  territo- 
rial rights  is  settled,  and  that  any  concessions 
which  may  hereafter  be  made  on  our  part,  if  any 
ever  shall  be,  may  be  regarded  as  nii  evidence  lif 
our  libernlily,  and  not  as  springing  from  a  convic- 
tion of  the  justness  of  her  rights,  or  the  validity  of 
her  title  to  any  portion  of  the  territory  in  dispute, 

I  am  not,  sir,  disposed  to  present'  an  argninent 
with  respect  to  our  title  to  Oregon.  I  shall  not 
even  say  to  what  extent  our  title  is  better  than 
that  of  Great  Britain,  or  how  far  it  can  besustniii- 
ed  by  all  the  evidences  which  have  been  or  can  he 
adduced.  In  my  jndgnieni,  this  question  ought 
not  to  have  been  brought  into  this  House,  This 
is  not  the  place  to  discuss  questions  of  this  nature. 
They  properly  belong  to  the  Executive  and  the 
Senate,  They  are,  under  the  Constitution,  the 
treaty-rnaking  power.  It  is  very  difficult,  if  not 
impossible,  for  any  man  to  present  an  argument 
here  which  shall  in  the  slightest  degree  admit  the 
force  of  British  rights  in  Oregon,  without  bringing 
upon  himself  the  imputation  of  having  more  or  less 
compromised  those  of  his  own  country.  These 
delicate  and  complicated  questions  should  be  left 
in  the  hands  of  diplomatists,  and  settled  by  nego- 
tiation; or,  if  that  finally  tails,  the  next  and  the 
only  peaceable  res.yrt,  as  it  seems  to  me,  is  to  sub- 
mit them  to  a  tribunal,  constituted  with  a  proper 
and  just  regard  to  the  spirit  of  our  institutions,  for 
arbitration.  If  our  title  to  that  territory  is,  as  has 
been  asserted,  "  clerr  and  unquestionable,"  all  ar- 
gument and  negotiation  are  at  an  end,  .and  this 
Hou.se,  therefore,  has  been  wasting  time  in  misdi- 
recicd  and  useless  discussiini.  Our  delilwrations 
slnmld  have  been  directed  lo  a  vitrorons  prepara- 
tion for  the  maintenance  of  rights  which  have  been 
thus  boliily  and  unqualifiedly  asserted.  But,  sir, 
while  this  dc'lai-ation  has  been  uttered  and  repeat- 
ed by  the  Executive  and  his  friends  upon  this 
floor,  they  have  .staring  them  in  the  face  the  fact 
that  he  himself  lina  offered  to  settle  this  contro- 
verted question  by  yielding  up  lo  Great  Hritain 
almost  one-half  of  the  entire  territory,  thus  deny- 
ing and  admitting,  almost  in  the  same  breath,  that 
she  has  rights  west  nf  the  Rocky  Mountains,  be- 
low the  lalitnile  of  54°  40',  If  Great  Britain  has 
no  rights  in  Oregon,  why  has  he  offered  to  con- 
cede to  her  almost  one-half  of  it  ?  If  she  has  rights 
there,  the  delicate  and  difliciill  question  to  be  de-  i 
terniined  is,  where  do  our  rights  cease,  and  where 
do  hers  begin  ?  That  cannot  be  decided  by  argu- 
ment in  this  House,  liy  debating  the  question  now 
liefore  us.  If  we  pass  the  notice  in  any  form,  the  '• 
question  of  boundary  must  fin.ally  be  adjusted  by  j 
negotiation,  arliitrai^nn,  or  the  sword.  I  am,  I 
th'Tcfore,  sir,  opposed  lo  arguing  the  question  of 
t''le  here,  Riniouiideil  as  it  is  by  difficulties,  which 
must,  wliatever  may  be  said  in  this  House,  be 
finally  arrnn'jeil  in  one  of  the  modes  I  have  slated. 

The  President  of  the  United  States,  in  asserting  \ 
"thai  he  does  not  believe  the  territorial  rights  of  I 
this  natiipii  to  be  a  proper  subject  for  arliitration,"  I 
lias  assumed  that  to  ben  fact  which   no  one  will  I 
dispute,  with  respect  lo  what  are  known  and  ac- 
knowledged to  be  our  territorial  limits;  but  it  was  ' 
for  the  purpo.se  of  ascertaining  what  those  limits 
are  in  the  lerrilory  of  Oregon  that  I  proposed  to 
submit  them  lo  arbitration. 


The  President,  in  his  messngo  of  December  last, 
informed  iia  that  "  all  atteniiits  al  compromise  had 
failed,"  and  called  upon  Congress  "to  consider 
what  measures  it  might  be  pro|)er  lo  adopt  for  the 
mainleimnce  of  our  just  title  to  the  Oregon  terri- 
tory." Now,  sir,  it  would  seem  to  me  to  bo  wise, 
in  the  first  place,  to  ascertain  what  our  "just 
rights"  are,  before  we  proceed  to  maintain  them  in 
the  way  indicated  in  the  message.  Arbitration 
seemed  to  me  the  only  mode  which  could  bo  re- 
sorted to  short  of  war.  This,  as  wo  have  seen, 
the  President  has  rejected,  on  the  grimnd  that  our 
"  territorial  rights"  are  "  not  a  proper  subject"  for 
that  mode  of  .adjustment.  In  taking  this  ground 
the  Executive  has  not  only  departed  from  the  I  mg- 
Iried  and  well-established  custom  of  civilized  na- 
tions, but  he  has  taken  a  ground  which  has  never 
befiu'e  been  assumed  by  the  United  Suites.  This 
Government  has,  on  three  several  occasions,  sub- 
milled  questions  of  territorial  rights  and  limits  to 
the  decision  of  commissioners  or  arbitrators.  By 
ihe  fifth  article  of  the  treaty  concluded  in  1794, 
commonly  called  .lay's  treaty,  the  question  wheth- 
er Ihe  river  St.  Cioi.x  sho.ld  form  the  eastern 
boundary  of  Maine,  was  submitted  lo  commission- 
ers, to  be  appointed  in  the  following  manner: 

"  One  eoininl^sioner  nlmlt  be  nniiieil  liy  his  MiOe.-ty,  one 
by  tile  Fre.'iideiit  of  llie  ITiiited  Htiite...,  tiy  nia)  wilti  tile  advice 
tiiitl  coiinent  of  ttie  Sctnitc  tliereol',  niiu  Itic  sniil  two  cntii- 
iiiiHiiioncrs  hIuiII  aj{ree  on  tlie  ctioiee  ot  u  tliird,  or,  it*  tliey 
cannot  so  agree,  tliey  himll  encli  pniiHisc  one  person,  and,  of 
ttie  two  niitncH  ho  pro|ii»icd,one  olilill  be  drawn  liy  lot,  in  the 
pre8Rnc(>  nttlie  nrisinnlcoininisxiniierit.  .\nd  the  tliree  rotti- 
iiiissioners  xo  appiiiatcit  shidi  be  Hwnrii  iinpartiiilly  to  exiini- 
iiie  and  decjdt^  ttie  nnU\  niieflUiin  nccnrdinjtto  !>uch  evidcaee 
as  Hlialt  respcclivety  he  laid  het'nre  tllein  on  the  )Hirt  of  tlie 
British  tiovcranient  and  nf  tlie  United  t^intcs.  And  tliet-aid 
cnniini.'tDJoners  shall  meet  al  lliilitax,  and  shiitl  have  power 
to  fuyourn  to  Stieh  other  ptaees  an  llleyidiall  think  fit.  Tliey 
sliiill  have  power  to  appoint  a  secretary,  mid  lo  eiiiplny  sur- 
veyors, or  such  other  perHuns  as  tliey  simll  jud{ie  necessary. 
Ttie  said  eoiiiiaic'>inners  shnll,  Iiy  a  declaratinii  under  their 
liands  and  seals,  decide  what  river  is  the  river  Hi.  Crnix  in- 
tended liyttie  treaty, rtlic  treaty  <il' 1*83.]  The  said  decliira- 
tinn  shall  contain  a  description  of  the  said  river,  and  sliajl 
partientnrize  the  latitude  and  longitude  of  its  ni.aith  and  ot* 
its  source,  Diipticntcs  of  this  dcclaralinn.  and  of  Ihe  stnte- 
inents  nrtheir  aecoiints,  and  of  the  junrnalot"  their  proceed- 
iniis,  shall  he  delivered  i)y  tlicin  to  the  agent  of  his  Uriuinnic 
.Majesty,  and  to  the  agent  of  the  United  States,  who  may  he 
respectively  appninteil  and  aiiltiori/.ed  to  manage  the  busi- 
ness on  '■!  fittlf  of  their  respective  Governments.  And  both 
pnrthti*  Hjtreo  to  consider  such  decision  as  tinal  and  conelu- 
si'-  ', ".;  as  tliHt  the  same  shall  never  tlicrcatV-r  be  called  into 
i|uestinn  or  made  the  subject  of  illspule  or  difference  be- 
tween Ibeni." 

Now,  sir,  these  commissioners  or  arbitrators 
were  to  decide  n  question  which  involved  the  right 
to  a  large  and  valuable  portion  of  the  territory  of 
the  Stale  of  Maine;  and  under  theirdecision, which 
was  not  called  in  qiieslioii  by  Great  Britain,  Maine 
now  holds  that  territory.  So  likewi.se,  under  the 
fourth  article  of  the  treaty  of  peace  concluded  at 
Ghent  in  1S14,  our  rieht  to  certain  islands  in  the 
Bay  of  Possamaquoddy  was  submitted  to  arbitra- 
tion.   That  article  is  as  follows: 

''  Whereas  it  was  si.ipiil.itetl  hy  the  second  article  of  the 
treaty  of  peaee  of  I7s.'l,  between  liis  nritniiiiie  .Majesty  and 
the  Uiiiled  Htales  of  Aliieilea,  Itiat  tlie  l)(iiiadnr>- of^tlie  Uiii- 
ted  States  slunild  ennipreheiid  al)  ishiiids  within  twenty 
leagues  of  any  part  of  tlie  sliores  of  tile  l^niteil  ,States,  aiiit 
lying  lietween  lines  to  tie  drawn  due  east  frnin  the  puinls 
where  tlie  nfuresiiid  lioniidarics  between  Nova  t:Jcotia  on  tin, 
one  pari  and  Ka^t  rtoriila  on  Die  ottier,  slnill  respei'tively 
toneb  till?  Itay  nf  Fniidy  and  the  Atlantic  ocean,  excepting 
sneh  islftiidsas  now  are,  or  hcretoliire  have  hcen.wiltiia  tiie 
lliiiits  of  Nova  Scotia:  And  whereas  the  several  islands  in 
ttu'  liny  of  Pa.<sainiuiiioil'ly,  wbieli  is  part  of  the  Hay  of 
Fiindy,  and  llie  Islanit  nf  Menoar,  in  the  said  Uay  of  Fiiiidv. 
are  eiiiiated  by  the  rniled  Stales  as  being  criinprehended 
within  tlieir  (iforesaiil  tinnndarics.  which  said  inlands  are 
el;iiiiied  as  belonging  lo  his  Hritannic  .Majesty,  as  biiving 
been  at  the  time  nf  and  previous  to  the  nt^iresaid  treaty  of 
17KI,  within  the  limits  of  the  Province  of  Nova  Sciilia:  In 
order,  therefiire,  tlnally  In  decide  upon  tllesc  elaiins,  it  is 
agreed  that  tliey  shall  lie  referred  to  two  cnnimissioiiei's, 
to  be  np|K>inte(l  ill  the  foltnwing  niiinaer,  vi/. :  one  coiii- 
inissioner  shall  be  appiiinted  by  his  Hritannic  Majesty,  and 
one  by  Ihe  President  of  the  fi'niled  Slates,  liy  and  Willi 
the  coliseni  of  the  Senate  tliereof,  and  Ihe  said  two  com- 
inissioiiers  so  appointed  shall  he  sworn  im/utrliuUij  to  c.v- 
ifiiltiic atiif  ttfritlfl  uvnn  llic  siiiitvliiitus  tirroriima  to  Kuihtvi- 
dctive  ivt  shirll  he  lai')  hrfurc  thpin  on  thr  juirt  of  hit  llrilnnitic 
Mitjexti)  ftwl  of  llie  Uniliil  Sliitesre^jierUvflif,  'Tins  said  eoin- 
niissioiicrs  shall  niei'l  nl  Saint  Andrew's,  in  tile  Pioviaen 
of  New  Urtlliswlck,  and  shall  have  |>ower  to  udioiirn  to 
such  other  place  or  pliiees  as  tliey  shall  Ibliik  lit.  The 
said  comnilssioiiers  shall,  by  a  declaration  or  report  under 
tbeir  hands  and  seals,  decide  to  which  nf  the  two  contrnet- 
ing  parties  tlie  several  islanils  aforesaid  do  respectively  he- 
Inng,  in  eonfurniily  with  tlie  true  intent  of  Uie  s.iid  treaty  of 
peace  nf  178,1,  And  if  the  said  eoiiimissioners  shall  agree 
in  their  decision,  linth  parties  shall  eoiisider such  deeisinii  as 
tlnnl  and  conclusive.  It  is  t^irther  agreed  that,  In  tlie  event 
of  the  two  cniiiinissiont.-s  diiniring  ii|)0ii  nil  or  any  of  the 
mailers  referred  to  them,  or  in  the  event  of  both  ur  cither  or 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


465 


29th  Cono IsT  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.T.  B.  King. 


New  Sgrie8....No.  30. 


gnlcl  roiiiinliiiloiicni  rerimiiin  nr  ilfi'liiilns.  nr  tvilfiillv  omit- 
ting to  art  tut  Htich,  thi-y  tilmll  itinko  Juiiitly  or  uppHrnit'ly,  n 
re|Kirt  or  ri'porli«,  ax  w»U  In  the  GnvcrniiiHnl  of  bin  llritiiKnlr 
M.ijecty  as  ihiit  of  the  ITnitrd  Htatitii,  nintlnit  in  rtetnil  tlio 
fiointH  nil  wliicli  they  dilfpr,  iiiid  tlie  sro    ..  h  iipnii  whirli 
tticir  rexprrtivi'  opinioim  \wrn  lim-n  fTn-ini-M,  or  tl)«  urnuiiitM 
uri  whioti  tlii'y  or  i.'itlicr  nf  tlioiii  Imvc  fo  r«>fiiii{>(1,  drclliiedf  or 
filnittufi  tn  uct.     Aim)  hi.-i  flritniinlc-  MojONty  und  tlic  Gnrem-  | 
ment  of  IhP  ITnitcd  IStiili^s  InTchy  inr(*«  In  n^fiT  ilie  report  or  j 
rcporlK  nf  tliu  tmid  eoiiiini.HHlniierii  lo  gniiii*  IVieiidly  Hovcreipi 
«r  Htatn,  tn  lir  ttien  iiniiifd  for  time jmrimsc,  aiid  wtio  shall  I 
tie  rfqut'><tL'd  lo  ditoide  il|ioii  l)i(!  ditlt* rrliecii  whicli  iiiiw  Im  I 
slated  in  ilic  miid  report  nr  rcporti,  nr  upon  lliR  rcptirt  orone  I 
cnrnmin^iinnfr,  tnjfetlier  wiih  Uiu  Kroniidti  upon  whloh  the 
nihcr  coiniiiitiiiioni'r  shall  liave  rnfiiscd,  declined,  nr  nmtitKd 
tn  act,  as  the  onuc  maybe.    And  if  ilie  eniiiiiiliisiniier,  sore-  | 
fiisine,  det'llnlilil.  nr  ojiiittllix  tn  act,  Khali  also  tvilfully  nmit  ; 
rn  state  the  ffrniinds  upon  whieli  he  liaj  so  done,  in  such  j 
rn»nner  thai  the  said  slalemcnt  may  he  referred  to  such  i 
fviendly  Snvirrei^n  ur  State,  tonether  with  the  repfirt  nf  such 
other  cuniiiiirisjnner,  ttleii  such  Snvcreign  nr  Hiale  shall  dc-  | 
oide  ex  parte  tipnii  tlie  sniil  report  ainiie.    And  his  Uritannlc  : 
Majesty  niid  theOnverniiieiit  of  the  United  Stales  niigage  to  ' 
ron«ider  the  decisiun  of  such  friendly  Sovereign  or  HInte  lo  ; 
be  final  and  conclusive  on  all  the  nuitlers  so  referred." 

The  decision  of  tlie  commissioners  nppointcd 
nnder  this  article  was  regarded  by  both  Govern-  i 
ments  as  final  and  cnnelnsive,  and  under  it  the  ' 
United  States  acquired  the  islands  of  Moose,  Fred-  j 
erick,  and  Dudley,  in  the  Bay  of  Paasamaquoddy.  ; 
Other  articlea  of  this  treaty  provide  for  the  settle-  : 
ment  of  our  title  with   respect  lo  various  other 
portions  of  territory,  and  under  the  commissions  j 
appointed  for  that  purpose  we  obtained  various  I 
islands  in  the  St.  Lawrence  and   the  Northern  I 
Lakes.      These  facts,  I  think,  sir,  are  sufficient  to  i 
show  that  the  Presiilent  of  the  United   States,  in  i 
assuming  the  pround  that  our  lerritorinl  riifhls  or  I 
limits  are  not  the  proper  subjects  of  arbitration,  ] 
hns  not  only  departed  from  whiit  has  been  the  uni-  I 
form  practice  of  this  Government  in  all  cases  of  j 
disputed  territory  iind  boundary  lines,  but  he  holds 
a  doctrine  whicli  is  extremely  dangerous  to  the 
peace  and  honor  of  the  nation.     Holding,  as  he 
does,  in  his  own  hands  the  absolute  control  over 
our  foreign  negotiations,  it  would  be  only  neces-  | 
■ary  for  him,  if  he  desired  to  throw  the  country  i 
into  a  war,  lo  embarrass  them  with  frivolous  pre-  \ 
fences  for  the  purpose  of  finally  suspending  or  , 
breaking  them  off,  and  then  declaring  that,  as  ne- 
gotiation had  failed,  the  nation  must  sustain  him  | 
in  an  appeal  to  arms  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring 
any  portion  of  territory  to  which   he,  for  party 
purposes,  may  have  thought  proper  to  declare  our 
title  to  be  "clear  and  unquestionable."     It  ha;, 
been  a  maxim  of  this  Government  almost  coev.l 
with  its  foundation,  that  we  should  "  ask  nothi.ig 
but  that  which  is  light,  and  submit  to  nothing  tnat 
is  wronj;."    This  maxim  is  sustained  not  only  by  , 
the  spirit  but  by  the  letter  of  the  law  of  nations.  |I 
Vatlel  says,  (chapter  18;)  \ 

"The  disputes  that  arise  between  nntiniis  or  tlieir  mler«  i. 
orisinate  eitlier  from  contested  rislitt  nr  injuries  received.  ' 
A  natinn  ought  in  preserve  the  rights  which  hclniig  In  her, 
and  tlje  care  nf  her  own  safely  and  glorv  forbids  her  to  sub- 
mit to  injurii>s.  Hul,  in  fulfliling  tlie  duly  which  slie  owes 
to  herself,  slie  must  not  forget  her  duty  lo  others."  "  She  is 
therefore  hound  lo  render  lo  each  niilion  what  is  her  due— 
lo  leave  her  in  tlie  puaceahle  enjoyment  of  her  rights,"  &e. 

The  same  author  declares  that —  i 

"  Arliilratinn  is  n  very  rensnnnhle  mnde,  and  one  that  is  ' 
perleclly  cunfnrmahle  inlhe  law  nl  Nature,  for  the  dccistnn 
of  every  dispute  which  does  not  direeliy  interest  the  safely 
nf  the  iiaiinn.  Thnngh  the  claim  nf  justice  niav  be  misinkcn  :, 
by  llie  artiilralor,  it  is  slill  more  to  lie  feared  that  it  will  be 
overpowereil  in  an  appeal  In  tile  swnrd." 

''  In  iJonblful  cnanit,  wliicli  do  not  involve  essential  points, 
if  one  of  the  pi  rlies  will  not  accede  eitlier  tn  a  enuference, 
an  [iceoinmndaiinn,  a  compromise,  or  an  arbitration,  the 
other  has  only  the  lost  resource  Ihr  the  defence  of  himself   , 
and  his  rigliU— an  appeal  to  the  sword ;  and  he  has  justice 
on  Ids  side  in  lulling  u|i  nrnis  against  sn  untraetable  an  ad-  i 
versary.     Vnr,  in  dnublful  cases,  we  can  only  demand  all 
the  reosnualile  mcUinds  of  elucidating  the  questinii,  and  of  ' 
deciding  or  neeoimnodating  tlie  dispute." 

Hence  it  will  be  seen,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the    i 
President,  in   taking  the  course  he  has   thought  j| 
proper  to  pursue,  has  arrayed  against  him  not  only  i  • 
the  former  practice  of  this  Government,  but  the  ;i 
high  and  unquestionable  authority  of  the  lawof  || 
nations.     The  correspondence  between  the  Secre- i 
tary  of  State  and  the  British  Minister,  which  has  j 
been  suliinittcd  to  us  by  the  President,  is  certainly 
of  a  most  extraoruinary  character.     Mr.  Paken- 
ham,  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  of  the  'i7th 
December,  1H45,  in  Rubniitting  the  first  proposition 
to  arbitrate   the  questinii   in  controversy,  says: 
"  Her  Majesty's  Governmeut  think  that  a  resort 
'  lo  arbitration  is  the  most  prudent,  and  perhaps 
'  the  only  feasible  step  which  could  be  ttkeii,  and 
'  the  best  calculated  to  ullav  the  existing  ellcrves- 

30 


'  cencB  of  popular  feeling,  which  might  otherwise 
I  '  greatly  cmliarrass  the  cfTorts  of  both  Govern- 
I  '  meiita   to   preseivc   the   friendly  understanding 
'  between  the  two  nations. "    Mr.  Buchanan,  in 
I  his  reply,  rejects  the  proposition, upon  the  ground 
j  that  "tlie  British  Government  do  not  propose  to 
j  '  refer  to  arbitration  the  question  of  title  to  the 
;  '  Oregon  territory  claimed  by  the  two  Powers  re- 
j  '  spectively,"  but  "  merely  the  partition  or  '  equi- 
j  '  table  division'  of  the  territory  between  them'," 
I  thus  clearly  leaving  it  to  be  inferred  that  the  Pres- 
ident would  be  willing  to  submit  the  question  of 
title  to  arbitration.     It  is  quite  evident  that  this 
was  Mr.  Pakenham's  impression;  and  accordingly, 
on  the  Ifilh  January,  184ti,  he  addresses  tn  Mr. 
Buchanan  another  communication,  in  which  he 
proposes  to  submit  the  title  tn  the  Oregon  terri- 
tory to  arbitration,  and,  waiving  his  first  proposi- 
tion to  subniit  it  tn  some  friendly  Sovereign  or 
State,  he  suggests  that  "  there  might  be  a  mixed 
'  commission,  with  an  umpire,  appointed  by  com- 
*mon  consent,  or  there  might  be  a  board,  com- 
'  posed   of  the  most  distimruished   civilians  and 
'  pirisis  of  the  time,  appointed  in  such  a  manner 
'as  should  bring  all  pending  questions  tn  the  de- 
'  cision  of  the  most  enlightened,  impartial,  and  in- 
'  dependent  minds." 

"This  proposition,  sir,  which  seems  to  have  been 
evidently  invited  by  Mr.  Buchanan's  letter  of  the 
3d  January,  1846 — this  pro|)o.>>ition,  which  it  was 
so  honorable  to  moke,  and,  in  my  judgment,  most 
unwise  and  dangerous  to  reject,  is,  in  Mr.  Buchan- 
an's  reply  of  the  4th  instant,  not  only  rejected,  but 
treated  iii  a  manner  wholly  unbecoming  an  Amer- 
ican statesman ;  and  the  only  reason  assigned — if 
reason  it  cpn  be  called — in  his  whole  letter  is,  that 
the  President  "  does  not  believe  the  territorial 
'  rights  of  this  nation  to  be  a  iiropcr  subject  for 
'  arbitration."  To  he  .sure,  sir,  lie  argues  that  the 
territory  in  dispute  is  more  valuable  to  us  than  to 
Great  Britain.  This  might  be  a  very  good  reason 
if  the  question  were  whether  we  should  purchase 
it  or  not;  but  I  can  hardly  suppose  the  Secretary 
conid  seriously  believe  that  Great  Britain  would 
regard  it  as  a  very  sound  argument  why  she  should 
yield  any  portion  of  the  territory  whicli  she  be- 
lieves honestly  belongs  to  her.  Such  ren.sons  ns 
these,  sir,  assigned  by  the  Secretary  of  State  and 
sanctioned  by  the  President,  seem  to  lead  to  but  i 
one  conclusion;  which  is,  that,  whatever  their  pro- 
fessions may  be  to  the  contrary,  their  secret  de- 
signs and  intentions  are  to  throw  this  country  into 
a  war,  not  for  the  purpose  of  acrpiiring  Oregon, 
(for  that  would  soon  be  lost  sight  of  in  t/ie  smoke 
and  din  of  the  conflict,)  but  for  the  |nirpose  of 
covering  up  their  own  party  purposes  and  achiev 
ing  their  political  enils. 

How  long  is  it,  sir,  since  the  assertion  and  the 
discovery  have  been  made  that  our  title  lo  all  Ore- 
gon is  '' clear  and  unque.itionabler"  The  Balti- 
more Convention,  which  nominated  Mr.  Polk  for 
the  Presidency,  first  .sent  forth  this  declaration.  I 
fancy  there  are  but  few  p  rsnns  who  did  not  then 
regard  it  ns  having  been  n...de  lor  party  purposes, 
and  not  as  a  grave  assertion,  to  be  sustained  by  all 
the  hazards  and  calamities  of  war.  It  assumed  a 
more  startling  character  when  repeated  by  the 
President  in  his  Inaugural  Address.  It  then  came 
upon  the  country  like  a  clap  of  thunder  from  a  clear 
sky.  It  was  not  even  at  that  time  supposed  that 
it  would  be  followed  up  and  hurried  through  all  the 
forms  of  diplomatic  correspondence  with  a  haste 
and  in  the  spirit  which  seems  to  preclude  the  pos- 
sibility of  an  amicable  or  equiuible  adjustment. 
This  is  the  etfect,  sir,  of  throwing  our  foreign  rela- 
tions into  party  contests  for  political  power.  Those 
struggles  have  hitherto  been  confined  to  questions 
of  domestic  policy.  Having  exhausted  almost 
every  means  of  party  strife,  they  have  now  seized 
hold  of  those  questions  in  whicli  other  nations  arc 
concerned,  and  which  may  lead  us  to  the  most  dis- 
astrous consequences.  After  having  admitted,  for 
the  space  of  seven-and-twenty  yeiirs,  ami  by  the 
negotiation  and  ratification  of  two  solemn  treaties, 
that  Great  Britain  hos  rights  in  Oregon,  the  Presi- 
dent and  his  party  come  before  the  country  with  a 
declaration,  whicli  is  not  sustained  by  the  discov- 
ery of  any  new  evidences  of  title  in  our  favor,  that 
our  title  to  the  whole  country  is  "  clear  and  un- 

3uc8tionable."     If  the  President  is  sincere  in  this 
eclaration;   if  he  really  believes  our  title  to  be  so 
much  better  than  that  of  Great  Britain,  why  can 


he  refuse — why  does  he  seem  to  fear — to  submit  it 
to  investigation,  and  to  the  decision  ofenlightened 
and  honest  commissioners  or  arbitrators }    His  re- 
fusing to  do  so  seems  to  imply  a  want  of  confidence 
in  Ins  own  declarations.    'That  our  title  to  that 
territory   has  been  disputed  ever  since  we  laid 
claim  to  it,  is  well  known  to  him  and  to  all  the 
world.     That  Great  Britain  would  have  declared 
war  in  17S3  against  Spain,  if  she  had  not  consented 
promptly  to  restore  to  their  possessions  and  prop- 
erty the  British  settlers  on  Vancouver'a  Island,  is 
equally  well  known.    That  Great  Britain,  in  our 
negotiations  with  her  in  1617  and  1818,  and  189S 
I  and  1837,  maintained  with  great  force  and  unyield- 
1  iiig  pertinacity  her  right  to  settle  and  occupy  that 
territory,  can  be  seen  in  the  diplomatic  correspond- 
ence upon  that  aubject  of  those  peridds;  and  the 
very  best  that  she  would  consent  to  do  was  to  allow 
I  to  the  United  States  an  equal  right  to  settle  and  oc- 
;  cupy,  or  what  is  termed  in  the  convention  the  right 
'  of  joint  occupation.    And  now,  Mr.  Chairman, 
with  all  proper  respect  to  the  learned  and  venera- 
ble gentleman  fVom  Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Adahu,] 
I  should  like  to  ask  him  a  question.     1  desire,  sir, 
to  ask  what  his  oiiinion  is  of  our  tide  to  the  Ore- 
eon  territiry.'    Whether,  in  his  judgment,  it  is 
,  "  clear  and  unquestionable,"  as  has  been  asserted 
'  by  the  I^xerutive .' 

Mr.  AnA.M»  (the  floor  being  yielded  for  the  pur- 
j  pose)  said:  To  say  that  the  title  is  "  clear  and  un- 
i  questionable,"  is  to  say  that  which  is  susceptible 
of  two  meanings — one  relating  solely  to  the  ques- 
tion of  right  mid  wrong,  and  the  other  relating  to 
the  opinions  of  others.    According  to  the  construc- 
.  lion  we  give  to  "  clear  and  indisputable,"  in  rela- 
;  tion  lo  the  rpiestion  of  right  and  wrong,  I  say  that 
I  our  title  is  "clear  and  unquestionable."    I  will 
add  one  or  two  words  more.     That  our  title  in  the 
,  Oregon  territory  is  not  indisputable,  or  clear,  ia 
;  answered  plainly  in  the  fact  lhatitis(/M})u/e(<.  "The 
I  gentleman  has    told  us   that  it   has    been  dispu- 
;  led  for  twenty-seven  years.      I   cannot  deny  it. 
But  if  everything  which  is  disputed  by  the  Gov- 
ernment nfureat  Britain  is  disputable,  then  I  should 
be  under  the  necessity  of  changing  the  meaning  of 
the  word. 

Mr.  ICiK'G.    Then,  sir,  why  did  the  gentleman 
not  give  that  definition  when  ne  was  Secretary  of 
State  in  1817  and  1818.'    Why  did  he  not  assert, 
as  he  now  does,  that  our  title  is  clear  to  the  whole 
territory  of  Oregon.'    Why  did  he  compromise  it 
by  virtually  admitting  that  (Sreat  Britain  had  rights 
in  Oregon  equal  to  our  own  .'    And,  above  all,  sir, 
why  did  he  not,  when  President  of  the  United 
Stuies,  and  having  the  control  of  the  negotiations 
j  in  1836  and  1827,  as.serl,  if  he  so  believcti,  that  our 
title  was  clear  and  unquestionable.'     1  have  ever 
[  been  accustomed  to  rce;ard  ll»;  opinions  of  that 
[  gentleman,  on  all  questions  growing  out  of  our 
1  foreign  relations,  as  of  the  highest  .mtiiority.    His 
'  long  experience  in  the  diplomatic  intercourse,  his 
I  extensive  knowledge  of  the  history  and  of  the  laws 
!  of  nations,  give  to  his  ojiinions  a  weight,  in  oil 
I  matters  of  that  nature,  which  can  be  claimed  by 
!  few  in  this  or  any  other  country.    And  especially, 
I  sir,  his  minute  and  accurate  information  respecting 
all  the  circumstances  that  go  to  make  up  cur  title 
'  to  Oregon,  whatever  it  may  be,  have  led  me  to  re- 
gard his  opinions  upon  that  subject  as  entitled  to 
the  greatest  respect  and  consideration.     But  I  con- 
fess that  the  present  course  of  that  gentleman  fills 
me  with  surprise  and  ostonishiiient,  unsettles  my 
opinions  of  his  wisdom  and  justice,  and  leads  me 
to  apprehend  tliot  motives  which  are  not  avowed 
have  brought  him  in  conflict  with  his  former  acts 
and  opinions.    He  is  now  in  favor  of  giving  notice 
lo  Great  Britain  for  the  termination  of  the  conven- 
tion for  the  joint  occnpation  of  Oregon,  and  I  un- 
derstand him  to  say  that  he  will  not  vote  one  dol- 
lar of  appioprialions  for  military  defences,  unless 
the  resolution  for  the  notice  shall  pass;  and  yet  he 
professes  not  to  rcgiird  it  as  a  war  measure.     The 
resolutions  now  before    the    committee  are   not, 
strictly  speaking,  a  war  measure;  but,  sir,  it  is 
proper  to  consider  them  in  connexion  witli  the  bill 
which  has  been  introduced  from  the  Committee  on 
Territories,  which  (iroposes  to  organize  a  territo- 
rial government  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
and  to  extend  our  laws  over  all  Oregon.      One 
measure  inevitably  leads  to  the  other.    If  we  abro- 
gate the  convention  which  provides  for  the  joint 
occupancy  of  the  territory,  it  will  become  neces- 


f'^ 


466 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  9, 


39th  CoNa....l8T  Sbss. 


Tke  Oregon  question— Mr.  T.  B.  King. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


Mry  to  extend  oiir  ricfiuiw  jurisdiction  over  our 
citizens  there,  nt  thu  end  of  the  twelve  months' 
notice.     If  we  should  give  "  the  notice,"  nnd  miopt 
no  ot*>er  mensurc,  I  admit  there  wouldbenocnuse 
to  apprehend  thnt  wnr  would  ensue.     Rut,  sir, 
that  would  he  n  virtual  alinndonmenl  of  all  our 
rights  in  that  country,  nnd  mi^ht  be  regarded  as 
an  acknowledgmc  it  thnt  we  have  no  claim  to  any  i 
portion  of  it.    Hence  it  hns  been  found  necessary  ! 
to  bring  forward  the  concomitant  meanure  to  which 
I  have  alluded,  extending  our  laws  over  that  Icrri-  i 
tory.     It  is  the  duly  of  every  nation  to  extend  its  I 
craiMifc  jurisdiction  over  its  citizens  or  subjects,  j 
wherever  they  may  be  on  its  own  territory,  except 
where  the  title  to  it  is  admitted  to  be  in  dispute.      | 
Now,  up  to  the  time  the  President  of  the  United 
States  delivered  his  Innucurnl  Address,  the  United  ! 
States  have  always  admitted  that  the  ripht  to  n-  \ 
elusive  jurisdiction  over  the  Oregon  territory  hns  I 
been  in  dispute  between  this  Qovemmcnt  and  thnt 
of  Qreat  Britain.    This  dispute,  it  is  well  known, 
led  to  the  conventions  of  1818  and  1827,  which 

Erovide  for  the  .joint  occupation  of  that  territory 
y  American  citizens  and  Hritish  subjects,  ench  to 
he  governed  by  the  laws  of  their  own  country  re- 
spectively. Uiider  this  convention,  therefore,  wc 
stand  justified  in  the  eyes  of  all  nations  in  refraining 
from  the  exercise  of  exclusive  sovereignty  or  juris- 
diction over  any  portion  or  all  of  thnt  territory, 
however  "  clear  and  unqucstionabh  "  our  title  inny 
be  to  it.  But  the  moment  the  twcive  months'  no- 
tice expires,  and  this  joint  jurisdiction  or  occupa- 
tion ceases,  it  will  become  our  duty  to  ourselves, 
nnd  to  the  national  character  and  dignity  of  the 
United  States,  to  extend  the  exelitsire  jurisdiction 
of  our  laws  rver  that  country,  as  far  nt  least  n»  it 
is  occupied  by  American  citizens.  Therefore,  sir, 
these  are  concomitant  mensures,  the  one  abso- 
lutely involving  the  necessity  of  the  other.  Let 
gentleman  not  flatter  themsefvcs  that  they  can  con- 
sistently vote  for  the  notice,  as  proposed  in  the  res-  i 
olutions  now  before  the  committee,  and  withhold 
their  support  from  the  bill  by  which  it  is  to  be  (hi-  I 
lowed.  That  bill  proposes  to  extend  our  exclusive  ; 
jurisdiction  not  only  over  that  portion  of  the  terri-  | 
tory  where  our  citizens  have  taken  up  Ihcir  abode,  i 
but  over  thousands  of  British  sulijccts  nnd  many 
British  forts,  end  overall  that  portion  of  the  terri- 
tory, comprising  nearly  one-half  of  it,  which  this 
Government  hns  on  several  occasions,  once  very  ! 
recently,  nirercd  lo  BcknowledE;c  as  cxchiHivcly  j 
belonging  to  Great  Britain.  Now,  Mr.  Chairman, 
allow  me  to  inquire  whnt  this  Government  nnd  the 
people  of  the  United  States  would  sny  if  Great 
Britain  should  adopt  similnr  mcaaiiroN  ■ — if  she  I 
should  give  us  the  notice,  nnd  propose  nt  the  expi- 
ration of  twelve  months  lo  pxicnd  licr  sovcrcisn 
authority  overall  Orcson,  to  Ihe  exclusion  of  our  i 
laws  and  the  subjuCTtion  of  our  citizens.'  Sir,  I 
there  is  not  a  man  in  thi.s  cmnitry  who  would  not 
cry  aloud  for  wnr;  who  would  not  regard  such  nn 
act  on  the  part  of  Great  Rrilnin  ns  equivalent  lo  a 
declaration  of  wnr,  to  be  met  and  rcsistrd  by  nil 
the  energy  and  power  of  the  Republic.  If,  under 
such  circumstances,  such  would  lie  the  opinions  of 
the  people  of  this  country,  why  should  wc  suppose 
that  the  Government  and  the  peojile  of  Great  Brit- 
ain will  quietly  submit  to  our  proceedings,  if  the 
measures  which  have  been  brought  forward  shall 
be  consummated  ?  Sir,  they  will  not.  No  man  of 
ordinary  sagacity,  I  venture  to  say,  thinks  they 
will.  They  cannot,  without  being  (fi.sgrared  in  llie 
opinion  of  all  Europe.  Therefore,  those  who  say 
or  think  thnt  the  adoption  of  these  mensures  will  ' 
not  produce  wnr,  have  not,  in  my  judgment,  well 
considered  the  subject,  and  have  ai  lived  nt  a  most 
p.-riloiis  conclusion.  Some  genllemen  seem  to  sup- 
pose, if  wo  give  the  notice  and  show  n  bold  front, 
as  they  nre  pleased  to  term  it,  that  Great  Britain  '. 
will  abandon  the  territory  without  a  struggle;  that 
she  does  not  regard  it  as  of  sufficient  value  to  jiis- 
tife  her  in  going  to  war  for  it;  thnt  she  only  desires 
a  fair  pretext  to  relinquish  it.  And  they  seem  lo 
suppose  thnt  we  have  nothing  more  to  (lo  than  lo 
pass  the  notice  and  extend  our  laws  over  the  coun- 
try. It  may  be  proper,  sir,  to  remind  those  gen- 
tlemen of  wnat  Great  Britain  said  on  this  subject 
in  182fi.  Mr.  Gnllatin,  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Clay, 
dated  London,  November  16,  of  that  year,  says:' 

"Mr.  llimkHiinn,  smnnfmt  Ihe  reiwmin  for  Inhini;  up  ilmt 
Biiljjrrt  llrtt,  (Or»fi>n,]  meniioiinl  that  it  liail  for  »i'vitiiI  bch- 
9inn"  occupied  the  MleiiUon  of  L'oiigreM,  anil  thai  it  Wii»  iiui 


poMlhlc  to  (broftcn  the  cntii't  which  Ihe  nicaMiireti  lhi>y  inlltlit 
ndiipt  wiiMliI  have  on  Ihe  i|,ucHliiiii,  nnd  on  ihu  (Wi-iidly  nrlu- 
tiouH  ofttiR  twit  cniinlrk-H.  Inn  HiiliHciiucnt  part  ol' the  con- 
vor^nllnii,  he  naji)  Ihat  Ihe  Joint  ocrupancy  woidil  centic  In 
IH'Jfl,  nnli'M  rcnewi'd,  noil  Ihi-  reniov;it  hy  Ihe  ITnilcd  Htatex 
of  nny  McttlPinont  iniule  hy  RrltiHh  xnhjuctn  woulil  be  oonsid- 
erad  iw  nn  act  oi'  nKvrowion.** 

IfGreat  Britain,  in  1826,  would  have  regarded, 
na  her  negotiator  expressly  dcrlnred  she  would, 
the  removal  of  nny  of  her  subjecls  from  that  terri- 
tory, by  the  authorities  of  the  United  States,  as  an 
act  of  aggression,  can  it  be  supposed  that  she  will 
now  be  less  firm  in  the  assertion  of  her  rights.' 
That,  after  having  strengthened  her  title  by  twenty 
years  more  of  uninterrupted  occuption,  nnd  tlie 
number  of  her  subjects  and  setllements  in  that 
country  having  probably  quadrupled,  and  her  pow- 
er to  protect  and  defend  them  having  vastly  in- 
creased—can it  be  supposed,  by  nny  one  who  is 
not  olinded  by  pnrty  zenl,  thnt  she  will  quietly 
and  ingloriously  relinquish  lier  rights  in  n  territory 
to  which  alio  has  adhered  with  so  much  tenacity 
for  more  than  half  a  century .'  And  yet  those  who 
arc  most  zealous  for  the  passage  of  these  mensures 
are  leading  the  people  to  suppo.sc  that  their  ten- 
dency will  be,  to  do  away  with  all  subjucta  of 
discord,  and  leave  the  two  countries  in  tlie  quiet 
enjoyment  of  pence.  But  we  arc  assured,  that  if, 
unfortunately,  they  should  lead  to  wnr,  we  shell 
have  no  dilRculty  in  conquering  our  ancient  foe.  We 
arc  to  rush  into  the  struggle  without  preparation, 
and  almost  without  arms  in  our  hands.  We  are 
told  that  republics  never  prepare  for  war;  and  gen- 
tlemen seem  to  apprehend,  that  if  wc  stop  to  count 
the  cost,  or  estimate  the  consequences,  the  people 
may  perhaps  be  roused  to  a  sense  of  the  calamities 
whicji  must  inevitably  attend  a  contest  that,  if  it 
comes,  will  be  more  terrible  in  it.i  progress  nnd 
more  disastrous  in  its  results  than  any  which  has 
been  witnessed  in  modern  times.  But,  uir,  the 
daclaraiion,  that  republics  never  prennre  for  war, 
is  as  Mifnundcd  in  fiict  as  it  would  be  unwise  in 
practice.  There  is  not  nn  instance  recorded  in 
history  to  which  gentlemen  can  allude  to  sustain 
them  in  the  assertion,  if  we  except  the  case  of 
this  Government  previous  to  the  wnr  of  1812. 
The  situation  of  this  .-ounlry  then  was  far  differ- 
ent  from  what  it  is  now.  it  was  comparatively 
young  and  poor.  Along  coiirs"  of  aggression  upon 
our  commerce  by  Ihe  great  contending  Powers  of 
Europe  had,  to  a  very  considerable  extent,  mined 
our  commerce,  which  was  still  further  crippled  by 
the  embargo  ami  non-intercourse  net.  The  revenue 
from  imports  was  diminished  to  the  lowest  point, 
and  the  internal  resources  of  the  country  seemed 
to  be  paralyzed.  Under  these  circunislances,  the 
Government  had  not  the  menus  to  prepnre  for  war. 
But  now  Ihe  case  is  (lifliient.  The  wenltli  and 
resources  of  the  country  are  ample.  We  have  an 
overflowing  treasury,  and  a  revenue  more  than 
sufficient  for  nil  the  wants  of  the  Govcmment.  It 
is,  therefore,  the  duty  of  those  who  press  these 
mensures  wiili  so  much  zeal  lo  prepare  the  coun- 
try for  the  slrnirgle  into  which  wc  seem  to  be  lend- 
ing with  so  much  rapidity;  nor  would  there  be 
any  opposition  on  the  pait  of  the  Whisrs  to  the 
appropriations  necessary  for  cnrryins  it  on.  Wc 
deny  the  necessity  nnd  denounce  the  intrieues  that 
arc  carrying  us  to  this  dniigcrous  issue;  and  will 
hold  to  a  terrible  responsibility  those  who  have 
been  placed  in  charge  of  our  public  affairs.  We 
wilj  denounce  the  policy  Ihey  pursue;  but  if,  in 
their  mnd  course  for  parly  ascendency,  Ihey  throw 
us  into  a  sinigzle  in  amis  with  one'  of  the  most 
riowcrful  nations  of  the  enrth,  the  pnity  to  which 
I  have  the  honor  lo  belong  will  not  wilhhold  their 
support  from  the  necessary  appropriations;  nor 
will  they  be  the  Inst  in  Ihe  field  of  sirile.  Einough 
has  been  shown  in  the  course  of  this  debate,  to 
prove  that  the  question  hns  betn  stripped  of  its 
parly  chnrncler.  Although,  as  1  linvc  said,  it 
originated  in  party  inlrijrues,  and  hns  derived  all 
its  importance  from  the  schemes  of  designing  poli- 
ticians, it  hns  now  become  a  nntionnl  question, 
aiHl  can  never  hereafter  be  of  nvnil  in  nny  scheme 
of  President-making.  Such  is  the  importance  it 
has  assumed  in  the  eyes  of  the  nnlioii,  and  such 
are  the  momenlous  consequences  involved  in  its 
decision,  that  it  has  swept  awnv  party  lines  and 
oblileraied  party  distinctions.  It  hns  been  shown 
also,  in  the  coui-se  of  this  debate,  timt  this,  like  nil 
other  great  national  questions,  is  bringing  lo  its 
support,  fir  arraying  in  oppnsiiiou  to  it,  local  ques- 


tions and  prejudices,  which  seem  likely  to  give  it 
a  tendency  rind  an  impcuis  more  powerftil  than 
could  have  been  imparted  to  it  by  its  own  intrinsic 
merit  or  importance.  Those  who  regard  llicni- 
selves  ns  particularly  iiitere<ited  in  our  present 
tnriiriaws,  luid  dread  as  the  great.'st  cnlnniily  any 
change  or  modification  of  tliem.  and  who  think 
they  see  strong  indications  in  the  doctrines  ad- 
vanced by  the  Executive  of  a  strong  disposition 
on  his  part  to  establish,  ns  far  as  he  may  be  able 
to  nccomplish  it,  a  system  of  free  trnde,  frankly 
avow,  or  many  of  tnem  do,  their  willingness  to 
see  the  country  involved  in  war  rather  than  permit 
the  industrial  pursuits  of  the  people  Ui  be  laid 
prostrate  by  a  ruinous  competition  with  the  pau- 
per labor  or  Europe.  Sir,  I  think  it  would  not  be 
too  much  to  assert,  thnt  the  manufacturing  Sintes 
of  the  Union  would  prefer  a  wnr  lo  a  "iystem  of 
free  trade.  Many  of  those  who  coiitribuleU  to  Ihe 
elevation  of  the  present  Chief  Magistrnte,  pledged 
themselves  in  tlie  canvass  of  1844  to  a  course  of 
policy  respecling  the  tarifi",  which,  if  we  are  to 
judge  from  the  tenor  of  his  Annual  Message,  he 
IS  not  likely  to  pursue.  At  the  North,  be  v/aa 
declared  to  be  in  favor  of  a  high  protective  tarilf; 
while  at  the  South,  he  was  understood  to  be  in 
favor  of  free  trade.  Now,  sir,  if  we  are  to  judgu 
of  the  President's  opinions  from  his  Annual  Ales- 
sage,  he  is  more  likely  to  fhvor  the  latU'r  than  the 
former  in  his  course  of  policy.  It  is  well  known 
by  whom  he  is  surrounded  in  his  Cubiiiel  cr,uncils: 
the  very  Minister  who  conducts  our  foreign  nego- 
tiations may  be  considered  as  favorable  to,  having 
voted  for,  the  tarilFof  1843,  He  is  must  intimate- 
ly connected  with  the  great  iron   interest  of  llie 

i  State  from  which  he  comes.  A  war  wcmid  bo 
more  sure  protection  to  those  interests  tliun  a'ly 
law  which  could  be  passed  by  Congress.  I  niaKo 
no  charge  against  that  or  any  other  gentleman;  but 
when  1  hear  it  declared  by  genllemen  from  that 
.section  of  country  that  they  would  prefer  a  war  lo 
any  considerable  reduction  of  the  tarill',  I  am  bound, 
sir,  to  suppose  it  not  impossible  that  their  policy 
may  in  some  degree  be  dictated  by  their  interests. 
In  Pennsylvania,  it  is  well  known  that  Mr.  Polk 
was  represented  as  a  "  better  laritF  man  than  Mr. 

Clay" 

[Mr.  C.  J.Inuersoll.  That  was  my  argument.] 
while  at  the  South  he  was  understood  to  be  in  fa- 
vor of  free  trade,  or  a  low  ad  valorem  rale  of  duties. 
How  are  these  ditlerences  to  be  reconciled  ■  You 
cannot  have  one  taiitT  for  the  North  and  another 
for  the  South;  fortuiiutely  or  unfortunately,  our 
laws  extend  over  the  whole  country.  Are  we  to 
be  tlirown  into  a  war  to  cover  up  these  conflicting 
pledges,  nnd  to  relieve  those  who  nindc  them  front 
a  just  responsibility .'  1  cannot  say,  iiur  do  I  pre- 
tend to  say,  that  Mr.  Polk  autliorized  those  pledges, 
but  I  do  know  that  they  were  made,  and  everybody 
knows  thnt  it  is  quite  impossible  to  redeem  or  rec- 
oncile them,  by  any  cmirsc  of  policy  which  the 
Government  may  think  proper  to  pursue.  Alaiiy 
gentlemen  have  seemed  to  suppose  Ihe  West  would 
be  benefited  by  a  war.  1  do  not  clinrge  that  gen- 
tlemen on  this  floor  would  be  acluaU'il  by  such  a 

■  motive;  but  it  is  undoubtedly  true,  thiit  a  general 
idea  prevails  that  the  price  of  their  breaclstufla 
would  be  augmented,  and  that  the  disburscnienia 
of  money  on  the  noilhern  and  western  frontier 
would  be  beneficial  to  those  sccUons  of  the  Union; 
but  a  moment's  reflection  will  be  suflicient  to  show 
that  they  would  suffer  in  common  with  all  others, 
^t  ihe  very  outset,  the  commerce  of  the  Inkes  would 
be  destroyed,  llicir  intercourse  wiili  the  British  co- 
lonial pons  cut  oil',  and  they  would  be  forced  to 
rely  solely  on  home  consumption  for  a  market  for 
their  produce.  The  market  for  cotton  being  in  a 
very  considerable  degree  destroyed,  the  nlnnlersof 
Ihe  South  would  turn  their  ntteiilion  to  the  produc- 
tion of  grain,  and  everything  necessary  for  their 
domestic  cnnsumption.  The  pork,  bacon,  and 
flour  of  the  Northwest  would  no  longer  find  a  mar- 
ket on  the  banks  of  llie  Mississippi.  A  very  lew 
ficures  will  be  suflicient  to  show  those  who  eiiler- 
tnin  this  idea — that  war  will  supply  a  market  lor 
the  breadstull's  of  the  West — thnt  tliey  are  ullerly 
mistiken.  We  will  suppose,  for  example,  thnt 
armies  amounting  lo  two  hundred  thousand  men 
will  be  required  in  the  field;  at  least  one  hundred 
thousand  will  be  taken  from  our  cities  and  large 
towns,  persons  thrown  out  of  commerce  and  me- 
chanical enipluymeiits,  who  arc  now  of  the  class 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


467 


129tU  CoNO l8T  Sg88. 


Smithsonian  Betjucst — Mr,  Owen, 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


i 


cnlled  non-produceri,  or  persons  not  unpaged  in 
ns;riRuUure.  It  is  a  larf^  cnlculntion  to  suppose  that 
the  other  hundred  thousand  would  be  drawn  from 
the  farmers  of  the  country.  These  two  hundred 
thousand  men  would  consume  no  more  as  soldiers 
than  they  do  now;  and  the  only  change,  as  affect- 
ins;  our  markets,  as  far  na  they  were  concerned, 
would  he  simply  taking  one  hundred  thousand  fVoni 
the  producing  class,  who,  it  would  l>o  a  liberal  cal- 
I'ulation  to  ansunie,  now  produce  ten  millions  of 
bushels  of  grain  per  annum  for  market.  This  by 
MO  means  amounts  to  the  quantity  of  grain  annu- 
ally exported.  It  will  therefore  be  perceived,  that 
as  B  matlerof  mere  eolculalion  of  dollars  and  cents, 
the  grain  growers  of  the  West  would  be  greatly  the 
losers.  Another  idea,  equally  erroneous,  has  been 
advanced  with  respect  to  the  effect  of  the  British 
corn  laws  on  the  price  of  American  grain.  A  re- 
peal of  those  laws  has  been  most  anxiously  desired 
by  the  n heat  growers  of  this  country,  in  the  ex- 
pectation that  in  that  event  we  should  supply  the 
rtritish  market.  A  moment's  consideration  will 
show  that  this  is  a  mistokc.  As  the  British  corn 
laws  now  stand,  they  exclude,  except  in  times  of 
scarcity,  corn  from  the  continent;  wnile  our  wheat 
and  flour  are  admitted  at  a  very  low  duty  through 
the  colonial  pons.  If  the  corn  laws  were  repealed, 
we  should  lose  this  advantage,  and  be  compelled 
to  compete  in  the  British  market  with  the  cheap 
grain  from  the  Baltic,  the  Mediterranean,  and  Black 
yea.  To  show  that  we  cannot  even  now  compete 
with  the  gram  from  those  countries,  it  is  only  ne- 
cessary to  examine  the  following  table  fVom  the 
British  olficiul  returns: 

Importation*  of  uht^tt  into  Great  Hriliitn  from  the  priiuipat 
vkent  tounlriet for  1841,  184-3,  iind  1843,  in  6u>4fto,  (o;c/\rr 
ttith  tht  tum  tot  at  from  each  country. 


Cotintfics, 


ItuKttia I 

DeniiiEuk j 

Pnittsia 

(tonnniiy ; 

lloiiuiMl ; 

Frnjipi' 

Italy  &  Isliuiil! 
\.  A.  IVilonies 
IJiiitc'il  «iati'». 
*>Uirr  I'Mitries. 


1S41.      1      li4|2. 

1W3. 

■1!1»,20.> 

l,!<U4,t)«M 

*i9,;)iw 

i,i»i5,-j;u 

I>r<,(i.'i6 

aiij,'i{s 

7.1.14,40) 

5,»:»',06,-i 

.VII  1.000 

5,aa'j.(i74 

1,(1311,178 

l,0-i7,'»J4 

fl5,«l.| 

73.97!) 

ti,«i4 

l,fi.l3,!)33 

4,J1«,IU0 

Q!),->48 

901,000  '  4,rTH,.-,<l7 

•JI,MO 

2,3:»..T>I     ;i,?J!l,t)!IO 

•i,7!)0,.'i01 

1,10-,K)0    l,llk-i,M;;) 

7I9,I>III 

»OH,S;W     I.HI(i,3.|0 

27^,107 

Total. 


9,.')9a,'J61 
3,098,183  I 
18,;)S),4(>.i 
7,iM9,070 

5,889,280  ! 

.5,80.1,031  . 

ti,8.T:l,278  I 
3,0,kl,27S 

2,9.'i.Vi0li  j 


I  have  been  lediiito  these  remarks  by  the  amend-  | 
mom  odercil  to  my  resolution  by  the  honorable  i 
i;enllcmanlVoni  Illinois,  [Mr.WKNTivoRTii,]  which  i 
proposes,  if  i  understand  it,  that  tlii.s  (iiicstiun  shiill 
not  bca'-bitrHted  or  settled  u]Uil  Great  Britain  opens  ] 
her  porLs  to  American  grain.     It  is  .said  by  physi- 
ciauK  th.il  when  an  C|v;denijc  prevails,  nil  otiicr  com- 
IiUiints  which  may  have  been  prevalent  tend  to  in-  1 
i-rcase  ai]d  ag!;ravate  its  virulence.    This  seems  in  I 
snmedetjrce  lo  be  thecn.se  in  |iolitlcalquc»tions, and 
•■specially  with  the  one  uiider  consideration.    Abo-  i 
lition,  wnich  .seems  ever  ready  to  ueiie  hold  of  the 
ilenienl.i  of  discord,  has  joined  in  the  hue-and-cry 
■  if  "  Fifty  four  forty,"  "All  Oregon  or  none,'' I 
evidently  with  a  hope  that  this  cry  will  bring  a  ' 
war,  and   that   war   will   produce  emancipation. 
'J'his  wild  lanatici.sni,  wliich  is  (jf  Brili.sh  growth, 
stems  recklessly  disposed  to  turn  its  arms  against  ' 
lis  foster-mother  for  the  purpose  of  achieving  its 
unholy  ends.     Those  who  seem  so  utterly  regard- 
Ics.s  of  the  wi.se  and  patriotic  maxims  which  should 
jiovern  all  stjitcsmcn  in  questions  concerning  our 
foreign  and  domestic  policy,  are  but  imperfectly 
;nvare  of  the  strength  and  capabilities  of  the  South.  : 
That  a  war  would  be  excei  dingly  injurious  to  the  , 
interests  and  prosperity  of  the  ijouthcrn  States  no  | 
line  will  pretend  to  deny;  but  that  our  institutions  ' 
would  l)c  overturned,  or  em.tncipation  be  effected, 
no  one  acquainted  with  our  condition  and  resources 
will  for  a  moment  believe.     Of  all  sections  of  the 
Union    the   Southern   titntcs   arc   unquestionably 
more  capable  than  any  other  section  of  sustaining 
a  prolonged   struggle  in   arms.      This  might  be  ! 
«hown  by  a  reference  to  historical  fuels  and  a  criti-  , 
'■:il  examination  of  thcirdomestic  condition.  With- 
(iiit  going  further  into  this  branch  of  the  subject,  I 
will  (Mily  add  that  the  poisoned  chalice  which  I'anat-  'i 
icisni  would  thus  prepare  for  the  Houtli  would  be  ! 
turned  to  its  own  lips,  and  that  it  would  expire  ' 
umidst  the  just  execrations  of  all  patriotic  men. 

iVIuch  has  been  said  in  this  debate  in  regard  to  I 
the  annexation  of  Texas;  that  it  has  destroyed  the 
balance  of  power  in  the  Union,  or  given  a  prepon- 
derance of  territory  to  the  ulavcholding  States. 


Now,  sir,  I  am  not  aware  that  any  Soul  hern  states- 
man was  actuated  by  anv  such  motive  in  his  advo- 
cacy of  that  measure.  Texas  had  achieved  lier  in- 
dependence and  maintained  it  for  the  space  of  nine 
years.  She  was  a  sovereign  and  independent  State, 
She  had  a  right  to  do  with  herself  as  she  pleased. 
Our  people  had  gone  there,  carryiiie  witli  them  the 
spirit,  and  establishing  for  their  Government  our 
free  institutions.  They  were  bone  of  our  bone  and 
flesh  of  our  flesh.  They  had  left  behind  them  all 
the  ties  of  the  domestic  relations.  They  carried 
with  them  the  sympathies  of  their  friends  and  rela- 
tives. They  were  hound  to  us  by  all  the  recollec- 
tions of  our  national  glory  and  achievements,  and 
feeling  the  same  aspirations  for  the  future  as  our- 
selves. They  had  no  desire  to  remain  a  distinct 
and  rival  nation.  They  had  no  wish  to  throw 
themselves  into  the  scale  of  European  policy,  for 
the  purpose  of  creating  a  "balance  of  power" 
among  the  Anglo-Saxon  nations  of  the  American 
continent.  They  desired  to  join  the  great  family 
of  States  of  the  American  Union,  to  unite  their  des- 
tiny with  ours,  to  join  us  in  the  onward  march  of 
our  civil  institutions.  Neither  they  nor  their  breth- 
ren in  the  South  had  one  thought  with  respect  to 
what  has  been  called  here  "  the  balance  of  power. " 
They  had  higher  and  nobler  motives.  While  seek- 
ing tlieir  own  glory  and  prosperity,  they  desired  to 
confer  reciprocal  benefits  upon  their  sister  Slates. 
And  it  is  unquestionably  true  that,  in  a  pecuniary 
point  of  view,  the  commercial  and  manufacturing 
interests  of  the  North  will  be  vastly  more  benefited 
by  the  annexation  of  Texas  than  the  planting  , 
States  of  the  South.  But,  sir,  in  thai  measure  a 
great  principle  was  involved  with  respect  to  the 
settlement  of  this  continent  by  eniigranis  fnmi  the 
United  Slates.  That  principle  is,  that,  wherever 
our  people  shall  take  up  their  abode  in  territory 
contiguous  to  ours,  establish  our  free  institutions, 
show  themselves  capable  of  wise  self-government, 
and  ask  admission  into  this  Union,  it  will  unques- 
tionably be  the  jiolicy  of  this  Government  to  .e- 
ceive  them.  This,  sir,  I  conceive  Mill  be  the  Amei 
ican  policy,  as  conlrndistinguishcd  from  that  which 
has  been  promulged  in  Europe  with  respect  to 
this  continent — to  create  rival  nations  for  the  pui^ 
pose  ol^  establishing  a  "balance  of  power,"  which 
will  be  equally  pernicious  to  us  ns  the  "  balance  of 
power"  in  Europe  has  proved  to  be  there. 

This  doctrine,  I  am  aware,  may  be  ojiposcd  by 
some,  as  Icitiliiiy;  to  too  great  an  extension  of  our 
politicnl  system.     But  who  shall  venture  to  place 
limits  to  modern  invention  ns  applied  to  means  of 
communication .'    W  ho  can  estimalc  the  advantages 
to  be  derived  from  railroads  and  the  magnetic  tele- 
graph ?    Who  can  say  how  distant  the  time  may 
be  when  we  shall  communicate  with  the  Pacific  i 
with  great  facility,  and  in  less  ti'iie  than  we  did  i 
twenty-five  yeiu-a  ago  with  New  Orlenns.'    Sir,  I 
for  one  have  no  fears  of  evil  consequences  to  result  I 
from  the  spread  of  our  population  and  the  extension  | 
of  our  instilution.s.     I  should  lie  much  moreappre-  ji 
hensiveof  the  establishment  of  rival  and  independ-  ii 
ent  nations,  who  might  be  swayed  by  European  jj 
policy,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  the  idea  of  ij 
a  "  balance  of  power"  upon  this  continent.     The   I 
idea,  which  seems  to  prevail  with  many  gentlemen 
ot  the  North,  that  theannexation  of  Texas  has  de-  ;' 
stroycd  the  balance  of  power  with  respect  to  the  {, 
ataveholding  and  non-slaveholding  Stales,  by  the  i 
acquisition  of  tcrritorv,  is  entirely  fallacious.     If  t 
we  assume  the  parallel  of  the  4!)th  degree  of  norlli  ii 
latitude,  running  to  the  Pacific,  ns  our  northern  li 
boundary,  and  the  parallel  of  36°  SO'  as  the  south-  il 
em  limit  of  the  free  States  to  the  Rocky  Mountains,   ! 
and  from  thence  on  the  par.illel  of  4-y  to  the  Pa-  I! 
cific,  we  shall   find,  including  the  Territo.-ies  of,. 
Iowa  and  Wisconsin,  that  the   non-slaveholdiiig  j' 
States  will  have  about  eight  hundred   thousand  h 
square  miles  of  territory  beyond  the  States  already  j ' 
aamitted  into  the  Union,  and  that  the  iSouthern  or  i' 
slaveholding   St;itcs,   including  Texas,  have   but  j 
about   two    hundred   and   seventy-five    thousand 
square  miles.  1! 

(Mr.  Culver.  But  how 's  it  now  in  the  Senate?]  !| 
The  gentleman  asks  how  it  is  at  present  in  the  i; 
Senate?  In  reply!  have  to  say  that  you  have  only  ii 
to  admit  Wisconsin  and  Iowa  to  establish  an  equali-  ][ 
ty  in  that  body  from  both  sections  of  the  Union,  ij 
and  thereafter  the  admission  of  non-slaveholding  j 
will  be  much  more  frequent  than  the  admission  of  | 
slaveholding  States.    Sir,  I  am  in  favor  of  protect-  l. 


ing  our  citizens  in  Oregon  and  extending  to  them 
all  proper  means  of  communication.  I  am  in  favor 
of  a  speedy  adjustment  of  our  claims  in  that  terri- 
tory. But  I  am  in  favor  of  its  being  done  peace- 
fully and  honorably.  A  war  would  unquestion- 
ably either  destroy  or  drive  out  our  citizens  from 
that  country,  and,  if  it  did  not  deprive  us  of  it  alto- 
gether, would  retard  its  settlement  for  many  years. 
I  am  in  favor  of  facilitating  the  emigration  of  our 
hardy  pioneers.  Let  th  in,  if  they  will,  inhabit 
the  shores  of  the  Pacific.  The  increase  of  our 
population  is  so  rapid  that  wc  shall  soon  carry  our 
towns  and  villages  not  only  to  the  base  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  but  to  the  banks  of  the  Colum- 
bia. A  century  is  but  a  small  space  of  time  in  tho 
history  of  a  nation,  and  yet  at  the  present  ratio  of 
increase,  in  the  year  I'J4;>,  there  will  be,  if  nothing 
happen  to  disturb  our  institutions,  three  hundred 
and  twenty  millions  of  people  in  the  United  States. 
And  if  you  extend  your  view  but  twenty-five  years 
further,  there  will  be  six  hundred  aim  forty  mil- 
lions of  people  united  under  one  Qovcrnmeiit. 


SMITHSONIAN  BEQUEST. 
SPEECH  OF  ROBERT  DALE  OWEN, 

OF  INDIANA, 
In  the  House  of  Reprksentatives, 
,.Ql»il  22,  1846. 
[Tho  hill  to  "establish  the  Smithsonian  Institu- 
tion" was  introduced  into  the  House,  on  leave, 
by  Mr.  Owbn,  on  the  19th  Di  ctmber,  1845;  and, 
on  the  same  day,  referred  to  a  Select  Conimitteo 
of  seven,  consi.jting  of  Mes.,T-s.  Owev,  of  Indi- 
ana; Ad.v.ms,   of   MassacluLjCits;  Jenkinu,    of 
New  York;  Marsh,  of  Vermont;  SiMs,o''South 
Carolina;  Davis,  of  .Mississippi;  and  AVii.mot, 
of  Pennsylvania.     On  the   28ih  of  February, 
1846,  it  was  reported  back  from  the  Select  Com- 
11  ittee,  with  sundry  amendments  of  detail.     On 
ti.o  22d  April,  it  was  taken  up  in  Comniiltee  of 
•.lO  Whole  on  the  st.ite  of  ihc  Union,  and  Mr. 
G.  W.  Jo.vEs  moved  to  strike  out  the  first  sec- 
tion; a  nicUion  e(iuivalent  to  one  for  the  rejection 
of  the  bill.     Pending  this  motion,] 
Mr.  OWEN  said:  We  have  been  uiiforlunale, 
in  this  country,  in  the  administration  of  legacies 
bequeathed  by  benevolent  men  for  the  iiuprove- 
ment  of  our  race.     Of  the  noble  Girard  fund,  three 
quarters  of  a  million  of  dollars  are  lost  forever, 
and  though  half  a  gencmlion  has  passed  away  since 
the  eccentric  Philiulclphian  died,  not  one  child  lias 
yet  reaped  ilie  benefit  of  his  munificent  bequest, 
A  temple  has  indeed  arisen  that  outshines  Greece 
and  her  Parthenon;  its  sumptuous  Corinthian  pil- 
lars, each  oiii;  costing  a  sum  that  would  have  en- 
dowed a  professorship,  are  the  admiration  of  be- 
holders and  thuboastof  the  Quaker  city;  but  years 
must  yet  elapse  before  the  first  son  of  indigence 
ascend  the  steps  of  that  princely  portico,  and  sit 
down  within  those  marble  halls,  to  receive  the  ed- 
ucation for  which  its  simple  and  unostcnlatioiig 
founder  sought  to  provide. 

Yet  it  is  not  for  us  of  this  National  Legislature 
to  arraign,  as  dilatory,  the  corporation  of  Philadel- 
phia. It  is  sixteen  years  since  James  Smithson, 
a  wealthy  and  benevolent  Englishman,  died  ot 
Genoa,  leaving  to  tho  United  Stales  the  revci-sion  of 
more  than  half  a  million  of  dollars,  to  found,  in 
this  Districl,  an  iiLstiuuion  "  for  the  increase  and 
diffusion  of  knowledge  among  men."  It  will  be 
ten  years,  on  the  1st  of  July  next,  since  this  Gov- 
ernment solemnly  accepled  the  trust  created  by 
Mr.  Smithson's  will.  It  will  be  eight  years  next 
September  since  the  money  was  obtained  from  the 
English  Court  of  Chancery  and  paid,  in  gold,  into 
theTreasury  of  the  United  States.  And  yet,  t liough 
disiinguishcd  men  have  moved  in  this  matter, 
though  projects  have  been  brought  forward  and 
discussed  in  Congress,  there  has,  till  this  day,  been 
no  final  action;  the  first  human  being  has  yet  to 
receive  the  benefit  of  the  Smithsonian  bequest;  the 
corner  stone  of  the  first  building  has  yet  to  be  laid, 
ill  fiilfilmeiit  of  the  intentions  of  the  philanthropic 
testator. 

Small  encouragement  is  there,  in  such  tardiness 
as  this,  to  others,  as  wealthy  and  as  libeml  as 
Smithson  and  Girard,  to  follow  their  noble  exam- 
ple !  Small  encouragement  to  such  men,  to  entrust 
tu  our  care  bequests  fur  human  improveineiit  ? 


% 


468 


APPEHDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  99, 


a9rH  CoNO IsT  Sess. 


Smithtoninn  Bequest— Mr.  Owen, 


Ho.  or  RcPB. 


Duo  (liligpnre  ii»  one  nf  the  ilulifs  of  n  (hilliful 
triiiilrp.  Hii"  CongrriK,  in  it«  romJucI  of  tliia 
iiicrrj  iruntppsliip,  used  iliir  dilifrpiice  ?  Hiwp  ila 
nicmlicrii  rrnlizeA,  in  the  drplhn  of  llieir  liniiu,  ila 
diitipa  aiKl  llwir  urgent  imporlnnre?  Or  ha»  not 
the  I  •.ngimsje  of  our  legialnlive  nction  rather  been 
hut  this:  "The  Sinithnoninn  fund?  Ah,  true! 
ThntV  well  thought  of.  One  forgew  theae  amnll 
mnttera.  We  ought  oertninty  to  nllcnd  to  it — one 
of  Iheac  dnya,  if  we  could  only  find  time,"  We 
i  e  n«  the  gucHta,  in  the  pnrnhle,  bidden  to  the 
mnrriage  fcnat.  "  I  have  nmrried  a  wife,  nnd 
lliei?f(ue  I  cannot  come."  "I  have  bought  a  yoke  : 
of  oxen,  and  must  needa  remain  at  home  to  prove 
them."  Let  ua  aee  to  it,  that  the  rondemnnlion 
pnnaed  upon  their  paltry  excuaea  fall  not,  with 
double  force,  upon  onr  supinenesa  in  tliia  thins:. 

There  arc  those,  among  the  alrict  oonatrurtinn-   j 
iaiH  of  the  HoUMe,  who  will  vote  lo  relurn  this 
ftind  to  the  Britiah  Court  of  Chancery,  iilliging   ! 
that  we  have  no  constitutional  power  to  receive  or   i 
to  adtniniater  it.      I  suppose,    judging  from   the 
tenor  of  the  amendment  moved  by  the  genllrman 
from  Tenncaace,  [Mr.  G.  W.  Jones,)  llml  he  will 
«o  vole. 

Mr.  Jokes.     1  certainly  ahall. 

Mr.  OwEV.  Well,  sir,  though  I  share  not  the 
gentleman's  constitutional  acniplea,  vet  I,  too,  if 
notion  in  this  matter  be  much  longer  delayed,  will 
join  ill  the  vote  to  aend  back  the  money  lo  the 
country  whence  it  came.  There  is  not  c.onmion 
honesty  in  the  man  who  ahall  receive  a  trual  t\ind 
even  for  an  object  the  most  indifferent,  nnd  then 
keep  the  money  in  hia  hands,  without  aiiplyin^  it 
according  to  the  will  of  the  legator.  Wlinl,  thin, 
ahall  we  any  of  H  great  Govcrnnient,  thntnrccpts, 
solemnly  accept.i,l)eforc  God  and  man — a  bequesl 
for  a  purpo.se  aaciidand  holy,  if  nnv  such  purpow 
there  be  upon  earth;  and  ihen,  iiidotent  or  nididir- 
enl,  ao  bmvcs  the  just  censure  of  lliu  world,  .«o 
di.sappointa  the  generous  confidence  reposed  in  it, 
Bs  to  neglect  nnd  postpone,  year  after  year,  every 
mrnsure  for  the  adminialrniion  of  llint  bequest  ? 

IJelny  is  denial.  We  have  no  mni-e  right  to  put 
oir,  throughout  long  years,  the  appropriation  of 
Bucli  a  fund,  than  we  have  lo  divert  it  to  our  own 
private  purposes.  Nonuse  works  forfeiture  as 
surely  na  misuse.  Mr.  Richard  Ru.sh,  Ihrougli 
whose  agency  the  fund  was  realized  and  remilled 
to  this  country,  in  a  paper  rend  two  years  ago  be- 
fore the  Nalioual  Inslitule,  remarks,  that  if  this 
delay  of  action  had  been  aiiiicipated  by  the  Eng- 
lish chancery  judges,  it  "might  have  forestalled 
the  decree  in  our  favor,  in  Ihc  uiircslricted  manner 
in  which  it  was  made. "     He  adds: 

*'  It  i''  at  least  kntuvn.  Ihal  the  Kiii!li!<ti  Citiirt  orrimnccry 
Is  Plow  to  part  with  trust  rnndii  luitlfr  uiiv  orilijmry  rircuiii- 
stanccs,  withnnl  liill  set-iihly  lliul  Ihcy  will  not  be  divrrifd 
fnun  llieir  iittjct-l.  or  uriJfcrcH  to  tuny^nifih  in  itrnlerl.  TIml 
trihiuinl  a.<ked  no  such  security  rrotii  ihe  I'liited  St.'itcs.  It 
would  have  implied  the  posstiliilily  of  Inchch  in  llic  hi|{h 
tni-lee." — Payer  retut  ^ttfrril  H,  1841. 

Thus  we  are  not  legally  accounlable.  The 
heavier,  for  that  very  reason,  is  our  moral  respon- 
sibility. The  gambler,  beyond  the  pale  of  the 
law,  commonly  retains  honor  enough  to  meet  his 
promises.  We  have  less  than  the  gambler's  honor 
if,  sheltered  behind  our  sovcreiirniy,  we  lake  lul- 
vanlaee  of  the  impunity  it  afl'ords,  and  become  un- 
faithful to  a  high  and  imperative  duty. 

1  impute  not  to  an  American  Congress — I  attrib- 
ute not  to  any  of  my  fellow  members — the  delib- 
erate intention  to  neglect  the  objects  of  this  triisi. 
Tiiere  \b,  doubtless  there  always  has  been,  a  right 
feeling  on  the  subject.  The  just  cause  of  com- 
plaint is,  that  this  right  feeling,  like  many  other 
^ood  irilentions  in  this  world,  has  never  ripened 
into  action.  "  When  you  feel  nobly  and  intend 
well,  go  and  do  something!  Do  some  good;  it 
avails  nothing  merely  to  think  about  it."  Such 
were  the  words,  pronounced  from  yonder  desk,  by 
a  teacher  whose  impressive  eloquence  recently 
filled  this  Hall.  I  thought  of  the  Smithsonian  he- 
quest  when  i  heard  them. 

Noris  it  difficult  to  distingui.'-h  the  reason,  though 
it  furnish  no  sufficient  apology,  for  this  prolonged 
inaction.  It  is  to  be  ascribed,  ihoueh  in  jmrt  to  in- 
difference, yet  chiefly  to  the  (lifficully  of  selecting 
between  various  and' conflicting  plans.  The  words 
cf  the  will,  liberal  and  comprehensive,  do  not  in- 
dicate the  specific  mode  in  which  the  inlentions  of 
the  teatator  shall  be  carried  into  efl'ect.  Mr.  Smith- 
son  left  the  whole  of  hia  property,  failing  certain 


relatives,  nnd  an  old  acrvnnt,  (now  nil  ileceaacd,) 
"  lo  the  United  Slalea  of  Americns  to  i-ovnd,  at 
'  Wnahington,  under  the  name  of  the  Smithsonian 
'  Inatitution,  an  cstadlisiimknt  ran  the  increaic 

'  Ann  DIFFUSION  OF  KNOWLEDGE  AMONO  MF.N." 

"  An  institution  for  the  increnau  and  dilfuaion  of 
knowledge  nmong  men."  These  nre  the  words, 
and  the  only  words,  that  remain  lo  ua  aa  a  guide 
in  n-aming  n  Smithanninn  bill;  our  sole  guide;  un- 
less, indeed,  we  are  to  summon,  na  n  commentary 

on  the  text  of  the  will,  nnd  nn  additional  indication  j]  bole,  wua  laid  on  the  table  by  n  vote  ofli'wcnty'to 
of  the  probable  inlentiona  of  Mr.  Smiihaon,  such  |   fifteen. 


ceivcil.     A  brief  Bbalrnct  of  the  more  imporlimt  of 
these  mny  be  iiaend  nnd  iuleresiing  at  this  lime. 

Professor  Wayhind  proposed  a  university  of  r 
highjfrnde,  lo  teach  I-atiii,  Greek,  Hebrew,  and 
the  Orienlnl  languages,  together  with  a  long  list  of 
other  branches,  including  rhetoric  nnd  poetry,  in- 
tellectual philoaophy,  the  law  of  nations,  Ac.  A 
bUI  aubatniitinlly  based  upon  thia  i-eeommendntion 
wna  introduced,  in  ia')!),  into  the  Scnnle;  nnd  on 
the  Sfith  of  Kebninry  of  thai  year,  after  full  de- 


pnrliculnrs  as  have  reached  ua  touching  his  private 
chariu'ier  and  habits.  These  are  very  acanty,  Mr. 
Hush  says: 


Dr.  Cooper  proposed  n  university,  to  be  opened 
only  to  i^ruduateH  of  other  colleges,  to  leach  tho 
hifclier  brunehca  of  mathematics,  includiiif;  its  ap- 


Wlint  I  have  hcnni  nnU  lanyconlidc  ln,nmoiint<  inthls;   ,  plication   to  astronomy,  cheinialry,  Ac.;  iilao,  il'io 

ihiil  he  wns,  ia  liici,  the  imliirni  sou  iit  ihc  Duke  of  North-  princinlen  of  bolnnv  and  agriculture      No  Ijiiin 

umtipilniidi  Ihulhisaiiither  wiwaMrs. Miicic.ofnnnMcic'ill      '     fj  i  K.  nn  ,„„,,.  1i..r>iiii.r.  «„ i':      1     ""o" 

lluiiilyin  Wili.hiic,orihe»unieoiIiuM(icrHirdi  ihnihewua  ;  „'"'""•  ""  ^""'^  literature;  no  medicine  or  law. 

educBicd  ni  iixibrd,  whore  he  iimk  an  honorary  Icgn'c  In  1  He  above  recommenilalions  in  regard  to  botany 

17S(l ;  ihni  he  docs  not  »p|M>nr  to  liiivc  hud  any  flurd  hninc,  and    agriculture,    and   also  those    excluding   the 

HvinjlnhMlBlniiswhllolnl^mdoii,  niidoccn»i(mully.iiiyi|m  learned    Inngungea    nnd    professions,   have    beeii 

a  year  or  two  ill  a  llinc  in  cities  on  Uic  conllneni,  as  i'nils,  „,i„_,„i  :_  .i,.  ,,!„.„„,  u    ',i..   "         u'li 

ll'riiii,  Klorcncc,  (leiion,  nt  which  ln.1  he  died  i  nnd  Ihsl  the  ,  ""Jf '*"„'!'  ,"'*  J"!'""'  "nillliBoninn  hill. 

ninplc  jirovinlon  iniidc  for  him  hy  the  llukc  or  Norlhuniber- :  Mr.  Kicharu    Hush    proposed  n  building,  with 


Iniiit.  with  retired  and  simple  hnlillx,  eimhlrd  him  lo  nccu 
niiilnte  tile  furttinc  which  now  pns>'cs  lo  the  United  Hlates." 
— Hr;jor(  'SJl  II  It.  Ull/A  t'onj.  lit  Sen.  p.  fl«. 

Mr.  Hush  further  says: 


grounds  ntlarhed,  suflicient  to  reproduce  seeds  and 
plants  for  distribution;  a  press  to  print  lectures, 
Ac;  courses  of  lectures  on  the  leading  brnnchen 
of  phynicnl  and  moml  science,  and  on  government 
"  lie  ihierested  hiuisclf  little  in  (;iiestions  orr.overninent,  ;  and  public  law;  the  snlnries  lo  be  nmiilc  enoiicli  in 
heinii  devoted  to  science,  and  chlcllychcinlsirv.    Tills  had  ;   minmanil  ihc  licsi  n,..n  ..n,l  «.l.„;.  „c  .1       »  i     • 

iniro.lii< him  lo  the  society  of  l-iivcndl»li,  Wnllaston,  nnd  '   '""""""I  'nf  UfM  nien.and  admit  of  the  exclusive 

otliers  ndvnnIi«eoii»ly  known  lo  the  Roynl  Society  in  Lon-  1    tlevotion  01  llieir  lime  lo  the  aludies  nnd  investiga- 
don,  of  which  he  wnsn  nicniher."— Wirf.  :    tions  of  their  posts;  the  leclitres,  when  delivered, 

liia"MemoiroflheScienlificCharacternndRe-  ' '?be  the  property  of  the  Institution  for  publica- 
senrches  of  James  Smithson,"  prenaied  two  years  I  fion.  Most  of  these  recommendations  nre  adopted 
ago  by  Professor  Johnson,  of  Philadelphia, 'there   |  ni  the  bill   before  you.     Mr.  Rush  also  made  the 


are  eu'iimernted  twenty-four  papers  or  treatises  by 
Smithson,  published  in  the  "  Trnn.sactions  of  the 
Royal  Society,"  and  other  scientific  journals  of  the 
day,  containing  contribtitions  chiefly  to  the  sciences 
of  mineralogy,  geology,  and,  more  especially,  min- 
eral chemistry.  Some  of  these  contain  acute  sug- 
gestions regarding  geological  theories,  since  con^ 


excellent  suggestion,  that  coiiaiilaand  other  United 
Stales  ofliceis  might  greatly  nid  the  Institution  by 
collecting  and  sending  home  usefiil  information 
and  valuable  specimens  from  abroad. 

Tlie  venerable  genllcmaii  from  Mnssnchusetis, 
[Mr.  Adams,]  who  has  Ir.bored  in  this  good  cause 
with  more  zeal  and  perseverance  than  any  other 


firmed  by  more  modern  obsr-rvalion;  others  evince  'nan,  expresseu,  in  his  reply,  the  opinion,  that  no 
the  minute  care  and  accuracy  demanded  by  cjuan-  ','  part  of  the  fiind  should  beilcvoled  "  to  the  endnw- 
titative  analysis;  while  one  or  two,  ofn  more  hum-  nient  of  any  school,  college,  university,  or  ecclesi- 
■■       ■  ...  .      ■  .■        aslical  ealnblishnient;"  and  he  proiMised  to  employ 


ble  characlcr,  show  llint  the  man  of  science  dis- 
dained not  to  apply  his  knowledge  to  common 
l'iin:;s,  even  lo  the  details  of  domestic  economy. 
Annals  of  Philosophy,"  (vol.  xxii,  p.  30,) 
.»  brief  tract  on  the  "  method  of  making 
It  contains  the  following  excellent  obser- 
v;i  . 

*'  In  nit  cases  nienns  of  ecnnoiny  tend  tonliffnient  and  dif 
fuse  coinfori  and  hapiiincsy.    They  brina  witliiii  tlie  reach 


)  pro^Mised  to  employ 
seven  years' income  oflhcfiinil  in  thcesUtblishment 
of  on  observatory,  with  instruments  and  a  small 
library.  This  pro|i()sal  was  atkrsvards,  nt  no  less 
than  four  dilferent  sessions,  incorporated  in  a  bill; 
Inil  failed ,  on  these  occasions,  among  the  unfinished 
business.  I  believe  I  am  amhorizcd  in  saying  for 
the  genllemnn  from  Maasnchusella.thnt.innsnuich 
as  these,  his  inlenticins,  have  been  since  otherwise 


of  the  nian>  wlial  wnslefiil  proceeilinn  conliiics  lo  the  few.     carried  out,  nnd  as  we  have  already,  in  this  Dislrirl , 
:!X,i^'mi;;;;^^ll^,;n?;;!'whleh  ZZr::;^::L:iSZS^7  "' :    ««"vernine„t  observatory .  at  let;;!  equal  in  every- 

thing  but  the  experience  of  Its  observors  to  the  Koyal 
Observatory  at  Greenwich,  he  has  ceased  to  press 
that  proposal. 

Though  the  plan  actually  priiposed  by  the  gentle- 
man from  Maasnchuaetls  wa  i  restricted,  for  some 
years,  to  an  observatory,  he  yet  recognised,  aa  in 
accordance  with  the  language  o.'ihe  bequest,  "  the 
improvement  of  all  the  arts  and  eciencea."  In  ii 
rejiort  made  in  184(1,  he  adds: 


some  other  enjoy 

Kven  in  n  trifle  like  ibis  we  may  trace  the  ulili- 
tariin  simplicity  and  practical  benevolence  of  James 
Smithson. 

The  will  determines  the  name  of  the  inslilution, 
and  renders  imperative  ils  location  nt  Washinglon. 
It  decides,  also,  that  a  Smithsonian  institution  shall 
have  two  distinct  objects;  one  to  iiicreose  the  sum 
of  human  knowledge,  the  other  to  nid  in  ils  diffu- 

sion:  for  we  cannot  imagine  the  terms  to  have  been        ,.  ^  ,,„„„,„„  ^,,,|, ,  ^„,,j„^,  „f  ^^,„^,  ^  ^^ 

employed  as  synonymous,    h  rorn  the  rjiarnctcr  ol      ,„„,„  nf  mincraloey,  coneholoiiy,  or  iieohmy,  a  KcncrnI 


',  the  testator's  juirsuits,  we  may  fairly  infer,  further, 
i  that  a  Smithsonian  bill,  framed  in  accordance  with 
,  the  evident  inlentiona  of  Smilhson  himself,  must 
I  include  the  nnlurnl  sciences,  and  especially  chemis- 
try, together  with  their  application  to  tlie  useful 
arts  of  life,  among  the  branches  of  knowledge  lo 
be  increased  and  diffused.     And,  as  his  own  habits 
were  frugal  and  unostentatious,  ao,  in  all  ils  details, 
should  be  the  institution  that  bears  his  name. 

Suffer  me  now  briefly  to  pass  in  review  the  his- 
tory of  our  legislative  proceedings  in  this  mailer. 
'  The  money  was  paid  into  the  United  Slates  treas- 
ury on  the  1st  of  September,  1838.  On  the  6lh  of 
December,  of  the  same  year.  President  Van  Buren 
sent  a  message  to  Congress,  informing  that  body, 
that  he  had,  in  July,  I&38,  directed  the  Secretary 
of  Slate  "  to  apjily  lo  persona  versed  in  science 
'and  familiar  with  the  subject  of  public  education, 
'  as  to  the  mode  of  disposing  of  the  fund  best  cal- 
'  culaled  to  meet  the  intentions  of  the  testator,  and 
'  prove  most  beneficial  to  mankind." 

From  the  wording  of  this  message  we  may  infer 
that  Mr.  Van  Buren  considered  the  advancement 
of  sf  if  ncf  nnd  of  jnMic  education  the  proper  object 
of  a  Smithsonian  Institution. 


He  communicated  to  Congress  the  replies  re- ii  tion  lo  be  gratuitous. 


accuinulalinil  liliriiry,  are  iindoiibleillv  incliideii  within  the 
coinpreliensive  |irn«|)  iif  Mr.  HinilllBiin's  desiun."— H.  «. 
Report,  No.  477,  Mk  Oin)-.,  Ul  seu.,  p.  18. 

These  various  objecta  are  all  embraced  in  the  bill 
which  has  been  reported  lo  the  House.  The  gen- 
tleman also  recommended,  that  the  original  fund 
(it  is  about  «515,0OO)  be  preserved  unimpaired, 
and  that  yearly  approjirialions  be  made  from  the 
accruing  income  only,  (which  will  amount,  on  the 
first  of  July  next,  to  nbout  «24a,000;)  n  fenture 
which  has  been  incorpornteil,  I  believe,  in  every 
Smithsonian  bill  heretofore  submitted  lo  Congress. 
The  restrictions  suggested  by  tho  gentleman  from 
Massachusetts,  have  been  so  far  retained  in  t!ie 
present  bill  as  to  exclude  from  the  institution  "any 
'  school  of  law,  medicine,  or  divinity,  or  any  pro- 
'  fessorship  of  ancient  languages." 

At  the  last  session,  a  bill  was  introduced  into  the 
other  branch  by  Senator  Tappnn.  Ila  plan  inclu- 
ded an  experimental  farm,  botanical  garden,  and 
conservatories;  cabinets  of  natural  history,  a  chem- 
icid  laboratory,  a  library  with  an  annual  appropri- 
ation not  exceeding  five  thousand  dollars,  scientific 
lectureships,  and  an  eslnblishmeni  for  printing  sci- 
entific tracts  nnd  other  useful  ireniisea.  All  instruc- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  OLOBE. 


469 


3^H  CoNo Ut  Srm. 


iSmithtonian  Beque$t—Mr.  Owen. 


Ho.  or  Rcpa. 


Thii  IhII  wna  mibseqiienlly  mi  ninPiidml  hy  the 
Sensle,  that  the  lecturen  wrre  rcslricled  to  a  conniio 
or  coiirscn  to  l)e  delivered  diiririj;  the  seasion  of 
Coiicress,  at  an  expense  not  excccdinij  live  thou- 
Hand  dollnra  nnnnally,  and  the  priming,  to  a  pub- 
lication of  theao  lectures-,  while  the  nnininl  ap- 
propriation for  H  lilirury  wa«  to  lie  "  not  lc««  tlmn 
twenty  thouaand  dolliirH." 

The  experimental  farm,  homnical  garden,  and 
conaeryatnriea,  aa  well  as  the  nuiBcum,  laboratory, 
and  acientiAc  cabineta,  were  nominally  retained: 
hut  how  iheac  were  to  hn  aupported,  considering 
that  nt  leaat  two-lhirda  of  the  entire  income  waa 
annually  to  Ire  spent  on  the  library,  doe*  not  very 
clear<y  appear. 

This  library  |)liin,  as  it  was  commonly  called, 
pns!<ed  the  Senate  anil  reached  our  House.  An 
nnieiiUment  or  anbatitute,  nearly  similar  to  the  prea- 
ent  bill,  was  submitted  by  myaelfand  printed;  but, 
in  the  hurry  of  a  short  session,  the  whole  matter 
WHS  lelV  once  more  among  the  unfinished  liusincis. 

As  this  Senate  bill  is  tho  only  one,  establishing  a 
Hmitliaoninn  Institution,  that  has  yet  pitased  either 
branch  of  Congress,  ils  principal  feature  demands 
uur  deliberate  and  respectful  consideration. 

The  library  contemplated  by  thi»  bill,  it  was  ex- 
pressly provided,  was  to  be  "  of  the  largest  class  ' 
of  libraries  now  in  the  worhl."  We  shall  belter  | 
underaland  both  the  object  and  the  cost  of  this  pro- 
posal, by  taking  as  a  ciinimentary  thereon  some  of 
the  remarks  with  which  it  was  introduced  by  its 
author,  then  a  distinguished  member  of  the  other 
btnnch,  but  no  Umger  there  to  adorn  its  debates 
with  the  gay  flowers  of  hia  brilliant  eloquence. 

He  objected  to  limiting  the  cost  of  Uio  library 
building  to  one  hundred  thousand  dollars;  seeing, 
na  he  reminded  the  Senate,  that  the  "largest  claaa" 
of  public  lihrariea  contain  from  a  quarter  of  a  mil- 
lion to  upwards  of  half  ii  million  of  volumes.  He 
iiaid: 

"  Twenty  thoiMnnd  dollar!i  a  year  for  Iwenty-fl  .*e  years  are 
rive  tmiiHri>d  tliou-faiid  dotluni ;  and  tive  liuiidrt'd  thousand 
ilnllard  dircclly  ex|iL-iidi<d,  not  hy  n  hlhlinnmniac,  but  by  a 
nmii  of  Beiue  and  reading,  Ihnrniijhly  Instrucii-d  In  bibli- 
ogrophy,  would  go  fur,  very  far,  towards  the  piirchoiin  of  aa 
good  a  library  a>  Eurnpu  can  boii»t."— SpcecA  of  Stnator 
Chotite,  Jamtary  8,  1845. 

He  adds,  a  little  further  on,  that  "  such  a  step 
taken,  we  should  never  leave  the  work  unfinished ;" 
and  that  when  finished,  it  would  "  rival  naytliing 
civilization  has  ever  had  to  show." 

He  argues  of  the  value  and  importance  of  such 
a  library  afier  this  wise: 

"  I  ilo  not  know,  that  of  nil  the  printed  books  in  the  world, 
we  have,  in  this  coanlry,  more  tlmn  llfty  thousRiid  diflerent 
works.  The  roiixequence  lins  bL-eii  fell  and  lamented  by  all 
our  authnrii  and  all  our  scholars.  It  ho^  bei'n  onen  said  that 
Cibbon'a  History  lould  not  have  been  written  here  for  want 
of  books.  I  sup|)o<<o  that  Hallinn  '9  Middle  Ases,  nnd  his  In- 
troducUon  to  the  Literature  ol  Europe,  eoulil  not.  Irving'a 
Columbus  was  written  in  Spain ;  Wlieaton'i  Northmen  pre- 
pared to  be  written  in  Copeiiliagen.  Sec  how  this  iiiode- 
quate  supply  operiiles.  An  American  mind  kindles  wilh  a 
Kubjrct;  it  enters  nn  an  invesiicaUon  with  a  spirit  and  abil- 
ity worthy  of  the  niost>.plendid  achievement;  goes  a  little 
way,  finds  that  a  dozen  liook.^ — one  book,  perhaps— is  iniiis- 
pensable,  which  cannot  be  I'ciuod  this  side  ol'Gotlingun  or 
Oxford  ;  it  tires  of  the  pursuit  or  abunduns  it  altogether," 
&c. 

And  the  Senator  branches  off,  in  his  own  bril- 
liant style,  into  a  dissertation  on  the  value  and  im- 
portance of  such  a  library:  "a  vast  store-house," 
says  he;  "a  vast  treasury  of  all  the  facts  which 
make  up  the  history  of  niiin  and  of  nature;"  •  • 
"  a  silent,  yet  wise  and  eloquent  teacher;  dead,  yet 
speaking;  not  dead  I  for  Milton  has  told  us:  'u 
good  book  is  not  absolutely  a  dead  thing — the  pre- 
cious life-blood,  rather,  of  a  master  spirit;  a  sea- 
soned life  of  man,  embalmed  and  treasured  up  on 
purpose  to  a  life  beyond  life.'  " 

If  the  question  were  between  a  library  and  no 
library;  between  books  and  no  books;  the  lan- 
guage thus  employed,  fervid  as  it  is,  would  be  all 
iiisuflicient  to  shadow  forth  the  towering  magni- 
tude of  the  subject.  John  Faust — if,  indeed,  to 
the  goldsmith  of  Mentis  the  world  owe  the  art  of 
type-setting — conferred  on  his  race  ii  greater  boon 
than  ever  before  did  living  man.  There  is  no  com- 
parison to  be  made  between  the  effects  of  the  art 
of  printing  and  those  of  any  other  discovery  put 
forth  by  human  wit.  There  is  nothing  to  which 
to  liken  it.  It  was  a  general  gaol-delivery  of  the 
thoughts  of  the  world.  It  wna  a  sending  forth  of 
these  winged  messengers,  hitherto  bound  down 
each  in  his  own  narrow  sphere,  emancipated,  over 
the  earth.    And  that  was  the  great  day,  not  of  In 


tellect  only,  but  of  Freedom  nisn.  Then  was 
struck  the  heaviest  blow  against  law-giving  for  the 
mind.  The  Htrnmbolean  Cave  was  opened;  the 
Inng-pent  winds  of  opinion  aet  free;  nnd  no  edict- 
framing  JEn\\in  cnuld  crib  and  confine  them  to 
their  priaon-houae  again. 

Yes  I  well  might  f'aiiat  incur  the  charge  of  de- 
monocracy!  for,  almost  to  the  letter,  has  his  won- 
drous craft  rcali/.ed,  in  our  day,  the  fahlea  of  east- 
ern romance.  Draw  a  chair  before  your  library, 
and  you  have  obtained  the  magical  carpet  of  the 
Arabian  tale;  you  arc  transported,  at  a  wish,  far- 
ther than  to  Aft-icn's  deserts  or  IndiaN  groves;  not 
to  other  climes  only,  hut  to  other  tiines  also.  The 
speaking  page  introduces  yon,  not  to  your  cotem- 
piirariea  alone,  but  to  your  ancestors,  tlirnugh  cen- 
luriea  paat.  The  best  and  the  wisest  of  former 
generationa  are  aiimmoned  to  your  presence.  In 
books  exists  the  by-gone  world.  By  bonks  we 
come  into  contact  with  the  mankind  of  former  ages. 
By  books  we  travel  among  ancient  nations,  visit 
tribes  long  since  extinct,  nnd  are  niiidc  familiar 
with  manners,  that  have  yielded,  centuries  ngo,  to 
the  innovating  influence  of  lime.  Contracted,  in- 
deed, is  his  mental  horizon,  limited  hia  sphere  of 
comparison,  whose  fancy  has  never  lived  nniong 
the  sages  and  the  heroes  of  the  olden  time,  to 
listen  to  their  teachings,  nnd  to  leurn  from  their 
achievcinenta. 

As  far  as  the  farthest,  then,  will  I  go,  in  his  esti- 
mate of  the  blessings  which  the  art  of  printing  has 
C(nileire(l  upon  man.  But  such  reasoning  bears  not 
on  the  proposal  embraced  in  the  Senate  bill.  It  sub- 
stnntiates  not  at  all  the  propriety  of  siK-nding  half 
a  million,  or  two,  or  three  half  inilliniis  of  dollars,  to 
rival  the  bibliomaniacs  of  Paris  and  of  Munich. 

A  library  of  Congress  we  already  have;  a  libra- 
ry of  forty  or  fifty  thousand  volumes;  a  library 
incrwising  at  the  rate  of  one  or  two  tliousnnd 
volumes  a  year.  The  Smithsonian  bill  before 
you  permits,  in  addition,  nn  expenditure  not  ex- 
ceeding an  average  often  thousand  dollars  n  year 
for  this  object.  Say  that  but  half  that  sum  is 
annually  expended  by  the  managers;  nnd  still, 
in  some  twelve  or  fifteen  years,  the  two  libra- 
ries will  probably  number  from  eighty  to  a  hun- 
dred thousand  volumes.  Are  there  n  hundred 
thousand  volumes  in  the  world  worth  reading }  I 
doubt  it  much.  Are  there  four  thousand  volumes 
published  yearly  worth  buying.'  I  do  not  believe 
there  arc.  A  small  garner  suflices  to  store  the 
wheat;  it  is  the  chaff  that  is  bulky  and  fills  up  the 
store-house.  Books  are  like  wealth.  An  income 
we  must  have  to  live;  a  certain  amount  of  income 
to  live  in  comfort.  Beyond  a  certain  income  the 
power  of  wealth  to  purchase  comfort,  or  even 
wholesome  luxury,  ceases  altogether.  How  much 
more  of  true  comfort  is  there  in  a  fortune  of  n  mil- 
lion of  dollars  than  in  one  of  fifty,  or  say  a  hun- 
dred thousand?  If  more  there  be,  the  excess  is 
hardly  n|)precinble;  the  burden  and  the  cares  of 
the  millionaire  outweigh  it  tenfold.  And  so,  also, 
of  these  vast  and   bloated  book-gatherings,  that 

I  sleep  in  dust  and  cobwebs,  on  the  library  shelves 
of  European  monarchies.     Up  to  a  judicious  selec- 

j  tion  of  thirty,  fifty,  a  hundred  thousand  volumes, 
if  you  will,  how  vast — yea,  how  priceless — is  the 
intellectual  wealth !  From  one  to  five  hundred 
thousand,  what  do   we  gain.'     Noihing?     That 

;  would  not  be  true;  a  goblet  emptied  into  the  Pn- 

!  cific  adds  to  the  mass  of  ils  waters.  But  if,  within 
these  limits,  we  set  down  one  book  out  of  a  hun- 
dred as  worth  the  money  it  costs,  we  are  assuredly 

i  making  too  libera'  an  estimate. 

:  I  pray  you,  sir,  not  to  stretch  these  strictures  be- 
yond their  precise  application.  I  am  not  one  of 
those  who  judge  sligntingly  the   learning  of  the 

;  past.  We  find  shining  forth  from  the  d.'rk  mas.s 
of  ancient  literature,  gems  of  rare  beauty  and 

:  value;   unequalled,  even    to-day,   in   purity  nnd 

I  truth.  But,  then,  also,  what  clouds  ot  idle  verbi- 
iige!  What  loads  of  ostentatious  technicalities! 
It  is  but  of  late  years  that  even  the  disciple  of  sci- 
ence has  deignedl  to  simplify  and  translate;  former- 

I  ly  his  great  object  seems  to  have  been  to  obscure 

1  and  mystify.     The  satirist,  in  sketching  un  indi- 

!  vidual   variety,  has  aptly  described   the  species, 

1  when  he  says: 

j  "The  wise  men  of  Euypt  were  secret  as  (luinmie--, 

]     And  even  when  they  most  coiideseendeil  to  icneli, 

I  They  packed  up  their  ineaniilf!,  as  they  did  their  munnnics, 

'     III  so  many  wrappers,  'twas  out  of  one's  reach." 


But  there  are  such  noble  enlcrpriscn  aa  those  of 
Gibbon  and  Hallum;  valuable  to  all;  doubly  valua- 
ble to  the  moralist  and  the  statesman.  And  in  ro- 
gnril  to  such  it  is  argued  that  if  one  of  our  own 
scholars,  fired  with  gcnerona  ambition  to  i-ivnl  tha 
historians  of  the  Old  World,  enters  on  such  a  laaki 
he  may  find  that  a  dozen  books,  or  perhaps  a  aingla 
book,  necessary  for  rcfirencr, "  cannot  be  found  thia 
aide  of  Qottingen  or  Oxford."  Suppose  he  docH, 
what  is  the  remedy?  A  'ery  simple  one  auggesti 
itself:  that  he  should  order,  tnrongli  an  importer  of 
foreign  Ixmka,  the  particular  work  which  he  Incka, 
To  save  him  the  trouble  and  expense  of  ao  doiii|e:t 
the  fl-iends  of  the  mammoth  liumry  scheme  pro* 
pose — what?  That  we  ahould  begin  by  expend- 
ing half  a  million  of  dollars,  which  would  "  go  ftir 
towards  the  nnrcha-ie  of  aa  good  a  library  as  Europe 
can  boast;"  that  "such  u  step  Uikeii,  we  should 
never  leave  the  work  unfinished;"  and  that,  when 
finished,  it  would  rival  anything  civilization  has 
ever  had  lo  show." 

It  is  prudent,  before  wo  enter  on  this  rivalshiii, 
to  count  its  cost.  Without  seeking  lo  reach  tlio 
seven  hundred  thousand  volumes  of  the  Parisian 
library,  let  us  suppose  that  we  try  for  the  half  mil- 
lion of  volumes  that  form  the  boast  of  Munich-  or 
fill  up  the  shelves  of  the  Bodleian.  Our  librarian 
informs  me  that  the  present  Congressional  library 
(certainly  not  one  of  the  most  expensive)  has  cost 
upwaiiis  of  three  dollars  a  volume;  its  binding  (done 
h.ts  averaged  over  a  dollar  a  volume.  The  same 
works  could  be  purchased  now,  it  is  true,  much 
more  cheaply;  but,  on  the  other  liand,  the  rare  old 
books  and  ctirious  manuscripts  necessary  to  com- 
plete a  library  of  Ihe  loigesl  class  would  raise  thn 
average.  Assuming,  then,  the  above  rale,  a  rival 
of  the  Munich  library  would  cost  us  a  million  and 
a  half  of  dollars ;  Us  biiuting  alone  would  amount  to 
a  sum  equal  to  the  entire  Smithsonian  fund,  aa 
originally  remitted  to  us  from  Endaiid. 

And  thus,  not  only  the  entire  legacy  which  wo 
have  proniised  to  expend,  »o  that  it  shall  increase 
and  dift'nse  knowledge  among  men,  is  to  be  squan- 
dered in  this  idle  and  bootless  rivalry,  but  thou- 
sands nn  thousands  must  be  added  to  finish  the 
work,  from  what  source  to  be  derived,  let  ils  adyo- 
i  catea  inform  us.  And  when  we  have  spent  tlirico 
the  amount  of  Smithson's  original  betjuest  on  the 
project,  we  shall  have  the  satisfaction  of  believing 
that  we  may  possibly  have  saved  to  some  worthy 
scholar  a  hundred,  or  perchance  a  few  hundred 
dollars,  which  otherwise  he  must  have  spent  to 
olnain  from  Europe  half  a.  dozen  valuable  works 
of  reference ! 

But  there  are  other  reasons  urged  for  this  appro- 
priation of  the  Smithsonian  fund. 

"  There  is  something  to  point  to,  if  you  should  be  aaked  to 
account  for  it  unexpectedly;  and  something  to  point  to  if  a 
tniveller  should  taunt  you  with  the  collections  which  he  has 
seen  abroad,  and  wtiich  i^ild  and  recommend  the  absolu- 
tisinsofViennaor  St.Pctersburg."— Sciwtor  OAootc'i  SpeccA, 
as  ahove. 

This  purchasing  of  a  reply  to  some  silly  travel- 
ler's idle  taunts,  at  a  cost  of  a  million  and  a  half  of 
dollars,  including  a  fund  sacredly  pledged  to  hu- 
man improvement,  seems  to  me  a  somewhat  costly 
and  unscrupulous  mode  of  gratifying  national  van- 
ity. It  is  ineffectual,  too;  unless  we  are  prepared 
to  add  11  few  millions  more,  to  buy  u|3 — if  money 
could  buy! — the  means  of  reply  to  other  taunts, 
quite  aa  just  and  quite  as  likely  to  be  cast  up  tons. 
There  is  the  Vatican,  with  its 

"  i^tatnes  hut  known  from  slmpi's  o|-tlie  earth. 
By  lieini!  toolovciv  llirmorMI  birth." 

There  is  the  Florence  Gallery,  with  its 
"  Paintings,  whose  colors  of  life  were  cniight 
From  the  tairy  tints  in  tile  rainbow  %vrouglit — " 

ini.i  res  of  beauty,  living  conceptions  of  grandeur, 
refining,  cultivating,  elevating;  worth  all  the  musty 
manuscripts  of  O.vlbrd,  ten  times  told!  How  are 
we  to  escape  the  imputation  that  our  rude  land  can 
show  no  such  triumphs  of  art  as  these?  Arc  we  to 
follow  Bonaparte's  plan?  Are  we  to  curry  war 
into  the  land  of  the  olive  nnd  the  vine;  and  enrich 
this  city,  as  the  French  Empcrot  did  his  capital, 
with  the  artistical  spoils  of  the  world  ?  Unless  we 
adopt  some  such  plan,  must  not  Europe's  taunts 
remain  unanswered  still? 

And  let  them  so  remain !  I  share  not  the  feel- 
ings of  the  learned  and  eloquent  Senator  to  whose 
renintks  I  have  taken  liberty  to  reply,  when  he 
says: 


m 


ill 


'170 

WJhii  CoNii. 


.11 


9K»lt. 


APPEWDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Smithxotunn  Hn/urM — i\fr,  (hotn. 


[A  pill  22, 


Ho.  or  Rbpi. 


**  I  riiniHait  til  n  piiiii  nf  fitvy  runt  crlcr',  iliiit  th'T'*  ■.litnild 
In-  iiiio  itri>|t  or  out'  Mior-icl  iiiMrt'  nl  lUt-  liit-;iil  nr  h  iiirr  iM'  lll- 
ti'tli'<<lii.<l  liii'  liutii-'l  l>«  tir  r.iirop  iiii  lli.iii  I'..  ltM>'Aiii<'rri-itri 
iithiil.  \Vh.v  "liimhl  iM't  llii'  -««ul  Mftlii'  i-ii'iiifrv  iirt  ih  i;i)i)il 
ftMiil,  fitiil  UN  itiuoh  (if  It.  hh  iIm-  siuiI  nf  r'.iirn|ii' ,'" 

It  i^iicvcH  m<*  lint,  lliMl  till'  ftuiliiHtii'  tii«tp  nf  fl'Mttr 
pniniiTiii  Irariiiii^'  tii;iy  t'iiih  ■  li  liiiil.nii  llir  Imnk- 
Bndvi'D  of  l*rtrl»,  Miniir  liti'iiiry  inor«'l  of  I'liuii'c 
nnrt  iiiiripiii  fl(\vi>r,  mirli  ;i«  i.iir  uwii  rtvlrnpolis 
mipplii'M  not.  I  fril  110  envy,  if  ttr  rrinililicaiiH 
nrc  iiiitilniin  hy  liiMiiiiiiiH  Kiiinpi"  in  wimi'  lii'^'h- 
■oiiniiiii'il  itrlirni-y  nf  the  piimi'iircil  kimiI.  Kiiiiiu'li 
hiivc  wo  Id  {•oiiMiilc  iiiirN"|vi'H! — nliji'i'l-i  nf  iiiiliMiml 
nniliilinn,liow  iiiiii'li  liiu'liri',  linvv  inliiiilrly  iiiililci' 
llinii  llicsp! — ulijoclHiif  iiilinniil  priili',  lullircwliirli 
Ihcmi  pi ity  niiiii|niiri;iii  triiiiiiplii  ihwirf  ilnwii  intn 
uller  Insi^nilirnnry I  I.nnk  ii'imnil  nvfr  (iiir  fur- 
Hiircmlin:,'  Inml,  llirii  ''liiiicc  .irnmn  tn  tin-  niniiar- 
ihicii  nf  ilio  Olil  Wnrld,  miil  Kny,  if  I  gpcnk  not 
truth! 

I  ii:*\T  «njournri|  iinmnn;  thr  Inlmrrri  nf  I'linliiml; 
I  liiivr  \iHilVil,  iiihiil  tlicir  miryniilM,  iIip  prnMi\iil|-y 
of  Kniiii-c;  I  linvi' ilwclt  for  yi'ars  in  the  iiiiiHi  lif 
the  hardy  mnnntiiiiii'irn  of  Swit/iilniiil.  I  hiivo 
KOi'ii,ftiii|  onvcrKi'il.aiiil  Nat  Hnwii  in  ilii-ir  i-nll'iijos 
with  thtni  all.  I  haw-  fnunil  iifti'ii  amniijj  tlii'in 
niinphi  f;iiiHhi('».s:  isnormi-c,  npprt"<sinii,  cnitiint 
Iraniiilc  out  that.  I  liiivr  wiliu  ssi'il  palioifr  uiiiliT 
hopclrss  toil,  rcsiffnalion  tirnrath  L'rirvniiH  wroiiiTR; 
I  hnvi-  iiiPl  with  rivility,  kiiiilncs^,  a  I'licrrfiil  miiili', 
1111(1  a  really  welrome.  Hot  llie  spirit  nf  tlir  man 
,vna  not  there! — the  Hpirit  that  i-aii  lil'i  up  its  lirnw 
with  a  nnlilc  eonfiileiue,  niiil  fuel  that,  while  it  is 
no  man 'Huinstcr,  neither  i»  itniiy  man's  slave.  He- 
twceii  them  and  the  favnred  nf  eaprieinns  foriiinn, 
one  fch—lhrij  felt — there  was  u  great  yulf  fixed, 
brond,  iinpaiisaMe. 

Far  other  is  it  even  in  the  Inwlienl  enliin  nf  our 
frontier  West.  Il  is  an  equal  ynii  meet  there;  nil 
emial  in  pnliiirAl  rights;  one  In  whom  linnnrx  niid 
onlcOf  even  the  hi:;he«t,  are  as  open  ns  to  yoiir«elf. 
You  ftcl  that  it  is  an  efpial.  The  lone  in  whieh  hos- 
pitality ia  tendered  to  yon,  hiiinhle  thouKh  menna 
and  forms  may  lie,  reminds  yon  of  it.  The  eon- 
versation,  running  over  the  sreni  snhjeels  of  the 
day,  hrnnchin?  on,  perhaps,  tn  qiie.atinns  of  eon.<ti- 
tutionitl  right,  or  internatiunal  law,  assures  you 
ofit. 

I  have  heard  In  many  a  barkwonds  raliin,  lighted 
but  hy  the  blazin;;  Ini;  heap,  ar<:iiinenis  on  goTern- 
nienl,  views  of  national  policy,  judgments  of  men 
and  things,  that,  for  sound  sense  and  pmeiieni 
wisdom,  would  not  disgnicc  any  legislative  body 
upon  earth. 

And  (ball  we  gruil.T;e  to  Europe  her  antiquarian 
lore,  her  cumbrous  folios,  her  illuminated  ninim- 
■cripU,  the  chair  of  learned  diilness  that  cumbers 
Iter  old  library  shelves?  A  "  pang  nf  envy  and 
grief"  slmll  we  feel.'  Out  upon  it!  "Men  have  we; 
a  ficonle;  a  free  people;  self-respecting,  self-govern- 
ing; that  which  gold  cannot  buy;  that  which  kings 
cannot  make!  Grief!  Knvy!  Theirs  let  it  be, 
who  look  upon  this  young  land,  in  her  freshness, 
in  her  strength!  Lit  them  feel  it  who  behold, 
from  afar,  our  people  bravely  battling  their  onward 
way;  treading,  with  liberty  at  their  side,  the  path 
of  piogresaive  improvement;  each  step  upward 
and  onward;  onward  to  the  great  goal  of  public 
virtue  and  social  equality. 

Equality!  I  spoke  of  our  citizens  us  equals; 
equals  in  the  sense  of  the  Decluraiion  of  Inde- 
pendence; equals  in  political  privilege;  in  the  legal 
right  to  the  pursuit  of  hapiiines.4.  Equals,  in  a 
restricted  sense  of  the  term,  men  never  can  be. 
The  power  of  intellect  will  commiuid,  while  the 
world  endures;  the  influence  of  cultivation  will  be 
felt,  while  men  continue  lolive  upon  earth;  and  felt 
the  more,  the  lonijcr  the  world  improves,  the  better 
men  become.  Lnequal,  then,  in  their  influence 
over  their  fcllov/.s;  unequal,  in  the  space  they  fill 
in  the  world's  thoughts;  unequal,  in  the  power 
with  which  they  dmw  after  them  the  hearts  of 
many — thus  unequal,  to  some  extent,  men  must 
ever  be. 

But  here  arises  a  great  question ;  a  practical  ques- 
tion; an  inquiry  especially  perlineni  to  the  subject 
before  us.  The  natural  inequality  of  man  is  a 
thousand  times  increased  by  artificial  influence 
throughout  society.  Is  that  well  ?  Or  if  not  well, 
can  it  he  avoided.'  Or  if  not  avoided,  can  it  be 
lessened?  I  feel  assured  that  it  can  be  much  les- 
sened. I  am  not  sanguine  enough  to  believe  that 
I— perhaps  not  my  children,  even — shall  sec  the 


day,  when  iiiiialily  nfidiicalion  nIhiII  prevail, even 
ill  iIiIh  repiililiraii  land.  Ibit  I  hold  it  to  he  a  iv- 
publiciin  oliligation  to  do  all  that  we  propel ly  and 
consliliilionally  may,  in  order  i-r;ulually  lo  reiu'li, 
or  III  least  to  approach,  that  period.  I  hold  it  In 
he  a  ilininoralii'  duty  in  elevate,  to  the  utmost  of 
ournl'llily,  the  chariictir  nf  our  tnMMiiv  »eiioii|. 
INHTIiiTTinv.  1  hnlil  llii  I  tn  he  a  far  higher  iilid 
hnlier  duly  than  to  gi\e  addilioniil  depth  to  learned 
Hludirs,  or  .supply  ciiriniis  auihorllii  h  to  antiqua- 
rian ri  search. 

Oiiiihd  by  such  roiisiileiations,  I  inrorpornted 
in  the  lull  bclnre  yon,  as  one  of  its  principal  fea- 
liires,  a  MinMAi.  iihaniii.  Thin,  and  the  clause 
providing  for  nnuiiinl  rcsi-archcs  in  natural  si  iisire, 
are  the  only  nnporlant  nilditiniis  that  have  bun 
made  in  il  to  Seii;Unr  Tappan'.s  lull  nf  last  Hcssion. 

Nnrniiil  schools — thai  is,  schools  to  ii  ach  teach- 
ers, lo  instruct  in  the  science  of  inslrnciinn — are  an 
improvement  of  comparilivclv  inodcrn  dale.  The 
first  ever  niK  niptcil  seems  lo  liiue  lieen  in  Prussia, 
I'slablislieil  alioiit  the  year  I7II1,  by  Kraiike,  the 
cilebnilcil  founder  nf  Ilie  Orphan  House  nf  Hiille. 
They  have  irradiinlly  iiicieased  in  iiiinilicr  niiil  fa- 
vor fi.ini  thai  day  to  this,  in  all  the  innp'  livili/.ed 
nnlioiiH  of  h'.iinipe;  anil  .Mrs.  .Auslni,  in  liir  preface 
to  f'oMsiii's  "  I'lOdic  Insiniction  in  I'liissia,"  re- 
marks, Ih.u  the  progress  of  primary  iiiNirnction  in 
Kuroiie  iaii,(  hr  meiniiid/  (ii/  (/ic  /iini'i.neii  tiini/c  yi;r 
(/if  fi'iini'iiii  i^i  t'tichrr^. 

A  detiiilril  account  of  the  NniinnI  Schools  of 
Kurone  \H  given  in  the  ninth  chapler  of  Professor 
Hache's  "  Ueport  on  Kilinalinn  in  IOurope,"innde 
to  ihe  Trustees  nf  ihetjirard  Cnliege.  Air.  Uache 
visited  Kiiropn  under  instructiniis  frnm  a  eoin- 
millee  of  the  InNtitniion;  and  his  excellent  report, 
full  nf  practical  details  and  accurate  statistics,  is  a 
redeennng  point  in  the  miinagemciit  of  that  trust. 

Two  Stales  only  of  our  (jiiioii  have  yet  estab- 
lished .Stale  Normal  Schnnls:  .Massachusetts  and 
New  ^'ork.  Massachiise'ts  has  three,  educating 
in  all  about  two  hundred  pupils;  and  New  York 
has  one.eoiitniningii'out  the  same  iiniiibcr  of  stu- 
dents; the  sole  object  of  both  being,  toeiii'i^aUttach- 
tm  of  cmnmon  schooli.  The  experime;it  has  been 
signally  successful.  The  renort  for  1S44  <if  Ihe 
Massachusetts  Hoard  nf  Ed  .ilion,say8  of  one  of 
their  schnnls,  (that  at  Lexington); 

'•  P'lcli  Is  the  repiitntliin  of  tiiin  wlinnl,  Hint  applicntiniiH 
hnve  hi  iMi  inoile  to  it  friiiii  seven  uf  uur  stdter  Htatei  fur 
toHclicr^." 

And  Mr.  Horacs  Mann,  Secretary  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Board  of  Education,  writes  to  me: 

"  VVIii-n  lirHt  opciiisl  ni  Mn*micliu«clls.  NnriiioJ  nchaoU 
were  an  experiment  ia  ttiin  cuuiitry.  I<il<e  all  pew  iilcan, 
ttiey  liiive  lind  to  encounter  serliiiis  ntmtnrle.s ;  hiil  Ihcy 
hnve  iriiniipticil  over  every  ppecien  of  iip|iOHitfnli.  hnve  eom'- 
mendi-d  themselves,  more  nnil  more  every  year,  to  the  pssl 
venue  uf  niir  peupte,  mid  we  now  have  Ule  pk-iiiiure,  not  only 
of  neeiaii  them  nniily  eetiilitishcd  lief,  hut  nf  kniiwini;  thnt 
tlieir  aiiccr^s  hit.i  ffiveii  hirth  to  a  similar  insliliiti'in  in  the 
Stme  nf  Ni-tv  Viirk,  nnrt  proinisen,  ere  long,  to  do  tlic  >um« 
in  other  Hlato." 

The  Nnrmal  branch  of  the  Smith.sonian  Institu- 
tion is  intended  not  by  any  means  to  take  the  nlaec 
of  Slate  Normal  schnnls,  but  nnly  in  aid  of  tnem; 
as  an  instilnlinn  in  the  same  department,  supple- 
mental to  the.se,  as  they  may  gradually  increase 
throughout  the  Union,  hut  of  a  higher  grade,  and 
prepareil  lo  carry  forward  young  persons  who  may 
have  passed  through  the  courses  given  in  the  for- 
mer, or  others  who  desire  to  perfect  themselves  in 
the  most  useful  of  all  modern  sciences,  the  humble 
yet  world-subduing  science  of  primary  education; 
an  insiiiution,  also,  in  whieh  the  improvementand 
perfecting  nf  that  repiihlicxn  science  shall  be  a  pe- 
culiar object;  an  institution,  finally,  where  we  may 
hope  to  find  trained,  competent,  and  enlightened 
teachers  fnr  llie.se  State  Normal  schnnls. 

As  an  e.s.sential  portion  of  this  Normal  depart- 
ment, professorships  of  the  more  useful  arts  and 
sciences  ari;  to  he  provided  for.  The  character  of 
common  school  education,  especially  in  the  north- 
ern Atlantic  Stales,  is  gradually  changing.  Twenty 
years  ago,  De  Witt  Clinton,  in  his  animal  message, 
expressed  the  opinion  that  in  our  common  schools 
"  the  outlines  nf  geography,  algebra,  mineralogy, 
agricultural  chemi.stry,  mechanical  philosophy,  as- 
tronomy, Ac,  might  be  conimunicated  by  able  pre- 
ceptors, wilhout  e.ssenlial  interlV'iencc  with  the  calls 
of  domestic  industry."  This  opinion  is  daily  gain- 
ing strength,  and  has  been  partiidly  acted  upon  in 
several  of  the  New  England  States.  In  the  city  of 
New  York,  also,  a  small  advance  towards  it  has 


been  already  made.  Rrccnily  the  hoard  nf  Irusleea 
of  the  pvihlic  schools  in  that  city,  adopted,  among 
other  resolutions,  the  fnllnwing: 

"  Umnli'til,  That  a  pnrlinn  nf  limn  not  excetd- 
'  ing  line  liniir  n  week  be  appropriated  tn  amploy- 
'  nieiits  incidenl  lo  eleineiilary  instruction  in  »ub- 
'  jecls  of  natural  science." 

In  accordiiiiie  wilh  these  gradually  i  nlarRiiig 
views,  Ihe  course  of  slmly  nf  the  New  York  i-iini" 
Normal  School,  as  I  Irani  by  llin  printial  cireiilu - 
which  I  hold  in  my  luiiiil,  enibraci  s  nnlurni  phi- 
losophy, cheinislry,  hiimiin  physiolngy,  liistory, 
the  elemeiils  nf  iislrnnnmy,  &i:.,  in  aildllloll  lo  the 
special  li'Cturesoii  the  tin  my  and  praclicenf  teach 
ing.  These  various  ailvancis,  thus  saticlionril 
by  public  opinion,  iiidii'ale  that  a  Normal  Depart 
nieiit  in  the  Siuithsoniiin  Instiiiiiioii,  to  be  worthy 
of  the  tiiif,  must  include  siientific  courses  by  sumo 
of  the  ablest  men  of  Ihe  day. 

1 1  IS  also,  by  Ihr^  bill,  specially  made  a  part  of  the 
duty  nf  these  men  lo  institute  scienlilic  researches. 
In   these,  as   we   have  sein,  Smithson   spent  tin 
irreater  part  nf  his  life.     And  it  cannot  be  dnutited 
that,  were  he  yet  alive  and   here  tn-iliiy  In  explain 
Ins  wishes,  nrigiaai  rtsturcliet  in  Iht  cj-iicl  scifncfs 
wniild   be  declared    hy   liiin  a  part  tii'  his  plan. 
I  Willi  the  kiinwleilge  nf  his  life,  and  favorile  pur- 
suits before  us,  and  the  words  of  bis  will  siiecify- 
ing  thi^  inrrciur  as  well  .is  the  dilUisiini  of  Kiiowl- 
eilge  fnr  our  guide,  it  si  ems  nnthiiig  less  than  rii 
imperative  duly  to  jncludi  scientific  research  nnioiig 
the  objects  of  a  Smithsonian  Institution. 
,      I  said  an  imperaiive  duly.     Much  is  the  nature 
'  of  our  olilignlinn  to  fiiilii  whatever  we  may  fairly 
i  infer  lo  have  been  .Smiibsoii's  Inlentions.     This 
money  is  not  oiira;  if  it  were,  we  might  take  coun- 
sel from  our  own  wishes  and  fancies,  In  its  uppro- 
'  prialinn.     But  il  is  merely  intrusted  to  us,  and  for 
[  n  specific  purpose.    The  geiillciiian  from  Miissa- 
chnseits,  [Mr.  Adams,]  in  his  report  made  in  184U, 
well  says: 
"  III  the  cuiniaistitnn  nf  every  trun  there  ]h  nn  hiitillcil 
;  tribute  of  the  houI  to  the  inti-Krity  iiiul  Inleltigcni-e  ol  the 
trustee  i  and  there  in  also  nn  iiii|>lii-il  e;ill  fur  the  niithf\il  e\ 
crcise  of  tticfie  prnjicrtii's  to  tile  fiilflliaent  nf  Ihe  piirpnse  nf 
the  trust.    The  triluite  nilil  Itie  cnll  ner|iilrc  iidditintinl  fiirre 
mid  eiieriiy  when  the  trust  i.s  eoiainiltcd  Ihr  perl'oniiniice 
alUr  the  dispense  nf  him  hv  wliniii  it  in  grniiicd^  when  he  no 
;  lonstT  exiiitii  to  witnew  ur  lo  cou-strttin  Hie  eiteeiivu  fnl5l- 
iiiciit  of  his  deMiga." 

And  these  considerations  seem  to  me,  also,  con- 
clusive against  the  great  library  plan.     In  the  first 
place,  Smithsnii's  own  pursuits  were  scientific,  not 
antiquarian.     In  the  second,  hud  he  desired  merely 
'    to  found  a  library,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  he 
1 1  would  have  said  so. 

Il      The  bill,  as  reported   to  Ihe  House,  has  been 

j'  framed  in  that  spirit  of  compromise  so  iiecessury 

'  in  this  world  of  a  ihoiisand  opinions.     The  im- 

'r  porutiice  of  the  chief  objects  at  which  il  aims  will 

1;  be  conceded  by  all;  the  ;.dvancement  of  ngriciil- 

l'  lure,  the  improvement  of  primary  education,  and 

'    the  prosecution  of  scientific  research.    And  if  even, 

:  in  its  pmctical  eflccts,  the  plan  fall  short  of  the  an- 

;  licipationa  of  its  friends,  siifler  me  to  ask  yon, 

what  is  the  alternative  in  the  Senate  bill  of  last 

year,  the  only  one  that  has  yet  found  favor  enough 

i  lo  succeed  in  either  branch?     Beyond  the  library 

scheme  and  the  professorship  of  agriculture,  (;i 

J    feature  equally  in  that  bill  and  this,)  what  is  pro- 

!    posed '     Public  lectures,  lo  he  delivered  in  this 

city  "  during  the  sessions  of  Congress."     Who  is 

i   lo  profit  by  these  lectures  ?    Let  the  author  of  the 

plan  answer: 
t ,  "  Who  vvnalil  tlieir  audiences  be }  Meniheni  of  f 'oncrefls, 
'  witli  their  fuiiiihes ;  menihits  ofllie  (invirnniint,  with  thilrs, 
'  Hniaelnliabilants  uf  Uiis  city,  i  nine  few  stmngers,  who  occn- 
sinnnlly  lioanr  us  with  viitiis  of  curiosityor  biisinesti.  'I'hey 
'  would  Is!  public  men,  of  mature  yeurs  and  minds  ;  eiliicatcit, 
!  disciplined,  lo  pome  degree  ;  uf  lilieral  cuiiusity,  unit  iipiiie- 
<-intiuii  of  generous  and  varioui*  knowledge. o^S^cftA  oj 
,  Semitor  Oftoul*,  as  ithove. 

Here  ia  a  plan  for  gratiiitnns  lectures  to  he  de- 
livered to  members  of  Cnngress  and  of  the  Gov- 
;;  ernment,  with  their  families;  to  snnio  citizens  of 
Washington,  and  a  few  |iassing  slrangerii;  to  men 
:  — so  il  is  expressed — educated,  disciplined ;  already 
!  capable   of  "appreciating  generous   nnd  various 
knowledge."     And  this,  as  the  mode  the  most  cf- 
'   fcctual,  the  most  comprehensive,  the  most  just  and 
I  equal,  tn  increase  and  difluae  knowledge  among 
men !     We  are  to  pass  by  all  plans  that  may  reach 
\',  and  benefit  the  people,  by  improving  their  educa- 
I  tinn  and  elevating  the  charncier  of  tlieir  teachers; 
all  proposals,  even,  to  scatter  broadcast  among 


lfli«.l 


iKhfi  CoNn Iht  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  CONGRESSIONAL  QLOM.. 
ITte  (htffon  (^ueilinn — Mr.  CaLoun, 


471 


Sbratb. 


thi'm  iimAil  trni'tn,  pofiiilnr  ircntimN;  nil  pmiertii, 
ill  ihort,  to  iliati'iliiild  nmnns  llirm  dm  lireiiil  iiriil 
WBlerof  iiitnilrctiml  lifr  wlicinvrr  tlieim  urn  rriivnli 
Mild  wa  are  In  ailnpl,  in  their  HlmdinrouriiB  nflpir- 
turM  exprCHly  ri'Htriirli'd  (o  llm  nmrtinnH  nf  Otiii- 
eremi,  exprniiHly  prcpnird  tbr  our  "»lvrii  and  for  n 
ftw  Ooverniniilit  otIirrrH  niid  ("'•■nnKorit;  n  rniime 
of  locturni  to  lie  rHiii^clHlly  ailM,iiril  to  an  aiidinnue 
niready  fnvorrd  liy  ruriiiiie  niiil  I'diicatiim — iilrrndy, 
111  wo  Am  cninpini'cntly  lold,  of  mattirn  mind*  una 
i.liove  oil  lived  of  rlriiiciilnry  InHlriirllnnt 

Hir,  ovrr  (lie  entire  land  miial  the  rillii  fl'om  thin 
Mai'rril  foiinlain  freely  tlnwi  nut  In  be  nrrenled  nnd 
walled  up  here,  to  iniiiiHier  lo  our  pIcHmire  or  ooii- 
venjenrr.  We  irrently  mintake,  if  wc  imaeinn  that 
our  eoiiKtitueiilN  are  iiidlirerent  to  the  privilege  of 
drawiiij?  from  iheKO  waleniof  knowledge;  that  they 
eaiinot  appreciate  their  fertilizing  iiitliivnro.  If 
there  he  one  feeline  more  pnwerfiil  than  another 
ill  the  hearla  of  the  niilliona  of  this  Inndi  even 
llir(iui;h  ilN  lemoleNt  foreata,  it  ia,  that  the  intel- 
lerinal  uultivaliiin  whieh  circumataneeH  may  have 
denied  lo  tlieni  ahail  hu  accured  In  their  ehildrcn, 
They  value,  HomelinieK even  lieynnd  their  worth,  ihe 
literary  ndvniita(teH,  hy  aid  nf  which  the  few  com- 
monly diatjinee  their  compctitoni  in  the  patha  nf 
emolument  and  liiiior.  Ay,  and  beyond  tliia,  they 
feel — (In  we  not  all  feel  ? — tliiit  we  are  not  in  temper, 
ill  haliilN,  ill  feelini;a,  or  in  inlclli)<;ence,  what  we 
ous;hl  lo  he,  or  what  wc  nii(;lit  have  been  ;  that 
our  nature  waa  better  than  our  education.  They 
feel — haa  not  the  moat  careleas  among  ua  felt  it 
too? — ihnt  there  are  Hprinj;a  of  virtue  within  lis 
that  have  Hcldom  been  tnuclied;  gcneroua  aapiringa 
that  have  aearccly  been  called  into  action;  capnbili- 
liea  of  improvement  that  have  hardly  been  awaken- 
ed ;  eapaliililiea  of  enjoyment  llmt  'mve  l.-tiJi  turned 
lo  foiintnina  of  bilterneaa.  If  v.n  mi^ht  now  re- 
edueatc  ouraelves  even  from  the  cradle  iipwarda, 
ilevelopinK  each  mental  power  and  moral  faculty, 
ehcckinR  the  riainp;  vice  and  cultivatinK  the  nascent 
virtue;  bcndini;  llie  pliant  habit  to  reaaon,  and 
niaatcring  the  cvi'  passion  at  its  birth — howglodly 
would  we  grasp  ut  the  oU'er !  how  dearly  value 
the  nrivilegc  !  And  what  aclfishneas  would  do  for 
itacll',  think  you  not  that  parental  afl'ection  desires 
for  ita  ort'aprin); !  Yes,  vice  itself  desires  it  I 
Slronger  than  the  thirst  afler  riches;  deeper  than 
the  cravinc;  for  power,  apringing  from  the  beat  and 
most  enduring  of  human  instincts,  ia  the  parent's 
longing  for  the  wclfuio  of  his  child  !  Criminal  he 
may  he;  ignorant  he  may  be;  reckless  even  of  his 
own  charaei.er,  hopeless  of  a  reputable  standing  for 
liimaelf;  but  his  children!  if  ijrutish  excess  have 
not  utterly  quenched  the  principle  of  good  within 
him — for  them  there  ia  still  a  redeeming  virtue  in 
his  soul;  a  striving  after  better  things;  a  hope  that 
they  may  escape  the  vices  which  have  degraded 
liim;  that  they  may  emerge  from  the  ignorance  in 
which  he  is  benighted,  if  not  to  wealth  nnd  honor, 
at  least  to  fair  fame  and  honest  reputation;  arredit 

10  Ilia  blighted  name,  and  u  comfort  to  his  declining 
years. 

Siieh  are  the  sentiments  that  spring  up  to  meet 
us  from  among  the  people;  shared  by  the  bad  as 
well  aa  the  good;  universal  in  their  prevalence. 
And  it  is  to  such  sentimcntii,  the  best  earnest  of 
progressive  improvement  in  man,  that  the  provis- 
ions of  this  bill  ought,  so  fur  as  the  amount  of  the 
legacy  and  the  terms  of  the  will  permit,  to  respond. 

Such  views  are  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of 
the  age,  and  the  wants  of  the  times.  It  is  not  a 
v.orld  all  of  flowers  nnd  sunshine,  this  we  live  in. 
It  ia  o  world,  where  thousands  are  starving;  where 
tens  of  thousands  toil  to  live — live,  only  to  die!  It 
is  a  world,  where  cruel  auflering  exists,  where 
slh.  iietVil  crimes  arc  committed,  wnerc  terrible  op- 
pression is  endured,  where  dark  ignorance  is  found. 

1 1  has  scenes  of  wrong,  and  outrage,  and  guilt,  and 
wo.  They  rise  before  us.  They  thrust  themselves 
on  our  attention.  Not  to  gild,  not  to  embellish;  a 
graver,  a  sodder  duty  is  his,  wlio  would  aid  in  such 
a  world's  improvement. 

To  elTect  permanent  good  in  such  a  world,  wc 
must  reach  the  minds  and  the  hearts  of  the  masses; 
we  must  dilfuse  knowledge  niiioii/r  men;  we  must 
not  deal  it  out  to  scholars  and  students  alone,  but 
even  to  Tom,  Dick,  nnd  Harry;  and  then,  as  a 
wise  nnd  witty  female  writer  of  the  day  expressed 
ii,  "  they  will  become  Mr.  Thomas,  and  Mr. 
Kiolmrd,  and  Mr.  Henry."  They  may  not  be- 
come profound  scholars,  erudite  graduates.    Nor 


la  that  iieeesNiiry.  Well  to  know  common  things  ' 
ia  the  eanenlial.  It  is  mil  eliiliorate  learning  that 
moat  improveaihe  world,  or  that  exerts  moat  inllu- 
ence  in  lis  gnvernmcnt.  Workin"-<)ay  knowleilgf 
ia  simple,  alinoatin  the  ratioof  il..  imponnncc;  and 
Miltuii  hiia  told  ua, 

"TiMiliiiit  lo  kiii>»  III  liiriieiil'lhliiiiiirpiiiiilL' 
Prifln  ll-e,  nliHi-iire  tlllfl  jillhtli',  *tiit  lo  know 
'I'lmi  wliii'li  luMori'  ii>  Mm,  In  iliilly  llll', 

Im  Itii*  pilliie  \Vi^l|o|l|.'* 

The  ancient  m,..,;.ri<  realized  iml  tlieae  truths. 
With  the  millions  they  had  no  sympathy.  In 
private,  nnd  lo  ihn  initialed  few  alone,  did  they 
deign  to  unroll  the  myalieal  page  of  their  phiioan- 
phy;  Ihey  scorned  lo  expnao  it  to  the  gaze  of  the 
profane  vulgar. 

Thanks  to  ihe  stirring  spirit  of  progreasivt  im- 
provement, all  this,  in  our  age,  is  changed.  By 
modern  teaehera  the  rF,opi.E  are  spoken  of,  spoken 
to,  eared  for,  inalrurted.  To  the  people  the  char- 
aeterisiic  lilerauirii  of  the  day  ia  addreased.  What 
haa  become  nf  the  ponderous  folio,  in  which  the 
learning  of  the  Middle  Asm  used  to  iaaue,  to  a 
amiill  and  exehiaive  circle,  ita  sniemn  mnnifl^sto? 
Now  we  have  the  slender  pamphlet,  the  popular 
tnict,  the  cheap  periialical,  cast  forth  even  lo  the 
limits  of  civilizalinn,  penclraling  inio  every  nook 
and  corner  of  the  land;  often  light,  often  worthkaa, 
but  often,  loo,  iiihlriiclive,'etreclive;  written  for  the 
maases,  reaching  the  masses;  and  awaking,  far  nnd 
wide,  a  coiiaeiousness  nf  deficiency,  n  apirit  of  in- 
quiry, o  desire  lo  know  more. 

The  people  govern  in  Ann  .i  Ern  long,  the 

people  will  govern  tlir>  Mghout  the  linbitable  earth. 
Anil  they  are  coming  into  powe.-  in  ;in  age  \yhen 
questions  of  mighty  import  rise  up  for  their  de- 
cision. They  who  govern  shoi  Id  I  c  wise.  They 
who  govern  should  be  educated.  They  who  de- 
cide mighty  questions  should  beenligii'-ned.  Then, 
as  we  value  wise  government,  as  we  would  have 
the  destinies  of  our  kind  shaped  hy  an  enlight- 
ened tribunal,  let  the  schools  of  tho  people,  nnd 
the  teachers  who  jircsidc  in  these  schools,  and  the 
system  that  prevails  in  these  schools,  be  our  pecu- 
liar care. 

We  cannot  rcfnrm  the  world,  no,  nor  provide 
instruction  for  a  great  nation,  by  any  direction 
given  lu  half  a  million  of  dollars.  But  something, 
even  in  such  u  cause,  may  be  efl'ccted  by  it — 
something,  I  devoutly  believe,  that  shall  be  fell  all 
over  our  liroad  land.  The  essential  ia,  that,  if  lit- 
tle wc  can  do,  that  little  be  well  done — be  done 
faithfully,  ill  the  spirit  of  the  trust,  in  the  spirit  uf 
the  age — in  a  spirit  not  restrictive,  not  exclusive, 
but  diftusivc,  universal. 


THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 
SPEECH   OF   MR.   CALHOUN, 

OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA, 
In  TiiK  Sf.natk,  March  16,  1846. 
On  the  Resolutions  givinu'  notice  lo  Great  Brit- 
ain of  the  abrogation  of  the  Convention  of  joint 
occupancy. 

Mr.  CALHOUN,  being  entitled  to  tho  floor, 
rose  end  addressed  the  Senate: 

The  question  under  consideration  ia,  whether 
notice  shall  be  given  to  Great  Britain  thai  the  con- 
vention of  joint  occupancy  between  us  nnd  her 
shall  terminate  nl  the  end  of  the  year.  To  that 
question,  and  those  immediately  growing  out  of 
it,  I  shall  confine  my  remarks.  I  shall  say  nothing 
in  reference  to  the  title  to  Oregon.  Having  been 
connected  with  the  negotiation  in  ita  early  stages, 
it  would  be  indelicate  on  my  part  to  discuss  the 
subject  of  title.  I  shall  abstain  from  all  personali- 
ties and  everything  calculated  to  wound  the  feel- 
ings of  others;  but  shall  express  my.self  freely, 
fully,  nnd  candidly  on  nil  the  subjects  on  which  I 
may  touch,  in  the  course  of  my  remarks.  With 
these  prefatory  ohscrvations,  I  shall  proceed  at 
once  to  the  discussion  of  the  question  of  notice. 

There  is  one  point  in  which  all  must  be  agreed: 
Ihnt  a  great  change  hn.'i  taltr n  place  since  the  com- 
mencement of  this  .session  in  reference  to  notice, 
in  its  hearings  upon  tho  question  of  peace  and 
war.  At  that  lime,  notice  was  n  question  of  the 
first  magnitude,  on  the  decision  of  which,  to  all 
appearance,  depended  the  question  of  peace  or 


war;  but  now  it  is  one  of  eomparnllvely  minor 
importance,  nnd  may  be  derided  any  way,  with- 
out any  deciaive  ell'ect  on  cither.  The  cause  of 
this  change  will  be  explained  in  the  course  of  my 
remarka.  Ho  great,  indeed,  has  been  the  change 
that  it  haa  not  only  rendered  inapplicable  the  rea- 
soiia  urged  in  the  Mesaoge,  reconiniending  notice 
til  be  giv(  I,  bill  has  altered  materially  the  posilion 
of  the  Executive,  and  that  of  the  several  parliee 
in  the  Mcnnte  lo  whiili^  liiia  given  origin,  as  I 
shall  next  proceed  lo  show. 

That  tho  recommendation  uf  ihe  Meaaago  is 
founded  on  the  conviction  that  there  was  no  nope 
of  compromise  of  the  ditHcultiea  growing  nut  of 
the  Oregon  queatinn,  ia  loo  dear  to  admit  of  any 
rational  doubt,  Its  language  Is  express.  ItslateK 
In  an  many  words  the  conviclion,  that  no  compro- 
mise eouhl  li>  efl'ectcd  which  ought  lo  be  accepted. 
On  llial  conviction  ilunnouncea  that  the  nifer  which 
had  been  made  lo  the  Britiah  Miniater  to  acltle  the 
cnnlrovtray  on  the  49th  parallel  nf  latitude  '  id 
been  withumwii  after  its  rejection,  nnd  our  title  lo 
the  whole  naacrlcd.  On  iT.e  aaine  conviction,  it 
lecommeiids  to  Congresa  to  give  tho  notice  in  order 
lo  annul  the  convention  with  Ihe  view  lo  remove 
all  iin|iedimcnls  to  the  assertion  of  our  right  to  the 
whole  of  the  territory.  Assuming,  then.  Unit  there 
would  be  no  compromise,  it  infinms  us  that,  at  the 
expiriitloii  of  twelve  months,  a  period  would  arrive 
whi^n  our  title  to  the  territory  must  be  abandoned 
or  firmly  maintained;  and  ihnt  neither  our  honor 
nor  our  interest  would  permit  us  to  abandon  it;  in 
other  words,  that  we  muat  then  assert  our  exclu- 
sive sovereignty  to  the  whole,  lo  the  exclusion  of 
that  of  Great  Britain,  unless  the  latter  should,  in 
j  the  interval,  abandon  its  claims  to  ihc  territory. 
I  I'lirotighout  the  whole  recommendation  there  ia 
'  not  the  slightest  intimation  that  any  eximpromise 
is  expected.  On  the  contrary,  the  very  oppoaite 
ia  conslnntly  assumed. 

But  it  ia  alleged  that  the  reasons  for  belieTing 
that  there  could  be  no  eompromiae  was  derived 
from  tho  evidence  which  tho  negotiation  itself  IVir- 
nished,  and  especially  by  the  rejection  of  the  oflcr 
to  compromise  on  4U°.  Such  1  admit  to  be  tho 
case,  and  also  that  it  may  be  fairly  inferred,  if 
England  should  renew  on  her  part  the  proposition 
rejected  by  her  Minister,  or  one  Bubstantially  the 
same,  our  Executive  would  accept  the  ofler,  and 
settle  by  compromise  the  conflicting  claims  to  the 
territory.  Bui  the  Message  intimates  nowhere  the 
slightest  expectation  that  such  an  offer  would  be 
made,  or,  if  made,  that  any  compromiso  could  be 
ctlectcd . 

Such  is  tho  view  which  I  have  been  conitrained 
lo  lake,  after  a  most  careful  and  candid  examina- 
tion of  the  portion  nf  the  Message  recommending 
notice;  and  such  I  infer  is  the  view  taken  by  the 
portion  of  the  Senate  who  believe  our  title  to  the 
whole  territory  to  be  clear  and  unquestionable. 
On  no  oiher  view  can  their  warm  and  decided  sup- 

fiort  of  notice  be  explained.  They  not  only  be- 
ieve  that  our  title  is  clear  and  unquestionable  to 
the  whole,  but  also  that  Ihe  honor  of  tho  country 
demands  that  it  should  be  asserted  and  maintained 
by  an  appeal  to  arms  without  the  surrender  of  any 
part.  Acting  on  this  conviction,  it  is  manifest  that 
they  can  only  support  notice  on  the  belief  that  it 
would  not  lend  to  compromise.  On  the  opposite, 
they  would  be  compelled  to  oppose  it. 

Such,  also,  would  seem  to  be  the  view  taken  of 
the  Message  by  Ihe  community  at  large  at  the 
time,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  lone  of  the  public 
press,  or  what  perhaps  is  a  still  truer  index — the 
conduct  of  our  intelligent  business  men. 

Tlie  Message  had  a  most  decided  effect  in  that 
respect.  Stocks  of  every  description  fell,  marine 
insurances  rose,  commercial  pursuits  were  sus- 
pended, ond  our  vessels  remained  inaciive  at  the 
wharves. 

Such,  also,  was  the  view  taken  by  a  great  ma- 
jority of  that  portion  of  the  Senate  who  were  op- 
posed to  giving  notice,  nnd  among  whom  I  include 
myself.  Wc  opposed  it  on  grounds  directly  the 
reverse  of  those  on  which  those  who  believed  our 
rights  lo  the  whole  territory  to  be  clear  and  un- 
questionnblt  supported  it. 

They  supported  notice  because  they  believed 
there  neither  ought  to  be  or  would  be  any  com- 
promise. We,  on  the  cimtrary ,  opposed  it  because 
we  believed  there  might  be,  and  ought  to  be  com- 
promi.^e     They  oppc^ed  eompromiae  because,  as 


I 

If 


.M# 


'I-  ;'■ 


\k, 


i 


\^' 


412 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


{March  10, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sk3s. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Calhmm. 


Senate. 


hH«  been  stateil,  they  believed  our  title  to  be  per- 
fect to  the  whole;  while  we  Htipported  it  licraiiae 
we  beheved  the  title  of  neither  to  the  whole  to  be 
clear  ami  indispulable;  nnd  tlmt  llie  controversy 
mi^ht  be  ndjualed  by  a  fiiir  purlitiiin  of  the  terri- 
tor>'.  With  such  iniprension.we  believed  that  two 
such  powerful  and  enlightened  countries  as  the 
Uiiilea  Slates  and  Great  Uritain,  would  not  resort 
to  arms  to  settle  a  coiUroversy  which  might  be 
paacefully  and  honumWy  settled  by  negotiation 
and  compromise. 

Entertaining  this  opinion,  we  were  compelled  to 
oppose  notice;  bee^uise  it  was  necessary  to  prevent 
an  appeal  to  arms,  and  insure  the  peacetVil  sellle- 
mcnt  of  the  question.  By  dcCealins;  it,  a  bretitliing 
lime  would  at  least  be  aftorded  to  both  parties  for 
calm  and  mature  reflection,  under  the  inllticiice  of 
which  it  was  hoped  that  negotiation  might  be  re- 
newed, and  the  differ  ;ncc  honorably  compromised. 
Or  in  case  that  should  tail,  things  inight  remain  as 
they  have  been,  without  n  resort  to  force.  In  that 
case,  the  territory  would  be  left  open  to  entigmlion, 
and  the  question,  to  whom  it  should  ultimately  be- 
long, would  be  decided  by  settlement  and  coloni- 
2ation,  unless  Great  Britam  should  give  notice  on 
her  part,  in  order  to  prevent  it.  If  she  should,  we 
would  at  least  gain  the  a<lvantage  of  transferring 
the  responsibility  from  us  to  her,  should  war  en- 
sue. 

Another  portion  of  the  Senate  appeared  to  be  in 
favor  both  of  comnromiae  luid  notice.  Their  views 
were  not  explicitly  expressed;  but  as  fur  as  they 
were  developed,  they,  ton,  seemed  to  think  that 
our  title  was  not  so  perfect  as  p)  exclude  an  honor- 
able compromise,  and  appeared  to  anticipate  it,  in 
opposition  to  the  message  in  rernnuuending  it,  on 
the  three  following  grounds:  first,  on  the  ground 
of  the  general  declaration  of  the  President  in  the 
latlrr  part  of  the  Messiige,  that  he  Imped  an  ami- 
cable arraii.;^i;meiit  may  be  made  of  the  question  in 
dispute,  in  connexion  with  a  declaration  of  Mr. 
Buchanan  to  the  same  effect,  in  ojie  of  his  letters  to 
Mr.  Pakenham.  It  is  impossible  for  me,  with  every 
disposition  to  support  the  recommendation  of  the 
President  in  favor  of  notice,  to  concur  in  the  opin- 
ion, that  a  mere  general  exiircssion  of  the  kmd, 
and  inserted  in  another  portion  of  the  Message, 
even  when  backed  by  a  Kimilar  declaration  of  the 
Secretary  of  State,  coulil  be  fairly  construed  to 
overrule  the  opinion  clearly  and  explicitly  express- 
ed by  the  Message,  in  reconimenuing  notice,  that 
no  compromise  which  ought  to  be  accepted  could 
be  effected.  I  cannot  admit  i>f  such  a  construction, 
not  only  because  I  think  it  iinrcibsonablc,  but  bc- 
cauTC  I  regard  the  duty  nf  the  President,  imposed 
by  the  Constitution,  to  recommend  measures  to 
CongrcM,  as  one  nf  a  solemn  character,  and  that 
it  ought  to  be  performed  with  the  utmost  cnndnr 
and  sincerity.  Being  addressed  to  a  co-ordinate 
department  of  the  Guvernment,  it  ought  to  express 
plainly  and  expliculy  his  reasons  and  motives  for 
recommending  the  measure,  omitting  none  which 
he  regards  as  material,  and  inserting  none  but  such 
Bs  he  believes  ought  to  have  an  influence  upon  the 
deliberations  of  (Jonsress.  I',  ought  to  be  free  from 
the  .suspicion  of  l)eir)g  diplomatic.  To  admit  the 
contrary,  would  destroy  all  confidence  between  the 
legislative  and  executive  departments,  to  the  great 
detriment  of  the  Government.  With  these  impres- 
sions, it  would  be  to  disparage  the  character  of  the 
President  for  me  to  concur  in  the  construction. 

The  next  ground  taken  by  a  portion  <if  the  .Sen- 
ate referred  to  is,  that  notice  is  recommended  to  be 
§iven  by  the  Message,  not  with  the  view  of  giving 
power  to  (he  Pn'sident  to  as^ert  our  rights  to  the 
whole  territory,  but  as  a  mural  wiii|>oii,  to  enforce 
comfironiise. 

To  thit  constructi(m  I  have  the  same  difficulty  in 
assenting  as  to  the  precpilinjr.  There  is  nothing  in 
the  laiig'  'ige  of  the  recnniineinhi'inri  to  anthori/.e 
it.  On  the  cnnirary,  every  word  it  contains  looks 
expressly,  as  lia.s'  been  st.ited,  to  the  cnl'orcemenl 
of  our  rights  to  the  territory  on  the  expiration  of 
the  notice.  To  give  a  conirary  interpretation  would 
Iw  to  give  a  diplomatic  clinriider  to  the  MpHsiic;e, 
and  besubjei:ltoull  the  olijedions  which  lia\e  been 
jiiHl  suggcHied.  Hut  ailiniiiing  ilini  it  was  intend- 
ed, as  alleged,  as  a  moral  weapon  toeirectcompni- 
mise,  I  would  ask,  Imw  cinilil  iliat  be  ellecled,  hut 
by  using  it  as  the  means  to  intimidate  Great  Hril- 
aiii — to  intimidate,  by  tilling  her  that  she  mnst  onil 
the  territory  within  the  year,  or  be  expelled  u'.  il.^t 


I  expiration  by  force .'  And  what  would  tliat  be  but 
I  an  ap|ieal  to  her  fear,  With  the  hope  of  extorting 
!  concessions  which  her  reason  had  refused  to  yield? 
I  Such  nil  afipeal  in  case  of  a  feeble  nation  would  be 
':  hazardous;  out  in  that  of  one  as  great  and  piiwer- 
:  ful  as  GngMlid,  in.stead  of  a  wea|Hin  to  cnfnrce  a 
ii  compromise,  it  would  be  one  calculated  to  de- 
Si  fent  It. 

The  remain,. .g  reason  for  voting  noliee  on  the 
part  of  the  Senators  referred  fo,  is  of  a  very  difl'er- 
cnl  character.  It  objects  to  the  convention  itself, 
and  condemns  the  policy  of  entering  into  either  that 
of  ISIH  or  1807,  on  the  ground  that  instead  of  be- 
ing the  means  of  securing  and  perpeluuling  our 
rights  in  the  territory,  they  have  had  the  very  re- 
verse effect,  to  weaken  instead  of  strengthen  our 
title  to  the  territory.  My  opinion,  1  must  say,  is 
precisely  the  opposite.  It  would,  indeed,  have  lieen 
desirable  to  have  settled  it  then  by  a  compromise 
on  the  4!)lh  pnnillel  of  latitude;  but  that,  as  is  well 
known,  was  impossible  at  the  time.  Tlie  offer,  in 
fact,  was  made  on  our  side,  but  rejected  on  the 
part  of  Great  Britain.  The  rejection  left  no  other 
alternative  but  an  appeal  to  arms,  or  a  surrender 
of  our  rights  to  the  territory,  or  to  enter  into  the 
convention.  To  do  nothing  would  have  been  to 
acquiesce  in  the  claims  of  Great  Britain,  whose 
subjects  were  then  iii  actual  possession.  Herpo.s- 
session,  being  adverse  to  ours,  would  have  been 
gradually  maturing,  through  the  long  intervening 
period,  into  a  title  too  perfect  to  be  opposed  by 
ours.  To  avoid  that,  we  were  compelled  to  resort 
to  force,  or  enter  into  a  convention  to  preserve  our 
rights.  We  wisely  preferred  the  latter,  anil  the 
conventions  of  ISldaml  1827  were  the  consequence 
of  thatiireference.  They  were  entered  into  forth: 
two-fold  objects,  as  substitutes  for  war,  and  the 
means  of  preserving  our  rights  to  the  territory,  as 
they  then  stood,  unimpaireil.  To  appreciate  the 
wisdom  of  the  policy,  it  must  be  home  in  mind 
that  at  that  time  our  means  of  asserting  our  rights 
to  the  territory  or  of  acquiring  pos.'iession  were  ex 
ecedingly  limited,  compared  to  those  of  Great  Brit- 
ain, but'that  they  were  steadily  and  rapidly  in- 
creasing. Those  who  had  the  management  of  af- 
fairs at  that  period  w  isely  relied  upon  time  and  the 
rapid  spread  of  population  in  a  western  direction, 
as  the  means  ultimately  of  acquiring  possession  of 
the  territory,  luid  entered  into  the  convention  with 
a  view  of  preserving  our  rights  unimpaired  until 
they  could  operate  with  full  effect. 

It  is  but  too  common  of  late  to  coiiden.  the 
nets  of  our  predecessors,  nnd  to  pronounce  inem 
unjust,  unwise,  or  unpatriotic,  from  not  adverting 
toihecircumsUincesiinderwhich  they  acted.  Thus 
to  judge,  is  to  do  great  injustice  to  the  wise  and 
|)atiiotic  men  who  preceded  us.  In  this  case,  it  is 
to  condemn  such  men  as  Monroe,  Hush,  Clay,  and 
Gallatin — all  of  whom  had  an  agency  in  directing 
or  conducting  the  negotiations  which  terminated  in 
the  adoption  ofthe.se conventions.  It  would  behard 
to  pronounce  men  like  them  to  have  been  unwi.se 
ami  unpatriotic  in  what  they  did,  or  to  pronounce 
Pre.ldent.Iackson  and  others  after  him  so,  because 
they  acquiesced  for  many  years  under  the  opera- 
tion of  the  convention  of  '1827,  when  they  could 
have  tciniinated  It  at  any  time  Kv  I'iving  a  year's 
notice.  I  have  not  iinincd  the  ni.ist  prominent  in- 
dividual concerned  in  directing  the.se  negotiations, 
because  his  course  on  this  occasion  has.  In  my 
opiriion,  cancelled  any  previous  credit  in  Uiat  con- 
nexion to  which  he  ould  have  been  otherwise 
entitled. 

.Such  was  the  state  of  things  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  session,  when  the  President  recom- 
mended notice  10  be  given  to  terminate  the  joint 
occupancy;  and  such  the  position  nnd  grounds  as- 
sumed by  the  several  portions  of  the  Senate  in 
reCeicnce  to  the  nniiie.  Since  llieii,  as  has  bren 
slated,  tliei-c  has  been  a  great  change,  which  has 
materially  affected  the  iineslion  of  notice,  and  the 
po.sition  taken  by  the  dilleient  portions  of  the  body 
in  reference  to  it,  as  I  shall  next  explain. 

Public  opinion  has  had  time  to  develop  Itself, 
not  only  on  this,  but  cm  the  other  side  of  the  At- 
laiilic;aiid  that  opinion  has  pronounced  most  au- 
dibly and  clearly  in  favor  of  compromise.  The 
development  hasbeen  golnu:on  not  only  in  the  cinn- 
mnnity,  lint  also  in  this  body;  and  I  now  feel  that 
I  hazard  noilung  In  saylns,'that  a  large  majority 
of  the  Senate  is  in  favor  of  terminating  the  contro- 
versy by  negotiation,  luid  an  hoiiorublo  compro- 


mise. And  what  is  very  material,  the  opinion  oi' 
the  British  Government  on  the  subject  of  compro- 
mise has  lieen  more  clearly  and  speciftcally  de- 
veloped than  when  the  Message  was  tmnimitted 
to  Congress;  so  much  so,  that  there  ia  eroulxl  to 
hope  that  it  is  prepared  to  adjust  the  dineience  in 
reference  to  the  territory  substantially  on  the  basis 
which  was  offered  by  (tin  President.  It  seems  to 
me  impossible  that  any  other  construction  can  be 
given  to  what  Sir  llohert  Peel  said  in  reply  to 
the  question  put  to  him  by  Lord  John  Kussell. 
His  declanttion  was  made  under  circumsiancea 
calculated  to  give  it  great  weight.  The  object  of 
making  it  was  clearly  not  to  censure  the  able  and 
very  faithful  representative  of  Great  BriUiin  in 
this  country,  but  to  use  the  occasion  to  give  assu- 
rance that  he  is  ready  to  make  a  compromise,  as 
it  may  be  inferred,  substantially  on  the  basis  of 
the  rejected  offer.  I  trust  sincerely  that  such  is 
the  interpretation  which  our  Government  has  put 
upon  it;  and  tliat,  regarding  it  as  o  direct  step 
towards  compromise,  it  has  met  with  a  step  on  our 
jMirt,  by  suitable  inalnietions  to  our  Minisier  in 
that  country.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  a  commnni- 
cation  has  already  been  transmitted  to  that  effect, 
which  may  have  the  effect  of  removing  what  would 
seem  to  be  the  only  material  difficulty  in  the  way 
of  an  adjustment:  that  is,  which  shall  make  the  first 
step  towards  resuming  the  negotiation. 

As  things  now  stand,  I  no  longer  consider  it  as 
a  question,  whether  the  controversy  shall  be  pa- 
cifically arranged  or  not,  nor  even  in  what  manner 
it  shall  be  arranged.  I  regard  the  arrangement 
now  sinijily  a  question  of  time,  and  1  do  trust  that, 
in  concluding  it,  there  will  be  no  unnecessary  de- 
lay. The  business  of  both  countries,  and  of  com- 
merce generally,  requires  that  it  should  be  con- 
cluded as  pronipilv  as  possible.  There  is  still 
another  and  a  higher  reason  why  it  should  be 
speeddy  settled.  The  question  is  inie  of  a  mo- 
mentous and  delicate  character,  and  like  all  such, 
should  be  settled  in  order  to  avoiil  adverse  contin- 
gencies with  the  least  pmcticable  delay.  A  further 
inducement  for  despatch  in  settling  the  Oregon 
tiueslion  is,  that  upon  it  depends  the  settlement  of 
the  question  with  Mexico.  Until  the  former  is 
settled,  there  is  but  slender  prospect  that  the  latter 
can  be;  for  so  long  as  the  ()regon  question  is  left 
open,  Mexico  will  calculate  the  chances  of  a  rup- 
ture between  us  and  Great  Britain,  in  the  event  of 
which  she  would  be  prepared  to  make  common 
cause  against  us.  But  when  an  end  is  put  to  any 
such  hope,  she  will  speeddy  settle  her  differences 
with  Hs.  1  trust  that  when  we  come  to  settle  it, 
we  will  deal  generously  with  her,  and  that  we 
will  prove  ourselves  loo  niat  and  magnanimous  to 
take  advantage  of  her  feelile  condition. 

It  is  this  great  change  in  favor  of  the  prospect  of 
settling  the  controversy  in  reference  to  (.ircgon 
honorably,  by  negotiation  ami  compromise,  which 
has  occuiTcd  since  the  commencement  of  tlie  ses- 
sion, that  has  made  the  great  difference  in  the  ini- 
porlance  of  the  bearing  of  notice  on  the  question  of 
peace  and  war.  What  tlieii  was  appareiuly  almo.st 
hopeless,  may  be  now  regarded  as  highly  proba- 
ble, unless  there  should  be  some  great  mismanage- 
ment; but  just  as  compromise  is  more  hopeless, 
notice  becomes  more  important  in  its  bearings  (Ui 
the  relations  of  peace  and  war;  and  on  the  other 
hand,  just  as  the  chances  of  compromi.se  are  in- 
creased!, notice  becomes  less  imporuint;  and  hence 
its  importance  a!  the  conimeiicemcnt  of  the  ses- 
sion, and  its  comparatively  little  importance  now. 

1  shall  next  proceed  to  inquire  what  bearing  the 
incensed  prospei't  of  coinproinise  has  on  the  po- 
sition of  tlie  UiXecntlve,  and  thot  of  the  several 
portions  of  this  body,  in  rel'erence  to  iioiic;e,and 
the  Oreircni  question  generally.  That  It  is  calcula- 
ted to  affect  niaterially  the  position  "f  the  Execu- 
tive must  be  apparent.  That  he  shoiilil  recommend 
giving  notice  to  lerniinale  ilie  invention  of  joint 
occupancy  of  the  territory,  with  a  view  of  iisseri- 
ing  our  exclusive  soxcreignty  to  the  whole,  ac- 
cording to  his  view  of  our  title,  when  there  was 
little  or  no  hope  of  compromise,  is  not  at  all  in- 
consistent with  his  being  prepared  to  adjust  the 
dirterence  by  compromise,  substantially  iin  the 
ground  offered  by  himself,  now  when  there  is  a 
reasonable  prospect  it  may  be  ( irecled.  Meas  les 
of  policy  are  necessarily  ccnilrolled  by  circuin- 
stances,  and  consequently,  what  may  be  wise  an' 
expedient  under  ceiluin  ciicunistanccs,  might  I 


18'16.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


473 


39th  Cono IsT  Srss. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Calhoun. 


Senate. 


eminently  unwisn  und  inifinlilic  under  dilTerent  i 
vircumatanceB.  Tn  peraist  in  nclin^  in  the  same  |> 
way  under  circunmiuncca  esHeiitiiilly  dliTercnt,  't 
would  be  folly  und  ol)8iiiiacy,tuid  nut  cnnsiatcnr.y.  | 
True  ooniiatency,  tlint  nf  llic  prudent  und  the  wise,  1 1 
is  to  act  in  contmmity  with  cn'cumslai'ee8,and  not  i: 
to  act  always  the  same  wny  under  a  change  of  cir-  j  i 
eumetancea.  There  is  a  prevalent  error  nii  iliis  h 
point.  Many  think  that  tiie  very  essence  of  con-  1, 
sistency  is,  to  act  always  the  same  way — adhering  ',\ 
to  the  same  party,  or  to  the  same  measures  of  pnl-  \[ 
icy,  without  regard  to  change  of  circumstances.  |j 
Their  consistency  is  like  thiitnf  a  physician,  who,  |, 
in  the  treatment  of  a  hi^Mily  inflammatory  fever,  \\ 
would  administer  emetics  and  calomel,  not  only  at  | 
the  beginning,  but  at  every  subsequent  stage  or  the  || 
disease:  it  is  the  consistency  of  the  quack,  which  ; 
would  be  sure  to  kill  the  patient.  The  public  man  n 
who  would  be  consistent  in  the  same  way,  would  || 
be  but  a  political  quack,  and  in  dangerous  cases,  I 
his  prescriptions  would  be  not  less  fatal.  If,  then,  |j 
the  Executive  is  now  really  in  favor  of  compro-  j 
niiso,  notwithstanding  the  strong  language  used  in 
his  Message,  recommending  notice,  of  which  I  || 
have  no  information  that  is  not  common  to  all,  it  i| 
ought  not  to  subject  him  to  the  chorge  of  incun  1; 
sistency,  but  should  be  put  down  to  the  change  of 
circumstances  to  which  I  have  adverted. 

That  it  is  also  calculated  to  alter  the  positions 
taken  by  the  different  portions  of  the  Senate,  in 
reference  to  notice,  is  no  less  certain;  and  that  my 
friends  (for  such  I  will  cull  them)  who  go  for  the 
whole  of  Oregon,  mnst,  I  um  sure,  feel  to  be  the 
case  with  them.  They  cannot,  1  am  confident, 
have  the  same  interest  in  notice  now,  when  there 
is  great  reason  to  believe  that  the  difference  will 
be  compronii^ied  with  or  without  notice,  as  tliev 
had  when  there  was  no  hope  of  compromise.  It 
is  clear,  that  under  such  change  of  circumstances, 
the  reason  for  giving  notice  with  them  has,  in  a  |{ 
great  measure  if  not  altogether,  ceased,  so  that  I 
shoi  Id  not  be  surprised  to  find  their  votes  cast 
against  it. 

But  I  trust  that  the  change  hos  gone  further,  and 
that  they,  by  this  time,  begin  to  see  that  there  are 
sonic  doubts  us  to  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon 
being   clear  and   unquestionable.     It  cannot,   ot  || 
least,  be  regarded  .is  unquestionable,  aOer  it  has  | 
been  questioned  so  frequently  and  with  such  abil- 
ity during  this  discussion.    But  if  their  opinion  j| 
remains  unchanged  as  to  the  clearness  of  our  title,   | 
I  put  it  to  them  whether  tliera  is  not  some  defer- 
ence due  to  the  opinion  of  the  great  majority  of  Ij 
the  Senate  who  entertain  dilVerent  views .'    Is  there  \ ' 
not  something  due  to  the  fact,  that  the  majority   | 
even  of  their  own  political  friends,  whose  potriot-   ' 
ism  and  intelligence  they  cannot  regard  as  inferior   , 
to  their  own,  think  that  our  title  is  not  so  clear  but  n 
that  a  compromise  might  be  honorably  elfected .' 
To  put  a  still  stronger  que.8tion,  I  nsk  them,  as  I 
patriots  and  friends  of  Oregon,  whether  the  fuct  ^ 
Itself  of  so  great  a  division,  even  among  ourselves, 
doe.4  not  afford  strong  reason  why  the  controversy  1] 
should  not  be  settled  by  an  appeal  to  force  ?    Are   i 
they  willing,  us  wise  and  patriotic  men,  desirous   ; 
of  securing  the  whole  of  Oregon,  to  place  the  conn-   j 
try  in  conilicl  with  so  great  a  Power  ns  Kngland,  i: 
when  the  united  support  and  zealous  co-operution 
of  all  would  be  indispensable  to  support  the  coun-  ;; 
try  in  the  contest*     I  appeal  tn  them,  in  the  hum-   i 
bier  characier,  as  parly  men,  whether  they  are   : 
jiislilied   in  perai.sting  to  push  a  course  of  policy    i 
which,  whether  ii  should  end  in  war  or  not,  n.ust   i 
terminate  in  the  division  and  distraction  of  their  [j 
pnvlv?  ,  ' 

Without  pursuiiig  this  branch  of  the  subject  fur-  i 
Iher,  1  shall  conclude  what  I  had  to  say  in  rcfer- 
ence  to  il,  by  sayinir  that  I,  for  one,  feil  and  ac- 
knowledge Uic  chap'^c.  Noihing  could  have  in- 
duced ine  to  vole  for  nolice,  in  any  form,  while 
ihere  wius  appar.''Mllv  no  hope  of  compromise;  but  l! 
now  that  there  is,  (  am  disposed  to  do  so,  if  it 
Bl.ould  be  inopcriy  modified. 

I  mil  ill.  '  lirouylit  to  the  iiueslion  under  coiisid-  ,. 
eration,  ti.  which  all  the  preceding  remarks  were   | 
but  preliminary — shall  nolice  be  given  lo  Great 
Brilaiii  to  terminate  the  cohvention  of  joint  occu- 
pancy .'    After  what  hns  been  said,  a  few  words   i 
wi'   suflice  to  despnich  il. 

'1  lie  question  is  not  free  from  doubt.  After  a  ! 
review  of  the  whole  ground,  I  can  discover  but  \\ 
two  I'caauna  in  favor  of  giving  it.    Tlie  first  is,  to  i 


put  an  end  to  the  agitation  of  the  Oregon  question,  i 
which,  without  it,  may  run  into  the  next  Prcji- 
dential  election,  and  thereby  become  more  difficult 
of  adjustment  than  ever.  The  other  is  the  appre- 
hension, that  the  Government  of  Great  Britain 
may  wait  the  final  action  of  Congress  in  reference 
to  notice  before  it  will  move  on  the  subject.  Were 
it  not  for  such  apprehension,  i  would  be  disposed 
to  postpone  notice  for  the  present. 

The  next  question  is,  in  what  form  should  it  be 
given,  if  given  at  all.'  1,  for  one,  can,  urder  no 
circumstances,  vote  for  absolute  notice,  although  I 
admit  it  would  be  less  dangerous  now  than  when 
recommended  by  the  Message.  I  cannot  consent 
to  give  a  vote  which  might  be  construed  to  imply, 
that  there  was  no  ho|ie  of  compromise,  and  which 
might,  if  given  in  that  form,  leave  a  doubt  in  the 
public  mind  as  to  the  real  opinion  of  the  Senate  in 
reference  to  compromise. 

Nor  can  I  vote  for  notice  in  the  form  which  has 
been  sent  to  us  from  the  other  House.  I  object  to 
it  as  equivocal.  If  the  resolution  means  simply 
to  declare  that  the  President  may  settle  the  contro- 
versy by  compromise,  it  means  iinihing,  us  the 
President  has  that  right  under  the  Ciuiaiitution,  and 
can  neither  be  clothed  or  divested  of  it  by  the  au- 
thority of  Congress.  But  if  it  be  intended  ns  a 
hint  to  him  to  settle  the  question  by  negotiation 
and  compromise,  I  object  to  it  for  not  plainly  say- 
ing so.  I  am  utterly  opposed  to  all  ei|uivocatioii, 
or  obscure  expressions,  in  our  public  acts.  We 
are  bound  to  say  plainly  what  we  mean  to  say. 
If  we  mean  negotiation  and  compromise,  let  us  say 
it  distinctly  and  plainly,  instead  of  sending  to  the 
President  n  resolution  on  which  he  may  put  what- 
ever interpretation  he  pleases. 

If  we  give  notice  at  all,  it  seems  to  me,  for  the 
reasons  just  suited,  it  should  be  substantially  as 
has  been  proposed  by  the  gentleman  from  Georgia, 
[Mr.  CoLQiMTT,]  which  plainly  expresses  the  de- 
sire of  the  Senate  that  it  should  be  settled  by  nego- 
tiation and  compromise.  For  it  I  arn  inclined  to 
vote,  as  at  present  advised;  but  logarding  notice  in 
all  its  forms  us  subordinate  lo  settling  the  contro- 
versy without  resort  to  arms,  I  reserve  my  decision 
until  I  am  called  upon  to  vote;  and  then  I  shall 
decide  ;n  the  affintiative  or  negative,  according  as 
I  shall  judge  that  one  or  the  other  is  best  calcu- 
lated to' advance  the  end  I  have  in  view. 

I  have  thus  staled  my  reasons  for  supporting  a 
compromise,  and  for  favoring,  at  present,  the  giv- 
ing of  notice.  I  have  been  governed,  ns  to  boih, 
by  llie  circumstances  under  which  I  find  myself 
placed,  but  for  which  1  am  no  ways  responsible. 
I  am  doing  the  best  I  '■nn,  where  I  find  myself,  and 
not  what  I  would  under  different  circumstances. 
So  llir  from  being  responsible  for  the  present  siote 
of  things,  I  early  look  my  stand  against  that  line 
of  policy  which  has  placed  us  where  we  are.  1 
refer  to  1843.  Then  the  Oregon  (picstion  for  the 
first  time  assumed  a  dangerous  aspect.  After  hav- 
ing been  Ions  and  frequently  brought  to  the  notice 
ofCongress,  without  exciting  attention,  I  then  saw, 
or  thought  !  saw,  that  it  was  destined,  at  no  dis- 
tant period,  to  become  an  absorbing  and  dangerous 
question,  and  accordingly  felt  it  lo  be  my  duly,  be- 
fore I  decided  on  my  course  in  reference  lo  il,  to 
examine  it  in  all  its  bearings  with  care  and  delib- 
eration. After  much  reflection,  I  came  to  the  con- 
clusion, which  I  on  that  occasion  explained,  in  a 
speech  delivered  on  the  subject.  I  then  saw  that 
there  were  two  distinct  lines  of  policy  which  might 
be  pursued:  one  was  to  adhere  to  tlie  convention 
of  1S27;  oppose  every  atlempt  to  annul  il,  ami 
strictly  observe  iis  provisions.  I  saw, tliut  although 
for  a  lime  the  convention  liail  opcraled  beneficially 
for  Great  IJrilain,  a  period  was  at  hand  when  our 
turn  would  come  lo  enjoy  its  benefits.  lis  opera- 
tion had,  theretofore,  thrown  into  her  hands  the 
whole  t'ur-irade  of  the  region;  and  we  had  looked 
on,  while  she  reaped  the  rich  harve.il,  when  it  was 
in  our  power  at  any  tini"^  to  annul  the  convention 
by  giving  llie  year's  nolice.  But  I  saw  that  our 
fiirbearance  would  be  compensated  by  the  lulvan- 
tages  which  the  convenliiui  was  about  lo  confer  on 
us,  if  we  should  have  the  wisdom  to  adopt  the 
proper  line  nf  policy  to  seoure  them.  The  increase 
of  our  populalioii  lind  hi,  ptogiess  westward  were 
rapidly  extending  niir  selilemenis  towards  the 
Kocky  Mouniains.  through  which  n  pass  hod  been 
discovered  but  a  few  years  before,  which  greatly 
increased  the  facility  lif  coloniitiiig  the  territory. 


I      In  this  state  of  things,  it  was  clear  to  my  mind 
j  that  if  we  adhered  to  the  convention,  and  respected 
its  provisions,  the  progress  of  events  would  ulti- 
j  mutely  give  us  possession  of  the  whole  territory; 
[  as  our  power  to  settle  the  territory,  and  thereby 
I  obtain  possession,  was  fur  greater   than   that  of 
!  Great  Britain.    Its  distance  from  us  was  far  less, 
I  and  the  approach  through  an  open,  grassy  coun- 
>  try,  aflbrding  great  facility  to  the  active  and  hardy 
I  pioneers  of  the  West,  Wtio  emigrate  with   tlieir 
families  and  herds,  with  little  expense  or  fatigue. 
Very  diflerent  was  the  case  with  Great  Brifain. 
The  distance  to  Oregon,  by  water,  from  her  shores 
cannot  be  much  less  than  twenty  thousand  milea, 
1  u  distance  but  little  short  of  the  entire  circumfer- 
■  ence  of  the  globe;  while  her  approach  to  il  through 
her  American  possessions  opposes  great  diiticultiea 
1  to  emigration  on  a  large  scale.     Of  all  the  .'ipnis  on 
j  the  globe  now  open  to  i.olonization,  and  susceptible 
1  of  being  colonized,  il  is  the  most  remote  from  her, 
J  and  the  most  difiicult  of  access.     She  has  many 
,  colonies  much  nearer  to  her,  to   which   there  is 
I  much  greater  facility  of  access,  with  equal  soil  and 
climate,  as  yet  very  partially  settled.     Even  New 
j  Zealand  in  all  these  respects  is  superior  lo  it.  With 
[  these  advaiiwges  in  our  favor  in  sitiling  the  terri- 
tory, and  which  were  yearly  rapidly  increasing,  it 
:  was  clear  to  my  mind  that  all  we  hud  to  do  was  to 
,  adhere  lo  the  convention — to  observe  all  its  pio- 
';  visions  with  the  most  scrupulous  fidelity,  in  order 
I  to  obtain  the  actual  occupation  and  possession  of 
;  the  whole  country. 

i      As  far  as  I  could  perceive,  thei-e  was  but  one 

'  imjicdiment  in  the  way,  and  that  was,  that  Great 

I  Britain,  in  order  to  prevent  us  from  obtaining  pos- 

I  session  by  settlement,  might  give  notice  herself  to 

i  terminate  the  convention  for  joint  occupancy.  But 

i  of  this  I  entertained  but  little  apprehension.     I  hud 

j  read   the   correspondence  of  former   negotiuliims 

'■  with  attention,  and  my  inference  was,  that  she 

i  placed  but  little  value  on  Oregon,  us  a  place  for  a 

'.  permanent  scttlemeni,  and  that  she  had,  in  u  great 

'  measure,  made  up  her  mind,  from  its  geoftraphicul 

I  position,  that  it  would  nllimalcly  pass  into  our 

nands.     But  be  this  as  it  may,  I  could  not  but  see 

that  there  were  great  impediments  in  her  way  of 

i  giving  such  notice,  as  would  preclude  us  from  the 

right  of  settling.     She  has,  indeed,  the  same  right 

to  terminate  the  convention  of  1S27  that  we  have, 

as  it  is  expressly  provided  that  either  may  give  il. 

But  there  is  another  convention  which  she  claims 

to  be  still  in  existence,  and  to  which  we,  holding 

:  under  Spain,  are  parties  with  her.     I  refer  to  the 

I  Nootka  Sound  convention.     It  is  strictly  analo- 

'  gous  with  that  of  1827,  though  dissimilar  in  ils 

language.     But  unlike  the  latter,  it  contains  no 

I  provision  for  giving  nolice,  and  can  only  be  an- 

'  nulled  by  violation.     Under  it,  we,  according  to 

her  own  showing,  have  equal  rights  with  herself 

to  joint  occupancy  and  settlement,  of  which  we 

cannot  be  deprived  on  the  ground  on  which  she 

places  her  rights  to  the  territory,  without  a  breach 

of  faith. 

It  seemed  then  to  me  clear,  that  onr  true  policy 
was  such  as  1  have  staled:  lo  adlieie  to  the  con- 
I  venlion,  and  let  settlement  determine  to  whom  the 
territory  should  belong,  afl'ording  in  the  mean  time 
whatever  facilities  we  might  think  proper  to  our 
people  emigrating  to  the  territory,  not  inconsistent 
with  the  provisions  of  the  convention,  and  exleiid- 
ing  our  law.i  over  iheni  in  like  manner,  and  lo  the 
same  extent  that  Great  Britain  had  by  act  of  Par- 
liament. To  me  il  seemed  clear  that  we  ought  not 
logo  beyond,  and  liinl  we  should  by  no  inean-s 
exiend  mir  laws  over  it  lerritoriully.  The  necen- 
sary  efl^ecls  of  that  would  be  to  extend  our  tarilf 
iicis  to  the  lerrilory,  under  nn  express  provision 
of  the  Conslilution,  which  requires  that  all  dulieri 
and  taxes  shall  be  laid  uniformly  ihrougliont  the 
,  United  Slates.  The  re.?trictions  imposed  by  our 
high  tarifl'  duties,  on  the  infiuit  commerce  of  thu 
territory,  would  go  far,  not  only  to  diminish  the 
inducement  to  emigration,  but  to  uliemle  the  nfl'ec- 
lion  of  ils  people.  To  enjoy  the  blesrings  of  free 
nude  over  the  broad  Pacific,  with  ils  numeroii.s 
islands  and  widely-extended  coasl,  will  prove  in 
the  end  to  be  the  strongest  inducement  to  emigra- 
tion; and  to  impose  high  duties,  would  do  more  lo 
check  emigralion,  lo  aliennle  ils  inlmbilanis,  and 
se|iarate  ihetn  frmu  our  Union,  than  any  other 
cause.  Oregon  will  be  to  the  Pacific  what  iVew 
England  was  to  the  Atlnntic,  in  its  colonial  state; 


i 


Vli, 


:,ui 


11 


474 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GIjOBE. 


[March  16, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Cktlhoun. 


Senate. 


nnd  iis  people  will  contend  ns  earnestly  for  the  un-  j 
restricted  enjoyment  of  the  trade  of  the  Pacific  as  ; 
the  Now  Eiiulandera  did  for  that  of  the  Atlantic  | 
before  the  Revolution.     It  was,  indeed,  one  of  the 
principal  causes   which    led    to    the   Revolution. 
■Should  we  restrict  by  o\ir  hi.'li  tariff  duties  their  j 
infant  trade,  they  might  readily  find  a  Power  pre- 
pared to  extend  to  them  all  the  advantages  of  free 
trade,  to  be  followed  by  consequences  not  difficult 
to  be  perceived.     Inflffenceil  by  these  considera- 
tions, I  came  to  tlie  conclusion  tlmt  our  true  policy  ; 
was  to  let  our  people  emigrate  and  govern  theiti- 
selves  for  the  present  with  as  little  interference  as 
possible  on  our  I'arl.     In  that  respect  they  possess 
jrreat  ca|iacity  from  their  origin  aiul  their  native 
instincts.     1  would  let  them  go  there  and  settle  the 
country  in  their  own  way,  giving  them  nil  the  aid, 
cimntenancc,  and  support  which  we  could,  without 
extending  our  authority  over  them   territorially, 
tinlil  it  could  be  properly  and  safely  done.     But 
be  it  done  when  it  may,  great  judgment  nnd  cau- 
tion will  be  reniiircd,  for  there  lies  the  great  diffi- 
culty ofreconnling  the  interest  on  the  eastern  side 
o;'  llie  Rocky  Mountains  with  that  of  the  western 
side. 

Tlie  other  line  of  policy  looked  to  the  ".ermina- 
tion  of  the  convention  by  giving  notice  and  taking 
adverse  possession  of  the  territory.  The  bill  of 
184^,  already  alluded  to,  was  intended  as  the  first 
step.  I  opposed  it  not  only  because  I  believed  that 
some  of  its  provisions  violated  the  convention,  but 
because  I  believed  that  the  course  it  indicated  was 
highly  impolitic.  It  seemed  to  me,  indeed,  to  re- 
quire little  reflection  to  perqeive  Ihiit  if  the  bill 
shoiild  pass,  nnd  the  policy  it  indicated  be  adopted, 
that  negotiation  or  war  would  necessarily  follow, 
nnd  that,  if  the  former  should  be  resorted  to  in  the 
first  instance  to  prevent  war,  it  would  terminate 
either  in  compromise  or  war.  There  could  be  no 
other  result.  Nor  was  it  more  ditficultto  pe'ceive, 
that  if  the  question  was  compromised,  it  i,inst  be 
on  the  basis  of  the  49th  parallel.  The  |)ast  history 
of  the  affair,  the  fact  tliat  it  had  been  frequently 
offered  by  us  substantially  as  an  ultimatum,  added 
to  the  fact  that  49°  was  the  boundary  on  this  side 
of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  left  no  iloubt  on  my 
mind  that,  if  settled  by  compromise,  it  must  be  on 
that  basis.  It  is  true  ihnt  our  oiler  heretofore  on 
that  basis  had  Ix'cn  rejected,  and  that  it  might 
thence  be  inferred  that  Great  Britain  could  not  ac- 
cede to  it  consistently  with  her  honor.  I  am  not 
of  that  impression.  Things  have  greatly  changed 
since  our  offers  were  made  and  rejected  by  her. 
Tnen  the  advnnt^iges  under  the  convention  were  all 
in  her  favor:  but  now  they  have  turned  in  favor  of 
us.  Then  our  capacity  to  settle  the  ( (lunlry  was 
.sniidl;  but  now,  for  reasons  already  stalled,  they  are 
f:ra\[;  and  what  is  I'iir  fnun  Iwnig  immaterial,  this 
increased  capacity  to  setlle  and  colonize  strength- 
ens the  foundation  of  our  claims  to  the  teiritory. 
The  ca[Kicity  to  settle  and  colonize  a  contiguoiis 
open  region  not  capable  of  lieing  selllcd  or  colo- 
nized by  any  other  Power,  goes  back  to  the  origi- 
nal principles  on  which  all  claim  to  territory  is 
tbuniled. 

Seeing  that  such  would  necessarily  be  the  con- 
sequence  of  the  line  of  policy  indic«leil  by  the  bill, 
and  wishing  to  avoid  both  compromise  and  war,  I 
took  a  decideil  stand  against  it.  I  was  very  ably 
seconded  in  my  opposition;  so  much  so  that,  not- 
withstanding the  appaitntly  large  majorily  in  its 
t'avor  when  the  discussion  commenced,  it'pas.-^ed 
tlii.s  body  by  anequiviM-al  majorily  of  one.  I  say 
0(luivocal,  liecause  one  of  the  Senators  felt  himself 
ivinstraiiicj  by  acridenud  causes  to  vole  for  the 
ineasurc,alter  he  had  avowed  his  opposilionagninst 
it.  Since  then,  session  after  session,  measures  have 
been  introduced  to  give  notice  and  extend  our  au- 
thority over  llic  territory,  wiih  a  view  ultimately 
of  laiiingposscj^sinii  i.f  the  whole.  As  aniiciiiatcd, 
iic^rotiation,  ill  order  to  avoid  war,  followeu;  ami 
now  we  are  brought  to  the  nllernative  of  com|)ro- 
inise  or  liL'litnig,  as  ought  to  have  been  foreseen 
I'roni  the  lieginning.  1  again  repeal,  that  I  am  in 
no  way  rcNponsible  for  llie  present  state  of  iliings; 
and  if  I  am  comiielled  in  consequence  lo  vole  for 
compromise  and  notice,  the  responsibility  rests  on 
my  fiiends  behind  me,  whose  cinii-se  has  fon'i'd 
the  CJovernmeiU  into  it  by  the  line  of  policy  they 
have  pursued.  I  do  not  iinjiench  their  patriotism;  but 
i  1  annot  but  think  thai  they  permitted  ihcir  zeal  in 
behalf  of  the  territory,  oiid  the  impatience  of  those 


they  represent  to  occupy  it,  to  get  the  control  of 
their  better  judgment; 

Having  lieen  thus  brought,  hy  the  line  of  policy 
to  which  I  was  opposed,  to  choose  between  com-  i 
promise  nnd  war,  I  without  hesitation  take  the  i 
former.     In  making  the  choice,  I  am  actuated  by  i 
i  no  unmanly  fear  of  the  consequences  of  war.     I  I 
I  know  that  in  the  existing  state  of  the  world,  wars  ' 
are  necessary — that  the  most  sacred  regard  for  jus-  1 
j  tice  and  equity,  and  the  moat  cautious  policy,  can-  | 
I  not  always  prevent  them.    When  war  must  come, 
I  I  may  appeal  to  my  past  history  to  prove  that  I  , 
!  shall  not  be  found  among  those  who  may  falter; 
1  but  1  shall  take  care  never  to  contribute  by  my 
I  acts  to  precipitate  the  country  into  a  war,  when  it 
I  can  be  fairly  avoided.     I  am,  on  principle,  oppos- 
I  ed  to  war,  and  in  I'.ivor  of  peace,  because  1  reg.Tid 
I  peace  as  a  positive  good,  and  war  as  a  positive 
I  evil.     As  a  good,  I  shall  ever  cling  to  peace,  so 
long  ns  ic  can  be  preserved  consistently  with  the 
safety  and  honor  of  the  country;  and  as,  opposed 
to  war,  I  .^hall  ever  resist  ii,  so  long  as  it  may  be 
;  resisted  consistently  with  the  same  considerations. 
i  I  nm  emphatically  opposed  to  it  in  this  ca.se,  be- 
cause peace,  in  my  opinion,  can  be  preserved  con- 
sistently with  both,  nnd  war  avoided  without  sac- 
:  rificing  either.     I  nm  opposed  to  it  for  the  addi- 
]  tionnl  reason,  because  it  would  be,  in  my  opinion, 
highly  impolitic — a  consideration  never  to  be  over- 
i  looked  when  a  question  of  the  kind  is  under  con- 
i  sidernlion.     I  recanl  it  as  highly  impolitic  in  this 
;  case,  because  1  believe  that,  should  we  resort  to  it, 
j  we  would  lose,  insie.id  of  securinc,  the  two  ob- 
jects for  which  it  would  he  avowedly  declared,  ns  ' 
I  shall  now  proceed  to  show. 

The  first  is  to  secure  what  is  claimed  to  he  our 

rights  to   the  whole  of  Oregon,   under  the  cry  of 

"nil  n/Orfgonor  nonr."    Those  who  would  go 

into  it  for  that  object  will,  in  my  opinion,  find  in 

i  the  end  that  "  Moiie "  is  much  more  probable  than 

j  "all."    In  coming  to  this  conclusion,  I  concede 

I  to  my  countrymen  the  highest  bravery,  energy, 

I  patriotism,  and  intelligence,  which  can  be  claimed 

i  for  them.     But  these  cannot  overcome  the  great 

I  obstacles  we  would  have  to  encounter,  compared 

{  to  what  Great  Britain  would  have  in  a  contest  for 

I  Oregon.     As  long  as  she  has  a  large  force  in  the 

I  Ea.st,  and  remains  mistress  of  the  Pacific,  she  will 

i  be  able  to  place  there  a  much  more  efficient  force, 

and  at  far  less  expense,  than  we  possibly  can  at 

'  present,  which  would  there  decide  the  contest  in 

her  favor. 
i      But  were  it  ntherwi.se,  fVom  the  nature  of  the 
contest,  Oregon,  though   the   cause  of  the  war, 
would  be  speedily  forgotten.     The  struggle  once 
beirun,  would  soon  rmi'C  to  be  for  Oregon.  Higher 
and  far  more  powerful  inolives  would  soon  guide 
the  contest.     It  would  speedily  become  a  struggle 
for  mastery  between  the  erpiitest  Power  in    the 
I  world,  on   one  side,   ajrninst   the    most  growing 
I  on  the  other.     Actuated  by  all  the  feelings  beloncr- 
ing  to  such  a  sIrugErle,  both  sides  would  put  forth 
all  their  vigor,  eneruy,  and  resources,  and  over- 
looking minor  points,  would  aim  to  strike  the  most 
i  vulnerable,  and  where  each  mi'jht  have  the  gre.it- 
est  advantnire,  leaving  Oregon  to  be  won  or  lost  ns 
the  contingencies  of  so  mighty  a  contest  might 
decide. 

The  next  object,  ns  is  nllesed,  is  to  protect  our 
citizens  in  Oregon.  What  has  jusl  been  said  is 
enough  to  prove  how  ulterly  it  must  fail.  Instead 
of  protection,  war  would  most  certainly  sacrifice 
them;  and  that  is  n  slron?  reason,  with  me,  for 
opposing  it.  I  feel  our  obligation  to  protect  them 
as  citizens,  and  brethren,  and  kindred.  We  have 
enconrajed  them  to  emiyrate,  nnd  I  will  not  give 
a  vote  which  in  my  opinion  would  ruin  nnd  aban- 
don them.  But  what  war  would  fail  to  eft'ect, 
would  be  certainly  accomplished  by  compromise 
on  the  line  offered  by  the  President.  There  are 
none  of  our  citiziMis,  if  I  am  correctly  informed, 
settled  north  of  4!t°.  Kstiiblish  that  line,  and  we 
nt  once  siveour  citizens  in  On'ffon  [icnce  and  secu- 
rity, and  with  them  full  opportunity  to  realize  their 
object  in  emigratiiiir. 

But  passing  from  Oregon,  I  lake  broader  ground, 
and  oppose  war  for  reasons  looking  to  the  whole. 
I  see  nothing  to  hope  from  war,  be  its  result  what 
it  may.  On  the  contrary,  I  believe  llnit  the  most 
successful  nnd  triumphant  war  that  c(mld  be 
waged — one  ill  which  all  woulil  he  accomplished 
which  its  most  extravagant  advocate  could  dare 


hope  for — in  which  we  should  conquer  the  Cnnadas, 
New  Brunswick,  and  Nova  Scotia — in  which  wc 
should  drive  the  British  flag  from  the  continent, and 
compel  Great  Britain  to  yield  the  whole  by  treaty, 
in  the  short  space  of  ten  years,  >i  ould  be  disaatrous 
to  us.  I  allude  not  to  its  ravages  or  devaiitalions— 
to  the  oceans  of  blood  that  must  flow,  and  the  mani- 
fold losses  and  miseries  which  would  accompany 
the  war.  They  are  common  to  nil  wars;  but  how- 
ever vividly  painted,  they  have  but  little  effect  in 
deterring  a  brave  people  ft-oin  a  resort  to  it.  No 
doubt  these  inflictions  would  be  very  great  in  a  con- 
test between  two  nations  of  such  immense  power, 
nnd  80  situated  as  to  be  able  to  do  each  otlier  the 
greatest  harm  in  war  nnd  the  greatest  good  in  peace. 
Rut  as  great  as  the  devaslnticn  nnd  destruction  of 
life  would  be  in  such  a  struggle,  they  are  of  a  na- 
ture to  be  speedily  repaired  on  our  side.  The  in- 
domitable industry  and  enterprise  of  our  people, 
with  the  great  resources  of  the  country,  would  soon 
repair  the  former,  while  our  rapidly  increasing 
population  would  speedily  repair  the  fatter.  War 
has  fur  heavier  calamities  for  n  free  people  than 
these,  though  Ilss  visible — calamities  in  their  nniure 
not  easily  remedied.  I  refer  to  permanent  nnd 
dangerous  social  nnd  political  changes,  which  often 
follow  in  its  train,  in  the  character  of  the  people  and 
their  institutions.  A  war  between  us  anil  Great 
Britain,  such  as  has  been  described,  in  which  every 
nerve  nnd  muscle  on  either  side  would  be  strained 
to  the  utmost,  and  every  dollar  put  in  requisition 
which  could  be  commanded,  could  not  fail,  under 
present  circumstances,  to  work  most  disastrou.i, 
and,  I  fear,  incurable  changes  in  the  social  condi- 
tion of  our  people,  and  in  their  politicjil  institutions. 
To  realize  the  consequences  in  this  respect,  which 
must  follow,  it  is  necessary  to  look  at  the  immense 
extent  to  which  it  would  rngc.  It  would,  in  all 
probability,  prove  a  Mexican  nnd  an  Indian  war, 
ns  well  as  a  war  with  Great  Britttin,  and  ns  such 
would  extend  to  every  portion  of  our  entire  fron- 
tier, including  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific,  the 
inland  and  exterior,  constituting  a  circuit  of 
probably  not  less  than  seven  thousand  miles.  It 
would  require,  in  order  to  conduct  it  with  the  en- 
ergy necessary  to  bring  it  in  so  short  a  time  to  the 
successflil  termination  supposed,  especially  in  a 
war  for  mastery,  immense  exertions  on  land  nnd 
water.  Two  navies — one  on  the  Atlantic  and  the 
other  on  the  lakes — nnd  six  or  seven  armies,  would 
be  required  for  the  purpose,  even  on  the  supposi- 
tion that  Oregon  would  be  abandoned.  One  army 
wouM  be  required  on  the  Mexican  frontier;  and 
let  no  one  sneer  nt  the  mention  of  such  a  Power. 
Feeble  as  it  now  is,  when  paid  nnd  supported  by 
British  gold,  and  trained  and  commanded  by  Brit- 
ish officers,  Mexico  would  prove  a  formidable 
enemy.  See  what  British  skill  and  training  have 
made  the  feeble  Sepoys.  The  Mexicans  are  a 
bnver  and  a  hardier  people,  and,  what  is  no  small 
point,  would  constitute  the  cheapest  of  all  armies. 
There  must  he,  in  addition,  one  to  guard  the  Gulf 
frontier;  luiolher  to  guard  the  southern;  another 
the  northern  frontier  on  the  Atlantic;  another  to 
assail  the  northeastern  frontier  on  the  side  of  Nova 
Scotia  nnd  New  Brunswick;  and  another  to  assail 
the  Canadian;  and,  finally,  another  to  protect  our 
!  widely-extended  Indian  frontier.  All  these,  in  so 
mighty  a  struggle  against  the  greatest  of  all  Pow- 
ers, putting  forth  her  utmost  strength,  would  re- 
quire a  force,  including  the  two  navies,  of  not  less, 
I  would  suppose,  thnn  ii<)0,0(Ml  men  continually  in 
pay.  The  expense  would  be  enormous.  One  of 
the  most  venerable  nnd  experienced  of  <uir  citizens, 
Mr.  Gallatin,  has  estimated  it  at  sixty-five  or 
seventy  millions  of  dollars  annually,  if  my  memory 
serves  me.  My  impression  is,  that  it  falls  Ihr  short 
of  the  actual  cost,  and  that  <linO,()()0,(MIO  would 
not  be  an  over  estimate.  Supposing  the  sum  of 
fi.'>0,(IOfl,00(l  could  be  annually  raised  by  taxation 
— a  sum  far  greater  than  he  estimates,  and  in  my 
opinion  much  beyond  what  could  be  etfected — it 
would  leave  i(i,')l),'OnO,00()  annually  lo  be  raised  by 
loans,  or  n  forced  paper  circulation.  Now,  allow- 
ill'-  the  war  to  continue  for  ten  years,  there  would 
be^imurred  a  debt  in  the  time  of  S,500,(KMI,(H)(I, 
nccording  to  these  estimates.  Kveu  that,  it  is 
probable,  would  fall  much  short  of  the  reality,  as- 
suming the  sum  stated  should  he  annually  re- 
quired. It  would  be  difiicull  to  obtain  loans  in 
Turope;  for  owing  to  the  conduct  of  some  of  the 
Slatee  in  reference  to  repudiation,  and  other  causes 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


475 


29th  Cono 1st  Se9s. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr,  Cnlhoun. 


Sknate. 


not  necessary  to  sinle,  the  feeliiia;  of  Europn  would, 
I  fenr,  l)e  generally  against  us,  while  our  own  re- 
soiiri't's  would  not  he  sufficient  to  raise  the  sum 
required  without  n  great  depreciation  of  our  credit, 
with  a  loss  of  twenty,  thirty,  or  even  forty  per 
CPiit.,  hefore  the  termination  nf  the  war,  in  con- 
tracling  loans,  or  in  consequence  of  the  depreciii- 
tionofour  paper  circulation.  Including  all,  our 
puhlic  dclit  would,  Ml  (he  end  of  the  stniggle,  he 
iiroliably  not  less  lliiin  six  or  seven  hundred  mil- 
lions of  dollars.     But  this  is  not  all. 

We  would  be  phmged  into  the  paper  system  as 
deeply  as  we  were  in  the  days  of  the  Revolution; 
nnd  would  terminate  the  war  with  n  mortgnge  of 
six  or  seven  hundred  millions  of  dollars  on  the  labor 
of  onr  people; — for  on  labor  the  whole  must  fall 
ultimately ,  whilr  a  Inrgc  portion  of  this  vast  amount 
would  go  into  the  pockets  of  those  who  struck  not 
u  blow,  I'or  lost  a  drop  of  blood  in  the  contest,  and 
who  acquired  their  gains  by  seizing  upon  the  dis- 
tress of  tliu  Govermncnt  to  drive  hard  and  usurious 
bari:ain.s.  In  addition,  we  should  have  the  ditficult 
task  to  iierform  of  restoring  to  a  sounii  state  i\  great- 
ly depreciated  paper  circulation,  or  of  extricating 
ourselves  from  it  whatever  way  we  might — a  task 
which  cunnot  be  performca  without  great  distress 
to  the  cotintry  and  ruinous  efiect  to  that  large  and 
usually  the  enterprising  portion  of  the  couuiuniity, 
the  debtors.  The  cflects  of  all  this  would  be  high- 
ly injurious  to  the  sui^ial  relations  of  the  people.  A 
powerful  artificial  class  would  be  created  on  one 
side,  and  a  poor  and  dependent  one  on  the  other. 

I<Iur  would  its  etl'ect  on  our  political  institutions 
be  less  disastrous.     Such  a  war  would  obliterate 
the  line  of  distinction,  in  a  great  measure,  between 
the  Kedcral  and  the  Stale  Governments,  by  con- 
ferring on  the  former  vastly  increased  power  and 
influence.    We  would  hear  no  more  of  State  rights. 
'I'he  Federal  Government  would  then   become  a  :  \ 
great  national  consolidated  Government.    Our  very 
success  would  give  a  military  impulse  to  the  public  | 
mindand  to  the  character  of  the  Government,  which  | 
it  would  be  hard,  if  possible,  to  overcome,  and  i 
which  would  seek  conquest  after  conquest  until  a 
spirit  would  be  engendered  totally  inconsistent  with  j 
the  genius  of  our  system  of  Government.    It  would 
then  be  in  the  straight  and  downward  road,  which 
leads  to  where  so  many  free  States  have  terminated 
their  career — a  military  despotism.     In  the  mean 
lime,  we  would  have  to  provide  for  three  or  four 
successful  generals,  who  would  soon  be  competing 
for  the  Presidency ;  and  before  the  generation  which 
waged  the  war  would   have  passed  away,  they 
might  possibly  witness  a  contest  between  hostile 
generals  for  that  supreme  office — a  contest  between 
him  who  might  conquer  Mexico,  and  him  who 
might  conquer  Canada,  terminated  by  the  sword. 

I  appeal  to  the  gentlemen  who  are  the  wni-m  ad- 
vocates for  "  all  of  Oregon  or  none,"  regardless  of 
this  mighty  hazard,  and  whose  separation  from  us 
on  this  question  1  regret,  and  solemnly  put  the 
question  to  them — is  it  for  you — you,  who  assume 
to  be  Democrats  ;)or  excellence — you  who  are  the 
enemies  of  the  paper  Hysteiu,  and  of  all  artificial 
rlasses  in  .society — is  it  for  you  to  support  a  course 
of  policy  which  might  lead  to  such  disastrous  con- 
sequences ? 

but  I  oppose  war  not  simoly  on  the  patriotic 
ground  of  a  citizen  looking  to  the  freedom  and 
prosperity  of  his  own  country,  but  on  still  broader 
grounds,  as  a  friend  of  improvement,  civilization, 
and  progress.    Viewed  in  reference  to  them,  at  no 
period  has  it  ever  been  so  desirable  to  preserve  the 
Kcneral  peace  which  now  blesses  the  world.    Never 
in  iis  history  has  a  prrioil  occurred  so  remarkable 
as  that  which  has  elapsed  since  the  termination  of 
the  great  war  in  Europe,  with  the  battle  of  Wa- 
terloo, for  the  great  ailvances  made  in  all  these  par- 
ticulars.  Chemical  and  mechanical  discoveries  and 
inventions  have  multiplied  lif  ynnd  all  former  ex- 
ample, adding  with  their  advance  to  the  comforts 
of  life  in  a  degree  far  greater  and  more  universal 
than  all  that  was  ever  known  before.     Ciyilizalion 
has  during  the  same  period  spread  its  influence  far   | 
and  wide,  and  the  general  mogresa  in  knowledge,   i 
and  its  dilTusion  through  all  ranks  of  society,  has   ; 
outstripped  all  that  has  ever  gone  before  it.      The 
two  great  iiffent.s  of  the  physical  world  have  be-   i 
conic  subject  to  the  will  of  man,  and  made  subser- 
vient to  liis  wants  and  enjoyments;   i  allude  to 
Hieam  and  electricity,  under  whatever  name  the   i 
latter  may  be  called.    The  former  has  uvercome  li 


distance  both  on  land  and  water,  to  an  extent  of 
which  former  generations  had  not  the  hast  con- 
ception to  be  possible.  It  has  in  effect  reduced  the 
Atlantic  to  half  its  former  width,  while,  nt  the 
same  time,  it  has  added  three-fold  to  the  rapidity 
of  intercourse  by  land.  Within  the  same  period, 
electricity,  the  greatest  and  most  dilluoetl  of  oil 
known  physical  agents,  has  been  made  the  instru- 
ment for  the  transmission  of  thoughts,  I  will  not 
say  with  the  rapidity  of  lightning,  but  by  light- 
ning itself.  Magic  wires  are  stretching  themselves 
in  all  directions  over  the  earth,  and  when  their 
mystic  meshes  shall  have  been  united  and  perfect- 
ed, our  globe  itself  will  become  enciowed  with  sen- 
sitiveness, so  that  whatever  touches  on  any  one 
point,  will  be  instantly  felt  on  every  other.  All 
these  improvements — all  this  increasing  civiliza- 
tion— all  the  progress  now  making,  would  be  in  u 
great  measure  arrested  by  a  war  lietween  us  and 
Great  Briuiin.  As  great  as  it  is,  it  is  but  the  com- 
mencement— the  dawn  of  a  new  civilization,  more 
refined,  morn  elevated,  more  intellectual,  more 
moral,  than  the  present  and  all  preceding:  it.  Shall 
it  be  we  who  shall  incur  the  high  responsibility  of 
retarding  its  advance,  nnd  by  such  a  war  as  this 
would  be' 

I  am,  in  this  connexion,  opposed  to  war  between 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain.  TI.ey  are  the 
two  countries  the  furthest  in  advance  in  this  great 
career  of  improvement  and  amelioration  of  the  con- 
dition of  our  race.  They  arc,  besides,  tlie  two 
most  commercial,  and  are  difl'using,  by  their  wide- 
ly extended  commerce,  their  blessings  over  the 
whole  globe.  We  have  been  raised  u|V  by  Provi- 
dence for  these  great  and  noble  purposes,  and  I 
trust  we  shall  not  fail  to  fulfil  our  high  destiny.  I 
am,  besides,  especially  opposed  to  war  with  Eng- 
land at  this  time;  because  I  hold  that  it  is  now  to 
he  decided,  whether  we  are  to  exist  in  future  as 
friends  or  enemies.  War  nt  this  time,  and  for  this 
cause,  would  decide  supremacy — we  shall  hereaf- 
ter stand  in  that  of  enemies,  it  would  give  birth 
to  a  struggle  in  whii  h  one  or  the  other  would  have 
to  succumb  before  it  terminated;  and  which,  in  the 
end,  might  prove  ruinous  to  both.  On  the  contra- 
ry, if  war  can  be  avoided,  powerful  causes  are  now 
in  operation,  calculated  to  cementand  secure  a  last- 
ing— I  hope  a  perpetual — peace  between  the  two 
countries,  by  breaking  down  the  barriers  which 
impede  their  commerce,  and  thereby  uniting  them 
more  closely  by  a  vastly  enlarged  commercial  in- 
tercourse, equally  beneficial  to  both.  If  we  should 
nov/  succeed  in  setting  the  example  of  free  trade 
between  us,  it  would  force  all  other  civilized  coun- 
tries to  follow  it  in  the  end.  The  consequence 
would  he,  to  diffuse  a  pros|)erily  gi-eiiter  and  more 
universal  than  ran  be  well  conceived,  and  to  unite 
by  bonds  of  mutual  interest  the  people  of  all  coun- 
tries. But  in  advocating  the  cause  office  trade,  I 
am  actuated  not  less  by  the  politics'  consequences 
likely  to  flow  from  it,  than  the  advantages  to  be 
derived  from  it  in  an  economical  point  of  view.  I 
regard  it  in  the  dispensation  of  Providence,  as  one 
of  the  great  means  of  ushering  in  the  happy  period 
foretold  by  inspired  prophets  and  poets,  when  war 
should  be  no  more. 

I  am,  finally,  opposed  to  war,  because  peace — 
peace  is  pre-eminently  our  policy.  There  may 
be  nations,  restricted  to  small  territories,  hemmed 
in  on  all  aides,  so  situated  that  war  may  be  neces- 
sary to  their  greatness.  Such  is  not  our  case. 
Providence  has  given  us  an  inheritance  stretching 
across  the  entire  continent  from  East  to  West, 
from  ocean  to  ocean,  and  from  North  to  Souili, 
coverins  by  far  the  greater  and  better  part  of  its 
temperate  zone.  It  comprises  a  region  not  only  of 
vast  extent,  but  abundant  in  all  resources;  excel- 
lent in  climate;  fertile  and  exuberant  in  soil;  capa- 
ble of  sustaining  in  the  plentiful  enjoyment  of  all 
the  necessaries  of  life  a  population  often  times  our 
present  niimljer.  Our  great  mission,  as  a  people, 
IS  to  occupy  this  vast  domain;  to  replenish  it  with 
an  intelligent,  virtuou.s,  and  industrinus  population; 
to  convert  the  forests  into  cultivated  fields;  toduiln 
the  swamps  and  morasses,  niid  cover  them  with 
rich  harvests;  to  build  up  cities,  towns,  and  vil- 
lages in  every  direction,  and  to  unite  the  whole  by 
the  most  rapid  inter  ourse  between  all  the  part". 
War  would  but  inii.ede  the  fulfilment  of  this  high 
mission,  by  absorbing  the  means  and  divertingtlie 
energies  which  would  be  devoted  to  the  ]uirpose. 
On  the  cuntrury,  secure  peace,  and  time,  under  the 


guidance  of  a  saMcious  and  cautious  policy,  "a 
wise  and  masterly  inactivity,"  will  speedily  ac- 
complish the  whole.     I  ventured  to  say  "  a  wise 
nnd  masterly  inactivity,"  in  despite  of  the  attempt 
to  csist  ridicule  upon  the  expression.    Those  who 
have  made  the  attempt  would  seem  to  confound 
such  inactivity  with  mere  inaction.     Nothing  can 
be  more  unlike.     They  are  as  wide  apart  as  the 
poles.    The  one  is  the  ofl'spring  of  indolence,  or 
Ignorance,  ur  indifference.     The  other  is  the  re- 
sult of  the  profoundest  sagacity  anil  wisdom — a 
sagacity  which  looks  into  the  operations  of  the 
great  causes  in  the  physical,  moral,  and  political 
world;  which,  by  tiieir  incessant  operation,  are 
ever  cliaiigins  the  condition  of  nations  tor  good  or 
evil;  nnd  wisdom,  which  knows  liow  to  use  and 
direct    them   when    acting   favorably,    by  slight 
touches,  to  facilitate  their  progress,  and  by  reniov- 
ins:  impediments  which  might  thwart  or  impede 
their  course — and  not  least,  to  wait  patiently  for 
the  fruits  of  their  operation.     Me  who  does  not 
understand    the    dilterence    between    such    inac- 
tivity and  mere   inaction — the  doing  of   nothing 
— is  still    in  the  horn-liook   of   politics,  without 
I  a   irlimpse   of   those   higher  elements   of  states- 
:  maiiship  iiy  which  a  country  is  elevated  to  gieiit- 
<\  ness  and  prosperity.     Time  is  operating  in  our 
i  thvor  with  a  power' never  before  exerud  in  favor 
I   of  any  other  people.     It  is  our  great  friend;  and 
i  under  the  guidance  of  such  a  policy,  it  will  accom- 
j  plish  all  that  we  mn  desire.     Our  population  is 
|i  now  increasing  at  the  rate  of  about  6(Kt,UUU  aimu- 
Ijally,  and  is  progressing  with   increased   rapidity 
j   every  year.    It  will  average,  if  not  impeded,  nearly 
i!  a  million  during  the  next  twenty-five  years;  nt  the 
ij  end  of  which  period  our  population  ought  to  reach 
li  to  upwards  of  forty  millions.     With  this  vast  in- 
!   crease,  it  i."  rolling  westwnrdly  with  a  strong  and 
L  deep  eurrcnl,  and  will,  by  the  end  of  that  period, 
have  spread  from  ocean  to  ocean.     Its  course  is 
irresistible.     The  coast  of  the  Pacific  will  then  be 
probably  us   densely   populated,  and   as   thickly 
studded  with  towns  and  villages,  in  proportion  to 
its  capacity  to  sustain  population,  as  that  of  the 
Atlantic  now  is.     At  the  same  rate,  we  shall  have 
increased  to  upwards  of  eighty  millions  of  people 
at  the  end  of  another  twenty-five  years;  when,  with 
one  foot  on  the  Atlantic  and  the  other  on  the  Pa- 
cific, and  occupying  a  posi;ion  between  the  eastern 
and  western  coasts  of  the  old  continent,  we  shall 
be  in  a  position  better  CAlculaled  to  control  tlio 
commerce  of  both  oceans,  and  to  exert  an  influence 
over  both  continents,  than  any  other  country  in 
the  world.     If  we  avoid  war,  and  adhere  to  peace, 
all  this  will  be  efl'ecled — effected,  1  trust,  without 
the  loss  of  our  free  popular  institutions.     I  am 
aware  how  difficult  is  the  tosk  to  preserve  flee  in- 
stitutions over  so  wide  a  sgiace,  and  so  immense  a 
population;  but  we  are  blessed  with  a  Constitution 
!  admirably  calculated  to  accomplish  it.     Its  elastic 
i  power  is  unequalled,  which  is  to  be  attributed  to 
!  Its  federal  character.     The  hope  of  success  de- 
pends on  preserving  that  feature  in  its  full  perfec- 
tion, and  adhering  to  peace  as  our  policy.     War 
may  make  us  great;  but  let  it  never  be  forgotten 
I  that  peace  only  can  make  us  both  great  and  free. 
With  a  few  remarks  relating  to  myself  person- 
ally I  shall  conclude.     I  have  been  charged  with 
being  more  strongly  inclined  to  secure  the  annex- 
ation of  Texas  than  our  rights  to  Oregon.     It  has 
been  attributed  to  my  greater  nirtiality  to  the  South 
than  to  the  West.     But  1  am  yet  to  learn  why 
Texas  should  be  considered  as  liclonging  to  the 
South  rather  than  to  the  West.     I  always  thought 
that  it  formed  a  part,  nnd  not  an  unimportant  part, 
of  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi;  and  on  that  ac- 
count, as  well  as  for  giving  greater  security  to  the 
southern  portion  of  the  valley,  the  West  desired 
its  annexation.     Resides,  I  have  yet  to  learn  that 
Texas  is  confined  to  a  southern   latitude.     I  had 
supposed  that  it  extended  far  north  and  west,  up 
to  the  latitude  of  i'JP,  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
great  pass  of  the  Rocky  Moiinuiins,  on  which  the 
value  of  Oregon  to  us  so  much  depends.     I  had 
supposed  that  what  are  called  the  southern  Slates 
had  not  so  direct  and  deep  an  interest  in  its  annex- 
ation as  the  West;  but  it  would  seem,  from  lan- 
guage held  on  the  occasion,  that  in  all  this  I  was 
mistaken,  and  that  the  annexation  of  Texas  wnh 
purely  a  southern  question,  and  only  supported  by 
the  West  under  the  expectation  of  obtaining  in  re- 
turn the  support  of  the  iSouth  to  the  whole  of  Ore- 


m 


476 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[March  26, 


29th  Conq IsT  Skss. 


T\vo  Regimenti  of  R^men — Mr.  Harahon. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


con  up  to  S4°  40',  nnd,  ii'necessnry,  at  tlie  cer'uin 
iiazard  of  a  war. 

Uut  pasairig  by  all  this,  anil  BBsiiniin<;  thatTcx- 
HH  WHS  purely  a  soulhern,  and  Oregon  n  wealcrn, 
c|uestion,  1  repel  the  chBri;e  orparlmlily,ond  shiill 
now  proceed  lu  show,  that  if  a  difl'eient  line  of 
policy  was  pursued  by  me  in  reference  to  .he  two, 
It  was  because  it  was  right  and  proper  it  should  bo. 
i  treated  both  questions  in  the  manner  best  calcu-  ' 
latcd  to  cft'ect  the  object  in  view,  and  indeed  the  | 
unly  one  by  which  both  could  bo  secured,  Tlie 
civcunisuinces  of  the  two  cases  were  entirely  dillVr- 
ent.  In  the  case  of  Texas,  time  was  ngainat  us; 
in  that  of  Uregon,  time  was  with  us:  and  hence 
the  dilference  in  my  course  of  policy  in  reference 
tu  theui.  To  understand  the  ditVerunce,  it  is  ne- 
cessary to  premise  that  Texas  had  reached  that 
period  in  her  history  when  it  was  clear  that  she 
would  be  compelled  to  form  intimate  and  depend- 
ed relations  either  with  us  or  England,  if  she  con- 
tinued ijidependent.  Dut  it  was  manifest,  if  Ici^ 
uloiie,  wiiiiout  any  movement  on  unr  part,  that  her 
connexion  must  be  with  England  and  not  with  lis, 
ijiie  could  extend  to  Texas  cumntercial  advantages 
liir  greater  than  we  possibly  could,  ami  alVord  licr 
greater  facilities  in  obtaining  means  to  relieve  her 
iVoiii  her  great  pecuniary  embariasanienls.  ling- 
land  saw  ihix,  and  had  actually  commenced  her 
iiioveincnls  to  avail  herself  of  its  advantiipes.  We, 
too,  perceived  it;  and  also  that  annexatum  aflbrd- 
eil  the  only  means  of  counteracting  her  movements, 
and  preventing  Texas  from  being  placed  exclu- 
sively under  her  control.  In  this  emergency,  I 
was  called  to  the  Stale  Department,  with  a  view  of 
taking  charge  of  the  pending  negotiation  for  annex- 
ation. 1  saw  that  the  time  had  arrived  when  im- 
mediate and  decided  action  was  required;  that  lime 
was  against  us,  and  that  to  resist  the  elferis  of  its 
operation,  boldness  and  decision  ^^'ere  indispensa- 
ble. I  acted  accordingly,  and  success  proved  the 
soundness  of  my  polic^.  It  was  not  a  case  for  , 
masterly  inactivity.  JSotso  the  case  of  Oregon, 
where  time  was  with  us,  and  hence  the  dillercnt 
line  of  policy  which  I  adopted  in  reference  to  it, 
ii:id  which  would  have  secured  the  whole,  had  my 
advice  been  followed,  as  has  been  explained. 

In  one  particular  my  policy  was  the  same  in 
both  cjisc.f.  I  aimed  in  each  to  avoid  war  and  pre- 
serve peace.  I  clearly  perceived  that  in  annexing 
Texas  there  was  no  danger  of  a  war  with  England, 
if  managed  judiciously.  She  was  an  independent 
iSuite,  and  had  been  so  acknowledged  by  England, 
France,  and  other  Powers.  She  hud  "a  right,  as 
such,  to  dispose  of  herself,  and  to  unite  her  desti- 
nies with  ours,  if  she  saw  proper,  without  any 
right  on  the  part  of  England  to  resist  it,  or  ground 
or  pretext  to  make  war  in  consequence.  1  also 
perceived  that  there  were  no  just  grounds  to  appi-e- 
lieiid  a  Mexican  war  in  consequence.  She  was 
not  in  a  condition  to  make  war,  without  the  aid  of 
Kii!.'land,  and  there  was  no  reason  to  apprehend 
tint  slie  would  be  aided  or  countenanced  in  it  by 
the  latter,  unless,  indeed,  the  Oregon  question 
sliould  terminate  in  a  war  between  us  and  her,  in 
which  event,  I  regaided  a  Mexican  war  as  incvi- 
tible,  as  has  been  staled.  Thus  far  iiiy  antieipu- 
tioiis  have  been  realized — Texas  annexed,  and 
peace  preserved,  by  llic  policy  which  I  pursued. 
A  iliirurent  line  of  policy — one  which  would  have 
iicrniilted  England  to  obtain  the  ascendency  over 
I'exa:*,  which  she  would  have  acquired  wilhoiil 
annexation,  would  have  inevitably  led  to  a  stale  of 
ihlngn,  involving  us  and  England  finally  in  war. 
It  would  have  been  impossible  to  prevent  feelings 
of  jealousy  and  enmity  from  growing  up  between 
us  and  Texas.  The  very  siiiiilarily  of  our  char- 
acter nnd  pursuits,  and  the  rivalry  which  llicy  would 
give  binh  to,  would  necessarily  lead  to  that  result; 
while  the  long  and  ill-defined  boundary  between  the 
two  (-  fiintries,  extending  for  more  than  a  thousand 
miles  through  forests,  prairies, and  navigable  rivers, 
wiihniita  natural  boundary  in  any  pari,  would  pro- 
fiii''e  frefiuent  collision  between  our  Jieople  and  those 
nf  Texas.  Controversies  and  contitcts  would  have 
iipcn  the  result.  Texas,  as  the  weaker  I'ower,  would 
throw  heitfclf  upon  Great  Britain  for  support;  and 
wars,  frequent  and  bloody  wars,  between  us  and  licr 
would  have  followed.  Annexation  lias  fortiiiialely 
removed  these  causes  of  war.  Should  the  Oregon 
loiiirovcrsy  terininaie  in  peace, every  cause  of  war 
between  the  countries  would  b(^  reniovt.'d,  leaving 
the  pru:<pect  of  lasting  peace  between  them. 


TWO  REGIMENTS  OP  RIFLEMEN. 

REMARKS  OF  MrHi.  A.  HARALSON, 

OF  GF.onr.iA, 

In  the  Hoi:se  of  Rgpresfntativei, 

March  26,  1846. 

On  the  bill  to  raise  two  regiments  of  Riflemen,  and 

for  other  purposes. 

Mr.  HARALSON  said:  He  had  not  risen  for 
the  purpose  of  making  a  set  speech  in  favor  of  this 
bill.     He  took  pleasure  in  stating  that  it  had  been 
reported  by  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs, 
after  mstura  deliberation;  but  if  any  of  its  provis- 
ions should  be  found  incomplete,  the  committee 
were  not  so  wedded  to  their  own  production  ns  to 
be  unwilling  to  hear  its  merits  freely  and  fully 
canvassed.     He  was  inclined  to  the  opinion  that 
it  would   be  found,  on  examination,  to  be  every- 
thing which  the  rxigencies  of  the  public  service 
required,  nnd  it  was  his  desire  to  show  that  it  was 
nothing  more  than   the  public  service  did  require 
in  lime  of  peace,  nnd  that  it  had  no  connciflon 
whatsoever  with  the  question  of  war,  or' with  the 
condilim  of  our  foreign   relations.     It  was  true,  1 
that  in  the  event  of  a  iliflicully  with  Great  Britain,  ! 
or  any  other  foreign  Power,  this  addition  to  our  [ 
mililnry  rslnlilishment  would,  (as  the  Earl  of  .\ber-  \ 
dcen  said,)  though  not  intended  directly  for  that 
service,  be  very  usefiil  and  important.    Hut  he  pro-  ' 
tested  thai  the  only  object  of  the  committee  in  re- 
pnrlingllie  bill  was  to  supply  the  deficiency  in  the  < 
public  service.     He  should  therefore  proceed  to  ' 
show  why  the  amendment  proposed  by  the  gentle-  1 
man  l^-om   Indiana  [Mr.  Thomas  Smith)  should 
not  prevail;  and  that  these  two  regiments,  together 
with  the  ilisciTlionnry  addition  to  each  company 
of  the  present  establishment  contemplated  by  the 
bill,  were  as  small  an   increase  as  the  public  ser- 
vice could  act  efficiently   with.     So  far    as   the 
amendment  of  his   friend   from  Kentucky   [Mr. 
Bovn]  WHS  concerned,  he  (Mr.  H.)  would  here 
say  that,  for  his  own  part,  he  was  willing  to  see 
the  President  vested  with  the  power  to  mount  or 
dismount  such  portions  of  the  two  regiments  as 
he  miirht  at  any  time  deem  requisite  and  proper. 
Hew  iH  not  of  opinion,  however,  for  reasons  which 
lie  would  slate,  that  the  whole  of  this  increased 
force  should  consist  of  mounted  ncn. 

Although  the  bill  itself  did  notdesiznate  the  par- 
ticular service  in  which  this  force  should  be  employ- 
ed, yet  it  had  been  announced  that  a  portion  of  it 
at  least  was  to  be  put  on  the  line  of  emigration  to 
Oregon.  He  asked  gentlemen  to  consult  their  own 
good  sense  on  this  point.  Would  mounted  men  be 
required  allogether  at  the  stockade.'??  Was  not 
every  man  who  knew  anything  of  military  mailers 
aware,  that  certain  services  were  required  to  be  per- 
formed in  and  about  these  stockades,  and  that  it 
would  be  useless  that  every  man  there  should  have 
a  horse  ?  A  detachment  of  one  or  two  companies 
must  remain  at  every  one  of  these  forts,  not  only  to 
protect  emiirrailon.but  to  protect  the  public  proper- 
ty. It  was,  indeed  requisite,  that  a  portion  should 
he  mounted,  in  case  of  Indian  attacks,  or  to  escort 
emigration,  if  necessary,  and  to  perform  other  ser- 
vices in  which  the  speed  of  mounted  men  might  be 
required — to  repel  invasion,  or  to  pursue  an  enemy 
relreaiiuir  into  the  prairies,  nnd  whom  men  on  foot 
could  not  reach.  A  mixed  force,  therefore,  at  the 
discretion  of  the  President,  or  of  the  commanding 
ollicer  on  that  particular  service,  was  required.  So 
much  for  that  branch  of  the  subject. 

It  has  been  asked  whether  any  increase  of  the 
army  was  necessary  r  (ientlemen  who  made  this 
inquiry  could  have  but  little  confidence  in  the  re- 
ports iraiismiited  to  this  Mouse  at  the  commence- 
ment of  I  he  session.  The  President  of  the  United 
Slates,  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  the  Commander- 
iii-(j|iief  of  the  Army,  had  all  concurred  in  recom- 
mending an  incressc;  and  from  whom,  he  would 
ask,  could  correct  information  be  expected  if  not 
fi  nil  tliPin  ?  They  declared  it  was  necessary,  and 
in  some  inslanres  have  desicnated  the  particular 
service  for  which  it  was  thought  that  thisaddilion- 
n!  force  might  be  required.  Uut  he  would  speak 
from  the  record  itneif.  It  would  there  appear  that 
the  liirirest  porlion  oi'ihcarniy  had  been  withdrawn 
from  the  reiriilur  garrisons  to  nieet  an  anticipated 
alMek  on  the  soulhwestern  frontier. 

Mr.  G.  .S.  llorsTON  here  made  an  inquiry, 
which  the  reporter  did  not  hear,  but  to  which 


Mr.  Haralson  replied.  There  is  a  specific 
recommendation  of  an  increase  of  force;  but  the 
j  alternative  is  presented  to  Congress  whether  it  will 
I  accomplish  that  object  by  adding  to  the  existing 
i  regiments,  or  by  creating  new  ones.  On  the  part 
I  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  both  are  proposetl.  He 
I  says: 

"  To  meet  tlie  want*  of  our  extended  ft-ontiers  to  thenortli- 

.  we.:,  we.xt,  and  Hoiitliwe^t,  and  wittioiit  r«rerniice  to  any 

ifiiniediute  dan;;er  of  war,  Indian  or  foreifni,  I  beg  to  rccuai- 

liiend  n  rtinall  tiiismniitntlon  of  our  regulnr  tnrecit  for  the  or- 

,  dinary  ."crviee  «l'  tho:*e  froiitleri.    Tills  may  be  nltained  by 

;  new  regiments — wiy  one  of  artillery  and  three  of  inlunU-y— 

which  would  add  tn  the  estnbll^hiaeiit  143  ntricerti  nnd  3,1  U 

I  pnli,4tod  niea,  (including  nnn-conunis:iioiied  ollicers,  8tc.;) 

•  or— 

"  Hy  adding  10  privntes  to  eaeli  eompnny  of  drneonni^,  now 
50  privates  eucli,  and  iiU  privnlCH  to  eaeii  cnnip.'iny  uf  nrlillery 
and  iiifiintr.\,  now  42  privnles  each,  of  the  present  CKlii'jli^tii- 
i  nienl,  we  Mir)uld  have  a  totnl  iacrcjlye  (hy  tiiis  plan)  for  20 
eonipanieii  of  drngnoiiH,  40  of  artillery,  and  80  of  infhntry, 
of  9,600  privatet--— without  the  addition  of  a  regiment,  or  of* 
oae  iion-coniiniii^ioiicd  ollicer,  inuHician,  or  artillccr." 

!      Mr.  I.  E,  Holmes.     Does  the  Commander-in- 
!  Chief,  General  Scott,  recommend  in  his  report  that 

these  two  regiments  shall  be  raised  } 
I      Mr,  Haralson,     Neither  in  the  report  of  the 
Secretary  of  War,  nor  of  the  Commander-in-Chief, 
is  it  anywhere  lobe  found  that  one,  or  two,  or  any 
'  particular  number  of  regiments  of  riflemen  should 
■  oe  formed;  but  an  increase  of  the  army  is  distinct- 
ly recommended,  and  is  insisted  on  by  the  Presi- 
(lent,  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  by  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief. 

I  have  just  read  an  extract  from  the  report  of  the 
Commander-in-Chief,  I  commend  his  entire  report 
to  the  consideration  of  the  ctMiimitlee. 

The  Secretary  of  War,  in  his  annual  report, 
says: 
"  On  our  norlheni  borders,  along  the  line  of  the  Brlti:--h 
'  Proviiiees,  from  Maine  to  Lake  Superior,  an  extent  of  two 
!  tliousand  miles,  there  is  now  staUoiied  but  a  single  regi- 
inenL    Fro  n  the  Falls  of  Saint  Anthony,  on  tlic  Upper  ,Mis- 
I  sissippi,  along  tlie  western  and  southwestern  frontier,  bor- 
dering on  the  Indiiin  eountry  fifteen  hundred  miles,  and 
I  extending  south  to  New  Orleans,  only  one  regiment  ol  dra- 
goons, and  two  of  inlUntry,  are  slaUoiied,     The  artillery 
I  regiments,  reduced  in  strcngUi  by  having  four  eumpaiiies 
detached  from  each,  now  garrison  a  iow  of  the  fortideations 
;  u|s>n  the  seaboard,  from  Newport,  in  Rhoiie  Island,  to  New 
1  Orleans;  the  exigencies  of  the  public  iervice  having  re- 
quired the  witlldrawinent  of  all  die  troo|>s  from  Massnchu- 
sctts.  New  llainp.dlire,  and  Maine.    The  residue  of  tile 
army,  eonsisting  Of  one  regiment  of  dragoons,  sixteen  com- 
panies of  artillery,  and  live  regiments  of  infantry,  consti- 
tuting more  than  half  of  the  whole  military  fo'ce  of  tlie 
United  ritatcs,  is  now  serving  in  Texiu*.    Tills  important 
t  cliaiige  in  the  position  of  our  niililury  force  was  made  in  tlie 

course  of  the  last  summer." 
j      Again,  in  another  part  of  that  report,  he  says: 
i      '•  Before  so  large  a  portion  of  the  army  was  sent  into 
I  Texas,  the  long  IIiih  of  frontier  bordering  on  the  British 
'  Provinces  was  guarded  only  by  a  few  posts  with  small  de- 
'  tacliments  of  troops;  many  of  the  fortifications  on  the  Atlan- 
tic coast,  and  the  Gulf  ol  Mexico,  were  without  garrisons, 
and  tiiose  which  were  manned  liad,  in  most  iii^tanres,  a 
force  little  more  than  sultirienl  to  guard  the  public  property 
'  and  prevent  the  dilapid,ltion  of  the  works,    'ca,  troops  sta- 
'  tioiied  on  tlic  western  and  soutliwestern  frontiers  vVi're  not 
more  than  snttieiniil  to  atibrd  protection  to  the  recent  set- 
'    tiements  in  those  i|iiarters,  by  imixising  salutary  resu-ainn 
upon  the  various  Indian  tribes  in  the  vicinity,  and  tn  main- 
niin  peace  ainoni!  them.    The  withdrawing  of  the  troops 
i    thus  distributed,  to  constilute  the  army  in  Texas,  has  ere- 
',    ated  apprehensions  in  nune  quarters  anil  a  general  anxiety 
for  tie,  reoccupance  of  the  |^o.^t^  in  this  manner  vacated 
i    or  weakened,  Willi  at  least  the  usual  carrisons.    This  meas- 
'    lire  seems  t«t  be  demanded  by  a  proper  regard  to  seenrily 
anil  prolitclion,  Imt  it  cannot  be  ell'ectcd  liy  tile  small  num- 
ber of  the  regular  troops  now  at  tlie  disposal  of  tlic  Govern 

'*  The  foregoing  considerations  lead  to  the  ennelusinn  that 

>    the  exigencies  of  the  public  service  will  require  a  larger 

'■  military  force  than  Uie  present  establishment  can  supply. 

As  its  duties  are  multiplii-d  there  seems  to  be  a  necessity  tliat 

its  eapabilily  of  performing  them  should  lie  increased  in  a 

corri's|tonding  degree. 

"The  present  army  consists  of  fourteen  regiments,  often 
companies  caell.  Tlieinfaulryaildartillery eomimnies  have 
now  only  forty-two  privates  each,  miil  those  of  tlie  dragoons 
only  fhtv.  Tlic  numerical  force  of  these  companies  might 
be  more'  than  doubled,  if  tlie  exigency  of  the  public  service 
,    demanded  it." 

The  President,  in  his  Annual  Message,  says: 
"  For  the  proteeliou  of  emigranls,  whilst  on  their  way  to 
Oregon* against  the  atlack.i  of  the  Indian  trilies  oretipying 
llie  country  tliruilgli  which  thi'y  pa.^8,  I  reeomineiid  lliat  a 
siiiuhle  number  ol  storkadi'sanil  blockhoiisi'  forts  be  erecled 
'  along  till'  u^ual  route  betweiui  our  frontier  aclllemi'lils  on 
the  Missouri  and  tlie  Hoeky  Mountains;  and  thataiiade- 
i|uaie  fort  '■  tj/  mounted  riflemen  be  raised  to  f;uard  unit  protect 
them  on  Iheir  journei/.'' 

Mr,  Holmes.  Does  not  the  Secretary  of  War 
I  recommend,  not  that  the  army  shall  be  increased, 
'  but  specifically  an  increase  ol  the  rank  and  file  of 
li  the  present  establishment? 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


477 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Two  Regiments  of  Rijkmen — Mr.  Haralson. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


Mr.  Haralson.  Such  a  rccnmmenilation  ia 
made,  but,  by  reference  to  another  part  of  the  re- 
port, the  gentleman  will  find  that  the  Secretary 
makes  use  of  the  following  language: 

"  It  in  only  In  the  view  of  n  prolmhilily  Hint  u  force  con- 
sidtTitbly  InrRf  r  than  n  uerninnent  pi'nri>  cHtuhtlHhmcnt  tiiifiht 
be  Boon  rrt|uiri-(l,  thnt  I  tthouhl  prclur  thn  iiiottn  of  increasnig 
the  nrmy  Ity  ruittinff  new  regiments,  organized  on  our  pres- 
ent reduced  acnle.'' 

There  is,  hnwever,  (continued  Mr.  11.,)  n  con- 
tingency in  which  the  Secretary  would  seem  to  pre- 
fer that  that  course  should  be  pursued.     Whether 
that  contingency  is  likely  to  happen,  the  gentleman 
from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  Holmes]  con  judge  as 
well  as  I  can.     It  is  sutTicient  for  me  to  say  that,  i 
in  the  opinion  of  the  Committee  on  Military  Af-  ! 
faii-H,  to  raise  new  regiments,  and  at  the  same  time  i 
to  give  to  the  President  the  discretionary  power 
contained  in  the  fourth  section,  to  add  ten  privates  h 
to  each  company  of  the  existing  establishment,  ! 
more  ftilly  attained  the  objects  and  ends  of  the  re- 
commendation, and  more  completely  provided  for 
the  kind  of  service  required,  than  anv  other  course 
of  legislation  which  could  be  pursued. 

1  propose  now  to  show  some  of  the  advantages 
which  will  result  to  the  country  from  this  plan  of 
tlie  organization  of  new  regiments  over  thai  of  in- 
creasing the  existing  establishment;  and  in  doing 
this  it  is  important  to  inquire  what  kind  of  service 
these  regiments  will  be  required  to  perform.  The 
President,  it  is  true,  has  the  power  to  order  them 
to  any  point  of  the  Union;  but  it  has  been  already 
staled — and  such,  I  think,  will  be  his  determina-  ' 
tion — thnt  he  may  probably  station  them  on  the 
western  frontier,  and  probably  on  the  line  to  Ore- 
gon. What  kind  of  men  do  you  wanton  that  ser- 
vice? Such  men  ns  has  been  described  by  the 
gentleman  from  New  York,  [Mr.  Rathbuh,] — men 
taken  from  your  large  cities — a  trodden-down, 
spiritless  set,  such  ns  would  receive  the  lash,  if  it  • 
were  requisite  to  apply  it'  Surely  not.  We  w<  nt 
no  such  material  for  an  army.  Wc  want  men  who 
are  hound  to  the  institutions  o'the  land,  who  love 
their  coimtry  for  their  cotntry's  sake,  and  who 
acknowledge  thnt  the  first  great  law  of  that  coun- 
try is  obedience  to  the  lows;  inen  who,  in  serving 
as  privates,  would  not  feel  thcinselves  degraded. 
Such  are  the  iiini  that  we  want;  such  the  men 
who  are  to  be  found  in  the  South,  and  on  our 
western  prairies,  who  breathe  the  pure  atmo- 
sphere of  liberty,  and  who  know  its  blessings,  and 
feel  it  no  degradation  to  fight  for  them,  if  neces- 
sary. 

The  gentleman  also  thought  proper  to  speak  of 
the  insubordination  of  our  army,  and  of  a  force  to 
be  raised  from  the  freemen  of  the  West.  I  have 
no  fear  that  a  regiment  from  the  western  States 
would  bear  out  the  description  he  has  given.  In 
1813  and  1814  the  western  men  did  not  show  that 
spirit  of  insubordination.  They  have  never  done 
so  when  the  tocsin  was  sounded  and  the  drum  bent, 
and  they  were  called  on  to  serve  their  country;  nor 
do  I  think  they  ever  will  do  so.  We  want  men 
acquainted  with  pioneer  life,  who  have  been  accus- 
tomed to  the  woods — men  who  can  sit  in  the  sad- 
dle, and  who  know  how  to  manage  a  horse,  and 
the  use  of  the  never-failing  rifle — who  can  pursue 
an  enemy,  and  whose  habits  of  life  are  such,  thnt 
they  can  wrap  themselves  in  o  blanket  at  night,  and 
sleep  comfortably  in  the  open  air,  contented  to  be 
i:    •'  -  service  of  their  country. 

1  .,„  hour  appointed  for  terminating  thi.s  debate 
approaches  so  rapidly,  and  there  ore  so  many  gen- 
tlemen anxious  to  speak,  that  I  am  obliged  to  pass 
over  many  things  to  which  1  shoidd  desire  to  ad- 
vert. I  should  have  been  glad  to  have  read  ftirthcr 
extracts  from  the  reports  of  the  Secretary  of  War 
and  the  Commander-in-Chief,  and  to  haveenlniged 
on  the  efficiency  of  the  particular  corps  recommend- 
ed in  the  bill.  I  should  have  been  glad  to  have 
read  sintcmcnts  demonstrating  that  the  military 
foice  of  the  United  Slates  had  been  withdiawn  from 
almost  all  the  posts  in  the  North  and  on  the  lakes, 
and  that  but  a  very  small  proportion  of  it  was  now 
to  be  f(uind  there.  I  recommend  to  genllcnien  v.'ho 
repicsent  the  North  to  look  tn  the  fuels  in  this  rc- 
epiTl,  that  they  may  see  in  what  a  defenceless  con- 
dition their  people  have  been  left.  It  has  been  the 
policy  of  our  Government  to  quarter  the  Indian 
tribes  on  our  western  frontier.  They  must  be  kept 
in  check.  It  is  but  an  act  of  justice  that  ourseltle- 
menls  shall  be  protected  fi'om  their  incursions;  and 


I,  for  one,  am  disposed  to  furnish  all  requisite 
menus  to  accomplish  that  obje.-t. 

My  friend  from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  Holmes] 
has  offered  an  amendment,  restricting  the  President 
in  the  appointment  of  officers  to  the  present  line  of 
the  nrmy.  This,  I  think,  would  be  an  objection- 
able provision,  in  more  respects  than  I  have  time  to 
elucidate.  The  bill  assumes  about  the  best  form  in 
this  respect  that  can  be  given  to  it;  and  perhaps 
the  only  form  in  which  it  can  pass  consistently.  It 
is  questionable  whether  we  can  restrict  the  Presi- 
dent in  these  appointments,  even  if  it  were  neces- 
sary to  be  done,  which  I  cannot  admit. 

Mr.  Isaac  E.  Holmes.  I  desire  to  correct  the 
constitutional  idea  of  the  gentleman.  I  will  men- 
tion a  fact.  When  the  marine  corps  was  enlarged, 
the  restriction  was  expressly  put  upon  the  Presi- 
dent, tliat  the  officers  should  oe  taken  out  of  that 
corps.  And  the  Constitution  is  this:  whilst  it  gives 
the  right  of  appointment  to  the  President,  the  Le- 
gislature can  restrict  the  mode  and  manner  of  ap- 
pointment in  all  cases.  All  thnt  my  amendment 
proposes  to  do  is,  to  restrict,  not  the  selection,  but 
the  mode  and  manner. 

Mr.  Haralson.  Whatever  precedent  may  hith- 
erto have  been  set  for  a  violation  of  the  Constitution, 
it  can  furnish  no  apology  for  its  repetition;  and  it 
is  our  duty  to  carry  out  thnt  Constitution  regard- 
less of  any  precedents  that  may  exist  of  innova- 
tions upon  it.  I  may  be  wrong  in  my  views.  I 
believe  the  bill  to  be  in  the  correct  form,  indepen- 
dent of  the  constitutional  requisition.  But  I  will  : 
read  that  part  of  the  Constitution  applicable  to  the 
case:  | 

"  I'lie  President  Hhnll  have  power,  hy  and  with  the  advice 
and  eonspnt  of  the  Semite,  to  make  tredliCt*.  provided  two-  i 
thirds  of  the  Semitortt  present  concur ;  nml  lie  i^hnll  nomi- 
nate, and  hy  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  | 
ahnll  appoint  nmhaspadorH,  other  millislers  and  consul-',  ! 
jildses  of  Ihe  Supreme  Court,  and  nil  oilier  ofllrers  of  the  ; 
United  States,  whose  nppnintmcnts  are  not  herein  other- 
wise provided  for,  and  vvliich  shall  be  established  bylaw; 
but  the  Cnngress  intiy  by  law  vest  llie  nppdinnuent  of  such  ! 
inferior  officers  ns  they  think  proper  in  the  President  alone,  ] 
in  the  courts  of  law,  or  in  the  heads  of  departments." 

If,  then,  (continued  Mr.  H.,)  you  do  not  lodge 
the  power  in  the  President,  you  must  lodge  it  in  , 
the  head  of  the  department,  for  I  presume  it  will 
not  be  argued  that  it  should  be  given  to  the  courts 
of  law. 

Mr.  Holmes  wished  to  ask  one  more  question.  ; 

Mr.  Haralson  said  he  was  willing  if  it  was  the  ; 
last.  I 

Mr.  Holmes.     If  the  gentlemnn  v.  ill  refer  to  the  ' 
statute  book,  he  will  find  thnt  a  law  was  passed 
restricting  the  appointment  of  staflT  officers  to  the 
line.  I 

Mr.  Haralson.    Did  that  law  affect  in  anyway  I 
the  Constitution  of  the  country?  | 

Mr.  Holmes.     Precisely  as  this  does — no  more.  ! 

Mr.  Haralson.     Nor  did  it. 

Mr.  Holmes.     Yet  you  say  that  the  amendment 
!  I  have  offered  does  affect  the  Constitution. 
i      Mr.  Haralson.     The  C'onslitution  remains  the 
same,  and  ought  to  affect  the  law,  if  the  law  con- 
flicts with  it.    The  act  cannot  affect  Ihe  Constitu- 
tion.    If  you  have  a  right  to  restrict  the  appoint- 
1  mcnts  toacertain  class,  you  have  a  right  lo  restrict 
!  still  further,  and  even  restrict  to  individuals,  and 
I  direct  the  President  whom  he  shall  appoint — an  in- 
!  novation  upon  the  Constilntion  which,  whether  we 
approve  the  article  in  the  Constitution  or  not,  the 
I  genileman  would  hardly  sanction  while  the  Consti- 
tution remains  as  it  is.     I  have  read  the  clause,  and 
given  to  it  what  I  believe  to  be  its  reasonable  inter- 
pretation.    In  this,  however,  I  may  be  mistaken. 
I  insist  that  it  is  better  to  leave  this  matter  to  the 
discretion  of  the  President,  because  it  may  become 
;  necessary  for  him  to  make  his  selections  in  part 
from  private  life  ns  well  ns  from  the  nrmy.    I  would 
;  not  restrict  his  selection.     1  would  let  him  be  free 
■  to  go  either  into  private  life,  or  to  the  line  of  the 
nrmy,  as  he  thinks  proper.     I  Iclicvc  a  mixed  se- 
lection would  be  the  best;  and  nil  I  have  to  say  is, 
that  I  hope  it  will  be  mode,  ns  I  do  not  doubt  it 
;  will,  singly  with  an  eye  to  the  efficiency  of  the 
I  service.     And  it  is  not  to  be  forgotten  thnt  his  np- 
!  pointments  will  be  subject  to   the  scrutiny  of  the 
Senate. 

I  propose  now  to  state  generally  the  objects  of 
the  provisions  of  the  bill.  If  the  nmendnient  of 
the  gentleman  from  New  York  [Mr.  Hi'ngerford] 
should  prevail,  it  would,  at  the  discretion  of  the 
President,  increase  the  present  military  establish- 


ment to  the  number  of  eighty  in  each  company, 
being  nearly  double  its  present  number,  and  which 
is  much  larger  than  the  increase  proposed  by  the 
Committee  on  Military  Affairs.  The  infhntry  com- 
panies have  noiv  forty-two  privates  only.  We 
propose  two  additional  regiments,  on  the  basis  of 
organization  set  forth  in  the  bill  itself.  That  or- 
ganization amounts  to  1,556  men.  It  is  then  pro- 
posed, in  the  discretion  of  the  President,  to  add 
ten  men  to  each  company  of  the  existing  regiments 
of  infantry,  dragoons,  and  artillery,  being  an  in- 
crease of  ]  ,400  men;  and  making  a  grand  aggregate 
increase  of  2,956  men — that  is  to  say,  in  the  event 
of  the  bill  being  carried  out  in  all  its  parts  by  the 
President.  The  increase  of  the  present  establish- 
ment, however,  as  I  have  said,  is  left  discretionary 
with  the  Executive;  and  if  he  does  not  think  there 
is  a  strong  and  abiding  necessity  for  it,  it  is  pre- 
sumed it  will  not  be  made. 

In  relation  to  the  term  of  service,  I  should  prefer 
that  no  particular  time  should  be  specified.  But  if 
any  term  at  all  is  to  be  inserted,  I  think,  for  many 
reasons,  that  three  years  is  preferable  to  any  other. 
If  these  regiments  should  take  up  their  position 
on  the  line  to  Oregon,  how  necessary  it  is  that  n 
knowledge  of  that  country,  by  means  of  excur- 
sions made  by  the  military  from  the  posts  that  are 
to  be  estniilished,  should  be  imparted  to  the  peo- 
ple of  the  United  States.  It  is  probable  that  tlirca 
years  is  ns  long  a  term  as  any  man  would  desire 
to  enlist  for  in  that  particular  service.  If  this 
territory  is  as  rich  and  fertile  as  it  has  been  de- 
scribed to  he,  there  are  no  means  by  which  our 
agriculturists,  and  those  who  wish  to  settle  there, 
can  obtain  such  certain  information  as  by  means 
of  military  escorts.  By  and  through  "them,  :\ 
knowledge  of  the  country  will  be  obtained,  which 
would  lead  to  its  settlement,  in  many  instances, 
by  the  discharged  soldiers  themselves.  It  is  bet- 
ter, therefore,  to  have  a  short  term  of  service 
than  a  long  one.  We  do  not  know  how  long  this 
corps  may  be  needed.  There  may  be  a  perma- 
nent necessity  for  it — in  which  event,  additional 
legislation  will  hereafter  be  necessary.  Or  it  mny 
be  expedient  to  disband  it.  We  cannot  decide  oil 
this  point  at  present. 

The  fourth  section  of  the  bill  is  in  the  following 
words: 

"  Sec.  4.  Jlnit  be  it  further  enacted,  Thnt  the  President  of 
the  ITiiited  States  be,  and  he  is  hereby,  Hulhnriztd,  by  like 
voluntary  enlistments,  to  add  ten  privates  lo  the  present 
niniilier  in  encli  company  of  the  e.tistlnB  repiiiieiits  of  dm 
;  goons,  infantry,  and  urtillery,  whenever,  in  liis  npinion,  Ihe 
exigencies  ofihe  public  service  may  refjuire  ine  snme.*' 

I  I  take  it  for  granted  (ns  1  have  already  said)  that 
1  this  midilion  to  the  existing  army  will  not  be 
!  made,  except  there  i.s  a  necessity  for  it;  because  it 

would  be  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  the  Pie.<!i- 
!  dent  would  take  upon  himself  the  responsibility 

of  such  a  measure  in  the  absence  of  any  adequate 
■  cause.     Of  the  small  military  establishment  of  the 

United  States,  amounting  to  7,883  men,  upward.<i 
I  of  four  thousand,  recently  nt  Corpus  Chrisli,  nro 
'  now  probably  on  the  Rio  Grande.  These  forces 
I  have  oecn  drawn  from  every  section  of  the  counlry 
i  — so  much  so,  that  in  many  of  our  military  posts 

scarcely  a  corporal's  guard  (ns  one  gentleman  re- 

I  marked)  remains.  We  have  been  officially  inforni- 
.  ed  that  this  force  cannot  probably  be  wiihdrawii  for 

some  time  to  come.  Are  gentlemen  willing  thnt 
these  poc-its,  and  the  public  property  there,  shall  lie 

j   left  without  a  garrison,  or  scarcely  a  man  to  pro- 

j   tect  them  ?    I  trust  not. 

!  In  view  of  our  more  widely  extended  frontier 
by  the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  the  demands  of 

,  the  service  nt  points  ft-om  which  troops  have  been 

j;  withdrawn,  as  well  as  Ihe  proposed  policy  of  ihe 

I I  Government  encouraging  emigration  to  Oregon, 
some  increase  of  the  military  force  is  necessary. 
We  are  told  by  the  Commander-in-Chief  that, "  tx- 

i  '  elusive  of  commissioned  officers,  the  pence  eslab- 
||  'lishmcnt  was— from  1808  to  1813,  9,198  men; 
':  '  from  1815  to  1821,  11,596;  and  at  ihe  dale  of  the 

'  la.st  reduction  in  1842,  11,510;  since  that  reduc- 
,  '  tion,  ns  at  present,  7,863." 

The  nddilion  now  proposed  by  the  bill  would 
:  still  leave  the  army  about  the  same  in  numbers 
';  that  it  was  from  1808  to  1812,  and  much  less 
j'  than  it  was  from  1815  to  1821,  and  less  also  than 
!^  at  the  date  of  the  last  reduction  in  1842. 
;'      The  amendment  of  the  gentleman  from  New 

York  gives  you  a  greater  increase  than  the  bill 


478 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[March  9, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Harbort  and  Rivers— Air.  Stanton. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


I 


reported  from  llio  Committoe  on  Miliiary  AflHir*,  Ij 
though  it  five*  it  in  b  different  form— ^»  form  which  !  I 
will  probably  prevent  you  from  oblnining  the  Bcr-  ' 
vicea  of  such  men  as  are  thought  to  be  best  suited  j| 
to  the  service.  [i 

Before  taking  my  seat,  I  will  show  from  the  ! 
documents  what  the  estimated  annual  expendimrRs  1 1 
tor  ditTerent  kinds  of  force  will  be.  l! 

The  annua)  expense  of  a  regiment  of  dragoons 
is  estimated  hy  the  Paymaster  General  at  $^^20,-  ' 
S93  37;  that  of  a  regiment  of  mounted  riflemen, 
with  pay  of  inftintry,  and  forage  as  dragoons,  at 
$303,430  83;  and  that  of  a  regiment  of  ritlcmen, 
on  foot,  $130,371  60.  ) 

I  have  thus,  Mr.  Chairman,  laid  the  facts,  as  I 
think,  fairly  before  the  committee,  and  have  given  [> 
briefly  some  of  the  reasons  which  induce  me  to   ' 
Nupport  the  measure,  and  to  prefer  tlie  provisions 
of  tne  bill,  as  originally  reported,  including  the  ;, 
amendment  of  my  friend  from  Kentucky,  [Mr. 
BofD,]  to  the  other  amendments  which  have  oeen 
otTered. 


1.11 


HARBORS  AND  F.  VERS. 
SPEECH  OF  MrTI'.  p.  STANTON, 

OF  TENNESSEE, 
In  the  Hoi'sE  op  Refresentatives, 
March  9,  1846. 
On  the  Bill  making  appropriations  for  certain  Har- 
bors and  Rivers. 

Thf"  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole 
on  th(  state  of  the  Union, 

Mr.  STANTON  obtained  the  floor,  and  ad- 
dressed the  commiltce  as  follows: 

Mr.  Chairmas:  It  is  my  duty  to  fonn  an  opin- 
ion and  to  vote  upon  this  measure.  The  committee 
will,  therefore,  indulge  mr  in  the  attempt  briefly  to 
deline  my  position,  and  to  explain  the  course  of 
action  upon  which  I  have  delennincd. 

Wi'.h  all  deference  to  those  gentlemen  who  have 
nddresscd  the  committee,  1  think  exlrnviigant  opin- 
ions have  been  dechircd  upon  both  sides.  On  the 
<ine  hand,  gentlemen  have  denied  to  the  Govcrn- 
menl  the  constitutional  power  to  accomplish  any 
of  the  works  conlemplalcd  in  the  bill;  on  the  oth.;-,  ■ 
it  is  asserted  that  it  is  our  duly  to  go  muel'  t'.irther, 
and  we  are  invited  to  present  objects  of  improvc- 
meiil  from  all  parts  or  the  country,  and  to  .swell 
the  appropriation  to  a  muih  larger  aninnnt.  I 
have  no  sympathy  with  elliier  of  those  opinions. 
My  cdpvii'tioii  IS,  iliat  most  of  the  olijects  contein- 
pl.ilcd  in  this  bill  arc  hii;lily  important  and  entirely 
within  the  constitutional  p.iwcr  of  the  Goverii- 
iijeiit.  Slime  of  them,  I  ailniii,  are  of  doubtful 
pulicv,  and  of  more  questionable  consti'.utii>iiality. 

1  slioiild  conceive  it  lo  be  a  great  misfortune  if 
our  Government  were  so  cri[)pled  in  it.s  power  as 
mnne  genlltinen  here  represent  ii.  Ours  is  a  niag- 
iilficcnt  country,  unequalled  in  fertility  ond  min- 
eral weallh,  and  blessed  with  natural  udvanlai;es 
ill  Its  mighty  lakes  and  rivers,  such  as  no  oiher 
land  on  the  globe  possesses.  lis  channels  of  iii- 
lernal  conimunicalion  ore  so  vast  and  universal  in 
llieir  character,  that  no  power  les.o  than  that  of  the 
nation,  can  improve  iheir  deficiencies  in  a  manner 
at  all  ciini|>aralile  to  their  grandeur  mid  iniport- 
aiiee.  A  people  dwelling  upon  so  glorious  a  terri- 
tory, without  the  natiomil  power  adequately  to 
iIe\rlop  its  resonrres,  tu  make  its  '.^reat  streams 
navigable,  and  the  harbors  of  its  lakes  and  seas 
seeuie,  would  exhiliil  a  melanclioly  spectacle  of  ■ 
iiiibcclliiy — a  total  iinworthine.ss  to  pos.se.«s  a  conn- 
tvy  whose  full  natiir.il  advantages  they  are  unable 
111  improve  and  enjoy. 

But  the  po\»'er  is  (|U€slioned.  It  has  long  been 
the  subject  of  diiubt  and  dispute.  The  objeciiuna 
t'l  iis  exercise  are  not  to  bo  lightly  treated — they 
are  Worthy  of  examination  and  discussion. 

The  udvorutes  of  this  power  in  the  General  Gov- 
ernini'iit  have  derived  it  variously — soinctiines  from 
tli.il  clau.se  of  the  Constitutimi  which  gives  Con- 
gress autbority  "  lo  nrmUle  fur  the  coinmun  diftnee 
and  sieiierul  wilj^irr' — someiinies  from  that  " /o 
rt^itltttf  comiiitrct  tcUlt  fi'fiii^u  natiuns  ,tud  (oin^ii^ 
the  several  Slulcs  and  «i//i  the  Indian  tribes" — 
and  sonieliines  from  th;il  "  lu  itrotide  and  maintain 
a  iiari/. " 
^  In  my  judgment ,  the  power  lo  appropriate  money 


for  works  of  national  importance  ia  "necessary 
and  proprr,"  and  even  iiidispensable,  lo  carry  out 
that  primary  power,  given  in  the  Constitution,  to 
defend  and  protect  the  country  by  navies  and 
armies.  I  shall  endeavor  to  establish  this  propo- 
sition by  fair  argument.  But  I  must  first  allude 
to  some  positions  oaautned  by  gentlemen  who  have 
preceded  me. 

The  honorable  gentleman  from  South  Carolina 
[Mr.  Rhett]  gravely  urged  an  objection  tc  the 
term  "  inland  seas,"  as  lately  applied  to  the  west- 
ern rivers  and  lakes.  He  assumed,  as  a  ground  of 
distinction,  that  while  the  courts  of  admiralty  of 
the  United  States  have  jurisdiction  over  the  Atlan- 
tic harbors  and  rivers  to  the  extent  of  tide-water, 
such  jurisdiction  does  not  exist  upon  the  western 
rivers,  or  even  upon  the  lakes.  I  suppose  the  gen- 
tleman would  scarcely  argue,  that  any  power  to 
make  improvemenls  upon  tide-waters,  and  the  ab- 
sence of  such  power  upon  waters  not  aft'erted  by 
the  ocean  tides,  were  to  be  inferred  firom  the  dis- 
tinction Slated  by  him.  For  admiralty  jurisdjction 
ia  one  thing — power  to  appropriate  money  for  na- 
tional improvements  is  another.  Tliere  is  no 
necessary  connexion  between  them.  1  can  dis- 
cover no  aflinity — no  connecting  link— to  make 
the  one  dependent  on  the  other.  The  honorable 
gentleman  referred  to  a  decision  of  the  highest 
tribunal  in  the  land.  Thom.is  PI  cebus,  on  account 
of  tran.saetions  occurring  on  t  .j  Ohio  river,  at- 
tempteil  to  libel  the  the  steamboat  Orleans  in  the 
admiralty  court  of  the  United  States  at  New  Or- 
leans; but,  upon  an  appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court, 
the  jurisdiction  was  denied.  I  am  at  a  loss  to  see 
the  applicability  of  this  case  to  the  argument  now 
before  the  committee.  In  what  manner  can  this 
decision  bear  upon  the  constitutional  power  of  the 
Government  to  improve  the  navigation  of  the  Ohio 
and  Mississippi  rivers  ?  Is  there  anything  in  the 
nature  of  admiralty  jurisdiction  so  different  fVoin 
that  of  ordinary  jurisdiction  that  any  such  power 
as  that  supposed  could  be  inferred  from  it?  If  it 
be  inferred  that  jurLsdiction  over  maritime  transac- 
tions dmws  with  it  the  power  to  improve  the  navi- 
gation of  the  seas,  might  not  a  similar  inference  be 
drawn  fiom  that  civil  jurisdiction  which  ilie  Con- 
stitiiiion,  ill  the  same  clause  and  in  the  same  lan- 
guage, confers  upon  the  Goveriiinent  as  lo  iransnc- 
tioiis  between  the  citizens  of  different  States?  Bui 
I  draw  no  such  inference.  It  is  e(|uaHy  wrong  in 
both  eases.  Jurisdiction,  marilime  or  civil,  is 
wholly  unconnected  with  the  authority  to  appro- 
priate money  for  national  improvements. 

1  derni  it  necessary  'o  make  this  allusion  to  the 
genileiiian's  iirgiiinent.  Fur,  alllimigh  he  does  not 
profess  to  draw  the  inference  which  I  have  resisted, 
I  cannot  suppose  he  would  deem  it  important  to 
make  so  arave  and  legal  an  argument  upon  the 
barren  f|iiesli(ni  of  the  appliculiility  of  a  mere  name 
lo  the  western  waters.  If  this  were  all,  he  might 
have  saved  his  labor,  and  consoled  himself  with 
the  rellcciion,  that  '*a  rose  by  any  other  nrme 
winild  smell  as  sweet."  But  most  of  his  hearers 
and  readers  wi>uld  uiidersL'tiid  that  this  distinction, 
upon  ihe  ground  of  jurisdiction,  was  meant  to 
'•over  sometbiiig  more  than  the  gentleman  was 
willing  to  acknowledge.  In  onoilier  part  of  his 
speech,  he  defended  the  power  to  construct  light- 
houses, piers,  &i\,  within  tide-water,  in  the  fol- 
lowing language; 

'•  [  rto  not  deny,  however,  tlint  nur  liplit-Iioiise  system 
d'tos  iitruril  sniiie  a|i|mrent  JUKtitlr.uioii  tii  iippropriiitinris  liir 
other  imrp')«ej)  in  harhoM.  Itiit  I  ilo  deny  thnt  those  who 
etttnhllshed  this  pyslein  ever  mnteninlaled  the  p<»liey  lie 
advocate.^.  They  never  detdmied  tliiit  liuht  liotises  nod 
buoys  were  to  tie  n  Qeiicrat  elmree  u|>oii  the  treattiiry.  'iUe 
tontinne  duly  exacted  iipnj  nil  of  oiir  veHseln  enterjni;  our 
pons,  was  e\prep.|y  designed  lo  Hlipporl  the  fivstfii).  nt  the 
expeuw  of  Iho-e  who  should  enjoy  it*  henitlls.  For  the 
same  piir|tose,  light-money,  as  it  WU4  trailed,  was  ulso  ex- 
acted."' 

I  cannot  for  a  moment  suppose  that  the  honor- 
able gentlciiiaii,  with  his  riL'id  notions  of  coiislilii- 
tional  consiruclion,  would  deny  to  the  Government 
the  power  to  build  light-bouses  for  the  general 
conviniencc  without  charge,  and  yet  admit  that 
the  Government  might  become  a  speculator  in  the 
same  istablishnicnls,  exacting  a  lax  fir  their  use. 
If  it  has  not  the  power  willicait  the  lax,  it  has  not 
the  power  with  it;  for  it  might  liup|"  n  that  the  tax 
would  not  reimburse  the  <  \|iciidmire,  and  then 
there  would  be  an  excess  of  power,  involving  an 
expenditure  without  authority.  If  this  be  not  the 
ground  occupied  by  the  gentleman,  then  he  must 


justify  those  establishments  upon  the  other  ground 
of  maritime  jurisdiction. 

I  understand  the  gentleman  also  to  deny  the 
power  of  the  General  Government  to  improve  the 
western  rivers,  because  those  rivers,  especially 
the  Ohio,  are  entirely  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
certain  Slates.  Now,  this  argument  seems  to  pro- 
ceed upon  the  ground,  that  jurisdiction  in  some 
way  or  other  regulates  and  controls  the  power  in 
question.  But  I  apprehend  the  United  Slates  has 
no  jurisdiction  over  a  certain  spot  on  the  coast, 
selected  for  a  light-house,  until  that  spol  shall 
have  been  purchased  for  Ihe  purpose.  It  is  not, 
i  therefore,  the  jurisdiction  which  gives  the  power 
I  to  erect  the  structure;  for  the  jurisdiction  does 
'  not  exist  until  the  establishment  involving  the  ex- 
eirise  of  the  disputed  power  has  first  been  deter- 
mined upon. 

The  western  rivers  are  great  highways,  and  all 
the  citizens  of  all  the  States,  as  well  as  the  General 
Government,  have  the  right  to  the  uninterrupted 
use  of  them  for  navigation.  Neither  Virginia, 
I  Kentucky,  nor  any  other  State,  has  power  lo  prc- 
1  vent  the  public  enjoyment  of  this  privilege.  The 
'  United  States,  by  the  hands  of  a  distinguished 
'  oflicer  of  the  Navy,  is  at  this  moment  building  a 
splendid  steam-frigate  at  Pittsburg,  which  will  be 
ready  to  descend  the  river  in  a  few  months.  Should 
it  be  necessary  to  remove  a  snag,  or  to  cut  through 
a  bar,  to  carry  this  vessel  out  to  the  Gulf,  would 
any  gentleman  argue  that  the  Government  could 
not  do  this,  because  it  has  no  jurisdiction  on  the 
river?  What  power  would  aris,  and  confront  the 
officer  in  command  of  thai  vessel,  and  say  lo  hhn, 
"Sir,  you  shall  not  pull  up  thai  snag — your  Gov- 
ernment has  no  jurisdiclion  here?"  Would  Vir- 
ginia step  forward  and  say,  "this  is  my  jurisdic- 
tion— that  snag  shall  remain  a  monument  to  my 
power,  sacred  to  the  right  of  eminent  domain, 
which  I  claim  upon  this  stream?"  I  apprehend 
the  sons  of  Virginia  upon  this  floor  would  Mush 
for  the  honor  of  the  Olu  Dominion,  if  such  preten- 
sions should  be  set  up. 

But  I  will  direct  the  attention  of  the  committee 
to  a  magnificent  work,  the  importance  and  consti- 
tutionality of  which,  I  believe,  arc  unquestioned. 
What  have  we  been  doing  for  years  past,  ami  what 
are  we  now  doing,  upon  our  Atlantic  coast?  Al 
an  ex[  eiise  of  more  than  one  hundred  thousand 
dollars  per  annum,  we  are  conducting  a  survey, 
which  will  reflect  infinite  credit  upon  this  Goverii- 
inent. By  the  most  minute  and  laborious  measure- 
niciit,  observalion.  and  iiiveslii;;uinn,  we  are  fixing 
the  exact  latitude  and  longiludi:  of  every  I'oiiit — 
the  shape  of  every  inle. — the  depth  of  ilie  water, 
and  the  force  ami  direction  of  the  tides  and  cur- 
rents at  every  point — ihe  geological  character  of 
the  bottom  of  the  sea,  whether  it  be  of  sand,  gravel, 
mud,  or  rock;  in  nhort,  sir,  we  are  making  oiir- 
aebcs  intimately  ae(|uaiiiled  with  every  part  of  the 
coast;  we  are  iloing  that  which  this  Govermnenl  is 
bound  lo  do,  in  order  to  dispel  a  most  disgraceful 
and  disastrous  ignorance  ol  the  c  ■.meter  and  ca- 
pacities of  the  noble  cimtinent  winch  \vc  possess. 
I  hope  to  see  this  glorious  work  proceed,  until  it 
shall  embrace  not  only  the  whole  Ailanlic  coast, 
but  that  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  ns  far  as  the  Rio 
Grande,  anil,  at  some  future  day,  that  of  the  Paci- 
fic, along  the  whole  extent  of  Oregon,  i  repeal,  it 
is  a  magnificent — a  glorious  work.  And  I  ask  if 
there  is  so  much  vandalism  in  iliis  Mouse,  that  a 
single  gcntleinaii  here  would  wish  to  see  its  opeiu- 
lioiis  cease. 

The  labors  of  the  coast  survey,  under  the  con- 
trol of  its  present  <'isliiiguis!,ed  sciciilifii'  8ii|>erin 
tendent,  have  lately  led  lo  the  iinporUint  di.scovery 
of  n  new  channel  to  the  port  of  New  York.  Some 
gentlemen  on  this  floor  would  doubtless  say,  the 
Government  has  no  power  to  make  an  artificial 
channel  to  that  or  any  i^lherciiy.  Vet, sir,  what  is 
the  difference  in  expending  thousands  of  dollars  u> 
find  a  channid,  and  expending  an  equal  amount  to 
make  one?  Or  where  is  the  dill'creiice  in  principle 
between  the  appropriation  of  large  sums  for  the 
survey  of  our  camisI,  in  order  that  our  iniimalc 
knowledge  <if  it  may  make  it  secure,  and  the  ex- 
peiidiliire  of  an  e({ual  amount  to  make  it  .secure  by 
artificial  means?  And  if  the  Government  may  do 
this  for  harbors  on  the  .Vtlaiilie,  why  not  for  Pitts- 
burg, St.  Louis,  and  Chicago? 

And  let  me  ask  the  gcnlleman  from  South  Caro- 
lina, when  one  of  the  base  lines  of  this  great  work, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


479 


29th  Cong Ibt  Sesb. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Stanton. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


rrnm  which  its  important  trinngulatioiiB  proceed,  ||  were  appropriated  to  these  lake  improvements  du- 
iind  l)y  which  llicy  are  verified,  was  laid  down  !:  ring  his  Administration.     How,  then,  can  it  be 
I  Fire  Island,  did  llio  Government  poBscssany  l!  contende  ' 


iided — as  I  understood  the  gentleman  from 
South  Carolina  to  do — that  the  authority  of  his 
threat  name  is  arrayed  against  the  policy  or  consti- 
tutionality or  these  most  important  and  indispen- 
Hiible  improvements? 
SomelJiing  wus  said,  too,  by  another  gentleman, 

tMr.  SciiBNt'K,]  as  to  the  opinions  oi  President 
'oik.  The  Chief  Magistrate  was  seriously  con- 
demned for  haviiiK  made  no  reference  to  this  sub- 
ject in  his  AnnuaTMessage,  delivered  to  us  at  the 
onenine  of  the  session.  1  consider  tliis  criticism 
Hltogcther  unjust.  If  the  gentleman  from  Ohio 
or  a  snug  from  n  weatcrn  river,  when  the  object  is  !|  will  take  the  trouble  to  cxomine  the  report  of  the 
the  same— the   improvement  of  navigation?     If  |    Secretarjr  of  War,  submitled  by  the  President  as 


upon  I 

particular  jurisdiction  there,  or  wns  its  power  qucs 
tinned  because  it  hud  no  jurisdiction?  And  when 
the  olficcrs  in  charge  of  this  work  shall  lay  down 
II  Imso  line  somewhere  in  South  Curolina — when 
lliey  Nliall  fix  their  peiinanent  marks  ut  the  ends 
of  this  line,  will  that  gentlemnn,  or  the  public  au- 
thorities of  the  Slate,  quorrel  with  the  Government 
upon  this  (|uc3tion  of  jurisdiction  ?  And  if  the 
Udveninicnt  mny  fix  its  permanent  marks,  and 
eoniluct  its  gendictical  operations  upon  the  soil  of 
South  Carolino,  ina^  it  not  likewise  remove  a  rock 


there  bo  any  distinction  in  principle  between  the 
two  rascd,  I  nave  been  unable  to  discover  it,  and  I 
will  be  grateful  to  any  gentleman  who  will  point 
it  out.  The  western  rivers  have  been  truly  and 
iippropriatcly  denominated  "  inhnd  sens."  Their 
greatness,  and  the  immense  commerce  which  they 
convey,  entitle  iheni  to  this  name.  More  than 
line  hundred  millions  of  exports  are  bnriie  upon 
the  bosom  of  the  Atlantic — more  than  one  Iiunured 
millions  of  domestic  productions  float  upon  the 
Mississippi  and  its  tributaries,  and  ncurly  an  equal 
uniuuiit  of  commerce  exists  upon  the  lakes.  If 
you  build  light-houses  and  make  harbors  for  the 
Hccurily  of  the  firal,  how  can  you  refuse  to  remove 
Hiiags  and  obstructions,  and  improve  harbors,  for 
the  two  latter  ?  Are  they  not  equal  in  magnitude 
and  imporUmce,  us  well  us  equal  injustice? 

Thus  far,  .sir,  I  have  been  arguing  from  princi- 
ples settled  by  the  unirorni  practice  of  the  Govern- 
ment, and  the  acquiescence  of  the  Stales  and  tlie 
people.  Upon  this  subject,  the  opinions  of  Gen- 
i^ral  Jackson  were  referred  to  by  the  gentleman 
from  South  Carolliia.     Surely  that  gentleman  can- ' 

not  expect  to  find  any  support  for  his  extreme  ■   _    _^   ..,  ..  -„  „ 

views  in  the  political  history  or  the  recorded  opin-   i  current  ii'i  Uie  Mia.-i««i|')|j|'iit  tlnit  piiicc,  deserves  HeriniiB 


sources  of  the  region  drained  by  those  mighty 
rivers  will  be  the  main  reliance  of  the  Government 
in  time  of  war.  It  would  be  folly  to  suppose  they 
could  be  dispensed  witli,  and  it  would  be  madness 
and  crime  to  neglect  any  means  of  making  them 
fully  available  wlicti  the  emergency  may  demand 
tliero. 

I  have  already  allu(i>.'d  to  the  fact  that  the  Gov- 
ernment is  now  building  a  steam-frigate  at  Pitts- 
burg. It  was  the  highest  wisdom  that  dictated 
this  measure,  and  a  proper  foresight  will  require 
the  policy  to  be  continued. 

In  future,  sir,  as  the  necessities  of  tlio  country 
shall  require  them,  whole  fleets  of  such  vessels  will 
be  constructed  at  Memphis,  and  perhaps  at  other 
points  in  the  great  West,  ready  to  descend,  fully 
equipped  and  manned,  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and 
capable  of  defending  and  protecting  the  commerce 
of  that  immense  valtey.   I  repeat,  this  is  the  sound- 
est and  wisest  policy.    Ten  millions  of  people  now 
inhabit  that  valley.    Soon  its  population  will  fhr 
outnumber  that  of  the  Atlantic  Suites.    Thirty-six 
thousand  miles  of  navigable  rivers — a  dintance  that 
will  reach  once  rounu  the  globe  and  half  round 
I  again — ore  teeming  with  a  brave  and  hardy  race  of 
i  bnutmen,  inured  to  all  the  labors  and  perils  of  the 
i  navigation,  and  better  acquainted  with  the  stcam- 
tallyiliiieroBieil.  "  '  jj  engine  than  any  other  people  in  the  world.     Ills 

"  Niir  w  it  Bciircely  less  ini|  -nmit,  In  a  commercial  or  i  |  indispensable  to  bring  our  navy  in  contact  with  this 
iiiiliinry  |ii>iiit  ol'  viciv,  tliut  the  lielpiiiK  liaiiil  of  iiiipruve-  I  j  population.  The  strength  and  popularity  of  the 
mint  .liDiilil  lie  exlcimeil  In  the  .intimil  aveiiuiM  for  "Mivey-  , ,  na\y  requires  if,  the  successful  defence  of  the  cnun- 
inii  UiR  alMinilant  pmiliieuoni4  or  i he  Went  to  the  Giiir  ot    ;  .      ■'       ^        ■.    .i      •    .        .  i  .  .■  c 

Mexico  and  the  AUanlie  eoa«i-Uie  Ohio  and  the  Mi.si..   !  "'y  requires  it;  the  interests  and  exneclnl  ons  of 
BippI  on  Uie  one  Ride,  and  the  lliid'on  river  on  tlie  other."    *  j'  the  busy  and  teeming  millions  of  the  West  demand 
"  Looking  10  the  vast  intin^is  siilwerved  by  iliin  improve-  1 1  it.    Those  who  control  the  destinies  of  this  nation, 
nieiil,  and  to  itB  imniiRHllDiiatile  public  chniacter,  xeareejy  a  I      -  --  -  ---  - 


a  part  of  his  Message,  he  will  find  the  moat  liberal 
estimates  made  for  almost  all  the  objects  provided 
for  in  this  bill,  and  he  will  discover  that  the  Secre- 
tary recommends  the  appropriations,  and  justifies 
them  in  the  following  language: 

"The  public  iiBenilneiia  of  tlie,ie  improvements  will  be 
better  appreciated  wlii-u  it  is  considered  that  by  meaiiB  of 
them  a  lno^l  diiniterouH  navigation  baa  been  rendered  eom- 
paralively  f^afe,  u  lariie  Btiippins  iniere>t  biu  been  created 
upon  our  lakes,  and  luciliticB  and  Bheltcr  atlbrded  to  a  coin- 
iiierce  now  eBtinialcd  at  a  huiidretl  millioiiB  of  dollarH  an- 
nually,and  increa-'lng  with  xiirpriBlng  rapidity,  in  which  six 
Htatet*  are  dircclly,  ai^d  all  Beeiiona  of  the  eounliy  ineiden- 


I  doubt  18  entertained  tliut  it  will  be  resumed  ;  esUmatcB  Tor 
'  itB  further  proseeution  are  thera'tire  Bubiiutied  in  the  aecnm- 

panyini;  report  of  tiie  Chief  of  the  Curp:t  of  Topographical 

Enijincers.        ****»*•» 
"  Tliai  part  of  tlie  report  wliieh  brings  info  view  the  Mis- 

Houri,  ttiti  Arkniiiiaa,  the  Red  river,  and  the  hinhor  at  St. 

Louis,  expoded  to  injury  by  a  lendeney  to  a  elianije  in  tliv 


ions  of  that  distinguished  sutlcsinan.     As  explain-  i 
iiig  IVilly  the  views  of  General  Jackson,  I  quote  | 
the  following  passages  from  the  Annual  Message 
of  ltj3U,  whicli  was  subsequent  to  his  veto  of  the 
Maysville  Road  bill : 

"The  practice  of  defraying,  out  of  Uie  trea-ury  of  the  i 
I'niled  States,  the  expenses  incurred  by  the  establishment 
and  support  of  light-licHises,  befieiuis,  buoys,  and  public  | 
piers,  witllill  Uie  tiaya,  inlets,  hiirhors.  and  ports  of  tile  Uiii-  j 
ted  Htiues,  to  render  the  nuvigaUoll  liiereof  Bale  and  easy,  ] 
is  eoevnl  with  the  adoption  of  t.ie  Constiiiition,  and  lias  I 
been  continued  without  interruption  or  dispute. 

*'As  our  foreign  eomineree  increased,  and  was  extended 
into  Uie  interior  of  the  country,  by  the  estaldiBhmeiit  of 
pnrt.s  of  entry  and  ililivery  upon  our  nnvigalile  riverB,  tiie  I 
sphere  of  those  exp-Midilures  rceeiveil  a  eorrespnnding  en-  i 
I'ligcment.    Light  linuses.  beiienns,  buoyn,  public  pierB,  and 
the  n'lnuval  of  sand-bHrs,  Baw>erB,  and  oUier  partial  or  teiii- 
purary  iiiipi'diioents  in  \\w  liavigable  rivers  anil  liarbors, 
xvhirli  were  cnibniceil  in  llie  le.'eiiiie  distrii-ts  IVoiu  time  to 
lime  eslalilislied  liv  law,  were  aiiltiori/.ed  upon  tlie  suiiie  . 
principle,  and  the  exp'MiBc  di'iriiyed  in  ilie  same  manner.     < 
,*  *  .  .  *  .  ** 

*'  l-'roui  a  tiili  inakingttireet  npiiropriations  for  such  objects, 
1  shiiiild  ncti  have  \\jtlili<'til  niy  a-sriit.    Tlie  one  now  re- 
lunicil  Atn-7'  so  In  several  pailicnlars,  hut  it  also  contains  ap-  ' 
proprialioiiB  for  surveys  of  a  local  eharaeler,  vvilieh  I  can-  ' 
iKil  approve.  *  "  ■  *  *  *  ; 

*■  In  ni,\  objections  to  the  bills  aulborizing  siibHcriptioiiB  ' 
to  the  Maysville  ami  Ibiekville  road  eoinpanies.  I  expressed  j 
my  views  fully  in  regard  to  the  (stwer  oi*  Congress  to  coii- 
stfiir-t  roads  or  canals  within  a  Hnite,  or  to  appropriale  \ 
money  for  improvementBof  a  local  ehnraeter.     lat  the  same 
time  intimaled  my  belief  Uiat  the  liirlit  to  make  appropria- 
tions for  such  us  were  of  a  nnlioiial  eliaraeter,  had  been  so 
eeiierally  acted  on,  and  so  long  acquiesced  in  by  the  Fede-  I 
rill  ami  Htate  (JnvernnientB,  and  the  constituents  of  each,  aa  t 
to  jitsUly  its  exercise  on  the  groutlU  of  continued  and  uniii- 
terrupti'd  usage." 

1  approve  beariily  of  the  veto  of  the  Maysville  ' 
road  bill,  because  lliere  is  no  question  of  the  local  j 
and  comparatively  unimportant  character  of  that  [ 
work.     But  fiiiiu  these  quotaiioiis  it  is  perfectly  j 
clear  thnt  General  Jackson  considered  improve-  [ 
nienlM  of  ii  nalioiml  eliaraeter  within  the  constitu- 
tional power  of  the  Goveriiinenl.     We  have  not  , 
only  this  language  of  that  ilistineuisliod  patriot  to  ! 
delerniiiie  his  nenlinieiils,  l)ut  we  have  what  will  i 
lie  considereil  morn  impor'aiit  in  every  ]ioint  ofj 
view — 1  nieun  his  .iction  upon  subjecta  of  the  very  I 
eliaraeter  of  those  contuineil  ill  this  bill.     For,  in 
looking  at  the  varimis  iniproveiiioiii.s  begun  uiion 
the  l.vkes,  we  fiinl  tli.it  ni;inv  of  tlieiii  tnnk  their 
origin  under  the  .\dniiiiiatriiiion  of  General  Jack- 
son, and  llicnroi'e  received  his  sanction.     lie  was 
not  the  man  to  liesiialc  in  his  opposition  to  meas- 
ures whicli    he   believed   to  be  unconstitutional  or 
iinwi.ie.     More  than  six  hundred  thousand  dollars 


the  gallant  otHeers  of  the  navy  themselves,  will  be 
blind  indeed  if  they  fail  to  ajipreciate  the  force  of 
the  facts  to  which  I  have  merely  alluded.  Men, 
provisions,  and  materials  of  all  kinds,  abound  in 
that  favored  region;  and  that  class  of  vessels  which 
ill  future  naval  wars  will  be  more  useful  than  liiie- 
j  of-battle  ships  can  ever  be,  may  be  constructed 
j  there  with  us  much  facility  and  cheapness  as  in 
any  other  part  of  the  country.  Looking  to  the  ne- 
cessary policy  of  the  Government  in  this  respect — 
n  policy  to  which  the  Government  is  already  fully 
committed  by  the  oiicrations  at  PitLsburg  and  Mem- 
phis^t  is  impossible  to  dispute  the  power  of  the 
Government  to  improve  those  rivers,  or  to  deny  the 
policy  of  exercising  that  power  at  the  present  time. 
I  have  already  argued  that  the  Government  might 
remove  any  obstructions  in  the  Ohio  or  Mississippi 
river,  ncee3.sary  to  enable  the  Allegany,  now  builil- 
ing  at  Pittsburg,  to  go  safely  out  to  the  Gulf     If  it 

, .._ J   could  do  this  in  the  emergency  proposed,  could  it 

disregarded.     I  presume,  therefore,  they  must  ne-  i  not  do  so  prospectively?    I  imagine  it  would  not 


eonBldcriUiou.  Keeent  events,  and  the  opening  scenes  in 
the  Bouthwest,  have  given  increased  importance  to  the  nav- 
igation of  tlie  ArkaiiBaB  luid  Red  riverB.  Tiiey  open  direct 
eomiuunieaUons  with  an  extensive  IVoi.Ucr,  wliicii  reiiuires 
to  be  guarded  by  military  posts.  The  inipruvement  of  these 
rivers,  on  this  account  as  well  as  from  considerations  of  a 
more  general  character,  is  embmeed  among  the  public  works 
presented  tiy  the  Topographical  Uureau  Ibr  Uie  patronage  of 
CongrcsB." 

While  I  do  not  suppose  it  possible  for  the  Pres- 
ident to  examine  all  the  miiiutia-.  of  the  various 
reports  submitted  by  the  bureaus  of  the  difl'erent 
departments,  yet  it  is  palpable  that  important  prin- 
ciples like  these,  announced  directly  by  one  of  his 
own  Cabinet,  could  not  have  been  overlooked  or 


ccFsarily  have  received  his  sanction;  and,  comin^ 
to  us  in  connexion  with,  or  rather  as  a  part  of,  his 
message,  we  may  receive  them,  so  fur  as  the  gen- 
eral principles  are  concerned,  as  coming  from  him. 
At  any  rate,  I  will  undertake  to  say,  that  if  the.se 
principles  should  not  be  acknowledged  by  the 
Prcsideiit,  and  acted  upon,  by  the  approval  of  bills 
passed  in  conformity  with  them,  the  gentleman 
from  Ohio,  [Mr.  Sciienck,]  who  now  makes  the 
objection,  would  be  the  first  to  hold  him  responsi- 
ble for  what  would  then  be  considered  a  gross 
inconsistency— an  inexplicable  and  unjustifiable 
abandonment  of  opinions,  recently,  and  upon  a 
grave  occasion,  announced  to  the  Legislature  of  tlie 
nation. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  Secretary  of  War,  in 
the  extracts  I  have  read  from  his  report,  places  the 
improvements  for  which  he  has  submitted  estimates 
upon  the  ground  of  their  importance  and  necessity 
to  the  defensive  operations  of  the  Government.  It 
is  upon  this  ground  chiefly,  if  not  entirely,  that  I 
would  choose  to  claim  the  power  for  the  General 
Government.  1  think  the  reninrks  of  the  gentle- 
man from  Ohio,  [Mr.  UniNKiiKiiotF,]  though  con- 
fined entirely  to  the  lakes,  were  forcible  and  just. 
The  same  grounds  are  assumed  in  the  report  of  the 
Secretary  of  War;  and,  in  my  judgment,  no  man 
can  successfully  combat  them'.  The  defence  of 
that  portion  of  the  country  does  not  require  fortifi- 
cations; it  requires  facilities  for  constructing  tt  navy, 
and  liarbors  to  render  it  secure  when  built,  It  re- 
quires the  eommcrcial  marine  of  those  vast  inland 
seas  to  be  fostered  and  encouraged,  as  the  only  re- 
liable means  by  which  the  Government  can  duly 


be  necessary  to  wait  until  the  vessel  should  be  in 
danger,  before  the  power  could  be  exerled.     The 
i  Government  might  exercise  a  rational  Ibroaight, 
j  and  obviate  the  Jifliculty  before  the  emergency  liad 
I  actually  ar.5en.     And  if  it  could  remove  one  difli- 
cully.  It  could  remove  a  thousand;  and  if  it  could 
\  do  this  one  month  before  the  vessel  slioidd  sail,  it 
might  do  it  ten  years  before  the  occasion  should 
,  arise.     In  short,  sir,  the  Government  might  ren- 
der the  navigation  of  the  river  easy  and  secure,  in 
order  that  it  luiiiht  enjoy  the  advaiitagewhencver 
the  defence  of  the  country  should  require  the  rc- 
i  moval  of  her  ships,  or  the  transportation  of  men, 
munitions,  and  supplies. 

It  will  not  be  doubled,  sir,  thnt  if,  in  the  actual 
emergency  of  war,  the  security  of  the  country 
should  require  a  canal  to  be  cut  from  the  Missis- 
sippi river  to  the  lakes,  either  to  float  our  vessels 
through,  or  to  carry  men,  arms,  and  provisions, 
the  Government  would  have  power  to  do  the  work. 
But  the  voice  of  wisdom,  universally  acknowledg- 
ed, teaches  us  that  in  jiciice  tec  »iii.«l  jivfyinre/or  Kur. 
If,  in  the  exigencies  of  actual  liostiliucs,  we  may 
construct  such  a  work,  may  we  not  likewise  do  it 
prospectively,  as  a  precautionary  measure  ?  May 
we  not  prepare  for  the  security  and  defence  of  tlie 
country  in  any  way  in  which  prudent  foresiKlit 
may  require  us  to  do  it?  It  malurs  not  what  may 
be  the  eliaraeter  of  the  work,  or  how  nuich  com- 
merce maybe  encouiuged  and  assisted  by  it,  if  it 
be  certainly  valuable  for  the  defence  of  the  country, 
it  must  be  within  the  coniititutiunul  power  of  the 
Government. 

But  it  will  be  objected  that  this  principle,  broad« 


protect  itself  from  hostile  attacks  in  that  quarter,  i  ly  stated  as  it  is,  would  comprehend  local  iniprove- 
rhe  same  may  be  said,  to  a  great  extent,  of  the  '  ments  as  well  as  those  of  a  nationid  character.  But 
Mississippi  river  and  its  tributaries.    The  vast  re-     I  resist  the  objection.     No  man  can  say  that  a  mere 


480 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Mnrcli  to, 


29tH  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


Harbor*  and  Riven — Mr,  Faran. 


Ho.  or  Reph. 


i£ 


\^\ 


loctil  iuiprovement  would  become  necessary  even 
in  lime  of  war.     It  could  not  be  anticipnted  with 
any  certainty,  or  even  probability,  that  an  isolated 
road  or  small  stream  would  become  material  or 
important  in  the  movements  of  _arniiei  and  navies    : 
during  actual  hostilities.     Bui  wi'li  regard  to  the  a 
Mississippi  river  and  its  great   trib'itaries — with   | 
regard  to  the  Ivkes — no  man  will  dispute  that  it  is  i 
nbsoUuely  certain  they  iniut  be  the  channels  of  coni- 
municntinn  and  transportation  inJispeiisnble  to  the    i 
Government  in  war.    This  absolute  and  indispen-   j 
auble  necessity,  foreseen  and  acknowledged  by  all, 
constitutes  the  irresistible  claim  of  these  i;reat  "in-   | 
laiid  seas"  to  the  foslirin;  care  and  improving  hand 
of  the  Government.    The  distinction  between  na- 
tional and  local  works  is  confessedly  one  of  great   ■ 
difficulty,  to  which  the  application  or  any  clear  and    . 
definite  principle  is  soiirrcly  possible.     Yet  there 
is  a  diitinc'.ion  always  susceptible  of  being  ascer- 
tained, provided  the  judijmcnt  be  honestly  applied, 
without  any  bins  from  local  or  sectional  interests. 
Deriving  llje  power  to  make  improvements  solely    ' 
from  their  importance  in  tlie  defence  of  the  country, 
I  think  the  principle  1  have  attempted  to  ainte  rea- 
sonably clear  and  definite.     The  work  must  be  of 
such  magnitude  and  importance  in  itself,  or  in  its 
connexions,  that  we  can  pronounce  with  certainty 
upon  iis  usefulness  oiid  necessity  in  time  of  war. 
If  we  cannot  thus  pronounce,  the  work  would  not  | 
be  within  the  power  of  the  General  Government. 

The  defensive  operations  of  this  Govertinient, 
its  armies  and  navies,  ore  subservient  to  the  com- 
mercial interests  of  the  coimtry,  and  are  designed 
chielly  for  the  protection  of  ^ho.se  intereMa.     There 
13  nn  intimate  relation  between  them.    And  it  seems 
to  ine  that  the  distribution  of  burdens  for  the  im- 
provement of  the  country  upon  the  priiioiples  I  now 
advocate,  is  just  and  reasonable.     It  belongs  to  the 
Slates  and  to  private  capital — to  the  means  afforded 
by  extensive  commerce — to  construct  those  innu- 
nieral)le  local  works  of  improvement,  which  pour 
their  immense  contributions  into  the  great  national 
channels  of  trade.     These  locol  works,  on  account   | 
of  their  number,  are  far  more  costly  than  those 
great   national    works,    which,   in   the   nature   of  ' 
things,  are  comparatively  few  in  number.     In  time 
of  war  the  Government  will  derive  advantage  from 
both.     It  is  just  and  proper  that  it  should  therefore  ]| 
contribute  in  some  way  to  the  accomplishment  of  ' 
tliat  from  which  it  receives  advantage.     It  can  thus 
contribute,  only,  as  I  believe,  in  the  way  proposed, 
by  applying  its  means  to  those  more  important  ini- 
provemenLs,  which  in  their  greatness  are  worthy 
of  the  power  and  glory  of  the  nation.     The  Gov- 
ernment leans  upon  the  welfera  of  the  people,  and  I 
derives  strength  from  their  prosperity;  let  it  con-  ' 
tribute  in  some  degree  to  that  wliich  support*  it,  at  i 
least  in  those  thin^  which  are  beyond  the  means  ' 
of  States  and  individual  citizens. 

But  even  although  there  ihould  be  no  dilTerence 
of  opinion  upon  the  principles  I  have  attempted  to 
submit,  it  is  still  to  be  expected  that  did'erences 
will  arise  as  to  the  application  of  them.  Unanimity 
can  scarcely  be  expected  upon  the  details  of  the 
bill.  The  only  rule  which  1  can  lay  down  for  my- 
self, to  enable  me  to  judge  of  the  character  of  par- 
ticular improvements,  and  to  determine  the  policy 
of  engaging  in  them,  is,  in  cases  where  I  am  not 
particularly  acquainted  with  the  locality,  to  rely 
mainly  upon  the  reports  of  those  officers  and  en- 

tineers  whose  duty  it  is,  under  the  control  of  the 
Executive,  to  examine,  survey,  and  explore,  for  the 
information  of  the  country.  I  find,  sir,  that  almost 
all  the  works  embraced  in  this  bill  are  sanctioned 
by  the  topographical  bureau.  So  far  as  this  sanc- 
tion has  been  given,  and  more  especially  as  large 
sums  of  money  have  been  expended  upon  many  of 
them,  leaving  them  in  an  •  nfinished  state,  I  shall 
nut  hesitate  to  vote  for  them.  Some  of  these  ap- 
propriations, if  I  have  nor  overlooked  them  in  the 
cursory  examination  I  gave  to  the  report,  are  not 
mentioned  by  the  engineers.  I  shall  retpiest  the 
houorable  gentleman  who  reported  this  iiill  to  in- 
form the  coininiiiee  which  of  the  appropriations 
have  beiMi  ba.sed  upon  the  estimates  of  the  War 
Department.  Iteforc  I  can  vote  for  those  which 
are  not  bused  upon  such  estimates,  1  must  be  fidly 
convincedof  thcirpruciicabiluy  and  necciisily.  As  a 
general  principle,  liowever,  I  think  it  alwoys  more 
safe  and  prudent  to  examine  a  work  and  estimate  its 
probable  cost,  before  making  appropriations  for  it. 
This  I  believe  is  usual,  and  it  is  certainly  wise. 


There  is  one  important  provision  in  the  bill  for 
which  I  shall  not  vote.  It  is  that  which  appropri- 
ates an  indefinite  sum  for  the  purchase  of  the  private 
stock  of  the  Louisville  canal.  I  doubt  the  power 
of  the  Government  to  do  this.  I  do  not  mean  to 
say  that  the  Government  cannot  improve  the  Ohio 
river  at  the  falls,  so  as  to  make  it  navi/i^ble.  This 
would  necessarily  follow  fVom  the  principles  already 
staled;  fur  if  the  Government  can  make  any  im- 
provement in  the  river — if  it  can  rentuve  any  ob- 
s'ruction,  or  obviate  any  difficulty — it  can  ccrlaiiily 
do  it  hare,  where  the  most  formidable  interruption 
exists.  Otherwise,  the  power  I  have  already  claim- 
ed fur  the  Government  would  be  nugatory.  And 
it  is  e(}ually  obvious  that  if  the  Qovcrnmcnt  could 
subscribe  a  part  of  the  stock,  it  could  purchase  the 
whole.  But  It  is  doi'btful  whether  the  Government 
may  exert  its  power  in  this  form.  The  expedi- 
ency and  the  economy  of  this  plan  for  removing 
the  burdens  upon  the  commerce  of  that  river  are 
still  more  questionable.  It  has  been  asserted  hero 
that  a  fur  cheaper  and  more  clfcctunl  mode  may  be  I 
adopted.  We  ore  in  need  of  information  upon  the  | 
sul>|ect.  I  do  not  say  I  will  not  sujiporta  measure 
which  will  effect  this  most  important  and  desira- 
ble object  in  a  manner  sanctioned  by  the  scientific 
knowledge  and  experience  of  able  engineers.  It 
is  well  known  that  the  canrtl  will  require  alteration 
and  enlargement  before  it  will  fully  meet  the  wanUs 
of  the  country.  It  is  said  that  such  cnlarj;ement 
will  cost  as  much  or  more  thnii  other  plans  of  im- 
provement entirely  new,  and  believed  to  be  fully 
efTeciual  for  the  object  desired. 

In  reference  to  the  amendment  of  my  honorable 
colleague,  proposing  the  appropriation  of  a  large 
sum  for  the  improvement  of  the  Tennessee  river, 
I  must  acknowledge  that  I  f\;el  some  diOicully.  It 
is  not  eusy  to  determine  the  exact  point  at  which 
works  of  a  local  and  those  of  a  national  character 
begin.  If  the  Tennessee  river  stood  alone,  and  if 
I  did  not  know  that  the  proposed  amendment 
would  be  the  signal  for  a  thousaiid  others  still  less 
important  than  that,  I  would  feel  no  hesitation  in 
supporting  the  motion.  Especially  would  I  be 
thus  inclined,  since  I  have  received  the  memorial 
of  he  Legislature  of  Tennessee, asking  ofCongress 
the  inifiruvement  of  this  river.  As  expressing  the 
voice  of  the  Slate,  although  not  coining  to  me  in 
tii>;  form  of  authoritative  instructions,  it  is  entitled 
to  the  highest  respect,  and  in  a  doubtful  case, 
which  I  acknowledge  this  to  be,  would  determine 
my  action. 

But,  sir,  there  is  another  difficulty  in  this  amend- 
ment; it  is  the  same  as  that  which  I  have  already 
stated  in  ret'ereiice  to  the  Louisville  canal.  I  am 
by  no  means  satisfied  that  the  plan  of  improvement 
adopted  in  the  amendment  is  either  the  best  or  the 
most  economical.  Besides  this,  we  have  no  esti- 
mates. I  suggest  to  my  colleague  the  pro|)riety  of 
modifying  his  pniposition  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
require  the  War  Department  to  make  a  survey  of 
the  river,  to  determine  the  clioracler  of  the  im- 
provement necessary,  and  to  submit  the  proper 
estimates  for  it.  In  this  form,  sir,  I  pledge  myself 
in  good  ftiiih  to  support  the  proposition.  Its  pres- 
ent form,  1  fear,  appropriating  one-fourth  of  a  mil- 
lion— more  than  the  appropriation  for  the  whole 
Mississippi  river — in  the  dark,  without  informa- 
tion, plans,  or  estimates,  will  most  certainly  con- 
tribute to  its  defeat.         ' 

Mv  honorable  colleague  referred  to  the  vote  of 
the  l^resident  in  favor  of  the  original  grant  of  land 
for  this  improvement;  and  he  seemed  to  think  con- 
sistency would  require  the  President  now  to  .sanc- 
tion this  amendment.  I  would  infer,  from  his 
subsetjuent  stringent  course  on  the  subject  of  im- 
provciiicius,  tint  the  anicndinent  would  not  be  very 
favorably  received  by  him.  And  if  such  should 
be  the  case,  and  especially  if  tne  President  should 
have  any  constilutioniil  siruplcs,  I  have  no  doubt 
he  would  acknowledge  the  errorof  his  former  vote, 
and  act  now  without  hesitation  uptni  his  present 
convictions.  Tlit  gentleman  from  Alabama  [Mr. 
Chapman]  attempted  to  justify  Mr.  Polk's  vote. 
I  know  nothing  of  the  circnnistnnces,  nor  do  I 
know  that  the  PrcNident  would  now  art  dilVereiitly ; 
but  this  I  do  know:  his  character  and  standing  in 
this  nation  are  such  that  he  might  well  acknowl- 
edge a  change  of  opinion,  if  sncli  has  occurred,  and 
his  purity,  and  pnlrintlsm,and  uiiiqiialled  general 
coiisislency  in  the  support  of  great  iiiincijiles, 
would  still  be  uiwiuestioiird. 


HARBORS  AND  RIVERS. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.J.J.  FARAN, 

OP  OHIO, 
In  the  Hooar.  or  Represkntativei, 
March  10,  1846. 
On  the  Bill  making  approprlnti  >im  fur  certain  Har- 
bors and  Rivers. 

Tlie  House  being  in  Cimimittee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  state  of  the  Union — 

Mr.  FARAN  addressed  the  committee  aa  fol- 
lows: 

Mr.  Chairman:  1  shall  endeavor  to  repay  the 
indulgence  extended  to  me  yesterday  by  the  com- 
mittee, by  consuming  as  little  lime  as  possible  in 
presenting  the  ren-sons  that  induce  me  to  support 
the  main  features  of  the  bill  now  under  considera- 
tion. 

I  am  of  the  number  of  those,  Mr.  Chairman,  who 
believe  that  it  is  vithln  the  power  of  Congress  to 
make  appropriations  for  objects  national  in  their 
character,  and  which  cannot  claim  the  attention  of 
the  States  in  their  individual  capacity.  I  am  not 
of  the  numlier  of  those  who  believe  that  Congress 
has  the  power  to  make  appropriations  for  a  gvn- 
eml  system  of  internal  improvements,  regardless 
whether  it  embraces  olijects  local  or  national  in 
their  character. 

And  when  I  am  called  on  to  vote  for  an  appro- 
priation for  any  work  or  improvement,  I  must  be 
satisfied  that  such  work  or  improvement  is  national 
in  its  character,  and  beyond  the  power  of  the  States. 
And  in  addition  to  that,  1  must  also  be  satisfied  that 
it  is  necessary  and  pjiiper;  for  a  proposed  work  i>r 
improvement  may  be  national  in  its  charoctcr,  and 
yet  there  may  be  no  real  use  for  it.  Nationality 
and  utility  must  be  combined  in  an  improvement, 
to  insure  it  my  support. 

I  am  aware,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  considera- 
tions that  should  give  n  work  or  improvement  a 
national  character  are  not  settled  so  definitely  as  to 
leave  no  doubt  in  the  judgment  of  every  Represent- 
ative when  a  particular  work  or  improvement  is 
presented  to  his  mind  whether  such  is  its  true  char- 
acter. The  Constitution  has  not  defined  these  ron- 
sideralions,  nor  has  Congress  any  power  to  pass  n 
law  defining  them,  that  would  be  of  any  binding 
force  beyond  the  Congress  that  passed  it. 

I  should  like  to  see  an  amendment  of  the  Consti- 
tution that  would  settle  how  far  the  power  of  Con- 
gress should  extend  in  making  the  appropriations 
For  such  improvements  as  are  contemplated  by  this 
bill,  as  well  a'S  for  other  works.  A  proper  settle- 
ment of  the  doubts  that  now  exist  in  relation  to  this 
matter  would  have  a  happy  effect  upon  the  public 
mind,  and  upon  the  deliberations  of  Congress. 
Such  a  thing,  however,  cannot  be  easily  accom- 
plished, desirable  as  it  may  be.  As  it  is,  lh'.<e 
considerations  must  be  drawn  from  a  proper  cini- 
struclion  of  the  Constitution,  under  the  guidance 
of  the  best  lights  belbre  us,  and  with  judgments  in- 
fluenred  by  the  oath  wc  have  taken  to  support  that 
Constitution. 

And  in  giving  a  construction  to  the  powers  vest- 
ed by  the  Constitution  in  Congress,  aa  well  as  in 
the  other  departments  of  the  Government,  I  am 
inclined  to  lean  to  a  strict,  rather  than  a  loose  con- 
struction; believing  that  there  is  much  more  safety 
in  such  a  rule  than  in  its  reverse,  and  this  for  rea- 
sons that  must  suggest  themselves  to  every  reflect- 
ing mind. 

I  approved  of  the  veto  of  the  Maysville  road 
bill;  and  I  approve  of  the  principles  upon  which 
that  veto  was  predicated.  I  believe  that  veto  saved 
this  Government  from  bankruptcy,  and  the  masses 
of  the  people  from  being  ground  to  the  earth  by 
taxes  collected  through  the  instrumentality  of  a  high 
taiiff",  and  from  being  plundered  of  their  substaiico 
by  a  bank  of  the  United  States.  For,  had  th« 
principle  of  that  bill  prevailed,  there  were  objects 
in  contemplation  for  nppropriations  which,  had 
they  succeeded,  would  nave  invnlved  an  expendi- 
ture of  upwards  of  two  hundred  millions  of  dol- 
lars. The  veto  ctf  tliut  bill  is  nut  among  the  least 
of  the  acts  of  that  illustri.uis  man  that  will  contri- 
bute to  make  his  name  ever  dear  to  his  country- 
men. 

Hut  in  relation  to  the  improvements  contem- 
plated by  this  bill,  appropriations  for  the  same  and 
for  similar  objects  have  been  sanctioned  bv  the 


^ 

i 


IB4G.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONOKKSSIONAL  GliOBE. 


491 


fo|. 


^9th  Cono IST  Sbs8. 


Harhon  and  Rivers — Mr,  Faran, 


IVbwSgrieh No.  31. 


nnllinr  of  lliM  \eXn  ;  tlicrBliy  imliouling,  liy  liig  I*  from  tlioHi;  cX|iri'MMly  (;ivcii;  mid  ulloiit'llior  ox|)e- 
ii|i|iriivnl  of  ilieni,  liix  Holemn  ronviclion  lliiit  tliu  j|  (limit  In  bo  cxcrcisiid.  I  Htmll  not  coiiHiimc  moip 
|irin(i|)lrs  of  llic  liill  hcfciri-  nn,  nnil  llic  priiidplcH  ,|  time  with  this  liraiicli  of  tlio  milijcct,  Imt  prora-pj 


<if  till!  MiivmvIIIr  roiul  hill,  nro  not  Kimiliir,  liiit 
iiltoKellicr  (liirrrPDl,  hh,  in  tnitli,  tlipy  nro.  And 
licit  only  did  Oeiicrnl  .TiirkBon  mnictinn  iipiiro|iriii- 
tiiiiiH  for  olijcctH  niiniJHr  In  llinsc  eoiitpnipliitcd  l>y 
iIiIh  bill,  but  MadiHiir,  MmiroR,  mid  Viiii  lliiriMi, 
I'licli  of  llicni  B  strict  ((MiatrniiinniHt  of  tlie  CoiiHli- 
liitii>n,iippi'ovi'(l  of  aimiiiirbillH,  and  acknowledged 
till'  power  of  ConcrmHH  In  nialio  u|iproprintiona  for 
Hiich  obji'clH. 

It  ii  triiu  ilint  this  pnwnr  may  be  abiiapd.     Hut  i 


wlint  power  willi  which  C'oiijjresH  in  invciled  can-     weal 


to  a  mom  pnrticuliir  eonHideratioii  of  the  bill  be- 
forn  IM. 

TIiIh  bill  rontempluloa  two  elaasex  of  improve- 
nieiita — harboiH  and  liveiH.  As  the  iicce.iHiiy  and 
propriety  of  making;  appropriations  for  our  liar- 
lioiH,  on  tliB  lakes  particularly,  have  been  so  ably 
vindicated  by  jfciillpiiien  who  have  preceded  me  in 
this  debate,  I  shall  say  nnthint;  about  llieni,  but  ' 
confine  my  remarks  nioi-e  panieiilarly  to  the  im- 
proveniciit  of  ilie  rivers  of  the  West  and  the  Soiith- 


nnl  be  abused?   Liability  to  Isi  abiiNCil  is  insepara 
ble  from  power  while  lod!;eil   in  imperfect  beiiiKs. 
If  the  temptation  to  abuse  a  particulur  power  is  loo 
slrong  to  lie  resisted,  such  power  shiinld  never  be.; 
nrtid  wiili  by  the  people;  ami  a  power  of  this 
ind   1  einiNider  tlis  |Kivver  to  ismie  n  paper  iiir- , 
lency.     Hut  the  power  to  tax,  and  the  power  to  ' 
ilistribiitii  what  you  raise  by  taxation,  are  powers 


L- 


These  miglity  rivers  of  the  preat  Mississippi 
valley*  have  been  declared  by  on.-  Qovernmcnt  to 
be  rmnmnn  h\gh\Ki>\is,  ani  forever  f^  re  to  all  llic  citi-  ' 
7.ens  of  this  llepufdic,  without  any  tax,  impost,  or 
duly.  They  are  as  free  as  the  hia;h  scius  to  our 
own  citizens.  They  belong  as  nuieli  to  the  citizens 
of  (^harleslnn  and  Msino,  a.s  to  the  citizens  of 
Ohio  or  Louisiana.     No  State  or  individual  hi<s  a 


wilhoiit  which  no  Government  could  well  siicceod;  i   risht  to  obstruct  or  hiniler   the   free   navigation 


thereof,  or  to  impose  any  tax,  duly,  or  imposi,  for 
the  navigation  thrreof.  Tlicy  are  public  property, 
to  be  used  and  improved  as  such. 

It  is  said  by  the  jrentleman  fmni  South  Carolina 
[Mr.  RiikttI  th.it  the  Ohio  river  is  owned  by  the 
Slates  of  Viririnia  and  Kentucky;  that  Virginia,  in 
her  deed  of  cession  to  the  General  Government, 
granlcd  tlip  territory  iinrthwesi  of  the  Ohio  river, 
and  therefore  retained  the  river  to  herself,  and  that 
this  view  has  been  (sustained  by  the  Supreme  ('(Mui 
I  of  the  United  Slates.  Grant  for  the  sake  of  the 
arsiimenl,that  the  cnnstrnction  of  this  deed  of  ces- 
sion put  njion  it  by  the  ex  cullieiirn  decisiiin  of  the 
Supreme  Courl,  as  reporied  in  ."illi  Whealon,  be 
correct,  what  does  it  avail  In  the  consideralion  of 
the  subject  Isjfore  lis  ?  It  would  amount  lo  no  mure 
than  this:  that  Virsinia  and  Kentucky  havejiiri-i- 
diclion  fin'  liniiled  objects  to  low  water  mark  on 
the  Ohio  and  Indiana  shores.  It  does  not  nllect 
the  naviu;ation  of  this  noble  river,  or  the  power  of 
the  Government  lo  improve  it. 

Of  what  use  would  it  be  to  me  lo  own  a  piece  of 
land,  when  I  had  no  rij;ht  or  aulliority  to  put  a 
pay  pensions  of  soldiers  of  the  Revolution,  or  of  ,  spade  or  plnii;;h  into  it  for  the  purposes  of  cniiiva- 
llii!  lale  war,  and  particularly  to  pay  pensions  of  tinn,  or  to  build  a  house  upon  it  to  shelter  me  from 
the  widows  and  heirs  of  such  soldiers.  I  am  sat- 'j  the  weather.'  Neither  Virginia,  nor  Kentucky, 
islied  that  we  have  siidi  power,  not  directly  (jiveii,  ';  (tlmtderived  nil  her  title  from  Vir;;inia,  with  all  their 
Imt  fairly  and  justly  inferrable  ft-om  what  isjtiven;  claims  of  ovvnersliip,)  can  ri^'htfiilly  put  even  a  peb- 
lint  not  more  so  than  the  power  to  make  apnrn- ,  ble  into  this  river  for  the  purpose  of  obslmctinj;  its 
priaiinns  for  the  objects  conleniplaled  by  this  liill.  I!  navigation;  nor  can  either  levy  any  tax, duty  or  im- 
If  his  risrid  rule  were  to  prevail,  our  whole  flys-]|  po.st  from  tlin.se  who  use  it  fur  the  purpo.ses  of  com- 
t'l^m  of  pensions,  except  in  cases  where  it  was  a  merce.andasa  public  liij»h\vay.  Against  the  jreat 
iiart  of  the  coniract  of  enlistment,  would  be  swept  i  purposes  t'or  which  this  river  is  used  and  designed, 
liy  the  board,  and  our  old  soldiers  who  fought  our  '    neither  Virginia  nor  Kentucky  can  rais 


and  yet  it  is  easy  to  see  how  each  may  be  abused 
No  one  will  seriously  contend,  however,  that  be- 
eausp  of  tlipir  liability  to  be  abused  Government 
should  not  possess  them.  The  rp.strniiit  with  us 
is  in  llip  specific  limitaiions  imposed  on  their  exer- 
I'ise,  and  in  the  accountability  of  the  Representa- 
tive to  his  constitiienls. 

It  was  well  said  by  the  gentleman  from  Indiana, 
(Mr.  Pkttit,]  in  his  remarks  on  this  bill,  that  if 
ilie  rigid  rule  laid  down  by  some  for  construing  the 
Constiluiion  were  to  prevail,  we  could  scarcely 
move  without  violating  that  iiislrument.  The  gen- 
tleman frinii  Tennessee,  [Mr.  .ToiiNnnN,]  on  yes- 
ti'iilay,  contended  that  the  Conslilutinn  should  be 
encased  in  this  slraight-iackct,thnt  would  scarcely 
leave  it  power  to  move  any  member  of  its  body. 
Some  weeks  ago,  I  had  the  pleasure  of  hearing 
that  genllemnn  make  a  most  eloquent  appeal  in  be- 
half of  the  soldiers  of  the  Revolution  ami  of  the 
lale  war,  and  of  the  surviving  widows  and  heirs  of 
such  of  them  as  had  died.  S'ow,  I  wish  he  would 
lell  this  Hou.su  from  what  part  of  the  Conslitulion 
he  derives  the  power  lo  make  appropriatiims  lo 


ky  can  raise  any  valid 
objection  arising  out  of  original  ownership.  The 
ordinaiiccof  1787,  for  the  government  of  the  North- 
wes'ern  Territory,  lulonied  by  the  Congress  of  the 
Confederation,  declared  this  river,  among  olhers, 
to  beacffminoii  /iig/iH'nj;,nnd/i<i'em'7Vff.  This  or- 
dinance was  adopted  subsequent,  of  course,  lo  the  ■ 
ccsshin  of  the  territory  by  Virginia.  The  Dele- 
gates from  Virginia,  in  the  Congress  of  the  Con- 
federation, voted  for  this  ordinance,  declaring  this  ; 
river,  among  others,  to  bp  a  common  highway,  and 

*  Ilr,  It.  J.  Itrccki'iiriilL'c,  in  liifi  Mciiioriniilii  of  a  Tear  in 
Eiiniir*.  »  lew  yt'iir.s  hl'o,  !*ays  ; 
"  A  iicnlleliian-lilie  {inil  well-iul'nriiied  Bnulislnniin,  w)in  : 
from  acknowledged  powem  than  cm  the  power  to  ■    "'i"  i"  "n'  »l'ii|i'i'i>iicli  witli  me,  iinil  niio  W.ui  lonnil  mn  I 
make  appnipria.ions  mr  the  objects  contemplated  !   i;;:::X';::^l:^^:'t:^:T::i^Z:'::ST;^::;::'^^ 
by  tills  Oil).  >    TImiiK's,)  <'""clml  illliii.-':  •  Sir,  il  iniiy  seem  aliaiwliiicreil-  ' 

Where  do  you  get  the  |)Ower  to  make  appro-  ,    ililc  to  ymi.  Ian  it  is  iiiAerihi'lc'.^..i  inie,  tlini  iliiw  iiroiligimij  : 
'     '  ....     ■.  t-  ..  ......  I.    .       [    ^u.,.(||„  i.^^  t|.,,,n  jt^  tnniiih  In  iH  sdiiri'i',  lull  tniii'li,  it'at  nil,  ! 

short  ul' one  liiuiilieil  mill  filly  iiiilcr^  Ions.'     I  Inukeil  sti'tiil-  | 
liistly  ill  lii.4  tuci-',  In  cce  iriie  Jrstrii ;  Inn  till'  (triivily  tif  iJiH'p 
cniivietjnii  was  ii|iini   it.     Inilreil,  Jiiliii    Itiill  never  jests.  ! 
Afler  coiiiposinft  inysclf  ii  inoininl,   I  slowly  res|ion(teil ; 
•  t*i'rliii|is,  «ir,  ynii  Imve  heard  ol" till'  river  Ohio?*    M  think  ' 
1  have.'    Terhniis  III' the  .Missnnri:'     '  I  think  so;  lliiingji 
not  sure.'    'Cerlatnly  of  Itli'  Mis-si-ssipjiir'    'Oil  yes,  yes.' 
I  Well,  sir,  n  inai)  will  tleseenU  the  oliio  in  a  stciuiiho'at  nl'  ' 
lite  larnest  class,  a  Ilionsanil  inite^.'    '  or  what,  sir.*    l!o\v 

ly,  sir."     '  .\  Ilunisnnil  tniles.     Anil  thiTe  he  will  llieet  ' 
niiother  strainlinat  orthe  same  class,  uhicli  has  come  in  nn  , 


battles,  or  their  destitute  widows,  would  have  to 
depend  on  other  bounty  than  that  now  doled  out 
to  them  by  Governnicni. 

Where  do  we  get  the  power  to  make  Appropria- 
tions to  pay  fishing  bounties.'  There  is  no  clause 
111  the  Consliiiilion  conferring  it  direcily.  It  is 
one  justly  deducible,  however,  from  some  that  arc 
directly  given,  and  very  proper  to  be  exercised.  It 
IS  an  indirect  way  of  supporting  a  navy — a  cheap 
way,  loo.  It  is  the  encouraging  of  a  nursery  of 
bai'dy,  adventuious,  and  brave  seamen,  who  are 
lo  man  our  vessels  in  case  we  get  into  a  war  with 
u  ."oreign  Power.  Yet  the  |iower  to  make  these 
appropriations   cannot   be    moic   clearly  deduced 


prialions  fur  llie  building  of  fiiriifications,  light-  I 
houses,  the  eoiistruciion  of  piers,  the  improvement  ' 
of  harbors  on  our  seacimst,  and  a  variety  of  oilier  i 
objects  not  necessary  now  in  be  enumerated  ?  Not  , 
fiom  any  ex|ire.s's  grants  in  the  Constiiiithm,  but  \ 
pi'o|W!rly  inferralile  from  those  that  are  expressly  | 
given.  Vet  I  venture  In  say,  with  all  deference  to  ' 
those  who  maintain  the  opposite  ennind,  that  the  i 
pnwer  to  make  appropriations  fur  the  objects  of  |'  "'"'{}' 


forever  free.*  Virginia  nor  Kentucky  has  ever  set 
up  any  claim  to  mis  river  llinl  cnnnicln  with  this 
declaration  of  the  nrdiiiance;  and  Congrtas,  for  a 
ipiarter  of  a  century,  Ims  Iwen  milking  appropria- 
tions foriiH  improvement,  without  any  protest  irom 
Virginia  or  Kentucky,  and  often  will)  the  sanction 
j  of  many  of  the  Delegates  fVoin  both  those  Sliitey. 
What  claim,  then,  can  bo  set  up  for  these  Suiies 
over  the  control  of  tliia  river,  that  should  tin  rit 
Reiious  consideratiim .'     None,  whatever. 

But  the  irentlemiui  says,  that  admitting  nil  the 
force  of  the  aigiinient  deducible  from  this  ordi- 
nance, still  the  Mississippi  river  was  iiul  embraced 
by  llinl  iirdinanie,  having  been   purchased  by  the 
Uniled  States  of  l'"rance  subsequent  to  the  ndoplion 
of  the  Constitution.     Granling  all  this  for  the  sake 
of  the  argument,  and  how  is  the  gentleman  reliev- 
ed ?  He  makes  the  argument  in  favor  of  the  ]iower 
'  of  the  Geiieial  (rovernniPnt  over  this  river  still 
I  stronger,  if  anything,  by  his  position.     Being  pur- 
!  chased  by  the  Government  and  not  ceded  to  ni/y  of 
I  the  Slates,  it  still  remains  the  property  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  and  Congress  has  full  power  over  it, 
for  its  improvement  and  regulation,  the  same  as  it 
has  over  other  property. 
These  great  ehaiincls  of  commerce  and  commu- 
I  nication  from  one  part  of  the  Union  to  another,  be- 
I  long  to  the  people  of  the  whole  Union,  and  the 
money  for  iheir  improvement  should  come  out  of 
the  common  fund.     And  if  the  General  Goverii- 
i  nie:it  has  imt  the  pnwer  to  make  these  improve- 
ments, I  think  I  have  shown  that  power  is  lodged 
or  exists  nowhere  el.se,  for  the  accomplishmciil  of 
such  an  object. 

I  now  go  to  a  more  pa,  iicnlar  examination  of  the 
mailer.  Compress  appropriates  millions  niinually 
for  the  support  of  a  navy.  This  navy  is  engaged 
in  protecting  our  commerce  on  every  sea.  To  this 
we  of  llie  West  do  not  object.  It  is  neccs.sary  to 
a  great  extent.  But  is  there  no  commerce  that  de- 
mands the  eonsiileration  of  the  General  Govern- 
ment but  that  which  llimls  on  the  high  seas .'  Have 
gentlemen  ever  turned  their  attention  lo  the  value 
and  amount  of  conimen  e  that  finals  annunlly  on 
the  waters  of  the  Mississippi  valley? 

Accoiiliiig  to  the  late  annual  report  of  the  Seci-e- 

tary  of  the  Treasury,  it  appears  that  the  imporia- 

I  lions  into  the  United  States  for  the  year  ending 

I  June  30,  184.5,  amounted  to #1 17,'2,54,ijfi4 

And  the  exports  amounted  It i(9,;3!)9,77(! 

Amounting  together  10 <I'2IG,5.')4,341J 

This  is  not  all  carried  in  American  ves.sels,  and 
docs   not  therefore  require  the  protection  of  our 
;  armed  vessels. 

I      The  value  of  the  commerce  that  floats  annually 

■  on  the  western  and  southwestern  waters,  is  csti- 

!  mited  by  com|ielent  judges,  who  make  their  csti- 

m.itc  from  data  furiiished  at  the  several  ports  on 

th.;sc  rivers,  at  not  less  than  ^0,000,000,  more 

than  our  imports  and  exports.     This  may  appear 

asoiiishiiig  to  those  who  have  not  walchcil  the 

'  raiid  increase  of  the  trade  and  commerce  of  the 

Mississippi  valley;  yet  incredible  as  it  may  .seem, 

;  it  iievertlieless  falls  short,  rather  than  exceeds,  the 

i  reality.     The  unexampled   increase  of  the  West 

and  Southwest  in  population,  is  sufficient  of  itself 

to  .satisfy  the  retleeting  mind,  that  the  value  of  the 

'  trade  springing  IVom  such  a  number  of  [leople,  with 

their  industrious  and  enterprising  habits  and  fertile^ 

soil,  must  be  immense.     This  rapid  incren.se  of 

trade  cm  be  judged  of  in  other  ways. 

In  lf)14,  tlie  steamboat  Vesuvius  was  launched 

I       <  from  Ike  Joi.riiiil  of  llic  Cjiisross  of  the  IhiiJ'aleraliou. 

"TcEsUAV,  Jiilii  i;l,  I7S7.— Oil  tlie  passage  01'  the  orili 
naiee.  Uie  yem  iiiiil  liajs  were  lu-kccl  hy  .Mr.  Vales,  ami  re- 
yultil  as  lollou-s  : 

M.M.uaiiM'K) Mr.  Ilolteii yen  t . 


AVie  Vorli. 


the  bill  now  ii iider  consideralion,  is  not  more  doubt- 


npposile  ilircrtinn  twelve  hnnilreil  iihli's  down  the  Missouri, 


fill,  or  of  more  strained  inference,  than  that  which  i;  and  ilien,  alter  coinn  lirtcen  Inindn  d  niihs  more  down  the 


I  I 


linils  our  making  approprialioils  for  the  objects  i:  Mississippi,  he  may  see  tliat  Hood  of  waters  diserahoBiie  hy 

1  ■ .,     •        °       '  '        *  •'  h   nnv  nliiiiiui.lM  tiitn  tlie  Ken    '      I  liiiil  iiinilt' IHi  Oir  iiiinil  til  hi' 


fitly  ciminiels  into  ttie  sen  1 


I 


III 


specilied 

HaiisfuMl  that  for  objor.ts  surn  ns  those  cm-  i'  tliniiii>l)  tin'  st 


[  liiid  luiiili'  U|>  my  iiiiiiit  to  hi' 


coiit^iitcrcd  iK-lii'Ut,  HO  1  wont   mlthly  aiul   nnpliiitiealty  < 
lit.     As   I   prn^ri'ssctl,  my  rompaiiioii  ] 


I'd  in  tlii.s  bill, C(in;i;rrsH  lias  liip  pnwciMonmkr  j'  siM-mi'd  snmowlmi  tli.'-iio.iiMi  to  mkis  my  wKiry  iis  ii  imrj^onul 


i\'ru'  Jvrscij  . .. . 

Deliwurc 

Vir^ima 

North  Cttrollnit . 
South  <\iroHna.. 


.yea  ) 
....yejii 
...y.'ii[> 
....yca) 

Vi'Il 

. ..  .y(!U 
...yen  I 
...ypttj 


Hppi'i»Iinatinn.M — a   pownr   not  2;iven    iii  su  many  '' 
V  nnl.-^.  I  admit,  but  fnirlv  ami  proppvly  inlVrrable 

31 


tVnirtt;  hut  lit  lis  i'lo.-<i(<,  h(^  li-t  dnu  n  lii!>  visnui!  into  a  imiii- 

l<-iii|nuoiH  punt,  and  ifuuliulyyiit  my  ii<Mtiiaiiii:uiiN>." 


J 


Ham 
...Mr.  SiiiitI 

Ilariiifi 

\ali's 

....Mr.  Clarke 

SelK'iirmnn.. 
.  ..Mr.  Kerniv 

Mili'hell 

. .  .Mr.  ("iravsim vea 

H.  It.  I.ee.. 

('arnntitun  . 
..Mr.  lllnnnl 

Ilnwkinti... 
...Mr.  Keua 

IIUitlT 

. . .  Mr.  Few 

Pierce 


yea. 


, .  .yea  i 
..ven S 
.."yen^ 


yea. 
yen. 

yen. 


.yea 
....yea 
, ...yea 
....yen  S 


J  yea. 
[yea. 


48)1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRF-SSIONAIi  GI.()RE. 


[Miii-rIi  K), 


8^11  CoNn I  AT  Sr88. 


Harbors  and  Uivcra — Mr.  Faran. 


Mo,  or  Kc.i'fl, 


■if 


nl  PiimlmrR,  ilrslined  to  run  iM^twetn  Nnw  Orlemn  ' 
niHl  LoiiiHvillr,  nnil  niiii  (he  Hcconil  Htennilinal  Unit  ' 
cvi'r  mn  liclwrtn  lliouc  porln. 

In  1H17,  Wf  iiiny  ilnir  tho  i;inrrnl  imriiiliirtiim 
nf  Hli'iiinlionlH  on  ihn  Ohiii  nnil  iMii<iiiMi|ipi  rivcra. 
In  IH'JIi  the  nnmhcr  iin  Ihtnc  rivcrx  nuKuinlod  In    ' 
thirty-lhixT,     They  now  iininhi  r  upwi'rdii  nf  itix    ' 
hunilrcdnn  the  wnlVia  of  th«  Wost  nnd  Son  I  li  went; 
Ihi^  lonnngt'  of  whirh  cxwpds  IIUt.iNHI,  iind  whose  ' 
vnlnn  doia  not  fall  short  of  <tP.MHIU,(HIU. 

The  Hnrplns  producia  of  the  western  rfliUea,  in 
IHn.nninunled  to  very  little;  now,  Ohio,  of  ilKelf, 
cnii  export,  at\cr  Riipplyini;  all  the  denMndx  of  its 
own  citizenH,  ennii^'li  of  lirnuUtnON  nnd  nieiilN  to 
feed  a  million  nnd  n  half  of  peonle. 

The  millions  thnt  arc  Nhipped  to  nnd  from  Pitts- 
Imr;;,  Wheeling,  Cinrinnali,  Lnnisville,  St.  Lonic,  I 
Nashville,  VieliKlnns;,  Nalcliez,  New  Orleans,  and  ! 
the  hnndreds  of  other  |>l>i'eH  on  the  twelve  llimi- 
sand  miles  of  shores  of  these  rivers,  nil  };o  to  swell 
this  nstonisliin^^  amount  of  trade  nnd  eonnneree. 

And  nil  aeetions  of  the  Union  are  interested 
directly  in  this  eomnnTcn  The  manufacluresand 
merchandise  of  the  Kasl;  the  su;;nr,  riee,  eollon, 
nnd  tohneeo,  of  the  Sontli,  as  well  as  our  |)niiluels 
of  the  West,  lliiat  on  thrsi  wnlers,  and  demand  at 
onr  hnndsHome  jiroteelion  against  the  hidiirn  dan- 
gers thnt  make  llieir  navijnlion  so  )ierilons. 

That  this  trade  is  not  insi:;nifKant  or  nnwcnthy 
of  re<;nrd,  is  evident  from  the  rivalry  exiiiliiied  liy 
the  prineipal  cities  of  the  Union  to  sernre  it.  The 
expending  of  millions  liy  these  cities  in  the  eim- 
sirnclion  of  rnilrnads  and  other  eomniiniicnlions 
lendini;  to  the  sjrent  valley  of. the  West,  is  stroni; 
evidence  thnt  the  trade  and  cnslnm  of  the  Wi'sl  are 
oljjecis  to  he  secured  at  alninsl  any  price.  They 
know  that  this  trade  nnd  custom  enntrilinle  lnr;;ely 
to  nnininic  nnd  enliven  their  hnrhora,  and  cive 
activity  to  the  Inisiness  in  their  slorehonses  nnd  in 
their  streets.  This  cannot  he  otherwise,  when  il 
is  considered  thnt  the  valley  of  the  Mi.sHi.ssippi 
contains  at  this  time  n  population  miiulierine;  near- 
ly one-half  thnt  of  the  whole  Union,  with  the  rich- 
est nnd  most  fertile  soil,  and  inexhanstilile  mineral 
resources,  for  the  employment  of  this  pnpulnlion. 

I  would  respect(\dly  ask,  in  ccnisiderntion  of  all 
these  ihinjs,  whether  this  already  {jrent  and  yenr- 
ly-increnainir  commerce  dors  not  merit  ihe  atteu-   i 
lion  of  Consrcss  as  well  as  ihut  which   lluats  on  I 
the  hi!;h  sens.'  li 

We  huild,  at  the  expense  of  the  I'nion,  on  the  II 
Allnntic  senbonrd,  licihi-hoHses  to  wnrn  vessels  of 
hidden  dnnsrers,  nnd  to  direct  them  into  the  pi-oper 
chnnnels,  thnt  they  may  reach  their  desiincd  har- 
lior  in  .safety.  What  do  you  do  to  ^'uide  the  steam- 
boats  on  these  western  wntei-a  from  the  .ona..-s  that 
so  fearfully  olistruct  their  free  navi-'aiion,  and  are 
so  perilous  to  life  and  property?  Instead  oferect- 
inj  nnd  keeping;  up  liL'hls,  or  plai'inj;  latoys  near 
these  snngs,  \vc  nsk  for  the  construction  of  n  few 
strone  Imnts  for  their  entire  removni.  Ami  will  it 
\<e  seriously  insisted,  that  we  can  build  these  liirht- 
htatses  on  the  Atlantic  seaboard,  for  the  protection 
of  the  lives  nnd  property  of  tlios(^en2a!reil  in  travel 
or  commerce  on  Ihe  hiijh  sens,  or  in  the  eonsliiej; 
tmdc,  and  thnt  we  have  no  constitutional  power  to 
remove  from  these  greal  channels  of  Irnvel  and 
commerce,  carved  out  by  the  same  Almii;lity  hand  i 
that  made  the  sens,  Ihe  obstructions  that  render  the  ; 
lives  and  property  of  those  enjai'ed  in  their  navi-  * 
gation  so  dnnjerona.  I  should  hope  not.  Such  a 
course  would  savor  more,  in  my  judgment,  of  sec- 
tional feelini;  than  a  proper  consirnctioii  nfthe  Pon- 
slllutinn, 

A  shipwreck  is  a  horrible  thin?;  and  when  they 
occur  on  the  ccacoa.st,  ihrniijjh  the  nejleci  of  the 
G':neral  Governmfiit,  in  not  having  provided  the 
necessary  precautions  for  safety,  every  monih  is 
opened  to  censure  Governmeiil  for  its  ni'i;li(t,  and 
to  call  upon  it  to  make  provision  acrainst  such  ca- 
lamities in  fuHirc.  On  the  western  waters,  we  lose 
some  twenty,  thirty,  or  forty  steamboats  nnnnally 
by  .snags,  involving,  besides  the  (le.-.t ruction  of  a 
large  amount  of  property,  the  loss  of  hundreds  of 
valuable  lives.  Vet,  when  we  open  our  months  to 
censure,  anil  to  call  upon  Governnieiit  to  provide 
against  such  calamities  in  future,  we  are  told  there 
is  no  warrant  in  the  Constitution  to  authorize  Con- 
gress to  attend  to  ymir  c.ise;  that  it  is  limited  in 
this  particular  to  those  wnierS  where  the  tide  ebiis 
and  flows,  if  this  be  true,  all  I  can  .-Jay  is,  that  il 
is  n  very  unfiir  and  partial  f'oiisiiiulion. 


nut  it  is  anid,  if  wc  appropriate  millions  for  the  i 
protection  of  comnieirc  on  ihe  high  sena,  il  is  no 
more  tlinn  just.  For  as  we  lax  commerce — Ihi  [ 
most  of  luir  revenue  b«  tag  deriveil  from  dnlies  on 
imports — we  ahonld  protect  it.  This  may  be  true 
to  n  certain  extent.  That  cmumerce  Is  pnrlially 
taxed  to  rniae  this  revi  line,  I  nilniit;  but  the  great 
body  of  this  tax  is  finally  paid  by  the  consumer;  ' 
nnd  the  now  nearly  ten  millions  of  iuhabitnnis  of 
the  great  valley  of  the  West  pay  their  full  propor- 
tion of  this  tax.  To  this  they  do  not  object,  if  you 
do  not  n\isc  more  than  is  necessary  f(U- ihe  support 
of  Governminl,  eeimoniically  ailministered;  and 
provided,  alao,  that  in  making  proper  appropria- 
linnH  to  protect  our  commerce  on  the  ocean  and  lui 
our  seaboard,  you  have  a  proper  estimate  of  ihe 
prolection  that  the  eoninieice  of  the  West  and 
Southwest  reonire,  and  that  you  extend  to  it  that 
protection.     'Ihis  is  what  we  shall  look  for. 

Hut  it  hna  been  aaid*lhat  noliody  can  see  any 
good  that  has  rcsulled  from  the  millions  already 
appropriated  for  the  iinprnvemeiil  of  ihese  rivers;  I 
that  till!  obstructions  seem  to  be  as  numerous  now  ' 
as  years  ago;  nnd  many  ask,  when  will  this  yearly 
demand  on  the  treasury  cease? 

It  is  true,  that  such  is  the  nature  of  the  soil  , 
ailj.icenl  to  these  rivers,  that  these  snags  will  con- 
Inlue  to  exist  to  a  grealer  or  less  exli  nl,  until  the 
timber  shall  have  been  cleared  from  the  banks  of 
Ihe  rivers.     I'm  by  proper  management,  under  the  i 
aid  of  the  General  GovernmenI,  these  snags  can  | 
be  kept  from  nrcumulaling,  and,  in  fact,  be  kept 
eiilirtly  out  of  the  streams.     The  snag-boats  have 
hceii  of  immeii.se  service.     And   though  it  might  ; 
be  supposed  becan.se  new  snags  make  their  appear^ 
nnce  every  year,  or  every  month,  the  appropria- 
tions tliat  have  been  made  have  done  no  good;  yet 
v.hen  we  rellect  how  very  dangerous  the  naviga- 
tion of  these  rivers  would  now  be  but  for  what  li«s 
been  done  by  the  snag-boats,  we  shall  be  satisfied 
that  the  beneficial   rcsnlls  nie  to  be  seen  not  only  ■ 
in  the  rivers,  but  particularly  in  the  improved  con-  . 
dition  and  rapid  selllcineiit  of  the  western  country. 
Tacilily   and    rapidity   of  travel,  and    exemption 
from  danger,  have  induced  ihonsanils  to  setile  in 
Ihe  West,  who,   but   for   the  removal  of  obstrnc- 
lions,  would  probnbly  not  have  gone  there  at  all. 

There  are  gmve  considerations  of  public  policy 
thnt  should  induce  Congress  In  improve  the  navi- 
gntion  of  these  rivers,  so  that  at  all  times  there  may 
be  as  few  ohstrnctioiis  as  possible  to  transportation 
and  travel  upon  them. 

In  case  of  a  war  with  a  foreign  Power,  nearly 
the  whole  of  the  coasting  Ir.'ile  now  carried  on  , 
between  the  Atlantic  seaboard  and    the  Gulf  of, 
Mexico,  and  New  Orleans,  would  be  com)iellrd  to 
seek  a  passage  over  lliise  great  highwnys  of  the  I 
West,  to  avoid  the  risk  of  capture  liy  the  enemy,  I 
And  the  public  arms,  stores,  and  muiiiliopsof  war, 
necessary  to  be   transported    between  the  same  , 
points,  would  .seek  the  same  channels,  on  account 
of  their  greater  safety,     licsides,  Pitt.slairg,  Ciii-  I 
cinnati,  and  Memphis,  would  he  safe  places  for  the  ' 
building  of  vesscls-of-wnr,  and  the  making  ofarms; 
so  that  the  interests  of  Goveninient   reipiire  that 
[  these  rivers  should  always  be  kept   iu  good   navi-  j 
I  gable  order,  by  the  removal  of  all  olisiruclions  out  i 
of  ihcm,  as  a  memis  of  |iuiilic  ileCcnce.  I 

Another  cnnsiderntiim  why  the  Govermncnt 
should  keep  the  snags  anil  other  ob.stnictions  out 
of  these  rivers  relates  to  the  | public  lands.  The 
Government  owns  millions  of  acns  of  public  lands 
yet  unoccupied  in  the  West.  Whatever  lends  to 
facilitate  the  travel  on  these  great  common  high- 
ways of  the  West,  and  render  their  navigation  safe, 
will  encounige  eniigratimi;  and  llioiigh  your  lands 
may  not  sell  for  more  per  acre  th.iii  heretofore,  yet 
there  will  he  more  purchasers  for  actual  settlement; 
and  the  beneficial  results  will  be  seen  in  the  rapid 
setllcmcniof  ihecouniry  by  inilnsirions  cultivators 
of  the  soil.  Had  it  not  been  for  tlie  steamboat,  nnd 
the  removing  nf  obstructions  from  these  great  chim- 
nels  of  travel  and  coniniene  by  the  Geneml  Gov- 
ernment, the  western  eountry  would  not  at  this  I 
lime  present  to  the  eye  the  glorious  prospect  thnt  ■ 
it  does. 

Tlifi  principal  obstruction  in  the  Oliio  river  are  '. 
the  fnlls at  Louisville.     The  characterof  these  falls 
I  need   not  describe.     I  suppose  that  is  known  to  : 
every  member.     To  avoid  the  danger  of  going  over 
the.se  falls,  nnd  to  insurcuit  all  seasons  of  the  year  i 
a  connnnnication  by  boats  aliove  and  below  them,  ' 


nennni  wnaaome  years  nmi  constructed  on  the  Ken- 
tucky Nide,calledtlier.ouisvilleand  Portland  canal, 
nboiit  two  and  a  half  miles  in  length,  exleniling 
from  the  head  to  the  fool  of  the  falls.  This  canal 
is  owiiid  by  indiiiiluals  and  by  the  General  (biv- 
ermnenl;  nnd  llin  bill  before  us  proposes  to  pur- 
chase by  the  GovernmenI  the  interest  of  the  iiiili- 
vidnni  HlnckholderN  in  this  canal,  so  as  to  vest  the 
entire  ownership  lliereof  in  the  General  (iovern- 
nient.  Ilefore  remarking  particularly  upon  this 
part  nf  Ihe  bill,  I  wish  to  present  ii  few  facta,  in 
show  Ihe  magnitude  of  Ihis  obsirnilion  to  the  frvn 
iinvigalion  of  this  river,  and  the  enorinous  (nx  it 
levies  annually  from  the  people  of  the  West. 

These  may  be  galliered,  (irsi,  from  the  nmonnt 
of  tolls  collected  by  the  canal  company  since  the 
eoiuplellon  of  the  canal  in  IKII.  I  will  refer  to  Ihe 
amount  received  by  the  (ieneral  Government  as  its 
share  up  to  1H4'J,  which  will  be  a  criterion  to  judge 
the  whole  by.  The  General  Govevmneiil  paid  in 
cash  for  its  subscriplion  to  Ihe  stock  if  ihis  eaiinl, 
1(9,');i,,'ilHI.  Il  has  received  for  its  share  of  lolls  up 
to  IH4:.',  fia,'')7,77H,  being  f'J,'),7a'J  more  than  Ihn 
original  amount  subsiribeil.  .Since  IHIU,  Ihe  tolls 
belonging  lo  ilie  Cioverntnent  have,  by  an  net  of 
the  Kentucky  I.etrislature — with  what  right  or  jus- 
tice I  will  not  now  .<ay — been  naiil  over  lo  the  indi- 
vidual stockholders,  to  sink  llieir  slock  at  the  rale 
of  about  $l,')ll  per  share;  and  in  ihis  way  about 
twenty-five  hmiilred  shares  belonging  to  liidividnal 
siockholders  have  been  sunk. 

They  may  he  gathered,  in  the  second  place,  from 
the  tolls  paid  by  a  sleamlioat  of  two  hnnilreil  and 
fitly  Ions,  for  passing  through  this  canal  in  llio 
lifetime  of  the  boat,  which,  ini  our  wislern  waters, 
iiverages  aboal  five  years.  These  tolls  in  thai  tinie 
will  amount  to  a  sum  eipial  lo  the  original  cost  of 
the  boat.  This  has  been  osccrtnincd  from  sad  ex- 
perience 

And,  thirdly,  from  Ihe  price  thrtt  the  stock  of 
this  cnnnl  would  now  bring  in  the  market,  had  the 
purchasers  n  suficient  guaranty  that  lliii  General 
Government  would  do  nothing  lo  improve  ihe  navi- 
/atioii  over  these  fiills.  The  slock  would  sell  for 
^iJIM)  per  share,  the  original  cost  being  <*!""  |"'i' 
share.  .And  the  slock  owned  by  the  (ioveriinient 
would  sell  for  tii, 0(1(1,(10(1,  as  slated  by  the  gentle- 
man from  Kentucky,  [Mr.  Tiiomaiion,)  although 
it  cost  tlie(Jovernmeiii  but  j!\ii.Tt,.')(IO. 

These  items  are  sidlicient  of  tliemsi  Ives,  without 
adverting  to  others,  lo  show  the  magnitude  of  ihi^ 
ohstrnction  to  the  navigation  of  the  Ohio,  anil  Ihn 
enormous  tax  it  iiunnnlly  levies  olf  the  people  of 
the  West. 

I  will  nowapiieal  to  geiii\  uien  lo  bring  this  cnsn 
home  to  themselves.  Suppose  such  an  obslriiciioii 
ns  these  fnlls  should  exist  nl  Ihe  entrance  into  the 
liay  of  Mobile,  or  the  harbor  of  Cliarli  stun,  or  any 
other  main  harbor  on  the  .\llantic  seaboard,  what 
would  the  genllemau  say  who  represcnis  Ihe  Mo- 
bile district,  and  who  will  priibid>ly  follow  me  ii> 
this  debntf  ?  What  would  the  gentleman  say  who 
rcpn~sents  the  Charleston  district?  What  would 
nny  gentleman  say  who  represents  n  district  on  the 
Allanlic  in  which  is  a  food  liarlior?  What  would 
'  they  .say  lo  n  proposition  to  remove  such  nn  ob- 
Hiruelion  by  the  (icnerni  GovernmenI?  Wnnlil 
'  either  of  them  say  that  Congress  had  no  power  to 
I  make  an  appropriation  for  such  an  object  ?  Or,  if 
it  lind  the  power,  that  it  would  be  ini|iropi  r  In  ex- 
ercis''it?  I  suppose  neither;  but  rather  thnt  the. 
geiitlemnn  represenliiic  the  district  in  which  such 
an  obstruction  exisleil  would  use  his  nliiidst  en- 
deavors lo  have  the  same  removed  as  speedily  as 
possible  by  the  General  (iovernmenl.  To  such  I 
only  wish  to  say,  do  unto  others  as  you  would  wish 
lo  be  done  by. 

The  (puslion  thnt  presents  itself,  nfler  (he  con- 
sideration of  these  things,  is,  what  is  the  best  plan 
for  removiiiL'  or  avoiding  this  ohstruelion  ? 

The  bill  before  us  eontemphiles  the  purchase  of 
Ihis  cnnnl.  The  objections  to  this  canal  are,  thai 
'  it  is  not  deep  enough,  nor  wide  enough,  anil  that 
the  locks  are  loo  small.  Iloals  are  not  only  iiijnreil 
in  going  lliroiigh,  Iml  il  lakes  llieni  some  hours  li> 
go  through.  There  is  a'so  great  danger  in  a  boat 
leaving  the  lower  end  of  the  canal  and  going  into 
the  river,  on  account  of  an  island  Just  below  the 
i  lower  termination  of  the  canal. 

To  remedy  these  defects,  it  is  proposed  to  pur- 
chase Ihe  inilividnal  stock  of  lliis  canal  at  idxuit 
'  ftl, (100,(100,  and  ilieii  widening  and  deepening  Ihe 


t 


•i 


ileli'. 

•  1,'X' 


1840.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  CONGRKSSIONAL  GI.onK. 


483 


39th  Cono Iht  Sr.»n, 


« 


lliia  riiiirxe  lire,  that  it  will  Uik^  two  oi-  tliivc  yenm 
to  dilnri;"   tlio  I'liml,  an   prcipciwd,  diirin:^  which 
timii  the  navigation  will  \iv  miii|><-ni|((|;  niiil  llml  if  j 
I'nlarj^il  in  tlip  Miic mi'_'v<'KtPil  liy  ('ii|itiiin  (!niin,  mi  i 
liJH  rcpiirt  of  |H{i,  it  will  hIIII  hr  inHihM|nali'  In  ihc  ' 
«'xi?ciicii'«(if  llicrnmniiTrpiiiiil  Imvrl  on  lliiit  riviT; , 
till'  trnvi'l  ni)il  iMiiiiinf  n'n  iiKTcniiiii!;  Nn  rnpiilly,  tliiil 
III  II  few  yearn  niif  imnil  will  iinl  1"'  HulRcivnt  to 
pdRff  Ihn  liniilH  wtiiliii;:;  In  sn    (lirnm;hi  without 
niinnim  dciay.    Ainithiriilijiriidn  iii,iliiitn  chiMi|HT 
unil  fur  IwltiT  liliiM  ran  lie  lutnpleil,  which  wonlil 
he  to  Imild  n  tliim  lu'iir  llio  fuot  u(  the  fiillM,  with 
iwn  Hem  iif  Icickn- 

("iipiniii  ("nun,  in  hiM  rpiinrt,  rcfern  to  n  |il«n  of 
innl<iiii,'  II  diiin  over  lh<"  ImIIn,  jimt  uliiivn  (JniiHc 
l«liinil,  wilh  Inikn  iindii  Inn;;  sluice  thnmKh  Odimc 
Jsliiitd,  iind  cxicndini;  Iwlnw  Rock  Islwiid.  TIk- 
I'oHt  of  thin  d  ini  wilh  InckH,  ncrordin);  to  the  vku- 
iiiiilR  of  (.'miiiiin  C'l'iiin,  wiiulil  lin  pll.l.lUH.  lint 
III  iiiiikc  II  ilnm  lit  this  pniiil,  it  would  lie  iiecesNiiry 
to  liiivr  II  lonu  sluice,  wliicli  in  eBlimnlcd  to  loi-i 
$;Hil,r>7!>.     C^iiplniii  Crnm  siiyn  of  tlii»  plini: 

"TliiH  iDcihnil  nf  iii))ir(ii>'iiiciii  ii.  111  lint  iii'W,  Die  most 
Icinptlnii  i>r  nil.    Th nipiinitivfty  Hiiiall  fKllKKilc  nf  IN 

|trnll(ll(li>  COKt,  the  llllllll'rilllhi  cxtllliplctl  Itl'HIKTrrir^I'lll  illiprovc- 

iiH'iil  lliiH  far  liv  lix-k^  ami  ,t-iiiii4  iipiiii  Hip  Ki-iililrky  aliil 
tirccii  l-lMTK,  lir«>  ri'cniifii)i'iiil;i|iniiri  ill  I'llVHr  iil'  tlH^i  lutllinil 
(II  lill[intMny  til)-  lalh  nl' die  Otii'i,  Hut  the  IWII  lir-nl<  i)l 
4lcr<'(-ti4  ol'  iIkim!  iiiipriu'i'iiiPiilH  tiavp  nut  yet  liail  lime  I'ltr 
iji-vclopiiii'iil. 

*'  Tlic  nti|r,'iiiuiH  to  Ijic  I'liiirf  H  hnvc  iilrcnily  hecii  1.I11I1  il, 
1H  u'cll  a-)  il-' ailvAiitnKi-'  lor  ki'i-iiln|t  il>cir  clear  iil"  nil  iti - 
|ki-lti'rt,  aiiil  iircit  niti  til'  rcpriitcil.  'I'tic  iMiJcrlinii^  !<i  llii- 
it. Ill]  arc  Kiniim;  l^it.  AlthiiiiiiJi  ever  pd  Ktniiitfly  liitill,  it 
U'oiilil  lie  lialilc  III  injury  iViiiu  li-e  iiial  tjrill  llonil.  'Jil,  Il 
%Miiil(l  lie  nil  (iJMliicle  l«i  Hie  natural  iiavlvntion  iif  llie  t'allM, 
in  the  nr.>t  mill  ttiinl  pcriiiil-'  iiientiniicd  in  anoltif  r  pari  nf 
tlie  repiiil,  nild  nl  tilllcK  111  llliHC  pcriiiilK  wiieti  tile  liirl(4 
(■iilllil  mil  lie  ll-eil  ciinvi'iiirnlty,  lieili'i  Piilirely  nlihinlrrueil; 
then  there  wtiuld  he  a  llaliilily  III' all  liavlniitinn  In'ln^  ^Inp 
peil  fiir  a  I111IP.  .'Id.  It  iiiiiio  't^:ln^'Ver!*cly  acniM  the  t«tre.ini, 
wnitlil  i-lieck  Ih'c  Htispenrteil  i<ilt  anil  (Ififl  matter  that  tinK 
linen  I'lloKll  til  puH  iivfr  llie  Talis  In  sileli  iniliieiti'e  qiiailli 
lie.i;  »i>  tliat  in  a  few  ycnrti,  liie  liariiiir  nf  Kniiirtville  ivniild 
priiliaiily  he  »ii  riniinly  iiijiireil,  if  nut  entirely  flileil  witli  n 
(lepimlte  iiriniiil.  inle'riniveil  ivilh  lirurih,  InSK,  treey,  810.  Ill 
like  nianner  iniuiit  ive  expeet  tile  lantllim  at  Jeireritonville, 
on  tlic  Iniiiami  >iile,  XMnilil  he  i>eri''i|.^ly  injured.  41)1.  Ttie 
tuck*  winilil  nut  he  nl'  any  eaacr  aceertM  llmii  tlione  of  Hie 
nlliei  inetliiiil!'. 

'•Prom  liip  aiialyHiM  of  Hie  lierect*  of  nil  Hie  niethnili*  nf 
mipnivinv  llie  iiali'iral  lieil,  I  aai  tiirccil  to  the  npiniiiii,  thiit 
niiy  wolk  ciimiiai  wilhili  any  lea^iiuahh;  cii.-t  woul'l  he 
foiiml  aiiniMt  nucleus  in  a  few  yearn,  fniin  injnricH,  itcpoH- 
lies  (ti'iniiil,  mill  heiii:;  eiinked  ivitil  dril't  wonit,  or  else  >neii 
an  iiiiliicnse  e\peni«  wolliil  iiave  to  he  iiieurrcrt  at  every 
rise  of  water,  to  clear  III"  \vin:k>i  fnini  11ie..ie  eviln,  that  the 
loli.H  iviinlil  hear  iienvily  tinoii  the  irinle.  Anaiii:  the  riw- 
litily  mill  repair**  of  a  work  in  the  lieil  nf  the  river  wiatld 
lie  vasHv  more  cxpeiiiiive  Iltan  if  CMiistriieted  nrnnnil  tlii 
tall.-*,  anil  there  wonhl  he  timrn  when  hnata  winilil  tie  il 


Ilarhort  nnil  Hirers — Mr.  H'inthrop, 

on  these  dnrnn,  and  the  rcmill  has  nerved  to  enn- 
firm  the  snrecaii  nntir.ipnlcd  from  mich  improve- 
nirnln. 

I  'voiild  not  ndvoente  the  ennntriiiiion  nf  i\  d«m 
nnywliere  neiir  tlieao  fallM,  if  the  elfect  of  xiirh  11 
diim  would  lie  to  dralroy  the  harlmr  nl  LoiiiMville 
or  JeffernonviHe,  nH  aii^'semed  liy  <'npiiiin  ("ram, 
Thai  nilch  would  lie  the  eircel  nf  11  dam  on  lliese 
hnrlinrs,  ha«  lieen  denied.  It  IiiIh  lieen  nlHrmed 
that  its  elTcei  wniild  lie  to  deepen  llie  harlmr  at 
l.oui.^ville  at  thofle  nriifion^  of  the  year  when  depth 
of  wnteria  Hodeainilile,and  alniher  'inieH,  when  ilie 
river  In  hiffh,  the  current  over  the  dam  wmi'd  carry 
the  nilt  down  the  river,  as  well  iw  il  Ih  now  curried 
down.  1  am  not,  however,  laiUleiciilly  actpiuinted 
wilh  ihese  mnltuiH,  to  speak  wilh  much  confidence 
renpeetins;  liiem.  Aside  friiin  llii..i  nlijeclion  nf  in 
jury  to  the  l.oniMville  hnrlior,  which  nniv  <#  may 
not  he  vihtl,  I  am  decidedly  of  opinion  that  a  dam 
•onslrncieil  near  the  fnot  of  the  fniin  wnuld  cnni. 
liine  ninre  ailvantaffea  and  lie  liaUle  In  fewer  ohjec- 
tiiin.<  than  any  nllier  Kind  of  improvement  llial 
eniild  he  made' at  these  falls,  to  lunid  llin  oli.xlruc- 
tinn  they  presenl  to  the  free  navi';alinn  of  the  Ohio 
river 

My  nnly  wish  in  thin  inntler,  is,  that  thnt  plan 
will  lie  adopted,  which  will  pmdiiee  the  must  per- 
manent cnod  In  the  navi'.'ation  of  lliis  river,  anil, 
nt  the  same  time,  do  the  least  in'iiiry  In  ihe  iiidi- 
vidiial  slockliolilers  in  \\w.  Louisville  eaiial,  and 
the  owners  nf  wharf  pioperly  at  ihal  city. 


Ho.  or  Mv.vt, 


'il  fur  ilayrt  liefnre  llie  gates  ciiillil  he  opi-iied  to  allo'V  of  H 
llie  paxjia-ie.  1 

"'riie  risk  In  contraetors.  in  tlie  process  of  coiistriietin!;  \\ 
the  work,  woiiNI  tie  iiniiiense.  It  wnnlil  he  ini|iossihti-  to  i 
calcclate  tilts  1  ish  heforeliaiHl ;  nial  it  is  this  risk  that  iiiiillit  ! 
cause  tin-  ealciilatinna  wliicli  I  have  niaile  of  the  rust  of 
ttiesi-  works  til  fall  tiir  slinrl  of  Itie  reality  in  praetiee,  not- ! ! 
wittistanitins  ttie  utliiont  pains  have  hcen  taken  to  arrive  at  |. 
lair  estimates."  ' 

Why  f;u[)l«iii  Cram  .should  have  selected  thisj. 
particular  spot  for  the  location  of  a  ilant,  that  to;i 
inakc  it  nf  any  use  at  all,  would  retiuive  11  sluice  or  :i 
rnnnl  Idrt  feel  wide  and  4,4 IH  feet  lon«;,  and  eosl- 
in^  more  than  the  dam  and   its  locks  toe;cllier,  iii 
mnie  than  1  can  account  for.     He  IkiK  not  p;iven 
IIS  any  reasniis  why  he  ehnse  this  particular  spot. 
1  must  think   that  the  jilace  selected  wa.s  not  tlieii 
hest  that  cniild  have  hcen  selected  to   makccalcu-!! 
lations  and  nliservations  as  to  ihc  cost  of  a  dam, 
its  eir<'c'-  on  the  navi^'alioii,  or  ujion  the  luuhors  ut 
/..ouisville  and  Jcirei-sonville. 

I  am  strongly  of  the  opinion,  from  ronveniatiniis 
wilh  coiii|KMeui  etifriueers,  that  a  dam  ean  Is;  liiiilt  I 
just  iihove  the  lower  termination  nf  the  canal,  that  ij 
will  iivoul  most,  if  not  all,  nf  C'aptain  C"ram*s  nli- ,; 
jections  to  a  dam  hudt  at  the  place  designated  hy  ji 
iiim  in  his  report. 

Allow-ill!;  tlie  highest  estimate,  it  would  not  cost  |l 
— ilam  and  a  douhle  set  of  locks— *5U0,(H)fl.  It; 
would  i-eqiiire  110  .-sluice.  Hnals  could  pass  up  or: 
down  in  thirty  minutes  time,  at  all  seasons  or  the 
year,  when  the  river  is  at  all  navisalile.  The  cost  1 
of  repair  would  lie  trillint,',  and  little  silt  would  10- 1; 
main  in  the  locks  from  the  force  of  the  cunent' 
passing  lhroiii;li  them.  h 

BchIiIcs,  I  think  that  the  full  merits  of  this  kind  i 
of  improvements  across  larii;e  streams  have  liei'n  ■ 
niiiply  lested  n|ion  the  Kentucky  and  Green  rivers.  ! 
Since  Captain  Cram  made  his  report,  Ihiee  spring  ' 
freshets,  wiili  their  ice  aiiil  ilrill  wood,  h.ive  acted 


UlVI'.tlS  AND  HAUnoRS. 
SPEECH  OF  RIrTu.  C.  WINTIIROP, ! 

OF   MASSACHUSETTS, 
In  the  IloUSF.  OF  Rt.PllEIEN-r.VTlVKS, 

March  Vi,  1840. 
The  HouBO  bcins  in  (.Innimiin-e  of  the  Whole  on 
the  Btnl«  of  the  Union,  and  liaviii'j;  iindet  consid- 
eration n  Hill  iniikin!;  appropriations  fur  the  im- 
provement nf  cerlain  Rivers  and  Harbors —  j 
Mr.  WINTIIIlOP.'^nid: 

I  am  skill  nf  nn  opportunity,  Mr.  Chairman,  to 
five  snmetliins;  more  than  a  silent  vole  in  favnr  nf 
the  hill  nnw  unili-rconsideralion.     I  know  nnt  how  | 
it  may  he  with  others,  luit  to  me  il  w  not  a  little 
refreahinsT,  to  find  this  House  once  more  ensajed 
in  the  discussion  of  measures,  which  look  In  the  I 
immediate  interests  of  niir  ow«  country,  williin  its  i 
rii;lilfiil  and   recognised  limils.     'We  have  heon  so  \ 
much  occupied  of  late  wilh  (picstioiis  of  foreign  re-  i 
iatinns — wilh    matters   pertaining;    to    recent   and  1 
remote  ncipiisiiions,  or  distant  and  disputed  terri-  | 
tnries — that  we  have  liccn  in  danger  of  for^'Otlinj);  > 
the  old  and  ample  homeslcad  whnh  nur  fathers 
iierpieathcd  tn  us.     The  aslniloser,  in  the  falile,  is  , 
said  to  have  s;azed  so  intently  at  the  Btars,  that  he  ' 
slumliled  into  the  well.     And  we,  too,  have  kept  , 
nur  eyes  so  excliidively  on  the  sister  stars,  as  they  ! 
have  liwn  termed — the  (irin  tomeh,  let  me  rather 
call  them,  which  are  s\veepin;thrini2;h  nuriioliticiil  , 
sky,  in  mnrvellniis  cnincideiico  with  llinse  which  ; 
are,  at  this  moment,  shooiinij  across  the  heavens 
ahovc  us,  and  which  would  seem  to  he,  even  nnw, 
according  tn  the  ohl  superelition,  "  shaking  from 
their  liorrid  hair  peslileiice  and   war" — that  the 
nearer  and  dearer  interests  of  the  people  have  been 
idmost  abandoned  to  their  fale. 

I  rejoice,  sir,  that  we  have  at  last  found  n  mnment 
fnr  withdi-awiii!;  nur  eyes  from  Oregon  and  Tex.is, 
and  fixinjjtheni  upon  nur  own  domestic  condition. 
I  rejoice,  in  the  contemplation  of  n  bill  providini;, 
not  for  the  external  an;i;randi?,ement,  but  for  the 
internal  improvement,  of  our  country.  I  trust  that 
no  one  will  be  afraid  of  the  name — iiifi-niuf  iiinii-orc- 
ment.  It  is  a  name,  it  is  a  tliiiiL',  which  ouijht  to 
rally  to  its  support  every  real  friend  of  the  Repub- 
lic. In  every  view  which  can  be  taken  of  the  true 
interest  of  the  Republic,  this  bill,  and  bills  like  this, 
must  he  re.itnrded  as  of  no  other  than  lirstrate  im- 
portance. To  our  commerce,  to  our  agriculture, 
to  our  manufactures,  (if,  indeed,  this  nation  is 
lienceforth,  under  the  ruthless  policy  of  the  present 
Administration,  tn  have  any  manufactures  of  its 
own,) — to  all  our  mnierinl  and  to  all  our  moral  in- 
terests, to  our  prosiicrity  in  (wacc  and  to  our  pro- 
tection in  war,  to  tlie  preservation  of  our  political 
union,  and  to  the  |)i'omotion  of  that  mnre  substan- 
tial union,  wlmso  best  and  most  binding  cement 


must  lie  derived  from  mutual  intrrcniirm'  i\»i  re- 
ciprocal inleichan.'es— to  all,  alike  and  eipinlly, 
the  policy  of  which  this  iiirasiirc  is  a  praciiciil  illiis- 
iralion,  will  lead  the  must  eirectiieriicoufii;;emcnl 
and  aid. 

Sir,  it  wnuld  be  a  waste  of  word"  In  enter  iinnn 
any  detailed  aiiiplifieatioii  nf  these  ideas.  No- 
I  body  deniei  their  alistraet  justness.  Kvcry  one 
will  readily  coni-nr  willi  niu  in  the  pnsilinn,  that 
lioiliin:;  In  ealculatrd  to  rmiducr  more  to  the  gene- 
ral prosperity  and  welfare  of  our  coiiiilry  than  llio 
imprn-.'  iiieiit  nf  ilslaiid-mursehand  water-cnuises, 
and  the  iiiercuscd  facilil  ilinii  of  all  its  ways  and 
means  of  pi-r.sonal  and  cnminciiial  iiiu-reoinnui- 
iiicalinn. 

Vet  ihi'.i  bill  meets  with  opposilimi;  witii  Ihe 
slerncNl  and  most  sin  iiiinus  iippiiKitinii  from  some 
i|onrlcrs  of  the  House,  It  i.s  bra.ided  wilh  all 
snrts  nf  repi-oai-hful  and  ignniniuions  coilhels.  It 
is  styled  a  mcnuurc  of  pndligacy  and  plunder.  It 
iiide'nnunccil  as  anti-icpublican  and  uiicoiiaiiliitioii- 
III,  Its  friends  are  reproncliwl  with  rcHorting  to  u 
disgraei-fiil  system  nf /eu'-ni/'inff;  ad  a  special  rule 
even  liiia  been  Huinmarily  adnpted,  under  the  lead 
of  tin?  eueinies  of  the  bill,  fnr  the  purpnse  nf  de- 
'  ("eating  it  in  ileliiil,  and  of  lirenkiiig  up  what  has 
been  stigmilixed  as  tin  currupt  cnmliiiuilinn  of  ilH 
fiieiKls, 

i  desire  tn  vindicate  tlie  bill  from  Bomo  of  these 
aspersions,  I  ilcsin-  In  take  issue  nn  one  or  two 
of  the  most  plausible  :;rnuudson  which  it  has  been 
thus  rudely  and  bitterly  assailed,  and  upon  one  or 
two  of  the  artful  sugircNliniis  which  arc  likely  to 
prove  the  causes  of  its  failure,  if  fail  it  ultimately 
shall.  .       ,.        . 

I  begin  Willi  the  alleged  unconstilutionaluy  of 
the  measure.  I  have  im  |)iirpnsi-,  Imwever,  of  en 
tering  upon  this  part  of  the  sulijcct  at  any  great 
leiiL'th,  or  with  any  particular  elaborateness.  I 
decline  dning  sn  fnr  twn  rcasnns:  one,  that  1  could 
have  nn  hope  of  aililiiig  anything  new  to  the  eoii- 
stitutional  views  of  the  sulijuet  whiili  have  been 
presented  to  the  House  and'to  the  eoiinlry  a  thou- 
sand times  bel'iire;  lUc,  other,  that,  after  the  expe- 
rience we  have  recenily  had  nf  the  manner  in 
which  cnnstiintioual  impediments,  the  plainest  and 
most  palpable,  may  be  oveihinked  or  ovcrkaned 
nt  will,  constitnlioiial  arguments  .seem  tn  have  Inst 
their  whole  title  to  respect.  So  fur  as  _tlie  Coii- 
slitulinn  goes  in  esta'nlishing  a  frame  ol  tiovcrn- 
mcnl,  nnd  in  making  specific  provi.-iions  for  tho 
tenure  of  olTice  or  the  dislribu>ion  of  duties,  so  tar 
it  may  Siill  be  cited  as  an  instrument  of  precise 
import  and  established  aulliorily.  Rut  so  far  as 
it  leaves  anything'  for  iiilcrpreUitmn  and  conslnic- 
lion,  anything  for  argument,  implication,  or  infer- 
ence, it  hiis  become  "  a  charter  wide  withal  as  the 
wind,"  nnd  one  as  to  whose  meaning  the  wenllier- 
eocks  of  the  hour  are  the  only  trustworthy  guides.^ 
In  the  proceedings  wliiih  have  attended  the  final 
consumuiation  of  the  Texan  policy,  we  have  seen 
the  doctrine  established  beyond  revocation,  that 
the  immediate  will  of  the  people,  as  understood 
'and  expressed  by  the  Reprcscnlativts,  Senators, 
and  President  for  the  time  being— nay,  sir,  that 
itho  immediate  will  of  a  dominant  parly,  a-s  pro- 
'  claimed  at  the  eleventh  hour  of  some  Raltminre 
hconvcntinn— is,  Ac  fmtn,  the  Cnnslilutinn.  In 
Ij  other  words,  a  view  of  the  Cniistuutinn  has  been 
'}  adopted  and  practised  upon,  in  these  latter  days, 
far  more  latitudinariaii,  and  loagitmlinanan,  too, 
than  was  ever  dreamed  of  before;  and  that,  under 
the  immediate  auspices,  at  the  direct  instigalion, 
:  and  for  the  peculiar  interests,  of  tlni.sc  who  have 
been  accustomed  tn  plume  themselves  on  being 
strict  cnnstructiouislsonhcslraightest  sect. 

Rut  thou'i-h  the  day  fnr  elaborate  conslitmional 
ar<mment  seems  thus  to  have  been  brought  to  a 
close,  I  cannot  deny  myself  the  satisfaction  of  re- 
minding some  of  these  gentlemen,  who,  hav'.ne 
efl'ected  their  own  darling  design  by  an  uiimatched 
ouLstretching  of  power,  would  now  shrink  back 
i  a»-ain  within  the  shell  of  strict  construction— that 
''  the  hill  under  consideration  may  appeal  for  a  sanc- 
tion  to  its  cnnstilutioiiality,  b>  authority,  nnd  to 
example,  which  even  they  will  hardly  venture  to 

i  '\Ir.  Chairman,  there  has  been  not  a  little  dis- 
1  euasion,  for  some  days  past,  as  to  the  precise  pro- 
vision of  the  Constitution  under  which  this  bill 
!  may  be  iustifieil.  For  myself,  let  me  say,  that 
'  whenever  I  have  been  able  to  find  a  uniform 


iM 


Slh-ii  CoNo I»T  Se»». 


Al'PKIVDIX  TO  THK  CONfJURSSIONAI.  Gr,OHK. 

Hnrltort  niul  llivtri — Mr.  llinthrnp. 


iMiirrri  l«, 


lid.  <l»'   WVA'*, 


diiTcnl  of  i'Xnni|p|<'  niiiiiiiitf  llimiieh  "  l"n!T  wrif" 
ol'  ycnrx,  in  f/iviir  urilinrvi'irlun  of  niiy  |>ai'iii'ulnr 
powiT,  I  hnvi'  !ir\('r  1|miui;IiI  il  iiii|iiirlaiil  in  pcr- 
|ili-x  iiiv»ill'  ti">  ttr'lily  nil  lo  llii"  cxnil  i  Inii'ic  I'mm 
whii'li  i1ii'|iiiwi'r  wiiHiliTivi'il.  Vrl  li'iiiiM  mil  lull 
limni  Willi  iiiiimlinii  nnliniiry  jiliimiiri'  in  ihi' nlilc 
nrtfiimrnl  of  Ihr  Iinnnmltli*  nicinlirr  frnni  Miiry- 
liiml,  (Mr.  C'iiv«TAni.r.,)  who  iidilri'iim'il  ilii'  cnin- 
niitlir  n  frw  innmrnlM  win'r,  nnil  wlm  ilcrivril  ihi' 
Hiillinrlly  "f  •'nnuTiHM  In  piiKS  llii«  lull  rrnin  llic 
pnwcr  t^ivni  u«  rNjtrruMly  I'V  l'"'  CiinHfilunnii  '*  In 
rrijiiliilr  rniiiiiH'rif. "  li  iviiN  I'll,  HJr,  llml  llic  vin- 
(lii'iiliniiiiriliJK  piirlli'iiliir  pnwcr  hIhhiIiI  cimiib  iVnin 
mull  n  nnnrlrr.  It  wns  In  llio  rnpiuil  nf  Ihr  .Sliitr 
wliirli  llie  linimmlili'  ini'iiil'rr  in  purl  irpri'^i'iitH, 
Ihiii  llii'  fiml  cniM'frtnl  iiinvrmciil  wiih  made  in 
ninfrr  llii«  power  iipnii  llic  (inirml  (.inviTiinicnl. 
It  wiin  lit  Animpnli.'*  that  llio  Inripiiiil  rnciiniircH 
were  lakcii,  wliicli  resiillcd  in  llic  mlnpliiin  nl'  llie 
present  ('oiiNlilnlinn  ol"  llie  Ifniti  il  .Sliilcfl.  Il  wan 
lliere,  in  llie  moiilli  of  Seplenilier  of  llic  year  nwi, 
that  i\  nicetjn*;  of  cnmmi.iHiniicr.i  frniii  snine  of  ilic 
principal  Hlalia  wan  licld,  "  In  'nke  inio  eniisidein- 
'  linn  //irfrm/r  mill  coiNmrrcrnf  llic  I'liilrd  Slates;  lo 
'  consider  linw  far  ,i  nnilnrni  i-ysu  ni  in  llicir  inin- 
'  nicrcial  intereonrse  mid  n  :nlaticni»  mi^lit  lie  iie- 
'  eessary  lo  their  enminnn  intercut  and  perinaiieni 
'  liarniony ;  and  In  iTpoii  In  tlie  several  Shiien  siieli 
*  nn  act  relalitc  In  thin  i;rcat  oliieel  n>\.  wlieii  niiaii- 
'  inioiislv  ratified  liy  llieiii,  wniitd  enalile  llie  Unilcd 
'  Siaies  III  Conjjiess  as.senibled  cll'ectiiiilly  lo  pio- 
'  vide  for  the  same." 

Al  this  meetinp  only  si;;  of  the  Stales  were  rep- 
resented: the  Slates  of  New  Ynrlf,  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  nelawaic.aiid  Virifiiiia.  'I'lie  nieel- 
in?  was  llicref'ire  dissolved  wilhoiil  liavincallenipl- 
rd  niiy  definile  arlifiii;  lint  not,  however,  witlaait 
haviiii;  adopted  nil  address  to  the  SlalcK  leeom- 
nicndiii!;  a  future  convention  wilh  ciilariicd  pow- 
ers. A.s  fnie  of  ihc  reasons  for  this  rccntmncndii- 
tion,  the  cnnimissinners  sav:  '*'riiey  arc  the  iiinre 
'  imtnrally  led  lo  this  cnnehisinn,  as,  in  the  eniirne 
'  of  ihclr  rcdeciimis  nn  the  siiliieei,  ihey  have  lieeii 
'  iiidiiied  lo  think  that  llie  poiccr  (i/'ici'ii/ntiiiir  Iniile 
'  i<  iif  SMch  rnm)mhrmire  riieiit ,  imi]  williiiler  so 
•fiirinlo  the  cencnil  system  nf  thi^  I'Vderal  tiov- 
'  eminent,  ilial,  lo  !;ivc  it  efticacy,  and  In  nhviate 
'  fpicsllnns  and  donhls  eniirernlni,'  il.'*  precise  nature 
'  niid  limils,  may  reipiirc  n  enrrespomlenl  ndjimi- 
'  men!  of  niher  p'liilH  of  the  Keihrnl  system." 

Out  of  this  rcr.tnimeiidation  i-ame  the  Constitu- 
fioii  f»f  the  United  .Stales.  The  i^reat  ori'jinal  oh- 
jeel  nf  its  rslalilislinu Ml  was,  tliii.s,  |o  confer  \innn 
the  rieneral  (ioveriinicnl  **  the  power  lo  retrulale 
eomiiieiTc;"  and  that  power  wa-s  acenrdi;ii;ly  con- 
ferred in  llint  larre  and  rnmprthnisirr  .sense  in 
which  it  was  nnderslntal  Ity  liie  eomniissiniiers  al  ; 
Ainiapolis.  amoiit^  whom  were  .Tames  i\fadison. 
Alexander  Iliimillon, and  others  of  the  mosi  promi- 
nent nicmliers  of  th,T  convention,  liy  which  the 
CnnKliuillon  was  siilisei|iientlv  fiained. 

Under  this  niiiliorily,  the  Ciencral  (invernnicnl, 
from  the  earliest  days  of  its  existence,  has  nimlc 
provision  for  the  promotion  and  proteciinii  of  the 
naviffatiiifr,  the  cnmmercial,  and  the  induslrial  in- 
terests of  the  people.  It  has  done  this  hy  liiihl- 
hoiise  systems.  Il  Iiiik  done  this  liy  pilot  sy-'<leiiis. 
It  lius  dune  this  hy  consular  syslcnis.  Il  has  done 
this  hy  cnrreney  systems.  )t  has  done  lliis  hy 
roast-snrvey  systems.  Il  has  done  this  hy  the 
Hystemalic  eslahlisliment  nf  lu'f  akwatcrs,  seawalls, 
hcacoiia,and  himysiipon  our  nays  and  harbors,  li 
has  done  this  hy  its  sysU'vialic  enconrai:einenI  of 
American  loiinai;e.  And  il  has  done  ihis  hy  ii.s 
no  less  syslemnlic  legi.slalion  for  liie  protection  of 
American  labor. 

Yes,  sir,  these  systems,  one  and  all,  had  their 
oriffin  "in  the  belter  days  of  the  ilepiiblic,"  to 
use  tlic  phrase  which  was  employed  by  the  honor- 
able member  from  Alabama,  |.Mr.  1'avnk,]  who 
no  pathetically  deploi-ed  the  inlroiliu'tion  of  the 
nieasiire  before  ns,  as  marking  the  degeneracy  of 
modern  Ucpnblieanism. 

I  confess,  Mr.  (.'hnirman,  that  I  was  n  little  as- 
tonished at  hearing  such  a  phrase  from  such  a 
source.  "The  better  days  of  the  Repulilic!" 
And  this  fnnn  n  leading  member  of  the  party 
which  assumes  lo  itself  an  exclusive  title  to  the 
name  of  Democracy!  What,  sir,  the  IJeinoeracy 
of  Ihis  country,  the  progressire  Dtmonani,  in  the 
fn»t  flush  of  ita  recent  and  mo.'^t  triumphant  suc- 
cess, with  all   the  brunches  of  the  tiovernmeni 


under  III  ronlidl,  looking  bark  so  snoii  mid  wilh 
such  n  sigh  to  the  past,  and  nckiiowleik'nig  lliitt 
ihc  Itcpublic  liiiH  srcn  bciler  diys  anil  b<'lter 
l)eiiioiTal«!  If  such  a  ncnlimeiil  had  foiiiid  iilter- 
aiice  on  ihis  side  of  llic  House,  il  woiihl  have  been 
rebuked  as  an  evidence  of  thai  ultra  conservalism, 
and  of  thai  nppoHilion  to  all  proi,-re»s,  wilh  which 
the  Whiir  pailyof  the  iintioii  is  so  iVeipiintly  ami 
HO  falsely  cliari^cd. 

In  all  seriousness,  however,  I  syuipnlhi/e  most 
sincerely  wilh  Ihe  honorable  menilier  ill  ihis  seii- 
liiiienl.  Meller  days,  I  freely  adniil  wilh  him — 
oil,  how  11111 'h  heller  days — Ihis  Itepnlilic  linsseen 
in  the  past;  and  llml  i:rant  lliiit  il  may  slill  sei' 
heller  111  the  future!  Heller,  m  all  that  relates  to 
the  moral  character  nf  its  iiileriial  admiiiiHiratiim. 
Ill  Her,  ill  all  llial  cniicerns  the  wise,  just,  nr  geii- 
erinilfailminisiralinn  of  iis  foreign  all'airs.  ricllcr, 
ill  every  tiew  of  its  (!niiHiilulinii  and  laws,  and  of 
the  iiiiiim  mid  liberty  which  they  were  framed  In 
secure. 

'  Aiiil  now,  sir,  I  beg  the  honorable  member  to 
luni  back  wilh  me  lo  llie  reemils  of  some  of  those 
"  heller  days  of  the  ltepiiblic,"aiid  lo  see  w  hiilicr 
llii'  niiasiircs  which  he  has  so  roniully  denounced 
are  allogetlier  williout  example.  Let  him  open 
with  me  ihis  tirst  volume  ofilie  new  and  beanlirul 
ediiifin  of  our  Natinnnl  I'mle — avnlume  wnrlliy  in 
ils  meclianical  exccininii  of  the  rich  mutter  whii'li 
It  conlains — and  lei  us  follow  loi;elher,  for  a  lew 
innmeuls,  llii'  first  Conuress  of  the  United  Slalcs, 
wilh  Wasliinirl.m  at  their  head,  in  their  practical 
intcrpieiailim  of  the  Coiistitutiuii  which  they  hiid 
just  established. 

Their  first  net  provided  only  for  adminisleriiig 
lo  each  olhcr,  iiiiil  In  tin-   variniis  ollicers  nf  Ihe 
Slate  and  Natinnal  CJnvernnu'iils,  the  rcipiired  oalh 
lo  siippnrl  till'  new  (.'uiisliliuion.     Under  llie  sol 
emu  ohli!.'alinns  of  that  oalh,  they  prnceided  tn  the 
work  of  IcLnshition.     And  what  was  ilicir  second 
act'     An  act,  lie  il  rcmenibered,  which  wassiKiied 
bvCieor^e  Washiii'.'ton,  in  ihe  very  year  in  which 
the  ('oiisliliiliiui,  IVaiiicd   by  ihe  convention  over 
which   he   had   presided,  was  piil  into  operation,  ' 
and  on  the  very  day  on  which,  thirteen  years  he-  j 
fore,  the  Declaration  of  liidi  peiidciiee  was  formally  I 
prnmiili;ale(l  In  llie  people.     Melhinks,  sir,  lliat  if 
any  man,  on  any  day,  iiii;:l,t  be  jinsumetl  In  have 
Qlfixed  a  signature,  in   the   true  spirit   which  ile-  [ 
elured  our  iiidciiemleiice  and  diclaled  our  Cniislilii-  j 
lion,  it  would  lie  tieort;!;  Washington,  cm  the  4lh  ' 
of  July,  ;"H!I!     .\iid  what  was  ihe  act  In  which  [ 
he  iliil  alhx  his  si';imturc  i.n  thai  day  r —  j 

"  Wticrcri^,  (^riy.*  it-  ncvi-r  In  lie  liirjinllca  fiieanilile.)  ii  ji« 
nccc^ynr>  Cnr  llir  Vlllipiirl  nf  liovclllliieilt,  liir  the  dii-cllliriie 
III' till'  (li'lil,.!  nllllf  riillcil  .'Jlatc,  iniitt/ic  cHcii.r.J:.'ci(ii-li/  luitl 
in-olp  li'Ht  (>/'  i/miiii/.d/iirp^',  tliiil  liiilic^  lie  [iiiil  nii  uihhI.s, 
Hiiri-w,  iiihI  iiicreliaiiiliM-  iiii[Mii|i  il,  lie  it  eiiiicteil,"— 

lie  what  enacted,  sir.'     That  there  be  no  specific 
duties.-   That  nn  artiilc  shall  he  subject  tn  any  duly 
higher  than  the  Inwisl  wliicli  will  yield  the  lari;eat  : 
amount  of  revenue.-     That  there  shall  be  no  ilis- 
criminutions,  except  with  a  view  to  the  wauls  of 
the  Gnvcrnment  ■     That  suit  shall  be  free,  and  that 
there  shall  be  no  biiunty  or  drawback  lor  ihe  fi.sli- 
eries-     No,  no,  Mr.  Chairman;  not  mie  of  these 
absurd  edicts  of  the  pieseiit  Adminislralioii  is  to 
be  found  associaled  with  this  memoiablc  prcanililc 
of  the  first  Oingres.'*,  or  w  ith  this  memorable  .sig- 
iialuie  of  (ieor;;c  Washiiiglun.     Tli(!   bill   bel'nr(' 
iu(^  I'liiilains   piovisinns  the  very  reverse  of  them 
all.     Here  is  a  list  of  fnrty  or  fifty  enumerated  nr-  j 
lilies,  subjecled  lo  every  variety  of  specific  dulies. 
Here  are  other  lists  of  arllehs,  subjected  lo  ml  rut- 
MfHi  duties,  arranged  with   obvious   refeience  lo  ; 
protection.     I  lere  is  a  duty  of  six  cents  a  bushel 
on  salt;  and   hc're  is  a  provision  for  those  allow-  , 
aiices  and  eiic(iura'.;em(.'nts  lo  llie  fisherii's,  umhjr  i 
which  was  built  up  thai  nursery  for  scauien,  from 
whence  went  out  the  hardy  mariners  wlin  brnke  - 
tlie  spell   of  liritish  invim'iliility  on  the  ocean  in 
I8J^,  and  who  have  defended  their  country's  fiag 
in  every  danger  and  on  every  deep. 

In  Ihis  all,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  found  the  first  prae-  j 
tieal  exemplification  of  the  princijiles  of  the  CJonsti- 
tutinn.  Here  is  the  earliest  development  of  that 
"  power  to  regulate  comnieree,"  which  it  was  the 
main  purpose  of  the  ('oiisiitiition  in  eonfi-r  ufion 
the  General  Government.  It  is  employed  in  this 
inslanc.e  fnr  the  protection  of  mamifacUires.  Pass 
lo  the  Ihiril  act,  and  you  find  it  called  into  exercise 
again,  for  the  proleciion  of  tlie  navigating  inleresls 


[  of  Ihe  poimlry.  Hpeeific,  discrifninaling  dnlies.nrr 
there  imposed,  fnr  ihe  eiieoiirii,';einenl  of  vcssel.i 
■  biiill  ill  the  Unilcd  .Slates,  or  lielniigmg  In  Aliieri- 
'  call  cilizi'iis;  mill  ihe  first  mnvi'menl  is  lliere  iiiiidr 
towards  the  e.«tablisliiiieiil  nf  thai  ^'real  iiiniinpnly 
— the  ciHisling  trade — which  was  perfected  anil 
cnnsiiminaled  by  the  ehvenlh  net  of  the  same  iics- 
siiiii  of  the  same  (!oni.'ri'sH.  The  hniiorabh'  inem 
her  will  find  in  this  ail  llie  m'inciplc  nf  proleciion 
carried  to  ilii'  extent  of  iibsolnlii  and  perptliial  pio- 
hibilion. 

I.ei  me  call  the  nllenlion  of  Ihn  hnnninble  nifm- 
ber  more  rs|iecinlly,  however,  lo  ihe  niiilli  act  of 
llie  lirsl  ('fiic'ress,  that  he  may  see  what  was  ihn 
earliest  execution  of  this  power  "  to  re'.;iila.''eoni- 
nieice,"  in  cnmieclinn  w  ill.  he  imniediiie  subji'ct 
of  the  bill  befoip  us,  It  is  hire  enaeted,  "  thai  all 
'  expenses  which  shall  acenie  from  mid  afler  the 
'  l.llll  d.iv  of  Aii'jusl,  one  thniisaiid  seven  hniidred 

*  and  eiglity-nine,  in  the  necessary  siippnit,  main- 

*  tenancc,  nml  repairs  of  all  lighl-hoiises,  beaeniui, 
*bunys,aiid  jmhlic  piers,  creeled,  placed,  or  sunk 
'  liefiire  the  passing  of  this  art,  al  the  enlrance  nf, 
'or  wilh  in  any  bay,  inlet,  harbor,  or  port,  nf  the 
'  United  Stales,  fur  ninlrriiii^  Ihf  JUiiif^iitiftn  Iherrtif 
'  ni.iij  imil  nnfe,  sliall  be  defrayed  out  nf  llie  treasury 
'of  the  United  Slates."  It  is  furllii  r  eiiai  led, 
"  Ihni  It  shall  be  the  duly  of  the  Secretary  of  llie 
'Treasury  to  provide  by  conlracts,  which  nIuiII  he 
'a|iproveil  by  l|i"  I'resillent  nf  the  United  Slalei, 
'  fnr  hnilding  n  lighl-lioiise  near  the  <'iitrnnce  In 
'Chesapeake  bay,  and  for  rebuilding,  when  iie- 
'  eessary,  and  keeping  in  !;ood  repair,  the  lighl- 

I  *  houses,  beacons,  buoys,  and  public  piers  in  the 
'several  Slates,  and  fir  furnishing  the  same  wilh 
'  the  necessary  supplies;  and  also  lo  atTree  for  the 
'salaries,  wa::es,  or  hire,  of  the  person  or  pcrsnii.s 
'appoiiilcd  by  Ihe  I'resiileiit  for  llie  snperinlciid- 
'eiieeand  care  of  the  same."  It  is  riulher  eiiai  led 
by  the  same  bill,  "  that  all  pilots  in  the  bavM,  in- 
'  teis,   rii'cr.i,  harbors,   mid   ports    of  llie    IJnileil 

*  iSiales,  shall  contimie  lo  be  regiihited  in  ennfnrin- 
'  ily  wilh  the  existing  laws  of  the  .Slates,  ri.spcc- 
'  lively,  wherein  such  pilots  may  be,  or  w  ilh  such 
'laws  as  the  .Slates  may,  rcspei'iively,  hcrcal'iei- 

I  'enact  fiir  the  iinriin.se,  until  fnrlher  legislative 
'  iirovision  shall  lie  made  by  Cnni,;ress." 

Ily  the  terms  of  this  ai'l,  Mr.  ( 'hairniaii,  we 
plainly  perceive  that  the  members  of  the  first  Con- 
irress  of  the  United  Sian'S.  .so  many  of  whom  had 
been  personally  and  promiiieiilly  enjaged  in  the 
formalinii  of  the  ('onslilntinn,  were  not  merely  nC 

,  o,'iiiinn  that  the  Oenenil  (invcrnmenl  had  llie 
pmrer  to  establish  lighl-hoiises,  beacons,  buoys, 
and  public  jjiirs  in  the  various  bays,  inlets,  and 
hurbors  of  the  Union,  and  to  regulate  the  iiilola^'o 
in  all  ihe  ports  and  rivers  of  Ihe  country,  but  that 
they  considered  it  one  of  ils  posilive  and  para- 
nioiint  ilulirs  so  to  do.  The  bill  commences  by 
ri-Miniiing  all  ihe  liiiht-hnuHes,  beacons,  buoys,  and 
public  piers,  winch  had  been  already  eonstriicleil 
by  the  several  Stales,  and  by  bringing  thein  henee- 
fiirtli  under  the  exclusive  control  and  direclioii  of 
the  Nnlional  Lcfislatuie.  Il  proceeds  lo  speak  of 
ihe  persons,  under  whose  care  mid  siiperinlendenco 
these  various  works  were  to  be  plmed,  as  national 
officers,  lo  be  appoiiilcd  by  ihe  President  and  paid 
out  of  the  national  triMsiiry.  Il  goes  on  to  sanc- 
tion Ihe  pilot  laws  of  the  several  Stales,  as  they 
already  existed,  nr  as  they  miihl  ihcreafter  he  en- 
acicd,  bill  only  "  iiiilil  lintber  Icijislalivc  provision 
shall  be  made  by  Coiicress.**  Thus,  in  every  line 
of  ihe  bill  is  found  the  most  explicit  dcclaialimi, 
or  the  clearest  implication,  lliat  the  new  Consiiiii- 
lion  had  devolved  the  responsibility  of  making 
provision  for  all  these  matters  upon  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  Uiiioi). 

Nor  does  the  phraseology  of  this  bill  fail  lo  fur- 
nisli  us  wilh  the  reason  upon  which  such  legislalion 
prnceeiled.     "  Far  rciii/iriiig /'ic  iiarignfioii  Ihrnnf 

'  fdxy  (intl  safe. "  This  is  the  language  of  the  first  sec- 
tion, and  most  comprehensive  and  conclusive  laii- 
giingc  it  is.  It  sets  forth,  wilh  a  distinelne.ss  which 
defies  all  al  tempt  at  myslificat  ion,  that  the  rendering 
of  the  navigation  of  the  various  bays,  inlets,  rivers, 
harbors,  and  porta  of  the  United  Slates  easy  and 
safe,  was,  in  the  jnd'.'nunt  of  the  first  Congress,  with 
Washini;ton  at  its  head,  and  with  Madison  among 
its  members,  a  subject  of  nuliniial  coiicurii  and  coii- 
stitntinnal  appropriation. 

Wilh  siK  11  language  ns  ihis  before  their  eyes, 
how  can  •M'ntlemen  underlake  to  draw  dislinciions. 


|84«J.l 


lldtH  CoNo Iht  Srri. 


_AI»l»KlVniX  TO  TIIK  CONGRKSSIONAI.  GI.ORK. 

Uarhon  and  Uivim — Mr,  ll'inllirop. 


4n 


Ho.  or  Hr.PH. 


J 


t* 


H*  llii'V  liiivi-  liiiiiit,  lirlwi'i  II  (III'  I'nriidii  iif  litflit- 
liiiiinrM  iinil  till'  iii>|iiiivi"  lit  lit'  li.u'l'iiri'  Ia:1  iiic 
Hivn  tlinii  II  rimi'.  VVr  Inhi;  in  llii-  liiirlnu'  iif  IIim- 
liin  II  Icili,'!'  iif  r'li'kn,  wi'li  liiiiiwii  111  iimriiH'iii  liy 
till'  iiiiiiH'  (if  Miiiiii'h  Li'il^i'.  Ii  iiri'i-i  iiiH  II  riiiMt 
fliiiit;n'iMiN  iiliNii'iii'iiiiM  iiioiii'  iiiuipiiiiiii.  M.iiiy  II 
t'iilr  nliip  Ims  |;iiiii' III  |>iiri'x  ii|iiiii  iliiii  liili^'ij,  uiiil 
iiiiiir  lliaii  iiMi'  Hi'iiiiiiiii  liim  iiirlHlii'il  iiiiiiiii)(  ilu 
lni'iiki'in,  'vliiii'  liiti  liiiiiii'  uiiH  iiiiiiiinl  williili  virw. 
Kiirtrii  jriii'H  jisini  w<'  limi'  Ih^'ii  I'lijjini;  ii|iiiii  ymi 
III  |iliii'<'  II  li'^'lii-liiiii.''i^  lliiic,  ami,  iliiriii){  tliixe 
•mill'  Irii  yriiiN,  riiri,'iH:M  liun'  lii.'cii  liint  liir  wiiiit  of 
that  li;;lil'iiiiiiHi',  ilir  inirc  iliilin  ii|mi>i  wliirli  winilil 
Imvi!  iiiiii'ii  tliiiii  ill  rr.iyi'il  llw  I'li-it  <if  lit  rniiNliiii'- 
tiiiii.  Niiliuily  iliMilil.i  iliiil  Kiirli  a  lii^lil-hniimi  wiiiild 
lib  uiiiiNiitiiiiiiiial,  null  I  Iiiini  ilial  lliu  liny  lit  not  fur 
(JiKtiiiit  U'livn  it  Hill  lir  ni'i'liil. 

Itiii   Hii|i|iiisi',  Kir,  ii  wrri'  UN  priH'tiriiliji'  anil  nil 

•  'I'lltlnllllrill  In  IrlllllVI'  tllI'M-  nirllMa.S  jo  lltlillt  II  li^llt- 

liiiiiHr  iinitii  tlii'iii,  will  any  oiip  |)irNiiiiii}  to  nay 
lliat  M'l'  liavi*  till'  jinwrr  In  do  llii!  nni',  tint  not  to 
ilo  lliii  ollii'i'  All'  lliry  not  ilifriicnl  iiipuiim  ol'ai'.- 
roiii|iliHliiiit;  llir  Njinii'  iiiit?  Ho  not  lintli  iiii-iimuith 
I'i'Hl  iilikc  on  till'  N.iiiii'  iirotiil  jii*iii<'i]ili'  of'*  rrniliT- 
iiii;  till'  iia\i;:alioii  nl'  tlin  liarlior  oiiny  nnil  siili'-" 
II|i(;ii  wlinl  liniiuiniilili' ;;i'oniiitraii  yon  jiiHlify  one 
mill  I'oiiiliniM  till'  oiiiii-?  l-'vi'M  if  yon  ihiiy  ilint 
lillnr  str|M'iiM  Ik'  liikeii  iiiiili'r  llii'  jiowi'i'  "  to  ri'i^i- 
liiti'  roniini'ri;c,"iinil  |iroi  i  nl  lo  jiiNlify  your  lii;lil- 
lioiisr  HyHtrin  mm  an  iiiriiliiil  loltii'liavy  fiowi'i*,  or 

10  any  oilirr  povviT,  how  iloex  that  liilp  lli«  iiml- 
iri'-  What  prinrijili'  of  ilisi'i'iniinnlioii  can  yon 
mt  ii|i  wlilrli  NJiiill  ioiliid  yon  to  ri'iiiove  a  rock,  nr 

11  Ird'.'f  of  nirks,  I'lom  tlir  palliway,  I'itliiT  of  your 
tiU'ri'liantnii'ii  in-  your  ini'ii-of-war,  liulwliu'li  Nimll 

f;ivr  yon  lln>|ur^•lionl'd  anlliorily  lo  liiiild  a  liijlit- 
loiiHi',  liy  wlucli  tliry  liny  dr.srry  mn'.li  roikx,  and 
may  H.iil  Hiifily  and  tasily  round  llii'iii? 

lint  oiH!  word,  liowi'vor,  Hninn  lo  m«  lo  bo  no- 
•THHary  to  rxliiii;nisli  tlio  idea  wliicli  liaH  liirn  mifi- 
"CNlid,  llial  tlin  pinvrr  lo  rrci't  lii^lit-liouHi'H  \h 
nil  iniiilinl  I"  the  power  to  maintain  n  navy.  Tlic 
powrr  to  liiiiidaiiil  t'lpiip  a  navy  pximi'd  nndcr  tin: 
iild  Coiifidcratioii.  Yit  it  wiih  only  nflor  tlip 
(idoplioii  of  the  (!oiiHlitnllon,  iih  wc  liiivn  ki'cii  in 
lliin  ai'l,  tliiit  lisht-lioiiNCH  were  made  llio  oulijeet 
of  iiMtioniit  lc!;l.sliition,  or  werii  iindeislond  to  lie 
williin  ilie  jiiriHilietion  of  the  CongreHH  of  the 
Uiiili'il  .Siali's? 

Mr.  ('hairman,  the  early  nclH  of  onr  National 
Le^iKlatnre,  lo  wliiili  1  have  tliiiN  referre.d,  are  the 
true  praetieiil  eNemplificiilions  of  what  the  Consli- 
Inlioii  was  deHi^ned  to  he,  liy  tliOMC  who  I'ramud  it. 
They  are  of  more  value  lo  the  ri'.;lit  uiidcrNtaudin^ 
of  that  inalniment  than  even  the  esHayx  of  the 
I'Vilcralisi,  as  dhowing,  not  how  it  wuh  explained 
liefore  itn  adoption,  lint  how  it  waH  exenited  after- 
wardH.  They  bear  the  name  hoiI  of  relation  to  the 
text  of  the  t  oiiHlitntion,  which  the  Aels  of  the 
ApoHtleH  beHrtolheCioHpel  narrative.  They  onjlit 
lo  be  studied  in  onr  ncIiooIs,  and  romnntled  In 
memory  by  our  ehildien,  an  the  laws  of  the  Twelve 
Tables  were  in  the  siIiooIh  and  by  the  youth  of 
Koine.  The  four  acta  wliieh  I  have  particulaily 
eili'il,  are  parts  of  one  eomprehellsive  system. 
They  are  eontii.slent  eli»pler.s  of  one  homnseiieou'i 
Htatiile.  Whatever  doiilit.s  may  be  enlertailieil  as 
to  their  beinj:  all  Jus! i tied  liy  ihesame  iireeise  clause 
of  the  Coiistilnlion,  they  all  obviously  rest  on  one 
and  ilie  same  principle  of  adminislerin!:  that  Con- 
Klitiilion — the  |iriiieiplo  that  it  is  lobe  nilministercd 
fur  Ihe  protection  of  the  people — their  proleetioii  in 
peace  as  well  as  in  war — iheir  general  welfare,  as 
well  as  their  common  defence. 

Sir,  il  was  n  notnbic  sayini;,  some  four  or  five 
years  iii';o,  of  one  of  the  most  dislini^nished  lead- 
ers of  the  now  doniinanl  party  of  the  iiaiion — "  let 
the  (iovermuenl  r.llind  to  its  own  business,  and  let 
tlin  people  aiicnd  to  theirs."  The  reniiirk  was 
made  in  inimc.'iale  reference  to  the  sub-lieasury 
Hclieme,  which  was  ihi  n  ngilalini;  the  country,  and 
which  is  now  ai^ain  about  to  be  pressed  through 
ihis  House.  It  was  a  remark,  however,  of  broad 
and  •;eneral  imivirt,  and  ii  has  always  seemed  lo 
me  to  express  tlie  whole  distinctive  policy  of  the 
jiarly  to  which  its  author  lH'lon;.;s.  "  Let  the  Gov- 
ernment nllerid  to  its  own  liusiness,anil  let  the  peo- 
ple altend  to  theirs  !"  I  need  hardly  i-ay  that  1  hold 
to  no  such  doclrino.  The  parly  of  which  I  am  a 
member,  is  orf;ani/.ed  on  no  such  princijilc  of  dis- 
regard and  unconcern  for  the  interests  of  the  peo- 
|ile.     We  inaintuiii  thai  this  Goveinmcnt  of  ours 


WIIM  eNiiibliiiheil  for  nomelliini;  lii  siiles  "  aileiiijin^ 
to  iiji  own  biiNiness,"  npholdini;  ils  own  iiiiihoriiy, 
Hiiil  keejiiii'^' ils  own  ulale.  We  deny  itn  nuht  to 
isolale  ilsi'lf  from  the  concerns  of  the  people — lo 
elevate  iiself  upon  a  luileslal  of  proud,  repiilsi\i', 
siililary  loi'dliness,  anil  lo  avert  ils  eyes  from  every- 
thiiii;  but  ils  own  i'.iiiivenien''i',  Ils  own  necessities, 
or  in  own  ili','niiy.  We  ilininiid,  on  ihc  c.inilrary, 
that  in  all  ils  provisions  fur  ii.,(  If,  whcllier  in  rela- 
liiiii  III  reveinie,  or  i  urn  ncy,  or  whalever  else,  it 
shall  k  'CO  the  laisineMs  of  the  people  conslanlly  ill 
view,  anil  nhall  shape  all  ils  ineasnri  s  In  ihe  end  of 
proinotini;  the  Krealest  prosperily  and  welfare  of 
the  w'hole  coiiiilry.  (lon'riinienls  erected  anil 
liiainiaiiied  for  Ihe  salie  of  those  who  adinlnisler 
tlienr,  rulers  in  their  own  riuht  and  for  their  own 
ends;  Siale  Klaliiis  set  up  fur  sliuw,  these  all  be- 
long; to  oilier  a^'es,  or  certainly  to  olher  lands.  'I'he 
supreme  law  of  our  Itepublie  is  the  coinmnn  tie- 
fl'iice  and  jxeneral  welfare  of  the  people. 

Tlii.-i  docirine,  Mr.  t'liaiiman,  lliiil  Ihe  (ioverii- 
inent  is  to  altend  to  ils  own  liii'iiiess,  and  lo  |i  ave 
the  people  toatleiiil  to  thill's,  si'ikes  not  alone  at 
llie  iiniforni  cireiilaiin:;  nieiliuni  at  wliicli  it  was 
aimed.  It  slrikes  al  ihe  ilisi  riniinalini;  diilies  of  a 
proleclin;;  larill'.  And  it  slrikes,  iiImo  and  ei{ually, 
al  lliese  \cry  iinproveinenlH  of  ri\iis  and  harbors, 
weslern  and  easlerii,  on  the  laki  .1  and  on  ihe  ocean. 
It  is  one  and  llie  same  policy,  whii  h  prolecis  la- 
bor, provides  II  eiirreii''y,  and  facililales  iiilerconi- 
miinieaiion.  It  is  one  and  the  same  principle  of 
iidminislraliiin,  which  lifts  a  sua:;  in  llie  Mississip- 
pi, removes  a  sand-bar  in  Lake  I'^ie,  builds  it 
lireikwaler  in  Delaware  bay,  or  a  seawall  in  lios- 
lon  harboi,  iusnea  n  national  currency  al  I'hilailel- 
pliia  or  at  Wasliiiiy:ton,  or  levies  a  duly  for  the  eii- 
conrasemeiit  of  I'eiinsylvania  iron  or  coal.  New 
■  York  wool  or  salt,  Louisiana  sniiar,  .New  Kn<;land 
eotloii  prints,  or  Kentucky  collon  b.i'ricini^'  Almii- 
iloii  that  policy,  ri'pudiale  thai  principle,  Hitopt  ihis 
"  mind  yonr  business"  doctrine,  and  not  only  will 
Hiiii^s  and  sand  bars  conliniie  to  obslriicl  ymir  in- 
ternal iiavi<:alioii,  but  American  enicrprisc  and 
American  labor,  in  all  their  branches,  will  be  laid 
prostrate  henealh  an  overwhelming;  Hood  of  forei'^'ii 
eonipetition  ! 

TJie  honorable  member  from  South  Carolina, 
[Mr.  HiiKTT,]  however,  denies,  in  the  ronnilest 
leiins,  ihat  any  part  of  this  policy  had  its  ori;;in  in  | 
17H!)',  and  insists  on  dalini;  the  comnieneeiiR'nt  of  i 
the  whole  of  it  at  "  aboni  the  year  IHiiO."  To  my 
apprehension  this  is  n  plain  iirulnlulio  contra  fuc- 
dim.  Il  is  as  clearly  a  mistake,  in  my  hiimlile 
jiidtrmenl,  as  his  as'iiplion  of  the  inenioralile 
phrase — "  We  are  all  l-Vderalisls  and  all  Uepnbli- 
caiiH,"  to  Mr.  Monroe,  instead  of  lo  ils  true  au- 
thor, Mr.  JeH'erson.  IJntil  he  can  exmiiii^e  from 
the  slatule  book  the  four  acts  to  whicli  I  have  re- 
ferred, and  I  know  not  how  many  oihcnicls  scat- 
tered broadcast  alons  the  pathway  of  our  national 
leu'islation  from  Hf*!)  to  IKjll — not  Ibrf.'cltin'r,  cei^ 
taiiily,thal  system  of  collon  inininiiims  which  was 
established  in  ISlli  under  the  auspices  of  Mr. 
Lowndes  and  Mr.  Calhoun — he  can  make  no 
headway  whatever  ill  mainlainiii'j;  such  a  position. 

Till'  Iionoralile  member,  however,  not  merely  ] 
in.sists  that  this  whole  system  had  ils  origin  "about 
the  year  IH'.'O."  but  that  it  has  always  been  the  • 
main  siili|cct  of  dill'er  ce  belween  llie  I'Vderal  and 
Kepnl'lican  parties.  The  true  llepubliean  parly, 
he  a^ain  and  n^;aiii  declared,  have  always  been 
opjiosed  to  these  measures.  ISow,  sir,  I  desire  to 
join  issue  with  him  on  this  point  also.  I  utterly 
deny  the  eorreclnessof  his  position;  and  I  proceed 
10  plant  my.'ielf  upon  aiiihoriiy,  which  he  i--'  the 
last  ]iersoii  who  will  altenijit  to  shake.  The  hon- 
orable ineinbcr  must  have  fori,'otleii  the  speech  of 
Mr.  RIcDiiirie,  of  South  Carolina,  on  the  subject 
of  "Internal  Iniprovemeins,"  in  the  year  l&i'A. 
Or,  i^ertainly,  he  has  overlooked  the  preliice  with 
which  Ihe  primed  I'lipy  of  that  speech  was  intro- 
duced to  the  world.  Let  me  read  to  him,  and  to 
the  Ilonse,  Ihc  remarks  whicli  that  prefice  con- 
tains, in  allusion  to  a  pamphlet  which  had  just 
before  been  published  under  the  title  of  "  Consoli- 
i(«/ioii." 

*»  Miireovcr.  ill  Itie  early  history  of  [inrtics,  (.^iiys  Mr.  Me-    ■ 

Dllflii'.)  anil  wticn  .Mr.  I'rnwt'iiril  inlvnriiti'il  a  rcilcvviil  iif 

llie  olil  etllirliT.  (nl"  the  I'liili'il   Slute.^  liiuili.)  il  WiH  coll^il)- 

ercil  a  i-V/cr.i/ iii-'a^lire;  wliicli  iiitera>il  itiiiinivcnieats  iim-er  , 

I  tf'iv,  as  llii..i  laillKir  erriilicciii,-ly  stiil'-.-*.    'I'lii-;  liiltiT  iiieasare 

'  iiriL'iniili'il  ill  till'  Aihiiini.-'lrali'in  of  Mr.  Jtll'.T.^oii,  with  the 

;  a|i[ir(>{n-Kitioii  lor  the  Ciiiiiberliuid  niiiil;  nial  was  lirst  pni- 


ib 


■V*''ln,  III  Mr.  I'llllliiilii,  nail  ciirMi'il  Ihrniivh  Ilitl 
ll'ia'e  III  lli'Mri->i'iitnn\e<«  liy  11  Inriii'  iiiiii'rllv  ol'  Itie  W'-/ m^ 

II  OK,  Ilii'tniniiK  iiliiinl  ryi'ry  mil' of  llie  IriniinK  men  whn 
nirrli'il  im  iliniiiiih  llie  Ime  »iir. " 

"'I'lie  millnir  In  i|iii':.ii"ii,  iinl  cnnii  in  wllli  ili'ii'iiiiieliif 

If"  reiliTiili-i.  lleniTiil  Jiiek^iiii,  Mr,  .Niliiini.  Mr.  rii'l 

niiil  a  iniiJerilviit'lhi'H'nillir.iri  linn  ilih  ■ntluii  in  I'l'iiure-., 

liiiHle.llv  euiiiili  till'  ih'iiiiiii'ialliin  I  i  Mr.  Miinn ml  Ihe 

Mhiile  llciinhth  mi  luiriy.  Mire  iirn  in.  wnnla:  'Ihirnni  lli» 
'  AihiiliiKlriiliiiM  III  ,Mr.  .M'lnnic,  niiieh  liu  |iii«i'il  uliirti  llin 

•  llrpiihtii'iin  iwrtv  wi'iilil  III'  uliiil  liiii|i|ir'>veiit'.  If  llii'}  ennl'li 
'Inn  llie  piliii'liml  ii'iiinre.  iiinl  Itniinlai  li  hnn  ihli'llvi'lieil 
•eil  i|ir.-n  .ilwrmilMii^,  la  llie  renn'sl  iil'  the  mniiiii  nl  In- 

■t'Tiial  liaiioin'iii'iii','    Now,  ilil«  1 iKiire  «iii  hiIm|iIiJ 

liy  n  vole  iil'll,,  iiiHIiil' a  ll'iiiililii'iiii  r'iiii||M.»,  niiil  r 

Ilniii'ij  hv  II  ll"|iiil'tii'iiii  I'll  Hiili'iii.  Willi,  ilii  II,  iH  ihl.'  nil 
Ihiir,  Alio  iiNOliii.'"  the  liiiiti  tiri'roL'iiilM' at  ilriMnineiiiif.  in 
I'll'  llilllii'  or  Mil'  Ni'|iilhl|c,iii  iHirly,  the  Ui-|iiihll''iill  Ailllillil<i- 

Ir.itiMii  iil'tli liitiv  .'     A  ih'liuiiel.iliiiii  ineliiiliiiM  Wllliia  III 

Hlfei'ii,  I 'tillifnin,  l.nunili'^,  mill  ('tii'Vi->«— null  i' tin  will  he 
regiinli'il  n^  the  hriulitrj,!  .irniiini'iiu  nl'  H'liiili  1  innliiin.  niiil 
liii'  «lMii!ii'-l  iiillnii  III'  Ihe  Ki'iiiililleiin  jinny.  S'  hiiiu  ii"  Iif 
lull'  war  '■hull  h '  reini'inhereil,  ninl  liili'iiN  iiiiil  iiiilrnilioa 

•  hull  he  ri'iiarili'il  iir.  llie  poiinr  iilijeei,  nl  llie  inliiiiriUhin  ami 
uriitiniilc  Ill's  Irie  |ii'ii|ile," 

I  shoiild  hardly  h.ivi  ventured,  sir,  to  addresii 
t'l  the  honoriible  member,  on  my  own  iiccouiil,  si» 
Severn  an  adinonliion  an  lo  the  posilion  whicli  be 
has  assumed,  as  he  will  find  in  thexi  remarks  of 
.Mr.  McDiidie.  I  trust  llial  he  v»  ill  lay  them  duly  In 
heart,  and  tliiit  he  will  riali/.e  ihe  Iriilli  of  the  an- 
cient proverb,  llial  "  faithful  are.  the  wounds  of  K 
friend." 

'Shall  1  add,  Mr.  Chairman,  lo  ihe  list  which 
lliesc  paint'Tuplis  supply,  ihe  name  oraiiollierinost 
distiiit;itislieil  .Siiuth  rarolina  statesiiian,  now  iiii 
more,  whose  meinory  demands  a  viudicaiion  iVoni 
the  cliar:.'e,  of  having':  violaled  the  true  llepiil'licaii 
failli  on  this  subject  of  internal  iiiiproveineiits  ? 
About  Ihe  year  IrtJII  a  bill  was  carried  thiiMi^h 
(.'oni'i CSS,  "  .0  procure  the  necessnry  surveys, 
'  plate-,  and  estimates,  upon  the  Hiiliject  of  roads 
'and  eanal.i,"  anil  aiilhori/.in:;  the  I'lvsident  to 
cause  such  surveys,  plans,  anil  estiniales,  to  lio 
made,  of  llie  ronles  of  siicji  roads  and  caiiaU  aH 
he  mi;;lit  deem  of  iin/ieiin/ iiii/iiii'd/ticr,  in  aemiiiiifr- 
ciii/  or  military  point  of  view,  or  for  the  transpor- 
tatiiin  of  the  mail.  In  the  pro(;ress  of  this  bill 
ihroiurh  the  Senate  a  proviso  wiw  olfered,  ill  tho 
following'  terms: 

I'roritlfti^  1'hiil  iiiililnulierciii  roDiiiineiltilmJIhi'coieiriii'il 

III  lilTirni  or  inliiiil  a  ihoV'T  ill  C'niiuri'iei,  1111  their  own  lltllhor- 
ilv,  I'l  iiiiikerimil.i  anil  eaaiilH  within  nay  of  the  Htalei*  iil'lliu 
I'a ." 

Anion;;  the  voles  asainat  this  provi.so,  which 
was  rejected,  and  in  favor  of  the  liill,  which  was 
pas.ied,  was  that  of  the  late  lameiiled  Uenerul 
Hayne. 

If  ever  there  was  an  act  of  Conf;ress  which  sanc- 
tioned, to  the  fullest  extent,  the  power  of  the  Gen- 
eral Oovernmcnl  lo  conaliuet  works  of  internal 
improvement,  "of  iialional  importance  in  a  coni- 
niercial  point  of  view,"  this  was  thai  act.  And 
now,  sir,  I  repeat,  that  nnlil  Washinj^ion  and  the 
first  C'oni;ress  shall  have  been  eonvicU'd  of  having 
niismiderslood  ihe  meaniii;;  of  the  ('onslitntioii, 
and  /.oiciiWf.i,  Cherts,  llnijne,  ^VcDiiffie,  and  Cul- 
Aoiiii,  of  liavini;  been  ignorant  of  the  niiliire  of 
line  Kepnblicmiism,  ihis  bill  will  be  in  nodan^'er  of 
hciiif;  pronounced  by  the  people,  cither  uneunsti- 
tiilional  or  anti-republican. 

ISut  it  is  further  objected  to  tlie  hill  under  con- 
sideralion,  that  it  makes  provision  for  mere  local 
improvements,  and  that  lliis  Oovernnicnt  can  np- 
propriale  money  for  nolliins;  that  is  not  iialional. 
I  am  witliiif;  10  concur  with  j;enlleinen  in  the  Kilter 
clause  nf  this  objection,  and  to  eonlinc  the  powers 
of  the  Government  lo  appropriations  for  national 
works,  llat  the  (|uesiion  is,  what  eonslilulci!  h 
national  work.'  The  object  of  almost  every  one 
of  onr  appropriitions  ninst  have  a  local  habilaliun 
and  a  local  name;  yet  this,  certainly,  will  not  be 
inconsistcnl  with  ils  having  a  national  character 
and  a  national  eoiisei|ueiice.  Y'ournavy  yards  are 
local;  your  fori ific.al ions  are  local;  your  post  ollices 
and  post  roads  are  local;  but  no  one  is  heard  oli- 
jcelin:;  lo  the  annual  appropriationsconnccteil  with 
any  nf  these  subjecls  of  expenditure,  on  thei;ronnd 
that  they  are  not  of  national  coneern.  The  objec- 
lion  is  reserved  exclnsivelv,  and  most  unreasona- 
bly, as  1  ihink,  tor  the  precl.sc  description  of  objects 
for  which  this  bill  provides. 

Let  lis  then  examine,  for  a  moment,  some  one 
of  the  ilems  in  the  bill,  and  ace  whelher,  even  when 
separately  considered,  it  will  nit  a.ssert  ils  title  to 
be  resarded  as  a  work  of  n^nional  importance. 
Here  i.s  il  provision  for  expending  forty  tliouamid 


II 


5"     ;•© 


^ 


486 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 


[Mnrch  12, 


SOth  Cono 1st  Ses9. 


i 


\ 


dolliirn  in  iinpKiviii^  tlif  linrlim-  of  Boaloii;  iiml  I  i 
laku  thin  ilf  ni  as  ii'i  rxuniplc,  lieriniw  (lie  Milifftt  j 
iif  it  is  iniiiT  iiiiiiiicliiuply  witliiii  llic  mii';  lidih  iit' 
1  y  ptriwiiinl  !timwlfii;;r,  niiil  ofiiiy  "flii'iivl  irnpnii- 
gibility.  The  ttii|iriiprimiiii\  iii  inw  iif  tlio  iiimoul  \ 
jnipnniuH'c  to  Uk*  niifo  nuvi^iiiiun  (if  Ijomhii  hiu*-  i 
Ijiir,  iiiiil  I  iini  cnnfidnu  ili;>t,  if  it  weip  riiiliily  nn-  1 
ilcvsliKid,  ttioii'  is  ni)  ilom  in  l!if  Ml'  ,ihi,  li  wnnld  j 
riininicnd  ilmlfmnrc  «lriinf;ly  in  llie  siippdrlnfltic  i 
House.  Tlit'ifi  is,  nil',  but  a  jiin^lo  clmiinrl  for 
euttrio'^  the  hnri^or  ol'  Iiosfoii  Ity  vrssels  nf  tfrc 
Iiir!;cKi  elass,  nriil  iFuit,  iti  N'lme  pans,  a  very  nar- 
row elumnel,  anil  by  no  nuanH  a  viiy  duep  one. 
On  llie  iuinU'dialt'  fils^e  rf  lliis  ciiannil,  there  arc 
a  nvfnher  ol'  Kninll  inlands,  i)i\F.  of  llir.ve  i.'jlands, 
well  known  to  navi;;nt(M'.i  by  llir  iiann-  ufiht' Great 
lirewsler,  owirif;  to  the  slone  whi'h  form.-d  its 
natural  proli  r.lion  having  lnTii  lakfn  nil'  fcir  lmlla.it, 
hnn  liceii,  for  LU.'ory  yiar.s  |.;ist,  rxrio.sed  to  the 
most  rapid  div.islaiicMi.  Ii  apprni?"  rnmi  the  sur- 
veys oftlie  rii'uiiii'cr  ilcpMilhiiiii  i!i:n,  luMween  the 
years  1820  and  1>*J0,  nrailysrV  urns,  (jr  alioiii 
one-I'mirlh  of  th"  nhole,  had  liii  i?  i-arricd  away 
from  lhi.«  island  liy  llie  ai  tioa  ,,\'  ifie  waves  and 
wiials.  The  r.iva;is  cuniniitled  up.Mi  it  by  the 
name  t'eniejil.s,  durnn;  tin-  [.u^i  live  years,  are  be- 
lieved to  have  bi  en  tveo  in  an  ani  N  rated  ratio. 
Mcai'iinie,  the  prc.'OTvalion  ol'  ihr  JNl.uid  has  bein 
pri.iionncid  by  the  fni,'ineer  I'rpartnient  to  he 
"  indispeiisable  both  ns  a  eover  of  'hi'  aiirhora'.;es 
and  rondsleads,  ami  also  to  ihe  niainlruairiT  of  the 
reiiuisile  depths  ill  the  I'lmnnil."  I'lic  whole  i/c- 
Irilus  of  this  and  the  other  adjacent  islands  i.i  swept 
directly  into  the  uarrov.ist  fiart  of  ihf  channel, 
and  the  rajiid  sliallowiii'.' wlii -li  has  risnlled  friun 
the  operation  is,  at  this  nioini  nl,  the  cause  of  the 
most  serious  .'ipprehensioii  to  our  in.o'iners  and 
pilots.  Of  the  iir^'enl  II'  '  -ity,  ih.  ret'ore,  of  n 
seawall  upon  this  island,  .iriest  iliis  pro.  ess  of 
destruction,  (and  this  is  t!,i  speeifi,  jiiirpose  of  the 
provision  under  ennsidcialion,)  no  man  will  doubt. 

But  the  point  wliiiii  I  proposed  to  exaniiiw  is, 
how  far  this  ili  ni  is  one  of  milicniil  iinporiaiiee, 
lUtd  what  are  the  oNi^niioiis  of  ijic  (.ieiieral  Gov- 
ernment ill  re^al•d  to  it. 

Now,  sir,  ilils  particular  pnivision  may,  I  am 
ownrc,  be  vindicated  upon  niaiiy  dislinct  iiroiirtJ.i. 
Ill  llie  first  plac  r,  this  same  channel,  whose  prr- 
sersalioii  is  at  .Ualic,  is  llie  only  i  iiliiiiice  to  ymir 
great  northern  naval  depot  at  Charlestnwn;  and 
the  same  obslinciion.s  which  uimlil  endan^jer  the 

Ims.iau'e  of  onr  full  fiei;.'lilc(l  prc|<ei  ships,  w'liiihl 
cave  yiair  full  armed  fri-.ites  hofrelcsdy  aground. 

II  may  be  mailer  of  serious  doul.t,  whether,  if  this 
work  lie  delayed  for  five  ye.irs  loiiser,  a  ship  of 
til  '  line,  with  ils  arniann  ni  in  position,  co  ild  make 
its  way  out  from  the  Cliailcsiowii  navy  yard. 

I.i  the  iiexi  phice,  all  your  fortifications  in  this 
Iiarbor  have  bci  ii  urraimed  and  constructed  with  a 
view  lo  coaiinaiiil  ibe  enirance  of  this  clemiiel,  as 
:t  now  runs.  If  ihe  desiniciion  of  ihese  islands 
should  fall  shiMi  of  filliiii,'  it  up  allo^'eiher,  and 
uliouhl  only  risiilt  in  man  rially  cli.iimin;;  ii,<  bear- 
insH,  these  works  of  defence,  11111011,'  the  most 
complcle  and  cosily  in  the  I'omiiry,  will  lie  reii- 
■'•■red  com|iaralively  wonlilcss.  It  w-  .^  in  this 
tiew,  sir,  thai  1  pies.-  d  so  eariii  Mly  fu'  llie  inser- 
tion of  this  procisior.  in  ihe  foriilicaiioii  bill  at  the 
last  session  of  (!on;;riss. 

Bill  it  is  before  us  now  as  a  commercial  measure, 
and  it  is  as  such  ilmt  1  hmw  cliiini  for  it  a  national 
chanicii:r,  und  a  nalioiial  im)iortance.  What  pari  of 
the  I'Oimtry,  tir,  '-ss  than  the  whole,  is  concerned 
in  llie  .-afit  ami  easy  naviu'aiion  of  lio.sloii  harbi  r' 
Look  10  ils  I'oreiu'U  eommeic c,  and  to  ihe  reveirie 
which  is  derived  from  it.  ioirleL'  (he  hist  year, 
there  were  two  ihon.sand  ihne  bundled  and  thirty 
arrivals  at  I'mslon  fiom  forej:,'-n  poris — more  lli  in 
six  for  every  d.iy  in  the  ycir — briiiijiiiL'  yil,,"!!)!,!)!? 
worth  of  eoMils,  and  jiayioi,'  iiiio  the  Treasury 
$i),"J41l,f).'14  of  diiliis,  riicrc  were,  of  coiir.se,  not 
iiir  from  lilt'  s  iiiie  iiuinl-n*  of  ftreii^n  cleaninccs. 
Look  to  Its  coastwi.ie  trade,  riiiriim-  the  lasl  yiar 
there  were  .'i,!).')!  coaslwise  arrivals  at  I'oslon — 
about  sixiren  for  every  day  in  ihe  yi-ar.  From  the 
port  of  New  Orhans  aloiii  ,  as  we' have  been  told 

III  one  of  the  Icinrs  of  "a  cerlain  .Abbiill  I,iiw- 
rencc,"  (as  an  honorable  luemher  from  .New '\'ork 
just  now  leriiicil  liiin,  and  it  w,is  no  bad  des"rip- 
lioi)  of  him,  for  a  niosi  niiiiin  man  he  is — you 
nUvays  know  where  lo  fiinl  him,  and  .uay  always 
rely  cohfidciitly  on  his  slat'jiiieius)— fruni  the  port 


tf arbor*  and  Rivers — Mr.  tVinthrop. 

of  New  Orleans  alone,  I  repeat,  there  were  16,'>  ; 
niTivals,  many  of  them  of  lessels  erf  Ihr  lanjest 
elas.s — ships  of  from  ,'>l)0  to  7(10  inns  of  burthen  [ 
each — briiitjin^  corn,  llmir,  eoiion,  lobacro,  beef, 
por!,,  lani,  lead,  etc.,  \e.,  amniiiiting  to  many 
millions  of  dollais  in  vidiie. 

L<  I  me  Jle.te,  sir,  with  somelhin;;  of  pnrlieu- 
larily,  the  qunntily  e,  southern  and  western  prod- 
uce whieh  finds  ils  way  into  the  haHior  of  Ro.xtori  , 
from  New  Orleans  and  other  parts  of  the  Union. 
The  I'latenicnt  may  be  iW'iiilrrest  in  more  relation."! 
than  one,  and  will  not,  (  imst,  be  lost  si^lil  of, 
when  the  vnrllilrssncfs  of  n  home  market  in  next 
made  the  subject  of  remark. 

Dm  ill!;  the  year  endin.'r  on  (he  1st  day  of  .Tan-  ' 
iiary  la.si,  ihiTo  arrived  at  lloslon  74,1'JI  bales  of 
rolton  I'rom  Neiv  Oilcaiii',  .'3;,!.'(iM  from  Moliile, 
27,IS;.'(1  I'rom  Florida,  •.U,i)K^,  from  Savannah,  SI ,illS 
from  Cliai lesion,  'J,.'t7S  from  other  place.r;  maflinj; 
(111  a;,','icf:alc  of  1H7,6I!)  Iiales. 

Ibiiiii:;the  same  period,  there  arrived  at  Ptoston 
nu,llil>  barrels  of  Ihmrfrom  New  Orleans,  |7ll..'i(ll 
from  New  ^'ork,  /ll.'i,7.1(i  from  Alb.iiiv,  W.f^'il 
from  I'Veibrickslairi;.  ,12,'J^i()  from  .'Mexandrin, 
a.'t.r.M  from  Gi'oi;;elowii,  I7,!II!)  (iuiii  rjichnioml, 
!i,^i\'^  from  olhcr  pmls  in  Vii'iriiiia,  I!l,'JII7  IVoiii 
riiiladclpliia,;!l,(r.«7  from  IJallimore,  2,111  Ironi 
other  pl.tce.i. 

All  this  by  sea  riirri.T.re.  All  llii.i  ilooimh  the 
harbor  which  it  is  propo.^cd  by  Ihis  hiil  lo  improve. 
ViHI  niest  add  to  this  |m;.',.181  bbls.  bnin;;lil  over 
the  Gnat  AVeslerii  railroad,  lo  make  lift  llie  jxrand 
n^^greL'ale  of  7.1(1, l.ls  bbls.  of  (Ion, ,  which  have 
found  a  market  in  lio.stoii  in  a  siii;;le  year. 

And  llit-ii  (here  i.y  (he  iinpor(  cif  ^^raiii. 

DnriiiL;  llie  l:is[  year,  (here  have  been  bronchi  (o 
Hosloii  2,'i7,(i,">7  bushels  ofcorii  li-oiu  New  Orleans, 
2,''i,4(l(l  from  .North  Carolina,  .iafi,.1.(.-)  from  Nor- 
folk, l!>,Tf<:>  I'rom  l''icderi,'ksliiir,',  !M,f;M  from 
KapjKihannock.  Jill, .32^,'  i'rom  Alexandria  imd 
Gcor:;rIo\vii,  (ill. H-I.'t  from  other  |iorIs  in  Viriiiiiia, 
(as.fi-.'ll  from  llalliiiMi-e,  4;(),(M!I  from  Philadel- 
phia, (;(!,!I'J1  I'r.un  Delaware,  (;:.','r.l)  from  New 
Jer.scy,  12-->,71'.l  from  New  Vmk. 

iMakinir,  irith  .vome  .l.tXKf  or  ff,(Kifl  Imshels  from 
other  placis,  the  vasi  (|naiiliiy  of  2,.')7l,4l!(i  bushels 
of  corn  imporlid  into  lioslon  In  a  sii^le  year.  And 
you  must  add  all  this  to  (he  (lonr;  aiiil  .'i4H,,'i8.') 
Iiushels  of  oals,  and  24,1>''4  bushels  of  rye,  and 
(i.'),,'i'lb  bushels  of  sfioi-(.^,  to  bdlli,  in  order  (o  f  m 
any  jns(  estinia(e  nf  (he  value  ofllcisloii  tmrlw  .-  tt> 
the  ;;i'ai'r-»:niwini:  re^^lons  oftlie  Union. 

I  mlLrlil^-'ooii  with  an  account  of  the  importation 
I'f other  Brlicles;  as  fir  inslu,,ce,  l.iii, ."'!.'>  southern 
hides,  I  fi,«!)7  bill.-,  of  tar,  411,  Fi  i  bills,  of  liirpeiitiuc 
— inosi  of  it  brought  from  North  f'arolina. 

But  enon;,'h  has  beiii  s'.ited,  1  am  sure,  to  illus- 
trate the  nationality  of  Urtstoii  haHior;  niouL'h,  cer- 
tainly, to  dispel  llie  idea,  that  the  safe  and  easy 
iiavi;:alioii  of  that  harbor  is  an  object  of  mi're  local 
eoiiceni. 

And  iioM  ,  !Mr.  f'h.'iirman,  let  me  repeal,  that  I 
have  taken  this  ilem  oftlie  bill  a.,  an  illusinitioi)  of 

my  a|•^^lnlent,  only  I aiise  itbelon^'s  to  me,  more 

especially,  lo  explain  and  defend  il;  and  not  be- 
cause I  am  ilip<iseii  lo  re;;ard  it  as  iiene  iiuporiani 
or  more  nalioiial  than  many  oilier  ilenis  which  ihe 
bill  coniains.  fmlecd  llie  very  staii'Uics  which  I 
have  adduced,  iro  far  beyond  the  mere  proof  of  the 
iiatioiialily  of  the  provision  to  which  they  relate. 
If  they  show  th.it  all  other  |>ar(s  of  (be  country 
have  an  interest  in  leision  h.'irbor,  ihey  show  no 
le.sa  clearly  and  conclusively  thai  IJoston  has  an 
interest  in  all  othi  r  pans  of  the  coiiniry.  A. id 
Ilos'iin,  sir,  and  the  ancient  C'ommouwcallh,  of 
wliich  llosion  is  ihe  nielriipolis,  h.ive  always  real- 
ized and  apprei  iaied  ilii.i  idea,  liarely,  rarely,  if 
ever,  li.is  a  Massaclmr,el(s  .Senator,  or  a  Massa- 
chiisciis  Uepi-f.'scnialive  in  this  Capiiol,  been  found 
draw  in;;  fanciful  <!i.-(iiicti(»ns  between  external  and 
iiilernat  comiiii  i' '  ,  or  instiliiliiii;  nict!  diHcriiniiia- 
lioiis  lietween  s.ili  water  mid  fresh.  We  disavow 
and  repudiate  thai  whole  school  of  consiiliilional 
conslriiciion,  which  would  re;;iu(l  (he  lakes  and 
rivers  of  (he  iiilerioras  any  h  ssfii,  or  any  h'ssle^il- 
imale  niljecls  of  nalioiial  siipervisinii  (jiaii  llri 
hayaaiidhnrborsof  (he  Allantic.  We  read  of  one 
iiiiu  the  .liiiiie  power  in  the  General  Government 
"  to  le^'ulaie  eommeiie  with  forei;.'n  nalions,  and 
ftiiioii';  Ihe  several  Slalesf  and  we  reciij;iii/e  one 
and  (he  same  oblii^alion  as  (o  all  the  appropriate 
iiicideiil»  of  that  jiuwer.     We  rejoice  loo  ilinl  the 


Ho.  OF  Reps, 


^cnl  West  in  wnkinj;  up  to  n  coiiseiousncjitof  her 
own  inlerfBtH.imd  ot'herown  rif;hts,in  relation  to 
the  txerciscof  ihi.i  power.  We  rejoice  that  she  i» 
riiptdljr  reaching  n  »lienf,th  mid  11  maturity,  when 
these  interests  must  be  consulted,  and  these  ri^hla 
n'lowcd.  We  hail  her  advent  to  the  political  mas- 
tery over  our  nlliiiriS  a.i  innsl  auwic.imix,  in  thin 
respect  at  least,  to  the  ijeiieral  vireifarK  of  the  nil- 
lion.  We  will  po  wiih  her  in  the  fulfilment  of  her 
"manifest  de.Miny"  in  this  way,  if  in  no  other. 
We  look  to  her  mighty  and  tnnjeslie  voice,  ns  it 
sli.ill  come  up,  at  no  distant  itay,from  a  vast  ma- 
jority of  ibe  wlwifc  peopfe  oftlie  Union  ilihabiiiiig 
lier  rich  aijJ  happy  valleys,  to  eoniumnd  the  re- 
sumiKiiii  if  n  policy  which  has  been  loo  loiii;  sns- 
iieniled;  lo  overrule  liiilb  the  voles  ami  the  t't/of.'» 
liy  which  it  liiis  been  p.inilyzcd;  nnd  liy  it.i  jwtcnl 
eiier;;y,  to — 

"  Rill  iKirhors  open.  imMic  «  ayii  exiciiil ; 
niil  till-  liriiiiil  itrrli  itic  itaitcniiis  Aun]  coiiI.'hii, 
The  iiKilc  (irniectcil  Itrciik  the  rimriiijj  iiiniii ; 
Iliiek  la  Ihcir'tiiMiiiils  their  mlijecl  mtik  cuainiaiKf, 
Anil  riMI  i.liciiiciil  liver-  lliriniith  Uie  laud." 
But  where  is  this  ,«y.«tem  to  end  .=  .says  the  Hon 
oriililciiieniberfnirn.-llaliama,  (Air. 'i'v.Ner.v.l  Sir, 
i  hope  that  it  is  not  to  end  at  all.  AVhy  should  it 
li.ne  any  end,  as  loii!;  as  the  lUpiililic  endures, 
and  as  hiii!;  aa  miythin;,'  rciimins  to  be  tloiie  to  reii- 
dir  il.t  nieana  of  interr^imirrtiiiic-atiou  easier  anil 
saferi'  Why  should  it  not  i-o  on  ?  A'V^c  camiot  do 
evcrythiiii;  at  a  stroke.  Uiir  annual  a|i|iroprialionH 
niu.si  be  limiled  lo  the  slandard  of  our  imnuid  rc- 
Hirces:  but  why  .«lioiilil  not  one  or  two  nrillioiis  of 
irdlara  be  annually  applitd  lo  the  pnisecnlion  of  ii 
sryslem  of  improvciiient  co-i'Xteiisive  \>  illi  the  wholi 
eoiiiilry.'  The  National  (biverimieiit  is  not,  indeed, 
called  upon  lo  do  everything'  of  this  .sort.  We  shall 
all  concur  in  Ihe  ilodri lie  laiddownby  Mr.f'alhonn  , 
at  the  lale  Memphia  C'oiivi  nfioii,  'Mlmt  wl.alever 
'can  be  done  by  individuals,  lliey  oiii;ht  to  accoiii- 
'  plish;  mill  that  whatever  i.-i  peculiarly  wiiliin  llii- 
'  province  of  the  StMis,  ihcy  shoidd  ell'eet."  Hut. 
we  shall  all,  I  Inist,  concur  with  him,  idso,  in  his 
third  position,  that  "  w  halever  is  esiienliatly  wilhiii 
'  the  control  of  the  Gem'nit  lovprnment,  it  should 
'  III romplisli  :'^  mid  that  willioiil  any  i|ualificatioii, 
■  either  as  to  lime  or  cost.  Individuals  and  Stateii 
aredoiii,?thiir  share  of  I  licse  great  works,  according; 
to  their  abilily.  iMassachusetls  has  already  no  h'ss 
than  seven  hundred  miles  of  railroad  ill  successful 
operation  within  her  own  limits;  and  Ix'r  capital 
i.sts  are,  at  thi.i  moment,  hirgely  engaged  in  ex- 
tendinn  similar  fiicilitiisof  ti-ansporlalion  and  travel 
into  far  ilisdii.l  reu'ioiia  of  the  llipiiblic.  She 
asks  iioihiiigof  the  Nalioiial  Govcrnnienl  for  any 
inlernal   imjiroveiiwiil   of  her   own.     Ibil   in    (he 

newei  Slate's  01    lie  Vv'csl  there  is  more  to  he  d ■, 

and  far  less  aliil  y  fordoing  it;  and  it  is  their  inter- 
est, above  that  o  '  all  olhers,  to  hold  the  nation  lo 
the  discharge  of  ils  fail  responsibility  on  the  sub 
jilt.  It  is  a  disgiiiie  to  our  eoiiniry,  that  their 
mamiificem  rivers  ami  lakes  have  been  so  long 
neglected,  and  tliat  they  should  have  been  sulTercil 
to  lie  the  sceiiCM  of  such  vast  sacrifices  nf  jiroperly 
and  of  life,  from  year  lo  year,  for  want  of  11  hllle 
.seasonable  and  elllcienl  legislation.  Let  me  not 
call  Ihein  Ihiir  lakes  and  rivers:  they  are  ours  as 
much  as  theirs.  We  claim  ail  ei|iial  right  and  all 
eipial  iiilere.sl  in  ihi  111  all;  aivl  we  uiiilr  in  demand- 
ing for  Iheiii  llie  pmnnil  alleiuiiHi  ami  persevering 
iiclion  of  the  only  tiovernineiit  whose  powers 
and  wliosii  rcsource.i  are  iidetiuiiic  to  iheir  iin- 
provenient. 

Bill  wi'  are  lold  thai  Ihe  measure  under  consider- 
aliiiii  call  only  be  carried  lliroiigli  by  a  eorriipl  sys- 
liiii  iif/(ig  rn//iiig.  GenileiiieiiKaw  no  corruption  in 
Oie /(«-ro/liiig  which  was  avowedly  resorlid  to  last 
year  lietween  the  frii  nils  of  the  "  11 -ainn  xalioii 
of  Tcxius,"  and  the  "  re-occupation  of  OiTgon." 
They  descry  noihing  bui  palriolisiu  and  purity  in 
the  ivg-nllinc;  which  seems  about  to  be  einploycil 
now,  between  onr  own  Adiiiinistralion  and  that 
of  Great  Britain,  for  bieakiiig  down  our  Aiiicri- 
eaii  l.iriir.  I!ui  when  11  larije  majoiily  of  llie  mem- 
bers of  this  Hoii.se  an;  found  abandoning  all  mere 
parly  eiinsideraiiiuis,  and  niiiliiig  logether  in  llir 
support  of  measures  w  liicli  are  not  imire  i';i!i  iilalcil 
lo  ad'-onee  the  special  inleresl-i  of  separale  locali- 
ties, than  they  are  lo  promote  the  general  advan- 
tage of  the  whole  eiiiiutry,  why,  tlieii,  fursoolli, 
they  can  see  noihing  but  corruptinii. 

JVlr.  Clmirmaii,  nolliinu' of  real  value  to  this  lie- 
public  ever  hiia  been,  ur  ever  will  be,  ell'ccled,  wilh- 


1 846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


487 


I 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Harbors  ami  Rivers — Mr.  James  Thompson. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


out  some  degree  of  that  sort  of  comliiniUioii  which  ]! 
is  thus  stigmiitizeil  na  Ing-roUbig.  Mutual  conccs-  ; 
sioiis,  reciprociil  bcnefUii,  compensntioii  nnd  coni- 
)ironiisc,  have  been  the  very  laws  of  our  existence 
»ml  progress.  Wherever  coiumoii  daiigera  have 
been  averted,  common  wrongs*  redressed,  common 
interests  promoted,  or  common  principles  vindica- 
ted, it  has  been  l)y  a  system  of  log-rolling.  It  was 
Itf-rolting  wliicli  achieved  our  indejKiidcncc.  It 
was  /off-/o//iii»w!iich  estalilished  our  Constitution. 
Ami  the  Union  itself  is  nothing  but  systematic 
log-iolUni;,  under  a  more  stately  name. 

Doubtless  such  combinations  may  sometimes 
proceed  from  co-rupt  or  unworthy  considerations; 
mil  when  the  objects  at  which  ihey  aim  arc  of  such 
clear  and  un(|UC'.-!tionable  impfulance,  ajul  of  such 
|iul)iic  nnd  general  utility,  as  iho.si;  which  are  now 
Ijcforc  us,  these  unmainierly  imputations  upon  mo- 
tives may,  1  think,  well  bo  spared.  For  myself, 
certainly,  I  have  heard  of  liut  one  overture  which 
would  seem  to  counlcnance  any  audi  impulatiuns 
in  the  present  instance;  and  that  was  contained  m 
a  sugge.'stion,  thrown  out  from  the  other  side  of  the 
I  I'luse,  some  days  iigo,  that  the  pa.ssuge  of  this 
bill  was  an  indispensable  condition  for  securhig 
the  votes  of  the  westt  rn  Stales  for  the  overthrow 
of  a  proteclivo  tarilV.  Such  a  suggestion  would 
seem  to  imply  that  votes  are  relied  upon  for  this 
bill  upon  other  grounds  besides  its  own  nerits, 
and  to  be  given  with  a  view  of  promoting  the  suc- 
cess of  a  policy  wholly  disconnected  with  it,  both 
in  form  and  in  substance.  This  is  a  species  of 
hfr-roUing,  sir,  which  I  shall  leave  others  to  jus-  , 

tiiy.  I 

The  overture  to  whicli  I  have  alluded  is,  how-  I 
ever,  Mr.  Chairman,  obviously  susceptible  of  more 
than  one  application.  It  plainly  suggest.!  a  course 
of  proceeding  for  saving,  as  well  as  for  overthrow-  . 
ing,  the  existing  tarilT.  It  says  to  o\n'  .side  of  the 
House,  "  defeat  this  bill,  and  the  tariiT shall  be  pre- 
served," as  distinctly  lus  il  declares  to  the  other  side 
of  the  Mouse,  "pass  this  bill,  a.id  the  tarilF  shall 
be  destroyed."  For  one,  I  will  act  upon  no  such 
■',.1.  Believing  this  measure  to  be  eminently  cx- 
'  'ient  and  just,  it  shall  have  my  vete,  without 
regard  to  the  probable  action  of  others  i  pon  other 
and  independent  measures.  The  Whig  members 
of  this  Houseoccujiy  ap''oud  po.siiion  in  .iference 
to  the  best  interests  of  tli ;  country  at  the  >resent 
moment,  nnd  1  trust  we  shall  nuimlain  it  without 
wavering.  The  friends  of  the  Administration  are 
in  a  slate  of  manifest  distraction  and  division.  One 
portion  of  them  are  looking  to  us  to  unite  with 
Iheni  in  preserving  the  pcucc  of  the  country.  An- 
other portion  of  them  arc  looking  to  us  to  aid  them  ' 
in  accomplishing  their  clieri.shed  plans  of  public 
improvement.  Let  us  be  true  u>  our.iclves  and  to 
nur  principles  in  both  cases.  Let  us  join  hands 
with  the  .'onth  in  maintaining  an  hojuirablc  peace 
with  foreign  nations,  and  with  the  West  in  carry- 
ing out  these  great  measures  of  domestic  policy. 
If  the  tarilT,  in  the  end,  b.;  overthrown;  if  the  reve- 
nues of  the  country,  umler  existing  circumstiutces 
of  pnldic  debt  and  public  danger,  be  cut  olT;  if  the 
labor  of  the  country  be  deprived  of  iis  wages  and 
ils  work,  let  an  immi\ed  rcspcinsibility  rest  upon 
those  jy  whom  a  step  so  I'aial  shall  have  been 
taken. 


IIARDORS  AND  RIVERS.  j 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  .JAS.  THOMPSON, 

OF  PE.N'.\SVI.V.\NIA, 
Iv  THE  lldrsr.  01-  Uki'ukskntatives, 
Miirch  Vi,  lf<J(!. 
I  hi  the  Hill  making  appropriaiiiiiis  for  certain  Har- 
bors and  Rivers. 

Mr.  THOMPSON  .said: 

Mr.  C'liAiUMAN:  I  trust  I  sliall  know  how  to  feel 
grateful  lor  the  courtesy  exli mled  to  me  by  the 
ciMumiUre,  in  rising  at  an  early  hour  yesterday, 
anil  all'orcliiig  to  me  llu!  oppiMinnily  of  addressing 
llieiii  to-day.  i  can  only  say,  1  feel  profoundly 
grateful  for  the  favor. 

Twenty-ilirec  years  have  clapscil  since  the  pas- 
sage of  the  first  bill  lor  objei'ls  similar,  and  in  many 
instiuu'es  ideniieal,  wilh  those  ecuilaiiied  in  the 
|ireseiit  bill.  And  iKUwith.suuiding  almost  every 
year  since  that  time,  a|ipropriiilions,  nciu'ly  in  every 


particular  like  those  proposed  in  this  bill,  have  been 
authorized  and  sanctioned,  and  have  had  the  sup- 
port of  every  succeeding  Administriition,  still  we 
are  now  rcriuiied  to  discuss  the  constitutionality  of 
the  measure,  as  the  lawyers  say,  de  tiouo,  as  if  for 
the  first  time.  If  the  measure  be  not  constitutional, 
however,  let  il  be  abandoned.  It  is  never  too  late 
to  do  right.  My  judgment,  im  the  constitutionid 
power,  is  convinced,  and  I  shall  endeavor  to  show, 
not  only  by  argument,  but  by  authority,  that  there 
is  no  constitutional  difficulty  in  the  wiiy.  I  will 
here  take  leave  to  say,  that  I  am  as  much  opposed 
to  a  system  of  internal  improvement,  us  such,  and 
for  that  object  alone,  ns  any  member  of  this  com- 
mittee. The  National  Government  has  no  power, 
I  conceive,  to  make  canals  and  railroads  for  im- 
provement purposes,  nor  roads  of  any  kind,  ex- 
cejiting  for  purposes  of  defence  or  post  roads.  The 
))ower  to  improve  rivers,  national  in  their  charac- 
ter, to  construct  and  preserve  harbors,  and  -  ' 
light-houses,  I  think,  depend  upon  dill'ereut  prin- 
ciples, mid  are  coiiPtitulional. 

The  gentleman  frmn  South  Carolina  [Mr.  Rhett] 
seems  U)  deny  thecoiistiintionality  of  the  measure, 
because  of  the  absence  of  an  express  grant  in  the 
Constitution  to  make  inieriial  iniprovenienls.  I 
deny  that  the  pi'|.oseil  i  'casure  is  .^..r  internal  im- 
provement. And  I  think  i  lind  the  authority  for 
the  measure  suiricicntly  indicated  in  the  Consti- 
tution, under  the  grant  to  Congress  "  to  regulate 
commerce  with  foreign  nations,  among  the  several 
Slates,  and  with  the  Indian  tribes."  I  regard  the 
power  to  remove  obstacles  to  the  navigation  of  our 
great  national  rivers,  and  the  improvement  of  har- 
bors on  our  coasts,  as  an  iiicii/iiit  to  the  pov/er  to 
regulate  commerce.  I  need  scarcely  remark,  that 
we  shall  look  in  vain  for  express  power  to  do  every 
act  of  legislation  which  we  luay  find  it  necessary 
to  perform.  There  are  enumeraled  and  express 
powers  granted  to  Congress — i;erlain  general  pow- 
ers to  be  executed;  and  I  need  not  observe  that 
whatever  is  necessary  to  the  full  and  complete  ex- 
ecution of  a  general  power,  is  granted  as  incident 
to  the  execution  of  ihe  power  itself.  Nothing  can 
be  regarded  as  an  incident  to  a  general  power,  but 
that  which  is  necessary  to  its  full  and  ample  exe- 
cution; and  whatever  is  so,  must,  of  cour-se,  be  an 
incident,  which  is  of  necessity  granted  by  the  gen- 
eral power;  because  it  is  necessary.  I  must  here 
udte  the  liberty  to  cite  the  remark  of  Mr.  Madison 
in  relation  to  the  existence  of  incidental  powers: 

"  WlM'iii'ver,  tlii'retbn',"  lie  reraiirlis,  «  n  qiioxliDii  .irises 
cnnei^rnin'i  \\w.  ediii^iilulioririlily  ol'a  naitieiiiiir  power,  liie 
lir^l  iiueslioii  JH.  whether  the  pi»wer  lie  expressed  ill  the 
(.'iln-tllulinii .'  If  itlie.  Ihe  qiiesliuii  is  (h'eiiled;  if  it  lie  iKit 
e\[iressei1,  the  ne\t  iiKpiiry  must  lie,  whether  it  is  i-KnlTK- 
l.v  AN  iNfiDKNr  to  an  express  power,  and  iieeessiiry  to  its 
ex(;riitinii  ?  It  it  lie,  it  amy  he  exercised  liy  Coiii^n'S!!.  It'll 
is  not,  (,'oiiuress  cannot  exeri'ist:  it." — W.ulisoii's  Kc^wW  on 
tht:  yiri;iHia  Ucsotiilhifi  in  ISOll. 

If  authority  were  wanting,  thiscstablishcsclearly 
the  right  to  look  for,  and  net  upon,  incidental  power 
in  the  Constitution,  ns  well  as  those  "'!iicli  are  ex- 
press. Why,  sir,  we  have  legislated  at  all  times 
most  extensively  upon  incidenlal  powers.  If  this 
had  not  been  so,  1  should  like  to  know  from  the 
gentleman  from  South  Carolina  where  existed  the 
anlhorily  Ui  prepare  this  arched  room,  this  carpet- 
ed floor,  these  cherry  desks, and  cu.shioni.'d  seals.' 
There  is  nothing  of  all  this  in  the  Constitution. 
That  instrument  says  Congress  shall  "  consist  of  a 
Senate  and  House  tif  Representatives."  The  word 
House  refers  to  the  body  o'-  assemblage  of  Repre- 
.seiilalivcs,  not  to  n  building.  The  authority  to 
erect  a  building  musi,  iheref'ore,  be  an  incidental 
power;  il  is  not  cipress.  The  gentleman  might 
be  puz/.led  somewhat  to  find  autliorily  for  appro- 
prialing  money  to  buy  stationery  for  the  members 
of  this  body,  to  pay  for  the  "gray-goose"  quill 
which  he  holds  in  his  hand.  He  seeiiis  nut  to  be 
opposed  to  all  this;  and  these  are  powers  Incidental 
to  .some  general  iiinver,  else  we  could  not  do  these 
tliiii!.'s.  I  must  further  usk,  where  is  there  express 
aulhority  to  establish  a  library — a  nation.i  llibrary? 
Strict  ciinstriictionisis  mnsi  answer  this  ipieslion 
Nobody  seems  to  diuibt  Ihe  propriety  of  tills. 
Where  is  the  autliorily?  It  must  be  iiiclduntal, 
and  whelhcr  "properly"  .so,  depends  upon  (he  dis- 
ereliiin  of  (Congress,  i  would  like  In  know  ifgen- 
!  tieiiicii  wlio  so  earnestly  insist  upon  it,  that  the 
measure  iiiider  consideration  is  not  constitutional, 
ever  voted  for  a  revolulioiiary  pension,  to  relieve 
the  glorious  old   patriots  who  won  our  indepen- 


dence?   [A  voice:  "Yes."]     Upon  what  express 
power  in  the  Constitution  was  this  done?  [A  voice: 
"  The  power  to  provide  for  the  army . "]     I  beg  the 
gentleman's  pardon,  the  army  had  been  raised  and 
disbanded  before  the  Constitution  had  an  existence. 
;  But  suppose  I  consider  tln^  answer  suincient,  I  will 
j  ask,  did  the  gentleman  evsr  vote  for  the  la*  topeii- 
j  sion  icidoips  of  soldiers  of  the  Revolution?    They 
j  were  not  jiart  of  the  army,  and  still  we  give  a  pen- 
sion, if  married  to  a  soldier  of  the  Revolution  be- 
j  fore  1794    Where  is  the  express  authority  for  this.' 
i  Sir,  I  ctui  find  authority  cnoiigh  to  satisfy  me  in  vo- 
!  ting  for  pensions  for  old  soldiers  and  widows  of  sol- 
I  diers,and  I  intend  always  so  to  vote.     But  itis  for 
those  gentlemen,  who  insist  on  express  grants  of 
power  for  everything,  to  reconcile  their  votes  on 
I  these  subjects.     Let  nie  ask,  where  is  the  power 
found  to  send  out  an  exploring  cxjiedilion  to  the 
Soi".;i  Sen,  or  Captain  Fremont  to  the  south westby 
.<\nd  ?    All  these  things  have  been  done,  and  1  don  i 
recollect  of  seeing  the  solemn  protests  of  anybody 
':  against  these  measures  im  being  nnconstitutiomd. 
Certainly  there  is  nothing  ex  prifs.Sv;u  in  the  Constitu- 
tion about  these  matters.  Ifniit  expressed,  then  must 
the  nutliority  have  been  exeici.sed  upon  incidental 
powers  in  the  Cmistilution.     I  am  far  from  favor- 
ing  latiuidinarian   interpretations  of  that  instru- 
ment.    I  would  neither  enlarge  nor  circumscribe 
the  rule  laid  down  by  Mr.  Madison;  and  if  a  meas- 
ure comes  within  it,  I  am  fur  acting  under  it,  aa 
amply  as  I  think  I  have  shown  Congress  has  done 
\  ill  the  cases  I  have  named,  and  in  uiany  other  in- 
'  stances  not  named. 

j  I  have  taken  the  position  that  the  improvement.') 
j  of  harbors  and  of  our  great  national  rivers  maybe 
I  carried  on  by  the  General  Government,  and  are 
1  incidental  to  the  power  "  to  regulate  commerce." 
This  seems  to  my  mind  plain  and  evident.  But  1 
shall,  for  a  moment,  speak  of  the  rivers  in  this  bill, 
•  and  of  the  ordinance  of  1787.  This  ordinonce  vyus 
I  enacted  under  the  Confederation  for  the  regulation 
I  of  llie  northwestern  territory;  and  in  relation  to 
:  certain  navigable  waters;  it  enacts  as  follows: 

'  "Tim  niiviiinlilc  wnlers  londinc  into  tlln  Mississippi  nilil 
i  the  St.  Lawrence,  anil  the  c.-irryiiif.'  places  between  tlio 
siiine,  shall  be  conliilon  liiyliwiiys  iiiid/orcrcr/rer,  as  well 
to  the  inhabitnnts  of  said  teirilory,  ami  to  the  citi.:i  ns  of  the 
'  United  Slates,  and  those  nl' nny  otlu'r  Stntes  that  may  he 
:  nifniitteil  into  the  Conl'eiferiicy,  without  any  tax,  iiiifiust,  or 
'  duty  therr^l'or." 

I      This  ordinance  was  enacled  before  the  adoption 
j  of  the  Constitnlion,  but  h.is  ever  been  considered 
in  forci;  up  to  this  time.     By  this,  then,  ihe  navi- 
'  gable  waters  leading  into  the  Mississippi  are  de- 
clared to  be  coiomon  highways,  nnd  to  be  forever 
free  to  all  the  ciiizcns  of  this  Union. 

Mr.  Rhett  here  inlerrnpled  Mr.  T.,  and  said 
I  the  Ohio  had  been  decided  to  be  within  the  juris- 
diction of  the  Slates  of  Virginia  nnd  Kentucky. 
j      Mr.  Chnirinau,  this  is  doulnless  so;  and  if  the 
i  waters  were  to  recede  or  dry  up,  the  bottom  of  the 
!  stream  would  be  within  the  territorial  limits  of  the 
i  States  boi-'.ering  thereon.      So,  too,  for  judicial 
purpose,   the  Stales  exercise  jurisdiction   to  the 
middle  of  the  stream.    Hut  notwithstanding  this,  a. 
right  of  way  is  guarantied  by  this  ordinance  to  all 
the  peofile  of  the  Union,  or  those  of  "any  other 
Slates,"  that  should  thereafter  "  be  admitted  into 
i  the  Confederacy."   Of  course  the  national  Govern- 
ment possesses  a  right  of  way  on  these  streams 
also.     Now,  if  this  be  so — i\nd  I  ciinnni  doubt  biit 
that  the  vessels  of  the  Government  itself  may  navi- 
gate them — may  not  the  Goverinncnt  contribute  to 
keep  and  preserve  these  |.ublic  hi'.'hways?— to  re- 
:  move  obstructions  to  render  them 7»rffcr/rcc  /    If 
Ihe  Government  has  a  right  of  way  there,  may  it 
not  remove  the  olistruclions  as  well  on  account  of 
its  own  convenience,  as  also  to  promote  the  niivi- 
;  gallon  of  those  rivers  by  the  cilizens  of  the  Union 
I  m  carrying  on  connneice  ?   I  cannot  doiib',  the  right 
''  anil  the  power.     If  the  States  alone  have  the  right 
M  to  improve,  for  instance,  the  Oliio  river,  call  it  be 
'  done   coi'sislently  wilh  this  free.   ri„-lit  of  way? 
1  Why,  sir,  llie  method  of  improving  adopted,  may 
1  olistruei  and  hinder  llie  navigaiion  within  the  ter- 
ritorial liinils  of  a  Slate,  so  as  to  destroy  the  niivi- 
g.uion  to  many  of  llic  other  Slates  in  which  no 
'  olKstructioiis  exist.     What  is  to  be  done  then  ?    Or 
the  State  where  a  temporary  olistruction  exists 
may  neglect  or  refuse  to  remove  it.     Is  there  no 
power  in  Ihe  General  Government,  either  under 
j  the  ordinance  or  for  the  benefit  of  commerce  be- 
'  tween  the  Slates,  to  remove  siu  h  ?   If  tlicro  bo  not, 


m 


•I 


-  !■« 

■.ii»a 


.■N    C'>'.jj)t| 


Um 


Al*PENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29tii  Coiia 1st  Sess. 


Harbors  and  Rivers— Mr.  Jntnes  Thompson. 


(iMarcli  i'A 
Ho.  OP  Reps. 


the  free  imvisalioii  iiiny  kooii  cense  to  exist.  But 
liow  in  it  pn»»ililc  for  Sinles  h«viiiR  jiiriMilictioii 
only  to  the  middle  of  the  livcr  lo  iiiiiiro'vp  the  imvi- 
pnimn  or  mnovc  olistruclimisr  One  Sinle  iimy 
nc'sled.  <ir  refuse  to  do  nitylhiiiL' — the  Stale  on  tlie 
oppimite  bottler  niav  so  urt  tipder  the  pretext  of 
improvinc;,  iis  to  injure  rather  than  iinjirove  the 
navi;;Htion,  and  wlio  ran  interfere  to  prevent  it: 
These  diCicidlies  douhlless  forushadoweil  them- 
selves, and  |ir(Klueed  the  onlinancr  of  17H7,  under 
which,  1  thi'ik,  the  right  exists  to  improve  the 
sireaius  eml)raoed  in  thin  l)ill,  ajid  perhaps  others. 

Uul  can  it  he  doubled  that  this  ijical  inhiiid  ave- 
iuu'oflnidi',rontinuous  from  the  Stale  of  New  York 
to,  and  iln'ou»h  the  Stale  of  Louisinn",  ( xlending 
Miross  tlie  Union  from  norlh  to  soulh,  passin:;  be- 
tween and  borderiii!;  I  ai  half  the  Slates  ol  I  he  Union, 
is  not  a  national  ohjcrl  r  On  wliieh,loo,  your  CJov- 
eriimeni  has  eslalilislird  portsof  enlry  aial  eustom- 
houses — eommercial  leijuLitions  not  only  amon;; 
the  States,  but  with  foreign  powers — and  subject  to 
all  the  rules  established  to  promote  the  gf.'ueral  com- 
mercial iiiterc'ourse;  Is  it  so,  thus  circumstanced, 
that  il  is  not  nalioual  but  local.'  Why,  sir,  Pitls- 
burfT,  more  than  two  ihou.siual  miles  above  the 
tnonlli  of  the  .Mississippi,  has,  for  many  years, 
been  a  jiorl  of  enlry. 

Mr.  v'lXTd.v.  l''orly  year.s  a^o,  under  the  Ad- 
niiiiistrntion  of  Mr.  Jellerson,  it  was  made  a  port 
f»f  entry. 

Mr.  r.  I  thank  the  •jentlcmau  (or  thedate,iis  I 
had  not  adverted  to  il.  I  remember  of  beariiiL', 
many  years  a::o,  of  a  .•-■rliofuier  having  been  built  at 
I'iltsl)urj.'.  She  sailed  down  the  Ohio  and  Mi.isis- 
sippi,  and  cros.sed  tlie  Atlantic  to  Liverpool.  The 
officers  of  ihe  customs  were  u  little  perplexed  about 
the  pi'ecise  lo.-.iliiy  of  the  port  from  whence  she 
.s.'uled,  but  on  examining  the  subject  weivsoon  sat- 
isfied that  her  papers  wen!  all  res^ular  and  riijht. 
"^'ou  ha.e  your  custom-house  otficers  and  ports  (if 
eniry  alon;;  this  i,'real  chain  of  navip^ilirui.  You 
have  jurisdiction  I'or  certain  eumnieri'ial  purposes; 
you  collect  imposts  and  duties;  and  still  il  is  denied 
that  you  have  any  authority  to  remove  a  suHi:  or 
pull  up  «  sawyer.  The  Mis.-<issip|u  stands  on  the 
.s.one  footing  with  the  Ohio,  as  to  the  constitutional 
objection.  Can  the  mind  coiuemplate  tliis  ^reat 
river,  tlie  father  of  waters,  and  conceive  it  to  be 
merely  local,  sub|eci  to  the  cinitrol  ill  preserving;  il.s 
navitrution — iiml  it  may  be  to  the  caprice — of  the 
Stales  llirou;;!!  which  il  passes.-  Deller  mi;;lit  llie 
Rhine,  the  Tliaines,  the  La  I'laia,  the  Nile,  or  the 
Volira,  be  llioiurht  of,  ant]  written  about,  as  beiiii; 
of  hss  than  of  Uiiiiunal  imporlauce.  The  ixti'aytt- 
^anza  of  calling  il  mtm  cUnisytm ^  an  inland  sea,  was 
not  nec.cssary  to  give  it  national  character,  and  to 
brill;;'  il  within  llie^uri.Mliclicni  of  the  Union,  as  an 
objcci  of  ;;real  ini]>nruuice  both  us  toiMiiunurce  and 
defence,  iiut,  1  will  now  proceed  to  another  |iart 
of  this  subject. 

It  IS  denied  that  the  General  liovcrnmeiU  has  a 
I  i  .111  In  improve  liarbf>r.s  on  tin:  hikes.  Thi'  ;;eiille- 
ni  in  from  South  (Jaiohna,  [Mr.  lliiKrr.j  would 
c  iiifuie  ilie  jurisilii'lioii  lo  purposes  of  this  sort  lo 
liii-  "high  .-eas."  What  aulhoi'ily  is  there  fur  ihis.= 
The  Consitiution  of  the  United  .Sr.-ucs  pro\  ides  iliat 
the  judicial  power,  amoie^st  o;her  tilings,  shall  ex- 
tend to  ''all  cases  of  a'l.ni.alty  and  maniinie  juris- 
diction.'' 'J'he  connnon  law  ih  lines  thai  jurisdic- 
iioii  lo  beap(ilirableonly  to  the  high  seas,  w  heiever 

ilie  inle  ebl)s  and  ilous.     It  is  because  tin mmon 

l.nv  tiiiis  (It  lines  it,  that  the  gentleniaii  inters  that 
tlierr  is  no  jiiri.sdiclion  in  the  (Jo\eriinieul  of  the 
roiiiil  .States,  other  lli.ui  while  admiralty  and 
iiiari*iiiH'  )ui''siliciiiiii  extends.  I  have  only  to  say, 
sir,  Iliiit  .\Ir.  Maili.ion,  one.  of  the  H'amers  of  the 
('on.^iilniion,  denie.s  that  ilie  coiniium  law  was 
adouled  as  a  law  of  the  Union  by  the  adoiitioii  of 
the  O)nstilution.  If  this  be  correct,  and  1  believe 
It  has  never  been  dcntiil.  then  Uongress  may  ex- 
ti-Mil  maritime  and  adiiiiraliy  jurisdiciion  to  the 
liiki  i,  as  iluy  have  done  liy  the  act  of  lnl4;  and 
liHviii_'  so  doni',  ailo|iling  llie  geiuleman's  prccei-s 
of  riasoning,  would  liave  a  i'ij;hl  Ui  iiiakc  anil  ini- 
prove  hariiois. 

Mr.  ('Iiairnian,  (Congress  has  niithori/.ed  the 
ereciion  of  light-honsi  s  on  the  lakes,  and  tlnr  power 
I  )  do  HO  docs  not  seem  to  be  denied.  Now,  as  an 
incident  to  wli.'tt  powrr  is  iliisdone.'  'I'o  the  navy  r 
If  so,  why  have!  tin  .<i-  hnnsis  bi  en  kept  iiji  and 
lighl-d  at  the  ixpiii.se  of  the  (jovermin  in,  when 
llicro  was  no  navy  to  be  benefited.'     Uul  it  ciuiiiot 


be  doubled  that  the  object  lind  in  view  wns  for  i| 
the  security  of  conmierce.     If  for  commerce,  it  is  ;i 
certainly  an  remote  an  iiicidenlul  power  n.s  that  of :: 
making;  a  harbor,     .\iiil  I  think  all  will  agree  wilh  | 
me,  if  il  be  justified  an  incidental  lo  the  power  lo  j 
regulate  commerce,  by  providing  for  ita  .safely,   j 
you  may  erect  piers  and  remove  ohstructioim  in 
ihe  entmnces  to  your  harbors  for  the  same  olijcTl. 
Why  may  not  harbors  be  improved  by  appropri- 
ations, niid  under  the  superintendence  orComjiess.' 
In  no  iiiHlnnci!  have  the  .Stales  objected.     The  ex-  ' 
ereise  of  the   power  seems  lo  be  adniilted  by  the 
Stales.     AVhy  should  il  not  be  done  by  the  Gene- 
ral Governmenl.'     The  Governmeiil  eollecls  cu-s- 
loniH  and  imposts  at  most  of  your  harbors — regu-   ; 
lalcH  the  ».iiling  of  your  vessels — appoints  an  oiHcv'r 
to  rcfiisler  llieni,aiid  lo  issue  the  Ill■ce^sary  papers 
lo  legalize  their  sailinn;,  and  confiscates  those  going 
willioiit  pro|Hr  iiaocr.s — all  this  Ihe  Government 
does;  and  yet  il  is  uenied  that  there  exists  a  power 
to  iippropriale  a  dollar  towards  improving  or  ren- 
dering safe   Ihe   very  properly  from  which   these 
iinpo'its  are  collected.     II   you  cannot   improve  a 
harbor,  remove  obsiruclioiis,  ihal   llic  storm   may 
have  c.isl  in  the  way  of  entering  il,  why  erect  and 
keep   lip  light-houses?     ^*our  beacons  would  but 
"  lure  to  desiroy,"  if  voit  have  no  power  lo  remove 
accidental   and    dangerous    impediments    in    your 
ports.      Uul  aj^'ain,  you  make  a  conmiercial  treaty 
wilh  a  foreign  Power,  in  which  idl  the  ports  you 
pos.scss  on  the  lakes  niav  be  eiilered  underihe  terms 
of  it.    A  g:e.u  storm  fills  up  iliose  located  in  an  ail- 
vaubvgeous  position  for  trade — you  have  no  power 
toappropri:uc  nioiiey  lo  rec  (mstriicland  repair  them  ' 
— your   pmls  of  enlry  are  thus  dosed — will  il  do 
lo  .say  thai  their  existence  depends  upon   no  na- 
tional care,  but  upon  ihe  caprice  of  ihe  winds  and 
talesr     This  would,  in  trntli,  be  your  only  excuse 
for  your  inability  to  comply  with  your  coi'ninereial  ' 
arrangemenis.  if  you  could   not  repair  ihe  diHicid-  ' 
ly.      Uul  the  genileman  fr  mi  .■Mabaiua  (.Mr.  Ya.S'- 
CKv)  admits,  if  a  harbor  should  become  obstructed, 
the  (jovernmeni  may  remove  the  ohslruclioii.  This 
is  true;   hiil  il  concede.^   the  argimient.     At  what 
point,   in   amount  of  labor,  will  you   slop,  lo  be 
williin  Ihe  constiuilional  limit .=     .'\l  whieh  dollar, 
cent,  or  mill,  will   you  cease  lo  ajipropriale  ?     If 
you   may  aiipiopriale  money  to  clear  out   and  re- 
move oljsiruciions,  it  would  seem  lo  me  Ihal  you 
might,  with  eipial  propriety,  erect  the  necessary 
works  to  prevent  the  diirHiilty  from  occurring;  and 
this  would  be  to  make  a  harbor. 

Il  has  been  ob|ecii  il  thai  the  harbors  on  the  lakes 
are  all  williin  the  limils  of  the  Slates,  and  within 
their  exclusive  jurisdiction,  and  llurefore  their 
preservation  and  nnprovtment  nmsl  depend  upon 
the  Slales.  What  interest,  let  me  ask,  has  a  Stale 
in  improving  harliois.-  Conmierce  may  benelit 
citizens  ill  proxiniily  w  itii  Iheiii,  but  cai,iiot  eiira'h 
her  Ireasury.  The  imposts  arising  trom  trade  goes 
into  the  nalionalcotVcrs.  The  iicighborhood  around 
is  only  intercsicd,  while  the  Slate  at  large,  deriving 
no  benelit,  iiciy  look  on  wilh  indilTerence;  may  neg- 
lei'i  and  refuse  lo  improve  and  repair.  What  is  lo 
be  done.-  Your  commerce,  as  the  safely  of  yo.ir 
harbor  declines,  diminishes,  until  at  last  bolli  cease 
lo  exist;  the  Stale  lo.ses  liiil,'  else  than  the  advan- 
uige.  lo  her  |ieople  of  the  local  business  of  till'  port, 
aiid  your  (-lovcrmnent  loses  iis  customs  and  im- 
posts. Uul  suppose  a  .State  should  imderlake  the 
unprovemcm  of  harbors  on  ler  eoiiM.= — of  course 
the  work  would  progress  only  as  fast  and  in  such 
iiianiicrasii  loii'hl  suit  her  coiivenieiice.  Kvery 
regulation  necessary  to  the  pi'rformain'e  of  llie  ob- 
ject, sin-  might  ;n|opl.aiid  should  she  choose  to 
exclude  your  coiuiiieice  from  eiitermg,  yoio'  own  | 
vcss!:ls  from  coming  in,  you  e..uid  not  object;  you  , 
would  be  III  her  mercy,  bi  cau.'-e  yoiia.sseii  that  she 
alone  has  the  power  to  impiove,  and,  if  so,  has  the 
right  to  adopt  llie  ioe;ms  she  ni.iv  think  proper  lo 
accoiii|ilisli  the  olijeei.  Thus  a  Slue  might  lu'l,  if 
Ihe  exclusivi!  jun.silietion  remain  in  her.  Thus 
would  your  (lag  be  refused  en  I  no  ice,  and  your  com- 
merce be  taken  aw.iy,  and  there  would  be  no  right 
lo  complain.  This  is  llie  legiiimate  tendency  of 
Ihe  arguiiiciil  against  the  power  lo  appropriaie,  by 
the  General  Governmi  lit,  money  to  improve  har- 
bors for  the  beiiefil  of  i  ooimerce. 

.\1r.  Cleiirnmii,  we  el.um  ili.it  these  haibors  are 
lot  only  iieci  s.sary  in  llie  regiilalion  of  commerce, 
but  are  iniporbuit  as  means  of  defence.  The  coin- 
luerciid  marine  un  the  hikes  will  always  be  llicir 


best  defence.  In  proof  of  this,  a  very  dislinp^xiish- 
ed  officer  of  the  Governmeiil,  examiiiiii);  the  lakes 
with  a  view  to  their  defences  last  summer,  told  me 
that,  in  his  opinion,  no  fortilicniions  were  needed: 
nil  that  was  necessary  was  to  deposiie  arms  ami 
munitions  of  war  at  the  vnrioushnrbors  around  the 
const.  He  said  Ire  had  n  list  of  thirty  Hieainers, 
each  of  which  were  capable  of  enrrving  ten  gnus, 
two  of  which  might  be  I'aixhim.  The  list,  I  mn 
persuaded,  might  have  been  greatly  extended,  foi 
there  ate  in  all  about  seventy  steamers;  in  addition 
lo  this,  there  are  ovc-  three  hundred  .sail-crafi,  all 
of  w  liicli  might  I.e  armed,  if  recpiired,  for  the  ile 
fence  of  the  lakes.  I  Hlluile  in  these  esiinmlcs  In 
lakes  Krie,  Huron,  aiid  Micliignn.  Now.Hir,  li> 
keep  up  this  commercial  marine,  you  must  pro- 
vide for  its  safety,  make  eonvenient  and  ample 
harbors.  Il  is  ineri'asing  rapidly  under  your  fos 
Icriiig  can'.  In  181!),  the  first  steamer  contnienceil 
navigating  the  lakes;  in  l^'•Jt  the  improvement  of 
the  harbors  was  bi-g'.in  by  the  National  Goverii- 
iiienl,  and  we  have  now  about  seventy  steainerM. 
The  sail-craft  has  increased  wilh  ei|ual  rapidity, 
until  Ihe  loimnge  now  employed  is  about  one  luui- 
dn'd  thousand  Ions.  No  doubt  can  exisi  that  this 
great  incnnsc  of  tominge  is  owiiiij  Id  your  harbor 
inifirovemems. 

Uul  ills  objected  thai  ymicnnnot  improve  Imrbora 
incideiUal  tii  the  power  to  regulate  commerce,  nol- 
wilhslanding  we  may  be  able  lo  show  that  in  doing 
so  the  measuiTs  ei'nploved  result  in  importaiit 
measures  of  defence.  'V\\f  right  to  erect  defetici  s 
is  not  denied;  but  il  must  be  defences,  slriclly  so 
If  you  can  completely  defend  your  coast  by  your 
coiiimen'ial  mnrine,  and  thai  is  raised  up  as  ihe 
n'snli  of  your  safe  navigation,  why  may  you  not 
appropriate  money  to  in.'iue  this  resiill  by  |)eace- 
fiil  means  as  well  as  by  the  iirts  of  war?  "^  oil  may 
ei-ecl  fortifications  to  protect  your  coast,  but  you 
cannot  crenle  harbors  to  have  the  same  ell'ecl — lliis 
is  the  argumenl.  You  may  stud  your  eiilire  shores 
with  frowning  forlres.ses— wilh  "  temples  lo  the 
grim  god  of  war" — but  you  cannot  conslitutionally 
arrive  at  the  snmo  results  by  peaceful  appliances. 
To  Ihis  doctrine  I  cannot  sub.scribe.  The  spirit  of 
our  inslilulions  are  best  subser\ed  in  the  advance- 
ment of  peace.  It  was  the  in.slmct  of  safety  that 
pnivided  for  the  citizen  soldier  instead  of  a  stimd- 
iiig  army;  and  we  best  consult  our  own  inten'sis 
by  perpe'liialing  this  sentiment.  I  think  that  wli  'ii 
our  interests,  as  well  as  security,  are  belter  pro- 
moled  by  the  measures  proposed,  we  ought  in"  to 
hesitate  to  adopt  tlieiii,  pnivided  that  the  Consti- 
liition  lends  its  sanclioii  to  the  end  proposed, 
which  I  feel  convinced  it  docs  in  relation  to  llii.-i 
measure. 

Now,  let  us  s-ee,  Mr.  Chnirinan,  how  we  stand 
on  aulhorilv  in  this  mailer.  I  shall  read  first  from 
Mr.  Mom-o'e's  .Messiege  of  IM-t.  He  goes  iiiiich 
furlhcr  than  we  contend  for,  or  than  I  would  be 
willing  to  go.  In  relalion  ton  portion  of  llie  iiii- 
pnnemenls  contained  in  the  present  bill,  he  says: 

"  Tile  lirnvlKidll  ill  the  .-i-viTri!  ai-l--*  ot'l'inlLTess  el"  tilt-  lu>l 
M'ssinli  liir  Ilie  iiiiprnveineiil  nllhe  iiuvJi.Mtl"ii  iiltlli'  Ml:-..|H 
-ipjii  mill  tlie  IHliu.  el  On-  ti.iitiur  ot  rr.'M|iie  l-le,  mi  l.:ikc 
I-'rie,  nail  lIlc  r>  [liiir-*  nl  I'l.v  iiiniitli  lii-acit,  iir.-  in  a  emir'se  iif 
resllliif  cxeealiim  ;  ami  Ilieie  l-  oa-oii  In  h"|i  •  that  lie-  ii|> 
pimlliin  in  eaeli  iii-tam  e  will  tie  ail>'i|ilate  m  Ihe  iilijeet.  'I'd 
i-arrv  nie>e  jiidii^l  III-  liillv  llilii  i  Heel,  lli--  sup -iiiilenili'iire 
III  Illeiii  lia.-*  In  ell  ii.--li,'iieil  Iddliii-i-is  tit  Itie  corp^  iit  einii 
lieeTs."' 

The  appropriations  referred  to  were  'Si7.'i,(lfl()  to 
the  Ohio  anil  Mis.sissippi,  >*'.2(I,(M)II  for  the  harbor  of 
Fresipie  Isle,  and  <ii^i(l,IIIHI  for  the  repair  of  I'ly- 
moiitii  beach.  In  bis  message  of  IH-J.'i,  .Mr.  .Mon- 
roe also  expresses  his  opinion  in  favor  of  those 
works  aniongsi  others  emimeraled. 

General  .Fackson,  whil i  the  subjeei   of  light- 

liousi;s  aiitl  harbor  and  river  iinproveiuculs,  say.s: 

'•Hi.  11"!  Ill'  le.-s  Ini"  dial  llie  plllilie  ..'"dil  .iiiil  tin-  iiallllR 
dl'  dlir  ii.ilili  al  itislilitlidie  ri-ipare  Ihal  iiiilivnltnl  ililier 
ellc-|.>  i.hdlllil  V II  III  Id  a  vvetlM'lllill  aeipne.-e.-iiee  dl  llie 
pi'dplt>.  ami  ediireileraleit  aiiltinntie-.  Ill  pariK  iilar  edn..loie- 
IidiMdii  ihMlliltuI  iKiliils."-    .V,/i,  ■-"".  l!--ld. 

Ill  speaking  of  appniprialions  iVmii  the  Inasury, 
he  al.so  holds  the  t'ldlowiiig  language: 

"  l.iuhl  lldii-es.  heai  im^.  Itildv-.  piiMie  |ie-rs,  ami  llie  le- 
ilidval  dl"  sniiil  liar-. -auv  el--,  ami  diher  teiiip.iratv  iiiijii  ill 
llieiit-  III  Ihe  il.e  i-^tihh-  Wii'i.  .;(»/  tt-irf'itr^,  vvllleh  Here  em- 
liraeeil  Ml  llie  iiianm-  ili-Iri<-H  I'ldiii  lime  id  lime  esialili-li.-il 
la  law.  were  ailllMiri/.eit  iip'iii  lite  ..-aiiie  prliii  iple  anil  Ihe 
e\peit-e  ililrliyeJ  ill  llie  saliic  maltm-r." -.Vi.VKu.;!.*  'ith   Oc- 


n'.e 


1  Kin, 


Kurtlier,  he  s:iys; 
"  Ttiere  i.i  iiiiollier  clii>i 


111  apprdpruitem.s  liir  vvtini  iiiiiy 


1846. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


489 


)i9TH  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Severance. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


hii  rntlril,  withnut  iniproprifty,  iiitcriinl  iniprnvtiiiirntti, 
U'llii'li  itavc  iWinit/«  been  truiirdcrl  as  hiniulini;  nixin  ililliT- 
riit  Bfiiiulf  frnin  tint!*!' In  witicli  Itinvc  rcH-rri'ii.  I  i\Ilnil<' 
tn  i.iii'li  iw  linvr  f'tr  their  nhjpct  tlm  imi'rkvkmknt  op  oi:r 
iiAHitoltH,  the  n'liiovtil  iirpiiniHl  anil  toiii|inriiry  obi*trtU'li()Mn 
ill  niir  yiui-it^itllr  rirfr^  iiir  Itii'  liicility  :iii(l  tti'i'iirity  of  imr 
loiiBiiiN  coMMKHCK."  ******  '^  A|)|irnprinUniiH 
I'nr  ^il^ilHr^lt^it!l■t•*  tiiiv<'  iMTii  f>niitiiiiii-it  frnm  thitt  timi'  (17H!)) 
Ill  the  iiriiiiti'iit  wiihiiiii  iiitfrriipiiuii."— J.fcA.voii's  Mcsstttfr,  i 
(Jcri'iii^crii,  IKll  I; 

Prcsidcnl  Jiiclcson  sisnrd  bills  niiikiiifr  nppropri-  ]i 
iilinns  for  mnHl  oflho  olijprlK  contnincd  ill  lliis  iiill 
rvcry  yc'ir  diirini;  his  Ailiniiiistrntion,  iimouiiling  ] 
to  ovrr  five  iiiillioiis  ni'dollni's.  1 

Mr.  Vmi  Biireii,  in  liis  letter  tn  Slierrnd  Wil-  | 
lianis  in  1836,  s|ienkiii:;  nf  rienernl  J.trk.son  's  views  i 
ill  ieliition  to  the  iippropriiUiini  of  money  for  im-  1 
prnvement  pttrposes,  siiys:  I 

'•  \ii  line.  I  lii'lievn.  rniili'iHls  ili:il  tlic  Prmidnnt  oiii;ht  tn 
li.ni'  urrcslfil  iitl  apiirnjirinhnii^  ol  tliin  cliartu-tir;  tiiir  cniilrl  I 
It,  witli  any  i^iinw  iit'  prn|irit>iy.  he  iiisixtitd  that  lie  tilmlild 
liave  ci\'('li  hi>4 1'nui'ent  In  thi'  rxtrni^inil  nf  tlieiil  to  iili|t-ct.s 
<•(  a  character  altogether  ditr-reiit  trniii  ihnse  wliich  have 
liecii  prnMeeiireii  by  araiits  from  tlie  Fcileral  treasury,  niiice 
the  cniiiiiieiieeilteilt  of  llie  FeiJeral  tjovernmenl." 

Mr.  Van  Biiren  signed  liills  niiikiiii;  npproprin- 
lioiis  tn  iiinht  of  the  nlijeet.s  eonlnined  ill  lliis  liill 
iliiriiigtwo  yeiirs  nf  his  term,  and  never  rcfihscd 
lii.s  ii.sseiit  to  any  hill  for  surh  purpnse.s. 

\Vc  whn  are  the  advnciiles  nf  thin  niea.<!itre  have 
lieeii  called  phimlerer.s.     Well,  sir,  if  we  are,  wc 
have  had  great  examples  set  Itefnre  its:  Monrne,  \\ 
.lai'ksoii,  and  Van  Hiiren — Pre.sident  Jaeksnn  was  i 
the  Ki'ealesL  of  pliniderers.      In   such  cnmpaiiy  1  ', 
have  no  great  fears  nf  lining  v'nlence  to  the  Con-  j 
stitnlinn.      When  such   men  approve,  I   shall  he 
relnctaiit  to  rondenm.  ' 

The  gentleman  from  Tennessee,  [Mr.  Johnson,] 
tn  his  opposition  to  the  hill,  and,  I  presume,  with 
sonie  view  of  niTeeting  it  thereby,  eomplained  of 
the  Speaker — of  his  nrraniremeiU  nf  conimillees.  i 
I  do  not  know  that  the  Speaker  ill  he  obliged  to  ' 
me  tn  appear  in  liis  tlefence,  or  thai  he  needs  it;  ' 
bill  I  cannot  forbear  saying  something  on  the  snb-  ' 
ieel.  The  gentleman  complained  that  Tennessee 
had  not  a  single  chairman  of  any  committee.  This  ' 
is  so,  I  presume.  But  there  arc  thnsc  whn  think 
that  Tennessee  is  nnt  badly  ofi'  in  the  way  of  offi- 
cial power  in  the  ofiicers  of  the  Union — not  nllo- 
gellier  ncirleeted — if  nnt  in  this  Hniise,  at  least  nut 
of  it.  She  has  nii/i/  a  President  nf  the  United 
Slates,  II  Postinaslir  General,  and  a  few  smaller 
matters !  No  man  in  this  Hall  more  hiirhly  honors 
and  esteems  these  lii<;li  fiiiictioiiaries  than  1  do; 
not  the  least  disposition  have  I  to  comjilain;  but 
if,  ill  aildiiion  to  this,  the  Speaker  had  added  an 
important  chairman  or  two,  why,  sir,  the  lialance  , 
of  power  would  have  been  deslroyed.  [A  lamrh.] 
We  ini;;lit  have  had  a  protest  from  Louis  Phil- 
i|ipe  on  the  siiliieci.  [Lantfliler.]  Not  content 
with  this  complaint,  the  ijentleinan  seems  disposed 
to  excite  the  ire  of  Ohio.  She  had  not  complained; 
scarce  hiid  the  yomv,' Ciueeii  of  the  West  ceased  to 
blush  from  the  gratifying  pride  of  having  given  ' 
birili  to  the  last  Atlmniistration.  I-fer  Tippecanoe 
— her  "solitude"  Kwiiii:,  were  made  known  in 
sinry,  anil  this  was  t'lory  enoimh  for  a  eoiisider- 
.ible  lime  I'nr  ner.  ILaujhter.)  She  showed  iin 
temper;  it  \vas  wroie^  to  endeavnr  to  excite  her  ire. 
I'm  Ihe  Soiilli,  it  was  said,  have  not  had  a  fair 
iliMnion  of  power  in  this  House.  Now  let  us  see. 
The  ecnilenian  frnm  Nnrth  Carnlina,  [Mr.  Mc-  j 
l\\v,l  wliom  I  .-io  iniii'li  respect — the  chairman  of 
the  ( 'nimnitlec  nf  Ways  and  Menus — is  first  Inrd 
of  ihe  treasury.  This  title  is  perhaps  not  (|nile 
tleinncratic  enoiiL^h;  a  more  appropriate  nne  might 
be  foimd  wiihoiit  nsiiii;  the  woril  ill  ils  technical 
sense,  by  deiininiimting  him  the  rfintrolltr  ol'  the 
trcnsnryin  ihisllnuse.  [Much  merriment.]  (lenr- 
tria  has  the  chairninn  nii  Military  .Ml'airs;  Sniilh 
I'lirnliiia  the  chairman  nn  the  .Militia;  Neptune 
mid  his  trident.  Inn,  emblazon  her  shield:  she 
has  the  cliairmae  nn  Naval  .-\fiairs.  AVhy,  sir,  1 
heard  it  niice  .~aid  at  the  other  end  of  the  ("apitol, 
thai  ail  now'cr  was  resolvable  into  the  purse  antt 
the  swin'd.  If  ihat  be  true,  the  Speaker  has  iriveii 
them  both  into  the  hands  of  the  South.  [.Much 
laii;;hler.|  Virginia  has  the  cliairmaii  of  the  C'lmi- 
niiltee  on  the  Post  Ofiice  and  PosI  Itoiuls,  and 
.several  other  ehairinen,  too  numerous  to  men- 
tion. 

Ihit  it  is  said  that  tile  South  is  plundered  by  such 
metisiires  as  this  hill.  Now,  sir,  if  we  must  have 
seiileiiienls,  the  bonks  one:hl  to  he  posted  up  and 
regularly  examined  before  the  thing  be  underuiken. 


Since  1824,  it  will  he  found — including  the  District 
of  Columbia  luid  part  of  the  appropriati    ;s  to  the 
Chesapeake  and  Ohio  canal,  such  as  ought  justly 
to  belong  to  the  section  denominated  the  South — 
that  the  South  has  had  her  full  share  of  appropriu-  , 
tions.     The  gentleman  from  Michigan  has  given 
the  statistics  Oil   the  fortification  bills,  and  they 
show  a  full  share  to  the  South.     But  my  objecl'is   i 
to  go  a  little  further  hack.     Louisiana  has  been   , 
pnrcliascd  at  $1.5,(I0(),0I)(),  and  we  paid  for  Florida   i 
jt.l.OOO,!)!)!).     Texas    is  not   to  cost    more    than   | 
ffilOiOOO.UIIO.    These  were  deemed  inipintantmeas-  i' 
tires  for  the  South.     Her  Creek  war,  too,  1  know 
not  how  mueli  it  cost.    The  Florida  war  cost  over   ' 
#5,01)0,0(11).       [Mr.  Vinton:    over    S-JO,()I)0,(KIO.] 
1  tliiiik  this  is  rather  too  high,  Mr.  Chairman,  but 
I  will  say  it  cost  between  five  and  forty  millions. 
1  do  not  object  to  any  of  these  (ipproprialinns.  ii 
Tlicjr  were   all   necessary   and  all  right.     But  I 
mention  them  now  by  way  of  set-nfi'in  this  settle-  ' 
inent.     I  dislike,  Mr.  Chairman,  these  gengruph- 
ical  distinctions.    I  will  never  appeal  tn  them.   SVe 
stand  here,  sir,  mi  a  peculiar  elevatinn,  frnm  which 
we  should  see  idl  around,  and  recognise  all  parts 
of  this  Union  as  ef]ually  entitled  to  our  care  and 
protcelion.     We  shnulii  be  in  feeling  and  in  heart 
the  Ii  pluribiis  imuiii  .so  proudly  proclaimed  on  our 
national  standard.  ' 

1  havi-  but  a  I'nw  minutes  more,  Mr.  Chairnmn,  : 
mid  I  must  return  to  the  lakes.  You  have  heard  of 
the  inniiinse  trade  and  commerce  from  others;  let 
mc  ask  the  attention  of  the  eoiumittee  to  what  this 
trade  has  efl'ccted  in  a  few  years.  Look  at  the 
towns  and  cities  it  has  built  up.  In  1812,  Bufi'alo 
was  entirely  destroyed.  It  is  now  a  city  of  .'10,000 
inhahitams.  Erie,  havim;  completed  lier  cjiiial  to 
the  harbor  of  Presipie  Isle,  and  connected  it  with 
the  Ohio  river,  beijins  a  rapid  growth.  Her  speedy 
advancement  cannot  be  prevented,  .siuiated,  ;isslie 
is,  at  the  finest  harbor  on  the  lakes,  and  eounecled 
with  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  by  canal.  Her  i 
population  is  about  ,5,000  at  this  time.  Cleveland 
has  sprumr  up  wiihiii  u  few  years,  and  numbers 
about  10,000  inhabitants.  Detroit  is  aliout  the 
same  sii;e.  Chicajo,  iinl  more  than  thirteen  years 
old,  has  now  1.5,01)0  inhabitants.  Milwaukie,  the 
commercial  mart  of  Wisconsin,  is  still  more  astoii- 
ishiiiii:  in  growth.  Last  siiniiner  I  was  shown  the 
first  citizen  child  horn  at  that  place.  She  was  only 
nine  years  of  ai;e;  and  ihe  |iopulatioii  now  num- 
bers about  8,000.  Innumerable  towns  and  villages 
stud  the  shores  of  these  lakes.  Everywhere  the 
niaririn  is  thickly  .settled  and  cultivated.  .Sir.  this 
conimerce  has  filled  up  Illinois,  and  is  rapid Iv  filling 
with  useful  and  industrious  citizens  the  Territory 
of  Wisconsin;  and  on  a  more  beautiful  and  fertile 
land  1  believe  the  sun  never  shone.  V'our  lands 
have  been  increased  in  value,  and  been  brought 
into  market,  on  ticcoimt  of  the  facilities  of  inter- 
course ali'orded  by  ihe  lakes.  Much  of  this  pros- 
iierity  is  owing  to  your  improvements  in  the  har- 
bors, and  in  the  fiiilli  that  they  will  be  coi.timied. 

1  shall  not  -.lelay  to  slate  s"itistii-s  of  losses  of 
life  and  projierty  on  these  lakes.  That  has  already 
been  done.  1  have  stilled  thai  there  were  70  steam- 
ers and  over  ,'tOO  sail-craft  navigaling  these  inland 
seas;  and  it  is  csliinaled  tlint  ihcy  aiimially  carry 
over  i200, 000  travellers.  '>iit  let  us  see  the  num- 
ber of  persons  emplovcd  in  the  navigation  aliuic 
cm  these  waters,  and  I  will  admit  that  my  estinialr 
may  fiiU  fiir  short  nf  the  mark.  There  were  IIOO 
sail-erart,  averaging  ,il  least  seven  hands  each, 
making  'J, 100.  There  are  70  steamers,  averaging 
to  each  steamer  ,'ll)  hands  all  told,  ei]iial  to  'J,10l); 
in  all,  about  4,'iOl)  souls.  Sir,  do  you  ov.c  no 
consideration  to  the  safety  of  llinsc  brave  and 
hardy  in:irinors,  whose  labors  whiten  your  waters 
with  their  sails? — whose  strong  arms  and  stout 
hearts  will,  in  the  hniir  of  peril,  furnish  a  defence 
to  your  frontier.^  Much,  sir,  much  do  you  owe 
to  their  safely.  This  you  will  .secure  when  you 
C(mi|)lele  your  harbors.  Then,  sir,  when  the  dark 
I'loud  in  the  west  shall  upfiear,  and  the  disiant 
Ihmider  shall  w  am  the  sailor  of  the  approaching 
stm'in,  he  will  fiee  to  the  place  nf  safety  ynii  have 
prnviiled  for  him,  and  be  secure.  And  when  the 
tempest  shall  iuive  passed  by,  and  the  siiii  shall 
again  smile  upon  ii:iiure,  the  mariner,  as  he  thinks 
o(  his  liniiie,  of  his  hitle  ones,  and  his  heart  beats 
in  lliankfulness  In  Uod  that  ihe  daiiirer  is  past,  you 
will  mingle  in  his  grateful  blessing  for  your  benefi- 
cciicu  ill  providing  fur  his  safety.    But,  sir,  slop 


these  improvements,  let  thcni  go  to  decay  and 
wreck,  (and  such  must  be  the  case  if  wc  i'ail  to 
appropriate  for  them,)  what  safety  will  there  he 
for  the  seaman  or  the  traveller.'  Unaided  and 
alone  on  the  sea,  must  he  hull'et  the  storm  and  the 
tempest!  Unequal,  indeed,  and  hopeless  must  he 
the  contest.  Tlio  poet's  dream  will  be  realized  in 
its  application  to  the  lonely  widow  or  watching 
maiden — 

"  I'ileil  on  tile  meep  her  bliiy,ini{  facnt'*  linrn. 
To  liuil  the  bark  that  never  can  retiira." 

Sir,  I  cannot  believe,  1  cannot  realize  that  gen- 
tlemen who  so  earhcstly  oppose  this  hill,  if  il  de- 
pended alone  upon  them,  would  refuse  their  sanc- 
tion to  objects  so  worthy  their  support  as  render- 
ing safe  the  navigalion  of  thnsr  lakes.  But,  my 
lime  is  up,  and  I  can  add  no  more. 


HARBORS  AND  RIVERS. 
SPKECII  OF  MR.  L.  SEVERANCE. 

OF  MAINK, 

In  the  HorsK  or  Rei'Rkskntativks, 

Much  13,  l84(i. 

i.>n  ihe  Bill  makin;.' appropriation  for    le  improve. 

mem  of  Harbors  and  Rivers. 

Mr.  SEVERANCE  said  his  principal  object  in 
striving  to  olitain  the  floor,  as  he  had  done  for  sev- 
eral days,  was  to  explain  the  expediency  of  an 
amendincnl  which  he  should  oll'cr  when  in  order, 
but  which  would  not  probably  be  in  order  before 
the  time  fixed  for  the  terminalion  of  the  debaie. 
This  amendmeiii  was  to  bo  inscrled  after  the  ap- 
nropri.iti'in  fo:   Hudson  river,  as  follows: 

*'  To  remov.  obstructions  on  the  tide  waters  nf 
'  Kennebec  rivei,  so  as  tn  render  more  accessible 
'  the  United  Stales  ar.senal  at  Augusta,  fifteen  tlinu- 
'  sand  dnllars. " 

Mr.  S.  said  he  had  adopted  the  language  of  the 
apprnpriation  for  the  Hudson.  .So  far  as  military 
consiiieraiions  or  the  question  of  constiliilinicil 
power  had  application,  the  ca.ses  were  very  simi- 
lar. The  arsenal  at  Augusta  was  snme  fnrly  miles 
frnm  the  sea:  that  nf  Watcrvleit  over  one  hundred 
and  fifty.  Both  were  at  the  head  of  tide-water. 
The  rommeree  of  the  ICeimebec  may  be  small  com- 
pared with  the  Hudson,  but  large  in  compari.son 
with  many  other  rivers  and  harbors  for  which 
much  larger  apprnpriati.ins  have  been  herelnfore 
made  and  are  iinw  ask.'d  fm'.  The  sum  required 
is  quite  sm.ill,  cnnsiderintr  the  imporlance  nf  the 
river,  fnr  the  aninmit  of  tniiiia:re  owned  within  it 
is  over  sixty  thousand  tons.  There  is  no  town  at 
the  nioiilh  of  the  river.  The  principal  commenial 
towns  within  it  arc  Hath,  Gardiner.  Pillstnn,  Rich- 
mnnd,  Hallowell,  and  AuL'Usta.  These  are  in  fact 
ils  huihors,  from  which  vessels  go  to  sea,  and  the 
improvement  of  the  channel  to  them  comes  jn.-n  as 
clearly  within  the  constitutional  power  of  the  lien- 
eral  Government  as  the  entrance  to  the  harbor  of 
Boston.  There  is  just  as  much  consliliiliniial 
aut!;ority  to  .emove  rnclis  nr  nllier  nbstrucliitns  to 
the  free  and  safe  entrance  of  vessels  as  there  is  lo 
build  lislit-hnii.ses  tn  guide  them  nn  the  way.  <  >n 
all  these  tide-waters  the  Goveriuneiil  of  the  Umied 
States  has  admiralty  jurisdictinn.  The  Slate  of 
M;iine  has  nnt  exclusive  conlrnl  of  these  waicrs, 
nor  has  New  Vnrknf  the  Iludsnn.  This  has  been 
seilled  by  judicial  decision  in  the  case  of  Oirdeii  rs. 
Gibbons.— (See  9lli  Wheatoii.)  The  Slate  of  New 
York,  in  1808,  grained  tn  Liviii.'rslon  and  Fnlloii 
the  exclusive  right  tn  ii;ivi::alc  the  icfi/rrs  rjW'fin 
Yiii-k  by  steam  fiir  thirty  years.  They  nr  their 
successnrs  eninyed  this  laonopnly  until  it  became 
extremely  profitable,  when  their  rights  were  con- 
tested. iGrihbnns  and  niliers  put  on  an  np|insitinn 
boat,  and  olitained  a  eoastin;:  license  frnm  the  Uni- 
leil  .Stales  aiithnrilics.  Oirdeii,  as  sn"cessnr  nf  I.,iv- 
ingston  it  i''uhnn,  petitioned  for  and  obtained  an 
'njimetinn  frnm  the  Chancellor  oi"  New  "^'iirk.  Gih- 
biuis  carried  the  case  tn  the  Cnurt  of  {-'.rrors  ')(' 
.\ew  York,  where  the  decision  of  the  Chaiu'ellnr 
was  allirnied.  An  appeal  was  made  to  the  Supreme 
Cnurt  of  the  Uiiiied  States,  where  the  case  was 
elaborately  ar<rned  on  the  queslinn  of  State  juris- 
dictinii,aiid  decided  asrainst  New  York;  and  the 
monnpnly  was  brnken  up,  so  I'm  as  Ihe  Hudson 
and  ils  tide-waters  were  enncerned.  It  was  deci- 
ded that  Gibbons,  having  a  coastiinr  license,  was 


'■1% 


'tl 


r)r 


>.  > 


490 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CO.GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[March  13, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Harbors  and  Riven — Mr.  iSevcrance, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


emiilrd  Id  fro  freoly  upon  nil  llio  nnvipililr  wbHtb 
oCNew  York;  nnil  (Imt  tlin  Sliito  had  no  niilhonly 
In  cxriudc  niiy  vessel  ainyins;  mii-li  liciMisi',  II  in 
not  necessary  to  my  purpose  to  hIkiw  that  the 
cnnie  prineiples  wniild  eciuiilly  apply  lo  the  lakeH 
and  the  great  rivers  ol"  the  \Vest.  That  may  he 
done  by  others.  It  is  enouph  for  me  that  they  np- 
)>ly  in  full  t'nrrc  to  the  Kennebec  and  all  other  tide- 
waters of  Maine. 

Does  it  not  lollow  that  the  General  Oovernmenl, 
havin;;  paramoinil  jurisdiction  over  lliese  waters, 
is  boinid  to  make  every  necessary  iniprovenieni  in 
their  navifjauon  •  The  Stales  can  make  railroads 
and  canals,  or  aiiiliori/.i;  corponilions  to  do  it,  ami 
have  the  expense  iiidenniilied  liy  lolls  paid  by  llmse 
who  use  them;  but  not  so  navijrable  nvers — not  so 
lide-walers.  AN'hatever  expense  a  Slale  in<'iirs 
upon  these  ninst  be  i,'raliiil(ms.  No  lloalinu'  loll- 
honses  fan  lie  lannehed  upon  a  river,  nor  any  iSuile 
port-charges  collected  to  pay  for  deepening  a  ehioi- 
iiel,  removing  a  da  njjerons  rock,  i^r  build  iiiir  a  li;;lit- 
:ionse,  because  ihe  American  register  or  license  is 
apa.ssport  logo  free  from  the  |iayinenl  of  all  chiiigi  s 
except  such  as  iu'e  collecled  al  the  I'liiied  Slairs 
cusloiu-house.  Whalever  iinproviMueutisreiiuired, 
llien,  neiis.-iiu'ily  devolves  upon  the  Governiiient 
of  the  United  .Slali's. 

And  now  as  to  Ihe  expediency  of  the  amendnnnl 
and  imporlance  of  the  naviu'aliou.  I  have  said  ibe 
tuiuiage  owned  on  ihe  tidi -waters  nf  the  Kennebec 
amounts  to  (III, 000  tons.  This  is  nuu'e  ih.ui  all  the 
lomuure  of  tin  .Stale  of  Virginia,  though  part  of 
hc:rs  is  steamboat  tomuujeoii  tin' Ohio.  It  is  nnne 
than  the  lonnage  <d'  North  and  tSoulh  t.'iu'olina 
aildeil  together.  It  is  nairc  than  the  lonnaire  of 
Giorgia,  l''l'>rida,  Alabama, and  .Mississippi  iiniled. 
Sir,  i  have  before  me  a  list  of  vessels  built  and 
l.'iuia'lied  upon  the  Kennebec  river  within  the  )iasl 
ye.-u, amounting  to  H,3<'j1  Ions.  This  is  more  ihnn 
was  builtduring  the  same  lime  in  the  District  of 
Cohnnbia,  ami  the  Slates  of  Delaware,  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolinii,  Ge'u'gia,  Fhn'ida, 
Al.ibama,  Mississippi,  and  Tennessee.  Maim' 
now  builds  more  shipping  than  the  .State  of  .New 
Y(U'k,  or  any  other  .State,  tlnaigh  much  of  the  ion- 
iiage  of  New  York  is  built  upitn  Ijiikes  I-a'ie,  On- 
tario, anil  ChiiiU|)laiu.  .\nd  yet  we  in  .Maine  have 
to  no  lo  Maryland  and  Vir^-inia  for  oak  limb'T;  to 
FliUi  ia  for  live  oak;  to  (jcorgi.'i  and  the  (.'an>linas 
fir  hard  pine;  lo  rennsylvania  lU'  Kiirope  for  iron; 
to  Kenlncky  aial  the  liallic  tor  hemp.  Tin'  iron 
and  hemp  are  subject  to  high  duties;  but  then  -Vmer- 
icoi  ship-building  Is  proieeted  by  laws  prolobniug 
a  foreigu-bnilt  ship  fi'om  rtceiiuig  an  Ann'ricun 
register  or  license. 

1  trust  I  have  said  einniL'h  lo  show  that  the  crim- 
mercial  and  n.ivi::.uing  in!'  rests  ot'  .Main«'  are  en- 
lillcd  lo  '■■'ime  re;;,o'd,  and  th.il  the  sum  asked  for 
is  very  simdl  in  proportion  lo  the  interest.--  to  be 
prmnotid  by  it.  Hul,  ilia  military  point  id'  vii'W, 
the  appropriaiion  derives  additional  importance 
from  ihe  fact  ihat  the  I'niied  Stales  arsenal,  al 
which  are  df  positeil  all  the  arms  lor  the  uiu'llieast- 
ri'u  section  of  the  Union,  is  al  lUc  head  of  tin'  lide- 
w.'iier  of  the  Kennebec  at  Augusta,  the  capii'd  of 
llie  State.  I'^asy  access  to  it  at  all  limes  of  llie  tide 
would  llniefore  be  very  important  In  lime  of  war, 
when  rapid  movements  are  lo  be  made.  A  rail- 
road oiiuiiniiicatiou  has  bciMi  extended  eastward 
a.-  far  i;s  I'cMiland.  Kroin  tlir'nce  a  roiiil  has  in'cn 
ebarleicil  and  surveyed  to  Augusta,  which  will  be 
extended  to  liaii<;<n-,  on  ihe  I'enobHcot.  These 
roads,  which  will  be  made  bv  joint-stoek  compa- 
nies, and  cosl  the  T'ederal  Govi'mmi'iil  n'Mhiic;. 
will.  Ill  connexion  with  ihc  improved  niivigalioii  of 
llie  river,  be  belter  means  of  delence  ihan  a  liiK'  of 
forls  exleiidnig  all  aroinid  onr  frontiera  and  sea- 
eoiu^l,  almost  .Mirnaiiided  as  wi'  are  by  the  ueeaii 
4ai  the  south  and  Ilnlisli  ■  .doiiies  on  the  iioilh  and 
east.  Weusk  fonio  liirtson  the  Kennebi'c.  When 
w.U'  cranes,  if  come  il  must,  lliougli  I  liopi:  it  never 
will  cane,  we  c.ui  in  lliree  weeks  take  the  guns 
fr.mi  the  arsi  nal,  and  plain  ilieni  on  ihe  high  head- 
lands and  iMild  I'oi'ky  shores  of  the  river,  and  make 
il  ipiile  an  nii.-iafe  business  for  all  enemy's  lleel  lo 
eiior  into  the  granite  jaws  of  the  Kennebec,  froni 
who.-*'  Ineiling  clills  and  frowning  prei-ipices  such 
an  iron  sleiwer  would  fall  as  would  Ic.ive  not  a 
liviinr  soul  upon  a  hoslile  deck.  Inslead  of  pilini: 
up  Iniaps  of  earth  and  rocks  for  forlresstrs,  to  be 
used  mily  in  a  conluigiucy  which  we.  hope  may 
never  occur  so  long  ius  the  world  stands,  wu  only 


wniil  some  earth  and  rocks  removed  from  the  chiin- 
iiel  of  the  river,  which  can  be  done  nt  less  than  tlie 
expense  of  a  single  useless  fort,  which  might  re- 
nmiii  for  ages  un  idle  but  enduring  muiiument  uf 
hiimiui  liarliarinm. 

This  approprhtlion  is  not  nHked  for  without  the 
nulhority  of  a  survey.  I  have  before  me  the  plans 
and  estimules  of  a  survey  made  in  18.17  by  the  En- 
gineer  Department,  which  may  be  seen  In  Senate 
doeunient  No.  114,  second  session,  a5th  Congress. 
Al  that  time,  and  for  several  years  afierwards,  the 
expenses  of  Ihe  Government  exceeded  its  rev- 
enues, so  iliiil  there  was  iio  money  for  smdi 
works.  Ihit  two  years  ago  there  was  an  appro- 
priation, based  on  this  same  survey,  in  the  Allan- 
tic  harbor  bill,  which  was  vrtiaul  by  President 
Tyler.  1  know  of  no  ii-ason  for  supposing  that 
this  item  cau.^ell  the  veto,  though  1  undcrsland  an 
appreln  iisimi  of  the  veto  of  the  President  is  the 
reason  why  lliis  and  other  similar  nppropriation.s 
have  been  omitted  in  the  present  bill. 

And  now  a  few  wcu-ds  upon  the  general  policy 
of  inlernal  improvements  and  oilier  incidental  mai- 
lers. 1  w-ill  not  presume  to  dlsi'itss  the  (piesiioii 
of  ciuistitutional  power  aficr  the  ar;;unienls  of  ilie 
!;entli'ni.in  fmtn  Maryland  [Mr.  Ciinm'AIm.kI  and 
llie  genlleiuan  from  IJoslon  [Mr.  Wivtiirui'] 
Vesierday,  and  of  llie  ^eiulenian  from  Ohio  [Mr. 
Vin'ton]  lo-day,  and  olliers  who  have  spoken 
previously.  The  L'eiiili-man  from  Ohio  gave  us  a 
most  inleresting  history  of  the  exerci.se  nf  the 
power  lo  appropriate  money  for  making  roads  and 
otiur  iniprfiveiuenis,  cmumeiH-ed  (hiring  the  early 
part  of  Mr.  .lelVei-son's  Adminislratioii,  and  con- 
linned  in  one  form  or  oilier  since  that  lime.  He 
had  brought  his  history  only  U[i  lo  lS'i4,  when  the 
inexorable  nialh^i  of  ilii>  (;hairni;ni  i':\\  u))on  him, 
and  silenced  him  for  this  deliale. 

Wiilioiit  lu'esiiming  lo  take  up  the  thread  of  his 
history,  and  trace  it  lhoi-(aiirhly  as  he  did,  I  may 
say  my  nmlersiandin'T  of  llie  m.atler  is,  that,  nfier 
.selling  apart  ten  nuliiiuis  of  dollars  n  year  as 
a  sliikin'.r  fund  lo  pav  tliC  interest  and  princip,-il 
of  the  debt  created  by  the  war,  the  supporters 
of  Mr.  Monroe's  and  Mr.  Adams's  Adminis- 
traticuis  proposed  lo  appropriate  for  internal  im- 
proveinentH  whatever  sum  might  be  in  the  Treas- 
ury each  year  above  llie  expenses  of  the  Gov- 
ernment and  the  ten  millions  thus  sei  apart.  It 
is  said  that,  w-|ien  General  .Taekson  came  into 
ollice,  there  were  reports  of  committees  and  peti- 
tions anil  memorials  in  fa". ir  of  .schemes  vvhicli 
would  li.ive  involved  a  cost  of  two  hundred  mil- 
lions of  dollars.  Wlial  if  there  were.'  These  had 
iiol  been  .stun  lioiied  by  Congre-is;  nor  was  it  then, 
nor  has  it  been  ever  since,  proposed,  lo  mv  knowl- 
edge, to  borrow  any  money  on  the  credit  of  the 
(ieiH'i-al  (lovcrnmi'iil  for  the  purpose  of  making 
such  iinprovemeiils.  Tliey  were  then,  as  they 
oiust  be  hcrciil'ier,  eoniin;rent  upon  a  surplus  in 
llie  Tri  asnry  above  ihe  other  ex[ieiidilures  of  the 
(lovenunent,  and,  conseipiently,  depeiuling  upon 
the  eontinni'd  pea''e  and  gi'ticral  prosperity  of  the 
conntrv — conseipienl,  loo.  of  course,  upon  a  sys- 
tem of  reveiiiie  which  will  niablc  the  (lovcrnmenl 
lo  pay  the  expense  of  such  work.';  without  incur- 
ring llebt. 

Allhongli  inui-h  larger  .-ipprnprialions  were  made 
for  the  impiovcitn'iit  of  rivers,  roads,  harbors, 
siirvi"-...  iVi  .,  iindir  (ieiieial  .I.ickson's  Adminis- 
tiaiion  lliaii  had  been  made  under  that  of  Mr. 
Adams,  as  li;is  been  shown  by  ihi;  ivcnllctnau  fioni 
Tennessei',  [Mr.  (inx'rnv.j  vet  (ieuer.il  .lackson, 
liaviii','  veto,  d  the  Maysville  Uo.-iil  bill,  is  ;:enerally 
re'^nirded  as  having  umsliul  the  expenditure  of 
iii'iitey  for  works  of  iinprovement  by  llie  General 
Government.  lie  did  argue  tin. I  such  works 
.should  be  in.'ali'  by  the  .Stales,  and  he  recomm;'iid- 
ed  that  tin-  snrpli's  revenues,  .ifier  the  payment  of 
llie  ii.-iiiiiiial  debt,  slioiild  be  divided  among  the 
Slates  to  aid  lliein  in  that  objc.l.  Many  of  the 
Slates  took  his  advice,  and  commenced  such  works 
on  a  i;r.iiid  s<'.ili-,  and  tlicy  did  not  hesilale  lo  bor- 
row nioiieyaiid  sell  their  ^locksal  homeand  abroad 
lo  (i  v:isl  ainoiinl.  With  tin;  funds  tints  obtained 
a  general  scramlile  followed  in  each  .Slate  for  the 
division  of  the  spoils  amniiu'  the  riv.-il  schemes  of 
roads  and  c.inals.  Il  Iniil  been  objected  lo  improve- 
nieiits  by  the  (ieiieral  Government  thatiiHyslem  of 
'•  liig-roltiiig"  would  come  into  praclice,  by  which 
one  Heclion  would  baruaiii  with  another,  and  that 
vast  sums  would  tlins  be.';qnandereil  on  unworthy 


projects;  but  il  was  soon  foiiiul  that  this  log-rolling 
system  was  readily  taken  up  by  the  dill'eient  see- 
lions  of  Ihe  same  .State;  liesijcs,  the  discordant 
ji  rivul  State  interests  prevented  llinl  conthmons  and 
ij  harmonious  connexion  of  extended  lines  of  com- 
munication which  would  be  kept  in  view  by  the 
j  General  Government,  regardless  of  State  bounda- 
ries.    The  friend.s  of  the  dilferent  schemes  each 
I  insisted  that  their  roads  should  be  eommenced  at 
;  the  same  lime,  so  as  to  slart  fair  in  the  race,  and 
j  lest  the  money  should  all  be  expended  on  the  first 
made.     Thus  in  some  eases  two  or  three  or  a  half- 
dozen  were  commenced  and  left  unfinished,  mid  of 
course  un|iroductive,  when   the  general  failure  of 
credit  overtook  iheni.     Pennsylvania,  Illinois,  and 
I'  iMichiiriin  have  riM'eiilly  taken  slens  towards  placing 
some  of  their  public  works  in  tlie  hands  of  their 
I  creditors  to  be  completed;  and  my  opinion  is,  lhat 
I  ultimalelv  it  will  be  fmind  best  to  manage  these 
li  matters  by  incorpiu-atiii/!-  joint-stock   companies, 
'  and  let  capitalists  invest  their  money  at  their  own 
■  risk   on   such   projects    as  they   lliink   will   pay 
:  well. 

We  Imvc  a  great  country  which  1  ihiiik  it  is  our 
"  manifest  destiny"  lo  Improve.  We  have  great 
lakes  and  mighty  rivers,  "  inl.uid  .viais."  The 
Almighty  has  been  bouiilil'iil  in  his  gil'l.s,  but  hi: 
has  wisely  left  much  for  the  hand  of  man  to  per- 
form.  We  rei|uire  canals,  and  railroad.s,  and  liar- 
bors.  There  are  obslructions  in  our  rivers  to  be 
removed,  locks  lo  be  made  around  rapids,  tunnel.s 
10  be  cut  llirough  mounlains,  and  bridges  across 
rivers.  The  queslioii  is  not  whether  lhe.se  things 
shall  be  done  or  not,  but  /(«io  shall  they  be  done? 
My  impression  is  lhat  where  they  can  be  done  by 
joint  stock  companies,  that  is  the  preferable  mode. 
In  lhat  case  the  expense  falls  upon  I  hose  who  use 
the  improvement,  and  the  (leopleof  one  section  are 
not  taxed  for  the  licnelit  of  another,  lint  it  v»-ill 
readily  be  seen  that  there  is  a  large  class  of  im- 
provements which  eainiot  be  made  in  this  way, 
and  which  do  not  conicunder  exclusive  Slale  juria- 
diciion,  such  as  our  lide-vvaler  rivers  tnid  nil  our 
harbors  forship ;iiiig,  whether  on  iide-waierorany 
oUier.  The  Constitution  makes  no  disiincliou  be- 
tween Bidt  water  and  fresh  water.  An  expendi- 
ture upon  a  harbor  on  lhat  great  "  inland  .sea,"  the 
Ulah  Lake,  whose  waters  arc  five  times  more  salt 
than  the  ocean,  would  be  no  more  eonslilulional 
than  an  expenditure  at  Cleveland,  Cliic;uro,  or 
Copper  Harbor.  So,  too,  the  great  rivers  of  the 
West,  which  form  the  boundaries  of  States  ami 
drain  vast  regions  of  the  great  Mississipiii  v.dley. 
Should  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  Michigan,  be 
reipiired  to  make  their  own  lake  harbors,  while 
millions  are  expended  upon  sea-coast  harbors,' 
Who  will  keep  llie  channel  of  the  Olii'i  clear,  if  not 
Ihe  General  Government  .=  Will  you  wait  for  Vir- 
ginia and  Kenlncky  to  do  ilr  The  Stale  jurisdic- 
tion is  said  to  be  in  them  l-i  the  opposite  bunk  of 
the  river.  Who  will  pull  out  the  snags  of  tlio 
Mississippi?  Will  you  rely  on  Illinois,  Kenlncky, 
Tennessee,  Mississippi,  and  Louisiana,  lo  pull 
Ihem  .ill  out  lo  the  middle  of  Ihe  river  on  one  side, 
and  Missouri,  .\rkaiisas,  and  Louisiana,  on  the 
other?  Will  yon  rely  on  Texas  or  Arkansas  to 
remove  the  lleil  viver  rnl't?  Will  you  depend  upon 
Michigan  m  open  the  eiilrance  into  Lake  Superior? 
No,  sir.  These  works  must  be  done  by  ihc 
General  Goveriunenl.  Il  was  for  snc!i  piirpo.ses, 
among  others,  that  the  General  Government  was 
created.  Why,  sir,  we  shall  soon  have  Senalois 
and  Uepresentatives  here  from  Texas;  and  how 
long  do  \ou  think  it  will  be  before  wc  shall  have 
bills  lo  iinprove  the  Sabine,  the  Trinity,  the  l!ias- 
iios,  the  Colorado,  the  Nueces,  and,  above  all,  the. 
llio  del  .N'orle,  so  as  to  make  a  sleaniboat  naviga- 
tion some  ei^'lit  or  nine  hundred  miles  from  Mala- 
nioras  to  Santa  l'"e  ?  Nay,  sir,  as  we  are  proposing 
lo  extend  the  proleeling  iv/m  of  our  Government 
over  the  Stony  Mounlains  lo  ihe  Pacific,  how  long 
will  it  be  before  we  shall  be  called  on  lo  keep 
dredging  machines  in  perpetual  operation  upon  the 
ever-shifting  sands  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  ? 
The  genlleiuan  from  Alabama  [Mr.  Y\nci;v|  now 
before  me,  who  was  so  eloi|iii'nt  in  denouncing  the 
atteiupl  to  create  harbors  in  the  surf  of  Lake  Krie, 
and  who  described  the  perp"'nal  labor  of  removing 
its  shifting  sands  as  warring  wilh  the  decrees  of 
Heaven,  may  live  to  see  the  day,  as  he  is  a  young 
man,  when,  liolding  a  seal  in  lliis  House,  he  will 
have  abandoned  his  consliimiunal  crutchets,  mid, 


1846.] 
29th  Cong 1st  Seh8. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSFONAL  GLOBE. 


491 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr,  Severance, 


Ho.  OP  Reps. 


yicldins;  to  llic  r.onlrollitiK  power  niiil  mijflity  im- 1 
piilspa  of  llir.  ijrt'ul  West,  he  t'mind  here  voting  to  I 
Rpoop  out  the  siiiuln  of  the  Hio  Gmnilc  nnd  the  ! 
ColiiDihiii,  mid  pei  liapH  to  ninke  n  Hleumlmnt  cnnni  | 
mound  the  cnscndcs  and  the  diilh.s  of  the  gre;U  I 
river  of  the   West.     Shnll   our  Government  be  ; 
less   paternal,   less  efficient   for   public  improve- 
nientH,  tlian  the  old  nuMiarchies  of  Europe,  which,  ' 
Hinee   they  have  ceased  to  exhaust  and  desolate 
each  other  with  foolish  and  ruinous  wars,  are  now 
extending  railroads  in  every  direction'    Most  of' 
these,  it  is  true,  are  made  by  joinl-sloek  compa- 
nies, as  ours  should  be;  but  if  inipriivemcnis  are 
n(|uircd  in  the  navigation  of  the  Kliine,  the  Dan- 
ub(!,  and  the  Wol;a,  they  nuisl  be  nmde  by  the 
Goverumenis  having  jurisdicliiui,  | 

Sir,  I  think  wc  shall  be  railed  on  ere  long  to  ex- 
tend the  doctrine  of  internal  improvements  a  little 
beyond  the  purchase  of  slock  in  the  Liuiisvillcand 
PorlRuul  canal.    We  shall  find  it  our  duty  to  enter 
into  a  L'reat  naticnial  joint  stock  company,  with 
F.n<;land,  Krance,  and  oilier  commercial  naliiuis, 
for  partners,  to  make  a  canal  acro.^s  the  I.ithmus 
of  I'auania.   That  v.ork  will  be  done,  and  we  must 
look  to  il.    Ii  will  not  do  to  permit  any  one  nation, 
or  any  company  of  men,  to  have  the  exclusive 
keeping  of  the  great  gate  to  the  commerce  of  the 
world,     it  must  be  put  under  the  guardianship  of 
J. lint  and  powerful  inlcresis,  who  will  guaranly  its 
iVeedom  to  all  nations  and  peojile,  on  ihe  payment 
of  such  lolls  as  will   pay  lln:  mleicst  on  the  cost.  J 
The  cost  would  not  be  a  Iciilli  part  so  much  as  the 
cost  of  a  war  between    Rutland  and   the  United  i 
Klalis,  if  ihat  war  did  noi  extend  to  other  nations; 
and  it  would  be  a  far  more  profitable  achievemeiil, 
and  better  entitled  to  the  applause  of  the  world.    1 
do  not  know  but  it  may  enter  into  the  contempla-  I 
tioii  of  some  of  our  champions  of  extended  domin-  ' 
ion  to  carry  on  the  procc.'is  of  emigration  and  an-  ; 
iiexaliou  iinlil  we  reach  Ihe  i.xthmus,  when  wc  can 
make  the  (-anal  ourselves,  if  our  strict  construc- 
tionists permit;  lakingcare,as  1  sujipo.se  they  will,  ; 
to  pass  as  quielly  as  possible  by  Honduras  and  the 
Moscpiito  Shore,  where  there  is  a  I'ritish  lion  in 
the  way.     There  is,  however,  a  very  serious  dilli-  ! 
culty  ill  this  exten.sion.     Our  soulhern  friends,  al-  '. 
though  they  might  be  very  willing  to  annex  the  ' 
nnseilled    noithcrJi    Slates  or   provinces  of  New 
Mexico,  Chihuahua,  Tamaulipas,  Durango,  New  ! 
Leon,  Zacatccas,  and  Soiiora,  most  of  them  rather  • 
barrrn,  inii;ht  object  to  the   more  soulhcrn   and  | 
more  populous  Slates  of  Old  Mexico,  and  of  Yucji- 
tan  and  Gualemalii,  even  if  these  should  consent, 
as  it  is  said  Yucatan  is  now  ready  to  do;   for  all 
lliese  would   bring   into  our  Union  a  population  ; 
nearly  or  quiie  ten  millions  of  Mixed  Spanish,  In- 
dian and  negro  races,  adding  one-lliird  to  the  rep-  i 
resenlaliou  of  this  House,  and  more  than  one-lhird  ■ 
to  Ihe  Seriate.     Some  of  these  Senators  and  Rep- 
reseulalivcsiiiighl  not  be  able  lopass  for  white  men. 
There  might  be  some  repugnance  In  these  Halls  to  • 
their  reception.     This  Mexican   p^ipulalion,  too, 
would  all  be  counted;  no  Ihire-fijVt.t  about  il,  for 
the  Slates  would  all  be   free  Stales.     1  conclude, 
llicrefore,  llial  wo  shall  iwinex  no  more  Mexican  , 
ti'rritiu'y  llian  we  may  be  able  to  spread  our  "  pe- 
culiar iusiiiulimis"  over,  and  must  make  the  most 
■wc  can  of  ihal  part  of  the   North  American  conli- 
iicnt  which  lies  in  the  laliluilcs  we  now  occupy. 
Over  this  our  population  must  inevitably  flow.  111 
despite  of  all  diplomatic  iirranu'emciils,  territorial  ' 
rights,  or  Irealy  lines.     The  wliile  race,  from  the  ' 
greal  "  northern  hive"  of  Kiirope,  which,  in   two 
liiitidred  years,  has  multiplied  to  scvenieen  millions  ' 
orrcpubliiyius,  and  mo  e  tliau  a  million  and  a  half 
of  liritish  subje<'ts,  will  iiiiitimie  to  pour  its  sleaily  I 
current  of  emii^ralion  westwjird   ticross  the  conti-  i 
in'iit,  till  its  course  is  arrested  by  the  waves  of  the  i 
vast  Pacific;  and  lhat  cmiuratiini  will  be  thorough-  , 
ly  ri'publican,  nev<Tsubinittiug  for  a  iiKuiicnt  to  be  ; 
a  colony  of  any  monarchy,  perhaps  not  uliimately  i 
'■oiisenling  to  a  union  willi  us.     If  it  be  asketl  why  ; 
t'au.'ula  remains  so  long  and  so  ipiietly  a  cohniy  of  i 
•  treat  llrltain,  I  think  the  answer  will  be  found  in  , 
■  be  fact  thai  Canada  is  constantly  receiving  large  ' 
,"  .•cssimis  of  popiilaliiui  from  Kiiiland,  Scotland,  , 
ajiil  Ireland, and  lhat  all  thi'  restless  and  im|Hilsive  i 
spirits  in  these  P.rilish  colonics,  all   having  strong  ' 
repulilicau   lendeniuis,  do  mil   remain  in  Canada,  ■ 
bul  pass  over  the  line  into  the  United  Slates  lo  swell 
the  great  current  of  weslern  republican  emigration 
over  the  Rocky  Mountains. 


The  present  British  Ministry  are  too  sagacious  i 
to  oVcrlonk  a  slitte  of  things  so  apparent,  and  too  || 
wise  to  war  iigninsi  the  laws  of  natural  increase.   , 
Hence  they  have  made  no  cfl"()rt  to  colonize  the 
northwest  coast;  they  have  only  sought  lo  protect  j 
the  chartered  privileges  of  the  Hudson  Ray  Com- 
pany as  long  as  possible,  and  to  hold  ultimately' 
some  Imrhorg  for  their  navy  and  their  commerce 
in  the  North  Pacific;  for  il  is  the  policy  of  British  ' 
statesmen  to  scatter  their  colonies  on  every  sea  and 
upon  every  distant  shore.     When  wo  negotiulcd 
the  treaty  with  Ru.ssiain  1824,  by  which  wc  agreed  : 
'.hat  our  citizens  shonlil  not  form  any  estalilisli- 
ments  on  the  northwest  coast  north  of  54°  40',  and 
Russia  agreed   lhat   her  subjects  should  not  ftirm   , 
any  south  of  lhal  line,  it  was,  I  presume,  the  com-  i 
mon  undiTstanding  that  Russia  clnimed  all  the  in- ; 
terior  northward  of  that  line  and  westward  of  the  [ 
Chippcwyiui  Mountains,  or  the  northern  extension  ' 
of  the  Rocky  Mountain  chain,  where  it  approaches  | 
the  Arctic  Sea,  west  of  Mackenzie's  river;  and  that  \ 
if  wc  should  establish  our  claim  up  lo  54°  41)', 
Greal  BriUiiii  woulil  be  cxcluded^from  all  posses- 
sions in  llie  North  Pacific,  westward  of  the  Rocky 
MountaiiKs;  but  in  this  we  were  mistaken;  for  the 
very  next  year  Russia  made  a  trcaly  with  Greal 
Britain,  in  which  she  agreed  upon  a  line  of  bounil-  ' 
ary,  eonimencing  on  the  coast  at  54,  4b',  and  run-  \ 
ninix  back  only  ten  marine  leagues  behind  a  range 
of  hills,  and  then  running,  not  eastward  on  thepar- 
alh'l  of  54°  40',  but  vnrdnreslward,  on  a  line  paral- 
lel with  the  coast,  from  the  longilude  of  IMP  to 
141°  up  to  Mount  St.  Klias;  and  thence  due  north 
on  the  parallel  of  141°  lo  the  Arctic  Sea.     So  that 
Great   Liritain,  instead  of  being  excluded  from  the 
coast,  goes  eleven  de'.'i'ces  of  longilude  further  iresl 
than  our  utmost  claims,  anil  fil'leeii  deirrees  of  lal- 
ilude  further  nmtli,  and  has  an   unilispuled   iuIl 
entirely  across  iho  continent,  from  Labrathir  to  llic 
Pacific.     Nor  is  this  all.     The  narrow  striii  often 
leagues  v.ide,  along  the  coa.st  reserved  to  the  Rus- 
sian  Fur  Company,  has  been  leased  by  that  com- 
pany to  the   Hudson  Ray  Company,  so  that  the 
latter  is  in  uninterrupted  possession  as  far  west  as 
141°.     The  idea  of  excluding  Cireat  liritain  from 
that  coast,  if  II  be  now  entertained,  is  altogether 
visionary.     We  are  not  to  divide  the  empire  with  '• 
tlussia,  lliercfore,  as  II   would   be  desiraliie  lo  do. 
The   British  fiair  is   planted    firmly  between   us.  : 
There  is  a  boundary  line  yet  to  be  determined  be- 
tween our  portion  of  the  country  west  of  the  mount- 
ains and  the  British  portion.     There  is  nothing  to 
fix  our  claims  at  the  )irecise  limit  of  54°  40',  exi^pt 
oor  ajreement  with   Russia  that  we  will  not  make 
selllemcnls  nil  Ihe  cnail  north  of  that  limit.     Rut 
Russia  only  claims  ten  leairues  back,  leaving  a  vast 
region  wast  of  the  mountains  to  llic  British,  who 
never  have  recomii.scd   the  line  of  ,54°  4(1' as  any 
natural  or  conveniional  limit;  nor  is  there  anything 
in  Ihe  discovery,  or  occupancy,  or  contiguity  of  1 
either  ]iarty  to  deltrmitie  this  as  a  line  of  boundary  ; 
between  the  two  natimis.     A  line  must,  therefore,  ' 
be  ffgrwi'  tiywn  by  nci;olialioii  anil  Irealy,  either 
without  war  or  after  war;  ii  line  not  smilh  of  4!)°, 
I  trust,  or  that  will  exclude  us  from  the  Straits  of 

PlICJl. 

I  take,  il  for  granted  now  lhal,  in  due  lime,  our 
laws  must  follow  our  people  across  the  monntains. 
The  "  masterly  inaclivily"  policy  was  broken  up 
at  the  Baltimore  Coiiveniion.  It  cannol  be  restor- 
ed. The  disliirbauce  of  it  I  suppose  was  rendered 
necessary  by  llie  adoption  of  a  mii^lerlij  ticlh'ihj 
policy  to  obtain  Texas.  The  "  nnisterly  inac- 
tivity"' policy  would  have  preserved  |ieace  and 
lraiii|uillily,  but  would  have  left  Texas  an  inde- 
pendent nation,  and  uiiglit  have  placed  Oregon 
in  the  same  position.  Our  policy  now  I  lake  lo  be 
■seltlcd.  I  would  have  been  content  willi  the  inde- 
pendetice  of  both.  1  did  all  that  was  in  my  feeble 
power  to  prevent  the  annexation  of  Texas,  deem-  , 
iiig  the  mode  and  manner  of  il,  as  well  as  Ihe 
avowed  and  well-known  leadinu-  object  of  it,  lo  be 
in  the  hiirhest  degree  olijeclionalile,  the  most  pal- 
pable violation  of  the  Constilution  which  has  ever 
Ijeen  per[ielraled.  lliil  the  die  is  cast;  its  members 
of  Congress  will  shortly  take  their  seals  here,  lo 
be  .soon  followed  by  othci'S  from  the  very  shores 
of  the  Pacific  Ocean.  It  is  a  bold  experiment  lo 
bring  such  a  vast  rci^ion  under  one  Republican 
Representative  Ciovcrnmenl,  and  it  imiiifcil;  but 
'  there  is  a  niagnificence  in  the  idea,  and  some  ob- 
'  vijiis  ikdvnntages  to  accrue  from  it.    Wc  shall  all 


be  united  under  one  commercial  system.  Mon- 
sieur Guizot,  in  the  French  Chamber  of  Ilepulies, 
recenily  explained  his  course  in  regard  to  Texas, 
and  gave,  nm,)ng  his  reasons  for  desiring  Texiui  to 
be  independent,  that  it  would  be  belter  for  French 
commerce  that  the  continent  of  North  America 
should  be  under  several  independent  Governments, 
each  with  its  separate  commercial  system,  than  that 
all  should  be  combined  under  one  vast  American 
system  of  revenue  laws.  For  the  same  reason  it 
is  for  our  advantage  that  there  should  be  but  one 
system  for  Ihe  whole,  if  lhat  system  be  a  wise 
one;  one  system  for  the  protection  of  all  Ameri- 
can interests;  one  system  of  free  Iraile — not  free 
with  Ihe  old  monarchies  of  Kiirope  and  the  world, 
but  free  for  us  from  one  side  of  llie  conlinent  to 
the  other;  free  ihroughout  the  Republic.  With 
Oregon  in  our  pos.>-'ession,  our  coasting  trade  will 
be  extendi'd  round  Cape  Horn,  till  the  canal  acro.ss 
the  isihinus  is  coinpleied.  In  this  coasting  trade 
from  one  oi'.cau  to  the  other,  no  foreign  vessel  can 
participate.  Il  is  a  protected  trade,  ill  which  Maine 
naviiralion  has  a  deep  interest.  It  will  serve  in 
some  degree  lo  counlcrlialanco  tb'  iran.sccndant 
advantages  of  Great  Brilain,  wlios  .'olouics  are  in 
every  part  of  the  world,  and  whose  trade  she 
monopolizes,  not  peruulllii:;  an  American  ves.-el  lo 
carry  freight  from  one  of  her  colonies  to  anotlur, 
or  from  either  lo  the  mother  country.  Il  is  ilus 
vast  exU'nsiou  of  colonies,  and  the  control  of  tlu'ir 
traile,  wliiili  gives  her  such  iuimen.se  commercial 
and  naval  power.  She  does  not  levy  taxes,  as  such, 
upon  her  colonics,  nor  does  she  allow  them  I  o  be  rep- 
resented in  Parliament;  yet  she  compels  ihiiu  all  to 
lake  her  inanufiu'tures  and  I'liiplov  her  shipping, 
and  draws  their  wealth  into  ber  cullers,  as  well  as 
the  wealth  of  all  oilier  nations  which  do  not  pro- 
tect their  own  maunflictures  and  mechanical  indus- 
try against  her  compctilioii.  We  are  now  profess- 
edly od'ered  free  trade  by  her,  and  asked  lo  repeal 
our  ItirilV  laws.  It  will  be  time  enough  lo  tliiuK  of 
this  after  we  shall  have  found  the  repeal  of  her 
duties  on  our  agricultural  productions  to  be  of  any 
great  benefit  to  us:  anil  wiien  it  shall  appear  that 
we  can  only  retain  this  greal  beiiefil  by  sacrificing 
our  mechauical  industry.  Her  present  ascendency 
in  commerce  and  manufactures  was  not  obtained 
by  free  trade,  but  by  high  protection  in  every  de- 
partment of  productive  labor;  and  her  present 
c!iani;e  of  policy  is  not  the  result  of  any  proiniseil 
relaxation  on  the  part  of  other  Kuropcan  nations, 
or  on  ours,  but  precisely  the  contrary.  France, 
Russia,  Germany,  Belgium,  Ilollanil,  and  others, 
during  Ihe  last  thirty  years  of  peace,  have  been 
persevcrinirly  protcciing  their  nianuliiclures;  and. 
instead  of  being  purch.'isers,  are  now  becoming 
rivals,  as  are  also  the  Foiled  Stales.  To  retain 
her  supremacy  and  enable  her  to  undersell  other 
nations  in  the  markets  of  the  worhl,  Knglaud  be- 
gan by  taking  all  duties  from  the  raw  materials  she 
found  it  necessary  to  imjiort.  She  has  already  re- 
pealed all  duties  upon  wool,  cotton,  hides,  dye- 
woods,  and  a  greal  number  of  other  articles:  and 
now  she  finds  il  necessary,  as  other  i.alions  are 
gait  ingupon  her  in  skill,  lo  t:ike  olf  the  iliities  from 
.salted  meats,  flour,  corn,  &c.,  .so  that  by  clie:uier 
living  and  lower  wages,  she  may  still  supply  for- 
eign markets  wilh  her  nianufiictures.  The  world 
owes  her  iiolhiiig  for  her  generosity  in  this  respee  1. 
She  has  been  driven  lout  by  the  proteciiju;  policy 
of  rival  nations,  and  though  she  may  succecii  in 
c:ijoling  us,  she  will  make  no  inroads  upon  the 
coiilinental  nations.  When  mie  of  her  sialesnieu 
propo.sed  lo  the  French  Minister  that  the  Iwo  na- 
tions .sliouhl  admit  each  other's  productions  free, 
Ihe  Freuchmau  very  politely  replied:  "  When  our 
*  luaiiutactures  areas  well  established  as  yours,  we 
'  will  think  of  il."  Great  Britain  formerly  .sent  a 
vast  auiouiil  of  h(r  maiiiifaciores  to  llii'  continent, 
when  )ieace  permilied  it.  Bonaparte  put  a  slop  lo 
litis  for  a  time  by  bis  continental  .system  and  his 
wj.rs,  which  struck  a  heavy  blow  at  British  pow- 
er; bul  Ihe  restoration  of  the  Bourbons  partially 
renewed  the  trade  w  hih'  they  ruleil. 

The  prolectiiiL' policy  was  restored  under  Loiii.i 
Philip|ie.  But  the  German  nations  found  it  dilli- 
cull  to  protect  their  manufactures  against  British 
rivalry.  There  were  several  small  indepeudeni 
commercial  Slates  on  the  Ihdiic  which  for  aires  had 
(i  inid  no  ditficulty  in  maiutainiug  their  independ- 
ence without  armies  or  navies,  remaining  at  peace 
while  tlio  greater  Powers  were  wasting  their  encr- 


Am 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  10, 


'29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  Queation — Mr.  Bagby. 


SENilTK. 


pira  nnd  Hhrililiii>;  (lifir  binod  in  nininat  cnnKliint  j 
WHIM.  Tlicic  siimll  Stnlfs,  luediiiK  no  mlliliiry 
pmlrrtion,  liinnd  tlienioclve.i  in  ncfd  ol'  iIiih  rmn- 
tnt-rdtit  jirolfclityn,  which  was  not  ctisily  ailainitbte 
hy  st'parrttr  indi'pt'ndt'nt  tei;ishttiori.  When  one 
Sinio  iin|")s(d  dii'.ii-s  forlhi'  |iroli<iion  i>f  il»  ninnu- 
riuMurfa,  ntlitT3  were  temntt'd  l<>  lay  Imver  duties 
In  draw  ihe  import  tmde  tliri>n;;h  their  own  poitn. 
'I'hi'V  were  in  the  same  condilion  as  the  Slates  of 
our  llnion  under  the  oh!  Confe(h'ralion,wlie!i  each 
.State  hiid  its  own  impoMlH.  To  remove  the  chlli- 
itihy,  the '/ioh-Verein  or  Toll-Union  was  l\irined, 
whii'li  now  i(i(-iii(k'H  tiic  kin!rdont  of  PriiHsia  and 
Home  hiiH-dozi'ii  or  more  Uerman  inilepeialent 
Stales,  with  a  united  popiihuion  ol"  some  thirty 
niilhons.  The  duties  on  iinportatimis  are  eolleiled 
tiiid  ilivideil  ainoni;  tlieni  ai'e(n*(hiii;  to  population. 
These  eiHnhineil  CJerinaii  Slates  Iiave  now  no  dilli- 
eiilty  in  prolecliii^'  their  niamirai'iiiies,  anil  are 
llourishim^  in  spite  of  the  inlnk:iH>s  ot'  the  lOni^lish 
lo  divide  anil  lireak  them  up.  Di.  I'owriiis  was 
sent  to  them  a  ytar  ortwi>  smee  lo  try  to  persuade 
ihini  into  a  relavalion  of  their  poliey-  lie  tried 
to  amnse  ilieni  with  a  promised  rep(-al  of  the  eorn 
laws,  hut  the  sacarious  Ciermans  sent  him  hai'k 
Willi  a  Ilea  in  his  ear.  Perhaps  Hrilish  agents  in 
this  eiMintry,  who  are  numerous  anil  active,  and 
no  lion  I  a  wi'll  paid,  may  he  more  suia-esst'iil.  'I'liese 
a';rnisaiid  their  (■ehufs  here  It  II  us  thai  Hrilain  has 
ahaiuloiieil  her  rosirieiive  policy,  and  proU'ered 
free  trade  to  ilie  world.  Is  it  sor  ^Vill  she  ^ive 
us  fVif  |r(ii/(  ici(/i  hrr  rolnnirs .'  These  eolonies 
I  "iiiaiu  a  populaiion  five  or  six  limes  stealer  than 
(liatofthe  two  little  islands  which  are  the  seat  of 
British  empire;  Imt  with  these  vast  colonies  she 
oilers  US  no  fifc  Irmie.  She  will  never  permit  ns 
or  any  other  nation  to  supply  them  with  neinnlac- 
iiires  or  any  other  proiluciions  which  sIhm-hii  sup- 
ply her.«:elf;  hut  she  will  take  from  ns  what  pro- 
visions .she  may  need  in  Great  liritaiii  and  Ireland 
lieyoiid  the  product  of  her  o\\'n  soil,  if  we  will  sell 
lliini  lo  her  cheaper  than  any  other  nation — a  thins; 
we  ciinnol  do  at  preseui  pi  ices  here;  and  for  this 
site  will  fiiritisli  us  all  the  inanufactnres  we  need. 
I.urd  .lohn  Russell,  in  his  speei'h  in  favor  of  iVce 
Hade,  made  ai  Glast,'ow  lasl  January,  ilioiinht  it  . 
would  he  a  fnii^  ihiiiir  for  us  to  j\tii  ilie  inoilier 
couhiry,  and  she  would  rli>ihe  us.  This  sounds 
well;  hut  the  cost  of  the  clothin;;  of  ilie  American 
iii'ople  al  len  dollars  per  aiiiium  would  he  two 
himdred  inillions  of  dolhirs,  while  it  is  doiihil'ul  if 
Me  .should  healilo  to  sell  Cireat  IJrilain  and  Ireland 
tei-  millions  a  year  id' our  food  :  not  eiKHiirh  to  p;iy 
('^:  the  line  cotton  ^oods  we  iuipori  annually  ninh-  r 
lie  jici.wiW  tariff,  lo  say  iiolhin<;  of  all  other  manu- 
factures. 

If  the  GerniaiLs  need  protection  Tor  their  manii- 
fictuies,  where  lahor  is  cheaper  than  in  I'an;laiid, 
we  certainly  need  it  more  in  this  n  puhlican  coun- 
try. There,  and  in  Kiirope  senerally,  the  lalior- 
mir  peo]de  arc  emeiL'itit;  from  a  conifiiion  of  vas- 
salage, and  siill  arc  reipiired  to  hihor  for  the  small- 
est sum  which  will  supply  them  with  a  lueai^er 
diii,  st'anty  clothiiiir,  and  loiluin;:s  of  ilie  rudest 
sirnctnre.  Mere  the  laborini;  man  is  a  citizen.  He 
must  li.ive  such  a  compensation  for  his  lahor  as 
willenahle  him  to  live  in  a  ^ood  house,  clothe 
hrtnself  a.al  faiii  ly  well,  fare  sumjituonsly  every 
d.iy,  and  possess  the  means  of  ai'ijiiiriiii;  iliai  in- 
iclhirenee  which  is  ni(lis)'i  nsahle  lo  the  jiiilicious 
cNercise  of  the  rights  of  an  American  eiii/.en  in 
wlio.se  hands  the  riestiuies  of  the  country  are 
placed.  This  socinl  condition  and  this  intelliifeiico 
citiiiiot  he  preserved  if  the  rewards  of  his  lahin"  are 
la-ou:;lil  down  to  the  level  ol' such  lahor  in  I-lurope 
hy  the  fiee  imporlHIioti  of  Ihe  products  of  the  lat- 
ter, ileiice  the  need  of  protection  aeainst  the 
Corel  jrn  com  pell  lion. /(iirt»;jrem/ir(i/i(iM  rtiaiai^j.Vaif  )■- 
icini  _/V7M/lfll  frrp  us  air;  and,  lo  <:ive  ll  greater 
scope,  ever  .    "icilitv  should  hi'  ■'ivi  n  for  a  free  iii- 

loilncts  iliroiif.'liout  the  wide  evtent 
I' :!l  Kepuhhe.     This  is  thcehicl  nil- 

fJlensinn   nf  our  (."iii'-         ^Ve  need 
"resiaiion  for  niilli         ..roiection. 

■' line,  separated  from  the  rniiai, 
no  tears  of  cohi|uest  or  suhjuiratiim, 
need  of  lleets  or  armies  tliuii  llremen 
or  llanihur-/;  hnl  ihe  same  necessitv  that  hrou;;hl 
the  Xoll-\'crcin  into  existence  would  force  her 
hack  into  the  l-'edeiMl  Union  for  rommerr'utl  jirnlrr- 
titiH  a;;aiiist  the  liiavy  capital,  superior  skill  in  the 
arl«,aiiJ  starved  labor  of  the  Old  World. 


II  rchaiii; 
of  our  o'. 
vantage 

1  o  .sllch    v 

Tla.  Slate 
woiilil  h.ivi 
antl  no  nioi 


Si-,  wp  arc  asked  to  follow  the  example  of  Ens;-  ; 
land  in  free  triule.  She  is  about  lo  re|ieal  all  her  j 
impnsls,  except  a  small  tax  of  about  twelve  hun- 
dred per  cent,  upon  tobacco,  and  duties  on  siniie 
other  luxuries,  with  discriinniatiouN  ai;amst  slave- 
smwii  su!;ar,  but  iiothin;;  .laid  about  slave-Krown 
rice  and  eotlon.  An  imineiise  revenue  is  to  be 
collected  lo  support  the  most  exfieiiNive  (h>vern-  ' 
ineiit  upon  me  enrlh,  and  |iay  the  interest  ofa  na- 
tional debt  which  no  other  nation  ever  did  nr  ever 
could  stairser  under.  This  revenue  is  In  be  hence-  i 
forward  eollecleil  ehielly  from  exeiaes,  ineoine 
taxes,  and  oilier  direct  taxes,  upon  the  people  of 
Great  Ihitainanil  Irel.ind,  and  not  upon  imporla- 
tioiis.  Shall  we  follow  this  example.'  fail  any 
party  he  I'ounil  in  this  House  who  are  williin^  to 
abandon  duties  on  importalionsr  I  iloubi  it.  Will 
southern  irenlleiiieii  be  williiiL,'  lo  be  taxed  accoril- 
iut;  to  their  representation  in  f'oui.'ress,  as  the 
Consiiiniion  n  ipures  that  direct  taxes  slmll  be 
assessed.'  1  thmk  we  of  the  frei -worklii;.'  North 
could  pay  our  share,  at  least,  as  well  as  llicy.  Will 
the  West  aijree  to  direct  luxation  iiccordin^  to  thtir 
iiinnbi  rs? 

They  now  underslaml  llie  mailer  too  well  In  ad- 
vocate any  suchsysiem;  I  hey  say  (I  mean  those  of 
them  who  oppose  proleciion')  iluu  the  present  tarilV 
will  cut  olVour  revenue  from  imposis  by  becomini; 
prohiliilory,  and  must  be  reilnceil  lo  prevent  our 
people  iVoin  snpplyiinr  tlieiiiselvcH  enlirrly  wiih 
their  own  manulaciiires;  and  that  it  is  lo  areii/ 
ilitirl  liiriilinii  ihiit  they  would  reduce  the  larilV. 
They  woiilil  collei-l  ihe  revenue  from  iinoorls,  but 
maki'  no  iliscriniinalioii  for  protection,  ji  is  in  the 
niiiile  of  shapiii::  the  tarill'lhal  we  ilisajrec.  As  1 
hope  to  be  able  lo  speak  on  that  subject  when  it 
comes  re;;nlarly  up,  I  will  only  now  say  that  while 
we  can  obtain  revenue  enough  by  iliilies  on  foreign 
articles  Ihe  like  of  which  our  owii  people  ran  make 
at  home,  I  would  lay  all  the  ilniies  im  these,  and 
import  oihers  free,  perhaps  excepting;  some  bane- 
ful hixinies,  like  wines  ami  distilled  spirits.  A 
lai  ill'  based  on  the  principles  laid  down  by  the  I'res- 
ident  anil  his  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  discrinii- 
iiatiii'^'  lufiiiinf  jirnlrrlioii,  I  kIiouIiI  eou'sider  more 
obnoxious,  nnjiisl,  and  inexpedient,  than  direct 
taxation.  It  is  the  protedive  features  of  the  im- 
post thill  ^ive  it  a  preference  as  a  mode  of  raisin*; 
revenue  over  excises  and  direct  t;ixes,  and  when 
liroieciioii  is  wholly  discarded  I  hope  the  enstom- 
hoiisis  will  be  abolished.  Ihii  we  never  yet  have 
hail  a  lariir  without  discriiniiiation  for  protection, 
anil  if  we  ever  do  have  such  an  one  1  venlure  to 
pri-dici  that  it  will  be  a  very  slinrt-liveil  one. 

Unl,  Mr.  Chairman.  I  have  rambled  more  than  I 
ou;;ht  to  h.ive  done,  perhaps,  while  so  many  fren- 
lleniin  are  yet  anxious  to  obinin  the  floor,  and  I 
will  reliirn  to  my  aim  ndinent.  Il  proposes  .m  im- 
provement which  we  have  a  ri^hl  lo  call  upon  the 
General  Goverinneiil  lo  make — we  ask  for  no  forts 
on  our  river,  ami  do  not  believe  il  neces.sarv  to 
spend  vast  sums  on  military  iire|iaraiioiis.  Since 
the  war  of  the  Uevolntion  we  liave  had  sixty  years 
of  peace,  mill  Ivvo  years  and  a  half  of  war;  and  in 
those  years  of  peace,  militia  e\"tienses  inclnded,  we 
have  expendeil  more  than  a  ihoiisand  millions  of 
dollars  in  prepariie^  I'or  war.  What  can  we  show 
for  it.'  H,id  we  expended  a  lenih  part  of  the  sum 
upon  inlern.al  iinproveinenls,  these  very  iniprove- 
meiils,  besides  their  eudiirni;;  uses  in  peace,  would 
have  been  a  belter  preiia ration  for  defence  tlianany- 
tliina;  we  ran  now  boast  of.  We  protect  onr  foreign 
eoimneiTC  at  a  cost  for  naval  and  other  expenses 
eipial  lo  the  nrolils  of  all  that  comnieii'e.  Do 
we  do  MS  much  for  our  far  more  extensive  and 
more  valuable  internal  eomini  rce :  Nothiii;;  like 
it.  lint  I  think  I  see  clearly  that  the  Uepri  .senta- 
lives  of  iliis  vast  interior  and  rapidly  increasing; 
commerce  will  soon  have  boili  the  power  and  the 
disposition  |ri  take  care  of  iheaiselves.  The  iraiii;- 
portalion  of  the  proilnctions  of  dilferent  rliinnles 
111  our  wide-extended  realm;  the  exchaUL'c  of  man- 
ufactures of  one  seciion  fir  ihe  provisions  anil 
raw  inateri.ils  of  another;  the  carria^'e  of  the  coal, 
the  iron,  the  copper,  the  lead,  the  hemp,  ihe  Hour, 
from  where  it  is  produced  lo  where  it  is  consinned, 
will  require  eonntless  ehannels  of  eommnnicatioii, 
and  make  an  immense  trade  which  will  be  nil  our 
own.  Let  us  !;o  iiilo  il  with  indoniitable  eiieri;v, 
and  use  it  for  beneficent  ends,  if  we  act  wisely 
no  foreiu^n  policy  can  disturb  it,  nor  can  a  hostile 
navy  reach  it. 


ORKUON  aUESTION. 
SPKECH  OF  MR.  13AGBY, 

OK  ALABAMA, 

Iv  Sr.MATK,.'/;)!'!'/  1(1,  IH-lfi. 

The  .loint  Hesolulion  for  (.'ivini;  the  notice  to  ler- 

miiiale  the  conveiilion  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  llrilain,  relative  to  the  (lre;;on  Terii- 

lory,  beint;  under  consitlcratiou — 

Mr.  IlAGllY  addressed  the  Senate  ns  followH: 

Mr.  I'hksidknt:  If,  in  the  «;;e  in  which  we  live, 
marked  as  it  is  by  extraordinary  eveiiis,  anil  by 
the  most  eiilari;ed  and  intellii'.eiit  habits  of  tliiiiK- 
im;  and  of  nciiii>;,  anyiliiiii;  conid  attract  unusual 
allenlion,  or  excite  unusual  surprise,  it  would  be 
lliut,  alter  tweiiiy-eii;lil  years  of  fruitless  diplomacy 
in  re>;aril  lo  the  Ore'.om  territory,  there  should  still 
be  those  who  are  disposed  lo  pour  Ihe  oil  of  pro- 
crastimilion  upon  the  dead  .sea  of  a  lit'ele.ss  ne;;o- 
tialion,  and  to  leave  this  i|iiestion,  which  now  sn 
deeply  eiij;aues  ihe  iillention  of  the  country,  to 
the  silent  operation  of  time.  Time,  .Mr.  Presi- 
dent, is  a  iui'.;hly  ie.;eiil,  hut  it  is  a  passive  ai;eut. 
Il  is  not  a  means  by  which  events  are  lobe  accom- 
plished, but  a  medium  or  space  within  which  they 
may  be  accomplishid,  by  the  applicalioii  or  em- 
[iloyment  of  the  proper  active  itijenis. 

And  with  final  respect  for  the  o|iiiiioiis  of  ollicrs, 
it  appears  lo  me  that  a  irreal  error  has  been  eoiu- 
milleil  in  applyni;;  ihe  maxims  of  war  lo  the  Inrdy 
and  slui:;;ish  operations  of  diplomacy.  If  Kabiiis 
Maximus,  vv  ho  was  the  father  of  this  sysleiii  of 
wise  and  m.isterly  inactivity,  in  his  wars  with  Han- 
nibal, had  been  oppo.sed  by  the  same  policy,  it  is 
perfectly  certain  that  he  would  have  been  just  as 
apt  to  be  Wearied  out,  without  coming  to  a  ;,'eiieral 
eiis:a!;eineul,  as  Ins  j;reat  adversary.  .So  in  a  mem- 
orable instance  in  modern  warf'are.  If  that  re- 
markable person  who,  for  a  season,  blazed  as  a 
terrible  meteor  before  the  eyes  of  all  Europe,  had 
acted  upon  the  policy  observed  by  the  commander 
of  tne  allied  forces,  by  rctreatin;;  and  avoidiiiK 
iiction,  it  is  evident  he  ni  vcr  would  have  crossed 
the  IliLssian  line,  and  wiliies.sed  the  coiitla^ralioii 
ofMo.scow,or  received  ill  conseijuence  that  blow 
from  which  he  never  recovered. 

To  apply  these  principles  to  the  riiiestion  now 
before  ns.  Great  Ihitain  and  the  United  Slates 
both  assert  title  to  the  territory  in  distiute,  and,  to 
some  exieiil,  they  are  both  in  possession  of  it.  and 
(jreat  Uritain  to  a  i;reater  extent  than  we  are.  If 
inaction  will  enable  ns  to  obtain  possession,  it  will 
surely  enable  her  to  retain  possession.  I  conclnile, 
therefore,  that  if  this  system  of  inaction  eontinues 
for  tweiily  years,  it  will  be  necessary,  at  the  end 
of  llial  time,  lo  act  upon  the  subject,  and  that  every 
inlervi  iiini;  year  will  only  increase  the  difliciiliy  lo 
a  final  and  amicable  seltlement.  Under  this  eoii- 
viclion,  and  without  considering;  it  necessary  to  in- 
ipiire  into  the  wisdom  of  ihe  policy  by  which  llin 
.setllemeiil  of  this  ipiestion  has  been  so  lon^  de- 
layed, and  the  embarrasfiinents  in  the  way  In  such 
selilemeni  so  i;reatly  increased,  I  have,  I'riini  the 
time  that  this  ipieslion  first  occupied  the  iiublic. 
inmil.  al'ier  I  came  into  the  Senate,  been  iinil'irmly 
in  favor  of  iiiviiii;  the  iioiice.  In  comin;;  to  this 
coiuiiision,  1  have  not  been  at  all  iiillneneeil  by 
my  views  with  respect  to  the  extent  of  onr  title. 

If  no  part  of  the  territory  in  dispute  is  ours,  | 
should  be  in  favor  of  !;iviiij;  the  notice,  in  older 
to  ilisjiel  the  popular  delusion  which  prevni!.'^  u]ion 
the  siibjcct,  anil  to  render  it  up,  so  tar  as  we  are 
concerned,  lo  its  proper  owners.  If  only  a  part  of 
it  is  ours,  I  am  in  favor  of  f;ivin\'  the  notice,  in 
order  that  the  dividini;  tine  may  be  run,  in  order 
lo  prevent  our  citizens  who  eiiiicrnte  thitliir  f'roni 
sellliiiL'  beyond  onr  hiuiis,aiiil  thereby  iransferriny; 
tlieniselves  to  a  foreign  jurisdiction.  If  it  all  be- 
loiii;s  to  us,  1  am  in  favor  of  i;iviwj;  the  notice,  in 
order  to  reduce  it  lo  posse.ssion,  ami  extend  our 
laws  over  it,  and  no  loll^^er  permit  (irent  Ihiiain 
to  enjoy  it  conjoiullv  «  ith  ns,  wilhonl  eipiivaleiit 
or  t  onsideralion.  And,  above  all.  I  am  in  t'avor 
of  Ihe  notice,  and  of  Icrminalini;  the  joint  net  iipa- 
lion,  as  the  most  eirectiial  means  of  preserviin;  the 
peace  of  the  two  countries.  With  these  ;;eiieral 
views,  I  proceed  to  lake  a  cursory  view  of  the 
whole  subject,  as  presenieil  to  us  al  the  eoinmenee- 
iiieiit  of  Ihe  present  session  of  (;on!;ress. 

Various  eonsiruclions  have  been   placed  ujioii 


iVRHIiX'1 


I  April  10, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


4m 


Senatb. 

'ION. 
BACBY, 


IHIC, 

tlir  nnlico  (()  (rr- 
llic  lliiilinl  Siiili-H 
lir  ()ri';;(iii  Tcrii- 
II  — 

Millie  na  riilldWH: 
ill  wliinli  wi'  llvi', 
y  r\t'iilrt,  {iiid   l»y 


'29th  Cono IsT  Sksb. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Bagby. 


Sknate. 


ImliilH  (if  iliini,. 
Ill  altnii'l  iiiiiisiiiil 
risr,  it  wiuilil  Ijr. 
riiillrss  ili|iliiniiirv 
,  llirri!  nIiiiiiIiI  sliil 

111'  lllr    nil  llf  |i|il- 

lil'rli'.sH  iu'j;ip- 

wliicli  imw  Nil 

I'   llii'  nmiiliv,  III 

iiiii',  Ml-.    Presi- 

II  |ias.sivr  luji'iii. 

iii'i'  III  111' a iiii- 

,1'illiiii  wliirli  tiny 
lii'iitioii  111-  mi- 

I'lllS. 

|iiiii(iimnriilliei'.-i, 
ir  liiis  Im-i'ii  I'fiiii- 
if  war  III  llic  tinily 
iiiii'V.  ir  h'aliiii.s 
il"  lliiH  sy.sii'iii  111' 
swara  witli  llaii- 
siiiiic  |iiilic'y,  it  i^ 
lavn  lirni  just  an 
lining.'  Ill  an'i'iii'ial 
ry.  .Sii  ill  a  iiiciii- 
I'arc.  If  thai  le- 
isoii,  lilii/.i'd  a.-^  a 
'  all  iMimiH  ,  had 
y  the  I'liiiiiiiaiiilrr 
IIS  anil  aviiidiiif; 
iild  havi'  rro.ssi^d 
llui  iMiiilla^raliiiii 
:c|Uiiicc  thai  blow 

the  qup.slioii  now 
;lic  lliiili'd  .Stati'.s 

II  iliN)nili',  and,  to 
.s.s™..<ioii  of  it,  and 

lliaii  wn  arn.      If 

|l(ISS('Nsil>ll,  il  will 

ision.  I  I'liiic'liKle, 
iiiaclioii  rnntiniii'H 
.s.siiry,  III  till'  end 
'I'l,  and  lliat  uvery 
se  the  ilillii'iilty  to 

Under  this  cnn- 
il  neei'n.sai'v  to  in- 
icy  liy  whirh  iIk! 

Iieen  so  Inn^'  de- 
I  the  way  to  .111111 

I  lia\e,  rriiiii  the 
'U|iii'(l  the  iiiililie, 
e,  heeii  iiniliiinily 

III  eiiniini,'  tn  thi.s 
all  iiilliii.iii'i'd  liy 

ellt  of  mil'  title. 
iliHpiite.  i.s  iiiir.-j,  I 

e   iiiitii'e,  ill  (luliT 

lieh  |irevai!.>;  ii|>(iii 

SII  far  a.s  we  are 
it' only  a  |iiirl  of 
ii:^  the  iintii'e,  in 
^  lie  mil,  ill  iii'der 
^rnle  tliitlui-  I'l'oni 
'■I'eliy  tiaii.ireri'ilii; 
inn.  Il'it  all  be- 
ns llie  nolice,  in 
,  and  extend  our 
nil  (ireiil  liriiaiii 
ilhniii  ei|iiivalent 
II,  I  am  in  I'avor 
the  i'Miit  iici  ii|iu- 
iir|ireser\iiiir  iiiu 
ilh  these  !,'i'nenil 
(iiry  view  nf  ihe. 
Ill  the  einninenec- 
iiii^rcsH, 
con  [ijuccd  upon 


that  part  nl'iho  I'reiident's  MessiiiKe  whieli  reliiles 
to  Ihc  qiU'Mti.in  now  under  e.onHidernlinn,  mul  dif- 
lerinl  keyn  linve  been  employed  for  the  piirpOHCof 
iiiilorkini;  Ihe  true  meanins  of  that  Instrument.  1 
do  not  pretend  to  be  n  fiirinidnble  .Slate-paper  rrilie; 
and  those  who  know  me  best  know  lull  well  that 
I  nin  not  the  iniliseriniinale  ndvoeate  ofpow  r,  or 
prndigal  in  p'nise  of  those  who  wield  il.  1  hate 
power,  and  am  naturally  and  hnbituully  dLstrustAil 
of  those  who  wield  it.  lint  I  avail  myself  of  this 
oi'i'asion  to  say,  that.  In  my  jiiilj^menl,  Iho  Annual 
Message  of  President  I'lillc  is  one  of  the  plainest 
and  ablest  Slate  papers  ever  subniilled  to  the  two 
Houses  nf  (Jiiiiirress,  from  the  origin  of  ihe  Oov- 
ernmenl  to  the  present  lime;  niid  that,  in  relation 
to  the  Orecjoii  qiiislion,  whatever  envils  or  censures 
may  be  passed  upon  it  liere,  he  has  plneed  himself 
on  an  i  inineiice,  where  the  aU'eeiiiins,  the  judument, 
the  confidence,  and  the  approbation  of  his  coun- 
trymen, will  duster  ai'oiind  him,  and  sustain  liini. 
Ill  speakini;  of  tins  document,  I  give  no  parlor  or 
I'loset  or  baclt-slairs  interpretation.  I  apeak  from 
(he  record — from  the  Messii;;e  itself.  I  am  here  to 
express  mv  own  views,  and  not  10  retail  those  of 
iilliers.      Whatever  may  be  the  relations  between 


the  Chief  Mn'.,'istrate  of  the  eouiitry  and  myself- 
nnd  they  arc  precisely  siieh  as  oim'lit  to  snbsiit  be- 
tween the  head  of  one  department  of  the  Govern- 


ment and  a  member  nf  nnother  department — I  am 
here  not  to  express  his  views  of  the  Mcs.sa^'e,  but 
my  own.  And  I  llaller  myself  that  I  shall  be  able 
III  satisfy  even  my  lionorable  friend  from  North 
Carolina,  on  the  other  side  of  the  ehaniber,  [Mr. 
Mas'Oi-m,]  who  seeni.s  to  have  been  so  much  puz- 
zled upon  this  subject,  tlril  the  position  and  views 
of  the  President  in  rei^ard  to  the  Orej^on  r[uestioii, 
as  contained  and  set  forth  in  the  Message,  arc  so 
plain,  so  clear,  so  distinct,  and  so  decided,  lliat  lie 
who  runs  may  read  litem.  My  interpretation  of 
the  Mes.sa^^e  is,  that  the  President  believes  that  our 
title  to  the  whole  of  ()ie;,'on  is  clear  and  unqiics- 
lioiiable — it  is,  if  Senalms  prefer  more  sis^nifieanl 
phrri.'enhiiiy,  a  lif"ly-l'"in'  forty  .Message,  sn  far  as 
title  is  eonceriieil.  Piii  in  consideration  of  the  state 
of  the  negiiliatiiiu  when  he  came  into  ut)i('C,nn(l  of 
the  course  pursued  by  all  his  predecessors  who  had 
acted  upon  this  subject,  he  ielt  himself  under  an 
implied  iililij^atiiin  at  least  to  endeavor  to  settle  this 
liiii^'-pendin;;  controversy  in  a  spirit  of  compromise, 
and  upon  principles  of  muliial  concession.  He 
ihercfore  iiistrni'ted  the  Secretary  of  State,  on  the 
Cth  of  AiiiiiiHt.  to  jiropose  to  Mr.  Pakenham  to  set- 
tle il  on  the  4!)tli  parallel  of  nortli  latitude.  That 
|iropositiiiii  was  priin)|itly  rejected.  It  was  siibse- 
(|iienllv  withdrawn,  and  our  title  to  the  whole 
territory  reasserted,  and,  in  the  opinion  of  the  . 
Piesidenl,  sustained  by  irrefragable  facta  and  argu- 
inints. 

This  is  my  view  of  the  Message.  It  sustaining, 
as  I  shall  atteinpt  to  do,  the  correctness  of  lhe.se 
views,  il  is  necessary  lliat  I  should  stale,  in  gen- 
eral terms,  my  own  opinion  relative  to  the  title  lo 
the  Oregon  territory.  In  performing  this  part  of 
my  ibilVt  I  shall  not  go  into  ail  Ihe  details.  'I'hat 
task  lias  been  |ierlbrnied  with  more  ability  by  the 
eminent  slatesinan  at  the  bead  of  the  State  Depart- 
ment, as  well  as  by  gentlemen  on  this  tloor,  and 
I'specially  by  my  friend  iViiiii  New  York,  [Mr. 
I)|\.|  I  shall  only  slate  my  views  in  regard  lo 
the  extent  of  our  lllle,  and  the  general  gruniids  on 
wliii'h  it  tests. 

I  bi'lii've,  then,  Mr.  President,  that  lo  the  wliole 
territory  in  dispute,  we  have  the  best  title  in  exist- 
ence. This  opinion  is  predii'ated  ii)ion  the  discov- 
ery of  the  great  rivi'r  Cohimbia,  by  Captain  Gray, 
ill  I7!)'i,  when  he  not  only  discovered  the  moutli  of 
Ihe  river,  lint  entered  it,  and  nailed  up  it  some  dis- 
lance.  If  there  is  verity  in  history,  he  was  the 
first  who  ever  (lid  enter  and  sail  up  it.  1  |ireilicate 
mv  opinion  further,  in  support  of  the  Anieriean 
title  to  Oi'("_'on,  iipoii  the  exploration  and  taking 
possession,  by  I^ewis  and  Claike,  in  It^Uti,  of  the 
whole  eniiniry  drained  by  the  (,'oliimbia,  from  its 
head  10  its  miiiilh;  and  !iy  tin'  settlement  of  Asto- 
ria, by  American  eitizens,  btfnir  llie  late  war  with 
Great  lirilaiii,  and  by  the  solemn  and  formal  res- 
t'lraiion  of  Astoria  to  the  I'liited  States  by  Great 
Ib'iiaiii  after  ihe  war.  liy  (he  lir.st  article  of  the 
treaty  of  Ghent,  it  was  stipulated: 

'• 'rinl  :lll  ItTrittiry,  places,  mid  iinsses.-iniis,  wlliit.-never, 
taken  tiyclliicr  piirty  trniii  llii'oilii-riiiii'iiietlic  Wiir.  orutiM'ii 
iii.'iy  til'  liilicii  titter  ttie  si}(iiiiiii  at  iliis  treaty.  e.vce|ititii!  only 


;  Ihe  iMniiil^  nnerniiriln  ininicil  In  tlie  lliiy  of  Fundy,  ihull  be 
re^tll^e(l  witliiiut  ilrliiy." 

I  Under  this  alipulntlon,  Great  Hrilain  restored 
j  Astoria  to  the  United  Slnles  nller  the  war,  thereby 
j  virtually  ncknowledgiiiij  that  it  was  ours  nt  the 

time  she  captured  it  from  us. 
i  Now,  suppose  that  Spain,  Instead  nf  yielding  to 
the  tide  nf  encroachment  which  ever  ami  nnnn  has 
lashed  against  her  territorial  possessions  on  this 
continent,  and  to  the  silent  liol  no  less  deslruclive  i 
wave  of  corruption  and  indolence  by  which  Ihe  [ 
Blrenglh  of  her  power  lias  been  undermined  at 
home — suppose  llint,inslend  of  her  present  wasted 
eondition,  she  exhibited  to  the  nationsof  the  earth 
the  proud  and  powerful  front  she  did  ill  the  days  of 
Kerdinand  and  Isabella — suppose,  in  addition  to 
her  unquestioned  prior  discovery  of  the  northwest 
coast  of  America  and  setllenient  at  Nootka  Sound, 
she  had  added  the  discovery  and  entrance  of  the 
Cohimbia  river — suppose  that  Spain  hail  perform- 
ed the  net  which  our  CJovernment  performed  by 
the  exploration  of  Lewis  and  fMarke  of  the  whole 
country  drained  by  the  Columbia  river,  from  its 
highest  sources  to  its  inontli,  iinil  had  foilinved  up 
that  exploration  by  actual  settlement  and  occiipa- 
lion:  is  there,  I  ask,  a  Senator  here,  or  an  intelli- 
gent man  anywhere,  who  would  hesitate  lo  |iro- 
noiince  that  her  title  lo  the  whole  valley  of  the 
Ciilnmbin  and  Vancouver's  Island  was  clear  and 
unouestlonablc?     I  think  not. 

Take  another  case  :  Suppose  that  Great  Britain, 
with  all  that  boasted  military  and  naval  snperinriiy 
BO  often  altributed  to  her  on  this  tloor,  had  by  her 
treaties  with  Spain  acquired  a  quit-claim  lo  all  the 
**  rights,  claims,  and  pretensions"  of  Spain  on  the 
northwest  e.oasl  of  America,  and  Great  I'ritain  had 
superadded  to  this  such  a  discovery  as  was  made 
by  Gray,  the  exploration  such  as  was  made  by 
Lewis  and  Cl;irke,  and  such  a  sellleinenl  a.s  wn.s 
made  by  Astor  and  other  American  citizens;  and 
siippo.se,  in  addition  to  all  this,  the  United  .Stales 
had,  by  the  treaty  of  Gbeni, stipulated  to  surrender 
lo  Cxreat  Urilain  all  places,  property,  &r.,  caplured 
during  the  late  war,  and  had  under  this  stipulation 
actuaily  restored  lo  Great  Piritaiii,  Astoria,  a.s  one 
f'f  the  places  captured — I  asl;,  is  there  a  member 
of  the  Senate,  is  lliere  a  lunn  in  America,  or  an  in- 
telligent man  anywhere,  whodoiiljis  that  the  whole 
country  drained  by  the  Columbia,  from  its  ntmo.st 
sources  lo  its  mouth,  would  have  belonged  lo  Great 
Britain,  and  that  her  title  to  it  was  clear  and  un- 
questionable?    I  ihiiik  not. 

If,  then,  I  am  enrrect  in  supposing  that  in  the  two 
cases  I  have  |ail,  this  territory  would  have  belong- 
ed lo  Spain  in  the  one  case  and  to  Great  Urilain  in 
the  other,  how  does  it  come  to  pass,  that  under  pre- 
cisely similar  (iicts  the  title  lo  .said  territorv  does 
not  absolutely  vest  in  the  United  Stales?  h^or,  no 
one  pretends  to  deny  that  all  the  *'  rights,  claims, 
and  prelensiiins"  of  Spain,  lo  her  possessions  on 
the  nnrthwesl  coast  of  America,  passed  lo  the  Uni- 
ted States  by  the  treaty  of  IMIII,  eomnionly  called 
the  Florida  treaty;  110  one  |ii'eteii(ls  to  doubt  the 
priority  in  point  of  time  of  the  di.scovery  and  sail- 
ing up  the  Colnmbia  river  by  Captain  Gray;  no 
one  can  deny  the  authorized  eX]i!oraliiiii  of  the 
Columbia  river  liy  Lewis  and  Clarke;  no  one  can 
deny  the  selllenient  of  Astoria  by  American  eiti- 
zens, and  its  restoration  under  treaty  stipulations 
after  the  war. 

How,  then,  can  they  deny  that  our  title  to  the 
whole  of  this  portion  of  the  territory  is  clear  and 
unquestionable?  These  are  my  views  in  regard 
to  Ihe  eountry  ilrained  by  the  ^'olumliia  river,  lo 
which  I  believe  we  have  a  perfect  title.  I  lielieve, 
also,  that  the  Spanish  settlement  at  Ntiolka  Sound, 
and  the  snbseqiieiit  transfer  of  her  interest  to  us, 
give  us  title  to  Vancouver's  Island. 

In  regard  to  that  portion  of  the  territory  drained 
bv  l-'razer's  river,  the  title  is  not  so  clear;  liut  my 
opinion  is,  that  ours  is  Ihe  best  in  existence.    This 
opinion  is  tbinided  upon  the  disc<>very  of  the  great 
river  Columbia;  the  early  discovery  of  that  part 
of  the  northwest  coast  by  Spain,  who  aiibsequent-  , 
Iv  transferred  lo  ns;  to  the  niiiform  assertion  of 
liritish  statesmen  and  Ministers,  up  lo  the  eom- 
meiicemeiit  of  the  present  negotiations,  that  the 
Hritish   title,  whatever  it  was,  was  derived  from 
the  eonveniion  of  Nootka  Sound;  and   from  the  ; 
great  controlling  fad,  that  every  |iage  of  her  his-  I 
tory,  general  and  iiobtieal,  shows,  that  in  all  her 
movements  in  regard  to  the  norlhwesi  coast,  she 


was  influenced  milely  by  commereial  considcm- 
tioiiH,  nnd  not  with  a  view  to  the  establiahmeiu  of 
her  Bovcreignty  over  that  portion  of  lhi«  eonlineiit. 
While,  oil  the  other  hand,  the  history  of  Spain, 
under  whom,  in  part,  we  claim,  shows  that  she 
made  discovery  with  n  view  lo  the  extension  of 
her  empire;  that  hIiu  uniformly  asserted  it,  hiiU 
that  it  was  acquiesced  in  by  all  Europe  for  three 
centuries.  McKcnzic,  a  Diitish  subject,  discov- 
ered Frazer's  river  in  IT'.l'J;  and  the  first  setllemeiit 
ever  made  by  a  Hritish  siibject  west  of  the  Uoeky 
Mouiitaii).s,  was  made  by  Simon  Friizer  in  I8()C. 
The  true  question  in  regard  to  this  part  of  the  ter- 
ritory is,  whether  G.'eat  Britain  claims  it  by  dis- 
covery in  17!)U,  nnd  setlleinent  in  IBdU,  or,  lis  her 
own  stalesmen,  until  within  a  very  recent  period, 
have  uniformly  contended,  by  the  Irenty  of  Noot- 
ka Sound  ? 

Bill,  s'r,  other  topics  have  been  inlrndiiced  into 
this  disi'ussion,  some  of  which  I  propose  to  notice. 
Instead  of  the  calm  and  teinpcrale  lone  usually  em- 
ployed in  the  discussion  of  (inestiouH  involving  de- 
ductions from  historical  facts,  the  eorrecl  interpre- 
lalion  of 'reiiliea,  and  the  true  construction  of  title 
deeds,  Senators  have  given  the  reins  to  their  im- 
aginations, and  put  their  fancies  lo  ihe  torture,  lo 
give  us  the  most  vivid  description  of  the  blesslng.s 
of  peace;  while,  on  the  other,  war  has  reared  his 
griin-vi.saged  front,  and  we  have,  in  no  measured 
terms,  all  the  horrors  of  war  in  the  most  appall- 
ing tones:  the  lightning's  llasli  and  the  tliiinder's 
roar  of  cmbatlled  legions,  havoc,  bloodshed,  and 
death;  ruined  commeree,  deranged  cnrrency,  deso- 
lated fields,  sacked  cities,  burnt  villages,  and  an 
undone  country.  And  if  nil  this  was  not  siiflicient 
to  deter  ns  froiii  giving  this  notice,  my  fVii.iid  from 
Maryland,  [Mr.  .Tllll^^so^•,]  rccounuiires  the  last 
field  .111  which  the  expiring  liberty  and  prosperity 
of  his  country  made  a  glorious  but  falal  stand — 
not  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  memorials  of  his 
eountry 's  glory;  not  for  the  pnrposi- of  perlbrming 
the  rights  of  sepulture  to  the  dead,  or  adniiiiisler- 
iiigthe  last  melancholy  eoiisolatioii  to  the  dying; — 
but  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  testimony  against 
the  authors  of  lliis  war.  In  pursuit  of  this  objeci, 
he  finds  a  broken-hearted  widow,  frantic  with  '^rief 
for  the  I0.SS  of  her  luiMband,  or  perhaps,  like  Rachel 
of  old,  wce|iing  for  her  children,  nnd  refusing  to  be 
comforiLiI,  because  they  were  not;  and,  inslcad  of 
endeavoring  to  whisper  peace  into  her  bosom,  ami 
to  bind  up  the  sorrows  of  a  broken  heart,  by  re- 
minding her  that  the  dead  rested  in  hniioraiile 
graves,  he  brings  her,  with  dishevellril  hair  and 
reproachful  tongue,  to  my  friend  from  llliniii.s,  to 
upbraid  him  with  having  been  the  cause  of  her 
anguish,  nnd  the  slaying  of  her  husliand  in  piir.«uit 
ofafalse  notion  of  national  honor.  Mr.  President, 
1  certainly  could  noi  receive  any  pleasure  from  the 
conlemplatiiin  of  such  a  picture  as  was  exhibited 
by  the  Senator  from  Maryland.  Ceruiinly,  sir,  I 
would  much  rather  sec  liial  gallant,  faithl'iil  sol- 
dier's wife  such  as  she  was  when  loveliness  and 
beaiily  were  around  herns  a  light,  enjoying  a  hiis- 
band'.s  love,  and  partaking  in  tlie  general  pros- 
perity of  the  country;  but  if  I  believed,  as  the 
Senator  from  Illinois  (irofessed  to  do,  that  llie  honor 
of  my  country  was  involved  in  this  question,  I 
wimlil  incur  the  risk  of  widowing  every  wife  and 
orphaning  every  child  m  the  Kepulilio,  sooner  than 
surrender  It.  So  mucb  for  the  piciiiie  drawn  by 
the  Senator  from  Maryland,  for  the  purpose,  I  pre- 
sume, of  rendering  the  notice  agreeable  to  the 
coiinlry. 

The'.Senator  from  South  Carolina,  too,  with  his 
acknowlcdgeil  ability,  but  in  the  gloomy  Sjurit  of 
apprehension  so  forcibly  exhibited  by  the  .Sinator 
from  Maryland,  |iiirsu'es  this  dismal  picture  of 
war,  bloodshed,  Imvoi',  denioralizalion,  desolation, 
and  death,  and  adds  other  horroiH  to  the  drc;idful 
scene  so  powerfully  portrayed  by  the  fancy,  and 
(with  all  possible  respect,  I  must  say)  by  tlij  im- 
agination of  the  Senator  from  Maryland.  The 
distinguished  Senator  from  South  Carolina,  by  the 
aid  of  those  great  philosophical  powers  by  which 
he  is  .so  peculiarly  distingiiished,  not  only  brings 
10  light  all  the  teriible  and  disastrous  eilccis  of 
this  war,  pfni/f»(c  (ifi/»,  but  he  looks  10  the  end. 
/'infill  n.s'/iiri  is  his  iiiaxini.  lli.s  view  of  the 
elVects  of  this  war,  hke  the  disturbed  dream  of 
Clarence, 

"  WHS  leiigllu'iicil  after  life." 

This  war  i.s  to  be  of  ten  years'  duration.    For  llittt 


wtwa 


404 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GIX)BE. 


[April  10, 


99th  Cono l9T  Sr.88. 


The  Oregon  t^uestion — Mr.  Bagby. 


ilinmal  period,  nil  the  iiro^rcsa  in  all  the  arts  thnt  '-l 
lend  lo  ndorn  and enil>clliali<iiid  .iweeten  human  life, 
the  exercise  or  the  virtues,  inielligencc,  hiinmiiity, 
and  religion,  nil  llmtcontrlinilcHio  our  hopes  in  lite, 
or  our  conaolntiim  in  dentil,  nrc  lo  be  ultpilyand 
enlirrly  "uspt'tidi'd.  This  is  not  nil,  sir.  Not  only 
nre  all'the  souri  rs  of  human  cnii>loymcnt,  (cxcrpl 
war,)  of  ndvanixment  and  olvili/.iilinn,  to  lie  driiil 
U|i,  bill  at  the  end  of  that  portentous  ^tru{;i;li',  at 
llie  I  intion  of  whioh,  if  the  picture  he  correolly 
drnu  I,  nations  oui^ht  to  turn  pale,  we  are  lo  Kiid 
onm  Ives  loaded  with  n  dilit  of  '^7.iO,IIOII,OIJO  of 
dinot,  and  nn  ccpial  anioinil  of  nirldeulid,  delit'. 
nni(iuniini;innllloSl,r)0(l,IH)0.(HM)!  A  pretty  round 
sum,  air,  in  t'nise  linics,  wlioii  we  are  iMHlcavorin^' 
to  brin^  the  expenses  of  thi'  Ciovcrniuent  down  lo 
the  revenue  slandiird.  Hut,  sir,  this  in  not  all. 
Nol  only  nre  all  llie  baliiludi's  of  life  to  be  broken 
in  up(ni;  not  only  are  iho  foniitniiiM  of  iniprovr- 
ment  and  advanocnuMit  and  rivili7.iiiioii  to  be  ilried 
up;  not  oulyis  Ihe  piil.'ie  of  life  lo  bi'  umdc  to  siaiid 
Hiill  lliroU!,'hout  this  •^'looniy  and  bloody  period  of 
leu  years,  but  nl  the  end  of  leu  yenia  the  Ijiivern- 
nirnt  ilsi-If  is  to  be  subverted,  and  the  whole  slrue- 
Iiire  and  framework  of  our  iiislilullons  are  to  be 
I'luuiu'ed.  Some  future  C.'a'sar,  or  Cioiuwell,  or 
iiiinapnrle,  is  lo  ridi^  roiiijlisliod  over  the  ruins 
of  his  country;  or,  if  no  mie  of  the  ^'eneialM 
eoinni'OidiuK  these  seven  armies  the  war  will  re- 
ipiire,  >liould  »i'(iniie  sulliciriii  a.sci'iidcin'y  over  the 
pulilii-  mind  lo  elivalc  bimsrlf  lo  the  supreme  seat 
iif  power,  like  (Vlavius  and  Aiiiliony  and  Lepidns 
of  old,  llioy  will  piiirel  and  divide  n  ruini'd  and 
undone  r<Mmtry  anionc;  themselves.  These  are 
the  pic'ture.s  with  wbiilii  from  day  to  day,  llie 
Semite,  for  ihe  Inst  four  luonilis,  have  bi.-en  amused 
iir  terrilied,  in  the  disnission  of  a  tpieslion  iiivolv- 
ini;  the  true  conslriiilion  of  lilh'  papers,  and  the 
deiluctinns  In  be  drawn  from  liistonral  facts  run- 
iiim;  liack  ihrcniiiii  tlie  silent  lapse  of  centuries  thai 
are  |iMst.  No  one  at  nil  f  tmiietr  with  the  )iast  his- 
tory of  republics  can  be  i^rnoranl  that  these  <ilo(»my 
Mpprcliensions  have  too  much  foundation.  Hut 
llie  darkness  and  the  ■jloom  in  which  the  history 
of  the  ancieiii  republics  are  shrouded,  mclls  in 
the  t;liire  of  the  bciim  thai  breaks  from  the  portals 
ofoiirown  tVeo  and  ;;lorious  institulions.  Sir,  wc 
have  hail  two  wars,  and  as  it  happens,  with  the 
same  Power  with  whom  it  seems  to  be  apprehnnd- 
od  we  are  now  llircatencd  with  a  third.  At  the 
end  of  the  first,  that  fircat  and  viiieraied  man  lo 
whom,  with  one  ncc.ird,  wc  apply  the  ciidcarinu' 
appellation  of  the  l-'alher  of  his  ("'oiintry,  liavnii: 
eoiidiictcrl  the  army  of  the  llevohition  .<iicccssl'ully 
to  viclory  and  irlory,  wius  I'lecicil  by  his  country- 
men t.i  preside  over  the  civil  administrati'iii  of  the 
(invcrnmcnt  which  he  had  so  eminently  cinitribu- 
imI  lo  establish.  He  who  had  been  first  in  w<ir, 
becnme  first  in  peace,  and  will,  to  the  latest  ircner- 
ation  of  time,  be  tirst  in  the  hearts  of' his  cnuiiiry- 
itien.  Ijii»eriy  was  not  destroyed  bv  elevalini; 
WashiiiL'tcm  io  (he  chief  nciirisiiacy  cif  the  coun- 
try, altliuu<;h  he  bad  comniandcd  the  armies  of  his 
country. 

In  the  a^e  which  succeeded  the  Itevolution,  we 
became  involved  in  ii  not  her  war  with  tircat  Hrii;iin. 
In  that  ai^i;  there  appeared  tui'iilier  character  on 
the  stii.;e,  who  bus  bpcii  styled  the  second  Wasli- 
inirtoii.  He,  after  haviiii'  brtunrlit  the  second  war 
iif  indepr-mlcnce  to  a  ylnrioiis  termination  cvii  the 
jilainsof  New  Orleans,  was,  in  the  fulness  of  time, 
elevated  to  the  hi;.'liest  othce  in  llie  cifiof  his  I'oiin- 
Irymeii,  and  filled  it  for  ciL'ht  yeiirs.  .Vnd,  sir,  su 
far  from  iiaviii!;  usurped  supreme  power,  or  prus- 
tnitccl  ilie  lilicriics  iif  his  counirv,  I,  who  never 
votPil  for  him,  willinL'ly  beir  to  liis  memory  the 
just  tribute  of  ha\  iin^  done  more  to  vindicate  the 
'true  principles  of  the  Constitution  than  any  nmn 
th;it  ever  lived.  Tliiso  twci  men,  after  Inivim' 
ciindncted  armies  of  fricnien  fnilitiiiL'  for  freedom, 
to  victory  and  to  ijlory,  were  elevnled  to  siiprcnie 
civil  powir,  whif'fi  ihcy  vfilmitiO'ily  resii^ned,  re- 
ined t'l  ihi'  iraiK|uil  walks  of  privali  life,ciiiiiribii- 
linu' their  best  cm  rtioiis  l:i  the  duration,  the  jter- 
iiimirncy ,  and  the  imninriahly  of  the  insiilntinns  nf 
tlwir  country,  and  silently  descended  to  tlie  tomb, 
f'lillowed  by  the  benedictiinis  <if  L'rateful  millions. 
Their  monuments  are  thi'  everlasiin'r  hills  of  ilieir 
eiMintry;  ihat  country  which  they  labored  throuirh 
life  to  make  free  and  to  keep  tree.  1  mention  these 
thiinrs,  in, I  to  indicnle  my  preference  for  military 
men  for  civil  eiu|doymeiit.     Not  ut  nil.     1  feel  nl. 


■uch  preference.  I  do  it  for  the  purpose  uf  can- 
Imsliii);  the  virtues  of  the  illustrious  nnd  vcnomted 
denil  ol^  my  own  country,  with  the  examples  fur- 
nished by  other  cnunlries  in  ancient,  and  of  our 
remnrknlile  iiistniice  in  modern  limes.  And  (Vom  | 
that  contrast  I  draw  deductions  not  only  liii^lily  ^ 
favomble  lo  the  virliieN  of  some  of  our  most  illns- 
trioiiH  men;  but,  what  is  of  infinitely  more  impor- 
tance, I  draw  the  most  consoliiif;  hopes  of  file  per- 
petuity of  our  institutiinis  from  the  virtue,  intclli- 
Reiice,  anil  pntrtotism  of  our  people.  Sir,  before  ; 
this  spirit  of  military  dinnination  null  rule  r.\n  be 
cslablished  in  this  country,  not  only  the  entire  in- 
lellif^nce  nnd  pntrioliHui  of  twenty  millions  of  peo- 
ple will  linve  to  be  subju'rati'd,  out  Iwenty-eighl 
separate  sovereisjniies,  and  constantly  increasint;, 
with  their  peculiar  Kmirdiaiis  and  defenders,  will 
have  to  be  overconie,  aimni!;  whom  the  distinguish- 
ed Senalnr  frinii  Soiiih  (Carolina  now  stands,  und 
has  loni;  stood,  n  most  conspicuous  champion  !  I 
am  not,  therel'ore,  to  In  deterred  fVoni  tlie  course 
which  I  believe  to  lie  cornel  npini  this  question  by 
llierr)ir-/i,'n(/-nii(/-/ih)ra/i/-//(,»c.'i  of  military  despotism. 
1  have  no  fear  but  the  race  of  I'l'iituses  will  keep 
jtace  with  lh(!  (Vsars.  These  are  some  of  the 
<;rcat  bulwarks  that  stand  between  the  free  instilii- 
lions  of'  the  coimlry  and  the  t'stablishmeut  of  mili- 
tary despotism,  the  dreaded  fruit  uf  this  Oregon 
war. 

I  have  already  .said  Hint  I  considered  the  pass- 
a;;e  of  these  rcsohilioiiH  as  the  most  eH'ectual 
means  of  preservini;  jieace.  And  I  could  nol  re- 
frain, while  other  Senators  were  depicting'  in  sncli 
somhri'  colors  the  evils  of  this  anticipated  wnr,  re- 
cnrriin;;  to  one  of  Sheridan's  descriptions  of  a  rc- 
bellimi  in  India  in  his  time.  It  will  bu  rccullccted 
that  durini;  the  jjovernment  of  Warren  Jiasliiiji;a 
in  that  ill-fated  nnd  undone  ciMinlrv,  it  became  ne- 
cessary, in  order  to  justify  cveiy  a-.  .>f  Hrilish 
rapacity,  to  .liar$;c  a  portion  of  tiiat  unoft'cndiii}; 
peojile  with  rehellimi  aijainsl  I'rilish  power.  1 
think  Sheridan  described  it  as  a  rebellion  set  on 
I'oifl  by  nn  idd  woman,  carried  on  by  two  eunuchs, 
and  suppressed  by  nn  atlidavit.  flhiiik  this  Or- i 
e^'ou  wnr  will  prove  ecpial'y  the  work  of  iinagi- | 
nation.  I 

The  TiA'MH  question,  too,  has  been  introduced 
into  this  debate.  Sir,  that  was  a  question  not  bar- 
ren of  incidents  in  this  chuniher,  or,  in  the  politi- 
cnl  history  of  the  country,  i 

".Ml  ifrwliicli  I  saw,  nnd  jmrl  at'  which  I  was."  I 

And  I  avail  my.scifof  this  l.ist  occasion  to  say,  that  [ 
no  man  in  America  was  more  in  favor  of  the  union 
of  Texas  with  llie  United  .Stales  than  I  was;  or, 
accordinir  to  the  mensiiro  of  Ids  nliilify,  did  more 
to  accomplish  it,  than  I  did.  it  is  true,  thai  I  had, 
upon  lhat  siibjccl,  ns  I  have  upon  every  subject, 
my  own  views  of  the  propir  mode  of  atlainine  ihe 
oliject,  and  upon  those  vii-ws  1  acted.  'I'ime,  the 
frreat  uiif'older  of  events,  will  delrrmine  whether  I, 
and  those  with  whom  I  thoinjlil  and  ncied,  were 
rii^ht  or  not,  and  to  that  lest  f  am  willin>;  to  sub- 
mil  them.  I  did  not  then  think,  nor  do  I  now 
think,  that  there  was  anylliini!:  in  the  panic  cry  of 
now  or  never.  1  could  not  have  believed  tlinf, 
without  imputing'  to  the  authorities  and  the  peo- 
ple of  Texas,  the  intention  more  than  intiinitted  at 
the  time,  (if  a  disposition  to  transfer  themselves  lo 
Gre.Tl  Hritain.  That  1  never  did  believe,  and  never 
will  helit  vc.  I  would  ax  somi  sns|>ect  the  people 
of  any  other  St;ite  of  ihis  Union  of  such  alt  inteii- 
lioii.  I  know  sonieihinir  of  the  people  of  Texa.s. 
'I'hey  are  desh  of  our  dish,  and  bone  of  onr  bone. 
American  In.'arts  beat  in  their  bosoms,  and  aiii- 
niali'  their  iictions,  Those  who  fonirhl  the  battle 
of  San  .lacinln,  are  coiejenial  spirits  with  those 
who  fell  al  the  Straits  of  Thermopyln',  and  the 
le'^iliiniite  descendants  of  those  who  fell  ul  Hun- 
ker's Hill  and  Hiandywino,  end  Jatile  Vmk,  and 
the  other  sanctified  bntllc-fields  uf  the  Itevolution. 
I  was  in  I'avcu'  of  having'  'I'exas  ceded  to  the  Uni- 
ted Stales,  of  payiiitr  for  her  lands,  ihiTcby  pr(!Vent- 
iui;  the  existence  of  two  separate  land  syslenis,  and 
of  l\irnishiM(.'  her  in  thai  way  the  nienns  of  pnyinj; 
the  debt  ccMitrni'lcd  in  her  siriifde  for  independ- 
ence; of  takiu!r  charge  of  her  Indian  rclnlions;  to 
.settli'  her  boundary  with  Mexicn,  and  llisrchy  pre- 
vcnitiii!;  the  probnbility  of  war  with  that  Power, 
and  of  sctilini;  in  her  borders  another  ipiestion  of 
vast  and  ini'alciilalile  importance,  not  only  to  her, 
bill  to  the  whole  Union.  Neither  do  I  ndinil,  hut, 
on  the  conirary ,  I  ileny,  that  there  is  nny  siiuilariiy 


Sknate. 

in  the  cnses  of  Texns  nnd  Oreyim.  One  wns  ii 
proposition  to  nnnex  n  foreign  Stale;  Ihe  other,  to 
asai,.  'iile  tn  n  terrnory  which  belon|;s  to  us.  Hut 
I  |iH»8  from  this  subject. 

The  northeastern  lioundary  hns  been  connecled 
with  this  nucsliim  now  under  discussion.  Kvcry- 
body  fniuiliar  with  ihnt  question  knows  thnt  1  vo- 
ted nf;ninst  the  Irenly  of  ItiAii.  I  voted  ii);nin.st  it, 
not  bccnuse  I  impuli  d  lo  those  cminecled  with  its 
negotiation  or  intitiintion  any  impropriety  of  mo- 
tive or  of  action.  I  voted  a<;aiiisl  il,  merely  be- 
cnusc  I  lhnu!;lil  it  would,  if  settled  nlone,  incrcnse 
the  ditnciilty  of  settlini;  other  mailers  in  dispute 
between  the  two  countries;  and  the  events  of  this 
day  prove  that  I  was  not  mistaken.  Fhit  the  tren- 
ty  wns  nei;olialed  accordiiu;  lo  the  forms  of  the 
Conslilulion;  it  was  rntified  accordiiii;  lo  the 
forms  of  the  Constitution;  nnd  Inis  heeonie  the  law 
of  the  land.  There  it  stands,  and  for  nie,  it  will 
ainnd  forever.  I  am  not  n  niillilier,  nnd  feel  my- 
self bound  by  the  force  and  obliu'alion,  even  of  bad 
laws,  when  made  in  pursuance  of  the  Constitu- 
tion. 

Unt  to  return  Ui  the  ipiestion  before  Ihe  Senate. 
We  have  been  repeatedly  lidd  thnt  the  notice  would 
not  lend  lo  war  n ssarily,  but  that  the  conse- 
quences miifhl  lead  lo  that  result.  My  rule  in  pub- 
lic affairs  is,  to  nsi'crlain  what  is  rii^lit,  to  do  il, 
nnd  have  the  consiqiieni'es  lo  Him  in  whose  hands 
nre  Ihe  destinies  of  iiidividiiiils  nnd  of  nnlions. 
I  have  never  believed  that  f;iviiisthis  notice  would 
lead  lowarbetwcrn  the   two  countries.     I  stated 

.  early  in  the  di.sciission  of  Ihis  (pieslioii  thnt  it 
would  not  lead  lo  war,  becnnse  il  onijht  not  to  lead 
to  war.  The  notice  is  a  mailer  of  cmitrncl.  We. 
hnrsnined  fen-  the  riiilil  to  give  llie  notice.  Westip- 
iilnted  for  it  in  a  solemn  convention.  1  placed  my 
di.sbelief  in  war  ns  the  result  of  this  measure,  not 
only  upon  the  !,'roiiiid  that  it  furnished  no  cause  of 

,  wnr,  but  I  placed  it  upon  hi^'her  ijround — upon 
Ihe  sense  of  justice  of  two  grent  nnd  inlelliireiit 
Clirislinn  nations.  I  have  the  charily  lo  belii^ve 
thnt  (Jreut  Hrilnin  hns  no  desire  for  wnr,  nnd  will 
not  resort  to  it  upon  a  mere  dinisy  pretext.  When 

1  I  speak  of  chnrily,  1  do  not  mean   Ihnt  stinted, 

I  sfnrvin;  thinii;  which  evinces  itself  in  givinir  alms 
to  the  iioor.     I  speak  of  n  i;rcal  feelini;  of  icitional 

'  brntlierhood,  of  n  meat  principle  of  civili^tatimi 
nnd  humanity — lhat  great  feeliiii;  of  tnlarffcd  be- 
nevolence towards  our  .species  which  is  nllied  to 
fnilh  nnd  hope,  nnd  is  said  lobe  grealerthan  eilher. 
If  Ihe  two  nations  are  under  the  inflii''nce  id'  this 
feeliii!,',  and  I  believe  they  are,  war  cannot  come  of 
this  question. 

Hill  even  should  I  be  mistaken  in  nil  my  nn- 
ticipations  in  regard  to  the  filial  result  of  this 
question,  there  is  uiie  thing  in  which  I  cannot  bo 
niislakcn;  and  that  is,  lhat  the  responsibility  or 
the  blnnie  of  this  war  cannot  attach  to  the  present 
Adniinislnuion  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States.  I'ublic  opinion  in  this  couiilry,  nt  least,  is 
divided  between  4!P  and  M'^  411'.  Much  the  larger 
portion  of  the  people,  and  of  their  public  servants, 
believe  that  the  American  title  is  gomi  to  ,14"  411'. 
Hilt  the  I'residenI,  in  a  .spirit  of  ccnnpromise,  nfl'ers 
lo  settle  the  liiiij!;  jif mlinc;  cnnlrarirsii  nt  49°;  nnd 
Senators  on  the  other  side  say  that  they  are  will- 
ing and  rmdy,  if  necessary,  lo  fight  for  4'.!'-'.  If, 
therefore,  war  conies,  the  responsibiliiy  will  he  on 
Great  Hritain,  and  great  will  thai  responsibility  he. 

"  I'lie   Hresident  will,  at   least,  enjoy   the   redectidii 

'  lhat  war  cannot,  with  propriety,  "  slinke  her  gory 
locks  at  him." 

Hut  it  is  said,  tlml  although  the  Presiiieiit  was 
right  in  ofl'eiiiig  4',1'J,  he  was  wrong  in  wilhdraw- 
ing  il.  I  do  oof  think  so.  Snnielhing  is  due  lo 
the  dignity  of' nations,  and,  for  one,  I  shall  always 
insist  th.'it  the  Ciovernment  of  my  own  country 
shall  not  be  uniniiicll'iil  of  it.  I  think  the  President, 
was  perfectly  right  in  withdrawing  the  proposition 
nf'ter  il  was  rejccled.  And  if  my  views  could  pre- 
vail, flint  oiler  would  never,  never  he  renewed  by 
the  Oovernmeiit  of  the  United  .States.  Thei-e  is  n 
point,  up  to  which  concession  is  n  virtue;  but  be- 
yond which,  it  is  hninilinlion  nnd  degradation. 
This  whole  doctrine  of  compromise  bus  been  mis- 
understood, or  at  least  misstated.  If  Iwo  parties 
are  litigating  any  siibjcct-mafler,  nnd  one  of  tlicm 
orte.rs  to  Concede  n  ]mrt  ill  order  lo  settle  il,  nnd  the 
other  refuse  it,  the  rights  of  the  jmrly  otrering  mo 
not  nt  ull  nfTected  by  it.     This  is  ihe  rule  of  law, 

•  reason,  nnd  morality.    Neither  cnii  I  at  all  concur 


]sm.] 


AIM'ENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOHE. 


405 


99th  Cono Ibt  Sk88. 


American  Settlers  in  Oregon — Mr. 


Phelpn. 


in  llic  opinion  cxiiiTSHnil  l)y  my  frii'iiil  from  North  \ 
Oiirolinii,  [Mr.  IIavwoou,!  llmlil'llii^  propoMilion  ; 
to  "  c'onipromiHi!  at  4!P  hIiouUI  i)o  niudn  hy  the  I 
'  Urilisii   Oovcrjimi'iit,   th?    Prcsiilciil    would    hn  ' 
'  luiund   ill    honor  to  iirccpl  it."     Not  at  all.     If  I 
that  propo.iition  hIioiiIiI  lie  roiurncd  liy  thu  llritish  ! 
riovi^'iiiiii'iit,  it  will  piTMcnt  a  (pu'Htioii  of  cxiic- 
(lirncy  merely.    There  will  he  no  oliliiialion  cither  ; 
nf  honor  or  morality;  lull  the  OovernnuMit  of  the  . 
United  .Slalen  will  lie  at  full  and  pcrfeet  lilierly  to 
asU  ilMelf  the  uimple  (pienlion,  what  in  heat  lo  be 
iloni^r     And  »lie  ran  answer  that  (piCHtion  eitlii  r 
way,  without  liirnishini^  her  itonor,  or   violatiii;^  | 
any  prineiple  of  inoivilily;  neither  of  whieh,  have  1 
I  any  fear,  will  ever  he  done  by  the  present  Ad-  I 
uiiiiiHlraiion.  > 

I  eonie  now  to  the  parlieulnr  form  of  the  no- 
lice.     1  prefi'r  a  simple,   niiKcil  notieej  not  only 
beeanse    the    (.'omniiitee    on    l''oreii;n    ItelatioliN, 
the   eoiiHliinted   or^'an  of  this  body,   has  leeom- 
nieiided    that    form,    but    because    it    is,    in    my 
jnilnnicnt,  most  proper.     This  is  a  business trnns-  , 
acliiin; — important,  to  be  sure,  but  ho  much  the  | 
belter  reason  why  il  should  be  plain,  direct,  iine- 
<|nivocal.      Next  lo  the  rejiortof  llie  Cinninillee  ml 
Koreii^n  Relalioiis,  I  preier   Ihe  resolutions  from 
the    lliMise  of  lleprcsenlativesi  not   only  because 
they  an^  proper  in  themselves,  but  in  considora- 
lion  of  the  vast  and   overwhi'linin'.;  nmjin'ily  by 
which  llii'V  passed  llircui;,'h   that  irri'iit  citadel  of 
freedom — ihe  Ueprcsenlallves  of  llii^  people.     For 
the  proposiiioii  of  the  Senator  from  (.iem'^ia  jiVtr. 
(.'iii.iirirT|  I  laiinot  vole.     Afler  what  lias  lalten 
jiliice  in  the  |iroi;ress  of  this  ne;;oliation,  i  will  vote 
fur  nnthiiii;  Ihat  has  ihe  word   coniprfnnisc  in  it.  , 
if  we  shmild  he  uiialile  to  carry  the  report  of  the 
Oomiiiiltee  on    Foreign   Kelations,  or  ihi^   House  i 
resolutions,  I  will  vou^  for  whatever,  consistently 
with  the  hoiKu' and  the  interest  of  the  ciMinlry, 
maybe  uiosi  acceplahle  to  the  Senate.    Unanimity, 
with    me,    is   a  f,'reat  object.     This    is    no   party  ■ 
ipieslion.     It  is  purely  national.     I  will  therefore  ] 
act  wiih  ihose,  of  whatever  party,  wiio,  accordinj;  ' 
to  my  views,  insist  most  strenuously  upon  tin;  i 
honor  and  the  inleiest  of  the  country.     1  will  not 
knowingly  sacrifice  a  particle  of  the  one,  and  I 
shall  be  very  sparini;  in  snrreiiderint;  any  portion 
<if  the  other. 

I  have  stated  the  main  reasons  why  I  am  in  fa-  | 
vnr  (d'  ijivins;  the  notice.  There  is  one  otla^r  of  ii 
iCeneial  nature.  It  is  one  of  ihose  jj^reut  fiueslions  ; 
of  a  seneral  imliire,  in  which  the  peojile  of  the  ; 
ccainlry  have  a  cimnnon  inleresi,  and  I  am  anxious  i 
to  have  it  disposed  of.  In  addition  to  that,  I  am 
by  iliis  as  I  wa8  by  another  great  (pieslion;  1  look 
tipon  it  as  one  of  the  ini;vital>le  steps  in  the 
proj^ress  of  fair  (hMliny  a.s  a  nation.  I  Itnow  that 
some  Senators  have  spoken  of  national  destiny  in 
terms  almost  apjiroaehini^  ridicule.  I-'ur  one,  I 
see,  or  al  least  I  lliiiik  I  see,  the  hand  of  destiny 
in  the  career  of  iiidividualH  and  of  nations.  To- 
wards the  complelion  of  that  destiny  in  which, 
under  Providence,  we  are  humble  inslrunients,  I 
frankly  confess  that  I  have  looked  forward  with 
hope  and  exnilalinn,  as  an  hiimide  actor  in  the 
<j;reat  drama  of  public  alVairs,  to  the  time  when  the 
tree  of  liberly,  planted  by  the  labin*  and  watered 
by  Ihe  blood  of  the  heroes  of  the  Uevolution, 
should  be  seen  llirowinir  ila  luxuriant  branidics 
a  ross  ihn  majesiii'.  heijrhts  of  ihe  Uocky  Moiin- 
laiiis;  and  when  the  oppressed  anil  •'he  downlrod- 
den  of  ihe  nations  who  have  si>  lono;  sat  in  politi- 
cal ilarkness,  should  be  seen  Ihickini;  in  crowd.s  lo  , 
l!u(  shi'rcH  of  ihe  Pacific,  and  lindini;  peace,  and 
secnrily,  anil  iirotcclion,  and  all  the  blessings  of 
regnlaleil  lilii-rly,  the  trial  by  jury,  freedinii  of 
conscience  ami  itf  speech,  the  writ  of  habeas  cor- 
]iiis,  and  th<!  freedtun  of  the  press;  and,  above 
all,  ihat  great  dislinctive  feature  of  freedfan,  the 
right  of  .sullVage  and  elj^ibilily  lo  ollici',  benealh 
the  .'^liaile  of  iis  protecting  hougiis.  I  have  no  fears 
with  respfc!  lo  the  ]ierneluiiy  of  our  institutions. 
i\Iy  d<  liberate  opinion  is,  lliat,  if  we  shcaild  reiain 
asufVicieiit  anioiuit  of  [aiblic  virtue  to  enlille  iis  to 
that  pinlion  of  the  !)ivine  proli-ctimi  whiih  we 
have  l-.erelofore  enjoyed,  the  Uuiied  Slates  are 
(h'stined,  by  their  example,  to  give  freedom  to  the 
W(n-lu. 

Mr.  President,  it  is  not  to  be  disguised  that  we 


have,  in  less  than  threc-f|«arlers  of  n  century,  risen 
to  twenty  millions  of  inhahitaiits,  blessed  with 
every  variety  of  climate,  and  a  soil,  for  its  extent, 
the  most  fertile  and  productive  on  which  the  sun 
has  ever  shone.  Numerous  rivers  ridl  their  ecase- 
lesa  tributes  to  the  ocean  through  every  Nertimi  of  I 
our  extensive  country,  bearing  on  their  bosoms  the 
products  of  our  diversified  labor,  where  a  viKormis 
and  healthy  enminercial  marine  is  ready  lo  trans- 
port them  abroad,  and  hearing  back  in  return  the 
productioiiH  of  ('very  part  of  the  habitable  globe. 
Kduciition,  and  ihe  arts  ami  BcieiiccN,are  uiilbldiiiE; 
to  us  r  hidden  treasures,  and  all  the  mysleries  of 
Nature.  A  free  Government  and  religious  tolera- 
tion make  up  the  sum  of  our  political  |)rosperity 
and  greatness.  Wesland  upon  an  eminence,  where 
Ihe  eyes  of  the  natioiiH  are  directed  towards  us.  It 
bceomeH  us,  then,  to  pursue  such  a  course,  in  our 
tran.«actions  with  the  rest  of  mankind,  as  may  pro- 
mote the  fiilfilmiMit  of  our  destiny  as  a  nation.  This 
can  only  be  done  by  a  firm  and  rigid  adluTcnce  to 
the  eternal  principles  of  justice.  And  I  conclude 
with  the  expression  of  the  fervent  hope,  llial  as  we 
finally  adjutlge  and  deli;rmiiie  this  (piesliini,  so  we 
may  be  judged  when  we  appear  at  ihe  awful  bar 
of  that  tremendous  Iribimal,  where  the  aeironnts  of 
iiidividual.-i  and  of  ualions  are  finally  seiiled,  and 
where  the  record  wdiich  contains  the  proceedings  , 
of  the  Henali!  of  the  United  Slates  npmi  the  Oregon 
r|ueNlioii  shall  be  opened  and  nnfbhled,in  the  pres- 
ence of  an  assembled  universe. 


are  enlenng  on  a  new  era  in  our 


histo 


ry  as  a  na- 


tion.     Kroni  a  handful  of  feeble  and  oppressed  col- 
oilisls,  ainouuliiig  lo  less  than  three  millions',  we 


A.MEIIICAN  SETTLERS  IN  OREGibV.       \ 
SPEECH  OF  MrTj()1IN  S.  I'HELl'S,   i 

t)I'    WISSOUKI,  , 

I.V  THE  lIoesK  OF   Rlhhesentativks,  i 

.7;oii  l(i,  lt<4(!. 
The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 

the  state  of  thi!  Union,  on  the  Bill  lo  protei  t  the 

righLs  of  American  Settlers  in   the  territory  of  ' 

Oregon,  until  ihe  termination  of  the  joint  oecu- 

|)ation  of  the  same — 

Mr.  PHELPS  rose  and  said: 

Mr.  Chaiuman:  This  is  one  of  n  series  of  men.'?- 
ui'ps  recinrimended  by  the  Executive  in  his  Annual 
Message,  having  for  their  object  the  mninieiumee 
of  our  rights  in  the  territory  nf  Oregon,  the  pro- 
tection of  our  cmigrant.s  seiiled  there,  and  the  en- 
couragement of  emigralion  to  that  country.  Ue|)- 
resenting,  as  I  have  the  honor  in  part  lo  (hi,  one  of 
those  Suites  which  have  furnislied  the  greatest 
number  of  emigrants,  and  repic^entiiig  also  a  por-  ' 
lion  of  population  designing  to  emigrate  tliere,  it 
must  naturally  he  supposed  that  1  feel  a  deep  so- 
Ucitude  ill  everything  that  perlains  to  the  rights 
anil  iniiM-ests  of  our  people  in  that  country.  ! 

Ill  discussing  the  joint  resolutions  of  notice  wliiidi 
passed  Ibis  I  liaise, and  which  now  await  the  final  ac- 
tion in  another  branch  of  Cougres.i,  there  were  some 
genllemcn  who  were  disposed  to  descant  upon  the 
blessings  of  peace,  lo  dwell  upon  the  happy  results 
which  Ibis  country  has  realized  from  its  long  contin- 
uance, and  lo  depict,  in  glowing  colors,  the  hornn-s 
and  evils  of  war.  For  my  own  part,  viewing  I  lie  reso- 
lution id' notice  as  a  peace  measure, and  not  designed 
to  disturb  the  relations  between  the  two  Govcrn- 
meiils,  1  gave  it  my  liearly  concurrence.  The  con- 
vention il  si  U'dipiilaled  for  that  very  notice;  a  lid  giMi- 
llemeii  who  are  disposed  lo  regard  it  as  a  war  ineas- 
itl'e,musidosonpon  the  strange a.ssuinptioii  that  the 
two  Governmenis  had  them.seUes,  in  lyoy,  provi- 
ded in  advance  for  a  eerlain  resort  to  lioslilities.  Is 
it  to  he  presumed  that  either  nation  would  abandon 
iis  rigliis  in  the  territory,  or  lliat  this  joint  occupa- 
tion id' it  is  to  endure  ihrougli  all  liiiiu  to  come  ? 
Such  a  presnnipiion  could  not  have  been  enteruiined 
for  a  moment. 

Ihit  it  has  lieen  said  thai  the  ronvcntion  of  1818, 
indeliiiilely  contini.ud  in  In-J",  was  adopted  as  a 
siilisutute  for  war;  that  we  were  unable  to  obtain 
frinii  Great  ISritain  a  recogniiicm  of  our  right.s  to 
this  territory,  by  which  we  should  now  have  en- 
joyed exclusive  possession  of  it,  and  that,  there- 
tore,  as  a  niatler  of  necessity,  we  resorted  to  tlii.<! 
joint  convention.  In  the  debate.<  which  have  taken 
"place,  on  the  resolution  of  notice,  our  title  to  the 
territory  of  Oregon  has  been  fully  argiit;!.  It  is  to 
be  remarked  tliat  four  nations  have  heretofore 
claimed  rights  in  this  territory:  Russia,  the  United 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


HlatcH,QreHl  I)ritnin,iuul  Spain.  Ho  farns  the  litln 
is  concerned,  it  is  immaterial  whether  the  province 
of  Louisiana,  ceded  by  Fiance,  extended  lo  Ibn 
weHlern  ocean,  or  whether  its  western  boundary 
was  the  Rocky  Moiiiitiiins;  for  vi'hulever  rights 
France  had,  we  claim  by  the  treaty  of  1803.  Lot 
IIS,  then,  examine  forafew  inimienlH  the  tillu  which 
these  several  uatioim  had  to  this  territory. 

Russia,  by  ex|>loralion  and  discovery  on  the 
nortliweateo:mt,  had  rights  reciii'iiised  by  all  sover- 
eign nations;  but  the  extent  and  limil.s  of  her  ter- 
ritory were  defined  under  the  conventiuii  of  lHy4, 
by  which  it  was  slipnlated  on  Ihe  giart  of  the  Uni- 
ted Stales  that  we  would  make  no  aetlleno'iils  north 
of  the  parallel  cd'  oP  4(1',  nor  she,  sonili  of  lliat 
parallel.  Spain,  however,  based  her  title  not  only 
oil  the  ground  of  discoveries  by  early  navigators, 
but  of  explorations  and  settleinenls.  We  einini 
that,  under  llie  treaty  of  Florida,  all  Ihe  rights 
which  Spain  had  on  the  northwest  coast,  iiorlh  of 
latitude  4:2,  were  ceded  to  the  United  Stales. 

Hut  it  has  been  said  that  llii^  Noolka  Sound  eoii- 
venlion  guarantied  lo  Great  liritain  cerlaiii  righlH 
upon  the  northwest  coasl,  and  thai  all  lliese  liglitM 
were  revived  by  her  treaty  of  1815  with  Spain. 
The  fifth  article  id'  the  Noolka  Sound  convention 
is  in  the  following  words: 

"An-r.  .5.  As  well  in  ihc  jiIucch  wliidi  are  In  lie  rcs|on>d 
to  tlic  IlriliHli  Hulijcct-i  liv  virliie  nf  the  lir  t  arlirle,  iii  la  all 
nlhcr  piiriM  of  the  nnrlllwe^lcrn  enacts  nt  \nilli  America,  ar 
ol'  Ihc  i-hitiil^  faljlicnil,  >)liiMle  lip  llii-  in>ilfi  III'  llic  imrN  iil' 
the  iiilj;icciit  eiiasH  niri'iiily  iiccn|iir<l  la  Sjiitin,  \^  |ii'i'r\',  p 
llie  ^llliji'cl.^  of  cillicl  111'  the  two  i'liwi-i'i*  >liiill  hfivi-  ninile 

SI  llli'iiiculH  fiaci  Ihc lati  III'  ;\|iril.  I7r-!l,  m  uliiill  herciil- 

liT  iiiiike  an-  the  salijccl,^  nl'  cilhcr  .-liiill  hsive  Ircc  iiccrfi.i, 
anil  ■'hull  curry  on  thnr  Iraile  nilliniil  aii>  ili.-liirh;iiicc  or 
iiiiitc.-iiaiiiii.'' 

Mr.  P.  continued.  The  previnu.s  articles  of  the 
treaty  jirovided  for  reparation  for  acts  of  violence 
conmiilled  by  the  subjects  of  Spain  on  llio.se  of 
Great  llrilain,  or  rather  those  who  claimed  to  be 
the  siibjecis  of  Great  liritain,  who  were  there  on 
lradiiig'ex|iedilions,  not  under  the  (lag  of  Great 
Driiain,  but  nmh'r  the  flag  of  Portugal.  The 
article  I  iiave  read,  then,  provides  that  no  set- 
tleinents  shall  he  made  by  Great  Hritain,  except 
to  the  north  of  those  plains  already  occupied  by 
Spain.  What  part  of  the  coast  was  then  occupied 
by  Spain?  There  was  a  setllenient  at  Noolka 
Sound,  in  the  latitude  of  4!)';°,  which  was  in  llio 
occupation  of  the  Spanish  Government.  Great 
Britain,  therefore,  by  the  terms  of  that  convention, 
claimed  no  rights  south  of  Nnnika  Sound.  Ihit 
the  (|ueslion  arises,  were  any  riglils  oblained  under 
that  trealy.'  I  .say,  that,  by  the  declaration  of  war 
by  Spain  against  Great  liritain,  in  llic  year  17!)(;, 
the  Irealy  of  Nootka  Sound  was  iibrognied  and 
annulled.  It  is  a  general  principle  of  tiie  law  of 
nalions,  that  war  annuls  and  abrogates  all  treaties 
between  the  belligerent  Powers,  although  some 
distinguished  diplonialisls  have  conlended  ilmt 
there  are  exceptions.  Lord  Halhurst,  however  in 
Ihe  year  1815,  thus  expresses  his  own  opinioii'on 
that  point: 

"  ri  \m<  licon  urcrit,  indeed,  nii  Ihe  |mrl  nf  tlie  t'liiinl 
.■<l!Uc«,  Uint  llie  Irciily  nf  I'lS)  was  of  a  |iiTiili,-ir  iiiiliire.  iinj 

tlial,  li use  it  ciiiiiiiiai'il  a  reeouniliiiii  nf  ,\aiciiciiii  iinli.- 

pi  iidviicc,  it  ihl  lint  he  ahrncatcd  hv  a  .«iih.ie(]iieiit  war 

hclwcin  llie  inirlie.^.  'I'll  a  iin.iiliiia  nf  tliii<  iinvil  iialiirc, 
(ircat  llrilain  caiilint  iiccede.  SItr  huo'is  of  mi  rjcci.lif>n  to 
Ihc  rule.  Ihitt  nil  trcittiri  arr  put  lui  riiil  to  Infa  fuli^i-ijun.t  intr 
livtrrni  Ihl'  sniiH'  ji'irlin;  slie  caainil,  Ihcri'f'nrc.  ciinscnt  lo 
yivc  tn  her  <li|»Iniiiaiii-  rclaliims  wiih  nm.  siale  a  ihlli'rcnt 

iht'lie  nf  pciliianeni'y  fr Ilial  nil  which  iier  eniaicvinli 

Willi  all  nther  Slates  ilipeiids." 

Mr.  P.  cimtimied :  If,  then,  no  .■;ellleinenls  were 
made  by  the  liritish  Govermiienl,  or  her  suhieets, 
on  the  northwest  coasl,  prior  to  ihe  dechiraliini  nf 
war  by  Spain  in  !''.)(},  Great  llrilain  oblained  no 
rights  liy  virtue  of  ihe  trealy.  She  had  no  seiile- 
nieiits,  and  could  therefore  claim  iioihiiig  by  sclile- 
nieiit  or  occupation,  allhoiigli  the  Irealy  provided 
that  .settlements  might  be  iiiaile  by  her  siihjecis 
northward  of  those  parts  of  the  coast  idruiily  oc- 
cupied by  the  siilijecis  of  Sjiain.  Whatever  rights 
she  had  under  the  Noolka  Sraiiid  convenlion^e.x- 
pired  by  the  war  of  ITilG,  and  have  not  been  re- 
vived; and  nlihoiigh  certain  commercial  treaties 
were  revived  in  1815,  yet  they  never  extended  to 
her  colonies  ii:  North  America. 


lint 


It  be 


comes  necessary  to  e.xamino 


what  are  the  claims  of  the  rcspeciive  jiarlies  to 
this  territory.  AVIiilst  we,  on  tiiepartof  ihe  United 
Slates,  have  constanlly  asserted  our  title,  Great 
lirilaiii  lia.s  never  claimed  any  exclusive  privileges. 
Her  commis.sioners,  in  18S(;,  .Messrs.  Tluskissmi 


1  '''■': 

1-  *! 


496 


99tii  CoNn Iht  Sr.»», 


APPKNDIX  TO  TH'J  i:ON(JKKSSIONAL  GLOHI;:. 

Anicricnn  Settlers  in  Urcj^on — Mr.  I'hrlpt, 


(April  lU, 


III).  ii»-  Ukhh. 


. 


itnil  AdcliiiKiiin,  iwwridl  llinl  Ori'nl  Hrilniil  pliiini- 
rij  nil  i'xc'IiikIvi'  riftlilii  inir  iiny  |itiiiiiiii  of  ihu 
lirriiciry.     'I'lify  imiil; 

'•  (iniil  llniiiMi  I  liiiMi"  III!  (Mi'liHivi'  murrUnly  nvi'r  niiy  , 
nnrtinn  Ml' ihiil  lt'iril<)r\.     Id  r  |iri-Mfht  tliiliii,  h<it  in  ri'''(H'<'l 
III  ant  |>iirl,  liiil  Ki  Ihi'Ulioli'.  in  IIiiiiImI  li>  ii  tlulit  nrj'ilnt 

u|iini->  III  •  •Hiirnoii  Willi  iilln-r  HnilrH,  It'iivtiiu  tin*  rlulit 

nl  <  xt'liHlvi'  il'>iiiiniiiii  III  itl)i'>itni-r-," 

Mr.  1'.  niiiiiniiid:  'I'liiiH  It  will  lip  win  llml,  in 
IH'JIi, mi cxi'lnKivr  |ii'ivili's;i'i<  wrri" iliiimiHl  liy  Cfri'iit 
Hnliiin.  Till'  idiiiilry  «iiM  iVir  In  llir  ni'tiliiiiriit 
iiMil  <iri-ii|mliiiii  111'  nil  'ii;ii :.iii« ;  wliilnl,  nil  till'  imrl 
111"  ilic  I'niii'il  Sliili's,  mil-  mil'  ImMlicin  iihhmicii  liy 
virliir  dl'  till'  (limiivriv  "I"  llif  numlli  nl'  lln'  (.'iiluiii- 
Inn,  liy  llniy.  in  n'.Ml;  iiiiil,  also,  liy  lln'  <X|iliiin_- 
null  111'  llinc'i-innili  V  I'V  l-i'wis  uiiil  t'hiiki'  in  IHIj 
mill  lrtl(i;  iiml  liy  llic  i^i  llliniriil  niiiilf  nl  A»liiiiii 
ill  ISlll.  liy  Miuii'  111"  cliiNi'  Hi'voinl  (Iini'uvitIi'h, 
1  xiiliM-nlioiiM,  ainl  srllli'miiils,  iinil  liy  \irliii'  cil'tlie 
trc:ity  of  ls|!),  liy  wliirli  Spniii  .■idc'il  In  iiM  nil  lliii 
rni  I  try  imrlh  nr'ilic  J-Jil  |ininll(  I,  nuil  cxlniilin^  m 
llir  I'ni'-ifii  ,  wi'  .Iniiii  lliis  Iririmry.  U|iiin  lliis  Imsin 
inir  litle  In  ii  nIiiihIn  (iiral  lliilniii  \x  |irri'lmlcil, 
JH  f.sl('ji;iiii,  l>y  ill''  Nootk:i  Sound  niiivcnlion,  il' 
llint  is  m  111' ^llll^ill^|■l■ll  in  I'liri'i',  froni  ilniiiiiiiijiiiiy 
n;lil  tn  llii'  li'i'i'iiiiry  Hoiiili  ol'  Nnoikii  Sinuiil;  il' 
llial  riiiiU'miiin  wiis  nlirnunliil  in  l"!)li,  ulii"  Imil 
iiKiilf  nil  siiiliinrni  prinr  In  lln-  sillliniinl  nl'  A.i- 
tnriii.  'I'lnil  SI  liliniriit,  11  is  will  known,  M  lis  ciip- 
tni'cil  by  lii'i',  niij  a'sloreil  in  u«  uniKr  ilii'  li'iiily 
111'  Ulu'iil. 

Uni  ilio  ponvpntiiiii  nf  1SI8,  between  the  United 
Sl.iliH  anil  tircat  lirilain,  rcrn'.'iiiscmlin  risjlilH  nf 
iillii  r  iialionH  im  tlial  cuiimI.  The  lliiiil  article  pi'ii- 
vnli's: 

I'll  I-  ftcri'i'it  lliiil  Hill  I'oiiiiUy  tlml  iii:tv  li '  i-laiini'il  liy 
I'lthrr  [lani  nil  tin'  iinnliivi'-l  i'ii;i.."l  uf  Alitirii-ji.  iM-iHwiinl  nt' 
llli'  r<l.iin'.MiiiniliiiiiM.  >liiill,  IHBrlliiT  Willi  iH  lilirliiir-.,  Ii:iv«, 

mill  i-ri'i'ki' I  llii'iKiviijiiniiii  uriill  tin  r-  williin  llir  ^lnlll'. 

lif  Iri'i'  anil  npi'ii  liir  tll''  Ii  riii  nl"  !■  ii  vi'ar^  In. in  Itii'  il.ili'  nl* 

till-  ^i,.'^alurl•  nl   llll'  |in'-rlll   1 vrlllinll  til  llli'  M'-*l'l<,  I'lli 

/.■■n-  mill  rlllijirl-i  nl  till  Uvn  TiiMiT-— il  hi  illB  wrll  inuliT- 
.|'»  il  liiiiltlii"  Hjiri'rliii'iu  I-  ii"l  111  111'  I'nil-lril'  il  liillii'  iiri'jil 
iliri'  III  an\  riaiiii  wliirli  lillirr  nl'  llii'  iwn  Ins*,  i-niiiiiii'iiiiv 
iiaitli's  nin'v  hiivi'  m  any  |iarl  nl'  llii  »aiil  I'.niiilry,  imr  i/iii» 
tt  tte  l.ikcn  tn  tt[leel  Ihr  r'aiimol  ■nni  tilhn  I'nirn  or  SUitt  It 
i.m  in'rt .<(  t\r  (.iW.oiiiilri;  llii'nnly  iiliji'i'l  m'  llir  liiiilunn- 
tr  ii'lliill  liilrlii'-.<.  Ill  tlial  ri  -ii<irt,  lii'lliK  in  liri'yilll  dl^lllltCIl  llllil 
ilill'.ri'iK'i'H  ai tf  itiiiii.-i  h■t'^-." 

Now,  (iiiiiiiinuil  Mr.  P.,')  M'liy  wna  itii.s  olaiiso 
(if  llioarliric  in-!i'rii'(l — ••  thai  ilii'rnnyi-nlinn  sliniilil 
hill  111'  Uikiii  to  all'i  rl  llll;  riaiiiis  of  any  otlirr  I'owi  r 
(ir  Stall!  Ill  any  (lailof  tlu'  .sniil  rninilry" — niili  s.s 
there  will'  nlhtr  nalinns  who  had  ilaiiiia  ihat  wi'i'i' 
ii'»|ierH'il  anil  ri'ijaideil  hy  ihi'  rnnirai'linv  pariirs? 
Thirofirc  wu  say  thai  the  claims  of  S|.ain  were 
rci'iiL'iiisid  liy  ihe  lonvcniioii;  and  all  llmse  ri<;lils 
v.'hii  li  S|iain'  had  at  il.s  dale  wire  ledid  to  lis  hy 
the  Irraly  of  Kloriila.  And  tin;  conycntinn  of  1b;J7, 
whiili  ii.'yiMs  thai  nf  181."',  cnnlaiim  no  slipulalinn 
livwiiiih  ihi'  claims  nf  nihcr  miliniis  were  iiini;- 
iilsiil;  ihns  ili-tirly  diinonslraliiii;  that  in  It-'J^  llic 
el.iims  of  all  nlhi  r  nalinns  lo  ihai  I'oast  wi  ic  I'Xliii- 
gnishiil,  ami  ihat  il  wa.s  held  cither  by  the  United 
Sums  nr  liii  ill  lirilain. 

Il  is  said  that  this  liill,  taken  in  connexion  with 
the  re.dilnlinn  nf  nnliii'  fur  tlii'  lerminalinn  nf  llie 
eniuenlinii,  (anil  whnh,  il  is  sti|i|iiisi"d.  will  fiicillv 
receive  tlu- .land  ion  of  holli  I  louses,)  will  beri'.'arii- 
€'d  as  a  war  nica.-^iire;  and  il  isai'sjned  in  sniiieiiuar- 
lers,  thai  allliim^li  there  may  be  an  alleni|il  In  dis- 
|iiile  it,  vet  that  sinli  is  ih'e  iihjecl,  anil  siieli  llie 

II  ehil','  of  those  \yhii   ailvocale    Its  [las.sa^'e.     The 

riesnlenl  ri ineMileil  ilial  the  lawsnf  the  United 

Slates  should  be  txicnded  oyer  our  cili/ens  in  ihe 
Ori'iron  lerritnry.  They  ha\e  iheiiisi  Ki  .-i,  by  their 
peiiiions  hen  ,  alliil  u|iiiii  lis  to  |iroiei't  ihenr,  m 
rxlillil  nnr  laws  over  lliem,  fnr  the  |iroleetioli  nf 
their  |irii|«  rly  and  tin  ir  iier.-^nns.  Shall  we  turn  a 
ileaf  ear  to  tlieinr  Shall  we  disre^'Mrd  their  peii- 
lions,  yvhen  it  is  nn  less  mir  rii;lil,  under  llie  treaty 
nf  jniiii  occii|iaiion,  llian  il  is  mir  duly,  In  |iriilei  1 
Ihe'inr     1  asserl  ihal  this  bill,  whnh  |iriiiiii.-'es  only 

III  exieinl  nur  law  s  nver  our  ciii/.ens  risiiliu;;  in  that 
lerritnrv,  duns  mil  un  llie  li  m^ih  In  H  huh  the  act 
iifthe  linlish  I'arliaineiil,  passed  in  \>*-i\,  rxlenilin;,' 
her  iurisdc'tinii  oyer  that  coiiiilry,  hasijuMe.  There 
is  nn  exi'ipliiin  or  i'i..,er\atinn,  as  In  piT.^niis,  in  llic 
extent  of  the  jiiri.-diitii.n  in  be  cxeniM  d  by  ihc 
conns  nf  Canada.  The  sixth  seclinn  nf  the  act 
prmulca  thai  the  laws  nf  Canada  shall  be  exleiided 
over  the  Indian  leniiory  which  is  not  embraced 
uilliin  either  of  the  I'rnvinces  of  I'ppi  r  or  Lower 
Canada,  or  wilhiii  any  civil  Unyi  rnmenl  of  the 


I'mleil  Sum 


Th. 


icnii  I  ili/.eiiN',  mill  allliniiuh  at  llie  time  the  net  wan 
pas.seil  there  were  lint  lew  Ainericnn  citizens  ri'm- 
ilinu  lliei'c,  anil  alllinimli,  sn  far  as  my  kmiwledve 
exli  nils,  nn  American  ciii/cn  has  been  iirrested 
iiiidcr  llrilisli  liiwH,  yet  lln  pnwer  cxislcd,  and  still 
exists,  mid  it  iiiiiy  have  bn  n,  nr  may  hereaner  lie, 
carried  liiln  ellect,  iiiilcHs  the  cnnllii'lmt;  claims 
nf  ihe  two  liiivernmenlH  are  speedily  hcIiIciI.  The 
penple  w  llll  have  left  the  I'niled  Stales  I'nr  that  dis- 
tant rc^inii  are  devntedly  aliaclicd  lo  the  priiiciples 
of  thin  (jovernincnl,  anil  they  ask  the  prnleiiinii  nf 
it.s  laws.  They  linye  I'liund  lln  iiiseKcs  under  the 
necessilv  nf  or;;am/.iiii.'  ii  pniyisinnal  t;nvi'riiinenl', 
of  enailliii;  laws  In  iiroiecl  lheirrii;hla  in  ihe  selllc- 
inenis,  lo  pinMite  lor  ihe  punishment  nf  oirenccH, 
and  In  re:;iiliile  iiili  rcnnrse  with  the  Indinn  tribes 
thai  mtrronnd  iheni.  This  bill  propo.ses  llial  the 
laws  iA'  Inwii.  so  far  ns  ihey  arc  apphi'iiblc,  shall 
lie  exlended  In  our  Icrnlnlli  s  wesi  nf  the  lliM'ky 
Mounlauis.  Are  iinl  nentlcmen  willilii;  to  extend 
ihe  prilled  inn  of  ihe  laws  of  this  UoMTiinii  lit  over 
cili/.ins  whnai'kiinwiidiie  allcu'iaiice  lo  il.  Inn  com- 
plain thai  thi'V  are  wilhoiii  the  means  nf  adeipiaie 
proledion?  \Vhcn  ihe  cnnyenlnin  for  llie  jniul 
oi'iupniinit  of  this  terrilory  slinll  have  teriunialcd, 
il  will  bei'unie  tieccssiiry  for  us  to  asserl  our  exclu- 
sive ri^hls  Iherc,  unless  the  i|ucsliiiii  of  lille  shall 
previnnsly  have  been  hi  liled  by  ne;;niialinn.  I  am 
niiwilliiii;  In  dn  nnylliiii;;  w  hicli  sh.ill  dislnrb  nr  in- 
terfere ill  any  mnii'iii  r  vciili  the  m  ^jnlialinns  on  this 
ipasiinn,  nr  which  shall  prenni  the  KxeinliM'  and 
his  advisers  frnin  pnrsuiiiL;  such  a  course  as  may 
I  seem  proper.  I')iilerlaiiiinu'  the  opinion,  hnwevi  r, 
that  our  lille  is  uoinl,  and  Ihat  we  areeutilleil  lo  llie 
wlinlc  nf  llri<;nn,  up  In  llic  Itiissian  line,  I  am  nii- 
williiifi  ihat  any  jinrlinii  of  it  shall  he  cniiceded  tn 
(ileal  liril.iin.  I  lieheye  llial  such  a  step  wnnid 
be  an  abandonment  of  nnr  riu;hls;  and  I  siiall  be 

prepared,  whene\er  the  cnnvenlion  of  jnint upa- 

lion  shall  have  lerminaied,  In  assert  the  ri^ht  nf  the 
United  Stales  tn  the  whole  terrilory. 

lint  the  ^jeiitlenian  from  Kentiicky,  (.Mr.  AIc- 
H>'.NHV,|  ihc  oilier  day.  Ill  addrissmir  llie  cominil- 
tee  on  nil  aineiidnieiit  which  he  prnpn.seil,  linnlini; 
the  operalion  of  llie  lull  In  ihv  sniiih  nf  the  4'.lili 
parallel,  s.iid  he  believed  thai  the  title  of  the  Unin  .1 
Siales  tn  the  valley  nf  ihe  Columbia  river,  and  in 
,  the  coiimry  drained  by  its  Iribiilaries,  was  f,ninil; 
yet  he  was  not  willing;  that  the  laws  should  be  ex- 
tended over  the  counlry  In  lln  exli  nl  In  which  he 
bi'lieves  nnr  title  111  be  valid — lhal  is,  frniii  the  head 
waters  it(  the  C'nliimbia,  in  latitude  5^  and  53^. 
Ills  anicndincnl  was  riju'led.  The  ;;eiilleniaii 
frnm  .Siiulli  Carnlina  \\\i.  11ui,mi:k|  arj;ued  thai 
every  prnvisimi  of  this  bill  was  in  Mnlalinn  of  the 
ire.iiy  nf  jnint  nei  upalinn;  and  that  even  the  ap- 
pnintnient  nf  Indian  ai;eiils  and  the  siib-a^enls 
necessary  In  preserve  peaceful  relatmns  with  the 
tribes  III  that  lerrimry,  and  In  reiinlale  intercourse 
with  them,  was  a  viol.itioi;  nf  that  Ireaiy.  Now, 
if  this  IS  a  violalinii  nf  it,  already  has  it  been  vio- 
lated on  the  part  uf  the  United  Stales;  for  aotne 
two  or  three  years  ti^o,  an  n^enl  wasappoinled  fnr 
ihe  Indian  tribes  west  of  the  Uocky  iMnuntatns, 
w  lin  ha;i  been  residin;,'  in  that  terrilmy,  and  direct- 
ing his  ell'oris  tu  the  preservalion  nf  peace. 

AiMin:  It  is  said  thai  the  estahlislimenl  of  mili- 
tary posts  beyond  llie  Uocky  Mnunlaiiis  is  a  vio- 
lalinii nf  the  convenlion.  llow  can  that  be,  sir, 
when  the  eonventinii  itself  declares  tinil  the  claims 
nf  eillier  nf  the  i  onlraciini;  parlies  shall  nnt  be  af- 
fecled  by  ils  prnyisions,  and  when  il  is  recollei  ted, 
as  I  Inue  shown,  that  the  po.st  of  Astoria,  whici 
was  c.iplured  by  the  LJrilisli,  was  reslnred  In  n.s  by 
the  treaiy  nf  (_ilienl,  ihereliy  reiMi^^iiisin;;  our  title 
tn  the  cxi'lu.'-'ive  pos..iission  of  thai  |iosl',  and  when 
it  is  nisn  reinlleded  that  Iwn  sui'i'essi\e  I'resideiils 
of  the  Uiiil'd  Slates  recnmineiided  the  eslablisli- 
menl  nf  such  posts  at  the  iiiniith  u(  the  l.'niutnbia.' 
Il  seein.<  lo  nil'  lhal  il  is  ralhi  r  too  late  now  tn  ad- 
vance iheari;unieiii  nf  ihe  vinlalion  of  the  irealy. 

It  IS  also  said  lhal  wc  have  no  rii;hl  tn  make 
•grants  of  land  In  nnr  citi/.ens  residiin;  in  that  lerri- 
mry. This  bill  does  not  prnvide  for  uram.s  nf 
land.  It  merely  pledi.'is  the  faith  of  the  iialion 
that  priivisinii  shall  Inrcafler  be  iii.ide  that  lands 
shall  be  i^ranled  lo  those  persnii.s  who  should  settle 
and  reside'  there  for  live  conseculivc  years  from  ils 
date.  The  frranl,  therefnre,  is  mil  cnmpletcd  iiiilil 
fiM-  years  shall  have  elapsed  frnm  the  passage  nf 
the  ad;  and  I  Inok  u|ion  the  third  and  foiirlli  .-.ec- 


citir.enii  to  eiiiillmir  their  residence  lliere,  ami  li> 

show  iillierH  ihni  if  lliey  feel  dispiiMcd  In  eniii;rale, 

the  Uiivi  rimient   will   fiereaflir  provide  i;raiilN  nl' 

land  Nir  Iliem  anil   their  faniilien.     A  niimlar  pro- 

vision  W'liH  eonliiined   in  a  bill  inlrodiiced  inln  tlin 

Senate  nf  the  Unilid  Slalea  In  the  yeiirlH4l.  That 

bill  asHerled  lhal  nnr  lille  tn  llie  terrilory  west  ol* 

llie  Stony  Mnuiil  liiiM  was  niind,  anil  wniilil  be  ns- 

Ncrlcd    and   iiiainlaincd;  anil  Ihat   i;ianlN   nf  land 

wniild    Ih'  made   In  ihose  who  Hhoiild  selile  there; 

ihuM  eiicniirii!.'ini;  and  slniiiil.ilini;  eini:,'ralioii.  AC'- 

I  ter  that  (|iii'Mtinii    was  ai.'iliili'd    in   the  Senate,  u 

Nlrnnii;  dispiisilinn  In  emigrate  was   manifested  ill 

llie  West,  and,  in  the  very  ncxl  sprinu',  ii  parly  nf 

i'mi'.:rmilN  left  the  Stale  i^t  MiNsniin,  anil  setlled  in 

the  Willanielle  vnlley.   This  dispnsiiion  has  <;rowil 

iViiiii  yenr  in  year,  iniilcr  llie  iiidin  einents  we  liavn 

held  mil,  iinlil  last   year,  when   iiini'i'  than   ihree 

ihniiHand  i'ini:;i'anlN  lii'i   ihe  western  Stales,  ami 

made  their  homes  on   llie  Cnlnmiiia  riMr.     They 

were  induced  In  do  iIiIn  by  the  belief  that  the  -iiiv- 

eiimient  wniilil  make  Ihini  dnnaliniis  nf  land;  that 

il  would  exleinl   llie   ii,risiliciniii  nf  ils  lawa  nver 

iheiii;  ihat  it  wniilil  |iriilccl  ilnni  nn  llicir  mule  by 

ihe  estalihshnii'iil  nl    mihlary  pnsls,  iiiiil   frnm  lliii 

iui'ni'HionN  mill  nllacks  of  llie  Imliaiis;  and  that  ihe 

necessury  mail    facililies  would    be    iiiovnled   for 

lliein.     And  such  is  the  proper  course  In  be  adiipl- 

\  I'll,  if  we  desire  I'liially  lo  seeiire  tn  iiurselves  llie 

pns.seHsinii  nf  iliis  wlinle  lerrilory.     I  would  iiiiicli 

prefer  111  see  iiiir  eniii;ranls  i;.iiui^  llicrc  nuiler  the 

inlliienceof  lhal  "  niasierly  inacliMly "of  which  we 

.  havehe!irdsiiinuch,(iiinllii'rwnrds,iiolhin'4iliiiii',) 

;  raiher  ihan  lhal  any  piirlmn  nf  ihe  lerrimry  shniild 

be  !;iveii   lip  nr  nli.tndiineil.     I!nl  if  our  (ioyern- 

ineiit  does  iioi   net   speedily,  a  collisinn  may  lake 

place  belv  een  nnr  citi/.ens  and  llie  employees  and 

ii'ieiiis  of  lac  llnilsnn'H  liny  ('nmpniiy,  wlin'li  may 

finally  result   in  hnslililies  between   Ihe  Iwn  tinv- 

ermneiilx.     reiirini;  thai  this  ini'.;lii  he  ihe  resiili,  I 

was  desirous  In  see  all  the  nieasnres  recninineiiiteil 

i  by  the  I'rcsidi'iit  curried  niil,  not  only  in  ihe  leller, 

but  the  spirit.     And   I  iiiiisl  say  ihat  the  ainenil- 

I  nienl  w  Inch  has  been  propuHi-il,  limiliia;  llic  nperii- 

I  tiiiii  of  the  bill  tn  llie  time  al  which  the  joint  c.nn- 

<  vciilinii  shall  expire,  is  inerelv  carryiiiL;  mil  ihnse 

I  reciinimendalions  in  the  Idler,  and  nnl  in  ihe  spirit. 

linwlnni;  wniild   this  iid   reiaaiii  in  fiirce,  tinder 

1  sni  11  a  limiuilion  .'     Il  will  be  recollecled  by  (;en- 

1  lleincti,  that  when   l)r.   While   returned   last  year 

I  frnm  the  valley  nf  the  Willanielle  In  the  .Slalc  of 

I  Missouri,  he  aei'omphshcd  the  journey  tu  the  iin- 

j  precedciiicd  slioil  space  of  iiinely  days.      IJel'ore  ii 

jiiiUe  of  the  district  i'oiirl,iii'  a  jiisiiee  of  the  peace, 

nr  an  execulive  otficer,  could  reni-lt  that  territory, 

or  if  now  resiiliiii;  theie,  before  ilieir  i  nmuiissiniiM 

could  reach  them,  snme  t'niir  or  live  inniilhs  would 

elapse;  two  or  three  more  would  expire  before  llie 

ollicers  could  be  iiropirly  ipialifn  d  lo  I'xeciiie  ihii 

laws,  and  before  thnse  laws  cniild  be  i  iifnrced;  anil 

I  thus  ill  point  of  fact  the  act  would,  for  all  praclical 

'  purposes,  remain  in  I'nrcc  fniir,  live,  nrsix  innntliH 

only. 

liiit  i^entlemeii  say  that  this  ipieslion  oiiirjit  t(i 
be  Nettled  by  iie<;iiiialiiiii.  Dn  ihcy  expect  ilni 
cnntriiversy  can  be  setlled  by  sncli  means,  when 
W(!  have  been  iiei;nliatiiii^  t'or  livi'-aiid-lwcnly  years 
ill  ri'latinii  lo  this  lerrilory,  and  have  come  no 
nearer  in  a  selllemenl  than  we  were  the  day  we 
cnmmenced.*  Is  il  expeciiil  that  (Jrcat  liril.iiii  will 
recede  frnin  llie  preicnsinns  she  has  sn  Iniii^^  set  iip^ 
Cm  the  tJnvernineiil  ><<  llie  Unileil  Slates  dn  so  r 
Can  il  he  expei  led  that  the  rnsnlenl,  e\en  if  he 
fell  disposed  In  do  so,  could,  in  ihe  preseiil  slalc  of 
the  net^iilint  ion,  renew  the  iill'er  so  sum  man  iy  reject- 
ed by  Mr.  I'akenham.'  th' can  it  be  ex  peeled  that  the 
Ciovermiii  lit  of  Circa;  lirilain  vull  make  an  nller  nf 
terms,  \\  'licit  they  have  themselves  cnnli'in)ituntisly 
rejecleil  '  I  confess,  th.it  I  can  see  liu  prospect  of 
the  ailjuslincnl  of  the  conlioyi  rsy  by  nei;olialiiin; 
therefnre,  I  believe  that  the  ciiiucntion  for  the. 
jninl  ni'i'iiiialinii  nf  the  lerrilnry  shniitd  terinmale, 
and  that  lite  prnlci'liini  of  iinr  laws  should  be  ex- 
tended incr  our  cilizeiis.  We  shall  then,  nil  Ihi) 
tcrminaiinn  of  ihe  conveiitioii,  be  prenared  to  .issert 
our  ri;:;hls  tn  the  whnlc  cnnutry;  anil  if  ihiscnurse 
nf  policy  shall  be  pursued,  I  believe  that,  as  Cireal 
lirilain  merely  desires  the  oi'dipation  of  the  lerri- 
tnry fnr  a  shnri  lime,  for  ihe  benefit  of  ilie  fur 
trade,  aial  not  wiili  any  view  lo  i  xleiid  her  ciiloni- 
'/.alion,  we  shall  be  able,  al  llie  teniiinalinn  of  lln; 


s  no  exciplioM  a.-'  to  Ainer-      liiin.'<  a>^  merely  hnldiii^  mil   mducemeiils   In  nur      cnnvenliiin,  lo  exeri'i«e  exi'lusive  jiirisilieiion. 


IfllO.] 


yfh-H  CoNo 1st  Si:s». 


AITENDIX  TO  TFIK  CONGRESSIONAI.  OI/)nE. 

InUrnal  Imprnvtniinis — Mr.  Stewart, 


4OT 


Nkw  Skiuks No.  32. 


Ii  liiiH  Imtm  NiiicI,  lli.\t  |)iililii'mMiliiiinit  in  n  piilly  , 
rlii>n:;in:;  cm  iIiIh  i|ui'Mliiini  iirid  lliiit  it  Is  Mnllliii<>;  ! 
(luwn  nil  lilt'  t'.MIi  |uinill(l,  iih  tlic  liiHJK  of  iiiljiiHt- 
iiii'iil.  I  I'iiiiiiMt  H'l  ri'iiil  piililii'  (i{iiiiiiiii.  I  ninniil  I 
ilisriivcr  lliiit  niiy  |i{irliiin  of  llic  Aiiirriniii  |H'nplc  ^ 
IM  rcrnliri'ifrinn  Inn  piiHilliin  wliji'li  liiiH  Iicimi  liikcii, 
Sii  till'  MH  llic  8liilr  wliirli  I  liMvi^  llii'  liiiiior  ill  purl  | 
III  ri'pi'i'firiit  in  c'linc'criiril,  jiiiliiliiu;  IViiin  llic  Ihik!  of  i 
llii'  piililir  iiu'<'lin:;H,  huM  iml  iiy  iiiii',  liiit  liy  linlh 

purlM'H,    I     I'llll    Hiiy,    llllll    llir    pcilplc    IlIlK!    pilNHIMl   I 

I'i'MiiliiliiinH  iiNMi'Vlin'r  "111'  Mill'  111  Ihr  wlinln  (if  Ori!- 
'rciii,  mill  cxjinHKiii'^;  tin;  lll■^'i^l'  lliiu  lliiTfi  i  liniilil 
lir  nil  iiliiiiiiliinininl  nf  mil'  ri'^lilM,  Ijiit  lliat  llic 
(Jiivn'iiiiiriil  HJiiiiilil  III  inly  Miiiinliiiti  llii'in.  I  rr-  , 
(11  III,  tlirnl'iii'i',  llllll  I  mil  Hii-  no  cviilinirc  of  iIiIh 
iilli'U'ril  cliiiiiu'i^  of  piiiilii'  wiilinicnl  in  fnvor  of  n  ! 
I'oiiipi'ninisi'  nil  ilie  't'.llli  iiiiralli'l.  (In  llu'  ciinlmry, 
if  llin'r  liM.i  Ih'I'ii  iiiiy  i'litinL''i'  iit  all,  it  liiiN  limi 
Imwiii'iIh  II  niiiri'  (Icciilrcl  ri'Holtilion  lliiit  onr  ri'^'lilH 
In  ihi' wliiilc  turriliii'y  hIiiiiiIiI  liRaHscrloil  uiid  niitiii- 
l.iini'il. 


INTUIINAL  IMPUOVEMKNTS, 

si'i:r':cn  op  mr.  a.  stkwaut, 

OF   PENNSYLVANIA, 

In  tiik  IIiM'sK  iiF  Ui'.i'ukskntativks, 

Kati'iuiav,  i/Wiirc/i  M,  IHKi. 

On  liili'ni:il  Iniprnvniiriils  ami  llie  Tarilf. 

Mr.  STI'IVVAIIT  miiil,  lie  liml  not  intcnilnl  to 
.iildi'i'SN  llic.  ciiiiiniitlcc  on  llic  Nniijri't  now  iinilcr 
ili-liiilc,  litil  HoniL'  of  llic  rcniiirkH  of  llic  «;ciillfiiian 
IVoiii  Vii':;iiiiii,  [Mr.  IIavi.v,)  who  liai!  jiislrcNiiin- 
cil  lii.s  Hc:it,  llllll  liiiliii'eil  liini  lo  ilrpnrt  from  Mint 
piirooKc,  mill  lo  llirow  himself  on  llie  Inilulsjcncc 
of  llic  coiiiiiiiitcc. 

'I'liiii  ','ciiilcinuii  opposed  lliis  hill  on  two  grniiiids: 
\M,  lii'dinicd  llic  coiiHiiuilinnal  power  of  Oon!;rcs.i 
to  imssil;  and,  'Jdly,  lie  denied  llie  expediency  of 
doiinj;Ho  if  till'  piuvir  exislt'd. 

I  li'  wi.ilicd  to  say  a  few  wordu,  in  llic  firm  place, 
III  reply  to  llic  eoiiHllliilioiial  nlijeriion,  nnd  linn 
lioiii'c  Hoincof  llie  oilier  remarks  of  tlie  i;enlli^inan, 
ill  the  (Mile.  Oiey  mi;;lit  nrenr  to  him,  for  he  had 
taken  no  notcH.  '\s  to  llic  power,  it  Hcemcil  to 
liiiii  if  ('oiiiii'ess  had  ii;i  power  to  pas.s  this  liill,  it 
had  not  pnwer  to  pass  ai.y  of  the  three  hiinilred 
liills  now  upon  the  ealeiid,  v.  What  arc  those 
liills?  What  is  their  end  aii('  purpose?  They 
are  all  inlrodiired  in  pursuance  ,  f  tiiat  provision  ' 
of  our  adiiiiralilc  Consliintion,  whi,  h  dcclarcH  that  : 
*'  Congress  slinll  liavi^  power  to  pas.s  all  laws  ne- 
ee.-isary  and  proper  to  carry  into  ex,  "ntion  the  i 
forci;oiiii;  powers.*'  The  jjr.ints  of  pow^r  were, 
ill  a  very  few  words,  thus;  "  ConjrcsH  shall  have 
power  to  rcL'iilale  commerec  with  I'oreiim  nations, 
and  anion'.;  the  Siales,""di'i'.lare  war,  raise  armies,  | 
provide  and  mainlain  a  navy,  eslalilish  postollii'is 
siiid  post  roads;"  and  liavin;;:  lliiis  hriclly  indicated 
the ','i'cal  and  .'Uilislaiitivi^  powers  of  the  Oovcrn- 
meni,  it  wisely  ilei-liired,  that  Coni^rcss  shonlil 
have  power  to  selci't  the  means  **  necessary  and 
la-oper*'  for  cnrryiii^  into  ellect  these  p<iwers. 
riiis,  perhaps,  would  have  followed  as  a  matter  of 
iipiiisc",  lail,li)  remove  all  doulit,  it  had  lieeii  ex- 
pressly itiseiied.  Now,  what  was  the  character 
iil'all,  or  nearly  all,  the  hills  on  your  calendar, 
and  all  the  laws  in  your  Htaliilc  hooks?  They 
were  lint  the  means  provided  for  carryiniJr  i"to 
rllecl  llie  cical  and  cxpiess  powers  ol  Govern- 
iiieiit',  and  if  this  hill  to  improve  harhors  and 
rivers,  to  t'acililate  the  eonimcrcc  and  defence  of 
the  coiiiury,  was  iiiii'onsiitiilion.d,  then  all  onr 
hills  are  eipially  tnicoiisliiiuional,  and  Coii;;i'csh 
mi'^lil  as  well  adjoiini  and  i;ii  home,  and  for  all  the 
i:o()il  they  arc  likely  to  do.  he  thoie^ht  the  sooner 
the  heller.  The  repeal  of  the  tarilV,  the  snh-lrcas- 
iiry,  and  war,  with  all  their  hitter  and  disastrous 
fruits,  he  feared  were  llie  only  measures  to  he  cx- 
peiieil  from  the  coiitiniied  (leliheralion.s  of  the 
present  C'oni^rcss.  The  sontherii  strict  constriic- 
lionisls,  however,  found  their  coiistilnlioiial  ilor- 
trincs  exeeeiliii'Jy  convenient:  whatever  they  wish 
to  carry  was  perfectly  coiislitiitional,  without  tlic 
least  shiidow  of  a  duiiht;  hut  whenever  a  measure 
i.-i  proposed  which  they  dislike,  and  want  to  dea  at, 
they  have  an  ca.-^y  expedient  always  ready — lliey 
irel  heiiiiiil  the  Consliintion;  it  does  not  suit  their 
iastc  ;  they  do  not   reli.'di   ils   provisions;  and   of 

32 


course  it  in  conlrnry  lo  the  Consliintion.  Ihit 
whatever  pleases  aoiithcrii  iiolinnH,  or  Hoiilhcrii 
intcrcHts,  is  all  riu;hl — all  perfectly  constilntional. 

Mr.  H.  did   mil   derive  the  power  lo  pass  a  hill 
for  iiilcriial  improvcineniH  from  any  one  Hpecial 
trraiil  in  the  (%inHtiliilioii;  il  may  he  the  result  of  i 
din'ereiil  uranls;  it  depemleil  upon  the  cliaracier  of  i 
the  imiirovcment  proposed — upon  its  cnil  and  oh- 
jeet.     If  it  was   inleiiiled    lo   f.icililain  rommeree  I 
anioiii»  the  SiiiIch,  the  power  to  pass  it  rcHullcil  I 
from   the   power  "to  rcjiilaic  coinmerce  aiiinii!; 
the   Stales."     If   it   was    iiilcndcil   as  a   military 
nmil  or  canal,  it  referred  itself  I, >  the  military  pow- 
er.    If  it  was  designed  for  iiiall  piiqioscH,  then  llie 
ri'^lil   to  jinss  it  was  ihrivcil  from  the  post  nlliie 
power,      riiiis  each  a'lil  every  consllliilional  craiit  [ 
of  power  carried  with  it,  as  n  necessary  incideiil, 
its  own  appropriate  ineaiis  of  cxcciitioir,  and  willi- 
onl  this  the  Consliintion  would  have  liceii  n  dead  I 
lellcr,  and  this  Oovcrnmciil  coiild  never  have  hecn 
put  ill  motion. 

The  CoMHtitiilinn  did  not,  of  course,  cnnmcralc 
all  the  ihinss  that  CoiiL'ress  may  do;  il  could  not 
indiealc  all  the  laws  that  Coiiiircs.'i  iniu'ht  pas:,  lo 
carry  on  the  fjlovernment  in  all  time  in  come;  that 
was  impoNsihle,  nnd  the  atlcm|il  would  have  hecn 
prcposii  rolls.  The  ('onstitiition,  in  that  ease, 
would  have  hecn,  nnl  an  orijanic  law,  hut  a  code 
of  laws  fiir  a  s^rcnl  and  erowiiiir  nation  tliroiii;lioiit 
all  time.  The  Consiilulinn  conferred  on  the  Oov- 
erninentof  the  country  irreal  and  leadiniisiiMrtnd'i'f 
powers  of  a  iTcncral  eharacici'.  Il  said  llmt  the 
Oovermncnt  should  have  power  lo  defend  the 
eoiintry;  power  to  reu'lllalc  ils  coniinerce;  power 
lo  transmit  intel'jjence.  Then  il  declared  thai  the 
Congress  mi'.;lit  do  whatever  was  "neces.sary  nnd 
proper"  to  carry  oiil  and  makced'eetive  lliese  gen- 
eral grains,  and  suit  them  lo  the  wants  and  exigen- 
cies of  the  coiinlry,  a.i  they  should  he  developed 
ill  the  progress  of  time  and  llic  arts.  "Con!;ress," 
Hays  the  Constiliilion,  "shall  have  power  to estah- 
lish  post  oHices  and  posi  roads,"  and  Ihere  it  slop. 
ped;  and  there,  accoidin;;  to  the  doctrines  nf  the 
gentleman  from  Vii'irinia,  the  power  of  C.in^re.ss 
to  act  stopped  also.  Yet  lio'v  was  il  that  Coni;resa, 
hy  virtue  of  this  c:rant,  had  pafscd  volumes  and 
volumes  of  laws  cstahlishiii'.:;  a  Post  Office  Hepart- 
iiienl,  providing;  for  llic  transporlalion  of  the  mails, 
the  pimishmenl  of  oll'ences,  and  so  on;  if  the  doc- 
trines of  the,  ijentlcinan  were  correct,  all  these  laws 
were  unconslilulional  and  void;  and  so  of  all  the 
law.s  passed  for  li^ht-liouscs,  Iinoys,  heacons,  sea- 
walls, forts,  arsenals,  and  everything  of  the  kind, 
from  the  foniiilation  of  the  Government  up  lo  the 
pre.ient  lioiir.  The  gi  ntlcman's  conaiitiiiinnal  met-  '■ 
ajiliysic.-.  auhverled  the  whole  of  them,  nm',  "  like 
the  In.scles8  fabric  nf  a  vision,  left  not  a  wreck  lic- 
hind."  , 

When  a  scntlenian  ju'oposcs  any  nieaRnre  to 
(;on:;rcss  for  its  action,  and  the  inipiiry  was  raised 
as  to  llie  coiistilnlioiial  power  lo  enact  it,  his  an- 
swer must  depend  on  the  suhjcct-matlcr;  his  first 
task  was  to  show  that  il  was  "necessary  and  ' 
proper,"  as  a  means  of  carryini;  into  execution 
some  one  of  the  u'l'.inlcd  powers.  When  he  had 
shown  Ihat,  he  had  a  riirlit  to  ask  ils  adoption,  nnd 
if  a  m.ajority  of  lioih  Houses  of  Con'jress  concur- 
red wiih  him  it  would  he  adopted,  if  not  il  would 
he  rejected;  and  here  was  the  security,  nnd  the 
only  security,  a^iiiist  nnconsliinlioiial  (e^islatinn. 
.Suppose  the  siihject  was  a  road;  the  military  pow- 
er ill  the  Consliintion  cm]inwercd  Coiifjress  to 
make  military  roads  for  the  transporlalion  nf  ar- 
mies and  mnnilions  of  war.  And  so  the  commer- 
cial power  authorized  Cnii'jjrcss  to  make  commer- 
cial roads,  whether  over  the  land  or  hy  the  chan- 
nels nnd  course  of  rivers.  The  military  power 
•jrave  Congress  a  ri'.;lit  lo  huildnfoil;  but  a  fort 
mi;;lil  be  so  situated  as  lo  be  useless  wilhont  a 
road  leadiii:;  lo  it;  therefore.  Congress  has  the 
same  power  to  make  the  road  that  they  have  lo 
erect  tlic  tort. 

If  gentlemen  would  give  themselves  the  trouble 
to  look  into  the  decisions  of  ihc  Supreme  Court, 
they  would  find  that  ihal  eiilightcned  tribunal  had 
laid  down  the  doctrine  he  ndvocaled,  ns  the  true 
and  just  interpretation  of  the  Coiistilulion.  In  the 
case'nf  McCiilloch  rs.  the  State  of  Maryland,  re- 
ported in  4tli  Whealon,  Chief  Justice  Marshall 
declared  this  lo  be  the  clear  and  nnilonbted  mean- 
in';  of  tint  inslnimint.  The  )iower3  Congress  or- 
dinarilv  exercise,  are  but  in  their  nature  mean.s  of 


execmiii';  powers;  nnd  the  only  limit,  or  restric- 
ti'iii,  impiiHed  hy  llie  Consliliilion  on  the  discri  lion 
of  CongrCMM,  is,  that  the  means  shall  ho  "  nrcemiry 
and  )ir»jipr"liitlicciid  of  carrying  out  of  the  grant- 
ed power.  Williin  that  limilation  Congress  call 
do  whatever  they  Jiidgo  oxpcilient  In  carrying  nut 
the  express  powers. 

Who  ill  to  jud'^e  wliellierii  measure  proposed  in 
"  iieci'Nsiiry  and  proper"  lo  the  exciiilion  of  all 
rxprcHM  pnwcr?  (;oiigresa  must  judge  for  ilsolf; 
the  ih  glee  of  necessity  is  noi  indicated.  The  Con- 
sliliilion does  noi  say  the  incaiiM employed  must  bo 
tih'.oliilrh,  or  fiii/i'/ini'n/i/i/  iieces:  ary— not  al  all;  all 
Ihal  il  rci|iiiri's  is,  that  ilie  means  employed  shall 
he  lit  and  useful  for  the  piirpn.';e  indicaliil.  Such 
is  the  nnaniinoiis  opinion  nf  the  Hnpreme  Court,  nu 
delivered  hv  Cliii'f  Justice  Marshall.  Homo  cen- 
ilenien  think  it  conalitiilional  lo  make  a  long  road, 
or  improve  a  long  river,  bill  not  ii  Bliort  one. 
l.englh,  or  breadth,  or  locality,  has  nothing  lo  ihi 
wiih  the  (|nesiion.  Whether  the  road  he  five 
miles  long  or  five  I'midrcd,  is  a  nmlicr  perfectly 
immaterial;  the  Inie  (incHtion  is,  what  is  its  pur- 
pose? Suppose  a  road  to  ii  fori  be  lint  a  mile  lollR, 
If  it  is  needed  lo  reach  the  fort,  il  is  consliiiitionui 
to  make  il,  as  much  so  as  if  it  were  a  thousand 
miles  long. 

Mr.  H.  conlcnded,  lhat,  as  a  inenns  nt  national 
defence,  a  general  Hystem  nf  railroads,  connectinf; 
onr  ciiies  on  the  seahoaid,  nnd  peiielraling  Iho 
interior,  wn.i  belter  and  more  circctual  (in  an  ex- 
tended country  like  ours)  than  any  system  of  Ibrti- 
ncalioiis  lhat  could  be  devised.  Should  an  enemy 
make  a  demonstration  nn  any  point  on  the  sctj- 
hoard.  111  fore  he  could  nnproacli  a. id  elTect  a  land- 
iii",  troops  could  be  collected  siillirieiil  to  prevent 

Ihe  SI ess  of  his  enterprise.     1 1. id  we  possessed 

such  roads  in  the  last  war,  this  city  would  never 
have  fiillcn  into  the  hands  of  the  encn'y:  m  two 
hours  troops  might  have  been  brought  from  l.alll- 
luorc,  who  would  have  clVeetually  elieckcd  tlio 
march  of  the  invaders,  and  ihey  never  would  have 
wrajipcd  this  Capitid  in  llameii.  lint  forts,  except 
in  very  parlicular  eases,  may  be  avoided;  the  iiiva- 
ilin"  force  can  get  round  them;  they  can  choose 
their  own  place  of  landing,  nnd  they  will  choose 
accordingly.  Hut  with  a  good  i"  twork  ol  rail- 
roails,  and  with  improved  rivers,  rendered  naviga- 
ble as  hi'diways,  you  can  gather  ymir  iilrength  iil 
any  reiinisitc  point,  and   that  at  the  shortesl  iio- 

Tlie  ■'cnllcman  would  l>ring  ns  hack  under  Ihe 
syslcm  ^if  the  old  (^lnfcdcl'ationi  hut  that  hiin 
been  tried,  and  found  inanllicicnt  for  the  well-being 
of  n  country  so  extensive  aa  onrs.  In  a  time  ol 
peace,  (and'  in  onr  past  history,  as  1  trust  in  our 
future,  we  shall  have  comparatively  hut  iMlIc  war,) 
forts  are  useless.  Costing  millions  and  millions  to 
erect  them,  they  are  utterly  without  value;  while 
at  the  same  lime,  they  continuo  to  cost  large  sunii) 
lo  keep  them  in  a  state  of  repair  and  siiilably 
manned.  Hut  railroads  areas  useful  in  peace  as 
in  war.  They  are  well  worth  all  they  cost  lor 
purposes  of  commerce  and  intcrconrae.  What  are 
forts  worth  in  time  nf  peace?  They  arc  not  only 
useless,  but  a  source  of  continual  cxiicnditiire. 
And  if  railroads  arc  n  heller  means  of  detencc  than 
forts,  then  they  are  more  constitutional,  being  inore 
"  necessary  and  proper"  for  carrymgout  the  defen- 
sive iiowcr  conferred  upon  Congress. 

ITavin"  thus  given  my  views  of  the  constitulion- 
ality  of  this  bill,  I  will  say  a  woid  or  two  lU  lo  llie 
exiiedicncy  of  the  mca'uircs  it  pmpo.^cs. 

The  gentlemen  from  Virgini,.  (with  many  other 
gentlemen  from  llie  South)  are  terribly  al.irmed 
al  this  system;  I  hey  apprehend  it 's  going  o  bank- 
riipl  theireasury-to  waste  the  hard-earned  money 
of  the  people;  that  il  is  a  licentious  and  abomnmblo 
proceeding,  wholly  without  legal  warrant  or  u.se  ul 
end  What'  Waslcfnl,  prolligate,  unconstilu- 
lional  to  improve  the  country?  Why,  has  it  not 
I  ecu  done  from  the  very  foundatmn  ot  the  Gov- 
criimciil  ?  Has  it  iml  been  done  by  every  Congresn 
from  that  day  lo  this?  Why,  then,  has  not  the 
treasury  been  bankrupted  by  tins  horrid  system 
Ion"  hifore  now  ?  Why  should  gentlemen  confine 
themselves  to  the  future  ?  It  is  easy  to  prophesy- 
but,  on  Ihcir  own  principles,  why  lins  the  thing 
not  occurred  long  ago?  1  believe  wc  have  n  trca- 
siiry  still-not,  indeed,  a  very  full  treasury,  but 
with  a  present  surplus  of  seven  or  eight  milhoiai 
'  Ivin"  idle  nnd  usclcs.s— useless  to  Ihc  Govcrnmeni, 


m 


iOrii  CoNc Iht  Sb««. 


APPENDIX  TO   I'IIF:  CONiSKt^SSIONAL  QlJOUK. 

Jnlcrnitl  Improvcmtnti — Mr,  Stewart, 


fMairh  M. 


Ilo.  UK   \lv.VH, 


liiit  iiol  111' linn  l'>  till'  l>iiiil<H  ill  uliii'h  it  in  ilcponil- 
I'll,  Hut  llii't'i-iiilinniii  lliliiliH  lliiil  iliiM  Kynii'in  u  ill 
involve  n|>|ii'i>|n'iii>ii>iiii  to  tlii'  Iuik'  oI'  ii  IiiiikIiviI 
iiiillloim  III' ilolliirit  lur  aiiiiinn,  iiikI  rriiil  the  vil» 
liiiKMiii;n  I'ontiilhiiii;  lliin  rrli;liil'iil  |>lianliini. 

Ill  |HL<4,  Willi  till'  |uiwirl\il  iiiil  oI'Mr.  M<'I>iirii', 
niul  nwiiiy  oilin-  <l>iitiri'4ui!^liMl  Notitlirni  i;rMlli'iiirii, 

n    Kflliml     NVHlrlll     of    llllllM.ll     llll|M'<l(rilM  III     \«M» 

iiilopicil,  anil  II  liiiiril  ot' Miirniiil  ini|ii'i>vi'iii<'iii,  (u- 
(jmiizril  liy  Mr.  C'liliimin,  iliiii  SiM'iclm-y  ol'  War, 
iirili'i'iul  lo  cxiiiiiiiiii  tliu  wli'ilu  roiiiiliy,  itiiil  lay 
down  It  plan,  in  iniimaniril  v\  illi  t'Hliiiial'H,  Air  liii- 
jiriivinif  ilir  I'litiri'  Union,  no  an  to  fiial'li'  C'lnifiri  «h 
III  Ni'lcrl  lliii  inoHt  nailoiiiil  anil  ini|>nrliiiit.  'I'Im' 
lioaiil,  al'ii-r  a  i;i  in  nil  iM'i'i;ni/..ui<'r,  iiuuif  a  rt'|)oit 
aLTordiii\;ly,|iro|iiiMiiu'tlii'n|i|'rii|iniaiiiiiol'|ui'lia|>M 
n  linnilriif  iiiillioiiN  ol'  iIoIIiiim;  anil  lliiH  \\m  what 
was  pill  inlii  llir  imsfini'  lo  I'litliini  tin'  pr'oplc; 
itaiiNUi'i'i'd  itapiirpoM-  will — it  ilal  alarin  llir  I'oiin- 
try.  lint  Uieil  liic  ni'iiilcinaii  and  tin;  mcNsau'i-  I'or- 
{fiit  til  Klale,  that  it  was  in  lir  npnail  over  pi'i'liapii 
■  liiindnd  yiaiH',  and  rviii  now.  tlir  Kii'llrinan 
talks  ol'a  liniidri'd  iiiiIIioiim  I  i  ini;  volid  ininiiiliali- 
ly,  and  Ihu  Inasiiry  lianliriipl.  'i'laKi!  ain  inpis 
111  I'liu'lili'ii  tlir  iiiop'lc,  hy  talkin;;  al'oiil  linnilicilN 
iifinillionH,  in  all  nlicrr  IiiiiiiImil'.  Nolliin;;  oi'  llu' 
mrl  wii.s  fvir  ilnaniril  ol',  iiml  u"'  iill'niiMi  Idiiiw  il. 
Kvi'i-y  pinvrr  ronrnltil  lo  our  liaial.s  may  lie  aliiisi'il; 
i>nt  (ioiH  tliiit  provr  llial  llii'  power  doiK  not  ixi»l .' 
What  power  do  we  liolil,  M'-ioiiliii;;  to  the  i;enl!e- 
man'rt  own  adniis.^ion,  wlinli  we  may  not  aliii«i  ? 
We  have  the  power  In  levy  taxes,  and  we  may 
earry  llim  .in  I'ar  an  lo  lianl<riipl,  not  llie  Ireaniiry, 
liiitilie  peoiile.  We  have  llu-  power  lo  rai.M' iiriiiieH 
niid  liiiild  lleeLs — kiid  will  tlie  ^'eiilleniaii  deny  llii< 
rxiBleiiie  of  llieite  poweiV  lifcaUHU  liny  may  Le 
nlnisedr 

itiil  how  i.H  il  that  ijnillemen  from  llie  Sonlh  now 
talk  so  loiiil  and  loii''  alioiu  (he  inei|iialily  of  the 
iiysli  III — il  i.s  iiiiw  all  at  oiae  a  Hynlein  of  weslern 
roliliery  and  plunder.  At  the  InM  si  .•<«ioii,  llie.se 
Centlenien  were  exceediii;,'lv  kind  and  ai-i-oniino- 
ilaliiitf  lo  the  WiHl.  Uul  why.-  V'/ifi/ wiinled  wesl- 
erii  voles  for  Texas — l/iii/ wanted  (/iiic '•/";.'»  rulliil." 
These  western  rivers  were  then  "  inland  sens" — 
ull  riiilit,  eonsliiiilional,  and  expedienl — plenty  of 
money  for  the  West — no  olijii-iion.  l!i.i  their  e'^fs 
jire  now  at  ihe  i.;ill — ihey  have  (jot  Texas,  and 
don'l  want  Oregon,  and  now  all  at  ma'e  their  nine 
is  elmnj^ed.  Now  the  ery  i>,  "Oil!  yoii  weslern 
roliliers,  yo'i  eornioraiils,  yon  laveiioiis  wolves, 
nnihiiii;  will  sniisl'y  yon  short  of  '  all  of  ('ri;;on,' 
anil  the  last  ilollar  III  the  tre.isiiry  "  lint  Mr.  S. 
eonleiided  ihat  the  people  of  the  We,l  had  lieeii 
Ihe  mere  sle|  elnldreii  of  this  Govennneiil.  When 
il«  i^ood  lliiiK.  were  heinj;  disirilnilid  anion:;  its 
favorites,  the  Wi.si  has  nieived  eonipaialively 
nothinj:.  And  why.-  The  seat  of  power  was  on 
the  sealioard.  They  (,'nve  llie  West  a  few  rriinihs, 
and  they  had  to  he  "  lliaiikfid  for  small  favors." 
lie  wonid  Vdilnre  to  say,  tli  it  if  a  line  should  lie 
drawn  one  iii'le  aljove  ihe  llow  of  llie  tides,  and 
front  (iiir  w-slern  iKjiiiutary  und  the  lakis  round 
lliLs  whole  Union,  it  would  l>e  found  that  the  w  hole 
of  the  apjiroprialions  iiiaile  for  all  ihe  liviis  and 
rniid  .,  and  all  ntlier  olijee.ls  of  iiiiprovenii  nl  in  the 
wliole  of  llic  interior  einhr  leed  in  llii.s  vast  Ihhui- 
dary  from  the  finindiition  of  Uiis  Cioveriiinenl  up 
to  llie  present  hour,  Woiiid  not  aniounl  to  as  minli 
as  had  been  expended  on  a  single  fori  or  break- 
water on  tlic  sealaiard — he  referred  In  llie  nel.v- 
ware  hreakwal'T  anil  ihe  '*  Kip  llaps."  Si-.iii-ely 
as  nm<-li  as  it  had  eo.sL  to  ereei  the  sjilenilii!  eilifti'-e 
in  which  we  are  now  dililiiiaiin;;.  And  yet  it  was 
(Miid  ihe  West  had  [roi  more  than  their  share,  and 
thai  iiothiin; ''oiild  mtisfy  llnir  ravenous  appi'liles. 
Last  session  the  rivt-r  and  liarl'or  hill,  wiiieli  for 
the  lirsi  time  ntado  some  liiti  nil  appropiiaiions  lo 
weslern  nbjei  is,  was  vetoed  by  the  acntUnlnl  Pres- 
ident, will)  never  received  a  single  vole  for  that 
oHiee — an  act  of  iisiirpalion  uhirli  would  hive  pro- 
duced a  universal  burst  of  indi^'natioll  bill  for  the 
insigiiificanie  of  llie  man. 

(i\lr.  Cobu  here  desired  to  ask  Mr.  Stf.ivart 
wlitiher  lie  liud  nut  voted  for  that  niuii  as  Presi- 
dent.- 

Mr.  yTKtVAiiT  replied,  never — lor  I'resiili  ,'1,  ne- 
ver, sir;  but  lie  would  not  stop  to  li.unly  uiads 
idmul  Tyler,  the  subject  was  too  low  and  di.^yu.il- 
ins. — A  !.iu;;li.) 

Thou-h  the  iieople  of  llie  West  had  eonliiliiileil 
mdliuiiM  Ull  niillions  tu  tiie  lieusiiry,  what  had  tliey 


evrr  received  .'  ('ompiiraluely  nothing.  Her  iiin- 
iiey,  like  her  ijreat  rivers,  had  llowed  in  perpetual 
sireaniM  In  ihe  Allaiilie,  never,  never  lo  return. 
Where  were  her  apprnprialioiiH  for  biiov«,  li(!ht- 
lionseN,  beaenlis,  forts,  breakwaters,  and  all  lliu 
Ihonsanil  oIi|ic1h  vvhicii  carried  llie  eonlenis  of  (lie 
treasury  lo  iln  Kasi  >  The  inlerior  and  llie  West 
hail  none  of  lliese  objecis:  and  if  approprialiona 
for  works  of  inlernal  iinprovenieiit  innsl  be  denied, 
what  was  she  i  ver  lo  receive?  The  iliiclrino  of 
these  ultra  constrnciionisis  wonhl  lake  from  ihr 
(-lovernmenl  all  power  lo  appropriate  a  dollar  lo 
llie  West.  Where  was  our  army.'  On  Ihe  sea- 
lioard. Diir  navy?  (hi  the  seaboard,  (^iir  ship 
yards?  On  the  ii  .iboaril.  Oiir  foris?  i^i)  Ihe  sea- 
lioaiit.  Our  buoys  and  beacons  ?  On  ihe  scib.tard. 
Our  piers,  harbors,  breakw. iters,  and  olher  de- 
fences? On  Ihe  seaboard.  Take  iiwiiy  from  us 
our  inlernal  iniproveinenls,  and  what  havewelefl? 
Nothint;,  sir,  alisolnlely  noiliimr.  What  wesierii 
man  could  vole  for  siiMi  ilocirines'  Il  would  be 
treason  lo  his  connlry  aial  lo  his  consiiiiienls  In  do 
so.  lint  he  w.HiliI  inrii  the  alleiilion  of  eenlleinen  ' 
lo  one  f.icl  Ihal  seemed  to  be  I'ori'oilen  in  some 
i|iiarlers.  In  linns  past,  ihe  WesI  was  as  nolliin^' 
in  the  estimnlion  of  cerlain  lranscendeiil.il  cnnnlriic- 
lionisls,  while  the  Atlantic  Slates  were  Ihe  whole 
I'nioii.  Tn  the  backwoodsinen,  liny  ijave  out  of 
mereconilescensioii',  bill  Willi  ii  spariii;^'  hand.  The 
SI  aboard  took  out  of  lli"  land  of  llie  heap,  while 
the  West  ^'oi  ihe  svveepiims  of  llie  liriiin  (lonr. 
The  prime  dishes  on  the  Ciovernmeiil  table  were 
for  the  princes  of  the  coasl,  while  the  Wi  si  mnsl 
be  I'onlent  vvilli  the  ennnlis.  lint  a  nerioil  was 
fiisl  approachiia:  w  hen  the  WesI  vvonlil  no  lomrer 
be  found  biiiL.'iiin  for  erninbs,  and  liiuini;  even  Ihe 
crninbM  refn.siil,  or  uiveii  with  n  iiiu'u'arilly  hand. 
No,  sir!  If  the  people  of  ihe  Wisl  were  at  this 
niomeiil  fully  rcjaesenled,  acccu'din:,'  In  their  pres- 
iiil  population.  111  thai  Hall,  they  would  ruiiimanil 
what  they  now  had  lo  ask  ill  vain.  If  they 
had  their  riu'hls  on  this  lloor  lo-iliiij,  Ihey  would 
eonlrol  llic  li  ui.slalion  of  this  coniilry.  Hnl  n  few 
years  would  m  1  this  mailer  riiilit.  Four  or  live 
years  would  brin^'  llie  next  census,  and  then  the 
people  on  llie  wisl  of  the  Alli  ^Inniies  would  de- 
mand with  a  voice  Ihal  would  not  be  ilisre^jarded 
— it  would  then  be  ilii  ir  iiirii  lu  grire  anil  liike;  and  i 
let  irenllemen  bewaie  in  lime, 

Genllemcn  said  the  Slates  oii','lit  lo  make  lliese  iin- 
provenienls.  I'lit  what  was  the  eharacler  of  these 
works  I  Were  they  not  nalional  in  every  respect  ? 
The  u'reni  rivers  of  ihe  West  beloie^eil  lo  no  Stale 
or  Stales — ihey  were  the  properly  of  llic  whole 
eoiiniry.  They  eonslilnled  ihe  Stales'  bonndaries, 
as  did  ihe  .All.iniic — ihey  were  as  n.ilional  as  the 
ocean.  Thesi'  rivers  were  inniniL'  the  inlernal  eoii- 
eerns  of  no  Si'ile.  Whal  riu'hl  had  any  Stalfi  In 
carry  on  improvenienis  in  rivers  \s  hich  were  not 
ihens?  The  i;eiillenian  from  Virsjiiiia  said  ihal 
the  Stales  had  ruined  theinselves  by  their  internal 
iniproveinenls.  Thai  iiniile  aLjainst  his  ar'_'unicnl. 
Tlu'V  liad  ruined  theinselves  in  doling,  oiil  of  their 
own'Si.ue  I'linil:',  what  oni.dil  to  have  been  done 
nut  of  ihi;  NaliMiial  Treasury.  The  execiilion  of 
works  siriclly  nalional,  had  been  improperly  east 
upon  the  Slates;  ami  if  tin  y  were  ri.ineil,  !:  was 
because  the  (iencral  (iovernmenl  had  rei-'se'^  lo 
exiici.se  ilsowii  lej;iliniate|ioHers,  and  pei:on.i  its 
Icniiimale  duties.  A  sen.se  of  com  aoii  itiHlice 
Would  lead  Compress  lo  appropriate  something  to 
enable  the  Wesi  to  clear  out  In  r  rivers,  i.d  build 

'  her  road::,  and   develop  her   b. lb -^s  rc-oiirei  s. 

The  iinprovenieiits  proviilvi!  for  in  this  bill,  nii:,'hl 
.save,  aiiniially,  liundreils  of  lives  .mil  millions  of 
properly.    Winn  ijenilenien  formerly  talked  about 
the  eominerce  of  iheUniied  Slates,  nobiiily  Ihouirhl 
of  anytliin^'  but  I'oreiL'u  eominene.     That  was  (At 
roinnierce  of  the  eoiinlry.     Internal  commerce  was 
nolliiiit; — it  was  foru'otlen  and  overlooked.    Kvery- 
,  lliiii;;  must  be  done  foroiir/'ciiifa  comiiii  roe;  iioili- 
iii'_' for  ia/iT)ia/ commerce,  ihouL'h  it  now  anionni- 
1  ed  lo  more  ihaii  twenty  linns  a.t  much  as  llie  whole 
of  our  boasted  foreiijn  commerce.     '\'et  ^eni^'iiieii 
I  still  i;o  for  forei:;n  commerce;  nothing  but  foreiijn 
,  eonimeiee  w:\s  conslilution;il.    l'"orei^n  labor — for- 
eitjn  nooils — forei;;n  everythiiiL;.     All  was  fiirei;;n, 
,  forei)4n,  forei^'ii.     All  w.is  Ihilisli — nolliini;  Aiiier- 
:  ican.     Mr.  S.  had  no  idea  ihal   this  Goveriinient 
hail   no  duly,  no  olili^-ation,  to  anybody  but  for- 
eii,'ners.     He  lliou;,'lil  our  lir.'l   duly  wa.s  lo  our- 
selves, our  own  counlry,  ami  onrown  people. 


(or  the  beiielil  or  Ion  ii^neiH.  Woiihl  our 
aL'rieiiltiire  be  beneliliil  b)(  n  process  hke 
Nnlliin:;  eniihl  more  ell'eeliially  diverl  llie  I 


TUB  TARIFP  AND  rAR.MKIls. 
I  liiiil  noi  inlended,  said  Mr.  S.,  lo  say  one  word 
uhont  Ihv  larilV;  lull  I  am  slroni^ly  lemplen  lo  slain 
II  (ael  or  two  in  nply  lo  llie  Keiille fi Vir- 
ginia. That  (;entleiiiaii  dwell  eniirely  on  the  bene- 
fits nf  foreign  Iriide.  He  went  nlioiiither  ill  favor 
of  imporliiii;  forei:{n  i;onds,  iiuij  erialini;  it  market 
for  the   beiielil   of  fori  ii^ners.      Would    our  own 

Ihis? 
_,  benelit 

fnaii  our  own  people  and  pour  il  in  u  consUiil 
Hireiini  upon  f,)iTi;;ii  labor.  No  Aineriean  interest 
was  so  mill  II  beiieliieil  by  a  pnile,  live  nysiein  hn 
ihal  of  iii,'ririi((nrr.  The  forei'.iii  market  was  iioili- 
iiif;,  the  liomii  inarkel  was  evei  vihiin.-,  lo  ihem;  it 
was  as  one  hundred  lo  niie.  The  liirilf  <^avii  llfl 
the  irreat  home  iniirkrl,  while  the  ijenlleman'M 
sidienie  was  to  secure  us,  at  bi  ..^l,  but  llie  cliancn 
of  a  niarkel  alaoiid,  while  it  ellecliMlly  ibslroveil 
our  seeiire  iiiiil  invaluable  inarkel  nl  home.  The 
t;entlemaii  says  he  is  very  anxious  lo  eompete  Willi 
the  pauper  labor  of  Kumpe.  1  will  lell  him  mm 
fad  :  Willi  all  the  pniledioii  we  now  iiijoy,  I  Inal 
Ih'ili'in  semis  into  this  eoimlrv  eitrht  dollars'  worth 
of  her  au'riciilliiriil  prodnc.ilons  lo  one  dojlar'n 
worth  of  all  our  ai;riciiliiirnl  pniiliiciiniiH  (.sjivi: 
enllon  and  lobacco)  lliat  she  lakes  fioiii  us. 
Mr.  Ilvvi.v.  Does  till!  ireiitleimin  assert  thai' 
Mr.  Stkw.vut.  I  do— and  will  pmve  il. 
Mr.  Ilvri.v.  Then  you  will  prove  the  n'lnrim 
falsi'  which  are  made  by  our  own  (Jovernineni. 

Mr.  STKiVAiir.  No,  sir;  I  will  prove  it  by  the 
returns  furnished  by  Nil'.  Walker  liiinsi  If  in  sup- 
port of  the  bill  wliiili  he  has  laid  before  the  (_!om- 
mitlceofWays  and  Means.  Now,  I  asserl,  and 
can  prove,  thai  more  than  half  the  value  of  all  llie^ 
llrilisliL'ooils  imporled  into  this  counlry  consist  of 
a^ricnltnnil  prodncis,  elian;;ed  in  ./ciai,  eonverled 
and  mamit'aciured  iiilo  !.'oiiils.  .\iiil  I  invite  ii 
thoniunh  analysis  of  the  fads.  I  challeni;e  llie 
^;l'llllenlan  to  the  scrutiny.  Take  down  all  ihe 
articles  in  n  store,  one  after  nnoilier — i  sliinale  the 
value  of  the  raw  malerial,  llie  bn'ad  and  meal,  and 
olher  a:;riciilliiral  prodncis  which  have  eiili  red  inlii 
llieir  fabric:i:ion.  iiinl  it  will  lie  found  that  one-half 
and  more  of  ilnir  value  consists  of  the  prodiiclioiis 
of  the  auil— ii^ricultnral  produce  in  its  strictest 
I  Be»m. 

Now,  liy  referenei;  to  Mr.  Walker's  reporl,  il 
will  lie  seen  that,  for  twelve  years  back,  we  have 
iniporled  fnun  (iniit  llrilain  and  her  ih  penilcin  ies 
amiimlly  lifiv  two  ami  a  half  inilhons  of  doll.irs 
worth  lif  s;ooiN,  but  call  it  fifty  millions;  while  slio 
look  of  all  oiir  aj,'rien!liinil  prodncis,  save  coiion 
and  tobacco,  less  ilniii  two  and  a  half  millions  of 
dollars  worth.  Thus,  llien,  assuming'  one-half  the 
value  of  her  L'oods  lo  be  imricullural,  il  j;ives  uh 
Iwenly-five  millions  of  her  a:,'riciilliinil  nnulucc  lo 
two  ami  ahalf  millions  of  ours  taken  by  iier,  wliicli 
is  inst  ten  lo  one;  to  avoid  cavil,  I  put  il  al  ei;,'lit 
lo'one.  To  test  Ihe  truth  of  his  position,  he  was 
pn'pareil,  if  lime  pennilleil,  io  refer  lo  iiiimemu.s 
facts,  r.ut  for  the  information  of  llie  '^cnlleman 
fnnn  Viru'inia,  who  is  soirreat  a  friend  to  the  poor 
and  oppn'ssed  fariner:<,  I  will  lell  liiiii  llcil  v.  c  h;ivo 
imported  yearly,  for  Iweiily-six    years,  (so  say.'i 

Mr.   Walker's    nporl,)    e    llian    ten  millions 

of  dollars  worlli  of  icoodni  ifimi/.i.  I.a.st  ye:ir  we 
iniporlid  j;lO,(illi;,nii  worth.  Now,  one-hidf  and 
more  of  the  value  of  this  clolli  was  made  uji  of 
wool,  the  snlisislence  of  labor  and  other  a;;ricul- 
liiral  pnalnciions.  The  f;ener,d  eslimnte  is,  that 
Ihe  wool  alone  is  half.  The  universal  cu.stoni 
anions  fanners,  when  they  had  their  wool  ni:inn- 
facliired  nii  the  shares,  was  to  f,'ive  the  inanufae- 
liuir  half  Ihe  elolli.  Tims  we  iniporl,  and  our 
fanners  have  In  pay,  for  fin  millions  of  dollars 
worth  of  I'oreiL,'!!  wool  every  year  in  the  form  of 
cloth,  niosily  the  pnidndion  of  sheep  fecdiiiL,'  on 
ihe  irnissanil  icniin  of  Gn':il  llrilain,  while  onrown 
wool"  is  worlhlcss,  for  want  of  a  inarkel;  and  this 
is  ihe  pidiey  the  geiilleiinin  ncomniends  to  Ameri- 
can fanners.  Yea,  sir;  and  the  i;eiitleiiian  is  not 
salisiicd  with  five  millions,  bill  wishes  lo  incnasn 
It  lo  (f  II  millions  a  year  for  forei'^n  wool.  Will  the 
Keiiileman  deny  this?  He  dare  not.  He  has  de- 
clared for  Mr.  Walker's  iiill,  re'lncin?  the  dnlieii 
on  woollens  nearly  one-half,  willi  a  view  lo  iii- 
fi-f«-w  the  revenue;  of  course,  the  iniporls  must  be 
doubled,  makin;;  llio  import  of  cloth  twenty  mil- 
lions inslcail  often,  and  of  wool  ten  instead  uffive 
millioim  of  dollars  per  annum. 


30x11  CoNo. ... 


This  was  the  ijeiilli 
rm,  Hrilinh  fiiriners, 
inarkel.  His  plan 
nolhiin',  mill  t-et  rich. 
as  lo  elolh  was  eipml 
Take  a  hat,  a  pair  of 
iinaly/e  it,  nsolvr  il  i 
and  yon  will  find  llu 
I'libstance  of  t  ibor,  an 
I'liiislUiiled  inme  tlni 
The  pauper  lalior  of 
faciiirini!;  silk  and  la 
and  this  is  whal  yon 
their  tooil".  Ilniik 
and  lioiiie  iniukels 
drink  and  wear,  for  ll 
winil  friends  these  tr 
and  mechanics,  and  1: 
Hir.  I  am  wnniu',  of  '■' 

Now,  I  ask  wlielhe 
nenHc,  an  niiricnliund 
pori  len  niilhons  in 
that  Slim  pNid  for  ll 
llrilish  fanners?  As 
Ins  ar;;iimeiil,  .\lr.  S. 

Last  year,  a riliii'; 

Imported  yi.tl  l.'l,.'l'.lli  v 
iininiifacinres,  ninslly 
lll\hs  of  ihe  value  of  w 
knew,  coiisistiil  of  at 
I'Ise.  Iron  is  made  of 
ore  and  coal  buried 
Noiliiii',' — iniiliini;  at 
value?  The  labor  of  h 
And  W'lial  snstaiind  I 
hay  and  straw  for  the 
vesjelablcs  of  every  ki 
ricnlliinil  pnulm  1b  we 
and  this  made  up  near 
which  the  inamifacliir 
the  farmers  a!;.iin  and 
was  repealed.  Well, 
iif  Ihe  same  malerials 
taiiilv;  linn  is  iiol  I'oii 
iron  made  up  of  Kritis 
if  we  purchase  nine  i 
llrilish  iron  a  year,  d 
nultioiis  of  iliis  sunt 
farmers — Jfrain,  hay,  « 
provisions  for  man  uni 
the  form  of  iron  ?  He. 
Viruinia  |.\Ir.  IIavlv] 
to  the  leller.  He  elial 
pnive  il  if  he  could  ' 
break  down  ihese  gref 
our  own  farmers,  and 
mIi;  and  yet  he  fifnfrs 
eiin  farmers!  I  "  l-'roii 
liver  llinn  .'"  One  n 
Seen'tary  Walker  info 
on  iron  is  75  per  cent 
diice  lo  .'ll)  per  cent.,  ( 
this,  must  he  not  then 
('le:irly  he  iniisl.  Tin 
millions  per  year  lo  oi 
.'ind  of  course  dcslroy 
supply  to  make  room 
Ihe  siiiule  arlicle  of  in 
siroy  llie  American  n 
lions  of  dollars  worlh 
llnce  to  be  slipplieil  fr 
Aiin'ric;in — no!  the 
which  is  now  allempti 
eounlry  by  this  lirll'tHt 
them  do  it,  and  in  Ic! 
not  be  a  siiecie-payini 
jieojile  and  the  Ireasnr; 
tin'  scenes  and  siill'erii 
with  it,  as  a  nceessar 
revohilions  of  that  pel 

The  home  market,  ] 
thin;;  to  Ihe  l':ii'iner,  ai 
p;iralively  notllimr.  iVI 
;nid  consnined  fourlee 
flour,  and  me:il  of  tin 
Kin^'dom  of  (ireal  llr 
vie  took  fifty  millions 
lures  yearly.  Massa 
lions  worth,  (cxclns 
while  (ireal  llrilain  li 
aecordinii;  lo  the  ijentl 
I'ign  market  was  vtvsti 


1R40.1 


30tii  Cono.  ...Iht  Smi. 


APPENDIX  TO  TIIF,  rONfiRESSIOXAI,  OT.onr,. 

htirnnl  Imiiroveimntu — Mr,  Sttirnrt. 


409 


III),  ov  lir.rt. 


'I'liiM  wnn  till'  i;i<iilliMniiri'H  |iliiii  tii  f.iinr  ilii'  (Iniii- 
rr»,  llnlith  riiniirrH,  liyr  i,'i\  iiix  llicni  (hi'  .Imirifiin 
iiiiirki'i.  I|i«  |>liin  wiin  li>  liny  I'vi'ryilijnir,  inll 
ndiliiMt',  mill  u'l'l  rii'li.  |A  liiiii;li.|  Wliiil  w»«  triii' 
n"  III  i'IdiIi  wii«  >'i|nnlly  Iriii'  an  In  in  rviliiiiu;  ••Inc. 
Tiikp  II  Iml,  H  imir  nf  ulinrn,  ii  yiiril  nlMiik  iir  Imi', 
niinlv'i'  II.  rinnlvn  il  iiuii  iih  rmiNiiliii'iil  rli  iiiriiH, 
mill  yiiii  will  liiiil  thni  ilir  riiw  nmirmil,  nnd  iIh' 
rMilmliinrr  iil'  I  ilinr,  iinil  nthrr  M'TirnllMnil  f  inxlili'lH, 
I'liiiHIiliili'il  iiinrr  ihiiii  mil'  Imir  111  riiliri'  valiii'. 
Till'  |Min|icr  Inliiir  iil'  l''.uiii|ii'  t'iii|>lnyi'il  in  niniiii- 
rai'liiriti!!;  Nilk  iinil  liirr  iint  wliat  it  atr,  nii  iimi'i'; 
iiihI  tliiH  itt  wlial  yitti  pay  liir  wlii'ii  ynu  imiitIuini' 
tht'ir  uihhIk.  Itrrak  up  ymir  liiTiur  niaiinrarliirrM 
mill  liiihii'  niarlii'iH,  im|iiiri  ivrryiliinir  ymi  nil  ami 
drink  anil  wrar,  I'lir  llie  hrnrjil  iifiht  fnrmrri,  dli, 
wliai  rni'iiilN  ilifNi'  fi'iiitrinrn  nro  to  (lir  riirniPrH, 
mill  inii'lianirH,  anil  lalmii'iH  nf  ilim  ninintry — nn, 
air,  I  am  wnnii;,  of  (I'pfii*  lirilnin. 

Now,  I  nnk  wlirtliiT  wiml  in  mil,  in  tin-  nlrii'lcHl 
nriiHi',  an  ni!ri<'nllnral  prnilni'tion  .^  Anil  if  wp  iin- 
purl  ii'ii  inilliiiiiN  ill  I'lolli,  in  not,  llvit  nnllionN  of 
thai  Ninn  pniil  for  thii  wool  alone — ii  proilnrt  of 
Ilrili.ili  farini'iH?  Ann  nIiII  »lron?i'r  illiiHiralion  of 
Ilia  ar^'iimciit,  Mr.  !S.  rofi  rml  In  lliparticli'of  iron. 
Liml  yt'iir,  a.'i'onlin'^'  In  Air.  Waiki'r'H  ri'pnri,  wn 
iin|iiirlc'il  {{l!l,ll|:i,:i<.Mi  worlh  of  fnri'iu'n  iioii,  anil  ils 
inannfai'lnrrH,  inoHlly  friini  Gri'til  Hritain,  fnnr- 
lirthn  of  ilip  vnhia  of  wliuh,  im  every  prai'lii'al  man 

know ii«i.siril  of  ic'rii'ulinnil  proilm'i' — nntliiiii; 

nine.  Iron  ih  maile  nf  ore  anil  eoah  nnil  winil  i.Hlhi' 
ore  anil  eonl  hnried  in  vour  inountaiiiH  worth  ^ 
Nnihiif; — iiniliin!;at  all,  imiiHeil.  What  nives  it 
value  ?  The  lalmr  of  liorMi'S,  oxen,  nnili'H,  anil  initi. 
Anil  what  HiiNiaineil  thin  lalinr  lint  nirii  and  nat.s, 
Imy  and  hIiiiw  fur  the  one,  and  liread  and  meat  and 
vri^etatiii'M  ol'every  kind  for  tlio  nther?  Theseai;- 
rienllnriil  prodm  in  wiTeparehaaed  and  ronNiimed, 
mill  III  in  iiinde  np  nearly  the  whole  priee  nf  tin'  iron 
wliieli  tlie  inaniifae.tnrer  ri  reived  and  paid  over  to 
itie  farinern  a'.^ain  and  a>;nin,  iih  often  iih  the  prore.ii 
WIIH  repeated.  Well,  Ih  not  iron  made  in  Knu'laiid 
of  the  Name  materialH  lliai  it  i.'<  made  of  liere?  Cer- 
lainlv;  then  M  not  fniir-lil'lliH  nf  the  value  nf  lirilisji 
iron  made  up  of  HritiHli  a'^rienlliiral  prniliu'c.'  And 
if  we  iinreha.ie  nine  inillmnri  of  dnllai'H  worth  of 
llritidii  iron  a  year,  do  we  not  payHix  nr  Beven 
inillioiiN  of  tliiM  Slim  for  the  prodiiee  nf  llritish 
farmers — ]i,'rain,  hay,  giiiHa,  liread,  meal,  and  other 
provisions  for  man  and  lieast — sent  here  fnr  sale  in 
the  I'nnn  of  irnn  ?  He,  put  it  to  the  ><;enlleinan  from 
Virginia  |Mr.  IIavlv]  to  say  if  this  was  nnt  Inie 
to  the  letter.  He  eliallensed  liiin  I'l  deny  il,  ordis- 
jirnve  it  if  he  eonld.  The  ;reiitl<'maii*H  plan  was  to 
lirenk  down  tliesp  sreiit  and  crowin:;  markets  fur 
nnr  own  fanners,  nnd  ijive  our  markets  to  the  lirit- 
iah;  and  yet  he  (iiyi/tsiciJ  In  lip  a  friend  In  Ameri- 
can farmers!  !  "  l''rnni  sneh  friends  ^niid  Lnrd  de- 
liver llirin  I"  One  remark  more  on  thi.i  tnpie: 
Seeretarv  Walker  infni'uis  us  that  the  present  duty 
nn  iron  in  7;')  per  ecnt.,  wliieh  he  proposes  to  re- 
diiee  to  'U)  per  eent.,  lo  infrrme  thf  nmiue.  To  do 
this,  must  he  not  then  ilmdile  the  imports  nf  irnn.^ 
Clearly  lie  innst.  Then  we  must  add  ten  or  twelve 
millinns  prr  year  lo  nnr  present  iinporis  nf  iron, 
and  of  eourse  destroy  that  amount  nt' nnr  ilomestie 
Riipply  III  make  rnoni  fnr  it.  Thus  at  a  Idnw,  in 
the  Nini;le  artiele  of  iron,  this  hill  is  inleniled  to  di- 
siroy  llie  Ameriean  markets  for  at  least  ei^'ht  mil- 
lions of  dollars  worth  nf  dnrnestie  aiirienllnral  pro- 
diiee In  he  supplied  from  tilirniul;  and  this  is  the 
Ameriean — nn  !  the  Hiitisit — system  of  poliey 
wliieh  is  now  attempleil  to  he  iniposrd  upon  lliis 
eonntrv  liy  this  llrilisli-linliiig  ^Idminishiiliiin  '.  l.it 
them  do  it,  and  in  less  than  two  years  there  will 
not  he  a  siieeie-payiii:^  hank  in  the.  emiiitry.  The 
people  and  the  treasury  will  lie  nii:niii  liaiikriipt,  and 
the  seenes  and  snfl'eriiiKS  nf  1840  will  return;  and 
with  it,  as  a  neeessary  eonae<iuenco,  the  polilieul 
revolutions  of  that  period. 

The  home  market,  Mr.  S.  eonlended,  was  every- 
tliinir  lo  the  fiinier,  anil  the  foreiim  market  eom- 
jiara  lively  111  It  him;.  Massaehusetts  alone  pureliased 
nnd  eonsnmed  i'ourteen  timesas  mueh  of  the  i;rain, 
(liinr,  and  ine.il  of  the  oilier  Stales  as  the  United 
Kiii'.'dom  of  f.ireal  Uritaiii  and  Ireland,  iVnni  wlimn 
Me  took  fit'ly  millions  of  d.illarM  worth  nf  niamitae- 
liires  yearlv.  .Vlassaeliiisetis  tnnk  thirty-five  mil- 
linns wnrth,  (exelusive  of  cotton  and  tnhaeeo,) 
while  (Jreat  Uritain  took  liiil  twn  and  a  half!  Yet, 
aeeordin:;  In  the  !:eiitlem.ui  tVom  Viriiinia,  the  for- 
eign market  was  vastly  the  most  impertant! 


Mr.  l.KMir.  here  put  lliix  i|ueHlion  In  Mr.  N.; 
Whether  I'oltoii  and  liihiieeo  were  not  Hjjrieiiltiiral 
prodni'iH? 

Mr.  S.  Cprininlyi  Iml  ihoy  aro  not  our  only 
nifnenluiral  prndiiels.  There  weip  nllipr  inteipum 
III  this  eoiinlry  worlh  loiikni','  after  and  iireNervini; 
lirNiiles  I'niion  and  lohaeeo.  Ilnl  no  ilenhl  ilie  i^en- 
tlemiin  eoniiUM  with  Mr.  .Sei  relarv  Walker,  who 
lells  im,  in  his  flee  Irnde  repnri,  wlm  h  has  sn  ile- 
lii(lited  KiiKland,anil  no  wonder  it  has,  for  lie  there 
snyH  we  immt  lake  more  llriliHli  tfooilsi  heeaiise,  if 
we  do  not,  "  l''.iii,'land  iniiNt  pay  fnr  our  '  linuil- 
ilulh'"m  iiKflr,  and  "  ii.il  hiieinif  it  l,i  i(iiirp,  nIii 
will  lirinifilown  In  iiven  a  itreaii  r  extent  ihe  ;ii  in 
iif  »ur  m(/iiii  "  V'es,  "  Mil' eiiiion" — there  is  the 
mil.  'I'lie  Niirlli  and  Went  innsi  ijiiit  work,  sell 
iiothiiik!,  nnd  liriiii;  cverylhini;  from  Knitland,  and 
HBml  them  our  «;ireie  n*  loin;  an  il  lasts,  so  thai  Hie.,'- 
land  may  have  "speeie  (ii  i/jurr"  for  siinthern  em- 
Ion— that 'm  llip  plan  lliiis  openly  and  linlilly  prn- 
elniined  hy  Ihe  Seerelnry  and  his  fnllnwers.  We 
nf  the  North  and  West  niUHi  m'lid  our  hiHt  dollar 
til  Kn|;lanil  to  liny  liread  and  meal,  and  i;rass  and 
l^raiii,  in  the  fnriii  of  irnn  and  einlh,  to  miTeiise  the 
prien  nf  "  oiii'  ciiltan."  We  must  W  "  hewers  nf 
wood  and  drawers  of  water"  for  (ireat  Uritain — 
|)HU)M'rs,  «laves,  and  hpiriiars — that  l''nj;lanil  may 
have  "  speeie  lo  spare"  for  soulliern  enttnn.  This 
is  the  nnilis;;uised  iiolieyand  iinrpose  of  the  Treas- 
ury Heport.  lint  Mr.  S.  would  miy  In  these  snnth- 
ern  ^enlleinen,  Dnii't  lie  alVaiil.  \'nii  will  have 
yiinr  eollon  mat  kit  still.  Knu'limd  niiiNt  have  your 
eotliin — she  eaii't  do  williout  il  at  preHPnt.  Dul 
lu'wari",  the  liiiH'  may  eonie  when  Knt,'land  wonlil 
nnt  want  "mo  eiillan,"  and  the  .Sniitli,  in  turn, 
wiinlil  ery  nnt  fnr  prnteetinn.  Hut  the  i;eiitleinan 
e.ontralnlates  the  We.st  with  the  prnsnei't  of  nn 
early  repenl  of  the  eorn  laws,  tint,  in  Ins  opinion, 
iflheenrn  laws  were  repealed,  the  iieoplo  of  the 
West  eould  srareely  ijei  u  Inisliel  of  their  grain  into  . 
Kni^land  on  any  terms, 

[Mr.  B.tvi.v.  Do  yon  mean  what  ynu  say,  thnl 
not  one  bushel  will  sjo  there.'] 

Mr.  Stcivaiit.  I  will  answer  llip  gentleman, 
liy  ^ivini;  him  Lord  Aslihiirton's  sneeeh  in  the 
Hiiilse  of  Lords  a  few  day«  iifjo.  He  slates  that 
nine-tenths  nf  the  ^fain  now  iniporlpil  into  C-ireat 
lirilain  is  supplied  from  the  iinrlli  of  F.nrope,  nl- 
tlionsfh  they  pay  a  lax  of  fifteen  sliillinns  the  rpiar- 
ter;  while  lliat  hum  Canada  nnd  the  (Jiiited  Suites, 

Iiassiiii;  tlirnu'.^li  ('aiiaila,  pays  lint  four  sliillin'.;s, 
lepeal  the  duly  nf  fifteen  sliilliii:;s,  nnd  will  they 
not  supply  the  whole.'  Most  elearly  they  will. 
The  fact  is  n  lorious,  that  most  of  our  yrmn  and 
flour  no  V  :•!'  >  to  Kn^hind  Ihrnuiih  her  eoloniiil 
porta,  and  at  "olnnial  dulie.s,  lliiis  evadini>;  the  oper-  . 
ation  of  the  eorn  hiws,  while  the  <;rain  and  diinr 
from  the  north  of  Europe  must  always  pay  the 
liiifliesi  duties  impo.sed  hy  the  corn  laws,  flenec  , 
Lord  Ashhurton  very  justly  argues,  that  we  must  | 
lip  ovprwlielmed  if  Ihe  corn  laws  are  repeali.'d;  and 
if  this  threat  nilvanta5:e,  now  enjoyed  hy  Ciuiuda 
and  the  United  Slates,  of  iinporiin;;  flour  nnd 
Uraiii  at  alinut  niic-fourih  of  the  duty  paid  liy  the 
impnrters  I'rnin  the  Hallie.  imd  the  Hlnek  sea,  is 
lost.  Repeal  the  eorn  laws — put  them  nii  an 
equal  footini;  willi  us,  and  is  not  the  i|iieslioii  set- 
tled, nnd  the  market  lost  In  our  ^;rain  ond  Hour 
ill  nil  time  to  eoine  .>  Notliin;;  can  ho  elcarer. 
And  yet  irenllemeu  exult  in  the  prnspeet  of  the 
repeal  of  the  corn  laws,  nnd  are  ready  In  .saeri- 
fiee  the  whole  of  our  iiianufaetures  and  Ii'»nie 
markets  to  hriiii;  it  nlioul.  Such  will  he  the  ope- 
ration of  the  repeal  of  the  eorn  laws  on  Ameri- 
can n^'riculture,  and  sneh  is  the  statement  of  Lord 
Ashhurton,  who  jierliajis  knows  as  much  iibont 
the  matter  as  even  the  learned  »;entleiiiaii  from  Vir- 
i;iiiin.  iint  this  is  not  all.  This  opinion  of  Lnrd 
Asliliurtoii  is  sustained  by  the  most  intelligent 
merehanls  in  (.jreat  liritain.  Such  is  llie  unifnrm 
tenor  of  the  testimony  recently  laken  before  a  .se- 
lect committei'  nf  the  House  of  Coimnons  on  this 
subject.  Ucnnj  Clemtr  Chupmnn,  one  of  the  wit- 
nesse.s,  and  one  of  the  most  inlelli>;eiit  men  in  the 
kiiifidom,  says:  "Repeal  the  eorn  laws,  and  the 
'  i^rowinir  trade  with  Canada  and  llie  Wfstem  SUitrs 
'  oJ\lmerir.a  will  be  crushed  by  the  cheaper  produc- 
'  tioiis  of  the  Baltic  nnd  the  Uliick  sea;  cnnsequent- 
'  ly,"  lie  adds,  "  .'/mcHca,  Caiiadu,  and  IJritisli 
'  shippins,  would  receive  «  severe  and  decisive 
'  blow"  by  the  repeal  of  the  corn  laws,  liiit  still 
the  i;entkman  from  Vir^'inia  exults  in  the  prospect  , 


of  ihn  repeal  of  the  riirn  lawn,  iillil  IioiinIn  of  ilia 
I  inarkel  it  will  open  to  nnr  we»lern  farmern,  ti) 
I  whom,  lioHPVer,  he  will  not  give  iine  dollar  for 
their  rivers  and  improveminlN — not  n  cent — but  i« 
niixioiis  lo  Nediii'p  ihi  111  into  this  llrilish  free-tiadn 
(ni/).-  lint  he  wmild  say  lot  lie  West," /imro  i/nmiiii;'' 
Iriisi  yniir  friends,  and  beware  nt'  yniir  eneinirfl. 
Look  at  till'  boastpd  fnri'iirn  mnrkct;  what  is  it  ? 
•  'otnparalivi  ly  noilini'.;.  Look  at  linm.  The  iiif- 
rii'idinral  prodiiciinns  of  the  United  >Staleii,  exelu- 
sive of  cut  ton  and  loliaci  o,  is  eslimaleil  at  one  thou- 
sand millions  per  year,  tinr  exports  in  all  tlia 
wnrld  amounted  lasi  year  In  Si  l,l!l>'>„'il''>.  Of  this, 
( ireat  llninin  lonK  abnni  iwii-aiida-half.  All  the 
rest  was  I'on.^iimrd  at  Immp,  So  the  foreit^n  mar- 
kets of  the  world  amounlid  In  eleven  millions, 
and  the  liiiine  niarkei  to  nine  hundred  and  einhly- 
ii'iie  millions.  Vei  the  i"  iiili  iiiiiii  hud  just  pro- 
iionnied  the  foreiu-n  miukeis  i  verylhini;  to  the 
I  farmers,  and  the  home  iiiarkets,  comparatively 
;  niithiii!,'.  lint  annther  fact,  Oiu  pxpnrls  nf  iiian- 
iifaetures  last  year,  inclndini;  those  of  wood, 
anmunled  In  'S(:),.|-»l,lti(;.  Assnmini.',  as  in  tha 
'  case  of  llriliNli  inanHl'iictiiri  s,  that  one-lialf  their 
'  value  is  made  up  of  Ainrrnan  iiiirii'iiltural  prii- 
I  diice.  then  We  export  nearly  nrvni  millions  of  dol- 
lars worth  of  lu'rii'iilliuhl  prndnce  in  tin-  form  of 
inannfii'lnri's,  which  does  not  ulut  or  iiiinre  llis 
foreiyn  markeis,  for  our  flour  and  i;rnin,  in  its  oii- 
j  sliiiiil  form.  To  use  a  familiar  illnslraiinn:  West- 
I  erii  farmers  send  their  corn,  hay,  and  oiiis,  Ihoi' 
j  sands  of  doll, irs  worth,  every  year  lo  the  Ka*- .  rn 
I  market,  not  in  ils  rude  and  ori;;inal  I'oni'  nut  in 
the  form  of  lio^'S  nnd  hor.M'.v.  lliey  nive  their  liay- 
i  siiiiks  life  and  le!;s,  nnd  make  ihein  Irnt  tn  market 
with  the  farmer  on  their  back.  |.\  laii'.'h.j  So  thu 
llritish  eonvirted  their  produce,  not  mm  liii!,'s  or 
hiirsps,  bill  inin  einili  nnd  irnn,  and  si  nil  it  here 
fnr  sale.  And,  view  iiur  the  snliject  in  this  li^'lil, 
hn  could  ileiiiniislralc  thai  ilnre  was  not  a  .Slate  in 
the  Union  that  did  not  now  consume  , /ire  ilollarH 
wiirlli  of  llritish  a^'riciiltiiral  prndiice  to  one  ilnl- 
lar'a  worlh  she  consimies  of  theirs.  Time  would 
not  permit  him  to  i;n  inln  delnils;  lint  he  would 
furnish  the  elements  from  which  any  line  eould 
make  the  calculatinii.  Assnmini;  that  cniivuiii/i/iiiii 
and  r.r/iiii'/idi»ii  are  in  proportion  to  pnpulntinn, 
then  we  import  filly  millions  nf  liritisli  t;'"ds,  anil 
twenty-flve  millions — one-half — isaifriciiiliiral  pro- 
diiee. We  export  to  En;;land  au'ricnituial  pro- 
duee  (exchidiiif;  cotton  and  tobncco)  two-and-a- 
half  millions.  Divide  these  sums,  twenty-five  and 
two  nnd  n  half  millions,  by  Ux!.'l,  the  number  of 
llepresenlalives,  and  it  !;ive8  ijH'J.IIW  as  the 
amoniil  of  liritisli  a:;ricnlliii'al  produce  consumeil 
ill  the  form  nf  jrnoils  in  each  Coiii;ressionnl  dis- 
trict; nnd  #1 1.'JIO  as  their  vxport  to  Cireat  Uritain 
of  agricultural  produce.  This  shcn  the  propor- 
tion of  ten  to  one.  Yet  £;*^iitlenien  are  nnt  satis- 
fied, nnd  wish  still  further  tn  increase  the  inipnrt 
of  Hritiuh  !;nnds,  and  ;<till  further  prostrate  and 
destrny  the  American  tlirmer  und  mechanic  and 
laborini;  man  to  favor  forciijners.  To  shew  the 
eflect  upon  currency,  as  well  ns  ^i^ricultm'e,  su))- 
pose  the  genlleiiuiii  from  Viririnia  f.Vlr.  Ha.lvI 
wants  a  new  coat;  he  goes  to  a  Hritish  importer  and 
pays  him  twenty  dollars,  hard  money,  and  hard  to 
get.  Knglanil  takes  none  of  your  rng  money.  [A 
laugh.]  Away  it  goes,  in  (piick  time.  We  sen 
no  more  of  it,' as  f.ir  as  eircuhilioii  is  concerned, 
the  gentleman  might  as  well  have  thrown  it  into 
the  lire.  1  want  n  coat.  I  go  lo  the  Aniericnn 
manufaclnrer  and  buy  S20  worth  of  American 
broadcloth.  (He  wears  no  other,  nnd  he  would 
com|iaie  coals  with  the  gentlcinan  on  the  spot.) 
[A  laugh.)  AVell,  the  inanufaclnrer,  the  next  day, 
gave  it  to  the  farmer  for  wool;  he  gave  it  to  the 
shoemaker,  the  hatter,  anil  blacksmith;  they  gave 
it  back  to  the  farmer  for  meat  anil  bread;  and  here 
it  went  from  one  lo  nnollier.  You  might  jierluipa 
see  his  busy  and  bustling  y'O  note,  five  or  six  times 
in  the  course  of  a  d.iy.  This  made  money  plenty. 
Hut  where  was  the  gcntlenian's  hard  money.'  Van- 
ished; gone  to  reward  and  enrich  the  wool-growera 
and  farmers,  shoemakers,  hatters,  and  blacksmitlia 
of  England.  Now,  I  go  tor  siipporling  the  Ameri- 
can farmers  ami  neclinnics,  and  the  gentleman 
goes  I'or  the  l!r.;ish — that's  the  difl'erence.  Can 
the  gcnllenian  deny  it  •  There  are  but  two  sides  in 
this  matter,  the  liritisli  and  thc'/iiicricim  "  de;  and 
the  simple  i|nestiiin  is,  which  sijj  "'■  .  we  take  ? 
The  great  struggle  is  between  the      ..is/t  and  Jlmtri- 


•1 


•I"  ■.. 


',  'f.  iH 


500 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 
Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  E,  H.  Ewing. 


[Marcli  U3, 


Ho.  ov  Reps. 


cull  farmers  nml  mcrhnnicsforthe  American  mnrket, 
mill  wc  must  decide  which  shiill  hnve  it.  i 

Mr.  S.  would  liere  Inke  oci-asioii  to  stnte  n  fticl  1 
Ihiit  would  Btnrllc  the  Americnii  peopli'.  ! 

Itiilish  mamij'achirrn  have,  nt  lhi»  moment,  pos- 
Kfssidii  of  this  Cn^iitol.  Yes,  sir,  I  tell  you  mid  ! 
the  rountry,onc  ol  the  prinrinnl  committee  moms  | 
in  this  house  is  now,  and  has  lieen  lor  weeks  past,  , 
occupied  by  n  frentleman  formerly  residing  in 
Mnnclieslcr,  Kns^land,  who  has  a  vast  nuuilicr,  ! 
nerhiips  hundreds,  of  specimens  of  i^ockIh  sent  iVoin  ( 
MiMi'lnster  (priced  to  suit  (lie  o-casion)  to  lie  cx- 
hihited  In  memliers  of  Coni;resa  to  enlis  'en  Iheir 
jiidsmeiils,  and,  in  llio  lan!;ua!;c  of  his  leller  of  in-  j 
siniciion  fiiini  Mnnchesler  of  ilie  lid  JanuMvy,  'IG,  • 
nccompanyiiip;  these  specimens,  to  eiinlili^  them  i 
"  to  arrive  at  just  conchisions  in  reixard  to  (he  pro- 
|.,  sed  allemtions  in  the  picicnt  larili'."  Yes,  sir;  ; 
n'^cnls,  specimens,  and  lellers,  from  Oi-cal  Urilain,  : 
inslnietin:'  us  how  lo  make,  a  larilf  to  suit  the  | 
rrilish.  Mr.  S.  here  cxpi-esscd  the  hope  that  the  1 
copio  of  the  North  would  send  on  specimena  of 
American  manufactures  to  he  also  exiiiliilcd  in  the 
Capitnl,  not  only  to  show  their  perfection  and  ex- 
lent,  liul  to  correct  on  the  spot  the  fal.se  reprcsenl- 
ation.s  made  liy  these  Manchester  nam  and  their 
nTcnts,  in  rcixard  lo  the  chdraclcr  am,  /iriccsof  P»rit- 
ish  and  American  cooils.  Hpenkin:;  uf  the  Presi- 
dent's Mcs.saijc,  this  Manchester  leller  vriler  ex- 
claims, "a  seccnid  Daniel  coinc  to  jinl;;ment,  a 
'  sicinid  Richard  Colidun;"  an''  s.i  deli;;hlcd  were 
lliey  in  England  wi;h  Mr.  Walker's  cclchratcd 
free  tindc  report  that  it  was  ordered  lo  lie  printed 
liy  the  House  of  Lords.  After  all  this,  havin;  onr 
President  and  Secretary  qn  their  side,  they  on:,ht 
to  have  been  content,  without  sendiiii;  their  letters 
of  iiLsiruclions  here  to  direct  us  what  kind  of  a 
tarilVlliey  wi.sli  us  to  pass.  '!nl  if  their  cliaiicellor 
had  sent  us  a  revenue  bill,  he  could  not  have  fur- 
nished one  to  suit  Great  Ihiiain  better  than  the 
o  le  furnisi.ed  by  the  Seen  lary  of  the  Treasury. 
P.arliaiiient  would  (lass  it  by  acclamation.  Sir 
Uoberl  l*eel  underslmids  his  bnsiiifss;  he  proposes 
to  lake  the  dntie:^  olV  brcadslulls  and  raw  ;nalerials 
iif  all  kinds  used  by  their  manul'iiinrers,  and  le- 
niove  every  burden,  so  as  to  enable  llietn  lo  meet 
ns  and  beat  us  in  our  own  market,-*  and  in  the  mar- 
kets of  the  worlil,  where  Yankee  conipetilinn  is 
lieuinninc;  to  £;i\e  them  '.rreal  nneasiness.  f^asl 
year  wc  exported  hundreds  ol"  thousands  of  dollars 
worlh  of  cotton  (roods  into  the  Ibili.sh  East  Indies, 
and  beat  the  ib-ilish  in  their  own  markets,  after 
paying  discriniinalinc;  duties,  imposed  lo  keep  us 
out — first  8,  then  111,  finally  l.*)  percent.  In  this 
preat  struf'^de.  Sir  Iloberl  Peel  comes  to  the  ri  scne: 
lie  repeals  the  duly  on  colli m  and  wn.d  and  brc  ad 
and  meal,  and  cverylhin!;  used  by  Iliiiish  manu- 
facturers, to  enable  llirm  to  (jo  ahearl  in  this  slriiir- 
!,'b'  with  the  American.'-,  and  wh^  i  does  Mr. 
Walker  do?  Just  the  reverse.  IIi  ]>rojioKes  lo 
lake  olV  all  nrolirlive  duties,  and  iapiiMS  heavy 
biinlens  on  llie  in w  materials,  dy<  si  id's,  Ac.,  used 
by  our  niaiiufac'urers,  so  iuselVectuc.dy  lo  i>rosirale 
and  \iriA<  ''.iiii  down.  Sir  Itoberl  Peel  takes 
burdens  oii  his  steed,  while  Sir  Itobert  W.ilker 
piles  bass  of  sand  on  his — then  crack  their  \vhi|  -i 
-—clear  ihe  road — a  fair  racr  I  \\  lan!;li.|  JSuch 
IS  Ihc  diircrenre  between  Ih'itish  and  American 
P'llicy.  Sir  Kola  rt  Peel's  present  system  fnr- 
nislics  powerful  ar:.'iii.ieiits  for  ailhenn^  lo  our 
proteclivc  system — his  object  i:)  not  to  favor,  but 
lo  beat  us;  and  our  course  is  not  to  defiat,  bu:  to 
f  Ivor  his  purpose.  This  will  not  only  be  Ihe  eirect 
of  the  tariff  proposed  by  our  .Secretary,  but  it  is  its 
open  anil  avowed  iuir|>ose  and  desie;n;  is  ii  not  the 
proclaimed  j'v.ipose  of  the  Messaire  and  report  to 
increa.-ie  ,ne  iinportati  ai  of  ilritish  •romls,  and,  of 
roiii-.'e,  lo  that  extent,  destroy  American  supply' 
l>oes  not  the  Secretary  propose  lo  n-dncc  the  pro- 
tective duties  more  than  one-half,  for  the  purpose 
of  inrnavinir  revenue'  And  if  the  revenue  is  in- 
fiYiMcd  by  JTi/iicintr  duties  one-lia!f,  must  not  III" 
imports  be  more  ih.m  iloublid  r  This  is  self-evi- 
dent. And  if  you  double  your  imports  of  foreien 
L'oods,  iniisl  you  not  destroy  lo  that  extent  Ameri- 
can supply  r  .Most  certainly,  nnle.ss  th.^  Secretary 
can,  in  liis  wisilom,  devise  a  plan  to  make  people 
eat,  iliink,  wear  il.ailile  as  niiicli  as  lliey  now  ilo. 
lint  where  will  we  find  nioiii  y  to  pay  for  lliein' 
Tliei'-'s  the  p'b.  l!i!t,  siarlliiis  and  e\ir:iiiidiiiary 
ns  it  niny  appe.ir,  our  Secretary,  for  the  fust  lime 
in  the  history  of  th'j  world,  has  boi  liy  and  openly 


avowed  it  ns  the  object  of  Government  to  break 
down  aial  destroy  its  own  manulhctiires,  for  the 
purpose  of  makifi!;  way  for  those  of  foreiijnerfl. 
In  the  very  first  paragraph  of  his  ar?iiinentalive 
report,  he  sets  out  with  slatini;  that  the  revenue  of 
the  fust  ouarler  of  tlTi.i  year  is  two  millions  less 
than  the  first  quarter  of  the  last,  and  that  this  has 
been  occasioned  by  the  Mi/i.s/ifii(iou  of  hit^lilij /rro 
tfird  •Imerirnii  iiMmifiwItires  for  foreign  iinpurls  ; 
and  thii  vil,  this  lenible  evil,  this  .'imericim  Sec- 
reiary  proposes  <■•  reniidy  by  rediieiinj  the  protec- 
tive duties,  and  thus  b!-eakin<^  up  this  aboniinalile  \ 
business  of  *'  auhstilntiii'j;  ihmestic  priii/iir/s,"  made 
by  WmiWfrtii  labor,  out  of  .imericmi  produce,  for  \ 
Urilish  !;oiids,  made  by  llrithh  labor,  out  of  Ilrilish 
produce.  Oh !  but  he  hales  the  llrilhli.  Now, 
sir,  this  is  not  only  the  doctrine  of  his  text,  but  it 
runs  lhroii:;li  his  whole  sermon  o{''.)!>l  paircs.  No 
wonder  it  was  printed  by  the  House  of  Lords; 
and  let  our  Secretary  carry  through  this  bill,  and 
Uueen  Victoria  would  i;ladly  transfer  the  seals 
from  Sir  Robert  Peel  to  Sir  Robert  Walker,  for  he 
will  have  rendered  her  a  greater  service  than  any 
other  man,  dead  or  living. 

Rut  this  is  11)1  only  ihe  doctrine  of  the  Treasury 
report,  bm  of  the  Mes.sage  itself.  The  revenue 
siandard  laid  down  in  the  Mcssaire  aims  a  death- 
blow at  all  American  indiisiry.  It  siip-'jcsli  a  kind 
of  *',*/i(/iii:j  scolc,*^  so  that  whenever  any  bninch  of 
Amera.in  industry  bei;iiis  lo  beat  t\u\  (breii,'iH.r, 
:  and  supply  the  market,  and  thereby  diniinish  im- 
ports and  revenue,  this  is  eviilence  that  the  duly  is 
loo  lii^h  and  onijlil  lo  be  rednci'd,  so  as  lo  let  in 
Ihe  foreiirii  rival  productions.  P.ol  let  llin  President 
speak  for  himself)  here  is  his  rc\enue  standard  in 
his  own  words: 

'•Tlu'  prei'tsc  point  in  the  n^ceniiinc  f--ca!c  of  diiticri  nt 
I  which  it  is  a,>»r<'rl,liiic,l  (Vnni  ex|MTieiicc  thai  llic  revenue  is 
tT'-atc.-I  i,'  llic  iiiaviiianii  r,i1e  dI'  ilitly  wtiicli  enii  Iti'  laiil  lor 
the  ft,u(((  /('/.■  |iitrin>sr  or  enlliMiiim  ni"(>iii'>  lur  llic  yiip|i.rt  nl" 
(iovcriini'  la,  'I'm  nii-r  llie  iluhcs  Inuhcr  Itian  llial  piiiiil, 
ailit  llM'ri'liv  Jitllillish  Ihe  ainniilll  cuMim-Ii-iI,  is  in  |i<vy  llwill 
till  prnh'rtiuti  increly  anil  nnl  litr  O'Vi'lilli'.  As  Inia,',  llteii, 
as  t'liiiL'irss  iiiav  l:r;ulli;aly  ilicri'asc  Ihi'  rait:  nt' duly  im  a 
yivt'ii  arlicli',  iiiiil  ihi-  ri'Vi'iiiu-  is  iinTras.-it  hysllcli  iiitTi-asi- 
nt'iiiitv.  Iliry  ari'  wilhiii  ih.'  oviriin'  slatiilarit.  Wliiai  lliey 
I'll  h,yiniil  ihtil  pnitll.  anil  ns  llii  y  iiMTcase  llie  dnlii's,  the 
reveiMic  is  thiiiinishi-il  or  (li>trn\ril.  Uie  acl  ceases  lo  tiave 
fur  ils  (.lijcit  (lie  rai,-iii:,'  nl'  miuiiy  In  Miippnrl  tiiivcraiiu  nt, 
liMI  is  lOr  pnili'i-lioa  men  l>." 

AVhat  is  this  but  a  rule  to  favor  forei',rners,  and 
break  down  Americans,'  The  moment  the  Amer- 
ican, by  his  superior  indnalry  and  skill,  bi'u'ins  to 
siieceed,  then  the  duly  must  conH'  down  so  is  lo 
increase  foreiu'n  imports  and  revenue.  This  is  the 
plain  and  inevitable  operation  of  the  rule:  and  who 
v.'ould  u'o  into  niannr.iitnrin'r  under  such  an  anti- 
American  rule  as  this,  inakini;  itliealli  by  the  law — 
certain  and  inevitable,'  ,\s  an  illusiralion,  l;ike 
iron  for  instance.  Dwini;  lo  the  r;i|iid  increase  of 
iron-works  in  the  United  .''it.iles,  the  ii  'port  ot' iron 
has  been  ir^'cilly  ridiiced.  Then  tht  E\'eci  live 
rule  applies — down  with  the  ibiiies,  so  as  to  in- 
crease imports  and  revenue.  AccurdiiU'ly,  Mr 
Walkir  proposes  to  reduce  the  duly,  which,  ho 
says,  is  now  75  per  ''cut,,  to  'ill  ]>er  ci  nt.,  so  as  lo 
increase  Ihe  rcveinie.  Well,  to  do  lli;,;,  he  must 
more  than  double  the  imptirts,  now  anionn::,i^  t«. 
piorij  than  ei','ht  million:;  ;i  yi'ar,  and  thus  he  must 
iinpm't  sixteen  millions  of  dnilars'  worth  id'  iron 
instead  of  eiu'ht — ileslniy  ii:;ht  iiiillions  of  Amer- 
ican niannlaciure  lo  in:ike  w::y  lor  the  foieiixn,  anil 
thus  ini|iorl  twlve  millions  of  dolhirs' worth  of 
foreign  (mostly  l'je,;lish)  u'rain  and  other  pruiluce 
used  ill  the  ni:uiiif:ictiii'e  of  this  iron;  for  the  fact 
is  inconiesinlile,  that  more  than  threc-foir.-llis  of 
the  value  of  inn  is  made  up  of  the  [iroihice  of  ihc 
soil.  And  this  is  the  policy  to  favor  .Anierican 
,|;ii 'iir«  and  .\iiierican /iWicnr.s,'  Throw  the  plonu'h 
out  of  the  furrow,  and  turn  l;ibor  rail  lo  .'larxi' — 
to  make  wfty  for  Ilrilish  ^ooils,  and  inciiase  rev- 
enue! 

Mr.  S.  said  he  had  not  time  at  jtrcseni,  but  he 
would  avail  hiiiii'clf  ol'  the  first  proper  occasion, 
to  .show,  ns  lie  lUoUtfhl  I.e  could  most  clearly, 
that  ad  the  theories  of  the  Sicreiary  and  his  fol- 
low* 1  in  favor  id"  their  free-trade  pnliey  were  not 
only  .il.se  and  unfounded,  bill  that  exactly  the  re- 
\-erse  of  those  theories  was  true.  He  referred  to 
the  theiaies  that  "  prolection  wii:s  for  the  beiieft  of 
niiiniifailiirers,  at  ihe  expense  iif  ihe  Ihi'meis  and 
hiborersiif  the  cuiini  I"';"  that'*  protect  in!  1  iiM-rcs'il 
the  price  of  maniit.n  iiir,  d  i^oods,  .mil  reduced  the 
price  of  labor  :iiid  prodnee;"  thai  it  "favored  mo- 


nopoly and  wealth,  nt  the  expense  of  the  poor;" 
that  "  rediiciiif;  duties  wmild  increase  revenue," 
&c.  He  could  scarcely  speak  of  such  :;ross  ab- 
surdities in  respectful  terms.  What!  l<'nvor  in- 
vested capital  by  i  uildin;;  up  competition,  and 
increasing  thn  si-  |.|y  of  the  articles  they  had  In 
.sell.'  Injure  the  larmers  by  iloiibliii;r  the  dcmanil 
for  their  produce,  raw  materials,  and  breadstiill's 
of  every  kindf  Oppress  and  rob  the  consiimer  by 
ijivini;  him  trooils  at  one-fourth  of  their  former 
jirice  ?  liednce  wajjes  by  douhlin^  the  demand  for 
labor — labor  of  men,  women,  and  ehildii'ii?  Yes, 
sir,  incrcii.sc  the  price  of  goods  by  doubling  the 
supply,  and  reduce  the  )irice  of  n:;ricullurnl  pro- 
duce by  doiiblin!;  t'  demand.'  Kavor  monopo- 
li"s  by  building  up  competition,  the  only  thing  to 
desir  y  it  ?  Such  arc  the  absurd  theories  of  free 
trade.  l!itt  genllemeii  must  rcver.se  all  the  laws  of 
trade;  the  great  and  univcr.sal  law,  that  "  demand 
and  supply  regulate  prices" — a  law  as  universal 
and  invariable  in  it;,  operation  as  the  law  that  gov- 
erns the  solar  system — must  not  only  be  repealed, 
but  reversed  in  ils  operations,  before  gentlemen 
could  sustain  any  of  these  absurdities. 

The  clock  admonished  iiiin  that  his  lime  was 
out.  IJ,'  would  avail  himself  of  the  moment  left 
to  warn  i,'ntlemcn.  If  they  would  allow  him  lo 
prophesy,  he  uould  say;  (.ienlleincn,  pass  this 
lre;isiiry  bill,  appioved,  as  he  luiili  rslood,  by  the 
Cuhinet;  bring  back  the  scenes  of  IHKI;  restore 
your  twenly-pcr-cenl.  larilV;  bankru|il  your  li-eiis- 
ury;  paralyze  your  naiional  iiidnslry;  bre;ik  down 
your  farniers,  m;ui"liietui'ers,  and  mechanics,  by 
iiii;i'>r/iiiggiinik  mil/ fa-/)ii'/iiig»lonf!/;  pass  this  bill 
— and  in  eighteen  moiilhs  you  will  scarcely  have  n 
'  specie-paying  bank,  or  a  specie  dollar  left  in  the 
cxnintry.  Pii.ss  this  bill,  and  you  will  not  only 
bring  back  the  scenes,  but  1  repciit,  you  will 
brim;  with  them  the  political  revohilions  of  INlll, 
.AlmIii  will  be  heard  thronghoiil  the  land  the  cry  of 
"  r/iniiffi ,' c^iciigf ,' — niii;f/i«iigf  11111,1/  he  for  llie  hel- 
ler!" Political  i-evohilions  are  the  fruits  of  popu- 
lar siiirering  and  disi'ontenl;  in  prosperity,  the  cry 
is,  "  /(/  ir<7/  riiniig/*  alone!" 

\.\  voice.     Tlien  as  a  Whig,  you  ought  lo  go 
for  the  new  la'  ill'.) 

Yes,  (said  .Mr.  S.,)  if  I  was  like  .•>ome  genlh  - 
men  on  this  lloor— if  I  loved  my  }i<irlij  more  tli:ni 
my  foiiii/i'!/ — I  would;  but  as  I  love  my  couniry 
more  Man  my  parly,  1  will  not.  If  it  were  not  fnr 
the  lash  and  drill  of  parly  discipline,  this  "Urilish 
/li//"  would  find  fe.v  iidvocales  on  this  lloor.  It 
w:is  the  biinllini;  of  pany — the  ille;,'ilim;ite  olV- 
spring  of  llie  IS.illimore  (Jonvention,  tinil  Pando- 
ra's box,  wheni  e  ori','iii:iled  most  of  the  trouble!: 
Ili:il  now  alllici  this  connlry.  Hut  he  :i:iaiii  warn- 
ed gentlemen:  ,iass  ih's  bill,  ana  in  the  strong  hut 
:;uaL;e  of  n  democralie  Seiailor  on  a  late  occ:i:,ion. 
It  will  sink  "  Ihe  pnrhi  so  h  w  that  the  arm  of  resur- 
rection could  never  i'e;ich  it" — so  low  ilial (here 

Ihe  hour  having  i  vpired,  the  Chairman';!  hammer 
fell,  and  Mr.  S.  lesuined  lii.i  scat.) 


HARRORS  ,AND  RiVERS. 
SIT.RCIl   OF    iMR.  K.  II.  EWI.NM; 

OF    I'ENNESSKR, 

In  the  House  of  .^'.imikskntativf.:', 

.V'li'c/i  It!,  ]>*m;. 

The  House  beiiij  in  ro;nniillcc  of  the  Wlinle  on 
the  si, lie  of  the  (fiiioii,  and  liavinu'  under  coii::id 
ei'alii.,1  a  bill  making  appropriations  for  the  iiii 
provemen;  of  certain  Rivers  and  Ha  nor  — 

Mr.  EWING  .said: 

Mr.  Cit»ltiM,\N:  The  Conslitulion  of  !7h!l  is  the 
first  writt' n  instrument  of  its  kind  pio|ioiiiiiled 
among  in  n.  Its  mission,  ils  scope,  i's  precis,-  na- 
ture, ils  proper  conslrnclion,  have  been  subjects  of 
deliale  iinil  consiileralion,  to  some  extent,  by  all 
minds,  .mil  in  ail  p'aces,  ever  since  ils  adoption. 
Ml  ft  of  'he  ipiestions,  however,  ari.'-ing  in  icL'ard 
;,i  it,  or  under  it,  are  still  ,sii/i  ;iii/irp,  and  likely 
enoii'.;li  lo  remain  so  for  a  length  nf  time  lo  mine. 

Cliai'ters  were  ^iven,  indeed,  iielbic  ihi.-,  ned 
before  the  days  of  Runnyiiieile,  eoiil:iinini;  :;ranls 
(if  powers,  or  facilities,  or  liberties,  from  kite's  m 
iinbles,  to  inferiors,  to  ela.ssi  s,  lo  the  people,  :ir  to 
nimiicipal  co.jioi.  lions  All  these  liave  iiad  tin  ir 
mission,  and  in  tli'virday  have  had  llicir  coinuruc- 


1810. 


AI'l'ENDlX  TO  T[1K  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


601 


SDth  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  E.  11.  Ewiiig. 


Ho.  or  Rpps. 


(inn;  iind  riiloH  of  cnnstriictinn  !;rcw  up  nixl  were  |{  was  not  droiimed  then  thnt  tho  CniiHtitution  wan  a 

ii|i|>li('il  to  l.lum — rules,  {iliiluHoiiliical  aiij  critical,  hiiiulle  of  fjitciid ifratils;  that  it  wan  to  be  in  alter 

well  calculated  to  cliniuialo  their  Iruc  incanin?.    Sii  time  that  focMc,  nerveless,  |()iiillcsK,  rickety  Niarve- 

iil'  the  lu'iliiinry  laws  of  le^^iNlatures,  and  id'  cnri-  '  lin.r  that  Kumo  gentlemen  would  have  it,  unable  to 

irai'ls  anil  conipaciM,  more  or  lest  important,  rules  lid])    iisell",  or  the  States  that  bind   it   toeellior. 

orconKtrncliDii  have  bc'cn  discovered  and  properly  The  iirnvident  and  sii','acious  men  who  projected 

iippliod.     IJiit  lip  to  this  day,  it  seems  to  nie,  no  iliisConslilniion  must  have  lorcsccn,  and  no  doubt 


correcl  rule  of  coiislruclion  has  been  adopted  and 
properly  applied  to  ibis  i;reat  rundamcnlal  law  of 
j^reat  iind  i^rowinir  empire. 

'I'lio  lirst  obcervalioii  to  be  made  in  retrnrd  to 
this  instrumeut  is,  that  it  was  enacted  by  a  nation, 
anil  accepted  by  a  nation.  That  nation  was  and 
is  the  irreal  western  win:;  of  the  An'j;Io-Saxon  race, 
the  nniveisal  Yankee  nation.  Dy  this  assiimplinn 
ban':;  .some  eoiiseipiences;  and,  therefore,  some 
evidences  of  its  trulli  may  be  required.  Now, 
whi'U  I  say,  that  previously  to  theadopiioii  of  the 
<'nuslitutii>n  this  nation  liadnn  existence,  1  do  not 
iiM'au  to  be  undi  rslood  as  asserlinij  that  a  vote  had 
been  taken,  anti  that  a  majority  of  all  ))ersons  in 
the  colonies  had,  by  that  vote,  au;reed  to  share  a 
cdmmon  fate,  and  make  common  cau.se  toi^elher 
(hereafter.  Nm',  in  my  opinion,  are  nations  thu.s 
'•ver  lormed.  Hut,  from  the  previous  circum- 
stances of  selllenieut,  jnxlaposilion,  war,  Hubjec- 
tiini  to  a  comniiMi  dmninioii,  iiuennixlnre  of  inter- 
ests, and  comnumily  of  feeling,  a  nation  bad  been  : 
formed  witliout  anyone's  thinkin';  of  a  vote.  And  ! 
the  change  from  Confederacy  to  l''ederalism  was 
i/uly  the  ailoplion  of  a  new  phasis  by  this  nation. 
'J'o  lest  this,  suppos<'  that  lUinilc  Island  or  Dela-  ' 
ware  had  refused  their  adhesion  to  the  new  state  . 
of  thiu'^'s:  would  ihr  other  Stales  and  people  have 
pcnnii:ed  them  f|uielly  to  secede,  imil  thus  to  have 
ilefealed  that  which  the  fulness  of  lime  and  the  fit- 
ness of  tbin!rs,  and  the  necessities  of  the  case,  re- 


did foresee,  that  they  were  cslablishiiii;  the  vmimil 
law  of  that  which  was  to  be  a  ;;reat  f  uipire — a  law 
which  was  to  be  for  all  future  linio  tho  basis  of  nil 
the  ninltifariousoriranic  laws  that  the  necessities  of 
such  an  empire  mi^'bt  produce.  Now,  it  is  to  this 
law  that  .•::enllemen  call  on  us  to  <;ive  a  strict,  a 
narrow, n  jealous einistriici ion;  sncliacon.ilructiou, 
Ibrsoolli,  as  n>iL'ht  lie  given  to  the  petty  license 
laws  of  a  Stale  Le,','islatnr<!,  lU'  the  miserable  by- 
law of  n  municipal  corporation,  or  the  pctlifoi."-'in^ 
clauses  of  a  Yankee  lease.  Sir,  believint:;  as  1  do 
that  Ibis  iuslrumiMU  was  framed  lo  'govern  an  ciii- 
;iirc,  whnsi!  space  is  as  yet  undefmcd,  and  wbnsi^ 
duration  may  be  commensurate  with  lime,  I  shall 
endeavor,  so  far  ,as  in  me  lies,  to  uive  it  somelhini 
of  an  imperial  ctaistni.tion.  I  shall  look  upon  it 
as  a  tbini  of  life  and  vi;jor,  possessinj  capacities 
of  ndaplatiou  lo  exiiili;n;and  fnlnrc  contingencies, 
and  not  as  a  machine  or  a  suit  of  clolbe.s,  to  benut- 
<;rown,  or  to  become  obsolete,  with  the  passing;  of 
II  few  i^eneralions  of  men. 

To  construe  any  instrument  properly,  its  design 
and  office  must  b<^  idac.ed  »lron:,'ly  in  view;  and  if 
ill's  be  done,  perhaps  it  would  not  need  that  we 
should  dislinirnish  between  .>;iiict,  liberal,  laliludi- 
narian,  and  remedial  conslrnctiim;  a  fair  cfutstruc- 
tion  would  in  that  c.a.se  br'  only  claimed  on  the  one 
hand,  ainl  certainly  could  not  be  denied  on  the 
other.  What,  then,  is  a  Consliliiliim,  considered 
as  the  fiindameulal  law  of  a  .Stale?     It  is  the  de- 


inired  ?     I'uilin;;  lo  the  vote  is  certainly  a  sjreat  \'  sis^ualion  of  a  plan  of  srovernment,  and  an  eimme- 

,  ration  and  (lesi<;miiion  (d*  the  powers  inteialed   lo 
be  enlrnsted  to  IbatGovernmeut;  It  mi'.;ht  also  wilh 
I  iiropriely  conlnin  an  cnumeraliim  of  thinu'S   pro- 
hibited to  the  Government  as  not  within  iis  coni- 
1  petencv;  this  latter  iillribnte  does  not,  howr\  ei-.  nf 
'  necessity,  aiipcrlain  toa  C!onsliluiion  made  wilh  a 
result.     That  we  were  a  nation  at  the  adoption  of  |l  view  to  a  Government  of  liniin^d  powers,  as  the 


iMiYMtinii  for  dccidiu':;  ipicslions  and  riu:bts,  yet  the  1 
laws  and  necessities  of  nation.^  are  ixrealer  still. 
At   the   end  of  the  revolutionary  w       we  found  j 
ourselves  a  nation,  just  as  all  other  n^'.lions  have 
found  themselves  fiumed,  without  any  preconrert  | 
or  conjunction  «i'  mental  action  to  arrive  at  that  i 


the  (Constitution,  is  assumed,  too,  on  the  face  of 
that  insirnmenl.  lioih  in  the  preamble  and  in  the 
reservaliim  of  rii,'hls  to  tbeStjitesand  to  the  people, 
is  it  assumed  that  the,n  is  an  exisiiug  nation — one 
not  created  by -iie  instrument,  but  one  rctniniii!; 
ri'rhis  before  possessed,  and  not  now  communica- 
ted. This  nation  not  havin;  been  created  by  the 
Constitution,  anil  the  Consiiiution  not  bcinc;  the 
sole  term  nf  its  existence,  it  mav  possess  powers 
drroiistitulional,  o     dehors  the 


vesled  in  the  .Slates,  nor  yet  vest'  d  under  the  Con- 
siilulion  in  the  P'edenil  Gov  rnment.     These  are  ! 
inherent  powers  of  the  nntio.i,  and  luay,  I  appre- 
hend, be  exercised  in  a  eas-;  of  necessity  by  the 
General  Government,  as  tbj  only  proper  represen- 
(alive  of  the  nation  at   .iicscnt  constituted,  to  be  , 
sandioned  by  the  subser|ucut  acf|uic.sceuce  nf  the  '. 
people.     Cases  mifrht  be  supposeil  of  sell-prcser-  ' 
valion,  not  comiii!;  within  the  si'ope  of  the  powers 
■wanted — cases  of  acipiisilion  of  territory  by  colo- 
nization, war,  peaceful  cession,  orsurrcnder.   Nul- 
liliealioi'   H,  perhaps,  ii  case  lb,  the  exercise  "C  the 
forinei  power,  and  liie  aceepnoicc  of  Texas,  or  liie 
eolouizalion  of  Oreuon,  a  ca>:e  n/ the  exercise  nf 
the    latter.     The.se  latter  powers  were  exercised 
lbrou';h   the  G'"  eminent  formed  under  the  Con- 
.ililulion— the  !ormer  power,  viz:  of  self-preserva- 
tion, would  have  been  exercised  by  the  same  Gov- 
ernmini,  b.al  a  |u-opercase  arisen. 

'I'bis  iialion,  I  apjirehend,  so  far  from  intendinjj 
by  the  adoption  of  a  Consiiiuiinn  to  deslroy  its 
exisience,  or  .o  weaken  the  exercise  of  its  inherent 
powers  as  a  iialion,  and  lo  .stand  ihercaller  para- 
lysed, in  sonieihmee,  in  the  exerliim  of  iis  proper 
eiii'ri'ics,  intended  ratber  lo  i;ive  itself  new  means 
.Old  facililies  tor  action,  lo  make  itself  more  full 
of  life  and  \i:;or,  and  less  liable  lodi.ssohilion  from 
iiiirinsii'  or  extrinsic  causes.  The  nnlioii,  in  its 
Ibrmalimi  of  the  Consiiiution,  did  uiU  dole  out  pow- 
ers, and  riu;bls,and  privilea^es,  as  if  ii  were  dealing; 
wilh  an  eiieniy,  or  like  a  relucuml  but  danuled  ly- 
rniil  dealin;  with  jealous  and  excited  subjects,  or 
like  a  irraspinu:  lauillord  dealinir  with  suspicious 
Icnanis;  but  wilh  eonii!  conliilenee  in  hiimaii  virtue, 
and  some  I'ailh  in  iis  own  destiny,  iteomiiuiiiicated 
powers  with  no  niixgard  hand — powers  to  be  exer- 
cised in  ihu  Uovurninent  of  ii  mi;t;lity  empire.     It 


prohibition  is  implied  hi  the  failure  loeoniniunicatc 
power  lo  act. 

In  the  enumeralion  of  powers,  the  necessity  will 
easily  be  seen  of  employiii::;  the  most  extiiisive 
(generic  terms,  of  embraeini;,  under  one  calc;;ory, 
a  larje  number  of  objecis,  and  finally  (when  hu- 
man forecast  has  done  wluit  it  may  toward  speci- 
fication) of  usiu'^  some  earcfnily-selecled  fjeneral 
expressions  which  may  be  e.alculaled  to  meet  uii- 
)onstitiilion,  not  11  foreseen  future  exiu;eiicies.     When  wc  look  at  the 
Constitution  now  under  consideralion,  at  the  eir- 
cumslancis  under  vliich  it  was  framed,  at  the  men 
by  whom  il  was  devised,  at  the  objects  lo  be  ae- 
eomplished  by  il,  we  can  hardly  doubt  that  some 
'  general  provision  would  have  been  made  for  cases 
not  then  within  human  ken.     Such  certainly  is  the 
]  tendency  of  the  human  mind  in  all  communications 
of  power,  whenever  confidence  is  reposed  for  great 
purposes;  and  this  is  not  only  true  jii  general,  but 
in  the  present  case,  there  being  an  express  reserva- 
tion of  powers  not  granted,  the  necessity  was  so 
'  much  the  greater  lo  make  the  grams  themselves  as 
;  large  as  wasconsi.aeni  with  the  pre..-'Crv;\lion  of  the 
bidances  of  the  syslein  intended  to  be  established. 
It  will  be  .seen,  in  the  above  vicw,llial  I  take  it  for 
i  granted    that  the  great  and  wise  men,  who  were 
cnlrusied  with  the  delicaie  duty  of  drawing  up  the 
\  iirnjrt  of  a  Conslitiilion,  had  at  least  dimly  in  |ier- 
spi'.:tivc  the  destiny  of  the  people  for  whom  they 
were  about  to  net;  they  jnidfed  beyond  the  i'rim 
barriers  of  the  .Alleghaiiv  .Vlounlaiiis,  and  ihiaight 
■  somelhiiig  rf  tile  principles  of  po))Ulutioii  as  appli- 
cable to  the  newly-euiaticipaled  cidonies;  they  did 
not  see,  |  I'rhaps.  that  *'  the  whole  boundless  eoii- 
lineiit"  was  to  be  **  our.-i,"  biil  they  did  sei!  some- 
lhiiig beyond  the  narrow  steril  sirip  upon  ihe  Al- 
lanlic  coast;  and  lliey  acted  for  the  future  as  well 
as  the  presenl.     To  be  sure,  a  provision   is  made 
for   amci.dmeiils — a   provision   which   it   is  to  be 
;  liopeil  may  never  again  be  brought  into  activity,  at 
least  wilhoiit  a  greater  necessity  than  existed  in 
the   eases   of  some   of  the   niiscrable    patchwork 
!  added  In  the  Constitution  by  the  emenilalioiis  al- 
'  ready  made.     Construction  is  always  better  than 
]j  emendation;    the    first   lakes    its   griaind   .^lowly, 
1' liiunding  upon  argumciil  and  eoiiviclicm,  and  de- 
,',  cUiriiiK  lit  last,  when  linnly  tstabliBhed,  the  ilelib- 


criitotind  aober  sen.so  nnd  judgment  of  n  nntio,'.  or 
of  mankind;  the  latter  not  iinfreiiueiiily  rushes  lo 
its  piirpo.ses,  and,  like  a  tyrant,  !;ives  out  its  sic 
i'o/«,  sic  jiiino,  under  tbu  impulse  uf  popular  pas- 
sion or  parly  dictation. 

Details,  or  close  and  aecnrntc  spccificnliona,  are 
of  course  not  iiraclieable  in  a  Constitution,  for  il 
would  thus  become  a  code,  or  a  body  of  laws,  and 
ii.selcss  for  the  purposes  for  which  it  was  iiilended; 
instead  ol  bring  compendious  and  easily  embraced 
by  Ihe  mind,  it  would  be  utterly  unwieldy,  and 
obscurjf'  by  its  unavoidable  intricacies. 

Krom  these  views  of  mine,  in  regard  lo  the  na- 
ture of  constitutions  generally,  and  especially  in 
regard  lo  the  nature  id'  the  one  under  tonsideratioii, 
it  will  bo  perciivetl  that  1  deem  iis  proper  construc- 
tion to  be  such  a  one  as  will  meet  the  great  exigen- 
cies of  the  growing  empire  in  which  we  live;  such 
a  one  as  in  all  lime  has  been  given  to  laws  of  earl) 
enacimenl,  iiilended  to  ellect  gi^ncral  objects;  a 
constrnrtion  growing  with  thi-  growthof  the  coun- 
try and  people  to  which  it  belonged.  My  this  1  do 
not  mean,  however,  that  words  are  to  be  strained 
from  their  natural  meaning,  or  cliu.jes  torn  I'roin 
their  context,  or  liy]iercrilical  distinctions  set  up, 
to  escape  the  true  intent  of  the  franiers  of  the  iii- 
strtimcnt.  Nor  do  I  tiecd  a  new  rule  of  construc,- 
tion,  but  only  a  correct  application  of  the  ol  1  ones. 
That  the  magnilude  of  the  subject  shall  lie  properly 
conceived,  ilie  object  of  the  instrument  righdy  un- 
derstood, and  the  nature  of  the  exigency  to  which 
the  applicalioii  is  to  be  niadiMdearly  apprehended, 
will  be  sullicieiit,  with  the  old  ml' sof  consiriiclion, 
lo  tietermine  the  true  nieauiii!;  of  any  clause  of  the 
Consiiiution. 

A  case  has  now  arisen  before  Ibis  House  for  the 
construction  of  the  Coiisiitution — ucpicstioii,wlielh- 
er  the  General  Government  possesses  the  power  lo^ 
make  improveniculs  in  the  harbors  and  rivers  id' 
the  Unin:d  Slates,  of  any  character,  and  for  any  of 
j  Ihe  |iur|iose,s  for  which  the  Government  was  insti- 
j  tilled,  and   whelher  such  improvements   may  be 
I  made  )iuic,tbe  country  being  in  a  slate  of  profound 
I  peac...     1  lake  the  allimiativc  on  this f|ueslion,  and 
I  it  will  of  ccairse  devolve  on  me  to  find  iiiitbority  for 
the  power  ill  the  Consiiiution;  and  that  I  may  not 
'  be  misunderstood,  now  or  ben'alV-r,  in  my  views 
!  upon  this  conslituliona!  ipieslion,  I  lake  the  posi- 
!  lion  that  this  Government  may  undertake  and  rar- 
I  ry  on  a  .'!;/Wim  of  iiUernal  improvement.     Indeed,! 
I  fear  miicii  that  the  disronnected  and  desultory  ap- 
propriations now  demanded, and  such  as  have  been 
iicretofore  made,  ari^  not  in  aecordairc  with  the 
true  spirit  of  the  Constilulion;  or,  in  other  words, 
that  they  do  not  look  siiHicicntly  to  the  coimiion  de- 
fence and  the  f:;encral  welfare.    In  my  opinion,  this 
whole  subject  should  be  under  a  separate  bureau, 
from  wliicli  well-considered  and  systematic  reconi- 
1  mendations  should  come  to  Congress  from  year  to 
1  year.     This,  tliougli,  may  come  in  time,  and  docs 
I  not  now  demand  discussion. 
I      III  looking,  liien,  into   the  Constitution  for  the 
i  power  on  this  subject,  I  shall  not  seek  to  derive  it 
!  from  what  are  commonly  called  the  implied  powers, 
and  indeed    I  am  strongly   tenipled  to  repudiate 
this  whole  distinction  between  express  and  implied 
power,  as  unphilosonhical,  unneee.s.sary,  and  emi- 
nently deceptive.     That  provision  in  the  Consii- 
iution whicli  professes  to  give  power  to  Coiigrtvs 
"  to  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  iiece.s.sary  and 
proper  for  carrv'u^  into  exeention   tin    I'oKgning 
powers,"  &c.,  I  de^  -ii  to  have  bi'cii  supeii!ro;;alory 
at  best,  if  not  tiiidiiig  lo  doubt  and  confusion.     I 
apprehend  that  wheiicvir  and  wherever  power  is 
igiveii  to  do  a  thing,  power  is  given  by  the  same 
words,  and  c^xpressly  given,  to  take  all  the  subor- 
dinale  steps  lo  accomplish  Ihe  end — whether  the 
steps  be  pre-liminary  or /iesl-(imiiii»'!/.     iliiestiinis 
may  arise  in  the  process  of  eonipletiiig  a  purpose 
whether  ceilain  steps  about  lo  be  lakeii  me  or  are 
iiol  neccs.sary  and  proper — whether  ihey  may  or 
may  not  be  para:  of  llie  iifxiis,  nieaiis   loan  end. 
Ciuestiohs  of  ihi.<  kind  may  be  called  ipieslions  of 
implied  power,  ihoiigh  more  jiislly,  I  think,  lo  be 
coiisidert  d  i|iiestions  whelher  llu'  ;ict  or  acts  lo  lie 
iloneave  pircel  of  the  tiling  aulleiized  to  be  done, 
liut,  wl.      ver  llii::  power  to  do  subordinate  acts 
may  be  '     inl,  express  or  implied,  willioul  it  cer- 
tainly thisGovermneul  could  never  have  taken  iis 
lirst  step  in  the  path  of  life.     It  niighl  have  been  ii 
beaiilil'ul,  but  leruiiidy  il  would  ha\c  ever  remain- 
ed a  mutiuiiless  fi^i;ure.     1  shall  not  pause  to  speak 


I 


«i 


502 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBi:. 


[Maicli  16, 


"idrH  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


Harbors  and  Riven — Mr.  E.  H.  Ewing. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


of  the  common  illMslrnlion,  of  ihc  biiiMini;  of  the  ! 
rn|)itol,  prdlpctiii!;  tlie  piiMii-  ni.-iil,  puriisliin!? 
(limlcs,  Ac,  liut  simll  pmccril  to  say  that  I  (In  not 
npprovn  );rPiitly  ot"  simlninu;  n  point  to  derive 
powiT  In  do  an  art  iindt'r  tlic;  iiwi:  sprrilic  clauses 
of  the  f'onstitiition.  I  do  not  deii'  e  t\\i'.  power  of 
internal  improvement  from  the  clan.ie  in  the  Con- 
stitution •jivini;  aiitliorily  to  Conc:resa  lo  rci^tdate 
commerce  among  the  Stiiies,  nor  yt-t  from  the 
power  to  declare  war,  ni>r  from  the  power  to  raise 
and  siipjiorl  arniie.i,  n^ir  iVcnn  that  to  provide  and 
maintain  a  navv;  not  Init  that  many  ihin2;s  nii^ht 
he  done  under  lliese  clauses  which  woidil  much 
inil>rove  the  country,  and  possildy  most  of  the  oh- 
jecls  eojuemplatid  under  this  liill  miL'hi  he  jufitified 
under  sotiie  one  or  other  ctf  these  i  lauses.  And 
for  ihe  purposes  of  this  hill,  and  the  amendments 
olVert-d  ami  to  he  olVered  to  it,  I  ini'^ht  rentark, 
that  it  is  matter  of  indilfercnee  to  me  fi'om  what 
quniter  centlenu-n  may  derivi'  their  auihoriiy  to 
net.  That  they  siiotdd  have  lailh  in  their  power 
would  HOW",  and  jiro  hitr  virr,  atiswer  my  ptu'pose; 
yet  this  faith  mishi  fail  hercnfer,  the  :;rounil» 
of  it  he  ohiitcrated  and  lor;;ottcu,  or  at  least 
ii  miiiht  not  he  slron^r  ejeni^h  to  carry  its 
votary  a  step  fiir.'her  than  this  hill,  unless  it  shoidil 
lie  !;roini(led  on  the  true  founilaiior'.  The  con- 
structive powers  denvcil  niiilei"  the  clauses  aho\e 
referred  to  are  sinneiiuu's  tl>e  result  of  nuiidi  in- 
genuity and  of  farfetcdicd  anah  ^ics,  whieli,  in  a 
suhsequent  ratiocination  mi  the  suhjecl,  mi^lil  not 
appear  so  aprf^ipiis,  or  miuht  not  bt;  so  vn'id,  or  he 
traced  out  with  so  ntuch  <  learness,  or  seem  soctm- 
chisive.  <is  when  first  projeeted  and  apj)lied  by  the 
reasinier.  Ih  suh  >,  the  dej  ivaiion  of  power  trom 
these  sources  is  apt  ii)  suliject  those  \\  !io  resort  to 
them  to  the  impaiation  of  heio','  lallier  snhtle  and 
ini^enious  di;.putantsand  speculators,  than  catholic 
and  eom|irehensive  statesmen.  Their  de.luctions 
are  liable  to  be  called  ingenions  subterniL''es,  made 
for  the  special  occasion,  to  he  aband-mi-d.  and  per- 
haps thereafter  replaced  by  snmetlnuv  standing  on 
n  basis  equally  narrow  and  equally  little  calculated 
to  command  the  sienera!  assert  of  niaiikiiid.  De- 
rivations of  |iowcr  frcuii  llo'  clauses  above  alluded 
to,  and  some  other  I'lauses,  have  given,  not  with- 
out CJiiise,  occasion  to  the  '*  -^r  of  our  opponents, 
that  the  powers  were  Viu..iiii,  anil  wandered  up 
and  down  iIk'  Consiitutioii  for  a  resting  place,  Ac. 
While  on  this  part  ol'  the  subject  it  would  not  he 
amiss,  perhajts,  to  mention  some  t\(  the  poinis 
taken  under  tliese  clauses,  ahowin:;  the  crmnexion 
between  the  proposed  improvement  and  the  power. 
The  existence  oi'a  port  ol'enirvon  a  river  justifies 
one  in  improvint:  up  to  that  point,  and  he  found.-'  on 
the  power  to  reirulaie  commerce  and  on  thendmir- 
alty  jurisdiction;  (qui  ler)  hut  as  a  port  ofentrv  may 
be  made  whert'ver  r'nie^re-ss  pleases,  and,  as  its  ex- 
istence Is  arbitrary,  nnsitive,  and  of  indelniile  diirn- 
lion,  the  exertion  ol  one  power  would  be  the  cre- 
ation ot"  another,  and  of  another,  t,,n,  niiieli  y:reater 
than  the  one  f  .ml  which  ii  sprung.  Arsenal.-:, 
ship-bui'lding  stations,  naval  depots.  .,  on  rivers, 
justify  others,  who  claim  under  i.  .?  war  power; 
and  their  claim  is  niiihuibtedly  just  lo  a  ceriain  ex- 
lent,  where  sue)  tio\ernment  stations  do  lnma  Ihle 
exist,  and  t  .i''t  mere  kite*  to  hanir  improve- 
ments on.  hueh  nnprovenients,  however,  as  miffhl 
be  made  in  refereii.^e  to  these  military  slalioiis, 
must  havu  no  allusion  lo  conoueree,  mid  must  he 
proportioned  to  the  mai::nitiide  of  the  Govern- 
nicnl's  iiileri.st  in  the  object  for  which  the  iul- 
l^rovemeni  is  to  he  made.  It  would  hardly  do  to 
expend  millions  lo  improve  river.<,  to  gel  ;o  sta- 
tions the  iiilriusie  worth  of  which  was  not  one 
himdreil  ilu'usand  dollars.  Improvements  thus 
proportioned  would  certainly  not  answer  the  de- 
sues  of  tlmse  who  pro{erii(l  ihein,  and  who  felt 
tha'  they  dcsi'/neil  re.dly  to  elTectuaie  a  far  dill'er- 
ent  piirpo.se  from  any  connected  either  with  the 
power  of  making  war  or  the  power  ot'  rfi!;nlnlivg 
commerce.  The  intention  in  each  ease  would  lie 
to  ;>ro(pci  (III'/ (ii/raiirf  comiuerce,  and  this  cannot, 
in  my  opinitm,  he  ellVetually  doue  under  the  power 
in  make  war  and  rc/iilaU'  commerce.  Our  great 
western  rivers  have  be<  n  called  "  inland  R(>as," 
.Tnd  it  hiiH  been  soie^ht  by  this  new  nomenclature 
to  ImM'  (extended  ovi  r  them  the  fostcnuL'  arm  of 
the  ^.roveriuneiit  in  the  c\i  n  ise  of  maritime  jiiris- 
(lietiun.  This  elianire  of  name  will  hardly  alter 
the  eharacier  of  these  giant  sireums;  the  mitihty 
Missiii:iippi,  with  ltd  angry  lluud,  will  still  flow  on 


in  ill  pristine  ilin'Clion,  Riibjeet  to  no  cbba  nnd 
flows  of  tide,  at  the  ridl  of  any  modern  Canute, 
and  vindicnting  its  claim  lo  a  mightier  destiny  than 
that  of  "uy  landlocked  sea. 

I,  actiuu  for  myself,  and  professinj  lo  declare 
ihe  opinions  o.  no  other  persim,  repudiate  these 
various  modes  of  justifying  the  po\,  er  of  internal 
iiupro\eiiient  on  the  part  i»f  this  Government.  ! 
look  upon  them  as  very  little  better  than  ingenious 
and  respectable  subterfuges,  and  as  presenting 
nltoijethrr  too  naiTow  a  Imsis  upon  wliicii  to  found 
a  superstructure  so  large  and  so  iiu|>ortant  us  a 
future  sii.ilim  of  internal  improvemiuits.  I  deem  it 
loo  iinportnni  at  this  time,  when  (nerylhing  evinces 
that,/.(.!  mil  nifa.",  with  or  without  deiet'aled  power, 
improveiuenis  of" rivers  and  harbors  will  be  under- 
taken and  carried  on  by  the  Government,  that  the 
power  lo  do  so  should  be  placed  on  gri>iiiids  wliicli 
can,  in  all  time  hereafter,  be  maintained. 

I  derive  the  power  lo  pass  this  bill  from  the  firet 
iiriicle  and  eighth  section  of  the  (!onstitiilion,  and 
Ihe  fust  el.iuse  of  tdal  sectiim,  which  reads  as  fol- 
lows: " 'I'lie  Coiiirress  shall  have  )iow(  r  to  lay  and 
'  collect  taxes,  duties,  iniposls.  and  excises,  to  pay 
'  the  debts,  and  provide  for  the  romuion  defence 
'  and  general  welfare  of  the  United  .Slates;  but  all 
'  duties,  imposts,  and  excises  shall  be  iiiiit"orm 
'  throughout  ihe  Ifiiiied  States."  It  is  no  answer 
to  me  to  say  that  this  ground  has  been  taken  by 
h'eiler.alisls,  by  the  advocates  of  a  sii-ing  Govern- 
ment, by  the  O|.oonents  of  Slate  risrhls,  Ac:  that 
it  fias  been  exiiloded,or  is  antirepublican.  I  pro- 
f"css  to  be  a  sincere  l"rieud  to  ihe  union  of  these 
Stall's,  and  an  indcxilile  advocate  of  the  largest  lib- 
erty of  the  citizen,  and  yet  i  believe  Coimress  lo 
pnssess  the  fiower  of  internal  improvement  under 
thisclause  of  the  Consliliilion.  I  believe  the  clause 
to  be  tug  wi.li  meaniii'/,  and  that  upon  its  ]iroper 
construe. inn  may  vet  depend  the  destinies  of  this 
miirhty  [11  opie.  I  believe  a  proper  and  well-digested 
system  of  internal  impiovement  to  be  t'or  the  ^eii- 
(  ral  welf.ire  of  the  United  States,  and  therefore  to 
come  within  this  -Twer  lo  proviite  for  the  general 
welfare.  It  is  .said,  however,  that  no  power  is 
'_'ivcn  by  this  clause  excejit  that  to  raise  taxes,  &c., 
and  to  ajiply  them  to  the  common  def"ence,iV:c.;  and 
that  these  words,  conmion  defeiic"  and  v'eneral  wel- 
fare, relate  to  the  siibHequent  clauses  of  llic  Consti- 
tution, and  that  they  were  at  iiest  rather  siiperero- 
;raiory  than  uherwise.  Now,  1  deny  i''at  the 
words  to  rai.se  luxes,  Otc  have  any  c  rolling 
power  over  the  other  parts  of  the  sentence,  and  in- 
sisi,  upon  the  rules  boih  ni"jjreinmar  and  of  correct 
criticism,  thai  three  distinct  po  versnre  siveii  under 
this  clause,  vi/.:  Isl,  to  lay  and  colleit  taxes;  "Jd, 
to  pay  the  debts:  nnd,  .'M.  to  iirnvide  for  the  eoni- 
ninn  defence  an. I  general  welfare;  and  I  say,  fur- 
1  her,  that  Ihe  e\i  ression  "  In  lay  taxes  to  provide  for 
the  eoninionilet"eii-e  and  general  well*are.'*ianottriie 
.\n::lo-Saxoii  lam:iiage,  accordiier  to  ttie  irraiumars 
now  in  use  and  force.  To  lay  taxes  with  which 
to  proviihs  A'C.,  will  do,  and  vet  I  am  at  a  io.ss  to 
perceive  the  necessity,  if  this  wei-c  the  meaning,  to 
introduce  these  words, common  del'eiice  and  general 
welfare,  unless,  indeed .  (/ipi/ were  to  mean  som(;thiiig 
more  than  what  the  other  clauses  of  the  Consiitu- 
tion  einhraced;  and  upon  tin's  laiier  .Huptiosition  il 
would  he  very  little  material  whether  Ihe  first  c.aiisc 
of  the  senlen''e  eonirnlled  the  two  last  or  not;  f'lr, 
if  t.ixesare  to  be  raised  to  provide  f'lr  the  C'lmmon 
defence,  &e.,  and  these  last  words  are  not  restrict- 
ed by  the  siibsiajiieiil  parl.s  of  Ine  Conslituiinn, 
ihen  the  limit  to  the  rnisiinr  of  taxes  is  only  what 
Congress  may  deem  pioper  t"or  the  common  ile- 
feie'e  aii'l  L'cneral  welfare.  I  cannot  hold  that  the 
words  here  used,  **  lo  provide,**  A:c.,  are  words  of 
superero'.^atioti,  inlrodnci'd  lo  r'miid  off  the  aen- 
len''e;  such  a  supposilioii  is  loi.dly  inconsistent 
with  the  'haracler  of  the  instniuient  and  the  f-a- 
mers  of  it — an  instrument  in  which  the  utmost 
.diastity  and  preeisitin  of  language,  and  f  -edoin 
from  all  siiperllnoiiH  verbiage,  was  not  only  to  he 
desin  d,  but  was  evidently  sought,  and  it  is  to  be 
hoped,  alliiiiied. 

The  conslrii'lion  above  contended  for  seem.'i  to 
me  so  (diviously  just  and  eorrc't,  S'l  iniu'li  in  ac- 
tairdaiice  with  the  natural  conclusions  of  a  plain 
and  iiii.iophisti''ated  mind,  that  I  cannot  think  any 
other  would  ever  have  been  uiven  to  the  clause 
ab'ive  ref'erred  lo,  had  il  not  been  s'>  fierc(dv  af- 
[a''I\ed  by  c(  riain  intemperate  advocates  of  .Slate 
.'.jhls  as  to  drive  those  who  framed  it  into  iiigo- 


nlons  miseouslruetions,  froitn  a  fear  of  admitting 
in  full  the  eonseniiences  of  what  ;l-  /  had  done, 
Hefore  I  proceed  f^iinher,  however,  it  is  belter  per- 
haps thtit  I  should  distinctly  restate  the  construi"- 
tio.  put  by  me  upon  thi.s  elau.se  or  these  claiisen 
of  the  Conatituti'm.  [  allirin,  ihen,  that  three  dis- 
linct  nnd  independent  p'lwers  are  cnmmiiiii''aled 
by  the  |>aragraph  above  referred  lo;  nnd,  if  this 
be  not  correct,  that,  in  any  event,  the  eonirolling 
power  of  the  first  member  of  the  sentence  does  not 
resirict  Congress  within  any  other  limits  thr.ii 
what  it,  in  a  sound  legal  discretion,  may  deem 
necessary  in  the  use  of*  ui'^ney  t'or  the  cnimnoii  de- 
f'eni'e  and  general  welfiire  of  the  United  Sli.ies. 

The  objections  to  this  eonstriiclion  are  neither 
of  a  I'rili'Uil  nor  of  a  srammalicnl  character,  but  are 
foundeil,  or  attempted  to  he  Ibunded,  on  general 
views  of  liie  pro|)riely  of  so  general  a  eommiiiiica- 
tioii  of  power;  they  are  oli|eelioiis  aihlressed  to  the 
fi'ars  of  the  Slates,  and  seek  to  fortify  themselves 
by  the  opinions  of  some  of  the  i^irly  and  most  re- 
spectable ineinliers  of  the  Ilcpiiblican  party,  by 
the  pri'ieedinus  as  detailed  to  us  of  the  eonsiituent 
Assembly,  and  by  the  incongruity  of  subsequent 
specific  grants  with  this  preliminary  delegation  of 
..reiieral  power. 

Ill  re:;aid  to  l!;:  propriety  of  eominunientine:  so 
ireneral  e  power,  1  beg  leave  to  quote,  as  better 
than  anything  1  could  say  on  the  subject,  I'lc  fol- 
lowing f"roin  a  iminher  of"  "The  Kederalis::'' 

"  Kvery  view  we  may  tu'Ke  nl"  the  itnlije.a,  ai.  ciinilid  ili- 
(inirers  li'ter  Iciitti.  will  serve  to  convince  u<  that  il  is  lidlh 
iitivvi  II  anil  iliiimeinils  In  ili'iiy  the  Feiteral  (jiivi  rnnieiil  an 
uiieiii  liiieil  Jiiilliiinty  in  r.-peei  in  nil  llin-c  iihj-cis  v\lu;:i 
arc  entru-t  il  In  its' inaiiaijcnienl.  iMvill  iailceil  il.-si -xc 
III!'  iiinst  ML'il.lMI  aait  cao'l'iil  aUentiim  nl  llie  iieiijile  In  ••i'k 
lliitl  it  tie  iiinilclleil  ul  >u'-'i  ..  niaaner  as  In  ailiail  ni  its  licii  ,- 
i-ali'l)  \'c-liif  Willi  III."  ri'niu.ole  (lowers.  If  nuy  e  ir  wlli 
has  ri.fii  or  iiiiiy  tie  nirereij  In  iilir  eniisiileralinil  -.1  .1-1  IK., 
iiimii  :i  iti.|iassiniuili'  ini<|ii'(ainn.  lie  liinnil  In  iiiis-vi 
siaiplinn,  il  (iimhl  In  lie  rejeeteil.  .\  tinveriiitieiii.  ■  itni.- 
sliliitiiia  nl'  wliieh  renil.T.s  it  unlit  to  lie  1  atrii-ted  \ittli  all 
the  Iinwers  wllicll  a  free  jieniile  ouiillt  to  'let)  ^ttlc  t  J  .nli/  (ior- 
iriinteiit,  wniilit  ^Mi  nil  iiiisnl'.'  ami  iiii(ir(i|i(  r  ilepnsa.iri  hI'iIib 
tiilHnunl  I'll/iTCVx.  WllercX'Cr  tliene  Clia  -..  ill!  [llnpriely  In! 
( nliriileit.  Ihe  cniiicideiil  pnwers  nm'  pnlely  aeeniiipiiliy 
111. '111.  'I'tiis  is  the  iriie  re-nll  of  all  je.^il  reasnninii  npnn  llie 
i-nlijeel.  .Villi  the  nilversaries  nt  U-e  pi. ill  pioiliiil^iated  liy 
llie  ('.iioeiinna  wn. ilil  have  civi'h  a  hciler  iiiipre.  linn  nl" 

their  ( Inr.  if  they  hail   -nant^r,,  theiiiseives  In  sliimiiii; 

Iliill  the  lilt' I'lial  i.tnicln,-i.  nt'  the  p(opnsed  tJnvernnieilt  Has 
siu  h  us  •  '  render  iimmi  rijiy  <irt)iecnandeiiee  nl  llie  pi'iiple. 
T  ley  niimit  lint  In  have  wa..;!'  •"c.;  into  iiillaiiiinalnr)  dceln- 
lealiiilis  ami  iitiineatiinf!  cavils  nhniit  the  evieni  iil'llie  pnH-. 
s.  The  jKi.ens  nr.'  lint  Inn  evleiisive  t'nr  the  nlijt  li.s  nl' 
leilenti  ndniinistmlinn.  nr,  111  niher  wortlK.  ler  Ihe  la.-'iiiiia!- 
iiieiil  nf  niir  11. i/i-uui/  iid.TcI, .'  iiiir  can  any  saliwt'iictnr>  air- 
i;iiiiii'iit  he  fraiiii'd  In  sllnw  that  lliey  an' elilimenlile  will! 
siieh  nil  .'\cess.  II' il  h<.  iriie,  IIS  has  heeii  iiisinnuled,  that 
the  ditlieiilh  arises  frniii  the  iialiire  of  the  thinu.and  Ihnt 

Il vteiii  111"  Ihe  cnnalry  \^'lll  iinl  iH-rniit  as  to  rnria  a  linv- 

'  ininent  in  wlii.-h  such  I'uiiple  iHiwerw  eaii  Milel>  he  repn-ed, 
il  would  pinve  lllal  we  niiuhl  to  eniilr.U'l  niir  view-,  and  r.'. 
Mirt  In  the  expeijipiil  n;' separate  coiil"eder:icies,  wliieh  will 
iiinve  wiiliin  iiinre  prnrliealile  spheres:  Inr  Ihe  ahsiirdily 

iiiilsl  ennliiiiinlly  stare  us  m  ilie  I'ne  '  ol"  1 lidine  In  ;i  (inv- 

I'rni I   Ihe   dtriclinli  i,r  lie-  .11"-      'ssei.I.iil   li:iliiiiiiil  cnn- 

I  .Ttis.  wtlla.ul  diiruijl  In  enlni-l  it  .I'iili  the  aiilhnrities  u  liicit 
no'  indispensalile  In  their  prnper  and  ellicienl  aininmement. 
Let  us  11(11  iilnanpl  In  lecniieile  cnnuaihclions,  hut  firaily 
eiahuice  a  rnlniiini  allemnlive." 

These  sentiments  are  expressed  by  Alexander 
Hamilton.  They  are  not  quoted  as  nnthorily,  but 
as  argument.  They  are  lo  lie  toiind,  however,  ill 
that  series  of  immliers  siirned  "  I'ubliiis,"  (sinco 
colli cied  into  the  book  ealhd  "The  Federalist,") 
written  with  neonnuon  puroose  by  .lames  .Miulison, 
.bihn  .lay.  and  Alexaiuler  Hamilton:  and  11  yet  re- 
in:,ins  to  be  pr.ived  that  Mr.  Madison  ever  dis- 
sei.ieu  from  llie  views  thus  expressed.  I  hope, 
howevrr.  it  is  not  vet  f"orgolleii,  and  I  believe  it 
v.'ill  not  now  be  denied,  thai,  however  much  many, 
and,  among  others,  myself,  ">'  'hirer  I'l'om  Air. 
Ilainillon  in  many  of  his  o,  ■  ,,  he  was  a  sol- 

dier, a  hero,  n  gentleman,  ft  siholar,  a  stalesinnn, 
:tnd  a  imlrivt. 

I  sal  1  thai  Hamilton  was  not  quoted  as  aiilhor- 
iiy,  and  this  gives  me  occasion  lo  nunark,  that 
neither  piecedent  noraiilborily  is  as  yet  worth  much 
in  the  coiistriiction  of  this  Coiisiiiiiiion.  Opinions 
;ind  pi'a.'.tice  are  so  equally  balamed  on  the  one 
Side  and  on  the  oilier,  and  have  been  generally 
fbundcd  on  :sueh  quesiioiiabie  L'i'ouiids,  or  taken 
place  under  such  (|ueaiioii.'ible  cii'.'iimstances,  as  lo 
destroy  almost  entirely  their  efl'e.t.  How  far  opiii 
ions  (if  stutesinen,  even  thoui;li  eoncurreiii,  and 
I'umiiiig  in  II  long  and  nnbroken  s(  tics,  aie  to  be 
regarded  as  finally  sellling  politi.'al  questions,  I 
shall  not  "'ow  pimce  to  iiujuire,  but  beg  leave  to 
say  that,  in  my  opinion,  an  cuiiy  or  ready  agree- 


s 


18-16.] 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr,  E.  U.  Ewing. 


503 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


mcnt  of  nil  minds  in  rpgnrd  lo  the  pnwcrs  of  this 
new  nnd  sli;ui;;i^  Government  wiis  neither  to  be  ex- 
preiod  nor  desired.  Kiich  jiower  not  inimedintely 
:nid  vitally  necessary  to  the  daily  practienl  opera- 
lion  of  tlic  Government  may  well  he  made  tliesul> 
Jei'l  of  a  hard  striissjle,  and  of  a  searehin^  and 
thoroimh  in\estii^ation,  and  the  measures  under 
Koeh  powers  may  with  :;reat  pro]iriety,  and  con- 
nisii'iitly  with  the  cenrral  i^ood,  be  passed  after  the 
most  olistinalc  and  viLjonms  opposition. 

Takiii:^  tlie  questions  arising  under  the  above 
chuise  as  still  uii.'^eltled,  we  have  to  meet  the  ob- 
jerlion  that  the  rif;lils  of  thr  Slates  am!  their  sover- 
ei:;nty,  and  even  partial  indopendeiice,  will  he  at 
the  merry  of  the  General  Goverinneiit  ui)cn  so 
In'oail  a  eonslrnetioii,  and  that  lhe.se  rii;ht.s  the  Con- 
vention ooiild  never  iiave  intended  to  place  in  jeop- 
ardy. This  involves  an  exiimination  into  the 
necessity  of  so  general  a  ]io\ver  as  that  above  con- 
tended lor.  One  of  the  first  ferns  expressed  by  the 
opiioneni."  of  the  new  Constilulion  was,  that  it  cn- 
diin:;cred  Slate  rights,  and  tended  to  a  consolidation 
or  concenlralion  of  all  the  powers  of  Government 
in  Ihe  hands  of  the  Federal  authoriiics,  and  ton 
reduction  of  the  States  to  a  situation  little  better 
than  that  of  mere  nuinicijial  corporations.  A 
i;rave  objection  this  to  the  (jon.<tilutioii  if  it  be  lia- 
ble lo  so  great  an  abuse.  What,  then,  are  the 
fruits  of  observation  and  experience  on  thi.s  sub- 
Jeei,  taken  in  connexion  wiih  Ihe  ilesijii  and  ob- 
"jccis  of  the  Fech.'ral  eompacl  ?  The  great  design 
was,  to  consolidate  the  union  of  the  .States,  and  to 
this  end,  to  some  exieni,  tliere  was  a  uecossity  for 
the  C(Uiceniration  of  the  power.s  of  Government. 

The  amount  of  territory  and  population  existing 
in  178!)  in  the  United  States  was  such  a.s  lo  render 
fears  of  the  description  above  referred  lo  more 
lively  and  more  reasonable  than  subsequent  events, 
then  perha|i.s  not  clearly  foreseen,  will  justify.  To 
lonsolidaie  nnd  hold  in  strict  union  the  thirteen 
.Slates  on  the  Allantic  coast,  with  a  population  of 
three  millions,  was  one  ihinp, and  to  hold  together 
by  any  sort  of  union  the  imperial  territory  and 
population  which  now  shelter  themselves,  and  arc 
liereafler  lo  shelter  themselves,  under  the  wings  of 
thi.s  Go\ernment,  is  quite  another.  Did  our  an- 
cestors look  into  the  dim  vislaof  the  future,  or  did 
they  make  their  Consliiution  alone  for  the  day  and 
Ihe  time  in  which  they  lived.'  1  have  a  more  mag- 
nificent regar.'.  for  their  wisdom  and  sagacity  than 
lo  sup^iose  them  utterly  blind  to  the  future  desti- 
nies ol  the  mighty  princ.plcs  then  to  be  evolved, 
and  if  the  mighty  jieojile  then  in  embryo.  Pro- 
Irlietic  A-iioirifrfgf  1  do  not  impute  to  them,  but  pros- 
pective providence  none  can  deny  them.  What, 
then,  as  statesmen,  did  their  high  position  demand 
of  them  }  Certitinly  not  to  assume  to  speeity  rules 
for  all  future  contingencies,  exact  and  precise  in 
all  their  bearings,  having  no  power  of  adaptation 
to  ciicunisiances.  Thisj  in  my  opinion,  would 
h.'ve  been  of  the  very  essence  of  presumption  nnd 
short-sighieilne.ss.  Something,  certainly,  should 
li:  ve  been  left  by  them  llexible  in  its  character,  nnd 
'■.;;iable  of  expansion  under  the  eye  of  a  discreet 
■  ■d  circumspect  authority.  Kvent.f  have  already 
on  cd,  nnd  ihey  will,  in  my  opinion,  hereafter 
i<,  elTectually  prove,  the  necessity  of  such  n 
I'  'Wei .  With  a  people  now  spread  from  the  norih- 
\. e.;'  rOrcijon  to  the  Cajies  of  Florida,  and  from 
the  iiorlheiist  of  Maine  to  the  boundaries  of  Mex- 
ico, and  with  principles  of  expansion  established 
in  regard  to  territory,  and  existing  -n  regard  to 
population,  boundless  as  the  North  Ani-'i-fran  con- 

tinenl,  wl ui  precisely  deriiie  the  necessities  of 

our  eo-ex:  c  as  a  nation  '    With  dilferLMces  in 

manners,  in  habiis,  in  climati-,  in  physical  cmsli- 
lulion,  in  inlercsts  as  wide  as  ilisiiiiiiiish  nation.^  in 
oilier  lands,  what  shall  we  iiccil  to  bind  and  hold  u.i 
together  as  one  ;;reat  llcpublic  '  Sli.all  we  nol  need 
bands  of  sleel  and  bands  of  adamant .'  Shall  wo 
not  need  rivers  and  lakes, and  c mals,  and  railroads, 
and  niagneiii'  telegraiihs,  and  lin'dts,  and  social 
connexions,  unembarrassed  by  the  |ielty,  but  pos- 
sibly t'lUal,  obslriu'lions  of  sectional  power?  To 
Mi[|press  the  principles  of  populaliou,  to  iciiress 
the  avarice  for  territory,  are  labors  beyoial  the 
pmyer  of  any  human  coniliinalions;  lo  provide  for 
Iheir  safe  and  proper  expansion  may  yet  be  within 
Ihe  range  of  possiliilily. 

To  sustain  iIm-  view  that  some  general  power 
was  inieiiilcd  to  be  given  to  Conjri-e.ss  of  the  de- 
scription contended  for,  I  would  refer  to  other 


pnrt.so   the  Constitulio'-.  as  internal  evidence.  The 
preamble  .•■■els  out  with  the  piirpo.se  of  forming  n  , 
more  ))crfi^cl  union,  of  ensuring  domestic  tranquil-  i 
lily,  providing  for  the  common  defence,  promoting 
the  general  welfare,  and  securing  the  blessings  ^of 
liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  poJerilij,     The  fourth 
section  of  the  fourth  nrticle  provides  that  the  United  | 
States  shall  j^naranty  to  every  State  a  republican  ; 
form  of  Governmen:,  and   shall  protf  ■'   each   of 
them  against  invasion,  and,  on  application  of  the 
Legislature  or  the   Executive,  against  domestic  i 
violence.     And,  in  the  presentation  of  the  Consti-  ] 
tution  to  the  then  existing  Congress,  it  is  said: 

"In  , 'I  our  I'eliberntions  on  this  subject,  (the 
'  rights  of  Ihe  States,)  we  kept  steadily  in  view  thnt  i 
*  which  nppears  to  us  the  greatest  interest  of  every  j 
'  true  American,  the  consolidation  of  our  Union,  in  ' 
'  '."hichis  involved  our  prosperity,  felicity,  san  ly —  | 
'  perhaps  our  national  existence."  ! 

Against  nil   this  is   adduced  the  reservation  of  1 
riglils  contained  in  the  Khh  article  of  amendments  • 
to  the  Constitution,  viz:  "  The  powers  not  delcga- 
'  ted  to  the  United  Slates  by  the  Constitution,  nor  ; 
'  prohibited  by  it  to  the  Slates,  arc  reserved  to  the  ' 
'  Slates  respectivelvi  or  to  the  people."     1  shall  not  < 
pause  toquestiiai  tlie  propriety  of  tliis  ainendineni, 
not  deeming  it  of  much  force,  either  one  way  or 
the  other.     Ii  is,  in  my  opinion,  a  mere  cm-ollary, 
easily  derived,  witlicuit  the  necessity  of  expression, 
from  the  nature  of  the  Constitution  itself.     It  has 
its  full  scope  in  the  exercise  by  the  States  of  all 
local  powers,  of  all  regulations  of  State  police,  of 
all  the  ordintiry  branches  of  legislation,  embracing 
descents,   successions,   the   settlement  of  private  ■ 
rights,  as  found  in  our  various  statute  books,  cus- 
toms, nnd  common  law.     Uut  it  certainly  does  not 
trencli  uptai  a  comnuinicaled  power,  one  to  be  ex- 
ercised tor  the  general  w-ell'are.    l!ut  it  is  said  every 
species  of  legislalion  may  be  brought  within  these 
lerm.s,  common  defence  and  general  welfare.     So 
it  might  by  mere  usurpation,  but  not  otlierwi.se; 
and  so  might  Congress,  without  this  power,  usurp 
the  right  to  legislate  on  all  subjects,  and  the  bills  1 
to  be  pas.scd  could  only  he  checked  in  their  opera- 
tion as  laws  by  llu-  ajiplication  of  the  remedies  of  | 
the  Constitution,  or  by  the  actioi'  of  the  people  [ 
through  the  ballot-box.     It  is  true  that  this  power  I 
gives  to  Congress  a  large  discnMion — not  an  nrbi-  : 
trary  out*,  but  a  Ic.-al  one.    This  discretion  I  be- 
lieve it  necessary  that  Congress  should  possess; 
some  of  the  reason.s  for  it  have  nlrcaily  been  given,  : 
nor  do  1  deem  it  in  any  way  extraordinary  that  it  j 
shoulil  be  communicated.     It  is  giv    i  to  the  reprc-  ! 
senlalive  of  the  whole  national  power,  the  conser- 
vator of  the  national  interests.     The  check  of  the  ! 
two  floiises  of  Legislature  (peculiarly  conslitutcd  ] 
as  they  are,  representing  the  people  nnd  the  Slates)  ; 
one  upon  the  other,  the  veto  ]iower  of  the  Presi- 
dent, the  high  jurisdiction  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
Ihe  final  appeal  to  the  ballot-box,  are  its  strong 
restrnie'-      nd  with  these,  considering  our  national 
necessitu,..,  i  am  .satisfied.     It  i-^  a  jmwer,  in  my 
opinion,  not  to  be  used  in  doubtl'ul  cRses,  and  never 
without  great  circumspeclion.     It  is  a  power  sub- 
ject certainly  to  .some  abuse,  ns  power,  wherever 
nnd  lo  whomever  communicated,  always  is.     It  is 
n  power  thai,  up  to  this  point,  though  frequently 
exercised,  1  think  very  little  if  in  anything  strained 
beyond    its    proper   limits.      A   proper   jealousy, 
llioiijh  not  an  excessive  suspicion,  should  always 
be  kept  alive  in  regard  to  its  exerci.se.     It  is  eei- 
tainly  no  new  thing  under  the  sun  that  discretion 
limiled  as  this  is  should   be  given  to  a  Invi'-making 
power.     It  exists  everywhere,  and,  in  fact,  ari.ses 
out  of  the  very  nature  of  things,  out  of  the  infinite 
comidexity  of  human  all'airs,i;rowing,aiid  aboutid- 
ing,  ami  expanding',  and  coinliining  in  endless  in- 
volutions and  e\olutions,  ns  they  do,  and  as  they 
ever  will.     Judges  have  discretion;  Stale  LcL'isla- 
Inres,  the  most  conleniptible  niiuiicipal  corpora- 
lions,  have  it,  and  it  is  abused,  and  its  abnsi's  lire 
borne  with  or  corrected.     Leiiislatures  are  forbid- 
den to  pass  retrospective  laws;  but  who  is  to  judge 
in  advanci^  what  is  a  retrospective  law  ?    They  are 
forbiilden  to  pass  laws  requiring  excessive  ball,  or 
establishing  cruel  and   unusual  piinisliments;  but 
who  is  lo  decide,  a  pi-inri,  when  the  law  is  on  this 
side  or  thatof  t'.e  rtslit  line  ?     Rut  enoim.i  of  this. 

It  is  said,  I   .wever,  tbat  if  this  conslruclion  be 
rorrec!,  Il.cre  was  no  need  for  the  Convention  to 
'  iiave  proceeded  further:  liiat  Oiey  had  already  giv- 
en BulHciciit  power  for  idl  the  purposes  of  the  Gen- 


eral Government.  Is  this  n  correct  deduction  ?  If 
it  were  clear  ill  advance  iijion  the  bare  suggestion 
of  a  measure,  whether  it  were  or  were  not'  for  tlio 
common  defence  or  general  welfare,  then  this  might; 
lie  true;  as  all  the  subsequent  powers  are  at  last 
resolvable  into  this,  being  each  and  all  cither  for 
the  cominon  defence  or  the  general  wcldire.  Bu*, 
then,  about  the  jiowers  subsequently  given,  the 
Convention  felt,  and  felt  properly,  thnt  it  would 
not  do  to  leave  any  doubt,  or  ground  even  for  de- 
bate or  delay.  And  so  it  is  always  in  the  commu- 
nication of  ))ower,  from  the  ordinary  ]iower  of  nt- 
toriiey  lielween  individuals,  to  the  grand  charters 
of  Sintes  and  nations.  In  regard  lo  some  things, 
asHurance  must  be  tr.ade  doubly  sure.  In  regard 
to  others,  not  foreseen,  or  not  thought  of,  but  aii- 
tieipaied  as  possible,  general  words  are  resorted  to, 
guarded  more  or  less  carefully,  according  to  tho 
confidence  entertained  in  the  agent,  and  the  magni- 
tude of  the  interest  entrusted.  Now,  if  this  grc, 
national  romoact  and  charter,  gi.uited  by  n  nation 
to  itself  f.jr  the  government  of  ils  existing  people 
and  Iheiv  posterity,  should  have  failed  to  contain  o. 
single  discretionary  power  ns  a  provision  against 
contingencies,  would  it  o  ^t  have  been  uo.st  extra- 
ordinary.' I  must  confess  that  I  have  not  yet  ar- 
rived at  that  slate  of  quiet  eoiitenipt  fur  mankinil 
which  would  have  justified  me  in  such  ii  denial.  I 
have  still  some  filth  in  human  virtue,  anil  some 
faith  even  in  ]iublic  virtue;  and  without  such  a 
faith,  and  Pitch  a  fact  to  justify  it,  constitutions  nio 
ropes  of  .sand  anil  laws  are  unsubstantial  bubbles. 

Lastly,  it  is  insisted  thnt  this  power  to  conslrnct 
works  of  inlernal  iniprovement  was  in  elfect  denied 
to  the  Federal  Government  by  the  Convention,  and 
its  proceedings  are  refcired  to  in  proof  of  this  as- 
sertion. Iv'ow,  upon  this  I  icinnrk,  thnt  it  is  one 
thing  lo  refuse  lo  in.sert  a  provision  expressly 
gramins  a  power,  and  auoiher,  and  (piite  ndilfer- 
enl  thing,  to  deny  the  exercise  of  that  power  to  an 
agent.  In  the  latter  ease  no  general  words  could 
admit  the  exercise  of  the  power,  but  in  the  former 
many  good  rensons  might  exist  for  not  expressly 
inserting  it,  leaving  it  to  future  contingencies  to 
determine  the  projirlely  of  its  exercise,  where 
there  were  general  words  sufficient  to  embrace  it. 
This  power,  however,  in  my  opinion,  was  neither 
denied,  nor  was  its  in  i  rlion  refused,  by  the  Con- 
vention. The  proposition  of  Gouveriieitr  Morris, 
bearing  relation  to  this  subject,  was  referred  to  a 
committee,  who  failed  to  report  it,  and  so  tho 
proposition  was  really  never  con:;idere(l  in  Con- 
vention at  all.  It  was  n  power,  too,  of  a  delicate 
nature,  somewhat  difficult  to  define,  nnd  therefore 
better  left  in  its  exercise  to  general  terms,  nnd  let- 
ting each  measure,  when  ]iresented,  stand  upon 
its  oi^n  peculiar  circunistatices.  Again:  I  utterly 
object  to  this  mode  of  arriving  nt  tlie  meaning  of 
the  Constitution,  as  eniini  -'ly  fallacio"3  and  de- 
ceptive. Itiaanaid  to  const'uction,  I  iight  often 
in  requisition  in  the  debates  upon  questions  arising 
under  this  Constilulion.  It  is  certainly  not  one  of 
the  old  and  time-honored  rules  for  the  conslructioii 
of  statutes  and  legal  instruments.  In  ilic  construc- 
tion of  legal  documents,  the  jn-evious  colloquium 
of  the  parties  is  expressly  excluded  by  a  well-es- 
tablished rule.  In  the  coastruction  of  statutes,  the 
old  law,  the  thing  to  ')e  remedied,  the  preamble, 
Ihe  previous  genera'  history,  nnd,  above  all,  tho 
words  of  the  statute  themselves,  are  to  be  looked 
to,  to  come  to  correct  condiistotis  in  regard  lo  its 
ineaning.  To  any  one  at  all  familial  with  legisla- 
tion, the  attemju  to  arrive  at  the  true  grounds  for 
the  rejcciion  of  one,  nnd  the  insertion  of  another 
provision  in  a  law,  by  the  barren  report  of  the 
proceedings,  would  be  considered  utterly  inadmis- 
sible; and,  inileed.  In  take  the  account  which  might 
be  given  of  the  matter  by  any  inilividual  memljer 
of  the  deliberative  body  would  be  little  belter,  es- 
pecially if  that  account  shcaild  be  liven  from  mem- 
ory at  any  length  of  time  after  the  pa.s.sage  of  the 
law.  Throwing  out  of  view  all  party  bias  in  such 
a  case,  and  all  questionalile  motives,  and  all  de- 
sires to  establish  particular  theories,  it  would  be 
nearly  impossible  to  get  at  the  true  motives  of  tho 
body  in  refusing  ilie  insertion  of  any  parliculnr 
proprsiiion,  tVoin  sheer  ignorance  o-i  the  part  of 
one  member  of  the  motives  influencing  the  action 
of  others.  The  lejeelion  of  some  of  the  aniend- 
nietils  which  may  be  oll'ered  to  this  very  bill  might, 
in  aflerlimcs,  be  very  difficult  lo  be  accounted  for 
uiion  any  data  that  will  bo  furnished  in  the  liistory 


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AIM'ENDIX  TO  THE  COiNGUESSlOJNAL  GLOIJE 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr,  E.  JI.  Ewing. 


(Miucli  IG, 
Ho.  or  Ubps. 


il«l 


or  the  proceedings  upon  it.  In  llivnliBcnco  of  nm> 
lii^uity,  in  tlio  niemiInK  oflhc  IciniM  cniplciycit  in 
the  Cimslilulion,  I  shall  iiriainly  iirver  \\v  tlilvin 
mil  of  the  iiittli'unitnt  ilsoll'io  liiiil  ilH  nuiiiiin^.  I 
Khiill  t;iUe  my  siiiiul  I'pnii  ilicni,  lidwcvci'  niticli 
tlicy  may  conflict  with  the  preconctivcil  opinionu 
of  some,  wlio  ilccni  my  contitriictinn  of  tlieni  iliin- 
gnous  to  the  country. 

The  vicwH  above  taken  of  tlie  powers  i^iven  hy 
the  CoiiKliliiliini  relieve  nie  from  thi^  necc'.<sity  of 
iliscn3Hin(5  the  <|nisliiinH  ilixcnsseil  liy  others,  of 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  Sia.iN  over  the  har- 
bor site.-*  nnd  over  the  beds  of  the  rivern  pntpoHeil 
by  this  bill  to  be  improved;  whether  jiuiHdiction 
wa.s  or  vvns  not  f;iven  over  the  rivers  by  the  ordi- 
nance of  nH7,nnd  wlielher  maritime  or  adniirally 
jnriadiction appertain  to  onrKieat  fresh-v^iilerlakeH. 
I  »hoiild  think  it  not  a  litde  utran^'e,  however,  if 
the  ordinance  above  referred  to  Hlmnld  have  C(ni- 
laiiied  so  ^reat  a  lilundir  as  that  of  mnkini;  the 
tributary  stream.^  of  the  Mi;;Ni::sippi  and  St.  Law- 
rence common  liiirhway.i,  and  Ibrever  free,  and 
that  the  Mix.xisaippi  anil  the  i;reat  lakes  Kliould  not 
themselves  be  aUo  hi:!;hvvays;  lhe.se  tributaries 
would,  in  that  case,  be  but  blind-alleys,  ciif-c/i- 
.siifs,  and  the  whole  provision  be  uilirly  futile  anil 
miu'ntory.  I  shall  jirntesl,  iiio,  in  pa»sini;,a^'ainst 
the  doctrine  that  tide-water  alone  can  ;;ive  mari- 
time and  admiralty  jurisdiction  luider  the  Coiisli- 
tuiion.  The  ship.s  of  the  Huron  and  theiSuperior, 
nial  their  sailors,  I  think,  nii^hl  be  brou'^ht  under 
maritime  jurisdiction,  in  spite  of  what  may  be 
found  in  the  ''unsuluto  i/i(  AUirt  to  the  contrary. 
Some  other  day,  if  1  should  ever  liiid  the  oppiir- 
tuiiity,  I  shiHild  be  i;h«l  to  discuss  this  nuestioii  of 
jurisdictiun  inoi'e  at  lar^e;  it  i.-^  a  ipiesiion,  liow- 
ever,  raiherfor  ini,'eiiuily  and  curious  le.irniii^'  ihail 
one  of  any  practical  moment  or  t;eneral  use.  I 
will  slop,  however,  still  further  ui  ask,  by  whom 
the  navigation  of  the  t;riat  Mi.s.siiisippi  is  to  be 
iinproveil,  if  not  by  the  Ueneral  Ciovirinnent.'  It 
riiii.s  in  its  whole  cuur.se  throii:;li  the  wisiern 
and  southern  Slates,  as  a  boui'dary  beuvien  ihe 
•Slates,  except  a  few  hundred  miles  near  lis  mmith. 
The  ;)d  ixiramapli  of  the  Ifllli  seciion  of  the  l,<t 
article  of  the  Conslitnlion  contains  a  provision  that 
no  Slate  shall  enter  into  any  agreement  or  cuni- 
pact  wilh  another  Stale  wiihoiii  the  consent  ■!' 
Congress,  unless  aclii.illy  invaded  or  in  such  ini- 
niinent  danf,'er  as  will  not  admit  of  delay.  Now , 
take  ihn  case  of  Tenues.see  and  .Vrkansas.  .'sup- 
pose they  were  to  undertake  to  improve  llie  Mis- 
Kiss.ipni  on  their  borders:  the  fusi  ilmi:,'  to  be  dime 
would  be  to  make  a  line  in  ihe  waier  at  the  middle 
of  ihc  river  for  u  tmn-rmr,  each  Stale  working  up 
to  it  and  back  again,  taking  care  ilial  tiny  did  not 
trespass  the  one  uiion  the  other,  by  pulling  ^iiit^s 
from  the  wrong  siile  of  the  line.  Siip|io.se(.:ongre."s 
should,  howeur,  give  its  assent  llial  they  should 
work  Ihe  river  togi  ther,  and  they  wi  re  lo  make  a 
eompact,  and  one  or  tlie  othi  r  tlioiild  be  a  lilile 
l.izy,  and  fail  to  eoinply:  what  would  be  ihe  dam- 
a;;es  for  the  viohilioll  of  the  eoiu|iaitr  Suppose, 
while  they  were  working  away,  and  had  lhiM,'s 
liirned  up  so  that  it  would  iu>t  be  ronveiiieni  to  let 
f.hips  <  huge  boats  p.is9,  one  of  llnele  San»*.4 
ships,  Inilt  at  Pittsburg,  :liould  come  along,  wilh 
sail.i  set  or  engine  playing,  and  demand  a  pii.s.sa;'.e 
at  the  turnpike:  what  wriiiM  tin'  overseer  say? 
Suppose  'I'l  nne.ssee  and  Arkansas  weie  to  lock  and 
il.ini  the  Sli.ssis.;ippi,and  .'ieUip  a  toll-house  cm  the 

I k-     Or  suppn.se  any  oilier  non.sense,      I   liuld 

thai  our  lakes  and  riveis  are  just  as  cimMlitlUmiil 
as  any  .Mill  sea,  if  it  were  the  sui  of  Soihmi  il.self, 
wil'i  il.i  bituini  n  lo  boot. 

Having,  then,  si  tiled,  to  my  own  satisfaction  at 
hast,  the  c|iii  .siinii  of  the  power  of  this  CJovern- 

Ill  to  con.i'.niii  wiuk.iof  inn  rn.d  improvement 

svhere  they  ni.iy  In'  such  as  i  unibii  e  in  noun  iiii- 
poii.oit  m.inner  to  ihe  i  oinnioii  di  I'l  iice  or  llie  gin- 
eral  svelfare,  the  ni  xl  i|iieslion  lo  be  delermiinil  is 
in  regard  to  ihe  ini'aMire  now  lit  fore  ihe  lliiiise, 
whither  ii  conns  wiihin  lliis  gi  nei.il  citegory. 
.\iid  Inri  I  iipe.it  Ih.it  I  Kilieic  it  to  bi  Ibr  the 
geiieial  wxll'ari ,  ili.it  f.ieiliiies  Ibr  inlerconnnunica- 
lion  between  tin  .'-^lali  ;i,  bolh  Ibr  eomiiiui  i.il  and 
soi-ial  piirpoM.i,  ;  li.inld  be  iniilliplMl,  and  llial 
lliey  ail' of  the  liiglicM  imiiori.ince  lo  the  :'rowth 
and  consoliilalion  of  the  Shiles;  and  lli.u,  ihougii 
imicli  maybe  dmii'  by  mdiiidual  i  nurpri.te,  y"  i 
thai,  wiihiiiil  gon  riinienl.d  Mijienision  and  a.ssist- 
ttn.:e  and  power,  the  progietia  will  be  tun  uluw  fur 


tlio  great  purposes  lo  be  acconipliahed.  The  iin- 
iiroveineiu  and  ertation  of  Imruors  on  our  great 
lakes,  and  the  r.lvaring  out  of  our  great  rivers,  do 
facililale  this  inlercoinniunication,  and  therefurc 
fill  the  meu-sure  of  my  definition  of  the  eonstitu- 
tioniil  power.  This  bill  is  perhaps  not  precisely 
what  It  would  have  been  had  those  who  mainly 
advocate  it  now  been  a  liltle  less  .s(|ueainish  in 
their  derivalioii  of  the  power  to  do  the  acta  con- 
lemplaled,  and  a  litllc  more  slaiesinanhke  in  iheir 
views  of  its  apjilication.  I  lad  it  come  from  some 
depariinent  of  liie  tioverntnent  especially  inlrnsU'd 
to  that  intent,  more  form  and  coinelincss,  and  a 
more  projier  distributioii  of  iis  beneliis,  might  have 
been  exhibited,  and  greater  likelihood  have  e.\isted 
of  ila  giving  genual  satislaction.  It  would  have 
been  less  subject  to  the  rliarge  of  partiality  in  its 
provisions,  and  of  /()g-ro//i/ig  in  its  cunsirnction. 
NVhen  bills  subject  to  these  objictions  present 
themselves,  they  yive  a  great  handle  lo  the  opno- 
neiits  of  iiileriial  improvement  to  attack  the  whole 
system  on  ;;roumls  of  expediency.  And,  indeed, 
much  can  lie  said,  and  said  wilh  truth,  too,  in  re- 
gard to  combinaiions  lo  ellict  .special  and  selfish 
olijeets,  where  nothing  has  been  suhniitted  to  the 
conlrolling  revie>'-  of  some  one  or  more  who  can 
have  seen  the  bearing  of  inch  particular  appropri- 
ation, and  how  it  consorts  witli  the  gener.il  inter- 
(sisof  the  Union.  Kow,  sir,  1  do  not  mean  by 
these  reinaiks  lo  impugn  any  of  Ihe  specific  appro- 
prialiona  of  this  bill,  nor  to  deny  their  expediency; 
lint  in  oiii  1'  speCI,  sir,  i  believe  the  bill  lo  be  still 
deleclive,  Ih'  is  in  the  general  distribution  of 

its  beneliis  roper  and  expedient  and 

coiioiitulionai  .  ijipropriations  for  impor- 

tant works  of  ii  improvement,  it  is,  never- 

theless, lioth  conipi  :  and  proper  for  those  por- 
tions of  the  Union  whose  rights  are  not  duly  con 
sidered  to  teliise  liieir  assent  lo  a  bill  uneijual  in 
its  character,  wilh  a  view  to  bring  about  by  delays 
a  sense  of  justice  on  the  part  of  those  w  ho  may 
liavi-  forgoileii  the  rights  of  others  in  their  eager- 
ness lo  ellecl  the  objecls  in  which  they  are  section- 
ally  interested.  1  ilo  iiot,lhciefure,  pledge  myself 
at  all  events  lo  vole  for  this  bill.  1  am  sure  that 
it  needs  furlher  amendment  to  obviate  the  ineipial- 
iiy  .ibove  complained  of  And  this  l-ringsmcto 
Ihe  aniendin.,nt  proposed  by  my  colleague  [Mr. 
CitnziKUJ  for  an  ap|iroprialion  lo  the  'Veimessce 
river,  and  the  aniendmeiit  ollered  by  myself  for  an 
appropriation  to  the  Cumberland  river.  The  np- 
proprialiinis  demanded  fur  these  rivers  sljiiid  upon 
giounds  as  f.iir,  as  high,  and  as  national,  as  many 
other  appropriations  reported  in  the  bill,  and  ciui- 
iioi,  in  my  opinion,  be  nfiised  upon  any  other 
than  sectional  grounds.  Teiines.see  has  as  yet 
had  but  lilllu  of  the  money  of  this  Kepublic  ex- 
pended wiihin  her  borders;  and  .some  of  its  money 
she  now  wants,  and  she  demands  it  as  her  right, 
(•ther  rights,  loo,  may  have  bien  denied  her,  as 
ciimplained  of  by  my  colleague,  [Mr.  Johnson.) 
She  has  no  chairman  oil  any  of  llie  committees  of 
this  House,  when  olher  and  younger  Slates  have 
several.  (If  mis,  sir,  Imwevi.,  /do  mil  complain; 
nor  should  I  be  willing  to  be  paid  olf  in  thai  kind 
of  colli.  Nor  do  i  allow,  wnh  the  gentleman  from 
I'ennsylvaiiia,  |.Mr.  Tiiiimi'bus,]  who  answered 
my  eiiileague's  charge  abuiit  the  commillees,  lliat 
we  have!  in  any  ih  gree  had  our  debl  against  ihc 
Uiivernmcnl  disihaiL^ed  by  ihe  seleelion  of  a  I'rts- 
idciil  and  a  I'oslm.ister  (general  from  our  Sl.Ue. 
Tcnne.ssec  did  not  a,sk  for  these  honors;  ihey  have 
bein  forced  upon  her  a-gainst  her  will  iiy  oiln/r 
Stales,  and  i  specially  by  'he  Slate  of  the  genlh:- 
man  hist  ineiilioiiiil.  If  anything,  she  would 
r.illicr  consider  In  r  claim  enhanced,  and  that  ihese 
honors  are  lo  be  el'.arged  to  the  del'it  side  of  the 
ai-i'oiint,  and  ai;aiiisi  ihe  United  Slates,  if  we 
could  gel  a  Whig  I'resiilent  from  Tennessee,  ihe 
CISC  nnglit  be  altered,  and  the  claim  of  the  geiille- 
nian  taken  into  grave  consideration.  As  the  mat- 
ter staials,  however,  'IViinessee  (!erl.iiiily  does  not 
abate  anything  in  Ihe  hue  of  approprialiuiis  de- 
nianded 

t>f  the  appropriiliun  lo  the  Tennessee  river, 
I  niiii'.'Ji  has  been  .said,  and  In  Her  sai.i  than  I  I'oiild 
.i.iy  II,  by  my  eolle.igne,  |.Mr.  Ciiu/iKii.|  (If  the 
iippro)irialion  di.iiiaiiili  d  for  llie  (Jiiniberhuid  river, 
I  ImUc  someihing  lo  say.  This  river,  rising  in  the 
ea.  n  rn  part  of  Ui  iitiieky,  runs  tlirungh  the  Slates 
of  Ki  iiliiiky  and  'I'l  niiiis.si  e  abinii  six  lunidi'id 
miles,  to  Its  nunitli  on  the  Ohio  river.    The  town 


of  Nashvillo  is  nituntcd  ubout  two  hundred  niilen 
above  its  inmith,  and  is  a  place  of  considerable 
lr"..!e,iind  the  metropolis  of  the  Slate  of  Tennessee. 
The  navignlioii  of  the  Cumberland  for  a  large  part 
of  the  year  is  good  for  the  largest  class  of  steam- 
boats to  Nashville,  and  for  small  slcnmhoals  nearly 
Ihc  whole  year.  The  navigation  above  Nashville, 
for  more  than  two  hundred  miles,  though  not  .so 
good,  is  still  sulficienl  to  make  a  small  approjiria- 
lion  to  it  in  Ihaldireclionof  very  great  importance. 
The  amount  demanded  for  clearing  oiilobsiruelions 
below  Nashville  is  <J-I5,(UI(I;  the  amount  above  Nash- 
ville is  ^110,000.  Some  forly  miles  below  Nashville, 
at  the  mouth  of  Harnelh  river,  are  uiliiate  what  are 
called  the  1  [arpetli  Slioals,  and  these  form  the  most 
serious  obslriiclion  lothenavigalion  between  Nash- 
ville and  the  mouth.  A  survey  has  been  made  of 
this  river,  boih  below  and  above  Na.shville,  and 
esiimates  furnished,  showing  the  sums  nei'e.s.sary 
for  the  improvement  of  ils  navigalion.  These  sin- 
veysand  estimalesaie  to  be  found  in  the  WarOllice; 
and,  if  time  permitted,  it  would  give  me  pleasure 
to  show  Ihc  especial  propriely  of  llie  present  de- 
mand. The  survey  made  by  Caplain  Delafield,of 
the  Topographical  Engineers,  in  183^, and  the  sur- 
vey made  by  Lieulenanl  Staiislnny,  in  183-1,  prove 
clearly  that  nppro|iriations  of  the  amount  now  re- 
quested would  be  of  ureal  praetieal  use,  nnd  would 
not  be  wasted  and  sunk,  as  ton  many  of  these  Gov- 
ernment advances  arc,  in  projecls  which  are  either 
tolally  visionary,  or  of  a  eharncter  disproporlioned 
entirely  to  the  means  to  be  applied  to  them.  Anil, 
indeed,  this  feature  in  this  syslem  of  inlernal  ini- 
provemenls  is  too  liltle  regarJed;  the  general  iiece.s- 
sily  of  the  appropriation  is  looked  to,  rather  than 
its  cmnpelency  lo  elleet  any  good  toward  the  oli- 
jcct  intended.  If,  then,  in  the  pii  sent  case,  with 
thchelpof  individual  enterprise,  which  I  underiake 
to  say  will  not  be  wanting,  these  appnipriaiions 
will  really  be  of  praciic.al  use,  it  behooves  us  fur- 
ther to  inipiire,  whether  ihc  end  lo  be  altiiined  is  of 
general  imporliuice;  whether  the  Cumberland  river 
be  in  one  of  those  great  lines  of  commmiicalion  by 
which  the  national  commerce  is  to  bo  faciliialed, 
and  tlie  Union  itself  to  be  conscdidated.  liy  na- 
ture, and  without  reference  to  any  artificial  improve- 
mciil  in  other  (luarters,  the  Cumberland  river  forms 
one  oflhc  main  connecling  links  foralar-e  porlioii 
of  Tejinesseeand  '.eiilucky  wilh  New  Orleans,  Si. 
Louis,  Pittsburg,  Cincinnati,  and,  ihroiigh  these, 
with  most  of  the  South,  and  with  all  of  the  Wi  si- 
crn  and  Northwestern  Slates.  I  have  not  at  hand 
the  means  of  estimating  the  amount  of  eonimeree 
actually  carried  on  with  these  various  quarters  by 
the  people  of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee;  but,  sir, 
when  1  say  that  the  population  in  these  Hvo  Stales 
dependant  on  this  river  for  their  means  of  trans- 
portation and  communication  exceeds  half  a  mil- 
lion; Ihal  they  are  a  people  wealthy,  aclive,  and 
enterprising;  that  ils  banks  me  sliidded  for  four 
hundred  miles  with  nnmerons  towns  and  vilLiges, 
ontlels  lo  the  in-oducls  of  the  surroniiilii.A'  country 
— a  country  largely  engaged  in  agriculture  of  al- 
most every  description,  and  lo  a  con.siderable  ex- 
tent al.so  in  manufactures— 1  preseiil,  in  my  opin 
ion,  much  more  than  smnc  of  llie  advocates  of  this 
bill  can  present  ill  fivor  of  their  peculiar  ilem.-<. 

If  this  were  all,  however,  that  could  be  said  in 
behalf  of  this  aiiproprialiiin,  I  should  hesitate  some- 
what in  regard  to  ilschaiacler  as  being  local  lallier 
than  general;  but  there  is  another  view  of  llie  case 
which  certainly  stamps  the  nieasiire  as  one  of  gen 
eral  utility.  It  is  gencridly  known,  I  belii  ve,Iliat 
a  srriis  of  railroads  from  (^harlesion,  in  Soiiili 
Carolina,  to  ClmllannoCT,  ini  llieTcnne.-see  river, 
have  either  been  compleled  or  are  now  under  eim- 
Iract,  w  ilh  the  immediate  prospect  of  llieir  conipl.- 
lion.  l!y  ihe.se  railro.ids  and  the  sonlhern  rivers 
a  chain  of  connexion  is  ell'ecled  fnim  llie 'I'lnin  s- 
.see  river  with  all  Ihe  Seiles  of  Suiilli  ('aniliiia  and 
(jeorgia,  and  Willi  a  porlion  of  the  Sl.ile  of  Ala 
biima,'  and  it  only  needs  a  railroad  IVoiii  Nashvilie 
toChallanooga  to  i  ll'cetasiill  more  impiirlanl  con 
nexion.  ISy  such  a  railroad  llie  u'leal  di  sideialiim, 
so  long  looked  upon  as  vi.*ionary,  or  at  least  re- 
mole,  of  bringing  logclher  tin:  Suiilh  Allaiilie  sea- 
boar;!  and  the  great  West,  would  be  el''.tteil— a 
eoiisciiueiice  iho  imporlance  of  which,  in  a  social, 
poliiical,  emnniercial,  and  miliiary  point  of  vic-w, 
IS  nearly  incalculable.  In  vnw  of  the  immensi! 
resiills  lo  be  ell'ecled  by  siii-h  a  chain  of  cominuni- 
culion  for  all  parts  of  the  Union,  but  especially  Uir 


:s 


52i>ru  CoNH 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


505 


TAc  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Ben-icn. 


Senate. 


ilic  Soutlicnst,  it  i«  willi  no  little  iT^rol  tlmt  I  hiive 
wL-ii  llu!  o|t|insitioii,  (tr  at  Irast  tiic  Uilo-WiiniincKM, 
nC  nu'iiilnTs  iVniii  tiiat  iMtrtitiii  of  Iho  Coiili'ilcracy 
liiwaiil  lliii  priiji'cioil  lai'iiHiiir,  and,  iialriil,  toward 
this  wIiok;  I>iI].  if  lliin  c.tiuld  ho  cllet'li'd,  wu 
nhiuild  huai'  nil  more  c.iniiidiiiiit.s  fnmi  the  South- 
ra.st  of  hui*  iMolalcd  coruiilion,  of  lh(;  noiili:ct  of  her 
jiust  rl^'hlM,  of  iitdlificaiiiiii,  and  of  tarlll'  injuslii'.e. 
IliM'  inti'rc'.sl.s  wonid  Nonn  hcconm  <'i>ninioii  with 
linisu  of  tlif  rest  of  lh(!  Union.  Tliat  surh  ii  ccni- 
ncxion  can  \>v.  fornuil  i.s  now,  I  think,  hcyund  ii 
nasonahh'  donhl.  The  Lcnislaluniof  Tonnussee, 
at  its  hist  Hi'ssion,  ?,'ninli'd  u  most  hi'i'ral  charter 
(or  the,  col;  mction  of  a  raihimtl  from  Nashville 
to  Cliall.i  a,  and  1  have  every  lonfidinie  that 

ill  a  few  \  I  .us  this  eoniinnnicatlon  between  Nash- 
ville: and  till'  sealioard  will  he  roniplete.  The  ad- 
vaiila^'es  to  all  parlies  arc  ill  fact  so  oliyiotis,  llie 
I'ost  of  the  railroad  comparalively  so  insi<;nifii  ant, 
Ihat  I  must  believe  the  people  of  Nashville  and  of 
Claulesloii  recreant  to  their  own  best  interesis  if 
the  measure  dhonld  fail,  and  this  1  imi  not  yet  pre- 
pared to  believe. 

The  sniall  appropriation,  then,  now  deniandctl 
for  llie  Cninlierliind  river,  in  coiinnxion  with  pri- 
vate enterprise,  will  soon  lake  away  every  serious  ' 
iibslruclion  to  nn  uninterrupted  connnunicalion  be- 
tween Charleston  and  .Savannah  on  the  one  hantl, 
and  >S(,  Louis  and  Cincinnali   on  the  other.     It 
ini;;ht  be  expected  hero  that  1  should  ^o  sonicwiiat 
iiilo  detail  In  show  the  peculiar  general  advanla'^es 
of  ihe  eslablislinieiit  of  such  a  coniinunication. 
'i'liey  are  so  obvious,  anil  indeed  so  f;eiierally  ad-  ; 
milted,  as   to   render  this  alinosi  unnecessary.     I; 
will  say,  however,  that  1  Inue  seen  enoHu;li  dnrinij  , 
the  present  session  of  Conirress  of  a  spirit  of  alicna- 
lion  exislinit  be. ween  llic  SoiUh  and  the  Northwest, 
iiolli   social   and   polilical,  aiisiiii;  doululess  Ironi  ' 
their  lack  of  .social  and  coininercial  ideality,  to  con-  i 
vince  ine  of  the  necessity  of  tyin;;  tliein  to^clher  by  \ 
aihiilional  and   slroiifjer  bonds.     Their  niulual  in- 
lerisl  and  dependance  is,  1  apprehend,  the  stidli?- 
esl  chain  by  which  they  can  be  held  toj;ctlier.     It 
IS  this  wliicli  si'cures  ibo  peace  of  nations;  it  is  this 
which,  if  anyiliinj^,  will  preserve  from  wreck  our 
ini^ihly  Uepiiblic.   The  coiislanl  iiilerclinii^c,lhcn,  i 
to  arise  of  eomniodilies,  of  opinions,  of  society,  of  i 
imelliu;eiice,  belween  these  two  sections  of  the  Con-  i 
fedeiacy,  I  dieni  of  the  highest  importance,  and  1  t 
believe  that  this  may  be  serially  ailvanced  by  adopt- 
in:;  Ihe  amendment  proposed  by  me  to  this  bill. 

1  nii;;ht  not  improperly,  perhaps,  say  a  word  of 
Ihe  imiuirtance  of  this  eliain  of  euiamunication  in 
a  military  point  of  view.  Tennessee  and  Ken- 
lucky  are  the  only  States  of  this  Union  that  have 
no  froiuicr  I'xposed  to  a  forei:,'n  enemy,  and  yet 
Ihe  citizens  of  these  Slates  have  not  heretofore 
bien  considered  as  standiie;  lowest  in  the  military  . 
scale.  Far  be  it  front  me  to  play  the  bra'_;i;art  in 
letjard  to  their  deeds  of  anus,  or  to  vaunt  ihcir 
prowess,  as  a  means  of  inducing;  justice  to  their 
pn  sciil  claims;  yet  I  will  say  that  they  will  ever 
lie  found  ready  to  alfon!  assistance  in  time  of  war 
111  their  mine  exposed  brdhren,  if  the  opporUinily 
iifdoiim  so  with  ell'ecl  shall  be  alliirded  tlieni;  that 
ihey  will  never  hu;;  llii  niselves  in  the  security  of 
tlii-ir  impie^ii.dile  position,  and  turn  a  cold  rei;ard 
upon  the  calls  of  llui.ie  over  whom  dan2;er  is  iin- 
iiiineut.  And  is  mil  the  measure  now  proposed 
iliscivin;;  of  lite  hii;hest  cousidenition,  in  view  of 
Ihe  speiily  Iransportalion  of  Irooiis  and  munitions 
of  war  from  lliese  two  .Slates?  AliLjht  not  Charles- 
ton some  day  need  ihe  same  defenders  as  New 
(Irleans?  .'\ie  not  both  the  .Smith  and  the  Norlh- 
west  iiileresled  in  receivinij;  aid  by  the  shortefit  and 
inosi  expidillon."  lonle  in  case  of  sudden  invasion 
— the  foiiuir  by  a  civilii^ed,  ihe  lalter  by  a  s.tva^n 
Ibe?    And  yet  it  .s  from  these  iiuarlers,  strangle  as 

II  may  appear,  ilial  I  expect   (he  main  opposition 

III  this  ameiidii  ent.  The  amendment  may  be  de- 
le.ilid  at  piesi  1,1;  the  amendment  of  my  cnllea^nic 
may  also  be  ih  'ealed;  Ihe  iSoulh  and  the  Norlli- 
west  may  for  ihe  lime  refuse  a  more  inlim.ile  con- 
nexion; ihey  may  combnie  lo  disiepird  llie  just 
ri:;liis  of  Tennessee  and  Kentucky.  They  iiii:,'lil, 
however,  to  recollect  lliat  these  two  f;reat  Stales 
are  not  lo  be  despised  wilh  iinpunily;  lhat  they 
are  able,  and  that  Ihey  will  be  liiunil  williua;,  per- 
haps, on  oilier  (pieslions,  lo  assert  their  diu'uily  and 
show  iheir  power;  that  if  blows  are  recklcs.sly  lo 
be  j;inn,  blows  must  be  also  received.  1  would 
fain,  however,  liojie  belter  lhin;;3.    1  would  hope 


that  the  Simtli  would  rid  herself  of  those  narrow 
scrujiles  in  the  coiisiruciion  of  Ihe  Consiiinlion 
which  have  been  the  main  obstacle  to  her  advance- 
ment in  pros|ierily  and  in  polilieal  consideralion, 
and  that  the  iSiorlhwesl  may  not  be  blinded  by  a 
eonlracleil  view  of  her  own  interests  lo  measures 
eminenily  ealcuhiied  to  advanco  the  true  and  the 
besl  inleresls  of  the  whole  Confederacy. 

Ilaviie;  thus,  Mr.  C'hairman,  explained  my 
views  of  the  consiitulional  power  of  this  Uovern- 
irieiil  to  construct  works  of  iniernal  impiovemeni, 
and  attempted  lo  show  the  propriely  of  the  amend- 
ment olVered  by  me  lo  ihe  bill  before  the  IIou.se, 
whatever  may  lie  Ihe  result  ii|ii)n  the  amendmeni, 
or  whalever  may  be  ihe  fate  of  ihe  bill,  I  shall 
rest  satisfied  with  liavinu;  discharijed  my  duty  both 
to  my  constituents  imd  to  the  country. 


THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 
SPEECH    OF    MR.    BERRIEN, 

OF  GEORGIA, 
In  the  Sknatk,  Much  17,  18lfi. 
On  the  Resolution  for  lerminaling  Ihe  joint  occu- 
pancy of  Orcguii. 

Mr.  HERRI  EN  said: 

Mr.  I'aKMOKNr:  I  am  !;lad  that  it  has  fallen  lo 
my  lot  to  parlicipale  in  lliis  debate  at  a  monienl 
when  the  clond  which  lowered  upon  ils  openim; 
has  passed  away,  and  a  bri:;lilenin:;  horizon  more 
dislindly  develops  the  objects  around  us.  Time, 
rellei  lion,  and  inlervenin:;  events,  have  unind  lo 
give  u.s  a  elemer  view  of  our  posilion — I  trnsi,  also, 
a  more  accnralc  perceplion  of  our  duties.  I  avail 
myself  of  the  moment  lo  express,  as  lirielly  as  I 
may,  the  impressions  w'lich  this  subject  has  nuulu 
upon  my  mind. 

The  resolution  under  consideration  is  re.sponsive 
to  n  call  made  by  Ihe  President  of  the  Uiiilcd  Slales 
in  his  Annual  Messa2;c  to  Conjiess.  Ils  purpose  is  to 
arive  ell'ect  to  the  rccommcmlHlion  of  the  President. 
The  nalure  and  character  of  the  measure  which 
the  rcsohilion  proposes  to  us  arc,  Ihercfoie,  to  be 
determined  by  looking'  lo  the  Messai^e  which  calls 
for  it.  Now,  sir,  the  purpose  of  the  President,  in 
askinp;  from  Conu'ress  an  anlhorily  lo  notify  to  the 
I'ritish  Government  our  determination  to  annul 
Ihe  convenlion  of  1818,  is  distinctly  announced  in 
his  Messaijo  to  be  the  peaceable  or  forcible  asscr- 
lion,  as  the  occasion  may  require,  of  our  title  lo 
the  whole  of  what  h:ia  been  denominated  in  this 
debate  ihe  territory  of  Orea;on.  The  measure 
which  il  proposes,  the  consei|uenccs  to  which  it 
will  probably  lead,  involve  all  llie  f;reat  inleresls 
of  twenlv  millions  of  people,  which,  within  llic 
sphere  ol'onr  consiitulional  powers  and  dulies,  are 
committed  lo  our  proleclion.  This  measure,  thus 
ori:;inatiii2;  in  the  Ciinc;i'ess  of  the  United  Stales, 
may  disturb  the  peace  of  the  world.  Ou  such  a 
subject,  all  mere  declamalion  is  obviously  out  of 
place.  Excited  appeals  to  our  sense  of  national 
honor  and  lo  onr  patriotism;  exav::;eraled  descrip- 
lions  of  the  arro^janco,  and  inipoleni'e  of  Great 
lirilain,  and  ^lowin:;  re]ire.scnlalioiis  of  our  own 
prowess,  seem  to  me  alike  inappropriate  lo  Ihe 
place  and  lo  the  occasion.  The  attempt  is  merely 
vain,  10  iuduence  the  conducl  of  any  man  who  has 
ininil  eiiiin:;h  lo  form  his  own  jiida;menl,  and 
"nerve"  enoiish  lo  do  ils  bidding',  by  appeals  of 
this  descriplion.  Why,  sir.  who  is  insensible  lo 
the  calls  of  ttfititiiial  lumor  ?  Who  does  not  know, 
and  rcijict,  lhat  it  may  somclimes  be  neces.sary  lo 
vindicale  ihe  honor  of  Ihe  nalioii  on  the  ballle- 
field?  Who  does  nol  know,  and  rejoice,  lhat  a 
liloiiily  hand  is  not  the  only  symbol  of  a  nalion's 
honor?  And  /irt/rifi/i.\m — truly,  sir,  iiatriolism  is  a 
virtue  which  il  lichooves  freemen  especially  lo 
cherish,  liul  what  .Vmerican  Senalor,  whal  Amer- 
ican cilizcn,  rcipiires  lo  be  reminded  of  ihis  duty  r 
The  (inviji-imiT  of  Great  lirilain  '■  Eor  aierht  I 
know,  sir,  arrii:;ance  may  be  characteristic  of  the 
An:;lo-Saxiin.  1  (|Uiirrel  wilh  no  man  who  as.serls 
llial  il  is  so,  and  yet,  speikini'  for  myself,  I  would 
be  ashamed  lo  s.iy  lhat  1  had  found  any  exhiliiiion 
of  ihis  Ii  1  liic'  ill  llie  receni  correspondence  of  Ihe 
I'rilisli  I'Icnipiitenliary.  The  future  iiii;i()(ciicc  of 
Ihe  ISrilish  Government  is  a  subject  for  llie  specn- 
lalions  of  Ihe  political  philosopiiers,  who  .see,  or 
tliink  lliey  see,  sown  liroadca.'it  in  her  extended 


empire,  and  scparnlnd  dependencies,  the  neeils  of 
her  dissoluiion.  Uut  how  do  these  specnlalimis, 
whether  they  be  founded  in  reason  or  are  merely 
visionary,  all'ect  the  i|neslion  before  us?  We 
know,  unless  we  close  our  eyes  lo  fads  which  are 
obvious  to  all  the  world  beside,  that  Great  Rrilain 
is  at  llii.s  moment  in  the  fulness  of  her  strenu;lli, 
and  prepared  to  ii.llict  a  blow  which  it  will  reipiire 
all  onr  eui'r!;y  to  repel.  With  a  view  lo  our  dc. 
cision  of  ihisipieslion,  that  is  all  which  it  concerns 
us  to  know.  And  our  own  jivowlhs — we,  it  i.s 
said,  need  not  fear  the  eonllicl.  We  are  prepared, 
or  call  be  so  on  the  instanl,  lo  win  llie  Irinmphs 
whiih  await  us.  God  forbid  thai  I  should  de|ire- 
ciate  ihe  valor  of  my  countrymen;  but  if  we  are  lo 
enter  inio  this  eonllicl,  if  Great  i'lritain  is  once 
more  to  become  onr  adversary  or.  llie  batlle-lield, 
1  trust  we  shall  not  rely  upon  her  impoteni:e;  but 

Iireparc  to  meet  "a  slroii:;  man  armed.''  And, 
est  we  should  prove  ourselves  capable  rather  lo 
endure  blows  than  lo  iullicl  them,  1  hope  we  shall 
not  calciilale  loo  lai'j;ely  on  our  own  undeveloped 
enerj^ies — on  onr  capaiily  to  "exlraet  sunbeams 
from  cucumbers,  of  which  the  process  is  Uillicull," 
nr,  what  is  eipiivaleiil,  to  make  men-of-war  out  of 
i  packet-ships. 

I  will  be  pardoned  for  sayin;;  (for  it  is  the  honest 
coiividion  of  myjud:;ment)  lhat  these  topics  ilo 
not  beloii;^  to  the  discussion  of  a  ;;riive  (|uesiiiiii 
like  lhat  which  is  presenleil  lo  onr  considcmlion. 
.Since  the  comineiicement  of  the  present  .session  of 
(Jon:;ress,  the  American  people  have  been  .startled 
by  the  iiitelli:;ence  ihal  they  were  on  the  eve  of 
war.  In  ihe  excited  deliales  which  have  occuin  d 
here  ami  elsewhere,  ihey  have  had  ample  Lcronnd 
for  apprehension.  If  now  il  is  lemiior.inly  lulled, 
;  they  slill  look  wilh  anxious  solicitude  lo  Ihe  .Sutale 
.  of  ihe  Uiiitcil  SlalJs  to  (|uiet  their  apprehensions, 
by  siiciirin^'  the  peace  of  the  eounlry,  not  by  dec- 
lamation, nol  by  iutlammalory  appeals,  but  by  a 
calm  and  dispassionate  consideralion  of  the  sub- 
jecl,and  by  such  a  decision  as  that  eonsideralion 
;  will  lead  us  to  form. 

I      I'ut  the  chairman  of  the  Commillee  on  rAirei^:ii 
I  Relations  tells  us  tlmt  the  se.  ;iin  for  this  is  yoiie 
i  by;  that  the  time  for  aclion  has  arri>'ed;  that  we 
siand  committed  lo  assert  onr  claim  lo  the  whole 
of  Orcijon,  "  peaceably  if  we  may,  forcibly  if  we 
ninsl."     Speaking  of 'his  resolnlion,  he  says:  •'  1 
:  '  know  this  body,  and  I  know  that  this  resoluiion 
*  will   pass,   aiui   pass   easily.     I   "are    not   what 
'speeches  maybe  made  ;i?ain3t  i,,  it  will  |ia.ss."' 
I  Well,  sir,  where  is  it  that  such  a  deelaralion  is 
made?     Is  Ihis  the  .Senale  of  llie  Uniled  Slales,  or 
is  ihe  old  Parliament  of  Paris  revived  in  this  cham- 
ber?    Have  we  n-ally  enlertsl  upon  a  merely  for- 
ma^consideration  of  a  (|uesllon  vilally  aireciiii;,'  ail 
the  Rreat  inleresls  of  the  connlry?     Have  we  en- 
I  tered  upon  the  consideralion  of  such  a  ipicstion, 
I  wilh  a  J'nre^rnne  conclusion?     Is  ihis  the  humble 
;  olllce  which  the  Senate  of  the  Uniled  Stales  has  to 
perform — not  to  advise,  not  to  deliberale,  mil  to 
I  decide,  but  simply  to  rcfjister  a  Presidenlial  edici  ? 
Is  lhat  the  ollice  which  is  allolled  lo  us?     .Sir,  the 
honorable  Senator  deceives  himself.     The  minor 
!  ciueslions  of  parly  may  be  .so  arran:;cd,  and  even 
,  in  ihese  the  altemptiH  not  always  successful.    Ihil 
this  is  not  a  parly  queslion.     The  resoluiion  sub- 
[  milled  by  ihc  Senator  from  Kenlncky,  |Mr.  Cr.ir- 
TKNiiKN,]  the  calm  and  praclical  ar:;nini'nt,  al  an 
j  early  sUmc  of  ihe  dcbale,  of  llie  .Seiialor  from  Ilcl- 
awari',  [Mr.  J.  M.  (Ji..\vro\,]  the  posilion  occu- 
pied by  various  Senators  on  the  oilier  .*--ide  of  the 
chamber,  all  assure  ns  Ihal  llie  motives  by  which 
Senalors  arc  aclualed  on  ihis  occa.-iion  come  from 
a  liii;lier  and  purer  reu'ion  than  lhat  in  which  mere 
parly  dwells. 
;      Mr.  Ai.LEN  rose  lo  explain;  and  Mr.  IjiinainN 
i  yicldiiii;  the  lloor,Mr.  Ai.i.en  said  :    In  thesiien-h 
I  which   I  had  ihe  honor  lo  deliver  in  the  course  of 
this  discussion,  I  believe  there  was  not  one  solil.uy 
word  which   had  the  desi:;n  or  elleci  of  niakiii:; 
this  a  parly  qiieslion — not  one  solilarv  syll  dili?; 
and  if  lliat  speech  has  received  such  a  ilireclion,  it 
!  has  not  been  by  my  hand.     In   makin:;  the  (lee- 
laralion  that  the  resolnlion  would  pass,  I  had  no 
reference  to  the  predominance  of  one  or  ihe  oilier 
parly  in  the  Senate.     I  spoke  from  my  conviciion 
of  what  would  be    the  conviction  of  the  Senate 
when  the  whole  case  was  laiil  before  its  members. 
Mr.  PiEiiniEN,  in  e.ontlimalion,Haid:  I  hear  with 
I  grc.it  [ileasure  the  declaration  now  made  liy  the 


1 1-' 


a'l 


m 


^^mifpim^^ntrw^ 


606 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Tfie  Orego''.  i^uestion — Mr.  Berrien. 


[March  17, 
Senate. 


hnnornlile  Seiintor.     He  will  cxciise  nio  if  I  hnve  | 
licrn  misli'rt  I'y  his  ciprlnraticiii  hi'iplnfiirc  ihal  tlip  i 
resolution  would  puss,  "  iin  nmllnr  wliiil  HpspclH's 
were  innilp  ngnin.st  ii;"  no  nmllpr  wiml  nrrny  of 
flirts  or  of  nrsjuiiipnls  wbb  prcapiitwl  ixcminst  it,  tliat  j 
it  would  pnss.     A  resolution  wliirli  no  fact,   no  ' 
arjuinenl  could  resist,  wns  not  snliinitted  lo  the 
deiibernlc  consideration  of  the  Senate.  How,  then,  i 
wns  it  to  lie  decided?     And   when  the   lionornltle 
Senator  declared  that  we  were  committed  to  the  , 
assertion  of  our  title  to  tlie  whole  of  Oren;i>n,  and  ' 
so  committed  liy  the  declarations  of  the  President 
liefore  and  after  his  election,  to  whom  did  he  ad- 
dress himself — to  the  Senate  or  to  his  party?    I^iit 
I  lake  at  its  full  value  the  declaration  of  the  Sen- 
ator Irom  Ohio,  and,  speakin;  lor  myself,  I  say 
this  is   not  a  party  question,  nor  a  question  for 
parly  or  individual  dictation.    No  man  has  a  rialit 
to  assume  for  himself  that  superiority  of  moral  or  , 
intellectual  power  which  entitles  him  to  prescribe 
a  standard  liy  which  the  nerve  or  the  patriotism  of 
others   may  he   measured.     To  all  preleasioiis  of 
this  sort  the  answer  is  siraple  and  enijihatic.    Look 
at  home — lirace  your  own  nerves,  cherish   j'oi  ( 
own  piitrioiism,  ffuard  the  avenues  to  error  in  your 
own  itrtsnnis,  and  he  content  if,  havinij  dtnie  this, 
you  can  fiiitlifullv  discharge  your  own  duty,  leav- 
iicv  to  others  their  proper  responsihility. 

I  repeat,  then,  sir,  this  is  a  i;rave  qucsti(ui:  one 
which  must  he  met  and  discussed  on  its  own  mer- 
its, notwitslandiu'.;  tlu^  pnbliciiy  of  the  discussion 
which  has  liecn  torced  upon  us.  And  here  I  can- 
not avoid  ohsi'rviivj,  that  if  the  PresideiU  of  the 
tiniled  Stales  had  di'sired  lo  ohlain  the  advice  of 
the  Senate  on  a  question  of  such  importance  and 
delicacy  as  lhal  we  are  considering,  he  had  the  ex- 
ample of  the  most  illustrious  of  Jill  his  predecessors  , 
lo  p'lint  out  to  him  ti'.e  mode  in  which  the  suliji'cl  ■ 
referreil  miirtit  have  heen  treed  from  the  cmharrass- 
nient  attr-ndiiii;  this  public  discussion.  1  am  not 
fToni;^  to  d''bate  a  constitutional  r|uestion.  The 
President  has  chosen  to  subject  the  foreiu;n  rela- 
tions of  the  country  to  public  examination,  and  I 
acquiesce  in  that  which  is  acquiesced  in  by  uthers. 
In  the  various  excitini;  questions  which  will  be 
presented,  while  we  are,  as  gentlemen  tell  us,  '*  ful- 
filiinj;  our  destiny"  by  successive  extensions  "  of 
ihe  area  of  freedom,"  I  entertain  no  vain  hope  thai 
the  variiuis  departments  of  this  Government  will 
confute  themselves  with  n  the  limits  which  the 
Constitution  has  a.-si^ned  to  them;  lhal,  in  its  prac- 
tical operation,  it  will  in  this  re^'ard  realize  the  ex- 
pectations of  ils  framei-s.  The  siirns  of  the  limes 
too  clejirly  indicjite  that  the  checks  and  balances 
which  they  ihoiiixht  they  had  proviiled,  must  yield 
to  an  external  force,  falsely  (lenominalrd  the  will 
of  the  American  i>eup!e;  that,  while  we  have  a  (J^v- 
ermnent  admii-ubly  balanced  in  the  paprr  muni- 
men'  of  our  title  M  the  liberties  we  enjoy,  we  are 
10  h  1  ."'CI  a  Government  of  |topular  impulses, 

excite).;  ;>;.  iioliiical  leaderd;  an  irresponsilih;  oli- 
pifchy,  of  which  the  seat  and  centre  is  to  be  the 
Conirress  of  the  United  States;  the  principles  and 
jirartices  of  which  are  not  lo  be  souirht  in  the  f  Nm- 
slilution,  bill  successively  anniaincrd  to  us  in  the 
edicts  of  party  conveiiticleii.  And  already,  sir, 
here,  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  Slates,  we  have 
had  our  first  lesson  in  the  resoliilions  of  the  llalii- 
more  Crmvenlion,  formally  recii*d  in  this  chamber, 
and  ur::ed  upon  us  as  a  rule  of  conduct  for  the 
PresidenI  and  for  a  majority  of  the  .Senate.  For 
myself,  I  rejoice  lhal  I  can  say,  ana  in  hircfittlcra — 
I  hav"  entered  into  no  .uch  bonds. 

Well,  sir,  I  lake  this  as  I  find  it.     I  do  not  waste  ] 
vour  time  or  my  own  in  useless  discussion.     The 
lime  is  not  now.     1  can  live  imihT  such  a  (iovern- 
iiieiit  as  well  as  anoihcr,  uiiiii  tin'  Atnerlc;tn  peo- 

fde,  awakeneil  to  the  importance  of  adh''rin'.r  to  the 
andnmrks  of  the  Constitution,  shall  require  their 
ollicial  airents  to  retrace  their  ste(is. 

Mere  IS  K  resoiulioM  proposin:;  to  us  a  measure 
which  invoUes  the  rreal  inleri'sls  of  the  connlry. 
The  Senate  has  entertained  it,  and  I  will  fliscnss  it. 
But  Senators  say  no.  The  inference  to  be  didiiced 
from  opinions  expressed  on  this  Hoor  is,  lhal  this 
resolution  is  not  open  to  free  and  iiiifell'-red  dis- 
cussion, esfiei'ially  that  the  question  of  tiile  niiist 
not  be  toiirhed,  without  asserliu'.r  in  ils  whole  ex- 
tent lhal  of  Hip  United  .States.  Sir,  I  do  not  so 
uiidersiand  my  ilulv,  I  am  called  iipiui  to  exer'ise 
an  act  of  judirment  in  'j:ivinn*  my  vole  on  this  reso- 
lution, and  1  hnve  u  riirlit  tu  know  und  to  exuniine 


the  trroiind.^  on  which  I  am  to  rest  it.     If  wn  are  In  | 
a"sert  a  title,  and,  if  need  be,  to  assert  it  by  force 
of  arms,  the  strenirib  or  the  weakness  of  our  title,  | 
the  extent  to  which  or  ihe  limit  within  which  it  is 
rii,'ht  and  proper  so  to  do,  and  the  strenu'th  and  the 
weakness  nf  our  means  of  assertinij  it,  are  neces- 
sary elcinents  of  the  rmeslion  on  which  my  juib.^- 
meiit  is  to  be  exercised.     Yet  I  hear  it  said  by  the 
Senator  from  Delaware,  (Mr.. T.INI.  Ci  ivros'.iand 
by  the  Senator  from  Massachiisells,  [  \fr.  Wf.n- 
sTRn,]  in  lheu.se  of  a  atron!;ex]UTssion,as  it  struck  ' 
me,  calculaled  rather  lo  indicate  his  relnclnnce  than 
his  delermiintion,  lint  this  is  not  a  proper  occasion 
for  discussin;;  our  title.  i 

Now,  sir,  no  man  yields  a  more  willini;  tribute 
to  the  intellii^ence  and  forecast  of  these  Inmorable 
Senators  than  I  do,  and  yet  I  confess  my  own  judg- 
ment concurs  with  the  simple  and  perspicumis  ex-  . 
position  of  the  duty  of  a  Senator  which  was  i;iven  i 
liy  the  Senator  from  IVIissouri,  who  sits  nearest  lo 
me,  [Mr.  Amii'^ov.]  1  iirciend  not  to  stale  his 
lani:uiUTe,  but  ils  r''sult.  If  any  .Scmtor  donbls  ■ 
llie  propriety  of  asscriiiii;  our  I'laini  in  the  extent 
in  which  il  is  the  niaiiifest  object  of  the  rcsidution 
to  assert  it,  il  is  both  his  ri^ht  and  his  duly  to  state 
his  opinion,  and  the  reasons  fnrentertaininij  il.  If, 
on  examination,  the.si'  are  found  lo  be  valid,  it  may 
be  the  means  of  preAc'iiiu'^  his  country  from  en- 
jii'^'ini!:  in  a  war,  which  would  then  be  not  only 
unnei  es.sary,  but  also  unjust.  Ilanpilv,  my  duty 
will  not,  in  my  jud'.rmciil,  require  that  I  should  i;o 

into  a  miniile  examination  of  the  various  soiii s 

of  our  title.  To  the  extent  to  which  I  consider  it 
necessary  for  the  pur|iose  of  presentiiii  my  views 
distinctly  to  the  Senate,  I  will  not  hesilate  to  jo, 
even  ihonirh  denunciation  may  fdlow.  I  would 
I'c'i  that  I  had  indeed  lived  in  vain,  if,  in  the  dis- 
charge of  my  duty  as  an  American  Senator,  I  might 
not  speak  triilli  to  my  countrymen,  even  in  the 
hearim::  of  an  adver.sary. 

Mr.  President,  this  duty  has  become,  in  my 
jud?menl,  more  imiieralive,  because  the  discus- 
sions of  this  subject  here  and  elsewhere  have  been 
calculaled  lo  pri>ilucea  false  impression  on  the  pub- 
lic mind,  to  ]ilai'e  Senators  who  cann'>l  concur  in 
th*'  ultra  measures  which  this  resohilion  coniem- 
plales  in  a  filse  position,  which  they  are  not  bound 
to  preserve  in  silence. 

The  claim  of  the  United  Stales  to  the  vast  terri- 
tory which  intervenes  bctweeii  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tains and  the  Pacific,  and  between  forty-two  de- 
U'rees  and  .'i4''  4(1'  of  norih  latitude,  is  said  to  be 
cli'ar,  nnqiicstimiable,  ime  which  cannot  be  dis- 
[Miled,  wlii<'h  may  not  be  further  pursued  by  nejo- 
liaiioii,  wliich  cannot  be  compromised,  which  we 
will  not  Hiiliinit  to  ''le  arbitrament  of  a  friendly 
tribunal,  constituted  e\eu  as  we  ourselves  mi^ht 
desire  it.  1 1  is  not  described  to  be,  as  in  truth  it  is, 
a  wilderness,  o-'cupied  fur  the  most  tiart  by  savaije 
tribes,  which  the  ITiiilcd  Stairs  and  Great  Britain 
are  contestiii!^  the  [niority  of  rii;ht  to  wrest  from 
them,  by  clnims  founded  on  discovery  and  ai'lual 
and  prospective  .sctlleinent;  but  it  is  said  to  lu*  a 
;  (erritory  of  ttie  United  .Slates,  part  and  parcel  of 
ihe  I'^nlon — our  own  soil,  not  a  loot  of  which  can 
be  vii'ldeil — to  the  whole  of  wh'cli,  ay,  to  every 
inch  of  it,  lair  tide  must  be  asserted  inslanlly,  as 
.^oon  as  we  can  release  ourselves  from  this  cnnven- 
tion.  and,  if  need  be,  at  Ihe  cannon's  mouth. 

The  people  of  the  Uniicd  Stales  are  tcild  that 
Great  Britain  has  not  a  si'intilla  of  riirht  lo  any 
portion  of  this  territory;  that  her  claim  is  lawless; 
that  it  is  pursued  in  a  spirit  of  am  ranee,  ninl  must 
be  repelled  at  whatever  cost  of  treasure  or  of  blood, 
Tliey  ail'  told  lhal  it  is  not  a  mere  questiiin  of 
conlliciin;!;  rlj^'its;  that  the  national  hoimr  is  in- 
volved, niul  that  it  must  be  vindicated  or  it  will  be 
sacrificed. 

.\o\y,  if  these  ihin!_'s  be  Inie,  why  does  any  Sen- 
ator hesitate  !  If  they  are  false,  why  is  he  silent  ? 
Whether  true  or  false,  if  such  impressions  can  be 
made  upon  the  public  mind,  if  these  representa- 
tioiip  are  accri  diied,  and  these  opinions  are  adopi- 
id  by  the  Ameri".in  people,  lie'  feeliii','  which  they 
will  awaken  is  obvious.  Thai  fecliii:;  will  ceipiire 
from  F.it'j'land  a  prompt  abitndomnent  of  her  claim, 
or  it  will  dem.ind  from  us  the  forcible  .isserlion  of 
our  own.  War  will  then  be — I  adopt  the  adji'dive 
'vhich  has  been  discarded  by  the  .Si.'iiator  from 
.Mii-hi;:an — war  will  then  be  **  iiirr'ifiihir,** 

I'l  the  dis*'h[ii-<^e  of  our  constiliilioi.al  duty,  can 


myjudf^ent  this  hijrh  office  is  devolved  upon  the 
Senate  of  the  ITniled  Stales. 

Our  first  duly  is  to  divest  this  suhjerl  of  the 
ffloss,  of  the  false  roloriiii;  which  has  lieen  ^iven 
to  it,  which  is  calciilnled  unduly  to  excite  the  feel- 
imjs  of  the  .American  people.  They  are  told  that 
the  national  honor  is  involved  in  this  controversy, 
that  Great  Britain  is  ari'oijanlly  ntiemptinp;  to  wrest 
from  us  a  portion  of  our  own  territurv,  lo  which 
our  title  is  "  clear  and  unquestionable."  Slri|i  the 
subject  of  this  unnatural  coloriu';;  show  how  tit- 
lerly  idle  and  unfounded  are  these  representations; 
exhibit  Ihe  true  and  real  question  to  our  country- 
men, and  they  will  consider  it  calmly  and  decide  it 
justly. 

Inquire,  in  their  presence,  how  the  national  hon- 
or cnii  be  involved  in  seltlinu;  a  nueslion  of  limits 
belween  Great  Britain  and  the  Unitetl  States,  in  a 
territory  to  which,  by  a  Irealy  of  nearly  tliirly 
years'  slandim;,  we  have  acknowledged  that  she 
had  cohimon  rii^hls  with  our  own? 

And,  since  it  must  be  so,  to  save  the  nation  from 
bein^  phin','cil  inio  an  uiilioly  war,  consider  for  ii 
monieni  wlial  is  this  clear  and  iinipieslionable  title, 
for  the  assertion  of  wliii'h  all  the  jrent  interests  of 
the  connlry  are  to  be  jeoparded.      IIa]'pilv  it   is 
not  necessary  lo  brim;  this  into  conllict  with  that 
of  Great  Brilain.      .\\  the  ha/ard  of  whatever  de- 
;  nunciation   may  follow  the  drclarnlion,  I  hesitate 
I  no;  lo  assert  that  it  is,  in  my  Jndpnent,  an  utter 
I  perversion  of  laneunse  to  affirm  that  either  the 
'.  Uniled  Slates  or  Great  Biilain  ha.s  a  clear  and  iin- 
ipieslionable title  to  the  territory  of  Ore;;on.   There 
is  no  priiicipli'  of  national  law,  nor  a.iv  other  law, 
human  or  divine,  which  can  be  applied  to  the  faci.s 
of  this  case,  and  which  will  sustain   the  position 
that  either  we  or  they  have  such  title  to  that  lerri- 
'  tory.     We  have  claims  which,  if  duly  prosecuted, 
;  will  evenluate  in  the  acquisition  of  title;  and  those 
j  claims,  lo  the  extent  to  which  they  are  sustained 
I  by  ihe  facts  of  the  case,  and  the  principles  of  law 
I  which  arc  applicable  lo  tho.se  tacts,  wc  are  bound 
1  t'l  assert.     Oreirou   may  thus,  in  process  of  time, 
I  become  a  territory  of  the  Uni'ed  States;  its  soil 
may  become  our  soil;  our  people  may  there  erect 
their  domealic  altars,  under  the  pinrdianship  of 
'  our  laws  and  the  protection  of  our  flu?.     Then  let 
I  him   who  would   intrude  beware,  whether  it  be 
I  Great  Britain  or  any  other  Power. 

But  just  now,  at  the  present  time,  when  it  is 
I  proposed  to  involve  us  in  a  war  to  sustain  il,  what 
IS  our  title,  or  that  of  Great  Britain,  to  this  vast 
wilderness,  which  is  vet  in  the  possession  of  the 
abori;;inal  tribes?  Why,  they  and  we,  and  ihose 
I  under  whom  we  claim,  have  sailed  alonj};  the  const; 
have  landed  here  and  there;  have  mad"  iccasional 
settleineMs;  have  traded  with  the  natives;  have 
explored  a  rivci ,  and  erected  buildings  on  ils  banks; 
and  this  the  .\nierican  people  are  told  has  given 
us  an  undoubted  properly  in  the  soil,  a  clear,  iin- 
oiieslionable  title  lo  the  whiile  territory.  Can 
lliere  be  a  more  absolute  perversion,  not  only  of 
technical  lansuau-e,  but  of  the  lnngiiai;e  of  common 
sense  =  Why,  w  hat  are  the  elements  of  this  title  ? 
'  It  is  undoubted,  clear,  and  unquestionable;  iiml 
yet  we  have  neither  jiosscssion,  nor  the  rii^ht  of 
possession,  nor  the  ri^jht  of  properly,  nor  yet  jii- 
risiliciion.  We  have  not  possession,  ^I  mean 
exclusive  possession,  for  that  of  course  is  neces- 
'  sary  to  mainlain  exclusive  title.)  We  have  not 
possession,  for  our  pos.^ession  is  that  of  Great 
Britain,  and  her  possession  is  ours.  We  have  not 
the  riijlit  of  possession,  nor  can  we  acquire  il,  for 
the  convention  forbids  il.  We  liav(i  not  the  riirht 
oj" property;  that  everybody  airrees  belongs  lo  the 
aborigines  until  iheirtille  i.'i  extinguished.  AVIien 
ViC  or  Great  Britain  shall  have  obtained  posses- 
sion, we  or  lliey  may  acquire  this  title  to  tne  soil, 
by  force  or  fraud,  or  honest  compact,  as  we  or 
they,  chonsing  between  the  various  precedents  in 
the'  history  of  both  couniries,  may  adopt  the  one 
or  the  oth'er  course.  We  have  not  juri.sdiciion; 
we  have  never  attempted  to  exerci.so  it,  and  for  the 
last  eighl-and-twcnty  years  have  been  under  a  sol- 
emn compact  not  ti'i  do  .so.  Now,  in  the  iilweiice 
of  every  element  of  tide,  or  yet  of  jiirisdi  lion,  ( 
protest  airainst  the  atlcmpt  lo  inllame  the  minds  of 

iiiii luitrymen,  by  representing  this  as  a  contest 

fur  our  own  soil.  Sir,  it  is  simply  a  contest  for 
priority  of  right  lo  acquire  possession  and  jiirisdic,- 
tlon,  and  thereafter  lo  cxlin^ruish  the  title  of  the 


vc  do 


thii 


;  to  avert  these  consequences?     In     aborigines;  for  a  priority  of  right  to  trample  upon 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


507 


afh'H  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr,  Berrien. 


SCNATG. 


their  rifrhlsj  nnd  it  is  for  such  n  privilrge  tknt  two 
jrrcnt  c.oinmorciiil,  enhijhlfint'd,  nnd  (MiriHtiaii  na- 
tiotiH  nrn  to  mnko  war  upon  rncli  other. 

Mr.  President,  1  am  not  a!>oiit  lo  deliver  to  the 
Senate  ii  hnniily  on  alioriginnl  rights.  I  know  the 
prini'.i|ilc  of  the  hiw  of  nalinns,  which  is  invoked 
til  .sustain  these  claims,  i  know  that,  as  a  conse- 
quence of  the  primeval  curse,  the  earth  must  be 
tdlcd,  and  that,  when  noccHsity  requires  it,  the  sav- 
age may  he  made  to  circumscrihe  the  limits  of  his 
chase.  And  thoui^h  wo  have  at  our  very  doors, 
and  Great  lirilaiu  has  in  her  numerous  dependen- 
cies, millions  of  acres  yet  in  a  state  of  nature — ma- 
jestic forests,  in  which  tlie  sound  of  the  woodman's 
axe  has  never  yet  been  heard — that  is  apart  from 
my  ])i-esent  purpose.  I  desire  simply  to  divest 
this  question  of  the  false  filare  which  has  been 
thrown  aromtd  it — to  strip  this  controversy  of  the 
chnrncler  which  has  been  given  to  it,  as  a  contest 
for  our  own  soil;  for  a  territory  which  is  part  and 

Iinrcel  of  this  Union,  as  a  stnuigle  with  a  foreif^n 
'ower  which  calls  us  to  the  defence  of  our  homes 
and  our  firesides,  of  our  domestic  altars  and  our 
householil  Rods;  lo  jire.sent  it  as  it  is,  as  a  contest 
fur  priority  of  risrht  to  acquire  a  foreign  and  dis- 
tant territory;  and  whether,  in  jiursuing  that  con- 
test, we  shall  exiend  our  claim  to  the  whole  terri- 
tory, or,  circnmscribins  our  limits,  shall  leave  the 
residue  to  be  occupied  by  Gnat  Britain. 

It  is  in  this  aspect  that  1  desire  to  present  this 
question  to  the  consideration  of  the  Senate  and  of 
the  country,  as  one  which  ought  to  be  adjusted  by 
compromise,  and  in  the  spirit  of  peace,  not  by  the 
sword.  If  it  were  a  question  involving  the  national 
character  or  honor,  airecling  our  own  soil,  any  part 
of  this  Union,  the  remotest  spot  within  the  limils 
of  the  United  .Slates,  over  which  the  stars  and 
stripes  of  the  Union  extend  their  protective  inthi- 
ence,  it  were  vain  to  speak  of  compromise.  Uut 
the  question  of  our  priority  of  right,  or  that  of 
Great  Britain,  to  acquire  the  territory  of  Oregon, 
in  part  or  in  whole,  and  if  in  part,  what  shall  bo 
the  boundary  between  us,  is  one  which  no  princi- 
tile  of  honor  forbids  us  from  adjusting  hy  compro- 
mise, but  which  every  consideration  of  interest,  of 
duty,  nnd  of  honor,  forbids  us  from  asserting  by 
force,  until  all  proper  anil  recognised  means  of 
peaceful  adjustment  have  been  tried  and  exhausted. 
And  now,  sir,  having  staled  my  view  of  the  na- 
ture of  this  controversy,  for  the  purpose  of  show- 
ing that  its  ndjustmcnt  by  compromise  is  the  proper 
and  legitimate  mode  of  setllmg  it,  I  proceed  to 
show,  as  I  think  may  he  done  conclusively,  that 
the  past  action  of  our  Government  renders  yet  more 
imperative  upon  us  the  obligation  so  to  adjust  it; 
and,  for  this  purpose,  I  submit  to  the  considera- 
tion of  the  Senate  these  two  propositions,  which  I 
will  briefly  discuss. 

1.  From  the  earliest  stage  of  this  controversy, 
down  to  a  very  recent  period,  we  have  ourselves, 
nnd  of  our  own  accord,  alKxed  a  limit  to  our  claim 
beyond  which  we  have  not  denied  that  of  Great 
Britain. 

2.  Our  several  claims,  whether  derived  from 
France  or  Spain,  from  our  own  discovery,  or  from 
coiui^'uily,  all  concur  to  recommend  the  limit 
adopied  by  our  predecessors,  as  a  general  basis  on 
which  this  controversy  may  he  equitably  and  hon- 
orably adjusted. 

Reiore  I  proceed  to  consider  the  first  of  ibese 
noaiiions,  it  is  necessary  to  meet  an  ohjeclion  made 
ny  the  Senator  from  Missoiui  [Mr.  Atchison]  to 
the  view  which  1  am  about  to  present  to  the  Sen- 
ale.  The.  honorr\ble  Senator  contends  that  these 
ads  of  our  Government,  to  which  I  jtrojiose  to 
refer,  wer(^  inrre  offers  nf  cnmjmimise ■  which,  having 
been  rejected,  cannot  now  be  un'  d  iigainst  the 
I'liiiher  extension  of  our  claim;  and,  in  support  of 
this  opinion,  he  invokes  a  rule  of  evidence  appli- 
cable to  controversies  between  individuals  in  the 
"rdinary  courts  of  justice.  The  rule  is  correctly 
staled.  It  rests  upon  the  principle  that  a  man  may 
be  allowed  lo  "  Imy  his  peace,"  r  to  endeiivor  lo 
do  so,  without  being  concluded  by  what  he  may 
have  ofl'ered  if  his  pai'ific  overlures  fail.  i 

There  are  two  niod^s  of  meeting  this  argument,  i 
I.  h  is  applicable,  and  applicable  only,  to  con- 
troversies beOn-e  a  tribunal  ronipelenl  to  ilecide 
between  the  )mrlies  before  it.  If  tliese  acts  of  our 
Government  were  olVered  in  evidence  by  Great 
Britain  before  such  a  tribunal,  in  so  far  as  they 
were  mere  oilers  of  compromise,  they  might  ho 


properly  rejected.     But  this  is  not  our  )iosition.  [ 
Wo  are  not  now  before  such  a  tribunal,  and  these  i 
references  me  not  made  in  a  spirit  adverse  lo  our  j 
claims.     We  are  here  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
Stales,  the  represenlalives  of  one  of  the  parties  to  I 
this  controversy.     We  are  conferring  among  our-  ! 
selves  as  to  the  extent  of  which  it  is  right  and  proper  j 
to  assert  our  cinims  to  ihis  territory,   in  such  a  po-  | 
sitioii,  looking  to  the  duties  which  this  assertion  of  I 
claim  will  impose  upon  us,  there  is  a  peculiar  pro-  | 
priety  in  considering  what  has  been  done  hy  our  | 
predecessors  in  this  matter,  for  our  own  inslruc-  i 
tion  nnd  guidance,  in  ascertaining  what  they  have 
done,  and  the  grounds  on  which  they  have  acted. 
And  I  submit  to  the  Senate  that  it  is  neither  fit  nor  ' 
proper  for  us,  on  light  or  trivial  reas(«is,  to  aban- 
don a  position  whicii  they  have  assumed  nnd  uni-  ; 
formly  acted  upon,  if  such  a  position  shall  be  i 
found.     National  consistency  in  the  nssertioii  of 
our  rights  is  quite  as  important  to  national  charac-  ! 
Icr  as  llie  propensity  to  assert  them  by  force.     If 
such  a  jiosition  shall  be  found,  a  departure  from  it 
will  subject  us  to  the  imputation  of  inconsistency, 
and  our  justification  must  consist  in  arraigning  the 
intelligence  or  the  patriotism  of  those  who  have 
gone  before  us.    It  is  to  be  consiilered  that  we  are, 
and  that  they  were,  Uepresenlntivesof  oiieand   he 
same  Government,  by  which  the  iicis  were  done  to 
which   I  am  about  to  refer.     Ollicial  iucumbenls 
change,  but  Government  remains  the  same.     In 
pronouncing  the  eulogy  of  a  deceased  monarch, 
Chateaubriand  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity 
to  hail  the  accession  of  his  successor.     He  said, 
"The  King  is  dead,  let  the  nation  mourn:  the 
King  lives,  let  the  nution  rejoice.    The  King  is  . 
dead,  the  King  lives — long  live  the  King."     lie 
thus  illustrated  the  perpetuity  of  the  ollice,  liow- 
ever  temporary  the  incumbency  of  the  person  who  ] 
occupied  it.     The  principle  and  iis  illuslration  are  j 
applicable  lo  all  sealed  Governments.     In  its  ap- 
;'  plication  lo  our  own,  and  to  the  .subjecl  under  dis- 
',\  eussion,  it  authorizes  the  position  that,  if  we  have 
il  heretofore,  of  our  own  accord,  limited  our  claim  i 
l!  m  our  peaceful  ellbrts  to  claim  it,  we  cannot  now  I 
grasp  the  whole  by  force,  without  subjecting  this  i 
Governmenl,  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  to  tlie  im- 
putation of  inconsistency,  or  without  arraigning 
the  intelligence  or  the  |iatriotisni  of  those  who  have  J 
heretofore  administered  it.  j 

This  is  the  first  answer  to  the  objection  of  the  | 
Senator.  The  second  is,  that  the  acts  of  our  Gov-  I 
crnnient,  lo  which  I  am  about  to  refer,  will  not,  | 
I  think,  he  found  on  examination  to  have  been  ! 
mere  offers  of  compromltef  but  precise  and  positive  i 
specifications  of  the  claim  which  we  asserted.  I 
That,  however,  is  to  be  determined  by  "  an  inspec-  '• 
tion  of  the  record,"  which  1  will  proceed  to  pre-  - 
sent,  I 

T'he  Senate  will  do  me  the  favor  to  recollect  that  I 
the  first  position  which  I  have  .stated  is,  thai,  from  | 
the  earliest  stage  of  this  controversy  down  to  avery  ■ 
recent  period,  we  have  ourselves,  and  of  our  own  ; 
accord,  allixed  a  limit  to  our  claim  beyond  which  j 
we  have  not  denied  that  of  Great  Britain.  j 

Now,  sir,  without  going  through  all  the  various 
negotiaiioiis,  it  will  suffice  for  my  pre.-scnt  purpo.se 
to  ask  the  attention  of  the  Senate  to  two  or  three 
documents,  which  1  think  have  not  hitherto  at- 
tracted the  notice  lo  which  they  are  entitled.  The 
first  to  which  1  will  refer  is  an  extract  of  a  letter 
from  the  then  Secretary  of  State  to  Messrs.  Galla- 
tin and  Rush,  our  negotiatoi-s,  bearing  date,luly 
28,  1HI8,  which  will  he  found  in  the  4ih  volume  of  ; 
Slate  Papers,  connected  with  our  foreign  relations, 
page  377.  It  will  be  seen  by  a  perusal  of  this  ex- 
tract that  our(jov(unmeiit  did  not  at  the  time  con- 
templale  a  claim  north  of  the  49th  parallel,  while 
they  exhibited  the  liveliest  apprehension  of  ihe 
intention  of  the  British  Government  to  encroach 
upon  that  parallel,  "  south  of  which  (the  Secretary  ' 
says)  they  can  have  no  valid  claim  upon  this  con- 
tinent."   Here  is  the  extinct: 

'  "he  new  prclcrisiim,  however,  nf  (lisitiifirij  our  tille  lo 
III.  ctllcmi'nt  111  the  nmmli  oritii'  t'ntiinihiti  river,  cillitT  in- 
tliciu.H  u  (Icaiiin  on  their  imtt  to  eiuroach  fnt  Wf  r^l'i/'luli- 
inenti  of  Htcir  omi  u\ton  the  ■llllli  |>iiriilh>l  nl"' hititmle,  ^0Ht4 
of  irliiih  theji  nm  hilvc  oo  i-itlitl  r'rit'm  upon  fhi-i  c<nit'ni'nf ;  or 
it  luiiiiitc^tsajciiloasyof  Ihe  I'nilcil  Hliilcf<,aili'Pire(o  clfck 
Ihf  proyrcfsfl  or  oar  scnlcaicDI,  of  which  il  lajsht  have  fieen 
:*n|iposcil  ihat  experience  wituldhct'ore  this  (lay  have  relieved 
llicia.  'I'hcir  projccu  lor  Uie  line,  holh  in  thi"-  licjiotiatioii  of 
Messrs.  Monroe  nml  I'inkocy  in  |i»OS,  and  at  Cheni  in  If  !■!, 
wi-rr-  10  lake  the  '19l!i  piiriillel  of  latitmlc,  from  the  I,.ike  of 
tile  Woods  vvetit,  as  far  us  Uic  territories  of  Uie  Uiiitud  titatcd 


extend  in  that  direction,  with  a  caveat  ntfaiiiflt  iis  extension 
!  to  ihe  Houih  Hua  or  heyond  iho  Siniiy  Mounlnins.  t/pon 
'  which  two  ol)i4ervntlniis  are  to  lip  made ;  liri'l,  tlint  it  is  iin- 

eertnin  whether  any  |Hirt  of  the  Lnkeof  llie  VViMidn  i^  in  liit- 
'  itiidelnrty-nine;  and,  secondly,  tliat  th..'y  Bhviiyn  uAt^cicd  to 

apjily  the  indelinitn  limit  of  uxleii^iioii,  «  as  far  as  tlie  terri- 

■  torii's  extend,'  tothe  tcrritoricH  or  tlio  United  .*^tntcH  and  not 
I  to  llio-»e  of  (irvnt  nritnin.  learittt;  a  acif-ce?  for  fttturc  pre- 

Ifnxion^  on  thHrjiart  soittfioftnliltKleforttj  nine.    The  coun- 
ter projects  for  the  line  on  onr  part,  thcriiforc,  at  holll  lliese 
i  neu'otiiitioiiB.  weri'  from  the  luirlhwci^t  corner  of  the  Ijnkoof 
Ihe  Woodff,  Ihe  point  already  Hxcd  and  llndispnied,  a  lino 
'  north  or  sonlli,  as  the  cast-  may  be,  to  the  forty-nintli  parallel 
i  01'  iRtiildc,  and  Ihencc  alonir  tlint  parnllel  as  far  as  the  lerrl 
'  toriifs  of  I'otli  parliea  extend  in  timt  ilircctinn,  and  ndoptniif 
Ihe  caveat  rmniiiNi  e.Ytentiion  to  the  Pacific,  or  beyond  the 
Hiony  Mountain:!." 

i  It  will  be  seen,  on  the  perusal  of  this  extract,  to 
what  portion  of  the  Oregon  tenitory  the  claim  of 
the  United  States  wns  then  eonsidereil  to  extend — 

]  concerning  what  portion  of  the  territory  the  ap- 
prehensions of  the  Secretary  were  excited  by  the 

!  disposition   to   encroachment  manifcilcd   by   thn 

I  British  Government;  (/in(  he  limils  his  ikniiil  of  llie 
vaUdilij  of  their  clnims  on  this  continent  to  that  por- 
tion which  lies  south  of  the  i'Mh  pnrallel,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  asserting  future  pretensions  to  which  he 

i  supposes  them  lo  have  left  "n  nest-egg. "   JN'olhiiig 
in  this  extract,  then,  looks  to  an  extension  of  the 
claim  of  the  United  StiUcs  north  of  thnt  parallel. 
Mr.  .Iarnacin.    What  is  the  date  of  that  letter? 

'      Mr.  Berrig.v.     Its  date,  as  I  have  said,  is  in 

;  1818. 

I  have  already  said  that  the  limitation  of  our 

claim  by  our  own  Government  was  not  always 

presented  in  the  form  of  an  oficr  of  compromise, 

but  as  a  specification  of  limits.     The  next  refer- 

i  ence  I  have  lo  make  may  he  considered  of  the  first 

I  kind;  that  which  will  follow  will  be  .seen  to  be  of 

j  the  second.     1  refer  now  lo  an  extrncl  of  a  letter 

]  from  Messrs.  Gallatin  and  Rush  lo  the  Secretary 

■  of  Slate,  dated  October  20,  1818,  xvhieh  xvill  be 
;  found  in  Ihe  same  volume,  page  381.     In  this  ex- 
tract, they  say: 

"  This  subject  (the  Colnntbia  river)  was,dnrinK  the  whole 
necotintion,  connected  hy  the  Itrilish  rieiiipolcntiarie>(  with 
that  of  tile  boiinihiry  line.  'I'hey  appeared  nitogetl  t  nn- 
^villillQ  to  (uirce  to  this  in  any  phape,  unless  some    .    'i.iiie- 

!  nicnt  was  made  with  ri'spect  to  the  country  weatv.  !  of 
lilt!  Stony  Moiintiiins.    This  induced  lis  to  propose  an  e.v- 

I  t'-nsioii  of  the  hoiindaiy  line  <Jnr  n-e4  lo  the  Pacitie  O  ^nii. 

I  We  did  not  assert  that  the  United  Stolen  had  a  lerfe-'  rt^ht 

j  to  that  roiintrif,  but  insisted  that  their  i-latm  was  at  lea^t  sood 
aiiainst  Great  Britain.  The  forty-ninlli  parallel  linil,  in  pnr- 
snaiiec!  of  the  treaty  of  L'lreclit,  been  fi.xed  indetinilelj  as 
Ihe  line  between  Ihe  northern  British  possescioiis  and  tho...e 
of  France,  including  Ijouisinini,  noxv  a  part  of  our  tcrrito- 
ricH.    There  xra^  no  reaion  whi,  if  the  tiro  countries  extendett 

'  their  claiins  n:estwardf  titc  same  line  should  not  lie  continncil  to 

:  the  Pacific  Ocean." 

I  Now,  here  is  n  stnlement  of  the  proposal  made 
i  by  our  Ministers  lo  exiend  the  boundary  line  be- 
tween Ihe  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  east  .if 
the  Rocky  Mountains,  weslwardly  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean;  that  is,  alontj;  Ihefortii-ninth  parallel,  thereby 
(i/mnrfonitig  all  claim  to  territory  norf/t  of  that  jmral- 
(i7— *to  which,  as  well  as  that  south  of  il,  it  is  now 
said  we  have  a  clear  and  undoubted  title.  We  did 
not  think  so  then,  for  our  negotiators  say  that,  in 
claiming;  the  territory  south  of  thnt  parallel,  they 
"did  not  assert  that  the  United  Stales  had  a  per- 
fect riaht"  to  it,  but  "thai  their  claim  was  nt  least 
good  against  Great  Britain."  Again,  after  ad- 
verting to  the  fact  thnt  the  forty-ninth  parallel  east 
of  the  Rockv  Mountains  is  the  boundary  between 
the  United  Slates  and  Great  Britain,  thjy  say,  if 
the  two  countries  extended  their  claims  wesiward, 
"  there  was  no  reason  why  the  .same  lino  should  not 
be  continued  to  the  Pacific  Ocean."  A'o  reason 
irhii'.'  Certainly  ihei'e  was  abundant  rea.son,  if 
xve  had  a  clear  and  unr|uestionnble  title  to  the  ter- 
ritory north  of  that  line  to  ,'>4°  40'. 

This  proposal,  by  I'eferring  to  article  B,  page 
;184,  of  ih  ■  second  volume,  will  be  found  to  Lave 
been  presented  in  these  words: 

*'  It  is  aurced  that  a  line  drawn  due  north  or  south,  as  the 
case  may  require,  from  the  norlhwestern  point  of  the  tiake 
of  the  W'oods,  until  ii  sliall  intersect  tin-  fartif-ninth  parallel 
of  tiorfh  latitude,  aiul,from  the  point  ol  siichiilt.Tsi'cIion.rhio 
west,  ahniE  and  u-itll  the  siiiil  |tarallel,  sliall  be  the  line  of 
deniaiealioii  hetwcn  tbi'  t.-rritoriesof  the  f'nited  ritatestind 
Ihos(.  of  his  Ithtannic  Majesty  hi  the  westward  of  the  said 
l.ake  ;  and  that  Ihe  said  tine  shall  form  Ihe  northern  Itounlaitf 
of  the  said  lerrilirics  of  the  t.'nitc'l  ,S7..'/cv,  lOut  Ihe  sootheni 
lioundarii  nf  his  Ihilannic  Miiestifs  said  lerrilinifrom  the  utid 
lake  to  the' Pacific  Ocean  ;  it  neinjl.  however,  disiiml'y  under- 
stood, that,  with  respect  to  thi.  lerrirorics  -iituated  nn  the  north- 
west coast  afJimeriea,  or  wesiward  of  the  {*ton>'  Moiiiitain.s, 
the  tw.)  hiijii  contracting  parties  herehy  intend  to  dcftne  their  re- 
sjiecllce  daims  m  far  only  as  -elates  to  the  txvo  parli.'s,  and 
without  reference  to  tlie  claimti  of  any  other  nation." 


'if 


SOS 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOUE. 


i^Drii  CoNo 1st  Sesm. 


The  Orcf^mi  (juration — Mr.  Jivrrien. 


[Marcli  n 
Senatk. 


Ml'.  linr.KdR  iiii|iiirpil  if  the  exlnirt  iciid  icrn'rccl  '! 
tn  M  iKTiixj  lu'tori'  «i'  aciiuiricl  t\\v  S|^'.iiisli  liilc? 

Ml,  lii.iiiiiK.M.     Il  (liii.H,  mill  I  liinr  Nil  sUilcd.    I 
liavr  iiiit  iivi'iliiiiki'd  llitil  r.ii'l',  iiikI  il  Ih  my  |iiir;'iisr,    ' 
n.s  sniiii  i\H  1   have  tiiiislu'd   (lie  rrti-i'i-nrcs  wliu'li  I 

|irii|iiisc  III  Hiiliiiiil,  Id  I siili'i'liiiw  r.irlliatrli'i'iiiii- 

MU'iiicf  iilli  ria  ilu'  view  wliii'li  1  am  t.ikiii;;.    Al  piTn- 
i^iii,  I  piii'siic  till-  rniirHi;  iil'  I'umiu'k  wliiuli  1  hiul    i 
pri  scrilirU  In  niywclf*.  I 

iNiiw,  sir,  Ik  IT  in  ihn  priipoml  in  form,  Niilimit-  ' 
Icil  liy  imr  i'lriiipiiU'iniiirii.'M,  to  iimkr  liic-  lllili  pur-  ' 
alli  I  ilio  hoiiiuliiry  liutwcrti  tlic  IJiiilcil  Sialrs  ami 
(•rial  lliiiaiii,  in  its  wlmlc  cxlnil  In  tin-  I'ai'ilir 
n.-t'an;  and,  iil'cinir.ii',  tii  ftlminlint  till  tirrit^int  ni'i'lU  . 
of  ttiiit  Ihif.  i>iit  iluN  is  not  all.  'I'lir  propo.sal  i.s 
Mill  siihinilU'd  an  (inc  nf  im-rr  i-'fiiipioinisf^  in  ii.'^snit- 
iii','  In  wliiidi  somciliiiiij  wiiiild  lir  In  !«•  yiclilrd  liy 
iiri.n  Itritnin.  Nn;  it  it*  i\\\  n:^sviiut\)  i>\' strict  riii:lii; 
r-ir  ilif  Aiiicrii-an  IMi'iiipolnitiarirs,  in  propnwiii:!;  t'> 
♦•'ilci-  iiitii  sni'li  an  a'.:irrmi*nt,  ri'<{uin'd  n  to  \n'  *'diH- 
linilly  niidiTHiDiiil"  that  llic  panics  thcrcliy  "  jn- 
Icnd  ill  (Irl'ttic  llir  t.rlinl  iif  llirir  rcsprclivi'  claiiiis.  " 
'riifyadd  llial  this  was  only  ln'twi-iii  llinnsrlvcs, 
niid  Wits  mil  In  .illri-i  ihr  clanns  iif  ollirr  nations— 
nil  iiiiiirn's.sary,  and,  as  to  ihr  piirpnsi.'  of  this  ar- 
•rniiii'iu,  an  iiiiinr.innii;  ipiahtiralion;  lioi'aitsc  thi'y 
li.td  no  power  to  liniil  otlirr  nations  liy  llicira'.^roc- 
iiii>iil,aiiil  lirransc  it  h  .-ives  the  proposal  In  operate 
wiihniit  i{iialitie:itiiiM  as  iiei<\ei'ii  llieinselves;  as  an 
olliiial  deilaiMiinii  on  ilie  part  iil'  ihe  Ainerieaii  In 
tlie  l!riti.--li  I'leiiipiiteiitiarii  s,  wliieli  f/niM'ii/iiii'i'lo 
ti'  tlistitiftlii  ittiitirstt'inl,  as   Iffniiiii;  lltf  chi'nn  of  iho 

I  lined  Slates  to  the  territories  on  the  northwest 
eo.isl,  as  I J /(Ill/ill.;'  il  lo,  and  limiliiiu:  it  liy,  tlir  A'.)th 
imnillil  oj  itnrll,  hlilmlr. 

'i'hiis  ihey  yiiaided  a:;aiftsl  the  "nost  es:<,'"  whieli 

II  111  eNiiied  tile  appridieiisions  o('  ihe  Seeretary  of 
!S  tale,  a  ml,  tiy  ilt  I'liiiii;;  lltt'ir  r/(ririi,anil  irtiiiifiiiii:  it  lo 
hf  fli\Hiiillit  uiitltisloofl,  nianilesled  ilieir  deterinina- 
Iion  in  advanee  lo  resist  any  o|\i(m-(.  pretensions" 
on  the  part  of  Ureal  IJrilani  to  territory  .soii/Zi  of 
thai  line. 

Tliis  prnjio.s.d  not  liein;;  iieeepled,  the  Drilisli 
PtenipoteiUiaries  on  their  p.irt  sul,iiiii(eil  a  prnpnsi- 
(i>>n  tn  prevent  disputes,  liy  whii-ll  il  wnlild  lie  pro- 
viiltil  iliat  so  inni'li  of  the  territory  as  lies  iiitween 
the  l.'iih  ami  'i;tlh  parallels  of  lalimde,  iii:;etli(T 
with  its  harhors,  hays,  iVe..,  and  the  iiavi::;aliiin  of 
all  ihe  rivers,  shall  lie  (Vee  and  open  to  the  snlijeet.s 
and  eiiizens  of  the  two  .States,  willi  eeriaiii  other 
provisions  similar  to  some  of  those  wliieii,  liy  the 
•  nnveiition  of   |,>|.'S,   were  siilisei{nently  extnided 

10  the  whole  li'irilnry.  I  refer  to  liiis  without  read- 
in_c  it,  beeanse  il  is  the  aiiswir  ot*  the  Ameriean 
I'li'iiipoii  ntiarles  whieli  is  alone  importanl  to  ihe 
im|iiiiy  !  am  pursuing:.  Thi' iliK'iiment,  liowevir, 
wid  be  I'oimd,  marked  tirlii  li:  Lt,  in  the  sam«  vu!- 
uine,  p.  .fill. 

iS'nw  let  1110  refer  the  Senate  to  the  answer  of  our 
I'll  n.ipiitenliaries  lo  this   prnpnsal,   wliieli   was  to 

siiliji  rt  to    joiiii ■iipancy,  or,  as   they  expressed 

It,  "  to  throw  in  In  a  eonimon  stork,  "a  part  of  the 
lerriliiry  sonih  of  latitude  ^'.1.  This  answer  will 
lie  found  in  the  same  volimie,  p.  :il)n — iis  liilc 
"  IJniindary."     Il  is  in  llie.se  woiila: 

'I  'I'Imt  iNirliiiii  or  till'  arl.elt*  (tin-  lirili-ti  |irii|in.4n|)  wliieti 

11  till'-  III  lie-  eMimlr>-  we-l  nfllir  .--Jluii)  M..iiiil;iMi^.  lai I 

III' a,'rri  it  1.1  la  il^  pii -i-iil  -Imii.'.  Titi-  .Aiinrn  ;iii  I'l.nip'i 
!•  lilMni'i  i-;iiiliiil  i-iHiMi'Ml  In  l/tinw  inl-j  ii  iinnmini  ^h' I.  lUnl 
yrl  oithiui  Ih'  .o.iii/i.i  />  11 /!.■.*  ttc  r/ii7,.l  A7,i/,,.\iii, /Ac 
,/.  (Ill  ./  iiii-^i  Jtnl.  tn,  anil  wliii-li  ln>  uilliiii  llli-  Mitur'luli 

lilil.  s  .1.  |!ii  11  I.  nil" r  i-l  ni  till-  Sl.illJ   .Mi>iinl.-iiii>  ;  lliuM 

(ll-<i  lllllili  lllj  III'     rxrltlO'ili  III'  lli'ir  eiti/i-ii>'  IViiai  llii-  liaile 

"till riliHisi  iiii^mrA mil.  (mirth  iil  lit.)  whieli  lliey 

h;ivi'  i"ij.i\f.l  wtlliniil  Mil'  rrll[iliiiii  I'nr  a  lillniliiT  iif  yi-ari^, 
anil  11-  i;iiiy  ti.-  the  llnn-li.'* 

This  answer  IS  ennveyed  in  an  iinonioial  note, 
wliieli  is  staled  lo  have  been  dra\M)  up  for  the  pur- 
pose ti\'  possessiiiir  the  Ijrilish  I'lenipnteniiaries  of 
some  nf  the,  views  nl*  liie  Aniernan  Pleiiipnieiiiia- 
lies  bi-i'ore  the  nexi  meeiiir^,  iVe.  And  now,  sir, 
wli.tl  are  those  views,'  Tin-  llritlsli  Plenipoteiilia- 
ries  had  proposed  an  ai,!"reeineiit  for  the  /ni/i/ errn- 
jtinirii  tiffi  jnn-littii  0/  till-  ti  rritfint,  snutli  cf  fnrlij-nitii\ 
The  .\iiieri.  Ill  IMiiiipiiteiiii:iriis  aiiswi  r,  no.  We 
r  iinini  a;:rei  Im  ihal;  it  would  lie  to  //iroie  inttt  citm- 
iit'tii  nhirk  the  only  ptirt  of  llir  rninilrtt  lit  irliirh  in- 
ttriiij  iimir  rlnliii,  and  imply  an  exelnsimi  of  our 
eiii/i  lis  from  the  ri:,-lil  to  trade  in  the  remainder. 
They  propose  to  ixteild  the  joint  iieelipane.y  In  the 
wiinle  i.;rritory,  and  su'nnil  a  proposal  wliieli, 
Willi  some  mndiliiMliniis,  was  ultimately  inloph.'d, 
and  ronsiitiues  part  of  the  eonveiitioii  of  l.-'l.-i. 

And  now,  sir,  ius  tu  the  inaltur  .sii!.'i;LKted  by  tlie 


Seiialnr  from    Illinois,   [Mr.   Hiibkhk,!   wUieli,   in  l| 
ihe  order   I   had   preseribed   to  myself,  I  had  pro-    \ 
po.sed  at   this  staire  nf  the  aritument   to  eniisider. 
These  liinilatioiis  of  our  el.iim  were  made  before    j 
the    ji'lorida   trealy    had    transferred    tn    us   "tlin    i 
ri:;lits,  elaims,  anil   preteii.>iniiH'*  of  Spain.      OneH 
that  fail  diminish  ihe  foree  of  the  ar^nmeiil  I  liavo    1 
pre'sented  lo  the  Senate  ?     I   apprelieiiil  not.     The    ! 
answers  to  the   sin^L'estion  are  twofold,  and  have, 
I  dniibl  not,  oniirred  lo  ihnse  who  hear  me. 

1.  We  were  already,  al  the  lime  when  we  so 
limited  our  elaiiii,  in  possession  <if  the  Kreiieh 
elaini,  and  of  onr  own,  foniided  on  ihe  ilisenvery 
and  explnraiion  of  (j ray,  anil  the  eX|iloratiiiii  of 
('larke  and  l.ewis.  T'he  former,  or  h'reiudi  el.iim, 
is  roiisidered  by  snnie  Sen.ators  as  the  most  valid 
wliieli  we  now  iinssess,  and  was  iir;;ed  by  onr 
Plempoleiiliaries  in  the  iieu;iitiatinii  wliieli  we  have 
liieii  examniiii'.'.  The  latter,  founded  on  the  dis- 
eovery  and  explnraiimi  of  the  ('olnmbia,  has  been 
always  ennfulently  relied  upon  by  onr  Ciovern- 
iiienl.  I'otli  of  them  extended  far  beyond  llie  4'.llh 
parallel.  T'lii'  headwaters  of  llie  (,'oliiiiibia  were 
xi'i'v  liiile  sniiih  of  the  Uiissiaii  boniidarv;  and  as 
to  the  l<*reiieli  elaim,  if  it  e.onld  be  maiiilained,  and  / 
if  lh('  treaty  of  Ulrei  lit  was  not  exeeiiled,  a"  is  as-  , 
SI  rted,  it  was  dillienll  to  tiiiiil  il,  if  we  had  not  done  , 
so  by  our  Irealv  with  llnssi.-i,  wliieli  was  nirt'ihen 
ill  exisienee,  Nntwillislinidin',;  this,  niir  timerii- 
ineiit  lhoii;;lil  il  rii;hl  to  limit  our  elaim,  as  wn  have 
seen. 

!i.  The  sreond  answer  is  yet  morn  derisive.  In  ' 
the  iiiierial  beiweeil  IHIH  and  Iw.'l,  we  ai't|iiiriil 
the  Spaiii.-h  title  by  the  h'lorida  tre.ity,  anil  yet  this 
same  liiiiitatinii  was  eonlinued,  and  reiterated  in 
\Xi\,  IH-Ji;,  and  in  If*!;').  1  do  not  Irniible  ihe  Sen- 
ate with  reailiii'4  the  doeiiineiils  In  prnve  ihis,  hut 
enntent  myself  with  relVrriiij;  to  llieiii. 

The  oiler  ot*  onr  Cinvernment  in  lN*il,  rnnform- 
iii'.r  In  this  liiiiitation,  will  be  foiinil  in  Es.  doe. 
IH-J.V,"(i,  doe.  (m,  p.  lu'.  ! 

iMr.  Adams  antlmri/.ed   Mr.  Rush   lo  limit  the  | 
elaim  tn  411",  and  he  did  sn.    -lit.  p.  'M.  \ 

In  \fMi,  this  nll'er  was  ren  wed  by  Mr.Gnllnlin  i 
with  ail  addition.— S(ii/r  I'uitcrs,  lH-J7-'tt,  doe.  lill), 
p.  41. 

The  proposition  in  'S-|"i  is  before  us. 
Mr.  President,  I  suppose  I  li.ive now  established 
my  first  projuisitiiin,  wliirh  was,  lliat  from  tlietio*- 
liesl  slave  of  lliiseontrnversy  down  lo  a  very  reeenl 
period,  we  have  ourselves,  and  of  our  own  aeeord, 
olVered  a  limit  to  onr  elaim,  beyond  wiiieli  we  have 
iiol  denied  llml  of  (irenl  Hrilain. 

I  proeeed  lo  Ihe  eonsideratinii  of  the  second, 
whieli  w.is,  that —  | 

'J.  Our  .several  elainiR,  whether  ilerived  from 
Kraiiee  or  Spain,  from  .mr  own  diseovery,  or  from 
I'nntiiruiiv,  all  eoiieiir  lo  reeoiimieiid  the  limit  sn 
ailnpieil  by  onr  predeeessor.i  as  a  ireneral  basis  on 
whii'h  this  rontrnversy  may  be  ei|uiUibly  and  hon- 
orably ailjnsled. 

Our  several  elaims  lo  territory  on  :hc  Northwest 
coast  are  derived — 
I  I.  Krnm  roii/iiriii(i/. — I  hear  it  said  that,  however 
I  this  may  be  ur:;ed  as  .suLTTesiitiij  ueonveiiieiit  mode 
,  of  adjiistmeiil,  yet  it  cannot  be  relied  upon  as  a 
snnri'e  of  tille;  that  there  is  no  philosophy  in  the 
principle  wliii  li  it  asserts.  I  do  not  eoneiir  in  thi;-. 
opinion.  On  the  eonliary,  as  a|iplied  tn  a  r|iies- 
tion  siieh  as  thai  we  are  eonsideriie,:,  the  riirht  lo  i 
oreiipy  vacant,  unappropriated  territory,  il  i,s,  in  j 
,  my  iinl'jrtueiit,  the  sirnmresi  snurce  of  title.  If  we  ' 
were,  in  |ioiiit  nf  fai  I,  sn  pent  up  oil  the  eastern 
side  of  III"  Koiky  Moiintains  as  tn  be  tinder  the 
necessity  of  seekiii:i:  nn  outlet  for  onr  super-  ' 
I  abimilant  pnpiitalinn  by  p.'issnn:  iiitn  these  western 
wilds,  llie  course,  ihe  path  o('  eniiirratioii  for  us, 
wniilil  iiatunillv  be  over  onr  own  boundary,  in- 
stead of  aseemliiii^  into  ihe  terrimry  ol'tireat  l»rit- 
am  lo  pass  over  theirs.  Anierieaii  ciii/ens  unit 
I'ritish  subjects  woiilil  thus  limit  llieinselves  by 
their  boundary  east  of  the  moiintains,  in  tlii  ir  en- 
trance iiiio  the  new  territory,  and  w  by  should  lliey 
not  eonliniie  lo  respect  the  lioiindary  thus  estab- 
lished by  the  eircuinslaiices  of  their  miuo'iitioii  ?  It 
would  seem  reasonable  that  they  shniild  do  so;  and 
ri::lit  reason  caiinnt  lie  iiiconsislent  with  Iriie  plii- 
losn|ihy.  At  any  rate,  sn  far  as  rtintiixuitii  may 
cniisliiiiie  n  claim,  In  be  iiialiired  into  tille,  it  rec- 
ommends the  limiuiilnn  adopteii  by  our  prede- 
cessors. 
i      !i.  l''rom  the  diacovenj  and  ixploration  of  Ilu:  Co- 


litiiiliia  by  Gray,  iinil  tini  exploralion  by  Levin 
and  C'larke. — I  do  noi,  think  this  claim  invalidaled 
by  the  fact  thai  (.iray  was  a  private  eilizen,  piir- 
Hiiiiii;  his  own  adveninres,  and  not  iiciiii;,'  iniih  r 
the  anlborily  of  his  Ciovernment,  lie  was  an 
Amcriwin  eiiiyjii.  The  llie,;  of  the  I'liileil  Stales 
(liiateil  over  his  ve.ssrl.  'I'lie  |iroteciinn  of  his 
enimiry  accompanied  him  in  all  his  lawful  pnisiiiis. 
niscnvery  i,Mve  ri:;lils.  T'o  wlioiii  did  these  eiiiirc  ^ 
To  him  as  un  individual,  or  tn  his  country,'  I 
think  tliern  cnn  be  no  liesitation  in  .saying  lo  the 
latter. 

Nor  do  I  suppose  ih.il  the  value  nf  llie  setlleinent 
made  nt  llie  iiioulli  of  the  f/'ohiinbia  is  destroyed 
liy  the  liict  lli.il  many,  il  may  be  most  of  the  eoiii 
piiny  inakiii','  it,  were  foreiL'.ners.      It  siilllces  llial 

il  was  a   I ipaiiv  formed   in   the   United   Slates; 

tli.il  II  had  its  ori:,'iii  in  American  cnlerpri,se;  iln 
shipnieiits  were  from  llie  Uniteil  Stales,  ami  there 
llie  retiuus  of  ils  adventures  were,  lo  Isr  made;  that 
it  wa,'-  Niislaiiicd  by  Anierican  capital;  llial  Ilu 
who  planned  it,  diieeled  it,  and  snsljiined  it,  wiiH 
an  Anierican  cili/en,  and  that  sn  alsn  was  ils  chief 
iiV'cnl;  ami,  fnially,  that  the  settleniiiit  made  by 
lliat  ciniipaiiy,  ca'pliueil  diiriii'.;  the  war  by  Great 
Hritain,  was,  in  llie  lerins  of  the  trealy  ol  peace, 
reslored  as  an  American  post. 

I  t  ike  il  I'nr  u'ranled,  iben,  lliat  the  discnvery  ol 
Ihe  moiilli  of  the  Columbia  by  Gray;  its  explora- 
tion, IVniii  ils  source  to  its  nionlli,  by  Lewis  and 
Claike,  and  the  selilemenls  inadeou  ils  banks,  liave 
such  a  tille  as  can  be  ^'iveii  by  the  discmery  ami 
explnr.iiinn  of  a  river  in  a  voyaL'e  made  under  the 
anihnrily  of  Gnvcrmneiit.  Then  eoiiii  s  the  ijiies- 
linn,  wlial  is  the  extent  of  territory  which  may  be 
sn  claimed  ?  The  iisau'e  of  nations  would  extend 
it  tn  the  valley  nftlii:  river  throni^'h  which  il  llowf , 
pcrli.-ips  a^ceiidii:',;  to  ils  snurce.  T'liis  wnuld  ^ive 
us  but  n  cninpar.iii\ely  small  terrimry  mi  llie  I'a- 
cilic,  if  the  lace  of  the  country  be  I'orrei  tly  repre- 
sriiled  by  the  various  maps;  for,  belween  the 
('nlnmbia  and  tin:  Pacific,  Micro  intervenes  a  loin; 
ram;e  of  nionulains,  wliicli  limit  the  valley  of  the 
Columbia,  and  on  their  western  side  appear  to  form 
the  eastern  boundary  of  annther  valley,  iaioH',;li 
which  l-'ra/.er's  river  empties  itself  into  the  ocean. 
Ilowevi'r  clear,  iherefore,  the  tille  which  the  dis- 
covery and  expioratiiei  of  llie  Colimibin  and  setlle- 
nient  on  ils  banks  mi'.'hl  ;;ivt,tlie,  <  Meiil  of  the 
territory  sn  acquired  would  be  a  inooled  ipiesiion. 
Il  inay'lc  llialllie.se  consideratioiis,  e-,;,  ;i  not, 
others  which  were  deemed  sntlicieiilly  importanl, 
induced  onr  Secretary  to  direcl  the  American  Pleni- 
poteniiary  to  submit  our  claim  asileri\ed  from  thin 
Hiiiircetn'the4!(lli  paral Icl,  and  lie  did  sn  limit  il,tliiis 
strenitlieiiim;  il  bycmniei  tiiiu'  it  with  the  principle 
,  of  ciiiitii_'iiily,inid  makiii'J  it  coincide  with  the  limit 
,  Inilicaied  by  our  other  claims. 

:i.  Kroiii'(/ic  /Vcjir/i  cliiiin.—l  bear  it  said  on  this 
floor  that  this  is  lo  be  considered  as  our  slronu'est 
I  elaim.  I  do  not  think  so.  I  suppose,  iin^iinuiiH 
irriiliii,  that  the  llllli  article  of  the  treaty  iif  lltii  clil 
was  executed  by  the  appoint'mnt  of  coiumis.sarieN, 
who  did  within  the  year  what  they  wia-e  reiiuired 
to  do,  namely,  "  dc'lermiiie  the  limit  belween  the 
iiay  of  Hudson  ami  the  places  ap|ieriainiii;;  to  the, 
■  Kieiii  h:"  and  further,  as  Mr,  Monroe  writes,  lliat 
they  "  fixed  the  nnrlhern  boniidary  of  t,'aiiadaand 
•  Lmiisiaiia  by  a  line  bi-'imiiie^  mi  the  Atlantic,  at 
I  '11  cape  or  promoiilory  in  .'isi"  .'III'  iiortli  latiiude, 
'  tlienccsomhwestto  Lake  Mistissiii;  thence  liirllier 
'  smithwesl  In  lalitiiile  4'.l"'unrili,and  alnin;  that  line 
'  indetniiiely" — all  which  is  dispnicd,  and  cmicerii- 
iin;  which  The  purpose  of  this  ai;:iiiiieiit  ilocs  not 
rerpiire  me  to  express  any  opinion,  tilill,  coiice 
diie;  all  this,  il  is  to  be  observed  — 

I.  That  the  term  "  iiidefmilely"  niiisl  be  iiiter- 
preled  so  I'ar  west  as  the  territories  of  the  parlies 
;  extended,  for  beyond  this  lliey  cniikl  iinl  .slipiilate. 
Neither  Great  ISrilam  iinr  Kraiice  had  lerriloiie.s 
I  wesi  of  the  Itncky  iVlniintaiiis.  They  bad  bntli 
made  u:raiits  In  the'Paciiic  by  virtue  of  their  sellle- 
niciils  on  the  Atlanlic,  claimini;  lliat  they  were 
aiilhori/ed  m  extend  these  acmss  the  eniiiiiieiili 
bill  the  cnmninn  sense  of  mankind, they  themselvea 
aci|iiiesciiiir,  has  placed  this  pretension  on  the  same 
plalform  >villi  the  tille  of  Siiaiii  aeil  rorlii'^al  iiiidi  r 
ihe  bull  of  the  Pope,  w  hellier  this  was  viewed  as 
an  act  of  (ind's  viccOTreiit  on  earth,  or,  aicordiie; 
lo  a  more  modern  and  fanciful  inn  rprelalion,  as  a 
ireaty  between  .Spain  and  Portuyal  by  llie  iiituiut- 
dialiuii  of  lii.'J  1  lolineu.s. 


1846.] 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

l^he  OrvfTon  (-^urslion — Mr.  Berrien. 


509 


Senate. 


2.  It  liiiM  'if-eij  HnniftinUis  Hupiinscil  (lint  Pranrc  ' 
cniikl  iniikc  n  clniin  to  tht'  I'lirilic,  liy  (jivin;;  wchI- 
orii  cxlinl  Id  Liiiiisi:\nit',  liut  thin  cniilil  mil  iw.  Hlin 
cliiinii'il  I-iiiii»i«nii  liy  virtue  of  licr  cxplonilion  o("  1 
llic.      lJs»iHHi|i|ii,  nnil   till:  cstiililiMlimriit  of  poslN 
tiiiil  sciiliMtii-nlH  on  it.s  ))iiukH;  an<l  lliis  necessarily 
liniiied  her  elaini  to  the  riilUtf  nf  Ihv  J^hm^nippi — of 
roinsetenninntiniroi.  this  side  ol'llie  Itoeky  ivlniin-  ! 
liiins.     It  was  sn  liniiied  liy  I'Vanee  herself.     In  ' 
llie  eharler  to  (jrozal,  (an  exlniet  of  wliieh  ir  in 
Mr.  (iieeiihi.w'M  Imok,  whieh  I  have  found  a  very  i 
iiMiful  work,)  "  all  ihe  lerrilories  liy  us  (I'Vanee)  | 
'  jiossessed,  and  linnnded  hy  New  Mexico,  and  hy 
'  lhos(!orihe  l'',ii','lisli  ill  (.'aroliiia.all  llii^estnlilisli- 
'  nieiils,  jiorls,  harlmrs,  rivers,  and  especially  the 
•  port  ami  li:.rlior  of  Dauphin  island,  formerly  eall- 
'  I'll  Massacre  Island,  the  river  St.  Louis,  forini  riy 
'  (ailed  Mississippi,  from  the  sea-shore  In  the  llli-  ' 
'  iini.'-,  I(e,'elher  willi  Ihe  river  St.  Philip,  formerly  j 
'  called  the  Missouri,  and  the  Si.  .Teroine,  formerly  i 
'  called  the  Walinsh,  (the  Ohio,)  willi  all  the  eouii- 
'  tries,  lerrilories,  lakes  in  ihe  land,  ami  the  rivers 
'  einplyiii'^  directly  or  indirectly  iiilo   that  part  of 
'  Ihe  rive,'  St.  Louis" — all  the  said  territories  were  ' 
declaretl  to  he  comprised   under  the  name  of  the  ■ 
!niverninent  of  Lonisiana. — fircrji/inip,  277. 

Hven,  however,  if  the  liinils  of  Louisiana  rnnld 
have  Keen  carried  to  Ihe  I'ai'ific,  ami  if  the  line  eon-  ; 
lemplaled  hy  ihe  treaty  of  Ulreidit  had  heeii  deter-  ' 
milled,  as  Atr.  Monroe  says  it  was,  slill   il  would 
not  i'arry  our  eliiini   lo  Ore^^on   liryond  the  41)th  j 
parallel;  fiirlhal,in  such  event,  would  lie  the  soiilh- 
eni  liouinhiry  of  "  the  i!ay  of  Hudson."    Thus,  if 
any  eiaiiii  can  he  deduced  under  l''raiice,  il  would 
have  ihu  limit  heretofore  adopted  by  onrGovern- 
iiienl. 

4.  Now  as  to  Ihr  Spau'vU  rliiim. — It  is  not  neces- 
sary lo  tin'  purpose  of  this  iiapiiry  that  I  should 
I'liler  inio  a  minute  examinalioii  of  this  claim.  Il 
is  ailmilleil  that  S|iain  elainieil  liy  virtue  of  dis- 
covery as  far  north  as  (i|0.  It  is  equ.illy  certain 
that  lliis  claim  was  denied  liy  other  iialions,  who 
asserted  ihiirriiiht  to  sellle  on  any  part  of  ihe  I'oast 
which  was  not  aclually  occupied  liy  her.  These 
eonllictini;  claims  ns  lietween  Ore.at  I'rilain  and 
Spain  led  lo  Ihose  oecurrences  at  Noolka  which 
lermiiialed  ill  the  treiily  hi  nrins;  that  name,  which 
fieeiiis  to  me  to  he  of  no  other  iniporlancc  in  this 
iiujuiry  than  as  the  recorded  evidenee  of  the  sue- 
eessfiil  resislaiicc  hy  Dreat  I'rit.iin  to  the  jirelen- 
iiioiis  of  Spain.  /(  did  not  ^ive  Clreat  lirilain  the 
ri'.xlil  to  settle  on  those  jiarts  of  the  northwest  e^iast 
which  were  nuocenpied,  hut  it  aekuowlcdi^ed  the 
alisenc  of  rii;ht  in  Spain  lo  prevent  such  seltle- 
ments  in  all  those  parts  of  Ihe  eir-st  in  which  she 
had  not  |ii'rfecteil  her  rijlit,  founded  on  discovery, 
liy  Rulisei|Ueiit  occupation  ami  settlement.  It  was 
not  the  i;r.int  of  a  ri^ht,  hut  Ihe  rccojnilimi  of  a 
fact,  and  of  the  conseipience  which  under  the  law 
of  iialiiniH  resulted  from  it)  and  this  was  a  fixed 
fact  which  no  suhseipient  eliau!;e  in  the  relations 
of  the  parties  could  alter  or  annul.  Spain  seems 
ill  to  have  considered  it,  liy  .diorlly  after  the  treaty 
aliamhinini;  her  .settlementn  norlli  of  California, 
more  til, 111  Iwei.ly  years  liefnreher  "  ri:;lita,  claims, 
and  iircleiisioiis"  were  transferred  to  us.  I'.ut  if 
the  claini  of  Spain  he  carrieil  up  lo  Noolka  Siiniid, 
which  is  the  niosl  iiorlhward  setlhnient  she  made 
nl  any  time,  that  is  in  latitude  ■)'.!"  .'til'  north,  and 
theieiiire  very  nearly  eoiiciirs  with  the  limit  which 
those  who  have  preceded  us  in  ihis  Governnieiii 
have  alii  \ed  to  the  claim  of  the  United  States,  hink- 
iiii;  lo  all  the  various  sources  from  which  i'  i.s  de- 
rived. 

Mr.  President,  I  have  llins  endeavored  lu  siiji- 
porl  the  two  propositions  which  I  sniiinilled  to  the 
Sennle.  The  coiiclnsioi;  lo  which  this  iiKiuiry  has 
rondneted  i;'e  presses  upon  my  mind,  with  a  force 
which  I  eaiMol  resist,  the  e.onviclion  that  it  is  the 
imperative  duty  of  the  Governiiients  liotli  of  Great 
liritain  and  lie  Uniled  Stales  to  adjust  this  contro- 
versy peaecfuliy,  ciiuilnhly,  in  the  spirit  of  eom- 
proiniac. 

The  remaining  impiiry  is.  Will  this  notice,  in 
1  illiir  form,  facilitate  that  rei--iilt !  This  is  the  ipies- 
lion  which  presents  the  real  dillieulty  in  this  dia- 
eussiiin.  Ill  my  ellorls  lo  siilve  it  ''ir  my  own 
!;uidauce,  I  liaviM'onsidercd — 

1.  What  is  the  position  in  which  we  shall  he 
placed  twelve  iiionths  after  this  notice  is  '^'iven,  if, 
III  Ihe  nieiui  lime,  the  eoiilroversy  is  not  settled  liy 
ne;i;otiatioii,  or  in  aomc  other  aniicahlc  mode  ? 


The  President  lell.s  us,  in  the  niessan;e  which 
asks  for  the  authority  to  i;ive  this  notice,  that  we 
shall  then  have  arrived  at  a  point  when  wc  must 
as.xcrt  and  niaintain  our  ri!,'lils,  or  determine  to 
idiandoii  llieni:  that  is,  as  I  underslnnd  it,  that  we 
must  lake  pos.session  of  the  country,  exereisu 
exclusive  jnrisdie.tion  over  it,  and  ie((uirc  the 
Hritish  KiilijeclH  whom  we  find  there  lo  transfer 
llicir  alleiriaiice  to  us,  or  expel  them  from  Ihe  ter- 
ritory. I  think  tliisiniheunavoidalite  consequence 
of  the  step  which  it  is  proposed  to  us  now  to  lake; 
anil,  havinix  taken  it,  I  do  not  perceive  how  wc 
can  recede  from  it,  without  Ihe  iinpulntion  of  liav- 
ini;  avowed  n  delermiiiaiion  which  we  had  not  the 
spirit  or  the  means  to  carry  into  ell'eel. 

This  will  he  rendered  the  more  ineiimhent,  be- 
eause,  at  the  instant  of  the  teruiination  of  the  eon- 
venliim,  the  Ih'ilish  pos.session,  whieli  is  now  our 
])OBsesHion  also,  vull  then  ttefomc  wirerse,  and  will 
eommence  to  run  asniiist  us;  luid,  if  permittcil  to 
continue,  will  i,'ivo  lliem  a  title  which  wc  may  not  | 
lliereafter  dispute.  As  I  think  no  one  who  Iicarf) 
mc  believes  ihnt  Great  liritain  will  voluntarily 
abandon  her  possession,  the  expulsion  must  be  by  , 
force,  and  the  act  of  amcression  ours. 

a.  Onr  position  will  be  chan'^'eil,  and  new  du- 
ties will  be  inipiLsed  upon  us  from  the  moment  ihe 
notice  is  i^iviMi.  Are  we  to  remain  inactive  al'ier 
nolilVin;,' to  Great  Mritain  our  deterniinalion  to  an- 
nul tills  einiveiilion  ?  We  hope  thai  a  eoniproniise 
will  he  elfected:  if  it  i.s  not,  we  know  that  war 
must  be  the  conscipienee.  IJo  we  mean  that  the 
expiration  of  the  term  of  notice  shall  find  this 
country  in  its  present  defenceless  condition  ?  llav- 
inj  announced  to  Great  liritain  our  determination 
then  to  assert,  iieaceahly  or  forcibly,  accoidiii!;  as 
she  yields  or  resists,  our  claim  to  the  whole  terri- 
tory; knowiii'j;  that  she  has  already  put  on  her 
armor,  anil  !.■,  even  now  in  a  eni.iplete  stale  of 
preparation,  do  we  mean  lo  sillier  ihe  interveniiii; 
period  to  be  pa-'wed  in  inaction  .'  I  trust  not.  1  lov,'- 
ever  strong  our  hopes  of  compromise  may  be,  il 
will  not  he  considered  |inuleiil,  in  rillance  upon 
them,  lo  ahstain  from  piitlini;  the  eoinitry  in  a 
state  of  defence.  The  spectacle  of  our  inactivity 
and  conscipienl  inability  to  execute  onr  luirposes, 
'  will  not  tend  to  realize  our  hopes.  If  Great  lirit- 
ain is  to  be  operated  njion  hy  this  notiee-;  if,  as 
jjentleuieii  suppose,  it  is  to  stiniulate  her  lo  riMiew- 
ed  elliirls  for  the  adjnslment  of  this  controversy, 
such  a  result  could  only  he  produced  by  sliowiie.]^ 
that  we  are  preparin;;  fur  the  alteriiat>.e  which  the 
failure  lo  e.oinpronii.sn  will  present  to  ns.  Well, 
then,  our  preparaiions  iiuist  c.omiiienee  inimediale- 
ly  after  !,'iviiii;  ihe  notice.  We  must, at  once  lie^iii 
llie  work  of  pnttini;;  ilie  eoniitry  in  a  state  of  de- 
feiic.e,  and  providiie.;  the  financial  resonrees  which 
the  occasion  may  reipiire.  Are  i:i;ntlemeii  williu!^ 
to  do  this.'  Are  liny  willini;  to  vole  for  the  ex- 
pemlitnre  of  the  niiirions  which  will  be  necessary 
I  I'm  thai  purpose.'  If  not  now,  how  loin,'  will  they 
'  wait  in  expectation  of  compromise  befuro  they 
bei;in? 

The  advocates  for  this  notice  may  be  divided  into 
two  ela.sses:  I.  Those  who  helieve  onr  title  to  th(^ 
whole  lerriliiry  is  umpiestioi  alil' ,  "''o  are  iinwil- 
lini;  to  yield  any  poriion  of  it  by  ■  "ipromise,  and 
who  are  in  favor  of  notice,  becaii.^e  il  will  (ilace 
tliein  ill  a  position  to  assert  our  rii;lils  by  force,  if 
Cireat  I'ritaiii  does  not  yield  tlieiii.  Their  enur.se 
is  inlelliirilile  to  mc.  I  can  understand  why  Ihey 
shonlil  advocate  this  measure. 

ii.  That  of  the  other  cla.ss  is  not  so  obvious  to 
me.  They  are  desirous  of  compromise,  and  believe 
that  this  notice  will  tend  to  produce  it.  This  be- 
lief is  with  them  so  sironjr,  that  they  a  e  williiiir,  in 
reliance  upon  it,  to  hazard  the  consciiueiiCcs  which 
must  inevilahly  atiend  a  failure. 

Will  this  noliee  .  ■  ililate  iidjuslni,^nt .'  Itissaid 
that  both  parlic'ri,  sceinii;  the  necessity  of  setllin;^ 
the  controversy  within  the  time  limited,  will  resume 
the  nesoliation  with  a  ileterminatinn  to  hriii^  it  to 
a  succe.sst'ul  issue,  lookiiii;  to  the  eoiis(i[iieiices  of 
their  failure  to  do  so.  The  proposition  is,  thai  the 
iie'4otiatiou  will  be  speeded  by  a  fear  of  these  eon- 
,sei|ueiiees;  that  the  certainty  of  the  collision  which 
will  result  at  the  expiiation'of  the  twelve  months, 
if  the  i|uestion  is  not  amicably  settled,  will  i|uieken 
the  miiveiuents  of  the  neiolialors.  Will  it  produce 
this  elVect  upon  onr  own  Government?  Will  it  ex- 
cite their  fears,  and  prompt  lliem  lo  measures  of 
eoncilialioii,  which  ihey  would  not  utiierwiac  pro- 


pose.' If  not,  how  is  it  likely  lo  stimulate  the  Gov- 
ernment of  Great  lirituiii?  1  see  no  just  !;iduml  lo 
hope  that  it  can  have  any  conciliatory  i'lfliicnce. 

Who  will  take  the  lirstslep?  The  intercourai' 
of  diplomatists  is  even  more  fastidious  than  that  of 
individuals,  and  the  latter  is  snllieiently  so.  The 
stale  of  the  iie;;ollalion  is  einliarrassini;.  ICaeli 
party  has  made  and  rejected  an  oiler;  but  ours, 
which  was  latest,  was  instantly  witlidriiwii.  Af^er 
this  came  l!ie  olfer  of  arbitration,  in  a  note  reniark- 
atile  for  ils  conciliatory  spirit.  Thai,  too,  was  re- 
jected, under  eirciimslances  which,  even  if  rijiclioii 
iiad  been  iieces.>aiy,  I  could  wish  had  been  diU'er- 
eiit.  Thus  the  all'air  siaiids  as  helween  the  nego- 
liators.  'I'he  declaration  of  Sir  llobert  Peel,  in  ihe 
IJritish  Parliament,  the  only  mode  of  eoimiumica- 
tioii,  perhajis,  which  was  Icll  to  him,  ennsideriii'j; 
the  withdrawal  of  our  olVers,  and  llie  note  which 
accompanied  il,  may  be  con.sidered  as  an  advance. 
Will  our  Governnieiit,  then,  in  ciiiise(|iieiiceof  this 
inlimation.  take  the  first  step.'  And  if  .so,  why  not 
without  this  notice.'  If,  of  two  individuals  eli^'iiijed 
in  a  controversy,  one  says  lo  the  other  simply, 
"  here  is  a  proposal  for  the  ailjiislniint  of  our  di.s- 
pute" — il  is  received,  coiisiilercd,iiiid  ilecided  on  its 
merits;  but  if  he  adds,  "  if  you  do  not  accpt  this 
in  n  prescribed  lime,  look  to  the  eoiiseiiuences:" 
the  proposal  is  rejected,  and  the  conseiiuences  de- 
fied. 

Will  the  Hritish  Government  take  the  fir.it  step 
after  this  notice  is  ;;iven  .'  They  will  have  herore 
them  the  Messii^'e  of  the  Presideiil,  distinctly  in- 
dicatin;;  a  iletermination  to  take  po..4ses",ioii  of  the 
whole  territory  ns  .soon  as  the  notice  expires. 
They  will  recur  to  their  own  lejeeted  olUa',  to  the 
withdrawal  of  ours,  to  the  rejcclinn,  nhso,  of  their 
nll'er  of  arbitration.  lie  who  calculates  upon  a 
movemeiit  from  Great  Mritain  under  such  ciicnm- 
stancis,  must,  it  .'■ceiiis  lo  me,  rely  upon  her  acl- 
inic under  the  iiilliience  of  fear.  1  [(M-annot  expect 
lo  produce  by  it  a  spirit  of  cinicllialion.  Let  us 
ehanire  ]ilaeos  with  the  Uritish  Governniei;'  in  this 
ciintroversv,  and  jmli^e  what  ihey  will  do,  by  cmi- 
siileriu^  wliat  we  would  do  mirsclves.  The  ri;;hl 
lo  live  this  notice,  1  presume,  rests  willi  ihe 
Queen,  ns  the  sole  depositary  of  the  In  aly-iiiakiiii; 
power.  is  not,  theretore,  probalile  that   Parlia- 

ment will  inlerl'ere  in  advance,     lliil,  fur  the  sake 
of  the  illuslralioii,  suppo.se  a  joint  resohilion,  simi- 
lar lo  the  oiif    •■ider  cinisideration,  had  been  adopt- 
t  ed  by  the  Lords  and    Ciimmons,  ami   had   been 
approved  by  the  Cliieen,  and  that,  in  its  |llll;;re^•s 
throou'li  the  two  llonses  of  i'arliainent,  it  had  pio- 
diiccd  such  a  debate;  as  has,  in  fact,  occurred  here; 
that  we  had  In  en  the  objects  of  ileinnieiation  and 
menace,  would  it  laueaLiinied  llie  fiar.s,  nr  would 
it  have  excited   the  iiiiliu'liiilion  ol*  the  .American 
Governnicnl  and  people.'    Would  it  have  incna^ed 
your  dispo.ation  lo  con-iliation.'     I  iliink  no  one 
who  hear.^  nie  will  answer  this  last  (oiesliou  alHrni- 
iitivcly.     Wlialcver  other    fceliii';  il    ini':hl    liavo 
i  excited,  it  would  not  have  rendered  ns  inure  plae- 
j  able,  more  disposed  to  yield  a  point  i  i  eiiniroversy. 
The    Ih'ilish  (iovernmeul   is   eondneli.d    by    men 
havini;  like    feelin','S  and   passions   as    ourselves, 
shariii;^  with  us  the  intirmities  of  our  eonuniin  na- 
ture.    In    the   face  of  deiiuncialioii  and  menace, 
will  Ihey  ecnne  lo  us  with  renewed   oilers  of  emi- 
i  cihati'in  :iiid  peace?     Do  we  iiope  lo  operate  ii|inii 
llicir  fears?     Dr  do  we  attribute  In  lliem  a  nia'.;na- 
iiimily  which  will  proii  pt  them  to  overlook  every 
other  eonsiileralion   in   their  desire  to  maiiilist  a 
spirit  of  conciliation?     Sir,  this  resolution,  based 
as  it  is  on  the  .\Icssa;;e  of  the  I'i'isident,  i.i  a  dis- 
tinct inlimation  to  Cireat   Ih'itain   th.it  ihis  m.-iin  r 
j  must  be  sellleil,  and   in  a  manner  which  will  be 
I  acceptable  to  us,  within  the  twelvi'iiioiith,  nr  that, 
I  nl  the  expiration  of  that  lime,  wcwill  take  forcible 
possession  of  the  whole  country,     tier  forliearaiice 
;  and  love  of  peace  mnsl  be  much  ijreuter  tliiiii  ihat 
'  which  wc  shall  nianifest  in  passin?  it,  or  she  will 
I  put  us  to  the  allernativo  which  we  indicate  pci'liap.-) 
much  siiiiiier  tiiaii  we  require. 

■As  an  inducement  to  ainhori..e  this  notice,  we 

are  lold  that  tl;  j  views  of  the  Presiileiil  are  pacific — 

that  he  desires  lo  po.s.scss  the  authority  incrt'ly  as  a 

j  nwrni  weapon,  by  iho  u.se  of  which    he  w  ill  'jivi; 

peace  to  the  country,  without  yieliliii','  its  rights  or 

;  sacrificiiiE;  its  honor.     Notwithstandiii'.r  his  reiler- 

[  ated  declarations  Ihat  Great  liritain  1ms  no  elaini 

lo  any  portion  of  ()ie;;iin — that  on;-  right  to  the 

,  whole  is  uiniue.stioiuible — that  il  e.iiinot  be  abiiii- 


Ml 


'';  PI 


•s^ 


610 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


at>rn  CoNn 1st  Se»s 


The  Crcjiron  t^uotion — Mr.  C'nit, 


[April  9, 
Srnatg. 


dnnert  wiiliotit  n  unrritlrn  nf  nalinnal  intorcut  nnd 
niiiioiinl  liimiir,  »iill  llic  Seimlor  frvmi  Ncirlli  fiiii)- 
liim  |,\lr.  Hayh-oiii))  Iflla  iia  llie  Pri'sidrnt  i.s\vml- 
iiij  III  tlir  iipeii  iliHir  nf  his  I'uhiiirt,  miily  in  ml- 
jiiNt  thin  I'lmtrnveriy,  iiriil  to  ))rcNc'ivc  tlir  |iinir  nf 
till'  I'liiinlry.  Idiw^  ilv 'luini;  what  hi'  him  hiiii- 
arlCaiiiil  wiiiiUI  hr  aiiflrriAi'i!  iil'imr  uiifiTfii  mill  imr 
liiM  ir — liy  iliviiliiiK,  in  thi'  n|iirit  iif  rninpi'iiiii.si', 
M  liiit  111'  liiifi  liimHi'irdi'iliU'i'il  111  lie  iiiifiiirtilili'.'  Sir, 
cvoii  wilh  tin:  mil  nt'tlii'  Si 'inliir'H  nptii'.i,  I  riinnnl 
si't"  him  iliiru.  If  llit'se  tliiiiga  weii'  triii',  I  woiilil 
1)1'  sorry  to  lio  ho, 

Hni  tiioHP  BBSurnnrcs  of  the  SoiiHlor  from  North 
f'lirolina  iire  as  Hlmitly  ileiiii'il  us  thi-y  nre  ronli* 
(li'iitiv  niniln,  liy  ilii'  SriiiiiorK  front  Ohio,  liiiliiiiin, 
Biiil  llliiiiiiii,  (Mi'HHrs.  Ai.i.KN,  Hankkihn,  mill 
IIhk.f.se.I  If  ficiitlinion  Imvf  iiny  |iciMiliar  niriiiiH 
nf  iiNi'i'rlainint;  tin'  vii'wn  of  ihf  Pri'siili'iil,  of  tin  »i', 
of  oniirsi',  I  niiinoi  Hpi'nk.  If  llii'V  ri'lv  rxcliiNi\r- 
ly  nil  the  iloi-iinuiitH  litforr  mm,  thi'ii  thrir  ri'spi'i'livc 
infrmiri-H  arc  opi'ii  to  oli.Hirvation,  tinil  1  am  I'on- 
Rlrmni'il  to  say  llint,  while  ihi-  reninrkit  of  the  Si'ii- 
nlo  •  'Voni  iNorth  Carolina  wpip  ^'^ltlfyin','  to  mr  in 
HO  t;ii  i\a  thry  were  fxpreHsive  of  his  own  piitriiitie 
mill  peaieful  viinvii  nnd  fi'i'linirs,  the  arsninii'nt  in 
nlalion  t'l  the  views  nf  the  I'ri'Hident,  as  these  me 
to  he  inferred  Inini  Ins  Message,  in  my  Jiid;;ini  nt 
is  rieai'ly  with  his  oppoiirnts.  Why,  sir,  after  a 
narriilive  of  the  reeeiil  neL'oliiilinn,  the  I'residenl, 
ns  if  hi:  deemed  it  neressary  to  apoloirize  for  llie  j 
nllenipl  wliii'h  he  had  made  toadjnst  il,  liy  yield-  | 
ins;  a  porlinii  of  the  territory,  tells  lis  that,  in  ilefer- 
eni'e  to  the  opinions  of  his  iiredei'essors,  in  I'onsid- 
eration  tlinl  proposiiinns  of  eonipromise  had  heen 
tlirii'e  made  liy  them,  and  .that  the  pendiiiu'  iiejro- 
liation  had  been  eommeiieed  ill  the  spirit  of  eom- 
prnmise,  he  deemed  it  to  he  his  duly  **  not  abritpt- 
Ijl  to  hreak  it  oil'."  There  was  nothini;  in  these 
ronsiderations  which  reiiiiired  a  prolonffid  etl'ort 
for  ailjustment.  The  ne2;iitmlinn  niiffht  he  broken 
oil',  but  not  "ahrnplly."  I  eiinfcss,  sir,  this  sceind 
to  me  miller  an  inauspicious  oprnin.'!:  to  the  aniiiin- 
liation  of  pacific  intciilioiis.  The  President  jno- 
eeeds  to  put  beyond  the  pale  of  negotiation  one  of 
the  points  in  controversy,  by  expressins;  in  slronij 
terms  his  unwillinu;iies.s  to  concede  to  a  lbn'i^;n 
Power  "the  free  navif;Rlinn  of  any  of  our  rivers, 
throutrh  the  heart  of  our  eniinlry,''  nnd  then  tells 
us  that  the  deinamls  of  Great  Britain  were  so  rx- 
traonlintinj  and  -so  vhnlly  intitlinimblf.  as,  wilh  the 
rejection  of  his  proposal,  aO'ordcil  "sntisfaeiory  ev- 
idence that  no  foHiynoiaiK'  ir/iic/i  the  luUed  NliiUa 
ought  to  iircept  cun  lir  iffeclttl;"  that  "wilh  this  con- 
viction," he  had  wiihiirawii  the  oiler  which  he  li;id 
made,  "(ujcilfj  our  tilit  (o  thr  xchule  Uriifon  tenilo- 
rii,"  and  maintained  it  by  "irrefragable  facta  and 
nr^unicnl.s." 

In  this  stale  of  tliinis,  the  neijoliation  having 
failed  ami  heen  broken  oil",  the  President  appeals 
to  the  civili/ed  world  to  relieve  ns  from  the  respon- 
sibilitv  of  U.S  fuihire;  and  'hen,  reiteratiii-^  the  dec- 
laration that  all  altcinpis  at  compromise  had  failed, 
lie  turns  to  *'on'_'ress,  and  calls  upon  them  to  coii- 
.^ider  what  measures  arc  proper  for  the  protection 
of  our  citizens,  "and  for  the  iimiii/iiniiicf  nf  our 
jitsi  title  to  that  territory."  While  the  notice  is 
riinnini  to  maturity,  he  very  properly  advl.ses  that 
(he  stipnlHlioiis  of  the  convention  of  J8IH  should 
not  be  violated.  Hut  all  lhiii!;s  have  an  end;  and 
when  the  year  has  expired,  he  tells  ns  that  "  we 
shall  have  reaclit:d  a  peiiod  when  the  nalioii;d 
nulits  in  i)rei:on  imi.-^l  either  hco^iiru^iaiii  or /iriii/i/ 
tnuindiincii."  lie  adds,  what  all  will  adinii,  that 
ill  suoli  a  stale  of  thin ^s  iliey  cannot  be  abandoned. 
'J'he  alternative  is,  thai  they  must  be  firmly,  if  need 
be,  forcibly,  maintamed.  And  to  lliis  altei native 
tlii.s  notice  is  to  brintf  us. 

Add  to  this  the  following  decJarnlion  in  the  same 
iNIe.ssu^ie: 

''  t'ltiiilliiii  riulil.*  nf  every  F.iirnpean  iinllnn  nhniilif  !,.•  re- 

spei  I.-il;  hul  II  Udue  alike  In  our  -alV-tl,  ailil  (tlir  illt'Te^lM, 
llial  llie  elli.  lenl  |>r.,li'i'llllii  f.r  our   lawn  hliunlj  lie  exii'llill'il 

ov.  r  oiir  II holt'  trrrilnriirl  /tm'/\.  anil  Ilial  it  vlioiiiil  li.'  itlr. 
Ml  III  .iiiiioinie,  (t  III  111.'  w..riil  as  our  -i-lil.-.j  iinliev.  iliiU  no 
I'liliire  i^urMpeuii  i'oliiiii  or  (I'liliniliui  ^llllll,  with  mir  eim- 
s--ii!,  tie  pliiiil.-<i  or  e^iulilitilii.'.l  oil  any  part  of  the  \uiUi 
AuH  ricitii  riiiitiiii'iit.'' 

lie  liad  previously  declared  "that  the  Brili.sh 
prttriisious  of  title  could  not  be  maintained  to  any 
/IOC/ion  of  tJieL'oii."  'yVicw,  con>;ei|uenily,  have  no 
"  extsiiiii;  rii^hls"  there  which  an;  to  be  respected, 
and  full  ilierefoie  williin  the  sweepinj;  inhibiliuii 
to  plant  a  colony  uii  lliut  pari  uf  this  cuiilincnl. 


Now,  if  any  Senator  can  penviivr,  in  the  vicwii  I 
and   opiiiJonH  tliiis  declared  and  eypressed,  any    ' 
thiiur  which   looks  to  the   peaceful  ndjnrlmenl  of 
this  controversy,  he  has  keener  optics  anil  a  live- 
lier iina:;iiiatioii  than  i  can  boast.     No,  sir;  if  the 
President  may  be  allowed  to  speak  for  himself,  he 
is  not  wniliii','  in  iieacefiil  mood  nl  the  open  door  , 
of  his  f'abinet.    He  is  here,  in  this  ehamber,  bear- 
in'i  the  insiirnia  of  his  olHce,  sternly  asHertint;  the 
ri'.'hl  of  the  United  .Slates  to  the  whole  territory  nf 
OreL'on,  anil  rnllin;;  upon  us  to  furnish  him  with 
the  means  of  niaintainin!;  it. 

The  Senator  from  South  ("iiroliim  (Mr.  C\i.- 
lioi'ij,]  conciirrina;  in  the  view  which  I  have  taken 
of  the  President's  Messnae,  at  leasl  to  this  extent, 
that  t(  indieales  no  disposition  lo  compromise  this 
cnntrnversy,  thinks  nevertheless  that  his  views 
may  have  cliann-ial  in  eonseipienee  nf  the  develop- 
ment of  public  opinion  here  and  on  the  oilier  side 
of  the  Atlantic,  and  that  there  may  he  less  objec- 
tion now  than  heretofore,  in  i^ivlii;;  this  notice  in  a 
modified  (orm.  Hut  if  this  be  so,  oiiijht  we  In  be 
kept  in  lirnoiaiice  of  it  ?  To  be  left  lo  rumor,  or  In 
decide  between  the  eniillictim;  opininns  of  the  po-  , 
litieal  tViends  of  the  President  in  this  ehamber?  If 
he  recommended  this  notice  iipou  a  slate  of  facts 
which  no  lonirer  exists,  and  under  the  inllueijce  of 
views  which  he  has  ceased  to  entertain,  ouirht  the 
measure  now  lo  be  pressed  upon  ns?  If  it  is, 
should  that  incline  any  Senator  to  yield  his  objec- 
tions lo,  and  vole  fm-  it  ?  The  Senalnr  from  South 
( 'arolina  is  inn  ifond  a  loi^ician  mil  to  see  that  these 
premises  do  not  lead  In  this  conclusion.  If  the 
motive  which  induced  the  reeonimendation  nf  the 
President  no  lonirer  exists,  that  is  a  reason  why 
the  recominendalion  should  be  withdrawn  or  mil 
pressed.  Cfx.sa»tf  rtiliirne,  rrsnitt  ft  poatultitum.  lint, 
surely,  it  can  afford  no  inducement  to  ihnse  who 
have  been  all  alom;  opposed  to  it,  to  relini|uisli  that 
opposition.  l'"or  myself,  I  have  not  .seen  the  evi- 
dence of  this  ehaniT";  and,  if  il  could  lei;ilimately 
iiilliience  my  vote,  I  do  not  think  ihni  rumor  or 
eonjectnre  as  to  the  views  of  the  President  is  a 
aollieient  irroiind  for  the  action  of  iho  Senate  nf  llie  ' 
United  Stales.  We  have  had  a  host  of  rumnrs 
during  the  pendency  nf  this  discussion  here  and  in 
llie  House  of  Ue.preseiilatives,  and  some  of  ihem 
have  appeared  very  opportunely,  hut  iliey  have 
l>assed  away  wilh  the  occasion  which  they  served. 
If  we  should  authorize  this  notice,  relyinir  upnn 
the  clian;;e  which  is  ullejcd  lo  have  taken  phice  in 
the  views  of  the  President,  and  his  disposition  to  ' 
use  it  as  a  moral  weapon,  which  the  Senator  from 
North  Carolina  supposes  he  will  do,  if  in  the  event 
il  should  ap)iear  that  he  retains  all  his  opininns  un- 
chantred,  and  that  his  scn.se  of  duly  impels  him  In 
use  it  for  the  purpose  for  which  he  nriiiiiully 
recommended  il,  to  put  us  ns  speedily  as  possible 
in  a  cnndilion  for  the  firm  nnd  forcible  mainlenance 
of  our  riifhts  to  the  whole  of  Oregon,  what  liiue 
we  lo  say?  Shall  we  tell  him  lie  has  perverted  the 
aiilhorily  we  havpsivcn  to  a  purpose  for  which  we 
did  not  1,'ive  il;  and  may  he  iiol  refer  us  to  his  olli- 
cial  and  unchanced  expression  of  his  views  and 
opinions,  as  ilic  only  evidence  of  them  which  he 
had  authenticaicd — the  only  one  to  which  lie  had 
a  ri;;lillo  refer? 

Sir,  I  desire  earnestly  to  sec  this  enntroversy 
ndiuated,ns  1  believe  it  may,  and  oiiaht  to  he, 
honorably  lo  both  parlies,  and  consistently  with 
the  rii;hts  nf  the  United  Slates.  If  any  man  can 
nIiow  me  iliat  the  proposed  notice,  eiilier  in  its 
naked  or  in  its  modified  form,  will  conduce  In  that 
lesiili,  I  will  willingly  vnle  tor  it.  That  evidi-nce 
has,  however,  not  vet  been  nflorded  me.  Mean- 
time, I  can  ilieeH'iiily  vote  I'lr  the  amendment  pro- 
posed by  my  colleague.  If  notice  must  be  given, 
this  may  serve  to  divest  it  of  some  of  it.s  noxious 
inlliience.  Kor  the  rest,  I  hold  myself  open  locon- 
viction.  and  will  give  my  vote  ai'coriiing  to  my 
best  jiulL'ment  of  wlinl  the  interest  and  the  honn'r 
of  the  country,  and  the  obligations  which  miiy  rest 
iif  n  us  as  an  enlightened  and  Christian  people, 
may  demand.  My  own  judgment,  I  confess,  is, 
that  all  those  considerati'ins  unite  to  recommend  a 
postponement  of  the  further  cnnsiderntion  of  the 
subject  lo  some  day  in  the  present  session,  which 
would  allord  an  op|iorluiiity  for  the  renewal  of  ihe 
negotiation  iininc.umbered  by  this  notice,  and  under 
the  favorable  influences  produced  by  the  manifest- 
itiion  of  public  opinion,  both  here  and  in  (ireat 
Uritnin;  and  which  would  yet  leave  us  time  before 


our  iid|niirnm«ni  In  mnk»  iiieh  provision,  in  iho 
event  of  its  failure,  as  the  occasion  would  reipiire. 
Hut  I  snbniil  no  nioiioii  on  this  subject.  !  conient 
myself  wilh  having  presented  my  views  lo  tho 
Senate,  nnd  will  not  ftirthrr  prolong  this  discus- 
sion. I  feel  deeply  ilni  imporlance  of  the  occa- 
sion, and  have  earncslly  desired  to  diiieharge  my 
duly  lo  the  eoiinlry,  and  especjully  to  my  own 
consiilnenia,  to  whom  this  ipii"  ion  is  so  full  of 
inleresl— III  discharge  it  failhfiilly,  fi'iulessly,  yet 
with  perfect  rcHpeci  and  K>>nd  will  to  tliime  win) 
dill'er  from  mo. 


SPEECH    OK    MR.    (!  A  S  S  , 

OK  MICIIICAN, 

In  the  Sknati;  or  riiE  United  Statri, 

./;ui,'  'J,  lH4t;. 

Ill  reply  lo  Mr.  lleiitnn,  of  Mi.^sonri,  with  some 

addiiioiitt. 

Mr.  Aiiii.KY  said  that  he  was  yesterday  enti- 
tled lo  ihe  Itoor;  but  had  yielded  to  the  Si'iialor 
from  iMIssouri,  [Mr.  IIk\tov,|  who  spoke  at  such 
length  as  to  preclude  him  (Mr.  A.)  from  address- 
ing llie  Senate.  The  Senator  from  Mii'liigan  [Mr. 
Cahn]  was  now  in  hisscal,  and  as  he  w-as  on  parole, 
it  was  lo  be  supposed  he  was  desirous  of  respond- 
ing to  the  Senator  from  Mi.ssoiiri.  He  (Mr.  A.) 
therefore  very  willingly  again  waived  his  right, 
and  gave  way  to  llic  Scn.ilor  from  Michigan. 

Mr.  CASS  then  rose  and  said: 

Mr.  Piesideiit:  I  am  much  obliged  lo  my  friend 
from  Arkaii.<<is,  jMr.  Ahiii.kv,|  for  his  kindness  in 
yielding  to  me  the  Hour  upon  this  occasion.  He  ia 
right  in  supposing  il  is  necessary,  iVoin  the  pnsilinn 
in  which  the  Imnoiable  Senator  IVoin  .Missouri,  by 
his  fijmarks  of  yesterday,  iilaced  iin.'.  llcl'ore,  how- 
ever, pr ediiig  furl  her,  I  must  reliirn  my  thanks 

to  my  I'riend  from  Indiana,  [Mr.  Haxskuan,]  for 
what  he  said  of  me,  and  for  me,  while  I  was  ab»ent. 
I  am  still  more  obliged  to  h im,  however,  for  the  .sakn 
of  the  common  object  which  he  and  I,  and  others 
of  us,  have  in  view,  than  even  for  my  own  sake.  I 
learn,  and  I  learn  il  without  any  surprise,  that  his 
vindicaliun  was  miislerly  and  eliii|ueiit.  I  can  well 
believe  it,  sir,  from  the  many  proofs,  which  he  has 
given  us  during  the  session  of  his  powers  of  orato- 
ry, and  especially  from  the  positions  he  has  taken 
and  siipiiuried  in  the  Oregon  coniruversy, 

Mr.  President,  1  have  come  here  this  morning 
to  set  myself  free.  Twice  in  my  life  I  have  bei'ii 
captured  by  enemies — once  fighling  against  Uriiisli 
|iretensioiis  in  war,  and  again  fighting  against  llrit- 
ish  pretensions  in  peace.  My  cuuiitry  redeemed 
mo  in  the  former  case — I  come  to  redeem  my.self  in 
the  lutler.  I  say  enemies,  but  1  trust  the  term  ia 
only  meluphorically  apnlicable.  There  is  nothing 
ill  tlie  former  relations  lielween  the  honorable  Sen- 
ator from  Missouri  and  myself,  nothing  in  our  pre- 
sent position,  which  should  iiiaki' us  enemies.  On 
the  cniitrary,  a  long  personal  friendship  has  exist- 
ed between  us,  which  I  did  not  suppose  was  sun- 
dered. If,  however,  il  is  ollierw  i'  , !  must  lieur  it 
as  I  may.  I  have  borne  grealei  ■  .lainities  than 
even  the  hostility  of  the  honorable  geiitlemuii  from 
Missouri. 

I  came  here,  sir,  as  I  said  before,  lo  redeem  lYiy- 
self;  and  I   mean  lo  do  il:  lo  do  it  by  correcting  a 
misappnliension, — by  speaking  the  truth. 
*'  lie  H  the  I'reciiiaii.  ivliiiiii  llie  truth  iiiakea  t>ec: 
All  clue  are  «l:iies  licitiilc." 

I  will  not  .speak  in  the  triumphant  tone,  wiiieh 
pervades  ihe  speech  of  the  honorable  Senator  :'rom 
Missouri.  Il  is  iiol  my  habit.  "  Let  not  him  that 
girilelh  on  his  harness,  boast  him.seif,  as  he  that 
iiutietli  it  oil'."  Let  no  man  boast  till  the  victory 
is  woo.  And  especially,  let  him  not  boast  while 
his  adversary  is  ubseiil.  What  the  .Senator  said 
presents  subjects  enough  for  auiinadversioii,  but 
the  manner  in  which  he  said  it  was  slill  more  un- 
acceptable. I  am  ignorant  of  any  eircumslaiices, 
in  our  relative  siliialions,  which  could  justify  it; 
still,  I  repeat,  that  I  mean  lo  vindicate  myself,  and 
that,  too,  to  the  i  iiliiu  satisfaction  of  every  man 
within  the  sound  of  my  voice. 

Mr.  llAVXiioAS.     I'lveiy  imparlial  man. 

Mr.  CASS.  .No,  Mr.  Piesideiit;  I  will  not  ac- 
cept the  ipialifii'iilioii  su.ggested  by  my  friend  from 
Indiana.  If  my  vindication  is  not  satisfactory  to 
every  man,  partial  or  imparlial,  I  will  agree  i.)  be 
tied  10  tho  churiul  wheels  uf  the  hoiiuruble  Ssenator 


I 


■ 


■ 


184G.] 


99th  Cono Ikt  Seim. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GIX)BE. 
me  Oregon  (fmition — Mr.  Can. 


511 


IIo.  or  Rkpi. 


ftiim  MiHHonri,  nnil  In  fi>;lil  the  Ipnttlm  of  id;  mid  l| 
I  hinlly  kimw  two  nii>rr  .-luvvrc  iiuiiiijliiiii.'iilii,  lliut  ; 
roiiM  Im.'  iiillifted  iipitii  nu'. 

Til"  lioiiiiiiililc  .Siimior  HiivH  lliiii.  I  rump  hco  j; 
tliR  (III  iTiliiy  tu  iiuilo' iiNtiiillnl  Nprci'lniii  (lit  mill-  M 
jri'l  cit'Ori'KDii.  1  (lid  NO,  sir;  iiiiil  lirovrrmlcH  liiH  j 
iiwn  jiowrrs,  unit  liiiilcir.ilrs  llir  innilal  i{iiiililirH    I 

111'    till'   lllllhlil  IS  llf   lllis    llCllly,   wild  llllllC'M   llfIT    til    ij 

.'ive  Ills   ii|)iiiinMH  ii[Miii  a  ^rciit   iintiniml  suhjccl'i 
w  ithiiut  liiiMti'r[iiii-aliiiii,     1  sliiill  tiul  I'niiiiiiit  (liiit 
I'lii'Vi  'I'i'l  '  fill*!'  '""  iiiiii'li   I'l'Hiinl  fur  llic  iiili  lli- 
^M'li -r  (iiiil  txpi  rii'iiri;  nC  thi^  liiiiioi'alilc  St-iiattir  tii  | 
)>i'llr\i'  llial  III'  wiiillil.     I  |il'(sllllli:  lliatllislli<ill<;lils 
iirii fully  |iri'iPiiri'cl  ii{iiiii  i  vnyKnivi;  tiiiiii'.iin  wliii'li  j 
111)  |iiT»riils  liis  viiiHH  III  this  liiiily.      liiil,  liiiwtntr 
it  iiitiy  liavc  liccii  in  lui'i-,  I  liuvti  tint  liiul  iiiiii'li  time  \ 
Cm-  |Mr|iaraliiiii  hum,  I'nr  I  was  nut  in  my  siat  yi'S- 
li  iiliiy  wlii'ii  tlic  liiiiiiii'iililr  Si'iiiitiii'  niHilr  Ills  at-  : 
lurk;  iiiiil  iif  I'liiiisii  1  i-,oiilil  iint  knnw,  except  from  | 
rumiii',  wliiit  liii  saiil  till  llils  iiiiiiiiiiii;.  i 

iS'uH  ,  !-\v,  wliiit  is  llic  Niiljjri'l  ill  ciiiilrnvcriy  lie 
Iwi'iii  the  liiiiinrahlcSeiiiitiii'aml  myself?    IleNiiyii  i 
that  I  am  eoiiimitleil,  liy  my  nwii  ilei-lai'atiiin,  tii  <;ii 
fur  4!),  if  it  is  slinwii  tfmt  enmiiiissiniiei's  weru  a|i-  j 
imiiili'il   iiiider  llic  treaty  of  Utreelil   to  eslalilish 
that  parallel  as  a  lio'    idary.     This  asserlioii  is  lliH 
whole  foiiiidatioii  of  his  ar^uiiieiit,  upon  which  the 
whole  siiperslriicliire  resls.     If  tlie  one  falls,  the 
other  fills  wiiii  it.     JVow,  sir,  I   not  only  never 
Slid  so,  lint  the  idea  never  oeeiirred  to  me;  1  never 
tlioiii;hl  of  It.     And  the  hoiioralile  i^i-ntlemiiii  has 
wholly  niisiinder:.lood  me,  cither  throu^'li  my  fault 
or  his  own.  , 

I  le  has  ereeled  a  forlifieation  Hir  me,  and  liatlered 
it  down  with  his  own  eaimon.  1  elioosc  to  lie  shut 
lip  in  my  own  defiiisive  worlts  only.  If  these  arc 
carried  liy  sie„'e  or  liy  storm,  then  I  will  surrender, 
lint  Irt  me  he  my  own  en^^ineer.  j 

My  position  was  this,  sir.  Many  of  the  nieni- 
licrs  upon  this  (loor  eontend  that  the  parallel  of  4SI'-' 
is  the  tiorthrrn  boundary  of  oiir  claim  in  Oregon. 
Some  directly  .in;  and  others,  liecaii.se  it  was  as- 
sumed to  lie  such  liy  our  Uovernment  in  the  early 
iicriod  of  oiireontroversy  on  Ihissnhject  with  Uiis;- 
laiid.  Tons,  therefore,  who  lielieve  that  our  claim 
III  Ore^'on  f^oes  to  Hi''  411',  it  was  essential  to  show 
llierc  wii.s  an  error  on  this  snhject;  that  the  treaty 
of  Uireclit  never  extendeil  to  the  cuuntry  west  of 
the  Itiieky  Mountains. 

Mr.  (iicenhiiw,  in  his  work  oiiOrejion,  had  cx- 
umiiied  this  i|nestioii,  and  had  endeavored  to  show 
that  no  commissioners,  under  llie  treaty  of  Utrecht, 
had  ever  eslalilished  any  liouiidary  lietween  the 
French  and  ICn^lish  po.ssessions  on  this  I'oiitinenl. 
.So  far  as  respects  the  yenenil  proposilion,  it  is  a 
mere  ipieslion  of  historical  authenticity,  not  liaviii'^ 
tlic  Klii.'liiest  praeiical  hearing  upon  oi'ir  title  to  Ore- 
!foii.  Hecaiise,  hel'ore  our  title  to()rei,'on  could  he 
alVecled,  it  must  he  shown,  that  that  line,  if  eslali-  ' 
lishedatall,  must  extend  west  of  the  Uucky  Moun- 
tains. I 
Mr.  Greciihow,  in  his  work,  enlcr.s  into  the  | 
ipiestion,  and  1  referred  lo  his  hook  as  one  entitled 
to  talent,  indiislry,  and  eautioir,  and  I  re(|nrsted 
^enilcmeii,  w  ho  had  doiilas  on  this  snhject  to  turn 
to  lluit  work,  and  I  thoimlit  they  would  .'-alisfy  , 
llieinscKes,  that  no  such  line  had  lieen  estaldished.  ' 
I  did  not  vouch  for  the  fact>  or  eoiichisions.  I 
never  examined  the  «;eiieral  subject  in  its  extent. 
1  stand,  however,  that  llic  result  of  his  discns.si.in 
upon  my  mind  was,  that  such  a  line  had  not  been 
run.  I  am  slill  under  that  impression,  sir,  and 
iiolliinu'  that  was  said  yesterday  has  shaken  its 
Mreii!,'tli.  8lill,  1  do  not  hold  myself  at  all  respon- 
sible for  Mr.  Greenhow's  ac.euracy.  1  should  in- 
vestiiiiite  the  subject  with  far  more  eare  than  1  have 
done,  if  I  were  to  be  held  responsible  for  deduc- 
tions restin;;  upon  any  other  inan's  assertions. 

The  .Senator  from  iVlissouri  says  he  comes  here 
not  to  settle  a  poiiii,  which  can  at  all  inllnenc.c  the 
lieiioii  of  this  body,  or  have  the  slightest  ell'cci  upon 
ll.e  termination  of  our  eonlroversy  with  Knijland. 
lie  says  he  "  makes  no  ap)iliealion  of  this  fact," 
iiferrineto  his  proof  that  the  parallel  of  4'.1  was 
established  somewhere  by  the  trealy  of  lllrcclit, 
II'.'  says:  "  I  draw  noarsjiiment  from  it.  1  do  not 
'apply  it  to  theiinestion  of  title.  I  am  not  ar;;ii- 
'  iiig  title,  and  will  not  do  it;  bill  I  am  vindicating 
'history,  assailed  in  a  vilal  point  by  the  book 
'  which  has  been  (pioled  and  endorsed.  I  am  vi.i- 
'dicaling  the  inlclli;,'enee  of  the  American  Senate, 
'  exposed  to  conlcinpt  in  the  ryes  of  Europe,  by  a 


'  siippoKPil  iKnonince  of  n  Irrnty  which  iflimeof! 
■  the    meat   political   landmarks    hi    Europe   uiiU 
•  America,"  Ac, 

The  {Senator  will  pardon  me  for  sayinff  that  this 
RrrmH  to  me  very  much  of  a  tempest  in  ii  ti'apol. 
What  does  he  ]irol'i'ss  to  vindieale  before  the  Seniito  | 
of  the  United  .Stales.'     Not  the  riililsof  the  coun- 
try, but  the  iilleu'cil  iriilh  of  nil  historical  fiiel,mis-  j 
repreKenled  by  \Ir.  CJrienhow.and  voiiehed  for, as  I 
the  Senaior  thinks,  by  me.     Now,  sir,  it  seems  to 
me,  that  this  solemn  Irial,  before  such  a  court  ns 
this,  ill  hardly  justified  by  the  nature  of  the  iiceti-  , 
Hiilion.    Here  is  an  lusloriciil  error.    Be  it  ho.    No- 1 
body  contends  that  it  alfects  oi.r  interestH  or  our  j 
honor  in  the  remotesl  ileirree;  no  more  no  than  the  j 
parenlaffe  of  lloimilns  and  HeimiH.     This  is  not  n  '■> 
lecture  room.     We  arc  neillier  protessors  nor  slii- 
ilenls,  assembled  here  to  discuss  the  truth  or  lUlse- 
hooil  of  hislorieal  Htaleinents,  which  have  no  rela-  \ 
tion  lo  our  duties.     And  it  seems  lo  me,  also,  that 
Europe  will  know  little,  and  rare  less,  respectinj 
this  (fn/i'f  eonlroversy,  now  sub  jmlirf,  before  this  i 
liigli  tribunal.     I  iloiibt  if  ils  fume  reaches  there.  1 
I  rather  imairine,  that,  in  thai  quarter  of  the  ijlobe,  1 
there  are  other,  if  not  jtraver,  siibjecls  to  eni;ai;e  the 
atlenlion  of  both  Governments  mid   people,  than 
historic  ihiiilits,  involvini;  Mr.  Greenhow's  iiccu- 
mey  and  my  eredulily. 

ytill,  sir,  as  this  i|iiestioii  is  thus  lirou<rht  before 
us,  I  sliall  proceed  to  L'ive  a  brief  synopsis  of  it, 
and  leave  honorable  Sennlors  lo  jiidi^e  for  them- 
selves. The  .Seimior  from  Mi.ssoiiri  has  broni,'lit 
forward  ihree  principal  facts,  to  prove  that  the  par- 
allel  of  4'.)  was  eslablislied  by  coinmi.ssioners  under 
the  treaty  of  I'tiecht.  T'lie  first  is  a  despatch  from 
Mr.  Madison  to  Mr.  Monroe;  the  second,  a  state- 
ment Kiibmiltcd  by  iMr.  Monroe  to  Lord  Harrow-  ! 
by;  the  third — I  put  them  tou'etlier,  for  the  honor- 
able gentleman  has  joined  them — Postlethwayt's 
Dictionary  and  D'.\iiville'H  maps. 

Before  proceediu'.;  further,  sir,  I  be;;  lo  remark, 
that  the  honorable  Senator,  in  quite  a  launlin;;  tone,  ! 
contrasts  my  invesiii;atioii  of  this  matter  with  his  i 
'  own.  He  ^oes  to  the  fountain-head,  the  niilhcntic 
documents,  and  llitre  finds  the  truth;  while  1  so  to 
the  turbid  stream, and  am  thence  "led  astray," and 
tlius  have  wandered  into  the  enemy's  camp,  and 
have  become  a  pri.soner.  And  what  are  those  nii- 
MfHd'cdociimenls  which  the  honorable  .Senator  has 
.soukIiI  and  found,  and  pored  over  with  themidniiiht 
lamp,  to  educe  the  truth.'  AVhv,  Postlethwavt's 
Conniiercial  Dictionary,  eontainini,' a  map!  This 
is  all,  literally  all  I — a  work  Ions  since  referred  to 
by  ^ir.  Oreenhow  in  his  book,  and  examined  by 
hiin. 

Now,  sir,  the  first  rellcction  which  strikes  n  man 
is  this,  that  if  this  line  were  thus  established,  the 
proof  of  it  miiflit  have  been  i;ol  forty  years  au'o 
from  the  archives  of  Paris  or  London.  That  would 
be  positive  and  undeniable  evidence,  and  nil  short 
of  It  is  inconclusive,  and  such  as  no  tribunal  of 
jilslice  would  receive  as  final. 

Before  any  man  .assumes  the  existence  of  such  n 
line  lis  a  barrier  to  his  country's  claims  he  oiiclit 
to  prove  It,  not  by  loose  deiliictions  from  loi'se  his- 
torical notices,  but  by  an  luithentic  cojiy  of  the  act 
'  of  the  commissioners. 

But  what  says  Mr.  Madison.'  The  honorable 
Senator  from  Missouri  says,  "  ilie  fact  of  commis- 
saries having;  acted,  was  a.isumed  lor  certain."  The 
hmicuase  of  Mr.  Madison  reads  far  otherwise  to 
me.  As  I  slated  the  other  day,  he  speaks  doubt- 
fully upon  the  subject;  and  I  repeat  the  aissertion, 
notwitlisuiiiiliiii;  tlie  contrary  averment  of  the  Sen- 
ator from  .Missouri.  "Thtie  is  misoti  lo  hclievr," 
said  Mr.  Madi.son  to  Monroe,  "  that  the  boundarv 
between  Louisiana  and  the  British  territories  nortli 
j  of  it  was  actually  lixcd  by  commissiu'ies  a]ipoiiilcd 
under  the  trealy  of  Utrecht." 

He  then  adds,  that  he  sends  n  paper,  ec^itainins 
the  authority  rcspectinj;  tlii^  allciied  decision;  but 
he  adds  cautiously:  "But  ijiiii  irill  pcm ivc  the.  »c- 
'  ccfmittj  (if  reeiirriiicr  tn  the  prnreediiie;s  of  the  cnmmis- 
'  saries  (K  the  soin'ce  of  authentic  iuftrniiittion.  These 
'  arc  not  within  our  reach  here,  and  it  must  be  left 
'  lo  your  own  researches  and  jiidpnent  to  dcter- 
'  mine  the  proper  use  lo  be  made  of  them."  If 
this  is  certainty,  I  should  like  to  know  what  imeer- 
taiiity  is.  The  honorable  Senator  rcffrets,  thai  I 
'  had  not  looked  into  the  orii;inal  doeiiments,  instead 
of  depeiidini;  on  Greenliow ,  andthusbeeominc;  "his 
"  dupe  and  his  victim" — not  very  eouilcous  words 


these,  hythe-hy — ami  llinl  If  T  hnd  tiniie  so,  I  would 
not  have  siiid  lliiit  Mr,  Monroe  had  not  addiil  any  ' 
tliiiii;  to  Mr.  Madison's  stalemi  iii,  and  had  left  the 


question  IIS  doiibtt'id  as  he  liiid  found  it.  "  In  point 
of  fact, "says  the  ■Sennior,  "Mr.  .Moiiror  added  thn 
'  partieuliiis,  of  which  Mr.  Madison  deelared  his  ii;- 
'  nornnce — added  the  bi  ■_'iniiiie.',  lliecoiirsi  "  and  llio 
'eiidiiiir  of  the  line,  and  stated  llie  whole  with  llm 

■  precision  ofn  man,  who  had  taken  his  informnlion 
•  from  llie  procecdiiiL's  of  the  coniniissioiiers," 

This  .s  to  ine  ii  striinire  view  of  llie  matter,  sir. 
I  enniio'.  find  that  Mr.  Madison  refers  to  m\y  fiiir. 
(icll^ll.^.  He  eei'tainly  does  not  use  the  word.  It 
is  the  anthentieily  of  the  notice,  enclosed  by  liiiii. 
which  he  desires  Mr.  Monroe  to  ascertain.  What 
the  /idi'/idi/nri  were,  contained  in  the  notice,  we  do 
not  know,  as  the  paper  ilself  cannot  be  found. 
That  nntiee,  as  I  shall  show,  or  rather  Cireenhow 
has  shown,  there  is  every  reason  to  believe,  will 
an  extract  from  Douglas's  History  of  Ainerien. 

Before  I  proceed  to  examine  these  niiiiieulan,  I 
may  be   allowed    lo    remark,   that    Mr.   iMadiaoii 
doubted  with  precisely  the  same  tacts,  which  we 
have  before  us — ihe  map  and  book  referred  to  by 
the  honorable   gentleman.     And  to  this  day,  not 
one   single  cireiimstance  has  bicii  added,  which 
j  could    remove  those  donbls.     Where,  ilieii,  that 
i  illustrious  man  felt  nneertninlv,  I  may  be  permit- 
ted to  feel   n  (^realcr   detjrce  of  il,  in  eonsiquence 
of  the  dircrt  and  cireiimstanlial  evidence  since  dis- 
covered, leadiinr  to  the  presuniplion,  that  no  such 
line  was   esl  iblished.     But  1  repeat,  sir,  Ihil   in 
Ibis  investiiialion  I  do  not  jirofcss  to  eoim;  to  any 
absolute  eoiichiNioii.    It  is  a  siibjeel,  on  which  men 
may  differ.     The   result  of  my  exainiiialion  ini- 
\  presses  me  with  the  conviction,  that  no  such  lino 
was  established.     Mr.  Monroe  presented  a  memoir 
to  Lord  Hiirrowby,  the  Secretary  of  Slate,  mid  I 
will  now  (pinte  from  the  sentleman's   speech   that 
jiart  of  it,  upon  which  he  dwells,  as  sliowin:;  "  the 
I  '  beKiimiiiL',  courses,  and  end  of  the  line,  Ac.,  whli 
:  '  the  precision  of  a  man,  who  had  taken  his  iiifor- 

■  '  million  from  the  proi  eedin;;s  of  the  eonimissa- 
I  '  ries."  I  will  ipiole,  al.so,  the  statement  of  Doug- 
las, the  historian  of  North  America;  and  no  doubt 
can  exist  on  the  mind  of  any  man,  that  Mr.  Mon- 
roe resorted  to  that  aiithofily  for  his  statement, 
nnd  not  to  the  on^'inal  archives: 

!      "  ('niniii>ii(sarie.i  were  iic-       IKidahm  miys,  pnne  7:  "Ry 

'  corililiilK  a|i|iiiilltcil  liv  CKcIl  tlic  treiilv.lKiHcvi.T,  llic Ciui- 
I'dU'cr.  Hlirt  cxccutcil  Ihe  nilii,  (ir  I'Vciicli  line,  Willi  ttiR 
slipnliilioiH  nf  tile  Ircntv  in  llii(l.''nn  Hay  t'ipni|i:iiiy  "f 
('^lllllli!^hill^  Ihe  haiiiKhiricH  (;rciit  llrilnin.  « II-- iiii'Tliliil- 
prci|i(i(ieit  hy  II."  "Thcylixcil  eil  rniiu  i(  * ''r/i'in  /iroiiioii/on/ 
the  Miirlhi'di  liniiuchirv  of  "(■nu  Ihe  ^Ulaulir  <ire,M  in 
Caniiiln  anil  I.niiisiaiiii  hy  ii  .W-'  ;i(l'  nf  iim-t/i  IntiliiJe,  lo 
line  hci.'inni(H5iii  theWI/iiii^'c,  noi  vtututee^t  to  t.'d-c  Mii- 
li:c:ii'eori<maaiiloniiir>n'  (mill.'  lo  lie  loiilimeil  t'iU 
:i.yivni:il.ililiiili!  IhniL.ioitlli-   south  T^lh   Ihe    \\)lk  Jeifec, 

I  irest'rvrilhi  Irt  tlie  Lake  MislU'  ami  from  theiu-e  ttiie  vest  in- 
liiti:  tlienre,  I'urllier  .outh'rest,  itefviitely.^^ 

I  ri(Ac/./WiKlcq/4!l'iwrW/roin 

1  lheeqii<!lor,iinitulon^tlnit  liiio 

1  im/c/iiiitc/i/." 

Now,'  sir,  the  honorable  Senator  from  Missouri 
s.iys  thai  Mr.  Monroe  must  have  taken  his  infor- 

'  Illation  from  the  proreediii'.'S  of  llic  commissaries. 

I  No  man  can  doubt  but   that  Mr.  Monroe  (|iioied 

■  from  Dourjlas's  book.  The  lannimire  is  so  nearly 
ideiiiical  as  to  render  such  a  coincidence  impossi- 
iile,  if  it  were  accidental. 

;,  The  siifr^restion  that  ATr.  ATonroe  went  to  the 
archives  to  procirre  the  (i«)'/irii/ni'.«,  of  which  "  Mr. 
Miidi.'^on  had  declared  his  i^^norance,"  but  of  which 
declaration  I  cannot  tind  a  trace,  weiiiK  to  me  verv 
extraordinarv,  when  we  advert  to  .Mr.  Monroe  s 

'  report'  The'proeeediiiKS  in  puiIi  a  case  as  this,  es- 
labli.sliiu!;  a  boundary  between  two  jrreai  nations, 
extendin^over.so  largca  porlionofthe.-^urfaeeofthe 

^  njobe,  were  never  recorded  in  the  lan!riine;e  nf  Mr. 
Monroe.  AVIio  were  the  commissioners  ?  Where 
(lid  they  sit.'  What  was  the  date  of  their  action  ? 
AVIiere  w,is  the  confirmation  of  their  award  by 
their  Governments.'  What,  in  fact,  were  the  points 
indicated  ?  "  Bcirinnin-.'-  in  the  ..Vllanlic,  at  a  cape 
or  promontory  in  58''  30'  north  latitude  !"  A  cape 
or  promontorv  not  named,  but  to  be  ascertained  by 
ils  latitude  !  'And  if  the  latitude  were  not  correcily 
staled,  what  then?  Siipjiose  where  that  parallel 
struck  the  Atlantic,  there  was  no  rape  or  promoii- 

;  Inrv?  And  would  any  commissioners  ass'jine  such 
an  'absolute  knowledge  of  the  topography  of  a  re- 
mole  and  barren   const,  as  to  make  that  fact  the 

y.  basis  of  Iheir  whole  action  !  Valid,  if  il  were  so; 
invalid,  if  il  were  not. 


>\if 
i 


1 


''■sM: 


5ig 


SOth  Cono |9T  Skhh, 


APPFNDIX  TO  riiK  CONOliKSSFONAI,  nr.onR. 

Till'.  OnfTdH  i-^iimiion — Mr.  ('dig. 


(April  5?, 
Sknatb. 


Hut  iIiIh  liKiHi'  l;iiii;iiii!,T'  iH  11"!  rnjitliinl  lo  ido 
|i|ifi'  cif  riimmiiii'cim'iil.  Aih'r  Irni  int;  this  "  riipc 
iir  |irMiiicinl(iry,"  lliis  Irrin  iiii'"L,'pii/«,  ihi'  |jn,'  is  to 
run  F'liilhimlirunlhi  In  l.ttki  .Ui*(i"iii,  mi  imliHiiitr 
fiinrsc,  iiH  will  he  nnn,  iiiiil  inn  I'l'iiiliri'il  di'finiti! 
Iiy  imlii'tilins  wli.it  pail  iil'  tlic  Inki!  it  wuh  Id 
Niiikc. 

IVd  iTiiHiin;ili|i'  iliiiilit  cnn  ixIhI,  hm  ilmt  mm  Mr. 
MiiiiriH'  i'ni{>l>iyc  il  llir  liiniruii:;!-  nl'  Dnii'^liix,  lie 
liinli  tlip  xiMli'iiicnl  rniiii  llml  liisloriiiii. 

Mr.  Mdiiior,  )iiiw(-vir,  |iri'siiiicil  ilw  f;icl  ii> 
I.iiril  llnrnnvliy,  "ml  il  wii.-i  not  i'iiiiirii(lii'li'il  liy 
liiiii,  Bd  liir  IIH  \Vi'  Itnnw. 

h'li'iii  iliii  iM-'!iiivr  I'iri'iiniHlnni''"  llio  !»pnl!f  innii 
frMiii  MiH.<.iiiri  ilri«  H  tin"  iiii|iiM-i;iiit  niMi'liisinii,  llml 
till-  I'wl  mil"!  Iliivi'  lirrll  Ml,  I  sllilll  lint  cnllT  illlil 
llii»  iiiMllcr,  MH  it  !•<  nnl  nl   ill  iiii|"irl:iiti. 

Mr.  MoiiriH'  siiitiil  M  liii'l,  I'lnl  liiiil  nrriirrril,  if 
il  nri'iirriil  iii  nil,  ii  rniliiry  lirfniT.  Il  liiiil  in  re- 
iiliiy  liiilc,  ifnny,  I'rMriii',' ii|)iiii  llir  .^'iiliji  ri  tie  \m\m 
iii';mii:j,  wliirli  wii.i  tin'  ri^'lil  nl'  llir  tliiilid  SIiiIcn 
tn  "  piissi  r;.-i  llir  trrriliiry  IvinT  l"'l\vroii  llii'  I;iI<('h 
mill  till-  Missisi<i|ipi,  si'mili  nl'  tin-  pnriillrl  nl'  ilir 
4!lili  ili'LTcr  (.riiililiiilr." 

Il  w:i.s  In  ilin  iriniv  nf  I7H1,  lliiil  lir  \v:vi  rrfrr- 
riii;.',  nnil  in  Alili'lnli's  iiiii|i,  liy  wlm  li  il  »  ii:<  fnrni- 
cil.  I  II'  iiilvrriM  In  llir  trnily  nt'  I'irr.'lil  liy  nayiii;j 
lliiil  **  liy  rtiiiniu'' (111'"  wfsi  iVnni  ilm  iinrlliwrNlrrn 
pninl  nf  till-  l.llld'nClllc  Wnriilsin  llir  Miisi.JBippi, 
iifrnriliinj;  In  llir  Inrily  tX  IT.^.'I,  it  iiiiiil  li:i\r  Itri'ii 
iiilniilril,  ari'nnliii.^'  in  ilii.  Ii._'liis  Krluri'  ilniii.  In 
l.ikr  lln'  p;ir,illi  I  nC  tlu'  tlllll  lli":n  I'  nf  liililiulr,  llH 
CKliiMi^liril  iinilir  till'  liiMiy  nl'  I'lni'lil." 

Nnw,  sir,  il  nii'^lit  will  lie  lliiil  I.niil  Ilnrrnwliy 
nf'ViT  rnimitltTi  il  il  tiri'(s<t;iry  In  Inck  iitin  llliH 
[illrirnl  rMi'l,:ii  il  liail  nn  rral  liraritu;  nn  llio  siili- 
jf'l,  liriiii;  alliiiliil  In  iiiirily  a.i  [.'iviiis;  I'l  .l.inii.i, 
M  liii'li  may  liavi' inlliii  iiri'il  llio  mniiniNHinnt  11)  in 
fixini.'  llir'l..iiiiiil,lrio«  nt'  I7H.'). 

Mnst  I'lrlaiiily  liis  Hilrnrr,  iinilrr  siirli  rir''iim- 
Ktanrcn,  I'liniislirH  nn  .sniiil  prn'ir— -sivii-cily,  I  may 
y  IV,  n  li^lil  iircsiiniptinii — in  I'avnr  nf  lliin  parallel 
of  IIP. 

Tim  n|.\t  prnnrnf  tlir  rstaliliilinirnl  nf  iIiIn  linp 
f,'ivrn  liy  llir  S'laialnr  was  I'nsllilliwayl's  Cnninirr- 
cial  l>ii'liniiary,  willi  I)'.\nvilli''.i  map,  TlniT  is 
nn  iin.ilalinn  fnnn  llii- ilii'liniiary,  .niil  llir  matlor, 
tin  ri  fnrc,  nsi-!  nn  lln'  map  iilcnii'. 

'('lie  Si'iialnr  llirii  pninli  il  mil  ilii'  lini'  rstnlilisliiil 
liliclw  llir  Irialy  nf  Ulrnlil,  anil  frail  llir  an'miiil 
nf  it  iisirivrn  in  a  imlr  tnt  llir  npjirrirfi  liaiiil  inriirr 
nf  llir  map.     Tlir  ilrsrriplinii  was  in  lln.-r  wnrils: 

"  Till  /iiii  llial  I'lirh  I'rinih  Ci/iin.'ci  f'li  m  lliilisli 
'  r iiiunlit  ii'in  .m///ii/  /a/  r(i)iMMi.s<(n-i(.s  itftir  Ilit  jiitirr  ff 

*  f'hrrhl^  vmkitii;  ii  mirsc  frmii  Dnvis^s  hiht,  on  the 

*  .tlliinf'tr  *fff,  i/rtrii  Ifi  llir  VMIi  ih'xifr,  Ihrfirsh  the 

*  l.idr.Wil',lns,  Inllii  Xiiilliirnl  Di.ini;  llimfinr  Mr. 

'   'I'.liirill,  \  i/.,/fri/  Ihir  I  list  1:1  .Iniilis's  /.'ill/  is  I'lilrr."  ' 

riirSi  iKiinrllii  11  si.iti .;  iliai  lliis  mapwas  "mailn 
l.v  I  >'.Aiivillr,  ilii  '_'nal  I'll  mil  rrn^raiilifr  nf  liis 
li'jr,  anil  ill  lliralrll  In  llir  l)ii|(r  nl  t  'rli  Ills,"  &r., 
tVr.;  iiiiil  lir  mills,  il  is  ihr  "imtlirniii.  l-'mifli  testi- 

ninliy  in  fiunr  nf  llir  lilir  lif  Ulli  lilt." 

^>'llW,  sir,  il  i'!  n"t  a  lililr  riiriniis,  lli.ii  lliifi  miip, 
Itiiis  anilinriiativrly  prniimniri  il  In  l.r  atitln  nlir,  i.s 
iipnn  llir  \riy  fan- nf  il  stall  il  In  lir  |iilsi.  in  line 
impdi'lanl  parlirnlar.  Wlial,  llirii,  In  I'lniirNnfilir 
rnrrrriiirss  nf  llio  iisfa-rlinn  **  llir  liminralilr  Srii- 
iiii  r,  anil  nfllir  rrrlainly  nf  iliia  u.sliinnny  .' 

If  wrniii;  ill  nnr  risjnri,  ji  may  Ito  sn  in  niliora, 
mill  at   any  ralr  nnr   fiilli  in   ils  piririisiniiN  i.s  rii-  : 
tirrlv  ^llak'rn.      lint  I  (In  nnl  iiiiilrrslanil  liy  wlmm 
tliis  nnir  was  writlriK  cviilmllv  nnl  liy  D'Aiivillr, 
fur  il  iimniL'iit.'  liis  nwn  wnrk.    Wr  li.avr  nnl,  tlnrr- 


fnrr 


K'Anvillr 


aiillinrity  fnr  lllis  liiir,  a.s  lirin^ 


^,.•l.lllli^llrll  iniiirr  llir  Iiraly  nf  rtrrihl.  Ilr  marks 
llir  liiir  ii)inii  liis  iniip,  lint  wliriiri;  liis  inillinrily 
fnr  il  is  Irft  In  rnnirrllirr.' 

•  Hlirll  WiTi' Ihr  rc«llll- f.'1l7pi'ytrll  I'l   IIM-    III    llir  iiiniiMllt. 

iiiiliintllv  nrisiiiir  IVmii  tin'  rirriiiiii4i;iiirr.i.  'i'iikiiil'  iIh'  iiiii|i 
triir  ir  \li  villi'"-.  .IK  I  llliilir-Knnl  tlir  iKilMTrililr  Srliiiliir  rniiii 
.Ml.  viiliri  III  'I  III".  I  lulllll  Mill  roiitjirrlM  ml  l,y  will. Ill  il  Wil- 
li.-|. II  ilili  it;  il-  -iln  K  llir  f.'ri  II'  I;  tiinijiapln  ii\iiiilil  iml  lia\r 
iiiipir'iiril  hi-  i.iMi  witrk.  I'niiii  llir  r\i-ii.iiii'  ol' .-in  iir 
kii<.»liili.'<  il  rrnir.  I  ili.iliii.i  il  ihr  I'liiii'lii-iiiii  llial  llir  iii:i|i 
\\  :i-  lirl  •  iilitli'il  In  III'  I'lilr  iiliTi  il  "  :i-  tin  iiiilliriilir  rniK-ti 
Il    liiiiiiiu  ill  liiMir  III  Ihi   irr^ily  nl'  flrr.  In." 

VN'lial.  tiiiwi  \i  r.  I  'liil  nnl  tiintir-l;iiiit  llan,  I  iiitilrr-liliiil 
Ilnw.  In  rnllviT-lllinil  \MIIl  rnl.ini'l  Iti'lllnn  filler.  Iir  Imim 
liitiiniiril  nil'  lliat  Ilii-  liiMti  i-  mil  llir  nniiiiijil  wnrk  nl  ll'.Xii 
vitlr.  Iiiit  an  Eli)ill-ll  I  ililinn  nl'  II,  iiy  UiiUnii,  Willi  alli  ni 
lirn-. 

'I'hi-  fan,  nt  roiir-r,  ilrslriiv"  llir  rnlirr  viililr  III  111*' 
liiiip  lis  alillH'lilir  li-tiliiiiliv.  Iliilliin,  ill  till.'  aliiivr  llnli', 
ilni  -  nnl  mile  llial  till'  iiiinillrl  nt  IP    .IS  11  hoiiiiilary  Hll^ 


Oni'  nlliiir  pninl,  nir.  Tlir  linnnriililii  Nrniitnr 
Klali'H,  lliiil  ill  nil  alli'iiiplril  n«;.riitiiitinii  willi  tlir 
llrllisli  (Jnvrrinnrnt,  iliiriir;  Mr.  .Ii  II'iihi.ii'm  Ail- 
mini.sinilinn,  twn  arlirtrs  wrrr  prnpiisril— nnti  liy 
till!  Amrrii'iiii  rnniiiiisHinnrrs,anil  nnr  liy  tlir  Itril- 
inli — fnr  tlir  I'Kiiililislimnii  nf  u  liniiinliiry  lirlwrrn 
our  I'niintry  iiiiil  Ciinaila,  I'lniii  tlir  nnrlliwi  sirrii 
pninl  nf  Ihr  Lakr  nf  tlir  WiihiIh.  'I'lir  arlirlrs  iirr 
siilisiMiiiiiilly  Ihr  Naiiir,  Inn  with  Ihr  ilill'irriiix 
wliii'li  an  rxannnalinii  nf  lliriii  will  hIiuw. 

Till'  Ainrrli'llll  ('"jr/  pi'nviiliil: 

"Tliiil  I'  liiirilraw  iiliu'iinrllinrHniitli(iiiitlirrni>p 
'  may  rri  iiii'i'^  frnin  ihr  nnrlhwi'Nlrrn  pninl  nfllir 
'  l.akr  lit  Ihr  VViini|:«,iiiilil  II  shall  inlrrsirl  ihr'Hllli 
'  iiiirallrl  11!'  n.irih  liiiiiiiilr,  ami  willi  Ihr  .saiil  piiriil- 

*  li'l  shiill  111' I  Ilr  SI  1 11  llir  I'll  I II  111  Hilary  i  if  his  MnjrHty'n 
'  trrrilnrii  s.  anil  llir  iinrihi  rn  Imiinihiry  nf  Uir  Hiiiil 
'  IrriilnrirN  nf  Ihr  IJniiril  ■Sialrs." 

Tlir  Ihillsh  /ii'ii;r/,lirii'r  pinviilimj  fnr  llir  riiiiiiinu 
nf  II  liiir  iinrlli  nr  Mniiili.iis  mii.;lii  lie,  I'rniii  ihr  iinrlli- 
wrslrril  pninl  <>['  llir  l.akr  nf  llir  Wnllils  tn  llir 
parallrl  nf  't'.P,  prnviihs  llial  llir  "kiihI  parallrl 
'  sliall  lie  the  iliviilini;  tiiir  lirlwrrn  his  JMajrsly'M 
'  Irrriliirirs  ami  tlinsr  nf  Ihr  Hiiiinl  .Sialis'ln  ihr 
'  wrsiwaril  nl'llir  saiil  lakr,  as  I'm' as  llirir  rrsprri- 
'  i\r  irrnlnriis  rxiriiil  ill  llial  ipiartrr;  niiil  llml  llir 
'  s.iiil  liiir  hIiiiII  In  llial  rxiriil  fnini  llir  siiiilhrrii 
'  liniinihiry  nf  liis  iMaJisly's  siiiil  Irrrilnrii  s,  anil 
'Ihr  iinrllirni  liniinilary  nf  llir  saiil  Irrriliirirs  nf 
'  Ihr  lliiili'il  Stall  s." 

Kaili  nfllirsr  /i)r;'i7.i  rniilaiiis  llir  siinir  prnvisn, 
"Thai  iinlhiiii;  in  llir  prrsnii  arlirlr  shall  Iir  rnii- 
'  Hirnril  In  rxlrinl  In  llio  nnriliwiNt  rnast  nf  Ainrr- 

*  ini,  nr  In  tlir  Irrriliirirs  ltrlnii'.:ini:  tn,  nr  I'lainitd 
'  liy,  I'ilhrr  piirly  nn  Ihr  rniiimrnt  nf  Amrriui  wtat 
'  111' Ihr  .■>lniiy  Mniinlains." 

Tlir  ^<rimlnr  rxi  laiinril  Iriiimplniiilly,  "  llrrr  is 
rniiriirrrni'r  in  Ihr  iirni'ri'iliiii,'H  nf  rninmis.snriiM 
iimlrr  tlir  tiraty  nf  lllrrrlii.''  '■  I  Irrr  is  NiilnniN- 
siini  In  ihal  In  aiy  nil  llir  pari  nfllir  l!rilisli,"i\ir. 

In  llir  first  pl.irr,  sir,  allnw  iiir  In  rriiiiirk  that 
this  wasa  mrir  prn/i/, anil  that  nn  Irraly  w.is  mailr 
nil  llie  siilijri'.l  till  rli'vrn  yrars  aflrrwarils,  in  1n|H. 
Nnw,  what  i.'t  inraiit  by  "I'niii'iirrrin'r"  lirrr ^  It' 
ai'i'iilratal  rniiii'iilrni'r,  llir  main  r  is  nnl  wnrlliy  nf 
fiirlhrr  imjiiiry.  Unl  if  liy  "rniiriirrrin'r"  is  inraiil 
llial  this  liar  was  ariu.illy  isiiililishril  liy  llir  Irraly 
nf  lUrri'liI,  anil  lliiis  liiinliii';  nn  tlir  iinrin  s,  nn 
nllirr  rniivriitinn  was  nrrrssary.  Itnlii  iialinns, 
iipiiii  this  assiimpiinii,  niistnnk  ihrir  nwn  rii;hla 
iiiiil  llirir  iliilirs.  Till  Innniilary  liail  lirrn  rsliili- 
lishril  ;i  I'lnliiry  lii'l'nrr,iiiiil  iliry  wrrr  oiirryin;:  nn 
a  iisrli'ss  ami  liarrrn  nrj^niijitinii,  wliirli  Wii.s  thus 
lilimlly  anil  mmri'rssaiilv  ripriinl  inin  a  Irraly  in 
PL'S.  Util,  sir,  tlir  Sniiiinr  prnrnils  In  ask  what 
.Mr.  Jrll'rrsiin  iliil  willi  this  jmijit,  ami  ailils,  llial  he 
n'jri'li'il  It.  Ami  why,  sir.>  Tlir  Iritrr  friini  Mr. 
M.iillrnii  In  Ml  s.i^rs.  Mniiriiu  mill  I'nikiiry,  ilalril 
July  ;i(l,  |,-II7,  stairs: 

" 'I'lii   ninililiratinn  nf  llir  lifili  arlii'lr  'iinleii  as 

*  nnr  wlili'li  llir  llritish  rninmissiniiris  wniilil  have 
'  anl'iril  In)  may  Iir  ailini'lril  illru.■^r  lliat  prnpnseil 
'  liy  ynii  In  till  in  Iir  nnl  attain. ililr.  I'ml  it  is  miii'li 
'  tn  Iir  wishril  ami  nrrssiil,  ilinui:li  nnl  niailr  an 
'  lillimalinn,  that  llir  jnovi.M)  tn  liulli  sliniihl  lio 
'nniiliril.  This  is.  in  nn  \irw  wlialrvrr,  iirrrsKii- 
'  rv,aiiil  ran  liavr  liltir  niln  r  rlfrrl  than  as  an  nll'rii- 
'st\r  Inlimaliiiii  In  Spain  that  luir  ihiiiiis  rxtriiil  tn 
'  ihu   I'arilir   ni'iaii.      llnwcvrr   rrasnimlilr    siirli 

*  ciiiinis  may  Iir,  rnniparnl  with  thnsr  nfiitlirrs,  it 
'  is  impniiiir,  rspri'ially  at  llir  pri  snit  iiiiiinriii,  in 

*  slrriiLrllirn  Spanish  jinlniisirs  nfllir  Unilnl  Stairs, 
'  whii'li  it  is  pnilialilyan  nlijrol  with  (irral  lintain 
'  tn  rxriir  liy  llir  rlansr  in  ipirslimi." 

Nnw,  sir,  Mr.  .lill'n'snirs  nlijrrt  was  nnl  to  of'- 
friiil   Spain,  anil    tlirrrrnrr    lie   rrjirts  a  nriivi.sn. 


iiiiirkril   nimii   irAiivillr'H    iiiii[i.     TIih    Kiiitlii«li    nlitinii 

WIH  |illMl  tii'll  ill  l.nnilnli  ill  17.VJ.  Il"*  <[rri:lhf  iwi'rorcil 
litj  John  Itott'iH.  Mr.  (^rrrlilinw,  Will  tin.-  t'Aiiiiiiiii'il  H'Ali- 
\  lili 's  nri'.'iliiil  wnrk,  KUtr-,  in  nn  nrln  tr  pnt'ii-lnil  in  llir 
I'ninii,  ,\|iiil  :t,  isli;,  Dial  ni'illiir  llir  ,.n.i//./  0/  lll-rn  i 
/i,.i(iii/(ii-,/ III  iwi'i'ii  Ciiniiili  mill  till'  HinlsnnV  iv.w  irrriliirirs, 
71-ir  iiiiji  <i//m'c  tin!  ]iii^\iiii:  tlir(tu'ji  llif  siniN'  jifirlt^in  ii/  t/ic  ton- 
tinnit,  IV  to  t^r  Jouiul  on  llir  .'foi  iiioii  oj   I i\-]nrltlr,  ' 

111  -liiti'S  thai  till'  t'rrlii  h  uiii'jniiiln  r  ii|inn  liis  lini[i  I'lir- 
ril'il  llir  l.nliliilar\'  nt  till'  rri'lii'li  iinil  Itrlli-ll  |in-^t',.-inii-  in 
till'  ill  villi  lit'  lailii  lii'lwi'i'll  till'  VVillir-  nfllir  nrran  anil  llin-i' 

III  llir  l.iki-  anil  nl  till' i>!i-M,M|i|ti :  uiMiiii  In  Fraiirr  llir 
wlinli' iniinirv  wi'>t  nl  llir  innniiiaiii-.  inrtititini;  Hull  Mln- 
ati  it  il|inti  llii'-  .'Maliainii  anil  it-  tiilnilaiirs.  Ilr  Miv-  Itnllnii 
n.fjrrnri'i/  ii|in|i  till-  liniiiiiliirv.  liy  i-arr\iii<j  llii  Itrili-ti  lllir  In 
Ihr  Illlil  jiaralli'l;  anil  if  sn,  ilirii  wliiii  hi'.linir- nf  llii-  "ail- 
llirtilK'  I'Vi'iirli  li'.-liiniiiiy,  in  tavnr  nl  tlin  liiir  nf  rirnlil'- 
Hint  liiir  ii|ii.'ii  wliiili  llir  Sriiatnr  liiiiii  Mil  liiiiiili  lia.-  i-talvril 

Ihr  ri'Vrrsal  nf  hi- Orrifntl    |in.-iliiill  r" 


whirli  rxprrssly  limiiH  nnr  riaiiii  In  llir  llnrky 
MniilllllillH,  ill  nrilrr  nnl  In  rxriir  llir  jraliilisy  nf  II 
iniiKt  jralnim  iialinn,  liy  run  llir  appraiamr  nf  iii- 
Irrfrrmn  with  lirr  n'.;hls',  iinil  yrl  llir  liniiiiraliln 
Nrniitnr  Hiippimrs  lliat  ilii.s  vi  ry  Irraly,  wiiliniit 
llir  prnvisn,  was  In  run  In  tlir  I'lii'ilii',  I'laiiniir;  fnr 

iiH  ami  Km;laiiil  llir   wlinlr miry.      Anil  wliii  li 

wimlil  rxriir  thr  jralniisy  nf  .Spmn  must .'  Tn  siiy 
rxprrssly  llir  Ainrriran  (•iivrrinnriil  will  iii.ikr  nn 
iirriiii(;rini'nl  with  lliiil  nl'  l''ii'rlaiiil  fnr  pnshiii',;  tlm 
Anirriraii  lillr  wrsl  nf  llir  Itnrky  MnimliiiiiH,  nr 
tn  fnrm  II  Irraly  aitiially  i  .irryiir;  lliis  I'laiin  llirrn 
Wlllinill  rr'jaril  In  Simiii.-jli  ri';lils.'  Il  is  nlivinii.i 
In  llir,  llial  Mr.  JrU'rrMin  iliij  nnl  lirlirVR  in  llir 
Miii'lish  lillr  wrst  <)f  llir  lliii'ky  Mniiiitain.<  as  far 
as  llir  I'lii'ilii".  ami,  Ihrrrlnrr,  iiiakiii';a  Irraly  w  illi 
that  I'nwrr  I'nr  Ihr  rsialilishniriit  nf  a  Iniiiinliay 
lirlwrrn  lirraml  llir  Unilnl  Sialrs  w  niilil  iml  JiiKlly 
gi\c  iiirrnrr  In  Spain,  as  il  wniilil  lint  rail  in  i|iirH- 
tiiili  Spanish  ri^^hls. 

Thr  liniinralilr  i,'riillriiiaii  lias  nnl  saiil  nnr  wniil 
nf  Mr.  .Irll'rrsnn,  in  wliiili  I  ilii  mil  lirarlily  rniirur. 
All  aliirr  nr  a  purer  slalrsmaii  is  rarrly  in  Iir  fnitiiil 
ill  liislnry.  'rimr,  whirli  Irii  s  llir  I'aiiir  nf  all 
inrn,aiiil  rriliirrs  llir  finir  nf  iimsl  mm, is  rriiilrr- 
iiii;  his  lirii,'lilrr  anil  liriv'lilrr;  ami  ur  liavr  si'iirrrly 
'I  iianir  in  liislnry — rrrlainly  Iml  nnr — whirli  in 
liinrr  rrvrrril  liy  llir  Ainrrii'an  prnplr,  as  lliat  nfn 
purr  piilrini  anil  a  riinsiimniatr  siatrsiiian.  Tlir 
llnllni'alilr  Sriiatnr  will  plrasr  In  rri'i illrri ,  llial  lllin 
projil  nf  .Mr.  ,Ii  ll'rfsnn,  iimirr  iiny  rirriimsliinrrs, 
prnvrs  iiiithiii',',  hrraiisi — 

I.   Il  was  iii'irr  rarriril  intn  rll'rrt ; 

a.  Il  was  lirl'nrr  llir  l''lnriila  Irraly,  liy  wliii  li 
wo  nripiirril  thr  .Sp  iiiisli  lillr; 

3.  Il  was  fii'iiiiil  iniiirr  llic  imprrssinn,  nnw 
slinwn  In  ho  an  rrrnlirniis  nnr,  thai  thr  parallrl  nf 
4;P  liail  lirrn  rstalilisliril,  itmirr  llir  irr.ily  nf 
Ulrrrlil,  a.s  llir  nnrlhrrn  linimil.ny  nf  Liinisiaiiii, 
cxlrnilinu;  In  Ihr  linrky  Mmiiitaiiis. 

Iliil  iil'lrr  nil,  nnr  ni;lils   ri main   as   lliry  wrrr; 
mill  thr  npininiisiifsiii'h  alilriiinl  liniirsl  niriinsMr. 
.Irll'rrsnn,  Mr.  .M.iilisnn,  anil  .Mr.  Mniirnr,  what 
rvrrllinsr  npillinns  may  liavr  Iti  ll,  tliiill;;ll  rntitlril 
In  vrry  i;ravo  rniis-iilrralinii,  slill  Iravr  llir  (invrrii- 
nu'iit  prrfri'lly  frrr  ami  iiiirinliarra.-snl  liy  a  ;' 
prnpnsril  hy  llinn,  Iml  finally  aliamlnm  il.  Tl 
npnii  llir  nssiniiplinii   llial  thr  iinrllirrn  lini 
nf  Lniii.-iana   was   fixiil    liy  rnmniissaricH 
llio  parallrl  nf  IIP,  I  rnimiil   iiiiilrrslaiiil  wiiy   iin: 
pai'lirs  nri^ntialril  at  all;aiiil  llimi'^li  1  srr  nn  ovi 
ilriire,  llial  lln    li.ir  prnpnsi  il  wa.<  inlrmlril  as  llir 
irriri;nilinn  nf  nn  F.nu'li.'ih  lillr  wrsl  nf  tlir  Umky 
Mniinlains,  m  ihr  exrlnsinn  iii'l-^pain.  Inn  ll"'  rnii- 
trary;  yrl   I   liavr  siirli   m:   aliiilni'.;  rniillilrnrr   in 
racli  (if  Ihnsr  slalrsmrii,  that  I  am  fully  .salisliril 
Ihr  apparrnl  firis  u  iihiii  llirir  rrarh  jiisiifud  tin  ir 
rniirsr,  wlialrvrr  lliat  was  inlrmlril  In  Iir. 

liiil,  sir,  what  arr  llir  rri'imi.'^tanrrs  whirli  rrn- 
ilrr  ilniililfiil — I  miijlit  say  ilisiri  ilil — llio  cslalilish- 
niriil  nf  this  parallrl  of  'I'.l'^  niiiirr  tin:  .Irraly  nf 
Ulrrrhl  ?  I  will  rrfrr  lirir  In  ii  pnrtinii  nf  an  arli- 
rlr piililishril  in  thr  lliiinii,  Frliritiiry  21,  IHIU, 
mill  wrillrii  hy  Mr.  Grrmlinw: 

"On  Ihr  nihrr  liaiiil,  IMitrlioH'M  lar;o  map  of 
'  Ainrrira,  piililisliril  in  17.5.'),  niiiirr  llir  palinn.'i!;!! 
'  nf  llir  (ailniiial  Drparlniriit  nf  Grrit  iiritain, 
'  whirli  was  I'linsiillril  ami  ailnplril  as  ..nlhnrily  liy 
'  llir  Hrilisli  ami  Amrriian  I'lrnipnlriiiiarirs  in 
'  rou'iiialinir  thr  limil'S  nf  tin;  Unilril  Sialrs,  in  iho 
'  trraly  nf  j7.'''.'l,  |irrsriil.s  a  lino  iliav.'ii  iilniis;  tlm 
'  liislilamls  srpuralitif;  Ilia  walrrs  llnwini,'  iiiln  I  linl- 
'snii's  li.iy  friiiii  llni.sr  nf  llio  St.  I,iuvri'tii'r  anil 
'  the  Inkrs,  as  ihr  '  liniimlary  nf  Uiulsnii'.s  ISay  liy 
'  llic  Iroaly  of  Ulrrrhl;'  anil  Ihr  s.mir  lino  npprari 
'  nn  Ihr  map  nf  .'^lnrril'a,  in  Sinnllrtt's  liislnry  of 
'  Emjlaml,  piililishril  in  171111;  nn  that  nf  I'rnnrll, 
'  in  17711;  nn  that  nf  l''ailrii  in  1777;  ami  on  soinn 
'  ollirr  nia]is  nf  that  tiinr. 

"In  oontrailictinti  nf  all  lliosr  njiininiis,  no  lino 
'  of  .srpai'atinii  wliatsnrvrr  lirlwrrn  llic  llmlsnir.'i 
•  Bay  Irrriliirirs  anil  thr  [''rriirli  [inssrssinns,  is  In 
'lie  fniinil  nn  Ihr  lari'r  and  liraniiful  iiiapnf  Aiiirr- 
'  ion,  liy  Tiipplr,  piililishril  in  17H8,  (alsn  nndrr  thr 
'  palrniia;;i' of  llic  Cnlnnial  llrparliiinii,)  and  lirar- 
'  Illi;  thccrrtilirntr  nf  Dr.  Ilallry  lo  ils  rnrrrriiirss; 
'  nnr  on  uny  map  in  llir  Alias  i.f  Alaxwrll  ami 
'Rrnox,  pnlilislinl  in  I7'21;  in  llnyrr's  Political 
'  Slair,  17il;  in  llir  liislnry  of  irmlsnii's  H.ay  by 
'  llnlilis,  the  tinvirnnr  nf  thai  Irrriliiry,  I7'1'l;  in 
'  llir  Ilislnirr  do  la  iN'niivrllo  F'raiirc,  by  Cliarlo- 
'  vilix,    I71');  ill  lln;  Sy.slrin  nf  Gcn^rapliy,   by 


Wt 


i84n.i 


I 


!9Tit  CoNO Iht  Skus. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONnRESSinNA[i  ni^OHE. 

The  OntfOH  t^iustion — Mr,  Cuai, 


013 


Nk.w  Hkhik* No.  3.1. 


'  llii«eji,  1717;  ill  111''  Aiiicri' nri  TiMvilli"-,  17(i!l; 
'  ill  ilio  Americnii  Ailn!',  Iiy  .li'irrii  m,  |77hi  in  iIm' 

*  I  IiMliiry  nfllm  Krnirli  IliiniiiiiniiH  in  Ainrricn,  l»y 
'  .Ic'dVics,  |7(i(l;  nor  in  llir  Mm|i  iil'  AiniTiin,  rnini 
'  (111'  niiili'rialn  liy  Oavi'inni'  I'nu'iiiil,  in  I7',lti  ni>r 

*  114  llirrc  iniv  iilliMiori  (n  hn<  I)  ii  liii<>  in  llir  wm'kH 

*  111   wliiili   tlirw  nin|in  nri'    iili.vlii'd,   nr   in    liny 

*  iilliiT  work  iir  inM|i  nl'  I'l'piilaliini  |iniiliHlii'il  ilii- 
'  rin(.j  till'  In.'il   crnUiry,  muvc  tlioMi:  hImhc    iiini- 

■  lilMM'll. 

"  Niini'  111"  till'  wnikn  iilmvi'-inriitioni'il  iirr  mi- 
'  ihorilii'Hnn  the  niilijocl,  |irni'ri-i|in;.,  tin  lliry  nil  tin, 

*  (Vnni  iHTKoiiM  iinrininrrliMl  witli  llic  tr.niHartioiiHur 
'  lilt  I'tri'i'lil  Irt'Mty.iinil  iiim.^cM^ini;iiiiln'tlfriiii'iiits, 
'  H.i  fur  UH  liiiiiwn,  til'  inl'nrniiiiitin  rftiiffliiii;  llii'in 

*  llniii  nllirr  |itiijilf;  ilify,  inilt'ftl,  tiniy  mIhiw  lliiil 

*  llif  Iminiiliiry  wiifi  Mn[>[ntHftl   liy  Hiniif  |u'rHi)iiH  tn  , 
'  liiivti  iit'iiii  Nil  Kiitli'tj  ni  ilir  lime  wiii'ii  lliey  were 

'  wrilii  11.  ! 

"  (If  I  ho  wtiikrt,  wliii  li  niiiy  lir  fniiKitliM-ctl  ii.i  nii- 
'  llitiriiii'.s,  lilt'  I'lilltiwinL',  ttini|iri.tin:',  il  \h  liflievi  iI, 
'  nil  III  wliifli  a  rttiinl  nr  niiiii'o  nf  siifli  a  liaimiif' 

*  linn,  if  it  liati  iiikt'ii  plat-t',  Klinulil  I'f  luiiinl,  iirr 
'  ciiliii'ly  nilfiil    \Mlli    ii'u'anl   t"  any  ilffisitin   nr 

*  olliiT  ai'l  tit*  t-iininiisttai'it'rt  iip|ioiiitf-il  iiinlcr  llif 

■  'rraly  nl"  I'lrn-lil,  In  .ttlllf  llif  lint'  tiC  Hf|iaraliiin 
• till'    llnilniin    Hay    liTiilnrifH   ninl    llii' 

iz;  llif  (Jtilli  iMiiiii!!  iil"l'i 


'  llflWI'fll 

'    I'Vftli'll   |l(l>-SPMHi 


I  I  rill  n  iiii.'i-irn^iiin.'^,  >  i/.  >  i  iii'  « 'iiini  iiiin^  in    i  iiii- 

lif.H    liy    Dniniiiil,    llnyfi',   Miiilfiis,   .Ifiikinxnii, 

*  I  Ift'.-ttift,  am)  Mliltrs;  Aflfs,  Mt-nlniffS,  iVf .,  fnll- 
'  ff niaiil  la  I'liix  (I'Ulrfchl,  I7l(i,  anil  Afti's,  Nf- 
'  i;iifialiiiiii<,  Af.,  (If|iiiis  la  I'aix  irilli'fi!lil,  IT'l.'i, 
'  Iwti   vtiliiniiiitiiiH  wtii'l<H,  I  iiiiiainiin;,  it  may  bf 

*  snppiisfil,  I'Vfi'y  piiMif  tltifiimi'iil,  aiitl  iinti if 

'fvfryafi  ftiiiiitfti'tl  willi  tlif  ni'<;titiaiitiM  nf  tin' 
'  tifiily  nt'lllrff  lit,  anil  llif  fniiHiiinif  lit  prtit't  oiIiiu^H; 

*  ( "ttlli'i'iitni  tlt'M  l-iiliiH,  Di'ilininaiifi'H,  t&i'.,  ftnitriTii- 
'iiiii  If  Oanatla,  Huiliff,  iMIIIt,  appaiTiitly  a  ftnii- 
'  piflf  assfiiilila:;f  nl'all  llif  must  inipnrtaiil  piililic 

*  iliif iiiiif nt.H  vflalivf  tti  (*aiiaila  and  tlif  i'lir  IniilL'; 

*  Mt"'iiitiirfH  (If.s  (,'tninni'isairfH  l''riiin;aiH  ct  Aii^ilaiN, 
'  ."iir  Ics  PiiHsisMitiiimlisiltux  (-'inirtiinifH  fii  Aiin"'- 
'  i-ii|iif,  n.'il  til  I7'i7,  wliii'li  fiiiild  nut  liavf  iIiiin 
'  iiiniltfil  til  niiiiff  this  Sf lllfiiif lit  tif  linuiiilarioii,  iC 
'  il  had  laknii  plafi",  ihf  llislnin^  df  la  nijiltnna- 
'  lif  KranijaiMf,  liy  l''lassaii,  ).-i||,  anil  the  l!l^,ltlire 
'  tlf.i  Tniitt'ti  tIf,  I'aix,  hy  Ktifli  and  Si'htifll,  1817. 
'Til  thfsi!  anllitirilii'.s  may  lif  aildfd,  as  ff|iially 
'  silfiit  tin  the  siiliifi-i,tlif  I  listiii-ifH  tirKiii,'lanil  liy 
' 'rniilall,  Sniiillt'll,  liilshani,  IIiii;hfS,  Malniii, 
'  Wadf ,  tilt;  I'ai-liiinifnlary  llisttirv,  niiil  tlio  I'itv 
'  liiral  History,  tlif  llislnriis  ut'  I'^'aiifC,  liy  .Sis- 
'  ninntli,  Aiit|iittil,aiitl  Lafi-itfllf ;  Liiril  Jtiliii  Uiis- 
'  sfll's  AHairHtit'lMiriipf  ,«ini'f  Ihf  Ptacf  nrUliTflil; 
'  thf  I  [islinifs  111',  and  Miiniiirs  on,  Louisiana,  liy 
'  Dnminit,  Onpiaix,  Vfi\'iinifs,  aiitl  Mariitiis;  thf 
'  piililifiil  works  of  Swil'l,  lltiliii!;lii'tikf,  anil  Vnl- 
'  tairf ;  and  many  otiifr  wmks  rt'iatin;;  to  llic  liis- 
'  tiiry  ol'lhf  pfrioil  nl  wliiili  this  .sfiilfiiifiit  of  thf 
'  inirthfrii  limit  of  I.nuisiaiia  is  said  tii  havf  licfii 
'  inadf . 

"  This  is  all  iirsalivo  cvitlrnff,  inilofil;  Inii  it  is 
'  tlif  tiiily  cvidfiiff  111'  wliiili  ihf  fasf  ailmils,  anil 
'  is  fcpnvMlfiit  til  a  pnsiiivf  fiintiadiftioii  of  ihf 
'  siippiisiiion  til, It  any  si'tllfnifiil  of  lioimdarifs  lif- 
'  tWffii  the  lliidsoii  j'ny  tfrritory  and  the  I'l'irnrh 
'  piissfssitiiis  was  ninile  uiitlfr  thf  Ireiity  nf  Ulrri'lil; 
'  as  siii'li  a  Iransainiini  fiinlil  not  havt;  csfaped  nii- 
'lii-f  in  all,  iirinilffil  in  any,  "f  the  works  iiuii- 
'  lioiiftl  in  thf  |irfifilinL'|iaiiisrapli,  if  ithad  taken 
'  pi, Iff,  anil  ispei-ially  if  it  had  liccii  so  iintorioiis 
'  as  thf  kiiiiwlfd:;f  of  it  liy  tliose  who  asserlfd  il 
'  wiinlil  sffiii  In  nidifaif.  It  will  lie  said  lliat  then' 
'  must  have  lii'tn  some  I'liinnlalion  for  the  assurtioni 
'  and  possibly  sindi  a  line  may  liave  been  pniposfil, 
'  anil  iiiailf  the  siibjffl  of  disiaissiori  bflween  llif 
'  two  tiovfriiniints  in  |71fH,  as  a  jiarl  of  it  was,  a 
'  Ininilrf  il  years  afif  r,  lif  Iv.  ten  iiiif  of  thf  m  niiil  thf 
'  I'nitfd  .Slabs.  That  enminissaries  were  ajipoint- 
'  oil  III  selileboiinilarifs,iiniler  the  treaty  of  Ulrfflil, 
'  IS  nitisi  probablf ;  ami,  in  proof  not  only  of  thfir 
'  iiifftin;;,  lint  also  of  Ihfir  sfparation  without  cf- 
'  fffliiii;  any  of  the  objei'ls  prnposed,  the  following; 
'  iias.siii,'e  appears  in  the  llistoire  do  la  Ntinvelle 
'  l''raiR'e,  by  Charlevoix:  '  Fiaiiee  took  no  pari  in 
'  this  dispnie,  (belwiani  the  liritish  and  Indians  in 
'  Nina  Seolia,  in  ll'-i'i,)  in  order  to  avoid  irivin;  the 
'  «lii.'litest  iiretext  for  inlfrrapiinu;  llif  miod  iiiider- 
"  slandiiii;  liitween  thf  two  nations,  whir  h  had  lifce 
'  rfslored  with  soiiiinluliirniilt\ 


ill  tlilliiidty 


I  Iht 


I'liii' 


iiioiis  between  the  twtiConrls  for  thf  silllfiiifnt      la-^k  wli 


'  litfii  apiiointi  il  on  boili  siilfs,  for  tlni  objfft, 
'  siiiff  nl').'  Anderson,  in  hin  History  tif  * 'iini- 
'  inerff ,  anil  Mai'|iherson,  in  his  Aliiiafs  of  ('oin- 
'  meree,  both  posiiivfly  ilniy  ihiitaiiy  boiinilariiH 
'  Wfre  Hrltliil  iiiidir  ihf  trtaly  of  Utiffhl." 

In  ailililiiin  to  the  fails  above  slalfil,  I  will  ailil 
another  short  ji,iia;;.aph,  wliifh  was  haniliil  to  nif 
by  my  frifiiit  |.\lr.  IIanvk.iian{  Niiii'f  I  fiiiiin  here 
to-day.  I  havf  noi  hail  lime  to  ailvirt  In  the  uri- 
nal, lint  I  prfniime  il  is  eorrfft. 

"  In  Df  iMofras's  book  thf  olln-ial  expni'ilioii  by 
'llif   I'ltni'li  ( Jovfrmiieiii  of  ihe  (■roimdN  of  the 

•  l'.m;lisli  I'lainiH  to  the  Oreittm  lerrilory,  anil  its 
'  own  fonnir  ineieiisinns  to  lliat  re;;iiiii,'it  i,i  said, 
'  vol.  ii,  p,  I.IH: 

"  '  It  was  nirrfftl,  at  the  penee  of  171.'l,  and  by 
'  the  treaty  of  ITirffhl,  lliat  fominissjoiifrs  shnnlil 
'  meel  to  traee  Willi  prefision,  to  ihe  norlli  and  the 
'  went,  the  limits  bflween  the  llinlson  Hay  foim- 
'  try  and  New  I'Vanee,  anil  to  the  sunlli,  the  bnimtl- 

*  lines  belwffii  that  provini'f  and  thf  l-jiflisli  pus- 
'sessions,     Neurllieli  Hs,  thf  rf  ilofs  not  exist  in 

'  any  written  r nil,  nor  in  any  maps  or  eliarls,  a 

'  siiii^lf  docnnifiit  showiiiL'"  that  tliesf  fronliers  ever 
'were  ilffniilively  eilalilisliitl.  And,  in  I7'-.''J,  all 
'  procfftlin^'s  on  ibis  snbifft  bail  bifii  aliainloiifil, 
'  nfforilin^'  to  iMillier  rharlevnix,  that  mil  the  liasl 
'  prelexl  miuht  be  ^'iveii  to  violate  the  tr'ioil  iiiider- 
'  Htaiidiii^'i  whii'li  it  had  litin  foiinti  so  ililKfiill  to 
'  I'Htablisli  bfiwi'iii  thf  two  frowns  of  I''nini'e  ami 
'  Knirlaiiil.  Tbf  arehivis  of  the  olliee  of  l'tirei','n 
'  AlVairs  eonlain  no  rhart  or  niemnir  rilalim;  to  thf 
'tnaty  of  lllrffht,  rf^'ariliii^  llie.se  frontiers,  nnr 
'  do  Ihose  nf  the  De parlmenl  of  Marine;  and  Urns 
'  thf  asserliim  of  Charlevoix  is  fnlly  Niistained.' 

"  The  rfl'freiife  is  to  CliarlfVoix  s  Nfw  I''rance, 
'  vol.  iv.  p.  I'JI,  anil  ihe  top  of  tin:  pa;;e."* 

Now,  sir,  I  idiall  pursue  this  investi;!::iiitMi  no  fur- 
ther. I  have  alreaily  iibserveil  that,  whether  this 
line  was  establislieil  nr  not  east  of  the  llneky 
Moiiiilains,  is  not  of  llif  sli'.;lilest  iinpt^rlaiife.  The 
pnsllion  that  I  tifrnpiiil  in  my  snfi  eh,  and  thai  I 
iiffiipy  now,  is  this;  li  is  eonlfniliil  in  the  .Senate, 
and  out  of  It,  that  Ihr  uallt  I  of  W  is  tiiir  northern 
boundary  in  the  temlory  of  f)re','tin,  anil  that  it 
was  assumed  us  siifh  by  oiir  Govcrninent  in  llif 
early  part  of  the  eoiitroversy,  and  so  nmiiitiiiiied 
for  some  years;  and  that  we  are,  tlieri  fore,  forelii- 
tlfil  ai;ailist  the  assertion  of  any  other  lioiindary. 
Now,  sir,  my  objei'l  was  to  show,  that  no  siieli  line 
was  ever  established  by  the  treaty  tif  Utreelit  ill 
the  Ore^'on  .■oiintry,  and  that  we  were,  therefore, 
free  to  iirif  tiiir  preifiisions,  wilhontrfi;aril  to  this 
sIatenieiil,or  to  the  acts  of  tair  (Jovernment,folllld- 
ell  upon  an  erroneous  impression,  thai  the  line  of 
4!l'''diil  extend  to  the  Paeifu',  oeeaii.  This  is  what 
I  iintlertook  to  disprove,  anil  nolhinii;  lint  this. 
Ami  I  will  now  ask  the  lionorable  Senator  from 
Missouri  if  lie  believes  that  the  parallel  of  4!)  was 
ever  establislieil  by  eommissarics  miller  llie  treaty 
of  Ulrei'hl,  as  a  boundary  west  of  the  Rofky 
.Mountains.'  I  will  wait  for  the  honorable  gcnlle- 
man's  reply. 

[Here  .Mr.  C.\s<  paused  forn  short  time;  but  Mr. 
IIkstiis  mil  answering',  he  fonlinnetl.l 

Well,  the  lionorable  u'entleman  lines  not  answer 
me.  If  ho  belii;ved  the  lini'  run  there,  1  am  sure 
lie  would  .say  so;  lor,  if  it  diil  run  there,  we  are  for- 
ever foret'ltised  from  any  t-laim  iiinler  the  Louis- 
iana treaty,  and  the  force  of  the  honorable  gentle- 
man'.s  attai'k  iipiiii  me  would  be  sjiTatly  .strenijth- 
eneil.  As  he  does  not  answer,  1  slnill  take  it  for 
sranled  that  lit:  believes  no  sni  h  line  was  ever 
established  ihere.  And  if  the  faft  is  so,  my  oli- 
ieet  is  answered,  and  we  are  relieved  I'rtiin  the  em- 
iiarrassnienls  arisiivjoiil  of  the  repealeil  assertions 
thill  the  line  of  41f-'  is  our  northern  boundary  in 
the  lerrilorv  of  Oreijon.  1  w  ill  now  read  to  the 
honorable  Senator  what  I  .said   the  other  day  on 

'  Till'  liill'iwlii^  1:1  the  rt'liiark  at'  Fallicr  Clnnlevtiiv,  le- 
ferretl  In  aliiive : 

''  Fniacf  tiKik  an  part  in  tliis  (jimrrt:!."  (Hprakiiifforsniai' 
ilisptilfs  Iii'lvvi't'ii  llti'  Kiiiilisli  mill  llif  Iniliiiii.t.)  ''so  ns  net 
In  Uivf  the  Irllsl  |iri'Ii'\t  til  llreilk  ttlf  uonil  iniilf  rslinitlill'i, 
which  il  hint  I'osi  so  iinicli  In  i-slahlish,  lifhvi'fii  Ihf  tivti 
Cnnvas.  Thf  ih-uiiliiiliiias  lii'tui'i'ii  iIih  iwiicnnrls  t'lir  Ihe 
i'stntili>lniii'iit  iiriiiiiiailiirii'S  eeasi'il ;  allliiiii<.'li  eiiiaini^sinii' 
ITS  hiid  lii'tai  ti|iii(iinli'il  nn  liutli  siil.'s  e vit  i^iliee  tlie  ye iir 
17111." 

Tills  was  wiiltfii  ill  17-i;i.  The  aiiilinr  was  thf  well 
katnvn  travfllrr  si-al  nal  ti\  ihf  I'ri'iti-h  (e iviTinnfiil  to  f x- 
liliiri'  anil  ili-siTilif  Ih'-ir  |u': 


\iirlh  .\nii'iifa: 


this  siibjfi'i,  ami  hf  will  pereeive  how  miifli  he  hall 
mis  i|ipreheiideil  nie,  and  ili.il  nil  mv  allusion  to  iho 
parallel  of  411"  east  of  the  Itoeky  \loiiiilainK  was  n 
mere  iiifiileiital  topie,  Inuni'^  no  bfiirinu'  upon  in/ 
ai'lual  piitiiioii.  What  I  iliil  say  is  this;  "  TliB 
'  Irt'aly  of  I'lriiht  never  refers  to  the  parallel  of  4!)", 
'  and  the  boumlaries  il  prtipnsi  il  to  eHlablinh  wern 
'  Ihose  lieiweeii  the  Fri'iif  b  anil  Kil!,'lish  eulonies, 
'  iiiflndin','  the  llnilsnn  Hay  ('nmpaiiy  in  Canatla. 
'  Theelnunr  of  ihe  I  linlsoii  ll.iy  (  ompaliy  iiranifil 
'  III  ihi:  iirnprietors  all  the  *  lantis,  etniiilries,  anil 
'  teriior'es,'  ujiiiii  ihn  wateiadisehari^iny  themselvefl 
'  inio  liuilsiin's  Hay. 

"Al  the  date  of  ihe  treaty  of  tltreclit,  wliieh  wof 
'ill  17!:i,  (iriai  Ihilain  I'laimitl  nothini:  went  of 
'  those  '  I  mils,  eoniitrii  ■^^  and  If  rrilorifs,'  and  of 
'  eoiirsf  there  was  nolliin','lo  tlivide  bflween  Vraneo 
'anil  l''.nL;lind  west  of  lliat  line.  A'jraiii,  ill  1711), 
'  the  ntirlliiveslerii  eiiaKl  wiiH  almost  a  Iririi  iiire^- 
'  iii/(i,  a  bl.iiik  upon  the  map  of  the  worltl-  I'aii;. 
'  land  ihin  niiiher  knew  a  biot  of  il,  nor  elaimed  !\ 
'  foot  nf  il.  liy  atlverliiiL;  In  the  letter  of  Messrs. 
'  Gallatin  and  Hush,  e amniiiniialinij  an  nfeoiint 
'of  their  interview  with  Messrs.  (•oiilbiirn  and 
'  llobiiisiiii,  Hriiisli  I'lnnmis.tioners,  dated  Oi'ltiber 
'  r.'Otli,  |H|M,  and  to  the  leiier  of  Mr.  I'akenli.iin  In 
'Mr.  Hinhanan,  ilaled  Sepifmbnr  laih,  1814,  it 
'  will  be  seen,  that  the  eonimfiii-emeiit  nf  the  Hrit- 
'  isli  ilaim  is  eHii'lively  limited  to  the,  disi'iiverieH 
'of  Caplain  Cook  in  1778.  IIow,  then,  eoultl  a 
'  boundary  havt:  been  estalilished  fifty  yeiirs  be- 
'  fore,  in  a  re:;iou  where  no  Kii;,'lisliman  had  ever 
'  pi  in  Iraled,  anil  In  wliieli  Kmjiand  hail  never  as. 
'  sertetl  a  prelension  .'  And  yet  the  assumption  lleil 
'  the  par,illi'l  of  4!)  de:;n'es  was  esiablislied  by  llin 
'  treaty  of  Flrei'ht  as  a  line  between  Kraiiff  anil 
'  Kiu'lanil,  in  tlioae  unknown  res;ions,  neeessarily 
'  involves  these  im'oinaslf 111  etmrlusitiiis.  liiil  lie- 
'  sides,if  l'',ie^laiiil,a3aparly  toihetrealy  oflJtrei'ht, 
'  eslablisliid  this  line,  ruiinmu' to  llieWt  stern  oreaii, 
'  as  the  innilieru  boiiiiilary  of  Louisiana,  what  nos- 
'  siiilf  fl.iiin  li.is  she  now  south  nf  that  line  f  I'ho 
'  Very  fii't  of  her  cxisliie^'  prelensitins,  hnwever  iin- 
'  liiniiilfd  llifse  may  be,  shows  that  she  ennsidirH 
'  herself  no  party  to  siieli  a  line  of  division.  It 
'  shows,  in  I'aet,  that  no  line  was  ran,  for  if  it  hatl 
'  been,  llif  rviileiii'e  of  it  Would  In:  ill  the  I'ln^lisli 
'art-hives,  and,  ill  Iriilli,  woulil  be  known  to  the 
'  world  withonletinlradii-lion."  Thisiswhat  I  said; 
mill  this  was  followed  by  the  synopsis  of  my  views 
iipiiii  ihe  siibjcet,  whieh  I  read,  and  which  I  will 
re:id  a','aiu: 

1.  It  is  not  shown  that  any  line  was  cstablislicd 
on  the  parallel  of  •111  to  the  I'aeifie  ocean. 

2.  Tne  fountry  on  the  norlhweslern  coast  was 
then  nnknmvn,  ai'id  I  believe  unclaimed:  or,  at  any 
rate,  no  einiimstaiicca  had  nriscii  to  call  in  nucBlioii 
any  claim  to  it. 

it.  Th-  Hritisli  nesotiatora  in  1818,  nnil  their 
Minislei  in  1844,  fixed  upon  the  voyage  of 

Captain  Cook,  in  1778,  as  the  eonmiencement  of 
tlic  I'ritish  title  in  what  is  now  called  Orejon. 

4.  The  treaty  of  Ulrcclu  provides  for  the  c'.ial: 
lishmeiit  nf  a  line  between  tlie  French  and  Tiritisli 
eiilonie.",  inclinlin;;  the  lluil.snn  Hay  Company 
The  Hrilish  held  nothing'  west  of  the  company's 
]iossessions,  which,  by  the  charter,  inehnleil  only 
the  "  lamh, rniinlries,  ami  Icnitorks,"  on  the  wait  is 
riiniiim;  iiilo  Hudson's  I'.ay. 

,').  If  Kn'jianil  estahlislmd  this  line  to  the  I'aeifie, 
ocean,  she  can  have  no  claim  south  of  il;  ami  litis 
kind  of  arKUinent,  (111 /leiiiiiii  HI,  becomes  conclusive 
And  let  me  niltl,  that  I  owe  this  niinment  to  my 
friend  from  Missouri,  [Mr.  AreiiisoN,]  to  whose 
remarks  upon  (lrei;on  Ihe  Senate  hsiened  with 
pleasure  anil  with  |irolil  some  days  since. 

(i.  Ilowcinild  FranceandIinu'landt:l.ainithneoiiii- 
iry  111  the  Pacific,  so  as  to  divide  it  between  them 
ill  17I,'i,  when,  as  lale  as  17'.U),  the  Uritish  Govern- 
nionl,  by  the  Notitka  convention,  expressly  reeou'- 
iiisetl  the  Spanish  title  to  that  country,  and  claimed 
only  the  use  of  it  for  its  own  subjects,  in  common 
wiili  those  of  Spain. 

1  am  now,  sir,  broiislit  to  the  annunciation,  which 
I  made,  anil  which  the  honorable  Senator  has  .so 
straii:;ely  misunderstood.  What  I  sai'.!  was  this— 
I  will  repeat  it  in  the  very  words  T  ,ised  upon  the 
former  occasion:  "  I  now  ;'."!:,  sir,  what  rii;lu  has 
'  any  American  statesman,  or  what  ris;lit  has  any 
'  Hrilish  statesman,  to  eonlend  tliatonrelaim,wlial- 


nf bonnda 


:j;j 


d,  allhiae'Ji  i 


i.'h  h.' 


omimssariei 


hall     'Iretti  wi'i;:lit  is  tliic  to  his  aailmriiy. 


I'liifil  with  ft|iial  jiiiliiniciii  aiiil  accuracy.        ever  i 


lino  as  il  is 


t  may  be,  is  not  just  a.s  good  north  of  tbin 
th  of  il>     When  this  qiiestinii  is 


1 

;! 


'At 

•(.-Fa 


1    H 


''Vi 


'Ml 


't'*^ 


514 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  27, 


S&rii  Cong 1st  Sicss. 


IVenih  Spollaliont'—Mr. Die. 


Senate. 


'  iiiiswcniJ  1(1  my  sntisf.iclion,  I,  fiiriinc,  will  consent 
•  10  slop  tlu're.  But  uiilil  llien,  I  iini  union:;  tlinso 
'  who  mean  lo  march,  it'  wo  am,  o  tin;  Rnssini; 
'  l)onn<liiry."  i 

This,  sn-,  is  my  )iosilion.  How  dilTe'VJit  it  ia  |j 
from  the  po.silion  nsaiijncd  to  mo  l)y  IIk;  honorable  ij 
Senator,  I  need  not  say.  I  trust  1  have  rcilcenieil  i 
myself,  and  that  I  can  upain  enier  into  tlic  contest,  | 
a  free  man,  Imttlin:;  for  iiie  fidl  rights  of  liis  conn 
try  even  10  54°  40'.  ji 

There  is  one  point  lo  wliicli  I  hcs;  leave  lo  ad- 
veil.     The  honorulile  Senator  has  p;iven  me  a  fair 
hil,  and  I  award  liini  llie  i-redil  due  to  it.     In  my 
reniarks  the  other  day,  alluding  to  tlie  ellecl  that 
improper  persons,   "  minions,  and   favorites,  and 
mistresses,"  had  produced  ujion  ihe  destinies  of 
nations  by  the  exercise  ofaii  mjurions  influence,  1 
ttdverttd  lo  the  fact  of  the  ofl'ence  taken  by  Mrs.  , 
Mashani  at  havins;  a  cup  of  tea  spilt  upon  licr  silk 
pown.    The  ini'idenl  I  remembered,  and  its  inllu- 
cnce  I  i-emcmliered,  but  I  thought  ii  had  been  e.x-  , 
rrtcd  to  ]>rodiu'e  a  war,  whereas  the  honorable  Sen- 
ator has  corrected  me,  and  has  shown  that  it  was  ; 
exerted  to  produce  peace.     It  is  a  long  time  since  | 
1  have  looked  into  the  Knijlish  history.     1  presume 
Iho  honorable  genllcn-.an  frran  Missouri  refreshed 
his  recollection  liustcvcnin;.  '■ 

Mr.  BKNTON.     I  have  not  looked  at  it  for  forty  ] 
years.  ! 

Mr.  CASS.     The  lionorablc  genllcman's  mem- 
ory is  then  better  than  mine.     I  will  remark,  how- 
ever, lliat  the  incident,  even  as  it  hap|>cncd,  is  il- 
lustrative of  the  general  posilion  I  asstimcd,  be-  I 
cause  the  favorite  of  Queen  Anne  would  iis  soon  j 
liave  brouijlit  aliout  a  war  as  a  peace,  had  the  j 
former,  instead  of  the  latter,  been  necessary  'o  en-  i 
able  her  to  vent  her  spleen  upon   the  Duchess  of' 
Marlborouj;h.     I  repeat,  the  correction  wius  a  fair  j 
hit,  and   the   manner  enlircly  unobjeclionaide.     I 
shall  tisiit'y  my  ncknowleil^nieiit  by  putting  the  I 
fact  right  in  my  jiriiiled  speech. 


FRENCH  SPdlJATIONS. 
SPEECH  OF  HON.  JOHN  A.  DIX,   i 

OF  NEW  YORK,  1 

I 

In  the  Sexatk,  .'Iprit  27,  18-l(i. 
On  the  Bill  to  provide  Cor  the  salisfarlion  of  "laims 
of  American   citizens  for  spoliai!  >ns   (n     (heir  '• 
properly,  committed  by  the  French,  prior  lo  the 
nitificarion  of  the   convention  with   Prance  of 
September,  1800. 

Mr.  DIX  said:  Having  been  appointed  n  mem- 
ber of  the  Select  Coninuilee  to  which  llie  subject 
under  consideration  was  rd'erred,  ami  haviii!:,  atler 
the  most  cnnful  examinaiiini  he  had  been  able  lo 
give  1  .  come  to  conclusions  luiverse  lo  those  at 
whi'h  die  miijorily  of  the  commitlce  iiad  arrived, 
be  ileenied  il  ineunibeiil  on  him  to  slate  to  the 
Senali\  the  gnaiads  on  waich  his  ciuiclusions  resl- 
»cl.  Nothii".;,  he  said,  Iml  a  sense  of  duly,  arising-  ^ 
from  ihe  i.osilion  in  which  he  had  lice'n  placed, 
woi  '.'  induce  )■.■•'  to  trespass  on  the  etienticui 
of  liie  Uenali .  iie  yielded  his  reluctance  to  take  ' 
part  in  '.he  debate,  not  merely  to  ihc  fact  ihal  he 
was  a  niemlje.  of  the  coniiniilee  specially  char:.'i'd 
with  the  examination  of  the  subject,  but  to  the 
eonsideraii  >p  .h  t  he  was  one  of  the  minority  of 
the  I'onnniltee,  and,  ihcreforc,  in  some  de^riee,  . 
Iionnd  to  assign  the  grounds  of  his  di.,senl  fjom 
the  opinion  of  ilie  niiijoriiy.  He  re^'ietled  thai 
the  dislinguislied  Senator  from  North  Caiii;nia,  on 
the  other  side  of  the  House,  [Mr.  Mangi  m,]  who 
cniisliiutrd,  with  himself,  the  ininorily  <  f  the  com- 
iniltee,  had  a.  t  undertaken  the  oerfonnance  of  ihis 
duty;  ansureu,  ns  he  was,  thai  the  Seimlor's  loiejer 
expeiieiice  and  greater  taiinliarily  wnli  tin-  siib|rct, 
would  hive  enabled  him  to  present,  it  in  tin-  Sen. 
ale  mui'h  nno-c  saiisCacturily  than  In:  (Mr.  1).) 
eonld  111  lie  to  do.  Uullhe  la.<k  had  devoi.ed  on 
liini,  iMil  hi  would  perform  it  lo  the  besl  of  his 
nliiiit)  ;  ihoiiLrh  .  illy  eonscions  of  ihc  gn  at  ili.-i;'d- 
vaniage  under  wbidi  he  slionid  l.-ibc.r  in  fnllowiiig 
the  Senator  from  iJclawaic,  |.\lr.  John-  M.  t'uv- 
loM,]  lo  whose  able  argument  llio  Senate  had  lit!' 
[deasure  of  listening  on  the  two  last  days  il  was 
III  session. 

TheSenuli.rhad  commenced  his  ivmnrks  with  ihe 
observalion,  ihal  no  norlion  of  our  fellow-citizens 
of  ei|Uttl  number  hud  less  interest  in  this"  appliealiun 


than  his eonslilnents.  Noonec  alil.  "reciatcbei-  [I 
ter  than  Mr.  D.  the  enviable  pi  ition  whichtheSei  -  ' 
alor  occupied  hi  this  respect.  He  wi.ihcd,niosl  sin- 
cerely, he  was  in  the  same  position.  l!ut,  unfor- 
tunately, it  was  quite  otherwise.  A  large  amount 
of  these  claims  was  held  in  his  own  Stale — an 
amount  supposed  lo  be  eipial  to  one-thud  of  the 
whole;  80  that,  if  this  supposition  were  true,  and 
this  bill  should  pass,  about  seventeen  luindred 
IhoiLsand  dollars  of  the  Jive  millions  pniposed  to 
be  appropriated  in  satisfaction  of  the  claims,  wouM 
be  paid  to  his  conslitueiils.  Under  these  eircum- 
slunces,  ilwas  iiulural  that  the  subject  should  have 
been  |irc8Ped  upon  him — not  improperly — far  from 
il — but  uiih  an  earne.'stness  proportioned  to  the 
mngi  itude  of  the  interest  at  stake.  Il  had  been, 
in  some  ii..^;aiices  by  personal  fiends  for  whom 
he  enlerlained  the  sinceresl  regard,  and  ill  others, 
by  gentlemen  of  high  standing  in  iiie  city  of  Ncvf 
^ork — by  some  who  are  deeply  inlerested  in  .le 
claims,  and  by  others  who,  witlioul  any  ie.'jrest 
in  iheni,  believe  they  constitute  a  valid  deiir  nd  on 
tlie  public  treasury.  He  had  tell  llie  strongesl  in- 
ducements, therefore — the  inducements  of  respect 
and  peisonal  regard  for  some  of  the  claimants — lo 
take  the  most  favorable  view  of  the  subject  coii- 
sistenlly  with  overruling  considerations  of  public 
duly,  (le  had  enileavored  lo  do  liicm  full  jus- 
tice in  his  cxaminalion  of  it.  He  had  riipiesled 
them,  before  he  had  read  a  word  on  the  subjecl,  lo 
present  their  case  lo  him.  They  did  so.  He  bad 
read  all  the  arguments  on  llieir  siile  of  the  t|Ue.s- 
lion — reviews,  re|)orts,  and  speeches — and,  among 
others,  the  very  able  and  comleiised  statement  of 
iheir  case  conLained  in  a  speech  made  to  the  Sen- 
ate on  Ihe  l!2ih  of  January,  IH.'i,"),  liy  the  distin- 
iruished  SenaUir  from  .Mas.iichuscats,  (.\lr.  AVeii- 
sTEU,]  who  was  ''len,  as  he  is  now,  the  chairman 
of  the  select  coniniittee  apnoinled  to  investigate  the 
subject.  He  had  read  'ill  these  argumeiiis  care 
fully,  and  willi  a  sincere  desire  lo  allow  them  Ihe 
full  weight  lo  which  they  were  iiitilled;  not  only 
on  accouni  of  the  high  sources  from  which  many 
of  iheni  enmnaled,  but  fri'in  ihe  ability  and  force 
wiili  which  the  subjecl  was  treated. 

Having  performed  this  act  of  justice  to  the 
claimalilH,  he  felt  thai  he  had  also  a  duly  to  dis- 
charge to  the  public — a  duly  to  be  fulfilled  only  by 
a  careful  cxaniinalion  of  the  oliicial  documents 
relalimr  lo  the  case.  Those  dia-umeiits  were  coii- 
taineil  in  the  volume  be  held  in  his  hand,  a  volume 
of  ti4U  pages,  consisling  of  "  .V  .Me.s.sage  from  the 
'  President  of  the  United  States,  Irausmilted  lo 
'CJongress  on  the  aillh  of  May,  It^-'li,  m  coinpli- 
'  ance  with  a  resolution  of  the  Senaie;  with  copies 
'of  instructions  lo  ihe  Mini.siers  of  the  United 
'  Stales  lo  the  Governmeal  of  Kraiice,  and  of  llie 
'  cm-respinidcnce  wilh  said  CiovennuenI,  having 
*  rel'erence  to  ihe  spoiiauuns  cou'iiultcd  by  that 
'  Power  on  the  commerce  of  ihe  Umlcd  Stales  aii- 
'  leriorloS<plember:il),  IHOO."  He  had  read  tins 
ndunie,  tlioa;;h  it  was  more  tlnin  proliable,  that 
in  the  exaiiiniatinu  of  so  vhIuuiimohs  a  ma.ss  of 
paper.s — an  exuniinalioii  '■oiistantly  iiilcrrupled  by 
the  prc.isare  of  other  olli.  iai  duties — much  niighl 
have  escaped  him  which  he  ought  to  have  noticed; 
and  il  waNei|iialiy  ],  .obablc  that  he  oiiifhl  not  have 
iliawn  from  llii^  |iarlswluili  he  considered  particu- 
lurly  relevant  to  the:  siibjcci,  the  must  proper  con- 
I'lusioi.s  ill  all  CUM  s.  lint  II  had  been  his  iiini  lo 
do  so;  and  if  he  had  erred  in  any  respect,  he  would 
most  cheerl'iilly  eonecl  his  error  v.  h  :\vr  il  should 
be  clearly  poiiiled  out.  Thus  far,  ..Ir.  0.  said,  he 
liiid  not  lead  a  siniile  ariinnicnt  against  these  claims, 
1  It  her  in  the  form  of  a  spi-  c|i  or  a  report;  and,  from 
the  besiexaminaticui  he  had  been  aiile  m  L-ive  to  the 
public  documenl.i  rcfirred  to,  and  the  statement  of 
their  own  case  by  the  claiinanla  tlie'iiselves,  he  had 
come  lo  llie  conclusion  ilial  Ihe  claims  did  m  '  cnn- 
Miliite  a  just  .lemaiid  upon  the  piiiilic  treasury.  I  le 
would  proceed  to  st.iie  the  leasonsfcr  thisopinion, 

lliil  lirsl,  he  (I -sued  to  i;ill  llie  atleiition  of  the 
Senate  to  an  argument  which  had  been  adduced 
ill  their  support  by  lie-  Seiialoi-  fi-oin  Dcl.iwnre — 
an  lugiinient,  he-  tliouu'lil,  in  st  aiisweicd  by  a  rct'- 
(leiice  to  till'  nianier  in  wlie  h  the  siib|ccl  was 
disposed  of,  for  examination,  w'lin  il  ciuiie  before 
the  Senate,  soon  al'ier  the  opening  of  the  present 
session.  'I'lie  ar!.'uinenl  he  ri'li  ried  lo  was  this: 
that  ill  the  whole  coiir.se  of  ihe  hist  forty-four 
years,  during  which  ll.c  subjecl  bad  been  before 
Congress,  there  luid  been  but  ihre   .idvise  reports. 


while  the  favorable  reports  had  been  mnro  tlinii 
twenty.  Now,  if  the  Senate  would  indulge  him, 
he  would  recall  lo  its  recollection  the  circumslances 
under  which  the  reference  for  examination  was 
made.  Soon  after  the  session  commenced,  he  had 
presented  a  memorial,  signed  by  several  gentlemen 
of  ihe  cily  of  New  York,  of  the  hi:;hest  respeclii- 
bility,  representing  a  hii^e  number  of  the  claim- 
ants, and  moved  thai  il  be  rel'ei  led  to  theCommit- 
lee  on  lAncicn  Relations — the  coimnillee  wliicli 
had,  for  a  .series  of  years,  been  charged  with  it. 
The  r<  lerence  was  made.  Dnt  the  Senator  from 
All  iiie,  on  his  left,  [Mr.  FAmfiKi.u,!  immediately 
ro.se  and  presenleil  a  similar  memorial,  and  moved 
thai  il  be  referred  to  a  select  eomniitii  e,  on  the  dis- 
tinct ground  ihat  a  majority  of  ihe  Commilleo 
on  Foreign  Relations  was  opposed  to  the  claims, 
and  thai  the  apjilication  should  be  referre'l  to 
a  commiltee  wlindi  would  present  a  favorable 
report.  It  was  also  urged  in  favm- of  the  molioii 
of  the  Seiialor  from  Maine,  that  this  was  n  claim, 
and  that  the  Commiltee  on  Fcncign  Relations  was 
iini  an  appropriate  one.  Wheii.upon,  a  Senator 
from  Mississippi  [Mr.  Spkiuiit)  moved  tliat  it  bo 
referred  to  the  Commiltee  on  Claims.  Hut  the  mo- 
tion was  voted  down,  for  rcasmis,  which  he  had 
no  right  to  divine — much  less  lo  i|iiestioii.  Thu 
motion  of  the  Senalor  from  Maine  was  finally 
sustained  by  tlie  Senate,  and  the  select  commit- 
tee (said  Mr.  D.)  was  very  propeily  cc.istiiuted 
by  yourself,  Mr.  President,  accordini'  lo  the  par- 
liamentary rule  Ihal  select  commilli  es  should  not 
be  adverse  lo  the  subject  of  reference.  He  al- 
luded lo  the  cirennistaiic.es,  in  order  to  repel  the 
inference,  which  had  been  drawn  from  the  i;ientcr 
number  of  ihe  favm-able  reporls  on  these  claims  ill 
years  past,  that  this  fact  conslilulcd  an  argument 
In  their  favor.  He  could  not  so  ri  u'ard  it;  inu-  did 
he  think  il  coutu  be  so  regarded  by  any  one  who 
considered  the  circunislaiiccs  refencd  lo.  Tho 
same  course  had  |nobablv  been  puisiied  in  for- 
mer sessions  IIS  In  this.  When  llie  (,'onuniilec  on 
Foreign  Relations  had  been  known  Ui  be  friendly 
to  the  ciainis,  they  would  naturally  be  refer.ed  to 
thai  eonmiiliee.  On  the  (Ulier  hand,  when  ihc 
commiltee  hud  been  kiiouii  to  be  adverse,  a  select 
coniniittee  would  be  uppoiiiod,  for  ihe  exjires.s 
purpose  of  procuring  a  fa\oi.ihle  I'eport.  Under 
tlie.se  circumslances,  it  seemed  no  longer  remark- 
able that  the  favorable  reporls  should  have  been 
so  numerous.  One  fact  was  clear:  ill  case  the 
application  had  bdii  permitted  lo  go  lo  the  appro- 
priate standinu  conin.illee,  there  would,  if  his 
flic  id  from  .\liine  (.\lr.  Faiuheld)  was  right, 
have  been  one  more  adverse  reporl.  On  the  whole, 
Ihereforc,  he  aiipreheodid  ihal  Ihe  result  of  these 
preliminary  ■nvestigations  was  to  be  riigarded,  not 
as  an  aiguincnt  in  favor  of  the  justice  of  these 
claims,  but  is  the  evidence  of  a  delinncc  on  iho 
pari  of  the  Senaie  for  eslablisbed  forms  and  priii- 
cipl'  •  of  parliamentary  proceedinu'.  If  il  wero_ 
othi  .-wise,  it  is(|nite  inanifest  that  by  the  deviei-  of 
sending  the  applii  ation  lo  a  siaiidmg  coinmilieu 
when  that  romnnlii  e  was  known  lo  be  favorable, 
and  to  a  .select  committee  when  the  appropriate 
staiiiliiic;  committee  was  known  lo  be  aiKeise,  'liB 
nierils  of  Ihe  ap|ilication,  according  to  this  lest, 
would  every  year  beconie  more  iipparenl,  ai.d  wc 
should  iilliniaiely  have  a  mass  of  evidence  in  llieir 
liivor,  lliiit  would  be  irn  sislible.  And  lieie  he 
would  leave  so  iniicli  of  the  arguiiniu  in  liunrof 
tli.'se  claims  ns  was  fomiilcd  upon  the  nuniernal 
force  of  reporls  of  rominiliees. 

ibil  il  was  lime  to  look  into  the  merits  of  the 
application,  and  he  would  do  so  in  the  briefest 
manner  possible. 

The  most  ancn  Inalies  to  be  found  on  our 
sialiile  book  are  c  y  'd'  amily  :uiil  commerce, 

and  a  Ileal'-  of  a.,  .ice,  (lie  n.uiied  them  in  the 
Older  ill  winch  tin  v  were  conclmled,)  between  the 
IJiiiled  Siairs  and  I'l-aiice;  or,  to  use  the  lan^iiiigi! 
of  the  treaties,  bitween  llie  United  Stales  and  his 
■nost  <;iiristian  Aliii  sty.  Tin  y  were  executed  on 
the  (lib  of  Febniar;  I77f<,  inid  they  preceded  bv 
a  few  inmitli'  n'  laiiisl  Ircaly  on  iccuicl  between 
ns  and  any  "i  the  Indian  tribes  on  lliis  continent. 
The  (lissohition  of  the  political  ciinnexion  between 
Ureal  llritnin  and  ibe  United  .States  had  been  for- 
iiinllv  |>roclaimeil  to  the  world  nineieeii  months 
before;  we  wire  eii'^ai;eil  in  a  ileteiimned  strii;';;Ie 
to  maintain  the  indepeiidriil  attitude  we  bad  thus 
taken;  and  b' ranee,  by  Ihe  treaty  of  alliance  le- 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


French  Spoliations — Mr,  Dix. 


Senate. 


ftrrcd  lo,  uoon  became  a  party  to  the  contest.  He 
eiiid  slie  soon  became  a  party  to  tlie  contest,  be- 
cause the  treaty  of  alliance  was  not  (lcs{{s;nc(l  to  be 
curried  immediately  into  full  efl'ect.  It  wuh.,  in  its 
main  slipiilntions,  conditional,  eventual,  prospcct- 
i  ve; — conditional ,  on  the  event  of  o  rupture  "jctween 
France  and  Great  Britain;  or,  if  audi  a  rupture 
should  not  l:ike  place,  then  on  the  te.mination  of 
llie  war  bctwecji  Great  l*/rilain  and  the  Uniled 
Slates.  It  was  not  dcsi;;;  cd  to  be  made  public; 
iuid  when  the  C(nii;reHS  of 'be  United  Slates,  "in 
a  monicnt  of  exullaiion,"  as  Mar.shall,  in  his  Life 
of  Wiishintjton,  says,  published  it  with  the  treaty 
of  aiuity  and  coniuierce,  which  was  an  open  treaty, 
the  jiublic.ition  f^ave  great  otfenco  to  the  Cabinet 
of  VersiiiHes;  and  be  adds,  "  that  treaty,  beii.;;  only 
'  evcntua!,  (ini;ht  not  to  have  been  communicated 
'  I'llbepulilicliutby  mutuolcorisei  1."— Tot.  I, page 
9.T1.  Ibit  the  condition,  on  which  it  dcpenderl, 
was  soon  fulfilled,  and  France  became  i  solved  in 
our  contest  for  independence.  Of  (he  vnlualile 
asaislance  which  she  rendered  us,  it  was  needless  to 
^:lleak.  This  |)orlion  of  our  history  wa.<  not  likely 
til  be  cITaced  Irom  our  nieniory,  nor,  he  trusted, 
from  the  memory  of  our  descendarts;  and  espe- 
cially all  that  concerns  the  fjillant  Frenchmen, 
who,  like  Lafayette,  had  jieril' d  their  lives  and 
liii'tiincs  in  our  cause.  lie  believed  there  was 
then,  its  now,  a  strong;  chord  of  sympathy  between 
ihe  people  of  the  two  countries,  W'iiieh  lie  hoped 
iiiinht  never  be  broken.  Hut  it  was  due  to  the 
impartiality  of  history  to  say,  lliat  the  Gove -n- 
nient  of  Fr.uiee  Wius  not  so  clearly  actuated  by  the 
purely  disinleresled  motives  which  had  been  as- 
cribed lo  her.  The  whole  hisiory  of  our  ne^olia- 
lions  willi  her  in  1777  showeil  ihalshe  had  luirown 
interest  in  view  in  the  part  she  took  in  our  strii*j- 
;;Ii:  for  iiiilependence,  and  lii.t  the  eneoura;;;enicnt 
.she  !!;ave  us  in  the  early  s  as;es  of  that  contest 
varied  with  the  varyinj;  phases  of  our  fnrtune.  lint 
ilisiiuei'e.<icdi'.  'ss  and  generosity,  he  apprehended, 
were  notllie  virtues  of  i;overnnients.  'I'liey  were 
peculiarly  and  eminently  attribules  of  individual 
character.  They  were  not  even  the  virtues  of  men 
in  their  associated  state;  anil,  in  Ilie  intercourse  of 
nations,  they  dwindled  lo  mere  names.  He  be- 
lieved the  hi'^hest  tpialilics  to  be  looked  for  in  llie 
iniereominunications  of  governmenls  willi  each 
other,  were  justice  and  c^mrtesy. 

The  Scnatiir  from  Delaware  had  refm'red  to  the 
epoch  of  these  treaties  as  "the  darkest  hour  in  our 
whoU^revohilionary  striiL'^le."  He  (Mr.  D.)had 
not  lieeii  accustomed  so  to  consider  it.  They  were 
eiincluiled  immediately  after  the  campaign  of  1777. 
He  had  always  rewirded  this  as  the  f;reat  campaign 
of  the  war,  and  tlie  period  which  succeeded,  not- 
wilhstaniliiii,'  the  enibarrassmenis  ami  suH'erinirs  it 
bi'ou^'hl,as  one  of  stroiiic  eonlidence  in  the  ulli- 
mate  success  of  the  eoniest  for  iiidependiiice.  The 
.Senator  hiul  drawn  a  strikinij;  piciiire  of  ilic  privu- 
lioiis  and  siillerie^s  endured  Iiy  the  American 
.irmy  al  Valley  Foiijc;  and  he  (.Mr.  O.)  would 
not  say  itia'  it  was  overeolored.  l!ut  as  a  piclureof 
Ihe  epiv.ii,  ii  seemed  lo  him  imomplele.  Hi' ecr- 
tiiiily  lliiiii!;hl  the  Senator  had  llirown  in  all  ihe 
.shadows,  and  lefl  oiil  all  llie  li;;lils— n.iy,  he  would 
say,  the  lirllliani  culors— which  e(|U.illy  lilon^'ed 
III  a  true  picture  of  lliat  pi  nod.  He  would,  with 
llie  perniissi'in  of  his  hoiioraiilc  friend  from  Hcla- 
ware,  borrow  his  canvass,  and  add  wlial  he  (Mr. 
!).)  ciiiisiih  ri  d  the  omilled  p;irls.  The  Senator 
fioio  Delaware  had  cummcnci-il  '  is  skelcli  willi 
tile  li.itlle  of  IJra'.idy  wine,  which  was  foiii^ht  on  llie 
I  lib  of  .S.  piiiiioer.  He  (Mr.  D.)  would  mily  ijo 
aboiil  fiiiir  weeks  fiirlher  ba'dt.  He  v,-oiilil  imn- 
iiieiiee  with  llie  lliili  of  August,  when  (Niiiiiiij 
llaum  was  ih  fealcil  al  l!ciiiiin;,'loii  by  .Stark,  ("ol- 
oiicl  Si.  I,(  ;;i  r,  willi  his  Indian  allies,  was  driven 
fioin  h'lii:.  Staiiwi^  and  llie  valley  of  the  Mo  hawk  on 
Ihe  -JUd  A 11, •list,  aficr  the  Idonily  bailie  of  DrisKaiiy. 
lUiri;  lyiie,  no  ilic  l.'llh  Oi'tnber,  more  than  a  mniiili 
after  ille  li.it'lc  of  lirandywiiie,  h.e.l  surrendered  at 
S;u'aio^a,  will  one  of  the  besl-appoinlcd  armies 
t  ileal  Ihilaiii  ever  had  on  ibis  cnnliiienl;  and  an 
Anicricaii  1:1s'  irian  had  denomin.'iteil  his  surrender 
>'ll'  ■  liime  11:1  which  Ihe  Uevohilion  liirned."  Sir 
lli'i:'\,  '"linein  had  failed  in  his  alliinpl  lo  co-opc- 
iMle  wall  ibe  army  of  Ihir;;oyne  liy  the  Hudson 
n\ei,ai»l  had  reliirni'd  lo  ihe  cily  of  New  Voik; 
and  Washiiejlon,  Ihoiii^h  laborin;,'  under  the  jrrcat- 
est  disadvaiila;;cs,  wilh  an  army  vasily  inferior  in 
numbers  lo  that  uf  his  adversary,  and  ill-]irovided 


with  the  munitions  of  war,  had,  by  u  scries  of 
masterly  nioveiiients  and  wcll-conteslcd  engage- 
ineiils,  neutralized,  to  a  considerable  extent,  the 
operations  of  General  Howe  in  the  middle  Slates. 
1  he  liritish  general  had  succeeded  in  occupying 
Philadelphia,  and  made  it  bis  winter  quarters;  but 
when  the  iiiteliigciec  reached  Paris,  I)r.  Franklin 
said  (and  the  saying,  he  believed,  became  a  by- 
word on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic)  that  Philadel- 
phia had  taken  General  Howe.  History  had  jiro- 
nounced  the  operations  of  that  general,  barren  vic- 
tories; and  these  were  almost  the  only  shadows 
on  the  face  of  the  campaign.  Nearly  everywhere 
else  fortune  had  sided  with  the  Ainoricans.  The 
campaign  was,  with  these  and  some  other  trillin" 
exceptions,  a  series  of  successes — decided ,  marked", 
brilliant  iuccesses.  They  electrified  the  friends  of 
the  Revolution  at  home  and  abroad,  as  the  inielli. 
genee  of  the  alliance  between  France  and  the  Ibii- 
tcd  Sta'cs,  according  to  the  eloquent  de.scription  of 
the  Senator  Iron)  Delaware,  electrified  the  army  of 
Washingion.  The  Uniled  States,  alone,  aiul  al- 
.nosl  unaided,  had  achieved  the.se  great  successes, 
niid  they  had  |>laced  the  establishment  of  their  in- 
dependence, in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  beyond  all 
reasonable  doubt.  It  was  at  this  juncture  Ihat  the 
treaty  of  amity  and  commerce,  and  the  tieaty  of 
alliance,  were  concluded  between  France  and  the 
United  Slates.  She  came  to  our  aid,  not  because 
she  thought  us  in  the  depths  of  distress,  but  in 
the  hour  of  victory,  when  our  triumph  seemed 
no  longer  doubtful;  and  unless  the  testimony  of 
all  hisiory  is  to  be  discarded,  these  treaties,  but 
for  the  successes  of  1777,  might  never  have  been 
formed.  He  did  not  .say  this  for  the.  purpose 
of  withholding  from  the  government  of  France 
any  merit  which  might  justly  he  claimed  for  it  in 
siding  with  us.  It  was  doubtless  actuated  by  an 
enlightened  view  of  the  interest  of  that  kingilom; 
and  it  would  have  been  too  much  to  e.\peet  it  lo 
take  pan  with  us  in  a  matter  so  grave  as  that  of  a 
dissension  between  the  colonies  of  a  European 
Power  and  the  parent  State,  until  it  was  quite 
manifest  that  the  resistance  would  be  successful. 

These  treaties  have  become  connected  with  the 
claims  under  consideration ;  and  the  claimants 
would  have  us  believe  inseparably  connected  wilh 
them.  I  did'er  (said  Mr.  O.)  tolally  with  ihcm  in 
opinion;  and  in  order  to  explain  the  dillerence 
between  us,  it  will  lie  necessary  to  advert  lo  the 
nature  of  the  trcalies,  between  which  and  the 
claims  before  us  this  inse|«irnble  connexion  issup- 
jiosed  to  exist. 

Tlio  trcalies  were  designed,  as  their  titles  im- 
iiort,  lo  e-tabhsh  and  regulate  cominercial  relations 
belwei'ii  the  two  countries,  and  to  form  nil  alliance 
for  purposes  of  defence.  The  es.seniial  object  of 
the  treaty  of  alliance  was  to  inninlain  the  indepen- 
dence of  the  Uniled  Stales.  Its  siipulations  were 
not  limited  10  the  contest  then  in  progress.  They 
were  only  to  lake  full  ell'cct  on  the  coiilin:;ency  he 
had  already  referred  lo.  They  weri!  designed  to 
extend  far  beyond  that  eoniest.  They  expressly 
guarantied  t'orever,  on  the  part  of  Fiance,  the 
liberly,  sovereignly,  and  independence  of  llie  Uni- 
led Slates  in  goveninicnt  and  commerce;  and  on 
the  part  of  the  Uiiikd  Slates,  the  possessimis  of 
the  crown  of  France  in  Ainericn.  The  .ilipuh- 
tioiis  of  the  Ireaty  of  alliance  were  reciprocal,  cre- 
aling  mutual  advanla^es,  and  hiilding  nut  the 
promise  of  reeiproi,'  aid.  The  Irealy  of  amily 
and  commerce  was  el' ihe  same  eharaelcr,  embra- 
cing ■ommon  pn..isioiis  t'oi  the  niiilu.il  iienelil  of 
the  conlracting  p.irliis.  1  li' desired  lo  sUile  thus 
disliiicily  ihe  n.ilur.'  of  these  trcalies,  in  order 
Ihat  it  might  be  kepi  steadily  in  vicnv  in  the  se(|iiel. 
In  the  language  of  an  Anieiicm  hisloriaii,  they 
placed  Ihe  two  eonrlries  "oil  ihc  f.ioling  of  llie 
most  perfect  ei|iialiiy  and  rcciprociiy "' — ihe  ncaly 
of  amily  and  coniiiicree,  by  conferring  reciprocal 
commeicial  advanlage.-.,  anil  the  Irealy df  alliance, 
by  rendering  llie  eslablisliment  of  our  independence 
iiKire  easy  and  ccrlaiii,  by  the  expulsion  of  Great 
Ibilain  from  a  large  |  o.iion  of  this  coiilineiit,  dimii  - 
isliing  the  strenglb  of  a  dangerous  rival  of  Fiance, 
and  opening  a  new  and  vasf  field  lo  her  commerce 
and  a  valualile  markei  for  llie  prmlucls  of  her  in- 
dustry. The  amicable  relalions  lliiis  eslablished 
belween  the  Uniled  Si, lies  and  France,  survived 
ihe  war  of  ihe  Itcvoliuion,  and  coiilinued  iininier- 
riipleil  uiilil  IV,):).  till  Ihe  l!f<ih  of  .bmiiary  of  that 
year.  Franco  declared  waragein,-it  Great  Uriluin, 


and  both  these  powers  were  soon  engaj^d  in  a  se- 
ries of  unprovoked  and  unwarrantable  depredations 
on  our  commerce.  As  eurly  as  the  P'A  of  MaVi 
but  little  more  than  three  months  aft  r  the  decla- 
ration of  hostilities,  France,  by  a  decree  of  her  Na- 
tional Convention,  under  the  jiretext  that  Great 
liritain  had  seized  our  vessels  laden  with  provi- 
sions, and  carried  them  into  her  ports,  taking  the 
provisions  for  her  own  use  at  her  own  price,  and 
coinmilted  other  violations  of  neutral  rights,  for- 
mally declared  that  the  French  (leople  were  "  no 
'  longer  peiiiiilied  to  fulfil,  toworus  the  neutral 
'  powers  in  general,  tl  c  vows  [wishes]  they  have 
'  so  ofien  manifested  for  the  full  and  entire  liberty 
'  of  eoinmeice  niid  navigation."  He  referred  to 
page  4.'1  of  Senate  doenment  No.  102, 19th  Con- 
gress, 1st  sessiiin,  and  all  his  references,  unless 
otherwise  cxjiressed,  would  be  to  this  volume. 
The  decree  then  authorized  French  ships  of  war 
to  arrest  mil  carry  into  the  pons  of  the  Republic, 
neiitral  vessels,  lailen  wholly  or  in  part  either  witli 
articles  of  jirovisions  belonging  to  neutral  nations 
and  destined  to  an  enemy '.s  port,  or  with  mer- 
chandises belonging  to  an  enemy — the  merchan- 
dises lo  be  confiscated,  and  the  provisions  to  be 
paid  for  according  to  their  value  in  the  place  to 
which  they  were  dcslinid.  On  the  remonstrance 
of  the  Minister  of  the  Uniled  Slates,  complaining 
of  the  decree  as  a  violation  of  ji.slice  and  good 
faith  in  respect  to  vessels  of  the  United  States, 
(fiages  41  and  44,)  Ihisdocrec  was  declared,  on  the 
HM  of  May,  not  to  be  applicable  to  them.  On  the 
U8ih  of  Ihe  same  month  it  was  again  made  appli- 
cable lo  [hem,  so  far  as  lo  place  in  a  slate  of  pro- 
visional Keqneslralion  property  seized  under  the 
decree  of  the  Dili,  (page  41).)  On  the  1st  of  July, 
vessels  of  the  United  Stales  were  again  exempied 
from  its  operation  (page  fill);  and  on  the  27th  of 
July  it  was  nu:aiii  applied  (pages  50  and  l(il);  and 
he  did  not  liiid  that  itwaseveraflerwardsremoved. 

When  this  decree  was  made,  Fmnce,  by  the  trea- 
ty of  amily  and  conimeree  with  the  United  Stales, 
which  was  still  in  force,  had  stipulated  that  free 
ships  should  make  free  goods,  or,  in  other  words, 
that  the  property  of  1111  enemy  in  the  ship  of  a 
friend  should  be  exempt  fiinn  seizure  and  eontis- 
cation.  She  had  also  specified  by  the  same  irealy 
the  articles  which  should  be  treated  as  eontraliand 
of  war,  and  liable  lo  seizure  when  bound  to  an 
enemy's  port;  and  from  this  8|iecification  provis- 
ions were  ex|n'cssly  excluded.  He  would  not  say 
that  he  regarded  tiie  seizure  of  provisions,  with  the 
promise  of  pa)  mem,  equivalent  to  treating  them 
as  eimlraband;  but,  laken  in  connexion  with  the 
other  pans  of  the  decree,  he  considered  the  con- 
duel  of  France  an  open  and  palpable  repudiation 
of  the  treaty  of  1778;  and  it  was  subsequently  fol- 
lowed by  more  flagrant  violations  of  her  engage- 
ments. The  vessels  of  the  Uniled  Slates  were 
seized,  delaiued,  condemned,  and  confiscated,  un- 
der the  most  unjustifiable  |iielexts,  until  in  July, 
1796,  (page  M9i)  she  proclaimed,  by  a  resolve  of 
her  Fxecutive  Directory,  the  )irinci|ile  of  treating 
neutri'!  vessels,  as  to  conliscalions,  searches,  and 
e?)iiures,  in  ilic  snhi '  manner  as  ihey  allowed  the 
Fnglish  to  treat  tlu:".  The  praeiical  ed'ecl  of  this 
doclrinewas,  to  make  the  example  of  Great  Britain 
lierown  guide  and  her  jiisiiiicalion  in  de|iredalions 
on  ourcomiiierce.  Tin;  infrai  lion  of  ihe  Irealy  of 
amity  and  eoninierre  wilh  us  under  the  decree  of 
llie  9.I1  of  M.iy  preceded  any  ael,  or  eerlaiiily  the 
knowleiltre  by  France  of  nr,y  act,  on  our  pan  111  re- 
spect to  the  lielligereiils,  lo  which  she  could  take 
exception.  It  was  equally  unprovoked  imd  unji"- 
tifiable. 

On  the  2*1  of  April,  179:),  the  President  of  the 
Uiiilid  Stales,  General  Washingion,  issued  his 
CI  leliraled  I'roclanialion  of  Neutralily,  (page  248,) 
the  chief  object  of  which  was,  to  advise  the  citizens 
of  llie  Uniled  Stales  llial  we  were  at  peace  with  the 
belligerents,  to  warn  them  against  committing  acts 
of  hosiiliiy,  and  to  |  oiiii  out  the  risks  they  would 
incur  liy  c.irryiiig  conlraband  arUcles  to  tli.j  pons 
ofeiihcr.  thi  ihe  very  day  this  prochimalioii  was 
issued,  the  (iovernment  was  informed  that  citizen 
Genet,  as  Minister  from  France,  had  landed  at 
Charleston,  (page  ,")4,)  and  shortly  afierwards  that 
he  was  engaged  in  filling  oul  privaleers  lo  eruiau 
agai.ist  liritish  vessels.  He  claimed  this  right  by 
virtue  of  the  22d  arlirle  of  the  treaty  of  ainity  and 
commerce,  which  denied  to  foreign  privateers  under 
commissions  from  powers  at  war  with  France  or 


III 


m 


'^ 


)I6 
29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


French  Spoliationt — .V,\  Dix. 


[April  27, 

Sknate. 


the  United  Stales,  the  liglil  m  (it  mil  ship!  in  llio 
ppria  or  either;  alleging  tlmt  lliis  liciiiul  of  B  right  to 
others  was  a  virtual  conccssiiiii  dI'  it  to  FiniRT. 
This  inlerpretmion  of  the  article  was  uniformly 
dcnie<l,ana  all  atieinpts  to  give  it  effect  resisted  by 
the  United  Stales.   The  artlile  ia  in  these  words: 

'•  Art.99  Itslmll  not  ba  lawful  i-irBnyforelijn  iirivatiMT!' 
n»t  belnniiiiii  W  Kubjrct^  of  the  M<i-1  Christian  Kill),',  iiiir 
ciiiiciis  of  the  Enid  United  8tntc.«,  «lm  have coiiiiiiU«iiiii» 

rnimonyotlHr  Pri,i ir  Mtiitr  in  iiiinily  with  eilliiT  hiiliiHi, 

Id  tltlhrir  i-littt*  in  tin'  |>'<rls  of  i'IiIiit  tliv  iine  or  the  iillier 
4tt*(he  Bforehttid  |«iili>  s,  to  i^ell  whtit  they  have  lukcii,  nr  ia 
iMiy  utlieriniinniTIo  txcliunm-  llnir  t-\\]\i-,  rncrrliiiinli^'':!,  nr 
any  littler  tailing;  iieillnr  .-liar,  tlwvlii'iillimi'il  ewa  In  piir- 
clliiie  victuals,  except  (fiicli  as  sliull  In-  iiri*e^,-iiry  liir  llii-ir 
t^^ing  to  the  next  port  of  tlmt  priiieo  or  blalr  friiia  wliieli  lliiy 
iiave  couunliinians.*'  I 

Citizen  QeiiPt  also  claimed,  iiiider  the  ei^hlli  ar-  . 
ticlc  of  a  conventiiiii  between  the  I'niled  iSiales  and  , 
France,  executed  in  November,  ITfW,  derniing  the  | 
duties  and  privileges  of  consuls,  tlicexe.lusive  right  i 
of  deciding,  through  ilie  consulates  e.stablislied  by  : 
France  in  tJie  United  Slates,  whether  vessels  taken 
by  her  criiistrs  were  ia^^l'lll  pri/.e  or  not.  This 
was  virtually  claiming  for  the  Fieneh  consulates 
the  powers  of  omrts  of  admiralty  to  be  exercised 
williin  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  Slates.  Thi« 
assumption  was  also  denied  by  us.  We  did  not 
claim  the  right  of  trying  in  our  eourts  the  vididity 
of  captures  made  on  the  high  sea.s  by  Krance;  but 
we  denied  the  right  of  Knince  to  determine  such 
questions  within  the  United  States,  iiLsisting  that 
tney  belon<;'  d  to  the  sovereign  of  the  captor,  and 
that  resort  inust  be  had  to  his  courts.  We  did, 
however,  claim  that  the  United  Stales  were  bound 
to  protect  vessels  within  their  own  waters;  and 
where  caplures  were  made  by  Krench  cruincis 
wiihin  our  jurisdiction,  llial  it  belonged  to  the 
United  States  to  punish  these  violations  of  our  sov- 
ereignty, mill  to  resloie  the  properly  thus  ille'j;ally 
eaptiired.  The  cogency  of  this  reasoning  will  be 
best  understood  from  an  examination  of  the  arti- 
cle, which  is  ns  follows: 

"  Art.  8.  The  eon^ulfl  or  \icc  cnnsul-i  Fhnll  exercise  pn- 

ht viT  all  the  vessels  iil'  tiieir  re-pioli\i'  iKitninti.  luiil 

i-ll;Ul  have  nil  liiiiud  tin'  ynu\  \.-si-iN  all  pnwi  r  iiiiil  Jill  i.-ille- 
leiii  in  civil  m:nleis,  in  all  the  ili-pliles  ivliieh  iniiy  there 
an-e;  tliev  shall  liiive  an  entire  in-|iielinn  over  the  saiil 
ve-.ls.  tie  ireriw.  lunl  the  ehaii:ie-  ami  >nli-lilntii'iis  there 
111  l«i  niaile.  r.ii  winch  piirposi-  tliey  may  U'l  im  hnunl  the 
Mii.l  \..-s.  Is  wlii'iiiViT  they  may  jililij.'  il  lii-i-i-.-ary.  Well 
mill' r-t'siil  lliat  tie-  t^iin  linns  henliy  iilhiueil  sliiiM  bi!  eon- 
tineil  III  tin- iiiti'inir  111  tile  vi-sfiels,  ailil  Ihat  they  Khali  not 
take  place  in  aii>  ea.se,  which  uliall  liavi'  mi>  inlerli'renei' 
\i  i(h  the  p-illci.'  of  the  ports  where  the  sunt  \  es.-.ls  bliall  he."' 

Another  claim  on  llie  part  of  Citizen  lieiiel  was, 
thai  the  17ih  article  of  llie  treaty  gave  ti.c  ;i. med 
Vessels  ol  France  the  privilege  of  sending  their 
prizes  into  the  United  Suites,  and  selling  tin  ill  free 
of  duly,  lliougli,  as  .\Ir.  .leU'er.son  said,  the  privi- 
lege of  selling  prizes  in  llie  Uniiid  Slates  was  not 
given  at  all.  I!iil  the  whole  groundwork  of  ihe 
claim  was  shown  by  Mr.  .lell'i  rsoii  to  be  iiiilena- 
bte,  by  asserting  ami  inainlaining  the  construction 
tlial  the  Hill  arliilc  was  iiiieiided  mily  to  eniirer 
t'le  right  of  sending  their  unzis,  in  llie  first  in- 
stance, wheresoever  they  pleased,  without  paying 
duty,  and  of  deparlini;  to  some  other  plaee  nanieil 
in  their  oomnnssion.s  wiihin  the  jurj.>dietiou  of  ilieir 
.sovereign,  where  the  validity  of  the  capture  was 
to  be  finally  adjudged.  The  article  is  in  ihe  I'ol- 
lowinir  wolds: 

''.\BT.  17.  It  i-li.ill  he  lawful  fur  the  ships  of  war  iil  either 
jiiirlv,  anil  lirivati  i  rs,  IVei  l>    In  eariy  Wlinlier-iir\- r  th(-> 

[ill  a'-e,  the  ships  anil  i.'"oi|s  tak.-n  it tin  ir  i  in  iiiii's  wilh- 

iint  hiiniJ  I'hliL'iilInpay  any  itiil\  loll llii  ersot  lln  aiJmi 

rally  or  imy  other  jnilues;  imr  shall  sin-ii  prizes  he  :nie-l  il 
or  sei/.eil  'whi'll  lliev  lonie  III  or  eilti  r  llie  puns  ol  •  nin  r 
part)  ;  nor  shall  the  siiirelnrs  iir  olIn.T  iitlieers  of  ilni-i 
plairs  siareh  tin-  same,  i.r  liiakeexaniinalii'lieoncTiiinK  lh>' 
l.iwl'lltln-s  ii!  sitell  prizes;  lint  llii'>  lliav  huisl  sail  III  liny 
tiiiie.  anil  if  part  ami  carry  then  iiii/.i  s  to  tin-  pla-es  expri--s 
t-il  III  llii-ir  ciiinnns-ions,  wlin-li  the  eiiinniamh-r-  nl  -nrli 

ships  of  war  shall  h- iilihK- it  to  .-)i-'\\  ;  nn  tin-  i Iriir.v.rin 

shelter  or  ri-fiii:i'  -h.ill  he  .iv.  ii  in  tin  ir  port-  In  -in  h  a-  slnill 
have  iimdi'  pri-ze  nf  Ihesalijei-is.  pi-uplr.or  pri>|M<iiy  i  if  elite  r 
of  the  particD;  lint  if  mn-li  shall  enme  in.  hi-iiei  fori  i  il  h\- 
stresii  of  weatln-r,  orthe  il  tiiuiT  of  the  hi  .i,all  prupi  r  means 
Ktiall  he  vi||iiroii-ly  iisi-il,  lliat  llii-.\  t,'<i  out  Ulid  ri-lire  I'rola 
Iheneeiis  simll  as  (SissibI;-." 

Citizen  Genet  also  complained,  thai  by  Ihenilop- 
tioiiof  the  prim  iplelhal  fn  e ships  make  Uiv  goods, 
in  the  treaty  of  I77H,  France  e.nilil  not  take  out  of 
vessels  of  llie  L'niled  Stales  properly  belonging  to 


the  subjects  of  (Jreat    Itritnin,   the  n  I 


belw 


IT  enemy  ; 
cell  the  l.'ni 


the  time,  that  enemy's  prtiperly  may  be  taken  in 
a  neutral  botlom.  Great  Liritnin  might  take  out  of 
vessels  of  the  United  States  properly  belonging  to 
the  citizens  of  Fiance;  and  he  insisted  that  we 
were  bound  to  prev,..".  i'.  Mr.  Jell'erson  replied 
by  asserting  the  {irinciple  ol  tlu  law  of  nations  as 
before  stated,  and  insisting  that  the  inconveni- 
ence to  France,if  there  wa.';  any,  resulted  from  ihc 
fiicl  tlmt  the  treaty  sli;  Lilalion  between  her  and 
the  United  Stales  whs  nn  exctptioii  to  the  rule, 
and  thai  she  had  no  just  cause  to  complain  of  an 
agreement  to  which  site  had  voluntarily  consented. 

Mr.  1).  said  he  referred  to  these  complaints  of 
citizen  Genet,  as  the  earliest  evidences  of  the  dis- 
satislaclion  with  which  France  regarded  the  po- 
sition of  neutralily  taken  by  the  Governmenl  of 
the  United  Stalej.  She  complained  of  U8  as  having 
violated  the  engagements  into  which  we  had  enter- 
ed by  the  treaties  of  1778,  and  made  our  refusal  'o 
eoni|ily  with  her  requisitions  the  pretext  for  her 
depredations  on  our  commerce.  IJiit  we  had  seen 
that  the  first  infraction  of  those  treaties  was  com- 
mitted by  liorsclf.  through  the  decree  of  the  !)th  of 
May,  nil.'t,  before  she  knew  we  had  taken  such  a 
position  of  iieutrality ;  and  he  believed  it  to  be  dilli- 
cult  ftir  an;'  one,  who  examined  carefully  the  able 
exposilior  )  made  by  Mr.  Jelleison  and  Air.  Itan- 
dolpli.  of  our  obligations  arising  under  those  trea- 
ties to  charge  us  with  any  violation  of  our  engage- 
ments. On  the  other  hand,  the  spoliations  commit- 
ted by  France  on  our  commerce,  were  in  open  and 
palpable  violation  of  the  stipulations  of  the  trealy; 
so  much  so,  thai  she  did  not  always  even  prciend 
to  cM'.iise  them,  except  by  the  pretext  of  her  ne- 
ces.sitics. 

He  would  not  detain  the  Senate  by  entering  into 
a  detail  of  these  aggressions,  perpetrated  at  last 
willioui  even  a  color  of  justificaiion,  and  in  disre- 
gard of  the  most  persevering  .uid  earnest  remon- 
strances on  the  jiiirt  of  the  onited  States.  Il  suf- 
ficed to  fcay,  that  lliey  conimeiiced  in  17!),'),  and 
continued,  with  occasional  iiilernii.ssinns,  till  18U(). 
During  much  of  this  period  France,  it  is  true, 
protested  that  she  had  no  uiifricndly  designs  in 
respect  U)  the  Uniied  States;  and  that  she  was  wil- 
ling to  make  reparation  where  it  was  justly  due. 
Dut  these  prolcstatiuns,  instead  of  pailinlmg  her 
conduct,  served  but  to  aggravate  and  gi\e  point  to 
her  depredations.  He  de.:.ied  to  say,  in  n  ference 
to  all  these  aggressions,  that  they  were  conniiitied 
during  a  period  of  |Hilitii-al  agitation  in  France, 
which  shook  the  fabric  of  society  to  iis  fuumlalion; 
and  that  they  were  to  be  rcj.iriled,  in  some  degree, 
as  llie  fruit  lif  the  disturbed  order  of  things,  under 
which  they  occurred. 

The  treaty  of  November,  170-1,  between  the 
United  Suites  and  Great  Ihiiiiin,  (i  oninionly  called 
.lay's  trentVi)  K"^''  "''^*'  "Ifence  to  France.  She 
coin|ilaiiietl  that  we  had  alianiloneil  in  that  treaty 
the  principle  that  free  ships  make  free  i;iioils;  that 
in  the  stipulations  relating  to  contrabanil  (>f  war,  a 
rule  had  been  adopted  ditl'erent  from  that  i  onlained 
ill  our  treaty  of  1778, with  France;  and  ilialwe  had 
thus  violated  the  principles  of  recipocitv,  which  we 
Wire  bound  lo  observe  lowanls  her.  'i'he  answer 
to  this  coniplaiiil  was,  thai  in  this  ireaiy,  we  had 
.■iilopled,  in  the  two  pariicnlar.s  referred  lo,  Ihe  rules 
ot'  law  recognised  by  i  ivili'.ed  Slates;  and  that  we 
had  .<|ieiially  stipulated  "hal  iiolhiiig  i  onlained  in 
it  should  be  ciiiisiriad  n  im|iair  our  oliligaiions  lo 
other  Powers  under  pre-exisiing  treaties. 

tin  the  lllli  of  Ilccember,  17111),  Mr.  Monroe, 
oiir  Minisler  to  France,  after  the  pri-senlation  of 
his  letier  of  recall,  and  -the  credentials  of  his  siic- 
ee.ssor,  Mr.  (.'harles  Cntesworlli  I'inekney,  to  ihe 
Fxeciitive  Diieclory,  was  notified  that  the  Direc- 
torv  winild  "no  longer  n  ■  o.-nise  nor  leei  Im'  a 
'  Minister  I'lenipoieniiary  li  m  the  Uiiiliil  SlMles, 
'  until  nfler  a  reparalion  of  iln  grievaneesdi  inaml- 
'edofthe  .\iueriean  Goveriiinent,  and  which  the 
'  Frencii  Ri'public  has  a  right  lo  expect." — Page 
l,-il). 

l)n  the  I'lli  Februarv,  17fl7,  two  nioniha  after- 
wards, the  .Secrete;  V  of  Stale  of  the  I'nitid  Stales 
wrote  to  Mr.  iinckney,  who  was  then  in  .\niMer- 
d:ini,niit  111  il  ;;  "ermilteil  to  lesidi-  in  France,  (paiics 
l.'i.Saiid  l.'i'.l,)  ti.at  the  spoliations  on  our  coiniiieii 


"J' 
while  the  commercial  inlerc 
ted  .Slates  and  (ireni  lirilaiii  being  legulaUcI  by  no 
smh   treaty  :.ti|iulaliiin,  lint  being  subject  lo   ihe 


[  '  of  our  vesKcls,  merely  bccau.se  going  to  or  from  i< 

j  '  Uritish  port;  nay,  more,  they  take  them  when  iro- 

'  ingfrom  a  neutral  to  a  FiTiich  port."— (Page  l.'i4.) 

IJy  a  decree  of  the  Kxeculive  Direclorv,  dated 
March  3,  1797,  (page  161),)  a  series  of  oriiers  wa:i 
lulopted,  by  which  the  treaty  of  amity  mid  com- 
merce of  1778,  be'ween  France  and 'the  United 
States,  was  virtually  nbrognied  in  all  the  hadiii" 
particulnrs  which  liati  consliiuied  the  gionndwork 
of  her  cnmplninls  against  the  Unilid  States.  She 
annulled  the  ngieemeiil  thai  free  ships  should  make 
free  goods,  by  decloring  enemy 's|iroperly  in  neutral 
vessels  lawful  prize.  She  annulled  ihe  slipiilalioii 
;  that  certain  articles  only  should  be  coT'iraband,  by 
adding  new  ones  to  the  list.  And  in  other  iiarticii- 
lars  sjie  eilher  annulled  expre.ss  slipulnlioiis  in  Ihc 
trealy  of  1778,  or  inlrnduced  new  rules  enlirely 
subversive  of  them.  Aniong  other  innovations' 
was  that  of  reipiiring  what  she  denomiimted  ii 
"  riile  d'lVpiipage,"  or  crew's  list,  iisreeahiy  to  an 
ordinance,  nearly,  if  not  (|iiile,  as  ancient  a:,  the 
marine  (Uilinanccs  of  Louis  XIV,  issued  in  I(i81. 
In  ilefaiill  of  such  a  list  u  vessel  was  declined  lo  be 
a  good  prize. 

Mr.  b.  said  it  was  worth v  nf  remark  that  these 
orders  were  issued  the  day  before  General  Wash- 
ington's term  nf  oflice,  as  President  of  the  I'nilcd 
States,  expired.  He  had  oceiipied  that  high  sta- 
tion during  the  whole  period  oj'ouriliflicultics  with 
France.  He  was  responsible  for  all  Ihe  acts  of  our 
aovernmeni  towards  her  down  lo  that  period  of 
time;  ai.d  in  the  early  slagesofoiirdissensions  willi 
her,  Mr.  Jell'i'i-son  had  filled  the  office  of  Secretary 
of  Stale,  and  had  given  to  the  treaties  of  1778 
the  inierprciiilioiis  of  which  she  complained  as  a 
violaliiin  of  our  engagements  with  her,  and  as  u 
justification  of  hera;:giessiiinsupon  us.  Hewoiilil 
certainly  not  assume  thai  the  course  of  our  gov - 
ermnent  was  right  merely  because  it  was  directed 
by  these  distinguished  stall  snien  and  patriots;  but 
the  fiict  llial  they  had  so  large  a  share  m  the  Iraiis- 
nctions  of  that  day  was  sullicicnl  to  make  liiio 
hesitate  long  before  he  would  be  induced  to  call  in 
ciuestion  the  wisilom  or  justice  of  the  public  meas- 
ures, in  respect  lo  our  dillicullies  with  France,  at  a 
'  period  so  remote  from  onr  own  limes.  And  he 
could  not  overlook  llie  con. -uleralion,  that  if  then; 
was  any  injnslice,  any  ingnilitude,  any  breach  of 
good  faith,  any  violation  of  treaties  wi'tli  France, 
down  lo  this  period  of  time,  when  our  ili)ilonialie 
intercourse  willi  her  was  siis|ieiiiled,  WasliiiiL'ioii, 
Ihe  patriot  and  ihc  friend  of  Lafayette,  was  re- 
sponsible for  it. 

The  Senator  from  Delaware  had  cited,  willi  great 
emphasis,  a  circular  letter  of  Mr.  .Ti-llerson,  as 
Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  fir  the 
purpose  of  cliar;;ing  on  our  governmenl  the  iibli- 
iralion  of  paying  the  indeninilies  claimed  fin- spoli- 
ations, liul  Mr.  D.  ihouu'ht  this  letter  would  be 
found,  on  examination,  neither  to  have  been  ex- 
Iraordinary  as  a  public  act,  nor  to  Inn  e  created  any 
liability  on  the  part  of  the  government,  which  was 
not  fully  discharged.  The  letter  was  written  on 
the  a7tli  August,  |7M.'I.  and  would  be  found  a'  page 
yili.  It  beijan  byslaling  that,  "complaint  h.i'.ing 
'  been  iiiaile  to  the  government  of  the  Ij'niled  Slate-, 
'  of  some  instances  of  inijnstinable  vexation  iMil 
I  '  spoliation  conimitted  on  onr  merchant  vessel .  by 
'  the  iirivateers  of  the  Powers  at  war,  and  it  I  eitii: 
'  possible  that  other  instances  may  have  Ikiji|  '  neil 
'of which  no  infonuaiiou  has  been  irivin  to  tin- 
'  governnieiii,"  he  had  it  in  cliaru:e  to  say,  ibat 
"  due  attention  would  be  paid  lo  aey  injuries  th  -y 
'  might  sniVer;  and  that,  on  iheir  t'orw-ariling  wel^ 
*  iiullienticated  e\  ideni  e  of  ihe  same,  pro|ier  pro 
'  reejilii;s  woulil  lie  --lilo|ili  il  lor  tin  ir  relief  "  A  .ll 
it  added  the  eX|ires.^-ion  of  the  eonfiil":;i  i  oi  the 
government  in  the  just  and  friendly  disposilions  of 
the  111  lligerent  Powers. 

Il  is  a  well-known  fact  'iial  lliere  were  at  tin- 
lime  nnmeroiis  complainit;  and  the  governnn-nt 
not  l)eiii:;alile  with  ennvenieni  e  to  correspond  with 

all  ll mphunanls,  prolia  ily  ailoiiled  this  mi  thml 

of  imiting  them  to  present  he  evidence  of  their  in- 
juries, that  redress  might  le  soiiirht  lliron'.;li  llie 
cnstomary  eliannels  of  diplomalic  inierconrse;  and 
it  hehl  out  ihe  same  assin.inei'  of  aid  in  ense.-,  of 


by  FrencI 
just  princi| 


1  cruisers w 


ere  tlaily  increasing, that  e\ery      fitnre  wrong.     It  looked  not  merely  to  the  fiiiii 


1  set  at  defianie,  that  "  if  their  acts      but  lo  the  past  also 


niply   the    violation   of  our    Irealy   will 


ll 


le    injuries    won 


Id    In 


liy  refi 


rrlli'^   to   pj 


.■|.1,  il  will   b, 


rule  uf  iiilernaiiunal  law,  as  il  was  under.'iiood  at     •trifling;  but  llieir  oulrages  extend  in  the- <;i|iliii-c:      iJi 


eompar.itivily      President  Wiisliiie.^tini,  in  his  Annua 


ll  Ml 


I7'.KI,  iil'eri'id  to  this  circular  in  the  fol- 


'iW  MP'%, 


JSifi.J 
2Bth  CoNf; 1st  Sf.ss. 


APi'ENDlX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


517 


French  Spoliatimis — Mr.  Div. 


Sbn&te. 


lowing  icrmK:  "  The  vcxnlioiis  niiil  spoliuii'onR  im- 
'  (liirsliiiul  to  luive  lu'cn  roniniilKil  nji  our  vcsspIs 

*  ftiul  roDimi'iTtj  by  llic.  r.niistjrH  mid  nd'K'crs  of  sonic 

*  of  llm  l)cllii;('r(Mit  Powers  npiM'jircil  to  require  al- 
'  Icnlion.  Tlio  proofs  of  tli(.'.so,li(nv('V(M',  not  Imviiif; 
'  Imiii  liroiinlil  f(.rv  .iril,  the  (Ifscriptioii  of  citizciia 
'  supiuiscil  lo  linva  siid'croil  were  iiolificd  tlmt,  on 
'  fiirniRlihif^  llieni  to  the.  I'Aecutivf;,  due  iiieaNureH 

*  would  III"  Inkcii  to  oliiniii  n'dress  of  the  piist,:iiid 
'more  ell'urtiml  proviiiions  a^'iiiiist  the  future." 
These  assunuioos,  as  wn  shall  see,  were  redcem- 
ril  liy  the  goveniiuent,  to  the  extent  of  ils  ahdlty. 
'I'liey  were  i^iven  under  a  c^enerinis  eonfidenee  in 
the  jiisliee  of  the  l)elli;;ereiila.     The  ijovcrniiieiU 

>{  MMSjustifipil  hi  eiilertiiinin^:  this  eonfidencc,  at  least 

in  respeet  lo  France.  On  the  27th  of  Septeinher, 
n'.)3,aniontli  afier  the  cireular  was  written, Ciiizi'n 
(junit  (pa;;e  Siifi)  wrole  to  the  Serrelary  of  Stale, 
^iviiii;  him  the  si lonf^i'st  assurances  of  tlic  friendly 
dispo.siiions  of  tlie  l''renrh  };ovcrnmenl,  and  ill- 
forniini,'  liiin  iha'.  llic  dei'iee  of  the  '.)lh  of  May  had 
heen  modified  by  an  exception  in  favor  of  Anieri- 
rau  eommert'e,  nlthon^h  at  this  time  the  decree  of 
the  !J7lb  July,  reviving;  tiiat  of  llic  9lh  of  May, 
had  been  in  force  two  months. 

Our  confi'h'iice  was  abused,  Iiut  the  government 
will  surely  iiol  be  held  responsible  for  the  bad  iiiilh 
of  foreign  Powers.  The  whole  extent  of  ils  ro-  ' 
sponsibilily,  under  this  circular,  which,  as  we  have 
Keen,  was  dcsii.'iicd  ehielly  lo  nolit'y  the  merchants 
lo  pr( sent  evidence  of  their  claims  lo  iiidemnily, 
was  that  of  seek  im^  the  rcfliess  tif  the  injuries  com- 
rihiined  of  in  every  just  mode;  and  this  responsi- 
tiilitv,  as  lie  should  show  herealUr,  was  met  and 
dischar:;ed. 

Mr.  I-).  desired  to  impress  the  fact  on  the  Sen- i 
ate,  thai,  as  curly  as  17!).'),  the  treaiy  of  177H  was  \ 
virtually  annulled  and  abroiruted  by  France.  It 
was  so  ill  17!t7,  as  far  as  it  could  be  by  her  own 
act.  It  rei|uireil  only  the  act  of  the  other  rontracl- 
inj;  p.iily  lo  work  a  complete  abro^'alion  of  ii;  and, 
as  we  should  .sei',  lliis  act  was  not  Ion:;  wantin<;. 

He  also  desired  to  note  here  thai  the  decree  of 
llie  'Jd  id'  March,  171)7,  was  characterized  by  the 
Secretary  of  State,  in  that  year,  "  as  a  palpable 
'  viiilalion  of  oiir  treaty  with  France,  which  the 
'  Directory,  without  our  parlicipalion,  undertook 

*  lo  modil'y,  professedly  to  make  it  conform  to  our 
'  tnaty  wilh  (Jrcal  liritain,"  (pa4;e  'l()(i;  see,  al.<o, 
pii<.'e  l(i:t.)  And,  in  his  Messa^'e  lo  Conjiess  in 
i)ecind:cr,  17!18,  the  rresident  denounced  another  '. 
law  of  France,  (pages  .')  .i,  '(I,  '7,)  passed  in  ,lan- 
iiary  of  that  year,  in  relation  to  tlic  capture  and 
condcniuntioii  of  nenlral  ve;;sels,  "  as  an  uiierpiiv- 
'  ociil  aci  of  war  on  the  commerce  of  the  nations  it 
'  attacks,"  (pa:,'e  ■ii'i.) 

1  laving  thus  shown  ihn'  Fmnce  had  avowedly 
assumed  lo  modify  the  treaty  of  amity  and  eoni- 
inerce  of  1778,  so  far  as  she  held  that  it  was  not 
ill  accordance  wilh  the  stipulations  of  our  treaty 
with  Cfreat  Urilain,  and  that  she  had  virtually  ab- 
rogated it  by  an  utter  disregard  of  her  engiigeiiiciits  i 
with  us,  he  would  now  proceed  lo  show  by  what 
measures  her  violation  of  tin;  treaty  was  met  on 
our  part.  He  should  not  trouble  the  Senate  wilh 
a  detail  of  all  the  acts  passed  by  Congress  to  meet 
the  cMraordinary  emergency  iiroducid  by  the  le- 
.■;isl(iiion  of  France,  but  shoulil  merely  relir  lo  the 
general  tenor  of  <lie  mosl  inipcrt.- nt.  A  series  of 
such  laws  would  be  found,  C'ln.mriicing  rni  the 
'J8lh  of  May,  171IH,  and  ending  in  February,  li-no. 
Hy  an  act  of  )>Ki\i  May,  17118,  the  capture  of  the 
armed  vessels  of  France  found  hovering  on  our 
coasts  for  the  purpose  of  conimilling  depredations 
on  our  vessels,  was  aiithori/.id',  by  an  act  of  l^iii 
.liuii',  \V.\'*,  the  conimeriial  iiiKrcoursc  betweei. 
Fraia'e  and  the  Umted  .Slates  was  suspended;  by 
an  act  of  rJaili  .Tunc,  17'.).5',  the  merchant  vessels  id' 
Ihe  I'mied  .Siaii  s  were  aiithori/.ed  to  arm,  lo  repel 
by  forci^  any  iillcmpt  by  French  cruisers  to  scmcli, 
f  siraiii,  or  seize  them,  lo  subdue  and  eaplnre  such 
cruiser.^,  and  lo  recapture  any  vessels  of  iIm'  Uni- 
iccl  Slates  which  such  cruisers  may  have  lakeii; 
hy  „ii  aci  of  -Jsih  .lunc,  171)8,  the  I'erfeitnre,  c(ni- 
deinnalion,  .ind  sale  of  captured  vessel.-,  and  the 
dislribulioii  of  the  proceeds,  were  ]n-ovided  for,  as 
well  those  captured  by  vessels  belonging  to  the 
citizen--  .if  ihc  Uniled  Stales  as  by  our  public  arined 
vessels;  by  an  act  of  Dill  .lllly,  171)8,  the  pubHc 
ariiicd  vessels  of  the  Uiulcil  Stales  were  authorized 
10  caiiliire  on  the  high  seas  any  armed  French 
vc-iisel — mid  the  President  was  luilhorizeil  to  (^laiit 


commissions  to  private  armed  vessels,  with  the 
same  .lUihorily  to  subdue,  seize,  and  c,a|iturc  any 
arnieil  French  vessel,  as  the  public  armed  vessels 
of  the  Uniled  States  possessed. 

To  crown  these  acts  of  open  lioslilily,  the  Uni 
led  Stales  were,  by  an  act  of  Congress  of  the  7lh 
July,  171)8,  declared  lo  be  of  right  freed  and  exon- 
erated from  the  siipulations  of  the  treaties  and  of 
the  Consular  Convenlion,"  hcrclid'ore" — he  finoled 
the  lanf;uagc  of  Ihe  act — "  concluded  between  the 
United  States  and  France.  "  These  were  the 
treaiy  of  alliance  and  Ihe  treaty  of  amity  and  com- 
merce of  Feliriiary,  1778,  and  the  Consular  Oni- 
ventioii  of  November,  17^8.  On  referrine;  to  the 
act  of  Ihc  7th  July,  171)8,  it  will  be  seen  "that  the 
declaration  of  our  governnicnt,  that  we  were  freed 
from  the  ttipulalions  of  the  Irealies,  was  put  iifioii 
Ihe  distinct  p-ouiid  of  their  infraction  by  France. 

Mr.  D.  said  he  would  not  argue  the  question, 
whether  a  nation,  bound  to  aiiotlicr  by  treaty  .stip- 
ulations, had,  under  circumstances  like  those  in 
which  the  United  Stales  were  placed,  the  right  to 
declare  those  siipulations  void.  Such  a  right — a 
right  to  be  exen  iseil  with  pnideiice  and  wisdom, 
and  under  a  slioiiij  sense  of  obligation  to  the  dic- 
latPH  of  Justice— .seemed  to  him  to  be  inherent  in 
the  very  coiistitntion  of  sovereign  Stales,  responsi- 
ble to  no  common  superior.  And  if  any  one  doubl- 
ed its  cxisience,  he  wfluld  refer  him  to  Vutlel, 
book  «,  chap.  l.'i. 

Ue  iiad  already  shown  that  the  treaty  of  nmity 
and  commerce  had  been  avowedly  indified  by 
France  on  her  own  .separale  nclioii,  ond  against 
our  earnest  and  persevering  remonstrances;  and 
that  it  had  heen  virtually  abrogaled  by  a  system 
of  llagraiit  depredations  on  our  conuuerce,  not  only 
in  violalion  of  the  express  sti)iiilalions  of  that  trea- 
ty, but  against  the  r«'ceived  principles  and  rules  of 
iiiternalional  law.  1  hole,  therefore,  (said  Mr.  D.,) 
that  lite  treaties  existing  between  !•' ranee  and  the 
Uniled  States  in  liD.'t,  when  their  diti'erences  eom- 
incnced,  were  termiimled  by  the  acts  and  declara- 
tions of' both  parlies.  'I'he  dedaralions  of  l-'rancc 
wei'e  less  comprehensive  llian  those  of  Ihe  Uniled 
.Slates — her  acts  were  open,  palpable,  and  direct. 
Tile  declari'lion  of  the  Unit'ii  Slates  was  full  and 
unei|uivocal.  She  priMiniinccd  herself  freed  and 
liberated  from  the  oidigalion  of'  the  treaties;  and 
she  acted  in  conformiiy  to  the  declaration. 

Hut  if  any  doubt  renei  'd  as  to  the  fact  that  the 
Irealies  had  leased  to  I  -if  any  obligalion,  it  ap- 
peared lo  him  it  nuist  be  ilissi|iated  liy  a  reference 
lo  the  hoslileactsto  wdiich  he  had  reti  rrcd.  'I  In  iwo 
countries  were,  for  all  essential  purposes,  in  a  stale 
of  war.  Th  'lie  armed  vessels  of  the  United 
Stales  met  ■■  '    France  as  enemies,  captured 

them,  broiiglK  :  i-j  w  iihin  our  inrisdiriion,  and, 
by  regularly  aio  i  i;'.i(l  judicial  pi>'-csKcs,  they 
were  condemned  and  sold,  and  Ihe  proceeds  of  the 
sale  distributed  amoini;  the  ciuioms.  Private  arm- 
ed vessels,  u  lid  m*  a  like  anili'  liv,  were  scouring 
the  ocean,  capturing  the  armed  vcsscN  of  l-'rancc, 
and  bringing  them  in  fm'  condemnathn.  He  was 
iiware  that  this  stale  of  hostililies  was  not  preieded 
by  any  general  declaration  of  war,  and  that  it  was 
confined,  by  llieacts  of  Congresis  referiTil  to,  within 
ccrlain  specified  limils.  lint  it  was  not  the  less  a 
stale  of  open  hostility.  And  though  it  was  denn  'I 
that  it  was  lechnically  war,  h"  apprehended  that  \ 
man  of  that  day,  who  had  liccn  told,  in  the  fare  ■  i 
the  siirroundiiig  cirt'unistances,  that  the  Unileil 
Slates  were  at  peace  with  France,  would,  lo  say 
the  least,  have  been  somewhat  surprised  at  the  in- 
foriualion.  It  was  a  state  of  hostility  so  uearlv 
reseinliling  actual  war,  tin;;  .1  could  only  be  lermi- 
nated  by  a  convention  or  Ireaty.  The  parlies cou'd 
iicv*,- otherwise  have  ri  sinned  their  ancient  neoce- 
till  and  friendly  relations.  And  when  the  1- rench 
Ministers,  at  the  opening  of  t lie  iii'goiialinn  in  1811(1, 
(page  .'it-'l,)  rci|uired  that  **  the  armed  ^iliips  of"  the 
United  Slates  shouiil  no  longer  attack  the  ships  of' 
the  Hepublic,''  our  Minislcrs  replied,  (same  page,) 
iliai  lliey  were  not  aulliorizeil  even  lo  give  assu- 
rances on  this  point,  "otherwise  than  by  incorpo- 
rating Iheiu  in  a  treaty." 

Mr.  1).  snid,  he  repeated  that  he  considered  the 
treaties  of  ]'',!*  abrogated  by  both  the  contracting 
parties — fust,  by  deciaralioiis,  partial  on  ihc  one 
side,  and  t'lill  o'li  the  other;  and,  second,  by  Ihe 
acts  of  both — by  an  avowed  disregard,  by  an  open 
violalion  of  llic  siipiilalions  of  lliosc  trcitics  on  cnie 
side,  and  on  the  other  by  authorized,  declared  acts 


of  hostility,  which  wei-e  not  distinguishable  fiom 
acta  of  war.  And  with  the  sincere  respect  he  en- 
tertained for  Ihe  opinion  of  the  Senator  from"  Dela- 
ware, he  could  not  but  regard  the  abrogation  of  the 
treaties  lo  have  been  as  effectual  as  though  it  had 
been  done  by  mutual  consent. 

Previous  to  this  entire  disruption  of  the  amica- 
ble ri'lations  of  Ihe  Iwo  countries,  Messrs.  Pinck- 
nev,  Marshnll,  and  (ierry,  who  were  sent  out  as 
Ministers  to  France  in  1797,  had,  to  use  the  lan- 
guage of  one  of  our  oflicinl  docunientfl,  "  been  rc- 
'  fused  a  reception,  treated  with  iiidiijnities,  and 
'  finally  driven  from  ils  territories." — (Page  561.) 

Me  would  now  lake  up  the  transactions  h«twecn 
the  twocounlries  when  ne5:otiations  were  resumed, 
and  see  in  what  light  ihcy  reganlcd  their  relations 
to  each  other. 

Karly  in  171)9,  Oliver  Ellsworth,  Patrick  Henry, 
and  'William  "Vans  Murray — the  latter  being  then 
Minister  at  the  Hague — were  appointed  Envoys 
Extraordinary  and  Ministers  Plenipotentiary  to 
France,  but  wilh  a  distinct  intimation  to  the  French 
government  that  they  would  not  be  sent  out  until 
we  were  assured  that  they  would  be  received.  The 
assurance  was  given;  William  II.  Davie  was  ap- 
pointed in  place  of  Patrick  Henry  who  declined; 
and  in  March,  1800,  ihcy  reached  Paris. 

Mr.  D.  desired  to  state,  in  order  to  do  justice  to 
the  subject,  one  of  the  strong  poiiiis  on  which  the 
claimants  rely.  In  the  inslruclions  lo  our  Minis- 
ters, they  were  directed  to  inform  the  Ministers  of 
F'ranee,  "  that  the  United  Stales  expect  from 
'  France,  as  an  indispensable  condition  of  the 
'  treaty,  a  stipulation  to  make  to  the  citizens  of  the 
'  Uniled  Slates  full  compensalion  for  all  losses  and 
'  damages,  which  they  shall  have  sustained  by 
'  reason  of  irregular  or  illegal  captures  or  condem- 
'  nations  of  their  vessels  and  other  properly,  under 
'  colorofaulliority  or  com  mission!,  from  the  French 
'  Republic  or  ils  agent.s. " — (Page  ,11)^.) 

Tliese  claims  lo  indcmiiity,  which  were  large  in 
amount,  Ihe  French  government  never  uncondi- 
tionally recognised,  as  he  could  find,  at  any  stage, 
of  the  iiegoliaiion;  ami  the  diplomatic  correspond- 
ence, wliii'h  ensued  between  our  Ministers  on  Ihe 
one  side,  and  the  French  Ministers — Messrs.  Jo- 
seph Ilonapaile,  Fleiirieii,  and  Roederer — on  the 
other,  was  conducted  wilh  a  good  deal  of  adroit- 
ness and  perliiiacily.  The  lalicr,  with  a  view  to 
ovoid  the  payment  of  indemnities  to  ciiizcns  of  the 
United  States  for  spoliations,  set  up  a  claim  to  the 
restoration  of  the  ancient  treaties,  page  .Wl.  In- 
deed, they  clninied  that  the  Irealies  of  1778  had 
never  been  abrogaled,  and  that  if  l''raiic,e  indemni- 
fied citizens  of  the  Uniled  .States  for  a  violation  of 
those  treaties,  Ihe  United  Stales  should  acknowl- 
edge the  tre:!tics  is  then  existing,  and  thus  givn 
France  ilie  I  eii  im  of  the  slipulatimis  they  eonliifii- 
ed.  The  .Mnii.slers  of  Ihe  United  States  insisud, 
on  the  other  hand,  that  the  treaiiis  had  been  di.s- 
soKed  bv  the  acts  of  both  parties  (p.ige  ()12);  that 
th  e-i  dissolving  tlieni  could  not  be  n  called  (page 
uic.'j.  and  that  we  were  under  no  obligalion  lo  re- 
new them. 

The  fir-'  proposition  of  onr  Ministers  at  the 
cnmmene.  int  of  the  negotiation,  was,  "  to  ascer- 
tain and  discharge  the  eipiiiable  claims  of  the  citi- 
zens nf  cither  nation  upon  the  other."— (Page  .')8I.) 
The  !•" rench  Ministers  replied,  by  saying  that  the 
first  oliject  sliouli".  be  lo  diicrniine  "  the  reKulati(ii,.i 
'  and  stepsto  be  followed  forthe  eslinialion  and  in- 
'  deniiiificalion  of  injuries  for  which  either  nation 
'  may  make  claim  for  itself  or  for  any  of  its  citi- 
« J,,,,,'.  •• — (Same  page.)  Onr  Ministers,  in  their  an - 
-;e.  .il'jccled  lo  the  claims  which  either  nation 
I  make  for  her.self,  (page  !J8-i,)  because  they 

.,,lcrstoou  the  French  Minislcrs  lo  refer  lo  n  rcs- 
loraiiou  of  the  treniics.  The  French  Ministers 
reasserted  their  naiional  claini.s — ()iage  .')8.'l) ;  and  at 
iiagi^  o'.il.  it  will  be  seen  tlii'.t  they  declared  that 
when  they  acknowledged  "  the  principle  of  coni- 
pcn.satioii,"  it  was  "  as  a  consciiucnce  of  ancient 
treaties."  The  posilion  thus  taken  by  the  French 
Ministers  nt  the  very  threshold  of  the  negotiation, 
!\Ir.  D.  snid  he  had  not  fiuiiid  that  they  lind  aban- 
doned, either  during  ils  progress  or  al  lis  close. 

Througliout  the  negotiation,  then,  it  appeared 
that  the  French  Minisiers  |ierlinaciously  coupled 
the  restoration  of  ihe  ancient  Irealies  with  the  iiiu- 
tiail  payment  of  indeinnilies,  (page  (141.)  To  use 
their  own  words;  "  Eilher  the  ancient  treaties, 
'  wilh  tlic  privileges  resulting  from  priority,  and 


.  '4] 


':   rw« 


518 


AI'PENDIX    TO  THE  CONGRFSSIONAT.  GI.OBE, 


29rH  CoNo 1st  Sksh. 


/  renck  SpoUtuiont — -Mr.  I)iv. 


[A|)iil27, 
Sknatb. 


'  Uic  »ii|uiliitioii  of  rri'i|iiiiiiil  iiiilriiiiilli*»,  or  a  | 
'  new  IreiUy  ti8aurii)(j  rquiiliiy  «iiliniii  imlomiiily."  , 
(Hi^jB  eiB.)  , 

Tliurc  18  nn  (l.)iihl  thni  llic  {iiiNUiini  liiKoii  liy  llii) 
ri't'iM'h  iicgotialiirH,mj(l  adlirn  il  tci  witli  hIisiIiiki  Vi  i 
11.1  cur  Minister.--  naiil  in  our  nl'  Ihtir  CKiiiniuiiiou-  | 
lioiiM,  and  the  fiiKil  surrciitlrr  oftho  lrcnlit'.-<  ami  of  i 
mutual  clainM  t»  inilcmiiity,  trisu  lo  the  tmji.-iHctliin 
on  ild  I'uic  llio  ii|>|iiaiaiico(il'aii  amirmniit  liriwcni  j 
llie  particH  to  set  oil'  ilii^  our  ii^.iiii.<l  ilii'  nilur.    Dm  i 
lie  (Mr.  D.)  belicvinl  ih.il  a  ciuil'iil  invtsiisalioii  nl'  i 
llie  mutter  woulil  .hIiow  that  it  waH  .'<o  in  a|>|H'ar-  I 
once  only,  und  not  in  lai'l.     To  ,<lari  iIk!  mailer  in  ! 
its  Irue  light,  we  havr  oi  ly  to  s,|aiair  ilic  wnlijiits  ' 
of  iliHputo  from  each  i>liit'r:   l.^t,  ilir  tit'atit';<;  anil, 
3(1,  till'  iiidemiiitii'H  iiiiilnaliy  I'laiiiiiil.    lie  a.^.-iumnl  ! 
llicsi'  to  be  tlio  (iiily  sulijii'iV'  ol'ili.'<:i:;rci'mi'nt.    lie  ' 
aswumeil  the   poMilioii  ilcliiii  r.-ilcly,  anil   wiili  full 
knowlcilije  that  a  ilillircnl  ilissilifaiimi  hail  hi'iMi 
made,  viz:  1,  the  irf-alii  n;  •_',  mi:  rlaiiiiM  for  spolia- 
tiona;  and  3,  the  I'laiina  of  i'  anri'  iiinlir  tin'  irra- 
tics  and  othcrwis,-'.    lie  nji .  lid  iliis  ihiM.sificulioii, 
because  the  two  labt  iliins  wire  i  iiilnaicil   in  the 
general    designniion    of    "  iiiiKinniiii.s    miiiuully 
claimed,"  ana   bccau.sc,  if  iIh:  third  iniii  wna  ai 
proper  one,  thcil  it  would  have  hian  |iro|icr  fur  us  ' 
to  add  a  fourth  by  si  iiiii:;  u|i  our  rlainm  i.ndor  the 
treatie.s  as  an  offset  to  ht-r.s,  as  llie  rx|ti'ii»e  of  equip- 
ping' flecla  mid  aniline'  lo  dili'iiil   nnr  i'ouii;:i'i\-e  1 
against  her  a;r^'rc»siollJ^.     Sln>  did  ikii  rlaim,  a»  lie 
could  find,  any  indemnity  on  aicoiiia  of  the  nou- 
sxecution  of  the  guaranty  cont.iiiinl  in  tin    treaty 
of  nllianec.     We   hud   always   insisiid    M.at   the 
fnan.*/cri/eria  had  not  oci'uiri'il.     AV'r  insi^'i'd  thai 
the  war  between  Fraiac  anil  (irr.'l  Ih'il  no    \a.snii 
olfensive  war  on  the  [i.irl  of  the  I'.innei',  and  lliat 
the  execution  of  the  g'laranly  could  only  lie  claiined 
ill  the  case  of  n  defensive  \\ai*.     Indeed,  he  had  not 
been  able  to  liiid  that  she   had  ealhd  on  ii,s  to  e x- 
ccnlc  il.     Her   real  claim  was  lo  a  rico^-nilioii  of 
the  irealies,  and  esjieeiaily  ilie  in  aiy  of  I'tiniincrce. 
In  respect  to  any  claims  lo  iiideniniiy  on  her  nan 
under  the  latter,  it  is  only  neies.sary  to  refer  lo  Air, 
Jctl'er.soirs  e.xposilioiis,  to  .see  how  groundless  they  ; 
would  have  been. 

The  Senator  from  Delaware  liml  staled  that 
France  had  cluinicd  from  us  a  eoni)iliance  with  the 
slipiilatiuii  of  the  treaty  of  alliance,  by  which  We 
had  guarantied  M  her  the  |iris.se.ssiuii  of  her  West 
India  islands,  and  he  had  referred  to  a  leller  fi-oiii 
Mr.  Genet,  at  pau'e  'Jill,  and  loanoiher  letter  from 
Mr.  Adet,  Mr.  Uenel's  success. ir,  (I'^ige  .■)54,)  lo 
prove  that  she  had  called  on  us  lo  excciile  the  guar- 
anty. Mr.  IJ.  .said  he  was  ronsirained  lo.sav  that 
these  referci'.'.'cs  of  the  lionoralile  Sen.ilor  did  not 
appear  M  him  lo  siisiain  llie  po.siiii.n,  ,is  he  thoiiL^ht 
the  S'-iialor  would  hiai."!  If  admit  on  .i  iinue  cariful 
excminalion  ol  the  .sulijcii.  .Mr.  tiim  I's  lelter 
bears  date  the  l4iii  of  Novemlier,  niKl,  and  the 
f.illowini;  is  the  {>arau'ra|ili  alliiiled  lo: 

*'  I  hcR  ynn  to  lily  heiiirt-  He-  Prrsidnit  oi  llir  I  'nilcil  Sliiles 
as  sttun  ui  p.i->ilile  llie  il.  em-  anil  llie  eii<  l.it'il  nul,',  unit  ID 
iililaiii  IVuiu  liini  III.'  e;irlii'-l  ili  I'l-nia  >  illi.  r  a.  lo  lite  tiii;u 
ailly  I  have  claimeil  lie.  Inililini'iit  iil'  t.ii  eio  c<itiitiii'«.  or 
(l|KIII  llie  lanite  iiflliiliinitn'HI  UI  Itn-  ICW  lrril>  I  H  a'  eliui;,  il 
to  |irii|io-i-  to  .lie  t'aiteil  .'^liilert,  and  winch  uiinjil  neike  ul'  ; 
the  luti  iiiiliiiiiff  tun  iiac  liiintl>." 

It  will  be  perceived  lli;il  this  request  is  in  llii: 
allcrnaiive,  and  by  a  rilereiice  to  Mr.  <"ieint*s  pre- 
ceding leller,  that  lie  i.ssiieakiii''  of  new  eomiu'i'i'ial 
arrangeineiil.s  wiih  the  Freiedi  enlonies  iimler  new 
regiilalions  adopted  by  i'Vance.  ,\ot  one  word  will 
be  found  in  reference  lo  an  armed  delenee  of  llinse 
colonies.  In  no  one  of  .Mr.  (lenet's  previous  let- 
ters would  any  claim  by  the  v'uy  erimii  lit  of  I'raiice, 
as  he  believed,  to  the  e.\eciilion  nf  llie  gii.iianiy  in 
the  treaty  of  alliance  be  tnund,  (In  llie  cuntniry, 
there  was  abundant  eviilenci  lo  sleiw  ili:ii  lis  ex- 
ecution was  not  designed  lo  be  el.iiiin  d.  liy  relir- 
riiiK  lo  page  .^.'i,  it  would  be  si  en  by  .Mr.  .lelleisoii 's 
siiiiement  that  -Mr.  Geiiei,  ler,s  ilian  six  iiionlhs 
before  this  letter  w.is  writien,  had  declaied  lo 
Mr.  .lelfcrson  liimsel:',  lo  ihe  I're.sidi  iit,  t  ieneial 
Washington,  and  at  a  public  meeliiig  of  ihi' citi- 
zens of  l'hiladel{iliia,  that  "  l-'raiei!  did  iiol  expicl 
that  we  should  beeonie  :i  parly  lo  llie  war"  between 
her  and  Great  IJriiuiii.  I'y  referring  to  p.i^e  Hi,  it 
would  be  seen  that  .^fr.  .vlonroe,  our  Minister  lo 
I''niiice,  in  a  letli  r  dauii  the  Llili  Se|iiember,  171(4, 
ni'arlv  a  year  after  the  dale  of  Mr.  lieiii  I's  leller, 
said  thill  the  Prein'h  Re|iul.|ic  "  |i:ii|  di  'liin  d  call- 
mg  on  lis  lo  execiile  llie  L:uai'.iiity ;"  and  at  pa','e  7H 
il  Would  be  found  IhiU  Mr.  Moiiroe,  in  June,  171)4,  i; 


was  inslrncled,  in  case  the  execiilion  of  the  gnar- 
aiily  W.IS  demaiidrd,  to  refer  the  l''reiich  Govern- 
ment lo  our  own. 

I'y  reference  lo  page  97,  a  lelter  from  the  Secre- 
lary'of  Sl.iicof  tlieUniliil  Siales  lo.Mr.  I'andnlph 
will  I  e  Ibniid,  (lalcd  llie  Isi  of  .lime.  17',l."i,  stating 
ihiU  we  had  not,  nor,  :is  In:  .said,  "have  we  yel 
been  reijuired  lo  exectiie  the  gnaraiily;"  and  this,  ' 
it  Is  lo  be  icmi  inbereil,  was  nearly  two  ye.us  aller  ' 
Mr.  lieiiei's  lelter  was  wriilen.  ] 

The  fads,  lo  which  he  (.Mr.  P.)  had  referred,  j 
showed,  us  lie  thoiighi,  itiat  I-' ranee  did  not  design 
to  e;ill  oil  us  lo  execiile  ihe  L'liaranly  of  her  West 
India  puntiHsio  is;  and  we  iiisi.''led  that  we  were  i 
iiol  bound  to  ex, 'cute  il.     She  had  clearly  not  call-  I 
ell  on  lis  previously  lo  17011,  if  the  declunMions  of  '' 
our  own  irovernnient  are  to  be  creditedl  and  her! 
iiriiicipal  \Ve:;t  India  isl mils  were  subdued  in  17!)4  i 
liy  Sir.lolin  .lervis,  afierwaids  Lmd  St.  Vincent,  : 
a  title  eonrerrred  on  him  on  aecoinii  of  his  ir-e-ier- 
ly  defeat  of  llic  Spanish  Heel  olV  the.  cape  ol   llmt 
iiaiiie.     If  we  had   been   culled   on  to  exei  ute  llie 
giiaraniy  "clisi'ipienily  In  17!)4,  il  luii.st  have  been 
lo  reciiiM|iier  these  islands;  and  il   is  well  known 
that,  by  ihe  treaty  of  .Vniiens,  all  llie  West  Inilia 
possessions  of  h' ranee  were  siipnlated  lo  be  restored  ' 
to  her,  wilii  ihe  exce|iliiiii  of  Triiiiilad.     lie  wouhl 
not  speak  of  tin  execiitioo  of  ihc  giiaranly  siib- 
seipiinily  lo   17i*G;  for  willi   what  face  could  We 
be  calli'il  on  for  the  parpiine  by  France,  when  nhe 
was  i'ii:.ML,'i'd  In  the  most  llagrant  ilepredalious  on 
our  eonnnerce.'  j 

I  le  would  now  refer  lo  Mr.  Adet's  lettef  nf  the 
15ib  nf  .N.ivember,  I7"(i,  which  would  be  found 
at  paue  ,'l,"i4,  and  wliieh  he  thought  he  was  not  mis- 
lakeii  in  saving  bad  been  cileil  lo  show  ihal  we 
had  been  called  on  to  fulfil  hy  f.nce  the  miamnly 
of  he|.  West  India  Islands  lo  France,  Mr.  Adet  ■ 
coimui'iiccs  his  letter  by  claiming',   *'  in  the  name 

*  of  .Aim  ricaii  honor,  in  the  name  of  the  tiiiih  of 
'  treaties,  the  rxeculion   of  that  conlracl,  which 

*  tissnreil  lo  the  United  Slates  their  existence,  and 

*  wliieli  l''mnce  reg::'i|i  d  as  the  pledge  of  llie  most 

*  sacred  union  belweeii  ■  vo  people,  llie  i'reesl  upon 
*earlh.''    He  then  |iioci  eii."  lo  slate  the  grievances  ' 
nf  which  the  Goveniinent  ol    Fr.ince  eoinplained, 
discussing  in  all  elaborate  niannc  llie  Various  sub-  , 
jecis  of  dLsjiL-reinient  between  the  iwo  coiintries — 
llie  inier|irelailons  i;ivcn  lo  the   17ih  and  «d  iiiii- 

clesot'tlie  treaty  of  aiiiily  and  niiierce  in  resnei't 

lo  prii.ilcer.s  and  prizes,  the  iiiis>n>n  ot'  .Mr.  Jay, 
the  treaty   he  Iieiroli.iled  w  ilh   Gi'at    Ilrllain,  and 
oilier  Kindred  siibjccls.     On  the  .'iti.'ilh  page  will  be 
found  a  recapiliilatinn  of  these  grii'vanees  by  .Mr. 
Adet,  as  llie   result  of  the  st:itenienl  he   had   just  '■ 
given,  and  no  reference  will  be  found  In  the  guar- 
anty of  Ihe  \V(si  India  Islands.     The  only  refer-  ' 
eiice  he  had  been  able  lo  find  lo  these  i.'-tands  wa.t 
a  i;eiier:il  oni',  near  the  close  of  the  leller         go  ; 
11(17,)  in  which  the  Uiiiled  Stales  are  clia'       '  with 
allowing  "  llie  French  colonies  to  be  d'       .ed  in  ti 

'  stale  of  blockade,  and  its  citii^eiis  intei'dicled  the 
*'right  of  irading  to  llieiii;''  and  this  reference  he 
(Mr.  |).)  could  not  regard  as  a  call  on  llie  United 
Stales  ilien,  or  as  llie  evidence  of  a  previous  call, 
lo  excc'uii:  the  gi.aranty — the  (piestiun  he  sup-  | 
posed  to  be  al  issue. 

Mr.  Jetfcrson's  leller  to  Mr.  Mailison,  in  Apiil, 
l7!l4,io  which  the  Senaior  t"i.im  Hi  i.iware  hail  f 
fi'ri'cil,(.see  volume  3  of  his  Works,  page  303.)  m  is 
wrilten  at  Moinicello,  and  it  certainly  expro-es 
the  u|M:iioii  thai  we  ou::lil,  .ii  a  proper  lime,  lo  in- 
terpose and  declare  that  the  J'rein  li  West  Inilia 
Islands  should  rest  with  Fiance.  Hut  would  Mr. 
Jetferson  have  expressed  the  same  opinion  a  few 
years  l.iier,  when  our  dillicuhifs  wiih  her  had 
ripened  iiiio  open  hoaiiliiy.-  It  was  not  lo  be  be-  ' 
lieved.  Al  page  400  of  the  same  volimie,  a  lelter  ■ 
will  be  found  from  Inm  In  ■Samuel  .Sniilli,  daled 
Aiigii.'»l '.y,  l7t(H,  ill  which  he  says  both  France 
and  l'jii,'land  "  have  given,  and  are  daily  giving, 
siirticieni  cautie  for  wai ;"  and  ,ii  page  iii.'i  of  the 
same  volume,  in  anolhei'  leller,  daled  March  IJ, 
I7!(!(,  he  says,  (llioui;li  expressing  the  belief  'iiat 
France  had  snieerely  desired   peace,)  "The  airo- 

*  cioiis  [iroceedings  of  I-'rance  towards  iliis  couiiiry 
'  had  welhiigh  deslroved  its  liberties."    Both  Ihe.ie 
letters  viere  wrilten  while  he  was  Vice  I'resident  of  ; 
Ihe    I'liiled  .Siales,  and    while   lie   was  lakliig  an 
aeliie  pari  in  ihe  political  e.jiieeins  of  the  eouiiiry. 

Hi;  (.Mi.  D.  )  had  not  re:;ai(leil   this  (piestion  of 
any  very  niulei'iali;uiiaeiiueiiee,«ofarasileoiiccriicd  I 


the  chiinis  under  eoiisiilernlion;  but  il  had  been 
referred  to  as  the  evidence  of  ii  breach  of  I'ailh  on 
|l'e  part  of  the  United  Siales,  and  he  felt  il  due  lo 
the  Miibjeet  to  preseiil  the  fiiela  he  had  sialed, 
Laving  lo  the  .Senate  to  draw  its  own  eoncUisions 
from  these  f.icts. 

Let  lis  reliirii  a  moment  to  the  treaties  of  1778. 
They  were,  as  we  have  seen,  treaties  for  the  niii- 
tiial  benefit  of  the  parlies.  The  Iri'aty  rf  iiinily 
and  commerce  contained  slipiilalions  of  reciprocal 
advantage.  France  placed  ii  higher  value  on  the 
ailvaiilagi's  secured  lo  her  than  we  on  those  se- 
cured to  iis;  but  this  does  not  affect  the  nature  of 
the  Irealies.  Their  fiiiidameiital  purpose  was  niu- 
tunlily.  In  renouncing  or  nband" mig  them,  boi'i 
parlies  renoiinced  siibslaiitial  beie  'iis.  In  renoiio- 
cing  the  treaty  of  i\mliy  and  i  inmierce,  we  lost 
Ihe  benefit  of  the  slipiihition,  llial  free  ships  make 
free  goods — a  great  principle,  for  which  we  lent 
been  contending  from  the  foundation  of  oiir  inde- 
pendence—and  were  thrown  back  iiiion  the  more 
rigorous  principle  of  the  iiuerimlional  rule,  as  then 
asserted,  mider.stood,  and  acted  on,  that  eiieiiiy"« 
;;oods  may  be  taken  in  iieiitial  1  ononis. — (Pn'^e 
CM.)  We  also  Inst  the  benefit  of  llie  slipulatioii 
coneernlng  cnniraband  articles,  which  were  placed 
by  the  lii'iity  on  a  more  liberal  fooling  limn  llicy 
woi.M  hiivelieeii  if  governed  by  the  existing  r—''es 
of  'ivi.'zrd  .States.  Friie  e  lost  some  benefilt  .il.i,  •, 
b'.l  the  iidvaiuageson  the  one  side  under  the  treaty 
of  ainiiy  and  commerce,  may  be  considered  as 
fairly  counterbalancing  those  on  the  oilier.  The 
cuty  ol  alliance  eoniaineil  mntiial  gnaranticsi 
and  thr.se  were  cnnsldereil  beneficial,  bolli  lo  us  and 
France.  In  the  inslriiciions  to  .Messrs.  I'inckney, 
Marshall,  and  Gerry,  they  were  directed  to  pro- 
po.se  an  exchap'.'c  of  these  giiaraiities  for  specifii; 
succors — Ihe  United  Slates  to  furnish  a  moderale 
sum  of  money,  or  r|naiilily  of  pr:ii  isi.ms,  when 
till!  (<mti  fieilcrh  (a  ilet'ensivo  war)  sliould  occur, 
and  Franrea  like  sum  of  money,  or  an  criiiivaleiit 
in  military  stores  m' riothing. — (Page  4.'>7.)  The 
same  view  of  the  subject  was  takc'i  in  18(10  by 
the  American  .Ministers,  who  proposed,  in  case 
the  treaties  were  revived,  that  the  giiaranly  should 
be  specific,  and  the  succors  erpial. — (I'age  633.') 
I  eile  these  views,  lo  show  that  the  Irealies  were, 
considered  as  conferring  reciiirocal  benefits  ami 
Imposing  munial  burilens;  aii:l  that  in  renouncing 
them,  Ihe  advaiit.iu'e  tr.iined  was  not  wholly  on  llie 
partof  llieUiiiied  Siales.  Tlielalter,il  Is  I  rue,  were 
unwilling  to  re.issiime  the  obligations  imposed  by 
the  treaties,  from  an  earnest  desire  lo  avoid  al 
liancis  which  should  involve  ns  in  war.s  waged 
by  the  great  Towers  of  Fiirope  againsi  ciicli  oilier; 
and  the  ;\iin  riean  .MInislers  olfered  at  one  time  lo 
pay  ei-hl  millions  of  francs,  (about  .\  iiiillliui  and 
a  Ii  ilf  of  dollars,)  as  a  consideratio.i  for  not  le- 
viviiig  ihciii — tjiage  (i:i!l) — not  as  a  eonsidcnition 
tor  j;elliiig  rid  of  exisliiig  obligations,  but  for  nut 
reviving  old  ones.  Ihit  lliis  proposilion  wiis  a  p.irt 
of  a  series  of  otlers,  embracing  an  adjiisl,:ient  of  all 
the  siibiects  of  dissension — oilers  whici  were  not 
Hcceplc'd  by  Fraue.e,  becau.sc  they  were  consider- 
ed loo  advanuigeoiis  lo  us.  Indeed,  it  was  made 
by  llie  .American  .Ministers  'villi  ix:reme  reliic- 
laiice,  even  in  conn''.vli  n  with  p.-oini.-.ilioiis  for  our 
benefit,  and  f-'.i:'.  :!:c:'.'  great  dcsn;,  lo  use  tin  Ir 
own  words,  "  to  leri'nnale,  witlioui  furtliir  ioss  of 
lime,  the  preHcnt  negoiiallon."  The  oiler  was 
made,  loo,  willi  a  ilisiinct  recorded  declaration  by 
the  .AiiiMican  .Minisiers,  almost  eoicnipoiiineous 
wiih  ii.iliat  if"  ibe  giiarai.ly  belvieen  1  ranee  and 
'  the  Uiiiled  Stales  did,  in  fact,  coiilemplnie  siic- 
'  cors,  iliey  must  have  bi  en  itrincipally  for  the 
'  laller,  |ilie  Uiiiiid  Si.-io  s,J  w  ho  ini^lit  need  iheni, 
'  riilher  tliaii  I'nr  llie  former,  [France,]  who  was 
'  evidently  competenl  to  protect  herself." — (I'agc 

'i''t'l') 

I'lom  the  whole  course  of  llic  ne'j;niialion,  it  is 
manifesl  thai  the  trealii  s  were  eonsidered  as  im- 
posing niiiliial  iddiuaiions — not  inulual  in  iinnie 
merely,  bin  in  elliei;  and  he  (.Mr.  I).)  had  been 
alile  lo  di.scii  1  nolhing  in  the  hlslory  of  llie  ne- 
iroiialion  tn  lustify  the  inference  that  ihe  Uiiiled 
Stall  s  inlenilid,  by  finally  Irealing  willioul  exact- 
ing indenuiiiy  for  all  our  claims  on  France,  to 
oll'set  indehinilies  lo  the  obligations  imposed  on 
her  b"  the  Irealies,  and  lo  assume  ihe  |iayineni  of 
the  iiiil'  tniilies  oiirsclvi's.  The  I-'reiuh  neei.iialiirs 
elide  iMued  lo  sei  them  off  aganisl  each  oilier,  for 
ihu  reasons  1  have  already  assigned;  but  the  Jus- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GL.  "i3. 


5t9 


29tii  CoNa 1st  Skss. 


trench  Spoliations — Mr.  Dix. 


Senate. 


licft  of  such  n  scl-nfT  wim  never  iicccded  lo  hy  the 
llnileU  Stntes.  On  the  conlmry,  the  Aniericim 
Miiiislpirt  virtui\lly  lofused  to  set  them  off  njjninst 
(iii'h  oihfr;  iinil  they  rot'iiHrrt,  also,  to  nssume  the 
payment  of  indemniiica  hy  the  United  States. 

Afier  n  lonj;  negotialion,  ii  convention  waa  con- 
chidcd,  on  the  aUtli  of  September,  1800.  The 
RMcnid  nrliclc,  which  related  exclusively  to  the 
treaties  and  to  the  indenniities,  he  would  read  to 
the  Senate- 

"Tlie  Mitii^'tfrf'  IMniipotontinrj'  of  the  IWT  partin.",  not 
lii'inu  II till- 1"  tvzrfi-  lit  pri'snit  ri*»|t('CliiiK  the  trenty  (>raltiniiL-e 
ol'  ihi:  tilli  lit'  I''i'liniary,  177H,  tin  (riiity  of  amity  anil  (miiii- 
nM!ri-i>  III'  tliii  -jiiiii'  iliili-,  iiiiil  11)1'  f'nin'i'iitidM  ii'.'  thi'  l-llli  of 
Nnvt'inlitT,  p^'^,  iiiir  iijiiiii  till*  iiidi-mniUcs  iiiiitiially  dun  or 
riaitiiril ;  till'  partir.-t  will  iie^rnlinli!  fintlier  on  tlirsi-  milijpi'ts 
at  II  rniivrtiiriit  liini' ;  iiimI  until  tlii'y  may  liavc  agrmMl  iipon 
tiKiMt!  tiiiiiil-^)  tlip  sail!  tri'atimt  anil  ei)nvi;iitinii  t-liall  liavi;  no 
<i[)i'nitioii,  uiiil  till'  ri'latiniis  nl'  lliu  tvn  cuinitries  dhiill  be 
ri'sulali'il  ns  I'liMiiWH."'— (PiiBP  6n3.) 

The  'M  nrliclc  provided  for  a  mutual  restoration 
of  pulilic  ships  taken  before  or  utter  the  exchange 
of  ratifications. 

The  4lh  nrlido  provided  for  a  mutual  restora- 
tion of  properly  captured,  and  not  then  definitively 
condrinned,  or  which  might  be  captured  before  the 
rxchanj;e  of  ralifii'iuions. 

The  .'ith  ai'iicle  provid"d  for  the  payment  of 
debts  conlracte  i  hv  either  nation  witli  individunLs 
of  the  other,  i  iiy  lli"  individual.^  of  one  with  the 
individuals  oi  the  other,  or  the  jirosecntion  of  the 

Smyment,  as  /f  no  misunderstanding  had  existed. 
?ul  this  article  was  declared  not  to  extend  to  in- 
demnities claimed  on  account  of  captures  or  con- 
fisraliiinH. 

The  ell'ect  of  the  second  article  of  the  conven- 
tion wa.i,  to  postpone  nil  further  negotiation,  in  rc- 
.spect  to  the  treatiis and  indemnities  named  in  it,  to 
a  fnlnre  iliiy. 

The  Scimlc  of  the  United  States  ratified  the  con- 
vention, after  expungir  the  second  article,  and 
limiting  the  duration  of  the  convention  to  eight 
years. 

Bonaparte,  as  First  Consid,  accepted  and  ratified 
the  ninvcniiini,  as  amended,  (page  685,)  with  a 
priuiso,  that  liy  the  retrenchment  of  the  second 
nrliclc,  "  llic  two  Slates  renounce  the  respective 
'  pretensions  which  arc  the  object  of  the  suid  arti- 
■tii-le." 

On  ihc  ."ubmission  of  the  convention,  ns  modi- 
fied by  l-'nincr,  lo  the  Senale,  it  was  ilecliircd  by  a 
voie  of  that  body,  on  the  lilth  of  Oeceinber,  18(11, 
tliiit  they  considiieil  it  fully  ratified. — Extcutire 
Juiirnul,  I'd/.  I ,  iiii'^r  .Ml)>< 

The  (|ni  stions  wiiicli  arise  from  the  facts  I  have 
staUiil,  are — 

1st.  Whether  the  engagement  contained  in  the 
.secnnd  article  oi'  the  convention  lo  iiegoliate  at  a 
fulure  iliiy,  III  respect  to  llir  i,<'aii;s  anil  indenini- 
lic.s,  .secured  to  the  llniled  Siales  any  advantage  in 
i-spcct  lo  claims  for  spoliations.'  i 

yd.  Wluiher  the  United  Slates,  by  expunging 
the  siciind  arlicle  relensed  any  claims  to  indemni- 
ties, whiili  hud  lii'cn  so  dislinclly  recognised  by 
France,  as  to  make  the  United  Stales  legally  or 
criuiiably  responsible  for  their  payment  to  her  cili- 
Z'.'is?    Anil, 

M.  Wheiher  the  United  Stales,  by  assenting  to 
tlie  proviso  in.serted  in  the  ratification  by  France, 
rinoiincing  Ilic  resprclive  |iretensions  which  were 
the  I  bjcri  of  ihe  st'i'ond  article,  imposed  on  herself 
any  (ilili','iiiion  lo  pay  ilie  indemnities  claimed  by 
Inr  cili/.iiis  oil  account  of  spoliatiuns .' 

Isi.  Till'  firsi  question  appears  to  be  satisfac- 
torily Muswered  by  the  wiiole  history  of  the  cor- 
respondence between  the  Ministers  by  whom  the 
■  onvenlion  was  negolialcd.  The  French  negotia- 
tors iiiiiforinly  reliiseil  to  acknowledge  the  claim 
of  the  United  Stales  to  indemnities,  excepting  upon 
a  coiicc'sioii  of  what  they  professed  to  regard  as 
iiiipiii-lMiil  iiilvniila^is  to  France  by  a  recognition 
of  llie  irealies  of  177.^.  The  Minisiers  of  the  Uni- 
li'd  Stales  rcfiiseil  lo  accede  to  these  demands.  In 
olhcr  words,  llicy  refused  lo  sccnrc  lo  the  United 
Slates  Ihe  acknov.MedgmenI  of  ihcKc  claims  on  the 
eoiidilions  insistc'l  on  by  the  French  negotiators. 
It  was  atpii'stion  wiili  thiMn,  mil  of  recognising  ex- 
isting obligalions,  but  reviving  obliiations  which 
liad  ceased  to  exist  ;  and  this  they  declined  lo  do. 
They  refused  lo  purchase  the  paynienl  of  indem- 
niliesal  the  price  ileniandeil  by  France.  The  result 
<!f  a  fruitless  neiiolialion  was,  lo  leave  the  whole 
contioversy  wliiie  it  was  when  the  currespondinie 
coinnicnced;  and  if  the  cunvcnliun  Imd  been  rati- 


fied without  expunging  the  second  article,  there  is 
no  reason  to  suppose  that  a  negotiation  nt  a  future 
day  would  have  led  to  any  other  issue.  On  the 
contrary,  he  did  not  sec  liowany  one  could  rise  from 
tt  periisid  of  the  volume  ho  held  in  his  hniid  with 
the  slightest  impression  that  a  renewal  of  the  dip- 
lomatic correspondence  between  the  two  Govern- 
ments would  have  resulted  more  favoriddy  to  us. 
The  Americjin  Minisiers  state,  in  substance.  In 
thcii  letter  giving  a  history  of  the  negotiation,  that 
the  real  object  avowed  by  the  French  Ministers  was 
to  avoid  indemnities,  (pages  632  and  CM:)  that  a 
promise  to  pay  them  at  n  remote  period  ,'lit  as 
easily  prove  delusive  ns  it  would  be  relu,  lantly 
made;  and  that  such  a  promise  could  only  be  ob- 
to'ned  by  an  unqualified  recognition  of  the  treaties, 
the  future  operation  of  which  could  not  be  varied 
in  any  particular  for  any  consideration  or  compen- 
sation whatever.  It  is  not  reasonable  to  suppose, 
under  such  circumstimces,  that  any  subsequent 
claiin  o  indemnities  in  n  future  negotiation  would 
have  li  id  any  other  result. 

2d.  '"he  suijpression  of  the  second  article  was 
a  relcnsi'  of  the  parties  from  the  obligation  of  fur- 
ther nego'inting  at  a  con"  enieni  time  in  respect  to 
the  treaties  and  indemnities,  leaving  them  precisely 
where  they  were  in  respect  to  the  claims  or  pre- 
tensions, which  were  the  object  of  the  article.  It 
is  not  possible  to  ascertain  now  what  was  the  oli- 
ject  of  Ihe  Senate  in  cxpnngiiig  this  lu'licle.  The 
injunction  of  secrecy  lias  been  removed  from  the 
votes,  but  the  debates  have  not  been  preserved; 
and  it  appears  that  the  American  Mini.ster,  Mr. 
Murray,  who  wa.s  ap)iointed  to  exchange  the  rat- 
ificiiilons,  was  "  perlectly  in  the  dark  on  the  views 
of  the  Senate  in  suppressing  the  second  article." 
This  was  his  own  language.  IJut  it  is  quite  clear 
that  ll'.e  omission  of  the  second  article  in  negotiating 
the  convention  would  have  left  the  parlies,  in 
respect  to  the  mailers  conlnined  in  tin  article,  en- 
tirely uncommitted  as  to  their  future  course;  and 
its  suppression  did  no  more.  Thus  fi  r  no  claims 
on  France  had  been  released,  and  no  obligations 
assumed  by  tlie  United  Slates. 

3d.  The  proviso  inserted  by  Bonaparte  in  rali- 
fyiiig  Ihe  convention  itfler  its  modification  by  us, 
and  our  assent  lo  the  terms  of  Ihe  proviso,  appear 
at  first  view  to  have  changed  the  posilion  of  ihe 
parties  in  respect  to  the  claims  or  pretensions  which 
Wiiic  the  object  of  the  Sd  article.  Those  claims  or 
]neiensions  were  in  lerms  renounced.  But  it  isquitc 
clear  that  the  Senate  of  the  United  Stales  did  not 
regard  the  renunciallon  as  changing  the  stale  of  Ihe 
question;  tln^y  did  not  consiiler  a  new  ratification 
necessary;  they  declared  that  they  considered  the 
convenlion  '•fully  mlified."  AVould  they  have 
made  such  a  declaration  if  they  had  considered  the 
insertion  of  the  proviso  as  creating  new  liabilities 
on  either  side,  or  discharging  old  ones .'  It  is  difH- 
cult  to  believe  so.  Mr.  JelTerson  spoke  of  it  as 
"  a  clan.se  dcclaralory  of  the  effect  given  to  the 
meaning  of  the  treaty,"  and  he  authorized  Mr. 
Madison  to  say  that  he  did  not  regard  it  ns  any- 
thing "  more  than  a  le>;itiinatc  infi'ience  from  the 
rejection  by  the  Senate  of  the  second  arlicle." 
(t'ai;o  "(Ki.)  Mr.  Livingston,  our  Minister  to 
Fpihce,  spoke  of  it  as  inlcnded  "  lo  remove  amlii- 
giiiiics" — not  to  give  a  new  effect  to  the  treaty,  nut 
to  explain  iis  Irne  meaning  and  intent. — (l'age7;il.) 

Besides,  there  was  no  formal  offset  of  the  advan- 
tages claimed  by  France  as  resulting  to  her  from 
the  treaties  against  the  advantages  to  result  to  us 
from  a  recognition  of  the  indemnities  claimed. 
Down  to  the  terinliialiun  of  the  ne;;oiialion,  and, 
indeed,  lo  ihc  final  exchange  of  ratifications,  such 
a  set-off  of  one  to  the  other  was  only  inferrible,  as 
he  thoiighl.froin  the  connection  of  the  twosubjecls, 
for  an  iiitercsled  purpose,  by  ihe  French  Minisiers. 
(t'ai;csl!ll,  cl  sen.) 

The  Senator  Inim  Delaware  had  referred  lo  Ihe 
opinions  of  disiiiiguished  individuals,  fiivoring  the 
idea  that  the  United  States  intended  to  release 
France  iVoni  the  payment  of  these  indeinnilies,  in 
consideration  of  being  herself  released  froiu  the  ob- 
ligations of  the  irealies.  Mr.  D.  said  he  would 
examine  two  of  the  most  imporlant. 

Mr.  11.  Liviiiu'slon,  who  went  out  to  France  as 
Minisier  near  the  cln.seof  the  year  IHdl ,  said  (pa'ge 
71)4)  he  consideri  il  *•  as  a  dead  loss"  **  the  sacri- 
fici  s  we  had  inadc  of  an  innnense  claim,  to  get  rid 
of  the  guaranty  containeil  in  the  Ircaty  of  alliance.'' 
And  a^ain,  in  a  lelier  to  the  French  Minister  of 


Exterior  Relations,  he  says:  "  Il  will,  sir,  be  well 
'  recollected  by  the  distinguished  characters  whr> 
'  had  the  management  of  the  ncgolinlion,  that  tho 
'  payment  for  illegal  captures,  with  damages  nntl 
'  indemnities,  was  demanded  on  one  side,  and  the 
'  renewal  of  the  treaty  of  1778  on  the  other;  that 
'  they  were  considered  ns  of  equivalent  value,  and 
'  that  they  only  formed  the  subject  of  the  second 
'article." — (Page  717.) 

Mr.  Livingston  had  taken  no  part  in  these  nego- 
tiations, and  it  Imd  been  satisfactorily  shown  that 
there  was  no  formal  exchange  of  pretensions,  ari- 
sing under  the  treaties  on  the  one  side,  and  claims 
arising  from  spoliiuions  on  the  other.  On  the  con- 
trary, the  benefits  and  the  burdens  under  the  Ireii- 
ties  were  mutual,  nswell  us  the  claims  to  indemni- 
ties. Mr.  D.  would  proceed  to  show,  by  official 
documents,  that  Mr.  Livingston  was  entirely  in 
error  in  saying  that  claims  fur  indemnities  on  our 
side,  and  the  treaties  on  the  side  of  France,  were 
considered  by  the  negotiators  of  equivalent  value. 
Indeed,  he  had  aliciidy  proved,  by  the  testimony 
of  our  Ministers,  that  tliey  consiiltred  the  pros- 
pect of  obtaining  a  rccognilion  of  our  claims  as 
nclusivc. — (Page  643.)  But  there  is  stronger  evi- 
dence on  this  point.  Mr.  Murray,  on  the  first 
of  October,  1800,  the  day  after  Ihe  convention 
was  executed,  speaks  of  the  indemnities  as  "im- 
possible," [i.e.  hopeless.]  (Page  G61.)  On  the 
second  of  July,  1801,  lie  spei\ka  of  our  claim  to 
indemnities  "  as  not  worth  a  quarter  ))fr  rfniuni." 
(Page  676.)  On  the  third  August,  1801,  he  says: 
"  If  the  Senate  meant,  as  I  hope,  to  consider  in- 
demnities as  worth  nothing,  then  the  business,  I 
presume,  is  closed;"  and  in  the  same  communica- 
tion he  alleges  "  the  absolute  want  of  value  in  the 
prospect  of  intleminlies,"  us  a  reason  for  accepting 
the  proviso  inserted  by  Bonaparte,  renouncing  nil 
prelcnsions  on  both  sides  under  the  second  nitiele. 
How,  then,  can  it  be  said  that  the  negotiators  con- 
sidered the  treaties  on  one  side,  and  the  indemni- 
ties on  the  other,  as  of  equivalent  value.'  The  tes- 
timony proves  pre  isely  tlie  contrary:  that  they  con- 
sidered our  claims  to  indemnities,  if  of  no  value,  at 
le:l.^t  hopeless;  and  such  was  probtdjly  the  opinion 
of  the  Senate  in  abaniloning  them. 

Mr.  D.  said  he  now  came  to  an  opinion,  which 
he  would  admit  to  be  much  more  formidable,  if  it 
had  been  iiroperly  interpreted  by  the  advocates  of 
the  claims  under  consideration.  He  alluded  to  the 
letter  of  instructions  from  Mr.  Mmli.son  to  Mr. 
Pinckney,  our  Minister  to  .'^paiii,  in  February,  1804. 
Mr.  Madison  said  that  "the  claims  from  which 
'  France  had  been  rele:ised  were  admitted  by  France, 
'  and  the  release  was  for  n  valuable  consideration,  in 
'  a  correspondent  release  of  the  United  States  from 
'claims  n"n  llicm."  (Page  795.) 

Mr.  D.  said  ho  should  certainly  hesitate  to  cidl 
in  question  so  high  an  authority  as  Mr.  Madison 
in  any  statement  relating  to  a  matter  directly  in 
issue,  which  he  (Mr.  M.)  had  fully  investigated; 
and  he  did  not  intend  now  to  question  this  statement 
in  the  sense  in  which  it  ought,  as  he  believed,  to  be 
understood.  The  only  points  of  any  imporlanc", 
in  this  statement  are;  I.  That  our  claims  "  were 
admitted  by  France;"  and,  2.  That  they  were 
released,  and  that  "  the  release  was  fir  a  valuable 
consideration,  in  n  correspondent  re, ea.se  of  the 
United  States  from  certain  claims  on  uiem."  It  is 
to  be  borne  in  mind  that  Mr.  Mad'son's  referenco 
to  the  subject  was  tor  the  purpose  of  sustaining  a 
position  taken  by  our  government  in  a  negotiation 
with  a  third  Power,  years  afier  the  convention  of 
1800  was  concluded;  and  .some  allowance  is  to  be 
made  for  stieiigth  of  expression.  With  regard  to 
Ihe  first  point,  he  (Mr.  D.)  had  said,  that  there 
never  was,  as  he  could  find,  after  the  war-measures 
adopted  by  us  in  17118,  an  uncondillrniai  admission 
by  Fi'uncc  of  our  riaiins  for  spura'.ions.  She  as- 
sented to  till!  principle  of  mulnirl  compeiisaiion  for 
injuries,  but  with  a  dis'incl  assertion  of  her  claim 
to'a  rccognilion  of  l!i,;  irealies.  It  was  only  on  the 
condiiion  of  such  a  recognition  that  she  was  wil- 
lin;r  to  inquire  into  the  claims  of  both  parties  for 
injuries,  national  a*  well  as  individual,  with  a  stip- 
ulation of  niutoal  indemnity.  This,  ho  believed, 
was  the  cxlent  of  her  admission,  and  it  was  a  very 
qualified  one.  With  rcOTiil  to  the  second  point — 
tlie  release — if  Mr.  Madison  intended  to  ,<iny,  that 
III  the  adjustment  of  our  ilifficullles  with  Fiance 
there  were  inuliuil  claims,  which  were  mutually 
abandoned ,  no  exception  could  be  taken  to  his  slate- 


m 


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5'2{) 


APPEWDIX  TO  THE  COiNGUESSlOIMAL  OLOBE. 


[March  18, 


iJO-ru  C0NC....I9T  Sebs. 


The  Oregon  Q^itcstion — Mr.  Archer, 


Sknatb. 


meiit.    Anil  ocrtiiinly,  in  miy  oilier  hohkc,  ii  would  j 
iiciiiicr  Bcconi   willi   the   fuels  lie  (Mr.  D.)  ImJ  | 
sliiluil,  norwilli  llic  dcclamlinns  of  tlio  ncsfolialorH 
Ili3ni«elvc8.  When  converiiil  hilousaiirlionof  llic  i 
idea  tliiil  thci'c  wns  ii  Hcl-oU'  of  iiidcniiiities  eliiini- 
liy  the   Uniud   SliiteB  iii;iiinst  our  tnnly-iiblit,'ii- 
iJohH  lo  I'"-uiire,  nnd  inlo'nn  iir};umcnl  in  liivor  of  | 
the  position  ihiitwc  were  liound  lo  iissnmo  the  piiy- 
ni(  lit  of  llicsc  imlemiiitii'3,  it  iihu'ie  Mr.  Mmlifon 
entirely  iiicuimiMenl  with  what  our  lU'CotiulorM  9tiid 
mid  did,  nnd  with  the  infereiiccs  fiiiily  lo  hedriiwn 
i'°roni  hi«  own  BubMeqnenl  coniUni,  ns  he  (Air.  D.)  ^ 
would  eiideuvor  lo  sliow  hcreutU'r.     And  he  would 
add  herc.thnt  he  hiul  iiollieenulile  to  find ii  word  in 
any  of  Mr.  Mudison's  writinus,  or  those  of  Mr. 
Jeti'cr8on,counleiimiein°;  ihciJcii  th.il  lluse  chiinm  , 
coiiHlilulen  just  dciniinatii^alntt  the;;o\eriiiot'iit. 

Mr.  U.  auid  he  did  not  niuoh  like  to  deal  in  tecli- 
niealitie.s.  lie  j)referrcil,a.s  a  f^eneral  rule,  to  rely 
on  the  dednctioiiti  of  roinmoii  isense,  and  on  ina.\- 
lins  so  sim|ile  and  so  universally  leeciveil  as  to 
inak'c  their  applieation  plain  to  I'le  most  ordinary 
uiidcr!iU\ndin^.  But  he  could  not  forbear  lo  say 
ihet  n  release  for  a  valuable  eoiiHideratioii  and  a  Het- 
oir,  Rccnied  lo  hlin,  in  this  insiame,  iMuvertiblc 
terms.  A  sct-olf  iiniiliedan  uii(|ualified  admission 
of  claims  on  both  sides,  and  a  muliial  Mi;iiTmenl  to 
balance  the  one  ii^^ainst  the  other.  He  found,  in 
this  oise,  none  of  these  uni|ueslioimbio  evidences 
of  an  exchaiif^c  of  eimivalent.-i — no  inKiualified 
ndmission  of  our  claims  lor  spoliations  by  France — 
no  unijualified  admission  by  the  L'nited  Slates  of 
Ireaty-oliligaliona  to  he; — luid  no  asrccinciii  to  set 
them  oil"  ai;aiiKst  each  other.  On  the  contrary,  we 
expressly  denied  the  lrealy-,<.iblii;alions,  .uid  l''i'ance 
expressly  itfused  to  inrpiii'e  into  indeiiiiiities,  ex- 
cept on  condition  of  receiviiii;  from  us  the  very 
udinission  we  declined  lo  make. 

Mr.  D.  said  he  rejjarded  this  case,  under  all  its  ' 
uspccis,  as  one   in   which  ihc  parties  had   nuitu- 
ally  abandoned  their  re.-^pective  pretensions.      Lhtt 
if  il  was  tusaunied    that    there   was  a  .-^et-oir,   he 

t^  should,  without  admlttiii!;  the  assinnpiiun,  insist 

'  •_"  that  it  was  nol  of  iiideir.nitii's  on  one  side  ai^alnsl 

,:     '  treaty  oblif;alioiis  on  the  other,  but  of  inilcinniiies 

H^i\iiisliiidcniniiics,liT,ityoblij,'ationf-af,'ainst  lii'aty 
nbli^utions — mutual,  if  nol  eipuil — not  bur!,'aiiiid 
for,  one  against  the  other,  a.s  an  ex<!lianu'e  of  equn  - 
alcnls,  bul  relincpiished,  renounced,  abandoned, 
on  either  side,  from  llie  uller  hopelessness  of  ob- 
tiiinini^  a  reco>;niiioii  of  llieni  on  the  other.  Such 
seemed  lo  him  to  be  the  only  le^^iliinate  conclusion 
from  the  whole  history  ol  the  ne^nitiation,  unil 
such  was  the  lan::nii:;e  of  (he  proviso,  by  which 
the  pui'suit  of  these  "respective  pruen.siuns"  was 
"renounced." 

Thai  there  w.i.s  an  abaiid(j|iiiiejil  of  claims  on 
France,  for  spolialion.s  conunillid  on  our  com- 
merce, Mr.  IJ.  had  never  denied.  There  was  a 
nimilar  abandonment  of  I'laiins  on  her  pan,  on  ac- 
emint  of  captures  made  by  us  dnrin;;  the  hosiilitics 
which  existed  betv.'cen  .Nlay,  M'.ti,  and  the  i  on- 
cheMon  of  the  conventinii  of  ISOO.  Ihit  wbether 
the  United  Stales  were,  in  le;,'al  oreipiiuible  oi)li^'a- 
^ation,  bound  to  satisfy  the  claims  thus  aijaniloned 
on  our  part,  '.vas  the  ipicslinu  which  wt  were  c.illed 
oil  to  decide.  On  this  poiiii  lie  had  not  the  sli^'ht- 
es(  doubt.  He  be-lieveil  there  was  no  instance  in 
llie  history  of  our  diplomacy  in  which  the  satis- 
fa'iioii  of  iiijunes  liv.l  '  :;eii  so  zealously  r)r  faith- 
fully pursued.  For  fivi'  pars,  from  17iJ.'t  to  17!I8, 
we  pursi"  '  ..  ■■  '  nc'^otiati  ni — C'lirne.^t,  ur:;eiit,  per- 
severii.p  iie_!;o'ialiiiii.  When  all  piaccfiil  means 
had  faiW,  we  resorted  to  Inrcc.  Fleets  were 
tonipped,  blood  was  shed,  and  the  physii-al  power 
ol  the  comiiry  was  viu:orously  put  forih,  lo  com- 
pel redress.  For  all  practii'nl  purposes,  ii  was 
war.  The  two  emiiitrii  s,  for  iineiTsted  objects  on 
bdih  sides,  chose  to  comiiK  nee  iie;;otiatiiins  on  the 
basis  of  I  trace,  thou  :^  h,  bet'nrc  tin  y  c'  isetl,  they  had 
approached  ne;uly  lo  a  war  bu.sis.  lint  tin;  I'acis 
reiiiaiiied  iiii  lilcred.  The  Aniericjin  .Ministers  pro- 
noiincrd  il  lo  be  "  war,  or  that  peculiar  slale  of 
liHsiiaty  in  which  they  are  at  presi  at  iii\4il\eil." — 
(i'at;e  (i.'l4.)  On  anoiher  oicasion  ihey  said, 
"  lloiibiless,  the  eonu-ressioiml  act  aiitliori^infr  the 
*  rediiciion  of  French  cruisers  by  fun  e  was  an  an- 
'  Ihorizatioii  of  war,  limilcd  indeed  in  lis  cxlenl, 
'but  not  III  its  naini'i'." — ( I'.iLje  (;|o,)  Nay,  sir, 
(he  I'resiiient  of  the  French  comiinssion,  wlicn 
ireaiini;  with  oiir  .\linislcrs,  said,  "that  if  llie 
'  nuestioii  could  be  determined  by  uii  indiUereiil 


'  nation,  lie  was  »uii.->fi,;u  ;".'.c!i  m  iribunni   would  ! 

*  say,  that  the  present  state  of  lhin;.,'s  was  lenr  on 

'  the  side  of  America,  and  that  no  iiideimiitits  ' 
'  could  be  claimed."  The  other  two  commissioners 
made  similar  declarations. — (I'a^'e  (iy;).)  And  in 
like  manner,  Mr.  Jell'crson,  in  a  Idler  to  Samuel 
Smith,  of  the  ii'.'d  Aiigusl,  nilri,  pa^e  3i)H,  third 
volume  of  his  Works,  says:  "It  is  true,  ilieii, 
'that,  as  with  England,  we  mi;;hl  of  right  have 

•  chosen  either  war  or  peace,  and  have  chosen  i 
'peace,  and  prudently,  m  my  opinion;  so  with  ; 
'  Fiance,  we  might  also  of  ri^'lil  have  chosen  either 

'  peace  or  war,  and  wo  have  chosen  war."     IJut 
call  il  what  you  will,  it  was  a  resort  lo  force — the 
last  resort  ol  republics  as  well  as  kings — to  procure  * 
a  redress  of  wrongs;  and  it  vindicates  our  jjoviin-  ! 
iiieiil  from  all  imputation  of  neglLCl  or  want  of  zeal 
in  the  performance  of  its  duty. 

In  the  negotiations  which  succeeded  this  slate  of  \ 
hostility,  ail  the  energies  and  all  the  appliaiicis  of' 
diploioac  y  consisteni  with  honor  were  employed  ■ 
to  procure  a  recognilion  of  the  claims  of  our  citi- 
zens on  France.  To  a  certain  extent,  these  elVorts 
v\ere  successful.  A  portion  of  the  claims  was 
recognised,  and  sub.'>ciiiiently  paid,  under  the  eon- 
veiiiion  of  IfOy.  A  portion  remains  unsalislied ; 
but  he  had  endtavoicd  lo  show  that  the  United 
Slates — first,  by  negotiation,  second,  by  a  resort 
to  t"orce,  ami,  third,  by  another  recourse,  lo  nego- 
lialioii — had  ac(|Uilled  herself  of  all  obligation  to 
respond  lo  those,  ihe  satisfaction  of  whose  claims 
she  unsuccessfully  lai-orcd  to  ell'ect.  He  would 
iKjt  detain  the  Senate  by  entering  into  en  analysis 
of  the  dill'crent  cla,:ises  of  these  claiins,  siparaliiig 
lho.se  which  are  alleged  to  be  ni^satislicd  from  those 
for  which  indcmniiv  has  been  paid,  lie  would 
not  stop  lo  ini|iiii'e  how  far  these  claims  may  have 
been  well  or  ill  foiindcil;  to  speculate  on  the  cliances 
there  may  have  bien,  when  the  testimony  was 
fresh,  of  reducing  them  wiiliin  rc:isona>>le  limits; 
lU'  to  consider  the  dangtr  now,  after  the  lapse  of 
more  lliaii  torty  years,  of  sho^^ing  injuries  which 
might  never  have  been  ch;arly  jToved  beiore  the 
power  of  sifiing  evidence  was  seriously  weakened, 
if  not  utterly  hisl.  These  were  coiisiderations  of 
so  serious  a  nalure  as  to  call  on  us  to  pan,se  and 
ponder  well  the  ccni,sei|Uences  of  throwing  these 
demands  on  the  laibiic  treasury,  liiit  he  rested 
his  <i))positioii  to  llie  ajiplicalion  for  legislative  re- 
lief on  the  broader  grounds  be  had  slated. 

The  .Senator  iVom  1  lelaware  acmunled  for  the 
neglect  of  our  Uovt  rimicnt  to  recognise  these 
claims  when  first  presc  iited  to  Congress  by  the 
peculiar  slate  of  the  public  finances  in  l8Ul,aiul 
lor  thirty  years  aficrwards.  lint  Mr.  U.  appre- 
luniled  that  tint  slale  of  our  finances  at  a  period 
subset|iiciil  lo  l&Ul  would  be  found,  in  connexion 
with  oilier  circnmslanccs,  one  of  ilic  sirongcil  ar- 
guments against  this  api'hcatio,i.  Mr.  Aladison 
was  Secretary  of  State  fiom  1M)1  to  l^Ul).  Mr. 
Jelierson,  who  was  lainiliar  with  the  origin  ami 
jirogiitss  (tf  our  dillicullies  with  l-'nince,  and  con- 
ducted the  diploni.ilic  correspondence  of  onr  Ciov- 
ernment  in  respect  to  the.n  for  siniie  lime  after 
they  broke  out,  was  Presidenl  of  the  Uiiiied  Slates 
during  the  same  period — from  ISIM  lo  lf<U'J.  in 
letlT,  the  fust  report  was  made  in  Congress  in 
lavor  of  these  claims,  for  he  could  not  agree 
with  the  Seiiaior  from  Delaware  that  Mr.  Oiies's 
report  in  \W2  was  a  favorable  one.  In  his 
Annual  Mcs.sage  of  1,->U7,  Mr.  Jeircrson  reports 
a  surplus  in  the  ire.isury  of  eight  inilliinis  and  a 
half  of  dollars.  In  Ins  AnnnalMcssage  of  IWW, 
he  reports  the  enormous  balan<,e  ol'  nearly  four- 
teen millions,  of  which  only  about  five  were  re- 
ipiired  lo  meet  public  engagemenis,  leaving  again 
a  ilisposable  surplus  of  aiiout  eight  millions  and  a 
half;  and,  ill  connexion  with  ibis  balance,  he  refers 
01  probable  fntnre  surjiliisses.  when  the  freedom  of 
cninme-  should  Ik-  restored,  and  iu,ks,  whether 
they  shall  be  permitted  to  "  lie  unproduclive  in  the 
pnlilic  vaulla:"  .Such  was  our  financial  coiiditioii 
111  1KJ7  anil  ISdf.  Sir,  is  it  credible,  if  Mr.  Jef- 
fri'soii  or  iMr.  Madison  liail  believed  lli:s  claim  a 
valid  demand  on  the  Liovcrninent,  that  il  would 
nol,  through  these  dislmgnished  individuals,  who 
exercisi'il  a  controlling  inllueiicein  Congress,  have 
been  riMognised  and  paid?  If,  willi  these  men  at 
llie  head  I'f  the  tiovernment — men  lliimliar  wi  i 
the  history  of  the  times— when  the  transaction.T 
ihemsehes  were  rei  eiii  and  well  known — with  an 
uveillowing  treasury — with  millions,  in  fact,  re-i 


inaining  without  any  specific  object — if,  under  nil 
tliesn  circumsinnceH,  the  claims  were  not  acknowl- 
edged, wilh  what  propriety  OTil  we  be  asked  ti) 
acknowledge  lliciu  now,  niter  llic  hipse  of  morn 
than  forty  years,  when  llie  memory  of  much  that 
is  necessary  to  give  to  reinole  transactanis  their 
Iriic  cidoriiig,aiid  lo  correct  erroneous  conciusioiiH 
ill  respect  to  them,  may  be  irretrievably  lost?  Sir, 
there  is  no  safely  in  such  cases  but  lo  rest  on  the 
colemporancous  jndgnient  of  those  who  had  every 
molive  to  consider  end  judge  Ihem  fairly, and  who 
possessed  all  ihc  inforniatioii  necessary  tu  make 
their  decision  just. 

And  finally, sir,  (said  Mr.  Dix,)  I  nm  compelled  In 
dill'er  with  my  honorable  friend  from  Delaware  (if 
he  will  permit  me  so  lo  dcsi^'iiate  hiin)  in  the  opin- 
ion that  the  Government  of  llie  Uniled  Stntes  is  in 
hoiiin-  responsible  for  these  claims.  A  govern- 
ment IS  iiiidoublidly  bound  lo  protect  its  eltizeim 
ill  their  persons  ami  in  their  property  lo  the  extent 
of  its  ability,  both  from  inli'iiial  anil  exlernnl  in- 
juries. It  IS  bound  to  seek,  by  all  just  and  feasi- 
ble iitethods,  a  redress  of  such  injuries — if  ilomes- 
tic,  by  a  proper  applicailon  of  its  auiliority;  if 
forei'_'ii,  by  negoiialion  in  the  first  instance,  mid  by 
force  in  the  second,  if  Ihe  magnitude  and  enormity 
of  the  aggression  justify  a  resort  to  arms.  Whi'i) 
il  does  all  this,  it  will  have  performed  its  duly.  If 
itcaimol  succeed  in  oblainmg  redress,  il  must  be 
deemed  fairly  exonerated  from  all  liability  to  its 
own  citizens,  when  it  has  made  all  Ihc  ell'orts  it  is 
capable  of  pnlling  fori  11  for  the  purpose.  .Sir,  I 
know  id' no  principle  by  which  a  tjovcrnmeiii,  af- 
ter extraordinary  ell'orls  to  procure  a  redress  of 
injuries,  or  an  ai  knowledgment  of  the  claims  of 
its  citizens  cii  »  fiuTigu  Slate,  is  bound  lo  assume 
the  satisfaction  of  those  claims  Ipecause  its  ell'orls 
have  proved  unsuccessful.  If  this  principle  is  lo 
be  adoplctl  and  acted  on,  we  should  go  back 
lo  the  un  years  which  preceded  Ihe  war  of  \X\'J, 
and  satisfy  our  cilizens  for  spoliations  commit- 
ted on  Ibem  during  peace  by  Ureal  lirilain.  We 
demanded  indcnmily  for  these  s])oliatioiis  in  ne- 
gotiating the  treaty  of  (ihent.  Our  Minislers 
were  repealcdly  instruclcd  on  the  subject.  We 
presented  our  claims  lo  the  ru'ilish commissioners, 
and  wc  abandoned  them  when  wc  Ibiind  ihciu 
hopeli'ss.  Or,  to  use  the  language  by  which  the. 
claim  before  lis  is  sought  to  be  enforci^d,  these  in- 
demnities were  "relea.scd"  lo  Cireal  ISriian.  "for 
the  valuable  coiisideralion"  of  peace.  We  should, 
according  to  every  principle  of  eniiity,  .salisfy 
these  last  claims  lirsl.  Under  the  convenlion  of 
ISdIt  wilh  I''raiice,  our  iMtizens  were  paid  nearly 
four  millions  of  dollars  on  account  of  claims  on 
France  prior  lo  IfUU.  Under  the  convenlioii  of 
ln;tl  they  received  over  four  millions  and  a  half 
more  lor  spoiiaiions  subsequently  to  IHOO.  In  all, 
we  have  obuiined  from  France  by  negotiation,  and 
paid  to  oiircillzeiis,  about  ei:;bl  millions  and  a  half 
of  didlars,  l-'rom  (ireal  lirilain  1  am  not  aware 
that  we  have  oblained  anylhiin;,  since  the  treaty 
of  I7'.)4,  on  accon.U  of  cKiinis  for  spolialimis,  noi- 
withsluiidnig  the  aggravated  injuries  she  has  com- 
niilied  on  onr  cilizcns,  excepting  for  abducteil 
slaves  under  Ihe  treaty  oftjiienl.  I!ut  I  hold  thai 
llie  governmenl  of  the  Uniled  Suites  is  exonernleil, 
in  lioih  insiani'cs,  by  a  faiiblul  and  zealous  (lis- 
charge  of  lis  duly — first,  by  negotiation,  ami  sec- 
ond, by  a  resort  lo  force, 


OllICGON  UUF.STION. 
SPEECH    OF    MR.  ARCHER, 

l)F  VlRfa.MA, 
In  tiik  Sknatk,  .Uinr/i  |H,  I8IG, 
On  ihe  llesolutio:i  for  tcrininaling  Ihe  joint  occu- 
pancy of  Oregon 
Mr.  A  IvCIIKIl  said  it  had  seldom  occurred  in 
the  history  of  the  connlry  that  a  (|uestioii  more  ile- 
maiiding  honest  and  fearhss  discussion  had  been 
presented  in  Congress.  The  immediate  subject  of 
controversy,  a  territorial  claim  of  vast  cxteiil,  was 
imporianl,  but  the  possible  issues  of  the  decision 
were  incomparably  more  so.  'i  he  people  had  a 
li.'hi  to  look  for  a  fair,  not  inic-sidcd,  exposition  of 
the  nit  ''Is  of  Ihe  case,  and  true  characler  and  pos- 
Inre  of  tn  '  tpiestion,  al  onr  hands,  disc!  isiiig  the 
defecis  as  w<'ll  as  the  strenglh  of  the  claim  of  the 
C'luntry,  the  'inpugmng  as  well  lui  the  su.ituiiiiiig 


2i)Tii  CoNO 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Archer. 


Sknate. 


rniiMidei'iUKiiiH,  an  iin  U)  uiialjlc  tlu'iii  tn  rciulcr  i\  ! 
Hduiid  Uucinioii  <~.ii  thu  ('.oucUitiidii  ti>  wliicli  llicir  i 
J{(<|iri'seiilati\i'H   iiii^ht  iiriive,   hy  lliu  icsulls   of 
wliic'li,  im  llicy  nii;;lLt  lie  iiU'cclcd  laviiruljly  in  ojiu  : 
t.'vcrit,  Hit  tliey  nii^^lit  rculi/.«!  vt'ry  iniM'.'liicvonH  c(in- 
(<ei|iii'iir.i'H  in  iinutlier,     Aliiivn  nil  thing's,  il  wiih 
di.'Siiralilu  lliiit  tlicy  nii^'lit  \>e  niiido  In  look  at  tliu 
(|iU'»tion,  divcsiL'd  of  any  of  the  incjudici:  oruxcile- 
ininit  wliicli,  if  noi  prcviiaisly  cxistin;;  from  oilier 
cauwrH,  arc  ho  easily  iiwakciiud  ami  ho  elective  in 
ciinMnunicatinu^disIiM'llon  aial  falsi;  color  to  national 
di»puli'H.     \vl,  \\  hat  had  wu  wilnesaed  in  the  trcat- 
nant  of  this  i|nt..iion,  not  hy  the  prcHa  only,  jjut 
in  Ihe  balls,  too,of  lrp;i;ilalion?   The  nmlerial  point, 
our  cxi'liisivi;  title  lo  t)ref;on,  nssuined  on  the  w 
IMiic  insmnenta  of  advoealcs,  lair  Seoreiuriea  of 
ISiate;  the  joint  oecupalion  of  En^'land  under  cuii- 
veiition  ropVesenteil  as  o\ilrni;c,  anil  all  real  iiivcsti-  [ 
Ration  of  tliPsc  sulijects  put  under  the  Ijan  of  an  \ 
<ildoi|uy,  which  even  firm  men  iniKlit  be  well  reliic-  | 
lant  lo  encounter,  of  collusive  defence  of  ft  claim  i 
(idvcrsary  to  that  set  up  for  our  country,  in  co-ope- 
latani  witli  u  foreiijn  I'owcr.     Imputation  in  the  | 
;;roHsness  of  tliis  last  form  lind  not,  indeed,  been 
directly  expresseil  in  the  Senate;  but  even  litre  the 
ciuestion  bad  been  represented  as  no  longer  one  for  i 
argument,  but  the  trial  of  nerve,  putriutism,  und  j 
sense  of  the  honor  of  the  country. 

Mr.  A.  brouijlit  ilicae  thiii!;s  lo  view  in  no  temper  i 
of  oll'enre,  liovvever  it  ini!;bt  be  Justified,  nor  for  i 
rebuke,  liowcvir  appropriate;  but  for  admonition 
linw  far  appeals  of  such  a  color,  leaders  of  such  n 
temper  as  llieir  aiilhiM'ti,  were  to  be  followed  at 
such  a  time.  The  resort  in  this  discus.siun  was 
not  lo  the  people  uliimalely,  as  in  ordinary  circuni- 
Klances  und  ca.ses,  but  to  the  people  directly  now. 
Opinion  was  known  lo  be  undetermined — in  flue- 
lualioii.  It  was  to  be  moulded,  and  would  nhape 
the  eventual  disposal  of  the  question  in  no  loiif; 
piriod.  If  inllueiue  was  exerted;  topics  e  .  .oy- 
td;  f.ict  or  arfjunienl  jL'arlilril,  colored,  distorted, 
lo  myslify  or  inisleuil;  the  public  slinuld  be  made 
lo  see  llie  operalion,  warned  to  be  hutarined  and 
^nanlcd.  For  his  own  personal  part,  (Mr.  A. 
.said,)  III' had  ii:)rii;htto  coinpliiin  of  the  inueiidoes 
and  iinpulalions  be  had  referred  to.  lie  confessed 
liinisell'  juslly  open  to  them  lo  a  j;i'eiit  extent.  He 
ailiiiilteil  himself  ilifnii'iit  ill  nriTi  to  involve  the 
eountry  in  dan^^er,  which,  from  bis  position,  lie 
was  iiotlo  partake,  orsuderins  which  he  was  to  par- 
lake  ill  a  small  dei,'iee.  I'e  li.id  no  ambition  ol  the 
cheap  palrioti.sni  which  was  lo  be  puiclia.--ed  by 
iini^ctives  against  I^ni^land  in  all  seasons  and 
pla.'es;  and,  as  lo  the  sense  of  niilioiial  honor,  he 
disavowed  any  which  was  sepaniled  from  jusiice. 
We  beard  much  of  the  .senliinent  of  l3ccatur, 
"  (liir  comilry,  ri!;ht  or  wroiiK."  If  it  meant  any- 
thing more  than  thai  we  were  to  stand  by  our  coun- 
try at  all  events  in  war;  if  it  meant  that  we  were 
to  sustain  uniust  claims  if  asserted  for  our  country, 
liliiid  her  to  iheirlriic  character,  and  carry  her  into 
war  for  them;  if  llnsc  made  the  import  of  Deca- 
liir's  siniimenl,  Oa-  himself  he  abjured  it,  and  dis- 
claimed it  for  bi.s  coimiry. 

The  debate,  (Mr.  A.  .said,)  worn  out  as  it  was, 
cfMilil  have  no  allmclion  liir  any  person.  His  pur- 
jiose  ill  parlakiii^'  il  was  to  do  what  he  did  not 
lliiiik  bad  yel  been  done,  at  least  with  siitHcient 
dislinctnes.s,  not  only  lo  strip  llie  nurstioii  of  fae- 
lilioiis  coloriii:r,  Ijnl,  by  separaiini;  a  from  consid- 
erations not  iiiliei'i'iil  or  iiiiporlanl,  to  exhibit  its 
real  aitiliidc  and  aspect.  This  required  no  pursuit 
(if  detail,  brief  spaciHif  time,  or  ar!,'iimeiil,  lo  ac-  i 
complisli.  Without  iiivestij;alioii  of  the  forms  of 
resoltilions  and  ainendments  on  the  table,  the  ques- 
tion, rcilured  to  substance,  was  the  ;;real  one  of 
war  or  peace — war  for  all  Oiefoii,  pence  with  purl. 
These  were  llie  allcnialives,  presenled  naked.  He- 
twicii  these  wa.s  to  be  the  elioi»'e.  The  .Senator  : 
from  llliin  |.Mr.  Ai.i.kn]  had  proles.-icd  his  piir|io.se 
Ifi  prepare  the  bear's  of  the  people  for  war;  il  was 
bis  (Mr.  A.'s)  purpose  to  [irepare  llieir  minds  for 
peace. 

|Mr.  Ai.I.EN.  lam  sure  the  Senator  does  no! 
wish  1'.  iiMcribe  to  me  words  I  did  not  use.  I  lake 
this  occasion  lo  repeal,  what  I  tbouihl  I  had  oflei,- 
Iniies  before  stated,  that,  ill  answer  to  certain  re- 
marks made  liy  the  Senator  from  Massachusctis 
with  rc^'iird  to  llie  .node  this  (.iovcrnment  should  : 
adopt  of  <piietly  debalin^'  measures,  and  sayiiit; 
but  lillle  about  them,  I  replied  that  !  held  just  the 
opposite  of  those  opinions;  tliut  I   believed  the 


whole  slate  of  the  (|ue,4lion,  thai  all  the  dani^ei's  ; 
which  the  forcif;n  relations  of  Ibe  country  lliieaten 
to  its  peace,  hhould   be  fully  made  known  to  the 
country,  by  open,  full,  and  public  dealinns.    And  I 
remarked,  iiicoinicxion  with  thai  subject,  if  il  was  ' 
essential  to  prepare  public  opinion  niiil  the  minds 
and  licarls  of  the  people,  by  the  frank  disclosure  ' 
of  tlio  real  stale  of  the  facts,  they  oii^ht  lo  be  j 
staled,  whether  war  in-  anylhiiii;  (l.se  was  lo  fol- 
low.    It  wiuj  not,  therefore,  a  ileilaralion,  made 
independent  of  other  questions,  thai  1  wanted  to  | 
throw  into  the  public  mind,  and  excite  in  it  a  iia- ! 
lional  predisposition  lo  war.    That  was  not  my 
meuniiii;,  as  the  Senator  will  see;  and  I  uin  sure 
his  candor  and  justice  will  lead  liiin  to  accept  Ibis  I 
explanulioii.     And  1  repeat:  1  take  not  back  one 
syllable  of  what  i  uttered  then.     Il  is  printed  und 
corrected  by  my  own  band;  it  siniids  there,  and  1 
abide  llie  event,  whatever  it  may  be.] 

Mr.  AiieiiEn  resumed.  He  hud  no  disposition 
lo  impute  to  the  Senator  any  Hentiment  he  dis- 
clainud,  nor  uny  intention  to  charge  him  us  the 
reckless  iidvoeale  of  war.  He  liad  supposed  the 
Senator  ciniceived  that  war  would  be  demunded  by 
the  exifjencies  of  the  question,  und  had  therefore 
employed  his  expression  that  the  hearts  of  the 
people  should  be  prepared  for  war.  In  such  an 
aspect,  so  they  iiuglil;  und,  if  the  Scnulor  viewed 
the  question  in  that  aspect,  us,  with  liis  opinions, 
he  ouirhl  to  view  it,  and  if  consistent,  must  view 
it,  he  was  rii;lit  to  employ  the  expression.  It  was 
his  duty  ill  such  a  eontiiigeney  lo  prepare  the 
hearts  of  the  people  for  war.  The  adoption  of  his 
views  oukIu  to  .sound  as  u  war  trumpet  tliroui;li  the 
land.  It  was  becjuise  be  (Mr.  A.)  dill  not  partake 
those  views,  re;;aided  the  (|uesiion  in  the  directly 
contrary  u.spect,  believed  ibut  nothing,'  could  be  less 
deinaiided  than  war,  however  it  init;lit  be  brought 
upon  us,  that  be  espoused  the  opposite  ollice,  in- 
voked the  iirescrvalion  of  peace,  and  desired  to 
prepare  (not  the  beai'ls,  which  be  hoped  were  pre- 
pared) the  minds  of  his  couutrymen  for  the  leceii- 
tion  of  these  opinions. 

The  (piestion  was,  'I  en,  of  war;  and,  if  it  came, 
war  of  what  sort.'  1  '  be  js''iiiated  in  its  mis- 
chief by  men  slaughtered  ir  ships  sunk.'  This 
would  be  a  most  erroneous  view  of  the  subject  iii- 
deeil.  No;  it  would  bo  a  war  marked  by  the 
largest  destruction  of  the  elements  of  luiiium  pros- 
perity recorded  in  human  history.  It  would  be 
marked  by  another  pec.diarily — that,  to  the  ac- 
count of  injury  which  the  parti  s  should  sustain 
directly,  the  waste  and  impairment  of  resources 
they  must  respectively  incur  in  the  conduct  of  the 
eonllict,  must  be  added,  in  coiiclnsion,  the  amount 
•  of  all  the  injury  of  the  .same  kind  lliey  would  in- 
1  llicl.  The  elements  of  ihe  prosperity  of  the  con- 
lending  Powers  were  blended  in  a  union  which 
made  it  impossible  lo  strike  tliein  apart,  so  that 
:  the  blow  would  not  recoil  cm  the  hand  which  had 
given  it.  The  hour  of  lerminalion  of  the  eonllict, 
the  day  ol'  the  restoiulioii  of  intercourse,  must 
come.  Suppose  our  udversary  prostrate,  sinews 
worn  out,  resources  e.xhuusted;  where  were  you 
lo  look  again  for  the  resources  wliicli  bud  supplied 
the  iiiaiii  element  of  your  growth  mid  power,  and 
which  would  be  so  much  wanted  for  their  renova- 
tion after  exertion  ? 

(hir  decluinutioiis  were  habitual  on  the  subject 
of  the  probable  destinies  of  our  country  in  the 
ilevelopmeiil  of  prosperity,  social  improvement, 
und  power.  And  on  this  point  it  seemed  diflii-ult, 
eoiniiaring  past  progress  with  causes,  to  indulge 
exaggeration  ami  exlravugnnce.  Uealitics  would 
be  transcended ;  cerlainly  speculation  might  be. 
lint  the  mystery  of  this  progress  of  develojiiiiciil 
was  a  talisman,  and  that  tabsinaii  was  peace.  C)ii 
peace  depcniled  llie  expuiisi(.ni  of  commerce  ;  on 
this  expunsion  depended  the  giowili  and  the  nppli- 
ejilion  of  promictions;  on  these  tlie  developiiieiils 
of  pros[icrity,  improvement,  and  power — the  veii- 
lication  of  visions,  llie  bigliest  inleiesis  and  the 
best  hopes  of  bunianily. 
i  This  war,  then,  was  to  be  of  u  character  of  pe- 
culiar destnicliveiicss,  sboulil  it  come.  Would  it 
come.''  Here  was  a  territory  li'lil  in  joint  occu- 
pancy between  onrseives  and  Ureal  IJritain;  the 
question  of  litle  suspended  for  thirty  years.  At 
whose  instance  r  Ours!  The  proposiiion  of  this 
,  state  of  lliiiigs  bud  come  from  us,  and  had  been 
resisted  in  llie  first  suggestion  by  Ureal  Ihitain. 
Were  we,  in  llieao  circuin.jtances,   to   seiiie  the 


whole  subject  of  controversy,  adjust  the  dispute 
by  the  strong  hand,  and  deal  ti.us  will,  a  I'ower 
the  most  rapacious,  we  were  told  by  those  who 
incited  us  to  ibis  course,  and  the  most  arrogant  an 
well  as  the  most  formidable  in  the  world.''  Would 
ihe  most  conieinptible  I'ower,  the  leiisi  e.xeitnble, 
submit  to  it?  Was  the  rupucity  which  Bought  in- 
dulgence in  all  qiiurtei's,  armed  with  llie  most  lor- 
inidable  power,  to  have  the  possi'ssioii  already  ill 
ils  grasp  torn  uwuy  ?  The  arrogance  which  never 
Hubinilted  to  law  or  restraint,  to  lie  down  passive 
and  quiet  under  this  conluinely  .'  Was  ull  this  re- 
versul  Ol*  nuliire  lo  take  place — CuiiuU"  giving  law 
10  the  wave  P  Jhil  this  was  manifestly  the  only 
eoiidilion  of  peace,  if  we  carried  our  cluim  over 
all  Oregon.  Was  there  question,  then,  whether 
we  were  lu  have  wnr  in  this  event.' 

When  nations  incurred  war  in  the  era  of  clvili- 
zntloii  lo  wliieb  the  world  hud  airived,  imporlaiil 
related  questions  were  presented  for  their  own 
consideiutioii  and  lliutof  ibe  world.  He  had  refer- 
ence to  no  general  declamations  on  llie  unli-chris- 
tiim,  the  immoral  character  of  war.  He  knew  that 
tlie.se  declamations,  however  entitled  to  regard, 
weighed  for  nothing.  Uiit  oiliers  there  were  wliii  li 
did  weigh,  oll'eriiig  themselves  for  discussion,  ill 
i  regard  to  tliit  and  all  war,  which  would  form  part 
and  parcel  of  the  judgmcni  lo  bo  pronounced  on 
it.  Would  the  war  be  a  war  provoked  on  the 
.  part  of  our  leiversury .'  Would  it  be  a  war  neces- 
sary for  the  ultaiimient  of  ils  alleged  purpose,  or 
even  conducive  to  it?  Would  it  be  a  war  con- 
sistent with  the  obligalions  of  the  national  f.iiili 
and  reputation  ?  Would  it  be  a  war  for  .soincihing 
wliicli  certainly  belonged  to  us,  witlunit  wlii'h  it 
,  could  not  be  just  war.'  And,  liiially,  would  il  be 
a  war  of  which,  even  in  success,  the  fnuts  would 
be  advunlageou.^.'  These  were  the  iiirpiirie.i  which 
be  ineaiit  (.Mr.  A.  said)  lo  review,  and  to  every 
one  of  which  he  had  no  fear  but  that  be  should 
be  able  lo  prove  a  iic^niive,  and  a  clear  tnie.  jVnd 
,  ibeii  it  would  be  fur  lli'  people  to  say  whether  they 
would  have  a  war  of  sue  h  a  I'h.uacter  for  the  dif- 
ference between  the  whole  of  t->regon  and  the  far 
most  vulu.ible  part,  of  which  we  have  already 
occu|)ied  the  larger  share,  and  could  have  the 
remainder  if  we  elected  to  settle  the  eonirovcrsy 
by  amicable  division  and  adjiislnient. 

Would,  then,  this  be  u  v\  ir  provoked   by  our 
I  'idvcrsary.'    It  had  been  seen  already  that  the  two 
conventions,  in  virtue  of  which   the  lerrilory  of 
Oregon  had  been  held  for  thirty  years  in  a  joint 
;  occupuncy  between  this  country  and  Engliind,  bad 
been  entered  into  on   the  proposition  of  our  iicgu- 
tiators.     In  the  inslance  of  llie  forinaiion  of  each 
of  these  arrangements,  it  hud  been  declined  ill  tlic- 
lirsl  suggestion,  by  tint  negotiators  on  the  part  of 
England,  und  yielded  only  to  the  reiteration  of  our 
instances.     If  England  were  in  po.ssession,  tlien,  of 
any  of  our  rights  in  Oregon,  the  furl  of  ibis  posses- 
sion wus  not  Ui  be  imputed  to  her,nori'ould  tliecon- 
timmiice  of  that  possessimi  constitute  provocation 
!  to  us.     She  liiid  in  no  respect  departed  from  the 
i  terms,  or  violated  the  iiilenduient,  or  intruded  iqioii 
;  the  conditions,  or  ciiniplaiiied  of  the  oiK'nition,  or 
I  impugned    the  character  of  these   arraiigeincnis, 
i|  wliicli  we  hud  put  upon  her.  .She  hud,  indeed,  piir- 
jl  sued  her  people  in  Oregon  with  protection,  in   the 
form  and  the  meusiire  she  was  aulhoriz'd  lo  do — 
not   beyond   them;  and  she  made  no  obs'ruclion 
,  lo  the  exercise  of  the  same  extent  of  privile^'C  on 
our  part,  professing  .o  have   no  objection  lo  oiler 
toil.     The  eoinpactf  between  us  may  stand   for 
her.    If  to  be  disturbed, ours  is  to  be  the  disturbing 
hand,  and  this  hand  lo  seize  the  whole  subject  of 
eooiroveisy,  us  the  form  of  the  disturbance.  This 
will  liaie  been  the  mode  and  source  of  llie  provo- 
calioii  to  war,  if  it  is  lo  come. 

Next,  will  it  be  war  required  for  ils  object,  Ihe 
rdilention  of  Oregon,  or  even  be  eond'icive  lo  il  ? 
No  mtiii  (Iciiits  ihal  Oregon  is  under  a  process  nf 
niigraiion  and  settlement  on  the  part  of  llie  people 
of  ibis  eountry,  which  must,  in  no  long  lime,  secure 
lo  us  llie  whole.  Our  people  go  ibere  by  tbou- 
.sand.s — the  English  byunils;  and  the  dispiupoi- 
ilon  augmenting  in  our  favor  every  year,  under  ihe 
rights  of  the  common  occupulion.  AVlial  more 
ellective,  more  assured  process  for  obtaining  the 
whole  country,  lliinly  occupied  as  it  is  by  English 
I  .subjects,  llian  this?  As  was  well  remarked  liy  the 
Senator  from  South  C'urolinu,  [Mr.  Caliiocn,)  if 
we  go  into  war  lor  ull  Oregon,  we  may  eoiiiu  out 


m 


vi:)f 


6S9 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29th  Conh Ist  Sess. 


The  Orff^on  (-Question — Mr,  Archer. 


Willi  none  of  ii.  Hul  n\ii  wp  fiiil  of  (fcllin;;  nil,  if 
tlic  |iriic>.ii»  nfiHTii(mliciii,  uiulcr  Ihn  rislit  iif  ji)ilil 
0(cii|inm  Vi  i«  •"  iiiioinli'  for  u«  willi  ft  (houmuul 
limes  llie  iU'rct  it  ilois  lor  our  Kdversary,  mul  llir 
pio|iorli»n  of  rllcri  vuryinj;  rncli  year  in  our  frtvor? 
Wi  MAV  lose  llic  {'oiiulry  liy  wur;  we  mtst  haiv 
it  hy  |Hiire.  If  we  p)  lo  wnr  in  llieso  lircumnUiu- 
reH,  will  not  tl)(Mi|)|)eiimU('C  he,nmi  llie  fairroiiclu- 
iiiori,  tbnt  it  is  the  war  wc  iiiiii  <il,  (it  niiiy  'ic  for 
oilier  onuses,)  niicl  not  the  tinitocy  ? 

No  iiTipeatliiiii'nl  of  tliis  iiifeiTiiee  Pan  be  drawn 
from  ttic  su;;2;rsiiini,  lliat  our  peojile  tjoiiif;  in  siieli 
llLUiilieia  lo  ltn':;nn,  we  are  under  olili<;alion  to  lol- 
lop llieni  with  luoleotioii.  Cerlainly!  And  what 
is  lo  olislrni'i  our  doin:;  so  in  the  luilrsi  niamu'r, 
Willi  no  disiurlmnei^  to  the  present  .stale  of  tiling  .- 
■\Vlinl  is  the  ijuaniiily  of  seenrily,  good  older,  legal 
pioteelion,  in  all  forms  and  extent,  whieli  we  are 
not  at  full  liheny  lo  give  under  the  eonveiition  ? 
What  i  1  tile  single  reserve  lo  the  e.omplilenes!"  of 
tills  derlara'.ion— the  snlitary  tVanehiae  whieli  we 
aie  under  ohhgilion  to  wiililiold .'  Uiit  one — the 
allodial  liilc  lo  the  seiilenienta  our  people  may  make 
— the  grant  of  tide  deeds!  Anil  of  what  conse- 
qoenee  is  this  In  them  ?  Have  not  all  our  Territo- 
ries, now  fiu-ining  so  many  Slates,  been  first  ooeii- 
)iieil  and  settled  in  the  same  eondltion  ?  The  sctllera 
piiceding  the  iiortions  of  land  selected,  the  eoii- 
finnalion  and  fidi  asi  iTlainuient  of  title  following 
in  due  time — in  full  lone;  that  if  to  say,  as  soon  as, 
IVoni  the  muUiplh  iiiion  of  oeeupaiils,  iliere  may  lie 
dangers  of  eollisiinis  in  oeenpalion.  Have  our  pio- 
neer popnlaliiin  in  the  Territories  .inv  fear  on  the 
(luhjeeloflhenriuhlsofpreenipiionr  Will  ihey  have 
any  dillUuhy  in  obtaining  Ijie  titles  (mi  them?  Has 
liol  I  lie  disposition  to  favor  this  elassof  our  eitizens 
run  notorionslv  into  abuse?  We  promise  pie-enip- 
lionrrs  titles  before  they  sell  le.  They  have  never  had 
cause  of  dissalisfaeti.i'n — never  been  incommoded 
by  delay  of  llieir  full  lilies.  What  i.s  there  to  hin- 
der UK  from  promising  the  eniijiiants  to  Oregon  sim- 
ilar eonfirmalion  of  iiile  when  our  eoicventional 
armngenieul.s  put  us  at  liberly  ?  In  the  interval, 
there  is  no  anthorily  ..-  disturli  their  possession 
and  iniprovcincnt,  whieli  is  valid  under  the  I'on- 
veniion,  and  dlll'ers  from  property  in  full  title  in 
liolliing  but  the  form  and  the  name.  There  can  be 
only  a  .single  .source  of  dislnrbiince  of  their  pos.srs- 
sion  and  evicticni — leiin'i;  loor,e  In  iheir  territory  a 
force  superior  to  lln  ir  capacity  of  resi.ilance;  and 
this  can  only  be  the  beipiesi  (a.s  probably  it  would 
1.1  )  of  war  to  llieni.  The  uninicsllonable  interest 
of  ihe  setller,  in  this  respect,  riiiis  with  lliu  innines- 
tionaiile  interest  of  the  Oovi  rnincni. 

Then  this  v.ar  will  no  ukmi  ,  if  it  occur,  ben 
war  rcijuireil  by  or  cwndneixe  lo  its  object,  than  ii 
will  have  been  a  pi'o\oked  war.  Ii  will  be  nol 
leity  a  war  not  iieer.ssary,  but  adverse  lo  occasion 
and  neeessily,  withoiii  pretext  lo  give  a  color  lo  it. 
Next,  will  it  lie  war  eonsislent  svith  national  faith 
and  lepaiaiiiinr 

Our  alleged  clear  and  lUK^iieslionable  title  to  the 
whole  is  made  the'  justifnaticni  of  the.  seizure  of 
the  whole  lerrllnry.  l^ei  the  uoipiesilnaable  title 
to  till'  wlii'le  lie  cnicedi  (i,  slill  ilie  cnnclnsicin  will 
nol  follow  I'rinn  this  a»sunipilon.  Why?  Another 
element  comes  in  lo  inlercepi  and  i|nalify  the  con- 
i'h'.-<ioii.  fhir  liile  soes  back  to  the  il«tes  fd'  our 
eonveinions.  In  1S|H,  in  lt<d7,  we  alleged  we  had 
full  title.  Then  we  had  the  powr  to  nlleiMie, 
transfer,  or  le'-ou'iilse  modified  title  in  oihers.  We 
nii:;lit  have  made  nlinqnishmenl  or  triinsfer,  in 
whole  or  pari,  fully  or  under  modificalion.  Have 
we  not  (lone  so  to  Great  Bril/iin?  If  we  propo.se 
to  Inr  a  jnint  occupancy;  force  it  on  her  accept, 
mice;  |)crniil  il  lo  conllnnc  thirty  years;  in  the  in- 
terval olVer  four  tinifs  a  division  nearly  cipial  of  the 
terrii'U-y;  press  at  these  .several  limes  ijiis  propo- 
.■illlon — dcies  ali  this  amount  lo  no  relintpilslimenl 
of  part  of  our  supposed  full  right  to  the  gninlee 
and  recipient  of  so  niueli  concession?  Is  il  to  be 
r  inslrued  as  nividvlrig  no  recn^nilion  of  ii;;ht  of 
some  character,  to  sonic  extcntr  Siipjioso  it  were 
lo  be  held  as  only  an  aigiiinenl  of  comity,  conces- 
.sion  to  the  advantages  of  commerce  with  (ireal 
ISntain,  or  the  love  of  pi'iiee — does  not  llje  same 
ai;,'unienl  of  liiu'h  policy  apply  now?  The  same 
consider.itlons  of  IniereHt  or  of  repotalion,  are  they 
not  entitled  to  weight  now.  If  they  were  entitled  lo 
it  fornii  rly,  at  the  iii'-eptinii  (,f  tlie  emiveniions? 

If  he  were  asked,  then,  (M'-.  A.  said,)  win  re 
wuii  Ureal  linuun  lu  find  tt  cluini  lo  uct  up  itguiiiai 


[March  18, 

Sknate. 

the  United  StalCH,  his  niiswer  was,  if  not  from  |l  distinctly  iisMcnled  lo  and  recognised  was  good, 
diacovory  or  Spain,  or  elsewhere,  from  the  ITnited  l|  The  delect  of  the  title  of  the  grant  under  the  I'opo 
Stales.  If  Uray  )iave  us  urood  title  to  the  whole  ji  was,  that  il  had  never  had  assenl,  exe.'pt  of  llio 
country,  or  Spain  distinct  from  him,  or  l''nuiee  by  the  two  imnicdiaie  parties  lo  reap  the  benefil;  and 
Ircaty,  or  Lewis  and  <'larke  by  exploration,  or  therefore  never  allamed  lo  ihc  clniraclir  of  ii  riilu 
Asior  by  seltlcmenl,  or  Kngland  by  reslmalion  of  of  public  Inw.  I''rom  nil  early  period,  ai'leranmm- 
.'Vsior's  selllcinenl,  wu  had  all  these  grounds  and     elation,  il  had   been  conlenined  iini!  disregarded. 

All  the  eslablishnienl.s  on  the  Atlantic  side  of  the 
North  Americnn  eoiiliiienl  had  been   founded  in 


urns  of  title  a.s  complete  as  we  have  now  when 
we  made  our  last  convi'iilional  concession  in  18;J7. 
Wlial  is  all  ground  of  title  to  anything,  to  proii- 
erly  in  any  ftirm?  (."onventional  re<;ogiiition.  liy 
this  private  property  is  held — on  this  basis  na- 
tional rights  repnse,  and  derive  from  il  their  aiilhor- 
ily.  On  this  basis  iMiglanil  has  a  claim  to  partiei- 
palion  in  this  territory.  He  llnaighl  this  her  inily 
ground  of  just  claim  north  of  Vuucouvtr's  Island 
and  I'Vazer's  river. 

It  would  nol,  then,  lis  he  (Mr.  A.)  thought,  con- 
sist with  the  concessions  we  had  made  lo  England, 
with  the  faith  which  was  implied  in  those  conces- 
sions, and  the  reputation  for  upright  dealing  in  nil 
things,  which  was  worth  more  than  Oregiui,  losel 
up  pretensions  which  would  exclude  Eiigliuiil  en- 
tirely from  Oregon. 

He  had  been  placing  the  argument  on  Ihis  point 
(Mr.  A.  said)  on  the  assumplKni  that  our  liilc  in 
\^'S1,  when  we  made  the  last  c<niveiillon  with  lOng- 
laiid,  was  undoubted  to  the  whole  of  Oregon;  and 
he  had  been  contending  ihat  still  there  were  im- 
peraiive  eonsidcralions  relative  to  the  position  in 
wliidi,  by  that  conventiim,  we  had  ]ilaced  our- 
selves, i-cqiiiring  abatement  at  our  hands  of  tins  ex- 
treme pretension.  Unt  Ihe  more  direct  cpiestioii 
intervened,  Were  we  invested  in  fad  with  this  in- 
dispiiluble  lille  lo  the  whole  of  Oregon  ?  It  was 
inalier  of  delicacy  lo  draw  iiilo  (piestlon  a  eluini 
which  had  been  set  up  for  one's  country ;  but  it 
was  mailer  of  much  higher  obligation  of  duly  not 
to  permil  our  conntry  to  be  plunged  into  war  on 
false  grounds  of  claim,  in  ignorance  of  their  innde- 
(piacy,  and  from  want  of  exposure  of  this  lUct. 
'i'he  delicacy  and  the  ilillicnlty,  however,  ill  this 
case  admitted  of  ri'eoncilemenl.  The  essential  part 
of  the  claim  of  our  lomilry  did  rest  on  valid  title. 
It  was  the  part  of  inconsalerabh;  value,  of  value 
far  below  Ihe  cii.t  of  asserting  il  by  force,  which 
alone  would  be  lost  by  ciunpromise  ihrouglr  divis- 
ion, the  tiilc  to  whieli  was  liable  lo  be  impugned. 
Tin'  removal  of  the  persuasion  of  title,  as  regarded 
tins  part,  would  be  u  service,  not  a  disservice,  to 
the  couniry . 

What  he  pro]iosed,  then,  on  this  pnrlof  the  aub- 
jeel,  was  thi'  examinalion  of  the  extriane  claim 
winch  had  been  asseinul  lo  the  parallel  of  latitude 
of  r)4^.|l)'.  Ifhi'coitlil  sncceril  in  disproving  thai, 
then  th(!  way  was  leii  open  lo  adjustment  by  divis- 
i  in  of  the  terrilory,  the  exacl'ecnidiiions  of  the 
ilivishin  ri.'inaining  Uie  siibjei  Is  of  arrangement  by 
negoiiaiion. 

Tile  claim  a.sserled  lo  the  line  of  ,54'-' 411'  rested 
for  its  Mipjiorl  entirely  on  ihe  liilc  of  .Spain,  which 
hatl  become  ilu:  subject  of cnjacssion  to  US  by  I'le 
irealy  with  thai  I'ower  of  ISl'.l.  No  other  of  our 
alU;;ed  grounils  of  lille  raimeil  to  that  extent.  In 
reiiioving  this  .■riainil,  therefore,  the  object  which 
he  '.VJr.  A.)  had  in  view,  of  reslricling  our  .lalin 
within  this  extreme  exienslon,  and  so  allowing 
room  for  compronii.se  by  division  of  the  couniry, 
would  be  ellected. 

Uid  the  Spanish  title,  ihei,,  give  us  the  extreme 
claim  we  founded  on  it  ?  Was  this  lorm  of  our  lille, 
as  alle'^ed,  invulnerable?  Itidiciilc  had  been  al- 
lempted  to  be  cast  on  this  lille  of  Spain,  a.s  dc.-ived 
under  the  Papal  bull  of  iTJ-J,  which  made  pariilion 
of  all  newly  discovered  coi.nlrles  between  I'oriu- 
^mI  and  Spain.  He  (Mr.  A.)  did  not  regard  ihis 
ridicule  a.s  just.  All  modec,  of  title  lo  properly,  as 
he  had  already  had  occasion  to  say,  traced  back  to 
conventional  arraic^'emenl  In  some  form.  This  was 
as  true  of  ilie  national  as  the  ninnicipal  forms  of 
properly.  All  assignalion  of  property  by  the  Pope 
was  as  iniieli  enliilc^d  lo  ohservanc.e  and  n  spcci  as 
.my  olhei,  if  iiicii  and  nations  agreed  that  this 
should  be  the  established  mode  of  a.saignalion  of 
title.  Il  was  the  fact  of  the  am'cenicnt,  not  the  rci- 
scniablenesa,  which  gave  the  character  of  law  and 
Ihe  force  of  obligation  lo  the  anaiigenient.  Ill  ihis 
iiiedicameiit  of  fait,  a  title  from  lln;  grant  of  the 
Pope  Would  be  as  valid  as  any  other  which  the 
same  foundation  of  ascerlaineil  consent  could  es- 
lablish  amonuMiaiions.  Thcolijecl  of  all  rules  was 
lo  excluilc  controversies,  have  peace;  and  any  rule 


conlcmpl  of  il,  luid  therefore  it  was  lliut  it  wiw 
null. 

Had  Ihe  Govcrnmmit  of  Spain  any  better  lille  In 
Ihe  norlhwestern  coast  of  Amerieji?  ITndoubledly 
the  vessels  of  Ihis  Power  were  the  first  lo  sail  i  bing 
ihe  coast  lo  a  point  higher  llian  the  line  of  ,')4°  411' 
of  north  latilndc.  If  this  iniglil  be  called  discove- 
ry, (one  of  the  nilmilled  sources  of  lille  to  waslo 
territories  and  eounlries,)  was  it  ever  perfected  in 
Ihe  mode  which  the  validiiy  of  title  from  this  source 
demanda?  Il  is  mailer  nolorions  and  undeninblii 
llial  it  was  nol;  has  never  been.  Selllemenls  made, 
by  Spain  iiorlh  of  latitude  4vJ"  had  been  abandoned 
cerlainly  before  ihe  transfer  of  her  title  lo  us. 

Had  Spain  any  olher  or  further  sa-idion  to  her 
claim  of  title?  i^hc  might  have  hail  the  ground  of 
prescrlpiion.  f'laiui  without  fiundalion,  having 
long  and  auffieienl  iiet|uieseence  to  upliohl  it,  may 
be  rendered  valid  in  national  law,  as  in  luiinieipal 
law.  The  title  of  Spain  to  the  whole  Pai'ific  coast, 
on  the  ground  of  discovery,  had  been  always  as- 
serleil,  never  acceded  to.  It  hiiil  been  eoulesled 
by  K.iiL'land,  contested  by  Uiissia,  contemned  hy 
ourselves.  This  liust  predicament  of  il  was  deci- 
sive in  the  prescnl  discnasion.  We  could  set  up 
no  pretensions  after  we  had  acquired  il,  whiidi  wo 
hnd  invnlidnted  before  it  had  been  ncimired,  and 
with  full  knowledge  of  it.  This  was  the  ease  in- 
conleslably  villi  the  title  of  S[ialii.  We  otl'ered,in 
181H,  to  make  a  disposiilon  in  full  title  of  the  whole 
territory  in  arrangement  wiili   Kngland,  with   no 

.  regard  to  the  title  of  .Spain.  The  Secretary  of 
Stale  had  argued  that,  of  two  titles  acquired  sepa- 
rately, one  might  be  bronghl  to  siislain  the  other, 
even  though  the  first  hail  been  denied  before  il  was 
acquired.  l!ut  tliia  could,  in  any  event,  be  truo 
oiifv  of  titles  which  did  not  stand  in  repugnance  lo 
each  other.  Now,  the  lille  which  we  claimed  un- 
der tiray  did  slaiid  ill  ihis  repuijnance  to  the  title 
which  we  had  acquired  under  Spain.  If  ihe  force 
wc  ascribed   lo   the  diseoverv  of  firay  was  jnsi, 

■  Spain  had  no  anlecedenl  til[e.  If  she  had,  our 
claim  was  dislionesl  inlriision  on  hers.  Uiixlil  by 
Spanish  discovi  ry  left  no  ronni  for  our  rii^hl  by 
snbseqneiit  discovery.  Or,  if  there  had  been  room 
liir  rigl  ;  our  discovery,  il  could  only  be  from 
the  abseil. e  of  right  under  Spanish  discovery. 
Gray  and  Heeeta  could  not  both  give  claims  lo  dis- 
covery of  the  same  river,  because,  supposins  either 
valid,  one  must  havii  been  consuniinated  before  Ihe 
olher  supervened.  Our  liilc  mlirht,  indeed,  be  iii- 
ileleasible  under  elllier  taken  separalrly,  and  our 
people  elecl,  llicre  was  lilile  (luesllon,  to  slaiul  on 
thai  of  Ciray. 

The  view  of  the  snbjeet  which  excluded  llin 
Spanish  title  put  aside,  of  course,  all  oci-.asion  for 
discnssion  on  the  subject  of  llie  Nootka  conven- 
lion.  IJiit  supposiii!.'  otherwise,  ilierc  had  been 
very  iiiidue  importance  aliaclied  lo  this  Nootka 
(^invention,  founded  on  what  seemed  lo  him  (.Mr. 
A.)  a  wiy  niislaken  apprchensloii  of  its  proper 
character  and  import.  The  argument  of  the  Sec- 
rei.iry  of  Slate  was,  that  the  whole  pretension  of 
Great  Hrilnin  to  title  in  Oregon  rested  on  this  con- 
vention with  Sitain;  that  this  conveniion  hatl  been 
terininaled  by  war  between  these  Powers;  and  that 
the  effect  of  the  subsequent  treniy  between  llicm 
revived  treaties  of  connnerco  only,  in  the  number 
of  which,  llii'.t  convention  was  not  to  be  included. 
The  (Minclnsions  in  this  arguuicnt  did  not  require 
lo  be  examined,  as  they  fall  with  the  ba.sis  of  it. 
The  pretensions  of  Great  fiiiuiin  were  not  derived 
from  the  .Nootka  convention.  It  was  not  neces- 
sary, lo  support  this  proposition,  to  r(;fei-  lo  the. 
terms  of  Ihe  convention,  which  did  not  sustain,  or 
to  the  preamble,  which  dearly  excluded  any  such 
dcdiiciion — ihe  terms  carrying  no  import  of  the 
concession  of  rights  by  or  to  either  party,  the  pre- 
amble iniportiiig  mutuality  of  arrangement,  whieli 
excluded  the  idea  of  such  concession.  The  very 
fact  of  the  existence  of  the  conveniion  wns  conclu- 
sive in  disproof  of  tlii!  character  imputed  lo  it. 
The  coiivcntioii  was  framed  in  lermiiialion  of  a 


-h  IS, 


1840.1 


APPB:ND1X  to  the  CONGRKSSIOiNAL  GLOBi:. 


533 


iiDrii  CoNfi IsT  Sehh. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.Arc/ier. 


Senate. 


(•ntilinvcisy  wliic'.i  liml  |ii-(ic,((ik'(l  to  iIk!  rvr.  of 
rii|)liii'o  and  wiir.  Ku|itiii'u  anil  war  Inr  what?  : 
Till!  lucnkinij  up  of  an  EnirliHli  sclili'iiii'iit  dm  (lie 
ri)a..l  liy  Spain,  mi  llic  nliijjrd  i;ininiil  of  iui  liilni- 
Hinn  oM  till-'  rxcliisivc  jiiriHilictiiiii  anil  Nnveri-ii^niy 
of  Spain.  Did  nni  tlii.s  vindii'iiliim  ot'a  li^nl  of  : 
Hultluiiiuiu  hy  l')n!;laiid  iiiipiirt  thi:  denial  of  lliu  ex-  I 
I'ln.sivn  HoVfrciKiiiy  of  Spain  ?  And  tin;  olfiM't  of 
iIiIh  I'onvenlion — ^Vll^<  il  nut  tin;  vindication  of  tliia 
dunial,  and  the  placing  it  on  inipn:;;iialilo  ^I'lnind 
in  viitiic  of  iliu  rinu'uNsionnry  iinim^'unicnt  on  the 
part  of  Spain  wliii'h  the  convention  cslahliMhcd? 

Why  hIioiiIiI  I'^n^'land  make  roniplnint  and  men-  j 
ncc  war,  if  it  was  she,  not  Spain,  who  laid  com- 
niitted  the  violalioii  of  jiirisdirlioii?    What  else 
was  the  a|tpoa.satnry  arraiii^i-nient  of  the  ronveii- 
lion  Ijiit  an  adnli.s^<lo^  of  injury  to  t^n^land,  and 
thai  injury  coiisiNiing  in  the  aasertion  against  her  ' 
of  the  Waim  of  exoliisivc  jiirisdii'lion  theretofore  of  i 
Spain?    The  eoiivention  then  csinhlished,  in  iilacc  ; 
of  the  proposition  thi.t  the  ciniiii  of  Kiii;lanil  to  n  I 
riatlit  of  seltlement  in  ihe  territory  had  heen  de- 
rived under  or  from  Spain,  that,  on  the  contrary, 
it  had  been  exirciscd  independently  (d" Spain, and  , 
apiinsi  hrr  inetreelnal  effort  to  resist  this  exercise,  , 
snccesafully  asserted,  and  vindicated  ftlectimlly. 
The  lftn;j;iiaKB  of  the  lin^lish  neyotiators,  in   the 
conduct  of  the  controversy  with  us  on  this  suliject, 
had  uniformly  heen  conlormalilc  to  this  view  of  ' 
the  cluiraetcr  of  the  convention.     The  lan^nia^re  of  ' 
the  linglish  commissioners  in  lfi'26  was,  that  if  the  ] 
cnv'i'LicTiNCi    CLAIMS    With    Spain    had    Mot    heen 
"  Fis.vi.LV    Aiiiiis    ;i)  hy  the   Nootka  coiivenlion, 
'  anil  all  arixumenls  and  pretensions  ilelinilively  sel 
'  at  rest  by  the  sii^nature  of  that  coiivenlion,  nolli- 
'  ins  would  lie  niore  easy  than  lo  ilemoiisliaie  thai 
'the  claims  of  Ureal   llrilain  lo  that  ciHiniry,  as 

*  opposed  lo  those  of  Spain,  were  so  far  from  vis-  I 
'  ionary  or  arbitrarily  as.sumed,  that  they  estali- 
'  lisheil  MoiiB  THAN  a  PAMirv  or  title  to  the  pos- 

*  session  of  the  country  in  (piestion,  either  as 
'  iv^'ainst  Spain  or  any  other  nation."  They  add,  | 
that  ihe  ri^hls  of  Great  Uriiain  are  "  reemmil  anil  \ 
iltjined  ill  llii:  convenliim."  They  speak  of  them  as 
"fixed,  "never  as  created  by  ihe  convention  ;  ireat- 
iii};  this  inslnimeni  as  evidence  of  a  recognition  of 
the.sc  pretensions,  never  as  importing  any  yraiit  or 
institulion  oi'theni. 

This,  then,  was  ihe  view  (said  Mr.  A.")  in  w  Inch 
Ihis  coiivenlion  was  regarded  hy  Ureal  IJritaiii, 
and  ill  which  she  was  aulhori/cd  by  the  circum- 
Mances  anil  history  of  lis  furmaiion  lo  'epiid  il. 
lint  Ihe  iMl'creiicc  derived  from  iho  ojiposile  view, 
that  ihis  iiislnmii'iit  was  lo  be  res;arded  as  the  ex- 
clusive source  of  the  Itritish  liaim,  which  had 
expired  in  it.^  exlim.lion,  was  the  .sole  basis  of  our 
extreme  claim  lo  Oicfjon  to  the  laiiiudc.  of  ;')■!"  4(J'. 
In  the  failure  of  ihis  inference,  our  clnim  in  this 
extreme  extent  fell.  None  of  our  other  i;rounds 
ol  our  claim  takin<;  il  to  this  exicnl,  it  was  not 
required  (Mr.  A,  said)  by  lii.s  purpose  to  iii.siiUite 
any  rigorous  cxainiiiation  of  lliem,  thai  purpose 
being,  by  shitwin^  that  we  could  not  claim  clearly 
to  ihis  exleiil,  to  let  in  ailjusinient  by  arrest  of  ihe 
claim  short  of  this  point.  It  niighl  not  be  an  un- 
advised course,  indeed,  when  the  ({ucstion  was  of 
liic  assertion  of  our  claim  by  llie  extreme  mode  of 
force,  lo  look  into  every  ground  assigned  for  it  with 
narrowness,  to  have  assurance  of  its  iniiuegna- 
bilily.  The  ground  of  lille  from  ihe  discovery  of 
Uray  had  been  I  hat  the  most  insisted  on.  Mis 
friend,  the  Senator  from  Maine,  [.Mr.  Evans,]  had 
disclosed  perplexities  and  difVuulticB  surrounding 
Ihis  foumlaiion  of  our  claim  which  it  might  not  be 
found  e.isy  lo  resolve.  Hi'  (Mr.  A.)  <'ould  sug 
gest  iilhers,  which  he  had  been  surprised  should 
have  escaped  the  pe.ietiating  observation  of  that 
Senator.  He  (Mr.  A.)  chose  not  to  advert  to  iheni, 
with  the  exception  of  one  which  he  had  to  com- 
mend lo  the  attention  of  the  patent  constitutional 
cunslruclionislM  of  Uemociacy.  Their  doclrincs 
recognised  no  sulislanlive  power  in  our  Uovern- 
lueni,  which  was  not  found  by  name,  was  not  di- 
rectly (  xpressed,  in  the  fjonstilulion.  Th:;  power 
to  ucipiire  lerrilory  had  been  regarded  as  of  a  char- 
acti  r  so  highly  substantive  as  to  have  fixed  a 
liinilalioii  in  the  IJonstilnliim  on  actjuisilion  even 
ill  the  confined  form  and  extent  id'  a  few  acres  for 
forts,  arsenals,  or  dock-yard.s.  Even  this  modcr- 
ale  exeiii.se  of  ihe  power  whs  siibmilled  lo  the 
consent  of  ilie  Slate  Governments.  In  what  nuule 
of  iiiteriirclaliuii)  tl'.en,  was  tu  be  derived  the  huge 


anomalous  faciilly  n*"  iicqiiiriiig  twelve  and  a  half 
degrees  of  laliluile,  by  ihe  proccts  of  ils  discov- 
ery hy  an  individual,  and  he  not  acting,  or  pro- 
fessing to  acl,  or  claim,  on  behalf  of  llie  Uov- 
ernnient,  more  than  by  ils  aullmrily?  OLscoverv 
was  not  oi:      <■  the  lilies  lo  aiilhoriiy  lo  be  fou>  J 


ere  not  without  nuihorily,  indeed,  to  inuk.^ac  pii- 
lion  of  territory  to  the  exiciit  in  question,  uii  ler 
ic  Constitution.     Bol  the  form  of  exei-;i,He  of  this 


in  the  Consiituiion,  though   it  now  appeared, 
rceciil  eoiiBlruction,  lo  be  u  very  large  one.     We 
wei 
sitioi 
the 

authority  was  by  treaty,  and  discov  ry  was  no 
exercise  of  a  Ireaty-making  facility.  |iy  ihis  mode 
of  treaty  and  lis  sequences,  he  {Mr.  A  iriiKii)  was 
of  opinion  that  we  had  acqiiiriil  iiii  jii  if  liable  lille 
in  Oregon.  It  did  iiol  reach  to  the  cxic.it  of  lali- 
Uide  54°  40',  however,  and  presented,  teerefore, 
no  valid  obstacle  to  the  mode  of  comprou.ise  l)y 
division  of  the  lerrilory,  as  the  only  nvai/iblc 
ttvenuo  to  adjiislment  of  the  controversy,  ex -ept 
nt  Ihe  expense  of  consequences  of  fur  greater  cist 
than  the  value  of  the  lerrilory. 

Air.  AiieHBn  went  on  lo  say,  that  he  peraiiadea 
himself  that  ho  had  not  been  nnsuccessfnl  in  es- 
tablishing llie  propositions  he  had  announced  for 
his  discussion,  iliat  the  pressure  of  oiir  claim  lo 
the  whole  of  Oregon  would  lead  to  war;  that  ihe 
war  would  not  he  one  provoked  by  any  oU'ensivc 
conduct  of  our  adversary,  would  be  incoiiducivc 
to  ils  obje(l,lhe  oblention  of  Oregon;  would  as 
little  be  conducive  to  Ihe  repnlalion  of  theCiovern- 
meiit  for  adlieience  to  ihe  requircmenls  of  ils  coii- 
veiilional  arrangemenis;  and,  finally,  woidd  be 
waged  for  a  claiiii  which  was  not  susiainalde  in  the 
exlciil  lo  which  it  would  be  assr -led.  If  these 
prooosiiions  had  been  suslained,  llie  conclusion 
could  not  be  resisted,  nor  made  a  subject  of  ques- 
tion, ilial  the  controversy  for  Oregon  ou^ht  not  to 
be  carried  lo  the  resort  of  war,  but  lelc'ricd  to  a 
less  violent  form  of  adjustnieni 

And  now  he  wished  to  lead  ailenlion  to  the  con- 
sequences which  nii-'hl  be  anticipaled  from  this 
war,  which  prciented  to  his  mind,  in  ihe  views  hr 
had  been  h'll  lo  take  of  Ihein,  topics  for  llie  gravest 
and  most  anxious  rclleciion.     He  had  no  refer- 
ence in  this  allusion  lo  the  ladinary  forms  of  casu- 
ally and  injury,  llie  characierisiics  of  all  war,  espc- 
ciallv  on  a  large  scale.     These  were  heavy  enough, 
surely,  in  person.-;  not  divesled  of  sobriety  by  the 
presence    of  some    uominatimo    eo.NeKi'Tiuv,    to 
ji  niiliice  llie  exiremes'.  forbeaiance  in   llie  resorl  lo 
:    war,  if  not  demanded  by  an  imperative  exiirency 
;    of  national  inleicsl  in-  honor.     The  nim-e  (djviou'a 
forms  of  the  ealiimily  of  war — deslniclion  of  men 
I'  and  ships,  waste  of  money  and  properly — hud  llie 
j    easl  claim  iiicoiiiparaiily  in  eslimaling  The  ainoiiiit 
I   of  Ihis  calaniily.     It  was  not  what  marked  llie 
priigress  of  war,  but  the  sequel,  ihal  had  llie  first 
\   claim  lo  estimation.     Circuiustances  ailemlant  on 
i'  Ihe  progress  pa.ss  away;  Ihose  which  allached  to 
'    Ihe  sequel  endured  for  long-conlinued  indiience. 
And    such   were  going   lo    be    the   circtimslances 
I    atlacliiiig  lo  this  war  with  England,  if  wc  should 
hecoine  engaged  in  it. 

Some  of  lliesc  circumstances,  the  most  oblrnsivc 
because   the   most  essential,   it  was  his  purpo.se 
|i  (Mr.  A.  said)  briefly  lo  consider.     He  was  in  no 
j,  coi;  lition  to  expaiiu   ihe  view   of  thein,  however 
!    they  inighl  merit  it.    He  began  by  discarding  from 
account  all  notice  id' military  or  naval  disasters  or 
loss.     He  believed  tlial  his  eonnlrymen  would  al- 
ways be  found  snsiaining  fully  Ihe  reputalion  we 
1    had  earned  in  naval  and  military  conllici;  and  that 
in  ihis  war,  if  it  came,  ihey  would  add  large'y  to 
I    the  national  lilies  to  renown.     This  he  staled  from 
'l  the  fullest  convidion  and  belief.     The  purposes  of 
■    his  argument  required  that  he  .shouhl  go  further 
'•    than  this  in  adniission.     "e  conceded  ihal,  wilh 
I    no  interruplion,  we  should  ,.    niipli  on  every  wave, 
be  the  victors  on  every  field;  that  no  current  of  ad- 
verse vicissitude  or  accident  might  he  expected  to 
come  athwart  the  slream  of  our  success  lo  break 
il;  ihat  the  freest  vision  of  the  Senator  from  Ohio 
j.Mr.  Ali.kn]  on  this  subject  might   be  realized. 
That  honorabio  Senator  indulged  llie  ini|U'essiiin 
that   this   imbecile   Power — England — vvmild  not 
ventnre  on  war  wilh  us  single-handed.  Why, then, 
single-handed?     Why  not  double-handed.'    Was 
not  the  faviaite  theme  of  the  Senator  from  Ohio, 
the  vigilant  propensity  of  the  great  I'owers,  in  alli- 
ance wilh   I'.iigland,  to  iiounce  on  this  seduclivc 
oxeinplar  of  ours,  of  the  pernicious  vitality  and 


perilous  piogrc^siveiiesH  of  free  insiitiilic>nH,io  e.x- 

lii.giiish  it  i.efore  the  ullenipl  might  he  loo  Inic  ? 

'  What  occasioo  more  favorable  ibaii  this  of  war 

wilh  lOngland  I'm  the  indulgence  of  this  propensity 

and   policy?    Thin  the  pioliabiliiy  In  tins  view 

was  not,  as  the  .Senator  suppo.scd,  that  wc  should 

I  have  no  war  wilh  England,  but  that  we  should 

I  have  v;i\r  with  more  than  England  in  association 

j  wilh  her. 

!  iSot  concurring  in  the  supposition,  however,  lio 
i  (Mr.  A.)  wouhl  not  reason  from  it.  Hut  he  iii- 
1  sisled  that  England,  despicalde  as  she  was  de- 
scribed in  slrengih,  inighl  be  Irodden  inlo  war. 
The  Worm,  Irodihn  on,  will  liirn,  and,  feeble  as  it 
is,  may  sling.  He  (Mr.  A.)  assumed  thai  if  we 
tcriiiinaled  discussion,  seized  the  entire  sub'iei ',  in 
coiiliuversy,  and  liiis,  too,  accompanied  by  gre.'l, 
'  however  just,  vitupcnilion  of  England  in  on:  puL- 
I  lie  councils,  England,  in  all  her  imhccdily,  ami 
\  however  signal  the  iiidiscrelion,  will  be  exasp.r  i- 
:  ted  into  war.  Let  us  suppose  liiis,  and  that  ti.:- 
j  first  residl  will  be  to  realize  ihc  hiniinous  eoiicep- 
1  lion  of  the  Senator  from  Ohio,  that  llic  English 
dcels,  in  place  of  agghimeraling  on  our  coiisls,  an 
niiglit  have  been  ex]iecied,  will,  at  the  lirst  onset 
of  war,  take  lo  their  winged  heels,  and  huddle  for 
defence  around  llic  mother  country  and  the  colo- 
'  iiies.  Even  in  this  view,  and  iissiimiug  ihey  weru 
never  lo  turn  again,  we  ir.iisi  siill  tiiake  provision 
for  defence,  as  if  they  were  at  any  lime  to  be  ex- 
[iccled  on  our  shores.  Well,  excluding  from  eal- 
ciilaiion  llie  larj'c  considnalion  of  naval  anil  mari- 
time arniamen'.s,  what  is  llie  reasmiahle  esiimaie 
of  ihe  provision  for  land  secuiily  and  operatioiifi 
which  will  I":  required?  He  prefeired  (Mr.  A. 
said)  to  suljstilule  ihe  esliniales  of  llie  honorablu 
Senator  from  South  Carolina  for  his  own.  Hia 
(siimate  was  for  seven  armies,  v*liich  would  be 
required,  lo  be  composed  of  not  fewer  llian  two 
hundred  thousand  men.  Ti)  these  was  lo  be  ad- 
ded (Mr.  A.  said)  a  consideration  peculiar  to  our 
forms  of  force.  Ucgular  Ibtee  we  could  have  In 
mily  a  nioderale  exlenl.  We  wiailil  have  lo  ile- 
pciid  on  diaughls  of  citizens  for  nerimls  of  three, 
six — let  il  he  IwcUe  moiilhs.  A  Irnct  of  thiskind 
was  known,  in  its  waslefulness,  and  'he  expense 
allending  ficqueiiey  of  ciiangcand  dislant  removal, 
lo  involve  a  much  larger  proporUonale  cost  tiiaii 
any  olher.  The  provision  iiiiisl  be  for  the  expense 
of  a  considerably  larger  force  than  two  liiindied 
ihoiisaiid  iiien,  admuting  lliese  to  be  siillicie.it. 
Whence  were  the  resources  for  ihis  and  olher  ex- 
pendilures  lo  come?  The  rcsmuce  fioni  cusloniH 
must  be  nearly  cut  olf  in  the  inevi.able  interrup- 
tioiis  to  commerce.  Direct  tax-  .■*,  excises,  loao.s, 
must  he  the  dependence.  Vr'iience  was  to  be  llie. 
resource  to  pay  these,  if  our  markets  for  a  gi(  at 
pait  abroad  were  to  bi^  cut  olf,  and  the  porlion,  or 
'  the  pro[)ortion  of  the  products  of  our  indtisiry 
which  might  reach  maikel,  by  ihe  ell'ect  of  insu- 
rance and  the  loss  from  iiidirectcommumcation,  tu 
be  greatly  impaired? 

'I'he  expeiLse,  every  one  knew,  must  be  supplied 
by  loans.  If,  from  the  sources  of  ta.xation,  enough 
could  be  derived  lo  pay  Ihe  inteiest  on  loans,  and 
so  sustain  the  credit  of  the  Governincnl,  lliat  was 
the  best  lo  be  expected.  We  should  be  precluded, 
;  from  various  circuiiisiances  not  necessary  lo  bead- 
vei'Kd  to,  from  efl'ectiiig  loans  lo  any  exieiilabniiiil. 
The  reliance  must  be  on  domcslic  resources.  How 
long  could  we  sland  this?  The  eslimaie  of  Mr. 
Uallalin  is,  that  the  expenditure  nui.st  be  seventy- 
seven  million  dollars  a  year;  fifteen  or  eighleeii 
millions  to  he  raised  by  taxes,  sixty  millions 
or  more  by  loans.  The  Senator  from  South  Car- 
olina thinks  these  esliniales  loo  low.  That  (Mr. 
.-V.  said)  was  his  own  distinct  and  well-con.sidered 
opinion.  Hut  suppose  the  esliniales  correcl,  how 
long  would  our  capacity  of  slanding  up  to  the  con- 
test last,  or  with  what  resulls?  The  con/lict  must 
I  be  expected  Ui  be  enduring,  as  neiiher  parly  was  a 
I'ower  lo  be  subdued.  The  Power  that,  for  a 
great  part  of  twenty  years,  a  portion  of  the  lime 
wilh  the  resources  of  all  Europe  at  ils  control, 
,  withstood  the  hostility  of  Naiioleon  without  suc- 
ciimbinir,  could  not  be  e.X[)ected  speedily  lo  ipiail 
in  our  conllid.  Our  loans  lo  sustain  the  war,  after 
a  short  period,  must  be  drawn  entirely  from  hanks. 
AH'oi'ding  loans  lo  the  amount  of  sixty-lwo  mil- 
lions a  year,  (.Mr.  Uallatin's  calculation,)  our 
l>aiik.s  must  speedily  become  unable  to  sustain  a 
il  specie  basis.      Our    Governments,  Federal    imd 


M 


594 


APPKNDIX  TO  THK  CONORESSIONAf.  Cr,OnK. 


S9rH  Cong I  it  Sess. 


Trvntij  of  H'anhins^ton — Mr.  Il'i /inter. 


[April  <!, 
Sknatk. 


%' 


X|ali<,  an  ill  Kiik^hiiiil  nrirr  tim  Iriiiln  of  I7!)7,  wniild 
(lliil  llifillNt'lvci  CDiiHlraiiu-tl  to  inilhnil/r  (hn  tlv' 
liiirliiiT  I'niMi  II  «iii'iii!  liiLsiH.  W'r  nIiiiiiI(I  llini  liavr 
Ihr  iiikIi  i'I'  llir  iiiut'HiMd'd  |xi|irr  .syNlnii — iiiii  (lie 
iiii|iri  HyKK'iii  III'  '111'  \vi\r  ipf  If^l'-.',  wlini  wr  jiiiiil 
forty  pt'i*  I'*"!!!-  "II  liiaii.'*,  hill  oT  till' war  III*  till'  Kev- 
oltiltoiti  wIh'Ii  )>:ijii'r  aliiiir,  ili'in'rcialfil  |>mnI  i'oiu- 
|iiilati<Mif  was  iliii  iinly  iiicdiiiin  ol'  t'xcliaii^'^o  anil 
slaiiil  III!  Ill'  \aliii'. 

Ill  |iiii|"oliim  to  till' (lr|irri'iiiliiiii  ol"  ilipriirri'iny 
anil  ilic  niiikii'lii'uiiiin  kI'  Cinvi'iiinii'iil  ili'iiiamU 
tiir  liiaiiH,  tin;  itiiiiiiiiil  ut'  litaM.H  ri'i|tiirril  iiiiiNt  iiiil;- 
iiii'iil  uitli  cai'li  yi'ar.  'I'li  what  iniiHt  tlu,' aiuiaiiil 
MWfll  111  a  Crw  yi-arH  ?  W'lifii  [warr  i'rtiiit'»  Iii'siiIi-n 
tliHi  iriirk.'it  III' all  till'  trial.s  lliniii','li  wIih'Iiu  social 
rniiiniiiinty  I'aii  pass,  llie  ri  stiir.itiiin  of  iv  riiinuil 
(.iiiTriny  til  rriilll,  what  Wiiiilil  in'  tin' aiiiHiiiit  of 
(lilit  wi'  slioiilil  liavc  to  unit  Willi  |>rovisioii? 
'J'lit'  SiiiHlor  iVoiii  Soiiili  t  'arolina  nays  Mi'vrii  liiiii- 
ilrcil  iuiil  liOy  inilli""  iloliai'H  I'or  ti'ii  yi'ars  of  war. 
I.ri  Mils  III'  llic  aiiioiinl.  I  low  air  you  lomi'i';  it? 
Ill  vriiMi- iVoin  'iiiiitirri'ii  w  ill  liavr  iiHi^Ht'd  away. 
iMaiiiifai'liii'i'N,  niiri'i'il  liy  tho  di'iiial  of  rMi  riial 
8  i|i|ily,  w  ill  liinf  lovcri'd  ilii'  land,  lo  cxrliidn  any 
other  lliaii  till'  niosi  iHiiiinoiiH  Kii|i|i|y  of  rcvniiii.' 
from  llii-  riisloiii-lioiisr.  ^'imr  ri  .soiiiri'M  to  |i  ly 
till'  intiri'sl  of  tills  drill  in  pcari',  (not  tlii>  dolil,)  a.s 
lo  pay  it  in  war.  must  l>o  dircrt  ia\  and  llic  liiite- 
fill  cvi'i.ii! — i'Xc'i.si'  mainly  on  iiiaiiiifai'liirfH.  Von 
will  iioi  lie  iilili'  to  l.nak  no  or  n>iliiiT  to  pro|ior- 
lion  till-  piivalrmr  of  tin;  maniifai'liiriii'^  sysii'in. 
Ii  will  liavr  found  its  iinnaliiral  i  Npansioii  in  llir 
niiavoidalilr  iin'ltrmiiii  of  war,  in  tin'  iiiiavnidalili; 
iiii'iii'iiu'iit  of  your  pli'ilmd  and  roiiiniitud  li'^isla- 
tion.  Yon  will  lir  iiiuilili'.to  I'liak  it  up,  from  its 
rxienl.  The  altiinpl  would  iiuliiro  loiiviilsion. 
Von  will  111'  forliiildrii  to  niiilii;  tin.'  all"iiipi,  for 
your  pli-ilu'is  will  In'  a  liridli-  on  yoii.  Iliir  wiiolr 
ri'onomii'.il  sv.iiini,  w  iili  our  wlioli'  liiiaiii  lal  sy.s- 
Irin,  wliirli  lii'pMidM  oil  it,  will  lia\i'  niiili-riroiiii 
riHUuLsion,  ovcrthroM  ,  ri'ioliilioii — convulsion  uii- 
appiasalilo,  revoluinm  lo  which  no  riMiit'dy  cnii  lie 
liroiiu'lit. 

I'liit  this  (said  .Mr.  A.)  was  far  from  llie  wnrst 
view  of  the  miHi'liii  f  thai  was  to  I'lnne.  We  roiild 
tret  on  with  ail  eroiioiniral  system  in  iiiraiii:i'iiieiil, 
a  fniani'ial  system  perverted  and  in  disoriler;  lull 
what  WHS  lo  eome  to  our  soeial  system  .'  'i'liu  w.ir 
would  last  loll/.  It  would  wax'  lii  rce.  In  pio- 
poriion  lollie  diiialinil  and  the  liereiness  would  lie 
Ihe  I'haii'.'e  wliieli  always  eame  Ironi  loni;  war  in  the 
temper  of  the  people.  'I'lie  I  tl'ii'l  w  as  as  iiiev'ialile 
as  llie  iiriii:ression  of  the  seasons — a  mor  u  iaw. 
'I'lie  military  would  take  the  plaee  of  the  eii  jl  spirit; 
the  military  ftf  the  riul  men.  Tin:  proieness  of 
the  people  to  ali;isemeiit  to  military  siieei  ss,  ihe 
prnehvity  of  military  sueeess  to  aliiise — trade- 
wmdp  were  not  more  inevit  ihlc  and  i'ei;iilar.  In 
protiailed  war,  lontempt  of  law  liei  amo  the  law. 
When  til"  inllilary  men  wauled  lo  supplant  the 
rivil  adniinisiratiiiii  in  the  first  I'reiiili  revolmion, 
theery  was,  "  Tlnow  the  lawyers  into  the  river." 
Tliij'  (TV  carried  everythiie.:.  Arms  and  law.s  do 
not  flourish  toijciher.  Amoni;  arms  the  l.iws  are 
s'leni,  says  the  ml  e.'e.  The  Senator  iVoin  Soinh 
Carolma  lia.s  supposed  that  we  slioiild  have  the 
freneral  of  the  aritn'  of  Texas  eontondinir  with  llie 
^etieral  of  the  army  of  Canada  for  the  first  niiiiiis- 
i.-aey.  Ntiiriiis  mid  Sylla — (':es:ir  and  i'oinpey. 
I^eil'iiip.^  so.  {Jul  siijipose  thiie's  not  so  had;  thai 
our  t;tneials,  in'pl;iee  of  rendin:;  their  i-onntry  hy 
arms,  snliniil  in  war  and  nlu  r  war  to  the  forms  of 
eleilion — lake  ofiiee  from  iln,  hands  of  the  people. 
Is  a  militery  ;i.seendi  iiey  less  ineviialile  r  1  lave  not 
our  people',  as  in  all  the  popular  Males  of  wliieli 
liisiorv  i.'i\es  IIS  anv  record,  already  instructed  ns 
ill  the'eaiastro|ilier  Will  they  have  any  other  than 
military  men  tii  liiirli  otliee — Willi  the;-pirit  of  com- 
mand, and  contempt  of  civil  eontrol,  wiiicli  deli  lies 
the  ri'al  and  eitiiin  nt  inihiarv' manr  If  this  were 
to  lie  a  war,  then,  as  it  had  lieen  said  it  v*  .Id  he, 
heiwi  en  the  re]ail'hcan  aiitl  mon.iri  liical  jiri.M'i;  les, 
Ihe  eoiilli.-i  would  he  III  home — ,inioir_'  iMirsiins; 
Mild  the  lirsl  were  eerlaiii  lo  siicciiiuli,  aial  the  last 
to  he  triiimpliaiil.  He  (.VIr.  A.)  had  heaiil  the  siii;- 
eesiion  that,  under  the  severe  pressure  of  the  dis- 
tress III  the  conimuaiice  of  this  war,  the  Union 
nii'jhl  irive  wav — hreak  up.  I  ie  did  not  concur  lu 
this  iiopreliension.  War  rauiti!t»iili  lionorahle  ter- 
minal ion  had  heeri  reacheil,  our  people  would  never 
sunder,  liul  the  ea.se  was  dillereiit  mtirely  ^^■hen, 
ill  Uiu  rc8toratiiiii  of  peace,  a  iiiilil.iry  dyiia.ity,  in 


T, 


ihn  f\irini<  u(  our  repnhlican  losiiiniionH,  would 
supervene.  Then  the  heart  of  the  patrioi  would 
he  liirnid  lo  disriiplion,  the  impulse  al  once  of 
incomrolliilde  I'eelmt;,  iind  the  dictate  of  iiiviolidile 
duty. 

Much  (Mr.  .\  said)  were  Home  of  the  enn.se- 
quenccs — they  were  only  n  part — which  mi^'lit 
come,  which  he  helieved  I'n  his  inmost  heart,  to  a 
V'l'e.it  extent.  Would  come,  IVom  this  war  proposed 
lor  ttrcpin,  if  it  occuned.  Wluil  were  lo  he  the 
eoiiipeiis:ilions,  independently  ofiheSH  ulterior  eon- 
sidiratioes,  tiir  the  ordinary  sacriliceH  in  Idoud  and 
expenditure  which  tin  war  would  involve,*  Not 
<liei.oii.  'I'hat  wiis  too  sm  ill  a  lliiii;^  to  iliink  of. 
Siill  less  a  pan  of  l)re!;on,  or  Ihe  use  of  a  river, 
(tlie  ('idiimliia,)  willi  a  hinidred  and  Iwelity-five 
luileN  ofaiailahle  stream,  and  liflei-n  miles  of  nearly 
impracticahle  and  ahsohitely  irreniovahle  shoal  al 
the  iiioulh  of  :i.  The  compensiitions  were  to  hi; 
theoccnpation  of  the  Kii;.;lish  ternlorial  possessions 
ill  our  iii'ii;lihoihooil.  Well,  MUj'iiose  these  occn- 
pieil,  as  prohalily,  not  rertainly,  lliey  would  he  in 
the  pronresH  of  the  war — what  were  we  lo  do  with 
them  oil  the  restoralion  of  peace,  siippo.sin;;  (what 
w;is  mipos.'iihle)  ih.il  we  were  not  to  restore  them 
as  the  indispeiisahte  eoiidiiions  of  peace?  Itctain 
tlieiii  as  pans  of  our  Cout'edcracy  .'  'A'liat  would 
lie  the  HiL^nal  for  the  ilissolnlion  of  the  t'onfed- 
eracy,  which  would  hreak  lo  pieces,  loo,  in  no  Ion;; 
lime,  under  the  wei;;hl,  even  it'  tins  were  not  to 
prove  the  sii^ual  of  dissolution.  And  was  it  i'vr- 
lani  lliat  these  oroviiices  would  he  wdliiii;'  to  eonie 
into  our  t 'ontiileiacy  ?  They  had  heen  losiercil  ir. 
altai-hnn'iit  to  nionarehical  as  v^'e  to  re|iuhlican 
institution.-i.  Were  we  lo  force  their  inclinations, 
put  our  iiistilnlioiis  on  them  as  a  yoke?  Thai 
would,  iiiilced,  he  the  policy  of  a  pan  of  our  peo- 
ple, lull  mil,  II  must  he  presumed,  ot'tlie  majoiily. 
\Vere  we  to  restore  these  po..,scssious ?  'i'heri, 
w  here  was  lo  he  llie  compi  ns.itioii  for  all  the  euor- 
■  nous  cost  in  hlooil  and  treasure  of  the  acipiiremcm  ? 
>Vas  it  to  .xa  in  s.uistiiction  lor  that  worihless  p.irl 
of  (lrc','on — Ihe  oniy  pari  that  Kuijland  was  not 
ready  Ui  surrender  lo  us  to-day?  t'r  were  we  lo 
estahlish  llictie  itrilish  provinces,  if  we  did  tint 
wish  lo  lake  tlieiii,  or  they  tlid  not  wish  lo  come 
to  us,  a.'!  all  inilepi  ndciit  repnhlican  confederacy? 
Then  the  cost  of  sull'erne,,'  and  hloml  of  our  people 
would  f;o  III  till  11  estahhshment,  as  a  f;ieal  iiei'^li- 
hor,  nnd  therefore  rival,  m  place  of  ii  foreij,'ii 
Povier. 

He  (Mr.  A.)  had  now  (.'iveii  n  Kinrere  expres- 
.sion  of  Ills  views  of  llie  policy  of  asseiiii^  a  claim 
to  all  <>re';oii.  'i'here  was  a  topic  in  coiinexion, 
to  which  111.  w.ts  reluctani,  and  yet  llioii;;hi  il  iio 

'  c.essary,  lo  advert.  Il  had  heen  hroie^hi  into  the 
dehaie  on  the  other  side  of  tin-  chamher,  and  this 
put  hmi  al  libeity  to  make  the  allusion  to  il.  'i'he 
aiiihorily  of  the  Italimiore  I  !onveiiiioii  had  heen 
openly  invoked,  in  the  discussion,  as  one  of  the 
appropriate  nieaiis  to  nithicnce  it.  Il  was  proper 
thai  the  people  should  he  made  in  ipiainicd  with  llie 
fact,  and  with  the  feurfnl  hiariie;  of  ihis  appeal. 
'I'lie  llaluiiiore  coiiventioii '.  Wh.it  Wiis  it?  Tlie 
anlhority  of  an  association  iinkown  to  the  inslitn- 
tion.s  of  tlie  country,  luiide  ilic  siihjcct  of  appeal 
lo  eonliol  the  legislation  of  the  ciiimlry  !  'I'his 
hody,  leally  sell'-appoiiilefl,or  nearly  so,  convened 
for  an  alleired  specitic  ohjeci,  to  carry  into  etl'ect 
ail  asKimn  il    piihlic  .seniimenl   in  rel.ition   lo  that 

.  olijii.a.      Its  ,/icj/  /pfecii Jiiiir  hail   heeii  lo  ihsi.iid 

i  the  admttled  public  Kemiiueul  which  it  purpoited 

i  lo  have  met  to  I'lfecltiate.  Its  notorious  eoursu 
of  proceedim;  had  heen,  not  to  receive  hut  to 
make  a  piihlic  si  iiiiiiieiit,  in  Mii'.'.titutioii  of  ili.it 
which  il  prol'issed  to  have  heen  sent  to  execute; 
and  then  to  nusi;  poliln-al  issues  which  tnit;'lil  he 
iiillanied  III  aid  of  this  operation.  .'V  junto, 
with  no  anihoiity  ot'  any  kind,  or  actiii:;  m  ad- 
milted  contradiction  and  violation  of  ns  proti:ss- 
ed  anihorily,  had  heen  successful  in  dici.uin:;  iis 
mosi  impori.int  eleciion  to  the  1  ouiilry;  and  us  aii- 
llioniy  was  now  eniployeil,  on  the  ^ici,s/(:,'c  ol"  that 
success,  to  ihctale  the  liiiislaiion  of  thecoiiniry  on 

I  a  suhjeet  ot' the  most  viuil  imporiance.  'I'liis  was 
the  first  open  avowal  Ihe  coimlry  h.iil  ever  known 
of  ./nrii/iiiii.iMi  111  IIS  halls  of  lci;islalion.  Il  was  yet 
lo  he  .seen  how  the  avowal  would  he  received. 

'  A  Hiipposed  peculiar  western  interest  on  this  tjitb- 
Jee.t  of  tireiron  hud  been  adduced  lo  explain  the 
propensity  lo  extreme  measures  iiiiiiiifesU;d  ilitli.it 

■  '■  i|iiarter  of  the  country,  uiid  by  its  Ue|ire,seiitalives 


heie.  lie  (.\tr.  .\.)  did  not  ascribe  the  velnnieiirr, 
of  this  propensity  to  the  inl'iieiice  of  any  sinli  self- 
ish coiisiileralioii.  Ihit  he  did  ascribe  it  lo  a  peni- 
liarily  of  weslern  temperameiit,  Ihe  incident,  per- 
haps, of  Ihiiir  Htnije  of  soei.il  eondilioii.  The  peo- 
ple were  notoriously  brave;  liiil  this  bravery  ran 
into  recklessness  of  all  conseipiences  in  eontnnersy 
with  forciirii  I'owers.  They  were  as  iiniloiibleilly 
^■enerous;  but  liny  had  the  i|iialiiy  loo  ofien  foiinil 
III  alii  nice  with  spirit  nnd  ;;enei'osity--iinpaljencn 
of  reseitanci'  to  their  views,  and  the  ilispnsitjon  to 
domineer  over  it,  I  le  (Mr.  A.)  inlmilled  his  in- 
diil<.;ence  of  till  extreme  atixieiy  on  ihe  subjeel  nf 
this  western  teinperamenl,  not  in  relalioii  to  the 
present  mslance  only  of  us  display,  hut  the  larue 
i'uti'i'c  which  was  before  ns;  the  political  power  of 
till'  coimlry  bciiiv  desiined,  prohnhly,  to  pass  to 
that  reu;ioii,  before  this  lem]ieriiiiii'iil  iiassed  away 
from  il,  under  the  inlliience  of  its  only  rorricli\e, 
ililVnscd  edncalion.  Itiiminalion  on  this  topic,  he. 
had  to  confess,  had  for  Monie  lime  kepi  him  in 
terror. 

Yes,  "wi'slwanl  the  slar  nf  empire  holds  lis 
way.*'  The  fact  was  as  Irne  as  the  expression  was 
poetical,  (ire.it  results  were  probably  lo  come. 
Ills  (.Mr.  A.'s)  prayer  to  Heaven  was,  thai,  be- 
fore tills  planet  of  power  eiiliiiiiialed,  its  heaiii 
ini'/hl  so  reliiic  as  not  lo  wiiher  our  enjoyment  ot' 
freedom  at  home,  and  not  to  alfncht  other  clniies 
and  times,  which  a  teiupered  bre^hlness  in  our  ex- 
ample  iiu;;lii  lure  to  the  iidmiiation  and  the  lulop- 
tioii  of  popular  iiiNliliiiions. 


Tlli;,Vl'Y  OK  WASlll.MCroN. 


sPEKcii  or  IMK.  \vi:hsti;r, 

OK  .•MASSAIHl'SKTT'S, 

In  iiik  Skn*ti:,  .Ipril  (i  mid  7,  |H4(I. 

In   viiidieniioii  of  the  Treaty  of  Wasliiii:;ton  of 

iNt-,'. 

Mr.  WKItSTKll  rose  and  said; 

It  is  iilloL'ether  unexpected  lo  me,  Mr.  Presi- 
dent, to  liiiil  It  lo  be  my  duly,  here,  and  at  this  time, 
to  ilefeiiil  the  Ireaty  of  Wiishiie^'loii  of  |f<.p,>,  and 
the  I'orieNpoiideiice  accoinpaiiyiii!;  the  uei;olialion 
of  that  trealy.  Il  is  a  past  transaction.  Koiir 
years  liaie  ufinosl  elapsed  since  Ihe  Ireaty  received 
the  s;uiclioii  of  Ihe  i^cnale,  and  became  the  law  of 
the  land.  While  before  thciSenate,  il  wasdisciiss- 
eil  wiih  much  l■arlle^llle.^s  and  very  ;;re.it  ability. 
l''or  its  ritiilication,  il  re.-eived  the  voles  of  five- 
sixlliH  of  Iht:  whole  Senaie— a  i;rc,iier  inajerity,  I 
believe  I  may  say,  lliaii  was  ever  before  found  for 
any  disputed  treat\',  l-'rom  that  day  to  this — 
alllion';li  I  had  had  a  h.ind  in  the  in  <.;otiation  of 
the  trciity,  and  t'ell  it  to  be  a  tr.uisa'  lioii  wilh  which 
my  own  re|>iiiati<>ii  was  intimately  comicctid,  I 
have  been  Wlllill::  to  letuc  il  to  the  judijnu'lll  ol'  the 
nation.  There  were,  il  is  true,  sir,  some  llini;;Hof 
which  1  have  not  complained,  and  do  not  com- 
plain, hilt  which,  iieverllieless,  weri'  subjecis  of 
ri".;i'el.  The  paiiers  accomp.inyin!;  Ihe  treaty  were 
voiiiminous-  'i'heir  publicaiion  \\'as  loiu^  delayed, 
wailini;  I'or  the  excliaii;;e  of  rati  Ilea  lions;  .md,  when 
finally  pubhslied,  they  were  iiol  dislribn'ed  to  any 
;;reat  exient,  or  in  lar^'e  numbers.  The  Irealy, 
meantime,  j^ot  before  the  public  snrrepliiiousl y, 
mill,  w  till  the  docinneiiis,  came  out  by  piecemeal. 
We  know  thai  il  is  unhappily  true,  that  away  from 
the  lar;,'i'  i  oirmiercial  cities  of  the  Atlantic  coast, 
there  are  few  of  tile  pulilic  prints  of  the  coimlry 
which  publish  olllcial  naiiers  on  such  an  occasion 
at  laru'c.  I  nii;;ht  have  fell  a  iialiiral  desire,  that 
the  tr.alyaitd  the  corres|ioiiilence  coiihl  have  been 
known  and  read  by  every  one  of  my  liilow-ciii- 
zens,  from  east  to  west,  and  from  norlli  lo  south 
Dili  il  was  inipossible.  .\everilicle.<s,  in  reliirnin;; 
to  the  Senate  ai,Mm,  no. Inn;;  «,is  fartlu'r  from  my 
piirjiose  than  lo  leiii  w  llie  iliscnssion  ofanyof  the 
lopi'cs  discu.ssed  and  setiled  al  thai  lime;  and 
nolliini;  fanher  from  my  expeclalion  than  to  he 
called  npoii  by  any  sense  of  duly  lo  my  own  repii- 
talion,aiid  to  Iriuli,  to  make,  now,  any  observa- 
tioMs  n]ion  the  Ire.ify,  or  ihe  corresponden.  e. 

Itiit  It  has  so  happened  lliiil,  in  Ihe  dehaie,  oil 
the  (lre<;on  ipieslion,  the  Ireaty,  and,  1  believe, 
every  article  ot'  it,  and  the  correspondence  aeeimi- 
natiyin;;  the  iiei;oliatioii  of  that  Irealy,  and,  1  be- 
lieve, every  pari  of  it,  lia,;;  been   llie  taibject  of 


1S46.1 
SOtii  Cono Iht  Skhr. 


API'KNDIX  TO  THK  (JONnRKSSIONAL  GLOBK. 

Tnuty  of  Hunhliiffton — Mr.  fVebiiler, 


695 


Senate. 


milil  lnuliltinili. 


iinil  t'riiiii  it-t  H'liiieu  tlirt'c-lly  mirth  (i»  lliu  ulor*,'- 


di.4|>nrn);iiii;,   iliBii|i|ir()vin'^,   mmiclimoH  ('(inliiniu-  ' 

lliiiiN  nniiirkii,  in  oiiu  cir  lli«  (iilitr  iil'  llin  llnuMtn 

CiiiitfiiHH.     ,Niiw,  with  nil  my  iiidisiMisiiinii  ti)   i  Siicli  istli(Mlfsrri|ili()norilir  iinrlliriislem  liniind- 

^  •',..'...  I'll.,.   IT., ;....!   ij i: .1 


icvivr  iwiNt  truiiMnclinnM  iinil  iiimI(c  tliciii  the  aiili- 
JiTiH  rtf  (lelmti!  liciTi  nnil  HiitiNrird,  uni)  iiutfM'd 
highly  ;;rnlifiid  with  ihi:  ap|irnl>nlii>n  no  vrry  (;''ii- 
(  rally  i'X|iri'MHi'd  hy  the  coiiiiliy,  ill  llic  (inin  and 
rvcr  Niiic'd,  I  Hii|i|iiifii'  iliiit  it  I  iiidd  liarilly  liavn 
Ihti)  cxiHTtiMJ,  tK^vcitlicli'sH,  liy  aiiyliodv,  tluit  1 
Hliniild  Hit  lirri"  t'nim  day  ti)  day,  lliroii|;;h  lliu  de- 
liaii',  and  lliniiii;li  llii'  srx.siuii,  liuarin^'  Kiali'iiiRnlii, 
ciilirrly  trroncmi!)  us  In  malKsrs  of  I'art,  and  dfi- 
duiiiiiiiM  IVuni  llicKit  N>i|>|»>Hi:d  I'ai't.s  (|iiile  aH  emi- 
iicdiiN,  all  li'iiilin^  to  |ii'i>duri'  inilitviiniMi'  iinpies- 
HiniiH  rL':4|U!rtiMi;  the  treaty,  and  llin  con't'Mpnndeiicf;, 
ami  rvcrylMiily  who  had  n  hand  in  it — 1  Hay,  it 
cmild  hardly  have  liecn  cxiirdcd  hy  anylmdy  that 
I  HlhMild  Nit  hiTi!  and  hear  all  this,  anil  ki'i:|i  my 
jicaii'.  'I'lii'  iiiiinlry  Umhwh  that  I  am  hcri'.  ft 
KiiowH  what  I  havt!  Iii'ard,  afjain  and  nKain,  from 
day  to  day;  and  if  stalcnicnis  of  fact,  wholly  iii- 
n.ni'i't,  an-  made  Ihtc,  in  my  hiarint;,  and  in  my 
prcsini'o,  williiait  reply  or  aiiMwi'r  (Voni  mo,  why, 
Nhall  wi!  not  hear  in  idl  the  conlcHtH  of  narly  and 
I  IcriioiiN  lu'iTat'li'i',  that  this  is  a  tact,  and  that  is  a 
I'ni  t,  liuiNUIKi!  it  hax  liiun  slati'd  where  and  when  an 
ariHwer  eonld  lie  f;iven,  anil  no  iniNwer  wan  i,'iveiir 
It  iH  my  purpose,  therelore,  to  give  an  lUiNWer 
here,  and  now,  to  whatever  hiiH  Ijeen  a!li';;ud 
iii^iiinst  the  treaty,  or  the  eorreHpondenee, 

Mr.  President,  in  the  negotiation  of  1H4'J,  and  ill 
the  eorrespoiideiiee,  I  aeled  a.H  Seireliny  of  Slate  I 
under  the  diriTtion,  ol*  iHiurse,  of  the  I'renident  ot"  \ 
the  llniled  Slates.    Ihit,  sir,  in  matters  of  lii^h  im-  , 
piirlance,  I  shrink  not  from  the  responsiliilily  ofi 
anytliiiiL'  I  have  ever  done  under  any  man'.-,  diree- 
linii.      Wlii-revcr  my  iiatne  sliiuds  1  am  ready  to  ! 
iiiiNwer  it,  and  to  defend  that  with  whieh  it  is  enu-  . 
nei'led.      I  am  here  tn-ilay  to  talie  upon  myself — 
without  disrespeet  to  the  (Ihief  Mafiistrate  under  j 
whose  direction  1  acted — and  for  the  purposes  (if  | 
lliis  discnssiiin,  the  whole  responsiliility  of  every-  j 
thiiiL;  thai  has  my  name  coniiecied  wilh  it,  in  the 
iieu^otiation  and  correspondence.    >Sir,  the  treaty  iif ' 
Washington  was  not  enfereil  into  to  .settle  any —  ! 
or  alloijiiher  for  the  purpose  of  selllini;  any — new,  i 
arisinj;  i|Ue.stions.     'rhe  matter.-!  emiiraced  in  that 

trc:ity,and  in  ill irnspondenie  aceompanyin:;  it, 

had   heen  iiileresiiiii;  sulijccts  in  our  liireiirn  rela- 
tions  for  lil'iy   years — nnsellleil    for  filly  years — 
au'iiatiii:;  and  anniiyiiii;  the  councils  of  the  counlry, 
anil  tlirealciiin>;  to  disinrli  its  |ieace  for  til'ty  years. 
And  iny  first  duly,  ihen,  in  eiiterinu'  upon  sin  h  re- 
niark.s  us  I  think  ilie  (icca-sion  calls  fur  in  re;,',ird  In 
out!  and  all  of  these  topics,  will  lie,  to  treat  the  siili- 
jei is  in  the  first  place,  hisioriciilly — to  show  when  ' 
each  arose — what  has  heen  il.s  proi^ress  in  tiie  dip- 
liiinalii"  liislory  of  the  country;  and   especially  to  1 
show  in  what  posture  each  of  those  iniiiorlaiit  suli-  : 
Jecis  sliiod  at  the  time  when  Wiiliimi  i  fenry  liar-  ' 
risiiii    acceded   to   the  olliie   of  Pri  siilent   of  the 
Uiiiud  Stales.     'J'lii.s  is  my  purpose.     I  do  nut  in-  ' 
tend  to  enter  upon  any  eriniiiiaiion   of  trenllemen 
who  have  tilled  iinporlaiit  silualions  in  the  Ilxccu- 
tive  (.luvcrnmciit  in  the  earlier  or  the  more  recent 
liislory  of  the  counlry.     I'.iit  I  intend  to  slimv,  in 
llir  prie;ress  of  this  discussion,  the  actual  position 
ill  which   thiiiirs  were  let't   in  re'j;ard  to  the  topics 
emiiraced  hy  the  treaty,  and  the  corrcspuiidence 
altciiiliiiL;  the  in  icotialiini  of  il,  when  the  execnti\e 
!;iiverniiicni  devolved  upon  Ciciieral  Uarrisiin,  and 
his  inniieiliate  successor,  Mr.  Tyler. 

Now,  sir,  llic  (irst  of  these  tojiics  is  the  niiestioii 
of  the  Morthcasirrn  Itoiindary  of  llie  Uniietf  Stales. 
The  !,'ciiiral  history  of  that  i|iiestioii,  fioin  the 
peace  of  \'i>',\  to  this  lime,  is  known  to  all  piililic 
men,  of  course,  and  prctiy  well  niidcrslood  liy  the 
{;reiii  niassot'  well-nifonned  persons  ihroUi^lKait  the 
counlry.     I  shall  slate  it  lirielly. 

In  the  treaty  of  peace  of  Septemlier,  ITH.'J,  (he 
noriiiern  and  (astirii,  or,  jierhajis,  nioro  propirly 
spialvin::,  the  iiorlheasiern  lioiindary  uf  the  United 
IS  thus  iles.'rilied,  viz 


ry  of  the  United  Slates,  aecnrdin 


the  treaty 


Slate 

'■  l-'niiii  till'  iiurlliw  c-l  iiiii:lf  iil'  Nuva  Scniia,  vi/..  tliiit 
tic  uliirli  is  lltriiicil  la  a  hnr  ili;i\vii  due  iniilli  Iimiii  ih,. 
n.lliic  cif  the  Sl.Cnil.x  incr  In  llic  lilalil.iliil- ;  lihill','  llic 
rind  liitililuiiils.  which  di\iili'  tliu.c  n\(  r>  Unit  ciii|>l>  tliclli- 
i'i'Im--  mill  Ihc  .-^1.  I.MVMciii  I'  lidiii  Ihu^c  w  lii<  h  l.ill  llihi  the 
Allaiilic  III  I'liii.  Ill  llic  iiiirlliu  islciiiu.ii.-l  hc-iil  i.t Ciiiil.ccii- 
i  III  nvcr;  lli.Mcc,  iiliiiiL'Ihc  iiiiil. lie  nl  licit  rivc  r.  In  llic  Inih 
tilth  d.'tiiie  III'  iiiirlh  hilitiiili' :  Iniiii  IIicih'c.  Ii)  a  line  iliic 
Wi  1*1  nil  ^iihl  hllitiiilc.  mil:!  ;,  ,  'kc-Jthc  liver  trcliui'is  or 
I  'liUir;il|ll\ .  K.i.-t,  b>  u  liiii>  In  he  driuvil  tlhlill^  tin-  lllldittc  nl' 
l.ic  liver  SI.  tjmiv,  tVnlli  its  laniitll  in  llic  li.ij  nf  ruiidy,  in 


of  peace  uf  I7H,').  And  il  is  ipiiti!  leinarkahle  tliiil 
so  niniiyeinliarrassin|,'(pieslions  should  have  arisen 
from  tlnae  fe,v  lilies,  and  have  he  ii  matters  of  con- 
troversy for  more  than  half  a  century. 

The  Urst disputed  iiiiestion  vtas,  "  Which,  of  the 
several  rivers  iuiiniii)j;  into  the  IJay  of  l''niidy,  is 
Iho  St.  Croix,  tneiiiiiined  in  the  treaty.'"  It  is 
sin^ulnr  that  this  Nlioiild  ho  inntier  of  dispute,  lait 
so  It  was.  Kn^land  iiiHiMted  that  the  true  St.  Croix 
wus  Olio  river;  the  United  Suites  insisted  it  was 
:  uiiotlicr. 

I  The  second  eoiitroveried  i[uestioii  was,  "  Where 
is  the  northwest  ancle  of  Nova  Scotia  to  he  foimd  r" 
Thetliird,  "  Whaland  where  are  the  hij;lilands, 
along  which  the  line  is  to  run,  I'roin  the  iiorlliwesi 
angle  of  .Nova  Scotia  to  the  norilmtateriimoat  head 
uf  Comieelieul  river?" 

The  fourth,  "  Uf  the  several  streams  wliieh, 
(lowing  together,  make  up  Coiineetieut  river,  whieh 
is  that  stream,  which  on;'lit  to  he  regarded  as  its 
northwesleriiinost  head  r' 

The  lifth  was,  "Are  the  rivcra  which  discharge 
their  waters  into  the  IJay  of  Kniidy,  rivers  '  which 
liill  into  the  Atlantic  ocean,'  in  the  mciisu  of  ihu 
terms  used  in  the  treaty.'" 

The  Sth  article  of  the  treaty  between  the  United 
States  and  Ureal  llritain,  of  the  llllli  of  Noveinher, 
17114,  after  reciting,  that  "  duiihts  had  arisen  what 
river  was  truly  intended  under  the  name  of  the 
river  St.  Croix,"  proceeded  to  provide  for  the  de- 
cision of  lliiil  question,  hy  three  coiiiinissioners, 
one  to  he  appointed  hy  each  (Jovernr".'ni,  and 
these  two  to  eliouse  ii  third;  or,  if  they  could  not 
agree,  then  each  to  make  his  nomiiiaiion,  and  de- 
cide the  choice  hy  lot.  'I'lie  two  eominissiuners 
I  agreed  on  a  third;  the  three  executed  the  duly  as- 
signed them,  decided  what  river  was  the  true  St. 
Croix,  trace(l  it  to  its  source,  and  there  estaiilished 
u  inonument.  !So  much,  then,  on  the  eastern  line 
was  settled;  and  all  the  other  ipiestions  remained 
wholly  nn.seltled  down  to  the  year  I84:i. 

Ltut  the  two  Ciovernments  eoiitimied  to  nursiic 
the  important  and  necenaary  purpose  of  adjusiing 
bdinidary  dilKculties;  and  a  convention  was  nego- 
tiated in  London  liy  Air.  Uufiis  King  and  Lord 
llawkeshury,and  signed  on  the  Irjih  day  of  Alay, 
lc<l)3,  hy  the  ^'d  and  .'Jil  arlicles  of  which  it  was 
agreed,  that  a  commis.^ion  should  he  appuinl(-(l,  in 
the  same  maimer  as  that  provided  for  under  the 
treaty  of  17U4,  to  wit:  one  e.ommissioner  to  he  ap- 
pointed by  England, and  one  liy  the  United  Slates, 
and  these  two  to  make  choice  of  a  third;  or,  if' 
they  could  not  agree,  each  lo  luiiiie  the  person  la; 
proposed,  and  tlu;  choice  to  he  decided  hy  lot;  this 
third  coiumissiiiiier,  whether  appointed  iiy  choice 
or  by  lot,  would,  ol'  course,  be  unqiire  iir  nltimalc 
arhiier. 

(.nivcrnments,  at  that  day,  in  disjintes  concern- 
ing territorial  boimilaries,  did  iiol  set  out  each  with 
the  declaration  that  the  vk  hole  of  its  own  claim  was 
clear  and  iiidispiilalilc;  whatever  was  seriously  di- 
puteil  lliey  regarded,  as  in  some  degree,  at  Icasi, 
doitlitful  or  disputalilc;  and,  when  they  could  tuit 
agree,  they  saw  no  iiulignily  or  iiupropruty  in 
rel'erriiig  the  dispute  to  arbiiralion,  even  though 
the  arliitrator  were  to  be  appoinleil  iiy  chance,  be- 
tween respectable  persons,  named,  severally,  by 
the  parlies. 

The  coniniission  .thus  constitiiti  d  was  autho- 
rized to  asceiiain  and  determine  the  iioriliwc.'<t 
angle  of  MovaScolia;  to  run  and  mark  the  line  from 
the  moiiiniienl,  at  the  source  of  .Si,  Croix,  to  that 
northwest  angle  of  Nova  Scolia;  and  also  lo  dcter- 
niiiie  the  iiorthweslernniost  head  of  Connecticut 
river:  and  then  to  run  and  mark  the  boundary 
line  biiween  the  noriliwcst  angle  of  Nova  Scotia 
and  Ihe  s.iid  uorthwcsleriiniosl  lieail  of  Coiu'ecliciit 
river;  and  the  decision  and  proceeding.-i  of  tlo  said 
eoininissioners,  or  a  majority  of  then',  \vas  to  be 
liiial  and  conclusive. 

No  objection  was  made  by  eit'ier  Government 
to  this  agreement  and  siipiilalion;  but  an  incident 
arose  to  prevent  the  linai  ratilic;iuiiii  d"  this  treaty, 
and  it  arose  in  this  way.  lis  fil'lli  arlicic  contained 
an  ngreement  between  the  parlies  settling  the  line 


ol  lioiindar 


between  them  beyond  the  L  ike  of  the 
agrcemei.i  they  pro- 
ceeded, exclusively,  on  the  grinmdrj  of  their  fe.specl- 


Woods.     In  Coming  to  this 


ivo  rights  under  the  treaty  of  I7m:I,  but  il  ho  hap- 
pened thai,  twelve  days  before  the  convention  was 
signiid  in  London,  !•  ranee,  by  a  Inaly  signed  in 
Paris,  had  ceded  Louisiana  lo  the  United  Stales. 
IMiis  cession  witsat  once  regarded  as  giving  to  ihti 
United  Slates  new  rights,  or  m  w  limits,  in  Ihis 
part  of  the  continent.  The  Senate,  theielbre, 
struck  this  fifth  article  out  of  the  conMiilion;  und 
as  tOiglaiid  did  not  incline  to  agree  lo  this  altera- 
tion, the  whole  eonveiiiion  tell. 

Here,  sir,  the  whole  nialter  rested  till  it  was 
revived  by  the  triaty  of  Ghent,  in  lb*  year  IHI4. 
And  by  tlie  lil'lh  article  of  that  treaty  il  was  pro- 
vided, that  each  parly  should  appoint  a  commis- 
sioner, and  those  two  .should  ha\e  powir  to  ascir- 
laiii  and  determine  the  bound. iry  line,  from  the 
source  of  ihe  St.  (Iroix  to  the  .St.  Lawrence  river, 
according  to  the  treaiy  of  17H3;  and  if  these  eoin- 
inissioners eoiilil  not  agree,  they  were  to  sliile 
tlii'ir  grounds  of  dill'ereiice,  and  the  Biibjecl  w  as  In 
be  referred  to  the  arbiiralion  of  some  friendly  Sov- 
ereign or  Slate,  lo  be  afterwards  agreed  upon  by 
the  two  tiovernmeiils.  The  two  commissioners 
examined  the  boundary,  explored  the  country,  but 
could  not  agree. 

Ill  the  year  IHiS,  under  the  Administration  of 
Mr.  Monroe,  negotiations  were  commenced  with 
a  view  of  agreeing  on  an  arbiiralion,  and  ihcMi 
nrgotiations  lerminaicil  In  a  c  niveniinn,  which 
was  signed  in  London,  on  the  lilllli  Sepleinbi  r, 
l.fJ7,  111  the  Administration  of  Mr.  Adams,  liy 
this  time,  collisions  had  nlrenily  begun  on  ihe  Imr- 
ders,  notwithstaiiding  it  had  been  understood  that 
neither  p.irly  should  exercise  exclusive  po.s.se.ssion 
pending  the  negotiation.  Mr.  Adams,  in  his  Mes- 
sage of  De.rember  ■<,  1H'J7,  after  stating  the  con- 
eliisiiin  of  the  coiiveiiiiun  for  arbiiralion,  adds: 

'■  W'liih-  these  ciiiivcnliimM  llave  lici-il  |ieli(liiiu,  liicJdi'litH 
linx'c  (icciirrcd  iil'cniillii'lliiii  iiiclciisiniH.aiid  iil'iidaiiticrniis 
eli;ir;tctcr,  iipnii  the  tcniliiiy  it-cir  in  iIihiiiiIc  lieluceii  ita; 
twn  iiiillnii^.  liy  a  ciiiiiiiinn  iiii(h'r>tiiiidinit  hcl«-t  in  ihc 
(invcriimi'lil-'.  il  was  liu'recd  ttilll  lni  cvcicisc  nl'  i-.vi  Iiimm- 
jiiri.-diclinii  liy  citlicriiiirly,  Willi--  the  iii-iiniiatinti  \\a-  iiii'i- 
iii2. -h' M'll  I'haiiai-  Ihc  >lat-  ol  lln- i|iic  limi  nl' riulil  in  he 
ih-liliili-lysillli-il.  Siichi-iilli-iiia  has,  iicveil'iclc— ,  ncciillv 
taken  pi, lee,  hy  occiirrciicei  the  jiieeiHe  ctiariu-li-r  of  which 
iills  niit.M'th'cii  a-c<>rtaiiii-il.*' 

The  King  "<  the  Netherlands  was  appointed  nr- 
bilrator,  and  he  niiide  his  award  on  the  Kith  rif 
.faunary,  I^*-'J1.  This  award  was  satisfacinry  In 
neillier  party;  it  was  ri  jecleil  by  both,  and  so  the 
whiilc  matter  was  throvvii  back  upon  iis  originni 
ciiiiiliiion. 

This  happened  in  the  fir.st  term  of  General  Jack- 
son's Admiiiistraliiin.  He  iimncdiately  iuldressid 
him-self,  of  course,  lo  new  ell'orts  for  the  ailjnsl- 
j  ineiit  Ol'  the  controversy.  Mis  energy  and  diligence 
have  both  been  niiicli  commeiiih  (I  by  liii  I'riiiid.s; 
and  they  have  not  been  disparau^id  by  his  oppo- 
iieiits.  lie  called  to  his  aid,  in  the  Departineiil  of 
Stale,  successively,  .Mr.  Van  Itiireii,  Mr.  Living- 
sum,  .Mr.  McLaiie,  and  Mr.  Porsylh. 

Now,  iMr.  Presidenl,  let  its  si  e  what  progrr.'--a 
General  Jackson  made,  wilh  iheassislance  of  tin  so 
idile  and  skilful  iiegotialurs,  in  this  highly  impor- 
tant business.  Why,  sir,  the  whole  story  is  told 
by  r(-fi-rence  lo  his  several  Annual  Messages.  In 
Ills  fourth  Aiiminl  Mes-^age,  December,  Xf'.Vi,  lie 
I  says:  "The  (iiiestion  of  our  Nnrtheastern  IJound- 
ary  slid  remains  nnsettlcd."  In  December,  IKl.'f, 
he  says;  "The  intcresliii:;  (|iii>iiiiii  of  our  Nnrili- 
1  eastern  IJnnndary  remains  sii'  iinili  ciihil.  A  iiego- 
'  tiation,  however,  'ipou  thai  .Miliject,  has  been  re- 
newed since  the  close  of  the  last  (.'on^'ress."  In 
Hecember,  IKtl,  ii  ;  says:  "The  (piestion  of  the. 
'  N'orihcaslcru  Hon  alary  is  still  pcndinir  with  Great 
'  I'li'ilain,  and  the  propnsiiinn  iiKiile  in  accordance 
'  with  the  resolntion  of  iheSeiiale  for  llleeslalllish- 
' nieiil  of  a  line,  aci-ordiiiir  to  Ihe,  treaiy  of  \'K\, 
'  has  not  been  acccplcd  by  lliat  Goverinnenl.  I!e- 
'  lieving  lliiit  every  disposition  is  felt  on  both  siilea 
'  to  adjust  this  perplcviiiL'  (luestion  lo  the  saiisfac- 
'  lion  III'  all  the  p.irii^'S  iiilerisieil  in  ii,  tlu-  hope  i.-^ 
'  yet  ii::lul:;eil  thai  il  may  be  eO'ecled  on  the  basis 
•of  that  priiposilion."  In  IJeceinber.  IKI.*),  a  sim- 
ilar story  is  rehearsed;  "In  the  .setih-menl  of  the 
(luesiion  of  the  Northeastern  Ilonndary,"  says 
President  Jackson,  "hilje  progress  has  been  rnaife. 
'  Great  llritain  has  declined  ai  ceding  to  the  propo- 
;  'siiiiin  III'  the  United  States,  pre.senled  in  arcoril- 
'  aiice  wilh  ihe  resolution  of  tlu!  Senate,  uii- 
'  less  certain  preliminary  conditions  are  lalinitted, 
1  '  which  I  deemed  incompatible  with  a  satisfactory 
'  luid    I'iglilful   adjustinent   of    the   conlroversy.'' 


686 


APPKNDIX  TO  TFIE  CONGRESSIONAI.  G[.onE. 


[April  (!, 


99th  Cono Ibt  Scst. 


Trtaty  of  tVaMfihifrton — Mr.  IVehatcr, 


Senate. 


^{  liutxirl.ini  \n  iluit  ulii 
irr.ii  llriruiii,  ill  u'-p  n  to 
with  iiiili-i:;iii-il  r  'uri't  Unit 
iiiii>l  l<H)k  Ihii'k  u|iori  till! 
iiiivi',  lor  It  |M'ii'ii|  rii  Mii>r<- 


And  in  liii*  Unt  MiMmi^r,  thn  Priniilpitt  ^ivrs  nii 
nniMint  itC  nil  \\\j*  ctlniiH,  and  all  Ihm  hiiitckh,  in 
rt'trmil  t'>  iliifl  niiist  nitpni'tntit  [Miint  in  nur  (nrt'ijjn 
rrliiti'irirt,  in  llifsr  wih^Ih:  "1  n'i;n't  tn  fny,  liiul 

*  nifiny  iitifHtionM  of  nii  iiitrrcrttin^  inutirr,  at  iNHuc 

•  Willi  "tlicr  PovvfiH,  arr  yrt  uiimljviNtnl;  iinioii!^  (he 

•  itini*t  |tn>nuni'iit  oC  tli('«r,  im  thni  iit'llir  NortJH'iiHt- 

•  rrii  lluiimliiry ,     Willi  nu  luiiliniiniMlird  ronfult'nrr 

*  in  tlic  MHH'iTf.  (Ii'Mirc  of  Iiir4  llnl.'iniiii'  Miijcsiy's 

*  (fitvt  rninriii  tn  itiliM.<'t  tlutt  (]iii-Mtinn,  1  am  not  yet 

*  in  ixisHi'Hsiini  ol'  tlir  prciiNr  <>:r()tnii]H  iinon  whuli 

•  it  piopoHoifa  srtliMfintory  mljiislnunl. 

Willi  nil  liin  ciMirKlLiH'c,  Konhen  rciu'alcil,  in  tin.' 
Hiiif(Tc  dcfiiri;  nf  KiiL;lam!  tn  adjust  (ho  diH|iutt', 
wiih  all  llir  taU'iilH  and  imhislry  »d'  liis  Hiicrcssivr 
CabinctH,  this  unoNtion,  ailinittcd  to  lie  ihu  must 
liriniiiiicnl  of  a, I  iIionl'  tni  w  lucli  wtt  were  at  isNin- 
\\itli  liuTiijn  l*owern,  had  mn  advaiK'td  iinu  hu  |> 
Nin'-r  (he  rtjt'ctioii  of  (ho  Duti-ti  award,  nor  did 
(it  ncnd  JartiMoii  know  the  ;;i'onndn  npori  whii-li  a 
H.itistat'tory  adjuNtniont  was  to  he  o\|K:cU'd.  All 
this  in  nndi'nui'lily  true;  aiul  it  was  all  adoiilU'd  to 
lie.  irur'  ity  Mr.  Van  llurfn  when  lit'  canu'  into  td- 
ficc:;  for,  in  Ins  fifsi  Annnal  .Mi*.iNa:,'r,  ho  sayw: 

•HM'iM'ihhnii '|Ui-»(i''ii''.  Ill''  iM<<^(  liutxirl.ini  (h  iliiit  uliK'ti 
v\\  \*  Willi  (In-  (ioviTiiiihrit  «•;■  < 
iiiir  N<trtiii'ii>(i>rit  llniiihlii'v.    It  i 

I, if    i».up!.'nl    till.'    I'lilt"'.!    Hlilti'- 

iii.iiitiw  I  itiir.*  iiiailr  dv  ilii-  Km'. 

t  liiii   hull  ii  rfiitiirv.  tu  ill  tiriMiiM',  ivliiit  iin  iiiiimti  ^hplu)ll 

-iiiV-r  \'  •  ■  (ii  r«iii;iiii  lu  ilif|uiU',  III'-  tni*'  liin*  uhirli  ihviiltf* 

U*  iVH-f-niiMi!*  Innii  ihiirti-  .,|'  nihi  r  I'iiut  r-.    Thr  miniir  mI 

till' !>•  HIrill    lll^  mi  (In-  horihTS  nt  (he    I'liiti.'il    Sl.lli  >,  iiMil  I't' 

Ihi'  ni'Kiilionii'j  (I  rntorv.  wti"  lor  u  ^tMHoii  r>urli,  that  ilii-^, 

|H'll);i|l<.  »<l-^   Hot    MllllH|iril!<  lM>'  t't  It  lllltlirill    |ll-rt'iirillUlll'lMi| 

till-  (miK'M  III  till'  V'  il<  lal  (iiuiTniiifiit.  Tiiii'  liiu,  Iio\m  vi  r, 
4- hi  nit  <l  til''  ^('11*'  '*'  il'iiiu^t  u^iij  hit."  tiri'iuht  iiiioni  a  r.<M- 
ililuMi  i>riitt'.iiri4  ni  M'hii'h  ih  ■  tni--  iiit<'rt'<t'i  nr  Ixxli  riiiiiarn'it 
iiit|i  Miiv.  h  ri-i|iiirt-  thiu  nun  iiiti'^lioii  mImiuIiI  hf  piil  iil  n'  (■ 
It  I-  not  til  li-  ili^:"ii'i'<l,  lli-ii,  With  lull  (-"iiiiih-iie.',  lilt  n 
r\|>r<  H-i'it,  ill  till'  ill >ir<'  i>i  iln-  llnlish  (iuvi'miui'ia  tn  iriini- 
n  ill'  It.  wi'  :ir<-  ]i;ij>:ii'  iill>  I'-i  tiir  Irntn  il.^  fiiljn<liiif')n  ft*  wi' 

w lit  till'  tnu>'oiMiiiiiii!.'i'ii-  rri'iiryipf  |HMi'.'.  l7--;i."    *    ' 

•' Till' rurivK'tiDii.  ^^Iiiiii  iiiu-L  tic  ('(iiiiiiiiin  i>»  nil,  oi  the 
injiiriotH  I'oitH.'ijut'iH'i'!*  (iial  ri--nlt  tinin  kri'|uiii;  niii  n  tiiiH 
iriitatin?  i|U<''ti<>ii,  uimI  itir  rrrtinity  tliat  it'i  tliiul  ^t'tih'- 
mi-iit  r.tiiniit  Uv  iioii'li  loiiL'iT  ilt'ti-rriMl,  will,  I  trii^r,  hut  in 
nn  early  anil  *:itiflm't'iry  nijii-ttnn-nt.  At  ymir  li^-l  M-^wnn, 
I  |:t'.l  bi'I'orc  yon  (tie  ii'ci'iil  CdiiiiiinniciitiiniH  hciwriui  ilir 
t  All  (i 'Vi'Mitiit'iil!',  aii'llii  twi-rn  thm  fiovciiini 'nt  and  tliiit 
ot' till' Stale  »irMaiiir,in  wlio-n'itnhciiuik'.cuMct'niinK  n  «ni>- 
ji'Cl  in  whirl)  cIm:  hti«  hu  d  -i  |i  an  iii(t-rr»l,  tvery  piirtioii  iil 
till"  rninii  |i  irtuiiiftl'  a." 

Now,  nir,  let  us  pauae  and  consid'^r  this.  Hrro 
we  arc,  fifty-thrt'c  years  from  the  date  of  liie  treaty 
of  peace,  and  llie  boundaries  not  yet  .seitled.  Uen- 
oral  JaclvHUM  has  tried  his  hand  at  the  businesN, 
fivo  ycar-^,  and  lias  done  iKUinn^.  He  eaniiot 
make  tlie  tiling  move.  And  why  not?  \)u  he  and 
in.s  advisers  watit  sUillaiid  ener^'y,  or  .ire  there  dilli- 
eullie.s  in  the  nature  uf  the  ea^e,  not  to  he  over- 
ciiine  till  snine  wi-^er  i  ourse  (»f  proeeedui^  whall  he 
adi>ptedr  Up  to  this  time  not  one  step  uf  proi^reaa 
has  lieen  made.  This  is  ailnntlcd,  and  m,  nideedj 
undeiiiaoli-. 

Well,  sir,  Mr,  Van  Uun  n  then  be^aii  his  Ad- 
minisiralion,  vmder  the  liniiest  eonvii'lion  uf  the 
importance  of  the  ipiestion,  in  tlie  fullest  confidence 
in  the  sineerily  oi  the  UiiUmIi  Uovenmient,  and 
with  the  ctfiLsciousness  liial  the  miIi'IUkIu  of  Maine 
cciin'erniii'j:  the  suhjeiL,  was  a  soluiilude  in  whieli 
every  portion  of  ihi'  t'liioii  p.ulinjiated. 

And  now,  Mir,  what  did  he  do.'  What  did  lie 
nccoinphshr  What  piti'^re.^s  did  he  make,'  What 
tiiejt  forwaid  did  lie  take,  in  (he  whole  e.uiirsr  of 
liiH  Adniini^ti'aiitin.'  SifiOLC  the  full  imporMiue 
of  the  sniiii-el,  adun -'Sio:;  himseir'  (o  iL,  and  nul 
dimhtiiiL^  Ttie  pi>t  disjii.^itinn  of  Kn^land,  i  ask 
H:iain,  what  did  lie  do.'  What  did  In:  do.-  Wliat 
uiivanee  did  he  maker  Sir,  not  one  step,  in  Jiis 
whole  four  years.  Or,  rather,  if  he  made  any  iid- 
vanre  at  all,  it  was  an  advance  backward;  fur,  uii- 
doubii-dly,  he  Irft  tlie  (piesin.n  in  a  murli  wor>e 
condition  than  he  found  if,  not.  only  on  ac<'onnl  of 
the  dif^mrhance.s  and  uiitbieaks  which  liad  t.ikeii 
place  on  llie  bordi-r,  for  ih*'  want  of  an  adjnsttni-ni, 
and  whirli  distnriiaines  ihi-msiKis  had  iiiisi  d  m.-w 
and  dilH'ult  tpie.stiims,  but  on  aecuiiiit  of  thr  ui- 
trn-aciis,  n\id  eoiiiplrxitn-;-,  and  perplcxilicj^,  in 
which  tlie  Correspondence  had  become  involvod. 
'i'here  wurf  a  inesli — an  entani^leinent — which  ren- 
dered 11  far  more  ditlicnlt  to  prm.eed  with  the  sub- 
jret  than  if  the  ((UeaUon  hud  been  fri  .sh  and  unem- 
barrassed. 

1  must  now  n^k  the  Senate  to  indnli:c  me  in 
Ninn*:lhin'^'  more  of  an  extended  and  pnrlii.nlar  ref- 
ertiiee  to  proofs  and  papers,  than  is  in  acciirdanee 


with  my  general  haliitn  in  debate;  hernum;  I  wiiih 
(o  prent'iit  to  the  Senate,  and  to  the  eountry,  the 
^roniidH  nf  what  I  have  juhI  Htiid. 

And  1ft  US  follow  (he  AdnnnimraUon  of  Mr.  Van 
Itureti  from  his  lirnt  MesHa^'e,  and  aec  how  thiM 
imporlanl  matter  fareN  in  his  liiuidd. 

On  the  ^.Mlih  of  March,  li^JH,  he  sent  n  ntoHsace 
to  the  Senate,  with  a  correMpomteiiee  Utween  Mr. 
Ko\  and  Mr.  Forsylh.  In  this  ourieHlMnidenee  Mr. 
Fox  Hays: 

>'  Thi'  I'nilfil  Hta(eii  (^tveriiinriit  luivr  |trn|MMf>il  two  infMJt'ii 
ill  wliirli  MH'h  a  eoiiiini^^'ion  uilutilliei'onHlitnliil :  lirNl,(liat 
It  inluht  eiin-i''t  >t^l'«)|lnlll!•^i■>n•'rN,  niiniril  In  ciinal  iminlierK, 
hy  fitrh  III'  the  (wii  <I  >vi  nitnent',  with  an  uni|iiri'  tn  hi>  t<i' 
In  till  hy  '•niiK'  t'nriiihy  I'.iirniii'aii  l*iiwi'r.  Hi-iMiuMy  ihutil 
nuulit  Im  i-iiiinly  I  iPiiiiMi.i'tt  i.Cm  U'ntilli'  Karopeuii",  inlii.-  -*■ 
liTii'il  hy  a  rrnii'lly  nnvertlKii,  and  iniffln  U''  m  rMni|i>iiiii'ii  in 
il-i  ii|HTi"iti'tiii«  hy  n«i  iit»  iM  (hu  two  illtTTftnt  paMii---,  in  nnji-r 
iliiit  Hiich  iiitniH  might  uivt-  to  Iho  eiiiiiiiiif>hiiiiirrrt  ariiiiitaiiei' 
anil  iiitiirinatiiiii. 

"  IIiT  Miiii'Hlv'n  (Invi-rnne-nt  hiive  llH-nnti'lve-'  alnnily 
>(at  il  (hat  Mx-y  Iki\i>  liiile  'X|H-i'iiiniin  (Imt  fiirh  a  i-omhmi.-- 
<i>Mi  eiinhl  li'ai't  (i>  any  uhi'I'iiI  ri'r.ii)t,  iiiiil  (hat  tiicy  wkuIiI.uIi 
that  iH'i'Oiiiit,  li"  lli^)»ll!4l■(l(ltl>llJll■|  III  ii;  aiiilit'lier>l.iJi'»l>'H 
lj<i\iTiiin<'in  wiTf  luav  loiiuri  !•  ('■  ji|i|ii>iiit  i>nrh  a  i'"niirii»- 
-Hill,  ll  wiiillil  iMiIy  hi'  ii'  i'niu|itiaii'('  wttll  thr  il'  -irr  r-u 
xtroiiuly  I'vpri'— I'll  hy  tlir  (<  im niiii'  iil  Ml'dir  Ciiilcil  Statex, 
anil  III  niiiti-  iilthi'  iliinht<>  whu-h  lirr  .'M.ij.-t) 'm  (inwrnniini 
'till  t-iiniiiiur  (II  t'ni'-rtJiin  nl  tin:  oHii-ary  ollLi'  iii>  a^iiir." 

To  thin  Mr.  Korsyth  replies,  that  he  pereeiven, 
with  feelni>;s  of  deep  disapponiiinent,  llial  llit;  lui- 
Mwer  to  (he  propositions  oi'  the  IJniled  States  in  no 
indelinile,  as  to  render  it  impracticable  to  u.sc<'rtain, 
Without  further  discussion,  vshatare  (he  real  vmnIics 
and  intent  ions  of  her  Aiaiesiy'rtUoveriimeiit.  ilerc, 
then,  u  new  diseussuMi  arist-s,  to  find  oui,  if*  (t  can 
ho  found  out,  what  the  ])arties  mean.  Menntime 
Mr.   Forsyth   wriles  a 

pa;;;eH  to  the  Governor  of  Nhuno,  L.'..v..M<>>>'i.,  »•••< 
a  sug^'eslion  that  his  exeollency  should  Utke  meas- 
ures to  ascertain  the  sense  of  the  State  of  Maine, 
with  respect  to  tlio  expediency  of  a  eonveniional 
line.  Tlua  correspondence  repeats  the  propoNitiim 
of  a  joint  exploration  by  connnissioneis,  and  Mr. 
Fox  ueeedes  to  it  ill  delerencc  to  the  wishes  of  the 


letii  r  of  twenty  or  thirty 
10,  omicludini:  witli 


riiA   uv.t  UUL'^   it>   II   111   ii«;ii:i^iit_i^   lu    iiii,    n  inii^  n  \>i    iiiij 

United  Slates,  but  with  very  little  hope  ihut  niiy 
^^lod  will  come  of  it. 

Here  is  the  upshot  of  one  whole  year's  work. 
Mr.  Van  Huron  sums  it  up  thus,  in  his  Messni^^eof 
Uecemher,  \^'AH: 

*'  \\  itli  n -|irel  In  till'  norlliea>ti'rn  hoiimlary  oClhe  rnited 
Siali'-^.  nil  iilh.-i,4l  I'linrsihinilriii'i'  |ii>t\\ oeri  (liiMtiiiMTiinH-iit 
ami  ihat  Hi  (>iiM(  Itntaai  ha.s  |ii^-nl  fiucn*  that  i-Diiiiiiiinica- 
Icil  iM  ''i»iii!i('.->  i.iuanU  Uii  i-lii.rtirtlK  ir  ht>t  .-(>!4.«|nii.  'I'he 
nll'-i  t<>  iii>L;>)ti;i(i'  11  riitiM-iiliiiri  litr  (ni-  a|i|M)iiitni<'rit  nl  a  jniiit 
tii'hiiii'''iiiill  otMirvi  y  anil  rxjihuatinii.  I  M'ii,  Iiimm'Vi'i,  jib- 
:.uriil  will  im  imi  h>  U't  .M  ij'nt> '-  lio\  i-nnni'iii  iii  a  citm-ili- 
iiliiry  anil  riK'iiilly  ^[llMt.allll  iiiHirnrniiii.i  rn  i-iiittih'  tin-  llrit- 
i>h  Sfi.iwlir  lnTi'  tn  emit  hnlc  siii-h  iin  ariaittfrineiil  will  hu 
Uaii<'niit'i-il  (n  Itiiii  williniit  nc'ilJi'Midrlay.'' 

Wo  niay  now  look  for  instruciioiiH  to  Mr.  Fox, 
to  conclude  an  arraii^emeni  \\>r  a  joint  cimuuission 
of  survey  and  exploration.  Survey  and  explora- 
tion !  As  if  there  had  not  already  lin-n  enough  of 
both!  Ihit  thus  terminales  l&3r',  with  a  liope  of 
eianinic  to  an  aj;retmeni  for  a  survey  !  Great  pro- 
j^ress  this,  surely. 

And  now  we  corne  to  IKi'.l;  and  what,  sir,  tliink 
you,  was  the  product  of  tliplomaiic  frriili'y  tiiid 
enliivation,  in  the  yi-ar  IKU).  Sir,  the  harvest  wa.s 
oiii'  project,  and  one  counter  projtct. 

On  thi:  •Jdth  of  May  Mr.  Ko\  ^eiit  to  Mr.  For- 
syth u  draic'lit  of  a  convention  for  a  Joint  eX|tlo- 
ratioi),  by  t-onuni.^sioners,  the  coninnssioners  u> 
make  report  to  their  respective  Uovernnieiits. 

This  was  tho  liriti.-h  jifojirl. 

On  the  *J!lili  i}{  .Inly  Mr.  l-'ursylh  sent  to  Mr. 
Fox  a  coiuWcr  /*roj*f(,  euibraeinii  the  principle  of 
arbitration.  I'y  liu.  ,  if  (he  cominisbioners  did  not 
ai;iee,  a  I'-fi-renci'  was  to  bo  had  lo  three  persons, 
stiected  by  three  fiiriidly  Soverei'ins  or  Slates;  and 
the.so  arliitrators  inii,flit  order  anol  her  survey.  Here 
llio  parlies,  ap|tareiiliy  faii^rnfd  with  their  elVurts, 
pansid;  and  (he  labors  of  the  yeai"  are  thus  n- 
iiearsed  and  recapitulated  by  Mr.  Van  1jU1'-:u  at 
the  end  of  the  se-;sou: 

'>  I'lirthi-Hi'tth-niriit  nrMiiriiuril)i-:iHli-rii  Utinnlary.the  |irn|i- 
o-iti-m  |irniiii-i'il  !i>  final  Itniain  l<ir  a  i-iiiiiMii:«(*tiiri  iili-\|»ln. 
raliiin  and  >iir\i  y.ha-  h.'.ii  n-rrjvitl,  ami  a  riiiintir  prnji-rt, 
iiM'luilini!  ahn  a  [irnvi-iiin  tortile  <-iTiairi  and  final  adjust 
nii'itt  III' till'  liinii^  in  dis|int'',  in  imw  Iti-l'nrr  llif  ltiiii>li  (inv- 
i-rnnn'iil  inr  iln  ritn-itleralinii.  A  jii.-l  rru-ard  In  lUv  di'ln-ad' 
stall-  nt'  ihi-'  i|i|i>niin.  and  a  [irnpi  r  n-jirt  t  Inr  (In*  natural 
inipalii'iiri'  nt  thi'  Stall'  nf  Majm-.  Tint  h>f*  than  a  enru  jiiiun 
thai  (hi-  ni-triitialinn  lias  alninly  In  <'ii  |iriilrar|i'd  Imiurr  lliaii 
ll*  iirudi'Mt  I'll  llif  pait  1(1  I'llhir  (inviTiiunnt.  havi-  Ird  nii'  tn 
hfiiivf  IliHt  till' iMiMiil  tiiviiiahh'  lu.iini'lit  .vhniihbnii  nn  ai-- 
i-nnn(,  tie  HuH'eu'd  tn  pii>s  widima  |nitUn<;  (tie  (|uestinii  tur- 


'!  evt-rnf  r"»|.    t  firl  ronfldnil  timt  Ihi' Onvernmrnt  nf  \\Pt 
;    Mritiinnli-  Miju-ly  will  take  ilii-  iiain>'  v  imv  nlllir  nuhli'i'l.a* 
I  am  piTMinulwd  it  m  vnvi-rni*d  U),  ili-<iit>.4 1'lniid.y  Rlrmiit  ami 
|;  Mini'iMt'  lur  till'  Htineaidi'  trniilnalhiii  ni  llitt  •  iMiinivirxy.'' 

Here,Hir,  in  (his  **delirute  ntalo  of  the  (|Uetition" 
all  ihiit^H  n'HieU,  (ill  the  next  year. 
I       Karly   after    (he   eonmteiicement  nf   thn   unrni 
weather,  in  IH4(),  the  induMtriouM  diplomatiHlH  re- 

I  Hiimed  their  severe  and  riuorous  labors,  and  on  llui 
l»*Jil  June,  ib4(l,  Mr.  Fox  writes  tlniN  to  Mr,  Fer- 

jl  syth: 

I'  n '{'he  ItnUoli  tJiivrrnmiMit  niid  llie  Onvrrtimeiil  of  thn 
I'liidd  Htali'M  nurfcd,   twn  yi  an  aun,  liiHi  a  ^nrvl'y  nl' the 

,  (li<|Milid  tinolnrt,  by  .t  joint  enmiur-Hi'ii,  Wi'iihl  he  (lir 
nir.iNiir''  ll  >(  e.iti-nhiteil  tnciui  iihitc  ami  inlvi  (h<'  iiiie-tinnit 

,  ai  iNMie.  'I'll''  I'riniit  ii(  |Mii|ai-eil  riii'li  a  rnimnm.  inn,  and 
hi-r  .M :ij'>ty')*  (ijvi'rniiii'iK  ri>iiii<'nti'il  to  il;  ami  It  wuh  hi'- 
III  veil  hy  liiT  MiJi'H(>'ri  (Jiivernim*nt,  (hat  Ihr  umi ml  |irlh 
c,)dr>4  ii|)iiii  wlih'h  tin'  rDininiMriiMi  wan  In  In'  tfiiiihd  in  il-i 
ImimI  iijKT.tttiin.'t  hail  liei'ii  M'ltlctI  hy  miituiil  :<»re  inent,  ni- 
rivi  ll  al  hy  iniMiiiH  III'  II  corn niMmilriii-i'  wliit'li  to  >k  (ilan' 
hi'UviTii  tlie  twn  tl,.vfrni.i.nl-.  in  l^;t,  ai^d  IKIH.  Hi-r  Ma,|- 
i>M\V  (invi-rmni'iit  aecnnlniul)  IriuciiiiUrd,  in  .\]iiil  nl'la^t 

yi'iir,  llir  tli.-  ion  iiliiaa <rtlie  Tr  -id  nt,  a  diaiiiiht  nl  lim 

i'im\ U'lKto  rcKiilaic  (In'  pMH-n  diii^N  nlUie  prniniMd  rim- 

\i  iiiinir" 

>>  ThM  iiriaihhli'  nf  Unit  ilraiiulit  ri'i'llnd,  (ixdially,  the 
auro'  iiM'hl  dial  iiit  I  hi'i'ii  cmUm'  u,  hy  niiaini  nf  imi.'ii  wlitt'ii 
hail  hi-t'ni-\<-lmimiil  ImImii  n  tin' twii<><>vi'rmni'i;l- i  innltlie 
arlnlrH  nf  till*  ilraiulit  win' Iranii'il,  »*  hi  r  M.ije^ty'n  <ii.v- 
rrnne  lit  emiMiilend,  in  hlriet  e>inlnriiii(y  wiUi  di.it  affni.'- 
iiiria. 

o  Kill  (he  (invernii t  of  (he  rnitiil  H(ntrM  did  nut  tliiiik 

pminr  ti'  a-f*iiit  |nlli<'  cndvi'tinnn  t%t  iimiMiM-d. 

oThi'  InKi'd  HliitiM  li^ivernnifnt  ilid  mH,  imli'iil,  alti-L'i* 
that  the  prniHMi'd  eniivi'iitinn  wan  lu  vailame  with  til*'  n* 
-nil  nf  Iln-  [HI  vnins  rinri'-iinndi'nii-  ht-tuii'ii  the  (wn  (Jnv- 
i-inmi'iilH;  hut  it  tlinnuht  that  (he  inrocMtinii  wnnhl  i>-<|iih 
li~h  a  rnmnii'Nnm  n(  Miiert'  i>V|ilnninnn  and  Nnrv<  y  ;*  lunl 
till'  I'ri'-iilint  \\ai  n|'  ii(iinina  that  tlii>  >te|i  next  In  Ik-  lakin 
h>  till-  twn  (j.iVi-tniiH  lit^  .-^hnuhl  br  tn  i-nlltrai  t  h(ltinlatini<r-, 
In  atiiiu  upon  tilt'  till  •-  III  them  thr  pH>iiii.-e  nf  a  Dnal  .-i-itiii- 
iii'iit,  iiiid-r  snmi!  form  nr  uUiet,antl  vMthin  a  reiin'inutde 
Dm--- 
"'I'lii'  I'nit'd  Hiate-«  (^nveninn-nt  arrnnliiiL'ly  trnminiilli  il 

to  Iln-  iinji  r  lu'iicd,    l>>r   i' iiiM^aiiai    (n   le  r   .'Vbiji-»'(> 'it 

(;.  v.rmnriit,  in  tui-  mnntli  i>i  Jnl>  l;i<I,  a  rniuit'-i  iinuiuht 
III  I'lmvi-titiim,  varyii'K  rim-ldiT.ihty  in  m-iii'  paiiw  (ii"  the 
Si'i'trtary  nf  iSiati*  ni  tnr  I'lilifd  Hial>'>  intiiiidi'd,  III  lii.>  let- 
h-r  in  till'  uniliriiffiii  d  of  tin-  i&i,u  ul  July  Ki.-<t)  (luni  Urn 
druiuht  prnpna.  d  l>)  final  Itnlain/' 

"Tlirri'  wa>*.  nndniihtrdly,  om"  o-Hcniial  ihflTereiii'c  !)»■■ 
iwi-rii  the  UntiKii  ilran^u't  and  the  Ahi>  rican  ennider 
ilraiiilit. 

"Till-  nrili.-h  draiiiht  i-nnlaiiii'd  nn  provi-ioti  nnhnrlyjmj 
liie  pniM'ipli-  nf  arlnintinii.  The  Aim-tii-un  cnnnt>'r  iliaiiyM 
did  cniituui  Mich  a  pnivi-inn. 

"Till' ItiKihli  liian'jiii  I  iMitaim-d  nn  p^o^i^nln  rnrnrhitra- 
limi,  III  eaiiKi!  thi'  pii  i>  iph'  nf  arhitraiiiai  tiail  not  hi.-iii  pr>i- 
piiM-d  niii'ithi-r  ^Ld<  ibniiiL'  tin-  m-Mniiations  npin  whien  licit 
diaiiyht  vvai*  fiaifilnl ;  ami  lm'an.-.e,nnirrnv.  r.  ii  wa.-  ni.Ucr- 
xlnnii.ai  Halt  nint'.  that  dn-  priin-ipli!  nt  aihitradon  wmihl  ho 
ili'i'urdly  i.l'jiM  t'll  (n  ti>  till-  rmii-d  Sialen.  Ilnli.it  tin-  I'ni- 
li-il  .'-=(. lii'^  (invi-rnnn  nt  havi-  imw  A|irr-^eil  a  \\\>U  tni-m- 
h.idy  till'  pnin-ipic  nl  arhitniUiin  intin-  prn|M-i'il  ciniviiitmn, 
In  r'M.i.ii  -lyV  linvefiimeiil  an'  |H-r(i'i  dy  wiilin::  to  accede  to 
diat  wi>li. 

*■  'I'll!'  iiinliTMiiiii-d  I-  acinnliiiKlv  in-trmti-d  tn  stale,  nlh- 
rialts  tn  Mr.  Kni-ytti,  Ihiil  lier  ,Maj  sty'-  (inv^  riiirimi  rnii- 
si  111'  In  till'  tun  p'liiiriph  s  which  inini  lln-  maui  fniimtalinti 
nl  die  Aiiii-ri'-ioi  i-niiiiirr  ilraii<:ht,  iiann  ly :  t'uM,  that  the 
I  iiminii-xina  tn  hi-  itppmnti  d  shall  he  so  rnnsninti'd  hm  ricee  - 
sariK  tn  h  ad  in  a  tiiial  MUlcinent  of  die  ipi  sU'ain  n,  hnim- 
diiry  at  i>.-iit-  hciwi-cn  the  twn  ei-iintrn-s;  mal,  ^ecnrld!y, 
thai,  in  ntilcr  tn  M-ciire  dicii  a  risnli,  du-  cmivintinii  hy 
vvlii'  ll  llii-  i-nniniHhinii  i>i  tn  h  -  ercatrd.  shall  cniitain  a  pm- 
vi-inii  fnr  arliiir.iiiiiii  npnii  ihiinlii  as  m  which  i he  lliiti-h  mid 
Am-  ri-  an  i'oniim'-i"ii  nta>  imi  he  a'lh-  in  a;;r  c. 

"  Th'-  miihr^ifTiKil  i-.  linwMcr,  m-irm  i<  il  tn  add,  that 
th.  re  ar.' many  matdr-'  nl  ih-tad  in  tin-  Aiiieriean  loimicr 
ilranuht  wliieh'hiT  .>l-ij '^h  's  (ii)\crnmeiit  i-ammtadnpi. 

*'TJM-  iiiiih-r>ii;n>'il  will  he  fnrm-ln  d  I'lum  hi-i  (imi'in- 
mint,  hy  an  iait>  npinTUimty,  Willi  an  aim  tided  draught, 
Ml  ennrnrmily  wiili  tin  piinei|ih-s  alua-r  sialcl.  In  he  sidi- 
iiiidi'd  in  the'eiihsid  raiinii  nl  llic  Pn'sjileia.  And  die  lin- 
iter-i!fai'it  expects  tn  he  at  tin-  ^alm-  nine  funii)<lii'd  uith  in- 
•Irueteiiis  In  prnpn.--    tn  t:ie  (invi-riinirlilnf  llic  f 'tilli  d  Hiaifri 

il  li.-h.  Ii.i  ai,  aiiil  I.  mp'iriry  cniiv.  mU Ini  die  hi  iter  pir 

Vrhiinii  of  iiicidrtil.il  h  .id,'r  ci>ih>inii-^  uiihin  the  ihspiiti  d 
terriinr>  diiriii'.'  the  lime  tliai  may  he  ne(Mipn-d  in  carryini* 
ihioiiili  till'  nper.iiinii-  nl  .>.nrxcy  nr  atlntiaii'Mi." 

And  on  ihe  iidih  of  June,  Mr.  Forsylii  replies, 
anri  says: 

"That  he  derive  i  erenl  sntinfai  tinn  frnm  the  nnnmimt'- 
meiit  that  Inr  !Maii-i\  V  (invcrnineni  dn  imt  nhmpiish  the 
hope  that  the  r^llici'ie  iJeMn-  which  |s  f.  It  li\  hnlh  paitii-s  in 
aritve  at  an  amicahh'  m'UI<  melit,  will  at  Iniuth  hi  alteliih  d 
will)  ^•lc'-e.ss  ;  and  fn'Mi  lln-  pro-peit  Iiehl  uiii  hy  Mr.  I'nv 
nf  his  iiein:;  aernrihm:tv  fnrmshi  d.  \i\  an  emh  npiKirinnJiy, 

Willi  the  drailL^lK  nl  a  prnpnslti'iii  iiliiemled  III  eniitnriliity 
with  the  principhs  tn  \Um'h  her  Maj.  ^i>  '■  (iitvermmnt  Iiih 
aeeedid,  tn  he  ^ubnlnll  d  (u  the  cnii.-iderannii  nfllli^lin^- 
einineiit." 

On  the  i2Hih  of  July,  IHlO,  the  Ih-iiish  iitnended 
draiiiilit  came.  'J'lii.s  drauj^ht  proposed  that  pont- 
niissioneis  should  he  appoinled,  lis  before,  lo 
make  (•xploralinii;  thai  umpires  nr  arbitrators 
should  be  appoinled  by  three  friendly  sovereii^n.^, 
and  thai  the  arbitralion  should  sit  in  Germany,  at 
,  Frankfort  on  tiie  Maine.     And  llie  drautiht  tuii- 


Iioni  € 


^^■■WWW^f" 


1846.)  

i^i>rii  CoNii Iht  Srsi. 


APPENDIX  TO  TWK  CONCJUKSSIONAL  GLOBE. 


M7 


Treutij  itf  H'ii»hinffton — Mr.  IVtbttcr, 


Sknate. 


I  111  smti',  iiili- 
I Mt  roii- 

llill  luilMihlliiHI 

tli'Ki.  Hull  ilii- 

lUlt'll  UN  IH'IT  - 
li''llb  O.   Illlllll- 

1.(1,  M'. I!y, 

niivrnttdll  l>y 
irinliun  a  |ir<i- 
li«'  llilli-li  ui.il 

il  in  ailil.  Hull 
h'-Illl  rlillllUT 
lii>l;uli>|il. 

I  liH  (iou'MI- 
iiili  il  ilralitflit, 

it.'.l.  mill.  SI, li 

.\miI  lllr  llil- 
i,<lli'(l  \Mth  itl- 
uriiiliil.-Jlairi 
III!'  Lull  I  |iJ. 

II  Ihi'  ili^piili  il 
li-il  ill  ('iirr>iiii; 


ropliiM, 


Iniiiii  iiiiiiiy  miiiliH  nf  mriiiindminl  iinil  ilHiiil,  fur  ' 
inrryiiiK  Mm  '  <(|iliiralliiii  iiiiil  iirlilliiiliiui  iiiiu  rlli'il, 

Al  till'  Huiiif  lime,  Mr.  I''ii»  hiihIh  in  Mr.  I'lir 
NVlli  >l>n  ri'iirrt  nl'  Iwii  llriliHli  rniiiiiiiNNiiiiiurti, 
McMHrx.  Miiili;!'  iiiid  li'iitiliiTHiiiiiliiiimli,  wlm  limi 
iiiiiilr  Mil  ri- yiin7r  Miirvey  in  Ihi^'J.  Anil  a  innni  rx- 
triiiniliiiiii  V  i'i'|>iirl  it  wiin,  'I'lirHi:  i;nilli'iiii'ii  liiiil 
iliii'MVii'i'if  thai,  ii|i  lo  lliiit  tinir,  iinliiiily  liail  liirn 
riuiil.  'I'licy  ran  tliii  liiii'  Mill  I'liriln'r  nuiiiIi  lliaii 
nnyliiiily  iiiiil  rvrr  iiiiiiL'iiit'il,  iind  iliHriivrml  hi^li* 
IhiiiIh  wliirli,  ill  nil  |ii'r\  Iimin  iNaininalliiliH  anil  I'X- 
|i|iiiiitliinN,  liiiil  rsi:i|ii  il  iill  iiiimImI  i  yes. 

lliir,  llirii,  wr  hull  Hill'  iiriijtit  iniirii  fur  rxplii- 
ralniii  niiil  iirlillriilinn,  ti.i;riliri'  Willi  a  r('|ii>rt  fnnn 
tlir  Hriti.sli  rninniiNsiiiiii'rH  nf  Niirviiy,  iniHliiiii;  tlin 
llriii:ili  rliiiini  nIiII  I'lirtlii  r  into  lliv  lerrilurieHiif  tlio 
SlMli'  nf  iVIilllii'. 

Anil  nil  till'  l.'ltli  nf  Aiii;iiMt  tlicri'  i'iinii>8  n^iiin, 
UN  inaltir  of  i  inirNi',  I'l'iini  Mr.  l''iir.sylli,  aMiillicr 
I'diiiiirr iniijirl,  l.iiril  l'iilinfr»tiiii  in  iiuvtr  riiliiT 
in  pii'jtit.i,  tliiin  Mr.  Kiir.syili  in  in  cnmiti-f  prokrlH. 
'I'hi'i'i-  in  iilwiiyH  a  Unwland  fur  tin  Oliver.  I'liin 
rniinlir  in'iijict  nl' the  IHlli  nf  Aiii;iiM,  |H|I),  wiin 
iliawn  in  the  relirenient  nf  Alliiiny.  It  oiiiininim  nf 
riehteen  iniiiles,  wliiili  it  i»  liarilly  iieetHHary  tn 
iliwrilie  |iariiiiil:irly.  <lf  riiinNe,  it  |ii'iicixiIh  nn 
ilie  Iwn  |irini'i{ilt'H  iilreiiily  af,'rieil  nn,  nf  vxphira- 
Itnii  ami  arliitniliitii;  lint,  in  all  inatterN  nf  arrani^e- 
nii'iit  an'  <li mil,  il  wan  ijiiile  iliU'eient  iVnni  liiinl 
I'ahnerHiiin'N  ilraiiL'lii,  ennnniiiiii'tileil  liy  Mr.  I'ViX. 

And  hern  the  ra|iiil  nianli  nf  diplniiiiiey  caniu 
to  u  ihad  halt.  Mr.  l''n\  fniind  nn  many  and  .iiK'li 
•;rial  ihiinuiH  prn|inHed  tn  tin;  UritlMJi  diMiiijht, 
that  he  did  nut  imline  In  dim'UH.s  iheiii.  lie  did 
lint  lielii'vi:  the  llriliMh  Ccnveriniiint  wniild  ever 
iiifiee  tn  Mr.  lAirsyili's  plan,  lint  lie  wniild  send  it 
hiiiiie,  and  we  wh.il  iniilil  hu  dnne  will)  it. 

ThiiN  Niiind  inatleiH  lit  tlio  end  nf  lH4tl;  and,  in 
liin  MeHsajje  al  the  nn  etiiif;  nf  (;nn^re^."l  in  Ue- 
ei-inlier  nf  that  yi.'iir — his  valeilietnry  MfH.sni;e — 
Mr.  Van  Uiiren  ihiis  ile.serilieH  that  i-.niiditinii  of 
lhin;,'H,  wliieli  he  fuiind  lo  be  llio  result  of  his  four 
yearn  of  iiei;ntiatlni  :  ' 

'•  III  iiiy  liiHt  iiiiiie  ,1  .>Ii'»iiii«n,  ynii  were  liif'nriiiGil  Unit  n  I 
|ir.i|iii-iniiii  Iill    II  nMiiiiii.isiiin  III'   I'xpiiiriitinii   iiiiil  MUrve),  I 
liiiiiiii-iil  lij  lirinl  llnlaiii,  IniiI  liei  n  nerivvil;  iiiiil  llial  a 
eiiiiiiier  pritjri't,  iiirliiilitiK  aliiii  a  |,rii\i-iiiii  I'.irllie  ceitaia 
atiil  till  il  iiil.iii..'11111'iit  nf  tile  lniiit.1  in  ill  |iiilr,  wan  tlieii  lie- 
I, lie  Iill'  lliiiish  (liiviTiniil'iil  llir  itK  i'iiiii.i.li'nilliiii.     The  aii- 
-wi'i  III' thai  (miv.  riiiiH'iil,  iU'i'iHii|ialiii'il  by  iiililitiiiinil  iinUMi- 
Mliiiai  II' ilM  iiwii,  wan  riineil  ihniuli  it<  .>Iiiii>li'r  lure, 
sini'i!  .Miiir  n'liiiratiiiii.    TIii'mi  were  |iiiiiii|illy  emi  iih  reil ; 
niiell  an  were  iloeiiiiil  o.irrei'l  In  iiriiiiipi",  ami  eniini-ti'nt 
Willi  a  line  r.'uaiil  m  ilm  jiisl  rluliw  el' llH'  Hiiili'il  ti|ati'«  ! 
anil  III' II'"  .Stale  nl"  .M.uiie  eiiiu'iirriil   in;  .mil  ttiu  reU'OilH  1 
I'.inlisKi  iiliiiL' rr.aii  the  ii'miIih',  wllh  a.i  aiUlili  ,iial  mikki'k- 
liiill  nil  iMlr  |iait,  I'niiiiiiimii'ali'il  In  the  .1i  enlaiv  iifSlal.'  In 
Mr.  Km.    'I'hat  Mlia-ler,  iinl  le,  linn  liiinsellMiirn'ii'iillv  in- 
.-inii'li'il  il|iiili  fiMiii.' Ill' Ihe  piiinl."  lalHeil  in  the  iliw  ii.-^iuii, 
Iill  II  III  lie  hi-  ilnly  III  ri  II  r  tlie  niallcr  tu  Inn  iiwii  (iovi  rii- 
iiii'lit  III!  il.-i  I'llilher  iliij-iiiii.'' 

And  innv,  sir,  who  will  deny  that  this  is  n  very 
prinnisiii;,'eiiiiiliiion  nfthiiii^s,  tn  exist  riK'ry-SEIEN 
yiiii's  after  the  eonelimion  nf  the  treaty  ! 

Here  is  the  ISrilish  project  fnr  explnralinn;  then 
the  Ainerieaii  eimnier  prnject  fnr  explniiitinn,  tn  lie 
the  fniinilaiinn  fnr  arliili'iitinii.  Next,  the  answer 
nf  Ureal  llritaiii  tn  nnr  emintir  prnjeet,  statins; 
divers  exeeptinii.s  and  nlijeetinns  to  it,  and  Willi 
inindry  new  and  aihlilimial  priipnsiuoiis  nf  her 
own.  Siiinc  nf  the.-ie  were  enneiiired  in,  lint  nthei'N 
ilisaeiilud  iVnni,  and  nilier  mldilional  snf,'!|;eslinna 
nil  nnr  part  were  pmpo.'-'eil;  and  all  these 'enneiii'- 
renees,  dissinls,aiid  iiew.siiui;eslinns  were  Inniiulit 
tiiLjelher  anil  iiienrpnraled  inin  Mr.  Rirsyth's  last 
laliiirnf  di|iliini,'iey — al  least  his  la.st  laljnr  in  ret;ard 
In  this  snlijeil — his  ennnler  pnijeet  nf  Aiinnst  the 
lll:li,  ii^Mt.  Thai  ennnler  prnji  II  was  .'ani  to  Knij- 
l.iiid,  In  .see  what  Lord  r.iinn  islmi  eniild  make  nf 
II.  Il  fai'eil  ill  ihe  l''iiiiimi  Olllio  just  as  Mr. 
I''iix  had  fiiretnld.  Lnril  I'alnierstnn' wniild  have 
nntliin:.' In  dn  wiih  it.  lie  wnnid  lint  answer  il; 
he  winild  lint  Inni  h  it;  he  jr-'^e  up  the  lauintialinn 
in  appai'eiil  ili.sp.iir.  'I'wn  years  liefnre,  the  par- 
lies had  airrieil  nn  llie  piineiple  nf  jniiit  ex.|ilni'ii- 
linii,  and  Iill.'  prim  iple  nf  arliitraiinii.  lint  in  iheir 
siilj.sei|iieiit  enri'e.'.pnmlciice,  nil  mailers  nf  detail, 
inndes  nf  pi'iieeediii',',  and  siiliiiidiiiale  arr.in^re- 
inenl.s,  they  had,  ihrniitjli  ilie  wlinle  Iwn  years, 
innslanlly  n  eeded  farlliiT.and  fiirlher.and  farlher, 
iVniii  eaeli  oilier.  'I'liey  were  llyiii^  apart;  anil, 
lil\eiwnnrlis,i;iiiiii;nli'in  nppnsite  direetinns,  eniilil 
only  meel  after  they  shonld  have  traversej  the 
wlinle  eirele. 

Uut  thisexposilioii  of  the  case  does  not  Jcscrihe, 


liy  liny  iiieans,  all  the  dillleiiliieH  mill  einlmrrnM'- 
inentH  ai'isniL!;  from  the  iniNeitled  state  n'  tlie  eni). 
troversy.  We  all  remeinlier  the  tiniililis  nf  IKIII, 
Mnnieihin^'  like  a  linrili  rwar  had  In'nkennt.  iMaiini 
had  raised  nn  iirmeil  citil  jiimr;  sliii  fiirtilied  the 
line,  nr  |iiiiiiiH  nn  the  line,  nf  lerrilnry,  In  keep  nlf 
inlriiders  and  tn  defend  pnHNes.si(iii.  There  was 
i''nrt  l''iiirlielil,  I'Virt  Kent,  mid  1  know  not  what 
other  foriirssis,  nil  tneinninlile  In  history.  'I'hc 
Lei^islatiire  of  \laiiie  had  plaeeil  eiKlil  linndreil 
thniisaiiil  ilnllarH  at  the  diserelion  nf  lliii  CjoM'rnnr, 
tn  lie  used  fnr  the  inililary  ilefeiiee  nf  the  iSlate. 
Majnr  (-leneriil  Hemi  had  repaired  In  the  fioiilier, 
and  under  his  mediatinii,  an  iiKreenient,  ii  snrt  nf 
ti'i:i'y,  ri'Npecliiii;  the  leniporary  pimsesHion  of  the 
tw'i  parlies.  Ill*  the  lerrilnry  ill  dispute.  Was  eiilenil 
iiilii  lieiweeii  the  Gnvernnrs  of  Maine  and  .New  | 
Itriinswiek.  Ihil  as  il  eoiild  not  lie  foreseen  how 
loin;  the  prineipal  dispute  would  lie  protriie.led, 
Mr.  l''ox,iis  has  already  lieeii  seen,  wrote  liome 
t'lir  iiisii'iii  I  iiiiH  for  tinother  treiily — a  treniy  of  less 
ilienily-  a  i  iillaleral  treaty — a  treaty  lo  leniilate 
the  teniis  of  niisse.ssion,  and  the  iiieans  of  keeping; 
llie  pe.iee  ol  the  fi'niitier,  while  the  nuiiiber  nf 
years  sIiihiIiI  rnll  away,  iieee.'isary,  fii'sl,  tn  spin 
mil  Ihe  whole  thread  of  diphimauy  ill  fnrmiiii;  a 
eonventinii;  next,  for  three  or  four  years  of  jniiit 
explnralinn  of  seven  hiilidred  iiiiles  of  ilispmed 
lioiimlary  in  ihe  wilderness  nf  North  Anierira;aiiil, 
finally,  tn  learn  the  results  of  an  arliilialion  whieli 
was  to  sit  al  Kriiiikfort  on  the  Maine,  eomposed  of 
learned  ilnruns  frnm  the  Uermaii  uiiiveisities. 

Ileally,  ,iir,  i.i  lint  this  a  innsl  deli^'hlfiil  prns- 
pei  l.>  Is  tliere  lint  here  as  lieniilifiil  a  luliyrinlh  nf 
diplnmaey  as  one  eoiild  wish  ti>  took  lU  ol'  a  siiiii- 
nier's  day.'  Would  iinl  C'listlereimh  and  Talley- 
rand, Nesselrndc  and  Melternieli,  Iind  it  an  eniaii- 
;;lemeiit  wnrthy  the  liilinr  nf  llieir  own  liainls  tn 
iiniavel.-  Is  it  lull  apparent,  Mr.  I'resideiit,  that  al 
this  time  the  settleinent  nf  llie  i|ue8linii,  liy  this 
kind  of  diplnmaey,  if  tn  he  reiiehed  hy  any  visinn, 
reipiired  li'lesenpic  si;;lil.*  T'hc  I'.oimtry  was  set- 
tliiij;;  individual  ri<>;lils  were  ^citin<;  iiiln  cnllisinn; 
it  was  inipnssilile  tn  prevent  disputes  and  disliirl)- 
aiiees;  every  ennsideratiim  reiinired  that  whiilever 
was  tn  lie  ilnnc  should  he  done  raiickly;  niid  yet 
everylhinir,  thus  far,  had  waited  llie  slii(;;;isli  llow 
of  the  current  of  dipioniiiey.     iMbiliir  el  liibetur. 


i  have  already  suited  that,  on  the  rceeipl  of  Mr. 
l-'orsyth'shisteoiinier  plan,  or  counter  project.  Lord 
l^nhnerslon  at  last  pau.sed.  He  did  ko.  The  lirit- 
isli  Uovernnieiit  appears  tn  have  made  up  its  mind 
that  nothing'  was  to  he  expected,  at  that  lime,  from 
liursiiini;  further  this  Liatlledore  play  ii(  projth  and 
cunfiT  prnjets.  What  nceurred  in  Kiis;laiid  we  eol- 
hel  from  the  pulilished  deljale.t  nf  the  Hnuse  nf 
Cnmmoiis.  I'Vnm  these  we  learn,  lliat  after  tu'ii. 
Harrison's  eleelion,  and,  indeed,  after  his  deiilli, 
and  in  the  first  year  of  Mr.  Tyler's  I'lesideney, 
Liiid  Palinerstoii  wrote  tn  .Mr.  l''ox  as  follows: 

'•  Hit  !M:ijeii|y"ri  t^iiveinnii'iil  leeeiveil,  with  very  yri'lll 
rejjrcl.llii'reeiiiiil  ..\iiii'rieaiii'iitiiili'r  ilraTiuiilnriu'iiiiv.'iili.iii 
t'lrilcl  rinlllini:  111!'  hiilliKl.uy  liitweell  tin' I'liili'il  SLili'.iliiiil 
111.'  (liiti.tli  IV.JiUi  Ameiieaii  priniiii'i'.i.  wliiili  >iui  iransnat- 
li'il  111  nil' 111!'!  aiiliiiiin,  ill  \iiiir  liei^paleli  nl' lIu'  l.'ilh  iir.Aii- 
ulll,  IHIII,  lH'('ai|..i'  Ihal  niieiln-  iliailL'lil  iiitieiini  il  ,.11  iiiaii> 
iliiiihiiM  lull'  liiiiim-iliiin-,  lli;:l  it   |ilailily  sliiimil  ll.al   her 

.>l.ije,-l\',H(;mi.n ■iitei'llhlenti'itain  1111  liii|M'iireiinelniliiiu 

aii>  iiMaiiia.'iiii  hi  ml  Ihi^  nlllijeel  wiihUicl^i-.i'riaaeal  nl  .Mr. 
Villi  lliiii'ii.  aiiil  ilrii  tlii'ie  war-  iiii  iifC  in  lakiiiii  any  liirlhi  r 
^t  p-  111  III.'  iteiiiiiiiitiiiiiM  till  till'  new  rre>iili'iit  '-hmliil  iiniie 
iMlii  p.iwer.  ller  .Majc'-lyV  llmiriinii'iil  liait  ei  rniiiiiy  heeii 
pi'i-iiiuleil  lllal  udiaii^ilii  wl.U'li,  111  piiiMianre  nl'  yiitiriie 
>niii'iiiin,  yim  pr.'si  niiil  ei  .Mr.  I'nr.^Mli,  mi  ihe  'jsih  ni  Jnli , 
l.-^ill.  wan  ..111  lair  ill  il>  prnve^iiiii,  ami  .so  will  eali-iilatnl 
111  liriiii;  Ihe  riiiliTiliees  liitiveeii  the  two  (liiverimnlilj* 
aliiait  the  liiillaiiary  In  a  Jll-I  iiihI  i-iilinraelnry  ciiiii'lli.iiiiii, 
tlial  it  w  iiiilil  lja\  e  heeii  al'iinei'  ileei-pl.  li  tiy  the  tiiivei'imiiiit 

111'  Ihe  rnili-il  Slali'.-.;  iir  llial  1:  Ihe  .\ rieilll  (.JuviTiillienl 

hail  pri'pii-eil  111  make  .iii\  alleralii'ii.'*  ill  it.  llin.i.'  alleraliumi 
wmitil  liuv  litaleil  iiii'ri'l>  III  inaltirs  iirilelail.  iiliit  Wiiiilil 
mil  llav-'  liiirne  upon  any  e-nenliiil  piaiils  "I  the  arraiiiii'- 
meiil ;  aiiil  ller  .M.ij, 'SIX  "s'lliai  nme  III  v.eie  the  inure  ,  nii- 
nriiieil  ill  llil.s  hii|ii',  lieeansi'  alimist  all  liie  in  1111  pnmtph  h 
III'  the  aiTinii'i'lneiil  wlmll  that  (llalit,'hl  uas  iiilemleii  tn 
eitiry  illln  evei'iilimi  liail,  as  hi'l'  .Ma]e-t>  Mliiieiniiii'iil  eiiii- 
ciivi  il,  hern  either  .-ii'„".:i'.'liil  l.y,iir  ili^rteil  tu  hy,  llie  I'inteit 
fllaU's  (Jiiviriiim'iil  il.-ell'."' 

Lord  I'almersloii  is  represented  lo  have  said,  in 
this  despatch  of  Mr.  I'orsyth's  ennnler  prnject, 
that  he  "  caiinni  iifree"  in  the  preanilile;  thu  he 
"  ciinnnt  consent"  to  the  second  article;  that  he 
"  niiisl  nliject  10  the  fourth  article;  that  the  "  seveiitli 
article  iiiipn.sed  iiienmpalilile  duties;"  and  lo  every 
arliele  there  was  an  nlijection,  stated  in  a  diO'crent 
I'nriii,  uiilil  he  reached  the  lenlli,  and  lliut,  as  lo 
that,  "  none  could  be  more  inaUmissiblc." 


Thin  wnii  the  miilR  nf  ihf  necntiMJon,  n  fi>w  ilnya 
liefnre  Lord  I'lilnieislnn's  reineineiil.  i:  ■',  ncv- 
erlhelesN,  his  Inrdsliip  wniilil  make  mm  ninre  at- 
leiiipl,  linw  that  there  was  a  new  Ailminislrnlimi 
here,  Iind  he  wniild  iiniko  "  iiric  jirii;i<aiu/j. "  And 
what  were  they  ? 

"  Anil  wlwil  ihiei  Ihe  lliilliie  tlilnli,"  'iiiil  Hir  II.  reel,  In 
Ihi'    Miillse    111'  t'miinimirt,    •' were    llie   iinlilc    Inni'ii    piiifHi- 

..itlif  111  thill  ili'i-piTiile  ..late  III  i'iTeiiiii..nmee- '  The  piup(.ixiil 
111  llie  iiulile  liiiil,  alii  r  llil)  I'UI  1  .Mills  nl'  ciiiitrnvi'fsy, 
Hiihiailleil  hy  tain  In  Ihe  Aiiiirieaii  {...viTiinieiil  Inr  llie  pn'r- 

iH'Hii  111'  a  >-pei'il>  Mi'llli'im'iil,  WHS  ihai nini—liiiiers  hIiiiiiIiI 

lie  iMillilniileil  iiii  Imlll  slitis;  Hint  Ihey  .hiiiilil  alleliipl  In 
make  si'liN  im  III  iil'lliis  limu  ilispnleil  (pn'rlimi  t  iiinl  ilii  11,  if 
Ihul  laih'il,  Ihal  Ihe  Kinu  iil  I'rlls-ia,  Ih"  Kiimiir  Simllliiil, 
llllit  the  Kinu  111'  H:l\iill),  were  111  he  ealleil  in,  liiil  Ui  Iti'l  IH 
ninpires,  liiil  llii'\  were  eaeli  In  lie  ri'i|ili'~li'il  In  iiaiiie  11  ^el- 
I'lllille  imili,  mill  thai  Ihe.i,  lliree  iminliers  nl'  11  si  leiilllle 
eiilllllil-siiili  shulllil  liliii'eeit  In  arhilrtlle.  Was  llirie  eler  11 
lirMpielliiiii  like  Ihi.  siiKKi'sti  il  liir  lli.'  luraiiu'  lie  nliirii  ijiies- 

liiiii  nil   ulni'li  Inn  1 nines   hail  ihtl'mil   I'lr  till)  elulil 

> I'lirHi  Anil  tills,  tun,  was  priipns'  i|  iillrr  the  lalluri'  iil  the 
iirlutnilliill  nil  Ihe  part  ur  the  Kinu  nl'  llullailil,  iiiiil  win  II 
Ihey  hail  liail  llieiri  ummi'slmi  m  |.\pl,,niliMli  111  \iim,  ,\iiil 
yi'l,  with  all  till-,  itteni  were  In  lie  tliree  1  iinlilie  ini'ii, 
liin'iKli  priil'essiirs-  mi"  rnim  I'rils-ia,  nne  1111111  Harilima, 
anil  one  rrmii  Haxniiy  !  Tn  iln  wliat^  Anil  when'  mi'Ih 
Ihey  tn  nil  el.'— <ir  liiiw  Were  lliey  tn  ciiiiiu  III  11  Milmlhelury 
ailjilsliiii  111.'" 

It  was  asked  in  the  Hnuse  nf  C'ninninns,  not  in- 
aplly,  what  wniild  the  pniple  of  .Maine  think,  when 
they  should  read  that  ihey  were  to  lie  visiieil  by 
three  learned  fiii'ei,';iiers,  one  frnni  Prussia,  iiiio 
frnm  Saxnliy,  anil  nne  frniii  Nanlinia  r  To  bii 
sure;  what  would  ihey  think,  when  they  shniild 
see  three  li'iirned  fnreii^n  prnfessnr.s,  laeh  speakin;; 
II  dilVerenl  laiii;iiii!;e,  and  iiniie  nf  iliini  the  l')ii;,'lisli 
nr  American  Inn^iie,  aninn;;  the  swainpH  and  mo- 
rasses nf  Maine,  in  siinimer,  nr  wading  throneli 
iis  snows  in  winter;  on  the  Alhi^'iish,  the  .Macada- 
vie,  or  aiiinin;  the  miinse  deer,  nn  the  preeipilniis 
and  liifiy  shines  nf  Lake  rnlieiimi;aiiiiink — and  fnr 
what.'  To  find  where  the  division  was,  heiweeii 
.Maine  and  .N'l'W  Driinswiek  I  Insiruciini,' iheiii- 
selves,  by  llie.se  laliors,  that  they  niijiht  repair  ID 
li'iankforl  on  the  iVIiiine,  iind  thtie  hold  smemil 
and  scientilic  urliilralimi  nn  theoueslinii  nfa  bnniid- 
iiry  hue,  in  nne  (if  ihedeejiest  wildernesses  of  Norlli 
Anieriea! 

Sir,  I  do  not  know  v.'hut  miylit  have  hnppened, 
if  this  prnject  had  ^:one  on.     Possibly,  sir,  but  lliiit 
your  country  has  called  ynii  to  liii,'licr  diities,  you 
I  liii;;hl  now   have  been  at  Krankfiirl  nn  the  Maine, 
i  the  advocate  of  our  cause  beliire  the  scientific  arbi- 
tration.    If  not  yourself,  some  one  nf  the  lionora-' 
llie  iiiembcrs  here  very  probably  wiiiihl  have  been 
employed   ill  iilleniptini;  to   utter  the   aliimst   un- 
speakable names,   bestowed    by  the   noi'iheasterii 
'  Indians  011  American   lakes  and  streams,  in  ihc 
lieiirl  of  Genimuy. 

Mr.  l''()X,  il  is  said,  on  reiidini;liis  despatch,  re- 
plied,  with    cliaraclenstic    promplilnde   and  e;nnd 
sense,  "  fnr  Und's  sake  save  iis  frniii  the  pliilnsn- 
plici's.     Have  snvereij^ns,   if  you   plea.ie,   but  no 
'  pi'iil'essiniial  men.'' 

1      liul  Mr.  l*'ox  was  instriu  led,  as  it  now  nppenrs, 

!  to  renew  his  exertions  to  carry  i'nrwai'd  the  arliiira- 

tioii.     "Let  us,"  .said  Lord  i'almersloii,  in  wriiiin; 

to  him,  "  let  us  consider  the  Amerieaii  cuii/rc  pmjtt 

'  as  iinreiisniiable,  undeserviiii;  nf  answer,  as  wiih- 

*  drawn   frnm  cnnsidei'iitinii,  and  iinw  submit  my 

*  ni'i;;iiial  }>rojil  tn  Mr.  Wt'bsier,  the  new  tieereiary 
,  'nf  .Slate,  and  persuade  him  it  is  reasnnable." 

With  all  respect,  sir,  In  Lnril   I'alniersi Mr. 

Well^.'Ier  was  nut  In  be  sn  |,i  isnaded;  that  is  to 
say,  he  was  iini  persnaiti  d  Ihal  il  was  rensniiable, 
nr  wise,  or  priidenl,  In  piirsne   lite   iie'.;iiiiation  in 

'  this  fnriii,  Ciirlher.  He  linped  tn  live.  Inni;  eiinush 
In  see  the  iinrlheaslern  linninlary  settled;  but  that 
hnpe  was  ftiiiit,  iinlei«s  be  eoiild  resene  the  ipies- 
tion  frnm  the  labyriiilli  nf  pnijeels  and  cniiiiler  prn- 
ieet.s,explnralioiis  iiiiil  arliiiiaiinn,  in  which  it  was 
invnlved.     He   eniild   nut    nasniiably  expect  that 

,  he  had  another  whole  half  century  of  life  befoio 

':  him. 

Mr.  President,  It  is  true  that  1  viewed  the  case 

;  as  hopeless,  without  an  eiilire  eliuii4;e  in  the  m:ni- 
iier  of  pi'necediiii;.     1   fniiiid    the   panics  alriai.'y 

j  "ill  wandcrini;'  ma'/.es  Inst."     I  fniiinl  it  (piite  ns 

'   tedious  and  dilliculi  tn  trace  the  lliread  nf  this  in- 

tricnle  negnliatiun,  as  it  would  be  m  run  mil  the 

I  linn  of  the  highlands  itself.  One  was({iiiieas  full  as 
the  other  nf  deviations,  abriiiitncsses,  and  perplex- 
ities. And  liaviiii;  received  the  Pie.sideiit'.s  (.Mr. 
Tyler's)  uulhorily,  I  did  say  to  Mr.  Fox,  as   has 

.  been  stated  in  the  Urilish  Parlianienl,  that  I  waa 


IJ^'S 


m 


i 

■(' 

.*" 

'i. 

v; 

,'.'. 

h:' 

5Ti8 


29th  Con« 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAI.  GLOBE.' 

Treaty  of  Washington — Mr.  Webster. 


[April  6, 


[1  1841 


Sknate. 


willing  10  allcmpt  to  sctllo  tlic  dispjle  by  ii^'rceing  |[ 
UN  n  convciuioiml  lint-,  or  line  by  connironiise.         j 

Mr.  IVaidfiil,  1  wna  I'nlly  iiwure  nl  ilie  dilKeul- 
ly  of  llie  inulerlrtkini;.  1  snw  it  was  a  seriona 
iitriiir  10  call  on  Maine  In  conic  into  an  agreement, 
by  wliicli  »l»;  might  subject. herself  to  the  loss  of 
territory  wliioli  slie  regarded  as  clearly  her  own. 
The  question  tonchcd  her  proprietary  interest.s, 
and  what  was  n'orc  delicate,  it  touched  the  extent 
of  her  jurisdiction.  I  knew  well  her  extreme 
jealousy  unci  high  feelii.g  on  tlus  point.*  bnt  I 
believed  in  her  patriotism,  and  ill  her  willingiics.s 
to  make  saoritices  for  ihe  good  of  the  coiinlry.  I 
Irnsied,  loo,  that  her  own  good  sense  would  lend 
her,  while  she,  doubtless,  preferred  the  stric.  c.\o- 
ciition  of  the  treaty,  as  she  iinderslood  it,  to  any 
line  by  coinprnmise,  to  see,  nevertheless,  that  the 
Ciovernineiit  of  the  Umleil  .Stales  was  already 
pledged  (o  arbitration,  by  ils(jwn  proposiliim  and 
the  H,'reement  of  Great  lirilain;  tliat  this  arbitra- 
tion might  not  bo  ciincluded  and  fun^'hed  for  many  ' 
years,  and  that,  at'ur  all,  ihe  result  might  be  doubt- 
ful. Willi  this  reliance  on  the  |iu;riiilisin  and  good 
sense  of  Maine,  niiil  wiih  the  saiii'llon  of  ihe  I'res- 
idiot,  I  was  M  liliiig  lo  make  an  c'llort  to  eslablish  ^ 
a  bnunilary  by  direct  com,  loniise  and  agreement —  1 
liv  eels  t»f  I'lie  parlii  s  llie'nselves,  which  they 
could  midersland  and  jud-^e  of  tor  themselves — by 
a  proc.eccliiig  which  hi'  iiolliing  to  the  future  |udg- 
ineiit  of  others,  n.a  liy  wliiili  the  conlroMisy 
could  be  selil-  !  oi  :.ix  moulhs.  And,  sir,  I  leave 
it  III  the  ._M.'ual<'  lo-dny,  mid  the  ctainlry  always,  lo 
s:iv,  now  far  this  olli  r  and  this  ellbrt  were  wise  or 
unwise,  siatesinai  '  ke  or  unslulesmanlikc,  beneti- 
eial  or  iuiurious. 

Well,  sir,  ill  the  autumn  of  lv.'41,  it  was  known 
in  Kngland  to  be  the  opinion  of  the  American  Gov- 
ernnieiit.thal  it  w'as  mil  advisal.Li  lo  prosecute  fur- 
ilirr  ihe.schenieuf  arliiiraiioii;  that  ihatUovermnent 
was  ready  to  open  a  uegoiialion  tor  a  conventional 
line  of  lioundary;  and  a  letter  from  Mr.  Kverell, 
dated  on  ihe  31st  of  December,  announced  the  de- 
urMinialiMii  of  the  Hriiisli  tto.ernnient  lo  send  a 
special  miiiisler  lo  the  Uinicd  fSuiies,  aulhori/ed  lo 
i..  Hie  all  iiialii'is  ill  dilli  reiice,  and  I'l.  selection  of 
i.ind  .\shburn>'i  for  tliat  trust.  Tim  letter  was 
aoswercil,  uii  I.  .■  'Jllih  of  .(aii  lary,  by  an  assurame 
lli.ii  Lord  A.iii'iuriiiii  wonhl  be  received  Willi  the 
I'l  sp.ct  dill'  lo  his  Uoveniiiient  and  lo  hiui.selt. 
l.i>nl  ,\sliliurloii  arrived  m  WashiiiL'lon  mi  the  4lli 
cif  .April,  imj,  a  1  was  |ircseiiled  lo  the  I'lesident 
on  the  lilll. 

till  the  Mill,  a  letter  was  written  from  the  Ue- 
parliiieiii  nf  Suite  to  the  Governor  of  Maine,  an 
iKiiiiictnir  ills  arrival,  and  his  declaraiion  thai  he 
bad  aailiorily  lo  treiil  for  a  ciiiivinlKinal  limMif 
lioundary,  or  line  by  nt^reeinent,  on  mutual  cundi- 
tions,  cniisideralions,  and  eipiivalenis. 

'I'lie  Governor  of  Maine  was  inliirmed  that, 
'•  I'liilrr  llic.c  eirciiin~uiiivi'-.  OM'  I'r'siili'iil  liml  Icll  it  In 
lie  liisilmy  I't  t  iill  liie  s.ii.iii^  iill-MIeni  in  llu'  tiiiMTliiiM-iit.s 
III  .M.iiiic  and  ^l,L.^.tcllll.•t'lLs  lit  tlie  piiliji'i  t,  mill  I'l  ^iiliiiiil 
I.I  it.ii  r  li  lUTiiiiii'iit.  lli>'  )iTii|)ne1\  i>l  llii'ir  C.I  iiji  lull. 111.  Ill 
a  c.  rt.ilii  1  MCI  I.  :li:it  ill  ii  I  eriaiii  limn.  Ill  an  i-iiitriiMir  In 
t.'Minuiitc  a  f■lllll^ll\l>l^y  iilri  :iil>  <>l  mi  loiii!  iltiraiiiin,  ami 
win.  II  -ci-iii!*  vi'iv  liKi-l\  III  lie  siill  ciiiid.li  r,ilil\  liiiilu'r  [iru 
Imcli'.l  licl'iir    llic  il<..>ircil  i  ml  ij  a  lin.il  .iiIjiikIiiiciiI  .< IihII  In' 

iill.iiU'  il   iiiili-i-  'I  -liiTli  r  ■■'  II r  aiioii'H  111  thill  II  il   111' 

ii  In; t  iliaii  ^iii'ti  a-i  l.as  hiT' iiil're  li.-i  h  iiiir-iti  tl,  anil  u^ 

111.  Iwii  tiiivi'riiineiiL^  iiri  <lill  |lllr.ullll.'■ 
" 'I'iie  ii|iniliiii  nl  llil"  !•  ocilillii  111  ilpnii  tile  jllHljce  ami 
\'illili  :>  I'l  Ilic  .Villericiiiil  rill  ha.-  Ii  i  iii'\[iri'.-M'(lal  i-iiiiiahj 
lliil'i'''liiii  ill  '*n  iiiiei>  Iniii''^.  Illal  a  ri'l'i'llllntl  iit'  Iliiil  "|iili 
i'lii  1"  ii'il  iii'i'i'.,iar\ .  Ilie  till'  -iiliji  II  1.  a  -ii'.jeel  la  lii^iinl''. 
'i'lir  i;nvi'fiiiii''iil  liii'iaifrc 'il  In  inaki'il  a  inalicr  nl  r"leri  iice 
aii'l  ariiiif'ilinii ;  anil  it  iiiii-l  iiillil  tliat  aur' eiiiiiit,  iinli'ni 

a,iii;i.  1  lll'i  |e  nl    Mitiliii:  111'    I'liiiUiiMI-V  'llnlllii  In'  ri  (tiirl   il 

In  vmI,  111'   Imi I  I'll. Ill   nil!   a   >i In  r  il' i  i   mil.     'I'll' 

I'r  -1  liiil  pniim-i'-.  tlii'ii'  Illal  llic  Inivi'rniiii'iilM  nl  Maine 
anil  Ma^'i'n'lillr.elH  ^lllllllll  M'MTalll  a|i|iniii1  a  i'"liilii|.i4iniii'r 

in    I  I|I11II11M'I"1M'I',  l'lll|l  iVIl.ri'll  111  C'llll.  I    VMlll  llic  'lllllinllili  ■'• 

I.I  llii^  (inw  iiilui'iil   il|iin  .1  '  niiv<  lill'itial  I'lii  .  nr   tiiie   liy 
au'i'  I  iii'-iit'  w  nil   III'  linn-,  c  ni'liliiiti-'  I  'iii-iili  ralinii '.  anil 
l*l|lll\.l|.'ll1^.  «il'i  nil  iilnl'r''l-iii.liiij  llial  i.ii-nilt  Inn'  \mII  Ii  ' 
ait"  t-'l  niHiii.  uiUinnl  llic  iL-i-ciil  nl  mh  ii  i  iiliniii''.iinii  rs. 
"  't'lln.  llinili'  III  [ll'iei -nliiiij,  in  Miiiie  nlln  r  utiii-li  .-lillil  i-.\- 

*ll  iKiinw  well  kliiOMi.lli.n  ill  I  ^"D.anaKrccnii'iiluai-eiilii 
ril  Inlnl.f'twi'i  n  •aniii' nllln'  (!>  inl^nl  lli  |iiiiliiielit-  HI  WaOl 
liilllnii,  vi/. :  Mi'-Nri'.  IiiMniiNlnii.  .M''l.iine,  anil  WiKKJIniry, 
iinilir  il.c  iliii'i  linn  nl  I'n'.nli  nl  Jie  k-nii.  ni>  lhi>  par.  nl  Ui<' 
I  iiii.il  .''l.ili -.  anil   M  H'ls.  I'll  I'll',  VVilliain.'  anil   l''.iiiir.\. 

I  11  llli'  pan  nl"  Ihe  (J'Vi  riiltl'  111  III  M'lini'.  \-\  islm'll  II  W'l'i 
vlipnlati'l  lliiil  Vlajni'  •'llnnlil  mirri'lnliT  In  ilic  I  iilleil  Slati". 
Ine  Iffillnry  Willi  II  I'lii' i'i'iiiii"'l  lii'V mill  llie  line  tier  imialitl 
I'V  III'-  hum  III   llii    iNi  Ilii'iliiiiil-,  mill  in  i  nr,  iik  an  iiiilciii- 

II  111.  iiM  nil  I  lilt  III  acri"  'llIc  pilliln  l,iiul».|ii  li,' i-eli'i-n  il 
hy  hiT-iir.  Ml  Mi'liiaan  'I'lie  cti-liini' nf  llii'  (i,"li/«a.H 
mil  Kiiiiuii  liir  N'liiie  ijini',  It  liiwa.i  nevir  ralilleil  hi' llic 
liiiili  ciiiU'ieiinij  iiarlici.  i 


press  HHHPiit  iMilorchilinl,  wcenis  inilispoiisable,  if  niiy 'I'^n- 
tiatioii  t'lir  II  eiiiivciilloniU  liin'  i-i  in  be  liail ;  i.|iice,  it'  lia|ipily 
It  treaty  ftinalil  tic  tlii'-reKiilt  nl'  llie  iieitiitiilllnii.  il  enii  oiity 
lie  Mlhinillcil  10  till'  Senate  of  the  lliiitcil  folates  Inr  nililica' 
linii'" 

A  similar  letter  was  iiddres.sed  to  the  Governor 
of  Massachusetts.  The  Uoveinor  of  Maine,  iiinv 
an  honorable  member  of  this  House,  iminediulely 
convoked  the  Legislature  of  Maine,  by  prticlanm- 
tioii.  In  Massiichiisetls,  the  probable  exigency 
had  been  anticipated,  and  the  Legislature  had  au- 
thorized the  Governor,  now  my  honoriible  eol- 
leanue  here,  to  appoint  eomiiiissioners  on  behalf 
of  llie  Coimiiiinwealth.  The  Legislature  of  Maine 
adopted  resululions  to  the  same  cll'ect,  mill  duly 
elected  four  cuininissioners  (Voin  aiiiong  the  lllo^t 
euiineiit  persons  in  the  Slate,  of  all  ]iarties;  and 
iheir  unanimoiis  consent  to  any  pi'opo.sed  line  of 
boundary  was  ninde  iiidispeii.salile.  Three  tlisliu- 
•.;iiishtid  ptilitic  men,  known  lo  all  parties,  and  liav. 
iiig  the  conlideiicc  of  all  parlies,  in  any  i,,,'stioii  of 
this  kind,  were  appointed  couiinissioiicrs  uy  the 
Governor  of  Massiichiisetls. 

Now,  sir,  I  ask,  could  anything  have  been  de- 
vi.sed  fairer,  safer,  and  lieller  for  all  parlies  tliiiii 
tliisr  The  .Slales  were  iiere,  by  their  eomiuission- 
ers;  Greiil  ISritaiii  was  here,  by  her  special  iMiiiis- 
ler,  and  the  Canadiiin  and  New  lininswick  author- 
ities with  ill  reach  of  In  ;  nieaiis  of  consul  lal  inn;  and 
the  Govermnent  nf  llie  I'liiled  Stales  was  ready  to 
proceed  with  the  impoi'laiil  duties  il  had  assumed. 
Sir,  I  iml  the  i|uesliiiii  lo  any  man  of  sense,  wlieili- 
er,  .''uiipo.'iiiig  Itie  r*'iil  object  to  be  a  fair,  just, 
convenieiil,  jiroiii)it  setlleinenl  of  lliu  lioundary  tlis- 
piite,  this  state  of  lliings  was  not  more  promising 
than  all  the  schemes  nf  exploration  and  itrbitra''ioti, 
and  ail  the  tissue  nf  projects  and  Ciuinler  jirnjects, 
with  w  Inch  the  two  Governiiienl.s  had  been  making 
theinselves  slrenuoiisly  idie  for  so  iiiiiny  years  r 
Nor  was  the  promise  not  fiilhtled. 

It  has  been  said,  alisiirdly  enough,  that  Maine 
was  coerced  into  a  consent  to  this  line  of  liounda- 
ry. What  was  Ihe  enercion?  Where  was  the 
coercion  ?  On  the  niie  liaiiil,  she  saw  an  immediate 
and  reasiiiiable  selllemeiit;  on  the  other  hand,  a 
priiceeiliiig  sure  U>  be  long,  and  il.-  result  seen  to 
lie  doiilitliil.  Sir,  the  coercion  \s>.i  none  ntlier 
than  the  cnercinii  of  duly,  gnnd  sense,  and  iiiani- 
li  St  interest.  The  right  ami  the  expedient  united. 
In  compel  her  lo  give  up  the  wrong,  the  useless, 
the  iiie.x  ledieiit. 

Maine  was  asked  tojudgcfor  herself,  to  decide  on 
her  own  interests,  not  uiimindful,  neverllielcss,  of 
those  palrioiic  considerations  wiiicli  should  lead 
her  to  regard  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  whole 
cuuiitry.  Maine,  it  has  been  said,  was  persiiuded 
In  |iart  with  a  pnrtinii  nf  lerrilory  by  tins  ai;iee- 
ineiil.  I'etMiadcd  !  Why,  sir,  she  was  iiuittd 
heie  lo  make  a  coiiipromisi — In  give  niul  In 
lake — to  surieiider  terntnry  nf  very  little  value  fnr 
eijuivaleiit  advaiila';es,  nf  which  advaniiiges  she 
was  heisclf  to  be  the  uiicniiirnllcd  jiidge.  Her 
cnmmissiiiiiers  needed  iin  guardiuiis.  They  knew 
her  iiiieresl.  They  knew  what  they  were  luilled 
nil  In  part  with,  and  the  value  nf  what  they  could 
nbtaiii  ill  exchange.  They  knew  especially  that  nil 
line  hand  was  iiiiint  dialc  settleuieni,  nii  ihe  inher, 
ten  nr  lifieen  years  more  nf  delay  and  vexa- 
tinii.  Sir,  the  pileiiiis  tears  shed  fur  i\!.iiiie,  in  this 
respect,  are  not  her  own  Icars.  They  are  the  erm'- 
odilc  tears  nf  pretended  iVi'-iiilship  and  p,;tity  seii- 
t'.iiieiitiiliiy.  Lamenlaliniis  a.  d  griefs  have  bet  ii 
ullereil  ill  this  Ca}iilol  aliniii  the  Insses  and  sai  ri- 
i'lees  "!' .Maine,  which  nine-letlllis  nf  the  penple  nf 
.Maine  lauilll  at.  Nille-lclilhs  \t(  her  penple.  In  litis 
tlay,  heartily  a|  pinve  the  Ireiily.  It  is  my  lull  be- 
lief lllat  Ihere  are  lull,  ill  this  nlnineul,  fifly  respecl- 
able  persnns  in  Maine  wlin  wnuld  linw  wisli  In 
fiee  the  treaty  iiimulled,  and  the  Stale  rcjihiced  in 
the  condilioii  in  which  it  wi'-i,  with  .Mr.  Van  llii- 
ri  trsailiiiriitiiiii  beliieil,  and  ineviliibly  !i\eil  iipnii 
il,  by  the  pligliled  f'liih  of  this  Governnient,  on 
the  4lli  of  Nlarch,  1^11' 

Sir,  the  nccasinii  ejillril  fur  the  re\  ision  of  a  very 
I'ing  line  nf  Iniimdary;  and  wlial  cninpliciiied  llie 
case,  ami  reinh  red  il  mure  ililTii  till,  was,  thai  the 
It  rriiory  on  the  sale  nf  the  Uiiil/d  Slaies  bi  Iniiired 

I'l  l"l  less    lllilll   fnlir   llllierellt   Slates.      The  est.lln 

lishmeiii  if  the  bniiiid  try  W'ls  In  allict  Maine,  .New 
I  lampshire,  Verinniil,  and  New  ^'nrk.  All  llnse 
Slales  were  to  be  sati.-ilieil,  if  properly  they  <  iitild 
bC'  Maine,  it  is  line,  was  principally  eniicenied. 
I  l!ul  tihe  did  not  expect  lo  retain  all  that  she  called 


I  her  own,  and  yet  get  more;  and  still  call  il  enmprn- 

I  niise,  and  an  exehanire  nf  eipiivalenls.     She  w.-is 

I  not  BO  alisuid.  I  regret  some  things  which  oce;ir- 
reu;  particularly  that  while  the  cnmmissiiiiiers  of 
Maine  assenleif,  tinniiimoiisly,  to  the  I  oiindnry 
proposed,  on  the  equivalents  nroposed,  yet,  in  the 
paper  in  which  they  express  that  iisse'il,  they  seem 

{  to  argue  against  the  net  which  they  >vere  about  lo 
perform.     This,  I  think, wasii  misi.ike.     It  had  an 

j  awkward  anpeaninee,  and  iirolially  cave  .'i'Se  lo 
whatever  ol  dlssntisfactioii  iias  bi  en  expressed  in 
any  quarter. 

And  now,  sir,  I  nin  prepared  to  nsk  wlieilier  the 
proceediin;  adopted,  llutt  is,  an  iilleinpt  lo  sellle 
this  long  conlrnversy,  by  the  iisseiil  nf  the  Slales 
cniiceriied,  was  iint  wise  and  dincreet,  under  the 
cirenmslaiices  of  the  ease  ?  Sir,  the  allrnipl  siie- 
ceeded,  and  it  put  an  end  to  n  t,t)iilroversy  which 
had  siibsisleit,  with  no  liiile  inconveiiience  lo  the 
country,  aim  daiiirer  to  its  peace,  throii'.rh  every 
Adminislralion,  from  that  of  General  Washington 
to  that  of  Mr.  V'aii  Itiiren.  It  is  due  lo  Iriilli,  and 
to  the  occasion.  In  .say,  lliat  ihere  were  tlitlieulties 
and  nlislaclcs  in  the  way  of  this  setlleinenl  which 
had  not  been  overcome  uiiiler  the  Adminislralinii 
of  Washiiigloii,  or  the  elder  Adams,  or  .Mr.  .Teller- 
son,  or  Mr.  Madison,  or  Mr.  Monroe,  or  Mr.  .1.  H. 
Adains,  nr  General  .Tacksoii,  or  Mr.  Van  IJureii. 
Ill  184^,  in  the  Administralioii  nf  Mr.  Tyler,  llio 
dispute  was  settled,  and  sellled  salisf.ictorily. 

Sir,  whatever  may  be  said  lo  llie  cmiirary,  Mniiie 
was  nn  In.ser,  but  an  evident  gainer,  by  this  ailjiisl- 
iiieiit  i-\(  boundary.  She  paried  with  some  pnrlioii 
of  lerrilory;  this  I  would  not  iindervalue;  but  eer- 
laiiily  most  of  it  was  quite  worthless.  Capiini 
Talcnll*s  report,  ami  other  evidence,  sulKcieiii'^  es- 
tublish  that  fact. 

Maine,  having,  by  her  own  free  consent,  ii'^rei d 
to  part  willi  lliis  portion  of  lerrilory,  received  in 
the  first  place,  from  the  Treasury  of  llie  Unileil 
Suites,  <|;li-)l),()lll)  for  her  half  of  llie  land,  a  sum 
which  1  siippn.se  lo  be  iiiiich  L'realer  llinn  she  woulil 
have  realized  froiii  llie  sale  nf  it  in  fit'iy  years.  .No 
person,  well  informed  on   the  subject  can    ''"ubl 

,  this. 

'  In  the  next  place,  the  United  States  Govcrinneiil 
paid  her  for  the  expenses  of  her  cirii  jhi.wc  lo  de- 
ieiid  the  Slate,  and  alsn  Inr  the  surveys.  On  this 
aecniint  she   has   already   received   >i.'jl)l  1,(1(10,  and 

[  hopes  to  receive  HO  nr  i(IO,OllO  dnlliirs  more.  If 
this  liope  shall  be  realized,  she  will  Jiave  received 
!<<;4.')0,0lii'  in  cash. 

i  Mill  Maine,  i  admit,  did  not  look,  and  oiinlit  not 
lo  have  lonked,  lo  the  treaty  as  a  iiieie  peeiiniiry 
barnain.  'She  Iniiked  at  'illier  tliiii;;s  besiile.-i  money. 
'She  tonk  iiiio  ennsiilerati'ii  thill  she  was  In  enjoy 
ihetVee  niiviL'iitinn  of  llie  river  Si.. Tolin's.  I  ihnnght 
this  a  nreat  nbieel  at  the  tiiiie  tiie  treaty  was  made; 
but  I  had  ilieii  nn  iiilei|iiate  cnnceplinn  nf  ils  real 
inipniliince.  ('irciimstanees  which  have  since  tiikeii 
place  slinw  that  its  advanlages  lo  llie  S|iite  are  far 
irreiiter  than  I  then  supposed.  That  river  is  to  be 
free  to  llie  citizens  nf  .Maine  fnr  the  Iriinsporlal:  iii 
ilowii  ils  sirenin  of  all  niiinaniiliiciiireil  articles 
whatever.  Now,  what  is  this  river  S[.  .lolin's? 
We  have  heard  a  Misl  ileal  lately  nf  the  lunneiise 
v.iltie  and  impnrlance  nf  llie  river  L'liliimliia  and  ils 
iiiivinaliiiir,  bill  I  will  iiiiileriake  to  .say,  tlitil  for 
all  purposes  nf  liunian  use,  the  St..Tnhii  s  is  wnrlli 
it   hiindi'id   liines  as  iiiiich  as  the  ( 'nliniiliia  is  nr 

ever   will    be.      In    pnillt  nf  magililnde,  il  is  m f 

.he  iiinsl  respeciable  rivers  nn  the  easlern  side  nf 
this  part  nf  America.  Il  is  longer  lliiiii  the  Iliiib 
snii,aiid  lis  larne  lis  ihe  Delaware.  Ami  nmrimer, 
il  is  a  river  w  hicli  has  a  inniilli  lo  il,  and  thai,  in 
the  opinion  nf  the  meinlier  from  Arkiiiisas,  |.\lr. 
Skvii;ii,|  is  a  ihiii'.'-  of  sniiie  nnporliince  in  llie  mai- 
ler of  rivers.  |.'\  lal|n|l,|  It  is  iuuii;alile  frnlil  llie 
sea,  and  by  sle.-iinbitals,  In  a  !,'realer  disimiei'  iliaii 
llie  ('nhmibia.     Il   runs   ihroii'.rli   a  ^nmd  iiiirv', 

I  and  ils  Miiiricr*!  atliinl  a  cnmmniiiciiiinn  w  illi  llic 
Arnostnnk  Valley.  And  I  will  leave  it  In  the  meiii- 
ber  from  jMaiiie  l*i  sny,  wheiher  that  valley  is  imi 
one  nf  llic  finest  and  iiinsi  feriile  purls  of  llie  Stale. 
And  I  will  leave  il  iini  only  In  him.  Inn  In  any  man 
at  nil  aci|ii;iinted  with  Ihe  I'.icis,  wlidher  this  fi<e 
lliu  igaliiiii  nf  ihe  iSl.  .Inhli's  has  li'il  at  mice  '.: really 
raised  the  \aliie  nf  ihe  lauds  nn  Kish  river,  nn  tin' 
.\lle:;:ish,  .\ladawaska,  and  the  .Si.  l''raiic|S'  That 
wlinle  reninii  has  nn  nlher  niillel,  anil  the  value  nf 
the  lumber  w  liicli  has,  during  this  \ei  y  year,  been 
lloaled  dnwii  that  river,  i.i  far  greater  than  iliat  nf 


1846,] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


529 


'i9TH  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


Treatij  of  Washington — Mr.  Webster. 


New  Skries....No.  34. 


nil  llio  fins  wliidi  Imvc  dnsrenilcd  from  Fort  Vnn- 
couver  to  the  Pnoific.  On  tiiis  sulijoct  I  ntn  ennbletl 
til  spcftk  with  amiiority.  Cor  it  lins  sn  Imppenrd, 
rlial,  since  tlie  Insl  ndjminiment  nf  the  Sennle,  I 
Imvp  Innkod  i\t  an  offjniil  rolurn  nf  the  Hudson's 
Hay  (?ompnny»  showing  t)ir  nrtiiril  extent  of  tlie 
fin'  Irndo  in  OiT^on,  nnd  1  tnid  it  lo  lie  imicli  less 
ili.in  1  had  supposed.  An  iini'lli!:;ent  f!;ontleinan 
fViim  iVtissnuri  estimated  the  value  of  that  trade,  on 
llic  west  of  the  Roeky  Mountains,  at  three  limidreil 
thiiiiRaiid  dollars  annnatly;  lint  !  fuid  it  stated  in 
llie  last  pulilieaiion  liy  Mr.  MoGreiror,  of  the  Rnard 
of  Trade  in  Kn^'iand,  (a  very  aeenrflte  niitliority,) 
tliatthe  receipts  of  llio  Iliidsoii's  Ray  (Jompany  for 
furs  west  of  (he  lliiclty  Miinntains,  in  1898,  is 
placed  at  $1^8,11110.  I  iln  not  know,  thoiis;h  the 
ineinher  from  Missouri  is  liVely  !■'  know,  whether 
ail  these  furs  arc  lirou^ht  to  For!  Vancouver;  or 
whether  sonie  of  them  ai-e  not  sent  throu£jh  the 
passes  in  the  mountains  lo  I  ludson's  Hay;  or  lo 
Mnnireal,  liy  the  way  of  the  north  shore  of  Lake 
Siiiierior.  f  suppose  this  last  lo  he  the  case.  It  is 
stated,  however,  liy  the  same  authority,  that  the 
nniount  of  i^oods  received  al  Vancouver,  and  dis- 
posed of  in  payment  for  furs,  is  g,90,00(J  ninuially, 
jind  no  more. 

i\ow,  sir,  this  rijht  to  carry  lumher,  nnd  ci'-*'", 
nnd  callle  lo  the  mouth  of  the  river  St.  .lohn's,  "h 
<'c]ual  terms  with  the  British,  is  a  matter  of  KreiU 
iinpirtance;  it  lirin?^!  lands  lyinp;  on  its  upper 
liranches,  far  in  the  interior,  into  direct  "ommnni- 
luition  with  Ihc  sea.  Those  lands  are  valiialile  for 
timlwr  now,  and  tt  portion  of  ihcm  are  the  liest  in 
llie  Slate  for  a!,'rieullurc.  The  fact  has  lieen  staled 
to  me,  on  the  besi  authority,  that  in  the  Aroostook 
valley  land  is  to  be  found  wliicli  lias  yielded  more 
than  forty  bushels  of  wheat  to  the  ai'.rc,  even  uniler 
till  coiuoion  cullivalion  of  new  countries.  1  must, 
therefore,  think'  th;it  the  oommissionersfroin  Maine 
were  ijiiile  riu'ht  in  lielieving  that  this  was  an  im- 
portant acipn.iilion  for  their  Slate,  and  one  worlh 
(he  surrender  of  some  acres  of  barren  mountaiiLs 
and  iinpenetralile  swamps. 

Hut,  Mr.  I'rcaident,  there  is  another  clars  of  ob- 
jections to  this  treaty  boundary,  on  which  I  wish 
to  submit  a  few  remarks.  It  lias  been  nlle!.'ed, 
that  the  treaty  of  Washington  ceded  very  impor- 
laiil  mihlary  advantages  on  this  conliiwnt  lo  the 
I'rilish  (iovernmcni.  Or,e  of  these  is  said  to  be  a 
military  road  between  the  two  provinces  of  Xew 
rtrunswiek  and  Lower  Canada;  and  the  other  is 
tile  possession  of  certain  lieii;lus,  well  adapted,  as 
isnllcKcd,  lo  military  defence.  I  think  the  honor- 
able member  from  IS'ew  York,  farthest  from  the 
chair,  (Mr.  |1|\,]  said,  thai,  by  the  treaty  of 
W'aslaHu'lon,  a  niililary  road  was  surrendered  to 
I''.n;vland,  wliich  she  considered  as  of  vital  im- 
portance lo  luT  piissessiontj  in  .'.    lerica. 

Mr.  Dix  rose,  to  explain,  lie  had  not  .ipoken 
nfa  "military  nini;,''bul  of  a  portion  of  territory 
oH'ordin;^  a  means  of  mdilavy  eonumuiicotiou  be- 
nveen  two  of  her  provinces. 

Mr.  W.  Well,  it  is  tlie  same  tliiii!;,  nnd  we 
will  sec  how  that  matter  sands,  'i  '\e  honorable 
luemlifr  savs.  thai  he  si' id  a  moans  of  military 
cominuiiicalion,  and  mil  a  miliiary  road.  1  am 
not  11  miliiary  man,  and  lloaeforc  may  not  ao 
clearly  comprehend,  as  that  oienibcr  ihw-ii,  the  dif- 
ference between  a  military  road  and  a  means  of 
miliiary  comiiuinicalion,  |a  lanirh;)  but  1  will  read 
from  the  lioiiorable  mcmlier's  speech,  which  1  have 
bi'fore  oie,  undersiood  lo  have  been  revised  iiy  him- 
self.    The  honorable  memlier  says: 

•■'I'lic  -I'llli'miiil  III' ihc  nmilicaM.Tii.lioiniilnrv— one  ol' 
Ihc  iiiii'^I  ili'lii'iiic  nal  iliinciili  iliiii  li^.^  ever  iin.eii  tulu-i  en 
us— .iii.iril^  a  ^liikiiiE  eu'lciici-  nf  mir  desire  lo  iiiiiiiitatii 
Willi  iirr  till'  III  is:  tn«  Ilitii  i1iiiIc4--i;iim1iii2.  We  icded  lo  lifr 
:i  IMIIIl.lll  iiI'l-illMrv  Wlli.h  she  ili-rsn.'d  nfMl.il  iiiip<iit;M 

IIS  11  iii>':iiH  III  .'ii!ii:iry  riiiiiniiiiii.-iilKin  iiehvei-ii  the  t'.iii- 
ilitls  (Hill   lier  .\  i;llil|i-  |iiminci-   .  ;iihl  which  will  uive  her  a  ' 
ur.al  iiilvlinl.ij^-  ill  a  cniitrsl  with  ii-.     'I'iic  mea-lire  \i  !i« 
Ml-li»ilictl  h>    Ihi'  ruMslitdJ   J  Jtullierilii's  nl  tlie  eniniJi y.  imd 

I  Icivi'  Ic-ir iiil> mien  I'l  call  lis  wi-iloin  in  .|ili-s|inii. 

llll  II  prnv.'s  ihiit  wc  \.ere  net  Illiw  iljiiiL'  ti,  IllliirtI  (ireilt 
llniaai  iiiiv  licilill'  slie  ri'niiircil  I'ei  rciii,s,ih(livniiL'  llcr  \nrtlt 
.\ai'iicaii  iiii--e—iuiis-iii'iiai  in  pence  h-  lhiiii<rh  \M\r  was 
unit. I  If  1  v|ie.te(l  hflwecil  lllr  iwo  cuimln.s.  If  we  Iciil 
ilicristicil  aii>'  itiiiliilieus  il.'si«ns  in  r-'.-pi-n  lo  theiii— it  we 
hill  hail  tiny  mil  T  wish  lliaii  Itmt  ill'  i  iinniiuniii  nil  t-'ritlsnf 
niilily  Willi  her  nnil  tliciu— this  ureal  inililaiy  mlvaiilaijc 
ivnul.l  iievfr  have  lleeii  ediiei'tleil  In  her. 
♦Mill  the  mlier  haiiil.  1  refold  In  siiv,  Ihiil  her  eniirse  to- 

wiirils   lis  lias  hern   ,v  cnursn  in  piaiirliial  eiieniuclii I. 

Hut,  sir,  I  will  mil  limk  hack  iipiin  whal  is  past  for  the  par- 
Ini-se  (itrcMMiiy  dismrhinn rt-eiillecliiiiis," 

1  should  be  \ery  glud  if  tlii'  houoittble  gciillemaii 

34 


would  show  how  EnjlaniJ  derives  so  highly  ini- 
j  portnnl  Ijenefiis  from  the  treaty,  in  a  military  point 
!  of  view,  or  what  proof  then!  is  that  she  so  eonsid- 
'  crs  the  matter. 

\\      Mr.  Dix  said  thnllhis  treaty  had  Iieen  proclaimed 
I  by  the  President  in  the  latter  part  of  the  year  18-1'J. 
Mr. D.hadalthattimeleft  thcc.ounlry.   'f  lieiniunc- 
'  lion  of  seci-ecy  had  been  removed  from  the  proceed- 
in2;«of  the  Senate  in  rr;;aril  to  the  ralifiealion.     Al- 
lhouj!;li  teiniiorarily  absent  from  the  conn  try,  Mr.  IX 
\'  hddnntlostsi^htofthestateof  thinf,'S-at  home.    He 
rend  wiih  interest  the  dcbniesin  the  Ihitish  Ilniise 
of  Parliament  in  regard  to  the  treaty,  and  he  wa-s 
struck  with  the  fuel,  (and  the  deliales  would  bear 
;  him  out  in  the  statement,)  that  dislinijuisheil  public 
I  men  deemed  the  acquisition  nf  territory  which  had 
lieen  i^'iiued,  to  lie  one  of  vital   importance  as  n 
■  means  of  connexion  and  communication  between 
;  iheir  provinces  in  America.     As  to  a  miliiary  road, 
he  had  never  trnccd  ils  course  upon  the  map;  hut 
:  he  believed   that  it  pas.'icd  alon;;  the  east  bank  of 
'  the  Su  .lohn's  until  that  river  turned  wesiwni  ", 
,  nnd  then    nlonp;  ils  north   bank  Inward  Cli'.,oec. 
I!ut  by  the  award  of  the  Kin?  of  f-Iolland,  the  road 
would  have  had  to  run  fpiile  round  the  head  of  the 
,|  river  Si.  Francis.     I!y  that  award,  onr  lioiindary 
I  was  lo  pass  over  the  ranjie  of  hi^hlaiidn,  far  to  the 
north,  and  near  the  St.  Lawrence  river.     Hut  by 
the  treaty  of  Wnshinuton,  the    line    leaves    those 
,  lieiL'his,  and  was  so  ihrown  back  as  to  pass  several 
miles  farther  to  the  eastward.     Tie  hail  some  notes 
here  of  the  debates  in  Pailiamenl,  anil  as  the  !;en- 
ileman  had  eitllcd  upon  him  for  his  |)roof,  .Mr.  D. 
.    would   read  a  few  extracts.     Here  Mr.  Dix  read 
sundry  exiracis  from  debates  in  the  lloiiac  of  C'om- 
inoiis,  and  said  he  thoniht  they  sustained  his  posi- 
liiMi.      Hui  he  desired  to  s:iy,  that  he  h:ul  raised  no 
ipiestion  tiuchin?  the  wisdom  of  the  provisions  of 
the  treaty,  or  made  any  rellcctions  eiiheron  those 
who  negotiated  the  treaty,  nor  on  those  who  rati- 
fied it. 

Mr.  W.  proceeded.  The  passages  which  the 
honori  ''e  member  has  read,  however  pertinent 
they  may  be  to  another  question,  do  not  touch  the 
question  immediately  before  us.  1  understand, 
quite  well,  what  was'  said  of  the  heiu-lits;  but  no- 
body, so  f;ir  as  1  know,ever  spoke  of  this  supposed 
military  road  or  miliiary  commiinicaiion,  as  of  any 
inqiortaiice  at  all,  unless  it  be  in  a  remark,  not 
viTy  inlclligible,  in  an  nrticle  ascribed  to  Lord  Pal- 
mei'sti.n. 

I  was  induced  lo  refer  to  this  snlijcct,  sir,  fiv  a 
circtunslance  which  I  have  not  loii-^;  iieen  apprised 
of     Lord  I'almerston  (if  he  be  the  author  of  cer- 
tain pnblicaiions  nscrilied  to  him)  s-ivs  that  all  the 
important  ooinis  were  given  up  by  1     I'd  .'Xshbur- 
'  ton  to  the  United  Stales.     I  miglil  licie  slale,  too, 
that  Lord  P.dmerslon  called  the  whole  treaty  "  the 
Ashb.irton  capitulation;"  declariiicr  that  it  yielded 
everything  that  v.'as  of  importance  toGreat  Hritain, 
and  thai  all  ils  slipulalioiis  were  lo  the  advantage 
•  of  the  United  Stales,  and  to  the  sacrifice  of  the  in- 
leresis  of  F.mland.     Hut  it  is  not  on  such  general 
slaieinenls,  and  tsuch  iiii  just  slatements,  nor  on  any 
oll'-hand  eN|iressiiins  used  in  debate,  ihoiurh  in  the 
roundest  toa'ms,  th:U  tliis  qiiestion  musl  turn.     He 
speaks  of  this  miliiary  road,  but  he  entirely  mis- 
places it.    The  road  \v  liieh  runs  from  New  Uruns- 
I  wick  to  Canada  follows  the   norili   side  of  the  St. 
I  .lohn's  lo  the  moiiih  of  the  Mai'awasca,  nnd  ihen 
1  lurnimr  norlhwesi,   follows   lliat    stream  In  Lake 
Tamariscotl;i,  and  ihiiice  proceeds  over  a  de)iress- 
^  ed  part  of  llir  highlaiiils  tii,  it  siriUes  the  St.  Law- 
rence   one    hiindrcil    and   sevenlecii    miles    below 
Quebec.     This  is  llie  road  which  has  been  always 
:  used,  and  there  is  no  oiher. 

1  adinil  il  is  very  ciinveuient  for  the  Hr'lish  Gov- 
ernment lo  p.issess  lerriiory  ihronr^h  which  they 
may  enjoy  a  road:  it  is  of  great  value  as  an  avenue 
of  commnnicjiiion  in  lime  of  peace;  lint  as  a  mili- 
tary communicalion,  it  is  of  no  value  .it  nil.  Whal 
business  can  an  army  ever  inive  iheie?  llesides, 
it  is  no  irorge,  no  pass,  no  narrou'  ilelile,  *  be  de- 
fended by  a  lort.  If  .i  fort  shonlil  be  limit  there,  ■ 
an  army  could,  al  pleasMi-e,  make  a  delour  so  as 
to  keep  out  of  the  reach  of  ils  guns.  It  is  very 
useful.  1  admit,  in  time  of  peace.  Hut  does  not 
everybody  know,  mihlary  man  or  not,  that  unless 
there  is  a  defile,  or  some  narrow  jilace,  through 
which  troops  must  pass,  and  which  a  fortificalion 
will  command,  ihal  a  mere  open  rii:\d  must,  in  time 
.  of  war,  be  ill  the  power  of  the  slroiijicst.'    If  we  ' 


retained  the  road  by  treaty,  nnd  war  enme,  wnuM 
not  ihe  English  take  possession  of  il  if  they  could.' 
Would  llicy  be  restrained  by  a  regard  to  the  treaty 
fif  Washington?  I  ha\'e  never  yet  heard  a  reason 
'  .iddnecd  why  this  communicalion  should  be  re- 
ga riled  as  the  slightest  possible  advantage  in  a  mili- 
tary |iointof  view. 

fiiit  the  circnmslance,  which  I  have  not  long 
known,  is,  that,  by  a  map  published  with  tho 
speech  of  loe  honorable  member  from  Missouri, 
made  in  the  Senate,  on  the  i|iieslioii  of  ratifying  iho 
treaty,  this  well-known  ami  long  used  road  is  laid 
down,  probalily  from  the  same  source  of  error 
which  misled  Lord  Palmerslon,  as  following  the 
Si.  .Tohn's,  on  its  soulh  side,  to  the  mouth  of  tho 
Si.  I'^rancis;  thence  along  that  river  to  ils  sntiree, 
and  thence,  by  a  single  hound,  over  the  highlands, 
to  the  St.  Lawrence,  near  Ciucbee.  This  is  all 
imagiiialion.  It  is  called  the  "Valley  Road." 
Ve''  y  road,  indeed  !  Why,  sir,  it  is  represented 
..s  finning  over  the  very  riilge  of  llie  most  inacces- 
sible part  of  the  hi2:lilaiiils!  Il  is  made  lo  cross 
abrupt  and  broken  pi'cci|)iees  2,0lj0  feel  high  !  It 
is,  al  ditlercnt  points  of  ils  iina';inai'y  course,  from 
fifiy  to  a  hundred  mites  dishiiit  fnnii  the  real  road. 
So  iriiicl',  Mr.  President,  for  tlio  great  boon  of 
miliiary  commimicanon  conceded  to  England.  It 
is  notliing  more  nor  Ic^-s  than  n  common  road, 
along  streams  and  lakes,  and  over  a  country  in 
great  pari  rather  flat.  It  then  passes  the  heights 
to  the  Si.  Lawrence.  If  war  breaks  out,  we  sliall 
take  il.  if  we  can,  and  if  we  need  il,  of  which  ihero 
is  uoi  ihe  slightest  proliability.  It  will  never  be 
prolected  by  forlilic;ilioiis,  and  never  can  be.  It 
will  be  just  as  easy  lo  take  it  from  England,  in 
case  of  war,  as  il  would  be  lo  keep  possession  of 
it,  if  it  were  our  own. 

In  re.j^aid  lo  the  ilefenee  of  the  heights,  I  shall 
dispose  of  lint  subject  in  a  few  words.  'I'here  is 
a  ridge  of  hiThlands  which  does  approach  the  river 
St.  Lawrence,  alllioierh  it  is  not  true  that  they 
overlook  Cluebcc:  on  the  contrary,  Ihe  ridge  is  lit 
Ihe  ilisl:ince  of  thirly  or  forty  miles. 

It  is  very  natural  that  miliiary  men  in  England, 
or  indeed  In  any  part  of  Kurope,  should  have  at- 
lacheil  i;reat  imporlance  to  these  inonntains.  The 
'.'real  miliiary  nnlliorily  of  F-ii'ilaiid — )wrhaps  the 
lii'.xliesi  liviou'  military  aiilhoriiy — had  served  in 
India  and  on  the  ICnvopeim  con'linent,  nnd  il  was 
natural  enough  that  he  should  apply  European 
ideas  of  military  defences  to  .'Vmerica.  Hut  they 
are  quite  inapplicalilc.  HiL''lilands  such  as  these 
were  nol  ordinarily  found  on  the  great  batile-fields 
of  Europe.  They  are  neither  Alps  nor  Pyrenees; 
ihey  have  no  passes  ihrough  ihem,  nor  roads  over 
lliem,  and  never  will  have.  Then  there  was  uun'Lh- 
er  reason.  In  1831)  an  rr  pmic  survey  was  made, 
as  I  have  said,  by  Capiaiii  Miiilge  anil  Mr.  Feath- 
ei'slonhangh,  if  survey  it  could  be  called,  of  the 
region  in  ihe  north  of  Maine,  for  the  use  of  the 
Hriiish  Governiueiii.  I  dare  say  Mr.  Mudge  is 
an  inielligeiU  and  respectable  olTiccr;  how  much 
personal  attention  he  jave  the  subject  I  do  not 
know.  As  to  Mr.  Feaihersionhaugh,  he  has  been 
in  onr  service,  and  his  nuihorily  is  nol  worth  a 
siraw.  These  Iwo  persons  made  a  report,  con- 
taining this  very  singular  siateineni:  That,  in  the 
ridge  of  hiiiblands  nearest  to  the  Si.  Lawrence, 
there  was  a  svc-nt  hialiis  in  one  parlicular  place,  a 
gap  of  lliirly  or  forty  miles,  in  which  the  elevation 
dill  not  exceedfit'ly'feei.  This  was  c.crlainlv  the 
slraniiesl  statement  that  ever  was  made.  Their 
whole  report  irave  but  one  meiisiirement  by  the  ba- 
nniieter,  and  thai  measurement  sl;ileil  the  height 
of  twelve  hundred  feel.  A  survey  and  map  were 
made  the  following  year  by  our  own  commission- 
ers, Messrs.  (irahaiu  and' Talcott,  of  the  Tono- 
CTaphical  Corps,  and  Professor  llenwiek,  of  Co- 
Ininbia  CnllcL'e.  <hi  this  map,  the  very  spot  where 
this  gap  was  .said  to  be  sinialed  is  dotted  over 
thickly  wiili  fiijnres,  showing  heighis  varying  from 
Iwelve  liiindreil  In  Iwo  llionsand  feet,  and  forming 
one  roii:ji;  and  lofiy  ridge,  marked  by  abrupt  and 
almost  perpendicular  preciiiices.  When  this  map 
and  report  of  Messrs.  iVIudge  and  Featberston- 
limigh  was  sent  to  l''ngland,  the  Hriiish  authorities 
saw  that  lliis  alleged  gap  was  laid  down  as  an  in- 
defensible point,  nnd  it  was  probably  on  that  ground 
alone  that  ihey  desired  a  line  east  of  that  ridge,  in 
order  tliat  they  might  guard  against  access  of  a 
hostile  power  from  the  United  Slates.  Hut  in  truth 
there  is   no  such  gap,  not  at  all;  our  engineers 


!:^4f. 


Wmi 


>:10 
29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Treaty  of  Washington — Mr.  fVehstcr. 


fApril  7, 
Senate. 


nrovcil  lliis,  nml  wc  (|iiilc  well  uiulrrslood  it  when 
osrcfing  lo  ilie  bminiKiiy.  Any  man  of  common 
sni.ie,  iniliuiry  or  mil,  nnisl,  lliiitl'oii-,  now  see 
tiiiit  nnlliinf;  ciin  be  more  iiini^'inHry  r)r  Hnfonnded 
ilian  the  idtii  lliat  iiny  inipormnce  ooidd  nitacli  to 
the  possession  of  these  lieiu'hls. 

Sir,  there  nrc  two  old  mid  well-known  ronds  lo 
Canada.  One  hy  way  id  Lake  Chaniplain  and  the 
Uieliellcn,  to  Montreal.  'I'IiIm  is  iIk'  roiile  wliieh 
armies  have  travcrned  so  ofieii,  in  diirertjit  periods 
of  our  liistory.  The  other  leads  from  the  Kernie- 
heck  river  to'lhc  sources  of  iliu  Chaiidii  re  and  the 
On  Lotip,  and  si  to  tluehte.  This  last  was  the 
track  of  Arnold's  march.  E.isl  of  this,  (here  is 
no  practicable  commnnicalicia  for  trooi.s  between 
Maine  and  Canada,  till  we  i,'c  1  lo  the  .Madawasca. 
We  had  before  us  a  report  from  General  Wool, 
while  this  treaty  was  iji  neirniiation,  in  which  that 
intellicenl  olHeer  declares,  that  it  is  perfectly  idle 
to  think  of  foriifyinL"-  any  point  east  of  ihis  roail. 
It  is  a  monntain  region,  thron!;li  whieli  no  army 
can  possibly  pass  into  Canada.  And,  sir,  this 
nveime  to  Canada,  this  practicable  avenue,  and 
only  practicable  avenue  cast  of  that  by  way  of 
Lake  Cliamplain,  is  left  now  Justus  it  was  found 
by  the  treaty.  The  treaty  (Iocs  not  touch  it,  nor 
in  any  maimer  allect  it  ai  all. 

I'm  1  must  sn  farther.  I  Siiid  thai  the  treaty  of 
Wasbinmlon  was  a  treaty  of  eipiivalents,  in  which 
it  was  expected  that  each  party  slnaild  ^ive  some- 
thins  and  receive  something'.  And  I  am  now  wil- 
linij  to  meet  any  fjentleman,  be  be  a  inililary  man 
or  not,  who  will  make  the  assertion  thai,  in  a  mil- 
itary point  of  view,  the  srraiesl  advauiaucs  derived 
I'rinn  that  treaty  were  on  the  side  of  Great  IJriiaiii. 
It  was  on  this  point  that  I  wished  lo  .say  something 
ill  reply  to  an  honorable  member  from  New  York, 
(Mr.  (>!CKiNsov,)  who  w  ill  have  it  that  in  this 
treaty,  Kngland  snji|ioscs  that  she  C"'.  the  ndvan- 
tnge  of  us.  Sir,  I  elo  not  i!..iik  the  miliiary  advan- 
tascs  she  obtained  by  it  are  worth  a  rush.  I'.ul 
even  if  they  were — if  she  had  obl.iini  d  ndvantn;;es 
of  the  trreatest  vilue — woiiM  it  not  have  been  fair 
in  the  member  from  Mew  York  lo  state,  ni  vcrilu- 
iess,  whether  there  were  not  ei|iiivaUiil  miliiary 
advantaijca  nbtiinied,  on  our  side,  in  other  part.s  of 
the  line.'  Would  it  not  have  been  candid  and 
proper  in  him,  when  advcrlini;  to  the  military  ad- 
vauliiice  obtained  by  Kimiaiid,  ill  a  comniiiihcation 
between  New  15rniiswick  and  Canada,  if  such  ad- 
vantages there  were,  to  have  slated,  cm  the  other 
hand,  and  at  tnc  same  lime,  the  re'.'aiiiiii'j  by  ns  of 
Uouae's  I'oint.at  the  outlet  of  Lake  Chain|ilaiii : — 
an  advantase  which  overbalaiK-rd  all  ollieis,  firly 
limes  told.  1  niu.st  be  allowcil  to  say,  tl.ai  I  ci  r- 
taiiily  never  cxiiecled  that  a  member  fri>m  Xew 
York,  above  all  other  men,  should  speak  if  this 
treaty  as  ennfcrriii!,'  miliiary  advaiila^is  on  Great 
llritain,  without  full  ei|uivaleiils.  I  lisiened  lo  it, 
I  cont'ess,  wilh  ulier  asimiislimi  nt.  .\  ili.;uiii;iiish- 
ed  member  fr^m  that  Suite,  [Mr.  WnitiiT.J  saw, 
nt  the  time,  very  clearly  the  ailvanta','e  (.'aim  d  iiy 
this  treaty  lo  the  United  Stales  ami  to  Ji'iw  York. 
}\o  voted  willingly  f  ir  its  i-alificaiiou,aiiil  he  never 
will  say  that  Great  llrit.iiii  ol.iaiiinl  a  balance  of 
ndvnntases  in  a  military  poini  of  view. 

Why,  how  i.i  the  .Stale  of  New  York  afl'cclcd  by 
thistriiatyr  Sir,  is  imt  House's  I'oint  perl^  lly 
well  known,  and  ndmitled,  by  every  miliiary  mail, 
lo  be  the  key  of  Lake  Cliam|ilain  .'  It  comm  .uls 
every  vessel  passin.;  up  or  down  '  le  lake,  belwien 
New  York  and  C.mida.  It  had  .dways  been  sup- 
posed that  this  point  lay  some  ili.-!|aiiee  soiilji  of 
the  iiamllel  of  \.>,  whi'li  w.^s  our  boiiiiilary  line 
with  Canada,  and,  lln  n  fore,  was  wiiliin  llie  Uiii- 
led  States:  and,  mider  lliis  sU|>po.siiii.ii,  the  t'nilcd 
Stales  punduLsed  the  land,  and  coiiihiencr'ij  the 
erection  of  a  Biroii.'  forlress.  V.nx  a  lUon'  accurate 
survey  In'.vne;  bieii  made  in  b'<|.'<,  by  aslifinnmrrs 
on  liolh  sides,  it  w;is  fiiiiid  that  the  parallel  of  .jj 
ran  south  of  this  fortn  ss.  and  lliiis  lloiisi  '.j  I'oinI, 
wilh  tlie  f  irt  upon  it,  w.is  Ibniid  to  be  in  ilic  llrit- 
isli  domiinojii.  This  dis  ovi  ry  eri  alcd,  as  well  it 
iniizht,  a  ijreat  pensation  liere.  Nmie  knows  this 
biiter  tlian  the  honorable  member  (\'>\i\  .Soiilh  Ca- 
roiiiin,  (.Mr.  Cd.iiniiv,]  who  was  then  at  the  head 
of  the  Department  of  War.  Af  House's  Point  was 
no  loii!r<r  ours,  we  seal  our  i  iiKineers  to  ex.imiiie 
the  fihores  of  the  lake,  lo  find  some  other  phice  or 
p'aces  which  we  miL'ht  fnilify.  'J'bey  made  a  re- 
port, on  llieir  II  turn,  saving'  'b'''  llieicwiie  two 
1  ither  points,  .some  di:£taiicu  tMaiili  of  House '.i  I'oint, 


one  called  Windmill  Point,  on  ihc  enst  side  of  llio 
lake,  and  the  other  called  Stony  Point,  on  the 
west  side,  which  it  became  necessary  now  lo  fortify, 
and  they  ;;ave  an  estimate  of  the  probable  expense. 
When  this  ircaly  was  in  prnce.ss  of  negotiation, 
we  called  for  the  npinion  of  military  men  respecl- 
inu;  tlie  value  of  Iloiise's  Point,  in  order  to  see 
whether  it  was  hisrhly  desirable  to  obtain  it.  We 
had  their  report  before  us,  in  w  liicli  it  was  stated, 
that  the  natural  and  best  point  for  the  defence  of 
the  oiiilel  of  Lake  Cliamplain  was  Konse's  Point. 
In  lact,  anybody  miirlu  see  that  this  was  the  ejise 
who  would  look  at  the  map.  The  point  inojecls 
into  llie  narrowest  passaije  by  which  tile  waters  of 
ihe  lake  pass  into  the  Richelieu.  Any  vessel,  pass- 
iii<;  into  or  out  of  the  lake,  must  come  within  point 
111. ink  rani^e  of  llie  j^nns  of  a  fortress  erected  nil  ! 
Ihis  point;  and  it  ran  out  so  far  that  any  such  ves-  I 
sel  must  a|)proach  the  fort,  head  on,  for  several 
miles,  so  as  to  be  exposed  to  a  rakiiiL'  lire  from  ihe 
batlery,  before  she  could  po.-.sibly  brim;  her  Iiroad- 
side  to  bear  upon  the  fort  at  all.  It  was  very  dif- 
ferent with  Ihe  poinl.s  farther  .south,  llelwcen 
them  the  passa^fe  was  much  wider;  so  much  so, 
indeed,  that  a  vessel  mi^lit  pass  directly  between 
the  two,  and  not  be  in  reach  of  point  blank  shot 
from  cither. 

,Mr.  DicKiS'soN,  of  New  York,  here  interposed 
to  ask  a  rpiesiion.  Did  iint  the  l^ntcli  line  j;ivc  ns 
House's  Point  ? 

Mr.  W.  Certainly  not.  It  pive  ns  n  lilllc  semi- 
circular line,  niimiii;;  round  the  fort,  but  not  in- 
chiiliii:^  \vhat  we  had  possissed  befoie.  And  lie- 
sidiv,  we  had  rejected  the  Dutch  line,  and  the 
whole  ponil  now  clearly  :  iloiii:eil  lo  Kii;;land.  It 
was  all  within  the  I'ritish  terriiory.  Docs  the 
senilenian  under.stand  me  now  • 

Mr.  Drkinsdn-.  Oh  yes,  I  understand  you 
now,  and  I  understood  you  befiu'c. 

Mr.  W.  I  am  iilad  he  dois.  (A  lansli.]  I 
w.as  saviiii;  thai  a  vessel  nii;:ht  pass  between  the 
two  poiiils— Windmill  Point  and  .Sloiiy  I'oint — 
and  escajie  iioint  blank  sliot  from  either.  Mean- 
while her  broadside  could  be  broiiL'lit  lo  bear  upon 
either  of  them.  The  forts  wainid  be  entirely  inde- 
penilent  of  each  other,  and,  havini;  no  commu- 
nication, could  not  render  e.ieh  other  the  least 
a.ssistaiice  iii  case  of  allack.  I'lit  the  military 
men  told  us,  there  was-  no  sort  of  iinestioii  that 
House's  Point  was  extremely  desirable  as  a  point 
of  military  defence.  This  is  plain  eiiiiimli,and  I 
need  not  spend  lime  to  (irove  il.  Of  one  thin;;  I 
am  certain,  thai  the  true  road  to  Canada  is  by  the 
way  of  Lake  Chaiuplaiu.  Tint  is  the  old  paili. 
i  take  to  myself  the  credit  of  haviiii;  said  hero, 
thirty  years  ,il;o,  speak i 111,' "f  ihe  mode  ol'iakin:;Can- 
luia,  that  wilt  nan  American  woodsman  undertakes 
lo  fi  II  a  tree,  he  docs  not  be;;in  by  loppini;  olf  the 
brain  lies,  but  siriki  s  his  axe  at  once  into  the  trunk. 
The  trunk,  in  relation  to  Canada,  is  .Montreal,  and 
the  river  .St.  Lawrence  dowai  lo  Unebec ;  and  ho 
we  found  in  the  last  war.  It  is  not  my  ptirpnse  lo 
s"aii  the  propriety  of  military  me  isnres  then  adopt- 
ctl,  but  1  suppose  il  to  have  been  ratlit  r  accidental 
and  unfortunate,  ilial  u  c  ticuMU  the  attack  in  Cpper 
Canada.  It  would  have  been  better  miliiary  pob 
ii'y,  as  I  .su]ipose,  to  h.ave  |insh(ii  our  whole  fi  re 
;  y  'he  '.cay  of  Lake  Clinmplain,  and  made  a  direct 
movcnniil  on  .Montreal;  and,  ibnii-ii  \u:  ini:_'lit 
ibeiel.y  have  lost  ihe  glories  of  the  bailies  of  the 
Tlianies,  ail  of  Lundy's  l,aiie,  and  of  ihe  soriie 
fioin  I''oit  i*'rie,  yet  we  should  have  won  other 
I.uiri  Isof  n|Ual,and  perhaps  'greater,  value  at  Mon- 
ire.d.  dnce  successful  in  ihis  movement,  the 
whole  eoiinlry  almve  would  have  fdlen  into  our 
poH  I  r.  Is  not  this  (  videiit  lo  every  t'enilciuan  ■ 
Now  House's  Point  is  the  I  est  means' oi'defendim; 
bolh  Ihe  ini;re.-n  into  ihe  lake  and  llie  exit  fiiini  il. 
And  I  say  now,  that  on  ihe  whole  frontier  of  the 
Slate  of  New  York,  wilh  ihesinitle  exeeplion  of 
the  Narrows  below  the  eiiy,  lln  ri  is  not  a  point  of 
lapial  iniporlance.  I  hope  this  ( invi  rniuent  will 
last  forever;  bill  if  it  does  noi,  and  if,  in  llie  JiiiIl,'- 
mi  III  of  Heaven,  so  i;reat  a  eal.iiuily  shall  bcfd 
us  as  ihe  ru|iline  of  iliis  l/ihon,  and  ihe  .Stale  of 
New  \ork  shall  thereby  be  thrown  upon  her  own 
di  I'aici  s,  I  ask,  is  liierr  a  sini'Ie  poinl,  except  the 
.\aiTowa,  the  possession  of  which  she  will  so  nincli 
lie  ire?  \o,  there  is  not  one.  And  how  did  we 
oljiani  Ihis  nd\anla:;e  fa'  her-  The  parallel  of  ■1.') 
nuiih  wan  eslablehed  by  ihe  treaty  of  '.*>;i  as  our 
boundary  with  Canada  in  that   p.ut  of  the   line. 


But,  as  I  have  statiul,  that  line  was  found  to  run 
South  of  Unn.se's  Point.  And  how  did  tve:,'et  back 
this  preeioiiH  posse-  sion  ?  Hy  rnmiin;u'  a  little  semi- 
circle like  that  ;.rilie  Dutch 'Kin^rf  No;  we  went 
back  lo  ihe  old  line,  which  had  idways  been  sup- 
posed lo  be  the  true  line,  and  the  esiablishnienl  of 
which  ^avc  us  not  mily  Itonse's  Point,  but  a  siri|) 
of  land  containing'  some  thirty  or  forty  Ihonsaml 
acres  between  the  parallel  of  4,'iaiid  the  old  line. 

The  same  arranu'euieul  :;ave  ns  a  similar  ndcm- 
la^  in  Vermonl;  and  1  have  never  heard  that  llio 
conslilneiils  of  my  friend  near  me  |iMr.  Piiki.i's| 
made  any  complaint  of  the  treaty.  That  Stale  ^ol 
about  sixiyor  seventy  thonsand  acres,  inclniliiiL; 
several  villa;:es,  which  Would  ollierwisc  have  been 
left  on  the  llritish  side  of  ihe  line.  We  received 
House's  Point  and  this  additional  land  as  one  of 
the  ei|uivalents  for  the  ce.s.sion  oflerrilory  made  in 
.Maine.  And  w  h.it  did  we  do  for  New  I  lampshiie  ? 
There  was  an  ancient  dispute  as  lo  which  was  tin; 
iiorlliwesterinnnsl  head  of  the  Connecih'iit  river. 
Several  streams  were  found,  eiiher  of  which  nii;';lit 
beinsisled  on  as  the  true  bonudary.  Ihit  we  claimed 
that  called  Hall's  stream.  This  had  not  foriiieily 
been  allowed;  Ihe  Dutch  award  did  not  ixive  to 
New  Hampshire  what  she  elaiincd;  and  Mr.  Van 
Niss,(iurconuiiiHsioner,i*ppoimed  under  lln-  Ire.ily 
of  Ciheni,  after  examining  the  ground,  came  lo  the 
conclnaion  lliat  we  were  not  eulilled  to  IlaH'.s 
stream.  I  thonglit  we  were  so  entitled,  althoii^li 
I  admit  that  Hall's  stream  does  not  join  the  faiii- 
neclicut  river  till  afier  it  has  passed  ihe  |iar.dlel  of 
•I.')".  Hy  the  treaty  of  Washiii'^lmi  this  ilemainl 
was  U'j'reed  to,  and  it  gave  New  llampxhire  oiii; 
hundred  ihousand  acres  of  land.  I  ilo  not  say  that 
we  oblained  this  wrongfully,  but  I  do  say  that  wo 
got  that  which  Mr.  Van  Ness  had  doubled  our 
righl  to.  I  thought  ilie  claim  just,  however,  and 
the  line  was  cslaiilisbed  aceoriliii:ily.  -And  hero 
let  me  say  once  fu'  all,  thai  if  we  bail  gone  for  ar- 
bitralion,  we  should  inevitably  have  lost  what  ilio 
trealy  gave  lo  Vermont  and  New  York;  because 
all  that  was  clear  mailer  of  cession,  and  not  ailjnst- 
meiit  of  donblfiil  boundary. 

I  think  that  I  oiii;ht  now  lo  relieve  the  Senate 
from  any  further  remarks  on  ibis  uiirlheaslern 
boundary.  I  say  that  it  was  a  favorable  iuiaiii;e- 
meiit,  both  to  Maine  and  Massachnsells,  and  that 
nine-lenilis  of  their  people  are  well  satisfied  wiili 
it;  and  I  .say  also,  ihat  il  was  advanla^'cous  lo 
.New  ilampshire,  Vermonl,  ami  N  'W  York.  And 
I  say,  further,  llial  it  gave  up  no  ii'.jioriant  mili- 
tary point,  Inil,  on  the  ronliary,  oblained  one  of 
the  greatest  cons,  (inence  and  i  alue.  And  here  1 
leave  Ihat  part  of  ilii;  c.\,-.e  for  the  consideration  of 
the  Senate  and  of  ihe  country. 

I  Here  the  Seiiale  adjourned.] 

'X'fKsn.vv,  ./;na7  7,  IHIIi. 
;\Ir.  WI''.1'.ST1::R  restnued.  Yeslerday,  I  read 
an  exiraci  from  the  proeeeiliii'.'S  in  llie  lirilish  Par- 
liament of  a  despatch  of  Lord  Palmersloii  lo  Mr. 
l''ox,  ill  wliii  h  Lord  Palmersloii  says,  ihat  llio 
lirilish  Governminl,  as  e.uly  as  Ihll),  had  per- 
eeiviil  ihal  lliey  never  caild  (nine  lo  a  SI  iiUuK  nt 
of  this  conlrovi  rsy  wilh  the  GoverniiK  lit  of  .Mr. 
Van  (Inreii.  I  do  not  wish  lo  say  whellii  r  tin; 
fuilt  was  more  on  one  side  llian  llie  oilier;  Ian  I 
wish  to  liar,  in  the  lirsl  pla.'e,  any  iiifereiiia'  of  an 
Improper cbaiMciir  ubieb  may  be  drawn  from  that 

,  si  ilement  of  the  lirilish  SecreHry  of  l''orei','ii  Af- 
I'airs.  1 1  was  not  ilial  ihey  looked  forwaial  lo  a 
change  whii  h  should  briier  gi  iiih  iiien   into  p.iwer 

■  in.ire  pliable,  more  a'^rreealile  lo  the  purposes  of 
l';iiu:l.nid.  No,  sir,  ihose  remarks  of  Lord  P.il- 
nier.-ioii,  whether  Irneor  I'llse,  wi  re  not  caused  by 
riwy  peciihar  sioiitness  or  slitl'ness  which  .Mr.  Vaii 
liiiren  had  ever  maiiiiaim  d  on  our  siih;  of  die 
ineriisofilie(|in.aion.  Tlieini  iiisof  ihebomiilarv 
ipiislion  were  never  disens.sed  by  Mr.  Van  Hiiren 
lo  any  exl(  111.  The  ihin:.;  ihal  h:  Adminisiralion 
(liMcnssed  was  llie  (brinaiion  of  a  •niiveniiun  of 
(!xploralioii  and  ;irliiiralion  to  sellle  the  (|iie:,ii,,ii. 
.\  few  years  lieloic  ihis  despalcli  (d'  Lord  Palmer- 
ston  lo  .\1r.  I''(ix,  the  two  (lovernmenlx,  as  I  have 
repealcdiy  said,  had  a-.;n-ed  how  the  ipieslionslionid 
lie  setlled.  They  had  a.neeij  Ihai  there  should  be 
an  exploralion.  Mr.  V.ui  I'nren  had  proposed  and 
urgid  arliilralioii  al.-!o.  I''ie;liniil  had  agreed  lo 
litis,  111  his  rei|nesl.     The  ( Joveniitieiils  had  a'.'i'ei  d 

lo  Ihese  two   principles,  Iherel'ore,  long    befoi-e  llin 

date  of  that  letter  of  Lord  Palmerston;  and  from 


1816.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


531 


29th  Cono 1st  Si;s3. 


Treaty  of  Washington — Mr.  Webster. 


ri'cmnit,  till   near  tlic,  dosn  of  Mr.  Villi  ||  .sir,  I  will  mnnly  ndd,  tliiit  IT  (irnllcincii  dosire  to 

.  A.i. ..:..; : ...  .1 1.   i . _.  ...i...       '  ,il,iniii  more  iiifi)rnmtioii  Oil  tliis imporlaiil  siilijecl, 

llicy  may  ronsiilt  the  lii'ad  nf  (lie  Knuinrcr  Corps, 
Colonel  Totten,  and  Cummodore  Morris,  who 
wi'iu  lliere  liy  iiistvwclions  to  examine  il,  and  who 
reporleil  llicifjon. 

And  here,  sir,  I  cnnrldde  my  remnrUs  on  llio 
fineMlioii  ol'llie  Nortlii  astern  Hoiindary. 

And  I  now  liavciltii  llii'eounlry'osay  wlietlicr 
this  qiieslion — this  troiihlesoine  and  luinoyini!:  and 
daiiLterons  iiiifstinn — which  had  la^^ted  llin  iigh  the 
ordinary  length  nP  two  ^'eneralions,  haviivj  now 
heen  lakon  up  in  lH4l,was  not  well  ^eMli,>d,Mnd 
proiriplly  settled  ?  Whether  it  was  not  well  seltled 
tor  Maine  and  Massaehiisetls,  and  well  settled  for 


that 

Ihiren's  Adininistration,  the  whole  eorrespondenee 
liirned  on  the  arrano;i'ineiit  of  details  of  a  eonvon- 
(ion  for  arhitraiion,  aircnvlini;  to  ilie  stipulation  of 
tliii  parlies.  Therefore,  it  was  not  on  aeeonnt  of 
any  notion  that  Mr.  Van  lliiren  stood  up  for  .Amer- 
ican i[ilestioMs  lietter  than  others.  It  was  Iwcansc 
these  stihordinatc  (piestions  respeclitii;  the  eon\ Pil- 
lion for  nrliilration  had  ijotinto  so  much  complex- 
ity— so  omi'arrassed  with  projects  and  counter 
lirojecls — had  liecome  so  diiijcnit  and  enlmi;:led; 
Olid  liecanse  every  elloii  to  disenlanijle  them  had 
made  the  matter  worse,  t^ii  this  acconnt  alone 
Lord  I'alnierston  had  nimlc  the  remarks.  1  wi.sh 
to  dr.tw  no  inference  lliat  would    lie   injurious  to 

others,  to  nvike  no  iin)>iitation  on  Mr.  Van  Biireii.  I  the  whole  country?  And  whedn'r,  in  the  opinion 
Ihitil  isneiessary  loreniemhcrtliatlliisdispnteliad  i  of  all  f.iir  and  candid  men,  the  complaint  nlmiit  it  11 
rnii  on  llir  years,  and  was  likely  to  run  on  forever,  |:  which  we  hear  at  this  day,  does  not  arise  entirely  jj 
ihonuli  the  ilia  ill  principles  had  already  liecn  ai^recd  ;  from  a  desire  that  those  connected  with  theaccom-  1' 
on,  viz:  explorulion  and  nrlntralion.  It  was  an  ;  plishment  of  a  measure  so  importint  to  the  peace  I ■ 
ondless  discii.ssioii  of  di'laila,  and  forms  of  proceed-  }  of  the,  connlry,  should  not  he  allowed  to  derive  too  ! 
in^,  ill  which  the  parlies  receded  farther  and  fir-   '  mneli  credit  from  it?  !; 

Ilicr  fnmi  each  other  every  day.  !       Mr.  President,  the  dcslnicllon  of  the  stcamlioat  j| 

One  tliiiis;  nun-e,  sir,  liy  way  of  explanation.  I  :  "  Caroline,"  in  the  liarln.r  of  Schlos.<!er,  liy  a  I'.rit-  h 
referred  yesterdiiy  lo  the  reiiorl  made  liy  General  •]  idli  force,  in  Decemlier,  \>>'M,  and  the  arrest  of  Al-  | 
Wool  in  respect  to  the  road  from  ICciin'cliec.  In  i  exniider  McLeod,  a  llrilisli  aiihjccl,composiii!;  nart  ij 
point  of  I'acI,  the  place  whii'li  Gi'iieral  Wool  recom-  |i  of  that  force,  four  years  afterwards,  liy  the  ant  nor-  h 
iiiendi'd  In  I8.'t8,  lo  be  fortified,  was  a  few  miles  l!  itics  of  Mew  York,  and  his  trial  for  an  alleged  nuir- 
lartlier  east,  towards  the  waters  of  the  Penoliscot  ii  dor  eommitied  liy  liiiii  on  that  occasion,  have  lieen  I 
river,  than  .Arnold's  rinile;  Inii,  n;eiierally,  the  re-  ij  siiliiecls  of  remark,  here  and  elsewhere,  at  ihisse.s-  j; 
mark  I  made  was  perfectly  true,  that  east  of  lliat  :'  sioi'i  of  Coii;;rc.ss.  They  arc  connected  siilijecls,  h 
line   llierc  li:.s  not   iiei'ii  a  road   or  pas.sau;e.     The  ,' and   call,   ill   llio  first  )ilaco,  for  ii  hrief  historieal  n 


lioiioralile  incniher  from  New  York  yesterday  pro- 
duced extracts  fi.im  certain  debates  in  Parliament 
resperiinir  the  inijiortaiiee  of  the  territory  ceded  to 
l''.ii:;l.ind  in  a  military  point  of  view.  1  be:j  to  refer 
to  some  ntlic  IS  which  i  hold  in  my  hand,  but  which 
i  shall  not  read — the  speeches  of  Sir  Charles  Na- 
pier, Lord  Palniciston,  .Sir  Howard  DoUL'lass,itc., 


narrative. 
I      In  the  y  \ar  lirliT,  a  civil  eommotion  or  relielljon, 

which  had  I,  "okeii  out  in  Canada,  had  been  siippress- 
,  ed,  and  man  ;  persons  enu'affcd  in  it  had  ded  to  ihe 
':  "Jnili'il  .Stale's.  In  the  ••.r.f.oiin  of  that  year,  these 
I  persons,  asso.-.-  '.'ins  willi  their'.selves  iiiaiiy  pei>oiis 

of  lawless  eaaracli  r  in  the  Un.ted  Stales,  made  ac- 


in  oll'set  lo  those  quoted  by  the  honorable  mem-   1  lual  war  on  Canadi  ,  and  tool,  possession  of  Navy 
lier.    IJiit  I  do  not  think  it  of  importance  to  iKihiiice    '  Island,  belnn;;injto  England,  in  the  Nia;;ara  river 


those  opinions  against  each  oliier.     Some  genlle- 
imn  appear  lo  entertain  one  .set  of  npinioii,  ■    nic  i 
.inolher;  and,  for  my  own  part,  I   candidly  admit  ! 
that  by  both,  one  and  Ihe  other,  t'lcls  are  oversta-  j 
led.     I  do  not  believe,  sir,  that  anything',  ill  a  mil- 
itary point  of  view,  ceded  by  lis  lo  Kiii;land,  is  of 
any  con.siMiuence  to  iis  or  to 'her;  or  lliat  anything; 
iniporlanl,   in   thai   respect,  was    ceded   by   either 
party,  except  one  ihiii;; — that  is  Rouse's  Point.     I  i 
ilo  believe  that  it  w.is  all  object  of  iniporlance  to  I 
repo.ssrss  ourselves  of  the  site  of  that  fortres.s,  and 
to  that  point  I  shall  proceed  to  make  a  few  remarks 
lliat  I  scaped  me  yesterday.   1  do  not  complain  here  ' 
lb, 0  the   nieiiiber  from  iSew  York  has  iiiu      ..u.  d 
Ihe  iniporlance  of  lliat  aci|iiisilion.     He   has  not  ,1 

i:poki fit.      liiit  whal  1  do  complain  of — if  com-  I 

plaint  it  may  be  called — is,  Ihal  when  he  spoke  of. 
ce.<.sioiis  made  to  hai'^Iand  by  the  Ireaty  of  Wash-  1. 
iicjlcui,  a  treaty  which  propc.sed  lo  proceed  on  the 
•.;iiiiiocl   of   inntiial   c'niii  .-sions,  C(|iiivali  ills,  and 
coiisideraiion.s — when  rcfcrrinu:  lo  such  a  treaty  lo 
;'liow  the  eoiieessions  made  to  ICnu'laiid,  he  did  not 
consider  il  iie.'easary  lo  state,  on  the  olher  hand,    ' 
the  eonespuudini;  cessions  made  liy  Knirland  to  lis. 
And  I  s  ly  iii;aiii,  that  the  cession  of  Koiise's  Point 
by  her,  must  be,  and   is  eoiisidered   by  those  best 
c  ipalile  of  appreciatin;:'  its  value,  of  more  import-  ' 
aiici'  Ih.iii  all  ihe  ces.sions  we  in, ale  to  I-";  jiand  ill 
.1  iniliiary  poiiil;  and  losliow  how  oiirtJi..(riimeiit 
have  ii'tj.uihd  its  importance,  lei   iiie  reinind  yon, 
that  ininiedianly  on  the  clo.<e  of  the  lasl  war,  al- 
iliou.;li  llie  eoiinlry  was  heavily  in  debt,  tlii-rc  was 
ihiiliini':  to  wliicli  the  tioveniment  aildres.sed   il.-elf 
with  mure  zeal  lliaii  to  fortify  this  point,  as  the  nal- 
iii'.il  lie  leiiie  cif  Laki'  Chainpl.iiii.    As  c.iriyas  1,'  Hi, 
ihe  (inveriiiiieut    paiil   Iweiiiy  or  lliirty  tlionsiuid 
dollars  lor  the  site,  and  went  on  v.ilh  the  work  at 
;tu  evpeiiFc  of  one  hundied  tlloll^'alld  di'llais.     Ihit 
IM  b'^l.'^,  Ihe  asli'onomeis.  iip|ioiiiteil  on  bolli  sides, 
I'.miiil  It  was  on  ihi'  I'aclish  side  of  the  boundary.  ' 
'I'liat,  of  course,  lerininaled  our  opeiMtions.      Uiit 
ili.o  is  not  all.      How  did  our  tiovcrnmeiit  re:,'aiil  ' 
the  aecpii.^iiion  by  llie  liialy  of  \Vashiie.;toii?  Why 
till'  ink   with   which   that   treaty   was  simied   was 
b.irdly  dry,  when  the  iiiohI  emiiieiil  (ii^ineers  v.-ere 

de.-palilicil  to  ihiil  ph ,  who  examined  its  striii;;ili 

and   proccfili  d   to  renew  iind   rebuild  it.     And   no  ] 
iiiilitary  w.nii — not  evi  n  the  forlilications  for  the 
ilel'eoce  oi'  the  .N.irrow  .-■,  appioacliio";  the  ha rl 'I a*  of 
.New  ^■or^,  has  iasai    proeeedi  d  uilll  liy  ihe  (iov-  ' 
crnmcnt  with  uiuru  zeal.     Ha\iii'.'  said  i<o  much,  ] 


It  may  be  the  safest  r,  r.ise  lo  ^ive  an  accoiinl  of 
these  occiirrences  from  ollicial  sources.  Mr.  Van 
IJiiren  thus  recites  the  facts,  as  the  Government  of 
Ihe  niiited  .'^tates  iinderstooJ  them,  in  his  Message 
of  Deceniber,  ]K!8: 

*'  I  Imd  hoped  Hint  llie  re-iieet  far  the  lawiJ  nnrt  rcjiani  fur 
tlic  [leiiee  anil  hniior  ot'  llieir  own  cnanti  v.  wlii--li  hw*  ever 
cIlniaeliMi/.eil  llic  eitiiens  orilie  Hiiilccl  Sailes,  wiHllil  huve 
|>o-veliteil  llli\  liiirtioii  iit'lliela  IVoiii  u-jiui  nil)  liiciui^  lo  jmo- 
llKite  iiifairrciIiMii  in  llie  Icrhmryora  i'ewer  Willi  wliich  wi' 
lire  at  p.'jicc.  ami  witii  wlmli  ttn>  Pniieil  SliilciJ  are  desiruiis 
Dt'niiiiiihiiaiiii.'  tlic  iiiii>l  tVirmlly  relalii>nf».  I  ri'L'rei  €li-e|ilv, 
llnwever,  to  he  ntiligcd  to  ilitbrtil  yiul  l!ial  tills  iiU'  not  been  j 
the  C'l-e. 

''  liil'iriiiatinii  lla^J  heeii  L'iven  la  lac,  it.rivrti  iVuni  nlticial 
.tail  other  sMinci-s.  ilim  nciny  eili/.ea<  el  llie  I'liili-il  Stales 
linve  a-.-oi'iat  ,1  io_>  -ilier  lo  iiialic  hostile  iiiciir-ioa-riniiiniir 
territory  inlo  raiiada.  ami  to  iiiil  itiiil  al)i-t  iiisurn  eiioii  lliere, 
ill  violiilioii  ol'llie  oltliffali.ais  anil  liiwsorilic  Unitcil  t^tiitcs, 
anil  ill  njiea  disreiiiinl  ol"  llieir  own  diilie..;  aseiti/.ens.  Tliis 
iiit'ornialioii  Jiiis  Ik-i>ii  in  p.nl  contiriind.  hy  a  ho«iil..  juvasion 
:ietllilHv  made  tiyi  iti/.elisol'lhc  riiileilS^l.ltes.ili  coiijiniclioll 
wilh('.'inadi;iiisalidoilier..i,a!iiliKeoiop:iiiiedhyntoreilileiei. 
/Il  r.'oritie  propel  ty  of  iitireiti/.tlis.  iiii'l  all  jtli|ilic:ilioii  lliereor 
to  t  lie  |iroseclllioii*olliiiIil.-ir\  ep.-iitioli<  ML'iini-I  llie  aillhori-  , 
Ill's  mid  |ieo|ile  ol  I'mia.la.  'i'lie  rcsiilH  ol' llic.se  crimiliiil  j 
iissiiiills  upon  llie  peace  and  nrihr  ol'a  iciuhhoiiim  country  [ 

have  lieiii.  as  was  lo  I xpi-ctcd,  lalally  ilfstnictivi^  lo  the  i 

inisunidcil  or  di'Iiiil-'il  persons  ,.niF;ijr,.d  in  llielii,  and  liiifhl)'  ' 
iiijiiriuas  111  llio- c  in  wiiose  tii'leiiritie.v  ri re  professed  lo  have  ] 
111  I'll  audi      I'vi'ii.    'I'lie  aiiltioiiiies  in  Cainidii.  from  iiilelli. 
iT'Oiie  r.  e.'ivcil  of  such  inli'inleil  niiocniinlsjinniiiir  oar  eili-  I 
zenf.   hlivc  ten    lliinisi'lves   olilijed    lo  take  prei  lailioiiaiy  1 
niensnres  ai/ainsi  thi'iti.  Iiavc  iieliuillv  cmlioihi'd  ih.'  laililia,  ! 
and  nssiimeil  an  ii'tjiiiil''  to  re|>i-t  ;in  iiiv.ision.  lo  u  liielt  lliey 
helievert  tin-  eoloiiirs  win'  i'V|io,ed  Inilll  llie  I  niti  d  States. 
.\  stall'  of  r.'i'liic!  nil  tioili  Mil.  s  lit  the  tniiiliiT  laiit  thus  In  en 
proilni'iil.   wliiili  ciill' d   for  |iioiopl  and  viaonms  iiilirii' 
reiiee." 

The  followiivj;  is  ihe  I'riliidi  accoum  of  the  naine 
oceiii'i'eui'e-  ' 

•■  In  this  n;i!e  of  ihiiejs.  nsinall  hold  ofranadian  rel'ii 
"1  IS,  «  ho  hail  nil.i'll  shi'llir  in  lln  Stale  of  New  Vnrli.  fnrni 
ed  a  hauMic  Willi  a  iiiiiiitu  r  of  ilie  lili/eiis  111  the  I'liiled 
SI'iti  s  litrtlte  |nirpo-e  iil  inviiiliiii:  llir  lliiti-h  leiiilniv',  not 
to  join  aparl\eii8ie_"'d  in  civil  war,  In  caiise  iivil  iv.ual  Hint 
tiiiii'  in  raniida  itnri'  w.is  itoiu'.  lull  in  old.  r  lo  enmiiiil,  ; 
wiiliia  till'  llritl-liliriitiiry, llieeriaies  of  rolilieiy, arson, and  i 
inmiii  r. 

"  ll\  aneL'h'cloathe|i:irl  ofiliiiMh.vi  rninent. (New  York.) 

«hieli  seeiiii  i'l  ailinil  of  t'lil  cvp: iliuli,  llie   Htore 

liiin  es  wliirli  ciiiiMiiii'il  the  amis  anil  an inition   of  llie 

SliUe  wire  tell  luicn.irdi  d,  aed  were  eonseipn  iiily  hroliin 

open  hv  lliis  iiniii!.  Willi  eniried  olf  II cc  In  opiii  day,  and 

in  llie  mo.t  iiahlie  manlier,  eanlioii  and  ollienin|ilciiieiils  ol 

war.  .  ,    , 

■  •  After  ("line  dliya' preimralion,  lliese   people  procecilcd. 

wilhoal  ■iiiv  iiiliriilptloa  I'oini  ihr  IJovriniaiiil  or  aiilliori- 

tii'S  of  till'  .■'line  of  New  Villi.,  and   lillder  tin lilicilld  of 

nil  Villi  neaii  citi'/.i.ii.  111  iiiMiile  mill  nceiipy  Navy  lnhilid, 

and  |iill  of  111!'  llrill  II   nriiloivi    I  liavim;  ilma'ti  d  llii< 

'  Mi'aiiibuiii('aiolnii',\vliieli,liirllicii  .-pceiul  si'ivKc,wiia  eul 


Sknate. 


•  It  of  tJin  lee,  in  wliiehsln'  had  been  eiielosed  in  the  |iort  nf 
lltltrain,  lliey  lent  used  her  for  the  purjiose  of  hiiiiirlnir  over 
1 1  Navy  Isliind,  fioiii  llie  laiil  d  Slates  lerfitoiy,  men,  arms, 
niiimniiitioli,  stores  and  iirovisioiis. 

o  Th«  jir  'jiiiMiioii  made  for  ttiis  invasion  nf  ltrili*ih  ler- 
r'tarv  hy  a  biiml  of  mini  ori!iini/.i'd,  nniieit,  and  eitnipped 
witliin  llie  Uititi'd  StiitcH,  and  eonsi-tiait  imrtly  nf  Itriti-sh 
snlijei'ls  and  patttv  of  .-\iiiericaii  eili/.i^an,  had  indllci.-i  Iho 
Dr.tisli  anlhorilies  lo  station  a  militnry  force  lit  riiippewn.lo 
r'pi'l  llie  ihreatinied  inva."inn.  and  lo  defend  her  .Mnleiily'H 
territory,  'riie  coininandiT  oi  Iliat  fori,  weeiiii.'  that  the  C^lr- 
oliiie  w.-e*  nseil  a.s  a  incaiis  of  siiij[,lif  miil  rniif'orrcment  for 
Ihr  iiir.'iler-.  .vim  liad  oeeaiio'd  Navy  [sLinil.  jlldsed  Ihut  Ilia 
cnTitnr'  a:  ,1  ile-li'ileti.ni  ot'  liiat  vi-s.srl  wonlii  previ  lit  sll(>- 
plies  mill  H'infiircemenls  from  passini;  over  lothe  istaud.aiid 
would,  eioreovir,  ib'prive  itie  force  on  Ihe  islainl  of  the 
nieiiii ■  of  ii.issing  over  to  the  Itiiiish  iirriloiy  on  the  inaiii 
land.-' 

Aceoi-din;;  to  the  Tlrilisli  nceoiiiil,  llieexpodilioii 
sent  to  capture  the  Caroline  ex|M.i'ted  lo  find  her  lit 
.Navy  Island;  but  when  ll'.e  eonimandinn'  olficer 
came  round  the  pniiit  of  the  islaii.l  in  the  ni^lit  he 
found  lliat  she  was  moond  lo  the  other  shore. 
This  did  not  deter  him  tonn  making  the  capture. 
In  that  capture  a  cilizeii  of  ihe  United  Slates  by  tho 
name  of  Durlle  lost  his  life;  the  I'ritish  mithorilics 
pretended  by  a  chance  sliol  hy  one  of  his  own 
liariv;  the  American,  by  a  shot  from  one  of  the 
nritish  parly. 

This  Iransaclion  look  place  on  llie  99th  of  De- 
ceniber, liS.")",  in  the  firsi  year  of  Mr.  Van  Bnren'« 
Adminislrntioir,  and  no  sooner  was  it  known  here, 
and  made  the  sul'iect  of  a  communicalion  by  Mr. 
Forsyth  to  Mr.  t'ox,  than  the  l.ilter  avowed  it, 
as  an  net  done  by  the  Ihitish  authorities,  niid  jus- 
tified il,asa  proper  mid  necessary  mensnre  of  self- 
defence.  Observe,  sir,  il'you  please,  that  the  Caro- 
line was  desiroycd  in  D'ecember,  IKH,  iind  Mr. 
I'ox's  avowal  of  that  destruction,  as  a  Government 
act,  ami  his  jnstificaiion  of  it,  were  made  in  Janu- 
ary followin'u',  so  soon  as  knowledge  of  the  occiir- 
lei'icc  reached  Wa^hinnlon.  Now,sir,if  iheavownl 
of  Ihe  I'ritish  Minister,  ni'idn  ill  the  name  of  hi.s 
Government,  was  a  siillieiently  aiilhentic  avowal, 
why,  then,  from  ihat  moment,  Ihe  Government  of 
Great  Briloiii  became  responsible  for  the  net,  nnil 
the  United  Slates  was  to  look  to  lliat  Government 
for  reparation  or  redress,  or  whatever  net,  or  ae- 
knowledLniient,  or  apoliii;y,  the  ease  called  for.  If 
Mr.  Fox's  letter  was  proper  proof  that  the  deslrtie.- 
tion  of  the  Caroline  w  as  an  art  of  public  force,  then 
the  Government  of  Great  Ihilain  was  directly 
responsible  lothe  Govern  men  t  of  the  United  States; 
and  of  ihe  P.rilisli  Government  directly,  and  the 
Ihitish  Goveriimeiit  only,  wii.s  satisfaction  to  be 
demanded.  Nothiii!;;  was  immediately  done;  tlie 
matter  was  snU'ered  to  lie,  and  prow  cool;  but  it 
afterwards  became  a  (pieslion,  at  what  time  the 
United  St.iles  Government  did  first  learn,  by  suffi- 
cient evidt'iiie  and  aiillioritv,  that  the  Dritisli  Gov- 
ernment had  avowed  the  destrnclion  of  the  Cnro- 
liiie  as  its  own  act.  Now,  in  the  first  place,  there 
was  the  direct  avowal  of  .Mr.  Fo.x  made  at  the  time, 
and  never  disapproviil.  This  avowal,  mid  the, 
account  of  the  Iransaclion,  rcaclied  London  in  Feb- 
ruary, iNl.S.  Lord  Palnierslon  tliiiik.s  that,  in 
ronvei'sations  with  Mr.  Stevenson,  not  long  siibse- 
queiil,  he  intimaled  disliiicily,  that  the  destruction 
of  the  vessel  would  tiirii  oni  lo  be  justifiable.  At 
all  events,  il  is  lerlain,  thai,  on  the  *Jd  day  of  May, 
IH3^,  ill  ail  ollicial  iiole  lo  Lord  Palnierslon,  written 
by  instruelions  from  his  Goveriimeiit,  deninnditisr 
reparation  for  her  destriielioii,  Mr.  Stevenson  dill 
st.'ile,  "  that  till'  Government  of  the  United  States 
did  consider  that  traiisaiiion  ns  an  outrage  upon 
Ihe  United  Statis,  and  a  violation  of  United  State.i 
territory,  eoiiimitied  bv  Ihitish  troops,  planned 
and  exccnleiMiy  the  Lieutenant  Governor  of  Up|.cr 
Canad.i."  It  is  clear,  then,  that  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  so  iindrrslooil  the  matter, 
when  il  (rave  Mr.  Stevenson  the  instruelions,  on 
which  he  made  this  demand.  The  Admini.slrntioii 
k-new  ,  full  will,  lhat  the  expedition  was  a  public. 
expedition,  set  on  foot  by  the  anthm-itics  of  Can- 
ada, avowed  lure,  imnieiliately,  by  Mr.  Fox  as  an 
act  tor  which  the  Ihilish  Government  look  upon 
ilself  the  resiionsibiiity,  and  never  disavowed  by 
thai  Government  at  any  time  or  in  any  way. 

And  now,  sir,  why  was  ibis  aggression  on  the 
territory  of  the  United  States,  why  was  this  indig- 
nity siilVered  lo  remain  imviiidieated  and  unre- 
dressed for  three  years?  Why  was  no  lUiawer 
made,  mid  none  insisted  on,  to  Mr.  Stevenson's 
ollii'ial  and  direct  demand  for  reparation?  Tho 
jealous  guardians  of  national  honor,  so  teimeiously 
alive  to  wluu  look  place  in  IHi'i,  wimt  oiiiiite  had 


'  '.'ki'i'iif 


""^BPsru^jP^sw^' 


532 


a&TH  CONO 1st  Se93. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Treaty  of  H'ns/iingtoii — Mr.  Jl'ebster. 


[April  7, 


SENATE. 


clnisged    their    pMiiolisni    for   mi    ninny    yriiia  ? 
WliDse  fault  WMs  il  lliat,  np   to  IHJl,  ilic  (Jiivciii-  I 
nienl  of  Gienl  IJrii.iin  liiiil   liii-n  hrimslil  I"  im  »(■- 
knowleilirnieiil,  no  t  \|iliiniuiiin,  mi  iiiinlDsy  .'    This 
ioiii;  inid  iinlirokon  shnnlii-r  dvit  piihlir  (nitniiji'  iinil 
nnticnml  inili^rnily,  \vlii>  inclnlsrcil  in  il:     Nav,  il' 
the  Govcinnicnt  uf  the  Vnilcil  Slali-M  lhiini;lit  it 
hail  nut  sntHoipMl  evi<ltni'i'  that  Ihr  ciii/i'«a"i'  was,  lis 
il  had  di'clarrd  it  In  lie  itsrll',  a  pnlilir  iMiliai;i',  then  * 
it  was  a  prir<ile  nuln\|:i',  llic  invasion  of  m\v  Icvri-  ■ 
tory.and  llir  niiinhr  cil'an  Aimriiaii  cili/in,  wilh- 
niit  liny  justifionlloil,  or  piclciioi;  nl'  jiiMlllii'alioii; 
nnd  had  it  not  hronnic  hi'^h  liini;  llial  nik'I)  ini  onl- 
niirc  was  rcdresseil  ?  i 

Sir,  tlieiT  iH  nn  csrajin  from  iIiIn.  The  Adiniii- 
islralion  of  Mr.  Van  linriii  kniw  perli'i'ily  will 
that  tiic  ilcstnu'iion  of  llu' ("iiroliiii' wiiM  an  ail  of 
puhlic  fori'c,  dime  hy  iln'  I'riii^'li  miihoriiiis  in 
Canada.  They  knew  il  liiii!  never  lieeii  ilis.ivowed 
at  home.  The  net  was  a  wronu;fiil  one  on  llie  pari 
of  the  Canadian  forees.  They  bail  iiori;:lil  lo  iiiv.iile 
tlie  icrrilory  of  the  I'liiled  Si.'iles.  1 1  wa.<  an  am- 
fjression  forwhii'h  Nalisfartion  wa.sdiie,  and  slionld 
have  been  inuisteil  on  iinmiHlialely,anil  in.sisteil  on 
pei-severin^ly.  l>iit  this  was  iioi  done.  The  .Ad- 
niinistmlion  slepi,nnd  sle|>l  on,  and  would  have 
slept  till  tlii.'*  time,  if  it  had  no!  Iiecn  waked  liy  the 
arrest  of  MeLeod.  lieiit:^  on  ihis  side  nf  tlie  line, 
mid  makin:;  foolish  and  fdse  lioasis  of  his  marlial 
acliievcmenls,  MeLeod  was  arn  sled  in  Noveniher, 
1840,  on  a  ehar<;e  for  the  nninler  ol'  llurfee,  in  eap- 
turing  the  Caroline,  and  eominilled  to  pri.snii  by 
llie  nnthoi'itics  of  New  York,  lie  was  Imiled;  Inn 
violence  nnd  molis  overawed  the  emirts,  and  he 
was  recominilled  to  jail.  Tiiis  was  an  iniporlaiil 
nnd  very  exeitini^  oeenrrenee.  Mr.  I'ox  made  a 
demand  n>r  his  iinmediaie  release.  The  .Ad- 
ministrntion  of  Mr.  Van  I'nren  roosid  it.-elf, 
and  looked  round  lo  aseerlain  ils  posiiion.  Mr. 
Vox  again  a.sserted  that  the  deslriii-lion  of  ihe 
Caroline  was  an  art  of  pnlitie  fnrre,  done  liy 
puhlic  authority,  and  avowed  liy  the  Kiii;lish  (iov- 
ernmcnt,  as  the  .Ameriian  Govennneol  had  loni; 
before  known.  To  this  .Mr.  Forsyih  leplicil,  in 
a  note  of  Deeemher  •Hi,  IslO,  ilnis:  '•  If  ihe  ile- 
'  struction  of  the  Caroline  was  a  mihlie  ael  of  per- 
'  sons  in  her  Maje^ly's  serviee,  olKying  the  unler 
*  of  their  superior  authorities,  this  faet  lias  not  been 
'before  eommuniealed  lo  the  (ioveninniit  of  ihe 
'  United  Slates  by  a  person  aiiihoiizid  lo  make  the 
'  ftdinission."  Certainly,  Mr.  I'li.siileni,  it  is  not 
easy  to  reconcile  tliis  lain,'iiai;e  with  the  iM.^lriie- 
lions  under  which  Mr.  SicveiL-inn  niadc  his  de- 
mand of  May,  lAW,  and  which  deiiiand  he  accmn- 
panied  with  the  derlaraiion,  thai  llic  act  was 
planned  and  exivuled   by   the  luilhnriiies  i.f  Can. 

ada.   Whether  the  an  of  the  (iover ■  had  i.r  leiil 

not  licen  approved  al  home,  the  Cinveriiieot  cif  ihe 
United  States,  one  would  think,  eniild  hardly  iici'il 
to  be  informed,  in  1S4II,  thai  thai  ad  was  i  oininil- 
ted  by  persona  ill  her  ■^lajesty's  m  r\ice,  obrviag 
the  onler  of  lliiir  sipieriiii'  aothoritie-j.  .Mr.  I'm- 
RVtli  adds,  very  pro  lerly,  that  it  will  be  lor  the 
courts  to  decide  on  tl.e  validilv  of  the  di  I'liice.  It 
is  worthy  of  remark,  thai  in  his  li  tier  of  Deceniber 
2ti,  18-10,  Mr.  Forsyth  eoinplaiiis  iliat  up  to  ;|ial 
day  the  Government  of  the  riiited  .Stales  had  not 
become  acijuainted  with  the  views  and  ioieiiiioii.s 
of  Ihe  Government  of  l';n'.;land  res|ieciiiii;  ilic  de- 
struction of  the  Caroline!  Now,  Sir.  I'ri  sidcni, 
this  was  the  slate  of  lliiii:rs  in  the  uihIit  of  |H|II, 
'41,  and  on  the  4lli  of  Maivli,  1S||,  ulirii  (irmi.ii 
William  H.  Harrison  became  I'nsiilciii  of  ilu' 
United  States. 

On  the  laih  of  that  same  mnnih  of  Marli,  Mr. 
Fox  wrolf  to  the  Departinent  of  Siaie  :i  leitcr,  in 
which,  after  referriii!;  to  las  ori';iiial  lorrcspond- 
enre  with  Mr.  Forsyth,  in  whi'  h  lie  had  avowed 
and  justified  the  capiiirc  of  the  Caroline  as  an  act 
of  .leecssary  defence,  he  prnceeds  to  say: 

'•  The  uniler>iL'neil  i<  din.  h'cl,  in  llii'  lir.l  |.|ie-,',  to  inlke 
known  Ir,  the  (invrnitlK'itt  nl  Itie  I  llflffi  .-ll.it.*^.  Ill.d  llrr 
Maje-^lv'd  Ctivenimeiil  cnnrrK  iipurMve  nl  tli<-  coin  -t   lur 

Kued  hylllH  iiihIitsik I  in  lluit  li»l ilcie  e.  iiimI  ,,1  ||ii> 

InnKUiwe  adopteil  liy  hiin  ni  thi^  iitticial  liln-r.^  aluiM-  iinii 

llnlli'd. 

'•.\nd  the  lindeniitiied  l»  iinw  iii-lnii'lid  iiiaiin  In  diiiiiinil 
rnmi  the  CtoverMineiii  „f  n,,.  |  'mti.d  .■'tatcK,  luriiiiillv.  in  tlii' 
imiiie  of  the  Bnlnh  (Jnve  nun  nl.  Ihe  llnhii'diiite  rilcii»e  in 
Mr.  vMcxniid'-r  Mel. end. 

"The  KrouiijH  ii|Kni  whnh  llie  llrili«li  iMivirnnii'iil  mill,.' 

thif  di'Miand  ii|ioa  the  (i.niT nt  c.r  tlie  I'lni.d  Hlili«  nn. 

thene:  Thai  Ihe  tmnim'tifin,  nil  nccrmnl  nl' »  liiili  Mr.  M.' 
Lend  h.i.«  heen  arre^ti^d  nnd  »  in  hi'  |iiil  ii|»,n  liir.  Iri.il,  \ni. 
a  Uauueliuii  ofa  public  elmmeUT,  plaliiicd  and  e«e<iiled  lij 


litTsini!*  duly  ein|K>wi'n-d  Iiy  hiT  Miijc.-l>'H  entniihil  iintliiir 
llicH  In  (like  niiv  .''leiis,  [mil  lUt  tinv  inH,  which  iiiittht  he 
lli'en«-iiry  far  the  ih'lt'jic:-  nf  her  Maje-'ly'H  territnrli'S,  Rlid 
for  tile  lirnteelinn  nf  her  MajcHlyV  milijectji ;  and  Ihiit,  enit- 
f«'i)ilenlly,  ttioKi^  Kiitiji'ctii  III  her  M:ijei.|y,  wtin  eiitiaucd  in 
that  inin'-'ilrllnn,  were  pcrfnniiiiiir  nn  in'l'tif  )iiihlie  ihily  fnr 
v\  liich  llicy  1','iiinnl  hi-  iniiflc  pcri'nimllv  niut  iinliviiliiiilly  nii- 
•*m-rnhli>  In  llic  laws  unit  trjhiiiiats  nfaiiy  fnreiua  eninilrv. 

"  Tile  lniii>iictina  may  have  Ik-cii.  iw  Iter  Maji  -ly  V  (Inv- 
t-inini-iilare  nt  ii|)iiiina  itial  il  wii--. a  jii-lllialile  einplnjini'iit 
nf  fnrce  tiir  tin-  |niriinsc  ,it  it,  f.-ndiiijj  Ilic  Hrili^h  li-rrilnry 
iVniii  the  llliprnvnk'-(l  nllaek  nf  a  liaail  nf  Hiili-h  ri  IteN  and 
.'Via 'rieiiii  piralr-<,  u  Im,  liiiviinr  hern  ))criiiittt-il  tn  arm  ami 
nn/aiii/.i'lhi'm«i-|vcs\viliiia  Ihe  lerritnry  nfllic  riiilcil  Slatcy, 
liiiii  a<'liiiilly  iiiv.i.lcil  anil  tw  r-iipicil  a  in'irlina  ti\'  the  lerritnry 
nf  lier  .MiUiicty  ;  nr  il  iiia>liav.-  iic-ii.  jw  all'-iied  liy  Mr.  Knr- 
Hilh,  In  liH  nnle  In  III"  iiiiiler.-iinie.jof  tlie  'J.itlinf  ileceinlier, 

'II  inn-it  iiiiin>ljltalile  inva-inii.  in  in 'f  peace,  nf  the  ten  i- 

Inry  nf  the  I'm! -.1  Slat.-s.'  lint  it  i.-*  a  ipiestinn  e-wentiall> 
nt'  a  pnlitieat  anil  iiiteriinliniml  kiiiil.  u  liii  ii  ean  he  ili-en-Hi-d 
and  .-eill.-tl  inily  le-tueen  llie  livn  (invi-riiiiieiit-i,  and  wliieti 

the   eniirt-i  nf  jllslli if  tile   Slate  f»f  \evv  Vnrk  caillint   Iiy 

(in-^siliiliiy  have  any  nieali.i  nf  jinlyiiiir.  nr  any  riijlit  nf  de'- 
enliin;." 

The  Ib'itish  CJovernmcnt  iiisisled  that  it  mn.st 
have  been  known,  anil  was  well  known,  lonu^  he- 
fore,  thai  it  h.iil  avowed  and  jiistilicil  the  capture  of 
the  I'arolinc,  and  taken  niion  itself  the  res|ionsi- 
bilily.  Mr.  Forsyth, as  you  have  seen,  sir,  in  his 
note  of  neccmber  o|;ili,  had  s,iid,tlmt  tact  had  not 
been  before  conniiiiiiicatcd  by  a  jiersnn  authorized 
to  make  the  admission.  Well,  sir,  tlien,  what  was 
leiw  lo  be  doner  Here  wa.s  a  new,  fresh,  and 
ilircci  avoiyal  ot'  l!ie  ael  Iiy  llie  llritish  (tovern- 
meiit.anil  a  formal  demand  for  Mil, cod's  iiinnedi- 
ale  relca'^e.  And  how  did  Gene-.-al  Harrison's  Ad- 
ministration treat  this.'  Sir,  Just  as  it  ought  to 
have  treated  il.  It  was  not  poor  and  mean  enough 
in  its  intercourse  with  a  foreign  Government,  to 
make  any  relleclions  on  ils  predcressor,  or  apfiear 
lo  strike  out  a  new  palh  for  it.-elf.  It  did  not  .seek 
to  derogate,  in  the  sMirhtest  de-jree,  from  the  pro. 
prieiy  of  wluU  had  bi;eii  said  and  done  by  Mr.  Van 
Ibiren  and  Mr.  Forsyth,  whatever  eminent  exam- 
ple it  niigtit  h;ive  found,  for  such  a  course  of  con- 
din  I.  .\o;  il  rather  adopled  what  Mr.  Forsyth 
had  said  in  ncccniber,  to  w  it,  thai  al  that  time  no 
authentic  avowal  had  bein  com.nniiieatrd  lo  the 
United  J^lales  l>nl  now-  an  avowal  had  been  nmde, 
on  theaiitli(n-ily  of  theGovernmenl  it.self;  anilGen- 
ei'al  Harrison  adeii,  and  riirhllv  acted,  mi  the  case 
made  by  this  avowal.  .-Viid  what  opinioiiH  did  he 
form,  aiiil  what  course  did  he  pursue,  in  a  cri.sis, 
and  in  regard  to  tiMiisactions.  so  iiitimalely  con- 
iireied  willi  the  peace  and  honor  of  llie  cnnniry,> 

Sir,  in  the  first  place.  General  Harrison  was  of 
opinion,  that  the  enleiing  of  the  l.'nited  Slates  ter- 
ritory, by  Uritish  troops,  I'or  llic  purpose  of  cap- 
turing: or  destroying  the  Caroline,  was  unjiislifiahlc; 
that  it  was  an  agirression — a  violation  of  the  terri- 
tory nf  the  United  Slates.  N'nt  that  the  Ilrilish 
forces  might  not  have  destroyed  lliat  vessel,  if 
they  could  have  foioid  her  on  llii-irown  side  of  the 
line-,  Hir  she  was  unlawfully  cinployi-d— she  was 
assisliii'.:  to  make  war  im  Canada.  I!iit  she  could 
not  be  followed  into  a  |iorl  of  the  United  .Slates, 
and  there  enptured.  This  was  an  ofl'ence  to  tlie 
dignity  and  sovcrei'.rntv  of  ihi-^*  (iovernmeni,  for 
which  apiiloiry  and  satisfactiim  onirhl  long  since  to 
have  been  obiaincd,  and  which  a|i,ihery  and  sntis- 
fn'tion  it  was  not  yet  loo  late  lo  demand.  This  wa.s 
i  icneral  Harrison's  opinion. 

Ill  the  ni-xl  |.l,ice,  and  on  the  oilier  hand.  Gene- 
ral Il.irrison  wa.^  of  opinion,  that  the  arrest  and 
deienlinii  of  .MeLe.jil  «,-rc  cnitrarv  lo  the  law  of 
nations.  Mi'Li'od  was  a  soldier,  actiinr  under  the 
authority  ot'liis  Government,  and  obeying  orders 
wliieh  he  was  bound  to  o!n'\  .  li  was  absurd  to 
siy,  that  a  soldier,  who  inusl  obey  orders  or  be 
shot,  may  still  be  hriii'_'ed  if  he  does  obey  them. 
Was  General  Harrison  to  turn  aside,  fi-oiii  facin; 
the  Ihilisli  lion,  and  fill  on  a  lamir  Was  he  lo 
i|Uiiil  before  Ihe  Crown  of  l''.nirland,  and  take  v"!!- 
'.'eance  on  a  private  soldier.'  N'o,  i-ir:  that  was  not 
in  cliaraeii  r  for  William  Henry  Harrison.  He 
held  the  Ilrilish  (I'overniiieiit  n  spmisible;  he  died, 
to  Ihe  •rreat  L'cief  of  his  country,  but  in  the  time  of 

his  Mil ss.n-  that  responsiliiliiy  wasJnsllyapiHialed 

to,  and  .satisfictorlly  fulfilled. 

Mr.  Fox's  hiiev,  wriileii  niidir  insiriieiion.T  from 
Lord  I'lilmersi.in,  was  a  liiile  peremplory,  and 
some  expressions  were  regarded  ns  not  (|iiile  coiir- 
teoiis  anil  concllialory.  'I'liis  caused  some  hesiia- 
lion;bnt  (ieniral  Harrison  said  that  he  would  not 
ea\i|  at  phrases,  since,  in  the  iiijiin,  the  Urili.sli 
complaint  was  well  founded,  and  we  ought  at  once 
lo  do  what  we  could  to  plaey  ourselves  ri'lil. 


I  Sir,  the  members  of  the  Administration  were  all 
of  one  mind  on  this  occasion.     General  Harrison, 

!  himself  a  man  of  large  general  reailiiiir  and   long 

'  experience,  was  decidedly  of  opinion,  that  .MeLeod 
could  not  be  lawfully  holden  to  answer,  in  llio 
coiirls  of  New  York,  fiir  what  had   been  done  by 

I  hint.  Ill  a  soldier,  under  superior  orders.  .VII  the 
incmier.'  of  the  Adininistraiioii  were  of  iln-  same 
oninion,  without  doubt  or  liesitalinii.  I  may, 
uilhoiit  impropriely,  say,  that  Mr.  (.'rittendeii, 
Nir.  Fvviii;:,  .  Ir.  IJell,  Mr.  I'ad^'cr,  and  Mr.  Gran- 
ger, were  not  .dl  likely  to  come  to  an  erroncou.s 
concliision,  on  t'cis  {jiieslion  ot'  public  law,  after 
they  had  given  it  I'lll  consideration  and  cxami- 

;  nation. 

Mr.  Fox's  letter  was  iinsw;i'ed;  and  from  that 
answer  i  will  read  an  extraci; 

I  *■  .Mr.  I-'nx  infnrins  tlie  IJ.nerniliellt  nf  the  rniteil  Stal.'S 
that  he  i.-i  iiistiiK-ti  d  In  make  kiinwn  In  it  that  the  (Inveiii- 
ni-'iil  nf  her  .tla.ii'sly  eniirely  a|(|rn\e  llie  i-niirse  pnr-ned  liy 
him  in  hi-- eiirri'-iinadenee  "with  .Mr.  l-'nrs\lli  In  Ilici-iiiher 
lai-I,  nnd  Ihe  janenaie'  adnpled  hv  him  nn  that  ncea>inii ;  and 
that  tin-  (,'-ivernmenl  tiave  itHtriieleil  liiiii  ■  aeaiii  in  ileniaMil 
•frinil  Ihe  lin-rniaenl  nf  the  fnileil  Hial.  :•.  I'nrmally.  ill 
'the  n-iine  nf  tlie  Itrili-ih  liinernmeel.  llie  iaaii  liia'i-  relea.-e 
'nf.Mr.  Ali'\iiii|.-r  M.-r.end;'  lliat  '  the  ixmie:.!-!  lipmi  wlilc-li 
•  lie-  Urili-h  (Jnvcrnnienl  make  this  deninint  iipna  the  (Jnv- 
'ermiient  nf  llic  rililett  Slates  are  the.-c  :  'i'lial  the  iraiisai'- 
'tinn  nn  aeenniil  i}\'  wliieh  .Mr.  .MeI.enil  let-  lieea  arr. -t.  d, 
'  and  i.-'  Ill  he  (nil  iipnii  Ins  trial,  w  a-i  a  Ir-iii-a-linn  nf  a  p:ih- 
'  lie  character,  planned  and  e\ei  iiteil  hy  |i-r-niis  drily  eni- 
'  pnivcred  hy  her  IMaje-ly's  eiilnnial  antllnrilies  in  lake  any 
♦sl'pinild  In  dn  am  act.  w  hieh  iniltill  le-  l|eeiv.'..-|ry  fur  the 
'defi-lice  nf  her  M.lj'--l."s  terrilnries.  ami  fnr  t  le  prnleeliea 
'nf  her  Maiesly's  -nhj-cl-i;  and  lliat.  i-nii-eniienlt> .  ilm-e 
'  .-illIijeeL-i  nf  lier  .Majcfity  whn  elnra^ie.l  ill  t'i;it  irjui-aetinn 
'  were  |icr1iiriiiint!  an  act  nf  piihlie  diil> ,  fnr  whieli  Ihey  eae- 
'  iini  he  inaile  jn-r-nnatly  and  individually  aiisw  erahle  in  tint 
'lau-i  and  Irilninals  nf  any  fnrei'in  cniailry.' 

'•'I'he  IVesirh-nt  is  lint  cerlnin  that  lie  iinili-rstand-*  |ire- 
ciseh-  the  lie  aiiiiis  iiitenrletl  hy  her  Maiesly'.-,  (nivcriiment 
In  I Iive\ed  liy  Ihe  t'l.rt-'fniinl  ill-lni,  li-ilt. 

'•  'I'lii.s  d  iiiht  liastieea-inneil  with  lie-  I'r.  -i'lciit  sniiic  iie-i- 
italinn  ;  Inn  he  iiieliie-s  Intake  il  ll-i  tiianeit  tlial  tin-  main 
pinilnsenf  tile  in-lniclinn  was  tn  i-all-e  il  Inlie-iuiiitieii  Inllie 
(JiiMTmifiil  nf  Ihe  rnit.-d  .'^lales  that  the  alltek  nn  the 
i^teamhnal  ■  I'arnliiie'  was  an  aelnf  ^inhlie  fun  e.  dnlie  hy  the 
llrili-h  enliiaial  aiitlinrilies.  and  tiilly  reen^jnised  hy  tlie 
Uni'i'irs  l.'nvi'rniilenl  at  Imiite  ;  and  that,  cuns.  ipieiili\ .  nn 
Inilividiial  enncerned  in  that  iransaelina  ean.  aeenrdiii!.'  in 
Ihe  jil.sl  tiriiieiples  nf  the  laws  nf  nalinns,  lnt  in  'd  persniially 
lUiKWcrahle,  in  the  nnhnary  i-nnrrs  nf  law,  :ls  tin-  a  pritale 
-  nlVeiiec  ;  imil  ihal.  ilimii  lliiii  avnwal  nf  her  >I.ijesIy".  i;.,v- 
ennnenl.  Atexnitder  Me!. end,  nnwiinjirisnned  nn  an  iailiel 
nient  fnr  nnirtiet-,  nlle-jed  tn  have  heen  enmniitted  in  tlial 
attack,  niiulil  tn  he  released  hy  such  proceediiife'.s  as  are  nsiiiil 
and  ine  sllilalilc  tn  llie  i-a-e. 

"  The  I'resideiit  adntiled  the  e-nicliisinn  that  nntliimr  innrc 
than  this  emihl  tiio'e  heen  iiitended  tn  he  evpn-ss.-d.  final 
tlie  ennsiilcratina  that  her  Majesiv'.s  i;nveriiiiiei,t  niii.t  he 
fully  avvan'  that,  in  thel'niteil  Slates,  a.-- in  Piiyland.  [e-r- 
sims  ennliiied  under  jiidit  iai  prneess  ean  he  reiea-cd  In. in 
thill  eiMiIiie  iii-'iit  niil\  In  jtidieial  prneess.  In  neither  eniin- 
tr>-.  as  Ihe  liadersitnieil  -tiitpn-es.  e.ui  the  arm  nf  the  Kveell- 
tivc  |tn\vi-r  liilt'rlcre.  direeily  nr  fnn-ilil>-.  tn  n-le.-|-e  iir  de- 
liver Ihe  lirisinier.  Mis  di-eharL'c  nni-t  he  sniiitht  in  a  iitaii- 
in-r  ennlnrmalile  tn  llie  jiriiieiples  nf  iiw  .nnl  the  pnit-eeil- 
ite.'s  nf  eniirts  nf  j-nli.  alrii.-.  If  aiic  iadieicietit  lilie  liiat 
winch  ha- heen  fniiiid  aL'amsI  Alexainirr  Ah  f.i  ml.  and  nn- 
dr-r  i-in'iini-linees  like  ilm-.-  \\  Im-li  lie!,tni«  tn  his  case,  were 
jiendiim  a',Miii-l  an  linhvidiial  in  nlie  nf  lin-  t-narls  i.f  ilny- 
laiid.lhen-  is  an  ilmihi  thai  the  law  inliei  r  nf  ihe  emun 
iniL'ht  einer  a  nnlle  pnisei|ni.  nr  that  ihe  prisiitier  ini^lii 
can-c  hinist-If  tn  he  hriiiniht  n|i  nn  liatieas  enrpns  and  ihs. 
ehaiL''  d.  if  his  urniiiiil  nf  ihscharL'e  sli.iiild  he  ailjudu'ed  Mini- 
eienl.  nr  Ihat  he  miiiltl  iimve  the  same  facts,  and  ili.si.-t  nn 
llie  saai-'  itefein I  e\eia|ilina  na  hi  -  trial. 

"All  the-e  an-  h'lral  inndes  nf  prni-eediln:.  wi  l(  loin^\-n  In  i'k, 
1-lws  anil  IiraeiieC  nl  Itnlh  t-nnntoe.s.  Itllt  llie  midi-rvij'ieil 
die  s  lint  Sllp)inse  lh.lt.  if  stiell  a  case  wen'  I'l  ans"  in  I'.iijf. 
land.  Ihe  pnuer  nf  Hie  I'v.euliri,'  (i'nvernment  cnnlil  lie  e\- 
erli'd  ill  an\-  iiime  ilireet  manner. 

"  IIvi'ii  ill  Ihe  e.-iM'  nf  leiihissadnrs  and  niher  imhlic  miti- 
isters,  wlmse  iIl'IiI  In  e\ -mplinii  IVnni  ain--t  is  fiersnnal, 
reijiiiriiiL'  nn  I'.i.-I  in  II  -  a-  erlaiin-il  Inn  the  mere  lin  l  nfaip- 
Ini  i.-ilii- ehaiaeler.  and  t-i  arre-t  wlinia  is  sninelinii  s  made 
a  hiL'hly  ihiiiI  nifenee,  if  Ihe  aro'st  he  aetnalh  in  nle,  it 
inil'l  he  ilis'  hafji-d  h'-  a|i|i!ie:itinii  to  i| mris  nf  law. 

"  Il  i-  imiler.lnnil  that  Ali'Minder  Mele-nd  is  linlihii.  as 
well  nl)  eivtl  as  nn  t-riliini:il  imieess,  fnr  lilts  alli-iieil  In  lia\n 
hi-i-a  dniie  hy  liiin  in  the  allaek  nil  lite  '  ralnliiie.*  and  Ins 
tlefenee  nr  iirniiinl  nf  ae(|iiiltal  inil-I  he  llie  v.-tne'  in  linlli 
cases.  And  this  strnnL'l.i-  illii.-lniles,  as  the  nniler.-iirin  il 
einieeives,  the  (irnprii  ly  nf  the  fiire;;nin;j  iiliser\  aliiins  ;  sinee 
It  is  iinile  el.'.-irilKil  Ihe  Pxi'enliveCinenmn-nt  ■  antinl  inter 
li  re  1. 1  arrest  a  civil  suit  heln'-en  tirivat  ■  iial-tie-  in  aii>  sl;e;.' 
i^f  ils  [iniitri's  -,  lull  that  siieh  suit  iniisi  tin  na  in  its  r.  irujar 
jndieial  leriiiiieiiinn-  If.  lie  refnre.  any  eenrse  diifenni 
frnm  -neli  as  have  h-'en  nnw  iiieiiiinni'il  was  in  eniii"in|i!a 

linnnf  hi'l-   Maje-U'i   (.'iiver lilt,    sniiii-Ihiii!.  wiinlil  seem 

In  hav-  liei'll  e\|,- 1  led  IV Ihe   llnverinnenl   nf  tile  I  "iiiled 

Hlat 's  as  huh ini.rmalile  tn  the  laws  and  iisanes  nf  the 

r.iejhsh  l.'nvi  r nl  as  tn  llin-e  nfthe  I'liiled  .'<lales,  and  in 

«  Irieh  this  thnerane'iit  eaineit  aeeede. 

•' The  l.'ineriinientnf  till'  I'liit  d  l-'tali"-,  tliercfnre.  aetiie; 
iilinli  tlie  |iresiinjptiiiii  w  hieh  ei  ain-ady  iidniited.  thai  nnih^ 
iilL"'Vlraiinhiiar.\- nr  ililii-iial  wtis  evperled  nr  rc'iuested  of 
it.  dceid-d.  nn  llie  reci'|ilinil  nf  Mr.  l-'nx's  nnle.  tn  take  siieli 

ineasincs  as  the  i asinii  aiid  lis  nwii  tliiiy  ajipeaO'il  tn  re- 

,|iiin'- 

•1  In  his  nnle  In  Mr.  pin  nflhc  •?''tll  nflleei-mtter  l.-t-t,  Mr. 

'  rnrsylli,  the  Secretaiy  nl  .-iiatc  of  the  Lniicd  dutt's,  nh 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLODE. 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Treaty  of  IVaslnngton — Mr.  Webster, 


iii'rvrH, tlint,  'if  tliR  di'.xtniction  of  lh<;  Carnliripu-ii<in  piililir 
» lU'l  or  iHTFtiiru'  ill  lli'f  MiijcHty'H  nrrvici',  iilM>yjiii(lllH  order  (if 
'  tlii'ir  Klip  'ritir  iiutliiiritiirH,  this  liititliiisiKit  hucii  liuliiritrdiii- 

*  lilililii'atfil  to  the  (Jovcrillllfllt  of  the  l^iiiteil  Htiite.4  liy  ti 

*  prrson  iiiilhori/.n)  to  niiikethiMiihiii-'^ioii ;  inul  it  will  b>'  for 
Mhe  court,  «hii'li  has  tiilti'ii  roaiii/.iiinf  of  the  olleiiee  witli 

*  wliii  li  Jlr.  MiLi'od  i«  eliiuueii,  to  il.'i-idi.  upon  ils  viilidity 
'u'lieii  legally  e<tiil>:i>'!ii'il  hi'l'iire  it:'  mi<l  adit":  'Tin'  l're»i'- 
«deiit  deeiM;'  tlii-«  a  prtip'T  oc^-asioii  lo  remind  tlie  <;overii- 
'iiientol'her  llritannii'  Miile-n  that  llie  ea^ieof  the  Ciirolini! 

*  hn-i  been  liiiit{  since  hroiiL'Ut  h  i  the  atteniion  ol'Iier  Majefity 's 
'prilleipal  Heerrtary  oIr*Ial''  lor  I'lir.'iyn  Allilirs,  who,  tiplo 
<  tliis  day.  has  iioteoiiiinniiM-ati'd  its  ili'i'i-jon  thereupon.     It 

'is  hopi'd  that  the  linver nt  ol'her Maieslv  will  perceive 

'the  iinporl  iiie.'  olim  lousier  h'liviiu  tin' (';over entortho 

'llnilid  Stales iillirnied  of  its  views  anil  intenlloiis  upon 

'  a  siilijeel  wllieli  has  natiirjiUy  prodnreil  iiiiieh  eMUsperatioll, 
'  and  wliieli  liiis  led  toviii-h  (irave  eoiisi  ipiriiees.' 

'•The  eoiiiiniinieali I' the  liiet  that  the  destrnetion  of 

the  'Caroline' \vas  an  net  III" piililie  loree  liy  the  llritish  uii- 
tllorities  li.'iii'.r  roriilally  eoiiiiiiiiiiieiit>'il  to  the  tioveriililent    I 
iil'llie  riiitid  Hiates  hy  Mr.  Fox's  note,  lliu  eliac  assumes  a    1 
UiU'en'iit  a-peet.  I 

"Ttie  Coveriniieiit  oC  the   ITiiited   {Stales  entertains  no    i 
ilonhi  that,  after  this  avowal  ol' tli"  iraiisielion  a~  a  public 
transaelion,  aiilliorized  and  lindertalseii  hv  tlie  Hrilish  aii- 

lllorities,  individuals  eoi rlii  d  in  it  iiii:;lit"iiot,  by  the  prili- 

^■iple^  ol"  imblie  law  and  the  general  ii-aites  of  eivili/.ed 
Sliilis,  lo  be  holdeu  persoMally  res|ion~ili|r'  in  the  ordinary 
Iribnnal^  of  law  for  their  parlieipatioii  in  it.  ,\nd  the  rre?-i- 
(leiil  presiiiiies  that  it  can  hardly  be  necessary'  to  ^av  that 
llie  American  people,  not  ilistrustl'ii!  of  their  ahililv  In  redress 

IHiblic  wroints  hy  public  an.-,  eaiinoi  dc-ir-  the  piinish- 

iiiciit  of  inilividiials  wh-ii  the  act  coiii|iIaiiii  d  of  is  de- 
clared to  hav>'  been  the  ad  of  the  (ioverinnent  Itself. 

•'•■^o ili.r  Ihii  dale  of  Mr.   I'o.v's  note,  an  ili.~tructinu 

wasiiiveii  lo  llie  .Vll.iriieKicnf  ralof  llie  I'niteil  Stales  from 
thisdeparlncni.  In  ilireelioii  of  tin.  I're-ideiit.  which  fully 
nets  forth  the  opinion^  of  this  (lovcrnmeiit  on  the  subject  of 

Mr.  .Mel il's  imprisonitieni;  a  eopv  nf  which  in-truetioii 

llll^  lllllb.'r.-ii;il>'cl  lia-  Hie  I ir  herewilli  to  enclose. 

'•The  iiidielmeiii  ai;:iiiisl  .Mel d  is  pending  in  a  t^tate 

(•onrt;  bin  his  ri-lil«,  whatever  they  iiiav  be. are  n.i  less  .safe, 

It  i-  tole^  prc-iii 1,  than  if  he  werclnilden  to  answer  in  onu 

ol  tins  (^overiiincnl. 

•■  lie  ileinands  iminiinilv  from  personal  res[H)iisibililv,  hv 
virliie  of  the  law  of  nations ;  and  that  law,  in  civi'h/.eil 
Slates,  is  to  be  respected  in  all  conns,  \oiic  is  cither  so 
lii.'li  or  so  low  as  to  csi'apc  from  ils  Hittlioritv  in  caseii  to 
u  hich  Its  rules  and  principles  apply." 

And  ii.iw,  sii^.  wlni  will  deny  lliiit  iIiIr  decmioii 
wiiscinii-clycdn'ccl?  Wlui  will  deny  iliiit  this  arrest 
'il'  .McLi'cid,  mid  llii.s  ilircatcnina  to  liaii^  liiin,  was 
.just  eau.sc  of  oH'cnce  lo  tlie  liriiisli  Government.' 
f'ir,  what  slionid  we  linve  tlioii2;lit  ourselves,  iit 
a  like  easc.=  If  United  Siaten  trnn|i.s,  liy  the  law- 
ful aiilliciiily  of  their  (ioverninent,  wefo  oidert'd 
lo  pas.s  oyer  Ihe  lino  of  boundary,  for  any  purpose 
— relnliation,  repri.'sal,  fre.sli  piirtiuil  of  an  enemy, 
or  anylhiiiir  else— and  the  Government  of  the  ter- 
ritory invaded,  not  lirine;ini;  our  Government  lo 
iiecinint,  Intt  sleeping'  lliree  ytiars  over  the  nnVont, 
should  iheii  siialcli  up  one  of  our  citizens  foiiiul  in 
its  jurisiliction,aiid  who  had  lieen  one  of  the  force, 
and  proceed  to  try,  eoiideinn,  and  execute  liini, 
sir,  would  not  Ihe  whole  eoinilry  have  risen  up 
like  one  nianr  .Slioiild  we  have' .sttliniitled  lo  it 
for  a  iiiomeni?  .Siippo.se  thai  now,  liy  order  of 
the  I'resjdeni,  and  in  eonformity  to  law,  an  Amer- 
ican army  should  enter  Caiiaila,  or  Orei^on,  for 
any  purpose  which  the  Government  of  the  Unitetl 
.Stales  llioiii;hl  Just,  and  was  ready  to  defend, 
and  the  IJritish  Governinciit,  tiirninir  away  from 
dcmandin'.;  responsiliility  or  .satisfaction  from  us, 
.should  sei/.e  an  individu.il  soldier,  try  him, 
lonviet  him,  and  execute  him,  sir,  should  we 
not  declare  war  at  once,  or  make  warr  Would 
this  he  suhniilt-'  lo  for  n  momenl?  Is  there 
il  man,  with  an  American  heart  ill  his  hosoin, 
who  would  kce|)  still,  and  he  silent,  in  the  face  of 
such  an  oitlrase  on  piihlic  law,  and  Niicli  an  insult 
to  the  thm-  and  sovcrciguly  of  his  country  r  Who 
would  endure  tliat  an  American  soldier,  aetliis;  in 
oliedicnci'  lo  lawful  iiuthority,  and  with  llic  eajle 
anil  the  stars  and  stripes  over  his  head,  should  he 
arrested,  tried,  and  executed  as  a  |irivate  murderer  r 
.Sir,  if  we  had  icccived  such  an  insult,  and  ;Uone- 
iiieiit  had  not  lieeii  inslaiitly  made,  we  should  have 
avciiijcd  it  at  any  expense  of  treasure  and  of  hlooil. 
A  manly  fccdiie,'  of  honor  and  cliaracler,  therefore, 
a  .sen.se  of  jiedicc,  and  respect  for  llie  opinion  of 
the  civilized  world,  a  conviction  of  what  would 
have  lieeii  our  owuconduel,  inn  like  case,  all  called 
on  (ieiieral  Harrison  lo  do  exaeily  what  he  did. 

l-'.n^dand  had  as.snmed  her  proper  responsibility, 
and  what  wa.s  it*  She  had  tniule  an  a^itrression 
upon  the  United  States  liy  eiileniv;  her  li'rrilory 
for  a  bellii;eieiil  purpose.  .She  had  invaded  the 
.saiii'tiiy  of  onr  territorial  riiilils.  As  lo  the  mere 
clestruciioii  of  the  vessel,  if  perpetrated  on  the 
Oanudian  .side,  it  would  Imve  been  ipiili^  justilia- 
l)le.     'I'lic  pcrsuiis  eiiganed  in  that  vessel  were,  il 


is  to  be  remembered,  violathiR  llie  laws  of  their  I 
own  country,  as  well  n.s  the  law  of  nations;  sonic 
of  them  siiilered  for  that  olVeiice,  titid  I  wi.sh  all 
had  Kuffercrl 

Mr.  Ai.i.EN   here  desired   lo  know  where  the 
pre, ,t' was  of  the  fact  that  the  Caroline  was  so  en-  , 
gnjred?     Wa.s  there  any  record  of  the  fact.'  i 

Mr.  Wkostkh.    Yes;  there  is  proof— abundant  \ 
proof.     The  fact  that  the  vessel  was  so  cnjpi!;ed 
wiw,  I  believe,  pretty  well  proved  on  the  trial  and  i| 
conviction  of  Van  Ren.ssclacr.     liiil,  besides,  there  \ 
is  nhundanl  proof  in  ilie  Depnrlment  of  .State,  in 
the  evidence  taken  in  Canada  by  the  autliorili(!s  ■ 
tlicro,  and  sent  to  Great  P>riluio,  and  v/hich  could 
be  confirmed  hy  anybody  who  livi'd  anywliere 
from  Ihiiralo  down  lo  Sehlosser.    It  was  jn^oved  by 
the  7'M  ^cvdr.     What  was  the  condition  and  cini- 
dtiet  of  the  Caroline.'    Mr.  Stevenson,  making;  the 
best  rase  he  could  for  llie  United  .Slates,  said  that  : 
.she  was  cleared  out  at  BulTalo,  in  the  latter  part  of  : 
December,  to  ply  between  RiilTaloand  Sc.hlos.ser,on 
the  same  side  of  the  river  a  few  miles  liclow.    Lord  ' 
Palmei^ston,  with  his  usual  sarcasm,  and  willi  more 
than  a  usual  orcasion  for  the  application  of  that  sar- 
casm, said,  "  It  was  very  true  she  was  cleared  mil; 
'  but  Mr.  Stevenson  for;;ot  that  she  was  also  '  cut 
'  out*  of  ihe  ice  in  which  she  had  been  laid  up  for 
'  the  winter;  and  that  in  deparlin;,'  from  Hiill'alo,  iii- 

*  stead  of  i^iiinir  ihnvn  to  Sehlosser,  she  went  ilown 
'  loXavy  Island;"  and  his  lordship  asked,  "What 

*  new  outbreak  of  trailic  made  it  nei'cssaryto  have 
'  a  steamboat  i>lyin^,  in  the  depth  of  winter,  be- 
'  tween   I'lilfalo  and   Sehlosser,  when  cxaeily  be- 

'  tween  lho.se  two  places  on  the  shore  there  was  n  ' 
'  very  convenient  railroad;"  I  will  most  respect- 
fiillv  siic;^est  all  this  to  the  considrra'ion  of  the 
eh.airnian  of  Hie  Committee  on  ForeiL'ii  Relations, 
And,  as  furtlier  evidence,  I  will  state  the  entire 
omission  of  the  Government  of  the  United  Slates, 
dnrini;  the  whole  of  Mr.  Van  I'urcn's  adniinisira- 
lioii,  to  make  any  demand  for  reparation  for  the 
projierty  tlestvoyed.  .So  far  as  I  rer.iembor,  such 
a  RUjircslion  was  never  made.  Hut  one  thin";  I  do 
very  well  remember,  and  that  is,  that  a  per.son 
who  had  some  interest  in  the  ]iroperty  came  lo  tlie 
city  of  Washin'.;toii,  and  ihonsht  of  niakinj  an 
application  to  the  Government,  in  the  time  of  Mr. 
Van  Pjiiren,  for  indemnity.  j 

Well,  he  was  told  that  the  sooner  he  shut  his 
nioutli  on  that  subject  the  better,  for  lie  hiin.self, 
knowiu";  thai  the  jnirpose  lo  which  the  vessel  was 
lo  be  applii^d,  came  within  the  purview  of  the 
statutes  of  the  United  Suues  aLrainsl  fittin;,'  out 
hostile  expeditions  niiainst  countries  with  which 
the  United  .States  were  at  peace,  was  li.ablc  lo  pros- 
ecution; and  he,  ever  afterwards,  profitiiajby  this 
ftiendly  admonition,  held  his  jieace.  That  was 
another  piece  of  evidence  which  I  respectfully  sub- 
mit to  the  consideration  of  the  chairman  of  the  i 
Committee  on  l''oi'ei'_'ii  l.elatioiis.  j 

Well,  sir,  Mcl.eod's  case  went  on  in  the  court 
of  New  York,  and  I  was  nllerly  surprised  at  the 
drcisicui  of  that  court  on  the /infiriis  eorpus.  On  the 
peril  and  at  the  risk  of  my  professional  reputation, 
I  now  say  that  the  opinion  of  the  court  -if  New 
York,  in  that  ca.se,  is  not  a  respectable  ..pinion, 
either  tni  account  of  the  resnil  nt  which  it  arrives 
or  the  reasoning;  on  which  it  proceeds.* 

McLeod  was  tried  and  aci|uitted;  there  lieins 
no  proof  that  he  had  killed  Durfee.  Congress  af- 
terwards pas.scd  an  net,  that,  if  such  cases  should 
arise  hereafter,  they  slunild  be  immediately  trans- 
ferred lo  the  courts  of  the  United  Slates."  That 
was  n  necessary  and  a  proper  law.  It  was  nqui- 
site,  in  order  to  enable  the  CjovernmeiU  of  the 
United  States  to  maintain  the  peace  of  the  coun- 
try. And  it  was  perfectly  consliluliinial;  be- 
en, so  it  is  a  jiisl  and  imporlant  principle — rpiite 
a  fill. 'anienial  principle,  indeed — that  the  ju- 
dicial p.  -vi  •  of  the  General  Ciovernmeiit  shoiild 
be  co-exleii  ■  .-e  with  ils  lejiislalivc  and  exceiilivc 
powers.  When  the  aiilhority  and  duty  of  this 
Government  is  to  be  juilicially  discussed  and  de- 
cided, that  decision   niiisl  be  in   the  courts  of  the 

I  *  This  opini'iii  has  been  alily  and  learnedly  reviewi-il  by 
Jild'je  Tallinndne,  of  the  superior  court  of  the  eilyof  New 
^'ork.  (If  this  review,  Ilie  late  Chief  Justice  Spencer  says: 
••  II  refines  anil  overthrows  the  opinion  innst  amply.'* 
t'baiieellor  K"llt  sjiysof  it:  "It  i.s  (•oiieliisivc  upon  every 
*  pniiil.  I  sliould  liavi'  been  jiroinl  if  I  had  bi'eu  the  author 
•of  il.''  The  opinion  ol  the  supreme  i-.iurt  <if  \i'W  York  is 
not  likelv  to  be  r.'ceived.  at  home  or  abroad,  as  the  Aiiicr- 
ieail  uiider..taiidiiiii  ol  an  iinportaiit  prilteiple  of  public  law. 


Senate, 

United  Smtes,  or  else  that  which  holdii  the  Oo\  - 
crnmenl  to;;ether  would  become  a  band  ofs.riiw. 
McLeod  havinir  1  eeti  arr|uitted,  put  un  end  to 
all  r|ueslioii  concerning  his  Ciise;  and  Crnj;ress 
iiaviii;^  passed  a  law  providing  for  such  cases  in 
future,  il  only  remained  tliat  a  pi'0|X'r  exnlatia- 
tion  and  apology — idl  that  a  nation  of  high  lioiior 
could  ask,  or  a  nation  of  hi<j:li  honor  could  give — 
sh.inld  he  obtainad  for  the  violation  of  territorial 
sovereignty;  and  that  was  obtained; — not  oblainetl 
in  Mr.  Van  liuren's  time,  but  obtained,  concur- 
rently with  the  settlement  of  other  questions,  in 
184'X 

I'efore  Mr.  Fox's  letter  was  answered,  .sir,  the 
President  had  tlirected  the  Auorney  General  to 
proceed  to  New  York,  with  copies  of  the  official 
correspondence,  and  with  iiisieuciions  to  signify' 
to  the  Governor  of  New  York  the  judgment  which 
had  been  formed  here.  Thcic  instructions  have 
liecn  rcfinred  lo,  anil  they  arc  public.  The  mo- 
ment w.is  critical.  A  mob  had  arrested  Judicial 
proceedings  on  the  frontier.  The  trial  of  McLeod 
was  expected  to  come  on  immediately  at  Lock- 
port;  and  what  would  be  the  fate  of  the  prisoner, 
iielweeu  the  opinions  entertained  inside  of  the 
court-house,  and  lawless  violence  without,  no  one 
could  foresee.  The  iiislrnctions  were  in  the  s|iirit 
of  the  answer  to  Mr.  Fox's  letter.  And  I  now 
call  on  the  niemlier  from  .\ew  York  to  furnish  au- 
thority for  his  charge,  made  in  his  speech  the  other 
day,  that  the  GoveVnmcnt  of  the  United  Slates  had 
"  interfered,  directly  and  palp;d)lv,"  with  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  courts  of  New  York.  It  is  un- 
true, lie  has  no  authority,  not  a  particle,  for  any 
such  statement.  All  ihiit  was  done  was  made  pub- 
lic. He  has  no  other  authority  for  what  he  said 
than  the  public  papers:  they  do  nol  bear  him  out. 
To  say,  on  the  ground  of  what  is  public,  that  the 
Government  of  the  United  Slates  interfered,  "  di- 
rectly anil  palpably,"  with  the  proceedings  in  New 
York,  is  not  only  untrue,  but  ridiculous.  There 
was  no  deniand  for  the  delivery  of  McLeod  to  the 
United  Stales;  ihere  was  no  attempt  lo  arrest  the 
proceediiiL's  of  the  New  York  court.  Mr.  Fox 
was  told  that  these  proc.eediims  must  go  on,  until 
they  were  judicially  terminated;  that  McLeod  was 
in  confinempnl,  by  judicial  process,  and  could  only 
be  released  by  judicial  process  under  the  same  au- 
thority. All  this  is  plainly  staled  in  Mr.  Critten- 
den's insiructions,  and  no  man,  who  reads  that 
]iaper,  can  fall  into  any  mistake  about  it.  There 
wis  no  "direct  and  palpable"  interference  with 
Ihe  New  York  courts,  nor  any  interference  at  all. 
The  Governor  of  New  York'did  not  think  there 
was,  nor  did  anybody  else  ever  think  there  was. 

ATr.  President',  Ihe  honorable  Senator  from  Ohio, 
[Mr.  Ai.i.EN,]  bestowed,  I  believe,  x  very  consid- 
ciiible  degree  of  allention  upon  ,'  pics  connected 
with  Ihe  treaty  of  Washington,  it  so  happened 
that  my  entraspmcnls  did  not  permit  me  to  be  in 
llio  Senate  during  the  delivery  of  any  considerable 
portion  of  that  speech.  I  was  in  occasionally, 
liowever,  anil  heard  some  parts  of  it.  I  have  not 
been  able  to  find  any  particular  account  of  the 
honorable  member's  remarks.  In  the  only  printed 
speech  which  I  have  been  able  to  lay  my  hantls 
on,  it  is  said  that  he  look  occasion  lo  iipeak,  in 
general  terms,  of  various  topics — enumerating  them 
l-cmbraced  in  the  treaty  of  1843.  As  I  have  not 
seen  those  remarks,  I  .shall  nol  now  undprtake  to 
make  any  further  alhisi.m  to  theiTi.  If  I  should 
happen  to  see  them  hereafter,  so  far  as  I  may  be- 
lieve that  they  have  not  been  a.iswered  by  what  I 
have  already 'said,  or  may  now  say,  I  may,  per- 
haps, deem'il  worth  while'to  embrace  some  oppor- 
tunity of  takiii'.'  such  notice  of  them  as  to  me  they 
may  seem  lo  rerpiire. 

Mr.  Ai.i.ES'.  I  will  now  state,  for  the  .satisfac- 
tion of  the  Senator,  the  seneral  substance  of  what 
I  said  on  the  subject.  If  he  so  desii'es,  I  will  now 
proceed  to  do  so. 

Mr.  Weiisteu.  I  think  that,  upon  the  whole, 
when  the  centleman  shall  furnish  the  public  with 
a  copy  of  his  speech,  1  may,  perhaps,  have  a  more 
proper  opportunity  to  pay  allention  lo  it,  especial- 
ly as  I  have  to  say  something  of  other  speeches, 
which  may  at  present  occupy  as  much  of  the  time 
of  the  Senate  as  can  well  be  devoted  to  this  subject. 
,  And  now,  sir,  /initio  mnjora  cnitfmiti,s. 

An  loiiorable  member  from  New  York  nearest 
Ihe  Chair  [Mr.  Dickinsovj  nmde  a  speech  on  this 
subject.     1  propose  to  take  some  notice  of  that 


m 


m 

ml 


i 


531 


29th  Cono 1st  Sk!1». 


APl'KNDIX  TO  TIIK  CONGRKSSIONAL  RLOBE. 

Treatij  of  IVitahiiigton — Mr.  iVvbstcr. 


[April  7, 
Sknatk. 


Bwech.  But  flr»t  \  iiniol  iciriiiik,  llial  tlio  Imiior- 
«'  c  sr'iillenmii  ditl  iii>l  siiiii  in  iio  wifinliid  willi  liin 
,.wii  liutil;  lie  liKiiiiwcil  siMULwlml  ixiciisivcly. 
He  liorroweil,  anil  inciMiMvniKil  iiilu  I1I.1  »|ioi'.-li, 
liy  wiiy  ofi»  iiKli',  wliai  lir  1  jiliilrs,"  I'^liwlsfiom 
llir  j;»(T<7i  of  .Mr.  ('.  I.  /iijfu. •«'//,  ill  llir  //oii.m.'  cj' 
hriii>:^c::i.ittiiis."  ^V^11,  llnMi.iny  fust  I.iimih  sm  is 
III  uxiiMiinc  II  lillli'  lliiiJ  ji  v,i  I  wlih-li  llii'  iiiHiimililr 
t'ciillcnKMi  I'liiMXioM  111  ttuik  iiilii  Ills  (Hvii  (iMilnii; 
iiikI  I  sliali  (111  it  iiniiiinril  in  li'iii|iri',  1  li<i|>i',  anil 
al  llic  .xanir  Hint'  1  do  ii<>l  111(1111  in  ninil  wlial  I  may 
ciinsiikr  a  |iiii|ii'i-  inilni'  nl'  llir  ulmli'  "f  ii,aiii.l  all 
ii.s  parw.  Anil  linr,  :<ir,  in  ili.il  1  \l'  iiiiiliiiiny 
I'bniliiliili,  I'alk'il  liy  ilic  liDinnaMi^  Snialur  "tin 
KiHTi-li  of  Mr.  ('.  J.  ln;;irs.ill,  in  llic  lluuKi'  nl' 
Iu'|in-5cnlali\('s." 

Mr.  I'lvsiilnil,  I  iilnin,<l  « i.sli  I  iiiiilil  finil  iny- 
Hi'lf  nnl  nf  nnlir  ill  rrl'irrini;  In  il.  a-"  1    iina.;ini'   I 

'iinilil  lie,  if  il  fiail  nni  Iriii  llial  llii'  linnmalili' 
nienilicr  Inxs  inailr  it  iii.s  nun  anil  a  |iarl  •>(  lii.i 
p|jrc<-.li.  I  slioalil  lie  viry  ^lail  In  Im'  rnni|M  llril  not 
111  take  any  nnlhv  nfil— In  III'  mill  ill, Il  I  via.s  iinl 
at  liliorly  In  knnw  thai  .-^in  li  a  k|ii<iIi  wan  cur 
inailc;  anil  .sliniiM  lliaiik  Unci  in  know  lli.il  sinli  an 
cliiillilinii  liail  iifVtT  lin-n  niaili'  mil  nf  a  liar-vnnni 
anywlicrv — anil  that's  a  llnaliu  i|iiilr  inn  lii;;li  fnr 
il.  >'im,  sir,  a  larp'  pnriinn  nf  ihis  '•  s|ii'i'rli" 
soonis  Inbc  ilirrftctl  a;:ain«l  llir  iinli%iiliial  iinw  ail- 
ilrrssin;;  tin' S'liali'.  i  uill  nail  its  |iails  nnil  |iar- 
ruls,  ami  take  sin-li  nniire  \*\  llnni  as  ihry  ili  rcrve 
as  1  \ro  alnii^'.  Hear  wh.ii  ilie  New  Vnrk  iniinlier 
miys: 

Mr.  I)n  KivKtv  li;nl  ueil.  r  lo  nl  ihiTf  Hii' n  riirn^fn'iiil 
rtii-t' Ui-lwe^'ii  llii>  ,iulli<iii|j<'^  III  W'ii-laiiutiMi  fiiiil  1:11' l/iv 
••riiur  ll^.Nl■w^  i.ik  M  lli.il  nl,  ,1 ;  hinli.  |Mrlieul,iil\  nllinl'  il 
I'l  n  I. 'tier  ,Tl,lri--.-,l  by  Mr-  Wilf-hr.  S.inMri  nl  .-^Mle,  In 
-Mr.  riillfiiilrH.  .Vil'iriiev  l^'-'i-rnl,  :tl  llril  Hum',  dinrlim: 
Imil  III  [nin'i-'-d  III  .\iw  S  iir\.  iimi  l;i\«'  rli.iii'r  iil  tlii*  Inal  ill 

MeI.eiHl,     III'  hail  il  mil  lli   n  I',  l.,i<' Iniii.iiiiil  ilul  m-l  n I 

li'et  ils  lireclsf  LiiiLlt,'):.'!'.  !'IH  itumM  n-l'  r  In  it  hilnre  hi' 
sllnlllil  eiixi'.  Ill'  u.ailil  i'iii|,':iviir  l<<  -|ii',ik  i>l' lite  ht^l'iivnl 
the  ptisi  iriily,  iiml  111  |ii'rl",l  kiuilne-  .  Infi  h.'  wt-lnd  to 
sIkiw  wIi.iI  »•'  hiiil  LMiiH'il  liy  III  ".'niuiiiMii^  \^all  t>ii',tl  llril- 
luii,  ant!  who  hint  iiiaile  the  iiiii,  i--.-nnis.*' 

Nnw,sir,  eii her  liy  way  nfiri villi;  intere.'^t  tn  lliiH 
nnrralivc — nr  b  inictiiiiii;  else — the  ^etitietiian  frnni 
New  Vork  inakea  this  a  hllle  iiinre  ihsiinet.  lit 
Hnys  lint  nnly  tlint  .Mr.  Welister  wrule  this  letter 
tn  the  Gnvernnr  nl'  .New  \'nrk,  w  illt  his  nw  11  liiiml, 
hut  that  he  sent  it  liy  es|iie.-is.  I  In  li»  ve  the  '•  ex- 
|iress"  naitlcr  was  e\|iri:ssly  liy  ilie  i;eiillinani  iVnni 
New  York. 

Mr.  riieKixsns'.     Will  ynn  tillnw  nier 

Mr.  Wkiistku.     (Hi!  yes,  1  will  tillnve  ymi. 

Mr.  I)icKi:,snN.  'ritrtninliiiinn  iVnin  .\eu'  Vnrk 
in  nni  at  all  res|iniisilile  fnr  the  .■.tatettieni  in  the 
nnlc.  Nnr  linen  the  u'enileintiii  iVinti  .New  ViiiU 
make  the  e\innl.<  fnnn  Mr.  liiL;ei.^iiirs  s|ieii|i 
any  |iarl  nl'  Ins;  nn  tlie  emnrary,  I  slated  c  \|iiessly 
nl  ihc  iinie,  ill. II  1  a'Inded  In  it  a.s  a  m  rv  eMiimr- 
dinary  slaieinenl.  Having'  nn  I  w  illi  lln-'i  iii|ih;iiii' 
eniitindiciinn  nf  llie  hniinrnlih'  Si  nainr  frnni  .\Ias- 
Siicliu.selts,  or  wlint  iin|iheil  ennirndii  linn,  I  prn- 
pnsod  tn  read  in  jiisiifi,  aiinii  ilie  remarks  nf  Mr. 
Iinrersnll.  'I'he  friends  nf  the  Senalnr  111  Ins  im- 
iiiediatp  vieinily  olijei  ii.il  in  lime  il  11  ad.  I  ,liil  not 
read  the  eMrtiel,  nnr  wa.s  il  in  llir.  repni-,  nf  my 
speeeli,  wliii-li,  in  the  usual  wav,  Inniid  it.'-  way  In 
the  iiewspaiiers.  Iinl  as  I  had  reputed  etills'  fnr 
what  I  hail  alliidid  to  as  .-p  ilcen  \>v  Mr.-lii'vr- 
snll,  I  did  append,  in  the  paiiipliirt  ediiimi  nf  my 
Hpeeeli„lhosi.'  remarks.  I  t:.\\i-  iheni  as  ihey  were 
finind  in  the  newspaper,  and  therefnie  the  .Senalnr 
frnm  New  Vnrk  neither  aihleil  to  nnr  diminished 
these  remarks.  I  wish  In  sit  the  .Senalnr  riirhl  as 
to  this  sinule  intiMer  nf  faet. 

Mr.  Wkhstkh.      I    have  nnly  In  slate  the  ftiel, 

that  the  addiliniial  falsehnnd  in  the  t<p h  of  ,Mr, 

ln;;ersnll,  as  piililisheil  by  the  ineiniier  frnni  New 
Vork,  is  mil  in  he  fnniiil  in  the  piililished  report, 

Mr,  Uti  KiNsiiN,     In  what  piperf 

Mr,  AVkiistku.      in  Ihe   N.ilinnal  liilelli'.'rneer, 

ns    enrrei'teil    hy    ,\I|-.    In'.n  isnll    htm-i'lf;   and    .'111  it 

would  appear,  thtit  if  inn  inseiteil  hy  the  inemlier 
from  New  Vnrk,  there  i,v  ntie  filsehnnd  in  tlie  e,'ise 
wliii-'h  Ihe  iiriL'inal  author  wtis.nnt  sn  LT.'ieili  ss 
BH  to  retain,     lint  I  ;,'i)  nn  with  this  speei-h: 

"Oiii  ,11*  ihj,*  cMiilriiM  r-,!   tir ihe  ari,i*l  nlWleMinii' r 

Mel.Miil.  \Vh,il  II"  nitenili'il  In  ^l:l|.■  mnv  inii-i-ii  il  nl'liiiii 
HOI  )-el  (jentTtilly  kiiawn,  hut  wlii<-h  umilil  i-iiiui  h,-  iii:iili 
kieiwii,  I'lir  thi-j  were  in  |irimri'.-s  iii'iiiililii-iiniiii.  tinil  hi  htnl 

iLULiv.-il  tlleui  ill  nn  eiilitiil>'lii'e,  IV., in  Ihi- lie^l  iiiittiMrin  , 
mii'li  .>!el.i'i«lw:i>iirre-li'.l,(;.,|i,ral  llarriMin  li!„|  julilnil, 
ainl  Mr.  Tyler  wiw  riol  vet  in  liniie'  ns  his  Miieis.-'ir.  .Mr. 
WebsU'f— wliu  W.1S,  ikJMlo,  Uie  .Vlllllml^lrillUlll— .Mr.  Wuli- 


iler  wrote  III  till'  <;,)ViTiitir  nf  Vi'W  Vnik.wilti  liisiava  liiiiirl, 
a  lelti-r,aiiil  wiil  n  liv  e\(M.'>,».iinrkriI  "  iiiniile,"  in  wliieli 
the  lluveniiir  ivH.  mill  Ihal  he  tiai^l  i.'l'.iT-e  .Mi'I^i-imI,  or  see 

till' iiiitilliitlei'lil  (-nil -reiiil  eiiil^iililta  hild  ill  H.lleK,     'Ilie 

hnllhiiil  iteHi'rt[iiiiiii  tiiM'ii  tiy  t[ieL"'alIritiiiii  Innn  Viritiiiiaof 

Ilie  jiiiH) tiv  ■  itt',,lrti'Il,ia  (Hlli.il  eitv  ni  111  '  I'lfi'  nl'a  Iviir, 

e  ii.^.  Ill  a  tiicHiir.'.  iiiilii'iiriti'il  i»i»  IliM  iwrasiini.  .Mi  l^i'od 
UIIM  lie  n  ha-i'il,  s.iiil  111,,  ,'J  ineiiv  ill'  Slate,  nr  New  Viirk 
iiai-l  III'  lalilni  ii.s|ie.<.  The (eiM-i  nnr  li^keil  wln'li  this  niillhl 
II-  ill  inc.'    Tlie  ri'|il(  wa'.  /or//i  'ilfi.    Iloyini  ii(il  m-i- iniiiiim 

nil  111"  WllVi'«  nl'  the  M'tl  III,'  I'llxhiei  L'llll'.'  nlnl  it'  Mi'l,""ll 
h"  mil  nl  IH"(I,  ,V,  \v\nik  hi!I  lie  ile-lrine.l.  Iinl, -atil  tile 
liriviTlinr,  the  |nn\.'r  nl'jlllllnll  (^  \('^l!'(l  III  llic  J  ami  evill  H' 
he  he  enavhli'll,  lie  IIMI)  he  |Vinlillli'(l.    I  Ml,  tin,  >lllfl  the  f^ee- 

leMrv.  n  yiiii  e\eii  lr>  liiiii,  jnii  will  hinia  (le.^tniriiiia  (ill 
>iiilr-el\('.-,'' 

Weil,  now,  sir,  I  ,siiy  that  n  series  of  more  ilirwl, 
iniidloyed  fnlselinods^idi.snliite,  iniqiialined,  en- 
lire — never  appear(  il  ill  any  piililiealiiin  ill  1,'lnis-  , 
lendnni,  F.vi'iy  all(';,Mlinti  In  re  made — every  nne,  I 
wniild  entirely  Jii.ilify  the  use  nf  ihni  e.\))ressive  i 
jl  iieninsyll.dile,  wliieli  sniiie  penplcare  lia.se  eiiiini,di  1 
and  low  (  noiiuli  to  ih  serve  to  have  ihinwii  in  llieir 

I  »:elli,  hill  whii'li  a  f;enll('iiia.n  does  nnt  nfteii  like  to 
i  niter.  Kvery  one  nf  lliein,  frnni  lie!;iiiiiiii:,'  In  end, 
j:  is  f.ilse.  'I'ln're  i«  nnt  a  pai  tn'le  nf  iriilli  in  llieiii — 
;:  there  i.s  iml  the  sli'.;li|esl  fnnndatiiiii  fnr  any  one  nf 
i    these  a.s.serliiiiis.     ".Mr.  Welisler  wrnn   a  [irivnip 

II  letter,"  .savin;;  that  the  "eninmereial  (tnporiniii 
j  VMiiilil     he    I, lid    in    aslnsi"      "I'aixhiiti    y^m-'*''' 

l-'alse,  sir — all  liikse,      [  never  said  nr  wrote  sneli  a  ' 
"  Ihiie,'    111    my   life    to    the   li.iverlior  nf  the  .Stale  nf 

I  .\ew  ^'nrk.     "  Mrt^'iid  nnisi  he  reh  aseil,"     It  is  i 

II  filsi.',      I  never  said  aiiv'sneli  tliim;.     "New  A'ork 
j  must  he  l.iid   in   ashes."     It    is  false.     I   said   nr  | 
I  wrnic  nn  sii'-li  ihitt::.    "The  (.inveriinr  asked  when 
;  this   ',v,is   ht   hr  (Inner"     What  dues  this   mean.' 
:  'Why,  il  iiiiplirs  thai  the  tinvernnr  nf  New  A'nrk  '. 

I|  wrnle  In  men  letter,  in  answer  In  mine,  iiKiniriiii: 
[I  whin  New  Vork  w  11s  In  he  "laid  ni  ashes,"  ami 
I  ihe  reply  was,  **fiii'lhwiili."  .*\ih1  here  we  have  ; 
'  lliis — yU\  liiL'*  rsnil  hiiuMilf  preparm:;  this  spieeh 
,  fnr  ihe  press,  icilii'isiti'.;  the  wnrd  f'fthwilh,  as  if  I 
had  writien  annlher  letter  In  iheCinvernnr  nf  Nevv 
|;  Ynrk,  "lelhii;;  him"  thai  N(  vv  Vnrk  wiis  In  l>e 
;  laid  ill  ashes  '•Oiiilnrilli."  "IJitl,  said  the  Gov- 
1!  einnr,  the  pnwer  tif  pardon  is  vested  in  nie,  and  if 
,  he  he  eniiui-teil  lie  may  he  pardnned,"  Here  is 
i;  annlher  letter — a  third  letter  In  niel  "(Ih!  nn, 
I;  said  the  Seerelary" — why,  here  I  am  wrilini:  a 
i  fiiirlh  Idler! — "if  yon  even  try  him,  ynn  will 
\[  hiiti,:  (h'slritetioii  iipoii  ynnrselvis,"  This  issl'ifed 
;l  liy  a  man,  nr  a  ihini:,  that  has  a  setit  in  one  nf  the 
j  linnsis  nf  rnnirri  :s.  I  |irnini.-c4l  tn  k(('|i  my 
1'  l('iiip''r,aiid  I  will.  The  wlnde  ennnrii  is  in/in  in  ly  j 
;  innteniplilile,  and  eannnt  dislnrh  the  temin'r  nf  a  i 
I,  re.(S(iitalile  man.  I'lit  I  will  e-xpose  il,  iinif  let  ihe 
l!  eniiiilry  see  it.  81 11' h,  then,  are  I  hi!  eni  it,  n  Is  nf  the 
|;  letters  wliieh  litis  persmi  deseriln  d  as  "fails  iml 
^enera'jy  known,  lull  \\liieh  wmild  snnii  he  nt.nle 
;  kiinwii,  fnr  tin  V  were  in  pRi:;ress  of  pnhlii  alinii, 
;[  ,111(1  he  h:i(l  reeeu-ed  lln'm  in  no  ennfidenee  from  the 
]  hest  authority."  Will,  I  do  not  know  where  he 
I  'j:nt  his  "anthnrity,"  iiidess,  as  siiLi^esled  liy  a 
I  friend  near  me,  it  was  from  sniiie  ehapters  nf  his 
i;  own    pi-eni  !i !      I'nt    let   me   sMIe   what   did 

|i  oeeiir,  and  pi.parc  Ihc  minds  of  the  Senate  for 
i  some  di'sreoe  of  aslnnislinieiil,  that  any  man  in 
■  '■  the  wnrld  eniild  III!  siii'h  a  Kinry  as  this. 
,'  win  11  Mi'Iv  nd  was  arresleil,  lliere  was  .1  good 
|i  (led  nf  onnv(  rsatinii  in  Wasliinu'lnn  and  elsewhere 
jjahnnt  what  uniild  happen.  It  was  a  siilijeet  nf 
!  very  eonsideralilc  e^>iiversalinii,  and  ceriiiinly  of 
eniharrassnienl  In  tin  (jnvi  riiinenl.  Il  was  linp(d 
'and  expieled  hy  me,  and  I  lielicve  hy  the  I'resi- 
;l  dent  and  other  ireiiilemen,  tltat  Ihe  (tovernor  of 
[  ,\ew  \'nrk  wniild  Nee  that  il  was  a  casi!  in  w'lieh, 
;  if  he  were  invesKsl  wiili  anilnnity  hy  ihe  rtnisti- 

miinii  and  Ihe  laws  nf  the  .State,  he  wiiiiM   ii ni' 

';  mend  the  enteriiur  of  a  iinlfv  iirusiqui  hy  the  prose- 
eiiiiii:;  n(li''er  nf  the  Stale  nf  New  \'iirk.  It  wiis 
cxpei'lid  that  he  wmild  dn  that',  and  (ieneral  liar- 
risnti  one  day  said  to  nn-,  that  he  had  reeeivid  a 
lelKr  finin  a  friend,  in  whiili  he  was  infnrined 
lliat  the  (invernnr  nf  New  \'nrk  had  iiMile  up  hi 
minil  In  lake  llnil  emirse,  and  ihat  he  was  ver 
^■lad  nf  it,  as  it  relieved  llie  tinveriinii  nl.  It  was 
ahniit  the  time  that  the  Attnrney  (]ieiieral  was  In 
[irneeed  to  New  Vork  to  sei^  how  the  innlier  slnod, 
nr  perhaps  n  day  or  two  al^er  he  had  lell.  The 
ea.si'  WHS  tn  he  tried  inimislialely,  within  ten  days, 
al  Lnekpnrl,  in  the  wesierii  iiart  {^'l  llii^  iStale  of 
New  Vnrk.  Having;  heard  tliis,  hnwever,  Gene- 
ral Marrisnn  directed  ine  to  write  a  mile  of  thanks 
to  the  Governor  of  New   York,  slutiiin;  llnit  lie 


ry 


tlioii<;lit  lie  liiul  done  exactly  what  wiui  proper, 
mid  by  Bo  Join;;  bud  relieved  the  Govermnenl 
from  some  rnibnrrassment,  iind  the  rniintry  frnni 
some  dani;er  of  eolli.sioii  with  u  forei^'ii  I'ower. 
.'Villi  lliiit  is  everytliint;  said  in  that  letter,  or  any 
other  lelier  wrilteii  by  iiie  to  the  Governor  of  tlio 
Mlat(^  of  New  Vork,  marked  |iriviite.  'Ihe  letter  is 
here,  if  any  one  wishes  ni  sec  it,  or  to  liear  il  lead. 

Mr.  I'liiTTt'.NiiKN  here  siiygealed  that  the  letter 
should  be  rend, 

Mr,  VViiinTEii.     Very  well.     Here  it  is,  1  will 
read  it. 
[rriviHi'.l  0^a•^HT.M^:sT  of  Statu. 

ll'iu'iiiUdn,  i>f.,rc/i  17,  Is.p, 

I\lv  iikahSir:  'ITle  IVe^iileiit  Inis  leameil,  lii't  ihrci  Ity, 
litil  hy  una  i«  tit'ii  I  It  r  rinlii  11  triind,  tlial  y  mi  hail  exjue-s 
I'dil  di^lMisitniii  In  ihii'Cl  11  iioi/c  fTiiRc^ui  111  ca.-ii'  ni  llic  iinlii  t 
iiiciil  itKiiael  ^li-l.cii  I,  nil  liciiii:  iiitiniiieit  hy  iiiH  (fiivcia 
llicdt  Unit  tile  Urilish  liiivci  mucin  liif  nttieiiiily  avnVM'd  the 
tiltack  nil  the  r,ui)|iih'  a,  tie  act  dnii  '  hy  its  (•W((  aiitlinrlly. 
'I'lie  IVe  tih-iildirccls  iiicIn  'Vini'-i-  Ins  thanks  I'nrllic  priiiii|il 
ilil  h- Willi  winch  Mill  a|i|iear  ili-|„i.i'(t  ti  icrrnriii  an  act, 

which    he   stl|i|iitscs  iirnjicr    Inr  llie  iiceiisiilll,  iiiiil  TVllii'll    is 

calciil  II  d  In  r>  li'Vc  tills  liiivcnniicnl  I'rniii  cinliarras-iiiciit, 
and  Ihe  «  until  ry  rraiit  siiiiic  (liiiiyeriil'ci'lliiiica  Willi  a  rdrciyn 
Power. 

Ynn  wiH  liaw",  eeii  Mr.  Crilli'inlcii, wlniiii  \  take  this  or 
ea-i'in  to  1  iimnicliil  I'l  vnu:  kimlcsl  rcnanl, 
I  have  the  Imiiar  In  !»,•,  ynur.s,  Ir'ay, 

n.xMi'.i,  \vi'.iisTi;i{. 

Ills  K.vccllcney  \\n.  II,  Shwahp,  iiovrrnoroj  ^'t.t'  Yoik. 
Mr,  M*N(irM,  Was  ihil  the  only  letter  wiitlen  .' 
.Mr,  Wkiistku.  Acs,  the  only  letter;  the  only 
priv.itc  leiler  ever  written  by  iiie  tn  the  Linvernnr 
of  New  Vork  in  die  wurkl.  Now,  bow  am  I  tn 
treat  siieli  allei:  "lions  f  It  is  ihe  lidseho.id  "  willi 
eireiinislance,"  A  ;;('inral  slalemeni  ini^'ht  pass 
imre^'arded;  but  here  lie(piiiles  what  he  (alls  ",ihe 
lii';hest  iiiiUiorily,"  lie  slaK  s  parliciilars.  He 
flives  all  piussihe  pliiiisihle  m,irka  of  iredii  to  the 
liilsehnial.  llow  mil  1  to  treat  it.'  Why,  sir,  I 
{ironoiinee  il  an  utter,  ahsolnte  I'llsehnnd,  111  all  its 
parts,  fnnn  lie;;iniiiii:,'  In  end.  Nnw,  I  iXn  noi  w'  It 
to  use  epilliels,  nnr  in  call  names.  Ihii  1  linid  np 
this  pictiire,  which  t  have  ptdnted  faintly,  Iinl  trii- 
ly;  I  hold  it  iiptiwevcry  niaii  in  ihe  Senate  and  in 
the  country,  and  i  ask  him  In  lonk  al  11,  and  llicii 
write  lit  the  hollinii  of  il  aiiylliin;,'  wliivli  lit  thinks 
It  most  riscmliles. 

The  speech  prne( cds;  "The  next  slep  taken  by 
'  the  Adiiiiiiislralinii  was  In  appnint  a  disirid  altnr- 
'  iiey,  who  was  in  he  ehai\'ed  with  the  defenee  nf 
'Alexander    Mdiind — ihe    '^eiiili'mim    wbn    was 

'  lalely  reninved  frmu  nllice — and  a  ft f  live  llimi- 

'  sand  dnllars  was  put  into  his  hands  for  this  pitr- 
'  pose.''  false,  sir — false  every  way.  The  Gin- 
(  rninent  of  the  I'liiti  d  .Si.iics  had  nn  nniri!  In  dn 
Willi  the  emplnyinent  of  .Mr.  Spencer  hir  the  de- 
fence of  .McLend  than  had  the  (.iiiveiiinietit  nf 
l'"iniice.  1  II  re  liakini;  up  the  enrrected  repml  nf 
Mr.  I.'s  spi'(  eh  in  the  Inn  Ih4;eiic(  r|  —  here  he  says 
lhat,  "  enliL'hieind  by  the  yenlkinan  from  .Ni-w 
Vnrk,  he  fniiiid  he  was  niislakeii  on  this  pninl." 
"  .Misiakcii!"  Nn  mnre  iiiii>laken  than  he  was  in 
any  nt'  his  niber  :dlei;atinns.  "  .Mistalien  I"  .\n 
man  w  lin  maki  s  such  statements  is  entitled  t-t  shel- 
ter biniself  under  any  nniinn  of  mistake.  His  ile- 
chiralion  in  this  partieiilar  is  no  more  false,  nor 
any  le.'is  fdse,  thin  is  the  decl.iialioii  that  the  Gov - 
iriimenl  of  the  I'mliil  States  nppnnncd  1111  atlnr 
iiey,  or  charL'cd  llieir  attorney  with  the  di  tence  ot' 
Mela  oil.  They  never  interfered  in  the  slinhlesl 
descree.     It  is  li'ne  they  I'nrnishi'd  to  Mr.  .Spencer, 

I  as  they  would  li.ive  fiirnisln  il  to  any  oilier  eoine-i  I, 
the  oliii  iai  enrrespniidence,  in  prnv  that  the  Gnv- 
ermnenl  nl'Greiii  Ibilaiii  avnweil  the  act  of  the  ih 
slriielinii  nf  ihe  Carnline  as  their  nwii.    "  .Vpplici- 
'  linn  was  afli'l'walds  made  tn   the  chief  jiisln'e  o[' 

,  '  the  Stale  of  New  Vnrk  Inr  the  relcisc  nf  Mcl.enil, 
'  The  judp'  did  nnt  think  prnper  In  i;iatil  llie  appli- 
'  callnil.  The  lo.irslial  was  almill  In  let  him  ;;ii, 
'  w  hen  he  «,is  Inlil  that  he  imisi  dn  it  at  his  pi  1  il; 
'  and  thai  if  M.'l.end  Weill  mil  nf  prison,  he  shniild 
'  i;n  ill,"  1  dn  not  kiinv,'  what  the  miirshal  had  in 
dn  Willi  llie  ejise,  iMeljcml  was  in  prisnii  iiiaier 
llie  luillinrily  nf  the  .Slate  (if  .New  \'ork,  I  do  not 
know  llow  il  was  possible  llial  iln^  marshal,  an 
ollicer  of  the  llnited  Slates,  eoiild  inicrfere, 

Ihit  lliere  tlie  Minio  other  matters  in  the  spiceh 

I  to  which   I   must  refer.     "  lie   would   call  on  the 
liniiorable  member  froiii  Mas.saeliiisetts  (Mr.  An- 
il A»s]  to  sustain  him  in  what  he  was  ahoiil  to  say." 

,  t  do  not  Iind  that  the  lionorable  member  from  ^1ils- 
l(  siiehnselts  has  yd  sustained   him  in  these  stale- 

II  nieiim,  mid  1  rather  think  he  never  wdl.     lie  us- 


Ifi-lfi.) 


5iih'ii  CoNn 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOIJE. 

Tnatij  of  iVnsh'nigton — Mr,  WcbsUr. 


535 


Sknate. 


srriM  llini  I  wroio  tii  ilio  Cdinmilli'C  on  Foreifjii 
Allaira  of  llir-  Hnusu  (in  lliiU  sulijccl,  nskin^  nil 
niiini  iiiid  II  Ruliiry  for  ii  S|«'i'iiil  Nlinislcr  to  Uii:;- 
liind  to  Roiile  tlin  Oirjoii  (iiirstioii.     U  in  n  fiihic- 
linml,  MM  I  lirlicvp.     1  never  wroic  siuli  a  letter,  to 
the,  lient  (if  my  recolleeiidii.     "  Tlicse  iiro  fiirtN,"  i| 
lie  siiys,  "  wliii'li  no  oii(!  will  (liN|iiite. "     I  (li»|iutc  i 
tlicni.     I  M!iy  1  Imve  no  r^'ullectinn  of  tlieni  nt  all.  : 
I  do  not  liclii'.vc  Mr.  Adams  Imh  imy  recollection  of  J 
liny  sneh   note   liein;  written   by  ine.     If  1  Imd  ;, 
writli'ii  sucii  n  note,  1  tliink  I  should  liiivo  rcnicin-  j 
liered  it.     Well,  now,  tliis  peison  next  prorceils 
to  a  topie  no   wuy  eonneeted  witli  wliiit  he  had    | 
lieeii  disods.siii;^.     [llero  Mr.  W.  rciul  iin  cxtnict 
from  the  speech  of  Mr.  iNGKnsni.i,,  ehnr^'in;;  him 
(.Vlr.  \V.)   with  olVerin:;  to  f;ivc  Ore;;on  for  free 
iiMile  Willi  Kii;^l;iiiil,  in  (i  speech  nwulc  iit  ii  puhlic 
(liiiiK  r,  ill  I'.alliinoie,  Mi\y,  1843.1    Hero  hy  ine, 
.■<ilf(  11  .Scniilor   from    Mnryhiiid,  [Mr.  Juiivsom,] 
who  w;i;!  pn^iint  nt  thnt  dinner,  iind  heiird  that 
i^peecli,  and  if  I  wanted  n  witness  beyond  my  own    1 
Nliiliiiieiu  and  printed  upeeeh,  I  could  readily  call    ■ 
(ipoii  liini.     In  that  speiich,  I  did  not  meiuionOre-   1 
son,  nor  allnde  to  dreijoii  in  the  remotest  degree.  J 
It  isaii  litter  fd.seliood.     There  can  be  no  mistake  :| 
iilioiil  it.     The  author  of  this  speech  [Mr.  Ingbu-  jj 
soi.i,]  was  not  Ihere.     If  he  knew  anytliin;»  about    ' 
ii,  111!  must  have  accjiiired  his  knowleilirc  from  the   [ 
[irinled  speech;  but  in  lliiit  there  was  not  the  slight- 
est reference  to  Oregon — this  is  another  slalement,  !l 
iherefiii-e,  just  ns  fal.se  as  all  the  rest.     Why,  sir,  ;! 
hydrostatic  pressure  has  no  means  of  condensing  ji 
niiylliing  into  such  a  narrow  compass  as  llie  author  I 
(if  this  speech  coiideii.scs  falsehood.     All  steam-  !i 
power  does  not  C(|ual  it.    What  does  he  say  here '   i 
Why,  that  my  sjicech  at  liallimore  containetl  n   ! 
Kinoig  recomniendation  of  n  comnicrrial  treaty  with   i 
I'jigland.     Why,  sir,  a   commercial    treaty  witli    i 
Kiigliiiid  to  regulate  the  subjects  upon  which  I  wa.s   ' 
talking  nt  llaltimore — the  duties  laid  on  goods  by  ''\ 
the  two  countries — was  just  the  tiling  that  I  did    I 
7io(  recommend,  and  wliieh  I  there  declared  the  ' 
Ireaty-m.iking  power  had   no  right  to  make — no   I 
aiiihoriiy  lo  make.     He  would   represent  mu  ns  ' 
Iioldiiig  out  the  idi!n,  thnt  the  power  of  laying  dii-    ! 
lies  for  revenue  was  a  power  that  could  be  freelv    ; 
exercised  by  the  I'residmit  and  Senate,  ns  part  rif  ' 
(he  treaty-making  power!     Why,  I   hope  that  1 
Know  more  of  the  Constitution  than   that.     The    ' 
i.'iinind  I  took  wa.s  just  the  reverse  of  that — exactly 
I  he  rcver.se.     fSir,  my  correspondence,  public  nnd    [ 
private,  with  Kiiglaiid,  at  that  lime  led  uic  In  nnti-   | 
cipale,  before  long,  some  cli.mge  ill  the  policy  of   ! 
liuglaiid  with  respect  to  certain  articles,  the  pro-    \ 
(luce  of  this  country — some  change  wiili  respcc-t  lo   \ 
the  policy  of  the  corn-laws.     And  I  suggested   in    j 
tliat  speech   how  very  important  it  would  be,  if  j 
things  should  so  turn  out,  ns  that  that  great  pro- 
duct  of  ours — the  Indian  corn — of  wliiidi  we  rni.scd  \' 
fwv.  times  lis  much  as  we  do  of  wheal;  principally  'j 
the  product  of  the  Wi  st  andSoullHVesI — especially 
of  the  .Slate  of  Tcnii.  ssce,  which  raised  annually'!  : 
do  not  know   how    iiaiiy  millions — 1  siig^csied,  I 
.say,  the  great  good  lortiine  that  would  happen,  if  , 
nil  arraiigement  could  lie  made  by  which  that  arii-    ! 
eli;  of  himiaii   food  could   be  freely  imported  into    | 
I'.ngland.     And  I  said  that,  in  the  spirit  that  pre-   i 
vailed,  and  which  1  knew  prevailed — 1  knew  that    ' 
the  topic  had  been  discussed  in  Knu'land — ifanar- 
langemeiit  could  be  made  in  some  proper  manner 
lo  produce  such   a   result,  it  would   be  a  piece  of 
great  good  foriuue.     I!ul,   then,  did   I  not  imme-   I 
(lialely  proceed  lo  say,  that  that  could  not  be  done    '• 
by   treaty?     I    used    llie   word    "  iirraiiirement" — 
.studinnsly  used  it — to  avoid  the  conclusion  that  it 
could  bo  (lime  iiy  treaty.     1  will  reiul  what  I  said: 

'•  llill  Willi   rec:lril  I't  tlte  (tireel  iiitcrcdiirsc  tielu'eeii  us 
tlllil  Ijiuhuiil  L're.'ll  il.'c'li'..;!  js  c\eit''il,  MiiUIV  Witijlcs  exprC'S- 

cil.  iiiiil  .-iKinu  (i|iiiiiMiiK  icMI'Tliitiicil  in  Itivor  (it  an  alt<'iii[it 
I'l  .-''llli'  iliilie-  on  riMt;(iii  inlielfs  l(>  lieiily  or  iirraimrinrnt. 

I  s  o,  yi'iaUnc'ii,  liy  '.emiim' nl,'  mul  I  iisi-  lien  iim-mi  Iiy 

(('■-I'lrn.  'i'lic-  ('"ii-liluli.xi  ill'  the  rniliil  ."nilis  li'iivi-s  witii 
t'oiniri-.ss  tlic  iiri'iil  tiil-ilie^s  ot  liiyjim  ilKlies  IM  Mi|ip')rl  till! 
(rivrriiliicni.  It  has  iiiiiilr  il  Ihc  linly  iil'  llie  Iloii-ie  <>riti-p- 
r-'»i  -iitnlivcs,  tlie  popllliir  [iriiiieli  (it  tin-  (eivrriiiiii-nl,  .  dike 
lilt'  li'iHl  on  .-licll  .siilip'i  Ls.  Tllere  havi'  hi-i  ii  ,<'.iiiel'cW(':i.-eH 
III  vvliirh  tri>aUc.-(  lllive  licfii  eiit<>rc(l  illlo,  tiuviim  llie  cll'ect 
In  tiiiiil  iliilji'f;  hut  it  is  liDl  lU'Ccssary— 1111(1  thilt  is  III!  iiii- 
|li)rtiilil  [i.irl  of  Ihe  wlinic  Mihjt'i-t — il  is  not  iieci'ssiiry  to  (to 
iipitn  till-  iili-ii  tliiit  if  we  cni'iie  In  nil  iinileriitatMliiiu  with 
I'liri-lL'li  (Hivi-niiiiciits  ii|iiiii  r:ili-s  nl'  I'-'Iii's,  tjiiit  liliili-rstlliul- 
iiiu  i-iiii  hi-  (-ll'i'i-tril  nnl>  h)  iiit-illis  i  i'  ii  ii  -ily  ralifli-il  liy  tile 
I'lr.^nh-iit  anil  Iw'n  tliiiils  nl' thi-  r-iiati',  m-cunliiijl  tii  the 
I'nriil  nl'  tin-  l'i)ll>lil(innn."  .  .  *  • 

'•  11  i^  mil-  il  toiiK  IS  till-  law  nl'  the  laiiil.    Itiit.  llicii,  ns 
ilic  whnle  Inisiiicbb  ul'  revenue  ami  geiieial  lllnvl^i(Hl  lur  all 


the  wants  of  tie-  cniinlry  is  iiiiilniihli'illy  ii  v(-rv  peculinr 
hiisiiiesii  t^\'  till-  llniis"  iil^  IteprcHciiiaiivi-N  or  of  ('iKicr'-fs,  t 
mil  (if  npininii,  and  nlwiiys  have  Ihm-ii,  that  there  hliniihl  he 
no  eiieroai-liiiii'iit  ilpnii  that  pnwi-r  tiy  thii  (>X(4rcisi)  of  the 
trcaty-iiiaking  power,  iiiijenii  in  ease  uf  fjreiit  luiil  evldnnt 
iieei-stiiiy.o 

There  hnve  been  some  cnsi^sof  neecssily,  like 
that  of  Franco  in  the  ease  of  Lnuislann.  And  yet 
he  says  that  in  this  sjieech,  in  which  Oregon  was 
not  menlioned  at  all,  in  which  I  repudiated  alto- 
gether the  levying  of  revenue  by  the  treaty-making 
powi^r,  that  I  rcconimcndi-d  a  treaty  v.'itli  England 
in  this  very  speech  for  the  purpose  of  L.yiiig  du- 
ties. Sir,  I  grow  weary,  weary  with  this  V.ssne  of 
fiilsehoods.  Why  should  I  nliiide  to  rei-.esenla- 
tions  nnd  impiilalioiis  so  groundless.  And  yet, 
sir,  there  is  oiio  tliiii!;  in  the  .speech  from  which  I 
will  supplicate  its  luithor  lo  have  me  excused.  He 
snys,  ho  never  a:ri'ecd  with  nie  in  ptditics.  Thai 
is  true.  We  nevi  did,  nnd  I  think  wo  nevevshall 
ngrce.  lie  said,  iii.iny  years  ago,  that  if  he  had 
lived  in  the  time  of  the  Uevolntion,  he  Hhoiihl 
have  been  n  lory.  I  don't  lliink  1  should.  lie 
has  said,  also,  very  ri'ceiitly,  in  a  printed  book  of 
his,  thill  the  Oeclaralion  of  Independence  was  car- 
ried with  diliienlly,  if  not  by  accident.  That  is 
hi.s  cslimalc  of  the  great  charier  of  nurnalioiial 
existence.  We  should  never  agree  in  politics  1 
admit.  Rut  he  said,  "  Mr.  Wcbsli-r  is  a  man  t.f 
lalenls."  Here  I  beg  to  be  excused.  I  can  bear 
his  nbn.se,  but  if  he  inidertakes  my  cnniincndation 
I  begin  to  tremble  for  my  repiilation. 

Sir,  it  would  be  natural  to  ask,  what  can  account 
for  all  this  apparent  malice.'  Sir,  I  am  not  ci-rlain 
there  is  any  malice  in  it.  I  think  it  proceeds  rntlier 
from  a  mond  obtusene,ss,iin.'itivc  waiitof  disi-rimi- 
nntinn  between  triilli  and  falsehood;  or  ihat  if  there 
ever  was  a  glimmering  iierception  of  that  kind,  a 
long  discipline  in  that  sublime  school  of  morality, 
which  teaches  that  "all's  fair  in  politics," appears 
to  have  compli-lely  obsciiicd  it. 

Hear  him  furlher  on  the  dismemberment  of 
Massachnsells;  "  liy  tliis  treaty,"  he  said,  "the 
good  old  llay  Slate,  which  he  loved  wilh  filial  rev- 
erence, was  dioiutcirratcd,  torn  asunder."  "  Mas- 
sachusetts torn  asunder!"  Sir,  Massachu.setls 
owned  one-half  of  certain  wild  lands  in  Maine. 
Tiy  the  Treaty  of  Wasliinitnn,  slie  parted  wilh 
these  lands,  at  their  just  value;  and  by  this  she  is 
represenled  us  disiniegraling  liers(-lf,  tearing  her- 
self asunder  !  Clin  absurdity  gn  farther.'  Mm  the 
best,  or  the  worst,  of  all  is,  that  the  author  of  this 
speech  loves  llie  old  Flay  .Stale  wilh  filial  rever- 
ence!  lie  love  !\lassai-liiisellsl  lie,  he  love  the 
I'ny  Slale!  If  he  loves  Ma.ssachusctts,  he  is  like 
the  luckless  swain,  who 

(•fJrievi'-  fnr  frii-nil-hip  llnrclurnt-il, 
( ir  iiiiri'^nrilcil  Invi-." 

I  can  lell  him,  sir,  that  Massachusetts  and  all 
her  people,  of  all  classes,  hold  him,  and  his  love, 
and  his  veneration,  nnd  bis  s])ee(dies,and  his  prin- 
ciples, mill  his  slandard  of  truth,  and  his  value  of 
triiili,  in  utter — whit  shall  1  say: — anything  but 
resjicct. 

Sir,  this  persiin's  mind  is  so  groiesr|up,  so  (li- 
ziirri — it  is  railu-r  the  caricature  of  a  mind,  than  ii 
mind.  When  w-e  see  li  man  of  some  knowledge, 
and  some  tnleiil,  who  is  yd  incapable  of  producing 
anylhiiiglrne  or  useful,  we  sometimes  apply  lo  him 
n  phrase  borrowed  iVom  the  mechanics.  We  say 
there  is  a  screw  loose  somewhere.  In  this  case 
the  screws  are  loose  all  over.  Tlic  whole  machine 
is  out  of  order,  di-sjoinled,  rickely,  crazy,  creaking, 
as  often  upside  down  us  upside  up;  as  oficii  hurt- 
ing as  helping  those  who  use  il,  and  irencrailv  in- 
capable of  anylhi.i;;,  but  blinking  and  mischii^f. 

Mr.  President,  I  will  now  lake  some  further  no- 
tice of  what  has  been  said  by  the  member  from 
New  York,  [Mr.  nieiiiNsov.]  I  exceedingly  re- 
gnal— truly  and  unleigiiedly  regret — that  the  obser- 
vntioiis  of  the  ireiiileman  make  it  my  duly  to  lake 
some  notice  of  them.  Our  nci|ualiitance  is  l-iit 
shorl,but  it  has  not  been  unplen.saiit.  I  always 
thought  him  a  man  of  courteous  niainicrs  and  kind 
feelings;  but  il  cannot  be  expected  I  shall  sil  here 
and  listen  to  slali-ments  such  as  the  honorable 
member  has  made  on  this  ipiestion,  nnd  not  answer 
them.  I  repeal,  it  gives  iiie  great  pain  to  take  no-  ; 
lice  of  the  genllcman's  speech.  This  controversy 
is  not  mine;  nil  can  bear  witness  to  that.  I  have 
not  iinderlaken  to  iidvanee,  of  my  own  accord,  a 
single  word  about  the  treaty  of  Washingloii.  1  am 
forced — driven  to  it;  and,  sir,  when  1  nni  driven  lo 


ihe  wall,  I  mean  to  Rliind  up  and  make  batik-,  even 
ttgninst  the  most  formidable  odds.  What  I  find 
I  fault  with  is,  that  throughout  his  speech,  the  hon- 
orable nieinbcr  continually  makes  the  remark,  Ihat 
he  is  true  to  the  history  of  llie  past;  he  wishes  to 
tell  Ihe  truth,  that  he  is  making  a  search  after  Irtilli. 
and  yet  makes,  in  fuel,  so  much  iiii.sslatemenl.  If 
this  be  n  specimen  of  the  liono-'alile  Senator's  re- 
searches lifter  truth,  a  collection  of  hia  reseaichea 
would  be  :i  very  amimiiig  compilation.  If  the  hon- 
orable nuanber,  during  the  relaxalioii  from  his  du- 
ties lure,  would  ]Mit  his  lesearrhes  together,  I  un- 
dertake III  say  they  would  sell  well.  The  Harpers 
would  make  half  a'forlune  out  of  them.  'J'he  people 
of  the  Unilcd  States  will  pay  well  for  what  gives 
them  a  good  hearty  laugh;  and  it  is  no  matter  if 
that  rfl'ect  be  produced,  wliellier  it  bo  by  a  story 
by  Dickens,  by  a  caricature  from  runcli,  or  a  vnf- 
:  umo  of  "researches  after  truth,"  by  an  honorable 
member  from  Now  York. 

Now,  sir,  I  propose  to  f(dlow  the  honorable 
'  nif  nibera  few  steps  in  the  coiii-se  of  his  researches. 
I  have  already  .said  ihat  in  two  or  three  passages 
of  his  speech  the  gentleman  oxpicssea  his  strong 
desire  to  slate  the  fads.  [Here  Mr.  W.  rend  a 
'piotiilion  from  the  speech  of  Mr.  Dickinson.]  He 
says  there  are  four  thinirs  we  hnve  lost  by  the 
treaty  of  Washingloii.  1  do  not  readily  find  the 
pnssaL'es,  but  llie  amount  is,  that  we  miulc  n  very 
impiMlant  concession. of  territory  to  l-'.iigliiiid  uii- 
'  dcr  thnt  treaty.  Now,  that  Irciilv  promised  to  be 
1  a  trcaly  of  concession  on  both  siifcs.  The  geiitle- 
j  man  slates  concessions  made  by  llie  Unilcd  Slates, 
I  but  enlirely  forgets,  "  in  his  researches  after 
trnlli,"  to  stale  those  made  on  the  other  side.  He 
lakes  no  notice  of  the  cession  of  I'ouse's  Point;  or 
of  a  strip  of  land  a  hundred  miles  long,  on  the  bor- 
der of  the  Slate  of  New  York.  His  notion  of  his- 
torical truth  is,  to  .stale  all  on  one  side  of  the  story, 
nnd  forget  nil  the  rest.  That  is  a  system  of  re- 
.scni-ch  aficr  Iriith  which  will  hardly  ciininiend 
iLself  to  Ihe  rcs|iect  of  most  rncn.  Hut,  sir,  what 
I  wish  principally  to  do  now  is,  to  turn  to  another 
part  of  this  speech.  I  before  gave  the  genlleimm 
notice  that  I  would  call  upon  him  for  the  authorily 
upon  which  he  made  such  a  slalement,  ns  that  an 
attempt  was  made  at  Washington  by  members  of 
the  Cinernmcnt  to  stop  the  course  of  justice;  nnd 
now,  if  the  genlleman  is  ready  with  the  proofs,  I 
would  lie  glad  to  have  them. 

."\lr.  nicKixsov.  I  will  reserve  what  I  have  to 
say  niilil  the  genlleman  has  done,  when  I  shall 
produce- it  to  his  sntisfaeiion. 

:\Ir.  Wf.i!sti;ii.  1  undcrUikc  lo  say,  no  author- 
ity will  be  produced,  or  is  producible,  that  there 
were  nltempts  made  ;it  Washiiiglmi  to  inlerfci'c 
with  the  trial  of  M(-Lend.  What  occurred?  Il 
was  sug-gested  by  the  President  to  Oovernnr  Sew- 
ard, that  the  President  was  gialified  that  he  had 
come  to  llie  eoni-lusioii  lo  enter  n  nolle  ))ro,M(ji(i  in 
the  case  of  McLeoi'.  Was  that  a  oalpable  inter- 
ference with  judicial  authorily?  Was  that  a  re- 
sisiiince  of  the  ordinary  process  of  law?  The 
Government  of  the  United  Slates  had  nothing  at  nil 
lo  do  with  the  trini  ol  Mi-Leod  in  the  New  York 
conrls,  except  to  sec  that  he  was  furnished  wilh  the 
proof  of  facts  necessary  to  show  his  defence.  liut 
I  wish  lo  know  in  what  school  the  gentleman  hn.s 
been  tnnght  that  if  a  man  i.s  in  pri.snn,  and  his 
coiiiusel  moves  lo  hnve  him  brought  up  on  the 
•-•ri-nl  writ  of  liaheas  corpus,  that  that  is  any  resist- 
ance of  judicial  process  in  favor  of  Ihe  prisoner? 
I  dare  s.iy  ihe  honorable  genlleman  ninoiig  his  au- 
thorities, can  produce  none  lo  show  siK-li  to  be  an 
iiili-rference.  He  may  call  what  he  likes  a  direct 
and  palpable  interference.  He  may  apply  the  term 
to  Ihe  jiuuni-y  of  llic  .-\ltorney  General  to  Albany, 
or  lo  any  oiher  act  or  occiirri-nci-.  I)ut  that  doea 
not  prove  it  so.  I  hold  the  genlleiinan  responsible 
lo  prove  Ihat  ibeGoverimientdid  .some  act,  oracLs, 
which  the  cimimon  sense  of  men  holds  to  be  a  pal- 
pable and  direct  inierference.  1  saytherc  was  none. 
Hecjuotes  the  letter  of  instructions  to  the  Attorney 
General.  That  |iroposes  no  inierference.  That 
letter  says  lo  the  Attorney  General,  thai  if  the  case 
were  pending  in  the  courts  of  the  Unilcd  Slates,  so 
thnt  Ihe  Prcsidi  lit  could  have  eonlri^l  over  it,  he 
would  direct  the  prosecuting  odicer  to  enter  a  -not. 
]>ros.  ;  but  .as  it  liclonu'cd  cntiridy  lo  the  Governor 
of  New  York,  it  is  referred  lo  tlie  Governor  him- 
self. That  is  the  substance.  In  this  respect,  of  the 
eller  which   the  AlturiK  y  Ucneinl  carried  to  the 


m 

m 


;«  1 


536 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  1. 


29th  Cono l8T  Sess. 


Treaty  of  IVaslnngton — Mr,  H'ehster. 


Senatc 


Governor ot'rs'c'W  York,  iind  llii/rc  wiih  noumoilier 
act  (lone  liy  miilioriry  »l  Wa»liii>);loii  in  nlVrtncc 
10  iliid  itiiilicr,  iind  I  call  upon  llic  jjcniloKian  hi  liii< 
leisure  la  pnuluce  hi^milliorily  lV>iliis  sialnmnlH. 
One  woril  ninre  ill  (umwor  In  ill"  riniurli.s  llic  K''"- 
'Iciiiiin  niiiili'  (Ilia  iiioniiii;.',  and  I  »li:ill  Icuvr  liiiii. 
The  clniliiiion  wliicli  I  liiivf  licni  (•(Miiiiiciiiin;; 
upon,  mid  which  ie  ii»  lilnck  ni\d  fiiiil-iiimillicd  iis 
ever  was  (jpcli'd  I'nnu  niiyiliiii!;  uLuidiiiK  (Mi  nm 
!*■;;«,  WHS  pnltliHiicd  ii  lew  duyj*  liclnre  llic  lioiior- 
nlile  nu'iniiiT  fi"iii  IS'cw  York  iimdc  lii^  speech. 
He  rclcrrid  to  ii,  ami  si;ilcd  n  I'lici  contained  in  il. 

i  was  here  in  my  scat  and  Inanl  il.aiid  I  roue 
and  Wid  the  huiidrable  nienilier  it  wan  an  iilicr 
fiilaehood.  He  knew  I  denounced  it  ea  n\\  iiliao- 
Jiite  calumny.  He  saw  on  llie  lace  ol'  lliiil  stalc- 
nient  that,  ii'il  was  iriie,  il  waa  iiHerly  dio^'ra^  cl'nl 
to  me.  It  was,  lie  .saiil.dis.'iaci'liil  to  the  connlry, 
what  was  done;  and  if  il  wa.''  diHjr.iccAil  lo  the 
connlry,  il  niiif^t  he  so  to  me.  I  slated  my  tlcnial 
ciftlie  iriilh  ol'llial  speech  of  Mr.  l(ii;er»nM  in  ilic 
slrnn'^est  '.crnis — in  tlie  nin.«it  ciiiiiliatic  lan^'UiiL'c. 
V.'lnit  llicii .-  'I  i.c  Ncry  i»M  day  fic  piucccdid  lo 
read  lliai  speech  ii  ihe  St  ikuc,  lai*.  il  was  ohjecud 
to,  nml  was  not  reid.  I'm  aneiAiHd.s,  a.^  he  tells 
u."",  he  .sent  his  own  upcecii  to  pre.-s,  and  inserted 
tills  speecli  of  lic'irsoll,  ki'.,wii>i^  llial  I  had  pro- 
nouiicol  it  a  falsvlKM.J  Vcs,  nuseralile,  calmnni- 
ons,  and  scandalou.^  as  it  was,  he  snatched  at  it 
eoijeily,  and  pnl  it  in  his  own  s|^eech,and  tlieneir- 
ciilnted  il  to  the  fall  cNlent  of  Ins  aMliiy.  I  liiip- 
pened  to  conic  into  this  Chamlitr  inie  ilay  when 
the  Senate  wiw  not  in  .sess^ioii,  and  found  our  iipenis 
and  tnesscnfjers  frankina;  and  diieriiiiL;  ihat  speech 
10  nil  parts  of  New  York;  and  I  do  in-t  ilmiht  that 
cnonirh  of  it  was  sent  hy  him  inio  ISroomv  couniy, 
and  the  adjacent  coiinlics,  lo  fill  a  small  barn;  and 
pretty  had  fodder  it  would  he.  And  now  I  liei;  to 
Know  if  lliat  is  friendly,  candid,  en-  Jnsl  •  Unes  any 
man  think  he  can  stand  t.p  lure  with  the  proper 
dignity  of  a  Senator  of  the  Uiiiicd  .Slates,  and  pur- 
sue such  a  course  ■  He  knew  the  speech  lie  ipioled 
Mas  calumnious.  He  heard  it  pronouncid  utterly 
false. 

Mr.  Dickinson.  Only  one  tingle  point  in  it 
wasan.swered  ordcnitd  liy  the  Senator.  That  was, 
that  the  fee  of  the  Atlorney  General  was  iinl  paid 
by  the  GovcrnnRiit  of  the  Uniled  Slates.  I  refer- 
red to  the  stalcmenls  because  I  had  a  right  to  do 
it,  and  ihinkinir  it  wns  part  of  n.y  duly. 

Mr.  Webster.     1  do  not  say  what  a  man  has 


a  rishl  to  <)o- 

Mr.   Dickinson. 
then 

Mr.  AVfbsteh. 


As   a    matter   of   proprieiy. 


AVell,  I  say  il  was  not  proper 
to  do  it.  Suppose  I  had  drn^'L'ed  ool  of  a  ditch 
some  calumny  on  ihe  centleman  which  he  denied, 
M'ould  it  be  proper  in  me  to  jn  rsi.st  in  it  afier  lluil 
denial- 

Mr.  DicKiNKoN.  The  spicch  rpioled  was  dor- 
umenlary  inailer,  and  I  liad  a  n^lit  and  full  libi  riy 
to  liiy  .such  belViie  tin   eoniilry. 

Air.  WF.it^Ti;u.  That  is  true  of  docunienlary 
history;  but  when  did  lliut  ►pcech  becipnie  doc- 
umenlary  liiflory.' 

Mr.  DitKiNBi'.v.  It  was  con.'-iden  d  .^o  by  nie, 
because  it  was  printid  and  went  to  the  public  from 
an  official  source. 

Mr.  Webstf.r.  Iiidfcd!  So  any  falseluiod, 
any  vile  calumny,  ihai  is  raked  up,  no  matter  vehat 
it  IS,  if  printed,  is  "  (locuineniary  history  !"  The 
gentleninn*.s  own  speech,  aecoriiini;:  to  ih;it,  is  al- 
ready documentary  history  !  N'ow,  sir,  I  repeal 
again,  that  it  has  ^'i\eii  me  pain  to  be  driven  into 
this  controversy — (;reat  pain;  but  I  repeal  also  thai 
if  I  am  attacked  here  for  anyihin;;  dnue  in  the 
course  of  my  jmblic  life,  I  sliall  defend  myself. 
My  public  repnlalion,  be  it  what  it  may,  has  Ijcen 
earned  by  thirty  years'  ser\ice  in  these  halls.  It 
is  dearer  to  me  tliim  life  it.self,  anil  till  life  is  ex- 
tinct I  will  defend  it. 

I  will  now  allude,  Mr.  riesidrnt,  as  briefly  as 
possible,  to  some  other  proNisions  oflheTiealy  of 
Washington.  The  article  fen-  the  delivery  of  fie^i- 
tives  from  justice  lin.s  been  assailed.  It  h.is  been 
said  that  an  innocent  w  nman  had  been  sent  back 
to  Scotland,  under  its  provisions.  Why,  I  believe 
the  fact  is,  that  a  woman  had  innidered  her  hus- 
band, or  some  relative  in  S'coilnnd,  and  lied  to  this 
country.  .She  was  pursueil,  demanded,  and  car- 
ried back,  and  from  some  defect  in  the  ordinary 
regularity  of  evidence,  or  some  such  cause,  which  , 


not  unlVctiuently  occurs  in  criminal  trials,  she  wiut 
ncnuilled.  lliil,  sir,  I  uixlerluke  lo  say,  tluil  ihu 
nrliele  for  the  eMradilinn  of  oll'endrrs,  eoniaiiied  in 
the  treaty  of  IH43,  if  there  were  milliiit!;  else  in  the 
treaty  ofany  iniporlnie'r,  has  of  it.self  been  of  more 
value  to  lliiH  couniry,  and  is  id°  more  value  lo  the 
proi;res»  of  civilization,  the  chiise  of  humanity,  and 
the  trood  undei'slandins;  between  nations,  tiniti 
could  be  readily  conipuled.  What  wa.t  the  stiite 
and  coiiilition  of  ihincountry,  sir,  tni  the  borders 
and  frontier.')  at  the  time  of  this  treaty  ?  Why,  it 
was  ihe  lime  when  the  '*  patriot  societies  or 
"  Ilunlcrs' LoiK'is"  were  idl  in  oper.ilion;  when 
companies  were  liu'iued  and  otltct-rs  appointed  liy 
seen  I  a.-wociatiipUN,  lo  carry  on  the  war  in  Canada; 
and,  as  I  have  said  already,  the  dislurbuncis  were  ;!0 
fieijtienl  iind  so  lhreiitenin;r.tliat  the  I'niled  Sinles 
Cioverninenl  despatched  General  Scott  to  the  fron- 
tier lo  make  a  druii;;lil  on  .New  York  for  niiliiia.in 
order  lo  preserve  Ihe  peace  of  llie  Imrdi  r.  And 
now,  sir,  whal  was  it  that  repressed  these  disor- 
ders, and  r(.«iored  the  peace  ol  the  border?  Molh- 
inu',  sir,  noihiii'^  bin  u  pnnisioii  between  the  two 
Govenimenls  lira!  if  those  "  patriots"  and  "  barn- 
burncis"weiit  frmu  one  side  lo  the  oilier  lo  destroy 
their  nciebbors'  properly,  Iryin;^  to  brin^'  on  a  war 
all  the.  tnne— tor  llial  wai  their  object — they  should 
be  delivi  red  up  to  be  punished.  As  soon  as  that 
provision  wa^  a^recti  lo,  the  distuibanccs  ceased, 
on  one  siile  and  on  the  other.  They  were  heard 
of  no  nicue.  In  the  furmalioii  of  this  clause  of  the 
treaty,  I  had  the  advanla^e  of  consullalion  with  a 
venerable  frieiui  near  me,  one  of  tlit*  memlxis  frmu 
iMichit':an,  [Mr.  WueiiuuiiK.E.J  lie  pressed  me 
not  to  l'ore^'o  the  opporlniiiiy  of  iiuroducin^  some 
such  provision.  He  exaninieil  il;  and  I  will  a^k 
him  il  he  knows  any  other  cause  for  the  inslanla- 
neoua  .'uppression  of  these  border  dillicullies  limn 
this  treaty  provisiiai } 

Mr.  A\  ounur.iDOE  rose,  and  said,  in  reply,  as 
follow  s: 

Mr.  IVcsidenl:  I  may  not  disregard  the  refer- 
ence w  hich  the  i;entleman  has  done  me  llie  honor 
lo  make  lo  n  e,  in  re;^!ird  to  llie  inronsideiable  part 
which  I  deemed  it  my  duly  lo  lake,  in  ihe  mailer 
alluded  to.  A  brief  slalement  of  some  iiicis  which 
occurred,  and  a  tilance,  simply,  ut  llie  oondiiion  of 
llial  liorder  couniry  from  wliicli  I  come,  will  be  all 
that  Ihc  ocia^ion  si  ems  lo  ih  nianil. 

That  part  of  Canada  with  which  the  people  of 
Mii'hii;aii  are  briaiirht  more  immediately  in  con- 
tact, extends  from  tiie  head  of  Lake  Line  lo  Toint 
I'Mwards  at  ihe  lower  extrtinily  of  Luke  Tlieron; 
a  distance  of  about  one  hundrid  miles.  Alonj;  this 
iiilcrmediale  distance,  the  Snails  of  Uetroil  and  of 
St.  Clair,  fiirnitli  every  inia;;inablc  facility  for  llie 
escape  of  fiipiiiics.  Tor  their  entire  hii'^ih,  the 
shores  of  those  Slraits,  on  eiiher  side,  exhibit  lines 
of  dense  and  conliniious.selllemeiil.  Tlieii  shores 
are  lined,  and  their  smooth  surface  covered  with 
boats  niui  vessels  of  all  dimensions  and  descrip- 
tions—from  the  bark  camie,  to  llie  .steamer  of  a 
thousand  Ions.  If  the  perpelralor  of  crime  can 
reach  a  bark  canoe,  or  a  li};lit  skill',  and  delacli 
himself  from  ihe  shore,  he  may  in  a  few  minutes 
defy  pur.suil — lipr  he  will  be  within  a  forei;;ii  juris- 
diction. In  furli  a  condition  of  ihin^'s;  no  society 
can  be  safe  unless  there  be  some  power  lo  reclaim 
fneitives  from  justice.  AVhile  your  cidonial  Gov- 
ernment exislid  there,  nml  its  Lxeciilive  ;\ilininis- 
tration,  uiakr  the  conirol  of  this  Jsalional  Govcrn- 
nienl,  was  in  ihe  l;ands  of  my  hoiioralde  colleague, 
a  conventional  arrangemcnl — informal  undoubtedly 
in  its  tharncter — was  eniereil  into  by  liiin  With  the 
authorities  of  Canada,  sustained  by  local  legislation 
on  bolh  sides — by  which  these  evils  were  greatly 
lessened.  Whin"  the  preseni  Si'ile  Government 
look  the  place  of  the  Territorial  Government,  this 
arrangcmint  of  necessity  cta.si.'l;  and  then,  the 
evils  alluded  to  were  greally  agirravaied,  and  be- 
came eminently  dangerous.  Shortly  before  the 
first  session  ofCongn  ss,at  which  I  ailended,  after 
the  Inanguration  of  General  Harrison,  a  very  ag- 
gravaled  case  of  crime  occurred,  and  its  perpelra- 
iors,  as  usual,  (.scaped  into  Canada.  It  was  made 
the  subject  of  an  ofticial  conimunicalion  to  the  .State 
Legislature.  And  soon  after  my  arrival  here,  I 
deemed  il  to  be  my  duty  to  lay  the  matter  '  cfore 
the  Secretary  of  .'^lale,  with  a  view  to  lli.'  adoption 
of  SI  nie  appropriaie  convention  with  Great  liritain. 
The  himorable  Senator,  then  Secretary  of  Slate, 
was  pleased  lo  receive  the  sugyeslion  favorably,  . 


but  suggested  to  me  the  expediency  i>f  oblainiiic;, 
if  priiciii'abic,  the  sense  of  Ihe  .Senate  on  the  sub- 
ject. Accordingly,  I  alU-rwards  introduced  a  reso- 
lalion  here,  lia»ii)g  that  object  in  view,  and  it  was 
referred  lo  the  consideration  of  the  Commilteo  oil 
Foreign  Relations,  of  which  nn  honorable  Senator 
friun  Virginia,  not  now  a  iiujmbcr  of  tiie  Senate, 
was  ehairman. 

Mr.  Hives  expressed  fiiinsclf  very  decidedly  in 
favor  ol'the  propiwiiion.  liul,iiegoliationN  having 
been  begun,  or  being  aboiil  to  commence  with  Lord 
Ashbiirtoii,it  was  not  deemed  evprdii'iit,  I  believe, 
that  it  shiaild  then  be  miule  matter  of  discussion  in 
the  .Senate.  I  had  not  ceased  lo  feel  very  earnest 
■olicilude  on  llie  subject;  and,  a*  the  iieirotiatiorv 
approached  il.s  termination,  .Mr.  Webster  did  me 
the  honor  to  send  to  me  the  jirejirlof  thai  nrlide  of 
ihe  treaty  which  relales  lo  the  sniijeet.  lie  de- 
sired me  lo  ennsider  h  and  to  exhibit  it  conlideli- 
tially,  perhaps,  to  such  Senators  as  came  iVoin 
bonier  Stales,  for  their  consideration,  nnd  for  such 
moilincalion  of  ils  lernis  and  scope  as  they  might 
deem  expedient.  This  I  did.  The  form  and  scopv 
of  the  (vrlicle  met,  I  believe  with  the  a)>probatioii 
of  all  to  whom  I  showed  il,  JS'or  vras  any  modi- 
fication snugesled  except,  perhaps,  one  very  imma- 
terial one,sug:;csled  by  an  honorable  .Senalor  from 
.\ew  York.  Of  idl  tliis  I  ndvi.sed  Mr.  Webster, 
and  the  project  liecame  aflcrwaribi  an  article  of  the 
Ircaly,  willi  but  little  if  any  variation.  1  believe 
1  can  tlirow  no  more  light  on  the  subject,  sir.  l!uV 
the  honorable  Senalor  liavins  intiinuied  lo  me  thai 
in  his  di.s<ussion  of  the  subject  he  might,  jitrhnfia, 
have  occasion  to  refer  to  the  part  I  look  in  llui 
mailer,  I  have  piovideil  myself  willi  the  copy  of 
Ihe  nvessage  lo  llie  Legislature  of  Michigan,  of 
which  I  had  in  the  beginning  made  use, and  which, 
in  order  to  show  the  extent  of  the  evil  referred  to, 
and  the  necessity  which  existed  for  some  treaty 
slipiilalion  on  the  subject,  I  ask  the  Secretary  lo 
read." 

[The  extrncl  having  been  read,  Mr.  W.  then 
pPH-ecded ;] 

I  have  now  only  to  add  my  entire  and  unquali- 
fied conviction,  llial  no  act  of  the  legislative  or 
treaty-making  power,  that  1  have  ever  kni<wii,  has 
ever  been  more  successful  in  itsopi.ralion  than  this 
article  of  the  treaty;  nor  eouki  any  provision  have 
been  attended  by  more  happy  consdpiences  upon 
the  peace  arid  safely  of  society  iti  that  remote 
frontier. 

Mr.  AVebstek  resumed.  I  am  happy  lo  find 
that  in  ils  opi-ration,  the  provision  has  satisfied 
those  who  felt  an  interest  in  ils  adopfion.  Iinl  i 
may  re-  ■  'ate,  1  suppose,  v\'ithont  oflence  and 
wiilioi..  .avil,  that  since  llie  negolialion  of  this 
Ireatv,  containing  this  article,  we  hate  neiiotialed 
Irealles  ivilli  other  Governmeiiis  of  Kuro[ie,  con- 
taining similar  provisiiuis,  and  that  bt-iween  oilier 
(lOvernmcnlH  of  Kurope  themselves,  Irealics  have 
belli  negotialed  coniaining  llial  provision— ,i  pro- 
visimi  never  before  known  to  have  existed  in  any 
of  the  treaties  belwei  ii  Kttropi  an  iialions.  lain 
happy  to  Kce,  tlierelbre,  that  it  has  proved  ilself  lo 
be  nsel'ul  to  the  citizens  of  the  L'i.;""l  Slates,  for 
whose  benefil  it  was  devised  and  ailoj  ted;  that  it 
has  proved  il.self  worlliy  of  favor  and  imilaiion  in 
ihejudument  of  till.' most  enliglilelied  naiionsof  lilu- 
rope;  and  llial  it  has  never  been  complained  of  by 
anybody,  eX'cpi  by  murderers  and  fugiiivcs  and 
felons  themselves. 

Mow,  sir,  comes  the  mailer  of  llie  A  iVirnii  squad- 
ron. In  which  I  am  imlncid  to  turn  my  ailention 
for  a  moment,  (Hit  of  sincere  respect  to  tde  member 
from  Arkansas,  [.\lr.  Sehi;k,]  who  suggested  tlie 
oiher  day  that  to  iliat  article  he  had  objection. 
There  is  no  man  whose  opinions  are  more  inde- 
pendent than  those  of  that  genileman,  and  no  one 
mainluins  them  with  more  candor.  Hut,  if  I  iin- 
(lerstmul  him,  he  ap|i(ars  to  think  thai  that  nrliele 
gave  up  the  right  of  search.  What  does  he  mean' 
We  never  claimed   llial  right.     We  had  no  such 

*  Ttic  Hi'cnlnry  here  rcail  na  exlrnct  rrniii  .Mr.  Woiujliiiit^'e, 
wlll'll  (Governor  of  Mie)ii)jni),  In  the  bl'l^ir<ltiliae  at  that  .Stale, 
cnltilift  its  nlti'lilina  e;iriie.-lty  In  the  lUrililtes  vvlacll  exist 
ftlnnjt  Ihe  ialeriar  iKmailani's  oflhe  rnileil  Hlatesrnr  Ihe  es- 
cape of  lueitivi's  friHii  jii>tiei';  niiii  f^.iyiiiL'thut  avcry  recent 
accKrreiice.nf  theaiiist  pnliifiil  ami  alineieiis  cluiracter,  liiat 
(■i)in|H'Ileil  liiH  own  iitti'iaiiia  to  it.  tinil  re« 'anineaihiif;,  in 
^<t^llll|t  terdis,  llial  Ihe  vrntliitr  sitiialioa  (il'.MicliJtliia  ia  this 
ri'spi'ct  hIkiiiIiI  he  liiiil  lii'liirc  ( '(iiiao*;.^.  with  u  view  of  nrsiaif 
tile  expeilieiicy  nf  MiiiM-  ae^'iiiialiuti  on  the  subject  Imlvveeii 
the  United  Stules  and  lliiglniid. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


537 


99th  Cuno IsT  Ses!). 

right  to  give  up;  en  ilocn  it  nipiui  exuc  ily  tlin  oppo- 
■Ito  of  wlinl  'ij  Hays — llinl  it  yiililid  lo  Eiiglnnd 
her  claim  orHu.'i  right?  Ni>  Hiich  thing.  Thr  bi- 
rnngonii'iit  iiiiiUn  liy  this  Irriily  was  dcsigiu'd  to 
carry  into  clVci't  those  Hlipuluiioiis  in  the  trnaly  n[ 
Qhciit  which  we  thought  hijichngnii  uh,  as  wellna 
to  eirt'ct  all  olijrcl  iniporlant  to  lliis  coiiiilry,  lo  ihn 
iiitert'slH  ofhuuinnity,  luid  to  Ihi'  giin  lal  cause  of 
civih/iilioii  tlu'oughout  the  worhl,  wiiliout  raising 
the  dillicnhy  of  the  right  of  seuri'li.  The  i)l)jectof 
it  waa  lo  aecomphsh  all  ihni,  in  a  way  that  should 
uvoid  (lie  possiliiliiy  of  snliji'i'liiig  our  vessels,  un- 
der any  oieicnce,  lo  the  light  of  search.  I  will 
not  dwell  on  this.  IJiii  allow  iiic  lo  slate  the  aen- 
tiineiils  on  this  suliject  of  persons  in  the  service  of 
the  Unildl  Stales  a)iriiail,  whose  opinions  are  cnli- 
tledtoieapei't.  There  is  a  lellersent  lo  the  Dcpart- 
uienl  of  Stale  liv  Mr.  Wheatcni,  dated  lierlin,  No- 
veniher  1  jtli,  1842.  [i\lr.  W.  read  friiin  this  letter 
an  extract  exnres.sivc  of  the  writer's  approliation  of 
tills  luliile  ol  the  Mealy  as  imrlicniaily  well  adapt- 
ed lo  Ihe  end  proposed,  and  liy  which  for  the  first 
time  liie  policy  of  the  United  Slates  in  Ihis  respect 
might  lie  said  to  have  exercised  a  decided  influence 
upon  ihat  of  Kiiropc] 

I  am  rpiile  willing,  (.said  Mr.  W.)  forest  on  tliis 
opinion  of  Mr.  Wlieaton,  as  lo  the  propriety  and 
safety,  llie  sociirily  and  the  wisdom  of  the  article 
in  this  irealy  respeeling  the  snjipression  of  the 
African  slave  trade  by  a  s(|imdron  of  our  own, 
against  any  little  artillery  that  may  he  used  against 
it  here.  I  beg  llie  geiilleman's  pardon,  I  did  not 
allude  to  his  opinion;  1  have  tor  him  t)ic  highest 
respect.  I  was  ihinking  of  what  is  said  in  some 
of  these  "  docunienls."  Hiit  I  need  not  stop  here. 
Upon  Ihe  appearance  of  this  treaty  between  the 
United  Slates  and  Kngland,  the  leading  Stales  of 
Europe  dill,  in  faci,  alter  their  whole  policy  on  ihis 
siihjoel.  The  treaty  of  1841,  between  the  Five 
Powers  had  not  been  ratified  liv  France.  Thcie 
was  so  much  ojiposition  lo  it  in  France,  on  the 
ground  that  it  gave  the  right  of  search  lo  the  Eng- 
lish cruisers,  that  the  King  and  M.  Giiizot,  though 
Ihe  licaly  was  negoiiaied  according  lo  iheir  in- 
stniclions,  did  not  choose  to  ratify  it.  I  have 
Hlaled  the  cause  of  popular  indignation  against  it. 
Well,  whal  was  done?  I'll  lell  you.  Wlien  ihis 
Irealy  of  AV'ashini'lon  became  kiiown  ill  Eurpope, 
the  wise  men  of  (he  two  countries,  who  wished  lo 
do  all  Ihey  could  to  suppress  the  African  slave- 
trade,  and  to  do  it  in  a  manner  securing  in  the 
highest  degree  the  immunity  of  ihe  llag  of  either, 
and  tile  supremacy  of  neither,  agreed  lo  abandon 
the  quintuple  tieaiy  of  1841— the  unratified  trea- 
ty— ihcy  gave  it  up. 

They  adopted  the  treaty  of  Washington  as  their 
model;  and  I  have  now  in'  my  hand  the  convention 
between  France  ami  England,  signed  in  London 
on  the  29ili  May,  1845,  the  arliclcs  of  which,  in 
respect  to  the  manner  of  jiulling  an  end  to  the 
slave  trade  emboily,  exactly,  ihu  provisions  con- 
tained in  Ihe  treaty  of  Wa.shin;,'lon.  Thus  it  is 
seen  that  France  has  borrowed,  from  the  tre.-ity 
slipulatiinis  between  the  United  Stales  and  h;iig- 
land,  the  mode  of  fulfilling  her  own  diilits  and  ac- 
complishing her  own  purpose,  in  perfect  accord- 
ance with  the  immunity  of  her  thig.  I  need  hard- 
ly .say,  sir,  that  France  is  the  nation  which  was 
earliest,  and  has  lieen  most  constantly  wakeful,  in 
her  jealousy  of  the  supremacy  of  the  niarilinie 
power  of  England.  She  has  kept  her  eye  (ui  it, 
steadily  for  centuries.  The  immunity  of  Hags  is 
a  deep  principle;  it  is  a  seniimcnt— ime  may  al- 
most say  it  is  a  pa.faion,  with  all  ihe  people  of 
France.  And  France,  jealous,  rpiick  of  perception, 
thoroughly  hostile  to  any  extension  of  the  right  of 
niurilime  search  or  visit,  under  any  prttences  what- 
ever, has  seen,  in  llie  exaniple'of  the  treaty  of 
Washington,  a  mode  of  fulfilling  her  duties,  for  the 
suppression  of  the  African  slave  trade,  without 
diaturbing  the  most  .sensitive  of  all  her  fears. 

Allow  ine,  sir,  to  read  the  8lli  and  S)lh  articles  of 
the  trealy  of  Washington,  and  llie  Isi,  iid,  and  Dd 
articles  of  the  conveniion  between  England  and 
France.     [.Mr.W.  read  these  articles.] 

Mr.  President,  there  is  another  topic  on  which  I 
have  to  say  a  fi'w  words.  It  has  been  said  that 
the  trealy  of  Washington,  and  the  negotiations  ac- 
companying it,  leave  the  great  and  interesting 
cpieslion  of  impressment  where  they  found  it. 
Willi  all  liumiliiy  and  modesty,  I  must  beg  lo  ex- 
press my  dissent  iVom  that  opinion.    I  must  bo 


Treaty  of  fVashinglon — M^.  Dickimon. 

permitted  to  say,  thai  the  ciu'respondeni'e  connected 
with  the  negotiation  of  that  treaty,  although  im- 
pressment was  not  in  the  treaty  itself,  has,  in  ihe 
judgment  of  the  world,  or  at  least  of  considerable 
anil  resjicrudile  persons  in  the  world,  been  regard- 
ed as  not  haviiijj  left  the  (piesiion  of  impressment 
where  it  found  it,  but  an  having  ailvanced  the  true 
doctrine  in  opmisition  to  it,  lo  a  higher  and  stronger  ' 
foundation.  The  letter  addressed  on  lliat  subject 
from  the  Department  of  Slate,  to  the  llritish  Pleiii- 
potcnti.iry,  and  his  answer,  are  among  the  papers. 
I  only  wish  Ihn  letter  lobe  read.  It  recites  the 
■  general  liistm'y  of  the  question  between  England 
and  the  United  Slates.  Lord  Ashburton  had  no 
authority  to  make  slipulaliims  on  Ihe  subject;  but 
that  is  a  circumstance  which  I  dn  not  regret,  lie- 
cause  1  do  not  deem  the  subject  as  one  at  all  proper 
for  treaty  stipulation.  [Mr.  W.  here  read  extracis  \ 
from  the  letter,  and  among  others  this:] 
*•  In  tlie  eprly  rlispnie).  hciwcen  tlic  two  fJnvernmrnis,  nn 

l)ll»  sn  jollB  eoiltcHtcit  ln[ik<,  t||e    (ll^lillttlllslled    (ttirson    la  ' 
\vli(i«e  ImiiilH  were  firnt  inlnr^ed  llic  peiiN  ef  iIiIh  (le[iiirl- 
irient  iteelarcd,  Ihiit  'the   )<ini|i1est  rule  will  lie,  ttiat  the 
•  vessel  hriiiLt  Aiiicricna  ^iinll  lie  evidciiec  that  the  neanieii 
*iia  li(inril  are  saeli-' 

"  I-'ifty  years'  exiM'riciicc,  the  uller  fniliirc  (if  lanny  iii".'n- 
liiitinni,  liiiit  a  efucnil  ri'con^iileniliiin  Mowhadnflhi'  wlnde 
Hiilijcet,  nt  H  lanmeat  when  the  {inssiniifi  arc  l.tul.  luiil  iin 
present  ililerei-t  or  enieritency  exists  In  liias  Ihe  jiiilmiicnt, 
hnve  fully  convinced  thiti  Gnverninent  that  iIiIm  I<4  not  oiiI\ 
llie  .--iiajilesl  niid  hcst,  hat  the  only  rule  which  cnn  he  ndnjit- 
ed  iiriil  iiliserved,  ciiaKislcntly  with  the  rights  and  hoanr  of 
Ihe  failed  Hmijs,  and  the  peciirily  of  their  citizens.  That 
rule  niiiinanees,  therelnre,  wliiu  will  hereiifter  he  Ihe  iirin- 
eijile  niainiiiiaed  hy  their Onverniaeat.   Is  fvkhv  Heaer.An- 

I.V  IMM  CMKNTED  .AmKRICAS    MKRCIIANT  VRSSRI,,  TIIK  rCKW 

WHO  wvKjATi:  rr  wii.i,  risn  their  rBiiTLeTiiis  in  the 
rL\o  wiiicu  18  OVER  rncM."  j 

And  llien  proceeded;  This  declnrnlion  will  stand: 
not  on  account  of  niiy  particular  ability  displayed 
in  the  letter  with  which  it  concludes;  still  less  on 
account  of  Ihe  name  subscriberl  to  it.  fiut  it  will 
stand,  because  it  announces  the  true  principles  of 
pulilic  law;  because  it  announces  ihe  great  doc- 
trine of  the  efiualiiy  and  independence  of  nations 
upon  the  seas;  and  because  it  announces  the  de- 
termination of  the  fiovernment  and  the  people  of 
the  United  Sli'les  to  uphold  those  principles,  and 
to  maintain  that  doctrine,  through  good  report 
and  through  evil  report,  forever.  We  shall  nego- 
tiale  no  more,  nor  attempt  lo  negotiate  more,  about 
impressment.  AVe  shall  not  treat,  heicafier,  of  its 
liniilalion  to  parallels  of  latiliiile  and  longilude. 
We  shall  not  treat  of  its  allowance  or  disallowance, 
in  broad  seas  or  narrow  seas.  We  shall  think  no 
more  of  stipulating  for  exemption  from  its  exer- 
cise, of  some  of  the  persons  com|iosiiig  crews. 
ll(-nceforlli  the  deck  of  every  American  vessel  is 
inaccessibk;  for  anv  such  purpose.  It  is  proteeied, 
guarded,  defended,  by  Ihe  declaration  which  I 
have  read;  and  that  declaralinn  will  stand. 

.Sir,  anolher  most  important  ijiieslion  of  maritime 
law,  growing  out  of  the  case  of  the  "  Creole,"  and 
other  similar  i-.ases,  was  the  subject  of  a  letter  lo  ; 
the  Drili.-^h  Plenipolenliary.and  of  an  answer  from 
him.  .\n  honorable  meiuber  from  South  Carolina 
[Mr.  C'Ai.nni  s|  had  taken,  as  is  well  known,  n 
great  inleicsl  in  the  mailer  involved  in  that  ques- 
tion, lie  had  expressi'd  his  opinion  of  its  im- 
portance here,  and  had  been  suslalned  by  the  Sen- 
ate. Occasion  was  taken  of  Lord  Ashbnrton's 
mission  to  commmiicaie  to  him  and  lo  his  G'ov- 
eniment  the  opinions  which  this  Government  en- 
tertaiiKd;  anil  I  would  now  ask  the  honorable 
member  if  any  similar  cause  of  com|daini  has  since 
arisen.  [.Mr.  CAi.Horvsaid,  he  had  heard  of  none.] 
I  trust,  sir,  that  none  will  arise  hereafler.  I  re- 
fer to  ilie  Idler  lo  Lord  Ashburton  on  this  subject, 
as  containing  what  the  American  Government  re- 
garded as  the  true  principle  of  the  marilime  law, 
and  lo  his  very  .sensible  and  proper  answer. 

Mr.  President,  I  have  reached  the  end  of  these 
remarks,  and  the  completion  of  my  purpose;  and 
I  am  now  ready,  sir,  lo  put  the  question  lo  the 
Senate,  and  to  the  country,  whether  the  northeast- 
ern boundary  has  not  been  fairly  and  satisfactoi-iiy 
settled;  whether  proper  saiisfaclion  and  apology 
have  not  been  obtained,  for  an  airgression  on  the 
soil  and  territory  of  the  United  Stales;  whether 
proper  and  safe  stipulations  have  not  been  entered 
into,  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  duly  of  the  Govern- 
ment, and  for  meeting  the  earnest  desire  of  the 
people,  in  the  suppression  of  tlie  slave  trade; 
whether,  in  |Hirsuaiice  of  these  stipulations,  a  de- 
gree of  succciis,  hi  the  atlaiiuucnt  uf  that  object,  . 


Senate. 


has  not  been  reaeluil,  wholly  iinkiiinvn  before; 
whether  crimes,  disturbing  the  peace  of  nnlionu, 
have  not  been  siippresseil;  whether  the  safety  of 
the  southern  coasting  trade  ha.i  not  been  secured; 
whelher  impn'ssinenl  has  not  been  struck  out  from 
the  list  of  conlested  i|ueslioiis  among  nalions;  and 
linally,  and  more  than  all,  wiielhcr  anylhiii{g  liai 
been  done  to  tarnish  the  lustre  of  the  American 
name  and  chariuter? 

Mr.  Preslileni,  my  best  services,  like  those  of 
every  ulher  good  eili/en,are  due  lo  my  eounlrvi 
and  I  siilimil  them,  and  Iheir  results,  in  all  hiiinil- 
ily,  to  her  juilgnieiit.  Ihil  standing  here,  to-day, 
in  the  .Senate  of  the  United  Stales,  and  speaking 
ill  behalf  of  llie  Ailministraiioii  of  which  1  formed 
a  |)art,  and  in  behalf  of  the  two  llon.ses  of  Con- 
gress, who  sustained  that  Adininistralion,  rordial- 
iv  and  ell'eeiually,  in  evcrylhing  relating  to  this 
(lav's  discussion,  I  am  willing  to  appeal  to  the 
pal. lie  men  of  llie  ngi-,  whelher,  in  184-',  and  ill  llio 
city  of  Washington,  someiliing  was  not  done  for 
the  suppression  of  crime,  for  the  true  exposition  of 
the  principles  of  public,  law,  for  the  freedom  and 
.security  of  commerce  on  the  ocean,  and  for  the 
peace  of  the  world  ? 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  DICKINSON, 

OF  NEW  YORK, 

Is  Sknate,  ,7;)ii(  9,  1846. 

In  reply  lo  Mr.  Wkiisteii,  upon  the  Northeastern 

Piouiidary,llie  Hight  of  Search,  and  the  Destruc- 
tion of  the  Caroline. 

Mr.  DICKINSON  said:  fin  taking  my  seat  in  I  hi.? 
distiiigiiished  body,  Mr.  Prisideiil,  bui  little  more 
than  one  year  since,  I  coiilil  nol  have  believed  that 
1  should  so  soon  be  forced  into  a  discussion  so  eii- 
inely  personal  as  the  one  which  has  been  faslened 
upon  me  by  the  Si'iiator  from  Massachusitts,  [.Mr. 
WKiisTK.a.]  1  came  here,  rcgariling  this  body  as 
one  of  llie  most  elevaled  and  dignified  upon  earth; 
as  the  great  conservative  branch  of  our  luqipy  Gov- 
eriiineni,  and  ihis  chamber  as  llie  last  place  which 
should  be  desecrated  by  the  strifes  and  conlrover- 
sies  which  too  ol'ien  iiiiiiL'le  their  poisonous  inllu- 
ences  with  the  alVairs  of  liuinan  life.  1  came  pre- 
pared to  extenil  lo  all,  and  to  receive  in  return,  the 
courtesy  and  consideralion  which  the  sfalioii  de- 
nuinds;  and  though  it  hii.s  not  herelofore  been 
alleged  against  me  that  1  have  transcended  the 
proprieties  of  tlebate,  (  have  been  i-idied  to  defend 
myself  a''ainslaiiatlack  from  the  Senator  from  Mas- 
sachusetts, having  no  parallel  in  this  or  any  oilier 
legislative  lioiK',  for  its  utter  want  of  even  the  forma 
of  propriety,  decency,  and  decoriini;  but  charac- 
terized throut-lioul  by  a  grossness  of  manner,  a 
defiance  of  tone,  and  a  virulence  of  language, 
which,  however  iielilling  oilier  places  nol  now  lo 
he  mi'iilioned,  should  never  lind  a  place  in  Ihe  olli- 
cial  inlercourse  of  Senators,  or  the  vocabulary  of 
geollenien. 

Mr.  .M.vxcrM  here  called  to  order. 

The  V'lcr.  Puiisidkxt.  Does  the  Senator  from 
North  Carolina  call  the  Senator  from  New  A'ork 
to  order? 

-Mr.  .Maxoi'M  waived  his  call  to  order. 

Mr.  DicKis'soN  proceeded:  I  regret,  Mr.  Presi- 
dent,  that  those  who  are  now  so  sensitive  to  the 
proprieties  of  debate,  should  not  have  ihoiieht 
proper  lo  call  to  order  at  an  earlier  day,  under  the 
iri'oss  and  wanton  violation  of  it  by  ilie  .Senaior 
from  Massachnselis,  who,  by  llie  hour,  nol  only 
denounced  a  member  of  this  body,  but  a  member 
of  the  other  House,  (who  was  not  and  could  not  be 
present  to  defend  himself.)  was  covered  with  every 
epithet  which  could  be  culled  I'rom  the  appropriate 
catalogue;  a  course  which  every  tyro  knows  was 
in  (li.a'cgaid  and  contempt  of  the  plainest  and  most 
salutary  prinripies  of  parliamentary  law,  discredit- 
able lO  any  one  who  slionld  indulge  it,  and  a  cause 
of  re]iroach  and  disgrace  lo  this  body  and  to  Ihe 
American  people. 

The  consequential  tone  and  in  v  id  ions  sneers  which 
have  pervaded  the  elVusion  of  that  Senator;  the 
"  I  am  Sir  Oracle"  manner  with  which  his  remarks 
have  been  put  forth,  would  seem  to  indicate  lhat  he 
has  counted  largely  upon  whal  he  siieeringly  terms 
the  ''fearful  odds;''  and  would  leave,  at  least  in  his 
own  esiimalion,  no  encouragement  to  the  luckless 
one  ii|ion  whom  his  displeasure  shall  descend,  ex- 
cept, that 


m 


QOtm  Cdno Imt  Skss 


APPKNDIX  TO  THR  CONORESSIONAIi  Or/)lJE. 

Treaty  of  IVnshlii'rIon — Mr.  Di'ikinson. 


I  April  0, 

Sf'.N.XTK. 


'•  I.JinNt  lliiiti 

Fritm  lilank  iihHvlnn  Nhiill  rt^lncvc  ItlH  iirime,  I 

Whn  ilnrcM  III  iN'rtyh,  in  nnrt|inil  (iuhl,  ' 

With  <>.'ith'H  lrlHiii|ili.uit  i'hiiiii|ili)ii.*'  j 

llriwcvrr  liltir  in  ^iri-nnl.iiii'c  willi  my  taxlp,  Mr. 
Pir.iiliiil,  nmy  !"•  ilis'Missiiiiis  nl'  iliis  clianu'lrr — 
li"Hivrr  |iniritli'ss,  iViiillrMM,  mill  rvuti  iiii|irii|H'r  I 
limy  iTiCui'iI  tliriii,  llif  ciiursi?  nl*  the  SiMiatur  f'rnin 
iM,i^jsiii-1misiIIm  Ims  It  t't  HIP  iioiiltiM'tijilivc;  tiiiit  wliili- 
I  will  i-rnlru\iir  lo  a\iiiil  Imtli  llif  liiiii^nn^f  anil  tin' 
leinpri'  ill  \\  liirli  lie  has  iiiiliili^rilf  1  sliiill,  as  lir 
will  liiiil,  »ii'(  Kliriiik  tViiiii  or  avniii  clir  controt 
wliiili  lir  Ims  iiniii;lii,  Iml  piivsiiu  it,  I  Inn-il,  oven 
111  liiM  mnsl  iiliiiihlanl  sali-fai'linn.  In  iliiiii'j;  lliiH, 
I  uliall  niillirr  iravrl  luymiil  "i'  I'lll  mIiiiii  iit' llip 
is.viif  111-  liMH  iirrsrntiil,  nor  sliall  I  pfrniit  liini  to 
rlii.ik  cnmlnrt  nl'  snrli  a  rliaraiMcr  unilor  a  prc- 
Iriirr  of  liofi'iiiliai;  (In*  AHliliiirlon  Mi'<.;ntiiitiiin, 
cir  to  hiilr  I'iiluM"  llii'  Inatv,  tlio  n^;;olialion^:,  or 
tlir  noiTolialor,  iiiiilfr  or  licliinil  voliiininniiH  nnil 
niniliroiis  ilo^uiini  nis,  wliiili  liiui'  ni>  relation  lo 
till'  hmI  inrriia  of  ilir  ipirsiioti. 

On  llu'  -JJili  ami  r.'oili  d.iyt  of  Fi'iniarv  IiihI,  in 
t'ln  exi'ici."!'  of  ollirial  jirivili'^'c  anil  iliily,  I  Imil 
till-  lionor  to  ailtlri'Ms  llir  Scnali>  upon  llir  Ori'ixon 
ipiostinii;  mill  an  il  lir'-aiiie  a  Hiiltjri-t  of  iiti|iiirv* 
wlii-lliir  any  poiiioii  of  ilir  Irrrilorv  I'laiiiicil  liv 
till'  riiili'il  Stall's  slioiilrl  l)r  yic'Icli'il  lo  Ciri'at 
nritam,  for  a  i-oinpromisr,  I  rnil''avorrit  to  show 
llial  ill  most  of  our  iii".;oU:itioiis  w  iih  thai  (iovcrn- 
nii'iit.  sill'  liail  ari'oL'anlly  assiTlcil  anil  m  uniaincil 
Itor  prt'lrni-ioiis;  anil  thai,  in  a  spirit  of  rnnci's- 
Hion,  we  hail  ynlili'il  for  tlir  sako  of  pi'ai'c,  anil 
that  hithirlo  llu^  I'lMi.'i  ssioiis  had  hrrn,  if  not  all, 
too  innrli  upon  our  siilr.  In  piirsniii^'  this  train  of 
iii'::inni'nt,  ami  iiru'iii'.;  it  as  a  rrasoii  why  this 
ronrsi'  slnmlil  not  hi'  ri'pralnl,  I  allnilcil  lo  the 
Irralv  anil  ni'^oii  ilioiis  fixint;  the  northrasirrn 
liiHinilary,  ami  aiLrnnl  thai  it  was  a  I'h'ar  roiircs- 
sioii  to  till'  llriiisli  (iovrrnnirnl,  M'H  only  in  yi'hl- 
iir;  lip  a  portion  of  tin'  soil  anil  Jnrisilic'fon  of 
Matiii',  hnl  in  innilllnL;  to  srlllr  oiIiit  ipii'sliiins  of 
roiiiiovrrsy  thi'ii  oxi^lin*^  liflwcrn  thr  two  (Jov- 
rnnii'iils,  whi'li  I'onM  aii'l  ou-ht  to  haii'  In'ni 
ihsi.r.si'il  of,  anil  iiu'rnioiiiil  tlu'  t)ri"4'.n  i|ii('slioii, 
Ihi-  ri'.;ht  of  siaf'h,  ami  tin'  i-a.-ii'  of  M. 'I, cod.  Ilm 
1  spoki'  of  that  ni".;otialion  as  piihlii'  lii<4torv — as 
Ihr  ailioii  of  (iovcriiniont,  anil  not  of  tin'' indi- 
\iilii  lis  who  ailininisirri'd  it — for  the  piirposc  of 
Iiorrowin"  tin'  pnntiil  rypi'riiiici' ot'  tin'  jtast  for 
lilt'  111  ni'lil  of  iho  pri'sr  nl  and  lliii  fniitrr,  and  with- 
(int  I'liiplnyin:;  a  rcproa'-hfiil  woiil  or  inaliin'r  an 
tinkind  allusion,  and  I  liavr  iioiliin-.r  to  rolrai'l  or 
modify. 

Till'  spfr-'h  wi-^  (h-livrrrd  in  thr  prpspiiro  and 
In'sritr^  of'  tin'  S.nator  iVnin  .Ma-i.s.ii-hiiMtts',  and 
n  full  iip|ioroiiiiiy  was  iiloidi'd  him  at  iht'  llinf  In 
r  trrt'i't  anvilinn^  1  stid,  i-nhi-r  in  l.-iirj-ii.t'.;*'  or  srii- 
tiincni,  and  hr  now  onlv  takes  rxi'rption  to  "  s(i/(f - 
mnits"  111  my  spfoh;  for  he  .says,  in  ri'lalinn  to 
my.silf;  [ 

*'  . Villi  now.  ^Tr.  I*rf^iit"lll,  I  wilt  tatt"  >niTii'  iintiri'itr  wlltll  ■ 

Im-  Il  I'll  -ai.l  III'  III*'  ."iriiat'ir  frutii  Nrw  \  nilt.  fMr.  Duk    ' 
I^Slt\.I    I  lAit ''itiii;!l>  rf.'ii'l — tnili  ;iiiit  iiiiti'i:;ii.  iljv  ri  I'rrI  - 
til  11  till-  iili.i-rv:lt t'  ilii- L''  iilli'ilillll   till!,i'-ll   ii'iv  ililh   In 

I  iKi Ill'   NlltH'r  111    llll-lll.       '  hir    aii(ll  lllllilll-'l-  i-    Inn    'll'itl. 

hut  11  Im.  iMiI  111  rniiii|i|i' i-iiiil.     I  il«  n-tlimijlii  iMiiiMniia 
III  r  iiirliitil'  iittiiiiii'r>  unit  Km.!  fiilniL'-.  Inn  it  i-aiiiMii  Im  i'\ 

p  'rlilt     I  ...llilli  -Il    111  11'   ami  ll:.|.||    III  M.u,  llK  -lll'll  ll'  Ihi' 

1 MI  lilt.'   Si  nilnr  ll.l-   in;|itl' nil   llljw  i|ii.'.*|iii|i.  imil   mil  an 

fUT  llii'ti.     I   ri'lii'iii.  Mint  11  L'ivi'.'i  iiii'  ^ri'ill  |i.-iiii  ta  taki' 
Hull  -i'  iiftlli'  iii'lilli'lirlirfi  >|wi;eli.o  ; 

'This,  ihi'ii,  Mr.  I'ri  siilint,  ni'rpiiis  me  of  dis- 
eointesy  rlsi'whire,  and  I  will  now,  with  tlie  iiidnl- 
ireiii'p  of  the  Si  nail',  show  thai  the  Senator  li.id  not 
even  the  shadow  of  i  provoi-aiion  for  his  atiaek, 
hv  rea-ein  lit'  aiiyiliin'.;  whii'h  tlijri  speeeh  I'ontaiiis; 
for  I  refer  lo  it  and  to  all  I  said  upon  the  siilijei-t, 
mill  defy  the  severest  eritirism  In  ofiiut  to  an  crro- 
ih'oiis  st.neiiii'iit  lira  disi'iuirieons  expression. 
The  followiii','-  weri-  my  .'-perlftrations: 
Isi.  I  I'har.'id  iliat  the  .•\sliliiirlon  treaty  irnve 
In  Ureal  Britain  iiiueh  tiinre  territory  than  a  map 
in  her  Koreiirn  OI)ii;e  showed  she  was  entitled  lo, 
Mini  that  we  [laiil  to  Maine  and  Ma.srtai'lnisetl.s  for 

II  HIillll.tHMI. 

!Ji|.  That  no  reparation  was  olitained  for  tlie  ile- 
slnii'tion  of  the  Caroline  and  the  ninrder  of  Diirfee 
liy  (iriiisli  snhjei'ts,  and  that  the  Federal  (loverii- 
nieni  iiiierlered  witli  the  ordiiiarv  eoiirse  of  jnstiee 
in  .New  York,  and  endi'avored  to  |irevent  atrial  of 
Mi'Li'od  upon  the  merits,  lhoiti.'li  eharijed  with, 
and  indiited  fur,  the  murder  of  Uurfee,  a  citizen  uf 
that  Huite. 


3il,  Thnt  tho  infamoiiH  risht  nf  aonreh  liy  Pritinh 
priiisers — nnolhnr  name  for  imprcHmeiit — ilaiiiieil  ' 
.mil  olIenHively  asserted  liyCiieal  nrilain,iiiid  (irae- 
lieallyexereised  nver^inr  nieri'lianlmen,  was  waived 
in  the  neiroliation,  and  passed  over  to  the  future,  I 
with  this  ilei'laration  of  liritish  ritihl  slandiii!;  lie- 
fore  till'  World.  .And 

4th.  Thai  the  Orr','on  qiiesllon,  whirli  eniild  and 
'iii;.'lit  to  have  lie'ii  si'iiled  with  the  niirthiiastirn 
boundary,  was  left  where  it  was  found.  i 

These,  several  stileinetils  1  soni;lit  to  eslalitish  j 
liy  referenee  to  the  piililie  and  doenmentary  history  ' 
ri  laliiiu'  lo  Iheiii,  and  lel'i  r  to  what  I  then  said  for 
a  iiiore  exlendeil  nulii-e. 

'I'hese  points,  Mr.  I'lesidenl,  emliraee  all  that 
part  of  the  olVendin';  speeeh,  of  whieh  the  Senalor 
i'oni|ilaiiis;  and  if  there  is  iiolhin'.:  there  to  jiislify 
his  rxIraordiiNu'v  violation  of  derornin,  liis  voei- 
feroiis  oiittii'eah  and  personal  iiueetive,  il  mn- '  ri  "f 
liefore  the  .Senate  and  ihe  people  iinon  the  only 
fonndntion  II  li.'is — a  sheer  mid  shillow  preienee, 
deslitiite  alike  of  inslifiealion  or  apolo:,'y ;  disiL'iii  ij 
lo  attrael  the  piitdii'  attention  from  in.iilers  wliieli 
will  not  hear  llie  li:;ht  of  day,  or  stand  the  test  in 
examination,  lint  the  Si  nalor  adii'ls  lo  eoniplain 
that  I  ineorporated  into,  and  made  a  imrl  of,  my 
speeeh,  an  oxirai't  from  a  speeeli  of  Mr.  <*harles 
.1.  ln;;eiso|l,  ehairmaii  of  the  rommillee  on  lAir- 
1'ii.jn  Alliiiis,  in  the  Ilonse  nf  Uepresentatives. 
Sir,  I  have  done  no  siu  h  tliill:^,  as  that  .Senator 
well  knows. 

Mr.    Iiii.;ersnll,  In    n   ptihlir   speeeh,  delivered 
on  Ihe  lloor  of  the  Ilonse,  on  the  !hli  of  lA-lniary 
List,   made  eertain  st:itemeiiis,  tnni'liiiiLi;  the   Me.- 
I,eiid  affair,  and  the  aeiion  of  the  I-'ederal  (jovei'ii- 
ment  eoiii'i'i'iiini;  it,  throii;r|i  the  then  .Seeretary  of 
.Slate.      This  soeeeli  w  is  ri'|>orIeil  at  leiii^th  at  the 
time  ill  the  pnltiie  papers  whieh  eiri'iilato  lhroii'j:h- 
oilt  the  niiioii  and  are  sent  to  l.virope.      .Mr.  Ill-  j 
i^ersoll  is  a  jjeiilleinan  ofemiiienee  and  distinelion,  ' 
extensively  known,  and  now  oeenpyinu;  one  of  Ihe  ' 
most  I'oinmandiii'r  posiiions  in  the.  Uepresentative 
(lovermniiit.     The   .Si'ii.itor  from   Massai'lmselts 
must  have  seen  and  read   his  remarks  at  tho  lime  i 
iliey  were  renorled;  ami   yet,  for  reas'ins  iinex- I 
plained   liy  him,  he  interposed  no  denial  w  liatso-  ] 
ever,  lull    sillferi'd    the  slatelllelll   to  eiri'lllale  from  j 
the  Oili  to  the  'Jlili   iif  l''i'hriiary,  iinnotii'eil  and 
nni'onlradii'ied.      While   spe.ikini;   of  ihe  extra-  • 
ordinary  sidmiissinn  of   our  (Jovernnienl  to  thai  ; 
of   (ji'i'at    Crilain,    in    the    ease  of   Mel.eod,   the  ; 
destrneiion   of  the  Caroline,  and    the   niiirdir  of  ' 
Hiirfee,  I   alluded  to  ihe  slalement  of  Mr.  In^'er- 

soll,  that  the  eoniisi  I   of  M.'l 1   leid  been  paid  ; 

from   the   treasury;  the  Sen  iior  ileiiied  sneh  ;iiii/- I 

miii(,  hilt  denied  iinthiie;  Inriher,  alll irh  I  oll'er- 

ed  to  yield  lii.n  the  lloor.    ^Tv  remirks  were  pnh-  ' 
lislied   throiitih   the  paia'rs  kooii  after,  eoiilainiieT 
my  alln.'^ioii  to  the  reniarK'  of  Mr.  ln'.;ersoll,  and  1 
eiiniainiti'.:  also  the  ih  ni.il   of   the   .Senalor  iVom 
Mas;jaehusi'tts,  as  will  anpe-ir  liy  referenee  to  my  ! 
speeeh,  Inil   not  rontainini^  the  extrael  from  the  i 
speei'h  of  Mr.  Ite/ersoll.      I  was  iheii  freipieiillv 
ealled   lliion   for  eopie^   of  Mr.   Iie.'ersoll  "s  speeeh 
to  wtiii  h   mine  alhiih'd,  and   some   two  or  tliree  : 
weeks  afterwards,  in   I'lildishiii!;'  a  pamphlet  edi  ■  i 
tion,  I  eiil  an  exirai't  from  the  reported  speeeh  of' 
Mr.  IiiL'ersoll,  and  ap|ieiided  il  in  a  note  to  mine;  i 
not  to  mak'e  il  a  part  of  it,  as  tlie  Si  iiator  has  er- ' 
roneonslv  asseried,  and   erroneously  repeated,  for! 
I  cxiiressly  deelared  at  the  time  that  I  knew  iiolli- 
In;  eniieernina;  llie   sl.-ilemeiil.     I  ex|ii'esseil   my 
L''ratifieation  at  the  denial,  as  far  as  it  was  denied,  ] 
fur  I   felt    that  the  eoiuiiry  had   hern  snllieienlly 
dis'_'rai'ed  and   Immlded   in  Ihe   trans, telion,  wilh- 
init  .'iddiie.:  this  Item   to  her  i'alalii'„nie  of  shame, 
lliii  I  aiioended   the  mile  after  the  speeeh  of  Mr. 
Iiii;ersiill  had  heeii   more  than  a  month  in  eireiila- 
tion,  for  Ihe  eonvenienee  of  those  who  mi'dit  de- 
sire to  understand   the  allusion,  ni  iiher  aildinu;  to,  ' 
nor  detrai'tiui^  from,  the  Mateiinnt  nf  .Mr.  Iiii.ier- 
soll,  lint  leaviii;;  il  to  st;ind  niion  its  own   liiiili  re- 
siionslhility,  aei-onipanyini^  it  wilh  the  ih  nial  of 
the  Senator   fi-'im    Massai'linseiiH,   as  to   the  sin- 
irle  point  whieh  he  iioiieed.     This,  Mr.  President, 
has  been  ;iilei:ed  liv  the  Senator  from   MassaelHi- 
seits  as  a  eaiise  ffir  his  assault;  and  to  show  how 
lowlv  even  ^reat  minds  and  lofly  pretensions  are  \ 
eapalile  of  deseenilin'.r  for  a  pretext,   when  they 
seek  n  eoiitroveisy,  it  is  worthy  of  remark,  lliat 
the  Senator  eliar^ed  tne  with  haviier  inserted  the 
word  "express"  in  lliat  part  of  Mr.  In^ersoll's 


rnninrk  iiptMiiiiIril  lo  niinr,  nn  itH  to  m;iki'  il  reinl 
that  the  letter  Hpidteii  (d'  was  neiil  by  "  ixpress" — 
a  wold  ill  no  tnamier  material  lo  any  view  I  had 
l.iken  of  the  siili|ei't,  nor  lelalin.,'  to  aii'ytliin-  I  had 
said.  The  exirai't  from  Mr.  In.'rersoH 's  speei'li, 
appendi'd  to  mine,  was  nil  by  me  from  the  loliiiiiiiH 
ofthe  "  Dillon"  newspaper,  and  not  ehan^'i  d  inn 
wold  lira  lelier;  and,  besides,  a  (  opy  ot*  the  '*  Coti- 
grcsiiinal  IJIobe,"  whieh  I  now  hold,  eniitaiiiM 
itiiotlier  report  of  the  same  npei  eh,  wilh  the  same 
word  "express,"  wliiih  the  Senalor  from  Massa- 
(hnsi'tts,  with  i;reat  pretensioiis  to  di';nity,  anil 
Irtiili,  and  fairmsi,  iviih  both  these  papers  before 
him  coiilainiiej;  reports  of  the  speeeh,  iiii'hidin;; 
the  same  word  In  'he  Dole,  eliar!;eH  were  "c.\pi'eM.H- 
ly  inserted  by  me," 

The  preteiiees,  Mr.  President,  whieli  liave  hei  u 
nllei^ed  by  the  Senator,  to  exense  this  iissaiill,  I 
liiive,  I  linst,  shown  to  be  w!i  It  they  i'e;illy  are — 
empty  and  Insiin'ere,  ami  ile,ii2;ni  d  as  an  exeiisc 
for  assallin;^  one,  for  no  other  riasoti  than  beeanse 
he  lii'oiii^ht  to  the  iioliee  of  the  eountry,  and  ealleil 
In  ipiOHlioii  the  wisdom  of  the  Ashbnrlon  in'ijolia- 
lions,  in  the  hope,  doubtless,  that  hereafter  no  one 
would  vi'iiiure  to  allude  to  this  Irairie  in  Amerleaii 
honor,  li'il,  perehanee,  ho  should  innir  Ihe  weiu;lit 
of  that  fearful  penally — the  displeasure  nf  llie  .Sen- 
ator from  Massaehnsetts, 

I  now  propose,  .Mr.  Pri'sidenl,  to  review  brielly 
the  remarks  of  the  Senalor  from  Massai'lnisi  Its, 
and  to  noliee,  upon  his  invilation,  more  fully  llmii 

I  have  heielofore  done,  the  settlement  of  the  norlh- 
eastern  boundary,  and  the  general  subjeet  of  lite 
.Ashhnrtou  ni':;olia;ions.  liefore  proieediui;  to  my 
task,  however,   if  permilliil,   I  would    invoke  the 

Si'iiaior  from   .Massai'liuseils  to  a pi  a  word  of 

adviee  from  one  who  eannoi  bna.it  of  his  i^neat  e\- 
nerienre,  and  who  is  by  many  years  his  jnuiiir.  It", 
III  lookiiiLr  bai'k  over  the  dark  and  desolate  patli- 
wav  of  a  loiiu'  life,  whieh,  with  a  liirli  order  of  lal- 
em    Ims  been  devoted  lo  the  piiblii'  i  luploymenl,  if 

il  piiblie  serviee,  lie  can  find  no  iibjeets  upon 
a  tiie  eye  ran  I'est  w  illi  pleasure  ;  il*,  for  hiiii- 
seil,  he  ran  see  no  how  of  prom  se  nrehini^  Itself 
lip  in  the  fiilnre,  lei  hlin  nol  blast  the  fruition  of 
the  presenl  by  the  indnl'^enee  of'evil  passions;  linf 
hush  the  aULi-ry  temnest  w  liieli  ehalVs  and  a'.'it.iti  s 
his  bosom,  and  eulliv.ile  a  spirit  of  peaee.  If  il 
does  not  Improve  his  beariii;^  Inwards  his  fellows, 

II  will  111  least  risiore  him  lo  belter  hiiinor  with 
himself,  whieh,  from  the  ixhiliilion  he  has ','iveii 
IIS,  Wniild  seem  to  be  desirable. 

The  virulent  display  of  the  honnrable  Seii.ilor 
was  no  hasty  or  iiii'onsldei'ale  outbreak",  but  the 
(Villi  of  larei'nl  and  ilehberaie  pi'epar.ition.  (Ill 
h'riday  last,  the  .Senalor  not  haviie.,'  ihe  floor  upoii 
the  Ore.i-iiii  ipiesiioii,  or  upon  auyihiie';  re'aMii",  lo 
il,  and  nol  knowiiii;  that  he  eould  obt.iiii  It,  pinn- 
pously  aimouni'ed  that  he  would  speak  on  Alon- 
ihiy  one  hour— ,1  nolii'e  to  the  world,  llial,  on  that 
day,  the  performani'e  whieh  had  been  so'  lonu'  in 
rehearsal  was  to  eome  oil',  and  that  ihe  .Senator 
from  Massai'hiiselis,  for  the  enlertaiiiment  uf'ihosr 
who  shoiild  assei'ible  on  his  ailvertisemeiit,  would 
annihilati*mi  ;iiiia;:oiiist  of  *' f'earfnl  odds."  The 
hour  within  whieh  the  Senator  u, is  lo  dispose  of 
Ihe  ipieslion  was  elonu'aled  until  two  etilire  d,\ys 
wi  ■  re  e  x  liau  sled,  eoni  me  m'ili^' earlier  I  hall  usual,  a  ml 
diiriii:^  whieh  time  we  wi  re  terrified  bv  his  t'rowns, 
and  ii\er\vhelmi'd  and  aNtoiimled  by  his  malehless 
ridieiile.  So  exullui'.:  was  his  lone,  and  so  pro- 
fuse were  his  nnathemas  upon  the  remark,  that  "  I 
would  endeavor  to  speak  ofthe  history  ofthe  ]i,'isi 
truly,"  that  I  su)ipiiMd  I  had  perelmiiee  fallen 
upon  an  erroneous  dale,  or  some  other  ei'ror  of 
about  ei|nal  Importam'e,  and  was  waitiii!.',  as  were 
the  Senate  and  the  audieme.  In  bre.ii bless  expeela* 
tion,  for  ihe  astonnilne.';  developmiiii  and  the  erro- 
neous statement  lo  br  detei'leil;  when,  at'lerail  Ilm 
empty  and  vaiirrlorious  boasiiii^  in  whieh  he  had 
iniliil'.;ed,  he  w.is  miable  to  point  mil  a  sin!,'le  niis- 
sialement,  and  was  eompetled  to  fall  liaek  upon 
Ihe  stale  and  Ihriee-n filled  denial  that  the  l''edei'al 
( lovernmrnt  Interfered  w  ith  tho  courls  of  New 
Vork  in  Ihe  all'air  of  Mel.eod — all  inferenee  In  bo 
dedni'i'd  I'rom  eertain  aseertained  fiets,  wiiieh  I 
have  oiire  fully  esialdislied,  and  will  a^'aiii  jilaee 
before  Ihe  Senate  and  the  eountry,  beyond  the 
re.ieh  of  the  most  brazen  falsifier  or  disin^;eniiou.s 
eaviller. 

The  hoiioriibic  Senalor  is  anxious  thai  I  shnnld 
turn  historian.     He  has  been  plea.scd  to  rcmnrk 


1  ft  10.1 


i2!>rM  Cong IsT  Sksa. 


AITKNDIX  TO  THE  CONnRESSIONAF.  CI,onE. 

Trent  1/  of  li'<iKhiiiiij;liin — l\li:  IJickinson. 


539 


Sknatk. 


tliiit  llic  AiMcrii'Mii  |irn|il('  will  |iay  well  fnr  wlinl-     lliiil  llir  torriliuy  linil  iKit  lirfiiii!  hern  jjivni  ii|i, 

rvir  kIvch  ilicin  n  liiniiv  l<iii;;li,  iin  inutlir  vsluilii'i'   j  mir  tlii'  i|iii'Nliiin  hcIiIkI.     Iliil  Id  iih  liavi'.  Il»;  Si  ii 

it  lie  .1  riiricitliiris  iViirn  rniK'li,  <pr  ii  vntiiiiH'  uf  my 

rcHiini'licK   iirttT    Ircitll!     'I'liis   is   iIhuIiiIihs   Inirj 

lliniii;)i  ilipy  li.ur  MciinctlriKM  "/iiiii/  in//"  liir  lliiil 

»  lili'li  iillonli  (I  llii'iii  iii'iilii'i'  pi'iilli  nor  niniiNiiiii'nl. 

Altlinii;;li    liy   Mi>    luriuiM  nrnMliniiN   of  lircimiiii; 

iinlliiM',   I  iini  ilir'iriiiiH  tii  iilili^'f  liiiii,  mil  iiilvUi: 

liiiii,  ll'iil,  ii|>i>n  Hiillii'iiiil  iiiviiuiiiiii  rrinn  liiiii,  I 

will  sii  I'll-  lirriinii!  iinr  nn  In  uivr  ii  "  Iriir  liiHicn  y 

lit'  llu'   iHiHI;"   IhiI    wlirllicr   ils    rrvrtiilinnM   hIuuI 

rnnnr  aniiinrnii'nl   In  lli(!   Anicririni   ncn|ili',  iir  In 

liny  |iarlii'iil.ii'  iniliviiliiiil,  nr  riini|ii'l  iIiiimp  In  liiin^' 

llirir  lii'ails  in  slianic  whu  lia\r  mil  lii-rnnii'  inNi-n- 

isililr  III  sni'li  rnmliiins,  I  niiil  not  allinipl  li>  dr- 

liTinini'.     lint  lln*  Si'iiatiir  HrrniH  to  taUr  ixjiiifturinl  j! 

VlrW  III'  llll'  l|lliNlinn,  anil   Hllll|iiiir»    ilial  M  Milunic    ' 

of  my   iiMrairhi'H  unnld  .si'li  i|iiirli'y,  anil,  in  llie 
hanils  III'  till'  llai|<-  r  ',  w'oulil   prnvr  an   iilniiulaMl 
HiiiiiTi'  III'  iH'iilil,   .mil    jjiin','   a    liii(;i'   aiiiiiiinl    nl' j 
liiiini'y.     'I'liiH,  Nil',  I  mil  Ki'aiilicil  In  licar;  fiir,  in  > 
my  inli'ri'inir.--a  with  my  I'llliiw-niPii,  anil  i'H|irriiil-  '* 
Iv  my  fiiinili,   I   |iii'f'rr  tiny  .slnmlil  mul.r,  railnr 
lliaii  Inst'f  a  liifii;r  iiiniiunt  cf  nivunj  liy  tlir  riimii'X-  I 
inn.  ] 

lint,  Nil-,  out  nf  |airr  Rym|ialliy  fur  llu-  liiiniiin 
rare,  I  irjnirp  llial  rvni  lliis  small  maltiT  I'amr 
In  rilii'Vf  llll'  iliMil  level  nl'  llie  Srimlnr's  Iwn 
ilayji'  ili'livery  nl  ^ix  Mirks  ini'iiliniinn.  tSnnii'- 
lliiii^  al  liasl  was  line  In  ilm^^e  wlm  Imil  t<n  Inn:; 
anil  sii  |iiilieiilly  enilnreil  In  llie  enil  anil  waileil  llie 
|irniiiisi'il  ri'iHisI,  I'm-  eerlaiiily  il  ennlil,  nn  llie 
wlinle,  srarii  ly  have  heiii  ileemeil  lliu  "  enlerlaiii- 
iiii  III  In  wliii'li  lliey  Wire  inviliil." 

The  Senalnr,  linwenT,  pasHi  s  nn  willi  his  eala- 
ln.;iie  III' ^'lievaiiees.     On  a  (l.iy  when  llie  .Senale 
was  nnl  ill  sessimi,  he  liinnil  Ihe  inessi  niters  senii-  • 
in;;  ae"|iy  nC  llie  nlli  iiiliii;;  s|ieeeh  li>  every  |insl- : 
niasler  in  .New  Vmk.     This  wi  i:;hlv  ehanie,  Mr.  ! 
I'll  siili  111,  I  re;,'ri  I  In  say,  ailinils  nt' iin  ileiiial:  liiil  i 
my  exi'iisi'  is,   llial  al  llie  time  il  was  sn|i|iiisiil  In 
he  hiwl'nl,  even  wilhnnl  nhlaiiiiii'.i;  leave  I'mm  llio  1 
Seiiiiliir  (Vniii  Ala.ssaehnsells.     Xnw,  allhniiu'h  nn  ' 
.■^enalnr  exeelil  llial  hnniiialile,  llMlniil,  anil  lli;;iii- 
liiil  Senalnr  liiiiii.;,'hl  il  his  duly,  nr  iiiaile  il  his  laisi- 
iiess.  In  he  pryiii'.;  iiim  ihe  fnlilim'-nuinisaiiil  peer 


alnr's  nwii  liin:.'iia:;e.     After  eilin;;  pnrliniiH  nl' us  i 
liiHlniy,  the  Senalnr  priieeeil.41  | 

'•  l''riiiiitlii-  lil^liirleiilMkeli'hnrthi'  ili[ilnmuliernrri"i|Miinl-  [ 

rll>  •■  Ili'lW'i'll   till'   Iwn   (jiixiTIIMIi'llli*    lllirlllU  llie   Alillllllii*  | 

IniliMii  nl'.Mr.  \'iiii  lliiri'ii,  lie  iMr.  \V.)  eiinlelifli-il  llliil  llie  ' 
Wliiile  lllleHlleil  Wll^  linillulll  llllil  IIH  |ir"nv  II  llllle  lli|ililMllllle 

elllllimlellll'Ill  Il-i  IIMV  IHie    Mllutll    I'lum.l'    In    liink   IIIHIII    nl'  ll  ' 

,  i'iiiiiiiiit'h  iIiiv  -iiim'  Willi  Ii   wniihl  liiive   tuUi'ii    Uii'lii'lleti.  j 
'riilli'vriiiiil,  Ni'uKi  Irmle.iiinl  IMi'lti'riileli.ln  liiive  iiiiriivelli'il,  I 

Hllrll,  IMlli'I'll,  WIIM  llie  ill'|ll<inilllv  l'iilll'a.<ril  llll'l  i'nll'|lll(':ili'lt 
I  Hint''  lil'llll'  l|lll'i.linM,  mimIi  till'  laiiT  llniieli'Holi.'^i  nt'  llilllMl'    < 
I  iiii'iil.   Hint    /.on;   r.ilmniltn   ili'iliiM'.)  Mil*  *<•  hml  iinl  thr 
I  >»i/i»i'<(   iT/ii'.(,r//0M  (1/   It   HilHimnit  till  thnr  mmlJ  /.e   n 
I  cAriii,','  inllu'*'ltliniidylruli<iu('f'ttic  liovfrnmviit  at  the  tfnitril 

.S)e(.'.." 

!     This,  Mr.  Pri'Hiilenl,  wnn  llie  ronOition  of  ihn 

'  imrlhea  II  rii  hniindary,  as  related  hy  oiir  iiindesi 

Sei'i'i'lai'y  iii'ijniiiUnr;  ami  allhiiui;h  lie  has  assnred 

IIH  lliiil  sn  eiini|ileN  was  ils  eiiiaii<;l(  iiieiil,  thai  ils 

I'liiilemplatinii  wnnlil  ail'nrd  einplnytm  nl  liir  iisnin- 

nier's  day,  he  has  nnl  desii^iialetl    what  Hiiimner, 

'  iinr   what  niniilli   in  ihe  Niiinmer,  iinr  what  day  ill 

llll' miinlh  he  had  in   view;  leaving'  ns  entirely  In 

ennjei'liiro  wlieihfr  he  ennsidered  the  4lh  nf  .liilv, 

nr,  ir  sn,  what  parliinlar  'Ith  nf  Jiilv,  a  siiilalile 

pastime    fnr   its   iliseiilaiii;lemenl.     liiil    its  intri- 

eai'V  wniild  have  linllled  the  diplninalie  skill  nf  all 

the  iinted  neirnlirilnl'H  ttf  mnlleril  tillies; — Uieheliell, 

a  111  Talleyianil,  and  iNesselrnde,  and  iMetlernieh, 

,  wniild,   111  the  iinassiiniinu'  Jiidirmeiil  nf  the  t;i'eat 

Ami  rii'iiii  ne^'iilialnr,  have  liren  timihln  In  llireail 

the  iiia'/'.es  nf  this  diplnniatie  laliyrinth,  wliieli   he 

dispiised  nf  hy  whnlesale,  willi  ii  sinu'h  dash  nf  the 

pen.      il  was  said    nf  the.   hern   nf  the  I  lermila'je, 

llial  he  wa.s  llie  i'nm|nernr  nf  the  warlike  velernns 

nflhe  nid  Wnrlil — nf  llinse  w  hn  ennipii  red   with 

•    Wellin:;l(in  in   the  Mars  nf  the   I'eiiinsiila.      Ihit 

l'  his    fame    in    llie    field    is    suddenly    eilipsed    hy 

!    a  mure  res|ileiiilaiit   ^'eniiis   in    the  eahiiiel,   wlm 

ai'hii'Ves,  a.H  il  were,  in  a  siiiirle  iiinmiiil,  avietnry 

wliieh  had  defied   the  wisdnni  nf  ihirteeii  sni s- 

sive  Adiiiinislraliiins,  and  fmm  which  liie  i;ray- 
lieadi'd  iie'jniiatnrs  nf  the  eiirth  wniihl  have  shrunk 
in  iitier  despair.  The  Senalnr  eninnei'ates  the 
ilhiKlriniis  line  nl"  I'i'esidi'iils,  frnni  ^Vashilllrlnn  In 
Van  Iliiren,  and  slinws  lleil  each   in  his  liirii  had 


•,-  hehiiid  the  tallies  In  .spy  nut  wliii  were  seiidinfr  !  vainlv  endeavincd   In  pni  nl  rest  the  (iiiistion  nf 

1 1 ■      .. I  r.  .,.-..  .'  ' 


away  speeelies,  nr   where  nr  In  wlinni,  it  eaminl 
he  denied  thai  the  ealliii;;  was  i  iitirely  respeetaliie 
mill   wnrihynf  the  Senalnr's  pnsiiinn,   thniinh   ifl 
nnl  ainieii;  the  le.iNi,   il  laii  siarcely  he  ranked  as 
aiiinie,'sl  the  iiinst  elevated  piii'.snils  appertaining  to 

Ihe  senalnrial  nlliee. 

Ihii,  in  fnlliiwiii;;  the  hnnnriihle  Senator  frnni 
MMssai'hnsetts  ill  this  Ki^'antie  ell'nrl,  wliii'h  I  enii 
Il  iiiplate  with  exeeedini;  awe,  I  apprnaeh  a  i'hai''4e 
nt.i  '^'I'aver  I'liiiiaeler  still.  1 1  irk  I  I.ei  reveieml 
Senalnrs  i;ive  ear!  I.et  the  hum  nf  the  f^alle- 
ries  he  snppres.seil !  I.et  spe.'iatni's  listen,  mid 
the  wnrlil  erase  respiiatinii,  while  1  shall  fnr  nne 
lirii'f  mnnieni,  in  siihdind  |.ini  s,  read  finm  the  in- 
imitalile  speeeh  y>\'  the  Senalnr  iiiie  of  iis  ehiiii'esl 
and  eliasiesl  heaiilirs  !  Ijit  it  he  s;i\en  in  his  nwn 
reliaed  laii;;iiaL;e  !  In  speakinu' nf  the  fintlier  ilis- 
liiieiiiiiii  nf  my  Ore^'nn  speeeh,  the  .Senalnr  frnni 
M.iss.iehii.seiis  ii|.i  lied  his  moiiili  mid  said  as  I'nl- 
hiws:  "  /  till  nil/  i/n(Wi/  llitit  i tiini'j:lt  I'fthtiii  trrri'  .mm/ 


the  nnriheasteni  honndarv 

Yes,  Mr.  President,  the  immnri.il  AVashiin^ton 
— Ihe  Katherof  lair  emintry — he  'in  was  first  in 
war,  first  in  peaee,  and  first  in  II  hesris  of  his 
eniinirviiien — he  \\  hn  foiiirhi  the  hatiles  of  Ihe 
I!evoliiiion,  and  siiiih-d  a  I!  ehle  h.iiid  of  iiiliint  eol- 
oiiies  In  the  protiih.^f  destiny  of  nalioiis, — reiires 
from  the  eares  t}\'  Stale  to  the  ipliel  slnides  nf 
Mnlint  ViMlnll,  llli.ihle  lo  sellle  the  vexed  ipieslinn 
— the  noi'iheiislern  iMinmlary!  The  u'i'-'antie  mind 
of  the  elder  Adams,  with  Ihe  spirit  nflhe  I'evnlii- 
tinii  upnn  him — he  wlin  had  eiinirihnted  so  ahnn- 
danily  In  his  eniintry's  inilepeiidem'e — he  whose 
|ialrioiisin  and  devntinii  were  nndniililed,  despite  of 
eri'iinenns  pnlilieal  selllinlellls, — lel'l  this  ipieslinn 
In  lie  eared  fnr  hy  thnse  wlin  shniihl  sneeeed  him. 
Thnnias  .lelfei'sini — the  aiillior  of  llie  Ileelaniiioii 
nf  Ameiiean  lnih)ieiideiiee — who  priii'laimed  lo 
the  winhl  the  oli\  ions,  hnl  iiii'jlily  Iniili,  ihal  all 
men  were  ereated  eiiieil, — tliou'j;li   ei'^hl  ye.irs  ad 


inlii  Iti-niiiiir  ruinilij  (ilie  eiinniy  of  my  resiilenee)  |j  miiiisierin:;    the    (iovenimenl,    foiiiid    his    ;;i'ral 


III  till  It  iiiwll  Ittirit,  ami  piillit  liitnl  /'w/i/rr  it  v-nultl 
III." 

"  Xow,  in  the  name  nf  all  llin  .tmls  al  niiee,"  I 
roll  jure  e\i'ry  friend  I  have  on  i  an  h  in  stand  hy  me, 
ami  I  I'lave  the  sympathy  nf  my  most  evil'-disiiosed 
eneiiiiis,  w  Idle  I  allempl  to  live  nn  under  the  inllie- 
liiin  nf  sni'li  exerneiatin^js.'ireasni!  The  deimm'ia- 
lion  I  eiMilil  have  hinne,  hut  sneh  ridieiile  as  this 
i.-;  Ion  miii'h  for  frail  hnmanily.  Uiiw  sparkling; 
the  wit  !  Imw  lairnin;;  the  satin!  hnwelevaled  the 
tllinl'^lil  !  hiiw  pi'nfnnild  llll  ili;;iiiiy!  how  "  ;;nd- 
like"  the  enneeplion  !     |(.Jieal  laii^-'hter.) 

LesI,  hnwever,  A!r.  I'residenl,  I  slnaild  ennsimie 
Inn  iiiiieh  lime  in  Iraeinn  the  Inilliaiit  passages  of 
that  '.^raect'iil  and  masterly  prnduelinn,  1  will  pro- 
I'reil  to  a  hrief  review  of  the  irealy  seiilin;!;  the 
miriheaslern  hnmidary  and  the  Aslilnirinn  ne^n- 
liaiinns.     And,  first,  llic  snhjcet  nf  the  hnundary. 

The  Seiiftlnr  infnrm.s  us  lliat  when  he  wa-i  in- il  Maine  nndivided.  And,  in  short,  .sn  perlinaeinn.sly 
vested  w  ilh  thr  diplomatic  insignia,  he  found  Ihis  |  had  all  Adniiiilslrations,  up  to  this  time,  adhered  In 
matler  ex('eedint;ly  emharra.Hsed  hy  ihe  rorre- :  thr  interests  and  honor  of  the  cn'inlry,  that,  ns  the 
spnndenee  nf  previniis  Adniinistralinns;  and  hr  ,  Sriiatnr  from  Massjiehuselta  informs  us.  Lord  Pal- 
(|nnles  extensively  from  messaijes,  dncumenls,  and  \\  merston,  lirr  Majrslv's  I'rinripal  Scerrtary  nf  Fnr- 
uilieiid  papers,  lo  pi'uvc  (whiu  llu  ouu  has  denied)  '"  ci^ii AlVuir8,d*;clui'ud, in liUoHiciiil despatch, "thai 


knnwled'^'e  nni'(]nal  In  ihe  task',  and  lived  and  died, 
.'ind  the  Ipieslinn  remained  nnsettled.  Il  wiihslnnd 
the  exertinns  nf  Mailisnn,  the  palrint  and  stales- 
man,  and  of  the  hilinrioiis  and  researehin:^  Mon- 
roe, and  of  tlie  vonnirer  .Adams,  to  whom  was  enn- 
eedeil  iiinre  diplnniatie  learniiajr  than  any  Ameri- 
eaii  siatesman  nf  his  lime.  Jael<..nn,  the  sa;;r  and 
hern — will)  let^  his  miixhly  impress  npnii  the  iii- 
siitutinns  nf  his  i'niinlry,anil  liy  his  linid  and  I'ear- 
le.ss  patriotism  eommanded  the  rcspret  and  admi- 
rnlinn  nf  the  wnrlil— who  now  reposes  at  the  Iler- 
mila;:r,  far  fiom  the  stmuL'le.s  niid  asitalions  nf 
lime  and  spiise, — passed  nver  this  enntroversv,  un- 
disposed nf,  to  his  sni'ee.ssnr.  fiiit  the  priidener 
and  san;aeilv,  the  perseverim;  jiurposr  and  fpiiet 
fiii'inrss  of  Van  I»uren  fiiiled,  ami,  like  those  who 
had  preeeded  him,  he  retired  from  office  with  thr 
unrtheaslern    hnundary    ipieslinn    unsrilled,    and 


'the  Itrilish  ( Jnvei'niniiil,  an  early  m  \HW,  li.iil 
'  perceived  that  lliey  never  cnnld  eonie  lo  a  seiile- 
'  nienl  of  this  i'onlrn\ersy  with  the  (ioxeriinieiii 
'  of  .\Ir.  V.iii  Ihiri  11,  and  lliey  iheiefore  w  islied  and 
'wailed  for  a  ehanye  in  the  Uinerniuent  nf  ihn 
'  (Iinied  States. " 

lint  Ihis  event,  so  larmslly  disirid  hy  the  llrit- 

ish  (invernnient — so  i ess.iry,  in   its  esliniallnii, 

In  the  adjUHimi'iit  nf  the  (pii'Stion— had  liajipened; 
Ihe  Senalnr  finin  Massaehiiselts  had  lieeii  invested 
with  Ihe  pnwer  and  diu'iiity  nf  I'remiei ,  and  in  the 
first  year  and  fil'ili  mnnlh  nf  that  aiispiiinns  niuii, 
Ihe  I'pii  ainn  was  adjusii  d  !  And  hnw,  Mr.  I'ri'N 
idem,  w.'is  Ihi.--  Iriiiiseendeiil  lial  in  diplninaey  iie- 
eomplished.'  liy  lining' llial  whii  h  all  his  pieile- 
eessni'.s  had  relnsed  In  do — i;iviiiLC  up  lo  (ileal 
IVit.iin  Ihe  whole  lerritorv  in  dispute,  and  71111,11110 
ai'ii  <  inlii  the  liiir;;'aiii!  What  a  snlilimi'  trinniph 
nver  llrilish  diplnmary  !  ^'es,sir;  the  Senalnr,  on 
the  first  day  of  his  spei  eh,  ealleil  oiir  iilliiilion  to  a 
single  I'lri'iimslaiiee,  which  speaks  vnlnnns,  and 
fmnishes  the  key  In  ihe  events  of  this  iiiiisl  extranr- 
diniiiy  and  inih  I'cnsihle  li'iiiisacliiiii'.  and  idllinimh 
al'ter  a  nii;l'l*s  retleetinii,  and   perhaps  npnn    the 

advi )f  siinie  sa^aeinii.i  liieiid,  he  endi'juoi'eil  In 

unsay  il,  nr  al  least  In  ulnzi'  il  nver,  and  In  ^ive  a 
more  eonvenient  eonHlruelioii  In  tin  lanuna;;!',  yet 
his  inslinclH  were  strniiuer  than  hi...  pritdence — iln; 
fiicl  was  nnl,  and  his  allempl  In  niamificinre  a 
iiieaiiiii!;  fnr  the  occasion  was  inisuccessl'nl. 

The  Hi;nificaiil  i'X|ire.ssiiiii  in  which  I  allude, 
was  thai  nf  l.nrd  I'alniersl.iii,  in  Ins  despatch,  as 
•,'iven  liy  the  Senalnr  frnni  Massachn.'H'Hs,  that  the 
"  llrilish  tjoverimieiil  puiniied  that  they  iiaild 
'never  come  to  a  settlement  of  Ihis  controvi'i'sy 
'  willi  the  Uovernient  of  Mr.  Van  l!iireii,aiiil  llii  y, 
'  llierel'nre,  irhhiil  and  iniiliil  for  a  cliaiij;e."  \ir>, 
sir;  Ihe  ehaiiu'e  desired  and  waih  d  for  hy  the  I'lil- 
ish  r.JnvernnienI  came.  Uur  s,'e.;a.  imis  and  liiiiii;lity 
rival  siw  that  the  time  f  n  Inr  a'j'^raiidi/.rment  and 
iiiir  dehasenieiil  had  come  with  il.  .She  knew  her 
lime,  and  she  knew  her  men;  and  not  only  her  nwn 
men,  hut  she  kiie'.v  ours,  with  w  hum  she  was  In 
iie;.'iitiaii',  hi  tier.  Allhniii;li  she  was  linn  leprc- 
senled  al  nnr  (hiveriiment  hy  a  Minister  of  ^'irat 
experience  and  cniiceded  capacity,  she  passed  him 
over,  and  sent  mil  as  a  special  ainhiiss;idor.  In  iie- 
ale  w  ilh  llie  Amrrican  Secretary,  a  ;,'i  alleniaii 
nf  liiL'h  character,  enlar^'i'd  cxiierii  nee  in  the  mai- 
ler nf  "  erpiiviilenis,"  and  wiilial  an  emineni  and 
ttijilihy  hanker;  and  he  il  w  is,  wlm,  cinsi  led  willi 
the  Aiiieric;in  Secretary,  "  snliiary  and  alniie," 
prnceedrd  In  the  ne^nlialinn  nf  this  mailer,  which 
disniemheied  a  snveiei^rn  Slate,  wiihont  leiniii;; 
prolnenl  or  memoraiidnni  lo  ii  II  what  passed  l.e- 
luri  n  them;  and  all  the  piihlic  know  I'onci.rmnc-  it 
is,  that  the  linsiness  proceciled,  ns  the  .Secret  ny 
inlnrnis  ns,  upon  the  principle  nf  "  eipiivali  nis.'' 
lint,  sir,  the  Senalnr  says  that  Maine  ennsi  iited 
In  the  arranuremenl,  and  seems  lo  suppose  that  nn 
niher  seelinn  has  the  ri^dit  lo  complain.  Il  was, 
Iniwever,  a  fpicsiion  of  national  as  well  as  .Siaie 
:  hiai Hilary;  one  in  v,  liicli  every  nimilier  of  the  Coii- 
federaey  had  an  interest,  and  would  haveheen  none 
the  less'  a  roiicessinn,  if  .Maine  had  hien  silenced 
and  had  lonsenlcd.  Iliil  hnw  did  she  cnnsent  ' 
With  the  decimation  nf  Ihe  Seen  lary  that  no  more 
fivnrahle  terms  eniilil  he  ohiaiiied— llie  ol'l-repeat- 
id  cry  that  she  was  ahoiil  lo  involve  two  meal 
Cliris'tiaii  nations  in  a  lilnndy  war— with  llireiil.sof 
I'niiire  aihiiralion  mid  llic  parade  nf  a  spuri.ais 
map,  her  cnnsciit  was  finally  w  niiiu:  from  Inr. 
Read,  sir,  the  roiisivl  of  llie  ennimi.ssinners  of 
Maine  lo  the  disniemherment  of  iheir  Stale,  and  the 
indi'^nant  and  elotinent  protest  it  contains,  tlinn;;h 
horne  dnwn  and  crushed  hy  siirnmndiiiu'  circnni- 
siaiiees  into  aci]iiii'.scrnce.  Sir,  the  consent  nf 
Maine  In  part  with  her  soil  and  her  snverei^'iiiy 
was  yiven  with  a  hleedinu'  heart — il  was  like  the, 
eon.-eiit  nf  him  who  1  aris  Ills  own  riL'ht  arm  lo 
the  surncon's  knife,  when  advised  that  his  life  can 
only  he  preserved  hy  its  ampulalinii.  She  eniisenl- 
ed  as  one  cnnseiils  In  'iiiiimil  lo  kindred  dust  the. 
children  of  his  hody;  she  cnnsenled  as  the  red 
man  coiisenls  lo  he  driven  from  his  happy  hiinlin;; 
f;rnunds,  the  graves  of  his  fathers,  and  thr  lianks 
of  the  streams  where  he  sported  in  childhnnd; 
she  rnnseiileil,as  was  said  hy  niiother,  [Mr.  1!kn- 
TiiN,]  ns  "llie  victim  coii.senis  to  cxecnlion,  he- 
ransc  he  walks  and  is  not  draji^ed"  to  the  scnfl'old 
I  which  hns  heen  creeled  lo  receive  him. 
i      1  will  now,  Mr.  President,  proceed  to  examine 


n  L' 


i 


540 


tfJVrii  CoNo 1»T  Sks*. 


aimm:ni)ix  to  tfik  c:ongrk.ssionai.  Gi-onr,. 

'IWali/  of  Washitts^Um — Mr.  Dickinson, 


[April  f), 
Sknatk. 


tins  iri'iily  minii'wliul  riiori'  in  detail,  anil  in  cmi- 
Kliji'i'  im  rKMci-Hiiionii  mill  >'nnni<-riile  iifl  >'i|iuvuli  iila, 
nml  li'iivr  it  In  an  iiii|iiirii.il  piililic  In  jiiiIk«  nf  Ixilll    ; 
ila  uixiliiiii  anil  its  intri,'rily 

l!v  nil  I'incT  In  llial  |iail  nf  my  Orrijnn  ji|«ti'1i 
aliiiulv  liiitiri-il,  It  will  iir  SITU,  that  I  anaiilril 
that  till'  Diiti-li  Inn,  (ttliii  li  Innk  iVnni  iik  an  r\- 
ti'iitnvi'  liTiilniy,)  waa  niril.'il;  ami  lliat  llir  A«li- 
liiirlnn  liraiv  t'avi'  In  (irrat  lliit,iiii  iiniri'  tiniiniy 
than  a  nia|i  in  Inr  l''nnii;ii  dllii  r  nIihwiiI  slii'  wan 
fiilitlril  In;  in  liirl,  nliniit  sivni  liiniiliiil  thnn- 
Niniil  ill  ii'M  niniT  llian  tin-  Hiilili  liin' .■:avr  liiT;  iiiiil 
thai  «!•  |miii  I'nr  it  In  Miiliic  mill  Miissaeliimutl.t 
^'IIHI.IHUI. 

'riiii  I  nnw  ii'|H'nt,  anil  |anvr  inv  a»»filinn  hy  llie 
nutlinnly  iil'  Lnnl  llinii;;liant,  wlin,  in  iliMrii».<iiiL; 
ihi'  AHlibnitnii  liriity  ill  tin'  Itritmli  railiaimnt, 
Haul: 

"  I'lii'  Dillrti  III  ii«  Hir  liilirmr  In  llii>  tinn  l.aril  A-liliiirtuii 

h  i<  u  A  n>  111"   llutrll  I i-  li'  II  T  timii  tin'  Inn'  ur  hul  .1117 

l,tl-  (  I  ii,ril.'  mill  »l"l'   II  l>''''|i-  "1 Ill''  '■ ai'''" 

If  n  III  i\.'>  III'- Aiai'rK'iiMi  iiiii'li  tanlii  r  I'rnia  ttl"  Ht.  I.(ii\ 

I'.M iliiiii  till'  llini'h  till''  iliit.  ului'li  wix*  tllii  iitlliT  iiri'at 

i.tiji'il." 

Ill  «|icnl(iti','  of  the  ninp  to  whirli  I  nllntlcd,  he 
t-ny: 

"I  liii'iu  lliiil  iiiJiit  -I  l,tnav  II  iiiii|»  «Iit''tl  I  I'lin  tnirc  ta 

ttl>'  l'll^r>a\  at  tj'or'^i'  lll-.tllMl  nil  wlllrti  llM'ir  IH  till'  Allll'll- 

I'. Ill  liii>'.  iiiid  iial  til"  IJiuli'li  liiii'.  iiikI  iii'iia  vvlai-li  llirrc  1* 

.1  II  .1  •.  ihiii,  I Ill''  li.iiiihMilnii;,  ii-  It  liii-  li"'ii  ili'»<ritn''l 

l->  III   .  la:il,''-  III"   lliliK  II   wu^  tin' liiiiiilu  iltiilu  ii>  liHiru" 

Itl    I II':  •■I'lii-l-  til"  Mil'  lit   William  t)-«'iilif<  Iri'ilty 

01  r.SJ,'  niilli'ii  tlii'i'  IT  l.iiir  tiiiii'»ni'ni->  tti"  tiii'i'  iit'it." 
Anil  iil'iiT  snnir  I'liriln'r  ri"niail(«,  lie  nilils: 
••  Ilia  "Hai"  linw  nr  nlln  r.tliiil  iiiiiji.  "Al  "i  rii//M  t't  ilr^tn^m 

DMI     I    -n/lTlh'-M    l'.H<l      -l'"'*    "//    If    I  fir   .-ll'inil    llt^.   IlIH     111   III    f" 

liiiiviit  frniii  tti"  lliill'li  Miiinnii'.  |li U"  lll.'i'  lilpmrv  "ii" 

iiii'-t-Mlril  ta  til"  iiiu-i  mil.]  mill  In  iiinv  ta  In-  liiiiiiil  111  til" 
I'nrL'iL'iidlhr,-," 

I.nrd  I'altiirl'i'lnll,  tn  he  Hliri',  lliKSrillill  IVntll  till' 
i>|>inl'ins  III'  l.nni  llrnii^liain,  hut  l.niil  l!rnin;liaiii 
MilM  .siislainril  iiV  till'  ll'illsi'  all  hill  llliaiiininiisly, 
t«n  IVl'I'.i  nnly  lltK.ll'lltint".    all''  hl^llll'',   l.nril   I'al- 

lllc■l.^lnll  liiid  larit  diMniuM  il  iVnin  iilll''!',  and  I'rit 
till'  ill-iialitrod  irrilatiniiH  whirli  f/isifii^^u/ M'ct'Wiirii.^ 
Ill  Mihir  i.-nnntrii's  s'lini'iiini's  extiiliii. 

I!v  this  it  is  niiiriihil  tlint  tin;  Mutili  lino  cava 
!■>  (in  at  iSiiiaiii  inin'li  ninri'  than  slir  was  t'lililird 
t'<;  ill  sliiii'i,  that  slir  had  tin  ri^'lil  In  any  |iiii'linn 
ill'  llic  ilis|iiitiil  ti'nitnry;  and  yi  t  this  tnalv  irivi-s 
In  Inr  H<\tn  liiinilrid  thnn:<i'.tnl  in'iis  nmri'  tliaii  tin; 
I  >iiti'li  hill'  |iin[insi  d  tn  !;ivi>.  And  \\v  n^i-t  c,  w  itii 
( liTiil  liiilain  Ino,  d'or  11  is  |M'iividril  in  ilia  tniviy,! 
In  ]iay  In  .M.iiiii'  ami  Masnai'liiisi  lis  I'm'  tin;  snil 
llins  siirri'iidi'i'i'd,  s,.'lllil,llll(l,  and  liavi'  |>iiiil,  and 
111'.'  tn  |i;iy,  ali.ait  y.lRI.IIIH)  I'ni'  llii'  1'\|m'Iim'H  i<{ 
Maiiii'  in  di  I'lniliiiir  it.  lint,  says  tin'  Sinainr  I'mm 
iMa>>ai  intsi  Its,  ilii'  land  waKalnn':»l  I'lilin  ly  wnrlli- 
hss,  and  ts  |ti'nliahly  at  this  tiiiii' rinritil  with  li\i' 
li'il  ili'|.||i  111'  snnw'.  Thi'ii  «liy,  if  vahnlr.-s  fnr 
any  inirimsi',  did  itii'  lair  Sn  I'riary  inni'liasi'  it  at 
ill!  t'X|iiiisi'  111'  >.''illll,(llill:  And  why,  pray  nil, 
was  (jiii:it  Itritatn  .-"i  anxinns  In  iihtain  it  and 
i^iM;  I'm'  il  till'  incttialud  vaUiabln  anil  vast  i'i|uiva- 
h-nis- 

Till'  Senatnr  dni's  mil  drny  ihr  rorriTlness  nf  niy 
n.'^sri'iinii,  lint  I'dntplanis  lliat  tlii'  rniidaiiniital  nriii- 
c  i|ili'  ni'  his  iriaiv  liciii:;  lliat  iil'  rc|iii\ah'ni>',  I  did 
nnl,  III  staliii'.;  ihi:  rnnri'SMnns  niiuli'  hy  il  in  t  iri  at 
IJriiaiii,  liiiily  I'luinn  rati'  and  (stiniaii.'  iln:  njiiirit- 
li  lih  ri'i-fiu'd;  and  this  is  inic  nl'  his  )ii'im'i|ial 
t'rniniijs  uT  ai't'iisaiinn.  {''nteiiiusi  in  nnik  iind 
[tiiiif ipa'  in  valiu*  in  tlii'  latain'^ni'  of  *i|iiivali  ills, 
the  Sfiialnr  pl.n'cs  KniiM-'s  I'nint.  This,  ha  iii- 
I'lrins  IIS,  as  llnai'/.h  iinia'  Kia'^v  its  pnsitinn  lint 
hinisiir,  is  a  valiiahlc  nniitary  |insl,  i'n)niinitnliii'.r 
till*  I'titraiaa  In  LaKi.'  (Jliani|ilain,  at  a  |>iiini  iirai- 
tlir  liiiP,  hi  Iwtin  III"-'  liritisii  |iiissrssiiiiis  in  ( 'anaila 
mill  tin;  Si  no  of  Ni  w  Viirk.  This  lars^i/ snin  of 
iiinm  y,  ihi'  >Si'naliii'  a^snris  11s,  was  la.l  in  ril'pi'l 
pan!  t'nr  tin'  wnilhli'ss  si^vi'ii  Inniilri'd  ilmiivtind 
,'iii'f's  I'l.'did  ri'nin  t!ir  ai'Kiinwii'ili;iil  I'-nunry  and 
jiii'isdtcliiin  nl'  Maim'  In  that  nl'CJii.at  liiilain,  lint 
'was  paid  hi  nhlain  itnllsa's  I'liiiil  and  Its  vast  iilill- 
laiy  advaiila;;i's.  Btit  if  paid  t'nr  Rnusr's  I'nint, 
v.'hy  paid  In  Maiur  and  Alassarlnisi'tis  -  Tliry 
assi-rii-d  nn  rlaiin  'ihaluviT  tn  Itniisi-'.s  Pnint,  and 
ihiii'  land  llir  Srnalnr  prnnniiia'i'S  In  In.*  aliimst 
w  nrihlrss.  Xnw,  k-l  nsexaniinr  I'nr  11  nnnni'iit  the 
arirnnii'nl  nf  tin;  Si'iiainr,  and  iinta  tin:  I'nm'hisiniiM 
In  wliii'li  il  Inini^s  lis.  Till'  liiK:  awariird  hy  tin: 
Ivint^iif  ihr  Nulnilands,  i-allril  llif  IJnti'h  liiii', 
t:a'.i:  IIS  Ivniisa'.s  I'nint  and  its  niiliLary  advaiita::is, 
und  Bi;i:un;d  lo  Alainu  tlic»cvL'ii  hundred  tlinusaiid 


MiTM  of  land  wliii'li  this  treaty  u'ave  In  (trial  llril- 
ain.  Ah  n  Seiialnr.  frntn  Massai'linsetiH  diiriiii;  llii* 
Adininislniinin  nf  (iriii'ral  .lai'kiinn,  lliat  Sinalnr 
fippiisi'il  till'  Diilrli  hill',  fnr  the  allrired  reiiinn  that 
il  was  mil  s'ltlirii'iilly  tiiMinilili',  and  vnteil  against 
aviry  pi'iipiiKllinn  wllii'h  Innkrd  In  its  adnplliin', 
and  111'  muv  Imasis  nf  his  prmeess  in  iliplninai'y, 
and  sicKs  tn  iinimilali'  e\i';y  nni*  wlin  shall  i|ni's- 
iinii  his  pinfiindilv,  lii'i'inisi-  he  siii'i'i'i'dril  in  pay- 
Ill'.;  '^.'il  11 1, 1 II Ml  in  I'asli  fiH-  ihi'  seven  linndied  tlnni- 
sMiid  ai'ri'snt'  wnrihli'm  iand.and  in  i^ivite..'  the  saine 
fnr  llniis.'s  I'nini,  w  lull  the  award  nf  the  Diilili  , 
Kill'.',  whii'li  III'  risisli'd,'_'aM'  11s  hmli  the  land  and 
the  I'niiii  fnr  niilliiii!;',  and  ( ireni  lirilain  nrueil  lis  In 
ai'i'ept  Iheiii.  And  yet  the,  Senainr  insists,  and 
sniiie  will  ditiilitlesH  eiineede,  tlnit  he  Inid,  in  tlie 
..ellleimiil  nf  this  line,  11  sirii'l  re'/anl  In  ilie  prill- 
I'lple  nf  ei|llivilli'llls.  Nnw,  sir,  I  have  siippiisill 
lliat  "  eipii'  alenl"  inrant  Minielhiii'^iifennal  value, 
tliniiu'li  I  have  nnl  Innlied  al  Wehster's  Dii'liniiary 
In  see  Inuv  lie  defims  the  wnril.  The  praeiii'iil 
ei'tisti'iii'iinn  i,'ivi'ii  In  it  hy  the  Siiialnr  finiii  Mas- 
Ha 'hnsi'its  in  this  ease,  at  least  hiiween  (ireat 
llrilain   and    tin' rniled  Slates,  wniild   seem  tn  he 

as  fnllnws:      A   line  was  nll'i'red  In  nlir  (  Inverillneilt 

iiserviin;  tn  Maine  the  si'ven  liiiiidiid  tliniisnnd 
iii'res  nf  lerrilnry,  and  alsn  lliinsr's  I'nini.  The 
Seniilnrnppnses  thill  line,  and  prneitres  its  re  jee linn. 
lie  then  pi'npnsis  In  irivi  thr  seven  liilmlreil  ihiill- 
saiid  liens  fnr  ihe  inilil  iry  pnint,  |i;iys  In  Miiiiie 
sniiie  S>'ill<l,llllll  fnr  Inr  savin  hiindnd  tliiiiisand 
aen's,  and  then  nssiins  lis  tlial  he  nei.'nliated  ii|iiin 
the   lasis   nl',   and  with  nn  eye  In,  the  "  einiiva- 


h  Ills." 

On  the  first  day  of  the  .'ienator's  speeeli,  wliil" 
he  was  ililaiin:;  iipnn  the  |irineiple  nf  eipiivalents, 
and  his  natrintisni  I'xpaiiilim.;  itselfnur  the  le'ipiisi- 
linn  nf  Knnse's  I'niiil,  hy  his  inimil.'llile  lliplnniaey, 
I  I'niirleniisly  askiil  hull  if  ihi.^  Pnint  was  nnl  i;iven 
IIS  hy  I  he  MwanI  nf  the  Dnii'li  Kim:.  His  answer, 
nnf'M'Innntely  fnr  him,  was  ihe  n'verse  nf  the  fael, 
and  the  inainier  in  vvhieli  il  was  i;ivi  11  was,  as  will 
he  reenlle"ii'd,  still  iiinre  iihiKlionahle.  "  Nn,  in- 
deed, il  dill  nnl,"  was  his  pcreinplnrv  and  Infty  de- 
nial; Imii  fnr  reasnns  wliieli  ean  he  re.uhly  iiiia;;iiieil, 
he  pariiallv  n'lraeted,  and  fainily  ailiiinieil  thai  the 

award  nf  the   Dlltell   KillL'  L' iv  e  lls    Unllsr's    I'llilll; 

hill  seiiiii'd  In  jiisiify  his  denial,  npnii  the  irniniiil 
that  il  sravi  it  hy  a  eiienl.ir  line,  whereas,  l.y  the 
treaty  nf  fi/nien/i  ii/«,  he  nhiniiieil  It  hv  n  direet  niie. 
.'\ ml  lie  1,'ravelv  arjiied  that  il  wnnhl  he  useless  ns 
a  inilil, iry  pnsitinn  under  the  l>nli'li  line,  lieeanse 
the  line  that  seeiiiTil  il  In  ns  was  rin'iiilnns — as  i, 
eanmin  sliiil  and  ;rrape  fnnii  the  furl,  in  ilisi'liarL'iii; 
ihiir  ill  inlly  errands,  wniil.l  desi'rihe  the  same  eii- 
euil,  ratlie'r  than  pass  in  their  desliniitinn  iipnn 
a  ri^'lii  line.  The  inipiirv  W'ls  iml  wlielli,  r  the 
I  Inti'li  line  '_'ave  ns  that  I'liint  liy  a  ri'.rhl  nr  a  eiirved 
line;  hut  whether  it  uave  il  In  ns  nr  nnl.  Iliil,  sir, 
tn  pinei'  l..'Vnml  ilnnht  the  fn't  that  this  pnsi  vyas 
L'lveii  ns  Ipy  the  awani  nf  the  Diilrli  Kin",  imlwilh- 
stamliie;  the  einnhaiie  "  Ha.  iai/i'ff/,"  nf  the  Sena- 
I'lr  fnnii  Massa,'lins,'ii,<.  I  have  prn.'iired  frnni  the 
War  l)i'|iiiriineni  that  pan  nf  the  awanl  relntim.; 
In  Rniise's  I'llilll,  wliii'li  I  will  liiiw  read.  It  's  us 
fnllnws: 

'■  ,\iiil  Hull  111"  (invernineiit  i>r  llin  fliiti'il  Sliili-<  nl'  Aiaer- 

ii-a   li;i-i   "r""|i-(l   "iTIiiiii    I'lirtitl.  allaii-  nl    111"  ph i-alli'il 

Knll.ie'.^  Pnihl.lleil'i  lililir"'Mnn  iliiil  111"  tiiuiinit  litriin'd  I'lirl 
nl"  their  ti'rril'irv  —  111  iiii|irii-iiiii  ^iiHi'-ii'iiiK  iiiiiliiiri/''il  tiv 
111"  ein-i'iii  Iniii''  thai  tin  liii"  liail.  mini  lli"ii.  Ii"'ii  ri'|ill|eil 
la  r.irri'-ipciliil  »llli  111"  -I'ali  ili'jr f  lenlli  laliliiile: 

•■  ItV  iiri-n^n;iiii.<i.i:  'riilll  II  will  li"  ,.ililllili'  |i7  r-iilrini 
.(r,il  In  prci"i'"il  III  fri'-'ll  op"r.ilinii,4  In  iiii'a-iiri'  III"  iili-erveil 

l.ililiiil".  ill  r,ril"i' tn  iiiirl.   Ilia  III"   l> Ian  Ir Ill"  river 

r.p:in""li"ill  ainie.'  Ill"  paralli-l  nl'  111"  I'.lli  ili  sri  "  nf  nnrlli 
laliniil"  tn  111"  riviT  Si.  l.nvn'iKP,  nann'il  la  the  Irealii's 
lr"iiiini>i' nr  t'lil.'iracnv.  ni  sii"li  n  iiiainiiT.  Iiiavi'vir.  that, 
111  all  i'a-e,i,  nl  111"  phine  ralli'il  liiai-e''  I'.. ml.  Ill"  lerrilnry 
cif  the  I'liili'il  Hiali's  nf  Aiii"rl"H  sliall  I'vP'inl  In  Hie  1. 111 
nrn"l"il  al  llial  lilU"". ami  -hall  im-lil'l"  sunt  liirl  iiilil  its  l,il.i- 
ltl"trii-(ll  railllM.  Irrivlil  Ai/oi«l7ii'/in'.) 

[.siaiii-il)     ■  ••  WILLIAM." 

So  nineh,  Mr.  Presiilenl,  fnr  the  denial  nf  the 
Seiinlnr  frnni  Ma.^sai'linsitis,  and  fnr  llie  iiivalu- 
iililo  servi"i'S  nf  the  late  .Seen'tary  ill  Ijninin;;  us 
llinise's  I'nint. 

lint  the  Senator  points,  wilti  nim-li  triumph,  to 
a  n;irriiw  strip  nfsnil  nn  tin'  Imriiers  nf  New  Ynrk 
and  Vermnnl,  whieli,  ns  Seereiary,  he  elaiins  tn 
have  seeiired  In  ihnse  States  iipnn  the  prinriple  of 
ei|llivalenls,  in  the  elnsinu'  nf  this  lie;rntinlinll. 
Nnw,  sir,  let  lis  eNamine  the  true  liismry  of  lliis 
Inmslfnl  aeqiiisilinn.  Hy  the  treaty  of  peaee  nf 
I7«H,  lictvvecii  this  Govcinmciil  and  Great  Uriluiii, 


the  4.'illi  panillel  nf  nnrlli  latitude,  im  iineerlniiied 
hydn'al  Itrilaiii  liersell',  liefore  llie  Ili'Viilnlinii, 
,vaN  fixed  as  the  hniinilarv  line  helweeii  the  I'liiti  d 
Stales  and  ( 'aiiada;  mill  lln-  fni'lilii'alinli  al  Itnnse's 
I'llilll  waseneti'd  jiiNl  within  the  line  on  the  Aiiie- 
rii'iin  side.  Siihseipient  exaniinatiniis  prnvid  that 
this  line  had  hren  errniienusly  liealeil  liydnal 
llritaiiii  and  hy  the  treaty  nf  (ilieiil,  tins  ernir 
was  n'l'tified,  and  the  line  inade  In  enrnspnnd  with 
the  true  iiaiallel.  TIiIh  ^ave,  or,  pi  rliaps,  wniilil 
nr  may  iiave  i;iven,  lliiiin,;li  il  is  inieslinnahle,  to 
Ci.eal  I'rii.iiii  a  iiarmw  strip  nf  land  fnnii  the 
nnrllern   hnnndarii  s  nf  the  Slates   hefin'e   eiiiiim- 

rali'il,  ■<(  half  a  mile  ill  1 ml,  and  rinmiii'-;  In  a 

pnini  lit  the  iilher;  mnsi  nf  il  in  a  wild  stale,  and 
the  n'Ni  Mparsely  sellli'd.  The  same  remarks  are 
applieal.le  Inn  pnrlinn  nf  terril'iry  nn  the  easiirii 
Inninitary  nf  New  llaiii|isliin',  lyiii;,'  lietweeii  t«n 
en'eks;  mid  il  heim;  ilmihifnl  whieli  inie  was  in- 
lemh'il  hy  the  tn'alv.     Ilnl  tlie  wlinle  lerrilnry  in 

all  tlii',se'ea.ses  liail  ri'inaiiied  in  niir  pusses,'! and 

the  iiihahilanls  siiliji'i't   I '   iiirisdh'tinii.     The 

value  nf  this  land  f.ir  tin'  nun'  piirpnsi'  nf  lerriln- 
ry wai  Irilliii'.',  and  (inal  Hriiain  had  nn  wish  In 
ini'lmle  Aineri.'an  Ireemni  within  her  hnnndaries. 
She  readily  ennsenleil  to  fix  the  line  wlieni  il  was 
iiri','iiially'lo",ili'il;  to  I'lve  up  what  she  seareily 
elaitinil;  thai  lo  vtliieh  her  ri;;lil  was  diiiilnfnl; 
llial  nf  whieli  she  had  never  hi'i'ii  pnssesseil,  and 
did  lint  want.  And  allliiiii'.;h  it  w.is  well  In  I'nrn'i't 
.■mil  fix  definitely  this  lim  ,  il  was  of  itself  the  siih- 
jeel  nf  nn  eiuhari'assiiieiil  or  eniilrnver.iy,  and 
shniild  rank  as  a  small  all'iir,  whether  pinnhd  ii,s 
a  liriiish  eipiivalenl,  nr  a  di;il"nialii!  exphiit  nf 
nnr  .SiM'n  larv  ini-'nliatnr. 

Ilnl  last  thi'ii'^'h  mil  least  in  value,  In  tliiH  Ireiily 
nf  eipiivalenls,  as  iir^'i'd  hy  the  .Si-uatnr,  is  tlie/'nr 
mivi'.'iitinii  nf  the  St.  Jiiliii's  riv.  r:  a  limited  and 
partial  ri;;lil,  al  hesl;  ami.  as  was  slinwii  hy  llm 
iinmiralile  Sinalnr  frnm  Maine  |Mr.  l''.Miirii-;i,nl  a 
few  days  siiiee,  lias  heeii  sn  emharrassnl  hy  liriiish 
eonslriieiions,  taxes,  dnlies,  and  oilier  e.xa.  linns, 
ns  In  eiirtail  ni'iierially  the  heiiefiis  it  even  pretend- 
III  tn  seein-e.  liesides.  we  n'eeive  no  imu'e  in  navi- 
;:alinii  than  we  lieRlnw  iipnii  this  river,  and  L'lve  a 
ri^'ht  nf  way  nver  nnr  soil  wliieli  is  not  rceiproeated 
hv  a  ri'.'hl  over  theirs. 

Ilnl,  sir,  was  this  eeded  territory  valnalilo  lo 
either  Cinvernment  fnr  any  pinpnse.'  I  had  never 
snppnseil  il  wmild  eninnan'  111  fertility  Willi  the. 
valley  of  llie  .Mississippi;  and  vet  I  had  snp|insid 
il  valnahle.  fnr  I  reniemhi  n  d  ilmt  the  same  Seen'- 
tary iie'_'niialnr,  wlin,  slaiiils  lii'.;li  iipnii  Ihis,  and 
deservedly  lii'^'lier  upon  ihe  ollirr  siile  of  the  wa- 
ter, ill  a  piililie  spei-eli  in  the  Senate  a  few  years 
siiiee,  proposed  In  take  fnn'ilili.'  |inssessii.n  of  It 
on  Ihe  till  dav  nf  some  .Iiilv.  I  liail,  nnlil  nnw, 
helieved  Ihal  lliis  dav  was  sele.-ted,  as  11  day  devil- 
led to  patriotie  deeds;  hill  sime  lls  deseriplinn  hy 
the  Senainr  frnm  Miis.s:i"liiisells,  I  einn  liiilc  it 
miisl  have  heen  to  avoid  the  vast  heils  of  siinw 
whieh  resi  iipnii  il  al  nmst  nllnr  seasniis  nf  the 
year.  And  imw,  sir,  pennil  me  In  iiniiiire.  Why 
was  il  thai  (ireat  liritain  desin-il  this  lerrilnry.^  fnr 
she  never  nets  wilhniit  a  innlive.     Upon  the  (he- 

irniiilis"iis.=inn,  iiivl ahle  enllra'.'iie  |.Mr.  |1|\| 

alliideil  enllaterallv  In  the  seillemenl  nf  this  hniin- 
ilarv, and  spnke'nf  tin-  military  lonimiiiiie.-iiinii, 
whleh,  hy  lliis  In  iilv,  llie  liriiish  finverinnenl  had 
Bi'.iii'ed  helween  .\ew  lirnnswiek  and  tlnehee,  and 
of  the  eounlry  she  had  ilms  L'ainid.  Knr  thus 
veiilnrini;  toi|neslinn  the  wisilnni  nf  the  Inaty,  and 
its  iieunliatiir  ill  makin:;  it,  my  eollen-iie,  wlinse 
ilistin^-nislii  d  eniirl'sy  is  prnvcrhial,  iillhiiiis;li  he 
triiiiiiplianllv  snsl.iiiied  his  pnsiiinn  hy  ri  ferenee  In 
il.  hales  in  li;i'llriii^lil'arhami'nl,eanii' in  fnrii  share 
nf  the  nnuenerniis  harshness  nf  the  Senainr  fnnn 
Massaelin.'^ells,  tlinil-,'li  he  ese;ipi-,l  his  vinleliee  .mil 
demmrialinn.  Ilm.sir.l  prnpnse  in  piirsin  ihe.  mat- 
ter a  siiiL'le  step  further,  and  tn  iiii|iiire  whether 
Cireal  llrilain  had  nnl  lull:;  and  inisneeessfully 
snn.'hi  tn  nhlain  this  very  lerrilnry  whieli  was  so 
imdnrinnsly  vielded  hi  her  hy  the  Ameriean  See- 
n'tary; nni'  .shall  I  he  deterred  fniiii  my  purpose 
hy  persnnal  ahiise  or  me^'ry  men;iee.  l!y  refen-neo 
lo  a  history  of  our  Forel^'ii  lielalinns,  eonlanied  in 
Ameriean  State  Papers,  V"l.  It,  paire  711!),  11  will  he 
seen,  that  in  ncLjiitiatiii;;  the  treaty  at  Olnnl,  the, 
liriiish  enmmissiom'i-s,  as  slaleil  hy  a  eomniinnea- 
tionlVom  ours  of  August  10th,  1^*14, demandeil— 

•-  \  iliP'.-l  c-oniminiiealioii  rrniii  llaliliix  anil  III"  I'mviiii'e 
of  New  Briniswiek  to  liuebtt,  to  bu  se  ared  to  Ureal  Bril 


nlii.    Il 

I •■ 

rlaii  In 
111  III" 
N'i'W  III 
11111111" 

All 

1  earili: 
oflhi 
'of  I  111 
'nfen 

Am 
nf  III" 
('ns,  ri 


IP  10.1 


iiJ>Tii  (loNrj 1st  Skss. 


APPr.NDIX  TO  THE  CONORESSIONAT,  GI.onF,. 

'Dreaty  of  ll'nshinirUm — iWr.  Dickinnon. 


I'll 


Sp.natr. 


nut.    Ill  iMi.<\vrr  III  Miir  r|iii'<tiiiri,  in  t\ltiit  iii.min  r  ItiM  uih 
III  III' I'll'i'i'inl  I  \M' tviri' liihl  Hull  II  mil  I  h"  iluiii' hv  II  i-iM. 

rinll  In  llii'ill  llllMllI  Ml' llllll  jMIII' I  III  '  >ll>llli'l  ill' Mllllll', 

ill  Mil'  Hull'  111'  \lii.-iiiliii<iii,.  wliii'li  liiHTii'iii  I  liiiivii'ii 

\'rw  llillllxM  li'k  llllll  (iui-li'  iMIMll  |llrVi'lll<  Ihllt  lllri-i't  Cnlll' 
lllllllliMlliill." 

Ami,  ill  II  Moln  iif  till'  lti'ili«li  r'iiiniiii:<Hiiiiii'rN, 
'  riMiii:;  llic  niiiiii'  dull',  til  111'  rmiiiil  nn  ilir  iiixt  |iiii;r 
ol'tlir  miiiir  vi>liiiiir,lliry  iliiiiiiiiil  "  Hiirliii  viii'iiUliin 
'  III'  llii'  liiii'  III'  piirliiiiiii  no  iiiiiy  hh'Iiii'  it  iliri'i'l  liiip 
'  iiri'iiiiiiiiiiiii'iiiiuii  lii'iwri  iiCliiiiliii'  Mini  lliilil'iix." 

Ami  iiiiw,  t^ii'i  III  iiH  iiii'ii  III  till'  iiiilili'  i'i'M|iiiii.''i' 
III"  ill"  AiiM'rii':iii  t 'iiiiiiiiisKiiiiiirH — llllll  Willi  wirr 
).;iiK'niiil  in  lliiir  Mi'iinMH  liy  llii'  iiiiiTrniM  mill  Inimii' 
III'  till  ir  I'liiiiili  y<  mill  iinl'liy  fiiiiiviilriiiH.  'I'liiir 
iiiiHUi'i'  111  llii-i  iii'1'iiL.Miii  ili'iiiiiiiil  may  I'l'  fiiiiml  i>t 
|iH'.'.i'  71'.',  Ill'  till'  Milllinr  lirl'iiic,  lllrnlii'lli'll,  llllll  m, 
tlinl  "//('I/  /nil*/'  ii'i  atilliitrihj  tn  rfilr  iiHff  ptirt  nf  Ihr 
'  In'rilnr;!  el'  Ihr  l^iilnl  Sdidi,  illli/  (o  lli)  .<(ijill(il/iiill 
'  tit  llhtt  tft'irl  irill  lliilj  .ill/i.ii'l-i/le." 

Miiw,  Hir,  li't  ii.H  I'liiiiriiHi  iliiH  ti'uly  Aini'i'lciiii 
llllll  |iiitiliiii('  Hi'iiiiimiii  wiili  till' »l.ivi.'(li  llllll.' mill 
Imiiijiim'ji'  nf  llio  Sri'iTliii-y  hIhi  iii'iriilinli'il  ii|miii 
till'  [iriiii'iiilr  I'l'iiiniMilriiH.  Ijii'iI  Asiiliiirliiii  aii- 
lli'lllli'i'H  liiitlsf'ir  III  mil-  ( tiivri'lliili'lll  nil  tin'  l.'llli  nl* 
.liiiir,  IHI'J.  I''iinii;il  iiiilin  iii'i'  iiiii'i'iliiiii'.ri'il  iiiiij 
nil  iiilrrvlrw  Ih  ii|i|iiiiiitiil  I'n  llm  jHlli.  'I'lir  lii'st 
M'l'illi'ii  rniiimiiiiii'iiliiin  Criuil  All'.  Wilishi',  tlip 
SriTi'iiuy.  In  I,  nil  AnIiIiiu'Iiih,  iil'iiiiy  liii|iiirt  iiiri', 
is  mull  I-  ilair  nlMulv  f^ili,  \K\'!,  ami  I'liinislir.i,  lio- 
iiiilrH  iiiliiT  inUM'csiiM'.;  and  riirimiH  (Irvi'lnpiiii'iil.'i, 
till'  I'lilliiwiiii;,  wliii'li  i.i  wnrlliy  nl'  csiii'i'ial  iiltcii- 
linn  : 

"  ITr  iiii(/i'r.«/i(iii/,  llllll,  iiKtreil,  eotlrri  from  i/oitr 
'  f.nnhliijt^H   ii'i/i',  Hint  with  v'hiiliirr  ii/iiiiiifit  f\t'  lirr 

*  I'iif/if  tn  lilt'  ilhiinliil  di'iifori/,  l-lii;^liniil,  ill  fl.^ici'/iilif 

*  il,  lull  iifinfii'iiUi!  ill  ririi'   to  iiuiiiilnin   nn  liir  iiirii 
*yi)iltiii'  iiriii\ti'ini'il  t'liii' I'f  n.inin\iuictition  liilu'fru 

*  Ciiiiiii/ii  mill  .Will  llntiisir'u-k\      }t'r  tit'/:nit\rli-tli:;e  tlit 

*  yriiM'ii/  jwtiri'  unit  jirojii'iitit  nfthis  tittjrrt^  unit  ii;i;iri' 

*  III  iinrr^  thills  ii'itli  siiil'ilili-  iijiiifiili  nts^  it  coiwi'iilxim- 

*  (//  liiii'  ini'^ht  tit  lif  Mir/i  IIS  III   M'ciM'c   it  tn  r^ni^tiiiut. 

'  The  ijiii<iinn  fficri/ui'e  sim/i/i/ i.«,  u'/jnt  line  xcill  st- \ 

*  f Ifl'f  \l  .'**  ! 

'I'liii,  Mr.  Pii'siileiit,  rstnliliMlif'R,  lu'Vi'iid  di.ipiili! 
(ir  cavil,  llial  iir','iiiialiiiii.s  vvi'i-i'  In  Id  ii|iiin  ilii.i  .siili- 
ji'i'l  wliirli  ilii  mil  I'i'sl  in  wi'iliii'/:  I'm' llir  .Si'i'rrim-y 
"  iiiii/ir.N(iiii(/.'i" — ay,  "  iiiii/rn/iiaifv.'"  and,  licfiilrs, 
*'  I'tilli'i'iM  it  I'n  I  111  his  lnrdslii|i'.H  iinip,"  lliat  \\\v  irymi 
nitjifl  iiHift-.w  jtrilain  was  llial  wliiirli  slii'  liad  vain- 
ly rliiliaviii'ril  In  iilitain  I'lir  lliirly  yrars — Iirr  liiii' 
iiri'innminiii'aliim  In  iwi-ni  ( 'anaila  mid  .\ow  nrnns- 
wii'k.  Alllnnr.'li  lliis  |ii'n|iiisiliiiii  Iniil  liccii,  liy  all 
wliii  had  pri'i'i  di  d  him,  indi^nanllv  ri'ji'i'lrd.  In'  'a-jis 
rt-ady  III  ai'lviiiiwli'ili''r  il.s  "irmiral  jiisiiic  nnil  prn- 
lirirlv,"  mill  "  »irri'.'  11/  once" — mil  with  dmilil  nr 
lii'sitalinn,  lull  iil  (iiirr — m  yii'ld  it  I'nr  "  siiilalitc 
I'lyii/rii/i  It/'','*  and  niily  ^v■aitl'd  In  impiiri'  what  piir- 
tinii  nt'Maiiii'  I'aiLcl.iiid  ili'sirnl,  and  in  wlial  shapi' 
il  winilil  .si'i'iii'i'  In  hrr  ihis  Iht  I'avnrili'  nlijcii. 

And  now,  sir,  what  say  tin'  .Maine  (.'ninniissinii- 
riH  cnii'-i'minir  this  pan  nl'  tlif  snlijcrl,  wlinsi'  npii  - 
inns  li:i\i'  lii'i'ii  sn  iil'n'ii  and  sn  Iriiiinpliaiiliy  in- 
vnki'ilr  'I'lii'  vahii-  nl'  ilii-i  li'irimry,  fur  tin'  nicri' 
jnirpnsr.4  nt' Inuindary,  and  tin'  iidvanlaL'O.s  it  irivrs 
tirrat  Uritaiii  in  a  rivil,  as  well  as  a  iiiUitiirij  pniut 
ni'\ii;\\',  is  sKrli'ht'd  by  lln-s('  ('iiniiiiis.s;niii>rs,  in  n 
ilispali'li  111  Mr.  Wi'lisiir,Sn'ri.'lary  iil'Slatr,dalid 
July  :J-J,  l^l->,  as  I'lillinvs: 

'•  It  I'.'iniiiit  III-  ili'iii"il,  llllll  it  pri'MTVi'.!  Ill  ii<  a  rriinlii'r  in 
a  tiir.'^l  iiliiiiisl  iiiijii'iii'iial'l.'  mi  llii-  nnrlJi.  \\  liii-li  wntil.l  lii'. 
fi.iiil  il-i'iriiV  iH  "Wit  iiiiliiral  .■Itiinu'l'T,  iitiil  Ilial,  iraii'.lliiiii: 
^h^ltlll  II'  il'ilii''l"l  rr.iiit  nil' ai'i'ii'iilltif.il  valtii' 111' llllll  pur 
n.'ti  lii'M'iiil  ih''  .M  iilinv  I'ka  si-lll-iiii'iil.i.  mi  iii-cmntl  111' il.^ 
nr:::  iliii"-  iiiiil  i'-^  want  nf  iillraitimi  in  M'lllir-,  iniirli  titiij- 
111-  .iihl  il  In  ii'i  \.ilili'  ii.-.a)iiiMiiilar>  li'lU'i'i'ii  llii'lwiiitaii.iiiH. 
■rill' valtii.  .11  it.i^  ha. -I  111  llr.'.'il  Itrilaiii. /m'I/i  ni  .1  I.',  i/ ifiiil 
#.ll'/il..i-il /HJiiil  III' \i.'\v.  I'ailll'il  111'  nviTlinki'il.  //  yirrv  /i.r 
/'i.'  iitii7  rnitfiil  toiitt:  lor  I'tv  ttioi  finfiil  u/'/roo/is  in  ir.ir,  ilini 
It.-r  mail-  anil  iia-.-.'i'tiL'i'rs  in  pi'in'i',  ami  i.*  iiin,-l  parlimlarly 
iiiijt'iilaii!  Ill  I'asi'  ol'r.'lii'Wril  iilllliri'aks  in  Iiit  Xnrttl  .Vliii'r. 
iriiii  t'liimiii's.'' 

Mark,  Inn,  the  si::iii('ii'aiit  Iaii5;iia_i,i!  (if  Lnrd 
Ilrnni^hant,  nlri'aily  I'ilid : 

*■  V'.i'  Ihil'h  Hiif  i-i  in-  f'tr  iiil'trhr h llteliiii'  Lortl .^vfihiirlou 
li,:f^',l..i<lhr  KilJtlitti- i^  Mlt-rlktiti  II  •■  It, ul  wtii  !Hh:  lo  rx 
)ii;l :  I'll '.  iiAiV'  il  tfeffH  ojteii  titf  iiiiiitnuulriititu,  il  rnnitt-i-i 
//i,' .7iii.'r('i-..'ii«  tiiii/i  t'lirtlit-'f  fifitn  t/ie  SI.  hnurencr  Mini  /Ac 
/)ii(./i  line  ill./.  a/,iiVmn  /.'if  0//11T  atCtil  oltjni." 

What  riiiiiiii iiiiirii/iini,  and  what  (i//irr  c;rrnl  nhjrtt  ? 
A  !;iral  miliiary  ('nmniiinii'alinn  and  military  lul- 
vanla:;i'  I 

I  iriisl  I  liavc  now  slinwii,  Mr.  President,  that 
Maiiii'  was  not  only  dismcnilirri'd  liy  tlii.s  hidden 
and  niysleriniis  iiei;iitiiitiiin  iifeqnivalents,  lietweeii 
the  Alnerieuii  .Secretary  iuid  the  Brilitili  banker. 


hut   that  Mini   and   miliiary   ailviuilii;;i'ri    were   *' 11/ ; 
dllff"  ^'ivi'M   tn  (iiral  Ilriliiin  wlliill   llad  been  llelil 
Kai'i'i'il  Crnin  tin'  I'niiinl.itinii  nl'  the  (tnvernnienl, 
mill  lliiit  we  rmlil  a  prii'a  I'nr  ti'an»('i'rriii:;  <mr  nwii 
terriliiry,  mill  I'nr  i«iiliiiiiltiiii;  In  deep  ami  liiHtin^'   , 
dishnnnr. 

The  rvfUl  nf  neiiieh,  nr  nf  visit,  Mr.  I'rrsideiil, 
was  iiNn  II  Hiilijei'l  allinleil  tn  in  tiiy  Orecnn  Bpeei'h, 
wltii'h  I  liiiiiNied  niii.'lil  III  have  lieeii  Niiiled  ai  the 
Name  time  wiili  the  iinrilieaMleni  liniiiidary — lieiie,' 
nn  imne  iinr  less  than  a  ri;,'lil  elaimed  liy  (ileal 
llrilain  tin'  lier  eriiiHers  ti>  Iniard  inir  ineri'limil  vi  s- 
Hi'ls,  detain  lliein  nn  their  paHsie^e,  and  examine 
their  papers,  under  the  idle  pn  leiiee  lliiit  it  is  tn 
aseerlain  wiiellier  they  are  realiy  what  they  piir- 
pnrt  tn  lie — Ainerieaii  vessels — iiiiil  1  niiileil  tn  the 
prntei'linn  nf  the  Ameriean  IIm'^j;  a  ri'^rlil  tn  he  elaini- 
ftd  mill  exeri'ised  in  piiii'e,as  n  jnstirn'alinn  fur  Hei/- 
iii','  mid  iiiipressiin;  mid  driii;i;iii';  the  Ameriean 
sailnr  iiitn  fun  iirn  Merviee  in  time  nf  war.  This 
rinhl  (treat  Urilain  had  nrrn;;aiiily  anil  iinpiidenily 
asserted,  and  was  exereiHinir,  in  vinlaiinn  nf  ilie 
Ameriean  Ihi:;  mid  iifniir  eniiimnii  rii;lit  ti>  the  I'ree- 
ilnin  nf  the  seas.  This  alrneiniis  assiiinptinn  and 
infamniiH  priieliee  hail  lieen  resisted  Ity  nnr  <  inv- 
ernnieiit,  in  variniis  fnrnis  and  ii|inii  all  neeasiniis, 
until  after  that  ehanu'e  wlii'li  the  llritisli  (Jnvern- 
inetii,  aeenrdiiiL;  tn  l.ni'il  I'almerslnn,  ileemi'il  so 
I  desiralile  In  ilie  inljiislinenl  of  dillleiillies.  'J'liis 
same  Ijni'd  I'ahnersinn,  in  insiNliii:;  iipnii  the  nu'lit 
nf  Neareli,  in  a  despaleh  tn  Mr.  Htevennnii,  III  IHII,  I 
I  defines  it  ax  fnllnws: 

'•'I'iiiiililt,  liy  I'liantiiiti  pnrlaneo,  the  wnr.l  'ItaqM-i  li-n'il  , 
M  i'Xpri'1-i  tile  li'-t  111'  iiiiliiiiiiilit\ .  ami  lliiiiiuh,  ili'eoriliiiu  In 
llllll  ai-i'i'lilaliiiii  iil'llii'  wnnl.  In  r  Miiii".|y'i  (inveriiiiii'iit  iiii- 

iiiii  lliat  llrlii-lt  eriil"i'r"  ar t  eniiiiiil,  in  time  in'  piiu.'.  in 

Ni-iireli  iie'ii'liiiiil  vi'ii.ii'N  fiillinu  iiiiiliT  Ilie  Ainern'aii  Itai!. 
vet  Iter  Ma.li'-ly'i*  (inviTiiiiienl  iln  nnl  iiii'iin  theri'liy  In  iity 
that  ft  iin'ri'liniitliiaii  eiiii  exeaipl  limi-eir  rrniii  .se.ir. A  li.v 

ineri'ly  liiil-linu  ft  |ti''( I' tninlinu.  "Hit  tin'  t'liiteil  SlJir.'i* 

Iiti'ni'^  anil  enlnr-i  lipiiit  il:  tinit  wliii'Ii  ll'T  M  ije-l\'s  t;ii  ■- 

ernmi'itl  ineini  i-.  tliat  tin'   riulilM  nl'  llii'  riiileil   Hlati'M  ll:iii 

)  efi'iitpts  il  vi'iiMi'l  rriiiit  ^1  tiri'li.  wlii'tt  titiil  vi'-^el  in  iimviili'il 

;  Willi  papiT'i  enlilliini  Iter  In  wear  llial  llau,  anil  prnvitiir  her 

i  tn  III'  riiili'il  .'^uili'H  |inipi'rl\,  mill  iiftvl|i.iti-il  iieeniilniK  to 

law. 

"  Hill  llii'i  I'ai'l  e:niinil  lie  a-Jeertniiii'il.  iliileiis  nn  nllleer  tif 
the  erni-er,  wlin.ie  ilmy  il  i-  tn  a.ii'e  lain  tliirt  I'ai'l,  shall /.iiiiri/ 
llif  ii'ss/'/.'  or  utitfi:  Ihr  nut'ti'f  nfllii'  mcri-hnnlntim  iliiill  Itiinit 
III*  ii'liirm  on  liiintil  tlir  rriilM'e."  Ate. 

1  lere,  it  will  he  seen,  this  llritish  "  ritrlit"  in  iin- 
•  hliisliiii;;ly  asserted,  and  we  are  siieeriii!;ly  told  that 
the  "pieee  nf  hnnliii:;,  with  the  I'liileil  .'"Itales  ein- 
lileina  and  enlnrs  iipnn  il,"  will  tint  prnteel  onr 
tiiereh.'ints,  unless  they  have  the  rei|iiisilr  papers, 
and  that  this  initst  lie  ilelerinined  hy  ilie  insolenee 
n\'  llritisli  aiitlinrity — liy  detaiiiinir  the  vessel,  and 
snti'rliini^  III'}'  juijii'i's.  III  ihtrriiiint'  irln  Ihvi'  she  i.s  a  siih- 
jrrli.fseiirrli;  and  that  tin'  "eiiililems  and  eotnrs" 
of  Ihe  Ifnited  Stales — the  i.^lnrinns  stripes  and  slurs, 

whiell  tell  of  llie  pi-eiinlis  lilonil  nf  llie  UeVnhltinll — 

is  a  "  pieee  nf  Iniiiliiiu',"  wliieli  eamint  prnteel 
(III  the  liii;li  seas  fiiiin  liriiish  miiirh. 

Ijiii'd  .\lierileeii,  llie  siieeessor  nf  Lord  Palmer- 
ptoii,  in  a  like  despaleh  some  two  inonil.s  laler, 
asserts  the  same  !;eiieral  doelrinr  as  his  prpileees- 
.sor,  thniin^li  in  ninre  unardeil  lan^'iia^e,  and  s:iys: 

'•  It  i'l  (iliviiiii-i.  Ilieri'l'iire.  thiitllie  illmnsieanlinn  is  it s- 

s:ir\' in  till' I'M Ti'isi' nl'ttiis  yi^hl  eliiimi'il  liy  Ureal  llrilain. 
Wiiil '  ue  liave  rieiinrse  In  ihe  in  ri'.-i-ary.'aiiil  iaiii  eil  llie 
iiiiU  nil'. in-  Ilir  ili'li'i'liie:  inip '.sliire.  I'li'  ;.r.(i7iti'  'i  ill  If  i.  ti'- 
f',i!ht  :iti'Uilnl  ami  limit. 'il  In  i'.i-->  nl'  -Iriiin:  sit.  pieinii.  Tlie 
lill.lersil.Mn'il  lii'L's  In  ii-sliri'  Mr.  Sli'Vi'iisnn  llial  Ilie  miist 
pri'iise  llllll  piisilive  iiwlrililinns  lia\i'  lieeli  isslleil  In  Iter 
Majesty's  nllii'iTS  nn  llie  .-lltij'i't.'' 

This  doelrino,  so  revoltiii','  Ni  every  trne  Amer- 
iean, so  liiiinili;itiii'^,  de'^radiii'.:,  and  dislmnorahle, 
was  made  ihe  siilijeet  nf  indiu'nant  protest  in  the 
fire  of  llii' world  hy  our  Minisier  ill  Paris,  Mr. 
Cass.  It  was  met  hy  linld  and  elnipient  resi.slanee 
liy  Mr.  Stevenson,  nnr  Minister  in  Lnndon,  and 
dei'lared,  in  an  ollieial  despaleh  lo  f.ord  Alierileeii, 
to  he  '*  II  viiihilh'ti  of  iiiili'uuil  li'jhls  (mil  ynverfisxvlii, 
tniiithi'  liirntilrslithlr  ;jriiir/';i/i'.s  e/'  tnln-natioiiiil  /fne," 
the  exi  reise  of  wliieli  iiiiL^lit  '*  lt:int  ti>  cnti.ifqiiruris 
of  II  jia'nifiil  r/ifiriie/ei'. " 

riiit  it  was  left  for  the  Serrelarv  neijotialor  to  dim 
the  lustre  of  the  Ameriean  name,  and  sully  ihe 
linnnrofllic  Anieriemi  llair  In  this  neL't'tiatioii  of 
eqilivalenls.  Tie  eniild  revive  the  diseiission  upon 
liiiili  that  and  its  inisercmit  arrompaninicnl,  im- 
pressment, write  despatehe.s  ii|ion  thorn,  of  fiiie- 
siiiin  theories,  and  ahslraet  truisms,  to  show 
thai  they  were  o)ien  tpiestions,  and  iicrelianee  to 
plaee  on  file  and  eovcr  the  firaetieal  detrrndation  to 
which  lie  wa.^  ubutil  to  subjeel  llic  country,  niid 


, 


'et  lis 


then  leave  tlieni  where  hit  fnniiil  tlieiii,  iiiiNeltlrij; 
and  hesides  I'lnbarrasNeil  by  the  fiel  that  llipy 
had  been  lite  fiibjei't  of  neu'oliation,  niiil  were 
thereliire  proper  siib[ei'lN  fnr  diseuNAinii,  but  (lORt- 
linlie  their  settlement  In  a  liinre  enlivenienl  season, 
lint.  Sir,  dill  I  say  lie  left  the  ri:;lil  of  seareli  whera 
he  foiiiid  \l>  lie  hail  not  even  this  pnnr  merit, 
I  lis  treaty  eompelled  lis  In  keep  a  (leel  nf  tint  ImH 
than  ei'jhty  ijutis  in  the  At'riean  seas  In  ai'l  in  coti- 
1  ert  with  (ileal  llrilain  in  her  ernsatle  nf  moek 
bellevoleni  e,  |l  eliainiil  US  to  the  1  ar  of  tlli.l  hlUJ" 
,)ii!;','eriia'il,  and  eiimpelsiin  In  do  her  hiddiiiL',  anil 
that,  till',  witliinil  providiii'X  tlint  even  litis  shnuiil 
exempt  us  frnin  the  nlle:;ed  and  exereiHed  llritisli 
ritjlit  nf. search .  It  wa»  nut  eiioii:jli  that  nnr  lliu; 
wa.H  insulted  llllll  nnr  liniinr  slainid:  Inn  the  rii.'lit 
nf  seareli  iitnsi  be  relaiiied,  and  we  iint  p.  rmiueil 
to  exert  our  heiirvolenee  ill  onr  way  mill  11  inner, 
but  we  iiinst  he  placed  under  the  diiiniiiion  of 
(ireat  lli-itani,  mid  be  eoiinielled  by  her  to  Heiiil  a 
Heel  to  the  African  seas  to  lielp  seari'h,  tn  vet  rid  of 
beini;  si'iii'i'lieil,  wilhniil  any  siipulalimi  that  even 
this  aliject  snbmissinn  slndl  exeinpl  lis.  Hut  there 
is  Klill  aiinther  verse  in  this  sliami  fill  ehapier,  ne- 
enrdinir  lo  the  iinlhoriiy  of  Lord  llriiii';liaiii.  Wo 
have  already  seen  that  Lord  Alier.Ieeii  as.serted, 
and  insiaied  upon  the  ri'.'lil  tn  .search  Americiiii 
vessels  by  Ilrilish  erniseis  by  hiinrdin^c  ibein,  de- 
taininu:  llieni,  and  examiniiH'  their  papei-s,  &f.; 
with  a  view  to  deterniine,  by  llritisli  nplics,  ilin 
iremiiiieiiess  nf  their  nalinnalityiand  we  liaye  heard 
the  lanu'iiaije  in  which  that  lla'ifant  dncirine  w:ih 
a.sserled,  and  the  repiidialinii  nf  its  iniinsirniiN  fea- 
liireM  hy  llie  au'enls  of  our  ( invernmenl.  Iliii  what 
was  llie  response  of  our  Seerelary  iie','iiliatnr  ti. 
this  llritisli  assiiniplinn  nver  American  liniior? 
I.iii'd  llrniejliani  .shall  te.slify.  In  hi.sspeecli  bel'nie 
iilhidi  il  tn,  ill  speakiii','  nf  the  riu'lit  of  search  nn 
eontendeil  fir  by  Lord  Aberdeen,  he  .says: 

"  Tlien  ivlial  navs  Mr.  W'l'list.T.'  At  nni'  nl'  hi^  Jir^t  in- 
/cri/c.i  Willi  l.nnl  A-lilinnmi.  ivlnii  tlic  siiliject  wftH'i;lanei'il 
111,  Mr.  Webster  cut  shun  .1//  i/.Miew'oit  liv  liisiniclly  anil  eat- 
i"_"irii'!ill\-  a-scrlilii:  liiat  Iln*  iinelinn  liaii  liceii  set  ciimpl,  p.- 

I_v  at  rest  liv  111',  ti-nm^ii'i'rr'/  ami  int.ii's -.f/'.'i'  slati'liii'iil  nf 

.  liiv  niililc  rrii'iitl  (l.nnl  .Mienlecn)  in  Mr.  Slevi  iismi.  prhe 
Mari|iiisnrl.aii.i|nu'iii'asl(eil  when  this  iippcareil  in  llie  pu- 
ll rs.^]  Il  is  tint  in  inn  ili'spalch.  I  Itavi'  il  in  llic  slale- 
liieiil  III' nil'  tinlile  rrietiil',  l.iiril  .■\s|ilitirlnti,  inailc  in  hi-  place 
I  Its  ft  p.'ernr  rarliaiiiciil.  which  I  Ihiiili  Hiilticii'iit  In  sali-l'y 
inv  ininilius  In  witat  .^b.  Welisicr-aiil  inliiiii— that  tin' ijiii's". 
Ilntl  hail  liccii  Inreur  scltleil  liy  l.nnl  Aliel.lieti's  i|...paleli 
In  Mr.  .<li'i''llsiiii.  *  '  *  I  liiiil  it  slalcil  III  l.mil  .\tier- 
ilceii,  iil  ft  lelhr  In  Mr.  l-'iiv.  llial  he  hail  nn  ialciilinn  In 
r.'tli'iv  llie  ilisi'iissinn  iiiinii  Ihe  siil,|i.|'|.  «  !ii,  It  lias  Ihe  less 
nece--:iry.  as  tin.  Seerelary  nl' Slntc.  that  i-.Mr.  Welistcr, 
hail  iiinri' Ihati  iiiiei.,  (I  saiil  niiee.  I  riiiil  Dial  I  niiilcrslaleil 
Ihe  casc.l  iiinre  Ihail  nnei'il'i'larcil  In  Ihe  llritisli  I'leiiipn 
ti'liliary,  llial  is,  l.nnl  .\slilnirlna.  that  the  Htateliieiitsnl'Lord 
Ahciileell  llllll  lii'i'lisalisrai  tnry." 

And  thus,  sir,  stands  the  American  Serrelnry, 
who  lias  proviiked  this  expnsilinn.  When  (Ireat 
llrilain  wisliid  a  pnrtinn  nf  Maine  for  her  miliiary 
nperalions,  w  liicli  had  been  denied  her  by  all  pre- 
vinus  Adiniiiisliatiiiiis,  lie  agreed  "at  once"  to 
yield  it.  When  she  asserts  the  riL'lil  tn  bnard  nnr 
iiierclmnliiirn,  ilelain  llieni  on  their  pn.^snffe,  sub- 
ject tliem  to  the  ilomineerins  eonlrol  of  Ilrilish  iii- 
Hiilence,  iii;<pei't  llieir  papers,  and  thus  insult  niir 
llair,  lie  "  enis  slinrt  all  diseiissinn"  by  eniicedina; 
the  wlinle  len^lli  and  breadih  iiflhis  iiinsi  oireiisive, 
even  of  llritisli,  doelrine.s,  thonilli  il  had  been  repu- 
diated and  eoiideinned  hy  his  predeeessors,  and 
I  execrated  by  the  common  jmlsnienl  nf  mankind. 
1:  My  cnlleaijne  and  myself  are  Inld,  with  si'jnili- 
eaiit  eniphasis,  that  a  distiniruished  predeeessnr  nf 
nurs  saw  the  '.[nni  advaniai^es  of  ihis  invahialilo 
treaty,  and  voted  for  its  ralilicalinn.  The  Senalnr 
endeiivors  lo  copy  the  iiislinet  of  llie  bird  nf  the  de- 
sert, and  hide  one  norlinii  nf  himself  if  the  residiio 
is  expnsed.  lint  he  shall  lint  take  refiiire  in  this 
iiiattcr  behind  the  eniinent  name  lie  invokes,  nnr  of 
nihers  who  vnteil  fnr  ils  ralifjcatinii;  for  it  is  one 
ibiiiL'  to  make,  hill  a  far  dill'erenl  one  to  ratify  ,1 
treaty,  and  esjiecially  when  it  is  lo  be  feared  that 
worse,  instead  nf  better  terni.s,  will  be  accepted  if 
trusted  tn  further  lll■^'nti^^tiollS  and  furllier  "er|uiv- 
alenls." 

Iliil,  sir,  in  my  Oregon  .speech,  in  eniinierniing 
the  eonee.s.sioiia  made  to  Great  llrilain,  I  allndeil  to 
the  destruction  of  the  Caroline,  llie  murder  nf  Dur- 
fee,  and  the  ease  of  McLeod,  and  now  refer  to 
what  I  then  said  for  a  brief  statement  nf  the  facts. 
The  Senator  from  Ma.ssaehnselt.s  has  paid  particu- 
lar atteiitinii  to  this  branch  nf  the  subject,  and 
upon  the  score  of  erpiivaleins,  shall  receive  like  at- 
i  tentiun  in  return.     My  business,  sir,  is  not  with 


.'■.'■T 


tmm    mi 


543 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  COlVGRESSrONAL  GI^BE. 


[April  9, 


29th  Con« 1st  Sess. 


Treaty  of  fVaskins^ton — Mr.  Dirkhison, 


Senate. 


wimt  Mr.  Van  Pnron  did  not  do^lmt  wiili  what 
the  Into  SccrcUwy  ilid  (/<»,  iiiul   to  ilmt  I  shall  nd-   I 
dn'SH  myf*»'Il*  in  a  nmnnrr  to  bo  undi  rstond.  [■ 

Althrni^'h  tlio  dosiniclion  of  ihc  Carolino  atid  j] 
(lie  mifder  <it*  nurfoo  li)ok  phuT  at  the  ohtseot'i! 
1K17,  I'lid  wore  PDon  ihoiTnl'tor  tlie  auliJcotH  nfli 
ntri'iiiinirjition  lirtwocn  the  two  (lovcrnmonts,  ■', 
AT'-Lood,  iho  allcirrd  niurd''rt'r  oC  DurlVp,  was  not  ;■ 
nrrostfd  uiifti  Novnnlirr  |*J,  H-1(>;  and  tlio  wholo  I 
cHSf  was  n<.'  tlirn'tnro  jin'sciilcd,  in  il.s  iniporti.nt  i 
Itoarinijs.  unlu  at'ltT  lli.it  prrind.  I, 

Mr.  Van   I»u,rn  <h  aiandod    rcpamtinn    of  tho    , 
rtriiis'-  Ciiurrnnn  nt  Cor  l!io  oOVneo;  and   alilinnuli    . 
hi'  .hd  not  obtain  it,  y»  t  \\o  persistrd  in  it,  and  did  ;i 
not,   hko    tho    Anicrlran    Sorrotary,   porfidi-MisIy  '.' 
yiehi  In  tho  nssnuiplinns  ot'that  ovirhoarin*;  Pow-   ! 
or.     All  oxporionrc  lias  nIiowm  that  nr-xotratioiiH 
holwroM  tl»c  two  Govcrnnionis  proocod  wlowly,  o\- 
rrpt  ivhon  pnrsnod  npnn  iho  prinoiplo  of  (Mpiiva- 
IcntH'.  anii,  hrsidiM,  tluN  uns  a  siiltjc'*  of  niiusual 
irritatinn — i!io  prriial  was  ono  »»f  intrnsp  pulitical 
oxrjrcnicrit,  and  l)ic  i  lianu'c   Iioro,  desired   by  ihr 
Jlritisl.  (jovi-nMuont,  was  in  oxpci'lancy.     I^,t  tho 
denvmd  of  Mr.  Van  (tnrcn   for  ronaraiion  was  in 
fnrfo  at  llio  riosc  of  his  term  of  otlifc,  unimpaircil 
and   uncnibnrmsscd  by  thr   a<'ts  or  adini.ssiims  of 
bis  .Adnunistration;  and   tin'   rii'ltt  t*>  doniand  anti 
havi-  rrdrrss   for  tliis  art   (d'  indlirnitv   had   hern 
lioldlvand  roi>ratrdlv  a<:srii('d.     Mr.  V^an   (hiron, 
ton,  had  niaintainiMl  tho  dii^nity  and  pnprrinarv  of 
thf  laws.      Aniori'"an  ciii/cns,  who  wcio  nrrrstcd 
wiihin  luT  Miijcsitv's  dominions,  and  oonviotrd  uf 
bavini:  cn-op'-'-iid-d  in   'ho   irisurroction,  cxpiatrd 
th'ir  oil'- nee  upon 'Iir  si'alfold,  or  were  snbjiN-ird 
to  tho  less  inori'it'nl  pnnishwi<nt  of  icansportation 
to  Van  Diontan's  Land.     Thoso  who  worooonvict 
od  wiihin  the  Siatrs  of  havino:  b«  en  ronrrnn-d   in  , 
fiaiMni^nn  foot  iho  insMrrcrtifni,  wore,  lik**  rointnon 
fi  Ions,   sent    (o    "  pino    in    want    and    dnnsoons' 
irlooni*:,  shut  from  the  oontnion  air  and  ooinnion 
iisr  of  (heir  own  litnhs." 

What,  tiio,  was  tho  oonr.<'o  of  that  Administra- 
lioti  (uurhini:  iho  boastful  nuirdiTi-r  McLrod,  who 
was  'arroKied  a.-^  it  wan  about  drawin:;  tr)  ;i  rlosc, 
and  afior  that  rhan-n*  wbirh  tin'  !iritis,'i  Govorn- 
luont  dcsirod  had  been  ai'complishod  ? 

ras'*iMirovor  all  pnliniinarv  and  remote  matters, 
it  will  .leseon  tlnd  .ni  the  KVI.  of  Deri-niber,  Ihlll, 
Mr.  Fox,  the  Hriiish  Minisfi-r  rt'siih'nt  at  Wasli- 
ii.irton,  in  an  oth-Mal  dfs|i.itrh  to  Mr.  For.'^ytli, 
then  iSerretary  of  Stale,  informs  Itim  of  iho  arrest 
of  MoLfod,  and  proceeds  as  follows: 

'■  All'  r  !i  n-ilion*  ,i)ii<  \rv,ni"ii<  <-\;irinii;iii'iii.  Mr.  Mrbcril 
un.<<  rxniiiiittiil  l>ir  fial,  aatl  lit'  is  now  nnprlMaiiii  in  I^inlt. 
j.t.n  iail. 

•• !  lift  It  HIV  <Imiv  tn  mil  U[nt,i  tli.-  Ctv  niiai'itt  of  tin- 
riiii'it  Slat.-Iftl.ikr  |ini  iittl:iii.|rn.-.Mit:'l  -t  -|i- f..r  ttir  li^.  r 
tirixti  Mt  Mr.  M<  l.«-"il.     Ii  i<  u<  1)   kipnuri  iii;it   tlx*  ih'.^iitK' 

Ion  ■>!    ttl-'  St. 'antic. ;||  ■r':irf.))n'   *  U.l".  ,1  pillilK'  .'til  r»fjKr-.i||rt 

in  luT  Mitjr.-t\ '-  hrr\i.  r.  nt'i  Miiu  the  "iiiir  nCni.  ir  >UjH'rii<r 
aiitlnTttuf.  TlKit  ;i(  t,  iliiTi'iiTf.  nr.  nriliin:  i"  tin-  n-ieff;  of 
n;iii(>Mr'.  i-iiii  <inl\  li.' tli>'  -iiliji->  t  of  (Ii-cii"i<iii  !•<  iw.  tn  ihr 
|\vo  National  tiiivtMi'iiitHil-.  Il  <  iiniioi  <u-Mv  !>•'  itiiiitf  Itii- 
(jt'ihixl  >tl  U  ii:i\  proi'i  filihu-i  iii  l)i<-  ruiteil  .>^tiil<  ;<  tlu:un^l  lli<- 
lll'llliitll  ll-  ruiur  111'  ,!.  \\U-<  \\rf--  I  iililiil  '.  >  >»l>l  V  llic  illllllor- 

m-- ajuviini   tl  ttv  tin  ir 'nvn  C.-vr-nuie-iiI."  '         '         *    , 

"Th'-  (iii--if.ii.  liM,n\.r.  of  \rti.tli.  r  Mr.   Mtl.t'-' wiis 
(ft  \v;i- M'lt  >'(riirrrti<  it  in  tin-  t|i-~lrit(ii>iii  uf  tin' M '.irolitic,'    ■ 
I-  Im  ^hW  III'-  iitirp.»-<'  ni  ilu-  |tn  >..m  iTiiiiiiiiiiil'iilinii.     't'ltal 

:in'  wic  ltd-  imhlii-  ml  ((t'|i  i-ihi-  nlii>  ini!  iln'  t -.|iiri;<  l  an 

tlMH:ii'-'  of  l'<T  Mai"-(\"-  rn-vntt't'.  Tin'  Niitinrcil  <;.n,Tn 
lio-hl  nf  ttf  I  iiit^'ij  .-tiaii  -  lli<»it:at  tiM-ittxf  lv«-^  mil' <t  ti|M>ii 
l>>  ri'irioii.-tcK'-  ajjini't  it;  ami  a  ^^nl<•ll^l^.llll.l^  u  hi<  ii  ni<' 
I'F' -i.i- tit  'I  I  :i"'irilnn;t\  .ifl.tr*-;-  lo  tn  i  \I.!|< -i\ '- <;..vt  m 
ni''lil.  I«  ^Till,   I   lll'll'l'-,    I  (xiKhttl!  ^til>ir  <  I  of  ih[>]<>tli:ili<'  lll-4 

«-ii--.|on  l((i\v«-i  M  tir  r  M.ij  -iv'-*  ll.pii-rr.nn  iti  ami  tin-  I  tird-tt 
St.it^-o  l,f<>;(ti<>ii  Hi  l.'iniluM.     I    f' 1 1,   ilMoiuri,   jii-tilKil   in 

<   \|H-<    lUii  \\lW    Hir   I'l'  ■l<t<'tll'.-  foiV<>nil'«  Ml   uill  »■*■  tin-  jit  > 

tn-"  anil  th''  Ml', .-  irv  '.( .-tir-oiL'  tin-  po  -.•ni  intiii<  dial''  i, 

t.a-rof  Mr.  M<l (.tiv».-||  a-f.|  tikiittt  -ii<  li  -f  i^a-  m  iv 

|i '  r  'ini-iii'  I'lr  jii«\<  nrniL'  i.tmi-  u(  h>  r  Mai'-^'v '  ■  nl.i''-i- 
•oMH  In  U.L'  ;«-r--'i  iitiil  tir  mk.I.v  h  il  tn  Hie  I  nil)  il  .^tatr**.  mi  ii 
•  on<lir  iiiiiiiii<-r.     '•  i' '   iiiliiri'." 

To  ihis  in".s|  (-\|  aoidinary  ili-mand,  Mr.  '"or 
nyih,  in  ilu-  ^J(ith  l»i.i!nb<r.  IH|0,  rernriu  d  iIh' 
fidlowint^^  most  patrioiie  and  enndii'^ivo  ai-swtr, 
whii-h  should  br  n  ad  nt  h  iiflb,  if  for  no  oihir 
pin  jio.-ii'  lltan  to  stand  ni  eonhast  with  the  d'  iiaMn/ 
yt-iitniM  nf^  so  s  .on  aCo  f  pmnn'!:: m  d  frttm  tin- 
Kline  nliii-  by  iinollnr  tnt-ii!nl>eht: 

••TM<>  jiiriMtn  n<tii  of  th-  T.  v.ral  Slii"<  *  wl  h-H  con-liinli- 
tlif  rill. lit  I-.  «ilhni  ll'<  ;i|iproiiriali'  *|ilico-,  (Hrffi  H»  imli'- 
it'  ml  'i<tiil  tli>  r<  it'TaKJ.Ki  iiiHit'iil.  'I'tx'olh  i.<'>-  \Ml'.  Ulm  h 
Mr,  M'  b'  nd  i.  I'h  in;,  it  \\  m  lurumoii  d  uillnti  Ilu-  !•  nil'irv 
:oi<l  a^aniM  tin-  \nwt  .ami  (-iit/i')i<-  le  tiii<  Hian>  of  %>  w  ^  nrlu 
ami  I-  DIM-  tliiH  ('(Mn''"  <'li'ttil\  WKtoii  tlic  roni|><-l'-n''V  nf  |i' T 
ndiiiiiaN  II  d'»-p  liMt.  ii|.  ti'.iri'.  pi'-iiil  iin  i-ra'ii'n  «  litT'-.  , 
nnd  r  lti"<'<ir  •|irnli>'>  ami  lau  -  •>(  ihr-  rmoM.nx  tnli-i|iM-i  ' 
Itori  ■!.(!.. I  li.r  \\..u\\  1..-  ,.r..|,.r.  i.r  f't  ul.i.  h  .i  v.  iriM.l  an 
tM-  iiiuiut    I  111.   |t..wti!4  uith  v%titeli  III!'  t'ltli'i.U  Kvci.iiiivi' 


ifk  tnvfsleil,  Nnr  wniilil  the  eiremnHlnnee.-*  to  wltiili  j  on 
tmve  ruli-rn-d,  nr  tint  ri'nsnnt*  ynii  have  urni-ib  jiisiily  (Ih-  t>x- 
rrtiiin  of  siicli  a  jNiwi'r,  if  it  e\i>ted.  The  tranhaiiinn  (Uil 
(iC  u'liich  the  qiirMlioii  (irijn'",  iire-iMitrt  tlif  v\i-<v  of  ii  inn.'*( 
<nijiisniifih|e  iiiVHsinn,  in  tinif  of  pi'm-e,  of  a  pnrlion  of  the 
tirriiaiy  of  llif  Unili'd  Hinti's,  hy  ii  hintil  of  iirnuil  im-n  finm 
till'  niljacrnl  I'Tiltory  nt' t'anada  ;  tlir  fun-ihie  eiiiiinrt>  liy 
lliein,  wirjitt)  niir  own  wat'Ts,  and  tiic  siihsr(|M'-nt  ili'-lnie 
lion,  nf  a  stcamlmai,  lln'  pni|Mrty  of  a  citi/.i'ii  nf  ihr  I'lnicd 
^?ia|i's,  and  ihi  laiird'T  of  mn-  or  iii'm'  AiaerJi'an  ejii/i'ii't. 
If  arn--ii>d  at  ilii>  nrie>.  Ihi-  oil'cmlerH  iniifht  nnqm'^IJonahly 
liavr  hi-iai  hroie.'ht  io  iu-t((a>  !>>  ihc  jinli<-ial  aatlinritti^  of  thf 
Siatf  wiihia  hIio-i-  arkmiwlrduial  ti'riilory  tlusc  rrtnn's 
»Vi'ri'  cotrnnitli'il ;  and  th<'ir  ^iil'-i-iini'iit  volni''  .  iTiiriUu-e 
wnliin  dial  tiTritory  phiei»«  Ilit-in  in  llH'saiiier  iiiaiinn.  'I'ln*  < 
l'ri'!<id<'n(  i."  not  nu.irf  oi'  .any  inim-lpli-  ot  iitti  rnatjoiial 
hos ,  or,  ind<-<  d,  of  na^on  or  jll^ti^•l■.  witiih  rntitli  :<  mi-Ii  of-  , 
frndiTs  to  inipnnil>  l>.-ii>r<'  Ihi'  hual  trJt>inial-<.  uln-n  roinini!  < 
voliinlanly  within  tlii-ir  nidi-iM-mh-ni  and  iindonliti  d  jiiris- 

dii-lion.  I aiiNf  tln>y  acini  in  olaitirni'i-  to  tlicir  sninTior 

ioniioriiii'H.  or  lii>faiitif>  iln-ir  inii   h.avi' hrriam- tlir  snliji  <-| 
oi  diploniaiii'   di<i  n^'-ion    I>i'|\m-<ii    the  two  (i.ivi'rntni'itt^.  , 
Tln-sr  in.-tliodrt  nf  rrdns'— thi-  liyal  proM-enllon  of  (In-  of-  ' 
fihiliTs.  and  |||i- apiiliraiion  to  tin  ir  (invrrnnu'iit  for  natis- 
fariinn  -arc  iinl'pi-iidi-nt   of  i-aili  otinr,  ami  may  hf  ^^rpa- 
rat'd\' and  :-iniullam'on-l>  piit-in  d.     Tin'  avowal  oi   jii-nii- 
cation  ol  ilii- oniraL'i- h>' till' Itiiri-h  amhoniii  ^  laiuhi  h '  a 
trrotiml  of  cninplaini  with  th--  (iou-rmmiit   of  ihi-    rnii- d 
.•^lat.'s.  di-iiiH't  from  ilif  viidation  of  iln-  ti'rrMi>r\  and  law?* 
of  ?lif  Stall-  of  N.-w  Vurk.     'i'hi'  .appliraimn  ofih.-  (.'..v.-rn 
imni  of  Ihr   rnioii  to  that  of  t^rrat  Itninin,  for  ili>'  n-dri'ss  ' 
•  if  an  anilinri/rd  oiitrai;''  of  tin'  pcaci'.  diL'ni(\',  imd  rejhts  of 
til  ■  I'nit.'d  Siali-.  ratmoi  ih-privi-  tin-  SiaH'oV\i'\v  York  nf 
111  r  nmloiilili'd  rijilii  of  ^imlifaiiriL'.  tliriinLdi  ihc  rxfri'i?;!' of 
hiT  jadnial  pn  \rr.  thr  properly  and  livi;'  of  Ikt  riii/.i-iiH.'' 

On  tho  t*!)ih  of  tho  same  nimith,  Mr.  Fox  ox- 
presses  his  "vast  reixn  i  and  snrt>riso'*  ;u  the 
expression  of  Mr.  I'*i^rsyth:  admits  that  tho  '*(^n"o- 
bne"  was,  when  destroved,  "within  the  territory 
of  II  iViendly  I'luyer;"  bnt  allcmpt.'*  to  prove  tliat  iis 
dostriielion,  ami  the  nnnderons  arts  attending;  il, 
wi-re  ncei.ssary  aot.s  of  •' self  defenee;*'  prole«ts 
airain.st  (he  position.s  takoii  hy  Mr.  Fmsytli  in  his 
la.st  oommnnieniion,  and  darklv  hint.«  at  *'i:nivo 
and  .'^erious  eonseqneni'es."  i\Tr.  Forsyth,  two 
days  afterwards,  aeknowIedt,n'S  the  receipt  of  this 
despateh,  and  adds: 

"  Fall  I'vidt-ncp  of  that  ontra^r-  ha*"  Ih'I'ii  pri-srnti'd  lo  In  r 
Itrilannir  Mnjl■^tvV(iovl■^llnlrnt.  with  ii  drniaml  tor  rcdros  : 
nml  of  cotir?'!'  no  ih-rn-sinu  itf  tin-  i'in'ainsi;im-.  i  hi-n-  ran 
!>••  ( itlirr  n.*i'tul  or  pro;"  r  ;  n^r  i  an  1  ^nppusi'  n  ti>  hi.-  ymi: 
d<'>iri*  tn  iii>isi  on  it." 

Thns  rested  this  rpu-stimi  at  thft  eh)se  of  tho  Ad- 
niinistraljon  of  Mr.  Van  Ibiren,  v.w\  nfoonrsewas 
llnis  found  by  tlio  Sorretary  ne:,^otiator. 

(hit  Lord  [*almoiHion  was  not  the  only  one  who 
had  had  an  <  yo  n{)nn,  and  wished  and  wailed  lor,  a 
rhanL'o  in  ilie  Adniinisii.-ition  <d'  our  t  b>\  <  rnnienl. 
Mr.  I'oy.ihe  Uriiish  Ministrr,  on  tlir  I'iihdayof 
ATan-h,  Isll,  (bein^  the  ri-hih  day  of  tin-  m w  Ad- 
nnnistr.itioji,)  .-iddres.ses  Mr.  Sci-retary  Wobstcr  a 
note,  similar  in  i.iniiiiau'o  and  st-niiinent  lo  that 
previt)nsly  addrisst-d  to  Air.  Kor.-iVth  upon  ihe 
sario  Pnbjrrt,  and  repeals  (he  ih  maml  of  thr  Hrii- 
ish Government  for  the  rrhaM-  of  .Mcla'od.  On 
itii-  ITmIi  of  the  same  month,  thrie  (lavs  .-iftcr  tin- 
iletiiand,  the  Ameri'-an  .Seenl.iry  (Mr.  Webster) 
addn  H.ses  a  eonininnii'alion  to  Mr.  Criitenden,  the 
A:torni-y  Gno  lal,  reritiiiii;  ibe  eiiemnstanees,  and 
eoniainin.'  (he  fitUowin::;  e\iraordmary  and  alann- 
inir  doi'iriuc: 

''  .Ml  tliai  is  iritt-mli'd  to  In-  t<:dd  At  present  i-^,  Ihat  ^-inrc 
thf  atta'knii  thf  Carnlihf  i^tav.iwfi  a-^  anatioi  id  a<  twhirh 
nia\    jit-lifv  ri'pri'al-.  "f  fv-n    yriiriai  war.  if  ilif   Citv^Tii- 

nifiil  of  ih"   rniifd   .'^laii-s,  in   ihf    inil[> ni  w  lin-h  ii  Miad 

f'lrni  nt  Dif  Iran    i>  I and  of  ir-  own  diih  .  ^l M   -ii'  til 

futo  d.'4-id<'.  >fi  iliai  1 1  rai^ixa  <|ii<'>ti'<ii  i-iitir<-|\  pnl  \\,-  imd 
pnhti.  at  aipli-<<ll<ni  l<i  Utn-n  oi.hp.  ndfiil  natinii-  and  th  it 
iMilnidnnl'  I'lHifiTtH  it  Ml  n  i  aniM't  hi-  arri'-P'd  .ind  Hi-  .t  hi- 
lt.ri-  thf  nrdtnarv  tttlainal-.  a-  tiif  Mn-  \t'i|al("M  ni  noitiii  ipi'l 
law.  Il  tin-  anark  on  iti.-  t'antloif  wa-  nrnn^tiit.ddf,  a-* 
III)--  (••jVfriiim'iit  tia-^  a-  >'rl'  it,  tln'  latv  \\  hi<  li  I^m-  l>t  •  n  \  m 
lat'-dl'  t)ie  l;i\v  ol  iialionn,  and  tin-  ri;ilrr''>  w  hull  i-  t<>  hf 
'Mii'jhT  i.  Ihf  rviUi  -!*  auth(iri7.eil.  hi  Hiiidt  rasfs,  li>  tin-  pro 
vi-mn-*  Id  thai  fodf ." 

Now,  sir,  the  Sni.'itor  from  Massae'ristits  in- 
fiirin.-:  lis  tli;it  when  In-  i-Minr  into  odiee  [is  Secro- 
tarv,  he  tlid  not  ihinK"  it  proprr  to  irainsay  the 
posilioiiK  taken  by  Mr.  Foisyih  in  ilu  Mr  (and 
alVair,  for  that  was  not  ihf  polii  y  of  any  Admin- 
istration \Mili  wliifh  he  I  Mr,  Wcn^TKnl  had  liren 
.■oniiMtfd.  Ibil  In- shMtttvtlfo  i.-Mlial  In  hf  id  any 
diirtrine  ni  ihe  en^e  ol'  Mf  L>eod,  at  larianee  'Ai'li 
iIk>i  h.ld  by  .Mr.  Forsyih. 

!'.  IS  aseerlain  lln-  Ino-  %ihi'-  of  thiH  hrhoi'- 

I'l'i  .  notilly  put  forth,  and  -^m-  how  far  it  is 
jns  iitf.;  by  the  farts.  Wt-  jiavi-  .nw  Infon*  ns  ihc 
answer  of  Mr.  Forsvlh  Ut   Ihe   n  de  of  Mr.  Fox 

ihaandiliL:  llie   -  h-Msi- oi"  \],'. I,  wdh   Ins    rea- 

SMiH  tor  derliMiM!:.  VV.  h  i\  aUo  the  h  itirof  Mr. 
W»  bsK  r  to  Mr.  t  "ritlrhdi  n.  the  Attorney  i  b  ueral, 
>  nder  a  similar  demand,  reeo<;iiu  in.';  iLi  ju»Liei!  and 


loi^i-alityjandirivin:;  tho  reason.**  for  sneh  eonelnsinn. 
A  ropy  of  this  lasl-n.nned  loiter  was  iranHniillrd 

I  to  Mr.  Fox  in  an  nifieial  despatch,  and  he  was  in- 

I  formed  hy  Mr.  Webster,  ihiit 

I  "  Hoon  id'ter  thf  ilatf  nf  Mr.  Fiu'h  last  nntf  film  nnic  df- 
niamliiiir  thf  rfh'a-f  nf  Mil.i-nd]  an  insina-tinn  wa.-*  trivfiiio 
thf  Athirney  tJrnfral  nf  till-  rniicd  StatfH  I'roni  tlii.-<  [Ihe 
:'tali'|d>'p.'ir(nH'iit,  hy  direi-iinnni'thf  I'ri-^idi-nl,  w  \\uU  fitUii 
svi<:J\).!h  ihe  ojiiuioii.t  n/'  /At-*  G<irfntiiiriU  on  thv  '^iihjirt  of 
Ml  I.t'.-iW  imprhonmnif ;  a  ropy  of  wliieli  tin-  unili-r?.lunpd 
Inn  the?  honor  lo  f  nehwi'." 

Wo  have,  therefore,  Mr.  Pifsident,  tho  opininn.i 
of  the  rospeetive  Adininistraiion«  npim  ihe  sainn 
ease,  and  will  for  a  moment  eon»ider  ihoin  in  eon- 
Irast.     Afr.  Forsyth  sayt*: 

'-Thr  iivo-ral  or  vi\tilh,ition  nf  tht  nnlra-ir  hu  thr  JiiUi'fi 
itutiiiritirs  infLdil !»-  e  u'rnniid  of  i-nm(»ianil  \»  itli  f!if  1,'nvrrn- 

Ill  oi'  lie-  riiilfd  .'^taii-M. '/ls/iiic/  ffini  rhf  vinlalin;.nf  ihi! 

lfriitor\  and  laws  oi'tlir  Stan-  of  Nfw  \'nrk.  Th'-  apphiji- 
linn  of  thf  Cnvfrnim-ni  ni'  thf  I'limn.  to  that  of  filial  ilrit- 
ain.  inr  thr  ri'iln  -s  nf  an  anihnii/a  d  oiilraai-  of  the  p.-ai-f, 
ihymty.  and  n-ihN  of  iln-  I'ntlfil  Siatis,  (■./(jm'./  .'.'(iWrf  Mit 
.S/,j/c  of  AVjc  VoTri  of  fin"  umhiulfnl  riihf  of  I'lii.'iiii/iH:;^ 
t/tmu ih  the  ■■.'(•rci^c  stf  hcrjmhUiat  ffotieifthe  {irttjintif  nud 
/icei  of  7oT  ci'irrtH." 

Afr.  Webster  .says: 

**  Siiifi-  ilifiiiiai'k  on  Ihf  ('jirnliiif  i-;  avnwfd  a«  a  natinniil 
art  \i  lii'-h  nia\' Jn-^iiiv  ripri-aN,  or  ivni  i.'fm  ral  war.  if  tlif 

(Hivfrmmiil  of  Ihf  I'liih  d  .'-^tahs,  in  thf  jmlL.'i t  whit-Ii  it 

.-hall  form  of  thf  iran-a<-tion  and  nt  il."  own  dul> .  ^Iinntd  m-i: 
Iii  Ml  In  (hfidf.  jfi  iha' i(  rai-^fs  a  ipn  >ttnn  fntinlv  pnhhe 
:iml  pnhti-al-  a  ipi  ■siimi  tn'twi-m  iiidr|K-iidrni  naiinn^-- 
ami  thai  individii.ils  cniifi-rm-d  in  it  famini  hi-  arri-:tfil  ami 
trii-d  hffnrf  tin-  nnlinary  trihniiid.-i,  uh  Ihr  Ilu-  vinlaiion  nf 
iniinicijial  l.iw.'' 

Mr.  l-'orsyth  sav>': 

'•  If  arn>-Ii'd  ai  Ihi'litiif.  thf  nirfnd.-r  iniuhl  nnnUf'tion 
ahlv  tiavf  hf  I  11  hrun^hl  In  jn-tiff  hv  thf  imh<'ial  aiilhoriiifs 
of  "thf  Hiaif  wnlioi  who-f  a.knnwhdirfd  ifrrilmy  ilir^,. 
f rim  s  ufff  fiMimniifil;  and  tlnir  siilL^ritni'm  voiuniary 
iiilrafif  within  that  tfrrilnry  placft;  tln-in  in  the  >ain(! 
-iliiatinti.*' 

i\rr.  Weh.ster  says: 

'-  Individa'iN  rom-i-nif(l  in  it  eainml  hf  :irri'-tfd  ami  tried 
hi-forf  thf  ordinnry  trihanalfi,  IIH  fnr  lhi>  xinlalinn  nf  miiiii- 
fipal  law." 

Mr.  Forsyth  says: 

"  'I'hf  IVfsidf III  is  not  awarf  of  any  prim- iph-  of  national 
Ifiv*.  or,  nid'-fd.  of  r<a-;oii  or  jn-tn-f".  whith  fiihllrs  siiiU 
oitfiiihr^  to  iiopnhii>  III  Inn-  Ihf  h-ual  trihimal^." 

Mr.  Webster — after  sayinij  '*  they  cannot  be  ar- 
rested and  tried  bolbro  (lie  ordinary  tribunals" — 
says: 

o  Thf  law  whii'h  lias  liffii  aimI  ii.-d  i<  tin-  hnv  ofnationf, 
nml  ehf  rfiln-ss  whii-h  is  io  hf  smii-hi  i-j  thf  rfdrof*  atilho- 
n/iil  Ml  >nfh  ra«!fs  Iw  ihf  prn^i-mii^  ol'thal  fndf ." 

Mr.  Forsyth  says: 

*•  Thfsi'  nx-lhods  of  rfdn-vs— (hf  h-sal  pro>ff ntion  of  tlif 
oHliid'-rs.  and  tin-  applifation  to  thfir  <;n\frnnifTii  Ihr  saii> 
l;iftinii--arf  itidip-ndfiit  nf  .-aih  niln-r,  and  may  hf  .-ipa 
raii-h  and  -tmnliam'nii>)v  piir-^nfd." 

Mr.  W.l.M.r  ^avs: 

"It  r,n-^i'<  ;i  (in. -itnri  f  ii/iri-/';  i-iiMm'  ihhI  iMiliriiMl  -  n?itf 
hrr\i<->'ii  iikIi'im  iiiN'til  hiirlMtiv  ,1)1  I  that  iiidti  kIimI  niii 
iMTni'il  ill  It  ciMiiiiii  III'  urii-tiii  iir  t  il  il  (nliiri-  lln-  unliiuiry 
(riliiiiiii|.i." 

Atitl  yi  I,  Willi  liiiili  llicsi-  l(  llrr-i  liifiiri'  liini  mihI 
111  I'lirn  till'  Si  iitili',  llii'  Siiiiiinr  iViim  Miisy.irliiisctl.-i 
riiiilty  ti  H.-^  tiN,  Diiil  asks  tis  ti>   lnlirM',  tli:it  iii'ilm 

msi'   nf  iMi'L I,   III'  iliil   not  tliink   il   luoiin'   in 

""•KiiiMiil  llii-  |iiisiiiiiiis  l:ilii'ii  liy  Mr.  h'lirsyllil" 

lliil,  Kir,  llii'  .Si  iiiitnr,  ill  :\  \:iiii  iH'iirl  In  i«i':i|ii' 
fri'in  this  ijili-niiii:!,  iin  Icm!-.'  tn  ili..;i-ii\i  r  llial  whni 
.Mr.  l''orNyili  iiinniil  ami  irair-iiulti'ii  lii.^- ilc-spalrh, 
111'  «iisiiiil  iiwiiri'  llial  Ihr  llritisji  ( iiivirntiioiit  liail 
(M'liirr'iMlii'  iirt  ns  ilu'inl  nf  llic  ( i'i\i  ninii  lit ;  anil 
111'  lilr.s,  In  (ii'iivr  this,  till'  I'liiiilllilili;;-  siiil.  iii  i'  iil" 
Mr.  I''nr.'<ylli's  ih  s)iali'li  In  Mr.  KdV,  llmi  "  iliiM 
l^ii'l  (Ihr  iiviiwal)  ha.s  iMilluiii  lll:l  iiliK.  ^nnil.'ll■ 
llil'.•|llll,"  iVi'.  II.  I'liri'  Mhciir  I  answi  r— I'l'l'uo 
that  il'spali'li  III'  .Mr.  I''ii\,  In  whii  h  hi'  waa  thin 
L'lviii!.'  liiHMiiswi  r.  Ill'  il III  Mill  s'ly,  as  Ihc  Sriialiir 
wiailil  nialtc  h'lii,  thai  llii-  lait  liiiil  iml  Im  ii  mmiiiii- 
ninilifl:  hill,  111'  saiil  il  had  not  hfiii  In  thir  rmn- 
iiiiitiirnliil,  IhI'iiii'  llii'  Inst  ilfiiah  li  nC  Air.  I''ii\; 
aii'l  III'  \iry  iminily  aihls,  alV  r  fully  ^lln\vill"; 
ihlll  il  rnii.';lllilli  s  lai  ilil'iliii',  mill  lliiil  I'hi  l''iih  rai 
(■'iivirnnii'iil  hail  iinlliiiii;  In  iln  with  II  ~  thai  il  la  - 
liili;,'S  In  11  r  rniMl  liavili','  rii'.'ni/.alli'i'  nf  ihi'  ii|ll'iii'|. 
In  |ia'is  i;|iiiii  its  valiilily  win  ii  rslalilishnl  liifiM-' 
II. 

Till' uholi'  (|iii.'-'linii — Ih"  I'irriimslaiiri 'i  innlir 
wliirli  llii'  nil  was  rninniiiiiil,  iju'  nvnwil,  nml 
till'  ili'Miallil — w.is  hifnic  Mr.  I''nr'ylh  whin  hi' 
IK'iincil  his  il<s|iali|i,  ns  will  lii'  snii  !iy  ilic  Uliir 
nf  Mr.  I''nx  tn  liiiii,  whirl)  {ilai'i'H  ihr  iliii, anil  11111)11 
ihr  irriiiiiiil   llinl   "  Ihlll  ml  \rii';  lliv  juihiir  ml  of  fiir- 

*  finti\  olittl'uttr  lilt'  ii.iislillllnl  lUtilun-'tlU'ihl  ht  r  .Mii'jt  s'- 

■ /i|\  (i'iifrrniii(ii(."  Ilrsiili  ■:,  ihi'  ri'jily  nf  .Mr. 
{•'nivylll  rnvirs  llir  wllnji-  ijin  Minn,  anil  >li'iiii'!i 
Ihlll  ilic  (iiri'iiili.r  can  Lu  shiuliluil  liy  lii.s  Liuvii'ii- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


543 


a^rii  CoNfi 1st  Skss. 


Treaty  of  Washington — Mr,  Dickinson. 


Senate. 


incut,  rvpii  tli(iii<;li  actiii;;  liy  itx  nvoweil  tliicrtinn 
iiMil  auiliDi-ily,  and  even  tliousli  iiuvow  uiul  ji'.s/i/)/ 
iho  ai't. 

Sir,  rcait  tlinse  two  ilcHpatrlics  oarcfnlly,  nrnl 
noln  tin:  ('(tnlnisf.  Marl<  the  priMid  stalcsiiKuiHliip 
iif  llic  line,  and  tlic.  cmiijiii'j;  sirvilily  of  the  otiicr; 
till'  Inl'iy  (•ii«ilii)M  to  wliicli  one  cU'valOM  \is,  aiul 
llic  Innniliivlini;  aliysM  Id  wliii'li  llic  nllu'r  dc^inuli's 
lis.  I  nii^'hl.  wi-ll  l)i;  o.nnlciilcd  I',  liavc  this  niadcr  , 
liern  wiiljoiil  |iiii-siiin;;  its  siiki  ,iin2;  di^liiilK  fiirllicr. 
'I'lii'  nicniiiry  "I'tlii!  hiniinird  h'ui-sylli  is  llu;  clnT- 
islicd  |MM|iiTly  (iI'iIh:  |ii'n|il(!  Ill'  iliJM  Union,  and  liis 
iianio  ana  liis  f'anir  an;  his  |iiiHi(h'Rt  cnhi^'y.  Ili^ 
was  llii'  h'annd  l.iwyi'i",  iho  ahlo  slatrsnian,  l\\v. 
<liii|ni'nl  Si  naliii',  iinij  ihr  spntlrss  cilizcn.  Well 
nii^ht  Ihis  vitally  inicii'slin'^  (|neslinn  ol'  intrrna- 
linnal  l.iw  ill'  li'I't  Id  i'<'st  iijiiin  llio  ininnitalih; 
liasis  whirr  il  has  lircn  )ilairil  hy  this  !;ri?at  and 
!;iuid  man,  ilid  I  mil  I'fi'l  liiiund,  in  jnslii'C  to  llic 
n|iulaliiin  nl"  llie  liviin^  and  llu'  incniiiry  (if  lh(^  , 
di'Mil,  wlni  Inivebi'i'ii  assailed  hy  lliu  Si'natoi'  from  I 
Massai'hnsi'lls,  In  jinrsno  it  a  liilhi  fnrllicr.  |l 

This  same  iincsimn,  Mr.  I'rcsidiMit,  wlullior  llin   ' 
ninrdi'n-n>fnnrf<;oiiHildclaiinexcni|ilinn  I'nnnlrial 
and  ]innishinrntliy  reason  iil'liavin;;art(d  nndcr  llii'  i 
nnlhorily  of  her  llriiannic  Maji'siy's  Govennnnit,  ! 
was  liriai;rlit  licfori!   the  sniircnii!  ronrt  of  New  , 
"N'ork — ihe  court  of  her  liiirhcst  ori;iinai   jiirisdic- 
lion  in  such  cases — a  court  that,  for  its  liiuh  v\uii'~ 
ac.ter,  is  second  In  none  in  the  Uiiion — was  fnlly 
and  alily  ari^iied;  was  held  under  advisement  from 
one  tirm  until  anoiher,  and  then  ihcided,  liy  an 
rlalinrale  and  learnid  o|iinion,  ihat  tlic  anlhorily  . 
iiflier  Majesty's  tjovirnmeni,  and  its  avowal  of 
liie  acl,  consiiinlcd   no  liefeia'o  whats<M!ver,  and  . 
Ihat  Mcl.eiid  innst  Ije  tried  upon  the  mrrils,  like 
oiiieis  ciiar:;<'d   with   similar  oft*enc);.s.     And  this 
opniioa  of  liuil  hiu'h  Irilainnl  at  the  time  siii-jiriscd 
Ihe  Secrelary   lanolialor;   and   now,  as  Senator,  ' 
npon  Ihe  "peril  of  his  professional  reputalimi,''  he 
allirnis  llial   il  is  iml  a  risjiicliililc  opinion.     And 
what  was  llie  doelrine  ihal  surprises  ihe  .Secretary, 
and  ihe  decision  ihat  ho  proiionnces  lieneaih  ro 
s| lahililyi'    Tliat  n   Urilish  felon,  in  nn  Ameri- 
can i'onrt  of  jnsiicc,  had  ihe  same,  hut  no  i^reater, 
rii;lils  than  our  own  ciii/.ens.     And  who,  sir,  were 
llie  indu'cs  who  ;;iive  this  iipinion,  in  confliit  with 
ihi'   foreirone  conelnsions  and  Itrilish  sympalliies 
.if  llie  Secrelary,  which  he  pronounces  ne/  ir^juchi- 
lilrf     Of  ihe  chief  jiisiiii!  who  (hen  presided  upon 
that  hendi — di.slin.'iiished   liy"  his  spolless  pi.rily 
of  chaiacier,  his  amcnily  of  m.iiiner.-<,  his  devolion 
III  the  pulilic  service,  and  his  hii^h  jndieiai  i-liaiac- 
li-r — il  need  only  In;  said,  liiat  lie  was  called  from 
ihe  ser\ice  of  his  own  proiul  .Stale  to  adorn,  hy 
his  h  .iniiiiii' and  iniei^rity,  llie  hi^licst  judicial  Iri- 
lainal  in  our  land.    One  of  his  assnciales,  ihe  prcs- 
<nl  chief  jiislice. — disiiii'^'uislied,  loo,  for  his  sirom; 

inle::iiiy  of  purpose,  for  ll oinpass  and  viu'or  of 

his  niiiid,  for  his  '^real  ijooil  sense  anil  sound  ju- 
(liciiil  ac(|iiireinenls — has  endeared  himself  to  Ihe 
people  of  thai  Slate  hy  his  jiiiMic  servii'c,  and  has 
lived  the  impress  of  his  in:.ster  mind  and  moral 
fii'iiiiic^s  upon  her  jiidii'ial  insiiriiiions  fori  ver. 

Would  111  I  leaven,  .Mr.  I'resiili  ill,  thai  llnil  Sen- 
ator could  have  salislii  d  his  craviiiL's  by  assaults 
upon  the  liviier,aial  mil  have  exli  iided  his  haired  lo 
itic  iiiciiinry  of  the  lamenud  dead.  Il  was  my  txood 
f.iiloiic  :o  know  full  wU  the  eminent  Jnrisl  who 
proiioiinei  d  the  .Mer.eod  opinion,  lie  had  Icarn- 
ner  which  thai  Seiialor  ini.;hl  covel,  and  viilia  s 
which  he  mi'ihl  conieinptale  with  advaiilai;e.  He 
ilisehar-eil  with  fidelity  all  ihe  rehuions  of  a  lilami- 

h  s:    lil'e,  was  ,1  pure  palriol,  .mil  an  I si   man, 

.mil  premaluielv  fell  a  vielini  to  ilie  labors  of  a 
lirofi  ,-■  inn  whicli  he  loved  and  a  slalion  which  he 
;.ii  I  niineiilly  adorned.  1  lis  inemnry  will  lie  idier- 
i.dieil  wilh  reverence  when  ihe  marlile  which  lells 
of  his  I'eslini;'  place  shall  have  miiiL'hd  wilh  ils  na- 
me dust;  aiiil  he.iris  of  piniiv  end  .•ill'eciion  will 
ehisier  around  ihe  lilile  ;|,ol  ol' earth  whi  ii  covers 
his  renaiins,  when  many  of  prouder  and  ini:;lilii'r 
prcli  nsioiis  shall  live  only  in  he  ri  nieinhr.uice  of 
iheir  vices  .mil  ihe  wrongs  tliey  have  inllielcd  upon 
niankmd. 

Ihil,  :  ir,  while  ihe  iloclrinr  held  liy  'he  supreme 
conn  of  .New  Vorlc,  as  will  as  hy   Mr.    I'orsylh, 


code,     h  waR  thai,  sir,  which  places  the  life  of; 
every  American  citizen,  from   the  hiiihest  li>  llic  i 
hiwcsljiit  the  mercy  of  ihe  foreii;!!  as.sassin,  with-  | 
nut  law  lo  jirolect  or  to  punish,  where  i\  petty  of-  ' 
ficerofa  foreiijn  Uovenmienl  can  he  found  to  direct,  '] 
or  a  Oiiverimient  lo  "avow,"  and    a  villain    he 
hired   to  execute.     A  doelrine  which  .strikes  the 
heart  of  ihe  eili/.en  in  his  .slumher,  and  penetrates  ' 
to  the  caiiilul  of  Stale  fu*  nation;  and,  in   "self-de- 
fence," a.ssassinales  the  Governor  in  his  rliamlier,  ,, 
thel'resiileiitinhis  inansimi,  you,  sir,  in  your  chair,  : 
or  the  Senalor  in  his  place.     Sir,  it  is  a  doctrine  of  . 
jiiire  unalloyed    atrocily;  n  doctrine  which   lights!' 
Ihe  torch  of  the  incendiary  for  Ihe  |ierforniance  of  , 
his    hellish  deeds;    which   slimnlatcs  the  pistol's 
flash    and    dai!;cr's    phin^'c ;    which    wdiels    the 
knilViof  the  fiirei'j;n  cut-thro. it,  and  nerves  the  nrm 
that   wields    the    murderer's    hludi^eon.     A    ilnc- 
Irine  which  throws  Ihe  .T'jis  of  Hritish    law  over 
the  foreiirn   murderer,  and  I'Xcnipts  him  from  ar- 
rest or  trial,  while  he  seeks  out  his  victim,  strikes 
the   deadly  lilow,  and   retires  to  his  own  Govern- 
ment to  receive  his  reward;  when   the   American, 
for  a  like  oll'eiice,  woiilil  he  made  lo  l,\na;uish  where 
Ihe  iron  enters  into  his  soul,  and  snlVer  a  shame- 
ful and   iijnominious  death.     And  who,  sir,  is  it 
that  seeks  lo    iu'jratV  such    alroiious  senlimonis 
upon  our  instiliiiions,  and   stands  up  lo  traduce 
those  V      '  will   not  how  down  and   hail    then'  .i 
wise  i  .  it   .latriotic.^    One  who  hut  recently  occu- 
pied the    'lat  of  an   American  Secretary  of  Stale  ! 
And  he  it  was  who  altenijileil  to  shield  from  trial, 
upon  the  merits,  in  the  courts  of  ihe  first  Stale  in 
Ihe  Uniiin,  one  w  lio  had  taken  llie  life  of  nn  Ame- 
rii'.an  citizen  in  his  slnniliers  at  midniijht;  one  who 
was  a  murderer  in  the  eye  of  all  liunian  law,  a 
murderer  hy  the  eonmioii  jiiiliimeiu  of  mankind, 
and  a  murderer  in  ihe  sii.'lit  of  (iod. 

Wrilhini;  under  the  defeat  of  his  Hivorite  British 
doctrines,  he  unite.^  his  l.niL'ua'je  as  well  as  syni- 
jiatliics  with  the  r.rilish  Minister,  in  mani.sliiii; 
"surprise,"  and  oiilstrips  her  .Majesty's  Amhas- 
.sador  hy  pronouncin'j;  the  opinion  which  proclaim- 
ed it  henealh  respect.  And  yet  he  prudently  snf-  1 
fered  the  0|iiniini  lo  sland  as  ihe  declared  law,  not-  I 
witlislandinu:  his  oflicious  threat,  ihat  it  would  be 
removed  lo  the  Federal  courl,  if  adverse.  And 
stand  it  will,  the  lesl  of  lime — ii  in'oud  nionumenl 
of  unyieldins;  judicial  inlei;rity. 

In  this,  as  in  other  mailers  Where  Ilrilish  inler- 
ests  were  lo  he  eared  for,  the  Secrelary  was  ready 
to  yield  "  at  once,"  and  concede  all,  and  even  more 
ihaii  was  ref|uesled.  i\Ir.  Kox  ilcmanilid  the  re-  ; 
lease  of  McLiod,  upon  the  absurd  !;roiind  ihal  the 
murder  of  a  citizen  in  his  sleep  was  an  act  of  "self- 
defence;"  mid  this  was  as  far  as  even  liritisli  as- 
surance venlurid.  I'ut  the  American  .Secretary, 
lo  show  his  alacrity,  ihon^li  he  deniiil  ihat  il  was 
"self-defeiu'e,"  wenl  a  step  further  than  the  Uril- 
ish Minister  would  <,'o,and  conceded  that  McLcnd 
iiiusl  he  relented,  even  ihou^'h  he  had  coinmillcd 
waiitiin  murder. 

|Mr.  WrnsTi-.n  here  palled  Mr.  OiriiiNsoM  In 
order.  The  Vice  I'rcsideiil  desired  lo  know  the 
point  of  order.  Mr.  W.  s.iiil  Mr.  I>.  had  charged 
him  wilh  L'oiu'jr  further  to  favor  Urilish  iiilerests 
than  the  r.rilish  Miiiisler.  The  Vice  I'residem 
said  Mr.  l>.  wtvs  s)ieakiii:!:  of  a  late  Sirrrliini^  and 
was  not  out  of  order.  Mr.  W.:  \'v'liat  !  when  llie 
Secrelary  is  lli"  same  |iersiin  as  the  iSenalorr  The 
Vice  I'rcsiileiii  said  th.it  could  not  change  ihe  mil'.  | 
Mr.  DieniN'siiN  proceeded.  I  am  well  aware, 
.Mr.  President,  how  slroii!;  is  the  desire  lo  close 
the  moiilh  of  every  one  u)iiin  the  Ashhurlim  nejii- 
liations  and  the  iill'air  of  M<  [.kh!.  and  to  rend,  r 
every  loie'jie  upon  thai  sub|,i'i  as  silent  as  thai  of 
the  murdered  Ihirfee — Ihe  risnrl  of  ihnse  only  who 
fear  the  Iriilh  and  Ihe  liirhl.  Ihil,  sir,  I  know  ihe 
n;:liis  of  a  represi  nl.ilive  of  a  sovi  leiL^ii  Slate,  and 
shall  not  fiil  to  exercise  them,  anil  lo  dra:r  lo  h;;hi 
and  expose  lo  ihe  ^'aze  of  an  onir.i'ied  and  insiihcd 
|ieople  Ihe  comlnct  of  those  who  have  lielraycil 
Iheir  inlercslH  ,'ind  In  . nr.  Il  is,  and  has  he 'ii 
from  the  lieLtinninu',  an  attempt  lo  slitle  debate, 
and  prcvenl  a  review  of  Iransaciions  which  need 
only  to  he  I'xainineil  lo  lie  execrated  by  jhe  whole 
American  people.     When  the  voice  of  llie  repre- 


tions,  mid  proclaim  the  advent  of  ii  dark  and  fear- 
ful despotism. 

Bui,  sir,  the  Senalor  from  Mas.sacliiisetts  Ims 
recently  manifeslc!d  a  desire  lo  char'je  over  a  por- 
tion of  these  opinions  lo  the  nc.count  of  General 
Harrison,  nnd  hide  ihem  in  his  {.'rave.  Without 
inrpiirin;;  whether  on  the  liL'lilh  day  of  his  .'\ilmiii- 
istration  General  ITarrison,  surrounded  by  a  horde 
of  huniiry  oHIce-limilers,  either  could  or  did  1,'ive 
this  subject  his  allenlion,  I  can  assure  ihat  .Senalor 
that  my  Imsiiiess  is  with  him,  and  not  with  Gen- 
eral fiarrison.  I  am  not  in  this  pursuit  lo  he 
liirned  over  to  the  memory  of  Ihe  veneraled  dead. 
The  Senalor  nnnoniiced  the  Ljralifyinu'  inlelli'^'ence 
that  he  was  responsible  for  aiiylhiiii,'  wdiich  bore 
his  name;  and  as  these  documents  not  only  hear 
his  name,  but  exhibit  in  ihcir  seiitime-ils  aiithenlie. 
evidence  of  their  jialernity,  I  shall  hold  him,  as 
late  Secretary,  responsible,  and  "hall  not  iiii|uire 
what  were  or  were  not  the  opinions  of  fieneral 
ITarrison,  or  his  successor,  or  of  the  ol  her  members 
of  the  Pabinei,  who  lhiini;hl  inoper  lo  retire,  wlwii 
the  "  Secrelary  siond  alone."  My  issues  are  with 
him,  nnd  I  shall  mil  he  driven  or  diverted  liom 
them. 

The  Senator  calls  iqion  me  lo  produce  my  an- 
lhorily for  savin','  that  in  llie  Mcl.cod  all'air  lliero 
was  a  pahiable  and  direci  inlerl'erence  with  Ihe 
ciiurls  of  IVi'W^  York,  and  jiuls  forth  his  demand  in 
a  lone  calcnlaled  to  induce  others  to  suppose  that 
no  such  anlhorily  exisleil.  .Sir,  I  have  preseiileil 
it  once  without  comment,  and  will  now  present  it 
with,  and  prove  my  assertion  In  all  who  will  either 
listen  or  read,  beyond  the  cavil  of  the  must  artful 
equivocation  fir  direct  contradic.linn,  hmvever  oft- 
rejiealed  or  bra/en  may  he  the  deiiijil. 

We  have  tdnadyseen  that  -Mr.  Secretary  Web- 
ster despatched  the  Alloriiey  Gen'ral  of  llie  United 
Stales  to  New  York,  for  some  purpose,  concerniinj; 
the  trial  of  McfjCod;  nnd  we  will  now  notice  his 
iiislrnc'.ions.  In  speakinirof  llieileslriiclion  of  the 
Caroline  and  the  murder  of  Diirfee,  he  says: 

"  liiiiiviilM:il<  ciiiieenicil  in  it  ciiniml  he  nrn'slcil  iir.il  trii  il 
liet'iire  Itii'  iiriliicirv  liii'iliiiils.iis  liir  tlic  violaliiMi  iil'iianiici|i;il 
hiW.     Il'llii'.'iuai'li  nil  till'  Ciiri'IliM'  vi.'l-  illijit  ininlilc. as  iIm.h 

IIiiV'TMnii'llI  lei-  :i"iTt'il,  llie  liw  Willi  li  li:i-<  I li  viiihil.  il 

i-  Itie  I:t\v  <iriillfiiin.i.  illlil  till'  ri  (lie-s  wllii'll  t^  IM  hi L'ht 

l-*  Ihe  ri'ilri'riH  iiiitliiiii/.i'il,  ill  ^iiea  cases,  hv  llie  jinn  Isiniisnl' 

tim Ic.        ...*.»» 

"  Vim  will  III'  riiriiishi'il  Willi  acii|iv  iil'lliis  in-:lri|i'linii  far 
the  ii--e  111"  III''  l'.\'i  ntivc  111'  New  ^'llrl^.  .-iiiil  the  .\ll(irni'y 
flencrnl  nriliat  Hctli'.  N'mi  «  III  eariy  wilti  imi  .'ibiii(ii//icii- 
tir  ri'ii/cii.r  til'llii'  reeiiL'iiiliitii  hy  Ihe  iiiileh  (I'liiriirni'tit  iif 
the  ili'slnieliiiii  III' till-  ('aniline,  .'H  an  :i.-l  nt  jitihlie  I'liree, 

ll In'  ii.'itliiicil  iiiilliiirily. 

•  lliv  iiiL' enii-lill'il  M  illi  Hie  tliivi'riiiir.  lull  will  firneeeil 
In  l.iirkiiiirl.  (ir  wli'i'i'vi-r  else  the  niiil  iiiin  lie  Iiolili'ii.  anil 
liiriitsli  the  prisiiiii'i'-'  I'liiins,-!  with  the  i'\  nli'iiee  ei  uliiell 

yiill  wilt  111'  la  |i'i->i'sii,ii.niiitiri.'il  In  his  iti-!.  i ^■llll  wilj 

see  licit  he  have  s!-:itiii|  :iiii|  i-iiiiiient  iniiiisi'I,  il'.-ii,-|i  In-  not 
alrenily  rent  leil ;  iitiil  iililimisli  >  nti  in,,  mii  il,--iri  it  In  lu-l  as 

eninisel  yoarseir.  vnli  will  eails..  il  in  In-  sisilill-'lltnliiMl.llllll 
tolllCL'I'illli'llllia  Whn  Iil!i\  en|,ilili-tliiii|.'l*.-iire.  tliiit  il  is  llu, 

Wi-ll   III"  this    Cnverilllieill  lll.'ll  ill  eJlsC  Ills  ililil he  nver- 

:  rilleil  hy  the  eniirl  in  whlell  lie  shall  tie  Irieil.  iimtii'r  sii-p-, 
i  he  liikcii  iiiiaii'ilinl'ly  f'T  ri'iiinviii-;  iIm-  i-.iiis,.,  I. v  will  nf 
■    error,  la  llie  Siifireiii"  {'uiirl  nl'  Ihe  I'liili-il  .s=l;tli's." 

A'li'Leod  had  bei  n  iudieled  for  the  murder  of 
nnrfee,  whose  life  he  had  boasted  he  had  luken, 
nnd  exliibited  the  bloody  weapon  which  he  de- 
clared was  Ihe  instrnmenl  of  death.  The  i|nesiii.n 
raised  by  the  Ann  rican  Secretary  was  not  whether 
he  was  juiliy  of  the  act,  for  lh.it  « .is  in  he  deier- 
mined  by  a  jury  upon  his  trial,  Iml  il  was  whellnr 
he  coulil  be  tried  as  oilier  riersons  who  are  ihai'L'eil 
wilh  crime;  the  Secretary  (.Mr.  AVelister)  contend- 
in  v  that  he  could  iml  be. 

ll,  sir,  was  an  iiilerl'irence,  dirrcl  and  palpable, 
wilh  the  coui'se  of  jll.sl'ce  in  fVewN'.'rk  for  the 
l''eiler.'il  Govi  rnnicni — yes,  ^■.ir,  the  /(i/-  raM_iioerii- 
nieiit,  by  ils  Federal  .Srereiary,  lo  semi  .-i  I'eileral 
oilieir  111  lake  any  part  in  her  ailministralion  of 
criminal  justice;  and  il  was  an  oineioiis  menace  in 
declare  thai  all  inilicleil  mnidirer  cnnlil  nat  be 
"  nrresied  ami  tried  In  I'ne  thi- nnliiiary  tribunals" 
because  he  wa-'  a  Iliiiisli  snbjcei,  and  had  innrdei'- 
I'd  by  Ih'ilish  anlhorily,  and  In  dircel  an  appeal  lo 
the  Federal  court  if  a  conlrary  doelrine  was  liehl. 
It  was  such  interlei'cnce  lo  send  n  copy  of  ilns 
vaunled  ilnennii  in  in  the  (Jovernor  of  the  Stale, 
where  ihe  criminal  was  ('har'j:ed,  tind  lo  the  airor- 
ni'v  ;;eiieral,  wlio'c  duty  il  was  lo  pnisecnie  llii 


that  of  in-liie  and  tiatrinlism,  and   iilaced  lli:'      senlalive  shall  be  hushed — when  the  acts  of  pub-      indii'tmeiit   in  behalf  of  the  people,  if  nrdered  by 

.  -l.  I  1  .  .  .-         ...  .1    1     1    . 1.,.; I       .1        _       ll    .    ,<  .1     .  .  M,       I.   .  I 


iirelicn  and  doinfslic. 


what  wa.- 


that 


.1 


id 


sm  iipiin  ('(pial  irronii 


111,      lie 
nil  iiiled    for  by  Mr.      an 


nlli 


ll    del 


111  rs  may  ii 


■I  I 


le  canvassed,  am 


id  ll 


ii'ir  errors 


Ihel 


oivernor- 


'  llu 


ll 


was  such   in- 


niiiueiieies 


I'i'i  Imy  Weli.-iier.aml  whii  h  he  soiiL'hl  by  every 


facility  of  his  mind   lo  iiii^i'.ift  upon  lln 


freely  and    fully  exposed — llie      terference  lo  dirci  I  a  l''eileral  olllcer  lo  proceed  to 
that' shall    declare    such    doctrine   will  pro-      the  place  of  lri:d,  and  lo  do,  what    lieM.ailil   not 


Is 


ii.d      nouiicc  the  deparluro  uf  libirly  from  uur  inslitu-      have  dune  in  the 


case  ol  an 


Ai 


neriian^" 


sh 


544 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  9, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Treaty  of  Washington — Mr.  Dickinson. 


Senate. 


1  Ki 


1 

f 

ll' 

1 

1^ 

1 

'^ 

1 

Ml 

the  prisoni'i's  rminsci  wilh  evidence  material  lo  hin 
<lrtiiier,"\\hiih  liis  rmiiisil  ri^ulii  linvc  proeureil,or 
il  cimlil  liii\ e  been  t'liini:  h>'d liy  the  liritisli  Minisier, 
mIii.si'  iiistiiK'Ia  serin  li>  have  been  less  slinrp  upon 
till'  siiliject  llian  llui.sc  i;f  the  Amcricnn  Secretary. 
Itwas  snrh  inleitireiice  fur  the  Fedcriil  Giivrni- 
mi'iit  In  direil  ilsnlfieerinsee  tlint  the  prisoner  Anrf 
.ykilfiil  '"'<'  eiiunrnl  rovnsci;  and  in  case  his  defence 
— ihal  of  having  miinltrcd  bij  autliorihi — was  over- 
ruled, tn  liave  it  si^nif;  li  to  hucIi  coiiiiHel  that  it  •'  is 
the  u-'ish  f;f"//ii.«  (i(n /((OiH'tl/"  that  the  case  slinuld  he 
removed  hy  writ  of  irn.r  lo  the  I'edend  court.  All 
this,  tlie  .Senator  assiins  us,  was  no  "  inlerfereiice 
ill  the  sji'.'hlest  ch'uni'"  willi  ihe  authorilicsof  .\ew 
York;  l)Ut  WMiild  fain  liave  us  lieheve  that  tlie  At- 
torney UenernI  was  sent  so  that  he  sliinild  not  iii- 
leil'eie;  and  then  pa\s  the  pi  opie  and  inslituiions 
of  iliat  Stale  another  hi'.'h  coinpliinenl,  liy  assurinu; 
iheni  Ilia'  ihe  ohject  of  ilie  I'VderaUiovernnienl  in 
h  okin;  afier  it  w.is  only  lo  sec  that  the  process 
and  prociTdiiii^s  in  a  court  of  law  in  ihe.t  State 
were  *'  fijii7(/  reJldl(c/«^'" 

And  now,  sir,  pcriiiil  ine  lo  inquire  wlielherany 
one  is  blind  or  weak  enoii".;h  lo  accepi  this  version  r 
The  Senator  alVecu  to  he  mdiirnant  iiei'aiise  it  was 
siireested  th.U  ihe  i  oiiiisel  of  McLeod  was  ]iaid 
from  the  treasury;  and  yet,  sir,  while  denyiiifr  the 
vemoiesl  interference,  he  directs  the  Alloniey  Cieii- 
c  ral  to  see  lo  the  einploviii'.:  cunnsel — "to  .see  thai 
McLeod  had  skilful  and  eniinent  counsel."  Such 
coun.sel,  it  is  well  known,  conirihule  ilieir  services 
only  upon  ihe  same  i>rinciplc  iiy  which  the  late  .Sre- 
reiary  nejuiialed — ihai  of  "  i  i|niva!enis."  Who, 
llicii,  was  to  compciisaie  them  r  (.'criainly  not 
the  Secretary  or  the  .Aitoru.-y  (ieneial  fioni  their 
own  jiocktis;  hut  such  counsel,  r'lnployed  hy  the 
Government,  would  he  eniilled  to  he,  and  clearly 
were  t<»  he,  compensated  Ironi  ilie  public  inas- 
iirv  ! 

lint,  sir,  there  is  an  "  nmbition  Mint  overleaps 
Itself,"  and  such  would  seem  to  he  ihe  tale  of  the 
Senator  from  Massai-huseiis.  In  deiiyimr  *'  ihi' 
sliehiest  iMcrlVrcnce"  with  llie  authorilicsof  >'ew 
^"ork,  he  produ'"'  s  end  reads  in  evidence  .a  priwiie 
litter,  written  by  hinistlf  to  the  Governor  of  . New 
Vvtrk,  which  alone  prines  the  inlerft  lence  he  ;so 
sioiiiiy  denies.  *'  1  llu.nk  lliee,  Jew,  lor  teachiii!; 
ine  that  wiiid." 

And  now  t'or  this  precimis  dociniien  (which 
proves  what  il  was  prodncid  to  deny)  pompously 
issued  froiii  the  llej.ariineiil  of  State. 

••  IiFCARTMrsT  or  St^tf.      i 
•■  ir,i.h.,i'i.tii.  v.ii./i  IT.  isii.  J 

•■  >Iv  Ukar  Silt ;  TliP  t'n'.-iilt'iit  lift,  liHripi'il.  U'-t  iIimcIU  , 
tint  liy  MM  iiti-  Dill  liTIi  r  Iri'iii  ii  I'im  ii>l.  Dial  \iiii  )i:.il  i-\|iii  >> 
eil  a  ili-p-iMluMi  111  iltli  I'l  il  im/>  ^.r'.M-/,i(i  lit  11. <•  •  .1^1-  III  Ilie 
niilii'tiiii  Ml  iii:iiiii>i  Mi-I.ri>it.  (Ill  lii'iiiL'  iiitiiniieil  l  .  iln.  (;uv 

II 1)1  tliat  till'  llnii-li  (invi-riinieiil  lias 'III:' i.llv  avioM-it 

111."  all.aris  iih  till'  (a  I. -hue  us  an  aitij.ilir  III  is  i-w'ii  aiillmr 
il>.  'I'hi-  I'll  -iiiciil  line  I-  iiH-  111 .  \iirt>s  I'.s  iraiikv  Inr  llir 
liiiiliipliniil'  xMlli  \\liii'ti  V'lii  a|i)i  ai  iti.|i(i  i  <I  li  |ii'ri<ai<i  an 
arluliirli  III  sn|i|iiisi's  jinipi-r  ImI  llii' iii>ra.|iiii.  ami  wlarli 
Is  cali'iilali-il  to  tt'lii  VI-  itiis  (iioi  niiiK  III  lYoiii  i-iiiliairas^- 
liicnl^.  iillil  till'  cduillry  jn^iii  M<au'  d.in^vrt  of  cciliiion  ii  ilh 
u  I'imizii  ;,>!'er. 

''•\' on  will  have  ".'I'll  Ml.  I'lillfnilin.  wlw  111  I  lake  liin 
oceQitiDn  li>  euniini  lilt  In  >niir  klmiesl  nuanl. 

"  I  liav.'  llu'  liiiiiiir  III  Itt  .  yiufs.  llnly. 

-D.wiEl.  \vi:iisii:i;. 

"UiM  Fvct  llency  Wii.mam  H.  .'^ewaiid, 

"  iiminin  ftf  Xcf  l'i;rA." 

Xnw,  sir,  wliv  was  the  I-'edeial  Crovernnient 
endeavoriiiij  to  procure  the  eiilry  of  a  iie//f  y/re.sii/iii 
ill  a  ca.se  in  the  cotiris  of  .\ew  York,  if  ilien-  was 
*•  noiilie  sli;:liie>l  iiiti;rJrrrnceI''  Or  how  came  ii  to 
learn  ihrouirh  i\  fiinul  thai  such  a  eonrse  was  ron- 
leinpiaii  d,  or  to  be  so  la\  isli  of  thanks  t'or  a  mailer 
which  III  now  ise  conn n led  n,  or  lo  express  the  i:ra- 
tiiitons  and  vohinn  ii  opinion  thai  it  \uis  "  proper 
for  the  ocensioiif"  Ihit,  sir,  duriiij  the  tirade  of 
whii'li  the  .Senator  relieved  hiiosell',  111  eiideavoriii;: 
to  raise  some  new  issue,  or  to  divert  the  .s^enate 
and  drive  iiie  I*roiii  the  old  one,  he  atieeied  to  siifi- 
pose  1  had  allc'jed  ihe  sniii;:  oui  iit"u  habeas  corpus 
liy  the  prisoner  an  iiiterl'tri  lice  by  others,  altlio,,:.'h 
Iliad  niaih  no  alliisinn  toil  in  that  nspeci;  ,ind 
then  iiKpiiri  s,  with  an  :iii-  of  u'reat  Irnnnph,  in  w  hat 
Ki'liool  of  l;iw  I  liad  iiitn  taiiL.'lit  •  .Vly  answer  is, 
in  the  school  of  ilii-  •Siaie  h  liicli  sent  li.e  here; 
where  I  learned  that  a  inurdenr  cannot  claim  ex- 
einption  from  all  huiiiaii  laws  because  he  is  a  liril- 
isli  snbjecl; — in  ihe  coiiris  of  w  tiii-b  .Slate  ihe  Siii- 
aior  nt'ieii  appears  as  eoiiitsel  iii  imnortaiil  causes, 
was  ri  ceotly  associated  in  practice  with  a  h  iriil 
firm  III  our  ^  leul  euiiiiiiviciul  eiiy,uiid  uiiglit  to  be, 


and  pretends  to  be.,  Annilinr  with  our  conslilutinn 
and  laws.  And  yet  he  writes  n  letter  to  the  Gov- 
ernor of  New  ^ork,  cxpressinir  his  {^ratification 
that  the  Governor  liad  manifested  a  disposition  lo 
I  direct  a  nnllr  prnxeqiti  in  llu;  case  of  McLeod,  and 
returns  thanks  for  the  |irompiitiide  with  which  the 
Governor  was  about  to  discliari,'e  an  indicted  I'rit- 
ish  murderer  withont  trial,  because  sucli  release 
was  *■  jiroper  for  the  occasion.'*  Now,  sir,  there 
is  not  a  student  at  law  in  the  most  obscuie  nHiee 
in  that  Stale,  nor  an  inlelli>;eiit  man  or  an  inlelli- 
y:eiit  woman,  nor  scanely  an  iiitelliircnt  child,  bin 
knows  that  the  Governor  has  no  more  power  over 
the  indictment,  before  conviclion,  ihanthe  imaije 
wliicli  surmounls  the  capitol  at  Albany.  And  yet 
ilie  "  t'leat  constitniional  lawyer"  of  the  ai;e,  who 
is  shocked  at  a  decision  which  places  torei;j:ii  and 
domestic  murderers  on  the  same  ground,  thanks 
the  Governor  of  New  York  that  he  is  about  lo  .set 
.\IcLeod  at  lar;;e,  by  "  i/irccliiig'  a  uollc  jiro.wi/tii  .'" 
Verily,  we  need  not  intiuire  in  what  school  such 
sentiinenls  are  lani^ht.  Uesitlcs,  we  will  ;:laiice  at 
the  last  clause  of  this  private  letter  withont  coni- 
nienl,  and  see  how  tar  a  nnserable  threat  of  war 
was  thrown  into  the  scale  to  influence  decisions. 
'I'liere  are  no  I'aixhan  t;uns  or  smonlderin;;  cities 
ill  its  laiu^iiairc,  but  embarrassment  and  daiii^eraiid 
collision  with  a  foreign  Powtr  are  paraded  in  suc- 
cession, to  contribnle  their  inllueiice  and  ipiicken 
the  New  York  Executive  in  entering  the  iio//c 
prosequi. 

ibil,  sir,  afier  exhaiisiiiiij^  all  other  subterfiic;es, 
the  .Senator  iiravelv  infonns  us  ihat  he  tlioui.iht  it 
more  becomiii^;  to  ibscharf;e  the  inibvidnal  mur- 
derer, and  hold  the  British  nation  responsible  for 
the  act  which  it  avowed,  or,  to  employ  his  own 
laiiiriiaire,  he  thoiij^ht  it  best  to  discharije  *'  the 
liiinti,  (i\n!  murderer  of  niirfec,)  and  seek  redress 
of  ihe  Urilisii  /iini."  I'old  and  patriotic,  truly  I 
Then,  sir,  w  hy  was  it  noi  ailjiisii  d  w  ilh  liie  "  llrit- 
ish  lion,"  luL'clher  with  'hei:on  and  the  rii  lit  of 
search  :  I'lie  prelence  that  Lord  Ashburtoii  was 
iniaiilhorr/ed  was  an  at'ier  ihouiiht,  and  is  contra- 
dicted iiy  both  Ins  own  and  Mr.  Webster's  iirst  des- 
patclns;  tor  Lord  .Vshbnrioii  says  his  mission  has 
iieeii  deleriiniiid  by  his  sovereiirn  "  by  an  Hiifei!;n- 
'  ed  desire  to  settle  this  (ihe  Northeaslern  hoiin- 
'dary)  and  all  otiier  iiatslitins  of  difference  ;*'  ami 
.\Ir.  \\elisii  r  says  he  was  charijed  by  the  (Queen's 
(ioveriiment  "with   full    powers  to  iiefrouale  and 

•  settle  all  mailers  in  Wi.wi(.s,iion  between  the  I'mted 

*  .Stales  and  l''.n;:laiid."  Then  why,  sir,  I  repeat, 
were  all  mailers  III  dillerenie.  of  winch  these  ques- 
tions funned  a  conspicnous  pari,  not  settled  '  IJe- 
■  ■anse  the  .\inerii'aii  .Secreiary  neiioiiaied  upon  the 
priiM  iple  of  rqnivalenis,  and  sellled,  or  rather  irave 
up,  the  only  one  which  was  then  eiuUairassniL'  m 
(ileal  Ib'iiniii,  and  winch  she  was  aiixions  to  dis- 
pose of;  when  with  less  sacrilices  the  wllole  could 
and  would  have  lieeii  honorably  adjiisled,  if  Amer- 
ican interests  and  honor  hail  iml  lieeii  disreiiardiil. 

.\nd  why  iliil  (Jiiai  I'niain  wish  to  dispose  of 
ilic  Norihe.islcrn  ijoiiinl.-iry  r  .Shi*  saw  itw.aslhe  , 
iinie  ioi;aiii  inililary  aii>antaii;es.  She  saw  that  the 
liiave  and  hardy  sons  of  Maine,  iiiitwiilistaiidini: 
ilie  desin-il  i-haiiu^e  in  the  (b  ni-r.il  (io\ernii.eiii, 
liad  resolved  no  Immer  lo  iironk  liei  insolence  and 
iMitra;re,  but  were  rallying'  to  tlu' dcteiice  of  their 
own  soil,  and  ihe  maintenanct.'  of  their  rii;lils,  upon 
llieir  own  responsiliilily,  re;raidh  ss  of  Inr  threats 
and  in  defiance  ot'  her  power.      .At  this  period  the 

I liilion  of  ilie  world  tilled  the  iiinid  of  the  Ib'it- 

isli  (jovernnieiit  with  fearl'iil  apprehension.  'I'lie 
dark  calaloL'oe  of  wroiii:s  w  hicli  she  had  \isiied 
npoii  mauknid  rose  up  bclbrc  her,  and  spirits  of 
evil,  like  the  visions  which  distnrbi  d  ilie  siuinbers 
ot'  tile  ^oiilty  Itichard,  tilled  her  iinairiiiaiion  with 
terror  and  conslernatinii.  .She  reineiuiiered  ihal  lier 
serpi  lit  inonarchy  was  strangled  whrii  it  crawled 
around  llie  sliepim;  cradle  of  our  infaiil  Hercules. 
She  remembered  the  t'ale  of  ihe  secied  hosis  she 
had  deslini  (I  to  revet  amid  the  "  beauty  and  booty'' 
of  a  sacked  and  plundered  city.  .She  heard  the 
I  I'ho  of  the  uons  which  sulatiicil  Inr  pride  upon 
the  oi  can  wave,  and  conquered  inr  tieeis  upon 
('haiiqilain  and  Erie.  She  saw  the  {dariiu;  eye- 
balls ot'  her  own  slnrvin^;  subjects  tnrnint;  upon 
her  ill  inadnesH  and  desjieraiioo,  and  heaved  to 
lier  mi^hiy  ii-nln:  with  the  tlirms  of  approachiiiLj 
dissiiliiiion.  .She  saw  the  < 'elestial  l''.inpire  arouse 
t'loin  ineriiiess  and  letharu'V,  to  ave, me  the  rapine 
whicii  had  been  visited  upon  its  people,  in  the 


j  name  of  benevolence  and  Christianity.  She  saw 
I  llie  fierce  AlVRhan  poisins;  his  spear  in  liis  ninnn- 
lain  passes,  cherisliiii!;  his  wild  revence  and  bidiiij; 
his  tune,  to  repay  her  butchery  in  kind.  She  saw 
another  Hyder  Ally  laying  waste  the  Carnalic  wilh 
blood  and  desolation,  a'ndnTippoo  Saib  tlyingdcs- 
iierately  with  sabre  in  his  hand,  amid  heapslipnii 
heaps  of  her  slnu,:;htered  countrymen.  She  saw 
an  Irish  Parliamenl  assemblingnponC'ollegeGreen, 
and  the  brave  and' generous  sous  of  Erin  taking 
their  proud  station  wilh  the  iialions  of  the  enrlli. 
.She  saw  the  agi'd  King  of  an  impulsive  and  revo- 
lutionary race  descending  to  his  resting  place,  and 
she  heard  in  the  distance  the  ferrfiil  cry  af  "  lie- 
geiicy  !  Hegency  !" 

This,  Air.  I'resident,  induced  her  to  cnliivnle 
with  us  pacific  relations,  and  would  have  secured 
IIS  an  honorable  settlemeiil  of  all  matters  in  dill'er- 
ence,  had  they  not  been  inglorioiisly  sacriliced  and 
yielded.  liui  the  .Senator  t'rom  Ma'ssachusetis  de- 
nies that  our  hoimr  was  compromised  iii  ihe  mat- 
ter of  the  Caroline,  and  assures  lis  that  he  drew 
from  the  Ih-iiish  (bneriiinenl  ,iii  ample  apology 
for  that  and  the  murder  of  Miirfee,  which  was  ac- 
cepted by  him  for  and  in  behalf  of  his  Govern- 
ment, ill  satisfaciion  of  the  outrage,  and  h  >  points 
lo  it  as  one  of  his  proiulesl  trophies  and  the  (  hoiccst 
among  his  master-pieces  of  diplomacy. 

This  sir,  we  will  read;  but,  should  first  ade- 
quately prepare  our  minds  for  an  occasion  so  mo- 
mentous as  beholding  ihis  Imiurhly  Power  liiimbled 
before  us.  liiil  ihe  .American  Sicrelary  has  turned 
from  thegenlle  "  luiith" — the  miiiderer  of  Durfee — 
to  avenge  the  diirniiy  of  insulted  laws,  by  throt- 
tling the  liritisb  lion.  See  the  fierce  monster 
cower  and  treinlile  as  the  Secreiary  approaches  to 
execute  his  purpose  I  Genius  of  llriiannia,  "if 
you  have  tears,  prepare  lo  shed  them  now!"  Your 
iiroiid  red  (lag  is  lowcrid;  yoiirspirii  shall  now  be 
liowed  and  broken  !  DaiiL-'litcrs  of  Columbia,  re- 
joice I — your  great  and  tyi.aniiii-  rival  has  been 
vainpiished,  and  .salisfacti'on  has  at  last  been  cx- 
lorli'd  for  the  invasion  of  your  soil  and  the  murder 
iif  vmir  children  I  .Ah,  Vicioria,  Viciovia!  this 
is  tlie  day  of  .American  iriiimph  and  of  llrilish  hu- 
miliation !  The  luiology  has  been  wniiiL'  from  her, 
and  here  il  is,  deep,  painful  and  hiiniihating  to 
Great  Britain,  it  is  inn-:  but,  she  is  renderius:  liiirh 
and  solemn  .salist'ai  lion  t'or  the  violation  of  .Ameri- 
can soil  and  Ihe  blooj  of  an  .American  citizen,  who 
was  mnrde;ed  in  his  shnnbers,  'I'lie  penally  is  so 
.severe,  that  even  Cireai  Ibilaiii  desires  lo  pay  it  liy 
iiustalments.  Her  request,  in  thi' plenilnde'of  the 
.Secretary's  mercy,  is  L'ranled,and  heri!  is  llie  first 
one,  in  the  language  of  r.ord  .Aslibiirlon  : 

'*  N'earlv  live  year-  are  nnw  iia>sril  Miice  Itii-  iirciirr '  -e- 
thiTe  has  In'rII  Iniii   inr  the  |HlliIif  tnilrlilitrale  iipiin  II  I'lliin- 

l>.  ami  I  hi'li'VC  I  Ilia)   lake   II  In  tic  llii'  iilnii f  canitlil 

anil  Inillnriliili' men.  nial   Ihe   ItriliHli  nllh  rr- vi  lin  rveeuleil 

llns  lina.*a'-t iiml  tin  ir  (eivirnm.  in  wlm  aiiiirnvi'd  il.  iii- 

iiiiihil  II"  sliiilii  cir  iliso'  |iii  1  III  III.  s..viT.iLin  anilioritv  of 
Ihi'  fail,  it  Slalc«.  -fhal  ilnv  ..m-i  .liil  im  -m-li  .li-ri'speet 
lean  iiin-l  snl'-miilv  altiini.  ami  I  iia-1  il  \i;|i  In'  a.lihiltiil 

Ihal  nil  iiih  rel In  Ihe  i-niiliarv  i-:ili  tairlv  li    tir.iwii.  t'Vrii 

hy  llie  nin-l  Mi-c.|iiil,|i'  nil  pi. nils  III  i.ali..Mal  hiii.nr." 

.\ow  the  nobli-  Inrd  paiisi  s  fur  breath,  and  for 
a  moment  console.-  Iiimselt',  and  soothes  the  ven- 
ireaine  of  the  American  Secreiary,  by  describing 
Ihe  quiet  anil  Cliesiirfu  Idian  inaiiner  in  which  the 
heroes  of  the  Ion  h  and  those  who  wielded  the  iii- 
siriiiiients  of  iiiurib  r  p.  rformed  ilii  ir  seveial  pans, 
and  execulid  iln  ir  purpose,  without  wantonly  dis- 
Inrbiii'.;  the  iieii;liliorliiiod: 

'•  'I'he  lime  iillilii.l  vva-  pllrimselv  leleeteil  an  mast  likely 
In  iiiHlri'  llie  I  VI  iiilii.n.  vv  nil  till'  le;i.-l  less  of  lile.  unit  it  l'< 
ivjilis-ly  sl.ahil.  Ilial  Ihe  >ln'li|!lli  ul  tin'  eiirrent  II. II  peiaill. 
liicj  llif  vi's-il  I.I  h  ■  I  nrrieil  nif.  ami  it  heinit  ii.ci  ssary  to 
ili-llnv  her  111  llr...  •],<■  was  ilravvii  iiihi  Ihe  slriillil  liir'the 
I  vpri-s  [iinp.i-r  III"  pr.vclttllid  ilijlirv  lit  persons  iir  pniperlv 
III  Ihe  iiihaliilalil"  111  ri.-lilo.ser.'' 

.And  now  for  llii'  residue  of  the  apology,  diluted 
sli^'htly  with  the  risidin  of  ihe  jusiifii'iitioii: 

'■  MlhnllL'h  II  i>  hi  II.  viil  that  a  eainhil  niiil  iniparlial  enii- 

slil.rall tihe  ivhi.I..  hislnry  nl  ihi-  Mnhirliii.ali' i  vi  nl  will 

ha. I  I.I  11 hiM..ii.  Ihal  Iln  o'  vn'iv  uri'iiMil-  i.r  |n-iill..a- 

llnii  as  siren;!  as  vvi ver  pn-a'ai,  il  in  sil.li  i'a-i>.  .aiil, 

al...v.'  all.  thai  a..  mi..;Iii  mlii..  aiilh.iiiu  ol  ihe  I'lllhll  isiaten 
waii'ver  inl.ii.l.  .1.  V.  I  II  iiiii'l  he  ailmilli'il.  Ihal  lli.ii'  was 
III  Ihe  hiirrii  il  .v.  <  nlinii  i.lllus  nrn-s-arv  sirvii  e  iiviolaiinii 
mil  rntnry;  ami  I  .'an  in  nn.leil  In  as-liie  ynii  Ihill  Iiit  .Ma 
ji-tv's  li.iviinimiil  inn-nler  Has  as  a  iiii.-l  vthV.iu  f.ict,  ami 
lhat.  Inr  li..ni  llnnloi:..'  ihal  an  i  vn.l  m  ihi-  kiiiil  -hoiilil  he 
le.'hlly  ll-ki  il.  Ilii'v  vv.ail.l    iiiiI|.|L'|ii  ill\  ih  pre.ale   lis    recur- 

I.' I...iikiiii/  li:..l;  In  what   |ia-»iil  at   this  ili-laiici'  iif 

Iitlie.  what   IS,  peril, i( >l   In  hi'   rii'ri'lleil   i- ,  Ihill   soino 

I  vpl.oiali nut  iip.il...jv  Inr  lliis  oe,  nirrlii  I    vviimim.i  iiiiiiit>- 

ilialcly  iiiililr;  llll-.  Willi  a  I'lailk  cxphinalinli  nl' 'In'  iii  .  i  ,ssilv 

ufthti  cane,  iiiiijiii  mill  pioliiihiy  vvuulil  Imve  yrpvuiiti'd  inueli 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


546 


529'rH  CoNtt 1st  SKiiS. 


Amcricaii  Settlers  in  Oregon — Mr,  R,  Ckapmw. 


New  SiiiuKs No.  35. 


otiiir  fxa-iti'iiUi'Mi,  ami  nC  thr  Hitti. -iiiirnt  cnmplainia  and 

rcfrliiiin;iiiintr'  lu  wliicli  ii  (?iivr  rim'." 

liiK.  .slay:  tlio  aiMiIo;;y  i«  not  yet.  nr.cr|itr(!.  The 
h!ii1>1l'  rjtiKu'ily  of  ihi;  Auk  rii'au  Svci-etarv  i"i*  IJril- 
i.sli  dd.'unir.s  iM  fur  uiict:  iiLsulliriciit.  lit:  I'ail.s  to 
maslor  iliis,  and  prnccccls  to  rcduL-e  it«  (lidun.sioiis 
\\y  iiiuiUMitiis  Hliuvint;s  Ix^funj  lie  cssiiyH  to  swal- 
low.    Si'i;  him  iinu'L-ol  to  Mio  ta.sk: 

■•  r^fi-iiiK  lliiil  I'lt'  tr.iiii.-ictitui  irt  nut  rc^'i-iit.  Iiiiviiii.'  hnji- 
p  iicil  in  till'  liiiM*  <»l'  ■>!)'■  't  ■  111- |i  <  iN"f  >nrH;  hcriiit;  ttint 
V  'Hir  Innl  hill,  ill  ttic  "'"no  cirvnui'  (;:>\iTiiin''nt,  f"|<  mlv'dc- 
iM.'irt's  III. II  lilt  A\i\\\  III  'lisif^pr.'t  was  iiiti'iiilcd  tn  liic  siiut- 
fi^n  autlioniv  oi  itii'  I'tiiii  >!  S'iu<s;  HiMjim  tiial  it  \a  iir- 
kuttu  hdi.'('tl  iiiiit.  whi'tinT  jurtiiiJitlil'  (II  im;,  tturr  vva.-'  yi'l  u 
viL'litiuii  of  itiP  tnii'r\  '>!'  i!ir  L'liii.Ml  SiiUf:*,  and  that  yon 
HT"  iii-irini''d  fi  -iiy  thai  >t>ui  Cnvcrtinicnt  nui'ider  ttiiii  a-^ 
a  l^^l^t  yniiu-i  ociurrr  -'C;  seriiij!,  liiiiilly.  liiiu  It  in  ww  ml 
ii  irtt'd  (hat  an  i'\|ilanaiioii  and  iipiflnuy  inrtliiH  \iiilaluiii  ua> 
<ini  at  till'  tti'ii',  [ii'i  cU'.-ii  atliiiiMuii  i-  iiml.-,  Imwcmt,]  Ih  ' 
I'. '-id  I'.t  i-  en  ititi*  t  -  ri'  ■■■i\i'  tlr  ^  ■  M.-kuMWl'daiiH'tit-  :irHl 
..  ■  iiMincfrf  ii  tlU'i'Mii.'ih  iiiin  -|""'  ^\  I  Ill-It  iiiarkH  yciiir  iord- 
hhijiV  |i-il<'r.  aud  wtll  iiukt-  l)n->  ;  iilri-rl,  a^t  a  roiiii'iaiiH  of 
« iijlHlaiii  n|  |.  iriiur> ,  Um'  Miiuc  al  iiu  turtiier  diit*  ut•^lKll  hc- 
twi'fii  ilir  twi'  (;.ivi'rmnf'ni>.." 

Ainl  imw  jitMtici!  is .saiisftcil — insulted  honor  Ihih 
\<ovn  vindiratci! — tlic  vinlaiinii  nt'  Aiiicrii-aii  noil, 
ih*'  (h  sirui'tiiui  oi'  Ann'ii':ii)  jprM|n;rly,  ami  tin.' 
hhiiai  of  an  Atnorican  ritiztn,  havf  Ix-m  atoiifd 
j',n- — nii'l  l!ir  British  lion,  Ininiblfd  and  stiiidin d,  i.s 
rrleawi'd  iVnm  ihnihiniii,  niid  may  dt'|jaiL  in  |aa-t'. 

IJul  what  fnilhci?  W  <'  now  (nil  a  loluni  com- 
plimcnt,  I'u-  the  upuii'L^y  nfLm'd  A.shlaulon,  in  th*; 
imm'  lame  ajiuhitry  oi'AIr.  S<:«-u'iary  AV'clj.ster  in 
la  hair  (d'  ntir  ti«i\rrhhu'at;  tnr  it  .see  ns  that  even 
lius  a|"»h>p:y  was  made  tiiion  the  nu'^^nrKaMit  basis 
f't'e'jiiivak'Jits.     It  i.s  as  liiilow.s; 

•■  //  ••,1'i  a  •^uhjc't  fifrc^icl  Unit  Hir  rrtntsc  of  MvLeod  iras 
Ki  /,  I  ■  f1p!>  i.r'.  A  ^'!:ll  ■  foiir:.  iimt  I'lat  aot'ol'  thi'  highi'^t 
liirinlii'iJMii.  ih-ridi"!  that,  'mi  -aiiiiiiary  applicatiim.  (cmhar 
Vas-cil,   a-f  ii  wnuj.t   app  ar.  iiy  tfi-hnicnl  ditiicnllir's.)   Ik* 

•  tial't  iiut  he  rli  MS  d  Iiylhat  murl.  Ilis  ili.-ulmrcc,  >h«rllv 
a"!'  ru.T.I.  la  a  jtay.io  '.him  he  jne/ericl  t  >  Mihniit  his  ca-i'. 
iciidcri'd  iiinHTr-i.-ary  tlM'  lnrthpr  prfwciiiiin  ni'th'-  If^riil 
niii'-tnai.  1 1  is  for  Ihr  rMiii»n'j'w  oi'ilio  tTiuh'd  Hiaii's.  whn-c 
iittfTii.jiMi  lilt"  ln^ii  rmh'd  111  ilif  r-ul.j  'Cl.  to  ^ay  what  ttirthrr 
pruMpinu  uiuhl  («>  bi:  imidt.'  la  i  xpi  diit'  pfdcet'diiig,-.  in  such 

Ko  one  ran  fail  to  discover  in  this  an  nttrr  want 
of  manliness  and  .spirit  on  its  fiire,  and  a  inirkJiiif; 
to  tlie  Power  at  whose  hands  we  had  demanded 
redres.s  for  ^i;;nal  wr"n:;s.  Ijut  how  wa.s  it  vieweil 
ill  Euroi)e  ihid  ill  the  l*riti.sh  Parliament:  In  the 
^|.(:e.•h  of  Lord  Drougham,  hetore  meiitioned,  he 
says: 

■•In-.-.ii-l.hinvrMi.  fhut  Miyiiolili'iVi'ii.ifl.onlAshl'iinoii; 
math' an  Hpojogy  CHI  ihr  -iiliji'it  nf  ihr  ( ■.tiniiMc.  Iij'l  h.  ■ 
Hi'if  i-  I'le  lnm.MiaL'<'"tiliis  sn  called  apnlo^y.  Hi'i-^ -ppakinti 
1)1  tliii'i  will' ufiii  a»Tn>s  thr  St,  Law  iviicV  and  cut  niit  III' 
t':ir'diii"  .  and  \\ hocnnMialH-d tht'  ;iri  .>rii.i>n|in  andoi  jnva 
M'Hi  oidi.-  Annii.-an  I'  iiit>  ly;  and  H'mvitn|)|,-  iVicinl  madi' 

itn  ap<.l'-.;y.  u <i-l  i\p  ■(?  tn  hrarliim  ii-m  the  lainrna};.'  at' 

ap')lu;r\ .  Vein  \\  ill  exp  vt  in  hi'iirhini  ■'!i>  iii-r.  ■  W'v  are  snrr_\ 
tiir  it ;  wi'  will  nrv  r  do  sn  any  nmir;  wcaihnil  th^l  w<'ai"e 
wnmii  and  thai  >nii  arr  iiglii :  and  w  i- h.  t'tliai  \nii  will  a.- 
I  'pt  Has  ihclaraiii.Ti  as  an  apolnu-v  (i.r  what  w.''ha\('  dnn,'.' 
Till"*  IS  Ihr  S"rl  id'  latiL'ii-iL'r  uhirli.  wImii  in«n  talk  m  an 
a[i.ilt(K>,  yi.a  inav  rxprri  iiie  In  n-ail  as  iIh-  |;in[.nt;tL'<'  of  my 
nnhh-rnrad.  I>ai  wliai  d'M  s  he  really  say .-  •!  ini'dil  salfly 
■  pnt  II  III  Jiiiv  laiidid  in;iii  i<  ipi  riird  widi  I'jr  ^ta^^•  nf  il,i- 
'-■iiciim-ianci's.  wh--I'irr  tin-  nn.itari  (•i.ininandtr  e.ndd, 
'MM  II. (■  ,Mtil  ni  ll.ci'Tiilicr.  ffascn  dity  r\ptr|  tlllit   In-  cniild 

*  b"  r-ln'wd  li\  an\  Anifre-an  anth'irit\  ■'" 

"Ii  .\r.>yv  nntoi  Ih.-  la-)'  m  Mcl.t.id;  uliirli  was  not  unlv 
dd'land  in  li'  an  niiln''k\  "ii''  hy  niv  mihh'  finiid,  hiit  was 
Jit-n  admill'd  hy  Mr.  \\"i  h-tt  r  Itt  hi- '■ '. ;  (nr  hi-  sa>s.  m  f)ir 
\>'r\  H' vt  pap'Tio  iiii.i  Inirn  wlncli  I  have  alrnirtv  larntci, 
ihai  Mils  a  hi,t.j.-r(  ii  r.  yrci  th.ii  ihc  o'li  a-i' nl' .Mela'm; 
i-lKMihl  ht\r  h.fii  -n  hmi;  dt'layrfl.'  I  do  nm  aihuipi  1,1 
liiiimpli 'i\t'r  Ml.'  I'mI'd  Si  it.-.;  |h.;iii-.' nt'  thi^  adini.'s>iiin. 
Idn  tin'  !t-"^iiini't'i  hxik  d'lwiMiri  th.'  Aim  rn-tai  S.cr*  tar>  on 
nrcnanlnt'it.     Ida   ma  we^h  M  -ii/..'   hnld  nl  ihH  Hi'iitriir.- 

a-  an  apuhtHv,  and  th.'n-lnn'  a  limnihanna  iW  Ai ica.    Mm, 

aU'-r  all  Iliat  I  lia\  i-  In  ard  said  al i  mv  anhic  Irand  li.\  Itij! 

iiiiidian  apiil'>irv.  1  n  alli  niiiH  sa\.  that  Mic  innc  *»(  lUr  pas 
sacM  "hi'-h  I  hav.'  insi  n  ad  flni>s  |.Mik  to  im- rinn-h  ima - 
likf  iuMip<)tn!!\  llirn  aiiyihiiiL'  wliirh  js  to  In- ininrd  in  any 
pari  of  m>  niiliii  irt.itd's  di-pai.||.'«.  f  i:,  rom-ln-il  m  Mi.> 
iippniiil  d  pli,;ii-n|..;\  uf  a|iM|[ij\ .  the  Irriiis  iisrd  hv  iinn 
wlnji  il'r\  li'i  1  ilii-y  lia\i' d'liM' (VfiMii:.  and  w  i -h  I"  h  ■  piir 
dnnt'd  h\   lilt-  lianri-d  part\.''        *         •         '        .        * 

•'Tfii  dav^  li.rnre  iii>  mdilr  rni'iid  Inrnt'd  Iim  hack  apnn 
Ihc  cwunln  u  lici'  Iii>  iiciniiaiiun  had  lit  en  mi  i-tilolarliinh 
cmclaih'd.  a  law  fi  .cu.  .1  ilic  ;tv-.  ai  .>i  Mic  I'm  -id  -ni.  alter 
iric  the  rnn-ii  lilt  inn.  ^i\  inL'  ihc  pow  ii  that  wa-  -n  ii  al  msh 
iHftkc.f  lip' 111.  and  rend,  iin-i  a  niipos.*i).|i..h|.|ie.'rnrlliand  H-r 

■n.r.  tli.a  «nc|i  a  ca>"-  as  M- I I'h  muld  iic<iir  »tiv  l(M>n-. 

I  .Ippii  heiid.  Ihciefnte.  Ih.ll  III    Ilial    pail    ill'  the    ncL'iitialinil 

which  ri  laiut  luihc  CarMline,  the  Mieee...-  .if  ih(-  myuiiahir 
liiis  he.  II  ttinnipluial  and  i-umph  te." 

And  now,  sir,  lei  nie  reropiniend  to  the  Senator 
in  javicure  this  Imastrd  law.  which  ''alters  tlif 
<  ■'iiisiiuitiiut,"  to  la-  [irinied  u)ioti  slmni:  pujitr,  tor 
it  will  in-all  llicslre)i'_:lh  il  will  have  when  hroni;hl 
lietnrc  any  '*  res|"eetal)!e"  .lairl  in  llic  rninn, 

Am!  now,  hiuins: '  ' ''ad  n  n  view  of'tlii.';  miscra- 
l)lp  lari'c  in  tliplnniacy,  n[>i)n  a  snhjeet  ,.io  seri'Mis 
lor  ridieiile,  tint  condiu'ttd  in  a  iiianiitT  loo  con- 


toiniitilile  I'orniiytliinirclsc,  Ic-liis  inquire,  wliellicr, 
in  llie  liisKiry  oi'  liic  Wdilcl,  ii  |«ii'iillel  in  dcLTmln-  , 
tinii  can  he.  liinnd.  '!'<  rnia  wcii!  iMM'f|iti-'d,  inilis;ni- 
ti(S  Ijicicikcd,  ii|iiil(if.'ifs  londfrcd,  and  sarrifu'es 
ntade,  whirli  no  ont;  Inivintr  I'n  Ainprii'ini  Iirart  in 
liis  Ijo.soni — no  imp  willi  ii  drop  of  Aniernnn  blood 
in  liifi  viins — no  one  uiio  lind  ever  exiicricnced  im 
American  ini|iiilse,  or  hreaihidnn  American  iispi- 
ralion,  would  liave  enierlained  lor  a  moment.  A 
|irevious  AdniiniNinilion  liad  rclused  lo  neKotialc  ■ 
coricernin;;  llie  di  slriiciimi  of  tlic  Caroline  initil 
re|iartttion  kImiuIiI  lie  tendered  Ijy  llic  ri;iiisli  Gnv- 
ernmcnl.  Iiul  llie  tiicrelnry  of  ei|Mivaleirs  set 
renddy  down  la  (he  coniii  il  lionrd  of  llin  niilinn 
widi  llie  amIia.-iMidor  of  tliose  whose  unwaHiied 
hands  were,  yel  ilri|i|iiii'_'  with  ihe  idooil  of  an  Ame- 
rican citizen, and  that  too  to  slur  iloMranil  flitter 
il  away.  An  indiijniiy  and  meanness  m  which  no 
Oilier  I'lalion  in  ihe  liist.ny  of  the  world  ever  suli- 
initted;  an  indi'iiiiiv  which  even  decayed,  inihecile. 
and  siiperanmMiicd  .S|>hiit.  or  fitful,  pnwcrless,  and 
iniseraMe.MeNico,  would  have  resisteii  i.i  ihednith, 
and  sjiurned  with  the  most  iiinnili^iited  Hcom. 
And  yet,  .sir,  this  ;;reai,  I'n  e.  and  nii;rhly  Confeil- 
eracy  has  drank  dee;. ly  of  tins  cup  of  hii'miliaiion: 
and,  lo  crown  hrr  shame,  her  Sccrelarv  anoloo;isis 
liecause.she  liaii  not  yielded  sooner  and  more  tiime- 
Iv.     The  wretch,  McNali,  who   iilamied  the  nnir- 

,  tier,  has  lieen  l(ni:;liied  liy  the  tlueen, 

"  While  lliirlcc's  shiii-t  v.'iilks  iitirevi'iced  iiian'.g.t  n^." 
I  have   now  done,    iff  r  ^enderinir  to  the  Senate 
my   aeknowledTments  ;or   ie     tiUi  oti'm,   ami    an 

I  apnlotiy  for  li!ivie<r  ('ciained  it  so  Ion;  in  a  mat- 
ter of  |iersoieil  hearii  ;,  and  addin;  my  n^suranre 
that  it  shall  dipeiid  upon  others  i-atlier  than 
myself  whether  I  shall  ever  ask  its  im|o|nrneo 
upon  a  like  occasion.  Hot  I  am  muvilliii;  tn 
leave  tlie  Senator  from  iMassiu-linseffs  witliout 
a  friendly  word  at  partiie,'.  I  priiinised,  upon 
his  invitation,  in  discuss  this  ninticr  lo  his  sails- 
faction.     I  Ikuic  I  have  niiide  it  liolli  a<rre"ali|e  and 

]  iicceptalde.  Lest,  however,  I  may  not  have  done 
so,  I  will  nial.e  him  what  1  deem  li  l)eeomin<j  npol- 
o;y  for  the  ,<rrievanco  of  v  lii.h  lie  compl.iins.  It 
shall  he  t'iven,  as  .snys  Lord  r.rinudiiim,  in  the 
"tinpoinled  pliraseolo^'y  ofapoln;;y." 

:  Some  lime  has  past  since  the  occurrence.  I 
solemnly  airirm  I  intended  no  disrespect.  Anil 
alihou^'d  Iheiroiiiids  of  justification  were  as  stronir 
as  were  ever  presented 'in  such  cases,  I  admit  1 
consider  il  a  "  uiosi  serious  fact,"  And  now,  see- 
in;:  that  the  iransactinu  is  not  recent — seein;  that 
I  declare  no  disrespect  was  intended— sieins  that 

I  now   sav  I  consider  il  a  "most  serious  fact" 

and,  finally,  seeiiiL;  thai  an  apology,  couelieil  in 
such  lanuiia;e,wasaoeepl(d  iVom  the  Hritisli  Oov- 
ernment  hy  the  American  Sei'ietary  for  the  viola- 
tion of  our  soil,  the  desiria  ion  of  our  property, 
nnd  the  nnirder  of  our  eili/ens,  I  iriist  the  Senator 
will  leceive  these  acknowledgments  in  the  eoncdia- 

;  lory  spirit  in  which  they  are  oH'.red,  and  make 
tlii-  suliject,  as  a  complaint,  the  topic  of  no  further 
discussion. 


AMKKll'A.N-   SiyiTl.KRS  l.\  i)Rli;iON. 


SI'EHCn  or   .MK.  K.  CHAP.AIAN, 

or    ALABAMA, 

Is-  riiK  Hat  ^K  Of  Ri,ri;i:si,xTATivEs, 

.//in/  17,  lh4(i. 

The  Ilou.se  heinir  in   Committee  of  ihe  Whole  on 

the  stale  iif  the  Union,  on  ihe  Hill  to  prolecl  the 

rights  of  American  selllers  in  (liet;on — 

Mr.  CIIAI'.MA.Vsaid  : 

Mr.  CiiMiniAM  I  ri.se  this  morinm;  under  some 
cniliarrassmcnt  to  adiln  ss  the  committee,  on  lliis 
snlijct,  when   the  jircscni   stale   of  feelin:;  anion; 

meinlicrs  on  this   ll.ior,  in  iseipiciire  of  recent 

evenls  which  have  laKiii  plac"  in  the  other  end  of 
Ihe  Capitol,  upon  anoiiiir,  |lioii;h  no  more  im- 
poriant  hrancli  of  the  same  siilipcl,  is  unite  uiifa- 
vor.ihlc  to  a  paiieiit  hearing.  'J'he  |ia,s,sai:e  of  the 
notice  in  the  .'^enale,  since  onr  last  adjournineiil, 
though  not  in  the  form  w,' sent  it  from  t'liis  House, 
has  .somewhat  chained  the  iiue.viion  now  Inf..-  e  ns. 
I  should  not  attempt  lo  addrcts  the  coiiiniiltee  al 
all,  if  if  were  not  for  the  peculiar  position  1  (ind 
myself  111,  ouin;  lo  the  cuurse  I  fill  it  my  duly  lo 
'  pur.Mic  liciTlofuic  on  this  sul'ject.     I  Wii.suiieof 


only  three  of  the  party  lo  whiili  I  belon;',  who 
voted  at  the  last  session  of  Coni,Tesy  against  a  bill 
similar,  in  some  respects,  liiouf;h  worse  in  inniiy 
respects,  than  the  ]iresent  bill  as  it  iia.s  lieeii  re- 
ported from  the  Committee  on  Terrilories.  1 1  .  ;l.i 
plead  in  juKlificntioii  of  the  course  1  pursued  o.,  that 
i  occasion,  my  re-election  since,  from  Ihe  dislricl  1 
;  have  the  honor  to  represent;   bul  it  would  I  e  iin- 
!  prop.."  for  ine  to  juslit'y  myself  on  that  ground,  in- 
asmuch as  the  (juestioii   that  has  since   occupied 
so  niiicli  of  llie  public  mind,  was  not  agitatetl  at 
all  (lurins   ihat  canvass.     1   claim,   theiefore,  no 
sanction  from  my  eonsiiinents  by  my  suLseipient. 
re-election,  for  the  course  1  felt  it  my  duty  to  pursue 
■  on  Ibis  subject  prior  to  tli.il  election.     1  place  my 
election   upon  other  grounds — upon  the  ground  of 
generous   couiiilcnee — 'ly    their  approval    ol     my 
einir.se  as  their  Uep-esenlative  for  many  years. 

1  eonsider,  .Mr.  I  'hairman,  thai  this  i.-^  a  i[nc.slioii 
of  innuense  nuiiruituile;  one  that  involves  eithi-r 
iiuiiii  diately  ur  reinolely  the  ipiesiion  of  peace  or 
war  betvMcn  two  of  the  most  powerful  nations  on 
the  face  of  the  globe — two  nalions,  who.se  com- 
billed  trade  and  commerce  tJiroiighi  ut  the  world 
pi  rliaps  exceeds  that  of  all  the  oihcr  rowers  coin- 
biiiid.  All  fpiestions,  ilieri  fore,  involving  the  re- 
lations belween  such  nations  ou;liL  to  he  welleon- 
.sidered.  Hasty  anil  inteinperate  ;■  •tion,  as  well  a.s 
angry  and  incaiilious  expressions  by  spe.ikers  and 
the  press,  ought  to  be  avoithsj, 

1  foresaw  at  'I"  .  oimueiicem,  nl  of  ihistession  of 
Congress  thai  ll  u'e  was  likely  tn  be  great  indis- 
cretion in  the  dc  arations  of  opinions  upon  this  nll- 
.  impori.oU  subject;  and  when  the  Message  of  tlie 
I'rc.idi  lit  was  nail,  it  will  be  renieinbered  that,  in 
order  lo  aironl  all  an  opportunity  to  weigh  v.ell  and 
consider  what  was  proper  lo  siy  and  do,  before 
they  bad  hastily  coiinnilted  lliemselves  upon  this 
question,  1  took  the  eiirliesl  occasion  to  call  llie 
pievioiis  tpieslion  on  jiriming  the  .Message.  To 
those  who  have  observed  the  eliaracler  of  most  of 
the  speeches  since,  the  necessity  for  that  precau- 
tion will  b(  suilicicntiv  manifest. 

I  have  regretted,  Atr.  Chairman,  deeply  regret- 
ted, the  attempt  made,  in  the  discussion  on  the 
notice  resolutions,  to  make  lliis  Oregon  question  a 
sectional  one,  and  to  trive  il  a  party  character.  1 
am  sure,  sir,  ihiil  if  tliere  is  any  nueslion  that  can 
be  ai;iiateil  in  Congre.-^s  that  on£  ,  to  be  divested 
of  all  ]i,'rty  or  .sectional  character,  .t  is  this.  I  do 
think  tli.'t  genilemen  who  claim  it  as  a  party  or 
sectional  'piesliun,  I'lrl'eil  much  of  their  character 
for  that  |i-iriolisni,  the  want  of  which  they  charge 
upon  other,  .  If  \\  e  cannot  be  united  upon  ipies- 
lions  ciinccr  ling  our  foreign  relations,  upon  what 
(pastion  slia,l  \ve  be- 
lt has  al.so  been  charged  here,  and  perhaps  in 
the  other  end  of  the  Capitol,  that  there  was  an  ob- 
li.,;atioii  upon  I'le  southern  jiorlion  of  the  Demo- 
cratic pariy  to  vote  for  all  measures  ill  relation  lo 
Oregon,  wilhoul  examining  further,  because  those 
composing  the  iame  parly  from  other  sections, 
]iarticularly  from  the  west,  had  preseuuil  an  un- 
divided fionl,  or  very  nearly  so,  upon  another 
question,  w  Inch  lb  \\'  are  pleased  to  call  a  southern 
question — the  aiinexatiiiu  of  Texas.  They  .say 
there  was  an  agreement  of  llial  .-"ort — implied,  at 
least — the  substance  of  which  they  contend  was 
stipulated  in  the  resolutions  of  the  Cltimore  Con- 
vention in  favor  of  the  cfioiiifin/iim  e/'  Ti.iiis,aiid 
(/ll  I'cocf  ti/m/iim  ()/'  Ocigoii — (ici/t  sislcn  in  Ihf  />fmo- 
ci-iifii;  crci'd.  Mr.  Chaiiiii.ui,  for  one  individual,  1 
ilid  not  .idinit  any  such  obligation;  I  deny  any 
such  a;ietiuent.  >.'ot  having  the  fiar  id'  the  r.al- 
timore  resolutions  before  my  eye.;,  bul  having  a 
fear — a  well-giouudid  fear-  of  the  evils  contained 
in  the  bill  on  this  subject  at  the  last  session  of  Con- 
gres.-.,  and  llie  mi.Mdiief  thai  would  certainly  have 
followed  its  passage,  I  took  Ujion  myself  the  re- 
sponsibility of  voting  against  it,  and  in  so  lean  ii 
minority.  Subseiiiient  rellectioii  and  examinatinn 
h.ive  convinced  ine  tliat  I  did  riglil.  In  this  opin- 
ion I  am  fully  sustained  by  the  Piesident  in  his 
iNIessage;  I'or,  instead  of  reconinieiiding  such  .i 
bill  as  that  was,  he  very  plainly  admonishes  you 
that  il  contained  provisions  inconsistent  with  the 
obli_'aiions  of  the  treaty  of  1^07. 

I  say  il  has  been  charged  that  there  was  an  ob- 
ligation incurred,  bv  the  course  of  western  gentle- 
men in  lelailon  to  'I'cxas,  ibat  Houthern  ineiuber.s 
nil'-'  "go  it  blind  for  Oregon."  Why,  do  not 
get  men  see  that  there  are  two  sides  to  this  tpies- 
tion — Ihat  If  any  oblifialion  of  that  sort  was  iii- 


i 


u 


.^^^.mMii 


546 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  17. 


i29TH  Cong Jst  Srss. 


American  Settlers  in  Oregon — Mr,  R.  Chapman. 


Ho,  OF  Ueps. 


ciitTt'iK  it  wast  lint  si  -'li  an  olili^cation  n^.  a'Toulin;:; 
lit  iIh'  Itiws  rr?;iili»tiii^  t*tnn\  (noi'uls,niHl  (lie  i  nurnr 
of  fric  niul  \iiiliiar*' li  itiniMiitniion,  rouli!  Iir  m- 
fiirrcii;  niiil  that  whili'  liny  I'oiivit-t  ollu'O  t>\  Imd 
tiiitli  lor  rnllttwini;  liir  tli»  latcs  i-C  tlu-ir  own  Jiuli,'- 
itinit  and  sense  ot"  liuty,  they  rnavict  lhrni.'*t'U in 
nt'wiMSC  nmlives  -  I'rruusr,  it'  they  innKr  out  a 
i-asLMtf  bail  I'aiih  auamisl  simth'Tii  f;tnl!rrui  n  t'oi- 
not  voiin;;  turCn -i.n  in  l-l>lt^i(l■  i\it)nn  of  their  hav- 
ing; vrt((l  Tor  'I'rxas,  they  t^ay  at  nn-'i'  ihal  ihey 
Yi'icil  i'nr  T'-xas,  ii'M  tor  aiiynieiiiN  oi  ihe  tpics- 
tion,  hu;  ln.'0.iiL-<e  nt'liu'  hari;.'.in.  We  hi-anl  nnth- 
i'li^  of  lliiN  ciiariji-  hisl  vear^  w  lien  tile  har^iain,  it" 
any  Micii  ever  was  i)uu1f,\\uH  more  easily  estah- 
lirtheii  lliaii  now;  jierha] >  it  wa^  nut  hiecyHary  lo 
urue  it  lhtn,as  thin-  \v>  le  inly  three  I  It  niorialN 
who  at  tiiat  tiinr  ni-poscil  the  (he-^nn  l^lll.  lail  the 
unnexalioii  ut"'!'*  varf  was  not  iiru<ii  a«  ti  Nniitht  rn 
i>r  as  a  paity  nit'asnre  hy  ilJ*  iVieiuls;  ii  was  |ireNsi'it 
as  a  national  nu-.tsiue,  tlie  Nueei  ,-a  ul' whali  was 
l.»  aihanec  llie  iiiUreslM  anil  piospeiity  ol"  ( vry 
jiortiitn  !»f  the  I'liiun.  In  its  linal  Meronii>h>hin' iil, 
no  treaty  ;-ii|tiilaiion;)  were  viohileil;  no  injnslii'i! 
tl'inc  to  any  thiid  Ptavtr.  The  stihjeet  wa«  one 
llial  euneeiiui!  ahme  the  liniicil  States  lual  TeNas. 
The  iteoph'  o\'  \nt\\\  ennntraH  di  sireil  tin-  annev- 
alion^  and  it  was  passed — jtassed,  ton,  under  le.-o- 
Iiilions  draw  n  iiji  l^y  a  W  Inu;  and  no  one  ohjirted 
v\\  iliat  nte.innt.  Su  it  w'as  nut  made  a  party 
nu'asnre,  at'ter  i\\\.  The  inleie«I  and  |irus|nrity 
ot'lhe  Union — the  whoh-  I'liion,  inehidinii  Texas — 
have  htcn  advanrnl  hy  tin-  anpexatnnr.  and  it'any 
l>art  of  tlie  Uniun  has  lirrn  niorr  lieni  tiled  Iiy  tin' 
measure  llinn  anuihiT,  n  is  th*-  western  Slates; 
lueanse  a  new  and  «Nfrnsiv(^  inarhel  has  lieen 
opened  to  tin  in  lor  ilie  \asi  prodnetiniiM  ol'  their 
Itrtile  eouniry. 

I  trust,  tinn,  wo  shall  hear  no  more  ehari;es  on 
Hrconnl  of  'IVxas  ol>hi^aliuns  from  western  i^eii- 
tienien. 

1  have  said  tlml  tiiis  is  a  qnrstion  nf  mneh  mo- 
ment—  the  :;reat  measure  i>t^  tiiis  Atlminisiiatiiui, 
and  the  must  niiportimt  now  helure  the  piihiio. 
The  history  uf  it  is  (luite  peiMiHar.  I'mil  wiltiin  a 
ffw  yeara  pa.-'t,  it  ha<i  hein  hn(  little  airitated  anion;; 
the  peoph',  aUhnni^h  it  has  I'ui*  nearly  halfaeen- 
tnry  been  a  snhjeei  must  emharrassin;;  with  onr 
Exoeutive,  and  onr  iMu'utiamrs  at  London.  He- 
cause  of  the  ditlieullitN  ^A'  ihe  euiidti'lnn:  claims  tif 
the  railed  Stall  s  and  tueat  nntain,  whadi  ei.nid 
not  he  ainieahly  adjii>ird,  the  two  Puwirs  auoeed, 
from  time  t(»  time,  Id  hold  llie  trrnimy,  su  far  as 
iis  oieupalion  was  eonri-nied,  in  romiiiotu  leavinir 
the  title  in  alnyant c  Tins  arrain.'tini'ni,  when 
made,  was  d*-enn'd  ad\an'au'''ais  to  h-nh  lio\trn- 
nients;  and,  uiilil  within  ihe  last  ii:;ht  nr  ten  years, 
no  iiiionveiiieni'e  resnitt  d  from  it,  htM'anse  we  ha<l 
very  f •  w  eitizi  iis  in  the  lerrriiory  U*  elaim  the  pro- 
tection of  onr  fJovi'ininenI;  the  snl'Jeets  uf  (  Jreal 
Britain  wlin  were  tlnie  had,  liiah  r  their  rhaiur 
from  llif  *'i()wn,  ample  anthoniy  to  '.^iivern  them- 
selves, and  protrrl  theinseUeH  frnni  the  atlaeKH  nf 
tlic  Indians  while  larryiiiL;  on  their  luismess  a» 
tradiTH  with  tlieni. 

Ahoiil  eiu'ht  years  ai;n  our  piti/rns  oommenrni 
selilin^  in  Oregon,  and  they  now  far  tmlnnnil/er 
the  Ilritish;  they  have  inereasrd  t-^  some  ei-^ht  or 
ten  thousand,  and  rlaim  the  protertion  of  onr  laws. 
Thus  the  necessity  fur  a  si  itjfnnnt  ()f  the  <|nesttun 
of  title  has  Ijcconii-  mure  and  ni"re  nri,'f'nf.  The 
subject  was  several  times  hron^ht  iafure  t'uni^ress 
prior  to  the  last  s(ssiun,l>nt  no  ju-upusitiun  was 
ever  seriously  nr^ed,  I  heliev.',  nntd  ihm,  to  dis- 
solve the  conventiun  with  (ireal  Itrilani.  At  thai 
scssio..  we  were  ulVieially  infmined  that  ne^uiia- 
tiona,  with  a  view  to  the  settlement  of  the  (]n«'stion 
of  title,  was  ^'oini'  un,  and  we  had  e\ery  assnrain'e 
thai  there  was  a  tair  prospe'-t  of  a  lavmahlf  result. 
Nev3rthe!cs.'*,  n  hid  was  intrudueed  and  passfd  this 
House,  establish. 11^  a  separate  nrnlcnial  ituxcrn- 
ment  in  that  trmtory  up  to  the  ninio.st  elnm  wi* 
have — 54'-*40'  — *itli  pmvisions  e\cn  stroniM  r  tiian 
the  hilt  now  I -fore  ns  contains,  and  eontamin^' a 
flection  require:;  the  rresident  to  uive  notiie  of  the 
ttbroc^tion  of  tlie  convention;  ho  that  at  the  end  of 
twelve  months  linlish  snl'jerts  ihen-  were  to  come 
imniedintely  under  tair  law-',  and  liable  t<il)re\- 
pclled  the  'ountry.  Airamst  that  bill  I  voted;  and 
ngainst  snch  a  bill  I  presunn'  ihere  nre  scan'elv 
any  memlwrs  now  hcri*  who  would  nut  votf,  nl- 
ih'nitfh  the  cir<  ninstances  now  would  much  In  ller 
jusiity  such  a  measure  than  aa  llicv  llieii  existed. 


The  nhjeclion  to  iliai  bill  did  nnl  consist  alone  in 
the  amendment  (.itft  red  and  adopteil  just  before  the 
vote  was  taken,  providini,^  tor  :;ivini;  the  notice  of 
the  li  rnunatioii  of  the  joint  orenpitncy,  a<!;atn.'^l 
which  almost  the  tntirc  Denmcratie  party  voted. 
There  were  oiher  id>jecIloiis — all  ihal  are  to  lie 
found  in  this  bill,  and  more  than  my  lime  will  al- 
low nie  to  point  out.  'i'hat  bill  I'ailed  in  the  Heiiate, 
nnd  the  neiioimlion  went  on  here,  between  the 
Hritish  Alinisler  and  tliis  (lovernmenl.  The  dis- 
closures made  by  the  I'resiiieni,  in  his  Messai:e 
to  the  present  Compress  on  this  subject,  opened  a 
new  and  most  iniporianl  chapter  to  us.  Instead 
ol'a  favorabh'  prospect  of  im  amicable  Hettlemeiit 
of  tin-  vexed  unesiion  by  iiei:-utnuiun,  he  tuM  ns 
thai,  alter  reprated  ellbrls,  all  pruspcci  i^i'  lerini- 
natiiiLi'  llie  cuntroversy  in  that  way  liad  litijed,  and 
that  *•  no  compromise,  which  the  Unilt  d  Siales 
ou^Hit  lo  accept  can  be  elleclcd."  IJe  disdused  to 
us  another  very  imiioriant  fai;t,  that  m  the  course 
of  the    m  i;otiaiion,  *•  in  deferem-e  alone   lo   what 

*  had   Ijeeii  ilune  by  his  predeci  ssors,  aiid  the  iin- 

*  plied  obliirniiiin  which   llieir  acts  se»-nied  to  ini- 

*  pose,"  he  had  propo>cd  to  tlie  Ihitish  .Minister 
to  sciile  l!ie  qie'stion  in  dispute  by  diviiiini;  the 
territory  at  the  .|lhh  paralhl  id'  laiitude.  This  most 
liberal  utfer  was,  h()we\(  r,rel"nsed  by  Ci real  Krilain, 
and  afterwards  withdrawn  by  our  (lovt  rninent. 
Tlins  the  nei;otiaiion  wii8  louiid  by  us  at  the  meet- 
iiiL"^  of  L'oiiurts.s. 

'I'lie  impropriety  of  jToini:  into  an  inveslij2:ation 
of  till-  tUU  to  this  territory,  w  iieii  that  is  the  sub- 
ject of  ilispule  between  tin-  two  countries,  (and  I 
liope  stili  ol*  ncL;utiation  tdso,)  must  be  obvious  to 
any  one,  unles.s  conlined  to  <nir  tide  of  the  queu- 
lion,  and  then  it  ceases  to  he  free  di.scussion. 
Nearly  every  one  who  has  ypuKen  on  this  qucs- 
tinn  .ulmits  the  impolicy  of  ddalni^^  the  title,  and 
still  I  have  scarcely  (djscrved  one  who  has  not 
conimitied  himself  uj-on  it.  This  liaH  been  the 
cansr  id'  a  i;reat  deal  of  belimr  licre,  and  has  pre- 
jndiiid  nej;oiiation.  Our  speeches,  esjiccially  if 
they  favor  the  Brilisli  claim,  arc  freely  piibhr-lnd 
and  circulated  on  the  other  Mde  of  the  water, 
where  the  defects  in  our  title  antl  our  divisions  at 
Innne  are  thus  exposed.  It  is  said,  however,  that 
It  IS  necessary  to  expose  the  weakiu  ss  of  our  claim 
(if  it  is  weak)  to  the  extent  conteiideil  fitr  by  .stniie, 
lest  an  ernna  ons  state  (d'  public  opinion  may  he 
en-ated.  This  evil  may  be  avoided,  however, 
by  oilier  niod(s,  wiilmui  runnin^^  into  the  otlier 
extreme  (d'  niakiiii^  such  eon;;ressionai  speeches. 
This  objection  may  be  obviated  by  addresses  'o  the 
pi  ople  (/(rif/Zi/,  :;ivin;;  uur  vie*...  on  tlie  siibjeeL  of 
the  tiili',  w  itliput  aduptni^  the  usual  course  u(  nia- 
kini;  *  ■(Him'e^H  the  vehicle  fur  eonvc^yin^  our  opin- 
ions on  the  sub)ecl  to  tlie  country,  ('oniiressioiial 
ilebaies,  how(ver  obscure  the  speakers  are  here, nre 
all  read  ill  such  foreijiii  euuntries  as  feel  an  intere.st 
in  the  Hubject.  They  are  read  there  as  authorities 
a'j;iunst  us,  as  we  read  here  speeches  made  in  I'ar- 
liami-nt,  as  evidence  a^iainst  the  Uritiah  claim.  I 
have  iliuuirht,  and  so  must  all  who  wdl  examine 
ihe  abb'  nrj;innent.s  cd'tau'  preseiii  and  late  Secreta- 
ries if  State  in  tavor  of  our  title,  that  we  nniy  safely 
rest  our  ease  in  such  hands,  i  have  considered  it 
a  irreat  mistortnne  thai  circum.-iancrs  lendereil  it 
necessary  to  hrinir  this  question  betore  Coniire.^s. 
hecansr  of  the  improprieties  that  have  been  alluded 
Ut,  Huesiions  louchinj;  ourforeisrn  relations  on^ht 
always  to  be  cautiously  haiidlt  d ;  they  are  much 
.^afer  with  the  h^xeeutive  branch  of  the  (juvern- 
nient  than  with  Compress.  For  itne,  while  1  am 
as  far  as  any  one  here  from  such  inilnence.<!,  I  be- 
lieve it  to  be  my  duty  to  sustain  the  l*resid'MU  in 
carrynii:  out  his  views  upon  such  questions,  when 
I  eim  do  so  without  a  violation  of  my  principles. 
On  the  prt.sont  ocrnsion,  I  am  fret;  lo  say,  witliout 
intendinf;  to  commit  the  erriT  1  have  deprecated  in 
others  by  examining;:  the  title,  that  I  lieartily  ap- 
prove of  the  I*resident's  course  in  olVerinj;  the  coni- 
promise  he  did.  He  has  been,  as  I  sincerely  be- 
lieve, most  unjustly  censured  for  not  makiiin;  Known 
upon  what  terms,  or  at  what  line  he  wouhl  or 
would  not  .'fettle  this  rpiestion.  If  (renth  men  will 
reflect  upon  llie  duties  id'  ihe  President,  they  mav 
rai  k  their  brains  in  speculatinj  a.s  to  what  he  will 
do — they  may  work  themselves  into  a  desperate 
passion,  liecnnse  this  or  that  is  likely  to  be  adopt- 
ed: but  they  cm  never  blame  him  for  ri  fusim;  to 
publish  his  \iews.  If,  as  I  have  shown,  Ihe  wordy, 
mid  olUii  ill-considered,  s|ieeehes  in  CuiiL^itas  ure 


capable  af  ma'ini;  mischief  in  our  nejjotiations, 
how  much  moM  would  the  indiacre.t  cxprc^sioiiH 
of  opiniim  by  ihc  i'resideni,  on  pn  itositions  that 
may  never  he  made,  produce  ? 

'I'he  I'resideni  reconnnended  muirr  to  be  f;ivep 
under  the  provisions  of  ilu;  treaty  fur  the  termi'.a- 
tiim  of  the  joint  occupancy.  Thus,  after  a  prot.net- 
ed  dehnie,  was  passed  in  this  House,  and  ha.-,  after 
slid  more  delay,  passed  the  Senate  with  an  aniend- 
menl.  Upon  thai  measure  I  desired  toexprtssiny 
senlinients  when  it  was  under  cimsideration  here, 
and  made  repeated  eflbrls  to  (d>tain  the  lloor,  bu'. 
without  Kuceess.  1  did  not  disire  then,  ns  I  do  not 
now,  to  discuss  the  title,  but  to  a.^sn^n  inv  reasuns 
for  votiiii*;  at  this  session  for  ;i:ivin'^  'he  notii  c,  hav- 
ini;  voted  at  the  last  session  iii;ainsl  il.  1  desired 
lo  say,  that  as  we  were  informed  at  llur  last  .session 
that  iie;;oliation  was  proj;ressini,'  mnler  faviniiblt- 
prospects,  to  have  i:iven  the  notice  (without  the 
very  iibjectionable  bitl  of  which  it  funned  a  part^ 
WMudd  have  been  improper  and  unnecessary.  Hut 
since  that  rin'.e  ni  i^otialiun  has  hern  fried  and  failt  d, 
thus  far,  at  least,  to  setile  the  ditlicnily.  Since  thai 
time,  the  iieople  have  taken  up  the  subject, and  de 
maud  its  apeedy  t»rmiiiation  in  some  way.  What  - 
ever  may  h.ive  been  the  advantajje  of  tin'  joint 
occupancy  treaty  to  us,  as  a  means  of  avoiding:  die 
ctmsefpunces  that  naturally  would  have  reaultid 
from  the  repeated  I'ailures  to  settle  this  question  by 
amicable  means,  until  we  could  settle  the  disputed 
country  with  our  citizens  nnd  jirepare  to  meet  the 
consequence.^;  after  the  question  bad  taken  sncti 
hold  upon  the  pul)lic  inind — after  certain  piditici.uis 
had  seized  upon  it  as  a  political  machine  to  pull 
down  some  men  and  elevate  others — it  v^as  lime  ti« 
hrini;;  it  to  a  dose,  to  take  it  from  before  tlio  public 
and  out  of  the  hands  of  partisans. 

It  is  not  stran:;e  that  the  people  do  now  de- 
mand a  tiettlemeni  of  this  question.  They  nntu 
rally  conclude  that  if  the  country,  or  any  part  of 
it,  beloiit^.s  to  us,  we  (nii;ht  lo  have  it  exclusively 
in  (nir  possession:  ihey  dislike  any  parinership 
between  this  country  and  another,  especially  willi 
Great  Liritain,  The  title,  and  the  evidences  to 
sustain  it,  nre  too  ililHcult  and  tedious  for  the  niaf^s 
of  the  peo|i|c  to  examine;  and  whatever  may  be 
ihe  true  line  of  division — whalever  obliijations 
may  have  been  incurred  by  the  fomier  oilers  by 
our  tiovermneni  to  take  less  than  the  whole — the 
natural,  the  patriotic  sentiment  amoii'j;  (uir  people 
is,  when  a  cuntbci  arises  between  this  country  and 
another  on  a  claim  to  territ(iry,  a.^  well  as  any 
other  (lueslion,  to  **  jjf)  for  our  country,  rii»lit  oi 
wroi)'^  ' — a  sentiment  so  patriotic,  that  however 
we  mav  rci^rel  it  when  it  sustains  the  vvron^;,  we 
must  admire  the  heart  from  w  liich  il  liows 

The  importance  of  this  (piestion,  coiifiisls  not  so 
much  in  tlie  real  value  of  the  territory  in  dispute. 
j  (which  has  no  doubt  been  much  exairceratcd,)  a  ■ 
in  the  eunsequences  that  must  ensue  if  ihe  diili - 
ciilty  cannot  he  settled  amicaldy.  In  that  ca-'^c. 
the  last  alternative  of  nation.s  must  ftdlow — an  a! 
ternative  that  none  of  ns  oufflii  to  desire.  In  this 
enlii;hlened  n^e  of  the  world,  wnr  between  two  of 
the  iM()sffn/Jtr/jffii((/ nations  cannot  ensue, especially 
abeut  a  piece  of  property  not  worth  the  cost  of  ilu 
war  to  either  (nayini;  nothin:^  of  the  expense  ni" 
preparation  and  the  loss  of  life)  for  three  months, 
without  srossniismamr.'ement  snmewln  re.  I  Uiwn 
confidence,  therelVu'e,  that  it  will  be  avoided;  bnt. 
to  avoid  it,  the  questnm  mvsl  nvtr  he  '•itUaf.  The 
tendency  of  delay  is  to  chiun^e  the  nature  of  tl.i 
present  di.spnte  from  one  about  a  claim  to  pntp- 
crty,  to  one  of  iKi/tcna/  Imnoi'.  Iiy  keepint.'  up  the 
controversy,  the  feelint:  of  the  people  on  both  sides 
will  beionie  irritated,  until  the  cry  for  ju^tirt-  will 
be  overcuiii'  Uy  the  louder  cry  of  nnii^n*.  1  have 
said  that  I  approve,  lunrtihj  approve,  of  the  I'ri.s- 
ident*s  eflurt  to  compromiKe  this  (luestion  :  the 
^  whole  couniry  has  approved  it.  and  will  sustain 
him  m  any  just  settlement  he  nuiy  In-rcatter  make; 
but  I  w  dl  say,  lk>t  the  voice  of  the  people  in  favoc 
'  of  Inkin::  posfie*«;b»n  of  the  vvlnde  eunntrv  is  ^ei 
tin?' Rtrojifrer  and  stronijer  everyday:  and  I  bar 
It  will  •'uniimie  m  that  direction  until  tin-  question 
is  setil<'ii,aM  I  have  an  abiding  eoididencu  it  soon 
will  be. 

I  hat*  said,  Mr  <'hairman,  that  ttie  President, 
hy  the     'lurse  he   ha.  pursued  hitherto,  has  f^ivcu 
US  plainly  to  understand  what  he  will  do  hereat'n-i 
That  he  ^uicerely  desire.s  to  [ireservc  the  peace  of 
Uic  cuuntry,  if  he  caji  wilhuul  a  sacrilice  uf  uur 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


547 


2!>rn  CoNO.  ...1st  Sess. 


American  Settlers  in  Oregon — Mr.  R,  Chapman. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


imliniid  liciiior,  no  one  cnn  doulit.     TImt  he  may  ! 
lie  cniililcd  lo  do  tliis,  Id  uh  not,  by  Imsty  nnd  iii- 
cnnsidcmli"  li'^^islation,  cmliiimiKs  him.     And  this 
l)riii:;s  nic  to  tho  considfriilion  ol'lhu  bill  now  l)c- 
loi'i'  lis — a  bill,  in  my  luimbli:  jndijnicnt,  piTfj;nnnt 
wiih  niiH('hi(  r  in  lliu  prescjit  sink'  of  tlii'  r|U('Htion.  > 
1  miy,  in  Ihr  present  state  of  the  i/nisliun,  Mr.  (-Jhnir- 
innn;  liei'iiu.si;,  whiiUvpr  m'ls  Gitiit  liriuun  may 
Imvc  |wiKSc'd  III  rrlatioii  to  lior  citizens,  (the  char- 
acter of  which   are  ffriiitly  misunderstood,)  we 
have  subsequently  entered  into  the  joint-occupancy  ' 
Ircaly  willi  her,  and  .so  assenteil  to  them.    Uesides,  j 
Great  Urilain  had  not,  at  the  time  of  passing  her  ' 
acis,  ?iven  us  notice,  a.s  we  Inue  now  provided  lo 
f;ive  her;  f>o  that  our  legislalion  must  be  coiusid- 
cred  in  connexion  with  the  notice  of  the  ubro^a- 
lion  of  the  Irenly. 

The  I'rcsideiu  informs  us  that  the  people  of  Ore- 
gon "are  anxious  that  our  laws  should  be  ex- 
teiuied  over  them;"  and  he  saya;  *'  1  r'-comniend 
'  that  this  be  done  by  Congress,  with  as  little  delay 
'  as  pos.sible,  in  the  full  e.vlent  to  which  the  Krilisli 
'  Parliament  have  provided  in  rei^ard  to  Hritisli 
'  sulijects  in  that  territory  by  their  act  of  Ji  'y  "J, 
'  IH'.'l.  liy  this  act,  Cireat  Ihilain  extended  lier 
'  laws  and  jurisdiction,  civil  and  criminal,  over  Inr 
'  subjeels  eni;a::;ed  in  the  fur  trade  in  that  territory."  , 
The  I'resideiil  f^Mllier  says,  thai  "  subsequent  to 
'  the  <lale  of  this  act  of  Parliament,  e  ^^rant  '■■■as 
'  made  from  the  British  Jio'vn  to  the  Hudson  Day 
'  Company,  of  the  exclusive  trade  with  the  Indiai'i 
'tribes  in  the  ()re!;'on  territory, subject  to  ii  rescr- 
'  vatiiMi  that  if  shall  not  operate  lo'the  exclusion 
'  of  the  subject  of  any  foreign  State,  who,  under 
'  m  by  force  of  any  ecnivention  for  the  time  being 
'  between  us  and  such  foreign  State,  respectfully, 
'  may  be  entitled  to,  and  shall  be  engaged  ill  the 

*  sail!  trade."  ! 

Here  is  a  recommendation  that  we  extend  our 
linr.1  over  our  mm  citizens  in  Oiegon,  as  Great  Hrit- 
nin  has  extended  her  laWHorer  her  rilizens.  Thus 
far,  I  am  more  than  willing  to  go;  but  the  i)ill  does 
not  stop  here.  It  proposes  to  extend  our  laws, 
after  twelve  months,  over  (i((  citizens  in  any  part 
of  the  territory,  up  lo  ,")4°  411'.  Does  not  every  one 
sec  that  ihis  must  necessarily  bring  the  two  conn- 
tries  iiiio  a  stale  of  hoslilities?  The  PresidiMil  saw 
it  would  not  only  do  thai,  but  would  cut  olf  all 
prospect  of  seitling  the  i|uesUiin  aniical)ly,  within 
theiwelvi!  months, Which  be  tells  us  be  is  anxious 
to  do.  This  bill  proposes  that  all  Piritlsli  subjects 
.shall,  after  twelve  months,  lie  expelled  from  the 
Oregon  territory.  This  we  threaten  to  do  while 
we  have  a  treaty  providing  thai  the  citizens  of 
each  coiinlry  shall  occupy  it  jointly;  and  while 
we  are  ne^oiiating  wiili  Great  lirilain  for  an  ami- 
cable selllement  of  the  question.  Do  not  gentle- 
men see  that  such  an  act  iiiusl,  to  say  the  least  of 
it,  embarrass  the  neaotialion  ?  Can  we  calculate 
that  we  can  iiass  this  bill  wilhoiil  inlerruptiiig 
negotiation.-  I'o  enable  us  lo  apprec^iate  the  irri- 
tation that  the  passage  of  such  a  lull  would  pro- 
duce on  the  part  of  Great  Ih^iiain,  let  us  suppose 
that  she  bail  <^iven  us  the  notice  {as  she  had  the 
right  lo  do  under  ihe  trealy*  of  the  abrogation  of 
the  C'liivenlion.and  then  ilial  Parliament  had  pass 
edalaw,  thai  at  i he  end  of  ilie  year  our  eitizeu.s  were 
to  be  driven  from  ibe  Oregon  territory:  is  there  a 
man  on  this  lloor— is  there  an  Aiuerican  citizen 
anywhere,  wlai  has  the  liearl  of  an  American 
— who  would  not  consider  siicb  twin  as  eqiiivii- 
'  ".l  lo  a  declaration  of  war'  ['"or  one,  I  would 
!'■''  only  n  fuse  all  negotiation  with  loa  under 
r  ,ii^h  circumstances,  but  prepare  at  once  to  meet 
her,  and  decide  the  contest  by  arms.  I  do  not 
believe  then'  is  a  man  on  litis  door,  whether  lie 
i.^  '..r  4H''' or  .'iP  411',  who  would  iiol,  under  such 
riniimsiances.be  for  enilnig  all  in'iolialion. 

The  President,  after  recoiniiiending  the  measures 
before  stand  only,  says;  "  li  is  siilnuitled  to  the 
'  w  isiloni  of  Congress  to  detenu  me  whetiier,  at  their 
'  present  session,  and  until  iificr  the  expinilion  of 
'ilie  year's   notice,  any  ollnr  measures  may  be 

•  adopied.  eonsi.steiitly  with  the  convi  iiiion  of  1.-I-J7, 
'  for  Ihe  scurity  of  our  rights  anil  lie-  governmeiil 
'  and  pnilection  of  oiir  eilizciis  intbcgon.  That 
'  il  will  ullimatcly  be  wise  and  proper  to  make 
'  liberal  irnmis  of  land  lo  our  citizens  there,  1  am 
'  fully  saiislii'il," 

!  have.  Mr.  Chairman, sisteil  every recomniPiida- 
lion  the  Pn-snicnt  has  mailc  in  relaiion  lo  Ihe  exer- 
cise ol'our  autliority,  by  Congressional  legisliiiion, 


in  Oregon.  All  are  cnrefiillycxprcssed,  withan  eye 
to,  and  in  view  of,  our  solemn  treaty  stipulations. 
"The  faith  of  treaties,  (the  President  says,)  in 
'  their  letter  and  spirit,  has  ever  been,  nnd  I  tnisl 
*  will  ever  be,  scriifiiitoiisly  observed  i  he  Uni- 
'  led  States."  To  all  these  recommendations,  I 
heartily  subscribe.  I  will  vote  for  them  all  most 
cheerfnlly,  because  they  are  wise  and  jiroper,  ond 
in  no  respect  in  violation  of  our  treaty  obligations, 
or  calculated  lo  interrupt  the  free  course  of  ami- 
cable negotiations.  ISeyond  these  recommenda- 
tions we  ought  not  to  be  required  to  go;  and  for 
one,  1  irill  not. 

Having  shown,  Mr.  Chairman,  what  the  President 
recommends  on  this  subject,  1  usk  whether  this  bill 
docs  not  go  a  great  deal  beyond  hiu  recommenda- 
tion— beyond  what  he  says,  is  plainly  as  he  can  say 
it,wecangocoiisislenlly 'villi  our  treaty  obligations 
with  Great  Britain.'  This  bill  is  entitled  "A  bill 
'to  protect  the  rights  of  American  settlers  in  the 
'  territory  of  Oregon  until  the  termination  of  the 
'joint  occupation  of  the  same."  I  will  vote  i'or 
any  bill  that  this  title  can  apply  to;  but  the  lirst 
section  extends  the  laws  of  Iowa  over  the  Oregtm 
territory,  "  provided  that  it  shall  not  be  conslrned 
'  nor  executed  in  such  a  manner  as  to  deprive  the 
'  subjects  of  Gn'at  liiitain  of  any  of  the  rights  and 
'  privile<res  seemed  to  lliem  by  the  treaty  of  IH'i? 
'  with  the  Mniled  Slates,  until  ihe  said  treaty  stipu- 
'  lalions  shall  cease  by  virtue  of  the  notice  provided 
'  for  in  the  si^cond  article  of  the  treaty." 

The  very  firsl  se-tion  extends  t]\v  law  over  Brit- 
ish subjec's  after  the  twelve  months;  thus  it  vio- 
lates the  title  of  the  bill,  and  the  treaty  obligations 
which  the  President  so  earnestly  recommends  us  lo 
hold  sacred.  I  was  pleased  lo  see  my  cotleaL'ue 
[Mr.  HnrsTONJ  move  an  amendment  to  avoid  this 
objection,  (as  he  no  doubt  in'ended  it  to  do,  but 
which  would  not  have  that  elVecl,)  lo  slrike  out  of 
the  bill  Ihe  latter  clause  of  the  firsl  .section,  in  these 
wm^ds:  "until  said  treaty  sli])ulalions  .shall  cease 
liy  virtue  of  liie  notice  provided  for  in  the  second 
artieh^  of  said  last  mentioned  treaty,"  and  so  pre- 
vent the  operatiim  of  the  law  on  the  British  snb- 
ject.i,  as  well  after  the  expiration  of  twelve 
months  as  befm^e.  But  inasmuch  as  no  treaty  stip- 
ulations will  exist  afier  the  twelve  inonibs  no- 
tice is  given,  the  proviso  in  the  section  would  have 
nothing  to  operate  upon,  and  the  seclion  would 
apply  to  r)rilisli  sulijects  as  well  willi  my  I'ol- 
league's  amenibiienl  as  without  il.  As  my  col- 
league intended  his  amendment  to  limit  the  opera- 
tion of  Ihe  bill  lo  the  Icrm  of  joi.it  occupancy,  and 
as  he  must  see  that  it  will  not  elfect  his  object,  he 
cannot  object  lo  siii^b  an  alteration  of  it  us  will 
acecimplisli  what  he  designed. 

Mr.  HorsTiiN'  explained  that  his  eollenguo  did 
not  nndersland  him  eorrecily.  His  object  w;is  st> 
to  frame  the  bill  as  for  it  lo  say  nothing  about  the 
lerminatiini  of  the  joinl  conventi(ni.  Let  it  go  into 
operation  as  a  law  of  the  land,  anil  so  enntiniic 
until  il  may  be  superseded  by  other  legislation.  He 
did  not  propose  lo  limit  it  lo  the  abrogation  of  the 
treaty;  but  while  lie  would  not  consent  to  legislate 
now  for  the  slate  of  things  which  may  exist  after 
that  time,  he  would  also  refuse  lo  limit  Ihe  opera- 
lion  of  this  bill,  h-aving  it  to  be  superseded  by  sub- 
seqiieni  legislation. 

Mr.  CiiAi'SiAV  continued.  I  would  not  do  my 
colleague  injuslice.  1  will  not  state  what  he  said 
lo  me  and  oilier  colleagues  (Messrs.  Daro\v  and 
YwcFv]  al  the  lime;  bui  I  will  stale  what  he  is 
reniirled  to  have  said  in  tiic  paper  (the  Union)  to 
which  I  rel'ernd. 

Mr.  CiiM'MW  then  nail  from  the  Union  of  the 
mh  of  April,  as  follows: 

"  Mr.  (;.  H.  Min-sTn\  niovcil  in  iini-'iiil  the  Hr-I  sceluui  of 
the  hill  ttv  ."IriklliK  nut  tlic  rnllowiiiii  wools  fram  the  end 
tlicrerif 

'-  •  I'niilsiiiil  irciilv-lipilliltiniis.-Jlmll  cense  l,y  virtue  nl'llic 
'  Hilid  holuc  prill  iili-il  lijr  in  the  «i'eoi(.|  arUcIi;  in  siillllil^l 
'  mellliencii  lri^;ll\ ,' 

"  >tr.  IJ.  .'■^.  Hiti  -  1  MS-  ;iilvoc,il"il  the  iiiiieiiilineni  whidi  lir 
hii'l  propofieri.  Al  Ihe  eiiil  of  tliu  yejir  lie-  -iilijcci  eoiilil  he 
li'Ui.^luieil  upon.  It  wiiD  inineeesEinry  to  make  miy  provision 
in  adviiiict!." 

The  objecl  of  ihc  nmenilmenl,  Mr.  ('haiiinan, 
could  not  have  bei  n  more  clearly  expressed  than 
It  is  ill  this  report  of  my  coUeiigue's  reinarks.  Il 
was  lo  limit  the  operai.on  of  the  bill  to  our  own 
subjects  in  Oicnii  and  lo  the  time  of  joint  occu- 
pancy. 

Mr.  HoLSTo.N  again  interposed,  and  said  he  de- 


sired to  understand  his  colleague.  He  did  not 
understand  him  when  he  says  lie  will  not  repeat 
the  eonver.sation  which  I  had  with  him  or  with 
others  of  my  colleugnes.  JXow,  he  cerluinly  know.'i 
that  a  remark  of  that  sort  is  culculalcd  to  create 
i.uproper  impressions,  much  more  so  than  if  he 
were  to  rcjieat  any  conversation.s  I  may  have  had 
with  him.  1  do  not  now  remember  whot  I  may 
have  said  to  him;  but  1  slate  to  my  colleague  and 
lo  the  coiniriittcc,  that  I  said  nothing  to  him  in  pri- 
vate or  to  any  of  my  colleagues  which  is  incon- 
sistent w.tii  the  position  I  have  assumed  now  uiid 

I  previously. 

Mr.  Chapman.  I  understood  iny  colleague,  then, 
as  he  was  reported — that  is,  that  he  wanted  to  limit 
the  bill  to  the  joint  occupancy.    Bo  did  others  uii- 

(  derstnnd  him. 

Mr.  HofSTON  said  he  had  not  read  his  remarks 

\  as  reported,  nor  ttid  he  generally  read  the  rejiorls. 
But  he  found  that  his  remarks  were  correctly  report- 
ed; that  when  the  time  came  for  the  expiration  of 
the  treaty,  they  all  contemplated  further  legisla- 
tion, and  knew  it  to  lie  necessary.  He  did  not 
mean  to  say  that  this  bill  would  absolutely  expire 
then,  but  simply  thai  it  would  be  suspended  by 
furiher  legislation. 

Mr.  Chapman.  I  take  the  gentleman  by  what 
he  says  himself  ns  renorted;  he  admits  that  he  is 
correctlij  reported,  and  it  is  not  likely  that  he  is 
misreported,  as  lie  sits  wilhiu  a  few  feel  of  the 
reporters.  I  have  said  that  1  was  gratified  when 
my  tolleague  moved  his  amendment  with  the  avow- 
ed purpose  of  liiniiiug  the  operation  of  the  bill  to 
our  own  eitizeu.s— lo  the  tiineof  the  joint  occupan- 
cy— to  conforin  the  bill  toils  title  I  regret  now 
to  Icnrn  from  him  that  hi.^  object  was  not  as  1  sup- 
pii.'ad,  not  ns  declared  by  him  nl  the  lime  to  me  to 
be  his  object.  Then,  what  object  had  lie  ill  olfer- 
iiig  the  aineiidnienl.'  I  have  shown  that  it  would 
noi  change  the  bill  in  any  way — thai  its  operation 
wiHild  be  the  same  iri(/(  Ihe  amendment  ns  without 
it.  Tho  umenilnient  would  render  the  bill  more 
iilijeclionable  in  this:  that  it  .serves  lo  conceal,  what 
wi'ihoiit  it  is  avowed.  The  title  of  the  bill  is  cal- 
culated, as  1  have  shown,  lo  mislead  us  us  to  its 
object;  the  lirst  seclimi  goes  lieyoiid  tho  litle. 
My  colleague's  luncndnient  only  serves  still  to 
kei'p  up  the  deception,  sllhough  I  am  sure  ho 
would  not  intentionally  practice  such  a  deception. 
I  will  not  believe  for  a  moment  that  the  committee 
wdio  reported  this  bill  inlended  lo  practice  any  dc- 
ce|iliou  upon  the  House  by  giving  it  a  false  title; 
much  less  will  1  suppose  that,  in  adding  the  tail 
which  my  (■olleague  pmposes  lo  cm  olf,  they  acted 
as  a  horse  jockey  who  puts  on  the  jirice  of  his  horse 
ten  dollars'  in  addition,  to  I'all,  if  it  becomes  neces- 
.sary,  in  order  lo  elfect  u  sale.  But  1  will  say,  that 
the  bill  ought  to  conl'orin  lo  its  title,  especially  in 
so  important  a  particular.  Bills  ai-e  often  read 
here  by  their  lilies,  and  nonKtimes  passed  by  their 
titles,  without  furiher  exainiii  iiion.  The  first  sec- 
linn  of  the  bdl,  then,  is  highly  objectionaiile:  firsl, 
because  it  evlcnds  our  laws  over  British  subjects, 
al'ier  the  twelve  nionlhs'  notice,  in  violation  of  our 
Irraly  stipulations;  because  it  holds  out  a  threat  lo 
Gniit  Britain  that  we  shall  take  possession  of  the 
whole  territory,  when  we  have,  for  nearly  half  h 
lentury,  recognised  her  joint  right  to  occupy  it- 
Such  a  measure  at  this  lime,  following  the  notice 
we  have  authorized,  will,  in  my  judirment,  seri- 
ously embarrass  the  President  iii  his  cli'orls  lo  set- 
tle the  di.'ficulty  by  negotiation,  if  ii  does  not  bring 
war.  Secondly,  1  object  to  that  si  ciion,  Mr.  Chiiir- 
inuii,  because  it  proposes  lo  exicnd  the  jurisdic- 
tion and  l-w>  of  the  Territory  of  Iowa,  not  only 
ns  they  in  i';  i  'i^l,  but  also  such  as  may  be  passed 
by  the  .•ii.:!iMUties  in  Iowa  hereafier,  over  the 
whole  ternt.iry  of  Oi'  gon  U|i  lo  the  Russian  line; 
thus  transferriog  from  Congress  to  that  Territory 
the  delicate  powcrof  legislating  for  a  territory  over 
which  a  foreign  Government  claims  equal  righls 
of  orcopancy.  This  power  is  loo  mipurtant  lo  be 
Iraiisferred;  it  is  n  power  lo  iimAt  icur,  which  we 
have  no  right  to  delegate  lo  Iowa.     It  is  too  ini- 


portaut  to  be  exercised,  except  in  the  very  last 

by  ourselves.     It  should 
ferred. 


resori,  by  ourselves.     It  should   never  be  trans- 


It  has  been  saiil,  Mr   Chairman,  that  this  bill 

has  been  so  framed  as  to  coinniit  all  who  vote  for 

it   to   the  doclrine  of  llie   "  whole  of  Oregon  or 

none."    Tliis  has  been  boUlly  avowed  here,  but 

1  1  ciuiuot  admit  such  a.  cuiisuuclioii,  although  1 1^>- 


1  \k 


'i  . 


':  III 


s  ■ 


548 


APPENDIX  Tf:   V\m  CONGRESSfONAI.  GFiORE. 


f  April  17, 


!29th  Conu 1st  Sess. 


American  Settlers  in.  Oregon — Mr,  li.  Chapman. 


Ho.  or  Rbps. 


pose  tlie  1)111.  If  sucli  n  (■iiinmillnl  cmild  Ir^iii- 
nmtely  follow,  it  wimld  constuuic  with  mo  iiii  iii- 
■uitnoiimiihlo  olijcsiioii  to  the  bill:  fur  my  polii'V 
hna  iilways  bt'oii  to  leave  tlie  PiTsideiu  iillosetlier 
free  and  unfettered  hy  lesislalion  to  settle  the  iiial- 
(er  l)y  ne^^otiation.  And  who  eaii  expert  liini  to 
compromise  the  question  ii'  we  vote  lor  a  l)ill  as- 
serlin;^  our  ri^hlfl  to  llie  whole? 

TlieKsritleman  fnimtleorfjia,  [Mr.  Cobii,|  in  his 
spcecli  a  li  w  days  a'^o,  L'ave  us  his  opinion  as  to 
the  elVei't  of  voiiui:  lor  this  hill.  He  sialeil,  (it' I 
dul  not  ntisunderstand  him,)  that  those  who  helirve 
HI  our  I'lear  riirht  lo  ihe  whole  territory  could  vei-y 
consislcnily  vote  lor  it — so  could  those  who  lie- 
lieved  in  our  perfect  title  up  lo  411°,  aiul  mu'  licllcr 
title  to  the  rest;  lau  that  those  who  only  hdicve 
that  we  have  a  ri;^hl  up  lo  the  -IDili  dei;rcc,an(l  are 
vvilhnK  ''■•  compromise  ai  ilrit  hue,  caiuiol  collsl^l- 
cuily\ote  tor  this  hill;  .uul  if  they  do,  ihey  are 
connnilled  to  .'vl"^  4U'.  As  1  am  oppos) d  lo  coni- 
niutini:  myself  upon  fpiestious  of  so  nmrh  inipor- 
taiiiC  uiuil  there  is  a  necessity  lor  ii,  I  will  savi' 
such  construction,  as  far  us  I  am  concerned,  hy 
dcnynij  ihe  conchisnin.  The  jenllenian  failed  all"- 
!;ether  m  convincing  mi'  hy  his  arsmncnt  that  such 
a  coiichisiini  was  IcL'iliniaie;  his  rule,  to  he  a  irood 
one,  ought  at  least  lo  work  hoth  ways.  Il  has  also 
hcen  coniended  llial  all  who  voted  for  llic  hill  of 
last  .session  coniiuilled  ihrniselvcs  lo  o4'^  40'.  This 
rnncliision  is  much  more  rciisonable,  .is  tli.'it  hill 
e.xpres.slv  defined  our  limits  lo  thai  l.itiiude,  ur^'nii- 
ized  a  separate  lerrilorial  joveruinent  llirouslioiu, 
and  had  the  nonce  nicorooralcd  in  il  ;  in  all  which 
it  dilfercd  from  ihis  hill.  I  will  noi  iinderlakc  lo 
«iiy,nor  do  I  believe,  ihaf  liiose  who  voled  lor  llial 
hill  iiuended  lo  coniinit  ihemsrives  to  ,'il''  4(1'. 
That  hill  was  hurried  ihroimh  willioui  uim  h  cnii. 
Bideration.  Many  members  who  voied  for  it,  I 
knoM',  have  reirn'lled  the  voie, since  thev  have  ex- 
amined lis  pro\isions.  I  confess  that  I  had  noi  an 
opporlunitv  of  exaniniinir  il  ;us  well  as  1  desired. 
Actio;.',  therefore,  Ujioii  ilie  safe  rate  of  vtilinij 
against  such  measures  as  1  have  noi  a  chance  lo 
nxnmine,  as  well  as  such  as  1  disajiprove  of,  I 
voled  lurainsi  u. 

(.V  voice.  Vou  a^led  on  the  inaslerly-inai.livily 
principle.] 

Mr.  Chai'Man.  .N'»!  1  aiu  ii'>l  •oir  of  your  niis- 
terly-iniiciiviiy  men;  liiii  1  had  rather  leiiKiin  iiuu- 
tive — hud  rall;er  vole  ai^ainsta  measure  I  have  not 
fully  cxamineil,or  as  tothe  policyof  which  I  duubi, 
than  lo  vole  blindly  or  doiiiiliii;;ly. 

Mr.  Chairman;  To  Ihe  fonrlli  .section  of  this  lull 
I  o'  jc*  1.  Tiiat  section  provides  ihat /if  r''f/f?fr  there 
»hc(l  be  framed  lo  each  seltler  in  OreL'on  over 
*igh(een  yenrd  ol'  a;.'e,  llirie  hundred  and  Iwcniv, 
and  to  .ill  iioder  that  a;je,  one  hiindicd  and  sixty 
acres  of  land.  Now,  all  who  know  me,  and  my 
uniform  course  here,  can  lesiify  In  my  v  .il  in  be- 
linlf  of  ihe  setilcrs  on  the  public  lands — ihe  adven- 
turous and  worthy  pioiiei  rs  in  a  new  counirv — in 
enabliiiL'  thein  lo  oliiain  llieir  lands  even  xrilhmd 
jtrift.  Bull  iMiiiiol  see  how  ;rraills  r.m  lieniailc 
ill  (Iregoii  roii.)isieiilly  with  our  ircaiy,  so  Ion;,'  as 
the  joint  ocrnpaiion  coniinues,  and  iinlil  the  Indian 
title  is  exiiiicuishnl.  The  iVeyident  very  jiisily 
says,  that  (iller  Ihtu  (liiliciilliea  me  rtiuurnl,  it  will 
be  proper  lo  make  hbi  ral  yranis  .if  land  lo  the  su- 
tlers. Ho  does  Mill  recommend  il  In  be  done  iiee-, 
because  it  is  a  violaiion  of  the  treaty.  In  faci,  hy 
expressing  his  o|iiiiioii  thai  it  will  lie  projiiT  I"  do 
Uo/(frllie  diHniilues  reli  rrnd  lo  arc  reino\ed,lie 
expresses  the  helief,  that  wilhoui  a  violalioa  of  the 
treaty  it  ennnol  he  lUme  hefnre.  But  it  is  .said  llial 
the  bill  docs  imi  u'raiil,  but  promi.ses  hcreafier  llial 
Lind  ^liall  iie  ^'rnoo  d.  Is  ihere  not  an  olihi^aiirm  ni- 
e.iirred  liy  theUow  rniueiit.-  1 1' so,  it  i.s  as  biiidiiiir  ns 
an  rtbsohitet'raiii.  I  heard  my  fru  nd  froie  (jeor;;ia, 
(.\lr.  JoNr,'i,]oii  yesierd.iy.  laborni','  to  lennionl  Ihc 
rliKtinction  brtwfen  a  promise  lo  ;:rani  land  nerciif- 
Icr,  whnh  he  suys  is  no  violation  of  the  lerms  "f 
ihe  inaiy,  and  an  al'-oliile  mniil,  whi  li  he  aiiniiis 
Aiould  lie.  I  knun  ih  i  ui  iilli  neiii  lias  .i  ti  i  y  he'h 
iTpilUiUoii  an  H  lawyir — jio  lilnlier,  liowi  wr,  than 
he  dewrves — Inn  he  hijii'd  lo  convinie  me  ihal 
there  wiw  niiy  lllllerilaf  in  ihe  obli'.'ation  erealeil 
in  the  two  ca,ses  II  nn  ol.li;raiion  is  irealctl,  why 
ncikc  the  proMsion  '  and  if  il  is  cre.iied,  .->  jraiit 
can  ilii  nil  inori  .  If  (is  my  friend  liion  '•■••rsia 
adniKsW'iir  iiealy  i ii:m;:' ih«  mis  prohibit  n^  from 
ivirikine  absvlHl(  i;raiils  in  Hit^'on,  the  public  I'ailh 
v,ill  be  viulaled  i/iti  i/<».     And  if  vvc  piuiui.sc  liere- 


afler  lo  make  grams  there,  and  (/f>  tie/,  itie  public  ; 
failli  is  also  violaied.     Then,  how  can  \»n  pledge 
the  failh  of  Ihe  lialioii  net  lo  do  and  (o  do  the  snme 
act  ill  ihc  s  ime  lime? 

(Here  Mr.  .loNi'.s  asked  leave  lo  explain;  hut 
Mr.  ('.  declined  lo  yield  llie  lloor,  iiH  his  hour 
was  rinming  tnil.) 

.Mr.  (.'.  .s.iid;  1  heard  ihe /^icntteinan's  reasoning 
ycsierday.  1  caiinol  have  my  reinaining  lime  lakeii 
up  in  an  eliiu'l  lo  convince  me  ot'  a  disiinclion  he- 
iwecn  Ihe  moral  oliligalioii  to  comply  wllli  a  prom- 
ise lo  ;:raiil  land,  and  an  actual  grant.  There  are 
sonic  prnposiiions  so  plain  llial  lliey  do  mil  admit 
of  reasonin;: — oihers  so  absurd  llial  reasoning  upon 
llieni  ought  noi  lo  he  pcrmiltcd;  of  llie  lalier  class  1 
CO  I  isiii  cr  1  he  d  is!  i  lie  lions  I  lull  my  tVic  lids' from  lieor- 
gia  |.\U'.ssra.  ,I»\'i;s  and  (..'e!iii|  have  alieinpled  lo 
prove. 

.Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  endeavored  lliiis  hrielly 
to  point  out  ihc  ohjectiiMis  lo  ihe  bill  now  niiiler 
consiileralion;  objccli.ms  that  may  very  easily  and 
ought  lo  be  removed,  wilhoui  changing  its  charai- 
icr  as  *'  a  hill  lo  proteri  ihe  iighlsol'  American  scl- 
tlers  in  the  lerritory  of  Oregon  iinlil  lln*  lerminalioii 

of  llie  joint  I unation  of  the  same."   The  amend- 

nienl  proposed  liy  llie  genllcinan  from  Ohio  (Mr. 
Vis'ruvl  i  hope  will  be  ailopled,  so  as  lo  coiifnie 
llie  opcr.iiioii  ol' ihe  bill  lo  uiir  own  ciii/.cns,  and 
liiiiil  il  I'l  llie  joinl  iicciipalioii.  W'iihonl  ihiil.  nr 
.sonie  similar  aiuendnu  111,  it  will,  in  my  jiidgnienl, 
not  only  viol.ite  ihe  terms  of  llie  treaty,  bill  will 
embarrass  the  I'.xeciilive  in  liis  cll'orls  loselllc  this 
vexed  ipicsiion  amicalily. 

Why,  lei  llie  ask,  .Mr.  (Miairman,  are  we  called 
iinon  lo  p  iss  a  bill  al  this  session,  containing  pro- 
visions ;;o  obi  io\  ions  lo  man  v  members  of  ihc  I  ti'iii- 
ocralic  parly  r  Why  not  (fday,  at  leasl  iiiiiil  the 
next  session,  the  delic;iie,  the  dangerous  experi- 
ineiil  of  ex  lending  our  l.iws  over  l»ri  ish  siibjecls — 

of  ihreaiening  lo  expel   iheiii   (■com   llii iniiryr 

We  shall  meet  lieic  again  long  bet'orc  the  iweUe 
months*  iioiice  can  be  gi\en.  In  the  mean  lime, a 
irealy  may  be  loii.ludeil,  so  thai  such  a  course  may 
not  he  neeessjiry;  or  if  no  Ircaly  is  iinule,  il  can 
tin  n  be  done,  so  as  tu  meet  llie  einer;^(  in  y,  if  any 
exisls.  "  fjulliciclil  lllllo  ihe  day  is  ihc  c\  ll  lllere- 
of."  is  a  nioUo  of  high  aulliorily,  and  should  never 
he  disregarded.  -At  ihe  next  session,  provided  no 
:re;ily  is  mail,  in  llie  nn  ,in  lime.  I  coiiless  llial  llie 
iiecessily  for  such  hgislalinn  will  be  grealcr,  iiias- 
niiicli  as  ihe  iwehe  uioiulis  will  have  ex|iired  lie- 
loic  aiioiher  I'ongress  iis.senibles.  I  frankly  coii- 
fi  .ss,  Mr.  Cliairinan,  thai  ihcie  me  great  dilllciillies 
in  ihe  wjiv  ot*  any  Icgislalion  iiodir  llie  joint  oc,;u- 
paticy.  Ii  IS  iiol  easy  lo  ari.oige  a  syslcm  by  which 
the  separate  laws  of  the  Uniled  ^^lales  and  Ciri at 
lirilain  over  the  .same  lerrilory  can  be  exlendi  il, 
wilhoui  a  conriici  of  jiirisdicliou.  'I'wo  soveri  igii- 
lies  caniiol  exist  well  ii>gc:lii.r.  All  who  have  ob- 
served oiirown  beaulifiil  system — our  novel  and 
coinplicaied  inacliinriv  of  [''ederal  and  .Slate  (lov- 
1  rntii'itls — must  admit  how  ilidicnll  il  is  lo  carry 
on  Ihe  two  ill  li.irnioiiy.  Aevcrlliele.ss,  we  have 
the  right,  under  ihe  ioint  convenlioii,  lo  legislule 
for  our  ow  n  citizens;  and  if,  in  the  exercise  of  llii» 
right,  such  ciinlliiis  ensue,  we  must  meet  the  coii- 
sei|in-ni'c.  Bui  let  us  ilo  nur  liuiy  by  guarding  our 
legisl.oion,  end  keeping  within  oiir  jusi  powers 
under  the  Ireely.  (Jreal  IJrilain  has  not  prcicndcd 
lo  claim  jnrisd'clioii  over  eiir  ri/i:rii.«,  nor  ought  we 
lo  atiempl  to  exercise  .mis  c  ven  pruspeciively  over 
lieis.  When  the  twelve  luonlhs'  notice  has  been 
riven,  if  im  seiilenienl  of  llie  .|ueslion  is  made,  and 
w"  are  reduced  to  the  .illernali"  e  referred  lo  by  ihi 
I'residenl,  of  abaiii|.>ning  nr  asserling  oiir  riglits  in 
Oregon,  llie  time  will  iheii  have  arrived,  as  he  says, 
I'lir  ai'lion.  .Ml  will  linn  »i\y,  ntir  riuliis  shnll  he 
iiwrlrd.  In  ihe  mean  lime,  f  am  in  fivor  of  ex- 
lending  our  laws  over  our  cili/ens  in  Oregon,  and 
of  idi'ording  llieiii  all  the  proleclion  w  liile  etni"ra- 
Iiiig  there,  and  afier  lliey  gel  there,  lliat  can  he  af 
I'.. riled  wiiliMil  a  viol  itioii  of  the  irealy.  I  will  vole 
for  any  bill  coiifiiiing  lis  operation  to  our  own  citi- 
zens Ihirc.  This  we  have  ihe  righl  In  do  under 
the  .■.niviailion.  I'm-  Ihe  sake  of  harmony  and 
iiinoii  ainoiif  ihe  friiiids  of  the  Adminisliiiinn.  j  ; 
ask,  then,  why  iiol  avoid  (he  obje. ■lions  lliiil  have 
been  urged  ngainsl  this  iinasnre;  or  al  least,  why 

may  we  nd  delay  llii-  ol xioiis  provisions  niit'il 

the  ne.M  s<  ssion,  lis  liny  cannot  operale  liel'oie, 
except  (o  1  iiiliHiTa.ss  III  eoiiallon  .•  If  we  miisi  dif- 
fer upon  priiiilpleB,  let  lis  pul  oil'  llii-  disagieeiiienl 


until  It  becomes  necessary,  l''or  in  ihe  iii'.'an  lime 
Ihere  may  be  such  a  eliaiifre  of  clrcnnistanci  s  ns  lo 
avoid  any  disagreemeni.  By  thai  lime  we  may  all 
unite  upon  a  measure  suited  lo  the  then  cxi.stin.; 
state  uf  ihings. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  confess  ihat  1  have  felt  morti- 
fied to  observe,  during  all  Ihis  Oregon  debate,  so 
little  disposition  nnuiift  sled  by  those  who  claim  to 
be  Ihe  peculiar  friends  of  Oregon,  hul  who  are,  in 
my  esiinialion,  iilln  ill  their  course  on  all  inias- 
ures  relaling  to  the  ipieslion,  lo  secure  union  in  our 
tiction.  tbi  tills  subject — so  delicaie,  because  it 
inliinalely  concerns  our  Ion  igii  relations — il  does 
ajipear  lo  me  ihal  union  iiiiil  birmoiiy  are  of  mori; 
imporlance  than  upon  any  other.  T:  e  moral  force 
of  that  uniieil  public  senlnneni,  which  is  aliogeiher 
williin  our  power,  if  ive  will  iniiliiidly  yield  aonie- 
lliiiig  for  llie  sake  of  securing  il,  is  worlh  inm-n 
than  any  dilVerence  in  llie  various  plans  proposed 
for  our  adioii.  Ciivc  llie  Kxeciilive  the  benelil  of 
Murli  a  moral  force,  and  my  word  for  il,  the  dilli- 
cully  will  be  adjusted  in  sui'h  a  way  as  lo  .satisfy 
all  who  have  not  resolved  already  not  lo  be  suii-s- 
lied.  Inslead  of  securing  such  a  inontt  lorce,  we 
have  been  delivering  iimrul  lerliirrs  lo  Kuglanil. 
The  legilimale  business  in  hand,  of  so  condiicling 
our  affairs  as  to  ensure  an  advanlageous  and  ami- 
cable selllcmeiit  of  ihe  pieseiii  dispute,  or  of  ma- 
king timely  prepiiralions  lo  incel  the  conseipicnces 
if  il  comes  to  that,  have  all  been  overlooked,  and 
a  long  list  of  other  injuries,  coniiuilled  by  Great 
Britain  upon  other  niilioiis,  as  well  as  npoiMiin- 
selves,  have  been  hauled  up  for exaininalion.  This 
is  indeed  a  new  plan  ol'sellling  a  dispuli — by  n - 
eurring  lo  old  ones  long  since  seiiled;  or  il  noi 
sellled,  '■  mil  now  berore  the  conn." 

Lei  ns  remember,  and  profit  by  that  old  sayin", 
llial  "a  cerlain  man  once  made  a  f u'lune  by  ai- 
lending  to  his  own  business.''  .Ai'ter  we  have 
secured  an  advantageous  setllemcnl  of  our  present 
dilliciiliies  willi  Ureal  Britain,  amicably  if  we  can. 
forcibly  if  we  luiisl,  if  we  have  noihiiig  of  more 
imporlance  to  engage  our  allenlion,  we  can  look 
inlii  the  conduel  of  that  proud  and  overbearing  ii;i- 
lioii  lowanls  oihers.  But  liiBt  lei  us  scllle  our 
own  alfairs, 

iMr.  Chairman,  I  have  s.iid  that  it  is  not  my  pur- 
pose, on  this  occasion,  lo  examine  into  the  respee- 
live  cliiims  of  ihe  roiled  Stales  and  Great  Britain 
111  this  lerritory.  Thai  ipieslioii  is  not  necessarily 
involved  in  legislating  on  the  measures  as  far  i.s 
rccounneuded  by  ihe  I'residenl.  Tlii.-i  bill,  how- 
ever, goes  beyond  his  rceinumendalions,  by  ex- 
leiidnig  lo  Briiish  subjecis,  and  beyond  ihe  joinl 
occupancy.  To  ihosc  who  advocaie  the  bill  cx- 
leniliiig  lo  Uritish.  subjeciMinil  proposing  to  drive 
Iliein  from  the  whole  lerritory,  belongs  the  respon- 
sihibly  of  making  out  our  pe'rfecl  lille  to  the  whole 
up  lo  the  llnssiiin  line.  I  do  not  propose  such 
Icgislalion  now,  conscipiently  ihal  task  is  mil  mine 
I  will  sav,  however,  .Mr.  C'liairuian,  ilnil  I  do  not 
decline  llie  exiuiiinalion  of  ihe  liile  with  any  v  ievv 
of  shiehbng  myself  from  res|ioiisibilily.  When 
il  becomes  in ssary  for  me  to  do  so,  I  shall  ex- 

■  press  my  views  rt'eely  and  i-learly;  at  present  il  is 
neiihir  necessary  nor  pnident. 

We   have   heard  iiiiich   upon  this  subject.     By 

■  some  our  claim  li.as  been  Iraced  lo  •'.■Xdiinrs  will;'' 
by  another,  lo  a  siill  older  aulliorily — "  the  Book 
of  Genesis.''  .'*iacred  as  these  aiiliioriiies  are,  they 
have  been  dispiiied.  (ireai  Britain  claims  also  to 
be  a  legalee  unib  r  the  will  of  Adam;  and  liie  au- 
tlionly  of  the  Old  Ti'slament,  so  lriuin|ilianily 
brovight  lip  by  the  genllenian  from  ?vIas.sacliuseilH, 
[.Mr.  .AnvMs.l  may  likewise  be  coniroverled.  Wc 
bolli  heard,  in  a  serneiii  preached  in  this  Hall  kisi 
Sabhiiih,  nnoilier  fac  staled  hi  thai  .same  book  of 
Genesis  dispiileil.  We  were  then  told  ihat  llie 
gener.dlv  received  siau  ineni  that  the  world  vva,. 
creaied  in  six  days,  was  all  a  ficiion;  thai,  insie.-iil 
of  ,^(.r  (/fii/s,  inaiiv  llioiisand  years  were,  required  for 
Hie  ciealioii  of  ihe  world.  I  will  noi  say,howiver, 
llnii  I  believe  in  this  new  and  strange  tlieory. 

Mr.  Cliaiimnii,  I  csk  ihe  eenlleman  from  .Mas- 
sachuseiis,  (.Mr.  Aha.ms,]  how  II  hap|iens  llial  he 
tlid  lull  find  ihese  conclusive  proofs  of  our  perfed 
litlc  lo  Ihe  whole  li'rrilory  up  to  ,'i4°  411'  sooner- 
Why  did  he,  as  tSecreiary  of  Slateand  as  President, 
agrie  Ihat  Gri.ii  llriiaio  slniiihl  jointly  occupy  the 
territory  vvilh  us,  if  nur  exclusive  claim  was  so 
clear  niid  HO  easy  of  prool':  Why  did  lie  tell  us 
al  the  last  «essiuli,  in  his  speech  on   this  subjecl. 


I  April  17, 

)F  KbPS. 

Ilif  in'.'aii  titiio 
iiHtiUifcs  ns  to 
u'  \\(.'  may  all 
iliL'ii  e\i.siin^ 

ive  frit  mniii- 

\\  liu  rtiiiiii  ti> 

I    Wlio  UIX,    III 

!  on  ull  iiiian- 

ruiiiui)  ill  our 

II',  lifnui:in    It 

.tiiiiiH — it  (lor.s 

y  uru  III'  iiioii; 

u  luiinil  roivi: 

li  IS  altoi^eihcr 

y  yiclil  aumc- 

s  wortii  niiM't! 

laiiK  |Mi.»|in.s(.(J 

tilt;  lieiiotil    nt" 

ir  il,  tilt!  (litli- 

as   to  .siili.sly 

(►t  ((>  |i(^  suius- 

\onil  Jmrfy  \\t; 

to   ICiiijIanii. 

SI)  t'omiiiftii).; 

ais  an<l  aini- 

ilf,  ttr  of  nia- 

■oi(H('(|ucnc(  s 

rluokt'd,  and 

iltril    l»y  Gvt'nt 

I  MS  u[)i)n  iini- 

liniition.  Tins 

ispuu- — l>y  I'  - 

i('(i;  or  it  nni 

Mil  old  snyinr, 
t'itriunc  I'y  ai- 
.I'lt'T  wo  have 
ot'  onr  present 
dily  il"  NVf  tan. 
tiling  of  nioiT 
1,  wt-ran  look 
vi'i'lifariiii;  na- 
ns settle  our 

,  IS  not  my  pur- 
mo  ilin  rl'spi"  - 
I  Urt-at  IJntain 
lint  nc'cssarily 
ares  as  Chi'  i.s 
'\\'iA  liill,  Innv- 
aliotis,  l>y  v\- 
yond  liic  joint 
Ut:  the  hill  ex- 
msiiiy;  to  drivu 
ii;s  ilic  rcspon- 
le  to  the  who!'- 
pruposo  sni'li 
sk  is  not  niiin 
I,  lliat  I  do  iioi 
with  any  view 
i'iliiy.  Wlini 
NO,  i  Hhnil  t'X- 
tit  |>rcsc'nt  it  is 

1  snhjci't.  By 
Adam's  will;'' 
y — "  the  Book 
ritii's  are,  tlu'v 
I'laims  also  to 
i;  and   tiic  au- 

triumpliantly 
tlassaciinst'ils, 
rovtrti'd.    Wi 

this  [lall  kiM 
,  same  hook  of 

(did  that  i)m' 
hi'  wrjild  w;i., 
;  that,  instead 
rv.  required  lot 
say,  (low  t  vir. 
V  IliPory. 
lan  iVom  Mas- 
ippiMis  (hat  h>' 
of  ^ntr  pcrfn  I 
•1'^^  -10'  sonn.i- 
■i  ati  I'rrsidfiif, 
[|y  oc-rnpy  ihf! 

claim  was  sn 
dul  hr  IcII  lis 
I   this  snl'jn  1, 


184G. 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  CONGRESSIONAi.  GLOBE. 


549 


29th  CoNn 1st  Skss. 

liuw  ilir  rf'iiKon  tlm  cnuvrtninnH  of  j(»int,  itrriijianr.y  ' 
of  IHIH  iinil    IH'!7  virre.  fiiiiccd  lo  wii.s,  "  liccniiRi! 

*  \vi'  (lid  ihiiik  ihcri'  wns  some  miitsiaiice  ill  liie 
'  ••liiim  of  ilm  iirilinli  (•oviTiinirnl,  anil  lliat  il  was 
'  a  fair  iiitil  lioi)t>ral>lc  proposition  to  thrni  to  com- 
'  proniisr — to  give  up  oiir  riaim  as  fur  as  49°  rallinr 
'  than  fi;;lii  for  it  -   Wliatat  lli.it  tinic  was  ihcallor- 

*  native  to  this  nintnal  siispi'iision  of  itie  elaiins  of 
'  the  two  roiinlrii's?  It  was  iiislani  war" — (see 
Appcmlix  to  Cnni^ressional  Glolii',  pajre  2t37) — if 
lie  was  so  well  convinced  of  our  title  lo  tke  whole 
riiiintry  tis  lie  now  is?  These  lliini^s  surely  were 
not  done  to  slreii;.r||irn  the  Urilisli  claim  lo  it  point, 
when  she  would  Mrehj fi^iit  fin- Il ,  rather  thaii  give 
up  the  whole  a.ler  such  loii";  (,c,rii|inii,in  Ijy  agree- 
niPiil. 

(Here  Mr.  Adams  asKed  )ierniission  lo  explain, 
1)111  Mr.  ('.  lieclincd  yieldinir  the  lloor,  as  he  .said, 
tor  want  of  liniu.| 

Mr.  ('.  said,  tliat  whatever  the  defects  in  the 
lltle  of  Great  Britain  may  have  heeii  oriiriiially, 
liy  the  acts  of  oiir  Government  her  claim  had 
ripened  into  soinetliini;  tangitile.  She  has  been  so 
long  ill  pos.session  of  the  territory  under  the  joint 
occupancy — first  with  Spain,  and  then  with  the 
United  States— thai  irenth men  who  expect  her 
(|iiicily  to  \  iild  lip  the  territory  withoiil  a  struggle 
are  greatly  lieceiveil. 

For  these  reasons,  Mr.  f'hairmnn,  I  have  ap- 
proved of  the  ciuirse  of  the  I'resideiit  in  oll'eriug 
the  c.oniproniise  at  ■IIP,  and  for  one  I  shall  .sustain 
liini  in  any  seltleinentof  iheipiestiou  he  may  inahe 
ii]ion  that  luisis.  I  helieve  the  whole  i-oiintry  will 
suslain  him  except  those  who  go  for  war — or  forall 
of  Oregon  or  war,  which  is  the  same  thing.  That 
he  may  he  en.'ibled  to  sel'le  this  i|Uesiion  upon  ad- 
vantageous and  honorable  ti;rm.^,  if  possible,  1 
.'<h;ill  oppose  all  measures  lliat  may  tetter  him,  or 
embarrass  the  ne;;c.iiatioiis;  and  1  shall  vole  for  all 
such  me.isnres  that  lu',  with  a  full  knowdeilge  of 
the  whole  ea.'-e,  and  in  view  of  the  eonseipienees, 
has  reconimeiulcd. 

Mr.  (_'liairniaii,  the  same  eonsiderations  that  in- 
duce me  to  deprecaie  tiie  war  speeches  we  have 
heard  here,  calculated  lo  cxein;  luigry  fecling.s 
abroad  and  irrilation  at  home,  cause  me  also  lo 
disapjirove  of  such  as  have  been  malleoli  the  other 
side  of  the  rpa  slioii;  showiiiu'  lo  lair  adversaries 
the  weakness  of  cuir  title  to  the  territory,  and  our 
want  of  inililary  and  naval  |u-eparalicm  Ic.  defend 
our  claim,  if,  iiiifoilimalely,  the  iiltiinale  nsorl  of 
nations  sliouhl  become  inevitable. 

Mr.  (.'iiairniun,  all  such  speeches  have,  in  my 
judL'ineiit,  had  u  most  unfavorable  iiilluciK'o  upon 
this  question.  Much  heller  would  it  Imve  liein 
for  the  eoliiitry,  both  tor  our  cha.  ..-n  r  as  a  nation, 
and  our  success  in  the  present  ditliculiy,  if  such 
speeches  had  nevei'  In  en  made. 

1  have  heard  il  lioldly  avowed  by  a  di.slingiiished 
slalcsman,  during 'his  debate,  that  *Mlie  li::iiis  ol" 
the  people  must  be  prepared  for  war.*'  What, 
Mr.  I 'hairinau,  prepjire  the  hearts  ot'  the  Anieri- 
can  jicojile  for  war  I  Is  it  meant  liy  thi.-  sentinieiii 
to  say,  that  the  American  piM^ple  are  indisposed  to 
v\»r,  when  the  honor  of  llie  counlry  demands  il  .- 
If  so,  the  seniimeiil  is  a  slander  upon  llie  eh.-iracte) 
of  .AmericaMs.  Or  is  it  intended  that  the  hearts  of 
the  jieople  shall  be  prepared  for  war,  win  n  our 
national  honor  docs  not  reipiire  that  horrid  alterna- 
tive? If  so,  the  senliiiienl  is  wicked  In  llie  ex- 
Ircine — it  would  have  bei  ii  called  savai^e  in  any 
age  of  the  world.  In  this  .ige  of  eiili<„ditetied  rca- 
.'Joii  and  of  eivili'.'.atioii,  no  sentiment  could  be  more 
ileleslable. 

If  any  corrective  is  needed  among  the  people  of 
this  conntrv,  it  is  the  reverse — they  are  loo  eager 
for  war.  '('he  sialesman  who  will  use  his  inlhi- 
eiice  to  allay  the  war  feeliiei:  among  the  people, 
unless  the  honor  or  the  rights  ot'  the  eounlry  re- 
rpiire  war,  evinces  a  ihousaml  tiiiies  nioio  moral 
loiirage  and  true  p.itriotism,  than  he  who  urges 
on  the  eonllicl,  when  it  can,  without  a  sacrifice  of 
iiiitional  honor,  be  avoided. 

Mr.  ( 'liairniaii,  there  is,  in  this  Dcmoornlie  land, 
so  iiaicli  nalional  jiride,  so  much  love  of  coinifry, 
and  siin'(-re  devotion  to  our  iv^'v  inslituiions,  that 
llie  leiiileiicy  of  public  sentiment  is  too  ofleii  wiili 
iliose  who  raise  the  cry  for  v.Mr.  Kiich  individual 
III  this  country  is  himself  a  p.irt  of  the  sovereignly 
ot'  the  nation,  and  be.ars  Ins  share  ot'  the  nalional 
I  haracler;  be  t'eels  this  respnnsibihiy,  and  is  jeal- 
ous id' national  honor.     Our  history  thus  fir  is  an 


Two  Rcfriiiiftits  of  Hiflvmen — Mr.  Yell. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


hislration  of  this  tendency  in   the  iinblic   iiiiiK 
Ve  all  know  Ihal  those  who  opposeil  the  la.sl  wi 


liiiiid. 
We  all  know  lhal  those  who  opposeil  the  la.sl  war 
heeiime  so  odious  thereby,  thai  a  generation  was 
not  Niillieienl  to  atone  for  the  crime;  and  to  this 
day,  we  hear  "that  sin  of  the  I'lther  thrown  in 
the  teeth  of  llie  son."  With  such  examples  be- 
fore lis,  lint  few  are  bold  mid  daring  enough  to 
pause  for  an  (■xnmiration  into  the  cause,  when  the 
cry  of  war  has  been  siainded,  lest  they  may  share 
the  fate  of  others. 

If,  unforiimatcly,  lliis  coiilroversv  sliall  result  in 
war,  the  hearts  of  the  people  will  (le  jirejiared  for 
the  event;  they  will  no  Linger  in(|uire  how  or  when 
the  cause  oriirinated,  but  lliey  will  pour  out  their 
means  and  their  blood  to  defend  the  rights  of  their 
country,  whether  they  are  in  Ore;roii  or  elsewhere. 

Hut  I  Irnsl  in  God  that  no  such  alternative  may 
lieeome  nece.-;.sary. 


TWO  UF.GIMF.NTS  OF  RIFLEMEN.        ij 
SPEECH  OF  Mil.  A.  Y  E  L  f. , 

OF  AUK.\.\SAS, 
In-  Tiir.  Hiii'sK,  of  Rp.i-nKsiiNTATivF.s,  i 

..Viut/iSO,  lr<4fi. 
The  Bill  to  rai.se  two  new  liegiments  of  Ridemen, 
citizens  of  the  Uiiiled   Slates,  to  serve  for  the  , 
term  of  three  years,  being  under  consideration 
ill  Cominiltee  of  the  Whole — 
Mr.  YKLL  obtained  the  lloor  and  said: 
Mr.  fiiAicMAM  My  position  ns  a  member  of 
the  Committee  on  Military  .AlVaiis,  by  v/hicli  this 
bill  was  reported,  renders  ii  my  iliily  in   some  de- 
gree to  explain  to  the  comr.iillee  of  the  House  the 
reasons  wliicli  iniliiced  the  (.'omniitlee  on  Military 
Afliiirs  to  report  the  bill. 

The  increase  of  the  military  force  contemplated  ' 
by  this  bill  is  an  indispensable  and  absolutely  ne- 
eessiiry  increase,  called  lor  by,  .mil  >  orri «|iondilig 
with,  the  eMeiit  of  lerritory  i  crpiired  by  I'le  an- 
nexation of  Texas,  and  tlie  ptoposed  exteitsion  of 
a  cordon  of  posts  on  the  route  to  Oregon.  The 
bill  has  not  been  re|iorted  with  any  other  view 
than  the  prolertion  of  our  forlillcations  and  extend- 
ed frontier — a  service  which  will  reiiiiire  iil  lr<nt 
the  addiaonal  number  of  troops  now  asked  for. 
Our  relations  with  Great  Hrilain  and  Mexico, 
threaici.iie.:,  as  they  do,  the  peace  of  the  country, 
were  not  taken  into  consideration  in  the  esliinales 
of  the  connnilti  e  which  reported  ibis  bill.  Another 
bill  has  been  reported  from  the  f'oniniillee  on  Mil- 
itiiry  All'airs,  and  is  now  upon  your  table,  which 
l.ioks  lo  the  coiiliii'.'eic'v  .'f  a  rupture  with  a  for- 
eign Power,  and  1  lieic  ihat,  in  llie  provisions  of 
that  hill,  the  House  and  die  country  will  see,  that  , 
if  the  nation  is  foired  intosuidi  a  collision,  we  have  | 
provided  ample  means,  and  placed  them  at  the 
disposal  of  llie  Kxecntivc,  to  meet  any  contingen-  . 
cy.  'i'lie  provis'ons  of  that  bill  loidi  alone  lo  llie 
event  of  wai ,  wliicii  may  or  may  not  lake  place, 
as  our  adversaries  may  in  their  wisdom  decide. 

The  recommendations  of  the  h'.xetrutive  and  the  ; 
Secretary  of  War,  and  that  of  the  Coimnander-in- 
( 'bief,  were  carefully  wei:;lie.l  iiy  the  committee, 
and  received  their  lavorable  consideration.  These 
recommendalions  tliev  have  endeavored  to  carry 
oul  .'<  the  bill  which  they  have  reported.  The 
comnnill.ee  were  satisfied,  t'roni  the  eoiidilion  of 
the  army,  and  the  eMent  of  the  lerritory  iieces.sary 
lo  be  mtamed  and  defended,  that  there  must  be  an 
increase  of  force  lo  iiii  et  the  necessary  demand; 
tli.n  the  present  skeleton  of  an  army — eonsisling 
of  only  seven  ttiousand  ei'.;lit  hundred  and  eighty 
men,  rink  and  file — was  not  sutlicieiil,  before  the 
extension  of  our  territorv  by  the  admission  of 
'!'(  xas,  to  man  our  f  irtii'tcaiions  on  the  scalioard 
and  on  the  lakes,  and  lo  givea  siiUicient  force  u|ion 
the  fronlier,  exieiiding  from  the  St.  Peter's  to  p'orl 
Washita  on  Red  river.  Il  was  admitted  by  all 
[Kirlics,  and  ihi'  whole  country  was  complaining  of 
llie  fact,  that  the  present  army  was  insullicieiil  even 
lo  man  our  t'lirtifications  on  the  seaboard  and  the 
lalcen.  How  niiieh  greater,  then,  Mr.  Chairman, 
is  (he  Me  essity  of  an  increase  of  I  he  army  lo  de- 
fend the  country  and '.live  protection  to  the  terri- 
tory acipiired  by  the  admission  ot'  Texas,  which 
lulils  at  least  five  hnndred  miles  of  coast  on  the 
(iiilf  of  Mexico  1.1  be  iiiamicd  and  fortified.-  A 
strons  foriificaiion  should   be  emisirncted  at  the 


mouth  of  the  Sabine.  Another  at  Galveston  In 
indispensable  for  the  nroleetion  of  that  heautiful 
and  llonrisliing  city,  destined  soon  lo  eonimand 
the  trade  of  all,  or  nearly  all,  of  soulherii  Te.\n8. 
Beside  a  Ibrliliealion  at  llial  place,  we  should,  and 
no  doubt  will,  establish  a  navy-yard,  all  of  wliicli 
will  require  ail  increased  force.  Aniilher  forlilica- 
lion  should  be  constructed  at  Matagorda  Ltay.  At 
all  events,  a  strong  and  extensive  fortilicaliou 
should  be  ceiiHlructed  at  the  Itrir/.os  de  St.  lago, 
near  the  month  of  Rio  Grande,  All  this  seacoaat 
has  been  added  during  the  last  year,  and  demands 
our  iiiime.liale  fuoteeiion. 

Besides,  we  have  the  western  frontier  of  Texas, 
horderinst  on  Mexico,  lo  fortify  and  man  wiih 
forts,  and  a  siiDicienl  nninber  of  iroojis  to  exert  a 
moral  intlnence  upon  the  Mexicans  in  that  (iiiarler. 
The  whiileexienl  of  this  frontier  cannot  lie  less 
than  one  ihonsand  miles,  if  we  intend  to  muinuiin 
our  claim  to  the  Rio  Grande,  wlii''h  I  presume  is 
not  qucsiioned  by  any. 

In  luliliiion  to  this  extension  of  frontier,  we  shall 
be  compelled  to  exieiid  our  line  of  defence  from 
Fort  Washita  on  Ucil  river,  in  a  westerly  direction 
to  the  Rio  Grande,  a  distance  of  not  less  than  five 
hundred  miles,  which  will  require  at  least  iliren 
stockade  forts,  with  a  strong  force  at  each  lo  keep 
in  subjection  the  ('innanches.  Pawnees,  and  other 
wild  tribes,  and  prevent  them  from  destroying  the 
seiileinenls  'ii  Te.xus. 

But,  Mr.  (Chairman,  this  i.s  far  from  being  nil. 
The  riii/c  /.)  Oi-fgoii  must  be  fortified  and  manni  d. 
For  this  purpose  three  stockade  forts,  at  least,  will 
be  requiied,  and  one  rcginient  of  rinemen  and  one 
of  dragoons  will  be  necessiiry  for  their  defence, and 
to  escort  the  eniii;ranis  on  ifie  way  lo  our  territory 
on  ihe  Paci'Bc.  One  of  the  regimenls  of  riflenivii, 
which  the  bill  now  before  the  eommiltee  proiioses 
lo  raise,  I  would  place  on  the  line  of  ronie  to  Ore- 
iron.  They  are  exacily  the  proper  kind  of  troops 
for  such  a  service;  and  with  a  company  of  artille- 
ry, and  one  or  two  of  dragoons  at  each  po.sl,  would 
be  amply  suHlcieul  to  defend  the  forts,  and  to  alVord 
proicctlon  to  the  emiu'rant.';.  The  moral  ell'ecis  of 
such  a  syslem  of  forlificnlion  and  garri-soii  could 
not  fail  to  be  most  salutary  on  the  wild  i>iid  hoslile 
Indian  Irila-s  who  infest' that  region,  and  would 
very  soon  secure  the  emigrants  from  Ibeir  aggres- 
sions. 

The  other  regiment  of  rillenien,  with  a  portion 
of  the  artillery,  and  five  or  six  companies  of  the 
second  rei;ime.'il  of  dragoons,  shoiiM  be  sialioned 
oil  the  norlhero  and  uestern  frontier  of  Texas. 
The  balance  of  the  ilia'.'ooiis  could  then  retiirii  lo 
the  Arkansas  and  Mis.soiiri  frontiers,  where  they 
are  iiincli  wauled,  and  where  ti-oopsmusl  be  placed 
to  airord  seciirily.  Tlii.s  we  demand  as  .a  mailer  of 
right.  Government  having  thrown  upon  our  fron- 
tier some  sixty  llioiisaud  Indian  w-arriors.  Il  is 
true  thai  no  iin'niedialedaic'er  or  hostility  is  appre- 
hended from  that  tpuirler.  Piiil  who  can  tell  how 
long  the  present  pacific  policy  will  be  pursued?  In 
order  lo  preserve  our  present  friendly  relations 
with  these  Indian  tribes,  we  must  be  provided  with 
a  fori-e  siillificnt  to  preserve  their  rcspecl  for  our 
eilizer.s,  and  for  our  law.s — a  respect  which  is  al- 
ways paid  when  they  see  our  idiilily  lo  command  It 
b>j  j'urct'. 

it  is  not  my  purpose  to  dwell  on  the  fact  of  the 
(.i  ivermnent  iiaviiiL'  phe-ed  upon  the  frontier  of 
Arkansas  the  Florida  Indians,  who  entertain  (to 
say  the  least  of  il)  no  kind  feclins;.-;  towards  our 
citizens,  or  towards  their  neiijIiljoriiiL'  tribes,  and 
who  can  only  be  irnsied  when  yon  have  a  forca 
sulficient  to  deter  them  from  acts  of  hostility;  nar 
will  time  now  i-uliice  to  dwell  on  llie  deplorable 
eomlition  of  the  rrimiaut  of  that  once  brave  and 
powerful  nation,  the  Vlwrohis.  From  them  the 
ifhilc  men  have  no  fear  of  lioslililies;  but  dissen- 
sions aiiKPili;  tbemsclves,  leading  to  intestine  wars 
and  murders,  must  eventually  end  in  the  destrnc- 
lioii  of  lliat  gallant  people,  if  the  Government  does 
not  interfere,  as  it  is  in  luinnr  and  by  (i-ti//i)  bound, 
to  protect  them  from  themselves  and  from  each 
other.  Tints  far  noihing  lia.s  been  found  capable 
of  restrniiiinglliem  from  their  own  deslruction  but 
the  sirong  arm  .if  the  t  i.ivernment. 

Mr.  Chairman,  li army  of  occupation"  in 

Texas  has  drain..!  from  niii'  frontier  more  than 

half  our  for.  !■,  and  has  left  us  almost  defenceless. 

The  same  complaint  is  justly  made  upon  the  sea- 

:  boar.l,  where  many  of' the  ■f.irtificiitions  are  left 


P^X 


6m 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  COIVGRESSIONAT,  GLOBE. 


[Mnrcli  23, 


ath-H  CoNo 1st  Srss. 


7W  Regiments  of  Rijlemm — Mr.  Gentry. 


Ilo.  OF  Reps. 


withntit  mi'ii  Piiousjli  lo  tnkp  rnrr  oniic  siinH.  How 
lt)ii!j  we  nrc  lo  rciimin  in  this  dcfriicclesH  i-niidiiion 
will,  in  n  ctKiit  dcirrcp,  clriwnd  ii|)mi  llic  Irinper 
and  tone  of  llip  Mcxinin  (iiivprmiiont,  iind  tlie 
niovcnii'nls  <>f  tlio  Mp\id«n  Irocips  oil  the  Hio 
Orandt'i  for  I  prpsiinin  thai  n  siiiip  of  niu'irlniiiiy 
na  lo  the  finiil  rrsiilt  of  our  iliHioiiltir.^  Willi  lliiu 
Govrriiment  diiiiiol  miioh  loiii^pr  cxisi.  Kiilicr 
prace  or  wnr  must  room  lie  dclinilply  (Iplcrniiiii'd 
on.  Hut,  in  llir  nnUirnl  I'onrso  of  evenls,  wc  ciin- 
not  hopp  for  n  rriiirn  of  ilio  troops  from  Tcxns  in 
lrs.1  ihnn  twelve  months,  if  so  hood. 

I  ihiTofore  iiiL'i'  the"  iiiccssiiy  of  nn  immediiile 
inorenso  of  the  nrmy — nn  iin'riMsi"  snillrient  to  in- 
sure qniet  and  prolection  to  every  poriion  of  our 
vast  frontier;  niul  the  <'oinniillie  on  .Military 
AlVair.s  have  eslimntod  th;il  iwo  new  re!,'inienl3  of 
rillenien,  with  the  aililition  of  ten  men  to  each 
eompany  of  the  itrairi^ons,  artillery,  and  iiifanlrvt 
will  cive  u  fnivc  ade([nate  to  the  exii;eiioies  of  the 
serviee. 

Mr.  Yr.i.i,  said  he  desired  lirielly  to  exjilain  the 
reasons  whieh  led  him  to  prefer  llie  plan  proposed 
liV  theComiililteeon  iMililary  AlVairs  of  the  House 
of  raisini;  two  reirinienis  of  rillemrn,  lo  that  coii- 
lemplaled  liy  the  Seiiali'  hill,  aiilhorizin;:  one  addi- 
tional rei^iment  of  ilrai;oons.  lie  helii'ved  the  ser- 
viee did  not  rt'quireanv  addilional  force  of  mounted 
men.  The  eavalry  foree  was  already  snilieieni,  if 
priperly  sialioniil,  and,  with  the  mixed  einps  of 
nrhllery  and  rilUnien,  the  two  exisitie^  re:;imeiiis 
of  drajoons  were  sulfioieiit  to  prole,  i  ihe  whole 
western,  south,  and  northwestern  froiiiiers,  and  the 
route  lo  Oregon.  They  \v(^re  not  re(|nired  for  any 
other  portion  of  the  eountry.  He  admitted  ihatthf-y 
were  an  indispeiis:\lilc  eorps  for  the  IVynliers,  hut 
nri^ued  Itial  liiere  was  no  meessity  to  iiierease  iheir 
mimhers,  if  the  sloi^kadn  (oris  wire  manned  liy 
companies  of  rillenien.  'I'lie  drau-ooiis  were  only 
n(*eded  on  the  prairies,  and  to  "jive  chase  to  the  en- 
emy, should  they  attempt  to  disiurli  the  posts,  or 
attack  the  emigrants  on  Iheir  route  lo  Oregon. 
Aijain,  on  the  score  of  eronomy,  a  \ast  dilVerence 
was  found  to  cxLst:  a  reffiment  id"  draLrooiis,  ai'- 
eordintr  In  the  estiiimles  received  fmni  the  War 
Department,  eostina;  the  Govcrmnent  aliout  '*2I(I,- 
0(Ui  per  nnnnnr,  while  the  pro|>nseil  .'irn  rcijinienis 
of  rilletnen  would  he  a  ehar'j:e  to  tiie  (loveiiuiieiu 
of  only  nlioiil  S"",""!'— makiiii;  the  cost  of  one 
re;;iinenl  of  draj^oons  come  within  a  fraction  of  the 
sum  recpiired  for  Imth  regiments  of  rillemen.  As 
n  matter  of  coononiy,  ilierefoie,  he  would  prefer 
the  latter. 

Mr.  C'lmirman,  (continued  .Mr.  Y.,)  permit  me 
here  to  say  a  few  words  in  defence  of  our  irallanl 
nrmy.  We  have  lieeii  t.ild  of  the  "snperannualed" 
and  "sttperniimerary  "  ipllicers  of  ilie  armv.  I  eon- 
sider  the  cimrire  implied  hy  these i.ppcliations  to  he 
i>;i'aluitous,  and  uot  fonnded  in  I'aci.  liy  nlirence 
to  the  report  of  the  eoiidition  of  the  army,  it  will 
lie  seen  that  all,  or  neuly  all,  the  ofticers  are  em- 
ployed in  arduous  and  lahorions  duties. 

Mr.  .Tamk»  .'\.  lii.Ai  K,  (Mr.  Y.  yieldin™,')  in  an 
evplanntion  upon  thi-  ]ioiul,  said  that  the  re|iorl 
from  the  proper  deparlnieni  showed  that  we  now 
have  three  oliicers  to  e\('ry  forty  men,  and  niiieiy- 
fi\e  "  superiiuiuerary  "  otjicera  heside.  He  there- 
fore distinciiy  said  that  ihey  were  siipi  rniimera- 
rie.<.  He  had  always  said  in  this  I  louse,  and  he 
repeated,  that  these  men  are  employed,  hnt  they 
an;  employed  in  place  of  officers  who  are  either  on 
fnrlontrh,  or  who  are  ineapaeitatrd  f,,rs(rvice  on 
aceounl  of  air*!  or  disease.  He  further  expressed 
himself  ill  favor  of  the  lull,  and  wished  lui  amend- 
ment made  to  it  providinu'  for  the  immediate  dis- 
Itanihn?  of  these  reirimeiiis  when  ti,ey  should  not 
he  needed  for  the  defence  and  inleresiH  o("  ihe 
eiMinlry. 

.Mr.  Haraisos,  (Mr.  Ykll  still  yieldiiiff,)  upon 
this  collateral  question  of  supernumerary  olficcrs, 
referred,  for  the  informaiiou  of  the  llou.-ie,  to  iIil 
report  of  the  I  lominaiiilniir  (.ieiieral  of  the  army, 
made  lo  the  8eeietary  of  War,  ami  cominnnieated 
to  l.'onijress  at  the  eoinmeiieemetii  of  the  present 
Hession;  in  which,  speakiiu;  of  the  siiperniiiiiera- 
ries,  he  says:  "nineiv-five  luevet  second  |i<'u- 
'  tcimnts,  cnidiiaies  ol'  the  .Mililarv  Academv — 
'strangely  culled  '  sapcrniimi'raries' — are"  hy'aci 
of  Conjiress  of  the  year  H— ,  "nitneiied  to  eoni- 
'  panies,  and  doiiijdiuy  with  them." 

Mr.  Ykii.  resumed  Ins  remarks,  and  said,  .My 
friend  from  Ucoiyia  [.Mr.  1Iaiiai.sos-|  haw  Kiven  a 


I  Inte  RinlomenI  of  the  condition  of  the  "iinpcrnu- 
mernricH."  They  are  the  youni;  cndels  who  have 
not  lieen  made  second  lieutenants,  liul  who  are 
all,  I  lielievc,  actively  emrafred  in  the  service,  and 
doini;  duty,  some  of  ihrm  an  lieutenants,  and 
some,  I  helieve,  even  in  the  command  of  coinpa- 
nie.s.  Thus  they  are  on  duty  without  cither  the 
pnii  or  the  Aeiior  of  a  rnmiiii.vtieii  for  the  stations 
I  which  they  fill  with  so  much  credit  lo  themselves 
and  ndvanlai,'e  to  the  lioveriimeiit. 

I  fl'cl  thai  it  is  due,  Mr.  Chairman,  lo  Ihe  ser- 
viee, and  to  those  yonni;  otliccrs,  to  place  them 
riirhl  heforc  the  eountry.  It  is  hut  scant  justice 
to  ffivc  ihem  credit  for  the  duly  which  they  perform 
willioul  the  pay  or  the  rank  with  which  the  |irr- 
formance  of  that  duty  should  he  acconipanied. 
What,  then,  most  he  the  injustice  of  hrandin<;  ihem 
as  "  supernumer.iries,"  and  impiiiinir  to  them  as 
a  fault  the  want  of  rank  which  iheir  very  employ- 
ment proves  Iheir  fitness  lo  reci'ive.' 

I  Would  further  remark,  in  defence  of  the  army 
from  the  chariies  wiiich  have  hei  n  made  ai.'ainsl  ii, 
that  Ihe  first  leu'imenl  of  drai;ooiis  has  perrormed 
more  arduous  duty  In  the  course  of  the  last  few 
years  than  almost  any  other  corps  in  the  service. 
The  comniandiitij  olHcer  has  heeii  with  his  rej^i- 
ment  for  Ihe  last  twelve  months,  under  canvass, 
exposed  lo  all  the  hardships  and  dangers  which 
are  common  lotlic  wilderness  thmuuli  which  Ihey 
passed  nn  their  tour  to  the  Soulli  I'assofihe  Ilockv 
Mountains,  encoiinterin:;  the  dangers  of  attack 
fioni  hostile  Indians,  the  cold  hlasls  from  the 
snowy  inoiintains,  and  the  exposure  to  hunjer, 
and  the  deprivation  of  all  the  comliirls  of  life. 
This  (hitv  has  heen  performed  hy  f'olonel  Kcir- 
ny  and  liis  eoinmand  wilhont  a  luiunmr,  while 
those  slalioned  U|ion  the  scidioard  and  the  lakes 
have  heen  in  2;ood  quarters,  and  in  the  enjoyment 
of  the  comforts  of  life.  Are  these  ihe'hididny 
services  of  supernumerary  and  superannuated  ofti- 
cers.' 

It  is  (hie  also  to  the  officers  and  srddicrs  of  the 
secimd  rei;imenl  of  drairoons  to  state  that  they, 
too,  **  have  seen  some  service.**  It  is  not  maii'v 
years  since  this  regiment  returned  fnini  Florida, 
where  ihey  were  employed  in  the  most  painful 
anil  lahorioiis  diilv.  Hf  the  hardships,  tolls,  and 
dauirers,  of  Ihe  l-'loiida  \\'ar,  I  need  not  speak — 
a  thiinkless,  yet  most  arduous  scrvji'e,  where  fa- 
liirue  and  dan^^er  were  certain,  and  '.dorv  most  re- 
mote. Where  a  naked  and  anilnishcd  foe  \\-iis 
not  more  fatal  than  the  diseases  and  malaria  which 
lormed  the  atmosphere  of  iiis  hidi'it^  place — where 
more  fell  through  fati^nie,  exposure,  and  the  fatal 
maliu'nily  of  ihe  climate,  than  from  llie  rifles  of  n 
fierce,  eiafly,  and  nciive  encinv.  Those  who  have 
served  a  campaiirn  in  Morida  will  hear  witness 
that  this  was  a  si-rvii-e  liiile  to  he  coveted  hy  those 
who  desired  either  comfort  or  disiindiiui. 

Mr.  t'liairman,  what  I  have  said  in  reference  to 
the  drairoons  applies  with  ef]iial  justice  to  one-half 
of  Ihe  iid'antry  regiments  now  in  the  service.  The 
late  prrnnpt  niovemen's  made  liy  the  .--ever.-il  cor[)s 
who  now  form  the  army  of  occupation  in  Texas, 
while  they  reflect  the  hi^'hist  ereclii  on  the  oliicers 
and  juen,  eniille  them  to  ihe  thanks  of  ihe  Gov- 
ernment. These  movements,  Mr.  Chairman, 
would  vie  with  the  mnsi  active  opi  rations  of  the 
hesl  troops  of  .Napoleon,  in  the  palmiest  d.ays  of 
that  u'reat  ^'Piienil.  Xo  inmps,  ( illier  in  this  coiiii- 
Iry  or  in  lOiirope,  have  moved  with  more  )irompli- 
iiide  and  despalch  than  the  command  of  General 
Taylor.  His  command  constitutes  li.alf  the  avail- 
al.le  force  now  in  service;  and,  sir,  I  hear  of  nn 
"  supenuinuated  "  or  siipernnnierai  y  olliccis  there. 
I  imairine,  sir,  Ihey  are  not  to  he  ioiuid. 

Let  ^'entlcmen  ^'O  lo  ihe  ilepariiiients  here  in 
Wasliin:;lon,  from  that  of  the  (.)iiiniiianiler-in-(  'liicf 
,  to  his  siiliordinale  hureans,  and  li  I  tin  ai  point  lo 
all  the  idlers  and  "  .i|||iri|||||,,,.|;,|-j,.(j"  |||,.y  will- 
fird.  I  will  venture  to  .say,  .Mr.  Chairman,  they 
will  loid(  in  vain.  They  are  not  to  he  found  there 
either. 
'  It  is  uniloiilitedly  true,  that  in  time  of  pence  Ihe 
army  are  not  ijeiiemlly  [lopnlar  with  the  people. 
They  are  apt  to  he  regarded  as  a  sip;oaie  ;nid  dis- 
tiiicl  class  III'  ml  n,  haviiiir  neiilu  r  in'ciipalioiis  nor 
symjialhies  in  common  with  their  fillows.  Their 
services  in  time  of  war,  win,  h  has  jiine  hy,  are 
forLoaten.  Those  which  are  consianlly  carried  on 
in  lime  of  peace  are  overluokid  and  ilisre;;aiiliil. 
Their  importance  to  the  country  is  neither  iqipre- 


cinted  nor  understood.  An  unjust  prejudice  lina 
laid  hold  of  the  piihlic  inimi  against  lliis  arm  of 
our  national  defence. 

IJul  the  lime  may  come,  and  that  nt  no  distant 
period,  when  all  eyes  w  ill  look  to  our  callanl  little 
army  as  the  main  pillarof  their  temporal  salvation, 
as  the  arm  outstretched  helween  our  homes  and 
lluniliesniuln  vindictive  hostile  force.  Let  us  now, 
llien,  do  them  justici'  here,  where  they  Imvc  no 
means  lo  protect  themselves  from  assault. 

Mr.  Chairmnn,  some  ohjeelions  have  heen  raised 
lo  the  hill  now  under  eoiisidcraiion,  on  the  (;rouml 
that  hy  it  the  appointment  of  the  officers  who  ari> 
to  command  tlu  proposed  new  reijimenis,  is  left  in 
the  hands  of  the  President,  who  is  required  to  select 
thiin  from  the  eiiizens,  iiiste.id  of  seleciin;;  ihein 
from  the  line  of  the  army.  I  do  not  consider  such 
olijec'ionsteiiahle.  ll  is  my  leliel',  Mr.  Ch  tirnian, 
that  lor  such  a  service  as  is  eoiiteiiiplaied  hy  this 
hill,  frontier  men  should  he  selected  to  command, 
as  well  as  to  form  ihe  ranks.  AVe  want  younij 
menof  irooil  character  and  of  tempcraie  hahils.ae- 
enstonied  lo  the  hardshipsof  a  frontier  lite,  lo  make 
efficient  troops  for  the  service  lor  which  the  two 
proposed  reciments  of  riflemen  are  desi;i:ned.  The 
siune  principle  applies  to  the  selection  of  intelligent 
yount:  men  lo  ollicer  the  rcijiinenls,  who  should  ho 
capahle  of  eommandin;;,  and  faniiliar  with  all  tlio 
hardships  itii  idem,  to  the  peculiar  service  in  which 
they  would  he  en^'ased. 

Mr.  (Jliairmau,  I  certainly  have  no  prejudice 
a;;ainst  the  oflicers  of  the  army — far  otherwise;  hnt 
1  liave  nodouhlthat  nuiny  of  ihem,  who  haye  heen 
Ion;;  slationnl  in  ;.'oo(l  quarters,  in  the  enjoyment  of 
the  polish,  and  fashion,  and  ease  of  life,  would  ho 
hut  poorly  fpialified  to  he  thrown  on  the  iVontiers, 

exfiosed  ti Id  and  hunger,  and  the  diseases  iiiei- 

dent  to  such  a  life.  As  le^'iiids  this  mailer,  how- 
ever, I  am,  fiir  my  )>art,  perfectly  williii;;  lo  leave  it 
lo  the  sound  discretion  of  llie  l'',xeeuli\e,  w  ho,  1  nni 
siiri',  will  look  alone  to  the  jrood  of  the  service  in 
the  sclecliniis  that  he  may  make.  'J'liis  provision  of 
the  hill  I  am  perfectly  wliliii;;  should  lie  preserved, 
or  modified,  to  suit  the  wishcsof  the  House.  My 
principal  olqeet  is  to  olilain  an  increase  ot"  the  army 
conmiensurale  willi  the  extent  of  our  iVonlier,  and 
siiilicient  to  send  an  adeipiate  force  In  the  south- 
western, wesli  rii,  and  norlhwestcni  Imrilers,  and 
lo  man  our  eontemplaled  forliliciiions  on  the  route 
to  Oregon  with  a  numher  of  troops  suliicic  ril  to  in- 
sure to  ihe  frontier  settleniciits  iliat  peai-e  and  se- 
eni'ity  which  tin  y  have  a  ri;;ht  to  demand  of  the 
IJovernmeiit,  ai.d Which,  I  am  well  assured,  this 
House  has  every  disposition  to  promote. 


TWO  llEGlMEiNTS  OF  UIFLEMEX. 
SPKECII  OF  Mil.  M.  P.  OEiN'TRV, 

OF  TE.NNrS.SKr, 
In  the  Hoi'SE  OF  llKPIlKiEXTATlVK.S, 

.March  Q.'!,  l.'<4li. 
On  the  Ilill  lo  nii.se  two  Uci^iinents  of  Uifleinen 

Mr.  Ci ENTRY  .said: 

Mr.  CiiAiiiMAx:  I  do  not  rise  lo  di.scuss  nl  leiifih 
the  expediency  of  iiicreasnii;  the  re^oilar  army  of 
the  United  .Slates,  as  proposed  hy  lliu  hill  now 
under  consideration.  I  have  herelofore  heen  op- 
posed lo  any  aii;',nienlaliiin  of  ihe  re;;ul;ir  army, 
(iiid  have  eo-ofieiated  with  those  who  have  aimed 
to  reduce  il;  hut,  liaviim:  delermined  to  vote  for 
the  lull  now  III  fore  ilie  committee,  I  desire  to  ex- 
press very  hriefly  .some  of  the  reasons  which  induce 
ine  lo;:ivi;  a  vole  seemingly  incoiillii't  viith  a  policy 
which  1  have  heretofore  advoc.iled  and  supported. 
Ilahitiially  opposed  to  an  iiariase  of  the  standiii;; 
army,  it  was  my  iiiieiitioii  whin  this  hill  was  first 
lakcii  up  to  o|ipose  it;  hut  a  iii'.;lil's  sleep,  or  rallier 
a  iiii;ht's  reflection,  has  lirnnght  me  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  it  is  my  duly  to  support  il;  and  hein;; 
more  anxioustoilischiugemy  duly  than  toniaintniii 
a  show  of  eonsisu  iiey,  I  h.ave  delermined  to  voto 
for  the  hill.  In  disch.oging  the  diuies  w  liich  de- 
volve upon  me  as  a  liipieseiilativ.',  I  Imvc  no  riihi 
of  aclioii  hut  to  detenniiie,  as  hi  st  I  may  with  iho 
li'_'lils  lieliiie  me,  what  course  of  coniluet  is  demand- 
ed of  me  hy  the  inleresl.s  of  the  eoiinlry,  and  tin  ii 
firmly  to  pursue  that  course.  It  is  due  to  myself, 
however,  lo  declare  the  |■ea^■olls  which  induce  me 
to  fjive  ti  vote  upon  this  hill,  aceniingly  iiiconsisl- 


1846.] 


■29th  Conh 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Tiro  Regiments  of  Jiljkmen — Mr.  Gentry. 


551 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


cnt  Willi  my  pnsi  co'.irse  ns  n  Krpri'sriilntive,  mill, 
with  till*  iniliilgpiicc  nt'  lliu  coiiimiucc,  I  will  pro- 
crrd  to  do  no. 

The  House  of  Represcnintivcs  very  recently  re- 
solved tlini  ilie  President  slinll  ^ivi;  notice  toOrent 
llritainoftlii'lcrminHtinnorilie  roiiviiitioniif  181d,  \ 
iinil  it  IN  not  iloiihtcd  timl  \\u:  Sennte  will  Hubslan-  I 
tiiilly  concur  in  that  resoliilion,  l)Ut  perlinjw  with 
Niinin  modificmion.     The  oiijcct  of  the  notice  is  to 
Icniiiniito  the  joint  occiipiilion  of  the  OrcKoii  terri-  '■■ 
torv  n8  II  ni'cpssiiiy  piTJiniiniiry  to  the  imscrtion,  ' 
iniiintenimcc,  nnd  crxcrcisr  of  the  riirhlH  of  sover- 
rii;nty  over  llic  whole  or  a  pnrt  of  timt   territory.  ' 
iSonie  contend  ihm  the  title  of  the  Uiiiled  ytjilcH  to  i 
the  whole  of  lliiit  territory  is  u  jjood  one,  nnd  iiisiat 
llinl  the  Government  shall  niaintnin  that  title  even 
al  the  hazard  of  war:  otIierH  are  willin<;  to  eompro- 
luise  nt  the  forty-ninth  (lei;rec  of  north   latitude; 
lint  all  iisrree  that  the  United  States  have  rii;hts  in 
flieLTon    which    nuiPt    lie   firmly   maintained — all 
;isree  that  tlic  duly  will   presently  devolve  upon 
tliis  Governni>-iit  to  extend  its  'jurisdiclion  so  as  to 
fjive  protection  to  its  eitizen«  who  have  einisrated 
and  who  are  likely  to  einiirrale  to  that  territory, 
'i'his  is  a  fact  entitled  to  conxideralion  in  deierinin- 
iiiir  what  shall  he  the  decision  of  tjonj^ress  ii[M>n  the 
liill  now  lielore  this  coniniittee. 

The  annexaiiini  lo  the  United  Stales  of  the  Re- 
pulilic  of  Texas,  recenily  consuinniatcd,  is  another 
important  llict  enti'led  to  consideration  in  deter- 
miniiif!^  the  f]ue.stioii  now  before  this  coniniittee. 
That  llepniilic  emiiraced  a  territory  snillcieiit  of 
itself  lo  make  a  ^real  empire.  It  is  now  a  part  of  i 
ihe  United  Slates,  and  this  Government  has  as- 
sumed ihe  oiiliL'iiticui  of  proiecliiig  it,  not  inily 
from  fon<ii;ii  invasion,  Ixit  also  from  the  miiniroiis 
and  warlike  savaii;es  within  its  borders.  In  thus 
exlendin:;  the  linuui  of  tin;  Union,  this  Govern- 
ment extends  the  sphere  of  its  ilnlii'S  and  obli{;a- 
lioiis.  Wherever  an  American  citizen  may  go, 
within  the  territory  of  the  United  Slates,  he  is 
certainly  entitled  to  the  protection  of  his  Govern- 
ment; and  I  am  in  favor  of  that  jinlicy  wlin  h  shall 
authorize  every  American  citizen,  wherever  he  may 
be  within  Ihe  lirrilory  of  his  cinuilry,  to  look  to 
the  siar-spani'led  banner  with  tindiniiitilii;  cinili- 
dence  that  it  is  the  emblem  not  only  of  a  nation's 
power,  but  also  of  securiiv  and  protection.  We 
owe  prmectioii  to  ilie  people  of  Texas — we  owe 
iiroleclioii  lo  tliose  citizens  of  the  Iti'public  who 
nave  eniiirrated  lo  t,)re!ion  ;  and  this  oblii;ution  will 
bo  rendered  more  iniperali\e  by  measures  soon  to 
be  adopted.  Ilaviiiu;  already  luliled  anolher  ein- 
]nrc  lo  onr  already  widesj.read  Uepnblic,  and  in- 
tending s'omi  lo  extend  onr  pirisilictifni  over  the 
whidc  or  a  part  of  ()re;;im,  sh.iU  we  shrink  from 
the  conse(|iiences  wliicli  nicvilalily  follow  the.se 
measuiesr  No;  let  us  nieet  those  consei|uen(H'S 
as  patriotic  and  practicid  .statesmen.  One  of  those 
ine\'iiabh,  constMiuences  is,  an  an^inenlation  of  the 
rei,'iilar  army  of  the  Uniled  iStat.  s :  lor,  in  tlic 
present  })o.-;Iure  of  onr  relations  wilh  ICiiL^land  and 
Alexico,  no  ninn  can  predict  the  tinii!  when  onr 
nrniy  can  be  withdrawn  from  ihe  frontier  of  Texas 
eoiisistently  wilh  tin'  public  interest,  in  view, 
then,  of  the  new  obb:,Miions  which  have  d'-volved 
upon  this  Goveniinent  by  reasfiii  of  llic  I'xlension 
of  territory  made  by  the  annexation  of  Texas, 
nnd  which  will  preseinly  be  made  on  the  north- 
west coast  of  this  cominent — in  view  of  these 
^reat,  pri'irnant,  imporiaiil  f  .-Is,  and  of  the  obli- 
\:atioiiS  wliii'h  iiec.  "-'eril ,  resiili  iVom  them,  I  have, 
aflir  matiii-e  lellcclion,  arrived  at  Ihe  conclusion 
iliat  it  is  indispensably  necessary  to  increase  the 
iniiitarv  ethciency  of  the  Government  by  an  aui:;- 
ineniniioii  of  ilie  ri-irnlar  army,  nnd  1  will  there- 
loi-i'  vole  fin-  this  bill. 

Surely  s;emlemcn  have  not  advocated  these 
measures  with  so  iiincli  zeal  without  haviiiir  re- 
th-cted  upon  the  coiiscf|ui>nces  that  must  follow 
their  ailopiion.  .Surely  it  must  have  occurred  to 
tlii'ir  minds,  that  such  achieveinents  cannot  be 
made  wilhont  involvini:;  consei|ucnces  which  must 
have  a  iiiiurolliiu;  inllueiice,  for  wi'al  or  wo,  upon 
the  fulurc  policy  and  destiny  of  this  Government, 
and  the  irreatexperimenl  which  it  involves.  When 
the  vast  territory  of  Texas  shall  be  peopled  wilh  a 
dense  population — when  a  tier  ol'  populous  and 
powerful  Stales  shall  exist  upon  the  western  coast 
of  this  continent — when  Ihe  Federal  judiciarv  siiall 
be  so  exiendc'd,  and  the  judires  of  Ihe  federal 
euuria  so  increased  in  number,  us  tu  {jivcelUciency 


lo  the  laws  of  the  Union  over  an  empire  so  vast  in  | 
extent  nnd   populatinii — when  our  custom-house 
olHeeirj  shall  be  multiplied  so  as  to  !;ive  cHicieiicy  I 
to  our  revenue  law.s — when  our  land  Hysteiii,  with  ; 
its  Qriny  ot'  otfii-ers,  shall  be  extended  over  this  i 
itnineiise  territory — when  the  army,  and  inoic!  es- 
]iecially  the  navy,  shall  lie  so  increased  as  lo  nive 
proper  protection  to  a  conniry  so  widely  extended, 
and  to  the  comnii;rce  of  »Kc/i  a  couulnj — what  then 
will   be  the  power  and    patronaife  of  the    fresi- 
deiit  of  the  United   Slates,  and   what   the   ed'ect 
upon  our  system  of  soveriiment  of  the  concenlrn- 
tion  in  the  Executive  of  lo  much  pntronn^c  iiiid  ! 
power?  j 

Hut,  Mr.  Ch.iirmnn,  I  will  not  pursue  this  ipies-  | 
lion;   1   am  di^ressiiifr   from   the  i|uestion   before  ' 
the  eominittee.     I  am  in  favor  uf  the  nnietnlment 
olfered   by  the  (renlleinun  from  Scniih  Candina,  I 
I  [Mr.  HoLMKH,]  proposinj;  to  divest  the  President 
of  the  patronage  which  the  bill  in  its  present  form  ' 
would    confer,   by  requiring;;   that   the   res;iments, 
which   it  proposes  to  raise,  shall  be  etricereil  by 
j  transfers  and    promotions  of  otlicers  already  in 
I  eominission.    The  honorable  chnirmnn  of  the  Mil-  . 
!  itnry  Oimmittee  [Mr.  Haiiai.sonJ   has  infornied  : 
'  us  that  there  are  some  ninety  or  a  hundred  super- 
]  mimerary  officers  now  in  the  re:.'nlar  army  and  in 
the  |iay  of  the  Government.     Why  do  you  keep 
[  up  the  Military  Academy,  at  a  vast  expense,  if  it 
[  is  not  to  supply  your  army  with  oHicers.'    And 
I  when  it  is  admitted  that  there  are  so  many  super.  > 
j  numciary  otlicers  receiving  the  pay  of  the  Govern- 
ment, upon  what  principle  of  policy  do  you  pio- 
I  pose    to    supersede    them,    by    aiiihorizins;    the 
President  lo  eppoiiit  to  the  command  of  the   regi- 
ments   which    tlu^    bill    pro}»oses  lo  raise  otlicers 
I  from  civil  lifer     111  answer  to  this,  the  ehairinan 
1  of  the   (Jommillee    on   Military   A  Hairs   has    told 
I  ua  that  Ihe  provisions  of  the   bill  ure  not  impera- 
tive, and    that,   if  it  is  most   ex|iedieiit   for   the 
I  otlicers  of  these  regiments  to  be  made  by  transfers 
1  and  iiroinotions  from   the  present  niililary  eslab- 
lishtneiit,  the  President  will  have  the  power  under 
Ihe  law  so  to  decide,     lie  thinks  it  best  to  leave  it 
'  discrelimiary  with  llie  President,  confuleat  that  the 
I  discretion  will  be  wisely  nnd  propeily  cxenMsed. 
'  1  am  opposed  to  this  loose  system  of  lei;islalion;  1 
;  am  in  favor  td'specilic  enaclnienis  in  all  practicable 
I  cases.     I  am  nnwillin^  lo  leave  nnythins;  to  Kxec- 
nlive  discietiim  for  which  the  Lenislatnre  can  spe- 
cilicully  provide.     Habitual  deparlnies  from   this 
I  principle  hare  been   the  prolific  cause  of  many  of 
I  those  evils  under  wliiidi   the  country  lias  sullered 
for  years  past.  The  enactmenis  of  ( 'oniiress  ouirht 
!  to  be  specilic,  and  the  President  oiu;lit  to  be  what 
j  'he  Constitution  makes  him,  merely  the  executor 
I  of  the  laws.     1  am  not  so  confident,  as  the  cliair- 
i  man  of  the  (Jonimiilee  on  Militarv  AlT:Airs  seems 
lo  be,  that  the  disciciioii  which  the  bill  |U'oposes  to 
j  '■onfer  upon  him  will  be  properly  exercised.     The 
!  last  ('oi!;:ress  but  oiu'  passed  a  law  rei;ulalin2:  the 
appointinent  of  cadets  to  the  Alililary  Acadeioy, 
\  which,  ainoiii;  other  things,  proudesthnt  tlii^  Pres- 
j  ident  shall   have  power  to  appoint  ten    cadets  at 
lari;e,  without   relerencc  to   tlieir  particular  resi- 
dence.    This  provision  was  embodied  in   tlie  law 
by  an  amelulineiit  made  by  the  Senate  lo  the  bill  as 
I  it  passed  the  House.    'I'lie  debate  upon  ibc  aniend- 
I  iiieiit  shows  clearly  that  this  power  was  conferred 
j  upon   the  President  to  enable  limi   to  appoint  the 
sinis  or  ijraudsons  of  revoluiinnarv  worlhies,  the 
orphan  sons  of  tlio.se  who  had  fallen  ill  battle  in 
the  military  or  naval  service  of  the  country,  or  the 
soiisof  otlicers  yel  liviiii^  who  have  perl'ormed  sm-li 
services  to  ihe  country  as   to  give  them  peculiar 
claims  to  the  liberality  of  the  Government.    What 
has  been  the  practice  iiiider  the  law?     How  has 
:  the  President  exercised  the   discieliou    conlerred 
upon  him  in  this  particular.''     Uitt  one  solitary  ap- 
pointment has  been  conferred  in  conformity  with 
■  the   inleiuioiis  of  ('oie;ress.     The  son  of  but  one 
olficer  of  the  army  has  been  appointed  by  the  Pres- 
ident.    With   such  an  example   before    us,   why 
confer  a  tliscretion  iipmi  lUo.  President,  relaling  to 
an  ii.ipin'tjxnt  mailer,  which  Congress  can  rei;iilale 
and  ought  to  regulate?     It  is  the  mislorlune  of  the 
limes,  an  evil  wliich  seems  to  have  fastened  itself 
upon  our  iiisl  itutions,  that  lixecutive  appointments 
are  now  made,  and  have  been  made  for  years  past, 
not  with  a  view  to  the  public  good,  but  with  refer- 
ence to  the  amount  of  political  intlneuce  wliii.'h  will 
''  result  to  the  existing  Adminislralion;  and  hence 


the  public  interests  suH'cr  in  every  branch  of  the 
Governineiit. 

Mr.  UiiKTT  interposed,  and  (AFr.  O.  giving 
way)  said,  In:  iinderslooii  Ihe  gentleman  to  say 
that  the  President  of  the  Uniled  Slates,  in  exerci- 
sing the  uppointing  power  of  the  leu  cadets  given 
him  by  the  luw,  hud  apiiuiiitud  but  one  son  of  an 
ollicer  ? 

Mr.  Gentry.  I  undeistnnil  that  lo  be  the  fact. 
If  misinformed,  I  should  be  happy  lobe  ciurected. 
Mr.  llitKTT.  The  present  Presiilciii  of  the  Uni- 
led States  lias  had  no  power  to  appoint  any  at  alt. 
I  111  the  contrary,  the  lale  Presidenl,  when  he  went 
mil,  had  appointed  the  full  number  of  cadets  nii  lo 
the  laat  year,  and  the  time  has  not  arrived  wlieii 
they  wire  to  be  appointed  for  the  ensuing  year. 

Mr.  H.VIHLSOV  (Mr.  Gkxihv  still  yielding)  was 
nnderslood  to  say  that  the  gentletnan  from  South 
Carolina  was  mistaken;  lliatapiMiintments  at  largo 
had  been  iiiiidc  'ly  the  present  Lxeeutive.  Hut  iho 
gentleman  from  'J'cnnessec  was  mistaken,  on  the 
other  hand,  with  reference  to  the  existing  law. 
There  was  nothing  in  it  which  prescribed  that 
these  appoinlnients  at  large  by  the  President  should 
be  conlnied  lo  the  sons  of  ollicers  of  the  army. 

Mr.  Gkxtuv  resumed.  The  gentleman  from 
South  Carolina  (.\ir.  Riiett)  is  mislakeii  as  to 
the  fads  of  the  case,  and  the  geiillemun  from  Geor- 
gia (.Mr.  Hauai.son)  has  misundorsiood  me.  [ 
I  did  not  .say  that  the  law  cryn-cssfi/ the  fact  to  which 
1  have  relerred;  but  he  who  looks  into  the  deluiie 
upon  that  bill  befiu'e  it  became  a  law  cannot  fail  to 
II  rceivi!  that  the  provision  to  which  I  liavi!  refcrn  d 
n  as  iuirodui  cd  into  the  law  for  the  purposes  which 
1  have  slated.  Of  this  fact  the  I'lesident  was 
doublle.ss  well  informed,  and  yet  we  see  him  abu- 
sing ihe  discretion  confi'ned  upon  him,  by  tram- 
pling under  fool  and  disregarding  the  inleiuioiis  of 
Congress.  Therefore  let  us  adhere  to  the  princi- 
ple 111' speiific  legislation. 

Mr.  Chairnuni,  1  had  determined  to  sujiport  this 
1  bill  before  1  came  to  the  House  this  mia-i.iiig.  I 
am  sireiigllieiiod  in  the  conviclion  that  I  have  de- 
tei'iniiied  correctly,  by  the  reasons  wliich  oilier 
genilemen  have  expressed  for  opposing  it.  My 
Whig  friend  from  Oluo  [Mr.  Tii.in:N]  has  inlbrincd 
,  us  ihat  he  was  opposed  lo  the  annexation  of  Texas, 
and  that  a  political  coiivcntion  in  Ohio  adopied  a 
resolution  declaring  the  aiincxatioi;  of  'i'exas  un- 
eonstilutioiial  and  inexpedient;  and  he  tells  us  llial 
until  that  resolution  shall  be  rescinded,  he  will  vote 
Ibr  no  measure  which  has  for  its  objecl  the  jirotec- 
tion  or  defence  of  the  people  of  Texas.  The  hon- 
orable genllemaii  tVouiiN'i  w  Vork,  [.\Ir. Rathbln,] 
who  is  a  good  IJemocra;,  Itlls  us  thai  he  believes 
the  United  States  have  a  good  litli!  to  ihe  whole  of 
Oregon,  as  far  north  as  .■|4'-'  40',  and  he  desires  this 
Ginernnieiil  lo  lake  measures  to  mainlain  that 
title.  He  looks  to  the  other  wing  of  this  Capitol, 
and  sees,  or  thinks  he  sees,  induatioiis  that,  I  bo 
.Senate  will  be  lecieant  lo  the  high  ilnlies  of  patri- 
olisni,  (as  he  iinderstanils  those  duties,)  and  will 
j  not  liavti  courage  to  assert  our  claim  up  to  ,54°  41)'; 
and  therefore,  tjecause  that  body  does  not  think 
with  him  thai  it  is  wise  to  wage  war  for  the  ifhole 
(if  llir  0/fgo)i  (n-rilnnj,  he  will  vote  for  no  measure 
which  is  intended  to  piutecl  our  citizens  and  de- 
fend our  lights  south  of  lla',  forty-ninth  degi-ee  of 
north  lalilnde.  If  the  Goveriinnail  of  the  United 
Slates  will  nol  go  to  war  to  obtain  the  tchi>lr  lerrl- 
Innj  up  lo  .') 4"  41)'  north  lalilnde,  all  below  the  forly- 
niiiili  degree  may  go  lo  the  ib  vil  for  him. 

Mr.  Cliairiiiau,"in   my  opinion  ilicse  are  very 

pernicious  |iriiici)iles,  uUerly  i insistent  with  eii- 

ligliiened  palrioiism—princrples  which  ought  to  be 
drsclaiuicd  by  all,  of  every  party,  who  are  loyal  to 
the  Union,  aiid  who  are  sincerely  devoted  to  the 
greal  experiment  of  republicanism  which  we  are 
uiakin-.;.  If  such  a  principle  shall  ever  be  general- 
ly adopted,  this  Goveriimeiil  will  end,  an  its  ene- 
mies have  predicted,  in  a  "greal  failure;"  it  will 
beanniliilatiMl.  Such  principles  arc  worse  than  nul- 
lilicaiioii.  Whm  a  State  ol  thisUnion  claimed  for 
itself  the  right  to  judge  for  itself  of  the  conslitii- 
lionaliiy  of  a  law  of  the  General  Government,  and 
lo  nullify  that  law,  it  brought  down  upon  itself  Ibc 
alinosi  universal  eondemuatioii  of  the  whole  coun- 
try. Hilt  we  are  now  improving  upon  South  Car- 
ohiia  miliilication.  ImUvidmih  now  claim  lo  be 
;  absolved  from  all  obligations  to  sustain  and  support 
their  (ioverinnent,  when  it  takes  nelion  upon  any 
i  imporlanl  ipiestiuu  which  they  as  individuals  ttis- 


i 


'(  <■,  I  1- 

;  VI  ff 


:::|.NI 


'Mm 


.  '1'*S 


fiS8 


Ai'PKNDIX  TO  THK  c;0\GI{KSSI()N Al.  (}t,OfiE. 


29x11  CoNa....IsT  Se«8. 

npprnrc.  All  wlio  Imo  iluir  r.nniiry,  nil  win)  rrc 
Inynl  lo  the  Ujiion,  i>n^'lil  to  iiiiiii' I"  rrlmlii' miii 
fi-(')\vii  iliiwii  tills  iinwtaTiL'Iril  i'|iirif  I'l' nulliliialiiHi. 
I  (■(piihim'IkI  id  llii'  prilloNmu  flniil  Oiiii)  |.Mr. 
TiMiiA']  iii.il  ilir  piillmiiiii  riiiin  New  Yiirk,  (Mr.  I 
Uatiiim  s',{  llii'  i]rliii'i|i|('  iiiiiiniirn'ccl  liy  Mr.  .Ii'll'i  r- 
Min,  in  liiN  first  iiiiiiiLMiral  ndtlioss:  **  tihtoltite  ac-  ' 
'  i/Nii*r.'i4C('  ill  //i(  (In ijiMij  I/'  tilt  iiiiijniilij,  Iht  riliil  ' 
*  ;in*ii< /;)/(■  cf  /»*(j)r/*/(>s,  /Vdiu  irhit-h  i.<  mi  n\^unl  but 
'  Itt  Jltirft  tilt  iitiil  I'iUtriiitf  aud  iiiiiiii'i/idfr  jutrrnt  of 
'  ilnpiilism."  I  liiilil  il  Id  111'  llii:  limy  "I'  iviry 
Aiiiiririiii  liilzc'ii,  wliiilnr  \w  he  wilTi','  I'm  lliis 
( invi'mini'iii  III  cnmiiruiiiisc  ils  i-liiiiii  In  ilii'  ('riiiin 
lirriliiiy  at  llie  49tli  iliijrfi"  cf  hililiuli-,  iir  lulu  ves 
il  |ini|iiT  fur  ihr  fiiivirniiii'iit  In  assiit  anil  mnin- 
t.iiii  Us  rliiiiii  til  ilii'  wliiili'  lirriliiry  ii|i  In  'ti'^  4(1' 
iMiiili  lallimU' — wlii'tlirr  lie  wiin  in  I'aMir  nf,  nr  ii|i- 
pimcil  111,  ilir  aiinrxiiliiin  of  Trxna,  win  ii  I  lie  tiiiv-  ■ 
rnniiriu,  arllii;;  lliriiiii^'!!  ils  i-niislitiili  il  iiiillinnlii's, 
iinilcr  till' ('iiiiNlitiiliiin,  shall  have  ili  Icriniiiiil  fur 
ru"  40'  (ir  fur  V.)°—irh,  II  |7  sluill  h.ii-c  di/.m  ils  /msi- 
(iiiii — I  say,  1  liiilit  il  111  lir  his  duly  in  slain!  ii|>  In 
Ills  iniiiiiry,  with  all  ihr  (-inrsry  and  |ialrinlisin 
wliirh  lio|insseNst's,  In  tiiaintiiiii  it  in  tliiu  |)iisiiinn. 
Tin  iTfnro,  if,  apainst  my  nwn  n|Miiinii  as  In  w  Inil 
is  n'w  and  jnsi,  ihis  Cinvcrnini'iit  sh  ill  ilrlrruniii' 
tn  inainlaiii,  nt  all  liazanls,  Ils  Orr^nii  I'laiiii  n|i  In 
51°  40',  (a  claiin  whirh  1  lu'limi'  in  \ic  ahsnnl  and 
iinlrfi  nsililr,)if  ihi;  Unvi'iinin  nt  taki'  that  |iiiMiinii,  i; 
I  will  fi  il  inysi  If  liniiinl  in  sii|i{inrt  ihcGnvn  nun  ill 
tn  thoi'Xlnit  nf  my  aliilily  in  maiiilaiinin  that  |insi- 
tinii.  Fur  1  huld  il  In  lii'inii',  liiiil  w  In  ii  a  iMinlrn- 
Vfrsy  aiisi's  l.riwi'un  ihis  nalinii  mnl  a  fort'ii;;n  iia- 
tinn,  and  when  this  iiiitinii  lalii  s  ils Jiiial  jimliuii  willi 
rt  iVrcin  0  In  surh  oniitrnvi  i-sy,  ovi'ry  Anieriraii  rii- 
izi'ii,  whaiovrr  may  have  la'in  his  n|iiiiinn  as  m 
thr  nri;,'inal  iiiiTils  nf  the  rniiimv  i  rsy,  is  liniinil  liy 
tho  iilili!,'atiiins  nf  patriniisin  In  aiinpl  as  a  rnir  nf 
aninn  Ihc  si  niinuni  nf  Ihi- i;allanl  l)i-iMinr:  'Mliir 
I'niinlry,  riixhl  or  wrnii^'."  And  w  lialrvi'r  iiiav 
havr  liffi)  ihe  o|iiiiinn  nl'any  iiidiviitii.il  nr  indi\  iii- 
iiils,  ns  In  ihi'  impniii  y  nf  annixiin,'  Texas  to  ilio 
llniied  Siiii,  s,  when  lliai  measiiri'  was  under  rnii- 
Hidprnllnn  and  hefnre  il  was  eonsimimaii'd,  I  mniii- 
tiiin  liial  Texas  is  iinw  as  nineh  i  milled  to  iln- 
proti'i'iion  nf  this  (invtrmneiit  as  Massaehnsi'lts 
or  Virginia,  mo  nf  the  iiinsl  illnstrmns  of  the  nUI  ' 
thirteen  Siuies  whii'li  wmi  the  inilepenileiiie  nf  this 
liatii'ii:  and  i\ery  pairinl  is  liniind  In  in-ii|ierati' 
ill  txti-iidinp-  In  thai  Siiuo  all  the  proleiiimi  wliieh 
thi.i  Ijnvernniem  <lhlil,-iled  ll-Jllf  tn  cMelid  liy  the 
net  of  nnnrxaiinii;  and,  ihi  refnre,  1  vnle  fnr  this 
bill  in  onalile  the  (invernmi  nt  In  di-.ehar_'e  iln.'  nli- 
liialiniis  whiih  it  has  assumed.  'I'he  ehairmaii 
of  Ihe  Cii  inniiti  ,■  mi  .Military  .VH'airs  lias  deilarid 
thai  this  fill  was  imi  nnnrted  hecaiise  nf  niir  ditli- 
niilifs  wiih  I''iii;laiid  nr  .Mevieri,  or  as  a  prepara- 
tinii  t'nri  ni.seipienctrs  lliat  may  pnssilily  ^rnw  out 
nf  those  dilTi'-iilliis.  Ihit  iieve'riheless,  in  deeidin;; 
tipnii  this  hill,  in  wei-hiie;  ihe  riMMiiis  for  nmi  , 
ue;ainsl  it,  we  railliot  leax  c  oil!  nf  \  ifW'  elilirt  Iv  our 
present  utisi  tiled  relaiinns  wilh  ICmjland  and  .Mex- 
ico. In  my  opinion  the  hill  nii-^ht  tn  pn<s,  fir  the 
purpose  111  i'i»in_'  priiteitiini  imd  seeiniiv  tn  our 
frontii'r  sriilemeiits  in  Texas  and  ihe  \Vi  siirn 
Siute.s,  independent  of  ihose  leasniis  derived  fiMin 
the  pnstnrr  nf  nnr  forei:rn  relaiinns.  In  \ieW,lhell, 
iif  the  wauls  of  our  widely-iMeiided  fnniiier,  iif 
the  nneertaiiuies  wliieli  liaii^  amiind  nnr  relaiinns 
Willi  iMexien  and  Kiiiiland,  and  of  what  may  ha|i- 
pon  on  niir  frniiiier  in  tin,'  •vent  nf  a  rnpliiie  wllli 
eiiheror  linih  of  ilmse  I'owi  rs;  in  v.ew  nf  our 
dnnlilfnl  fiiiure,  I  will  iint  withhidd  my  siippnrt 
from  litis  or  any  nllier  reasnnahte  and  [.m  ler  meas- 
ure which  may  he  hrnn^ht  ("ntward  here,  in  eon- 
nrmilv  wilh  the  rei-nminendalinns  nf  the  Pres- 
ident, intended  tn  provide  fir  the  seiiniiy  of  nnr 
citizens,  the  preservaiinn  of  nm-  national  h  nmr,  or 
the  iltfetice  of  onr  naiiminl  ri;,^ii(i.  j 


THE  OREGON  aUESTIOX. 

s p i: !•: c ff  o F  M II .  N ir. E s , 

OF  CO.WF.CTRLT, 

In  tmk  Skx.mk,  .Uui<7i  1!),  |.-'4(i. 

On  the  Kesniuiinii  lo  lerminale  ilie  jnint  oeenpaiiey 

nf  the  DiT^'oii  lerrilnry. 

Mr.  Mr,ES  addressed  the  Smale  as  fnllows: 

It  was  not  his  purpose  (said  Mr.  .\.;  to  oeeiipy 

tmich  of  the  time  nf  thi:  .Sciiale  in  the  reimirks  he 


The  OreiniH  (Question — Mr.  I\Ht$, 

Imd  to  Hiihinit  nil  this  snl'jeel;  hr  spnlu-  iif  thr  tjcii. 
eral  siihjeel  of  dispute  eonreriiitif;  what  is  ealleit  the 
DreiNiii  lerrilnry,  rather  than  the  partn  iilar  hill  ' 
under  I'niisidei'aiinii;  yei,  ennsideriin;  ils  eMeiisive 
iialnie,iind  variniis  ramifieiilinnM,  he  was  adiuoii' 
islted  lint  In  preface  his  ri  inarkN  hy  any  allusion  lo 
their  hrevily,  lest  he  slinnld  iidd  aiiniln  r  to  ihr 
many  examples  that  sneh  an  iiitrodneiion  was  a 
sure  indieaiinii  nf  a  Inn;;  speeeh.  In  wlial  he 
shniild  have  lo  say,  it  was  not  his  inleminn  In  dis- 
luss,  with  a  view  In  demonsirate  or  stieiiijiheu 
the  title  nf  the  United  Suites  lo  that  lerriioiy  in  any 
nf  ils  phases;  nnr  did  he  propose  lo  examine  the 
Uritish  elaims,  altliouuh  he  ini;;lil  allude  lo  thr 
^'rounds  of  llieiii  and  their  extent,  as  coinparid 
Willi  III!  claims  of  the  Umlcd  Slates.  These  Inpli'S 
had  heeii  t'nily  and  nhly  dehulcd  here  and  else- 
where, and  prnhiilily  all  had  been  said  ihat  cnuld 
he  ntrereil  In  any  advanta^'c.  Itesides,  he  did  iinl 
rcL^aid  the  disiu.-isinii  of  these  disputed  Inpns  as 
haviiii;  a  very  impnrliint  lieariinr  nii  the  main  ipies- 
(inn,  which  was,  how  this  dispute  heiu  i  en  the  two 
eonntrieH  could  he  settled  Halisl'aetorily  In  the  I'lii* 
led  Stales?  We  may  cnnvmee  nurselves,  imd  nur 
nwii  penpic,  that  nur  lille  In  the  whnle  nf  llial  ler- 
rilnry is  clear  and  unipicstiniiahle;  hut  if  nnr  I'aets 
anil  aii^nmcnls  were  as  '*  Nirniiii  as  prnnl's  nf  I  loly 
Writ,"  would  they  ennvinee  Ihe  Clovi  rmni'iit  of 
tireal  Mrilain  nr  the  people  of  iMiirlaiid  ■  Will  they 
read  our  ar;;unieiils-  anil,  if  they  dn  sn,  will  liny 
read  llieiii  with  that  impiiriialily  w  Inch  w  ill  adniil  nf 
ennv  ietinii  .'  .Villi  if  in  iiliv  sense  eiiliv  iiiei  d,  Wnilld 
il  lint  he  the  case  of  a  per.sim  "eniivimed  a'.;aiiisl 
ills  ^^-i|l,  w'ho  remains  of  the  same  opinion  still '" 

Nor  did  Mr.  N.  prnpose  to  discuss,  either  pnsi- 
liv.'ly  or  relatively,  the  power  and  ahilily  of  Ihe 
two  countries  to  susl.tin  and  prn.-eenie  a  war — a 
ijiiestinn,  which,  in  his  judunneni,  had  litlle  to  do 
Willi  ihis  conlrnvcrsy  in  lin-  present  staiic  nf  it — a 
ipicstinn  which  it  wniild  he  linie  enouirh  lo  disetins 
when  a  rnpinre  helween  the  two  cnimirics  shniild 
heenme  iiieviiahle.  nr  the  ihniu'er  nf  it  nnieli  more 
innnmeiit  than  In  heln  vi-d  ii  in  he  ai  presi  nt.  Nnr 
wniild  he  iiidul:;e  in  lli.it  frniitui  inpic  nf  declaina- 
tioii — tin;  calainilies  of  war,  eillier  alisiracily  or  in 
respeci  tn  what  luii^hl  he  peculiar  tn  this  eniiiury; 
as,  however  irreat  the  evils  nf  war  ini'.jlit  he,  he  did 
tint  re;;:ard  iliat  as  n  very  sniiiid  reasnii  why  we 
slniiild  not  insist  nii  siieh  a  seltleincnt  nf  this  ills- 
pule  as  shniild  recn^'iiise  onr  Just  and  reasnnahle 
rights.  There  u'ere  snine  other  I li inns  Ihat  he  would 
lint  bi'ini;  iiitn  ihis  dehale.  If  he  did  not  atleinpt 
to  eslahlish  our  title,  he  certainly  would  not  lahnr 
In  prnve  thai  the  I'mied  Stales  had  iin  title  at  nil. 
Nnr,  if  v\e  had,  would  he  ar;;ue  ih.il  we  were  sn 
weak",  as  cnaipared  w  iili  (.ireat  Hritiun,  thai  it  was 
the  part  nf  wisdom  mil  In  insist  on  nur  riirhls,  hiil 
lo  secure  peacit  at  any  sacrifice.  And  he  would  mil 
repeal  whal<iiliers  had  done,  and  what  he  had  wit- 
nessed with  profniiiid  i-'iiret — he  wamld  nut  hrinir 
intn  this  dehale  the  re.-nhinun  nf  ilie  iialiiinnre  inn- 
veniioii,  either  as  proof  that  onr  lille  is  clear  and 
niiipiesiionahle,  or  as  evidence  nf  puhlic  opininn  on 
ihis  siihjcrt,  nor  ns  an  arLMinn  lit  to  inlluence  onr 
aeiinii.  Sir,  iti.il  resnlntimi  was  unaiilhnri/ed.  It 
was  II  snhji  ct  wilh  w  hicti  that  cniiventinn  slinntd  . 
not  have  inlernieddled.  It  was,  he  lielieved,  the 
HrsI,  tind  certainly  a  dansi  rolls,  evamplc  of  Lriviiif; 
a  parly  eharacler  lo  a  ipn  stinii  <-niiiieeti  i|  with  our 
fniei^ii  rel  tiioiis — a  dispute  with  a  t'nreiirn  Tiiwer, 
whieh  nii'^ht  result  in  war.  And  snppnsiii^  such 
a  result  shniild  t'nlinw,  wiillld  it  lint  ;;ive  neeasinll 
tie-  all  whn  niit'ht  he  ilissalislieil  with  the  win  in 
say,  that  it  had  liecn  hroin^ht  iijinn  the  enimtry  by 

the  pr edin-.'s  nf  a  party  cnnventinii,  niiil  that  the 

war,  cnnseqiientlv,  was  a  mere  parfv  war.'  When 
he  had  hi  aril  frnin  some  of  his  friends  tliis  ill-ad- 
vised resniuiinn  piessed  into  this  diliale,  he  liad 
been  ready  tn  excl.tiin,ns  he  nnw  did,  inlindtiee 
liny  nther  topic,  jiress  niiy  other  arirnmeni;  but, in 
the  name  nf  Heaven,  ^pnie  ns.  save  us  frnin  an  iir- 
t'limeiil  drawn  fmm  the  resniuiinn  nf  a  parly  cnii 
ventinll,  nil  a  iinestirin  invnlviln;  the  uiniuentnus 
issue  of  peace  or  war. 

At  the  cnnimenceinent  nf  the  pri  sent  session,  i 
fsaid  .Mr.  .N..)  the  I'lesiihiit,  in  the  disehanre  o( 
his  cniistitutinnal  duly,  ennnnimii-aled  tn  ('nm;ress  ' 
the  cm  respnndeiM'e  which  had  taken  place  heiweeii 
the  Seireiary  nf  Stale  and  the  Untisli  I'leiiipnlen- 
li.'iry  in  rejard  In  the  disputed  elam  s  nt'  llie  twn 
cniiiiines  to  the  lerrilnry  on  the  iinrihweKt  coast  of 
America,  and  in  his  i\lessii;;ei;iivc  a  history  of  the  ii 


iMiiicli  1!>, 
Sknate. 


iiei,'oliaiioiiM  which  lane  liiken  plaeo  on  thai  subjeLt 
since  |licir  coinmeiicenieiil  in  IMIH.  I  leabo  reci)ni- 
inended  certiiin  innisuns   in  ill"   cniisideratinii  of 

<  'niiijresd  Inr  the  niiiintenai nf  inii-Jri:;hls.  A  ninii!; 

these  measures,  and  \vliat  seeiiis  lo  he  re!;ariled  m 
first  111  order,  was  the  necessary  iin'iinriiy  m  ler- 
minale the   cniiveniinii  of  IHIH,  reiietved   and  coii- 

11 d  by  that  nf  IH'J".     This  matter  liavmi:  been 

hrniu;ht  liefnre  taiiim  ess,  the  lirsi  ipiealiniiM'iiiied 
tn  he,  whether  It  was  prnper  fnr  ns  In  dn  imylhiie.; 
in  lelaliiiii  tn  \i  ■  Whether  it  vtas  liesi  In  iiei'ai  all, 
or  h'ave  it  when'  it  is— in  the  hands  of  ihu  lixeeii- 
live — fnr  him  tn  dispose  nf?  .-\iid  if  il  la  deemed 
iidvisahle  lo  do  iinylliinu',  the  next  ipirnlinii  in. 
Whether  il  is  e\peilieiil  in  pass  the  hill  under  cnii- 
sideratinii fnr  ahrni'alnii:  the  I'lmvi'i.linn .'  What 
he  had  tn  say  iu\  this  suhjecl  was  intended  to  liu  nf 
a  practical  iiatnre,  and  vviih  a  view  In  lesnlis,  il 
not  heiiii;  his  iiiieniinn  In  discuss  disputed  ahstraet 
(jUfsiioiH  of  nirlil.  Several  Semitnis  whn  have 
addressed  llie  Senate  have  exnrissid  inucli  tlnnlit 
whether  ihcy  wniild  vnle  fnr  llie  nulhoriiy  tn  L'ive 
the  notice  for  terminalint,'  tin.'  eoiiveiilioii.  They 
said  Ihat  Would  depend  on  cii'cninMlaiices  on  what 
miirlil  he  developed  in  ihe  course  ol' tlin  deliale,  on 
what  use  was  to  he  miide  of  the  power  In  j.^i\e  ihe 
nnliec,  and  w  hal  nn  .isnres  ini^hl  he  likely  in  fnl low 
il.  Such  he  undcrsiood  in  be  the  views  nf  tin; 
Senalnr  I'miii  Soiilli  I  ■,'irnliiia,  |Mr,  Cai  iiiu  x,]  and 
the  Senator  from  Maine,  l.\lr.  I''.»  vxs.|  Tlie  Inst 
nil  mill  Senator  said,  that  if  till  re  was  even  a  remote 
prohaliihty  that  anthiinztn;::  the  notice  vvnidd  i,ivi! 
use  In  oilier  measi'i'is  which  ini'.4lil  disinrli  the 
peaiel'iil  ii  liiiions  helween  the  two  eon.i  tries,  it  he- 
liooM'il  us  to  piinse,  and  In  act  Willi  i:real  eaniioii. 
To  Ihis  he  eerlailily  did  lint  nhjecl;  he  thniiL'hl  hini- 
selt',  ihiU  helnre  we  took  the  tirsl  step  il  was  propel 
and  llie  pail  nt'  w  isihini  In  Innk  ain  ad  and  see  wtial 

nther  iiir. isnres  il  mi.^lii  1 iiie  necessary  in  adopt 

how  far  we  may  he  rei]nired  to  i;o,  and  where  we 
can  stop,  and  wlial  einiilnion  we  shall  he  in  in  ri'- 
L-ard  In  this  cniilrnversy  ai  thai  lime.  This  ineas 
lire  niii;ht  be  iiiinlijeciiniiMlile  ill  Itself,  lint  if  It  ne- 
cessarily leads  In  nther  s  w  Inch  wnu  Id  ell  ilia  irass  the 
siilijeci,  and  tend  tn  invnivc  the  ennntiy  in  war, 
thai  ml^ht  he  a  sntlicienl  nhjeclinn  lo  adnptini;  it. 
Some  ■^enlleiiit'ii  have  considered  ihis  meiisnre  its  ii 
peacelul  one;  niliers  as  hnsiile,  lint  hecaiise  it 
was  sn  in  il.^elf,  hill  hei'.'uisf  it  wniild  necessarily 
lead  In  measures  ol'  a  linsuie  and  fnrcil'ie  nature. 
His  friend  frniii  Alichi^an,  |.\lr.  ('vv^.|  if  he  had 
understnnd  linn,  seeiuid  In  reirard  '.ziviiej:  ihe  iin- 
tice  to  aliro:;ali'  the  cniiveiiiion  as  llie  liisl  in  ihe 
series  of  ineasurcs  which  would  risnit  in  lakiie.: 
fnrcilili'  pnssessinn  of  the  dispntnl  lerrilnry.  If 
ynu  ahrnnale  the  Irialv,  tlieii  iMend  ynnr  laws 
and  jurisdietinii  nver  the  lerrilnry,  and  atleinpt 
In  dispnssess  ihc  liriiish  settlers  lln-re;  and  if 
(ileal  llritai  I  sliniihl  ih'fcnd  her  siihjecis,  as  be 
thinks  she  1  rnhahly  wnnhl,  why,  then,  war  he- 
cnnies  inevilahle.  .NnihuiL',  perha)'s,can  he  mnre 
cnnclnsive.  If  the  preimses  are  ndinilteil,  no  one, 
he  presumed,  could  deny  the  cniichisinn.  Mill  are 
these  tarasures  llie  natiifa!  cnnseipn  nee  nf  iilirn- 
L'aiiicr  the  Ireaiy.'  .\re  they  a  necessary  result  of 
il>  If  we  oive'  the  nolice,  shall  we  be' hniind  In 
fnllnw  lip  that  measure  hy  all  iiraiiy  nf  ihe  meas- 
ures that  he  had  alluded  in:  .Mr.  .V.  tliniiflit  nm. 
He  did  tint  cniisnler  Ihe  iiniice  as  the  tirttnf  a 
series  of  measures  for  ii  fnreihie  oeeupatinii  nf  llie 
dispuled  lerrilnry.  We  shall  he  left  entirely  al 
liherly  In  pursue  such  me. isnres  as  we  please, 
pacitic  nr  nihcrwi-e,  afiir  abrni^atin^  the  cnnven- 
tinii. There  is  nnthini;-,  llii'ii-fol'e,  in  this  ohj  •elloli. 
What  reason   is  there  nppnsed  lo  passiiii;  this  ri  s- 

nllllinn.;        Clin    ,iiiv    nlher    nr    liellir    measule    III! 

propnsi  d,  nr  is  il  ill  1-111,(1  i|,,i  wisest  pohiylo  dn 
nolhini;:  Tn  ihose  whn  may  lliiiik  sn,  he  had  a 
wind  lo  say;  he  wished  to  know  how  ihose  who 
look  Ihi-  pnsliinii  expccied  thai  this  Inn:,'  and  per- 
phxiiiu;  I'liiiir.iveisy  was  to  be  hroiiu'hl  In  a  elnse. 
All  must  ailiiiit  the  iiiipnriaiii'c  nt'  ns  heiim;  leriiii- 
iiiiled',  il  had  a  lenilency  In  distiirh  the  iMrinntiy 
nf  ihe   Iwn  cnnnlries.      Dn  ihey   Innk   In  lime  to 

briii^  abniit  an  ndjiist nt.'     A  lid  how  much  lime 

will  he  rei|nii'ed-  The  neiniliatinii  has  heeii  pend- 
ing fnr  nearly  ihirty  years,  and   we  are  nn  nearer 

a  seitlemeni  ihaii  wlie'n  it  enmmei d.    If,  in  ihirtv 

years,  we  have  iieide  nn  pm^ress,  hnw  Iniii,'  will 
It  lake  to  ohtam  a  rei  ou'inlinii  of  nnr  ri:.'hts=  Ihtt 
il  has  heeii  iisked,  wliv  shall  we  abroi,'ale  llie  coii- 
ventinn-     What  shall  we  mini  by  ii-     One  ohjeci 


I 


1846. 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  CONOUESSIONAL  (if,()RK. 


ssa 


^l^rii  CoNii 1st  Scsh. 


Tlw  Orc<ron  (•^million — Mr.  Aiks, 


Sgnatb. 


nii;;lit  l>R  ^':iini'il;  il  luinlit  I'livor  m'>;(illiiliiMl,  mid 
corulncf^  to  JV  Hi'tlli-nii'iit.  TliiHf  we  lind  rtiiNun  hi 
liclji'vr,  wiiK,  III  |iai'l,  llii'  iiiiilui:  III'  lliii  I'li'Miilnil 
III  asking  till'  tlir  uiillioiiiy  (<i  iiiiiiiil  iIk'  Iniiiy;  In- 
lii'lii'Viil  thai  il  wiiiilil  liivor  iiiuniiiitiiiii.  Ami  in  il  ,' 
not  winil  III  Htl-ni^LJIi-ll  llli-  llllll  nl'  lIll:  I'ixri'lllivf, 
mill  nivi!  him  I'Vi  ry  I'mihly  iiiiil  iiihiintiii;!'  In  hriii^' 
lliin  ilispiitf  III  u  rliiNi'r  'I'lii-  I'irHiili-iilf  by  lliu 
('iiiiMtiliitioii,  In  Iimi'Ii.sIiiI  »  nil  ihu  |iiiMi'r  nl' I'liii- 
iliii'liii^'  lii'L:iiiiiiiiiiii.i,iiii(l  iiriiil{iinllii(;iliH|iiiU'.s  »'illi  I 
liii'i'i;^'!!  Powith;  mill  In.'  Ii.ih  iinK'.'iI  I'm-  lhi.4  iiiillmri- 
IVi  RiippoHii);;  il  wiiiilil  hr  till  ailvuiilii:;!'  Ill  lilt-  Ni't- 
lli'iiinilt  111' this  I'liiiiriitiTNy;  mill  liiirHHiiiil  Mr.  N.) 
in  n'Hiillii'ii'iii  riiiNiiii  I'nr  i^iviii:^' il  tn  liim,  iinliss 
there  are  Nlnuii^  iilijerlinii.s  lo  tloiii'^  il.  Itiit  lliei'i- 
m'ti  (illier  iintl  hmiiikI  rensniiH  I'm'  leiiiiiiiiilniif  llie 
eiinveiilioii — I'lNiNniiM,  iiidrpi'iiileni  1)1'  lus  inlliii'in-e, 
I'nvoriilile  III  a  ailtli'iiient  iil'  iIiih  (ii.spiile  liy  iief;iiii- 
ntiiin.  Till'  m'i'mi:;eineiit  wax  iii  ver  a  lieiii'liulal 
line  III  llie  I  iiiiiil  .SiaU'»;  mill  It' it  imt  wax,  il  hiiN 
iH'ii..ii'it  III  lie  Nil  iiiiw.  Ill-  ilisaui'i'i'il  ciUirt'ly  willi 
till-  Seiiiiini-  I'l-iim  .Soiiili  Caioliiia,  (.Mr.  Cai,iiiii-\-,| 
wlin  Kaid  ihiH  I'liiivi-iitiim  liail  lii-eii  iiii|iiirlaiit  In 
iiH!  thai  it  hail  i-.^talilLslieil  mil-  ii^lil.s',  mid  that 
wilhniit  it,  we  nIiduIiI  have  had  to  iitiaiiihin  thtiii, 
iir  ti>  have  NMsiiiiiied  llieiii  liy  I'orce,  Me  did  nut 
iiiidi  I'siaiid  liiiw  this  iiealy  Iiiin  Niislmned  uur 
rii^hlH,  when,  prnl'i-sHedty,  it  had  nnlliiiii^  lo  do 
with  the  riulilH  nt'  the  |iai-lii-H  to  il;  it  h-l'i  those  in 
ulieyani'e;  its  unly  nlijert  was  to  pro\iili-  I'm-  a  tem- 
porary iiMO  of  the  I'liiinlry,  and  lo  prevent  dispiiies 
iiniiiii:,'  those  i-ii;;a;;ed  in  the  I'nr  trade.  And  liow 
liiiil  il  elVei-teil  ihi.s  iihjeii?  Why,  hy 'Iriv III!;  our 
Iraih-r.s  entirely  oni  iil'  that  trade,  as  had  been 
Hhowii  liy  thi^  Senator  iVoin  jMi.sMiniri,  |.\lr.  !!l.v- 
TON,{  mill  Nei-iirini^'  a  ininiopoly  ol'  it  to  ilic  lliiil- 
snn  l!ay  t 'iinipany.  lint  Ihi.s  Irialy  ariaiii;eiiieiit 
had  iilistriii'ieil  ihe  setijeini  nt  ol'  the  c-oiiniry  hy 
our  eitizeiis;  it  was  incoiisiMienl  with  the  seilU-nient 
ol'ihe  eiMinlry;  and,  as  this  was  our  olijiet,  it  he- 
I'aiiie  import. lilt  to  lemiive  the  emiiarrassnieiit 
whii  II  thi.s  treaty  interposed.  lie  regarded  the 
net  ol'  Parliament  of  l«;il,  extendinu'  Piritisli  law.s 
over  the  eiiiiiitry,  so  t'ar  as  ri  speels  her  own  siili- 
ji-i-tH,  II  violation  of  the  spirit  of  tile  eoiivenlioii, 
Tliiil  111  I  had  i-ontrihiiied  to  lliu  settleineiil  of  the 
eoiinlry  liy  IJrilish  siil.jei-ls,  if  il  was  nol  so  in- 
tended. .Villi  till-  I'lejet  .Sound  rniiipaiiy,  with  a 
lari'e  eapilal,  had  luen  ini-orporaled  I'm-  the  ex- 
press pnrpiise  of  eiieoiirui^iiii,'  tin;  setlienn-nt  and 
eiillivallon  of  the  i-iiiliili-y.  Hill  oiir  elli/elis  had 
bei.'ii  disniiiiatjed  frnm  seltlini.;  there,  lieeimse  our 
laws  null  jiirisilieiiuii  did  not  reacli  tlii-iii  for  their 
protei-lioii. 

As  niatiers  now  are,  the  lirilisli  have  every  ail- 
vaiiM^e;  ihey  have  ii  iiioiio|ioly  of  the  fiir-ti-ade, 
and  iiiibii-enieiits  for  seiileineiii.  Let  us,  tin  n,  put 
an  end  to  this  niie(|iial  slate  of  iliinifs.  And  let  us 
see  what  i-ondition  we  sliall  be  in,  when  the  treaty 
uliii-^atioiis  are  di.ssulved.  \Ve  sli.ul  lie  resiured 
lo  the  1-iiiiililitiii  we  were  in  i-i  fore  the  treaty  look 
pll'eei,  ttiid  pill  into  till!  exelusive  possessiim  of  a 
part  of  the  tenitory,  and  po.wess  our  ri^'hts  lo  the 
wlioie,  unfettered  and  unem!>arrassed,  and  be-  at 
iilierty  lo  eiil'uri-e  iliein  as  we  niav  see  lit.  Tiie 
Seiial.ir  from  Cie-n-i^ia,  |.Mr.  lii:ui(iK\,j  is  lui.s- 
laken,  in  supposing'  thai  the  ISriiisli  will  be  in  pus- 
Session  of  two-ihirils  of  the  teiriiory;  .-he  will  not 
have  tlie  eXi'jiisive  pos.session  ol'aiiy  piii-liiiii  of  il. 
The  i-iLiliI  of  possession,  like  the  liil'i-  and  )ui-isilii-- 
lion,  will  be  in  disjinte,  and  thai  party  will  have 
tli^  adv  iinta^e,  w  hn-ll  pnssesses  till;  ;;realesl  faeijliy 
for  selilinj;  the  eininiry;  iiiid  that  w  ill  be  ihe  Uni- 
ted Slates.  We  have  settlenients  niui-li  nearer  lo 
II;  anil  our  eiliy.ens  are  more  hardy  and  adventur- 
ous in  eti'ertiie,^  settlements  in  a  new  i-ounirv  ui  - 
advaiiee  nf  eiuli/almn.  Tin-  ilisrovery  of  the 
Siiiith  I'ass  has  removed  the  inomitain  barrier, 
mid  opened  the  eiiiiin-".'  lo  the  hardy  enterprise  of 
oiir  eili-/,ens,  part  i-iiholy  io  the  threat  valley  of  the  , 
Mississippi.  Sli  luKI  tht-ri-  le  no  adjusinient,  the  1 
si  iiieineiiis  by  b'ih  pariiis  will  be  iitleiidi-d  by 
some  I'liibari-iissm  'ii,  bin  no  f;reaier  on  our  pari 
than  on  thai  of  ti.-'Mt  I'rhaiii.  They  have  ex-; 
tenib-d  their  laws  o>;-  iln-.r  Riibjeeis,  and  we  ean 
i-\iiiid  our  laws  ii\i;r  o.ir  eitizens.  This  will  be 
an  inib.iri-assiin  slate  of  tliiii'.;s — a  double  juris- 
ilii-liun  over  the  same  enuiilry,  but  iioi  esseiiiially 
llill'eienl  from  wliat  il  is  at  pieseiil,  ixeepttlial  llu- 
p.irties  will  be  on  an  ecpialiiy  in  respci-t  to  rii;lits 
mid  pi-oieelion,  and  now  tin-  Ib-ilisii  have  tin- ad- 
vania^re. 


There  was,  in  IiIh  jiKlunii-nt,  no  well-luiinded 
objei-liiiiiH  toiibrou'iiliiii;  tlii-eiinveiition,  iiiid  sliiiii<!; 
reasiiiiM  ill  iiH  favor.  Ibit  it  ipieHliini  has  been 
ruisi  d  as  in  the  foi  in  of  the  iinii,  e;  and  there  iire 
Revri'.il  foriiiN  pi-ii)'-'^eil,  in  the  shape  of  miienil- 
iiiuiils.  .Soiiii;  llllll  spoken  of  u  iiiialilied  and  an 
uliNolnle  iioiiee;  but  there  eiiuld  lie  no  (|uiililicd 
iioliee;  the  noiii  e  runs!  be  sni'll  n  to  termiiiale  the 
Ireatyi  il  miisi  ibi  Unit,  or  it  annaiiils  to  iiotliin:^, 
and  II  i-aii  do  nil  more  lliaii  that.  Ihit  the  iioiiee 
may  be  ai  eoiii|iained  by  a  declaration  res; n  i-tin:; 
iiei;>iiialion,  and  there  were  several  resiiluiiniKi  of 
thill  kind.  Ill  i-iinsiilered  a  Hitnple  iioiiee — anil 
IIH  nearly  in  the  words  of  the  ireaiy  ns  possible — 
as  the  most  proper  and  ili;;iiified;  mid  tin  re  would 
be  nil  propriety  in  i-iimieetin;;  any  resolntioii  m* 
ilei  laiaiioii  of  any  duaeription  w  nil  it,  was  ii  iint 
llllll  ill  the  debate  the  liotii.e  had  been  ri-;,ra;'di  d  by 
Ninne  as  a  hostile  lueasure,  or  us  the  first  in  a  se- 
ries of  measures,  for  the  foreible  oi-iMipalam  of  ihe 
lerrilory.  In  view  of  this,  it  tnii;ht  be  proper,  and 
i-ertiiinly  was  not  objeelioiuiblr,  to  ae-eouipauy  tlie 
noliec  with  11  deelaialioii  that  il  was  not  intended 
lo  forei-lose,  or  in  any  wav  interfere  with,  ii  sellle- 
nieiit  nf  the  i-oiilroversy  by  nei;ntiatinii.  The  re- 
solution rrinii  the  House  mnouiiud  to  no  nioie 
Ibaii  iliis,  and  met  his  approbatioir,  and,  with  his 
present  views,  he  should  vote  I'nr  the  I  Inuse  resn- 
luiinns,  mida^'iiinsl  all  amendments,  in  i-e;,Mrd  In 
the  aineiidnienl  oll'en  d  by  the  Senulnr  from  tieor- 
!;ia,  |.\lr.  (.'iii.iiUi  r-r,|  he  lhou,;;lit  that  went  loo 
far,  and  wa.i  loo  sii/i;i/i(-«(iii;'.  1  le  would  not  ai 
eoinpaiiv  the  resolutiuii  I'nr  iibrnt;aliii!;  the  eoiiven- 
tinn  Willi  minther  resnlntinn,  wliieli  seenied  In  say 
lluit  we  are  afriiid  nf  wlial  we  are  lining'.  Uu 
v/niild  nol  say  In  (.iri-al  I'lritaiii,  we  think  we  have 
a  riu'ht,  mill  llii'ik  il  is  fnr  our  mleresl  Uiaiinnl  the 
ennveiitinii,  bill  me  almost  al'iaid  lo  do  il;  we  hope 
you  will  lint  be  nll'eiided;  we  are  extremely  uux- 
iinis  lo  eoinpi-omise  the  ibspiile  on  almost  any 
terms.  In  ipiiet  ilii;  minds  of  niir  peiiple,  who  w^niild 
be  alarmed  at  the  very  thou-^'lii  nf  war.  'I'ln  re 
was  little  iliu'iiiiy  in  tins  suiiplieaiin:;  tmie,  this  li,;r- 
giiii;  I'nr  a  eonip'roiiiise;  and  he  tlmuijht  llieie  eould 
be  iiolbin;;  gained  bv  it. 

lint  (said  .Mr.  N.)  llie  main  ipieslioii  is,  as  all 
must  iidiuii.  What  |ioliey,  on  nur  part,  is  best  eul- 
eiiL-ited  lo  briiiu'  aboiil  a  s.itisl'aetory  ailjiislineiit  of 
this  loiiL'-slaniiim;  eontrovi  rsy  .=  We  wish  it  set- 
tled; but  on  leriiis  eontaiiiiny:  a  reasonable  reeoi;- 
iiiiion  of  niir  rii;lit.-<.  We  ilill'er  as  to  the  extent 
of  iiiir  ri-lils;  but  all  iiiiisl  a^'i-ee  that  it  is  iiiipor- 
laiitthat  ihe  dispute  be  sealed,  nil  ean  be,  on  tiriiis 
reiisimably  salist'aeiury,  wiiliout  disuirbiii^'  the 
peaec  »(  the  i-onniry.  '  If  we  alirn:;ale  the  treaty, 
there  will  be  iliri-e  w.iys  ill  wliieli  this  dispute  may 
lerininale:  l-'irsl,  by  iienolialioii  and  i  naiprouiise; 
.seeond,  by  one  of  the  iiarta-s  takint;  forcible  pos- 
session ni'  the  disputed  ti-rrilnry;  and  thirdly,  by 
leav  nil;  it  In  time  mid  the  .seilleuieiil  nf  the  eniiniry. 
The  first,  he  reuarileil  as  the  most  lU-sirable,  and 
as  loiij;  as  llieiu  is  any  prospeet  that  oiir  objeel 
eould  be  nblniiieil  ill  tlnit  way,  it  wnuld  seem  In  be 
niir  iriie  pnliey  to  adapt  onr  measures  lo  this  end. 
He  believed  iliat  this  disimle  eould  be  settled  by 
iieiiutialinii,  and  theret'orc  ro;,'ai-iled  it  as  imporlaiit 
that  <'inii:i-ess  and  the  Kxeeutivu  should  o.eiipy  a 
pnsilion  favorable  to  sueli  a  result.  We  shonUI 
stand  where  we  ever  have  slond  in  regard  to  this 
eoiiirnversy.  We  have  finni  the  fust  asserted  a 
liilenr  elaiiii  In  llie  whole  li;rriiory,  but  have  i-eeos- 
iiised  this  i-l.iiin  lo  be  ill  dispute,  and  have  adniil- 
led  that  Ureal  Urilain  may  have  eertain  ri^'hls  m 
the  territory.  This  has  been  our  position.  Sli.ill 
we  adhere  to  il,  or  shall  wu  lake  a  nivv  posiiimi, 
and  nol  only  assert  a  el.iini  lo  the  whole  lerrilory, 
lint  iliiiy  all  ri;;liis  lo  Ureal  Ibiiain,  and  thus  e.x- 
rliide  air  hopes  of  si-tilni;,'  the  dispute  by  mnotia- 
linii.'  He  re!.'ai-ded  it  as  niiwi.--e  and  un.ial'e  In 
assume  such  a  pnsilinii.  He  did  imt  believe  it 
prudent  or  wise  to  insist  on  our  elaiiii  to  its  iitinost 
extent,  attended,  as  all  nnisl  admit  it  lo  be,  with 
some  ibmbtsaiiil  dillienlties.  If  we  insist  on  liav- 
iiii;  the  whole,  we  iiiav  Insi;  all,  besides  ineurriiij; 
the  hazard  of  involviiii,' iheconnlry  ill  war.  Have 
we  any  leasoii  to  siipp.i.se  that  Ureal  Ibilain  will 
vielil  t'o  our  i-laims  In  ibis  extent,  and  rLlnninish 
iier  whole  preti-nsiniisr  It  wmild  be  the  ;;n  .ilisL 
fnlly  to  believe  this.  If  we  insist  oil  a  ehoiii  to  the 
whole  territorv,  we  must  i  xpei  I  lo  defend  it  by 
fi|-i-e;  and  what  ri-lil  have  we  lo  assume  thai  we 
shall  be  siieeessful    in   siirh  an  iiiuinpl  r     As   lie 


liiid  already  said,  he  would  tim  iliM-nss  the  tnean«i 
or  powi-r  nf  Ureal  llrilam  or  of  the  Ifniti-d  .SiateH 
III  siiNlaiii  or  proHneiite  a  war.  Ilnlli  were  pnw- 
erfiil;  mid  whiienuld  fnresee  Ihe  result?  In  iiisist- 
ini;  on  all,  we  may  lose  all,  besides  brin^riiii;  nil  tliH 
enuiilry  the  ealiimities  of  w-iir.  A  moderate  but 
firm  enui.se,  he  thought  the  besl.  He  would  not 
[MinIi  our  i-lauiiH  lo  the  iitinosl  extent,  but  would 
liiaist  nil  II  i-ei-o!;nitiiiii  nf  onr  reasnnable  ri(;htii. 
'i'liis  had  !>■  -II  nur  pnliey  hitliertn,  and  he  saw  no 
reason  to  eliaiine  it.  'I'liere  was  nnl  niily  ha/.iird 
ill  dnliii;  It,  but  lliere  was  dillieully  arising  friiiil 
our  nwn  acm. 

We  have  repeatedly  rccogniiied  certain  rl(rht»  In 
Ureal  IJrilaiu,  mil  have  prnpuHeil  to  cniiiprnmisrt 
the  dispute.  How  ean  wii  iinw  deny  all  rlLjIilH  itl 
her,  and  insist  on  a  elaim  lo  the  whole  territory  ? 
What  reason  i-mi  we  ussiiju  for  this  ilimi!;e  in  niir 
position  .'  I  lave  we  iieipiired  any  new  rii;lilH  siiiee 
the  renewal  of  ihe  eonvriitinii  in  lfJ7)  \y,.  |mj 
aeipiireil  ihe  Spanish  title  previous  tn  tliol  perind. 
Ill  what  w-ay  is  nur  title  Ktreniriliened  or  belier 
now,  than  il  w  as  at  I  at  linn- .'  Can  we  even  nay 
that  we  were  |i.;iioraiiinf  our  just  eliiiniN,  and  linvn 
oblained  new  liuht  in  regard  to  them?  Shall  we 
not  expnse  niir.ie|ves  lo  llie  ehiir.ii  of  aHserliiu;  ii 
more  extensive  elaim  now  than  we  h:\ve  heretofore, 
merely  Ijeeaiise  we  are  more  utile  lo  defend  it? 
I  Shall  we  siill'er  it  tn  be  siippo.sed  that  onr  elaiiiiM 
iiierease  with  the  i;i-iiwiu^  resourees  and  power  of 
the  eoiiiitry?  lie  did  not  eoiiti-nd  that  the  I'liili  of 
the  eountry  was  pledued  lo  an  ailjiislmcnt  on  tliii 
basLsoflhe  fnrly-uinih  de;:ree  (i(  north  laliinile; 
the  prnposilinns  we  have  iiiaib-  were  nll'ered  ill  tin* 
spirit  of  eoinproiuise,  and  did  not  aiuonnt  to  a 
liimiation  of  nur  elaiiiis,  nr  an  adinissiuii  that  we 
had  III!  elaim  heyniid  fni-ty-iii'ie.  What  he  eon- 
tended  w-iis,  that  in  the  nei;ntiaiions  on  the  siibjei-t, 
whilst  assi-rlini;  a  elaim  to  the  whole,  we  li.ive 
eoneeded  that  there  w-as  so  niui'li  doubt  nr  dilli- 
enlly  atlendiii'.;  nur  elaim,  thai  we  had  been  wil- 
lins;  lo  eniii-ede  a  pan  tn  siemi;  the  rei'n;;iiilioii  nf 
I  the  rest.  This  was  the  pusiiinii  we  have  ni-.eii|in  d, 
-  and  III-  ibniiL^^hl  we  eould  ii-  -1  w-iili  propriety  i-hnni^e 
il,  wilhnul  sniiie  irnnd  reasmis  fnr  dnin;;  so.  The 
eharaeier  of  our  Unvermiieiit  and  loinilry  for  a 
ri;speet  for  jiisliee,  and  for  fiiriti  ss  and  nioderalioii 
ill  us  iraiisai;iiiiiis  vviili  ntlier  naiions,  is  of  snine 
inipnrlanee,  and  should  iml  be  li;;litly  ha/.iiriled. 
Il  IS  sniiiid  ]>iilicy  to  maintain  a  po.jition  in  tliia 
eniitroversy  so  ele-irly  just  and  reasonable  as  to 
s  run-  Ihe  approval  of  cither  Powers;  and  ill  ease 
it  shiiiild  uiifirluiMie-ly  result  in  ilisiiirbint,'  lliu 
■  peace  ol"  tin-  tun  enuiitries,  we  iiii;.^ht  tlii-n  ji'stly 
I  e.xpei-l  the  sympathy  il'imt  the  assistain-e  oi'  smiie 
'  nf  ilioiii.  .Shniiid  a  war  foiluvv,  we  must  abide  the 
/  vcrdiet  of  llie  eivilized  world,  and  should  endeavor 
10  secure  the  jjnnil  npiuion  of  iitlier  Powers,  and 
parlicularly  of  onr  uneient  ally,  l-'rauee.  This  ia 
one  reasnii  in  I'avor  of  moileralioii  in  assertiu;;  our 
riijhts.  Bill  a  more  impin-Uinl  one  is,  lo  seeure 
the  approval  of  onr  own  eiiizens,  and  unite  publie, 
'  opinion  in  I'avor  of  onr  nii'.isures,  especially  in  the 
event  of  nur  belli:;  eoinpelled  to  assert  our  riL'hta 
by  force.  The  Blrcii;;lh  of  lliis  i-niinirv  in  war, 
and  the  ehanee.  nf  success  in  the  slrn;;;;le  will  de- 
pend luaiiily  nil  the  harnuiiiy  nf  public  opinion  in 
re'4;i|-d  III  the  liie.isiii-i;,  tllul  ihe  necessit  V  of  it.  If 
I  all  hearts  and  hands  arc  iiuiled,  we  sliiill  beslroni;, 
and  shall  have  reason  m  hope  for  sin-i-ess.  But  if 
'  we  are  plunged  into  war  with  divided  couneiln, 
and  a  divided  public  npinion,  what  shall  we  have 
In  expecl? 

Tin- Senator  finm  lUiiniis,  [Mr.  P.iiKr.sF.,]  hnsns- 
siinicd  thai  in  a  war  fir  the  whole  of  Oregon,  our 
!  whole  people  will  iie  iinited.  He  says,  we  shall 
[  have  no  peace  parly;  althiiui;h  he  admits  a  war 
i  w-nulil  destroy  nur  foreii;ii  li-;ide.  Sir,  I  I'ear  the 
'  Senator  wnnid  lind  himself  mistaken,  dre-ult'iilly 
I  mislakcii,  Sn  ]>eaci-  party  1  Why,  a  peace  p;u-ly 
!  is  already  fnrniini;  in  advance;  who  can  be  so  bliiiil 
I  as  lint  In' see  this-  Willi  has  not  wiliie-ssed  the  ele- 
j  iiieiils  nf  a  pence  party  already  develnped,  and 
[  w  liicli,  ill  due  lime,  wnuld  be  ni-i:-,iiii/.(;il  tlirniiL;Iini]t 
I  the  Union?  And  it  would  not  be  a  peace  party  con  ■ 
'  lined  to  one  siclion,  as  during  the  late  war;  not 
;!  confined  to  the  Xiirtli,  but  exb  iidni','  In  the  Sniilli, 
:  if  nut  nvir  the  whole  U'uinit.  The  strong  elements 
I  nf  this  party  will  be  found  in  the  cnmniercial  inter- 
jest,  which  wnnlil  be  most  seriously  all'ecled.  That 
j  is  an  interest  [leciilimly  sensiiive;  you  cannot  touch 
'  it  williuut  an  e.xciienieiit,  if  not  the  most  delennin- 


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APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Marcli  19, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


!Z%e  Oregon  Que»(ion — Mr.  A»7e». 


Senate. 


ed  opposition  to  your  measures.  It  was  a  great 
and  powerrul  interest,  active  and  efficient,  and 
would  exert  an  influence  ;s;reater  than  any  other, 
according  to  the  numbers  ens^aged  in  it.  It  possess-  < 
ed  a  large  share  of  the  capital  of  the  country,  con- 
trolled a  large  portion  of  the  money  of  the  country, 
and  employed  no  small  amountof  its  labor.  It  is  n 
formidable  and  dangerous  interest,  to  array  against 
the  Government  in  time  of  war;  it  is  naturally  fa- 
vorable to  pence,  and  will  not  acquiesce  in  the  in- 
terruption of  its  pursuits,  except  for  causes  which 
imperiously  demand  it.  It  can  do  much,  as  it  did 
during  the  Inst  war,  to  derange  and  break  down  the 
finances  of  the  Government.  Who  would  wish  to 
sec  re-enacted  the  scenes  which  occurred  during 
the  period  to  which  he  had  referred .'  The  country 
strug.i^ling  with  a  powerful  nation,  and  the  nrin  of 
the  Government  paralyzed  by  the  spirit  of  disiillcc- 
tion  and  faction.'  If  we  are  to  he  nivolved  in  war 
from  this  controversy,  we  must  be  careful  that  we 
do  all  that  could  reosonably  be  expected  to  avoid 
such  a  calamity,  so  as  to  satisfy  all  classes,  and,  ns 
far  as  possible,  the  whole  people,  that  our  Govern- 
ment has  been  reasonable,  and  acted  with  modera- 
tion in  the  assertion  hf  our  rights;  that  it  has  yield- 
ed all  that  it  could  yield,  without  giving  up  the  ac- 
knowledged rights  of  the  country,  and  coinpromit- 
ing  its  honor. 

Mr,  President,  I  have  endeavored  to  point  out 
the  position  which  the  Government  of  the  United 
Slates  has  occupied,  mid  oii^ht  to  continue  to  oc- 
cupy, in  regard  to  this  controversy.  But  it  lins 
been  claimed,  or  assumed,  in  this  debate,  that  the 
President  has  abandoned  this  position,  and  that 
he  now  intends  to  assert  a  claihi  to  the  whole  ter- 
ritory, and  yield  to  no  adjustment  upon  any  other 
basis.  It  was  certainly  a  matter  of  regret  that 
the  position  of  the  Kxccutive,  upon  a  question  so 
important  as  this,  should  be  a  matter  of  doubt, 
and  a  subject  of  dispute  among  his  friends  hc.-e. 
He  had  witnessed  the  disputations  on  this  point 
with  pain ;  and,  for  his  own  part,  he  believed 
there  was  no  just  ground  for  them.  We  can 
know  nothing  sir,  of  the  opinions  or  purposes  of 
the  Executive,  but  from  his  otficial  acts  and  nnin- 
munications.  It  would,  in  his  judgment,  be  ligh- 
ly  improper  for  the  President,  on  n  subject  like 
this,  to  roniniunicato  his  private  opinions  or  inten- 
tions to  any  one;  and  he  did  not  believe  tlint  lie 
had  done  so,  and  f"r  this  opinion  he  had  the 
highest  authority.  The  position  occupied  by  the 
President,  and  what  may  be  his  future  course  in 
relation  to  this  dispute,  cnn  only  be  known  or 
juclijcd  of,  from  his  oriirlal  acts — from  what  he  has 
done,  what  he  has  recommended,  and  the  opinions 
and  purposes  he  hiis  offii'jaliy  explained.  And  if 
we  look  to  this  source,  and  llii.^  alone,  he  thought 
there  ouslit  to  lie  no  L'reat  doulit  on  this  siiliji  rl. 
Has  the  President  expressed  hiinself  with  so  much 
ol).scurity  Ihai  he  iMiiiiot  be  nndcivtooil  ■  Or  is  it 
suppoNid  thai  he  li.ia  inlfnIiMnnlly  conreoled  his 
thoughts  ill  dark  and  anibii^iioiis  lanjunge,  or  liy 
coiiflii-lin;;  and  coiitiailirinry  sialcments?  Vor  his 
pa;l,  he  found  no  (lilliciiliy  in  iinilerstandiiiir  the 
Message,  or  in  leiirniu^  I'ro'm  il  the  President's  po- 
silioii.  AfliT  iriviii;:  a  liisiory  of  prcvi'ius  nt  i;o- 
tiations,  he  informs  us  of  the  'pr''|>osilioii  he  liiid 
offi'ieil  for  the  adjiisiiucnl  of  iliis  tlispiiie,  whieji, 
not  bring  accepted,  was  withilrawii.  liiit  he  docs 
not  inform  us  that  he  has  dmnLricI  his  ground; 
that  he  .shall  hrn-aOei-  dcline  all  negoiialioii,  or, 
what  would  lie  ilu'  same  iliiiiir,  ncgniiale  on  no 
oilier  hauls  ihnii  a  reroL-nilioii  of  mir  riaiiiis  to  the 
whole  territory  in  dispiile.  He  does  not  .say  this; 
imr  diiis  lie  s.iy  anyihiiig  ihiit  can,  by  any  foifed 
ronslrui'lion,  be  turliirrd  Inio  a  iiieaiijnj  that  he 
has  URHiniU'd  any  .mill  popiiimi.  A  remark  of  his 
Beenis  to  have  been  niiHiiiidersiiiod.  He  says  the 
propohition  whiili  had  been  oll'ered  and  not  ac- 
repied  was  willidraw  ii,  "and  oiirlille  to  ihe  whole 
'  lerritory  assirted  and  maiiiiained,  as  Is  lielien  d, 
'  by  irrelVnfiiblc  faiMs  niiil  iiri'iinienls, "  This  is 
not  the  expression  of  any  opinion,  or  of  any  piii- 
pose,  as  to  the  fiiture;  l.,i'l  rrlates  to  what  had  bien 
done.  It  refers  to  the  Inst  lelirr  of  our  Secrelary 
of  .^lale,  whiili  assirts,  anil  allempls  to  mainlaiii, 
our  tllli'  to  the  whole  lenilmy  by  iriefr.iir.ihle  far-is 
Olid  arsrunirnis.  The  only  opinion  he  expresses 
is,  ihal  ilie  oll'ir  iiiiole  by  (ireat  Itrilaln  niiilil  not 
be  accede  ;  to  withnul  a  i'eliiii|iiishnieiil  of  our  just 
rii,'lils  and  the  wji  rilic"  of  the  honor  of  Ihe  nation; 
und  he  also  says  ihal  he  sees  no  reason  to  cx|iecl 


that  any  offer  of  compromise  will  be  made  by 
Great  Britain  which  the  United  States  can  accept 
consistently  with  what  is  due  to  our  rights  and 
honor.  This  may  look  unfavorable  lo  a  settle- 
ment by  negotiation;  yet  it  is  a  very  dilTcrent 
thing  from  saying  that  he  had  changed  His  ground, 
and  should  hereafter  insist  on  our  claims  to  their 
utmost  extent. 

Much  stress  has  heen  placed  on  his  declaration, 
that  he  made  the  offer  of  the  forty-ninth  parallel, 
only  in  deference  to  what  had  heen  ilonc  by  pre- 
ceding Administratioiis;  but  the  declaration  doesnot 
slop  there,  for  he  adds,  "and  especially  in  cousid- 
'  cration  that  propositions  of  compromise  had  been 
■  thrice  made  by  two  preceding  Administrations,  to 
'  adjust  the  question  on  the  parallel  of  forty-nine  dc- 
'  grees. "  It  is  doing  great  injustice  to  the  President , 
to  say,  that  he  made  a  propoaition  which  he  did 
not  approve,  from  mere  deference  to  the  opinions  of 
his  predecessors.  This  is  a  very  different  thing 
from  making  a  proposal  for  adjustment,  in  consid- 
eration of  what  they  had  tlnm;  from  n  regard  to  the 
previous  acts  of  the  Government;  and  theinllncnce 
they  must  necessarily  have  on  the  question.  It 
was  the  acts  of  the  Government,  the  position  it  had 
early  assumed,  and  long  mniniained  in  this  contro- 
versy. If  this  consideration,  in  the  judgment  of 
the  President,  rendered  it  proper  and  right  for  him 
to  propose  for  the  adjustment  of  this  dispute,  the 
same  basis  his  predecessors  had  assumeil,  does  not 
the  same  reason  continue  still,  and  jiossi-ss  the 
same  force  now  that  it  did  when  he  made  the  pro- 
position .'  And  having  renewed  this  offer  himself, 
will  it  not  be  more  difficult  now  for  him  to  insist 
on  a  iTiore  extensive  claim  on  our  part,  than  it 
would  before  he  had  renewed  the  proposition  for- 
merly made  ?  Has  he  not,  ill  a  measure,  tied  up 
his  own  hands?  If  he  had  intended  to  insist  on 
claiming  the  whole  territory,  oiiirht  he  not  to  have 
done  so  at  fust,  and  not  have  weakened  such  claim, 
an;',  embarrassed  himself  by  renewing  the  offer  to 
compromise.'  It  appeared  to  him  that  it  was  now 
too  late  for  the  President  to  put  forward  any  such 
claim;  and  after  what  he  has  done,  he  did  not  sec 
how  he  could  do  it. 

There  is  certainly  nothing  in  the  declnralions  of 
the  President  to  show  that  he  had  rhansred,  or  in- 
tended to  change,  his  position,  or  depart  from  the 
policy  of  his  predecessors,  which  he  seemed  lo  con- 
sider him.self  hound  to  respect.  And  if  we  look  to 
his  nets,  to  what  he  has  done,  or  rectuiimended  to 
I'oniress  '  •  do,  we  find  nothing  there  to  favor  the 
idea  that  b<  has  rhnnged  his  ground,  and  intends 
now  to  insist  upon  our  rights  lo  their  utmost  ex- 
tent, iei;nrdless of  consequemes.  He  recommends 
giving  notice  to  abrornte  the  convention,  the  ex- 
lendin!;the  laws  of  the  United  Stales  over  the  terri- 
tory, in  respect  to  our  own  citizens,  and  to  the 
same  exteiii  that  Great  nrilain  has  extended  her 
laws  over  her  subjects.  He  also  recomineiids  Ihe 
establishment  of  niiiitary  posts  to  encoiinige  nnd 
protect  enii;::rniits  to  the  territory,  nod  the  estab- 
lislimeitl  of  liniian  ai^^encies  west  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  lo  preserve  friendly  relnlions  with  the 
Indian  tribes,  and  the  eslablisiiiiient  of  a  iiinil  lo 
ilic  Orejoii  territory — alt  ol'  which  nieasiires  he 
considers  as  consistent  with  the  treaty,  and  in  no 
way  lending  to  disiiirb  the  pearefiil  relalions  be- 
twiTii  ilie  two  ciiiiniries.  Tlii'ie  are  no  measiiies 
rei'onimemled  Ihat  are  inconsistent  with  nejroiia. 
linn,  or  that  look  to  the  assertion  ot"  onr  rights  by 
force,  or  the  forcible  occupation  of  the  couniry  in 
dis|iiite. 

He  had  endeavored  lo  show  what  was  the  true 
position  of  the  l''.xeciitive,  and  what  onglil,  in  Ins 
jndirment,  t'l  be  the  position  of  Coiiirress  in  reiranl 
to  this  coiiirovirsy.  This  he  deemed  very  inipor- 
innl;  he  consiihred  il  iniporlanl  lo  the  couinry  that 
the  true  position  of  thi^  Kxerniive  and  of  (Aiiigress 
ill  respect  to  this  disi  iite  should  be  known,  that  the 
public  niijrht  be  enaliled  to  form  their  own  opininns 
lis  10  the  |ir<ibalile  issue  of  it.  If  iliey  know  where 
their  (loveMiinent  slaiiils,  llii  y  can  jiid;;i'  of  ihe 
probable  result  as  well  as  we  ran.  'I'hey  can  make 
some  calciilaiionii  as  to  the  |iriispect  of  peaci;  or 
war,  which  is  so  essential  to  ihe  eommerciiil  and 
other  interests  of  the  coiinlry. 

The  Senator  from  .New  .lersey,  |Mr.  Davtiin,] 
not  now  in  his  seat,  rrviewtd  the  nei^niialions 
which  have  talun  place  beiween  the  two  Goveni- 
nienls,  iiiid  seemed,  if  he  iiniierNlooil  him,  to  think 
that  our  own  had  been  in  the  wrong,     lie  heard 


this  with  siirprise,  as  he  had  come  to  a  very  differ- 
ent conclusion;  he  had  supposed  that  our  Govern- 
ment had  heen  reasonable  and  forbearing  in  the 
assertion  of  its  rights,  and  had,  in  every  attempt 
at  negotiation,  shown  a  disposition  to  make  great 
concessions  of  what  we  honestly  believed  to  be 
our  just  claims,  to  effect  an  adjustment  of  this  long 
ond  perplexing  dispute.  AVhat  have  been  our 
propositions  for  the  adjustment  of  this  controver- 
sy, and  what  have  been  tliosii  of  Great  Britain.' 
\Ve  have  proposed  to  divide  the  territory  on  the 
forly-ninlh  parallel  of  north  latitude,  with  some 
privileges  south  of  that  line,  sometimes  greater  and 
sometimes  less,  in  the  different  negotiations.  Great 
Britain  has  offered,  substantially,  to  make  the  Co- 
lumbia river  the  boundary,  and  to  take  all  north 
of  that  river  to  herself.  She  has  offered  us  some- 
thing more  in  a  port  of  the  territory,  by  continu- 
ing ;he  forty-ninth  parallel  to  the  north  branch  of 
the  Columbia,  nnd  following  that  stream  to  the 
Columbia,  and  thence  to  the  Pacific;  and  in  some 
of  her  propositions  has  offered  a  s;rip  north  of  the 
Columbia  on  the  const,  including  Bulfinch's  Har- 
bor, and  to  the  Siinits  of  I''uca.  But,  substantial- 
ly, her  proposition  haa  been  the  Columbia.  When 
ill  Ihe  liilc  negotinlioii  here,  our  Government  re- 
newed the  offer  of  the  forty-ninth  parallel,  with 
some  additionnl  privileges,  but  not  including  the 
navigation  of  the  Colnmbin,  it  was  rejected  the 
same  day  by  the  British  Minister  here,  without 
submilliiig  it  to  the  consideration  of  his  own  Gov- 
ernment. And  this  was  not  all:  in  rejecting  il  the 
British  Minister  adds,  "  that  he  hoped  the  Gov- 
'  eminent  of  the  United  Slates  would  submit  some 
'  other  proposition  more  consistent  with  fairness 
'and  the  rensoiinble  expectations  of  liie  British  Gov- 
' eminent."  Yes,  sir,  the  British  Plenipotentiary 
indulged  the  hope  that  our  Government  would  of- 
fer some  proposition  more  consistent  with  fairness 
and  the  just  expectations  of  the  British  Goveni- 
ment.  Well,  sir,  what  are  the  just  ex|ieitations 
of  the  British  Government.'  \V  iih  a  pretty  fair 
title  to  Ihe  w  hole  of  it,  as  we  think,  we  have  olTer- 
ed  lo  divide  the  territory,  and  give  them  about  one- 
half  in  point  of  extent,  ond  probably  q^ite  one-half 
in  value,  considering  the  privileges  ofiiiland  water 
and  navigation;  and  yet  we  are  told  that  this  prop- 
osition is  deficient  in  "  fairness,'' and  falls  short 
of  the  "just  expectations  of  ihc  British  Govern- 
ment." Well, what  otVer  has  the  British  Govern- 
ment made  ns  nn  evidence  of  its  fairness.'  It  has 
oll'ered  the  Coluniliia  river  as  the  boundary,  taking 
all  north  of  ihnt  river  to  theni.selves.  Thev  pro- 
pose to  lake  more  than  eiuhl  decrees  of  leri..ory, 
and  leave  for  us  about  four  and  n  half;  or  they 
lake  two-thirds,  and  allow  ns  one-lbird.  But  this 
is  not  all;  they  would  have  Vancouver's  Island,  n 
valuable  part  of  ihe  lerritory,  and  the  .sounds,  bays, 
and  .strails,  nioiind  it;  indii'd,  all  the  hnibors  and 
naviiralile  waters  north  of  the  Coluniliia,  nnd  il  is 
admitted,  that  lliere  are  none  south  of  it;  so  says 
Captain  Wilkes,  who  has  surveyed  the  coast.  VVe 
shuiild  have  no  harbor,  nor  iiiivi^-able  wniers  but 
the  (olumbin  river,  nnd  the  British  would  have 
nn  equal  enjoyniinl  of  the  harbor  nt  the  nioiith  of 
Ihnt  river  and  of  ihe  river  itself.  Such  seem  >o  be 
Brilish  ideas  of  "  fairness,"  and  such  the  "  rea- 
sonableexpeelntiuiis  of  ihni  (!iovcrnmciit."  Veiily, 
this  would  be  tnliiii;;  the  lion's  slinie.  But  to  form 
n  jiisi  eslimnle  of  ilie  rensonniileness  nnd  fairness 
of  the  propositions  which  have  been  made  by  the 
two  Gcivernnienls,  il  would  be  necessary  to  look 
to  the  groiiiiils  aiid  extent  of  the  title,  or  clniiiis 
of  enrh.  It  was  not  his  purpose,  ns  he  had  nl- 
ri'nily  staled,  to  examine  the  evidence  or  proofs 
of  the  title  of  either  pnrly,  but  he  would  iiiiike 
a  few  remarks,  as  to  the  natnie  nnd  exient  of 
lliini.  What  is  the  nature  and  extent  of  the 
Brilish  title  or  I'laiio  ?  In  the  dill'erent  negoli- 
iitioiis  she  has  not  been  very  consistent,  either  as 
to  the  nalnre  or  exient  of  her  ri^jhts.  Sometiines 
she  rests  her  claim  on  discovery  and  the  laws  of 
naiiiiiis,  iii(le|ieiiilint  of  the  Niioika  convention;  nt 
others,  il  is  said,  all  her  rii^lil  ire  si'innied  up  and 
setlled  in  ihnt  convention.  She  snys  she  has  eir- 
laiii  richls  in  that  territory  in  common  with  oihers, 
but  does  not  define  lho.se  rights,  nor  at  all  times 
n;;ree  as  lo  the  orii;iii  and  gronnils  on  wlinli  liny 
rest.  She  claims  no  exclusive  riiihts,  no  rights  of 
jnrisdiciion,  over  any  part  of  tlit!  lerritory,  nnd  yet 
she  thinks  il  rensinialile  ilint  she  shoiihl  linve  more 
thuii  iwu-thirda  of  li.     The  strongest  argument  he 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


555 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


7%e  Oregon  Question — Mr.JSiks. 


Senate. 


had  seen  in  support  of  the  British  title,  was  from 
the  Senntor  fiom  Maine,  [Mr.  Evans;]  he  has 
made  a  much  more  able  argunienl,in  support  of 
li  r  ilaimH,  than  her  Minister  hern.  Me  contends 
I'di  she  has  rights  sustained  by  the  laws  of  na- 
iions,  independent  of  the  Noolka  Convention,  and 
of  which  that  was  a  mere  recognition.  This  he 
denied;  he  denied  that  she  had  any  rights  on  the 
northwest  coast,  except  what  may  have  been  de- 
riveil  from  that  convention,  and  the  possession  and 
seltlement  of  the  country  since,  and  m  consequence 
of  that  convention.  What  these  rl;;hls  are,  and 
whether  they  now  exlsl,  is  anoiner  question. 
What  rights  had  Great  I3rit«in  prcv  ions  to  that 
convention?  She  claims  no  exclusive  righ.slo  any 
part  of  that  coast,  but  says  she  had  certaii.  rights 
in  common  with  others.  What  were  thes.  rights, 
and  Oil  what  grounds  did  they  rest.'  She  Wis  some- 
times made  a  I'ceble  attempt  to  support  he  .assumed 
rights,  on  the  ground  of  discovery  an  .  explora- 
tion; but  seems  f:nally  to  have  ubandoneu  that 
argument,  as  untenable,  as  it  clearly  is;  and  now 
Hhe_seenis  to  assume  the  position  thot  the  north- 
west coast  was  an  open  country,  and  free  to  be 
used  for  the  purposes  of  navigation  and  trading  by 
any  nati<ni,  or  at  least  by  her.  She  denied  that 
Spain  had  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  that  coast, 
and  this  appears  to  be  .be  only  foundation  of  the 
rights  she  set  uj)  for  herself.  With  the  denial  to 
Spain  of  exclusive  jurisdiction,  she  asserts  certain 
rights  in  herself,  in  connnon  with  others,  regard- 
ing it  as  an  open  orunap|iroprialed  country,  which 
any  nation  might  use.  And  in  this  view  of  it  she 
asserts  that  she  had  rights  by  national  law.  Now, 
he  should  like  to  know  on  what  prini-iplcs  of  pub- 
lic l\w  such  rights  as  these  were  recognised  or  jus- 
tified ?  Is  it  so  that,  by  international  law,  a  coun- 
try can  remain  open  and  free  to  the  use  of  all 
nations,  like  the  ocean.'  He  knew  of  no  such 
principle,  and  was  sure  there  was  no  such  princi- 
ple. It  was  entirely  inconsistent  with  all  the  prin- 
ciples of  national  law,  respecting  the  acquisition  of 
rights  in  a  new  or  unsettled  country.  Spain  first 
discovered  that  coast,  and  she  either  acquired  cer- 
tain rights  by  her  discoveries,  or  she  did  not.  If 
hIic  did,  these  rights  were  exclusive,  and  neither 
Great  l^ritain  nor  any  other  nation  could  acquire 
the  sivme rights, unless Spaiii  should  have  forfeited 
or  hwttbe  rights  she  had  so  acquired.  The  rights 
of  Spain  may  not  have  been  complete;  she  may 
noi  have  acciuircd  a  perfect  title  or  jurisdiction  to 
the  country;  but  if  slic  had  acquired  rights  there, 
which  might, by  posscHMlon  and  sctllenient,  beren- 
<ler(rd  perfect,  aial  give  her  exclusive  jurisdiction, 
then  neitherGrcat  Britain  norany  othc  nation  could 
lawfully  nitcrl'crc  with  her  risrhts  and  prevent  her 
froit)  consiuumating  her  title.  Whatever  rights 
•Spaiii  bad  were  exclusive;  she  claimed  nothing  in 
coniiniiii  with  other  nations.  Did  Spain  acquire 
no  rights  by  being  the  first  discoverer  ?  If  any, 
what  were  those  rights  r  Did  she  not  acquire  an 
imperfect  title,  or  the  right  to  possess  and  settle 
the  country,  and  thus  secure  a  complete  jurisdic- 
tion over  it.'  Whatever  rights  she  had,  they  were 
exclusive;  and  although  her  rights  may  not  have 
ainountrd  to  a  comph'te  title,  yet,  if  they  secured 
to  her  the  privilege  of  making  th  m  complete  by 
piississiiiii  and  scitlcnienl,  then  li.e  interference  of 
Gnat  l'>ri(ain  wn.s  nianil'estly  iinlawt'ul,  and  a  vio- 
lation of  the  righis  of  Spain,  because  it  prevented 
her  iVom  |"rfccliiig  her  title.  If  Spain  acquired 
.iiyihiiii:  at  all  by  discovery,  she  acquired  a  right 

>  perfect  a  title;  but  this  right  Great  Ih'iiain  defeat- 
ed, by  forcing  Spain  to  yield  to  hcrccrtaiu  righis  in 
the  c'nuiitry  iucoiisisteiit  with  the  right  of  Sjiain 
ever  to  acquire  an  exclu.sive  title. 

There  can  be  no  mistake  ill  this  reasoning,  unless 
Spain  lost  the  rights  she  acquired  by  discovery,  by 
lapse  of  Inui:  anil  neglect  to  possess  and  sellle  the 
country.  This  she  niiirht  have  dime;  but  what  are 
the  facts?  The  soiillicrn  part  of  the  northwest 
coast  was  discoviTcd  and  explored  by  Spain  at  an 
early  period;  but  that  part  now  in  dispute,  in- iiear- 
ly  all  of  it,  was  imi  di.-iicnered  and  explored  by  her 
linlil  1774  and  177.''>,  only  lil'ieeii  years  before  the 
treaty  of  I71H).  This  period  is  so  short  it  cannot 
be  I'liiileiali'd  that  Spain  losl  any  rights  she  ac- 
(|uirecl  by  discovery,  by  neglect  to  settle  the  coun- 
try. She  must  lia\e  a  reasiniable  time,  and  certain- 
ly fifteen  years  I'oiild  not  bi'  an  iinri  asonabli'  one. 
'I'o  have  lost  her  rights  by  neglect,  there  must  have 
been  such  delay  or  lapse  of  time  in  Bctlling  the 


country  as  to  have  afforded  evidence  to  the  world  i 
that  she  had  abandoned  her  rights  of  discovery, 
and  did  not  intend  to  settle  the  country  and  extend 
her  jurisdiction  over  it.    But  instead  of  this  she  I 
had  constantly  asserted  her  claim  and  jurisdictif.n 
over  it.  | 

Sir,  the  fact  is,  the  convention  of  Nootka  Sound  j 
was  extorted  by  Great  Briuiin  from  the  weakness  1 
of  Spain.  Her  only  right  was  the  seventy  ships 
of  the  line  which  were  fitted  up  and  prepared  for  ; 
war  by  Mr.  Pitt,  who  applied  to  Parliament  for  a 
grant  of  fifteen  millions  for  that  jiurpose.  Great 
I3rilain  was  the  agpessor  in  that  transaction,  and 
she  has  never  hail  any  righis  on  the  nortliwesl 
coast  except  what  r'.c  acquired  by  the  Nootka  con- 
vention, and  that  was  extorted  from  Spain  by  the  j 
threat  of  war.  Whether  thot  convention  wos  now  1 
in  force,  or  had  been  abrogated,  was  o  question  he  < 
did  not  propose  to  examine.  Nor  would  he  in- 
quire into  the  extent  of  those  rights;  they  certainly 
were  not  the  righis  of  exclusive  jurisdiction  to  the 
whole  or  any  part  of  the  territory.  But  whatever 
they  may  be,  they  are  all  the  riglits  she  ever  pos- 
sessed, and  whether  these  continue  now,  is,  to  say 
the  least,  doubtful.  She  can  have  no  other  rights, 
unless  she  has  acipiired  them  by  pos.session  and 
occupation  of  the  country  since;  but  that  conven- 
tion did  not  admit  of  either  party  acquiring  righis 
in  that  way.  Perhaps  the  strongest  view  of  the 
British  claim  was,  that  she  was  in  possession  and 
occupation  of  a  portion  of  the  lerriUiry ,  and  assert- 
ing rigliLs  there  when  we  acquired  the  Spanish 
title.  Whether  rightfully  or  not,  she  was  there, 
and  asserliiig  o  right  to  be  there,  when  the  Span- 
ish title  came  into  our  possession;  and  it  could 
not  be  denied  that  we  had  in  some  measure  ac- 
quiesced in  her  assertion  of  rights.  She  was  in 
possession  there,  and  is  still  in  possession,  and  if 
not  a  rightful  possession  it  was  a  sort  of  tide — 
the  lowest  grade  of  title.  He  thought,  abstracted- 
ly considered,  the  Spanish  title  was  good  to  the 
whole  terriuu-y  in  dispute;  he  thought  the  Senator 
from  New  York  [Mr.  UixJ  had  shown  this  by  his 
very  clear  exposition  of  the  discoveries  and  settle- 
ments upon  that  coast.  The  Senator  from  New 
Jersey  [Air.  Dayton]  seems  not  to  think  so;  he 
said  we  must  all  have  seen  the  weak  point  in  the 
Senator's  argument;  the  point  where  the  Spainsh 
title  seemed  to  fail.  He  sujiposcd  the  Senator  al- 
luded to  the  most  northerly  Spanish  settlement  at 
Noolka  Sound.  But  why  should  the  righis  of 
Spain  end  there?  She  had  discovered  and  ex- 
plored the  coast  to  north  of  611°.  Could  she  have 
no  righis  nmth  of  her  most  northerly  settlement? 
Did  not  the  discovery  of  the  coast,  with  settlements 
at  certain  points  iqion  it,  give  some  right  to  the 
whole  coast?  But  he  did  not  assert  the  right  of 
Spain  from  selllcnients,  but  from  discovery  which 
gives  an  ini^hoate  or  iinpcrl'ect  right,  which  may 
be  made  perfect  by  being  followed  up  by  settle- 
ment. 

Sir,  in  any  view  which  can  be  taken  of  the  Brit-  ! 
ish  title,  it  rests  on  a  doubtful  and  frail  foundation, 
and  is  limited  in   its  niiture  and  extent.     It  does 
not  ri.se  to  the  importance  or  dignity  of  eniinent 
domain  or  exclusive  juri.sdictioii. 

How  Miuch  stronger  and  more  substantial  is  the 
title  of  the  United  Slates,  and  how  diftcrcnt  in  its 
nature  and  extent!  Wc  have  tli(>  Spanish  title  to 
the  whole  territory:  and  to  the  49th  parallel,  we 
have  the  rights  ot  discovery,  exploration  and  sct- 
llenient, giving  us  a  complete  title  as  against  Great 
Lirilaiii,  and  good  against  ih"  whole  world  since 
we  have  acquired  the  .SpanisI,  'tie.  In  addition  to 
this,  we  have  the  title  of  France,  acquired  by  the 
cessi<iii  of  Louisiana  in  l.HD.'i,  which  secured  to  us 
the  advantages  of  the  tenth  article  of  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht,  which  provhled  for  establishing  a  line  or 
boundary  between  the  Fri'iicli  and  British  posses- 
sions ill  America.  Under  that  article  the  forty- 
ninth  parallel  is  supposed  to  have  been  established 
as  the  boundary  between  the  possc.ssions  of  the 
two  countries,  extending  west  indcfiuitely.  Nor 
docs  it  seem  to  be  material  whether  the  line  was 
actually  run  or  not,  if  it  was  established  by  coni- 
nii.ssioncrs. 

In  addition  to  all  this,  we  have  the  right  pertain- 
ing to  contiguity.  The  United  States  bound  on 
this  part  of  the  territory  in  dispute;  and  in  the  ab- 
sence of  any  well-eatablislieil  title  ill  any  other 
Power,  this  gives  us  o  claim  to  the  territory,  as 
being  convenient  to  us.  and  more  important  to  us  , 


than  to  any  other  nation.  This  is  not  a  claim 
ii(.'ninst  a  valid  title,  but,  like  the  right  of  disco- 
very, it  is  a  ground  of  claim — it  is  a  reason  why 
we  shall  have  the  territory  in  preference  to  ony 
other  nation.  And  is  there  not  force  in  this  reason? 
Is  not  this  country  imporiant  to  us,  more  than  to 
Great  Britain,  or  any  other  Power — at  least  to  the 
present  northern  boundary  of  the  United  States  ? 
Is  it  not  important  that  our  posscssiops  should  ex- 
tend across  the  continent  from  ocean  to  oc^an  ? 
And  is  it  not  also  important  that  a  foreign  Power 
should  not  establish  itself  on  our  border  on  the 
Pacific,  and  cut  us  olf  from  that  ocean,  and  de- 
prive us  from  all  access  to  it  ?  Would  not  this  add 
to  the  exposure  of  our  western  and  northern  fron- 
tiers in  case  of  war  ? 

Ill  questions  of  this  kind  in  relation  to  disputed 
territory,  where  no  nation  has  an  undisputed  title, 
but  two  or  more  may  have  claims  or  imperfect 
titles,  their  respective  claims  are  not  to  be  aujusteil 
solely  with  reference  to  their  respective  pretensions, 
or  a.ssertion  of  rights,  but  in  part  by  considerations 
of  their  wants,  necessities,  and  conveniences.  Re- 
gard should  be  had  to  the  relation  in  which  they 
stand  to  the  disputed  tcrriUiry,  and  its  importance 
for  security,  defence,  or  occupation.  A  territory 
niay  be  very  desirable  to  one  country,  and  of  little 
importance  to  another.  And  how  do  the  purties 
stand  in  relation  to  this  disputed  territory?  It  ad- 
joins us;  it  is  a  part  of  this  continent — a  part  of  our 
country;  the  discovery  of  the  South  Pass,  anil 
others,  hos  removed  the  barrier  which  the  Rocky 
Mountains  were  supposed  to  interpose,  and  opened 
our  country  to  the  Pacific,  which  has  become  its 
natural  unuiidary  on  the  west.  A  great  country, 
such  as  the  United  Slates  is  destined  to  be,  can 
have  no  other  natural  limits  than  from  sea  to  sea — 
from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.  And,  in  regard 
to  Great  Britain,  she  is  twenty  ihousand  miles 
from  the  northwest  coast;  her  possessions  in  Amer- 
ica, it  is  true,  border  on  a  part  of  this  disputed  ter- 
ritory; but  contiguity  to  a  remote  colony  is  a  dif- 
ferent thing  from  eontiguiiy  to  the  home  posses- 
sions of  luiy  country.  To  want  a  territory  for 
distant  colonization  is  very  different  from  wanting 
it  for  the  natural  extension  and  enlargement  of  a 
country  adjoining  it.  These  views  are  not  only 
founded  injustice  and  common  sense,  but  are  re- 
cognised and  .sanctioned  by  the  laws  of  nations. 

Mr.  President,  what  must  bo  thought  of  the 
propositions  of  the  two  Governments  for  the  ad- 
justment of  litis  dispute,  when  viewed  in  connex- 
ion with  the  nature  and  extent  of  their  respective 
claims?  Our  title  to  more  than  lialf  of  the  disputed 
territory  seems  almost  unquestionable;  besides 
which,  we  have  the  Spanish  title,  covering  the 
whole  of  it,  which  is  abstractly  a  fair  title.  And 
Great  Britain  has  at  best  but  a  defective  and  dis- 
puted title  to  a  )iart  of  the  country.  And,  from 
proximity  aid  position,  our  claims  are  much 
stronger  than  hers.  Yet,  under  these  circumstan- 
ces, she  claims  two-thirds  of  it,  and  nearly  all  the 
privileges  of  navigation.  And  when  we  oiler  to 
make  about  an  equal  division  of  it,  yielding  all  but 
the  valley  of  the  Columbia,  to  which  our  title  se'.'iiiu 
clear  and  almost  beyond  dispute,  she  rejects  the 
offer,  and  expres.ses  the  hope  that  wc  may  mak:.' 
a  proposition  more  consistent  with  fairness  ni'd 
the  just  expeitations  of  ibe  Briti.sh  Govenmieii, 
Which  party,  in  this  ]>iotracted  iiegniiaiion,  has 
shown  the  most  nioderalioii  and  fairiie:<s?  Which 
has  shown  the  most  readiness  to  coin^ede,  and  not 
to  press  its  claims  to  their  full  extent r  Let  the 
world  decide.  And  have  wc  not  made  siilHcicnl 
concessions?  Can  we  yiel.l  more,  coiisisteiitly 
with  a  just  anil  proper  regard  to  our  rights  and  thu 
honor  of  the  nation?  Must  we  not  make  a  stand 
somewhere,  beyond  which  we  cjinnot  yield?  lie 
certainly  thought  so.  This  was  not  a  mere  ques- 
tion of  property,  as  soiiie  seemed  to  regard  it.  The 
national  honor  certainly  was  involved  in  this  con- 
troversy; not  ill  the  nsscrtion  of  our  rights  to  the 
whole  terriuiry,  for  we  have  in  all  past  negotiations 
ackiiowleilged  Great  llritain  to  have  certain  rights; 
not  in  going  to  any  particular  parallel  of  latitude; 
but  in  obtaining  a  just  and  reasunalile  ailjustiiienl; 
an  honest  and  just  recoi^nitioii  ol'our  riirlits;  a  fair 
and  equitable  division  of  the  territory,  if  the  ad  jusl'v 
nient  is  on  that  basis.  This  is  not  a  (piestion  of 
war  or  compromise,  but  a  qiiesiion  of  reasonable 
and  equitable  adjiistinent,  or  the  assertion  of  our 
righis  by  force,  should  it  become  nece«isary.  How- 


556 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAF.  GLOBE. 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Chalmers. 


[March  24, 
Srnate. 


ever  wc  mny  value  pence,  we  car.not  yield  evcry- 
tliing  for  !.o  high  nn  object.  He  agreed  wilh  the 
Sennlnr  from  Kentucky,  [Mr.  Crittenden,]  thai 
the  interests  of  jieacc  were  the  first  und  higlusi  in- 
terests of  a  nation;  liut  high  and  dear  as  tliey  are, 
they  cannot  be  niaininincd  by  a  sacrifice  of  essen- 
tial rights,  or  coinproinising  the  lionor  of  the  coini- 
try.  This  negotiation  is  ni  the  bauds  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive; the  Constitution  has  placed  it  there;  but  it 
is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  sustaui  him  in  asserting 
and  maintaining  the  jnsl  rights  of  the  Republic. 
Let  us  not  weaken  his  hands,  but  strengthen  them. 
Let  us  not  undermine  his  position,  or  attempt  to 
force  him  to  assmnc  a  new  one;  but  endeavor  to 
strengthen  and  fortify  the  position  he  has  taken. 
Ml  want  this  controversy  settled  ;  but  it  can  only 
be  settled  by  n  fair  and  equitable  adjustment,  h 
is  the  part  of  wisdrm  to  avoid  the  extremes  of 
pushing  our  claims  too  far,  or  of  showing  a  dispo- 
sition to  yield  too  much.  We  must  take  a  position 
which  is  clearly  just  and  reasonable,  and  stand  firm 
and  steadfast  upon  it,  regardless  of  consequences, 
and  at  every  harard. 

If  peace  is  t'  ir  to  us,  it  should  not  be  less  dear 
to  Great  Britai.i.  And  are  we  alone  to  be  railed  on 
to  make  concessions  to  preserve  the  peace  (»f  the 
two  eonnlries r  Is  Kiigland  to  yield  nothing?  Is 
she  to  have  all  she  desires,  and  more  than  she  has 
even  a  pretended  title  to?  If  concessions  arc  to  be 
made  for  peace,  should  they  not  be  mutual  ?  Should 
not  Great  I'ritain  yield  something  of  her  preten- 
sion.?? With  the  stronger  and  better  title  on  our 
part,  does  she  expect  we  shall  yield  all,  come  to 
her  terms,  and  give  her  all  she  has  the  assurance 
to  ask  ?  This  cannot  be;  peace  cftunot  l>e  preserved 
in  this  way.  He  would  not  say  whether  ICngland 
d.xred  to  go  into  a  war  sin:;lc-handcd  for  the  whole 
or  a  part  of  Oregon;  but  he  would  say  thi;t  she 
dare  not  hazard  a  wir  on  the  extreme  claim  she 
has  set  up  to  this  territory.  She  dare  not  take  the 
rcsjionsibilily  of  a  war  on  i\  claim  so  unreasonable 
and  extravagant.  She  dare  not  enconnler  the  jndg- 
meul  of  the  civili/.cd  world;  and  if  wc  stand  firm, 
not  increasing  our  demands,  nor  evincini:a  dispo- 
sition to  yielil  more,  he  had  no  doubt  that  I'.ngland 
would  give  way,  and  that  the  honor  of  the  two 
countries  would  be  iiiaintained. 

There  was  another  consideration  he  wished  to 
notice.  What  we  may  do  is  scairely  more  impor- 
tant than  the  manner  in  which  it  may  be  done. 
Uiiaiiiniity  in  our  action  is  nearly  as  important  as 
what  our  ai'tion  niaj'  he.  Congress  sho;ild  prcseiit 
a  united  and  iiold  fi'ont  in  scistainins  the  Rxccniive 
Hi  the  assertion  of  our  riirhls.  When  (he  resolu- 
tions (if  his  t'iieiid  from  Michigan  (.Mr.  C'a^s]  were 
under  consiilci-ation,  in  the  few  remarks  he  made 
upon  them,  he  tonk  ocea.sion  to  urge  the  iiupor- 
tanie  of  uiianimily  on  a  qui.slion  cininected  with 
our  Cireigii  relaiions;  anil  alihou'jh  he  did  not  at- 
trii>iiie  tlie  result  at  nil  to  anythiiig  he  said,  he 
rejoiced,  as  he  pii  snnicd  every  Senator  iliil,  that 
the  vote  was  unaiiimons.  The  siune  unanimity 
cinilil  no!  be  expected  on  this  question;  yet  he 
booed  that  we  sliould  have  a  united  and  sli'ong 
vote  in  favor  of  the  notice,  in  some  form,  and  he 
was  not  very  anxious  in  what  form  it  should  be 
passed. 

The  S'enator  from  New  Jersey  [Mr.  IVwton] 
reiipiii-keil,  thai  tlieie  sfcnied  to  be  a  deteriiiiiiation 
on  liiis  side  ijf  the  c-li,iniiier  to  laki'  an  exlivine  jin- 
mtinn  b(  vond  what  cnnld  bi-  assumed  on  the  other 
Hiili';  iliiu  if  they  adviinceil,  we  took  a  position  still 
in  iiihanci'  ot'  lln-m,  nini  lli;U  it  seiMiieii  we  were  dis- 
posed to  drive  them  to  the  wall.  He  hardly  kniiw 
\\  hat  the  .Senator  iticant  by  dtiving  them  to  the 
wall,  unless  it  was  on  di'iving  them  beyond  the  line 
which  separateil  .Viiiri-ican  fi-om  Ihitlsh  iiiti  rests, 
aiid  foicing  them  on  to  ilie  llrilish  siile  of  llnit  line. 
If  this  was  his  mianiii?,  he  (Mr.  >i.)  bi'lic:ved  he 
was  entirely  inistakeii;  lie  certainly  was,  so  fir  as 
he  was  conierncil,  and  so  tar  as  he  knew  the  I'el- 
ingiiii  this  side  of  the  hall.  Instead  of  wishing'  to 
drive  theni  ovei-  thai  line,  he  had  at  linies  lieeii 
almost  afraid  thai  ilii  y  iiii<ihl,  without  such  ile- 
sign,  reasrui  iheiiisidves  on  the  Wi'ong  side  cif  the 
line:  and  had  it  been  in  his  power,  he  wonlil  liiivc 
eliei  ki  il  their  ad \ mice,  insinid  of  pnsliiim  tliem  on. 
lie  hall  no  disire  thai  ihis  i|iiesiioii  slmnlil  be  used 
forpojiiii'al  purposes.  It  was  aiiove  being  used 
for  any  such  olije.  t. 

*>n  the  stibjeet  of  the  arrpiisitioii  ofterrilorv,  he 
wa.i  by  no  means  disposed  lo  excite  or  enconr.u.'e 


a  restive  spirit  of  nnliunni  aggrandizement;  nor  did  I 
,  he  think  it  neees  iry  to  prescribe  limits  to  the  Re- 
public. On  political  grounds,  he  had  no  fears  from 
the  mere  extension  of  the  Confederacy;  it  would  be 
rather  strengthened  than  weakened  by  that  cause. 
But  our  true  policy  (he  thought)  was  that  which 
1  had  prevailed  from  the  origin  of  our  Government — 
I  not  to  seek  acquisition  or  show  any  anxiety  on  the 
subject;  but,  as  opportunities  mightnccur  of  miding 
adjoining  territory,  by  peaceful  means,  to  avail  oui'- 
sclves  of  them,  when  deemed  for  mir  advantage.  It 
was  in  this  way  we  hi\d  acquired  Louisiana,  Flor- 
ida, and  Texas;  and  by  the  same  policy  he  thought 
we  could  acquire  Oregon,  or  such  portion  of  it  as 
would  answer  all  essential  and  important  purposes 
we  could  have  in  view.  He  thought,  in  the  iiciini- 
sition  of  leiTitory,  we  were  doing  pretty  well.  We 
Inst  yciir  acquired  Texas: — a  territory  said  to  be  suf- 
ficient for  five  or  six  States;  and  if  we  were  to  ob- 
tain Oi-Cffon  10  49°  only  this  year,  a  territory  larire 
enough  f\ir  nn  equal  number  of  Slates,  oil  the  Pa- 
cific, he  thought  it  would  be  doing  tolerably  well 
for  two  consecutive  years.  For  his  pan,  he  should 
be  quite  satisfied  and  cimtcnt  wilh  an  advance  at 
this  rate.  Besides,  we  have  perhaps  increased  the 
facilities  of  enlai-iring  our  possessions,  or  overcome 
what  may  have  been  resaided  as  an  obstacle  in  the 
way  of  it.  He  was  about  to  say  what  he  never  had 
said,  and  perhaps  ought  not  to  say.  [.Mr.  Br.>JTo.\. 
Let  us  licar  it.]  It  was,  that  in  the  acquisition  of 
Texas,  as  well  as  of  Louisiana,  we  h:id  perhaps 
stretched  the  Cmistitiition  a  liltle.  He  had  always 
believed  that  there  was  gi-cat  difficulty  in  accom- 
plishing that  object,  either  by  ticaly  or  in  the  form 
of  admission  as  a  State.  The  latter  he  regarded  as 
most  free  from  diflicidty;  but  annexation,  if  not  in 
theory,  was  at  least  in  practice,  n  new  principle; 
and  it  was  certainly  a  very  comprehensive  one,  if 
it  is  to  have  that  scope  which  was  given  to  it  by 
two  of  the  most  dislinguished  advocate.-i  of  the 
measure  on  this  side  of  the  chamber,  now  no  longer 
here.  In  sayini  this,  he  must  except  his  friend 
fi-om  Missouri,  [Mr.  Bentov,!  whom  he  held  lobe 
first  of  Americiiii  statesmen.  The  pi-inciple  of  an- 
nexation, as  defended  and  sustained  by  the  gentle- 
.  men  alluded  lo,  was  extremely  broad;  Indeed  with- 
out limitation.  It  would  take  into  our  Confedeiacy 
England,  China,  and  the  whole  world.  Such  was 
not  his  constriictimi  of  that  arlicle  of  the  Conslilu- 
*ion;  it  was  too  loose  and  latitinlinarlaii  for  liiiu. 
Bill  with  any  lestriction  that  can  be  i;iveii  to  it,  an- 
nexation was  a  broad  and  coniprchensi\ c  princij>le; 
it  would  admit  of  any  convenient  extension  ofi.;!' 
Coiifeileracy.  The  acquisition  ofTeXiislic  n  gaidt  .1 
as  an  important  objeet,  anil  with  difficulty  bi-oiiL'l' 
liis  mind  to  vote  for  it;  and  that  adilition  todiirfaiiii- 
ly  of  Stales,  he  sincci-ely  hoped,  would  not  prove  to 
have  lieen  accomplished  by  a  Cicsariaii  operation. 
Thecxtcni  iif  the  principle  all  must  adniil,  but  its  In- 
fliienee  on  our  sv'Sicm,  whither  safe  or ilaimeious, 
time  only  eould  determine.  He  Imped  it  iiightnot 
have  the  etfcct  of  some  of  the  imiovations  upon 
the  iiisiitiitlnns  of  ancient  Uoine,  as  that  iif  confer- 
ring OM  the  people  of  tlie  neighboring  citie.s  of  Italy, 
th(^  same  privilcijes  as  were  i-njoyed  by  the  clii/.eiis 
of  Home.  Biit  annexation  was  a  coiivcineni  and 
eiricieiil  luinciple  for  extending  the  limiis  of  the 
Hepiililic;  ii  might  be  applied  to  Mexico  and  the 
whole  contiicnl.  Mexico  was  falling  lo  pieces; 
the  norlliern  provinces  niighl  seek  the  .security  and 
protcciiiin  of  our  Union,  and  apply  for  admission. 
.Vlrcaily  has  Vucalan  seemed  disposed  to  apply  for 
ndmissiiiii  into  our  Confcih  i-acy,  and  lo  seek  the 
proti'ction  of  tlie  United  Stales  asaiiisl  Mexican 
niisriile  and  oppression.  .She  is  a  litilc  too  remote 
for  our  purposes;  but  Caiifoni'',  wl  ieli  had  a  more 
fjivorable  pnsilion,  .seemed  .liieacly  to  be  niviled  by 
some  ofiinr  I'iti/.ens.  The  example  of  Texas  may 
have  a  iiiore  extensive  iiilliience  than  any  one  is 
nv  aware  of,  oil  the  wnole,  or  at  least  all  the 


more  ancient,  but  more  dangerous,  that  of  con- 
quest. 

I      That  was  one  objection  he  had  to  settling  our 

[  claims  to  Oregon  by  force;  as  that  might  have,  at 

i  least,  the  appearance  of  conquest.     We  n.ssert  a 

;  right  to  it,  but  history  |)roves,  that  all  cases  of 

'  conquest  have  been  accomjtaiiied  by  the  assertion 

of  a  right  of  some  sort.     He  honed  never  to  see 

territory  added  to  our  Republic  by  conquest  or 

force. 

Sir,  the  foreign  relations  of  our  country  are  ns- 
'  suining  a  new,  and,  perhaps,  somewhat  critical 
aspect.  In  oiir  dilficulties  with  foicign  Powers, 
heretofore,  we  have  been  regarded  as  a  young  and 
comparatively  feeble  nation,  which  has  secured  to 
us  tlie  sympathies,  and,  in  one  instance,  the  aid, 
■  and  eo.jperation  of  other  i'owers.  They  had  faith 
in  our  justice,  and  the  moderation  of  onr  demands. 
Now,  our  condition  is  changed;  we  are  regariled 
as  one  of  the  great  Powers  of  the  earlh;  and  al- 
though possessing  an  extent  cf  territory  enjoyed 
by  few  nations  in  ancient  or  modern  times,  we  are 
suspecied,  yes,  a-  ciised  of  coveting  mort?,  and  of 
,  being  innuenced  by  a  spirit  of  territorial  aggrnn- 
dizemcnl.  And  can  it  be  said,  that  we  have  given 
no  occasion  to  this  imputation?  He  did  not  al- 
lude to  Oregon.  But  do  we  not  hear  snggestiona 
about  acquiring  California,  and  even  Cuba,  during 
the  very  time  that  we  were  adopting  me:isiires  to 
secure 'i'exas  and  Oregon?  A  spirit  of  jealousy  is 
rising  up  against  us,  and  it  behooves  ns  lo  act  with 
Kouie  ciiiition.as  well  as  moderation,  firmness,  and 
steadiness  in  our  policy.  We  should  appreciate 
the  true  and  eeriain  dcsiiiiy  of  onr  country;  its 
certain  greatness;  in  extent,  iu  population,  in  phys- 
ical resources,  in  the  energy  of  onr  people,  the 
I  otl'spring  of  tVce  institutions,  and  in  .all  the  cle- 
'  ments  of  nalional  power.  What  occasion  have  we 
to  feel  any  solicilude  about  the  aci|nisitioii  of  more 
territory?  With  natural  resources  superior  lo  any 
other  nation,  and  enjoying  n  prosperity  Kur(iassing 
all  others,  all  that  can  be  wanting  is,  a  continu- 
ance of  ]ieace  to  enable  us  soon  to  reiich  that  c!e- 
valeil  rank  in  the  scale  of  nations,  that  greatness 
!  which  is  our  ultimate  desiiny. 

But  while  this  controversy  remains  unsettled,  a 
cloud  must  hangover  onr  country,  which  all  must 
desire  to  see  removed,  and  which  had  become  the 
highest  duty  of  the  Government. 

In  ccniclnsion,  Mr.  President,  (.said  Mr.  X.,)  he 
would  say  to  the  .•Viiierican  Senate  and  to  the  coun- 
try, thai  with  this  pnrttntinis  clouil  lian^-i  ig  over 
n.s,  we  should  have  ho)^e  and  failli — abiiiing  and 
unsliaki.i;  'ilh — in  our  {iovcrnmeiit,  in  the  lOxcc- 
nive  ii.s  well  as  in  Congress;  faith  in  the  justice  of 
ourcaiisc;  I'aiili  in  the  patriotism  of  onr  people; 
faith  in  the  people  of  I'.nglaiiil,  not  in  Iheirliov 
ernment;  in  their  .sense  of  juslice,and  love  of  peace; 
'  anil  above  all,  faith  in  a  just  and  overrnling  Provi- 
dence, who  hath  decliircd  that  "  the  race  is  not  lo 
the  swift,  nor  thebaiile  to  ihe  sirmig. "  AVilh'this 
abiding  liiitli,  and  cmiscious  of  the  justice  of  our 
I  cause,  let  us  all — win  llier  as  private  citizens  or  as 
eonne.'ti'd  with  ihe  administiation  of  the  liovern- 
nient — liarlessly  do  our  duty  to  inaiiitain  the  rights 
and  lionor  of  our  conii'ry,  leaving  the  issue  to  that 
Abnighly  powi  r  wliirh  has  so  loiiir  piotecicd  and 
blessed  onr  beloved  country,  which  holds  in  its 
hands  the  destinies  of  nalions,  and  "  liirnelh  the 
hearts  of  nien  and  ot*  kings  us  the  riveis  of  water 
are  turned." 


OREGON  QUESTION. 


1  jn'ovinces   of  .VIi  \ico.      This    probable 
union  of  Mexico  with  the  Lnilcil  .Slates  i.s  begin- 


northern 


iiinu' to  be  discussed  there,  and  when  the  ad\an- 
liiL'es  of  onr  Union  are  belter  undersiooil,  they  niiiy 
I'otne  lo  ilie  conclusion  that  a  union  with  us  i.,  the 
onlv  resource  nirainst  misrule  and  anarchy.  We 
shill  liiive  no  diln.iilty  in  eiilat-iin:^  our  possi  s- 
sioiis,  and  the  ipieslion  with  us,  shonlil  raihc  r  be, 
wliai  we  will  ae.ept,  than  what  we  ean  acquire? 
He  liopril,  ut  any  rale,  thai  we  should  be  salisfied 
wilh  the  prineipU'  of  annexalion,  and  should  not 
seek  to  extend    onr  liniiis,  by  aiinthcr   principle, 


SPEIM  II   OF   .MR.    CHALMERS, 

OP  .^llSS1ssll'l>l, 
K-  Tiir.  Si;vAii:,  .\hiirh  •.'!,  184(;. 
0\\  the  licsolution  for  n  rminaling  the  joint  occn- 
p.iney  ot*  th'egon, 
Mr.  CHALMERS  addressed  the  Senate  as  fol- 
lows; 

Mr.  PnrsioEN'T:  The  (jucslion  before  us  for  eon- 
sidor:ition  is  viewed  by  Sen, Mors  on  all  sides  as  in- 
voKiiig  va-^f  coiisei|neiici  s.  WhatcMr  wc  may 
have  thought  ot*  it  when  ils  recoiiiiiieiniation  was 
tirsL  iinnoitnecd  iu  the  .'\niiiial  MesMijeol*  the  l^res- 
ident,  il  is  now  manifesi  to  )oii,  sir,  lo  the  Senate, 
anil  ilie  coiiiiiry,  that  wide  and  eonllicting  views 
are  enlerlaincd,  heri'  mid   clcevvheie,  »•'  to  the  oh- 


1846.  J 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


657 


i29TH  CuNG 1st  Sbss. 


The  Oregon  Qiieslion — Mr.  Chalmers. 


Senate. 


jects  i!xucc.tc(l  U)  lie  HtlKined  by  (riving  tlie  notice  i  cltiima  und  preiciisiona,  ujion  the  known  iind  ac- 
lo  nnniil  and  aliriigatc  tlic  conveiition  fur  llio  jiiint  ;  i  knowledged  piincipita  ol'imblic  law,  to  any  iiorlion 
iiccu|iaiicy  of  llie  Oregon  lerritiiry.  Kiir,  bir,  not-  :!  of  the  norlliwcstcnaKt  of  America.  These  prelcn- 
wilhstiiHuing  all  who  advocate  givins;  notice  pro-  ;i  aions  are  founded,  not  upon  discovery — for  so  far 
r.Uini  til  ihe'wcnld  that  it  in  a  neaci^  "nieaHure,  llie  ■]  as  lliat  IH  concerned,  the  facia  are  against  her — but 
eiiiU  and  objects  expected  and  desired  to  beaccom-  Ij  based  upon  occupalicni  and  settlement,  which  can 
plished  arc  wholly  incimiiialible.  The  .Senators  i,  never  ripen  inio  title  or  exclusive  sovereignty  un- 
from  Ohio,  |Mr.  Ai.ixn,]  liuliaiia,  IMr.  Hannl-  !|  dertheiNoolka convention,  which  fixed  and  defined 
<iAN',l  and  Illinois,  [Mr.  1!iikkse,]  tell  us  that  they  !  these  pretensions.  This  convention  she  has  tried 
are  for  demanding  a  surreiidcr  of  the  whole  tern-  i   to  interpolate  into  the  public  law,  and  arrogantly 


tiiry  up  to  llie  boundary-line  established  with 
Russia,  upon  the  parallel  of  51°  40';  and  that  we 
have  only  to  give  the  notice,  demand  firmly  and 
boldly,  and  the  whole  will  be  jicicertbly  surren- 
deree!. The  Scnalcu'  IVcnn  Georgia,  [.\lr.  C'oi.- 
iiunr,]  and  others  wlm  are  for  giving  the  notice, 
tell  us  that  they  vote  fur  it  with  a  view  to  expedite 
a  settlement  of  the  question  upon  principles  of  just 
and  honorable  compromise;  and  that  to  give  the 
notice,  and  demand  a  snrreiuler  of  the  whole  ter- 
ritory, will  be  tanlamoiiiit  to  a  declaration  of  war. 
8ncli  being  the  state  of  the  question,  and  made  so 
by  tlio.se  who  advocale  giving  the  notice,  it  is  ob- 
viously one  of  the  gravest  character;  and  this  con- 
trariety of  opinion  only  ilie  more  deeply  convinces 
inc  of  the  importance  of  tile  Lssucs  involved.  None 
can  be  greater  than  one  which  involves  the  peace 
of  two  of  the  most  powerful  nations  of  the  world. 
A  question  so  momentous  demands  of  us  delibera- 
tion, firmness,  circumspection, and  decisive  action. 
The  country  cxjiects  it  of  us,  and  our  duty  to 
ourselves  and  it,  re(|uires  that  we  should  not  disap- 
point that  just  expei'tation. 

FJefore  pioceeilini.',  .Mr.  President,  to  say  what 
I  desire  on  the  innnediate  f|uestion  before  us,  1  feel 
bound  to  notice  a  remark  which  ''  U  from  the  Sen- 
ator from  Maine,  |Mr.  T.vans,]  -,n  the  subject 
of  our  negotiations  with  llussia  iii  lt-24,  when  the 
boundary  between  that  Government  and  ours  was 
fixed. 


claims  to  be  the  law  of  nations,  for  the  nortliwest 
coast  of  America.  Thi.s  jiosilion  presents  dilfi.'.ul- 
ties  far  more  insurmountable  than  any  suggesti'd 
by  the  Senator  to  our  title  to  ai.y  portion  of  the 
ti  rritory  of  Oregon.  I  do  not  propose,  Mr.  Pres- 
ident, to  go  into  the  question  of  tule;  all  that  has 
been  said  by  me  on  that  point  has  been  extracted 
I  by  the  remarks  whicli  fell  fnnn  the  Senator  from 
Maine,  [Mr.  Kvans,!  who  omitted  to  state  or  notice 
the  insuperable  dithculties  which  Great  Drilain 
meets  at  every  step  in  showing  her  title  to  any  por- 
tion of  the  territory,  and  contented  himself  with 
suagesiing  the  diilicultles  in  our  way. 

IJefore  entering  upon  the  discussion  of  the  ques- 
tion of  notice,  I  must  be  permitted  to  submit  a  few 
remarks  upon  the  course  of  the  President  in  this 
whole  matter.  It  was  said  by  the  Senator  from 
Iventucky,  [Mr.  Crittenden,!  and  the  Senator 
from  Delaware,  [Mr.  Clayton,]  that  the  President 
would  be  held  to  the  strictest  responsibility  by 
them;  that  he  would  "encounter  a  responsibility 
i  weighty  enough  to  sink  a  navy,"  if  war  should 
,  grow  outofilii.  matter.  Now,  with  all  due  sub- 
mission to  older  and  abler  .Senators,  I  may  be  per- 
mitted to  say,  that  if  war  shall  come,  the  respon- 
sibility of  it  will  not  and  cannot  real  upon  the 
President  of  the  United  Slates.  In  all  that  he  has 
said  in  bis  Message,  in  all  the  measures  that  be 
has  i-ecommeiided,  lie  has  done  what  his  official 
position  required  at  his  hands.     Not  only  did  lie 


The  .Senator  referred  to  a  portion  of  the  diplo-  '   <lo  that  which  was  right  in  itself,  but  in  doing  it 


malic  cori-espondcnce,  iVoii:  which  the  injunction 
of  secrecy  has  not,  I  believe,  been  removed.     I 
hope  I  may  have  niisunilersiuod  the  Senator.     If 
1  have  not,  a  remark  of  his  is  calculated  to  create 
great  misapprehension,  and  do   infinite  injury  to  ■ 
our  title  to  any  portion  of  Oregon.     It  was  this: 
that  our  negotiators,  in  their  roirespondeiice,  as- 
siited  that  the  northwest  coast  was  open  for  the  i 
occiip.'ition  of  all   the  world  to  settle  at  pleasure; 
and    treatei  the  title  which  we  had  derived  from  ' 
.Spain  by  the  treaty  of  1819  with  entire  disrespect,  ; 
and  as  valueless.     1  have  looked   into   that  corre-  : 
spondeiice,  and,  iilihough   I  may  not    stale    the 


he  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  his  illustrious  pri 
decessors.  The  language  eiiqiloyed  by  him  is 
almost  identical  with  that  used  by  one  of  the  most 
eminent  of  all  our  Secretitrics  of  Slate,  [Mr.  Clay.] 
In  speaking  both  of  our  own  title  and  of  the  Brit- 
ish claims,  Mr.  Clay  uses  nearly  the  same  words. 
That  this  may  not  rest  upon  mere  a.sserlion,  1  will 
compare  a  few  of  the  passages  in  the  documents  of 
both.  The  President,  in  his  Message,  tells  its 
that  this,  "like  all  the  preiious  iifgofin/ioiis,  tens 
bused  upon  principles  of  'compromise;'  "  that  when 
he  came  into  olHce,  though  "cii(cr(ni)iiiiq-  the  seltlrd 
•onriclioii  thai  the  Ihitish  pretensions  of  title  could 


grounds  assumed,  1  must  say  that,  to  my  appre-  i    '  ""(  be  mainlnined  tu  umj  portion  of  the  Oregon  ler 
lo'iision,  they  placed  the  matter  oii  totally  diflerent     '  ritorij,  upon  iinij  principle  of  public  law  recognised 

'by  ?i(i((oirs,"  yet,  in  "deference  to  trhat  had  been 


grounds. 

[Mr.   KvANs  said,  in  explanation,  that  he  had 
not    read   from   the  correspondence,  but  lanl  only 
used  a  newspaper    paragraph,   ill    which    it    was  ' 
slated   that   our  Government,  in    inlcrpreting  the  ' 
Nooilia  Sound  cmiveniion,  had  jilaceii  it  on  the 
ground  be  bad  slated,  j 

1  do  not  say  llici  he  qiinied  from  the  corre-  ; 
spondeiice  impioperly.  AVhat  I  wish  to  s:iy  is, 
that  it  was  scmvely  possible  that  our  negotiators 
should  have  disregarded  the  Spanish  lille,  while 
tlicy  were,  at  the  very  lime,  fixm^r  ||,e  Umiis  1,^- 
tweeii  Kiissia  and  our  Government  at  llie  [mrallel 
of  ."i4'-'  41)',  up  to  which  line  our  title  was  derived  ■ 
solely  and  entirely  from  .Spain. 

Mr.  President,  I   listened  with   great  attention, 
and.  I  hope,  profit,  to  the  .irgumenl,  siiggeslioiii', 
mill  ilhisiraiions  of  the  Senator  iVom  Maine,  |.Mr.  ' 
KvAN«:|  and  I  regret — and  I  say  so  ill  no  unkind 
spirit  ol  coinplaini — ibai  while  siigirestiiig  dillicul-  , 
lies  ill  the  way  of  our  lille,  he  should  have  thought 
ii  his  duty  to  .say  nolliing  o.i  the  adverse  prcteii- 
sions  of  (treat  Urilaiii.     1  should  have  been  much 
plea.scd  if  be  bad  done  so,  because,  from  what  fell 
from   the  Senator,  it  is  maiiil'i  st   that  he  is  (piiie  [ 
t'aiiiiliar  wiili  the  princijilcs  of  the  law  of  nations. 
I  should   have  been  '^'lad  to  hear  so  jjieat  a  master 
oftlie  prin.iple.i  of  liie  puldic  law,  as  llie  Senator 
proved  himself  upon  the  occaslmi,  test  the  risrhls, 
claims,  and   pretensions  of  (treat   lirilain,  which, 
she  contends,  are  "fixed  and  defined,"  "in  the  i 
ti'Xl  and  stipulations  of  llie  Noolka  Sound  coiiven-  I 
lion,"  by  the  primiplis  of  the  public  law.     Nay, 
furlher,  I  should    liiue  been   glad  if  the   Senaliir  ! 
from  IVIaiiie  had  sii^'gested  the  dilfieultiea  that  sur-  i 
round  the  Urilish  Guvurimieiit  in  making  out  lie 


yet,  III 
done  bti  his  predecessors,  und  especial'"  in  considera 
'  (ioii  that  propositions  of  compromise  had  been  thrice 
'  made  by  two  preceding  .Idmini^trations  to  adjust  the 
'  (lueslinn  on  the  pnrallil  (/4!P,"and  iiotwilh^tand- 
iiig  "  the  eitraordinarij  and  tcholht  initdmissibte  de- 
mands tf  the  Uritish  Horernment,'^  and  the  rejec- 
tion of  Ihe  proposition  made  in  deference  alone  to 
what  had  been  done  by  his  predecessors,  and  "the 
implied  obligation  which  '''"ir  acts  s^iemed  to  impose," 
atbnd  .s.ili.sfaciin'y  evidence  "that  an  compromise 
'  vhieh  the  I'niled  Utatts  ought  to  accept  can  be  </- 
'feted."  With  this  conviction,  the  proposition 
of  compromise,  which  had  been  made  and  rejected, 
was,  liy  his  "direction,  suhsequtnllij  n'ithdrnvn,and 
'  o'tr  title  to  the  whole  territonj  usserlrd,  and,  us  is 
'  lieliered,  maintuined  by  imfrugnble  facts  und  argn- 
'  menls." 

Here  we  have  the  declaration  that  the  President 
feels  himself  bound  by  the  acts  rf  those  who  had 
gone  before  liiin,  as  the  acts  of  his  country,  and 
Itinding  upim  him  as  its  Chiel'  Executive  iXlairis- 
iraie;  and  in  llie  despatch  in  which  is  made  the 
oiler  of  the  41)tli  parallel  as  a  coinpromi.se,  the  Sec- 
retary of  Slate  says  that  '•  the  President  does  it  lie- 
cause  he  felt  himself  embarrassed,  if  not  cvmmitted,  by 
the  acts  of  his  predicessors."  As  much  stress  lias 
been  laid  on  the  President's  elaimlm;  the  whole 
territory,  and  asserting  that  the  claims  of  Great 
ISritain  are  extraordinary  and  iiiailmissible,  I  will 
luni  to  the  language  of  bis  predecessors,  and  we 
shall  see  whellier,  in  the  use  of  this  language,  he 
biis  not  bi'cii  fallowing  the  example  of  those  who 
had  handed  down  to  him  this  question  with  the 
landmarks  so  clearly  defined  that  he  could  neilher 
inisUikc,  inisuudersiaiid,  nor  overleap  ihcni. 


Mr.  Clay,  when  Secretary  of  State,  in  his  des- 
patch to  Mr.  Gallatin,  dated  June  If),  lSdG,Huys: 

"  It  iff  nnt  tliotiKlit  aece:<f  ary  to  lalil  inuoli  to  the  .irgiiiacnt 
nilvaiiccit  nil  lluK  point  in  the  iiiMlriictidlH  nivni  to  Me. 
Rji^ti,  nnil  ttml  wliicli  wn-i  empldyed  liy  liiiii,  in  llie  course 
nfhii.  iH-sntiation,  to  Huppnrtoiir  tittn,  us*  deriveil  from  prior 
dldcovery  nnci  srltlcnient  at  Die  liiolllli  nf  Die  Coluinlilii,  and 
I'roiii  tile  trealy  witti  Hpuiii,  concluUud  on  Die  •J:iii  of  Febru- 
ary, ItflU.  Tiial  nrQiitiieiit  i;*  belicvfii  to  have  coacliisively 
eNtnbliHiied  oiir  title  on  both  prnnnils.  Nor  i;i  it  coni'cived 
thnt  (irt-iit  nrilain  haii,  or  ciiii  iniikn  out,  even  arjtorable 
title  to  nny  portion  of  the  nortliwest  const." 

"  t!y  the  renunciation  and  transfer  contained  in  the 
treutij  with  Spain  of  1819,  our  iig/i(  eu  tended  to  Ihe 
(\Oth  degree  of  north  latitude."  This  was  Mr.  ('lay's 
opinion,  ofiii'inlly  expressed  as  Secretary  of  Stale, 
of  the  validity  of  our  title  lo  the  parallel  of  (iO°, 
prior  to  the  "treaty  with  Kiissia.  Are  lliere  any 
expressions  in  the  Presidcnl's  .Messatre  stronger 
than  lliesp,  either  as  to  the  invalidity  of  llie  lille  of 
Great  Uritain,  in-  the  validity  and  strength  of  our 
own  to  the  whole te.-ritorv  of  OreLTonr  In  another 
despatch  of  Mr.  Clay,  dated  February  24,  It27, 
in  characterizing  the  claims  of  Great  lirilain  to  the 
territory  of  Oreuon,  he  uses  language  almost  idee- 
lical  wilb  that  of  the  President's  Messaire.  He 
speaks  of  these  elninin  as  "  neuuind  cilraordinary," 
and  says  "  ihat  they  certainly  have  not  yet  pro. 
'  diicen  1  ny  conviction  in  the  mind  ot'ilie  President 
'  of  the  validity  of  the  preteii.<ions  brought  forward, 
'  nor  rai?^d  any  doubts  of  iliesirenatli  and  validity 
'of  our  own  lille."  Mr.  Clay  further  says,  in 
speaking  of  the  olTer  of  the  49th  parallel,  lliat  "  it 
is  conceired  in  n  genuine  spirit  of  concession  and 
concilinlion."  He  alto  instructs  iVlr.  (.tallatiii  to 
s.ay  that  the  49lh  parallel  "  is  our  ultamatam,  and 
you  moy  so  announce  it."  Vfhen  the  proposition 
was  declined,  Mr.  Clay  directs  Mr.  Gallatin  to  dc- 
'  elare  "  that  the  American  Government  does  not 
'  hold  iiself  bound  hereiiller,  in  cimseqiience  of  any 
'  prooosal  which  it  has  lierelotore  made,  lo  aaree  to 
'  the  line  which  h:v  been  so  proposed  and  rejected, 
'  but  will  consider  itself  at  liberty  lo  contend  for  the 
'  full  extent  of  our  just  claims:"  "  which  declnni- 
lion,"  he  says,  "  you  niust  have  recorded  in  the 
'  protocol  of  one  of  your  conferences,  and,  to  give 
'  it  more  weight,  have  it  stated  that  it  has  been 
'  done  by  the  express  direclion  of  ihe  President. " 

When  the  proposition  of  compromise  was  re- 
jected by  Mr.  Pakenham,  the  President  directed 
Mr  'ijuchanan  lo  withdraw  it,  and  assert  our  title 
to  ,lie  whole  of  the  Oreiron  lerrilory;  and  claims 
mat  "  Ihe  civilized  world  will  see  in  ihe.-:e  proceed- 
'  inffs  a  spirit  of  liberal  coii'-ession  on  the  part  of 
'  the  United  .Stales:  and  thai  ihis  Government  will 
'be  relieved  from  all  responsibility  which  may 
'  follow  the  failure  to  settle  the  controversy."  Is 
there  anylhins,  Mr.  President,  in  these  declHrii- 
liniis,  or  in  the  claims  on  the  part  of  our  Govern- 
ment to  the  whole  territory  of  Oregon,  stronger  or 
more  extensive  than  bad  been  made  by  those  who 
preceded  the  President  in  the  high  office  ho  now 
fills?  And  it  nuisl  be  borne  in  mind,  sir,  that 
these  claims  had  not  only  been  asserted  in  the  de- 
s|iatches  of  oiir  negotialors,  but  they  had  been 
published  lo  the  world.  I  ask,  then,  in  justice  to 
the  Pre.iideni,  if  he  could,  consistently  with  the 
honor  and  diirnity  of  the  ciainlry,  ha\e  claimed 
less,  or  troiie  further,  than  he  lies  done,  in  "  a 
spirit  of  liberal  concession,"  to  settle  this  contro- 
versy? What  party  in  litis  country,  v.liat  .Sena- 
tor on  this  floor,  what  Prcsidenl  would  dare  go 
further?  To  have  done  so,  wiaild  have  lowered 
our  rational  character  before  the  nations  of  the 
earth,  and  been  an  insult  to  the  national  pride  of 
our  own  people.  W' hen  the  President  of  the  Uni- 
[  teil  States  was  elevated  lo  bis  present  exalled  sla- 
tinn,  he  t'ound  himself  charged  wilb  the  eondnet  of 
!  this  netrotialion,  invidvinir  llic  questions  of  peive 
and  war,  the  lives  and  fi>rtuiies  of  twenty  iriilions 
''  of  freemen,  and  the  honor  of  his  cmintvy.  The  re- 
sponsibility was  learfnl;  and.  in  the  laii."-ui  '  of  the 
Lesrislalnre  of  the  .Slate  which  I  have  ilit  nior  in 
part  to  represent,  "his  ell'orls  lo  adjust  the  enii- 
'  Iroversy  weit;  marlied  by  a  spirit  of  liberal  rrni- 
*  cession,  firmness,  patriotism,  and  signal  ability." 
Ill  fact,  sir,  it  was  the  sentiment  of  the  whole 
!  coiinlry,  and  no  message  has  ever  been  promul- 
saled  ill  my  lime  which  was  received  with  siieh  a 
universal  shout  of  approbation.  Vou  remember, 
Mr.  President,  our  pleasure  in  listening  lo  the  just 
and  |iatriotic  remarks  of  ihe  distinguished  Seiia- 
Im's  from  North  Carolina,  [Mr.  Manoi-.m,)  from 
'  Virginia,  [Mr.  Aucueb,]  and  Delaware,  [Mr.  J. 


'' tl 


558 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[March  24, 


29th  Cono I  ST  Sess. 


TTie  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Chalmers. 


Senate. 


M.  Clavton,]  in  the  delmle  upon  the  resolutions 
moved  hy  the  Sennlor  from  Miohisnn,  [Mr.  Cass.] 
Why,  air,  lire  we  divided  now,  when  all  was  har- 
mony then?  In  that  discussion,  there  wns  not  a 
diesuntin;;  voice  in  regard  to  the  President's  course 
upon  the  Oregon  question.  A  very  ditVerent  opin- 
ion seems  to  have  grown  up  in  this  discussion; 
new  reiidinf;s  have  been  yiven  to  the  President's 
Messat^e,  and  new  and  very  dilTerenl  objects  dis- 
covered in  his  recoinim  ndniions.  On  one  side,  it 
is  nmde  a  test  ut°  willini;iiess  to  dissever  the  Union 
lor  a  iSeniUor  to  avow  hiinsclf  in  favor  of  compro- 
mise, and  u  test  of  piuriotisin  to  go  for  54°  40'; 
and  on  the  oilier  side,  to  be  for  the  notice  is  to  be 
fur  war.  It  i.s  from  discussions  such  ns  tlie.se  that 
our  present  want  of  harmony  proceeds.  If  Sen- 
Blors  give  to  tlie  Message  a  construction  which  it 
does  not  warrant,  surely  the  President  is  niit  re- 
sponsible ftir  it. 

In  connexion  with  this  part  of  the  subjcci,  I  will 
ask  the  Secretary  to  reaJ  the  resolutions  of  the 
JSlate  of  Mi.<.ii«sipi'i: 

*•  Rf<filrH  tiif  Ihr  jA'iii.l'tliifr  of  the  Stitr  of  ,1f/int»».';>ji(, 
Tyinl  lie'  ncliuii  dlllie  Prc>icleiil  iiltlie  I'uilid'Hnili'H,  in  Iih 
eli'orla  Id  ailjli.l  tlic  Ort>^iMi  conlnivrr-y,  is  iiiurkeil  hy  n 
hpinl  or  liti'-r.ij  cDiirCf.j'ioii,  l)illilli-.'«s,  |illtrinliAin,  mid  ^ii^;ll 
Hl)llitv,  wliicli  mcL-L-'  the  hearty  aptirubiUidii  ul'  UiU  LcgjVia 
tare.' 

*♦  R^flJ^•^'t,  Ttmt  whilst  lliin  Leirisliilure  cnniliicii<l:«  the 
exercise  nl'llie  hanie  i«|>ini  in  si)lMe())ieiit  iieq>iti;inniiM,  it  is 
tlieir  :lehbernle  o)itiiit)ii  tlial  e\ery  eiiiisiileratinii  m' reuurd 
lor  lilllUHli  progress,  the  iiitvaiiei-inelit  of  lih.Till  prilieiples, 
nnd  the  iiitiiDtenunce  iit'  the  iintiiMinl  lioiinr,  deiiiiiiid?)  Ihnt  our 
rights  to  Ihe  Oremui  territnry  Hlioiild  he  asserted  uiid  iipliehl. 

"  /!rs9(rerf,  'I'lml,  in  the  eiilnlo&iie  of  niitioiinl  calnliiilies, 
war  in  Keeoiid  only  to  nntinual  diKKniee;  tllHt  if  Itie  one  h.-> 
conies  necessary  lo  a\  ert  llie  oilier^  lei  it  come ;  ami  with 
the  invoeHtiniioi' tlie  l>ivine  hlessiitfintion  a  righteous cnusi>, 
tills  liej^stntnrr  pi  -dees  tile  Hinte  of  Mississippi,  ill  llieit  and 
nione>'.  lo  siijiporl  llie  ti  •neriil  Roverinneiit,  in  asserlinij 
ami  dt.'leiidiiig  lis  riulits  to  ilie  lerrilory  ol  Urcjioa." 

These  resoliition.'i,  Mr.  President,  were  not  the 
resolulions  of  a  paitv,  Inil  of  the  whole  legislative 
body,  iric.speciive  of  party,  and  were  adopted  with 
but  one  dis.-feiiiiiig  voice  in  the  Mouse,  and  unani- 
mously in  the  Senate.  I-'roni  these  resolutions — 
which  lire,  perhaps,  n.s  true  and  liiilhful  expres- 
sions of  the  seniinienis  of  the  people  of  the  State 
as  was  ever  uiveii  by  a  Ir-ijislative  body — I  infer 
most  clenrlv  that  tlioy  approve  of  tlu?  *'  liberal  cnii- 
etssioii"  which  has  marked  the  past  course  of  the 
PresidiMil,  in  his  ellnris  In  settle  the  Oregon  con- 
troversy, and  coniniciid  the  exercise  of  lite  same 
spirit  of  "liberal  concession"  in  future  nei;otia- 
tions;  and  that  they  look  upon  "warns  sect  mil  , 
only  t'l  national  disiiiace."  Concurring  entirely] 
with  tlie  l.e'.:i.siaiur*^  in  these  seiUinienls,  and  np-  : 
proving  wiinl  the  President  has  done  and  reconi- 
iiieinls  111  relation  lo  this  matter,  I  shall  eonsenl 
to  iinthinir  that  will  eiidamrer  the  public,  peace,  un- 
less the  honor  ol'  the  cdiiniry  ilciuamls  it  at  my 
hands.  Il'  it  does,  I  shall  move  liirward  fearless 
of  con.<er|ueiicis,  and  tin:  people  of  the  Slate  will 
be  rendv  to  go  w  ith  ine. 

Mr.  President,  I  am  in  favornf  giving  the  notice, 
because  I  believe  thai  the  time  has  come  when  the 
Oregon  rjuestion  iiiusl  be  brought  to  an  issue  either 
of  pence  nr  war.  I  deem  the  giving  of  notice  now 
imperiously  demanded  as  a  means  of  preserving 
peace.  I  am  anxious  that  the  difliciilty  should  be 
settled,  and  the  sjicediest  possible  mode  is  most 
ncceplable  to  me.  1  deem  it  ol'  much  importance 
iHal  llie  position  of  the  Adniiiiistralion  should  be 
snslaiiied,  on  accouiil  ot'  its  eireels  larli  at  home 
and  abroad.  t>iir  charaeier  and  the  Sfiirit  of  uiir 
people  liemand  it;  and  a  failure  to  do  so  will  iii- 
ereiise  the  dttlicnlty  unit  exciicment  in  both  coun- 
tries, I  prefV-r  it  III  Its  simplest  form,  as  len:U  em- 
ba*-i"issin:r  to  the  Adininisiration;  but  as  I  deem 
time  f(f  the  first  importance,  I  shiitl  support  that 
form  which  will  enable  the  Adimnisiratiou  lo  give 
it  at  the  earliest  day.  And  I  still  indulire  the  hope,  i 
Mr.  Presideiii,  thai  it  will  be  given  iii  the  same 
liarmonv  which  marked  the  discussion  and  vote 
on  the  resolulions  of  ihe  ISenator  from  Michigan, 
(Mr.  Ca's.]  Its  moral  power  niid  force  will  be 
immensely  iiicrrased  by  the  proud  spe<;taete  of  a 
iinaninions  \ole  of  the  Aniencaii  .'^eiiate  in  its  fa- 
vor. I,  sir,  shall  vole  steadily  in  favor  of  the  no- 
tice, and  if  1  cannot  nbUiin  it  in  the  form  most 
acceptable,  least  embarrassing,  and  which  will  en- 
able the  Adioinisiraiion  to  use  il  niost  speeiiily,  I 
will  viite  lor  It  III  any  form  consisK  nt  with  the  dig- 
nity and  honor  of  the  ciunilry,  ratlier  than  it  should 
fail,     I'ot  this  rcuHon  1  regret  the  strong  teriiis  of 


I  denunciation  employed  by  the  Senator  from  Con- 
necticut, [Mr,  NiLEii,]  in  speaking  of  the  umcnd- 
inciit  proposed  by  the  Senator  from  Georgia,  [Mr, 
(JomuiTT.]  Whotevcr  preference  1  may  entertain 
'  for  a  more  sini|)lc  furni,  there  is  nothing  in  the 
aniendment  to  justify  so  harsh  a  represcntulion  of 
its  spirit,  und  the  cxprossinn  is  calculated  to  engen- 
der ill  feelings  in  this  chamber.  The  more  bitterly 
Senalnrs  may  denounce  those  who  favor  notice  in 
a  modified  form,  the  greater  the  obstacles  in  the 
way  of  ohuiining  a  unaninious  vole;  and  it  may 
eniianger  its  passage  in  any  form,  I  jiersuaOe 
niy.sell',  that  if  there  shall  be  no  indulgence  of 
mere  ]iarly  feeling,  no  dcnoiincing  of  each  other's 
views,  that  there  will  lie  less  diversity  when  we 
come  to  final  aciioii  upon  the  (|uestioii.  I  can  say 
with  truth,  sir,  that  I  listened  with  pleasure  to 
much  that  lias  fallen  from  our  political  opponents 
in  litis  debate,  und  feel  assured,  if  a  coiillict  shall 
grow  out  of  this  controversy,  that  they  will  be  as 
ready  to  sustain  the  rights  of  their  eonniry,  und 
lo  meet  dangers  und  sacrilices  in  her  cause,  as 
biavelv  and  as  promptly  as  our  friends  on  this 
side  ot'  the  chamber.  I  regret  to  hear  denuncia- 
tions from  either  side  upon  the  qiiestiiin  of  giving 
this  notice.  1  feel,  when  I  apiiroach  any  subject 
connected,  ns  this  is,  with  the  foreign  relations  of 
the  country,  that  all  parly  feeling  should  be  hush- 
ed; that  I  should  takeolf  my  shoes,  for  the  ground 
I  tread  upon  is  holy.  If,  w  hen  the  resolutions  of 
the  Senator  from  Alicliigaii  (Mr.  Cass]  were  in- 
troduced, we  were  all  so  united  in  senliineiit,  may 
1  not  still  indulge  the  hope  that,  by  treating  the 
riuestion  of  notice  with  muilerutiou  and  calmness, 
there  will  scarce  be  an  objection  to  its  pas.sage. 

lint  the  Senators  from  jNew  .lersey  [.Ur,  Dav- 
ton]  and  Maine,  [.Mr,  Evans,]  saiil  they  could 
see  no  reasons  for  giving  the  notice.  The  Senator 
from  New  Jersey  furnished  one,  mid  a  very  cogent 
one,  v.dien  he  moved  some  weeks  since  to  post- 
pone this  niiestion,  in  order  to  dispose  of  the  other 
important  business  before  Ihe  Senate.  Since  then 
I  am  sure  the  experienced  and  observant  Senator 
from  Maine  must  have  seen  many  and  strong  rea- 
sons for  disposing  of  this  question,  and  giving  the 
nolice.  It  IS  ceruiin  that  we  have  before  us  but 
two  lines  of  policy;  one  is  that  of  quietly  and 
piaceably  petling  possession  of  the  territory  by 
the  gradual  course  of  settlement;  in  other  words,  '. 
by  the  "  masterly  iiiaclivily"  which  was  spread 
out  before  us  llic^  other  day  in  all  its  grand  and 
magnificint  proportions,  by  ihe  distinguished  Sen- 
ator from  South  Carolina,  [Mr.  Cai.hoi  n,]  who  is 
its  oldest,  most  able,  and  devoted  advocate.  If 
that  policy  e.juld  now  be  piirMied,  this  measure  of 
giving  notice  lo  dis.solve  the  convention  for  the 
joint  occupancy  of  the  lerrilory  iiiighl  be  wrong. 
Ihit  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina,  [Mr.  Cai.- 
iioix,]  lells  us  that  eircumstain'cs  which  have  oc- 
curred since  If.);),  render  that  policy  dang'  rous,  if 
not  iinpiactieabli".  and  I  say,  sir,  to  use  an  expres- 
sion of  that  Senator  in  reference  to  another  matter, 
that  time  is  against  such  a  policy  now.  Kvenis, 
Mr.  President,  are  hurrying  u.^  lorward,  and  we 
must  meet  iheui  by  prompt  and  decisive  action,  or 
the  question  will  escape  from  our  control;  and  I 
n[)peal  to  the  able  and  experienced  Senator  from 
Maine,  [Mr,  Kvans,]  and  lo  .Senators  on  all  sides, 
if  they  do  not  see  in  cverylhing  around  them,  even 
here,  and  more  than  all  in  what  they  hear  from 
day  to  day,  the  most  coiient  reason  for  action,  and 
forgiving  llie  notice.  The  legislation  of  the  coun- 
try, Mr.  Presiden',  sleeps  upon  your  table;  the 
land  bills,  the  treasury,  and  the  tarill'  bills,  and  all 
our  domeslic  policy,  await  the  issue  of  this  ques- 
tion, and  (we  cannot  disguise  it  from  ourselves  if 
we  wislieil)  are  dependent  for  their  passage  some- 
what upon  giving  the  nolice.  The  business  of  the 
country  issus|>eiided,  and  business  men  stand  still, 
and  will  continue  lo  do  so,  while  the  country  is 
filled  with  rumors  of  war.  All  is  uncertain,  and 
it  prodiK'es  anxiety  and  irritation,  not  only  with 
our  own,  but  t'ai  people  of  Great  llritain,  which 
greatly  increases  the  cliaiii'es  of  a  lioslile  collision. 
'I'he  President  of  the  Uiiiled  Stales  having  pm- 
chiimed  oiir  rights,  and  that  the  Driiish  Minister 
has  re  jecled  the  oiler  of  a  setllenienl  upon  the  only 
line  that  this  country  will  ever  consent  to,  and 
leconuni  iided  giving  the  notice  as  a  means  of  as- 
serting oiir  just  ri^'hls  lo  the  territory,  the  spirit  of 
our  people  demands  that  it  should  at  oni-e  be  given, 
Uoes  the  experienced  Senator  from  Maine  [Mr. 


Evans]  see  no  reapon  for  giving  the  notice  in  the 
deep  hcavings  of  the  public  niiiid,  which  is  never 
without  cause,  and  can  never  willi  safety  be  dis- 
regarded? The  controversy  about  Oregon  has 
already  got  into  the  hands  of  demagogues  mid 
party  hacks,  and  been  seized  upon  by  those  who 
would  gladly  use  it  as  n  disturbing  clement  in  our 
political  coniesta.  Every  mail  that  leaves  the 
Capitol  is  loaded  down  with  matter  calciilntcd  to 

I  inflame  the  public  mind;  and  rumors  of  war  reach 

1  us  from  every  extremity  of  this  wide-spread  Union. 

j  With  my  liiniled  cx[ierience  and  narrow  vision,  1 

'  have  seen  much  that  loads  me  to  entertain  fears  as 
to  the  preservation  of  peace;  and  I  feel  assured 
thai  if  this  controversy  is  not  arrested  soon,  il  will 
be  beyond  the  power  of  either  Government  to  sin|i 
its  course.  The  pcoiile  of  both  countries  are  proud 
and  brave.  Their  Governments  charge  each  other 
with  making  demands  that  are  unjust.  Let  such 
n  ipiestioii  once  get  among  the  ma.ss  of  the  people 

'  of  both  connlries,  with  their  national  pride  roused 
by  the  discussions  between  them,  imd  what  power 
could  prevent  them  from  rushing  to  arms?  This, 
with  me,  is  the  strongest  reason  for  going  for  the 

i  notice.  I  have  felt  its  weight  unceasingly  since 
the  commencement  of  this  discussion,      (t  was 

I  comparatively  feeble  nt  fi,.,t,  but  deepened  from 
that  hour  lo  ihis,  and  I  now  think  that  speedy  ac- 
tion is  vitally  important.  If  we  fail  to  give  it,  the 
arm  of  the  Government  will  be  paralysed  by  our 
action  here,  and  rendered  less  able  to  eflTect  an  ad- 
justment of  the  controversy  peaceably  and  honor- 
ably lo  the  country.  And  should  a  conflict  ensue, 
our  refusal  to  give  the  notice  will  weaken  our 
Government  in  the  eyes  of  the  wor'd,  and  the 
President  in  the  confidence  of  our  pco|)le,  at  a  time 
when  all  must  look  to  and  depend  upon  the  strong 
arm  of  the  execulive  deparliiient  of  the  Govern- 
ment for  safety  and  protection.  Surely  every  pa- 
triot would  deploie  such  a  result,  and  would  leave 
nothing  undone  to  prevent  if, 

liut,^  Mr,  President,  the  Senator  from   Maine 

i  [Mr.  Evans]  says  he  cannot  vote  for  giving  notice, 
unless  he  receives  assurances  that  the  intentions 

I  of  the  President  are  pacific,  and  our  title  to  the 
territory  to  be  demanded  is  clearly  made  out.  Af- 
ter what  fell  from  the  Senator  from  North  Caro- 
lina, [Mr.  IlAvwonn,]  in  his  able  speech  on  this 
question,  I  had  :-upposed  that  every  Senator  wr.uld 
be  satisfied  thai,  pending  negotiations,  it  would  be 
improper  to  ex|iect  or  require  the  President  to  make 
any  furlher  disclosure  of  his  intentions  than  he  lias 
made  in  his  nics.sage  and  despatches  upon  the  sub- 
ject. To  the  territory  south  of  the  "lihh  parallel, 
the  .Senator  from  Maine  admits,  our  title  may  be 
clearly  made  out.  To  that  extent  our  Ciovernment 
has  long  since  taken  ils  stand,  and  lo  that  extent 
the  President  cerUiinly  will  contend  for  it.  Wliat- 
eviT  I  may  think  of  tlie  extraordinary  pretensions 
of  the  Hiilish  Government  lo  title  to  any  portion 
of  the  territory,  in  view  of  what  our  Government 
has  done  by  treaty  slipulalions,  running  through 
a  series  of  nearly  thirty  years,  and  in  juslice  lo  Brit- 
ish subjects  who  have  made  settlements  in  the  ter- 
ritory under  the  provisions  of  those  treaties,  I 
would  not  demand  a  surrender  of  the  whole  terri- 
tory. I  take  it  that  the  true  dignity  and  honor  of 
the  coinilry,  a  just  regard  for  the  opinions  of  man- 
kind, and  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  world,  de- 
mand that  we  should  settle  the  coniroveisy  in  a 
spirit  of  lilieral  concession,  honorable  lo  both  coun- 
tries, 1  have  a  ronfidence  myself,  perhaps  nol  to 
be  expected  from  Senatois  on  Ine  other  siih;,  in  the 
pacific  intentions  of  the  President,  and  in  his  anx- 
ious desire  lo  avoid  a  hostile  collision  between  the 
two  counlries.  War,  sir,  is  no  game  of  his.  Un- 
like the  kings  of  the  earth,  who  seek  war  to  grnlily 
theirambiiinn  and  increase  llieir own  glory, atnid  the 

I  blood  and  icarsof  tlieir  subjects,  and  the  sufferings 
of  the  widow  and  the  orphan,  his  true  glory  is  in 

'  defending  the  honor  of  his  lunintry,  preserving  and 

'  protecting  the  peace,  prosperity,  and  happiness  of 
the  people.  And  we  have  n  sure  guaranty  in  his 
character  and  past  condiici  in  the  negotiation  tli  it 

'  he  will  not  disappoint  the  desliny  to  which  his  ex- 

t  ulted  station  calls  him.   To  the  President,  with  the 

'■  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  the  Conslitutioii 
confides  the  adjiislnient  of  this  coiilroversy;  and 
on  whatever  liiie  the  parlies  may  selil-,  I  expect 

'  to  have  no  hesitation  in  agreeing,  satisfied  as  1  am 
that  he  will  settle  on  none  that  will  lower  the  sland 

i  Ills  Govcrnnienl  has  taken,  | 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


559 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Tibhatts. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


The  territorial  enlargement  of  our  beloved  conn- 1 
try,  unlike  timt  of  monurcliics  or  dcspoliNms,  lins  1 
alwuyH  heen  by  pence.     It  was  by  piiiccful  nugo-  i 
tinlion  tliiit  we  ol)luincU  LoniMinna,  X''loridn,  and  ' 
Tcxa.1,  thus  more  Mian  doubling  the  superficieH  of  I 
the  whole  Union.     And  wlinievcr  lineot  boundar 
may  be  now  designated  forOrofion,  that  Ameritun  \ 
Blntesninn  must  be  blind  to  the  progresa  of  events  j 
who  cannot  foresee,  that  by  continued  peace  and  1 
nrospcrily,  our  glorious  Union  must  go  on  extend- 
ing iier  limits,  unlil,  before  the  cluse  uf  this  cen- 
tiny,  our  boundaries  shall  e.Klejid  so  as  to  include 
the  whole  region  between  the  Arctic  ocean  and  the 
IsihmuH  of  Pananui.     \Viivr,  which  lina  been  called  \ 
the  game  of  kin^s,  may  retard,  while  peace  will 
certainly  accclctau^  this  glorious  destiny.     Such  ! 
a  territory,  united  in  soverciiju  and  confederate 
stales,  wiih  every  variety  in  soil  and  product,  oiid 
v\  ith   perfectly  reciprocal  free   trade  between  all 
parts,  wiuild  present  n  spectacle  at  which  the  rest 
of  the  world  would  first  gaze  in  wonder,  and  then 
Rdmirc  and  imitate.     The  tiuue  which  1  have  ihe 
honor  in  part  to  represent,  may  now  be  called  the 
preat  staple  Slate  of  the  Union;  for  her  e.\porls 
largely  e.\ceed  any  other;  her  vital  interests  are  in- 
separably united  with  free  trade.     She  wants  the 
world  for  a  market.     She  was  looking  to  the  pres- 
ent as  llie  auspicious  moment  when  her  long-ifefer- 
red  hope  would  at  length  be  gratified,  and  unre- 
stricleil  commerce  should  bind  together  the  nations 
of  the  globe.     By  a  consentaneous,  but  not  a  con- 
certed movement  upon  both  sides  of  the  water,  her 
long-cherished  views  seemed  about  to  be  consimi- 
mau'd,  when  this  dark  cloud  inierposcd,and  threat- 
ened to  substitute  war,  with  nil  ils  momenlous  con- 
Bci(uences,  for  peace  and  iimeslricted  commerce. 
In  the  maintaining  of  a  war  in  defence  of  our  na- 
tional honor,  Mississippi  will  never  hesitate;  but 
she  will  never  consent,  disregarding  the  policy  of 
every  Adminislration  for  the  last  thirty  years,  to 
rush  madly  into  a  saiif^uinary  conflict,  rejecting 
those  honorable  terms  for  adjusting  the  Oregon 
controversy  which  have  been  olfered  by  the  Presi- 
dent of  her  choice,  Mr.  Polk,  and  his  predecessors, 
from  the  revolutionary  patriot,  James  Monroe, 
down  to  the  present  period. 

A  strong  cfibrt  has  been  mnde  in  Ihe  Senate  to 
impress  the  country  with  the  belief  that  the  Presi- 
di  lit  was  opposed  to  all  further  negotiation,  and 
w mild  reject  every  proposition  short  of  the  surren- 
der of  the  whole  territory.  1  am  not  authorized  to 
present  the  opinions  of  the  President,  any  further 
than  they  arc  disclosed  in  his  message  anil  the  de- 
spatches upon  the  subject;  but  judging  i'roni  them, 
I  draw  the  cimcbision  that  the  views  of  the  Presi- 
dent hive  been  greatly  misconceived  in  regard  to 
this  coiilroversy. 

We  have  first  the  strong  and  decisive  fact,  that 
the  President  did  oiler  the  4yih  parallel,  notwith- 
Blaudiiig  it  had  been  three  limes  before  oli'ercdand 
lejecled  by  the  British  Go\t  .inieiitj  and  when  it 
was  again  rejected  bv  the  Uiitish  Minister,  when 
olltrcd  by  the  Presideiil,  in  the  very  despaleli  in 
reply  to  ihat  rejection,  the  President  expressed  his 
strong  desire  for  |ieace,aiid  that  the  amicable  rela- 
tions between  the  two  countries  might  be  preserved. 
Thus  stood  the  case  when  the  President  commu- 
niealcd  his  Message  to  Congress;  the  offer  of  the 
4'Jih  parallel  having  been  rejected,  and  no  proposal 
ninile  on  the  pari  of  the  British  Uovernment,  but  a 
rei]uisition  made  upon  us  for  a  proposition  more 
favorable  to  them,  when  the  President  declared  in 
bis  Message  that  "  no  coitipromi.sc  which  the  Uni- 
ted States  ought  to  accept  can  be  efl'eoted." 

He  does  not  say  that  no  compromise  ought  to  be 
made;  but  simply  announces  his  i)|iinion  upon  the 
fads,  as  they  then  existed,  that  no  compromise 
would  be  offered  that  we  ought  to  accept.  It  is  true 
the  President  does  announce  in  his  Message  his 
opinion  of  the  superiority  of  our  title  to  the  whole 
territory,  but  he  had  previously  avowed  that  opin- 
ion, and  had  disiincily  repeated  it  in  the  very  de- 
sjiatch  offering  the  49tn  parallel  as  a  coinpromise. 

It  is  also  true  that  the  President  docs  declare  in 
his  Messiige  that  he  wiuild  never  consent  to  the 
surrender  of  the  free  navigation  of  the  Cidumbia 
river;  but  he  does  not  also  slate,  in  addition,  that 
he  would  never  consent  again  to  the  49th  parallel 
as  a  compromise,  but  simply  gives  it  as  his  opin- 
ion that  no  .such  compromise  could  be  effected.  I 
have  no  doubt  the  President  will  obtain  for  us  the 
whole  territory,  if  it  is  in  his  power;  but  if  iio  ctui- 


iiot,  and  the  49tli  parallel  should  be  offered  to  us  ' 
by  the  Itrilish  Uovernment,  or  what  is  siibstan- 
tiidly  equivalent  to  it,  there  is  nothing  in  the  Mes- 
sage or  the  despatches  indicating  the  opinion  that 
j  the  President,  who  is  but  a  b.anch  of  the  war- 
making  and    treaty-making   power,   will    rashly 
'  reject  such  a  proposition,  which  he  and  three  of  ' 
i  his  iiredecessors  have  made — and  thus  most  cer- 
j  tainly  involve  the  country  in  a  war,  which  every  ' 
j  philanthropist  and  patriot  must  believe  should  only 
j  be  invited  when  every  fair  and  honorable  coinpro- 
;  mise  :,1    ,1  have  proved  unsuccessful.     Is  the  4!)ih  ' 
parallel  an  honorable  cimiproniise?  The  President 
and  three  of  his  predecessors  have  declared  that  it 
was;    and  if  the  British  ministry,  governed  by 
wiser  councils,  should  change  tlieir  opinions,  or 
disavow  the  rejection  made  by  their  Minister,  Mr. 
Pukenham,  who  can  say  that  the  President  should 
de|irivc  the  Senate  of  ils  consthuiional  right,  us  a 
braiuii   of   the   war-ujakiiig    and    treaty-making 
power,  of  advising  U|>oii  such  a  momenlous  ques-  , 
lion,  by  Ihe  unconditional  rejection  of  such  a  com- 
promise.'   Is  the  majority  of  the  Senate,  or  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  pri  pared  for  a  dec-  , 
laratioii  of  war  upon   the  rejection  of  such  a  pro- 
positon.'    Do  they  believe  it  ought  to  be  rejected:  ' 
If  they  do,  why  are  they  not  making  all  tiic  pre- 
parations necessary  to  meet  the  momentous  issuer 
Why  are  we  not  increasing  our  army  and  navy, 
reiiairing  our  fortifications,  and  placing  our  whole 
country  in  a  posture  for  defence,  as  well  as  aggres- 
sion.'   Above  all,  why  are  we  not  preparing  the 
great  armament,  naval  and  military,  to  defend  the 
whole  territory  of  Oreijon,  which  is  the  very  sul.- 
ject-mattcr  of  this  controversy.'    Why  are  we  not 
preparing  to  collect  a  direct  lax  of  at  least  fifty 
millions  per  annum,  to  meet  the  great  emergency.' 
I  cannot  withhold  the  expression  of  my  surprise 
and  astonishment  that  all  those  who  believe  that 
we  must  insist,  war  or  no  war,  upon  a  surrender 
of  the  whole  territory,  should  not  be  found  laying  < 
upon  our  tables,  and  urging  from  day  to  day  the  ' 
passage  of  bills  for  a  direct  tax,  and  the  vast  aug- 
mentation uf  all  our  naval  and  military  defences  ; 
demanded  by  such  an  occa.sion.  ; 

Below  the  forty-ninth  parallel,  or  what  is  sub-  i 
stantially  equivalent  to  it,  no  doubt  the  President 
never  could  consent  to  go,  be  the  consequences 
what  they  may.  And  this,  1  believe,  is  almost  the 
universal  senliment  of  the  country,  and  of  every 
Senator  'u  this  Chamber.  But  this  is  o  very  dif- 
ferent pi  jitioii  from  that  of  rejecling  all  compro- 
mise ano  all  negotiation, and  involving  the  country 
in  war  ny  the  mere  act  of  the  Presideiil.  I  kiiovV 
nothii'g  of  whether  such  an  oiler  will  be  made  or 
mil;  but  if  it  should  be,  and  the  President  should 
rashly  reject  it  without  eonsulting  the  Senate,  he 
will,  by  ills  own  mere  act,  involve  the  country  in 
war,  or  the  disgrace  attendant  iqioii  the  settlement 
of  the  question  at  the  parallel  of  forty-nine  degrees 
after  he  has  rejected  the  propositimi. 

Mr.  President,  do  those  who  demand  that  the 
President  of  the  United  Slates  shall  reject  ihe  forty- 
ninth  parallel  rellect  upon  the  fact,  v  'licli  it  is  be- 
lieved no  Senator  will  deny,  that  a  ma  >rily  of  both 
branches  of  Congress  would  agree   to  settle  the 
controversy  at  the  forty-ninth  parallel.'    Must  the 
President,  in  open  disregard  of  the  known  will  of 
one  or  both  Houses  of  Congress,  reject  a  proposi- 
tion which  one  or   both   of  them  would  accept? 
Even  if  liie  President,  in  his  own  individual  judg- 
ment, was  opposed  to  a  settlement  by  the  [lurallel 
of  forty-nine  degrees,  yet  he  could  not  reject  such 
I  a  compromise  in  view  of  the  opposing  opinions 
I  known  to  be  entertained  by  both  llousea  of  Con- 
i  gress,  whose  hearty  concurrence  and  cordial  co- 
1  operation  he  must  have,  if  such  a  course  should 
I  result  hi  a  hostile  collision  between  the  two  coun- 
\  tries.     It  is  well  known,  Mr.  President,  that  fnur- 
j  fifths  of  the  Senators  in  this  body,  among  whom 
j  are  three-fourths  of  the  President's  poliiicnl  friends, 
,  however  they  may  vote  on  Ihe  question  of  notice, 
are  in  favor  of  settling  the  question  upon  princi- 
ples of  compromise;  and  in  the  Hou.se  of  llepre- 
I  scniatives,  upon  a  direct  vole,  but  ten  members 
voied  against  it,nnd,l)y  an  overwhelming  majority, 
I  expressed   itself  in   favor  of  further   negotiation. 
j   How,  then,  can  the  President  be  asked  or  expected, 
!,  in  view  of  such  conclusive  circumstances,  to  reject 
all  compromise  and   refuse  all   neiroliation .'     'No, 
'.  Mr.   President,   the   Administration   has  planted 
li  itself  upon  tl:nt  parallel  as  tlie  line  from  which  it 


cannot  be  driven;  and  if  war  come  of  it.  In  the 
patriotic  language  of  the  Senator  from  North  Caro. 
linn,  let  it  come;  and  when  a  proud,  nrrognni,  and 
grasping  enemy  gives  n  blow  at  us,  there  will  be 
found  ready  to  resist  aggression  one  solid  phalanx 
of  the  whole  American  people. 

By  the  last  steamer  we  received  nn  extract  from 
the  letter  of  Sir  Robert  Peel,  vkhen  retiring  from 
the  minislry,  in  which  he  nNsiires  her  Miijealy  that 
he  will  satisfy  the  King  of  the  French  Ihat  the  great 
military  and  naval  iirep.iiutions,  which  havelieen 
making  in  England  for  some  time  past,  were  not 
intended  for  France,  but  grew  out  of  their  unsettled 
relations  with  the  United  Slates.  This  disclosure, 
coupled  with  the  des|>alch  of  our  minister,  Mr. 
McLane,  which  has  been  laid  before  us,  in  my  poor 
opinion,  is  an  imporlant  fact,  and  calls  strongly 
upon  us  to  prepare  for  any  contingency  which  may 
arise  out  of  these  unsettled  relations.  But,  Mr. 
President,  as  I  am  one  of  the  youngest  and  most 
inexiurieneed  members  of  this  body,  surrounded 
by  so  many  older,  wiser,  and  more  experienced 
SenaUus,  1  will  not  venture  to  suggest  what  is 
proper  to  be  done;  I  look  lo  them — the  counlry 
looks  to  them — to  take  the  proper  precautionary 
men  su  res. 

What  1  have  said,  Mr.  President,  has  been  in 
the  discharge  of  a  duty  I  owed  lo  myself  and  the 
people  of  the  Stale  I  have  the  honor  in  part  to  rep- 
resent; differing  from  n  few  valued  political  friends 
nround  me,  I  could  not,  as  I  had  wished  to  do, 
give  a  silent  vole.  Belonging  as  1  do  to  that  po- 
litical party  which  has  ever  adlieied  lo  a  strict  con- 
struction of  the  Constitution  and  free  trade,  no  one 
can  deplore  n  hostile  collision  more  ihan  I  would, 
and  that  this  period,  which  we  fondly  hoped  was 
the  dawn  of  our  deliverance  and  liberty,  should  be 
obscured  by  "  shadows,  clouds,  and  darkness." 


HARBORS  AND  RIVERS. 
SPEECH   OF  MR.  J.  W.  TIBBATTS, 

OF  KENTUCKY, 
In  the  House  of  Rf.pnEsENTATims, 
March  17,  184G. 
The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  slate  of  the  Union  on  the  Bill  making  appro- 
priations for  cerlain  ilarburs  and  iliver.s — 
Mr.  TIBB.\TTSsaid: 

Mr.  CiiAinsiAx:  I  hail  not  oiiirinally  contem- 
pl.Tted  Rpeakinifon  ihe  subjecl  under  considcralion 
I  had  atwnys  rather  act  than  talk,  and  it  is  always 
with  reluctance  that  I  make  a  speech  either  here  or 
elsewhere.  I  should  not  even  now,  amid  the  jiress 
of  conipetitioii,  have  contested  for  the  Hour,  or 
arisen  for  the  purpo.se  of  addressing  the  eommillee, 
but  for  the  extraordinary  turn  the  debate  has 
taken,  the  violent  opposition  the  bill  has  met  with, 
the  rude  assaults  which  have  been  made  upon 
the  measure,  Ihe  quarter  from  which  the  oppo- 
sition has  in  part  c  ome,  and  the  expectation  which 
seems  to  be  generally  entertained — that  I  should 
defend  this  bill  from  these  assaults,  I  having  had 
the  honor  to  report  it  to  this  House  by  the  order 
of  the  Committee  on  Commerce. 

A  gentleman  from  Alabama  [Mr.  Payne]  said 
in  debate  the  other  day,  that  "oneof  hiscoJlengucN 
had  yesterday,  characterized  this  bill  in  very  strong 
terms,  and  had  condemned  it  very  earnesify.  He 
[Mr.  Payne]  thought  that  character  mid  that 
condemnation  just."'  Now.  what  was  the  charac- 
ter and  condc'mnalion  which  the  gentleman  from 
Alabama  [Mr.  Payne]  here  so  unqualifiedly  en- 
dorses.' Why,  sir,  because  it  is  opposed  to  the 
principles  "  of  common  honesty  and  of  justice;" 
because  it  is  oppo.sed  lo  "  ecimnion  .sense,  common 
justice,  and  common  right;"  because  it  is  "  a  fla- 
grnnt  and  stupendous  outrage;"  because  this  bill, 
''  from  the  beginning  of  Oene.sis  lo  the  terminus  of 
Revelation,  was  the  most  indiscriminate  bundle 
of  plunder,  robbeiy,  log-rolling — disgraceful  to 
American  legislation — that  had  ever  been  presented 
to  this  House."  And  "  that  he  so  taught  and  in- 
doctrinated his  constituents,  that  they  would  not 
have  a  Representative  here  who  would  be  guilty  of 
such  nn  act  of  baseness  as  to  vote  for  this  bill." 

Such   is   Ihe  language,  Mr.  Chairman,  used  in 

relation  to  a  bill  reported  by  one  of  the  standing 

'  committees  of  this  House,  by  one  gentleman  fronl 


m 


560 


29th  CoNfj IsT  Skss 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Tibbatts. 


[March  17, 


Ho.  OS*  Ugp8. 


ihc  SiiUo  of  Alalmina,  iinil  ciidoiaftil  liy  anolhpr  'I 
tinlli'iimn  tVoin  llii:  sniiili  of  Miihdii  iinJ  liixiiii's 
liiic;  from  llii'  leiiiil  wlmsn  cliiviiliy  is  sii  imii'li  iiiiJ 
HO  ol'icn  liiiiiliU  (111  lliia  lloor.  Il'sinli  liuimuifjf, 
sir,  luul  priH'icdeil  iVinii  a  gciiih  iiiiiii  fnnii  llii' 
iidiih  iiI'MiiMon  mu'  Dixon's  line,  I  tliiLil<  tlicirni- 
tiC'iiiiHi  tVoiii  AtabttuKi  w'uiilil  )iu\t'  pronuuiK'i'd  ii 
M'ly  dixoimrtiDim  ami  in  vtry  bad  laMe.  Wlial, 
tlicn,  inusl  be  cimsiderod  ot'il  as  |ircictfding  rniin 
a  gonllt-niaa  wliii  ('onu'H  fioni  t.a;  sunny  and  clii- 
VBlrif  81111111,  oiiurlusy  bcin;;  always  CDiisidi'ii'd  an 
essential  ingrtdieiil  of  i'lii\alry  ■'  tSncli  is  llio  na- 
ture of  the  on|iosiliiin  wliirli  ila:  f;enllenian  niakts 
to  tliis  bill,  for  the  want  of  some  snund  ar^ninent 
to  nrge  an.iiiisi  it,  lint  ibe  f;i  iilltnian  from  Ala- 
bama, [Mr.  I'avnk,)  not  satisfied  with  this,  has 
found  it  iiee(ssary.  Ill  eause  the  liill  does  not  a|i- 
pi'opnale,  lis  lie  thiiiKs,  eiiiMi!;h  smilli  of  Mason 
mid  Dixon's  line,  to  iiii|Hi!,'n  ibi  |iatrioiisin  of  tin 
nieinliers  of  the  euioinitiee,  anil  |iarlii'n!arly  ol'  my- 
self, who  had  the  honor  to  report  the  bill.  1  do 
not  come  from  a  Siale.  Mr.  Chairman,  whose  eili- 
xens  are  in  the  habit  of  boa.siiiiL;  ol'thi  ir  piunolisni; 
they  leave  that  inatier  to  tiie  archivi's  of  llie  naiion, 
■-    the   historv  of  the   eounlrv.     Mv   patriotism, 


iry  of  the  eounlry.  My  nalriotism, 
however,  I  ihaiik  C'od,  is  not  lioiindeil,  tlioui;li  1 
livesoiitii  of  It,  by  .Mason  and  Dixon  s  line — a  line 
wliiih  seems  to  present  a  barrier  to  all  the  political 
views  of  some  i^enilemen  here.  My  iVieiid  iVooi 
<lliii>,  [.Mr.  SawvkI!,]  ilic  other  day  aimoniieed  to 
the  House  the  diseovery  of  a  new  seieiiie,  wliii  I' 
i«  about  to  lie  propagated  in  this  eoimlry,  aii.i 
whieh  he  says  illustrates  why  it  is  that  some  f:eii- 
tleinen  have  but  one  niiif^lv  htai  in  tiieir  heads.  He 
says  that  this  seienee  teaihes  "  that  a  sinf,'le  dioji 
of  Idood,  by  examining  it  wiin  a  mieresrope,  was 
found  to  la;  eoinpostd  of  millions  of  iiiiiiiiii/L'ii/d', 
and  what  llio.^e  niiiitinlrulif  are,  in  a  pariieuhu  in- 
dividual, depends  iipi^li  his  pec  lihar  lemperamenf," 
from  whifli  mv  friend  iiilers  that  a  drop  of  the 
blood  ol'his  eolieague,  (Mr.  CiinniMis,)  '•  held  up 
mid  ex-iniined,  wi>uld  exliilut  ihinisaiid;^  and  niil- 
boiis  of  ^ri  at  negrties  standing  up  in  bailie  array, 
warlike  and  firo.'ions."  Now,  sir,  if  this  srieiiee 
whi' li  my  friend  speaks  of  be  true.  I  would  suppose 
that  if  a  drop  of  ibe  bUcoil  of  some  oilier  p:enlle- 
men  in  this  House  were  .Kiibjeeied  to  this  mi*  ro- 
si-ojiic  examination:  il  would  be  f  )Uiid  to  eonluin, 
in  the  form  of  niiiiii<i/cii/'t',  thousands  of  m  groes 
and  aliolilioiiisls  daiiein^  li  irnpipis  u|ion  .Mason 
and  Dixon's  line.  I  reside  near  eiioui;li,  sir, 
to  Mason  and  Dixon's  line  to  b-'  welt  aejiuaniti  d 
wilh  the  people  on  the  north  side  of  il,  and  take 
oeiasion  here  to  sav,  tliat  in  virtue,  in  iiitt;;rity,  in 
iuteHi-^rnce,  in  true  euura^e  and  patriotism,  in  lili- 
erality,  hospitality,  and  eoiiriesy,  and  all  ihevir- 
nii.f  which  eonsiitnte  true  chivalry,  tliey  will  not 
sullV  r  ill  eoMipjirisoii  wilh  the  ;;i  nilemen  from  the 
ataiih  ot' -Mason  and  Dixon's  line. 

Hut  the  -eiitleinan  from  Alabama,  [Mr.  P.wxi;,] 
i.H  not  siilistied  with  his  i;eiieral  deiiuucialions  of 
''     '  ■"       ■  with   endursin;:  the   sentiinenis  ot"  hi; 


III    Willi     Liiiitn.'-iii^     llii;     HI  iiiiiiii.iiin  (ii     iii.t 

eolh  ,e_iue,  which  denounces  the  siockholders  111  tie 

(•     /  • 1  i-i I. I. :.  1.1   1 


the  bill, 

eolh  .liiie,  which  ileiiounces  tlie  siockbolilirs  111  t.'e 
l.oin.svdie  Canal  Company  as  "  storkjubla  rs  and 
individual  plnnderi  rs,  who  arc  layiin;  in  wan, at  all 
the  eonimeicial  points  throughout  our  vast  lU'pub- 
bc,  lo  take  advantiis;e  of  the  laboring;  classes,"  but 
la  aNo  iiivis  to  the  stockholders  in  that  eoinpany 
ill"  additional  apiiellation  of"  swindlers.*' 

[Here  Mr.  1'avxf.  rose  and  a.-'ked  leave  lo  ex- 
plain, and  di. claimed  the  inteniioii  of  casting  any 
nnpuMtion  upon  tin-  iiile;:rity  of  the  stockholders 
in  the  Loui.-:vi:le  and  I'oilland  Canal.] 

,Mr.  T.  n'Mimed.  I  am  frr.ililied,  Mr.  Chaii- 
inan,  to  hear  the  explanation  of  ihe  eeiitleiiian;  he 
ei  iiaiiily  us'd  the  term  "  swindleis"  in  eniinexion 
wnh  the  sioekholders  of  that  emnpany,  if  he  did 
not  intend  to  aliach  any  miamnu'  to  the  ti  ini,  lit 
11  p.iss.  !  have  expended  iiii-re  linie  in  rilatiiin  to 
tli"<e  matters  ih.iii  I  had  intended. 

There  are  very  fi  w  appropriations  roniained  in 
this  bill  which  h.iie  not  been  reeoinnn  tided  by  the 
alih'  SicHiary  of  the  War  Depailmini,  in  his  re- 
jKir'  aecompanyiiui;  'lie  I'li  .ddenl's  Miss.i^e  lo  ihe 
present  < ^m-.-ress,  ami  all  of  tin  in  have  been  siib- 
jecied  to  the  I  xamination  and  receive  d  thesanclioii 
'of  the 'ropou'nipliical  liureau;  so  tlial  the  char-e 
of"  lot:  rolliii;;,  'which  bin  been  so  often  repealed 
in  this  di  bale,  has  no  fiiiindntion  in  triilli.  For 
iiiysilf,  sir,  I  would  uilerly  scorn  niy.self  if  I  could 
be  inlluenced  by  mere  lucid  iiiti  resi:  ,  or  personal 
1  oiisideialioiia,  111  L;ivin:;  or  willijiolding  my  Bup- 


nort  of  the  various  prnvisionn  of  thin  bill.  I  have  ' 
looked  to  it  as  a  trreat  national  nieasiire,  of  vast 
interest  lo  the  inilion  tit  hiri^e,  and  productive  of 
Srcat  imtional  bcnelits.  JSol  one  dollar  of  the  ap- 
propriations proposed  in  tlii.<i  bill  will  be  expeud"d, 
as  lar  as  I  know  or  believe,  within  the  district 
which  I  have  the  honm' to  represent;  the  inierest 
of  myself  and  my  conslituenis  in  this  bill  is  that 
;;eneral  interest  w  hicli  all  oiiKbt  to  feel  in  the  ini- 
provenieni  of  the  navi!;atioii,  o|ienim,'  the  nveinies 
of  commerce,  and  completini;  the  defeiiccK  of  the 
eouniry.  .'\iid,  for  the  purpose  of  shieldin!;  the 
coiiiinitiee  frim  a  cliarjie  so  unfounded,  I  will 
mentiiin  a  fact,  lhiiu<j:h  it  is  not  altoi^elher  in  f>rder. 
I  will  take  the  liberty  of  slatinu;  the  fact  that  the 
only  item  which  was  referied  to  the  commiltec  in 
which  the  local  inierests  of  my  constiluents  were 
iimnediHtely  concerned,  lliiil  of  tin  improvement 
of  the  harbor  iit  Ciiiciniiaii,  was  lo.si  in  ibe  coni- 
inilK^e  by  the  casi  ,1:;  voli'  of  ihe  elniirnian.  Il  is 
true,  as  is  well  known,  llnil  I  have  taken  n  special 
interest  in  iirj^m:;  ujioii  the  (Jeneral  (.ioverninent 
the  purchase  ol' the  residue  of  ihe  inteiesl  held  by 
individual  siockh  ilders  In  the  Louisville  and  Port- 
land (.'anal  Coni(iaiiy,  but  I  ilo  imt  reside  within 
one  himdred  and  fifty  miles  of  that  canal,  and  my 
district  doi  s  not  reach  witliin  a  hnndred  miles  nf 
it,  and  1  have  no  eoiistitnent  who  is  intcresied  to 
the  amount  of  a  dollar  in  the  stock  of  ihe  compa- 
ny. I  do  not,  however,  intend  to  discuss  that  sub- 
ject now,  my  time  will  not  permit  il.  I  iniciid  to 
discuss  llie  bill  wiihiiiit  rei;ard  lo  that  a)ipropria- 
lioll.  i  believe  tlnit  it  will  be  tiiki'il  out  of  llie  bill; 
many  of  my  friends,  who  are  in  liivor  of  the  ap- 
propriation ii.ieir,  desire  that  it  may  be  taken  out, 
as  they  t'e.ir  iliMi  It  noL'lit  defeat  the  bill,  and  thus 
the  (itiier  np|iro|iriaiioiis,  which  are  of  such  vast 
iinporlaiice,  be  lost  to  the  coiintry.  Ilesides,  there 
is  some  division  ol'  opinion,  even  nnion<r  western 
men.  upon  the  subject  of  the  proper  mode  of  re- 
niovinsr  the  obsirni-lions  al  llie  falls  of  the  Ohio; 
us  this  item,  therefore,  was  put  into  the  bill  mi  my 
motion,  under  all  tiie  circiim.slances  1  should  not 
:  bedoiin:  justice  10  my  friends  or  mvself.  or  iriviiii: 
I  to  the  measure  iiself  n  fair  chance,  if  I  were  to 
tirire  its  relention  in  the  bill.  I  have  another  bill 
upon  th<;  calendar  ot'  this  committee,  devoted  spe- 
eially  to  this  work,  which  I  will  endeavor  to  brinn: 
to  the  consideration  of  the  commiitee  at  the  earliest 
praciicablt!  period,  when,  havinir  no  doubt  that 
inv  friends  will  irive  me  the  opportunitv,  I  will  be 
ready  to  show  the  constitutionality  and  propriety 
of  tile  measure. 

I  am  Iioi  very  much  surprised,  sir,  ihat  ireiiile- 
nieii  I'rom  the  South,  who  are  not  t'amiliar  wilh  the 
iriTat  West,  should  be  opposed  to  a  measure  t'or 
the  improvement  of  its  naviirable  waters,  These 
ueiitleinen  ciii  have  no  idea  of  thai  part  of  the 
country.  Their  opposilion  proceeds  as  much,  per- 
haps, tVom  a  want  ot'knowledtre  as  from  anvihiii": 
else,  [  mn  not,  ilieicl'ore,  surprised  al  il.  We  of 
1  the  West  can  readny  t'orLnve  souihern  .'reutlcmeii 
t'or  0(i|iosition  lo  western  appropriaiions.  bec.uise, 
in  the  laiiirnaire  of  the  Scriptures,  " //icii  A-iiee*  }int 
what  they  do."  Thev  are  not  ncipiamii-d  wilh  the 
exieni  and  value  of  [he  commerce  of  the  West, 
nor  with  the  dampers  and  diHicnliies  it  has  to  en- 
counler  and  surinoiiiii,  lint,  sir.  1  cmiiiioI  find 
I  words  10  exjiress  the  surprise  1  tell  at  the  opposi- 
tion wiiich  was  manit'esied  lu^aiiisl  thi^  bill  in  ibis 
House  on  yesierdav  by  a  western  memlier.  I  re- 
peat, sir,  I  (iinnot  express  the  astonishnieiii  which 
1  fell  that  Ibis  bill  slioiild  be  opposed  by  a  Hepre- 
sentative  from  the  West,  and  lliai  liepre.senlaiive 
fioiil  the  Slate  of  Illinois,  a  .State  almost  siirrouiol- 
ed  by  navigable  waters,  and  jierliaps  more  deeply 
inleri  sled  in  the  provisions  of  this  bill  than  any 
other  Stale  in  the  I'liion.  That  iienilenian  opposed 
'  this  bill  both  111)  consiitulionid  grounds  and  unrounds 
of  expediency.  He  ci'riainlv  does  not  spiak  the 
sentinienis  ni'  the  Democracy  of  the  West,  nor 
do  I  believe  he  did  of  the  Democracy  of  the  Siaie 
of  Illinois,  upon  liilier  the  ipiestioii  of  eonstilu- 
tionalily  or  exoediency. 

Mr.    .Me('i.i;u\AM)    here   rose,  and   iin{iiired    if 
till;  allusion  was  to  him. 

Mr,  'I'luiivrrs  answered  that  it  was. 
Mr,  .MeCi.tu.viAxti  said  that  be  was  aware  to 
what  llie  s;eiitlem,'ui  from  Kentucky  had  allusion, 
but  that  the  i;eiiilemaii  t'roni  Kenhicky  did  not  iiii- 
derslaiKl  the  true  slaie  of  ihe  fails  in  relation  lo 
the  imilier  he  hud  reference  to. 


Mr.  TiBinTTs  roplied,  tlinl  whelher  he  did  or 
noi,  would  »|iiiear  from  a  paper  he  would  now 
send  to  the  Clerk's  table,  wilh  a  rei|uest  that  he. 
wonlil  read,  for  the  informalioii  of  the  committee, 
the  purls  which  were  marked,  ['I'he  ("lerk  then 
read  cerlain  exiracls  from  n  doenmenl  piir|iorliiii; 
to  lie  an  ".Vdilress  to  the  people  of  Illinois,  by  ilia 
Democratic  Stale  Conventinn,"  lately  lidd  in  ilial 
Stale,  for  the  nomiiia'ion  of  candidaies  forCiover- 
nor  and  i.iieuleniuil  Uovernor,  in  wiiich  uddresn 
Ihe  convemion  approves  of  the  wlioli'  of  tin'  recoin- 
nieiidaiioii.s  of  ijie  late  Memphis  ( 'oiivention;  as- 
serts the  const  ilii  I  ionatity  at  id  expediency  of  a  ppro- 
|iriatioiis  for  the  olijecis  conlemplaled  liy  this  bill; 
and  more  especially  the  iinportance,  iieci  .<.s:iy,  anil 
justice  of  Hitch  appropriations  lo  the  improveinetil 
of  the  imviu'atioii  of  the  weslerii  walers.] 

Mr.  MrCi.F.iivAxii  here  expl. lined.  Me  snid  h** 
would  tlo  ihe  i;enili'inan  from  Kenliicky  llie  juHiica 
lo  say  llnil  he  Innl  apprised  him,  befiire  h'e  [Mr. 
T.]  liad  obtained  the  door,  that  lie(Mr,  T,l  iii- 
Icniied  to  use  the  address,  from  which  the  C'lerk 
had  been  readiim,  in  answer  lo  the  position  which 
he  (.Mr,  ,\li  Cm.iixavii)  had  taken  in  bis  ai  ;riinieni 
upon  iliis  bill;  bill  be  (.Mr.  Mi  ( 'i.kmxaxiij  denied 
llial  tins  docunieiii  was  the  addiesi  of  ihe  Demo- 
cratic convention  of  Illinois,  and  declared  il  to  be 
the  production  of  an  individual  member  of  th.u 
conveniion,  and  as  such  entitled  lo  no  more  weiuht 
than  the  opinions  of  any  other  sio^'le  individual; 
thai  the  address  did  not  express  the  sentiuients  01 
opinions  of  the  Illinois  convention,  or  of  the  Dem- 
ocratic parly  of  lliut  Slate.  Mr.  MeCi,i;nMAND 
said  his  slaiemcut  was  iiijidc  upon  the  imlboriiv  of 
a  leiler  which  he  held  in  his  lianil,  by  which  this 
could  lie  esiabhsinil,  and  that  severiil  hiirhlv  re- 
speelable  !;cntlemaii  were  now  in  tlieciiy  of  Wash- 
inmon,  one  of  whom  was  now  in  his  eye,  [Mr. 
-MeCi.K.HSAxn  here  alluded  to  a  ;;entleiimn  who 
was  sittini;  ill  the  ladies' i-'allerv,|  who  were  pioui- 
iiieiit  members  of  ilnit  conveiiiioii,  and  by  whom 
he  wa.4  informed  thai  the  address  had  never  been 
adu|)ted.  Mr.  Mi  Ci.f.iixaxd  here  read  an  extract 
from  a  iiewspsper,  which  he  (.\[r,  MtCi.r.iixANiil 
said  expressed  ex  callinim  the  dncirine  of  the  Dem- 
ociaiic  p.irly  i,f  llie  Sinte  of  Illinois. 

Mr.  TinnATTs  here  resumed.  Mr.  t.'lmirmnn, 
the  address  which  I  sent  a  \'r\v  momenta  airo  to  the 
Clerk  professes  to  be  the  address  of  llie  Deinocraiic. 
conveniion  of  Ihe  Slate  of  Illinois.  I  find  it  in  the 
Illinois  .State  Itejisier,  "  the  otiieial  Deinocraiic 
Slate  paper  of  Illinois,  published  at  .Sprinu'licld,  011 
the  tilii  of  the  present  monlli."  The  editor  of  that 
paper  siati'S  that  it  is  the  address  of  that  conven- 
tion, and  that  he  presents  the  "  address  to  the  pub- 
lic as  it  ii,i\xiil  Ihe  convention."  .Vow,  sir,  whelher 
this  be  the  address  of  ihe  coiivi  ntion  or  not  is  a 
(|Ueslioli  to  be  settled  between  ihe  I'dithuiian  from 
ll'inois  and  the  member  of  the  convention  in  "  his 
eye,"  and  the  editor  of  the  "  Illinois  Slate  Rei^is- 
ler,"  'J'he  address  certainly  presents  the  senti- 
nienis of  ihe  !,'reat  body  of  the  Western  Democra- 
cy, and  the  o|iiiiioos  enicrlained  by  llie  eminenl  of 
that  parly  tlironirboul  the  riiion,  from  the  eom- 
nieiiceiiieni  of  the  Uoverumrnt  to  the  pre.si.nt  time, 
and  in  no  way  dill'ers  from  the  .sentiment  express- 
ed in  the  exlriici  which  the  [rentleninn  has  read, 
wilh  which  1  fully  concitr. 

This,  -Mr.  ('Iiairman,  is  n  subject  of  preat  inter- 
esl  to  ihe  people  iif  the  West,  There  is  no  siibjeei, 
sir,  ill  iheordiiiary  lei.'islationof  CouL'ress.in  which 
the  people  of  the  West  feel  so  deep  and  abiilmi; 
an  interest  as  in  the  objecis  of  the  appropriations 
contained  in  this  bill.  'Geiulcmen  who  do  not  re- 
side in  the  Wesi,  who  oppose  the  'irantinir  the  ap- 
propriaiions which  we  ask  in  this  bill,  are  bnl  little 
iicc|uaitili  d  with  the  vast  extent  and  trreat  fertility, 
the  boundless  resources,  the  immense  |iroductioif. 
of  the  western  cuuntry:  with  the  navisable  waters, 
with  the  commerce  ,,(  ihe  L'reat  valley  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi. It  is  bill  {I  Irw  ilays  aL!0  when  the  ivnile- 
man  from  South  Carohna,  (Mr,  Kiiktt,]  in  his 
speech  upon  the  I  h-ei;on  i|ueslion,  declared  ihatihe 
westirn  country  had  no  commerce.  I  was  sur- 
prised at  this  lie;  laralion,  ami  astonished  at  the 
want  of  knowledu'e  exhibiied  by  him  us  lo  thi! 
commerce  of  the  VVesi — u  commerce  which  iscni- 
puled  lo  exceed  two  hundred  and  thirty  millions  of 
dollars,  which  fir  exceeds  the  whole  external  com- 
merce  of  the  I'nited  Slates.  We  have  a  country, 
sir,  exclusive  of  'J'exas,  once  dismembered,  bin 
now  restored  to  iheyrem  valley  of  the  Mississippi, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


561 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 

extenilhij;  from  the  96tli  to  the  47th  d«;rppM  nf 
tiorlh  Inlitudc,  Rlrc.lchiiif;  from  ihp  Allc;,'hunieH  to 
the  Rocky  MouiitiihiH,  emhniriiig  more  thnii 
400, OUU  Mnunre  mileii  of  huid,  iiuxurpaBKCil  in  fer- 
tility, Hiid  uncquiillt'd  iji  itM  iirndiictions,  l>y  any 
country  on  tlie  luil>ilablc  ylolw;  a  country  inlcr- 
occted  in  every  direction  by  rivcra  which  nflbrd 
more  than  12,000  miles  of  n:ivi!^nlilc  wntcra. 

Bountiful  as  nature  Iuih  been  to  us,  Hontething; 
»till  is  !efi  ns  to  contend  with  and  mirmounl.  Ob- 
structions exist  in  our  nttvisnlion  which  cannot  he 
overcome  by  individiml  or  Stale  enterprise,  and  we 
must  look  to  the  National  Government  for  the 
means.  Such  are  the  fiilln  of  the  Ohio,  and  the 
niHa,  and  NnH<;s,  and  sawyers  of  the  Mississippi 
and  its  tribulnries;  these  not  only  constitute  nli- 
slructions  to  o>ir  commerce,  hut  our  enterprising 
river-men  are  in  danger  of  their  lives  at  every 
stroke  of  the  piston  or  of  the  oar.  IWillions  nf 
uroperty  have  been  lost,  and  h\indreds  nf  lives 
nave  been  sacrificed  by  the  neglect  of  the  Qencral 
Government  to  make  adequate  appropriations  for 
the  removal  of  these  olistructions  and  tlic  constrMC 
tion  of  harbors  on  the  western  lakes.  Scarcely  a 
mail  arrives  in  this  city  from  the  West  which  does 
not  brin;;  the  news  of  some  s.ul  and  melancholy 
disaster  upon  our  lakes  or  our  rivers — the  very 
breezes  which  come  over  the  Alle'j;lianies  seem  to 
waft  upon  their  bosom><  the  death-shrieks  of  our 
iiardy  and  eiiterprisiji^  navigators,  as  lliey  .sink 
and  are  buried  in  the  waters  of  the  lakes  or  of  the 
Mississippi;  and  the  wail  of  their  widowed  wives  i 
and  orphan  children  accuse  the  rulers  of  the  nation 
of  being  the  murderers  of  their  husbands  and  fa- 
thers, by  neglecting  to  make  the  necessary  appro- 
priations. 

We  want  liberal  appropriations  made  for  the 
removal  of  these  obstructions;  we  desire  to  see 
these  dangers  abated,  the  navigation  of  onr  lakes 
and  rivers  made  safe,  ajid  our  commerce  free.  AVe 
ask  of  the  General  Government  such  appropria- 
tions as  justly  belong  to  our  country,  comprising, 
as  it  does,  one- third  of  the  population  of  the  Union, 
which  not  only  pays  its  proportion  of  the  burden 
of  taxation,  but  is  constantly  draijied  of  its  ireasurc 
by  investment  in  the  purchase  of  the  public  lands.  ' 
We  ask  this,  and  not  that  our  commerce  shall  be 
taxed  as  it  is  at  the  Louisville  canal,  where  the  in- 
vestments made  by  the  General  Government  have 
been  returned  more  than  a  hundred-fold  into  the 
coders  of  the  nation  by  a  burdensome  taxation 
upon  our  conmierce — the  only  instance,  I  believe, 
of  the  kind  in  all  the  appro]irialions  which  have' 
been  made  by  the  Govermr.eitt. 

The  objects  for  which  we  ask  appropriations  are 
of  a  national  character,  and  interestmg  to  the  whole 
Union.  I  iiave  never  doubted  the  power  of  the 
National  Government  to  make  appropriations  of 
money  to  objects  of  internal  improvements  of  a 
national  character,  and  I  will  not  cense,  whilst  I 
have  the  honor  of  a  seat  in  the  councils  of  the  na- 
tion, to  urge  upon  the  consideration  of  Congress 
the  making  of  such  appropriations,  guarded  at  all 
times  by  a  constitutional  simciion.  There  is,  in 
my  opinion,  no  object  to  which  Congress  can  ap- 
propriate money  which  can  be  of  more  utility  than 
for  removing  the  obstructions  and  iiicreasing  the 
facility  and  safely  of  our  commerce,  for  the  preser- 
vation of  the  property  of  our  traders  and  mer- 
chants, for  the  saving  of  the  lives  of  our  mariners 
upon  the  seas  and  the  lakes,  and  of  the  navigators 
of  the  rivers.  To  doubt  a  power  so  salutary,  would 
seem  to  ine  to  doubt  the  principle  of  self-preserva- 
tion— a  principle  coexistent  with  man,  and  inhe- 
rent in  all  Governments.  This  power  has  never  i 
been  doubted  by  any  sialcsmnn  of  any  distinction 
of  the  Democratic,  party,  so  far  as  my  knowledge 
extends. 

The  people  of  the  West  have  justly  complained 
of  the  little  attention  which  has  been  paid  to  the  i 
improvement  of  their  navigable  waters,  and  the  , 
comparatively  sinidl  amounts  of  public  money 
which  have  been  expended  for  that  purpose.  I 
warn  gentlemen  who  now  consider  them  and  their 
claims  so  little  worthy  of  attention,  that  the  time  is 
not  far  distant  when  they  will  ■  ome  hern  with  the 
power  of  their  representation,  and  take  that  justice 
which  has  been  so  long  denied  to  them. 

The  lake  harbors  are  essential  to  the  defiuice  of 
the  northwestern  frontier,  ns  much  so  as  fortifica- 
tions on  the  seaboard.  The  improvements  of  the 
rivers,  particularly  the  western  tributaries  of  the 

30 


Harhort  and  Riven — Mr.  Tibbniti, 


New  SF.niEs No  36. 


Mississippi,  are  in  view  of  war  meagures  as  well 
as  of  commerce. 

The  rivers  in  this  bill  are  great  national  high- 
ways— the  seacoast  and  harbors  on  the  Atlantic 
are  not  conmmn  highways  for  the  Tiatioti  any  more 
than  the   ITiidson  river,  and  the  great  navigable 
riveraof  the  West,  to  which  appropriations  are  pro- 
posed to  be  made  liy  this  hill.     We  do  not  object 
to  the  immense  means  which  have  been  expended 
on  the  Atlantic  sealioard — we  only  complain  of  the 
little  attention  which  has  been  given,  and  the  com-  ' 
paratively  small  appropriations  which  have  b'en 
made,  to  the  lakes  and  rivers  of  the  Weit. 
I      The  gentleman  from  Alabama  [Mr.  1'avnf.I  re- 
:  marked  the  other  day,  that  he  never  mentioned  the 
[  Constitution  to  a  Representative  from  Kentucky 
j  hut  that  he  was  answered  with  a  smile.     I  do  not 
i  know  what  meaning  the  honorable  gentleman  in- 
tended to  give  to  the  remark,  or  what  he  intended 
;  the  committee  should  deduce  from   it.    I   would  ] 
■  merely  remark,  however,  to  that  ffcntleman,  that 
'  tlie  positions  taken  by  himself  and  some  others,  of 
1  the  constitutional  powers  of  this  Govcrntnent  over 
this  subject,  are  so  impriiciicablc,  and,  viewed  in 
regard   io  the  consequences  to  wbicli  they  would 
Iciid  if  followed  out,  are  of  so  ludicrous  a  chnrac- 
'  ter,  that  it  can  be  counted  no  wonder  that  the  Rep- 
resentatives from    Kentucky  should  smile  when 
they  are  mentioned,  and  that  it  is  owing  solely  in 
:  that  courtesy  whicli   it  is  our  habitual  custom  to 
practise  towards  gentlemen  for  whom  we  entertain 
a  personal  respect,  however  much  we  may  difl'er 
from  them  as  to  their  constitutional  views,  iliat  we 
.  do  not  '  iigh  outrisbt. 

I  deiiv  that  the  Democratic  party  has  ever  en- 
'  terlained  such  views  as  have  been  avowed  by  tlie 
gentlemen  who  have  so  strenuously  opposed  this 
bill,  ns  to  the  ))ower  nf  the  General  Government  ^ 
to  make  sppropriatious  for  internal  improvements 
of  a  national  cliarncter.  1  not  only  deny  this,  liiil 
,  1  challenge  these  gentlemen  to  nniiie  any  one  emi- 
nent statesman,  an  acknowledged  leader,  (me  having 
the  confidence  of  the  Democratic  party — such  ns 
their  Presidents  and  Vice  President.^!,  or  such  as  i 
have  been  generally  spoken  of  as  candidates  for 
'  either  of  those  otiices — who  has  ever  avowed  such 
a  doctrine,  or  denied  the  existence  of  such  a  power 
in  the  (ieneral  Government.  So  far  from  this  be- 
ing the  case,  this  |iower  has  been  distinctly  and 
repeatedly  avowed  by  such  men  as  Jcfl'erson,  Mad- 
'  ison,  Jackson,  Van'  13iM-en,  John.son,  Cidliouu, 
McDutlie,  and  many  other  eminent  statesmen  of 
the  Democratic  pariv,  from  all  sections  of  the  \ 
Union.  I  rejoice  that  1  have  an  opportunity  here 
on  this  floor,  on  this  occasitm,  to  deny,  to  conibat, 
and  to  refute  the  political  heresies  and  ultraisins 
which  have  been  made  and  heretofore  asserted  by 
the  gentlemen  opposed  to  this  bill  as  Democratic 
doctrine,  and  which  have  been  so  often  quoted  , 
upon  us  by  our  political  opponents,  to  the  incal- 
culable daniage  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  mis- 
chief to  the  cause  of  true  Democratic  liiul  Kepub-  | 
lican  principles.  | 

The  olijections  urged  by  gentlemen  to  the  pas-  \ 
sage  of  this  bill,  are  contrary  to  the  iirinciples  of 
the  common  sense  and  common  reason  of  man- 
kind: and  if  1  mistake  not,  before  1  am  done,  I 
will  show  some  of  them  to  be  contrary  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  common  honesty  between  man  and  man, 
and  tt  just  administration  of  the  Government  to- 
wards the  dilVerent  portions  of  the  Union. 

Furthermore,  the  principles  ursred  by  them  arc 
neainst  a  |ilain,  fair,  and  rea.sonal)le  interpretation 
of  the  Constitution,  aial  if  carried  out,  would  re- 
duce it  to  an  insignificant  and  useless  blank  piece 
of  paper,  and  render  the  Goverimient  wholly  in- 
operative, besides,  they  are  contradicted  by  the 
practical  expositions  of  "the  Constitution,  in  the 
full  exercise  by  CNingress  of  the  powers  which 
they  now  deny,  from  the  commencement  of  the 
Govenunent  to  t!ie  present  time,  as  well  ns  being 
in  direct  opposition  to  the  principles  fully  and  dis- 
tinctly avowed,  asserted,  and  practised  upon  by 
every  eminent  statesman  of  the  Democratic  party,  ; 
who  has  been  distinguished  by  the  confidence  of  , 
the  people. 

The  argument  which  gentlemen  attemnt  to  draw 
from  the  abuse  of  this  jiower  which  has  hereto- 
fore taken  place,  and  which  was  checked  by  Gen-  \ 
eral  Jackson,  and  of  the  possible  abuse  of  the  ! 
power  hereafter,  and  the  tendency  of  the  exercise 
of  it  to  corrupt  combination,    is   entitled  to  no 


weight  or  considerntion  whatever,  rr  a  conslitu- 
tional  argument.  There  is  no  power  in  the  Oov- 
ernmenl  which  is  not  subject  to  the  same  objec- 
tions. The  abuse  of  n  power  is  no  argument 
against  the  proper  and  legitimate  use  of  it,  nor 
anaiiiHt  the  existence  of  the  power. 

It  will  be  impossible  for  ine,  Mr.  Chairman,  tn 
take  any  other  tlian  a  very  rapid  view  of  the  ques- 
tion of  ctmstitutlonni  power,  which  has  l)een  so 
oflen  brought  up  and  denied  on  the  one  side,  and 
asserted  on  the  other,  in  this  debate.  Gentlemen 
inquire  where  we  will  find  the  constitutional  power 
to  pnsN  this  bill.'  I  think,  sir,  there  will  lie  no 
ditticulty  in  finding  it  if  we  constnie  the  Cunstitu- 
lion  upon  the  plain  pinctical  principles  of  common 
sense;  and  a  constitutmn  is  a  political  instrument, 
made  to  govern  the  people  who  arc  governed  by 
the  practical  principles  of  common  sense,  and  it 
ought  not  to  be  construed  upon  any  other.  Before 
I  attempt  to  find  this  power,  however,  I  will  pre- 
mise that  I  do  )i(i(  find  it  in  that  clause  of  the  eighth 
section  of  the  Constitution,  where  the  gentleman 
from  Tennessee,  [Mr.  Jones,]  thought  he  found 
the  power  "  to  erect  forts,  magazines,  orsenols, 
dock-yards,  and  other  ncedl\il  buildings."  This 
clause  confers  no  power  for  the  purpose  of  this 
bill,  nor  any  such  power  as  is  supposed  by  the  gen- 
tleman from  Tennessee.  This  clause  simply  con- 
fers the  power  to  "  exercise  exclu.sive  legislation" 
over  "places  purchased"  for  those  purposes.  It 
presupposes  the  power  to  purchase  such  places,  ond 
to  erect  theforts^ cStc,  thereon,  to  have  been  grant- 
td  somewhere  else,  and  the  gentleman  must  look 
somewhere  else  for  tlie  power  to  purchase  sucli 
places,  and  the  power  to  erect  forts  thereon,  un- 
less he  would  indulge  in  the  wildest  kind  of  con- 
striictioii.  If  he  will  travel  with  me  a  little  way  in 
search  of  it,  I  think  we  vi'ill  find  the  power  to  p"''- 
cliase  such  places,  to  erect  forts,  &c.,  thereon,  and 
to  make  all  the  appropriations  called  for  in  this 
bill,  altogether,  ond  at  no  great  distance  from  the 
cluusc  to  which  he  referred. 

By  the  first  clause  of  the  eighth  section  of  tlie 
first  article  of  the  Constitution,  it  is  provided  that 
"  the  Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and  col- 
lect tuxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises." 

The  Constitution  thus  confers  upon  Congress 
the  power  of  raising  revenue,  without  limit  or  re- 
striction as  to  its  exerci.se,  except  in  the  discretion 
of  Congress,  with  n  view  to  the  purposes  for  which 
it  is  intended  t»  be  raised,  under  the  responsibility 
of  the  Representiilives  in  Congress  to  their  constit- 
uents. For  what  purposes  doe.-i  the  Constitution 
confer  this  power?  The  same  clause  answers 
this  question:  "  To  pay  the  debts,  and  provide  for 
the  common  defence  ond  the  general  welfare" — 
thus  conferring  upon  Congress  the  power  to  ap- 
propriate the  revenues  of  the  Government — a 
power  which  is  incidental  to  the  power  to  raise 
revenue,  and  equally  unlimited  as  to  iw  exercise, 
with  the  vii'w  to  the  national  objects  for  which  it 
is  miserl;  the  power  in  each  case  is  broad  and  un- 
qualified. Gentlemen  think  that  this  is  too  indef- 
inite, and  would  confer  upon  Congi-ess  an  unlim- 
ited power  to  do  anything  and  everything  which 
Consress  might  suppose  necessary  "  to  provide 
for  the  common  defence  and  general  welfare." 
But  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  did  not  leave 
llii^se  general  terms  open  to  misconstruction.  Fii 
the  very  same  clause — in  fact,  sir,  in  the  very 
same  sentence — the  objects  to  which  these  general 
terms  allude  are  distinctly  specified,  and  as  def- 
initely set  forth  as  human  intellect  and  ingenuity 
can  do  it  in  an  instrument  of  that  character;  the 
check  to  the  abuse  of  these  powers  is  in  the  re- 
sponsibility of  the  Representative  to  his  constitu- 
ents. As  connected  with  the  objects  of  the  appro- 
priations proposed  by  the  bill  now  under  consid- 
eration, the  .section  of  the  Constitution  to  which  F 
have  referred  goes  on  to  declare  that  Congress 
shall  have  power  "Io  regulale  commerce  with  foreign 
'  nalions,  and  nfiwiig  tlte  several  Stales,  and  with  the 
'  Imlian  Irihes;"  "to  establish  post  qffices  and  post 
'roails,'  "locleclare  iror,"nnd"lo  raise  and  sup- 
'  port  armies" — which,  in  fact,  is  but  a  necessary 
incident  to  the  power  to  declare  war;  "  to  provide 
'  and  iiiflitilaiii  a  navy;"  and,  lastly,  "to  make  all 
'  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for 
'  carrying  into  execution  the  fiuegoing  powers" — 
a  power  inserted,  I  presume,  Irom  abundance  of 
caution,  and  to  prevent  dispute  and  misunder- 
slanding;  for  this   last  is   nothing   more  than  a 


66« 


'iJh-H  CoNo 1st  Sem. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GIXJBE. 

Harbors  nnil  Uivera — IMr.  TlbbiilU, 


(Aliirch  17, 
Ilu,  UK  Wv.vi, 


nri'i'Hmry  rcMiilt  dihI  iiimvoiilnble  iinplicalion  from  j 
llic  iiciwcre  pi-evioimly  vi'mIimI.  ' 

'I'lic  |M)wi"r  to  iTKuliilv  c'omiin'n'p  ini  Iiuli's,  necpH- 
Mirlly,  tlic  powrr  to  rr^iiliKc  imvi'^'itliDii  tiiicl  Iruile. 
C'dmiiicrrc  nmiMiK  llic  »evrml  SUilen  iiU'iiiiH  ciun- 
iiiinc  wliicli  (•(iri('crii»  mote  Smii'it  iIiiid  iiiio, 
wIu'iIkt  hotwcpii  two  mijcinini?  Nliitos  <m*  lipuvei-n 
twii  SiitIcK  whii'li  nii>y  export  or  import  tliriiii<:li 
ONI'  or  inoro  nlluT  Sliitirt.  (.'oiifjrtaa  liitu  tlii'  power 
Id  riritovc  nliHlriii'lioiiM,  then,  lo  niivigittioii  hiuI  i 
I'oinmrrcc,  wliclhfr  with  foietj;n  oiilioii.H,  iinioiii; 
Ihi'  Sliite.t,  or  with  thi'  lixliiiii  trilirsi.  Thfrr  in  iiu 
dillirt'iii'i'  ill  ri'i.itioii  to  theH«  three  kiiiih*  of  eoiii- 
nieri'P,  iia  to  the  [xiwcr  of  Concres.t;  it.s  power  lis 
III  the  one  is  tlie  .itiiite  ns  to  Ihe  olhera,  niiil  no 
Stmt:  iiiu4  till'  power  tn  olisiftict  llie  ni'tion  ot'Con- 
prens  in  thn  rxprriw  oC  this  j>o\vtr,  whether  it  in 
exereiMod  in  refjiird  to  the  toreiyii  eiinmien'e,  or  the 
cominrne  lunoiij;  the  Slnies,  or  with  the  Iiuliiiii 
Irihfs.  ITiiJcr  thin  [xiwer  CoiiKri'SB  iimy  pitsu  hiws 
in  rrlntion  to  piiota<;e,ipi(intntiiif>,  mul  wrecks;  h\y 
emhiirj;oea,ptis.s  re^^ulutionn  lor  the  i;4iYerini)eiit  n( 
hnnils  anil  seiiinrii  on  lioiird  ol' AnieriiMii  ve»scl.i 
or  lioiitH,  collier  priviU':;es  to  siieh  vessels,  wiielher 
in  the  ilomeslic  or  I'lireif;!!  Iniih',  estahU.sh  pons  ol' 
entry  anil  delivery,  conntriict  lijrht-liou.ieM,  hiioys, 
anil  licucoHH,  piers,  abiilnientii,  anil  iireakwaters, 
on  the  oceiiii  or  on  the  hikes,  for  the  neenrity  ol' 
navii^ation,  mill  remove  oliHiriii'linni^  to  iiaviCTlion 
in  our  navii^nhjc  rivers.  Of  what  use  would  ilii.s 
power  to  reiinlale  eoninterco  he,  if  you  eoiild  not 
appropriate  money  to  facililnle  thoeoniinerie  of  the 
e.oiintry  and  to  secure  the  sal'ely  of  inivin;alion  hy 
erecting  harhors  on  the  lakes,  rtouiiils,  and  Imys, 
nnd  removini;  the  ohstrucliona  in  such  L'reat  iialion- 
al  thorouijhfares  of  the  commerce  anion;;  ihe  8iaies 
nil  the  Miiddon,  the  Ohio,  and  the  MisslsHippi .' 
powers  which  have  been  aciiially  exen'ised  hy  this 
Government  from  il.'<  fn-st  eslahhslimenl  to  tlie 
present  day.  it  mit;lit  be  eonsidereil  iiiineces.tiry 
lo  50  any  further  in  search  of  ample  power  to  make 
nil  the  appropriations  conleinplaleil  by  this  bill. 
But  this  IS  not  all. 

Under  the  power  "  to  establish  po.'ft  ollicps  and 
post  riMids,"  Congress  may  make  appropri.ilioiis 
for  renting  offices  where  they  are  already  built,  or 
building  oifices  where  they  nre  not.  It  may  adopt 
State  roads  as  post  niads  or  post  routes,  where  they 
have  been  already  opened  by  the  Stales,  or  appro- 
priate money  to  open  them  where  thev  have  not 
uceii  already  opened,  and  to  remove  oliHtriictioiis 
v.'hich  may  be  in  the  way.  It  may  and  does  ailopi 
the  rivers  as  ikwi  routes,  and  employ  the  owners 
of  sleainbonis  as  mail  carriers,  and  a|ipropriaie 
money  for  the  removal  of  obstructions  lo  tliai  iiioile 
of  conveymice,  equally  with  that  by  land,  i^uch 
powers  of  appropriation  have  bei.ii  cnnslanlly  ex- 
erci.ied  by  thi.s Government.  'I'lieir  exercise  in  no 
manner  interferes  with  or  supersi-des  the  jiirisdie-  j 
lion  of  the  Slates.  The  roatls  and  rivers  are  still 
within  the  territorial  jurisdii'lion  and  soverci^'iilv 
of  the  Stjiles,  both  civilly  and  criminally,  siil:ieci 
to  the  right  of  travel,  pnssa-^e,  and  preservaiion, 
which  the  States  winnot  supersede  or  obstruct.  Of 
what  use,  sir,  would  be  the  power  lo  establish  post 
roads  or  post  roiiies,  if  you  could  not  appropriale 
money  to  remove  obstructions  ilierein,  whether  by 
land  or  water  ? 

Under  the  power  to  "  declare  war"  nnd  "  riise 
and  .support  armies,"  (JonuTess  may  appropriate 
money  for  the  purchase  of  sites  and  the  ereitioii  of 
m  i»a/.ines,  arsenals,  and  armories;  for  the  build- 
iie^  of  forts  and  the  mtikin^  N:ife  harbors  on  voiir 
lakes,  wliich  will  answer,  to  a  very  irreat  extent, 
in  the  place  of  forts,  when  you  have  provided  ves- 
sels of  war  which  may  float  safely  in  iliem:  nnd 
Cona;ress  may  appropriate  money  10  put  the  armies 
of  the  nation  in  motion;  to  cut  out  military  roads, 
to  purchase  waL,'on3,  and  to  remove  obslruciions 
to  their  pro;^rcss  by  land;  or  to  purch.ise  or  build 
or  charter  steamboats,  that  tliry  may  pron;ress 
with  the  [greater  facility  and  celerity  by  means  of 
your  naviijable  rivers,  and  to  remove  obslruciions 
whii;h  may  iinjiede  their  pro^^ress  in  that  wav. 
Of  what  u.sc  would  be  the  power  to  raise  and  siiji- 
port  armies,  unless  you  could  erect  forts,  mnyj- 
nzines,  arnnries,  and  arsenals.'  Does  the  power 
to  raise  and  support  armies  imply  nothinr;  more 
than  the  enrollini;  and  enlistin!;  the  men,  and  pro- 
vidini»  them  with  food  and  clothing; .'  When  your 
■trmies  are  raised  and  maintained,  are  they  to  stand 
still  and  idle-    Are  lliey  to  be  placed  iii  the  sin- 


gular powition  ilk  which  the  gentleman  tVom  indi- 
aiiii  |Mr.  i'>.rriT|  llie  other  day  left  the  honorable 
t;eiilleiuaii  iVom  Souih  ('arolina,  |.Mr.  ItiiKir,! 
when,  in  the  course  of  his  ari;uiiieii(,  he  Hiipposeil 
him  lo  be  on  an  expedition  to  supply  yoiirsoldierH 
Vi'itli  arms,  with  a  wa^on  and  team  of  ('onestoi;a 
liorscH,  loaded  with  )iM\'<,  slopped  in  the  public 
highway  bt'tweeii  your  iiatiuual  uiiuory  and  your 
fort,  by  a  tree  which  had  lalleii  across  and  ob- 
Hiriieied  the  road,  standing  there  without  any 
eoiisiitntioiial  power  in  t\in^ress  to  approiiriate 
money  for  the  purchase  of  an  axe  to  enai'le  the 
honinable  u'cntleman  to  cut  his  way  tliroiu,'li.= — 
or,  are  your  arinicK  to  move  forward  lo  tiie  ilet'ence 
of  your  frontiers; — and,  if  so,  have  you  no  power 
to  appro[>riale  money  to  charter  or  build  boats  tor 
their  transportation.' — Ui  remove  the  sniu;saud  raliM 
which  iiii:;ht  endanger  or  impede  their  proi;i-ess .' 
When  your  armies  arrive  at  the  rails  on  the  Ark- 
ansas, where  you  have  two  forts;  or  on  the  lied 
lli»(  r,  where  you  have  three;  arc  your  soldiers  lo 
bedisi  inliarked  and  marched  thi'oiit;li  tin'  swamps 
around  the  rafts?  or  have  ymi  the  power  lo  appro- 
priate money  to  purcha.se  axes  and  such  imple- 
ments as  maybe  necessary  to  cut  their  way  lhroiit;h 
the  obslruciions,  so  that  they  can  puss  in  their 
boats  up  those  rivers.'  If  you  have  this  power, 
which  It  seems  to  me  no  reasonable  man  will 
iloulit,  have  you  not  also  the  power  to  make  lliose 
appropriations  in  anticipation  of  such  necessities.' 
'I'liere  is  no  ilillirence,  sir,  except  that  the  latter 
would  be  the  wisi  r  exercise  of  the  power.  The 
surest  way  of  avoidiiii;  the  ilillicnlty  of  war,  and 
war  ilself,  is  to  make  preparations  for  il  in  liiiieB 
of  iieace. 

tinder  the  power  "  to  provide  and  maintain  a 
navy,"  we  also  have  power  10  appropriate  iiimicy 
to  erect  hospitals,  lii;ht-hoiises,  buoys,  beacons, 
piers,  rope-walk.^,  dock-yards,  and  harbors,  either 
on  the  seas  or  on  the  lakes,  and  to  remove  obstruc- 
tions lo  the  entmncc  of  harliors,  and  lo  i;ive  refuse 
and  ensure  a  safe  proiection  to  our  i.avy  when 
lyins  in  them.  It  niaileis  not  whether  tho.se  har- 
bors are  on  the  tidewaters  of  the  salt  seas,  or  on 
the  fresh  waters  of  our  nolhern  hikes;  for  the  lakes 
are  as  much  external,  and  have  as  much  relation 
to  our  I'oreisjn  conimerce  and  our  navy,  as  the 
ocean  itself.  How  crippled  would  be  your  ccmi- 
merce  with  for 'ii'ii  nations,  if  you  had  no  harbors 
for  the  prou  lur  merciianlnieii  and  sii  ani- 

ers!     How  i  add  be  the  power  ti,  provide 

nnd  nminlain  f  you  could   not   make  iip- 

pi'oiirialions  lor  in.    lojecis  which  I  have  specified  1 

Tnen,  sir.  I  'i\\\i\^  under  the  several  clauses  of 
the  eii;hth  sectimi  of  the  Constitution,  ample  power 
to  improve  harliors  iip'iii  the  s^'aboard  and  upon 
the  lakes,  and  lo  remove  obslruciions  10  the  luivi- 
iration  of  the  rivers  einbr.'iced  by  this  bill.  Such 
seems  10  nie  to  tie  a  cinnmon-seiise  mid  practical 
construction  of  the  clauses  of  the  Constitution  to 
which  I  have  reterred,  and  such  a  common-sense 
construction  will  be  ^'iveii  lo  lliem  by  every  prac- 
ticjil  man  in  the  nation. 

Hut  ireiitlemcn  ask,  in  what  does  this  construc- 
tion differ  from  that  of  liie  I'ederalisis,  and  the 
supporters  of  a  i:eiicral  syslein  of  internal  impro'  e- 
mentr  I  will  tell  tlieni,  sir.  'riie  diU'ereiice  is  a 
very  clear  one.  1  have  named  first  ihe  power  lo 
raise  revenue,  which  is  unliinited;  secondly,  the 
power  to  appropriate  that  money  lo  objects  of  a 
natirtnal  character.  There  is  a  tliird  power  con- 
nected with  these,  Ihr  jwu-er  In  cnrfy  Ihe  n/i/iro/ji iii- 
/i»ii  info  rtl'rrl,  by  applyiii'.;  the  money  appropri- 
ated 10  thf^  object  for  wiiicli  tlie  ap|iroprialion  was 
nidde,  and  this  third  power  is  lo  be  viewed  in  two 
aspects:  fml^  vluir  it  (5  siin[tlij  riii  ii/ijirri/fr.ijfi'Oi, 
leiivinj  ihe  jiirisdietimi  in  Ihe  .Stales  where  the 
coiitein|ilaled  improvement  lies;  atul  Hicmdlii.vluri 
it  iminncs  jitrisiliclioii  in  llic  Aafional  (iiivn-tnnetilj 
as,  in  a  road  or  ('anal,  to  erect  ^aies  and  charf;e 
tolls,  Ac 

.Now  sir,  the  l-'ederal  party,  or  the  parly  in 
favor  of  a  c;eneral  system  of  inlernal  improvements, 
by  whatever  name  you  may  ilesiniiale  ihein,  as- 
sume in  Ihe  (ieneral  (iovernment  every  and  all  of 
these  powers.  Wi^  deny  some  of  ihein.  We 
contend  that  the  Governmenl  has  no  power  to 
make  such  apiiropriations  unless  the  ol)|ei'.t  be  na- 
tional nnd  iiol  Slate — general  and  not  local.  They 
conienil  for  the  conlrary.  We  contend  that  Con- 
fjress  can  carry  the  appropriation  into  effect,  where 
the  jurisdiction  over  the  suljeei  is  left  to  the  Stales: 


but  that  Congress  cannot  do  lo  where  it  i»  iiBces- 
sary  lo  n>Hunio  juriwliction  in  ihc  General  (Iov- 
ernment so  an  Ui  char^'e  loll,  I'ic.  'I'hey  conleiul 
for  the  conlrary.  Tin  on  distinciions  are  eliarlv 
taken  by  Mr.  Monroe  and  General  Juekwin,  ns'i 
will  presently  show. 

The.'<c  disiinctions  were  broken  down  ami  over- 
rode under  the  Admiihslratioii  of  Mr.  ,1, 1^,  Adams, 
in  the  atleinpt  then  iiMile  lo  establish  "  11  ifiiirrui 
f,7Wriiie/iii<rniii<iiiijii'ui'ciiirn(.i."  Il  wiw  lhis.vi/t(iiii 
which  was  hurryiiii;  the  eoiinlry  into  ruin  by  eiior 
iiioiis,  wast i't'ul, and  exlrnvu';ant  rxpendi lures,  and 
inlVingiiii;  upon  the  powers  and  soveiei'rnty  of  the 
Stales,  whiili  was  put  down  by  the  Ueinocralie 
party  during  the  Adminiutralion  of  General  .Tack- 
son.  It  Is  lliis  system  which  i:<coiideiniiid  by  the 
UultimoreConveniion,  when  they  dei  hire  that  "tin- 
'  ('onstitiition  does  not  confer  upon  the  Genei.il 
'  Cfovenimeiit  the  powi  r  to  commence  and  tarry 
'  on  a  general  sysieni  of  internal  improvements." 

In  that  declaralioii,  such  iip|iroprialiims  as  arc 
contained  in  this  bill  were  not  conleniplated.  Nor 
were  the  appropriations  proposed  by  this  hill  siieli 
as  were  vetoi  il  by  General  Jackson,  for  we  liiiil 
that  he  and  Mr.  Van  Uureii  sit,nti  d  bills  makiii'; 
npproprmlions  to  all  Ibe  objects  of  iuiprovement 
contemplated  by  this  bill. 

I''or  improving  the  navii^atioii  of  the  Ohio  and 
Mis^iissippi  rivers,  in  IS'M,  IH3(I,  IHIIl,  1U37,  luiit 
IKIS. 

l''or  iinproviiij  the  navijsalion  of  the  Ohio,  Mis- 
sissippi, and  Missouri  rivers,  in  la'iii,  183.'),  lH3t, 
1835,  I6i3(i,  1837,  and  IrtlH. 

For  improvini;  the  navigation  of  the  MisHissijipi 
river  aliove  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio  and  the  AliH- 
s  luri  rivers,  in  IHSU,  1837,  and  1838. 

For  improving  the  navij^ation  of  the  Arkansas 
river,  in  18.3!J,  l.S').'),  1837,  and  1838. 

For  improving  the  navigaliim  of  the  Ohio  river, 
above  the  fulls  of  the  Ohio,  in  183.".,  183(),  18;)7, 
and  18,38. 

For  iiiiproviii<;  the  navigation  of  the  Hudson 
river,  above  and  below  .'Vlliany,  in  the  Slate  of 
New  York,  in  1834,  183G,  1837,  and  1838. 

For  iniproviii;j^  ihe  iiavigalion  of  the  lied  riier, 
Louis.,  ill  183d,  1831,  1835,  183G,  1837, and  18;i>'. 

For  improving  the  navigation  of  the  Savaniiali 
river,  Georgia,  in  l83i,  I83'l,  1835,  nnd  183(1. 

For  harbors  on  the  seas  and  on  ihe  lakes  in 
every  year  of  the  eight  years  of  GenemI  .Tackson's 
Adinin'istratiun,  and  llr(37  and  1838  of  Mr.  Van 
liuren's. 

And  yet,  in  the  face  of  these  facts,  genllcnifn 
are  found  Imid  enoii^'h  to  declare  that  the  appro- 
priations ronUiiiii'd  in  this  bill  arc  uiiconslitulional, 
and  embraced  by  the  Maysville  veto,  and  is  that 
Byslem  of  internal  improvenieiils  which  was  stran- 
gled and  crushed  by  General  .Tnckson,  and  cmi- 
deinned  by  the  Baltimore  Convention;  when  llir 
legislative  history  of  the  nation  shows  that  Gen- 
eral Jack.son  signed  bills  niakiiii;  these  nporopria- 
tioiis  at  every  ses.siun  of  Congress  duiijig  his 
.■\dniir.istratioii. 

F.c|ually  are  the  opinions  expressed  by  tin.  onno 
neiils  of  this  bill,  opposed  to  those  practical  expo- 
silions  of  the  iiieainng  of  the  Constitution,  to  be 
found  in  the  iiciion  of  Congress  in  regard  lo  such 
appropriations  as  those  proposed  by  this  bill. 
Ciiiigress,  as  early  as  1789,  passed  an  acl  which 
shows  very  dcfinilively  what  were  the  opinions  of 
that  body,  (many  of  whose  members  were  of  those 
who  hull  composed  the  conveniion  by  which  the 
Conslilulion  was  formed,)  in  relalion  to  so  much 
of  this  hill  as  |iroposis  approprinlions  for  Allantic 
harhors;  and  l^i'oin  that  day  to  this  such  appi'opria- 
lions  have  been  lunslanlly  made,  year  after  year, 
and  lime  afli'r  lime. 

1  have  already  shown  the  legislative  history  of 
this  inatler,  us  regards  the  rivers  in  this  hill.  The 
action  of  Congress  and  of  the  Executive,  during 
the  Administrations  of' Jackson  and  Van  Biiren,  is 
eipially  coni:!iisiveas  to  the  lakeliarbors.  Wetlius 
fi'id  that  the  Governmenl  has,  by  a  long  line  of 
legislative  acliuii,  from  the  commencement  of  its 
existence  to  the  present  day,  uninierriipled  by  any 
doubt  of  the  existence  of  the  power  to  make  the 
appropriations  in  this  bill,  always  asserted  and  I'X- 
ercised  this  power,  and  hap,  in  the  exercise  of  it, 
appropriated  vast  sums  of  money.  The  [lower  to 
make  these  appropriations  has  never  been  doubled 
hy  statesmen  of  eminence,  to  whom  the  Peiiio- 
cratic  party  have  ever  looked  as  true  exponents  nl' 


1846.1 


!29tu  Cono Iht  ScNi*. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONORESSIONAl,  0IX)BE. 

Ilnrbora  and  Riven — Mi\  Tibbattt, 


5(>» 


Uo,  or  Rrpi. 


Ilid  ilocli'ini'H  (if  lliiit  |>i<i(y;  and  I  cliiiMin}^^  kimI 
•Id'y  IliK  H^onlliniiii  \vlu>  Imvc  m|i|ios<C'(I  iIhh  lull  In 
imiiic  niic  Binurle  mnn  iif  nniiKiii <■  of  the  I)«ni>>- 
iriillc.  |i«rly — I  nwaw  biicIi  iiii'ii  iis  linve  licpji  t'lfcl-  , 
«•(!,  or  Utlked  of  l)y  iltat  parly  iia  I'lcsidt-iit  r)r  Vire  , 
PrfHulenl — wliu  liim  ev«t'iivowrd  Nitt'li  ojiiiiionu  iih  ; 
(lioan  KHntleincii  linvR  in  npiuiHiiion  to  iIiIh  hill.        i 

I  Imve  iiireiidy  hIiowii  wIiiiI  wiih  llir  opinion  of  { 
OcnemI  WiiHJiinifton,  wlui  si^'nl■d  llii;  Uill  of  17S7.  i 

Mr.  Ji'lferHun  not  oiilvxiu'iiL'd  liilln  ninkin^lnri^r  . 
nppro)iriaiioiiH  tu  iIik  Cunilx'rinnd  rimd,  Uil  iiIho 
rncinnnvcnded   tliai  «  rrronnoicNand^  uiul  iinrvey 
Hliuiild  be  mad<'  for  i<  nuiionul  nxid  frinn  WiiKliing-  ' 
ton  lo  Mew  Orli-miH. 

Mr.  Mudiwin,  in  Iiih  Sjico.IuI  Mctsn'^'n  in  ]8I1, 
■comniuniratiM;,'  lo  Cont;rt;NH  copies  of  ilii!  ncl  of  llir  | 
LcfjiHlulnre  of  New  York,  in  riilalion  lo  n  canal  to  \ 
voniM'ct  till'  Iludsiun  river  with  the  Inkin,  expreaacH  ' 
liiniMcIf  in  very  dccliled  lansnagc  in  favor  of  the 
utility  of  I'linul  navigation',  the  peculiar  ndaptaiinn  , 
of  iHir  couiilry  lo  improvcnienls  of  that  character; 
the  inipormncc  of  a  ayalcm  of  internal  enmminil- 
ealion  and  conveyance  for  the  fjeiicral  neccsaily, 
and  recoinnicjidsi  the  same  lo  the  conaiduration  of  i 
ConCTcaa. 

JVlr.  Madiaon,  it  is  true,  in  liia  aerenth  Annual  | 
Meaaage,  B«j;i;e8i.s  that  "  any  defei't  of  coiiNiitu-  ' 
tionul  anthonly  wliiih  may  be  encountered  can  be 
aiipplied  in  a  manner  whii  h  ihe  Ccmslitnllon  itaelf 
haa  providently  pointed  onl."     Thiasng-^eatioM  ia 
nol  made  by  hin\  aa  cnterlnininK  any  donbta  upon  i 
thia  aobjert  himaell',  but  in  reference  to  the  doubla  ■ 
enlcr'nined  by  otiiera;  he  stood  fully  coniniitlcd  in 
favor  of  appropriatiinia  by  the  General  Govern-  ' 
rncnt  fur  the  conslriietion  of  new  rooda  and  navi- 
gable caiiala,  and  the  improvement  of  the  naviga- 
tion of  naviirablfl  rivera,  requiring  a  national  jii- 
riadictinn  and  national  means. 

Mr.  Moiu'oe  was  fully  alive  to  the  national  adap- 
tation of  our  counlry  to  improvemenia  of  this 
charncler,  aial  their  imporlance  in  ahoitenins  dia- 
tancea  and  binding;  the  Union  more  cloaely  to- 1 
fiether,  and  makes  no  doubt  in  his  InauE;uraI  Ad- 
dreas  of  the  power  of  Congress  to  make  appropri-  ' 
allons  for  that  purpoae. 

Mr.   Monroe,  in  his  first  Annual  Me.<<8agc  in  | 
1817,  expresses  a  change  of  opinion,  and  (pialifies 
his  opinions  formerly  expressed  in  relation  to  the 
power  of  Congress  to  tipfly  apprujmalians  lo  Ihe 
eonslruclivn  uf  romh  nnil  ctnnls.     It  is  in  this  Mcs- 
."sagc  he  first  drawa  the  distinction  to  which  I  have 
already  adverted,  in  which  lie  denies  that  Congi-css  j 
has  the  jioicf  r  lo  ii;y)'|/  ajii>roprialinna  lo  Ihe  conslriie- 
tion ofroiuh  mill  canals,  vhne  Coiigrtss  shoiUd  al  the  ', 
same  lime  n.Mt(iiif  jiiiisdif(iua,  so  as  to  erect  galc.^,  l 
charge  tolla,&c.  /jiit/iecyii/ not  then,  nor  did  heever  j 
afterwards,  deny  to  Congress  the  power  to  nnike  ap- 
propriations even  for  the  constrnciion  of  roads  and 
canals  of  a  national  and  nnt  local  character,  Ihe  juris- 
iliction  rfiiiaiaing:  in  (Ac  Slates;  on  the  contiary,  in  i 
his  seventh  Animal  Message,  till  December,  182:), 
lie  expressly  recommends  appropriations  in  aid  of 
the  conairiiciion  of  the  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  canal, 
and  an  examinaticni  of  the  several  routes  tlinnigh  i 
which   the  waters  of  the  Ohio  may  be  eonnecied 
with    Lake  Krie,  and  distinctly  declares  it  as  his 
opinion  "  llml  Congress  possesses  the  right  to  ap-  ' 
propriale  money  for  such  a  national  object  "  as  the  '• 
Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal,    "  the  jurisdiction  ' 
remaining  to  the  SlalM  through  which  the  canal 
would  pass."     And,  in  furtherance  of  the  id'-a  bv  i 
him  previously  expres.sed,  that  Congress  did  not 
possess  the  power  to  carry  such  appropriations 
into  efl'ect  by  assuming  jurisdiction  and  charging 
toll,  and  as  fcoiigress  had  not  thought  it  expedient 
to  recommend  to  the  States  an  amendment  to  the 
Constitution  for  the  purpose  of  vesting  in  Con- 
gress such  a  power,  he  recrnnmended  that  Con- 
gress should  vest  the  Executive  with  the  power  to 
enter  into  arrangements  with  the  States,  through 
which  the  Cumberland  road  should  pass,  lo  estab-  i 
liali  tolls,  &c.,  to  defray  the  expense  of  rc]iairs, 
and  to  pvolect  the  work  against  injuries. 

ill  his  Special  Message  of  the  4lli  May,  1833, 
Mr.  Monroe  a.iscrts  that  a  power  in  the  General 
Oovernment  "  to  establish  turnpikes  with  f;ales, 
'  tolls,  Ac,  involved  a  complete  right  of  jurisdic- 
'  lion  and  sovereignty  for  all  the  purposes  of  in- 
'  ttrnal  imin-ovement,  and  not  merely  the  right  of 
'  ap|)lying  money  under  the  power  vested  in  Con-  1 
'  gress  to  make  appropriations."  The  former 
power  he  denies  lo  exist  in  the  General  Govern 


nieni;  lh(!  hitler  power  lie  fully  admits  aiiu  recog- 
iiisi's.  And  in  liia  eighth  Annual  Message,  7tli 
Oeceinber,  18^24,  he  revirls  with  approlialion  lo 
the  appropriatiinia  whii'li  had  been  made  al  the 
preceding  aeaaion  of  Cini!.'i'esa  "J'lir  lAr  iiH/irni'rmtnf 
'  cflhe  iini'iiifiifiiiii  (if  Ihe  .UiMiviiyi/ii  and  Ihe  Uhio,  of 
'  the  harbor  of  I'nsqiie  Isle,  ml  Lake  Erie,  aial  the 
'  repair  of  the  I'lijinoulh  beach,"  wliii  h  embraced 
all  the  classes  and  idijecta  of  appropriation  pro- 
posed by  Ihia  bill,  vi/.:  aea  harbora,  lake  harbora, 
and  navigable  rivers. 

It  was  during  the  .\dmiiilatraliiHi  of  Mr.  J.  CX. 
Adams  that  Congress  made  upproprialions  for  the 
purpose  of  establishing  an  internal-iinpiovemenl 
ayateni,  whii'li  iiaaumed  an  un(|ualified  iinwer  in 
the  General  Ooveinnicnt,  not  only  to  make  appro- 
priations to  works  of  internal  improvement  of  a 
national,  but  of  a  local  character  also,  and  likewise 
overturned  the  dislinctimi  anil  liniiiation  which 
had  been  taken  by  Mr.  Monroe,  and  arrogated  to 
('ongress  the  power  to  carry  those  afipropriations 
into  ell'ecl,  by  a.ssuming  in  the  (teneral  Govern- 
ment the  jurisdiction  and  aovcreignly  over  the  snb- 
ject-maller  of  Ihe  improvement.  It  was  this  iisur- 
pation  of  power  by  Congress,  this  invasinn  of  the 
sovereignly  of  the  States,  this  disregard  of  the  char- 
acter of  Ihe  work,  whether  national  or  local,  which 
constituted  the  general  system  of  internal  improve- 
ments, which,  after  it  had  progressed  to  an  alarm- 
ing extent,  and  was  sowing  lomiption  in  the  coun- 
cils of  the  nation,  and  dlsoiise  in  the  body  politic, 
was  ciindeinned  by  the  Democratic  party,  and 
strangled  and  crushed  l>y  General  .Tackaon.  Gen- 
eral .Tackson,  in  his  first  Annual  Message,  4lli 
March,  189i),  to  avoid  ditllcnilies  which  might  arise 
from  the  difl'crences  of  npininn  and  conflicting  in- 
terests ill  regard  to  internal  improvements,  aiinply 
recommends  a  division  of  Ihe  surplus  revenue 
among  the  Stales,  but  does  not  himself  express 
any  doubt  of  the  power  of  Congress  to  make  such 
appropriations  as  are  |  rnposed  in  thia  bill.  On  the 
contrary,  at  that  very  8e.sslon  ho  approved  bills 
making  such  appropriations. 

General  Jackson,  in  his  Veto  Mes.iagc  on  the 
Maysville  road  bill,  the  27tli  May,  1830,  which 
caused  a.>  much  excitement  at  the  tune,  and  which 
has  been  so  often  alluded  to  in  this  debate  by  gen- 
tlemen opposed  to  thia  bill,  asserts  no  such  doc- 
trine aa  that  which  those  gentlemen  contend  for. 
On  the  contrary,  he  clearly  lakes  the  distinctions 
which  had  previously  been  taken  by  Mr.  Madif  on 
and  Mr.  Monroe.  He  denies,  as  they  had  done, 
the  power  to  exist  in  the  General  Goverimieni  lo 
nromote  works  of  inlernal  improvement  within  the 
States,  if  jurisdiction  of  the  territory  which  they 
may  occupy  shall  be  claimed  as  necessary  to  their 
preservation  and  use  Hut  he  admits  ilisllncily 
and  clearly  thiitf/ic  right  ofapitmininHon  is  nol  Urn- 
iled  liij  Ihe  jinirir  lo  cornj  into  tffrrl  Ihe  meusiire  fur 
ir/iir/i  Ihe  immeij  is  asked  ;  and  Ihul,  as  Congress  has 
an  unliiniled  poicrr  lo  raise  mnneij,  it  has  in  its  appro- 
priation a  disrrctionarij  poirer,  restricted  only  bij  the 
dutij  lo  appropriate  it  to  purposes  "f  common  dcjinre 
and  ofs^eneral,  not  local — national,  and  not  Stale,  bi  a- 
ejil.  in  accordance  with  these  principles  he  veined 
tiio  .Maysville  road  bid,  because,  lo  use  his  own 
words,  he  was  "  nnt  able  lo  riew  it  in  anij  other 
litflit  than  as  a  measure  o/  purely  local  character." 

With  his  sixth  Annual  Message,  2d  December, 
18,34,  General  Jackson  returned  the  bill  making 
appropriations  for  the  improvement  of  the  Wa- 
baah  river.  Ilia  objections  lo  that  appropriation 
were  purely  upon  the  ground  of  its  inexpediency. 
In  that  mess.ige  he  does  not  change,  in  tlio  .slight- 
est degree,  the  positions  he  had  previously  taken; 
on  Ihe  contrary,  he  leasserts  the  general  principles 
which  had  been  previously  defined  by  himself, 
Mr.  Madison,  and  Mr.  Monroe,  and  particularly 
admits  the  pn\rer  of  maA'inif  apprnpnations  for  the 
erection  of  light-houses,  the  placing,  planting,  and 
sinking  of  buoys,  beacons,  and  piirs,  and  the  removal 
of  partial  and  temporary  obstructions  in  our  navigable 
rivers,  and  the  harbors  upon  our  great  lakes,  as  well 
as  on  Ihe  seaboard  ;  whicli  is  all  the  power  claimed 
by  the  appropriations  in  this  bill,  the  objects  of 
which  are  improvements  which  Cteneral  Jackson, 
in  his  remarks  upon  the  Wabash  appropriation, 
says  "  hare  abrays  been  remrded  as  standing  upon 
di^erent  grounds  fronV  aucn  as  the  Maysville  road, 
llie  subscription  of  stock  in  companies,  and  for  the 
direct  construction  of  roads  by  the  General  Gov- 
■  ernmenl. 


And  yel  u  little  coterie  of  gentlemen  on  thia  lloor, 
who,  hiiwever  rcsprcwble  tin  y  niuy  be  for  tiieir 
talenia,  in  iiuinber  do  not  anioiint  to  more  than  a 
coriMiral'a  guard,  compared  lo  ihe  l>moeratie  |>nr- 
iv,  have  the  boldneaa  lo  gvl  up  here  and  dennuiiee 
thia  bill  aa  a  violiiiiiin  of  lUu  (!onsiitiiliun;  bmnd 
those  of  us  who  support  it  aa  I'ederaliaiH,  and  Ht- 
lempl  lo  rend  ua  mil  of  iIh^  Democratic  party. 
Why,  sir,  this  ia  ridiculous;  perfectly  ridiculoua, 
air. 

If,  air,  the  entcmporaiieoua  exposition  of  thn 
Conaliliitinn  to  be  derived  from  Iho  acts  and  opin- 
iinia  of  thiise  who  iVaiued  it — if  ilie  uniform  iind 
progreaaive  action  of  the  tiiivernment  in  its  legis- 
lative and  executive  departinenls — if  the  uniform 
opinions  of  eininenl  atatesnieii  of  the  Demneratii'. 
parly,  fioni  all  parts  and  aeitioiia  of  this  Union, 
from  the  earliest  hintory  of  our  Government  to  llio 
present  time,  can  li:ive  any  weight  in  settling  ueoii- 
st  iirlioii  of  the  Conslitntiiiii  in  relatiiin  to  any  par- 
ticular power,  can  any  evidence  more  eonclnsivn 
be  furnished  in  relation  to  the  existencfl  of  any 
jinwer  exercised  by  this  Government  than  the  \c- 
gislative  aial  executive  hisiory  of  thia  nation  flir- 
niahes  aa  lo  the  power  lo  make  apitropriutioiis  for 
the  objects  contemplated  in  this  bill?  A  power  so 
salutary  and  so  sanctioned  will  never  Ijc  surren- 
dered by  the  people  of  the  West. 

Under  the  powers  to  which  I  have  referred,  the 
Qoverinnent  has  made  kirge  appropriatiinia  ond 
expenditures,  as  will  appear  by  the  tables  which 
I  have  before  me; 

To  light-houses,  *7,airi,l22  0],  up  to  1841,  in- 
clusive. 

To  fortifications,  |i23,85<J,a83  77,  up  lo  184.'),  in- 
clusive. 

To  All.intic  and  Gulf  harbors, 'S4,G78,I78  8C,to 
Janiinrv,  I84G. 

To  lake  harbors,  !ii2,8Gl,i)(;4  3!l,  to  1845,  inclu- 
sive. 

To  rivers,  «ia,7ri;i,8IIO,  to  1844,  inclusive. 

Of  these  appropriations  but  small  proportiona 
have  been  expended  in  Ihe  West.  They  have  been 
expendial  on  Ihe  aeaboard,  logetlier  with  immense 
means,  year  after  year,  for  keeping  up  these  forti- 
fications, light-houses,  &c.,  *c.,  liesides  millionn 
on  millions  annually  for  the  support  of  the  navy, 
whilst  year  after  year  you  have  drained  Ihe  peopin 
of  the  West  of  millions  upon  millions,  as  the  tablo 
before  me  shows,  now  amouiiling  to  #125,248,- 
7,')()  (i3,  up  to  1843  inclusive,  for  the  purchase  of 
the  public  laiiils:  and  the  gentleman  from  Georgia, 
[Mr.  CoBU,]  and  other  gentlemen,  from  Vir§;inin, 
and  from  east  of  the  inounlaiiis,  cry  out  that  it  is  a 
system  of  robbery  and  plunder  and  scrambling  for 
tuibllc  money,  when  a  Uepresentative  from  the 
West  asks  fiir  a  nutst  moderate  appropriation  for 
clearing  obstructions  and  removing  the  dancers  of 
western  navigation. 

[Some  gentlemen  here  interrupted  Mr.  T.  and 
asked  who  irave  those  lands  to  the  Government.' 
Did  not  Virginia  do  it?  /Vnother  asked.  Did  not 
Miissachusells  do  it  ?]     Mr.  T.  resumed: 

Who  gave  those  lands  to  the  Government?  Do 
gentlemen  ask  this  question  ?  Was  it  nol  Virginia 
and  Masaacliusetis,  am  I  asked  ?  I  say,  no,  sir: 
neither  Virsinia  nor  Massachusetts  gave  them; 
neither  Virginia  nor  Mafis,ichuselt8  had  them  to 
give,  1  will  tell  gentlemen  who  gnve  them;  they 
were  given  lo  Government  by  the  valor  of  the 
hardy  adventurers  who  crossed  Ihe  moimtains,  and 
entered  the  forests  of  the  niighly  West.  Great 
Hrilain  and  her  sav.ige  allies  held  on  to  the  west- 
ern counlry,  in  violation  of  the  treaty  of  peace  of 
1783,  and  iliia  country  never  got  them  again  until 
llity  were  won,  and  the  British  and  Indians  forced 
to  give  them  U|>  by  the  valor  of  the  brave  pioneer, 
who  first  .settled  that  counlry;  a  service  for  which 
they  have  never  been  reipiitcd  by  the  Government; 
and'  gentlemen  here  yet  talk  of  justice !  I  have  in- 
troduced a  bill,  sir,  at  this  session ,  in  relation  to  that 
nmtler;  a  bill  lo  pension  the  few  officers  and  sol- 
diers of  the  Indian  wars,  who  by  their  valor  won 
that  vast  country,  and  who  yet  remain  this  side  of 
the  grave;  and  will,  at  some  day  of  the  present 
session,  give  gentlemen  an  opportunity  of  display- 
■  iiig  their  sense  of  justice. 

But,  sir,  I  have  been  led  to  digress  from  the 

I  subject    immediately    under  consideration.     But 

j  who  ia  it  who  are,  in  fact,  urging  upon  Congress  a 

[  system  of  robbery,  plunder,  and  scrambling  for 

the  public  money,  but  these  gentlemen  themselves  > 


66t 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAIi  GI/)BE. 


|.Mnrch'^4. 


29th  Cong Ist  Sesr. 

The  rommillri-  hn\<>  ri'imrtfd  n  I'ill  jiroponing  nn 
rronomiral  fxprndiliirr  of  llic  (uililir  nioiirv  lo 
nlijfPlK  of  crpnl  iinlioiml  imporlniirf,  wliii'li  nnvr 
hri-ii  (liilv'xnmiticrt,  rrlinhlr  rsllmntfii  mmlo  upnn 
lhi>m,  anil  rpromnifnil'-il  liy  'lie  Wnr  Dfpnrlmcnl; 
iinil  llif  (•ommillcp  Iwivp  ncii'd  upon  ihrw  inrnniircn 
wiihont  rrfrrfnpfl  to  ihr  {tnrliriitnr  ncrtinn  ot'rnun- 
Iry  in  whii-h  llipy  niny  he  lornlril,  hnviiii,''  lifen 
iiinnpnord  liy  roDsidirntinnR  nf  pioprirly  nlnnc; 
■  tid  llipst'  prniloinrMi,  win)  rry  iml  "nililirry  iiiirt 
pliindrr,"  i-nmplnin  timi  tlio  bill  rlnm  not  n'nprii- 
jirinlo  an  mnrli  nvmry  in  mie  Hiolinn  of  ihe  linlon 
an  it  dopii  in  nnmlipr,  wilhniit  rrf^nri\  to  llip  i-nnnid- 
•rnliin  wlipilipr  llure  nre  or  ore  not  olijrrla  in  llml 
other  •pi-liiiii  in  whirh  »nch  nppnipiiniiniia  ran  lif 
eilhcr  proiierly  or  ronmiluliimiilly  made.  Tlipy 
urge  upon  the  i-ommjllpr  an  indim-riiiilnnlc  ilii'Mioli 
of  the  pnlilip  inont-v  anione  Iho  djft'cri'nt  Hpciiomi 
of  the  roiinery,  and  ihiin  nrr  (hfnuelvea  the  ncl- 
vncnlfn  of  that  vny  nvHlctn  of  rnlilxry  iwid  plun- 
der, whii  !i  they  no  iinj'unlly  rhnrcn  npi'm  oihi-rn. 

I  have  ahown,  I  think,'  that  the  principlea  n.v 
■umrd  hy  frnllenicn  who  oppose  thiit  liill  are  at 
vnriiinre  with  n  plain,  ronimon-aenae,  and  prar- 
tii-al  exponliioii  nf  the  CoMHiitiition,  and  rontra- 
dii'trd  hy  the  leijislnlive  exposition  whirh  hn<i  hern 
eiven  hy  the  pmctice  of  the  Govennnenl  from  ita 
first  pxisteni'e  to  the  preaonl  time,  and  that  their 
o|)inion«  are  in  oppnaition  to  ihowe  of  all  the  pa- 
triots and  slnteameii  of  any  eniinenre  of  the  Dem- 
orrntic  party. 

The  Rentli  man  from  South  Cnrolnm  [Mr.  Uiif.ttI  I 
said,  the  other  day:  "The  South  han  aaked  for 
nolliin5;;"iind  vet  these  eentlemon  from  the  South 
eomplain  of  injustice,  and  any  that  the  interests  of  '■ 
tlicS.iuili  are  ne^lieied  in  ihr  appropiintiona made  ' 
by  this  hill;  they  oppose  all  the  appropriations  for 
these  purposes,  when  ihey  are  oll'errd  lo  them,  with  | 
all  their  power  and  strenffth.     If  the  Repn^senia-  I 
tivM  from  the  South  do  not  present  to  Con^jress 
the  wants  of  their  eonstiluenla,  and  have  them  re- 
ferred to  the  proper  eominitlees,  the  people  of  the 
South  eannnt  eomplain  of  the  ennnnittecs;  these 
gentlemen  know  that  the  eommitteea  have  no  riijht 
to  rejiort  appropriations  for  olijecls  wliieh  are  not  | 
referred  to  their  ronsjderntioii  by  the  House.     If 
the  South  aends  impractienlile  men  here,  who  will  j 
not  send  their  loaitera  to  the  roinmittees,  and  the 
committees  nre  thus  prevented  from  exnminin>jand  | 
reporting  upon  such  mailers  as  affect  the  interests 
of  the  people  of  the  .South,  and  those  interests  are 
therefore  iieirleeted,  the  only  remedy,  sir,  for  this 
evil,  as  far  as  I  ean  see,  is  for  the  people  of  tlie  ; 
South  to  send  Representatives  here  who  arc  prne- 
lienl  men,  who  have  prnciiciU  views  of  things,  and  ' 
who  will  present  the  elainis  and  interests  of  their  ! 
constituents  to  the  committees  in  a  practical  man-  ' 
ner. 

The  genileman  from  Souih  Carolina  (Mr.  Uhett]  i 
tells  you  that  the  Sonlh  "  does  not  aid  in  the  over-  i 
'  throw  of  the  Consiiiution.     She  is  not  necessary  ' 
'  to  the  iniirder  of  a  great  principle  of  the  liepnh- 
Mican  party,  Perpetrated,  not  hy  its  nncient  en- 
'  eniies,  but  by  its  professed  friends,  and  instead  of 
'  rioting  over  the  dead,  will  follow  the  hearse  as  n 
'mourner  to  its  last  home."     Sir,  this  remark  of 
the  gentleman,  though  it  may  he  entitled  to  some 
commendation  as  a  figure  of  rhetoric  and  n  llighl 
of  fancy,  has  no  weight  as  n  constitulioiiul  nigu- 
menl.     The   e.onsiitution  of  the  genilemen   from 
the  South,  who  have  partic.ipnted  in  this  debate,  is 
not  the  Constitution  of  the  country,  nor  the  Con- 
stitution as  it  is  interpreted  by  the   DcniocraHc 
party.     The  eouhlitulion  of  wliieh  they  spenk,  is 
the  creature  of  their  own  brain;  it  is  u  poor  rick- 
ety, sickly,  nerveless  thing,  and  the  sooner  such  a 
monster  of  deformity  dies  und  is  buried  in  the 
p-ave,  out  of  sight,  the  better  for  it,  and  the  less 
pomp  and  circumstance,  and  ceremony  nnd  sliow 
of  grief  there  is  made  over  its  funeral  obsequies,  ■ 
ihe  less  disgrace  it  will  bring  upon  its  parentage. 
I  arn  gratified,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  new  rule 
which  has  been  adopted  by  this  House  will  pre- 
vent the  enemies  of  this  measure  from  overloading 
the  bill  with  improper  and  obnoxious  amendments, 
us  has  been  the  practice  heretofore.  I: 

Here  Mr.  T.  was  arrested  by  the  expiration  of  I 
his  hour,  and  he  took  his  seat,  although  he  had  'I 
much  more  to  say  upon  the  subject.  l' 

Mr.  CociiE,  of  Tennessee,  obtained  the  floor,  ' 
and  yielded,  at  the  requestor  Mr.  G.  S.  Houhtob, 


TWO  RKGIME.\TS  OP  RIFLEMEN. 

SPEECH  OF  AuTd.  R.  TILDEN 

I  OF  OHIO, 

Isi    TIIF.    Hoi.SE    OF    llKrnESEXTATIVES, 

•UiircA  24,  If^li. 
The  House  having  under  eonajilerntion  the  bill  to 
raise  two  Regiments  of  Riflemen,  nnd  for  other 
purposes — 

Mr.  TILDEN  remarked,  that  he  did  not  often 
trouble  the  House  with  his  opinions,  for  he  hud 
long  since  concluded  he  eould  best  primiole  the 
public  interest  by  remaining  silent;  but  on  ihe 
present  occasion  he  fell  himself  under  obligation 
to  depart  from  his  usual  linbils  in  this  lespeci. 
I  If  he  understood  this  mailer  correctly,  Mr.  T. 
said,  it  was  a  measure  originally  proposeil  for  the 
nvowed  purpose  of  jjiMngniDicciion  to  our  citizens 
eini|£fratiiig  to  OrejL'on.  This  being  so,  he  was 
anxious  to  pince  himself  right  in  the  vote  he  wns 
nliout  to  pive.  He  did  not  wish  to  stand  before 
Ills  cr,natiinenl.s  and  the  country  in  the  po.silion  of 
voting  against  a  bill  (u.<  he  intended  lo  vote  against 
this)  which  had  for  its  object  the  encouragemeiii 
of  our  emigration  to  Oregon,  or  the  protection  of 
our  citizens  whde  on  their  way  lo  thiit  far  ofl' 
country.  If  he  could  be  convinced  (Mr.  T.  said) 
that  this  was  the  real  object  und  design  of  this  bill  ' 
and  that  the  measure  was  necessary,  ho  should  feel 


Two  Hfirmrnta  of  Riflimtn — Mr,  'HliUn, 

of  Alabama,  who,  in  refeienre  to  the  derlaniiion  j 
of  Mr.  TinBATT",  timl  the  South  had  asked  for  I 
nothing,  inquirid  of  the  t'enllrnian  if  the  Tennes- 
see river  wns  not  before  that  eommitlee,  and  pre- 
sented to  them  by  rcsoliilioiis,  previoiiii  lo  the  re- 
porting  of  the  bill. 

Mr.  TiBRATTD  replied  that  the  genllemnn  misin- 
terpreted entirely  what  he  said.  He  said  that  the 
gentleman  fi'oin  South  Carolina  had  said  that  the 
Soiiili  had  asked  for  nothing.  The  Tennessee 
river  was  presented  to  that  eommitlee,  but  no  in- 
fiM'inntion  was  presented  to  them  in  relation  to  li. 
He  did  not  blame  the  gentleman  from  Tennesi>re 
for  it,  because  the  iiil'ormatioii  was  not  obtained 
from  the  Executive  Departnicnt  until  this  morn- 
ing. Another  reason  wiiy  the  committee  had  iiol 
iiichuled  it  wns,  that  it  trnvelled  one  step  beyond 
the  scope  thni  the  committee  had  marked  oiit  for 
itself.  They  had  appropriated  only  for  the  Hud- 
son and  the  Mississippi,  nnd  its  main  tributaries. 
The  Tennessee  wns  bit  the  trihutiiry  of  n  Irilai- 
Inry,  which  class  embraced  n  large  number  of  riv- 
ers to  which  npproprintions  might  be  ndvanln- 
geous,  but  to  which  the  committee  did  not  deem  it 
ndvisubic  or  politic  nt  this  time  to  extend  appro- 
priations, but  had  confined  themselves  lo  nppro- 
jirlntions  to  those  rivers  nione  where  there  could 
lie  no  doiibl  of  both  the  constitutional  power  nnd 
the  expediency  of  making  the  npproprintiims,  and 
as  would  eonifi  wiiliin  an  ecommiical  system  of 
appropriations. 

NoTi!.— The  |miij|>lili't  ciliiKiii  (if  the  nliiiv!  fpi'cell  cnii- 
Inlaeil  unexlriMlcil.\|i|ii'iiill\.Hi-l:ilnlMsilicil(H'irlne.'iil'ilR' 
fpr'cc'h,  liy,  Im,  "EMrii.l.  I'loin  tin'  AiIiIo'M  of  tlie  tliliii.- 
ernlic  Htale  Ciiavi'iiiaiii  In  ihe  |H'n|ile  nl  llllniiia,  tH-HSj" 
•Jil,  "  Iti'iiiiuiix  III  llii.  iiliiiir  ol  the  illiiioiii  tSlole  lleiiislir, 
In  reliilloii  lo  the  .\ililriM.  nl'  ilie  DeiiHicriitic  .'JmicCiiiivcii- 
tloa.lWfli'Mil,  "  BxlnicMroni  the  aililrry*  nfMr  Ciiltn  un, 
on  isliiniithcehniriil  the  HiMilhivi»liTn  rnnvenliMniil  IMiaa 
iihin,  Niivenilicr  ID,  IW.'ii"  lih,  "  Fjursct  nl  a  letur  frum 
Jtr.  McDullle,  iluiid  .M.wh.').  lc-Jc,"piibl(.li.il  in  Niiin'i. 
nicl.iKT.  V(il.  ^;t,  |m(!e  aS;  .'ilh,".\liuctriir  the  t  stabliHhlncliI 
nnil  Mippnrl  nf  li<!lll-hl<ll»eH,  lieneilTJii,  lillllVH,  anil  pllhlic 
plern  i"  lull,  "  HlHIeaiint  KliiiHinii  Ihe  niiiniiilt.i  iipprnpristnl 
anil  expeniliil  li.r  vBrimis  linrlior  Hiirkii  u|H>n  ■lie  Allnuiic 

eiiiiKliiiMl  iheUnir  nl'  .Mi  <i( limn  lo  t>l  Janiiiiry,  iwa;" 

Tlh,  "  Hliitcinciil  nf  npprnliriatiniiK  for  tlie  linprnvinii'nl  nl 
the  nnviiniliin  of  the  Mlmiynlppl,  Ohni,  Hiil,  Mlnnniiri, 
ArkiniMia,  lladHon,  ami  Hiivnininh  riverni"  8ih,  ".Aiiprnpri- 
uliiiliii  I'm  nil  Ihe  lull,.,  j"  9lh,  '■  Exlraen .'rniii  Mr.  MuiIIiwii'h 
i-peeia!  niisiiiige,  lull;"  Huh.  -Kariiclii  frnm  .Mr  .Miidi- 
».iii'<  wventh  .\nniinl  Mc-.siiK,;"  tlih,  ••  n»tmer  oia  Mr. 
Monrne'ii  innimuinl  Aililn«»;"  I'-'lh.  "  K«unit  mm  Mr. 
Mnnrw'»  llri-t  iinil  fevenlh  Auiiuiil  Mi'»sn«e«i"  tilth,  "  Kx- 
Iriicls  Irnni  ,Mr.  iMcnirnc'H  aperiiil  inoaai^;e, Mn>  ■!,  niiil  el|{htli 
Aiiriuil.Me»»ii3ei"  I  lih,"  KjiracMmni  I'reairtenl  JacliMaro 
flril  Anmi.il  MiJMje,  March  ■!.  IftJ!);-  ism,  "KxlrniKfrnni 
Presideiil  JnckKOnV  Mnv»ville  Hi.,iil  Veto,  Miiv  97.  IHnil;" 
llllh,  "  E»lrariii  fmni  (;.iiernl  Jaikunn'i  hIviIi  AnnnnI  Mi>- 
wnje,  Uecenilier  %  IKH;'  17lh.  '•  Kupciwen  nf  Ihe  lleht- 
hnUM>  ennhli.hiiienl  rniiii  1-t  Jiilv,  thill,  lo  l»l  July,  18-11 1' 
isih,  "Ileceipisfrnin  sii|.v<  of  piiWIe  innii-,  Irnin  ilic  cnr- 
llcal  perin<i<  oUslei  lo  ;«llh  Diiemher,  l*i:i,  hi  jivcn  In  Hcn- 
me  Dnc.  .\'ii.  am,  M  «e<sinii  UTlh  ('onKre»ii,  unit  E«eiullvc 
Doc.  Nil.  l.l,  2d  liOHinn  'JBili  Cuiinnns.'' 


ilo.  or  Itups. 

himself  under  obligation  In  pse  il  n  lincere  nnil 
hearty  support. 

Hut  Mr.  T.  could  not  believe  that  this  was  the 
object  of  the  bill.  Me  had  no  failli  that  it  was  I'ot 
up  to  proiecl  emigrants.  He  doiibitd  much  if  ii 
had  ever  been  the  design  of  the  Prpsideiit  to  raise 

'  Il ps  lo  piolei'l  Orcu'on  emigrati.iii;  and   he  was 

i|uileHiire,  iVoin  recent  events,  that  whatever  may 
have  been  his  feelings  In n  tofore,  he  note  had  no 
such  design.  This  viiw  of  ihe  siilijicl  might  lie 
wrong,  but  it  was  quite  easy  to  show  il  mo,  if  that 
Mas  ilie  case.  If  lliis  procicding  was  all  fair,  and 
the  objects  of  the  bill  such  as  its  I'nend.i  had  rep 
leseiiteil,  lliey  eoiiM  make  it  appear. 

Mr.  T.  looked  upon  il  as  an  aitrmpl  on  Ihe  pan 
of  the  President  In  raise  troops  for  Texas  under 
the  pretext  of  protecting  eniigrnnls,  nnd  to  rnise 
them  iieic,  nnd  bo  enlarge  his  palroiiage  as  lo  eon 
cilinte,  by  iTiililary  eomini.nsions,  rrrinin  western 
Uemocmts  who  had  grown  cool  lownrd  him  nn 
aecouni  of  their  views  not  having  been  carried  out 
ill  legnrd  lo  the  norihwcsl  boundary. 

There  were  eerlain  facts  surrounding  this  sub 
jccl,aiid  to  which  lie  should  direct  the  attention 
of  the  committee,  which  had  conviined  him,  and 
:  he  trusted  would  convince  them,  that  aomethiiit, 
,  was  going  on  here  behind  the  scenes — something 
which  was  influencing  the  minds  of  Ihe  Military 
Ciunmiltec  and  friends  of  the  bill,  but  which  they 
had  not  thonghl  it  prudent  to  eoiiiinunirale  to  the 
House.  There  had  got  abroad  a  piiiilic  sentiiiieni 
(how,  he  would  not  inke  up  the  time  of  ihe  com- 
millee  Juitt)  to  explain)  that  this  hill  had  two  oli- 
jecls: 'I'lie  first  wns.  to  crenle  ho  necessity  for 
appointing  nineiy  military  oHicers,  lo  be  taken, 
not  from  the  miny,  but  from  the  West,  and  of 
course  from  ihe  western  Democracy.  The  second 
object  was  I.,  rni.se  troops  not  needed  now,  but 
which  would  soon  be  needed  ill  Texns.  To  avow 
the  reni  objecs  of  the  bill,  it  wns  believed,  would 
make  it  unpopular  with  the  people,  and  of  course 
would  endanger  its  pnsange.  It  hnd,  therefore, 
been  brought  forward  nnd  advocated  as  a  measure 
for  the  benefit  of  Oregon  settlers;  this,  il  wns  sup- 
posed, would  give  it  a  popularity  thai  would  en- 
sure its  success. 
'  This  wns  briefly  what  he  understood  to  be  the 
'  real  ehnrncler  nnd  design  of  this  measure.  If  the 
I  bill  succeeded,  there  could  be  no  doubt  about  one 
thing,  that  the  western  Democracy  were  coming 
in  for  the  olBccs.  In  fact  they  were  already  in  for 
I  them,  for  he  undcrsiond  pajiers  were  circulated  in 
that  Hall  recuiiimending  certain  weateni  membeis 
;  to  the  President  as  suitable  persons  for  officers  in 
these  new  regiments.  This  was  rather  indecent 
haste,  and  harilly  to  be  credited;  but  he  was  in- 
formed that  the  facts,  nevertheless,  were,  as  he  had 
slated  them.  The  gentleman  from  Arkansas,  [Mr. 
Yei,i.,]  who  addres.scd  the  committee  yesterday, 
seemed  to  take  il  for  granted  that  these  ollicers 
were  lo  be  Inken  from  the  West.  The  regiments, 
he  thought,  should  be  officered  by  cerlnin  "  wesicrn 
genilemen,  ex|.erienced  in  Indinn  wnrfnrc.''  .As 
further  proof  of  this  fact,  the  galleries  were  said  to 
be  crowded  with  western  Democrats, eager  to  par- 
ticipate in  this  new  allotment  of  public  plunder. 
And  still  further,  the  feelings  with  which  western 
gentlemen  upon  that  floor  seemed  to  have  been  ex- 
erci.sed,  during  the  progress  of  the  debate,  went 
stioiigly  lo  prove  this  fact.  There  was  n  good  deal 
of  over-acting,  and  the  zeal  gentlemen  manifested 
for  poor  emigrants  was  (piite  loo  exuberant  to  be 
the  promptings  of  mere  patriotism. 

Sir.  T.  said  he  hnd  no  objection  to  the  rcconcili 
ation  intended  to  be  brought  about  by  ibis  bill  be- 
tween the  President  and  his  friends.  He  did  not 
know,  but  he  would  be  glud  lo  see  il,  if  il  could 
be  eli'ectcd  without  too  much  cost  lo  ilie  country. 
Rut  lie  .should  object  to  the  payment  annually  of 
half  a  million  of  dollars  (the  cost  of  these  two  regi- 
ments) in  order  to  eftcct  it.  Painftil  as  il  might  be 
to  him,  he  should  prefer  to  have  this  estrangement 
continue. 

Now,  said  Sir.  T.,  as  to  the  sincerity  of  both 
the  President  nnd  his  friends  in  bringing  forward 
llii.i  bill;  and  upon  this  point  he  called  the  attention 
of  the  committee  to  a  few  facta  which,  in  his  judg- 
inenl,  wciil  clearly  lo  show  that  this  measure  wa.-: 
of  the  eharncter  ho  had  represented  il.  And  fijsi, 
he  called  nllcntion  to  the  lecomiiiendation  contained 
in  the  last  annual  niess.age  of  the  President  for  one 
regiment  of  mounted  nie'n,  for  the  very  service  for 


I 


^Mr. 


T 


1816.) 


APPKNDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  CI.OBE. 


065 


'i9TH  CONO IsT  Skhs. 

wliich  tlir«t'  twi)  ri'ijinirnlK  dl'  iiiliihlry  urn  nnw  tci 
lie  riiiNcil.  Till' Mccri-lary  iif  Win-  liiiil  rccoinnHiiil- 
•■(1  thii  HHiiii'  llliin;.  And  limv  ilid  it  Impimii  lliiit 
Ihiii  rhanifr  IihiI  Iwcji  Iiiailr?  llnw  riiiiic  llic  I'lini- 
ilcnl  hikI  liln  Scirctiiry,  "Ti't  rnnNiilciiin;  mnturrly 
uliiil  ini'iiMiiiiH  wfrc  iiii'dl'iil  miil  |irn|icr  lor  lliii 
|iiililir  Fcrvii'c,  til  rci'iiinirii'iHl  diii'  r(;;iiiiniil  nf 
riKiuiiti'il  drii«;iioi)»  fnr  wi-Binn  I'miilicr  ncrviiM-,  iirii. 
t'.ir  tliP|inilriii(ii)  nl'Or(i;iiri  iiiii;rriimN,aiid  llu  .  ho 
Hiidd.'iily  clianup  their  virwa  and  ncoiiiini'iid  two 
iPU'iinoniii  of  infrnlry  ill  plmo  ciC  tlimi ?  Wn«  it 
to  (five  till!  Prrsidml  forlytivc  inoni  onminidMionn 
Willi  which  lo  icwai-d  hm  iViriiilH,  and  raise  (wo 
n':;inipiitn  nf  iiiCiiilrv,  whii  li,  whi'ii  raised,  woidd 
tm  vahialihi  in  the  'I'exaii  wrvioe,  but  iinplcsa  on 
iho  WCTiprii  I'ronlipr?  A  reliTcnce  to  a  t'uw  llicla 
wiiiild  MiiHWcr  IhcKC  i|u<;slionH. 

Ill  ihc  a7ili  Cnnirress— llie  Whij;  Con^rcKa,  hh 
II  was  Hdiiiplimis  lermPil — iho  Ud  regiment  nl"  dra- 
I'lioiis  waH  ditiinonnlcd;  that  C)Mia;re»(i  hclifiviiiK 
iln'y  conld  he  converli'd  into  infantry  withnul  detri- 
ment to  the  piihlic  Mervicc,  and  that  ccoiioiny  rc- 
•  iniied  it,  ns  acveral  thuiiauiid  dollars  would  bo 
Kaved  Id  tlin  lieasiiry. 

Ill  the  hmt  f'nngri'Ns  the  honorable  KiMiileinati 
from  Ueorpin,  [Mr.  li»HAi.«ns,]  tlien,  a*  now, 
I'hairnian  of  the  Military  CcMiiinitlee,  reported  lo 
this  House  H  bill  for  ii'moiintiiig  these  ilriiKoona, 
fnr  the  reason  jhat, as  infaiitiy,  on  the  western 
frontier,  they  were  nselesx.  The  Onvernment,  it 
was  said,  could  not  alt'oid  to  feed  them  for  their 
senii-es.  It  was  only  iiioiiH(fi(  i/rdifuanj  that  were 
ellirienl  to  defend  the  fioiiiier  selllera  against  In- 
dian iiieiirsions,  and  protect Ore(,'r)neniii,'raiila.  The 
bonornlile  chairniun  favored  ns  with  his  views  in 
n  speech  in  reply  to  the  venerable  i^entlemaii  from 
iVI'issaoliuaells,  [Mr.  Adams, |  in  wliicli  he  nrged 
these  reMHoim  with  n  gnat  deal  of  vehemence.  The 
western  Democracy  were  by  his  side,  and  zeal- 
ously Biiiiporled  the  views  of  the  honorable  chair- 
Puiii.  Now,  if  these  troops  wcie  intended  for  tlie 
West,  these  gentlemen  were  bound  to  explain  how 
It  had  happened  that  tlu  ir  ipiiiifiiis  had  undergone 
so  sudden  u  change  on  this  sii'ij.ca  :  why  ii  was 
that,  in  the  last  Coiigi  ess,  they  were  upon  one  side, 
and  now  upon  the  other,  of  this  question.  If  in- 
fiuitry  were  useless  in  this  service  then,  why  were 
they  not  so  now?  No  explanation  had  been  given 
for  this  strange  revolution  of  opinion,  nnil  he  haz- 
arded nothing  in  saying,  none  would  be  attempted. 
To  do  so  would  endanger  the  billj  for  ho  verily 
believed  there  was  no  explanation  to  lie  given,  ex- 
cept such  as  Would  disclose  that  suite  of  things  to 
which  he  had  referred.  " 

In  the  fore  part  of  the  discussion  on  the  present 
bill,  the  prominent  reason  ur:red  was,  that  these 
new  regiments  were  needed  to  protect  the  Oreiron 
emigration;  but,  being  rather  closely  pressed  upon 
this  point,  gentleman  latterly  had  fallen  back  upon 
the  erouiidihal  they  were  neces.sary  to  protect  the 
western  frontier  settlers  from  the  Indians. 

i\ow,  were  these,  or  any  other  troops,  needed 
for  either  of  these  purposes.'  This  was  a  serious 
question,  which  every  eentleman  was  bound  to 
submit  to  liimself  bel'o're  he  brought  this  additional 
burden  upon  the  public  treasury.'  He  was  inform- 
ed that  half  a  million  of  dollars  aiinnally  would  be 
required  to  sustain  these  troops  after  they  were 
raised.  This  alone  made  it  a  question  of  some 
importance.  Before  we  sulTered  this  amount  of 
money  to  be  paid  from  the  treasury,  we  should  be 
well  assured  that  the  exigencies  of  the  service  re- 
miired  It.  We  wanted  a  right  understanding  of 
tliis  matter  betbrc  we  voted;  for  himself,  upon  a 
(piestioii  of  this  importance,  he  wanted  to  make 
no  leap  in  the  dark.  He  called  upon  the  friends 
of  the  bdl  first  to  establish  the  fact  that  these 
troops,  when  ra.,  <id,  would  be  employed  upon  the 
wcsleru  frontier;  and,  in  the  next  place,  that  such 
a  force  was  needed,  either  for  the  protection  of 
eniigriuits,  or  for  the  protection  of  the  frontier 
settlers. 

Can  the  friends  of  the  bill  convince  us  that  this 
force  is  intended  to  be  raised  lo  iirotect  our  Oregon 
emigrants.'  He  doubled  it.  Why,  how  was  it 
last  year.'  The  Secretary  of  War  informed  us 
that  seven  hundred  and  iifty  men,  five  hundred 
women,  and  one  thou.sand  children,  made  the  jour- 
ney to  Oregon;  and  how  did  it  happen,  if  seiitle- 
iiien  were  in  earnest  now  in  this  business  of  pro- 
tecting emigrants,  they  were  so  indillereiit  to  it  last 
year.'    Wlicrc  was  litis  sympathy  for  emigrants, 


Two  Httfimenia  of  Rijkmrn — Mr,  Tildtn, 

and  /.cal  to  defend  them  then  }  If  emigrants  need 
proleciiim,  what  was  the  IVesiilcnt  about  last  yar  ' 
when  these  inothers,  with  their  lililc  children,  were 
nmliiiig  their  joiirnev  ai'ross  those  trackless  regions 
to  OrcL'on?  Why  did  he  iioi  then  evince  some  of 
ihataDVciion,  now  so  intense,  for  these  emigran'  >': 
lie  had  abundant  means  for  doing  it.  There  were, 
n|inn  the  wcsleru  finniier,  at  his  coinmand,  be- 
siiles  two  regiments  of  infantry,  one  regiment  of 
moiintpd  drasooiis,  vi'i  II  armed,  and  what  is  more, 
they  had  nothing  to  do  bnl  sleep  in  their  baria'ks. 
This  was  literally  true  of  the  i'lf.ui'ry;  but  he  be- 
lieved the  dragoons  bad  a  Utile  active  w;rviie. 
They  were  aeiil  out  on  a  sortof  visi'.insexpediiiini 
amonglhe  Indians — two  hnndicil  and  fifty  of  them, 
under  llie  command  of  Cohmel  K<  amy ,  proceeded 
as  far  as  the  South  P'lssfif  the  Kocky  XtfMiutains — 
more  than  one  thoneand  miles  on  the  route  to  Ore- 
iron;  and  yet,  strange  lo  say,  not  one  word  was 
said  in  the  iiislrnclions  lo  (.oloiiel  Kearny  about 
Oregon  emigrants,  nor  did  he  trouble  himself  about 
them.  The  remainder  of  this  reginienl  of  dra- 
goons, amounting  to  mie  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
under  the  ciunmandof  Capiaiii  Sninmers,  proceed- 
ed to  the  north;  iim-  did  they  tnaible  themselves 
about  einiirranls.  Had  these  men,  women,  and 
children,  been  so  many  wild  bufl'aloes,  the  I'lcsi- 
(lent  could  not  have  been  more  iiidilVerenl  lo  them. 

I  He  did  not  speak  of  these  things  by  way  of  censor- 
inirthe  President,  but  to  show  that  he  did  not  then, 
and  from  this,  he  concluded  he  did  not  now,  be- 
lieve these  Oregon  emiijranls  needed  protection. 
And  frcnn  the  fact  that  the  President  did  not  be- 
lieve tliev  needed  protection,  and  IVoin  tlie  fact  itm 
the  friends  of  this  bill  hud  heietojoie  decided  inl.i  i- 
Iry  to  be  worthless  in  Ibis  business  of  protoetiii/ 
eniijrants,  and  fr<iin  the  still  further  fact,  that  the 
President  had  heretofore  withheld  protection  when 
in  his  power  to  give  ii,  he  (Mr.  T.)  came  li  the 
conclusion  that  the  olijects  of  the  bill  were  diflerent 
from  those  which  had  been  avowed;  anil  that  the 
protection  of  einigmnls,  and  the  defence  of  the 
western  frontier,  were  not  among  its  objects. 

Out  he  would  further  inquire  whether,  in  fuel,  ' 
these  troops  were  needed  for  the  protection  of  these 
emigrants.'    Thousands  of  them,  besides  those  re- 
ferred to  by  ihe  Secretary  of  War,  had  made  the 

I  journey,  and  he  was  yet  to  learn,  that  either  man, 
woman,  orchild,  had'sutrered  for  want  of  military 
protection.  The  emigrants  travelled  in  large  com- 
panies or  caravans,  and  with  force  sutKcienl  for 
their  own  protection,  and  would  eontimie  lo  travel 

;  in  that  way.     The  nature  and  necessities  of  the 

i  journey  would  require  it.  Single  families  would 
not  travel  nimie,  and  if  they  did,  it  would  not  be 
possible  for  the  Government  to  give  to  each  milita- 
ry protection;  and  it  would  not  be  contended  thai 
any  such  protection  was  contemplated  by  this  bill. 
These  emigrants  had  asked  for  none  of  this  kind 
of  protection.  They  wanted  none  of  your  military 
oHicers  among  them,  annoying  them  with  their  in- 
solence, nor  any  of  ycuir  thieving  soldiers  prowl- 
ing about  their  camps,  trespassing  upon  their 
goods,  and,  perhaps,  insulting  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren. But  these  emigranls  had  wants,  real  sub- 
stantial wants — wants  which  demanded  the  prompt 
interposition  of  thisGovernmeiit  in  their  l>chalf,and 
these  there  seemed  liille  disposition  on  the  part  of 

j  this  Admiiiistration  to  relieve. 

The  next  inquiry  was,  were  these  troops  needed 
for  the  defence  of  die  western  frontier?  He  did 
not  ask  whether  it  would  be  proper  lo  raise  this 
force  to  be  stationed  upon  the  western  frontier  in 
anticipation  of  war,  for  the  chairman  of  the  Mili- 
tary Committee  had  been  particular  to  inform  them 
that  these  troops  were  to  be  raised  for  the  purpose 
of  augmenting  the  peace  establishment,  and  had 
no  reference  to  a  slate  of  war.  The  proner  ques- 
tion, then,  to  be  submitted,  was,  wlietlier  these 
troops  were  needed  upon  the  western  frontier  in 
time  of  peace.     In  his  opinion,  additional  troops 

'  were  needed  upon  none  of  oar  frontiers,  and  that 
the  interests  of  the  country  would  be  better  sub- 
served by  disbani'ing  those  already  there.  But  if 
the  military  for;o  upon  niiry  nf  the  frontiers  must 
bt  strengthened,  this  treslern  fnniiier  should  be  the 
very  last  lo  be  lUtended  to.  Upon  our  northern 
frontier,  eMendiiigfnmi  .Maine  lo  Lake  Superior,  n 
distance  of  more  than  two  thousand  miles,  coter- 
minous with  the  possessions  of  one  of  Ihe  most 
powerful  nations  upon  the  globe,  wc  hod  but  a  sin- 
gle regiment  of  iiilaiilry,  while  upon  the  western 


lln.  or  Keph. 


frontier  Ihern  were  nnw  iwo  regiments  of  infantry 

;  and  one  regiment  of  moiinleU  dragoons — nboul  lour 
limes  iliit  ell'cctive  force  that  was  upmi  the  iiurtli- 
eril  frontier. 

Vet  the  President  had  said  ilolhilig  about  l/»l« 
frontier.  Mr.  T,  had  heard  of  no  proposition  loi 
sireiigthcn  Us  mililary  deleiiccs.  It  siemcd  lo  be 
ronrnlttt  Ihiil  the  people  in  ibis  |>nrt  of  the  Union 
could  take  care  of  tlieinselves,  and  he  had  no 
doubt  of  the  truth  of  it.  They  wanted  nostiinil- 
liignriiiies  til  protect  them  from  foes  within  or  foes 
without.  Let  the  Uoveriiiiieiit  abide  by  its  con- 
slitutiimal  ibligation,  to  organi/e,  arm  and  discip- 
line their  niilitia,  and  they  would  provide  Ibr  iheir 
own  defence,  ami  do  their  own  fighting,  if  nccea 
sary.  He  could  not,  with  cerUiinly,  say  it,  but 
nevcrtlieless  be  had  but  little  doubt  that  iheii'.o- 
ple  upon  this  northern  froiiiier  would  ehecrfiilly 
see  that  one  r«giineiil  of  inf.inuy  now  stationed 

<  there  disbanded. 

Our  military  force  there  had  liccn  of  more  bcnefil 
lolhe  IJriiish  tioveriiineiilthan  illiad  been  looiirs. 
Iiisiead  of  defending  the  firesides  of  our  citizens, 
(the  object  fiM-  which  it  is  supnosed  to  bo  iiiaiii- 

'  tallied, )  it  had  been  eimiloycu,  of  late  years,  in 
defending  her  Majesty's  Oovernmonl  in  the  Cana- 
d:is;  and  so  far  did  a  Ueinocrutic  Admlnislmtion 
carry  its  r.eal  in  this  cause,  that  onr  cannim  (it  was 
said)  were  pointed  against  our  own  citizens,  even 
while  they  were  (lying  from  British  troops.     Yes, 

;  sniil  Mr.  T.,  upon  our  nortlicrn  frontier  our  citi- 
zens, for  sympathizing  with  the  Canadians  in  their 
ell'ort  to  shake  oil'  a  monarchy  and  establish  for 
themselves  a  free  governnieiit,  were  vigorously 
restrained  by  our  army,  while,  in  another  section 
of  the  Union',  that  same  army  were  actually  aiding 
and  abetting  a  rebellion  against  a  defenceless  sialer 
Republic— the  army  itself  oll'ending  against  the 
same  law,  for  a  violation  of  which  they  had  been 
employed  to  hunt  down  and  shoot  down  northern 
citizens.       I   make  no   complaint,  said   Mr.   T., 

,  ngain.-it  this  Government  for  the  use  of  any  proper 
means  for  enforcing  resiiect  lo  our  treaties  ot  amity 
willi  foreign  Powers;  but  he  did  complain  of  that 

I  most  insulting  partialiiy  by  which  the  Govern- 

;  nient  had  regarded  thai  us  treason  at  the  North 

'  which  was  palriotism  at  ihe  South.  It  was  a  aug- 
STcstion  of  that  same  policy  of  the  Government, 
which  had  been  persevered  in  for  years,  of  crip- 
pling and  paralyzing  the  North  and  strengthening 
the  institutions  of  the  South. 

But  without  pursuing'  this  particular  matter 
fiirlhcr  at  present,   I  inC|Uire,  said  Mr  T.,  what 

;  more  need  is  there  for  augmenting  the  mililary 
force  upon  the  western  than  upon  the  northern 
frontier  ?    I  subniit  to  the  judgment  of  the  com- 

'  niillee,  arc  not   the  troops  now  there,  these  two 

!  reuimenis  of  infantry  and  the  regiment  of  dra- 
goons, amply  sulRcieul  for  the  defence  of  that 
fromier?  He  well  knew  what  the  answer  would 
be,  of  some  western  men,  to  this  inquiry.  It  would_ 
be  that  stereotyped  jiretext  by  which  the  outlay  of 
millions,  for  the  defence  of  the  western  frontier, 
had  been  justified,  viz:  that  it  was  needed  lo  pro- 
tect our  frontier  settlers  from  the  tomahawk  and 
scalping-knife  of  the  savages.  Mr.  T.  believed 
not  one  word  of  this;  the  Indians  had  more  lo 
fear  of  tomahawks  and  scalping-knives  from  our 

'  citizens  than  the  citizens  from  them.  There  was 
no  more  danger  lo  be  apprehended  on  the  western 

'  frontier  than  upon  the  northern  frontier;  and  any 
force  that  would  be  ample  for  the  defence  of  one 
would  be  good  for  the  olher.    The  collection  of 

!  large  bodies  of  troops  on  our  western  frontier,  at 
an  expense  of  millions  to  the  people,  in  order  to 
give  protection  lo  our  fioniier  citizens  against  In- 
dians, was  a  innst  unjustifiable  practice,  and  ought 
not  to  bo  tolerated.  'The  troops  which  had  been 
heretofore  sUuioned  there  had  done  nothing  for  the 

'  protection  of  that  people  that  the  people  could  not 
have  better  done  for  themselves.      Even  in  tlie 

■  Clack  Hawk  war,  it  was  the  militia  that  did  the 
moat  efficient  service,  iind  finally  brought  that  war 

I  to  a  close. 

He  believed  there  never  was  a  people  who  had 
sirotiger  motives  for  peace  than  those  Indian  tribes 

'  who  rtiink  our  western  frontier.  Their  very  exist- 
ence dependwl  upon  their  maintaining  their  present 
amicable  i-elations  with  this  Government.    They 

i  had  struggled  hard  to  maintain  these  relations, 

■  deeply  conscious  thot  war  lo  them  would  be  anni- 
'  hilation.    And  it  had  only  been  when  perseculiou 


■  f'> 


li 


a: 


aOrii  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


APPE^D1X  TO  THE  CONt;KP:ssrO\/\L  GLOBE. 

Two  ReirimaUs  of  Riflemen — Mr.  Tilikn, 


[Ufaicli  '24, 
Ho.  OF  Reps. 


nnd  opprcHiion  hnti  mnde  life  to  llirm  h  burden,  I' 
nnd  denlh  ilsplf  prcfciiihle  In  •"iicli  a  life,  llinl  tlipy 
hurl  taken  lip  iirms  in  lluir  dcCenre.  Slop  yi>iir 
dr»i'rriiilo('H  Irom  sifiillnij  thi'iv  wives  mid  childreM 
miller  llie  |irelrNt  of  riiptiiriii!;  I'liiriiive  sliivex — 
drive  out  these  litooii-smiiieil  Neoiindrels  from  their 
borders — inixke  lii\v?<,  mid,  when  mnile,  enforre 
llieni  Hsniiist  the  iietn  of  your  own  lawless  eiliyens 
— give  10  them  seeurily  ill  tluir  |ier»oim  and  jirop- 
eriy,  mid  let  this  Uovenimeiil  ilnejf  iilii<le  liy  the 
iiijiinelions  of  j;o(id  faith  in  its  inleieonrse  with 
Iheni,  and  my  word  for  it  (said  Mr.  T.)  they  will 
heemiie  ourKteadfii.^t  !Vicml^*and  niithfiil  allies;  and 
iiiNtead  of  employins;  wildiers  to  i;iiard  uh  imaiiisl 
their  hostile  ineursioiis,  thew  Indians  themselves 
would  lieeome  the  liesl  delViideis  of  our  wesicni 
frontier  nijainst  n  foreign  foe. 

h  was  not  possible  that  they  eoiild  provoke  a 
war  with  this  Governiuenl.  It  would  be  the  lamb 
provokiii','  a  war  willi  the  wolf,  i'  war  with  them 
ever  ooeiirrcd  (said  Mr.  T.)  it  would  not  he  their 
fault,  but  would  result  from  the  wronij  nets  of  our 
own  eitizrns.  With  them,  war  would  be  the  last 
.'Ifort  of  despair,  to  aveiiije  themselves  for  sueh  in- 
juries ns  it  would  be  at  all  times  in  the  power  of 
this  Government  to  prevent. 

I?nt  .should  an  armed  forei^  be  at  any  tiiii"  iieces- 
Bary  on  the  western  frontier,  Mr.  T.  said  that  the  ' 
iitilitia  forre  of  the  bonier  States  eoiilil  be  employed 
with  ns  mueh  etleet  ns  our  presriil  rejiular  aiiiiy. 
He  confessed  he  had  not  niueli  I'onfideiiee  in  lliem 
lis  Indian  fighters,  or  in  fart  t'or  any  other  serviee. 
The  rank  and  file  of  the  army  umler  oiir  peaee  es 
tablishmcnt  had  beeomc  the  most  ineHieienl  troops 
in  the  world.  Shut  up  in  their  barrneks  from  year's 
end  to  ycnr's  end,  with  lax  disripliiu  ,  anil  haliiis 
*>f  extreme  indolenee.  they  had  beeonie  t**t  enfee- 
bled, that  they  had  neither  the  physieal  nor  moral 
energy  to  entliire  the  ri'jors  of  a  sinirle  eampaiuni. 
In  speaking  thus  of  the  ariiiv,  he  did  not  speak  Ins 
own  opinions,  but  that  of  others  eonipe'leiil  to  t'orin 
n  eorrecl  judgment  iijion  the  snbjeet.  He  lind  rntlier 
have  one  hartlv  western  farmer,  armed  with  ihe  rille 
that  hnng!i  in  ))iseal>in,  in  an  Indian  war,  than  half 
aseore  of  sueh  men. 

Aceoiding  to  the  returns  on  file  in  the  Oriliiaiiee 
Pepnrimeiii,  Arkansas  had  in  Jniiimry,  I><4.'), sev- 
enteen thousand  militia;  anil  Missouri,  by  her  re- 
turns mnde  in  181 1,  sixiy-one  thou.'>aiid.  li  would 
he  snfe  to  say,  that  the  militia  foree  of  ihe.se  i«o 
S^tates  alone  was  nmv  not  far  from  ninety  Ihoiisnnd 
jtrong.  And  this,  it  would  .seem,  wa.s  a  fiiree  amply 
mifficient  for  any  enierireney  whieh  might  make  an 
I    nied  foree  necessary  upon  that  frniilier. 

Hut  the  friends  of  this  bill  had  no  eonfidi  i.ee  m 
the  militia.  Why  was  it,  all  at  once,  iliiit  the 
militia  of  the  couiiiry  had  come  to  be  reiraiileil  as 
so  inetrieientr  The'  bailies  of  Hunker  Hill,  of 
Plattsliurg,  and  of  oiher  fields,  bore  lestinioiiy  to 
Ihe  reliance  which  iiii:;hi  be  placed  in  this  arm 
of  the  national  delVnic,  even  aiainsi  the  best  ap- 
pointed troop.s  ill  the  world,  .^nll  ,inw  what  was 
ihere  to  oppo.se  to  ihe  eiiiployineni  of  this  kiiiil  of 
firce  ngain.-  Why,  llieie  was  the  expeiiciin.  of 
'lie  genileinnii  from  Michigan,  |.Mr.  ('iiii'>u\,| 
who  informed  the  conmiitlee  that  he  had  been  a 
brigadier  aenerni  in  Michi^'an.  .Mr.  T.  was  iiuile 
unprepared  for  this  information;  he  had  not  .<iis- 
pecied  the  geiitleiiian  of  having  all.iined  lo  this 
ilistinetioii.  It  was  while  acting  ns  general  that 
ihe  gciitlenian  liiid  formed  Ins  opinion  of  the  iii- 
rlfieiency  of  ihe  niililia,  Mr.  T.  ob|eeied  lo  the 
■■onchisiveness  of  this  experiment;  he  considered 
it  no  fair  test  of  the  efTiciency  of  ihe  niilitii.  He 
would  prilernn  experiment  iiiiiler  iiilier  men;  for 
lie  had  no  very  hiu'li  opinion  of  .i;,V/iig«ii  •,'eiierals. 
Me  recolle.-ied  one  who  once  hail  a  seat  upon  thai 
door — a  ceilain  General  (  Vary,  w  hose  nieniorv  had 
been  enihalined  by  his  iionorable  friend  nl  the'oiher 
rni:  f  Ihe  Capitol.  Militia,  under  such  uenernis, 
iniL'i  '  lie  sillijecl  lo  ill,  objccliolis  whieh  had  been 
urce"  against  them.  Hut  lie.aiise  (ienerals  ('rarv 
and  I'himnan  had  not  siii'ceeded  in  making  our 
nulilia  (llicient,  ii  did  no!  follow  tlial  they  might 
not  be  made  so  under  more  fkilfiil  eoniinanders.'' 

Thus  iniieli,  M-.  T,  said,  I  have  ihouglu  proper 
to  say  MS  lo  the  iiroliabiliiy  of  these  two  recrnnenls 
Iwing  intended  by  the  I'resident  and  his  frieiiil.i< 
for  western  frontier  .serviee,  and  of  ihe  neecsily 
of  HO  employing  them  there  when  raised.  He  bi- 
liiv.d  ihiy  were  neither  intended  nor  needed  for 
that  service. 


But  Mr.  T.,  however,  had  no  doubt  that  the  j 
President  was  in  earnest  in  iiising  these  troops.  ' 
He  believed  the  I'resident,  nnd  lliose  who  sympa- 
llii/ed  and  were  in  closest  connexion  with  him, 
intended  lo  raise  ilieni  tor  the  7V.riiii  .vririff.  The 
honorable  genllenian  from  .\rkan.siis,  with  that 
candor  for  which  he  was  so  justly  distinguished, 
had  intimated  that  these  troops  were  needed  to 
defend  the  two  thousand  aii'  ■  of  additional  fron- 
tier which  we  had  ac(|nireu  oy  the  annexation  of 
IVxas.  [Mr.  Yf.i.i.  arose  and  said  he  had  stated 
this,  among  other  service  in  which  these  troops, 
when  raised,  might  be  employed.]  Thus  ends  that 
imposition  practised  upon  the  iieojde,  that  Texas 
was  indi^pens.able  ti>  the  defence  of  the  southwest- 
ern frontier — thnt  it  was  coming  in  to  supply  the 
place  of  armed  legions. 

The  Secretary  of  War  had  informed  them  thnt 
it  was  necessary  to  iiierea.se,  permanenlly,  the  mil- 
itary force  of  the  country,  in  order  to  protect  this 
newly  acquired  territory,  and  to  guard  its  inhabi- 
tants against  certain  Indian  tribes.  That  this  an- 
nexnlion  of  Texas,  instead  of  giving  us  additional 
sceiuity,  had  brnuKlit  ns  into  proximity  with  the 
fanianelies — a  wild,  fierce,  and  warlike  tribe  of 
Indians — (the  Arabs  of  ,\mericn,  as  they  have 
been  jiutlv  termed.)  "These  Indians,*'  says  the 
Secrelary,  "  in  their  haliils  and  chnraeter,  are  un- 
'  like  those  who  dwi  II  on  our  borders,  or  within  our 
'  territories;  they  are  ficn-e  and  warlike,  and  have 
'  no  fixed  abodes,  are  "lenerally  moiiiiled  mi  horse- 
'baek,  and  habituated  lo  plunder;  they  nnmially 
'  roam  over  a  lanre  extent  of  connlry,  making  fear- 
'  fill  incursions  into  the  setllements  wilhin  their 
*  ran^e."  This,  then,  is  the  defence  we  have  ae- 
ipiired  by  acquiring  ^Vxas.  and  this  the  security 
whii'li  it  has  given  to  our  iVonlier!  Instend  of 
safely,  it  has  brought  upim  ns,  as  every  one  must 
ci>nclude  who  knows  anything  of  the  disposition, 
habitiiih's,  and  foriiier  practices  of  the  population 
of  Texas,  an  intermiiialde  Indian  war,  to  support 
which  the  iirodiictive  industry  of  the  connlry  must 
be  ia\ed  to  the  anioiuu  of  inillioiis  of  dollars  an- 
nually. 

Hill,  Mr.  'i  .  s.iid,  the  object  in  raising  these  regi- 
ments was  to  auirinenl  whal  was  called  the  army  of 
occupation  in  Texas.  Was  ihe  enmmittec  prepared 
to  raise  these  regiments  I'or  such  a  purpose?  For 
one,  he  was  iioi.  The  State  of  Ohio,  in  her  Legisla- 
ture, had  adopted  resolutions  declaring'  the  amiexa- 
lion  of  Texas  a  liolilion  of  the  Cimstitntion,  and 
thai  bein^'  such,  her  ciii/ens  were  not  bound  by  it. 
He  t'oiH'urred  with  the  Leijislalure  in  their  view  of 
lliisael.  Yet,  said  Mr.  T.,  tli.' lanu'uage  they  em- 
ploy (hies  not  convey  an  nde(]imte  idea  of  the  out- 
rage eoiiiiniiied  upon  our  polilienj  compact,  f'oii- 
!;ress  frequent  I V  passes  iinconslitiitioiial  laws — they 
are  approved  bv  the  I''\'eeuiive.  and  are  reirarded 
as  valid  niitil  the  Sniircme  Court  declares  llieiu  to 
be  in  eonlliet  wiili  the  Cmisiiliitioii,  ;iiid  ihi'y  are 
thenrefbrih  held  inoperaiive.  Ihit  the  error  of  the 
I.eixislaiiire  in  passiic^  such  a  law,  iloes  not  alVect 
ilie  union  of  the  States.  It  leaves  ihe  Constitution 
thereafier  m  fitP  force,  and  iiiiiiiipaired  in  all  its 
provision^; — the  same  as  if  wiis  at  its  adoptio.i. 
The  olilijfation  by  which  each  .Sijiie  is  bound  to 
the  rnion  is  luiinipaired,  and  remains  in  full  tbrce. 
The  legislative  branch  of  the  ( Jovernment,  in  such 
case,  mistakes  its  powers,  and  aeis  without  coiisii- 
tiitioiial  aiuliorily.  'I'ln'  aci  itself  being  nnanlho- 
rized,  is  declared  vinil,aiid  all  the  ri:.'lils  of  the  peo- 
ple subsequently  maintained.  Hiil  I'lis  aiinexiilioii 
of  Texas  IS  a  ch.inge  ot"  ihe  fundan  ila!  principles 
of  the  Constitution,  a  subversion  of  its  essential 
elements.  It  was  a  chanire  of  the  law-niakin:; 
power  ot"  the  nation.  The  Conslimiion  provides, 
that  '*  no  person  shall  be  a  llepieseniati\e  in  Crni- 
;rif  ss  who  has  noi  resided  within  the  I'lnted  States 
seven  years."  This  provision  ot'oitr  Conslitution 
was  for  onr  protection  ai^ainst  the  legislation  of 
those  who  might  be  suspected  oj'ai-ling  under  for- 
ei'^n  inllnenee.  or  v\  hosi  predileelions,  as  foreiirn- 
ers,  wtaild  lead  llieiii.  as  siii-li  le:jislalors,  to  tbster 
interests  antjiL^onist  to  onr  own.  It  is  one  of  those 
features  of  the  Conslitiilion  without  which  this 
Union  eonld  not  have  been  formed.  It  was  one  of 
the  \ilal  elements  of  onr  compai't,  without  which 
that  L'leal  eharter  of  .Xmeriean  liberly  Mould  be- 
come a  dead  letier.  The  very  teiins  of  amiexiition 
provided  that  Texa.s  might  send  two  mi'inbers  lo 
that  House.  .Shi'  was  a  foreign  Slate,  and  her  peo- 
ple of  course  Ibreigners.     To-murrow   her  mem- 


bers, never  linving  piobnbly  get  foot  upon  Aiiicri- 
eiin  soil,  Siwiiimds  or  Mexiciins  by  biilh  and 
education,  bringing  with  thein  the  feelint:sand  pre- 
judii-es  of  foreign  slaveholders,  denying  the  self- 
evident  truths  upon  which  we  base  onr  hopes  of  a 
lree(iovrr;mieiiI,  may  take  their  seain  in  this  Hall, 
and  by  the  |rfopond«runce  of  their  votea,  j^ive  luws 
lo  the  frerinen  of  the  Nortli.  Thus  would  the  peo- 
ple of  New  l''.nglaiid,aiid  the  free  .States,  be  trans- 
feriril  Horn  the  protrelioii  of  a  legislature  provided 
by  theCoiisiiiutton  of  the  country,  to  one  provided 
by  the  joint  reaidiitions  of  annexation.  Thus  the 
rights,  the  interests,  nnd  the  honor  of  the  free 
North  would  be  committed  to  the  keeping,  not  of 
the  friends  of  freedom,  not  to  the  advocates  and 
supporters  of  true  Amerienn  liberty, but  tu  the  ad- 
|.  vocntes  and  devolees  of  perpetual  slavery. 
il  To  characterize  this  act  as  merely  unconslilii- 
itional,  would  do  injiuiire  to  the  subject.  Every 
man  must  see  at  once  that  il  i.i  the  breaking  up  of 
the  very  foundations  of  our  political  Union.  It 
was  a  final  eancelling  of  the  solemn  comimct  of 
these  .States.  It  severed  the  bond*  that  held  tliein 
together.  It  snbverled  lair  "  fiindnmentul  law  of 
Union."  It  absolved  ,'acli  State  fnan  all  obliga- 
!' tion  to  our  present  Confederacy.  1 1  was  in  itself 
a  dissidiition  of  ilic  Union — n  rmitulioii.  i'uu- 
gre.ss  (snid  .Vlr.  T.)  might  as  well  havi-  c-onsliluteil 
the  Kniperor  of  l!ir<sia  or  the  Grand  Sultan  of 
Turkey  to  make  laws  for  the  government  of  onr 
;  people,  as  to  bring  in  these  Texan  foreigners  for 
i  that  purpose.  Ljuvi,  passed  by  them  would  be 
entitled  tons  miiidi  respect  from  our  jicoplens  those 
passed  by  the  aid  of  these  Texan  votes. 

For  this  ovr'rthrinvof  our  ConstiuilioM  there  was 
no  remedy.  The  ('onsliti.tion  itself  had  provided 
no  redress  for  such  an  onti-agc.  We  could  make 
no  appeal,  as  in  an  ordinary  ciuse  of  violation  of  the 
Conslitution,  to  the  judiciid  departmeiil  of  the 
Government.  The  .Supreme  Court  had  iiower  to 
declare  a  law  unconstitutional,  but  it  could  not  go 
behind  the  C'onstilnliim  and  pass  judgment  upon 
ihe  qualifications  of  those  who  make  the  laws. 
That  would  be  beyond  their  legitimate  powers,  f  ir 
each  blanch  of  Con;;ress,  by  the  Cnnstitiilioii,  de- 
termines upon  the  qualifications  of  its  niemlinrs. 
.No,  sir,  (said  Mr.  T.,)  there  is  no  remedy  for  this 
outraire  upon  the  rights  of  the  fiee  Statej  under  the, 
Constilution — il  was  a  iTvolution,  a  mailer  beyond 
the  power  of  conslitutional  redress. 

Anolher  fundamental  principle  of  ihe  Consiim- 
tiim  was  that  which  secured  to  each  State  an  equal 
repre..i  ct^ilion  in  that  House  proportioned  to  its 
populatioii.  Il  was  this  representative  principle 
which  dislingiii.slied  our  Govermuinl  from  a  iiion- 
andiy.  The  .Slates  were  eqn.illy  independent  at 
Ihe  formation  of  the  Conslitiilion,  and  could  have 
been  induced  lo  enter  into  the  compaet  upon  no 
other  principles  than  those  of  equality.  Hy  the 
terniH  of  annexatioii,  'I'exas  is  lo  have  two  Hcjire- 
senlalives  in  this  House,  and  two  .Senators;  while 
lilt!  whole  number  of  her  electors  is  believed  to  he 
far  less  than  those  embraced  within  ihe  smallest 
congressional  district  ot'  Chio.  If  Congress  (said 
Mr.  T.)  could  bring  a  fore iirn  slaveholding  (iov- 
ernnienl  into  this  Union,  ;,'iviiig  to  its  people  a 
reprrsenlalion  double  lluil  of  any  free  ."^tnte  in  pro- 
portion to  its  numbers,  iliey  iniglit,  on  the  same 
principle,  increase  ihe  power  of  such  new  slave 
.Stale  indefiiiilely,  and  thereby  diminish  the  piilili- 
eal  inlhieiM'e  ot'ilie  t'rce  .Slates  in  the  same  propor- 
tion. Who  did  not  see  that  this  was  an  entire 
subversion  of  one  of  the  inosl  imporlanl  fianires 
of  our  compact  ■  Hy  it  the  just  inlliicnee  of  the 
North,  through  her  liepRsenialii  es  on  that  floor, 
had  been  surrendered  up,  and,  lo  their  eternal 
shame  be  it  said,  surrendered  up  by  he  r  own  sons. 
and  surrendered  up,  too,  in  order  that  the  slave 
interest.s  of'  the  .Soiiili  inii^ht  be  exalted  over  the 
free  inslilntioiis  ol'tiic  North. 

Such  a  feature  as  this  eonltl  not  Imve  receiveil 
ihe  sanction  of  our  fathers  who  framed  Ihe  Con- 
stitution. 

Hut  Ihe  subversion  of  the  fundameiital  eovt> 
nanis  helweeii  the  Stales  is,  in  Inilli,  less  abhor- 
rent lo  the  people  of  the  free  States  than  is  the 
extension  of  the  slaverepreNeniation,as  it  is  usually 
called;  or  that  feature  of  ihe  Federal  coinpaci  wlucli 
allows  tinlie  people  in  each  Slate  a  repiesentalion 
in  ('ongress  in  projioriion  lo  their  slaves,  counliiii: 
five  slaves  eijual  lo  three  freemen.  This  unequal 
and  unjust  privilege  in  fiivor  of  the  sinve  .Suites  wns 


1816.) 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


567 


iKPS. 


29th  Conc 1st  Sess. 


Two  Regiments  of  Rijlemen — Mr.  Tilikn. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


yiclili-d    liy   tlip  tVtn   Stales   friim    oimsiilernlr'ins  I 
which  prissi'd  upon  (hem  nt  ihi' adiipliim  of  ihr  i 
Cdusliiulion.     I'ut  it  would   lie  n  lilii'l  U{>nn  the. 
rhiimrl(T  of  those  who  fnimcd  thiit  insiritiiKMit  to  | 
Kiy,  thill  they  eoiiteiniihiled  iiny  exliiisioii  of  this  | 
feiUiire,  no  o)i|maed  to  the:;cnl)nHiii.-i  of  the  North.  , 
'I'liey  iiinde  no  proviKion  for  exiendiii;;  this  privi- 
leiri'  to  foreign  sliiveholdiiij;  Stales.     Yet  this  an- 
nexation of  Texas  plai'i.d  hiT  .sliivehohlers  in  llie 
iiosilion  of  poliliiiil  sii|ieriorily  over  the  free  iiitelli- 
i:eiu  eilizens  of  llie   Norlh.  '  The  owner  of  five 
Texan  shives  was  to  wiehl  as  much  political  power 
in  this  new  confederacy  as  fmir  free  men  of  Ohio, 
or  any  olher  of  ihenon-.flavelioUlin;;  Suites.  These 
foreign  slavelioldei's  are  not  only  hronf^ht  into  the 
new  eoiifiileracy  to  make  laws  to  govern  oiir  peo- 
|ilc,  lint  we  are  lo  nssociaU;  with  llieni  upon  terms 
<if  poliiiivil  inferiority. 

This  change  of  the  most  important  features  of 
oiir  Consliiiiiion,  .Mr.  T.  eharnctenzcii  ns  a  irrn- 
liilimi.  Me  eciuld  find  no  term  short  of  that  which 
I'ould  lie  appropriately  applied  to  it.  Oilier  revo- 
Iiilions  in  f;overiiinent  have  lieeii  marked  liy  Mood, 
.iiid  disliiii^iiishcd  liy  a  .sacrifice  of  luniaii  life,  htit 
none  h.wc  hecn  more  eomplele  ihuii  that  which 
will  lake  place  when  the  Ue|resenlalives  and  .Sen- 
ators from  Texas  shall  have  taken  their  seats  in 
<'oin;iTss  hcsidc  those  of  New  ICiigland  nnd  other 
flee  Stales',  and  our  citizens  shall  (piietlv  yield  ohc- 
dience  to  laws  enacied  in  part  liv  slavcliolding  for- 
•Mgnera.  Thi.-.  was  suljstanlially  the  view  taken 
liy  his  State  Le;;islaiiire,  when,  in  1838,  liy  llic 
unanimous  voice  of  liolh  political  parlies,  it  de- 
ilared  thai  this  (loveriinienl  posse.";sed  no  aiilhori- 
IV  lo  iiiiile  a  f(ireii;n  jieople  with  the  .States  of  this 
Union.  The  same  view  they  had  repealed  liy 
joinl  resoliilion  in  1845.  These  are  suijslanlially 
the sentinienl.'"  proclaimed  liv  Massiichii.setts,  Rhode 
Island,  Ciiniiecliciii,  and  Vermont,  in  solemn  re- 
solves puhlished  to  the  world. 

These  five  sovereii;ii  Stales  have  clearly  defined 
their  rifjhts,  and  we  t,liould  soon  reach  a  point  at 
whichlliey  must  e.'lhermaintuiii  or  surrender  them. 
'Vlial  will  he  a  quest  ion  for  the  people  of  each  Slate 
to  ileteniiinc  liir  llieiiiselvis.  Mr.  T.  said  he  was 
not  authorized  lo  s|ieak  for  Ohio  on  the  suhject. 
He  was  elected  under  a  eonslilulion  which  he  had 
.sworn  lo  mainlaiii  and  support.  lint  no  power  had 
liceii  ilele^jalid  lo  him  or  his  collea^'iies  lo  liiiiil 
their  Slate  to  any  new  confederacy.  That  was  a 
mailer  which  the"  people  of  Ohio  in  their  soverei^'n 
oapacily  could  alone  determine.  He  was  not  au- 
thorizeil  to  vole  iho  money  of  the  people  of  his 
.Slate  or  the  naiioii  for  the  defence  of  Texas,  or  any 
oilier  forei;;ii  Power. 

Mr.  T.  said  he  was  aware  of  the  eonsefpiences 
which  might  result  from  ihe  carryiiiir  out  of  his 
views,  Init  whatever  there  might  he' of  evil  in  them, 
they  were  fir  less  to  lie  deprecated  than  llie  con- 
sequences which  were  iiicvitiihlij  lo  follow  from  this 
scheme  of  anncxalii>ii.  Sui'li  an  ahromiiioii  of  our 
political  compact  would  leave  the  Goveriimeiil  lo 
llieeonlrol  of  an  aecideiilal  majorily,  and  who  are 
now  gra.-"|iiiig  for  poliiical  power  iinresirained  by 
eoiislilutioiial  liniilalioii.  If  the  free  Stales  ae(|iil- 
esie  in  this  outrage  upon  the  (Joiisliliilion,  and  In 
this  scheme  fort;iviiig  a  preponderaiice  of  power 
lo  the  slaveholdiiig  Slates  of  this  Union,  it  was  his 
deliheiale  and  ."icllled  convii  lion  that  the  power  of 
Ihe  peoph'  of  the  free  Siales  would  he  gone  forever, 
and  thai  their  only  relief  from  oppression  would 
he  in  a  di.-^soliition  of  the  present  form  of  Govern- 
liient.  Let  them  acuniesce,  ami  then  will  the  pol- 
icy he  eslahlished  ol  exlendii  g  our  Confederacy 
I)y  coiiipiesl,  and  con((uest  at  the  Souili,  and  mil 
elsewhere.  Then,  too,  shall  «  ■  he  at  the  merey 
of  II  few  desper.ile  iiieii  in  Te\as,  who  will  force 
lis  iiilo  a  war  with  Alixico.  Our  [last  experience 
h'lil  shown  us  Ihe  iiupoieiicy  cf  llie  Gini'rninenl 
in  rislriiiuiiig  men  in  that  ipi  ir.ir  of  the  Union 
fioin  such  acts  of  nllence  as  wouhl  iiiake  war  iii- 
evilalile.  He  eared  not  lo  wluit  conclusion  the 
-eiil  dilllciiltiis  helween  this  Govpriiment  anil 

lexii  o  might  111'  coiidiii  tell;  tin  y  might  he  hroiiglit 
to  a  peai  efiil  iidjiistiiienl,  and  a  treaty  of  amity 
and  peace  renewed  lielwecn  the  two  (Tovernmenls, 
hut  It  would  not  long  delay  hostililies  hetwccii 
llieiii.  War  with  .Mexico  must  eerlaiiily  oci'iir. 
The  )iluiidei'ci'.i  if  Texas  would  not  long  consent 
to  he  the  iiiiiet  ,.  ighliors  of  a  nation  rich  in  mines 
nf  gold  ami  silver,  and  in  a  soil  of  iiiisurpa.sscd  fi  r- 
tilily,  without  ultciiiptiiig  Its  eomiuest.  Thiil  in.«- 


K' 


tiahle  avarice,  which  prompted  them  to  seize  upon 
Texas,  would  lead  tlieiii  on  to  further  outrages  j 
against  Mexico.  And  especially  would  they  do 
this  when  acting  under  the  assurance  that  ihey  must 
be  sustained  hy  the  strong  arm  oftliisGoverniiient. 
The  work  of  eoiupicst  (said  Mr.  T.)  had  already 
begun.  I'^lforts  as  stealthy  as  the  initiatory  pro-  \ 
eeedings  by  which  Texas  was  gained  were  now 
being  made  for  Ihe  ncipiisition  of  California;  and 
at  the  other  end  of  the  dipiiol  we  had  a  proposi- 
tion for  the  purchase  of  Cuba. 

This  proclivity  {said  Mr.  T.)  in  these  Texiaiis  ' 
for  rom|iicst  and  outrage   had  been  slrenglliened 
and  encouraged  by  the  action  of  this  Government, 
as  ivell  lis  by  the  public  sentiment  nf  the   party 
who  tiow  admiiiisler  it.     They  had  been  encour-  , 
aged  to  persevere  in  this  career  of  land  pinicy,  for 
it  could  not  be  dignified  by  the  name  of  conquest. 
EIToits  had  been  studionsly  inade  upon  that  floor  i 
and  elsewhere  to  delude    and  corrupt  the  piililie 
mind,  and  make  it  subservient  to  these  |iro)ecls  of 
hostility  and   unjust  aeqiiisition.     Gentlemen  had    ' 
talked  of  this  thing  as  a  matter  that  must  happen 
ill  llie  oi'diniiry  cour.se  of  events;  or,  in   the  cant 
laiigiiaire  of  the  day,  that  this  was  the   "  mniii/c>7 
(/fs(i»//"of  this  peo)ile.     If  it  he  Irue,  as  had  been 
herelofore  supposed,   that  a  Itepiiblic   must   rc.sl 
upon  Ihe  virliie  and  iiUelligence  of  the  people,  he  i 
would  tell  genllemen  what  he  believed  to  be  the 
"  manifest   destiny"    of   this    eoimlry.      It  was  ! 
speedy,    hopeless,    irretrievable    ruin,    unless    a  ' 
higher  degree  of   nioriiliiy   could   be  utlained  in 
the  administralion  of  public  alVairs. 

War  with  A!exieo  for  the  purposes  of  conquest, 
and  war  with  the  various  tribes  of  Camanches  for 
other  objei. Is,  were  to  be  among  the  first  friiils  of  ■ 
annexiilion.     And   what    a   sad    fulfilment  of  Ihe 
flallering  promises  made  lis  hist  year,  .md  hy  which  1 
he  knew   many  an  honest  man   in  his  Slate  had 
been  deceived  and  betrayed.     The  promises  wen  , 
that  this  eoiintry  was  to  eome  into  iiiir   tliiion  lo  i 
supply  the  place  of  standing  Armies   and  lo  open  a 
new  market  for  our  farmers.     A  viler  imposition 
was  never  iiriictised  upon  a  confiding  people.   The  : 
Camanches,  it  was  true,  had  nothing  to  temiit  the  | 
eiipidily  of  these  invaders  ;  they  had   no  posses-  ■ 
sions  of  which  they  eoiild  be  despoiled  ;  bul  tliev 
had  souls,  and  having  llieni  would  sympalhize  with 
the  .slave.     This  would  bring  on  war  with  them, 
as  it  had   done  with  the   Indians  in  Florida.     The 
trulh  was,  slavery  could  not  abide  contiguous  tree 
territory;  and  so  long  as  it  existed,  so  long  should 
we  have  wars  with  our  iii'ighborsoii  account  of  it. 
Unlil  the  laws  of  our  being  should   change,  until  , 
men  should  cease  lo  love  liberty  and   hate  oppres-  , 
sioti,  slaves   would    escape   from    their   hoiiilaire. 
They  would  prefer  lo  leave  this  blessed  juilyidirluil 
inslitulion — as  il  was  someiimes  called — this  ae- 
eiirsed  civilizalion  of  ours,  for  a  home  even  anioiiu' 
savages.     And   these  liidiims,  though    they  iniglii  ' 
be  fierce,  warlike,  and  l-arbarous,  as  the  Secrelarv 
of  War  had  repriscnled  ihein,  they  had  not  so  sunk 
their  humanily  but    that   tlicy   would  .sympathi/.e 
with  these  oppressed  fugitives.     Whenever  slave-  : 
owners  iillemoled  a  recapture  of  these  slaves,  these 
Iniliiiiis  woiilil   ri'iMllhcm.     This  would  be  war  ;  i 
and  II  would  coniinue  until   these   Indians  should 
he  laiiglil    liv  this  Government,  ai  an  expense  ol' 
millions  to  the  jieopli',  as  other  Indians  had  been, 
lo  turn  a   d'i'f  ear  to   these  riaiiiis  of  humanity, 
When  this  Chrislifiii  nation  slioiild  convince  iheiii, 
by   Ihe  exen  ise  of  its  onmipolent  power,  of  Ihe 
exceeding  wickedness  of  feeling  for  the  w  ron;^s  of 
their  fellow  men,  llieii,  and   not  bet'ore,  should  we 
be  at  pe.ice  with  the  Camanches.     AVe  must  sus- 
tain a   w.'ir  willi   llieui   at   an  expi'iise  of  fiHy  or 
a  himilrcd  millions  of  ihdlars,  lo  convince  them  of 
the  sinfolness  of  openimr  their  cabin  doors  to  the 
dowti-lroddt  11  slaves.     Slavery   had   before   made 
war  for  such  objecls,  nnd  il  would  do  it  iijaiii.      Il 
had  aardly  been  lesirained  tVom  making  war  upon 
the  free  Stales.     .Acis  of  ollcncc  had  been  commit- 
ted against  them  by  the  slaveholdiiig  .Sliites,  time 
and  again,  which  would  have  resulted   in  w,ir  but 
for  the  reslrainis  imposed  hy  the  Consliiiilinn. 

He  believed  the  piesrnl  lo  be  a  crisis  in  the  his- 
tory of  slavery  in  this  country.  The  time  had 
arrived,  in  his  opinion,  when  il  could  not  much 
lonu'er  linrmoni/c  with  our  free  inslil'.ilions.  Sla- 
very or  liberty  was  about  lo  cive  character  to  the 
fiilure  policy  of  lliis  eouiilry.  The  spirit  and  prin- 
ciples of  the  one  or  of  the  ulhcv  were  about  to  ini- 


pre.~s  themselves  permanently  upon  our  itisiitu- 
tioiis.  Which  should  prevail .'  .Should  slavery 
slrenglhen  itself.'  Should  this  relic  of  barbarism 
find  a  home  in  this  professedly  free  nnd  Christian 
Republic,  when  it  was  being  driven  from  iu  lurk- 
iii;r-places  in  every  other  quarter  of  the  globe.' 
Would  the  free  .States— those  Stalei)  wliieli  liad  ad- 
hered to  the  |iriiiciples  of  the  Revolution — those 
Slates  which  had  abided  by  those  self-evident 
truths  contained  in  onr  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence— prove  recreant  to  these  great  principles; 
dishonor  their  patriotic  forefathers,  and  make  n 
eov.',,i(lly  surrender  of  this  Government  to  tliB 
keeping  of  domestic  nnd  foreign  alavelmlders? 
Would  they  do  this,'  No!  Never — never  I  Ht- 
knew  something  of  the  lone  and  temper  of  public 
sentiment  at  the  North  ujion  this  suhject.  He 
knew  the  clinn^'C  tlinlpubhe  sentiment  liad  under- 
gone within  the  last  few  yeiii-s.  They  had  Ijccn 
conceding  for  the  last  fifty  years  to  the  arrogant 
demands  of  slavery;  and  he  was  much  iiiistakcii 
ill  the  signs  of  the  times  if  they  had  not  made  their 
last  eoncession.  Krom  present  indications  they 
were  to  take  a  firm  stand  in  defence  of  free  insli- 
liilions,  and  do  that  wliieli  they  had  neglected  to 


do,  but  outrlit  to  have  done,  in  years  gone  hy 

Much   had  been   said    by  southern  genllemeii, 
whenever  this  qiieslion  of  slavery  had  been  alliiih  li 


to  upon  that  floor,  about  the  eompromises  of  tin 
Consliiuliiiii.  Had  the  freemen  of  the  North  been 
faithful  lo  these  eompromises, and  confined  slavery 
lo  Ihe  limils  pir.'icriheil  to  it  hy  the  Constitution, 
insleail  of  extending  itself  o\er  more  lliaii  one-half 
of  the  .Slates  of  this  Union,  it  would  have  long 
since  lieen.ie  extinct.  The  ]ireponderaiice  of  the 
free  Slates,  as  well  ns  the  surrounding  it  by  free 
insiiliilions,  would  have  eriislied  it  to  death  This 
iiislilulion  had  built  and  strengthened  itself,  nnd 
grown  lo  its  present  irigantie  proporilons,  becnu,«o 
these  eomproimse-s  have  not  been  abided  hy.  It 
was  for  ni/Zirriiiff  lo  these  eompromises  that  his 
honorable  colleague  [Mr.  GiDni.s'cs]  had  received 
the  sneei-s  and  unjust  re|iroiic.liea  of  eertniii  niein- 
bei's  of  this  House  from  every  (piarler  of  the 
Union.  Put  Mr.  T.  was  happy  to  believe  that  the 
fearless,  self-sacrificing,  and  jiairiotic  eour.se  which 
his  friend  had  so  perseveringly  and  so  nobly  pur- 
sued, was  about  to  receive  the  ajiproval  of  lii.s 
State. 

Mr.  T.  was  prepared  to  abide  by  the  Govern- 
iiK  lit  ns  it  was,  niiicli  a.s  he  believed  the  free  Slates 
hail  siiirered  troiii  llie  continual  encroachments  of 
slavery.  He  believed  this  to  he  the  feeling  of  the 
great  mass  of  the  people  of  all  parties  in  the  free 
Siales.  Hut  he  was  not  willing  that  the  border.s 
of  this  Union  should  be  extended,  in  violation  of 
the  Constitution,  to  enlarge  the  area  of  slavery. 

As  he  had  before  said,  he  knew  not  wliat'waa 
to  be  the  decision  of  his  Slate  upon  this  subject. 
She  might  consent  to  submit  to  annexation;  but  if 
she  did,  in  doing  so,  in  his  opinion,  she  consented 
to  ilissiplution  also:  for  he  well  knew  her  jieople 
would  iii'i'fr  f()ii.«fii(  to  some  of  the  necessary  and 
inevitable  eon.sequences  wliich  must  result  from 
nnnexation.  They  never  would  consent  that  aii- 
oilier  dollar  should  he  drawn  from  their  [lockets  to 
snpporl  a  war  for  conquest  against  Mexico;  nor 
would  they  support  niiy  more  armies  to  butcher 
Indians  for  giving  protection  to  fugitive  slaves. 
Upon  these  points  he  believed  he  could  not  be  mis- 
taken. The  lime  had  been  when  the  free  States 
would  have  siihniillcd  to  this,  but  that  time  bad 
ooiie  by  forever.  Was  il  not  the  duty  of  those 
who  weredelermiiied  not  lo  abide  the  coiisequeiiceM 
of  amii  xatioii  to  lake  ground  at  once  against  it? 
If  rcsisiance  weie  to  be  made  to  it,  or  lo  any  of  its 
coiiseuitenees,  now  was  the  time  to  make  that  re- 
sisiiince.  He  believed  that  it  might  be  now  made 
wiili  sal'elv  to  our  cmislihilionat  union;  made  here- 
iilier,  it  might  endanger,  and  even  destroy  it. 
Whenever  tliiscountry  should  be  engaged  in  a  war 
with  Mexico,  or  even  these  Camanche  IndiaiiM, 
however  unholy  llie  purposes  for  which  thai  war 
should  be  waged,  it  would  be  useless  for  us  to 
withhold  our  support  of  it,  with  any  hope  of  pre- 
serving the  Union;  rcHistancc,  then,  lo  the  aclioit 
of  the  liovcriiment  would  be  dissolution. 

He  re";arded  the  pre.senl  a  turning  point  in  the 
destiny  of  the  Aiiiericnn  people.  Wc  were  now 
to  delerniine  whether  we  could  or  would  submil 
lo  that  new  order  of  things  now  in  preparntion  for 
lis.    Whether  wc  would  be  taxed  lo  ciu-ry  on  wars 


'**■ 


5(>8 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[March  26, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question- — Mr.MiUtr. 


Senate. 


for  iho  conquest  of  Mexico,  ond  for  giving  protec- 
lion  to  slave  property  in  Texas.  If  tlie  free  States 
were  not  prepared  for  all  this,  if  their  Representa- 
tives upon  that  floor  believed  iliey  would  not  suli- 
mit  to  It,  they  owed  it  to  the  South,  am\  indeed  tu 
the  whole  country  and  to  iMsterity,  to  resist  ihut 
annexation  from  which  these  things  must  ncccssa- 
rily  result. 

There  was  no  feature  of  this  Texas  annexation 
that  could  commend  itself  to  his  favor.  It  had  us 
commencement  in  private  speculation,  instituted 
from  the  basest  of  motives;  mid,  by  certain  secret 
influences  which  had  not  yet  been  tully  explained, 
this  Government  throughout  had  been  ntnde  u 
party  to  the  disgraceful  iransaclion.  All  the  bene- 
fits which  would  be  likely  to  result  from  it  would 
result  to  individuals.  Uuou  many,  nriticcly  for- 
tunes would  be  coiifcrreu;  but  upon  liis  constitu- 
ents it  would  operate  as  an  unmitigated  curse.  From 
a  private  enterprise,  it  hud  now  become  a  general 
system  of  national  ntaraudiitg.  Our  aijny  was  now 
occupying  territory  which  was  represented  in  the 
Mexican  Congress — territory  where  our  citizens 
were  now  paying  duties  on  their  merchandise  to 
the  (iovernment  of  Mexico — luid  territory  to  which 
we  had  no  more  title,  according  to  the  liinlicst  Dem- 
ocratic authority  at  the  other  end  of  the  Capitol, 
than  we  had  to  the  island  of  Great  Britain, 

Before  he  would  consent  to  augment  this  army 
of  occupation  or  observation,  (whichever  it  might 
be  called,)  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  this  ma- 
rauding enterprise  agamst  our  wei.k  and  unnffend- 
ing  neighbor,  he  would  see  that  Cajiitol  razed  to 
its  foundation. 

[Mr.  Holmes,  of  South  Carolina.  Are  you  not 
for  marauding  in  Oregon?] 

Mr.  T.  It  is  my  prestntiiurpose  in  say,  that  1 
am  not  for  marauding  in  Texas.  My  vote  will 
determine  my  intentions  in  relation  to  Oregon. 

Ohio  hod  not  been  yet  heard  upon  this  subjert. 
She  hod  been  betrayed  on  tliis  question.  Her 
Senators  had  violated  her  instructions,  and  n  ma- 
jority of  her  Representatives  upon  that  floor  liiul  set 
at  defiance  the  clearly  expressed  intentions  of  licr 
Legislature.  The  whole  transaction  hed  been  a 
fraud  upon  her  people,  and  upon  thn.se  of  ilie  other 
free  Slates.  There  had  been  no  deliberation  upon 
it — no  freedom  of  thought  or  action.  The  ques- 
tion  had  been  suddenly  sprung  by  a  knot  ofpoli- 
ticians,  personally  and  pecuniarily  interested  ui  it, 
upon  a  parly  known  to  be  more  anxious  for  a 
party  triumph  than  for  the  permanent  well-being 
of  the  country.  These  (mlitiiiuns  took  advuiitnge 
of  this  ardent  parly  Ceeling,  and  so  managed  as  "to 
make  the  support  of  this  infamouH  mensiiie  ilie 
condition  of  party  success.  Under  sueh  restraints 
as  these,  ami  upon  such  considerations,  did  north- 
ern men  first  give  to  this  measure  their  ifliiciiint 
support.  It  was  sustained  by  party  neee-fslty 
alone.  Northern  pnlitnians  had  never  given  It  a 
sincere  support.  They  had  evidently  acted  under 
a  consciousness  that  it  wos  an  outrage  upon  the 
rights  of  the  North.  The  overwherniiii!;  piililic 
senlimeni  of  the  free  States  had  always  been  niainst 
it,  and  whenever  it  had  expressed  itself,  iinbribed 
and  unbought,  it  had  always  been  in  strong  con- 
demnation of  it. 

For  a  while  the  people  nf  the  free  Sliiies  had 
been  deluded  by  the  pretence,  that  annexntiDu  wjis 
a  part  of  a  system  of  acquisitions  which  it  was  the 
ifr,<ltni/  of  the  Democratic  party  to  (airy  out,  and 
which  was  to  operate  to  the  eqi'ial  benefit  of  every 
seriion  of  the  Union.  We  were  to  have  an 
"ocean-bound  Republic."  These  acf|ii|sltlons,  ii 
was  said,  were  to  preserve  the  eijuutlon  between 
theslaveholdlntiann  nnii-slnveholding  Stales  of  thin 
Union.  The  ichole  of  Oregon  and  f'anudn  weri'  to 
come  in  on  the  North,  to  i  nunlerbaliinnc  Texas 
and  other  acquisitions  at  the  South.  This  was  the 
gilding  that  was  given  to  this  measure.  In  order  to 
make  It  acceptable  to  the  people  of  the  free  Staies. 
But  now,  alas!  we  were  told  by  northern  gentle- 
men, that  their  southern  friends  had  betiayrd 
ihein;  that,  having  acquired  Texas,  they  now  re- 
fused to  carry  out  the  northern  part  of  the  bargain. 
They  were  not  only  for  letting  Cniuida  alone,  but 
even  in  fact  for  giving  up  Oregon  to  the  Briiish. 
There  was,  to  his  mind,  nothing  very  extraonli- 
imry  and  unexpected  In  all  this.  It  hail  resulted  as 
any  one  would  have  expected  who  was  acquainted 
with  the  manner  in  which  northern  Democrats 
hud  been  humbugged  by  their  suulherii  assouiutes. 


Whatever  acquisitions  were  lobe  made  loourterri-  ' 
tory  would  bcmadeSoulh.  Those  who  controlled  ' 
the  country  did  not  intend  to  make  them  elsewhere.  ' 

One  word  as  to  (he  position  we  are  placed  in  by 
this  partiality  of  the  President  for  tlie  southern 
section  of  the  Union.  It  was  a  position  which 
would  disgrace  us  in  the  eyes  of  all  the  rivilized 
nations  of  the  earth.  It  had  lieen  truly  said,  thai 
our  national  lunior  was  to  be  maintained,  in  our 
intercourse  with  foreign  nations,  by  demanding 
nolhing  but  what  was  clearly  right,  and  submitting 
10  nolhing  wrong.  If  this  be  true,  could  the  na- 
tional honor  be  maintained  by  carrying  out  the 
policy  of  our  President?  He  thought  not.  The 
President  was  acting  upon  this  maxim  reversed. 
He  was  both  sii/imiHing  In  and  demanding  that 
which  was  wrong.  Upon  one  side,  with  mulches 
lit,  and  ''cannon  .sholted  home,"  he  was  rffinonrf- 
iiig  of  a  niitlon  unahle  In  /iio/ecf  itself  that  to  which 
we  had  mt  right:  while  on  the  other  side,  in  trenl- 
ing  with  a  nation  vshich  \r<a  our  equal,  he  was 
making  an  ignoble  surrender  of  that  to  which  we 
were  clearly  entitled.  We  were  to  go  to  war  with  i 
enfeebled  and  broken-down  Mexico,  for  territory 
to  which  we  had  no  pretence  of  title;  and  al  the  same 
time,  for  the  |)uriiose  of  avniding  war,  surrendering 
to  the  arrogani demand  ofGieni  Britain,  two  hun- 
dred thoiKsand  sipinre  miles  of  land,  to  which  (ac- 
cording to  the  President)  "  our  title  inn  clear  and 
uiiqneslionnble."  We  were  plundering  land  from 
Mexico  (UI  one  side,  and  meanly  giving  It  away  to 
l^iigland  on  the  other.  Who  was  there,  in  whom 
a  sense  of  national  pride  was  not  wholly  extinct, 
but  would  feel  his  country  dishonored  in  view  of 
this  position  which  it  had  been  made  to  oicupy? 
If  we  were  to  turn  land  pirates,  let  us  at  least  have 
the  magnanimity  to  commit  our  depredations  upon 
a  nation  able  to  defend  ilsclf.  Bui  if  we  must  steal 
from  the  dt/cncelrM,  do  not  let  us  add  to  our  infamy 
by  suriemlering  up  at  the  ."anie  lime  to  our  equals, 
lor  fe.w  of  consequences,  that  which  is  clearlij  our 
men. 

The  moral  sense  of  the  nation  would,  he  believed, 
l>e  far  belter  satisfied  that  we  .ihonid  plunder  Eng- 
land, and  give  away  to  Mexico.  We  could  at  least 
claim  the  merit,  in  such  n  Iransaclion,  of  taking 
upon  ourselves  the  hazard  of  u  wor  wilh  an  equal. 

He  would  now  say,  in  conclusion,  that  by  no 
act  of  his  would  he  acknowledge  Texas  as  a  pari 
of  this  Union.  His  innnedlale  constituents,  and 
the  State  of  Ohio,  so  far  as  bis  aclion  was  concern- 
ed, should  remain  uncommitted  upon  this  subject. 
His  State  hi.d  twice  resolved  that  annexation  was 
unconstitutional,  and,  as  such,  her  citizens  were 
not  bound  by  it.  To  these  resolutions  he  should 
refer  himself,  and,  as  one  of  her  Representatives 
upon  that  floor,  would  endeavor  to  carry  them  out 
In  the  spirit  in  which  they  were  enacted.  They 
met  his  approval,  and  he  would  abide  by  them  as 
embodying  the  sentimenlsof  the  people  of  his  Stale 
on  this  suiijeci.  But  should  Ohio,  at  any  lime 
bertiifler,  change  her  views  and  annul  these  reso- 
lutions, or  by  any  olber  act  express  her  assent  to 
tills  new  union  with  Texas,  as  one  of  her  citizens, 
he  should  fVel  himself  bound  to  acquiesce  in  this 
change  of  opinion. 


OREGON  UUESTION. 
S  I'  E  E  C  n    O  F    M  R.    MI  I-  L  E  R, 

OF  NEW  JER.SEY, 
In  tmk.  Sf.natk,  March  2(i,  lH4f). 
On  the  Resolulinn  In  lermlnale  the  joint  occupancy 
of  the  Oregmi  Territory. 
Mr.  MILLER  .siiid  that  the  proposition  which 
had  just  been  inlroduceu  into  ihe  .Senate,  propo- 
sing to  fix  a  day  on  which  the  present  discussion 
should  close,  satisfied  him  that  a  disposition  pre- 
vailed in  the  Senate  to  bring  this  long  protracted 
debate  to  a  conclusion,  as  speedily  as  might  be  con- 
sistent wilh  a  due  rei'unl  to  the  importance  of  Ihe 
subjeci.  lie  would  do  nothing  to  thwart  lliis  dis- 
position of  the  .Senate.  But,  a?  Ihe  question  could 
not  be  taken  now,  lie  hoped  the  Senate  would  cx- 
<  use  him  for  coniinnlng  the  debate  fornnolher  day. 
It  had  not  been  his  inlentlnn  to  address  the  Senate 
at  all  until  within  a  few  days  past.  But  finding, 
from  what  was  transpiring  here  from  day  lo  day, 
that  it  was  almost  imposiible  for  any  Senator  lo 
manifest  his  real  ujiiiiion  by  voting  cillicr  one  way 


or  the  other,  on  the  questions  presented,  he  haii 
deenicti  it  necessary  to  ex|>resa  his  views  on  the 
subject  ill  debate.  If  the  nuiiter  in  discus.ston  wa* 
not  of  so  serious  and  weighty  a  nature,  it  might 
be  a  suliject  of  uniusenient  to  notice  Ihe  various 
phases  it  liad  been  nmde  to  assume  since  the  pres- 
ent discussion  commenced.  At  one  time  the  reso- 
lution of  notice  was  held  up  as  leading  directly  and 
of  necessity  to  war;  at  another,  notice  was  the 
best  mode  of  bringing  the  difficulty  to  a  settlement , 
and  of  securing  an  honorable  peace.  At  one  time 
notice  was  the  result  of  ihe  termination  of  all  iie- 
goliation;  at  another,  it  was  to  be  the  hclpmaie  of 
existing  negotiation.  Its  nature  seemed  lo  vary 
wilh  ihc  degrees  of  latitude.  At  one  time  notice 
was  lo  place  us  on  Ihc  boundary  of  54°  40' — a  line 
lo  light  for  and  to  die  by;  al  another,  notice  must 
lead  lo  a  compromise  on  4!P.  It  seemed  to  fall 
and  rise  according  to  the  Icniperaiure  of  gentlemen 
who  advocated  ili^  Like  the  mercury  in  the  ther- 
mometer, it  varied  according  to  who  had  his  thumb 
upon  the  bulb.  When  the  question  came  into  the 
ardent  hands  of  tlie  Senator  from  Indiana,  [Mr 
Hanneoan,]  or  of  the  Senators  from  Illinois  and 
Ohio,  [Mr.  Breese  and  Mr.  .ili.en,]  immediately 
It  rose  lo  54°  40';  but  no  sooner  did  the  cool  anii 
distinguished  Senator  from  South  Carolina  "  put 
his  finger  upon  it,"  than  slr.iight  it  subsided  to  49° 
The  same  question  thus  presented  itself  to  different 
minds  under  dlll'erent  aspects,  and  aa  leading  to  dif- 
ferent and  even  opposite  results. 

In  I'pcember  last,  the  President  of  the  United 
Slates,  in  Ihe  di-icharge  nf  his  high  duty,  informed 
Congress  thai  all  allempls  ut  negotialion  and  com- 
promise in  reference  to  the  territory  on  Ihe  north- 
west coast  of  this  continent  had  failed;  and  recom- 
mended Congress  to  take  the  first  step  in  a  series 
of  measures  with  a  view  to  asserting  our  right  to 
the  whole  of  Oregon.  On  hearing  thot  Message 
read,  the  disilnguishcd  Senator  from  Michigan, 
[Mr.  C.vss,]  a  man  of  great  experience,  acling  no 
doubt  under  a  high  sense  of  palrinllc  duty,  felt 
himself  bound  lo  call  uixm  the  Executive  for  a 
knovi'ledge  of  our  means  of  nalional  defence,  sup- 
posing it  necessary  to  lake  some  precautionory 
measures  on  thai  subject.  With  lliis  view,  he 
presented  various  resolutions  which  went  lo  call 
upon  Congress  lo  take  measures  for  Ihe  increase 
both  of  the  army  and  Ihe  navy,  and  the  arming  of 
our  fortifications.  While  Ihe  Senator  was  tints 
taking  measures  looking  lo  the  defence  of  the  coun- 
try by  arms,  the  Senator  from  Dhio,  the  chairman 
of  the  Commiltee  on  Foreign  Relations,  perceiving, 
as  he  supposed,  that  war  wos  inevitable,  fell  it  to 
be  his  duly  lo  "  prepare  ihc  bear's  of  ihe  people" 
for  that  event.  The  whole  Congress  presented  n 
belligerent  aspect.  The  Senator  from  Delaware 
[Mr.  J.  M.  Ci.avton]  called  for  an  oflirial  state- 
ment of  the  relative  strength  of  the  British  ond 
American  navies,  the  number  of  ships  and  cleam- 
ers,  with  the  guns  they  curried,  and  the  nnmlier  of 
hands  necessary  in  man  ihein.  Even  the  Commit- 
tee on  the  Miliiia,  which  had  slept  for  twenty 
years,  waked  up  from  its  slumbers,  and  was  called 
upon  to  report  how  many  able-bodied  men  could 
be  called  into  the  field. 

During  all  this  time  the  situation  and  conduct 
of  the  commander-ln-clilef,  the  President  of  the 
United  Slates,  presented  a  very  difl'erent  aspect. 
He  looked  there  lo  judge  whether  there  was  any 
Imminent  danger  of^  immediate  war;  to  listen 
whether  there  was  any  note  of  preparation  in  that 
quarter:  whether  the  trumpet  sounded  its  warning 
note  to  "prepare."  But  nolhing  like  war  or  the 
rumor  of  war  was  lo  be  seen  or  heard;  "  not  u 
drum  was  h^ard,  not  a  warlike  nnle,"  dislurbed 
the  serenity  of  the  oir  in  ihoi  direction;  all  was 
profoundly  quiet — perfectly  placid.  He  then  looked 
lo  the  Departments  whose  appropriate  funcliuiis 
were  more  immediately  connected  wilh  the  navy 
and  llie  army;  but  there,  loo,  all  was  as  peaceful 
as  a  Clnaker  meeting-house.  No  preparations  for 
war  were  anywhere  lo  be  seen.  One  of  ihe  dis- 
tinguished Secrelaricb  wos  busily  engaged  in  set- 
iling  queslions  of  etiquette  between  our  officers, 
and  the  only  sort  of  war  he  was  engaged  in  seemed 
lo  be  a  war  on  the  old  tars  of  our  navy.  The 
other  honorable  did,  indeed,  ask  for  some  Increase 
of  the  army,  sufficient  lo  guard  the  emigrants 
going  loOie^'on,  and  to  supply  Ihe  place  of  the 
garrisons  which  had  been  removed  from  our  fortl- 
ficalioiis  un  the  seaboard  to  bu  despatched   into 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


569 


ATG. 

lie  liail 

un  llie 

Hon  una 

it  niiglit 

variuuei 

he  pres- 

;he  reso- 

ctly  and 

waa  the 

tilement, 

one  time 

f  nil  ne- 

pmate  of 

to  vnry 

ne  notice 

— a  line 

tice  nitiiit 

to  fall 

enllemert 

the  ther- 

ia  thumb 

into  the 

na,  [Mr- 

nois  and 

nedifttely 

nol  nnd 

n  "  put 

il  to  49° 

1  iinrorent 

ng  to  dil- 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Miller. 


Senate. 


Texas.  He  then  looked  toward  the  Treasury 
Department — for  there  were  to  be  found  tlie  "  sin- 
ews of  war" — nnd  what  did  he  see  there?  A  crowd 
of  aeneraU  and  engineers  pressing  round  the  fiscal 
officer  of  the  Government,  with  estimates  and  re- 
ports, asking  for  the  money  necesxnry  to  carry  on 
the  first  six  months  of  the  first  campaign?  No 
such  thin^;  but  a  host  of  collectors,  and  weighers, 
nnd  apprniserH,  clubbing  their  wits  together  to  com- 
plete a  plan  for  reducing  that  revenue  which  must 
supply  the  very  pabulum  by  which  ii  war  could 
alone  lie  sustaineci. 

While  the  Senator  from  Michigan  was  faithfully 
discharging  his  duty,  by  calling  tne  country  to  the 
slate  of  the  national  defences,  and  while  the  Sen- 
ator from  Ohio  was  exerting  his  utmost  energies 
to  "  prepare  the  hearts  of  the  people  tbr  war,"  the 
Executive  Department  of  the  Government,  in  all 
Its  branches,  instead  of  arming  the  country,  was 
busy  in  devising  ways  and  means  to  destroy  the 
.'iiicn'S  of  war,  by  reducing  the  rate  of  duty  on  im- 
ports. He  soon,  therefore,  became  convinced  that 
if  we  were  to  have  a  war,  it  was  to  be  a  sentimen- 
tal war — a  war  of  hearts — of  prepared  hearts — for 
there  were  no  other  weapons  prepared  with  which 
to  fight. 

In  this  strange  state  of  things,  the  public,  as  was 
very  natural,  turned  their  eyes  for  some  more  defi- 
nite information  to  the  "  Government  organ;"  for 
there  was  a  paper  published  at  the  scat  of  Govern- 
ment that  passed  in  general  estimation  as  the  organ 
through  which  its  views  and  principles  were  to  be 
made  known.  Tlicy  turned  towards  the  organ — 
but  its  note  was  very  doubtful,  mightily  out  of 
tune.  It  was  like  one  of  those  street  organs  which 
were  liable  to  be  played  upon  by  everybody,  and 
the  sound  differed  according  as  one  or  another  got 
hold  of  the  handle.  One  morning  it  resounded 
like  the  thundering  dnim,  and  split  the  ears  of  the 
trembling  hearers;  and  the  next,  it  breathed  the 
softest  music,  and  uttered  only  the  gentle  and  coo- 
ing notes  of  tlie  dove.  The  people  ut  a  distance 
took  up  the  paper  to  get  the  latest  information 
from  Washington,  and  one  day  they  found  il  was 
"war,"  and  the  next  it  was  "  pence,"  the  third 
day  "doubtful;"  till  at  last  they  threw  down  the 
organ  in  utter  disgust,  and  said,  "  Pshaw  ! — there's 
going  to  be  no  fight  after  all."' 

Under  this  condition  of  affairs,  when  even  the 
chairman  of  the  C'ominiltee  on  Foreign  Relations 
would  give  us  no  information  us  to  the  President's 
views  or  purposes;  when  those  who  were  under- 
stood to  be  his  especial  friends  could  give  nomore; 
when  the  magicians  and  soothsayers  were  all  at 
fault,  the  honorable  Senator  from  North  Carolina 
[Mr.  Haywood]  was  called  in  to  interpret  the 
king's  dream  and  read  the  mystic  writing  upon 
the  wall;  nnd  in  performing  that  high  pi-bphetic 
duty  he  rendered  a  great  service  to  the  country, 
though  at  the  same  time  he  caused  no  small  dis- 
turbance among  bis  own  party  friends. 

But  the  questions  still  cairie  bnck  upon  them. 
Where  does  the  Executive  stand  ': — is  negotiation 
.still  open  ? — is  the  question  in  such  a  posture  that 
it  may  be  settled  on  the  parallel  of  49°,  by  nego- 
tiation nnd  compromise?  or  has  the  President  fall- 
en back  to  his  first  love,  nnd  does  he  "  go  the 
whole,"  according  to  the  resolution  of  the  Balti- 
more Convention,  and  insist  on  the  whole  of  Ore- 
gon up  to  54°  40',  as  part  of  the  territory  of  the 
Republic? 

His  honorable  colleague,  [Mr.  Davton,]  with 
a  view  to  obtain  information  on  which  he  might 
vole  understnndingly  on  the  basis  of  the  proposed 
increase  in  the  army  and  navy,  thought  proper  to 
put  a  plain  question  to  the  President,  inquiring 
wlicthcr  any  circumslnncea  existed  requirmg  an 
increase  in  our  military  and  naval  force;  and  if  so, 
what  those  circunisiancea  were."  .\nd,  having 
I  resented  this  inquiry,  had  hoped  that  the  answer 
it  might  elicit  would  show  the  true  position  of  the 
President.  The  answer  had  been  received;  but  it 
did  not  show  this  directly.  The  question  still 
vibrates  between  49° and  54°  40';  they  must  resort 
to  construction  ,to  get  at  its  real  meaning.  After 
coii.siilering  its  language,  Mr.  M.  had  come  to  this 
con.'lnsion:  if  negotiation  was  renlly  at  an  end,  and 
the  President  was  resolved  to  insist  on  our  title  to 
the  whole  of  Oregon  up  to  54°  40',  rejecting  all 
compromise,  he  would  nol  have  sent  such  u  mes- 
sage. The  President  udvLird,  as  a  yirfcaiid'uHni-!/ 
measure,  some  increase  in  our. army  and  navy; 


:  and  the  reason  he  assigns  for  this  was  the  posi- 
i  tionof  our  country  in  regard  both  to  Great  Britain 
,  and  to  Mexico.  But  to  what  extent  was  this  in- 
'  crease  to  be  made?  Mr.  M.  understood  the  Pres- 
ident to  say  that  he  should  go  to  such  an  extent 
'  only  as  that,  while  it  would  be  usefVd  in  case  of 
i  war,  the  expenditure  would  not  be  thrown  away, 
should  peace  continue.  Thus  leaving  the  question 
'  of  pence  or  war  entirely  doubtful;  because  the  pro- 
!'  posed  increase  would  be  useful,  let  there  be  peace 

or  war. 
r      But  if,  as  was  insisted  by  some  gentlemen,  the 
'  President  thought  that  war  was  to  grow  out  of 
this  measure  of  notice,  and  knowing,  as  he  ninsl, 
the  actual  state  of  the  negotiation,  luiw  can  they 
excuse  the  President  for  giving  a  reply  so  equivo- 
cal— for  sufferino;  the  nation  to  be  led  to  the  very 
I   verge  of  war  with  England  without  apprizing  them  i 
:   in  time  of  their  danger,  and  without  calling  on  ' 
:   Congress  to  make  adequate  preparation  to  meet  i 
j   such  a  war  ? 

Mr.  M.  would  here  make  one  observation  in 
passing.     The  President  said  that  some  increase  , 
;   was  necessary  both  in  the  army  nnd  navy,  nnd 
i   urges  on  Congress  immediate  action-  in  the  case. 
I   Now   it  appeared   to  him   that  if  the  President 
I   thought  this,  and  believed  there  was  a  necessity 
j   for  prompt  action,  he  ought  to  linve  sent  a  message 
'   apprizing  Congress  of  that   fact,  without   being 
asked.     If  there  were,  indeed,  circumslonces  con- 
j   necled  with  the  foreign  relations  of  the  country 
I   which  required  this  immediate  increase  of  our  mil- 
1   itary  force,  the  Executive  ought  to  have  commu- 
nicated those  circunislaiices  without  being  called 
upon  either  by  letters  from  committees  or  by  res- 
'  olution  of  the  Senate.     But  he  would  pass  that  by. 
Mr.  M.  said  it  was  his  earnest  desire  to  see  this 
vexed  question  settled  honorably  and  peacefully — 
not  by  threats  of  war,  not  by  arbitrary  insistmenis, 
but  in  a  manner  becoming  two  great  and  powerful 
nations,  desirous  of  doing  each  other  justice.  Why 
may  not  a  dispute  between  nations  he   settled  in 
the  same  manner,  and  with  the  same  spirit,  as  two 
honorable  men  in  private  life  would  settle  a  qiies- 
;  tion  concerning  the  riglitof  property  between  them 
— by  reason,  by  argument,  by  compromise,  in  any 
way,  rather  than  by  Iniite  force  ? 
I      It  was  said  ihatif  we  went  into  negotiation  some 
advantage  might  be  taken  of  us  by  Great  Britain. 
Mr.  M.  should  treat  all  such  apprehensions  as  idle; 
we  degraded   ourselves  by  entertaining  the  sns- 
I  picion.     Great  Brit.tin  dare  not,  if  she  could,  take 
advantage  of  us,  nor  we  of  her,  on  agrent  nntionnl 
question  like  this.    There  wns  no  need  of  indulging 
i  any  such  fear.     It  was  nf  the  highest  importance 
to  have  this  matter  speedily  adjusted.     Everybody 
knew  that  disputes  of  this  sort  always  grew  worse 
'  and  worse  by  time:  ditli'/iilties  not  thought  of  be- 
fore sprung  up  ns  ihe  c<inlroversy  proiccdcd,  till 
r  the  people  on  ooth  sides  became  excited,  and  then 
j;  passion  and  jirejudice  would  defeat  any  peaceful 
I,  settlement,  however  fair  and  honorable  it  might  be. 
!       Mr.  M.  said  he  was  the  more  anxious  for  this 
';  on  account  of  what  he  had  heard  here.     Senators 
;   had  declared,  in  their  place  here,  that  unless  the 
1   Government  should  come  to  an  arrangement  speed- 
'   ily ,  public  opinion  and  the  popular  will  woiilcl  take 
\  possession  of  the  q".eslion  and  settle  it  to  suit  them- 
selves, right  or  wrong.     But  this  was  a  Govern- 
ment of  Constitution  and  of  Law,  and  he  would 
not  consent  to  impute  to  his  countrymen  the  deler- 
'.I  mination  to  take  the  settlement  of  a  i|uestion  which 
I  belonged  to  the  authorities  established  by  the  Con- 
'  stitution  into  their  own  hands  and  settle' it  in  their 
li  own  way.     Oentlcmen,  indeed,  said,  that  in  this 
I  country  public  opinion  uverrode  everything,  and 
I  would  compel  the  Executive  to  take  such  a  stand 
j  as  suited  the  popular  noti(nis.     Mr.  M.  was  fully 
j  aware  that  a  process  had  tbr  sonic  time  been  going 
I  on  to  manufacture  that  which  was  called  publicopin- 
ion;  the  process  had  been  commenced  at  the  Bulii- 
i  more  Convention;  the  manufacture  was  continued 
in  the  public  iirints,  in  speeches  at  cross  roads,  in 
toas's  at  public  diinicrs;  and,  still  more  lately,  a 
new  method  of  conduciing  the  process  Imd  been  hit 
upon  by  chalking  on  doorways  and   fences  the 
figures  "54  40,"  from   one  end  of  Pennsylvania 
avenue  to  the  other.     These  new  muniments  of 
our  title  might   perhaps  overcoim  the  weight  of 
oificial  records,  and  our  title  to  '  54  40"  be  made  i 
,  "  clear  and  indisputable"  by  party  resolutions,  by 
'  dinner  toasts,  by  wax  stamps,  and  by  chalked  doors 


'  and  fences.  He  trusted  that  this  mode  in  making 
out  title  might  not  be  considered  as  the  expression 
of  the  sober  judgment  of  the  American  people. 

He  had  said  that  he  earnestly  desired  to  see  this 
matter  settled  by  negotiation,  and  in  a  peaceful 
manner:  to  bring  about  this  great  end,  he  was 
willing  to  do  anything  not  inconsistent  with  the 
honor  and  the  rights  of  the  nation.  He  would 
not  stand  about  particular  words  in  the  framing  of 

j  a  resolution,  but  would  assent  to  anything  lliat 
might  properly  aid  the  Executive  in  efl'ecting  a 
settlement  of  the  existing  difficulty.  He  was  fully 
prepared  to  do  all  that  might  be  thought  wise  and 
prudent  to  bring  about  that  end. 

{      He  confessed,  that  when  this  question  was  first 

!  presented  to  him,  his  impression  was  unfavorable 
to  notice  in  any  form;  nor  had  his  opinion  even 
yet  entirely  changed.  He  had  supposed  that  the 
question  could  not  be  in  a  better  pi  stuie  for  eom- 

i  promise  than  ns  it  then  stood.  That  being  his 
opinion,  he  hud  thought  that  giving  this  notice, 
and  putting  an  end  to  the  conveiitiun  of  joint  oc- 

j  cupation,  would  but  disturb  the  negotiation  then 
in  progress.     But  if  he  could  be  satisfied  that  the 

I  notice  would  not  produce  this  result;  that  the  Pies- 

I  ident  would,  after  notice  given,  continue  the  ne- 
gotiation, and  bring  it,  if  po.^aible,  to  an  honorable 
adjustment,  he  would  go  for  the  resolution  with 
nil  his  heart.  If  the  President  desired  this  meas- 
ure, to  enable  him  to  settle  the  question,  Mr.  M. 
would  say  to  him,  take  the  notice, and  use  it  I'airly 
for  that  purpose.  He  would  give  it  as  an  instru- 
ment of  (lefence,  and  not  of  aggression.  He  would 
give  it  to  the  Executive  just  as  he  would  give  to 
his  friend  a  deadly  weapon,  to  be  used  by  him  in 
self-defence,  or  in  the  protection  of  his  just  rights, 
but  for  no  other  purpose.  If,  after  the  exercise  of 
this  confidence  in  liis  integrity  and  sincerity  of 
purpose,  the  President  should,  after  all,  make  use 
of  it  to  plunge  the  nation  into  war;  if  he  should 
employ  it  only  to  disturb  and  impede  ncgotiaiiun 
and  compromise,  and  throw  the  country  on  the 
hazards  of  the  battle-field,  on  his  own  head  would 
rest  all  the  responsibility. 

Having  come  to  this  conclusion,  Mr.  M.  waa 
willing  to  vote  for  the  notice,  provided  it  was  ac- 
companied with  the  declaration  of  the  inirjiose  for 
,  which  alone  he  was  willing  to  give  it. 

It  was  admitted  on  all  hands,  that  wc  had  im- 
portant territorial  rights  on  the  northwest  coast. 
These  rights  must   be  defended,  and  wiuld   be. 

II  There  was  no  man,  he  was  sure,  to  be  found  in 

;  that  Senate,  who  was  unwilling  to  defend  our 
rights  there,  in  the  manner  in  which  they  ought 
to  be  defended,  to  the  utmost  extent. 

But  the  question  was,  what  those  rights  were — 
their  nature  and  extent.  And  here  was  the  point 
where  gentlemen  differed.  This  was  the  great 
point  in  the  controversy.  There  were  inchoate 
rights  there,  not  yet  perfected  by  being  reduced  to 
possession.  The  object  wns,  by  negotiation  or 
otherwise,  to  reduce  these  rights,  now  only  incho- 
ate, to  actual  possession;  to  extend  the  jurisdiction 
of  our  laws  there;  Ui  make  it  our  own  territorv, 
and  to  define  and  establish  its  boundaries.  Ttie 
question  wns  as  to  the  extent  of  our  rights,  nnd  as 
to  the  mode  in  which  we  should  maintain  them. 

This  was  not  so  much  a  question  of  title,  com- 
pelling those  who  would  discuss  it  to  go  into  a  de- 
tailed statement  of  both  the  American  and  the  Eng- 
lish title,  ns  put  forth  by  the  two  nations,  ns  it  was 
a  question  of  partition  of  a  country  now  held  in 
joint  occupancy.  Both  nations  were  in  possession 
tlicre.  Tliey  both  possessed  togcllicr  a  vast  unin- 
habited region  of  territory,  not  belonging  exclu- 
sively lo  eiiher  nation,  and  whose  limits  were  not 
yet  deliiicd;  which  was  under  no  territorial  gov - 
ernmeiil;  which  was  uninhabited,  in  some  degree 
undiscovered,  and  still  to  be  settled  by  civihzed 
nations.  As  to  what  portion  of  this  country  be- 
longed to  the  United  Slates,  he  considered  had  been 
well  scaled.  Its  extent  had  been  ascertained,  and 
our  lillc  lo  it  asserli'd,  by  ourowii  Government,  In 
various  ways,  too  clearly  to  be  mistaken.  And  it 
was  this  American  title,  thus  defined  and  limited 
by  our  own  Government,  which  Mr.  M.  meant  to 
defend.  He  wns  not  to  be  told  that  he  was  argu- 
ing against  the  American  title  when  he  was  defend- 
inj;  this  true  title  to  its  fullest  extent.  Itwastliemnii 
who  went  beyond  this,  nnd  set  up  a  title  which  was 
not  in  reality  ours,  who  endangered  the  true  title 
of  his  own  country. 


570 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  Miller. 


Senate. 


There  am  two  kinds  of  title  set  up  to  tliiB  couii- 
irv.  First,  there  wns  llio  pnpcr  title..  Both  imlioiia 
eh'iiined  n  title  nf  this  kiiiu  in  Oregon.  Our  pa|ier 
title  wns  iintlrr  Spain,  bjr  the  Floridn  treaty,  in 
1819.  By  this  treaty,  Spain  relea.sed  to  us  all  her 
rlainis  nnri  pretensions  lo  the  northwest  const.  It 
was  in  the  nature  of  u  quit  claim.  The  paper  title 
of  Ensliintl  was  also  from  Spain,  liy  the  conven- 
tion of  Nootka.  It  was  in  form  a  concession,  and 
operated  as  an  estoppel  to  all  future  claim  by  Spain 
to  an  exclusive  rii!;ht  lo  the  northwest  con.sl.  Nei- 
ther of  these  paper  titles  was  worth  a  rush,  unless 
it  can  lie  shown  that  Spain,  or  those  clainiii.g  un- 
der her,  had  perfected  her  title  of  discovery  hy  ac- 
tual possession.  Vattelsays:  "The  law  of  nations 
'  only  ackiiowlcdfrra  the  property  and  sovereignty 
'of  a  tuition  over  uninhabited  countries,  of  which 
'  they  shall  reullij  ami  inj'iicl  lake  pnsitssiiin,  in  which 
'  they  shall  form  millcmcnts,  or  of  which  they  shall 
'  make  artual  use."  It  was  true  that  Spain  had  had 
ri'-'hts  once  im  the  northwest  coast.  The  history 
of  those  rights  hi\d  been  ably  detailed  by  the  Sen- 
ator from  New  Ymk.  Hers  was  a  title  by  discov- 
ery. It  commenced  about  the  year  l.'jJ.t.  For 
ii]>wards  of  two  centuries  after  that  time,  the  navi- 
pitors  of  Spain,  at  remote  periods,  sailed  up  and 
(Inwn  the  northwest  coast,  erecting  cro.s>Ts,  inaking 
formal  declarations  of  dominion,  and  drawing  charts 
of  bays  and  sounds,  real  and  imaginary.  But  did 
Khe  ever  really  and  in  fact  take  po.ssession  of  the 
country,  f^o  as  to  give  her  an  eNchisivc  ilomitiion 
there?'  The  United  States  could  not  say  that  she 
had  done  so — Great  Britain  could  not  admit  that 
■she  had  done  so;  fur  both  nations,  Umg  after  S|iain 
had  performed  all  lliese  impcrftrl  acts  of  dominion, 
considered  the  northwest  loast  to  be  an  open  and 
an  nuapproprialcd  country,  in  which  they  might 
IttV.'fullv  make  discoveries  and  form  sottlenieiits, 
for  the  pmpose  of  establishing  nati(Mial  dominion, 
in  opposition  to  the  exclusive  claim  of  Spain. 
Tliese  (lis''overies  were  made  and  settlements  tiirni- 
cd  by  the  United  Slates,  and  by  virtue  of  them  we 
claiiu  title  now. 

The  Senator  from  New  York,  [Mr.  Dix,]  in  tra- 
cing the  history  of  the  Spap'sh  title,  very  truly  said, 
that  the  discoveries  of  Spain  embraced  the  entire 
coast;  but  when  he  came  to  speak  of  actual  occupa-  ' 
lion,  he  told  the  Senate  that  her  tille  was  ctuifined 
.•Old  perfected  by  occupation  no  higher  north  than 
49^  :|0'.  Therefiire,  without  going  over  what  had 
better  been  said  bcfcuc,  Mr.  M.  came  to  this  ciui- 
i-liisi.in;  that,  whatever  Spanish  navigators  might 
liavc  discovered,  when  Spain  ceded  tons  all  licr 
rights  on  the  northwest  coast,  including  di.scovcry 
and  sctllcme.it,  these  rights  could  not  be  said  to 
extend  beyond  4',)^  311'. 

Then  il  appeared,  that  under  the  Spanish  grant 
wc  could  claim  no  exclusive  right  to  the  norihwest 
coast;  il  gave  us  only  the  inchoa'e  right  from  dis- 
covery, to  be  iierl'ecicd  by  actual  settlement,  pos- 
session, and  appropriation. 

Suppose  that  in  IHl!t,  Sp:un  instead  of  relin- 
quishing her  rights  on  the  northwest  coi.st  to  the 
United  Siates,  had  relinquished  thcni  to  Great 
RriUiin,  should  we  have  snbmiited  to  «  iliiini  set 
up  by  lier  to  Oregon  on  that  basis?  No:  we  should 
have  denied  is  validiiy,  and  insisted  on  our  own 
better  claim  bv  discovery  and  occiijiatiiui;  we 
should  have  sioid  firmly  by  this  around  of  liile, 
restin::  on  the  laws  of  nations— laws  recoijnised 
by  Kngla'id,  and  by  the  whole  civilized  world. 

Bit  we  had  another  title  lo  Orejon — a  tille  olrler 
and  fir  belter  than  that  dirivcd  from  the  release  of 
Sp.iin.  It  was  a  title  ac(juired  by  oui'seb'cs,  by 
the  acis  of  our  own  citizens,  and  sanctioned  by  our 
Govrninent — a  title  by  discovery,  followed  up  by 
the  exploration  of  the  cooiitry,  and  perfected  l,y 
actual  seitlemenl  and  pnssession.  This  was  the 
tniF  .fmrriran  lillr;  upon  this  tille  our  Goveilimeiit 
can  stand  firmly  and  lioiunably. 

To  sustiiin  this  title  lo  its  just  limits,  anil  no 
further,  is  the  high  duty  to  be  performed  by  this 
Administration,  [jCt  tlii'iu  iKit  be  leil  aw.iy  by 
false  clamor  for  lands  not  our  own.  Let  tin  m  n  it 
venture  lo  uproot  luir  national  (lag  from  where  il 
lia«)  stood  fir  the  last  ihirty  years,  on  'UP,  and 
carry  it  into  the  ret'ions  nf  f-icrna!  snows,  upon 
some  new  and  doiibtl'ul  claim  of  Iille. 

The  lUily  question  was,  v\-liat  portion  fif  coun- 
try dill  this  true  American  title  cover?  What  was 
ttie  liirns  in  7110.'  Me  said  that  it  covered  the  coun- 
try west  of  the  Rocky   Mountains,  extending  to 


t  the  Pacific  ocean,  and  lying  between  the  pamllels 
of42°nnd49°.   That  wns  the  extent  of  our  rights. 

That  always  had  been  our  claim.  In  our  va-  • 
rions  negolintions.  State  papers,  reports,  and  maps, 
il  had  been  described  generally  and  particularly  ' 
by  the  names  of  "  northwest  const,"  "  the  valley 
of  the  Cidtimbia,"  and  lately  by  ihnt  of  "Ore- 
gon." No  matter  by  what  name  it  was  designa- 
ted, that  wns  the  territory  to  which  we  hnd  a  good 
and  valid  title.  .We  had  always  understood  Ore- 
gon to  be  limited  north  and  south  by  the  parallels 
of  4!»  and  49°. 

Mr.  M.  said  he  hnd  a  memorandum  of  some  nu- 
:  ihorilies  on  this  subject. 

In  IHOU,  when  the  attention  of  this  Government 
was  first  called  to  our  righi.s  in  Oregoii,  Mr.  Jef-  I 
fersoii  authorized  an  exploraliou  of  tlie  country  by 
Lewis  and  f'larke.     But  what  were  oiir  agents  to  - 
explore?     The  country  beyond  49" — beyond  the  I 
valley  of  the  Columbia?     Not  at  all.     Tliey  were 
lo  explore  the  valley  of  the  C'oluo'.liiu  river.    Thai 
was  all  they  were  directed  to  i!,..     We  then  heard 
of  no  pretensions  made  by  this  Govermuent  to  the 
whole  northwest  coast.   It  was  not  even  ihonght  of. 

In  1818,  when  Mr.  Monroe  turned  his  attention 
to  this  matter,  we  t'ound  from  his  messages  to  Con- 
gress that  although  in  our  diplomacy  our  negotia- 
tors, acting  in  the  character  of  advocates,  filed  our 
declaration  large  enough  lo  cover  the  territory  up  to 
.')4°  40',  yet  when  the  Oovernment  cnme  toael,we 
found  ilie  I-'.xecutive  firmly  standing  upon  the  par- 
allel of  49°;  and  the  same  position  was  siiiise- 
quently  taken  in  the  Admiiiistration  of  Mr.  .Xdanis. 
Ouring  the  Administration  of  General  Jackson, 
there  was  n  special  agent,  iMr.  Slacum,  employed 
to  visit  Oregon  for  informalion  relative  lo  our  rights 
beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains.  The  instructions 
given  to  Mr.  Slacum  were  drawn  up  by  Mr.  For- 
syth. These  instructions  directed  the  agent  to  ob- 
tain some  sjiecific,  and  authenlic  information  in 
regarii  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  in  the 
neighborliofid  of  llie  Oregon  or  Columbia  river. 
General  .lacksou,  then,  had  no  idea  of  ."vl°  41V. 

In  18.'J8  a  reiiort  was  made  to  the  Senate  by  the 
late  lamented  Or.  Linn,  a  gentleman  whom  alTwho 
knew  him  could  iiol  but  respect — a  man  of  honor 
and  a  ninn  of  .sense,  who  iinderstood  the  rights  of 
the  country  on  this  ,|'iestion  ns  well  as  nny  person 
living— a  Senalor  wiii  had  devoted  his  attention 
for  years  to  this  whole  su'ijecl.  On  looking  at  Dr. 
Linn's  report,  we  should  find  that  he  described 
Oregon  by  degrees  of  latitude,  then  staled  the  na- 
ture and  extent  of  our  right  to  it,  and  then  the 
groimds  on  which  those  riirhta  were  founded.  On 
jiage  .'1  of  that  report  he  .said;  ' 

■■The  validity  ot'llic  liije  of  llie  I'liii.'il  Snui's  lo  llie  terri- 
Iniyeiillle  iiorttovcyt  cnn-t,  li"Uvci'n  the  [rditiiile  nl"  ■(■J"  t<i 
VJ".  IH  ant  ijue-tieiieil  liy  any  Power  c.xeepi  (;rcat  Krilaiii." 

.\gain,  on  page  fi,  lie  said: 

"Tlie  extent  of  lie-  lerril<>r>  on  tlie  iinrtlove.*!  cn'iii.wliicli 
i^  properly  eiahraei  d  uilliiii  nur  liinils,  is  tn  he  iiseerliiiiied 
hv  the  a|iplicatiiili  nftlie  two  reeuiae^ed  priii''ip(e.s  lo  llie 
e-Mhli<h'd  fuels  uf  ihc  ea.-<e.  l-t.  'I'hill  the  di^ci.vi'iy  mid 
nrrnpali'Mi  nf  Ihe  ihniilli  ofltie  river  i;i\es  liUc  In  the  icaiini 
W:llered  le.   il  mill  lt-<  llililll.-irl'  s.  ;is  in  Ihe  ea-e    nf  the   Hllil- 

snii,  Jaiai's.  .Misrisfiifipi  roer-.  &e.  'Jil.  Tliitl  the  discnvrry 
and  seUleiiieat  tif  a  iiim  emintl  v  hv  a  civill/.ed  l*n\ver  Kivc's 
tille  li.ilf  w.iy  tn  the  SI  lilr'inent  nf  Ihe  in  aresl  eivili/.eil 
IVivv  r.  Ttie  liniind:u\  hilween  Iheiii  is  a  inediiiin  line, 
r'ilher  of  lliese  priiieiple*  u  ill  i-arry  niir  line  lis  far  as  .|i)*." 

in  this  report,  T>r.  Linn  also  exainiiies  the  Sp:in- 
ish  tille  bv  discovery,  and  admiis  that  that  title 
was  defeeiiyc,  because  unaccompanied  willi  any 
subsequent  and  edicieiil  act  of  sovereignly  or  scttle- 
mcni. 

This  report  was  accompanied  by  a  map.  and  on 
that  in.ip  the  line  of  AJP  was  extended  lo  the  Paci. 
fie,  the  country  south  rf  the  line  being  miirkril  as 
ihe  "  Itrrilnrij  of  Origan,"  and  all  that  above  the 
line  as  the  "  Ihithh  Icnilnrij."  I'liere  was  a  note 
apfiended  to  the  map  stating  that  the  line  was  so 
marked  lii'caiise  our  Govenimcnt  had  oflered  to 
establish  the  latitude  of  49'^  as  the  boundary  be- 
tween us  and  Great  Britttin.  Ihit  this  showed  the 
opinion  of  Or.  Linn  to  be  thai  the  territory  of  Ore- 
gon was  the  c-u  itry  Ivinir  between  42^  and  49'*. 

Mr.  Brkkst.  Is  there  not  a  note  accompanying 
that  map  showing  why  the  line  was  so  m;irke(l  ? 

Mr.  Mii.i.r.H  said  he  had  just  staled  that  fact. 
Dr.  Linn  wril  understood  the  whole  Oreeon  (pies- 
lion.  But  this  was  not  his  opinion  alone.  His 
honorable  colle:i;;iic  |.Vlr.  linxTox)  was  nf  ihe  same 
opinion;  for  in  IKIH  hi- introduced  a  resolution  into 
the  Senate  declaring  it  to  be  expedienl  for  the  Uni- 


ted States  to  treat  with  Great  Rritnin  on  the  bnsis 
of  separating  the  people  in  Oregon,  and  establishing 
49°  as  the  permnnent  boundary  between  them,  in 
the  shorlesl  pnulienblc  time.  And  ngain,  in  the 
debalcon  the  Ashburton  treaty,  that  Senator  avow- 
ed the  same  opinion,  and  still  advocated  the  same 
basis  of  49°. 

Itwns  utterly  vnin  for  Scnntors  to  contend  ngninst 
the  nccumulnted  evidence  on  this  subject.  Our 
claim,  as  set  up  by  the  American  Government  it- 
self, was  up  to  the  latitude  of  49".  We  found  this 
in  all  the  negolialions.  And  Mr.  Polk,  when  he 
came  to  the  duties  of  his  office,  found  that  our  ex- 
isting negotiations  had  always  proceeded  on  that 
basis.  He  thereupon  adopted  it,  made  it  his  own, 
and  so  continued  to  do  till  he  finally  olVercd  thai 
line  lo  Mr.  Pakcnham  ns  a  settlement  of  Ihe  con- 
troversy. The  British  Envoy  rejected  the  ofl'rr, 
and  then  the  President  threw  himself  back  on  our 
claim  to  the  whole  territory.  On  that  Mr.  M.  had 
nothing  lo  say. 

In  Mr.  Polk's  Iniuigural  Address  ho  had  slated 
that  our  claim  was  clear  and  unquestionable  up  lo 
54°  40'.  Hut  when  he  entered  on  the  actual  duties 
and  responsibiliiies  of  his  otlice,  he  found  a  nego- 
tiation going  on  based  on  the  principles  of  coai/irn- 
Hii.sf,  and  he  eonlinucd  it  on  the  snme  principles. 

It  had  been  said  by  .some  gcntlenien  that  in  do- 
ing so  he  deemed  it  necessary  lo  make  an  apology 
to  the  American  peonlc  for  adopting  the  principle 
of  com[Uoniise  at  all.  Ilia  Secretary,  speaking 
for  him,  saiil  that,  though  the  President  differed  in 
his  individual  opinion,  yet,  when  hit  considered 
the  question,  he  "  found  himself  embarrassed,  it' 
not  comiuilted,  by  the  acts  of  his  j)redecessors." 
Emban'assed  by  the  acts  of  Mr.  Monroe,  Mr. 
Adams,  General  .Tackson,  Mr.  Vnn  Buren.  Mr. 
Clay,  and  Mr.  Tyler!  The  word  was  rather  loo 
weak  a  one.  Mr.  M.  once  heard  a  judge  say, upon 
the  lieiich,  that  lu'  would  have  decided  tlie  cause  be- 
fore him  in  a  jiariicnlar  manner,  "  if  he  laid  not 
hcf  I]  emhiirrassid  by  the  Coii.s/i/ii(ioii."    [A  laugh.] 

Mr.  M.  presumed  Mr.  Polk's  embuiraasment 
was  very  much  of  the  snme  kind  with  that  felt  by 
nn  heir  disposed  lo  set  up  and  pursue  a  claim  be- 
yond the  limits  of  his  legal  right,  when  he  found 
liimsclf  eslofiped  by  the  recorded  admissions  of  his 
ancestor.  "Committed"  very  much  as  n  judge 
found  himself  conimilted  when  called  to  decide  a 
question  on  finding  that  it  had  been  already  de- 
cided to  his  hands  by  judicial  decisions  of  his  pre- 
decessors. Very  strange  it  certainly  was  that  the 
Secretary  of  State  should  have  I'elt  it  to  be  neces- 
sary to  apologize  for  the  President,  as  if  he  was 
doins:  soiuelhing  that  was  discreditable  lo  him. 
But  if  the  President  was  embarrassed  by  the  acts 
of  his  predecessors,  was  not  the  nation  eipially 
embarrassed  now  ?  Musi  we  not  be  sensible  we 
were  treading  on  dangerous  ground,  wlien  depart- 
ing from  the  jiosition  taken  by  all  who  had  gone 
bet'ore  us?  Were  we  not  assuming  loo  much. when 
wc  went  so  far  beyond  our  tiesl  and  grcalesl  and 
wisest  men,  and  for  rel'iisiiiL'  to  go  this  length  Sen- 
ators were  to  be  charged  with  a  want  of  "  nerve?" 
Standing  by  the  side  nf  the  gallant  Linn,  and 
sanctioned  by  the  written  authority  of  the  no  less 
gallant  and  experienceil  Senator  from  Missouri, 
[Mr.  Bkntov,]  in  saying  that  nur  just  tille  was 
limited  by  the  parallel  of  49,  were  gentlemen  to  be 
told  that  ihev  betrayed  a  "  want  ot' nerve  ?" — thai 
they  were  wlllini.'  to  "  ilismeiuber  the  Union,"  and 
to  sin  render  the  soil  of  the  Republic? 

The  Senator  from  Indiana  [Mr.  H.wxEn.w)  had 
told  the  .S'onate  that  if  we  surrendered  any  portion 
of  Oregon  short  of  ,'>4^  40',  we  mighl  surrender  a 
western  pioneer  with  his  wife  and  children,  all  of 
whom  were  lo  lie  turned  over  to  the  grinding 
tyranny  of  Great  Britain:  and  then  the  Senalor 
had  assailed  their  lendeiest  feelings  by  a  pretence 
of  the  siirpri.se  and  dismay  nf  die  |ioor  man  when 
he  found  he  was  on  British  ground.  In  reply,  he 
would  say  to  the  honorable  Senator,  that  his  friend, 
the  Piesnient,  had  wellnigh  perpetrated  this  very 
deed,  by  oll'ering  49  as  our  biMindary,  and  nothing 
saved  the  poor  pioneer  and  his  little  child  from  bi-- 
ing  transferred  to  Queen  Victoria's  domininijg  but 
the  obstinacy  of  the  British  Government.  (A 
laugh.) 

Bill  Mr.  M.  did  notsoundcratnnd  that  Iherewere 
any  .'Vinerican  ."eltlementa  above  49.  What,  then, 
(he  asked,)  is  there  lo  prevent  oiir  Government 
from  standing  where  it  hns  stood  for  the  last  thirty 


lATE. 

the  hnfiifi 
iililishiiif; 
tlicjii,  iji 
I,  in  llic 
tor  avow- 

tllC  KIIIIK,' 

id  nfrniiiNt 
ect.  Oiii' 
'muenl  it- 
onnd  (his 
wlieii  he: 
It  our  cx- 
d  on  that 
his  own, 
urcd  that 
I'the  con- 
tho  ofl'rr, 
:'k  on  (iiir 
.  M.  had 

slalrd 
M|)  to 


]8ii3.\ 


AFPE^D1X  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


571 


5J9th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Miller. 


Senate. 


years,  wlllini;  to  treat  upon  the  basis  of  49  ?  No-  ^ 
ihliif;,  that  he  knew  ol";  tuitliins;  but  a  ccrlain  nso-  \ 
liil'wn  ndopltd  hij  n  pntilicnl  C&nrention  at  Ballimore. 
Mr.  M.  xaid  he  slxaild  not  have  intruded  asubject 
like  this  iiiioii  the  .Semite,  had  it  not  been  mentioned  1 
before.  1  he  Baltimore  Convention  had  been  made 
as  lc(;itimalc  a  part  of  this  debate  as  the  convention 
of  Nootku  Sound.  It  was  eoniended  here  that  the 
President  was  committed  by  tliis  resolnticm  to  i)4° 
'10'.  If  this  resohilion  was  to  |iriiduee  such  a  re- 
sult, it  would  be  well  to  examine  its  authority  and  ' 
history.  What  was  ils  history  ?  He  bad  looked 
into  the  published  proceeding's  of  that  convention. 
He  there  found  that  this  resoliiiion  was  introduced 
in  that  body  at  the  last  and  fourth  day  of  its  meet-  i 
injis,  at  half  past  seven  o'clock  in  the  niornins; — 
before  breakfast — as  the  convention  was  dissolving, 
and  when  four-fifths,  as  he  was  informed,  oftho.se 
who  had  composed  it  had  left  the  Kiound,  and  set 
out  on  their  way  home.  This  bcforebreakfast 
resolution  was  introduced  at  a  moment  like  that, 
and  passed,  as  Mr.  'A.  supposed,  unanimously  by 
those  who  were  present.  The  gentleman  who 
drau||;hted  it  was  said  to  have  been  Mr.  Benjamin 
1'".  Butler.  He  was  chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Resolutions,  a  firm  friend  of  Martin  Van  Buren, 
whose  nomination  had  been  defeated  by  the  adop- 
tion of  the  iwo-thirds  rule;  and  yet  that  same  ^eii- 
tleniaii,  the  father  of  the  rcsoluiion,  was  found 
siandins  alongsiile  of  the  leading  Democrats  of  the 
."^'tale  of  New  York  in  favor  of  setllin!;  this  contro- 
versy on  the  parallel  of  49°.  We  found,  too,  that 
the  present  Secretary  of  the  Trea.siiry  had  been 
one  of  the  coiiiinillce  who  reported  tliia  resolution. 
Yet  it  was  well  understood  that  he,  too,  was  in 
favor  of  a  eoni))roiiiise  on  4i)°.  The  Senator  from 
(ieorgia  [Mr.  Colqiitt]  had  also  been  a  member 
of  the  same  committee,  and  he  supposed  he  need 
not  say  that  that  gciillenian  took  the  same  ground. 
Besides,  Mr.  M.  could  show  from  the  rules  adopt- 
ed by  the  convention  that  it  required  the  assent  of 
iwo-iiiiids  of  the  body  to  agree  to  anything  pro- 
jiosiii  Rut  more  ihan  two-thirds  of  those  whi 
liad  c.oiistituted  the  convention,  and  who  had  nomi- 
nated Mr.  Polk  for  the  Presidency,  were  gone  be- 
fore these  resolutions  were  smuggled  in  without 
their  assent  or  knovv-lcdgc.  Yet  a  resolution  like 
this,  adopted  under  such  circumstances,  was 
brought  up  here  to  induce  .Si  iminrs  and  to  compel 
the  Kxeeutive  to  depart  from  uhat  bad  been  the 
settled  policy  of  this  country  for  thirty  years.  This 
Ballimore  resolulion  was  to  take  the  place  of  all 
records  of  the  opinions  of  all  our  negotiators  and 
Secretaries,  and  of  the  recorded  investigations  and 
deliberate  opinions  of  distinguished  Senators,  who 
had  beciii  the  steadfast  friends  uiul  advocates  of 
Oregon  from  the  liegimiing.  All  these  were  to  be 
set  aside,  and  this  Baltimore  Convention  was 
lo  bo  .set  up  as  the  mouthpiece  of  the  American 
nation  I 

The  wei!;lil  of  such  an  authority  was  surpassed 
only  by  that  of  a  certain  toast,  given  to  the  world 
a  few  days  since  at  a  public  dinner  eaten  in  Balli- 
more in  lioiinr  of  Si.  Patrick.  He  begged  pardon 
of  ihe  Senate  for  introducing  a  toast  in  so  grave  a 
body,  but  he  thought  that  alter  the  introduction  of 
ihe  hifiire-hrenkj'asi  resolution,  an  ajlerdiiiner  toast 
iiiighl  be  excused.     This  is  the  sentimeni: 

"  lly  Hill  D'Kciiiui.  Till'  O'H.'s.m  Faniily:  Wi-  will  not 
priiiu  any  of  niir  rmaily  ct rr  lit  cuaic  under  the  intnicrahl'- 
rili-h  t>  rntui>'  or  nii^intc.'' 

Now,  Mr.  .M.  '  -ht  that  this  furnished  us  with 
a  better  title  lo  ..gi..  .lU'  the  whole  of  Oregon  than 
iipiui  that  derived  from  S^iain;  for  he  believed  that 
when  it  came  to  hard  fighting  mie  stout  Irishman 
v.-ould  slaiul  us  in  stead  more  'ban  three  Spaniards. 
I  A  laugh.)  It  also  settles  the  derivation  of  the 
wiml  Oregon;  makes  it  Irish  instead  of  Spanish. 

Having  lliUN  relieved  the  Senate  from  the  alleged 
aoiliiu'ily  of  a  mere  party  resolution,  and  exposed 
the  fallacy  of  the  very  extraordinary  lliuion  that 
on  such  authority  two  nations  wen!  lo  lie  prevent- 
ed from  an  amieable  coiiipromisc  of  their  ditliciil- 
lies  on  a  mere  cpiestimi  of  boundary,  he  would 
in(|uire  whether  the  negotialion  for  ihis  end  was 
not  slill  open?  .Some  Senators  doubled  it;  olhers 
said  that  the  iiegoliation  was  still  going  on;  and 
.Mr.  M.  believed,  for  one,  that  such  was  ihe  ease. 
Ifil  was,  why  is  not  the  public  mind  put  to  rest 
upon  thai  point  by  some  certain  reliable  iiiforma- 
lioii.'  Why  not  let  the  negotiation  continue? 
Why  must  it  stop  because  one  propusitiuii  has 


\; 


been  rejected  ?    Let  it  continue;  let  nil  peaceable  j 
means  of  setlling  our  difiiculties  be  exhausted,  and 
let  war  be  our  last  resort,  because  it  was  the  worst.  [ 
We  could  not  hope  to  set  ourselves  up  against  the 
whole  civilized  and  Christian  world,  and  insist  on 
settlingprinciplesof  international  law  for  ourselves,  , 
after  hitving  negotiated  on  this  subject  under  the  ! 
principles  of  international  law  recognised  by  all  j 
ehrislendom  for  thirty  years.     Neither  can  Eng- 
land reject  negotiation,  and  insist  on  settling  llie 
dispute  in  her  own  way.     No  nation  could  do  this  '.] 
ami  continue  to  Uveas  a  nation,  among  other  Chris- 
tian nations.     If  we  took  that  ground,  we  must 
make  up  our  minds  to  abandon  tlic  society  of  iia-  I 
lions,  and  stand  by  ourselves,  the  object  of  general 
reprobation  and  hatred. 

But  the  word  "compromise"  was  objected  to.  ' 
The  Senator  from  Arkansas  [Mr.  Sevier]  had  re- 
peatedly expressed  his  desire  to  see  this  contro-  ! 
vcrsy  settled,  and  had  avowed  himself  the  friend 
of  peace.     He  objects  to  the  word  "compromise." 
But  he  should  remeinber,  if  there  was  onything 
ofl'enaivo  in  the  word,  that  it  was  not  mir  word;  it  ; 
was  the  word  of  the  President  himself.     It  was  i 
the  word  employed  by  him  in  his  message;  and 
the  word  constantly  employed  Ihroughout  all  our 
past  negotiations.     Was  there  any  dishonor  at- 
tached to  the  term.'     If  so,  then  the  nation  had 
been  dishonored  for  thirty  years.     It  was  the  very 
principle  an  which  all  our  negotiations  had   been 
conducted.     Why  discard  it  now.' 

It  was  said  that  the  national  honor  was  concern-  ; 
ed  in  the  sett'ement  of  this  question.     This  point  | 
of  honor  is  somewhat  like  the  question  itself:  it  i 
vibrates  between  49'-' and  54°  40'.    It  was  the  very 
zenith  of  national  glorv  to  stand  on  .54°  40',  while 
it  was  the  blackest  di.sgrace  to  n^-ttle  under  49°.  I 
They  measure  honor  by  degrees  of  latitude.     But 
national  honor  had  nothing  lo  do  with  the  matter. 
This  wa.s  a  question  to  be  submitted  to  reason  and 
argument,  and  decided   by  principles  of  national 
law.     For  one,  he  believed  that  the  national  honor 
would  best  be  maintained  on  this  Oregon  question 
'  by  pursuing  a  peaceful  policy.    That  had  always 
been  our  policy.     All   the  territory  v\'e  ever  had 
acquired  from  the  day  of  our  national  independence 
to  this   hour   had  been  acquired   by  negotiation.  ' 
This  niagnificenl  domain  of  ours,  the  widest,  the 
best,  the  freest  of  all  lands,  had  all  been  obtained 
',  by  neffoiiation.     Negotiation  had  been  our  policy 
i  from  the  beginning.  And  were  we  eoing  to  eliange 
j  it  now  ?    Were  we  now  to  break  olV  all  negotialion 
because  ime  proposal  had  failed  .' 

Mr.  M.  said  that,  when  he  cast  his  eyes  over 
our  wide-spread  Republic,  when  he  contemplated 
the  picture  it  presented,  extending  as  it  did  from 
the  Lakes  to  the  Gulf,  and  from  the  Atlantic  lo  the 
■  Rocky  Mountains,  and  beheld  it  filled  and  almost 
'  covered  over  with  towns,  and  villages, and  hamlet.s, 
and  swarming  with  a  population-all  happy  and  all 
at  work,  extending  themselves  yearly  and  hourly 
over  the  fertile  West,  converting  the  forests  into 
farms,  and  o|iening  the  wilderness  lo  the  light  of 
the  sun,  and  rellected  that  all  this  was  the  fruit  of 
peace,  he,  for  one,  must  oppose  the  first  step  to- 
wards a  change  in  our  policy  in  the  acquisition  of 
territory.  What  had  war  done  for  us  in  extend- 
ing Ihis  Republic?  Nothing.  He  spoke  not  of 
the  war  of  the  Revolution,  for  that  was  not  a  war 
for  territmy,  but  for  rights.  Wan  had  done  noth- 
iii'^  for  us.  We  had  grown  by  the  silent  but  mas- 
terly inactivity  of  ]ieace.  And  yet, at  the  very  first 
difficulty,  on  the  first  rejection  of  an  offer  in  nego- 
tiation, genllemeii  were  for  discarding  all  negotia- 
tion and  resorting  to  war  lo  extend  our  territorial 
rights. 

We  were  about  to  extend  our  jnrisdirtlon  over 
Oregon — a  region  lielongiiig  to  no  Christian  tir 
civilized  Government  or  people,  and  not  now  a 
territory  of  the  United  Slate.^.  And  it  was  true, 
as  had  i)een  observed  by  the  Sen.itor  from  Mis- 
souri, [Mr.  Atciiisov,!  the  people  of  Oreson,  the 
American  settlers,  if  longer  neglected  by  this  Gov- 
ernment, had  a  natural  riifhtto  establish  a  Govern- 
ment fin'  themselves.  They  occupied  a  new  and 
unappropriated  counlry,  as  yet  subject  to  natural 
jurisiliction,  and,  by  the  laws  of  iialions,  they 
might  orsanizc  a  tiovernmeiit  lor  ihemsclves. 
Mr.  M.  did  not  know  thai,  if  they  should  do  so, 
they  would  be  guilty  of  treason  against  the  Unileil 
I  .Slates.  Our  national  flag  had  never  yet  been  sent 
into  that  legion;  our  Ciovernment  bad  never  been 


established  there.  The  greater  part  of  the  coun- 
try was  at  this  day  just  as  the  hand  of  nature  left  it; 
the  silence  of  its  dark  and  unexplored  valleys  un- 
broken by  the  sounds  of  civilization.  The  coun- 
try was.  111  fact,  to  a  great  extent,  yet  undiscover- 
ed; even  the  way  there  had  not  been  known  till  of 
late,  sin^e  one  of  the  young  officers  of  our  army 
had  explored  the  way,  and  discovered  a  pass 
through  the  rocky  barrier.  That  young  man  wiim 
at  Ihis  hour  in  the  pro.secution  of  a  new  tour  of 
investigation,  eiicamiu'd  on  some  bleak  hill,  sri- 
veying  the  wide  unbroken  wilderness,  and  pre|ia- 
riiig  new  treasures  of  geographical  knowledge  for 
science  and  for  his  country.  And  Mr.  M.  would 
take  this  occasion  lo  say  that  lliat  young  and  en- 
terprising oflic^erhnd  done  more  towards  the  acqui- 
sition of  Oregon,  and  its  reduction  nialern  civilized 
governineiit,  than  had  ever  before  been  aceoni- 
plisheil  by  its  most  zealous  friends.  That  exten- 
sive region,  so  long  almost  unknown,  was  now 
brought  before  the  view  of  the  civilized  world  as  :i 
new  wing  of  this  Republic,  soon  to  be  bronirbl 
under  Ihe  Government  of  the  Unileil  Stales.  This 
Government  had  that  great  work  yet  lo  perform — 
the  work  of  settling  Oregon,  bringing  it  under  ihe 
control  and  protection  of  a  civilizid  Government, 
and  spreading  over  it  the  shield  of  law  and  the 
arm  of  the  national  power.  It  was  a  great  work, 
but  not  the  work  of  war.  This  was  ])re-emineni- 
i  ly  a  labor  of  peace.  He  trusted  that  the  first  lime 
;  our  (lag  was  seen  on  thai  new  eounti'V,  it  would 
,  not  be  met  as  a  warlike  banner,  sent  there  to  au- 
thorize the  shedding  of  blood.  He  hoped  that  the 
first  cultivalion  of  this  new  soil  wiaild  not  be  by 
the  blood  of  men.  Would  it  not  be  far  more  wor- 
thy of  the  American  people  to  subdue  it  by  the  arts 
1  of  peace,  and  let  the  hand  of  iiidnslry  cau.«e  it  In 
blossom  as  the  rose?  Would  it  not  be  a  noble 
enteipri.se  lo  extend  the  mild  influence  of  civiliza- 
tiim  to  the  far  shores  of  the  Pacific,  to  plant  the 
la\vs  of  a  free  people  on  the  banks  of  the  Coluin- 
'  bia,  and  bring  the  blessings  of  order  and  of  reiru- 
lated  liberty  where,  until  now,  ll.e  savage  hail 
roamed  in  all  llie  license  of  barbarism? 

But  was  this  to  be  accomplished  by  v^•ar?    No; 
it  was  to  be  done,  and  would  be  done,  by  the  ecu - 
'i  tie  sceptre  of  pence.     It  would  be  done  by  sending 
'  our    hardy   settlers   there,   with    no   other   arms 
,   than  the  woodman's  axe,  and  no  fori'e  but  the 
'   presence  of  his  wife  and  children.     These  were 
,   ihe  banded   forces  that  had  subdued   the  valley  of 
the  Mississippi,  and  who  W'erc  to  convert  the  wil- 
.,  derness  of  Oregon  into  llie  abode  of  civilized  man. 
Yet  genllemen,  befbr.^  N\e  have  even  found  our 
way  as  liit'li  as  49°,  are  for  marching  with  ban- 
ners dis|>layed  and  taking  possession  of  the  coun- 
try up  to  .")4°40',and  they  call  us  to  follow  the. 
,   national  colors.     Certainly,  if  that  beloved  baniici- 
should  be  spread  by  order  of  this  (joveriimeni  even 
in  so  wild  an  adventure,  we  should  be  bound  ui 
follow  it,  and  in  weal  or  in  wo  to  stand  by  it,  die 
upon  ,")4°  40',  and   make  the  snows  our  wiiiiliii!:- 
sheet.     But  the  lug  of  war  would  not  be  at  the 
'   line  of  54°  40'.    Once  get  the  country  plunged  inm 
a  war  with  Great  Britain,  and  the  ileadly  blow 
would  fall  on  the  eastern,  not  the  western  coast  of 
,   this  continent.     There  the  first  blow  would  be 
struck,  there  the  second,  and  there  the  last.     No 
I   doubt,  when  mailers  reached  that  point,  Ihe  coun- 
try would  defend  itself  as  it  best  could,  mid  with 
cliaracterislic  intrepidity.     Ol*  ihis  ihe  history  of 
(Hir  last  war  furnished  a  sufficient  pledge.     They 
would  stand  by  their  Govcrninent  Jiisl  as  a  fallier 
would   stand  by  a  rash    reckless   son,,  who    had 
broiiirbt   him.self  into  a  dilllciilty,   when  his   life 
was  at  hazard.     He  would  not  forsake  his  son, 
.    liowe\er  much  he  might  regret  and  disapprove  the 
course  which  brought  him  into  such  .i  discreditable 
position. 

The   .Senator  from   Missouri    [Mr.   Atchhos' , 
had  said,  if  .Mr.  .M.  did  nc;  misiinilrrsiaiid   him, 
that  he  would  fight  Great  Britain  even  on  a  doubt- 
ful claim.     Mr.  M.  rcL'rettcd  lo  hear  such  a  ileela- 
ralioii;  he  hoped  the  honorable   .Senator  was  not 
;    serious   in    making    it.     What,   go    to  war  on    a 
doubt?     Logic   should   settle   doubts — war  settle 
rights. 
Bring   two  such  nations   as   England   and   the 
,   United  Stales  into  a   morud  struggle  lo  settle  a 
doubtl'ul  right!     The  worthy  Senator  must   have 
I    been  led  away  by  his  zeal.     Surely  it  was  the  ex- 
;,  trcmc  of  patriotism  to  die  for  one's  country  on  a 


572 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[March  9, 


29th  Cono IsT  Sbss. 


The  Oregon  ^estion — Mr.  Evans. 


Senate. 


poinl  of  clonlit.  For  his  own  pnii,  Mr.  M.  would 
not  even  advise  a  client  to  go  to  law  npon  adouijt- 
ful  claim. 

He  lind  said  that  nothing;  but  folly  or  wicked- 
ness could  get  up  «  war  on  this  question,  and  there- 
lore  it  was  that  he  believed  we  should  have  no 
war,  because  he  trusted  that  the  wisdoin  and  vir- 
tue of  the  cnunlry  would  p-evenl  it. 

The  Senator  from  Arkansas  [Mr.  Sevier]  had 
said  that  the  real  point  of  diflerence  was  a  very 
narrow  one  ;  that  it  consisted  merely  in  the  right 
to  navigate  the  Columbia  river.  That  river  was 
said  by  some  not  to  be  navigable  at  all ;  however 
this  might  be,  could  it  be  possible  that  on  a  ques- 
tion no  bigger  than  that,  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain  were  going  to  war?  iNo,  never. 
Where  was  the  use  of  liaving  ncgotiator.s  and 
Rtalesmen  at  all,  if  such  a  question  as  this  could 
not  be  settled  without  war  ? 

The  great  practical  principle  that  was  now  ad- 
mitted by  the  entire  civilized  world  was  this:  that 
It  was  the  highest  duly  of  nations  to  preserve  the 
peace  of  the  wtrld.  To  this  proposition,  Mr.  M. 
would  atTix  no  qualification  whatever;  he  could 
not,  because  peace  secured  the  greatest  good  'f  the 
greatest  nuuiber.  Gentlemen  said  honor,  not  peace, 
was  the  highe.^t  concern  of  a  nation;  but  hinior 
was  merely  conventional.  What  did  they  mean 
by  national  honor?  What  one  nation  considered 
lionorable,  another  did  not;  what  one  nation  might 
think  itself  bound  to  maintain  at  the  hazard  of  life 
Itself,  another  might  consider  as  a  ridiculous  point 
of  pride.  But  peace — peace  was  a  blessing  known 
and  felt  and  admitted  by  all.  Kings  and  princes 
might  discuss  points  of  honof  and  go  to  war  upon 
fiin'ies;  but  peace — glorious,  blessed  peace — shone 
liki'  the  sun  in  the  heavens  alike  upon  high  and 
low,  and  cheered  with  its  benign  influencet  as  well 
the  liunible  cot  of  the  poor  man  as  the  splendid 
palace  of  the  monarch.  Mr.  M.  therefore  insisted 
on  the  great  political  and  Christian  maxim,  that 
ihe  highest  duty  of  nations  was  to  preserve  peace. 
Peace  was  the  great  mi.'^sion  of  God's  own  Son  to 
man,  and  the  song  of  angels  was,  "  Peace  on  earth, 
good  will  towards  men."  It  is  therefore  the  high- 
est duty  of  null)  to  God  to  maintain  peace  on  earth. 
That  nation  that  would  now  disturb  the  peace  of 
the  Christian  world  would  richly  deserve,  and 
would  certainly  receive,  the  unqualified  comlcmna- 
lion  of  all  good  men.  It  was  written,  indeed,  that 
'*  olVences  would  come;"  but  it  was  also  written, 
"  wo  to  that  man  by  whom  the  olTunce  cometh." 

The  President  had  commenced  his  Annual  iMcs- 
eage  with  a  true  and  striking  picture  of  the  happy 
rondiiion  of  our  country.  Hear  his  words;  "I 
'  am  hai'py  that  I  can  congratulate  you  on  the  cou- 
'  tniuc'l  prosperity  of  our  country.  Under  the 
'blessings  of  Divine  Providence,  and  the  benign 
■  inlluence  of  our  free  in.Htitutions,  it  stands  before 
'  the  world  a  spectacle  of  iiatinnal  hapi>iness.'* 

.\nd  what  had  produced  ihia  slorioiiH  spectacle? 
Not  war.  No,  it  was  nf)t  the  iVuita  of  the  bloody 
baule-field.  It  is  all  the  work  of  a  great  people, 
iKvelling  in  peace  with  themselves  and  the  world. 
!t  is  the  mighty  result  (jf  the  labor  and  enterprise 
of  our  ngricultiiri.sis,  mechanics,  laborers,  mer- 
'h.^nts,  and  manufacturers,  everted  and  called  out 
in  timcof  peace,  under  the  protection  of  wise  laws 
and  the  fojlering  care  of  a  free  Government.  It 
was  a  glorious,  a  heart-warming  specUicle,  and  it 
was  the  highe.tt  duly  of  the  rulers  of  sui'h  if  peo- 
ple to  preserve  to  them  that  inestimable  blessing — 
not  to  mar  it  by  exciung  them  to  strife,  and  "  prc- 
Piirr^g  their  Inarls  tor  war,"  Should  the  Chief 
i\lii:;i.''trate,  who  had  presented  this  bright  jiicture 
before  the  world,  be  able,  after  occupying  his  high 
siation  for  four  years,  to  retire  and  present  it  un- 
blemished and  yet  brighter  to  his  successor,  he 
would  (leser\'e  and  rccive  the  lastirig  gratitude  of 
H  great  and  happy  nation. 


THK  nilF.GON  aUE.STlO.\. 
SPEECH    OF    M  R .    E  V  A \ S , 

OF  MAI.NE, 

U  THK  Sknaik,  Mmrh  'Mil  and  Wlh,  184H. 

The  Uesi.luiion  terminating  the  joint  oi    upancy  of 

Oregon,  being  under  consideration, 

Mr.  EVAN'S  addressed  the  .Senate  as  follows: 

Mr.  PntsiuE.ST;  Theri'uulutions  which  are  now 


under  considernlion,  and  which  have  engaged  the 
attention  of  the  Senate  for  neveral  days  past,  pro-  , 
pose  to  authorize  the  President  of  the  United  States 
to  give  notice  to  Great  Britniii,  that  the  convention 
made  in  1818,  and  renewed  and  indefinitely  extend- 
ed in  1S27,  respecting  the  claims  of  the  two  nations 
to  territory  on  the  northwest  coast  of  America  shall 
be  niiimlled  after  the  expiration  of  twelve  months. 
This  IS  a  step  which  is  agreed  on  all  hands  to  be 
of  a  very  derided  character.  The  Senator  from 
New  York,  |Mr.  Dix,]  as  well  as  the  Senator  from 
Michigan,  [.\lr.  C.*S5,J  both  regarded  it  in  Ihe 
same  manner;  ond  both  said  that  very  important 
consequences  were  likely  to  How  from  it.  The  hon- 
orable Senator  from  Michigan,  though  he  does 
not  say,  that,  if  this  measure  is  adopted,  war  will 
be  inevitable,  yet  does  say,  that  the  United  Stales 
cannot  recede  after  the  notice  is  once  given,  and, 
in  his  judgment,  that  Great  Britain  will  not;  and 
though  war  may  not  be  inevilable,  yet  he  sees  no 
way  in  which  it  can  be  avoided.  Now,  though 
war  be  not  certain,  yet,  if  in  any  remote  degree 
the  adoption  of  this  measure  is  likely  to  lead  to  an 
event  of  such  inomenlons  importance,  then  cer- 
tainly it  becomes  us  to  weigh  the  whole  subject 
with  the  utmost  deliberation  and  care;  and  those 
who  ask  us  to  take  so  decided  a  step — a  step  which 
may  lead  to  such  important  results,  arc  bound  to 
show,  beyond  all  possibility  of  doubt,  that  it  is 
demanded  by  the  honor  and  interest  of  the  cou'  try, 
and  can  be  defended  before  the  civilized  worlu. 

It  is  obvious,  that  among  those  gentlemen  who 
are  fnerdly  to  this  measure — a  measure  which,  to 
the  people  of  this  country,  is  pregnant  with  such  ' 
con.sequences  for  good  or  evil,  and  which  goes  so 
es.senlially  to  chaiiie  the  state  of  our  relations  with 
Great  Britain — there  exists  very  considerable  dif- 
tfereiice  of  opinion  as  to  the  reasons  for  its  adop- 
tion. The  mover  of  the  resolution  himself,  the 
honorable  tSenator  from  New  York,  the  Senator 
from  Michiffan,  [Mr,  Cass,]  the  Senator  from  Illi- 
nois, [Mr,  Brekse,]  and  the  Senator  from  Indiana, 
[Mr.  Hanseoan",]  all  say  that  this  is  but  the  first 
of  a  series  of  measures  in  vindication  of  our  title 
to  the  whole  of  what  they  are  pleased  to  term  Ore- 
gon. The  position  of  these  gentlemen  is,  that,  if 
we  shall  give  this  notice,  it  is  lor  the  purpose  of 
asserting,  and  with  the  intention  of  maintaining, 
our  illle  to  the  whole  of  that  territory,  up  to  the 
latitude  of  ,54°  4(1';  that  there  must  be  no  compro- 
mise, no  adpistment  of  the  difficulty  short  of  that 
line,  nor  any  nejotiation  for  a  compromise  or  set- 
tlement on  any  terms  short  of  a  recognition  of  our 
title  to  the  whole  country.  The  Senator  from 
Illinois,  indeed,  said  that  the  notice  would  not 
exclude  nogotiation  enlinly — that  we  might  still 
neirotinte,  in  regard  to  the  allowance  to  be  made 
to  the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  and  as  to  the  time 
in  which  they  shall  be  required  to  retire  and  relin- 
quish their  possessions;  but  all  negotiation  ill  re- 
jard  to  (he  lim^  of  boundary  is,  in  the  judgment  of 
that  .Senator,  whi)lly  out  of  the  question.  Now, 
if  this  notice  is  to  be  construed  as  commiliini;  us 
to  carry  out  the  whole  series  of  measures  which 
have  been  alluded  to,  in  .suj)port  of  our  title  up  '.o 
54°  40',  then  it  'cems  to  nie  that  there  are  grave 
and  weighty  objections  to  it. 

On  the  other  hand,  centlemen  who  insist  that 
they  are  a,s  much  entitled  tfi  sneak  the  views  of  the 
Executive  as  th»  Senators  1  nave  referred  to,  tell 
us  that  the  measure  is  connected  with  no  such 
purpose.  They  assure  us  that  the  Executive  has 
pro[)osed  this  notice  with  a  vii'W  to  settle  a  line  of 
boundary,  and  not  with  a  view  to  assert  an  evcln- 
sive  title  to  the  whole.  They  say  that  the  Presi- 
dent, ihoiisrh  he  has  withdrawn  the  offer  of  4!)°, 
.still  cherishes  the  intention,  if  that  oiler  shall  I'n 
renewed  on  the  part  of  the  British  Minister,  or  if 
circumstances  slial:  arise  rendering  it  proper  for 
him  to  repeat  the  oHer  him.self,  to  establish  our 
boundary  by  that  parallel  of  latitude;  and  that  he 
wishes  this  notice,  not  for  the  purpose  of  insisting 
mi  our  title  to  the  whole  country,  but  with  a  view 
to  the  adjustment  of  the  rights  of  the  two  nations 
by  comprmiiise.  If  these  gentlemen  an^  correct, 
and  that  is  the  end  sought  by  the  Executive  in 
this  measuie,  then  it  is  much  less  obje<-.tionable. 

I'ut  here  we  utand,  deliberating  in  entiro  unre' 
tainty  as  to  the  end  which  is  lo  bo  arcomplislieu 
by  the  proposed  measure.  And  here  I  think  we 
might  justly  pause  and  .say,  we  will  go  no  further 
till  we  receive  some  distinct  assurances  on  tliatBub- 


ject,  until  M'e  obtain  from  the  Executive  something 
plain  and  distinct  as  to  what  is  intended  to  he  done 
with  the  notice  if  it  shall  be  authorized  to  be  given. 
The  Senator  from  Illinois  [Mr.  Breese]  thinks 
there  is  no  great  ilifTerence  among  the  various  ftn-nis 
of  notice  which  have  been  proposed;  but,  for  his 
own  part,  he  prefers  that  reported  by  the  Commit- 
tee on  Foreign  Itelations,  He  wishes  the  simple, 
unqualified  notice,  unaccompanied  by  any  expres- 
sion if  opinion.  And  he  prefers  this,  because  he 
goes  for  our  extremest  claim  at  all  hazards.  That 
Senator  considers  the  proposition  of  the  Senator 
from  Georgia  [Mr.  Colquitt]  as  very  objection- 
able, and  yet  he  thinks  no  great  harm  can  come  of 
it,  because  the  notice  will  still  ho  given,  and  the 
President  will  take  good  care  that,  under  that  no- 
tice, our  claims  shall  be  asserted  and  maintained 
to  the  whole  country.  Now,  that  is  just  what  I 
want  to  know.  If  the  construction  to  be  put  on 
our  passing  a  resolution  for  notice  is  to  be,  that  the 
Senate  are  pledged  and  committed  to  stand  by  the 
President,  and  go  for  54°  40'  at  all  hazards,  are  we 
prepared  to  authorize  it?  The  Senator  from  North 
Carolina,  [Mr.  Haywood,]  on  the  other  hand, 
has  no  objection  to  the  form  of  the  resolution  as  it 
came  from  the  committee,  because  the  President 
is  committed  so  to  use  it  as  to  settle  our  dilHculiies 
amicably,  peaceably,  by  compromi.se.  In  this  dis- 
crepancy of  opinion,  I  want  light;  1  wont  further 
assurance  how  the  notice  is  to  be  used;  and  I  again 
say  that  we  might  here  pause,  and  call  on  those 
Senators  who  represent  the  Administration  (if  any 
such  there  be)  to  tell  us  what  are  the  real  purposes 
of  the  Executive;  because,  if  this  matter  is  to  be 
pushed  to  extremes,  or  if  there  is  to  be  no  n'  go- 
tiation  or  adjustment  on  the  question  of  bour.dary , 
and  the  notice,  according  to  the  view  of  the  able 
and  experienced  Senator  from  Michigan,  [Mr. 
Cass,]  is  probably  to  result  in  severing  the  pacific 
relations  of  the  country  to  Great  Britain,  those  who 
do  not  desire  such  a  result  would  like  to  know  it, 
that  they  may  govern  their  votes  accordingly. 

It  is  admitted  that  a  step  so  marked  in  its  charac- 
ter, and  likely  lo  be  productive  of  such  results,  is 
not  to  he  justified  except  by  a  perfect  conviction 
that  our  title  is  clear  and  undeniable  to  the  whole 
country.  The  Senator  from  New  York  [Mr.  Dn] 
candidly  confesses  that  he  would  not  recommenil 
such  a  inenaure  unless  he  were  under  that  convic- 
tion. Nothing  shortof  it  would,in  his  estimation, 
justify  the  measure.  If,  then,  there  are  any  doubts 
on  that  subject,  we  ought  not,  in  that  Senator's 
opinion,  to  adopt  this  hazardous  measure.  If  any 
gentleman  shall  think,  though  with  all  the  dispo- 
sition in  the  world  lo  uphold  our  title  where  it  can 
justly  be  done,  and  with  every  hope  that  that  title 
may  prove  the  best  in  the  world,  that  it  is  not  so 
perfectly  clear,  lo  the  whole  territory,  as  it  apiicars 
lo  other  genlleincn  to  be,  he  will  not  be  justified  in 
giving  his  sanction  to  any  measure  looking  to  hos- 
tile relations  witii  Great  "Britain. 

It  has  been  said  here,  over  and  over,  that  we 
speak  on  ihis  subject  under  great  restrictions,  S  , 
I  know  the  difficulties  which  .surround  us;  bul,ly 
the  blessing  of  God,  no  such  dilemmashall  prevent 
me  from  a  full,  frank,  and  independent  expression 
of  my  own  views.  1  am  unwilling  to  be  left  where 
the  cireumstanccs  of  the  present  debate,  thus  far, 
would  leave  us.  We  are  told  by  gentlemen  on  the 
other  side  that  our  title  to  every  inch  of  Oregon  is 
clear  and  unquestionable,  and  that  nobody  can  or 
dare  say  aught  to  the  ccmtrary.  And  because, 
when  this  is  said,  we  sit  still  and  make  no  reply, 
our  silence  is  thrown  liark  upon  us,  and  we  are 
told,  you  yourselves  believe  our  title  to  he  iinques- 
lionalile,  but  shrink  fnmi  asserting  it.  We  are  told 
every  day  that  Great  Britain  has  no  rights  in  Ore- 
gon at  all;  that  her  presence  ihereisanactofnggreK- 
sion  and  rapacity,  and  is  attempted  to  be  justified 
by  the  most  atrocious  and  unfounded  claim.  All 
I  lliisgncs  to  the  country,  and  we  are  charged  with 
admitting  that,  while  we  have  a  clear  title  lo  the 
whole,  and  that  the  conduct  of  Great  liritain  is  an 
open  and  undisguised  aggression,  we  yet  sit  lamely 
by,  and,  when  stringent  measureb  arc  proposed  f  u' 
a  manly  assertion  and  maintenance  of  our  ri:;his, 
we  yield,  in  submission,  not  to  any  right  in  Great 
Britain, but  to  her  rapacity  and  flaL'rant  oppression, 
from  a  dread  of  her  power.  Now,  for  one,  I  nm 
not  going  to  allow  myself  lo  be  put  in  any  such 
position.  I  will  not  coi.seni  to  stand  where  such 
'  represenlationa  would  place  me. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


873 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Evans. 


Senate. 


On  a  former  occasion,  when  I  believed  our  rip;hlii  , 
to  be  really  involved,  I  used  my  endeavors  to  siim-  i 
ulatc  the  Government  vigorously  lo  maintain  thorn,  j 
I  endeavored  to  impress  both  Congress  and  the  | 
Executive   with   the  (iropricty  and   necessity  of , 
prompt  and  decided  action  in  maintaining  our  ler-  ] 
ritorial   rights  and  jurisdiction.     If  I  now  enter-  j 
tained  the  same  convictionofilie  justice  and  valid-  . 
ity  of  our  chiims  lo  boundary  in  the  northwest  that 
1  then  did  in  regar<l   lo  that  on  the  northeast,  I  \ 
should  be  prepared  lo  go  to  the  same  extent  these 
Senators  do,  and  I  would  unite  with  them  in  recom- 
mending the  same  meusurea.     But  I  have  no  such 
conviction. 

And  now,  after  all,  what  is  the  controversy  be- 
tween us  and  Great  Britain  ?  What  is  the  mighty 
matter  in  dispute?  What  is  it,  about  which  the 
whole  country  is  lo  be  thrown  into  agitation,  and 
for  which  we  are  lo  run  the  hazard  of  war?  What 
does  it  anmunt  to?  Why,  the  Senator  from  Mich- 
igan tells  us  that  it  is  no  less  than  twelve  or  ihir- 
teen  degrees  of  latitude  on  tlie  northwest  coast — a 
region  large  enough  to  form  nine  large  States;  and 
he  asks  us  whether  we  are  prepared  to  surrender 
all  this  to  Great  Britain  ?  I  answer  no;  but  that  is 
not  the   matter   between   us.     Great  Britain  has 


there  may  be  others  fools  enough  to  believe  thein;  ;  ciple;  but  then,  lo  this  general  principle  there  may 

but  what  of  that?    Are  we  lo  regard   miserable  be  particular  exceptions  which  prevent  its  npplicn- 

conlomplihle  consequences  like  these,  or  are  we  lo  lion.     And,  first,  this  whole  northwest  coast  was 

go  forward  and  do  our  duly,  as  in  our  best  judg-  discovered  before  Captain  Gray  entered  the  river. 

ment  we  shall  believe  sound  patriotism  demaniis  The  particular  spot  on  the  coast  where  the  Coluin- 

of  US?  bia  river  empties  into  the  Pacific  hiul   been  seen 

For  one  I  will  not  sit  here  and  be  told,  over  and  i   and  visited,  and  named  in  the  maps  long  before 

over  again,  that  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  :   Gray  entered  it.     One  of  ihe  capes  of  the  little  bay 


is  so  clear,  so  beyond  nil  possibility  of  doubt  or  | 
hesitation,  that  he  who  falters  in  maintaining  it  at  ' 
once  by  the  sword,  is  recreant  lo  the  love  of  his 
country.  I  will  not  submit  to  this,  though  at  the 
peril  of  all  the  obloquy  which  falsehood  can  cnsi 
upon  me.  It  is  because  1  do  not  agree  with  the 
Senator  from  New  York,  and  the  other  gentlemen 
on  that  side  of  the  chamber,  that  our  right  is  so 
clear,  so  undoubted,  so  unquestionable  as  they 
think,  that  I  am  not  willing  lo  go  to  extremes  in 
asserting  and  maintaining  it.  In  examining  the 
question  I  have  not  found  anything  to  warrant  me 
in  that  conclusion. 

And  here  I  must  say,  that  while  I  have  listened 
or  read  with  the  utmost  attention  and  patience  the 
mostjif  not  all,  of  what  has  been  said  on  the  other 
side  respecting  our  title  to  Oregon,  I  do  not  think 
the  real  difiicullies  in  the  case  have  yet  been  met  or 


offered  to  accept  the  line  of  49°  north  latitude  from  answered.  I  agree  with  Ihe  Senator  from  Georgia 
.!-_  r>__i...  »• .„:.._  ._  .1,.  <i..i — u:.  _.„j  .1 that,  before  I  can  pronounce  upon  our  title,  how- 
ever anxious  I  may  be  that  we  shall  be  found  lobe 
in  Ihe  right,  I  must  first  sec  Ihe  objections  to  it 
fairly  met  and  refuted;  and  this  I  have  m..  seen. 
The  argument  hitherto  urged  by  our  negotiators 
seems  to  me  to  rest  loo  much  on  general  principles 
of  public  law  applicable  to  the  cuse.  Great  Brit- 
ain, in  the  main,  does  not  controvert  these ^oierni 
iirinciples,  but  rather  admits  ihem.  She  contends, 
however,  that,  by  reason  of  existing  tacts,  some  of 
which  are  in  controversy  and  some  are  not,  the 
general  principles  we  assert,  do  not  reach  the  cose. 
The  matters  for  discussion,  then,  between  Ihe  two 
countries,  are  questions  of  fact  and  questions  of 
public,  national  law — grave  and  serious  questions. 
The.sc  are  all  to  be  considered,  weighed,  deter- 
mined, before  we  can  fairly  pronounce  our  title  to 
the  whole  territory  in  dispute  clear  and  imdoubted. 
And  am  I  to  be  told  that  the  Baltitnore  Conven- 
tion have  resolved  all  these  doubts,  and  settled  all 
these  matters,  and  therefore  we  are  bound  to  fol- 
low out  the  course  which  they  prescribed  ?  Stand- 
ing here  as  I  do  under  Ihe  rfiost  solemn  responsi- 
bility, and  called  to  act  upon  a  question  involving 
the  dearest  interests  of  my  country,  and  its  pacific 
relations  to  the  rest  of  the  world,  I  shall  not  be 
hurried  into  such  crude  and  ha.sty  conclusions. 
There  are  serious  obstacles  in  the  way.  I  do  not 
say  they  are  such  as  cannot  be  overcome;  I  hope 
they  may;  but  by  shunning  all  mention  or  discus- 
sion of  them,  we  only  seem  to  admit  our  inability 
to  overcome  them. 

We  derive  our  title  to  the  country  on  the  north- 
west coast  of  America,  which  gentlemen  of  late 
have  chosen  to  call  "  Oregon,"  from  three  distinct 
sources.  First,  from  discovery:  Ihe  discovery  of 
the  Columbia  river,  from  the  sea,  by  Captain 
Gray,  in  1792;  and,  from  its  head-waters,  by  Lewis 
and  Clorke,  in  1804  and  1805.  Secondly,  from 
Ihe  cession  of  Louisiana  by  France  In  1803.  On 
Ihe  ground  of  discovery,  we  can  claim  no  more 
than  Ihe  river  Columbia,  and  Ihe  country  drained 
by  it  and  its  branches.  This  does  not  carry  us 
beyond  the  forty-ninth  parallel,  if  so  far.  By  the 
cession  of  Louisiana,  we  gain  nothing  beyond  that 
same  parallel — not  an  inch.  The  third  source  of 
our  title,  and  that  which  covers  all  Ihe  others,  and 
which  is  said  not  to  be  inconsistent  with  them,  is 
the  cession  by  Spain  in  the  I'lorida  treaty.  That 
conveys  the  whole,  provided  S[)ain  had  llic  whole 
to  convey. 

Each  of  these  sources  of  title  is  affected  by  cir- 
cumstancs  of  serious  import,  which  are  to  be  fully 
and  fairly  met  before  we  can  be  authorized  to 
assert  that  we  have  the  indisputable  right  to  Ihe 
whole. 

As  to  the  discovery  of  the  Columbia,  those  who 
maintain  our  title  on  that  ground  say,  that  Ca|)tain 
Gray  was  the  first  person  who  ever  entered  that 
river,  and  1  believe  that  such  is  the  fact;  I  have 
no  doubt  of  it.  In  connexion  with  this  fact,  our 
negotiators  lay  down  the  doctrine  of  public  law  to 
be,  that  the  discoverer  of  a  river  in  an  unknown 
1  country  is  entitled  lo  the  river  and  all  the  valley 
II  drained  by  its  watei-s.    That  is  the  gtnvral  prin- 


the  Rocky  Mountains  lo  the  Columbia,  and  thence 
to  follow  that  stream  down  to  the  ocean.  She  con- 
.<jenis  that  we  shall  hold  nil  sotuh  and  east  of  that 
line.  On  Ihe  other  hand,  we  have  repeatedly  offer- 
ed, and  have  recently  renewed  the  oiler,  to  agree  lo  , 
the  lalilude  of  4')°  extended  due  west  lo  Ihe  ocean,  j 
nnd  to  give  lier  free  ports  south  of  that  line. 

What,  then,  is  the  actual  matter  in  dispute?  It 
is  only  that  space  of  land  lying  between  the  Co- 
lumbia river  and  Ihe  latitude  of  forty-nine,  extend- 
ing along  the  Pacific  two  hundred  miles,  and  from 
the  river  to  the  ocean  Ihree  hundred  and  fifty,  con- 
taining in  all,  according  to  my  computation,  about 
fifty-eight  thousand  square  miles  of  the  very  worst 
and  most  arid  soil  in  the  whole  territory.  This  is 
the  whole  matter  which  separates  us.  And  we 
come  nearer  even  ihun  that.  If  the  negotiations  had  j 
not  been  ended  in  August  last — if  one  or  two  more 
ctforts  had  been  made,  there  is  much  reason  to  be- 
lieve thut  we  should  have  come  lo  a  compromise 
on  the  parallel  of  forty-nine,  with  the  navigation  ' 
of  the  Columbia.  If  such  a  settlement  was  attain-  | 
able,  then  we  are  separated  only  by  the  question 
of  granting  or  refusing  the  navigation  of  the  Co- 
lumbia river.  And  are  we  to  run  Ihe  hazard  of  a 
national  collision,  and  all  the  consequences  which 
must  attend  it — for  what  ?  For  the  right  lo  navi-  ^ 
gale,  what  I  cannot  but  regard,  from  all  the  in- 
fonnalion  we  possess,  an  unnavigable  river,  and 
which  none  of  us  will  want  for  a  half  a  century  to 
come,  even  jif  it  were  navigairle.  We  must  fight 
for  it  rather  than  give  it  up;  and  that  is  called 
"  patriolic. "  And  gentlemen  who  are  ready  to 
plunge  their  country  into  a  war  with  the  greatest 
Power  upon  earth  for  an  object  like  this  are  rep- 
resented as  making  very  "  patriotic  "  speeches  I 

The  Senator  from  New  V  ork  who  last  addressed 
the  Senate,  [Mr.  Dickinson,]  in  the  effervescence 
and  overboiling  of  his  palriuiism,  told  us  that  he 
was  ready  lo  fight  to-day  to  obtain  a  country  which 
we  do  not  want  for  our  own  citizens,  but  for  the 
oppressed  people  of  Europe,  who,  some  half  cen- 
tury hence,  might  want  a  refuge  there.  If  the  op- 
pressed people  of  Europe  want  a  refuge  on  our 
northwest  coast,  there  it  is  open  to  them  now,  and 
so  likely  to  be,  plainly  before  them,  with  no  obsta- 
cle in  the  world  to  prevent  their  occupation  of  it. 
Let  them  go  and  occupy  it  to  their  heart's  con- 
tent. 

I  have  already  said  that  1  well  know  the  condi- 
tion in  which  we  stand  here;  but  that  shall  nol  de- 
ter me  from  the  fullest  declaration  of  my  sentiments 
on  the  subject  of  our  title.  1  know  that  we  are 
clmrged  with  being  regardless  of  our  rights,  if  we 
refuse  to  go  to  the  extreme  verge  of  all  that  has 
fcvir  been  claimed  for  us  in  debate.  If  we  intimate 
the  slightest  doubt  of  the  validity  of  any  and  every 
claim  set  up  on  our  side  of  the  question,  we  are 
British  in  heart;  and  we  have  just  been  admon- 
ished by  denunciations  coming  in  advance  of  what 
limy  be  expected  by  Senators  who  dare  lo  follow 
their  own  independent  judgnu-iit.  1  do  not  know 
but  sucli  vituperation  and  calumny  may,  in  some 
quarters,  have  its  efl'ecl.  We  see  ihni  there  are 
eiinie  ba.ie  enough  to  fabricate  such  slanders,  and 


nlo  which  Ihe  river  disembogues  had  been  seen 
nnd  named  Cape  Disappointment,  and  liie  boy  it- 
self called    Deception    Bay.     The   question  then 
arises,  when  a  whole  roast  has  been  discovered, 
and  the  discovering  nation  is  consequently  entitled 
lo  the  country — when   the  mouth  of  a  particular 
river  on  that  const  has  iieen  seen,  and  laid  down 
on  the  maps  of  Ihe  country — whether  n  citizen  of 
another  nation,  who  shall  first  actually  enter  the 
river  makes  such  a  discovery  as  entitles  bis  nation 
to  the  whole  territory  drained  by  it?    This  comes 
in  conflict  with  the  other  principle,  that  the  discov- 
erer of  a  coast  is  entitled  to  the  whole  country. 
Now,  the  river  Columbia  itself  was  .seen,  though 
not  entered,  in   n75,  by  the  Spanish  navigator, 
Heceta,  who  was  coasting  in  that  quarter.     He 
saw  the  river,  he  named  the  capes;  ann  so  confident 
was  he  of  his  discovery,  that  he  laid  down  the 
river  on  the  Spanish  maps,  and  called  it  the  river 
St.  Roque.     But  the  existence  of  the  river  w,\tt 
known  even  before  that.     There  are  maps  in  ex- 
istence many  years  older  than  the  voyage  of  He- 
ceta, where  the  river  is  laid  down  and  called  the 
River  of  the  West.     Indeed,  there  .seems  to  be  on 
indication  that  it  had  been  entered  at  tb.at  time,  for 
the  geographer  who  constructed  the  map  marked 
on  it  how  high  the  tide  ran  up  Ihe  stream;  and 
though  it  may  be  denied  that  the  River  of  the 
West  is  the  river  Columbia,  yet,  both  in  length 
and   position,  the   river,   as  laid  down  on   thrse 
maps,  corresponds  with  it  very  nearly.     It  is  paid 
to  have  been  discovered  in  160.1  by  .\guilla.   Now, 
it  will  be  seen  that  Ihe  matter  in  discussion  is  not 
the  general  question,  whether  Ihe  discoverer  of  a 
river  in  an  undiscovered  country  is  entitled  lo  its 
whole  valley,  but  whether,  in  a  country  actually 
discovered,   one   who    enters  a  river  previously 
known,  thereby  obtains  for  his  nation  a  title  lo  Its 
valley?  That  I's  a  question  which  has  not  yet  been 
discussed,  and  I  should  like  to  see  ihu  argument 
by  wiiich  our  title  can  be  maintained. 

It  has  been  put  to  us  by  our  Brilisli  opponents 
that  Gray  was  a  private  adventurer,  that  he  com- 
municated lo  his  Government  nothing  of  his  dis- 
covery, nor  claimed  anything  for  himself  on  ac- 
count of  it;  in  fact,  that  it  remained  long  unknown 
that  he  had  ever  been  there.  All  he  did  was  to 
solve  the  doubt  whether  the  river  could  be  entered, 
nnd  put  an  end  to  Ihe  dispute  whether  there  was  a 
river  there  or  not.  But  Gray  havins:  communica- 
'  led  nothing  to  the  American  Government,  and  the 
Government  having  set  up  no  claiin  from  his  dis- 
covery, then  arises  the  question  how  far  we  derive 
any  title  from  the  fact  of  his  having  entered  Ihe 
river?  This  is  n  question  which  stands  in  the  way 
of  our  claim,  resting  on  the  general  principles 
which  we  have  laid  down.  The  British  say  it  con- 
stitutes an  exception,  which  lakes  this  case  out  of 
the  general  principle.  That  is  a  matter  fit  for  dis- 
cussion, but  which  has  scniccly  been  noticed  liy 
our  negotiators.  Before  we  nn  pronounce  our 
title  so  clear  nnd  unquestionable  ns  to  justify  n 
resort  to  war,  we  must  remove  this  and  all  oMe\ 
difficulties.  We  must  meet  them,  and  not  shun 
them. 

Again,  it  is  urged  that  we  have  a  title  founded 
on  the  exploration  by  Lewis  and  Cl.Trke.  Then 
the  question  arises,  were  I,ewis  and  Clarke  sent 
there  to  mnne  discoveries?  Did  they  go  there  to 
take  possession  of  the  country?  Did  they,  as  has 
been  alleged,  explore  that  region  in  consequence  of 
Ihe  acquisition  of  Louisiana,  nnd  luke  possession 
of  Ihe  Columbia  valley  by  virtue  of  thai  treaty  ' 
Now,  it  is  a  notorious  fact,  that  the  expedltion'of 
Lewis  and  Clarke  had  been  jilanned  belore  we  had 
any  knowledge  of  the  existence  of  the  Louisiana 
treaty.  It  cannot,  therefore,  be  said  that  they  were 
.sent  to  execute  it,  when  the  instructions' under 
which  they  acted  were  given  to  them  before  th,at 
treaty  was  known  to  be  in  existence. 

There  is  another  thing  which  throws  doubt  on 
this  ground  of  title,  and  v/hichwe  should  carefully 
and  thoroughly  examine  before  we  take  steps  tliiit 
may  plunge  the  nation  into  war.     I  have  seen  a 


574 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


/29i'H  CoNO IsT  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question — Air.  Eeana, 


[March  9, 
Senate. 


fai'i  stutcd  ill  II  book,  written  nppareiuly  with  ii 
view  (if  iiiuiiiuiiiiiiii;  the  soundinsa  of  our  title,  liy 
n  Mr.  Kiilirrisoii,  n  !,'eiiili;iiiiiii  wliiim  I  ili>  not  per- 
viiniilly  know,  but  who,  us  I  iinderiiiariil,  id  con- 
nected with  one  of  ihc  De|>arimeiila  uf  the  Uovern- 
iiient,  and  wrilicn  in  ii  Rpirii  wiiicli  ubundiiiitly 
evenipiK  him  iVom  all  ini|iu(u:ion  a(  parliulily  ir 
Great  Brilnin,  which  appears  to  be  utterly  irreion- 
ciluble  wlih  any  rii;lit  obtained  by  the  Cniled  StaleH 
fmni  the  exploration  of  Lewis  and  Clarke.  It  i» 
this,  and  1  read  it  from  the  work  referred  to: 

'■  la  liiniit,'  iiiit  itn*  ex)H'ilit)oii  iit'LtwH  and  dinke,  wlillc 
III''  iK'Coli.itioa  tur  llic  |iurciiii.-e  iil'  Liiui,'iaim  WHf<  pfiiijiiitf, 
( l-'i'liniilTj .  l'<a;i.>  V"-.  Ji'llcn«na  iircpiirrd  iiiKtrllctiunK  (i,r 
llip-e  roiaiiinii'liT'.  in  which  he  e.x|ircs,-ly  Ii'IIh  iIii-im.  Illiil 
llic  iihjt'cl  iit'ihe  exptnnilion  wnn  not  tn  niulle  (tiiicu\i>ry  iit' 
luiy  liVriliirinl  chiiai;  lliul  it  wns  )iiiri-ly  coinin(>rcKil,')uid 
with  II  view  In  open  a  Iriiilc  wcsl  nt  mir  pdf.-eiiMjnn.^ ;  lliiil. 
tln-rclnre.  t>)  ifunnl  RuiiiriKtaiiyini-appn-lirnsinn  ar  iatiTrilp^ 
lion,  he  huil  applied  in  Ihi'  (invernini'iitii  chiiniinii  the  i^oil— 
In  .'4paiii,  Eimliind,  and  ltu-i:<ia — uinl  ohtiuncd  fruni  thclli 
pay^lKirtH  lor  tlic  |)ar{y." 

Where  this  fact  was  obtained,  the  writer  does 
not  slate.  It  is  asserted  with  every  appearance  of 
coiiliJencc  in  its  truth;  and  if  it  be  so,  it  entirely 
repudiates  so  much  of  our  ground  of  title  as  restH 
upon  the  exploration  of  the  Cnlunibia  river  by 
Lewis  and  Clarke.  I  ilo  not  say  that  such  is  the 
(iici;  all  I  snv  is.  that  this  is  ,i  proper  auliject  for 
iiupiirv.  We  may  possiiily  be  aide  to  avoid  the 
dilKciilty.  We  may  say,  that  tliouj;li  these  instruc- 
lions  were  piveii  before  we  had  the  knowledge  of 
the  Louisiana  treaty,  yet  that  the  txploiatioii,  be- 
in;;  made  afterwards,  i;ives  riirhus  under  that  treaty. 
I  hope  it  may  turn  out  to  be  so;  but  without  n 
Culler  inve.siiv;ation,  I  am  not  prepared  tn  rush  to 
mins.  1  will  not  do  any  such' lliini;.  I  choose  that 
those  who  are  eniruHteil  with  the  duty  of  I'ondnct- 
iii;:  our  foreii;n  relations  shall  first  remove  these 
ililliculties  out  of  our  way,  liefiire  lliey  call  on  us 
to  lake  a  step  which  may,  nay,  which  probably 
niiiHt  lead  to  war. 

Our  next  ;;roiind  of  claim  rests  on  the  piircha.ie 
<pf  Lonisiaiia.  This  is  the  best  of  the  whole,  and 
may  yet  prevail,  provided  the  nesoliationsare  con- 
ilnclcil  with  a  view  to  its  maintenance.  The  bound-  | 
aries  of  Loui.siuiKi  on  the  north  and  on  the  west  ' 
Icive  hcreiol'ore  been  mailers  of  doubt  anil  uncer- 
laiiiiy.  If  it  be  true  thai  Louisiana  extends  to  the 
<ic(  an,  then  the  country  on  tin-  coast  is  clearly  ours, 
.'iiid  our  title  to  it  is  2:ood,  There  are  stron:;  ar;;ii- 
nieiits  upon  our  side,  in  my  jud:;nieiil,  which  have 
net  yet  to  that  end  been  u.-ied.  U  is  .said,  that  by 
I  be  treaty  of  ITfi.'),  Great  Urilain  relinquished  to 
I'rauce  ail  her  claims  west  of  the  Mississippi;  but 
ilaims  lo  whatr  Claims  to  the  whole  country  ns 
far  as  the  I'acitu",  or  only  so  far  as  the  French  held 
po.>,.sc.ss!oii  in  that  ipiarler:  This  is  another  ques- 
tion fit  for  discus.sion.  Our  claim,  therefore,  even 
under  the  Louisiana  treaty,  is  not,  in  my  view,  so 
pcrlecily  clear  and  uii(|uesiioiiable  as  lo  Justify  us 
in  1:01111;  to  war  for  it,  till  all  other  possiliie  expe- 
dunts  shall  have  fiiled — i^very  one  of  theiii.  War 
inust  be  the  last,  the  very  last  altcrnaiive;  and  iie- 
fore  that  can  be  justified,  every  dimbt  must  Ije  re- 
moved from  our  title,  and  we  must  be  able  to  sns- 
uim  (Hir.selves  in  the  eyes  of  the  civilized  world  for 
ibe  incalculable  eviLs  whii'h  v.ar  would  inllictupon 
all  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

I  now  (Mime  ni  conf,ider  the  title  most  relied  ujion 
by  those  who  cliini  the  whole  terrifory  in  (piesiion 
uj)  to  the  Russian  boundary,  in  j4°  40',  and  that 
IS,  the  liile  under  the  Florida  treiUy,  in  which  were 
ceded  to  us  all  the  iii;hts  of  .Spain  north  of  laiiludc 
4:P.  This  is  held  by  some  L'enilcincn  to  be  a  tiilc 
SJ  obvious,  so  clear,  so  un(|ii' slimuible,  so  fur  be- 
yond rveryihiiii;  like  honest  doulit  or  hesiLalioii, 
ilial  we  ouirht  forthwilh  to  lly  to  arms  and  enforce 
us  ackmnviedirincnt.  Uiil  let  us  look  at  it.  What 
IS  this  title.-  If  It  be  so  pirrccily  clear,  so  far  be- 
vond  the  reach  of  anyihin;;  that  can  possibly  shake 
It,  It  seeins  to  me  that  those  emineiii  men  to  whom 
III  past  times  our  nctroliatioii  has  been  enlrnsied, 
\v  h'isc  deeds  adiu-n  the  pa^'cs  of  our  history,  and 
whose  chaiiictcrs  elevate  the  American  iiaiin^,  must 
liuve  been  all  uiKTly  f.il.-,e  to  ilieir  trust;  becaii.se, 
111  view  ofa  rifflit  clear  as  the  noonday  nuii,  iliev 
have-  b*;en  ready  to  compromise  those  riiihls,  to 
yield  up  a  portion  of  llie  territory,  and,  in  the  laii- 
^MM.;e  lif  some  w.vy  eni|thalic  treiilleinen,  "  to  dis- 
iiieinber  the  Union."  Can  this  be  possible^  The 
very  fiet  would  seem  in  my  view  to  be  sutficient 
ill  iise'f  to  throw  a  stroiii;  doubt  over  our  rii;ht  to 
Mivthiiii;  bevoiid  the  latitude  uf  4'.l".     Uv  exhibii- 


T 


ingsiich  an  cxlraordinury  confidence  in  tliisjpouiid 
<if  title,  and  by  beinij  reiuly  to  j;o  to  war  in  sup- 
port of  it,  we  cast  a  niuit  undeserved  imputation 
upon  the  intelligence  or  the  integrity,  not  only  uf  1 
those  negotiators,  but  of  all  the  Congresses  since 
their  lime.  I  ask,  then,  wieil  is  this  title  of  Spain 
north  of  the  latitude  of  4!)°.'  What  ia  the  lan- 
guage of  the  treaty?  The  treaty  was  ciitcrod  into 
nulcTy  fur  the  acquisition  uf  Florida;  that,  niid  that 
only,  was  the  oriijinal  object  in  view;  for  we  had 
no  disputes  with  S^uiiii  about  the  northwest  coast. 
liut  the  treaty  ulso  contained  an  article  by  which 
Spain  reliii(|uislicd  to  us  all  her  "  rights,  claims, 
and  pretensions"  to  the  country  on  the  i^onsl  of  the 
Pacific  north  of  latitude  \-JP.  .Now,  mark  tlu  dif- 
ference in  till!  language  applied  u>  Florida  and  that 
applied  to  the  northwest  coast.  Spain  cedes  Flor-  | 
ida  absolutely — without  qualification.  She  gives  I 
us  a  perfect  title;  she  says  nulhing  about  rights 
and  claims,  but  she  makes  to  us  a  warranty  deed; 
but  when  she  comes  to  speak  of  her  lands  on  the 
Pacific,  she  cedes  to  us  all  her  "  rights,  claim.'!, 
and  pretensions,"  If  she  had  slojipeii  at  the  word 
"  rights,"  it  would  have  meant  soniediing,  but  the 
word  "  claims"  uciikens  the  meaning.  She  calls 
her  rights  "  ciu'ims"  only;  and  then,  just  as  if  her 
i7iiiiiu  were  good  for  nothing,  she  speaks  of  them 
as  mere  "  yoi/t/uioiis."  If,  by  the  deed,  we  get 
noibing  betier  than  mere  claims  and  pretensions, 
we  may  well  doubt  whether  we  call  say  that  our 
title  is  clear  and  unquestionable. 

In  our  di.scussions  with  Great  Dritaiii  we  take  ^ 
upon  ourselves  to  establish  for  >S|Hiin  an  undeniable 
title  on  the  northwest  coast  up  to  54°  40*,  and  even 
further  north  still.  To  do  that  we  are  I'orced  iipoii 
the  discussion  of  rights  obtained  by  di.scovery. 
That  there  are  rights  obtained  by  mere  discovery 
nobody  doubts.  Great  Britain  admits  it;  and  ad- 
mits further,  that  Spain  was  the  earliest  discoverer 
on  that  coast.  But  she  maintains  tiiut  Spain  did 
not  follow  up  her  discoveries  by  settlement  and  oc- 
cujiation,  wilicli  alone  can  give  perfect  title.  JS'ot 
controverting  the  fact,  we  content  ourselves  with, 
the  a.ssertion  and  re-assertion  of  the  general  princi- 
|ile,lliat  discovery  gives  the  title  to  the  discovering 
nation.  Omit  ing  Mtltemenl  and  fnssemmi,  we  go 
on  mere  discovery,  and  on  that  ground  inainutiii 
our  title  against  po.ssession,  settlement,  occupancy, 
and  evcrylhiiigi  c.  This  ia  claiming  a  great  deal, 
and,  for  one,  I  doubt  very  much  whether  the  law  1 
of  nations  will  sustain  us  in  this  claim.  At  all  1 
events,itisa(pieslion  to  be  di.scus.sed  and  adjusted 
between  the  two  nations,  by  fair  argument,  and  not 
by  war.  We  plant  ourselves  on  the  naked  general 
iniiK'.iple.  and  on  that  alone.  Great  Britain  claims 
against  it  (icdm/  possession  and  occnpancy.  Can 
it  be  that  no  other  alternative  remains  but  a  resort 
to  blood  and  carnage  to  adjust  such  n  ipicstiun  us 
that  ■ 

But  there  remains  a  more  serious  difiiculty  siill. 
Long  bel'ore  Gray  entered  the  Columbia — long  be- 
Ibre  the  Louisi^tiiii  treaty,  or  the  Spanish  cession 
in  the  Florida  treaty,  this  matter  of  the  right  of 
nations  to  territory  on  ihc  shores  of  the  Pacific  had 
been  a  matter  of  discussion  and  controversy,  and 
had  W(  llnigb  led  to  war;  and  it  was  then  settled  in  a 
manner  which  we  cannot  di.slurb.  This  is  the  foun- 
dation of  the  claim  which  Great  Briuiiii  has  set 
up,  and  is  the  real  dilliculty  in  our  way.  In  truth, 
it  seems  to  me  that  we  have  evaded,  but  not  an- 
swered il.  We  first  impute  to  Britain  the  asser- 
tion of  claims  and  rights  which  she  does  not  assert, 
and  wli(!ii  we  overlhiow  these,  we  think  we  have 
esUiblished  our  own  title.  W^e  s|ieak  of  \\tr  as 
claiming  exclusive  title  and  jurisdiction  on  the  norlli- 
vvesl  coast;  we  refute  that  claim,  and  then  we  think 
wi-  have  established  our  own  beyond  all  question. 
Cireal  Britain  bus  iiiiver,  to  this  hour,  set  up  a  claim 
to  (X(  (iisicr  .sovereignty,  title,  or  j'lri-.lictioii  on  that 
(Hiast;  on  the  cinitrary,  she  disclaims  it.  She  s.ud 
to  Spain  that  Spain  had  no  exclusive  title  f.r  juris- 
diction there;  and  she  says  just  the  sanii^  io  us. 
Not  lliat  she  has  any  herself;  but  that  no  Power 
whatever  has  it;  that  the  country  is  open  lo  all  the 
world.  The  Senator  from  New  York  (.Mr.  DicK- 
iNho.S')  did  not  make  iiiiite  so  great  a  discovery  as 
he  thought  he  did.  lie  produced  some  proof  to 
show  that  Great  Britain  disclaims  the  exclusive 
sovereignty  of  the  country,  and  he  thence  infers 
ihat  our  title  is  impregimblu.  Il  was  very  good 
proof  of  vvlinl  Great  Britain  does  not  claim;  bu'  if 
lie  had  asked  any  British  negotiator  within  the  last 


half  century,  he  would  at  mice  have  lold  him  tlic 
Hanie  thing.  We  seem  to  have  misunderstood  the 
British  claim  altogether, 

1  w«»  surprised  that  the  Senator  from  New 
York,  [Mr.  l)ix,l  who  discussed  the  ipicstion  of 
title  with  so  much  mw.iiracy  and  general  fairness, 
denied  that  Britain  had  any  rights  in  the  countrv, 
among  other  reasons,  because  Vancouver  once  nii- 
niilted  that  he  was  not  milking  discoveries  for  the 
exclusive  benefit  of  I'^nglaiid,  but  for  lhat  of  all 
the  nations  of  the  world,  Spain  included.  This 
was  in  1T93.  >So  she  says  now.  But  does  that 
give  us  title.'  We  are  not  to  impute  to  her  ns  act- 
ting  up  that  which  she  does  not  claim,  because  it 
is  lasy  for  us  to  demoliHli  it.  We  must  meet  her 
claims  as  she  presents  them.  And  how  is  thai? 
When  we  assert  our  right  to  exclusive  jurisdic- 
tion and  title,  she  denies  it;  but  she  does  not  nay 
that  she  liaa  it  herself.  She  says  this:  "I  Imv'n 
rights  there,  with  which  your  claim  of  exclusive 
sovereignty  is  inconsistent."  It  is  a  curious  fact, 
that  none  of  all  our  negotiators  have  ever  asked 
her,  "What  are  the  righls  which  you  assert.'" 
That  is  rt  que.stioii  which  never  has  been  asked; 
and,  of  course,  nevin*  answered — never  discussed. 
'I'lie  rights  she  claims  there  are  the  rights  of  trade 
and  settlement  for  her  subjects,  without  interfe- 
ring with  the  settlements  of  others.  Those  are  the 
rights  which  ilie  nsseils  and  we  are  to  dis(  iis.s 
Ihem,  and  dispose  of  </ii'iii,  before  we  can  say  lhat 
our  title  is  "clear  and  unquestionable."  That  is 
her  claim,  1  know  she  has  at  limes  referred  to 
her  discoveries  there;  but  how  ■  Whenever  we 
have  set  up  our  claim  under  Spain,  we  have  been 
obliged  to  defend  it  by  discovery.  In  answer, 
Gri^at  Britain  says  that  she,  too,  made  discoveries. 
.\nd  she  adds:  //'  this  question  of  title  was  to  be 
settled  on  grounds  of  mere  discovery,  then  we 
should  set  iq)  such  and  such  facts.  But  has  she 
ever  a.sserted  that  she  acquired  a  title  to  the  coun- 
try by  discovery?  Never,  She  has  adduced  her 
discoveries  only  to  refute  our  claims  under  Spain. 
She  never  has  claimed  excliisire  rights  by  discov- 
ery in  any  part  of  the  territory.  She  claims  the 
rights  of  commerce  and  trade  there  in  common 
with  all  the  world,  and  of  making  settlements 
where  settlemema  have  not  been  made. 

It  is  imputed  to  Ik  r  that  she  claims  this  by  vir- 
tue of  ihe  treaty  of  Nootka  Sound;  and  we  answer 
it  by  affirming  that  that  convention  was  terminated 
by  the  war  of  17il6.  By  thus  imputing  to  her 
what  she  does  not  assert,  and  then,  as  v/e  think, 
refuting  il,  we  seem  to  consider  our  whole  case 
made  out.  But  I  do  not  so  understand  it.  Cfreat 
Britain  sets  up  no  title  dcrivi^d  from  the  Nootka 
Sound  convention.  Her  claim  was  anlerior  lo  the 
cmivention,  and  the  conventiim  grew  out  of  her 
claim,  and  recognised  il — not  granted  it,  not  con- 
ferred it — but  admitted  it. 

The  Senator  from  Illinois  [Mr.  Breese]  says, 
it  is  ditliciilt  to  misunderstand  the  relative  position 
of  the  parties  to  this  eonvenlion.  With  great  sub- 
mission, I  think  he  has  misconceived  it  nllngelher. 
He  represents  Spain  as  the  exclusive  sovereign  of 
the  country,  granting  certain  privileges  to  the  sub- 
jects of  Great  Britain,  in  respect  to  trade  with  the 
Indians;  which  privileges  ceased  with  the  war  of 
179(j. 

Now,  what  ia  the  true  history  of  that  ull'air 
Spain  did,  indeed,  clniin  exclusive  sovereignty,  and 
in  virtue  of  it  seized  certain  British  ves.sela  at  Noot- 
ka Sound,  iqion  the  ground  that  they  were  viola- 
ting her  jurisdiction;  and  ai  the  same  time  demand- 
ed from  the  Knglish  Crown  saliafaction  for  the 
iiijurv  and  indignity  she  had  sustained. 

Wliat  .said  England?  Did  Knghind  yield  ?  No, 
air;  no.  All  England  was  in  a  ferment.  For  what  '■ 
Not  for  the  loss  id'  a  few  vessels — but  for  the  ar- 
rogant and  iint'oimded  iiretensions,  as  she  regarded 
them,  of  the  Spanish  monarch.  The  vessels  were 
restored,  the  private  wrongs  were  admitted  and  re- 
dres.sed  ;  but  that  did  not  satisfy  the  British  Gov- 
ernment. The  nations  were  on  the  eve  of  war. 
Kxtensive  piepaialions  were  made.  All  parlies  m 
Great  Britain  weie  united,  nay,  enthusiastic  in  the 
siqiport  of  the  mitiisler,  in  his  resistance  to  the 
claims  of  .Spain.  War  seemed  inevitable  ;  but  tins 
great  calamity  was  averted  by  the  Nootka  Conven- 
tion. And  wluil  was  that?  Cientlemen  have  con- 
tended, that  thereby  England  acknoti'leilgiil  [he  sov- 
ereignly of  .Spain,  and  received  concessions  and 
privileges  from  lier.     I  do  not  so  read  it:   bill,  on 


1840.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


575 


29th  Conu 1st  Scss. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.Evam, 


Senate. 


the  other  hnml,  (lireniy  the  reverse.     There  were   ' 
no  ^'riiiils  or  cDncesHionti  Uy  cither  party  to   tht 
other.     All  the  nrtiilcs  of  the  ('onvnitidn  nre  imi-  , 
tiinl.     No  more  wan  j;rmileil  hy  Spain  to  ICii^laiid,  |j 
thnii  hy  Eiii;htii(l  to  Spain.     All  tijo  stipuhulons  I; 
nre  roi'iprocul.     And,  now,  upon  what  principle 
was   this  nuitiml  eouveiilion  entered   int{)?      h.\-  ] 
pri'.^sly  upon  the  ground  that  Spain  ahandoned  her 
eliiini  of  cxT/iisiresovereifi:nly.     ThiHwas  ihcKrent  I 
nmlter  in  ronlroverMy,  the  great  ihiii"  to  he  adjnst-  I 
ed.     And  what  .said  the  piulieH .'    The  preamble  of  '< 
the  ronvenlion  is  in  these  words  : 

'•Ttifir  llritiirinie  iiiul  Callhtlie  Miijei'lii'i*,  l»-inii  (t<>i.|r(mH  i 
of  tf'rniiiintinif,  hy  ti  speedy  iiiKt  Hnllrl  tit(n-i<iiien(,  ttie  (Hirer-  I 
enees  whiell   Imve  liltelv  tlli.''eri   llL'tWCeil  llli:  two  tTOWIlf,  j 
liHVe  lulJiKlffotl  that  llie  be^t  way  nC  nllairiinK  tliJH  Kiilutary 
<il>jefl  would  he  that  of  ioi  aiiiieiihle  nrrantfeiiienl,  whieh, 
srlUn^iiitileiiUrettotiieittveili^Cituionoflhi;  riiihia  iifbi /.rt'-  I 
ti'usi.ni  of  the  luo  yitriiesy  shoiihl  Jix  their  re^pvcfirc  sUtta- 
tionfor  the  future  an  a  ha^tin  eoulorniuhh;  to  their  trm-  iarer- 
e-'t-j)  ni4  well  IH  to  the  UKiliijil  deiiire  with  whit>h  their  t^itid  ' 
JVIaJeslietf  lire  Hliiaiated,  iit'  e>tliblishillK  with  eacil  otiler,  in 
rvi  r.Mhiiiu  tiiHl  ill  all  jihieuri,  the  iiio^t  pcneet  frieiidHliip,  ] 
lianiioiiy,  mill  unml  eiirret<pi)ii(Ietice."  I 

Tliat  is  to  say,  Spain  and  Great  Britain  niiitu-  ! 
ally  apTi'd  not  to  .set  iip  any  claim  on  either  side,  ]' 
derived  fVom  any  prior  ri^jht,  hut,  waivinij  all  such 
I'onsiderntions,  they  provided  for  the  (;uidnnce  of 
the  two  parties  /or  thej'ulmi:.  What  was  the  con- 
dition of  the  parties  at  tliis  time?  What  their, 
rif»hls?  Spiiln,  nt  first,  asserting  her  aovereiirnty,  i 
yet  cnlf  ring  into  a  treaty  hy  which  she  repudiated  ' 
II.  Well  might  Vancouver  say,  in  I79.'J,  I  malte 
not  discoveries  exclusively  lor  England,  hut  for  i 
the  common  benefit  of  all  the  world — for  Spain  I 
among  the  rest.  That  was  the  principle  upon  | 
which  this  i-onveniion  was  founded.  How  was  it  , 
iroated  in  the  British  Pailiument .'  The  Opposition  i 
of  the  day  complained  of  it,  because,  as  they  as-  ji 
seried,  it  did  not  secure  all  that  Great  Britain  had  i 
a  right  lo  demand.  They  did  not  think  it  went  far  i 
enough.  But  how  did  the  minister  defend  liiin-  |i 
self.'  He  lni|uired,  what  shall  we  go  to  war  about  ■  i 
The  private  w! lings  have  been  redre.s.sed,  and  Spain  j' 
has  alianiloned  her  prelensiona  to  exclusive  sover- 
eignly over  the  territory.  What  more  would  we  ] 
have.'  We  have  eslahli^hed  the  groat  principle,  i 
not  hereafter  to  beco,ilroverted,tliat  the  northwest  !; 
coast  of  America  is  not  the  sole  and  exclusive  prop-  j 
eriy  of  Spain,  but  is  open  lo  us  and  all  the  world  i 
for  selllenienl  and  trade  and  occupation.  1' 

Now,  sir,  it  seems  to  me  that  we  arc  to  meet  i 
and  refiile,  as  best  we  may,  this  obstacle  in  tlie  i; 
way  of  the  Spanish  thle  before  we  can  ])ronounee  i| 
ii  clear  and   iiiKpiestionablc.     Nobody  can  doubt 
that  it  is  a  serious  obstacle.     We  derive  nothin:; 
from  Spain  except  what  Spain  had  a  right  lo  grant. 
If  Spam  had   abandoned  her  claim  lo  exclusive 
.sovereignly  prior  to  the  negotiation  of  the  Florida 
Ireaty;  if  she   had  admitted  that  the  territory  in 
ipiestiun  was  open  to  all  the  world,  as   England 
had  maintained  it  was,  it  is  manifest  that  we  take 
iiulhing  whatever  by  that  Ireaty.     England,  lo  be 
sure,  gains  no  title  by  such  abandonment,  but  the 
country  is  left  in  a  manner  derelict,  to  be  gained 
by  whatever  nation  or  nations  may  occupy,  appro- 
priate, and  settle  it.     That  is  the  principle  of  the 
Nootka  Sound    Convention,   asserted    liy   Great  1 
Britain  at  the  time  it  was  formed,  and  maintained  ; 
and  insisted  upon  by  her  ever  since.     Now,  sir,  it  I 
is  the  right  wiiich  Great  Britain  claims  under  this  ! 
leading  principle  of  that  convention  that  I  desire 
to  see  discussed   and   refuted,  before  I  can  be  per- 
suaded lo  declare  ihat  our  title  to  exclusive  .sover- 
eignty is  so   inillspulable,  that  we  are  bound  m  i 
honor  to  defend  it  at  all  hazards  and  to  every  ex-  ' 
iremity.    This  convention   was  formed   in   17'JI). 
Five  years  afterwards  Spain  abandoned  the  coun- 
try altogether.     Her  Hag  has  never  been  seen  there 
since;  she  kept   up  no  occupation,  no  possession, 
exerted  no  authority,  made  no  settlemenis,  but 
appears  quietly  lo  have  surrendered  the  territory  : 
lo  any  naiion   which  chose   to  occupy  it.     Since 
Ihat   time,  .sevci'al   nations  have  made  settlemenis  j 
oil  that  coast.     We  have  miuli^  settlements,  Great  j 
Brilain  has   made  settlemenis,   Uussia  has  made  ' 
setilcincnts,and  all  in  utter  disregard  and  contempt 
of  ilic  exclusive  prelensions  of  Spain.     We  have  [ 
ourselves  proceeded  on  the  principle  of  the  Noiilka 
Sound  Convention,  namely,  ihe  principle  that  the 
lerriiory  was  open  to  all   the  world,  and  n  title  ! 
to  it  could  be  aci|uired  only  by  possession,  ucliml 
possession,    actual    occu|iancy.      Such    was    the  . 
ground   we   took   with   Uiissiu,  when  we  entered  ' 


Into  It  coiivenliun  with  her.  Russia  ehiimed  ail  the 
territory   norlh   of   the   Ooliimbia    river,  on   the  i| 

ground  of  ueitlemeni,  o.i  well  as  discovery  and  ex- 
ploration. We  resisted  her  claim,  contending  that 
no  European  naiion  had  made  any  selllemenl,  or 

gained  any  title  thereby,  north  of  Cape  Mendoci- 
no.    We  asserted  the  very  principle  of  the  Nootka  ' 
Convention,  that  the  whole  cons:,  norlh  of  the 
Spanish  settlemenis  actually  made,  could   nut  he 
considered  the  exclusive  property  of  any  nation.  , 
We  assumed  it  as  an  incontrovertible  fact  Ihat  no  ; 
European  naiion  had  made  any  permanent  settle-  ii 
ment  until  after  the  last  voyage  of  Captain  f^ook.  |' 
We  started  with  this  idea,  and  maintained  with  it  i 
our  title  against   Uu.ssia.     How  did  we  treat  the 
title  of  Spain  f     With  entire  disrespect.    We  were 
ready  to  agree,  and  did  agree  with   Russia,  that 
Spain  had  no  exclusive  right;  that  the  northwest  , 
coast  was  open  for  the  oceupaliun  of  all  the  world,  ] 
and,  being  open   lo  all  nations,  we  were  ready  lo  ! 
define  ond  agree  upon  the  respective  |iorlions  of  it 
which  Russia  and  the  United  Sliites  should  occupy.  I 
We  ceded   nothing  to  Russia;  she  ceded  nothing  i 
to  us.     But  we  agreed  wilh  her  that  we  would  not  j 
settle  north  of  54°  40',  and  she  agreed  that  she  | 
would  form  no  Kcttlements  south  of  that  line,  both  | 
IHirties  llius  recognising  the  principle  that  title  was  i 
to  be  actniired  by  settlement  only.  1 

Great  Britain  does  not  deny  that  we  may  acrpiirc 
n  good  title  by  settlement,  but  she  insists  that  she  j 
may  do  the  same.     That  is  really  tlie  important 
question  in  controversy.     How  is  title  to  be  ac-  i 
quired  there.'    Spain  had  abandoned  the  country 
twenty-five  years  before  she  relinquished  lo  us  her  ; 
pretensions.   We  have  not  settled  it — we  have  not 
occupied  it — Great  Britain  has;  and  yet  we  have  so  ^ 

i  clear  and  unquestionable  a  right,  thai  it  will  be  I 
national  dishonor  lo  surrender  one  inch  of  it.  j 

I      In  my  judgment,  sir,  this  is  a  very  hasty  and  j 

i  ill-advised  conclusion.     No  man,  it  seems  lo  me, 

,  can  alHrin,  and  certainly  no  one  can  pi-ove,  that  i 

'  our  title  beyond  the  parallel  of  49"^  is  entirely  free  | 
from  doubt,  absolutely  clear  and  indisputable.  All  | 
beyond  that  we  acquired  only  by  viruie  of  the  i 
Florida  treaty,  a  treaty  made  near  a  quarter  of  a  ■ 

;  century  after  Spain  hatl  practically  aliandoncd  and  I 
surrendered  the  territory,  and  near  thirty  years 
after  she  had  solemnly  renounced  her  pretensions 

'  to  exclusive  sovereignly  over  it.  Are  we  prepared 
to  push  this  country  to  the  dire  and  dreadful  ex- 

j  treniilies  of  war  for  a  title  so  encumbered.' 

I  But  it  is  said  that  Great  Britain  had  no  right, 
under  that  convenlion,  to  make  any  settlemenis 
south  of  the  actual  Spani.sh  scitlements,  and  ihat 
Nootka  was  u  Spanish  settlement;   so  that  upon 

[  lliis  ground  Great  Britain  would  now  be  excluded 

!  from  any  part  of  the  territory  south  of  that  Sound. 

I  My  first  answer  lo  this  is,  suppose  Great  Brit- 
ain had  no  right  to  make  si'iilcmenis  there,  how 
does  thai  carry  i«  up  to  54"  4U',  Nootka  Sound 
being  hul  little  above  4!)°.'  I  think  ihat  gentlemen 
willbe  a  good  deal  troubled  lo  demonstrate  that 

:  our  right  is  extended  by  the  negation  of  the  right 

'  of  Great  Brilain. 

i       But  another  answer  is,  that  the  question  whelher 

I  Nootka  Sound  was  a  Spanish  settlement  or  not, 
was  seltleil  and  determined  by  ihe  Governments 
of  the  two  nalion.s  in  the  day  (if  it,  and  it  is  the 
misforlune  of  our  case  that  we  are  so  often  obliged, 
in  defence  of  it,  to  undo  and  repudiate  transac- 
tions and  events  of  so  ancient  dale.  Vancouver 
was  sent  out  by  the  British  Government  in  1792, 
lo  receive  possession  of  the  buildings  and  tracts  of 
land  which  by  the  first  article  of  the  convenlion 
were  to  be  restored  lo  GriNit  Brilain.  The  Span- 
ish coinmand(;r,  (Quadra,  refused  to  surrender  any 
part  of  Xontka  Sound,  on  the  ground  thai  no  Brit 
ish  subjects  had  been  dispossessed  of  any  lantl  or 

'  buildings  there,  lo  whieh  the  conveTilion  could  re- 
fer.  Vancouver  left  the  countrv  without  obtaining 

;  possession,  and  the  inatler  in  dispute  was  referred 
to  the  two  Governmcnls.  .Vl'lcr.vards,  in  1795, 
the  IwoGoverimienls  h;>ving  adjusied  the  contrii- 
very,  possession  of  Nootka  was  surrendered  lo 
Grail  BriUiin,  wilh  whom   it  has   remained  ever 

;  since — Spain  having  at  llie  lime  utterly  abandoned 
the  whole  coast  norlh  of  aijout  the  4IHh  iiarallel. 
I  submit  then,  sir,  that  it  is  ipiite  too  late  to  raise 
the  objectiim,  ihal  Great  Britain  had  no  right  at 
Nootka,  or  southward  of  it,  under  the  convenlion 
of  1790,  upon  the  ground  that  Nooika  was  a  Span- 
ish .settlement  at  that  linic,  when  lhal  vi:rv  m.itier 


wn.<  adjusted  and  settled  hy  the  pnrlieii  to  ihe  con- 
vention long  before  we  acimireil  any  riglils  there 
nnder  the  I''lorida  treaty.  A\  hen  our  title  accriud, 
that  was  an  established  and  seliled  mailer,  and  we 
took  our  title  subject  to  the  arranifemenlH  which 
Spain  had  previously  made. 

But  the  Senator  from  Illinois  j.Mr.  Biikksk)  has 
undertaken  to  dinionstrale,  iliat  by  ihe  principles 
which  Great  Brilain  hos  herself  eslablished,  and 
has  praciised  upon,  we  have  an  undoubted  title  lo 
the  whole  of  Oregon.  And  the  first  piece  of  evi- 
dence which  he  adduces,  and  which  he  says  is 
sufiii'ient  to  estop  her  from  settiiiLi  up  any  claim,  is 
the  grant  made  hy  the  Crown  of  lOngliind  in  lfi(l9, 
to  cerlain  subjecls  of  that  Governmenl,  of  the  col- 
ony of  Virgiiiri,  exlending  fr(uii  sea  to  sea— from 
the  Atlantic  lo  the  Pacific  ocean — and  emliraciie^ 
the  very  territory  of  Oregon,  now  in  qiiesiion.  lie 
considers,  that  by  this  grant,  Great  Brilain  pnrled 
wilh  all  right,  and  is  now  estopped  from  selling  lip 
any  claim.  How  ?  In  graining  the  In-rilunj  to  her 
own  subjecls,  did  she  llierel)y  part  wilh  her  sov- 
ereiirnly  .'  Wertr  not  all  the  colonies  subject  to  \\ic 
Crown  !•  Instead  of  disclaiming  or  parting  wilh 
any  rights  of  sovcreiirniy  and  jurlsdielion,  the  grairt 
was  the  strongest  assertion  of  lliose  rights,  and 
bound  the  Crown  lo  |irotect  ils  subjects  in  the  en- 
joyment of  the  thing  granled.  But  the  Seiialor 
seisms  lo  siqipose,  thai  as  the  grant  was  of  the  col  ■ 
ony  of  Vii'!.'inia,  when  Virginia  beiaine  inde|ieii- 
dent  she  was  entitled  lo  her  ancient  liiuils,and  ihai 
the  aekiiowl(;dgment  of  our  independence  liy  llie 
treaty  of  'C3  was  a  recognition  of  the  rights  of  Vir- 
ginia to  the  entire  limits  of  her  charier.  Isihai  so? 
Look  at  Ihe  treaty  of  '83,  and  you  there  find  the 
boundaries  of  the  I.'nited  Slates,  iliiis  acknowl- 
edged lo  be  independent,  exactly  define  ..  What- 
ever Virginia  was  by  ils  original  charter  or  :;raiit, 
Great  Britain  specifically  set  forth  the  limits  wiihiii 
which  she  would  recognise  our  independence  and 
our  territoriiil  rights;  and  so  far  from  carrying  us 
to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  that  treaty  only  i:ave  us  lo  the 
middle  of  the  Mississippi  river,  above  the  31°  of 
north  latituilc  to  its  source. 

The  Senator  next  adduces,  us  a  fact  whieh  eslopM 
Great  Britain  from  claiming  any  part  of  this  terri- 
tory, that,  by  the  treaty  of  I7G3,  to  which  Spain, 
France,  and  England  were  parties,  Gretit  Ihittiiii 
renounced  all  claim  to  territory  west  of  the  .Missis- 
sippi river.    She  did  so  within  certain  limits.    I'ui 
it  is  quite  evident  that  the  only  lerrilories  in  'iii- 
trover.sy,  or  intended   to   be  adjusted,  were  those 
claiinecl  and   occupied  by  the  parlies  on  this  side 
the  continent.     Little  was  known,  mid  lens  cared, 
about  the  no.-lhwest  coast  at  thai  period.    The  na- 
tions had  not  begun  lo  make  .settleiiienls,  and  hanliy 
discoveries,  in  that  tpiarter.    The  "confines"  fixed 
by  the  treaty  of  'ii'.i  were  of  their  resp(?etive  domin- 
ions "in  lhal  part  of  the  world.'"    They  had  no 
dominions  on  llie  Pacific  coasts.     Cut  this  matter 
of  hioking  up  old  treaties  is  a  two-edged  sword, 
tuid  we  had  lietter  not  use  it  loo  freely.     We  luive 
I    had  treaties  too.     We  had  diiliculties  wilh  S;iiiin, 
I   ill  1794  and  1795,  and  concluded  a  treaty  vviili  that 
Power  in  October,  1795,  which  is  expies.sly  a  tre.ily 
of  friendship,  liinils,  lic.   The  second  article  of  ilii.s 
i:  treatv  says,  thol,  "to  prevent  all  disputes  on  the 
I:  subjiH't  of  the  boundaries  wliii  h  separate  the  lerri- 
'    lories  of  the  high  contracting  jiarlies,"  it  is  a;>reeil 
I    so  ond  so;  and  the  western  boiindarv  of  the  ("nileil 
Stales  is  declared  to  be  "  in  lln^  middle  of  ihechan- 
nel  or  bed  of  the  river  Mississippi,  from  the  nmili- 
ern  boundary  of  said  Slates,  lo  the  romplelion  of 
the  .'llO  of  norlh  latiuidc  from  the  equator." 
i        Now,  sir,  what  liecomes  of  our  title  lo  the  valley 
;,  of  the  Columbia,  founded  on  Gray's  djscoyery,  If 
treaties  prescribing  boundaries  oil    this    side  the 
continent  arc  to  be  extended  to  tin;  other.' 

But  the  principle  which,  according  to  the  Sena- 
tor, Great  Brilain  ha'!  eslablished  and  snceessfnlly 
j    maintained,  on   this  side  of  the  cimliiient  of  Ame- 
rica, is,  that  by  virluc  of  prim-  discovery,  she  has 
the  exclusive  right  of  esiidjlishiiii:  coliniies,  foiuul- 
'    ing  settlements,  and  of  extending  her  dominion, 
by  continuity,  even  to  the  Pacific  ocean.    And,  by 
the  iiiiplication  of  the  same  principle,  he  coiiieiids 
';    tliat  Spain   had  the  exclusive  right  on  the  Pacific 
shores — thus  shutting  out  Great   Britain,  and  all 
oilier  nations,  from  that  vast  region.     But  before 
the  principle  is  applicable,  it  musl  he  shown  thai 
the  cases  are  altogether  alike. 
'        Did  Spain  found  colonies,  make  grants,  et'lab- 


.If>J. 


m: 


■  'iTts'i 


I 


576 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


(Marrli  10, 


>29th  Cuno 1st  Sess. 


TTle  Oregon  (juration — Mr,  Evaiii. 


Senate. 


i\nh  KPtllcmenH,  net  up  Oovernmenti,  nnd  protect 
and  pi'fdprve  lliPin  on  llifwe  clioroi?  Wlwrcvor 
Hill-  dill,  she  miiiiitnlncil  lier  Nineri"ij;nly  nnd  her 
title  nmliHlnrlii'J  liy  other  nnlionii,  until  they  were 
wri'sli'd  frnm  her  hy  the  revnlulioiinry  pmeeedings 
ot*  her  own  Bulijcels.  In  thin  wny  Hhe  niair)tiiined 
her  ri'ht  to  the  whole  ennliiienl  mi  the  Pncifie 
chores,  south  of  nhont  Intiliide  411°  north.  If  she 
h:iil  pnrsiied  the  sixnie  course  north  of  that  latitude, 
she  niiiht  hnve  ohinincd  and  ninintnineil  the  same 
title.  It  is  precisely  heenuse  Spain  did  not  do  this 
lhin.o; — Itecause  she  did  not  plant  colonies,  estah- 
lish  settlomcnta,  make  jjrnnls,  and  perfect  by  actual 
occupancy  her  imperfect  title  hy  di-icovery,  that 
the  principle  nsserled  by  (ireat  nritain  does  not 
apply.  This  is  the  very  defect  in  the  Spanish 
title — nc.'lcct  of  occupancy  and  possession — the 
very  difficulty  we  arc  to  pt  rid  of  before  vie  can 
assert  our  own  title,  before  God  and  man,  by  an 
apjifal  to  arms.  j 

(At  the  request  of  several  Senators  .\lr.  K.  here 
siianendcd  his  reninrks,  and  the  Senate  adjourn- 
ed.)    ! 

TiF.sDAT,  March  10,  184fi. 

Mr.  EvAvi,  (who  had  not  concluded  his  re- 
ninrks when  the  Senate  adjourned  yesterday,)  re- 
sumed the  floor.  He  referred  to  the  course  of  his 
ni'iunient  yislerdnv,  and  recnpitulated  the  sriniiids 
tluis  lar  taken.  lie  said  th.tl,  in  the  remarks  he 
had  thus  far  submitted,  his  purpo.se  had  been  to 
show  that  the  rrsolulions  proposed  by  the  friends 
of  the  Administration  were  of  so  decirled  a  charac- 
ter, nnd  likely  to  be  prodnc;ive  of  such  results, 
tliat  bv  their  own  ndmissinn  they  could  only  be 
justified  by  the  most  confident  belief  that  our  title 
to  ihe  whole  of  the  territory  in  dispute  was  so  )>er- 
fectly  clear  nnd  uiHleniible  as  not  only  to  sustain 
no  at  the  liar  of  our  own  conscience,  but  to  justify 
us  before  the  civilized  world,  in  ijoin;;;  to  every 
eMiemity  to  maintain  it.  He  had  then  endeavored 
t'l  .«liuw  that  ."erious  difjiculties  lay  in  the  way  of 
ppiviniour  title  to  be  thus  clenr;  nnd  thnt  those 
who  ask(  d  hint  and  his  friends  for  their  vote  in  fa- 
vor of  such  iT.«olutions  were  bound  first  to  remove 
these  diilii'ulties  nut  of  the  way. 

He  had  notniienipted  todiscu.ss  these  objections 
ni  lar^e.  He  had  confined  himself  simply  to  point- 
ing ihem  out,  chiefly  in  order  that  the  friends  of  the 
proposed  measure  mii;ht  have  an  opportunity  to 
meet  and  rel'ute  them;  so  that,  if  they  expected 
others  to  go  with  them  in  this  matter,  thcv  might 
make  our  title  so  elenr  thai  all  mi^ht  be  able  to  see 
its  justice  and  erpiiiy.  He  had  said  that  he  did 
not  think  this  had  been  done.  F^e  did  not  say  that 
it  never  would  be  done,  (though  he  mi:^lit  have  his 
fears  on  that  sulijecf,)  he  hoped  it  might,  and  that 
those  who  should  be  entrusted  with  the  nepoiin- 
tion  of  our  claina  would  see  that  it  was  done, 
liut  It  was  liis  opinion  that  our  claims,  carried  to 
the  extreme — for  the  whole  country  up  to  54^  40' — 
could  not  well  be  suslained;  nnd  if  they  should  be 
insisted  on,  the  attempt  would  only  result  in  doing 
great  injury  to  so  much  of  our  title  as  was  indeed 
clear  and  well  fininded.  If  claims  that  were  bad 
in  themselves  should  lie  insisted  on  with  the  same 
e.-trncstness  and  jiertinacity  \iitli  those  which  were 
clearly  jnsl,  it  could  not  but  go  to  weaken  our  title, 
and  to  impair  that  portion  of  it  which  might  be 
clearly  del'eiuled. 

Fie  had  said  that  our  title  to  territory  on  the 
northwest  coast  was  derived  from  three  sources, 
of  which  that  which  rested  on  the  Louisiana  treaty 
was  much  the  sirongesf,  nnd  he  could  not  but 
think,  that  if  the  attention  of  (mr  Government  had 
been  confined  to  tills  alone — if  we  had  not  been 
drawn  otV,  or  mil  ofl',  into  the  assertion  of  n  good 
title  to  the  extreme  limits  of  the  territory,  our  dif- 
ficulty might  have  been  adjusted  long  ago  on  that 
basis. 

We  had,  under  the  Louisiana  treaty,  n  title  so 
far  as  to  latitude  40°,  which,  in  his  |udginent,  might 
well  be  mainlained  before  the  world. 

The  Senator  from  Michigan  (.Mr.  Cass]  has 
said  that  he  could  never  see  why  wc  stopped  at 
the  parallel  of  49°;  that  this  line  seemed  to  have 
been  aililtrarily  assumed,  and  that  we  might  just 
as  well  have  taken  any  oilier;  it  was  connected 
with  nothing,  nnd  had  "nothing  to  recommend  it. 
I  (said  Mr.  K.)  do  not  so  understand  it.  'I'his 
wan  the  early  established  line  between  the  British, 
the  Spanish,  and  the  French  possessions  on  this 


|{  continent.     It  was  the  line  established  on  this  side 
'    the  Kocky  Moiinlainsi  it  was  not  an  nrbitrav  line, 
assumed  at  random,  but  was  established  under  the 
trealy  of  Utrecht  in  1714.     By  that  licaly,  coin- 
!   missioners  had  bei  n  appointed  to  establish  and  fix 
a  biMindary  between  the  Kiiglish  and  French  pos-  [ 
sessions;  and  more  than  a  century  ago,  the  com-  I 
I    missionerK  npnoinled  for  the  purpose  did  establish 
I   the  parallel  ol  49°  as  the  line  of  boundary.    It  was 
laid  down  on  most  of  the  early  maps,  as  n  line 
!i  agreed  mi  by  the  respective  Powers  for  u  dividing  I 
i    line  belweeii  their  pos.sessimis.     It  lind  no  weatern  ' 
termination — why  should  it  not  be  continued  to  the  , 
ocean?     Why  not  run  iiiileflnilely,  ns  far  as  cither  I 
Power  dninied  territorial  ritrhts'  [ 

I  am  aware  it   has   been  lately  denied  that  this 
line,  or  any  line,  was  esiabllshed  by  coiiimission- 
^  en  under  that   trealy.     It  is  said  no  proof  can  be 
!'  ndduced  of  such  a  fact.     lUil  did   not  all  the  iia- 
j    tions  interested,  and  hnve  not  we  ourselves  nssumed 
it  as  a  fact  well  esiabllshed,  and  acled  upon  it,  and 
obtained  important   riglils  under  it?     Has  it  not 
!   been  regarded  as  an  eslablisheil  truth  for  more  than  ■ 
I   n  renliiry  ?    Can  our  title  be  defended  in  no  other 
way  than  by  overthrowing,  or  endeavoring  to  uver-  ' 
throw,  long  concedi'd   farts?     Is  all   history  that, 
makes  against  ns  to  be  set  aside  ?     We  ourselves, 
as   I  have  just  .said,  have  heretofore  claimed   by 
this    parallel,  upon    the   gi'Oifhd    that  it    was    the 
norilirrn  boundary  of  Louisiana,  as  fixed  under  ■ 
the  treaty  of  Utrecht.     Prior  to  the  acquisition  of 
Louisiana,   negotiations  took    place  bciween   the 
Governmenia  of   Great  ISritain   and   the    United 
States,  for  e>tablihhiiig  the  boundaries  between  our 
respective  possessions,  which  re.iiilted  in  nconvcn- ' 
tion  agreed  upon  in  London,  in  May,  lf03. 

By  the  irealy  of  peace,  in  1783,  our  northern 
boundary  line  was  to  run  from  the  most  northwest- 
ern point  of  the  Lnkc  of  the  Woods,  (which  was 
then  supposed  to  be  exactly  under  the  parallel  of ' 
4!P,  but  was  subsequeiilly  found  to  be  about  37' 
further  north,)  a  due  west  cmirseto  the  Mi.ssissippi  , 
river.  It  was  supposed  by  those  who  framed  the 
treaty  that  such  a  line  would  strike  the  Mississippi; 
but  on  n  morencciirntc  inve.siigaiioii,  it  was  found 
thnt  none  of  the  head-waters  of  that  great  river  ex- 
tended so  fnr  north.  Whnt  was  the  conspqiience  ? 
Great  Britain  said,  as  the  treaty  required  the  line 
to  run  to  Ihe  Mississippi,  ill  order  to  (iilfil  its  condi- 
tions the  line  must  start  at  the  Lake  of  the  Woods, 
and  run  in  the  nearest  parriicable  direction  to  the  i 
waters  of  that  river  furthest  north.  To  lhi.i  we  | 
agreed.  Accordingly,  the  5th  article  of  the  con- 
vention of  1803  stipulated  for  a  line,  not  running  on 
the  latitude  of  49'-',  but  diverging  to  the  south  from 
it  nil  it  struck  the  nnrlhernniost  branch  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi. Twelve  days  before,  the  treaty  for  the 
cession  of  Louisinna  was  signed  in  Paris;  but  this 
was  not  known  in  Loiulon  when  the  convention 
was  signed.  When  the  subject  of  ratification  came 
before  the  Senate,  the  fiueslion  was,  whether  the 
5tli  article,  which  fixed  our  northern  limit  some- 
what south  of  Ihe  parallel  of  49°,  ought  then  to  be  , 
ratified?  There  would  have  been  no  hesitancy  in 
it,  but  for  the  acquisition  ol'  Louisiana,  which  we 
contended  gave  us  a  right  up  to  that  parallel,  by 
virtue  of  the  trealy  of  Ulrecht.  The  convention 
was  finally  ratified  with  the  exception  of  that  arti-  ' 
ticle;  but,  for  some  reason,  the  ratifications  were 
never  exchanged.  This  was  in  1«03.  The  dis- ; 
cussion  between  the  Governments  was  renewed  ; 
and  eontinueil  for  some  years,  and  was  not  finally  . 
terminated  till  1818,  when  the  line  from  the  Lake 
of  the  Woods  westward  was  established  on  the 
49tli  parallel.  Thus,  the  British  Goveinment 
yielded  to  our  claims  at  last,  and  receded  from  the 
head-waiers  of  the  Mississippi  to  the  line  of  the 
trealy  of  Utrecht.  We  prevailed,  upon  theground 
that  that  was  the  ancient  and  eslnlilished  line  of 
boundary  of  the  province  of  Louisiana,  establish- 
ed nowhere  nnd  nohow,  unless  by  coinmissnries 
under  the  provisions  of  the  trenty  of  Utrecht.  It 
is  true  that,  by  the  provisions  of  ihe  convention  of 
1818,  as  well  as  by  that  of  1803,  this  line  does  not 
extend  westward  of  the  Rocky  Mountains;  but  it 
is  well  known,  that  in  the  I'arly  negotiations  under 
Mr.  .Teft'erson,  we  were  anxious  to  prolong  it  to 
the  Pacific  ocean.  Mr.  Jefl'crson  himself  was  very  1 
earnest  for  that  result.  The  final  adjustment  of 
the  question,  in  1807,  under  his  auspices,  was  '■ 
postponed  by  the  diflicultics  on  other  nnd  gravrr 
nuhjects,  which  then  sprung  up  between  the  two 


cnnnlrles,  nnd  which  were  not  settled  till  after  the 
Ircnty  of  peace  nt  CMionl,  in  1814. 

In  nil  our  negoiintions  on  this  Niibjecl,  wc  have 
ninintained  our  right,  nnd  sueiu'safully  ninintnined 
it.  upon  the  argument  that  llm  fi)rly-iiiiith  degree 
of  north  latitude  was  the  line  of  boundary  fixed  by 
the  commissaries  apiiointed  under  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht.  Now,  I  Hubmil,  sir,  having  hat]  nil  thu 
benefit  of  that  nrgumcnt — having  relied  upon  it — 
hnving  used  it  succesafully  against  Great  Uritnin — 
whether  it  is  not  quite  ton  lain  to  repudiate  the 
facts  u[ion  which  it  is  founded?  In  the  langungu 
of  the  Senator  from  Illinuis,  I  think  wc  arc  "  e»- 
topned  on  that  subject. " 

Hueh  being  the  northern  boundary  of  Louisiann. 
which  is  our  northern  boundary,  where  were  its 
limits  mi  the  wcsi  ?  IJoe.s  it  extend  to  the  shores 
of  the  Pacific?  Can  Great  Britain  deny  thnt  it 
does?  The  Senator  from  Illinois  insists  thnt,  bv 
the  treaty  of  1763,  Great  Britain  relinquished  all 
claim  to  territory  west  of  the  Mississippi  river. 
That  cnn,  however,  be  applicable  only  to  territory 
south  of  49°,  or  raiher  to  territory  south  of  tlni 
source  of  the  Mississippi,  for  the  article  cited  by 
the  Senator  describes  the  western  line  ns  drawn 
along  the  middle  of  the  river  "from  its  source.^' 
The  irift'ocnilf  line,  then,  fixed  by  that  treaty,  was 
10  begin  at  the  source  of  the  river,  and  all  west  of 
that  line  Grent  Britain  relini|uished,  ns  she  lins  all 
south  of  49°  of  latitude.  IS'ow,  sir,  if  we  will  con- 
tent ourselves  upon  these  facts  nnd  these  argu- 
ments, we  cnn  make  out  a  strong,  nnd  I  do  not 
know  but  n  perfeclly  conclusive  tiile,ngninst  Great 
Britain.  Why  should  we  not  rest  here?  AVhy 
complicate  anil  embarrass  a  good  claim  by  the  at- 
tempt to  fortify  a  feeble  and  untenable  one?  Why 
stand  on  a  weak  title  when  we  have  got  a  strong 
one  ? 

Mr.  President,  I  have  said  that  it  is  incumbent 
on  those  who  advocate  these  resolutions,  to  assign 
good  and  sufficient  reasons  for  their  adoption. 
Dilferent  reasons  have  been  assigned  by  different 
gentlemen. 

The  Senator  from  Missouri,  [Mr.  Benton,]  who 
has  investigated  this  subject  more  fully,  probably, 
than  any  other  member  of  the  Senate,  urges  the 
abrogation  of  the  convention  of  1818,  on  the  ground 
that  It  ought  never  to  have  been  entered  into.  It 
was  wrong  in  the  beginning,  and  has  been  wrcing 
ever  since;  and  of  course  it  is  right  now  to  rescind 
it.  In  his  opinion,  it  has  been  nothing  but  a 
source  of  mischief  from  the  day  it  was  entered 
into  till  this  hour,  nnd  it  ought  to  be  ended  as  soon 
ns  possible.  He  says  he  foresaw  its  consequences, 
and  predicted  them.  Whether  the  eouvniion  was 
right  or  wrong,  I  cannot  say;  but  tin,  1  know, 
that  it  is  not  always  wise  to  undo  what  ii  whs  not 
wise  to  do.  Wc'  must  look  nt  the  coiidiilon  in 
which  we  shall  be  left  by  such  n  course.  Will  the 
abrogation  of  this  convention  restore  us  to  a  better 
condition;  or  will  it  plunge  us,  on  the  contrary, 
into  a  condition  still  worse?  Whether  this  con- 
vention be  the  real  source  of  any  diflicultics  which 
have  been  experienced,  cannot  be  known.  Who 
can  say  wheilier  they  would  not  have  been  much 
greater  if  there  had  been  no  convention?  I  cannot 
think  the  evil.i  ,vhich  have  grown  out  of  it  arc  so 
great  as  the  honorable  Senator  from  Missouri  sup- 
poses them  to  le.  He  referred  to  a  document 
dated  early  in  the  Administration  of  President 
JncKson.  It  was  a  report  communicated  by  him 
to  Congress,  stating  that  nets  of  great  violence  had 
been  cominittrd  on  citizens  of  the  United  States  in 
that  territory.  But  it  seems  to  me,  that  if  those 
things  had  taken  place,  nnd  Grent  Britain  waa 
justly  responsible  for  them.  President  Jackson  was 
not  (if  a  character  quietly  to  submit  to  them  with- 
out demanding  redress. 

Why  did  he  not  recommend  the  termination  of 
this  convention  at  that  day,  when  the  outrages 
were  fresh  in  the  minds  of  all?  He  was  at  ihe 
head  of  the  moat  powerful  Administration  this 
eoiiniry  ever  saw;  yet  we  hear  not  a  word  of  nny 
such  recommendation.  He  never  took  n  step  to- 
ward the  abrogation  of  the  treaty.  Certainly  he 
did  not  siippo.sc  these  nets  of  violence  to  be  the 
consequence  of  the  convention,  and  I  do  not  see 
any  evidence  that  such  great  evils  followed  it  an 
the  Senator  predicted.  1  do  not  say  thnt  there 
have  been  no  nets  of  violence  committed;  but  did 
they  proceed  from  the  stipulations  of  the  conven- 
tion ?     I  do  not   think  so.     I  believe,  on  the  con- 


rrli  10, 


<ATE. 


after  tlia 

wo  linvo 
niiitained 
ill  ilci;rre 

fixtd  hy 
Ircnty  "1* 
id  iilltliu 


1846.) 
SOthCono IhtSbhh. 

APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GIX)BE. 

M7 

The  Oregon  i^ucstion — l^lr,  llmnn. 

Nkw  Skiiiks.. 

..No.  .'n. 

Irary,  llint  if  tlii'ic  had  lii'rii  nn  mirli  rDiivciilioii,  ' 
wp  slinnid  linvd  lirnrd  of  many  iiiorr.     Tliey  an.' 
nni  JiLHtly  t(i  lin  attrll>iit(id  In  lliat  nduico. 

AiKilhi-r  rraniiii  aJiNisrwd  fiiiKTiniiiatiMK  thecoii- 
vonlidii  in,  that  U  will  piil  iih  in  a  moo'  lulvuiila- 
fri'iiuH  iiiiHiiiDn  lliati  we  niiw"i'iii|iy.  'I'lii-  Si'iiatnr 
tViiin  llliKnin  naid  wu  Nlionid  iniin<'dlal/'ly  lie  ri> 
fltorrd  to  the  ni'Mial  poHHrNvioii  of  liie  wh()t<!  terri- 
tory. I  have  hii4  Hjiecrh  la  line  nie,  and  will  lake 
the  lilieriy  of  rclVrrin!;  in  it.  His  (,'riuind  is,  that 
it  will  Kive  ns  n  riiiht  to  take  poflsesHtoii  of  Ore- 
gon— n  rii'llt  to  fortify  nin-  |iiiNilion  liy  the  eieelion 
iif  military  posts — n  ris;ht  to  exiend  onr  Iiiwb  tlierej 
«ii  lliat,  without  np{ioNiiiiin  or  controversy,  we 
Hhall  have  Ihc  whole  tirrilnry.  Hut  I  will  read liis 
own  words.     The  honoralile  S<;iiator  wiys: 

"Tlie  iiili'Hliiiii  if,  il'  ihe  iinilce  hi.  kivimi,  wlint  smle  nf 
lliinu-  ivill  liilliiK'.'  If  dm  KuliJtU'K  of  any  liiri'inii  I'invir 
wiml.l  llieh  I'nri'  tliKillni  Ivi'i.  jalii  the  lerrflory,  iir  (iipeihlv 
ntli'iiiiit  In  ri'iitniii  in  a  I'tnte  nf  ri'hi'lhon  In  nar  lawn,  tlinl 
wiiulii  he  I'niir'iili'rL'il  nil  ni't  nf  wax  \  pail  H'llie  Urilii>ti  hiili- 
ji-i'U  ri'iiinin  in  lie-  ('iniatry  u  illlnnt  I'liliiiilMInK  to  iinr  law.., 
•  Ili'y  wnnlU  lie  lrc»|i«".-<ir»;  llirv  winilil  lii'iiiine,  iiuluilll' 
ulnnillnii  llieir  reln-ul  tn  Milnnii,  hy  ihe  I'lirt  iif  niii  liilnu  la 
IxiKRi'Kf'inn  nl' the  niimlry,  iiii'i-h^iinlv  hUh.iM't  to  niir  Inns 
«•<  Ihey  ire  now  in  every  |i«rt  iif  the  I'liiliil  Htiilei..    'I'liiit 

Hnuhl  he  their  iililiiin.     We  vvnnlil  hiilil  the  nliill«|iiili'il 

«iivi-rel«iily  III' Ihe  H  hole  'iiuiiiry,  uiid  thai  we  cniild  ninia 
«nln  It  Isirrtnin.  Vn  ii|i|ifi'lieiiHiiin  on  Hint  |»iiiil  neeil  he 
entcrtnlni'il.  II'  thin  iimire  hp  Kiveii,  nnil  Hume  nieiiriiri's 
reeoinnienili'll  hyihe  I'reiiiileiii  he  e.irrn  il  nnt.  there  will  h  ■ 
nnnnrl  nl'iliinifer  iihnul  enr  lielnuiihle  tiiinninliiin  our  rlulil». 
Any  vicilciit  n  't  ni'  nie  Hnii-h  (jnvi'rnineni  iiiiiiia- 1  w^  there. 
«lniler  lli.il  Hint"  nl'  iliiiiKi.  wmiiIiI  he  nil  art  III'  war  .\ii> 
eneriineliinenl  nn  nur  riulilH  tvnnhl  sinoinil  to  Unit  j  liir  w.' 
have  Ihe  Hilininsiiia  nl'  (irent  lliiinin  lierMli',  that  we  have 
a  riitllt  tntlie[)i)H^er.hiiin  of  Ihe  eiiljiitrv." 

Where  does  the  .Senator  find  nulhorily  for  the 
nsserlioii.,  that  "  we  have  the  ndminsion  of  GrenI 
Hritttin  herself,  ihiit  we  have  a  risjhl  to  the  po.sses- 
tiion  of  the  eouniry '"  lie  finds  it  nowhere,  I  iin- 
njiine,  liut  in  tlie'verliul  adiiiission  said  to  have 
licen  made  hy  Lord  Casllcieash,  wliiih  was  eom- 
inunienled  by  the  Amcriean  Minister,  ihcn  rejiidenl 
ill  London,  to  our  own  Govcrimieiit.  It  is  in  these 
words: 

*'  Ltrrti  Viinllerp'tsh  tutmiltcil,  in  tke  most  ninp'c  crtcnl^  nttr 
riihilohe  rfiiwl  licit,  auil  la  br  Ikcpurhiin  iiouefion  vhilr 

Iriiilinii,/ llmlilU:"  ' 

This  was  undoubtedly  true.  When  the  Brilisli 
Government  surrendered  to  us  whiit  ihey  denonii- 
nut<'d  l''ort  Cieorsi;e,  but  whieh  is  heller  known  to 
tiH  by  Ihe  name  of  Astoria,  at  the  m<iuth  of  the 
Ciiliinibia  river,  Lord  (.'iixtlerenKh  did  admit  that 
it  was  our  riijlit  to  lie  eonsidered  as  the  parly  in 
posse.ssion  while  Ihe  qiiestinn  of  li'le  was  under 
disrussion.  It  is  from  this  ihat  the  Seiiaior  infers 
that  we  shall  be  remilled  to  the  possession  of  the 
whole  territory,  and  if  the  cnnvenlioii  be  tcrminn- 
led,  that  we  may  erect  military  posts,  extend  our 
laws,  and  that  without  any  resisianix  on  the  part 
of  Great  Britain.  Very  well;  if  nil  this  shall  be 
penecobly  submitted  to,  eerlainly  I  have  no  objee- 
lions  to  11.  Hilt  what  wa.';  our  condilion  in  IHIH, 
when  we  were  put  in  posse.ssion  of  I'Viit  Geoi-ne? 
We  bad  not  at  that  time  the  Spanish  title,  and  wi^ 
did  not  so  much  as  dream  of  elaimini;  iinytliiii;^ 
iiorlli  of  4SP.  Not  a  woid,  not  a  syllable  of  any- 
ihina;  like  such  a  ehiini  i.s  to  bo  found  as  havins; 
then  been  pin  fiirlli.  Kiisland  restored  lo  ns  ihe 
settlement  at  Van  Geoifre,  and  that  only.  The 
Senator  says  this  is  an  ailmi.ssiiin  of  our  rislits  lo 
the  possession  of  the  whole  country,  and  if  we  end 
the  convention  we  shall   be   put  into   that  pos- 

BCKsillll. 

Ves,  but  will  it  iTslorc  to  us  not  only  all  we  had 
01  that  lime,  but  nil  that  we  have  since  aii|uired 
likewi.se.>  Will  il  not  only  restore  lo  us  the  iios- 
sessiiin  of  the  Columbia  valley,  but  also  ol  the 
whole  of  Orea;on,  up  lo  !ti°  40'.'  That  is  a  grave 
<|iiestioii.  Anil  one  of  ihe  objections  I  have  lo  the 
piviii;.'  of  the  notice  is,  thai,  instead  of  actually 
reslorini,'  us  lo  aiiylhin;;,  it  will  immediately  open 
new  questions,  and  thereby  complicate  the  subject 
and  increa.w  our  dillicullies,  instead  of  )muiiig  un 
end  to  litem.  I  admit  that  we  shidi  revert  to  the 
eoniliiion  in  which  we  were  in  1M18,  before  the 
eoiiMiition  was  entered  into.  lint  what  was  that 
condilion.'  They  restored  Astoria;  and  the  Sen- 
ator says  that,  with  this  surrender,  they  adniilied 
our  ri';lil  of  posses.sion  to  the  whole  country.  But 
there  is  no  written  despatch  of  Lord  Cusllereugh 
miikiui;  such  admission.  He  never  sij;ned  any 
such  a;;rcciiienl;  it  was  a  mere  verbal  remark  of 
his  to  our  Minister,  and  reported  by  our  Minister 
lo  our  own  Government.     He  adniillcd  our  right 


to  be  the  parly  in  pnssessioii;  Inil  possession  of 
what.'  (('A(/(  dill  Great  Brilain  restore?  Most 
clearly  that  which  she  look  from  us,  and  no  more. 
And  was  this  the  whole  of  Dregon,  up  lo  ,14"  40'.' 
No;  it  was  a  liltle  trailing  eHlalilishiiient  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Coliinibia  river.  Look  at  Ihe  ac- 
knortledgmetil — the  receipt,  in  fact,  signed  by  onr 
accredited  agent,  Mr.  I'revosl,  in'o  whose  liainls 
Ihe  surrender  was  formally  made,  and  you  will 
find  Ihat  il  refers  to  the  settfemeiit  at  l''ort  George, 
and  lo  nothing  else.  Mere  is  the  iledaralion  of  ihe 
British  agents,  by  which  the  surrender  was  mad.:: 
"  VVi'.  the  iinili'raliiin'il,  do,  In  I'linliinnlly  with  the  tlr«i 
nrtleh'  111' the  In  my  iit  (Jhi'lil,  icilnre  In  Ihe  Unvernnient  III' 
the  I'nil.'il  HliiliH,  Ihrnnilil  in  noint.  J.  1'.  l'-evn»l,  Kaq., 
Ihc  ii'tllcmcnl  uj  KH  iie.>riir,  on  the  O.tUimtilit  river,'* 


37 


Mr.  I'revosl  idso  executed  a  pa|)or,  by  which  lie 
iicknowleilired  to  have  received  possession  of  the 
I  " .w/f/cme »(  iif  Fort  Ucur^c;"  nntliing  mine.  If, 
under  that  surrender  we  cleiei  all  that  we  have 
nhtainud  since,  very  serious  rpteslions  will  imme- 
diately arise.  Great  Britain  will  ilispiiie  our  claim 
at  once;  they  will  very  naturally  say:  We  reslored 
;  to  yon  that  which  you  were  pr<'viously  in  posses- 
\  sioii  of— a  small  trading  estalilishmeiil,  iiotacivil 
or  military  iKistiif  the  American  Govcrmnent;  oe. 
eiipied  and  held  by  Aineriiuii  ofKcers.  Not  at  all. 
If  it  had  been  a  public  post,  then  iiossibly  its  siir- 
reiiiler  mightciilillo  you  to  the  whole  couniry  under 
the  jurisdiction  or  cointnaiid  of  that  iiosi;  but  it 
was  no  Govermncnt  establishment,  and  the  surren- 
der, at  the  very  utinosl,  covered  no  more  ihan  the 
moiiib  of  the  C'oliimbla.  It  is  lasy  lo  see  that  an 
nrgnmciit  will  at  once  arise  as  to  m' hat  they  gave 
op.  They  may  insist  that  ihey  gave  U|i  nolhing 
but  the  miiillb  of  the  river.  ^V  e  might  insist  thni 
that  virtually  included  all  the  valley;  but,  after  all, 
it  would  be  a  grave  mailer,  not  so  easily  selllcd  as 
the  Senator  seems  to  think.  It  woittd  open  variotis 
new  (ineslions,aiid  iiitroiliice  new  elemeiils  of  ililH- 
cully,  into  any  attempt  at  a  cinnpromise.  It  was 
very  clear  that  we  should  not  thcicliy  get  posses- 
sion of  the  ciinnlry  north  of  4!P.  The  United 
States  had,  prior  to  the  war,  no  jurisdiction  there; 
and  even  south  of  4'.P,  and  at  the  mouth  of  the 
I  Columbia,  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
;  had  not  exerted,  or  nlleinpled  to  exert,  the  slight- 
est uuthorily.  Mr.  Aslor  was  a  mere  private  ad- 
venturer. It  is  true,  that  in  the  negntialions  we 
lay  great  .stress  on  this  ground  of  claim,  biM-ause 
it  was  a  settlement  on  the  river  which  wc  claim 
by  ri'dit  of  discovery.  But  what  was  the  fact.' 
Mr.  Asinr,  a  New  York  meirbaiil,  sent  n  ship  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Columbia;  he  formed  a  company, 
and  furnished  the  money  for  pnrposis  of  trade  with 
the  Indians;  but  whom  did  he  send  .'  Who  lu-tii- 
ally  went  there  ?  Mr.  Astor  wa.'s  the  principal  of 
the  company,  and  an  American  citizen;  but  the 
other  partners  were  British  subjects  from  Canada. 
Ilwas  ilie.se  men  who  went  and  founded  the  eslali- 
lislimcnl,  and  who  Rurrendeied  it  to  Great  Britain. 
Now,  why  may  it  not  be  argued  that  it  was  a 
British  po.ssessioii,a  British  cs.^ablishnienl,as  well 
as  that  It  was  an  American  .'  The  trading  compa- 
ny comprised  men  of  both  countries,  but  the  most 
oi'them  were  British  subjects.  How  can  il  be  said, 
that  by  the  restoration  of  such  a  post,  we  obtained 
piis.sessii)n  of  the  whole  of  Oregon  up  to  M°  40' .' 
vVe  had  better  stand  by  the  restoration  to  no  greater 
extent  than  we  can  maintain,  and  not  attempt  to 
graft  upon  it  other  rights  and  n  juri.sdictioii  which 
we  cannot  establish.  This  is  one  of  my  objections 
to  the  notice,  if  1  am  to  understand  that  under  it 
we  arc  lo  insist  upon  a  claim  lo  the  whole  couniry, 
by  virlue  of  a  right  of  possession  while  treating  of 
the  title.  Such  a  claim  will  render  any  settlement 
ulierly  hopeless.  The  Senator  from  Illinois  thinks 
that  if  our  title  lo  the  whole  is  not  recognised  at 
once,  it  will  present  just  cause  of  war  on  our  part. 
In  my  judgment  nil  ihe  matters  in  controversy  will 
only  be  embarrassed  by  it.  He  says  that,  "in 
Iti^ul  contemjilatiun,"  we  shall  be  put  in  possession 
of  the  whole.  "  In  legal  contemplation  I"  How 
will  it  be  in  point  of  fuel .'  Who  will  be  in  iirtuiil 
possession  .'  Does  he  suppose  that,  on  the  ground 
of  this  verbal  admission  by  Lord  Castlercagh, 
Great  Britain  will  cpiietly  abandon  her  whole  pos- 
sessions on  the  northwest  coast?  That  she  will 
admit  the  supremacy  of  onr  laws  in  all  that  region, 
and  still  negotiate  ?  Let  him  clicrish  no  such  idea. 
She  will  never  do  it:  and  these  are  difliculties  which  ' 
will  grow  out  of  ihe  proposed  iioljee.  ' 


Atraiii,  there  are  oilier  gfiiilcinen  who  declare 
llieir  purpose  to  vole  for  this  measure  because  they 
believe  it  will  facilitate  and  Imrilen  an  amitnhlr  and 
honorable  wllleinent  of  all  ditliettllies  urnwing  oMt 
of  the  l)ii'i;ou  i|uestioii.  If  I  thought  so,  I  would 
Hi  linen  consent  lo  give  the  notice  in  almiml  any 
form;  and  I  may  yet  vote  for  it,  if  I  ran  have  nny 
asHitranceH  Ihat  such  is  lo  be  the  result.  Bui,  I 
ask,  how  will  the  iiolic!  )iioduce  this  clfe^t?  How 
will  it  bring  the  two  natimis  to  n  better  iiiider- 
standliig-  Is  il  a  mrnsnro  that  will  lead  to  inorK 
liberal  oll'ers  on  either  side?  Will  nur  Adminis- 
tration  in  consfi|iieiici  of  it,  propose  lo  the  British 
iiegoiiator  terms  niore  liU'riil  than  those  wc  have 
nheaily  oO'cied  ?  I  believe  that  such  n  thing  is  not 
inteiiili'd,  and  can  liurdiy  be  expected.  Well,  if  it 
will  lint  thus  ojsriite  on  us,  what  reason  have  we  to 
suppose  that  It  will  produce  nny  more  fnvoialile 
results  upon  Great  Brilain?  How  is  it  to  have  nn 
efl'ecl  upon  her?  By  inlimidclioii  ?  Do  Heimiors 
really  expect  that?  Do  they  think  thai  Knglniiil 
will  lie  frighlened  into  ollering  that  which  they 
would  not  offer  withoiit  this  notice?  If  ihcy  IliiiiK 
so,  thai  convieiiiin  will  no  dniibt  govern  their  con- 
duct;  but.  for  myself,  I  cnlerUiin  no  such  idea.  Let 
this  once  be  auiionnced  as  onr  conviction,  and  the 
ground  of  our  policy,  and,  my  life  for  it,  there  will 
be  no  nmlciiblr  adjustment  of  this  (|uestion.  That 
is  mil  the  way  to  a  pacific  Reitiement.  How  can 
it  bring  about  an  iimic.ible  arrangement?  So  far 
from  Ibis,  I  greatly  fear  thai  ils  only  efl'ecl  will  bo 
to  throw  new  obsiaclcs  in  the  way.  Certainly,  if 
it  is  to  lie  followed  by  such  measures  as  the  Scn- 
atiiis  fiomOhio,  [.Mr!  Ai.i.ev.I  from  Illinois,  |Mr. 
Biit.KHE,]  and  from  Indiana,  (Air.  IIanskoam,)  as- 
sures us  will  follow  il,  then  I  predict  Ihat  the  ob- 
stacles will  he  iiisnrmonnlable,  iind  that  no  piieifie. 
iVKult  will  be  arrived  at.  Alil  but  still  they  say 
there  will  be  no  war;  the  notice  may  not  lead  to  a 
srtllcmeiil  of  tlie  ililTirulty,  but  still  tliere  will  be  no 
wir.  And  why?  Becnuso  "Great  Britain  darn 
not  go  to  war\villi  ns  single-handed."  So  we 
have  been  lold  by  the  Senator  from  Ohio,  [Mr. 
Ai.i.EN,]  and  the  Senator  from  Illinois,  [.Mr. 
IliiKKst;.]  Great  Brilain  always  yicldfl  when  she 
is  confronted.  If  there  is  no  oilier  ground  for  the 
expectation  of  peace  than  that,  I  confess,  for  one, 
that  I  have  not  much  faith  in  it.  The  Senator  from 
Michigan,  with  his  long  experience  and  extensive 
information,  believes  no  such  thing;  on  the  con- 
trary, he  is  under  the  impression  that  Great  Brit- 
ain will  resist  such  pretcn.siona  to  the  utmost  ex- 
iremiiy.     In  this  I  entirely  agree  with  him. 

/  again  ask  gentlemen  lo  tell  me  how  war  is 
to  be  averted,  and  how  peace  is  to  be  preserved, 
by  giving  this  notice?  True,  gentlemen  very 
gravely,  and  with  very  earnest  looks,  assure  us 
ihat  the  untice  can  be  no  just  cause  of  olfence,  be- 
cause the  trc.ily  ilacif  provides  that  such  noticR 
may  be  given  at  pleasure  by  either  parly;  and  then 
they  nsk  us,  with  an  air  of  triumph,  will  Great 
Ibitain  go  to  war  with  us  merely  for  exercising  a 
righl  expressly  slipnlalcd  for  ?  I  answer  no  ;  nnt 
ai  all.  She  will  not  go  to  war  on  the  ground  of 
this  vitlire  alone;  and  I  am  ready  to  believe  that, 
if  we  stop  there,  there  will  be  no  war.  But  are 
we  to  slop  there?  Are  we  lo  do  nolhing  else? 
Yes,  sir;  we  arc  to  do  much  more.  These  gentle- 
men tell  ns  that  this  is  only  the  Jiral  step.  They 
go  for  it  expressly  ns  Ihe  first  of  a  series  of  meas- 
ures, ihc  olijeet  of  which  is  tn  sustain  onr  title  to 
the  ic'io/c  icri-itory,  and  which  is  to  be  followed  by 
aeliial  posscssimi.  Is  this  provided  for  by  th« 
trealy?  N'o.  They  perfectly  well  know  that  they 
mean  to  take  forcible  pnsses.sion  of  Oregon  if  need 
be,  and  to  expel  the  British  authorities  as  intru- 
ders; and  Ibcy  undertake  lo  say  that  Great  Brit- 
ain will  not  ir'o  to  war  for  that.  Well,  sir,  I  do 
not  say  she  will;  but  1  say  she  will  pursue  such  a 
course'  ns  will  lay  von  niidcr  the  necessity  of  re- 
sorting to  force.  '  Sviiat  do  you  propose  lo  do  ? 
To  scud  an  armed  force  into  Oregon  to  establish 
your  legal  jurisdiction;  and  when  you  have  done 
this,  the  next  tiling  that  will  probably  happen  will 
be  an  utter  refn.sal  by  the  British  authorities  and 
subjects  there  to  submit  to  your  laws  or  iidmit 
your  authorities.  And  what  must  follow?  Colli- 
sion, undoubtedly.  It  is  inevitable.  We  must 
either  expel  them'  by  force,  or,  after  ordering  Iheiu 
ofl',  we  must  let  them  remain;  and  then  who  is  to 
begin  the  war  ?  Y'oit  will  begin  it;  you  w  ill  com- 
pel ihem  to  submit  to  your  laws,  or  you  will  put 


579 


25)th  Cona Ibt  Skss. 


APPKNDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

7Vie  Oregon  (^Hi;ttion — Mr,  Ikaru, 


[March  10, 
Sknatk. 


Ihcm  out  liy  tin'  puinl  iif  tlin  Imydiiil,  niiil  lliia   i 
will  ln!  llic  bfKihiiiii);  of  w«r.     I  know  im  well  n»  \t 
n-iitlemon  I'liii  tell   inn  lliiil  llic  incrn  nolirt  in  iji 
iiai'll'  an  inoH'ciiaivu  niiiiHiiri',  ami  il'  we  Klop  lliere 
no  ureal  Imriii  may  follow,  l\irlli<  r  tliiin  an  ini|in- 
ti\(jon  cm  UK  of  |iUHill,ininilly.    lliil  I  cliMiily  hit  ilie  , 
(tnd  lljal  ia  inlrnilid,  anil  llnit  we  hIihI!  InevilaMy  W 
broii;;lil  inlii  eollmion.     'riiiuii;li  (he  fiiiit  xiep  may    ' 
not  lie  a  caime  of  war,  yei  il  liail»  »tiai;;lil  anil  ili- 
rei'l  lo  mu'li  tin  enil.  ] 

If  I  rrpnJeil  lliiH  niatliT  as  (he  lionoraljlc  Henn- 
lor  from  North  ('.irolnm,  (Mr.  II*v»i>"ii,]  iii'il 
other  genilemen  do,  anil   eoiilil   lielieve  ilua  the 

fivinp  of  a  moilifieil  notire  woillJ  reHiill  in  |ienre, 
wnuiil  cive  il.  Hut  lieeuuKe  ilierc  in  ho  nmrh 
unieriainly  rettlini;  on  llie  whole  aO'air,  I  eaiinol  at 
nresent  atree  In  il  in  any  I'orm.  I  may  eliierfiilly, 
liowever,  heriafler  coiiHi'iit  to  ilo  no,  if  any  diHclo- 
■iire  Mhall  lie  made  conveying;  the  iiHniiraili  e  thai  il 
in  anked  wiih  u  |iaeifie  intent,  and  w  iih  an  nllimale 
view  to  eom|>rnmiNe',  hiil,  xn  loni;  rh  I  havo  no 
valid  reHHoii  lo  lieheve  that,  1  eunnot  vole  for  it. 
Sir,  I  want  asHurnnee,  and  I  nmm  have  il,  liefoie  I 
ean  aet;  if  I  eaimot  liavc  it  in  wurdH,  I  imk  lo 
Hue  it  in  eveiilH;  1  wiinl  to  see  il  in  the  eoiir  c  of 
the  ne^iitinlion;  I  wniil  the  iironUHes  of  ihoHe  ^'en- 
tlemen  who  juNlly  exereise  a  powerfnl  iiillnenee  in 
Bhajiin:^  puhlie  meuHureH.  If  i  ^el  nolliini;  of  ihi.H 
kind,  then  1  ahall  eoniiniiu  lo  lielieve  thai  tliereare 
tremeiidinis  re.sulta  uhieh  lie  lieliind  ami  lieyond 
this  Srst  step,  which  il  is  folly  and  nnidnesH  for  iis 
to  enooiiiiler. 

Can  it  be  possible  iliat  two  great  nnd  eidipluen- 
ed  nntionn  cannol  adjust  a  eonlioversy  of  ihm  sort 
until  they  arc  brinu;ht  inio  inuuineni  peril?  I  am 
told  that  after  the  iioliee  shall  lie  u'iven,  nnd  the 
period  nppronihes  when  the  mailer  mii.<>  be  selljed 
or  war  will  ensue.  Unit  ihe  ^'ood  Fcnse  of  both  na- 
tions will  interfere  und  eonipel  ihe  Uovermnenis 
of  the  two  eouitlriea  lo  preserve  penee. 

Has  it  indeed  eonie  to  this,  that  the  U'ond  sense  of 
both  nations  has  so  eomplelely  slumbered  and  slept 
that  it  is  necessary  lo  ilislurb  iheir  mutual  enni- 
niercc,  paralyze  trade,  arrest  the  arm  of  industry, 
nnd  spread  penemi  alarm  tliroiighout  the  world,  to 
nwakeitr  i  do  not  believe  so.  I  cannot  be  pii- 
suaded  of  nny  such  thin>;.  I  believe  that  there  is 
pood  sense  enoutjh  now  to  selllc  ihc  whole  dilH- 
eiilly  in  a  very  short  liine,if  pasaionand  prejudice 
will  but  stand  aside  nnd  irive  iinchaiue  to  operate. 
What  is  the  ililHculiy  in  making  a  coniproniise 
now  on  just  such  terms  as  we  shall  make  it  after- 
wards ?  Why  call  we  not  settle  the  dilHcully  now  ■ 
1  understand — at  least  I  have  seen  it  in  ihe  papers, 
(though  1  freely  admit  that  in  general  iheyare  not 
the  best  nuthority,)nnd  I  have  be^:ides  information 
which  induces  niu  lo  believe  that  the  sliiiemeni  is 
true — that  our  Government  has  been  well  advised 
that  the  whole  ditliculty  may  now  be  adjusted  if 
the  negotiation  is  transferred  to  London.  Il  is  said 
that  they  have  been  astured  by  Ihe  American  Min-  ; 
islcr  there  that  the  Hrilisli  Ministry  are  ready  now 
to  negotiate  with  him,  nnd  that  he  has  reccivtd 
every  assurance  tlint  ihe  result  will  besuliiifaclory, 
nnd  yet  that  the  Executive  has  refu.fed  to  assent. 
Why  is  this  '•  I  do  not  know  that  such  is  the  fact, 
liut  if  it  be — if  such  an  iiitinialioii  has  been  made — 
nnd  our  Government  has  declined  resorting  to  thai 
expedient,  and  the  difficulty  shall  not  in  the  end  lie  • 
amicniily  scllleij,  lliey  will  owe  to  ihis  nntion  and  ' 
to  the  world  ii  responsibility  such  us  ihey  can 
never  throw  oil' — never.  Can  il  be  that  there  is 
believed  lo  be  so  much  lionnr  in  conduciiiiff  this 
negotiation  thus  far,  that  it  is  loo  irriul  lo  be  shared  : 
wiih  our  Minister  abroad  - 

[Mr.  Ai.LKX  here  (.aid  he  would  suygest  to  ihe 
Senator  from  Maine  whether  it  was  wise  to  assume 
that  Ihe  Governmeni  had  received  a  communica- 
tion from  Mr.  Mil.inic  which  it  had  not  made 
publii:  ?  Whither  he  would  venture  to  make  nn 
argument  which  was  to  proceed  on  thai  hypolhesisr 
Where  was  this  to  end  .'  Il  was  calculated  to  pre- 
judice the  rights  of  the  eiiiintry  in  the  view  of  the 
world.] 

Mr.  Evans  said,  of  that  every  Senator  must 
judge  for  himself.  He  would  not  undertake  to 
say  whether  or  not  It  was  wise  to  make  jiublic 
nny  part  of  the  negotiations  hidierto;  but  wliat  he 
staled  had  been  ns.serled  very  publicly,  and  he  hud 
himself  received  Information,  which  induced  in  his 
mind  a  strong  conviction  that  it  was  true.  }le  did 
nut  know  whether  what  he  might  sny  here  would 


hive  nny  inlbience;  but  he  did  say.  Mint  if  such  a 
proapeet  of  seiilmg  the  dilliciilly  hud  been  present- 
ed, nnd  the  Admimmrntlon  had  declined  ihe  sug- 
gestion, no  Inngnnge  wns  strong  enough  to  describe 
■  he  weight  of  reHpiinsibilily  which  Ihey  ini'st  incur. 
If  they  had  derliiied  ihe  iilVer,  it  i  oiild  only  be 
viewed  as  an  indienlion  that  lliiy  belie\ed  il  might 
be  honorably  and  amicably  nellird  here  on  the  spot; 
he  could  not  believe  thai  it  would  have  been  de- 
clined on  any  oilier  gioiinil, 

Mr.  K.  said  ho  allached  much  Ihe  same  imporl- 
ance  as  did  the  Senator  from  North  Carolina  [Mr. 
llAvwuun]  to  the  omission.iof  the  Exeiiilive.  lie 
did  not  know  but  that  Senator  might  be  correct  in 
supposing  that  the  ['resident  inleinled  lo  use  lliis  ' 
iioiice  as  an  insirumi  nt  in  aid  of  ilViciing  n  com- 
promise. Acts  of  omihsion  were  soiuelimcs  i|uile 
a*  signiHennt  as  those  of  commission.  If  tlieUov- 
ernmenl  believed  ihat  lliere  was  a  probability  of 
war,  could  il  be  possible  ihal  ihey  would  have 
nnilntainrd  a  silence  .  i  prol'ouiiil  on  all  ihut should 
have  been  recommended  to  Congress  in  regard  lo 
ihe  nalionni  defences?  The  .Seiinliir  from  Soiilh 
Carolina  (Mr.  Caiihhs]  had  very  coL'ently  naked, 
why  il  wns  Ihnt  the  Ailininislralion  had  not  turned  ■ 
ilH  allentinn  lo  llial  which  was  most  imporlanl  of 
all,  ill  Ihe  jire.sent  allitiide  of  the  ciiiinlry,  viz:  our  . 
finances,  i'he  Vresiileiil  seemed  to  cherish  no  pur-  '■ 
poi-e  ill  regard  to  these,  but  lo  reduce  ihem.  His 
messages  ciiiilniiiid  no  recommendation  lo  pul  the 
counlry  in  a  condiii.m  of  deb  nee.  If  ibe  refusal 
lo  transfer  ihe  negoliation  lo  London  had  really  , 
laken  place,  coupliii<i;  ihiU  fact  with  those  he  had 
just  mentioned,  was  it  not  nn  earnicl  lhal  Ihe  iliifi- 
ciilty  wns  lo  be  peacenbly  adjusled.'  I!ut  if  so, 
why  could  It  not  its  v,v\\  be  done  \\'illiout  this  no- 
tice as  with  il.'  How  would  il  remove  a  single 
obstacle  out  of  Ihe  way? 

'J'he  Sennlor  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Ai.i.kn]  does  not, 
1  know,  (said  Mr.  E.,)  regard  the  notice  as  de- 
signed lo  elt'ccl  a  coinpromiae  at  all.  He  is  for  as- 
serting our  tide  lo  the  vlivir  counlry,  and  pili'suing  ' 
our  claim  111  ihe  iibmi.'f  extri  uiiiy.  In  Ibat  aspect 
of  ihe  measure  I  shnll  never  consent  to  il.  Until 
I  see  clearly  reasoiin'ile  ground  of  nssurnnce  thnt 
Ihe  noiice  is  not  to  be  used  for  such  n  purpose,  or 
is  to  be  HO  followed  up,  I  shnll  not  vole  for  it. 

Genllenien  have  S|.oken  here  and  elsewdiere  of 
Ihe  resulls  which  mny  follow  this  first  important 
slep  in  aninnner  which  I  cniitioi  bm  consider  ipiiie 
too  light.  They  ask  us,  "  whai  if  we  are  lo  have  | 
war?  It  will  do  us  no  great  harm;"  just  ns  though 
war  was  a  mere  common  place,  every-day 's  mailer. 
Here,  in  l)ie  Senate  of  In,  L'niicd  Slates,  in  the 
niidille  of  llic  IDili  century,  when  war  is  iinlver- 
snlly  condenmeil  by  the  whole  civilized  world,  we  ' 
are  lo  spenk  of  il  as  a  light  matter  I  The  opinion 
of  the  world  on  this  great  subjecl  is  clmnged.  A 
strong  and  deep-seated  aversion  and  reprobation 
of  war  now  pervades  ihe  mind  of  all  civilized  na- 
tions. And  shall  we,  a  Republican  nalion,  regani 
war  so  ligblly  ?  il  has  been  said,  thai  "  war  is  a 
game  which,  if  ]ieople  were  wise,  kings  would  not 
play  111."  Ills  the  resort  of  kings — Ihe  "  ullima 
r«b'o  nEOt'M."  And  docs  it  beconic  us?  Yet  the 
speeches  of  gentlemen  in  favor  of  war  are  "  pnlri- 
(il'ir*^ — as  if  a  readiness  lo  plunge  one's  country 
into  the  countless,  nieasurcless  evils  that  follow  in 
the  train  of  wnr,  was  any  evidence  of  "palriolism." 
War  is  a  curse — peace  is  a  blessing;  nnd  he  who 
would  change  the  blcising  into  a  curse  is  bound  to 
show  that  there  renmiiis  no  olher  allcrimlive  for 
preserving  ibe  inleresls,  righis,  and  honor  of  the 
eouniiy.  I'ut  what  says  ilie Senator  from  Illinois, 
[Mr,  liiir.F.sE  ?)  "  wi'iy  j,i,,^  „m,.||  ,,„  |  ),(,(„  ti,,, 
'  papersystem,  I  would  greatly  prefer  il  lo  n  surren- 
'  der  of  any  of  our  riglits  to  (Iregon,  There  is 
'  noihing  that  could  grow  out  of  war  Ihnt  I  would 
'  not  endure  in  preference  to  the  surreiuler  of  nny 
'  portion  of  ihls  lerritory — none  whatever.  I  can- 
'  not  conceive  one,  because,  as  far  as  we  are  eon- 
'  cerneil,  the  national  honor  is  involved." 

Yes,  the  gentleman  had  rather  encounter  any- 
thing thnt  wnr  can  bring,  thnn  surrender  one  inch 
ofUiegon  short  of  r)4"  411'.     The  ireneral  desola-  - 
tion  of  the  whole  land;  cities  burning;' ships  cnp-  i 
tured;  commerce  destroyed;  nn  impoverished  peo-  j 
pie — nil,  nil  are  noihing  lo  surrendering  "  an  inch  j 
ofOregon."     War  hihi/  briiiL'what.' — loss  bycon- 
i|ucsl;  tt  dissolution  of  Ihe  Union;  n  servile  war; 
but  Biiything,  everything   it   can    bring — all   Ihe 
evils  llial  allllct  liunianily,  he  is  rendy  to  undergo, 


nnd  lo  bring  upon  his  counlry,  rather  than  aurren- 
der  one  panicle  of  what  we  hnve  claimed. 

I  hnve  said  ihnt  Kepiiblii  s,  of  all  the  govern- 
menis  on  earth,  should  beware  of  war.  Noihing 
can  be  more  mlverse  lo  the  iiilcresis  of  IVeiilom; 
mulling  has  done  so  much  to  aid  ihe  progress  of 
despolinm  in  the  world.  In  the  lempest  ol  a  gnat 
war  all  ihe  IioiiiIh  of  sociely  are  lorn  apart.  Ai)>g,i 
may  play  at  Ihis  game,  becauHo  il  liringH  glory  lo 
their  Ihrimes;  because  it  puis  inIo  llieir  bands  hon- 
ors to  be  distribuled,  nnd  rewards  to  favorites, 
wrung  from  ihe  tears  and  blood  of  an  oppressed 
people.  Look  at  fads.  When  is  it  thai  popular 
riglilB  nnd  human  freedom  have  made  ihe  most 
glorious  iidvaMces?  When  has  despoiism  released 
Us  iron  grasp,  and  sull'ireil  ils  viclims  lo  lueaihe? 
Has  il  not  Ikxii  in  pence?  Wiiliin  the  last  thirly 
year.i  poiiiilar  rights  have  become  belter  under- 
stood and  provided  for  than  fur  cenluries  before. 
The  mas.ses  of  human  [sipulnlion  have  succeeded 
ton  great  exlenl  in  oblaimng  llieir  rights;  consli- 
lulional  republican  govermneut  has  exlendcd, 
while  the  powers  of  moiiarcliy  have  been  limileil 
and  resliaiiied.  These  are  the  clfccls  of  peace  and 
of  peace  alone.  They  never  would  have  been 
produced  by  war.  And  yet  we  are  lo  jeopard,  Ui 
forfeit  all  this,  and  rush  into  war,  wiih  all  its  hor- 
rors, for  the  (aiicied  honor  of  ihc  nation!  Theni 
is  noihing  in  Ibe  long  calalogiiu  of  lhe.se  evils  nnd 
liorrorH  which  the  Senator  would  not  railier  under- 
go, lliaii  surrender  one  panicle  of  that  to  which 
we  have,  at  best,  but  n  iloublful,  a  very  i|uesiion- 
ablc  liile.  If  we  do  ibis,  can  we  iusiify  ourselves 
before  the  world  ?  Ah  !  but  our  honor — our  honor 
is  eoiicenied  I  Our  honor — how  far  is  ihat  impli- 
cated ?  If  it  ever  was,  the  hour  is  long  gone  liy. 
If  our  lille  is  good  now,  il  has  been  good  for  a 
long  time.  And  yet  we  have  oll'ered  over  and  over 
to  surrender  il  for  the  saKeof  a  compromise.  Hut 
now,  all  of  a  Middeii,  our  honor  demands,  that  at 
every  peril,  we  should  assert  our  tiile  as  clear  and 
InconleNlatile,  How  shall  we  stand  before  the  na- 
tions? Aller  having  oll'ered,  once,  twice,  thrice,  lo 
surrender  our  claims  to  all  beyond  4'.l"',  wc  are 
now  bound  in  honor  to  luainlain  our  claim  to  the 
whole!  If  there  i.s  nny  ipieslion  of  honor  in  ihe 
niaticr,  we  are  bound  m  honor  to  stand  by  our  own 
oll'er — lo  accept  our  own  terms.  We  cannot  re- 
cede from  it  without  disiredil.  Ilul  palriolism  ! — 
our  palriolism  ! — as  if  there  was  anything  patriol- 
ic  in  plunging  one's  counlry  into  war.  Wlien  we 
eonsiiler  that  of  i-ll  the  miilliplied  wars  which  hnve 
crushed  and  desolated  the  earth,  how  few,  how 
very  (i'W,  have  bad  a  just  and  honorable  origin, 
how  can  wc  regard  wnr  as  an  evidence  of  palriot- 
isnt?  Personal  anibilioii,  jiersonal  resenliiienls, 
every  bad  mollve  that  can  set  on  fire  ihe  human 
breasl,  have  urged  mankind  lo  muliiid  slaughler. 
When  I  rellect  on  these  lessons  of  hislory,  tlio 
inference  of  my  mind  Is  irresistible,  that  those 
who  are  eager  for  war  me  anything  but  patri- 
otic. 

If  patriotism  demands  of  us  this  liaznrd,  the 
Senator  is  bound  lo  show  it.  I'niiiotisin  rcipiires 
a  sUitesman  lo  promote  and  to  preserve  peace,  so 
long  a.s  it  can  honorably  be  done.  It  binds  him  lo 
regard  the  intorest  nnd  happiness  of  ihe  mass  of  his 
cmmlrymen.  He  who  would  break  ihe  bonds  of 
peace  is  bound  to  show,  beyond  all  doubt  or  qiics- 
linii,  thnt  warcainiot  be  dispensed  wiih.  If  he  H.iys 
our  honor  deniamls  il,  beiiuisi  show  howand  why, 
and  prove  il  beyond  all  successful  contradiction. 
And  even  ilien  every  expedicnl  should  be  first  re- 
sorted to  lo  avoid  so  great  a  calaniiiy.  lint  has  this 
been  done  here?  Ilha.^'  not.  Indeed,  it  has  some- 
times .seemed  to  mc  as  if  gentlemen  me  really  un- 
willing that  this  qucslion  should  be  settled;  for  I 
observe  that  their  speeches  generally  end  with  ihis, 
"  that  if  we  are  driven  to  war,  it  will  not  be  a  war 
for  Oregon."  (Ih  no  !  Nol  at  all;  but  it  will  be  a 
conlcst  between  monarchy  and  democracy.  There 
is  nconiblnution  of  the  despoli.snis  of  Europe  against 
the  rights  and  liberlics  of  America  !  They  tell  us 
that  the  whole  of  Europe  is  agitated  w  ith  the  most 
violent  jialoiisy  of  us  and  our  progress;  that  there 
is  an  "  upheaving  of  the  millions;"  and  so  the  des- 
pots arc  resolved,  with  one  accord,  to  make  war 
upon  lis!  I  should  think,  if  it  is  a  fact  that  all 
Europe  is  afllicled  with  these  "iipheavings,"  the 
"despots"  have  quite  as  tnueli  as  ihey  can  well 
nllenii  lo  at  home,  without  engaging  us  In  their 
conlroverslcs. 


irch  10, 


ifi4rt.l 


•i\hn  CoNo Iht  Skm. 


APPKNDIX  TO  THR  CONORESSIONAL  OLOnR. 

Miliutrij  Oifupnlion  of  'I'l  lat — iMi:  Mclhnine. 


579 


Ho.  or  Rcpt. 


Diit  no,  wnr  In  iiKvi^iMi  ",  il  iiiiixt  ri>ini<.  Kiiis^h 
rnrinol  lip  qiili't  till  ihry  wiriik  ihi  ir  H'liijPiinrc  (in 
our  hi'ndnj  tiiid  wr  niny  ax  well  aviiil  niiiMi  Ivi  ■  nl 
i|ie  ()r(>;;iiM  iMintroviTMy  tn  Hritle  (he  (Irrntil  IiuniII- 
ily  Im<iwi'<mi  miiiinrrliy  and  (kmiirraiy,  n«  U>  wait 
tur  nilicr  ftci'iiHivinfi, 

We  nri'  Hlliniilati'il  iinil  ailmiiniKlu'd  liy  |iulilli"n- 
ilrinH,  dully,  nf  tlii'  iiiNatialik  aviiiicn  and  |;raK|iin;,' 
liiiliiy  iir()rrat  Ilrilani.  All  In  r  nn.sili'idH,  niiiiiiil 
anil  inndrrn,  nil  nvrr  llin  kIhIh',  an'  nnlnldi  d,  w  ith 
Miiilalilf  riiihclliHlinirntM,  tu  ruiiHO  niir  paflNiiniH, 
Wn  linvr  I'liiiHlltnli'd  (inr«iln'H  llii'  rlianipliiiiN  dl' 
till)  liiiinan  riii'r.  In  do  Imtlli'  in  (lii'lr  ruiiMu,  and  to 
avi'ni,'e  ii|kiii  wiwik  iiiiil  dnwn-hilliiii;  klngliind  tlir 
arniniidatrd  wrnni^H  oriniliirieH, 

I  will  liiivp  no  niiil  III  sni'li  a  inoroeilins.  I  dc- 
Rlr«  to  NiiNlain  tin:  AilnilniHlratiiin;  niiil  I  vorily 
lii'lievc  that  tlii'rt'  Ih  noilnni;  wlilcli  will  do  ilivin 
Mil  minh  !;iMid,  and  ram  lliriii  hii  iiiiiiIi  cicdil,  iim 
•  H'tMliiii;  a  I'linipriimixr  iif  llii:i  vrxi'd  I'OiilroviiHy 
ml  linniiralilc  |ii'iiii'i|ilrs,  il"  si-tlli  d  it  may  lif.  I 
I'liniiniMid  llin  iiU'er  inadr  liy  tlin  I'rcxlilcnt  in  An- 
t,'iisl  laKI;  I  ri'tTolHinixMcly  tliiil  IIWUH  lint  Ni'ri:|il<d; 
mill  I  Nllll  lii'lii'vr  iliai,  IT  it  had  not  heiin  xii  huiI- 
<l>'nly  willidrnwii,  il  ini<;lit  liavo  IimI  to  nn  adjiint- 
inent.  I  111,'irt  nn  Icnh  that  iitlii  r  inians  toward 
that  drninilile  ni^tiilt  have  lii/i'ii  pcriniiitiirily  11'- 
fiiKod.  I  am  mil,  inili'i  d,  i|nll('  ready  in  nny  llial  I 
wiinid  ri'i'oinnK'iid  arliilialinn  at  lliia  limi;.  Thii 
I'rnaniiH  fnrini'rly  iiU'i.icil  liy  Ijir  Sunatnr  iVoiii  fSiintli 
4'aroliiui  against  it  arc  Hailsrarlnry  to  nu*.  I  do  nut 
liclicK!  lliat  m.i;ollalicin  liius  yci  disiliarged  all  ilN 
dinrtionN.nnd  thiMi'liirc  I  am  nut  ready  Cor  arliilra- 
lioii.  liii'  «lien  all  ilfc  Kliall  linve  Iktii  done  and 
sliall  liii  tailed — when  ne^'iiiialioii  kIiiiII  have 
•enninali  .1,  lioili  here  and  at  Lnndiin,  and  there 
remaiiiH  no  nlteriialive  lint  war  or  ariiiliatinn,  I 
shall  jiiHtity  nrliitiatinn.  i  vaslly  prelor  il  to  war. 
I  lieheve,  too,  that  oiir  e.lmnres  to  oliiniii  all  of 
nre^rnn  liy  il,  lire  ([uilc  lis  good  as  they  t>ro  of  gct- 
tnii;  It  l>y  annfl. 

Ah  to  aiime  ot'tho  mpasiire.s  wliieli  are  prnposed, 
I  shall  hesitate  loii^  liel'iiro  I  can  vote  tor  lliem. 
We  are,  it  seems,  to  lake  Orei;iiii  into  the  tJinnii. 
Ueiillemen  say  the  people  there  are  entitled  to  the 
protet'liiin  of  onr  laws;  Ijut  the  pei-pic  themsclveN 
III)  not  ask  thai;  liiey  ask  lis  to  prnleet  them  liy 
(iniis,  not  \>y  law.  Indeed,  what  prnieetioii  ol'any 
scirl  do  they  ie.(iiire'  iSo  I'ar  as  I  know  or  eaii 
learn,  all  our  penjile  then'  are  in  the  rpiiet  and 
peiiieliil  enjoyineiii  of  their  lives,  and  liherty,  and 
property.  iNobody  molests  them.  They  are  !;ov- 
trneil  liy  their  own  law  s,  whieli  arc  aileiitiale  to 
all  their  neeessilies.  'I'liey  are  at  peaee  anions' 
Ihemselves,  and  at  pence  with  the  Indian  Irihes  ami 
with  all  the  world.  What  do  they  need  .'  Where  is 
the  exi^'ene.y  ?  lint  we  must  step  in.  We  must  Inki; 
eharije  oftlie  Indian  Irihes  in  that  vast  reijion.  We 
Minsl  estalilish  military  pontson  the  route  to  Orefjnn. 
Wc  must  protect  the  emif;rant.s,  who  desire  toex- 
ehan;;ell,eeoint'ortMaiid  the  RccHritics  which  may  he 
had  within  inir  present  liinit.s,  lor  the  iinspeakahle 
lilessiiit;s  of  Ore!j;nn.  Wc  have  rai.sed  a  refjmient 
of  IroopH  with  that  view,  and  have  made  an  ap- 
propriation to  pniThiise  the  reipiisite  sites  to  Iniild 
I'lirls  and  liloek-hon.ses.  What  will  he  the  result? 
At  every  post  there  will  soon  he  a  little  settlement; 
the  Indians  in  the  nei^hliorhood  will  resort  lliere; 
there  will  he  tniders  and  oilier  liaii>;i'rs-on,  such 
as  me  always  found  iihoiit  our  militiiiy  jicists. 
We  know  the  frauds  which  are  then  perpetrated 
on  the  Indians,  and  the  imirders  whii'li  aie  .soon 
the  result.  'I'ho  same  state  of  tliinj,'.s  will  take 
place  there,  and  wo  sliall  soon  he  in  collision  with 
every  mie  of  tlii'se  trihes.  This  necessarily  crows 
out  of  the  inllnence  of  trade  and  of  proximity. 
The  Indians  will  he  alinnihintly  .supplied  with 
liipior.  Ill  their  ilruiiken  fury  tiiey  will  commit 
ninrders  on  those  who  have  ilelianihd  them.  Some 
of  them  will  then  he  shot;  the  ti-ilies  will  revens^c 
the  death  of  their  friends;  and  we  shall  bo  pliiiii;ed 
into  all  the  horrors  of  Indian  warfare.  To  keep 
llii  peace,  wc^  must  have  an  army  of  Indian  aL;enls, 
and  the  treasury  «  ill  he  linrilened  with  millions  for 
.imaiitica.  That  will  he  the  resnll  of  this  policy. 
I'cace,  1  helieve,  is  well  kept  there  as  lliiii'.'s  are. 
I  have  read  in  one  of  the  docuinonts  iheopininnof 
Colonel  Kearny  ut'iiinst  the  policy  of  eslahhsh- 
iie;  these  posts,  preci.sely  because  they  will  lead  to 
llie  coiisofniences  I  have  hinted  at.  lie  thinks 
that  an  cxcui'sion  of  dragoons  throii';li  the  eoiin- 
try,  once  in  two  or  throe  years,  willdo  more  to 


kc'p  till  trilieH  in  pence  ihiui  any  oihor  GXpoiJiont 
which  can  he  adopted. 

Hut  we  uro  to  extend  our  laws  over  the  people 
in  Orriron.  I  do  not  think  they  will  care  to  lake  all 
our  laws;  hut  if  they  come  into  the  Union,  we  cm 
make  no  diU'erenee  on  their  acconni.  'I'liu  tjnii- 
Ntiliition  says  there  :iliull  liu  no  pi-cfcrence  in  UiitleH 
of  one  |Hirt  over  another.  Our  revenue  laWM  will 
extend  to  the  mouth  of  the  L'lilnniliia;  wn  uhnll 
have  u  ciistom-honse  there,  and  a  collector.  'I'o 
extend  onr  lawn  over  tlicHo  people  in,  in  other 
words,  to  tax  them.  They  are  now  frei-  from  ah 
taxes;  do  they  want  proteelioii  like  this?  Wo 
mnat  exact  the  same  dulien  there  as  are  iiaid  here. 
They  have  Bevcral  vessels  there  ahi  idy,  which 
tnidir  to  the  .Saiiilwich  Inlands:  do  they  want  Iheni 
tej;islered  by  mir  (JoveinmonI,'  Do  they  deniro 
to  liay  loiinii^'e  duties  as  well  as  Imposls? 

I  coiifeHS  I  feol  )(reatly  at  n  Iilsm  to  know  what 
coiirNO  to  puisne,  i  li.ive  already  said,  that  if  I 
could  have  a  reasonable  assurance,  from  tliimo  who 
are  entitled  to  speak,  that  thu  purpose  of  the  L'ix- 
ecutivo,  in  a.ikiii^  this  notice,  is  pacilic,  and  that  il 
IS  to  he  used  with  a  view  to  the  amicniilo  nil|usl- 
ineiit  of  oiirdilllculticH,  I  Hhoiild  have  no  ohjoeliini 
to  kIvo  it  my  vote.  All  that  1  can  do  to  aid  the 
Adniinistratioii  I  am  ready  to  do.  I  am  williin;  to 
;,'ite  tlicin  all  the  renown  iif  brini^iii'.;  thia  loiiu;coii- 
lioversy  to  a  close. 

ilnl  if  it  is  asked  with  no  Huch  intention,  and  the 
notice  is  to  I'o  interpreted,  as  has  been  indicated 
by  th<^  Si  natoi'H  from  llhnoiH,  Indiana,  and  Ohio, 
so  that  il  liiiidN  us  and  the  President  to  ;;ii  for  "  the 
whole  of  Orejj'on,"  and  to  prosecute  our  demand, 
if  iiiK'd  bo,  by  arms,  ilieii  I  shall  most  certainly 
vote  a;;.iiiist  it,  I  liopi^  that,  whatever  shall  l>e  the 
issue,  we  may  preserve  tin'  pcai'e  and  honor  of  the 
coniitiy,  as  I  am  sure  we  may,  if  wise  and  tein- 
,  puralc  counsels  are  lurrniitted  to  prevail. 


lory.  Texas  was  at  that  time  a  distinct  and  inile- 
pendent  (iovernmeiii,  ho  far  im  thiit  Uovernineiit 
wan  concerned,  and  was  ko  .imiIi  islood  by  liolh, 
III  proof  of  which,  I  wish  to  call  the  allentioii  of 
the  cinninitlee  to  the  valedictory  address  of  I'rtni- 
JtHt  Joins,  of  Texas,  and  the  iniin<,'nral  nddrrss  of 
(ioffi  nor  I  leiideiHon.diH  published  in  the  "  IJnioii" 
oftlie  lUth  inslHiit,)  delivered  at  Ansliiioii  the  IHlh 
of  I'Vliruary  last,  I'resident  Jnneij  concludes  Ilia 
address  willi  llieae  words;  "  Maya  Kiacious  llea- 
'  yen  Hinilo  upon  this  consimimation  of  the  wisliea 
'of  the  Iviii  Ili/i.tblics  siiw  jn'intJ  logilhrr  in  iiitf  ; 
'  iiiny  the  union  !>«  iierpeliial,  and  may  it  be  lliii 
'  menus  of  cohferrins'  benefits  and  blessiii;;s  upon 
'  the  people  of  nil  the  Slates,  is  my  ardent  prayer, 
'  The  Jiiuil  act  in  this  uri'at  drama  is  iioie  perform- 


epniihc  III 
lleiiderHoii 


MILITARY  OCCUl'.VnON  OF  TEXAS. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  A.  R.  McILVAINE, 

or    l>E.NNSVr.VANIA, 
In  Till!  MousK  OF  Keprlsemtatives, 
Thursihij,  March  HH,  18-4(), 
The  bill  "  to  supply  deficiences  in  the  nppro|.rin- 
tions  for  certain  objects  iiiiule  for  the  .■service  nf 
the   fiscal    year  eiidiii;;   the   thiniuili  of  June, 
eighteen  hundred  and  forty  six,"  heini;   under 
considernlioii  in  Commiueo  of  the  Whole  on  the 
state  of  the  Union — 

Mr.  McILVAINE  moved  to  strike  out  so  much 
of  the  bill  as  provides  for  the  expense  of  the  army 
in  Texas,  and  its  tiansporlalioii  thereto,  amount- 
in!;  to  f>rt3l),7(i(>;  and  proLceilcd  lo  address  the  cum-  ' 
milteo  as  follows: 

I  have  no  objections,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  many  of 
the  provihions  of  this  bill,  and  would  willingly  {^ive 
them  my  support,  if  I  could  do  so  without  involv-  ' 
ill;;  myself  nnd  my  congtiluenls  in  the  approval  of 
what  I  consider  its  objectionable  fcaluroK.     VVilli 
this  view,  I  have  moved  to  strike  out  so  much  of 
1  the  bill  as  pnvides  for,  what  is  (i£iciullij  termed,  ' 
the  "  military  occii|iatioii  of  Texas."     I  make  that 
million  nciie  I  ecau.se  that  part  of  the  hill  has  not 
hecn  read,  and  as  the  House  has  dctcrinincd   to 
close  the  debate  at  nn  early  hour,  there    ,  no  prob- 
ability that  il  ifilt  he  read  before  we  shall  be  called 
upon  to  cu.st  our  silent  votes.     This  bill  appropri- 
ates more  than  a  inillioii  and  a  half  of  money  to 
,sii/i/i/i/  (lijiiitm-hs  ill  Ihe  ii]>iiroiirialioiis  of  last  ytiir.  i 
Il  is  siibmiited  to  the  House  by  the  chairman  of 
the  C'oininitteo  of  Ways  anil  Alefliis,  tcithoul  a  ; 
npoii,  ami  by  his  own  motion  he  has  deprived  him-  1 
self  and  the  cominiilee  of  the  udvantage  ofaDciini 
exiitiinativn.* 

1  am  opposed,  sir,  to  the  appropriation  which  I 
have  moved  to  strike  out,  in  the  fust  place,  because 
the  expense  for  which  it  provides  was  incurred 
without  autliorily  of  either  Constitution  or  law. 
It  was  the  uiiaulhorizcd  actof  the  I'resident  alone, 
without  a  shadow  of  riy;lit.  Texas  was  not  a 
State  of  the  Union  at  the  time  this  expen.se  was 
incurred  by  the  marching  of  troops  into  her  tcrri- 

*  The  bill  was  Inkcii  up  liu-  oiiii>iili'r:itiiiii  hi  the  Ciiiiiinit- 
IctMH'ilic  Whiileoa  VVi'<iiic,--(lay,  iiiiil  in  le>s  than  an  JKiiir, 
(111  the  »>uiiie  day,  .Mr.  !\I(  Kav,  chiijriiiaii  nf  ttie  C'liiinaltlee 
til  Wav!.  aiirt  .^Ii'uns,  utieml  a  rcioliiiiiiii  cloKiii);  the  debate 
uii  Tliutbilay,  at  tlinn  uVluek,  which  wua  carried. 


Uiivcnior  ileiiderHoii  commences  tlinn:  "  7'/ii* 
'  ilrti/  mil/  wilhin  (/lii  rrni  hour  hut  hern  cnnminimiiliit 
'  Ihr  ifrnit  wovk nf  nnnndlidn  ;"  and,  after  leferring 
to  their  inlrniai  (li[l'nfncn,  ho  proceeilH  lo  aay, 
"  let  UH,  then,  I  beseech  you,  foiamftlcii  imr  t.vi»t- 
'  eiuc  01 II  UtitU  <f  t/iii  giiHl  Uviim  in  the  spirit  of 
'  harinony  and  forbearance," 

Up  to  this  period  the  laws  nf  Texas  were  111 
force  thiou^'honl  the  llepuhlic,  and  iiniic  other. 

I'lisideiit  I'olk,  in  his  Aimii.d  Message,  says: 
"  .it  simii  (H  lilt  ml  In  iiilinil  '/Vxin  n.i  a  Slalr  thall  he 
'  pmatd,  Ihr  uniini  of  Ihe  /iro  Itepulilies  vill  lie  tun- 
' siiiiimuleJ  \iy  their  own  voluntary  consent." 

On  the  yitlh  day  nf  Deii'inher  the  final  net  nf 
admission,  which  passed  the  Ocnale  on  tlio  -i'M, 
having  passed  the  House  on  the  Kith,  was  ap- 
proved by  Ihe  I'reHident.  Subsecpicnlly,  the  laws 
of  the  I'liiled  Stales  have  been  extended  over  the 
Slate;  eiistiiin-lioii9C8  and  post-rouleH  have  been 
islahlisliid,  and  our  revenue  and  post  oince  laws 
enfoicid;  nil  act  has  als.i  been  •las.sed  creating  a 
.salariul  ollii'i  r  lo  riciirf  from  the  authorities  of 
Texas  h'r  nricMf  aniiiiiiiiHl,  and  other  public  prop- 
erly. Up  to  the  ni  riod,  then,  of  the  passage  of 
the  act  adinitling  Texas  into  llio  Union  with  tha 
consiiintioii  which  she  had  prepared  and  present- 
ed to  ihi.s  Guverninent  for  its  adoption, Texas  was 
recognised  by  the  American  tiovernment,  and 
every  branch  of  it,  as  an  indopeiident  Stale.  Her 
revenue  laws  were  in  full  force;  and  the  commer- 
cial relations  between  the  two  countries  were  iia 
with  oiher  iiide|ieiidcni  and  Uistinct  govcrnnicnts. 

Under  this  state  of  things  the  rresideiit  had  no 
more  right  to  send  an  mined  force  into  Texas  than 
he  had  into  Canail.i,  Cuba,  or  any  oilier  adjacent 
or  remote  friendly  counliy. 

It  is  true  that  the  President  is  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  the  Army,  and  as  such  has  the  power  of 
disposing  of  it  as  he  may  deem  neecssary  and 
proper  for  the  safely  and  interest  of  the  connlryj 
IhiI  in  the  exercise  of  this  power  he  is  limited  by 
the  Coiistitiitioii,  at  least  in  times  of  peace,  to  the 
bounds  of  the  Union,  To  Conffresa  is  reserved  tlie 
power  of  declaring  u-ar;  and  the  invasion  of  a  for- 
eign country  with  an  armed  force  is  tvar.  It  is  not 
enough  to  say  that  Texas  invitetl  the  jirotcction  of 
our  arms.  It  was  .still  elaiined  by  Mexico  as  her 
province;  she  had  remonstrated  against  the  ilia- 
meinbermentof  her  territory,  and  notified  the  Pres- 
ident th;it  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  this  Union 
would  be  cnnaidered  as  a  declaration  nf  war.  Un- 
der these  eircunisUmces,  the  occupation  of  Texas 
by  nil  armed  force,  whether  it  be  called  an  "  army 
of  observation,"  or  an  "  army  of  occupation,  "was 
a  (leeliiralion  of  war  against  Mexico,  And  to  the 
lotdfciifss  of  that  Uovernmeiit  alone  are  we  indebted 
for  the  escape  of  the  country  from  a  bloody  ami 
disgraceful  war, 

Uul  suppose  Texas  had  been  a  State  of  the  Union, 
according  to  the  arguments  of  the  friends  of  annex- 
ation, there  could  have  been  nn  necessity  for  mil- 
itary protection  to  her.  One  of  the  strong  objec- 
tions to  annexation  was,  that  by  bringing  Texas 
into  the  Union  we  should  adopt  her  wars  and  have 
to  fight  her  battles.  How  was  il  met  ?  I!y  the  dccla- 
r.-ition  tliat"s/ie  /ini/ no  tear.?;"  that  the  Mexican 
war  was  but  a  "paper  war,"  and  had  so  been 
since  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  This  isthegrouml 
lussumed  by  the  President  in  his  Into  Amiunl 
Message,  "Thejurisdiclion  oftlie  United  States, 
'  (says  he,)  whieli  attlic  formation  of  the  Federal 
'  Constituliini  was  bounded  by  the  St,  Mary's  on 
'  the  Atlantic,  has  passed  the  Capes  of  Florida, 
'  and  been  pciieifulhj  extended  to  the  Del  Norte," 
Where,  then,  was  the  necessity  for  the  use  of  ornis 
in  the  accomplishment  of  a  work  of  pence .' 


580 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAF.  GLOBE. 


(March  2G, 


99th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Militari/  Ocnqmtion  of  Texas — Mr.  McJlvnine, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


But  we  were  told  ihnt  Texas  would  mU  stmif;lk 
to  the  rnnnlrij  in  n  militnry  point  of  vinw;  that  an- 
nexnliiiii  wiis  Mi'ori.»u-v  i^'r  the  "  |ii-otei-lioii  of  llic 
saiiilnvcstpni  tVuipiii'i-. ''  This  (wliicli  Wiis  I'lillcd 
the  "niilimrv  ri,iMiipnt")  wi\Hndv(>nopd,  I  hi'licve, 
liy  Gniend  .i...-ksori,  iipil  )ire«wd  liy  him  with  nil 
his  power  nnd  skill.  It  hml  lir<'ii  leitemii-d  npoii 
this  floor  and  Ihrou'^jiioitt  ilic  nuuilry;  »"d  yet  the 
very  firMt  aet  i>l'  your  (-ioveniiiiiiil,  after  the  pro- 
rrss  of  annexation  had  been  eintmtenred,  w;is  lo 
fortify  Texas  with  llic  entire  disposalile  military 
nnil  iKual  forees  of  the  country.  The  navy  was 
ealleil  from  di.stant  ceas,  at  the  risk  of  your  eoni- 
Tnerce.nnd  eoneentriitcd  upon  the-Texan  coast;  ami 
the  whole  nortl'.ern,  western,  and  soulliwestern 
frontier  was  literally  stripped  id' its  ilefences,  to  iif- 
frni  firnlrrt'nm  In  VVjim.  Wo  (hat,  instead  of  Texas 
nddins;  sirenuitli  lo  the  country,  the  eiilip'e  strenstli 
of  the  country  was  nccc  ssary  io  defend  ilsilfff^nia*/ 
7V.rii,s;  for  Texas  hroui;ht  with  it  ilie  hostility  of 
Mexico,  wliicli  it  h;*.-*  Iieen  Ibnnd  necessury  to  re- 
sist. Nor  doe.^  it  slop  here;  lor  we  an'  now  ciilled 
upon  liy  tlie  I'resident  to  Jn'Teasc  tlieanny,  incon- 
."seijucim!  of  our  unsettled  relations  will)  Mexico, 
jjrowins  out  of  tins  infraction  of  lier  ria:litsttnd  ilis- 
vepuil  of  treaty  stipulations. 

A'\  attempt  has  lieen  made  to  mislead  llic  peopl" 
ai  II.  the  e.ilciil  of  Texas,  auil  the  relation  winch 
:'  ■  i.habitanl.s  of  the  counirv,  claimed  a^l  such, 
lie.r  to  the  tJnilei!  .States.  Tlie  I'residcnl,  i:i  his 
Mes.sai;e,  say.s ;  "  The  union  of  the  two  Itepnlilii's 
was  the  (lilihrntte  hoiiuts^r  of  cdc/t  jifopie  lo  the  i^reat 
principles  of  our  federative  Union,  and  thai  "  the 
JHrhilk'tinn  of  tlw  Vnited  i>ttttes  luts  btcn  frtttuUd  to 
(/if  Del  Miric." 

lletlbernte  hoouisfe.  of  tach  peoph!  AVhat  are  ti;e 
facis?  Tile  greater  part  of  the  province  of  New 
Mexico,  v\ith  its  e;i|)ital,  .Saina  l-'e,  Vu^  east  of  the 
Dil  .Ner/f,  and  embraces  a  poriion  ot'  llie  jieople, 
who,  aecordin;r  to  the  lan;juaije  of  the  Picsident, 
are  payiii;;  "(/Wt/ifrii/r  hotniii^e  to  the  ^wn:  -linciples 
of  (air  federative  Union."  Anil  yet  llie.^i  vervpeo- 
)>lc  are  at  this  very  moment  represented  in  the 
•Vcrjcrtn  Congfe:is,  ,So  that  we  iiave  here  presented 
by  the  rresident  the  ridiculous  anomaly  of  a  por- 
tion of  Ihe  people  claimed  lo  be  citizens  of  a  Stale 
of  this  Union,  beiiii;  represenled,  not  in  the  coun- 
cils iif  the  Union,  but  in  those  of  a  forei^'ii  and  in- 
dependent Gi  vernmeiit. 

There  never  li;is  been  a  Texan  seiilcr  in  New 
Mexii'o,  or  anywhere  in  ihe  valley  of  ilie  Del 
Norte.  The  Sccrehiry  of  War.  in  his  repoii,  sa\'s: 
"  Pursuant  lo  your  (^ihc  I'rcsiilcnt's)  diicctions,  ui 
'  iirmy  of  occep;ilion  was  assi.iubled  in  iliat  Stale, 
'  (Texas,)  and  l!riu;adier  General  Taylor  assi;rned 
'  to  the  command  of  it.    He  was  inslrncicd  lo  repel 

*  Mexican  a'.:uressions,  and  iir'.'eci  iln-connlry  from 

*  Indian  invasions,  to  rii^ard  the  Hi o del  .Norleas  iis 

*  wesUTii  boundai'v,  and  to  si'lect  a  position  lor  his 
'  forces  with  refcience  lo  this  frontier;  /ni(  tu  lenre 

*  unmolested  .U(\riei(U   atttlnneuls,  anil  also  oiilftaiij 

*  pos/.s,  shoitl'l  tliere  lie  lOii/  aiieli  pitHts  no  the  east  hiiuk 

*  of  th'jt  I'lvt  r  icltieli  irerc  in  the  o  ciipation  (f^yjeriron 
'forces  itrcrhmly  to  the  periml  vliin  Tents  usstiiliil  to 

*  the  terms  of  uunexatinn/* 

Here  we  Inivc  it  iVom  the  .Secretary  of  War  to 
the  I'resideni,  and  eoiiim;niic,-ueil  by  him  to  f'on- 
t'ress,  th;  selllemenis  on  ihe  jjel  .\orie  pre- 

vious lo  an.iexalion  were  .1/r.ririin  siltleiiieiil'^,  and 
that  the  military  jiosis  wovo  Ali.rieitii  pusts.  .Now, 
what  consliuiies  a  Mexican  .setileineni  ■  Musi  ii 
not  be  Me^;;c;in  citizens  on  .Mi  xic.an  soil,'  Tin  re 
could  be  no  Mexican  sellleinenis  in  the  Hepniilii' 
ol'  Texas,  nor  can  tin  re  be  within  one  of  the 
Stales  of  ibis  Union,  Ti  \as  .i.-nl  never  acipiired 
a  jurisdiction  over  the  vidley  of  the  Del  Norle  by 
either  eonnuesl,  purchase,  or  luiy  other  ■'•..umalple 
ri;:hl  whatever.  It  was  as  fully  and  rlrtvrly  in  the 
possession  and  niidir  the  lnr;siliction  of  .\Iixico, 
as  the  Illy  of  .Mexico  itself.  .iVnd  the  same  may 
be  said  of  .Saiila  Ue.  Tliat  jirovince  is  entirely 
controlled  by  .Mexican  laws — laws  reco|,'nised  by 
our  Goverinni-nl,  and  yieldcil  to  at  this  day.  .Mer- 
chandise n.niortcil  into  Santa  l''c  from  the  Uiiiled 
Sf'ales  pays  dunes  levied  umler  .Mexican  laws,  and 
collected  by  .Mcsiean  olHci  rs.  And  I  olisi  rve  bv 
u  late  number  of  the  .St.  Louis  llejiublic  in,  thai  the 
exports  from  that  Stale  lo  Sanla  Fe  diirni;;  the  last 
year  umoonls  to,  at  the  invoice  price,  >.')4'J,.')30, 
which  ywiii  M  1(11(1/  of  •,1II,),7.J7.  I  addiii  1  d  on  a 
r.nner  occasion,  as  proof  of  the  proper  liniils  of 
Texa»;,  the  act  of  Ihe  joint  l,e;.;islatnie  of  'I 


and  Coahnila,  and  the  report  of  the  Mexican  com-  |j 
inissiouer  appoinled  (or  llpe  purpose  of  diiiniuij  the  :: 
boundaries     f  ibis  and    the  ndjoiiiins  provinces,  '' 
neither  of  which  places  the  western  bomidarv  lie-    ; 
y.-iid  the  .Mifcrs.     '['his  is  also  ailmilted  by  fex-    ■ 
ians  at  a  vcrv  late  day.    Ill  an  extract  from  a  leller 
written  at  Austin,  on  the  ti'M\  of  .Tiily  last,  to  the 
editor  of  the   New  drleans   Pieaynne,  the  writer 
says:  "  We  luive  literally  eoin|i|iei'.  with  the  terms 
'  proposed  by  the  United  Stales.     Allhi  iiich  many 
'  eilizens  do  feel  2;reat  uneasiness  on  the  subject  of  | 
'  bimndnry,  the  resohilions  of  our  r'nuirress  .mil 
'  our  ordinance  in  eonvenlioii,  yield  the  .■alilemeni 
'  of  that  rpie.slion   to    your  (lovernment    without    , 
'  restrii'iion.     The  boundary  lo  the    Del  Norle  is 
'  not  only  indispensable  to  onr  safely  and  repose, 
'but  to  ihe  United  Stales  Government.     7'/if  «/i/ 
'  lin\:nilarii  was  the  .N'lirrfs,  and   its  line  is  wiiliin 
'  lliiily  miles  of  San  Antonio.    The  distance  llirnce 
'In  the   l)el  ,\orte  varies    from    two    hundred   to  '; 

*  three  hundred  niiles,     It  is  unseltled  and  nncul-  ,; 

*  tivated.  excefit  immedialelv  on  the  bank  of  that    j 
'  river,  iind   unless  ire  oeriipif  that  rirerj  there  is  no    ! 

*  lorifliltjfir  flares  ire^t  of  the  I'olorailo,  which  is  the 

*  finest  counirv  we  have  for  cotton,  sii;:-ar,  stock, 

*  the  ordinary  fariuiiii:  pursuits,  and  health  eom- 
'  billed,  o  »  »  »  AVe  ihoti-ht  it  better  for 
'Texas  lo  ocenny  that  position  (if/erc  Hmienilieii;  , 
'  and  a  citizen  of  the  Unite. I  ,Si",,,  generously  of- 
'  fercd  to  furnish  provisions  and  muniliuiis  of  w.  e 
'  for  the  enterprise.  Onr  peonle  were  eairer  for  it. 
'  when,  to  blast  these  hopes,  the  President's  l,"ealy 

*  w  ilh  Mexico,  and  his  procI.Tnialion  for  an  .armis- 
,  *  li'-e,  made  its  appearance,  :idinitlin;:  ;i  disputed 

'  boundary."  Texas  '■  ihouL'hl  it  better"  to  plun- 
der Mexico  ofa  part  oi"  her  lerrttorv  hefore  annex- 
aliiin;  and,  in  her  modesty,  onlij  (/.vA's  us  to  protect 
her  in  her  plnnderrd  properly.  I'nt  the  President 
has  voUiuleered  lo  do  both;  and  we  are  now  called 
upon  lo  lake  this  money  from  the  treasury  to 
pav  for  il. 

I  repeal,  that  Texas  does  not  extend  lo  the  Del 
Norle,  nor  ever  did.  The  President,  in  orderiinr 
the  army  lo  its  banks,  has  i»rfn/ii/.U(.rife,anil  that 
as  fully  as  lbo\i;.'h  he  had  marched  il  upon  her! 
capital.  And  if  w:ir  en.siie,  tanil  ensue  il  mi; 'I, 
uules<.M(\ico  yield  Ik  rsoil  and  her  111  iiilarv)ii»sls.) 
with  its  livers  of  blood  and  its  millions  of  de'il,  it 
will  be  for — what."  The  letter  to  which  I  have 
already  referred  answers  the  rpiestion.  "  I'niess 
ire  oeeapif  that  rirer  (tin  Del  \orte)  there  is  00 
Inraliltj  for  stares  vest  of  the  I'l'lnratlo/''  Here  is 
the  answer.  .\nd  il'itv^r  emne,  it  iriti  he  lo  sustain 
slurrrit  and  slare  lahor. 

Sir,  1  oppos.d  ihe  annexation  of  Texas,  not  only 
because  I  believed  il  lo  be  nnconstiintional  in  sub- 
stance and  in  form,  but  br'c.-mse  it  was  avowedlv 
a. Ill  desiy-nedly  ealcnialed  and  inlcndid  lo  support 
and  extend  slavery  and  the  slave  power.  This 
was  the  trreal  nece  ;sity  uiired  by  the  Secretaries  of 
Slate.  C>Ir.  t'pshnr  ai'iil  Mr.  Calbonn,)  by  sonlh- 
rrti  ;::enilemen  upon  this  Moor,  and  by  public  nieet- 
inijs  and  public  men  ihroieihoul  the  Soiiili.  .And 
ihonirh  other  arguments  wrro  )>reseut.-il  fi  "  the 
northern  market,  they  were  deceptive  and  without 
..ulisianee. 

J  denvlhal  there  is  any  jiower  in  liiis(rovernmeul 
fo  tax  the  peoiile  of  ihe  free  ,S't;iles  fir  the  siippurt 
of  s!:i\irv.  There  is  iiothii,'/  in  the  ( 'onslilntion 
to  jiistifv  or  compel  it.  The  South  can  enjoy  il  if 
ihev  choose  (o  their  hearts*  conieuf.  The  North 
will  deprecate  the  evil,  but  they  will  not,  they  can- 
iMl  inierfei-e;  but  liny  will  not  eoii.seni  lo  be  thus 
la\eil  for  its  support. 

We  have  been  told  that  Texas  would  "briiiir 
wealth  'o  the  .Vorlli."  What  is  the  prospect- 
More  linn  half  the  public  bills  which  have  been 
nassed  dnriuL'  ibe  ju'es.  nl  session  have  been  in  re- 
lation to  that  Sr.aic;  uH  nf  wjiiili  ri  ipiire  expendi- 
ture ftf  money  iinniedialely  or  pros]teciiveIy.  Due 
of  ihese  was  for  the  esiabli.-hiui  lit  of  ceiiain  post 
ionics  there;  but  it  was  a  tin  re  skeleton,  and  will 
lane  nttinialily  to  be  extended  throneliout  the 
whole  eoiinlry.  And  what  are  we  lo  infer  from 
onr  experieiici'  in  this  mtiilcr'  Tly  .1  report  of  the 
Postniister  ( ieiler.il,  nude  to  this'  lloe.se,  (  Do.  u- 
meiii  .111.'),  Isi  session  '.'.'Id  <'oiii;ress,)  in  |.-.');(,  il 
appears  that  the  cost  of  Iransnortin;,'  ihe  mail  in 
the  slave  Slates  for  llial  year,  over  and  above  the 
niuonnl  paid  by  tlieni  into  ihe  iie.isury  in  the  way 
of  poslML'c,  amonnteil  to  H.'hT,'-';!!!,  whilst  the  free 
.  Slates  paid  into  the  Ina^iiry  for  the  same  period. 


an  excess  of  posta£je  over  the  cost  of  trnnsporlalion 
of  !jai.'),442.  And  by  another  report  of  that  olllrer, 
made  for  the  year  lf<41,  (Document  284,  2d  se.ssioii 
'JTlh  ('oiii;re.ss,)  there  appears  a  similar  drfirirneii 
in  the  South  for  that  year  of  ^G03,30.'J,aiid  an  excess 
in  the  North  of  J.34;!,i)fi4;  slinwi«is  nn  averairn 
deticiency  for  the  .slave  Stales,  dnriuij  the  period 
embraced  by  ihese  reports,  of  about  !f>(iOO,tHK)  11 
year,  which  has  lo  be  paid  out  of  Ihe  treasury  of 
ihe  people,  mid  holfnf  which  is  paid  by  the  people 
of  the  free  Stales  in  )x;.s((«rf.  This  deficiency  gives 
in  the  nine  years  an  a!.'!;rei;;ale  anioniit  of  morn 
llinn  KiVK.  Mii.i.io.>js  OK  1)01,1. .VI15,  or  more  than  lia.s 
been  expended  in  the  entire  North  dnrini;  that 
time  for  the  seenrity  :<■  I  fni'ililntion  of  commerce. 
Ami  yet  southern  ireiitleinen  are  inces.santly  pratiin; 
aboni  the  exli'ava;;ance  of  the  North  nnil  the  op- 
pression of  the  South. 

Why  tlii.s  disparity  in  the  receipts  and  expendi- 
tures, liorlh  and  souih  .'  Is  then  anythinn;  in  the 
a:eonTa)iliy  of  the  eoiintry  .=  Anylhini;  in  the  cli- 
niale?  Ill  n  preponderance  of  old  Slates  north, 
and  new  Stales  south?  Neither,  neilher.  It  is 
Ihe  hli-^hl  of  slari-rij  hansin;  over  your  land.  Il  is 
this  wiiich  limits  your  reading  population,  curtails 
the  denninii  for  knowleil;;e,  tniil  denies  to  nearly 
three  millionsof  voiir  people  the  li^dils  of  learnint;: 
thus  renderiii!;  unprolilable  this  ^reat  vehicle  of 
knowledge,  wide!'  derives  its  support  alone  from 
ilie  inlellinence  of  the  people.  .And  you  are  now 
,isk!n;us  to  submit  to  furiher  taxation  for  its  sup- 
port. For  no  one  will  pretend  that  the  line  Slate 
of  Texas  will  )irove  a  better  cusloiner  in  this  re- 
spect than  1  ,^r  o/i/cr  sisters.  IIow  is  it  wiih  the 
public  lands.'  I  have  not  the  docnmenis  before  me 
,  lo  show  the  fact,  but  il  has  been  repealcilly  a.ssert- 
ed  upon  this  Hour,  and  in  ihe  |iublic  prints,  and  I 
believe  never  denied,  that  while  the  norihern  StatcM 
have  p.iid  into  the  tre.isury  an  excess  for  land  sales 
over  the  expendilnrrs,  of  about  furly  niillions  of 
:  dollars,  the  sonlhern  Stales  show  a  'delicieucy  of 
nil  ei|nal  ainounl.  If,  then,  this  slalemenl  be  true, 
(and  I  am  bound  to  believe  ihai  it  is,)  the  enlire 
public  domain,  so  far  as  it  has  been  disjiosed  of. 
has  been  nb.sorbed  by  the  South.  .\nd  thus  have 
the  free  .Stales  been  deprived  of  tin  ,,  rightful 
proportion  of  the  proceeds  of  the  land  sales,  for 
the  pni|>oses  of  common  schools,  inlernal  improve- 
niems,  or  the  payment  of  their  debts. 

Texas,  it  is  true,  by  the  terms  of  the  resolutions 
of  the  last  r'on;;ress  "inviiiiej;  her  into  the  Union , 
retain  her  lauds  and  pays  her  debts,  lint  who 
c;in  hesitate  to  bc'i've,  unless  a  speedy  and  .adi- 
eal  chani;e  takes  place  in  the  policy  oi' this  (tov- 
ernmenl,  that  our  land  syslem,  like  the  rest  of 
our  political  machinery,  will  be  exte;ided  lo  her' 
And  thus  will  ll;  ■  drain  •""•n  the -North  be  still 
fui'tlier  exienileil. 

I!ul,  sir  I  undertook  to  sli  iw,  nn  an  occasiin  to 
which  1  have  already  referri  d,  and  (lid,  I  believe, 
successfully,  that  there  were  no  public  lands  in 
Texas  proper:  and  all  that  are  1  l.iiiued  iniist  be 
wronsfullv  wrested  from  Mexico,  obtained  by  pur- 
clii.-e,  or  finally  yielded  up. 

Itowloiur  is  ihis  (IrauL'hl  upon  your  treasury, 
of  which  this  is  but  'he  be;;iiininL',  lo  conlinne  ' 
Indian  liths  are  yet  lo  be  exliiisuislied;  the  In- 
dians lhenis(-lves  to  be  remov(d  fr(nn  the  Stair',  and 
.-up|iorteil  in  llieir  "new  homes;"  the  Mexicans 
ilivin  fioin  iheirsoil  and  their  linines  in  the  valley 
of  ihe  Del  Norle,  and  the  southern  planter  pm- 
tecteil  therein,  at  the  cost  of  niillions,  and  possibly 
war;  and  all  lo  snslain  slavery  and  sl.we  power. 
Is  tlieie  a  llepresentalive  from  a  free  Stale  npo;i 
this  lloi  r  who  is  willint;  lo  tax  his  people  (iir  such 
an  niiwarrantable,  ail  unholy  purjiose  .-  If  there 
be,  Il  I  me  poiijt  him  lo  .\;  ic  Hampshire,  and  let  him 
read  "  the  lianilw  riiiin;  upon  the  wall," 

lint  we  may  be  told  by  the  honorable  chairman 
of  ihe  ('omm'illee  of  Ways  and  Means,  that  ihe 
money  which  you  are  afioni  lo  appropriate  has 
been  already  expended;  that  "the  faith  of  the 
(boermuent  is  pledged;"  as  in  ihe  ease  of  the 
Indian  bill.  Sir,  I  aeknowledL'e  no  such  oblitni- 
lioii.  'I'lie  powers  of  the  I'resiilent  are  delegatid, 
spii  iftc:  and  if  he  transcend  the  charur  ol'liis  power 
— the  Con  slit  ut  ion — he  acis  without  authority,  and 
pled;es  u  1  faith.  The  (iffnf  can  bun!  the  prim  i- 
pal  lo  the  exient  "I'  his  deleealed  power,  and  no 
farther;  and  the  inoini  in  he  ::oes  beyond  thai,  he 
ails  by  his  own  will — iniposis  no  oblii^ation,  aial 
Iilid:;esno  r(  spoiibibilily  but /li.ietni.   If  the  powers 


(Maicli  -26, 
OF  Reps. 


tinni>|)<>rinli(in 
if  ihiit  (idirrr, 
t-'Hl,  i2i\  sL'ssinri 
iiilnr  ilifirhncii 
.'J.iind  nil  excisH 
li^  i>n  nv('riii.'o 
iiij  flir  fvf'rinii 
lilt  <*™),IHIf)  i> 
llip  (rcMsiiry  oi' 
'  liy  llin  prii|ilo 
cficipnry  jjiv<?3 
iHim  ol*  nioro 
i/ioro  ihnn  luis 
111  (liiiin!;  tliat 
iiC  dimmc'iTr. 
isMiilly  prntiiii; 
ilh  ami  (lie  np- 

s  nnil  rxpni'Ii- 
lyiliiiii;  i>i  tlio 
lUX  ill  tltp  rli- 
Stalcs  iinrlli, 
iifiilipr.     It   !.■( 
Ill'  Inmi.     It  is 
latioii,  ciirtnils- 
'iiirs   to   I'cirh' 
lilsol'lpnriiin^': 
rem  vehicle  iil' 
inrt  jiidiip  frniii 
III  yon  nre  now 
tinii  fiM-  its  siip- 
llic  iirii'  Sinli' 
iniT  ill   this  re- 
is  it  wiih  ihc 
lUMils  lu't'niT  nie 
ppiitcilly  iissci't- 
ii'  prints,  mill  I 
nnrilirrn  8tnlc>i 
ss  fcir  hinil  snips 
rly  iiiiliioiis  (if 
a   tipliriclipy  of 
ilPiiiPiil  lip  triip, 
t  is,)  ilip  piiliro 
'Pii  ilispnspil  (if, 
\nil  thus  havo 
f  till.,    rinhlfiil 
'  land  snips,  i'<tr 
itpiiial  inipnivp- 
ils. 

'ilip  rpsiilntidiiH 
into  llip  Uninii, 
pl'ls.  lint  who 
ppi'dy  and  .adi- 
py  oi"  this  (iov 
iiip  ilii^  rpst  nt' 
xlPMilpd  to  lur- 
.N'ortli   lie  still 

an  oppnsiiri  to 

<lid,  I  IkIIpvp, 

iiiMiP   Iniiils  ill 

.'iiiii'd   must  lio 

litainrd  liy  inir 

your  Irpasiiry, 
■r,  lo  poiiiiiiiip  • 
IlisllPil;   Ihp  In- 

I  tlip  Slatp.aiiil 
tlip  Mpvirans 

IPS  ill  ihp  valjpy 

II  |)!aii|pr  pro- 
s.aiid  possiiily 
(I  slavp  pou(  r. 
flip  Siaip  iiiioii 
ipoph'  for  siic'li 

losp.-      If  lluiP 

iir,  and  hi  liiin 

ill." 

ralilp  I'h.'iiriiiaii 

Iiaiis,  ihal  lliP 

ppropriiilp  h.is 

(!    Cailh  of  tlip 

IP    ease   of   llip 

0  supIi  ohliLTu- 

1  are  ilclrgiilnl, 
prol'his  powi  r 
aiilhoiily,aii(l 
mill  tlip  piiini- 
pinvi  r,  and  no 
lyond  thai,  he 
ilihualioii,  anil 

If  lllP  pOttllS 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


581 


aOTH  CoNO 1st  Skss. 


Tfie  Sub-treasury  Bill— Mr.  C.  B.  Smith. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


nf  llip  Pi'psidpiit  lip  iinliniiipd  in  tliisrespopt,  wlipre 
is  the  Piiil  of  his  power;  wlieic,  aii".  the  lilicrties  of 
the  ppopte.^ 

The  Conslilutinn  lias  pla.'pd  the  pni'se-Blrinss 
(if  the  ppoplp  in  Ilip  hnnds  of  their  Kcprpsintativcs. 
"  No  money  sliall  lie  drawn  from  tin;  treasury  lint 
ill  eonspf|uenP.p  of  approjiriatioiis  niadp  l»y  law." 
What  does  this  mean  ?  Dom  it  ii»;i/iy  (liscfetiondnj 
poivi'i-  in  CnngrfsH  to  jtulf^r  if  tlw  mirils  of  a[ipro- 
priationa  wliieli  it  is  palled  upmi  lo  nmke,  or  a 
ixisilire  nliligiilinii  to  meet  nil  expenditnres  wliii  h 
the  I'resident  may  elionso  to  make  in  ndvancp  r 
lines  not  the  Inllcr  eonsmietion  completely  mini- 
liilalc  that  wise  and  wholesome  provision  of  the 
<'iiiistitntioii,  remove  all  cheeks  froiii  the  Pres- 
iiI'Mil,  and  place  ihe  Ireasme  of  the  nation  iiiidpr 
his  iinlimiied  control:  Hoes  it  )>vl  rinpludiciillij 
niiile  till  inline  ami  the  nvord  ' 

Where  m-p  the  trusty  sentinels  now,  who  wnleli 
with  rv  niiiili  ipiihuisy  llie  acPiimnlatinn  of  power 
in  lliP  exei'iiiivp  head.-  Where  are  the  slrii't  con- 
••^irnetionists  who  cannot  Hnii  power  in  the  ConKti- 
tiition  to  improve  your  harlioni,  clear  ont  your 
rivers,  and  [irotect  the  labor  of  the  country  r  Can 
tlipy  (^.irisent  to  this  nnwarraiiiabh^  assumption  of 
power — this  reckless  di.-iiPi;ard  of  constilntional 
<ilili?ati(^iis?  Sir,  1  prolesl  against  this  nmippps- 
sary,  niiinst,  iiiiponstituiional  expenditure  of  the 
people's  money,  in  the  name  of  the  freemen  whom 
I  here  reprpsenl;  I  protest  amiinsl  ii  in  the  nanip 
iif  liunianily  and  jiislipe:  I  protest  against  it  in  the 
iiaiiip  of  iheConsiiiniion.  And  I  warn  ijcnllpmen, 
that  in  the  |iresp!it  proi:rp.-.s  of  public  opinion  in 
the  North,  miiwiii'.;  out  of  this  Texas  oulraj;c, 
r'very  alicinpt  which  ilipy  make  to  impose  upon 
OS  new  burdens  for  the  support  of  slavery,  to  the 
)irpjn(licp  of  onr  own  interests,  knocks  another 
.<toiie  from  its  foinidatioii. 

Public  opinion  is  lini  bp:;innin!;  lo  move.  The 
ppople  hnvp  heard  the  alarm  of  dainjer;  but  tliey 
iiave  not  t'elt  its  sinarl.  Tliey,  of  the  North,  are 
an  industrio\is,  a  laborious,  a  ]ialieut  ppople;  but 
ronlinne  to  trespass  upon  their  ri^'hts;  involvi 
lliPin  more  and  more  in  the  sup)iort  of  an  insliin- 
lioii  which  they  CI  .i  mnanil  abhor;  sr|uaiidpr  inil- 
lioiis  in  its  siip|.  r<  :  nd  dpfence,  whilst  yonr  rivers 
and  harbors  ;;o  unimproved,  yonr  commerce  suf- 
('iriii:.',and  thousands  of  your  fellow-men  perishing 
in  watery  graves  I'or  the  want  of  safe  harbors  and 
till'  ri  inoval  of  river  obstructions;  strike  l.  .vn  the 
larilf  by  the  aid  of  Texian  voles,  and  lake  from  Ihe 
labor  of  your  country  its  proper  and  just  reward, 
and  v  but  hasten  public  oiiinion  to  its  final  eon- 
ehi.>ion. 

It  is  already  aroused  upon  this  snbjei  t.  Look 
at  New  Hampshire — that  Slate,  wliicli  was  point- 
ed lo  but  a  year  ai^o,  by  one  of  iis  distinjinished 
eiii/iens.  (then  a  member  of  this  Honsp,  Mr. 
linrke.)  in  rpfprencp  lo  this  Texas  r|iieslion,  as  the 
only  iSlalp  in  the  whole  N-alli  which  could  with-  | 
.si.iiid  llip  shock  of  jiublii:  opinion.  Ithaubepn  the  I 
lirst  to  fall. 

The  ppople  are  in(|iiiring  into  iheirconnitnlional 
ri.'lii-^  and  liabiliiics;  and  when  llipii  mind  is  maib.- 
iip,  liny  will  lake  their  stand  upon  the  pxacl  line 
of  lb,;  ('iiiisiiiniion,  and  llipic  tlipy  will  sl.iiid  or 
perish  aiiiidsl  its  I'nius. 

The  ('iinstiliilion  lia.v  ueeii  violalpd — bidki  ii  ii|i. 
A  t'lireiiiii  government  air!  a  torei-.in  people  lia\p 
been  bi'(iu;rhl  into  the  I'ninii,  or  rather  a  iiiv  I'liior 
has  been  formed  with  a  foreii;n  Ciovernnienl  ami  a 
toiciiru  ]ieople,  by  a  Joint  resolnlinn  passed  liv  a 
bare  majorily  of  ('on^-ress.  It  remains  yet  to  lie 
seen  whether  the  friends  of  ihe  ('onKiilulioii  will 
sutler  this  blotch  to  remain  upon  its  hiihe.'iii  fair  , 
i'aee,  or  wheiher  ihev  will  wipe  it  oil'  by  a  repeal 
of  the  unconstitntioiinl  law. 


mnnishcd  by  the  past  anion  of  the  Mouse  of  the 
iipcpssily  of  eniliracinii;  the  parlie.sl  opportnnity  for 
that  purpose.  The  frequent  and  relentless  man- 
ner in  which  that  polpiit  Ip^jislative  Ra;;,  iIip  yii'rri- 
inis  qiitMion,  is  used  by  the  inajorily  in  this  Hall, 
for  the  purpose  of  slilliiii;  discussion  and  carrying 
ihroui^h  party  measures,  furnishes  ample  evidence 
that  fieeiloin  of  debate  will  not  be  tolerated  in  re-  ; 
lalion  to  this  nipiisiirp.  The  Democralic  party  i 
here,  for  the  purpose  of  showiivj;  that  tliey  pan  act 
liarninnionsly  upon  ai  h  asi  oiip  (ineulion,  will  unilP 
tliiir  vnlps  in  favor  of  this  bill,  and  pass  it  with 
but  little  debate  or  delay.  Durinp;  the  last  Con- 
LTi'ess,  ihe  same  measure  was  carrii  d  throiiKl;  Ihe  , 
Hon.se  by  a  strict  party  vol.';  while  ihe  minorily, 
manacled  and  ira;r'.;pd  by  the  previous  question, 
were  prevented  from  expressing  the  letisons  of 
their  opposition. 

In  desiring  to  discuss  tliis  qiieslion,  T  am  not  in- 
llneni'i'd  by  the  vain  PX|ieclalioii  that  anything 
which  I  may  say  Pan  alfpct  llip  vote  about  to  be 
sriveii.  Hut  nllbouijh  the  ear  of  parly  here  may 
be  deaf  to  all  that  may  be  urged  against  th  •  bill, 
the  cnnnlry,  whose  va.s'i  intei-esis  are  lo  be  aflected 
by  il,  will  not  be  inililferent  lo  the  discussion. 

The  IliiaiK  ial  history  of  this  country  for  the  last 
thirty  years  furnishes  an  inslruetivp  lesson  for  ihc 
slatesniiin  as  well  as  the  people.  r)ii:'''^g  that  pe- 
riod we  have  passed  lhron2:li  mr-i.y  ch-mL''s.  p"" 
bracing  periods  of  gre.'il  prosperity,  as  well  as 
seasons  of  extraordinary  einbarrassment  and  dis- 
aster. In  discussing  a  measure  which  proposps  a 
new  and  imporlaiit  ehaii're  in  our  financial  policy, 
we  may  with  great  profit  look  hack  upon  the  past, 
and  derive  from  hisiory  and  experience  some  liulil 
10  i^niU:  o.ir  fnliiie  course.  This  mav  be  fruitless 
and  nnnecess  iry  lo  him  who  cimsiders  his  alle- 
giniice  to  liis  imrlij  as  par.imount  to  liis  duly  lo  his 
country.  For  him  no  other  guide  may  be  neces- 
sary than  ihe  beck  of  a  parly  hader,  aiid  no  oilier 
information  desired  than  that  wliicb  Piiablps  him 
lo  discprn  the  /Jfrnerriilip  siilp  of  tliP  question.  I!iil 
lo  those  who  look  lo  ilip  ellect  a  measure  is  to  pro- 
duce upon  Ihc  cnnnlry,  rather  than  to  its  inlluencp 
upon  party,  a  reference  lo  experience  may  be 
useful. 

I  propose,  Mr.  f'liairman,  to  occupy  a  portion 
of  the  hour  nllotted  lo  me  in  calling  up  some  rpmi- 
nisceiipes  of  the  past  coinipctcd  with  our  financial 
history.  From  the  ypar  1H'>0  iiiiiil  the  ypar  It'll:), 
embracing  a  period  of  thirleen  vi  ars.  we  enjoyed 
a  rurrency  equal  in  value  to  gold  and  silver,  and 
iiiiipli  more  convenient.  Il  was  converlible  into 
specie  at  llip  (ileasnre  of  the  holder,  and  supplied 
every  want  of  llie  piiiple,  conneclpd  with  circiila- 
lioii  and  exrhanirc,  which  a  sound  currency  could 
supply.  Willi  lliis  currency  the  whole  country 
was  satisfied.  No  dissatisfac'lion  existpcl,  no  mur- 
murs or  complainis  WPi'e  heard.  No  dt  sires  for  a 
change  were  expressed,  no  wishes  for  a  "lifllir  cur- 
mini"  were  eniprlaiied.  In  the  fall  of  the  lallir 
year  General  .lacksou,  then  President  of  the  I'lii- 
ied  Sliilps,  removed  the  (iiivprnuiPiil  dppositps  from 
the  I'nited  Slates  liank,  wliidi  was  the  fust  in  that 
series  of  "cr/ifriiMia/s"  upon  tlip  curi'Piicy,  essayed 
by  the  Heinoeraiic  parly,  which  have  been  so  fruit- 
ful of  mischief  and  disaster. 

This  step  was  taken,  iiel  only  wilhoiil  the  sane- 
lion  of  Coii'iress.  but  in  violalioii  of  the  expressed 
wishes  and  opiiiiniis  of  the  |  poplc's  Representa- 
lives.  On  ihe  Jd  Manli,  l>.'i.'t,  the  1  louse  of  Hep- 
resentiilivps,  by  a  vole  of  ID',)  lo  4li,  adopted  the 
following  resolnlinn,  to  wit: 


THK  SUIJ-TIIF.ASI'RY  lULL. 


SPEECH  OF  iMK.  ('AI.i:n  J?.  SMITH, 

OV   INfllA.NA, 

In  riiK  HiusF.  or  IU.i'»F,'ii',NTArivi;s, 

Miirih  ;«),  1^411. 

On  ihe  Indppendenl  Treasury  Bill. 

Mr.  C.M.F.I!  It.  S.MITll  mldre.s.sed  the  eoni- 

miltee  as  follows: 

Mr.  Cii.MUMAN';   lleing   desirous  of  prpspiiling 
my  views  in  relation  lo  this  measure,  1   am  ad- 


■•  HC«|/|C).  'I'lKll  11 
'l|lllllllll  til"  llllS    llllllNl 

llli'  I'liili'll  Slllli's." 

Ill  a  Honsp  of 
which  wprp  the  pi 
son,  this  emphaii 


'  CiacniiiM'llI  rlPlm.-itPs  iiiiiy,  ill  the 
,  he  siiteiv  cnniniil'-d  ill  the  llilllk  of 


Rppresentalivps.  a  majorily  of 
lilical  iVicinlsof  Pi-psidi  111  .lai'k- 
declaraiion  \ins  made  in  favor 
rplaining  iIip  piiblip  inoiipy  in  iho  I'nilpil  Si.ilps 
Hank  by  a  vote  of  ainiosi  llirpe  in  its  favor  to  one 
againsi  jl.  .\nil  yet,  i.olv.  ilhsianding  this  resolii- 
lion  was  so  fully  sustained  by  public  sentiment  that 
nnl  a  dissenl  among  the  people  was  heard,  the 
President,  bcfoip  the  next  ineeling  of  Con'-ress,  of 
his  own  will,  anil  niioii  his  own  responsibilily,  re- 
niiivpil  llip  piililic  fiiiiils  from  ihis  iiisiiiiiiion,  where 
Ihey  had  bpcii  placed  bv  law.  This  ad  was  one 
of  ihp  measures  of  lios'lilily  lo  the  Fiiiled  Sla'es 
Hank,  pursued  by  (ieneral  .Tackson's  Adminislra- 
lion,  which  rpsnll'ed  in  tlip  ovprlhrow  of  llini  iiisii- 
tnlioii.     The  bank,  when  fust  assailed  by  (.ieiieral 


.Tncksnn,  was  pn|nilnr.  No  insiilutinn  Imd  ever 
been  mnie  in  favor  with  the  great  body  of  the  peo- 
ple. Il  had  answered  llie  chief  ends  of  its  ereation 
to  the  eiilire  satisfaction  nf  the  country.  Thcgi'eat 
popidarily  of  General  .Taeksnn,  the  hold  which  ho 
had  upon  the  peo)il(',anil  more  especially  the  blind 
and  heedless  servilily  with  which  his  partisans  and 
followers  moulded  their  opinions  and  shaped  their 
course  to  suit  his  views,  enabled  him  to  change  lh« 
current  of  popular  o[<inioii,  fronin  feeling  of  ardent 
nttaclmiPnt  to  this  insliiniion,  to  one  of  hitter  anil 
violent  hatred.  Possessing  a  currency  as  good  as 
it  was  possible  for  llie  ingenuity  of  man  lo  devise, 
Ihe  people  were  yet  deluded  with  the  promisp  of  a 
"  heller  ciinciifi/."  Uiidi  r  the  inlliience  of  this  de- 
lusion, an  institnlion  which  had  been  universally 
regarded  as  an  olijeci  of  pridennd  admiration  wiili 
the  people,  was  suddenly  converted  into  u  "  mon- 
ster." 

Tlip  elVorls  of  General  .Taeksnn  to  destroy  it  were 
snccessfnl.  The  "  m-.i^ie-  icfK  crushed,"  and  pub- 
lic allenlici  .  „,...  in  be  directed  lo  some  other 
means  by  which  the  duties  of  a  fiscal  agent  lo  the 
fiovernment  were  to  be  performed,  luul  Ihe  coim- 
Iry  was  lo  be  supplied  wilh  a  currency.  A  new 
"(•jjifriHiriil"  in  finance  was  lo  be  tried,  from  whnh 
the  people  were  promised  a  golden  harvest. 

The  next  "f-r/icriiiifal"  was  the  dcpositiiiv:of  the 
"■■vprinnpiil  funds  in  the  hn-al  banks, dpiiomiiialed, 
in  common  piirlimce,  the  "jif(  'I'oife  ,>a(s/p»i."  This 
systpiii  was  recnmniPiulpd  to  the  pspei'ial  coiisid- 
piaiion  of  Congress  and  the  country  by  General 
.lack.son,  and  received  ihe  favor  and  siqiport  of  his 
friends,  |i  was  carried  iiilo  operation  by  an  ait 
of  Congress  in  the  year  IKJ.").  I  will  nol  detain 
the  eommittPi;  to  reacl  the  high-wrought  culotrits 
which  were  then  pronounced  upon  the  local  banks 
by  the  Democratic  parly.  They  may  be  found  ill 
llie  messai.res  of  the  then  President,  Cenerid  Jack- 
son, in  the  speeches  of  Presidenl  Polk,  then  chair- 
man of  Ihe  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  in  the 
House  of  lleprcscntalivcs,  and  in  the  speeches  of 
all  llie  hadiinr  members  of  that  parly  llien  in  Con- 
gress, 'riiese  banks  were  made  the  fiscal  agents 
of  the  Governmenl,  They  were  not  only  (lermit- 
tpd,  bill  wpre  directly  inslrucled  by  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  to  use  the  public  funds  for  bank- 
ing ]iurposes,and  to  disciainl  freely  upon  them,  in 
order  lo  grant  additional  flicililies  to  supply  liie 
hnsiiipss  wants  of  the  community. 

For  n  lime  the  system  seemed  to  work  well. 
Everything  went  oi'i  swimmingly.  New  banks 
were'erealpil — nioiicy  became  pleiiiy.  With  an 
increase  of  the  circnlalin^  medium  prices  ndvanced. 
The  spirit  t'f  specul.hon  liecnmc  life  throughout 
Ihe  counlrv,  uiiiil  its  intoxicating  influence  was  felt 
in  every  heiiihliorhood.  The  people  were  then 
told  bv'ihe  leaders  of  the  /)('m(irni(ii;  parly,  in  tones 
of  exiiltalimi,  thai  they  were  then  in  the  elijoymeiit 
of  that  "heller  curreiieij"  thai  "  siililen  liurveH" 
which  was  promi.sed  lliem  as  the  fruits  of/)i'mo- 
eyiilie  policy. 

Thus  sti'iod  matters  in  1830,  when  Ihc  biinUs, 
.iiiouraged  by  the  Govermi'  nt  lo  extend  their  eir- 
ciilalion,  and'sliuinlaled  '.ly  the  ovei'-exciii'd  con- 
dition of  the  husincss  of  the  country,  had  increased 
their  iliscoums  mid  their  circulation  to  ihe  utmost 
po.ssible  limits.  In  July  of  that  yearGeneraUack- 
soii  issued  his  Treasury  Circular,  requiring  that 
payiiii  Ills  for  the  pulilic  lands  slinuhl  be  received 
only  in  gold  and  silver.  This  measure  was  the 
next  in  order  nf  llie  si  rii  s  of  "  fj/niimf'i'.'i''  which 
were  ail.ipled  by  the  DPinocratic  parly  with  the 
view  of  improving  ihe  currency.  Its  efl'ecls  were^ 
most  (lis:istrons  iipmi  llie  business  mid  inUresis  of 
ihe  comnuniiiv.  It  was  grossly  unjust  and  [lar- 
lial  in  iis  oiieralion,  because  il  recii.ired  one  class 
of  the  creditors  of  llie  Governmenl  lo  pay  iheir 
diips  ill  sppcip,  whilp  ollipr.5  were  allowed  lo  pay 
ilipiii  in  bank  pappr,  .-Vn  odious  discriniinatinn 
was  made  against  that  portion  nf  the  people  who 
desired  lo  purchase  the  public,  lauds,  which  could 
he  luslilied  upon  no  principle  of  justice  or  policy. 

The  Plli'ct  of  this  measure  was  to  create  an  im- 
m-diale  and  exorliilaiil  demand  for  ,spepie,  and,  as 
a  necessary  consecpience,  to  depreciate  bank  pa- 
pei.  I.aru'e  aniounts  of  specie  were  taken  from 
ihe  Alhuilic  sealinard,  and  Iransporled  west  of  the 
monnlains,  lo  be  used  in  the  purchase  of  public 
lands.  The  demand  for  specie  caused  a  run  upon 
the  banks.  They  were  compelled  immediately  to 
curtail  their  disconnls,  nud  Ui  press  ihcir  debtors 


;  I. 


ii*' 


582 


APPENDIX  TQ  THE  CONGRESSIOIVAL  GLOBE. 


[March  30, 


29tii  CoNn 1st  Skss. 


The  Sith-trcaaury  Bill — Mr.  C.  D.  Smith. 


Ho.  or  Ugps. 


ill  order  to  oUtnin  mfnns  lo  meet  the  inrirnsin^ 
tleiiiBniis  nsiiin.ll  lliciii.  Ami  to  n-mlir  iliu  evil 
more  HKsraviilctl,  the  Oovirniidii  liiiKumci'il  llio 
liiinksas  I'mniliileiilHiul  ili»liiiiR.st;  wliilv  pot-limiBC 
)iolitici:iiis  mill  villiijc  (liiiini;ovii('M  look  lui  llie 
stmiii  mill  jiiinril  tlic  ny,  iiiitil  \i.  wiu  innieil  into 
cvrry  niiililiMiliooil  lliroiu;lioHt  the  hiiiil.  Tlir 
rcsiill  wv  all  know.  Piililii'  ronfuh'iii'r  was  mmcl- 
lliil — lihsincsM  ofrn'ry  kiiiil  was  ilcian:;i  il — |iio|i- 
crty  of  t'vcry  Hiiocics  rapldl)'  dt')irci;iaH'd — la\vy*"i'J* 
niiil  filii'i-ifVa  wiri'  ciiriclM'tl  liy  llie  iVi s  of  lilija- 
tioti — Inink  !<iis|niisioiia  roDo\veil,\vliilt'.  heavy  sac- 
lilirca  anil  lmiikrii|ilry  iiivohed  llic  [iroplc  in 
nlnuK^t  iinivi'i'sal  ilisasliT. 

Siicli  was  llie  siale  nrafl'aii-.^  wliii'li  exislcil  short- 
ly alur  the  inaiij;iiialioii  of  Mr.  Van  l!iireii,  ill  the 
spring  of  lS;n.  In  oiikr  to  niei  1  the  eri.'^is,  an 
exlra  sesr^ion  of  ('oiJi;ri:-'M  wa,'^  coiivciieil  in  the  fall 
of  iliat  year.  Mr.  Van  littren^  in  his  messai;e  lo 
Coiiijre.'is,  reenninii'iiiled  the  Snb-lreaniiry  .«ehi'nie 
(wliii'li  liy  the  lull  now  hefore.  iia  il  is  propo.scd  to 
revive)  as  a  renndy  for  the  evils  lliiii  exislin;;. 
The  L'einoeiatii;  do'lrinc  of  (/ie(iiTiii;r  llie  Uoveni- 
ineiit  from  the  hanks  wa.<  llien,  for  the  firsl  lime, 
proposed  as  «  Dcmorriilit:  inea.><me.  Tlie  iiuini.ile 
union  whieli  exi.-^ied  liilwei  n  llie  l^ovi  rnnienl  and 
the  loeal  hank.i  liad  liren  i  fiiited  hy  •-•eiifr.il  .lack- 
son, and  no'  ■.ithstaiidiiii;  Mr.  Van  liiiren  had  inaili 
it  his  lioasi  thai  he  aspired  lo  no  greater  honor  than 
lo  "  ;i'/'"i''  in  tlif  finjtstcps  rfhis  itinstyhnts  }n\il(ctfi- 
.<oi-,"  his  first  ollieial  lei'omiiaiiilalion  was  to  divnrce 
(ho.se  whom  his  pieihce.-.'ior  had  joined. 

I'm  allhou^li  ilic  Suli-lreasnry  scheme  was  llien 
fnr  llie  fnsl  linic  pi-.iposed  and  m-^rd  hy  the  Kxrc- 
utive,  il  Has  i)i>t  ihe  fir<t  linir  il  was  prc.^ellled  for 
the  eonsideralion  of  Conijress.  It  was  oiiee  before 
I  csented  in  Congress,  and  as  I  desire  lo  present  lo 
the  eoniniillec  a  fiiM  history  of  the  iniasiire,  I  will 
nsk  the  alleniion  of  fjenllenicn  lo  the  proceedings 
which  were  then  had  upon  il. 

In  Fclniiary,  183."i,  i  hill  was  pending  before  the 
Iloti.se  of  Represenialivi  s,  lo  rt;^iilate  llie  public 
deposiles  in  eerlain  loral  liaiika.  Mr.  Cjordon,  n 
Itefiresciitjiiive  from  Viririnia,  presented  lo  the 
House  a  Siib-tieasiiry  bill,  which  he  ollered  as  a 
siibslitiite  for  the  depositc  bill  then  pundins.  In 
order  that  ilie  eonimiiiec  may  see  llie  similarity 
between  thai  I  nil  and  llie  one  now  before  us,  1  will 
read  il  from  the  Journul  of  the  House,  now  before 
me  ; 

••  ^r.r.  1.  Be  il  ciu:itcJ, 4c.  TIml  frimi  mid  after  llie  —  day 

of .ill  llm  yenr llie  collci  nrs  of  the  piiMi'*  rev- 

elill''!*,  nl  pln-M's 'where  Ihe  i*lllii<i  enllected  nllilll  lliil  cveeed 

iho  >iitii  of doll.ir.*  )M'r  ;iiiiMiiii.  ^^linil  he  llie  ji-n-Kt^  of 

tile  'I"^eil^ll^r^  to  kcfji  .niid  (|i..|nn>e  tlie^aiiie.  iiriil  he  ^^ll>Je^■t 
li>  6i|..li  ruh^ti  and  reiiul.'iiioiiH.  and  ^t\e  such  hxiid  itinl  -ecu. 
rilv,  :i«  he  Kinll  pri-rrih',  tiir  llie  Diilhl'iil  exeealicMi  iillheir 
Kilie-..,  and  simll  roeehe,  in  addilinii  lathe  cimip 'iisalinn 
n.iw  allowed  hy  liiv,  —  per  c<  iiiina  on  Ihe  siiiiis  ni-hiirfil, 

BO  llml  II  does  nut  e.vci  cil  the  saiii  oi" d'llhir.-  perau- 

niiia. 

"Set.  Q.  .liiW  hf  il  fnrl'in  ni.n  le  I.  T\vt  nl  all  plaei^  where 
the  nineniil  of  pnhhc  revei.ii.'.  eiilleeiefl  Hliall  exceed  the  siiai 

of di.llar^  p<  r  anniiiii,  there  >h:ili  In;  iipjiuinl'  d  b\  the 

Pie^ideiit,  Will;  the  advice  iiinl  cimsenlal  Ihe.^eaile,  reeeiv- 
irs  of  lite  piihhe  revenue,  tj  u,  iifjenLscd'the  'l'reii-iir.r,whn 
shall  Tive  ..iieh  Itond  and  seeiiril>  lo  keeji  and  ili-hars.-  ihe 
piihhe  reveiiii ',  and  he  >nhject  to  -neh  rules  ainl  reiiiilalinns 
lU  llie  Trca-.ilrer  shall  pieM.rili-,  and  studl  re.iixe  Inr  their 
;*t:iviee!i  —  per  Ci'hitiiii  per  aiinilia  oa  Ihe  suiii-  ili-lMirsed, 
pooi'led  it  (l(M'.s  not  e.\c.ed  tin;  .^iini  of- —  dollais  peraa- 
iiilin. 

"  .-lEr. .1,  ^urf  I.e it  lurlhn  rnn.l, rf.  'I'lial  I'roiii  nild  alter  the 

—  day  nl ,  the  wln.le  tucniie  nl'  the  I'l.ilc  ,'  Si. lies,  de- 

rived  Imiti  cn-tt.ins.  lands,  nruilicr  sources,  shall  he  p.iid  in 
tlie  rerrPnl  emils  nlthe  rniled  Sl.-lles." 

Ill -e,  then,  is  the  veritable  .Siib-lrensiiry  bill, 
eoiiMiiiiie,'  all  li.e  feaiiire.s  and  principles  of  ihe  bill 
now  bellire  us.  The  dirorrc  of  the  Governmeiil 
from  banks,  the  ri'celvers-^'oneral,  the  demaiiilin^ 
of  ihe  revriiue  in  ^cild  andsilvcr,  i.nil  llie  lockiiiij 
it  up  in  .safes  mid  vaults,  were  here  all  proviihd 
for.  Il  was  ,in  si'ineil,  too.  lo  a  /)fiiii.fri(/ic  1  louse 
of  Rcpnsenlalues,  under  the  Adininislialion  of 
•  leiieral  .Tai:k«'iii.  How  was  it  then  reecixed.- 
WiLs  il  then  rej;aided  mt  n  Demoernlic  ineasiin? 
Let  the  voli',  as  it  siands  lecorded  in  the  Journal, 
answer.  On  ihe  motion  to  siibsiituir  this  Siib- 
trensiiry  bill  for  ih"  depo^ile  bank  bill,  the  vole 
was — ye.is  .T),  nays  1(11.  liy  this  iiverw  In  liniiii; 
niajoriiy  wa.s  llii  tsul-lreasiiry  bill  llien  voleil  down 
in  a  Deiiineratii:  C'on^'ris,^,  ai'id  iiinrly  lepNilian-d. 
Among  ihose  who  were  tlnn  nicnibers  of  llie 
IIoii.se  of  Uepi-esenialivis.  and  who  xoieil  ngainst 
this  bill,  I  (ind  upon  the  Jotiriial  the  names  of  mi- 
iiorouBdi.^ilingiiished  Dinioirais.  I  would  advise 
those  yenilenitn  who  rejjard   the  iiup|iorl  of  the 


Sul)-iren»iiry  as  n  lest  of  Denioeracy,  to  examine 
I  the  list  of  those  who  voted  against  lliis  bill.  The 
i  .Sub-lreasiiry  wii.s  not  llien  as  Itemocrtitic  an  it  is 
■I  now.  Inlhelisl  of  nays,  I  liml  the  iinineit  of  .lames 
I  K.  Polk,  now  I'residentof  the  llniled  Slale.i;  John 
,  V.  Ma-soii,  now  n  member  of  Mr.  Polk's  eabinef, 
I  Jamei  J.  MelCay,  now  a  inember  of  this  House, 
[  and  ehairnuin  of  the  rommiltee  from  wliieli  enia- 
1  nalcd  Ihe  bill  now  before  u.s;  Mr.  Ilaimegan,  now 
I  a  member  of  llie  Senate  from  my  own  Slale;  Air. 
Siieighl,  now  a  membrrof  ihe  Seiiale  from  Missis- 
sippi, with  many  olliers,  all  good  Oeinoerals,  and 
;  now  ardent  supporters  of  the  Siib-lreasiiry.  I>ul 
!  Mr.  I'olk,  not  sati.-fied  with  voliiig  ii';ainsi  the 
;  Siib-irea.snry  at  that  time,  in  lii.'<  w.il  lo  sec'iire  iis 
defeat,  male  a  s|ie(eh  again.st  il,  in  which  he  used 
'  some  able  and  eomineing  argiinirnis  lo  .iliow  llie 
!  iniprnpriely  of  ado|ding  il.  The  friends  of  the 
!  I'lesidenl,  who  are  about  to  vole  for  this  measure, 
i  would  do  well,  befoiT  giving  the  vole,  lo  recur  lo 
[  llie  speeidi  of  Sir.  Tolk  upon  thai  occasion.  Iliil 
'  lest  gcnllemeii  rIiimiIiI  be  unwilling  to  do  tlii.s,  1 
,  will  call  their  alleniion  Hpecially  lo  some  )ia.s.sagi  s 
,  in  lliat  spee.di,  in  which  they  will  find  what  was 
'  ihi  II  regarded  as  Demoeralie  opinions  in  relalion 
lo  the  S'lib-lreastiry,  but  which  do  not  very  well 
i  comport  wilh  llie  pre.senl  opinions  of  ihe  Dnu- 
i  nrnilic  parly.  The  hoslilily  to  baiik.s,  now  so 
coninion  wiih  the  nemocratic  parly,  did  iiol  llicn 
exist.  Mr.  I'olk,  ill  llie  .speech  lo  which  1  hare 
i!  referreil,  .said: 

1       ■*  I  h.ive  Ihils  liriertv  ennsnler..d  the  Mvo  princip;il  pnjnii 

'  ol"  ohj'cliiai— the  alleijed  ii  i-al'ely  ol  the    .sit.ite    h;itii.s  a-* 

■!   plltiln-  cl -pMsllories,   ;ilid    I'li  ir  ille.ilnpeteiic>'  In  perloriu   alt 

Ihe  dnlic- rcquirt  d  orihrnl  it*  llsc:d  aneitls  al  IJ.iveriutir'ii'. 

I  As  re'i.irds  the  lirsl.  it  ha.s  (s'l  ii  tav  olijcct  In  ~h(tw.  Intia 

well  nllesli'd  lacls.  Ih.-tllhi  y  are  ttssitfc  as.tny  olln  r  tie.t  rip- 

1  Inni  of  iKienry  etniltj  he.     Thnl    oeea-itni.il  lo>>i  s,  ilarini; 

I  tllelrelaphiyitielit  lor  a  hantpeiitid  I'l'liatiMiiay  he  pn.-ihlc, 

!(  is  not  rinilriltli'-l.'il :  hut  shniiM  ihe-e  occur,  (as  is  ntit  juiti- 

■  cipaleiM  il  slittald  he  reitienth't   il  thai  ^iieli  h-sses  are  ili- 

,  citlent  to  ati  credit,  anil  is  iml  liKeI>  lo  he  greater,  nor.  in- 

dcetl.  under  the  niaiiy  ctianis  cinil.'imed  in  litis  hill  lor  the 

pilltlie  sccurilt,  *o  itreal  as  thai  which  iniylil  re.is.nialdy  he 

,  evpecled  frnia  llie  cmplnyinelil  of  any  other  dcscriptinn  of 

;  aci'lit*." 

t      Again,  in  the  same  speech,  Mr.  Polk  said: 

j      "  ,-\  corpnriiliiin  iiiay  he  salcr  tliitii  alo  iinltvittinti  iifcnl. 

I  however  re>p'in-ili|.'  he  imv  he.   heeiinse  n  ctni-isls  n!  jin 

I  as-n(.ialiiill  til"  in.livnhials  wiio  have  Ihrowii  In^lether  their 

:  tis.T'  uate  wealth,  iiii'l  wlin  are  ItttiMtd  in  llicircnrptralcchar 

aeler,  to  lite  etttent  of  their  w  lade  eapilnl  sttii.t,.  fin  the  dc- 

p^tsile.     Ill  lulilili'iit  to  this,  the  Secretiiry  of  the  Trensurv 

I  laav  re.jtiire  as  heavy  coIlateniUecnhly.  in  adilitinii  to  iliiir 

'  ca|iiltil  pind  in,  ri'oiii  such  a  corpnratinn,  as  he  roiilii  frnin 

I  an  iadiviilinl  cttlleelnr  or  r-'ceiver,  which  makes  the  (Jov 

iTinneiit  dep"-ile-  -.''I'T  ill  Ihe  hands  nfa  htink  Ihaii  itcnuhl 

he  Willi  an  ilitli\  I'liril."  •  *  •  *  . 

"  It  nia>  he  wi  II  iine^liitnetl  whether  the  heaviest  secnri it 

w  Itieh  the  iiio-l  weallhy  iinhviihial  cotilil  niw,  cinilil  make 

ttic  piililic  depii.ilc  ..ale' at  Ihe  point  nf  larite  e(illeelion.     Ill 

ihe  r.ilyorNcw  \'ork.htirtlie  ri'Venilc  is  collected.    Heveral 

'  millions  iH'pulilie  revenue  innv  Im*  in  the  hands  of  a  n'criver 

:  al liiiie,  anil  if  Iiir  he  rrintipt,  or  shall  ensaite  in  spi.eu 

lalinll  or  Irnilc,  and  meet  wilh  a  reverse  of  litrnine.  Ihe  loss 
sii-lained  h\  llir  (Jovernmenl  wniiM  he  inevilahle."  *  * 
"  .\s.  llieil,  h  'iwt'en  the  ri'sponsihilitv  nfa  piililie  receiver 
ami  hank  cnrporalinns.  as  hanks  do  evisl.  and  arc  hkel\  to 
I  .xisl,  tiiiiler  .^lale  niithorilles,  the  laller,  niwai  the  itrounil 
nf  salety  hi  the  [inljlie.  are  In  he  pri  fcrrcil.'' 

Mr.  Polk  was  peiMiliarlv  liosliie  to  the  principle 
in  this  bill,w  hicli  rer|nires  ihe  public  revenue  lo  be 
witlidrawn  from  eircnlalinn  anti  ihe  use  of  llie  coin- 
iniinily,  and  lioarih  d  up  in  vaults  and  strong  boxes. 
Upon  this  subjeel  he  u.seil  this  laie.'iiage: 

"  WhiM  Ihe  tiepit-ile  is  la  a  hank,  the  hank  mav  iisi>  n, 
kecpiiet  it'tlf  ill  Ihe  -aiii"  Inne  ready  M  [laj  when  ileniaiiit- 
ed.  anil  il  is  iini  w  iilnirawii  from  the  nt.m  ral  eirnilalion.  iiti 
so  iiiiich  mniiey  hoanled  ant!  withdritwii  fnnn  Ihe  use  of  the 
eamniiinlly. 

''  If  in  lite  hands  nf  receivers,  they  inn. I  either  hoard  it, 
hy  keepinu  II  lot  keiliipin  a  slrtmu  hnx.  or  ti-e  il  al  Iheirnw  n 
risk  in  private  spt  ciil-itinn  or  Iratte  ;  nr  lltey  nnisi,  for  their 
own  seeirrttv.  aiel  tin  Ihi  trnwn  respnn-il'ititv.  place  it  al  last 
on  itepnsitr  in  hittks  for -ah  ket  pint.',  mini  they  artt  t  alleti  en 
hy  the  (iovcriniieiit  Ittr  il." 

These  opinions  so  reeenily  eiilerlained  and  ex- 
pressed by  Mr.  I'olk,  would  now  be  ileiionneeil  by 
n^iitnrrnh  ;is  A't(/eit//-/»ttiiA- H7jig  e/n'ainii.t,  sit  t-om- 
plettly  has  lleinoeracy  ehanoeil  its  Erounil  upon 
this  i|iiestioii.  Vet  ihey  were  then  the  opinions  of 
the  Deiiioeratic  party,  ilehberalely  expressed  by 
all  the  leaders  und  sanctiiined  by  all  the  members 
of  the  party. 

We  heard  no  inoie  of  llie  Snb-lreasnrv  frinii  llial 
period  iiiilil  afier  the  eleciion  of  Mr.  Van  Hiireii, 
when,  as  I  Inixi'  bit'ore  slated,  il  was  recommeinl. 
ed  lo  Ctinixress  by  hini,  al  the  exira  session,  eon- 
veiied  in  the  fall  alter  his  Inaiigtiralioii.  Il  was 
pressed  upon  t'*oiigress  wilh  all  ihe  weii:lil  and  in- 
fluence wliicli  hi.^!  uulliurily  could  iillach  lo  il;  mid 


yej,  notwithstanding  the  House  of  Uepresenlalivea 
eonlnineU  a  niajoriiy  of  his  liieiids,  il  eotild  not  be 
carried  Ihrongh.  .Mr.  Van  l!ureii,  iiol  deterred  by 
ihis  rduike,  again  urged  il  upon  Congress  and  the 
eoiiniry;  and  vainly  imnginiiig  that  a  free  people 
could  be  indiieeil  lo  iinilale  the  ixainple  of  arbitra- 
ry and  despotic.  gtrvermneiiU,  he  looK  great  piiiim 
and  incurred  a  large  expense  in  collecting  lestiino- 
iiy  lo  prove  thiil  the  Siib-treaniiry  scheme  had  bi  lat 
iidotiled  ill  many  of  ihc  most  despotii:  governmenlfi 
ill  Kiiiope.  The  evidence  collected  by  him  proved 
I'onclusively,  that  xvliere  the  least  liberty  was  eii- 

joyed  by  the   | pie,  ihere  the   Siib-treiisiiry  wan 

oiosl  in  favor  willi  tlieUovernnieiil,aiid  where  the 

I  currency  approximated  mo.si  nearly  lo  .an  exclu- 
sive melaliic  eiirrency,  there  the  wages  of  labor 
xvere  lowest  and  the  people  were  most  oppressetl. 

!  Again  and  aL'ttiii  was  il  pressed   upon  the  Aiiieri- 

'  can  Congress  during  Mr.  Van  Ijuren's  leriii,iind 
again  and  tmaiu  xvas  il  inilignanlly  spurned  and 
rejeeled.  I'li  'c,  afler  a  loni;  discussion  of  nioulhs, 
ilxvas  carried  lliroiigli  llie  Seiiale,  but  scatcily  had 
il  reached  ihe  table  of  llie  House  of  Kipresenia- 
lives.iinlil  il  was  rejeeled,  and  that, loo,  by  a  Uein- 
ocralie  House. 

l!ul  .Mr.  Vail  Miiren  had  sinked  liia  poliliea! 
eliaraeler  upon  (Ins  ineiisnre,  and  nolwilhsiaiiding 
the  sirong  and  repealed  deiiioiislralions  of  public 
senlluienl  against  il,  he  ilelermiiietl  lo  make  the 
public  .senlinient  anil  the  Li  :.'islativi;  tlepurlment 
vielil  lo  ihe  i;xecnlixe,as  xvas  remarked  by  one  of 
his  iidherenu  upon  lliis  floor,  "  i».sjn(c  o/lftiHifH/ti- 
liiiiis  line  (ir  dsnrbiii.''  To  ac.coniplish  lliis  ob- 
jee.l,  every  means  wuhin  ihe  power  of  ihe  Execu- 
live  were  nsorted  lo.  The  palronage  of  iheGov- 
erninenl  waslavisiily  beslowi  d  ic)  silence  objcclions 
and  .secure  lacit  act|uiescciice,  where  open  coiii- 
ineiidalion  could  nol  be  procured.  Tlireals  iiiul 
promises,  coereioii  mid  favor,  were  liberally  used, 
iiiilil  at  length,  in  the  lasl  year  of  Mr.  Van  Uurcirs 

,  Adniinistralion,  it  xvas  carried  tlirongh  Congress 
by  a  meagre  iiiajtniiy,  and  receiveil  his  signalure 
on  the  4lh  July,  ISJll.  Il  was  immeilialely  hailed 
iiy  the  lenders  of  the  parly  "ii.s  ii  set:ond  deelara- 
liliii  of  inilependence;"  and  some  of  the  more  zeal- 
ous, ill  ihe  excess  of  iheir  joy,  or  perhajis  to  einn- 
ineiid  lliein.seUes  to  Mr.  Van  Ilureii  for  an  ollice, 
i;ravely  proposiil  thai  llie  pun  with  which  il  wa.s 
signed  shinilil  be  h.inded  down  lo  posterity,  pre- 
served in  a  gold  case. 

Itiil  parly  drill  and  parly  discipline  were  un- 
availing lo  induce  the  people  lo  anmMion  llie  meas- 
ure. The  good  sense  and  jiidgmenl  of  the  ctitintry 
revolleil  agninsi  il.  The  seal  of  piibllt  reprobation 
was  indignanlly  stamped  upon  Mr.  Van  liiiien  and 
Ills  Snb-lrea.sury.  He  w.is  driven  from  power  by 
an  unprecedenled  niajoriiy,  mid  a  Congress  wa.s 
elected  expressly  inslrncled  to  repeal  il.  One  of 
the  first  duties  perforinetl  by  thai  Congress  was  us 
,epeal,aiiil  it  was  consigned  lo  the  grave  "  iinii'ij)!, 
uuhoiwieil,  aiiU  iiii.tHiig." 

'  I  have  shown,  Mr.  I  'li.iirinan,  that  Ihe  Siib-lrcas- 
ury  scheme,  when  il  was  firsl  proposrtl,  xvas  vio- 
lently opposed  and  ileitouncrtl  by  llie  le:tiler.s  of  iltt^ 
Deniocraiic.  parly.  I  have  reail  some  eNlraeis  from 
Mr.  Pf)lk'ss| Il  sliowini.niis  opposilion  lo  il.     I 

'  will  now  re,-til  some  of  the  opinions  of  another  dis- 
linirinshed  nicinlier  of  the  party,  iitr  less  n  person- 
iiL'e  than  the  "  iiigiin"ol'llif  present  A  tlnn  nisi  rat  ion, 
eo.iimoiily  lit  noiniiialed  "  Fiilhrr  Hilrhir."  Mr. 
Ilitchit^  not  only  opposed  il  when  it  was  preseuied 
iiy  Mr.  t-torilon  in  ]^',\C>,  bill  eonimued  his  opposi- 
lioii  afler  .Mr.  Vioi  llnreii  liaii  adopted  it  ns  the 
Itiiding  measure  of  his  .Vdminislralion.  He  was 
Iheii  Ihe  editor  of  the  Kielininnd  Kinpiirer,  llie 
leatliiiL'  neinocratit'  paper  of  Virginia,  anil  in  the 
eotnoois  of  iliM'  paper  expressed  himself  thus  in 
relaiioii  lo  llie  .'^tib-iieasury : 

•■  The  scheme  Is  w  liked,  hecaase  it  ,.an  niily  lit  saiil  lo  he 
.1  xx.ieltm  experimt  nl  tti  ihseri  lit  Ihe  pre-ent  Slale  hanks, 
anil  w-itiilil  esseiiiiall>  aid  Mr.  Ititlille  ami  his  hank  la  hreak 
im;  Iheia  floM'ii." 

'.  I.el  il  once  set  fotitlinlil,  ami  all  the  restraint'  of  the 
I'tia^tlllllina  will  he  hrokell  ilnwil,  with  the  hherlles  of  Ihe 
people." 

o  Mr.  Ihilltte's  plan  of  Slih  Ireasiiritts  for  llie  f 'itileil  Stilles, 
and  Ihe  n-itiletinil  nf  the  eiirrene>  In  i.'nld  anil  -ilver.  I  view 
lis  huh' shnri  nf  a  st-letn  nf  ptililic  pilhtite,  anil  witteh.  If 
carried  lino  elfi  el,  mtt-1  le-e.^ant)  pmihiee  a  iteneral  hank 
nipl  law.  to  I'mimeipale  tlclilnrs  IVniii  the  hinitlaitc  of  iron- 
hearteil  erethlnr..." 

There  seems  to  have  bceu  something  prophelie. 
ill  this  pn'diciion  of  Mr.  Itileliie,  iliat  ihi^  princi- 
ples of  tlio  iSub-lrcasury,  if  ciiiried  oiil,  would 


larcli  yo, 
Ueps. 


cspnlalivcs 
tnl(t  lint  lie 
Irturrcil  liy 
e.is  and  iIir 
Vi'c  |)cnple 
iif  arliiliii- 
;i'('iit  paiiiu 
1^  Irstiinii- 
U!  tmd  [.iitrii 

IM-llllllflllS 
lill)  |I|'IIVL'(I 

ly  was  I'li- 
raHiiry  \v;is 
'  w  here  llio 
nil  cxrlii- 
<  of  liilinr 
"[►|ir(;s.sC(I, 
III!  Aiiirri- 
ti'iiii,  and 
irni'il  and 
ill'  iniiMilis, 
H-.lylnul 
|Uti-irnl.\- 
y  ii  Dum- 


1846.] 
29th  CoNn 1st  Srss. 


Al^PENDIX  TO  THK  COiVGUESSIONA!.  GLOBE. 


583 


Tlie  Suh-treaaury  Bill — Mr.  C.  B.  Smith. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


"  ncccsaarily  produce  n  general  bankrupt  law." 
Siu'li  was  the  universal  cnibarrassimnl  prodiicod 
ill  tlio  country  liy  the   Democratic,  experiments 
upon  the  currency,  including  tiie  Snh-ticasiii y ,  tliat  | ■ 
a  ^'cneral  liaiikrupt  law  becunie  indispensable,  and  ! 
was  adopted.  ji 

Hut  let  us  see  some  more  of  Mr.  Rilehie's  opin-  i! 
ions  of  this  scliemu.     At  anntlnr  time  he  said —      ji 

"The  jiiHliliitioii  and  cstiililittliii i  mi'  Stit>-trcni<arirH.  nt  1 

nil  the  iic'cc:<ynr\  aiut  c.jiiiiiicni.il    jiumih  in   the   Uiiilcd  \\ 
Slates,  woulit  cost  tllc  flovi'mm-'llt  .-.■vrnil  liiillinnH  of  llnl 
liiis.    Hlniny  linasi'H,  wjtii  vniills,  chest'*,  ItnrH,  ImiIIs,  and  'i 
Incks,  wiHild  be  ncccrisary  ;  with  a  rcmitar  cnrjifi  nt' watch-  | ; 
iiica,  aail  an  nddilioiiiU  set  ol'iiinccrs.    'I'o  lilind  tlic  imlilic,    ' 
tlic  HclH'inc  iiiiiihl  III!  ciiiiiiiicnccd  Willi  n  very  lew  new  nf- 
fii'crs,  hilt  they  would  soon  be  inerea.sed  to  any  niiiiilicr  nc- 
tiially  necessary. 

"  We  do  not  hesitate  to  nay,  tlint  ttm  Hiiti-trea.'»iiries  are 
less  sale  liir  ker'innit,  and  less  convenient  for  Irnnsniitliiiu, 
llic  jniblie  I'nnils,  tlian  sound  and  properly  reijiilated  .^tate 
hanks. 

•*\Ve  have  objected  to  ibi'  Siib-treiisiiry  syptcm. -■'•  culled, 
thai,  in  the  tirst  place,  it  will  enlarge  the  Kxeciilixi-  power. 
.tl really  too  ureal  lirra  re|iiitilie;  secni;dly,  that  it  eontriluites 
to  entlaieier  the  salety  nl  the  public  funds;  and,  iliirdly, that 
il  is  ealenlated  In  iirnducn  two  currencies— a  baser  one  tor  i 
Ihe  ii.'ople,  and  a  heller  one  fnr  tlie  flovcrninent. 

'■  'I'hi.'  inorc  we  ri'llcel  upon  tlii'  matter,  tin'  morn  we  reail 
the  speeches  of  tile  oralors  on  lioth  sides,  the  more  tiniiK 
an' we  sall'lied  of  llie  slrelialh  of  these  olijeclinns.  VV'e  . 
tliink  Ihe  flail'  Rank  system  the  heller  in  all  respects;  it 
prevents  tile  iniiltiplieaiion  of  execativo  olfiees.  and  limits 
their  control  over  the  public  t'unds. 

"  We  opposc'l  the  Hub  treasury  sysli'in.  so  denominated, 
ill  KS"M;  we  niaiiitain  the  siiine  ffr'Mind  in  ls:j7.*' 

A  more  emphatic  (ondemniition  of  this  measure 
could  iioi  le  ex|)iesse(l  than   that  wliieii  was  pro- 
nounced liy  the  man  who  is  the  niontli-pie.-e  of  the 
parly  now  about  to  adojii  it  as  the  l.iwif  the  land, 
iiut  "  Fdllur mtclih'Witn'i  seem  as  much  alarmeil  , 
about   the  Siib-treiisury  now  as  lie  (lid   then;  at  , 
least  he  does   not  now  warn   the  country  of  the  ; 
evils  111  be  a|ipieliended  from   it  in  notes'aa  hint; 
and  loud  as  those  which  he  sounded  throuirh  the   ; 
columns  of  the  Riehniond  Enquirer.  The  "oignii" 
has  changed  its  tune,  and  does  not  phiy  the  s:    -e 
kind  of  music  that  it  did  formerly.     I  do  not  be- 
lieve that  the  venerable  editor  of  the  Union  has   , 
chaiijed  Ins  opinions,  however  much  he  may  have 
altered  his  course  ir>  relation  to  it.     I  think  lie  still  ,i 
enleitains  no  belter  opinion  of  Ihe  Stib-trcasury  , 
tlmn  ihoae  which  I  have  read  from  his  paper.     I 
<lo  not  believe  that  he  has  ever  advocated  it  in  the 
columns  of  the  Union;  at  least,  no  article  in  its 
favor  in  th.it  paper  has  met  toy  observ.itioii.     Cut 
it  is  not  (litFicuit  to  account  for  the  old  man's  si- 
lence.  He  has  been  elected  printer  of  both  Houses 
of  C(in);ress  by  the  Democratic  party,  from  which 
be  will  realize  a  profit  of  over  one  hundred  thou- 
sand dollars;  and  he  would  hardly  ilare  to  liazard 
the  loss  of  the  favor  and  friendship  of  lho.se  to 
whom  he  is  indebted  for  so  great  a  favor,  by  ex- 
pre.ssinn;  opinions  which  will  run  counter  lo  the 
dictation  of  his  party. 

Hut,  Mr.  Chairinan,  I  miistdetain  the  Committee 
while  I  read  two  short  ex  iracts,  to  show  the  opinions 
of  aiiotherdistiiigtiiKlied  Deniocmt  in  relation  to  this 
Deiiwcriilic  measure.  I  will  read  two  short  edito- 
rial articles  from  the  "  Globe,"  the  "  organ"  of  the 
.•\dministnilion  of  Ueiieial  .Inekson  and  .Mr  Van  . 
Ilurcii,  written  by  Francis  V.  ISIair,  the  special  and 
ibAoU'd  friend  of  bolli.  These  articles  ex)ircss 
the  views  wliich  Mr.  I'lair  entertained  of  the  .Snli- 
trcnsury  .vben  il  was  liist  proposed,  before  it  had 
been  made  ii  parly  (]iiestion,  and  when  his  mind 
was  fice  lo  act  uninlliienced  by  party  trnmmels. 
He  then  spoke  of  il  in  this  language— 

"  Il  is  UH  palpable  a«  the  sun,  thai  ihe  ell'eel  of  the  iSnh- 

treasury)  sclu « ..ubl  be  lo  brim;  llie  |inlilie  In  usury  miieh 

nearer  the  artnal  eielndy  ami  eonind  of  the  Prc-ident  than 
it  IS  now.  anil  'Vj.om.  it  to  be  plundered  by  u  hundred  hands 
where  one  eaniioi  now  reach  it."' 

Again  he  said — 

"Mad  Shell  a  snpiiestion  come  fprni  tjenerat  .lacksnu,  it 
would  ha\i>  been  riinL' through  the  did  Dominion,  us  enii' 
i'liisi\e  pn'Ofof  nil  the  a^iiiralinas  wbieh  mav  have  hi'en 
eharfieil  lo  the  l!en>  of  \ev\  (Irb'ans.  See  here,  (they  wiailij 
Mi>,l  he  wislies  to  put  the  public  moneys  din'eil\  "inlo  the 
hands  of  his  friemls  and  partisans,  instead  of  kee|iiiu!  It  on 
d'  ponle  in  banks. whence  it  can  bedrawii  for  no  nlliirlhan 
liidili'  purposes  wilboul  eertani  d' teetion.  Ill  slleli  a  ease 
we  -boiMil  li'el  thai  Ihe  |ieo|i|e  had  ju  I  cause  bir  alarm,  and 
otiL'Iit  to  cnr  iheir  waii'hfnl  atlenlinn  lo  such  an  etlnil  to 
Milarue  Kxi'eutivc  power,  and  put  in  Ins  hands  the  inetuis  of 
i-urruiition."' 

I  mii'lit  eonsunie  all  the  time  allotted  to  me  in 
reailing  eMracis  which  prove  that  this  measure, 
when  first  proposed,  was  dcnonnecd  abni'st  iiiu- 
vcrsully  by  Ihe  Democralic  party,  nntwilbsliindim; 
the  uiuunniity  with  which  tliey'iiow  sustain  il;  but 


I  will  cnnsuinc  nn  further  time  upon  this  point.  It 
is  well  known  to  every  man  who  is  familiar  with 
the  political  history  of  the  country  for  the  last  fif- 
teen years.  Since  the  repeal  of  the  Sub-treasury, 
in  1841,  it  has  but  stldom  been  made  the  subject  , 
of  discussion  or  remark.  The  Ijaliiniore  Conven- 
tion, which  nomiiialed  Mr.  I'olk  as  the  Iknwcnilic 
cantiidate  for  Presideiii,  but  hinted  at  it  in  vague 
and  indefinite  terms.  One  of  tlw  prominent  causes 
which  induced  the  repudiaiion  >pf  Mr.  Van  Bni-eii 
by  thai  convention  was  the  odium  which  attached 
to  him,  iimonir  the  peo|ile,  in  coiisequence  nf  his 
connection  with  it.  Durinsr  the  canvass  cd'  1844, 
so  far  as  my  oliservation  extended,  it  was  never 
presented  as  one  of  the  issues  to  be  determined  by 
that  contest.  Those  who  had  been  so  signally  de- 
feated upon  that  issue  in  184(1  manifested  ;io  dis- 
position to  present  the  issue  ii  second  lime.  Bin  , 
now  that  Mr.  Polk  is  elected,  it  is  claimed  thai  the 
people  have  decided  in  favor  of  the  Sub-treasury, 
and  il  must  be  inimediately  carried  into  ellcct  in 
oliediencc  to  their  will.  I  caiinol  giv.'  iny  cansenl 
to  the  measure  upon  any  such  grounds.  I  do  nni 
believe  that  the  people  have  decided  in  favor  of  the 
measure,  or  thai  llicy  desire  its  adoption. 

Mr.  Chairman,  our  present  cmiditioii  in  relalion 
to  the  currency  is  one  with  which  W(^  lime  rea.son 
to  be  highly  giatilied.  .\fier  all  the  ilian;;es  and 
vicissitudes  through  which  we  have  passed  for  the 
last  fifteen  years,  we  find  ourselves  in  the  eiijoy- 
rnenl  of  a  currency  of  et|ual  value  willi  gold  and 
silver,  and  which  answers  all  the  purposes  and 
wants  both  of  the  (jn\ernnienl  and  the  peojile. 
We  have  that  kind  of  a  enneiiiy  which  the  experi- 
ence of  the  civilized  world  has  demonstrated  is  alone 
adequate  to  the  necessities  ol"  u  hielily  civilized 
and  commercial  people — a  mixed  cm  reiicy,  con- 
sistiiiL'of  the  precious  metals,  and  l;aiik  paper  con- 
vertible iiilo  specie  at  the  pleasure  of  the  holder. 
Excli.anges  between  the  diHereni  pans  of  the  Union 
are  moderate,  and  lair  whole  financial  alfoirs  lu'cin  , 
a  prosperous  and  healthy  Condition.  | 

In  aildilion  to  this,  the  general  bu.siness  of  the 
country  is  in  a  slaieof  high  iirosperily.  Ouragri- 
culiunil  products  find  a  really  niurkel  and  fair  re- 
muneriuing  prices;  labor  is  in  active  luid  steady' 
deniand;  every  branch  of  industry  and  enterprise 
is  profitably  einployed,  luid  the  country  is  rapidly 
recovering  tVcuii  tlie  depression  and  embarrass- 
ment occasioned  by  the  ureat  revulsion  from  which 
we  have  so  seven'ly  stiHercd. 

Why  is  il,  sir,  1  would  inquire,  that  this  priw- 
perous'state  of  alTairs  I'xists?  Why  is  it  ihat  we 
imve  a  sound  currency,  and  tue  connlry  is  no 
longer  tortured  and  alarmed  with  the  evils  of  de- 
preciated bank  paper,  suspensions  of  specie  pay- 
ments, and  all  the  evils  which  (low  frcmi  fiieincial 
derangements  ■  Sir,  il  is  because  you  have  for 
some  years  past  abandoned,  or  rather  been  pre- 
vented from  pursiiini:,  your  misemble  system  of 
expcrimenliii!;  and  tinkeriin;  with  the  currency. 
The  trade  and  business  of  the  country  having  been 
freed  from  the  ollicious  intermeildling  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, aided  by  the  salutary  inlliieiice  of  the 
Tarill'of  184d,  has  n  covered  a  lieallhy  toni ,  and 
brought  prosperity  in  its  train.  The  bunks,  no 
loii!;er  oppressed  and  harassed  by  specie  circulars, 
Sub-treasuries,  and  direct  elforts  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  prostrate  them,  have  been  able  to  supply 
the  people  with  a  sound  currency,  and  comriliutc 
imporiant  facilities  for  the  transaction  of  business. 
In  addition  to  all  this,  the  public  funds  are  safe. 
We  luar  of  no  losses  In  the  (.government — nn  cle- 
f  dcalions — no  aiiscondiiiu:  it( nub-liriisurers  with  the 
people's  nionev — no  running  olf  of  Swartwoiits, 
Prices,  or  Boyils,  laden  with  public  plnnder.  The 
peopli'  and  the  Oovernmenl  both  are  well  acconi- 
modaled. 

And  yet,  in  thlscniidiiion  of  things,  in  theniidsl 
of  a  prosperity  which  seems  general,  while  the 
existing  slate  of  ihiiiiis  bids  fair  to  render  it  per- 
manent, we  are  called  upon  In  return  to  the  old  sys- 
tem of  tinkering  wilh  the  currency,  to  llu'  repeiilion 
of  experiments  which  have  already  bi  eii  fruitful  of 
nothin|r  but  niisfortnneaiid  disaster.  We  are  asked 
to  revive  an  exploded  humbug  which  has  been  once 
tried  and  most  signally  condemned  and  repudiated 
liy  tlie  penple.  Dues  not  sound  policy  require  that 
w'e  sliouM  forbear,  and  "  Irl  veil  tnoiigh  ii'iiin.'" 
We  cannot  improve  things  by  exnerinients,  while 
we  may  render  thcni  a  meal  deal  worse. 

For  whose  benefit  is  this  bill  to  be  passed?    t'lii 


htmo.'  Will  the  Government  be  bcnefileil  by  it.' 
Till!  public  funds  were  never  safer  llian  they  are 
now.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  may  com- 
nuui''  any  amount  of'security  from  the  hanks  with 
which  they  are  deposited,  and  thus  guard  against 
even  the  possibility  of  a  'oss.  Il  cannot  be  pre- 
tended thai  they  will  be  safer  in  the  hands  of  re- 
ceivers or  sub-tieasiirers  than  they  now  are.  I 
have  shown,  fi'om  the  Icstiniony  of  Mr.  Polk  and 
other  distinguished  Democrats,  that  ihey  will  not 
be  as  safe;  and,  in  the  emphatic  laiignatre  of  Mr. 
Blair,  (lo  whom  the  Democracy  nf  the  country 
have  for  many  years  looked  for  instruction,)  they 
will  tie  "  t'l-jtrHed  to  be  phtmlrred  bii  a  hmuh'ed  /n/ii(/.s, 
vliere  one  cannol  iinw  few.h  //ion."  This  measure 
is  not  required,  then,  as  a  means  of  safely  to  the, 
|p||blic  treasury.  Is  it  reiiuired  tn  enable  the  Gov- 
ernnient  to  conimaiid  payment  of  its  revenues  in  a. 
belter  currency  than  that  in  which  they  are  nrrv 
received?  Nii  better  cnri'ency  than  lhat  in  which 
the  Government  dues  are  paid  can  be  bad.  The 
crediiorsof  the  (joverninent,  to  whom  its  reveni;es 
are  disbursed,  when  ihey  do  not  receive  the  money 
due  lo  them  ill  specie,  receive  it  in  a  currency 
equally  valuable,  and  which  they  can  nt  pleasure 
convert  into  specie.  Il  is  clear,  ihen,  that  no  ben- 
efit I'an  accrue  tn  the  Governnient  from  the  pas.sage 
of  this  bill.  It  is  equally  clear,  that  none  can  re- 
sult tn  the  people  from  its  |iassage.  It  is  demanded 
by  niither  public,  imr  privale  interest.  No  possi- 
ble benefit  can  result  from  it. 

Bill,  sir,  if  we  could  Hatter  ourselves  with  the 
hope  that  it  wmild  eii/i/  do  no  good,  our  objections 
to  its  passasje  would  be  less  urgi'iit.  We  might 
be  cinuenl  tn  let  the  liuinbm;  go  out,  drcs.sed  up  in 
the  iraiidv  tinsel  with  which  liarty  madness  has 
invesied  it,  Ui  bring  ultimate  contempt  and  derision 
on  its  authors.  l5iu  v/e  can  indulge  in  no  such 
hope.  We  know  that  it  will  not  only  do  no  good, 
bill  lhat  il  will  do  great  am  positive  injury.  I 
will  detain  the  committee  lo  'numerate  a  few  of 
the  injuries  which,  in  my  judgment,  must  result 
frniii  it.  The  two  importmit  provisions  of  the  bill 
are,  thai  the  public  money ,  instead  of  being  depos- 
ited in  banks,  in  accordance  with  the  practice  of 
the  Government  ever  since  its  organization,  shall 
be  kept  ill  the  hands  of  individuals  to  be  appointed 
by  the  President;  and  secondly,  lhat  the  entire 
revenues  of  the  CTOvernmeiit  shall  be  collected  and 
disbursed  in  gold  and  silver.  I  will  not  dwell  here 
'  upon  the  daiii-er  of  Inss  to  the  public  money ,  which 
must  result  from  this  system.  1  have  already  re- 
ferred to  it,  and  adduccil  the  highest  Demncralic 
evidence  to  slinw  that  such  danger  will  be  great. 
Indied,  I  eiuertain  no  diaibt  lhat  experience  will 
ilemonsiraic  it  to  be  as  great  as  has  been  anticipa- 
icil  by  any  one  of  the  opponents  of  the  measure. 
The  expense  lo  the  Government  of  collecting  niul 
disbursing  its  revenue  will  be  largely,  enormously 
increased  by  this  system.  Under  the  prescntsys- 
lem,  if  the  Government  desires  lo  transfer  ono 
hundred  thousand  or  a  half  million  of  dollars,  from 
New  York  to  Cincinnati,  il  is  simply  and  convc- 
iiie?uly  done,  by  a  draft  transniiited  through  the 
mail,  without  trouble  and  without  expense.  Un- 
der the  system  proposed,  if  the  same  amount  is  Ui 
transferred,  it  can  only  be  done  by  transporting 
the  specie  across  the  Allcgliany  MounUiins,  at 
"■reat  risk  of  its  loss  and  at  enormous  expense. 
Wherever  a  disbursin-.'  ollicer  of  the  Government 
.1-oes  to  pay  out  tile  public  money,  he  inust  be  fol- 
lowed by  wiunins  and  teams  laden  with_  specie. 
Specie  will  be  required  to  be  transported  Ironi  the 
.Mississippi  across  the  mounlains  to  the  Atlantic, 
and  then  to  be  transported  back  again.  Hordes 
of  ofRcers  will  be  required  to  guard  and  protect  tt 
from  robbery  in  iis  transit.  But  who  will  protect  it 
from  them?  Who  will  watch  the  sub-treasurers 
while  it  is  ill  their  custody,  and  protect  the  Gov- 
ernment against  their  frauds  ? 

It  is,  however,  in  reference  to  its  edects  upon 
the  business  and  celieral  interests  of  the  commu- 
nity, that  ils  L'leatcsl  evils  are  tn  be  apprehended. 
The'  bare  annoiincement  of  ils  passage  will  occa- 
simi  distrust  and  luisetde  confidence.  Its  chilling 
inllaence  will  be  felt  in  every  department  of  busi- 
ness, even  bet'ore  it  goes  practically  into  operation. 
The  receipts  of  the  Govei-nment  amount  u>  an 
avera;re  of  neire  than  half  a  million  of  dollm-s  ii 
week  throu;;hout  the  whole  year.  The  demand 
for  this  ainniml  of  specie  every  week,  to  pay  Gov- 
ernnient dues,  must  give  to  it  nu  extraordliiury 


;•■  ■  i« 


581 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAI.  CJLOBE. 

T/w  Sub-treasury  Bill— Mr.  C.  B.  Smith. 


[March  30, 

Ho.  OF  KkI'S. 


vnliic,  iind  occasion  it  to  be  nought  for  with  un- 
iiHiial  ciu;einess.  Biiiik  piijiDr  will  ot'couisn  ininic- 
tliiittly  ije|ifeci«te,  until  there  will  be  n  wide  diUbr- 
eoce  belweeil  it  and  sjiecie.  As  n  iiecfjsHury  ron- 
nequciico,  every  dollar  issued  by  the  bunks  will  be 
iHuirht  up  and  returned  upon  tlieiu  for  lliu  sp<cie. 
Tlieir  vaults  will  be  drained.  The  iicccssuy  of 
t>eir-presoivatioii  v/ill  require  theiu  to  curtail  llioir 
rirculiition  and  their  diseonnlni  ami  in  order  to  meet 
the  coiiiiinial  demands  of  the  Ciovernrnent  upon 
Iheni.  they  will  lie  compelled  to  demand  and  urge 
payment  i'rom  their  debtors. 

And  when  this  state  of  allairs  shall  be  brought 
about,  and  the  banks  are  rompilliil,  by  the  opera- 
lions  of  the  Government,  to  hunt  their  issues  and 
collei!l  their  delits,  we  shall  I'lar  the  miseralile 
.vlang  of  demafrogues,  so  frequently  useil  to  excite 
pi-ejudices  against  the.sc  institutions,  that  thcv  are 
•')ui((in;j-  eii  tht  srrftrs"  to  raiiie  a  panic.  "■  I'ull'ins: 
ea  thr  srrtiiM,"  indeed  !  What  else  can  the  Imnl.s 
dor  If  they  coniinue  to  issue  tlieir  paper  and  ac- 
coMinioilale  their  customers  as  heietofoie,  the  de- 
mani!  for  specie  to  i>uy  Government  iluc.iwill  lake 
every  dollar  of  coin  from  their  vaulls  and  leave 
iheiu  bankrupt.  To  meet  the  exiraoidinary  de- 
mand I'or  specie  which  this  measure  iiiiisl  create, 
and  at  the  same  lime  do  justice  to  the  linlil.rs  of 
their  bills,  they  will  be  ciimpellcd  to  curtail  their 
circulatimuuKlcall  upcm  their  debtors  for  the  means 
to  meet  their  liabililics. 

But  the  evil  consequences  will  not  stop  with  the 
banks.  If  they  alime  were  to  be  the  suti'crers,  the 
evil  might  be  endured.  The  revenues  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, under  our  present  system  of  collccliic,' 
and  disbursing,  arc  not  withdiawii  from  the  rircir- 
lalion  of  the  countiy  and  hoarded  up  in  vaults  and 
strong  boxes.  Kveii  while  it  beloii^'s  to  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  is  liable  to  he  drawn  I'or  as  the  ne- 
cessities of  the  Treasury  Ueparlmem  may  require, 
it  enters  into,  and  forms  a  pan  of,  ihe  general  cir- 
culalioii,  and  thus  adds  important  aid  anil  faciliiies 
to  the  transaction  of  business.  This  bill  ]iropu.ies 
to  change  tlie  order  of  things.  The  public  moiirv, 
instead  of  being  siiiiVivd  to  continue  iii  circulatioii, 
is  to  be  withdrawn  ami  locked  up,  A  moderate 
estimate  will  slio-v  that  the  averaire  aiiionnt  wliii  h 
will  be  in  the  hands  the  Government  olliccrs  will 
not  be  less  than  ten  millions  of  dollars.  Ten  mil- 
lions of  dollars,  ihen,  in  specie,  is  to  be  suddenly 
abiiraeted  from  llie  civulalion  of  the  ciMintry,aiiil 
as  eireclnally  withdrawn  from  the  use  and  iiid  of 
trade  anil  coimnercc  as  Ihongli  it  were  sunk  in  the 
ocean.  The  entire  aeiount  of  specie  in  tlic  United 
.■■Uaies  is  estimated  not  to  excefi!  from  ii_'lity  to 
eiu'lily-five  millions  of  dollars.  One-tenlli,  rlien,  of 
the  whole  specie  of  the  coiniiry  is  lobe  wiilnliawn 
from  circulation,  and  the  ]ieopie  are  to  be  dejirived 
of  its  use  by  this  bill. 

It  needs  not  the  spirit  of  prophc.v  to  enable  us 
to  fure.-jce  the  results.  The  .;bstractlon  of  so  lar<.;e 
an  amount  of  the  circulatinir  medium  of  the  coun- 
try must  be  immfiliately  fell  in  every  branch  of 
business,  and  in  every'part  of  the  couniry.  A 
rapid  depreciation  ol'llie  value  of  every  species  ot 
property  must  follow;  the  wajes  of  labor  must  be 
depressed.  Thousands  of  indiislrious  artisans  and 
hborers  must  lie  thrown  mil  tif  eniploymenl:  a 
^-piieral  deraniieiiiiiit  nf  ln.sincss  will  ensue,  with 
n  r"peliii'in  of  the  painful  and  harniwiiiir  scenes 
wlii'li  occurred  bi  tween  |h;(7  niid  |f'4(l.and  which 
are  yet  fresh  in  the  rei'olleciion  of  us  ail. 

I  know.  .Mr.  ('Iiairmaii,  there  is  a  class  nf  pull- 
iiciaiis  in  this  country  who  indulge  the  visionary 
hope  of  dnviiiir  fnuu  I'licul.ilion  our  paper  ciincii- 
ey,  and  icilm  inc;  the  connlry  to  an  exclusive  nie- 
islli.-  i'iirr.;ncy.  Tloy  vainly  imaLrme  iliat  the  cmi- 
diiion  of  the  couniry  will  be  improved,  when  we 
have  no  circulating'  medium  but  what  they  are 
ji'cased  to  term  ilo'  "  cnmlilutimud  luirniry." 
'I'll"-"  who  eiiieriain  this  iqiimoii  are  consistent, 
;■•  least,  in  su|ipmting  the  Sub-treasory.  It  pie- 
."e.iH  the  means  best  calculated  of  all  others  to 
eiVei't  the  ohjeci  they  have  in  view.  If  once  car- 
neil  out,  anil  riiridly  adhered  to,  it  will  ihsirov  the 
banks  and  lediae  ilie  couniry  to  the  specie  M.inrl- 
ard.  We  have  reason  to  complain,  too,  ihat  while 
this  will  be  the  I  tV,.,t  of  III,.  iii,.,isiire,  anil  while  U 
IS  ill  Iruth  the  n  al  olijeci  of  those  who  are  siru  ne,- 
lo  Ijsieii  il  upmi  us,  they  have  not  the  inaiiliiiess 
I  1-  ilii'  boldness  to  come  out  openly  and  tell  ihe 
people  that  that  is  their  object.  Ili-t  iheiii  once 
boldly  avow  the  real  object  of  tlie  bill,  let  them  tell 


'  the  |>eople  that  they  intend  to  break  down  the 
banks,  and  have  no  currency  but  i;olil  and  silver, 
and  my  word  for  it,  ihe- .Sub-treasury  ([ueslion  will 
soon  be  settled,  finally  and  forever. 

But  they  hope  to  accomplish  indirectly  what 
they  slniiik  from  openly  avowing.  By  drawing 
the  specie  from  the  banks  to  pay  Government 
dues,  they  will  compel  them  to  curiail  their  circu- 
lation, and  us  soon  as  ihey  do  this,  and  in  conse- 
quence of  it  iiiimey  becomes  scarce,  complainls  of 
hard  limes  will  be  heard;  people  will  be  unable  to 
sell  their  properly  or  pay  their  debts;  demagosiies 
will  denounce  the  banks,  and  charge  that  lliey  h.ave 
made  money  scarce  for  ihe  purpose  of  producing  n 
panic.  And^vhen  the  banks,  sinking  beneath  the 
etforts  of  the  (Jovernmenf  to  destroy  them,  and 
the  ellecis  (d*  popular  prejudice  fanned  and  excited 
by  deiuaiid^ues,  are  compelled  to  wind  u]>  their 
business,  or  susjiend  specie  payincnis.  the  people 
will  be  tcdd  that  they  have  been  saved  from  the 
frimds  of  rotten  banks  and  worthless  sliinplasters 
by  the  disinterested  elVorls  of  pun  IkmncrarfJ. 
This  is  the  i;ame  of  miserable  tricksters  which  has 
heretotore  been  )ilayed,  and  which  will  be  a^'aiii 
ailemiited.  The  Siib-ireasnry  is  the  chief  iiistru- 
meiil  by  wlii'di  it  is  hoped  to  accomplish  il. 

But,  yiv.  Chairman,  I  do  not  believe,  however 
much  the  people  may  lor  a  time  be  deluded  and 
deceived,  that  the  hard-money  system  can  ever  be 
carried  out  m  this  country.  It  is  unsnited  to  the 
spirit  and  ireniiis  of  our  institutions.  It  is  unsnit- 
ed to  the  enei-iry  and  enterprise  of  the  jicople.  It 
is  lit  only  tor  i  despotic  ^'ovenimenl,  where  the 
people  are  rule.'  as  slaves,  and  are  compelled  to 
toil  tor  the  beiiefi.  of  a  jianipered  aristocracy;  and 
if  is  onl\'  in  such  i^.ivernments,  where  there  is 
neither  credit  nor  enterprise,  and  where  llie  wau'cs 
of  labor  are  reduced  to  the  lowest  point  at  which 
they  will  enable  the  de^jnidcd  laborer  to  support 
life,  that  it  now  exists.  And  shall  we  iiuitale  the 
example  of  such  L'overnmenis  as  these,  and  adopt 
a  sysiem  which  will  di'i^rade  our  own  free  pi>pula- 
lion  to  the  level  of  their  sni|'eriii;i  ""d  slarvinir 
|.rople.-  The  amount  of  .qiecie  in  the  country  is 
wholly  inadcipiaie  to  the  Inuisaclion  of  the  vast 
amount  of  its  business.  The  idea  that  a  metallii' 
currency  alone  can  supply  ;tll  the  wmits  and  neces- 
sities of  the  people,  connected  with  a  circulating 
medium,  is  chimenciil  and  visionary.  It  is  nn  ideo 
entertained  oii!\'  by  visionary  tliem'ists  and  specu- 
lative po!iliei,-ins,  V.  Iio  know  nothing  |iractically  of 
the  business  of  the  country.  The  iilea  is  utterly 
repudiated  by  all  business  men,  who  arc  practically 
ac(]iiaiiited  with  the  business  necessities  of  the  eom- 
niiinily.  Ifby  one  blow  the  entire  paper  cifciilation 
could  be  stricken  out  of  existence,  il  would  inllict 
an  injury  beyond  the  powers  of  cahMlation  to  es- 
lim.ite.  Property  woiiUl  be  depreciated  to  less 
than  a  third  of  its  present  value.  The  wages  of 
labor  would  be  reduced  in  a  still  sreater  propoi- 
lioii,  and  a  scene  of  snlferinu',  privation,  and  mis- 
ery would  ensue,  which  would  beLr;:ar  description. 
If  the  same  result  should  be  aliaini  d  by  a  slow 
anil  irradual  process.  alihon>;h  the  shock  wonhl 
be  less  se\ere,  the  evil  wonhl  br  friiialiv  :;reat.  To 
ailopi  such  a  s\'siein  now  would  lie  to  reiro;:rade, 
instead  of  advancincr  in  the  march  of  civilization; 
it  would  be  rclapsiii',;  at  once  into  the  barbnrisin  of 
the  middle  .ejes.  The  most  profiialile  part  of  our 
eapiiiil,  and  to  which  we  arc  inihbieil  more  llian 
anything  elst;  tor  our  prospi  rily,  is  nritit  and  rii- 
Irrprhr.  Il  is  the  capital  of  creilit  and  enltriirisr 
whii'h  enables  the  poor  to  compete  with  the  rich; 
It  is  this  which  reniovi  s  the  immense  disadvaii- 
l.i'jes  under  whii'li  the  mechanic  or  trader,  without 
luoiiey.  labors,  and  enables  liiiii  to  move  aloin^  in 
the  path  of  successful  compeiiiKin  with  tin  m.m 
ot  wealili.  Ileiider  this  capital  unavailing,  and 
you  strike  fVoni  him  every  source  of  wealth.  De- 
prive him  of  its  lieiiellis,  and  you  render  him  a 
slave  lo  the  man  of  wealth.  It  is,  ill  fact,  placiiiiT 
ihe  business  ami  resources  of  the  i-ountry  entirely 
at  the  disposal  ol'  the  lew  weallliy,  who  can  con- 
trol its  capital. 

.And  yei,  .Mr.  ( 'hairiiian,  this  isadvocaied  in  the 
name  of  Ikmnryacif.  Il  is  nrired  upon  the  country 
;is  a  Drmocralir  measure.  Itemocracy  has  been 
iicide  a  niaiith'  to  cover  ninny  eiiormiiies,  but  surely 
il  was  never  nseil  to  cover  one  irreaUT  than  this. 

(hie  of  the  u:realest  evils  resulting  from  the  aciioii 
of  Ihe  donimant  parly  has  been  proibiced  by  their 

.  continual  hostiliiy  to  the  business  and  industry  of 


the  cnnntry.  For  fineen  years  the  enterprise  nnil 
industry  of  the  counti-y  has  been  trammelled  anil 
crippled  by  the  hostility  of  the  Govermnenl.  Un- 
der Ihe  pretexts  of  opposition  lo  m-ixlnminj  mo- 
iiifoHts  and  prhile^cil  rhmrs,  mere  p!  antmns  ex- 
isting only  in  llie  distempered  imaginatimis  of 
political  charlatans,  a  eonlinued  warfare  has  been 
kept  up  nt'iiinsl  the  industrial  piirsuiLs  of  the  peo- 
ple. A  few  years  iigo  the  divideiid.s  itcclared  by 
the  banks  were  paraded  before  the  country  for  iho 
pur|io.se  of  slunving  that  they  were  making  loo 
much  money.  .-Vll  pure  Democrats  were  invokeil 
lo  lend  their  aid  lo  destroy  iheiii,  in  order  to  pre- 
vent them  from  making-  aurli  large  profits.  The 
sensitive  iier\es  lA'  fh'inocrfirij  were  al'lerwards  ex- 
cited by  the  profiialile  operations  of  the  mercantile 
coimnunity.  The  hue-aiid-ery  was  forthwith  raisci) 
a'.ruinst  the  merchauts,  and  every  elfort  made  to 
excite  public  odium  against  them.  jMore  latterly, 
the  [)etiuicn:ttc  ptti'hj^  in  their  keen  .s<*arch  for  ato- 
nfipolirs  and  /irirt/cgci/  c/ii.i.'.t.s,  have  directed  their 
allciition  lo  the  manuliicturers,  and  have  made  the 
i//i/r»iiiiff  discovery  that  they  arc  luahing  money. 
What  business  have  ihe  mamUacturers  to  make 
money.'  Why  don't  they  run  their  mills  and  ex- 
pend their  capital  without  anyprolit.-  But  they 
are  making  money,  and  that  must  be  stopped. 
These  dividends  which  they  are  declaring  must 
ce;ise.  True,  they  are  buying  the  agriculluial  pro- 
ducls  of  the  I'ariucr;.,  and  paying  tlieiu  very  hand- 
some prices  for  thcin,  while  they  are  selling  their 
uoiuls  so  low  that  the  people  luaKe  no  eomplaint, 
and  seem  to  be  remarkably  well  satisfied  with  the 
condition  of  thing's.  But  the  iiianuliicttirers  are 
niakiier  nioney,  and  therefore  they  must  be  de- 
nounced as  mniwihtlists  and  in-ivilci^id  /■/t/.'^.ses,  and 
their  biisine-  s  must  be  destroyed.  To  elVcct  this 
very  imporlanl  ncincrt-iilic  object,  it  is  proposed  to 
rcpe.d  the  larilf,  and  allow  British  mamUacturers  to 
fill  our  markets  with  their  goods,  which  they  will 
sell  to  oiii  people  al  prices  as  high  as  those  whicl> 
are  cliar;^f:d  by  our  own  manuhicturers.  By  this 
j  oprralion  the  jirofits  which  are  now  made  by  ;\me- 
I  ricaii  inamifaclurers  will  be  Iransferred  to  Brilisit 
mannfiicttirers.  I  cannot  see  how  the  people  are 
lo  he  benefited,  but  still  I  suppo.se  ii  will  he  Ihmo- 

t-Vtltii'. 

It  is  this  continncd  hostility  of  the  Government 
to  the  (lilVcrent  industrial  pmsuiis  of  the  people^ 
which  keeps  the  country  in  a  c'liiinual  lermcnl 
and  prodiiies  such  frequent  revulsions.  The  peo- 
ple, i'or  whose  benefit  it  is  pretended  this  I'lamor 
about  mojinpolifs  is  raised,  are  the  greatest  sutferers. 
By  a  course  of  legislation  which  is  [irete. tiled  to  be 
for  llieir  benefit,  the  very  sourcis  of  their  pros- 
perity are  cut  oil'.  Can  any  man  be  so  dull  as  lo 
suppose  that  the  merchants  and  iiiannfiictnrers  ciiti 
be  crushed  and  their  liusiness  destroyed,  without 
injury  resuliiii'.;  to  the  farmers  and  nicchaiiics? 
The  idea  is  piTposterous.  Kvery  blow  which  is 
struck  by  the  (_iovcniineiil,  at  the  leading  liusiness 
interests  of  the  (;oiimiuiiily,  is  fi'lt  tiiroiighont  all 
the  ramifications  of  society.  Their  ruin  iiiust  ne 
i-essarily  iiivohe  llie  ruin  of  every  other  class  of 
ihe  people.  Their  inleif  st  is  identical,  and  they 
must  prosfier  or  suffer  lo;^clher.  In  the  great  re- 
vulsion llirou;ili  which  we  have  so  recently  pa.-,s- 
eil,  and    which    I    have   attempted    lo   show   was 

;  bion'_'hl  about  by  the  improper  interference  of  the 
( roverninciii  with  the  business  concerns  of  the 
people,  no  class  of  the  people  suffered  more  sc- 
\crely,  or  incurred  irrealer  sacrifices, than  the  farm- 
ers. 'I'housands  were  reduced  from  atllueuce  to 
|ioveriv,  and  their  farms  were  sacrificed  under  the 
slicrilPs  hammer. 

Il  appears  to  nie,  .Mr.  Chainimn,  from  the  indi- 
cations we  see,  lliiit  we  h.ive  aiiijile  reason  to  fear 
an  early  recurrence  of  this  distressing  condition  of 
thinirs.  The  Siib-trt  usury  bill  will  do  much  towards 
hrinKimr  it  about.  But  when  we  adil  to  lliis  that 
other  <rre;it  fhnmrfdlic  iHfiiHiift,  which  will  soon  be 
brnim'ht  before  us,  a  rtduciion  of  the  Taiilf,  the 
lesnll  sei  ins  ineviiable.  The  .Sub-treasury  will 
create  an  exlraordiiiary  ileinand  for  spei'ie,  and 
t;reatly  diminish  the  bank  circulation.  It  will  de- 
stroy confnlence  and  paralyze  the  enterprise  of  the 
connlry.  'J'he  pi  inciples  of  IVee  trade, , is  propo.sed 
to  be  carried  out  by  a  leduclioii  of  llie  Tarill,  will 
induce  excessive    importations  of  foreiu^n  i^oods. 

;\  liMlam f  trade  against  us  will   necessarily  I'ol- 

low.    This  must  occasion  the  exportation  of  specie, 

'  and  when  we  reach  that  point,  we  shall  have  reach- 


' 


1846.J 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


585 


'29th  Cono IsT  Sess. 


fVesl  Point  Academy — Mr.  Sawi/er. 


Ho.  OF  Reps, 


III  n  rrisin,  In  lie  fiillownl  hy  n  train  of  connequenccH  ' 
illwiNlroiiH  mill  niiiimiH  lo  ilii:  wlioln  roniitry. 

I  nIioiiIiI  111'  liii|i|iy,  Nir,  if  it  were  in  my  power  to 
iilil  ill  nrreHliii!;  llin  )inssii>,'e  iif  this  liill.  But  1 
know  lliiit  the  ellorls  of  tlie  minority  here  nre  pow- 
irliss.  The  iniijorily  have  (literinineil  tliiit  it  shall 
|)MHH,  Cruel,  wanton,  iinil  wickeil  as  it  is,  it  will 
pass  hy  the  uiiiiniiiioii»  vote  of  the  Deinocranj. 
I'ailinj  lo  unite  in  the  supporl  of  any  other  meas- 
nro,  they  have  ileteniiineil  to  unite  in  the  support 
nt'lliis,  io  show  the  country,  that  if  they  can  unite 
in  the  sn|i|iort  of  no  inea.iine  calculalpil;  to  benefit 
the  people,  they  ^'i^i^  unite  in  aupfiortinff  one  (le- 
Kii;neilloinllii't  upon  them  ihe  most  serioUH  injury — 
line  which  will  liiar  iniliihiliilile  evidence  of  the 
ilemlly  halreil  of  Democracy  to  the  business  men 
ami  bUHiness  inlereslH  of  the  country. 

This  Con'i;rcsH  has  already  done  more  injury  to 
the  cminlrv,  hv  'he  fears,  and  nlnrma,  anil  nf!;ita- 
lions  whicli  it  lins  excited,  than  years  of  wise  le- 
f;iNlalion  would  repair.  The  eyes  of  the  people 
lire  now  directed  In  the  Capitol  in  anxious  inquiry, 
not  ill  hope,  to  ascertain  v/hat  next  is  to  he  done 
to  iiiipiove  their  condition,  but  in  fear  and  dread, 
to  set  what  mischief  is  next  to  he  perpetrated. 
Their  Hiroii^est  wish  is  that  we  should  adjourn 
mid  li  i  them  alone.  Itiit  1  have  no  hopes  of  an 
iidjonrnmeni  bil'orc  the  work  of  mischief  i:;  com- 
plete. And  when  it  shall  be  complete,  and  this 
<  'om^re.sij  shall  adjourn,  this  twenty-ninth  Conjjress 
will  have  earned  for  iiself  the  re|nitation  of  hiiviuij 
done  less  f;ood,  and  inllicled  more  evil  upon  the 
country,  than  any  ('oni,'ress  which  has  convened 
under  the  ('oiisiitulioii. 


MILITARY  ACADEMY. 
REMARKS  OF  MR.  W.  SAWYER, 

OF  OHIO, 
In  the  House  op  REi-nEsENT.tTivEs, 
.Vn.)  II,  1846. 
The  Dill  niakins;  appropriations  for  the  .support  of 
the  Military  Academy  at  West  Point   for  the 
year  enilinf;  .lune  HOJ  1847,  having  been   taken 
up  in  Committee  of  the  Whole — 
Mr.  SAWYER  moved  to  strike  out  the  first 
section. 

After  what  I  have  seen  here  within  the  last  few 
days,  (said  Mr.  Savvvk.h,)  and  the  experience  I 
have  had  in  this  Hull,  I  liiivc  very  lillle  expccla- 
tion  that  my  motion  will  prove  successful,  or  that 
this  wasteful  s(|uaiidcriiii:  of  the  public  innney 
upon  a  pensioned  und  useless  inslittuion  is  to  be 
IiioukIu  to  a  siidih'U  halt  at  this  time.  Rnl,  sir,  I 
should  be  no  lont;i'r  a  failhful  Ilepresenlative  here 
did  I  not  raise  my  voice  of  rcmonsirance,  weak 
Mild  I'eiblc  lhoii:;h  il  be,  auaiiist  a  liiiiL;er  contin- 
uance of  these  heavy  animal  appropriations  for  the 
snp|iorl  of  a  few  rich  men'.s  sons  at  West  Point. 

[lleie,  afier  suinlry  iiilcrruptions  and  explaim- 
iioiis  beiwen  Messrs.  Mc.Kav,  Hopkins,  and 
McD.nvKil. — 

Mr.  SiWVF.R  moved  so  to  rimend  llie  bill,  that 
"liereal\er  the  institution  at  West  Point  should  be 
abolished.'* 

Several  propositions  tor  anieiidmeiit  here  .snc- 
eceiled  each  oiher;  afler  which,  llie  vole  on  slrikiiii; 
out  the  lirsl  section  was  taken  and  lo.st,  1(11  to  5ll. 
Mr.  Ratuiuv  now  moved  lo  the  ell'ect  that  "  no 
eadel  shoiilil  be  heiial'ii  r  ap|ioiiiii'd  lo  llie  Mililary 
Acadi'tin';  and  lliat  as  soon  as  the  pri'scnt  caileis 
should  have  ;;iadiialeil,  ihe  s.iid  insiiimioii  should 
beab.ilished."! 

Mr.  Svwvi'.ii  here  n^aln  rose  and  said:  I  have  a 
word  or  two  to  s,iy,  sir,  on  the  prop' scd  uniend- 
nieiil.  The  lime  has  fully  come,  sir,  when  every 
freeman,  every  Iriie-hcaried  American,  every  lion- 
I'sl  man,  should  slrike  for  his  counlry.  Fearless 
of  all  consciiueuces,  I  inlenil,  for  one,  to  do  niy 
duly  here.  I  have  no  wish  lo  balUe  the  action  of 
the  commillee  iior  of  ihis  House.  I  lionesily  be- 
lieve thai  slarilin^  abuses  exist  in  llii  iiisliliilion. 

We  are  iM>w  on  ihc  eve  of  an  iinporlant  war. 
The  soiinil  ■>!  artillery  has  reached  us  from  our 
southern  bordir.  The  whole  counlry  will  be 
awakened  lo  a  h.misc  of  the  daiiL'cr  ihal  now  .snr- 
roiiiids  US.  We  have  been  wailinir  here  in  iiiix- 
ioiis  expeilMlioil,  mid  Willi  deep  emolioii,  of  le- 
ceiviiiira  iiiessa^;e  from  llie  President  of  the  I'nilcd 
Slates,  to  tell  u.s  of  wlmi,  is  {;oiny  on   upon   our 


southwestern  frontier.  Several  propositions  have 
been  bronpht  forward,  one  this  inorninsr,  in  refer- 
ence lo  these  excilini^  mailers,  and  all  voted  down, 
with  the  e.xpcclaiion  of  leceivinj;  a  message  from 
the  President,  spreadin;^  before  us  nil  ihe  informa- 
tion in  his  possession  tnuchinij  the  Army  of  Occu- 
pation upon  the  Rio  Grande,  and  of  our  recent 
ti'ouhlesand  disasters  and  threatened  injuries  in  that 
(|iiarler.  Ou2;ht  we  not,  sir,  instead  of  ploddini^  on 
our  way  here  as  we  are  now  doin;,  utterly  in  the 
dark,  in  buildini  up  and  fostering  such  an  institution; 
onijht  we  not,  .sir,  I  say,  to  be  lioldly  and  actively 
at  work  in  seiidins  speedy  relief  to  the  sufTerins 
soldier  upon  the  lines?  Look  to  the  character  of 
the  news  received  on  Saturday  eveiiiiii;.  AVImI 
was  that  news,  sir?  None  other  than  that  Ameri- 
can blood  had  been  spilt  upon  American  soil.  We 
hear  that  niir  men  upon  the  distant  frontier  have  been 
butchered,  some  of  our  soldiers  made  prisoners, 
and  our  army  surrounded!  And  here  we  sit,  pro- 
posiiiK  new  apiirnprinlhns — proposing  thousands 
upon  thousands  in  aid  of  a  worthless  public  insliiu- 
tion — jirnposini;,  instead  of  sending  soldiers  to  the 
seat  war,  to  impose  more  taxes  upon  the  people  to 
sustain  a  school  of  indolence  which  has  too  Ion'.;  ■ 
lieenablilht,a  mildew,. ind  a  curse  upon  ihe  nation. 
What  do  we  hear  from  the  Army  of  Occupation  ? 
As  I  iindersland  the  miilter,  the  President  empow- 
ered Ihe  commandiii!:oHicer  al  the  head  of  our  lillle 
band  upon  the  Del  Norlo  lo  call  forth  the  whole 
force  of  Ihe  nation  to  his  aid.  That  officer,  either 
because  he  deemed  it  inexpedient  to  avail  himself 
of  that  power,  or  fm-  the  want  of  Ihe  requisite  in- 
formation of  his  true  situation,  sulVered  himself,  us 
it  would  seem,  to  be  cut  off  by  the  Mexican  forces, 
I  and  to  have  his  supplies  intercepted,  leaving  him- 
I  self  and  his  little  army  to  become  the  prey  of  the 
enemv. 

Thus  stands  the  case  at  this  mis;lity  juncture. 
The  very  blood  chills  at  its  recital;  and  here  we 
are  in  the  Hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
delayin!;oiiraclion,and  wilhouleven  licinsfiirnish- 
ed  w-ilh  the  needed  inlelliffence  necessary  for  that 
action  from  the  proper  quarter.  If  my  will  could 
have  prev.ailed,  Coniiress  would  have  been  in  ses- 
sion yesterday,  although  it  w.as  the  Sabbath:  yes, 
holy  and  saci-ed  as  is  that  day,  it  has  no  fetters 
'  slriinir  enoiifli  to  bind  the  sons  of  freedom,  and 
keep  them  from  riishins;  to  the  conllict  when  their 
brothers  and  friends  are  welterin<;  in  their  blood. 
Could  my  wish  have  accomplished  anythiiej  at 
such  a  crisis,  before  ihe  sun  had  set,  half  a  million 
of  freemen,  if  need  be,  should  have  been  on  their 
way  to  Ihe  aid  and  |iroleciion  of  their  siifTerins; 
countrymen.  Instead  of  such  an  olfcrinc,  sir,  here 
we  arc  upon  our  oars — no  message  from  the  Pres- 
ident, no  action  on  the  part  of  Coniress,  no  move- 
ment for  the  defence  of  the  distant  froiilier. 

[Here  Mr.  Haralson-  rose,  and  liirnin;;  lo  Mr. 
Sawvkr,  said,  ho  was  laboring;  under  a  very  sreat 
mislakc.  There  had  been  no  delay  or  ne^;li?ence 
on  the  pari  of  the  President.  A  message  was  to 
I  be  transmillcd  to  both  Houses  of  Coni;ress  at 
twelve  o'clock.  Il  could  not  have  been  transmit- 
ted earlier,  because  the  I  loiises  were  not  in  session 
yesterday.  The  despal'hcs  had  been  received 
only  on  Salurilay,  lute  at  iii'^ht.  Nor  had  there 
bc'ii  any  del.iv  or  iii";lej:cnce  on  the  part  of  the 
commander  of  the  sonihweslern  army.] 

Mr.  Sawykr  coniimied.  I  am  aware  of  that 
fact.  I  am  aware,  loo,  sir,  as  we  all  must  be,  that 
we  have  lonj  been  wailimr  in  vain  on  the  action  of 
the  Seiiaie,  and  had  llial  body  not  happritrd  lo  have 
been  in  session  to-dny,  why,  we  must  have  wailed 
iiiilil  to-morrow.  Our  enemy  at  Malanioras,  I  im- 
luriiie,  sir,  are  not  iriiitin;;.  Xo,  they  are  proba- 
bly, al  this  very  moment,  marchim;  over  the  pros- 
ir  lie  bodies  of  our  fallen  counlrymen.  The  tTnion 
editor,  I  leijrel  lo  see,  is  denonucin;  ihis  Hoiive, 
in  connexion  with  llie  Senate,  fiu'  its  v.'nut  of  a'*- 
Uon  upon  these  i'real  and  vilally  iniporlanl  ''uli- 
jecls.  I.etil  turn  iisbalterii's  and  its  denunciations 
ill  the  pro|ier  direction.  AVliat  have  ice  been  doin^ 
here?  Have  icr  neulectcd  our  duly?  Xo.  All 
the  bills  whose  passaire  have  been  sought,  have 
been  promptly  allended  lo  by  this  body,  and  where 
are  they  now?  Ask  the  Clerk  of  the  Senate,  and 
he  wiHtell  you.  And  yet  still  further  delay  is  re- 
quired. There  is  a  poiiil  beyoii'l  whicli  no  Repub- 
lican here  should  be  silent.  .V  monienlous  crisis  is 
upon  us.  The  rava^'rs  of  war  now  prey  upon  our 
defenceless  iVonlicr.     Our  countryiucn  nre  falling 


there;  and  this  is  not  the  time  to  be  looking  after 
appropriations  for  the  support  of  sindeii Is  at  a  mil- 
ilary inslilulion.  Let  those  already  educated  there 
at  the  public  expense,  now  show  themselves.  Not, 
sir,  as  did  some  of  the  brave  fellows  in  the  Florida 
war,  al  the  trying  moment  when  dan(,'cr  threaten- 
ed, resii^n  their  commissions  and  retire,  and,  al'ier 
the  storm  was  over,  and  the  danger  passed,  again 
enroll  themselves,  like  true  patriots,  m  the  service 
and  pay  of  their  counlry.  We  want  no  such 
iruckliiiE:  pensioners  in  the  contest  now  raging  upon 
the  Rio  Bravo.  Hardier  sous,  and  bolder  spirits, 
and  more  llra^vny  arms,  will  be  there,  sir. 

[Here  Mr  Harai.som  again  interposed  and  ob- 
.served,  that  he,  nor  the  enmmiilee  to  which  he 
belonged,  desired  any  delay.  On  the  contrary,  he 
alluded  lo  the  con.slant  elforls  he  had  made  during 
the  session  to  take  up  and  act  on  the  bills  reported 
by  that  commitlee.] 

Mr.  Sawyer  resumed.  As  1  have  the  floor,  sir, 
I  will  admonish  the  gentleman  lo  keep  cool.  I  in- 
tend, fearlessly,  to  say  what  I  think  is  right  in  my 
jil.ace  here.  1  charge  neither  him,  nor  the  commit- 
tee to  which  he  bcloni;s,  w'ith  any  ncirlei't  of  duty. 
.  They  have  reported  bill  upon  bill,  and  this  House 
has  passed  them.  I  cast  no  censure  upon  this 
House.  They  merit  none.  I  point  to  the  other 
end  of  the  Capitol.  How  stand  matters  there, 
sir?  AVe  have  passed  the  bill  givintr  notice;  we 
have  passed  the  Oregon  jurisiliclion  bill  ;  we  have 
passed  the  bill  that  came  down  iVom  the  Senalc, 
with  a  trilling  amendment,  to  provide  for  the  rais- 
ing of  a  reginii  111  of  mounted  rillcmen,  which  has 
gone  back  io  thai  body; — all  these  bills  have  slept 
upon  Senators' desks  al  the  other  end  of  this  build- 
ing, for  a  month,  without  an  ed'ort  for  nclion. 

[Several  voices:  What  have  you  lo  say  of  the 
tariff?)  Mr.  Sawyer  '(aid,  wu  are  chtused  with 
neglecting  the  tarilf.  If  censure  is  to  rest  any- 
where in  that  matter,  which  I  do  not  intimate,  it  is 
with  the  cliairniiui  of  the  Commillee  of  Ways  and 
Means.  We  are  all  aware,  that  the  report  upon 
the  larid'  has  been  quite  recently  made.  It  has 
been  but  n  short  period  upon  our  desks.  lam, 
for  one,  prepared,  as  I  believe  this  House  lo  be, 
lo  lake  up  and  pass  that  bill  al  any  moment. 
Why,  then,  are  we  censured  ?  Possibly,  to  divide 
I  the  responsibility  between  this  Plonsc,  and  an  hoii- 
I  orable  body  that  can  sit  but  three  or  four  days  in  i» 
week.  I  share  not  in  any  such  division.  It  be- 
lon;;s  not  here.  I  hurl  back  the  unwarrantable 
imputation. 

[Here  a  messaire  was  :innounced  from  the  Pres- 
ident, to  which  Mr.  Sawvimi  responded,  that  he 
reioiccd  llial  his  voire  had  been  heard;  and  thai  it 
had  broii'jhl  forth  a  mes.sage. 

Afler  Ihe  piocc'dini^s  and  discussions  had  upon 
the  commui.icalion  of  the  Presidenl,  the  subject  nf 
the  West  Poixt  Academv  was  again  resumed.) 

In  conlinuation,  Mr.  .Saivvkr  said,  when  I  was 
yeslerday  cut  short  in  my  remarks,  by  the  arrival 
of  Ihe  message,  I  was  alluding  to  cerlain  strictures 
in  the  Union  of  this  city  upon  the  actions  and  do- 
iinrs  of  Congress.  I  had  nearly  finished  what  1 
li.ad  iuleiided  to  say  upon  that  point  when  our  dis 
cussions  here  were  (!haiti;ed  from  an  examination 
iiilo  the  merits  of  particular  apf't'oprialions  for 
schools,  lo  tlio.se  of  war  and  palriolism  upon  the 
subject  of  our  blcedinir  counlry. 

Ill  reference  to  ourselves,  .^ir,  I  feel  lhal  we  have 
here  done  our  duly  faithfully;  but  IV'im  a  report 
to  wliii'h  I  was  rctcrrcd  in  ihe  Iiilelligencer  this 
morninj,  I  (lerceivc  ihat  I  ini'j-hl  have  been  inis- 
nppreliended  in  some  of  my  remarks  on  yesterday. 
In  the  main,  I  was  there  coriecily  reported:  and 
the  skelch  "riven  of  what  I  said,  was  no  doubt 
hoiieslly  taken,  and  fairly  made.  If,  lio«-ever, 
any  inference  could  be  drawn  from  them  as  in  any 
sci'isi'  inipuiiiiir  censure  to  the  chairman  of  the 
Mililary  Commillee,  [Mr.  Hvum.sox,]  orascast- 
iiiir  blame  U|»on  the  honorable  chairman  of  the 
Commillee  of  Ways  and  Means,  [Mr.  M'-Kay,] 
I  can  only  say  thai  niy  langiiii'^'C  was  iiiiforlunate. 
X'oihing  could  be  farther  from  my  purpose.  I 
now  poinledly  disclaim,  as  I  did  yeslerday,  any 
such  iiilcnlion.  X'one  among  us,  sir,  could  have 
discharged  their  diilies  more  failbfully:  and  this 
much  is  due,  lionesily  due,  lo  every  eonmiitlee  of 
this  House,  so  far  as  their  aciion  was  invited  by 
any  recommendation  of  the  I'iXecutive.  But,  while 
I  this  is  emphatically  true,  I  niust  be  allowed  to  say, 
I  (and  I  do  so  Willi  the  utmost  inurtifioalion  and 


'^'i 


r---ii 


586 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[May  1 1 , 


29rH  Cong 1st  Sess. 


fVest  Point  Academy — Mr.  Sawyer. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


regrcl,)  llinl,  in  my  liiiml)le  jii<l,!»nicnt,  the  other  i 
iirniu  li  of  this  Lefr'i.sliiture  hns  lui/  done  its  duly. 
Yes,  sir,  I  rqient  here,  thnt  it  has  not  I'F.bformed 
ITS  IM'TY.  .  "  ■;  Union  allei^cs  thnl  both  branclica 
of  (.'oni;rcss  lue  Dcmorrntic.  A  slif;ht  error,  Rir; 
n  shitht  error.  I  deny  the  nllejjation.  This  lirnneh 
is  eorreetly  represented  ui  th;a  remark.  The  mn- 
jnriiy  here  ia  Irnly  Denioemlie,  while  that  of  the 
other  wins;  of  this  (.'apiiol  is  as  sirietly  Whijr. 
Let,  then,  sir,  the  rharue  of  n  dereliction  of  dmy 
rest  where  it  properly  helonjjs.  Let  it  lie  hnpeil, 
.■sir,  in  fiil'ire,  that  wlieii  onr  friend  of  the  Union 
shall  feel  it  neeessnry  to  oiler  his  easli!;'ulions  npon 
Con?re.ss,  thnt  nil  direct  association  of  the  two 
hodies  will  lie  nvoided.  A  lecture  of  the  kind 
would  liy  no  means  he  misapplied  in  the  proper 
quarter,  and  all  will  unite  in  wishini;  that  sucli  n 
consummation  of  laliors  and  duties  will  hereafier 
tlow  from  it  as  tii  rerlcem  their  pli'di;es,  so  often 
made  to  their  country,  to  carry  out  llic  w  ill  of  the 
peojile. 

What  n  contrast,  sir,  between  the  action  of  this 
House  and  that  of  the  Senate;  and,  nl.-:o,  between 
the  Sen.ile  and  that  of  the  Le!;i.<Iatiire  of  that 
bright  slar  in  our  Confederacy — llie  Stale  qf  toiiisi- 
oim.'  This  coii/insf,  sir,  must  force  il.selliipon  the 
minds  of  all.  Louisiana  stood  once  almot't  alone 
upon  our  Bouihwestcrn  border.  Invasion  once  beat 
aronnd  the  homes  of  her  .sons,  and  the  cloud  of  war 
hun^  llircalcninuly  over  her.  In  that  dark  hiuir, 
she  had  soldiers  for  the  field  and  lor  the  camp. 
And  w  hen  ai^ain  the  sound  of  war  riiiu^s  in  her 
ears,  not  a  single  moment  is  lust.  Money  and 
men  are  forthwith  supplied;  and  while  the  Senate 
here  is  queryinj  about  a  mere  technical  phrase, 
and  dclayins  action,  and  at  the  very  onset,  when 
one  of  my  colleji^ues,  as  I  rcirrei  to  say,  in  this 
Hall,  is  urfjuiiii;  in  favor  of  Mexico,  thuusandn  of 
the  liold,  intrepid  spirits  of  the  lower  Mississippi 
are  flocking  to  their  country's  standard,  on  their 
way  to  the  theatre  of  invasion. 

Yes,  sir,  and  the  hardy  veterans  of  tl^e  whole 
Mississippi  valley,  arc  following;  their  noble  ex- 
ample. The  s<ins  of  Ohio,  of  Indiana,  of  Illinois, 
of  .Missouri,  and  .MichJiran,  and  of  all  the  Far 
West  and  Souihwcsl.  will  be  there.  In  their 
cuniilry's  cause,  they  study  no  meaning  of  words, 
iind  know  no  middle' irroinid  of  action."  AVe  have 
geniuses  peculiarly  fun  il  for  all  such  nice  Jisliiic- 
(ioiu  here,  while  de.-iolation  is  lieatin;;  around  us. 
Such  men  are  to  be  found  in  our  midst,  here  at 
the  i"'Miilain-licad  of  .he  nation,  cyplieriiii;  up  the 
ditrurence  between  '■  liMtililij"  and  "  u'«i-,"  while 
the  brave  spirits  of  Ine  land  are  to  be  seen  on  their 
way  to  the  sulTerinj;  frontier,  livin:;  on  a  sciiily 
|iitiance,  dimbin:;  clilT>,  di;riinff  trenches,  swini- 
in;n;;  rivers,  lliriv  iin;  no  breastworks,  and  storin- 
iii_'  balterii  s,  for  ii„  ,;,  i;,cMnre  of  their  country. 
lleit'T  were  i!.e  marine  banil  of  your  navy-yard, 
sir,  plejinu'  Yaiikie  Hoodie  m  tlie  walls  ol'  .Maia- 
moi-.is,  than  in  pulonninu'  here,  iwn-e  a  wei'k, 
ti  .kliiiu',  with  sweei  sounds,  the  ears  of  the  fafh- 
iiinable  d  indies,  and  ijeiith  men  wailiii!;  orders,  in 
the  President's  si|uaie  of  the  American  capital. 
.■\nd  let  ine  ask,  who  proviib  (I  siwh  an  eniertain- 
ineiii  for  our  iilurific  alioii .-  liy  what  l.iw  is  it  au- 
thorized r  IJetier  were  it,  sir,  thai  the  lazy  cap- 
tains of  your  e. ivy,  and  their  subor  linates,  should 
be  found  In  dc.  ncc  of  the  coiiniry  thai  pays  llieni, 
than  in  loltini:  and  liaiiiLNiiii  here  -it  hea(lc|iiarlrrs 
lait  of  einploynieiit.  ^'on  may  order  them  oti", 
and  yet  liiey  will  han^  aliout  lor  weeks  and  weeks, 
yea,  moiiihs,  sir,  ii[ioii  some  pretence  or  other,  be- 
fore a  single  sail  is  set  to  the  brei  ze.  They  love 
their  homes  and  their  habits  too  well  to  be  out  of 
port  as  loiii^  H.S  they  can  <:ontrive  up  excuses  tor 
rcuiainini;  in  it.  !n  the  face  of  displeasure,  and 
I'rowMs,  sir,  and  in  laiilifulncss  ''t  my  constitucntH 
and  the  country,  I  ile,  laie.  r.i,  ■  vernal  war  upon  all 
such  abuses — such  a  derelic'  o  of  duly,  such  n 
w.inlon  abandoninent  of  of  >'        obli;;atinii. 

I  under.-iiiuid  the  subje,-'  .,r  con.sideration  to 
be,  the  West  Point  Aiaih  '  if  1  have  wander- 

ed a  liille,  sir,  ycai  will  kii.  .v  to  exciL^e  it  in 

one  who,  perhips,  niav  stiiu  ,  ..  ianieiilary  rules  ' 
less  llian  lie  does  the  Interests  ;  ..d  welfare  of  his 
I'oiiiiiry.  And  the  liberty,  too,  of  wanderinj,'  I'rom 
till  i|iMstion  on  such  a  subjer!  is  so  much  an  iiiiu;- 
reut  rmlil,and  is  so  ofien  InilulL'ed  in,  that  all  here 
have  Ions  since  ceased  to  consider  it  a  matter  of 
Wonder.  The  bill,  however,  opens  up  a  wide 
range  of  debate;  but  I  would  by  no  ineiuis  unne- 


cessarily delnin  the  eomniiltec.     We  Imvn  import-  |[ 
ant  intereat-s  in  our  keepiii<;.     Our  main  work  is  || 
before  us.     Wc  have  loft  very  little  of  it  behind 
us.     And  as  to  West   Point,  sir,  I   resjard  it  as  a 
blot  upon  our  public  history.     Or  niimlly,  the  de- 
.sis;n  may  have  been  well  enouch;  but  it  has  failed, 
sitjnully  failed,  to  carry  out  the  intent  of  Its  found- 
ers.    It   may,  indeed,  be  proper  to  fulfil  existiiij,'   ! 
C(  ntracts  there.     I  would  b,        nieans  tread  upon  , 
any  Icial  or  constitutional  rl^rlit  which  that  insiitti- 
tion  enjoys  by  the  past  munificence  and  bounty  of 
the  Government.      I'm    that   institution    must,  I 
think,  evenlnally  hnve  iis  end.    It  is  lotleriii!:  now 
upon  the  very  brink  of  deslriielimi.     I  trust  and 
hope  that   the  ainendment  of  the  ncntlcman  from 
New  York    |Mr.  Uatiiihn]  may  finally  prevail; 
and  iliat  this  nny  be  the  auspicious  nionienl,  when 
thai  rotten  and  corrupt  esttddisliment  may  cease  to 
drain  the  public  treasury.     Let  the  vole  taken  on 
my  motion  on  yesterday,  sir,  at  least  be  a  warnini; 
to  the   favined    youm;  spirils  now  there,  that  the 
period  may  not   be  far  distant  when   those  of  ns 
who  rceard  it  ns  an  incubus  upon  the  country  may   ; 
linally  triuiiiph. 

The  apolo!;isls  of  the  institution  boldly  proclaim  ' 
that  those  ajipoiiiled  lo  receive  its  benefits  are  sent 
there  to  be  educated  for  service  in  lime  of  war. 
I!ut  what  are  the  fads,  sir.-  I  fearlessly  as.serl,  hi 
my  piace  here,  and  on  the  responsibility  of  my  po- 
siiion,  that  ot'  the  miniber  who  share  the  smiles 
and  favors  of  that  public  school,  sustained,  as  it  is, 
by  the  people  of  lliis  country — by  the  honesl,  har- 
dy, iiidi;strious  sons  of  liberty — iioi  one-fourth  ever 
spend  ;  ooiir  in  the  service  of  the  nation.  No, 
sir:  but  on  liie  '•ontrary,afler  leaving  the  cool  shade 
of  the  Hudson  with  n  diploma  in  their  jiocket.s — 
at'ier  haviiii;  basked  for  yea^  under  the  irnnrdinn 
prolecii,in  and  pay  of  the  Government,  and  arrived 
at  mature  manhood,  Ihey  enter  upon  some  profes- 
sion or  callini;  more  coimenial  to  their  tasles  than 
that  of  follow  iiiij  the  army  or  the  camp.  The  mass 
of  thi.s  community  educate  their  own  children. 
The  objection  would  be  shorn  of  l.nlf  its  force,  if 
none  but  the  oll'sprinj  of  the  poor  were  edncjiied 
there.  But  it  is  the  i  hildren  of  the  rich,  the  pow- 
erful and  the  inlluential  classes,  the  children  of 
members  of  Coiijie.ss,  and  their  friends,  who  enjoy 
these  ailvanlaijes;  and  I  crcnlly  fear,  strons  as  is 
my  faith  in  it.s  final  overthrow,  that  this  very  fact 
may  so  operate  as  forever  to  prevent  the  total  abo- 
lition of  the  institution. 

[Here  Mr.  Hirt  explained.  The  senllenian  was 
mislakcn  in  his  facts,  lieyoiid  ihe  interist  which  he 
(Mr.  li.)  felt  as  an  American  citizen  and  a  member 
of  this  House,  in  the  institution,  he  had  none  in  it. 
I'lUt  he  held  ill  his  hand  a  paper  (which  he  would 
lie  friad  to  submit  to  llie  exaininaiion  of  the  irentle- 
maii)  sliowinv;  the  occupation  and  condition  of  two 
bundled  and  twenly-one  of  (he  cadets  on  the  STth 
.lune,  l,-i4-':  one  hundred  and  einhty-two  were  iii- 
di;:ent,  or  in  leiluccd  or  moderaie  lircuinstances; 
and  il  e  faniiliis  of  one  hiindieJ  and  I'oriy-four  le- 
sidi  d  in  the  couniry.  No  lii:;h  funciiiuiary  of  the 
Govenimeul — neiieral  or  Siate — bad,  at  ihal  time, 
a  son  there.  Whatever  o''jecfions  umliIiI  exist  lo 
lliC  Academy,  he  was  sure  iliat  tlie  u;enileman  from 
Ohio  desireil  to  be  correctly  informed  as  to  the 
facis.] 

.Mr.  i^AWVi'.n,  resiimini,  said:  I  have  not  looked 
at  the  tables.  1  spoke  merely  from  inyown  knowl- 
t:<\'je  and  experience.  I  was  sayiii!^  tliiit  I  fe.-ired 
Ihal  the  iiiduence  which  ciuild  be  bnaiirlit  to  bear 
aL'aiiist  lliis  ninendnieiit  miL'lil  forever  defeat  il.  I 
will  here  slate  my  reasons,  iVc. — iliey  are  short. 
Doe — and  a  [n'oniinent  one,  too — is  ihe  fact  that 
members  of  CoiiL^ress  have  sons  there.  Tiny 
suind  there  in  the  line  of  safe  precedent,  and  not 
only  their  own  sons,  sir,  but  the  sons  of  such  ot' 
their  conslituenls  as  are  friendly.  I  said,  sir,  and 
I  now  repeat,  thai,  so  fiir  as  my  exiierience  toes, 
the  sons  of  the  wcnithy  are  eibii:ated  there.  I  am 
confident  that  ihere  are  members  of  this  C'onixress, 
a'"'  "It  a  few  eiihcr,  who,  at  this  very  moment, 
..oils  at  that  academy. 

(.Mr.  Hi  iiT.     liy  the  appointment  of  mcmbcrB  - 
of  Compress .'  or  since  they  eame  to  Congress.-) 

Mr.  .Sawvkk  replied;  I  do  not  know.  I  saw 
lliem  very  busy  here  y  sierday  voiju'j;  a;^ain«l  this 
ainendnienl,  and  1  ihink  iliey  will  do  so  a^^ain.  I 
venture  lo  piedici  ihey  will  keep  cm,  and  ihal  llie 
s  line  iiilbieiice  will  ojieraie  upon  llie  minds  of  l'cii- 
I  llenicn  for  the  future  as  for  the  (last       Therefore 


it  is,  sir,  thnl  I  fear,  in  the  face  of  my  hopes,  thnt 
the  institution  maybe  fastened  npon  us  for  all  time 
to  come. 

[Mr.  nniNKEniinpp  here  interposed.  My  col- 
leatjue  seems  lo  attribute  the  voles  of  members  lo 
interested  iiiotives.  I  voted  against  the  amend- 
ment; but  I  have  never  been  iiislrumental  in  ma- 
king; more  than  one  (tppoiiiinient,  and  that  was  a 
youiiij  man,  a  mechanic,  a  printer's  apprentice, 
worth  nolhin?;in  the  world.  1  make  this  explana- 
lion  that  the  t;eiulenian 's  charge  may  not  bu  iiindo 
to  npply  to  me. 

In  answer  lo  the  su!rG;eslion  of  hiscolleairne,  Mr. 
.•^Awvf.li  said:  1  would  iiupiire  whether  that  poor 
printer's  boy,  of  whom  you  speak,  was  not  an  ap- 
prentice ill  a  printin?  ollice  where  a  IJeinocratie 
sheet  issued.'  and  wheiher  my  friend's  poliiicat 
reputalion  was  not  somewhat  concerned,  or  wdielh- 
ersoine  favors  were  not  expected  in  return.' 

.Mr.  IiKiNKKHiinFF,  Il  was  n  Oemocrntic  prinl- 
iiii;  office,  but  no  polilicnl  consideration  whatever 
actuated  nie. 

Nolliin:;,  I  sup|iose,  replied  Mr.  Sawveb,  ex- 
cept the  i;eneral  consideration. 

ftlr.  ijniN'KKHIioFK  here  staled  farlher  that  he 
was  not  only  a  pom'  primer's  boy,  but  the  son  of 
a  mechanic,  a  hatter  of  his  town.) 

Well,  I  must  admit,  eontinued  Mr.  HAWYKn, 
that  myeidleairue  has  done  bettia'  than  many  others. 
Ifiill  had  so  done,  the  insiiiution,  so  tar,niii,'ln  have 
been  good.  I  feel  (.said  Mr.  t).)  iluii  1  have  stirred 
up  a  hornel's  nest  here.  I  niusi  fii.'lii  niy  way 
through,  the  best  way  I  can.  .'Vboiit  individual 
cases,  I  am  not  prepared  to  sipeak;  but  I  repeat 
here,  clearly  and  emphatically,  thai,  so  far  as  my 
expcrienci!  i^oes,  it  is  mainly  the  children  of  the 
intliieniial  and  the  we.ahhy  who  i:et  to  that  estab- 
lislimeiit.  This,  1  believe,  is  sirietly  Irue;  and  it 
is  this  which  can.ses  me  lo  fear  that,  for  a  loni;  lime 
to  come,  we  may  not  be  able  to  rid  ourselves  of 
this  great  national  burden.  I  have  very  little  faith 
in  the  capacity  of  these  lads  for  hard  and  active 
service — for  ihe  privations  of  the  camp,  or  t'or 
faciinr  dillirulty  and  danger.  Deeds  of  daring 
usually  come  from  another  quarter,  sir;  and  not  ii 
solitary  instance  is  now  within  my  recollection  of 
a  brave  and  gallant  champion  upon  the  tented  field 
of  slaughter,  when  desolation  and  death  beat  In 
stormy  fury  around  our  liearlhs  and  our  homes, 
who  ever  hailed  iVom  this  farfamcd  and  fostered 
,  insiiiiiiion. 

Whenever  such  glorious  deeds  of  valo''  have 
cnmmaiuled  onr  admiration,  when  the  standard  of 
liberty,  shalteicd  and  torn  iiy  the  slorm  of  battle, 
has  been  borne  in  triumph  t'rom  the  field,  over  the 
bodies  of  the  .slain,  it  has  been  cherished  by  the 
hand  of  him  who  rushed  I'rom  the  plough  handle 
or  the  work  shops  of  the  country  to  its  protection 
and  defence. 

And  what  return,  sir,  allow  mc  to  ask,  what 
return  does  the  nation  ever  :;ei  for  the  money  thus 
profusely  and  lavishly  expended  upon  ihe  ediica- 
lioii  of  these  yiaing  men?  While  it  should  be 
made  imperative  on  e\ery  individual  cadet  who 
shares  the  benefits  of  WesI  Point  at  the  public  ex- 
pense, to  render  ill  reliirn,  and  in  ^ood  fiiitli,soine 
sort  of  si'rvice  to  ih.il  comilry  win  iice  comes  lii.s 
support,  full  one  half  of  them  or  more,  I  venture 
to  as.sert,  never  enter  the  army.  No;  they  march 
straighl  from  llie  drill  room,  clothed  and  buttmied, 
inio  some  law  shop  or  doctor's  ollice,  for  a  pro- 
fession. 

I  have  been  1  .■kiln;  n  liiile,  lately,  at  the  army 
;ind  navy  lists,  ':ir,  and  tlicy  till  a  wondcrfid  tale. 
AV'oukl  to  Ciod  iliiU  ibc^e  nuvtitit  imai/i/i/i/.s  could 
all  be  made,  for  a  time,  to  lake  tlie  place  id'  our 
schocd  books  of  ilic  couniry,  at  least  uiilil  every 
child  in  the  land  should  be  made,  in  early  life,  to 
see  the  startling  corruptions  and  astoimdini;  abuses 
allowed  lo  exist  in  these  importanl  de|iailnienls  of 
the  (iovernmenl.  The  head  of  ihe  navy,  (.Mr. 
IJancroft,)  lo  his  honor  be  il  said,  has  been  eii- 
di'iivoriiig  to  brin:r  about  a  wholesome  stale  of 
thiiins  in  that  branch  of  the  public  service,  lie 
'  has  la'csenled  the  public  with  many  iinporlanl 
facIs,  demanding  the  atlentioii  of  the  American 
people.  He  has  taken  Indd,  and  rank  hold,  of 
many  strikiiu;  abuses,  and  Ihal  with  a  zeal  and 
ardor  worthy  of  ihe  responsible  place  he  holds  in 
ibe  (joveriimeiil;  tlio.se  abuses,  sir,  which  demand 
the  serious  consideration  of  llie  whole  country. 
And  what  will  lie  ever  got  for  all  liis  ell'orta  for 


f 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


687 


My  cnl- 
Pinhrrs  In 
aniciid- 
liil  in  iiiH- 
hiu  wiiH  (i 
|i|)ronli("r, 
•"Xliluim- 
t  be  iimilu 

iiirnr,  Mr. 

Iiat  poor 
lol  an  ap- 
TiiKn'ratir, 

poliliiiil 
or  wliclli- 
m> 

iiio  prinl- 
wliatevcr 

vvF.n,  I'x- 


^9th  CoNfl 1st  Sgss. 


fVest  Point  Academy — Mr.  Sawyer. 


Ho.  or  Rcrs. 


Btncndment ?  Why,  he  will  be  sure  to  Rct  the 
tniinls  and  jecra,  the  slanders  and  abuse  of  all  tliuse 
whom  the  su^i^cstcd  rc/uniu  arc  dcsiffncd  to 
reach.  Combinations  will  be  found  to  trauuce  and 
vilify  him.  Old,  broken-down,  eood-for-nolhing 
naval  invalids,  who,  for  nearly  hall  a  century,  have 
been  (luartcrcd  upon  the  treasury,  waitinfj;  orders, 
at  the  tune  of  some  two  and  tliice  thousand  dollars 
a  year,  and  who  never,  pcrh:\p»,  were  ten  years  in 
tlieserviccof  their  country  in  their  whole  lives,  will 
denounce  and  ridicule  his  suggestions;  and  they  ; 
would  do  it,  too,  no  matter  who  should  make  them,  i 

Our  annuul  expenses,  sir,  in  the  army  and  navy   i 
of  our  land,  even  in  a  time  of  profounu  peace,  arc   I 
eiKunious.     They  are  alarmini;,  and  every  year  is 
adding  to  tluin.     Cast  your  eye  for  a  single  mo- 
ment at  the  recent  publications  now  before  us,  em- 
bodying statements  from  the  Naval  and  .Marine 
Coi))s,  referred  to,  and  what  do  wc  behold.'    Yes,  !: 
sir,  what  do  you  behold?    Nothing  but  a  black  ,' 
record  of  pampered  favoritism  and  exiiavaganre. 
J  have  taken  some  trouble  to  see  what  these  otii-   ; 
cers  are  about.     Here  is  the  evidence,  sir: 

Wc  have  sixty-seven  capuilns  in  the  navy.  Of 
this  number,  thirty-six  (more  than  half)  are  now 
wailing  orders.  "1  e»,  sir,  waiting  onlcrs;  and  some 
have  been  thus  waititig,  not  forllieir  high  salaries, 
for  these  come  quurleilij,  but  aclually  waiting  for 
orders  ro  go  out  of  i'out,  to  enter  upon  some  ser-  ; 
vice,  to  do  that  for  which  they  hnld  commissions, 
imd  draw  pensions.  One  high  functionary  of  the 
navy  has,  I  believe,  been  thus  waiting  orders  fur  i 
thirty  Olid  ytaraiand  out  of  foity-.seven  years  since 
he  entered  the  navy,  and  drawn  his  .salary,  he  has 

iieiformcd  but  four  years'  actual  service  at  sea! 
s  it  suijposed  that  no  pay  follows,  when  thus  lying 
upon  their  oars  ?  No,  sir.  They  draw  from  jj8(IO 
to  !Jl,8U0,  and  «3,0U0  per  annum,  during  the  whole 
of  this  period  uf  idleness  and  indolence.  The 
hardy,  industrious,  enterprising  picnieers  of  the 
Fur  West  and  the  Southwest,  sir — those  who  dig 
theirlivingoutof  the  soil  they  cultivate — know  not 
how  to  account  for  this  system  of  extravagance 
ond  folly. 

Uf  the  captains  above  enumerated,  twenty-eight 
only  are  now  on  duty.     All  the  rest  are  feasting  i 
on  lilt  dinners,  living  at  their  ease,  reading  the  pa- 
pers, and  discussing  politics,     liut  to  pursue  this  ' 
inquiry  a  little  further. 

Of  commanders  we  have  ninety-seven.     Of  this 
number,  tifty-one  (still  more  than  half)  are  wait- 
ing orders,  and  have  been  thus  waiting  ftu'  a  period 
wliereof  the  memory  of  man  runnetli  not  to  the 
contrary.     I''orly-fivu  only  are  nn  duty.     Of  lieu- 
tenants, we  have  three  liiiiidrtd  and   twenty-six: 
of   these,   niuety-five  are   waiting  orders.      And 
among  the  eliuplains  andjjiirscrs,  there  are  scoies  | 
thus  iirtid'iiif  oi(/(  rs.    Ada  to  the  above  one  astound- 
ing instance  in  the  marine  corps.     It  is  the  case  of 
a  colonel  in  that  department  of  naval  service.     In 
looking  at  the  late  report  of  the  tjecretaiy  of  the  ■ 
Navy,!   liiid  that  the  colonel  alluded   to,  lor  the  i 
fiscal   year  ending  June  ^0,  184,i,  drew  fnmi  the  I 
Treasury  the  round  sum  of  S12,(i'J8  33 — yes,  the 

SUmof  IWtl,\K  THOl'SAND  SIX   lUMlUfcO  AND  NINK- 

TY-LiuiiT    1JUI.1.A11S    Asn     riiia r V- riiRK.K   cents! 
Start  nol,  sir,  at  this  broad  allegition. 

It  would  be  even  bad  enough  were  it  half  false. 
I!ui  it  is  even  true — every  word  of  it  true,  sir,  to 
the  lelier — or  the  report  before  you  carries  a  down- 
right lie  U|ioii  its  face.  This  immense  sum  of 
mmiey  accrued  to  the  olRccr  who  has  drawn  it,  I 
believe,  IVoni  a  f.ivmable  constiuciion  of  his  right 
and  poucr  to  draw  double  pay  for  various  duties 
performed.  And  where  is  your  boasted  naval 
SV5TK.M,  sir,  under  which,  by  any  possible  con- 
struction, such  a  startling  miposilii>ii  is  allowed  to 
be  practised  r  i  nuiko  no  personal  allusions  or  ref- 
crenci  s  here.  1  de.il  with  the  svste.m  itself,  sir — 
that  licensed  fraud  upon  the  country,  which  stands 
out  i.eiore  us,  an  eternal  and  endiiriiig  stain  upon 
our  annals — which  is  now  knocking  at  the  doors 
of  our  council  cbanilier  for  a  radical  change  and 
cure.  We  have,  no  doubt,  sir,  many  bold  otH- 
eers  and  inlrcpid  tars  iiooii  the  ocean.  The  lau- 
rels of  the  c(Uii|Ueior  bloom  in  eternal  freshness 
upon  the  brows  of  some  among  ihcm.  1  would 
roll  ii.me  of  them  of  a  single  festoon  that  encircles 
them,  but  cheer  them  on  to  future  deeds  of  glory 
and  renown.  I  cast  no  censure  up(Hi  the  trust- 
worthy or  faithful.  1  attack  no  man  who  dofs  his 
duty. '  It  is  to  the  lounger  of  the  seaboard,  sir — 


the  accustomed  idler  of  the  city,  who  is  never  ready 
for  sea — the  pampered  minion  of  power;  gloating 
nn  the  hard  earnings  of  industry  without  a  return, 
that  I  refer  to.  It  is  no  task  of  pleasure,  sir,  to 
look  upon  such  ft  condition  of  things,  but  the  peo- 
ple of  the  country  should  not  be  hoodwinked  in  a 
matter  so  deeply  concerning  them.  1  would  spread 
the  St  .'y  before  them.  Yes,  sir,  upon  whom- 
soever it  may  fall,  hang  out  the  picture  to  the  as- 
tonished gaze  of  every  honest  freeman  of  the  h'.nd. 
Let  him  inquire,  how  many  sinecures  now  hang 
upon  your  treasury  and  fatten  upon  your  bounty.' 
IIow  many  are  now  absent  on  leave,  on  furlough, 
and  in  wailing  orders;  and  how  many  arc  saunter- 
ing idly  over  your  cities,  or  flaunting  in  the  gay 
circles  of  the  metropolis — drawing  high  salaries — 
sharing  in  commuted  ration^  never  drawn,  and  for- 
age neverdcvoured.'  I  know  full  well, sir, Ihatthcrc 
is  no  reaching  this  evil  now,  and  correcting  il. 

The  seaboard  cities,  towns,  and  villages,  have 
nearly  the  entire  naval  dependants  to  themselves; 
and  we  will  have  to  wait  until  a  still  small  voice 
from  the  far-olT  West  and  Southwest,  shall  be 
heard.  A  census,  but  a  few  years  in  the  future, 
will  soon  send  on  its  agents  here  to  hurl  back  the 
censures  and  anathemas  now  heaped  so  unsparing- 
ly upon  the  head  of  him  who  dare  rise  in  his  place 
here,  and  denounce  a  system  of  pensioned  favor- 
ifs  already  tottering  to  its  very  foundation  from 
its  own  rottenness  and  pollution. 

But  1  turn  for  a  moment  to  notice  a  striking  flict 
or  two,  which,  if  not  intimately  connected  with 
this  subject,  is  at  least  remotely  so. 

A  batch  of  documents  have  pist  re.iched  us  from 
the  army  of  occupation.  This  has  been  made  a 
matter  of  special  communication  from  the  Kxecu- 
tive.  Although  illy  disposed  to  cast  censure  upon 
General  Taylor  or  any  one  else,  I  am  bounJ  to 
say  that  I  have  very  little  confidence  in  the  pro- 
priety of  the  course  he  has  taken  up<in  the  fron- 
tier. He  had  full  powers  from  his  Governmcnl, 
and  ■.■■hy  did  he  not  exercise  them .'  Authorized  to 
call  any  needed  force  to  his  aid,  why  has  he  so 
linig  delayed.'  Notified,  in  advance,  from  the  en- 
emy, that  if  his  army  was  not  withdrawn  (and 
even  when  seeing  them  in  full  view  before  him) 
why  did  he  not  take  warning  by  it,  and  be  fortli- 
willi  prepared  for  every  emergency?  But  let  us 
hope  for  the  best.  All  may  yet  be  well  upon  the 
Rio  Grande.  It  is  some  relief  to  know  that  Gen- 
eral Taylor  has  the  name  of  being  a  brave  man, 
and  that  he  came  up,  self-made  and  self-taught, 
amid  the  hardships  and  privations  of  a  frontier 
life,  to  the  rank  and  reputation  he  now  enjoys. 

Here  in  this  Hall,  sir,  have  we  been  gravely 
told  to-dav — and  that,  too,  after  listening  to  the 
horrid  recital  of  the  brutal  massacre  of  our  soldiers 
upon  the  lines — that  we  ought  not  go  beyond  our 
own  boundary;  that  wc  should  not  trend  upon 
Mexican  soil  to  seek  redress.  Good  God  !  to  w'hat 
are  we  coming?  A  Mexican  bandit,  red  with  the 
blood  of  the  fallen  glittering  upon  their  spears,  and 
Mexican  advocates  and  apologists  in  an  American 
Congress!!  And  here  have  I,  too,  to  oiler  my 
special  regrets,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  exhibit 
my  deep  mortification,  that,  while  appropriations, 
liberal  appropriations,  have  just  been  made  to  carry 
on  the  war,  out  of  the  fourteen  negative  voles  in 
the  entire  Union,  five  of  the  goodly  number  came 
from  my  own  State!  But  one  consolation  is  left 
me  in  the  matter,  and  that  is,  the  reflection  that 
neither  of  the  gentlemen  hail  from  beneath  the 
loldsofthe  Democratic  flag.  They  an*  of  that  pe- 
culinr  sect  who  never  fi  nil  their  country  in  the  right, 
but  who  are  ever  proclaiming  it  in  the  wrong;  of 
that  creed  who  rejoiced  at  the  victories  of  the  enemy 
over  us  in  two  wars;  and  who  in  a  third  one  may 
be  ready  to  repeat  their  patriolism  and  lo\c  of 
country  by  similar  demonstralions  of  devntif)n  to 
the  land  of  their  nativity.  And  1  must  here  ofl'rr 
my  resrets  for  the  cour.se  taken  by  my  aged  and 
venerable  friend  fnmi  Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Apa^is,] 
and  others,  who  luanifestcd  so  deep  an  interest  in 
the  success  of  a  resolution  in  relcrenrc  to  some 
deserters  shot  by  order  of  General  T;ivliu'. 

i  am  not  fully  apprised  of  the  intentions  of  these 
gentlemen  in  reference  to  that  matter.  They  have 
pressed  for  the  infiumation  called  for  under  the 
resohition  with  great  ardor  and  warmth,  as  well  as 
with  nuicli  apparent  severity  and  bitterness.  Il 
is  truly  lameiilable  thai  a  gentlcnian  of  the  vener- 
able years,  learning,  and  experience  of  the  honor- 


'  able  member  from  Massachusetts,  should  have  had 
any  part  or  lot  in  this  afl'air.  Not  being  half  as 
olil,  nor  po.ssesaed  of  a  fiairth  of  his  knowledge,  I 
may  be  wrong,  and  he  be  right.  I  sneak  from  the 
lights  before  me,  of  my  own  knowled''e,  and  in 
accordance  with  my  best  judgment;  and  there  can 
be  no  mislake  that  the  very  fad  of  the  introduction 
of  such  a  resolution  here,  indicates  a  distrust  of  the 
conduct  of  the  mililory  commander.  I  resist  all 
such  censures,  sir.  He  believed  it  his  duty  to  set 
an  example,  and  how  could  he  have  been  faithful 
to  his  tnist,  and  dime  otherwise? 

[Here  Mi.Oiddinos  inqiiireil  whether  his  col- 
leagiie  ii.ic'ided  to  be  understood  as  justifying  the 
shooting  of  any  man,  being  either  in  the  aro'.y  or 
a  citizen,  wilhout  a  trial?  Being  answered  in  the 
airirmative,  several  other  questions  and  answers 
followed  in  quick  succession;  Mr.  Sawyer  most 
emphatically  justifying,  and  Mr.  Giluunos  resist- 
ing. On  Mr.  GmmNcs'  inquiring  vvhether  Mr. 
Sawteii  regarded  his  views  as  the  Democrntic 
doctrine,  Mr.  Sawveh  continued:] 

I  do  regard  it  as  the  true  doctrine  of  the  Democ- 
racy of  the  country;  and,  not  only  the  Democratic, 
doctrine,  sir,  but  the  patiiolic  doctrine;  and  I  be- 
lieve, said  Mr.  Sawve  that  the  God  of  Heaven 
looks  with  lUi  approving  smile  upon  the  act.  Why, 
it  is  ridiculous,  absolutely  preposterous,  sir,  to 
suppose  that  army  discipline  or  order  can  be  other- 
wise maintained  in  time  of  war.  Shoot  do\yn  nil 
traitors,  I  say.  Keep  up  your  defences,  niainlaiii 
your  ground,  stand  firm  at  your  post.  Have  you_ 
an  army  to  commanu?  watch  the  movements  of 
vnur  own  men,  as  well  as  those  of  your  enemy. 
If  the  soldier  is  permitted  to  walk  off;  to  desert  at 
pleasure;  to  leave  the  ranks  or  the  camp  as  may 
■  suit  him;  to  convey,  perhaps,  important  intelligence 
to  the  enemy;  to  turn  'railor,  tory,  spy,  and  refuse 
to  rciurn  to  his  iluly,  what  are  you  to  do?  must 
you  let  him  go?  'Tis  but  a  few  days  since  I  heard 
my  colleague,  upon  this  floor,  justify  and  approve 
of  shooting  down  him  who  should  be  found  in  pur- 
suit of  negroes.  Yes,  sir,  the  knife  and  the  rifle 
mi^'ht  then  be  justifiably  used.  Innocent  blood 
miZdit  there  be  'made  to  flow.  Yes,  sir,  butcher- 
knffe  in  hand,  the  savage  monster  might  justly  rush 
from  his  ambush  and  plunge  it  to  the  heart  of  bim 
who  was  seeking  to  reclaim  his  own;  but  he  who 
deserts  the  standard  of  his  country  in  the  hour  of 
peril,  must  go  free.  Is  this  the  doctrine  of  my 
colleague? 

[Mr.  Ginmvcis.  You  have  heard  me  advocate 
the  ri-'lil  of  self-defence  in  all  persons.  Do  ymt 
deny  to  any  human  beins:  in  Ohio  the  right  of  self- 
defe'ncfi  when  he  is  charged  with  no  crime?] 

I  advocate  and  tiefcnd,  sir,  the  doctrines,  anil 
opinions,  and  principles  of  Old  IlicKoav,  whose 
illustrious  and  noble  example,  bright  and  shining, 
will  stand  forever  a  monument  to  his  bravery  and 
bis  fame  upon  the  historic  [lage  of  this  country. 
Ills  creed  was  none  other  then  that  of  Washing- 
ton hinnelf,  whose  decree  upon  the  traitor  was — 

!   TAKF,  IIIM,  PEAD  Oil  AI.IVE. 

'  Mutiny,  insubordination,  anarchy,  niiil  conlu- 
sion,  without  such  a  system  of  discipline,  woiihl 
ride  triumphant  over  the  iirostratc  liberties  of  tliiM 
country.  Rreak  down  this  strong  barrier,  sir-— 
imce  push  aside  all  rules  or  order  and  discipline  in 
the  camp  and  in  the  field— anil  where  are  you  ?  At 
the  mercy  of  that  foe  who  yields  no  qiiarlcrs,  and 
accepts  of  no  conditions.  "No;  it  ■<  lime  to  send 
all  such  splenetic  notions  from  this  hall  and  from 
this  nation.  Is  it  not  enou-h,  sir,  that  speeches  arc 
made  in  this  hall,  and  .scrnums  preached  in  the  holy 
temnle  nf  God  in  this  cily,  recounting  to  us  the 
deida  of  death  and  the  horrors  of  war.-— to  cry 
down  the  patriotic  .spirit  that  would  bare  Us  bosom 
to  the  slnrm  of  battle,  and  seek  to  extenuate  the 
oppressions,  the  tortures,  and  cruellies  of  ihose 
who  now  menace  oiir  deslrnclinn  ?  Yes,  we  bad 
a  sermon,  sir,  a  wholesale  sernioii,  (not  preached 
in  this  hall,  as  the  iientlcman  inquires,)  but  in  a 
prominent  church  of  this  city,  on  Sabbath  last,  ap- 
proving of  ihe  Ashburton  treaty,  and  picturing  init 
the  dreadful  consequences  of  going  to  war!  Gentle- 
men will  perhaps  know  to  whom  I  allude.  And 
we  had  just  such  busy  spirits  in  other  days.  In  the 
storriiy  conflict  of  'T(i  we  had  them,  lii  1812  we 
had  tliem.  Monarchisis  in  feeling, and  hypocrites 
in  practice,  they  would  pull  down  the  very  pillars 
of  the  mighty  fabric  which  the  siiffcriuL's  and  toils 

I  of  patriotism  have  erected  here.     Cut  k>.  them  go 


•ill 


588 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONORESSIONAf.  Gt,OBE. 


29th  Cono 1st  Sbss. 

oil,  sir,  ill  tlinir  unjust  rclmkcs  niiil  dcnnncinlions. 
Tlio  spirit  of  IVrodiini  iii'ver  Imi^'iiiahi's  i>r  tin's.  It 
is  lip  here.  It  is  up  in  lliis  land.  It  in  spreudin^ 
nlircmd  over  the  wurld;  and  I  trust  in  Oiiil  it  may 
cnnlinue  its  course,  until  every  temple  ufdcsjinti.sin 
shall  crumble  beneath  its  mareli.  I 


TTie  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Barrow. 


(IMnirh  30, 
Sknatk. 


OREGON  aUKSTION. 
SPEECH  OF  INI  R.BARROW, 

OF   I.O^I^IA^•A, 
Is  THE  SESATt;,  Miiich  :U),  1HI(). 
The  Resolution  in  relation  to  Oregon  being  under 
eonsitieraiion — 

Mr.  HARROW  addressed  tlie  Senate  nearly  as 
follows:  I 

It  was  .said,  Mr.  President,  early  in  the  session, 
by  the  honoiable  Seimtor  iVoni  Ohio.  [Mr.  At.i.ES',] 
rluiirnian  of  the  Coniinillee  on  T'oreii^n  UeliiiioiiN, 
tliul  before  the  Auu-rie;ui  people  were  cjilltil  u)Min 
to  lake  up  arms  in  defence  of  their  rights  In  Ore- 
gon,//itir /ifnils  s7ioii?i/ 6f  i>ri])are(lfnr  irar.  I  had 
iinn!;ineil  'be  bellji;erenl  spirit  then  niiinifested  on 
that  side  of  the  chamber  to  have  passed  away,  but 
the  renewed  exhibition  of  this  luoniiii;^  froni  the 
,sanie  quarter  ioliinules  plainly  that  the  honorable 
chair'nun  conceives  that,  if  not  by  linn,  I'V  this 
ilclTate,  or  by  somebody  "i  somei'hiin  else,  that 
iiiepaiaiion  of  he.irts  he  so  much  desired  has  been 
(iroUirhlaboul.  Kor  he  seemed  to  kindle  up  at  ihe 
idea  of  the  .Senator  fnun  .Massachusetts,  [Mr. 
WEnsTEit,]  that  opinion  at  lanje,  ImiiIi  at  home 
Hiul  in  Europe,  had  settled,  or  'was  fast  sr  iilin;:, 
down  to  the  conclusion  that  this  Orciion  i-oniro- 
versy  ouiht  to  be  aiuicably  adjusted,  siihslanlii'llii 
on  the  basis  of  the  4'Jili  parallel  of  latitude.  Called 
upon  by  Ihe  Senator  from  .Massachusetts  to  say 
whether  or  not  iie  ciuieurred  with  him  in  the  sup- 
iHisilioii  of  this  tendency  of  publli'  opinion,  the 
honorable  chairman  declared  a  persuasion  direcily 
opposite,  and  unclianLrcd  since  the  be^'inniiifr  of  ihe 
Nessiou.  So  far,  lie  said,  a.i  he  had  lieeii  able  to 
arrive  at  the  opinion  of  the  people  of  the  United 
Slates,  they  were  yet  in  favor  of  ,",.l'^  .11)'.  The 
honorable  chairniaii  must  then  cimsiderthe  prepa- 
ration of  the  American  heart  finished:  fir,  when- 
ever it  is  by  our  piople  deiernimed  lo  asseri  and 
inaintaiii  tlieir  title  u|>  to  ."iP  W — to  the  whole  of 
<'>ie:;on — they  must  be  prepared  to  ^'o  to  war,  and 
lit  ed  indul'^e  no  other  tlioiii;hi. 

I  caiiiiol  atiree,  sir,  with  the  Senator  IVoni  Olro. 
I  cannot  believe  that  eillier  the  public  IVelin^'  or  the 
public  uiidirslandiim  of  tliiseoniilrv  is  vet  prepared 
fir  a  war  with  I-jiu'land  to  obiaiii  ihe  wholr  of  Or 
e-on.  Three  inonlhs  ai:o  I  did  fear  that,  by  the 
deliberate,  systematic,  and  perse\iriiiL'  elVorls  put 
III  use  hire  and  elsewheic  to  mould  the  people  to 
that  political  purpose,  the  existing'  controversy 
ini:;lil  be  shaped  to  a  bloody  conclusion.  I  did 
fear  that  the  American  people  mi:;ht  be  involved 
in  a  war  with  a  j.'ieat  nation,  their  brothers  ui  in- 
terest, in  laii;ua.;i',  and  ill  reli-ioii,  not  hss  than 
111  descent,  before  they  were. made  aware  of  the 
nature  and  the  value  of  the  subsistiiii;  ccnilroursv. 
Hut  my  tear  has,  to  a  ;reat  di';;ree,  jiassecl  aw.iy. 
I  do  not  now  apprehend  any  such  national  inisfor- 
tiine.  unless  our  Chief  Mailisirale  should  abandon 
what  I  believe  to  li(- his  piesini  pnrposis. 

Oil  this  (|iiesiion,  Mr.  Presidenl,  I  have  always 
belou:;ed  to  ihr  p.irty  of  peace  and  of  ennipromisc-. 
1.  fir  one,  have  not  feared  t<i  evpnss  the  desire, 
the  anxious  desire,  to  see  tlii.i  controversy  amica- 
bly adjnsied  by  fair  concessions  on  botli  sides. 
F'roin  so  declaring',  no  fear  of  deniaL'oj;ne  deniin- 
eieiions  has  (h  lined  or  sIi.tII  d'  ler  me.  I  am  not 
to  be  frightened  iiun  a  disloyal  and  iL'nomiiiioits 
silence  by  the  alandoned  but  too  easily  popular 
cry  that  the  friends  of  moderation,  fif  rejison,  and 
of  peace,  are  "tin-  Hrilish  parly."  If  a:.',aiiisl  n 
rash  or  a  yratiiiioiis  ipiarrel  we  inainlain  the  duly 
and  inlereslaof  pea'-e,  we  are  assailed  as  the  friends 
fif  I'liiland,  or  of  any  nation  but  our  own;  if  we 
deprecate  a  war  as  impolitie  as  it  is  inineia  ssary 
and  uiinaliiral — if  we  jioint  to  the  losses,  the  dis'- 
asteis  which  follow  a  contest  so  causeless,  we  are 
eh:ui;(  cl  with  an  uiiwillin^rness  to  defend  the  honor 
of  our  country,  with  timidity  and  sympathy  with 
the  public  advei>iary. 

Such  IS  the  «y.,leni  of  perven-ion  and  calumny 
wrdi  which  wc  niusl  now  contend,  in  atlciii|itin;; 


to  do  our  duty  as  public  agents,  as  legislators,  and 
as  statesmen,  ill  a  land  of  free  debate.  We  may 
speak,  but  at  the  |ieril  of  lieiii!j  iriven  over  to  de- 
nunciation, as  little  less  than  traitors  or  cowards. 
We  must  speak  on  no  side  but  one  of  quel  ions 
ijotteii  up  for  the  express  purpose  of  dividiiiu;  tlw 
country  between  the  friends  of  what  is  moderate 
and  ^ood,  and  those  who  are  expected  to  firm  a 
InrKcr  party — the  favorers  of  every  rabid  preicii- 
sioii,  of  every  danu'erous  and  violent  move  nient. 
If  we  are  not  personally  and  in  express  lerins  i 
char!;ed  wiih  cowardice  or  want  of  patriotism,  the 
particular  ehnrire  is  made  by  inuendo,  and  the  j;eii- 
eral  one  by  fulniinatioii. 

There  are  certainly  those,  sir,  with  whom  such 
political  arls  as  these  will  succeed:  willi  whom 
a  repulalion  for  coiiraie  and  iialriotisin  can  be 
made  by  tliiisi;oiiiir  to  extremes  on  every  i|iieslioii 
here  that  shmild  be  cnte  of  L;raveand  sincere  tlelib- 
eration.  l>nt  I  trust  that  this  easy  \iilor  and  wordy 
pulilie  spirit  are  not  cajiable  of  seriously  mislead- 
intr  the  .'Xmerican  (>eo)ile.  I''or  myself',  I  am  but 
one  of  the  many  liumble  ciii/ens  who,  with  no 
i;reater  interest  or  timidity  tlniii  thousands  of  oth- 
ers, yet  fear  a  condicl  with  K.n2:lan(!.  I  coiit'ess 
that  I  dread  war.  and  that  I  have  been  alarmed  in 
I'speci.il  at  the  prospect  of  a  present  war  with  f  !reat 
liri'ain.  Ihit  was  this  on  accnuni  of  eonsich  ra- 
tions personal  to  myselt'r  Xo;  they  only  re'^aided 
the  country.  I  consider  such  a  war  as  the  i:;reatest 
calamity  that  can  betlill  this  nation,  r.nt,  inile- 
pendenily  of  its  havoc  of  life  and  prooertv.  the 
desolation  it  will  leave  fir  and  wide  behi'id  it,  I 
believe  a  Viar  b.eiw  een  us  and  r.iiL'land  will  iiuolve 
mneh  of  the  eivili/.ed  world;  will  indict  upon  it  an 
incalculable  amoniit  of  wo;  and  will  throw  back 
tor  half  a  century  the  aihainiiii^  cause  of  civ  11  and 
relii^ioiiH  liberty.  .'Vs  to  d:ui::er,a  war  between  us 
and  Kni;l;iiid  could  brin^  none  to  a  ineinber  of 
Con:jress  who  wished  to  keep  out  of  it.  Ifsneli  a 
war  comes,  iny  own  Slate  is  likely  to  he  one  of  the 
chief  the;iiri-s  of  deadly  rondict.  There  is  too 
much  to  induce  Kmrland  a4::ain  to  invade  Ijonisi- 
aiia;  her  beaiiiiful  and  exposed  capital,  her  cres- 
cillt  cily,  will  not  escape,  and  we  shall  see  the 
waters  of  the  maji  stic  Mississippi  stained  with  the 
blond  of  iis  best  I'iti/.ens.  It  is  for  this,  and  not 
for  any  abject  individual  dread,  that  I  fear  war.  If  I 
chose,  I  can  remain  on  my  plantation,  and  pursue 
iis  avocations  unmolested  by  the  (neiny;  for  who 
need  fi:;lit  that  can  employ  a  substitute.-  It  is  not 
the  wialthy  who  have  need  to  fear  a  war  willi 
I'aiL'Iaiid;  the  army  will  not  be  made  up  of  the 
rich,  the  arisloc  rats  so  called,  unless  they  see  fit 
vohnuarily  to  join  it.  It  is  the  |ionr  man  who  Is 
to  sull'i  r— the  lie  chanic,  the  day  laborer,  the  h.irdy 
lil'iui^liinan — torn  from  his  home  and  funilv,  w  hose 
life,  the  sole  Slav  of  that  fimily,  will  be  plai'ed  in 
daieri'c;  this  is  the  clisswho  will  siitVer,  and  tin  si- 
are  they  whom  it  is  liliani  lo  fire  with  plirensy, 
and  lead  on  to  \var  by  this  out -ry  a::aiiisi  men 
upon  whom  the  evils  of  war  eamiol  tall  half  so 
heavily.  There  will,  sir,  in  shori,  be  two  sorts  of 
men  en:ja'.;ed  in  tbi.-.  war,  should  it  come:  first, 
those  who  have  niaile  the  speeches  to  kindle  it 
op;  and,  secondly,  those  who  will  have  to  fis;bt  it 
mil. 

To  \\-liii'h  of  these  rlasses  members  of  Conirress 
will  i:ener;illy  belon:j,  I  need  hardly  s:iy;  for  who 
will  expect  them  to  ^'i  into  the  field,  or  what  pro- 
lioriion  of  them  are  likely  to  expose  theni'^elves  ? 
l-'.ir  my  own  p.irt,  I  heartily  believe,  no  matter 
what  we  may  hear,  that  there  is  as  much  braviry 
;ind  patriotism  within  these  wiills  as  w  ithooi :  nuite 
as  much,  but  not  a  bit  more;  and  should  the  llrit- 
i'li  comiNil  the  folly  of  loi-aiii  invadiiii:  this  city, 
does  anv'bodv  suppose  that  the  two  IIousi-s  of 
Coie^riss  will  sit  here  and  suffer  iheinselves  to  be 
made  prisoners  of  war.'  Vain  expectation  I  rash 
coiijeelnre  !  Compress  enii  adjourn  to  the  hi^ihesl 
pe.ik  of  the  .Mil  :,'anies.  Thiiher,  or  still  west  of 
them,  this  (ioMrnmeiit  will  proli:ibly  in  that  c.asi' 
ri  tire.  The  rresident  ;ind  his  Cabinet,  as  well  as 
Con:;ress,  would  consider  it  unwise  to  expose  to  the 
ba/.ird  of  bi-in;^  capMired  by  the  Ilritish  arms  so 
many  patriots.  It  is  idle,  then,  and  even  ridicu- 
lous, to  talk  of  far,  of  personal  fear,  or  its  oppo- 
site, as  connected  wiili  us  on  this  L're:it  nelion.-il 
ipiesiidii.  There  beini;  tons  no  ta'cision  for  fiar, 
tin  re  e;in  he  as  little  to  v;innt  of  our  bravery. 

It  lias  been  said,  Mr.  I'resideiii,  ihai  this  is  a 
question  w  liich  ought  to  soar  above  nil  thoii^-ht  of 


parly.  The  sentiment  is  a  just,  a  noble  one;  and 
I  very  liearlily  concur  in  it.  Hut,  sir,  latl  of  this 
chamber,  (lor  I  will  say  nothing' of  what  has  oc- 
curred within  it,)  has  ll,,-  .piesiioii  so  held  it.self 
alol1,  above  all  party.'  Has  It  done  so  willi  thosn 
who  iiie  lonib'st  to  claim  thai  we  should  forget  nil 
liarty  in  this  matter.-  I,  sir,  am  a  Wlii::,  and  trust 
in  (iod  ever  to  be  one;  but  I  aver  that,  li.iil  I  this 
instant  to  clioose  betwien  the  tol:il  annihilation  of 
the  Wliiu'  |iariy,  and  a  war  with  I'.nu'land  fur  Ihe 
vhnle  I'f  (h-rgim — a  war  which  I  believe  to  be  to- 
tally nnjust,  unnecessary,  and  impolitic — without 
hesilatioii  would  1  say, '"  Let  the  Wlii-  party  be 
nnnihilated."  I,  for  one,  should  see  it  perish  with 
Iileasiire,  if  a  spirit  so  impatriolic,  so  foul,  so  abom- 
inable, directed  il,tliiit  it  could  drive,  or  attempt 
to  drive,  this  comitry  into  a  war  with  I'liiLrlaiul,  fin- 
the  assertion  of  this  fre.sli  territcnial  do^ma— ibis 
bold  political  paradox— our  newly  vampid-n|i  title 
to  the  whole  of  Orei;on. 

\o  sir;  were  I  capable  of  Inokins  on  the  ques- 
tion only  as  by  the  event  it  w  ill  iilVect  parties  and 
decide  their  fa'le,  I  would  take  a  course  precisidy 
onposiiri  to  that  which  I  have  chosen  as  my  duty; 
I  would  stir  the  dyin^'  embers  of  every  idil,  of 
every  sottish,  of  every  unrlirisli:iii  animosity  or 
lirejiidice,  and  kindle  'iqi  new  ones:  I  would  de- 
nounce the  rapacity  of  Knu'land,  her  domiiieernn,' 
s|iirit,  her  sleeple.-s  ell'orls  tocin-umvenl,  her  fixed 
purpose  to  ileslroy  us,  her  aim  as  constant  to  insult 
whenever  she  can'iiol  injiire  us.  I  would,  sir,  otit- 
Herod  all  the  Ilerods  of  Ore-on:  I  would  do  all 
I  could  to  slir  up  here  at  home  the  wurst  fee!in:,'S 
of  our  nature,  and  to  excite  passions  as  fierce,  as 
fiiolish,  and  as  bad  in  the  kindred  peoph'  on  the 
otiier  side  of  the  Atlantic;  I  would,  in  short,  if 
notliiiij-  belter  than  the  interests  of  parly  swayed 
me,  llinne  out  a  fnrioes  ;-)4''^  JD'  man,  anil  do  all 
in  my  power  to  hurry  I';ni;land  anil  America  into 
deadly  conflict  for  this  desolate  em-ner  of  a  terri- 
tory uncertain  of  title  and  (|Uestionable  of  value. 
Anil  why,  sir,  if  a  mere  parly  man,  would  I  do 
all  tliis='  Reeaiise  I  am  ihoroir^'lily  persuaded 
that,  if  this  or  any  o'her  .\dmiiiistratlon,  but  this 
pariiciilarly,  shall,  in  the  headlont,'  proseeulion 
of  an  unjust  claim,  whether  at  the  dielale  of  an 
electioneering  conveiilion,  plnnL'c  this  peace-lov- 
inj  country  into  the  sin  and  suffering:  of  a  war 
as  needless  as  it  will  be  ferocious,  the  People 
will  no  sooner  have  tasted  the  woes  of  such 
a  contest  than  their  veii:;e;incc  will  overwhelm 
those  who  broii.Jit  them  into  it.  At  such  u  time 
the  forms  of  the  Conslitutio'i  will  scarcely  shield 
them:  they  would  be  driven  from  power  wiihin  :i 
day,  if  it  were  po...sible  v\  iilioul  tramplin,;  in  the 
dust  our  Constitution.  I'pon  the  Presidenl,  the 
Cabinet,  the  Party,  that  had  wantonly  eommiited 
such  a  crime  and'snch  a  f  dly,  wo.ild  rest  a  public 
execration  llnii  would  never  let  them  see  power 
while  till-  po|iul,ir  ineniory  lasted;  and  Whiles  and 
Whiu'  principles,  a  cmiseVvatiie  nioihration,  jus- 
tice, and  |iriidi  nee,  would  take  a  loni;  possession 
of  the  people's  confidence  and  affection.  Such, 
sir,  would  be  the  consequences  of  a  war  for  such 
an  object  and  under  such  circiinistance.s — .so  un- 
inovolicd,  so  impolitic,  and  so  certain  to  he  ealani- 
iioiis.  I'or  the  Whi::s,  as  a  imiitj,  such  a  war 
would  accomplish  everylhiiiL'.  but  at  a  cost  to  the 
country  too  terrible  for  any  Wlii^' ever  to  desire. 
If  yo.i'will  thus  put  lis  into  power,  it  must  be  in 
spile  of  all  we  can  do.  (Jod  preserve  us  from  an 
■ascendency  purchased  so  dear!  We  can  wait 
until  milder  means  shall  ill'ect  the  same  gnat  end. 
To  tile  Whigs,  then,  this  queslion  is'  above  all 
party!  To  the  credit  of  the  country  tlii.s  queslion 
was  long  above  all  parly.  Formore  than  tweiily- 
five  years  no  parly  eon.senled  to  look  on  it  in  any 
hilt  a  national  light;  nay,  from  its  very  rise,  from 
the  fiundation  of  our  claim  in  that  (piarter,  no 
Administration  nor  any  party  had  ever  ailempled 
lo  make  of  it  any  but  an  .Vmerican  queslion.  Bin, 
when  assemliled  at  lialiiniore,  a  cerl:iin  cilfliraieil 
conveiilion,  which  (to  use  ihe  lanu'iiage  of  one  of 
its  members)  "  was  oruanized  by  faction  and  l''h- 
erincl  by  ilenia<.'o;rues,"  (I  use  the  words  of  Ihe 
Seii.itor  from  North  Carolina,  (Mr.  II.vvivooii,j 
addressed  to  us  the  olherday,)  then  and  there  fir 
the  first  time  this  nalional  controversy  was  sei/ed 
by  parly,  made  lo  reciive  its  sl,nn|i  and  its  spirit, 
and  pushed  to  extravagance,  in  oruer  ihat,  by  this 
very  impress  of  nltraism  and  of  violence,  it  iniL'ht 
seem  to  be  more  distinctly  their  ov*n,  and  none  but 


ir 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  (JLOBE. 


589 


■;  mid 
il'  Ihiit 


aOxH  CoNO 1st  Sehs. 


The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Burrow. 


Senate. 


llicir  own.  Ami  why  wns  this  dnnn  ?  Through 
an  rxlrrnii^  pnrly  nft'cssiiy,  ;is  ihi-  last  dcsjirnuc 
Blald'  of  II  p. Illy  ihiit  liud  iihiyril  awiiy  eve  lylliini; 
il  could  lie;;  nr  Immiw.  On  all  of  llie  iild  and 
Icsilinialo  (|urNliinia  llicy  «aw  thny  were  licaKii 
and  civcilliiiiwii,  and  iIm  y  kiii'W  llicy  ninsl  finve 
new  issues,  upnii  whirli  <'\rjii'nii-nt  luid  liunilur^^- 
pi'iy  hail  mil  lu'i'ii  nxhausird,  iir  thai  tliry  witi' 
^iiitr.  Tin;  diiincstif  f|ni'ati(ins — llniNi:  iiC  inti.'i'nal 
ndininisiralinii,  llir  nnly  pi'o[M'r  inir.s  ht'twceii  par- 
th-N — had  lii'in  imcil  in  ixiili'  and  drhide  llie  peopli', 
unlil  llicw;  cnnld  cxi'ili;  and  diliide  in)  lonirer;  Il 
was  nrrt'saary  ihrii  In  rail  In  llu;ir  aid  still  stroiii;t'r 
slinnilanl.H,  sniii  as  all  lii'l'iire  had  Hliinnk  IVoiii 
cnipldviiii; — (|nrsiici|is  iit'  I'nrri^n  policy,  thai  Ihe 
mnsl  disloyal  had  never  liel'nre  dareil  to  oiiilani;er 
and  comipl,  hy  coininillin^'  them  In  ihe  had  iii- 
tlnenci  s  ot' party,  and  thi;  divisions  il  iniisl  hrecd. 
To  create  those  very  divisions  was  their  ohjeet — 
to  proilure  distract  ions  aliout  mitiinial  i|iieslions, 
which  ihey  could  no  Ioniser  raise  alimit  domestic 
(ini'S.  An  exi'itenienl  was  iheir  last  hope.  Willi- 
ont  it  their  detent  was  certain;  with  it,  at  wliatever 
cost  to  theconiury,  they  ininlil  still  succeed. 

In  thi.-i  manner  and  for  ihe.sc  motives  ranie  lo  he 
nilopteil  hy  this  memorable  convention  the  more 
remnrkahle  resohiliiai  that  inir  title  to  the  whole  of 
Ore;,'on  wa.s  "clear and  iinqnestionahle."  Tlieiiinc 
of  its  pas.sas:e  was  not  less  sini;iilar  than  its  other 
atteialant  circumstances.  Il  was,  as  the  Senator 
from  New  Jersey  [.Mr.  Mii.i.Kit]  has  ohserved,  iii- 
tro.lnced  atal  I'.arrieil  on  the  third  day  of  the  eon- 
vi'iitimi,  hefore  hreakfast,  al^er  ihe  departure  from 
nattimore  of  more  than  a  majority  of  the  conven- 
tion. As  to  the  hour,  I  cannot  ai^ree  with  the 
Senator  IVoin  New  Jersey,  that  it  was  ill  clio.sen. 
At  no  other  had  such  discretion  iei!;ned  in  the  pro- 
eee(linu;s;  it  was  well,  (hen,  lo  do  one  tliinu-  al  a 
discreet  if  an  unusual  time  of  day;  and  judicious 
to  have  ihe  uclois  at  least  .sohcr,  if  the  resolutions 
were  not. 

Tl'is,  sir,  \va.s  the  fust  time  that  into  Ihe  present 
einitroversy  party  views  were  Introditi'ed,  and,  as 
I  have  said,  sindionsly  introduced  al  an  inoppoi- 
lini''  time,  hefore  an  until  liody,  in  an  exai^i;eraled 
atiil  inllamtnaloi-y  form  of  assertion,  for  the  pur|io.^'e 
of  coinpellin;;  the  opposition  ot' prudent  and  ri;;lit- 
thinking  men,  in  the  hope  thai  such  would  prove 
to  he  the  minority.  This,  as  cMryliody  kiiow.^, 
was  the  entire  orii^in  of  that  declar.ition  which 
I'rcsideiit  Polk  lhoii;;ht  himself  liouiid,  hy  this 
behest  of  a  parly  convention,  to  make  in  his  in- 
niimiral;  iial  hence  iialispiiiahly  has  llowed  ihe 
entire  ilitlicully  in  which  he  and  the  two  counlries 
are  involved. 

In  the  primitive  days  of  our  Uepiililic,  il  was 
usual  for  ihe  Executive  and  Con;i;res»  lo  consult 
the  t'onstitutiiin  and  the  laws,  the  experience  of 
other  a^M's,  the  plain  priiK'Iples  of  justice  and  of 
truth,  when  they  were  considering  u'ravr  questions 
of  lair  piihlic  policy,  in-  duty,  or  interest.  In  the 
present  tiiiu;  of  corrnplion,  anihition,  and  vain 
piorv,  few  politicians  stop  to  r'onsider  these  old 
motfves  and  ineihials,  from  whic-h  oiir  national 
plorie.s,  (uir  former  uncontaminated  honors  rose. 
Other  emisideratiouH  aliuosl  alune  are  \vei^hld. 
The  i;real  ipiesiioii — nearly  the  mily  (piesiiini — 
now  presented  lo  the  people  is  this:  "  What  policy 
will  most  secure  tin- i.-iection  of  oar  candid. lies  r" 
**  Uy  what  means  can  we  hest  cir<'umveni  our  ad- 
versaries .'"  What  is  riijht,  or  fit,  or  wise,  or  i^ood 
for  the  nation,  or  Just  towards  laher  ctinnlries,  or 
even  towards  our  own  ( iii/.cns,  few  |ioliticians 
fjive  thrins.'lves  the  tronlile  to  inipiire.  .\ow, 
what  had  the  liahimm-e  C'onwniion  thus  decreed 
hefore  hreakini;  its  fast  .=  The  whole  of  Oregon 
anil  the  wholi'  of  Te.\as;  the  lortner  lo  he  "  reoc- 
enpied,"  and  tile  latter  to  lie  "  reannexed."  Ac- 
c(Mcliii;,'ly,  cd'llo'se  two,  in  the  very  midst  oftlie.se 
e\hort,uioiis  to  hanishall  parly  consiihiations,  we 
have  lieen  told  hy  the  InManahle  Senaun-  from  In- 
diana |Mr.  II.WManx]  ihal  '•  they  are  twin-sis- 
ti-ts,"  iiriai^ht  lortli  liy  tin"  same  mother  al  the 
s.nne  hirtli;  th.it  it  was  incninlreni  on  the  .Senate 
of  the  I'nited  Stales,  or  at  hast  the  Dcnnu  ratic 
por!iiiii  of  it,  to  staial  hy  Oreiji.n,  lo  l'o  for  il  up 
lo  ,VP  4U',  iciir  nr  iti>  triir;  lhal  those  who  owe 
fealty  lo  Iho  party  at  all  are  hound  lo  show  iheni- 
Kilve.s  its  true  liei;es,  whatever  the  eonsenueiuL.s; 
and  more  especially  as  one  hianch  of  the  nailniiore 
de.'iie,  the  inlroiluctioii  of  Texas  into  the  Union, 
has  heen  alie>ady  accoinph.shed. 


So  thnncht  Ihe  President:  he  ihonsht  himself 
hound  hy  the  order  of  tin'  party  which  h.ad  nomi- 
nated him  under  such  stiani^e  cirrninstances,  with 
such  a  discordance  of  opinions.  Hence,  and  hence 
only,  his  inaii^Miral  declaration;  lhal  lirst  mialakr, 
(as  I  understood  the  Senator  from  Atassaidiii.setls 
this  morniii;;  lo  call  it,)  lhal  mistake,  if  it  deservis  J 
nnl  a  harsher  name,  from  which  has  llowed  all  our  | 
present  tronhle.  When  It  was  made,  I  was  slrnck 
with  snrpri.se  that  on  such  an  occasion  such  a  lopic 
should  even  he  loiiched  upon.  He  was  not  iid- 
dressins  Congress,  linl  llii;  peoiile;  and  lhal  people 
had  no  cau.se  lo  expect  or  lo  wish  any  revelation  of 
the  grounds  or  inaiiner  in  which  he  meant  lo  eon  ' 
duct  an  imporlaiit  ani  delicate  neL,oliatioii.  He 
could  not  yel  well  know  what  he  oiifiht  lo  do, 
much  less  could  he  know  vvhul  ihe  tJovernment 
opposed  to  us  could  he  lironi;hl  lo  do,  hy  nei;olia- 
lion.  'I'he  history  of  the  pasl,  llii;  acta  and  elforts 
of  many  wise  slatesnien,  as  wary  and  re.sohile  as 
he,  should  have  warned  him  lhal  the  mailer  was 
not  of  lhal  sort  which  can  lie  .settled  oll'-hanil,  and 
hy  one  side  only.  He  should  have  known  that  nn 
inan^ural  address  was  no  lime  nor  place  in  which 
lo  hroach  such  a  siihjecl — especially  if  he  ineanl  lo 
take  in  il  new  and  extreme  srrontals.  .Such  inten- 
tions should  certainly  have  hecii  "  locked  up  in  his 
own  ho.'.'oin,"  al  least  ik  elmrhj  as  his  orOTii  of  the 
press  tells  ns  that  his  true  purposes  in  the  mailer 
arc  iinie  kepi,  when  C'on^^rcss  is  left  in  uncertainty, 
and  ihe  eounlry  in  alarm.  I  tliink  he  should  have 
heen  more  mysterions  then,  or  less  myslerioiis 
now.  This  early,  uiiijuarded,  and  (I  must  he  al- 
lowed lo  say)  uninformed  eoinmitlal  of  himself, 
could  have  no  sood  end — could  only  emlinrrass  and 
endanjier  the  negotiations  of  which  he  was  ahont 
Intake  the  supreme  direclion.  And,  iieeordinnly, 
we  see  lhal  his  own  firsl  impnriant  step  in  tlie'm 
was  directly  alhw.arl  his  gialnitous  public  |dedi;e; 
in  il  he  had  promised  loj;ive  up  no  part  of  Ori?- 
■;on;  and  he  presently  otrereil  to  yield  nearly 
one-half  of  ill  That  fact  is  commentary  enoiis;li 
upon  the  propriety  of  such  a  declaration.  Uiil, 
besides,  we  all  know  the  sensation  and  etl'ects  |)ro- 
dnceil  hy  il  elsewhere;  and  ihey  who  lake  the  liou- 
ble  lo  examine  il  in  nil  ils  consef|iienees,  mnsl  eoine 
to  the  conclusion  that  il  was  a  must  unforlunalc 
blunder  in  the  Kxecniive. 

Sir,  il  is  not  my  purpose  lo  .speak  of  the  Chief 
Ma:;istrali;  with  acrimony  or  wilhoiiirespecl.  I  have 
towards  him  no  personal  feelings  of  iinkindncss, 
however  opposed  lo  him  and  his  parly  politically. 
He  whose  secret  views  are  a  mailer  of'angry  doiibl 
and  conU'sl  aiuonj;  his  I'onlidanls,  or  those  who 
might  naturally  be  so,  is  little  likely  lo  have  made 
disclosures  lo  an  opponenl.  The  documents  he 
has  caused  lo  be  published,  and  the  authentic  liicts 
with  which  all  are  accpiainled,  form  my  only 
soun'es  of  informalion.  From  lhe.se,  however,  I 
have  drawn  eerlain  |ilain  conclusions  as  lo  the  mo- 
tives which  have  inthienced  the  Executive  inanage- 
luenl  of  ihe  Oregon  controversy,  and  as  U)  ihe  eiui- 
seiiuences  of  lhal  managemeiil.  If  among  llio.-ic 
who  stand  nearest  of  this  body  about  the  Presi- 
denl,  and  luosl  enjoy  ihe  advaniage  of  receiving 
hisownexplanalionsof  what  he  haseomiminicaled 
for  the  |inlilic  instruction,  there  is  such  an  entire 
and  direct  dillircnce  as  lo  the  interpreiation  which 
is  lo  be  sei  u[ion  his  decl.iraiions  and  inlentions,  il 
need  excile  no  surpri.se  if  1  should  venture  to  coii- 
Klrue  things  for  myself.  When  the  priests  fall  out 
and  (h  liver  utter  contradictory  oracles,  the  profane 
are  al  liberly  lo  believe  as  much  or  as  litlle  as  they 
like  or  can  understand. 
(  Mr.  President,  we  have'betorc  us  a  most  cxlra- 
ordiiiarvand  (I  inusl  say)  hiiniilialing  public,  spec- 
,  tacle.  ft  is  not  merely  iinprecedinled  in  the  history 
of  the  counuy,  but  wilhnnl  any  shadow  of  parallel 
or  even  of  analogy.  We  sii_"herc  a  part  of  that 
great  National  Council,  which,  along  wiili  the  I'.x- 
cenliie,  directs  the  all'airs  of  this  peopli';  of  lhal 
council  we  are  ihe  branch  which  more  directly  ami 
iiuimalely  shares  with  him  the  inanairemenl  lif  our 
foreign  relations.  Ainongsi  us  he  has  a  ibcided 
party  majority,  anxious  lo  atl'ord  him  sup|iort  in 
all  his  measures;  and  yet  not  only  are  we,  as  a 
body,  denied  lo  know  what  il.sonnuh  behooves 
we  should,  as  the  Presidenrs  advisers  and  a  co- 
ordinate branch  of  the  tiovernmeiit,  luidersland — 
his  real  p'Urposes  in  the  momentous  ipieslions  be- 
fure  us — hui  iliey  an;  an  eniuina  lo  his  very  ad- 
herents   here,   who   cannot,  for  Iheir  lives,  seule 


helween  them  his  Iriie  meaning  and  intention ! 
There  never  was,  belore,  a  period  when  .-^ome  one 
in  the  .Senate  was  not  anihori/.eil  to  speak  for  tlio 
Gxecuiive,  made  reiinlarly  aiiniainled  with  his 
views,  and  ready  to  put  right  lliose  who  miscon- 
strue his  plans  or  language.  A  part  of  his  su[i- 
porters  tell  us  lhal  he  is  in  every  manner  pledged 
lo  nothing  less  ihaii  .'i4°-IO',or  war;  ihc  iilher  pari, 
ef|ually  zealous  and  equally  positive,  assure  us  that 
he  has  never  had  a  thonght  beyond  49°.  The  Sen- 
ator frmn  Indiana,  (.\lr.  FI,VNMK(iAN,|  baidted  hy 
Ihe  hit'li  auliiorilv  of  Ihe  ilislinguished  Senator 
from  Michii^an,  [Sjr.C.vss,]  and  that  of  the  elmir- 
maii  of  the  Conunillee  on  Poreign  Ilelations,  [Mr. 
.Ai.i.K.N,!  whose  position  implies  the  possession  of 
the  President's  ennqilete  confidence  here,  declares 
lhal,  if  there  is  any  truth  in  man  or  in  Holy  Writ, 
ihe  President  is  irretrievably  engaged  lor)4^4h'; 
that  should  he  falter,  turn  hack,  and  not  lead  on  his 
gallanl  followers  up  to  the  Hiissian  line,  he  will  he 
recreant  lo  his  party,  his  principles,  and  the  lliilli" 
more  Cnnvenlion;  thai  should  he  desert  his  slatid- 
ard,  hearing  aloft  the  miu'hty  motto  of  ,')4°  40',  it 
will  sink  him  lo  a  depth  of  damnalion  from  which 
the  very  hand  of  resurrection  ran  neverpluck  him 
up.  Now,  this  was  rather  strong  hingiiage,  and 
this  hyiioihelieal  denuneialion  made  me  feel  ex- 
ceedingly uncomfortable, lest  the  Senator  had  really 
goi  a  peep  behind  the  curtain  of  the  Presidetu'a  iii- 
teniions,  and  knew  w  hat  he  would  do.  I  was,  loo, 
the  more  disturbed,  being,  as  I  have  said,  a  pcaoo 
man,  but  on  terms  which  I  shall  explain  before  I 
tal;emyseat;  because,  in  many  pulii'ulars,  that 
Senator's  inter|irelalion  is  the  obvious  one  of  tl  e 
m(;s.sau'e  ilself.  My  alarm,  however,  was  much  al- 
layed by  what  \va.^  a.iid  by  the  Senator  from  North 
Carolina,  [.Mr.  Havwoud,]  siip|iosed  lo  enjoy  ilia 
peculiar  deirreo  the  personal  conliilence  and  nlfec- 
lion  of  the  I'resident,  his  cdd  school  associate,  and 
perhaps  his  elassma'e.  He  has  assured  iis  lhal 
the  reading  of  the  r)4°  411' gentlemen  was  totally 
erroneous;  lhal  ihe  Presidenl  had  planled  biiuself 
on  ihe  parallel  of  4!l°;  thai  he  could  neilher  ad- 
vance nor  recede  from  il  without  reiidering  him- 
self infamous  forever,  and,  moreover,  having  lh6 
Senator  turn  his  back  upon  him.  .Sir,  I  confide 
in  the  revelations  of  the  cool,  sairacious,  and  pru- 
dent personal  friend  of  llie  Presidenl;  not  that  I 
believe  it  the  true  reading  of  the  messairc,  but 
as  indicaiinga  laler  stale  of  the  Execulive  mind, 
and  a  wish  i'or  the  jirescnl  lo  compromise  with 
Eimland  at  the  p;irallel  of  4!!"'. 

lUit  lo  proceed  to  another  poinl.  We  collect 
sntliciently,  from  many  declarations  in  this  and 
the  other  House  of  C^ongress,  and  from  the  voice 
of  various  iiews[iapera  paid  by  the  Government  lo 
give  candid  informalion  about  its  nets,  that  this 
Oregon  business  has  been  admirably  coiidiiclcil, 
and  that  to  doubt  it  is  lo  be  exceedingly  f;ii:lioiis, 
and  even  iinpalriolic.  Nevertheless,  as  I  happen 
lo  have  very  strong  doubts  of  lhal  sort,  1  will  siale 
Ihem,  al  whalever  hazard  of  being  charged  with 
taking  the  British  side  of  the  question.  That 
ehaige  does  not  greatly  disturb  me;  and  I  feel  an 
entire  willingness,  when  the  charge  is  formally 
made,  lo  submit  it  lo  ihe  judgmenl  of  my  eoii- 
stlliienls. 

1  say,  ihen,  that  the  Oregon  qiieslioii  has  heen 
mismanaged  from  llie  Piesideiil's  first  ill-Jndged 
inaugural  declaration  u))  lo  the  latest  revelalinn 
which  wc  have  had  on  the  subjecl.  IJy  his  mes- 
sage and  by  his  mainii^cment  ho  cannot  have 
iiieanl,  or  ilesired,  or  expected  war;  fiu-  in  his 
message  he  recommends  noiliing  lhal  looks  lo 
war;  on  ihe  coniiary,  he  dilates,  as  if  in  ihe  midst 
of  peace,  against  standing  armies,  as  things  lhal 
should  not  exist  ill  a  Kepublii';  he  reconimeiiils 
no  increase  of  onr  land  forces,  and  lint  a  trilling 
one  of  our  navy.  I'm  what  is  slill  mote  decisive, 
he  rei  oimnenils,and  his  .Secretary  of  llie  Treasury 
prescnis  to  ns,  a  revenue  mirasnie — the  repeal  of 
the  larilf — which  woiihl  al  once  deprive  us  of  the 
means  of  carrying  on  war. 

On  the  oilier  hand,  he  could  not  have  meant  lo 
inform  us  and  the  iiaiiun  that  he  is  anxious  lo  sel- 
lle  the  Oregon  controversy  al  the  line  of  411°,  for 
he  says  the  coiilrary.  I  le  loii^r  ago  suhmilled  the 
only  thing  he  ever  did  lhal  looked  to  such  a  setlle- 
meiU;  and  he  tells  us  that  ihe  door  lo  conqiromise 
is  closed  forever,  and  that  he  now  claims  the  whole 
lerriuiry  of  Oregon. 

I  myself,  then,  can  draw  fioni  his  eondm  1  hut 


"'.I 


4 


.jiiLi 


590 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAI.  GT-OBR. 


29th  Cono 1st  Sfisi. 


The  Oreiron  (-^malinn — Mr.  Harrow, 


[Mnrrh  30, 
Sknatb. 


one  coiiclinioii!  ihnt  the  qiieatinn,  being  n  very 
knotty  qtifstinii,  the  ExoPiilive  inleiulcd  lo  pliicp 
himself  "on  llip  fence,"  ro  iis  to  lie  iilile  to  fret  oil' 
on  cuIkt  side.  He  iiiennt,  if  the  nirsniifje  wiis 
followed  liy  n  mroii^  nmnilVstntion  of  the  |io|>ii- 
liirily  of  54"  40',  vur  or  no  lenr,  (inietlv  to  slide  off 
on  that  Side;  lint  if,  on  the  continry,  the  deliliernle 
jiidirnient  of  the  Ainerii'im  people  wiih  sjiven  in 
favor  ol*  a  fair  mid  nni'''al»Ie  cnnipromiHi',  then 
pome  of  his  learned  and  insjenioos  tVienda,  praetiaed 
in  llie  art  of  explainini^  tliiiii;N,  were  to  use  and 
show  rorielnnively  tliat  from  the  liei;inMinir  the 
IVesidenl  was  altogether  in  favor  of  49°  and  a!,'ainsl 
.M*-"  4lt'.  This,  sir,  is  niy  ronoliision,  after  !( adiii": 
the  message  and  hearin:;  the  elaliornie  and  infteiii- 
0119  contrary  interpretations  put  upon  it  by  lionnr- 
ablc  Senators,  friends  of  tin;  President,  Eneli  in- 
trrprclatiun  is  so  hirirl,  forcible,  and  coiu'litsive, 
that  tbey  destroy  eacli  other,  and  niainly  prove 
that  both  are  wrong,  that  the  Pi'esnlenl  ;;oes  for 
iieiiliir,  but  place!)  Iiiinself  iin|>nrtialiy  upon  the 
fence. 

Now,  to  !»ive  the  main  reasons  why  I  hold  ihnt 
the  President  and  liis  Preniier  liavc  entirely  mis- 
nianaL'cd  the  business,  let  nie,  first  of  all,  remark, 
that  such  a  question,  orii;inally  broached  by  the 
l'!xecniive  in  a  manner  that  at  onc(?  made  it  neces- 
sary and  yet  dillicult  to  .■<etlle  it,  coiilij  not  but  be 
furiher  niisniaiiai;ed  in  conscipience  of  thisnilenipl 
to  be  on  l.ioih  sides  of  it.  Let  me,  then,  call  the 
Senate's  allenlion  to  the  objectionable  grounds 
taken  in  the  first  conimiiniration  from  ilii,  new  \i|. 
niiiiistrntion  to  the  I'riush  eiivov  for  the  purpose 
of  renewinj  the  ne^'otialion.  ^  'I'o  the  preceding.' 
Secretary,  (now  the  Senator  from  .South  (.'aroliiia.') 
1111  otl'er  liad  been  made  on  the  Hrilish  part.  Il  bad 
been  rejected  by  our  G.iverniuenl.  The  I'ritisb 
neirotialor  had  then  invited  a  reference  to  arbitr.i- 
lion.  Tlial  had  been,  (I  think  very  (iroperly.)  de- 
clined, but  tor  rtjisons  tair,slatesmanly,  and  friend- 
ly, enlircly  unlike  those  on  which  a  like  olFi  r  has 
lately  been  declined  on  our  part.  In  the  fi.'st  in- 
stance, the  matter  iiad  not  arrived  at  the  point  of 
arbitration,  and  so  the  former  Secretary  (.\lr.  (' Kl- 
iioin]  .simply  said;  in  the  last,  the  point  at  which 
lirilnin  was  left,  by  the  abrupt  termination  of  the 
ncEotiation,  and  the  reiraction  of  the  ]iioposilion 
to  settle  on  the  nrinciples  of  coniproinise  at  the 
|Hirallel  of  49°,  tnere  was  no  amicable  resort  but 
arbitration,  or  an  unconditional  surrender  of  all 
fiirthi  r  claim  to  any  porlion  of  Oiclmii.  Without 
sloppins  to  di.-ciiss  the  policy  of  tlic  rcjcctimi  of 
that  fair  and  friendly  mode  of  adjustiuent  of  our 
controversy,  I  must  say  that  the  reasons  assiijin-d 
by  .Mr.  Piuchaiuui  for  dccliiiiiii,Mo  sul,niit  the  ,pics- 
tion  to  arbilration  ;'re  iin.sound  and  imerile,  and 
reflect  no  iioiior  on  bini  ns  a  st,itesman. 

In  the  letier  of  our  Secretary  to  whiili  I  now  re- 
fer, be  sets  out  with  urging  tlie  (piestioii  nf  title; 
and,  before  any  ofl'er  of  a  sctllemcnt  is  siibiniiti-d, 
lie  tells  [he  British  .Minister  many  thing's  very  iin- 
fil  to  incline  him  to  accept  the  i nniiiig  proposition. 
He  tells  liim  that  \\v  Is  bid  to  .say,  that  bad  the 
<lre;;on  question  bcr  n  a  new  one,  the  Executive 
would  make  to  Hni;laiiil  no  proposition  at  all.  Is 
tins  not  a  strange  laiu^uage  to  bold  in  a  negotiation 
which  we  ourselvi  s  bad  inviiiil.-  However,  (be 
goes  on  to  say,)  the  I'rosidcn'  li;is  Ibund  peitdiiig 
negotiations,  based  on  prini'iples  of  coinpr.ui.ise, 
and  in  consequence  does  not  fi  el  at  liberty  abrupt- 
ly to  break  them  oil'.  Why  tlii.-i  new  tone,  .so  un- 
like the  previous  ne'.'oiiations  and  tlii'  linns  so  re- 
peatedly oHVred  by  our  Government  r  Why  stile 
siiddi  11  and  haiii'lity  pritensions,  that  are  not  lo 
be  acted  iijinn.  and  din  only  surprise  and  oircml.' 
Why  talk  ofciasiiiL'  to  treat,  v.lieii  the  conference 
is  one  of  our  own  sef-kiiii:,  and  we  have  not  yet 
made  n  siiiL'le  o||'er=  He  proceeds  to  tell  I'jiirlai'iii, 
that  while  we  believe  and  know  our  title  to  be  uii- 
qiiestionalile  up  to  ;'i4"'  41)',  the  Prisident  li  els  con- 
strained, as  well  by  existing:  nciroimtifuis  as  by  the 
acts  of  bis  predecessors,  to  submit  a  proposi'tiiui. 
And  now,  what  s.ut  of  a  proposition.-  More  iid- 
vantML'eniis  to  ihe  couiiti  r-parly  than  those  ri|ieat- 
edly  made  by  his  pit  ilei'issors,  ill  defeicni'e  to 
wlio--e  admissiims  be  makes  it?  iS'o,  it  falls  short 
of  them.  Is  this  neu'oliation  to  go  backwards  in- 
stead ol'  me,  ling  the  ailvances  made  on  the  oiIht 
side'  The  I'resideiit  plainly  admits,  that  he  yields 
to  the  le'tH  of  his  wic  predecessors:  either,  ibcn, 
be  avo«  s  hiin.self  Imuoil  by  sinnif  moral,  or  politi- 
cul,  or  legal,  or  diploiuutic authority,  ur  by  atverul 


of  theiie  nt  nnec.  If  it  binilH  him,  why,  tlien,doeii  I 
he  not  rnnfonn  lo  \i}  If  it  bound  him  at  nil,  it 
bound  jiim  to  go  at  least  as  far  as  ii  had  gone.  He 
has  said  that  he  found  peiujing  iieiroliations  on  the 
basis  of  a  compromise:  what  would  that  lie  in  the 
cii.se  of  n  renewed  negotiation?  Clearly,  that  set-  • 
ting  out  n*oiii  the  oh)  concessions  on  either  side, 
lioiii  parlies  shoultl  otfcr  some  additional  one.  ,*^ir, 
I  raiinot  forbear  remarking  that  these  Polk  iiego- 
tialioiis  seem  to  have  been  conducted  rather  on  the 
horse-trading  prim  iole.  I  do  not,  however,  mean 
to  quarrel  with  the  VVcsidciit  so  much  for  this  com- 
ing short  in  the  proposition  made  as  with  the  next 
act  in  connexion  with  it.  Its  rejection  could  have 
been  no  matter  of  surprise,  and  it  was  at  once  re- 
fii.sed  by  the  I'ritish  neij-oliator,  in  terms,  as  neither 
reasonable  nor  lair.  Theieiipon  it  was  immediately 
withdrawn,  as  if  in  a  hiitV;  the  refus.-d  to  entertain 
and  transmit  it  was  construed  as  a  kind  of  insult; 
and  Ilritain  was  infornu'd  that  our  Oovernment 
would  now  accept  of  nothing  short  of  the  entire 
territory. 

Sir,  the  Hrilish  Minister  is  not  responsible  to  me, 
nor  even  to  the  American  people,  for  his  course; 
yet  I  reL'rel  that  course;  nay,  I  think  he  was  hasty, 
lierpmptory,and  commilted  a  great  blunder,  unless 
he  bad  explicit  instnictions  which  met  the  case, 
which  is  nut  improbabh'.  Put  be  tills  as  it  may, 
I  have  never  heard  that  a  bl.inder  mi  one  part  jus- 
tifies or  even  exteiiiialcs  a  blunder  on  the  other. 
The  ri'jeciion  on  Mr.  I'akenham's  part  was  nei- 
ther in  itself',  nor  by  its  terms,  offensive;  and  be 
was  wairantcd  by  the  former  example  of  our  own 
negotiator  for  aciiim'  as  promptly  as  he  did.  Tin 
iiiaiiarr  of  that  rejection  was,  in  oiir  Secretary's 
reply,  taken  exception  to,  and  the  proposition  re- 
tracted, with  the  added  intimation,  in  effect,  that 
we  should  make  no  other,  nor  negotiate  further,  ex- 
cept lo  receive  the  abandoiinient  id' the  wlnde  Hril- 
ish claim.  If  any  Senator  will  read  the  last  para- 
graph but  oiieof  tlie  Secretary's  letter  withdrawing 
the  offer  of  49°,  tlur  conviciioi,  will  be  forced  upon 
his  mind,  that  either  il  was  insincerely  made,  or 
that  there  was  no  better  ground  f'or  recalling  it  than 
that  the  Secretary's  or  the  Presiilent's  sinsibiliiies 
were  wouiuled  by  that  lanu'uage  fif  rejection.  He 
evidently  considers  something  in  the  iikiiiiiit  used 
as  insulting  to  himself  or  to  his  superior.  That 
was  indeed  iroing  back  to  feudal  times,  when  a  | 
constructive  afl'rmit  to  a  king's  favorite  or  his  iiiis- 
tri'sa  plunged  nations  iiilo  calamitous  wars  I  I  .^ay  I 
a  "  eonstructive  afTiont,"  for  even  the  nicest  logic 
of  the  code  of  lionor  can  iinike  nothing  more  of  it; 
and  an  equal  si'ruliiiy  into  the  Sii'retary's  own  com- 
immicatioiH  will  delect  violations  of  punctilio  at 
least  as  serious. 

Was,  then,  the  serious  interest  of  the  country; 
was  the  policy  deliberately  adopted  for  it;  were  the 
grave  obligatimis  and  autliorilie.s  which  could  alone 
have  fitly  di'termined  the  President's  offer;  was  the 
peace  of  two  great  ii;itioiis,  and  jirobably  of  the 
wculd,  to  be  greatly  jciiparded,  if  not  aliandoned, 
by  .1  step  taken  in  obedience  to  menacing  and  ques- 
tionable punctilio?  Is  this  age  of  peace,  of  reason, 
of  (.'laislianily.  of  civilization,  one  in  which  the 
substance  of  things  is  less  than  such  shadows? 
IJiit,  sir,  ag.aiii  I  ask  w  liv,  if  made  in  good  faith, 
was  theoll'er  to  compromise  on  the  giarallel  of  49° 
wiilidrawn  ?  I  am  not  a  professed  diplomatist,  nor, 
indeed,  is  the  Pre:adent;  but,  diplomatically,  this 
grave  step  was  siill  more  indefensible.  Theoifeiice, 
if  it  was  oiie,  was  clearly  tlie  |.erscuial  act  of  the 
.Minisler  only — tin'  laiiiiiirr  of  Ins  rejecting  a  prop- 
osition not  yet  known  to  his  Government.  At 
worst,  then,  it  was  only  a  grnumi  of  complaint 
nsainsi  Ilim  to  his  Court,  and  not  of  any  chaii're  of 
coiiduct  towards  that  Goveriimeiil  itself" — of  the 
angry  wiibdraw-.tl  of  any  offer  to  it,  until  '  had 
sustained  its  agint  in  tlie  oilciice  commilted.  Hut 
the  Presidiiil  ilid  withdraw  bis  proposition,  and  by 
his  course  ill  retracting  it,  and  declining  formally 
all  further  comproniise,  he  cmiverled  iiilo  an  ii//i- 
imi/ioii  that  which  was  not  even  a  concession. 
.\ow,  ill  no  niiiicnhir  negiiliation,  can  an  nllimitliim 
be  made  ol'a  fust  [iropi.siiion.  To  set  out  in  that 
way  would  be  to  prescribe,  to  dictate,  not  to  treat. 
But  could  it  be  done,  you  would  be  bound,  at  least 
in  laying  it  bef'ore  the  other  party  for  acceptance 
or  rejection,  lo  let  tbeni  know  it  is  final,  thai  they 
may  weigh  ilie  coiisci|ucnci-s  of  refusal.  Here 
the  nature  of  the  propttsition  was  such,  as  made  il 
impossible  for  the  other  party  to  suppose  it  final; 


It  bi-ing  short  of  all  prnpnsillonn  before  made,  ho 
declines  to  enterlain  it;  whereiipoii  he  is  informed, 
not  mily  that  il  was  an  iiltimatiim,  but  that  it  is 
withdrawn  allogether,  so  that  In;  shall  now  not 
even  have  the  power  to  accept  it,  or  even  to  con- 
vey il  to  liis  Government  for  its  eonsideralion  and 
decision. 

Sir,  I  think  I  have  shown  thai  this  management 
will  not  bear  close  examination — the  critii'ism  nf 
plain,  coinnion,  honest  sense.  Hut  let  us  proceed 
to  consider,  in  the  same  way,  the  eonse'qiiences. 
There  was  clearly  no  need  to  withdraw  the  pro- 
position because  declined  by  the  Minisler.  No 
need?  Yea,  no  reason,  nnle.-is  il  was  insincerely 
made,  and  the  .\diiiinistraiion  wanted  only  ti'  seize 
the  first  pretext  f'or  retracting  it;  in  which  case,  it 
is  only  to  be  remarked,  that  they  should  never 
have  inadeil;  fm- nnqilcstionably  eiilicr  we  wanted 
it  ac(  f  piiil,  or  we  did  not.  If  we  did,  we  should 
still  want  it,  and  should  therefore  have  left  it  in 
the  power  of  the  Hrilish  Government,  which  could 
(anil,  as  we  now  know,  wmild  probably)  have 
acted  on  it  when  reported  by  its  Minisler.  Hiii, 
if  we  did  iio(  want  it  accepted,  wc>  should  never 
have  niaili'  it,  not  only  because  il  was  acliiig  in  ill 
faith,  but  iiccanse  the  (dVer,  the  rejeclion,  and  the 
withdrawal  inevitably  placed  both  (bivcrnmenis 
in  a  much  worse  position  than  before;  for  now 
there  are  not  only  punctilios  afloat,  popular  and 
party  exciteineni.  Presidential  electioneering,  mil- 
ilarv  plans  and  fireparalions,  but  oiirGovernmenf, 
af>ir  ofTcring  49°,  is  peremptorily  cnnteiiding  f'or 
■il°  40';  while  England,  after  refusing  49",  is  now 
to  ircat  of  giving  up  to  54°  40',  or  not  lo  treat  nt 
alll 

But  nb.serve  again:  Isfhe  rejection  nf  a  proposi- 
lion  any  reason  why  it  -lii  id  be  withdrawn?  If 
il  is,  then  (///  propositions  must  be  accepted  when 
nirde.  If  \t  ithdrawn  as  soon  ns  declined,  what 
will  remain  to  treat  about?  How  is  negotiation  lo 
go  forward  bul  from  less  advantageous  to  mere 
advantageous  offers — the  former  remaining,  when 
refused,  ns  a  basis,  a  scaffidding  for  the  next? 
Sirike  it  aw:iy  each  time,  and  what  have  you  to 
stand  on,  or  bow  are  yiui  to  mount?  Then,  again, 
were  the  Hrilish  offers  withdrawn  as  soon  as  de- 
clined? Certainly  not.  There  stand  their  tender 
of  arbitration,  anil  all  their  otjier  offers,  to  be  re- 
curred to  when  we  like.  True,  the  offers  on  both 
sides  in  IBifi  were  withdrawn  in  //if/i)rin  nfajirn- 
Icsl,  that  in  future  negotiations  the  imrties  would 
not  hold  themselves  bound  or  concluded  by  any 
concessions  then  made;  bul  that  was  when  it  was 
found  that  nothing  final  and  satisfactory  could  be 
concluded,  and  the  temporary  convention  of  IHI8 
was  renewed.  In  a  word,  they  were  not  even  in 
that  manner  withdrawn  until  tlie  negotiation  had 
fallen  through;  and  that  is  the  only  time  when 
j  offers  can  be,  with  any  propriety,  retracted.  Then 
alone  is  any  such  shifjng  not  unfriendly  and  dis- 
respeciful. 

So  miicli  ns  to  fiirms;  and  now  of  the  effects  nf 
thai  withdrawal.  Sir,  of  it  we  all  now  know 
enough  to  say,  with  sonielhing  like  certainly,  that 
but  for  that  ill-judged  anil  iinfortunale  ste[),  a  treaty 
on  nearly  that  basis,  quite  satisfiictory  lo  the  mass 
of  tlii  1  country,  and  ipiite  lionorable  lo  the  .'\d- 
niinislratioii,  wmihl  have  been  by  this  time  not 
only  conclniled,  but  ratified.  I  need  scarcely  add 
my  reasons  for  s:iying  so:  the  regret  subsequently 
expressed  in  the  1  toiisi'  of  Commons  by  the  Brit- 
ish Premier,  that  the  Minisler  had  iiol  Iransmiited 
the  proposition  for  Ihecon.-^iderationof  hisLiovcrn- 
menl,  instead  of  declining  to  enlerl.iin  il,  is  |n'egnaiit 
with  nieaning.  If  In'  (Sir  llobert  Pc  el)  added,  lliat 
"he  was  not  prepared  lo  say  it  would  have  been  en- 
tirely acceptalili  ,"  yet  lb  '  finni  of  expression  cer- 
tainly shows  that  he  re;  iided  it  as  only  requiring 
siune  modifications,  such  as  should  not,  with  either 
side,  have  stood  in  the  way  of  adjiislment.  Need 
I  repeal,  then,  that  the  failure  is  entirely  the  eoii- 
seiinence  of  the  retraction  of  our  offer?  That  un- 
happy punctilio,  or  that  still  worse  insinceriiy,  ii 
the  I'nuse  of  il  all.  I  fear,  sir,  that  we  have  not 
done  with  that  needless  and  dangerous  point  of 
honor.  Idle  as  it  is,  at  best,  between  nations,  and 
shameful  as  il  would  be  if  such  a  mere  cobwcl, 
were  slrnnger  than  the  bonds  of  brotherhood, 
peace,  and  interest  between  two  great  kindred, 
Christian,  and  sagacious  States,  yet  il  has  so 
served  with  its  false  dilRculties  lo  eoinplicate  all 
tliu  real  une-s  of  the  sulijcct,  that  I  feur  it  still. 


" 


1846.1 


aOrn  CoNn IsT  Sbss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONORESSlONATi  Gt.OBE. 

The  Oregon  (^ucalion — Mr.  Harrow, 


601 


Senatb. 


AIiihI  ciiiciMMilaiinIrd  III  Niicli  lliini;s,  llic  linivcsl  ' 
rciiNe  111  Idinw  wliiit  ihry  ni't'  iiImmiI,  iIio  wi«iHt  l)i<-  ] 
riiini"  wi'iik.  'I'liii  iifti'ii  liiivr  I  ni'iii  Hoiiir  of  llic  ; 
lii'sl  inrii  ill  iriy  Smir  full  a  Hiii:ii(ii'i;  to  iiiitliing  Imt  ; 
n  |iiiiirlili>i. 

VVrll,  lliii.'i  wiiH  lliR  iiOK'i'iii'ii'll  cndril— aliniiitly  ' 
cliiRiil — williniil  niiiNc,  wilhiiiil  I'XriiNr,  in  Allium 
liiHl.      Anil  niiw  I  I'uinr  Id  amillirr  pint  nl'llii' iiiiH- 
rliii'vciiiN  iiriii'liiniTy  wliii'li  llii;  I'rtHlilrnt  Iiiih  tin- 
|iliiyt'il  llniiiinliiiiil  iIiIh  niiitlrr.  I 

l''nini  llu'  ln:,'iiiiiinL'i  with  iiii  n|ii'nnr.iH  never  be-  , 
fiiiT  vriiliiriil,  I'Vi'ii  liy  liif  Imlili'Nl  iu-iiIi'ithsiii',  In;  ; 
liiiil  iillinvi'il  111  111'  Ml  I  ii|i  lii'iT  a  jiiiirnnl  ili'sliiieit  in 
iTi'i'ivri'viTy  i'Airiilivr  riiviir.aniliuiiwi'illy Njieiik-  j 
iiij;  in  Ills  niinir,  lull  I'liiiHliuitly  iiiiHlfnilini;  ilie  piili- 
lir  al   liiiiiii'  null   aKimiil.     I    liulil  tlii'  lOxei'iilive 
i'rs|iiinsilile  I'm' I'viTylliin;;  wliii'li  lias  a|ipi'art(l  in  ! 
ill"  "  llnidn"  ri'lalivc  tn  lliin  Oicirnn  ciiiilruvi'i-sy, 
iiiitwilli'finiiiliiii,'  till"  Siiiatiir  IViiin   Iniliana  [Mr. 
T!  \\ni;i:ak'1  ili'iiii'il  lii'i'i'  ill  lii.s  plm'e,  nn  iinii  mom-  1^ 
iiinlilr  iM'i'iisiiiii,  timl  lIu'  "  L'limn"  txprcsHul  llic  '! 
Mpiniiinii  iif  till!   I'li'siilent.     Anil  why  iln   I  linhl 
linn  111  thin  iTBpiin«il)ilily  ?     Ilci'inisi'iill  kiinw  lliiii 
till'  I'lxcriilivi'  fill  I'onli'iil  it  at  pIrasniT.     If,  llioii, 
ils  Hiinpiisiil  iilll''iiil   liiii;,'nai;c  misinlirpri  Is   him, 
pills   hull   in  a  IuIhi"   pusilinn,  iliies  misi'liief  in  a 
p'l'Hl  naliniial  inallir  «  hieli  hi'  is  I'onilncliiii;,  he  is 
respnnsilile  fur  its  eiini'se  il'  he  dues  nut  piil  a  slcip 
to  il  or  disavow  its  iiiilhority  lo  upeiiU  for  liim. 
Now,  the  liilinrs  of  ilie  "  ITiiion,"  fnim  Aih,'iinI  last  ' 
till   till'  iiieelin'4  of  Coii'-;i'eHS  ill  Deeeiiilier,  tended  ! 
1(1  aiiylliiii':,  in  this  Ori'^mn  i[uestion,  liiil  the  pro-  ' 
niolinii  of  lliat  which  the  I'ixeniti'.e  was  professinji;  j 
111  desire — a   iieaeefiil   iiiljnslmeiit   of  the   pending  i 
ooiitrdversy.     Diiriiii^  that  time  ils  laii;i:iiii£c  was 
Hiii'h  as  to  mlhiiiie  this  eoiniiry  and  irritate  l'Ziii;land 
— to  stir  lip  the  popular  passions  of  the  two  eiiiiii- 
Iries,  instead  of  ailemplinij  to  allay  llieni — velie-  1 
iiienily  asseriin;,'  our  riL'lil  lo  the  wlwle  territory, 
and  the  I'reHideiit's  lioiinden  duty  In  f,'et  il  all,  when  i 
he  had  already  olVereil  lo  yield  the  half.     What  i 
ijood  purpose  eoiild  all  this  extravnijanre  on  the  , 
part  of  the  "  rnion"  serve.'    While  the  whole  ne- ! 
{roiiaiion  WHS  eoneealed  up  to  Dueenilier  from  oiir  ; 
people,  niul  ils  existence,  I  lielicve,  denied  in  the 
I'ixeciiiivc  iirj;aii,  siieh  extreme  prclensions  were 
tirs,'id   there — such   inllainidatory  national   topics  ' 
preseiiieil — such  extraordinary  appeals  lo  the  Dem-  ' 
ocralic  parly  loeoiiio  to  the  snceorof  ilie  President,  ] 
ill  his  palridlic,  cllbrls  lo  eel  the  ii'Ao(f  of  Oregon,  ! 
IIS  were  well  ealenlated  to  otVend  Knglnnd  a-illic- 
wilder  and  alarm  our  own  ]ieople.     Can  any  .iiie 
divine  why  such  aciiveiiains  were  taken  to  deccu'i 
and  exciie  ihe  pulilic  of  liotli  eniinlries.>    The  puli- 
lie  was  not  eoiulticliiiL'  the  negolintions;  and  if  not 
to  lip  enlightened,  slill  less  was  it  to  he  inllamed.  j 
Kvery  consideration  of  policy  and  peace   forliade  ' 
the  hiislile  ilemoiistrations  in  which  the  "  Uiiion"  i 
was  peniiilleil  to  iinliilge  all  the  summer  and  fall. 
Their  ell'ed  in  Knglaoil  was,  as  overyliody  knew 
must  happen,  liigliiy  irritating,  and  eonlil  not  Init 
liegel  a  slate  of  pnhlic  feeling  there  which  made  il 
nuieli  moredilliciili  for  llmiCidvernnKiit — ilsilfilc- 
I'Duknl,  lil;r  inir  oii'ii,  iijinii  ils  iinpularilii — lo  make 
any  eoiii'essions  in  the  midst  of  conduct  and  atone 
so  overliearing. 

Well,  hy  and  liy,  Congress  nssemhles;  the  iMrs- 
sage,  with  ils  ddcninenls,  is  sent  us.  On  the  coun- 
try al  lari,'c,a!ariiiid  with  the  r.illle  of  preparation 
that  liad  gone  Iwfore  it,  the  ellecl  was  (|iiile  seda- 
tive. .Soini'of  the  friends  of  peace — among  whom 
may  be  renienibered  parli.  ularly  Ihe  Senators  near 
me  IVoni  Virginia  and  Nurlli  Canilina,  (.Messrs. 
.'\nciiKU  and  M\s'i;rM.J  hailed  it  us  giving  glad 
omens  of  everylhing  pacific.  Upon  me  the  ell'ccl 
was  (|iiile  ililli  rem.      I  saw  that,  iidlwitlistanding 

all  the  liliisler  df  tl iir^aii    "abiiiil  the  "  wliiile 

or  iidiie,"  llial  llie  I'll  siileiil  hall  made  an  oH'cr  to 
settle  on  the  parallel  of  .IIP,  and  that  that  propii- 1 
silioii  had  lii'eii  rejccii  d  and  wilhilrawn.     1  eiuild 
iidt  perceive   how  iiiiylhing  was  left  open   for  the 
adverse  parly  but  a  Iciiiier  of  arliilralion;  and  (hat 
the  lempcraiiil  spiril  of  ihc  nies.sage  led  me  lo  he-  ; 
la\e   would    be  declined,     in   a  word,  llioin;h  I' 
could  not   iiilievi!  the  American   people  would  al- 
low thcins,  Ives  to  be  dragired  or  to  be  blundered 
into  a  war  tiir  "all  tlrei'on  or  none,"  yet  in  every 
point    my  appreln  nsioiis  were  increased,  not  di- 
ininislied,  by  the  forihcoming  of  ihe  message.        ! 
Wlial  is  ils  ehariicler  as  to  this  eiintroversy  .'    is 
il  such  as  shoiilil   have   been  seal   I'orlh  lo  us  mid 
the  world,  if  the  Exteulive  desired  sincurelv  and 


liiineslly  an  umicable  iidjiislmenl  of  ihe  c|ui'Ntjoii? 
In  my  jiiilginent  it  is  not.  It  doen  not  breiitlic 
that  tone  of  nioderalion  and  peace  which  niiist  be 
observed  between  rcspeclable  nalioiiH  nl  all  times, 
and  piu'ticnliirly  in  their  dispules.  Ity  the  publi- 
cation of  the  extreme  ground  taken,  it  made  It 
more  dilliciill  to  recede  from  it ;  Il  introdured  lopicn 
by  no  means  necessary,  and  far  from  being  of  a 
sort  to  aid  him  in  iU'ei'ling,  at  any  lime,  a  peaceful 
seltlemenl  of  the  (|iiesllon. 

.Sir,  Kiibseiiueul  facts  have  made  It  clear  that 
when,  by  llie  message,  the  I'resldenl  Informed  us 
that  he  placed  lillle  or  no  further  hope  in  negolla- 
tion,  it  wn8  far  from  being  at  an  eiiil.  Indeed,  il 
Is  now  apparent  that  the  aiiminclniion  that  we 
roiild  treat  no  further  was  but  ii  feint,  p'lrlly  for  i 
domeslic  Jioliilcs  nnd  partly  llial,  by  huldiii'^  out 
Htriing  legislative  meiisiireH  as  to  Oregon,  and  the 
hope  of  a  free-trade  tarilf,  we  might  both  Inllnii- 
ilale  and  bribe  Great  llrilain  into  large  eoncessiniis, 
which  might  make  a  boast  for  this  Adminlstrallon. 
This  dangerou.H  game  of  intiniidalion  Congress 
was  to  help  play.  Kveii  now  we  are  kindly  told 
by  llie  "  organ  "  thai  unanimity  in  Congress  is  all 
that  Is  wanliiig  to  enable  the  Kxcentlve  lo  earry 
Iriiimphiiiilly  his  pnlnt.  What  ihal  point  is  none 
of  us  know,  and  about  which  scarcely  two  of  his 
friends  on  this  lliior  agree.  One  while  lecliiring 
nnd  then  cajoling  us,  the  "  organ  "  bids  us  sec  llinl 
all  we  htivr  oblained  (I  should  like  to  know  what 
il  is,  by-llie-by)  is  by  ihrenteiiing  dciuonstrallons. 
1  make  no  doubt  that,  from  the  strong  desire  of 
peaee  displayed  by  i'lngland,  something  might  have 
been  gaineil  In  this  way;  but  they  who  devised 
this  repnialile  plan  should  liave  had  some  iiriideiice, 
some  inddcralioii,niid  known  when  loslrilte.  They 
have  pusliid  it  too  tar,  have  awakened  her  pride', 
nnd  will  probably  gel  nothing  by  their  irame  of 
brag.  Al  all  events,  the  melhod  is  a  most  hazard- 
ous, and  by  no  means  a  reputable  one. 

I  consider  II  jierfectly  clear,  from  the  cnntempo- 
rary  reeominendalioiis  of  the  Sub-treasury  and  of 
the  reduction  of  the  TarilV,  thnt  no  armed  uiineulty 
with  linglaiid  wasdesigne  I  or  expected.  The  su- 
pineness  of  the  Cabinet  as  lo  urging  on  Congress 
to  the  military  nnd  naval  rendiness  which  II  recom- 
mended, is  a  further  but  n  needless  iirnof  that  pence 
only  was  looked  for.  Indeed,  wlien  a  war  is  re- 
ally nppreht'nded,  a  wise  and  discreet  Oovernmenl 
does  as  Great  Britain  lins  been  doing — It  says  noth- 
ing of  il,  but  goes  abdiit  preparation  fpiietly  and 
vigorously;  and  if  suspicion  is  excited,  and  ques- 
tlons  are  nsked,  it  answers  evasively. 

To  Ihe  other  coercive  sleps  proposed  by  the  Ex- 
ecutive, I  need  but  little  advert.  Kxeepl  the  notice 
ti.'il  the  existing  eonvenllon  of  Joint  occupnllon 
shnil  termlnale  after  n  year — a  step  which  may 
probniily  be  hnrmless,  and  which  thenctlon  of  the 
Executive  has  rendered  necessary — they  nil  have 
three  grand  faults;  they  are  [larls  of  a  hostile  sy.s- 
■  lem,and  bostlliiies  are  not  really  designed;  but  the 
talking  of  them  cannot  fall  to  ))roduce  more  ill 
biniiil.  We  have  to  deal  with  n  people  more  pru- 
dent, but  not  a  whit  less  I'csoluti!  than  durselves. 
We  should  certainly  take  fire  at  such  measures — 
so  will  they.  We  shciuld  only  yield  less,  In.stead 
of  more,  in  eonsciiuence  of  nil  measures  meant  lo 
make  us  give  back;  nnd  every  relltciingmuii  must 
know  thallheelfecloii  .Folin  Uiill  will  be  the  same. 
Almost  eipially  do  I  lielicve,  as  a  gratuitous  de- 
parture from  the  iiroper  course  on  matters  under 
ne^'olinlion,  the  President's  Inlroduclion  into  the 
me.-sage  of  a  declaration  that  the  free  navigatidii 
of  the  Columbia  is  iiol  to  be  given  up.  It  Ls  really 
as  much  oiil  of  place  as  bis  original  declaration 
about  Ore:;on  in  his  Inaugural.  Sir,  suppose  we 
were  met  in  the  same  way.'  And  why  should  wc 
not  be.'  If  natidiis  proceed  111  that  way,  how  can 
they  ever  sellle  their  dillicullies  but  by  the  sword.' 
Nay,  when  tired  of  fighting,  what  are  they  to  do.' 
ilecommence  the  game  of  hot  and  downright  as- 
sertion.' Have  we  not  repeatedly  ollcreil  this  iiav- 
iL^allon  ?     So  our  Secretary  was  obliged  tdiulmll. 

This  correspdiideuce  and  the  message  place  the 
tiling  on  a  very  dlll'ereiit  foolini.';  and  thus  does 
this  Adminisiratloii  coiislanily  shift  ils  grounds  In 
Ihe  whole  i|iiestion.  Is  there  any  principle  Involv- 
ed? None  which  iireceding  Adminislralions  (as 
wise  nnd  patriotic  as  this  one)  could  see,  when 
they  roluHtmilij  oU'ered  il.  Have  we  not  claimed 
the  same  principle  as  lo  the  St.  Lawrence.'  Did 
we  not  obtain  it  in  earlier  limes  of  Spain,  as  to  the 


MIsHlHsljipl,  with  even  a  iirivilign  of  depnuilc  nl 

New  Orleans,  then  Spniiish.'     Were  w I  near 

Koing  to  war  for  il  just  before  the  purchase  of  Loll- 
iKiiirmi'  And  hits  not  England  Ian  ly  conceded  it 
lo  iiH  ill  the  St.  John's,'  Tlierii  ia,  lliiii,  no  prill- 
elpin  involved.  As  to  Inleresi,  the  f.rc(ii.iii'c  iinvi- 
gallon  of  the  Columbia,  and  lliat  of  Goose  Creek, 
(now  classically  Tiber,)  which  llowu  through  this 
cily,  are  iiboul  eipially  valuable. 

The  alliislonH  in  the  message  to  the  European 
Oovernineiils  are  anything  but   wise,  unless  wo 
have  no  need  of  even  naliual  syinpalhies  agaiiiKt 
England,  in  the  event  of  conllicl  willi  that  I'ower, 
The    unfriendly    ri'fereiice,    however,    to    PovycrH 
wlioni  II  Is  so  enliiely  our  business  lo  conciliate, 
if  we  meun  lo  push  things  to  exiremily  wlih  Eng- 
land, is  cdiipled  wilhn  renewal  of  that  claim,  lo  bu 
the  If""'''"""''  ""''  (lictdtvra  of  everylbing  on  thin 
conilnenl,  which  we  once  made  for  a  siiecial  pur- 
pose, but  in  lei  ins  far  too  aweeping,  so  thai  il  gave 
us  some  trouble  then,  and  had  been  willingly  left 
lo  slumber  unrejiented   until    now.     I   allude,  of 
Cdiirse,    lo   the  famous    declaration   of  President 
Monroe,  now  revived  by  Mr.  Polk,  to  be  brnii- 
dished  against  the  very  nalloii  that  we  have  invited 
to  treat  wilh  us,  nnd  to  whom  wc  have  offered  half 
the  region  in  dispute.     To  her  we  are  now  made 
to  say,  in  Mr.  Aiiuiroe's  words,  "  ilial  no  Euro- 
'  pean  Power  shall  now  or  henceforlli  be  allowed 
'to  coloiil/.e   any   porlioii  of  the   American  con- 
'  tineiit."     Why  put  forlli  such  an  assiimpliou  at 
such  u  jiinclnre'.'     Was  il  necessary  to  secure  the 
American  people's  rights,  to  strengthen  llieir  title 
in  Oregon.'     It  is  a  ground  so  iuiperntive  and  so 
coiupreliensive,  that.   If  It  has  any  validity,   no 
other  wa.^to  be  inenlloiied.    Il  puts  aside  all  liirmN 
and  sources  of  tide,  however  recognised  by  the 
universal  consent  of  nations,  nnd  rides  over  every- 
lbing, with  the  single  nnnunclation  "  that  we,  tlid 
United  Stales,  have  said   it,  and  It  shall  be  so." 
AVhnt  did  we  menu,   then,   by   discussing  with 
Grent  Rritain  our  rights  throngb  Gray,  ihrough 
Lewis  nnd  Clnrke,tlii gh  the  pnrclia.se  of  Louisi- 
ana, through  the  Spanish  cession  of  181!).'     Why 
urge  contlnnlty,  coiitlgulty,   or   even   "  manifest 
destiny,"  or  David's  psalms  or  the  Pope's  bull.' 
Did  we  condescend  to  discuss  such  petty  poinis 
while  we  stood  upon  this  utterly  overruling  one  ? 
Did  wc  olT'cr  nil  beyond  4!)°,  when  nowhere  on  llii.s 
continent  Is  any  European  Power  to  be  allowed  to 
come .'     Sir,  this  Is  another  remarkabk;  inslniicc  of 
the  unhesitating  nianner  in  which  this  Adminis- 
irnlioii  takes  nnd  shifts  jiositioii.     How  can  ineii 
be  dealt  wilh,  who  enter  niton  discussion  of  clnim.^ 
witli  yon,  produce  their  lilies,  and  then  suddenly 
tell  you  of  one  thnt  absolutely  estops  all  others, 
but  not  even  alluded  tn  In  the  previous  coniparisiiu 
of  claims?     Why  bad  it  not  been  slated,  if  II  was 
relied  upon?     Svhy,  but  simply  because  it  would 
not  Imve  borne  to  be  sifted  in  a  rcgulnr  negotiation. 
And  why  wns  it  only  clappe't  into  the  inessnge? 
Decause,  In  a  mere  popular  nnd  party  document, 
very  bad  reasons  will  go  down,  niid  public  passions 
only  arc  np|)ealed  lo. 

Sir,  wc  may  announce  this  fiat  of  oius  as  iniieli 
ns  we  please  to  our  people,  but  we  can  never  main- 
tain il  in  intercourse  or  discussion  with  the  other 
Powers  of  the  world;  we  never  have  been  able  to 
do  II;  for  luitlons  nre  compelled,  If  they  would  bo 
respected,  lo  confine  thcm.selves  to  ri'asonable  and 
feasible  doclrines.  Can  we  Impose  lliis  proposi- 
lioii  on  cliher  the  Old  World,  or,  in  spile  of  them, 
on  Ihc  New  World,  of  which  this  new  doctrine 
would  make  us  the  self-a|ipoiiiled  trustees?  Ori- 
ginally we  made  the  dcclarntion  in  an  extravagant 
"form,  but  for  a  reslricled,  a  praclii'al,  nnd  a  jusii- 
fiable  purpose — disintercsledly — for  the  proiecllou 
of  ibo  weak  against  the  strong'— of  voung  freedom 
against  old  despotism — of  the  new-l'ormed  Spanish 
Ainericau  Republics  against  the  llirealened  iiiler- 
fereiiee  of  ihe  Holy  Alliance,  to  help  Spain  to  re- 
subjugate  them.  Of  course,  those  Stales  that  were 
then  to  profit  by  il  did  not  ipiarrel  with  Ils  terms; 
but  those  Slates  will  no  longer  nci|iiie.sce  in  it  now, 
when.  Instead  of  their  common  prolectlon,  we  nro 
ihreateiiing  to  become  their  common  enemy.  Eu- 
rope never  did  nnd  never  can  submit  to  the  declura- 
lioii.  Il  Is,  then,  if  ciiforrcd,  to  be  enforced  ng.iinst 
the  entire  earth.  What  purpose  can  It  answer, 
then,  but  to  get  us  into  ditlicnltiis,  and  lower  our 
public  reputauon  as  a  people  resipccilng  ihe  right  ? 
Il  never  should  luue  been  made;  for  it  never  was 


u 


mi 


599 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  CONGHESSIONAFi  OIX)BE. 


!i29r>i  Cosa I  it  Si:»i. 


Iiulrpcmknl  Trcnuunj — Mr.  C  J.  Iiif^rrioll, 


ll< 


[Minrh  :tl, 
ir  Kkpi. 


ni'ocmiiry,  I'vcn  t'.ir  ilio  icm|">mry  iinil  lltiiiliil  |iiir- 
|m«c  for  wliiili  II  wan  inli'iidi'il.  Siiltlciiiil  (nr  llic 
liny  llio  ivil  nml  tlii'  j,'"i"l  llifrcor-,  unci  a  winr  im- 
linn,  I'linli'iiiiiii;  itwlf  wiili  iirovidliiK  for  ilio  imi!  or 
llic  iilliir,  will  inliin;;lc  ilxclr  ill  i!ii  toii'iirii  |inliry 
Willi  iionc  111'  thrii'  I'XtrtiHivi"  |il(il;in.  We  liml 
niily  111  »i>y,  I'll  lliiil  ocrn.iiiiii,  ijiiit  if  till'  I  Inly 
Allmiu'i'i  wliii'li  liml  iiiitliiii:;  111  (111  Mil  lliin  riiini 
lipiil,  Inlrrl'iTrcl  in  iMHir  iil'S|iaiii,  vr  hIimiiIiI  hIiiiiiI 
by  tlir  iirw  ii|iiililirK,aiiil  llial  Kn^jlancl  wmh  rraily 
In  jiiin  iiH  in  llial  rmiiw.  TlialwaH  iiiilly  all  llml 
tlni  lliinsr  iiiia'it — llii'  prarliral  |iiirl  (if  il;  anil  all 
tliat  cxi'i'C'iliil  iliid  iinly  hitvmI  (\\h  iiiiiy  li<i  »irn  in 
Mr.  ilii'liiiril  IIiihIi'h  lale  liniik)  to  rnilmrraHH  uh  mi 
anotlier  i.ii|>iirlaiit  i|iii>.4tiiiii  tlicii  |H'iiiliii(;.  iliii 
mark,  in  wluit  Hjn'rilily  I'lllowiil,  how  taliil  wr 
oursiUcs  III  III  tin;  ili'i'laratioii,  an  i'ii|i»li|i'  of  liciii:; 
u|ipoiic(l  In  the  ntilHiNtin:;  i'lainiM  of  Kiirii|K-aii  na- 
tions. IiDnioilialiiy  afti'rwaiil,  we  rrriii;iii.-ii'il,  liy 
trcftlVi  iIk'  I'liiiniHof  lliissia  (ni'vcr  liil'ori'  ciilali- 
lislin'l)  down  to  54°  411'.  .Morruvcr,  in  IH07,  Hiiiiir 
two  yearn  only  alter   .Mr.   M.Miriie'.i  dei'laialion, 

we  oftV-red   lircMt   llnlinn   the  I or4'.P,  and   the 

navis:atiiiii  of  llie  ('olninliia;  and  tin  se  lieiiii  le- 
fnscd,  we  renewed  the  eoiivenlion  of  joint  iiien|ia- 
tioii.  liolh  these  aei.s  overthrow  nil  |ireti  nee  of 
I'Xi  hiding  the  territorial  elainiH  of  11  l'iiiio|ieaii 
Power  liy  a  resort  10  President  Moiiroe'a  dccla- 
raiiiiii. 

Ihil,  now,  what  iH  th;it  deelaralion,  examined 
liy  the  rules  of  rea^lon?  Kitlier  il  in  fouiiih  d  on  a 
previoiiMly  re''eiveil  law  of  itaiiniis  or  ii|>on  one 
then  ediaiilmlied,  or  il  ii  a  1111  re  (licliun.  I  need 
not  siiy  il  was  not  the  first;  if  the  Bci'iind,  nolmdy 
made  It  but  oiir.selveM,  and  iw  have  never  |int  il  in 
foree.  Il  In,  then,  our  tiwn  oeeanional  i/ir/io/t  only, 
That  iliiliiiii  IS  to  set  aside,  at  iiiir  pleiisnre,  the 
r  u'lils  of  nil  others;  it  is  to  v.naie  i.tks  that  eon- 
fl  .1  vviili  it  anywhere  on  this  eoiiliiient,  and  to 
bind,  willionl  their  eonsent,  iml  only  nil  Kuropean, 
but  all  .\iiierieaii  .Slates.  In  oilier  words,  it  is  an 
»p|peal  111  nrliitrary  w  ill  and  fmee  by  this  Ciovern- 
niciit  a'.,'ainst  the  entire  earth. 

Or  eonsider  it  hislorieally.  Ilnw  eanie  we  to  lie 
independent?  In  part,  by  proenriii','  ihe  inlerfe- 
reneeof  I'lnnee  upon  this  eonliinnl  to  aid  us.  Mow 
c:in  that  riijlil  In'  denied  to  olhe-  .'\inerii',in  Stales 
lit  this  d.iy  r  How  eanie  we  by  Loiiisinna?  We 
biinirlit  it  of  a  Kuropean  Povier,  wliieli  had  aeijuired 
il  only  two  years  before.  .Mr.  .Monroe's  very  dee- 
laration  was  made  under  a  re:;\il.ir  understaiiilin;; 
with  l'ii:,'laliil,  that  $lie  should  interfere  alonu  with 
lis  on  thi.s  eontinent.  I'npopular  as  it  may  be,  I, 
then,  humble  individual  as  I  am,  lake  this  oecnsiun 
tosav,  that  the  principle  of  lli.s  t'ainous  dcelarir.iiin, 
and  the  use  to  wliieh  it  is  ii'  „  put,  are  miscliiev- 
oiiH,  nnsonnd,  wi'ked;  and  that  if  it  is  iiieani  for 
nnythin;;  but  an  idle  bo;i.si  or  preteiiet — if  .his  Ciov- 
ernnieiil  ever  means  10  an  upon  it,  reijulnrly  to  en 
force  it — yo'.ir  presi'iit  insliintioiis  must  ^'i\e  w;iy 
to  Fonieih'in;);  sinniL'er,  more  desiiotie;  lliey  inn.-'t 
lake  en  e:ilirely  iiiiliiary  I'orni  and  .spirit;  we  must 
set  on  foot  nn  army  like  that  uf  Itussia,  and  u  navy 
like  Ihat  of  luiiL'lanil. 

While  I  thus  deiiounee  the  principle,  1  nm  per- 
feetlv  willing  to  adn.it  that  a  ease  may  arise  (as  it 
liail  arisen  when  we  iiili  ri'i nil  for  the  Spanish  eol- 
oiiies  in  I (^'.M)  when  the  United  .Slalis  would  be 
called  on  .  by  every  I'onsider.ition  ot"  interest  and  of 
lesi'iniab'  p"lii'f.  10  tell  any  Ciovernment  of  Ku- 
rope,  "  Vnu  shall  not  loneh  tins  or  that  Anieriean 
island  or.Siaii  ;  il  will  place  11s  in  jeopardy."  This, 
however,  is  the  exreptioii.  Turn  11  into  the  iren- 
eral,  il  is  fal-'^e,  peinieious,  and  will  lead  10  the 
ovirihrnw  of  our  Ciovernmc  nl,  if  the  jicojilo  saiic- 
tion  il.  Have  we  any  riuhl  to  objeet  to  ilie  Km- 
piri!  of  Ilrazil .'  \V'i;tt  is  u  to  us  if  Europeans 
ejiloni/e  Palimoni.i  or  I'l  ru  ?  An  infusion  of  intel- 
In^eni'o  fioni  anywhere  into  the  South  Ameriean 
States  would  benel'it  them,  anil  indireelly  us.  In 
the  time  of  .Mr.  .Moiipie,  we  iiiierferiMl  nodi  r  lio|ies 
and  syiiipalhiis  wliiib  have  proved  to  be  illusory; 
the  (jovernmeiiis  in  w  liii'li  we  (-xpi'i'ted  tosci'snili 
blessiii;;s  have  been  little  but  n  siouri;e  to  the  rouii- 
tries  seilii,;^  them  up.  We  run  no  lonj;er  interpo.se 
for  them,  iinJer  the  idea  of  sustaining  llie  eause  of 
free  princ'.ipl  s,  bul  must  eoiifme  ourselves  to  rases 
where  \vi'  1  ave  a  dire.  1,  iniporiunt,  and  jii.'-t  inter- 
est of  our  own  to  iruaid.  In  a  word,  we  must  re- 
turn to  tint  jii.s'  nod  pe;;jefiil  poliey  s  1  wisely  and 
virtuonsl;  reeommende'l  by  the  I'"iitlier  of  his  ronn- 
try.     l''oi-  all  tlipfso  reasons,  I  repeal,  lliai  I  look 


upon  the  inirodiicliiin  of  this  deelaiali<iii  into  ihi 
messa^n  ns  the  revival,  for  a  very  bad  iipplii'iilion 
of  a  very  bad  doetrine.     Mad  il  lieen 


il  had 


III 


'ariiii?  on  this  ipieslion,  and  eoii 


iild   bv 


no  pos.»iliilitv  have  any  ell'eit  lowiirds  thai  wliieli 
was  the  ^reat  end — In  Hinooth  the  way  to  11  fair  ad- 
justment of  the  nre);iiii  .imlroverHy.  I  iiiiisl,  how- 
ever, now  pasa  In  other  parts  of  ihe  nulije.l,  and 
parlieiiliirlv  to  that  of  title,  on  wliii  h  I  eonsider  It 
nei'esMary  lirii  liy  1. 1  explain  myself. 

In  the  opinion  that  our  title  iiiiL'.ht  not  to  he  dis- 
ensseil  on  this  llnor,  I  eaiinol  eonnir.  We  eaii  no 
limber  elioose  whether  we  shall  disriisr*  il  or  not. 
'  The  K\i'i'iili\e,  by  foreini;  iiH  to  I'onsidi'r  whether 
or  iioi  we  hIuiH  assert  a  I'liini  to  the  ir/iii/i'  of  Ore- 
gon, war  or  no  war,  has  I'or.'i  d  un  io  loidt  iiilo  011  r 
tilte,  and  determine  how  far  it  is  valid.  Ileiier  dis- 
I'lisH  it  before  war  than  aflir  il;  belter  iinythin;,' 
than   eni'oimti'r  the  piiblii'  exeeriitioii   for  liaviin; 

involved  III luiitry  111  war  for  lliiil  to  wliieh  ue 

have  no  title.  It  is  my  ri^'lit,  anil  I  think  il  my 
duty,  to  eanvnsM  the  ipieslion  aloie.;  v,  ith  the  other 
reasons  that  will  ;;oveni  my  vole  011  the  iioti.-e. 

Sir,  I  have  a  very  indill'erenl  opinion  of  the  riirlil 
whii'h  either  we  or  Ilrilain  has  yel  oblaineil  to  the 
exclusive  possession  of  ()ri';;on.  1  start  with  the 
proposiiion  that,  ill  II /I'^'ii/  .iriMr,  there  i.s  no  title 
neipiired  to  an  iiiioecnpii  d  eoiintry  Imt  by  im  re^- 
niar  and  perinaiient  oecnp.itioii  and  iiossessioii; 
'  thai  Ori'U'on  w.is  open  to  both  us  and  l'.ni;lanil,  as 
wi  11  as  oihi  r  nations,  because  it  had  lemaini  d,  loni; 
at\er  iis  ilis.'overy,  unapproprialed  by  any  perma- 
iii'iil  selilemeiil;  that  iieiihi  r  Astor's  ii.ir  .Nootka 
.Sound  were  siieh  setllenieni.s,  bul  mere  himliii^' 
and  tradiinc  faclnries;  that  the  existing;  eonventiiui 
barred  by  express  ai;reemeiit,  any  proprietary  ri;^lit 
that  Would  else  have  arisen,  for  either  nation, from 
the  setili  nieiiis  formed  since  lr*ls,  its  date;  and 
llial,  even  setiint;  that  aside,  neither  nation  has  yet 
creaieil  Itself  any  territorial  rifjlil,  except  jiisl  so  far  ! 
as  iispe.iple  are  in  re^'ular  possession.  I  say, then, 
that  if  Ureal  lirilain  wepi  as  plainiiir  before  the 
Court  of  Kinu''s  liciich  to  brin;;  her  action  10  oust 
the  United  Slates,  she  would  be  nonsuited  for  want 
lit'  Ileitis  able  to  show  title;  and  that,  in  the  same 
way,  if  we  wore  to  jiroceed  af^ainst  her  bet'ore  our 
own  .Supreme  Conn,  thai  lii^h  tribunal  would  dis- 
miss Ihe  ease,  with  costs  tor  the  defendant,  on  the 
j^round  that  our  title  to  be  put  into  .soiseii  had  not 
been  made  out;  while  we  may  have  deinuiisirated 
the  weakness  of  the  del'etidant's. 

.Sir,  it  is  not  my  juirpose  to  i;o  at  lar;;;c  into  the 
question  of  title.  Li'mil  yentleinen  on  this  door 
ha\i'  already  I'labor.itely  examined  ihe  Ainrrican 
and  I'riii.sli  lille.-;'  to  the  dre.'on  territory.  I  will  ' 
eontent  myself  with  slalint;  a  few'  Hiiuple  principles 
of  nation. il  law,  (about  wliii'li  there  is  no  contro- 
versy,) with  a  few  facts  thai  admit  of  no  disjiule. 

By  the  eonsenl  of  civili/.iil  iiiition.s  ills  held  that 
the  first  jieople  dis.'overin:;  an  unmhabilcd  conn, 
try  iiiav  appropriate  it.  The  intention  to  do  so  is 
sn;iulied  by  eerlain  ceremonies  of  landing,  display- 
in^'  the  nation. il  llai.',  and  ili  clurin;;  the  pos.si  ssion 
taken.  Hut  if  this  act  is  not  I'ollowed  up  by  a  si  1- 
llei.ient  proceed'ii;;  speedily — that  is,  within  such 
reasonable  time  as  was  siillicieni  to  make  it — t'rom 
it,  then,  this  inchoate  rii;lit  to  eomp'ele  yoiir  title 
in  preierencc  to  anyiiody  else  is  lost,  and  any 
other  people  to  whom  the  ili.M-overy  may  li.ive  bc- 
eoiiic  known,  may,  by  ;,'ri:aier  diii;;eiice,  pieoceu- 
py  the  soil  and  perfect  a  title  by  making'  a  re;,'ul,ir 
.sitilemeiit.  It  w.is  thus  tliiit  I'liince,  I'or  insijnce, 
secured  a  fixed  ri'_'lil  in  Louisiana,  alllioii;;li  .Sp.im 
had  discovered  and  taken  formal  posse.s.ston  ol'tlie 
mouth  of  the  .Mississippi,  but  Wllhout  plantiiii; 
any  seitlemeiit.  This  l.iw  of  nations  has,  more 
over,  always  considered  as  uninhabited  all  coun- 
tries occupied  only  by  savaije  trilies. 

Now,  we  ehiiiii  Ore;;on   byiuo-tbli!  discovery: 
the  Spanish,  inuisferred  to  us  by  the  Florida  Irea- 
'  ly  of  IHl'J,  and  L'oin;;  bai'k   to  an  uncertain  dale, 
loiiu:  bil'.jie  171)11,  and  that  ofClray  in  ITitJ. 

lint  there  cannot  be  (icii  di.seoveries  of  the  same 
country.  The  posterior  one  of  Gray,  therefore, 
(let  the  Secretary  of  State  arj;ue  as  he  may,)  is 
nolhiiiL^.  The  coast,  which  l.^  the  country,  was 
alread  ■  known;  and  the  incliojiie  ij-ht  by  discov- 
ery could  not  be  broken  iiiio  and  t.dieii  awav  by 
the  mere  li;;litiiiu;  upon  the  mouth  of  iis  .liief  r'lvi^r. 
Hesides,  the  eonvenlion.il  ri;;lit  by  di.'-i'overy  inn.sl 
follow— must  observe  the  conventional  law  of  dis- 
covery; uiid  Gray'.s  was  not  aceomjianied   by  the  : 


acts  of  approprialion  necessary  to  si'^-nil'y  the  ili- 
lentiiin  of  oecnpyin;;  llio  eomitry.  He  did  not 
take  poasession;  lie  doea  not  appear  even  to  liiiMi 
landed.  Now,  the  riuhl  by  discovery  wis  in  soiin! 
other  nation;  bin  as  ii  hairiieeii  ne'^'leeled,  and  had 
not  been  carried  forward  to  that  which  eonlil  alonii 
uivea  tlxed  ri:;hl,  (  permaneni  aeiih'nienl,)  we,  or 
nnyboily  else,  nn«lii  then  have  iieipiired  that  rinlit 
whenever  we  aeliled.  y\iiil  as  (iray  made  no  ai  I- 
tlenient,  he  did  not  create  for  us  a  ri^lit  in  the  only 
way  in  which  he  could  have  created  one. 

I  see  not  how  lliese  principles  and  tacts  ran  hn 
reaisled.  Of  course  lliey  eipially  overthrow  any 
claim  ;;ol  from  Spiinisli  tliscovery,  since  Spain  had 
failed  to  sellle,  and  her  claim  of  discovery  hail 
laimcd  by  iieirlecl.  In  llie  same  way  l.ewis  and 
Clarke's  exploration  is  nothini.',  for  that  was  iioi 
what  was  then  necess.iry  to  create  n  permaneni 
risfhl.  They  only  performed  the  ceremony  of 
lakine;  pos.session;  but  thai  had  been  perl'onneil 
Ion;;  before  by  Vancouver's  lieulenaiit,  lbou;;bloii, 
and  was  nothiiii;.  In  Nliort,  llie  riitlit  hy  discinc 
ry  waa  !!oiie  from  everybody;  the  coiiniry  was 
open  to  the  ocinipalion  of  e\ery  nation,  and  that 
oci'iipation  alone  could  now  confer  in  the  ijnarter 
where  made  n  tcrrilorial  rii'lit.  I)ii  the  l'.tii,'lisli 
pan  a  trading;  station  was  lirsl  fixed  at  .\ootka, 
and  ours  at  .Astoria.  There  was  no  point  of  even 
temporary  occupation  by  .Spain  iiorlli  of  San  Kran- 
eiscii,anil  no  Itnssi.in  soiilh  ofaboui  .'■Ii'-'.  I  lake 
it,  then,  that  ihe  real  cl.iims  of  boili  l'',n!;laiid  and 
ourselves  be'^in,  so  far  as  either  had  any,  I'roiii 
.N'ootkii  and  .'Vsioiia.  lint,  on  the  other  hand, 
neither  of  these  estulilishmi  nts  Wits  properly  a  si  1- 
tlemi'iii;  lliey  were  tradiii','  posts,  established  by 
private  persons  for  their  own  individual  purpoaes; 
and  such  was  the  characler  of  all  the  places  of 
which  the  ciii/.eiis  of  either  nation  had  taken  pos 
Hessiiin  down  In  the  time  (|M|H)  when  the  Uiiilid 
.States  and  Cireat  Itrilain  aiireed  that  the  fiirlher 
Ri'tllemeiils  of  neilher  phoulij  create  any  territorial 
risjhts  while  the  joint  iiccupation  lasted.  Il  seems 
to  me  clear,  therefore,  that  neither  nalioii  has  yet 
perfected  a  title  in  any  part  of  l)re;;on,  and  tli.it 
their  adverse  claims  must  become  a  mailer  of  con- 
vention and  n;rreeineiit  belwcen  llicm.  Wlial  that 
arraii;;eiiient  and  division  ahmild  eipiitnbly  be,  I 
think,  is  clear. 

The  two  nalions  linvc  created  for  themselves 
better  ri;,'lit.s  (thoi^'h  not  coinplele  ones)  in  dre- 
!;on  timii  all  olliers,  and  each  a  belter  rii;lil  than 
the  other  in  a  particular  re:;ioii— we  on  the  Colum- 
bia and  up  to  V.P;  (ireat  lirii  on  north  of  that  line. 
Our  several  oriu'in.il  points  of  occupation  indicate 
thai  line,  and  (ontiimiiy  n  id  coiitii;iiiiy  of  other 
territory,  in  my  view,  fixes  it.  'I'liat,  tlien,  seems 
to  me  the  most  positive  and  proper  basis  that  can 
be  arrived  at,  and  my  mind  is  so  iiiiieh  made  up  to 
this  that  I  will  not  consent  to  (;ive  up  any  sod 
south  of  it.  If  iioiliini;  better  can  be  done,  I  am 
willing'  to  fm;ht  for  il.  Soinelhinc:  like  this  I  think 
the  Adiiiinistratioii,  scornina;  all  fiiriher  jiiioctilio 
and  peltifo;,';;iii^',  should  oll'er.  I  In  lieve  tiiiit  man- 
ly and  friendly  course  -.vill  be  met  by  l''.n!;laiid  in 
llie  same  spirit,  and  lliat  the  L'reat  ma.ss  of  both 
these  kindred  counirii  s  will  hail  the  adinslmenl, 
and  render  honor  to  the  rulers  who  shall  iiiake  it. 

An  ;  I  notice,  I  was  at  fust  opposed  to  it,  as  like- 
ly III  iie;M  t  a  dillicully.  On  that  poiin,  the  pro^^riss 
I't  the  liiscus.sion  and  my  own  reileciions  have 
I  h;i"i;.  d  my  views,  and  1  nm  not  ashamed  to  avow 
it,  '  i,ow  wish  to  see  the  nolice  yivi'ii,  bill  in 
lerili-i  elillrely  collcilialory.  I  wish  il,  loo,  t;ivell 
at  once,  that  ihe  country  and  its  biisiiiiss  may  sul 
fer  no  I'lirlher  disliirbaiice,  and  that  we  in.iy  know, 
before  Coiiijresa  adjourns,  what  is  to  come  of  it — 
peace  or  war. 


KXDEPENDKNT  TIIEASUUV. 
REMARKS  OF  Mil.  (:..F.  INCKR.'^OI.L, 

(I I-    rM:.N.\SVl.VA.M,\, 
In  Tin:  IIoisE  or  UF.i'iiKsKxr,vri\Ks, 

.Viirf/i3l,  |.s4(i. 
On  the  Constitutional  Tie, i.^iiry  Hill- 
Mr.  I.N'GI'illSOLI,,  in  substance,  said, as  nn  one 
Kcemed  disposed  to  address  the  conmiiliee.he  would 
do  so,  tlioiu;li  not  prepared,  nnleed,  not  well,  and 
iheiefore  desiroirs  of  postpoiinii!;  till  to-morrow 
what  he  ineaiil  losiibmil.      Kor  (said  he)  this  ia  one 


■r 


\S'\i\.\ 


■Jlh'M  Cnsu tsT  Sr.u. 


APFKNUix  ro  iHK  c;l)^(;ul:ssl(J^Al,  cilohk. 

hiihjHiii(liiil  'I'natiiri^ — Mr.  ('.  J.  liiirtrnoU, 


m\\ 


Nkw  Skhikii No.  .')H. 


uf  ilii-  eiini  MiilijiTiH  ii|>iiri  wliii'li  mimi'lhinii  miirc 
tlinii  II  I'i'Cdi'dc'il  Villi'  nil  llii' JnurMnl  i.i  pi'ii{id'.  I 
(li'i'iiilhiillK'CriMliii'l  iif  lliiHiip_'iiiiii'iir»Hiiiii— imirli 
iiimr  iiiiiniriiliiii^  limn  (>ri':;iin,  nr  tlir  Inrill'i  hiiiI 
li;t\r  III)  iliiiilit  lliitl  lliDHf  vvliii  Mii|ipiMl  mil)  lU'cnnt- 
|iIinIi  thJH  i^rciit  Mild  riuMtiiiiwMliil  t'lDtrlinrnt  will  lir 
uriiurully  ri';;iirilril  lirrriirtir  liy  nil  diH|iiiNiiiiiiiiiiii  i 
and  I'l'fli'i'iiiir;  |ii'ii|ili',  mil  unly  in  lliin  rouniiy,  Inn  I 
iillii-i'M.  I  di  .Hirr  hill  (inly  In  n.-isiiruilf  my  niiitn- 
uilli  Hiii-li  iin  III'!  iif  i'lni^ii-MX,  Imt  lit  pi'inl  surniMir 
llii'  rraHiiiiH  I'lir  lliiil  di  nirc,  I'linfidiiil  llinl  iIiimi'  wIiii 
riiniH  iil'icr  iiH,  in  hhuii  iim  iIic  mi-ilH  iif  |iMrly  .mil  ; 
iniMiT]in'»i'iiliili(in  (liHiiPi-s'-,  will  iTi;iu'd  tlir  imlhnrM 
III' Mum  indi!i|u-ii.siilili-  iind  iiidhI  liinirlii  inl  I'lTnmi  mh 
liaviiii;  wril  diMrrvi'd  of  llicir  rnnnlry.  It  xx  yrt 
iilmi'iircd  liy  iiiiriy  inTJiidii'iH.  lint  llii'V  iiiiihI  himim 
pivc  way.  And  Micro  \h  tin  fjrt'nt  iiiililii'  nn'UNiiri' 
witli  w  llii  li  I  Mill  iiinrc  itiiiliilinnn  iif  liiiviii!;  riinncN- 
loii,  mil  iiiir  :iiiiri'  I'licriNJird,  tliiiii  '.\'.\^  luirilicKtiiiii 
iil'iiiii  I'liircitry,  wliii'li  in  tliv  lil'i'ljloiid  nf  llii;  Ijiidy 
).i.liii.'. 

lis  liiivinj:  Ihtii  rrdiircd  to  ii  piii'ly  mntsnre,  lins 
mil  Iji'cn  wiilinui  ndviiniMi^cH,  Ai'timi  ttiid  rciti'lion, 
nliiiNc  iind  (llii  ni'i',  liiivr  iMili'^lilrniMl  |iiili|ii'  si-nli- 
mcnl.  'I'lic  lr»M  rdiKiKrd  iiiiil  Iosh  tliinkiiiL',  lull 
Irvs  scIIimIi  ln(lM^J,  Illivi'  In  rll  cldislcil  t'lir  till'  vitlljirn* 
linn  lit*  |n-i>|ii>rly,  imd  its  unly  Hi.indnrd  t'ur  ninmlity 
niid  iiM  jircKi  rviuiiin,  'l*lii>  |irrjiidi''(>  iiiid  cliiiiinr 
(if  lirlitiini.s  wialtli,  and  its  ti'iiin  nf  prrHscs  and 
)niifi'>Hiini-<,  have  lircn  I'l'liiilod,  and  we,  v/lin  wrri' 

I'  an  aliiiHiil  inimn-iiy,  havr  licrniiii'  a  luri^i'  and 

nnilril  niajiinty  mi  llii-<  i|m>stinn,  winch  in  a  irrcnt 
liiiiid  nf  Iti  |iiililican  iiniiy.  I  linlil  the  currency 
.iliH\cnll  partisan  and  pcrHnnal  cnnsidcralions;  vcl, 
Willi  inliiiiic  Hatmlacliiin,  ciintcinplalc  llic  stale  nf 
panics  nil  iliis  rctni'in;  llial  willi  which  1  am  as- 
■  ciciuicd  liciiii;  III  a  Iiii'l:!:  majni'ily  in  ihisllnnsc, 
and  in  the  nihcr.  In  a  very  tinv  days,  tliiM  hill  will 
paKs,  willi  the  .■iiinciinii  nf  linih  llnnses.and  pniha- 
lilysiMin  iK'cnnic  a  law.  I''iir  three  year.-i  lliercafier, 
diirini;  iliis  Ailnnnisiraiinn,  il  c-innnl,  and  w  ill  iint, 
lie  repealed;  in  which  )>eriiid  it  will  ri  cDinineiiil 
Itself  In  general,  alninsl  universal,  acceptance. 
Diirini;  marly  the  next  fnnr  years,  it  will  li<"  work- 
ing' nni  its  nwii  practical  vindicalinn.  And  I  ven- 
ture III  predict  that  all  the  rellcctin:;  and  candid  i\( 
the  Uimed  .Slates  will  Hckninvledije  its  advanla^xes, 
and  insist  nil  ils  pemianence.  It  will  he  nne  nt' 
the  L'leati  St  nf  Di.inncraiic  lritini|dis  and  pnpidar 
lienetils. 

Il  is  a  dry,  dnll,  and  nnatlractivo  Inpic,  which 
no  line  ]niilialily,  cerlainly  nut  I,  can  emliellisli  for 
an  amUence;  a  tnpic  fur  the  pen,  rather  than  the 
(iiDLnie;  and  tor exiiatiatinii  tn  do  il  any  justice  far 
l)eynnd  the  limit  nf  inir  sjieakiiiij  pfTini.-^.siim.  Last 
scssinii  I  spnke  very  lirietly,  hnwever,  ai^ainst  the 
hill,  and  voted  tiir  it;  which  I  did  tiecanse  se\'eral 
nf  its  t'l  atnres  wvrc  not  to  my  likinu',  while  my 
adhesion  to  its  ;.'reat  principles  is,  and  always  has 
Ijocii,  iinallerahle.  I  thoimht  that,  to  consume  four 
ye;irs  in  restoraiion  of  com  pavmeiils,  was  tar  too 
slow  a  ]irocess;  and  that  much  nf  the  machinery 
provided  niiuhl  he  dispensed  with.  Accoriliie^'ly, 
(in  the  I3lh  nf  January  this  session,  1  siilimiueil  a 
risoliition  for  a  |ilaii  of  consiitiitinnal  treasury  hy 
.supplemental  provisions  to  the  act  of  ITHIJ,  nrijan- 
y/Mi'i  the  'I'lCiisiiry  Ueparlinent,  witlinnl  the  iiii- 
iiecessary  machinery  and  expense  nf  the  repealed 
siili-treasnry  act,  and  with  an  earlier  estahlisiimeiit 
nf  coin  payments.  In  this  I  had  no  intenlion  to 
iisk  for  any  action  of  the  House  on  the  resniniinn, 
lint  mci'ely  ill  that  way  tn  imiimUe  ainendnient.s  nr 
miiilitications  which  I  deeni  ilesiralile.  With  a 
linndred  millions  nf  coin,  which  is  now  (•stimated 
to  he  in  the  United  Hiairs,  surely  there  can  lie  no 
ri.ison  for  I'll,  in::  fnnr  years  tnhrinu'alionlcash  pay- 
ments. A  n  amend  men t,  since  in yresohit ion,  ri  port- 
ed from  llieCiinmiillee  of  Way's  and  Means,  prn- 
poses  to  recur  In  coin  payments  forthwilh — this 
year;  and  some  of  the  machinery  of  llie  I'ormer  lull 
Is  also  dispensed  with.  l''nrtliernioi'e,  the  hill  is  now 
assimilated  to  llie  act  of  17811,  which  (ir;;aiiized  the 
'i'leasnry  Department,  so  that  our  act  will  ihns  he 
lull  snfiph'inentary  to  that  of  ITMI,  and  the  provis- 
ions of  the  Coiisiinilion;  a  recnrrcnce  to  fust  prin- 
ciples, to  which  there  can  lie  no  irood  ohjectioii, 
as  an  acl  nf  wliolesoine  and  necessary  reform, 
whose  inllnences  mnst  he  salutary  on  the  currency, 
the  properly,  the  lalior,  the  murals,  the  ireneiid 
welfare  of  liie  eonnlry. 

'I'here  are  two  cardinal  positions  in  the  propo.sed 
net.      I''irst,  separation  of  pnlilic  money  fiom  the 


cnsliidy  nf  hank'.;  secondly,  the  specie  clause. 
Kiihrr  of  these  pusitiona  inijilil  he  enacted  willmni 
the  iitlii  iH,  or  liotli  inny  jjo  to.;ei!ii  r.  It  is  very 
comforlalile  to  lliosi^  wlio  faced  tin  paper  ninney 
Sturm  ill  ilN  first  fiiriniin  niitlneiiks,  in  helii  ve  ihiii 
lliere  is  a  lan;e  miijoriiy  now  nf  lln  cnnimiiiiily 
nnnralile  In  liiilli  llie«f  ri  forms.  We  were  prnliii 
Illy  in  a  inajnrity,  mi  the  principle  nf  separilion, 
loiij;  liefore  we  were  nnmeriially  the  slroiiijeHl  on 
llie  spcch'  clanse.  It  was  linli;'  liefore  the  prejii- 
dices  wliiili  Ihe  Npeciilaliic,  the  claniorons,  the 
interested,  and  iijiioraiit,  ciimhincd,  were  aide  in 
keep  lip,  eniild  he  nvi  iconie.  Wiiliont  wliiii  may 
lie  called  proviih  nlial  help,  tlniHc  pri  pidices  never 
would,  perhaps,  have  lieen  overcnnie  The  inhe- 
reiil,  innnNlroiii  evils  of  all  papcr-inoney  systems, 
au'U'ntvated  liy  onr  false  liankin'..;,rame  wonilerfnlly 
tn  onr  aid.  Tliiit  stnpcmloii.i  fraud,  so  fn  ipiemly 
praciised,  lis  suspension  nf  specie  piiymeiils,  in 
defmii.'e  nf  law,  llie  l'I'ich  inisinameiemeiit  of  tlie 
Hordiil  directors  of  luiiiks,  their  detecled  minle- 
miNinniH,  I'Xplosioiis,  and  ilev.Hlalioiis,  the  ruin, 
■onviilsions,  and  dis'^^race,  in  which  nearly  every 
.Slate  was  involved  liy  llieiii;  these  provideniial 
ralamiticN  hastened  ami  eiiNiirrd  the  rescue  of  the 
cnimlry  I'rnm  a  iloininimi  more  fatal  than  that  nf 
dcs|nils. 

The  eonlest  helween  the  hoiii'sl,  lahorions,  mill 
dispersed  pni'lion  nf  tile  American  people,  iiml  the 
comliimd,  contriving',  papi  i-ninn^'erini':  few,  is  not 
of  receni  origin.  'The  fonnders  of  the  t  'inisiitntiim 
Haltered  tlieinselvi  s  that  they  had  friislrated  lliat 
cnnspiracy,  at  least  withdrawn  ils  faculties.  Mad- 
isen,  aUvavs  wise,  often  eloi|iienl,  seldom  fervid, 
let  me  real)  lii.<  deniinciaiion  of  it  from  the  l''ed- 
eralisi: 

.•'I'll.'  cxlca^ml)  nf  llic  liniliiliiliiill  tn  IhIIm  nrcrcilit  liillnl 
Bivi'  jilriioire  III  cviTi  clti/.eii.  Ill  iiri>|inriiiiii  In  In-  line  ill" 
Jii-tii'c.  null  lii^  kiMin  Ii-iIl'c  hi'  tin-  line  -jiriii;:.!  iil'  imlilie 
|irii-|ii'rll,\.    The  In--  wliicti  .Vne  iica   Mih  Kii.laiiinl -luce 

the    [ifiicc    rrnill  llic  |li'«llli'lll  clicel- 111'  linpcr  llmliMy  nii  the 

lii'ci'^-ar\  cnmiil  iicc  liiiwceii  iicia  iiml  iiiiiii,  iiii  the  iicecri- 
Mlir.v  cniiiiilcliee  in  the  |iiil>ll<-  inlllicIN,  nil  the  iiiilit-ti\  iiiiil 
llinnil'i  m' the  iienplc.  anil  nil  till'  cllariiclris  111' n  jiiilihcaii 
finverilliiciit,ciiii«tilinc..iaii  eiinriiiniisilclil  liuaiiiMI  Itic  SnilcH 
etiiirseiihle  willi  tliH  iiiniilvineil  iiicii^iiire,  whi'li  iniiNt  Iniiu 
n-niiiiii  iiii-iin-lh'il.nr  nilhi  ran  iici'tiiinil.innii  iii'uiiilt, vvliicli 
(  an  he  cxiiillleil  lin  nlhcrwise  tliiill  h.v  !i  vnllllilllrv  slierillec 
(III  the  altar  nl'  .jll-tice  nt'  the  pnu cr  v\  liicli  has  lic'cii  tile  iil- 
!-tniiiiciil  mit." 

The  first  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  hy  an  or- 
der, an  illegal  order,  ilireclin:;  the  receipt  nf  hank 
notes,  when,  hinvever,  they  were  ri  ally  ennverli- 
lile,  dollar  for  dollar,  and  no  idea  nl'  a  ieu'alized  sus- 
pension of  specie  payments  had  ever  entered  llie 
In. 1(1  of  man,  direeliim:  the  iT.eeipi  of  convertihle 
hank  notes  at  Ihe  cnstonihouse,  took  ihe  Ihsi  sle|) 
of  departure  from  the  only  inn'cy,  which  has  lieeii 
followed  since  hy  enorimiiis  ala  i  ■alioiis.  The  lirst 
liaiik  of  the  lliiiled  Stales,  .inmlier  of  his  meas- 
ures, came  soon  ai'ter — an  inslitntion  whiili  was  a 
useful  fiscal  n;,'ent.  lint  it  never  issued  a  note  for 
less  than  ten  dollars,  alllioii^'h  il  iiii^ht,  hy  its  char- 
ter, have  issued  a  note  fnr  a  ipeirier  nl  a  dollar. 
/Vtid  ils  notes  were  all  and  always  really,  immedi- 
ately convertihle  into  coin.  I''ive  dollar  miles  eanie 
willi  tlii^  wcond  liaiik  of  the  I'niicd  Siales,  and 
just  hefore  it  the  sw(  epiie^  suspension  of  cash  pay- 
ments hy  nearly  all  onr  hanks,  for  which  it  wa.s 
desiu'lieil  to  |iroviile  a  remedy. 

The  I'aiik  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  Manhattaii 
Rank  of  New  ^'ork,  wlnidi,  I  helieve,  led  the  way 
of  the  hundreds  of  Slate   hanks  since  inllicted   on 

the  community,  were  deinncralic  atlemplst iin- 

teract  the  federal  Hank  of  the  I'niied  .Slates.  With- 
out distinciinn  of  party,  with  deploralile  emiilatiim 
and  eont'usinn  nl"  parties  ever  since,  these  pestilent 
incorporations  increased  in  mimhin' and  licenlions- 
ness,  till  lheirn.se  of  the  pithlic  funds  liecame  an 
insiid'erahle  evil,  and  separation  from  them  a  ery- 
iiic;  iiei;essity.  I'nlilic  senlinieni  has  ripened  upon 
it  to  a  vast  preponderance.  It*  the  lirst  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  (llaiiiilton)  were  here  to  give  his 
opinion,  he  wmild  advise  his  Wliii;  friends  that 
recurrence  In  the  ennsliiniiniial  treasury,  as  lie  was 
aci|iiaiiiled  willi  il,  lia.s  La'come  indispensahle.  lloli- 
rrt  Mnrri.s,  Alexander  Hamillon,  and  all  the  emi- 
nent men  of  that  day,  were  hard-money  men.  So 
was  Wasliinston,  Madison,  and,  1  may  add,  every 
Chief  Maijistrate,  ot'tlie.  United  Simes,  without  ex- 
ception. 

The  dire  discovery  had  not  then  lieen  spruns; 
from  l.,(indnn  iipiin  ninnkind,  lliat  paper  may  he 
issued  hy  hanks  and  eircidaied  as  imniey  instead 
.  nf  silver  and  '.^nld. 


[  In  1707,  an  ordfr  in  mmieil,  middpiily  made  nii 
n  .Sinidiy,  under  llie  preNsnre  nf  llonaparle'M  vie- 
lories,  and  Ihe  Hlanniii);  decline  of  the  Hank  lY 
l''.ir.»laiiil,  the  Htnck"  Ihereih,  the  creilil  of  the  im- 
inen.'T  I'actilioiiM  empire,  Cjreat  Itritain,  hank  iioteM 
were,  hy  ucl  of  I'arliament,  fimt,  lor  only  six 
weeks,  llieii  till  llie  end  of  ihi'  nession,  evetilniilly 
for  lliiTe-aml-lweniy  yiaiN,  iiiade  a  lei;al  lender, 
which  cannot  he  done  in  this  cnimtry.  The  ('on- 
Hlilniinn  I'orliiils  il.  The  iiilliieiice  in  the  IJmleil 
Slates  of  that  di».isliiiiis  Ciovernmenl  fraud,  hy  act 
of  I'arliameiil,  was  to  einholden  the  swarmin); 
hank  cvil-doeiH  of  lliiri  cniinlry  to  push  to  the  IiihI 
extri  iniliis  llnir  iiliominahle  spccnlalions,  leavini; 
the  I'cderal  (lovernmenl  no  ahi  rnative  Inil  In  di- 
viirie  iiH  I'limla  i  iiiirely  frnni  hank  enslody,  li> 
reduce  tin  in  entirely  to  enin,  and  In  ieeii:,'nise  mi 
other  nirniiey,  liothinn:  as  money,  lull  lliiim'  pre- 
cious metals  which  alniie  are  nmney. 

liy  this  we  make  no  war  on  hanks.  They  havn 
liecoiiie,  whether  n;;hl  or  wroii:;,  pari  of  our  Slain 
Myslem.  I,ei  iheiii  lake  ran!  nf  ihiniselvcH.  Th" 
eonstitiiiional  treasury,  while  it  may  riirl)  and  le^- 
idale,  is  not  de^•  mil  to  di  stroy  iliem.  Hank 
pa|Kr  may  rcniain  m  circulatinn.  The  hank  iinte, 
the  priniiissnry  imle,  ihe  hill  of  exclian^'C,  none  of 
llie  familiar  instrnincnts  of  pivinent  and  exchaiiL'e, 
are  molesled.  .No  harm  is  done  to  anyliody,  in- 
corpiir.'ie,  or  individual.  Ihil  the  I'ldi  r.d  (hiv- 
ernmeiit  iniderlakes  In  ^iiaril  its  own  funds  from 
deprediiliiin,  lliicination,  and  loss,  hy  interlopers, 
wlicllier  ineorpnialed  or  individual. 

Kvery  lawyer,  and  iilinost  every  other  memher 
nf  this  Hnnsp,  knows  that  the  Supreme  Court  nf 
the  riiitid  Smies  was  marly  equally  divided  mi 
the  ijiii  stiiin  whellier  .Slate  hank  notes  are  mil  hills 
nf  cnilil,  prnhihiled  liy  the  Conslitulinn.  'I'Ik^ 
lute  Chief  .Justice  Marsinill  told  a  ;;eiitlcimui  that 
lie  hIioiiIiI  have  ilinii<;lit  no,  if  the  qiiestinn  had 
heeii  presented  when  llieir  issues  fust  liei,'aii.  Ihit 
Ills  nllimale  jni|i;ment  was  in  ennforniity  to  Madi- 
son's, that  they  are  not  contrary  to  llie  Constilli- 
lion,  unless  made  n  le£;al  lender.  Jiidsje  Story  and 
some  nf  his  as.sneiales  prnnuunccil  those  notes  uii- 
ciinsiitiitional. 

AVliile  such  have  lieen  the  flnetiiations  nf  opiii- 
I  ion  and  of  propi  riy  in  this  einintry,  ihe  olTect  of 
'  the  paper-money  nsnrpatinn  in  Knuland  was  to 
deprei'iale  propi  rIy  there  from  twenty  to  forty  per 
(■(■111.;  and  terrihle  was  the  stru!;','le  to  recover  from 
Ihia  decline.  The  present  Prime  Miiiisler,  llie 
greatest  reformer  of  the  a;;e,  hei,'aii  with  his  bill 
for  llie  resuniplion  of  cash  payincnis.  The  iiilel- 
li','eiice  of  Great  IJritaiii,  witlinnl  dialindiim  of 
party,  the  Howes,  I'lion^liams,  (.'ntmiii;;s,  1 1ns- 
kissnns,  and  Wellingtons,  niiiied  a;;ainst  the  pre- 
jiidicesand  i;;noraiice  of  the  kiiii;doni,aiid  achieved 
a  ;,'nal  hut  painful  and  perilous  reform.  .Since 
then,  in  renewini;  lately  the  charter  nf  the  Hank  of 
En;;land,  Sir  llnhert  Peel  has  lepiidiated  the  hank 
parlor  iioslulale  that  hank  paper,  convertihle  with 
one  dollar  in  coin  fnr  three  in  notes,  is  ii  safe  me- 
dium. Everywhere  where  anythinu;  like  popular 
i,'nvcrnmeiit  prevails — in  l''.ii2;huid,  France,  if  I  am 
not  inislakeii,  IColland,  and  l!el;,'ium — i;oin  is  the 
eirciilaiion.  The  smallest  notes  in  En;;laiid  nml_ 
I'Vance  are  lnr:;c  enough  to  secure  the  pnyiiieni  of 
wages,  of  tradesmen's  hills,  travcllina;  and  daily 
cx|ienscs — in  short,  all  hut  lar;;e  cummercial  trans- 
actions, in  hard  money. 

In  this  eonnlry  this  reform  remains  to  lie  cn*cct- 
ed — the  srealcsl  of  all  Imprnvemeius  in  the  cur- 
rency, the  industry,  the  monility.  the  eqn.ility  and 
liherlv  of  the  |icii'ple.  Our  liac'kslidini;  has  lieen 
coniinn.il  and  lameiitahle  for  helween  forty  ami 
fifty  ycais.  This  hill  is  the  first  etl'ort  of  recupe- 
raiinn. 

Siiicethe  repealed  suh-trensury  act  of  July,  If'O, 
we  have  enjoyed  at  least  an  approxiination  to  coin. 
Diiriii;.'-  ihe'Admmislralionsof  Mr.  Tyler  and  .Mr. 
Polk,  while  ihe  puhlic  money  lias  heeii  kept  mo.st- 
ly  in  hanks,  the  public  tran.sactioiis  have  been  madn 
ill  coin  or  converlililc  paper.  Very  little  siipple- 
ineiit  to  the  act  of  1789  would  suffice.  We  niit^ht 
■  dispense  with  much  nf  file  machinery  in  the  pres- 
ent hill,  hut  that  it  would  he  necessary  then  to  leave 
tint  puhlic  money  in  such  hanks  or  other  places,  as 
the  Executive  iliiiilit  clinose.  T'  at  would  he  ton 
great  a  triistaiid  risk.  We  nius.  ;iot  leave  the  pub- 
lic money  at  the  disposal  of  the  Executive,  either 
as  to  the' place  in  wliicli  il  shall  be  kept,  or  the 
medium.     The  soinewlint  complicated  miichiiiery 


V;  l(! 


11 


m 


594 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[March  31, 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


TTic  Sitb-treamtri/  liiU — Mr.  J.  R.  IngersoU, 


Ho.  OF  Ukps. 


nf  the  bill  \n  tlicrrfore  iinavoiilnhle.  I  cheerfully 
Niilworilic  to  il,  luid  will  give  the  bill  my  coiiliul 
vo:e  iiK  it  is,  ill  tlmt  respect.  Very  likely,  as  I  liayc 
caid,  there  are  impeii'eclioiis  of  proviEjun,  and  will 
be  awkwardncMs  and  incoiivciiieiiec  in  the  be^ijin- 
iiiiii;  i)f  operations.  But  lime  and  c.viierieiiee  will 
easily  rectify  these disadvaiitai^ia;  ami  Ion;;  before 
(he  close  -if  the  present  Adiiiiiil.ttratiuii,  the  revival 
of  the  constitutional  trea.siiry  will  be  settled,  and 
its  liccrplanee  nearly  univrrsal. 

Tho  Miauariirntion  ami  o.itsel  of  the  constitnlional 
treasury  will  not  be  by  any  means  .so  dillicnlt  or 
slow  US  that  of  the  15aiik  of  the  United  Slates  in 
1817,  which  was  nearly  imisimled  by  the  franils 
of  its  own  officers,  aiiu  nuich  rcl;irdeu  by  its  revi- 
val of  cash  payments. 

Let  me  nddrss  tlieffentlenien  of  New  England, 
nnd  other  advocau'-  of  the  proK ctivc  system,  on 
anxious  seats  here,  all  iiliont  me,  trembling  for 
their  tmilf.  I  am  the  friend  of  duties  for  protec- 
tion; and  whatever  I  mi-.y  think  of  the  law  of  l,-<4:2, 
for  which  I  voted,  I  am  opposed  to  violcil,  sudden, 
unjust,  and  cruel  shocks  to  industry,  even  when 
ex'lravasantly  fomented.  I'ut  of  what  avail  is  any 
Fedcnd  tarilf  against  the  undermining  of  Slate  pa- 
per money,  and  the  counterfeit  coinai,'e  of  banks.' 
i'iie  on  protection  as  high  as  yiui  will,  make  it  all 
cent,  per  cent.,  or  more,  yet  must  it  be  a  futiliiy,a 
mockery,  while  hordes  of  Stale  banks  may  ilood 
the  markets  with  little  notes,  miscalled  money.  A'o 
more  .sai^ucious  people  live  than  those  of  New  Eng- 
land. 15nt  iheir  superiority  as  an  industrious  peo- 
ple is  countervailed  by  their  depreciaud  paper 
money  in  small  bank  notes.  The  small  notes  of 
small  corporations,  which  they  charter  as  bank 
capital,  is  no  nnu'e  ca|)ital  than  wa.ste  paper.  The 
whole  is  mere  delusion,  and  renders  lliem  iributii- 
ry  to  inferiti.  pco|>les,  against  whom  excha'igcs 
would  run  all  over  the  world,  in  favor  of  New 
Eiigliind,  if  they  did  not  discard  the  only  acknowl- 
cdi;ed  standard  of  value  an.!  universal  medium  of 
payment.  It  is  like  making  the  bushel  hold  sonie- 
tiinea  as  mud'  is  a  hogshead,  at  others  only  a. 
f]uart;  the  yardstick  three  feet,  or  six  feel,  or  six 
inches  Ions,  as  a  few  short-sighted,  sordid,  spec- 
ulating bank  presidents  and  ca-shiers  decree  by 
uka-ses  more  irrational  than  those  of  any  autocrat, 
or  firmans  worse  than  Turkish.  Property,  by  this, 
is  idtvuys  uncertain,  wages  never  jusi,  whali:ver 
their  nuinliial  amount  may  be,  often  paid  in  orders 
more  unavailing  and  unprincipled  than  counterfeit 
notes.  These  means  of  underniining  proleciinn  to 
the  industry,  equidity,  nnd  subsistence  of  the  labo- 
rious, Congress  cannot  directly  control.  I!ut  the 
coi'.slitut  inal  treasury  will  have  excellent  tenden- 
cies and  influences  tlial  way.  It  will  operate  as 
duties,  both  specific  and  ml  valorem,  e<|uivalent  to 
ten  or  fifteen  percent.  The  advocates  of  the  pres- 
ent taritV  may  rest  assured  llial  this  bill  is  their 
best  proti'ction  to  bei^in  willi,  and  gotid  to  abide 
will.  Wilhout  il,  dii'ies  may  be  jiileil  cent,  per 
cent,  upoii  importations  to  little  ."cail.  We  have 
liail  thirty  changes  of  toiilf,  it  is  said.  And  why  .' 
lait  because  of  the  ii'.'vet  cec  utg  under-current  of 
small  Sialic  bank  notes,  anil  ruinous  iiank  fluelua- 
tioiis,  underminiiig  every  impost  as  from  time  to 
lime  enacted,  '"arilfs  are  built  on  (luagmiies 
while  these  banks  make  the  currency.  I'lny  will 
rest  on  a  rock  when  gold  and  silver  is  the  only  pub- 
lic currency.  Il  always  was,  will,  and  imisl  lie  the 
only  money.  A  laii;e  niimlier  of  our  most  intelli- 
gent, industrious,  and  opulent  people  have  been, 
for  in'  y  years,  exercising  their  sharp  wits,  anil 
ontwilli'd  them-iehes,in  r(:\i\mgconlrivanc(s,  tried 
Iuiil:  iigo  in  the  ilaric  ages  fif  China,  to  makemniK^y 
on;  of  paper,  which  is  as  •■.uional  as  the  Chinese 
Soldiers  repulsing  the  L.ni;lish  by  li'.niiiT  hi:els- 
over-head  at  theni,  i'.istead  of  armies  and  lleels. 
Our  norlliern  friends,  Willi  all  tlieir  schools  and 
eollegi's,  are  lilmdi'd  by  a  leprosy  of  circulation 
which  allliets  lahiM'  with  incuruble  liiseiise,  and 
Hupplaiits  equality  by  the  worst  of  all  privileged 
orders. 

Something  has  been  .s.i  '1  of  an  exieiisive  brani:li 
mint,  to  be  built  at  iS'ew  York,  f  <r  which  I  cannot 
Vote  till  they  banish  the  only  circulaiioii  there — 
Biiiall  notes.  There  may  be  coin  in  the  banks,  but 
il  is  seldom  seen  in  ihc  streets,  shops  or  markets. 
Cunftrlihililij  is  not  enough — ir,  ;iol  llie  only  re- 
ijiiireinent.  There  must  In  hnliilunl  rircutiilin<i. 
When  that  noble  and  magnificent  einiimereiiil  em- 
porium  once  is  obliged  In  depend  on  tli"  barkeep- 


ers of  a  hotel  for  all  means  of  payment;  get  one 
paper  dollar  to  pay  the  back,  another  to  go  to  the 
theatre,  and  when  the  account  is  settled,  go  to  some 
iieigliboriiig  shop  and  buy  something  with  the 
trashy  change,  ralher  than  lake  il  home,  when  it 
would  reciuire  brokerage  to  get  rid  of,  not  to  men- 
'  lion  the  discredit  of  ittenijiling  to  pass  what  no 
tradesman  or  market-man  will  lake  but  at  a  dis. 
count,  if  at  all.  They  say  at  New  York  and  in 
'  New  England,  that  there  is  coin  in  the  banks.  So, 
il  was  long  said,  there  was  ,n  the  IJa'.li  <  f  Amster- 
dam, liut  what  assurance  have  we  of  llic  asser- 
tion.' There  are  hut  two  guaranties:  banishment 
of  sniiill  notes,  and  riini/idi'iii  of  coin;  not  mere 
'  convertibility,  but  circulation  too. 

That  respeetalile  journal,  the  National  Intelli- 
gencer, which  1  have  read  for  thirty  odd  years  with 
edification,  has  lately  republished  part  of  an  article 
,  from  theiMarcli  mmiberof  the  Democratic  lleview, 
which  argues  that  war  will  break  down  the  banks. 
The  wiu'lhy  editors  of  the  Intelligencer  have  the 
simplicity,  the  (mii/ieiiniiic,  to  parade  this  as  one  of 
the  evils  of  the  war  they  so  mud.  deprecate.    Now, 
1  am  neilher  an  advocate  for  war,  nor  an  enemy  of 
banks.     So  far  from  it,  that  I  reckon  part  of  the 
price  wc  shall  have  to  pav  for  war,  if  England 
forces  hostilities  upon  lis,  thai  the  next  h  it  years 
of  this  ,u"ositcrous  country  will  be  more  pros|)er-  I 
ous,    if  pc.'ce   continues,   than   any   thirtij   years  r 
heretofore.     We  inns',   oay  a  great  deal  of  tem- 
porary interruptiiin  of  prosperity  as  part  of  the  , 
price  of  war.     I3ul   its  ore. iking  down  the  trum- 
pery of  baiik.s — will   that  be  an  evil?     Not  one  j 
III  deter  me  u  inomcnt  from  fighting  for  54°  4U'. 
Should  En'rlaiid  by  war  break  down  the  banks,  ' 
and  build  up  the  maniilUctnres,  many  good  citizens 
will  submit  to  sui  11  disasters  wilh  composure,  if 
;  1101  gratification.  What  fraL'ile  slrueiures  the  banks  ; 
j  inio't  be,  if  the  first  blow  of  an  enemy  will  destroy 
I  them  !     It  has  been  said  that  Great  llrilain  in  ITTfi  I 
;  slnmjmt  this  Union  into  inilependence,  and  in  |81d 
jursHtl  il  into  a  great  naval  power.     What  next.* 
Let  her  relieve  our  industry  from  banks  and  paper  ; 
m(ni"y,  what  gratitude  wc  shall  owe  our  mullier 
eonnay.  | 

I      For  war  the  constilulional  treasury  will  prove 
an  admirable  and  indispensable  preparation.     For 
why  are  the  United  Slates  so   prosperous  of  late  ? 
The  bank  parly  sav,  beiuin.se  of  the  larilfof  IHiii. 
lint  that  1  deny,     'riii-  Uirilf  (|Uestion   is  really  a 
currency  (juesiion.    The  boily  politic  of  this  Union 
is  heallhy.    The  Union  is  prosperous,  because  the 
blood  of  ihc  body  politic,  long  di.seased,  has  been 
I  |mrillcd  of  late  years  by  a  better  currency  than  it 
'  had   for  many  yars.     Ever  since  the  sub-treas- 
ury act  of  July,   1H4II,  and  notwiilislaniling  i!s 
,  harsh    and    precipitate    repeal,   the    con.-.lilutlonnl 
treasury,  in  some  measure,  has  been  in  operation 
liy  Exi'culive  action,  witlu  ,'.i,  however,  ailei|nale 
I  ?  rovision  by  act  of  Congrejs.    During  ^lr.  Tyler's 
j  md  Mr.  Polk's  Adi  iinisli;o;ons,  the  country  has 
enjoyed  at  least  some  approxinialion  to  coin  enr- 
;  rem  y.     The  public  funds  laue  been  kept  in  banks 
I  iiideul;  but  the  funils  have  been,  if  not  e(|uivalent 
]  to  gold  anil  silver,  nl  any  rale  much   more  like 
1  them  llian   lliey  were  dnrini:  many  veers.     Con- 
gress wisely  rejected  Mr.  Tyler's  tis4_'al  coiitrivance 
endorsed   by  Air.   Wi  bsK  r.     Mr.  Tyler  iijecti'd 
llie  worst  of  all  thi^  United  .Stales  banks,  ami  here 
we  are,  at  last,  about  to  riiiisiiite  the  treasury  and 
the  money  where  the  Conslilnlion  and  act  ol    ITfi'J 
placed  them.     That  act  has  liieii  in  partial  force, 
liut  wiliionl  the  suppleiuenial  ;^niards  against  Kx- 
ecuti\e  control  and   .Slate  baiiKs^  paper  and   all, 
winch  this  bill  iiiovicles.     Aril  wiili  il,  a  new  era 
of  ecnnoinical  adminislralion  will  begin,  which,  as 
1  have  already  said,  is  certain  to  last  as  loiii^as  IVIr. 
I'olk  is  I'resiileiit,  which  is  long  en.iiigh  to  render 
its  advantages  olnious  and  char  to  all. 

In  ihis  recurrence  to  lirsl  prim  ipli  s,  there  is  no 
iiovi'l,  experimental,  or  periluus  Ie;;islalion.  Our 
radicalism  has  ncMr  gone  lieyond  resionilion.  We 
do  nut  presume  to  be  wiser  lli,iii  our  prcde.'cssors. 
All  we  do  is  to  return  lo  their  system^to  i.tiirn 
Ui  il  I'loiii  the  ruin,  s  speculations  of  ihc  paper- 
money  conlrivam  is,  .vliicli  have  failed  en  rywhere 
and  <  veryhow,  wilh  n  rrilile  injury  lo  Ihe  I'lnreiicy, 
the  moralilyi  llie  eipiali.y,  the  uidiisiry,  llie  ireue- 
ral  WI  ll'are  of  liie  cummuinly.  To  iiccomplish 
this  reslotalion,  some  of  us  have  hed  |o  bear  the 
briiiil  of  great  abuse.  Paper  money  nils  coiitndled 
Iwo-liiirds  of  the  pre.ss,  and  a  niiijorily  ol'  the  pro- 


fessions, especially  that  of  the  law,  w'  ieh  governs 
I  the  judiciary.  Courts  of  justice  hiive  been  over- 
come. Legislatures  commanded.  Slates  convulsed 
;  and  conquered.  Congress  carried  away.  An  ex- 
■  Iraordinnry  man,  lu)  Chief  Magistrate,  grappled 
I  with  foes  more  i'orinidabic  than  arurs  with  ban- 
I  ners.  His  Hiiccessor,  us  Chief  M.i  istrate,  fell  in 
j  the  conflict,  after  nobly  .sustaining  it  with  iiilmira- 
I  ble  eonslancy  and  superior  intelligence.  Ills  Pres- 
'  idenliid  nies.sagcs  on  that  intricate  and  ditlicult 
:  topic  are  Stale  papers  of  the  hiiihesi  incnit  for  eh  ar- 
;  ness  and  cogency.  He  fell  in  a  cause  'vliich  will 
!  render  his  memory  always  grateful  lo  those  who 
I  maintaiii  ]n'operly  and  industry  against  the  fatal 
I  ravages  of  paper  money  and  privili;;ed  deliuipien- 
ny.  As  one  of  their  devoted  ibllowi-  ,  I,  loo,  had 
my  share  of  calumny  lo  bear  as  an  enemy  to  what 
'  I  struggled  to  preser  e.  For  defyintr,  as  I  de- 
spised, the  architects  >  i'  the  ruin  in  which  I'hila- 
j;  delpliiaand  Pennsylvania  were  especially  involved, 
I.  I  was  denounced  as  a  law-breaker,  and,  by  many 
:  deemed  a  monster. 

jl  I  should  like,  if  lime  and  slrenulh  nllov.ed,  to 
I  pursue  the  subject  in  other  moral,  I'olitical,  and 
j' eciniomical  einisiderations,  particularly  lo  show, 
j   that,  as  the  courts  of  law  and  halls  of  leirislation 

I  have  been  aiders  and  ab,  Uers  or]"\per  money,  so 
L  even  the  church  has  seldom,  if  ever,  in  sermons, 
i:  homilies,   or  e|iislles,  eondeninid     ils     misdeeds. 

,  Lar^re  numbers  of  its  victims  and  advocates  are  si> 
;'  no  more.     This  bill  will  reduce  the  powerof  those 
who  remain,  and  be  one  of  the  brighlesl  pages  in 
ji  American  legislation. 

i  THE  SUB-TREASUPvY. 

I   SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  R.  INGERSOLL, 

II  OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 
'!             In  the  IIoise  of  Repkk.sf.ntativf.s, 

j  .1/(i.-r/i;il,  !84(;. 

!  The  IIou.se  being  In  Committee  nf  the  Whole  on 
'  the  stale  of  the  Union,  on  the  Bill  for  llie  better 
[]      organization  of  the  Treasury,  and  i'or  the  sat'e- 

I      keepinir,  iVic,  of  the  public  II-  leniie — 

I      Mr.  INGERSOLL  said  lli-.i,  when  this  subject 

I  of  a  Siib-treasury  was  about  to  he  brought  liirward 
for  the  prcs<_'iil  consideration  ot'  Congress,  he  did 
not  suppose  that  il  po.ss'.ssed  asiiigle  claim  to  merit. 
Rellecliuir,  however,  upon  the  .source  from  which, 
in  its  present  shape, il  hiu  spriinu',  and  eonpliii!;  it, 
as  he  was  boi  id  to  do,  in  some  'ueasure,  with  tin; 
reporter  of  the  plan  bet'ore  tin?  House,  he  could 
not  fill  to  admit  that  the  hill  had  one  item  in  ils 
favor,  namely,  ils  individual  ii'ilhorsliip.  Freely 
conceding  the  existence  and  inllnenee  of  this  siii."-|o 
ilein  on  one  side  ol'  the  account,  whei",'  it  stood 
clone,  he  believed  il  to  be  greatly  overimlanced  by 
aing  lis'  of  (icr  cimtriis  on  the  other.  Enli  rlaining 
honestly  ihi.i  I'onviciion,  (said  Mr.  I.)  I  shall  not 
only  east  my  humble  vote  a^'ainsl  it,  but  will  pro- 
ceed lo  suggest  a  few  or  ■rtical  objections.  I'lato 
is  my  friend,  but  truth  is  much  more  so.  I  do  not 
love  (!a'sar  less,  but  I  love  Rome  inueh  more. 
It  is  not  n"cessary  to  dwell  iipo.i  that  partof  lie 

1  (picstion  which  is  made  In  a^siii  le  a  mere  party 
aspect.  A  minority  will  generally  sull'er  by  ten- 
dering such  an  issue.  It  siibsiitnlcs  at  once  for 
rules  of  reason   the   fone  of  numbers.     The  end 

'maybe  reached  with  greater  simplicity  of  argii- 
iiient  and  less  eil'ort  of  refleclion;  but  justice  is 
iliscarde.l  as  an  ingredient  in  the  mass  of  motive, 
and  the  L!;reat  interesis  of  the  country  an*  exposeii 
to  risk  liy  luinL'Inig  the  chances  of  an  accidenlal 
ina{iirily  »  ith  the  pride  of  power  and  tin?  ilevolioii 
of  parly  alletxiaiice.  I  would  only  add  a  word  or 
two  to  llie  explanations  given  by  _eiitlisuen  who 

',  were  here  in  the  special  .se.-sion  of  l^!|,whell  I 

I  was  not  a  meiuber.  TIi  ■  ariiunient  has  been  ni's- 
lakeii  which  juslilies  eoiniilaint  on  account  of  the 
precipitancy  with  which  llie  nieasiire  of  re-enacl- 
iiieiil  is  now  borne  through  the  House,  notwilli- 
slanding  Ihe  aceehraUi  n  which  eliaracterized  the 
repeal  of  the  i."i;;nial  la'V.  It  is  oin?  tliiiit^  to  biiilil 
up  a  svs'.em,  as  ibis  has  Knuieiimes  leen  called, 
and  il  IS  anolhei-  'liiii';  to  put  n  aside  when  it  lias 
provt-d  iiicompctent  tor  its  purposes,  or  otherwise 
111  worthy  of  support.  Urent  liees,  it  is  said,  arc 
long  in  erowiiig  to  iheir  height,  but  they  are  cut 
down  ill  an  hour.     The  repiiil  ,  fa  Ih'v,  in  the  na- 

I  lure  of  the  thing,  embraces  neither  complexity  nor 


[March  31, 

OF   UkPS. 

w'  idi  ffnvrnis 

ivc  liccM  (ivcr- 

uti'S  ciinvulsed 

iwi\y.     All  t'X- 

Iriiii',  f;riip|>lcil 

I  It  s  witli  li;iii- 

i.stnitc,  I'lill  ill 

I  with  mliniiii- 

icc.    HisI'rc'H- 

aiul    dilHcult 

mvnl  fur  cli  iir- 

u.se  'vliicli  will 

I  to  tluiNC  wIh* 

uiii.st  the  laliil 

';;cil  ckliiMHicii- 

.    ,1,  liii>,  had 

iifiiiy  to  what 

yillL',    MS     I    (lo 

11  which  riiila- 
ciiilly  involved, 
lUid,  Ijy  iiiiiny 

t!i  nihiv.nil,  to 
|M)ti(i(>al,  and 
larly  to  show, 
s  of  legislation 
i[>er  money,  so 
T,  in  Nennnns, 
il.s  misdeeds, 
dviicnirs  are  so 
liowiToflhiwc 
,'hteBt  [laijea  ill 


GERSOLL, 

rXATIVKS, 

llie  Whole  oil 
(or  Ihe  heller 
nd  lor  ihe  sal'e- 
tmie — 

hen  this  siil'Ject 
noiiijhi  forward 
,ont;i'ess,  ho  did 
I!  I  laiin  to  merit, 
■ce  (Voin  wliieh, 
and  eoii|)lin>-  ii, 
casiire,  with  tlio 
louse,  he  eoiild 

one  item  in  il.s 
orshi]).  l-'reely 
ie(!  ol'this  sin,"-|(j 
,  whero  it  stood 
iverhahinceil  liy 
r.  Hiiti  ilainin;; 
'.  I.)  I  shall  not 

it,  hut  will  |ii'o- 
jeetions,  I'iati) 
re  so.  I  do  not 
iiiieh  more. 
I  that  |>artol'lli> 
!(  11  mere  |iarly 
y  sullir  hy  teii- 
ili's  at  oiiee  for 
lii^rs.  The  end 
i|ilicily  of  aruii- 
;  hilt  jiislice  in 
iiass  o('  motive, 
try  aiT  ex|ioseii 
if  an  ai'ciilenlal 
illd  Ihe  devolioil 
y  add  a  word  or 

_enil.'iiieii  who 
of  l^!l,wll<'n  I 
It  has  heeii  m<s- 
1  ueeoiint  of  the 
:nre  of  re-einiel- 

louse,  iifitwitli- 
Itaracten/eil  ihe 
le  ihiin;  to  hiiihl 
les  lein  calhd, 
<ide  when  it  lias 
es,  in'  iiilierwise 
s,  it  IS  said,  are 
Mit  they  are  <-iit 
t  l»'i ,  in  till  iia- 

eitmiilexity  nor 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  COiNCRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


595 


y9TH  Cong 1st  Skss. 


The  Sub-treasury  Bill — Mr.  J.  R.  IngcrsoU. 


Ho.  oil'  Kups. 


details.  It  is  a  iiiinplo  proposition,  which  retiuires  I 
nodiing  hut  a  siii^lo  operaliim  of  the  mind.  An 
cniu'tinent  implies  coinliination  as  well  as  reflec- 
tion— II  harnioiiious  union  of  diirerent  and  distinct, 
and  doiiietimos  dissimilar  iiiKiedioiit.s,  making  to- 
gether one  consistent  whole. 

Neither  is  it  siilficiciit  as  an  arijnment  that  the 
present  course  is,  in  it.s  rapidity  of  completion, 
luoic  or  less  relaliatory.  Our  amap;oiiisla  coiii- 
plained,  they  say  with  justice,  at  least  plausihiy, 
of  ihe  "  hot  haste"  with  which  nii'ssurus  were 
despatched  duriii;;  ihe  i)rief  period  of  Whif;  ascend- 
ency in  1841.  'I'liey  went  with  those  complainls 
upon  their  lips  hefore  the  people.  'I'hey  jirofued 
and  they  prevailed  liy  llic  use  of  them.  l^eX  them 
heware  how  they  fall  ihem.sclves  into  the  same 
emus.  Uelrihiiiioii  may  await  them,  as  Ihey  say 
it  did  H.I.  Should  such  he  (he  case,  they  will  have 
the  niortificalion  of  defeat  a^'gravaled  liy  the  roii- 
sriinisiie.«s  that  they  sinned  with  the  li<;lit  of  ex- 
Merieiice  ^liinini;  lx.'lore  their  eyes,  and  the  lessons 
of  practical  iiistruclion  souiidiii;;  in  their  ears. 

JSupposini;  the  cjuestion  fairly  open,  and  free  lo 
ample  discussion,  it  is  an  ar;;ument  in  the  threshold 
aiiainst  the  measure,  that  it  has  heen  heretofore 
weighed  in  the  lialanee,  with  a  steady  and  impar- 
tial hand,  and  found  wanting;.  I  do  not  refer  lo  it 
decision  of  the  peo|>le  in  the  memorahie  contest  of 
18-1I),  'dtliou<^li  that  ;tiit;ht  he  no  iiiiiniportant  cir- 
ciiinstance  in  dcterminin:;  the  present  result.  I  do 
not  even  refer  for  any  piu'soiial  impulalion  of  in- 
con.'si.stency  to  the  fact  of  a  Suh-lreasury  liavini; 
heen  at  an  earlier  }teriod  opposed  hy  those  who 
are  now  its  warmest  friends.  lint  1  refer  lo  that 
transaction  of  an  earlier  period  as  an  expression 
of  opinion  hy  an  unhiased  lioily  of  RepreseiiUitives, 
when  reason  aim. e  was  permitted  loinlluencu  their 
jnd^'meiils,  without  the  aj;eiicy  of  party  feeliiip;. 
With  .  very  oppoitnnily  to  examine,  nrd  nolhini; 
to  prevent  a  correct  delerminalion,  this  House  then 
came  to  the  conclusion — circumslances  heiii};  in  no 
respect  less  favorahle  to  the  measure  than  Ihey  are 
at  the  (ire.sent  moment — that  it  was  not  desirable, 
and  it  was  njccled  and  renounced  hy  a  larfje  iiia- 
Jority.  .Separate  from  it  now  its  ]iarly  inflnences; 
let  the  tocsin  cease  lo  sound,  and  let  the  rallyin;; 
word  he  no  lons;er  {;iven  out,  and  the  precedent  of 
iH.'lj  will  he  adopted  at  once  as  authuritulivc  and 
))crsuasive,  upon  all  imparlial  minds. 

An  ohvioiis  praclical  ohjcctiun  lo  '''•';  scheme  is 
found  in  its  heinj;  unnecessary.  All  the  essential 
ohjects  of  the  present  cimijilicaleil  and  voluminous 
hill,  consistiiif;  of  seven-and-lwemy  .sections,  may 
he  acconi|ilislicd  under  the  few  and  simple  pro- 
visions III  the  act  of  dd  September,  ITW).  That 
<  laliiriii!;  and  compn  hensive  statute  is,  in  lelation 
toils  own  ohjecls.a  ly  lie  of  the  Federal  l^.institiuion 
in  lis  vejder  scope,  bislin^iiislied  hy  great  sin- 
plicity  of  lan^iia^'e  mid  arrangement,  both  of  ihoie 
insiruments — fruils  ti.s  they  are  of  the  f;olden  •  .;;e 
of  Ihe  Iialiiin — are  at  the  same  time  pieci.se  and 
ileliihlc  lo  all  co-exisiinj;  purposes,  and  yr'.  f.n  ex- 
pansive as  to  meet  the  exiiieiicies  of  many  after 
1,'eiieialions.  All  that  can  and  ou;;lit  to  he  done, 
accoidiu"  to  llie  proposed  scheme,  may  he  doiii 
iiioie  directly  and  willi  far  less  complex  machinery 
under  the  act  of  V).  Kverylhiiu^  now  propo.si  ' 
that  coni'eriis  Ihe  leceiviiii;,  disbursini;  and  keep- 
m^' ,  ;"  the  moneys  of  Ihe  United  Slates,  is  contained 
in  tic  'l.i.ssic  provisions  which  have  heen  in  force 
for  nearly  sixly  years.  The  dilVere.ice  is  simply 
Ibis:  that  now,  a.,  heretofore,  th.  money  ,ii,.i/ be 
Kept  in  safes  aid  vaults,  if  in  s.ifes  and  vaiills  it 
laiilekep'  to  f,'ieater  advaiil.'^'e;  but  no  compiil- 
siiiii  IS  im,">.scd  to  prefer  tht  inephitic  vapors  of  a 
cavern  to  every  other  }ilace  of  deposile,  however  in 
all  respecis  more  eligible.  I'lcii  lliis  lime  forth 
all  option  IS  denied.  An  inexorable  imprisonineiil 
1:1  !he  doom  of  ihe  Tr  asury,  and  lo  llie  fens  upon 
which  its  buililin;,'S  are  erecied  th>'  praclice  of  kiep- 
iiiU  the  (iiiverumenl  funds  iiiiisl  be  coiilined.  When 
this  new  deposilory  was  half  hiiill,  such  were  the 
ihiiibls  even  ..;'  lis  sublerrancaii  caiiacities,  llinl  it 
was  propo.sed  to  stop  the  work  and  lake  it  down. 
Wiihiii  a  lew  days  past,  mie  of  the  heads  of  bu- 
reaus has  shown  ine  a  bonk  of  records  fished  up 
IVom  the  .Serhoiiian  be^s  of  oblivion  that  abound 
hilow,  which  was  already  much  injured,  and 
threaleni'd  willi  eiiiite  dolruciinn.  All  this  inis- 
cliirl  will  be  enlailed  !iy  the  Sub-treasury  scheme, 
without  snbsUintially  creatiii<;  any  convenience, 
.security, economy,  or slrenij'lh  heyo.id  those  wliich 


lery 
■<i  d. 


already  exist.     As  llie  law  stands,  money  is  re- 
ceived and   kept   by  the  Treasurer,  without  any 
allusion  whatever  to  hanks.     Ii  is  disburs'.d   by 
him  upon  wanaiits  drawn  by  the  .Secretary  of  the 
Tieasnry,  countersiirned  by  the  f  lomptrollcr,  and 
recorded  by  the  Ueuister.     His  accounts  are  ren- 
dered fpiarterly  to  the  t'omptroller,  or  oftener,  if 
rcipiired,  and  a  copy,  when  seuled,  i.s  tiansmilted 
to  the  Secretary.     At  the  commciiceiuent  of  every 
session  he  is  obi-      I  to  render  loCoiiL'ress  fair  and 
accurate  copies  of,  .1  his  accounts, as  also  a  true  and 
perfect  account  of  ihe  stale  of  the  treasury.     He 
must  submit,  not  once  a  week,  but  at  all  times,  to 
the  Secretary  and  the  Comptroller,  or  to  either  of 
them,  the  inspe.-iion  of  the  moneys  in  his  hands. 
All  these  duties  are  performed  under  the  sanction 
of  a  bond,  with  sullicient  a|iproved  sureties,  con- 
ditioned for  the  faithful  perl'onnance  of  the  (liilies 
of  his  oHice,  and  for  the   fidelity  of  the  persons 
whom  he  may  employ.     Add   lo  these  well-con- 
ceived  arrani^emeiits,  which   are  ]ieculiar  to   the 
Treasurer,   Ibe   couiprehensive    provisions  which 
ap[ily  to  other  and  all   persons  appoint!  d  to  any 
ollice  instiluled  by  the  act,  and  you   have  a  broad 
outline  which  requires  no  further  le;;islation.    None 
of  the  otiieers  are  permitted  to  be  concerned  or  in- 
teresied,  directly  or  indirectly,  in  carryin;;  on  ihe 
business  of  trade  or  commeire,  or  to  be  the  owner, 
in  whole  or  in  part,  of  any  sea  vessel,  or  lo  piir- 
clia.^e  by  himself,  or  another  in  trust  for  him,  any 
pulilic  lands  or  oilier  public  property,  or  to  be  con- 
cerned in  the  purchase  or  disposal  of  any  public 
securities  of  any  Slate  or  of  the  United  Stales,  or 
to  take  or  apply  to  his  own  use  any  emolument  or 
Kain  for  nesjotiatinn  or  transacting  any  business  in 
the  department  other  lliaii  such  as  slinuld  he  allow- 
ed hy  law.     These  are  the  barriers  set  up  ai^ainst 
the  (laii!;eis  of  templalion,  ill  aid  of  the  sound  prin- 
ciples which  fiirlify  the  pure  and  honorable  mind. 
It  will  he  observed  that,  independently  of  the 
hill  reported,  no  particular  place  of  deposite  is  coii- 
lem'   ..ted  for  tlie  funds  of  the  Government.    They 
[  are  everywhere   that  they  mav  be   needed,  and 
wliere  they  may  be  made  available.     They  are  the 
ri^ht  of  the  nation  in  all  phicei.,  and  by  whomso- 
ever for  greater  convenience  kept.   They  constitute 
its  fiscal  |iower,  and  may  be  w  ielded  at  will  in  the 
shape  of  credit  as  well  as  of  gold  in  hand.    They 
'  are  in   the  pockets  of  solvent  debtors,  or  in  the 
ai^reemetits  by  individuals  or  corjiorations  to  accept 
of  drafts,  at  llie  remotest  corners  of  our  own  or  a 
'  foreign  counlry — as  well  as  in  the  iron  chambers 
of  the  edifice  at  llie  other  end  of  the  avenue.     The 
ivord  treasury  is  twice  menlioned  in  the  Coiistitu- 
I  lion.     First  to  indicate  that  tiie  conipeiisation  for 
meiMhers  of  Congress   is  to  be  paid,  not  by  tlie 
Stales,  as  had  formerly  been  the  case,  hut  with  the 
I  moneys  of  the  United  Slates,  and  again,  when  ap- 
propriations made  by  law  are  declared  in  elVect  to 
i  lie  the  only  competent  sources  of  public  expendi- 
I  tiire.     Neither  the  Consliiution  nor  the  law,  nor 
the  practice  of  filly-six  years  of  successful  adinin- 
islration  of  the  revenue,  with  the  brief  exception 
'  of  one  year,  one  mouth,  and  nine  days,  hints  at  a 
;  necessary  local  hnbiiation,  oreNeu  a  preferred  place 
of  depos.ie,  for  the  public  funds.     Safes  and  vaults 
I  and  hollow  signiricaiicies  were  reserved  for  a  time 
1  and  all  occ.    Inn  long  distant  from  the  era  and  the 
liin|)oses  of  the  Constitution  and  tlic  utmost  coii- 
temiiorary  law. 
I      The  next  practical  objection  that  1  would  suggest 
I  to  the  jilaii  is,  that  it  has  no  aim  to  promole  llie 
I  great  ends  of  Government,     ll  contains  no  creative 
'  good.     It  pretends  lo  none.     At  the  best,  nothing 
I  more  than  a  mere  iiuident  is  proposed  to  the  )ier- 
I  formance  of  some  .f  its  functions.     Fruitful,  in- 
deed, is  it    in  patronage  and  in  means  of  inter- 
I  ference  with   the  cliaraclerislic  simplicity  of  the 
I  original  design,  but  it  has  no  view  to  an  enlarge- 
1  nieiil  of  llie  resources,  a  pnimolio"  of  the  dignity, 
(  or  an  aiUancement  of  the  inlerest,  i;:ippiness,  ex- 
lent,  or  glory  of  thi-  Ifepublic.     It  involves  no 
I  leading  purposes  of  legislation,  it  altempts  no  prac- 
1  lical  or  positive  good.     It  is  at  best  a  small  conlri- 
I  V  in"c    ;o  do  familiar  things  in  a   new  way.     It 
I  brings  with  it  in   possession  no  sunshine  for  a 
;  smiling  land;  it  promises  in  llie  future  and  in  hope 
I  no  refreshing  dews  or    ferlib/.ing  showers   for  a 
i  season  when  ihey  may  he  required  by  a  thirsting 

I  ^oi'- 

This  rompound  system,  when  resolved  into  its 
'  original  clementH,  consists  of  two  essential  parts. 


It  professes  to  induce  p.i  employment  of  tlio  pre- 
cious inetal.s  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  currency. 
This  is  its  popular  and  captivating  feature.  This 
IS  the  da/zliiig  lure  which,  like  the  fm-ly  ducats 
held  ii|i  to  ihir  longing  eyes  of  the  apothecary, 
wrung  from  his  poverty  and  not  his  will,  .onseiit 

10  folly  and  to  ciimc.  "U  misleads  the  miser,  hy 
encouragiMg  ihe  hope  of  a  more  solid  .tnd  substan- 
tial horde  of  im|KTislialile  wealth,  and  it  deludes 
the  speniiihrift,  by  promising  him  counters  for  his 
play  and  glitteri.ig  igents  for  his  prodigality.  The 
other  cardinal  virtue  counterl'eiud  by  the  plan  is 
the  securilii  which  it  affects  lo  allord:  the  means  of 
sii/i:  keeping  of  the  treasures  of  the  Government. 

11  addresses  itself  In  the  vulgar  sen.ses  hy  present- 
ing visible  bars  and  locks  and  walls,  the  men; 
physical  inipeilinienls  to  invasion — barriers  which 
ingenuity  and  skill  can  easily  make,  and  equal  in- 
genuity and  skill  can  as  easily  burst  asunder — for 
the  moral  force  and  mulliplied  checks  of  mutual 
responsibility:  for  actual,  snflicient,  and  always 
available  pledges  of  punctuality  and  fidelity,  ren- 
deicd  inaccessible  to  the  remotest  jiossibility  of  ac- 
cident, negligence  or  fraud. 

Now,  gold  and  silver  are,  in  their  jiroper  place, 
excellent  things.  Like  fire  and  water,  they  are  good 
servants,  but  bad  masleis.  As  a  basis  of  circula- 
tion, Ihey  are  the  best  that  ever  has  been  suggest- 
ed. As  a  sole  and  exclusive  currency,  they  would 
be  found  just  as  inconvenient  and  iiuprairticable  n3 
was  the  iron  of  ancient  Sparia,  or  tobacco  in  the 
revnlniionary  history  of  Virginia.  In  the  ordinary 
retail  liabi  rdashcry  of  life,  they  are,  perhaps,  in- 
dispensable. In  ihe  large  I'oiicerns  of  wholesale 
husiiicss,  either  connected  willi  the  domestic  com- 
merce of  the  inhabitants  of  an  extensive  counlry, 
or  the  commerce  of  tlio.se  inhahitanls  with  distant 
nations,  tiny  are  in  practice  never  resorted  lo  but 
as  an  excepiion,  and  from  mere  necessity.  They 
are,  it  is  true,  more  or  less  generally  used  even  in 
small  aliairs,  according  to  the  more  or  less  abso- 
lutely commercial  character  and  habits  of  the  par- 
ticular people;  but  a  resort  to  them,  and  to  them 
alone,  on  occasions  when  anything  like  extensive 
transactions  ,if  trade  are  earned  on,  would  be  an 
anomaly  tliat  is  yet  without  a  precedent.  Hence 
a  right  to  require  specie  in  payment  of  Government 
dues  is  loo  important  a  one  to  have  been  overlook- 
ed for  a  moment,  and  the  States  are  constitutionally 
disabled  from  making  nnytl.ingelse  a  legal  tender. 
P.ut  an  obligation  to  require  it  at  idl  times,  and 
under  every  po.ssible  contingency,  might  he  attend- 
ed with  serious  inconvenience:  a  receiver  of  public 
money,  for  example,  might  be  under  instructions 
lo  remit  the  first  that  should  come  lo  his  hands  to  a 
di.itant  part  of  ihe  counlry.  It  is  olVered  lo  him  in 
the  shape  of  exactly  such  a  draft  as  he  desires.  He 
must  refuse  the  draft  and  pay  a  premium  for  a  sim- 
ilar one  to  the  broker  next  door,  with  the  specie 
which  he  has  reluctantly  but  necessarily  received. 
It  is  the  option  that  1  contend  he  should  have. 
Treat  the  aliairs  of  the  Government  in  this  re- 
spect as  a  prudent  man  does  his  own,  and  there 
will  I.e  no  danger.  Let  specie,  or  the  repre- 
sentative of  specie  of  equal  value  and  (if  it  he 
so)  of  greater  use,  he  taken  in  payment,  according 
to  circumstances,  and  as  either  may  be  most  de- 
sired, and  you  will  have  no  occasion  for  the  strin- 
gen'.  rule  proposed.  You  have,  probably,  Mr. 
(Chairman,  ne\er  been  sworn  at  Migbgatc.  If  you^ 
have,  you  would  know  that  the  charest  powers  of 
preference  are  not  obligatory  in  the  face  of  interest 
and  inclinalion.  You  are  only  boiiii.'.  not  to  walk 
a  journey  when  you  can  ride;  not  lo  i  at  brown 
bread  when  you  can  get  white;  and  not  to  kiss  the 
inaiil  when  you  can  kiss  the  mistress;  provided 
always,  neverlhele;JS,  as  the  slalutes  say,  unless 
you  (iki'  the  maid,  the  brown  bread,  and  the  walk, 
respectively,  heller  than  the  mistress,  the  white 
bread,  and'ihe  ride. 

Look  into  the  history  af  our  own  country;  com- 
pare its  moneyed  condition  at  the  diU'erent  |)eriods, 
when  it  posse.-ised  the  option  of  specie  or  its  equiva- 
lent for  all  business  ]iiirpn.-.es,  with  its  condition 
w  lien  there  was  no  such  option,  because  there  wa.s 
no  such  equivalent.  From  the  pence  of  178!)  until 
the  year  17111,  specie  was  ihe  legal  currency.  A 
feebler  frame  of  Governmi  •  notwithstanding  the 
robust  and  vigorous  popii'  on  of  which  it  was 
cnmposi'd,  never  existed.  Ii  dissolved,  after  a  few 
short  years  of  disastrous  experinieni,  in  its  own 
weakness,     ll  ended  with  a  public  debt  of  eighty 


if  !pi 


I 

I;i 


i 


ii  1 1-  i- 


I 


55)6 


APPKNDIX  TO  THE  CONGKESSIONAI.  G(.OBK, 


2f>rii  Coxo 1st  Sess. 


The  Sub-lreasunj  Bill — Mr.  J.  It.  luffcrsoll. 


lAiaicii  ;n, 

Ho.  OF  J-Jkps. 


millions,  whii'h  it  bequeathed  n8  ii  sail  les;nry  tn  , 
theGovenimeiUorthcCoiistiintidn.  All  rally  and  I 
n  wise  net  ot'llie  new  GovenimenI,  in  ils  tiisl  I'nn- 
^Tss.wnsiii  eslalilisli  ii  Biinkol' ihe  (Jnileil  Skups, 
It  was  eslaiiliNheil  Ijeeausfi  it  was  lielievpil  llial  it 
wonlil  lie  very  eondueive  Id  iho  suiressfnl  oonilucl- 
JM^  111'  llie  niitidiial  finam-es;  wnulil  leml  Ici  L'ive 
faciliiy  to  the  olitainin;,' of  loans  for  <\.r  use  of  llie 
Govcnimcnt  in  snililen  enieiL'eni'ies,  ami  would  lie 
iiroiliielive  of  eonsidernlile  ndvanlau'es  lo  Hade  and 
inrl"-iiy  in  •reneral. — (I'lTaiiilile  to  '.lie  ni'l  In  iii- 
em  •'■  the  siiliseriliers  lo  llie  Haul!  of  ihc  IJiiilid 

Stale.,,  ,  elirnary  ;2r),  17'.)!.]  Uefiiie  llie  expiralion 
nf  the  nine  fixed  for  llie  end  of  llie  ehnrler,  every 
ftirlhin^  of  the  heavy  iiulioiial  delit  was  jiaiif, 
nllhoii;;h  the  prospeiiiy  of  the  eoiiiilry  was  assailed 
dnriiii;  pninions  of  il  liy  ealaniilies  in  the  .shape  of 
depivdalions  upon  eonimeive,  non-inleironr.ie,  and 
rmliarL'o  of  indefinile  exK  lit,  (|iiasi  war  with  one 
powi  rfnl  lielligerent  nation,  and  ihreaus  of  war 
with  another. 

I  am  not  eontendini;  for  .  Tlank  of  the  Uniled 
Slates,  or  for  any  other  liaio  .  I  am  eontendii;'; 
for  the  propriety  and  necessity  of  a  niediiini  ofex- 
elianie  of  eq'ial  value  and  ;;reat(  r  liuilily  of  reinii- 
taiieeand  transporte'ion  llian  pold  ;iiid  silver.  The 
Avar  of  l»<l'ifoniid  the  nation  without  ii  Hank  of  the 
United  States,  and  il  left  it  without  any  siieh  ciir- 
reiiey  ns  I  have  deserihed.  It  let"l  it,  liowiM  r, 
jioniewhal  the  wiser  tor  its  dis.istiMiis  ne^liel  .ir 
wili'nl  oinis.-:ion  to  provide  for  sieli  an  eniei;;ei.ey. 
An  o..:'ly  elVort  after  the  restoration  of  peace  was 
to  rjiuinl  ai^aiiisl  a  siniihr  ealaniiiy,  and  lo  lay  the 
foundation  in  aiioiher  fiseal  scheme,  fif  w  liich  a 
new  Hank  of  ihe  United  Hiafes,  with  a  sii'iiily  aiiL'- 
mcnted  enpilal,  v.  as  the  principal  iii^'ieilieiit,  of  tin' 
disi'liarsre  of  another  heavy  detit,  ;iiid  the  esiahlish- 
ment  of  a  sound  aliernative  cunciicy.  On  llie.'lllth 
uf  April.  lr<l(i,  a  joint  resokilion  of  Coiiifress  was 
approved,  which  ran  tluis: 

•' .\  reuoliitiiin  reialive  la  ilic  more  rllcrlual  eitllcctioii  i.t" 
Itie  [inlilic  rcxciiiic. 
"  Rnolrcl  ft;,  Ike  S,-ii..lr  ,nul  Ihii^e  ..f  lhjrri-^nil.ti,c^  nf 
thr  i'nilfit  Stfitfi  of  .imrrii'.t  in  T  nj^t  ci*  .  ■^■r//l^.^./  'r'tlju 
the  SciTeliir>  at"  III.'  Trcii»iny  tic.  .-iimI  lit-  tl.  r.-tiy  h.  rc'[UiM-il 
and  (Itreclcii  in  lalnpt  silcli  aica-<iiri'>  a...  lie  iii;i\-  tlt'cii;  n.  c. ;.. 
san'  to  cjin.-e,  a..;  ^'mhi  iw  iii:i>  tic,  i[||  iliitic>.  taxes.  dcliL-.  or 
HuniH  (iraioaey  ai'criiiiie.  "r  Iin  ntijiim  |i.'iwitilc  li  I'litl.  d 
H;.iles,  In  lie  eVilliH  led  jiiid  pnid  in  ilir  1.  lmI  ciiii.  ..i'\  itf  tlic 
IJaiteil  HlnlcHjOr  treiMiry  notes,  nr  nntc<  ..titte  lliiiik  nl  Itic 
rilileU  Slalcji,  us  ti\  law  pmvid.-d  am!  dcclaoil.  nr  in  imics 
of  linnkn  wliieli  arc  p.-iyalitc  nr  |inid  nii  il<'ji>.-iiiii  in  tl.c  saiil 
IcL'ld  ciirrrii'-.  a  llic  I'liitcd  St.'ilcs  ;  and  Unit  tVniti  and  iillir 
llie  -JDlIi  dny  hf  Fetiniiiry  in-iit  im  ;  acti  dnhcs.  i.txcs.  drtit.-. 
fir  -auilfl  ni'uifiiiey  acenani;  nr  l.ei nm  |ia\:ilil  >  In  tlie  I 'lu- 
ted Stales  as  Ht'nrutialii,  niistlt  In  III-  rnlliilid  nr  ri  ccivi  d 
(itllerwiae  Ihail  ill  the  leiial  currency  nl"  llic  flittid  St;ili> 
nr  Trcusllrynnlcs.nr  antes  ot'llie  Hanknt'tt.e  riiio  d  Stale-. 
nr  in  nnt.  s  nl'lianiis  wlijch  arc  |iiy.dilc  and  |iiild  nil  di-lliand 
in  liic  ^.1nl  lejal  currency  ni  liic  rniied  .~^l.ilc-.'' 

On  the  lljtii  of  Septeniher,  ISIIi,  Mr.  J^ecrelary 
Dallas  issued  his  nonce  ili.at  f.'oni  and  afier  the  odlh 
day  of  I'Vliniary,  If^lT,  all  linlies,  taxes,  dehls,  or 
sums  of  money  aceriiiii»  or  hecomin^  payalile  m 
the  United  Stales,  must  lie  ;  ..id,  not  in  <;old  and 
silver  only,  liul  in  the  lenral  enrrency  of  ihe  Uni!"d 
Stales,  or  Treasury  noies,  or  iioK  s  oi'ih'  Hank  o. 
tiie  United  States,  or  in  notes  of  hanks  which  are 
payalile  and  paid  on  denianil  ■'  the  le;;al  einieiicy 
of  till'  United  Stales,  and  ...i.  otherwise.  Undir 
thiu  alternative  arranL'ement  the  linances  a^^aiii 
prospered.  Under  it  the  iiaiional  ilehl  was  ai,'ain 
extiii;,'nished.  Tin  eelelirated  "spici<.  eireular" 
of  ."ilh  Novunher,  IKH,  wiitte.'i  at  the  period  of 
OeiMial  .lai  kson'saciive  warwiiii  the  H.mk  of  the 
Uniled  .Stiit(S,uiithori/.es  ihe  loiieclois  of  cu.stonis 
and  all  receivers  of  jnililie  inoiny  to  re'_'an|  tlie  le- 
f;»l  eiirreiiey  of  the  Uniled  .Stales,  Treasury  notes, 
iiotfs  of  the  Hank  of  the  United  .Slates,  aiid  noli  >■ 
of  hanks  which  are  payalile  and  paid  in  tlii^  le:^;il 
enrrency  of  the  l,^iited  .Sl.atrs,  as  c(|iiiil  in  merit  and 
ill  the  estimaiioi.  of  the  'I'reasory.  l*rosjieritv  ae- 
c. 1111)1111  lied  the  etrecliialc.i.it' nuance  nf  thisarnniire- 
m  111,  and  the  [inwer  lo  comply  wnh  it.  Wiien  it 
leased  once  more,  as  it  did  in  l^.'IT,  I'rom  a  varieiv 
>ifeaiises,(lhe  Hank  of  the  I'tntid  .Stales  had  eeaseil 
hy  the  I'xpiralioii  of  its  charter,  and  other  iiaiiks 
had  suspended  specie  paynieiits.i  ilisaslia' spri*ail 
oyer  llie  land,  anil  involved  in  its  u  ide  voiiex  (rov- 
ellilne'll  and  people.  'I'hat  i-risls,  loo,  has  passed 
Hwiiy,  and  while  a  hri^ht  sky  shines  aliove  us.  and 
plenty  and  pro>perity  .smile  lafure  us,  and  lieekon 
lis  onward  in  the  Miunoili  path  id\'eiieral  cmiteni- 
loeiil,  the.se  happy  pios|iei  IS  are  til  he  dai  killed 
with  the  inierpofciiion  of  n  needless  iind  iieriiieious 


mystery;  with  elemenlii  eiioiii;h  of  ollieial  power 
and  eorrnption;  with  lemptalioii  enoinrh  (o  fraud 
and  eiiilie/.7.Ieiiieiit;  with  eomplexily  enough  to  eni- 
lianass  and  confuse,  and  wilh  more  (liaii  einiiiijh 
departure  from  Ihedillo,.  .  and  heuelieial  spii-it  of 
ihc  i\ce,  hill  withiint  one  iirinei-  |e  of  practical  or 
|iosiiiveeood.  If  yon  will  insist  upon  one  curiTii- 
ey  for  the  (iovernineiil,  and  another  for  the  peo- 
ple, why  not  have  it  without  lockiii;;  it  up  from  llie 
iise.s  of  liolh,  and  desiroyin>.'  it  as  a  enrrency  alto- 
gether.' It  is  n  mistake  to  suppose  llial  this  siih- 
treasury  scheme  will  have  any  such  edict  as  is 
boldly  iironnsed  lor  it,  in  the  iiitrodiiciiou  of  an 
exclusive  inet.illie  circnlation.  'i'o  the  extent  of 
what  isin  Uinernnieiil  pos.session  it  will  withdraw 
exactly  .so  much  from  all  eiieiilalioii.  It  is  no 
loiiirer  eiirreiiey  when  it  is  hoarded  in  in.aetivi 
masses  in  the  coll'eis  of  penurious  men,  or  no  less 
penurious  puhlic.  treasuries.  At  this  very  innment 
there  are  aiior.l  eleven  iiiillions  o;i  hand,  fortmiate- 
Iv  for  the  |ienple,  and  in  a.live  u.se  amoii!i  them, 
while  it  is  .safe  heyoiid  peradventuie  in  the  .Nalioiial 

'  Treasury.      Hut  eliaiii;e  the  system,  adopt  the  plan 
of  Ihe  hill  hefore  yon,  and  eonsideialily  more  than 
(ine-scveiith  of  the  specie   in  ihe  couniry  is,  to  all 
lienelicial  piir[ioses,  exliinriiisln  d.     1  have  lalcly 
seen  a  ealcnlalion   llial  the  due  iiroporlion  for  the  ^ 
United  Stales  of  all  the  ;,'ii|d  ami  silver  coiiiid  and  j 
ill   existence  in  I'.nrope  and   .Vmeriiai  is  two  hiin-  1 
dred  anil  fil'iy-se\eii  millions  of  dolli.is.     While  ] 
we  have  alreaily  sian  ely  nioi-e  limn  a  quarter  of  | 

'  this  desired  amount,  yon  are  alioiit  lo  iiillict  u|ioii  ] 

■  the  people  an  inloleralile  loss  of  nearly  a  sixih  i 
pari  of  what  they  have.  If  indeed  this  he  the  cur-  ' 
reiicy  of  the  ( 'onsiiliilion,  you  slran;,'ely  violale  i 
that  vencialed  insirmiienl  liy  inlerferiiiii'  to  the  lit-  ; 

'  most  of  your  power  with   iis  heiieficial  designs  in  : 

dimiiiisliinir  and    viriiialiy  destroying'   ils  eiiosen  ; 

re]iieseiitalive  of  value.  I 

Let  the  advocates  of  e.velnsivc  nielallic  curreiiey  j 

do  whi.t  they  may,  they  must  at  last  fail  in  their  ( 

i  atlenipts    to    niiain    ihct    avowed    and    ostensihle  [ 
olijeet.     < 'oinmert'ia!  Ir.ansaetions  are  not  ami  eaii- 
not  he  eonductf  d  without  somelliinc;  else.    .Solvent 
and  prndenlly-comhicled  hanks  are  now  used, and 
they  answer  the   purpose  pertecily  well  wherever 

,  tliev  are  Iritd.     If  lla  y  were   mil  accessible,   llie 

I  Treasurer  and  olh.er  ilishnrsers  of  money  of  ihe 
Uniled  Slat's  would  at  onee  avail  themselves  of 
some  other  local,  corporate,  or  indi\idnal  aijiney. 
I'rivnle  hankers,  whose  hiisiness  is  exieiisiv,.,  mid 
whose  arraiiuenienis  are  of  a  eorrespond.ii!;  elnir- 
acier,  are  exacily  as  .-lervicealile.  In  this  place  all 
are  piivale  hankers.  .Nm  a  eharlere  1  iiist 'iilioii 
exists.  The  selected  depositaries  of  the  I'liml  for 
payiiiL'  all  of  the  extienses  ot'  this  Hoinie  of  Uep- 
reseiilalives,  inchidini:  the  cinipensalioii  of  Us 
inemhers,  are  individuals  of  WashipL'lon — men  of 
f:reat  r<-s)iectalii!ily,  havije^  their  pri\aie  hankini^ 
house,  and  eoiiduetiiiir  its  allairs  with  entire  salis- 
fariion  lo  all  who  deal  with  them.  'Ihe  niaimerof 
dealiii'j:  is  .11  once  a  livin::  proot'nf  the  nseh-ssness 
of  a  Siih-tieasiiry.  and  the  advantaee  of  a  pa)ier 
currency  aloni;  with  that  of  iiolil.  The  ,Seri;eaiil- 
at-.\rms  hands  you  for  endors.nieiii,  liy  way  of 
reel  ipl,  a  check  upon  Messrs.  (!oreoran  iV  Kie;cs, 
wilh  whom   ihe  money  is  deposited,  and  presents 

;)oii  ihe  opiion  of  ^.-old  or  p.iper,  or  both,  lie 
must  he  I'liniler  than  I  am  of  Ininh  niiiu'  his  pocket.s 
who  does  not  alto:;elher,  or  in  a  i^ieal  ilei.'ree,  pre- 
fer pajier,  which  he  knows  to  he  represented  to  its 
full  extent  either  by  piecioiis  metals,  or  by  other 
siihstantiiil  ell'eets  uliich  render  il  eonvertible  into 
Ihi  m  at  the  pleasnri'  ,if  the  holder. 

Till-  late  .'Stephen  (jiirard,  who  was  the  inosi  ex- 
tensive jirivate  li.itik.  r  th.il  thiscoiniiry  has  known, 
died  with  ouist.inilini,'  disconnis  and  cncnliiini:; 
notes,  and  sums  upon  his  bonks  lo  the  eredi;  of 
actual  daily  depositors,  amoiiniinir  to  several  iiiil- 
lions, niid  yet  Ihe  ae^riienie  of  specie  in  Ins  vaults 
was  betwien  '.ixieen  and  se\enteen  thousand  dol- 
lars. Who  \\as  unsafe  or  w  ho  v.iis  niieasy  (ioin 
any  such  ciremnstances  r  His  treasury,  always 
rcjileiiished,  always  ovf-rllowini>:,  v.-as  every  where. 
|i  was  in  rows  of  ti  iianled  dwellner-hoiiscs,  in  lots 
of  rslablishi.d  and  inipr'i\iiM.;  v;iltie,  in  meadnus 
and  rich  p:i*tures,  in  coal  mines,  in  stocks,  in  ships 
and  nnTcliandise,  in  dailv  reenrriin^  expirations  of 
the  terms  of  credil  nf  solvent  debtors,  ni  his  iini- 
\etsal  eoimnaod  ol'  ni'Miis  fmindeil  upon  an  ap- 
proved knowledi^e  of  his  slechn:^  resmircis,  pimc- 

.  tiiahly,  indiis.ry,  and  s.i<;aeily.     Tin,"  should   be 


the  never-l'ailini;  ireaniry  of  the  Giiverimiciil,  not 
tlic  damp  diiiiv:eoi'.s  of'an  ill-eonstriicted  edilice. 
The  i^eiitlenian  who  reported  lliiH  bill  did  not 
design  lo  baiiisli  paoer  circulalion,  or  that  there 
should  he  an  exclusive  resort  to  metallic  currency. 
I  le  so  acknowledges  in  ihe  candid  report  which  fu- 
made upon  the  Hubjecl  at  the  last  Uon^ress.  "  Il 
is  expecled  and  desired,"  says  he  inthatdocn- 
inetit,  "  thai  the  .'^lales  will  perceive  the  necessilv 
'and  advaiilaire  ill  referenee  lo  ihe  neiiiig  of  ih'e 
'  lA'deral  GovenimenI,  lo  prevent  a  depreeiaieil 
•  p.'.per  eireiilalioii,  and  to  preserve  the  eireiilalioii 
'  of  Ihe  precioins  inefa.'s  and  such  paper  inediinu 
■  ,1  ■  re.sls  on  a  linn  and  siillleieni  specie  basis,  anil 
'  which  in.iy  al  ail  limes  be  eoiiverled  into  gnld  anil 
'  siher  on  demand,  at  .he  opiion  of  ihe  holiUr." 

Kven  on  the  spot  where  the  irreat  reservoir  i.'i 
diiir,  paper  iiiiist  and  will  divide  with  the  jiris'lons 
metals  the  favor  and  the  preference  of  those  who 
have  Ihe  power  lo  choose.  In  hiisiness  opemtion.-i 
between  disiaiil  places — how  disiant,  let  the  lone 
line  from  Uonse's  I'oiiit  to  llie  I'.io  Grande  tell— 
jiaper  alone  will  be  yifvti.  The  great  enlleetioiis 
of  revenue  are  made  al  n  few  principal  eiislom- 
houses  and  land  agencies.  Hut  money  may  b,- 
required  for  dislinrsement  anvwhere,  in  wl"'.- 
c'lates  where  neither  an  ti\ailable  eiistoni-!iOini- 
iior  a  land  n;;ency  exists.  .Money  i.:  reniitti  d  I'rom 
and  to  these  points  of  collei'linn  and  disbnrseinen; 
by  llie  paper  agency  of  bills  of  exchange. 

What  an'  he  advantage.-;  proposed  by  this  plan 
over  and  beyond  the  advantage  of  signali/ing  ih.e 
slriiiL'lh  and  the  tr  iimph  of  parly-  Dismiss  for 
a  inonienl  llie  ilelnsi  m  of  eonsliliilional  enrrency, 
which  is  a  n, me  and  alliin;;  upwirds  of  lifiy  years 
later  in  birlb  llian  the  t'onstiinlion  itself,  ai'id  let, 
lis  look  the  object  in  the  face,  mysii.'ied  by  no  rev- 
erend titles  or  theoretic  arguinents.  Is  ilui-  lon- 
Vfuiincf  in  a  Snb-ti'easnrv  .'  What  other  agencies 
of  the  Governmeni  areeondncted  in  a  similar  man - 
iierr  There  is  iiolliing  analogous  to  it.  If  a 
G  ivermr.eiit  of  any  country  de.sires  to  traiispori 
maleriels  for  ils  buildings,  or  stores  for  its  iiiaL"- 
ziiies,  hospitals,  navy  yards,  iinnorie.s,  or  aiMein.ls, 
it  does  not  biiilii  waeons,  eons'rncl  roads,  |)ur.|iiise 
horses,  and  grow  provender,  to  tin  et  ihe  virioiiK 
exigencies;  il  employ.s  ciimnion  curlers,  'iiiowii 
lo  the  eonini>n  law  I  'Iter  lliini  ill"  Const  lution. 
when  they  are  I  i  be  had,  and  enlrinsii,  t!;-.n  iipoii 
the  ordinary  f  neiples  of  baihiienl  wilh  the  duly 
in  its  details,  riven  the  prodigious  expendi 
lures  for  eoiiveyinir  the  mail,  rich  with  t  very  kind 
of  Measure,  money  and  money's  worth,  claii- 
destine  eorre^pondence,  State  secrets,  which,  if 
divnlired,  niiuiit  set  the  nation  in  a  II  line,  art 
iicijiiii  seed  in  wilhotit  liesitaiion.  Kxpi  nsive  and. 
ve.<atious  as  iniLrht  be  the  ditiiciiltics  with  railroad 
or  sleainboat  companies,  i,i  arranging  the  nans- 
portal  ion  of  the  mall,  no  HosiniasterGeneral  'hiiiks 
of  pr-icnring  a  special  nullil  of  locomouve  ,  ears, 
tenders,  sie.iiuers,  wilh  the  appiirleiian.'ei^  of  engi- 
neers, fuel,  I've.,  at  (bivernmi'iit  cost.  He  uses 
llio.se  already  a.l.ipled  alike  lo  privale  and  lo  pnb- 
li''  eonvenienee.  Vet  he  has  no  security,  lint  a 
particle,  except  what  the  general  principles  of  law 
iilVord  for  proteclion  against  carelessness  of  prop- 
erly and  lives.  .Stale  prisons  hold  your  Govern- 
nieiit  ..ll'enders.  Stale  eoi)rt-lionses  are  occupieil 
by  yoiir  adiiiinislialofs  of  the  law;  all  the  iinin;iii- 
alile  finieiions  of  I'eileral  policy  ,ire  perl'oriiicd 
lliroiie|i  tjio  insirnnieiitality  'if  .State  enuines,  ol 
Htnitever  description.  Why  wi'lihold  frnin  sum 
lar  I'lislodiers  that  which  more  than  all  the  rest 
requires  habiliial  exercise  and  expeneiiced  hands- 
All  ihe  einiyenieiiei  s  of  keepin;.'  and  aidir"  ■  'he 
nieilnun  of  dislinrseinent  are  found  einiiif .  ,ii. 

ol'the  hniils  ol  the  Snii-trensiiry  walls. 

Is  Ihi'ft'  fifiiitn-  ^I'fttij  in  the  propnsid  plan.'  It  is 
admitted  by  the  lep  irt  already  alluded  In  thai  one 
defalcation  iieciirred  during  Ihe  brief  exisience  nf 
the  '.lie  Sub-lreasnry  law.  "  .Siiit  was  nisliiiieil 
'  aii.l  jndginenl  obiaiin  d  againsi  ihe  dcfiullnig  oili 
'  eer  and  liis  secnrilies. "  I  am  desired  lo  read  on, 
and  I  do  so  eheerfnlly:  ".\iiil  if  the  plea  of  ihe 
'  ollicer  is  held  insiitllcieiil  on  an  appeal  lakeii  to 
'  the  Supreme  <  'nmt,  anil  the  juiL'iiieni  of  the  m  - 
'  ferior  court  alii  lined,  it  is  believed  that  thesi  cinily 
'  IS  ample,  and  thai  the  Government  will  nltiiiiaie!y 
*  sustain  no  loss  m  its  fiiianee,,,"     So  clear,  ilii  a, 

is  ihe  evidence  of  llie  feet   nf  fraud,  lli ii  an 

allirinai of  Ihe  |iid'.''a'iil  ii  belief  is  enterlainel 

that   recovery  may  be  had  fnnii  ihe  "  seeiirnv." 


1846. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAI.  GLOBE. 


507 


y9TH  CONO 1st  Sf.ss. 

unless,  iiiilerd,  the  nnlhiiiry  apppiil  in  Coiigipss  In 
Hiirli  ii\8rs  slioiilil  oblain  rdief!  (jniiuiii^,  for  (lie 
Hiike  iif  ilir  uri^iiniriu,  linwcvcr,  su|u'rluinii\n  lioii- 
rsty  ill  all  Hiilinrdiiiiid'  nsoulu,  niul  supcr-limzoii 
^treniilli  in  llu?  chaiiiri!  (1imh*«  atul  xauiu'd  ronlH, 
wliirli  arc  to  ln!  pro|iaircl  aiii'w,  I  iiiaiiilain  that  the 
.vaf'elj^  {.•iiiiniiitieil  by  ilieiii  all  is  I'ar  short  of  that 
tieeurity  wlii'ii  is  iiinv  luiliiuially  provided.  Gnv- 
rrniiieiil  SI  lelf,  enrrespdiidir^- dollar  for  dollar  willi 
the  snm  lo  1k^  deposited,  is,  we  are  t(dd,  now 
]>le(l^ed  hy  the  depositaries  of  money,  and  is  re- 
ceived l>y  the  hands  of  the  Treasurer.  If  stolen, 
(iraeeide.ilallylosi,  itrannnt  he  used  hy  thowroii;;- 
chier  or  the  finder.  If  deslrnyeil  in  the  ImndK  of 
ihi:Cioverni>iciil  no  injury  is  done  tonnyhody;  for, 
ill  the  worst,  exaeily  so  "nnieli  of  the  piililic  dcht  is 
paid  o(T  at  par. 

/'e.'.si/i/f/  //i(jr  nuifi  he  foinut  c;Tr(itn'  rconomtt  i"  l''P 
literal  riisiody  of  the  piiblie  ollleer  in  the  form  |ire- 
fierihed.  This  is  an  a^e  of  nlle;;ed  fruijalily.  Tlie, 
'loiiiiiiant  party  Ihrivi's  liy  its  lepiitalion  for  that 
\iriii.'.  It  professes  to  he'  eminently  eeonomic.al. 
This  is  pnr  i:i:rfUfUre  ;i  saviii;^  f'oni^n'ess  !  Hy  their  , 
I'niils  shall  ye  know  them.     An  estimate  is  given 

•  in  the  thirteenth  pare  of  the  report  wliieh  omits 
the  iieeessarily  principal  item — otlieers'  salaries, 
and  the  vast  ineidenls  which  the  frieiiils  of  the 
iieasure  contemplate  as  indispensalile.  One  ;;en- 
llemaii  heforc  me  is  pantins;  for  an  opporHinity  lo 
insert,  hy  way  of  aniendmeiu,  in  tliis  very  hill  pro- 
vision for  a  in.iiinificent  Siih-lreasnry  hiiildiiii:  at 
iScw  York  nniler  the  cjnise  of  a  hraneli  mint. 
Another  ,e;eiillemaii  near  liini,  with  cipial  anxiety, 
ilesiiTs  lo  coiislnict  under  a  lilce  nauiean  edifice  at 

•  'liarh'sion.  JIalf  a  million  of  dollar.s  for  eaeli 
•luihhier,  and  from  fifty  to  sevenly  thousand  ihd- 
>i  'a  aniinal  rxiieudilure  mi  their supeiniious opera- 

e  '  ■-  :\s  extra  minis,  will  serve  to  show  the  rali^  at 

i..cii  we  are  to  sutVer  tor  an  ecoiuuiiiciil  adniinis- 
Iratimi  of  the  Cioverniiii'iit  in  the  parlic.iilar  depart- 
ment of  the  safe-keepinir  (,f  iis  funils.  On  the 
fither  hand,  the  present  perfectly  miivenient,  well- 
Iried,  and  absolutely  safe  mode  of  keepiinj  the 
(uiblie  money  does  liot  cost,  I  believe,  one  sinirle 
fariliiiijf.  Truly,  this  is  an  eeonomieal  Democracy  I 

A  fair  lest  ot'  the  fidelity  of  an  n^ent  is  found  in 
his  ijiviii;;  ""ll,""'  '''"''■ '"  ''"'  pi'"perly  of  others  with 
Ills  own.  The  rule  applies  as  well  to  f;real  trusts 
.•IS  to  small  ones — to  Governnii'iit  atjein-y  ns  lo  iii- 
ilividiial  ageiiey.  Mow  does  one  of  the  sternest 
.-idvncnles  of  a  Snb-lreasiiry  in  private  life  keep  his 
own  money  when  it  aecnmiilales  lnr;,Tly  ■  Which 
of  them  hesiialc  s  to  place  it  in  the  hands  of  those 
whole  business  it  is,  and  whose  arranL;enienls  are 
made  nt  iireat  cost,  to  'ako  care  of  money,  and  to 
draw  it  out  from  time  to  liinu  by  cheeks  as  he 
wants  it?  Who  ventures  to  trust  lari;i'  sums  lo 
his  own  Iieeessarily  honest  custody,  aided  thout^li 
it  be  by  aihiiTLniiiiio  bars  ': 

The  Ciover  uiciit  employs  without  he.silalioii 
banking  esiabrishnii  nts  as  ageiils  iiiid  depositories 
aliroad.  i;;:s  it  more  r-onfidence  in  them  than  in 
its  own  r  ]/.' IIS.'  Ton  igii  liankeis  employed  by 
the  I,'i  '  '  .?■  i'c<i  live  no  secnrilv,  1  believe,  de- 
Jiosite  no  -■•  ^  '([.nisli  no  jiledges  of  indenmily. 
I'hey  ■'-,  ,  ;  i.-.t,iib!- throw  up  the  agency  if  they 
were  di  SKI  .1  .odn-.i.  Yet  tiiey  are  trusted,  ile- 
servedly  trust  ■  v  ih,i\,i  an  ini|uiry  into  the  mode 
of  sale-keeping  :.,.  !•  n  y  may  chance  or  choose 
to  ado|it,  much  m.ue  with'oiii  insisiing  that  they 
fihall  provide  safes  and  vanlls  and  all  the  niaeliin- 
ery  of  iniaginary  or  ostentatious  ilomestic  appre- 
hension. 

Oriven,  as  it  must  be,  from  other  motives,  the 
Sub-treasury  seeks  refuge  .  i.iid  ijir'  arguineiit. 
Hot  liss  plausible,  if  well  foilliihil,  lliali  the  coiisli- 
liilional  prolei'iion  which  is  smiglil  for  il,  that  it  is 
k/im/i/i'ckii  in  ns  lendeneies.  This  is  one  of  the 
errors  Ibiiiid  iii  ilie  report  lo  which  I  am  con- 
strained  repeat'illy  lo  allude.  Miu-e  than  once 
within  the  limits  of  a  page  it  is  asserted  In  be  in  .■ic- 
CO,  i  '.."ewith  "  the  nature  and  character"  or  "  the 
1:1  uiu-  uiid  spirit"  of  republican  (iovernment. 
I.' sfoiis  of  history  have  been  stiidii-d  ill  vain,  if 
llie  t  so  h's  ,ir'  been  found  li  gibly  written 
iiiiio,!/  ii.eni,  An:ii-iit  Persia— the  iiios'l  absolute 
of  despotisms — exhibited  nil  (  arly  specimen  of  this 
description  of  popular  iiistilulions.  China,  at  lliis 
time,  and,  ns  far  us  knowledge  is  permitted  to  pene- 
trate the  mystcrii'sof  that  inscrntabh;  niipire.at  nil 
times,  has  aboumled  in  these  depositiMies  of  siUi  r 
CUIUS.     Xs'apolcoii  is  said,  when  his  downfall  was 


The  Sul-trcasvry  Bill — Mr.  J.  li.  liigcrsolL 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


imininent,  to  have  developed,  from  the  recesses  be- 
neath the  palace  of  the  Tiiillerics,  inillii-'.i  of  se- 
creted wealth.  In  the  petty  but  arbiirarv  sover- 
eignties of  interior  India  a  simiiler  method  of  pre- 
servation is  resorted  lo,  than  the  artificial  caverns 
of  palaces,  eiiher  repiibliean  or  moiiiirchical,  will 
atTord.  A  lode  is  dug  in  the  grianid,  ill  wliicii  the 
treasure  is  deposited,  and  il  vciionions  serpent  is 
dropped  into  il  with  entire  cm.fuleiice  in  the  vigi- 
lance and  disinterested  inlegrily  of  the  rejitile  guar- 
dian. These  are  favorable  specimens  of  despotic 
sub-treasuries.  Very  diirerent  eslablislimenls  liave 
been  found  elsewhere.  An  insiilulimi  of  the  I'e- 
pnblic,  of  Genoa  was  one  of  Ihe  iiinsi  ancient  and 
eeleliraleil  biiiiks  of  circuhu'on  as  '-ell  as  deposilc 
in  Kurope.  It  was  broken  up  bv  the  rutlilf  ss  and 
predatory  bands  ofinvadi'-s  which  issued  from  the 
voh:ano  of  revolutionary  France,  and  spread  like 
burning  lava  over  tin.  fertile  fields  of  Italy.  F.ng- 
hind  has  as  an  emanation  of  the  popular  part  of  her 
system,  not  only  a  great  national  bank,  the  advan- 
tages of  the  large  capital  and  the  treasury  deposites 
of  which  are  shared  alike  by  Government  and  peo- 
ple, lull  she  has  hundreds  of  banking  institiilions, 
almosl  all  of  which  issue  iiolcs,  finning,  wiih 
specie,  the  eipiivaleiit  eireiilation  of  the  kinidoni. 
liepublicin  Holland  had  her  bank  from  a  distant 
period,  esttiblishetl,  we  are   t<ihl,  '*  to  oliviate  the 

*  inctni  .enieiiee  and    imeertainly  arising   from  the 

*  eirciilaiion  of  the  coins  imported  into  Anisterdaui 

*  from  all  parts  of  the  world.    The  inercliants,  who 

*  carried  coin  (u'laillioii  to  the  bank',  obtained  credit 

*  for  an  eipial  value  on  its  books.     This  was  called 

*  bank'  nioiiey;  and  all  considerable  pa\  nienls  wen^ 
'  etfccled  bv  writiiiL'  it  oil' from  the  ai-count  of  one 
'  iiidivitlual  to  that  of  niiother.  This  eslablisii- 
'  nient  i  onliiiueri  to  flourish  till  the  inv.'ision  of 
'the  Freiicli  in  ITS.')."— IMcrulloi-h.]  Ifoiirown 
con  I  It  ry  can  be  consitlercd  a  type  of  repiibliean  ism, 
it  must  disprove  the  notion  that  such  a  priiniph!  is 
inharnionious  with  ]taper  circulation;  fir  papercir- 
eulation,  whether  for  good  or  evil,  has  here  founil 
its  especial  iionie. 

I  am  not  calUd  on  for  a  scheme  as  a  substitute 
for  the  Snli-treasnry.  Xeither  the  thing  itself  nor 
a  siibstitule  is  now  th^sinible.  'J'li'  one  is  a  mere 
niisconceiition;  the  other  would  tin  <  ;  no  responsive 
popular  sentiment.  iMimtgh  is  found  in  the  exist- 
ing law  for  all  the  prestuit  exigeuci-  s  of  the  coun- 
try. When  a  day  of  war,  or  any  "ilu'r  great  na- 
tioiial  crl.iis  shall  arrive,  a  vi  ry  dii''.  rent  system 
will  be  required  for  the  <iid  of  tli(.  ficw  riimenl  and 
the  ivceoniniod.'ition  of  the  people  IVoni  anything 
that  now  exists  or  is  now  |n-oposed.  U.itil  ihiii, 
let  us  in  humble  thankfulness  cherish  the  good 
tliiiiirs  we  possess,  and  rejoi.-e  that  they  reipiire  no 
peculi.tr  exertion,  while  we  trust  that  the  eiiier- 
geney  iiiav  be  far  distant  which  will  dem:uid  a 
change.  '\Vliile  thus  I  disclaim  the  advocacy  of  a 
;  National  Hank,  I  am  boiiiul  to  demur  lo  that  part 
of  the  repcn-t  which  rests  i's  ar:;mnent  in  favor  of 
a  Sub-treasury  upon  tin  ■  iparalive  demerits  of 
such  an  institution,  as  they  are  supposed  to  !"■ 
niaiiifcsled  in  ils  past  history.  "  Solemn  warning" 
is  discovered  by  the  report  "  airainst  the  repetiiioii 
ofa  like  plan"  in  thecareer  of  the  l.ist  Governnieiit 
liaiik' — in  its  iiiiiigiu.iry  **  emliarrassments,"  its 
fancied  "depreciation,"  and,  finally,  "  ils  ruinons 
eNiilosion,  ami  ils  annihihition  of  iis  vast  capital." 
It  is  altogether  a  luistake  to  suppose  that  these  dis- 
asters ever  occurred  to  *'  the  United  Slates  Rank," 
as  the  report  slyhs  il,  or  lo  any  Go\i;riinieut  insti- 
tution of  that  or  any  other  ntiiiie.  'tii  the  contrary, 
lor  \-tny  years  a  H.iiik'  of  the  United  Slates  has 
lived  in  nnipiestioiud  freedom  from  them.  The 
last  of  tlun.e  institutions,  which  was  eharlereil  liy 
Congress  In  ISlli,  fiira  period  of  twenty  years,  ex- 
pired by  orig'iial  limitation  on  the  -l;h  Atan  ti,  ]^'M), 
It  expired  in  irr-'ai  prosperity.  No  betti'r  proof  can 
be  rei|nired  of  tin.'  ciri-niusi.uice  than  the  eslinnie 
which  was  put  upon  tlie  (joicnimeut  portion  of  its 
stock  by  coiitmissioiters  ai>poiiited  tor  the  purpose 
by  the  Treasury,  one  of  whom  had  been  familiar 
with  ils  operations  as  a  Govermneui  din-clor.  Its 
slock  stood  in  the  market  at  about  fifiecn  per  cent, 
above  par,  and  the  Sc'cretary  of  the  Treasury  re- 
fused lo  receive  less  than  that  prii-e  fir  it.  At  thai 
|tfice,  or  'liereabouls,  il  was  act  lally  sold,  to  the 
entire  fitislhction  of  the  Gove  anii'iit,  which  thus 
parted  with  its  interest  at  c  lai^e  profit,  alter  hav- 
'  ing  receivid,  during  in  ,oly  the  wlrnli^  of  I's  exist- 
'  ciice,  besides  great  uccuiimiodiUion,  »  cady  and 


large  dividends.  At  a  very  early  periou,  it  flontrd 
fur  a  while  upon  a  troubled  sea  of  speculation. 
But  il  soon  reached  a  |iort  of  safety,  and  coiiliimod 
to  be  prosperous  to  the  end  of  its  charter.  No 
"  ruinous  explosion,"  no  "  amiiliiliilioii  of  ils  vast 
etipital"  ever  took  place.  It  is  extraordintiry  that 
a  gentlemaii,  experienced  as  the  one  who  made  the 
report, should  have  fallen  into  the  palpable  error  of 
supposing  that  il  did.  The  Rank  of  the  Uirled 
Statt  ■  ceased,  as  I  have  said,  on  the  4th  March, 
11^31).  A  Slate  institution  was  chartered  l.iy  the 
Legislatni'o  of  Pen.isylvania,  having  no  possiblo 
eounexion  with  the  Goveriinient  of  the  United 
Slates.  The  sauii'  stockholders,  (except  the  Treas- 
ury of  the  rniled  States,)  and,  unhappily,  the  samo 
capital,  were  eonlinued,  in  the  vain  liope  thtit  the 
shiulow  of  a  name  would  preserve  the  extended 
circnlatinn  uhich  the  Government  Maiik  had  en- 
Joyed,  III  I  he  short  space  of  eighteen  months  the 
eirculalion  fell  from  sonielliiiig  more  than  llircc- 
and-tweiity  millions  to  a  fraction  beyond  one  mil- 
lion of  new  issues.  The  capital  thus  thrown  upo;. 
the  bank  must  be  employi  d  some  how,  and  vari- 
OILS  investments  were  made  from  one  enil  of  tlio 
eoiintry  lo  the  other.  If  the  institutions  wliicli 
weic  tlic  recipients  of  them  had  turned  'ivi,  well, 
the  investments  niiu'ht  have  verified  the  best  expec- 
tations that  had  been  indulged  in  relation  lo  them, 
rjiit  disaster  succeeded  disaster,  in  a  long  train  of 
unfortunate  miscalculalion;,,  and  the  stocks  and 
securities,  wliieli  in  their  first  condition  seemed  lo 
be  sali.sfaclorv,  tinally  r(,/(«/«Ti(,  and  left  the  Hank 
of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  peiinileK5.  AVhclhcr, 
during  the  whole  career  of  the  Govcu-nment  iiisli- 
lution,  it  would  have  been  able  to  stand  without 
the  t'riendship  and  cooperation  of  the  Treasury,  I 
will  not  iiiiih  riaUe  lo  say.  Thai  woulil  at  best  be 
conjecuire,  which  must  avad  little.  That  it  did 
stand  in  trreat  eredit  and  prosperity,  as  long  ns  it 
was  a  Federal  eorparalioii,  I  aver,  without  the  fear 
of  eonlradictioii.  and  in  ilisproof  of  the  positions  of 
the  report.  Its  credit  was  substituted  for  specie  in 
the  Chiiiii  market,  wliicli  until  that  lime  had  re- 
sponded lo  the  calls  of  our  nierchants  only  wiieii 
they  appeared  with  Spanish  dollars  in  tneir  hands. 
Its  "notes  were  received  in  payment  of  the  Indian 
iinmiities  in  preference  to  gold.  Its  credit  was  co- 
extensive with  the  comniereial  world. 

Practical  objections  to  the  bill,  in  pri  '  iple  and 
in  detail,  gather  round  me  as  1  advance  in  the  ar- 
::nnienl.  "Peiiallies  are  provided  for  divers  aits, 
whicluiredeclaredlobe  felonies  and  niisdemeaiiors, 
and  are  made  ininishable  under  the  laws  of  the 
jiiited  Slates.  If  there  be  any  jiarl  of  tlii'  h'edenil 
system  wliicli  lacks  vigor,  niitl  fails  for  ihe  want 
o'f  it  ill  praelical  enforcement,  it  is  its  penal  jnris- 
liriidence.  This  may  be  possibly  all  ineviUiblo 
evil.  Certain  it  is,  thai  all  experience  of  nearly 
sixty  years  has  not  failed  lo  alTord  numerous  ilkis- 
tralions  of  the  deficiency.  An  absence  of  c  'itrol 
over  domestic  and  mmiieipal  concerns,  which  arc 
reserved  necessarily  for  State  policy,  limits  the 
sphere  of  the  criminal  jurisdiction  of  the  General 
Goveriinient.  It  looks  to  n  few  objects  only.  Un- 
like the  corresponding  laws  of  other  countries  and 
of  the  sevei-id  States,  il  does  not  form  an  entire 
code.  Links  are  wanting  to  make  the  whole  chain 
eomplele.  Omissions  are  occtisiontilly  di-.covereil^ 
and  supplied.  Slill  there  is  no  entir.-  system  of 
I  eriininal  law,  an'',  t'roni  the  nature  of  things,  there 
]  never  will  be.  'llie  inilion  was  ihieatened  with 
'  war  by  reason  of  one  of  these  defic  iencies,  at  the 
time  of  the  arrest  and  trial,  liefore  a  State  tribunal, 
of  Alexander  .MeLeod.  A  recurrence  of  the  par- 
licnhir  danu'cr  was  wise  ly  olivitUeil  by  the  pa.s.sage 
of  an  act  of  f:ougress,  approved  Augiist  2!),  ll^-ld, 
"lo  provide  further  remedial  justice  in  the  courts 
of  tin'  t'niled  Slates."  Other  cases,  already  cry- 
in-  loudly  for  a  remedy,  have  not  been  provided 
for.  The  courts  of  the  I'uited  Stales  sit  at  longer 
inlirvals  than  those  iribniials  of  the  Stales  which 
are  devotetl  to  the  administration  of  the  p»iial  law. 
Witnesses  are  often  not  lo  be  found  at  the  day  of 
trial,  and  the  iruilly,  on  this  acrouiit  escape.  A 
iiiemoralile  instance  of  the  ilefieieiicy  of  power  to 
punish  C'inies  occurred  some  years  ago  in  the  Ilis- 
Irici  of  Columbia,  iimler  the  eye  of  the  National 
l.e;;  siatuie,  where,  if  anywhere,  it  iiiighl  be  siip- 
posed  that  justice  would  be  provided  for  and  main- 
tained, AVe  must  all  remember  with  what  a  glow 
of  shame  our  cheeks  as  citizens  were  tinged,  when 
a  popular  and  powerful  President,  surruundcd  by 


! 


%''  M 


'M 


*A 


I- 


598 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GliOBE. 


[April  I, 


29th  Cono IsT  Sess. 


Tlie  Sub-trcasuri/  Bill — Mr.  Griikr. 


Iho  public  (inil  his  friends,  wns  openly,  nnii  in  the 
fncc  of  Any,  assaulli'il  in  thr  nibin  of  ii  slciiitibont,  l! 
anil   llio  (plfcnihi-  I'srnpi-il   wilh   cnliri'   inipiinity,  ,j 
from   the   iniprrfiM-lioii   of  llie   liw.      Thr   disiin-  [' 
(;ui.ihoil  licnJ  of  ii  foreign  Crovrrnnient  (hidt  npcni 
this  circunistnnoi',  in  ronvcrsation  wiili  ihc  rrpro-  Ii 
seulnlivc  of  our  ouunlry,  wilh  ininijli'il  astoinKli-    i 
nient,  indignation,  nnd'nsrcl.     As  ilio  niom-ys  i)f  , 
the  United  States  arc  now  ki'pt,  ordiii:uy  felonies  y 
with   regard  to  tlieni  wonid  be  invesli::il(  d  by  tin- 
tribunals  of  the  State,  wliile  n  loss  to  llie  liovern- 
ilicnt,  after  they  have  reaehed  the  romlili'ni  when 
IX  Sub-treasury    is   to    eouuncnee    its    operations, 
would   be  utterly  imimssible.     Oovernuienl  stoek 
is  a  ncver-failinj;  pleu;;e. 

Some  of  the  ]iennl  provisions  of  llie  bill  are  liable 
to  other  and  graver  o'.ijections  than  thrse.  The 
sixth  section  interdicln  I'Sie  loan  or  use  of  all  public 
moneys.  The  sevenleenlh  seelimi  provides  ibat, 
if  any  of  the  custodiers  shall  loan,  with  or  without 
interest,  any  portion  of  the  public  moneys  erurust- 
ed  to  him,  every  such  act  shall  be  deeuied  and  ad- 
judged to  be  an  embezzlement,  and  il  is  declared  a 
felony,  and  all  pe?-sons  advising  or  participating 
in  sucli  act,  lieing  convicted  before  any  court  of 
llie  United  Stales  of  competent  jnrisdiciion,  shall 
be  sentenced  to  imprisonment  for  a  term  of  noi  less 
than  six  months  nor  more  than  ten  years,  and  lo  a 
fine  ecjiial  to  the  amount  of  the  money  embezzled. 
It  not  unfn.'qiienlly  happens  that  a  course  of  Slate 
policy  is  chanL'id.  In  the  progressive  improve- 
ment of  knowledge  new  views  are  tnifolded;  trade 
and  commerce  shift  their  grounds;  legislation  r.iust 
lie  modified  in  i>rder  to  cont^irni  to  tliein.  Every 
day's  experience  denionstrnte-s  the  necissity  of  a 
wise  eonforrnily  to  circumstances;  and  Af  is  a 
stubborn  rather  than  a  ^agacious  slalesman  that 
does  not  o\n:n  the  eyes  of  his  mind  to  eniergencies 
Hs  they  arise.  All  this  is  far  sluu-t  of  wlial  is  now 
proposed.  Ualher,  let  me  say,  it  i^  directly  the 
reverse  of  il.  What  .sort  of  legislalivc  policy  is 
that  which  taiddenly,  anil  without  any  change  of 
circumstances,  converts  that  whieh  isnol  only  inno- 
cent but  laudable  to-day  inlo  a  heinous  and  iniiuuons 
crime  to-morrow.-  Which  encourages,  facilitates, 
and  invites  lo  a  course  of  uclion;  proiionuces  it 
siilniary,  beneficial,  and  virtuous;  furnishes  the 
means  and  sees  to  the  employment  ot'ilieni  at  oiii.' 
moment;  and  punislns  coiaiignly  and  to  the  utinost 
extremity  of  the  law;  disipialifies  from  iiosls  of 
honor;  holds  up  to  shame;  makes  an  oiiiiaw  of  a 
citizen  who  pursues  exactly  the  same  course  of 
nclion,  at  the  next  ■  At  this  hour  the  tinvernment 
moneys,  perfe'tly  .secure  in  their  letiini.  ami  sub- 
ject to  eall  bv  iheTreasiirer  at  any  m"iuenl,  are  yet 
heixficially  extended  to  the  uses  of  the  peii|ile. 
The  Secietjny  of  the  Treasury,  in  glial  wi.-'dom, 
thirty  years  airo,  urtreil  this  cirenmsi.tiii-i'  as  a  lead- 
ing imuiceini  -it  fir  the  eslablishinent  of  a  sysiein 
of  finance  of  wbich  il  was  a  part.  Il  is  practised 
without  the  iiossibilily  of  barm,  and  wilh  the  most 
prolific  good.  You  may  talk  about  iiiidur  expan- 
sions and  eoniraciioiis  as  you  will.  These  are 
ubiises  to  which  a  thin  usi'fiil  and  proper  in  ilsi  If, 
is  liable  in  the  iialere  ;  things.  If  biing  obnox- 
ious to  abuse  were  a  reason  for  abstaii'ing  from 
the  use  of  bles.siug.s,  .-ill  that  is  beiielirj.il  jo  jiieiid- 
ship,  true  in  morals,  faithful  in  alVeeiion,  loyal  in 
patriotism,  or  pious,  firveul,  and  ihvoied  ir  reli- 
gion, must  be  disc^inled  iVom  the  bo-ionis  and  the 
biisine.ss  of  un  u.  While  the  money.-'  of  a  <  iovirn- 
nu'iit,  which  is  noihing  mure  than  a  coiicinlrated 
essence  of  po|nilar  will — while,  then  fore,  tlieinon- 
eys  of  the  jtiupU  are  pla'-eil,  with  due  care  and  in 
full  proteiMion  from  lo.s3,  in  the  i/ip  of  ilie  people, 
there  can  be  no  d.tiejer,  except  that  wlu'li  .illeiiils 
every  action  of  our  lives.  My  objiei,  however, 
18  to  show  the  error  of  suddenlv,  or  i-veii  tardily, 
by  party  legi>l;uion,  converting  virine  into  crime. 
I.iconsisn  le  y  is  not  the  word  that  prop'-rly  ujiplies. 
It  is  }>osilive  and  enoriuons  wr^ing. 

A  few  praeii-al  objeciimis  have  thus  been  offer- 
ed to  a  scheme  which  is  palriuil'.ed  hy  a  powerful 
party.  They  are  pri^enled,  I  will  not  say  in  the 
nope,  but  cerlainly  in  the  honesi  wish,  that  tliey 
may  fiill  upon  smne  not  nduciani  ears,  upon  iiiluds 
not  absolutely  sealed  against  coiiviciion.  In  .any 
event,  theatienipt,  however  feeble,  will  lia;e  liee'ii 
niadc!  to  rc'scue  vital  interests  of  llie  eouniry  from 
a  threatened  sai-rifii-e  of  them  lo  the  Moloch  of 
IKiriy — the  fiercest  and  most  unielentiuy  lynint  of 
the  age. 


BUB-TIIEASURY  BILL. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  II.  GRIDER, 

01'  KKNTITKV, 
I.V  THK.  lIoiSF.  OF   RkI'RI.SK.STATIVF.S, 

.Ipril  I,1HI6. 
The  lIon.se  hnving  under  consideration  the  Sub- 
treasury  bill — 

.Mr.  GlilOKll  wns  rntilled  to  the  floor,  and  ad- 
dressed the  committee  in  opposition  to  the  bill. 
lie  propo.sed  (he  said)  to  submit  a  few  lemarks  lo 
show  the  impolicv  of  this  measure,  luid  the  evil 
conseipicnces  which  are  lo  ri  sull  from  iis  jiassage. 
We  have  heard  already  smnelbing  inlcreMiug  on 
this  subject  on  boib  sides  of  the  (|ncslion,  and  are 
iiiih'bted  to  the  genileman  from  Ti'iine.ssce,  (.Mr. 
M.  liiiowv,]  who  addressed  tbi'  eoinniillee  yester- 
day, for  not  a  fi-x  slrikiiig  and  forcible  rcascnis 
wliy  ibis  bill  c'ght  iicii  to  p.isn.  M  •.  Hoi.mks,  of 
Soiilh  Carolina,  who  has  addressed  the  chair  In 
favor  of  the  bill,  jilaccd  the  whole  merits  of  the 
(piisiiou  on  one  proposition — thai  this  vuii'nirc 
would,  in  ils  ellVi-ls,  chei'k  the  ov  'r-Lssiie  of  .Siale 
banks,  and  ibereby  inohibit  a  too  exlcnded  paper 
curreiiev  o\cr  the  counlrv.  So  f.vr  as  I  heard  the 
genileman,  I  do  not  ivinember  that  he  placed  the 
support  of  the  bill  mi  any  other  proposition.  The 
genileman  is,  I  think,  mistaken  n.s  lo  ils  praciieal 
ellects.  I  see  no  daiiL'cr  i  ■  ViT-issiies  at  pri'scnt; 
the  Slate  Oovernmcnls  art  e'  'd  i.ihave  regu- 
lated 'his  subject,  and  do  n  passage  of 
this  bill  or  the  inniieiice  of  i.  I  Govern- 
inent.  Will  it  not  nillier  produ'  currencies 
in  the  country — a  speeie  currency  an  depreciated 
.Sl.iie  bank  paper;  nnd  beiweeu  these  two  inleresls 
protlucea  perpeliial  slrili' — all  unceasing  war — tli;it  \ 
shall  never  end  tiniil  one  or  the  fillier  is  extei-  ; 
minali'd:  or  until  all  bank  paper  currency  is,  by  a  I 
cinitinned  etfort  on  llie  part  of  the  Go\ertiinciif,  : 
brouLrht  inlo  disrejniie,  and  the  golden  days  of  an  ; 
exehisively  melallic  currency  is  ushered  in  accord- 
ing lo  the  drtctrines  of  our  present  Secretary .' 
The  gentleman  frmu  .South  (^arolina,  in  bis  lib-  \ 
eialilv  and  ■  ;oidoi-,  ailinils  thai  llic  pnlilic  moneys 

would  be  ;i.>  safe  under  lln iitrol  and  agency  of  i 

Imuks  as  il  would  be  in  the  cire  of  individuals.  ' 
This,  lo  niy  mind,  is  yielding  the  ipiesilon,  anil  ; 
L'lving  up  cverv  plausible  ijrimiid  for  ils  support. 
Nothing  else,  t  sluuild  think,  could  commend  this 
measure  to  the  sfiber,  discreel,  uiid  sound  judgment 
of  those  who  legi.O.ue  for  the  people  and  the  (iov- 
erimH'iit,  and  not  to  sutiscrve  or  carry  out  the 
]iled;res  of  a  pailv.  The  ipiestioii  we  are  consid- 
ering is  how  shall  the  moneys  of  the  pi»ph  and 
this  f7orfrn»irii(  be  nciivnl,  iupt,  find  dhliursfil, 
with  the  i'l-e.iiesl  safi  ly  and  at  the  least  expense. 

The  L'cnilenian  from  T'ennsylvania  (Mr.  f.  .T. 
l\c;Kllsol.l.]  could  see  oolhlligill  this  bill  but  what 
was  desirabli  —  noihiug objectionable.  Fie  ihonghi 
lln>  bill  oiigl't  lo  pass  as  a  mailer  of  form.  It  wa.i 
luily  usiippleaienl  to  the  act  of  171HI  creating  the 
Treasury  ncpartment !  The  ;ientleman  supposes 
no  renionsirance  ought  to  be  heard — no  opposition  ! 
given  to  the  passage  of  this  bill,  by  those  who 
represent  the  people  upon  this  gri'at  ipiesllon,  ihis 
vital  interest,  the  cinTciiri/.  He  can  see  ncuhin;: 
that  has  n  parly  aspect  in  the  bill  I!  Well,  sir,  I 
am  always  proud  to  disco\er  that,  on  measures  of 
L'liieral  ami  aeK'no\vled„'i'd  iiuporlance,  genilemen 
disr.-ird  party  coiisiileiaiions  and  parly  results,  and 
see  them  Ioid(  al  the  ]iolii  y  of  their  measures  in 
thiir  tendeneii  s  and  elli  els  upon  M.e  wlioh'  com- 
munily,  without  any  p.nly  dislnielion  whalever, 
and  iiol  with  a  viewlo  parly  results  and  party 
pledges,  .'^'iich  oiii/ht  to  be  the  basis  of  inir  legis- 
lation, and  I  presume  is  admitted  to  be  the  only 
true  basis  of  w  ise  h  gislaiimi.  Hut,  sir,  I  put  it  lo 
you  to  know  if  tlii."  is  the  caser  W;is  not  this 
snIReiently  demonstrated  yr'sterday?  The  genile- 
man has  been  alieniptin:;  to  use  .-loft  words — dis-  ' 
;:iiise  ihj.-"  bill,  and  eover  over  the  prompiiiej  mo- 
]  li\es  for  the  introiluciiou  of  lliis  measure  at  this 
[day!     Sir,  our  cinrency  is   reason, ibly  gtiod;  ]ios-  t 

sibly  it  would  remain  so  if  llie  banks  that  are  now 

!  sound   were  left  lo  iheinselves.     V/e  luiirhl  rel<iiii 

a  ciirrencv   "  cioinr/i/i/c   into   sptrip   on   (/ci/ifiin/."' I 

This   is   siieh  a  curreney  as  ihe  people   want  and 

ought  lo   have.     This  is  the  test  of  the  best  cur-  • 

1  rency  for  the  Uniieil   Slates.     The  amount   to  he  j 

'  used  by  us  in  .safety  can  always  be  ascertained  by  ' 


Ho.  or  Rrp8. 

thin  stnndard.  But,  sir,  puss  Ihis  Sub-treamiry  to 
run  against  your  Sla'';  bankg  in  the  colhclion  anil 
u.se  of  specie — reduce  yiair  larilf — lei  the  balance 
of  exports  and  imports  be  against  ii.s — the  specie 
ilniwnolfto  meet  those  Imlances,  and  your  Slate 
banks  c.innot  stand  ilir  shock,  nor  provide  iigainst 
il  without  coulraciing  and  collecting,  so  as  loop- 
press  the  country  anil  be  useless  lo  tlieniselvcs  in 
their  own  openiiions. 

Mr.  f'hairman,  this  bill  has  had  the  labor  and 
supervisiim  of  the  distinguished,  courteous,  anil 
talented  gentlenmii  from  Virginia,  [.\tr.  Orom- 
(inni.K.l  liul,  sir,  no  abilily  m-  specioiisness  can 
:nask  the  true  object,  the  objeclioimlile  features,  of 
the  bill.  It  is  the  Siib-lreiisury — ihe  object,  the 
inletit  is  ihe  same  now  which  was  looked  to  by  the 
friends  of  this  measure  herelollire  when  it  pa.iscd 
'Hie  consequences,  I  prcsnnie,  will  be  the  same, 
and  I  trust  the connlry  will  rebiiki' ils  friends, and, 
as  it  has  done  again  and  again,  rijecl  ihis  measure, 
so  nnncrrs^imj,  .so  unnilliil  for,  mid  so  iiiisriiirrniis  .' 
Mr.  ('hairniaii,  there  was  no  necessity  for  the  iu- 
Irodiiciion  of  ihis  bill,  except  so  far  as  geiillenicn 
felt  bound  to  reilceni  their  party  jdeilges.  This 
'  '^  "  "  '  lo  gooil 
ipre- 


leil  OOUIIU     lo    Itueeiii    unii     jtaiiv     |ii,.ii..;,  .-,,        j 

experiment  has  been  once  partially  tried — no  g 
resulted  from  it  to  the  country.  I  do  not  np 
heiid  that  il  is  now  to  be  passed  becau.xe  of  ils  .,. 
Irinsic  inerils,  but  noic,  as  it  was  Infurr,  as  the  last 
resort  in  a  ,series  of  reckless  financial  experi- 
ment.s — nbhnugh  our  wliole  liistory  and  the  ex- 
perience of  the  past  invited  a  rftnrn  so  forcibly  to 
that  finaiM  iai  ageiiey  which  had  so  long  anil  so 
successfully  met  all  the  wants  of  the  (^iovc  riiment 
nnd  the  peopli>. 

The  United  Slates  bank  hnving  been  put  down, 
and  the  Stale  bank  ileposiie  system  having  expl"- 
dcd  in  the  hands  of  its  friends,  they  turned,  wilh 
desponding  hope,  lo  ihis  .scheme,  which  they  had 
previously  i/oKuiiim/  and  rijeilid.  A'ow,  I  ask, 
after  the  riiiled  States  IJaiik  was  piil  down,  and 
Ihe  .Slate  banks  proved  unsafe  deposilories  of  the 
public  money,  for  leasons  lo  be  assigned  present- 
ly, when  the  system  deceived  its  friends,  and 
operated  prejudicial  tollie connlry, why,  I  ask,lnrn 
lo  the  Snb-treiisury  schemer  Jiad  it  ever  been 
tried  as  applicable"  to  our  Government  and  our 
people.'  Never.  What  was  the  liL'lit  of  experi- 
ence, and  Ihe  diclale  of  reason '  AV'hat,  sir,  the 
pathway  of  wisdom.'  Why,  cerlainly,  to  turn 
aiain,  if  guided  by  an  honest  purpose,  and  not 
party  inipiil.ses,  to  that  financial  ageiil  which  had 
for  years  ricriccri  and  kcpl  anil  ili^hiirsed  ihe  |aiblic 
money  in  perfeet  safety,  wilhoul  the  loss  of  one 
siiiL'le'dollar.  Thisfiict  is  adduced  from  llie  finan- 
cial bisloiy  of  the  country,  and  slanil.i  nncoulra- 
dlcled.  Xo  gciitlemau,  iio  mailer  what  maybe 
his  parly  bias,  or  the  iiiclinalion  of  his  mind,  as  to 
this  bill,  if  he  exercises  I  he  feeling  of  self-respect  and 
common  sincerity,  can  deny  the  asserlion.  Well, 
sir,  we  ought  to  be  governed  by  experience,  and 
learn  wisdom  from  the  pasl,orelse  we  shall  always 
be  travilling  in  untried  paths,  be  wayward  in  our 
leL'islalion,  and  cause  the  public  and  private  iuler- 
esl  iipim  wliieh  we  are  operating  to  be  as  uncer- 
tain as  the  winds,  and  freipienlly  disastrous.  I'lil 
no,  sir;  none  of  these  things  can  operaii'  upon  us. 
This  bill  is  lo  be  passed,  for  no  particular  love  of  the 
measure,  bill  from  neccssily,  lo  rederiulhe  pledges 
of  a  parly.  Look  to  the  Uallimoie  (''onvenlion. 
Mel,  sir,  to  nominate  a  l're,>iideiil,  bill  assniuin;;, 
uninvileii,  to  settle  ihepoliey  and  the  legislation  of 
this  country.  There,  .-^ir,  if  we  are  to  have  a  key 
toonr  legislation,  yon  may  find  in  llie  oradilar 
responses  of  that  convenlion  v\  hat  Cmigress  may 
do  or  may  not  do  upon  this  gri  al  ipiisiion  nf  llii 
ciimiic!/,  that  enters  into  and  eonslilnles  a  part — 
whether  great  or  small,  private  or  public — of 
every  possible  inlerest.  Yes,  sir,  the  resolie  Is 
made;  and  the  I'residenI  of  tin  I'nilid  Slates  lias 
indorxiil  the  resolution,  and  (;iie/i('  it  in  his  Mes- 
sage to  Congress; 

■I'lle  se|i.-ir!ilM.ii 

ni-liUilHHis   e 
.....  ...  llie  (.'oviTllllli'llt  ami  the  niilils  mI'  lh<-  pei 

.Siieh  Is  Ihe  resohilioii  and  siuli  the  message  of 
the  PresiilenI,  With  this  dictum  and  this  itidnrsi- 
iiiti 

be   reje 
inark^ 


il' 111'' iiiniK  \s  i>r  llii- (t'O'.'riiineal  rroii) 
li:llikinc  tll'-nUllHHis  I-  llMll-|i''n>;ll'l''  lOr  Ilie  -ali-ly  nl  the 
lllMlIn  olllle  (ionrnlllillt  llliil  Ihe  nullls  iirilK'  penpl 


lie    I    resilieiu,         fVOiiiNi.-,    lOLi  iiiri   iiiiii    iiii.->  I  riiii'r .-,( - 

>i(nl,  I  have  liitle  reason  to  hope  that  this  bill  will 
je  rejecieil;  but  still,  I  wish  to  eontinue  my  re- 
marks a  few  minutes  longer.     I  confess.  In  proceed 

j  iiig,  I  feel  some  embarrassment.  I  hope  I  may 
say,  in  all  good   humor,  I  do  not  know  exactly  to 

I  which  branch  of  the  Democracy  .  i  lliu  conuui'ttee 


[April  1, 
Rei's. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


599 


2Uth  Cong Ist  Skss. 


The  Sub'trcasury  Bill — Mr.  Gridcr. 


Ho.  OF  Rkps. 


(mil  s|ipiikliig(if  the  Scimln  or  of  llie  country)  to 
(uliliiss  iiiyNi'ir.  We  liuvr.  in  lliis  connnillur  siii'li 
(I  Viirirly  of  Uvmocriils.  Wc  liuvctlie  "  ninsti'rly 
iniu'iivity"  (lemocriils  ami  jiro/fns.v/i'c  domoi-nils — 
the  Noriliern  (li'niocrnts  and  .Soiitliern  democrats; 
the  (Vec  trade  democracy  and  protective  democracy  i 
the  yoimj;  d< mocracy  and  old  democracy,  and  ifie 
liar<I-nioni^y  deniocrals  ajid  bank  dcnKJcrals.  In 
view  ol'all  this,  none  can  donlit  that  there  is  somc- 
thiin:;  ratiicr  einliarrassiiii;  and  peculiar  in  the  at- 
liiuilu  I  occupy;  l)ui,  sir,  I  fear  eviii  the  bankdcm- 
minis,  to  a  man,  will  meet  the  expectations  of  tlie 
(.lonvrnlior.  and  tin:  rccomniendaiion  of  the  Kxecn- 
live,  ami  sustain  the  hard-mom  v  hill,  mailc  nut  for 
the  people,  liul  fin'  the.  Uovi  ■  leiit.  Hut  I  pro- 
eeiul,  liy  adverlini;  to  the  hisi  of  nur  past  furnn- 
cial  arr«ni;enants  a  little  more  direct. 

Ill  I'l.-'ll  there  was  an  act  passed  crcalin;;  "  Ihe 
Trriisiirij  Ikjimliiient,"  and  pruvidin£>  a  Trtaxurn. 
lie  was  to  receive  and  keep  the  moneys  of  the 
tJnited  Slates.  Wc  arc  just  In  that  position  now; 
and  the  'I'reasurer,  who  is  responsihle  to  the  coun- 
try and  the  Ciovernnieiit,  deposites,  nt  his  own  dis- 
cretion, the  moneys  for  which  he  ia  responsible, 
with  indiviiliials  or  svith  hanks,  as  the  convenii:nce 
and  .s:ifi!iy  of  the  case  may  require.  Front  17H!)  up 
to  I71II,  this  .same  stale  of  fact  existed.  Then 
there  was  no  United  Slates  Hank;  and  the  Treiis- 
uier,  the  htiiil  of  the  Tieiuiury  Deimrlincnl,  in  the 
performance  of  his  iilain  duly,  ami  under  llie  dic- 
tates of  wisdom  ami  prudence,  deposited  the  pub- 
lic money  in  the.  State  banks  that  then  existed, 
rather  ihiin  .'■caller  it  anions  snl)-lieasnrer.4;  or,  in 
cither  words,  commit  it  to  individual  as;cncy,  an 
a;;cney  to  be  multiplied,  I  fear,  under  tlic  policy  of 
this  bill,  to  numbers  wholly  unnecessary,  and, 
keeping  up  the  spirit  of  the  times,  increasin;^  the 
|iatronai;o  of  tlui.se  in  power.  For  one,  I  leave 
thing's  as  they  are,  rather  than  vote  for  this  bill ! 

In  I7II1  the  United  States  Hank  was  created,  and 
fioni  that  period  to  the  time  of  its  expiration,  in 
Ifil  I,  the  public  money  was  deposited  in  its  vaults, 
'llie  money  was  rocoirfd,  and  kept,  and  disbursed, 
(and  1  insist  upon  it,  with  the  hope  of  arousing 
one  sober  tlioui;lit  upon  tlii.s  subject,  and  arre.slinij 
the  maeliineri)  of  lef;islalioii,  that  is  moved  alone 
liy  purlij  power,)  leillwiit  Ihe  tons  of  one  soUlanj  cent! 
iJo  •;enllemen  want  a  better  (iuancial  ai;cnt  than 
thi.s  same  United  Slates  Hank .'  In  all  the  range  of 
experiments,  ever  so  bold,  ever  so  wild,  can  they 
expect  to  find  or  devi.sc  a  scheme  to  excel,  in  its 
financial  action,  what  the  plain  history  of  the  coun- 
try jiomts  out — ail  institution  that  would  keep  the 
public  money  twenty  years,  as  1  may  confidently 
allinii,  without  any  loss  whatever,  waiving,  at 
presi'iil,  the  convenience  and  cheapness  of  its  opera- 
lions  in  receiuion  and  disbursement,  and  ils  most 
perfect  ri'it (({ulioii  of  exchanges  and  all  other  inferior 
currencies .' 

The  fjenllemaii  from  Penn.sylvania  [Mr.  C.  J. 
IvoEiisui.Ll  liimself  admitted  that  the  bank  of  1791 
was  a  irood  institution,  and  commended  itself  to 
every  man  prompted  by  patriotic  consideralioiis, 
and  who  looked  to  ami  desired  a  good  currency 
and  the  disliunscmeiit  and  salc-keepinjj;  of  public 
revenue.  I  tear  I  shall  consume  too  inuih  time  in 
tracing;  this  history;  but  i  do  not  know  that  1  can 
allbiil  any  b(!lter  argunu'iit  than  to  appeal  to  the 
fails  as  they  have  been  ileveloped  in  the  progress  of 
our  Ljovcniment;  anil  it  is  in  this  historical  sense  1 
idlnde  lo  the  United  States  iiaiik.  It  is  not  now 
before  the  committee;  but  I  have  a  right  lo  con- 
trast it  with  the  present  scheme  )tropo8ed  in  this 
bill  I'rocicdiiig,  I  state,  from  1811  lo  1816  there 
was  no  I'inled  Slates  Hank— Slate  banks  were 
again  eniployi  d  as  depositories.  This  was  an  eni- 
baira.ssing  period  of  our  history  for  the  treasury 
was  snbjeci  to  loss  on  account  ,f  the  receipts  of 
deprecitiled  St.ile  paper,  and  w  re  to  some  exieni 
unavailable,  or  became  so  after  the  receipt  into  the 
Ireasury;  but  after  the  tarifl'  of  181(1,  and  the  rc- 
charlcr  of  the  United  Slates  .lank  at  that  dale, 
everything  was  rcijulaled  and  icstorcd  to  pros- 
perity, and  this  bank  became  again  the  depository 
of  till'  public  revenues,  and  in  Irutli,  the  fact  is 
fully  dcmonslrated  from  a  mere  recital  of  the  his- 
tory that  this  inslitution  was  the  .safest,  the  most 
couvinieiit,  and  cheapest  ever  employed  by  this 
Uovernmenl.  Gentlemen  any  this  bank  is  uiicon- 
Rlilulional.  Well,  sir,  1  shall  not  be  drawn  into 
any  argument  now  upon  that  subject,  but  allow 
myself  to  make  one  or  two  remarks.     1  regret  to 


have  found  out  that  nothing  In  our  legislation  is  a 
settled  (luesliou — no  matter  ho  wofleii,liowgravely, 
all  the  deparlnients  of  the  Ciovernnieiit  may  have 
sanctioned  a  particuhvr  policy  or  decided  on  its 
constitutionality — still,  sir,  the  spirit  of  the  times, 
the  improvement  of  the  age,  the  jircgressive  wisdom 
of  yi(/(i/iri(nis,  can  even  with  the  sliglilcsl  glance  un- 
sct;le  the  priiccdents  and  adjudications  of  t!ie  most 
venerable,  patriotic,  lenrned,  and  wise!!  There  is 
a  lamentable  improvement,  increase  of  wisdom, 
and  ns.iumed  ability  in  this  respect!  Now,  if 
General  Washington,  Mr.  Madison,  and  Ciiief 
Justice  Marshall  could  have  lived  in  these  days  of 
iiiijM  "miiciW,  of  phrenoliif;ii  and  mefmrrhm,  and  the 
/irogrcssirc  (I  speak  of  llioso  only  in  this  commit- 
tee) could  have  had  a  fev/ maniinilations  nt  them, 
certainly  the  bank  never  would  liave  been  decided 

TO  BK  CONSTITiniONAI.  !  ! 

Hut  lo  proceed.  How  did  it  happen  that  this 
bank  did  not  continue  the  agent  of  the  Govern- 
ment.' Sir,  because  it  was  iloomtd  and  linnled  down 
by  liiiih  party  and  rash  exciienieiit.  The  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  was  directed  to  remove  the 
public  moneys  from  ils  custody.  Governed  by  his 
judgment  and  his  conscience,  he  refirsed;  and  it 
was  at  the  peril  of  his  place.  Hy  arbitrary  ]iower 
he  is  removed.  Hul  a  Secretarv  is  found  to  remove 
the  deposites,  and  an  unceasing  war  is  kept  up 
against  this  institution.  The  cfuintry  adopted  the 
policy  of  State  banks,  and  they  were  substituted 
as  depositaries,  and  encouraged  to  discount  liber- 
ally. Mr.  Taney,af!er  he  became  Secretary  of  the 
Tri  :isury,said  to  iheGirard  Hank,  "The deposites 
of  the  public  money  will  enable  von  to  afford  iii- 
crensed  facilities  to  commerce,  and  to  cxleml  your 
accnmmodalions  to  indwidiials,  Ifc."  I  guess  the 
same  was  said  to  all  the  State  banks.  Why  so 
many  Slate  banks,  and  such  an  immense  increase 
of  circulation  in  the  country.'  It  was  to  hush  the 
cry  of  the  people  for  the  recliarter  of  thi  United 
Stales  Hank,  and  give  the  country,  as  we  were  told, 
a  "  better  currency."  I  do  not  say  the  Federal 
Government  made  these  banks,  but  it  gave  the  oc- 
casion by  its  most  unwi.se  policy,  for  their  increase, 
and  ils  influence  superinduced  over-issues  of  spu- 
rious paper,  which  inflated  the  jirice  of  properly — 
invited  to  overtr.iding — misdirected  the  energies  of 
the  country,  and,  as  a  neccs.sary  consequence,  pro- 
duced ruin,  bankruptcy,  and  repudiation,  not  only 
among  individuals,  but  among  Stale  Governments. 
Let  us  look  at  the  fuels.  From  1820  to  1830  there 
were  three  hundred  and  tliirlv  banks  in  all,  being 
an  increase  from  182U  to  1830  of  only  twenty- 
seven  hanks,  and  an  increase  of  capittd  of  about 
eight  millions.  The  banks  in  1830  had  about 
twenty-two  millions  of  specie — about  sixty-one 
millions  circulatiini — one  hundred  and  forty-five 
millions  capital.  This  was  in  a  period  of  ten  years. 
Now  lake  the  next  seven  years  of  our  history  as  to 
banks,  and  you  will,  in  part,  sec  the  source  of  the 
ruin,  bankruptcy,  ami  repudiation  which  has  be- 
fallen us.  From  1830  to  1837  Slate  banks  increased 
lo  six  liundrcil  and  lliirly-fonr.  They  had  in  spe- 
cie about  lliirt\  seven  millions,  circulation  one  hun- 
dred and  forty-nine  millions,  and  in  ca^litnl  two 
hundred  and  ninety  millions.  Thus,  in  seven 
years,  increasing  llie  banks  three  hundred  and 
four — more  than  forty  a  year,  and  more  than  twenty 
millions  of  capital  per  year;  but  it  still  got  worse, 
encouraged  by  the  national  adniinislratioii  to  in- 
crease facilities  and  fj-(fiid  accommodations  !  But 
the  same  lesson  of  history  is  tiuight  lis  from  the 
increase  of  stocks.  Why,  sir,  from  1820  lo  1830 
about  Iweiily  millions  of  slock  were  Lssiied.  From 
1830  to  1837  one  hundred  and  forty-eight  (148) 
millions,  or  an  annual  issue  of  Iwcnty-unc  mil- 
lions! 

How  was  it  with  nur  imports  and  our  exports 
in  these  same  periods?  Not  at  all  more  favorable, 
because  in  eleven  years — from  18'20  to  1830  inclu- 
sive— our  imports  excel  ded  our  exports  only  about 
thirly-scven millions;  whereasfrom  1830to  1838  in- 
clusive, the  imports  in  a  less  period  of  lime  had  ex- 
ceeded the  exports  to  the  large  sum  of  one  hundred 
and  ninety-four  millions  of  dollars. 

Well,  what  of  all  this!  The  atlcnti:m  of  the 
country  was  thus  kept  looking  to  a  jiroi'iisfii  and 
merely  apparent  state  of  prosperity,  and  the  Uni- 
ted Slates  Hank  was  overcome. 

Hy  the  Federal  influence,  and  Ihe  enemies  of  the 
United  Stales  Hank,  a  redundant  and  spurious 
currency  was  thrown  upon  the  country — ilomeslic 


and  foreign  commerce  extended  beyond  our  means 
and  capacity — the  price  of  labor  and  the  price  of 
property  was  inllaled — we  bought  more  tlian  wo 
sold;  ami  thus  was  our  country,  when  the  bubble 
burslcd  and  the  account  was  stated,  found  unable  to 
pay  this  debt.  Our  experience  tells  us,  if  there  is 
an  V  one  subject  of  legislation  that  ought  to  be  steady , 
uniform,  mid  careful,  it  is  tliis  subject  of  euncncy. 
Just  as  you  may  produce  the  great  evils  which 
liavo  been  spoken  of  by  increasing  the  amount  of 
circulation,  especially  where  it  is  not  sound,  so 
you  may  produce  the  same  elTecls  by  contracting 
ihe  circulation.  If  you  withdraw  capital  from  the 
avenues  of  commerce,  from  all  the  industrial  pur- 
suits of  life,  you  i.ripple  our  prosperity,  check 
enterprise,  catch  the  unwary,  and  produce  alike 
indebtedness  and  cmliarrassment.  Steady  finnn- 
ciiil  movements  and  legislation  in  this  country, 
Willi  none  of  your  sudden  changes  and  fa:;)eriintn(«J 
departures  from  what  has  been  tried,  is  what  wo 
need.  This  is  the  true  philosophy  and  principle 
upon  this  question.  And  the  true  amount  of  cir- 
culation wo  always  may  safely  risk,  is  a  paper 
currency  always  convertible  into  gold  and  silver  at 
the  pleasure  of  the  holder.  But  I  shall  not  have 
time  to  exhaust  this  subject.  I  had  intended  to 
show,  that  to  separate  the  money  of  the  Govern- 
ment from  the  money  of  the  peo|ile,  and  have  two 
currencies,  is  as  impolitic  and  unjust  as  it  is  ridic- 
ulous. Tliere  is  no  way  to  avoid  this  conclusion, 
but  by  insisting  upon  an  e.xclusivcly  nicudlic  cur- 
rency; and  if  this  Sub-treasury  policy  obtains  and 
is  forced  upon  the  country,  tlie  question  remains 
to  be  determined,  by  the  experiment,  whether  the 
gold  and  silver  will  be  so  far  engrossed  by  the 
snlitreasurers,  ami  drawn  from  the  banks,  as  not 
only  to  contract  their  business,  but  cause  them  to 
cease  to  do  business  for  want  of  a  fair  profit.  If 
lliey  rclain  but  a  limited  specie  basis,  they  must 
do  but  a  limited  business,  or  deceive  the  country, 
and  bank  upon  mere  credit.  If  their  specie  basis 
is  so  much  exhausted  as  to  discontinue,  the  result 
fidlows:  we  have  only  one  currency,  and  that  is 
gold  and  silver,  mostly  in  the  hands  of  the  sub- 
lrea.surer3  and  oflicers  of  the  Government,  and 
those  officers  under  the  control  of  the  Executive  I 
shall  'not  press  this  view,  ulthough  such  are  ils 
tendencies,  and  itllhough  it  comports  perfectly 
with  the  opinions  of  our  present  Secretary,  Mr. 
Walker,  who,  when  a  Senator,  .speaking  of  this 
subject  of  currency,  and  illustrating  his  views  by 
referring  to  the  prosiicrity  of  Cuba  and  embarrass- 
ment of  Mississippi,  said:  "Why,  then,  are  we 
'  thus  embarrassed,  while  Cuba  is  so  prosperous? 
'  No  other  -ause  can  be  assigned,  than  that  the 
'  bank  paper  system  of  the  one,  and  the  solid  sjiecic 
'  ciiiTfiifi/  of  llie  other." 

Mr.  Walker  again,  "  All  reasons,  then,  and  all 
'  experience,  are  against  the  banking  system,  even 
'  wliile  the  paper  is  contertiMe  ;  and  it  ought  to  be 
'  safely  and  gradually,  but  ultimately,  entirely 
'  abandoned."  Gut  the  same  view  was  also  taken 
by  Mr.  Buchanan,  our  present  Secretary  of  State. 
He  (when  in  the  Senate)  said,  "  In  Germany, 
'  where  the  ciirrfiicy  is  purely  metallic,  and  the 
'  price  of  every  thing  is  reduced  to  a  hard-money 
'  standard,  a  piece  of  broadcloth  can  be  inanufac- 
'  lured  for  fifty  didlars,  the  manufacture  of  which, 
'  in  our  country,  from  the  expansion  of  our  paper 
'  currency,  would  cosl  one  hundred  dollars."  Now 
I  deny  the  proposition,  unless  the  paper  is  depre- 
ciated. It  is  not  true  if  the  paper  is  convertible  at 
pleasure  into  gold  and  silver.  But  I  only  mention 
these  things  to  show  that  this  bill  has,  in  all  its 
tendencies,  the  most  favoralde  bearing  to  meet  the 
theory  of  those  who  go  for  the  ultimate  abandon- 
ment of  all  currencies  not  gold  and  silver  !  Sup- 
pose this  theory  and  policy  obtain,  as  impracti- 
cable as  it  now  seems,  what  would  be  the  result. 
Why,  sir,  the  price  of  labor  and  the  price  of  prop- 
erty would  go  down,  I  should  think,  to  the  Ger- 
man, the  hard-money  standard,  or  partly  so.  In 
Germany,  common  laborers  receive,  on  an  avr- 
nge,  six  pence  per  day  without  board.  In  South 
Holland,  from  three  to  four  pence  and  boarded. 
In  Sweden  and  France,  about  six  pence  per  day 
and  board  themselves.  These  o^e  hard^money 
countries,  and  hard-money  prices.  And  it  is  to 
this  bcm^ficent  ami  prosperous  state  of  tilings  the 
Suli-trcasury  policy,  in  its  tsndencies,  will  bring 
US !  I  invoke  no  such  blessings ! !  But  the  ques- 
tion of  two  currencies  presently.    Now,  labor  is 


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29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


APFKNDIX  to  tup:  ('C)I\(JKi:SSr()j\AL  GIX)BH, 

,    T/ie  Sub-ircamrij  BUI — M-.  Gridcr. 


[April  1, 
Ho.  ov  [Ieps. 


I 


lU  Irasl  one  of  till'  firCHi  elcmnUa  of  all  ciTnifiirl, 
roinpelfpry.  nnd  pi-oaprrity,  iiiid  if  you  rrdnt'c  llie  i 
pi'i  u  ol'lnlxir,  in  llie  snnie  propoi'iion  you  must 
reilucc  the  price  of  property,  every  prodiieiimi  of  i 
the  shop  iiiul  fiirm,  where  laliiir  is  the  ilenidil; 
■u-itliout  which,  the  fiirm  nnil  the  shop  will  lie 
valueless.  Wlmt  can  you  prodnc.e  on  your  liiriii 
without  lahor,  or  from  your  shop  without  hilior — 
literally  itothiiii;.  Now  there  must  he  a  reciprocily, 
an  crpialily  reirarded  in  this  coiiniry  !  Wi^  are  all 
free — we  are  all  eiiitau'eil  in  some  enterprise,  and  it  ' 
is  the  business  of  tlie  le<;islatm'e  lo  make  no  dis- 
tinctions, and  sive  the  hand  of  enconrairemeni  to 
nil  alike.  If  so,  impartial  and  jnst  le^islaiiini, 
when  it  reduces  the  price  of  lalior,  niiisl  reduce 
property  upon  the  same  .si'ale,  or  this  doctrine  of 
the  Solj-treasuiy  will  soon  classify  this  country 
into  laborers  and  cnpitalixls,  as  it  is  in  other  |iaris  of 
the  world;  and  the  laljorer  is  iloonied  forever  to  his 
nii.'^enildc  position  of  a  daily  .scanty  pittance,  and 
his  posterity  alter  him.  Anil  unless  properly  and 
capital  descend  in  price,  in  a  Jnst  proportion,  this 
policy  will  he  the  very  policy  I  have  heard  so  often 
repcatdl  upon  another  siilijict,  "  to  make  the  rich 
richer,  ami  the  poor  poorer.''  liednce  the  price 
of  lahor  one-half,  and  let  properly  .old  monev  that 
is  avnilaljle  stand  at  its  present  value,  and  yon 
thereby,  at  the  same  time,  in  effi'cl,  (lonhle  the 
value  of  active  availalile  |noperty  and  inmiey. 
Bill,  sir,  the  policv  of  this  bill  (and'if  it  is  bronirlit 
into  immediate  ell'ect  it  will  give  ilself  a  practical 
illustration  of  the  principle)  is  to  (i|ierate  iipmi  the 
debtor  class  of  the  (Mimmnniiy  most  oppressively; 
and  of  that  class  there  is  always,  imforlunaiely,  a 
respectable  number.  If  you'iediiee  propcriyl  iiy 
any  ehange  or  any  policy,  one-half,  and  a  man 
owes  half  the  value  of  his  property  lielbie  the  re-  i 
duclion,  to  pay  his  debt  afterwards  he  is  stripped 
of  all.  The  parties  are,not  to  blame,  but  ihe  in- 
.slability  of  lepi.slation.  Sir,  it  is  at  best  an  unfor- 
tunate policy — it  has  been  rejected  by  the  intelli- 
gence and  moral  feeling  of  the  roiinlry.  It  is  nar- 
row and  selfish  in  il.^  aims,  mid  lias  about  it  a 
Hhylock<!;rasp  at  all  the  golden  treasures  of  the  eoiiii- 
try,  to  be  lotted  fast  in  the  strong  box  '.  There  is 
notliing  about  it  expansive,  benevolent,  or  u-ood. 
IVothing,  sir.  It  will,  with  its  clenched  fist  and 
relentless  tread,  enter  the  halls  of  liieratiire  and 
rriansions  of  benevolence,  and  there,  sir,  claim  a 
dividend  of  that  holy  jiiltance  that  noble  In.irls 
have  set  apart  to  su.stam  the  literary,  nnral,  anil 
benevolent  enterprises  of  the  day.  "The  sindeni 
must  cjiiit  the  bright  path  of  science — the  man  of' 
Iiencvolenee  must  be  stopped  in  the  patliwav  of 
his  high  and  responsible  mission,  his  work  of  love 
and  incivy  I 

But,  sir,  we  have  said  this  bill  will  have  the  ef- 
fect (itjiot  to  contract  the  money  circulation  to  all 
exclusive  specie  st,  >  h>-.!,  aiiif  thereby  pnidm  e 
loss,  indebtedness  -o.,.  i^  ■ ::  crassnient)  io  |.roiliice 
two  currencies.  The  ii,.  provides  thai  llie  (iov- 
eriiment  shall  not  receive,  for  anv  piirjiose,  any- 
thing  but  gold  and  silver  !  If  tin-  people  an-  [ilaci'd 
ii|ion  the  same  footiie.r,  there  would  be  no  pa). er 
money;  so  that  if  the  banks  cmr.iime  to  exist,  ihey 
must  exist  for  the  people — the  Govrrnment  will 
have  nothing  to  do  with  tlicni — will  iioi  iweive 
their  paper — must  be  scfiaraled  iVoin  them.  AVell, 
I  suppose  we  shall  not  be  reduced  to  the  hard 
money  stiindard,  and  the  banks  will  exist;  but  I 
d'l  not  believe  but  there  will  ensue,  by  this  bill, 
losses  on  ixchai|.,'es  and  on  depreciated  paper.  If 
yon  owe  the  (joverniiiint  "duties,"  you  iniisi  pay 
ill  silver.  If  yon  enter  land  you  must  pay  ilie  sil- 
ver. ?\.illiiii'_',  of  all  the  revenues  of  tlie'(ioveni- 
meiit,  g.ttiii;;  lo  be  annually  s'ime  twcnty-fne 
milliiins  of  d. pilars,  will  be  leceiverl  in  paper.  Here 
is  a  lar;;.-  demand  t'or  spe.'ie.  The  Slate  banks 
will  contract  and  cautiously  keep  vaulted  their 
specie,  and  I  ask,  then,  in  lliis  competiiiiui  for  the 
precious  metals,  where  the  ordinary  man  of  busi- 
ness is  to  iret  his  specie.  He  must  biiv  il  in  the 
market,  fie  must  nay  fnuii  one  to  ten  |iereeiii. 
exchange,  and,  iiossibly,  buy  it  with  a  pa|ier,  good 
ill  the  ii.'iL'hborhood  of  iheliank,  yet,  in  his  hands, 
depreriated  some  ten  per  cent.,  more  or  les.j.  I  : 
look  for  these  conseipiences  if  the  poli.iy  of  this 
bill  is  ever  practically  c.irriejl  oiii.and  these  losses 
fall  upon  the  eiiizen—ihe  small  dealer,  who  is 
RiruL'glin^'bul  for  a.'oip|ii  teiic  y.  Sir,  can  any  one 
deny  that  the  (i.ivernnient  is  not  thus,  in  the  ex- 
<  iclsc  of  lis  funcliuii,  forgetting  the  high  end  of  its 


creation,  to  siib.verve  the  people  iind  look  to  their 
interests.'  ('an  any  tolerate  the  distinction  ihna 
ereati'il  by  twocurr.  iicies?  The  betler,  ill  fact,  for 
Ihe  office-holders,  and  the  other  t'or  the  people.  If 
this  is  not  so,  if  we  are  not  to  havi'  two  currencies, 
even  in  the  eslimatinii  of  the  friends  of  the  bill, 
,vhy  will  not  the  (fovernmeut  receive  the  money 
that  is  received  by  tin-  people.' 

The  ipiesiion,  at  la  si,  is  to  reeeivini'.  dishiir.sing, 
and  keepiuL'  the  publii-  ininieys  with  »ie.<f  .w/rfi/. 
Well,  sir,  I  deny  that  sub-treasurers,  or  individual 
au'cnts,  which  is  the  same  thin;;,  can  do  il  as  .safe 
or  iiH  cheap  as  banks.  I  h.ave  shown  this  from  the 
history  of  the  case;  but  to  be  more  partiiailar,  and 
ill  eonlirmation  of  the  safely  of  banks  over  indivi- 
dual or  sub-treasury  agency,  I  will  cpiote  from  a 
report  made  by  Mr.  Woodbury,  December!!,  I.'^.'tit, 
showing  the  lossi's  respectively  by  these  ai'eneies, 
ill  keeping,  reeeivins,  and  disbursing  the  public 
revenues,  from  HHi)  to  IKI7: 
Total  loss  by  Individual  legenls,  ineliiilinu'  ."^wart- 

wout  and  I'rice <»H.-J70,l;>.'t  .17 

Tolal  loss  by  banks.. H')7,MI()  H,5 

lint  not  one  cent  id' it  by  the  United  Slates  liiiiik, 
as  1  verily  believe.  ^Ve  ha\"e  had  no  Sub-treasury 
except  for  a  short  period.  Ibit,  I  ask,  wliatdilVer- 
eiice  ihere  is  in  Snli-lreasury  a.jencyand  inillviilnal 
a^'ency.^  Is  a  man  |nirilicd  because  you  call  him 
a  Sub-treasury  ?  iVow  I  take  it  thai  ilir  result  upon 
this  ipiestioii,  tried  by  ex]i<'rieiice,  though  so  long 
a  period  of  time  I'rom  our  own  history,  conjirms 
the  aiur-^eslion  of  our  reason, and  is  conclusive  upon 
the  subjei't.  .As  to  the  coiivenienee,  facilities,  and 
r/icrt/mcs.s  of  disbursing  the  public  revenues,  no  one 
will  contend  that  the  Sub-treasury  can  be  as  irood 
an  agent  as  \\'as  ihe  IJnilcd  .Sl;tles  Bank.  The 
bank  did  it  wilhoiil  loss  and  wilhoiil  ;ini(,  .-o  far 
as  the  Git^'ermueiit  was  conrerned.  But,  sir,  sup- 
pose yim  had  S'i7,(HM)  at  Si.  Ijoiiis  in  the  hands  of 
your  sub-treasurer,  .ind  wished  il  disbursed  in  Wis- 
consin; your  a!;eiil  e;iiiiiol  receive  or  pay  out  any- 
thing but  gold  orsilver.  Well,  what  has  happened 
once,  may  liap])eii  in^aiii.  Diir'iig  the  ojieratioii  of 
the  Sub-tre.-tsury  beft.re,  that  sum  had  to  be  dis- 
bursed or  transported  from  and  to  the  places  nieii- 
lioned,  and  a  bill  for  the  ser\  ices  was  presented  to 
Ihe  .■VuilitiM-f.U'setilemeiii,  and,  I  suppose, allowed, 
fornpwards  of  >*'J..')IMI.  Suppose  this  should  happen 
as  to  any  or  e// of  the  f'uture  disbiirsenients  of  your 
revenue.  Why,  sir,  in  contrast  with  the  acency, 
that  was  wholly  safe,  and  eosl  nothiiur,  the  iiiiiie- 
eessary  ex]ieiuliture  woiilii  be  t'oolisli,iuid  jtiilpably 
extra\agant !  Sir,  the  inlhieni-e  of  the  tariff,  and 
the  ipiieliide  and  eoiilideiice  which  has  obtained 
in  relation  t.i  the  present  state  of  the  enrrency  in 
t'le  eoumry,  ihougli,  in  my  opinion,  .lot  the  best, 
li.is  iiiviled  t'lM'th  the  resmirces,  the  energy,  and 
iiter'prise  of  the  eoiiiitry;  anil  it  is  on  account  of 
tliesi'  resources  and  eneru'ies  the  eoiintry  is  now 
coiiiented,  and  reasonably  ]irnsperous.  But  if  you 
eoninienee  again  to  agitate  this  ipieslioii  of  enr- 
rency, and  unsetlle  the  e.tiilitb-nce  of  the  e.innlry, 
repeat  your  exploded  experiments,  you  will,  he 
assuredof  il,  inllict  n]ioii  the  hopes,  the  cimiideiice, 
and  prosperity  of  our  coimn.m  country,  a  pantr 
I'or  \\'liicli  yon  onL'htand  will  be  held  aci'oiintable. 
But  who  are  to  be  your  siib-ireasiirers  r  Why, 
sir,  besiiies  the  he.ad  of  ihe  Tieasiiry  Department, 
"  The  Treasurer  of  the  Mint  of  the'I.Iniled  States, 
the  treasurers,  and  those  acting  as  such,  of  various 
branch  mints,  all  eollecioi  s  of  ihe  customs,  all  sur- 
veyors of  the  ciisbniis,  aciiiig  also  as  collectors, 
all  receivers-general  ot'  publii'  moneys,  all  receivers 
of  public  moneys  at  the  iremral  land  ollii'es,  and 
all  p.isimasters,  except  as  is  hereinafter  parliciilarly 
provided,  be,  and  they  are  hereby,  rrqiiirfil  to  Avc/i 
siif'tltf^  wilhont  /efllliag  or  ll.siilg,  :dl  the  publii' 
money  collected  by  'hem.  or  otherwise  at  any  lime 
placed  in  their  [los.'iession  and  cusloily,  till  the 
s.-i.ne  is  ordered  by  ihe  proper  department  or  ofHeer 
of  the  ( ioverinneiit  to  be  transferred  or  paid  out.'' 
There  is  the  ,Snb-lreasiiry  sidieme.  These  ajrenis 
and  others  are  lo  handle  and  hold  all  the  money  of 
the  Governmeni;  and  these  agents  and  this  money 
is  lo  be  iindir  the  contnil  of  the  .Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  and  the  I'ostinasl.'r  General,  and  they 
are  to  lie  under  the  coiilrol  of  the  Executive  !  .Sir, 
yon  see,  from  this  section  of  the  bill,  (anil  we  shall 
see  fnrtb.er  upon  this  siibjei-l,)  that  this  hill  does 
necessarily  increase,  to  a  \ast  extent,  the  power 
and  patroiiageof  the  (^lovermiient — a  power  already 
wrested  from  iheconstilutioiiulaud  uriginul  intent, 


.  and  made  the  armory  of  paiti.<an  Marfiire,  suhverl- 
I  iiig  the  very  foundation  of  our  Government,  and 
mocking  the  spirit  of  our  repiiblienn  inslitnlions. 
Here  I  rest  ihe  great  ami  final  nbiecfion  lo  this  bill ' 
In  iK.t'l,  Mr.  Polk,  ihe  Hielmiond  Kminirer,  the 
Globe,  the  whole  party  that  are  now  for,  were  all 
j  o]iposeil  lo  lliis  measure.    It  was  then  not  a  doubt- 
ful mensure,  but  rtrtiiinhi  wroii;;aiiil  dangerous! 

1  i|iiote  from  the  Globe  to  show  what  was  the 
hue  Democratic  iloclrine  in  I,'^;t4:  "  It  is  as  palpa- 
'  ble  as  the  Sim,  that  the  etreei  of  the  (Siib-lreasiuy ) 
'  scheme  would  be  to  bring  the  /nddicVrrrtMiri/min'li 
^  iieari  r  ihe  actual  custody  and  control  of  the  Pres- 
'  iileni  than  it  is  now,  anil  expo.se  it  to  be  plnnder- 
'  ed  by  a  hundred  hands  wiiere  one  eaniiot  now 
'  reach  it." 

Such  was  the  opinion  of  the  then  called  Demo- 
cratic, party,  in  l.'>,'M,  as  to  the  sofitfi  of  the  Sub- 
Ireasiiry  !  ,'\iiil  the  truth  of  that  dorlrine  was 
confinneil  by  the  Amerii'an  people.  What  was 
true  ill  \f>'H  is  line  in  IHKi.  The  people  never 
decided  in  favor  of  this  scheme,  but  aeaitist  it. 
They  have  always  been  opposed  to  it,  and  I  trust 
always  will;  for  they  know  and  brlii-ve  that  it 
places  the  public  fiinilH  in  a  condilion,  **f<)  he  jiltin- 
(Irrril  h\i  it  hundred  bands  ifliere  one  could  not  now 
rrueh  lliem." 

Bill  we  have  I.^eiiKicratie  aulhorily  iVoin  '*  The 
li/e/ic"  on  nnother  branch  of  this  tpiestion,  to  wit, 
/■'.I'crii/ii'c  jiover!     I  i|Uote  il: 

''  II.kI  >it'-ll  II  sicise-tinii  ennie  freiii  (■'ciienl  .Iiick.^nii,  It 
woiilil  liiivi- nini.' Ilir.iiii.'li  the  t'ld  lliiiiiinlnii  lis  coiiclii.-iv.' 
pr.ifil' nf  all  III..  aspiraliaiiK  wtiKli  iiiiiy  have  liccii  chiii'itcd 
u,  til"  ll.'io  ol'  N.'U'  llrle;lli-^.  ."^"c  h.ic.  thi'j'  wellltl  sa>.  lie 
Wt-hcs  l.t  put  the  [Illhli.-  Ilinli.'\  .III.  .  Ily  i/r/.}  Iln  jhiliDf  oi  hr^ 
feiniils  ini'l  ;ir(r/l'vi(ii».  ihsicjhI  hi  Kc.-pillji  il  (iii  (1.'P".,ile  in 
Imilk-i,  whciiee  it  ciiiiiHit  tie  ilriiwii  li.r  oilier lllllll  piililie  pur- 
P',^cj,  u-ilii(iul  cctl;iiii  il'lcctiim.  la  r-ieli  a  cii,.e  we.^hinil'f 
TccI  ihal  Ihe  pi'.iph'  hiiil  just  cause  litr  ill  inn,  iiiid  i.iiglit  to 
Itivc  llictrinesl  wiit'-hriil  attclilinii  to  sinli  an  etllirl  '.)  ca 
/in:;.'  KiTiulivp  pon-n\  iiiiil  pill  ill  ilM  hamis  the  iiiean„  ol 
roriii^'/ioii." 

If  the  eouniry  ought  lo  be  alarmed  in  1834,  why 
not  now.'  If  the  people  ought  then  lo  give  the 
most  watchful  attention  to  such  an  effort  as  pass- 
ing the  Sub-treasury,  then  and  thereby  enhirgiiig 
Erertilive  penrer,  why  not  now.'  Certainly  this  Im 
^:ood  authority  for  the  gentlemen  from  Virginia 
and  Peimsylvimia.  I  ask  the  eoniniittee  how  this 
could  be  true  in  the  past  and  utterly  false  now  ? 
What  has  produced  this  ehanire  of  sentiment  .' 
Has  circumsiances  I'hanged  ?  N'.i.  This  is  the 
same  GoveriinienI — the  same  ronstitiition,  under 
,  which  we  live.  Yes,  sir,  the  same  country  and 
'  jieople,  t'avorisl  with  the  countleHs  /,/cs.siiig.s  so  far, 
that  even  the  waywardness  of  progressive  Democ- 
racy, in  all  its  luisleady  and  iiicinsislenl  legisla- 
tion, has  not  been  so  far  able  to  blielit  them.  I, 
however,  ehai'..re  no  evi'  motive  to  any  parly.  I 
ask  the  reason  for  this  change.'  I  ask  iriiiitlenieii, 
what  has  come  over  the  spirit  of  their  dreams  ■■ 

Mr.  Chairman,  this  bill  is  evil  in  all  its  elVeets; 
it  will  not  only  make  a  dirt'erence  in  currency  in 
favor  of  olfice-iiolders,  but  place  it  in  the  power  of 
the  Executive  to  ;;ive  pi. ice  and  power  to  those 
that  the  people,  hoiiesLitnd  patriotic,  would  rel'iise 
to  trust  either  with  their  money  or  their  other  in- 
terests. Sir,  1  lake  the  liberty  to  .say  here  for  my 
constituents,  that  if  any  preference  is  to  be  given 
in  legislation,  either  as  it  regards  currency  or  privi- 
leges, they  elaini  it  for  themselves,  although  we 
have  been  told  the  people  look  f*or  too  much  from 
Ihe  Government!  I  liave  inquired  before,  why 
was  the  (government  created  r  rs'ot  I'or  olllce-hold- 
crs,  but  lo  all'ord  the  greatest  possibli\  good  to  the 
'greatest  [lossibic  numlier,  and  in  all  its  inlliienees 
and  eonseipienees  to  awake  the  hope  and  opportu- 
nity alike  to  all  of  comfort,  prosperity,  and  happi- 
iic.ss;  and,  above  all,  lo  make  every  citizen  of  the 
United  States  feel  that  he  is  a  freeman,  shielded  by 
the  C!oiistitutioii  in- all  his  ritrhts,  and  ready  to  de- 
nounce any  eiicroachment  that  may  be  made,  even 
if  it  is  by  ihe  highest  Kxecntive  oirieer  known  to 
the  country. 

This  view  of  equal  rights,  no  matter  about  place 
or  position,  .ommeiids  itself  to  the  charity  of  men's 
lieart.s — (a  feeling  tyrantii  never  fit.)  It  is  the 
view  of  tliar  enlarged  benevnlence  which  would 
like  lo  see  all  prosper  by  their  enterprise  and  en- 
ergy, making  no  disiinetinn  or  discrimination  be- 
tween one  class  and  another  on  the  part  of  legisla- 
tion. But,  sir,  I  intended  to  pursue  this  question 
as  lo  the  increase  of  Kxeeiilive  patronaffe.  We 
uhull  find ,  by  a  fuilhcr  cxamiiiatiuii  of  lliiii  bill  in 


(April  f. 
IJkps. 

NllllV'^Vl- 

rmieni,  mill 
nsiiiiiliiipis. 
lotliiHiiillf 
)'liiiiTr,llir 
II',  wriT  nil 
ml  lulimlii- 

!!!,'(' 1-1)1  is! 

mt  M-iiH  ihf* 
ix  IIS  |iiil|in- 
'i-trPMHliry  ) 
"Min/imicji 
il'llii'  I'res- 
|ihiii(lrr- 
:fiim(il  now 

il   Dpniiv 

i\\r  Suli- 

niiii:   was 

What  wiiK 

iiplo  npvi't 

IfllillSt    il. 

mill  I  Inisf 
>vi'  ilmt  i( 
^|  lie  ;i/n)i- 
ild  not  tww 


1846.] 
29th  Cong Ist  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGUESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


601 


V 


The  Independent  Treasury — Mr.  G.  W,  Jones, 


Ho.  OF  Rrps. 


the   laili   scclioii,    "  Tlinl   tlid   Scciclniy  of  the 

*  Treasury  hIiuII  he,  anil  in  hereliy,  iiiuliori/.ed  lo 

*  I'ai'se  exiiniinatioiis  to  lie  iiiiule  ol*  llie  ImokH,  ai'- 
'  riiiiiilH,  unci  moiii.'v  on  liiind  of  llir  nevenil  ilc|iosi- 
'  laries  eonslituuil  iiy  ihisael;  ami  for  llial  |iur{io8c 

*  to  omoint  siie.c'tU  ii^'c/i/.i,  an  oi;cartion  may  require, 
'  Willi  Hiieli  fotii;ic)is«(iriii  as  he  may  lliink  leHMOii- 
'  alile,  In  lie  fixed  mid  clei'lariil  at  liie  time  of  each 
'  n|i)ioiiitrieiit,"  iVe.  AVell,  sir,  1  ask  you  lo  keep 
up  the  notion  that  il  is  well  sealed  willi  ihe  parly 
Ihal  the  Seerelury  is  liounil  lo  oliey  llie  Kxeeiilive 
or  retire,  so  that  lliise  powers  eonferved  liy  this 
law  on  llie  Seeretary  or  Poslniiisler  General,  by 
no  means  Implies  that  Kxeculive  power  is  not 
tliereliy  inereasi'd.  I  ask,  also,  that  you  ohserve 
lliat  these  suli-lreasiirers  are  at  liesl  themselves  but 
spei'ial  agents,  and  yet  ihe  sei-tion  of  the  bill  ipio- 
led  [grants  the  mithorily  lo  appoint  other  sjieciiU 
fiiTMi/s  as  neeasion  may  reiinire,  in  munlier  with- 
out limitalion,  and  fix  their  c(i»i;ifHSrt(ii)ii  himself; 
that  is,  you  pass  ii  law  ereatiiif;  your  sub-treas- 
urers, and  at  the  same  lime  show  your  want  of 
ronfuienee  in  Iheni  by  ollowin:^  ihe  Seeretnry  to 
appoint  speeial  iiirents  or  overseers  lo  watch  thein. 
I  eonfess  to  me  il  nmoinils  lo  this:  Iiy  law  you 
appoint  a  setiif  ai;ents,  and  fix  iheirsalarv  to  keep 
the  publie  moneys;  then  you  ^ive  the  ftecrelary 
power  to  appoinl  another  set,  and  fix  their  salaries, 
to  watch  the  first.  This  is  a  theory  and  applica- 
tion of  f  hecks  and  balances  new  lo  me;  but  sup- 
pose there  was  safely  in  it,  which  is  not  now  the 
point,  I  ask  to  what  an  indefiniui  extent  yon  would 
multiply  snh-lreasurers  and  '*  special  ttf^cnts^^^  uiul 
Ihe  expenditure  of  money? 

I?ut  lo  proceed;  by  examiiiin;;  the  fourlcenlh 
section,  you  will  ascertain  these  fiscal  a;:eiils  of  ihi; 
(lovernment  may  be  allowed' any  necessary  addi- 
tionnl  expenses  for  clerks,  fire  proof  chests,  or 
vaults,  or  other  iicrf.f.snn/ f.rjicn.sfs  of  safekeejiiu;;, 
Iraiisferrin?,  and  disbuisiiitr  said  moneys,  &e. 
JVow,  sir,  look  lo  what  an  indefinite  extent  this 
RUlborily  fines,  not  as  lo  men,  for  that  is  limited, 
but  ex|ieiulilure.  Any  necessary  additional  ex- 
penses /er  rlerkSf  &c.,  (here  the  patroniifje  is  in- 
ereased,)  or  other  ntressitnj  experts  of  safekeetiiiiE:, 
transferrin^;,  »nd  disbnrsiiii^  said  Iiionevs.  Who 
lau  anticipate  llie  amount  of  expenditure  this 
scheme  would  brin^  on  Oie  ennntry  iu  receiving, 
eountiiiir,  Imnlini,',  freisjlitiiis;,  and  disbursing  the 
moneys  of  the  Ciovermnenl.'  To  comply  with  the 
law  all  the  Irauwictions  must  be  done  in  i^ojd  and 
silver.  JN'iiw  every  one  knows  this  is  impractica- 
ble, unless  (as  we  have  been  talking  of  incrensinu; 
Ihe  army  and  navy)  we  raise  a  ni-w  set  of  troops, 
Hiid  a  host  of  them,  for  the  defences  of  the  Treas- 
ury, and  these  troops  and  this  money,  i\s  lo  its 
keepinij  and  its  keepers,  fearfully  exposed,  if  not 
Ireinblinj;  for  fear  of  that  hateful  piiiiciple  of  pro- 
scription, which  is  the  slrenj^'lh  of  a  reckless  and 
weak  Adiniiiistratiun  and  guillotine  of  a  jiarly  ty- 
ranl. 

Mr.  Chairman,  your  hill  connives  at  this  prin- 
ciple of  proscription.  Von  are  to  appoint  foiir 
"  reeeivei-a-[;enei-al  of  public  money,"  and  they  are 
lo  hold  their  oflices  for  the  term  of  four  year.i, 
"  unliss  sooner  rniwred  IhcieI'mn."  ''he  tenure  of 
the  olHi  e  is  but  for  the  short  period  of  four  years, 
iiiid  thai  Icnnre  is  lo  be  conliii<cent,  not  upon  the 
iliiestinii— "  is  lit-  honest,  is  he  fitithfiil,  is  he  com- 
petent r" — but  upon  the  whim  of  I-jXeciitive  fiivor 
and  patroimL'-e?  The  man,  sir,  is  a  slavi-,  who 
will  Iiold  the  otllce,  and  be  made  responsible  for 
millions  with  such  a  coiiliiii;ency  hansini;  over 
bim;  when  niiiofiil  would  at  once  in  party  clamor 
silcnci-  explanation,  and  brand  him  with  dishon- 
esty and  dereiiction  of  duly! 

Iliswoiih  iiHiuirin^' a  word  into  the  extent  of 
this  e.xeciiiive  patrona:;e  and  power — not  meaning 
ihe  exerciM  of  that  so  often  misapi'hed  executive! 
power  which  is  wielded  oi  casioiially  to  sustain 
p.uty  power,  and  overcome  llic  fvvorile  policy  of 
llir  people  iinil  III!  ir  rciimrnldlires.  liy  a  report  of 
i\Ir.  C'alhoim's,  mule  in  the  Senate  I'Vbiuary  0th, 
Irilt.'i,  we  iiave  a  lable  appended  "  showiii!;  the  per- 
'  sons  in  the  eniploynieiit  and  nay  of  the  executive 
'departnienls  of  tiie  Governiiienl  of  the  1,'iiiteil 
'Stales  iu  the  years  It^i")  and  lH3.'i,  respeotivelv 
'  specifying  the  nuinber  under  each  department." 
I  shiill  gi\e  ineicly  the  aggregate,  showing  bolh 
the  immeii.sc  number  and  the  rapidly  alarming  in- 
crease. In  ISdj  iliere  were  'i,5,777 — in  1833, 
11)0,079,  and  all  these  subject  lo  be  removed,  and 


their  places  to  be  filled  by  a  more.  "  hungry 
swarm."  I  do  not  vouch  for  Ihe  exact  accuracy 
of  the  estimale,  but  suppose  it  is  as  near  as  may 
be,  then  upon  that  data,  if  the  incri-ase  has  been  , 
in  the  same  proportion,  what  must  be  ihe  number 
now;  certainly  if  the  increase  from  ISHU  to  1833 
was  some  4.5,()l)(),  and  the  proportion  of  increase 
has  been  kept  up,  we  should  have  in  number  now 
some  1(15,000,  all  under  ihc  eonlrol,  not  of  law,  as 
to  ihe  leimre  of  their  ofiice,  but  under  the  omnipo- 
tent prerogative  of  executive  power. 

Mr.  Chairman,  yon  ean'l,  I  fear,  decrease  '.he 
miinber  lo  any  consideralile  extent,  for  your  popu- 
lation is  increasing,  and  will  increase  rapidly ! 
The  lionndary  of  the  Kepiiblic  has  been  extending, 
and  is  lo  lie  extended  to  the  I'acific  ocean,  and  but 
little  hope  renmins  for  decrease;  but,  sir,  1  lliere- 
fore  the  more  urgently  oppose  any  uimecessary 
increase  of  these  ollicoholilcrs,  lo  carry  out  a 
measure  in  itself  fraught  with  mischief,  and  ex- 
tending the  powers  of  patronage.  For,  as  Mr. 
Rilchie,  now  the  editor  of  ihe  ['iiioii,  «iii(  f.'nrfni- 
nunl  poper,  said,  when  be  was  ihe  editor  of  the 
"  Richmond  Emiuirer,"  speaking  of  this  scheme; 
"  Lei  it  once  gel  foot-bold,  and  all  the  restrainls 
'  of  the  (^Jonstilntion  will  be  broken  down,  with 
'  the  liberties  of  the  )iei)p!cl"  This  is  slrong  lan- 
guage. I  (piote  il  from  Mr.  Uitchie,  who  now, 
with  all  his  parly,  arc  for  the  same  schei]pc.  What 
a  change ! 

Ihit  we  are  to  be  told,  this  scheme  will  not  in- 
crease the  patronaLTe  of  the  Executive  so  greatly — 
bnl  few  officers  will  be  wanted — you  will  charge  , 
with  the  duty  of  sub-treasurers  other  officers  now 
in  the  service  of  the  CTOvernnienI,  and  llie  cost 
would  lie  incoiiKiileralile.  What  said  Mr.  Hilcliie 
upon  that  subject:  "  The  institution  and  establish- 
'  ment  of  sub-treasuries,  at  all  the  necessary  and 
'commercial  points  in  the  tJnited  States,  would 
'  cost  the  Government  several  millions  of  dollars. 
'  Strong  houses,  with  vaults, chest.-!, bars,  bolts,  and 
.  '  locks,  would  be  necessary,  with  a  regular  corps 
'  of  watchmen,  and  un  additional  set  of  otHcers  ! 
'  To  blind  Ihe  public,  the  scheme  might  be  commenc- 
'  ed  with  but  few  new  ofiicers,  but  they  would  soon 
'  he  increased  to  any  number  actually  necessary." 
Yes,  sir,  this  scheme  will,  I  fear,  nlliuialely  leail  lo 
an  increa.se  of  expenditure  and  the  em|iloyment  of 
ollicers  not  now  anticipated  liv  its  friends  or  its 
enemies.  Let  us  look  at  it.  The  bill  provides  for 
a  great  sub-trea.^Hnj  department  in  four  cities  of 
^  -ir  of  the  Slates  only.  Now,  does  not  every  one 
.now,  if  this  policy  finally  succeeds,  that  we  shall 
have,  and  oiiglit  to  have,  a  receiver  general  and  a 
costly  and  splendid  sub-treasury  edifice  in  alniosl 
all,  ii*  not  every  Slate  in  the  Union. 

Uut  I  quote  .Mr.  Uilchie  once  more,  where  he 
lakes  general  ground  and  states  his  positions.  1 
rpiote  tliein  for  iny  Icllow-citizcns  who  then  airreed 
with  Mr.  Uilchie,  and  make  the  incpiiry,  if  they 
too  have  been  swept  along  in  the  varying  tide  of 
[larty  opinion.  1  quote  il,  lo  know  if  the  people 
will  not  adhere  lo  the  position  then  laid  down; 
"We  ba\-e  olijected  lo  the  Subtre.'isury  system,  so 
called,  that,  in  the  first  place,  it  will  riilitrs;e  the  t'x- 
eeatire  poiver,  alreodij  loo  fi;real  for  a  republic;  sec- 
ondly, that  il  conlribules  to  endanger  the  security 
of  the  piiblir  funds:  and,  thirdly,  that  it  is  calcnlii- 
tiil  to  produce  (e-o  enrrniries — a  baser  one  for  the 
people,  and  a  better  one  for  the  Government."  En- 
large the  E.xecutive  patronage,  alre;uly  too  irreat. 
This  patronage,  ill  its  influences,  not  only  reaches 
Ihc  olliceliolders  that  now  exist,  but  il  reaches  far- 
ther, and  emlirnccs  the  countless  host  of  olfice- 
seekers  w-lio  are  hanging  round  the  Executive, 
trying,  from  selfi.sh  motives,  to  displace  those  now 
holding  thein,  or  to  fill  such  vacancies  as  may  oc- 
cur, or  such  new  otlices  as  may  be  created  l;y  law. 
Such  is  the  wide  anil  indcfliiiie  range  of  lliis  sub- 
ject, and  this  power  ami  inlluence  to  w  hich  we  ob- 
ject, and  which  is  lo  be  increased  by  this  bill.  1 
trust  the  lime  will  some  day  return,  when  offices 
shall  be  considered  "  as  publie  Iriists,  lo  lie  confer- 
red on  the  hones'  the  faithful,  and  capable,  for  tin' 
common  good,  d  not  for  the  benefit  or  iraiii  of 
the  incnmlient  or  iiis  parly."  In  that  same  able 
and  patriotic  report  of  Mr.  Callionn,  February  9, 
IKI.'),  from  which  t  have  just  quoted,  I  beg  leave 
■  further  lo  (luole:  "  When  ollices,  instead  of  being 
'  considered  as  public  trusts,  lo  be  conferred  on  the 
'  deserving,  were  regarded  as  the  spoils  of  victory, 
'  tu  be  beslowcd  us  rewards  for  partisan  »ervices,  |; 


'  without  respect  lo  merit — when  it  heeanie  lo  he 
'  niiderslood  thai  all  who  hold  olfice,  hold  by  the 
'  tenure  of  partisan  zeal  and  party  service,  il  is  easy 
'flo  see  that  ihe  eerlain,  direct,  and  inevitable  leii- 
'  dency  of  such  a  state  of  things  is  to  convert  the 
'  entire  body  of  those  in  oillcc  into  corrupt  and  siip- 
'  pie  insirumcnls  of  power,  and  raise  up  a  host  of 
'  hungry,  greedy,  and  suliservient  partisans,  ready 
'  fiir  every  service,  however  base  and  corrupl."' 
Tills  is  strong  anil  forcible  language,  but  il  is  llio 
language  of  a  <li:<linguislied  and  laleiiied  Uemoeral, 
who,  I  Irusl,  will  stand  by  what  he  said  in  that  re- 
port in  his  .ictioii  upon  this  bill;  and  I  have  no 
doubt,  when  it  conies  lo  be  tested,  thai  the  resist- 
ance of'  the  Sub-lreasiiry,  and  the  necessary  in- 
crease of  Executive  patronage,  will  iiu-i-t  the  hearty 
concurrence  of  the  country.  The  power  has  been 
greatly  abused  in  the  pasi,  and  may  be  in  tlie  fu- 
ture; and  I  think  il  is  the  dictate  of  wisdom  and 
patriotism  to  fnrmsli  no  unnecessary  occasion  for 
the  exercise,  of  a  power  so  feart'iil,  so  i  pid  in  iiH 
growth,  and  so  evil  in  all  its  Icndencies  !  liut,  sir, 
a  iiiajority  of  lliis  committee  have  de.lermiiied  the 
qiiesiioii.  The  hill  is  to  pass.  The  Sub-treasury 
is  a'_\iiu  lo  be  created,  and  not  only,  sir,  your  f'our 
rcceiyers-genrral,  but  a  long  list  of  ollicers  and  ex- 
penditures are  lo  follow.  Yes,  sir,  iu  a  few  ye:irs 
not  only  four,  but  many  receivei-s-geiieral  are  to  be 
created,  and  eolomds-general,  anil  niajors-general, 
and  a  long  train  of  .</«//',  sitbullerm,  anil  ronit  and  file. 
— an  army,  sir,  will  be  miistf-rcd  to  gather  and  keep 
your  }rolden  revenues  f'or  the  (.lovei-mnent,  in  ex- 
clusion of  the  people  1  Well,  sir,  pass  Ihe  measure, 
— test  the  policy  of  your  melallic.  currency — carry 
out  your  lialtimore  resolution.s — play  out  your  full 
hand  of  ultra  measure.s — strike,  for  i'ree-liade — re- 
ject the  light  of  experience — t^ei  into  a  war — plunge 
the  country  in  some  fiic  hundred  millions  of  debt 
— bring  ruin  over  the  whole  laud,  like  a  sweeping 
lem|iest,  and  the  responsibility,  lieforeGud  and  the 
country,  is  your  own.' 

INDEPENDENT  TltEAStHlV. 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  G.  W.  JONES, 

OF  tk.n.\ks:-;i:e, 

I.\  TIIKlIoesK   up   lU;i'IlK.SENT.\rHES, 

.'Ipril  1,  lH4(i. 
The  House  being  in  Comniiitee  of  llii;  Whole  on 
the  stale  of  the  Union,  (.Mr.  IVwiki,,  of  \orlli 
Carolina,  in  the  chair,)  on  the  bill  far  llie  better 
organization  of  the  Treasury,  &c. — 
Mr.  JONE.S  addressed  the  eoinmittee  as  fol- 
lows: 

.Mr.  CiiAiRM.Av:  This  is  an  old  and  raiher  thread- 
bare subject;  yet  I  trust  it  has  lost  none  of  its  in- 
terest with  its  true  friends  and  advocates,  but  that 
they  are  as  anxious  now  fin-  the  esinblisliment  of 
the  system  coutemplated  by  this  bill,  as  they  were, 
when  it  was  first  recommended  to  the  coosideia- 
lion  of  the  Representatives  of  the  people,  and 
through  them  to  the  people  themselves.  When  I 
first  saw  the  Message  of  the  I'resideiit  of  the  Uni- 
ted Stales,  recommending  a  disconnexion  between 
the  business  of  I'lis  Governiiienl  and  the  banks  of 
the  country,  the  proposition  met  with  my  sincere 
approbation.  I  was  then  its  friend  and  advocate  ; 
and  I  liave  continued  lo  be  so  from  that  day  to 
this.  I  trust  that  now  it  is  near  lo  iis  consiinima- 
lion.  I  hope,  and  I  belie\e,  that  this  (.'ongres.s 
will  pass  this  bill,  and  that  il  is  (h-stiiied  lo  remain 
upon  the  statute  book  ol'tlie  connlry  until  it  shall, 
at  least,  have  had  the  benefit  of  a  fair  trial  of  ils 
merits.  If,  in  practice,  il  should  he  found  to  work 
delriuienlally  to  the  public  interests,  or  lo  the 
safely  of  the  public  funds,  I  shall  no  longer  be  Us 
advocate.  Hut,  believing  that  its  firactical  opera 
lion  will  be  the  reverse  of  all  this,  I  shall  vote  foi- 
it,  with  a  confident  expectation  thai  all  the  good 
which  its  friends  anticipate  from  it  will  be  real- 
ized. I  shall  vote  for  it,  becau.-ie  I  believe  that 
this  Government,  under  the  authority  given  In  it 
by  the  Conslitntion  to  lay  and  collect  taxes,  and 
to  appropriate  the  money,  should  accomplish  tlie.se 
objects  tlirongh  ihe  inslrumeiitality  of  its  own  of- 
ficers, who  are  subject  to  its  control  and  respon- 
sible to  it  for  their  action,  and  not  by  means  of 
fictitious,  law-crented,  soulless,  bodylcss,  and  cor- 
rupt corporulions,  whether  brought  into  being  by 


■  m 


'i  ■; 


-Vt'' 


;  -a:' 


,>.■■■' 
1  ■■»; 


.•*•;! 


602 


APPENDIX  TO  TTIE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  I, 


29tii  Cono IsT  Sess. 


The  Jiulcpcmlenl  IVeamry — Mr.  G.  W.  Jones. 


Ho.  OK  Reps. 


lilt'  (feniTnl  Govcinmcnl  or  tin;  Govrriimcnls  of 
the  (lillVrriit  Sliili's  of  the  Uiiiiiii.  I  ahiill  vote  fur 
it,  lu'i'uiist'  I  hilic've  it  to  be  the  great  iiiilimonislie 
measure  of  paiier  money  mid  eorporationa  in  ihiH  j 
rniiiilry.  Ami  whatever  nririinieiils  ^'eiillemen  on 
the  o|i|iosile  wide  may  ostensibly  urj;i.'  nirainst  tlie 
passau'e  of  this  liill,  1  believe  that  the  true  cause  of 
that  o|>|>osllloii  is  to  be  found  in  the  fart,  that  it  is 
the  anla;,'oni.slio  measure  of  paper  money  and  cor- 
noralions.  It  is  true  tint  the  measure  will  not,  of  | 
Kself,  perhaps,  aiiulliilate  paper  banks,  but,  by  its 
adopliiMi,  the  Uovernnient  nt  oni'e  refuses  to  toneh 
or  liauille  the  jiaper  of  these  worthless  inslilntlons.  | 
Those  who  have  to  pay  money  lo  the  (Joveni- 
iiienl,  and  who  use  the  paper  of  thes(^  banks,  will 
be  under  the  neetssily,  when  ihey  eonie  to  make 
llieir  pavmeiils,  to  demand  from  them  sold  and 
silver  loni,  with  whieli  to  pay  their  dues.  1  eaii- 
not  a;;ree  with  some  of  my  tViends  who  are  in 
favor  of  what  they  eall  well-re;;nlaled  Slate  banks. 
In  my  Imnible  jiid^nienl,  such  a  thing  has  never 
yet  been  seen  or  read  id'  by  any  man.  A  well-  | 
regulaled,  or  an  honest  baidt,  praolieally  s|ieakinir, 
is,  in  my  oiMiiion,  something  whieh  it  is  beyonii 
the  sagiieity  id"  liumaii  nature  lo  make.  The  hi.s- 
tory  of  the  world,  I  believe,  ean  show  no  reeord 
nf  surli  a  ibing.  1  believe  thai  those  who  eslab- 
lislied  this  Ciovernment  inlinded  lo  rreale,  and 
thought  they  had  erealed,  a  hard-money  Govern- 
inenl;  and  Ibal  lliey  believed  that  tliey  had  pre- 
cluded and  exclui'ed  fnun  ihe  Unilcd  Sluies  all 
that  worlhless  tras  i  which  we  denominate  juiper 
money. 

What  are  the  faets  ?  Let  tis  go  back,  foi  a 
moment, Mr.  Chairman, and  itee  whatllie  anUnuily 
given  in  the  Oin.siitnlioa  of  thi;  IJniird  Stales  on 
thi.s  Hubjeel  is.  OiK^  of  the  elau.ses  of  that  inslrii- 
menl  declares  thai  the  Slaies  ^*  xhiilt  tint  finil  liilla 
of  rmlil."  At  ibat  day,  in  eording  lo  roy  reading, 
hills  of  credit  were  as  well  understood  lo  be  paper 
inoni  y,  as  gold  and  silver  are  nnilcrsiood  lo  be 
money  now.  To  snslaiii  thisa.-iserlimi,  I  will  read 
an  exir.ici  from  the  adilre.s.s  delivered  lo  the  Legis- 

l,iliii-e  of  Maryland,  relative  lo  the  pre edings  of 

the  General  I'lmveolioii  held  at  rhiladrlpbia,  in 
1*H7,  by  Luther  Marllii,  .\llorncy  Geni'ral  id' 
Maryland,  and  one  of  the  delegates  in  .saal  Con- 
veiiiion.      Ill'  says: 

"  H\  Ilic  1'  litll  .■"  cltMii  (nf  llii'  ('(Ul-*nillli"ll)  i-verv  St.llc  i^ 
nriihirnl'il  le'la  .  niMI'iij  l.ill-i  "I.T' iln.  ,\.ilM.i-  r.  imrl  il 
liy  iIm-  ciiiiiiiioh'c  ni  i!i  I.iil.  Iln'  St  ao  \\rr<'  "Pily  |iei)alnli-'t 
Fri'iii  I'liailiiis  llieia  \\  ithniit  lla-  •'<iM-i-nI  nl' Ctiiiurcs  ;  lint 
lie  cini\euti'm  wa-f  :-o  cniith-n  wall  Ilii'  I'U'kr  mmnkv  iln*;ici. 
thai  lie  >'  ni!«lsli'it  th<-  I'rnlaliiliiMi  .-huutd  he  ali^olMh'.  It 
W11-  ii)v'"pua<iM.  -ir.  tliiit  i:i<-  Slati'.>(  nii^'la  imt  in  lt*>  tni.illv 
(li'ieiii  (I  "I  the  iiL'hl  In  I'tiia  hill-  m  IT'  ihl.  ami  lliiit.  ,is  we 
hail  linl  utvi  a  AM  atilhnrilv  lo  Ihe  t.eriiTal  <i"Ver?ah<>rit  Inr 
Hull  |nii|in-c.  a  v^.ls  llic  lanre  iere>-:ir'.  In  trl:iiM  II  in  Mm' 
Sliili's.        *  •  .  *     .\i(tl  II  ua:w  no  npiMiia 

it  lliis  pnwcr  wa-i  nnl  in  hi'  i-vcrci-eil  hy  a  Seih-.  \v  llliniil  tin- 
P'Tinin-inn  nf  lite  tifiiiri'l  If'-a-erinrcfi),  II 'niulil  In  hi  f^nlis- 
flli-lnry  I'M-ll  In  thns.  who  were  Ihi'  Ilin>t  hilllllli-il  hy  Itli' 
appr  in'II>inil  nl'  I'AI'hIt  MnM.V.  I  UltT'liiie  llinlliihl  li  1!I> 
lllll\  hi  vni.;  iej.llll~t  I)ll>  |i.irl  nf  tlic  i^Sr-U'iu."  —tlUUll's  l)e- 
l„ir-,  iJt.  I.  /.n.'iXli. 

Mr.  J.  einlimied:  By  reference  to  the  debateH 
in  the  eoiivenlion  of  the  iSl.ite  from  which  you, 
Mr.  f'bairman,  came,  assembled  for  ihe  ralilication 
of  tins  I'Vderal  t'oiisiiliilinn,  you  wdl  finil  that  one 
of  the  first  and  paiainouiil  objeilions  raised  a','ain.sl 
that  railticalion  was,  llial  it  did  prohibit  the.  einis- 
NioM  of  bills  of  credit  by  the  .SuiIcn.  Ii  w.is  con- 
tended by  siiiiie'  of  the  ib  legates  iIk.ti',  that  if  the 
CoiL-'liitiiioii  was  ralilieil  willi  thai  ptovlsion  in  il, 
not  only  wmild  il  prohibit  the  fulni-e  emis.-^ioti  of 
bills  of  credil.  or  "paper  money,"  as  tin  y  were 
liTineil,  but  that  (,'oimress  could,  and  in  all  proba- 
liilily  would,  pas.s  a  retro.spi  elive  law  in  reialion  lo 
the  paper  money  then  in  circiitalion.  This,  il  is 
true,  was  not  lite  only  reason  or  ol.jeciiDn  nrgeil 
against  the  ratification  of  ihe  (,'oiislJtutiiin,  lint  il 
was  one  of  lite  gre.iie.>t  obsiacli's  lo  il.  And  when 
the  eonveniion  of  that  .Slate  c.aine  fmaity,  as  lliey 
did,  to  the  resolution  iieillier  lo  reject  nor  to  ratify 
Ihe  Const  it  lit  ion  of  the  United  .Stales,  they  ailoplid 
tuiotlier  resolution,  advi.siiig  the  .Stale  anihorilies  lo 
eall  III  and  redeem  its  jiaper  at  as  e.irly  a  period  as 
practicable.  I  will  read  an  extract  from  a  speech 
delivered  in  the  convention  of  North  (.'arolina,  on 
the  tidopti'.ii  of  the  Federal  Coiislllutiun,  by  Mr. 
Marlaine. 

"Ill  till'  tlidl  se'-tina  i,f  the  1st  nrli'-Ie.  it  i.i  iirnviilcii, 
aiiioiitt  other  rc-triilinii.!,  '  Unit  an  Hinle  pIciII  emit  hill.-*  ni' 
<  cri'ilit.  leake  aitvlhnii!  Imt  ifnlii  anil  fitxir  cnin  a  teniler  iii 
'  |m)iiict)t  nf  iIkIiIs,  or  p'l-y  any  Invv  iiii)iiiiiiii!;  the  nlilii,'aunii 
*uf  coiitructK.'    Nuw,iiir,  this  tian  no  relru-pectivu  view.  It 


jnnkii  In  futurity.  '  •  •  It  linen  not  lank 

hiii'k,  hut  I'nnviiril.  Il  lines  not  ilculrny  the  I'a1'i:ii  Mnstv 
which  JK  iiinv  neliially  M\n»:,  hat  [ireiciil^  iii  t'rnia  inilkiiiK 
nay  lanrc."— f,"/iot/'s  Dclmlei,  nl.  I,  ji(i:,'fi  1711  4. 

I  will  also  read  extracts  from  n  speech  nf  Mr. 
Davie,  also  a  member  of  the  Federal  Conventipni 
in  the  Convention  of  North  Carolina: 

"  If  Ihe   HiiiicH  hail  hf'cn  enaipelleil  to  hjnk  Ihe  pnjier 

ni'Ma'y  ia-liinlly.  the  rci h  laiuht  lie  wnrne  than  the  iliM- 

cn^e.    Art  ive  cniihl  iini  jiiit  an  iiiiaicili.-ileetiil  in  it.  wc  were 
cnnlent  with  iirnhthilliai  11.4  fatari'  iaercarte,  Innkiair  farwaril 
In  Its  i\TluK  I'.vriNiai.iiiMKNT  When  till'  ,**tates  that  hull  na  i 
cait-'-ina  circiilatiai;  rthniilil  he  nhlc  In  call  il  in  hy  uriiiliiiil  ' 
rcih'liiptina.  •  *  *  The  pcniilc  nf  >Ills''nctiii- 

.rtill"  iiiiil  rmin. 'Client  hail  heeii  crcjit  millerer.^  hy  the  iliii-  ^ 
linncsty  nf  Khndc  Islaiiil,  nail  i-iinilnr  cninplaiats  exisleil 
iiiiainsl  llii'i  .-^tate.  'I'liirt  cla11.1i'  hi'ciiiiic.  in  rtniae  measure,  a 
preliinilliirv  W'lltl  the  itenllcnicn  ulln  ri'prertelilcil  the  nthiT 
.'^eili'!*.  '  Vim  liave.Ninil  they.  '  h\'ynuriiiii)niiniHlawiiiii<l 
'  liiipcr  i'tnis''iniirt,  shaiaefiilly  flefnaiilcit  nar  own  eili/eiirt. 
^Ttieeeafi'ileralionprevi'iilcilniirciiniiicllinuynii  tnilntheiii  I 
■.justice  ;  hut  hi'fnre  we  eimlcilcrate  wilhynii  aiiaia.yniiinast 
'  mil  nalv  a'irec  In  hchniicsl.  hut  |llll  II  iMit  nf  yiilir  IMiwer  In 
•  he  nlhcrwisc,'  ■•—Klli  ills  Ihlialci,  ml.  I,  jni^r  ls:i.  1 

.\nd  again,  I  read  an  extract  from  n  speech  nf  i 
Mr.  Iredell  in  the  North  Caroliim  Convenlion: 

''Tlicrc  is  iiniliin:;  la  llic  ('nnslltlilinn  which  nlTccIs  nur 
present  jiaper  innney.     [I  prnhihils.  liir  Ihe  laliire,  Ihe  etnil- 
liiia  nf  any;  Imt  it  iliics  nnl  interfere  with  the  pnjH'r  ninacy 
iinw  iictiially  in  eirculalina  in  neveral   HIales.'' — Ettioirs  [ 
IJfliitlci,  rot,  4,  ;irti.'C  1-'^.'). 

Mr.  .1.  eontiniicd  :  I'y  reference  to  the  debalea 
which  li^ik  place  in  the  Cmivi  tilion  of  the  .Slate 
of  South  Carolina,  on  the  ralilicalion  of  the  Federal 
Consliluliou,  il  will  be  seen  ihal  ihere  also  it  was  , 
coiiteniled  that  litis  provision  would  prevent  the 
.Stales  from  making  a  paper  eiivrcney,  and  that  it 
wonhl  exclude  everylhing  nf  llial  description  from 
ihe  eounlrv.  I  read  an  extract  fiom  a  speech  id' 
.Mr.  Charles  Pinckney,  on  lite  lenlh  seelion  of 
article  first  of  the  Federal  Constitulioii,  in  llic  ' 
Soiiili  Carolina  Convention  :  j 

"Tlic  only  parl.s  nf  this  scctinn  thill  are  nhjeeleil  In  are  1 
Ihn-c  which  r-liilc  In  llie  emissinn  nf  p.itrr  iniincy,  anil  it.s  ; 
cniisc()ii-nccs.  icailiT  laws,  ami  Ihe  iinpairinc  llic  nhliira- 
liniis  nf  cnnlracts.  *  *  .  Iliiw  i'xircinety  iisi-ful 
ami  ai|v:iiil:it:i'niis  miel  ihis  rcslraial  he  to  ihnse  .*^tiil''s 
winch  miMii  III  he  Iinnc.-i.aiid  tint  in  ilefniuil  their  neiL'hhnrrt  I 
llcncclnrlh.  the  I'llizcns  nf  the  Sillies  in.-iy  Iraile  Willi  eiich 
oilier  wilhnnt  fi-ar  nf  icnilcr  hius.  nr  laivs  inipairinc  the 
naliirc  nf  cnalraels.     The  eili/.en  nf  .<niith   ('urnlina  will 

llii-a  1 llic  In  irnilc  with  those  nf  Ulmih'  Island,  Nnrlh 

I'arnlina.  and  (Jcnruia.  anil  he  siirenfrcceivin;  ihe  value  of 
his  ciiianinitilics.  r.-iii  this  he  ilniie  at  prcscnl .-  Il  eann.il ! 
Mnwcverjnst  the  it'-niam]  may  he,  jet  stiU  \,,itr  hnncsl.  siif 
lerill!!  citl/.cn   llillst  he  cnatcnt  In  receive  their  dcprecialed  ' 

papiT.  nr  (rive  ii|,  Ihe  (tela.  »        *        *        .        • 

*♦  \n  ai'ire  shall  pajitr  moac».  an  iiinre  shall  lemlcr  laws, 
drive  llii'ir  cniiiiiicrcc  frnin  niir  sin iri-s.  anil  darken  the  .Aiaer- 
lean  iian.e  i-i  every  cnntitn' where  il  is  kanwii.  Nn  innre 
sli;ill  niir  citi/clis  enncr:il  in  their  enlfcrs  Ihnse  Ireiisnics  . 
which  the  weakness  .-nnl  dislmne-ly  nf  mlr  (Jnvcrnnient 
li.-llc  loiiu  hiilden  I'rnni  the  piihlic  e\c.  Tin-  lirmncss  nf  n 
In-l  iiiiil  cM'ii  sisi,  in -IkiII  hriiii:  Ihl  III  inin  rirciihitinii.  mid 
liniinr  an  '  virinc  sicill  lie  iijaill  kimwit  and  coiinlciianced  \ 
iininir' as.  \n  iiinri'  slcill  the  widow,  the  nrphaii.  and  the 
straicfcr.  h nne  [he  niisrrahic  \  iclilns  nf  Inijllst  rlllcrH."— 

f:iU.:ll\  l),l„il,-i,  ml.  I,, .use.  :i;ii--i. 

Mr.  .1.  continni'd:  If  von  look  lo  a  note  made, 
if  I  misiake  not.  by  Mr.  .Nliulison,  in  the  Madison 
l*aoers,  ymi  will  see  what  his  opinion,  and  the 
opinions  of  the  oilier  nienibersof  the  Federal  Con- 
vention, were,  as  to  the  1  ifeci  of  this  prohibition 
in  the  Coiisiituli";i.  -Vnd  in  ilie  44lh  No.  of  the 
Federalist,  Mr.  Madison  .^ays: 

"Tins  [trnlllhllinii  ailisl  Hoc  pica-are  In  everv  rilizen.  in 
)irii|inrt|iiii  In  lii>  |n\e  lit' jii-ltcc.  iiml  kmivvl'-di,'e  of  the  Iriie 
spniiL's  III'  piiUtic  prn.jt.  ril\.  The  In-s  which  .Aineriea  has 
siistaiaeit  since  lli.-  |)  >aee  frnni  ilie  iii'slilciileir*'Cts  nf  paper  j 

innieynn  Itic  la s-an  eniitiilenee  tielwecn  liiail  and  mail;  ] 

nil  ttie  neeessjiry  ennliilence  in  Ihe  piitilie  cninieils  ;  nil  Ihe 
iiiilu-lrv  iiiid  minalsnfthe   penjilc  1  iniil    na    Ihe   cli.-iraclcr 
>\\'  Hi  pnlilieaa  leiviTMlaeiit.  ennslilnlc   an   I'linrmniis   ih  hi 
:iLMin-I  III  ■  Hl;ites  ch  lit!  alile  with  litis  iiiiiidvised    measure, 
ivliich  iiitisl  liiiiu  remain  nnsati-iteil :  ni  rather,  an  nceiiuni. 
I.innn  tti  cilill,  which  ran  he  e.vpialeil  an  iiIIkth  ise  Itilln  hy  j 
;i  Viilunlary  s;icrilice  nn   the    allar  nf  jiislice  nf  ihe   power' 
winch  has  hei  n  Ihe  la-lrnmcnt  of  il.     In  addition  In  these  ' 
)»er>ii  isive  cnn-ider;iliiiiis.  11  inai  he  nliserved,  ilini  the  name  j 
re.isnns.  whieh  slim\'  the  nece-r-ily  nf  (Iea\i,ii»  u\  the  Slalr.^  ! 
the  ti  iweriif  reaiilatimrcnin.  prove  with  ci|iial  tiirec  llial  they 

nilL'l.l  lint  In  he  III  liliirly  In  .-iihsllllll''  a  |i;i|ler  Illcdiuni  l(t- 
sle;id  nil  nin,  Had  everi  Slal.'  a  ri.^lit  In  reixulalc  the  vnlne 
nl  lis  emu.  Ihere  iiiiL'lil  he  as  many  currencies  as  Htiiles  ;  niiil 
Ihil-lhe  liitcrciiiirsc  Hiiinimlhem  wniiM  In- nnpeded.  Itctrn- 
siieeiive  iiheiatinns  in  Its  value  niiitht  he  made  :  and  thus  the 
eili/.eiisnf  nther  .sil.'ites  he  lajiired,  anil  aniai'i-ilieslic  kindled 
ainnnll  lle'SlilIes  tlieniselves.  The  sllhiectsnrfnreii.'ll  l*nw'- 
ers  iniiilii  siiti'er  from  the  sjime  cnasc  ;  jind  hciicethe  liiiinn 
he  (Ijseri'diled  and  eiulirniled  lo  Ihe  indisi-relinn  of  a  sinitle  ; 
iiiemhiT.  \n  line  u\'  ihc-e  niischiel's  is  less  incident  in  a 
pnw  ir  III  the  .■itates  In  eniit  paper  niniiey,  than  lo  cniii  gnhl 
nr  silver.*'  '         j 

Mr.  .1.  continued.     Another  reason  why  I  be-  ! 
Ill  ve  that  the  members  of  the  I-'edcral  Convenlion 
'  intended   to  establish  a  liard-money  (iovernment 
'  is,  tluil  the  Stiites,  it  will  be  conceded  by  idl,  po.s-  1 


se.ssed  and  could  exercise,  prior  lo  ihc  formalion 
of  that  Government,  the  sovereign  power  of  "  coin- 
ing money  anil  regnlaling  the  value  thereof"  Vet, 
under  Ihe  Government,  we  find  that  the  Stales  of 
the  Confederney  surrendered  to  the  Cieneral  Gov- 
ernment all  the  power  to  coin  money  which  they 
possessed.  They  prohibited  tlieniselven  from  eoin- 
iiig  money,  even  of  gold  and  BJIver,  and  they  ex- 
pressly delegated  the  power  lo  this  Goverumenl. 
What  was  their  object  in  delegating  that  powcr.> 
It  was,  that  11  stable,  uniform,  eipial  enrreney  iiiiil 
stnnilard  of  value  miirlit  bo  eslabll.shed,  whieh 
should  be  the  same  ill  every  part  of  the  Union.  In 
it,  then,  reasonable  lo  stippose  that  the  Slili'S 
forming  this  confederacy  should  surrender  this 
high  prerogative  of  sovereiirnly — the  power  to  coin 
moiiev  and  lo  regulate  the  value  thereof— mid  that 
thev  Hhniild,nt  the  same  lime,  retain  the  power  of 
making  its  representative.' — of  making  that  which 
should  pass  in  the  room  anil  slead  of  it.'  No,  sir. 
They  believed,  as  I  bell  ve,  that  they  did,  in  elfect, 
establish  11  hard-mone  v  <  ■overtmienl.  Tbi^  hail^ 
siilfered  much;  thev  hall  been  laiighl  in  the  best  of 
nil  schools— Ihe  schiHil  of  experience.  A  slanding 
and  n  lasting  monument  of  the  changes  aniHIuclii- 
atioiis  which  have  lesiilled  from  the  use  of  paper 
money  is  still  visible  in  this  eontilry.  How  did  il 
come  lo  pass,  that  when  ihe  dollar  was  ill  value, 
but  four  shillings  and  six  pence  sterling,  we  found 
that  here,  where  we  are  now  letrislaiing,  il  had 
come  lo  be  seven  shillings  and  six  pence.'  and  that 
in  II  neighboring  Slate  il  bad  come  to  be  eight 
shillings;  In  Virginia,  and  the  New  Kn'.-hmd 
Slates,  at  the  same  time,  it  re(|nired  six  shillings 
to  make  a  dollar.  How,  I  ask,  did  thi:i  eoine.' 
Not  by  the  dill'erenl  sizes  of  the  coin,  but  by  the 
depreciation  of  the  dilferent  value  of  ihe  p;iper  is- 
sues used  by  the  dilfcreiil  colonies  on  ibis  eonlinenl. 
The  men  of  that  day  |>folmbly  hail  not  gone  so  far 
into  the  science  of  enrreney  and  exchanges  as  we, 
;il  a  later  day,  have  gone.  When  Virginia  issued 
her  paper,  it  deprecinied  so  far  as  to  take  six  slid- 
linu-s  of  that  paper  to  make  what  was  really  four 
shillings  and  six  pence.  In  South  Curoliim,  the, 
ilepreei.ilion  was  nnl  so  great;  for  it  required  only 
four  shillings  and  eight  pence  of  her  paper  to  make 
four  shillings  and  six  penrc  slerling.  In  New 
York,  where  the  ileprecialioii  was  greatest,  it  re- 
quired eight  .diillings  of  their  dcprecialed  paper  to 
make  four  sbillings  and  six  pence  specie  or  ster- 
ling. Instead  of  taking  od'  the  discount  when  the 
paper  became  depreciated,  they  only  n.ldeil  the 
amount  of  depreciation  which  would  bring  the 
paper  lip  to  the  original  value  of  ihe  dollar.  If  wc 
had  done  this  in  the  late  suspension  of  specie  pay- 
ments tbroiighout  this  cniimry,  instead  of  reading 
in  the  newspapers  ibat  Tennessee  paper  was  twen- 
ty-five per  cent,  discount,  iind  Mississippi  paper 
fifty,  sixty,  one  hundred,  or  five  hiindred  percent., 
anil  the  paper  of  anollier  Stale,  ten  percent.,  we 
slionid  have  said,  in  Tennessee,  that  it  n.'qiiireil 
one  hundred  and  twenty-five  cents  to  make  11  dol- 
lar; in  Mississippi,  one,  two,  three,  four,  or  five 
liundred  cents  lo  make  n  dollar,  according  to  the 
p:iper  they  issued.  In  another  Stale,  where  the 
paper  was  ileprecialed  only  ten  per  cent.,  we  should 
iiave  saiil  il  required  one  hiindred  and  ten  cents  lo 
make  a  ilollar;  whilst,  at  Ihe  siime  time,  the  only 
dollar  known  to  this  (jovernment  was  of  uniform 
value  from  one  end  of  the  Union  to  the  other — that 
is  to  say,  one  hundred  cents. 

I  know  ihai  this  argument  is  sometimes  met  by 
the  declaralion,  that  bank  Holes  are  not  bills  of 
credil,  and  that  tbei-efore  ihey  do  not  come  within 
the  prohibition  of  the  Con.siiiiition  of  the  Utiiied 
Stales.  Now,  there  is  one  pioposition  ill  which  I 
believe  all  men  concur;  thai  is,  thai  no  Stale  in  this 
t'liion  can  i.ssiic  paper  intended  lo  circulate  llirongh 
lite  coniniiinily,  or  to  perform  the  fiinclions  of  mo- 
ney. This  would  be  a  direct  violation  of  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Consliluliou.  Ihil  to  get  over  ibis 
dilficiilty,  it  is  said  that  the  Slate  Legislature, 
though  it  cannot  il.self,  in  its  own  sovereign  ca- 
pacity, issue  Ibis  paper,  yet  that  it  ran  incorporate 
a  company,  and  invest  lliat  company  with  a  power 
which  it  does  not  itself  possess  and  cannot  exercise. 
To  my  mind,  such  a  doctrine  is  absurd.  Il  is  ab- 
surd to  suppo.se,  for  a  moment,  that  n  Slate  can 
delegate  lo  a  creation  of  ils  own,  a  power  which  it 
does  not  ilself  possess.  Upon  that  point,  however, 
I  have  a  ivw  anihorilies,  which  I  desire  to  read. 
Hero  isoncof  Chief  Justice  MurshtiU — union  who 


April  I, 
Heps. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


608 


39th  Cono 1st  Seas. 


The  Independent  Treasury — Mr.  G.  W.  Jones. 


Ho.  OF    REPg. 


nliKxl  |iriH>miiicnt  for  IiIh  \ep\\  iiltiiiriniPiitH — n  ipnn 
uliii,  il'l  Mill  iioi  nilsliiki'ii,  JH  reKiirilcil  liy  ilii;  <i|i- 
|i(iiiciiiH  (if  tliiH  liill  iiM  Iii'iiil;  till:  iiiu;  exponuiil  of 
tlw!  CniiHtitiilion.     Heiir  what  lie  NityH: 

"  VVIiiit  ia  II  liill  111' en  •'■I?  Wlinl  iliil  liic  Con'tiliilinn 
liirmi  t<i  liiililil?  Ill  ill  .  .Iiirui'il,  iiiiil  |ii'rliii|iM  IM  iitiral 
Mi-IIM',  till'  Irllil  ^lllll  ol'  Cfcilit'  lilliv  cnliipri-llrllll  Illl>  illMlrll' 
iiK'iil  tiyuliiili  .1  Mliui'  i'iis;iKrii  In  |iay  iimiiii)  at  II  I'uliiri' 
(III) ,  lliiiH  iiicliiillim  11  rrrlilii'iili!  liir  iniinry  hiTrowcd.  Itlll 
tin:  laiiuiiiiL'i' III' iIm'  CniiKliliitiiiii  Itii'll,  iiiiii  tin:  iiilH'lili'I'tn 
111'  iiM'ii'iiii'il,  hIiiiIi  HI!  kiiim  rriiiii  till'  liiaior)  (il'iiiinniiii- 
tr),  rqiiilly  liiiill  liir  iiiti'riirrtiitiiiii  iH'tlii'  liriiH.  'i'limviiril 
*niiit'  In  IH'VIT  rni|il(i}i'(l  in  (IrM-iiliinij  tllnm' ruiitrm-ln  liy 

uliK'li  11  Htali:  iiiiiilii  ilsc'll'lii  |iii>  iii'y  at  a  I'liliiri' liny  fur 

ft'ivK-1'14  uriiialli  rrri'ivcil,  or  for  liioiii-y  liorrowi-il  (iir  pro- 
I'lit  MSI- ;  iiiir  III*-  iii^tniiiiciilM  rxiTiilf d  liir  hucIi  iiiirlHiKL'ti,  in 
niiiiiiiiiii  laiii;liaL'(',  ili-:ii)liiiiiatrll  *  liill.*i  nrcrrillt.'     To  <niijt 

lull:*  nCcri'itil,"  cdiiirjs  til  III iiiil  tlit-  liti'anl'i>!-iiiii{iimpiT 

inUMiilfil  til  cin-iiliilc-  ilirniiuli  itir  i-niiiiiiiiiiity  tiir  its  onliiiury 
pilrpiiHr!*  ill  iii'iiii-y,  vvtiii-li  pi)|NT  H  ri'ilrciiialili' at  a  tiitiiri: 
tliiy.  'I'lil-i  iri  till:  ^tMl.■.^:  111  wlilcli  lliu  tfriim  liavtt  lii'fii  alwajK 
uiiil  r-Kiuil 

••  Al  a  vi'ryrarly  pi'riod  in  niirci'lnniat  history,  tlliMittciiipt 
to  supply  ilir  want  or  till-  pr<-i>ioiis  iiirtals  liv  ii  paprr  inrilliini 
wnf  iiiaili'  III  u  iMMiMilcralilc  ixtrnt;  anil  ll'ii'  liiilsiniiltid  lor 
tlii^piirpii.-i'liati:>Hrnlii'>|iii'iill>  ilrnoiiiiiiiitril  liiiliiut'i'ri'dit. 
DiiniiK  Dir  War  of  our  lU'Voliitlon,  wiMvi'ro  driven  to  tllii* 
I'xpi'iliiMit,  and  iHci'-slty  roiiipilliil  m  lo  ii:<i' it  to  a  most 
ti-uriiil  i'\tfiil.  'I'lic  term  lias  a'-i|nired  aiiap[iroprinleiiieiiii- 
inn;  ainl  •hills  of  l■rl■llit'^ii■lnt)U  paper  inedllllii,  illlcinli  il 
to  eirriilate  l>.-lwei'ii  iiidn  iiluals,  and  hrlween  Covi-riiiiieiit 
niid  iinliiidiials,  tiir  the  ordinary  pnrposefl  ol'sueirlv.  Hiii-li 
a  niediiiiii  has  always  heeiiliahle  toeonsiderahlc  fliietiiatinii. 
Ii«  vahic  is  eoiiiiniiiilly  ehiumini;;  and  these  ehniiKes,  oiteii 
ereal  anil  sudden,  expose  inihviiliiuls  to  iiniiiensi-  loss,  are 
the  sonrie.-i  of  ruiniins  speeiilnliuns,  and  destroy  all  coiill- 
ilence  lietween  man  and  iiinn.  To  nit  up  this  evil  hy  the 
Mols,  a  misi'hiet'nliieh  was  felt  throiiah  the  f'nitid  Htates, 
and  wliieh  di  epiv  alMieled  the  Inhrestsainl  prosperity ofnll, 
the  pi  opli'  del  laieil  In  their  CiHisliliiiioii  that  no  Slate  should 
einll  lulls  oi'ereilil.  |i  ilie  uroliihitioii  meansanjlhini;,  ifihe 
words  are  not  empty  soimils,  it  iniisl  eoniprelieiid  Ihe  eniis- 
sioii  III'  any  |iaper  mediiiiii   hy  a  Htale  Governmeiit  for  the 

purp.isi'  ol  eoi oncirculalioii."— Ki'e  filers's  Ucporti,  vol. 

•I,  ;.(..  1:11.0  3..1. 

Jiiilye  .Story,  (Mr.  J.  coiitiiiued,)  whose  iitilhor- 
ily,  III  the  I'Stitimlioii  of  the  oiipoiietils  of  iIiIh  liill, 
is  seeoiid  uiily  to  thnt  of  C'liief  Justice  JVlar.ihull, 
suys: 

"  It  would  seem  to  lie  nlivlous,  llmt  as  the  Slates  are  ex- 
pressfvproliihitedt'roiii  coiiiiiii.'iiioni'y,tlie  prohihition  would 
lie  wliully  iiietleeltial  if  tliry  nilHiit  ereiite  a  paper  enrrfiiey, 
and  eireulate  it  as  money." — ^itory'a  (.'oiniiuttturits  on  like 
O^imlihttion,  ultriili^ci  cdUioii — iiui^e  *1U3. 

And  ni^iiin: 

"  Al  ihi!  lime  of  the  adoption  of  the  Coiisiiiuiion,  hills  of 
eredil  VM  le  iloiVi'r.>all>  liiidert^tond  to  M|;iiiry  a  paper  iiie- 
iliuiii  iiileiided  to  eirenliite  hi-tween  iiiihvniiials  and  lietweeii 
t.oveinini'iit  ami  iiiihvidunls,  for  the  ordinary  pilrjsises  of 
M'eiely.  Hiiell  a  inedillin  lliui  ulwa>M  hi-eii  lialile  to  eoH- 
Mdeialile  tliu-ttialioii.  Its  value  iseoiitinually  elianitln^' ;  and 
llli-se  eliaiijjeM,  otteii  nu-iit  and  sudden,  expose  individuals 
to  iniiiirnse  lo.-ses,  are  the  souri  es  of  spei-nlatioiis,  and  de- 
Htioy  all  proper  eunnileliee  lielweiii  man  and  man.  In  no 
eoaiitiy  inoie  ihiiii  our  own  hail  lhe>e  truths  heeii  I'rlt  in  all 
their  liiice.  In  none  liad  more  iatriiM;  Mitrenit;.',  or  more 
wiilt:-spreud  ruin  ueeoinpaiiieil  the  systini.  It  was  lliere- 
liire  Uiu  objeel  of  the  ptuliihitiunl'i  cut  up  the  wlinle  mis- 
eliief  by  llie  roots,  liecanse  it  hud  lievn  d,  ipiy  Kit  tliroiiuh- 
iiutall  llio  t^tate:j,aiid  lioil  (leepl\  ulfeeted  the  piospemy  of 
all.  'file  object  uf  tile  prnliibiliiin  was  not  10  prnhiliit  the 
tiling  wlii'ii  It  bore  a  particular  iiiiine,  tint  10  prnhiliit  the 
tiiiiiir,  whatever  furiii  or  iiiiiiu:  it  inijzht  a.sstini<-.  Ik  the 
woKiiH  AitE  NOT  Ht:Ri':LY  Ejil'TV  uoi'Mis,  the  prolnliitioii 
iiiil-t  I  uniprehend  ilie  eiiiis.-niii  01  AN^  I'Al'KK  >'I'.UIU.M 
In  a  Stale  (iuveimiient  for  the  purpo:.e:i  of  eommoii  elreii- 
latliin.  It  would  hi' prepo.sliTous  to  suppusr  that  the  C'on- 
stitiitioti  ineiiiitsoli'iniily  to  pioliiliit  an  Issue  iiiidi'i  one  de- 
nonniialioii,  leawiii>  Ihe  isiHer  eoniplcle  lo  i-siie  the  tiling 
iliidir  another,  li  can  never  he  serloir-l)  coiiltiidcd,  tli.it 
tile  t.'oiistiiiilion  means  to  inohltiil  iianies,  and  iinl  thiiii^s; 
to  di  ill  wild  shadows,  aiiilto  leave  suh^lanees.''— //i.  4114. 

I  will  ulaoirad  from  11  letter nddressed by  Duiiiel 
AVelisler  to  D;iriiij;.s,  IJrotliers,  tV:  (!o.,  Iiiiiikers  in 
Eiii;laiid,  dated  l.oiidoii,  October,  10,  1&31): 

o  'file  term  •  bill  of  credit'  is  fiimiliar  111  our  polilieal  his- 
tory,:iiid  ll.s  nieiiiiinn  well  ascerliiiiieil  and  Kcltlcd,  not  only 
hy'lliiil  lotion,  lint  'ly  jinliciiil  intcrpretalioiis  and  ilcii^lnns 
fr'.ini  Ihe  hiiih'c-l  -oiirce.  For  the  piiriiose  of  Ihis  iipinioii.  it 
may  lie  siilfniciit  l<i  sav  that  tiills  ol  i-redir,  the  siilijiet  of 
pro'liiliiiiiin  ol' tlie  (■oiisiiliilion  ol' the  I'liiteil  Smti«,  were 
e-senlially  painr  imnny.  Tlicv  were  paper  issues,  intended 
for  circMli'iIion.iiud  lor  reeeipl  11  lotlie  treasury  as  cash, and 
were  sonictjnii  s  made  a  teiide  in  paylneiil  of  debts.  To 
pnt  an  end  at  oinr,  and  forever,  lo  inils  of  this  Burl,  and  lo 
danuers  from  tins  source,  the  (  onslitiilion  of  the  liiiilid 
Stalls  hiis  declared  that  '  110  Stat,  shall  emit  hills  of  credit. 
'  nor  iir.ik"  anyllniej  Inn  ijiilJ  and  silver  a  tender  in  payment 
'ofilclns.  nor  |iii>s  any  law  nliieli  shall  impair  the  ubiigatioii 
•  olcoiitnict.s.' " 

Mr.  .1.  eoniimird:  Another  reason  why  the  jico- 
ple  of  llmt  day  wished  to  rid  the  country  o!'  paper 
niiiiiey  was,  that  they  In'd  themselves  experietie-' 
the  evil  of  it;  and  wliilsl  I  am  not  iny.selfa  rej- 


P"-  I 
diator,  1  would  say  to  gentlemen  who  talk  aliout 
Missi.-isippi   repudiation,  and  who  deiiduiice  her,  [ 
nnd  every  other  Suite  that  is  not  able  to  pay  her  j 
debts,  that  their  lips  ought  to  be  sealed  uiilil  they  I 


have  redeemed   the  pledstea  nnd  promises  of  the 
tiovernment  which   they   now  in  part   represent. 
[Mere   Mr.  .Iiivks  e.\iriliiled  an  old   Continental 
liill,  issued  liy  the  anthority  of  Congress  in  1778,  ' 
for  sixty  dollars. I     On  the  fare  of  this  bill  (saiti 
Mr.  J.)  they  have  put  the  repiesentativc  of  the  I 
dollar,  which  our  linnks,  or  paper-money  maufac-  1 
ttirers,  of  the  present  day  have  not  dune.  | 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  if  there  was  no  coiistitii-  | 
tioiial  barrier  in  the  way;  if  this  Government  was  j 
iiutliorizcd  to  make  a  bank;  and  if  there  was  no  1 
I  conslitutinnal    prohibition    to   the  •Stales   against  I 
'  creating  linnks  and  pntiiiig  paper  money  inio  eir-  ''• 
culation,  1,  foroiie.shonld  still  be  the  uncoiupro-  ' 
misiiigopiionentand  enemy  of  every  atlem]it  to  |)iit  i 
into  cireiilntion  that  which,  without  possessing  any  I 
'  of  the  o.linraeteristirs  nnd  atlriliules  of  money,  pur-  ' 
iiorls  to  be  money.'  What  do  yon  attain  when  you  1 
,  nave  gold  and  silver  for  n  eurrcney?     And  why  is 
i  it  that  gold  and  silver  coin  nre  worth  the  ninount 
Rlaniped  upon  them."     It  is  not  because  they  bear 
[  upon  them  the  stamji,  or  the  coat  oi'  arms  of  any 
i  particular  Government; — it  is  because  they  are  the 
I  repro.sctitntives  of  so  much  human  labor,  .\lllioiigh 
i  we  ennnot  produce  or  create  the  material  itself,  yet 
it  hns  been  wisely  placed  by  the  God  of  Naliire  in 
the  bowels  of  the  earth  to  answer  this  very  purpose, 
I  and  the  price  of  it  is  the  same  that  was  pliieed  upon 
I  the  bread  that  was  to  sustain  life  when  Ailiitn  was 
first  driven  from  the  garden  of  Kileii.     The  price 
is  human   labor;  and  when  yoit  give  a  man  a  dol. 
lar  for  so  much  labor,  it  is  but  the  fair  return  nnd 
equivalent  for  thai   labor.     And   hence  its  value. 
Hut  many  genllemen  contend   that  this  Govern- 
ment has  the  jiower  to  maken  ITnited  States  I'aiik, 
and,  if  to  make  one,  I  siipjiose  to  make  a  thousand 
banks,  or  as  many  as  il  may  think  proper.    There 
is  no  doubt  upon  one   point;  that  is  to  .say,  thnt 
this  Governineni  hits  the  power  to  coin  inoiiey  out 
of  gold  ami  silver.     1  nsk  the  advocates  of  a  bank 
of  the    United    Stales  whether   this   (loveniiiient 
can  delegiite   that  jiower  to  a  corporation  .'     Can 
Congress  delegate  toncor|ioriilion  created  by  itself 
the  )iower  to  coin  money  of  gold  and  silver,  and 
I  to  regulate  the  value  of  coin.'    Surely  not.     If  this 
!  Government  should  continue  to  exist,  ns  I  trust  it 
may,  tliroui;h  all  lime,  such  a  thing  will  never  be 
i  heard  of  as  an  application   by  nil   association   of 
j  men  for  jiower  as  n  corporation  to  coin  money, 
I  And  the  rensoii  is  obvious,     if  they  lii.ve  the  pow- 
i  er  to  coin  money,  they  must  give  Komethiiiu:  that 
[  has  value  in  exchange  for  the  material  out  of  which 
to  make  the  money.    Hut  when  they  cdine  here  and 
'  ask  this  Government  10  coiistitule  tliein  into  a  cor- 
'  porntion,  to  allow  them   to  make  a  bank,  and  to 
'  i.«sue  paper  promises,  for  the  redemption  of  which 
'  their  own  private  properly  is  not  to  be  made  liable, 
I  they  know   they  are  asking   for  privileges  to  be 
conferred  upon  them  without  any  eipiivalent;  they 
'  know  that  they  nre  askinii:  for  power  to  make  that 
pass  as  money  which,  in  fact,  is  not  money,  and 
I  which  is  to  lake  the  place  of  money,  and  which  lliey 
;  can  make  wilhoul   toil,  labor,  or  expeii.se  of  any 
kind  to  them.     And  thus,  whilst  the  toiliiui;  mil- 
lions of  the  country  nre  in  pursuit  of  their  honest 
and  laudable  avocations,  a  fr-w  of  these  gentlemen 
are  lo  be  invested  by  this  Government  with   •'» 
enorinoiis  power  of  tiianufacturing  enough  in  r.;- 
day  of  these  paper  promises  to  buy  the  aggregate 
products  of  the  labor  of  all  the  people  of  the  coun- 
try.    Is  that  the  spirit  whirli  actuated  the  found- 
ers of  this  Government?    This  Government,  as  I 
imderstand  it,  is,  in  theory  at  least,  one  of  et'iual- 
ity  of  political  rights;  and  such  it  oueht  to  be  in 
practice.     Hut  how  can  this  equality  be  preserved, 
if  the  millions  are  to  be  forced  to  toll  for  their  daily 
bread,  whilst  a  few  sjteeial   favorites  of  the  tiov- 
ernineiit  shall   be  invested  with  power  which  will 
enable  them,  with    their   agent.'    and   oilicers,  to 
manufacture,  in  twelve  hours,  papt.-  nioiiev  enough 
to  buy  the  aggregate   products  of  the  Union  for 
twelve  months.' 

I  understood  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania 
[Mr.  J.  U.  iNCKusot.l.]  ye.steiday,  in  defending 
the  Hank  of  the  United  States,  to  say  that  it  failed 
nnder  its  charter  from  the  State  of  I'eiitisylviinia. 
Mr.  J.  K.  iNGF.Bsot.i.  said  he  had  so  stated. 
Mr.  Jones.  I  would  like  the  gentleman  to  state 
whether  he  believes,  or  desires  to  make  the  im- 
pression on  this  House  or  the  country,  that  the 
management  of  that  institution,  which  finally  re- 
suUeil  in  its  overthrow  and  destruction,  commenced 


1  only  with  the  d.ite  of  the  charter  granted  by  the 
Lei;islature  of  I'ciiiisylvaiiia. 

Mr.  J.  U.  Iniikiihoi,!..  I  believe  that  the  course, 
]  managenient,  anil  direction  of  the  bank  were  very 
j  much  the  same  at  all  times.  Ilut  the  invesliiieiits 
I  which  filially  collapsed,  and  occasioned  the  ile- 
i  struction  of  the  inn  rests  of  the  stockliolilers,  wero 
I  made  subsequent  to  the  charier  by  the  Legislature 
i  of  Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  Junks.     We  will  not  disagree  nboiit  facts. 

I  believe,  on  leference  to  the  report  mude  by  the 

plundered  stocklioldeis,  it  will  be  found  to  be  their 

(i|iiiiioii  thai    the  system  of  policy  and  ineiisureM 

which  cveiituallyled  to  the  destruction  of  the  hank, 

was  adopted  some  time  before  the  expiration  of 

the  original  charter.    The  charter  granted  by  (Jon- 

gress  expired,  for  all  active  biisjness  opi'iittioiis, 

on  the  4th  of  March,  \H'M;  and,  if  I  tiiisiake  noi, 

the  period  of  two  years  was  allowed  to  wind  up 

its  concerns.     The  bank  did  not  live  ihroiigli  these 

two  years.      Il  may,  therefore,  be  safely  as.ierted, 

that  It  did  explode,  or  at  lest  that  it  would  liav» 

exploded,  under  its  charter  .rom  Congress,  if  the 

charter  by  the  Lc^islatureof  I'eiinsylvaiiia  had  never 

been  granted;  for  in  tlie  month  of  Aliiy,  18H7,  being 

fourteen  months  nnd  a  half  after  the  expiialion  of 

the  congressional  charter,  but  within  the  two  years 

allowed  for  the  winding  up  of  its  ati'airs,  the  luuik 

I  dill  suspend  specie  payments,  from  which  it  iieier 

au'iiin  recovered.     My  own  opinion  is,  that  from 

!  the  first  of  January,  lt<17,  the  day  on  which  the 

liaiik  went  into  operation,  it  never  did,  iluniig  llie 

whole  period  of  its  existence,  see  the  day  or  the 

hour  wlieii  it  was  able,  hmieslly  nnd  faitlifully,  to 

!  ilischaige  its  liabilities.     If  we  recur  to  its  history 

M  in  the  years '18,  '111,  '-HI,  and  'Ul,  we  find  its  notes 

i|  at  n  depreciation  ill  the  streets  of  Philailelphia;  not 

I' the  notes  issued  by  lite  principal   bank  tii  I'liila- 

:!  delphia;  but  tlnit  bank  issued  it.-:  proclainalion  to 

'  the  world  that  ihe  notes  of  its  briiiiclies  would  not 

I  be  received  on  deposile,  nor  in  payment  of  ilebl.i 
li  due  to  the  bank.     The  branch  at  IVew  York,  the 

branch  at  riostoii,  and,  if  1  mistake  not,  the  braneli 
at  Hiiltimore,  issued  similar  circulai-s,  that  they 
would  not  receive  on  deposile,  nor  in  payment  of 
debts,  the  notes  of  any  other  branch,  nor  o' the 
mother  bank  itself.  And  the  conseipience  was, 
that  diirinu  the  years  I  '■  -e  mentioned,  the  notes 
of  every  branch  of  the  .,.  ,ik  were  at  a  discount  in 
the  street.s  of  Philadelphia. 

Another  fact  ill  the  historv  of  that  instiliilion 

was,   thill    ;ip|ilic:ilioii   was    .lade  lo  ('oiigri.ss  to 

■■epeal  that  provision  of  the  charter  which   made 

'    their  notes  receivnlile  in   [liiyniinl  of  Government 

dues.     That  bank  was  creaied   prelty  much  like 

all  others.     You  may  search  the  liisiory  of  banks 

ill  this  eouiilry,  nnd,  so   far  as    I  can  learn,  voii 

cannot  find   one   solitary  iiisliince  in  wind,   they 

have  been  organized  according  lo  the   ]iroyistons 

and  requisitions  of  their  chiirlers.     llow  is  it  witli 

this  very  Hank  of  the  United  Slates  ?    An  account 

of  that  iruitter  has  been  given   by  an   individual 

who  lived   recently,  I  believe,  at  Cincinnati,  and 

whose  name  is  Tliamas.     Me  says  tliiit  i:lniiii  ihu 

time  when  the   bank   went    iiiln  operalimi,  when 

sulwcriptioes  lo  the  capital  slock  were  being  11- 

iieived,  he  concluded  to  lake  a  portion  of  it.     He 

'■  supposed    it  to  be  a  fine  opportunity  for  iiivest- 

jj  iiieiit.     He  had  provided  liiniself  with  the  niian.s 

1|  to  take  fifty  Ihou.sand  dollars'  worth  of  the  slock, 

:  or  more.     The  charter  required    that   the  capital 

i  should  be  paid  in  in  three  iiistalmenls    one  at  the 

II  organization,  or  at  the  election  of  oilicers;  the 
r  second  ill  six  months;  and  the  third  in  six  iiioiiilis 

Ihereafler.     On   the  first    iiisialineiil,  if  I  mistake 

:    not,  il   was  required   that  fi\e  dollars  should   be 

;iaid  in  '.;old  and  silver,  and  the  balance  in  United 

\'  .Sintes  six   per  cent,  stocks.     The  other  two   in- 

I    stiilnienia  were  to   be   paid  in   proportions  of  ten 

!  dollars  of  specie,  and  the  balance  in  Uiiiled  Sialc.i 
|l  stock.  As  the  lime  approached  for  paying  in  the 
j.  first  inslalment,  specie  nnd  the  six  percent,  stocks 
!i  ndvanced  in  the  market;  and  Mr.  Thomas  says, 
!j  that,  supposini  n  still  furthei  ndvance  might  take 
:i  place,  nnd  that  it  might  be  uillicuh  for  him  lo  j;.o- 
\.  cure  the  sort  of  funds  reqii.red  by  the  charter  to 
''  pay  the  second  and  third  instnlments,  he  declined 
to  take  :>ny  of  the  stock.  Hut  he  says  that  those 
;'  who  understood  the  matter  better  than  he  did,  who 

I  knew  how  it  was  to  operate,  and  what  were  the 
;   gombling,  fraud,  and  trickery,  which  were  to  be 

'  practised  upon  the  people  in  the  establishment  of 


nk 


■ri 


" 


<{<)4 


29tii  Cono 1st  Sem. 


APPF-NDIX  TO  THE  CONGRFSSIONAF.  GLORE. 

Thr.  Inilcpcittkiit  TreuMrij — Mr,  (J,  H'.  Jones, 


f April  I, 


Ho.  m'  Hki's. 


(lie  liniik,  look  iinniriiMc  mnoiinfa  nf  tlip  Mtin'k;  ftiif 
liinulrcd,  (uo  liiiiM)r<-<t,  tlirrr  hiiiidrnl  tliniisiiiHl 
iliiMiirH'  W(iril\,  Mini  cvni  liirsrcr  ninmiiilM;  kiinwiii;; 
liml  llicy  wniiiil  have  ilir  |ii)wrr,  iiihIct  lliorlinrliT, 
In  I'li'i't  (liri'i'.liir.')  ill  |ii'"i)iiillc>ii  Ici  ilic  iiiiiiMiiii  (if 
Nliii'k  fur  wliii'h  ilii'v  kiiIini'vUhmI:  mikI  iIiui,  (mhihi'- 
i|iifnlly,  llic  liiiu'i'  Hioi'klioldrrs  cdiilil  elect  n  djrer- 
liirv  Nuliservieiil  In  ihiniMelvis.  Tlie  Nlriekhi)lderH 
wliii  I. ink  lull  II  t<liuill  iililiiillil  iif  llie  stuck,  willl 
the  iiilenliiMi  In  |i»y  n|i  lionesily,  iliil  piiy  iim,  iic- 
enrdiiii;  I'l  the  re<|uiHiliniis  of  the  charter.  Hut  the 
lar'.;e  Htockholders.  who  etilei-ed  mi  a  i\rpp  fiijiire, 
iiiannL'ed  liy  s.  inie  means  lo  yet  ilier<'i|iiisite  anion  lit 
of  i'old  and  silver  and  United  StateH  stock  lo  pay 
npllie  first  iimialnieiil,  ^IMie  hank  was  opened, tiie 
niiicers  were  elected,  and  it  went  into  operation. 
-And  when  the  next  nistalnienl  IV II  due,  lhtMari;e 
Niockliohlers  who  had  elecleil  tliu  dircclory,  called 
upon  lliein  to  loan  oiii  lo  llieni,  on  discuunl,  llie 
Mitiiie  specie  and  rnilcd  Stales  slocks  whielt  ihev 
had  paid  in  as  part  of  the  fust  uisialnieiit.  This 
\v*a8  done,  and  the  same  operation  was  repealed  in 
the  lliird  and  la.st  payment.  If  this  Mtali'iiieni  of 
facts  is  correel,  as  I  <lo  not  iloiihl  it  i.s,  then  the 
conclusion  is  clear  in  my  niiiul  that  the  liaiik  never 
iliil,  ill  any  one  hour  of  its  pMstcnce,  po.^ise.ss  the 
aliil  ly  to  iiieel  ils  lialiililies,  and  In  pay  its  delils, 
as  ihe  cimrler  retpiireil. 

And  this  is  the  liisiory  of  all  hanks.  1  have 
never  voted  fir  a  hank  charter.  Ihit  in  the  .Slate 
of  Tennessee  ihey  have  maih;  hanks — some  stock 
hanks.  Tliev  were  an  iinpioveiiK  nt  nn  lite  old 
stock  note  sy.slem  which  exploded  in  iPlT,  l^^l^■, 
mill  lliey  reiiuired  ihi't  ihe  stoi'k  .should  he  paid  in 
srolil  and  silvir.  AVas  this  dnhc  .=  .\n;  hiil  when 
the  hnnks  Were  opened,  and  a  persmi  came  to  .suh- 
scriho  for  the  slock,  he  would  sav,  "  I  have  not 
hrniirhl  any  .;nlil  and  silver."  'I'liose  liavini,' the 
inanai'i'inent  of  llie  allair  would  reply,  "  ll  docs 
not  milk'"  any  dill'eri  iice;  suhscrihe.  Tlie  iiinn- 
airers  at  Nasliville  say  lluit  i,'oId  and  silver  is  not 
neiv'ssary.  I'ay  us  the  notes  of  specie-payinu; 
hanks;  and  if  inir  hank  when  il  soes  inin  opera- 
tion  should   ref|Uire  s| ie,  she  can  i-all    on    llie 

hank  in  whose  notes  you  pay,  and  (iii  specie  for 
llietn."  In  llii.s  way,  the  first  iii.siahiiciit  on  (he 
Mock  of  these  hanks  was  paid  in. 

How  was  it  siihser|uenllv  .=  The  hanks  i.ssued 
n  call  tor  an  instalineiil.  Wn.s  thai  iiistalineni  paid 
in  L'old  and  silver,  as  lite  charier  rei|iiirc  d  ■  In 
some  case.sit  mav  have  iuen  so;  hut  in  many  in- 
stances the  stockliohlers  L'ol  their  Holes  ili.scnunied 
in  haiik.<:  the  proceeds  nf  tlic.-i'  iioies  wi'ri'  passed 
lo  iheir  creilii  nn  the  discnunt  hnnks  of  the  hanks; 
and  then  the  smrkhohhrs  !;ave  a  check  to  the 
clerk  nn  the  other  side  of  ihe  room  fin-  the  amniint 
Ihey  were  called  upon  lo  pay  on  the  slncli.  'I'lie 
elerk  took  lln  check,  rave  the  stnckliolders  credit 
for  so  ninch  paid  nn  their  stock  ai'coum;  went  to 
the  discniint  hnok,  and  there  char;:ed  tliein  with 
the  ainniinl  <if  the  eh  ck  paid  this  day,  and  lliiis 
the  honks  were  hiilanced.  Others  paid  in  the  notes 
of  thr  hank.  And  the  people  found  two  dollars  of 
this  papier  enrrcney  (int  in  eirculalioii  for  every 
dollar  of  the  stocklmlders'  nnles,  and  liank  notes 
[laid  in  as  capital  stock. 

We  liavfi  Hnother,  which  is  said  to  he  the  Peo- 
file's  Hank.  Il  is  all  a  lie.  In  the  whole  history 
nf  paper  nionev.  tlif-re  never  yet  was  a  h.oik  niadi' 
for  the  people  nr  for  their  !:nod.  .\iid  there  never 
can  he,  nor  can  llie  interest  and  welfare  of  the  peo- 
ple-i  ver  he  pinmnted  liy  such  means.  How  was 
this  Slate  hank  to  he  made  for  the  people-  Il  was 
to  he  owned  iiy  the  Stale,  and  all  its  profits  were 
lo  enure  to  the  (.'nod  of  the  |i(-ople.  It  went  illln 
nperatinn  in  iH.'Js,  it  enmnienced  hiisiness  in  a 
suspended  Stan  ;  and  when  iiidivnluals  hnrrowed 
the  iiHies  of  ilial  hank,  payaMe  twelve  innnilis 
after  date,  its  paper  was  from  ei^'ht  lo  leu  per  eenl. 
diseniint.  It  had  no  specie  on  which  to  issue  ils 
notes,  Il  ii.td  the  surplus  revenue  depo.-.iied  wiih 
Tennessee  liy  this  Gnvenmient  then  in  the  stm-k 
hanks  nf  the  Stale,  the  school  I'lind,  and  .sniiii-  .Stale 
hoiids,  the  issue  of  wliicli  had  heini  autlinri/'-d. 
The  prf-sidenl  and  one  of  the  direcinrs  nf  tlie  hank 
tonk  a  Irip  to  .\i w  York.  They  there  tell  in  with 
a  lire  insurance  enmpany,  tin  ai;ent  nf  the  cele. 
hi-aled  liank  of  the  United  .Stales.  'I'lie-  president 
and  ilirectnr  nf  the  I'.ank  of  Ti-nnessee  ne^'nlialed 
one  million  nf  these  Slate  hniids  with  the  fire  in- 
surance company,  for  which  they  received  not  a 
dollar  ill  specie,  hut  credit  uii  tlie  hooks  of  Mr. 


Middle's  hank  for  the  funds  of  these  homis.  The 
president  and  directnr  tnnk  a  eerlilicate  nf  ilepns- 
ile,  reliiriied  to  iS'ashville,  set  ihe  hank  in  opera- 
linn  Mil  this  one  inillion  cerlilicali-,  issued  two  Mil- 
lions upon  It,  these  very  iintes  liem;^  then  at  a 
discount  of  eielit  per  ceiii.  ^\'llat  heeaine  of  the 
million  of  dollars  hoiids.'  Did  we  ever  sjet  ii  dol- 
lar tni-llicin.'  .No;  hilt  tliu  Hank  of  Tennessee  had 
ereilil  ul  Mr.  Itiddle's  hank  tor  the  anioinn.  Mr. 
Iliddle  sent  the  hniiiis  in  Ins  aL'ent  iii  l..niiiloii  or 
l.iverponl,  Mr.  .Iandnn,wlin  sold  or  iiypoiheeated 
llieiii  there,  and  lliiis  Mr.  liidilli!  was  eiiahled  lo 
draw  upon  l-ai<.;laiid.  When  the  inerchaiits  nf 
Tennessee,  wlin  had  ;;otten  an  aecoinmodation  at 
the  I'liiik  of  Tennessee,  or  who  had  received  ils 
Holes  in  payment  nf  dehts  from  their  ciislnnicrs  al 
/)nr,  desired  funds  in  i'liiladelphia,  they  apphed  lo 
the  liank  nf  Tennessee,  and  prni'iireif  checks  on 
ihi'  hank  ill  riiiladelpliia,  p.iyiirz  for  the  same  in 
liniik  of  Tenn,  ssee  iioies  nl  a  discnunt  nf  einlil  or 
leu  peri-eiii.  When  they  arrived  in  Philadelphia, 
Ihey  either  paid  for  ^'onds  previously  hniii;lit,  or 
hoii^'ht  new  ^'onds,  for  wliirli  they  paid  with  these 
drafts.  Till-  drafts  heiii;;  ilieii  in  the  hands  nf  the 
whnles.-ile  impnrliiiu'  men  hauls  nf  I'liiladelphia, 
wire  hy  thein  i-xcliain;id  with  .Mr.  Iliddle  ,'or 
drafls  oil  Kii;;l.inil,  willi  whii  h  ihey  paid  for  loriner 
inijiortalioiis,  or  paid  for  new  eari;oes  nf  i^nnds, 
and  iinpnrted  thein  iiilo  the  eoiinlry.  And  thus 
llie  inipnrlni!;  inei-chanis  hroui;hl  into  the  enimtry 
one  inillion  ol'  dnilars'  wnrih  nf  ;;oods  for  the  one 
million  nf 'i'eiincssec  hoiids.  The  hoiids  ate  now 
out.  We  are  payiii;;  .ax  per  cent,  iiiteresl  upon 
them.  They  have  thirty  years  to  run.  Al  the 
end  nf  that  iiiiie.  In  say  iinlhin;;  nf  the  ensl  nf  enl- 
leelinc;  the  inicrest,  we  shall  have  paid  niie  millinn 
eiehi  hiinihid  Ihnusand  dnllurs  hy  way  nf  inti-resl, 
and  we  shall  still  owe  the  ori>;iiiul  one  inillion  of 
dollars. 

This  issuing  of  hondshy  tlie  Stales,  in  my  opin- 
ion, in  the  ;;i-eat  <-aust  nf  ilie  expansion  wliu-li  look 
place  in  the  years  ','1(1,  '.'(7,  and  'Df.  The  .Stales 
were  mad  upon  issiini;;  llieir  hoiids.  These  henids 
went  to  Kiirope;  not  a  dollar  of  real  money  fimnd 
its  way  hack;  hut,  in  lieu,  we  look  the  falaies  of 
Knglaiid.  \Ve  received  thein,  not  in  e.xchiinye  for 
our  productions,  hut  for  e\iileiices  nf  dehl  ai^ainsi 
the  Slates.  The  founds  are  wnrii  nut;  the  jiunple 
are  still  paying  niteresi  nn  these  hniiils;  they  will 
coniiniie  In  do  sn  I'nr  years  to  com:';  and  then  llii-y 
iiiusl  tiiKilly  |iay  the  principal.  This  is  llie  way, 
ill  pari,  in  which  the  liank  nf  Ti'imessce  was 
l.rnii:;lil  iiiio  existence.  Docs  this  Innk  like  the 
picture  nf  aiiylhni;;  thai  had  ever  heen  uitended  for 
the  aceiimmndaiinii  or  henelit  ol'tlie  penple  of  that 
.Slate.-  iNn.  .-\ii(l  such,  I  doiilil  not,  IS  the  con- 
dition of  other  Stall  s  of  the  Union,  'i'heir  hoiids 
have  ijeen  issued;  liny  have  found  tin  ir  way  to 
Kiiinpe;  and  ponds  have  heen  hronijlii  hack,  iii- 
si(  ;id  ot"  inoiiey,  in  the  place  of  them.  'I'hese  liniids 
prnfess  In  he  ^iveii  hir  iiiniiey  linrrnwcd.  Say, 
there  have  heen  two  liundred  millions  iti  llieni  is- 
sued; and  Buppnse  they  had  heen  really  :lic  evi- 
dences nf  deht  fnr  innney  hnrrnvvcd  and  hi-ouyht 
into  the  country:  it'wr-luul  received,  in  ii:nld  and 
silver,  the  amniiiil  I'nr  which  llie.si;  two  hundred 
niilliniis  purported  In  he  issued,  this  country  never 
wniild  have  exiieiienced  the  revulsiuns  of  ihe  last 
few  years.  liul  llie.se  triuisai-tiniis  hear  slron^'  re- 
semiilanee  to  the  (-oiiducl  of  many  individuals  in 
the  nianai^ement  of  their  riwii  alliiirs.  'I'liey  go 
ill  dehl  year  after  year,  and  finally,  when  lliey  are 
called  oil  III  pay,  they  liiid  that  all  that  they  have 
reci-iveil  for  the  evidences  nf  deln  fnr  which  ihey 
have  to  make  satisfactinn,  has  het  n  coiisunied,  anil 

'  thai  they  have  iiothiiii;  left  w  herewith  to  pay.  ,So 
jl  is  with  the  Stales  that  iiave,  in  tliis  way,  t-iin 
into  dehl.  They  li.-ivi-  c  oiisiiined  all  lliey  rei-eiveil 
in  lieu  of  tlieir  hoiids,  and  lliey  have  iinlhing  left 
loslinwfor  lliem.  liul  slill  the  inierest  must  he 
paid;  and  I  hop;  thai  every  Stale  ill  this  Union 
Will  y  1  pay,  faithfully  and  hnimrahly,  every  c-'.-iit 
that  she  owes.  I!,.t  i  aL'ain  reminil  nenilemen, 
Ihal  sn  Iniit;  as  this  iniredeeined  paper  (lioldin;;  up 
the  t'nntiiantal  money)  stands  iu;aiiist  their  own 
Governmeiil,  Ihey  oiii;ht  not  to  lie  too  harsh  in 
tli(-ir  eomplanils  a^'ainsi  individual  Stales  which 
find  themselves  unahle  lo  meil  their  liahihties. 

Mr.  Chairman, as  1  have  hefnre  saul,  I  advncate 
the  passagi-  nf  this  hill,  heeause  I  hclieve  it  to  he 
the   leiiiliniate   and  consliliiiioiial   mode   m  which 

■  the  moneys  of  lhi«  (jovernmeiit  ou^lit  to  ho  col- 


leeled,  kept,  and  dishni-sed.  I  advncale  il  nn 
annlher  irrmind  nnt  seenndary  tn  Ihat — heeansH  it 
is  the  iireiil  aniaironist  incaHiire  of  that  worst  nf  all 
sysleins  thai  ever  fasi.'iied  iisi  If  nn  this  nr  any 
nilier  coiinlry.  There  are  iwo  (;i-eat  lliin;;s,  a 
Hirict  adherence  In  which  eaniint  fail  lo  keep  this 
eoiinlry  in  n  prospernns  eniidilinn,  that  is  lo  say, 
keep  your  currency — yinir  standard  of  vnliie — 
siiiind  and  si.-ihle;  let  there  he  no  llnciuations,  and 
nn  pnwer  in  one  State  tn  make  a  dollar  one  htiii- 
ilrcil  and  tvvenly-live  ceiils,  and  in  luinllier,  one 
liundrt  d  and  flfty  i-eiits,  iiiid  in  aiiolher,  one  liiiii- 
dreil  and  ti  n  cents,  within  its  limits.  This  caniint 
he  done  if  hunk,  or  any  other  paper  iiioney,  is  lo 
enter  into  llie  circulalion. 

When  you  liave  Rrcoinplised  this  eiiil,  Iheii,  in 
the  exc-rcise  of  the  tnxiiii;  power,  he  i;nveriied 
aloiu-  hv  the  sintrle  principle  nf  levviiiij  taxes  nn 
yniir  eili-/eiis  snlltcienl,  and  nn  more  than  siilli- 
eieiit,  to  defray  the  expenses  of  ynur  ( hivi  rnineiit, 
ecnnnniically  adininislered.  In  my  ind:!meiit,no 
nllier  nhjeci  slinnld  he  i-c:;arded  in  levyini:  taxes 
hilt  Ihe  sin;;li'  niie  of  raisin;,'  revenue  enoti^'li  to  meet 
your  jiisl  and  proper  expenditures. 

['I'lic  hour  e.xpired.l 


Nnri-:.— The  li(lviicHle«  of ''piiper  innaev"  linldlv  iismtI 
llllll  liilienil  J.irkKOii  win  liir  .1   ll.mliaf  l/ir' i:„Unl  ,>--(c(. «  al 
niir  iH'rinil  of  las  lire.     Anil  In  -ilstiiiii   tia'iii  la  Mas  a-st  i 
liati,  t)ii->  icly  niillMly,  If  lint  sdlely,  lipiin  ccrtiini   iiiiitiniis 
III' las  Me^-iii;c  Mtiiill;:  the  llill  pilSdeii  hy  ('(iliprcss  Id  leiulity 

aiiiteiiiiiiaiii'  ilii'  act  ciitjllcd  '*  .\ii  net  in  iiieariiiiriilc  llie  snli 
serllii  IS  lii.llic  lliiali  III  till'  IJalteil  Hlutes"  in  IWH;  in  vvliich 
he  snys,  "*,'/  ^.iiifr  of  the  t^niled  St<ili:n  i*,  in  imnui  rcsjicc/.v, 

*  couvenieitt  f.-f  the  Gnrcrnmviit  inul  iisc/ii/  lo  tfiv  jiV'ifh:" 
'  *  *  ♦■ 'I'lint  a  liiiiik  III' tile  United  Hinlcs,  ciiiniieleiil  ti> 
■all  duties   vvliicli  may  lie   rcipiireit   tiy  die  tinvi-riiiiieiit, 

•  lilifttit  lie  ^n  iir;|:tlil/.i-il  iis  iinl  In  iiifriliue  nil  inn  iivva  dele 
'Hilled  |in\\t'i-.iir  tllr  O'^iTMit  I'livvernofllie  Hlllles,  I  (III  lull 
■  eiili'ilain  a  ilmitil.  Hail  tin-  I'xeciitivc  lieen  i  nil-  il  upon  In 
M'liriiisli  llie  pniji'cl  ill'  such  (in  iiislltutidli,  Ilie  duty  wiiiild 
•iiiive  I II  ehcerl'iilly  iitrtiiriiicd." 

'fill  re  lire  ditli-reiit  Kiiiil>  nl  tmiiks.  fllrielly  iipeiiklllll.  a 
pl:iii'   where  innney  Ik  (li|in-ili-()  is  a  Imiik.     Ilcnee,  lln  re 

(ire  li;uil<s  n|-  ile|Hi>tli'.  win  r iiey  is  pjneed  men  l\  fnr 

s:ir.'-kce|iiiii!;  there  iirc  nlsn  Imnks  nfdepnsite  mid  iti-cniint, 
vviiere  Ilinlicy  is  plaeeil  In  lie  liKUied  uI  iiilered  ;  (mil,  (dsn, 
llleie  are  liiinks  nl'  llepnsilc.  discniint,  llllil  issues.  'I'lie  lilt 
ler  il'scrijiiioa  (ilna(>  niiikc  vvltiit  is  called  paper  ninaev . 
Aail  iii-'ti  (111  nf  tieiiiii  erenled  far  the  sali'  ninl  profllal'le  in 
vc-lnient  el'ri'.'/  mnnrii  nr  siirjitux  r:'jiiliiL  (ire  lIslKllIy,  if  mil 
alvvjivs.  risnil-'d  In  fnr  the  pnrpiise  of  miiinifiielininB  (i 
vvnrtlili->s  paper  eiirrciiev,  widiriiil  any  real  iiinncy  In  sn- 
lain  II.  I'.itliir  kind  amy  lie  an  iiicni-pnrnlcd  ciniipany  in 
iini.  W'lnii  kind  nl  liaiili  did  lieiiernl  laekunii  reli-r  In  in  ttie 
atinve  exlrm-i.'  rpnii  tins  lalbjeet  nn  dniihl  can  he  enter- 
tained, liy  refrrein-e  lo  his  seeiind  .-Vniinnl  .Messnjie  to 
rnliun-ss.  tlie  :ili  lli'ceinhcr,  IKIII.  wnllili  and  inihli«hed 
nilieli-en  ninillh-  liefnn-  lllc  vein,  will  he  I'niinil  Ihe  kind  nf 
Ireik  winch  III*  ihniiL'hl  ('nnirress  cniiht  make  vvilhniit  iii- 
I'niiL'iin.'  Ihiir  ilelcL'Jiteil  pnw'ers  or  llie  reserved  riiihls  nf  llie 
flans.     Ile>ays: 

n  It  IS  ihniiuht  priieticahlc  In  (iri!aii)7.e  siicti  a  limik,  Willi 
the  iicees-dri  iitii'ers.  ii i  a  lirancli  nf  Ihe  Tnaisiiry  Depart- 
ment, haied  nn  the  piihlic  anil  inillvidiial  dcpoditefi,  wnii 
in  r  I'liw  K.n  lo  M  vKi;  i.nvNs  on  iM-RrnAst:  PROi»ER'rv,  which 
shall  renin  Ihe  fniiils  nf  llic  finvenimeiil,  (mil  the'  expenses 
nf  w'liicli  ina>  '"'  paid,  11  Iliiiiluht  iidvi^nlilc,  hy  nllnvviii);  it- 
niiicers  In  sell  lulls  nf  evcliaiaie  III  privalc  iiidividiiaN  111  (I 
imiih-nite  pri-niiiini.  \'it  hcinj  ll  i  iiaeoRA-rE  onnv.  ii  xvimi 
Ml  s  nil  Kiioi  Pins.  iihuriiRs.  nit  i>RoFeR-rY,  iiiiil  hat  li-vv 
olIii-iTs,  it  wniild  mil  tic  nhanviniia  to  tlie  eoiistilnliniiiil  oli- 
jeciiniis  wliicli  arc  iirKed  (inain^t  Ihe  preiient  hank;  and, 
iiaviiiu  nil  iiii>an8  In  nperntc  nti  the  nni'Ks.  ri-:vi(s,nr  iN'rvr.- 
t.^i  s  nf  larire  masses  of  Ihe  (■nnniiiinllv ,  il  vvniild  he  uliiirii 
nf  till*  iiithii'iice  which  liKlkes  Ihat  hank  liirimdalile." 

If  pinnf  Ihlll  (Ji'licrnl  .lacksnn  hclieveil  unld  iiiid  silver  In 
III'  Ihe  only  cniislilntiniml  enrreiicy  was  deeined  necessary, 
I'Mracis  iiiiuhi  he  (|iiole(l  I'niiii  his  Farewell  .Address;  hut 
till  letter  la  Muses  Davvsnn,  in  Is-i'J,  so  full  and  salisfiielory 
tipoa  this  snhjccl,  is  liereto  appi'iidi-d  at  leaiilti : 

'■  Hkhmii-viik.  Voi'cinAerSt.  IPl'J. 

••  Mv  lie  va  Sill ;  A-'inr  lellcr  nl  ihe  Isih  liistniit  has  Jii-i 
heen  reciivid,  Ml  vvhicli  yiiii  a-^k  |ii'riiii>si(in  In  pahllsii  my 
h-tli-r,  or  e.vlracis  friiiii  il,  lo  which  voii  refer.  I  have  no 
copy  of  that  h'ltcr,  and  vv  lien  w  rillcii  liad  no  idea  nf  its  heniij 
|iiililii|n-d ;  and  as  1  wrole  it  in  tia-Ie,  Ilierc  ninv  he  irrnr-, 
liiilh  in  irraiintiar  ami  spcllinn.  wliiili  may  lii-ciI  enrr'-clinn  ; 
still.  (IS  yni]  say  jl  may  he  ii-cfiil  fnr  iliformalinn  In  the  piili 
lie,  haviiiL'  the  «rcat.'«l  cniiliih  iicc  in  your  jndL'lnenl.  Ihe 
pfrillls>inii  von  a-k  is  fri-dy  U'ivcli  in  ynii.  I  never  pill  In 
[lapcr  iinylliiiei  hul  what  are  my  iiKiniri d  npinina.s. 

"  .*.■*  toll!,*  allii-inns  made  In  my  iiiessaccIoCoiiL'rcHs,  had 
I  slri'iiL'lh,  I  vvniild  i-'ive  villi  the  full  nntlines  nf  Ihal  prnjecl, 
if  ('nnl!rc^s  hiid  made  ihe  call  on  me.  Itnl  while  Ihe  i  all 
wiis  mil  iiiiide  tilinii  nil-.  Cnaari'ss  was  well  aware  nf  my 
o|iiiiiiiii  of  till-  ciin-lilnliona!  |invvcr  nf  I'onirn'ss  in  iheirle 
I.'1-lalinii  for  Ilic  lli-lricl.  and  nfllie  Stales,  vvilli  rcyiird  In 
charlcriiiL'  hanks.  I  will  l'ivc  von  aeoncisc  and  hasly  view 
nf  that  opinlnii.  That  the  jinwir  nf  t'nliizn'i-s  over  Itie  Ills 
trill  was  ei|iial  to  that  ^>t'  llic  tsialcs  over  their  rcspecnve 
liniils,  anil  liial  neither  had  ttie  cnnsliliilinmil  power  lo  ehar 
lir  hanks  of  paper  issues — that  the  only  pnwer  in  I  his  n'spect 
was  In  eliarter  hanks  liascil  iipna  a  spi'i-ic  liaiis.  and  nf  de 
[iiisilc  ami  evchanm'.  'i'hc  fSliilcH  haviiiii  resinned  In  Ihe 
(icm  ral  (invi-rmni'iil  the  siivereimi  piivv  er  m  ciiiii  inniicv , 
reaillah-  tlie  value  therenf.  ^^c..  and  prnhiliili  d  Ihcm-clvi's 
frmii  issniiii!  hills  ttf  creilit,  nr  in  make  anylhini:  a  tender  in 
paymeiilof  lichlii  hill  gold  mid  silvcrcuill — liciice  the  reserved 


7 


IHIO.I 


II    nn 

.Ml.il'     it 
:l    (.full 

"T  nny 

ii:;h,   a 


•2J)rii  CoNd 1st  Skss. 


API'ENDIX  TO    rilK  CONCiKKSSlONAL  Gf^OBE. 

Hvir'imv.ttt  of  MoHHtvil  IHjIrnivn — Mr.  Istvin, 


mil 


Ho.  OK  Reps. 


riuliix  "I  t)H'  HI:itrH  I-  iiiiiiliii'il  III!  {lourr  III  I'liiirii  r  hiiiik^ 
uitii  |iii\M'r  til  iK'iii'  liil'aiitrrrilil.     I  ii-l>, » lial  i<  ii  li  ink  I  ill 

liMl  11  lull  III  rn-illl;     Till'  rlllllt'  r  IljIflW.-t  llli'lli  III  I Ilin  r 

iliillir^  III  |ii|ii  r  tiir  nin'  in  ^iirrn- :  tlir>  i-  liw  ilnlliir  tiilln  iiic 
M'lliil— I  uii  III  III"  liiiik  uiIIp  iiiii'  nl  lliriii-  I  limit'  mil  llvi' 
iliillitr^  III  H|ii'i  II'  -I  iiNk,  wliiil  'III'  (illii  I  luii  tiM'tf  irjir'  in'iitr 
Till  yiiii-u  r,  Niilliiiiu  liiil  rnilil.  Tlii'-r  \U'ii-  ucll  kiiiiuii 
li>  I ''•iiuri'Ki*  ti>  III-  my  iiI'Iiiii'Iim;  ll.t-ri  |i<ri',  iii>  iiiiMirt  wiih 
ii'ii  c.illril  Ihr.  M.iii.v'i'i'iiiiiiiiii't'i*  iijin  -I'liiitm  lnnik-  i-iilU'it  \ 
li|i'iii  iiin  wliilnl  III  till-  KxiTlltiM-  I'liiiir.  Ill  kiiiiu  H*  I  \Minlil 
lull  ii|>|iriivi' a  rliiirliT  ii|i  Ml  nth 'r  liTiii-i  lliiiii  liu  i-il  ii|iiiii  u 
mii'i'ii'  Iiii-ih;  iiiv  .iiihwi  r  lihMl>»  HH-.  tltnl  I  VMiillil  tipimiti' 
III  lilt  iiiiiiT  fiuirii'.';  ilii'ri-'iiir.'  nunc  utln  i  hxh  priM  iiii-il 
III  nil'. 

*'  I  IIIII.  Hint  I'Vrr  liaVi  lici'it.  fil'lviiTii  In  nil  kliiiU  (il'tiiiv 
I'liinii'iii  |iii|ii  r  I'lirr'iii'.Ki 'I  it  in'  iicrlvcil  Tr'nii  ii\''liri|u»rr(ir 
I  .rru  11*1'.  It  111''  (npi  r  H  llii'  r-  III  ri'iin-friilittivroi  -(i-'tii'. 
\vli>  nil'  |i;i>  till'  il  lit^  in  .-|i  II'',  mill  li-i  tin'  >|i'  rii'  i-iri  iiliitf 

in  illi'  Iniinl-  nl'  lln-  tiliiiiiii'.' I  |iriiiliii'inii  r'ni.--"  -  ^     'I'lii-n 

tin-  iliiiliin:  liilwi'in  lln-  iii'i'iliiinl  (iiiil  liilnin  r  will  lio  In 
.•(i  rif,  iitiil  II. r  niiNi'lianl,  liy  niiikliitt  II  (li'iii'MU',  o.iii  ui'l  it 

lull  iin  liny  |i:iil  u,  iIk'  I ' n.     Win  ri',  linn.  I-  tlH'  iihi'  nl  il 

liajii'i-  I'lirr.  iii>\  i  .N'ttlnr  l)H>  iiiiirliant  liiir  liiliiiri'r  tMiiili. 
II.  'I'll'  nil  irlnint  walitH  II  l.lil— mil  u  liaiik  iit  I'Ji'hi'iiui'r 
lull -tint  n|iiiii  It  liiinkiT  wlii'm  In-  liiiyn  lii.^  uiimli'— iifi  in 
<i  rinniiy. 

'■  11  IS  ii|i>'  lit'  IIk!  iircali'.-'t  lltlllil)ill(!4  rviT  :itl<>ni)ilril  In  In 
^llllll^nl  ii|inii  a  |iiiii|ili-,  Itiiil  tlicri' in  nut  r|itcii<  I'lniimli  in 
tin-  vviirld  in  Hni*i\i'r  nil  tlln  in-t'i  h  'iiry  waiil-  iif  llic  l-iiiiiiiiii- 
llil>'.  I. 'Ilk  III  t'liliii;  tliori*  IM  iiM  |iii|ii'r  tliiTi'.  Hlillt  inil 
I'liini  I'lri  nlaliiiii  all  ji'ijn  r,  iiinl  ^|l^l■l(.'  will  ll.iu-  in  ii|iiin  ii> 
II.  tin-  l.il.-;  lull  will  iii'w  i  lliiu  In  Hliy  riinliMy  llliu  lia- ii 
papiT  rinitncy.  wliii  h  will  always  ilcprrt-in*  .\  iialimial 
jtii|i"r  r'llirriK'v  is  a  ttrratcilisr  t<i  ativ  pi.'n|ili',  .itiil  a  p'iftii'ii 
iai' ciirMi  til  till'  laliiirrr  nf  till- nillntry  t  I'nr  lis  ili'|iri'ri.ttiiiii 
lilvMiis  I, ill.,  npiiii  till'  labnriT.  Itiit  w-itli  tlii'-i-  Iniit-.  I  inil^t 
i'l'i.<i',  11'  int{  nximili-teil.  1  am  [jri'allv  (li'lnlilati'il,  anil  rrni.iiii 
yiiiir  itii'inl.  ANDIIl'.W  JAI'KSON." 


UlXilMUNT  01''  MOUNTKIJ  UU-'LIiMKN.  ■ 
.SPCIU'll   OF   iMU.   L.  C.  J.  HVIN, 

OF  PliNN.SVIA  A.MA, 
!.>>•  TIIK  IIot'HK  (If    Ut;t'lli;i.KM'ArlMi«, 

Jpril  7,  lH-l(i.  1 

'I'lin  llniiHt!  lipinj;  In  Ci)iiiniitlcc  (iT  the  Wlinic  nn 
the  slalt!  of  the.  ('iiiiin,iiii(l  linvin^  iinilen'oiisiil- 
eriitinii  tlio  bill  for  I'lii.siii^  a  Ki'^'iinciil  of  Mimtit- 
1(1  llilUmcn — 

Mr.  LKVIIV  moved  the  following  aiiiendmnnt: 
"  Proviitcit,  Tlinl  llie  otKoers  ami  soldiers  of  said 
I'i'jjiiiiciit  shall  Ijc  Anicricaits  by  bii'tli." 

Mr.  Li'iVIN  being  entitled  tn  the  lloiir,  said; 

Mr.  Cii\tHMAS':  I  offer  tliia  aiiiiHiilini'iit  in  the 
same  K[iiiil  that  dirlatcd  the  pnliiy  nf  ibc  iniinorial 
Washington  in  our  revoltitionai'y  war,  when  frnm 
bis  eainp  at  faiiibridi^r  be  i.ssiii-d  hi.s  oi'ders  to 
**  ji/arc  Tlolic  hut  lliltivm  ttt  lilt'  tiii^/in.sf.s. ''  It  is  Iii;^b 
time  to  be  caiitioua,  when  the  nation  is  called  ii|iiin 
to  anil  for  its  defi-nce  and  |ircser\alinii.  It  i.<  hii;li 
lime,  sir,  to  ascertain  who  are  our  friends,  and  who 
are  our  foes — who  are  Anicncaiis,  and  who  the 
snlijects  of  our  enemies.  It  is  bi^li  lime  to  iiialte 
this  inquiry,  when  wo  hear  a  eonimiliee  of  this 
House  report  thai  there  is  no  dislinciion  between 
alien.s  and  iiutui'ali'/.ed  citizens — no  shade  of  ilill'er- 
eiico  licl'.yeeii  idiens  and  nalive-li:irn  Aiiiericaiis. 
IJid  Wasliniijton  think  so,  .sir,  when  be  issued  the 
order  lo  wliieb  I  have  just  advened  ?  V\\r  from  it. 
Me  who  never  rjuailed  in  battle — he  who  never 
erred  in  judirnu'iil,  tlion;;lit  dill'erenily.  It  was  his 
inlniirable  sai^icily  that  .■saved  tlie  country,  by  lliis 
wise  disiu'iinination.  He  knew  where  lo  place 
every  man.  b'.xpt  rienie  bad  Iaiii;ht  him  that  the 
itost  ol'ihe  foreiLnii  r  was  in  the  rear,  i'^xpcrienct! 
bad  iauL;lil  bini  lliat  In  all  i'l'eal  emer;;encies  be 
could  rely  on  llie  native  soldier,  v.'bo  rallird  to 
the  li;;lit  to  deliiid  his  honiisieud,  his  family, 
and  his  native  Iiiiid.  Now,  sir,  shall  we  take  the 
experience  of  Wiisliin:;ton  for  a  fiuide,  or  shall  we 
iiliiile  by  llie  report  of  the  Judiciary  Committee, 
wliicli  proclaiiiis.  In  subslance,  that  native  ciiizens 
are  in  no  respe<*t  superior  to  the  alien;  and  that  the 
alien,  so  far  as  the  hii;besl  piilitical  rit^hts  ale  con- 
eeriied,  is  equal  to  the  naturali'/cd  ciii/.eii?  Need 
I  ask  ibis  ipiesiiiiii  of  an  .■\morlcnn  ('ongress.'  I 
Iriisl  not,  sir.  Iliil  lo  the  point.  It  is  propnsi  cl  to 
raise  a  rcL':inii'nl  nf  mnniiUHl  rilhiiien,  to  aid  in  the 
ilefeiici'  of  the  rninlii  r  sctllciiienls — "  lliv  ea/iiml.v" 
of  the  l-'ar  We.st.  Now,  who  better  ([italihed  to 
defcnil  llie  soil  ihaii  the  iialive  born — llie  hardy 
|iloneer  who  peoples  it.^wliii  selllcs  it — who  loves 
It — who  lias  his  wife,  bis  children,  and  his  all, 
slaked  on  lis  prisi'tvaliim  .-  Will  you  |ilacc  such 
a  man  on  an  ei|uality  with  the  alien,  or  even  on  an 
«'ipialiiy  with  liie  n.'ilitrali/.ed  cili/.eu,  lon/i/'  mo- 
jirestiil  lii.t'  sijstiiii  ff  ihitiinillziitii)ii  *   Would  Wash- 


in^ion  have  done  so?     I  ask  ymi  to  turn  lo  his  or- 
der at  ('ainliriil.;e  for  a  cuni'lnsive  reply. 

Let  nie  not  be  inisundi  rsiood,  sir.    I  rnnrcdo  lo 
the  imlunili/.i  d  foreigner  all  the  ri^'hts  of  the  Amer- 
ican eiii/i'iii  lint,  IIS  a   iiiiiiler  of  Stale  policy,  in 
tliiK^  of  war,  or  under  ihe  prospect  of  eolbsiun  wlih 
forcli^n  I'owei'N,  I  contend  iliai  wecantiol,  with  any 
rennril  to  the  fei  line's  of  pairiolism,  refuse  to  eon- 
line  Ibis  Iriist  lo  the  inilive   born  of  the  soil.      'I'be 
expediency  of  this  ameinlment  Is  miinifisl.     We 
are  now   oveiruii  wilh  aliens,  who  owe  and  can 
ow(^  no  alli"4iance  to  ihe  iNaiional  Hoverniileiu  — 
who  are  llie  born   snbjccis  of  foiii^n    kin;;s,   to 
whom  they  owe  iilleiiiance,  and  who,  if  tliey  desert 
the  ,'\nii'ricaii  i  ulois,  (aiinol   recen  c  Ihe  punish- 
mini  due  lo  their  crime — a  liict  w  liicli  appears  lo 
have  been  overlooked  bv  lliose  who  have  endeav- 
ored to  make  It  iijipear  lliat   Ihe  Stales  possiss  llie 
power.  In  their  individual  capacily,  lo  iieale  eili- 
/.ens  of  the>  [Jiilled  .Slates;  a  delusion  so  sin^!;uliu', 
that  It  iiiiiy  leasonably  induce  us  to  pause  in  the 
passai;e  of  every  act  of  (aiiij^ress,  In  order  that  wc 
may  ileline  what  coiisiliiiles  a  cili/.en  of  the  I'niled 
Slales.     The  position  ciinlended  fur  by  our  op- 
poiienl.s  places  the  alien  on  Ihe  saiiie  plalforin  with 
the  nalunib/ed  elllzeii  nf  the  United  Slates.    Now, 
what  mollis  dues  naluraii/atnm  confer,  either  civil 
or  polilical,  or  both.'     Accuiilinj;  lo  the  report  of 
llie  .ludiciary  Conimillee,  it  coiiler.s  none;  lor  ih.it 
dm  iinii  111  refers  us  lo  Stale   laws  for  every  ri^ht, 
civil   and  political,  llial  an   alien  lan  po.sse.s.s   or 
exercise,  v\eii  to  the  rii;bt  of  suiria^e,  as  granteil 
to  ihe  alien  by  the  Stale  of  llhnois!     Does  nnlu- 
ralizalion    confer    the    ri'jlit    lo  live,    to    labor,  to 
ac(|Uire,  transfer,  de\ise,  or  inherit  property  .'   No, 
sin  this    rii,'lit  is    original   and   inherent  in   man. 
What   rii;lits,  then,    does    iiaturall/.ation   confer? 
The  rlt;liis  that  beloii!?  lo  a  ciuzen   of  llie  llnilcd 
Slales.     Now,  sir,  all   these  riuhls  are  prinuirlly 
political  riglils,  thoUi.;li  they  nectssarily  Involve  all  , 
the  civil  and   personal  ri;;hls  that  belong  lo  the  . 
residents  of  Slates.     Our  whole  Federal  system  is 
one  purely    pohllcal;    natiiralii:atliiii,  then,    must  ! 
confer  rights  of  a  purely  iiolilical  character.    What 
are   they?     The    right  lo  vote,  and    the  right  of 
eligibility  lo  otliee.    it  can  conl'er  no  other,  because 
all  civil  rights  are  pro-existent  to  naturalization. 
Kligibillly  to  ollici'.  sir,  is  a  coiiseipieiK'e  of  the  ' 
right  lo  vole,  and  the  electors  of  all  kind.s — nalive 
and  foreign — would  all  be  eipially  eligible  lo  otliee 
if  the  ('onsliliillondid  not  Iniei'pose  a  .special  niter- 
tliet  in  reference  lo  the  great   presiding  titiicers  of 
the  Republic.     And  lie"e,  sir,  we  have  a  eorrobo- 
ralion  of  the  con'ei'tness  of  tins  view  of  the  rigbta 
^vliicii  naliirabzalion  confers. 

The  .Stales  have  an  iitiipiestioiiable  right  lo  de- 
eidt^  on  wliai  terms  Anit'iicai,  citizens  .shall  vole  in 
their  respeclue  .Stales.  Ibit  if  the  Slates  call  grant 
to  el'i'iis  the  riglil  lo  vole  as  eledois  of  the  L'nited 
States,  I  bey  could  also  grant  the  right  of  eligiblllly 
to  the  ollice  of  President  and  Vice  I'resideiit  of 
the  United  Slates.  Now,  sir,  llie  powers  dele- 
gated lo  the  CJeneral  Uoverimient  arc  of  that  eliLss 
only  deemed  neeessiiry  to  its  perfect  organization. 
No  term  tif  probation,  no  period  of  live  years'  ini- 
lialion,  would  be  neces.sary,  if  iialurulizalion  de- 
sigiH  (1  only  lo  confer  rights  relative  to  pi'o[ierty,  or 
pioleciioii  in  lime  of  war,  or  any  of  the  civil  and 
pi'rsiinalrigblslhat  belong  to  the  resldenUs  of  Stales. 
How,  for  exam|ile,  sir,  is  '.hat  clause  of  the  L'on- 
slitullou  to  be  .secured  which  excludes  foreigners 
:  from  the  two  blgbesl  ollices  of  the  Kepubllc,  bu; 
by  the  nalurahzalion  laws,  as  they  eonler  the  right 
to  vote  and  the  rijhl  ol"  eligibility  to  ollice?  Con- 
cede, for  llie  sake  of  argument,  lliat  llic  naUirali- 
'  zalioii  laws  do  not  conl'er  the  right  to  vote — under 
the  belief  that  the  Stales  have  exi  hisive  jurisdic- 
tion in  llial  mailer,  as  the  .ludiciary  re|iorl  now 
before  the  I  louse  conlemU — bow  could  the  provi- 
sions (if  the  Conslilutlon  bo  carried  out?  The 
Stales  would  make  no  iliscriminatioii  lielween 
aliens  and  natives — no  certijicaie  of  naturalization 
would  be  iiecc.ssary — no  rcconl  of  alienage  could 
be  traced — and  the  whole  fabric  of  the  (.iovern- 
niciil  would  full  iiiiiler  llie  conirol  of  foieigners,  in 
IhigranI  violation  of  the  most  solemn  uiitl  fuuda- 
nieiilal  provisions  of  our  organic  laws.  This,  sir, 
.  is  one  of  tilt!  most  obvious  conseipieiices  of  the 
doctrine  of  this  famous  .ludiciary  re[iorl,  that  the 
Slates  possess  the  exclusive  right  to  regulate  the 
riglil  of  .siillVage  !  If  iIiIn  had  been  the  case,  sir, 
wlivdid  Congriss  exleud  the  probaiiou  to  four- 


teen years  ?  Why  did  ihe  Congress  of  |7IW  rcpial 
the  act  of  I7!>  I,  and  abridge  the  term  of  probation 
from  fiiurli'i'ii  lo  live  years?  The  very  fad  thai  <  'mi- 
i.'1'esH  has  111  various  tinii'S  extendcil  and  abridged 
the  period  of  probation,  shows  niii.il  ciinclnsively 
llial  the  t;rcat  and  fnndamcnl'il  riu'lii  conl'irnd  by 
the  li\W's  of  nalniabzallon,  was  the  riv'lit  of  sill  . 
frage,  and  no  oiln  r.  Kor  what  other  rh'Jii,  sir, 
reipiiieH  a  pi'obalioii  of  live  or  liuirleeu  years? 
Cerlainly  not  the  riglil  lo  bold,  acipnre,  inheril, 
or  devise  ptofn  I'ly.  No  man  is  rei|inretl  lo  have 
kiiowledi:!',  or  gmid  nioral  ebaiacicr,  to  ipialify 
him  to  hold  properly^  or  lo  light  in  bailie,  or 
lo  act  ill  any  of  llie  civil  nlalioiis  of  citlzeiisliip. 
No!  The  very  Idea  of  priiliaiion  applies  lo  iho 
ballot-lniv.  And  ihe  |irnctiic',  with  llie  exeep- 
lioii  of  Illinois  and  Michigan,  lias  lii\ariably  sus- 
laiiied  Ihe  principle  ;  so  llial  ibe  ri';hl  lo  vole  is 
Nynonymoiis  vtiib  naiuraliziilion  in  relation  lo 
foreigners,  and  the  denial  of  that  rinht  has  been 
invariably  insi.sted  upon,  when  the  .dien  laiinot 
cslalilisli  ihe  t'ai't  of  naliirabzalion.  On  this  point, 
Mr.  ( 'hairman,  Il  siemsNiiperlbioiis  loiUvell  longer; 
on  this  polnl  the  absindlly  of  the  repori  is  celf  ivi- 
ilent;  and  il  is  only  matter  of  snrpiise  and  regret 
lliiil  any  cause  could  beso  despcrale,  so  hopelersly 
liirlorn.  as  to  acrpiire  sopliisiry  so  llinisy,  dislor- 
lion  so  revolting,  lo  snslain  it. 

Ainer.''aii  sulliage  is  a  high  prerofiilive.  Ileaii 
Rninnate  but  from  two  sources — birlli,  and  nalurati- 
zatioii  by  ihe  American  (bivernmnnt.  lis  gre.it 
dislinguishini;'  i  haractcrislic  is  the  rii,'ht  of  .sover- 
eignty. What  is  the  right  of  sovereitinty  ?  The 
ehcilve  franclii.si' — the  ri;.'lil  to  gini  rii — the  rii'ii' 
111  rule — ihe  right  lo  vote  for  I'residciil  and  Vice 
I'lCHident  of  the  United  Slales,  and  for  niember.sof 
Coiigres.s.  'Wilhoni  ibis  riglii  no  man  can  be  aii 
.'Villi  ricaii  eiiizen — no,  sir,  not  even  the  alii'ii  In 
Illinois. 

Unilormily,  as  n  quality  of  nalurallz.alion,  can 
only  apply  to  the  right  of  snll'rage.  It  has  no 
meaning  in  reference  lo  *'  properly"  or  "  protec- 
'  lion  111  time  of  war;"  or  lo  the  duly  of  any  civil 
;  ollice  or  inililary  SI  r\ice.  Uniform  law.sol  natii- 
ralizntion  miisi  incaii  the  same  (piablicaiioiis  In 
every  State  ;  so  that  no  jarring  should  occur — so 
that  no  alien  should  possess  In  one  State  privileges 
tli.it  he  does  not  possess  in  another.  When  lliese 
iii'i\ileges  are  luieipial,  as  in  llie  ease  of  ihe  alien 
in  illinnis,  Il  sliov  s  that  some  ^iciieial  provision  of 
eonstiiuiional  law  has  In  >-\\  violateil  for  llie  sake  of 
some  local  advantage,  and  ibis  the  alien  will  per- 
ceive when  be  passes  into  anotber  Slate.  There 
he  will  learn  that  Illinois  has  usurped  her  power, 
and  lliat  bis  right  lo  rule  Americans  will  not  ji.iss 
current  in  those  Stales  which  pay  |iroper  re^'ard  lo 
the  Coiisllliillon  of  the  United  Slales,  or  llie  Inw.-i 
made  in  pursuance  of  It. 

The  second  article  of  the  Isl  section  of  ibt  Con- 
sliiulinii  declares  lliat  '*  tlie  t/i'f/or.s  ii.  each  Slate 
'  shall  have  the  ciiialilications  reipiisilc  fir  electors 
'  of  the  most  numerous  brancli  of  the  Slate  Lcgis- 
'  laiures.  Now,  sir,  this  would  have  bi  eu'a  most 
fatal  clause  but  for  the  power  grained  In  ihe  Con- 
stiiiilion  lo  iTgulale  the  right  of  sull'rnge  by  a  nalii- 
rulizalion  law.  The  evil,  as  il  now  exists,  seems 
to  have  been  anticipated;  for,  wilhoni  ibe  power 
lo  regulaie  nalurahzalion  in  t'onu'i'ess,  the  .Stales 
would,  by  granting  undue  privileges  to  aliens, 
I  (lualify  them  as  elcctois,  so  as  to  debase  entirely 
tlic  character  of  our  national  legislation.  While 
the  Constitution,  then,  on  the  one  hand, makes  the 
qualilicalions  of  clcctorH  for  the  members  of  this 
House  the  same  as  that  fo"  the  most  nunlerou^ 
branch  of  the  Slate  Legislalnri  s,  it  ell'ectunlly  pro- 
vides a  check  to  the  foul  infi'sion  of  llie  foreign 
',  element,  by  vesting  In  Congress  the  power  in  regn- 
laii^  naturalization  liy  in.iform  laws.  .Now.  sir, 
can  foreigners,  before  naturalization,  vote  for  the 
■  most  numerous  branch  of  the  State  Legislature? 
Unrpieslioiiably  nol;  and  why  r  Hecaiise  ihe  nalii- 
rabzalion law  of  the  I'niti'd  Stales  prcvenls  them. 
And  here  lies  the  great  principle  of  llie  (.'onslitu- 
tion,  that  members  of  Congress  shall  not  be  elected 
by  a  crowd  of  ignorant  foreigners,  without  residing 
ill  the  coiiulry  live  years,  and  then  obtaining  eer- 
tilieali'S  of  naturalization.  Yes,  sir,  llie  lirsl  prin- 
ciple, the  great  fundamental  docliine  of  the  iS'allve 
American  parly,  is  now  incorporaled  in  our  exist- 
iiig  natiir.ibzation  law.  The  live  year  law  is  a  full 
recognilion  of  llie  doctrines  of  the  .N'alive  Anieri- 
'''  cans.    TIk^  Constitution  itself  is  the  foiinlaln-head 


1 


',',♦';  3 


606 


APPKNDfX  TO  TJIE  CONO SESSION Ali  GLOBE. 


•^S>rH  CoNfj IftT  Sk8s. 


I 


•c;'. 


uf  11 — wliiili.iw  I  Imiu  jiinl  i|iiolf(l,  hIhiwh  tlmt  uii  i 
liuiiilur  111'  C(iiij;n.«  I'iiii   !>«  iln'lnl  liy  vtiWrn  mil 
liiiliinili/.i'd,  liiniiini'  llii;  imtiiiiili/jilhiii  litw  ol'  lilt' 
IJjIlliil    ISlalc'N    |>lrni'i'llir.H   lllf   i|imllli<'illl(ill  nl'  llll' 
<-lt>i-liirH  III  lltti  inoHt  iiiiinrroiiN  liniiK'li  uT  llii!  Slate 
IvCKiHliiliirtM.    And  yrl,  nu,  Willi  iIuh  lliiml  iif  liylil 
liuiiniii:;   ii|i(iii   llii:  |>iil,'I'ii  nl'  llir  ('iiiihIiUiUuii,  wo  I 
all'  mill  liy  .liiunnin  IliprrxrHltliiva,  in  Ihr  hull  uf 
aH.y/HM'iriiii  Coiiiirrsn,  llml  nliinn,  villi  llinr  Jhrrixn  ; 
ii//ri(iiiiiii'  r/iiiiri'iiT  In  ""<>'  '<'ii'»i  /turi:  tlu  li^/il  lu  , 
Imiiinf  tkt  rnlti's  i\f  ,lniti'ii>in!i .'  j 

^sli.ill  I  lii^  iiilil,  xlr,  ilial  ilio  diirli'ino  fur  wliii'li  | 
I  rniih  lid  iiimdiH  till!  riijIit.H  nl"  llir  Siali'H?     .Slali.' 
i'ii;lilM,  sir,  wliiMi   llu'y  art  iStale  i'ii;lils,  will,  al  all  j 
liiiii  H  and   uiiiirr  all  riniinislam  th,  I'lnd  In  in>'  an  ' 
iiiilliiirliini;  adviirali';  Inil  ilif  niiTr  cry  id'  "  I'cnlial 
|>iiwi  i"  nmII  iii'Mr  inlnnidali'  a  name   Ainirliaii  : 
tViini    diri'iidiii!;    llic    ('iiiiatiliitinn.     Iliir   iialiiJiial  , 
raiiKsiiiir  iiatiiDial  I'liar.ii ii  r, all  tliat  we  i-liiii;  Iuum 
Jill  riiiiis,  ur  Imiiini  III'  as  iniiniirlal,  tlnwiH  rrnin  (lie  ' 
"  rriilral  |iiiwi'r,"  wliii'li  IniM  Iin  iiri^in,  ilx  lirarl,  | 
11.1  |iiils.iiiiiiiH,  III   llll'  ( 'iin^riMH  and  rrrsidinl  (if 
liio   I'liiliil    SlahN.     WIkiI    h  '•  fenlral    imwiT," 
lull  llll' CiiiiHUIiiliiiii?     Wliatari'we,  uh  h  |>i'ii|iIi', 
will'.iiiil  u^     Wlial  wiiiild  wi'  Ix'iniii'',   if  wi'  liaij 
lint  lliiH  i;liiriiiii.'<  "  I'liitral   |iiiwir"  as  tlii'  I'lriiN  nl', 
lliat  I  ii'i'li'  ariiniid  wliirli  I'l'vnlvc,  in  tliiir  i'('H|H'rl- 
IM'  iiiMt.i,  and   with  liraiilirnl  liarniiniy,  Inn,  tlir  j 
wliiile    riiiil'i'di  latiiiii    111"  llll'    si.sli'ra    nl    riri'iiuni  ■ 
iSliiiw  nil'  111  w  liat  |iarlli'ular  tin'  ri^liW  id'  lln-  Stairs 
arc  ciidaiii;ci'c(l  by  llic  cxistini;  iialiirali/.atiun  law 
111'  Ml'.  .Icll'i'i'siin  N   Adniiiiiitr.itliin.      Wiik  lie   an 
eia my  nl'Slatc  rii;litN.-     Will  any  i>iie  \eiitiire  thai 
iLssiriiiiii.'     ticiillciiicn  liavc  talked  ii{iiin  tins  lliini' 
as  ir  llie  sniijci't  iif  a  iialnrali^-irtinii  law  was  u  new 
line,   lirnacliVd    for  llie   first  lime   liy    tin;   Native  ' 
Aincriiaiis.     NnW,  lar,  all  the  ridicule  and  all  tlie  ' 
■  i|iliistry  ill, It  lia.s  Ijcen  ihruwn  iil  the  Native  Anar- 
i 'alls  has  iiassed  ii\er  (nir  heads  and  hit  Mr.  Jef-  | 
I'crsiin,  ami  all  nf  his  |iarly,  who,  Imvin:;  the  niiijo-  '. 
rity  til  lejieal  it,  lia\e  sull'ered   lliiN  law  In  rtinaiii  , 
nil  iinr  statute  Ijiiiik  fur  iii'arly  lil'iy   years.     And, 
if  ilinili  iiieii  have  so  arilcnl  an  airi'tiiiii   for   I'ur- 
<i:,'iiri'H  in  their   liearts,  why  do  llicy  nut  |irii|Mi-e 
Ihc    ii'iieal  of  the  inc-int  law,   that  siilijeclH  the 
alien  to  live  years' |iriiliation,  and  liriiiy  hini  li|i  to 
(lie  |iiill8  the   inoinenl  lie  lands   u|Min   our  Kli.iresM 
Consistem.y  deinamls  ihis  eour.'-e  friiiii  ^'ciitleineii  i 
who  have  so  vclieineiitly  culnj^i/.cd  the  virtiieii  of  . 
the  t'oi'i'i:;iiur  us  superior  tu  the  virlucu  uf  tlic  iiu- 
tive  liiini.  ] 

N'ii\\,  sir,  I  am   one  of  those  who  liclievc  thai  { 
iState  ii:;liis  are  iii'\er  ineoin)iatil.'le  witii  the  '*  ceii-  ' 
Ii'al  [iiiwer" — or  the  I'lniiircss  and  President  of  the  ! 
Uiiui  d  States — lieiausc,  if  a  ri;;lu  |iiit  furwurd  hy 
u  Stale  indilaleH  a^'ainst  the  Cointitutnin,  il  is  s|ni- 
riiiiis.     If  a   power  elaimea  liy  llie  Ueneral  Uov-  ! 
ernmeiil   is  an   usi'r|ialinii  nii    llie    Stales,  it    will  [ 
ii)i[iearKu  by  ihe       l|ialile  test  that  its  artimi  teiin-  i 
in.ilcs  ni  tile  iiii  .r...ininL  of  State  soveieii^nl;,',  w'.li-  | 
inii  licin:;  In  cessary  in  the  so\erei'4nly  of  the  Ijnioii. 
It  IS  the  iirini'.i|ile  of  necessity  that  divides  the  two  | 
{;i('at  orbits  of  |io\vcr  ill  our  system.  On  this  >;roiiiid  j 
I  ii|ieii  the  |ia^es  of  the  Consliliilioii,  and  whal  do 
I  liiid  •     Why,  sir,  th.it  the  oi-;;anizatiiin  ii\'  this  i 
Iloii.se  and   the  I'lcsideney  is   the   iinist  iitci  ssary  , 
jiart   uf  the  whole  s\stein — tile  primary  [larl,  the 
i'lindamental   iiart — and  that  all   others  are  :i'''ior 
features,  auxiliary  forces,  or  subordinaie  eleiiRiils. 
'I'his,  sir,  briiii;s  mir  to  ihat  jiart  of  the  Constilti-  [ 
liiin  which  rejjnlaleii  the  ri^'hl  of  siilira;^e  by  a  iiat- 
nnili/atiiiii   law.     1   care    not  for   this   arsjumeiit,  : 
whether  it  be  Iweniyone   years  or  live  years;  but 
I  am  now   ar;;uiiit;  on  the  fue  years  law;  for  the  ' 
|iriui  i|ile   involved  in  the  one  is  the  principle   iii- 
MiUeil  in  the  other.     1  ask  i^entlemeii  now,  in  all 
^I'lt  loniiy  and  sobirin  ss,  what  power  prtsi  libes 
the  (|ualilii'atii)ns  of  nieiiiliers  of  Coni;i'ess  and  the 
Exeeiiiive  of  llie  l.'iiili  d  States.'     'I'lie  Slates  iiidi- 
V'dnally,   or  the  United   Slates-     Why,  sir,    Ihc  ', 
ipiesiiiiii  answers  itself.    The  lirst  paj;e  of  the  Con-  ■ 
.siiiution  seliles  It.     Il'  the  .Stales  could  oi';;uiii/.e  the  , 
r'niuii  by  tiieir  Stale  powers,  there  cnnld   be  no 
l''iiii>ii.     If  the  .Stales  could  prescribe  theiiualifica- 
lions  of  niemiiers  of  C'on'.,'ress  and  the  K.vccntive 
ot' the  L'nioii,  there  could    be  no  Con^.re.'^s  and  no 
rinim.     Conseiineiitly,  if  the  .Slates  had  the  jiower 
lo  tyrant  the  ri;;lil  to  vole  to  aliens,   llieie  could  be 
no  (/iiiiiii,  because  the  rule  of  naturati/alion  iiiiist  , 
be  uiiifiirni,  and   It  can    be  made  so  by  no  power 
but  ibai  of  the  United  Suites.     It  was  for  iliis  pur-  ' 
pos':  that  ihe  Slates  deleguled  lo  llic  tieiicial  Uov-  I 


Iivu;iiinnl  of  iMoiiiilvd  Uijhmen — iMr.  Levin. 

I :  i 

■  riiiiienl  all  poliiical  eonlnd  over  the  alirii,  (he 
(-joti  rnniuiit  of  the  Union  havim;  been  expri-Hsly 
establiKlied  for  our  Jiinii^n  itliitiniu,  and  lint  our 
donicHlic  policy. 

Hut,  sir,  our  opponents  point  lo  the  .State  or**  Il- 
linois," and  tell  us  iliat  ill  pieKcribin;;  the  (|uali(!- 
cations  orelectoiN  to  the  most  minieroiis  liranch  of 
lli«  .Slate  le^iHlaliire,  she  rennircs  only  a  roii/ciit'c    I 
ol'si\  uionilis.     Admit   the  lai  I,  Nlill  It  cannot  su- 
persede  the  I 'onstitutiiin  of  the  U'niled  StatcH,  or  ij 
the  ;;eiieral  practice   under  il.     'I'lie  i'i;^lil   to  enact 
u    iimforni    law  of    iialurali/alioii    n:    the    United    I 
States  settles   lliiil  ipiestion.     .V^'iiiii    iiid   ii^'ailu  i    | 
ask,  sir,  what  do  you  uiiderNta;,d  by  "  uniform.'" 
'I'lie  same  tlii'iiu;;hoiit  the  whole   Uiiiuii — ill  every  I 
Slate — and    etpiiilly  applicable    lo   one   iicrHon,  or 
alien,  as  anolhi'r.     That  no  alien   hIiiiII  be  entilled 


II. 


[Apfil  7, 
Kk.i'o. 


to  vole  ill  less  than  live  yeais,  and  under  certain 
eonditions,  is  the  tenor  ol  the  cxistiii);  law.  NoW'i 
sir,  as  a  law  of  ihe  United  Stall  s,  made  in  pur- 
suance of  I'oiisiitiilional  power,  the  present  act  of 
n.itiir.ili/.aliou  is  siipreine  oMr  all  the  Slates,  and 
controls  llicir  lei;islaiiiiii.  if  an  alien  votes  in  any 
.Stiitc,  he  votes  in  coniravenliun  vi'  constitiiiional 
law;  anil  this  only  jirovcs  what  I  have  so  ol'tcii  iis- 
.lerted,  ill. It  foreign  iiilluence  has  already  blasleil 
the  purity  of  Ihe  b,illol-bii\,  and  ihiit  we  cannot 
hasten  too  soon  lo  the  rescue  of  our  moiildcrini;  iii- 
stitulions.  Hut  to  poiiii  lo  Ihe  violution  of  a  law, 
to  prove  the  iioii-e.\isleiice  of  a  law,  is  an  ab- 
surdity too  1,'riiss  lo  i^ll  for  ril'utatioii.  If  but 
Uvi'iity  .Stales  yiehled  subimssion  to  the  law,  it 
Would  I  e  sullicieiil  lo  allesi  lis  eMslence;  for  sure- 
ly, sir,  Ine  popular  practice  goes  far  lo  establish  ti 
eoiistitiilioiial  consiruclion;  bul  us  only  two,  (Illi- 
nois and  iMichi^aii,)  violate  it,  let  us  rather  call 
upon  the  proper  authority  lo  enforce  their  olirdi- 
eiice,  than  to  cite  their  dereliclion  as  an  exainpie 
that  oii^'hl  lo  proinpi  us  to  overthrow  the  whole 
l^loriiHis  fabric  ol*  our  freedom,  laws,  uiid  Coiisli- 
tutioii.  Sir,  we  nre  lieconiiiif;  too  much  iiccun 
loineil  III  contemplate  with  indiU'ereiice  the  inva- 
suiiiof  iheC'oiistitulioii,by  the diirerciil Slates,  who 
niisconceive  their  reserved  rights  lo  consist  m  the 
loUil  dcstruclion  of  the  *'  central  powtr.'*  A  bel- 
ter I'liend  lo  Stale  rights  will  always  be  found  in 
him  who  advocates  llie  stru't  inle^rily  of  the  iia- 
loiiial  compact.  Let  us  suppose,  sir,  lliat  all  llie 
Slates  follow  the  example  ol  llliiioiH  and  Michi- 
guii,  ill  the  free  udmissioii  of  uliiils  lu  the  ballot- 
box,  Without  undeigoin^'  the  probation  prescribed 
ill  the  present  iiauirali/ation  law:  what  would 
be  the  coiisei|Ueiice  to  the  rights  of  the  Sliiles.' 
Can  the  Slates  have  reserved  rights,  if  the  Ljiiioii 
possesses  no  clcarly-delined  powers.'  If  the  Stales 
can  violate  a  nalurali/.atioii  law,  made  in  jiursii- 
aiice  of  the  Conslilulion,  lliey  can  violate  all  the 
provisions  of  the  Conslilulion  with  eipial  iiiipu- 
iiity.  Now,  a  contract  loses  all  its  virtue,  when 
the  parlies  to  it  disregard  all  its  provisions.  If  the 
.Sutlis  can  pracliciilly  nullify  the  naturali/.alionlaws, 
tiay  can  pr.iclically  nullify  any  other  law  made  in 
piiisiiaiiee  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  whole  fab- 
ric I  f  the  lU'public  tiillels  lo  the  ^roUlld.  To  come, 
tlicii,  to  the  point  directly  at  issue — can  the  Stales 
ailinil  .iliciis  to  voter  It  lliey  can,  then  the  Coo- 
.stitiiiion  of  the  United  States  is  a  tlead  letter,  for 
that  power  has  been  delei^aled  by  the  States  to  the 
Union,  a^  1  have  before  remarked,  ill  the  power  lo 
rc;;uhite  iiiituruli/alion.  The  Slates,  tlieitfore, 
e.uiiioL  adniil  aliens  to  vole;  the  basis  of  till 
Ainerican  sull'rage,  so  far  as  relates  to  foreigners, 
being  a  United  .Stales  iiaturali/..itioii  law,  extend- 
ing over  and  controlling  all  Ihe  Slates  in  a  uiii- 
foriii  manner,  inaking  any  Stale  court  of  record 
eoiiipctent  to  naturali^u,  uiitUr  tlit:  tiuthuritit  of  tin- 

Sir,  I  cannot  imagine  a  plainer  iiucstioii  of  con- 
stitutional law  than  this  i  onlrolliiig  power  uf  the 
Union  over  the  right  of  sutriage  in  lite  alien. 

lint,  sir,  we  have  been  lold,  that  if  we  deny  im- 
nieiliaie  nalurali/.alion  to  the  alien,  and  its  conse- 
ipieiil  right  of  sullrage,  it  will  ireale  inoialy 
diSLonteiit,  and  lead  to  secret  cabals,  il'iiot  bloody 
insurrections!  Faction,  in  her  wildest  mood  of 
lust,  never  conceived  a  purer  fiction,  as  the  plea  on 
which  lo  justify  a  sysleni  uf  political  debaucheiy. 
Whal,  sir!  Lxleiid  llie  term  of  probation,  and 
lo !  the  alien  is  to  become  an  insurgent — rebel 
against  the  laws — concoct  plots  and  form  eoiispira- 
cies — aid  llie  foreign  levy  of  our  foes,  and,  in  every 
shape  luid  form,  phuil  llie  dagger  of  tlie  traitor  in 


Ihe  heart  of  fieedoni — and  all  hei  aiise  we  demiiiiil 
of  him  the  same  period  of  prohiiiion  which  we  ini- 
pone  on  our  own  Rons  ! 

Such  is  the  pictiiri.  of  aheii  Ireiisoii  ilriiwii  by  the 
prolilic  iniiii.'iiiatioiis  of  the  idlra-liberals,  who  pleiul 
univernal  siill'rage  as  the  only  tii'  that  i  mi  bind  llii) 
liearl  of  llie  alien  in  fidelity  lo  a  tiovermniMl  nl' 
firemen!  Sir,  if  tin  fad  siinports  the  llieory  of 
these  champioiiH  of  riiiiiil  i'(li7,i  iigainsi  freeiloni, 
llie  soonir  wi  make  provision  to  exclude  totally 
from  the  rii;lits  of  citi/eiiship  llioNe  who  niay  In  re- 
atVr  vi.'.ii  us,  or  prevint  llieiii  from  conlaminaliinr 
our  shores — the  loomr,  I  ii'peat,  we  do  iliis,  (In; 
better  for  the  i'ouiilry.  We  want  no  population 
here  who,  under  any  circiimsliincis,  will  risnrl  lo 
physical  force  lo  redress  iniiiL'inary  wroiigH,  or 
I'l'iiel  Hi'tual  iiggressioiis,  when  the  laws  alloiij  an 
Hileipiate  remedy,  and  the  laws  are  created  by  ihn 
soM'i'i'ign  iiower  of  the  people.  We  want  no  in- 
graMiiig  (it  llie  vices  of  re'gal  despotism  on  ihe  stein 
of  onr  native  freedom.  This  innate  propensity  in 
resort  to  physical  force  to  accoinptisli  the  purposes 
of  our  alien  poiiulation,  is  adihicid  as  an  argiiiiieiit 
in  their  favor  by  the  liberal  friends  of  lln  foreign 
eniigranl !  I  accept  il  as  such,  and  turn  ils  whole 
force  against  lliem,  proving  Iheiii  to  be  radically 
disipiiililied  to  discharge  the  high  niiil  responsible 
dunes  of  ;\merie,h'i  eilizens,  without  undergoing  a 
long  probation  in  initiate  them  into  the  siiblinin 
moral  beauties  of  a  government  which  operates  by 
the  force  of  opinion,  and  in  obedience  to  law  with- 
out a  resort  to  physii'til  coercion.  The  bare  idea, 
sir,  of  111  ill',' overrun  by  a  mass  of  foreign  igno- 
rance, pauperism,  and  crime,  is  revolting  lo  every 
feeling  of  iialive  iiriile,  imtivc  inde|ienih'iii'e,  nnil 
native  virtue;  anil  yet  we  arc  lold  that  these  very 
aliens  will  deliberalely  set  to  work  lo  pull  dowii 
our  noble  striiclnre  of  (joveriinient,  if  we  refiiNe  In 
p(  riiiit  lliem  lo  control,  lo  larnish,  and  debase  it ! 
And  this,  sir,  is  the  iiiosl  cogent  iirgiimeiitiiddreHS* 
ed  lo  us  by  the  ultra  liberals,  who,  having  abaii'- 
dolled  the  ground  of  merit,  on  the  part  of  the  alien, 
now  atteinpl  lo  operate  iiiioii  our  tears,  by  lelling 
us  that  an  exleiision  of  the  iialiirali/.ation  law  will 
lead  to  IiIooiIsIknI  and  massacre  !  Sir,  I  know  of 
but  one  class  nf  our  foreign  population  who  would 
be  likely  lo  sustain  this  (henry,  for  the  bloody  uetM 
of  *' //n-  rfpealfi's**  in  Kensington  tell  us,  vvitli 
nioiiriifiil  emphasis,  that  they  would  nol  even 
"  ((i/ci'o(t'"  the  iliseiminn  of  Ihin  iiiitslinn  I  Dili  the 
eowardics  implied  in  the  possibility  of  belli*;  driven 
from  our  position  by  a  llireal  like  this,  a.ssiires  nic 
of  the  ultimate  Iriuniph  of  all  I  rontend  for. 
Tliriat.s  never  yet  intiniidaled  n  Native  Aimricnn 
from  llie  discharge  of  ii  high  duty;  but  when  the 
Ihreiit  used  involves  tin;  deslriielion  of  Ainericmi 
instiliitioiis,  before  the  barbarous  violence  of  such 
infuriated  aliens,  it  provokes  indignation,  v  liile  it 
rallies  every  dorniaiit  emotion  of  |iatrio'isiii  to 
crush  the  vile  siiggeslion.  To  this,  as  lo  ai'  simi- 
lar argiiinenls  that  imply  violence  from  the  foreign- 
er, I  have  but  one  answer — the  AMKiiic.tN  i'I.oi'I.e 
have  but  one  answer — and  Ihat  is,  we  nkvkh  vielu 
Til  FiiiU't:  that  which  justice  dare  not  claim. 

I  deny,  sir,  thai  any  extension  of  our  naturali- 
zation law  not  make  them  more  "  distinct'' than 
they  are  ut  this  very  hour.  In  one  .solid  and  com- 
pact  body,  they  not  only  remain  separnte  and  dis- 
tiiicl  from  the  American  population,  but  they 
tabor  lo  surround  themselvis  with  all  the  nionil 
and  political  I'.unparts  of  llieir  Kiiropean  naiioiial- 
ily;  they  study  how  lo  resist  llie  charm  of  .\nier- 
ican  anialganialion,  and  how  to  perpetuate  fnri'ver 
their  homage  to  kings,  their  adnnitinn  of  nioiiar- 
eliy,  and  their  revereiic(!  for  feudal  iiistttntions, 
enisled  with  the  dust  of  agi^s  and  fed  by  the  blood 
of  nnllioiis! 

We  are  told  that  moral  power  is  the  eenicnl  of 
freedom,  lint,  sir,  where  is  the  moral  power  that 
results  from  such  an  established  and  settled  oig.ui- 
i/.ation  of  foreign  monarchists,  whose  supjiort  is 
paid  for  by  the  priipagalioii  of  .<i  iilinieiits  I'ltally 
iniinical  to  public  fieedom.  Sir,  the  very  syslem 
which  now  prevails  arrays  moral  power  as  well 
as  political  against  the  cause  of  republicanism. 
Naliiralize  tliise  aliens  for  any  period  short  of 
twenty-one  years,  and,   so  faii   hiom    iiau.miixi- 

ZISO,    VOi:    lllVIDl':    THE    I.ANU    KIIIIEVEU     llKrWEEN 

TWO  ros'TENiiiNU  I'AiiTiKs ;  foreigners  opposdl 
lo  natives — natives  eomballing  against  foieigner.s — 
each  hour  pro[iagatiiig  sentimenls  I'atal  to  .Ameri- 
can   rijjlils — each    hour   pregnant   with    daii,;er — 


elgli 


1810.1 


AI'PEINDIX  TO  THE,  CONGHESSFONA[.  GLOUE. 


()07 


iiih-H  CoNo        IT  Skm. 

rni'li  hour  niorc  ...4/  iiniliiiK  tlin  nliiMi  pliiilaiix, 
mill  iiiiiic  i|{'vi>ri'illy  riillynii;  llii-  ImiiHh  of  tin:  rii'.- 
livi'H  iiL;aiiiMl  tbu  UNiii'|iiili>iliii  ot°  llitHi'  liiiiiil<:il  t'ur- 
rii;ii  li'niiiim! 

I)ii  yciii  iiMk,  Hir,  wliy  Iweniy-ono  yenra  will 
|Miiv<i  I'lnciKinim  jiiiivirriin:;  iIichc  illaiiNtriiiiH,  llieNn 
iiMJiiiiclicily  cll'ii'ls?  Iliii-iiiim!  it  will  "|iirnlc  to 
iliHiiirNr  anil  |>i'i'Vriil  tlivMi'  IiiiiiiIn  miiiI  niiiiMiialiiniH 
iirimiiu'il  viiUTH,  ami  nil  nil' all  iiinlivi'N  in  (|iini(.'H- 
lir  ilrinaL'iinili-M  liitlaliir  tlirir  paNMioiiH  anil  |iainliir 
III  llinr  illii'il  Niiirrai;iH.  WliiM  lliii  I'mmI  '<(  llie 
aliin  liiiirliiH  llii'  Ainrriian  hhiI,  kniiwint;  that 
Iwinly-iinr  yi'»i''<  niii«t  rlM|isi'  l.cl'nro  In  run  vulr, 
all  liiM  I'liMihirs  will  III ciMin-  alwciriiril  in  Imh  laivi- 
ll^^'»  |HiiKiiilM.  lie  will  lint  HO  niiiili  iw  ilinuii  of 
|><ililh  III  I'linlintinn.  Nn  ilniiUMlii'.  (li'inandijuu  will 
111'  riMinil  wiiiiiiiL'  to  ^'iiTt  liini  on  lim  laii(liii},'i  »nil 
iniii.iii'  liiiii  liiio  till'  inyslcvHH  of  (•iirrii|iiioii.     Wii 

I iiiiy II  (if  liiH  own  will  Hiaml  with  ini|iiiticiit 

MiL;iriii  sH  III  iiirol  liiin  a  niinilMr  ofu  I'lirciun  Mori- 
riy.  ill  oriliT  to  riiNl  a  riiniluncil  voli:  auaiiiHt  I'lfu 
iii'siiliilioim.  'r«inly-iiiii!  ytars  ciiIh  iiNnmlir  all 
Ihr  Ihirads  of  allilialion,  laniliil  Willi  |iiHlilihcc'  or 
liMinins;  Willi  anari'hy.  It  oju'iim  11  disliinl  liiliiie, 
whiih,  to  III!'  Iinniln;;  zinl  iil  |iolili(iil  ■■oiiii|itniii, 
iliirkciisiiliiiiisl  inloilirnily.  It  may  Ik;  allr;;(:(l  an 
an  ar^oiniciit  liy  our  o|iiiii|ii'nlH,  that  Id  kuviii- 
(■i','liili«  of  lliisr  iiiiniii;niniH  it  may  |irovo  < li'inity 
iiMiir.  On  llid  iiiiMHihility  of  umli  an  tvunt  I  will 
.  .      ■■  .  '.I :. : iM.i-. .1 


RtffimaU  of  Mounted  liijUmcti — Mr.  Ltvin, 


Mu.  or  Hkph, 


not  iliMpnir,  lor  lliii  i;oiilin(;nici('s  of  hiV  ami  diatli 
111(1  lirvi  r  |inniillLil  In  invaliilalu  a  Hound  priiici- 
|ili'.  LawN,  sir,  an;  miidn  for  llio  liviia;.  If  the 
aliin  hiiH  |iaid  his  dclil  to  iialiirc,  he  will  li'ave  11 
iialivr  |inslrrlly,lli<;  nous  of  his  own  love,  to  injoy 
Ihc  iilr«sin'.;s  of  the  )irliiri|ili:  of  the  IWfiily-onu 
yriirs' prohalion.  Snrli  a  law,  did  it  |iioiliin:  no 
oiliir  fnills  lint  lliosL'of  Ihr  alioli»liniiiilof  a  Imnd- 
id  forii^'ii  h^ioii,  the  non-idiirislimiiit  of  alien 
wnlliiiiiiis,  the  noii-usa^je  of  foreiijn  emlileiiis,  the 
f,'radiial  olillii  nitioii  of  haliilH  eoiif,'inial  tu  nioii- 
ari  liy.andtlie  lolal  ilisa|i|iearaiiee  of  all  that  moral 
jiowi  r,  adverse  to  freedom,  wliieli  now  ho  tniieh 
annoys  and  ile!,'radcM  us  in  llieiii,  as  well  as  in  the 
jiiirly  comi|ilioiis  of  our  own  |ieo|ile;  it  would 
|piov('  a  naiional  lilessini;  of  Iranseenilent  ina|;ni- 
liiile.  iiiil  ihiM,  sir,  would  only  he  a  parlinl  elfeet 
of  so  salutary  a  leformaiion.  AhnliHli  Ihc  moiives 
and  leiii|ilali'oiis  to  eonihination  and  illicit  votiiij; 
for  a  penod  of  Iwenly-oiie  years,  and  you  will  at 
least  |iroiiioie,  as  faras  polily  can  conlrol  iiislinels, 
that  very  lionio^'i  r;eous  tVehiif;  so  necessary  to  the 
|ieaei;  and  safety  of  a  eouiilry,  when  dislraeted  by 
the  idiillielinu;  passions  and  inlerests  of  a  native 
po|iiilaiion,  NiruL'^linij  10  resist  the  usurpations  of 
a  foiei:;ii  liody  of  intruders.  Deprived  <if  votiii;^ 
for  Iweiity-oiie  years,  all  dislinet  inieresls  will 
(  easi — all  jealousy  and  rivalry  siihside  as  to  who 
shall  rule  llie  eounlry — llie  nativesortheforei^'liers-, 
for  this  is  ill  fact  the  only  (luesiion  at  issue,  and 
this  (|iiestioii  has  heeii  raised  liy  the  foreii;iiers 
theiiiselvis,  who  now  niaiiilain  their  rijjht  to  gov- 
ern the  iialives,  and  coniliine  and  plot  to  aecoiu- 
phsh  that  purpose  thron-h  fraud,  perjury,  and 
foi'i.'eil  docuineiiis  of  iialuiah/.atioii.  At  one  blow 
Ihis  iweiily-oiie-yi  ar  law  would  extinyuish  forever 
liiis  morlai,  I  niis;lit  say,  Ihis  imirtiul  array  of  the 
foreii,'ii  parly,  which,  sirimfjie  as  it  may,  lake 
wliai  form  or  shape  il  may,  miisl  eveiilimlly  come 
to  llie  point  of  sctilemeiil — the  natives  must  tri- 
umph, or  llie  l'oreic;iiers  succeed.  It  is  true  they 
claim  the  victory  now,  and  point  to  their  liidance 
of  power  as  dei'iilim;  llie  victory  at  the  polls.  IJiil, 
sir,  we  (lispule  the  li;;alily  of  the  voles;  we  cliar{;c 
it  Willi  fraud;  we  prove  it  eiunipt;  and  we  iiow 
appeal  lo  ihe  s;real  American  people,  iioi  sold  irre- 
coverahlylo  llii!  prosliliilions  of  faelion,  to  eorreet 
llii'  evil— |o  arrest  the  inarcli  of  thesi;  foreij;ii  inva- 
lids— and,  laying  aside  llie  Iraiiimels  of  mere  par- 
ly, rush  /ii  the  mcue  oftltdf  r/ii/i/na's  rijf/i/.(. 

Ill  whal  porlion  of  iiislory.sir.can  we  he  shown 
n  similar  svslem,  put  In  practice  liy  an  alieii  pop- 
ulalion,  lo'overllirow  n.ilive  ascendency.-  There 
is  no  parallel,  liecaiise  no  other  coiinlry  upon  the 
f.'lohe  adiiiils  a  foreii;iier  lo  Ihc  possession  of  ihc 
ri^'hls  of  sovereij;iily.  Ao  oilier  eouiilry  has  yet 
Civeii  Ihis  rl:;lil,  as  we  have,  lo  its  own  people- 
nine  li  less  to  eini^ranl;^.  Anil  we  have  {jranlcd  it 
10  aliens;  and  that  ^niiil  lias  led  10  civil  war — to  a 
deadly  slru^'^'le  on  the  part  of  forei^'iiers  for  the 
Covcr'innent  iif  the  land.  To  what  eoiichisions, 
llieii,  do  we  arrive  from  all  the  array  of  facts  he- 
fore  us  >     Thai,  hy  an  undue  faeilily  of  natiiraliza- 


lioiigwe  have  mndii  ihe  popiilnlinn  nf  iiurenuntry  I 

lietei'ii|;eneoiis,  himlile,  jealous,  and  at  war   one  < 
willi  aiiolher;  (/i(i(,  by  Ihr  rerriiyi/ieii.i  nf  Ihis Jniile 
fulojilit'ti  of  ftiyi'ifim  IS,  }!•!■  hiiif  t  nittnitfi  nd  Ihf  I  ninn  \ 
if  Ihf  Sliilfs,  unit  shiikni  Ihi  Itijnthlii:  lo  ils  riitfrr;  ! 
that  ire  cfia  imlij  iiuike  Ihis  if n tit  mition  one  in  .imt/,  1 
(jiif  ill  .i/iirit,  iiiir  ill  iirliini,  honioixi  iiiiiiih,  and  pos- 
■cHsini;  1 1  rfect  moral  and  pidlliial  Rymmelry,  by 
a  new  nalnraliuilioii  of  Ivtenlyone  years, 

III  taxing  llieir  iiigenully  to  iai.se  iibjeetionii  tii 
our  pure  and  palriolic  parly,  our  opponems  have 
niadealhiNionto  Ihettedillon  law  of  'iltl,  allempliig, 
liiit  as  1  shall  show  ill  vaiii,  lo  iilenlify  thai  ohnox- 
ioiis  measure  with  the  proposilion  lo  e.xleiul  the  nat- 
uridi/.alion  law  to  a  period  of  twenty-one  years.  I 
xliall  not  ask  till  HI'  geiitlenieii  to  lax  ilieir  frankiiesH 
by  an  avowal  ihat,  in  respect  lo  scililion,  there  is  no 
ulliiiity  at  all  In  Iween  the  two  nieasures,  and  that 
any  appeal  lo  llie  buried  prejudices  of  ag(  a  long 
I  past  IS  not  less  unjust  than  ungenerous,  out  of 
place  in  tliiH  I  (all,  and  lieiler  Hiiiled  to  the  slump 
or  liiiHiingM.  l''or  iiiyseH',  no  man  holds  in  greater 
abhorrence  than  t  do,  and  ever  have  done,  Ihc  ue- 
dilioii  law  of  'IIH.  ll  was  oppressive,  unjust,  and 
uiiconstiliilionid;  bill,  while  I  acknowledge  ihis,  I 
claim  for  l/ir  j/n.wiit  ii«/iii'(i/i:ii/ieii  /«it)  a  lolal  ex- 
emption from  all  the  blcmisln  s  of  that  of  'IIH.  It 
belongs  to  n  dillirent  class  of  laws;  it  is  lo  relieve 
oppression,  not  to  iiillict  it;  it  is  every  way  eoii- 
servative  of  eonstiliilional  IVeedoin,  and  aims  to 
i  protect  the  cili/en  ill  llic  enjoynient  of  his  rights, 
not  lo  reslticl  or  feller  him  in  their  exercise.  The 
only  alliiiilK'H  of  the  la'oposed  act,  sir,  are  in  rela- 
tion lo  the  exisling  law — the  JilJirson  nitliirnliza- 
lion  liw,  as  it  has  been  emphalleally  called.  It 
lielongN  to  that  class  of  laws — il  resia  uii  ihe  same 
principle — it  aims  lo  secure  tin;  same  pur|)ose — the 
perpetuity  of  free  inslliulions;  whereas  the  alieil 
and  sedilion  law  aimed  a  blow  at  the  rights  of  man 
pregnant  with  dissolution  lo  the  whole  fabric  of 
freedom,  the  rights  of  man,  and  tlio  security  of  tlio 
person  of  the  citi/.en. 

Hut  il  has  been  contended,  sir,  llint  this  twenty- 
one  year  law  would  be  oppressive,  because  il  would 
leave  the  alien  lo  be  " /iixoii  iri(/ii>ii(  /j.  iiig  rtjire- 
scnleil.*^     If  this  be  so,  sir,  then  it  is  ai:  <  il'ect  com- 
mon lo  all  the  naturalizalion  laws  that  have  ever 
existed  in  this  country;  and  we  liavi;  never  been 
without  one.     It  is  as  much  a  feature  of  our  |ires- 
eiit  live  year  law  as  it  would  be  of  a  law  of  tweiity- 
1  one  years.     When  we  revolted  in  177(1  from  Ihil- 
isli  tyranny,  on  llie  principle  of  no  taxation  witboiit 
I  representation,  il  had  reierence  to  the  support  of 
the  mother  eouiilry  by  taxation  on  llie  provinces, 
'  which  had  no  represenlalion  in  the  Parliament  of 
Ureal  liritain.    The  provinces  eoiilendcd  llial  lliey 
ought  not  10  be  taxed  lo  support  the  mother  coun- 
try; lliey  had  no  objiclioii  lo  be  laxed  to  support 
'  themselves,  iril/iuiil  riiirisinlalion.     On  this  prin- 
ciple the  lax  on  lea  was  rcsisu^d,  as  an  impost  that 
bore   with    unjust   oppression    on    the    provinces. 
'  Surely,  sir,  there  is  no  analogy  between  the  jnin- 
ciple  of  rebellion  in  the  war  of  the  Re  volution  and 
the  principle  of  taxation  without  re|iiesentatiiin  in 
the  case  of  the  alien,  while  undergoing  a  pridia- 
,  lionary  exclusion    from   cllizcnship.     tie  is  pro- 
leeted  by  his  own  proper  Cioveriiment,  for  the  time 
biing,  in  person,  life,  and  properly,    lie  is,  in  fact, 
represenled  by  the  terms  of  the  compact  that  pre- 
'  SI  ribe  this  prolialioii  previous  to  his  arrival  in  this 
;  counlry;  and,  though  he  has  no  voice  at  Ihe  polls, 
'  he  is  embiaced  in   the  re|nesematioii,  on  the  geii- 
I  cral  spirit  of  our  inslitulions,  and  on  the  .same  jirin- 
(  cipic  llial  minors  and  females,  ibougli  they  have  no 
'  vote,  are  yet  understood  lo  be  included  in  the  rep- 
I  resenlalion  as  persons  or  inlmbilanls.  The  Ameri- 
can minor  has  r|uile  as  much  right  lo  coinptain  on 
this  score  as  the  alien,  when  subjected  to  a  proba- 
!  lion  of  Iwenly-oiie  years;  but  ne'ilher  have  a  right 
I  lo  complain,  because  holli  enjoy  all  the  benefils  of 
represenlalion  uiidir  llie  general  principle  and  all- 


rvading   intlueiiee 


of  cur  popular  inslliulions, 
which  bases  represenlalion  on  the  scale  vi pctwnis, 
not  of  I'o/cr,?. 

Why,  then,  sir,  shall  we  grant  an   exclusive 


pri 


vile 


:  to  the  alien  which  we  refuse  to 


bm'n  on  the  soil,  who  are  coiideimied  lo  a 


probationary  period  of  twenty-one  years.'     Wli 
should  we  grant  to  a  foreign  pauper,  or  criminal, 
or  even  to  a  foreign  nobleman,  what  we  refuse  to 


our  own  sonsr 


Till 


re  IS  no  necessary  connexion 


between  the  civil  age,  or  majority  of  twenty-one 


yriin),  wliirh  wo  Imvii  Imilnlril  iir  nilnplrd  from 
l'',iirope,  and  Ihe  iiolilirul  rii(hl  of  sujliage,  which 
is  the  coriseipienie  of  iioliliml  inlillifrinrr.  'I'lii  in 
IS  no  riiiHon  to  sustain  ilie  law  which  makes  ihn 
political  right  of  llie  alieii  superior  lo  llie  polilicul 
ri.;ht  of  llitr  nali\e  born.  If  twenly-one  years  pr(»- 
balion  is  assigned  lo  ihe  native  born,  It  is  bill  jiiMt, 
reasonabte,  and  proper,  iliat  the  Name  period  slioiilit 
be  iiHsigiieil  III  the  exported  alien.  We  ask  no 
"  privilege"  for  ihii  native  born.  Let  no  "privi- 
h  ge,"  iheii,  be  gianlFil  to  the  alien.  Wliiili  in 
more  of  an  "  inlaiit,"  in  u  polilical  scii.<e,  or  any 
other  sense,  llie  native  American  yoiilli,  at  eighleeii 
years  of  age,  or  the  alien,  aOcr  a  residence  of  six 
monlliH,  or  even  five  years,  I  leiivi;  lo  llie  inlelli- 
gcnce  of  every  man  to  di  lirmine  for  himself  Ibit, 
on  the  principle  of  "kihai.  righls,"  I  boldly  d«- 
noiiiice  the  exclusive  privilege  of  the  right  oi'siil- 
frage  granted  lo  Ihe  alien  at  five  years,  and  de- 
nied lo  the  native  horn  till  twenly-one. 

Now,  sir,  1.0  ai'giinient  can  be  urged  with  any 
'  force  against  Ihe  period  of  Iwenly-one  years,  that 
does  not  apply  with  eipial  force  airainsl  Ihe  period 
of  live  years,  if  it  be  based  on  any  principle  Known 
or  recognised  as  a  principle  of  freedom,     All  llie 
'  deprivations  complained  of  in  ihe  period  of  twenty- 
one  years  are  also  embraced  in  Ihe  period  of  five 
I  years;  nor  can   the  one   he  made  lo  appear  more 
onerous  than  llie  other.     Ilolh  are  the  siiggcMiions 
of  a  wise  expediency;  bnlli   are   peculiar  to  our 
representative  republic,   if  the  people   so  will  il; 
both  arc  conslilulional;  but  tweiiiy-one  years  is 
more  wise,  because  il  adapts  llie  law  lo  llie  alh^r- 
ed  relations  of  ihe  country,  and  the  necessary  ilC' 
mands  for  proleclion  against  llie  growing  eiicroach- 
'  iiientN  of  foiTign  monari'liisls  upon  our  rights,  by 
means  of  llie  combined   inlliience  of  a  spurious 
ballot.     Sir,  there  is  but  one  course  for  our  oppo- 
iienls  to  take  wiili  any  consisieney,  and  that  is,  to 
:  go  for  univer.sal   snllrage;  for  the  period  of  five 
'  years  impliiales  them  as  deeply  as  twenty-one.  In 
!  all  the  consequences  of  a  probalionary  excliisinn 
'■  from  cilizenship.     The  principle  is  the  same.    Kx- 
[  chide  the  alien  (or  five  years,  and  you  do  all  that  any 
(  extension  of  the  term  can  do,  bin  you  do  him  no 
I  wrong  oil  any  principle,  for  he  has  no  rii:lit  to  eiii- 
'/.ciiship  but  by  consent  of  the  peoiilc,  and  be  must 
accept  it  on  llie  terms  on  which  lliey  proU'er  il,  as 
most  conducive  lo  the  preservalioii  of  free  iiisli- 
liilioiis.     The  American  people  hold  the  right  in 
their  own  hands  to  declare  on  what  terms  alieiiH 
shall  be  entllled  to  sullVage,  and  enjoy  one  of  the 
highest  privileges  conferred  on  earlli  lo  man. 

It  is  easy,  sir,  lo  see  through  the  design  of  tlinae 
who  wish  to  assiniilale  this  (iiieslion  with  "  the 
alien  and  sedilion  law  of  'iW."  They  are  invoking 
a  popular  prejudice,  not  weaving  a  loi'ical  argu- 
nieiii.  They  desire  to  blacken  ii.s  by  libels,  not 
meet  us  by  rciesoniiig.  We  deny,  in  Into,  all  pre- 
vious parallels  to  the  question  of  nalurali/.aiioii, 
except  such  amcndmciit.^  f  the  law  as  were  made 
under  Ihe  Adiniiilstralioi,  Vlr.  JeH'eison — and 
BO  far  it  is  a  purely  nemocralic  movement;  or  lo 
speak  with  more  exactness  in  relation  to  our  laws 
and  Coimtitutlon,  it  is  a  lUpublican  movement, 
but,  in  fact,  partaking  largely  of  both;  for  in  our 
sysiem  both  are  so  inlerwoven  a.s  to  be  insepar- 
able. 

The  essence  of  freedom  consists  in  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  forms  Ihat  guard  and  prolcct  ils  princi- 
ples; and  when  we  contend  for  llie  vilal  spirit  of 
the  Constitution,  we  embrace  a  |iosition  radically 
Deniocraiic.  Il  is  this  position,  sir,  which  dccide.t 
the  character  of  our  refiniii,aiiil  not  the  mere  twen- 
ty-one years  in  place  of  live.  Do  not  confound  the 
nieaii/i  with  Ihc  mil.  Whal  is  the  end  we  aim  nt  hy 
ihe  practical  operalion  of  this  twenty-one-year  law? 
The  arfserrn/iimof  consliuilioiial  freedom,  by  keep- 
ing llie  ballol-box  pure  and  iilulcfiled — by  keeping 
the  minds  of  the  rising  generation  free  from  llic  in- 
fection of  monarchical  opinions,  imported  and  dis- 
seminated by  the  slaves  of  kings — by  prevenling 
the  facility  of  voting  by  fraudulent  cxpedicnis,  and 
especially  ihut  combinalion  of  illegal  volers,  who 
move  at  u  signal  from  "  the  repeal  demagogue"  of 
Europe.  The  object  aimed  at,  sir,  is  llie  same 
as  that  which  was  so  eloquently  enl'orced  on  the 
American  people  by  the  Faiher  of  his  Counliy,  in 
his  l''arewell  Address,  which  we  oppose  10  all  cn.v- 
ils,  as  a  coiirhisive  reply.  We  have  been  mid,  sir, 
Ihat  the  portion  of  llie  farewell  address  which  re- 
fers to  "the  insidiouH  wiles  of  foreign  iiilluence," 


*    '  I 
i      ■■ 


J, 


1 


vti 


:*':  '•: 


608 


■h^ 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  7, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Regiment  of  Mounted  liijkmen — Mr.  Levin. 


Ho.  OF  Ugps. 


was  inlended  to  apply  li>  aiT;in;;enienls  nnd  coni- 
iiicroiHl  trralies  Willi  t'ciiTij-n  I'owers.  Now,  sir  if 
it  was  niatlor  of  aiuli  vast  i'liiicirtBiiop  to  lie  f;iianl- 
od  upon  poiiilH  so  conipiirntivcly  remote,  from  any 
nonih'ioiis  iiiHuenoe  to  our  insiitiitiona,  (and  that 
Waaliinston  ao  calcemeil  il,  who  will  venture  to 
donv')  liow  muoli  more  important  is  it  to  guard 
niianist  fi.rei^n  infliienec  i?i  oiir  hnllntboxes,  opcnlv 
mnisliallc<t  liy  the  demnsogues  of  Europe,  as  well 
as  il'.i'  ilemajroi^ueH  of  iliia  eountry ?  Did  not  doi- 
iiiiients  exiHI,  to  show  that  llie  foreigner  lioiisls  of 
having'  Ihr  iwlilieal  mnlrot  of  our  eountry,  ineredii- 
liiy,  real  or  fciirncd,  niiyhl  scout  at  the  chaisie  with 
scoin  and  derision.  IJul  not  only  do  these  Ibrcifrn 
diii'Mnionls  exist,  lint  others  of  a  tlomestic  eharatter 
shame  ns  liy  appeals  to  alii'n  passions;  and  in 
placards  I'lazoned  to  the  world  we  have  i-.^id  the 
most  pathetic  exhortations  addressed  !,i  l''reneh- 
ineii,  Irishmen,  and  (.<ermans,to  rush  to  the  polls, 
us  .viii7i,  an.)  depositc  I  heir  votes  in  favor  or  men 
who  would  show  favor  to  foreigners  in  pieftTcnce 
to  their  own  countrymen,  as  the  price  puid  for 
Iheni. 

Sir,  what  American  hut  has  in  his  heart  despised, 
anil  hy  his  ton;;ue  laii'^lied  to  sciirn  and  lashed  to 
nif.miy,  the  rolten-Uoroiiihs  of  Kn;;land:  and  yet, 
how  intinitely  more  dei::raded  shall  we,  the  jieople 
<if  tlie  I'liili'd  Slates,  lieconie,  if  we  allow  our 
eoin.iry  to  lie  transfor'iuul  into  a  roiicn-lioromrh 
for  r.nrope's  I'.in^s,  who,  hy  the  turn  of  a  fmu'er, 
can  pour  into  our  liallol-lioxes  tensof  liiousands  of 
volers,  a  majorily  of  whom  have  no  more  ri^ht  to 
voU'  liinr.  llie  horse,  the  ox,  or  the  locomotive. 
We  all  liiiiiw  (for  noliiinc  is  more  olivious)  that 
the  Coiisiiiulion  may  he  destroyed  withoiil  eve; 
lieiiis;  violated;  and  that,  loo,  liy  menus  of  corrupl 
practices  that  nnderuiiiie  its  iiilefrnty  as  well  as 
iiiillily  its  inleni,  llnder  our  Consiilutioli  none 
liul  a'liaiive-horn  American  can  lie  eligihle  to  the 
f'lesidency;  lint  if  hy  eourliri;:  the  foreiau  vole, 
the  native  horn  heroines  in  heart  an  alien  to  his 
eoiiniry,  the  Coiisiitulion  is  as  ell'ectiially  pros- 
Iralcil  as  if  an  alien  had  been  elected  to  fill  the 
I'l'  v.  .•  ial  ehair. 

i.'.i  ..■■,  wo  have  lieen  told  that  tw<  iity-onc 
y*'  -  '-  'he  period  of  prolialion  inijiosed  on  the 
foil  -,  "is  proscrii'tion  !"  If  il  he,  (which  I 
diiiv,  and  shall  ilispro\e, )  so  is  five  years  "  pro- 
hiri|iiion."  If  there  lie  uiiy  proscriplioii  in  iial- 
iiializalion,  then  has  our  Goveriinieiil,  fnun  its  first 
sl:iri  iiilo  existence,  p'aclised  jirosenpi.  .ii.  'I'he 
charge  refutes  il.-elt'.  The  power  and  ri;;lil  to  pro- 
icci  .Vmericiin  insiituiions  fron;  the  corrupt  much 
orinniiarcliy,  is  iiihereni  in  the  |ieciple.  (hirs  is  a 
Go\i  riinu'iit  sincily  m"*  i^fiuris — its  fcalures  are 
peculnir  to  ii.felf.  Il  is  an  insliliilion  of  popular 
s  ivereiu:nly;  unlike  all  other  Liovernmcnts,  whose 
suhici  Is  come  amouiius  lo  serve  an  apprenticeshifi 
to  iVei  ilom,  and  wean  themselves  from  the  hahiis 
Hiiil  piissiiiMS  iieculi  lo  royal  serfdoms.  Is  il 
"  proscription'  ui  ex-  hide  minors,  our  own  son^i, 
from  siillVa|.'e  .'  N,i;  it  is  deemed  prmleiice.  We 
hold  the  riL'hl  to  prolect,  and  i|.  lend,  and  |iieserve 
that  wiiich  is  for  the  common  lieiieiil  of  all.  Hul, 
sir,  if  foreijruers  are  nrosiTiiied  •>  are  our  own 
eliihlren  proscrilted.  i^.  taiiv  m  ..  .niauine  to  him- 
self wli.'it  would  he  the  eonse*pu:iice  if  the  hallol- 
linxt  .  were  thrown  wide  r  net.  to  all,  and  jioiiilar 
snfrt.  ;;c  came  upon  us  i.i  one  overwiielmiii;;  loi- 
reiii  I'rom  per.ioiis  of  all  itur-  W'lial  woiihl  lie 
the  ellect  '  How  ion;;  wouli.  the  laws  he  wisely 
made,  or  firmly  esecnud  •  Il  is  I  he  .same  thing  in 
rel.ilion  to  this  Hood  of  paupi  rs,  who  are  .\i/.s/f- 
iiiutkallil  sent  to  our  shores  from  the  Old  Worhl — 

•  illK.VT  nillTAIS  IIAUM;  OS  ONK.  OCIASIllN  (as    yoii 

will  liiiil  liy  reference  to  Nil.  s'  Hi  L'lsier)  .iiM'iiii- 
I'niMKn  rnr.S'TV-nvK.  mii.i.oins  ok  iioii.mis  to 
iii.i'iiiir  lo  THIS  cm  \m\    n»  ■    mim.iom  ok   Iitisii 

HAI'I'K.H",  I  I'ON  nil;  It.llV  (MICH  Nil  TIIAT  TIlKlll 
(■1MPI.T1TI"S-  WAS  FATAL  To  lisLII^II  lUloli;  ASH 
IMIV  AKK  NOW  H.NT  UK  11;  IIIAT  TIIK»  .MAV  I  OMI; 
IV  (eMeKTIliON   WITH   Tl  T.  AmF.IIK  AN   I.AIIIIHI.II  I 

I  slinll  mil  st.i|i  hiTc.  sii ,  ."  inonne  what  will  he 
thi  I  Heel  iif  siicli  a  syiem  upo  American  lalinr, 
or  III"  .American  l.ih  irei .  !  meiely  I'sk,  wliai  will 
he  ils  edeci  upon  the  hallHt-lio\  of  Ihe  Nalloli.' 
Will  not  such  a  ehiss  of  aliens  spcidily  'iverliirn 
all  llieliiiriiirs  thai  liavelii'ineieMied  hy  the  halhers 
o.''ilie  Kevohuion  lo  proii  ci  llie  riL'hls  of  man  r 

.\llll  vet,  sir,  such  IS  the  cIllUHCler  of  tin:  alien 
P"|iiil.ition  iliai  we  are  c'liijnreil  not  "  In  lux  wilh- 
oiti   n'presenlation"   hy  u  iniiurali/.atioii   htw   of 


i  twcnty-oiic  years!  A  popnlatioii  who, in  their nw" 
eountry,  never  enjoyed  the  right  of  Bull'ragc,  i'  al 
who  have  no  more  iireauf  rcnrcsenlation  hoiiij,  the 
eondilion  of  (axaliuii  tliiin  tlie  inliahitaiiis  of  the 
Celestial  Kniniic,  VVe  are  loo  prone,  sir,  to  as- 
crihu  American  feelings  to  foieigiier.s,  and  then 
I  argue  on  that  assumption,  as  if  the  alien,  eruilled 
ill  the  despotism  of  a  nioimreliy,  had  hcen  nurtured 
at  the  hosom  of  freedom.  The  whole  picture  is  a 
^ross  illusion.  As  to  the  principle,  representation 
IS  not  identical  with  the  possession  of  llie  right  to 
vote.  In  our  system,  all  are  represented  on  the 
general  scale  of"  the  inliahilanls  of  each  district 
being  entitled  to  a  reiireseiilalive.  1  refer  to  the 
Consiilntioii,  arlielo  1st,  paragraph  4lh,  fiir  the 
basis  ot*  riMiresenlalion  being  "  persons,"  or  "  iii- 
hahilauts,  am!  not  (.eclors,  or  eiti/ens  enliiled  to 
snll'rage.  There  is  no  groundwork  at  all,  sir,  on 
which  to  frame  that  argument.  lOvcry  inliiibitan' 
witlioiil  a  vole  is  fully  represented,  anil  of  course 
every  alit^n  is  as  clearly  represenli  d  as  if  covered 
hy  Ihe  nianllc  of  citizenship.  I  am  aware  that 
this  snhjecl  has  been  eoiifounded  even  in  the  minds 
of  men  of  no  ordinary  iiitt  lligence,  and  I  therefore 
exoneiale  the  honorable  gciilleman  from  any  de- 
sign of  inlenliniial  perversion,  ni  urging  wlial  lie 
no  doiihl  hclievi'd. 

The  alien  conies  among  us  from  a  foreign  mon- 
archy, where  lie  has  no  i-ighis,  withoni  any  idea 
of  Ihe  dignity  of  a  freenmii,or  Ihe  respoiisihiliiy  of 
a  voler.  Imw  have  sulliciciu  properly  lo  make 
them  the  subjects  of  t;iNaii<iii,  and  until  lliey  be- 
come nalurali/.ed,or  attempt  to  vote  in  violainm  of 
law,  tiiey  escape  taxation  altogether,  except  the 
poll  lax  necessary  to  enlille  ilieiii  lo  siilliage.  Let 
us  view  this  subject  in  the  li;;lil  of  coniinon  sense, 
and  not  endow  ihe  alien  with  all  the  feelings  and 
sensibilities  of  llie  native  horn,  and  then  deduce 
the  coiiclnsion,  which  is  "a  no.,  seipiiuir,"  that 
Ihe  alien  will  die  of  a  broken  heart,  or  he  driven  lo 
"rebellion  and  massacre,"'  if  he  is  put  to  a  proba- 
tion of  twenty. ire  years,  and  "  taxed  without 
having  a  vole !"  Mo,  sir;  instead  of  thinking  ol' 
re/iiig,  lii^  is  thinking  ol'cafift^.  lie  is  eitlierseek- 
ing  employiuenl,  or  reposing  in  the  alni'-honse. 
He  is  looking  after  the  means  of  aerpiiring  proper- 
ty, not  lliiiikmg  of  governing  the  country;  unless 
when  some  political  deniagogiie,  or  a  t  onunittei^  of 
naliirali/  ion  hunt  him  up  to  east  him  into  the 
scale  as  a  balance  voler,  by  debauching  his  morals 
in  ordc,    o  buy  his  conscience. 

In  pr.. posing  an  exieiision  of  the  iiatnralizaiion 
law  to  Iweiiiy-one  years,  we  not  only  violate  no 
principle  nf  the  (.'onsliuition,  of  hiitiianily,  or  the 
ri^'htsof  man,  hiii  we  protect  and  del'end  lliem  all; 
at  the  same  lime  that  we  niaiiil'est  the  must  kind 
and  benevolent  feelings  towards  the  foreigner.  1 
ask  yon,  sir,  to  contrast  his  eonibiion  under  the 
two  systems,  as  a  vielini  to  all  the  hoirois  nf  ihe 
tipplnig-hoiise,  ill  the  haiiils  of  the  wily  ih'in.i- 
gogiie  w  ho  is  buying  his  vote,  and  in  the  hands  nf 
his  own  cliililren,  and  family,  and  tVicnds,  where 
iiiir  system  places  him — in  the  full  exercise  of  ail 
Ills  civil  and  religious  privileges — under  the  cui- 
opyiif  his  own  little  domcslic  castle;  free  from  the 
dm  of  parties,  llie  vices  ot' politics,  and  the  tumults 
of  ihe  tavern — a  usefu!  and  uiduslrioiis  ciii/.cii, 
whose  sons  are  growing  ii|t  around  li.ai  loeiijny  Ihe 
rights  which  lieloiig,  w  illiont  dispute,  I-  ilic  native 
honi.  Who  is  llie  best  friend  of  the  foreigner; 
ljn([iiesiioiial-ly  the  a,i\ocate  of  iliat  law  which 
Hllat'  lies  lillll  from  the  li'l  s  of  pnlltical  intn^ne, 
and  enshrines  liini  in  the  s.mcuiary  of  Ins  own  do- 
mestic airerliiiii.s. 

I  dej'recateas  worse  than  barbarous  that  system 
of  piilitical  chiciuiery  \\  Inch  prompts  i..-  di'iu.i- 
giigue  to  irritate  the  iiiri  igner  niio  the  fury  of  p.ir- 
ly  madness,  by  goading  hiinwiih  false  opinions  nf 
our  poliiie.il  sysh-ni,  and  llieii  appealing  to  his 
ii^itoranee  or  his  jiassions  lo  redress  wrongs  that 
have  no  existence,  pouring  into  his  ear  the  eternal 
lidsehood  that  he  is  laxi'il  wiiIiomi  lienig  ii'prcsciil- 
ed,  ami  thai  his  ri;;lil  to  vote  i.-:  recognised  m  the 
Ijrcl  iratlnn    ot'  llldt'lieildelicc;  as    if  that    glorious 

doenmeiit,  now  almost  rendered  iioiiiinal  I'y  tlisr 
very  aheii.-i,  were  a  law  of  the  IJnited  Slates.  It 
is  siii'h  poison,  distilled  by  the  wrelehed  de  oa- 
gognes  of  the  day,  that  ihsiroys  the  iisefnlni  ss  of 
our  foreign  popnlaiion,  ami,  liy  niaddi  iinig  llieju 
Willi  poliiieat  passions,  renders  them  a  eiirse  m- 
Kte.id  of  a  blessing  to  the  '■oiinlry. 
I      lithe  alien  is  taxed  when  he  has  properly,  Mr. 


Cluiirmnn,  is  he  taxed  more  than  the  native.'     If 

:,  as  no  'lie  will  venture  to  a.ssert,  where  is  the 
wrong?  So,  lely  cannot  afford  its  protection,  with- 
out having  the  expenses  of  CMivennuenl  i.aid  by 
the  people.  The  alien  is  proleeieil  in  all  his  civil 
rights,  as  well  as  the  native.  Ihit  pulilical  rights 
are  the  subje.  Is  of  Inw  that  grow  out  of  the  con- 
servative principles  of  freedom,  which  oureonsii- 
tiitions  restrict  and  our  laws  define.  When  the 
demagogue  confounds  these,  and  tells  the  alien  '  o 
is  entitled  to  vote  "  hecau.se  all  men  are  created 
free  and  e.pe;!,"  he  becomes  a  lirebrand,  whom  it 
would  he  charily  to  »ligmali/.e  as  a  traitor  lo  his 
couiUry. 

Mr.  Cliainnnn,  i/e  have  pandered  lo  this  class 
of  our  fiireign  population  to  an  extravagant  ex- 
cess, that  Ihreaiens  'o  overlmn  our  insiitutioiis, 
and  involve  the  country  in  anarchy  and  ruin — we 
have  done  this,  till  the  l)eclaralion  of  Independence 
has  been  coafounded  wilh  the  ( 'onstitnlion,  and 
civil  right  made  to  eompreheiid  political  privi- 
leges— w  have  done  this,  nil  men  have  lost  all 
love  of  ounlry  in  the  Inst  of  power,  and  become, 
incapalile  of  discriminaiing  belween  the  repre- 
seiitati'cs  of  the  peoph;  and  the  rights  of  electors. 
We  are  admonisheil,  by  the  praclical  effects  of 
these  falliu  i^ins  opinions,  lo  erect  Iresli  harriers  to 
the  inroads  of  sm  h  I'ormiilable  and  fatal  devices, 
which  involve  a  eonfiision  of  fiuidaineiittd  princi- 
ples, llial  cannot  fail,  if  not  now  arrested,  lo  over- 
turn the  insiitutioiis  of  our  cotinlry,  and  bind  our 
children,  in  feiu  rs  of  tyramiy,  lo  tin'  will  of  a  body 
of  ignorant  aliens.  Tiiis,  sir,  is  no  picture  of  the 
imagination.  We  are  snrronmled  on  all  sides  by 
solemn  and  tragic  realities  allcsling  the  fact.  l''roni 
the  very  moiiihs  of  our  oppoiieiils,  we  adduce  thi^ 
evidence  of  the  perversions  that  are  t'uriiished  as 
food  of  iiistriiclioii  to  the  niiiiil  of  the  alien,  who 
lands  one  day  a  .serf,  lo  be  Haltered  as  a  lord,  ami 
the  next  to  be  mainifai'lnred  into  a  sovereign, 
arrayed  in  the  glorious  privilege  of  the  elective 
fraiii  liise,  as  the  creator  of  a  system  that  he  does 
not  understand,  and  the  maker  of  laws  which  he 
has  not  the  virlue  lo  obey,  or  the  intelligence  lo 
eoinjirehend. 

Shall  we,  then,  or  shall  we  not,  transmit  our 
heritage  unimpaired  lo  onr  children?  'J'o  do  this, 
we  must  at  hast  preserve  thai  harmony  in  our 
system  that  shall  prevent  anarchy,  bloods'hed,  ,1111! 
riot;  I  hat  shall  ihtiiie  native  rights  in  cliarai:lers 
too  broad  and  distinct  lo  he  eoiil'oinided  by  dein- 
agognes  or  invaded  by  aliens;  while  il  shall  iii- 
slruct  the  fori'igner  ill  the  duly  of  learning  lo  be- 
come an  American  eiii/.cn  before  he  aspires  to  be 
a  poliiic.il  dictator.  The  issue  has  been  made  by 
lliai  natnr.'il  1  liniax  ot' corruption,  to  which  public, 
abiisesof  rreal  ina-niifide  alwavsre.icii — wiiktiikk 
NATMi;  .Amk.iiuavs  o»  kiik  ;u;nk.ks  Sim. I.  nii.i; 
Tin;  I. AMI.  That  issue  mil.' I  he  met.  The  result 
no  man  can  doubt  who  kno',s  llie  .American  char- 
aeier,  or  anpn  ciates  the  indomitable  energy,  the 
irrepressible  indi  pe;  leiicc,  and  the  imcoiiqiurable 
will  of  the  .\iiglo!-dxon  desciMidanls  of  the  lirst 
settlers  ot'ihr  .\orlli  American  continent.  Amer- 
icans, sir,  iiinsi  and  w  ill  he  the  rulers  ol'  .America. 
Il  is  wriilcii  111  Ihe  lieinis  of  the  pi-oph — it  is  111- 
scrilied  oil  Ihe  hiou  s  of  onr  inontilams — it  is  mir- 
rored on  the  bosom  ofoiir  hikes. 

As  Native  .Aineriiaiis,  sir,  we  siaiid  ]irepared  lo 
abide  all  perils  of  a  position  which  aims  to  estab- 
lish the  moral  and  political  reforniation  of  our 
glor.oiis  Itepiililic.  I'lanling  the  slandanl  of  our 
;irinciples  mi  the  graves  of  heroes,  it  e.inilol  evclte 
surprise  th.-it  we  are  undaunted,  resolui(>,  and  tiriu, 
in  a  cause  that  kindles  enihiisiasin  111  every  heart 
open  to  the  claims  of  country.  Heiairring  10  lirsi 
|iiiiii  iples,  long  since  buried  he". .  h  the  rnbhish 
ol"  meiceiiary  p;iiii<'s,  we  are  no'  -aw. ire  of  the 
dilliciiliy  of  ihe  lask  which  aims  !  .ikcn,  in  ihe 
c.illoiis  lireasi  of  pari)',  to  globing  emotions 
which,  ill  the  earlier  eras  of  our  history,  cansiMl 
the  native  10  exult  with  pride  in  the  land  of  his 
birth,  as  a  blessing  and  a  privilc'_'r  10  be  eijiialh'd 
by  no  o'her  disiniciion.  Ihii,  mi.  it  is  ihe  dilli- 
ciiliy ol"  the  lask  that  sheds  "'ory  .'ii  our  ell'ort; 
nnd  on  this  occasion,  we  I-  ,e  (oes  who,  vslieii 
they  do  not  Imrl  poisoned  jivelins,  or  sliool  like 
Cowards  from  an  ambush,  it  will  be  no  discrcdil 
to  exhibit  111  onr  train  of  ca|tti\es,  w  ho  shall  fol- 
low our  Iriuniphanl  chariot  to  a  grand  naiional 
victory  ill  IHIH — for  captives  Ihey  miisi  become. 
A   victory   we   innst  lia'.e.      Invincibility   is   onr 


r 


I  April  7, 
K  Heps. 

native?  If 
ulierr  in  the 
Inrlidii,  willi- 
iiiiU  tmid  \)y 
II  all  his  civil 
lolilhnl  lights 
It  of  the  con- 
:'li  our  LOiisti- 
WliPii  tlic 
s  the  iilinn  i  o 
II  me  iTcali'd 
mill,  wlmm  it 
Iniitor  to  his 

to  this  rliisH 

tnivii^aiit  cx- 

iiiNiiiulioMs, 

lul  ruin — we. 

illll'|lfll(lcil(l^ 

liiuiiiin,  and 

liiii'iil  privi- 

i:ni'  lost  nil 

and   hcconin 

1    llio   reprr- 

of  cIcrtorH. 

al  ell'.M'ls  of 

I  tian-icrs  to 

ilal  (li'viccs, 

lU'iHal  princ'i- 

sliil,  lo  ovcr- 

aiiil   liiiid  oiir 

tt'ill  of  a  iuidy 

pii'tlllf  (.f  (III; 

n  all  Kiiirs  iiy 

cfii'-i.    l-'ioi'ii 

■I'  adduce  the 

furnished  iis 

<•   idieii,  wliii 

s  a  loril,  and 

a    SMVereliiii, 

'f  the  eli'i'tnc. 

1  that  he  does 

>«'s  which  he 

melliireiM'e  to 


184G.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


609 


29'!.  H  CoNM 1st  Sess. 


American  Settlers  in  Oregon — Mr.  Faran. 


motto.  Wf  inherit  it  from  n  Irniler  lelin  nrrrr  svrr'n-  \ 
tiered^  antl  wiJi  whom  eourai^c  nnil  ijeiierosity  were  j 
as  natural  us  patrii>ii8iiiaiul8ncees,s.  Lilie  him,  sir,  ' 
we  treat  onr  captives  with  clemency;  like  him,  wo  ! 
take  tliem  captive    nly  to  make  ihein  freemen ;  hnt, 
like  him,  we  never  snail  sheathe  our  weapons  till 
we  hel  old  our  jo.'ions  coiiiilry  eternally  free  from  j 
all  foriiixii  c.il'als  and  their  mercenary  American  1 
allies.     Hi  IV,  then,  we  taki' onr  stand.     .\s  a  Dis- 
TiNfT  Amfuican  OKiiAsiz  M'iux  wc  iiiter  the  field: 
the  striiir;;le  may  end  in  7»iii-,  or,  like  that  of  llie 
Revolution,  it  may  take  ei'^ht  years  lo  acconu  lish 
it.     lint,  sir,  we  are  "enlisied    for  the  war,"  and  > 
iiiilil   viclory  shall  perch  upon  our  hanner,   yon 
will   find    us  slrnffslii)!;  for  onr  native  land,  liold,  i 
fearless,  and  free,  hnrlinir  llie  thnnderholts  of  truth 
airainst   the  enemies  cif  the  American  people,  and 
slrikiii!^  dismay  into   ihc   hearts  of  those  whose 
haired    may  he  taker  us  a  tolerahle   nica.sni'0  for 
their  fears. 


ii;    t'liiniiitiiM 

Inly,  i'liu.snl 

f 

'  ttiml  (if  liiH 

Iji!   ri|imllt'(| 

t  IS  [|i,-  ,lil?i- 

1  nur  rll'..i(; 

witii,   whi-ii 

n-  nIhhiI    l.kc 

IH'  (llHiTClllI 

Ml    nIiuD    t'nl' 

imI   iiiiii(Miii| 

i\M    III  rdilM  . 

iliiy   iH    (Mil 

AMERICAN  SETTLEUS  IX  ORECiOX. 
S  P  E  E  C  H  O  F  U  n.  .1.  .1.  I'  A  R  A  N, 

OF    OHIO, 

K'  Tiir.  Ilotsi;  111-  Unpni^sr.sTATivf.s, 

.V/inr  14,  184ii. 

The  House  heinu'  in  f'ommiilee  nf  the  Whole  on 

t!ie  stale  of  the  Union,  mi  Ihe  hill  lo  exiend  tin: 

Jurisdiction  and   laws  of  the  tlniled  States  over 

the  American  seulers  in  Oreiron,  and  to  protect 

them  in  their  rinliin— 

Mr.  FAI!.\X  addressed  the  eommittee  an  fol- 
lows ; 

Mr.  CitAinjuv:  I  cannot  concur  in  the  opinion 
f\p;-essed  yeslerday  hv  the  \eiiprahle  ii;enlleniaii 
from  Massachusetis,  |Nlr.  .\iiAM'i,]  Ihntaclion  on 
this  and  other  imporlanl  measures  relaliiii;  to  Op., 
pm  should  he  deferred  iiiilil  the  Senate  shall  h  ve 
acted  (01  the  "notice  resolulioiis"  that  passed  lais 
holly  some  tvo  months  ai^o.  The  proper  course 
I'm-  us  to  pursue,  in  my  jiidu'n.enl,  is,  lo  do  what 
we  think  is  ri^'lit,  williont  lookinirto  or  wailiin;on 
till'  Senate.  Let  us  do  onr  duly:  we  shall  then  have 
noiliin;;  with  which  lo  reproach  ourselves,  and  the 
rcsponsiliiliiy  of  failure  will  rest  in  the  proper  rpeir- 
tcr.  This  hndy  has  acted  on  the  "notice  resolu- 
tions." They  have  passed  tVoni  heforc  us,  and  are 
in  other  hands,  llaviir;  disposed  of  the  leadins; 
measure  relating  to  tliet)re::ini  territory,  let  us  pro- 
ceed to  the  other  important  nieasiirus,  wilhoiil 
w|ocli,ihi'  firsi — that  of  the  notice — will  not  only  lie 
of  noavail  for  i;ood,  Iml  will  lie  positively  injurious, 
The  liiU  Ipef.iiiMis  is  emiiicnily  one  ofil'iese  impor- 
tant nieasiu-es,  and  should  nnt  lie  delaved  for  any 
action  of  the  Senate;  and  particularly  when  we 
know  that  action  in  thai  liody  on  the  "notice  res- 
olutions," has  hcen  delayed  liy  matters  that  eer- 
taiiilv  rellecl  110  credit  on  the  holly  inlUienced  l,y 
theiii.  ■    i 

It  has  heeii  jiroposed  to  insert  a  pr'ivisioii  in  this 
hill  tliat  shall  detiiie  the  limits  of  the  territory  of 
(liecoii,  particularly  its  norll-.,-rii  limit — assi^.-ninc: 
the  latitude  of  i')4"  411'  as  'he  northern  limit.  This, 
I  think,  should  lie  don,',  if  lor  no  olio  r  reasrui  than 
lo  Si  ;ile  what  enuntry  w  mean  wle  n  spe.ikiie;  of 
till'  ()re:ron  cnnury;  for  in  elVorl  has  heeii  made,, 
III  a  certain  (|uarter,  to  ercMle  the  iinprcssion  that, 
hy  the  Diemm  (errilory,  Ls  meant  "llir  c«unlni  im 
Ihr  Cnluihtiiii  lirrr  inn/  sniilli  of  i/,  all  iyiti;;  helow 
the  line  of  41f'."— (lion.  W.  I'..  H  wwooo's 
Speech,)  This  I  consider  incorrect.  I!y  the  Dre- 
tcoii  lerriiory,  I  nndersiaiid  all  the  coimtry  on  the 
northwest  coast  of  America,  lyiii!:  lietween  the 
Rocky  .Moinitaina  and  the  I'acilie  nceaii,  and  llie 
jiarallels  of  4'JP  and  .V|-'  41)'  of  north  laliluile. 
riial  is  the  eonnlry  thai  is  usually,  senenillv,  I 
may  say  luiiversally,  meant  liy  Oiei;oii,  when  it  is 
spoken  of  hy  the  people,  the  press,  and  the  Oov- 
ernnient. 

There  is  no  Govcnnien  tlno  puis  forth  any 
claims  or  pretensions  hciwi  en  these  parallels  on 
that  coast,  adverse  to  the  liili  nf  Ihe  Ifnitcd  St.ites, 
except  lire.it  llritain.  And  1  mention  ,5P  40' as 
llie  northern  limit  or  ho'Oiih'sy,  lucanse,  in  (oir 
treaty  with  Russia  i"  IH04,  >e.'  in  elVcct  ai^iceil  that 
no  sctilcineiit  slion''  lie  ni-.de  hy  ciii/.eiis  ot"  the 
li  lilted  Stales  iiorih  of  that  lalituid',  on  said  coast, 
or  Ihe  islands  ail'j,>ci m  ihereio.  'I'he  line  of  ')i^ 
411'  has  lint  iieeii  run  or  maiki'd,  Iml    that    which 

39 


I  can  be  made  certain.  In  in  law  held  and  consiijereil 
as  sutficiently  delinite  to  lie  enforced. 

I  was  hijjhly  {^ratified  yeslerday  that  the  prn- 
po.silion  to  limit  onrriLirhls  to4il'-'  received  hut  two 
or  three  votes.  The  adoption  of  sneli  nil  ninei.d- 
nieiil  wonhl  have  hcen  an  ncktiowledtjment  that 
the  United  Slates  had  no  risht  to  any  portion  of 
Oreijoti  north  of  4!P.  The  conseipience  of  such 
adecl'iration  would  have  had  an  uiih";-py  innuenee 
npor  ihe  soilleiiient  of  this  i|uestion.  Aside  from 
such  a  del  laratioii  not  hem;  warranted  by  ihe  his- 
tory of  inir  title,  it  would  have  confined  our  claims 
to  limits  that  we  could  never  have  passed  with  any 
show  of  propriety,  and  would  havi^  retarded  rather 
than  advanced  a  proper  setllenient  of  the  question. 

The  considerations  that  induced  the  rejection  of 
that  ainendmeiil  are  sulficient  to  answer  the  clanio:-s 
that  have  been  raised  a;;ainsi  the  President  for  not 
di.schisint'  to  the  world  what  he  is  willinf,'to  do  in 
this  contioversy,  and  how  he  is  willing  to  settle 
it.  For  the  President,  in  the  |iresent  state  of  this 
cnnti'o  ,ef..-y,  to  make  aiiv  other  declaration  on  this 
siihiect  than  what  he  made  in  his  .\niuial  Messnw, 
and  has  repeated  mort?  than  once  since,  would  be 
an  act  of  erimiiialiiy  to  the  country,  that  could 
scari'(.Iy  be  palliated  or  excuseil.  6ome  (lersons 
seem  lo  be  fearful  that,  unless  the  President  ne- 
Itnowledires  that  he  i.s  williin;  to  settle  on  llie 
fortyninth  |i:irallcl,  the  tliiinders  of  the  I'riiish 
cannon  will  nreakon  oiirears  hetbre  weareaware; 
ami  they  are  in  misery  liecaiiso  the  President  does 
lint  sneak  out.  Why  don't  they  ask  (jreat  liritain 
to  speak  outr  Has  Great  ISriluin  declared  how  she 
is  ready  and  williiiir  10  settle  this  coiilroversy,- 
The  last  dc!liiite  proposition  wa.^  made  by  the  T,^ni- 
led  States.  Why  not  clamor  au''aiiist  (ireat  r,ritaiii 
iastead  of  their  own  (iovi  rnnien','  The  ooly  an- 
8>ver  I  cell  iri  'e  for  such  cnndiici  is,  that  i(  is  Ihrir 
fiisliioii, 

.A'j:aiii:  the  ailoinion  of  such  an  amendment 
would  be  a  ;;nod  ih'al  like  fO'/o'/ce'inir.  T.i  arbi- 
tr;!te,  would  be  to  (;ive  Great  Rriiain  the  chance 
of  u;cltiii:_'  somethins;  sonili  of  4iP.  An  oll'er  lo 
divide  the  country  by  the  )iarallel  of  49°  was 
promptly  rejected  by  Great  ririlain.  After  some 
time,  .she  proposes  arbitration.  What  fir,'  In 
order  to  settle  on  the  line  of  4il",=  Not  at  all.  Slie 
had  refused  that  flatly.  She  olVered  arliilraiioii  fin- 
two  reasons.  One,  (o  try  the  chances  of  trtttin'j: 
somcthiie;  south  of  jih',  supposing.'  that,  as  it  had 
been  oll'ered  t.i  her  oive  bv'  the  I'resideni,  it'  the 
all'air  should  come  M  ihe  worst,  slu;  could  ,':;et  the 
liiieof4!Pat  anytime  she  would  say  the  word, 
willionl  arbitration.  The  other,  lo  present  lo  the 
world  tliir  appearance,  on  her  part,  of  an  anxious 
desire  to  settle  this  nialter:  kinnviin.!",  however,  at 
til"  same  time,  that  ar'niration  had  been  previously 
rel"u.<ed,  and  that  it  could  not  be  entertained  by  the 
United  Stales  with  any  sort  of  pmoriety, 

.\  L'lcal  ell'ort  has  been  inaile  i.i  produce  the  im- 
pression thr  lUL'-hout  tin'  connti'v,  t'lat  the  tbrly- 
nintli  parallel  of  latitude  ti}v;lit  tit  he  and  is  In  hr  the 
line  dividiier  the  pnsscssions  of  the  United  .Siati.s 
niid  fireat  liritain  in  the  Oregon  territory.  This 
has  been  allimpted  in  several  ways. 

It  has  been  ntienipled,  by  as'ertiii!:,  that  in  olTer- 
in^■  to  settle  oil  the  line  c.f  the  4!)th  dearie  of  lati- 
tude, t!ie  Presiileni  admilicd  by  thai  act  lli.'it  we 
hud  no  just  claim  noriii  of  'hat  line.  Is  this  asser- 
tion true?  This  oll'er  was  inaih.  as  n  compromise. 
The  idea  of  a  compromise  supposes  the  yii  Idinu:  of 
S'tnie  ri^lit  or  claim  of  the  party  making  the  olfer. 
'I'lie  ricsidcnt  claims  ihe  whole  coiinnv  lo  .■)|°4II'. 
.\iid  when  he  nllered  to  compromise  a.  lit-',  no  just 
inference  can  be  drawn  iVom  that  uct,  that  he  con- 
siilered  we  had  no  just  claim  norMi  of  4!l".  Had 
we  no  just  claim  north  of  4:1-',  and  had  the  Presi- 
di'iit  so  viewed  ii,  it  woiili!  have  been  no  coiiipro- 
mise  to  olli  r  10  setile  by  that  line.  .Not  only  so, 
but  the  President  woiild'have  justly  snl.|ecle(l  him- 
self, under  sudi  eiriMiinslanci.s,  to  the  cliarie  of 
dnplieiiv;  and  those  who  claim  lo  be  the  friends  of 
ihe  I'residcnl  piil  him,  in  my  opinion,  in  avivy 
improper  positinn  by  this  son  of  arirmncnt. 

The  assertion  is  also  wroiej;  in  regard  to  the  facts 
and  history  of  this  controversy,  (hi  various  ocini- 
sions,  in  makini;  olfers  of  compromise,  onr  Uov- 
ernnient,  lliroii;;li  its  proper  atrenis,  entered  ils 
solemn  protest,  that  such  oilers  should  not  be  held 
or  consideied  as  diminishiiej  or  weakeiiiiiL;  our 
claim  lo  Ihe  whole  of  ihe  country.  And  when  our 
last  oll'er  nf  comproi-ii,se  was  rejecied,  ii  was  wiili- 


New  Series....No.  39. 

■  ilrnwn ;  nnd,  in  the  Innsunse  of  the  President,  "onr 
title  to  the  whole  Oreijoii  territory  asscrteil,  nnd 
us  i.s  believed  inaiiilaiiied,  by  irrefragable  fuels  and 
ttrpiinieiils. " 

This  impression  has  also  been  attempted  lo  be 
produced  by  asscrliiif;,  that  by  entering  into  the 
convenlioiiN  of  1818  und  1827,  the  United  Smtea 
acknowled;;ed  that  Great  Rritiiin  liad  ritjhts  in  the 
Oregon  lerriiory  eipial  to  their  own  ;  antl  aneh  be- 
ina;  the  case,  nn  erpiiluble  division  of  the  eonnlry 
would  assi;;ii  all  south  of  41P  to  the  United  States, 
and  all  north  to  Great  liritain. 

If  those  eonventions  ucknowledged  anythinj^at 
all,  they  ucknowledired  tacitly  Ihut  neither  party 
hinl  the  disposition  or  ability,  at  the  times  they 
were  entered  into,  to  maintain  liy  force  the  clnims 
advanced  by  it  to  any  part  of  the  lerritify  on  the 
northwest  coast  of  America.  Their  operation  went 
lo  exclude  ackiiow  lcdi;meiils  of  any  just  claims  in 
either  parly,  and  to  postpone  to  11  future  period  the 
iiivesii',,'alion  and  sctlleinentof  any  claim  that  might 
be  made  to  that  country  by  either  of  the  contruct- 
\\>'f  parties.  This,  I  think  is  evident  from  Ihe 
third  article  of  the  convention  of  1H18,  which  reads 
as  follows: 

'•  AllT.  ;i.  It  is  lurreeil.  Unit  any  cninitry  Hint  mm,  hn  el.ihn- 
cil  liy  eitttcr  ji;irly  nii  ihe  iinrthwest  cnjisl  rit  Aiii.'.rica  west- 
Uiuiiiil'tle.  Sli.iiy  .Miiinilaili.',  fcliiill,  loieUicr  Willi  im  hnr- 
hnrs.  Iiais,  ji;i(l  cr*.ckH,nnil  the  iiiivi^.iliniiiif  all  rivers  witllili 
Ittf.  >aine.  he  I'ice  mid  open,  tiir  tlie  term  or  ten  years  IVoni 
III.,  (lite  oi'  lie;  siifiialilre  ill' tile  i)r(>,.,ent  eniiventior;,  to  the 
vi-i  I-,  cit:/,.'!!-,  and  siiliieet.s  oiiIk"  twe  rowersj  It  beinj; 
will  (inilei.-iii,ni  iliiit  iliis  ii<:rceiiii'nt  is  not  tn  he  consinietl 
t'l  He'  pr..jllilire  nf  suiy  claim  whicli  cither  ot"  tlie  two 
hi-iil  ciilitiactiii'.'  |i:ulie..i  inni/ /eirc  to  any  )iart  at' l)ie  said 
ciiiintr\,  nor  >li.'ill  it  he  liikeii  to  alt'ci  t  tile  claiii|.i  o!  aii.v 
nllicr  riiwcr  (ir  Seilc  in  :niy  Jiarl  of  said  crmiilr>';  llie  only 
iit.j.-'.t  i.f  the  iiinh  cniitmciina  piirties  in  that  rc-p-ct  bi  iiiL', 
In  povenl  (iisjiuti'S  and  (hlfercaci..^  niiiiill|isl  tlii.itisclvcs." 

.\nd  ;ilso  from  the  third  article  of  the  convention 
of  180?,  which  is  its  follows: 

'.  AliT,  '•'.  Nniliiim  cdiilaincd  in  tliis  cniivcniien,  or  in  Ihe 
tMnl  article  of  tin.  ciMiv,.nliiill  (if  Ilic  •JOIIi  (if  Oolnhcr,  \Slf, 
hcr^liv  ciniliiiiicd  in  fdice.  shall  he  c(^n^trllelI  t(i  impair,  or 
in  any  iiianncr  alicci.  the  (.|aini,^  wliieli  eilhcr  of  the  eoii- 
IractinL'  jiartics  m.i./  /utrr  In  any  p;irt  (if  llic  cdiiiitry  wesl- 
waiil  iii'llii.  Slony  nV  ll-i'-ky  Mountains." 

Now,  it  must  be  apparent  from  the  wording:  of 
liii.se  articles,  that  the  United  States  acknowledged 
this,  and  no  more,  that  if  Great  Britain  had  nny 
claims  to  any  |iarl  of  the  country  westward  of  the 
'  Stony  Monnlains,  the  enlerins;  into  these  conven- 
tions shoiihl  not  operate  to  the  prejiidico  of  any 
such  claims;  but  that  the  same,  if  any  existetf, 
should  be  in  as  fjood  a  stale  at  the  termination  of 
the  convention,  as  when  the  eonvention  was  form- 
ed. The  parties  to  these  conventions attheir dates 
did  noi  want  to  have  any  disputes  or  dilferemiCB 
anionL''st  themselves,  as  to  who  had  the  best  claim 
to  the  couniry;  they  dropped  Hint  for  the  time 
heiiii;,  and  ie;reeil  upon  a  sort  of  free  trade  to  the 
ciiuntry. 

And  to  confirm  this  impression  on  Ihe  public 
mind,  it  has  been  seriously  argued  Ihnt  the  parallel 
of  4!P  wasesiahlished  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  con- 
cluded ln.lween  Great  Hrilaiii  and  France,  April, 
17i;t.  I  Ik  liiv(;  iliecivilizeil  world  has  yet  to  make 
the  discovery  that  either  France  or  Great  Uriltiin, 
ut  the  date  of  that  treaty,  made  any,  the  least,  pre- 
tension to  the  ownership  of  a  single  foot  of  liuid 
on  the  northwest  coast  of  America.  France  never 
has.  And  the  idea  of  two  Powers  establishing  n 
biiiindary  liii'-  for  them.selvcs  in  a  country  in  which 
neither  of  iheiu  bad  any  ■,-eioi-r;,in.s  (e'owner.ship, 
is  to  my  mind  ridiciih.its. 

Great  |.|i'orls  ha' i:  also  been  nind'i  by  some  to 
create  donhis  as  to  llie  justice  of  our  claim  to  any 
part  of  the  inunlry  iiortli  of  4!P.  And  thesedoubis 
an.  all  resnlvnl  in  favor  of  England.  They  go  on 
the  principle  that  if  we  cannot  make  out  11  perfect 
tiile  ill  on, X  Ives,  Greal  liritain  should  have  the 
bi.|Klil  of  what  is  weak  in  ns;  not  that  she  can 
nnike  out  in  herself  a  title  better,  or  even  as  good 
as  onr  own,  hm  because,  they  think  ours  is  not  as 
sirooi;  as  it  mi',;hl  be.  It  is  siilticient  for  ine  to 
knowlhal  onr  lille  is  the  better  of  the  two,  and 
that  no  other  civili;'.ed  Power  pretends  lo  huve  any 
claim  111  llieciiiiiilry. 

Indeed,  all  kinds  of  iirgnmcnts  have  been  made, 
and  posiiionr  assumed,  lo  convince  this  nation  that 
the  parallel  of  4'.P  oni^ht  to  be,  and  is  lo  be,  the 
di\iding  line  in  Oregon  between  the  United  States 
and  Greal  liritain.  One  good  may  result  from 
these  efforts,  nnd  thnt  is,  the  cimviction  tlint  Great 
liritain  has  not  ibe  scintilla  nfn  title  south  of  40°, 


f||i 


'i'tl 


it'  ,  i3 


610 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  14, 


Q9th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


American  Settlers  in  Oregon — Mr.  Faran. 


Ho.  OK  Heps. 


For  to  convince  us  beyii'tl  dnnbt  tlint  49"  might 
ti)  lip  tlic  line,  it  was  iibsoliitoly  necpssnry  tii  show  I 
thill  our  title  up  to  that  hue  in  dear  ami  iiiicnips-  [ 
tionalili'.     Very  •'<'«,  liowrvir,   have   uniliMlakeii, 
iin  ilic  lloor  ol  this  Hcpiise,  nr  in  the  Kcnaii',  to  j 
prove  (hat  the  nrilisli  claim  lo  the  whole  eoiiiitry 
IS  heller  ihan  our  mvii.     ISut  in  sonu' insianres  this  ' 
lias  heen  done,  anil  1  must  confess,  ih.iui;h  vviih  a  : 
burniiii;  cheek,  that  they  suocecdcil  in  the  ellort 
lunrh  better  than  any  Uriiish  Minister  has  ever  | 
done.  I 

Mm  after  all  these  ellorts  lo  show  that  the  United 
Stales  ouirht  not  to  ]>ress  any  elaini  to  the  I'lmntry 
north  of -I'JO — that  that  line  (iii'^ht  to  lie  tlie  houncl- 
nry — what  reason  is  Ihere  for  liclievin;;  that  Clrenl 
lirilain  will  a!,'roe  to  that  liia^  any  more  readily  ; 
than  the  line  of  M^  4(1'  r  All  these  ellorts  seem  to 
liavc  been  ntaih?  on  the  sn|i]>osition  ihat  all  that  is  ■ 
to  he  done  to  have  sni'h  a  seillehient  made,  is  tor 
oar  Ciovernment  to  imlieale  a  disposition  to  settle 
in  that  way,  and  Great  Iiriiain  will  readily  ai'i|ni- 
eaee.  Let  us  see  if  tins  lie  so,  and  look  at  the 
probabilities  of  Great  Britain  i;iviii^  up  all  preten- 
sions south  of  the -Uhli  parallel.  And  in  raleula- 
tiiii;  ilii-so  probabiliiii  s,  we  ninst  look  at  the  iinpe- 
rious  charaeiei  of  thill  Guvennnenl,  and  keep  in 
mind  the  deelaralion  of  I^ord  John  Unssell,  that 
"  it  cannot  be  a  matter  of  indillVrenee  that  tin'  tone 
of  ihe  character  of  Hn^'land  should  be  lowered  in  : 
any  transaction  wo  [they]  may  have  lo  carry  on 
with  the  United  States.'' 

Let  us  first  examine  the  ofTi  rs  that  have  been 
made  and  rejected  by  the  parlies  respci'iively  in 
their  ncijotiations  on  ibis  snbjeri.  in  order  lo  see 
bow  far  Great  lirilain  has  ci'iaiaitted  herself  in 
liiaintainin;;  any  piirticular  position  in  this  contro- 
versy. 

British  offkks. — Ocloticr  G,  181f'. 

"  I'liat  ^(1  liiiieii  el"  the  iiinliivvesl  en:i>l  m' America  .ts  li-  s 

liPtwccli  llie  I'cirtv-lirti il  r.irlv  hiulli  p:inilli  Ih  iil  IllllliMi', 

Willi  ili  harliors.  Sic -Imulil  !■•  loe  luiil  lilpi  ii  lolli.eili- 
zciis  utui  siilijetts  of  Ilic  iwfi  I'oWiTTi  re-pM  live]! .  for  liie 
piiriHl'CS  (if  mule  mill  e-'iiiiiicoe.  Tiiis  iltireeinciil  net  !■» 
prcjii.licc  the  el. Mill-  ijf  iilher  |nirly  t"  1111.V  lerritiihal  nulluir- 
ity  within  ilio-e  liiiiil-."  j 

Rejected  by  our  Government. 

July  ].■),  It^'iH. 
*'  That  the  Iminidaiy  of  Ille  tun  I'nwcrH  he  doiiamlerl  by 
eXI'MKlilii:  tile  liM''  ni  rii>  I'lili-liinlll  inniltel  In  lite  iKirlhea^l 
linilirll  of  tlie  r<,liliiilii;l.  Itli'lir:'  ilown  flic  siliiie  In  the  I'll- 
eil'K  .  The  ii;ui;.mIii>m  01  Uif  I'nliniihiii  10  be  free  lu  the  eiti- 
Keli-  ,'111(1  .-lllijeet.-i  ol  li-ilii  I'oui  r,-." 

This  was  rejected. 

Deamher  1,  1826. 
'*  T)iat,in  aililitioii  ii  Iht-  for-  uoiiiLMbc  iin>.ic»i.-inM  of  INirl 
Di*ciivcr,v.  ia  111"  soiHlicrii  ci-:i-l  of  II"  i'li'ii'.-.  Inh-i.  .iiid  ;i 
■nitill  ulna  "I"  eoiiiilry  lo  b"  aiiniM'il  tin  rcio.  Al.-o.  lliiil  no 
Work  ^tliiillhl  In:  esl.ililislied  on  tlie  ('oliiiiil'ia  lo  iiii;ii'ilc  or 
llimb'r  the  free  niiviualloli  tllore(»l." 

This  waj  rejecled. 

.Iiifriisl  lifi,  lf4l. 

'■  111  luldltinil  10  the  jm-viou^  oilers  of  Jlllv  Kt.  IH-21,  and 
Oeccinbtr  1.  Ir^;,  t<l  111, ike  IV"-  lo  Ihe  I'lliied  f*l:il  '.-i  fUll 
port  or  l>ort,.i  til  11  Illc  rniliil  .-'lati'tt  iiiiL'liI  deMre.  ellh.r  en 
the  main  bind  or  on  VaiieoiiM'rV  lt«liilid.  nollltl  of  Inlilliile 
4!r. 

This  was  rejected. 
Offers  by  tiif.  U.nited  Statkv. — i'ljif.  17,  1818. 
>'  To  cTleiid  the  forly-niiilh  parilbl  of  I  iliiii.ic  M  llic  I'.i- 
rifi'"  ll> '•Jill.  Mith  Ihi'  n.iviaatioii  of  Jill -IrtMoi-i  inters. ■eh  . I 
by  this  bill-  and  ibovinu  into  Ihe  I'jiiine.lo  he  opi-ii  jiiid  In  1- 
lo  the  'lli/.en.s  iiiid  *ilbjeelri  ol  Imllj  Power-." 

Tills  was  rejecled  by  the  Ihalisli. 

.Il>ril  -J,  If-^i. 
"  .Mr.  Uiish  [irojio-ed  to  ciiliniie  ihe  third  Jirlicic  of  (he 
trejityiifliet  dier'.ill.  l~ls,ivilli  llii'  iiibbiuinal  el. one  llial  1111 
scitl-'meiil  liboilld  be  iiijiili>  by  Anori'  jiii  einz.ns  norlli  of 
tile  nny-tir(«l  iiJiriillel  of  lalitiiib'.  nor  bv  Itrin-li  -iibji-els  i-itb<-r 
HoilUl  iifllie  lifii -lir^t  ileLTiT  or  norlliMt  tin-  liflbiitUl  ibtfrce 
uf  norlli  latilinle." 
This  was  rejected. 

.Mil   1:1,  H-Jl. 

o  .Mr.  llll^h  proIKitJI'd  to  moilllv  Iln-  loreyoiiit'  bv  ^Ub•-lilll■ 
mill  tin   lorli   niiiMi  paralbl  ol  bilililiii   bir  the  III))'  lir  1." 
This  was  rijecied. 

.Mii'finfccr  |j,  18:2(i. 
>iTo  extend  Itie  Ibny-ninlb  [uinillel  lo  the  I'lii  ilie.  and  if 
il  inleniei-leil  Hiiy  braiii'li  of  tin   riilniiibia   n.iviiiJibb    lo  (he 
ocean,  the  iiaviuJiiioii  of  sie  li  brjim  h  lo  hi'  fiei    1.1  the  ciu- 
iceii"  and  ciibjei-lii  ol  both  I'ow,  r-." 
This  was  rejected. 

■My  I'J,  IPIa. 

"To  divide  III*'  'in'L'on  it-rrilori  bv  tli"  forty  tiinlh  |mral- 
|el  Id'  norlli  bilionb  .  fioni  Ihe  llo'eky  Monrilajiis  bi  lb.'  Pa 
eilic  (Lean,  iiiiil  10  niakc  free  to  (;real  ItrilJilll  niiy  [I'lrt  or 
(HirlM  ini  Viincinoer'H  i'land,  HOUtll  of  tlll.s  piinillil,  uliiell 
itfeat  ttritiiin  iiiii^btdi  nire." 

'riim  was  leieeltd. 


To  recnpitnlate  the  main  oll'era  and  rejections.      1 

t.rrPal  Britain  has  twice  rejectpd  the  line  of  49°  ! 
with  the  free  naviiratioU  of  the  C'ohiinhja;  and  once 
rejected  the  line  of  4lP  with  free  ports  on  Van- 
couver's Island  south  of  that  line. 

She  oU'ered,  Ist,  llial  the  eoimtry  bclw.  ""  'he 
parallels  of  .j'l^and  4'.!^  be  jointly  occn|iie(l  ('■'•'he 
purposes  of  trade  and  commerce — Great  lirilain  to 
have  all  south  of  4.)°  and  all  north  of  4!l°lo  her.self, 

'id.  Great  Britain  lo  have  all  norlli  of  liie  Cailuni- 
Ilia  by  its  northeast  branch;  the  llniled  Stales  lo 
have  all  soulh — ihe  iiavi^'ation  of  the  Columbia  Ui 
be  tyrt' lo  liotli. 

yd.  The  riiilid  Stales  lo  have,  in  addition  lo 
the  above,  the  possession  of  I'ort  Discovery,  and 
n  strip  of  country  annexed  llieielo. 

4;h.  The  United  Stales  to  have,  in  nddilion  lo 
the  two  fore2,(iiiiL'  propositions,  llie  freedom  of  any 
port  nr  ports  soiilli  of  4(P. 

In  Jill  till se  olfers  and  rejections,  Grpjil  Britain 
has  not  moved  from  the  inisiiion  of  elaimiii'.;  the 
Colnnibia  for  the  boniiilary  line.  .'\nil  il  is  easy 
to  see  how  few  privileges  she  hasatany  lime  offer- 
ed us  north  of  the  ('ohmiliia. 

In  jiddition  to  tin  se.  hi  nw  look  at  the  dcclara- 
lionsoflhe  British  plenipi.teiitiaries  dnrins:  these 
nejotiattons. 

Messrs.  Crallatin  and  Knsli,  in  their  letter  of 
October  d(),  1:^1S,  to  llie  Seei'etary  ol' Slate,  say, 
"thai  the  British  pleni|i(ileiili:iries  ilei  lar  il  they 
'would  not  au'i'ee  to  any  proposition  ihal  did  not 
'  ^'ive  tlicin  the  liarlior  at  tlie  ninuili  of  the  C'ohiin- 
'  !)ia  in  coinmon  with  the  rniled  Stales." 

Mr.  Uusli,  ill  his  letter  to  Mr.  Ai'ams',  Secretary 
of  Slate,  AiiL'Ost  |-,',  l.--:i4,  s:iys,  "  llnit  the  BrilisL 
'  pleni[iolcnli.iries  ilecljircd  ibal,  in  ]jroposinix  the 
'oll'er  of  .Tilly  1:1,  l><-2\,  lliey  eoiisiihred  Grejit 
'  Ib'itain  ae  departing  lat'L;'eIy  from  the  t'lill  exteni 
'  of  her  rii;lit,  and  llial  the  iMinnd.iry  marked  cut, 
'in  their  own  written  pro|iosal  was  one  iiom 
'which  tile  Governineiil  of  the  rniled  Slates  must 
*ni>t  evpeit  (ileal  llriliiin  lo  depart.'* 

.At  tlie  conference  of  I  b ceiiiber  I,  IH->(;,  the 
British  plenipoteiiti.iries  di-clared  "  tliat  the  otfer 
'  now  made  was  emisidered  by  the  lirilish  Gov- 

*  erninenl  jis  nol  cjilled  for  by  any  just  comparison 
'  of  the  i,Toiinils  (>f  ihose  ehiims  and  of  the  connler 
'  claims  of  tile  roiled  Stall  .^;  but  ratln  r  as  a  sacri- 
'  lice  which  the  ro'ilish  GoveriinienI  had  co  isenled 
'  to  mai\e  with  a  view  to  obviate  all  evils  of  future 
'  diili  rences  in  rcspeil  10  the  territory  west  of  the 
'  Koi'kv  .Moniiiaiiis." 

At  the  eonfireiiec  of  Sevlemlier  24,  \H'2i,  the 
Briiisii  pleiiipoieiiiijiry  decljircil  llial  "  he  did  not 
'  feel  juillloi'i/.''iI  to  enlei  into  iliscil;  .^ion  respectilJi; 
'  tl;e  territory  north  of  lite  41llh  paudlel  uf  Ijiiiludc, 
'  wl'.ieh  w;is  uiiderslood  by  the  lirilish  Govern- 
'  mini  to  form  the  b.isis  of  ncoitiation  on  the  side 
'of  till'  United  Si, lie..,  (is  llic  /illc  rf  liir  Cnltimlihi 
'/(ii'm((/  titiit  ell  till-  ,*/(/(■  f't'iinifl  lirilit'iu.*^ 

Mr.  I'jikeiiham,  in  rejeetin^  Mi.  Biiehanan's 
pioposition  of  .luly  I'i,  lH4.'j,  said  "  he  Irnsteil  that 
'the  .•\mericjin  plenipotentiary  woiilil  be  prepared 
'  til  iilli'i' some  lurlher  proposal  for  the  seiili  iin  111 
'  of  the  (irci^d'i  queslion  more  consistent  wilh  fair- 

*  ness  and  eoiiilv,  and  \\  lib   the  reasonable  expi'C- 

*  I  iiioiis  of  tlie  Bi'iii.-h  tjoveriimenl. 

"  'I'liis  propiisal,  ill  fact,  olii'is  leus  iluin  lhat  ten- 
'  dcreii  bv  the  .Xnierican  plempoieiiimries  in  the 
'  neL"itijitlon  of  l.siili  and  n  jecied  by  li.e  British 
'  (tovermnent.  On  that  occasion  it  was  pro|iosed 
'  that  the  naviL'Jition  of  the  (,'ohiiiibia  siionld  be 
'  iieide  free  to  both  parties." 

Such  is  the  natni'e  of  the  ileclaralions  made  by 
the  British  (lovernnicnt  diirinir  the  nei.'otinlioiis  on 
ibis  siibjeel.  A  lii'_'h  lone  was  as^Jitmed  al  ilii 
start,  and  has  bet  n  niainlaineil  cm  r  since.  She 
started  out  with  e\trava'.'"ant  pieiensioiis — socii  as 
she  litis  always  assumed  whenever  she  b.is  bad 
niiylhiii!;  lo  i|(i  with  a  I'uwer  that  she  siipoiscd  to 
be  weaker  than  herself — -inil  uf  ilnse  i'xtrji\aj;anl 
pretensions  she  lias  scarcely  yiehhd  all  iota. 

L(  1  IIS  look  il  bull  further.  Sjion  afier  the  nr- 
ri\;il  of  the  I'resideni 's  Inanirnral  '\(l(lress,  in 
which  be  nssrried  llint  oor  H'L  lo  the  whole  of 
Ore-roii  was  clear  and   uiKp  -  sti.ii.itile.  I.ord  lohii 

Ilns-'cll,  in  the irse  of  hi:,  II  marks  in  the  lloii.sc 

of  ('otinnons,  iised  the  followini;  laininiiire: 

••  The  i'rc-idciit  of  the  I  'nil  'd  Slates  has  made,  as  I  have 
alrcaily  rejid  to  tbe  lloii.c,  11  p<  riiii|ilor\  elaiiii  tii  the  whole 
of  till-  Icrritoil  ■  lie  lijiM  (  laonc'l  lh(  whole  |Hmi.i'i<sioii  of 
It  lor  the  I'nilcit  Sliilc-.  jiiid  ba-.  01  an  iiiiiifiml  liianiicr, 
ejilb'd  iipoii  ibc|ieo|dcofibc  t 'oiled  .- lalc".  H  lib  Iheiriviic, 


iind  ebildl'eii,  lo  iiecupy  tlilit  territory.  Thdi  itislrt''t  is  lin- 
coninis,  (111  Hc('(aiiit  of  llie  liirtj}  iin  the  (7o)iiiiil.iii  river,  iiioro 
niliiortajit  every  year.  Alb'r  111  ■  talcini'iit  idlli"  I'n  ■ideiit 
ol  Ihe  rniled  pil.iles,  I  eonsiden  d  il  iiii[inssilib>  tliiil  lierMa- 
Justy'rt  laiverniiieiit  should  nut  ciideaiiir  tii  (ibtaiii  ti  ^p^■^'dy 
Milillion  of  tliis  ipiestidii.  I  mil  Mire  llicv  w  ill  led  il  iiopjis- 
nililc  tiiallnw  Ihe  present  iiiidelini'd  iia'd  iinsciilril  slate  of 
rcljiliolis  bi'lW'een  lllit  Iivo  countries  lo  eontiiiiie.  W'llllollt 
dllliucr  lliHl  llie  |ieopli' of  the  I'liitil  Hlii  cs,  iietinc  lljioil 
llie  simK-'slion  ol  the  rresiik'iit,  may  eiidi  avor  lo  distnrli 
Itrilisli  >nlijccls  in  rifjiils  ivhich  they  liald  in  virliic  of  ev- 
i.-'tinir  Irealies,  mid  iniiy  produce  a  stale  iif  tb.'ius  iljill-lcrnlis 
10  llie  pi'iicc  of  Illc  two  countries.  Tor  my  own  j  r>rt  I  will 
say.  ill  11)1  miHleralioii.  thai  I  am  not  prepared  lo  .-jiy  thai 
this  country  oiiclit  to  |ait  Inriwird  any  iirn».'aiil  pn'teniions. 
•■  I  do  not  picieiid  10  ill  tim — whin  11  p,opcrly  bclnnus  to 
Iter  M'ljc-ty's  juhiscrs  10  ib  line— tlic  diplo'iuitie  propo-ah 
lhat  slainlit  111*  itiaiti'  I  Mill  not  pr.'ten.l  bi  sio'  what  line 
oiiLdil  lobe  laid  ilowii;  bill  lliis  1  willsiii,  that  I  do  not 
llnnk  wc  can  make  liio  jiropn.iil  which  w  ill  be  le.-s  tluili  Ihe 

pro|i -sal  iiiiidc  bv  Mr.  I'. iiiL'   lllie-  was  tlic  oiVt  of  .lull 

Ktth.  l--i|,  iMakini!  Ihe  ('otianbia  liver  the  dividin;.'  line) 
v.'itli  any  rciiard  fnr  inirnw  n  inlerc-l  or  onr  linnnr.  (I 'beers.  1 
I    may  be  tnld    lliiil    II   does  not   niiitlcr  il'  lliis  rock\'  ami 

tiiurcn  Iciiitor''  si Id  b.'  cli c,l.  ,,r  occij|ii,  d.  in   lakcn 

by  Ihe  I'liibd'  St, lbs.  \,t,  so.  I  inn.-t  .jiv  it  docs  mat 
li'r.  (I'liccrs.)  Il  cjinnot  Iw  11  inallcr  ol  inilnbrenc  tfjii  11 
tJime  l-rrilorv.  to  which  wc  have  n  belter  and  illsler  title, 
sliiillbl  be  licliled  to  what  I  mnsl  i-jill  a  lilieli  rinirannmincc 
ineiit  on  Ihe  part  of  llic  I'lcsnlciit  of  Ilic  riiilcil  Se.i.'s.  It 
eanii  It  hi'  mailer  of  imlill'ennci'  that  tin'  comninmcatiiai 
heuv,' '11  Hull  eoiimrv  wcsl  of  Illc    Ho 'kv  MoiiiitaiiH   and 

(')iiiiji.  the   1:jis|   Iiniics.  atiil   llic  whole  01   S.aitli  .\ lea, 

sliotild  be  surrender  ,1  aliaiec  lo  ;i  tor<  mn  rower:  biit.abo,, 
all,  il  I'll I  lie  a  nialtcr  o!  indilbreiiec  tl.Jit  the  lone  o!■|:!c 
ellJll:leter  of  llniiljind  slionld  be  lowered  in  ;iii>  Iran-iiclioil 
WJ-  ma\  liJlvc  lo  earri  on  \eilh  I'lc  railed  Hljitcs." 

Tlie  reply  of  Sii  Itobeit  I'eel  to  ihese  remarks 
of  Lord  .Tolin  Iliissill  arc  decided,     lie  said: 

'■  As  Ibis  siiblii'l   lias  I II  niinwbl  I.  r  iliscii-bin.  1 

trust  not  iiiipro|.eil.v  b>  Ibc  noble  I. mil.  I  feel  it  m>  iinpi  rjl 
ti,c  ilnty.mi  tin'  p;irl  of  tin'  lirilish  llnvcrnmcnl.tn  slate.  111 

laieoceii'  Ille  iiio>t  ti  iiipei.ilc.  bill,  jit  tlicsii time,  tbcnio-l 

lie.  id, 'd.  thai  we  coii-i.b'r  we  lia\ .  y!«!iti  n'-pi'i'tiiiL'  the  tcr 
ril.oy  .iI'lli.'L'.m.v.bi.'b  ai.'.  l.jir  and  irrc..i-iililc.  We  triisl 
-till  to  arrive  at  nil  jiinica'.lc  ii.jiii-tm.'iil  of  our  elaiiii ;  but 
bavii.tl  e.\U:iii-t"d  every  ellort  IJ.r  tli.'seltb'iiicnl.it'onr  li'.lil-i 
sli'tit  /..*  iio'.j.i'. ./  w.'  are  resolv.  (1  and  wc  are  jireparcd  to 
liiaintiiii  them.*' 

In  Ihe  IIon.se  of  Lords,  Lord  .Micrdeen,  after 
exprcssiiiir  the  hope  llial  an  amicable  adjnslment 
iiiioht  be   made,  I'einarlicd,  "  I  can   only  say  lhat 

*  we  possess  ciij'/i/\  which,  in  our  opinion,  are  clear 

*  and  unrinestionable:  and,  by  lb-  blessiii-j;  of  Ciml, 
'and  yonr  support, //a. m-  ri^^hls  we  are  tidiy  pre- 
'  pared  to  maitiliiin.  " 

Such  Is  the  1,'roiind  on  which  Grcjit  Brii.'in  has 
|ilanl(d  herself  in  this  coii'roversy,  and  a|ineat's  in 
the  eyes  of  the  world.  What  le.ison  is  tliere  I'or 
su}i).osin^  libit  she  will,  til  litis  day,  after  haviiiu', 
on  three  several  occasions,  rejecled  proposiiions  lo 
make  ihe  4'.hli  decree  the  dividing  line — two  ol' 
them  etnlii'acin'.,r  the  fii  c  naviu'alion  of  llie  Colnni- 
bia— allcr  111  r  repealed  liei'laralions  llnit  llie  Cn- 
hinibia  slionld  be  iln'  dividini:  line,  tluit  thet'rie 
navigation  of  llie  Cihnnbiji  loiilil  not  be  yii'Idid, 
andllnil  the  Goveninienl  of  the  United  .Stales 
miisi  never  expect  Ciieai  Bi'iiain  l.i  recede  from 
lhal  position — I  repeal,  what  riiison  is  there  for 
belicvitn;  tl'.al  Great  IhitJiin  will  now  sellle  by 
niakiii,'  llie  4llih  ojojillil  llie  ilivldiii','  line.'  'I 
sboiilil  like  the  4'.t'-'  ijenlk'men  lo  ;;|ve  ns  some 
arii:iiinenl  on  this  siibjecl.  They  have  repciiledly 
uri'id,  «  iili  some  I'l  w  exceinions,  tltnl  oiir  liile  be- 
tween ihe  4'Jd  and  !!lili  panllels  of  Ijititinle  in  the 
Oriir.in  country  is  clear  and  indlsputjible,  and 
thai  iliey  would  never  eonsinl  lo  .-nrreniler  .me 
incli  to  Great  Britain  soulh  of  tlial  line;  but  tliev 
hiive  ^-iven  us  no  reason  for  snpposini;  llial  (Jreal 
Britain  will  now  aL'tee  to  the  4!llh  parallel  as  a 
boiinil.iry,  after  li.uiir,'  so  repealedly  rejecled  it 
Il  has,  indeed,  been  said  lhat  onr  liile  bel'iw  411" 
is  so  stroiic:  and  irresistible  lhat  Great  Britain's 
-viiivi'  i'f  jttt'lirf  will  indnce  her  lo   yield  rciidily   in 

llial  pjifalii  I  as  the  I niljiry.     .'sense  of  justice  of 

Cirial  llriliiin!  Ilir  hislorv  presenl.-.  us  wiih  mi- 
merons  tnslancesof  llie  maniierin  which  llial  sense 
of  justice  has  operali  d  on  her.  The  luiiinn  tlitii 
relies  on  llnit,  relies  nn  a  broken  reed,  as  tin*  d.-ar 
experience  of  many  can  attest.  Her  hisiory  shows 
llial  all  her  enerijies,  her  objeci  and  ai  n,  have 
poinled  lo  her  own  power  and  iio-i^raiidi/r  nienl,  no 
odds  at  wliiit  saei'ifb  e  of  iiattonal  or  maritime  law, 
f'.iith  of  treaties,  jnsti.'c.  or  hiiinaniiy.  'I'"  aceoin- 
plish  this  .^rc'iii  objeci,  she  has  marked  wiib  lintnan 
bbiod  tiearlv  every  i^reen  spol  andurid  plain  on  ihi.s' 
fnotsto.il  ol'tlie  ,\'lniiulily. 

I  lei'  character,  so  fat'  as  a  sense  of  justice  is  pon- 
eeitied,  wiis  vere  Well  described  by  one  of  her 
own  writers  in  the  siMli  volume  of  the  Mdinburtrb 
Iteview,  in  IHll.'i.  and  il  has  lo;  1  none  of  its  force  by 
her  sntjKuptenl  hisl.iry.      He  siiys: 


w.  r.'  am 


islri'-t  JK  lio- 
riviT,  nitire 
!•■  I'n  ji.'iii 
Ihiil  iHTiMa- 
iiin  II  i-it!  I'cjy 
'I  il  liii|ii>a- 
llpd  slatp  nt' 
ill<>,  wiltiiiitt 
iirtinii  ir|Hiii 
r  III  ilisliirh 
I'irlii'-  nf  I'x- 
'.a  ilitllji('l()ll.'4 

i  -Ti  r  will 

I"    ^.■1.V  tllllt 

irt'Ii'n-  idiiH. 
bflnriu^  n» 
•  |ir"]i„.ii|. 
.■  wimi  |i,i,. 
Ml    I    iImiioi 

•^  linn  ihi' 

Mi  T.il  ,lllK 
iclrr.^.  liiiC'J 
■    (('hri.rs,) 

iiii'ky  unil 
(I.  HI  liikcii 
I  llll.-  llilll 
111.  .■  II'III  11 

.PISIIT  IJtIc. 

Mriinmiu-r 

S.,1,.-.      1, 

llinliii«'jilii'ti 

ills    iiimI 

III    AillMIr:!, 

hlil.alur., 

HUM'  IllllH' 

>  IrilllMlclinll 


»■ 
1846.] 

APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

611 

'2J)th  Cono 1st  Sess. 

American  Settlers  in  Orefron — Mr.  Farnn. 

Ho.  OP  Rkps. 

"T.i  inliTlcTi'  iif  lively  in  thu  diinii'hlic  iiHUiis  of  iill  iitln'r 
imlioiis;  to  rcuuliKu  the  (*ui'ct'.»t<ioii  ol*  tlicir  gnvcriior.";  lo 
liiki^  imrl  ill  cvi'ry  i|iiarrcl  i  to  claim  llio  laiiilH  nf  iniii  imrlv 
I'm  ii»«i-liii|(  liiin,  iiiiil  seize  tin;  land!  or  Dm  nllii  r  liir  hial- 
iiii;  llilll  i  ti>  fH  iillicH  hy  titm-,  niiil  lak<i  van'  tliiii  iniliuily 
sliall  roll  llii'iii  hilt  Hurfdvi's;  to  i|iiarliT  lroo|is  ii|iiiii  our 
iii'iulilioni,  and  pay  llieiii  with  our  iii'iuliliorH' good.-i;  tlii<  in 
wliiit  Wf  call  KoMAM  piilici  !  Wlii'lhw  it  Iv  tin;  Eniilish 
piiliiy  ill  any  |iart  of  tin;  glolip,  li't  tin;  wnrid  jn.,;;i'.  liniiii' 
Inld  tin;  Hlaki's  to  evi;ry  giiiin;  ol'  war  that  « ii-  pliij  i  il  through- 
out till-  lipiiiiriplitTC ;  and  llm  su.>;picioiH  (•jr(■u^•^t:lIn■l■  in, 
that  whoever  lo»t  or  won,  she  never  I'.iileil  to  (.'iiiii  ^oine- 
ihiim.  I.H  there  no  ^iMlihlr  uround  ol'  Kiivpiiion  in  (lie  Kinit? 
AVhilc'Tipiiooimlespoiled  for  liefrieinliiii,'  the  Fieiieh ;  and 
llie  Ni/.ani  i«de»|ioiliil  I'nr  liilrieiiiliiii;  Ilii;  Knitli-li  l  ivluh; 
llolliari-^di'>p.iiledrorhraliiicllii!l'eii'li\vii,apdllie  I'lMiwa 
in  despoiled  lor  hiiim  heateii  liv  llolkar,  e/w  u  i(  Uiat  is  eii- 
liehecl  liy  liel'rieniliiiK  ami  healiiii!  them  all .'" 

Who  Imt  Kii^'land. 

Another  (if  Ikm'  wrilera  in  Bell's  Wenklv  Mca- 
Bcn;;er,  in  lfl(l9,  tlnis  describes  llii.i  "  sensc'ol'jiis- 
tiee,"  an  iipplied  to  lliis  coiiiui'y,  by  Great  Briliiin. 
He  Hnyn: 

"  Whenever  eireiiniMliinces  have  in  any  way  ndiiiitn  d  it, 
our  tone  towards  Aiiierlea  has  always  ii'eeii  i'lisnllinir,  and 
our  einiiluet  everylhiiic  lint  rrli-ndly.    Kvery  new  hope  on 

th iiitinent :  every  straw  to  the  drowniiia  expei'l'ilioiis  of 

Kiirope,  has  Imt  aitaravated  tliis  unworthy  senliinent.  In  our 
pro-perity  we  have  tiiillied  America;  and  when  rhin<!s  are 
iiol  so  well  with  us,  we  have  vented  oursttill;  in  iiiimioiis 
lanuuage  anil  nnwnrlhv  eondnet  towards  her.  Whilst  there 
were  any  hopes  ill  Spain.  Aiiierii-a  eoulil  y.  i  nothiii!!  dinet 
lioni  us.  itut  ilisapjioiiilineiil  liroiiiilit  us  to  onr  senses, and 
the  neiiotiation  was  renewed.  'J'li:-  eoalition  unr  on  tin' 
euninent  has  since  broken  out,  and  we  heitiii  to  repent  of 
our  eondeiieellsioii, 

'•  III  this  niaiiuer  has  the  .\ineiienn  necotintioii  heen  on 
and  oil;  durinit  some  years,  tfur  deinaiids  ri.-intr  with  i-nr 
hopes  and  prospcritv,  and  our  moderaiiun  coexistent  with 
our  disiippoiiitiin;nt." 

I'.nU'laiKr.s  sense  nf  jnstiee  !  Look  for  living 
illii.-:naliiMis  of  il  ill  her  eiindiict  ies|iectiiijj  Cliiim, 
111  ril'i  icnee  in  the  Islniid  of  (jliiisan,  nnd  her  Ircal- 
monl  of  the  Arirnilinc  llepnlilic. 

liyllic  |irovision.'<  of  the  Irenty  between  Great 
Mrilain  and   China,   the  Chinese  "a^ieed  lo  |iav  lo  . 
Great   llritain  a  eerlain  .snni  as  a  .-iiirt  of  ransoin, 
and  the   ISritisli  were  to  retain  possession  of  llic 
island  of  Chnaan  until  Ih"  money  kIioiiIiI  be  paid, 
lint  wliii'h,  when  this  ransom  money  was  paid, 
was  III  Ije  .Miiriendcred  to  the  Chinese.     This  ran- 
som money  Inis   been   paid   by  the  Chinese  In  the, 
ntlerniostrarlhinu',  and  yet,  in'delianee  of  the  treaty  , 
Klipiilalion,  Enjifland  proposes  lo  reuiin  possession  I 
of  Cliiisan,  ami  claim   it   as  her  own,  on  the  plea  j 
thai  it  is  invaluable  to  her  in  a  politictd  nnd  muri- 
timi;  point  of  view. 

.'iiid  what  is  the  substance  of  .SirWillinnt  Gore  ! 
Cw  sley's  excuse  for  I'rilisb  interfereiice  in  l''e  Ar-  ' 
;.'enuiie.'     Noiliim;  more  ih.m  Kni;land's  fj  ..iidly 
iiilerfcrence  in  !;i'ltiiii;  a  treaty  iieiruiiated  bitwieii  . 
Dra/il  and  ihe  Arnenline,  in'  1."<2H.      liee.inse  she 
did  an  net  of  kindnes.^',  that  act  is  made  the  license 
fir   whippiii;;   the   party   benefited.      That   is  the 
excuse;    the   reason,   however,   is,   that    l':nt;'ind 
'■.■an'i  lo  obtain  privileges  which  Ihe  Republic  does 
not  feei  'lisposed  to  concede  to  her;  and  she  then 
fills  back  I'll  her  reserved  ri^'hl — ihat  of  minlil. 

I  never  wi.'li  lo  see  my  connirv  confidi;  in  Kni;- 
land's  sense  of  jiisiice.  '  Il  will  do  very  well  when 
ilie  lirilish  il  teresis  do  not  come  in  conllict  with 
it.  Mm  whei.  her  interests  and  sen.se  of  jnsliei 
coiillict,  the  fi,i|iier  is  preferred  to  the  lalter.  .So 
1  have  read  her  hi.^lory. 

I'm  lo  rel  irn.  What  else  do  we  find  likely  lo  ' 
iiiierl'ere  with  Great  lirilain  ai;reeiiiu'  to  a  se'ille- 
iiiiiil  on  4!)>'.>  Wc  find  that,  iit'ler  the  rejerlioii  by 
Mr.  i'.ikenhai.iof.Mr.  I'nII;  V nlVer  of.Tnly  13,184"., 
Ihe  nil',  t  was  wiilidraw  n,  and  onr  tiile  as.serlcd  and 
m.iinlained  by  an  nrginiunt  lo  iju-  whole  counlry 
np  lo  .-)4<'  40'.  lint,  say  the  49''  iremleinen,  ihis  is 
11(1  iinpedimeni  lo  a  serilenienl  on  the  4'.)lli  parallel 
of  laliinde;  for  Mr.  I'olk  having' ollcred  to  settle 
by  makiiiij  that  line  the  boundary,  he  conid  not, 
with  any  .son  of  propriety,  in  case  Great  Hrilaiii 
Would  oil'er  that  same,  proposiiion,  reject  such  a 
jiropiisiiinn.  Aside  from  sayini;  lliat'this  is  lint  '■ 
|„  ^rniii;.  III,.  o|ii,.siion,  I  will  ol'scrve,  that  it  is  a 
seriiMis  iinpedimeni  in  llie  way  of  lirilish  pride. 
'I'll  put  as  fav'.i.ildc  consirnclioii  upon  the  wilh- 
ibavval  of  the  od'er  i/  41»"  liy  Mr.  Polk  as  il  will 
bear,  it  is  sayiii'.;  lo  Great  Uiiiain,  If  yoii  wish  lo 
■■^iltlc  on  as  ;;oinl  terms  tis  ili.ii  yon  have  Jiisi  re- 
Jeeieil,  yon  mnsl  ronie  and  olb  r  ihem  ymirsell',  for 
Voii  will  nevi'r  'jcl  as  )i;ooil  :,ii  one  fr.iiii  nie  again. 
I'he  withdrawal  shut  the  door  to  olVcrs  on  onr 
pari,  bill  left  ihc  lalchslrini;  haiigiiie;  mil  to  enable 
(ileal  Hrilaiii  to  open  the  door  lo  new  oll'ers  if  she 
^^aw  proper  to  do  au.     The  tpiesiion  then  comes 


back  to  ns  again,  what  likelihood  that  Great  liril- 
ain will,  after  this  snmmnry  rejection  of  Mr.  I'olk's 
oil'er  lo  niako  4!P  Ihe  bo  nilary,  and  the  with- 
drawal of  il  by  Mr.  I'olk,  now  ciime  forward  nnd 
^  agree  to  settle  on  the  terms  she  then  rejecled  .'  Her 
liilse  pride,  nnd  ilie  tone  she  has  nnilornilv  .idopt- 
ed  towards  this  country,  will  prevent  her.  .She 
would  think  that  too  inn'cli  of  a  hmniliaiion  to  be 
iiracti.sed  by  her  towards  this  connlry.  1  apiire- 
iiend  no  such  oU'er  will  be  made  on  her  part,  i'et- 
ler  olfers  had  been  previously  rejecled — ihis  one 
was  rejecled  suniniarily,  and  was 'then  willidrauii, 
and  ill  a  manner  inilicnting  that  we,  on  onr  pan, 
were  done  making  offers.  Will  Great  Britain  now 
come  and  renew  the  oil'er  she  Inst  ri  jeuted  f  We 
arc  referred,  for  an  answer  lo  this,  to  the  late  dec- 
laration of  Sir  Uoiien  Peel,  w  here  ho  is  reponed 
as  having  remarked,  "  ilia;  he  could  not  say  that 
onr  oiler  of  4iP  ought  lo  have  been  refusecl." 
What  is  Ihe  obvious  meaning  of  this  almost  in- 
tangible declaration  of  the  lirilisli  Premier.-  S)im- 
ply,  that  our  olfer  should  not  have  been  refused  in 
llie  way  in  which  it  had  been — .so  hastily,  and  with- 
out consulting  the  homo  Government — that  it 
should  liavt  been  sent  home  for  tin  ir  considera- 
lion.  Had  it  been  sent  home,  it  would  have  given 
time  for  consideration;  an  answer  might  have  been 
delayed  until  afl(;r  Congress  met,  and  the  Annual 
Message  of  the  President  published.  This  delay 
would  have  enabled  ihcm  lo  lake  advanlngc  of  rir- 
ciimslanccH;  to  accept,  reject,  or  propose  lo  modi- 
fy, aseircumstances  wonid  sngiiest.  In  any  event, 
il  would  have  saved  llieni  from  their  present  awk- 
ward position.  lie  does  nol  say  that  Mr.  Paken- 
ham  ought  to  have  aceepletl  our  oil'er.  I''or  did  he 
think  so,  and  were  such  the  opinion  of  the  British 
(iovernnieiil,  all  thai  was  necessary  lo  be  done  lo 
gi :  them  out  of  the  position  in  which  Mr.  Paken- 
liain's  hasty  rejection  of  our  last  oil'er  had  placed 
ihem,  would  have  been  to  have  pursued  the  usual 
plan  of  rectifying  such  diplonialic  blunders — lo  re- 
call Mr.  Pakenhain,  provide  liini  willi  an  appro- 
priate siliiation  elsewhere,  s^nd  another  Minister 
nere,and  the  whole  would  have  been  settled.  The 
\vry  circumslance,  that  Mr.  Pakenhani  is  still 
here,  is  proof  conclusive  to  my  mind,  that  the  con- 
strnction  I  have  given  Sir  Roiiert  Peel's  remarks 
is  correct. 
I  We  also  find  another  impediment  in  the  way  of 
a  setllenieiit  on  the  iiarallel  of  4!)''. 

To  deprive  tOe  I  M'dson  Bay  (!oinpany  of  the  use 
of  the  Columbia  river  and  of'  Puget's  Sound,  or  nf 
l>e  Kiiea's  Straits,  is  to  destroy  that  powerful 
eonipaiiy.  And  it  is  that  company's  power  anti 
inlerest  that  contribute  as  much  as  anylhiiig  else 
10  i>reveiit  Great  I'riiain  from  se'''  •:  this  in  any 
other  way  than  making  the  Coh  •  ilie  basis.       | 

It  seems  111   be  well  undi  rslno.  ■    territory! 

that  the  lirilish  Governnient  has  i;i..!i  assurances  I 
to  Ibis  company  that  it  will  not  surrender  any  pnr-  ! 
lion  of  the  counlry  north  of  the  Columbia,  .md  if 
it  does,  thai  the  company  shall  be  compel. sated  I'-r 
all  llieir  iiiiprovemeiils  made  in  that  part  of  the  lei- 
riiory  north  of  lite  Columbia,  and  yielded  by  Great  | 
Britain. 

This  I  gather  fmni  Mr.  Wyeth's  letter  of  Feb- 
ruary  4,  1H:)!),  lo  the   chairman  of  the  (.'ommillee  . 
of  l-'oreiirn  All'.iir.s    of  the   House  of  Ue]iresenla- 
'ives.      For  llie   purpose  of  showing  the   hold  llie 
British  Government  has  upon  the  Oieiri^m  country  | 
ihrough  llie  a'gency  o   this    company,  I  will  read  ' 
the  concluding  pail  ff  this  letter.     Mr.    Wyelli 
says:  i 

■"'  III  coneliision.  I   will  oliserve.  that  the  incasllres  of  this  ! 
eciiiipaiiy  lia\e  !ieeii  coiieeived  Willi  wisiloni,  steadily  piir- 
soeii.  and  have  'leen  well  seeoiiil.il  hy  llieir  (Jiiverii'n  e.it, 
and  Ihe  sllee,  -s  lets  lieeii  coiiiplele;  .mil.  wilhollt  heiiiu   .lile 
to  eliarne  on  then,  any  very  j;ro>s  violaiiniis  of  the  exisliuii  ; 
Ireniies.a  t'ew  \ear wilhiia'.    liieeoiinlry  \ve>tof  the  moun- 
tains as eoiii|ileicl\'  eiinle  1.  a-  tlie\  i-aii  li.-irc.     Alread>' the 
.Xmi'ricans  are  uiikieiwii  as  a   nation,  imkI  as  indiviiliial.s 
their  power  is  ilespi-eil  liy  the  natives  of  ilie  lantl.     .\  |iop- 
iilation  is  LTowimt  out  of  Ihc  ueciipaiiev  of  tin'  eonntry, 
whose  [irejinliee;.  are  not  wilh  n-' ;  and  henire  ninny  years, 
Ihey  will  ileeiile  lo  «  hiiiii  the  eoiiiiny  shall  liel.iii^.  iiiiless,  in  1 
the  lueaiitiiiie,  tie'  Anierieaii  (.overiinietit  make  their  power  I 
fell  and  seen  III  a  jreio- 1 .!.  (il..  tiiaiihiis  \i :  heen  the  ease."  I 

1'his   company,   so  powerful  and  inllncniial,   is" 
well  known  to  be  opposed  to  a  sctilenient  of  this 
coiiiroversy  on   aiiv  other  terms  than  nnikiiig  the  i 
Columbia  the  dividing  line — the  navigation  of  that 
river  to  be  always  free.     The  British  Government 
will  have  lo  overcome   the   power  and  inlluence  of 
Ibis  company,  before  it  would  accede  to  a  setlle-  [■ 
ineiit  on  the  4'Jlh  parallel  of  latitude.  '■ 


It  does  seem  to  nic,  in  looking  nt  all  these  things, 
that  tho.se  gentlemen  who  seem  lo  lake  it  for  grant- 
ed that  all  we  have  to  do  in  order  lo  havi;  this  con- 
troversy setiled  is  to  say  we  are  willing  to  make 
the  4!hh  parallel  the  dividing  line,  have  not  suHl- 
cienilysiiidii  d  ihe  subject  in  all  its  bearings.  And 
I  apprehend  ilial  Ihey  themselves,  al'ier  awhile, 
will  iickiiowleilge  lh.it  they  labored  in  vain  in 
takini;  the  posiiion  ibey  have,  and  that  ve  ,')4°  4U' 
men  pursued  the  wisest  course.  But  there  arc 
other  considerations  thai  cannot  be  overlooked  ill 
Ihe  (lis 'iission  .>f  this  .subject,  thai  will  go  very  far 
iiid(;eii,  in  my  estimation,  in  |irevciitiiig  any  settle- 
ment lit  all,  unless  we  yield  entirely  to  British 
terms. 

The  first  of  the.sc  to  which  I  shall  allude,  is  the 
indecision  and  wain  of  unanimily  in  the  action  of 
C!ongress  respecting  the  noiiec.    'I'liis  notice  should 
have  been  autliori/ed  wilhont  a  dis.scnting  voice. 
The  crisis  was  one  that  demanded  firm  and  decided 
action.    No  odds  how  ihis  crisis  was  brought  about. 
It  was  on  us,  and  had  to  be  met.     Wc  should  have 
marched   up   to  it  without  hesitancy  or  faltering, 
without  division,  without  calculating  who  would 
be  ])leased  or  displeased,  wilhont  looking  lo   the 
right  hand  or  to  the  left,  without  inquiring  if  there 
W.13  a  lion   in  the  way.     The  crisis  demanded  de- 
cision.   To  hesitate  was  an  evidence  of  weakness. 
There  wits  hesitation;  and  hesitation  from  fear  of 
i;iving  ofl'cnce  to  Great  Britain — for  fear  of  war 
with  a  Power,  armed,  as  was  represented,  at  all 
lioinis,  while  we  were  represented  as  weak  and 
!  powerless.     And  all  this  by  men  of  high  and  com- 
'   innndii.'.'  inlellecl,  and  great  inlluence  in  the  coun- 
try.    What  elVeet  would  all  this  necessarily  hayn 
on  Great  Britain  .'     What,  but  to  render  her  indif- 
ferent aboiii  a  speedy  settlement  of  the  i|iieslion, 
and  embolden  her  in  insisting  on  her  own  terms.' 
,  This  is  the  natural  ell'ect  of  such  faltering,  nnd  in- 
i  decision,  and  inactiviiy,  as  was  shown  in  relation 
;:  to  the  notice.     And  tliosewho  pursued  this  course 
■  have  much  lo  answer  for  to  their  country.     They 
want  peace  above  all  things,  but  timidity  never 
secured  to  a  country  peace,  but  invited  aggression, 
:  nnd  aggression  only. 

I      Another  of  these  considerations,  and  as  powerful 
;  ns  any  other,  arises  outside  of  the  Halls  of  Con- 
'  gress:  I  allude  to  the  etVorts  of  commercial  and 
other  presses,  to  censure  the  course  pur.sued  by  the 
Adi.iinisiration  in  reference  to  the  Oregon  tiueslion, 
and  lo  e.xiol  that  pursued  by  Great  Britain. 
I       There  .si'enis  to  be  a  class  of  citizens  in  this  coun- 
lry who  think  and  act  as  if  their  own  Government 
was  always   wrong  when  it  has  luiy  controversy 
wiih  any  I   icign  Power,  and  especially  with  that 
(if  Great' lirilain.     It  is  unfortunate  for  the  counlry 
that  this  is  so;  yet  it  is  too  painfully  true.     In  these 
j  cases,   with  such  persons,  the   Administration  is 
I  consiaiitly    doing    somcthiii'.'     inconsistent    with 
honor,  jiisiice,   and  right— o'l    (i    vernment  de- 
iminds  too  niiich — is  too  giie;ini2 — takes  wrong 
views  of  matters — in  fine  it  is  wrong,  nnd  wrong 
ciiiitinunlly,exceptw  lin  it  humbles  itself  toothers. 
j  On  \'  eoiher  hand,  lb    Uiiiish Gmenimeni  island- 
ed as  beinir  concilinlr.i ;,  ,  mild,  dignified,  iiingnani- 
nious,  Chi  istian-likc — such  as  becomes,  in   their 
estimnlion,  a  great  and  powerful  nation.     Every 
pallialion  and   excuse  is  man     for  the  conilnct  of 
I  our  adversary;   no  mercy  for  the  conduct  of  their 
I  own  conntrv. 

Such  per's  .      --and  they  constitute  a  powerful 

.  class— have  always  existed  nminig  us.    1  had  hoped 

that  they  bad    lu'come  extinct,  but  the  liislory  of 

[  the  limes  in  relation  lo  iliis  controversy  indnbilably 

i  shows  that  ih.al  hope  wa^  a  vain  one.     And  I  have 

not  the  least  doubt   bill  ihat,  in  ca.se  this  ciuintry 

shiiulil  get  iiivniveil   i'    a  wnr  wilh  nny  foreign 

Power,  this  da- :■  "  nonnre  their  own  Govcrn- 

mcnl,  lake  the  p       of  our  lulversary,  nnd  do  all 

they  can  to  mnlie  the  wnr  result  disastrously  to 

American  arms. 

We  have  had  numeroim  instances  of  Ihe  mani' 
fesiation  of  ihis  feelinir  by  this  class  of  onr  citizens' 
in  the  history  of  onr  Government;  and  it  may  no' 
be  nninteresiing  or  uninstrnctive,  on  the  presen' 
occasion,  to  refer  to  some  of  the  most  prominent 
nf  them.  The  similarity  of  sentiment  and  language 
in  the  past  and  the  present  expression  of  the  feeling 
to  which  I  b.ave  alluded,  is  very  striking. 

The  first  of  these  instances  lo  which  I  shall 
nllude  is  that  of  impressment  by  English  vessels  of 
wnr  of  American  seamen  from  American  vessels. 


:^i:i 


619 


fl&TH  Cong 1st  Sess, 


APPEIVDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  (iEOBE. 

American  Settlen  in  Orcs^on — Mr.  Faraiu 


[April  M. 

Ho.  OK  RkP9, 


TiiiH  practice  of  the  En':lisli,sn  onh;ii:rons  fo  the 
nprsniml  riicliia  of  onr  Mailors,  no  insnIliiiL'  to  diir 
n:»fini>f\I  chariu'ler,  HO  (ic.^trmtive  n('  ihc  riirhts  of 
JIM  iTidf^iirntlent  nation,  nnd  so  niivcrsr  to  liunmnitv. 
found  npoloirist.i  in  Amcricnn  citizens  hoUlin<; 
]>rnniincnt  positions  in  aooirty. 

Tnnoihy  Pickering,  who  had  iiHd  distin£;uiflhrd 
position!*  nntlcr  the  CJovrrnin''nl,  in  IWfS  dcidart'd, 
in  lol'tTcnci' to  this  pvnctirc  (>f  tlu?  l'Pi;li^l»,  that — 

*•  ll  i-"  |M  rti'rily  "cll  kiuiwri  that  firont  Uriliiin  (lf:«ir()<  in 
nhtitiii  nrily  lirr  «>>vii  ^nhji-tit;.*' 

"  'I'lit'  i'Vil  \vi!  tMni|»tuin  of  nntis  ^-om  Uic  i/kjw*'./' iWf;  0/ 
n/crtv*  lii'tiH-uishinii  the  i>fnr,  .1$  of  i   o   n.ithii^.  wilun  lew 
yciirs  siiM-i*  wcit*  titic  penplf,  « lin  cxhiMl  iln*  uniin' rn:ui-  1 
iitT-^.  "iiicak  tlie  smiii*  IniiKira^'O,  and  jxi'srss  Hiiniliir  ll-a- 
liin--." 

••'rill'  Itrilish  shi|y^  of  war,  iisriM'jiliIy  10  a  riiilil  rliiimcd  , 
Htiit  t'\fr«'i-<i'(I  fnraci-s— a  rialit  cliiiMM-d  nii.l  i'mtcisoI  durinif 
llir  wlmlc  of  the  At!inint<lnilintici)f  Wa-liMiBtoii,  cif  Ad  im-. 
nnd  nf  Jeff'r^on.rontitiui-  t«i  inki'  somcnf  thr  irit  •'h  'rumrn 
t'(>tm:l  on  bnnrd  of  our  vivrihani  laitrU,  mid  uilli  III  Mi-  a 

*HMALI.   MMnER  t>fOUr:4,  Ironi  till'  IMPOSSinUlTY    OK    IMSTIN- 
CillSlHNO     Kn(1L18HMI:N     KROM    (ITIZKNH    OK    'MI'S    I'MTKn 

Htati:.'^." 

After  tliis  niannrrwnp  lliis  odious,  insidiii'ir,  and 
tvi'»iii»ical  prainico  justified,  nut  only  l>y  Tiniolhy 
I^ickcrinir,  but  liy  Inuidrcds  of  others  rlainiinir  to 
be  American  I'itizens,  while  our  own  (.iovcrnnnni 
was  derided  and  iihused  for  endeavorinu;  to  sup- 
press it,  and  obtain  redress  for  injuries  (hat  had 
neen  sustained  under  it.  Tinmthy  Piclierini^  was 
Itut  one  of  a  idassi  who,  durini;  thai  siruLrirh'  tor  our 
rii^hls  as  well  ns  dnrin;;  the  war.  wen-  ihr  most 
bitter,  violeni  opjionents  and  abusers  of  .!<  tlersoiTs 
nnd  .Madison's  Admini'it rations, and  ofthe  war,and 
■who  not  on._,  lii^rldy  lauded  ("ireat  Britain,  hut 
.vent  so  far,  as  1  rxjiect  hc'i-enftrr  to  show,  as  to 
attempt  a  dissolution  of  the  miion  of  these  Siali's. 

The  next  instance  to  wlii'-h  I  inviic  micntion 
was  what  was  knowii  as  t!io  Erf-ki'tc  arntu::,  nn  itf. 

Shorily  after  Mr.  Madison's  inani:nrnlion,  in 
1800,  Mr.  Erskine,  the  Ilritish  l*l*'nipf»trniinrv, 
proposed  nrirotintions  for  ilie  seltlenient  of  llie  dif- 
ferences between  the  two  eounlries.  Tiiis  pro- 
posal was  prfunpiiy  a'-cfded  to  l.y  ourCJovernnn'nt, 
nnd  in  a  very  tew  days  af:"r.  iie;;oti;uiotis  h-rmi- 
naf'd  in  a  friendly  and  satisfirtorv  arranj-ement. 
This  arnxo'^enient' was  liii^ldy  a]<p!au(led  all  over 
the  country,  particularly  l>y  tlie  Federalists  nml 
their  presses. 

I  make  some  quotatinn.s  from  the  Federal  news- 
papers of  thai  uay,  and  from  other  sonrcrs,  for 
two  reasons:  one,  to  show  how  sfronL'Iy  i>arlial 
this  riassof  oureiti/ens  felt  for  I-^UL'land;  the  other, 
to  .show  what  a  similarity  of  laiiLMia;;e  and  ideas 
there  is  i>etween  the  eonniients  of  sonu-  of  ihe 
presses  of  tlie  present  (hiy  on  the  Orei^ori  contnt- 
versy  and  the  Federal  presses  of  1^00: 

•'  \\V  owr  it  to  :Mr.  Mi(1i'-.ri  ;nd  In-  rnlnm  t  to  sny.  nnd 

wo  ilo  ll  uilli  prid  ■  ;itnl  ro-aj^ure.  tlitu  th<  \  liiu mh''  ti'r- 

WJird  with  n  dcu're*'  of  priiiiipiilii  !•>  :ind  iiiii'diiii-o  wlii<  li 
n'tli>ett  iiiticli  ti'Mior '^'11  iIm-iii  and  'U'-  i'«ninlr>.  Mr.  .V.df- 
isJrt /hm  nor  liow  v.  uat  Mk.  JKFlki'-'^N  w*-.  Ri",*^i  imtd 
BY  THE  IlRITf>'ll  .;t^V|.:R^>!P^T  To  DO  l\  TlIK  sort  M'- 
PENDKn  TO  TIU:  T<tl-:ATV  KKTI  RNKII  BY  HIM.'*— t'tii/fd  Sltliv% 
G.i:ittr.  .iu,il-U,  I'-Ui*. 

♦*  'J'lii;  iiiiiiiiilerciairse  with  I'rance — wlm  h  ('u'mre->i 
ihrptit.-.ed   \i>veinli-r-i;.  1-(W.  and  r  ■:dl'.  .■ti;i.t.d  M  ireti  I. 

IWW.  '.I  Hike   plae.-  oa  Uie  ',>;nli  .Ma»    ii('\i-tle.>   a-nfc 

acnhi-t  Fmnee  produced  what irasure  m;.iiiisi  Knuland 

nioiie  i-.Hild  iditaln.  Kuslnin'  m  to  be  'on  <■  itli^inutot  Ja^iur 
itmi  imp-irfia'ihh 'iritl  ifuUh-Un  tfn-  c  ton  idci\'tioii^  vh>il  \liv 
M'oulit  n'j(  i/ivlit  cithvr  to  thrv>it'.  or  i'o$rc."— Bo-ton  Hrt-crtirth 
JIf.iV  I»,  M»9. 

"VVeKlinll  not  Flop  to  UHpiirf  wheiluT  the  spirit  it  nnd 
viKurou-'  ni''ii>int's  rti'  New  Knt'laiid-  ili'  ir  ileti'n.iiiied  piili 
lie  deelaratioiiti  that  they  W"ii!.|  noi  Miluint  lo  an  iinrie.-e'; 
i-ar.v  add  di'>triictive  war,  liin  indnred  i'.'-  Adiniiiisiraii'ia  la 
li^tni  to  the  siwu- terms  T'-hidi  lln'.it  llrif>iix  h't.\  nhrcm  hern 
re-vi'ilo  offer,  ntid  to  I'h'-h  vp  h-i-e  tm  if  nrw  hi  lOutimUil  ihc 
ic.it  timrrclt^  tiisfto*tiL" — lioitan  (w.iztttr^  *i^tri(,  l-t-^. 

'•  hook  at  itie  tii"?'  nf  till-'  pip'T  lor  It  iw.lvi  MMdi'i.  Yon 
will  find  it  in-i't'-d  iipm  that  Crr.it  Hji'tiu  m't'iff/  /,)r  irn 
tuljiulinfint of  liijferenrrs.  iiiui  u-ofilt  i-oinrlo  iiii  <irrowtiio*liitiofi 
the  jnotncnt  h-c  eair  At  vKau-  r  to  tin  *o.  Ai/  jtluriuu  /hi-  on  ,m 
r'/U^il  footing  u-i/A  /Vini'^r.  ^Ir.  Kr^kiiii'  vei\  ptuiiijillv  |jr- 
Kin>*  hy  ^tntin|r.  on  our  (iovrrnnienlV  plaeinir  Kniiland  nti  a 
footinir  with  Fraiiep,  Kn^'nnd  will  inn'ti'  repiirnn-in.  Jn^t 
jrr^i^flu  what  I  futvr  laiH  u  huiu^rr-t  I'tncn  onr  iu  tliis  ji.iprr 
the  'i-ohW    .ru  &''J!\i  dn."~\fh-  \'o,h-  H-rniu^  /'.»/,  I-O'.t. 

".•^inerri'  and  ni-mral  a^*  li;i-  Un-u  Ilie  jny  'priMd  h\  ilie 
n  turn  ofaa(nnl  inMli>r»>MndiiiL'wiih  I-'ncl^nd.  will  heih"  in 
dliiniiiioii  whtf  h.  at  no  di><tJiiit  day,  it  r-ulni  n  vi<\v  ot  the 
tn.irfi  i'-/i1j'A  hiiic  hem  iiul  ti  eiitriin  our  I'-.uv  ■nul  1  itiu- 
;iuifh  our  prosi'erit]i,tnli  tn-i>rtir."—I-i(lnat  iiri^uilifun,  July 
■I.  I^J. 

'•  Peaee  Willi  I'njiand.— Th*»  w-or  jtmtti  nnd  Ffrnr\  p.trH- 
iffltw  nrr  tbroaii  into  romptcte  conftfHnn.**  *•  With  the 
nvmuattimUy  ntu\  JrattkiU'Mi  •  hara(-iiri->tie  nf  u  khuI  nnd 
eil'ii;A/'*n'''/  iiatiim,  Kncliiml  ui'iitr  >i  -rtouil  utlftn\^  to  rrticr 
fij*  /criHi  of  iiviitu  (inil  fie.nr  l-cd'vru  flir  Ihx)  n.i/i.ius."  '■  ll 
iir>ivc<  whitt  wi'  lin'-fiooOen  rt'p'-alt'd.  cuf/ 1/ Aic/i  /uin  ij,i 
hfpn  *tu'>hornt>iilfnit\i  tnilhr  DrMorR  \t>>.  lliat  Urral  ttrit.iin 
Mill  ttiu'U!^  injiufnicd  fry  a  till! ere  desire  to  ttiromiuodtilt  her 


11. 'tort II nf**.'  dilfireitren  *rith  J1woric<i.  The  prefrr^  ation  of 
llii'  conntrv  hnj»  urnwn  oat  nt'  the  elfniin  of  iln-  niiiioriiv  in 
Cinmrivd/'*— /VWn-.i/  lUyiMi'm,  .Ifril  01,  IMi!!. 

1  will  stop  i)Uotin::  from  the  presses.  1  have 
civen  enoiii^li  to  .^how  tiic  spirit  thataclnated  liiem. 
1  will  now  L'ivenn  extract  tVi>ut  one  orlwospcedies 
made  in  ('oMirre?'S  on  this  suhjeri 

Air.  11.  Gardiniersaid,amonLrotherlhin:rs,ihat — 

*•  At  Ia»>l  th'it  sfdte  of'  thiii^s,  oiiiniMi.rv  l'nnl'o^^■n  At/ 
(Jhkat  Hritiin,  lia-«  tn'cii  Itroneht  ahiiiit.'"  '-./ik/  it  is  it 
vifiiiuhofi/  f.irf,  in  this  r*  >pcTt  theie  lieVi-r  Wniild  have  hern 
an  jni|iei|iiiii'ril,  if  this  <Hivi>riiini>nt  had  hceii  w  Mhni!  In  do 
urlL'inallv  whal  it  lins  at  last  eori-ipnted  In  dti." 

"  And  it  i-i  now  in  pro.it'hrfore  ii-*,  u-i  I  have  idwa>.-  t^inil  ^ 
and  eNiiteinli'd,  that  n  'fhiua  "  -ls  irm.finn  hut  n  ; jo/kt  s/.u  i7 
of  i'j».  i.'i.d'/'Hi — tiothini'  I'lit  ftiir  iind  'lOnori  //<■  diiiUmr  ou  the 
p.irf  nl  THisritjri'i-i'.  to  'ri'if.'  to  a  ha  •yj  I'iKue  ••f  the  fut>tioH\ 
differiiires  hi-li'e''u  t.'iii  roiinfrii  and  u'rent  I'-ritui)) ;  and  (hut 
is  now  ackn()wled!;ed  to  InMrne:  fm  Kaviim  wliteh  1  1"'^'' 
liftn  >o  niiieh  eni-nr-d—erii-tircd  he -ini-e  it  -Mtted  llii- 
paipM  e^  of  -onie  P'  iiple  to  aiinl.uie  to  nif  ;i  rtuiIi'liiH-c  in 
the  in-'tieeoftlie  Hnn-=h  nvjvriniiii'iil,  whiehdiil  not  hi  r.inn' 
an  Anierieaii  eiti/.en." 

This  wa**  sayin'r  rx  £ri''^at  d.nl  for  Grrat  Ihitain, 
and  very  little  for  his  own  (ioverinneiU. 

Fiiit  it  si>  lu'"iied  on'  in  the  eourse  of  evt  nN,  (hat 
Ore  it  Hrita  n  tefnsed  to  ratifv  this  ananirenient 
en'ered  iii'o  liv  its  Minister  (Mr.  Frskine^  with 
onr  (loveru'neni.  This  presented  a  new  feature 
to  the  ease.  Afl'-r  all  the  laudations  tliaf  had  heen 
bestowed  o»i  tJreat  Britain  by  her  friends  in  this 
eonntrv,  an  I  ll^'ir  conirnitulatioiw  tltat  ilie  peaee 
of  tlie  I\v')  eonntri-'s  v.-a-*  to  be  ))rev-erved  throii'.'h 
the  nvirrnaniniitvand  fair  dealiivr of  (ireat  Hritain, 
she  riiauliatefl  the  arramrcment  that  had  been  I'U- 
tevei'.  into  to  preserve  ihat  peaee. 

I;  would  naturally  be  supposed,  after  this,  lliat 
these  laudators  of  Great  Uriinin  would  think  itetter 
of  fh'ir  own  Governnient,  nnd  less  of  ilie  other. 
Not  NO,  however.  True  to  the  text  on  which  tiiey 
continnally  hanir  their  poliiieni  sermons,  they  turn- 
ed in  nuf!  abused  their  own  Govermn'nt,  and  con- 
tinneil  their  praise  of  Great  Ibiiain.  Hear  some 
of  them: 

••  Hy  lift^r-J  from  wll  int'nrinerl  men  in  rncland.  we  are 
a^-areil  ihai  the  enndnet  of  Mr.  rr-ikiiie  i-*  euml -inn'-d  hv 
alt  p-irtie-*  111  that  eunittry  :  that  the  ti-tnner  mT  Hm-  pnhlx-  I-* 
far  h<\itrid  Ihal  of  the  niini^itv.  A  vir,  _"  ui-rat  opniJMii 
prc\  mi's  ihert'  Ilml  it  will  li  v.ry  didi<'nli  it*  kf  11  an\'  itrnis 
with  this  i-onnli\  ;  t/i"t  un-re  if-irer/.eJ  Ai,  men  dn  ritrd  to  the 
iuten't*  of  h'nive,  vho  are  de!erv)ii'ed  to  in  i.^f  o>i  trrt>i» 
fi-nm    })'i-'.ud  •rl,'„h  never  r.iu  he  ohtnined.'* — Jtuston  (./.'..■- 

d,rO».  .itll^U-^t   ll.   IN!!). 

••  Vir  peojih-  hnre  hren  tftinrimHn  dereired  mid  pro-f-lv  ' 
alMi-:ftl.  The  nttl'er  re^ts  I'i-lueen  Mr>  Krsf.tnc  utid  our  *  id  '■ 
mini'tration. 

<■•  III  ".'lort.  Mr.  /.VsVriir  surrendered  ercnjihins  aud  -^ot 
tiolh'Vii  ill  rrttiru> 

'•  Fiir  oiir  p'irt  lie  h'ire  hod  1 11'  onr  opini'^v  front  the  v'\-.n- 
uirnrrrnctit  oflhi*  initsferi-'ii<t  ii'i':ir.  and  wi*  Inve  niaih-  h  tid 
tn  i*x;irf'»iH  it.  [I  is.  tint  Air.  I'.r-koi''  aeiiil '-itntrrir^  !it  hi^ 
in-irnetinns.  and  that  SiTriMr\  Sn.nh  kmw  i\  hat  Un-se  m- 
strneli.,!,-  w^T"."— AV'er.r/  firnuhlir  ir.  J-ilv:i\,  I.OiK 

•  III*  prtived  tie\ru!d  A  doilhl  that  the  (invcrtiMieiit  iniilllt. 
Willi  iu-l  a-  iiiiieh  prnpri.'iv.  ha\e  p-iio|<-il  wiMi  i;cni'r:d 
.**iiiMli  or  an>  n|!|fr  iinhxnhial :  eunehnhd  aeoini-ntiori.  pro- 
rcednl  tn  caT)  it  inlo  exreniina  mi  I'irir  p:irt.  and  Humi 
rai-eil  ;i"laiiit'r  acahi-I  thi-  (inM-rniiH-nt  nf  i,rr»f  Ilritani, 
and  .'tec  i-id  them  ni'  pi>rlidy  and  lin-ai  h  nf  faith  lor  not  re- 
pnL'ni-inc  and  fnltilhnc  Ihc  -npnlationn."~('.  S.  duscttc, 
Dere'id  er -if*.  IKHt. 

"  If,  .-ir*a^*'*eriril  li\'  Mr.  lit -III  lie.  his  powers  wen'  enninin- 
nie.U'-d  to  (an  I'ahinei  in  -iih-tam-.'.  U"  the  head^  nf  dt-part 
ni'iii.^  did  rritlv  c'liiuiMifMiili'  II  the  h  :idiii!.'  n.- imIh  r"  r.f 
jttilh  h-iiieties  nf  itieir  own  p-ilitir-  the  iiicinnpetiinv  of  hi- 
pow'Ts.  iind  the  proli;il  ihiviit  111--  r  iei-imi,  ui  ih"  le.'r.ejiMnl 
hv  (;nai  Ilriiaiii.  titi  n  thai  ndiii-tin-ut.  ■  1.  far  fpuii  li'-tn-!  a 
p'ni'if  of  (i  iIi>p'»Mti<in  In  makr  p.ar-e  ;mi<|  s' tile  n-ir  ihtV  1 
vueV'.  if  die  f.trii.^<zet  eti<'rnr,r.f,ihiiit'.lflet;nrr!  heraii  '• 
Mr.  >Iadi-;on  knew  thai  the  reviiM'ni  arid  the  dis.ippmni 
iiient  o  •ca^ionerl  hv  ir  ann'irr  nnr  einx  ■ns  wnnhl  i-\riie  new 
ehnniirs.  tnid  wnnid  I'n-Mk  tn  pii'-i'-  thai  llirniidaM--  phaliriv 
of  or>'n  who.  dmiiiL'  "p|  rirdt;irri--n'.iiH,  li;;l  i^  .fn'-d  to 
hpe:ik  nttd  tliiok  tnoo-  lau.rahlv.  mid  oi  i-i.iirsi  n  .  ,'■  iii-^tlv. 
ofCn-iit  Hrit.nin."— r.  .S.  {;.,:,ffe.  l)e.  vnd.er  H,  hoil.  ' 

••  If  such  lia«  liceij  hi<  aim.  (iind  perhaii*  »  df'eper  p'llj 
lieian  do<-  ind  evi.-l.)  it  hn^  hi-eii  eoniph*|e|y  nltaoted.  Mis 
own  [laityiire  aimin  roii-'d  to  a  war  paeh.  I'.rro  n'.me 
f'rdernl'-'f^  '-re oven  hi  the'--  rmshre  of  Crctit  Urif'iin  fordntti' 
hi-rdni.t^  ht^Mlt.niui  e  t-rej-iin!:  a  rinlii  we  tnne  ah'a'. -; 
rhiini  d  and  reeeived ;  an.'  niher  F"derahHis  are  in  dMo'it. 
and  in  favor  of  vvnilioe  to  hi  r  Mr.  Fr-kine***  eviihinatmn, 
and  ■''//  jTiitiri'.r  to  ]d<i>i  >tr  i  I  deserved  lOnjideiiee  in  Mr. 
Miutison."  —  f.frin. 

I  do  not  deem  it  necessary  to  nmbi)dy  the-e 
quotations  from  the  Federal  foessis.  What  !  have 
irive*)  are  snOicient  to  exhibit  what  I  iniend«  d. 

The  next  leadiiu'  nislarn  c  relates  to  the  Inle  war. 
This  eoinilrv,  nl^er  l-aviuL*-  soibred  almost  every 
irnli',nntv,  injurv  ami  iii'-uh.  that  eouid  possihlv  he 
put  upnii  us  by  Great  Ih'itain,  was  contpi  Ihd,  in 
self-rlefence,  to  declare  war  ni'ainst  ihat  (iovern- 
nient.  The  preservation  of  our  riirii's  ns  an  inde- 
pendent nation,  the  vindicathni  of  our  iiiiliona 
iinuftr,  demanded    war  at    our   haud«-    a  war    we 


calculated,  from  the  causes  that  produced  it,  lo 
awaken  into  activity  even  the  smallest  particle  of 
patriotism  that  existed  in  nu  American  heart. 
Hut,  aside  tVom  nil  this,  our  country,  voun<^  in 
years  nnd  feeble  in  pi>wer,  eomiiared' with  (ireat 
ibiiain,  was  eontendinir  ibr  its  existence,  honor- 
idije  existence.  It  needed  the  nid  of  every  <»'.*"  *>f 
it.^  citizens.  Suppose  the  head  ttf  a  tamilv  should 
he  euiiuL^ed  inn  strni^icleof  life  or  death,  n  siruir- 
;,^!e  entered  into  (o  maintain  liis  rlu'hts  and  honor, 
and  .smne  of  i!ie  ineniliers  rtf  his  family,  instead  of 
assiirtim?  him,  should  enconra;:e  Ins  adversary  and 
Iry  to  |M»raly/.e  his  own  arm,  what  place  .^hotdd  Im* 
nssi^^ueil  iheiu  in  the  si  ale  of  infamy.'*  Yet  tliis 
cnuntiv  had  just  such  children,  encoiira^'inii:  the 
cnemVinnd  trvinir  loparaly/c  ilsitwn  ariti,  duriii" 
its  ctniL'ule  with  Kn-zlaml.  And  this,  too,  w  inn 
these  same  children  Imd  repeatedly  duLind  iliar, 
the  (iovi  rinnrnt  could  )iot  he  kicked  into  n  war, 
s(t  weak  nud  in\l)ecile,  in  their  esiininiion,  had  it 
hceon  ",  and  so  patient  in  rccei\ini; thekicksof  the 
enr-niy. 

I  mean  to  jrive  specinieuM  of  their  snyine;s  nnd 
doings  at  that  time,  to  prove  ibai  I  state  nothin:^ 
not  warranted  by  tin.'  hislorv  ofthe  emintry. 

[  shall  refer  to  tlie  pn'oit  fn-si.  I  am  sorry  to  do 
so,  but  I  deem  it  neeessarv  and  proper. 

From  the  discourse  t>f  the  IN' v.  .1.  S.  .T.  Gardiner, 
Rector  of  Trinity  ^'hurch,  Roston,  dolivored  April 
1),  I>*1*^,  a  short  ;me  ')re\ious  to  the  dc  hrnlioii  of 
war: 

■•  Th'-  r.rilish.  after  all.  f-ave  fur  a^  hv  their  eoavoy^<  intl- 
iiil  1)  timi'-  p.npirty  piaii  tinydcprne  ns  in',  (TArre /Ao/ 
/.  *.:'\m.  -.'mj*,  r'l.  i-r^ler!  t'ciitu.  ll'herc  theii  toimnil  :;.ie 
')«.')■'/  :'•.  theii  do  nh-nn  .if/v  o/'Aou/dCis." 

"  till  I'.iid  I.*:  \ri!lif.-  tisiieritjer  ercnjhiini  to  eotiei'iatr  v., 
cj<  efit  her  hnnor  -tHd  ii;dejieiidenie.^' 

l-'nmi  anottier  di-jcourse,  dehvered  .Tuiv  *}.T,  1^1'), 
hy  the  .same  ^rentlenian,  just  aj'ier  the  ileejaralion  of 
war: 

•'  It  is  a  war  nnrntnyjdeJ  In  the  hi^tor;t  ofthe  'me'd  ;  wan 
tonl>  pro(daiinedon  th"  ii}o<!t /liv.t'oui  f.v.t  <:r'imidf<-:'i  fnet-'ii- 
i-'-s.  ;ui:iiii>I  a  natiiin  from  \vho<e  lVi''Md.;hip  wc  niiuhi  derlvi* 
the    iil"sl   siu'iial   (ulvantau'e-.  and   Inon  who.-c  tio'^tillty  we 
havi'  rea-on  lodr'  ad  ihe  nift-t  rrciii'ml'ius  his-cs." 

•  •  Sn  far  IP  1111  ih-re  hi  iiiL'  I'riti-li  pirti-^nM-^  iniiii>'eoniiliT. 
it  is  ihtfanlt  t>t  find  an  indiviihial  eainlid  einnmh  to  do  that 
natii'M  ctinuiKin jnsiiic." 

'•  Iheni  inovo'c.t'oji  hfihrnofferrdto  dveitt  P^ntnin  niU)iir 
IKtrt,  end  our  resnilmert  h-ist  risen  /a  yro^tortion  os  s/ic /i>w 
shown  o  innrillitinrii  •'jdrit'" 

'•  l<ii  no  fiin>ideraiJ<niH  wlinlcvi-r.  inv  hrelhren.  deter  ynii, 
at  all  liities  ami  in  ill  i-Ia-'  -.  ir.tin  evciiiinL'  the  prcf^t-ni 
war.  It  IS  a  war  nni'i^t.  innh-^h.  and  rmimn-.  It  is  nn.in  t. 
tii'cuiwe  Grei't  Itrit<:in  h.r'i  ofjered  n*  ei-eru  rome^siou  ^hort  ul 
vhal  she  iOHtops  irould  fie  her  ruin." 

From  the  Uev.  David  Os;,'0od,  Pastor  of  the 
clnirch  nt  Meiiford: 

"  The  srron:;  pr'  pos-:es,^iii|isnf  so  L'reai  a  prnp-nirnn  of  mv 
f  lliivv  tin/.eiis  Ml  laviir  Ida  ra.-i*  of  demon-.  (IVench.)  and 
;eMiti-i  a  «'i/i/)'i  (FnL'land]  "/  tnorc  rrli-^iini.  rirtne,  :;(Oi 
^i((/'i.  ••ener<isiltiti!iid  InniOrmee  than  'oiw  th'  f  imr  /'.  or  ei'-r 
ftii.i  f^ern  nthtn  the  f'i:re  of  thi-  e.-rt!:,  w  rlii^'  m>  -"iil  \^  illi  aii- 
LMit-li.  i  til!  niv  h''ari  wiih  apprelM-n>ioii  and  u  rmr  oiih'' 
ind-  (s  of  n''aven  npun  tins  sitifnl  people."— /Jrr.mrc 

■,/.  d^fyritf.  ISII). 

.f.  at  the  cnniniand  of  weak  or  wicki-d  rnh  rn,  thevnr 
ihrlake  an  nninct  \\m.  '  .leli  man  who  vniio ',  -rs  hlx  mtvi 
ci'-i  in  >i.c-h  a  i-!in-.e.  or  In-m-  Ins  imnie)  tor  it>  ^lTpp^lrl.  nr  hy 
his  <'i.n\'<'rsaiiiiiis,  ins  w  iiiiit!:>.  or  aiiv  nrher  moih'  nf  inrht 
vivr.  I  Til  i'rir!i'r--s  it-  provi-.-niiun.  that  man  in  an  aceompliii' 
in  Ihe  w  irk''diic*!i.  h>.id-  In-  cnm.cienee  with  (he  hlaeK'*' 
crimes.  liriM'.'s  Ihc  emit  of  hhiid  upon  his  smil.  aihl  111  f  e 
ii'ht  m'  *iii^  ,md  llii  f'i-''  ii  a  murderer. ''-  I'l-'omsedeu-ead 
Jn,'e-r..  IH-J. 

"  W'l  rf  iini  the  nnthnri  of  thi  >  »var  in  elmrartfr  tieai'\ 
akin  totln-  d.  ..t^  nnd  fitliei.-tsof  I-'.'inei' :  w  ire  they  not  m>'n 

nf  liiii'dei>rl   /if.n/'',  fi'-ired  lonieicUfefi,  refiro!:.:te  utiiu's'.  nud 

desfei'rtr  ■  f.  '.r.'iif -v,  it  -•  ems  lUt"  riy  inconeeivahle  Ihat  tln-y 
F>hMiild  have  made  the  d-i  hiialion.'*— SVomc. 

From  the  Uev.  Flijali  Parish,  I").!).: 

"  t^weU  is  the  t-'inper  ot"  .\ineriean  Ilepuhliians,  wd  r  ■)|Ii  d. 
t1  iu"f  '  Mif;rinrr  (/mj'7  fr  in*-ented  lef'tre  ec  iill''^>ijtt  to  eT[>n--i 
the  Ar/wit^v  ofthr'r  londful.  or  de*.rrifr  Ihe  roftenuew  of  their 
heints."-r)i^efiur-.c  ddi.ned  irt  Wi.fjW(/,  W/inV  T.  I»-M. 

••  Von  may  a>  well  c\pi'e|  ihr  cataniel  of  N'iaicara  to  mm 
it-i  enrrent  to  he  head  of  Superior,  (U  ti  I'-i'/.-nf  Coi^frc*  /  > 
iiu'ie  ll  ji-iuie  in  the  norh  of  distrnxdn':  MnV  r-oiiti/rt'.  While 
the  p"<tph'  VMil  fiiriii-)i  th>'  m>  an«."  — .S'dinc. 

•  ■'I'lif  full  \ials  of  dis|iniir.m  an-  poured  on  \ nnr  lirnd-i. 
And  vet  \i>a  mav  c)ialli'nt:e  ih.  plnddiiiL'  hraihle.  (he-  liipid 
All. I  ,10,  till'  f.-ehlc  I'liuiesi'.  (hi-  ((r(»\vs\  Turk,  or  Ihe  frii7.,n 
fVil''  of  Sihi-ria.  to  eipiul  yon  nr  '  nite9vhn'''^ioutolhe  ;«oi*'f  rv 
th„t  h'."S.tme. 

••  l.vt  e\iry  man  v^  lio  sani  ii  .1  ihiji  war  hvhi- fiitrrauc  nr 
inthif  ii<'<>  ri  m>-iid)i-r  th:kt  he  t-  I  J'Tinu  Ioimimt  |i(ni-»-tt  and 
his  fi-MMir.  with  hh.nd.  'I'll"  iilMr.d  ofthe  ^hnii  u  ill  iiy  f.  laa 
Ih.'  uT  'oada-ram-'i  Iiini."— S"    '■ 

•  •  II..W  wdl  the  r-nppiirter«  ■<■  (his  anti  ("hri^ihui  wnrl'are 
eridm''  Ih'  ir  «.eiiline.— endure  Ill-dr  "tUa  n  !!•  r|lo|r^  — eri- 
dnre  the  tin  tffi  foreie:  '  ••"  -iMe  worm  llial  \f  \'ir  dic^--- 
Ihe  lio'-anmi-j  of  Heaven.  '  '  '-■  the  smol.e  of  their  titruieuli 
aseevdx  forever  nnd  forei  •  >     '--  f,niH\ 

'•  Those  \Vt-;RTF.RN  S 1  u  1 1  wlm  h  hnvr  hren  vmleni  foi 


I81tj.j 


Ain^ENUlX  TO  THE  COx\GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


613 


iKI>3, 

rrt]    it,    to 

IMlli.'l'.'  Ill' 

all     licnrt. 

yniiiiu;  ill 

I'ltli   (iniir. 

icf,  lidiinr- 

I'l-y  "i.i"  "t" 

lilv  nIuhHiI 

I,  a  .strlii;  ■ 

mhI  liniiDi-, 

.  iii'Jtfail  of 

\!-,\rv  and 

rlioMld  1„. 

Yrt  this 

a'^ill^;  ll.r 

I,  (lllrili'j 


•2!)tii  CoN(i 1st  Sess. 


American  Settlers  in  Oregon — Mr,  Faran. 


'lo.  OF  Reps. 


Ilii'  (tiinmiii.il'li- \v»r  nr'  in.inliT— iluw  ■  Sliti'>^  wtilcli  htivp 
fliirH-il  ll.r  Ipli.iil,  Go-^h.Ls  juvntiicta  1 1 : )  Ifo  ,hh'':  TJirif 
hii'i}   hi'.rc  /(1,'/l')(,  Ihciy  l.nui  utations  arc  lotvl  iind  */(t';i." — 

■•  Ttiir-  ivnr  i-t  a  iiii)M<|rr,  wliich  cvfry  hour  (•oniriinli/ct* 
a  ilHMi-iunl  criiin's,  niid  jfM  cri  n,  ••  i;ivi',«i\i'.*'     |;i  ti-^  Iiirlh  , 
ti  ,Uu\-  w\:{  tho  ii>l,ifinn  of  nil   -iooif  /"Hfi^  inrjiiru  of  ojfti  c, 
tfif  M'-rj/Jfc-  ()/  nni/nt/  imixirHiilitr.*' — Sitirn: 

This  sermon  Wiis  rcpiihliohnl  at  FTalilax,  wilh  , 
the  iolldwiiii;  coiiuiiontsjiimnifj;  otlicrs: 

"  If  rniTi-v  Ml"  (•\im-S'iinii— ii*  p  T-piciiity  <ff  srylc— if  rJn- 
HiUICi-  nf  I'niilimMUnii,  rvil  ni'iilt'd  (li  i\v,  til" 'Hr.  lUlil  (lir  , 
tti'iirl  til  ti  Itiiiisli  siiti|<>ci,  ilirri  |iii<  i-riiiinn  cliiiiiK  tli)<  ntif- 
Jriiyi'  m' i-vt'iy  uml  tiiiu  Invi-.s  ihc  hi-st  nf  i-ini-iitiiti(trif—  > 
niitii'ly,  thiit  of  (till  Kimhind  !  In  hliort,  it  uiip;  itt-s  li>  Ih>  tlie 
in'»'i  'i.rmirvi-i  !ii((t  i;.;ili'lMU'Inilliiiimof  (I  iiiuridtif,  c'vun- 
1(1  lic'jil,  mill  miuiyr  lilit*  .'pirii.'' 

I  leave  llie  luill'it,  ami  <^n  \o  Oie  Tederal  presses. 
!  slniH  pass  by  liie  parii'-ular  (lenmi'-ialions  op  llio 
Mar,  and  the  tlit-ii  exisliii!':  Adininisiraiinii.  ant)  pie- 
^ellt  Npi'cimeiis  nf  liieii  lUlempls  lo  preveni  per.soiis 
t'rtim  litaaiii:;  miuiey  lo  ilicUnvenimciiL  lo  earry  on 
the  war. 

"I. 'I  tin  )>init  who  H  hlii'-^  to  rnntttitii' tlie  war  hy  nfihe 
lii('Hli>,liv  inlc.nr  Ic-iiilliii;  lilt  mi  y.  uMlK  Tn  I'liosTttATh:  itrM- 
>^a,l  \r  tuk  m.tvk  ns  rin:  r  vm  p  w  ;  tlirlln  y  jin-  ii'-lnally 
.•-  iiiU'-h  puii.ik'  r-  it)  (lie  wiir  ii>  ttif  soldi,  r  wlin  ihrii-'t.-.  ilir 
iKtvoiii't  ;  .vul  ihr  i„>f:-,nv,ii  of  G  J  ;/('.'  a  ■-'if  /ilm." 

••  \\  III  ^^■l!.■^Ill|.t^  :  Ml.  rnl.r-  lo  th<-  ln:iM  ?  Will  ilwy  h'llll 
iiiniM'\  In  our  ii,iiinii;il  nilri-.'  It  i>  iiiiim-silil--.  •''■■* 
Tn  uhiit  |l(l^i'.^^r  hive  l'.'il<T;ili-Lt>  '  \' rlnl  tin'in-rlv.-)  In 
vlinu-  till-  wn-'ii'drie-^s  nf  ilii-  w;ir,  tn  rote  t'c  ])iil)lit  .^-iiti- 
ineiit  :!L'arel  Jl.inHl  In  --'inw  ttii'  ;iiithni>  ''it  tn  !»■  iiiiu  nrl'iv 
of  pill..:  •  .'nntitln,,--.  |.t|i  liiL'hly  eriin''  :.  .1  tinw  Ihey  emi 
yil.lltlili'  lie  J*tHiunl'  iiiniM)  willtnilt  v\  .I'li  iliisc  niliT,^  iiiHsl 
,,rrO((i;ir-.'iW /()  >/ jji;   itt.f^t  I  r  ■  nmiicl  r    l<i  if' urn  to  the  poUci  ' 

\\\\   111- ;i- iir;''  uinlr  \\l;;f!i  tins  edl.lilry  niu-i'  was  at  peace 

inl  -iti,'U,  ir  prn-p'ri'v. 

•' lU  tile  iin.Mi  tiimiHi-  cnitrfjc  pnjnird  nitt  liv  d'ovi-riior 
StiHiii!,  [nf  M  i-!e-liii"'ii-'.l  Unit  i*,  In  vvitlihnhliiiuall  vnlmi 
iai>  iMil  In  p.n>(ciit:ni;  tliir  w 'r,  aiul  inaiitiillv  p  ,,.res?iii;!niit 
"'iniiinii  11-.  I',  ii-!  iiMii-ii'M-  ii:i(l  riiiimiis  |i-iidi-n''y,  w*- have 
;nii-n'd  It-  |.re,'P-.',  <:nl  t'r.rn^  hi-rf;  iit  i;vjhnr\  to  rh.-wUm 
Ifn  If  iir'iu-iiitut  witviiits.  itiuU<)  took  iiv  ■  nuslii  for  iicnrr.  •  *  * 
liul  s.iiiic  siifi,  iiHi!  ;pii  /('/  tttp  founiftihvrjmet.an'rui  t  f  A'o, 
t/iVcaiiHtni  inll  nc  ■•■r  hcr-}iitc  InmkrVf-t.  Hut  prity  do  not  fuc- 
/■ciii  thr  iilui'cisof'ttu'ir  trust  from  lic^niinz  htni  ruvf .  !>n  no! 
/'r<'vi  ir  tli'ta  iVntii  li<'<*niiiiiiu  i-iii'>ii.  i.itlir  pule  .'.  iiiid  re- 
phu'ivl  liylit'itiT  m<  II.  %.'liri  t'l-tli^r-ilift  n  liolcii'lumtufiitri  (inv- 
riuinvvl  JiiU  f  no  ti lul  s/ii/Ai'  fiHmii  u'ith  Jiiims  M>itli\(iii  anil 
•  t.tim  t'flii'ffiii'  r  nil  t'llix  Umndu,  l.rt  liim  tin  morp  rail 
/.•n>\rlf,t  I-V<>ry.di'>'  nwt  fiieiul  lo  liis  voimtr>i.  lit:  wtl.l.  ut: 
(    \M  KM  IIY  nriim-   IVKlMntJ, 

•■'(ri  till' wlinlr,  ilicii.  lli'ie  are  two  ver\  >triM»7  rr'a--on- 
win  I'l  di'rali.-i-*\Mll  iin|  I-  nd  mnii''y~!ir^i.linMii-e  ii  wmUil 
lie  ii  [i,i-e  aliaiid'iiijiieiit  I}}' i-iilitiitil  nivl  loorut  inii'ti/ilvs  ;  and 
neeniidly,  lieeau-^i"  il  i-*  [treiiy  certiiia  they  \\  ill  never  he  piiid 
luraiii. 

••  It  H  very  urnti'fiil  tniind  that  (he  tinivrr-al  sentiment  i-. 
That  <  ii't  i/i'.'ii  II  ho  Iriiih  Ai*  ntoi\r<i  to  the  tloveriunrtit  nl  'hr 
/fV'stMf  //hic,  trill  forfi  it  lilt  clitUn  to  romnwn  honvst'itimt  roin- 
!noi\  r-mrtcs  i  i-moui:  itll  Iruv  friciuls  to  the  roini^ri,-." — Hoslon 
a-zctli\.-li'ril  14.  1H|  I. 

'■ 'I'ln'  war  ndV'ieattM  appenr  verv  ^;nrn  ntnl  ehasiriinil 
al  the  faihiri' of  itie  late  Inaii.  and  in  their  raviiiv**  aseribe 
ilie  tm-arre  Mihsfriptinhs  tn  the  trnih-:  whieh  have  appeared 
III  thr  Fedi-rat  piipriti  4)11  tins  h^nhp'ei." — Hoslon  T'en/iHc/, 

}!>■''> 'i\.  im:i. 

■•Our  iM'T-'haiit-  fMn-titni'' an  Imnnrahl.',  Itijjli-iMin'h'd. 
iiide[r  iidriit.  and  int' llii;' iil  el,e<"!  '■!"  titi/.i  .  ■  Tln-y  |V|>I 
the  Hppii—inn.  iiijiifv,  and  innek'-ry  with  wl.ieh  (fun  !'.:<• 
tnaii'd  hy  tin  ir  (Jnvrnii';.  nl.  They  will  liml  them  nmney 
tn  relrair  tln-ir  -hp-.  nlil  lemr  jo  pci-cxcre  in  thru  prorni 
eniir-i".  Lit  vn  n/fii^h'ni  ;iunn  ti'x'  /"■•■  oirii  iiislo!\," — lio^fctn 
(ia:>ttr. 

"  We  have  onlj  mom  Ihis  fveiiimr  in  say  Ihai  \\f  Irnvt 
nn  true  friend  t>i  M-  ennnlrv  w  ill  he  rnmul  anmiiL'  llie  Mih- 
M-rili'-r-'  tn  ih)'  f:  dlalin  h)an. "--.%>'/■  T-n  V  fWuinj  Piyit. 

"  Mil  l.iothrr  I  irj.'i''!'--.  il  i/ok  A.rre   mnm-u  {:}   l-t.  Iff  it  !-ni. 

Ifllh'war  ( ti'u.'-,  >nu  wdl  pnrrhahe  ynnr  utoek.  at  (imr 

\  eMJ  idd,  rlit'ipfT  th;.'"  vnn  can  rai-e  it;  sn  niijii^^t  i-<  (lii>< 
nlhn-ive  war.  in  whi'-ti  i.iir  rnhir^  tia\i'  phinjed  11-.  in  tln- 
•^nh'i  ennr-iijiraltnii  nf  nt  limns,  that  th'-y  caiinnt  (Nm-cien- 
liotiJ^lv  iipprnarh  thr  (Ind  nf  arnin'^  for  his  lilcsr-iii):  npnn  it." 
-~ih-.t.n  tVnUu,-'.  Jruiu  1./  I:t.  1^1;}. 

!  sjotthl  like  to  imlie  riiiniiii'.;  I'oniinciilaries  nn 
(hrse  extraelh,  Imt  t  tiie  will  lint  allow.  Tliey  I'lir- 
iiish  tine  pveeedents  riir>*ertaiii  jiersons  of  the  pres- 
ent ilay  lo  I'oUnn  ,  ami  they  seem  nut  to  have,  been 
overloiikid. 

Kvrry  pti'H  was  re.sorteil  lo  to  intiniidafp  persons 
from  loan.mx  money  to  tii*'  Gnvennnent.  Those 
that  (lid  so  weri'  Immsln  d  frnm  eertain  eireles  of 
sneiety — eir  leu  tlu't  assiuned  (n  enniain  all  the 
lah  III,  wealtli.  and  dei  enev  of  the  land.  Tn  sne|| 
nn  cxieiii  was  iliis  rarriod,  that  loans  liad  to  ho 
niade  in  the.  most  seerel  mannrr. 

(Jilherl  iV  Dean,  (Jovcrnmenl  air' nls  to  proenre 
Ittirlinn.-;  of  InaiiB,  in  their  advertiseinent,  (leeiand 
"  thai  tilt'  names  of  oU  sithsn'll'irs  slinU  In  l.ncini  ouht 
to  tin  nt>Jir>if::u(t!.'"'  Sn  wilh  Mr.  .'I'lnam,  annilier 
aueiil.  He  staled,  ill  lii.s  adverlisemenl,  that  the 
"  lunnr  nfantf  ujijilirinil  shatlt  (it  his  rtijucstj  he  hioivn 
onlit  til  thr  .stifi,senVK  (•.'' 

The  liiiston  (iazeiic  nt'  April  U.  1^*14,  cnm- 
tnented  npon  these  and  ^4inlilar  advertistinentrs  in 
liie  Ibllowin''  slniin  : 


♦*  Jl:rrilp.-ri-<tfleihnv^t  our  (rorcrnmcnt  Ir.  pccrt  iu  thciro-nt 
Ciirt,  nhi'ii  l/j'ttvci'^rl  to  sm-h  hl-Ls  to  ol>li  i:i  »io;;e;/  rhirh  n 
c'-'iivtvw  Jnr  h'rukrr  Jttm'il  hr  i.nh'iiri''  of.  TJM'y  iiili*t  he  well 
ai-(piainter|  with  tin-  tiihrie  of  iln'  nun  wlm  ari>  tn  Inan  them 
inniiiv.  wli  11  lhi'\  nlV.-r.  ihti  ift'i'-v  will  have  the  trinHltie<ri 
to  (In  it.  Ihv'h-  iir/mr.v  shr'l  ii')l  he  1:1  i<o-ni\  /o  th.^  irorhi.  Til  'y 
knniv  rinht  W'-ll  that  th'-  <-.'«.■.(■  h  so  siifii!.ii\".  ami  rih',  that 
nihoihj  iiQtihl  ftc  at-en  in  the  liroud  (lniiUuhl  to  lai'f  them 

*'  \'o  one  doiiht«  ofihi'lr  rnncor  and  ill-will  tnwanN  Kiic- 
hind  ;  that  (hry  are  wilhni;  In  Utiit  her  as  l.nit{  l-h  they  ean 


I  tie 


i-V. 


''(In  the  whnp'.  we  think  it  nn  w.iv  tn  net  nut  ni'the  war. 
tn  aire  imitcuto  the  G^ininmenl.  when  tlie  Ai'ry  Iliinc  that 
pie\eiii.-4  thfiM  froni  earr.wnii  'l  on.  i-i  the  ''unt  o/monn/." 

Onpoaition  to  their  own  eonnlry,  ondeavov.s  to 
paralv'/.e  tin*  nrm.s  nt'  patriotie   eiti/.ens,  nnd  ox-    ' 
tra\a<ranl   praises  of  Great    IJritain's  itPnernsily, 
maijnanimitv,  ami  r'hristiiin-liko  virMies,  niarkod    1 
the  eondnet  of  the  l-'ederal  elass  of  our  eiti/.ens  at    J 
this  period  of  the  hisfirv  of  mir  eonntry.     F.vvn  !i 
the  most  infamous  of  the  Hritish  oHieers  had  lo    : 
rei-eivp  liieir  praise,^.     The  Hnston  ('eniinel  said  '■ 
of  Coekliiirn,   that,  '*  notwillistjunlinir  tlio    senr- 
'  rilily  pouretl  on  him  in  the  VirL'inia  and   Mary- 
'  land  pajiers,  he  is  a  hvimiiir  auil  liherat  f^entle- 

This  class  nf  our  eiti/.eiH  are  not  all  dead.  There 
are  plenty  of  1  hem  yet  liviii:-.  And  ii"a  war  hrenks 
out  hefween  this  ami  a  for 'iirn  Power,  fnmi  tlic 
indie, iiifuis  ;drfadv  iriven  ns  i  1  tliis  Oro'^on  eoiitro- 
versv,  tliey  will  deride  (heir  own  Government  just 
as  (lid  ihc  Kederalisis  previous  tfi  and  durin'j:  (he 
lale  war.  I  siy  from  liie  imiieaiions  already 
rriven;  for  sneh  have  heen  L'-ivrii  of  this  feelinL"",  not 
only  in  rnn?re*^s,  hut  in  the  pulpits,  and  by  the 
pre<s,  I  eonld  i^ive  many  instatiees;  but  nmst 
refer  t<i  everv  man's  olt^torvalinn,  who  h;e;  had  his  , 
eyes  and  oars  open  sinee  tiiis  (M>ntroversy  eom- 
men<'ed.  I  wMI  irive  a  specimen  or  two,  liowevcr. 
I  f]iinte  first  from  tiic  Now  YorJc  Journal  of 
Connncrcc: 

"Tlie  amhiit  of  Gre.'t  lirihnn  i.-t  anicrnuv,  ami  turli  as 
bTotiic«  a  'Ycitt  :\\\\\  Chritliiin  uiiUrttf ;  ours,  aivithiim  hut 
what  it  shoiil-l  Ic.'' 

••  From  111"  h'einniiip.  fit  the  ccnerovt/ij  lias  mnie  frnm 
GrrnI  Jtv't.vii,  all  the  illi'craHlii  frn"  u?— all  t!ie  ^oV  iic-s 
from  I.niMcni,  all  the  ^(c'  er    «  fmni  Washinirtnii.'' 

■■  \nlindv  in  all  fh"  civili/.cil  world  dr)nht<  the  yineerity  of 
Knirland's  dc-ire  fnr  peaec.  while  onr  nwn  eiti'/.eiis  endit, 
with  v<M\-  slcndur  failh,  the  repeated  [irnfe.ssinn.s  of  oiirGov- 
•  ■rnnii  III." 

The  editor  of  tliis  pafier  must  have  had  the  Hev. 
Mr.  (iardiner'.s  .-sermon  before  him,  when  he  wrote 
wiiat  1  l)a\e  quoted  from  his  paper. 

*-\n\v  Mial  the  o.fer  nf  arhitratinn  lia-;  hr-en  made  hy 
rtmland.  sn  in-dv  and  ntil)I\ .  v»-t  nil'  riv.  ahinwi  in.-^t'hntly, 
icjiM-t'd  hy  th"  l'rt--id"nt,  all  the  wnrld  u  ill  fer  1  and  >ay, 
that.if  th'Tf  -:|innl  I  he  war,  nifc^  n-inhrth'-  iniwiice  evil  r  e-A-- 
C'hiess  01  it,  'lud  fhiiitaiid  vill  he  in  the  risht." — Xew  York 
Kr.iii-clist. 

This  is  a  mild  oytraet  from  that  paper.  It  con- 
tained, for  a  while,  the  tnost  virulent  alaise  of  the 
President  and  his  siippr>rters — fully  erpta!  to  any 
ever  poured  nut  by  ihe  Federalists  upon  .Teirerson 
nr  Madison,  and  their  Demoerati''  snp]iorterp.  I 
shall  dismiss  it  by  sayiuir.  that  I  have  nn  earthly 
dotibt  but  the  editor  wonhl  b\irn  nt  tho  slake  a 
Christian  brother  for  a  dilfereuee  in  erccd,  and  sell 
his  eonntry  tor  less  than  a  bishoprie, 

From  tlie  t'ineinnati  Gazette  of  February  18, 
ll^.|H,  I  tal<e  the  followinir  t'Ntraets  : 

"Ther"'  1  -  ?jnni*!liiei!  ;;lnrinn-  in  waiehini;  the  innvemeiit.'* 
nf  irnnd  ne'ii  di-iel'-nsU'dly  wnrkini:  fnr  a  unnd  cause.     The 

ties  ami  pieenl -  i>\'  cniMitr>'.  Inve  nl"  limne  and  tatred  of 

t'u-;.  are  all  f  iri'nucii  at  ?im-li  inm -;  nml  we  mm  ievoIiiM- 
1  irilx  tn  tli>'  -ei'iie  wlii'rein  i.-i  cxhil'iied  tlif  h'T.niy  of  \irtiie, 
aml'lhc  enmddini;  loninensof  a  pTU-e  spirit,  in  wonder  and 
adnilration. 

"Thi-i  irerierons  teclinc  niav  he  iedtik'ed  in  now  to  oiir 
heariV-  '  'liteiii.  When  a  enmiiel  h  tween  tie-  liiitcd  Htatc^ 
ami  *;reat  Ihitaiii  appeared  inexirdilc.  a  ^lln|i  lime  -inr'e.  a 
pnrtinn  ot'  tie-  l!ri'i<li  pre-^'.  with  a  htrt-'c  pnrttnip  of  the  iirit- 
i-h  merrantilc  interest,  prnpn-ed  nu  <i}>}iritl  lo  thr  inerrfianh 
Of  the  iTj/iJi  liiiMii'j  il  pa'iiic  (III. It.  ami  snuifestinii  hesides  a 
Irieiidh  aiiilrcss  to  the  niereh.iin- <if  the  I'tni,  ;'  .-'tales,  de- 
elarimr  peaee,  and  tin-  cohivation  of  the  art-  "f  lemc.  iih 
the  r.nhi  ureal  nl)ieil>i  wnithy  the  •'trite  or  einillatioii  .>•*  twn 
areaf  naliniis.  I'.tiuli''nnn'ii  ^p-tkl'  to  Knulishincn  in  tlii-  ap 
peal,  ami  tin  y  spoke  like  true  men.  'j'heeoneliisinn  nf  ii  \^ 
as  t'nllows: 

'"Ilani-'li  war  frniii  >oiir  \f'rv  ilinimtrts;  and  let  voiir 
'  lieaect'iil  wafeliword  he.  (j-aid  tin"  .)  nn  all  neea>ions:  ^ir- 
•hihalf     .nHtri!t'-~inHtr.>h:' 

"  1 1  \\a-  a  nnhle  um\e,  ami  nnhly  made.  l-'niL-ettniL'  parly 
piide.  ovevln.doiiL'  «  hilt  was  enn-ttl<'ied  a~  a  n:ilinual  in- 
fjiill.  ami  hmviim  all  eveitemenl.  the  lUiti-^h  nici'-iKints.  who 

made  ami  «  ho  ^ tixted  this  iUM.i  :il.  -tond  upon  the   pnrest 

unainil  nf  an  eh'vated  piiitantlir-)|i\ .  and  a  pine  rinistiaiiily. 

■■  .\nd  In  show  the  ^piril  in  w  liieli  lhe\  aioxed.  and  tin' 
nnamt  in  whieli  the\  were  met.  we  -nleeFh  the  hillnumu 
animated  aililrejiH  Inj  sul-jcvts  of  Grc^t  liril.dii  lo  their  J\llow- 


[More  foilowH  the  mldress.     Tlie  Qazctte  then 

proeoeds:] 

"t/Inil  irhen  ve  turn  from  tliiHeiilnri:eil  mid  hcnerolenl  spirU 
of  the  iiierr.'iitn's  of  (irn't  Britain  Ii  the  MIshkadi.k  ktmI 
NMOiow  si'Ci  lAi, '/)/ei/i/n):,'  nf  iJie  Jlmcriean  Scrretuiy,  how 
I  lit*/  lie  ('efil'ife  the'liifereu-r  .'■•■•  The  absurd  and 
/irrtin/'/Tu  n  fiisa!  ot' .Mr.  niiehmian,  after  the  neszotialiniis 
were  reopened,  to  inhilrate  upon  any  fair  tennn — vo  contrary 
to  e/en/  i'hriMan  priitci|de,  >o  utterly  at  war  willi  the  u^a^e 
of  nation-,  so  openlii  in  riul,<ti,)n  ofcv^rif  Aaneoie  and  hcuev- 
oUiif  hr'iu.:,  and  so  adverse  to  the  very  sfiirit  of  our  imdl- 
tnlions — ^land.-i  in  sad  ami  utelntielioly  rfiiitra!<t  wilh  the  no- 
hie  eoiidutt  nf  iIicm'  tn<Tehiiuts  nf  Great  llriiniii,  and  pters  a 
deep  and  fatal  sl.:h,  to  what  Amerieaiis  should  reijuni  an 
tirst  in  their  tliouijhts  and  aneetitjuH— Me  character  of  the 

AViic '  would  such  a  paper  be  likely  to  he  foimd 
were  W'  aiX'iirt.*!  in  a  contest  with  Grcai  nritmii, 
wilh  nil  its  Mympathies  in  Aivnr  of  that  Govern- 
ment, and  its  dislikes  to  the  aetion  of  the  present 
Administration  so  strop;;?  1  think  'liorc  e.ould  be 
'■  no  trouble  In  ossi^nini;  it  its  proper  place. 

Tin  re  is  a  i;reat  sinnlarily  in  many  particnlurs 
l)etween  the  .■^nliinonis  expressed  by  the  British 
party  dtiriiiL:  the  Adininistrati(m  of  Air.  Madison, 
and  those  who  now  tliink  that  Great  llrilain  is  all 
,  rJLiht,  and  their  own  eouiUry  alt  wroni;  in  reference 
lo  this  Oreucti  eontrover.sy. 

Hear  tJn^  Cincinnati  Ga/.ettc  of  Jammry  28lh, 

'•^/  paii'ie—t'io  war.' — There  \n  a  sudden  pause  at  Wwfli- 

;  iiiL'hMi.     Wliat  iiieaiM  iff      Hetwe'en  tiie  plannins  and  tliti 

doiiic:  of  H  dread  deed,  it  is  said,  there  is  aluayH  a  soleinii 

snlhies-i.    C:!!!  it  he  that  we  lue  on  the  verge— the  very 

veiL"*  of  uar.-" 

•  •  I'enr  w  ie\s  a-.'n.  and  there  was  no  lio'dina  the  majority 

.  of  the  llnii  e  nfHe|);c<rntati\es.     The  inMiee  now— the  lio- 

!  tici'~nn|hin'j  Imt  the  notic-e— this  was  w  hat  we  heard,  and 

ail   thai   we  In  aid.     llui  suddenly  all  is  siluit.     A  Florida 

cl'ctiim  eae- hnw  >Ir.  I'n  nninfs  hnoks  -hall  be  di.tiih- 

;  n'el— ;i|iiio-t  aiivihioL' i.s  di.-eu.s.-Ld  e.\eept  ()iei;on  and  tin: 

unlit-. 

>■•  In  the  Henate.  ton,  where  Mr.  ^illcti  figures!— why.  he 

:    and  Ids  war  men  eould  hardly  he  kept  still,  and  even  us  late 

:    as  the 'il -I,  I  lie  very  remarkahh'  chairnian  nf  the  (.'oinniiUee 

(rii  Ftii'ii;ii  Aliini-.  lalkul  nt"  iioiiiu -on  niir  kn'-es  to  Vieto-- 

rii'  .*  and  sneered  at  Mr.  (.'alhoun  Willi  some  Hharpuoss.   Vet 

,  th"  ne.M  day  hiM,ualified,  or  rather  explained  his  opinions 

;  to  lie. 

'1.  Thai  iheie  would  henn  just  cause  Ibr  war  in  tlio  pro- 
1  pn  :ed  Drecmi  measures. 

•a.  Thai  iherc  wt-iild  he  no  war. 

•  \ow  was;-  at  Wa.-hniBtnn,  Hiid  ill  nanired  folk''  do  say, 

i  that  Ih  re  has  hern  an  arrival  or  so  iVnin  F.urripe  ;  liiat  there 

';  are  changes  in  the  ministry  there  ;  thai  these  elmiipes  hodu 

'  110  eontiiiuaiiee  of  [leaee.  if  we  really  want  a  war  ;  and  Uint 

the  ptiwers  that  lie,  with  the  majority  in  either  House  at 

Wa-iriiii!tnn,  who.  from  tlie  betiinniriLS  meant  to  have  no 

war.  fnil>  a  liiile  noi-e  n/toiiMt.  are  rather  scared — not  that 

e\aetl\  —hill  satished  that  it  is  time  for  them  to  lie  fmidcnt.^* 

'■  Unt  llie  majority  at  Washincton  are  snhcred  down  ;  tliey 

'  h;ue  c.\liaiisted   lln'ir  wild  uas :  and  since   this  European 

'I  news,  are  iiinrc  prinh  nt.  and  will  he  more  ilijjuified." 

i       '*  We  ^aid  ye,  terday,  that  we  did  not  helteve  the  Oreunn 

i|ue,  lii'ii  would  in  any  way  he  mi\eil  up  with  the  TarilV; 

]  and  we  saiil  sn.  not  only  heeaiise  all  the  orj/ans  of  iJie  Ati- 

'<  niiiiistiaiioii  were  taUiii!ie.\ireme  ground  against  Great  Itrit- 

aiii.   hat   hee:.ii.-e  Mr.   Ihiehaiiaii,  Willi  Messrs.  Allen  and 

('as-.  In'>iiles  heuiiz  iliu-  ultra,  seennil  desirous  of  ihrowinij 

I  as  many  nl.staeles  in  the  wav  ot  fettlemeiit  uk  they  eniild. 

I  |s  this\iolenee  pul  oil.-    Are  the  ahtise  and  huMvin^  we 

I  hear  ii(!anist  r.imlami,  only  ei'oiiAv  to  hide  the  re.!/ policy  of 

the  Cahinet.  vi/ :  a  settl.'ineiit  of  the  Oregon  questi*  n.  at 

till' .-aeriliee  of  tlie  taritf .'     If  so,  the  .American  people  will 

III'  dup.  li  hy  tlieir  own  ruler.',  and  /Aim;  outwittetl  l;y  llrili^h 

diphunaev.  in  the  iiio-t  shameless  manner;  dupi'd^  tnit,  hy 

Ih'   hil-est  -linw  of  han.'  and  opposition  on  the  part  oi  ilie.ne 

:   ruieis,  when,  in  naliP,  they  felt  neither,  and  were  resolved 

'}  In  have,  not  otilv  no  war.  hut  no  ditlieulty  with  Knylaml. 

'•  We  eaniiot  helieve,  when  we  l-utk  hack  a(   Mr.   Tnlk'H 

InaiiL'iiral  (lireal.  nr  the  n'peminn  of  it  in  the  .McssaL"'.  at 

the  strong    leehiratious  ot'  Mr.    Hucliaiiati,  and  \et  more  at 

the  hln-ier  and  hravadn  nf  iheir  organs,  in  and  out  of  t'ua- 

uress,  tliat  --mil  is  the  fact,  or  (hat  any  party  would  dare  at- 

lempt  siieii  haielaced  riLsealily."— C7»miau/i  Gazette,  Fch- 

riit.iut  ]■•,  Is'i'i. 

Now,  what  said  some  of  the  Federal  presses  in 
1811  niul  Hl-Jr    Listen: 

'•  The\  {the  leaih-is  in  ('"iicressj  have  already  gone  far 
cmmj!h  ill  war.  Tli(>  are  conscious  they  cannot  comiiieiice, 
prosi  enie,  ami  terminate  a  war;  that  the  hands  whieh  he- 
liin.wiU  mvci-  timsh  ii-  'I'hey  »liriuk  from  it.  Tliey  already 
sta^imr  iimh  r  the  w  eiyht. 

*•  The\  aic  fiiiihlcneil  as  (lie  asiH'cI  hceomes  a  little  ninr«» 
set  inns,  "ami  \msIi  le  (lo  Iroine  and  think  ol  it." — Philadrlpl  ia 

(la^rlle,  Jumnirii  HI,  Irp,'. 

•'  We  are  lirnily  persuaded  that  (he  majority  in  ronareM^ 
do  md  mean  to  declare  w  ar  at  pret-erit ;  ihul  thexf  dare  vol ; 
ai<d  iliai  all  itu  ir  th.eats  are  hut  roa/r-i/ji/iA/c  rojWTOifl, 
w  hteh  will  dii' awa\  like  the  vaporiiigs  of  n  dninken  muii 
hi  lia-ihey  rise."-7'.^;eM  lirptrloiu.  Deivmher^A.  Ifll. 

'*!''  a  ''.»  lint  i'ndir'li:iid  irhat  i^  here  'uHed  mnuitnenirnt, 
Tlieic  will,  as  I  lielicv<',  he  no  war.  The  warwhoop,  the 
orders  in  eoaiieil.  the  iion  imporiation,  nnd  I're^-identinl 
eaiiiiisunj.  V.  ill  xanisli  heforesmnmer."— //.ti/(iiiore/-V(foa( 
G,i:ill,\J.iiiiii.'t!,,  iHl-i. 

•■(htr  (Joxernn (will  not  make  war  on  Great  Uritaiii ; 

hot  will  keep  up  a  ennsfant  irritatinn  on  wnir  jtretence  or 
nlher,  tor  the  ^u^e  of  maintaining  tlieir  iiillueuee  as  a  parftj. 


1  .  :,' 

1 

'  ^  w 

■■  '•^Sl 


6M 


29i'H  CoNO 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  TIIK  CONGRESSIONAT.  GLOBR. 

American  Settlers  in  Oregon — Mr,  Faran. 


[April  14, 


Ho.  OF  Ubps. 


The  riioro  the  imlillc  siidlT,  llif  iniiri'  Irrlinbli'  llipy  will 
bi.."_«ri./j»  Kriierlmi,  ~iiml  IT,  I-'IU. 

•  •Tlii'irurli  i» r  Vlc.io.  r..'(.  Ihv  m  mil.  or»;ir.  unci  [ 

nn-.-iiiiriT.  iiriil  l">:l-l,  .iiiil  vaunt,  lint  tlifv  .il'li'>r  llulUmi!. 
Ulnn  ilHimiT  iip|n.Mchi's  ilii'v  "knlk  lik.!  clil^m^llly  \«i\.  ] 

Unoni*.*'—  It  0(r*'^/i*)'   S;.!/,  IHM. 

li  «ccm»,  tiMi,  ili;ii  ii  is  n  siil'JLTt  (if  sniirc  nml  ; 
riiliriilr,  I'cir  Dt'tiiDinitst  iii>\vi'.(lay»  to  »|  I'lik  in  llie 
linlla  (iCCiii  :,'n'»s  hIkhiI  iin/ion<i/  himnr.     'I'lii"  lin- 
liiiiinl    h'utor  iiiii.st   be  lift  to   llio  koi'i'iii.:;  "I"  llie  , 
Willis,  1  .s[i|i|i,isi'.  I 

Allmlin^  111  ilidsn  mrinliers  of  Conf;n>»H  who 
(liiiid  III  spenk  »r  iiKliiJiicii  honor,  in  niiiiiiexinn  Willi 
(iiir  li^lilN  ill  (lrc!;nii,  the  t'iiii'iniiiiti  Gn/.elle  of 
Mau-h  J4,  lH4li,  say.^: 

"  Tlli^p"'  nnti  Inrni  ;i  ili-tiin'l  <l:i"  :it  \V:i«Iiiiii:t4>n,  nnd  lln\ 
run  lip  idl  Hn-  litw.T  ilr^r.-rs  nl  thi'  polittral  ■jJilimt.  \V. 
mill  Mnrt  ivilli  SiiiiiMr  .MI'ti.  ^t"|lat  l)"M;'la.-«  of  llliti"!-. 
ii'kI  I  nil  with  Cliipinan  oi'  .MicliiuMii,  atiil  iif  -hall  lintl  Imt 
nil''  snnu  >unn — Ml  thai  a  .■'Iraimi'i-  miitld  MipptiM-  ih''  ilidi 
viilllaU  tn  li  ■  n  .'Ort  of  ■•liilnf'r.v  roMil  t'l  vwlnt  aial  k.  .  j, 
(■ate  llic  I'linntrl '■■*  liiiiior.  !•*  i-niniiifu-"  i'iiitaii;;''iril?  The 
ri'ply  in.  honiir  (li>niani|.i  thv  saiMilii'.-.     N  the  piililir  pi-arr 

put  in  jf'itparily ?    It  ii  ilniii'  tiiprn!  t-l  that  li ir.     In  slmrt 

n<ithini{  t.-sal(l'i>rai  <-<iiMpli-'llril-  plaiim  il  I'ra-jitati'd.  h>  thi'.-r 
men,  «>\ri>pt  nii  ljii.<  lia-i.-,  until  ixnv  th'->  arr  kniiivn  at 
AVajihington  liv  til'*  nami;  nl'  lih;  '  Nntinnal  iionnr  nr  in- 
beri.'" 

Well,  olhcr."!  Ill'  tlir  jrtiitf  slump  liiivr  spnken  in 
the  ,<inivi«  sirnin  in  itilier  (lavs.  'I'lii-  iiiriiilK'r.s  of 
l/oniri'j:..-  will)  ailviii'iili'il  ami  siisuiiin  il  llio  lair 
wr.i-,  H]>nkc  ot'  ntit.iiinal  Inmor,  and  wrrr  ridiruUal 
I'nr  it  liy  amii  nun  as  'rininiliy  I'lckoi'in^',  the 
npolnsjiscr  for  IJriii.sli  iiiiiMcssiiicnl.  In  his  fiisi 
leller  Ii>  the  pco|)le  nf  MassachnaelU,  Ajird  5,  ISl'J, 
he  says: 

''  Ahantloniiie  \niir  ipcilcsi  and  leU  intrrt^'i,  ywi  nro  (o 
I'lmanc  in  a  df-tiiuiivd  war  Inr  /luiiur.  \iiii  .if  lu  liL'lil  liir 
Amor,  fur  ••  Ojii.-ri'aijn.'/ Aoiur,-',' mit  I'l-r  ii.iiiuiiiil  luiiitir. 
but  tiir  till'  honor  nt'  a  i'vl  id'  llii-n,  a  niaionti  >>!'  ivjiinn.  In- 

ffclher  with  tin-  .\dtniiii-lrauwi d  'riiniiia'-  .lirrr^na,  lin- 

liiiLitLT-rtiriiif!  at  llii'ii'  l)i'n-l,  liiiif  lii-i-n  rrvilrd.  and.  liuu 
rntividv  .■'prakiiii:.  riitr<'d  ami  N|iit  iitfiui  by  lUaiapartr  ;  and 
.vtit  Iho.-e  nii'ii  nail-  Uilk  of  AoNcr,  and  arc  iir^iii^  lou  into  a 
war  to  di'I'fiid  it.** 

Bnt  1  iws.'i  from  thesr  thiiijs  tn  inquire,  wh.it 
eilVi't  will  tliesi'  Ifadin;;  I'niimion'ial  jminials,  tlial 
iilniKe  the  aclion  of  their  iiwii  McniTiiiiniil.aiiil  iip- 
))laiid  so  hiirhly  llml  of  tin  at  Ihilaiii  in  relniinii  In 
this  Orei:on  I'lintrnverRy,  have  nn  ilr*  seulnitenl  ? 
What  elVect  will  llie  speeches  ihat  have  In  en  inaile 
in  Cnnirrcs.s  deprec'intinj  inir  title  In  Orepni,  and 
adviieaiinir  the  snniMiiirily  of  linijlnnd's  over  onr 
own;  dilatinion  the  power  and  resoniTes  of  the 
British  navy,  and  e.vaL'!;eraliii;,'ouri>wn  weakness; 
holding  (brlh  tn  the  cuiinlry  the  idi  a  that  it  is  a 
controversy  nlicnit  I're.sidi'nl  niakiinj  and  the  ad- 
vancenient  ot"  party,  whieh  the  people  rare  lint 
little  iilioiit;  a  ronniry  Imrien  and  nnprolilalile, — I 
<ay,  what  elVect  will  these  spiei  lies  lie  likely  to 
produce  Ufmii  llie  liriiish  (Jim  niiueni .'  ,\ot  an 
inrreased  anxiety  to  have  the  inaller  speedily  set- 
tled, lint  the  reverse.  And,  IhsiiIim,  liny'  will 
more  eerlaiiily  lirni;;  aliont  a  war  lliuii  all  the  war 
speeelies  and  war  essays  that  have  i,'oiie  to  the 
])uhlie  dnrinix  the  session. 

Similar  ell'eets  were  [irodiiceil  liy  the  raetioiis  op- 
position of  the  l''i  d  era  lists  to  lln' Aiiniiiiistralions 
of  Jeirersoii  and  .Madison,  liy  ilieir  di  letiiiieiie.'  the 
iii'ts  of  their  own  Governnii  ni,  and  piMisin^'  ihi..ve 
of  Ureal  IJritain.  They  di  r.  ived  IJreat  Itriiani, 
Blid  made  her  delay  doiiif;  us  jii.siice  iiiilil  war  was 
inevilalile. 

Tlie  letters  of  Mr.  Henry  slmw  eniiiht.'iively  to 
my  iiiitid  that  llie  elleet  proditeed  liy  .he  eondiiet 
of  i|;r  Kederah.-'is  WHS  what  I  have' , mi  inl  otii: 
and  u.eeil'eet  is  a  very  natural  ■"' 
be  proiliie?(l  liy  like  'ails' 

In  his  leller  of  Mrtim  j,'!,  i,-0'.),  lo  Uovrrimr 
Crai;;,  he  s.ays; 

"You  will  prri-.iv''  friiin  the  iiei'i.iinl-'  Hint  will  reach  \nn 
In  till'  piildi'-  palHT-,  li.'th  I'j'ini  \V.i-liiiii>I"U  and  Ma->a"hu. 
I"  tt>,  inal  til'-  ri"l'-riili-t.i  ni  the  \  irltn  rn  Stale- /"/»■,■  uk. 
tecdvi  in  miiHne  fiinrn'ti  >'rlirrr,  lliat  ll  itll  «ii'  Am  '>/i/.(>vi((On 
"i  thei/  ir-ould  m'O-cl  >  the  (icocr.it  I:  ^vr,nn.''\t.  a  war  nin-t 

ni'dnli I  lo  their  own  temlorv.  and  niiiiht  he  t'ln  niui  h 

lor  tint  i;  »v  T Ill  t'l  -iiut;iin.  .  -  •        -         . 

At  all  iv'iil-.  It  I'.iiiiirit  ll,.  m-i.— .Ml  M  the  pri's'Tnilion  "f 
P''acp  Ihal  <ir''nt  llntaiii  i'h"illd  inak'  ,inu  i:r>iil  lonrnsi  m 
at  the  jH'-nit  mntm-nt ;  mfne  f  ■fir-i.iltini^  l/ir  iifyrf  iuttmrtovt 
fA.i/urn  thiit  nrntr  in  Ktimjte  m|o/./  inuier  i/  inrmn-nitnit  fur 
hvr  to  itttJterc  to  >nvi  >tijmluHoni  in  /..lor  of  tintiritl  outiiliine 
ntUioni.'' 

Ill  his  letter  of  .March  UO,  IH09,  in  speakim,'  of 
Mr.  .Mndiaoii's  adherents  in  the  Kasti'rn  .SUiles,  he 
flays: 

"Tiny  eon 'liter  all  the  Mienaera  and  'dreadful  nide  nf 

prcparuli'in* '  j  In- o-  lineMte,  inti'iidrtl  only  to  uhtiun  eon- 

o.naions  fruia  Uiigluiid  uu  ebeaji  terina.'i 


I  wi..  always 


111  his  letter  of  April  13,  Inll'.l,  he  siiy.s:  j 

"  liul  the  miijoritti  in  the  .We  Hit;l>inil  St'lei  vonrinnoi  i  > 
umoot-e  of  the  /iiWi/i'c  mvi''Wo('*,  it  it  ijtrnntin  j-rohtilde  th''t 
ltri-\tt  Ih-.toio  irjll/'l  noM'  Aiiri'  In  i7it<i.tc  leltteeo  i.nr  uuit  too 

i'L"ii'jn.  Hut  the  a-<p'('l  III'  tliin<i-  HI  llii^  r'l'pi't'i  i:i  i  liaiiii<  il. 
and  a  war  would  |iroilii''('  an  iii>-iti.ilil.'  alieiialion  nl'  lia* 
Ka.-'l<'in  Statt'^.nnd  liriimlhe  whul '  <-ouiitry  in  Mil)>)Mhii.iti"ii 
to  Ihi'  inti're>t  nl'  l-'iiiiland,  ii  ii'i-e  iiav>  ii  oiil'l  pii'^'-i'ilic  ainl 
i'nt'or,'e  the  li-rniM  ii|kiii  iilinh  tlii-  C'liiiini'ietal  r-t.it<  s  .-lioiiM 
carry,  and  tlic  apiii  ultiiral  .-^lalcs  c.x|>oil,  their  Miiplii.-i  pio- 

lIllCI'." 

I  close  this  lirancli  of  the  stihjeet,  liy  presenting: 
n  copv  of  a  leller  pnldislied  in  the  Loiuloiiderrv 
Joiintal,  Xovi  luhcr  lli,  U^I'i,  lo  .show  how  f.ir  per- 
sons [.rofcHsiiii;  to  he  Anierican  eili/eiisrarricd  llieir 
eonienipi  lor  their  own  (iovernineiil.  Win  tlier  any 
snili  lellers  have  ijone  forth  dnriii;;  this  lontrover- 
sy,  lime  innai  show.  I  have  no  doiilil  lint  .such 
have. 

"  l!\traet  of  a  h'tliT  tn  a  lii'idlt'inaii  in  (hi-  place,  dali  d 
"  I'lin.inn.i'ni  I.  .l/'ir^s,  ihi-j. 

"  Villi  ivill  iMT'-civn  bvlhi' '  'ipv  ot  the  lull  u  Inch  I  eii''|ii.'.c, 

tlial  \\i'  A rii'an.i  are'',i(  i:iii- ,'li,l,i  uoi-l:  m"nn.'     Hot  f,:,!- 

ei>.t'  iMU  not  /i  Ac  "/'Oiiicl  "/  tlie  ri«leoie  "f  our  iTorreilio^s. 
We  <>hoV  rnnliinir  ^)  llosttr.  Thin  i%  oor  ehor>iitni\tir.  .Vi.d 
ve  irnii't'.  ''<)  no  iii  )re  ifiieroiiht.  lint  it  ii  ;!'»/  in  on.-  jioifer. 
n  V  hiff  lei'  0  ilo'liir  in  the  /rc/inri; — no  oi  my  ile^eriioa  the 
in.'i'iC'i/*')!!'' — r,fu/  lire  nW.-i.iWi/  irUh.iitt  o  niir;/." 

This  letter  reads  a  good  deal  after  the  style  of 
mioiy  of  the  lendiie;  cniiinicrcial  l''cdeial  iiewspa-  , 
pers  of  the  ptvsciit  day. 

Till  re  is  anolher  coiisideralion  that  pomes  in  In  ' 
add  to  the  force  .if  those  I  liavc  already  alluded  to, 
and  that  is,  ffcriil  lifiltiiii*s  itfep  Iwnlilitij  loiraril  vs, 

S]iL'  is  our  iiivi'lerale  enemy.  The  whole  liis- 
lory  of  her  relations  with  this  coiiniry  .sh.iws  ihis 
to  he  line.  I  know  this  may  he  I'niisldercd  a  Imlil 
sayili_',  lull  il  sicius  to  liie  if  any  ix'rsnii  will  sll 
down  anil  calmly  read  all  ihal  lias  transpired  lie- 
tweeii  the  two  coinilries,  and  pnrlicniarlv  relalinsr 
to  llii.-j  country,  he  will  lie  roiiviiiceij  of  ils  tnitli. 

Wiiiie.s.s  liir  orders  in  council  of  17tt.'land  IHI."), 
issued  wilhi'iil  any  pceiions  iioiii  e  to  mir  iiier- 
chaiils,  liy  wlui'h  the  oiimii  was  siiepl  of  our  vi  .s- 
sel--,  millions  nC  .Vmeric.in  pioiMCty  taken  from  its 
lawful  owners,  and  ihoiLsaiidsofoilr  cilizens  hatik- 
nip'eil. 

Thesi  lawles.s  and  rapacious  prnecediusis  nf  the 
B  ilish  tiovernineni,  were  chari;cd  liy  the  Phila- 
delphia iiifrchants,  in  their  memorial  to  ( 'oii!rres.s. 
as  ciilciil.itid  111  piodnce  "  nnlhiiiu:  Inil  the  ruin  of 
'  iiidirii/iiii/s,  (/ll  ilistriirlion  of  Ihrir  rommrrcr,  iiiul 
'  llir  tirgi-mlalion  of  Ihrir  cniiii/n/."  Thai  hy  them, 
*'  (  rrrtj  ''iiit  ^Irrlehrd  In  rnllrrt  the  tlMP'i/ri/  .  hrui'iravfy 
'  ii-/i'i  (icf  vomi^in-Hiii;lij  roitjidiiitr  in  uliiil  trm  the 

*  /«ie  of  iiittiniis. 

The  memorial  of  the  Baltimore  nierclianlH  to 
Coitm-esa  says,  that  '■  Ihrir  vtssil.s  inn/  cijirts.  In  « 
'  ltiri:r  iiinniiiit,hiirr  loliltihrm  riipliirril  hit  Hit  rton- 
'  iHi.i.ii.n"/  rruifrrHofliriol  llriliiii).  iip'in  (he  foiin- 
'  d.iti"ii  of  new  principlis  .sm/i/tii/i/  iitrnilid,  and 
•a,. pi, ill  to  this  hahilual  liallic;  anil  sn!;'_'esicd  anil 
'  proinnliriilcil,  for  the  lirst  Mine,  hy  senli  iices  of 
'  c'liiilenination;  liy  wlinli  nnnviidalile  i','norance 
'  has  lieen  con.-iili'ied  a,-,  crininial.  anil  an  hniiuriililr 
'  rto'li'ltorr  in  Ihr  jitilier  if  u  friimllii  luilion  jiiir- 
'  .-lO'/  irilh  jirnolUi  iiml  Inrfiilure." 

Thill  ■' shi' fiirliiils  lis  from  transporliiiir  in  our 
'  vsK.  Is,  a.s  ill  peace  we  could,  the.  propeity  of  ler 
'cii''inii>;  enf'iicis   imainst  lis  a  ri'_'oi'nis  list  of 

' lialiaiid;  dams   up  the  ordinary  cliannels  of 

'  our  trade;  aliriil;,'es,  trammels,  and  olistrucls  what 
'  she  permits  us  lo  prosfcutei  and  llnii  refers  us  tn 
'iiiir  aceusioiiied  Icillic  in  lime  of  peace  for  the 
'  criterion  of  our  coninnp-ial  rijjhis.  iii  orrfrr  In 
'ji'sfiriilhr  cniisio)nii(//iM)i  (flhol  ruin  irilh  irhirh  inir 
'  liiirfnl  rmnmcrce  is  iiKiincdi  hij  htr  iiuuinw  niid  /nc 

*  r'-ndort. '' 

Thai  •'  the  pernicious  cpialities  of  iIiIn  doetrine 
'  are  ciiliancid  and  ii'.'Lrravali  d,  as  from  its  niitnre 
'  miu'lit  he  expected,  liy  tin'  fa.-t  that  Unal  llriliiin 
'  '^iris  nn  nnlirc  tflhr  linir  vhin  or  the  rirrumslnnns 
'  in  irhirh   i/ir  miniM  In  ojiiilii  and  rii/,nrr  il.     Tlie 

*  orders  of  (iih  Novemlier,  lill.'l,  liv  which  llie  seas 

*  were  swept  of  onr  vessels  and  i  Ificts,  irrn  fur  Ihr 

*  Inst  linir  nnnnunetd  hit  Ihr  shifts  of  inir  and  iiriru- 
'  '"'■',  li'J  irhirh  Ihnj  irrre  cnrrird  into  (.nrii/iiii." 

That  (Ileal  lirit.'iin  "  is  ciiiifrssedly  s'  litnry  in 
'  the  use  of  litis  inveiuion,  hy  which  rapacity  is 
'  sysleinalized  and  a  .stair  nf  neulriililij  and  irnr  arr 
'  mildr  siihslnmiiillij  Ihr  snnlr." 

The  meniorcils  to  CoiniresR  of  Ihe  New  York 
nml  Huston  miTi'liants  lireallie  the  same  iiidi^'iiiinl 
lani^'iia'.'e.  ( ircaleronlra;;cs  wi  re  never  peqiel'ialed 
by  one   iiatiun  on  another  lliaii  were  perpclruted 


hy  the  Briliflh  on  .Anierican  properly  under  these 
ordeiH.  Time  will  mil  permit  a  full  expiisiiie  of 
their  I  normilics.  In  1H(I7,  ni:  addilional  order  was 
passed  prrniiltinf^  \\\r  Irnile  the  |irevious  orders 
were  inleiided  lo  destroy,  on  eondilion  oar  Msaehi 
entered  sinue  llrllish  port,  paid  n  Iriinsil  diilij,  and 
lool:  oul  u  tirinsr.  This  wn.s  adding  iii.sii//  (o  iii- 
jni-ii. 

Xext  came  the  order.s  in  rounei!  of  Noveinher 
II,  I.'<II7,  hy  which  we  were  forliidilen  lo  Iradf 
wiili  any  eonnlry  in  ihe  world  except  with  such 
Its  were  al  peace  with  l'!ni;Iand.  Under  this  last 
Older  Ihe  [jrealesl  oulrciL'cs  were  peipplrnird  on 
.Vniiri'iin  coniiiiirce.  We  were  Irialcd  with  in- 
sult, injury,  iinil  o|iprcssi,iii.  jViid  yet  the  Ihilish 
liovi  riunent  (iniud  ih  feiidei-x  in  .Americans.  .Mr. 
f'aiy  says:  '*  It  is  a  iiiosl  singular  fact,  iluit  Ihe 
'  cause  of  I'ai'^l.md  has  heen  far  niorei.hly  .inpii'irl  ■ 
■  ed  in  onr  deliates  ami  in  our  pulitical  specnlaiioim 
'  and  essays,  than  ill  Lonilun  itself. "  .And  if  he 
were  wriliiiL,'  the  history  of  llie  pri  sent  limes,  lie 
would  doulilli'ss  say,  that  lite  Ihilisli  i  laiiiis  lo  the 
Orcoiti  territory  have  hccti  more  ahly  set  forth  niid 
vindicated  on  the  floor  of  the  .\tiierii  an  Senate  than 
hy  any  of  the  liriiish  pletiipolcnliaries. 

lenik,  also,  lo  the  niaimer  in  which  tireiit  Ilnl- 
ain  el  limed  anil  exercised  the  ri:;hl  lo  impress  sea- 
men fiom  American  vessels;  and  this,  loo,  for  ii 
Inn;;  series  of  years,  and  lo  a  disastrous  extent. 
.\o  nation  that  snlimils  to  it  can  ho  indepcndenl; 
no  nnlioii  will  practise  it  towards  niiollier,  iinlesM 
she  disi;;iis  to  iiiiuie  and  degrade  thai  other. 
There  i.s,  anil  can  he,  no  friendly  fceliui  in  the 
one  that  pracllses  it  towards  ihe  one  to  which  it  is 
applied.  -And  I  do  not  want  siroiieer  |iroof  of 
(jrt.il  nritain's  hostility  lo  this  i  onntre  tlmti  her 
loniX-eontiiuuil  practice  of  impressini;  fiotn  our 
vessels.  iSlie  docs  not  do  it  now;  iiol  hecanse  she 
loves  us  more  than  formerly,  Inil  because  she  fears 
us  more. 

l''or  fnrlher  proof  of  her  hostility  to  us,  look  al 
the  position  in  which  she  has  always  endeavored 
t'l  keep  the  fndinus  ill  iT;;ard  lo  us.  I  niiote  from 
Mr.  (''usliii!L''s  report  lo  (^iiii^ress  of  .Tanutuy  4, 
IK'll),  as  fully  ex]iressivc  of  this  posilinii.  He 
says: 

It  ha"  at  all  li  nes  Im-cii  Ihe  policy  nftlrcal  llritain  lo  keep 
the  ri'il  men  iiiidi-r  piilisnli  to  her. -n  a-  to  liavi-  lln-ni  .diviiys 
n-ildv  I"  linim  into  the  lii'Id  air-ilnst  tin'  rinli-d  .■^tatr.-. 
Al  the  l-poi  ll  of  till'  llelollltl'in.  Ill-  piopo.-'-d  lllilt  llli'  In 
dians  -honlil  he  ^llH■'rcd  to  rcinani  iiinlra);  lint  l-amlanil 
ri-l'iisril.  Shi- litii  ki'iil  Ihi'in  nnili-r  arnii.orin  a  i-'ini-h"-' 
nil-  -l;il'-.  riLniiii-t  n.-.  niori-  or  ic-s  cnn-lantly,  from  ttial  day 
tn  tliiD.  I  inr  i-oiiiiniM«ioncrs  nl  lllirnt  |iro|niM-il  an  iilti-c- 
ini-nt  lor  the  iM-iintiial  nriinalily  of  the  Indian.^;  Inn  )'!nti 
land  .-eiain  n-rii.-rd  11.  The  pt  r-a-vcianci-  of  (Inal  Itnlain 
111  IIiIh  [loln-y  hai-  la-i-ii  di-pluialily  iiijiui'ins  lo  ns;  and  Us 
etl''|'-l>  an-  u'lillin  in  tin-  -i-aipiiiL'  kliiil-  and  tin-  lininil  of  ih.- 
Indian,  in  h-tti-l's  lO'  liloud  and  lire,  in  Die  hi.-.liirv  of  the 
-onllnTll  and  li'  .-tt-rii  yiate--.' 

Hut  the  striiti'.;est  pniof  nf  her  li.istiliiy  towards 
•  his  conutry  is  lobe  I'oiniil  in  her  elVorls  to  pro- 
duce a  dissolution  of  the  Union.  ( 'omplcle  evi- 
deiice  of  such  ell'orts  are  lo  he  found  in  the  letters 
of  Ihe  British  (lovernor  of  r'ntinda  in  ISII!),(,I.  ||. 
Craii;,)  and  the  letters  of  his  a;;i  nt  (.Mr.  Henry) 
eninloyed  by  liim  f'U'  (his  nefariona  piirpnae. 

.'Nlr.  i'VIailison,  in  his  Alcssai^e  to  ('oiitjress, 
March  S>,  181-',  on  this  suhject  says: 

"  1  lai  lirfore  ( -uiiim-;'  (  opi'-i  of  i-crlaiii  dm-iiinenta  ivliich 
rcniain  111  III'-  Ilipiilnnnl  of  SMtr.  'fhiy  /mi'-c  tlial.  nt  a 
o'l-'-nt  pi  rl"d.  ivlnl-t  tin-   rmlid   .■^tati-.',   noiivilliilandintt 

lilt  wniiiii^  -.ii-linrM-d  hy  tlirii.,i-i  a- I  I"  oli-i-rvt-  tin-  lain 

of  p'-ac"  and  ni-lllralitl  towanl'i  (li-i-at  Itritatii ;  and  in  //n- 
liiiii\l  o/  •imi-ohfr  inofist'iiiy  iin<l  uPiOlioti'ins  tni  Iff  j.,i,l  I't 
I'lr  Hritith  (/iir'-riiini  n/.  tinuinili  her  pilhlie  .Mini>liT  lico  . 
a  -fivct  i;;;c/i/  of  thai  t/oii  inim-nt  "ui  iini>linir:l  m  r.-i/Kin 

.Sti'ii-s.  ni'ir jii-i-ialh-  III  till-  -'al'if  IJov'-riniii-nl  illo-ton) 

111  Ma-s;i>-lni-'-n-.  in  loiin-i'tiii'.'  lii-allo-lion  lo  the  i  onsti 
ini'-il  aitihorilH'!*  ot  Ihe  niilioii.  and  Intrmili's  iijtii  the  di-at- 
ti '-I'd.  lor  tt'c  piirpiw,' III' hrlnmim  alinilt  ri-n-liiin'c  lo  ihc 
1  iw.-.  and  i-ii-nliiiiltv.  in  r^jo'rrt  I'-ith  Itrili'h  fnr<eK.>0'  nc- 
M  Koviso  riir  I'mun.  .-iiid  I'oriiniiu  the  c.-Htrin  (iiLrl  llu-n-iif 
mill  a  piililn-i-il  i-oiini  Moti  ivitti  (,'rcnt  Mil  lam." 

I   propose  lo  L;iM'  some  exlrn:  Is  front  these  let- 
ters, to  show  ihcir  cli-iracter.  and  llii-  extent  of  the 
elfotts  of  the  British  Lico  ii-ument  in  this  m:illcr. 
fi'ot'emor  Cinig's  iiislriif/iniis  In, Mr.  Ilrnnj,  iliilid 

-•UcrtlKi-.n/A  ^V-/.rii'n.i/,  Isilil. 
"I  am  to  ri'i|Ucst  that,  ivilli  loiir  i-arln'.-t  i-oiii'iin-ncc. 

you  ivill  proci'f'd  lo  llo-toli.     Th"  princi|ial  oliji'i-t  I  r nn 

iin-lid  to  voiir  nlti-nlloli  iii.  lln- 1  inh-aviir  lo  oht.-ini  the  nioi-l 
iii'i-nrati'  Int'ornialion  of  tin-  inn-  >lati-  of  ntlinrs  in  that  pint 
nf  till-  riiioii.  ivliirh.  Iiiiiii  lis  Mi-iiltli,  Ihe  nuinber  ot'  ilf  la- 
lial'itant-.  and  *'  ,%i,",i..  'nti  lliiri'iire  and  nhilily  of  -cveral 
III  Us  li-adini:  n  '>ii.iiiii-t  natii.'lly  pnssesK  n  very  cnn-lih-ra- 
bh-  iiitlintii-i-  oil  1.  and  mil.  inn. 'id.  pridmhll  h-'inl  lln-  iitlirr 
lasli-rn  Htati-  of  .\iiicricii  In  tlic  I'lrt  they  inai  take  in  tin.-* 
Ilnpiirtant  cn-is. 


IrApril  U, 


J  iiiidiT  lliisn 
J*tX[)n.siur,'  nf 
IkiI  iiiiIcj'wiih 
Tinus  (inliiH 
|i  our  vcsHcl'i 
wit  iliitii,  nnd 
Ii/iim//  Iu  in- 

If  iVovrinlirr- 

|l''n  to  iiiidf 

il  with    Kiirli 

('I'l'  tici.s  IliNf 

|(il  wiih  in- 

|t  lIlC  I'iilisli 

li'Miis.     Mr. 
y<,  llint  Ihr 

iMy  .•Hipilnll- 
lNlll'I'lllillilin:! 

And  il'  Ik 

il  limes,  lie 

'iiiiiiM  III  ih|. 

^"■1  liiriliniid 

|y'ii,-iielliaii 


184(5.] 


'  Ironi 
..y  -1. 


lir.i- 


!^!)'r»  Cong 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GT.ORE. 

American  Stttltn  in  Urt^on — J/r.  Faran. 


015 
Ho,  OP  Ubps. 


**  It  Irtis  liui'ii  siifi|>ii.«i'il.  Hint  if  111)'  l''<'i|i'riili-.t!«ii('llH'  i<ii-t- 
rrri  .-idaiK  should  II  ■  kii  ■«■^■^*^|■||l  in  uhtiiiniti:^  tinil  il'rl.l' d 
iiiiliii'iicf  whirl!  nmv  niiiililc  llieiii  t<*  ,ii.,  •  the  piililif  nuMi 
mti,  it  i*  not  iiii(iriiti:itt|i-  Hint,  nilhi  r  lii.iii  riiihiuii  to  ii  cini- 
liiiimricf  nl' 111"  ilillii'ullii-H  imii  ilii-ricH..  in  wlm-h  llii-y  nn- 
imw  >tilijix'i.  rli.'v  uill  .Kiri  tlirti  iii(liii-iit'.>  r<i  liriiiu  iiIimih  u 
M.i>.,r.:tuni  frnnth^'  iiv,u;.,l  r„i.n.  The  nii  li,-^|  iiilnriim- 
tuiii  lur  ihlx  Kiiliji'i't  iiiiiv  lti>  (irun-iit  <-<>nHfi|u<'ii<'<*  to  our 
(J-ivtniiiirni,  (H  It  innviiNo  hr  itml  it  ^lioiiUI  he  inl'iriiiiil 
hnr  fm-y  in  suvh  an  ivviit,  thrt/  mniiil  loo'c  In  F.iijl'-wt  f.tr  m- 
ii  I  iiirf,  or  hcilUpiHr'l  to  e.itri-  hit  >  a  rouwrinn  vi7A  n't. 

"  -Allhinmii  it  woiihl  In-  hiirhly  lin'viKMlimt  Umt  von  ^'linnld 
ill  nny  tnitniirr  itp|i<-!ir  lis  iin  ii\nui-i|  a-.'  tif,  yi-t  il'voii  ('(Mihl 
rnnirnuc  to  ohtiiiii  nii  intiiniK-y  with  fitu  til  ili-'  l(Mflini[  |iiir- 
ly,it  umy  iMM  lit'  ini|iro|)ri  thai  \ on  ^innild  iiisiiitmtcthontEh 
\vithi!n*:it  (Million,  ttiat  il'Hiry  ^h'Il|hl  i>is/i  to  rn/rr  into  miji 
fOiiiini-n'riifinn  ni'/i  our  (ion-rniimit,  t/ir.iu-^ti  inr,  ynti  i.r'e 
itiilhiirizirt  to  letiiv,'  nmj  stuli,  and  will  sitfthf  Irnihinit  it  to 
iiir." 

Thn  first  Iclicr  of  ATr.  J-Jciiry  to  hm  t^niploj'cr 
(Uovcnior  C.iiii;)  was  dtUfd 

HfRi,r,v(iToN,  VmiMdNT,  Vvhtumj  M,  18(19. 

*'f  hnvi'  n-tiiaiitrd  ht-nt  two  da\-,  iti  ordrr  I'lilly  to  uscit- 
tffill  th"'  projjrcd-*  *A' tliC  ,nriniiit'muilii  fnivfnfinr  uhulc  for 
n}\;inii-,in:;  tin  f//i'it'»/ o^i/i(i'f/(o<i  lulhr  (ivmr-il  Irorentmriil. 
'Vuv  (lOViTiior  ot  III.-  Stat«'  nmki'rt  no  .tiriel  of  hin  itctniniim- 
ttjii,  IIS  I'oiiiinaiiit  f-in.'liii'i  III  till' toiltiia,  In  n'l'ii-f  (ih.iti- 
vnrv  1 1  fiii>  (Mninnnd  rr<iiii  tlir  (icin-ial  (iovirniiK'iit  whic-li 
<Mti  iMiid  to  lr(it-rni|il  t  m*  L'ood  nnil'Tst-tnilmt!  that  itn-vtiiN  i 
hetvv<'<-ii  VU'  ntizi'iM  ol  Vi'iitiont  and  his  .>|{i|i'si> 's  r.iil>i<'<-t- 
it  Ciinadii;  and  ill  ra.<f  oi'  war,  will  iisi>  |ii?<  ijiflui  ii<-i-  to 
ijiri'scrvi' till'  Stat'' ii''iilia| ;  if  tlu'.^i' rr-idiition- ai'iM-arriial  ' 
illti)  t  (t'tTt,  Ihr  Slu/v  of  \'vtmOul  twnj  tiv  consi'trictl  */■.  loi  dllii 
of  (irt'iil  Hiitriii."  V\i<-  modi-  o|'  ^l■^iHtilnt  »■  ■•  m.o^  in  sonir 
ineiuuif  ifjtviid  Uiion  the  nUuiivv  t'i,U  tlw  Imditia  nu  r.  /(.in/ 
jhuce  ((/*ui(  iiv'toiijids  0/  .sn;.ji»(7  Iroiii  his  .Maj«>t\  V  ripr-"- 
^L•lltiUlV■rs  (u  Cintiihi;  liml  .a-  I  ^fi  .1!  tn-  on  tl,i:  sj) .f  to  tnu^i  r 
this  .Jtcmitr  the  tHiinnit  ..riirct  l/i.'l  it  viiti  hv  lioitf  iiH/i  vf\ 
J'vrl^  thiTit  in  no  (hi'iht  Iiiat  all  tin  ir  iin-asiirrs  may  lie  liiam- 
fuhi>rdiiiuii'  Id  till'  ii.lri.ti'i,,^  of  Ins  Maj«  si_\  *,-  (JitnrunH'i.l ; 
I  v<  r>'liinu  ti'iiil~  lo  i-nrouraL"'  tli<<  htln-i  ililti  the  di>>ii|taion 
Id'  III."  riiinn  mil  h'-  ari-.  ii'r.itcil  hy  iliui  ^|liliL  wliich  iiuw 
<ii-liialr  ^  holh  politiL-iil  parties." 

"Boston,  M.rrr/i ."»,  l*-f»y. 

'- 1  UiiKf  sntli'-ii'iif  iip'aiis  ot'  inl'oniiaiiiai  i<>  inal'ic  mi>  to 
jii  'jLv  nf  tlK-  iiro|irr  [if.iod  lor  oilrnmr  tlw  <'i.riptriiiioii  d 
<;.iiil  llri'ain,  arat  op  nmi;  ;i  rorn  sp.iiidnuM;  h  Iu  <  i-ii  ll.r 
tiu\<  ri'or  (ji'iKTal  of  Kriit-^h  Aaicriiji,  ;uid  tiio-<  iniliviilii  d-, 
who.  rnmi  tin;  part  ilir\  (aki-  in  th<' oppn>)tJiiM  to  die  .Na- 
tional ((ovi-rnim-nt,  or  the  inthi'iicr  ihi-v  in;iy  po.- si  ss  in  a 
IM'W  iiiili-r  of  tliiiii;s,  tliiit  ina>  i^row  out  of  u'lr  [m.-tui  di|. 
(•■r<-n<-i'.-<,  r^liould  bt'iju.ilitird  to  act  oii  tn  liali'cd'the  norllii'rii 
Htatr!(." 

"  IJosi-nN,  MiirrJi'i,  j.-u'J, 

»•  Slinnid  thi'  ("onRress  poxtci's  jipirit  nuil  iiidt  piaidL-iiL-o 
''niuiali  to  phu'i-  their  popularity  In  ji'opardy  hy  so  slionj;  u 
iina-iii  I',  [\\  .ir,J  tlic  Lc^isitdirv  of  Mtf-suc/iusrtts  u-ill  j;i,-  (■  the 
tour  to  the  u<i.ihh.\riu::  Stiitrs  ;  uill  dtriirr  il'-df  jcnnitnnit 
ntitil  II  tu-wi-l-'>ti  .V  of  mrinfittrfi ;  iurilr  n  V  ■w^rv-'S  lo  /»■  com 
i,o.uil oj  drli'j,itici  from  the  Fcdrral  Stutcsf  utul  irvvt  n  si-jutntie 
(ijirrniiicntfr  tkvir  romiiion  Jr/itn  r  uiii  i-niiin  tii  iittort-.t.  • 

*  Thrv'  wniilil  hy  ^h, A  ,itt  iirt  In-  ni  n  fonditjon  fo  moAp  nr  rc- 
rriir  fiiojiO'iilx  \'tou\  Irnitl  Hritain.  *  *  Sraicu  miy  (ithnr 
aid  wonid  hr  in ■rp>>ary,  and  pi-rhaps  iMnif,  than  a  lu\v  vus- 
t-v\>  r)f  wai  tVom  tho  llalifa.v  :jlauoii.'- 

'•KosTON,  Min-h  11),  \-^Y.). 
'•  To  /n'M;:  nhmt  a  trjh.rntinii  oj  the  .S/.. ■/<■..  iiiidir  disijurt 
and  iiii|ipi-n.l<-nt  Cnvi'mni' Ills,  is  tin  all'air  id' moii' iimi  r- 
laintv  ;  and. /i  Jfcm- f/cir.i''/'',  raiinoi  In-  clt'icfnl  hut  h\  a 
s.TK'."  ofiii't<ainl  loiin  <-oiitinn<-d  polii-y  p-ndiiiL' to  irn/oN-V/n- 
snJ/inn  >'-nl  von  ilintr  the  t)  Jilhvin  ]H'*}di\    'I'hr  funiirr  are 

aL'rir-nliiiral,  and  the  laitrr,  aroiu i'i,d  pctiplf.   Tin- modi- 

nl"  i-in'tTini;  and  ih-pr-'-siiii.'  rither.  is  too  olivmns  to  rccpiirc 
ilhislralifMt.  This.  I  am  awiiri'.  is  an  ohjrrt  of  mwh  inlirc^t 
til  Itn-'it  Uril.tiv,  as  it  wdiild  I'on-v-r  fi-t-nn- the  mii-iint.v  of 
liiri  Maji'>ty'.-4  posM'-ssioiis  on  tin-  ronum-nt.  and  inaht/iliu 
two  (iovrrnim-nts,  or  \\  liali  vrr  mimhrr  lln'  pre.-rnt  fon- 
ll'dfiai-y  miLdit  torm  into,  as  nst-ful.  and  as  mii<di  suhji-rt  to 
the  iolhii'm'''  of  (Jn-at  llniaiii,  as  her  eoloid'-s  run  hi-  n-n- 
di-iftl.  *  "  I  laitK'nl  lln-  repeal  of  tin-  emhaino.  hee.-iu'e 
It  was  lalcillateil  lo  aeeelcrati-  the  pro^Lss  ol  tlii-si-  States 
toward-  il  ri'\i>lutioii  that  would  have  put  an  end  to  the  only 
H"pidilie  ihat  remain-  t  >  prove  that  a  (iovernnierit  fonniteil 
on  [inlitieal  efpiality  eaii  evi-t  in  a  seiiMin  ol'  iiiiil  and  dilti- 
«'iili>  .  or  iMiileiilaled  to  ui-uiu  (Mllii-r  neL-iinty  or  Inippim-^itj 

lo  u  pJOpIl'.'' 

'•HosroN,  Marrh'-Hh  IS(H». 

"It  •'hnii'd  Ihi'rrf.trty  V  the  yr>  nii.ir  '•irf  of  (itr,it  lifitnin 
to  foslvr  divisions  letivrca  ihv  Sorth  uiui  the  South."* 

'•  llosrriN.  W./j/.-..  If^Oit. 

'•  Altliouul)  the  rt'LMMit  ehance^  that  have  ot-i-'nrr.-d  (piiet 
all  ajipM'hen^ions  oi  war,  and  eon.-etpieiitlx  lessen  ,tl!  /tope 
of  I  u'jinraliiinin'lhr  S/ij/*'>,  I  think  il  meessary  to  triiiisinil 
*iy  tlie  niitit  of  eiieli  wnek  a^ikeiph  of  [la-^sinL'  evi.-nls." 

'■  tlo^iov.  Mnr^-'i,  IH)!). 

"  I  lif'2  leave  to  siiace-^t.  that  ill  the  pre.e;it  state  of  tllliias 
(11  this  eimnir> ,  my  ynscmc  van  t'oulrifmic  my  tittli' to  the 
tr.li-n\/ of  liiT.ti  liril'iin.  If  Mr.  r.iskitie  hi- sam  tioni-d  m 
all  htr  ha>  eimeeded.  hy  his  .Maje>t>V  Mnii-ter.-;.  it  is  mim-. 
i-e-.>nry  for  iiie.  as  indeed  it  woiihi  hr  iitnivaitini!,  lo  mnke 
jMiy  al'templ  to  curniinfo  f'tfeii  the  on\'iiiiii  inirposcs  of  mji 

»llJSMi>ll." 

Til''  misHinii  n!'  Air.  lionry  fuilci!  iti  its  ol)J(;ct. 
Rut  it  wniiM  appfiir  th;U  tlin  idt-a  ol*  produriiii;  a 
(ii.siitiiiiM  (d'  tlif  .SiaK's,  was  persevered  in  uiiiil 
IHI.-.. 

Tlin  Itritisli  UiiiUMi  Siirvii'i'  Journal  of  May, 
IH40,  pii'jt-HO,  reninrks  in  rnfnTnci'  'o  tlie  Liartrortl 
* 'oincniion,  lliat  its  objcei   *' wa.-i  to  scparad^   tho 

*  nin-tlicrii  mid  t-asti-ni  from  iIk^  Houtlieru  and  wt'.si- 

*  eni  Stales,  to  csiuijtisli  u  limited  inomiroliy  i))|Llic 


*  first  natiK-d  .Stu 


au's,  piacMiii;  oiM,- 


nur  pnntit.'i  i 


'  Idoud  oti  tin:  lliroiK-,  and  Hirnii;(lirniiiir  tli - 

'  trniiHiitlaiilie  kiiiLrdoin  hy  an  nlliiuiec  oir('iiNi\(',  and 

'  lU-fVnNiv*'  with  I-ji-lmur.      Tin-  triatfi  at  lHunt  put 

*  a  sUiit  to  the  ciifn-sjiondtnci'i  wh'ifU  was   in  acdvt; 

*  prnfrn'.;s  on  tliiij  .-aihjei*t,  iiii  that  tniiitKsiMjNii- 

*  I'^NCE    IS   sTiLi,  IN  i:.\|jiri;s(  i;;  and   hovvfvi.r   ini- 
prolmldc  it  may  uppoar  to  Vaiiki:e  ()riiif,  \\i 


*  Wiir  to  Iirtak  out 
'  siinilar  would  oci 


ai;;iiii  liciwc-(-n  ii.s,  Houii-tliiii,:; 
Mir  Uv.Wnw    iUr.  *l'niled  Slates' 


'were  two  yrurH  oldrr.  Tin;  dLstrurMion  uf  ti.. 
♦  puMir  lniildjii;iv.  nL  tlic  iioininal  aviM  of  the  Frd- 
'criil  a 


.:tly 


'niiiii'iil,  il  wiis  I'onrcivcjd,  wniil<l  iiiili- 


il'  iiiil.  diicclly,  liMwiiril   llif  vicwf 


iScw  lCiii;liiiiil  senuna 


liiiUl 


■I" 
icuiuli  Ihu  tl-lMl 


y  alCiliCMI  pill  11  stop 


III  tlii 


i-niriaimiuli'iice,  it  niiiy  well  1«;  dcnililed  wliullifr  il 


put  II  sUip  1(1  llic  idict  ill   llic  ill 
d 


ilisli 


id  III' 


diiciii';  11  si'piiraliiiii  id"  llin  Sliilus  (d'  Uii.s  IJiiinii. 
'I'liiil  iili'ii,  I  III  lirvf,  i.s Kiill  liiu'liinid,  nntuiilistiiiid- 
iiiL^  iill  llirii-  priili'ssiiiiis  III'  t'riciidship  I'lir  iis. 


Till'  liiii 
III 


isli  riiii.s.im 


y.lln 


ll'V,  WIISIIII  lu:i  lllisylmi 


ill  llii' niMlcni  Sliitislii  Liiii;;  iiiiiiiit  ri'sistiiiii:r  in  ilii 
liiWH  id'lliot.iciii'niU.lincriiiiiiiii,  iiiid  ii  disMiliiiinn 
nf  our  Uiiimi,  Mild  wliiili   wniild   luivu  ljr(jii;;lii  in 


llrll-  11' 


vil' 


,  ir'i(/( 


'iHi.liiilii- 


"/ii 


lielHciMi  llicluii  I'liiiilrii.::  I'm- a  mIiIi  imnl  i.T  nil 
tiiiii-  ililiiTcnrL'S.  In  niiiiicxiiin  uiili  lliis,  I  invili' 
iilteiiiiiin  liiii  p!iri  in'llu:  spccrli  iifAli'.  l''l^K,  iiinili; 
on  tlii.s  lliiiir,  on  u  niniiiiii  in  prim  lluiny's  Iriii  rii, 
UN  rrjiiirleil  in  the  iNiilimial  liiti_l!i:;i:iK:cr  of  ^Jarcli 
1;.',  IHIl!.     iMr.  I'i.-k  .said: 

"  \Vli>',  sir,  I'Mii  tri-iill'-iiirii  Hi'riiiu.-ly  iliiiilil  llii'  iriltli  ol' 
Ihi-  lii'l^  nliili-il  liv  lin.-i  .Mr,  lli'iiru  wjii-ii  v\'i-  Irivr  il  rioiu 
llif  hmhi'i'I  iiiilliii'iily.  ihiil  llii'  I'li.-Mii'r  l!iill-li  .Mmili  r,  .Mr. 
Kr-I,ill",  \'.  Iliii'  lini  ;il  llH<  vrr\  lililr,  \\m-  mi  lln  -:iiii.  Iiii^i 
Ml'.."  lln-  llrmy  \\:i^  ^i  nl  \t  prrroiiii .'  In  ;i  It  iter  \\n:lrii  liv 
lli.'ii  \!iiiKl  r  III  lii~  (I-niTMiiifiil,  mill  [iiililislii'i!  hy  iis  iiriirr, 
111' 1  ll-llitiii;  -I  lia\i'  iiulriiviirril.  li\  ilir  iiinsl' Hiri.l  ami 
•ihlli.lll  llli|llllli'S  llllo  III.'  ji,,H,l;.if  siiiiis.'/i  ..lilii.  h'lvli.ial 

•  [Kirly,  111  ii-rfil  till  III  wltjil  t  .xtt'iti  /Ac/  i.oiiW  ,'':  nil  in.i  itnii 
'  .■ihlf  / 1  I  thr  cir.jviir-'i  '  /  Ihr  /ttirlii  in  irnrrr,  ami  hi-w 
'  Cur  tilt  \  i-r  till  carry  lit,'  iifiiaitiiiMiirilic  ciiiiiitry iiltin<_'  with 

-  Mit'iii   111  tlicit  alh'iii|tl.^  lo  itiiii)\c  llic  ciiiliiiicti,  \Mllitiiii 

-  r,  >.iiiriitij   In   Iiij>lililii>..4  ai:.iiiist   litilli    (iviMI    Itnlaiii     iiitl 

-  rnilicc.^  Anil  a'.!  tot  he  I  lis  lliciii,  in  Ills  letters  nl'  lil'i 
Fclirnaty,  IMl!),  wlicit  spiitkiiiu  d'  lln-  ilivisitms  \\  liicli  tli  h 
iiuiiiit'-il  Uii.'«  I'liiiiiiry,  iiiiil  t'lc  ii)i[itisititiii  nail'  <i  tlic  liiu'.>< 
liy  till'  |H'it|i!f  III"  llif  caslrrii  r^lalfs,  'ilic  iii.i,  a.c  ccitwc- 
I  tliicncc.i  titVi'  -li  (lilliri'iit'c>  iiiid  jfiiltiii.-ii'.-*  aii-im  ''I'Uvci  i. 
'  111!' i-astcra  lltlil  ;;inillnTll  Stale ,  wnulil  iiic\it  tliiy  Ii  ml  in 
'  a  llis-ollltintt  III"  111,'  riliiln.  l''/ti'/l  liiis  t.rrii  lor  .mmiic  lime 
'  (a//,'(/ 0/.  ami  lias  nl*  late,  a.s  I  have  lii'anl.'lifeii  MTinn-ly 

*  eiilileiii|ilaleil  liy  many  ul'tlit'  leaililij;  |ieii|ile  in  the  eabtelii 
'  tliyi>inii,'  " 

How  iVjr.  I-'rskino  n.si'erUiiiicd  all  these  niutler-s — 
wlictlicr  III  lii.s  dinner  lalile,  or  liy  ,seerti  aijc'ius— 
does  not  appi'iir.  Cerniin,  it  srein.s,  from  lii.s 
own  letters,  that  lie  wtL-^  fueliin;  how  far  eertuin 
ieadiiiij  persoius  in  tiie.  enslern  Sl.-ites  were  "  tfitliui; 
(llii/  ablr  lo  I'f.sis/  tlie  mcttsurcs  vf  the  juiflii  ill  /i(;ie('r, " 

It  iippciu'.s  from  what  !  have  iiddne.(;d,  that  Great 
IJrilain  iievir  has  had  any  other  feeling'  forns  lluiii 
that  of  ininiiy.  I  tiiiiik  I  eaii  assi:;n  plaiisilile  rea- 
sons for  her  ill  will.  We  resi.sied  her  tyranny,  and 
forced  her  to  declare  us  independiMii  of  her  power 
and  milhorily.  That  hiinildod  her  pride  a,s  well 
ns  lier  vaiiily.  In  the  late  war,  we  eiicoiintcred 
her  on  tlitii  cleinem  of  whieli  she  claimed  to  he  the 
mislress,  dispnled  her  supremacy,  and  proved,  liy 
re|ieate.d  victories,  that  there,  was  n  yoini^j  master 
idiroad.  .Viid  now,  in  llit;  peaceful  pursuits  of  com- 
merce, wc  are  fast  rivallini;,  and  liid  fair  to  oulslrip 
her.  (Jreat  IJrilain's  power  is  io  her  commerce. 
Her  seal  of  einpii'i'  is  not  as  lar'.i('  as  many  of  the 
Suites  of  this  llnioii,  lull  liia*  depeiideni'.ies  are 
everywhere,  ami  all  of  them  ti'iliutary  to  hi'r  com- 
mercial interests.  She  wains  tlieOre;;on  territory, 
that  she  may  have  the  hest  harliors  on  tli.U  side  of 
the  Pacific,  under  her  own  control,  to  i^ive  to  her 
ves.sels  the  command  of  the  rich  coinmerce  of  Ihtil 
ocean;  which  commerce,  she  knows  we  would, 
from  our  jreoi::ra[ihii  .1  position,  iiionopoIi/,e  to  a 
;;reat  evicnl,  had  we  the  control  of  tlio.se  harliors. 
For  territory,  (-)re'.;oii  is  of  little  value  to  Iter;  for 
eomnierei.il  purjioscs,  in  her  cstimntion,  it  i.s  nf 
i^rcat  value, 

I  lliink,  loo,  that  the  fads  I  have  prciieuled,  lie- 
sides  provin;;  the  e:eiieral  enmity  of  Ciicat  lirilain 
towards  us,  also  warn  us  not  to  put  too  much  con- 
fidence ill  her  professions  of  I'riendsliip,  even  while 
ne^jotialions  are  peiidin:;  and  amicable  relations 
snhsisiin:^  lieiween  ilie  two  countries,  and  mil  to 
trust  ton  far  those  whom  she  sends  liei'e  to  repre- 
sent  Inr  in  the  c.ipacity  of  .Minister. 
I      It  in  uppureiil  lo  my  niinJ  fium  what  I  lui\c 


sillied,  lliat  Ureiit  Urilain  will  not  settle  this  eoii- 
Irnversy  hy  le^'reeinu'  lo  49°  ii'i  the  liou.'idary,  iiii- 
les'i  from  powerful  niolives  nf  .Sialic  necessity'.  Slio 
will  risk  a  i;real  deal  lalher  lliini  yield,  what  1  con- 
1  siller,  her  iinjiist  preti  nsioiis  lo  (he  Oreijon  terri- 
tory, llul  her  siliiaiion  at  home  in  relation  to  her 
Irish  and  Weh,h  suhjeels,  and  in  relation  lo  licr 
uiiinufiicturin^j:  distriils,  and  her  position  in  rej^ard 

10  France  and  Uussiii  may  he  nf  such  a  n.ilure,  ihnt 

11  war  would  lie  loo  niomeiitoiis  in  iis  rcsnlis  for 
lier  to  risk  it.  I  liiue  no  allusion  to  any  personnl 
fear  iu  the  Ennlish  people  fur  war,  for  Ihey  have 
as  little  (if  Ill-It  (lualiiy  in  llnir  coniposilioii  'as  any 
people  on  th.;  face  of  the  earih.as  llieir  historv  well 
atlesis.  I  spcflk,  tin  rid'orc,  not  of  any  luiprelicii- 
sioiis  that  may  he  entertained  of  the  simple  resulls 
of  naval  or  I, mil  encounters  lii.'tweeii  their  forces 
and  those  of  this  IJcpiihlic,  hut  of  what  war  ini;;lit 
linidiiee,  aside  from  these  encounlers.  Such  may 
lie  her  eriiieal  and  delicate  siiualiun  at  home  and 

.  with  oilier  Powers,  that  a  war  iniirht  ho  iiislrii- 
inenlal,  apart  from  anylhins;  we  could  do,  in  lireak- 
iiii;  lier  power,  anil  dissolviii<;  her  empire.  If  such 
he  her  siiualioii,  she  will  imt  risk  a  war  for  all  of 
Ori'iron,  nor  for  any  part  of  il,  much  as  her  nncient 
eriuL'is  nnd  coiitiniied  emnily,  the,  iiosition  which 
she  litis  iisiaimi'd  ill  this  conirovcsy,  our  own  di- 
visions, liniidily,  and  alaise  of  our  own  Govern- 
ment anil  ilispariiL'ement  of  our  own  title,  migli 
invite  her  lo  lioslililics. 

Ilefore  1  leave  lho.se  {jentlenien  who  iiiaisl  on  the 
4Illli  parallel  as  the  proper  houndary,  I  will  refer 
to  tinothi.r  of  i!ie  posiiioiis  assumed  hy  many  of 
them.  They  seemed  to  ar^riie  as  if  lln's  question 
were  a  weslern  riuesiion,  and  ihey  tlioii<!hl  it 
strange  that  the  weslern  people  should  demuiid 
that  decisive  action  should  he  had  in  il.s  .settle- 
meiil,  and  they  laxed  their  ini^cnuity  lo  assign 
.siiilahle  riasoiis  for  wliiit  seemed  lo  Ihe'm  rash  pol- 
icy on  the  |iarl  of  the  'West. 

Some  iniim.iied  llial  it  was  hecmise  the  people 
of  the  West  loved  war;  others  becauie  we  would 
be  exeinpi  from  iis  daii:;ei's  and  calaniiiies;  while 
oiliers  aiiriliiiled  il  to  the  hope  of  increased  prices 
for  our  produce. 

Now,  none  of  these  inferences  are  correct,  Tho 
people  of  the  West  appreciate  the  lilcssiiigs  of 
peace,  ns  much  as  any  other  section  of  the  Union. 
It  is  true  that  llie  people  of  the  West  arc  hardy, 
eiiler|irisin;:,aiid  not  enfeebled  by  luxuriou.s  habits. 

,  Tlie.se  i|naliiies,  a.ssocialeil  ii.s  ihey  ai'c  with  ii 
pro|icr  sense  of  justice,  while  they  make  us  cpiiek 
to  resent  wrong's,  will  mn'er  drive  us  into  war  for 
the  sake  of  war.  Peace  lias  made  the  West;  but 
it  is  that  peace,  whose  foumlaliuns  were  laid  on 
two  sansumnry  warn, 

Nor  is  it  because  the  people  uf  the  West  would 
be  exempt  from  the  dangers  and  calamities  of 
war.  It  w.as  not  so  heretofore,  when  the  West 
poured  out  its  best  blond  in  defence  of  the  ciuin- 
try  au'iiinst  the  aliacks  of  Great  Uriluin  and  her 
.sava^^e  allies.  And  I  can  see  no  cause  for  believ- 
ing' that  the  case  would  he  dill'erent  were  we  again 
unfortunately  ene;a!^ed  in  war. 

The  other  intimation  is  eiiuidly  without  founda- 
tion. To  wdiom  would  we  sell  our  surplus  produce.' 
I  lur  l'oreii;n  markeis  would  be  in  a  ureat  measure 
cut  oil';  our  home  market  would  be  curtailed;  for 
the  South  that  now  purchases  hirijely  from  us, 
would,  in  the  event  of  a  war,  be  driven  to  raise 
its  own  breiidsluH's.  If  produce  would  rise  it 
would  he  because  less  of  il  would  be  rai.sed,  and 
at  far  sreater  cost  than  at  present,  on  account  of 
so  many  of  those  now  en^jaijed  ill  ajriculture  bc- 
inu;  wiilidrawn  from  that  employment,  to  engage 
ill  Ihe  defence  of  the  coimlry. 

i  lint,  sir,  1  will  lell  you  why  it  is  that  the  'West 
lakes  such  a  deep  mierest  in  this  matter.  It  is 
because  we  look  upon  it  as  a  national  question, 
because   we   believe   that  our   title   to  the  whole 

i  of  Oregon  up  to  r).p  40'  is  good,  and  because  our 
opponent  is  Great  Ih'itain.  The  people  of  the 
West  love  the  whole  country,  mid  that  makes  them 
ardent  in  its  defence;  ihey  Iielieve  our  title  to  the 
whole  of  Oregon  good,  ami  that  makes  Ihem  firm  in 
its  mainlenance;  they  believe  the  crisis  demands 
promptitude,  and  that  makes  them  desire  ilecided 
action.  They  do  not  want  to  see  any  foreign  Pow- 
er oc  upy  any  portion  of  American  territory,  much 
less  tJreat  lirilain,  whom  they  are  slow  to  forget. 
For  they  cannot  but  recoiled  their  perpetual  ene- 

'  my,  who  has  been  tho  instigator  of  nearly  all  tlie 


(316 


SJh'H  CoNn 1st  Se88. 


ai'pi:m)ix  to  thk  coNc.iiF-ssioNAr.  cLomi 

Cumlierlaud  Roaif — Mr.  TihIxittH. 


|. April  -1, 


Iiidiiin  nulmijca  that  liiivp  covuii'd  iilm<i.'-l  every 
«i|imi«  Ifiigue  iif  llio  West  with  llio  liloml  of  ilM 
nirri,  women,  iiiul  children.  An  enemy  wini  e>en 
now,  loinliinidnle  nM  iVoni  ji  .'eriin;;  (oir  ri;;hi!<  lo 
liie  OiTi^on  iirrilory,  i\l  llie  siune  linic  lliiit  he 
ooiisis  of  hin  refineniiMit  nnil  C'hriNrliin  ehiirailiT, 
n«  if  impelled  liy  ihe  iiiNlinelH  of  IiIn  nnliirc,  open- 
Iv  intimiilea  Mint,  should  wareonie,  he  will  incite 
llie  neu'roes  of  the  South  to  innrdir  their  innnlrr.s, 
iind  will  id.io  Inirn  the  cities  on  our  .^cntioMrd;  mi 
thill,  while  the  liiitclieiy  if  uoini:  .m  w  ith  one  hand, 
he  eiin  rejoice  in  the  lionliret)  of  our  cities  iiiiule  hy 
the  other. 

It  i.s  our  ritrhtH,  the  remeinhraiice  of  Mron:;.s, 
and  1  hope  a  )iropi>r appreciation  oraationid  honor, 
that  make  the  people  of  the  Wist  lake  the  part 
ihey  'hi  in  lliis  eontrovt  rsy. 

I  .ihall  say  hut  little  respecting'  our  mlr  to  the 
Ore^ron  rouiilry.  .  lis  validity  has  heen  fully  esiah- 
fislied  hy  the  verv  ahle  aririimenl  of  the  present 
.Secretary  of  St.nle.  It  has  aho  heen  i.'enerally 
ronoedeil  on  this  (loor,  except  in  a  (i  w  instances 
when  in  the  claims  of  Kni.'land  to  the  country  wa- 
tered hy  Kmzer's  river,  were  atleinpied  to  In*  es- 
fuhlished  on  the  same  i;rniinds  that  our  cl.ilms  to 
Ihe  ciMintry  watered  hy  the  Columbia  river  rest — 
viz.,  discovery  and  exploration. 

It  is  to  this  sinale  point,  as  it  lias  lieen  ahoiit 
the  only  ohjeetioii  nr<^ed  to  our  title  in  the  ar::n- 
inents  put  iortii  in  this  Tliill,  that  I  shall  siy  all 
that  I  ilesiijn  sayinsr  respectim;  mir  tilli'. 

Kohert  Gray,  of  Hosion,  was  the  tir.'-t  f'linstian 
discoverer  ana  explorer  ot'iinv  jiarl  of  thi-CoIiinilpia 
river.  This  took  place  in  I7S)0.  In  IWi.'i,  Lewis  and 
Clarke,  under  the  aotliority  of  the  United  .Siaics, 
*'Xjilored  the  Coiumhia  river  from  its  sriurce.-i  to  its 
mouth.  Agrcealily  lotlie  law  of  nations  these  irave 
us  the  country  watered  liy  thi^■  rncr. 

Butlliegentleman  from  .Vlalianin  |Mr.  liii.i.iAiinJ 
insists  that,  hy  the  same  rule,  Grenl  Dritain  is  en- 
tit'ed  In  the  country  watered  hy  Krazer's  river; 
since  Alexander  Alacken/.ie,  an  I''iii,'lishniaii,  was 
Ihe  first  rhristian  di.-^coviier  of  tliat  river.  This 
discovery  was  made  in  ]7!i;t. 

There  is  a  very  nialcrial  diflcrence  lielwee.  the 
two  cases,  which  entirely  destroys  the  iinalo'jv. 

When  Gray  discovered  the  mouth  of  the  C'ohini- 
hia,  and  sailed  twenly  miles  iio  that  liver,  the 
United  Slates  were  niid'T  no  nstririions  hy  any 
treaty  stipulations  with  ."^pain,  who  discovered 
this  shore  of  the  I'acific.  They  wi  real  full  lilierty, 
by  the  law  of  nalioiiH,  to  miike  Ihe  (Ihcurerij,  and 
prnlil  bij  //. 

The  case  was  entirciv  difrcrent  wilh  Great  Ilrit- 
ain,  when  Mackenzie,  in  17lt!t,  ilismvcrcd  l-'razer's 
river.  In  17!>(l,  ijpain  and  Great  Hritain  entered 
into  a  cnnvenlioii,  called  the  Nonika  Conveiilion, 
by  which  Great  Britain  acipiiiiil  the  privihvje  of 
i^ree  trade  tliroui;hout  the  noiiluvest  coast  w  iili  the 
natives  of  the  country.  While  that  convention 
existed,  every  suliject  of  Gnat  llrilaiii  who  had 
anything  to  do  with  that  country,  acted  under  the 
authority  and  protection  of  that  convention.  He 
could  not  act  inilepi  ndcntly  of  it.  It  is  plain, 
theret'ore,  that  when  Mai'kenzie  discovered  I-'iir/ei-'.^t 
river,  he  was  in  the  cnnnlry  by  liermission  of  that 
convention.  lie  could  not  act  adver.sely  to  the 
imprests  of  Spam  wilhoul  violatiicj;  that  conven- 
tion. He  was  not  at  lilieity  to  take  any  advaii- 
tiiire  of  that  discovery  f"r  his  own  loimtry,  a.s  he 
niiL'ln  have  dime  had  tline  heen  no  such  treaty  as 
ilial  which  then  existed  iKlueen  Spain  and  Kiil'- 
land.  The  treaty  exislin;:  at  the  time  of  the?  dis- 
covery liars  Great  ririiain  fmm  takini;  advantage 
oi  il.  The  discovery  enured  to  the  heneiit  fif 
w  hoevcr,  at  ihe  terinination  ot'the  Nooika  Conven- 
lion,  was  entitled  fi  the  country.  The  .\ooika 
•  'onvenlion  was  terminated  in  17'.hll'y  ihe  declara- 
tion of  war  hy  .Sjiain  au'ainst  Gre;it  Ihitain.  The 
I'nited  States  haviiiLT  acniiired  all  the  title  ol'. Spain 
to  the  northwest  coast,  is  entitled  to  the  country 
watered  hy  Frazer'-i  I'iver. 

lini  il  may  he  asked,  if  the  rnited  Slates  have 
the  ri;.'lil  to  the  whole  counlry  up  to  .''ijo  4tl',  what 
is  there  to  negotiate  nhont  ■     I  will  tell  yon. 

The  Itrilish,  niidi  r  the  conveiilion  of  l>if(and 
l^•37  have  made  siltlenieiils  and  impnivemenls  in 
the  Orejriin  coiintiy.  It  will  rei(iiire  lime  to  re- 
Move  and  settle  up.  Neu'oti.iie  a.j  to  ihi.-i  time. 
Fix  upon  n  perioil  when  the  United  States  shall 
have  the  undisputed  possession  of  the  whole  coun- 
try.    jSe^otiule  iihout  tliul  and  iiollinii;  eke. 


The  hill  underconsidemlion  IS  intended  to  throw 
the  protecting;  shield  <if  the  laws  of  the  IJiiiieil 
Slates  over  the  .\incrican  settlers  in  Dn  ;.'on,  anil 
to  pniteet  them  in  their  riLrhls.  This  is  neci'saary 
for  Ihe  sellleis.  The  ^'ooil  anion;;  ilicin  nceilonr 
lavvs  for  thi'ir  piotection,  the  vicious  ri'C|iiire  ilieiii 
tiir  n'sir.iint.  They  are  also  nei'cssary  to  impress 
noon  the  Indians  ilo  power  and  eMeiii  of  the 
Union,  <' which  they  have  at  pic  sent  little  cir  no 
idea.  If  vhe  notices  he  ;;iven,  and  such  a  lull  as  the 
present  do  not  iiass,  the  iioiicc;  will  lie  positively 
injurious,  tor  llien  the  whole  country  wiailil  he 
under  Uritisli  power,  aulhority,  and  law  . 

Il*  the  American  (-'onifress,  alter  liavnnj;  aiitlio- 
rized  the  notice  to  he  (;iveii,  shall  not  have  the  linn- 
ness  to  throw  the  pri>lection  ot'oiir  lavv.s  over  lair 
setileis  111  (iiT'.'oo.  I  hope  that  ihen  the  people  of 
thai  connlry  will  declare  themselves  inilepenileiil 
of  all  Gove  rnmenis,  and  esiahlish  one  of  their 
own. 


CUMIUCULAND  llOAO. 

sim:kcii  of  .mu.  j.  w.  tiuhatts. 

lir  Ki;.NTL'CKV. 
In  Tin;  llui  «i;  cik  I!i;imik-iav\i  iv  i,^, 
.//iri/4,  l^'li;. 
Tin;   liill  inakiii'.'  an  appmprialion  fen-  the  comple- 
tion of  Ihe  (..'niiilierlanil   Itoad  heiii;;  under  con- 
siileiaiion  in  the  ('oininittee  of  tlic  VVIiole  on  the 
state  of  the  Union — 

.Mr.  TIIJU.VTT.S  addnssed  the  conninltee  ns 
follows: 

It  is  not  my  louniion,  Mr.  t'iiairm.in,  to  makt- 
wliat  is  called  a  soeich  cni  the  present  occasion.  It 
was  not  my  inleiiiion  lo  say  anyihini:  in  iclaiion 
lo  this  hill.  .\or  should  I  have  soui;ht  the  lloor, 
hut  lor  some  remarks  which  liavi-  t'allen  fnini  the 
two  'rentlemen  fioin  .Mahoiia,  |.\lr.  1'avxk  and 
.Mr.  VANt  i.v,l  who  have-  just  aihlris>ed  the  com- 
mittee. The  L^c  niliin.m  liom  .\Iahania  [Mr.  IVvvsi:] 
w  ho  spoke  first,  has  taken  oi-e-asioii  ni  ehiih'  very 
I'n'ily  till' i:eiiile'inaii  iVoin  liiiliana  ^.Mr.  UAt.f.ii  I>. 
Smith  I  for  the  position  winch  he  has  assumed,  in 
ajrei'inu'  li>  lake'  .en  appniprialion  of  land,  instead 
of  nioni  y,  for  tin'  e'einipliiieni  of  the  (.'umlierland 
Itoad.  lie'  e'einsiehrs  that  the  L'cnliiinan  from  In- 
diana has  let  hiiiisi  If  elowii  IVom  his  usual  hii;h 
heariit::,  and  iiecetme  a  hcL'irar  tor  a  boon  from 
Comrress.  He  dejire-cales  such  a  course-  on  the 
part  of  till!  Ilepn  •.I'lilativi'  on  this  iluor;  advises 
ilial  the-  Slates  should  not  linniMe- theniselves  he- 
fore  the.'  -National  Government-,  anil  feels  assured 
that  his  own  Stale  will  never  stoop  I'roni  iier  proud 
posiiiem  to  ask  a  hooii  frinii  ('einirre'st;. 

This  is  all  very  well,  .Mr.  Ciiairniaii;  hut  il  seems 
lo  nil'  that  It  is  very  inil'ortnnale',  i  iiher  for  the  Uii- 
ui^latmu  of  Alalcaiiia  eir  for  the  ire  ntleinan  iVoin 
Aiaiiaiiia  himself,  ihai  he-  did  inu  make  his  speech 
at  an  e-arlie'C  perioil,  en-  that  he  nriih'  sne'li  a  speeidi 
at  all.  I  happe-n  to  liolil  in  my  liaml  a  joint  ine'ino- 
ri.il  eif  the;  Le'L'islaiin-e  of  .Mahaiii:!,  nhrn'd  at  Iliis 
session  to  the-  t^einipiitiee  on  Coiinnen-i',  and  on 
which  I  have'  in  in  dini-teil  hy  that  commiilce  lo 
make  a  le'peiri,  iVoin  which  I  will  lake  the  hi  erty 
of  readint;  a  fe  vv  e\lr.i'-is,  lo  which  I  will  e-all  the 
attention  of  the  cenninitiee.  Tiie  title  ot"  this  p  'niT 
is  ns  llillovvs: 

*■  Joint  Mciii'^riiit  nf  the  firni*r<il  .ts^rmhlti  of  Ike  Slnte  of 
.'U(ih,iithi  lo  tfir  l\}iiiiiess  ot  tftc  L'liiltit  Sl-ild,  nit  Ihf  Mtt'jcvt 
1/  rfcc/H'diu^'  tlif  c/i'Moe't  of  M.iliilr  Hiiit  itii'l  Ojiriiin::  titr  //it- 
i-i/.'r  rii-cr." — Srr  />j.;,  .V).  l-'iH.  1st  sc^oi >n  •yjf/i  <*i>»i-'rcv,. 

This  memorial,  at'ter  repre-senlinir  that  the  good 
pe-eeph'  of  the  Siaic  of  .■\lahania  are  snhjected  to  an 
enormoMs  lax  upon  ilii-ir  e-omme'rce,  in  i-onsenuence 
of  the  want  of  a  sio'Hcient  depth  of  wale-r  a'  iiie 
Dog  l{ive:rand  '.'hociavv  I'.iss,  hars  in  the  Mehile 
II, ly,  lo  ailinit  the  ships  eiiL^a^'ed  in  the  ceimmen'e 
eif  th.-it  eily  In  pass,  hy  heing  comoelle'el  lo  pay 
li_'hterii'_'i-,  which  operates  as  an  emliarrassnienl 
upon  tlie'ir  commen-e,  ami  a  ellrect  tax  upon  the 
industry  of  the  people  of  that  .State,  says: 

--  V  i.iir  iii.'iii.iriiili-N  VMiiilel  llMre'liiri-  |ir;iy  y.iiir  hiiniir.'ilile 
tjiiitii  ^  iK  \:\ki:  till'  hiil.Jcil  nilo  iiniiiiiiiiil.'  riiii'iii.Talnin. 
iiihI  iiciki-  ^<l<-li  liiipri>|iriiilii>li-  IIS  will  cieiio-  llii-  ili-i'|iriiiiii! 
i-llla-  i-hiiein'i.  Ilir'.il'jli  lli.'-i>  liiei--.  ton  (l<-|itli  llial  vmI!  iiIIuw 
llH' [Ki^.-ai;.- Hi  \i'--i-ls  itnoviiii.' liiiirti'i'ti  IC.'I  til  low  w.-il'T, 
iliiil  III.-  .■oi.-lnlctK.n  ol  j.-nii'^  iicn.^s  llii-  li.-ieU  .it'  III.-  'J'l-ii- 
Miw  mill  S|i.i(ii-li  liv'i-.  I.ran.lt.  -  .it*  llif  .M.il.ile  riviT,  in 
"III  II  a  iiiaiiiii  I  as  In  Ihriiw  an  in.  rciHc.l  Miliniii'  "fill.'  rivir 
llilu  Ule  limni  eliuliliel  vvlactl  paQsen  llie  clly  lit'  .Mulille." 


Thus   it   ajipears  iliiil   the   Legislalni-e   of  .\la- 

'  liama  is  of  opinion   thai  Conu'nss  has  the  con  li- 

tiilional    power    to   make   appnipriaiions   for   this 

,  inionivi'ininl  of  hnrhin-i;  hut   that  is   not  all:  the 

me'inorial  goes  on  to  say: 

••  Voiir  iiii-iiieiriiili-l-e  iVMiihl  rnnli.T  call  Ih.'  iilti'iilinii  nf 
1  'iiiciifi.i'  III  III.'  niiiiarlaiM'c  ..I'  n-opi'iiiim  ili.>  lo.r  lliinvillc, 

or  .Mail*-tlll<-.    Ml    I  .iilll-Mlill,    II  lili'll    li'l ill   (-iiiihi'rii'll   lller 

l,:ik>  I'liiitcliattraiii,  li>  way  eil  I.al<i'  .\I.eiiif|ia-,  Willi  Ilic  .Mi-- 
•.ts>i|)|ii  riv.r  III  a  ik.iiii  ii  .-liiirl  eli-riiiic  lii'luw  ih.-  imvii  i>l 
IlliMii  11.ai3.'." 

"  \'iiiir  iMciiinriiill-ls  w.iiild  lliere'l'iil'e'  re'"(>ee'n>lllv  'm/e 
V'.iir  iKiMiiratil  -  liDili.'.s  III  .  aieic  tin'  liavi;!iilliiii  e.l'  ihe'  Hi.  i- 
villc  III  li '  n  i)|i -II.  il.  In  iiiiiiisiu'j  Ilic  iili-trii<'liiiii>  ivlni'li 
ii.iM- I'l  I'll  pill  ril  ni  II  In  I  luir  iiu  M  ii-|ir.'-i'iilativi',  anil  llio 
ri  iii.nal  III'  -II. 'Il  iitli'-r  linii'  iliiiii-iit.  as  may  huv.'  hccii  ntib- 
i.*'.)ei"ial>  iliiil.  il  li,v  inoali' haall-." 

He'll',  too,  the  i.i'Lrislatnre  of -Alahama  exfires'si's 
till' eipiniein,  lliai  t'on'rn'ss  has  the  I'oiisiiiutionat 
power  to  make  appi-opri.itions  for  llie-  iiiiprove'- 
nieiit  of  rivers.  Tlie  Lcsidalure  of  Alahaiini  does 
I  not  think  that  it  ir;:se-iis  its  itiuoiity  hy  askini:  of 
C.'oii'rn  ss  nppropriaiions  for  these!  ohje-e-is  ;  iieir  do 
I  think  so  either.  The'  eilijee'ts  lii-ing  proper,  il  i.^ 
due  to  the  people  of  .Alaliama  that  thcapproprialioit 
should  he  made':  and  I  can  see  no  eleiradation  on 
the  pari  of  the  I.e'L'-islatiu-e  of  that  Siale-  in  calling 
the  atli'iition  of  t.'on:;n'ss  In  the  loalt.r,  and  asking 
for  apiiropriations.  Tiiis  memorial  cone  hides  with 
the  followin;;  resoliilii'ii: 

*•/'«'  il  yrso'rr'i  I'li  >hr  Sro'-tr  cik/  Jloiivr  nf  HrprrsctiliilUF.l 
0/  Ml-  Sl.tf  nl  .//,'/, 'II.,'  ni  liii,ni:l  ./eii-ii.A/i,  o.imtm-i/,  Tlial 
(iiir  i-i.'iiat'irs  in  C'liii'ii'i'-  tic  jii-inicleil,  and  uiir  Re'pi*i'f.rii- 
eitivc  ■  f  .pii'-ti'ii,  lo  ii-i-  liicir  hi -t  cvi-rlimis  to  carry  into 
clf'-i-t  III.' vii'U  -  cniil-iiinil  in  tin- lnrcyninc  an  iiinnat ;  ami 
that  In-  l',\ri'ii''i!c\  till'  (.'(aiTlinr  I'liioe'  .■opics  ea' llii.-  nii- 

iinnial  ami  r Illlinn  In  tic  iDiwanieil  la  eni'il  of  eiur  H<'li.-v 

I  tars  anil  lti-iiii'-:.'iilati\r.-. 

"J(m\  A.  WINS'I'ON, 

"  I'rriiil-nt  0/  the  Si'ci:/.-. 
"A.   II.  .MdllllK. 
"  Sjit-.tlicr  ('J  t-'ir  /eaisr  (;/  /o'/re'^CTi/ii/ircv.-' 

I  pri'snnie  that  tlw  genlli'inen  from  .'Vlahanm 
have'  hee'ii  inrnisiied  w  ith  a  e-opy  of  this  doi  iniicnl 
I'Vom  all  this,  1  would  infer,  that  the  opinions  ex- 
presscel  hy  the  :;i'nllcnien  fniiii  Alahama  do  not 
ai'e'oril  very  well  vv  iili  the  opinions  of  the  Lei;isla- 
ture  of  .-Mahania,  in  n-lalion  to  the  cemslitulional 
power  of  this  liovcrnmenl  to  make  appnipriatioi's 
for  till'  iinpiove'iiK  III  of  rivers  nial  liarliors. 

These  resohiiionsai-e'eepially  milorlimatefor  hoth 
llie'  LTe'iilleiiien  tVom  Alahama.  as  it  is  evident  from 
Ihein  that  the  Li'iiislatiire  of  .-Mahama  entertains 
views  in  relation  lo  the'  e-onstiinlional  power  of  this 
Cioverninenl  lo  make'  appropriations  for  the  im- 
pi'ovemenl  of  rivers  ami  harhors,  anil  ot'thi  sound 

'  policy  of  such  nopi'iipriations,  wholly  at  variance 
wiih  till'  vii'vvs  taken  hy  these  lo  nile-men. 

r.Mt  is  it  siirprisiie:,  .'  t'liaii-mnn,  that  the 
'-^e'liilcman  from  Indiana  o.    aild  he  willing  lo  take 

■  an  a|ipropriation  of  land  from  the  Ciovi-rinneiit, 
which  he  hopes  he  may  'jet,  instead  ofan  appnipri- 
alion ol'nioiicy,  which  he'  seems  lo  he  satislied  he 
;  never  e'aii  olii:iiii.=  This  is  not  the  (irsi  linie,  sir, 
when  the  oppre'ssed  has  heen  willintr  to  receive 
from  his  op|iresseir  less  than  what  he  believes 
himself  to  hi'  justly  eninlcd  to.  How  often  docs 
it  lia|ipen,  that  after  a  loii!:  course  of  lilig.ition  in 
pni'snit  of  a  jnsi  ri^'ln,  a  pariy  is  not  only  vvillni:; 
lint  anxii  ns  lei  oliiain  hy  compromise'  less  than  In: 
is  justly  enlilled  to — willing  io  lake  a  part  ralher 
than  ri.^k  the  elaiiL'cr  of  losiiiir  the  whole,  hy  the 
undue  inlbicnce,  or  pow  er,  or  injnslice,  of  Ins  iid- 

:  veri-aryr  .Sir,  the  ]ieoiile  of  the'  westi-rii  Slates 
inleri'sli'd  in  this  rojiil,  Iiave  for  a  long  time  aske-d 

;  for  the'  performance'  eif  a  sohnin  contract   entered 

.  into  by  iliis  Ciovirnmi'iil  in  ii'laiion  to  this  mad. 
Jusiii'c  has  often  heen  denieil  them,  nespairnig 
to  L'el  money,  they  are  williing  lo  lake  land,  nay, 
anxieins  In  ';et  it.  This  is  not  at  all  snrprisiii;:. 
Unhappily  for  the  honor  of  liiinnm  nnlnie,  it  is  hnt 
an  every-day  occurrence:- — niilbilinialely,  .so  tin- 
as  rcLNirels  the  inte'resis  and  just  rights  of*  the  west- 
ern counlry,  it  is  no  wonder  in  this  House'. 

Either  the' t;enth'nian  IVom  .'Mahama  [.Mr.  PavvkI 
or  I  have  iiiaeh'  senni;  mistake  in  oin-  n-ading  anil 
nndcrsninding  the'  v\rilin'-'s  of'  .Mr.  .le  llerson,  Mr. 
.Maeli.son,  Mr.  Momoe.and  General  .lackson.  He' 
says  tliiit  III-  is  pnile'cled  by  the  shii'lil  of  ilio.se 
L'reat   nanie-s,  in  the  view  he  take's  eif  the  want  of 

'  consiitulional  powe'C  of  this  (fovernniint  to  make 
appropriations  hir  ihe-  impnivement  .if  harbors  and 
rive-rs.  I  helii've'  that  the  Gove'rnment  does  posse'ss 
this  power,   and   have'  e'emsidereil   that    my  belief 

'  anil  myai'lion  oiithat  snhjecl.in  n:-' support  of  the 
hiu-hur  uiid  river  bill,  arc  in  |ierlect  cuntiuiiuiicu 


i8'16.J 


APFENUIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSlONAr.  GLOBL'.. 


617 


y9TH  CONO I  «T  Si'.SS. 


Vumberlnnd  Road — Mr,  Tibbntts. 


Ho.  or  Heps. 


'ii'  Alii- 

■'li- 

I'lir   I  III) 
I;  iIk^ 


111 r 

lliaivilli', 

Ch'.l     III!! 
llllM'.Ml-^ 
IMVIl  (if 


iloeM 

■^1(1  111:  of 

iiiir  (III 

"■!■,  Ii  \n 

H'llllioll 
IIKMI  (II) 

;illiii^ 

iiskiiif; 

Ils  \viil> 


willi  llii'  o|iiiii(PiiN  niKJ  llii'  iii'ljmiN  iit'iill  llii'sp  ;ri'al 
iiirii.  One  of  UN  iiiiiHl  I'l;  iiiiNljiki'ii,  .sir,  HJnre  wn 
iirrivr  :it  hih'Ii  iiii|insiti'  coni  liii^iniiM  t'tniii  tiie  hiiiiic 
)iri  iiiisrN,  1  iliiiik,  Mir,  iliiii  ihc  linnnriil'li'  li'i'MIIc- 
iiifin  is  jnlinriii'.^  umliT  a  very  i^ri-iit  irrnr  in  iIiIh 
iiiiitliT.  1  mil  wiliarii'il  lliiil  iicitlicr  Mr.  JiiVcrsun, 
MiidiMon,  Moiiroi',  or  .Tnck.soii,  cnh'ri'iiiH'd  imy 
siii'li  ofiiiiinns  »s  liio.ii'  iitinlnili  il  lo  ilicin  liy  llic 
.'^viilli'iiiiin  from  Aliiluiiiiiu  anil  tliiil  lie  I'lin  in  no 
(|i'::irc  iirolccl  liliiisilf  in  llii-  o|iiiii.iiiii  lie  pxprcKses 
iiniirr  llip  Kliii'lil  of  liny  one  of  iIioho  e\n\\  iiiinirB. 

|.Mr.  I'avvk.  iiilir|io»ril,  iinil  (Mr.  T.  yii^ldiliK 
llii'  door)  .s.iiil,  liy  iliu  |ioriiii«sioii  of  ilii;  t;riillf  niiiii 
lioiii  Kentucky,  I  am  ocrmiitcd  lo  rend  nil  cxlnirl 
IVoni  tlic  svriMn;:s  ol'Alr.  .Tcilrrson,  wliicli  coiisii- 
liiU's  ihi'  Nliii'ld  wliii'li  iiroiiM'ii.d  liini  in  llm  nii|<- 
pomd  novi'liy  of  ilic  docirini!  iidvanctd  liy  liiiii  i 
Home  days  auo.     'I'liin  i.s  llic  cxirurl:  | 

'•  I  i'(insid(!r  till'  Ihiiiifiiniiiii  of  ijir-  CoiiFliinlinii.  ii.^  Iitiii  on 
lllH  iiii'iiliit;  III!  [Hivvcr!.  iKil  ili'lrK^tli'il  lo  Ihi'  t^intcil  Stillnti, 
iior  iioliiliilnl  liy  il  M  llii'  Sliiii>.  arc  rrsrrvril  In  Ilic  SiiiHh 
nr  III  nic  [I'-Mplc.  Ti)  l>ili'  1/  •'iitiiU-  v/c/i  hi  initit  Ifn'  /oroi-'.-iicv 
titiii  tfirri^iUit  ilntini  mntnnllhr  /■ui<-rrs  of  rorii:rr»,  o  to  trke 
;i )*v*'*si  )ti  uf  a  hvnilfllciv  fiflt  of  y;0t''wj  tlO  lOJUtt  SHATfyi/(7i/(' 
«/  ir/lv  c/..;(i(li/ioil." 

'I'lic  pinviT  tn  iIIl;  ,i  cnmil,  liiiild  h  rnnd,  orim- 
lirove  II  river,  is  not  iinioiiij-  ilic  (•miiiu'ralcd  |iow- 
rr.i.  If,  llicn,  ^'oll!:rrs'^  aliniipts  to  do  (iiiirr,  we 
take  jios.spssion  of  a  hoinidtes.s  field  of  power  no 
loiiirer  Kii.Meepiilile  of  any  ilernnlion.] 

Mr.  TiDiiATTS  r(?siiiiied.  I  am  well  eonversant 
willi  the  .srntinieiit  exiirr.^Hcd  t'V  .Mr.  .Ird'er-soii  ill 
llie  exiiai't  wliieli  llie  ecntlrman  from  Alabama  has 
re.id.  I  fully  au'i'ie  wiih  tlial  «(■■  •iniciit;  il  is 
clearly  laid  ilown  in  llie  Coii.<iiitiition  itself  Hut 
il  does  not  lii.ar  ilic  Lcinileirmn  out  in  the  positions 
lie  assumes.  I  do  noi  intend,  sir,  lo  i;o  into  an 
cl.ihonite  iii'^nnient  upon  the  constiiiilional  powers 
ol' the  (rovi  riiment  ill  relation  to  lliis  snliject.  I 
did  llial  llie  oilier  day  niioM  the  liill  niakinj^  iippro- 
prialions  lor  the  improvenient  of  harliors  and  riv- 
ers. I  have  written  out  my  remiirks  upon  tlial 
oi'-asion:  they  are  now  in  the  hands  of  the  printer, 
ami  1  hope  they  will  aopenr  in  the  papers  in  a  fi'w 
(lavs,  and  iiiiisl  eoiili  iit  myself  to  refer  to  them. 
All  1  wish  on  (Up  prcaenl  oecasion  is.  In  call  the  al- 
Icnlioii  ofllie  commit  lee,  and  of  llie  <rentlemiiii  from 
Alaliama,  to  a  few  leadinu;  principles  wliicli  govern 
ill's  mailer. 

The  t'onsiiiiition,  in  the  first  elau.se  of  the  eishtli 
serlioii  of  iho  first  artiide,  i!;ives  lo  (loiu'ressan  iin- 
liniited  power  to  lav  taxes,  &c.,  for  the  purpose  of 
raisini;  revenue.  This  power  is  unreslricied,  ex- 
cept in  the  discrelion  of  Co'ii,'ress.  The  oidycheck 
to  this  discrelinii  is  in  the  responsihilitv  of  the 
liepieseniiitives  lo  their  coiislitueiila.  The  same 
clause  defines  the  olijccis  to  which  ('onsrress  should 
look,  in  the  exercise  of  ihe  power  to  raise  reve- 
nue, "to  pay  the  dehls  and  provide  for  Ihe  I'om- 
iiion  del'ence  and  general  welfare;"  and  clearly 
colliers  the  [lower  tn  fii^jn-opriith'  (he  puhlic  muiiey.s. 
Tills  power  of  appropriation  to  the  nalional  olijects 
lonii 'iiplaled  and  defined  liy  the  C'onslinilion,  is 
eipially  unlimited  Willi  the  power  to  raise  revenue. 
Hut  iliere  is  a  lliiril  power,  .^ir,  to  which  I  wish 
liariicnlarly  to  call  llie  alteniioii  of  the  '.•■ciitleniaii 
IVoin  Alabama — the  power  of  earrviii'_'  llie  appro- 
prialion  into  ell'ecl.  The  power  of  approprialiiiir 
money  simply,  is  a  very  diirerent  power  fvum  the 
powerof  larryin:;  the  appropriation  into  ell'ecl,  bv 
expendiny-  the  iiioni  y  upon  the  object  fir  which 
llie  .'ippropriaiion  was  made. 

This  latter  power  of  carrying  the  ap|>rnpriatioii 
into  ell'ecl  i,s  III  be  viewed  in  two  aspects.  First, 
when  ii  le.ives  the  Jurisdictioii  anil  soverei'.'iity 
over  the  object  ot'lhe  iiiiprovemeiit  in  the  haiidsiif 
the  Stat(s;  and,  secondly,  when  it  atteiiipts  to  as- 
siiiiie  a  jurisdiction  and  sovereignly  in  ihe  hands 
of  the  Cieneral  tio\ernnient. 

This  disiinction  was  lakeii  and  clearly  liiiil  down 
by  Mr.  Monroe  in  ri  'aliiin  to  this  very  (.'nmber- 
land  Road.  Mr.  .Monroe  denied  that  Coiurress 
tiad  the  power  to  ,ipplv  tiiesi!  appro[ir  atioiis  by  as- 
.siiiniii'/  a  jiiiisdiction  in  the  Cieneral  (iovernment 
so  as  lo  erect  '_'ales  and  (diar^'e  lolls,  iVc,  for  the 
piirpo.se  of  keepiii',' Ihe  road  In  repair;  and  he  re- 
coiiiiueiided  to  C'oiiirress  tiiatan  amendment  should 
be  made  to  the  ( 'onstitulion,  which  should  confer 
this  power  upon  t'oie.'rcss.  Iiut  lindin;;  that  this 
was  not  done,  heaflerwards  recomineniled  lliat  the 
Kxecutl\e  should  be  eiujiowered  lo  make  arraiii^e- 
iiienls  with  the  Stales  lliroiiu'h  which  Ihe  road 
should  pass,  tluUlhey  might  erect  gates  and  charge 


toll,  lo  keep  the  road  in  repair;  which  recoiiinieii- 
daiioti  wa.s  al'tirwards  adopted,  and  ill,;  arniii^e- 
iiienlH  made  w  illi  the  Stales,  it  is  the  denial  of 
iIiIh  power  In  the  (-rovernnienl,  lo  apply  apfiropna- 
lions  by  assiiniiii:;  jnrlsdiclion,  made  by  Mr.  Alon- 
roe  and  aflerwards  by  Cieiieinl  .lackson,  which  has 
iiilNled  the  i^entlemaii  from  ^  bania  upon  this 
Hubject.  I  would  recomniend  to  thai  !;etitleinnii  to 
iT-read  llie  opinions  of  those  distiiii;iiiKlied  s'litcb- 
ineii  upon  tins  subject.  1  am  desirous  that  lie  will  i 
do  HO,  for  It  may  some  day  hniipen  that  the  people 
of  the  West  ini^'ht  wish,  to  iiiaK'  some  use  of  linn 
— he  has  lakeii  a  disiiiujuislied  slaiid  ill  the  coun- 
cils of  Ihe  nation.  1  am  salislied,  lliut  if  he  will 
irive  this  siibjixt  a  fair  and  candid  re-examinniion 
— If  he  will  apply  those  powers  of  Intellert  which 
lie  iiiidoubledly  jiossesses  to  an  iinbl.tsed  and  iiii- 
prijudlced  examlliiuioii  Into  llie  eonstitriional 
power  of  the  Government,  lie  will  elianu'e  lilso|iin- 
loii.s  upon  this  subject.  'I'his,  It  Is  true,  as  Mr. 
.TelVorson  says,  is  a  Cioveriimeiit  of  dekgatcd  ■  nd 
lliiilled  power,  and  il  has  no  rlirht  to  go  a  step  be- 
yond the  powert'  which  have  been  specially  dele- 
ijated  to  it;  but  the  iiower  lo  make  this  appropria- 
tion is  as  specially  (leleiiiited  as  ii  power  can  be  In 
,u\  Iniariim'^nt  of  that  (diaiactcr.  It  would  have 
been  ini|iossilile  to  have  specllied  111  that  iiislru- 
meiil  everylhinir  in  lol'ntnn  vtrhi.H  which  (.'ongress 
could  do  In  I'arrying  into  elVecl  the  granted  powers: 
lo  do  that  Would  have  made  a  library  which 
wi.iild  have  (illeil  this  Hall.  C'ongrcss  clearly  h.is 
Ihe  power  to  ap|iropriate  money  lo  make  a gi  eat  niil- 
ilnry  road  or  post  road,  such  as  this  Cumberland  road 
is,  locomieci  the  couniry  on  the  Atlaiillc  with  that 
of  the  Mi-sissippi.  'J'lie  iialiomdily  of  this  iiieasiire 
cannot  be  doubted.  Where  the  point  of  nntionaliiv 
bcLrlns,  and  whore  it  ends,  in  relalion  to  luallers  (if 
this  kind,  it  is  true,  cannot  be  clearly  defin(>d: 
this,  a.s  to  some  measures,  must  be  lift  t,,  the 
sound  discr(  lion  of  Congress.  l!nt  there  are  some 
olijects  of  Improvenient  which  are  clearlv  local, 
aliiini  which  no  inislake  ran  be  made;  thei'e  are 
others,  a;;ain,  which  arc  clearly  national  ju  their 
character,  about  which  no  doubt  can  exisr;  and 
the  ('unibcrland  road  Is  one  of  these.  iS'elther 
.Telierson  nor  Madison  nor  Monroe  nor  .faclcson  nor 
Van  Uuren,  had  any  doubt  about  the  power  of 
fjoii'/ress  to  make  appropriations  tor  the  erection 
id' this  road.  "We  may  dill'er  about  the  opinions 
of  men  after  readinj  their  writincs — we  may  place 
(lill'ereiit  cnnstriiclions  upon  what  they  may  sav; 
but  surely  W(^  must  allow  their  actions  to  be  the 
interpreter  of  their  meaiiin*: — acts  speak  louder 
than  words,  and  do  not  admit  of  inisconstriiction. 
Surely  the  i.rentleniaii  eaiinot  contend  that  he  Is 
proteclini:  himself  under  the  opinion  of  .Mr.  .lell'er- 
soii,  when  he  denies  the  constiintioiial  power  lo 
make  this  apiiroprialioit,  when  Mr.  .TetVerson  him- 
self siu^ned  the  very  bill  which  made  the  lirsl  nii-  . 
liroiiriaiion  for  the  erection  of  this  verv  road,  i 
Xeilher  can  he  protect  liiinself  under  the  shield  of 
Mailison,  or  .Monroe,  or  .Tackson,  or  Van  liiireii; 
for  lliey  all  si;.'iied  bills  iiiakin^;  n|ipropriations  to 
this  identical  Cuniberlanil  road — all,  all  of  lliem, 
sir. 

Sir,  this  power  Is  Ion  clear,  has  been  too  often 
exercised,  to  admit  of  doubt.  The  people  of  the 
West  will  never  surrender  a  power  which  Is  ol 
such  vital  imporlaiicc  'n  ilieir  interests.  The  iieii- 
tlemeii  from  the  .South,  then,  who  oppose  these 
anpiMpriatlons  with  so  iiiiu  h  zeal,  had  lieticr  re- 
view their  o|iinioiis  noon  this  siibiect.  To  coiiMriie 
the  Conslitution  as  they  would  have  us  view  it,  we 
could  not  move  a  siiisle  step.  The  Consliiiiiion 
would  lie  a  dead  letter.  These  ireiitlc'iien  had  bet- 
ter abandon  such  impracticable  views,  and  unite 
with  IIS  of  the  West  in  makin<r  f  lir  and  r(  asonabh^ 
appropriations  for  siicb  nbiectsnf  iniernal  Improve- 
nicnl  as  our  situation  iuiper.alivcly  rerpiires 

This  Ciimberiand  road  was  eomiiienced.  sir,  In 
IbIKi,  under  the  Admlnislration  of  Mr.  .Teirerson: 
appropriations  li.'ive  been  made  by  Coiiirrrss  fur  its 
consinii'tion  diirlntr  every  successive  .Adminislra- 
tlon  down  to  the  present  lime.  Krotii  IHIK,  to  1,*^-),^, 
laws,  to  the  number  of  ti:iiii-si.r,  have  pas.^ed  Con- 
iri'css,  maliiii'^  these  appropriations.  These  bills 
have  received  the  sanctioii  of  all  of  ill  Presidents  , 
i  except  Mr.  Tyler,  from  the  pomniencenient  of 
the  road  until  now.  The  appropriation  for  this 
road,  at  the  last  session  of  Congress,  was  In  the 
L'cncral  appro|irialion  bill,  whicli  received  the 
"jwfA((  nto"  of  Mr.  Tyler;  not,  as  I  have  iiiider- 


Htood,  on  nceoiint  of  lli  it  iipnrnpriiitlon,  but  on  «c. 
count  of  some  approprialions  made  by  the  bill  lo 
Home  objectH  of  mlii  ir  importttiice  In  the  eu.stetii 
States,  (jenlleniei'  who  oppisc  this  bill  cannot 
doubt  that  llie  i  a'riots  and  .aalesiien  who  have 
been  called  tn  MTside  over  llie  desiinics  of  this 
nation  tinders'  aid  the  Constlhttioii,  They  cannot 
believe  ilia'  .such  men  would  liave  violated  thai 
sacred  In  ilriimenl,  by  sanctioning  ii  lull  w  hich 
they  believed  was  unronstilutlonal.  TliLs  work 
has  Ikv.'Ii  In  |  ro:jre3H  roriii.ue  than  forty  years.  It 
is  ton  lale,  Bir,  for  geiiileiiieii  In  ruLse  this  coiiHli- 
lulli  nal  impedlmenl  toils  pa!.sai;e.  Il  Is  tlme,>iir, 
that  this  question  of  ciiii.siilulioiia!  power,  so  far 
as  r  u'lirds  this  bill  al  least,  was  al  rest — llie  c|iie.s- 
ti'  11  .lioiild  be  coiisiilered  as  settled. 

[All  '-j|;akk,  of  Virginia,  here  ln(|i  ired  of  Mr. 
T.,  whither,  ill  Ihe  event  oC  a  .State  (ibjcctn,;;  to 
thecotisii'icllon  of  the  road  with  in  her  hi/iils,  Con- 
',^ress  coiilii  iievei'lhcless  proceed  with  ll.'j 

Mr.  T.  replied:  llndoiililedly,  .\tr.  Chnlrniiui, 
Ihe  power  **  'o  ( stablisli  post  roads''  comprchendsi 
the  riiiht  to  make  or  construct  any  roads  which 
(.'oin.'ress  may  lecin  proper  for  the  conveyance  of 
llie  mail,  and  to  keep  them  in  repair  t'or  that  piu- 
iiose.  This  is  II  It  a  ipiestloii  of  linpln/d  power, 
out  of  express  )iower.  aS'o  Slate  has  the  ri;:lit  lo 
obstruct  CoiiL'i'e.ss  in  ihe  exercise  of  it;  uialera.'iy 
other  iiiti  rpretalion  the  power  would  be  a  nuilily. 

[.\Ir.  LkAKK  then  linpiiad  wlieib..r,  in  sii  li 
ease,  the  exercise  of  such  power  by  Coti.grt.-..^ 
would  not  be  lo  assume  jmisdiouon  within  ihe 
limiis  ot  siiidi  Slate.') 

Mr.  T.  resumed.  Xol  at  all,  .ar.  If  Congress 
should  lay  nut  and  coiistrin'l  a  |  ist  road  within  a 
State,  the'  road  would  .slill  be  v.ihiii  tie  oidiiiary 
lerrilorial  jurisdiction  of  the  .Stale.  'I'he  ri;;i.t  of 
territory  aiid  jurisdiitioii — the  sovereignty,  civilly 
and  criminally — would  silll  be  coiuplele  and  perfect 
in  the  Slate  L'overiimcnl;  as  compieuly  .so  as  il  is 
over  places  purchased  by  Congress  for  the  pui- 
pose  of  erecting  forts,  ur.;eiiHls,  dock-yards,  lioa- 
pitals,  oiistom-lioitses,or  couri-lioiiscd.  Congn  .sa 
lias  the  power  to  purchase  places  for  llie  erecuiiii 
of  such  improvements  and  uses;  the  jurisdiction 
and  sovcreiu'iily  over  tlieiii,  liowcMr,  is  slill  in  the 
States.  The  liunhase  of  them  and  llie  erection  of 
the  buildiims  does  not  remove  lliem  I'loni  ihe  juris- 
dicilon  and  soverei;;niy  of  the  States.  Congress 
does  not,  by  such  purchase,  ussuine  o:-  aci|uirL' 
any  sovereignly,  but  nieiely  a  use,  subject  to  the 
.sovereiiinty  of  the  State.  It  is  the  same  with  a  post 
road:  Con'_'re.ss  aci|ulres  a  re;lit  to  use  the  road 
for  public  purposes;  this  Is  slill  subject  to  the  sov- 
eiciL:iity  of  the  Stale,  and  does  not  interfere  with  it. 

Ihil,  Air.  Chairnian,  there  is  anolher  view  lo  b>i 
lakeii  of  the  subject  under  consideration  Among 
the  propositions  sulniiilted  by  Congress,  in  the  act 
of  the  yuili  April,  k-UO,  lo  the  convention  of  Ohio, 
was  the  following: 

•■V'/aiil.  That  iiiii- Iweiilielli  iit' 111"  net  pioceeili  of  th" 
laii'ls  Unci  witliiii  thcMiil  Seee.-nlil  li\  Coepi.-s  irniii  ai  d 

IC't  rilic  Ihillirtii  il-iyel'  Jane  next.  ;aicilleilllMil!r  nil  CA 
[iciio  ineiilait  to  llic  saiiic.  sliall  lie  :i|i)ilie(l  In  Itie  Inyiiis 
mil  anil  lii!lkilifi;>ii/i/i''ro.  di  Icrt'iiiii  I'idni  tin  tuni-,:l'lc  imUta 
I  ui;i'miii!  lii/o  thi:  .Jl.'.aifa  l.j  llir  Oliio.  ti  Ihe  s.tiri  Wi.(c,  •■ml 
l'ii-"i'rji  tlv:  s.iiiti} ;  sal. I  rnail>  to  lie  liiiit  oiil  uiiiliT  the  inithnr- 
il>  at'  CiiiiLTc:^^,  With  the  con.'eiil  nf  Itic  >cv>r(il  Slules 
llinuiu'li  wliicli  ttic  react  :.|iiill  pa^s ;  jiriiviilc.t.  always,  that 
tile  three  liiriL'iiJiii;  |irii|iii>iliiiii«  la  r  lu  nlii  o  il  ::<:•  en  Iho 
oiliililliill  lliat  the  iiiuieiilicillerilli  Nail  Slate  .-li. II  pinvlile, 
liv  an  nritinalice  iricvncahle  witllanl  the  eMiiseiit  urtlr  I'm. 
li'il  States,  ihiil  every  iiial  each  tun  I  <ii' liiiiil  miIiI  liy  Cna- 

tacss  iVein  am!  aOcr  ili"  ihirlietli  il:i\  ni'  Jni i\l.  shall  he 

anil  riiniiia  cM-iiipl  Irani  any  lax  laal  liy  iirhr  ur  niiiicr  lui- 
thnrilv  iittlie  Stale,  whi  tlicr  llir  Stale,  canity,  nr  taviislep, 
or  iiiiv  other  iini|iewc  i\  hntevcr,  tiir  tlie  ti-rin  nf  too  }cai  t 
I'rniii  anil  arter  tlie  ilay  nl  >al-." 

'I'his  proposilion  was  so  nio'lified  liy  llic  act  of 
the  ;id  of  Abircli,  t'^ll't,  as  that  ihree-fiflha  of  llic 
rrscrvalion  for  roads  slnnild  be  expended  by  the. 
.Slate  within  the  Stale,  and  Iwo-fiflhs  slionid  be 
appropriated  by  Coiitrress  lo  roads  "  /tni/iiig/a  tnuf 
(/irnng/i  llir  Slnlr."  Under  the  act  of  the  I'.lili  of 
.April,  l!*\V>,  for  the  admission  of  the  Stale  of  In- 
diana Into  llie  riiion,  it  is  provided: 

•■  'I'll. It  tl\e  |ier  cent,  of  Ihe  in  I  prnccrds  (if  flic  laiiils  lyiliq 
wiiliin  the  saiil  terrilnry.  inid  which  shall  he  snhl  tiyCoii- 

laess  from  and  after  the  lirsl  day  nf  Ih iiilier  iicvi,  ut'ter 

dedilcliim  all  e\peiiscs  incident  til  tile  ...ani''.  shall  he  re. 
served  fur  nialiiiiL'  pnlihc  r'l.nls  iiad  c.niids,  nf  which  ttiree- 
lilliis  sllllll  he  applied  to  llinse  nhjecis  within  Ihe  >aiil  Slate 
unilerthe  directinn  nf  the  l.eirishitnrc  tliereaf.  nint  t«n- fifths 
111  tlie  inakiiiL'  iif  a  rnnd  nr  roads  leading  to  Uio  HUid  titale. 
under  Ihe  direelinn  nf  rniiEres-s.'' 

In  the  net  of  the  I81I1  April,  1818,  for  the  ad- 
mission of  llic  State  of  Illinois  into  the  Union,  there 


u 


w 


^1 


n 


im 


618 


APPKNDIX  TO  THK  C0.\GUKSS[01\AF,  CF-OnK. 


)21)th  Cono IST  SK88. 


in  II  HJmilnr  |>ri<viKion  tn  ihiit  in  relHlii>n  to  llw 
Siiilp  i>t'  Iniliiiiiii:  t  II'  nninc  |iroviMii>ii  l»  iiiiiilc  in  lliv 
Hct  of  till'  li'li  Mini  li,  IHJK,  Ibr  ll"!  HiliniNBion  nl' 
the  Stall' III'  MisNiiuri  mill  tlui  t'liiim.  Ilrri'iire 
fiHir  lrf,'iHliiiivi"  ciiiii|piii'in,  mili'innly  niiiilo  liy  Ciiii- ' 
jrri'sM  wilfi  ihi-Hii  tour  Slatfs.  That  Coii^ri'MH  wad 
riin;'tiliitiiina)ly  riiiii|irti'nt  to  iiiivJ<r  llirse  I'untpiU'lH, 
I  pri'MUiiir  no  >:riitlfniaii  will  iloiilil. 

Tlii.'*  i|iirM  111  iircHi'iiln  ilai'li',  wln^llii-r,  n|>oii  tlir 
oonsiilrralioiw  i'X|irrnm'il  in  iIiimi'  kiviimI  I'oiiiiiai'l.", 
till'  LioviTiiiiiiMi:  ot'ilit'  Uiiiii'il  Siati'.'i  iinili'i'iook  to 
iiiakr  a  roail  ifailiiii:  lo  mtd  //ii'mnf/i  //ir*r  Statist 
or  waH  till'  iiiiili  I'takiiii;  ol'lliL'  tioMiiiiiiriu  only  lo 
rxiii'ml  llii'  two  |irr  I'rnl.  I'linil  ImrnitlH  tliiii  oli|irl,- 

'rlii*  i^i'iilU'iiian  (Voiii  Alaliaiiia,  [Mr.  ^',\Nri.v,| 
i'oiiU'MiIn  tliMl  tlio  llniti'il  Siati'S  only  iiiiilrilook  to 
CX|ii'llil  till'  two  |HT  rrlll.  I'linil  lowailN  tiuil  illi|l'rl; 
lli.it  inorr  than  llii'  iiiiioiini  ol'  ihiil  riinil  has  in  in 
r\|irnili'il,  anil  that  thr  Uniti'd  StatcH  liius  fully  cuni- 
|iliril  with  lis  I'ontiai't. 

I  illll'iT  Willi  that  trinilrnian  n|ion  Ihi-i  snlijrct. 
I  maitilain,  nii',  tli.o,  n)ion  ii  t'ai  anil  jnsi  inlcrpri'- 
laliiin  of  thi'.si'  roni|iai'i.'<,  laki'ii  in  I'oniii  \lon  wilh 
the  ai'lioi)  of  ilu'  ttiuri'iimi'iit  siiirr,  anil  ihi'  I'lr- 
I'liniNt-'ini'i'M  I'XiNlin^  at  Ihi'  tiiiii'  tlic  t'oniiiai'ls  wcic 
iliinlo,  no  iithiT  lr',nliniiiti'  virw  ran  I"',  t.iki'ii  of 
llii'in  than  thai  I  hi'  nnili'i'lakiiii  of  ilir  rnitril  Slali-s 
wa.s  lo  I'oii.sinii  t  llii'  t'oail  to  anil  lliioiiih  llio,si' 
Sialra,  wiilioiil  i'r';aril  to  tliraniin.iit  ol'  llir  two  |ii'i' 
ri'iit.  I'ciiiil;  tliiil  till'  inlinlion  of  tin'  roinia''lni^ 
iiurtii'.-!  wai,  that  llir  tiovi'mini  nt  of  thi'  L"niti>il 
Stall's  was  m  lie  lioniiil  to  make  ilic  roail,  anil  tinii 
the  two  |ier  rriil.  fiiml  was  ir!;ai'ili.'il  lo  la'  only  in 
iiiil  of  till'  work,  'rill'  mail  \yaM  ronsiili  itiI  a.s  i.ni' 
of  tlu'  iri'f'.itrst  Mn|iorliinri',  iin  a  mail  riiiili'  anil  a.s 
a  iniliiai-y  ni.i'l.  At  ihiii  timi',  it  is  tnii',  it  was  of 
iiioi'i;  ini'porlani'i'  in  tinil  iniinl  of  vii'W  than  it  in 
now,  owiiii;  to  till'  iin|»ro\i'iiii'nts  of  tin-  imvi:;a- 
tioii  of  till'  dliio,  ilii'  a|i|i|ii'aiio.i  of  sirani  lo  that 
ii:u  i::nlion,aiiil  iln'  VI  ly  ijri'.ii  oii|M'ini'nii'niswlii.'li 
liavr  Ipii'ii  innli'  in  llii'  i'"nsiriirlion  of  snain  vi's- 
»rls  f'l' thai  iMii'|iosi'.  liiil  thr  roail  siill  is  oni' of 
U'ri'iil  naiional  iniporlain'C  as  ii  post  roiiii'  anil  mill' 
i.iry  I'liail,  anil  may  I'l'i'omr  iiiili»|iiiisalily  nrci'.s-  i 
s.irv  at  snrli  tinii's  ns  ihc  nuvi'.;alliin  of  the  Ohio  is  I 
olisirni'ti'il  liy  i''i'. 

Till' (joviTiMiidii,  at  llint  lliiif,  owned  in  thosi: 
Suilrs  morr  than  a  liiniilri'il  millions  of  arri'.j  of 
land;  this  road  was  of  '_'rrat  iniporniiii'i;  with  llii- 
view  lo  the  sale  and  si'ttli'meiit  ot'ihosi'  lands,  niiil 
to  '.^ive  iliem  valiii';  tin'  (.toM'rnihi'ol  would  lliiis 
deriM'  vrry  ;;ri'ai   ailvaiila';es  anil  l.o",'i'  ri'vinui's, 

resnlliin  iVom  tin nsirnelion  of  ihe  road.     'I'lii:  : 

aiillioriii.s  had  v  ii  will  all  tliese  niatlers  fnllv.  Ks-  ! 
liinaii'"of  ihi'i'ost  of  I  In:  road  were  made.  'I'liurost  [ 
of  ihe  eonstriii'lion  of  ilie  ni.iil  from  Ciimherlanil  to  ; 

WlieelinL',  a  ilisian f  s.'venly  niilis,  Hasistnna- 

teil  by  .\lr.H  ill.iliii  al  <,li,(M«)  |)rriiiile.  Al  this  rale 
the  e.ist  of  the  road  I'rom  I'liml'iiliUid  lo  the  .Mis- 
si.'isipjii,  a  ili.iianen  nf  .six  Inindreil  and  fifiv  miles, 
would  I'.'  s:t,''l"l,tl"l'''  a  Sinn  ^-riaily  less  than  ; 
w'caild  liiue  lain  derived  to  ilie  Stales  from  the 
taxes  for  li\e  years,  wliiili  tiny  ri'liiii|nishi'd,  and 
whieli  il  i.-i  eali'iilali'd  would  have  ninonnii  il  to  ai 
least  S.-),OnU,illlll.  It  is  true  lliat  the  work,  so  far 
as  il  lia.s  |iro_'ri  s.-jril,  has  eo:-l  i;i'eatly  more  than 
till' esliniale;  hilt  this  will  not  vary  tlie  eontiaei. 
.Miieh  of  the  expendilnris  i!|ion  the  road  lia.s  hri'ii 
wa.'^U'fiil  and  exira\a^atit:  hut  over  ihese  the  ,Siaie.s 
have  had  no  eonirol  whaleier;  they  h.ive  hcen 
rxeliisively  niid.  r  llie  eomrol  of  the  Ueneral  (iov- 
ernnieni.  If  lliey  have  heen  wasleil,  ihi.s  Goveni- 
intiil  alone  is  lo'l..|anie,  and  the  Siali  s  eaiinol  in 
jiistii'e  lie  ni.iili  lo  Slitter  for  il.  M'his  Ciovi  rnnii  nl 
was,  so  tiir  as  the  two  |icreoiit.  t'niiil  w  as  eoneeni- 
ed,  a  truslce  f"r  the  .Stales;  and  if  the  fund  was 
I'Xiravj'.'anily  and  wiislefnily  i'X|iendeil,  hy  ihu 
nc':;leelanil  iiiisniaiia;.'eni"iiiiif  lis  own  otlii  ers.this 
Government  is  res|ioasilile,  for  the  trust.  IJesuji  s, 
the  Cjoveri  ■iieni  h.'id  made  lUs  surveys  and  eali'iila- 
tions.  ande^umauil  ilie  eosl;  hud  ailo|iled  lis  plans 
upon  eiuisiih  niiion  of  ilie  wlioli' mailer;  and  if  it 
m.ide  a  hud  Liari;ain,  il  is  none  llie  less  hoiinil  by 
It.  T'niler  siii'.h  eirenmstanees,  llie  eonipaels  weri; 
inuile,  and  the  road  eommenied.  If  the  two  per 
eent.  fund  wa.s  not  snUieieiii,  ihe  ( Jovernnienl  did 
Milt  inleiid  lo  rely  upon  il  for  the  e'linplelion  of  ihe 
road,  or  (wliieli  no  man  can  hehevej  a  iVand  was 
praetised  '.ipiiii  the  .States.  .More  limn  the  wIioIl'  of 
the  two  per  eent.  fund  was  ixpi  iideil  in  .Maryland 
and  Penii.  'Ivania  and  Vii'^'inia,  heforc  the  road 
even   I'caehed  the  f)liio:   where  then  would  have 


Vumhirlnnd  liuinl — IMr.  'IVibnttt, 

born  tlu;  hp^inc  in  llliiuMH  or  MiHttotiri  makiiif?  himIi 
ti  nintrm-.l,*  Wlirrt'.iH  the  juNtir*'  nr  rmriu'HN  m 
t;iviii«:;  llir  coiUr.u't  surli  a  ntn.-'tnitiiori  ?     Miu  ii  ih 

('IMIIiMhIciI     thill     lIlO  (It'lM   IUmKiII::     M|t|l|'l>|l|'lll(|njlN   to 

thlH  rniiil,  {tniviilc  ihitl  lliry  Nliail  In:  niiiihiir-^eil 
om  nl"  till)  iv.ii  \H\'  ci'iil.  luinl.  ir  tins  wrrc  tiur, 
It  would  tituninil  to  iinlhiii::;  II  woiiltl  lie  Itul  mii 
at'itT  tliuiiirlii,  Mil  (.r /(((f7f- tii'i  oil  ilir  piti  i  ot'  this 
Ciovt'i'iiiiiciil,  whii'h  tlir  SmiiN  ciuhl  nnl  roiilml 
(Uid  well' not  hound  hy,  iind  wlii<')i  I'onid  not  vary 
ihr  orii^inal  coniniri,  Mui  ihiM.s  not  trui>  in  jionii 
ol"  Cut;  the  a«'i  of  I>l)f!,  wliifh  i.s  th<:  lii>t  U|<'in 
tlo.N  Hi)h|<'rt,  jKtvH  no  r('::ard  lo  tlic  iwo  [ii  >  1 1  ti(. 
t'nud.  'I'hr  nn-N.s!i'_'('  ol'  Mr.  JritVrson  nl'  thr-  llUh 
ol'  I'chruai y.  INW,  sho\\  t^  tliat  ii  was  //km  couinn- 
jihtlt'd  hy  thiH  (ioMTiiiufril  to  i-arry  llin  road 
(hrouirh  to  tliu  MiM.siNsipjii.     lit^  hivh: 

'•  ill  roiiriiiiu  till-  (Il  ci'iMii.  jilic  |it>iiii  III  wliicli  flM<  roiul  i 
hIi'-iiM  .-iriM*  liH' Ohio.)  I   hli.iil   |iii>  iiiiiii'iiiil   nunnl   lo  Ilii' 
mlirr.-N -ii.il  wi^tc'  i.r  ilii-  |Mii>iili!ii->  piim  mi  iIj<  Star  mi 
iihjd,  ,11  it  iti.iiMnii'    .-niil  rfiii\r'i.i.  iin'otjiii-riiKii  uiilitlii> 
r<>;iil  «\lii'li  ix  l>>  II- III  I'rcnii  tli  '  IikIihii  iKtniMinry  ii'-nr  Tiii- 

I'liilMtl  l>\    \  lll<-i-niM  r>  to  ll)C   M|o^l-!<l|l|ll.  III  HI.   I.MUIH,  iiiiili-r 

;i;iilifiit>  III  [In  inidi-Jl-i  Aitiil.  I-^N).  In  lliis  \va>  \\  i-  iiiay 
;i<-'  oiiii'h  II  i(  i-MiiIiiiiii-'l  ;niiI  itiU  ai.liiii'  mis  tni>'  •>!  (-oiMiiiiini 
I  iilxiii  ifnn  Ilu-  '■cil  •>/  th-  iinirr.il  (,'  n-j  uiiuuf  tn  SI.  t.iuh, 
li'isHiii!!  tlirwiitfli  hiuiiy  iiitcrt-.-iniiJt  |><>iiiM  ol'  tlit-  wi^.-^icni 
yiHiiilt.*." 

'I'hi' ai'l  (d'lhc  IJih  April,  HIS,  did  not  provide 
llnii  lhi-appronriiktii>iithn)ina(ii'ot>:t|:i/.)l't  .shoidd 
hr  I't'iinliiir^i'd  oiil  ol'tlir  two  per  criil  t'nnd.  Tlic 
approprialioiis  nl"  iHllI,  i^'*U,  and  l^l.'i,  wcrt;  in 
thf  '^nirral  ii|'propriuliiin  hills,  nnd  no  Nni'h  ivsci- 
valiiMi  atl;it-hril  lo  llicni.  Thr  prcanihh-  tolhrai-t 
of  |H:.'(f.  wliii'h  dirc'trd  ihc  survtiy  iVoin  Whcfliii'j; 
l'>  tlic  Mis.si.-isippi,  shiiws  thai  one  ot"  tlu;  idiit't'oli- 
jri'ls  ol'  thr  (inirial  tiovcnnin-iU  in  llu!  conslru*'- 
lioii  of  this  road  was  tornhaihi-  lliu  vahir  of  ihr 
pnlihc  iandH  in  the  \Vi  ,si;  I'ur  at  ilial  tinn?  niort 
than  tivi'  times  thf  aniounl  oT  the  (uo  ptr  t-cnt. 
Cniid  liad  hcfii  cxpt'iidcd  in  iVIaryluiid,  IVniKsylva- 
iiia.  and  Vir<:iiua. 

All  thr  ai'is  nt'lhis  (iovrrin))t  (it  ^n  to  show  that 
tht'  (.iovrrnnirni  inii  ndi  d  to  iiiaKi-  ihis  road  to  tiic 
MissiNsippi.  Thr  (iovrnnncnl  lia.^  ttuiN  Indd  oni 
to  ihc  hardy  and  liomst  yi:oniaiiry  of  tin;  Wc.nI 
indiu'i'inrnts  to  puichasf  and  sciljr  npoii  thr  lands 
on  and  nrar  this  road;  which  iht-y  have  done  al 
<;ri'at  risk  and  lalmr,  and  niadf  viduahh;  nnprovf- 
tnfiitH,  Willi  a  vii.'w  to  ili(M*'in.stniriion  of  tins  road. 
This  liiri  adds  to  thu  contrai-l  of  the  Ci'ivminnnl 
an  addiiional  ni'U'al  ohliL'^ation,  wliifli  oiiLcht  to  he 
faiilifnlly  and  stnciiy  cnniplird  with.  Tin-  Uov- 
crnnini'  i.s  iMiiuid  hv  iis  acl.s  and  its  coinpai'i.s  to 
cotnpl  ti-  this  road,  I'ost  what  it  may.  It  rannoL 
I'ct'iisj  til  do  il  without  r('pudiatMi<;  a  sohnnii  obli- 
i;aii('n,  wilhont  a  oirarh  nf  ^nod  faith,  and  wiihout 
doin:;  irrcat  and  ^rieviins  iniusii'T  lo  llir  people  (if 
the  \V<-.si,  who  nn*  inin't'iilrd  in  it,  and  who  have 
hcen  iMdni-rd  hy  that  cxpri'I.ition  to  piinhasi,*  and 
tsetlie  upiMifaiid  iinpiove  the  puhlu'  doniaiti.  Will 
L^'.-niltnirn  plari  this  Liovrriinuni  in  that  )iosiiiiai 
by  r<tnMini,r  this  approprialion  •     I  hope  not,  sir. 

The  ;ien:hiiian  from  ALn-ama  |.Mr.  Va\(i;v| 
savM  ihal  the  peupl*- nf  the  \V<  st  have  no  rii;ht  lo 
nnnpl.un  of  the  oppnsiiinn  of  snnthern  nienihi.rs 
lo  (hi--  and  niln  r  hiiis  pn'pr.stnu'  ji[iprnp(iiiiioH;t  in 
the  West.  He  thinlis  thai  the  Lienend  Uov<  rn- 
liient  has  liecn  very  lihera!  lo  the  We.st,  and  he 
cxliihits  a  lahli',  shnwini^  thai  a  laive  anniuiii  of 
the  puhlie  lands  ha\e'  hf«n  ^i\en  to  the  w<  sl(  rn 
Suiles  for  vari'ins  pnrpo.-rs.  What  were  tho.se 
lands  worth,  sir.  hiit  I'or  the  valor,  the  enterprise, 
and  the  coiira^re  of  the  people  of  the  West?  It  was 
their  toil  and  hlond  ihat  won  them  tVotn  the  .<ua\aL:e 
allies  (if  (ire;it  llnlaiii,  who  held  mi  to  them  after 
lln!  1  real y  of  peaee  of  ITi^-.'l.and  you  (I'd  not  ^el 
ihein  unlil  I7!I4,  when  they  were  wresti-d  from  the 
savau't'H  hy  ihe  hrave  pmneefs  of  the  West.  Ihit 
for  their  vaJm*  y<>u  would  not  have  had  them,  and 
liiit  t'i»r  iheirenterpi  ise  they  Would  have  luen  worlh- 
le.ss;  *'iey,  under  all  kinds  of  dan:_'^er  and  hardship, 
pene'ntied  the  wildernes.>,  and  seithd  upnn  ihef^e 
lands,  nial  iherehy  L'ave  ilieni  value.  lint  1  liave 
hteii  hulking'  into  tiie  lahie  referred  to  hv  tin:  i:i  n- 
lleinan,  to  a.seerlam  wliat  portion  of  tfii.s  liheral- 
ily  has  fallen  to  the  lot  of  llir  Stale  of  Kenlueky, 
whnh  1  havt;  the  lioinu'  in  part  to  tcj)resi  nl. 
The  meintter.s  from  Kenlueky  on  this  lloor  liave 
in  alt  times  been  lilieral  in  votini^  appropriations 
to  other  pnrt.s  of  the  nnnni.  They  Itave  acted 
with  an  open  liand.  And  how  inurli  land  do  yai 
Huppose,  Hir,  is  Mhowu  by  this  tiihle  to  Iia\(^  heen 
bealowcd  by  liie  gcneruu:^  iiiuuifieeiiccof  ihisGuv- 


f  April  1, 
Iln.  OK  Kl'.i'S. 


oriiinont  upon  thu  Siiitu  nf  Knnlueky )  Nut  iin  niirc, 
sir.  Anil,»ir,  ifl  renienilier  eorreelly,  an  apprii- 
prMtion  of  a  lownsliip  of  land  in  a  deaf  and  ilimili 
asylum  al  Danville,  and  Nome  Ninall  appropnalioii 
lor  a  niiliiary  (iohI  in  .Newporl,  will  make  ihe  hiiiii 
liiliil  of  all  the  innnilii'eni  hheriilily  of  ilii.i  liiivern- 
1111  111  lolhe  SlMle  of  Kenlniky;  whilsi  wi  have  heen 
voini:;  millions  upon  millinos  amin.illy,  In  lie  ex- 
pended for  Ihe  lienefn  of  the  Kast  and  .Smiih.  Hint 
oiil,  sir,  the  insi'^nilieanl  approprialioiis  I  liaie  al- 
liidi'd  to,  and  no  nioinnnenl  would  he  left  that  Ken- 
lueky was  I'ver  a  nieinlur  ol'thiN  ('onfederai'y,  ex- 
eept  upon  voiir  Imtile-lields,  where  her  Inave  Hiins 
have  perilled  in  ilefenee  of  ihe  eounlry. 

Il  IS  mrnii','!',  Mr.  (■hairnian,  thai  i;enllenii  li 
froiil  the  .South  should  iiuike  sneh  violenl  opp'isi 
lion  to  ihe  approprialioiiN  wliieli  are  asked  for  hv 
Ihe  peoph'  lit  the  West.  It  is  imi  only  this  lull 
wliieh  is  oppiised  hy  tlieni,  lull  their  opposilion 
was  ei|iially  violent  ihe  oilier  day  to  "  llie  liarhor 
and  river  hill."  They  opposed  ihal  sli'oni;ly,  he- 
eanse  il  did  not  appropriale  as  nineh  In  llie  .'soiiili 
iiH  to  the  West  and  Norlli;  luil  when  the  hiH 
m.ikiii'i  approprialioiis  for  foriilieaiions  was  up  ihr 
oilier  day,  ihesi-  i^i  nllenien  ilitl  not  eoniplain,  or 
even  sui;uesl  that  ihe  approprialioiis  in  that  hill 
were  eoniparatively  iioihin;;  for  the  VVesI,  nnd 
almost  all  for  the  l'',ast  and  llie  Sonlli.  i\o,  no, 
sir;  not  liny,  not  at  all,  sir.  Wesli  rn  meniher.'", 
howi'M'r,  dill  not  eoniplain.  'I'ln  y  knew  that  llie 
.Seiretary  of  War  had  reeonimended  the  appro- 
prialioiis; thai  they  were  saiii'linned  hv  the  l-.xe- 
eiiiive  ;  and  that  llir  t.'onnniiiee  of  Ways  and 
.Means,  after  exaininin;;  ihe  suhjei'l,  had   reporli  d 

and  I iinneniled  Ihe  pa.-.s.ii^i'  ol'  ihr  lull,  and  v.e 

voiiil  for  il,willionl  uskin_  any  i|Uesiions.  We  did 
not  ohjei't,  nr  eoniplain,  lliaJ  llie  lull  did  iiol  ap- 
propriate as  nini'h  money  lo  the  West  as  it  did  for 
the  Sonlh. 

lllere  Mr.  Y\v(  CY  Hiiid,  thai  he  shoiilil  remind 
Mr.  '!'.,  that  he  and  liLs  i'ollem,'nt'  |.Mr.  I'xv\k| 

had  opposed  the  "  harhuriiiul  river  hill"  npoi • 

sliiiiiioiial  iri'oiiiiils.{ 

I  am  well  aware  of  ihal,  .Mr.  rhairmaii.  I  did 
mil  say  ihal  the  only  ^'I'linnd  of  olijeeliiui  wliieli  was 
iiiiuli'  III  iliat  lull  was  lhat  of  an  imeipinl  dislrilui- 
lioii  of  the  piililie  money.  1  do  mil  reeollei'i  dis- 
linetly  the  f'ronnd  wliieli  ihai  :reiilleiiiar.  took  in 
relaiion  In  lhat  poiiil;  hiil  it  will  lie  reeollii'iid 
ilisimetly  that  one  of  the  iiriinipal  olijeelions  whieli 
was  iirm'd  ai;aiiist  llie  hit!  Iiv  his  eiille.i'.;ni'  was, 
that  the  hill  did  not  iippropriale  as  iniieli  money 
south  of  .Mason  and  Dixon's  line  as  it  did  iiorili  of 
il.  1  wish  to  hIiiiw,  hefore  I  sit  down,  how  im- 
proper siii'li  iilijeelioiis  are,  and  to  what  lillle 
wei;;lit  they  are  eiitiiled.  Now,  sir,  in  Kenlueky, 
we  have  no  iiso  for  forliliealioiis;  s'.  r  never  expeel 
lo  see  an  enemy  w  ilhin  our  horder,  unless  as  a 
prisoner  of  war;  appropriations,  therefore,  tor  the 
ereeiKin  of  fortilit'ations  in  Keninekv,  wonlil  he 
eiiiirelv  pri'ipostrroiis.  AVIiai  would  irenlleinen 
have  tliouL'hl,  ilieii,  if  a  Kepieseiiiaiive  from  Ken- 
lueky had  ni'iied  an  opposition  to  the  forlifu-ation 
lull,  lieeause  it  did  iioi  appropriale  an  eipial  pro- 
portion of  ihe  money  proposrd  (lo  he  expended  lo 
the  ereetion  of  t'orlilii'aiion.s  in  llie  .Siiiie  of  Keii- 
ineky.'  Oi  what,  if  a  Keprpsentalive  from  Keii- 
tiieky  should  iip|iose  llir  naval  approprialion  hill, 
hee.uise  il  does  not  apppipriale  money  lo  he  ex- 
pi'iided  for  the  navy  in  Kenlueky,  where  we  have 
no  water  to  lloal  ii  upon,  and  no  use  for  any,  if 
we  had.'  I  put  these  niiestions  to  the  riindor  of 
LO'iitli'inin.  Till'  opposilion  wiiieh  ihey  inak'e  to 
llie  appniprialions  for  llie  iinprovemenl  of  thr 
^'leal  niuisahle  rivers  and  harliors  in  llie  West  is 
I'lpially  iiiisplaeed  and  nnjiisl.  liesides,  sir,  it  is 
noihiii;r  more  nor  less  than  a  system  of  exlrav.i- 
'jani  and  useless  expendiliire  of  the  puhlie  money, 
wiihoiii  ri '^ard  to  the  propriety  or  neees.sily  of  llie 
iijipropri.'ilions  whieh  they  are  nri^iii;''  upon  iis. 
Kvei'v  measure  should  he  eonsideri'd  in  I'l'irard  lo 
Its  own  proprielv,  williie.it  rei^ard  lo  the  seetion  of 
eountry  in  whieli  ihe  money  is  to  he  expended. 
We  in  the  West  vole,  and  we  vote  with  an  open 
hand,  for  the  appropriali'Ui  of  iiinnev  for  the  eree- 
lion  of  forlifR'ations  iinjlie  .seahoapl,  anil  for  the. 
inaintenanee  of  a  navy,  hucaii.se  the  ohji  els  are, 
proper,  and  we  all  have  n  natinnal  iniei'est  in 
them;  and  they  me  sneh  kind  of  appropriationN  as 
are  proper  lo  he  expended  in  the  h'.ast.  I''iu'  the 
very  same  reasons,  irenlleinen  from  the  I'lasl  and 
.Suulli  uliuuld  supjiurt  uiid  not  oppose  the  appro- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  COXORESSIOlVATi  OT^OBE. 


ei9 


aUrii  CoNo 1st  Skss.  Uciriment  of  MimnUil  H'ljlnmn — Mr.  IP'.  IV.  Camp/ieU, 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


prirttiniiH  linked  I'nr  liy  the  \V(»I.  Tlicy,  Inn,  ai'p 
t>r  iiHlKitiiil  (-unccrii,  iuiit  hui-Ii  iin  urr  rn{uiri;il  liy 
llic  I'oiKlliKin  <>l'  lhiri!{H  in  tlie  VVinl,  iiikI  ;4iiiliililr 
til  lliiit  |i>riiliiy.  I  will  lint  ili'liiiii  (he  rinniiiillcr 
any  lnn;;c'r,  sir,  liiwiiii;  ill  lint  H.'iiil  more  lliuii  1 
liuil  iiilciiilcj  to  (III  \vlii;ii  I  looli  the  lliinr,  j 


KKUIMKNT  OP  MOLrNTUI)  lUI'LEMEN.   I 
Sl'UKCII  OF  iMR.lv.  VV.  CAMPBELL, 

OF  NEW   VnHK, 
In  tub  HlllISE  IIK   ItKI'llESKNTATIVEH, 

.IlirilH,  lH4r). 
Tlifi  Hinmc  lii'iii:,'  in  ('ninnilllrp  of  the  Whole  on 

till'  Niati'  III' I  III  Union  on  tlii'liillproviilini;  I'nr  tlir 

iniNiin;  ot'ii  rr^iiiiunt  iil' nioniilrii  rilU'iiicii  In  pro< 

tci'l  till'  i'niii;niiitii  nn  tliH  mule  to  Ori'gnn,  anil 

an  aim-iulnicnt  having  licen  oireieil,  providing; 

that  ilii:  olliciT<  and  NOliliiix  of  such  rcj^inu'iit 

hIioiiIiI  he  Anicrii'un  Inirn  riti/.ciiH — 

Mr.  CAMI'llKM.nliHtrvid— 

Mr,  Ciiaiiiman:  I  am  pliasid  In  loani  fioin  llir 
j^i'iilli'inan  who  has  jiiMl  liild'ii  his  Hi'al  [Mr.  ^'ki.i., 
of  Arkaiisisj  that  lir  in,  in  pari,  a  i;iind  A'alivr 
Aiiii'rioan.  llo  wiy.s,  and  I  lliink  truly,  that,  to 
render  this  rci;iiiicnt  cMi'i'tivi',  it  slionld  he  coin- 
posfd  of  iiK'ii  who  are  capahle  of  diHi'har<;iii<;  the 
peruliar  duties  reipiired  ol'  tlieiu — of  men  who  are 
Nkilli'd  in  ridim;iin  hoiNelwe'k — wlm  eaii  fell  alree 
and  liiiild  a  piiket  fort — who  can  hunt  the  liidi.ni 
iir  the  hulliilo  in  the  wild  prairien  of  the  West. 
lAir  Hiirh  a  service  there  can  be  no  doiiht  lint  nur 
own  nulive-liorii  eiti/.eiis,  and  cspc  eially  our  hardy 
pioneers  and  liordeiers,  are  most  eminently  filtiMl. 
And   now,  air,  that  this  aniendineiit,  which  was 

(illered    liy    my    Irieiid    li i    I'liiladelphia,    [Mr. 

LuviN,]  has  lirinii;ht  the  snliject  of  an  allcralinii  of 
the  iialiirali/.iitioii  laws  indireetly  liefiire  the  House, 
I  propose  to  devote  the  lime  allotled  to  me  to  n 
lirief  coiisidciatioii  of  this  most  iiileresliiig  ques- 
tiiin. 

When  llie  MaHsarhiiNetls  resolnlions  were  prc- 
Kenled,  early  ill  the  sest'on,!  disired  to  iidilrcsM 
the  1  louse,  Inn  others  moil  I'aviired — I  mean  phys- 
ically favored,  of  course — and  ei|uully  desirous  of 
lieini;  heard,  ijaiiied  precedence,  and  s'lepped  down 
into  the  trouliled  waters  of  the  pool  ot  i3etlicsdu 
before  me. 

I  do  not  propose  to  discuss  the  question  of  the 
power  of  C'oiiv:n>is  In  re^'iilate  the  elective  frail- 
I'liiae  in  the  separate  Slates.     This  has  been  alily 

d :  liy   my    friend   from  Philadelphia.      1    may 

be  pirinilled  lo  add,  however,  llnil  the  power  of 
admiltin;;  In  virlnal  eilizenship,  a.ssumed  by  the 
.Sialisof  .\liehii;aii  and  llliiinis,  seems  to  me  to  le 
a  plain  vinlaiioii  of  the  spirit,  if  not  nf  the  Idler, 
of  the  (jiinsiilulinn.  In  the  debate  on  the  Massa- 
chusells  rcsiilniions  we  were  lolil  that  we  must  jii 
to  the  dill'erenl  Slates  if  we  wished  lo  rennlale  the 
ri,!,'hl  of  snil'rau'e,  and  that  Coni,'ress  has  no  power 
luer  the  Kiib|eei.  The  C'onsmiiiion  of  the  United 
Slates  vests  in  Coiifjrcss  the  power  lo  pass  uniform 
laws  t'or  the  nalnralizalioii  of  men  born  in  other 
lands.  ,\s  the  rl^'htof  sulfia;;!'  has  been  considered 
as  of  fjreal  moment  ever  since  the  foiindalion  of  the 
(iii\erninenl,  and  as  one  of  the  hi^hesi  atlrilnitesof 
a  I'leeinaiijSiiii  has  almost  universally  been  deemed 
to  belong'  III  a  citizen  alone.  It  remained  for  the 
States  winch  I  have  mentioned  lo  break  down  this 
Iwrrierwlncliourfatlierferectedfiirthepreservnlion 
of  the  ballot-box  in  its  purily — to  assert  the  doctrine 
that  the  Stales  alone,  bavin;;  the  power  of  deler- 
ininiii^  the  quablicalions  of  eleclors,  can  admit 
aliens  as  well  as  citizens  to  the  full  exercise  of  the 
great  ri;,'ht  of  freemen — the  ri^ht  of  .sull'ra(,'e.  I 
do  not,  sir,  believe  in  the  doctrine.  I  consider  it 
as  amoiii;  those  heresies  which,  one  by  one,  are 
inmal'lid  upon  political  creeds,  and  which  are  de- 
slroyini;  ilie  vilality  of  the  (yonstitulinn.  The 
Stale  of  i\ew  York  was  referred  to,  and  we  were  told 
that  we  miisl  re:;uiate  the  privileges  of  nntiirnlized 
forei!j;iiers  in  the  ciinventinii  which  will  as.semble 
•Kiriiif;  the  coniinij  summer.  I  trust  we  shall  do 
HO,  and  llint  a  provision  will  be  inserted  in  the  new 
eotisiiuition  withhnldini;  from  all  persons  who 
shall  hereafter  be  iinliiralized,  the  riirlit  of  voting 
until  at  least  one  year  after  lliey  shall  have  been 
admitted  to  eilizenship.  This  would  strike  a  sure 
blow  nt  political  naturalizntion — would  put  an  end 


to  the  eorriipl  and  corriiptin;;  inniieiice.i<  and  prac- 
ticca  which  iminedialely  precede  almnst  e\ery  ueii- 
ernl  eleclion,  and  which  are  oflenliincs  a  di»;;rai'e 
even  to  the  coiirlH  before  whom  the  fnrnial  cere-  . 
moiiy  lakes  place.  Hut,  air,  of  whatever  piiliiical 
sins  the  Slate  of  New  York  may  have  beeii;;iiilty, 
it  may  be  said  of  her  that  she  baa  always  adhered 
faithfully  III  the  CoiiHiiiiitioii  of  the  Union,  in  ila 
lelterand  its  spirit.  The  first  eonalitulion  of  that  ' 
niilile  State  which  I  in  pan  re|ireaeiil,  and  of  which 
I  L'lory  in  beiiiK  a  native-born  eiiizen,  provided 
that  the  I,ef,'i^'laliire  of  ilie  Stale  should  have  the 
power  of  jiassin:;  uniform  laws  for  natiiralizin!; 
persons  of  foreign  birth.  That  cnnstitiilioii  was  I 
ushered  into  beinf;  in  1777,  duriiii;  the  most  iryin? 
and  eventful  viarnf  ihe  Itevolnlion.  It  was  framed 
by  a  body  ol'  patriotic,  men,  who  were  driven  be. 
fore  the  enemy  I'mni  place  In  place,  and  who  lite, 
rally  accomplislied  llieir  work  by  the  liijht  of  iheir 
biirniiu,'  ilwelliii'.'S,  and  amid  the  smoke  and  Ihe 
roar  of  thiM  ni'iny's  caiinnn.  Iliil  tlioii!;h  such  a 
priivision  exisled  in  the  eonsiitulioii,  aulhnrizin^ 
ihe  le;;islalnre  in  pass  eeneral  laws  for  nalnraliza- 
lion,nosiicli  laws  were  ever  piisseil,  friiin  1777 
down  to  17H!),  when  the  (^onslilulinn  of  the  rnilcd 
Slates  went  into  operation,  and  lookfinin  the  .Stales 
the  power  to  admit  to  eilizenship.  And,  dnrini; 
that  perind  of  twelve  years,  lint  one  special  law 
was  passed,  natnrahziiii;  about  one  hnnilied  |ier- 
siins  Ainiiiiiic.  That  was  all  \ew  York  ever  did. 
Our  fathers,  when  they  had  the  power,  by  Slate 
lei;islalion,  lo  open  wiile  the  door  of  eilizenship, 
did  not  think  it  wise  so  lo  do.  They  had  passed 
through  a  severl^  slru;;i.'le,  and,  willi  B  ureal  price, 
had  purchased  their  American  birthri'.'lit.  And, 
though  the  land  wanted  occupants,  thnnsrh  popula- 
tion was  sparse,  and  the  ebacacter  of  ihe  iiiinii- 
L'rant  population  was  senerally  unexceptionable, 
they  did  not  choose  to  make  Amciican  cilizenahlp 
too  cheap. 

riut  there  was  n  further  provision  in  that  consti- 
tution which  required  that  nil  ciiirens  of  the  Stale, 
before  they  could  cast  their  sulTrages,  .sliniild  pos- 
sess a  properly  (|iiulil'ii'ation.  In  order  to  vote  for 
the  higher  officers  of  the  Slate,  a  freehold  estate  of 
the  value  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  was  re- 
quired. 1  do  not  mean  to  discn.ss  the  (|iiestinii 
whether  such  a  provision  was  wise  or  not.  I 
merely  stale  the  fact,     This  cnnsliliition  remained 

in   force  down  In  lh'3'J,  when  a  new nslitiilion 

was  adopled.  This  new  eonstitiition  provided  lluil 
the  elector  should  have  done  jury  duty,  or  military 
duty,  or  worked  upon  the  liigliway,  during  the 
year  prereding  that  in  which  he  proposed  lo  vote. 
.\n  amendment  to  llial  eonslilulioii  w.is  adopted 
shortly  afterwards,  which  dispensed  with  tliese 
qualifications,  and  under  which  every  while  male 
eiiizen  of  the  United  States,  of  the  age  of  twenty- 
one  year.s,und  who  had  been  a  resident  one  year  in 
the  Slate,  casts  his  vote  lor  all  elective  oinccis  of 
the  State  and  Gereral  (jovernments. 

So  much  for  the  Slate  of  New  York.  The  his- 
tory of  that  .Slate  is  the  history  of  moat  of  the 
States  of  the  Union.  And  now  let  us  see  how  this 
change  of  qualifications  has  operated  upon  the  na- 
tive and  adopted  citizen.  It  may,  at  first  slance, 
seem  a  strange  asserlion,  but  it  is  nevertheless 
true,  that  the  ell'ect  in  part  has  been,  to  give  In  the 
alien  a  decided  advantage  over  the  native  citizen — 
in  other  words,  to  constitute  the  alien  inhabitanl 
virtually  a  member  of  a  privile:;ed  ela.ss  of  society. 
A  ."oreigner  arrives  upon  our  shines.  He  inlcnils 
In  become  a  citizen,  and  declares  his  intentinii. 
He  remains  live  years.  He  is  not  required  to  do 
jury  duty  or  inilitarv  duty — at  least,  such  is  the 
law  in  New  York.  ^le  pays  a  tax  only  in  the 
event  of  his  having  property  which  can  be  assess- 
ed. He  niay,  soon  uIUm'  bis  arrival,  have  entered 
the  alms-hnnse  and  have  been  a  public  eliaiue. 
At  the  expiration  of  live  years,  a  jrencral  or  iiiipor- 
lant  election  is  at  hand,  and  the  alien,  upon  whom 
none  of  the  burdens  of  citizenship  has  ever  rested, 
goes  to  the  eiiiirt — is  iinluralizcd — goes  fi-nm  the 
court  to  the  ballot-box,  and  depnsites  his  vole. 
Hy  his  side  stands  a  young  man — a  iialive-bnrn 
eiiizen,  just  arrived  at  lii.s  majority — and  who  is 
also  about  tfi  cast  his  first  vote.  For  three  years 
preceding,  the  burdens  of  citizenship  have  been 
iinrne  by  this  young  man.  He  has  been  obliged 
to  conform  to  all  the  provisions  of  the  military  law. 
He  may  have  been  compelled  to  shoulder  his  mus- 
ket, and  to  go  forth  to  the  tented  field.     Wlicn  he 


arrived  at  the  age  nf  eighteen  years,  the  ipiestiim 
was  not  iKiked,  whellier  he  intended  lo  become  n 
citizen,  and  whether  he  intended  to  vole  win  n  ho 
.irrived  at  the  age  of  iiveiity-one  years.  No;  the 
law  of  the  land  made  him  a  citizen,  and  iinposeil 
the  burdens  ot'  eilizenship  itpnii  him,  because  he 
had  been  born  upon  the  soil.  When  he  arrives  al 
the  a;;e  of  twenty-one  years,  a  new  duty  devolves 
upon  Jiim,  and  for  the  same  reasiin — the  duty  of  u 
jnior — a  duly  necessary  and  respoiiHible,  but  ol'teii- 
liiiies  linrilensome.  The  alien  remains,  as  long 
as  he  pleases,  free  from  these  duties  and  biirdena, 
and  ia  lialile  only  aHer  he  shall  elect,  and  alinll 
have  exercised  the  rights  of  citizenship.  This  is 
not  equal  and  exact  justice. 

In  the  course  of  tlie  previous  debate,  Ihe  Oecla- 
ralion  of  Independence  was  alluded  In,  and  the 
geiiileman  from  New  York  [.\lr.  tiiiinf.ii|  said, 
exiilliimly,  that  George  the  fhird  was  the  first 
.Native  American,  because,  in  the  langua',;e  of  that 
inetiiiirable  instrument,  he  had  nbslructed  Ihe  laws 
of  natnralizalion  of  fnreii'in  rs.  H;is  that  genlle- 
niaii  everexamined  the  wriling-".  of  the  disiin^nisli- 
ed  anllior  of  ilial  declaralion?  Does  he  not  know 
that  Mr.  .lell'erson  was  not  only  an  early  but  must 
ze.'ilinis  Nalive  American  ?  I  will  re, id  for  hi-s 
edilic.tlion  certain  passams  from  his  ,\oies  on 
Viixiiiia,  a  work  wriinni  Just  at  the  close  of  ihe. 
Ilevohiliiin,  and  prepared  wilh  care,  in  which  the 
L'reat  founder  of  the  Oemoermic  parly  L'i\is  his 
advice  tn  the  neople  nf  his  native  Stale.  'I'b;it  part 
which  I  shall  read  may  be  (rniKidcred  as  a  com- 
mentary upon  the  part  of  the  Declaialion  nf  Inde- 
iiendence  referred  to.  And  while  I  am  reading  ii, 
I  would  ask  also  the  careful  atleiilinn  of  ibi^  dis- 
tini;oished  ripresenlalive  |.\Ir.  Oromi;imii.kJ  who 
aihlre.ssed  the  committee  yesieriliiy  on  Jiis  sniijecl, 
and  al.so  all  of  his  colleiigues  from  ihe  Old  Uinniii- 
ion: 

*'  Here  I  will  licil  leave  lo  lirfipn-e  a  dnillil.  'I'he  jiirMt-iit 
lie-ire  III. \iiieiica  i-  In  iiriiililce  lajiiil  piijiiil  tlinn,  le,  ]i>  uri-iit 
liiijKiil  iliiiii  III' liireiuai-rn  ii.i  |Hi.,>il,lu.  Itlll  ih  llii.-,  Iinaiilrij 
111  « I  [Hiiicy  .''' 

Again: 

"  I'lVil  itiiveriililent  lieing  ttie  snle  ntiirel  (iriiiniiiliuvocic- 
li.'H,  il-i  iiiliiiiiii!.|rMliii!i  iiiii.-l  lie  eiiMilia-li'il  tiy  eiiiiniina  cm,. 
^ellt,  Kver.v  ."lireie!,  (if  iKiverilllli  ul  liiiH  iln  »|M-i-llic  lirnici 
pit'*-,      tllirs,  p  -rtinpii,  nn-   inore  pt  rnllilir  tliuil  tlie^e  nl"  liny 

littler  ill  tile  aiilvirse.     It  is  a  cnmpn-iiliia  nrthi-  iVcoi  |iiiii 
elple.i  iil'tlie  Kiiuli^tl  f'niiKlJnitliill.  Willi  elln-r-  ilrriveil  rniiii 

iiiininil  riu'lit  iiiid  iialiinil  n-a -     't'li  tl nelliiiiL'  can  he 

lieire  (ip]ini4i-il  Ihuii  tin-  liiil.viiii-.  nl  iiii-nliili  iniiiiiiirliii  h, 
^'el  IViim  i*iieli  we  are  til  cxprcl  llie  mciile-l  iiiiiiitn-r  i  fcini  , 
L'nni|.i,  'rilev  «'ill  liriim  with  lli-'ln  tlie  piilnllile.-  nl'  the 
uiiveriiinciiL-i  lliev  le.ivc.  iiiiliiln-il  in  lli'-ir  eiiilv  iinith  ;  iir,  it* 
alitc  tn  tliniw  llii'in  (III,  it  mil  he  in  cxi-hiniu'-' lur  an  iin- 
hiiiniili'il  liceiili'ue'iii-M',  ii.-i--.-iii!.'.  as  i...  ii-ihil,  rtmn  (i.ii'cx- 
Irciiie  111  miiiliier.  It  wmilil  he  a  iiiiriii  Ic,  i\(;ie  ilie>  in  -li.|i 
pri-ci,-cly  (it  llie  piiinl  III'  IciapiTllte  hhcrtv.  'riie-e  priM-l- 
pli-K,  Willi  tlleir  linitfiiiiiic,  liny  will  inneiiiil  In  ihcir  cliil- 
ih.'ii.  III  jjiopor/(iiii  tn  then'  tiiniil'i'isy  llmi  .<  ill  v/i.,,-,-  ,-  i//i  t,.4 
I'll-  If^i^hlloii.  Tliey  will  nil'a.c  inlii  a  llieir  >pirit,  Haip 
1111(1  liiiis  ill.  (Iireeliiiii,4,  niiil  reinler  it  a  lii't>'ri>t.'eiii>iiii.-.  iiien- 
lieiciit,  llistrilcleil.  inn.*!'.  I  mmi  aiyenl  In  cj/j/uriicc  i/iiriiri; 
llic  im'svnt  fOiitvU/or  it  irrijUitiiano/ lluiv roiijritiirci,*^  ii.-. 

Thus  the  experience  of  the  war  of  the  Urviilu- 
tion  had  satisfied  Mr.  JeH'er.ion  thai  it  might  be 
wise  tn  ohali'iict  laws  for  the  naluraiization  of  men 
born  beyond  the  sens.     Hi.s  opinion  was  that — 

''i'n'lain  nun  aniiiiiiia  inalanl,  rjiii  tniii,>i  iirire  eiiriinit." 
'riie\'  clntnBe  ilieirsky,  liut  iKit  ihianiiiial,  wlinpniis  licyninl 
the  M-a. 

That  fnr-seeing  and  able  slalesinan,  in  his  mo- 
ments nf  cool  retledioii,  while  Inokiiii.'  fnrsvai'il  and 
shadowing  forth  the  career  of  liis  own  I  ,ii\eil 
Viruinia,  has  drawn  a  picture  'riie  to  t,ie  life, 
grouped  and  eoloreil  by  Ins  own  masterly  hand. 

I  know  very  well,  sir,  that  aiVrwards,  when 
Mr.  .Tell'erson  came  inlo  the  I'residcncy,  tlinl  he 
recomnichded  that  the  term  nf  resalenre  rei|uireil 
before  admilling  tn  citizenship  should  be  abridL'ed. 
The  alien  and  sedition  laws,  passed  during  the 
previous  Administration,  had  rendered  'hat  Ad- 
ministration unpopular.  The  npposiiion  to  these 
laws  had  proceeded  cliielly  from  llio.-i'  who  sym- 
'-..ilii/.'d  111  the  iiiovemenis  of  Kraiice.  And  .Mr 
.'reH'e; son,  ill  his  first  Annual  .Message,  asks  tlie 
.siarlling  question,  "  Shall  oppressed  humanity 
find  no  asvlum  on  this  globe r"  I  would  have  an- 
swered that  question  then  as  I  would  answer  it 
now.  Yes,  ojipressed  humanity  shall  find  a  home 
and  refuge  here  in  our  own  free  land.  God  forbid 
,hat  this  land  should  ever  become  other  than  our 
f  ithers  designed  it  to  be,  the  home  and  the  refuge 
if  the  exile  and  the  oppres.sed,  come  from  what 
old  and  despotic  Uuvernmcnt  of  Europe  or  Ihe 


&20 


'-JDth  Ct>N** Iht  Skii», 


AIM'KNDIX  TO  TIIK  CONGUKSSIONAL  GlA)\\Vs. 

Re^imvnt  of  iMonnfvtl  litjhmcn — .1/r.  fl\  //'.  Cnmpht/i, 


I  April  H, 

I  to.  OK    KkI'H. 


world  he  may.  Tin-  wiiiK*  ot'ilie  Aiiinirun  t-nijln 
■liiill  octver  iiiid  pmtcri  him;  hit!  wr  Nhuiilil  hm-  lo 
It  (hill  in  ihiiiiL;  Nil  thr  nlijiMt  ni'  nur  Inve  nm)  Myin* 
(uilhy  Khali  ikiI  itcHliDy  (lie  \i(iitN  of  the  nnhir  hinl. 
riiiM  )irii(fl('(ii>ii  ami  ran-  ol'  ihr  pnor  (Iik)  iIh<  n[i- 
jii'isKi'd  wr  owe  ((»  (hr  world  itiid  niir  iiii:<Mion, 
only  when  it  do'-n  not  iitdilVn-  with  llir  larc  uiid 
jntid'Clinii  due  Cnt\i\  (hcCi(»\«'niiii('iil  lii;;nitl  iiiit«»*- 
I'j  of  <iiir  own  |)i-ti|tlr.  WlictI  ihriu  nIiuII  t-HHio 
i'oll(f*iuim  ol"  iiutrr.st  lictwfni  hint  wliii  hwUh  a 
Immfl  hrrr  t'rttm  •itimiiil,  and  htiii  u  hi>  wuh  liorii 
ii|M)n  (he  Miiil,  1  »hnll  lu'  nn  ihf  t*n\v.  nt*  my  cwn 
Kith  and  kin;  mi  ihr  sitti- of  ihnsi'  whiihu\r  iii- 
lirrilt'd  with  nil'  luir  iiiNiiiutiniiH  .tiid  oiu'  |)rivilri;;rN, 
t'rnm  an  aiicrMtry  win)  (dituimtl  tlcni  with  tliiir 
hluodi  und  handed  tlndi  nvir  to  U8  aa  a  | him  ion h 
letfacy. 

I  have  ("Iwcrvcd  iliat  Mr,  JtllVii^nii  rnonimt  inl- 
(d  a  niodilu'alion  ot*  llic  nMini-alt/a(ion  lawn  wlini 
he  cann:  into  i>n\M>i-  in  |HI)l.  lint  hi  uh  roniitare 
lilt-  s.ale  id' lliini;t4  as  (hey  ihi  ii  cxistt  d  willi  tlio 
latKihl.  Ol*  (111- ijiiiu-rn  ori'/iiial  Siaitu,  mnnt  of 
ihfin  rrijiiind  hy  tin  ir  ('on.siituiioiiN  |ir'))M  riy  i|iiiili- 
lirciitniM  of  ihnr  loins.  In  Honir  of  :hc  SiattH 
Ihr  iunonnt  wuH  i-onituti-ratilc,  itnd  in  Mr.  .fittii- 
tt<)ji*a  ttw  n  Male  of  Virginia,  llir  clntor  wa.*  vv- 
iiuiifd  to  'Wn  a  fann  of  al  lia.sl  foriy  ams.  Tlit* 
rojiidcMt  of  a  t'it\ ,  who  nii^ilil  own  and  ncinpy  u 
(Stanly  Inm.M',  tonlii  not  vohj  nnli  s.s  lu'  wiih  |>on- 
."^L^sid  aisit  of  a  I'nni.  How  st'iod  (he  case  thru  • 
He  who  had  ritnaincd  fiv  ytais  m  tlic  fountry, 
and   rom|"ht:d   with   ihu   rifiniiTmcnlK  of  (In-  law, 

Hlill  couhl  nni  vote  nnlcMS  jiu  liai)  ht ini'  the  owntT 

also  t)f  a  Hudi<'h  nt  tVrchold.  If«  i^ir,  yon  will  Utv 
a  moiiHMit  con^idt  r  llii'  chaiaiMiT  of  the  i^rral  (imi-- 
■  lon  ttf  (111-  ininiij-rant  pupntalioi)  lo  (his  conntry 
dui'inu'  (he  laKtr  pail  of  ihu  Ki.st,  and  ihe  tarlit  r 
pari  i»f  ihe  pi'i!.sriit  <  cnlnry,  roniposcd  uh  it  was  of 
ih'-  I*iiih»Tan^  of  (Mrrnany.  ihr  HnLMunolM  of 
I't.inri  and  Su  il/i  rhnid,  and  tin  Tn  ^hytfrians, 
.^U(hodi.^lNf  Uaptisis,  and  KpiH>-opulian.s  of  •Si.iil- 
land,  I'.nuiand,  and  Irelniul,  with  foint'  nohh-  w- 
pii'li.  an  palrhiis  of  <it!iii*  rneds,  many  of  i!irm 
pi  r'Mi.sofcdncali'Hi  and  intlnrm  c;  and  tliiMi  fnrlluT 

•  oiiMdrr,  thai  afit  r  a  reHnhncf  of  Wm:  vcarw,  liny 
were  rt'ioired  (o  possrsM  a  frei-hold  het'orr  votinji, 
I  thmk  it  would  no  safe  to  biaiu  that  ih-'  rcwtric- 
tmns  uj. m  yutVra;;e  werr  i^'riNiti-r  ()r  more  cniiserva- 
live  under  the  law  pii.-;sed  diinni;  Mr.  JellVrwon'H 
Admniistrati(ni,  than  iluy  wonhl  he  now,  if  ii  resi- 
d(i'''*  ftf  twenty-'oie  v  ais  was  re'piirtd. 

My  t'olleamn'  [Mr.  XVoob]  a>kM  me  whelher  any 
r>rL  iLrner  of  nialnre  aire  would  not  he  as  well  rjunll- 
fie  1  for  American  eiti/eiiNhiji  ufliT  a  re.sidcme  of 
ti\c  years,  n.s  after  a  re.snh  nee  of  twenty-one 
Viars?  I  iin>wt'r — no.  rerlainly  ni>t.  IJni  a  small 
p'Thon  I'f  iju'  imiiii;:rant  pi>pulalioii  can  in  that 
prri-'d  of  five  y  ars  malic  thtnist.Ivis  aeiinaintiMl 
as  iht-y  ou^ht  wiih  the  i,MTat  interests  of  the  coun- 
try, ho  as  to  he  aide  to  vote  inlellii;ently. 

.\!u\  now  I  Inive  a  word  to  say  to  the  .Tndifiary 
< 'nniiiiiin-r,  and  tNiM-eially  (o  its  ehairnian,  [Mr. 
IvAinui'S',]  my  *"ollea^ue  iVoin  the  Siao'  of  ,\fw 
>  pirk.      He  si-eins  lo  think   ihat  lair  pnstnt  laws 

•  >f  natnralizalicni  rtiniiru  no  nniditiraiifni.  I  dnnht 
%\  111  ther  lie  Ini.s  read  (he  Viflnminoiis  report  of  the 
eoniniitlee  of  llie  Senate:  for  I  am  sure,  if  la-  had, 
he  coiild  not  Inve  :;ia\i  ly  ar:rni-d  that  nonf'Oin 
was  iiprded.  I-.>'t  me  re  m)  for  Iiih  infonnation,  and 
tlialof  ilie  C'oinniittei-  on  rhe  Jndii-iary,  one  uv  (wo 
ih  positions  taken  uinler  the  lamiiiii.ssioiKS  issued  }>y 
ihe  eoinmillee  of  the  .Senate: 

'•  S'>  r-iC.Tt  hi^lri  I  ■,/  \'"-  y.nf.: 

''  (Vfurtr**  U<Mi>  I'.ifil-'ii,  UK*''  '''J  yenrM.  nucnt,  ri^hlirii.'  n\ 
the  ciry  oj  \fw 'V.trk.  !'•  itii/ itiily -'udrii  I'ttHy  in..l  irnlv  tn 
a't-u  IT  the  Hi-.i-nil  miiTrn^'JiiotJi  -  wiiicli  ^ii;dl  \iv  piii  in  liiiti 
l>\  Ih--'  "'nil  «oiiiini'-!*iniii'r-,  and  in  mh-Ii  aa-'W-r*  to  n  II  iln' 
Irnt!).  (lie  vvhnic  initli.  itriil  iioiiiaiu'  l>at  tiM-  irnth  — 

"To  rh"  fir-t  iti(<-rro<^:it'ir>  ajunxi  d  to  miuI  I'oiruntr-^ion. 
lie  :\n*\\  rT'Ui  tlai!< : 

■  I  li;i\i'  In  (in-iidv  iK'eii  pri'-i'iit  «-■*  an  iiit'-riirfti  r  ilnrui:! 

(tie  [tr-.-'M-i-s  (if  ir:injrjlll/.rino|i  ;  lli;tt  tln'  ni>liHici'-  of  [MT-^nn-, 
Jipiiivni^  to  lit  linliir  ili/.r<l  who  ur>'  hIio!I\  nfiiorjiiit  oj  the 
Kiii.'!i*li  iHtiuuna**  are  trciimMil;  lunl  tlMniijIi  ilii\'  iniilir^loiMj 
Ih-'  (i-rnis  <»i*ili»'  'Mil'.  »^lien  lr;in-l:itt  <l  I'  (luiii  in  wofil-.  >»•( 
tli'V  Hi're  lr''i)iiiMiIv  iniihlf  m  ruin[inhPTirl  rlw  hnsMitiit' nC 
v. till  nitth  ;  ;iii'l  |iiii  ilco-arf  now  liuii<lreil-  urC'Vinaii.-.  wlin 
U:\\'-  In  pii  ;i(innH'-il  .  m/.i-n-.  \\  ho  itu  imi  n''Uiiiiili-i-iari(l 
111  ■  l':i:;li-h  l:aii.iri'i''.  or  lln'  iii"-;iiimc  "I"  I'li-  o.iili-  to  «  hn-li 
llii\  h;iv*'  h'l  II -U'Mo  ;  ;uiil  a-  to  IIm-  |iniir(plc>  ni'tli'- ( 'nii- 
htitiitioii  ol  III"  K'aiifil  r^iati  -,  ihi-v  liavi-  no  knowlr.t'.''-  tn 
roMipr'  Ih'iii-ioa  of  ihini.  .Miih\  ot'  thcni  are  nt'i'il  le-o-ou^, 
viitucn  any  cilui  anon,  ami  who  an-  natui  :ili/.'i|  la  tin-  -olici 
(ation  ofiittiert',  ami  \Mthoitt  any  (l>'-  ire  of  Mairown.  tncri  ty 
tohi'-nni'- th"  looji  orpolilii  ;il  [nirtif'i,  I  liav  li<  rn  pre^i-hi, 
iMid  h<-  -11  a-'ktMl  lo  iMl<'(i>r<-i  (h>'  oalli-.  ;in"l  oiy  Mil'T|irct)nioii 
liii.i  liceu  rwfived  willufiit  uiy  liuviny  been  pieviuusly  HWoni. 


"To  ilir  ■fiHiiiil  iiilerrouatorj  aMne\>  il  lo  -iild  eoniiniio'loni 

h''  HM«« fp- :  I 

"  That  he  hri  •  no  pi-r«oMril   Kaot\  |<  tljc  of  •im'Ii  |ii»|'inei'i>, 

but  liii-*  I nloCMinin.antl  It.  It.  \.<  tletn  I"  lu'lieipitnl.      It 

i<  II  i(>-iit>riil  pri'tii-i'  (<i  atl\<-rtiw>  m  ti  1«<riii<ni  pajxr  In  IliU 
'  ni>.  ilnii  all  (■rrin>nt>  wi-hniu  in  hr  (ialiirali/.<  il  -IhhiM  iip- 
pl\  to  llw  Otrinan  i'MMiiiiitt''<>  at  Tuiannnv  Mali,  u  li<  i*'  tloy 
\>in  hTt'lvi'  thi'lr  naiiirah/an<>M  urail*.  I  ani  will  Inionned 
lliai  It  !•  Ihe  pranifc,  pri>\lMiiN  in  flxMnnii,  lor  P'-i-mih, 
eaip|o)t-it  lor  Mini  pin por>i<  ti>  Taiiiinany  Mall.  |o  eall  nn  tin* 
(MTaiaii-*   anil    lo   pir-iiaile  llieiit   lo  lie   iiatnrali/.i  il  :  iniil   I 

have  Inir I,  in  Mo  Ir  tfiirral   i vcroitiion,  thui  n  i^  nii>  n 

Ih*' eii«>    ihi>  rfinMeah'^i  of  nanirali/'illi      arr  kept  lo  '•aiil 

enmaillp'e  imnl  Ihr  ihiv  nrelerlion.  W  hf,i  Ihrv  llO'  hllllileil 
(o  (hi>  partit-1  to  if  pit''«<'ii(''il  hyilMia  ai  Ihr  polN,  ihe> 
hi'lii'.'  ai'''oirip;nn  d  tin  r<  to  h,  -otiir  oiii<  o|  ■•iimI  ronnialier. 

"  aiifnoji,  M  (he  tini'"-  "N-h  wtc*  nn-  mviii,  have  Mie 
parll"'*  \ot)ii!MlMV  (tlinwit  (lit"-  (if  Ml  '  prilir|p|i'-«  m  |ni|lry  nl 
the  pirtv  in  wliM«i<  tioor  lhe>  d'  poitr  their  Imllot-'.' 

"An-urr.  'I  III  \  lirof  no'-  tie  >  an  hd  liv  Ih*-  wool 
'/i-'ri  I  !■■  t.  I  i|o  not  tal,<-  I'ln  i-iut  no-rlf  in  po|ine<,  hat  my 
I(iiia\|i'.l2p  n[  Ihe-i-  itir(4  Id  iOn-  th  ihrivi'd  f.om  In  ini!  iii;<mI 
of  Mm-  lli-iiiiiin  K'lihrrnnl  Hont'ty.  I  f'iriiii'riy  conititehil  n 
(•erinaii  (iiipiT  in  tla^  city. 

'•  To  till' MUh  intcrmuiiinry  aniK  \  d  lo  miiIiI  fHiiiinlHHloa 
hi'  aii'WiTK  lliii-i 

"I  kiH'W  of  tunny  In'mnecK  whrre  i-nnvlet-i  Iiave  hi-'n 
liarifoii'  d  and  i»int  to  I''!-*  ioiinlr\  nr  Ihe  i'\i)'n-t'  of  the 
IJioiTininiil  li\  »  hn  II  Ihi-y  wef  p:iid(Mi<  d.  Trii  or  twelve 
of  "in-li  (iifi-*  \n\i'  eoiii'-  lo  my  ktio« I'-iIi;  ■ ;  and  I  ki.nw  a 
c:\  e  Hh"o*  f.'iir  oii   hoaril  nf  on<'   \i-'«i'l  wni*   •inl  irom  ?i 

I -I'  oirurrectioii.  in  tin-  dilki  doia  o''  llriiM-ulrk.     Tlo  -n- 

I  kimu  of  m\  i)\v  n  prroiuil  know!  itiii'.  havm'_'  m  en  an  en 
diir-Tjiirnt  fin  the  |>iti>-p<ir|'<  that  Ilic  pitmhim  t\'i'r<>  roioielM, 
traiisiortrtl  la  a  L-nard  Irnni  ^tat'Oll  toi>iation  to  ihc  honni-r. 

^^h1  n-  tin  v  an'  iak<  n  h\  an  aiimt  n'Dir  -lopf Ihe  po| 

oi!i.-.  r  to  Ihr  m"mI  hi  wlii.-h  ih-v  an-  mihirKfil.  Ttie  in 
-laiiif-*  whii-li  runt'  Ip  inv  knowh'dL't  oi-i-nrted  wtMtJn  thf 
la-lllint-  >eai-.  Alaiye  mmili'Tiifihi' OiriiiaiiH  iirnvniL'lH're 
Mion  alt  T.  hieanip' idiariii'iit.li'  lur  Mm  ir  ^iiptiorMo  tin- nly 
(pf  |o  till  ir  hiai'l  nun.  Hm  h  iii-inii''-*  W''  have  \er\  Ire 
ipi 'MtU.  Th'\  e.dl  on  iiie  for  ail  iiMint  -hah'U'.  Tlnr  ■  ari' 
a'  o  \t  ry  nnnp'iPHH  iiiKtaiiei--^  of  forriiin  pnipi-r-i.  nontt'lini'"* 
I'roni  ilpi-  pour  llon•■p■^'.  oi  oiht-r  nctim-e*  xnipporn  d  h>  tin- 
<'oiii|iHine>,  li  inu  •'hipptd  lo  ihiK  port.  TIih  '-ipptirt  i(ion  nf 
panpt  fjt  liPi*  itirn-n  ed  vrTv  ni'ieli  dnrni'  tlif  lii-i  yi  ar. 
Tlie\'  nti'  *rlil  li'Te  to  -»ve  ihi-  I'tprn-ie  ol  Mipiiortniu'  Ihein 
in  Kiirope.  hv  the  pnhlif  anthiiriie  m,  ai  th<'  pntple'  i>\|M-ntii>. 
Horiif  nf  th-.e  p'T-oni.  (VeipnnlK  iiwini!  to  tln-ir  liavina 
Ini  II  hoTPil'  d.  an*  It' it  rcfi"w'd  in  tin-  ahi'K  Imii-ii' ;  mid,  not 
hetiis  airli'd  hy  Mn  n  IimikIhipii  a,  \ej>  oll'li  ln'tonif  ctreet 
lirurtHr-*. 

''To  the  lliird  iind  rourtlMnifrrojiuonts  annexeil  (n  KanI 
i'iaiiniis«Miii,  he  an-^weis : 

'- 1  know  of  no  -p|i-|i  in-taii(-i'.«. 

'■  To  tlu'  Mxlh  intrnnnatory  nniiexed  to  ^ai'l  ininiinHMop. 
Ill"  aii-wi'rjj : 

••  1  kiimv  of  11(1  other  fnet  ■  pi'ttineei  to  the  ¥ni''rri. 
1 1  -'liKolu;!:  IIJvMtV  PAl  LfiKN. 

".AirHi<;it/21>,  im:,. 

'*  Kvaiiiiiiniiori  ri'die-i'd  in  wrinn;-  in  po'-enri'  of  (he  w  it 
re'"-,  and  hy  him  -uii*"-itl>.  d  and  -«orn  in  helnre  the  eipni- 
iMi.-*-ioiii'r.<,  <m  Ihe  vi'ili  of  January,  l^  lo."' 

What  a  pietnre  dof«)  the  fnrei^Mimr  prevent !  In 
view  of  il,  ran  the  C'oinniittre  on  the  .Tndieiary  sny, 
nnr  natnraii/iiiion  laws  need  no  reform  .•  Sir,  there 
;  e;in  he  no  nn^iake  in  thiw  ni.iiter.  r.et  me  read 
aiaiii.  I  eal!  th.e  allent'on  (if  the  eonimil'er  to  the 
evaminalioii  of  Henrv  P..  Iliell,  n  niemher  of  the 
(JepiTni  Coinmitter  oi* 'I'animany  Mall,  and  whn 
teslipes,  ihal,  for  many  veiw--.  he  was  aetively  en- 
iraired  as  sneh  leenihei'  in  niakioir  mit  ouiitrali/a- 
tion  pajars.  Thi-  iii'-mlnrs  of  tlo'  Dtinorratie 
partv  ill  this  II  oust-  will  eerlaiiily  i.ipt  (incHiion  I  his 
te.-^rmony: 

"  Un.-tton.  II  i«  it  heni  u-<ital  to  adv-rti-'-  liprMieatn  nd- 
aniT  of  ali'-ns  at  Mint  phn-e.  of  piTf-niiw  de>irnn'<  of  heina 
iialiirah/i  il  r 

'•  Aii-VMT.  I  lieli've  It  Ins  hceii  in.-Ioninry  |>rett.\  C'li- 
( ralh  toadMTii^i'  iii'a>'l\  Miat  tin-  iialnntli/.alion  i-oiiiiuiitfe 

was  in  -i-M.iii,     In  I-in!  I  Monk.  I  paMi>hi  d.  for  so two 

or  tliri'f  in')iitlH  i)revtiiii-  totln'  il'i-tio'i.  a  hiii  t"c\iio>aioii  of 
thelnw-.thal  apiphcant-'  inii'lit  know  «  hat  iniah(ii*aiiiiii?.  wen- 
ncfi'n-ary.  At  eadieh  .tion  it  ha-^  hi-en  (•n>ionnir\  ('tr  lain- 
(hdl-  t»i  appl>  IV'  Ml  t'lc  iiniiitltx  adjoinin::  tlii<.  [triiicip"My 
nwiiiLMo  till-  witai'j-iis  re>idini'  in  thi-  ronnt> .  or  lln- re- 
spi'nivi-ciiiirt*'  whrre  Mn'  applit-aiit  re:'idi'd  hrini!  i-hwed. 

"Uni'flinn.  Havi-  >nii  known  iiistaiiei-s  of  iN-r.-'onK  n(- 
ifii'hnu  hen-  from  otlier  Stan--  .' 

''  Aa-\M'r.  I  rniifiitliii  one  ,011112  man  fmnp  N't\v  Ji  rpev, 
wint  wa-;  nanirali/i'd  hv  Jii'l"i*  Hi-iti.  of  Mm-  rirli-il  Slati's 
Cotirt.  Mt'  had  r'Mih'd  in  tin-  Statf  oni'  year,  eiil  not  ihi- 
1.1- 1  V'ar  pneiiliiiii  ht-^  aiina-.--iiiii.  I  r'lminlHr  no  oiher 
l:■^lap|.■l■ 

"  (iai-:ion.  Ha**  it  Ih'imi  usual  for. "aid  eoinmiri-c  tolfiMic 
tn-k'  •-  f-r  MniehiT-i,  intetideij  to  answer  le-  payn.''iM  nf  the 
ftiB  ill  an\  court  r 

••  .\i,-\\cr.      \  I  "",  It  wtu^.      I  redefined  ihr  nrket,*. 

"(tie  -tion.  Mow  htrui  11  propiirtion  mihe  >iatnrnM/,i>Mnnfl 
rffi  i-tnl  lliioni!li  the  fuietirv  of  >aid  eoniiniKre  were  uratui 
toli^  » 

•■  Aimwrr.  .\  lare'*  pro|M(rti(in,  n-*  Ihe  appIirmiiK  werr 
L'riM  lallv  ver>  potn  pcnph- ;  as  t|io:.r  h  iio  \M-.|in|  to  p''> ''>f 
till  piivt  h  (  ;*  L't  ier.'ill\  applird  at  Ihi-  <oiirt-i. 

"(in  'litin.  Ah"nt\\liat  Minnhrr  wri'  tlin*<  paid  for  or 
Mi'lniiili/rd  on  micIi  tiekets  at  tin-  last  eh-rtmn.  or  .''hortly 
prrvioii- • 

'■  An^wi  r.     I  should  siip[io«e  the  (lenerai  t'oinnhtler  mit- 
iirati/.>'(l  iVuni  twt  hi-  to  lii'irt  n  htiiMlrrd  prr-roiis  for  tin  hiht 
rl- tt.tii, 
o  ( ii|r>tiot).     Ahont  uhiit  niinilirr  wire  thus  nainrali/.ed 
.    ut  Uie  hpriiiK  election,  It-l-if 


••An-wer.  I  hillrwi"  iihoul  thirpen  huiiilri'il>  I  lU^eei- 
(iilnrd  Ihi*  Miimhfr  iVom  the  rhrk*  of  |Ih'  eoiirti. 

"tlm-tlipii.     Ahoiit  what  niimhir  wnr  Mui"  natiirnli/ed 

nl  the -prniv  elcrtl if  iM'.if  or  al  iinv  ile.Htpn   preMoiiH 

iIhtMo.' 

-'  \ii-wrr.     I  tpt'||i'\  r  ahtiiii  iiir  ii.ind  niniihrr  iialiirah/t  d 

at  till'    prinif  and  lall  rl<  rtion-,  with  II irrpiion  in  t>i<- 

|*r<  nh-iitial  I  tr>  hen,  IMO,  would  avrrai!<' nhmit  "iir  Mimi 
Hiinil  at  I'lH'h  elri-n>>ii ;  and  on  Unit  o<  la-ion  |  v\ ih  t  ii|{ai:i'd 
flnnii'  lotir  or  ilvi>  iiioiitii«  m  makiiiK  oni  ihi-  pri  limmary 
pipirH,  anil,  to  the  hr-t  of  iiiv  reiiirmhranri'.  atuHit  limit 
Miitiio.iiid  t%  ri-mttiirah/i'd  ilnrinii  tin-  p^  riodif  ihr  iiiMtitli«. 
I  paid  »<r\irul  Inimlred  ilollar^  in)Hrlf  towiirdrt  ih-l'ra)inin 
llie-erxpriiiti''*  on  that  01  ra-lon.'* 

'I'liiis  il  will  he  seen  thai  in  |h44  nearly  ihri  e 
tlioiiMiind  iii'fsoiis  were  intiitali/.KJ  hy  this  Hiih- 
eotmnitlec  of  Tammanv  Hall,  and  tlu'  fees  paid 
oiii  of  moneys  of  individual  mei!)lierr<|Uiid  of  fundii 
of  a  piililieal  paity> 

III  that  veiir  some  five  llmnsand  persons  were 
nalnrali/.nl  in  the  eity  *d*  .N»  w  ^'ork — a  miiiihi  r 
NiiHieirtil  In  delerniine  the  elii'lioii  of  the  Slate  of 
.New  ^ork;  and  thus,  hy  ihe  elmoral  vole-  o|  ihal 
■rrtat  Slate,  (■niitrol  the  pohlpal  destinies  of  the 
I  niim.  Well  may  tlie  j:entlnnan  from  that  Stafo 
|Mr.  (iitou:ii|  hoasi,  as  he  did  (mi  ihis  llopu-  on  11 
furiin  r  oi-ea;non,  that  with  llie  forri'^n  Vi-te  his 
liojitnal  friends  senired  a  irreat  polilienl  vnloi  v. 
I  eall  ihe  atfi  iilinn  of  every  well-wisher  (o  his 
eonniry  to  this  astoiindim;  faet.  The  evils  of 
w  Iliell  "we  eoniplain  are  not  toiat.  They  alleet 
(lire*  ily  the  wcll-hemi.'-  of  every  man  in  ihis  hroad 
Ibiinn,  In  hiin  heloii,'  to  whi'di  of  ihe  o;reat  polit- 
ieal  parlies  he  may,  When  I  wpipke,  a  few  niomnits 
sinee,  of  the  e\etiiptioii  ofaheiiHfrmii  llie  hnrdnis 
of  (-ili/iiis|iip.  I  was  ashed  hy  my  eolh-a'.rue  [Mr. 
U\Moir\|  if  he  did  not  pay  laxe.'^,  I  answered, 
yes,  if  he  possesM-d  proi'eriy  whieli  eonld  he  as- 
sessed. I  now  e,d!  the  ailiniion  of  that  icentleman 
lothr  depiPsiiioiKd'hispohiiiid  friend,  (Mr.  Ilici.l..] 
lie  avers  that  the  fees  of  natnrali/.a'npii  of  inar'y 
tliri  e  ihoni^and  persons,  natnndized  hy  his  proniic- 
inent  in  a  sitioh-  year,  were  paid  hy  liiin  hel•an^e 
the  applieaiils  w  t-re  tno  poor  to  [uiy  tor  themselvf  s; 
and  yet  ii  appears  from  teslnnnny  of  the  ehrUs  nf 
ihe  e'nnrts  in  New  York  Slate,  the  fees  of  iiaturMl- 
i/.ation  m  some  of  the  eonrls  were  les.s  ihan  one 
(hillar  for  eaeh  individnal.  And  now  let  tne  not 
I  e  misnmlei'Htoipd.  Poverty  is  no  crime.  I-'ai'  hu 
il  from  me  to  impiiie  it  to  any  man  j(s  a  reproaeh. 
I'.iil  il  (hirs  neverlheli>s  seem  very  stranu'e  that 
three  thoii-^and  men  slnuild  liave  heen  residents  of 
that  seetion  of  the  eonniry  for  n  period  nf  five 
years,  and  yet  he  so  ih  fieimt  m  this  world's  i^oipdH 
fi8  lo  lie  nnahle  to  pay  one  dollar  to  enahh  them  lo 
enter  the  irreal  family  of  American  citi/a'iis.  They 
mu.-^t  certainly  he  vtry  (h-fn-init  in  that  thrift  w  hieh 
HO  eminently  i-haraeten/.es  the  native-horn  .\iner- 
ic»n.  It  ismdorioiis,  sir,  that  many  *'f  'he  innni- 
'^ranls  arrive  tipon  our  shores  in  vi  ry  destiinte  eir- 
enmstanecH:  and  may  we  not  fairly  inter  tiiat 
many  f'f  these  hvlti  r  vUizi  Off  had  hul  rc-ei-lilly  ar- 
■ived  from  their  far-otf  lionn  s  across  the  waler, 
and  were  thus,  soon  after  their  arrival,  inlrodneed 
into  tin-  foil  etijttyment  of  the  rii:hts  of  freenn  ii. 

Mr.  i'hairnian  ;ii  lookinzover  a  file  of  the  [..(hi- 
don  Tinr  s.  o|  Sepinnlur  la.-^t,  I  find  that  the  Icad- 
inir  Jouriin!  id'  I-aiirland  ih'voies  a  eulnmii  (U-  two  lo 
ahnse  of  oiir  Gtiverimienl  and  peoph',  IpiiI  more 
especially  directed  airainst  the  Native  Ainerienn 
party.  1  will  read  one  oy  two  of  ilie  concluding 
piira<jrn[dis  : 

'  itrotlHT  JoiniMinn,  howcvrr.  knnwM  wlinl  In-  ixnhoiit, 
and  i-  too  wisr.  wi-  appntirnd.  Pt  fix  tin-  >i<in:!:  Hrpiihlie  in 
a  nairow  nanoiia!ll>.  Winn'  will  Mm-  ii.e  Siahs  sj.-r  their 
"  lirlps."  Inn  iioin  III!' (piitpoiinnL's  of  If  ir<li  im-i'r\  .'  Mow 
uill  Ik-  l'i'I  np  Ihr  -tt-ani  a:!aiii>t  thr  Itrili-hi-rs,  lait  witti  (he 
ncnhora   hi-h   rin/.i-ii-. .'     Mow   will   lir    n-iiirn    a    i'ol.K.' 

Mow  will   he  dei-nl 1   anni-xalioM.  hiii   wiMi  the^r   l>i-m- 

oeraiie  materialH.'  How  will  he  propl"  Mi-sonri  and  .-\rk- 
an>as— how  ( ircfion  nnti  ('aliliprnia:  Mow  will  In-  haiii{ 
likr  a  (-Innd  ovi-r  Miviio,  without  tin-  continm  d  aihiilioii 
of  Hir-e  va-I  fiinura  >warm!*.'  Mow.  on  an  enierireney.  will 
III- man  hi- tteri-'  and  rernnt  his  nriniesr  flo-r  kri  juIdu it 
the  >)utiiiuiil  (III'/  f'l'irf'til  iimhilion  of  labor,  ami  il^  nuTnoon,' 
I  ilvtiiinuh  andiml  inoiirrttj  .'" 

The  enemies  of  llie  Native  Anieriean  parly  are 
weleoim.'  to  the  snpnoit  of  their  new  and  powerAd 
ally,  llie  ^reat  hadiiii:  Tory  papi  r  of  l-di^dnnd. 
I  hit,  sir,  1  repeal  the  nnidialie.  intrrroL'alorv, 
"  //op-  /."(171  down  fill  fonlhuuil  and  fiaifiit  mnhitiuii 
i>t'lufn>r,  (Old  Us  inrnasinsx  dmutnds  (/;r.o";i.s/p/e/i.  r/;//" 
Sir,  iiipiie.st  lahor  is  inpl  over-amhitions,  inn*  is  it 
feniful  in  ils  eharacter  (O*  exactini;  in  its  deniandci. 
I  am  no  frieial  nf  radieaiisni — no  eX'iter  of  hostile 
fielioirs  betweni  dillerent  rias.scsand  pursuila;  hut 
•'  tlicre  ib  u  Warding  Uulh  in  the  (|ul-»Uuu  jnupuutid- 


^ 


lfl40. 


uliirnh/i'il 
|)rr\t-'iiN 

ifitiinih/i  il 

■ ■  |iii' 

iirii>  thiiil 

-  •  l.«^li!ill 

t'  litiiiriiiry 
ilmiii  ihrin 

■  l<-rra>lUK 
Iv  ilirip 

in    Mllll- 
r-i     {mill 

111  nuids 


yih'ii  C(»N«i 1st  SKi«, 


APPKNDIX  TO  Tf?K  CONCJKKSSIONAL  GF^OBE. 

Norllienati  ni  Hoiindiiri/ — Mr.  Fiiirjiilil. 


091 


SrNATR. 


1(1.  It  in  i,'r('  Illy  til  in'  I'i'nrnil  lliiil  tlir  liilmr  nf  cmr 
liiillvr  I'ili/i'iiH  uill  nut  III!  It  ill  jiiKl  I'i'vviiiil,  Nil 
lonu'  nn  \vr  tjivc  i>i]ii{il,  ity,  ixii  .ti  r  nii'mic;ii:i'tii*'iit 
til  ihr  "  VMSl  ("nri-l'^n  HWnnitM"  iil*  w  Itirli  llir  'riiiir« 
ill  111  iii'lii'lr  Miii'iikH.  Willi  wniilN  i'lii'ii|i  hil'iir?  I 
(iiiMWir,  tin:  Cii'Miriilfiiivrrniniiitj  «  Inn  it  ii'i|niii'« 
Hiiilnrs  mill  HiiJiliiiN — yrn,  win  ii  it  wiNlirn  tii  riUHC 
ri"'iiiii'iiis  III' MiMiiiiicil  nllnni'ii',  ilicSmii',  wlirn  it 
tti-'liiw  III  liiiilil  iiinnlH  iinil  nulrniiilH.  Cliurlrri'd 
i'iiiii|i.iiiii'M  wish  It  wilt  II  till  y  iiiiiNiriii't  till  ir 
Wiiikm;  tlir  AtiMTii'iui  liiliiirrr  riTliiinly  ilnrH  nut 
wIhIi  it,  'I'lir  niiiin-liiini  AnicrirMii  iiii'rliiinii'  ;iiiil 
hiliiirrr  fri  1  iiln  iiily  tiilN  IViirl'iil  i  niniii  litlnii  whii  II 
liiiw  inrMM  ilirtii  III  cM'i'y  turn,  nnil  wliicli  may, 
t'lT  liin^',  niliiir  thrill  to  lliii  I'dnilitiiiii  ut'  tliiii' 
Kiirnpi'an  i-ninprtilorH. 

It  is  II  tnilaiK'hnly  iiii'tiirii  In  ciintrimplati',  lint  il 
Ih  a  trill'  line.  Tin'  Ainriii'an  inci'lianii',  u  hii  luis 
liiiNNril  hi.ilnii;;  yi'arn  i>ra|ipi'i'nlii  i'Hlii|i  in  ar(|uiiini; 
liin  ti'ailr — wliii  liax  liriii  Inii'^ht  tii  niiiMiihr  iIimi  a 
i'oin|ii  ti'iii'V  wniihl  iTwai'il  liiN  Kkill  nnil  InM  iiiiliis- 
t/i  »vhit  lia-i  liM'ii  (II  riisluinril  to  rlntlii'  well  liiH 
I'liinily  mill  In  iilueali'  his  rhihlrni,  anil  i;in<  rally 
III  ('(iiiliiliiitr  liiH  Hhari'  III  tliL'  advani'rniriil  anil 
sii|i|iiirt  111'  KiH'iciy — 1.1  now  I'lnilinj;  liy  nail  cxiic- 
riciicr,  in  iiiaiiy  iit'  tlir  lni'.,'P  ritii'H  rs|ii  rially,  that 
hi.s  linjirH  and  nis  |ii'iis|ii'<'|h  arc  dai'krniiiL;  iiiiitri' 
till,'  inlluinrr  "I'  ili(a|i  I'ln'rii;"  lalmr.  It  rcrtainly 
Wdiild  Ri'i'iii  hut  jiisl  lliat  miiiii'  li  iriNlalimi  nIimiiIiI 
111'  had  ivhii'li  hIiiiuIiI  iin,  .i'  i'i|iinl  liiiiiliiis  ii|iiin 
till-  alirii  nifM'lianii'H  and  lalmrri's,  nr  \v  liicli  nIioiiIiI 
nlVni'il  I'ljiial  rM'iiiiitiiin  In  tlir  AiiMriniii  Imni.  At 
all  ('M:ntN,  till'  lialaia'r  lit*  |ioliliral  pnwrr  nIiiiuIiI  iii) 
lim^'rr  '> '  in  tlir  haiiils  ol'  thnsr  wliii  tliim  t'lirrr  tlir 
Aini'i'i' nil  labiirrr  into  this  rnniiirtilinii,  and  who, 
liy  liiildniL,'  lliin  |)iiwrr,  drniaiid  id'  ihiiniiiaiil  iiar- 
ticH  iiKist  iif  tlir  sulMiiilinatr  ntlii'i'H  nriii'iilil.  11  is 
nrrdlrsH  to  sprak  iif  the  mdical  iiilluiinra  wliirh 
Ihr  power  iil'  the  fnrrii;!!  vtiln  Iimh  iiitnaliii'rd. 
'I'liiisr  will!  ilrrani  mi  in  prni'P,  frarini;  niilliin^', 
will  yi'i  wakr  up  to  the  iralily  <d'  dang''  r  when  it 
will  lir  dillii'idt  til  avi  rl  il. 

I  ippi'al  to  every  npri^^lit  native-linrn  eiti/.rn  to 
aid  ill  avortin;;  ihr  evils  wliieh  I  hive  iiiily  lii'iefly 
iilliidid  111  In  i|ie  I'lireiiiMiifi;  remark''.  I  appeal  In  that 
Cleat  elas."  Ill'  adopted  eiti/.ens,  who,  I'roiii  Ion;; 
residi'iice,  rr.iin  eifueation,  tViiin  assoriation  ami 
lial'il,  have  hei'iime  Ntrongly  identilied  with  ii.s,  to 
aid  III  ihe  t:ri'.it  work. 

The  oiiiive  Ainei'ii'an  nrijani/ation  seek.^i  to  pro- 
teel  he  riftlil:)  nl'  priiperty,  and  In  perpetuate  onr 
free  ,  ;',■  ...  'Hm,  liy  i'liardin^'  and  preMirvin^  the 
jinrily  nl'  liie  lialliii  In.x.  It  seek.i  111  elevate  the 
eliarai'ier  and  reward  the  skill,  and  the  iiidnstry, 
niid  enterpri.'.e,  of  Ihe  Ainirieaii  laliorer,  in  all 
liraii'hos  nf  Imsine.-s!,  liy  freeiii;,'  liiin,  as  f,ir  as 
pii.'-'.ilile,  I'roiii  Ihe  niiniiiii  i  onipeiiiinn  nf  the  pau- 
per lalmr  of  I'^iiriipe.  I,  is  an  or'^aiii/.aiinn  wliii'h 
IH  at  ihe  same  time  etiiiservative  and  ih.'iii'ii'raiii", 
and  niiiri',  and  must  of  all,  Il  is  .'Jiiifi-ici/ii,  hohliiijj; 
ns  a  leading'  aha  that  Ainurieans  should  rule  Aiue- 
riea. 


NORTH KASTIinX  UOt'.NDARY. 


S  pencil    OP   MU.    FAIRFIELD, 

iiK  .maim;, 

K  Tin;  Skvatk,  ./(in/  1(1,  I84(i, 
On  the  .•\shliiirton  Trealy. 
Mr.  FA II! I'M KLI)  ,saal  he  liad  li'oped  that  he 
HhniiM  never  a^'aiii  lie  railed  upon  to  parlieip.-Me  in 
liny  way,  or  to  any  extent,  in  a  disriissiiMi  inmn 
the  northeastern  lioiindary  ipieslion.  To  him  itli.id 
Install  its  fresliiiess  and  inlerest.  It  was  an  old 
mailer,  m  wliieli  many  wriini;s  Imd  heen  done — 
many  mistakes  eommitted — mi'.ny  injiirii's  sull'ei'ed, 
and  iiiiiny  thiiii^s  and  I'venl.s  oi'i'iirn  d  whieh  he 
had  hren  disposed  In  let  p.'iss  lo  the  •;rave  nf  nlili- 
vinn.  For  I  lie,  altlii)ii!;h  dissalisfied  with  llie 
Irealy  of  1'^4'J,  wliii'h  dis.'-alisfielion  was  not  only 
f'reely,  l>ul  olfteially  expressed  at  the  time,  he  had 
not  lii-eii  in  the  lialiii  ot'  allndin:;  to  it  in  n  spirit  nf 
iineriilonsness,  or  I'or  Ihe  purpose  nl'  eensurin:; 
llio-e  who  partieipaleil  in  its  aeeoinplishment.  lie 
had  iilwavs  lieeii  disposed  to  re'.^aril  it  as  an  nii- 
avoiilahle  event — a  sort  nf  dispensatinn  In  which 
ipiiot  siilimissi'in  wa.s  lietter  than  nnavailiiej;  reirret 
and  roinplainl.  I!nl  lin  did  nm,  iiy  any  means, 
intond  to  rnmphiin  of  those  who  thnnjrht  other- 
wise.    If  it    was  rPirardnl   hv  sniiin  ns  a  .■^nlijeel 


friui^'hl  with  inntriietion — iim  mm  nf  the  !;renl  leH 
>  HoiiH  v^liii'h  the  past  preHentii  for  the  henelit  of  the 
firesenland  lliet'nture,  they  were  iiol  to  he  eeiisiireil 
I'lir  leferrin:.;  to  ii,  and  deiivmi;  frnni  it  all  the  li:;ht 
and  mslrni'iiini  it  iniild  iiirnrd,  For  himself,  how- 
ever, he  renirred  lo  it  with  ri  lin'tiinei'.  Nor  windd 
I  he  haves, lid  one  word  iipini  the  snlijeet  now,  but 
'  for  llir  very  stun'.;  expresHinii  of  the  diNtin>;niHlied 
Senan.i  Iri  nl  .\la:  narhiiseils,  |.Mr,  Wkustkii,) 
that  ■■  not  lil'iy  eaiidid,  nitellj>:i'iil  men  in  Maine 
could  he  fiiunil  who  ever  did,  or  \*  ho  now,  com-  ' 
plain  nf  lliia  treaty."  This,  lo  lie  mire,  m  ii  i.ial-  ' 
ler  nf  opinion,  and  can  never  lie  denionstraU'd. 
I!nl  he  I'nnld  inn  feel  in  tilinl  in  Neemini;  lo  ni'ipii- 
e.seeinthe  corrri'inessni'  this  opinion  liy  Ins  mli  nee; 
and  he  rose  priin'ipally  tolliis  Hiii(;le  poini,  lhinii;h 
he  should  priilialil y  i  liiile  to  ntliers,  h'lir  hnnsi'lf, 
he  had  nn  private  i^riet's  to  lie  nssnai^ed,  nnr  pn- 
vati:  iniuries  lii  he  redies.sed.  The  ilisimu'iiisheil 
Kenator  t'roni  .Massai  hnselts,  not  only  in  tliis  de- 
liaie,  lint  upon  all  previniiH  nee.aNioiis,  had  Ireated 
him  with  all  that  respeil,  ,iiiil  kindiiess  even,  whiili 
he  had  any  riijlit  lo  expn  In  what  he  had  In 
Muy,  therefore,  lie  was  only  actuated  liy  a  sense  nf 
justice  In  Ins  eoiiNlltuems,  and  a  proper  regard  for 
ihe  correctness  ot' history.  'I'lie  Innniralile  Seimlor 
from  Alassai'hiiseits  was  understood  to  stiy  that 
Manie  w.is  perl'eelly  sati.^lied  with  the  treaty  of 
\V'iishin;;ton,  and  tlini,  in  his  opinion,  not  lll'iy 
candid,  intelliuenl  men  m  that  Statt;  could  lie  fnunil 
who  cnmplaini  d  of  it.  Now,  lhoii;.;li  there  is  no 
way,  as  he  had  said  I  i  fine,  of  deinnnsiratiiii;  this 
({ue.^tiun,  he  could  not  forhear  e.xprcssni!.;  his  own 
opinion  that  a  l.ii'L'e  prnpnrtinii  of  the  eiii/.ens  of 
.Maine  were  di,sa|ipninieil,  and  grieved,  and  dis- 
siiislied,  with  lie  seiilenienl  nf  this  ipictlioii  upon 
the  terms  nf  Unit  trealy.  It  is  true  that  the  eniii- 
plaint.s  were  lint  iiiihodied  in  any  lan;;ilile  form, 
and  iinw  til  he  fnnnil  in  piililie  docunienis,  Ijiit  they 
ni'\erlli(  Ic-'S  existed.  .Slaine  had  iinund  herseif 
Ijy  the  appninimeiit  nf  enmiiiissinners,  and  eiinid 
dn  nnthinj;  in  rnrni't  their  errnr,  if  error  they  had 
ennmiitled.  'i'lieir  decisinu  was  cnnclnsive  and 
liiiidini;'.  and  enmplaint,  theiefnre,  cniitd  only  cast 
censure  ii)ion  the  conminssioners,  w  ho  were  believed 
lo  have  acted  hnnestly  and  eonseientiniisly,  with- 
out, in  the  slightest  degree,  resioriiiii;  the  fSiate  lu 
her  ri'.'hts,  or  enrreeting  the  wrnngs  nf  tin-  Irealy. 
IJencr  Ihe  people  of  Maine  siilniiiued  to  the  trealy 
us  II  matter  of  necessity.  They  ac(|niesced  in  it, 
hut  were  never  satislieii  with  it.  'J'liey  yii  hied  to 
itwithnnt  ii|iproving  il.  .Viid,  tlinngh  it  may  he 
tine,  that,  miller  the  prusjiect  of  an  arliitr.iiion, 
111. my  would  have  |irel'erred  .idnptini;  the  Irealy  ad- 
justment lo  leavini;  the  question  tiiiil  open  and 
un.^eilled,  yel  he  was  conlidenl,  could  liny  have 
foreseen  the  result,  they  would  have  never  euiisent- 
ed  to  the  appnmiinent  of  commissioners.  Suili 
certainly  were  his  own  views  in  relation  lo  it.  lie 
had  taken  some  |  ainsatthe  time, and suliserpiently, 
to  useertain  the  precise  slale  ol'  public  sentiinint 
upon  the  subjecl,  and  ho  sinci  rely  believed  thai 
the  special  message  of  the  Governor  lo  the  Legis- 
latiue  at   their  extra  nessimi   in  .Mav,  IH  I:.',   and 

.1  1     --      ..    .1..      I....;    '.* I.... 


tl 


annual    mes.-age   to   the    L.i'i',isi.iiure   in    Jan- 
uary,   1^4.'^,  truly  lellecled  pulilic  o|iiiiion   in   ihe 


llti'l        lllll>        |1|l11lklt         I'lllIIIV         IMMIIIVIII        (II        III 

iSliili-.  Ami  il*  till'  ^niiui:  udultl  piiiiiiui  liim  Tor 
ihi!  aji|'iUL*iit  tj^olisin,  Iir  wuiild  rtail  ii  iVw  pns- 
siii;tN  liitm  oarli,  aw  illiislrative  til'llic  views  wIih'Ii 
wtTf  tin  n  takuii.  'I'hf  St-nalnr  tVnm  Massadia- 
M'ltM  lla^^  ncitcil  tlio  cin'iiai.sfain'ts  cunvitly  In  it- 
<^aril  (I)  ills  ri)iiiniuiti(ala>ti  to  t\\v.  (j(ivi-riiin<'nls  <if 
Alaiiic  aiut  MassarluiKCtlH,  and  Ins  iiivnaiioii  to 
tin  ni  luifioi.fraa.*  ui  ila-  |trii|M.Md  aiiiicaliltjadju.sl- 
nu-nl  ot'  tlu'  lM>undai-y  (|n(.^ti(pii.  L'luli  r  all  diu 
('iriMnnHtunri.'.s,  lie  (Mr.  \- .)  ilu-n  ariiii:^  jn  nnoilicr 
c'a|iaciiy»  wuiiUi  nni  liavc  tVU  jusiilicil  in  rct'usjn^ 
tl)  a.'-SL'inl)!*;  llie  Ltiiisliiluit',  aial  tlius  |a'rniit  lla; 
|i€'0|iU;,  lliri)ni;h  lluu  L(';:islaiure,  to  di'iaio  tor 
tlu'iasrlvcH  npoii  the  u'laveand  ini|iortant  ijncstion 
snliinittrd  l.y  the  Ut-hiial  C.MfveriiniMit»  and.indi- 
reelly,  hy  KiiL-land  hersell",  IJe  did  not  hesitate, 
then  lure,  tue.dl  the  Li';j:islinure  tcjiilier,  lUul  npnn 
iheir  assendihnjj:,  to  advise  theat  to  aecedi!  to  the 
rei|ueHt  ot"  the  Lieneral  Covenniient.  iJis  vii-ws, 
however,  would  nam:  distiia-tly  a|i|iear  by  readnii; 
a  lew  [tassaL;es  tVoni  ihi'  na^ssai;;).'  to  lla;  Lei^isiatnrti 
upon  liiat  oeeawion.  Al'ier  a  recital  of  the  material 
parts  of  the  eonnnuiiioatioii  of  the  fcieerelary  of 
Suite,  [Mr.  WtiisTKU,i  atal  a  reference  to  the  uc- 
cunipaiiyiai?  rireunislnaecs,  it  fiuy.s: 

••  WlK'ii  \\r  i-fcnnl  tin'  I'lPHrti***-*  ot"  our  title  tn  ilu*  terri- 


(nry  In  mntniverii)— iIih  (rivoloiii  riiul  tinliMiintr-il  ihcIimi 
fhiiiMiirih)'  linitKli  I'laliii  Da-  lonti  anil  vr\iitiiMiit  <te]u>  iliiir 
liiiH  hei'ii  ilti»l)|iieill>  I  ilrrti'il— Ihr  tr.  <|Ui-iil  aivii^cui  itnil 
"11  ii|i'iii(iii  ol'miriirrltiir.t  ~lh<-  ilrMiKtiiiioii  ni'  nur  r<>ri-ot-- 
tlit'iine-i  find  liiiiiri-nnnit'niMt'oiir  eiii/,t n^— tliiTi-  h  <liiri«cr 
ilhil  III)  iKMif^l  iri'liktniilKiii  iim>  !■  ml  ii"  In  nvt-rlotik  itirinv 
iiii|i>iruint  eoiiMHltratiniiM  aeeeHMtry  lo  uilioereet  uimI  "laiial 
ilrn-iipii. 

'•  Il  l«  fhir,  ilieri-riin'.  to  the  hiiIpji  >  I,  that  \\v  view  It  tn 
ntlx  r  liulitii.  One  alhTiiiiiivi'  i)ia\  •-<iiih-iii)ilati'tl,  ii  ^imiuh. 
li>  111''  Itriieriil  tjiairniuerit.l^'a  "iiliMii-p-nut  itlili'*  i|iM>iinii 
ti>  iiii'iiiii  ri'i'>i'/tiW/<>ii,  AuiuiiHi  till  ,  iMiiiiK'  hii4t'M>r  reiiinn 
.-•inn' it,  uiiil,  1  bili'Vr.  will  <'(intiiiU'  in  ri  ini<iiNirate,  We 
niiiimi  iieret-lvi  Mie  (lllIiTnn't,  hh  nir  .m  Miilh<iiii>  In  r<)|i 
ei  in>-il,  lifptwri'ii  (liiliiK  II  ililnu  <lirei  11)  am)  iriiliii-illy.  Il' 
till'  (ieiH  ral  (ieveriiiiM'ta  tiiirt  no  [luwir  lo  i  eile  ftlri'<  liy  miy 
|M.ri|oiiorilii'  'cirlioi)  nl  llitM  Hi. Me,  iii'iilM'r  tia^  it  the  |in\v'>'r 

t-i,'ierniii|)li  Ii  ihe  p-nilie  tliniU  thioUill  lilt'  Jurins  0/  nil   ill  hi 

/r<r/<uii.  Htit,  ri^flit  or  vvrnnu  m  niir  piiMlliuM— >i|(-i  i-**-i'ii|  i>r 
mint vvi:-<'  a-*  wv  may  h'  tr n-iiirrr  in  imiinlitliiiiiii  il- we 
M  e,  iiri  a  iiiallcr  nt  imi,  ih.ii  ihi'  (;t'rii'r:il  t^ivi  iiaii  nl  h  d' 
Irruiim  il  In  iiiieiii|il  Itii-  ex>  ri'i>e  nl  Hill  tl  a  t>'>\M'r,  iniil  thiH 
om-r  iiinri-  Jrni'anl  niir  terrilnr>.  unli  .-h  Hoini'  niher  imije  nf 
iiiljii-tiinnl  Ih  luiri  i|  U|>oii.  'I'liiil  tlii«  Nlmiihl  Ik-  fittniivly 
rniip^hlen-d,  In  I'oliiltlU  lo  U  lllM'|<lo||,  |h  nlivinU''. 

••  \Vliiilt\.r  limy  he  the  (hiirii,  hnwcvn,  n|  ihc  Orueral 
(inv.  ihiiii'nt  im  tn  it<  [towi'T  lhn>it|ili  imlini-tmn,  it  iIim>4  ia>| 
(ianii  tin:  juiwit  ol"  .e,(j)t:j  d'iii'W/i/ aii>  ihiitiniMPl' our  I' rri- 
l'»r>,  oritfuirecily  u^rt'd/ig  ta  tufiulhir  iiin-o/th,umlurit  t/„in 
ih.il  df^vnlct  httfflfv.ititof  i:-:i.  Vl.hltnK  l-ithu  n'.rrccl- 
iic-wntnif  |to  iliiMilti  lltirf  n-fp  rl,  the  (•.iK'nil  (Jovennui-nt 
iitiw  urik.-  till-  Htiiti'  lor  aiitlionl)  ihim  In  >eiilc>  the  •  xi^linK 
cniiirovcrj*),  uail  liiviu:*  hitr  tu  eiMiraiiun  in  tircrllhu  that 
nhj..'l. 

•'The  nriti>li  <«nv<-riiiuent  Ih  nl-o  now  pn  ptirfil  tn  (ihi- 
pn!>e,  I'nr  ^n  J  um  ili^pnhi'U  Ut  retiani  Hk' iniiKcr,  Klnit  miiy 
l)f  iliitiijli  In  III'  Ml  jiini  and  ei|Uil.il)k  i  ipiuiil  nt,'  kt  u  pni  - 
Mnn  ol  in.a  whieti  Hhe  huH  hutetuiore  litimvd  (u/ktumi.  ]{' 
lhi<  i.o  nni  unnii  an  tiir  ivm  hoiih'  iiia>  ih'i  in  iIk'  in. nor  nl  ilii> 
tUMf  le'iiiut  i4,  It  iriiiunly  i:ilar  l<•^H  olij'i'non.ihie  than  mn^t 
Iliia  wi'  ita\f  he'  II  i.e.'ii.-<t>'in<  d  to  n  eriv  lM<m  liml  i|n.iri<-r. 

>■  Il  ail>tli:ii;f  h'^-  tlliiii  liii->  it  iitti-i  d  <I.  I  iiin  p.  i'U.tii>>d 
that  hoiliinjt  will  he  aeeompli-hi  d  in  lln-  w.\\  nt  aujiHinti'iil. 
It*  It  IH  In  ntt  r-aid,  an  han  hei  11  Hiiid.  li.al  I.m- In  utii  hm<  H 
iirijKi.rri'iiA.'r,  anil  Iheteliire  a  new  hin-  nm-t  in  i-e^r'iiiily  h<* 
aureed  upat—  r  thai  tlte  »a»*e  u  ..o  invwhidin  ih  nhl'iuid 
ihllh'i'lty,  tli.il  till'  only  ei|Uil.ihlr  way  nt'  n  Mfivni^  ir  i*.  Ii> 
•xjtiHiiii  fAf  if  j/'rrcju-i-,' and  di\nlint{  llie  tt-rrany  in  some 
u<:i'  1  iirnpi  rti-piisi  Miuii  jpr  p''-itini.s.  it'  niit  jivaiilirtl  KH 
ah  nhia-iv  in-iililnu,  wniitd  n<>t,  I  inii  cnntiih  nt,  h  ii<\nia- 
Myli'itriied  to  hy  a  i-iiiuh'  eiii/.'-ii  ot  tin-  retail-.  'I'ljiMii-aty 
line  we  know  In  In.'  il  pr.xlH  alilc  (Ptit  — nur  elaiiii  t  <  ih  ■ 
wiKtlf  II  rnatry  einhraeed  uiihio  iti.a  iiiie,  ue  khiiw  in  he 
lii!.t— .ind  al't'T  til.'  eniirHe  that  tuia  Iteen  purMin  d  in  le.aid 
t'>  II,  w<-  have  a  euiivleiinn,  iml  lo  b.*  ^huk^n,  tlii.t  vveiduld 
n(>t  h  tiunnUif  relini|iii.-tli  u  pal  to  nljiain  an  rnit  i-iiiutci  iiui  i 
lo  tlie  rriii.iindi  r.  Itiil  ii  (in  at  Urilaiii  jm  [ire|iii<-d  lii  miI<- 
(ilaiiMdiy  >ielil  the  pi. ml  ol'  lille.  and  niirr  ii<  a  lair  ei,iitva- 
ti'ul  ai  i'//i>r  h'iritoifi.  pri\ile;.'i  h  ni'  iiaviifatinn.  t^c,.  mr  ti 
poriinn  ol  iiiis  t  riiinry,  a^  I  aiii  at  iiresiia  ili-pu-id  m  h,  - 
111  \e.  I  )lo  no!  -.  e  u  li>  itii-  \e\eil  ijiu  -tmii  ina>  n<ir  il.ik-  li,- 
put  inri  V(  r  al  r<-.-t.  And  it  ih  diilienll  to  p<  reeae  hou- 
\l  line.  Ill  thu-i  eon^ulliiiU  tier  intere^-t,  wi.iikl  enniproinil 
her  lioimr. 

"  Ilnterininiiiii  tlirj«e  virw.-;,  I  arn  frpc  \o  >-iiy  ilint  I  think 
I'av'  lahlv  ni  the  appointneiil  oi  i-nimm.  hioh.  r^  l.y  tin  Lr 
lil   I  it'll  e,  Willi  r-lieli  pnwer.-*  .1-  itjil-t  \i''U   ol  Inr  ea-i;  \\ijll!d 

M'i'iii  lo  r.  i|iiir<' ;  :iml  not  wj.'>ljini:  to  a\oid  my  ^llilre  ol'  le 
spniiHihilit>  I  eliLriiiilly  reroinnn  nd  Ihat  cniirpe. 

'•  It  may  he  that  I  lime  inrmt'd  a  loo  laverahk:  npinjnn  nf 
tlie  pn-Mi'lii  disposition  nl'  tlie  Itrih^h  (invernmriit.  and  ihni 
a  loi  '11>  iitiri'ii  niiahle,  and,  ni'  •  oiii-'«>,  iinai  <  ipiahh  prnpn 
>lti<iit  \\ili  hi-  iiiTiih- to  lis.  \Vli;ii  Itn-n.'  \V<.ii.il  it  iieti  m 
saiily  lollou  that  we  had  erred  in  appniritinu  i-ntiinie>-t<'ii- 
IT-,  iaid  phvin;;  ourselves  in  an  attiimh'  (n  lear.i  w  hai  thi-i 
proposition  would  he?  We  "-liall,  l<p  hi'  >m-i>.  h  ive  inemnit 
Ihe  expenne  iif  ail  pvtra  Ms^ien  01  Ihe  I.i  lii-liaurt- ;  liiiu<' 
shall  haviwlmwn  lo  our  ^irl.'r  Stati'r-,  imdm  the  world,  ihni, 
haviiii:  a  jiel  eaiife.  we  wiTi'  ilif^pft  ed  tn  ndnpt  a  Iiln  ml  and 
tair  i-nur^e  in  enndiM  lirin  a  ;  ntid  that.  ihf'ti-,;li  --tr  iiiinn^  and 
ardrnt  in  the  m.iin'eiiaiiee  ol"  our  riirlil-.  we  wrri  not  oh^n- 
ma-  Iv  h 'III  on  a  i-niirHe  leitdiua  to  Mi'-rc'i-^c  irniatinir.  nr 
hrini;  nhoiit  lio.-iiiliiir-  hi'tweentlu'  two  emmtrn'y.  I.ct  what 
wraihl  he  t)i<-  rcMilt,  Maine  would  stand,  ns  t^he  ha^  heii'in 
I'nrf  .■^lonil,  hlameli-H-)." 

Ill  this  extract,  (Knid  Mr.  P.,)  his  views  at  the 
time  were  fully  expresserl.  Thnt  is  to  s:\y,  iiinh'i- 
si.-nidiii'j:  that  tlie  Uritish  Minisifr  was  folly  autho- 
ri/ed  to  setdc  nil  (yjas/a-as  in  dispute  hetweeii  liie 
two  eoiinlries,  anil  in  rrirard  tn  the  Maine  hnan- 
dnry  in  iiarii'Milai 
cele  to  Maiiif  a  [ 

rhao'^e  for  what  Kie;liind  wanted  of  the  tcniiory 
ai'  Maine,  ho  was  di>:po.<rd  tit  i;ivo  the  pnrties  an 
onportnniiy  to  niaKo  .'^ueh  an  adjustnuait.  lie  (Mr. 
F, )  was  iH'ver  in  fnvor  of  takiiti:  monry  in  any 
anionnt,  for  the  territory  «tr  Jari'^dirtion  ip'f  Maim', 
nor  w.pald  (he  people  of  Mnine  p\er  have  eonseiiud 
to  it,  had  the  qiiesiion  heeii  first  siii)niilted  to  tlieni. 
Can  tiaae  w;is  a  strip  <pf  land  extendini;  from  iho 
iu!U'li(p|i  of  the  Anieriean  line  witli  the  river  St. 
,)(din,  extending  down  to  I-'el  river,  sny  ahnat 
sevei'iy  milos  in  leiiLTth,  whieh  was  nmeli  wanted 
liy  .M  iiie,  lis  well  ns  the  free  navi;,'ation  <tf  the  St. 
John;  nai  for  these  she  was  always  leudy  to  render 
a  fair  eipiivalent  in  land  north  of  the  St.  John.  The 
1  feasiliility,  and  almost  eertainty  th.it  sueli  nn  ar- 
1  ran^emeiit  eonld  he  eifeoted,  hoini^  pressed  upon  thn 
[   Governoriind  members  of  the  Lei;isliiture,  hy  mnnv 


dnry  in  parli*'alar,  w.is  anih<iri/t  d  eiiuI  dispnsed  to 
,  portion  of  r.iii^lish  trrrilory  in  ex- 


:T' 


6^2 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Northeastern  Boundary — Mr.  Fairfield, 


[April  10, 
Senate. 


persons,  apparently  spepking  ex  cathtdrat  could  not 
mil  to  have  n  ijrent  influence.  They  had  j^reat  in- 
fluence, and  Maine  yielded.  But,  tor  one,  lie  was 
I'roe  to  »:\y  that  had  such  n  pn^poeitioti  as  that 
contained  in  ihc  treaty  \ifyfu  submitted  to  him  by 
the  General  Gnveriniient  in  the  first  instance,  the 
Lei^islature  would  never  have  been  assembK^d  by 
any  act  o{  his.  Nor  (he  repenti'd)  did  he  believe 
the  Legislature  or  the  people,  upon  such  n  propo- 
sition, would  ever  have  conaented  to  the  appoint- 
ment of  commissioners,  llis  own  views,  jid  he 
believed  the  views  of  the  great  body  of  the  peoph? 
of  Maine,  were  expressed  in  the  anrnial  messaire  of 
the  Governor  to  the  Legislature,  Januarvj  1843. 
If  the  Senate  would  pardon  him  he  would  read  a 
brief  extract : 

'*  I  irnnsniil,  herewith,  n  report,  with  accoinpanying  ddC" 
iimentx,  nt'  the  enniiinsi»innern  iipihiinleil  utiilcr  ri'Siibt?  ttf 
May  '2fi,  1[*-1J,  to  conlVr  with  the  nulhoritieH  of  the  (Icdrra 
(iiiveriimetit,  upiin  the  siiltjiTi  of  ii  pri>p(mi'd  sellleii.eni 
ut  il,  ■  iiorthiNisttTii  h'Mindiiry  of  ihiit   Siatu,  and  for  other 

pur[tr>-'e[(, 

"The  result  wui  final  adju^tninit  of  this  qiiesiinti.even  if 
it  -ihoiiUI  he  reiiarded  hy  the  penpio  (if  this  tJiafe  as  prefi-ra- 
Ide  to  further  procrastinalion.  and  anoihi-r  foreign  arhirra 
tiofi.  Udder  pre>ent  aii'<pici-!<,  1  ani  persuaded,  iii  fVir  ditt'.rtMii 
fr.tiii  what  they  h;id  aiitieipaied.     Forniyst-h,  I  ran  trub  .-ay, 

I  have  heiti  di'eply  (h!-ap[ntiuted.  to  u^e  no  sinniijer  !■  riii. 
Ily  liiis.  h<nv.  ver.  I  would  not  he  undersinnd  n-"  mii  iidir^ 
to  (  a-*i  e.'iisun'  upon  theeMinniis>inii.Ts  of  this  StMi .  T'.ey 
W're  ^ellTt'■d  liy  the  l,i  sii.-hiinre  n<  LMMilh-uiea  of  rle.utid 
stindhij,  'oniMiandin-i.  in  a  hiLiIi  decree.  Hit*  eonii.'.n  -e  uf 
ihi'  pnli.ie,  101(1  iH  einmi-nitv  ipiaUlied  for  sue'-  .•  Kcrviee, 
'I'in'  i<trresptMi.l''nec,  on  ihijrpart.  was  eond"-  led  with  Piir- 
n.ilalnhiy;  and  the  ciiiharnwsnn'iu.-*  of  •'  ir  posiiiim,  and 
Ihi'  eirentn.-l  niees  hyullieh   thev  «■     ir  uMiinaleiv  indneed 

II  soilenit  tlh'  )|;n'siioii  tu  lUe  d"'  rniinalinn  of  Mn'Scnaie  of 
the  t'oit'd  State-:,  ar«>fidly,.preei'(t''d.  lint,  houevir  their 
coarse  iniy  br-  regarded,  the  result  i-,jicvertl'  'ess,  h  suhjeet 
(if  d-ep  di<appfMtitiiieni.  Thi'enursc  of  th  ..,.ii>hOnvern- 
iiM  III.  so  tar  troiii  hnvins  he»'ii,a.s  was  antieipated.  eoneili.i 
tory  and  hh.ral.  u;w  innrKed  hy  an  iiiiviehhii;;  and  eraspinu 
spirit.  In  lih  ralify,  if  any  wa-scvineed,  wit*  in  nnnieaninu 
(lipliiinalif  eiiiripiiiii(-iit<,  white  it-*  e.\neiion»<  were  in  aere; 
ami  siiit-iantial  piuih-n-s.  Fur.  ihi.s  Sinte  eaa  never  adniii 
mat  •''-•  e.ise  pre-enl'-d  wa^nne  ufi/oi(A//ii^/(7/e,  in  which  the 
adv.r'.ir>'  p  iriii  s  n    jht  rea<otiahl_\    hi'   ixpeeted  to  cnnip.o 

•  oi*f  h\  *  -plitiiiiiT  th,.  dirt'iTenee.'  Tlii'  reliiiipiishnient  of  a 
r.  in.ili'Tclore.  i-y  t  ,■  Hrilish  (i'tvernnieMt  to  a  portion  nf 
wliai  lia-i  h  en  denon.  uiaied  ihedi-puti-d  trrutory,eannrd  h.' 
r.-^jard-d  hy  u^  m  aii\' '-eti-e  n  vMurssion.  If  a  p-truon  of 
Ihi.-  icmt'T)  wn-i  nece  ^ary  fur  the<tirivenience  of  the  hrit- 
i-li  «;ii\trMiMenl.  this  St;  ;t"  had  a  rinht  i>\  exp.vt.on  Ms  heinn 
\i''ldfd,  tliai  n  lull  and  uinph'  cipiivahni  \n  other  trnilom 
\v  ■  ,id  hav-  heiMi  fr.-.  ly  iriHh'rrd.  'I\t\\  '.I- the  t'ltlnlim  it 
lit  -neh  ;iii  rvpfftatinii  tlit-re  hn.s  mi  i,vfi\  ihe  sh^ihte^^t 
Hpproxiiiialirtn. 

"Til.  indirtct  overtures  o*"ihe  llriti-htJovernment  for  an 
aoii'-a;.!*'  adjiHiMi'Mit  of  the  honndary  ipiesiion.  it  is  well 
ki.'UMi.ufre  niei  on  the  pari  nf  ilii>  Siaii-  i--  a -pint  ,,f  nia-.'- 
iiarninoii,!  t'orsetfoloe>fi  nt*  ih<-  pa.-t.  loid  v.  itli  a  t'erirrm- 
\  ■si'i\  In  thn  sunp'i>cd  inrere-i,  and  u  isli.  s  nf  lur  -i-ter 
Siai.-s.  K:irne-ily  t-ntreiittd  hy  i'  ■  lirneral  (Jimrnrtient. 
and  prf«-i  d  as  she  h;is  h>  eiietiiri-I.uief-.  sNf  crxild  not 
Iii-ii;ii<-  lo  plaee  hers-eli  iti  a  |Mi-niou  adn.K.tiiL' of  an  aniiea 
I'll-  and  lioii'-rahle  ■..•itlrmi-nt  of  tlie  ipn-.-hon.  eoniidei.th 
tiu-rini!  iliat  the  (iov.rninrnt  of  iju-  rmnii.  mi -inne  r>f  ih 
tliparl  iiejit-  at  hast,  woiihl  m-i-iire  her  from  !*iterifn-e.  poi 
tins  >l'p  >he  ha-  iki  ean^' of  >ilf  reproaeh.  It  was  taken 
und.r  <ireiiMi-|.i(i<-i-.,  tiKd  would  rnllv  |n-nfv  its  ripetiiion. 
How  ihH  L"-ie-ro-nv  and  eoiiialetier  ioi  Imt '|mrl  lia>  h.-t-n 
lewanh'd,  i-x-.ii  III  ihere-nlt.  Itnt  1  forlh-ar  to  ddaie  upon 
Ilir  Mjiij.'.l.  c-prcially  as  it  woulil  !»■  uiiavaihUL'.      If  in  Iliis 

y\i has  hot    hf.-ii   inal.d    as    >|je    has    i-nd.  avored    to 

d--.('rv.  ,■  tt  IS  f;ir  from  h.  in.-  the  hrsi  instane.*.  ,\||  her 
iitiorif  .  how.'vi  I.  laintot  -hake  lo*r  j-.-iim- nf  diitv.  A*  a 
iii.'odi.r  Ml  ih  ■  (  Mion.  >lii'  will  eontiiiu"  to  Iw  what  she  lm« 
*'.iT  li"i(i— finlifiil  and  inn  ;  and  n  :<he  rouid  he -alisiicd 
llial  the  -a.-riii'-e  wa-  iii-ei--'ary  tor  the  l'ooiI  of  tne  .ounity. 

;ii'' 'onld  in  t.iai   (iiid  aniph-  eonsolati'-n.     To  ni -til  .iiiil 

iinf  tifehd  prii.-ii-tnii  ^he  *-.\h  \  ichi  nothiiiit— I  ,  iliceau-e  of 
paliioiisin  and  the  I'nion,  e\erytliiriL'.'' 

Tliii^p  extr.  s,  as  ho  had  before  snitl  iti  liin 
ni.itiiuM,  fairly  represented  public  .sentiiufiit  in 
Miiine.  And  if  hf  was  riu'hf,  it)  this  parti. 'iilar, 
the  Senator  fntm  Mnssiuhu'jeits  was  decjily  in  er- 
ror, wiieti  he  said  (hat  imt  fiCiy  rainbd  ami  inl'-lli- 
trcnt  persons  couU!  be  fomn!  who  were  dissatisfied 
Willi  this  treaty:  imh-.s-s  he  shimld  say,  which  lie 
(Mr.  r.)  knew  be  would  rmt,  that  tin"'  oreut  body 
rif  the  people  of  Maine  were  imt  einidid  and  inii  I- 
liu^ent.  Itnt  there  was  another  point  to  which  he 
wisheil  to  say  a  wonl,  and  that  was  in  rei^ard  to 
the  equivak-nLs  received  by  Maine  fur  her  aarri- 
fiecl  territory.  It  appeared  to  linn  that  they  were 
irre.illy  over-estimated  by  the  Senator  fmni  Mas- 
Mii'lniseits.  Fur  instmiee,  be  v.iinld  ri'fer  l<i  tin- 
nnininit  paid  by  the  (ieneraKifiviTinnent  to  Maine, 
for  the  expenses  of  tlm  military  and  rivil  fh,s.s,- 
forces,  called  out  upon  llu  ocensiiin  nf  tlie  "  Aroo.s- 
tc.ik  war."  Tliesr  expenses  wen^  incurred  in  de- 
ff  ndiiiir  the  cfiimiry  from  inva.Hion,  a;id  Up.-,,  ^  wrv 
nrineiplr  of  « ■iristimtiniial  ubIi>;aiion,  shou'd  have 
been  naid  by  the  ITniii*,|  .States,  whether  tin;  (pies- 
liun  Imd  bee»  settled  by  treaty  or  not.     It  ,.ouId 


'  Piiem,  therefore,  to  be  hardly  fuir,  although  these 
expenses  were  provided  for  in  the  treaty,  to  ret^ard 
them  as  a  part  of  the  consideration  receivetl  by 
Maine  for  the  lands  surrendered  to  the  British 
(iovernment.  The  payment  of  a  Just  debt  by  llie 
General  Government  to  Maine,  could  uoi  consti- 
tute an  obli^;ation  on  her  part  to  surrender  any 
portion  of  her  property  either  to  the  Kni^lish  Gov- 
ernment or  to  that  of  the  United  States.  Attain, 
il  is  respectfully  submitted  whether  the  advaninii^es 
resultinir  from  what  is  ejilled  the  free  naviu;ati(iii  of 
the  river  St.  John  are  Mot  ^^reatly  exai,^ijerale(l.  It 
is  admitted  that  there  are  many  timber  lands  lyin*^ 
upon  the  St.  John,  and  the  sin-ams  emptying 
into  it,  wh  'e  value  would  be  i^renily  enhaiiceil  by 
the  privilege  nf  havini;  their  products  transported 
down,  and  from,  the  river  free  of  tax  or  duly.  It 
may  be  rectdlected,  however,  that  upon  a  former 
day,  and  another  oeeasinn,  he  bad  shown  how  tiie 
desiijn  of  the  treaty  of  Washington  had  been  frus- 
trated, and  l!ie  privilei^e  rendered  of  no  value. 
That  this  privilege,  the  frre  navii,a(ion  of  the  St. 
Jolni.  the  riirht  to  transport  American  lumber  and 
produce  thr<)Uf:h  it  to  the  sea,  free  of  any  and  all 
tax  or  duly,  and  thai  privileu'e  oniv.  wa.s  rcirarded 
as  of  any  value,  will  apjiear  by  n  terem'c  to  (he 
corrcspmidence  whirb  immediately  preceded  the 
treaty,  between  the  Ilritish  Mimster  and  the  Se- 
cretary of  State,  [Mr.  WLiisrKn.]  an'!  between 
tlie  latter  and  the  Maine  commis.sion'rs.  In  the 
second  letter  of  Lord  Ashburtoti  la  Mr.  Webster, 
he  says  : 

"  I  would  enpiffe  that  nn  Ihe  final  Kettleniem  of  iheso  dif- 
ferencefi,  nil  Iniiilier  and  proiJix'e  ot  Uie  lore-t  of  ihe  tril>u- 
lary  waters  of  the  St.  .lohn.  >liall  hf  renivcd  frei'l>  vMtitoiM 
duty,  and  dealt  with  in  ever)  re-peci  like  ilu'  same  artieles 
of  New  Brun.sWK'k." 

Mr.  Webster,  in  his  reply,  under  date  of  July  8, 
i84^,  i^ays: 

"  It  must  noi  he  denied  that,  to  seeure  tins  priviloee,  and 
to  have  a  riulit  |m  enjoy  it.  free  from  l.i.r.  or  toU.  or  other 
/^^''i^■,7l/,  or  ifittMlih/,  is  an  onjeei  of  eonsidernhto  Importance 
to  tin   pi'oiile  of  .Maine."' 

Lord  Ashbiirton,  in  hia  iKXt  letter,  dated  July 
11,  lH4i.',  in  alludini^  to  this  matter,  says: 

'»  ■  is  et.Ti».iihred  hy  my  fiovernmem  as  a  vt-ry  iniportnnt 
enih  ,  «sioa.  1  am  sure  it  niusi  lir  eon>idered  hy'all  persons 
in  Elaine,  eoniKfled  with  ttie  tniah-  ■  trade. as  iioi  only  val- 
nahle  hut  ladispensahli' :  and  1  am  <  oiii|)r|[<'d  to  add,  that  I 
niri  eiiipoweird  to  aPou  tliis  pnvihi:t'  only  in  Ihe  event  of 
II  setrlement  of  the  houndary  on  sahsiaciory  terms.  It  is 
said,  in  the  meinoranduin  cd'ihe  .^lana.'  eonimisr^ioiKT!).  that 
lln-  toiieided  liaviiiatioti  will  he  asii>efiil  |o  the  'lovii  of  .'^I. 
Jotiii's  as  to  lilt'  Inniherer-  oi  Manie  :  hot  n  \\  ill  not  e>eap'' 
>on  that,  even  if  tin-  he  so,  it  is  a  eon^l•>^|orl  n<  i*.'^>ary  to 
!n\i' any  valu'-  whatever  to  so  hulkv  n\i  nrtiele  as  lumber, 
whii-li.  heiiiE  not  otherwise  disposalile,  woiihl  hear  any  rea- 
sonahle  toll,  whirh  ihe  pnotnend  anihoiiiies  of  New  Hruns- 
wiek  ninrht  iliiiik  it  e\pf,|iin(  to  lew  upon  i:  I'nrilHr.  it 
should  not  l>e  fi  n-ntten  that  the  ijiidi.r,  on'-e  al  the  inonth 
of  the  St.  John,  uill  ha\  e  ihe  privdeu-e  of  reaeliiiu!  the  Unt- 
ish  as  well  a>  other  markets;  and  lu-tlv.  Ihat  it  is  a  verv 
diifereia  tinim  to  hold  a  pri\  ilei;.-  of  this  i:ii|)ortant  de<,erip'- 
lioit  hv  ritilit.  or  h\  mi  re  .-inleranei',  lo  he  liianted  or  «  Mh- 
heldat  plea-nn-.'' 

Mr.  Webster,  in  communicatint;  this  proposition 
to  tlie  Maine  coimnissiomrs,  says: 

••  Ifilns  hue  -huuhthe  afned  to. on  ihe  pirtofihe  Tniled 
>\iU'-.  I  -npiM.,M  that  the  Hfdi-li  Mini-ier  would,  as  an 
eipiivalenl.  stipniale.  hi>t.  for  the  nse  of  the  river  St.  .lohii 
lor  the  lonveyaner  of  ilii'  timhi-r  L'rowinu  on  any  ot  it- 
hrareHies  to  iide-waier  fiee  irom  all  di-eiifinmitini:  tolls, 
■iiipo-ilit.n-.  or  dis-dfilities  ofanv  kind,  the  timh  r  e,ijovin« 
all  the  privdi'ires  of  Miitisli  eolonial  iimher.  .\ll  opinions 
eoiieor  that  ilMs  privih'L'e  ot  naMitation  mii-t«irenlly  enlninee 
till'  v.ilu>>  of  the  teioiory,  and  the  limher  urowiiiL'  thereon, 
anil  [X'ove  e.veeediiiply  u<et'nl  lo  tin-  people  ot  Maine." 

Tiie  Maine  commissioners",  in  their  reply  to  the 
propositioii  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  .say; 

*•  If.  upon  mature  eoiHiderati  n.ihe  Senate  of  the  Ihnted 
Sinii-sr*h;dlaiKi-e  and  eon-en  t  loilie  ralilieation  of  a  iie:it>. 
t  orre-poiiihiitf  in  its  leriiis  wuh  >onr  proposal. and  uitli  the 
eoiutiiioi>.  Ill  \onr  inetiiorMnilom  nei  oinpan>inir  this  nnie, 
(inark'd  AJ  and  idenfitied  hv  our  siii|,t(i||-,.'-,  ih,.y,  hv  vir- 

In-    ot  Ihe  power  vested  in  llleiri  t»y  llie  re-o|v<  -  of  the  |,('j.MS- 

hiiure  of  .Maine,  trivi*  the  as-t  ni  ot  ttiat  Si  iii-  to  >iieh  coii- 
veniional  line,  with  the  terms,  eondilionH,  and  e<piivatents. 
herein  uienii'Uied." 

The  memorandum,  marked  A,  coniained  tlie 
followin-: 

"ad.  That  the  riitht  oi  free  uavitfalioit  o|'  the  Ht.  John,  as 
-f  t  lorih  III  the  pro|Hi-inoii  cd'  Mr.  \Vt  l.der,  on  the  pan  of 
Ihe  '"ated  Stales,  shall  e\iend  lo.  aud  include  ilii'  |aodue|s 
of,  tl'.e  soil  in  the  snine  roanuer  as  (he  produeis  ul  the  forest, 
and  ilnit  »m  toll,  t.ir,  or  ihitu  Kv  Ivrivt  u]i>>u  liinhtr  t-ovtiiie 
from  the  trrritmy  nf  M.iiiif.'' 

'I'hen  follf)ws  the  .'id  article  of  the  treaty  which 
says,  thai  — 

'*  Ail  the  pr.Mhiee  of  Ihe  fn rcKt,  in  lor',  luniher,  tiailier," 
he.  o  grown  in  any  of  ihoiie  imrlM  of  ihij  Hiale  of  Miiiiie, 


watered  liy  Ihn  river  St.  John,  or  by  its  Irihularies,'*  "  slinll 
lipvn/rcc  neeess  into  and  llimuith  the  wild  river  and  iti  trib- 
utaries, bavlni;  their  Kouree  within  Ihe  State  of  Maine,  ta 
muf  from\\w  HeajHirt  nt  the  mouth  nf  the  St.  John,  nml  to 
and  round  the  fallN  nf  the  naid  river,  either  by  boats,  lull^i.or 
other  eonveyaaee;  that  when  within  the  provinci' (d'  New 
I  IlrunHWiek,  Ihe  tfiiiil  prodii  'e  ithall  he  ilcalt  with  as  if  it  weru 
the  producfi  of  the  said  province;  that  in  like  luanner  Ihe 
I  inhahitnntHof  the  territory  of  the  upper  St.  John,  determined 
I  by  lliirf  treaty  to  helouti  to  her  Kritannie  Majesty,  shall  luive 
I  free  aceesfi  lo  and  tbroimh  the  river  for  their  prodiu'i',  in 
;  those  parfs  where  the  miid  river  runs  wholly  throuRli  llio 
,  Slate  of  Maine  " 

Here,  then,  under  this  nrtiele  of  Ihe  treaty,  nc- 
t  companied  by  the  correspondenei'  ami  qtialified  ns- 
I  sent  of  the  Ataine  commissioners,  resis  ihe  riirhtof 
j  that  State  to  what  she  b(Miirht,aiid  dearly  pnid  for, 
.  the/nr  naviiration  of  the  St.  John.  Is  it  Nurticient 
;  for  the  purpo.se.  or  is  it  not  .^  !f  i(  be,  then  the 
course  of  the  Ilritish  Ctovernment  in  imposin;i,^a  tax 
;  (m  the  timber  cut  fnmi  the  forests  of  Maine,  and 
'  passed  down  the  St.  John,  is  in  violation  of  the 
treaty,  iumI  this  Government  should  insist  on  an 
'  immetiiate  repeal  of  the  law,  and  a  toll  and  ample 
remuneration  to  the  citizens  of  Maine,  from  whom 
these  illeo-al  exaetions  have  lieen  made.  If  the 
treaty  is  not  sutllcieni  for  the  pur]iose,  then  the 
citizens  id*  Maine  must  lament,  that  an  unforlunnto 
form  of  expre.*;sion  lias  deprived  them  of  advan- 
tatjes  which  they  had  supposed  fully  sceured  to 
them:  and,  indeed,  whicli  seems  to  have  been  the 
suppo.'jitioti  also  of  the  Maine  eommisfiioners,  and 
the  Secretary  of  State.  The  Iant;ua(;e  of  the  cor- 
respondence is,  that  the  lumber,  Ac,  referred  It)  in 
,  the  treaty,  shall  br-  subject  to  no  "toll,  tax,  or 
duty,"  '*  or  olher  liability  or  inability."  The  Inn- 
jjuaije  of  the  treaty  is  in  conformity  with  that  of  the 
correspnndence,  as  construed  by  Maine.  Hence 
it  would  scent  tliat  the  lax  is  ni  violation  of  the 
treaty,  and  should  be  repealed  and  atoned  for.  Unt 
by  a  communication  from  Lord  Aberdeen  to  Mr, 
;  Everett,  Minister  of  the  United  States  at  London, 
under  date  of  December  '.),  ]H44,  il  would  seem  that 
the  Rriti.-sh  Government  seek  a  justification  for  this 
act  in  tliesi;  words  of  the  treaty,  to  wit:  that  the 
lumber,  produce,  \-c.,  of  Maine,  "shall,  when 
'  within  tlie  province  of  New  IJrnnswick,  be  dealt 
*  with  as  if  il  were  the  produce  of  the  said  ]>ro- 
*vmce.'  These  words,  it  is  contended,  jusiilV  a 
tax  or  toll  on  lumber,  Ac,  on  passing;  down  the 
river,  if  it  be  general,  and  ap|ily  to  the  lumber  of 
the  province,  as  well  as  to  the  lumber  of  Maine. 
The  lumbermen  ot  .Maine  reply  to  this,  and  with 
irrent  for.'c,  tliat  these  wn-ds  were  not  inlended  to 
restrict  anil  limit  the  riirht  previously  ijiven  (if  freo 
exemption  from  toll,  tax,  or  duty, but  v.ere  intend- 
ed, on  the  conirary,  to  pularL'c  mid  ertcnd  the 
privih'.'^t's  attached  to  Maine  lumber;  that  e-  lo  .say, 
it  was  not  only  to  pass  down  and  out  of  tin.  liver 
without  beini;'sul>|eeted  tf)  a  tax  or  duty,  but  tin  re 
slnnild  be  mt  invidi<nis  or  unjust  di.">criinination 
made  in  the  polii-r  ami  other  reirulations  between 
the  ^^'Mne  lumber  and  the  lumber  of  the  province, 
when  it  rcaehed  the  ports  of  exportation  hi  the 
month  of  the  river. 

I'ut,  even  if  the  |{ri»ls)i  Government  should  be 
riirhl  in  its  eouslrueiion  of  this  article  of  the  treaty, 
there  are  other  [grounds  for  sbowiie,' a  clc.u*  and 
putpnble  violation  of  it.  Il  is  conicndeil  by  the 
ibilish  (iovernment  that  a  tax  ov  toll  may  lie  im- 
posed, provided  )l  bear  alike  upon  American  and 
provitjco  lumber.  Suppose  it  were  so — :'.riutl  the 
eortecliiess  of  the  position  to  its  I'lill  exieiit — and 
still  the  proviiieial  slatute.  will  be  found  to  be  a  di- 
rect and  jialpaltle  violation  of  the  trealy.  The  first 
sei'lion,  m  which  a  tax  or  duty  is  imputed  alike 
on  all  lumber,  Ac.,  shipped  from  the  province  of 
iNew  Uruiiswick,  ciuitains  tlie  followin^^  proviso, 
lo  wit: 

" /*r<o  f'fct/  <\tH-a\i\,nniU'C  H  fnrihei-f^uu'r'..  That  tlu'diily 
iai|KHed  by  IIoh  seeiitm  i-liiill  not  be  pnyahlenptui  the  expor- 
tation of  any  tiuiber.'^  Kc,  '^wbieli  fitiall  have  hei'tii'iiiupun 
( 'tow  n  lands  under  a  license  fmui  the  l,ieuienaiit  (tovi'mor 
or  admintslialor  of  the  <ioveriiiuer.t  lor  the  time  lauii;,  fic 

forr  this  itrf  shall  nunr  into  Ojtrtittioti,  nor  llpuii  any  timber, 

\e..euiupon  (iranteil  lands  within  this  provinee.  and  nc- 
niall>  earned  to  the  port  of  shipuient  before  ibis  ai-i  »ball 
eoiiie  into  i>p>  ration,  and  the  dntns  bereb>  imptisedHliiill  be 
reiiiHtt'il  as  liereinatler  proviihd." 

This  act,  which  Wis  passed  March  :.\"»th,  1844, 
was  not  to  ^o  into  operation  until  the  first  day  of 
May  next  fcllowini;.  Inasmuch,  therefore,  as  all 
the  limber  cut  for  the  year  was  eut  on  both  sides 
of  the  line  before  the  first  of  Abiy,  it  will  be  per- 
ceived that  all  the  lumber  of  tliose  operalim;  upon 
the  Urili»h  side  of  the  line  was  exempt  from  lux- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


633 


y9TH  Cong 1st  Skss. 


Secret  Service  Fund — Mr,  Yancey, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


ntion  for  tin;  year  1844,  while  all   tlie  liunl)er  cut 

from  the  AniLriciU)  siilc  of  the  line  was  made  suli- 
jttft  to  a  lax  uf  twenty  cem.s  per  thousand  super- 
liiiial  feet.  ^         ^  | 

liut  ihis  is  not  all.  Even  if  tliore  Irnd  Ijnen  no 
such  tliscriminmion  bctwcfn  American  and  British 
timber,  ill  the  form  alluticd  to,  tliere  is  a  ditu  rini- 
iiialion  in  another  form,  ci|mdly  in  violation  of  the 
tnaty,  and  far  more  odious,  because  it  seems  to  be 
tlie  olfsprini;  of  trick  and  eontrivantr.  it  consists 
in  an  clfeclual  refundiiij^  tiie  tax.  or  duty  to  tlie  pro- 
vincial lumberman^  by  cliar^nn^  him  nnthini;  for 
*' stumpn;;e,"  or  the  privilei^^e  of  cultiii*;  limlicr 
upon  lilt'  (;rowu  lands.  The  limber  in  the  forest 
is  j^iven  to  him  upon  iiis  p:iyin;^'-u  lax  or  toll  when 
the  limber  arrives  at  the  mouth  of  ihe  river,  lliere- 
l.y  ennblin'^  Ihe  provincial  (Jo\erumenl  tti preserve 
the  forms  of  ei[ualily  in  the  imposition  of  taxea, 
while,  in  t'act,  the  i;ros.sest  partuilily  and  injustice 
is  practised.  There  is,  to  be  sure,  no  expr'ss  pro- 
vision in  ibis  act  iov  refimdin:;  the  duty,  except  as 
)M-lnrc  staled;  l)ut  it  is  done  under  otiu'r,  thouf^h 
less  public  authority.  Lord  Al)erdcen,  in  reply- 
iiijr  to  Mr.  Evereit'a  eomplainis  for  ibis  cause,  nut 
(tidy  does  not  deny  it,  but  admits  and  juslifies  it. 
jMort  uver,  it  is  evident  enough,  in  the  preamble  to 
tlie  art,  whi'dt  riinslbus: 

'*  W!M'n'H(!,  ill  i-<Mi-cf|iiriici'  iif  the  nlHTiUien  'ifprMtfciivt,' 
fliitif's  u|i(iii  r.'lutiiiil  iiiiiii'T,  iiiKl  oilier  <'ir<'iini-l;uK'i>>  aH'Ci 
iiiir  lis  \.ili)>'.  ii  \<  UxMiL-lit  ii-ii>iiiiatili-  and  jii>t  lit  irdtict:  ihc 
r:ii''^  nf  iiiuii.il:)'  <li)l>'  i.ur  >  ^-luiriiiai:)'')  in  iniitirr  iiinl  iuinlK'r 
cut  iiptHi  rlic  ('n<U'ii  liiiiil-'  ;tiHl  |n  atlM|it  a  Irs.^  ilniiciilt  ami 
e^(t^)l^iv<>  iiKxtf  lor  it.-'  (-oII'I'Ikiii,"  K.r.,  &,<-. 

Ilere  the  purpose  is  direcily  avowed  to  collect  ihe 
'*  stumpaL,^e"  in  the  funn  of  aduly  on  expoilation; 
imd  whatever  prilence  u.ay  l>e  set  up  relauiii;  to  an 
niteratiuii  (jf  the  proioclive  duties,  the  desi;;n  is  tin) 
)ilain  ami  palpable  to  be  iuislakeli  by  any  (Uie;  it 
is  to  evade  a  plain  treaty  ciidiijation,  and  replenish 
the  Pruvincial  treasu  -y  by  iileiral  and  unjust  exac- 
Iirms  from  the  Imubernien  of  Maine.  If  he  (Mr. 
1''.)  had  Uiken  a  correct  view  of  this  subject,  itprit- 
seiiis  a  ease  eallini;  loudly  fur  redress,  and  he  hopi^d 
that  lb''  powerful  taleiils  and  influence  of  ihe  Sen- 
ator lV*nu  Massachusetts  wouhl  be  exerted  to  obtain 
il.  Especially,  as  the  treaty  ne\;otialed  by  liim, 
ioid  conslriied,  iis  it  seems  to  liave  l)een  l)y  the 
Ib'itisii  Governnieut,  has  nut  only  been  t)f  no  nd- 
vaniai;c  or  binefil  to  Maine,  but,  mi  the  conirary, 
a  j)o.siiive  injury.  For,  prior  to  this  treaty,  no  toil 
or  duly  wliatever  was  exacted.  Since  the  treaty, 
n  duty  is  imposed  which  i:oes  tar  to  swallow  U]) 
ibe  hard-iuiued  proHls  ni' ihe  pour  lumbermen. 

But  llicie  was  one  olher  la'currence  to  which  he 
felt  boMiul  to  allmlc,  wi.icb  liad  done  much  ;o 
streiii^lheii  and  CHiilinn  lim  dissatislacliiui  of  the 
I'l'oph' of  Maine  Willi  l!;e  iKaiyof  \Vasbini;lon. 
lie  referred  to  the  debate  which  occurred  in  the 
ririli.sii  l^u-liamuil,  in  March,  lr<4lt,  upon  the  sub- 
ject of  this  treaty,  in  which  disciosures  were  made 
ilial  stainpeil  the  eiause  ot' thi-  Ibilisb  Government 
with  Ihe  deepr-st  colors  of  fraud.  This  is  stroma: 
laiinuau-e,  but  no  sirmiirer,  he  believed,  than  the 
iransaeiion  fully  jnstifnal.  'i'be  Senate  Wiuild  per- 
inil  liim  to  rend  from  Hansard's  l'arliai..entary  !)(;- 
batt'S,  vobiiiie.'i,  p.iu'i:  l,-J4S,a  pari  of  the  speech  of 
Sir  Hoberl  l-'ed  in  reply  to  Loid  l*almerstop.  'I'lie 
hitler  I'l'iilliiuaii  had  assailci!  tlie  treaty  o:  Wash 
iiiL'ton  for  yiclilitu!  so  much  to  tbt^  American  cl:\iui, 
and  insisiiii',Mlial  liy  un  arbitration  I'.iiuland  would 
bavv^  olitaiiicd  a  much  lan;er  poiiion  of  ibc  dispiiinl 
(erritory  than  sbc  did  under  tin-  treaty.  Lctrd  I'al- 
incrstoii  also  aiiudcd  to  tin:  map, '  id  to  have  been 
discovered  l»y  Mr.  Spariws,  at  I'aiis,  oil  which  the 
line  was  laid  down  airreeablv  to  the  Eni,disli  claim, 
and  Mlie;:ed  to  have  lieen  done  by  Dr.  KriUiklin. 
Sir  R"'...it  replies  llial  llits  is  of  no  force,  inasmuch 
as  there  is  no  e\  idem c  wliatever  (oniiectinii-  it  Willi 
Or.  Kranklin,  and  llien  L'oer^  on  to  say; 

"But  llnre  i^>till  inn'lln-rmjip.  M'n'— in  tlii-t  emintry — 
in  the  liliniry  dI'  Uic  int.-  (iiiii:,  u.-;  it- luijiiiol  n  'iin|i,*tiy 
IMiii*li(>ll,nriliiMla|r  (>r  InNi—iliat  huip  wan  in  the  pn^c^.-i.m 
I't'ilie  late  Mm;,  and  (/  .■.:>  -i/i.)  in  ]l■l^'•■v'!<iott  nf  the  imllr 
i, >;■./,  hilt  h-did  not  cMMtniniicair  u.<  i-fintcni-*  lo'  Mr.  \Vi  li- 
ster. It  j- niiirkcil  hy  II  hinad  ntl  liiic,  at.d  on  thiilliiH' in 
wrUti'll  •  Hnniiii  f'.;  (IS  tlo^nihcil  hi/  nur  nc  ;olialor,  Mr,  0'>- 
ini/J,"  anil  Ilial  hue  tiding «ih"  cliiini  of  Ilic  I'nitcd  Siatc<. 
'I'tiat  i)i:ip  Wilt*  .'11  an  iMciid'  il  si  id''.  If  "a-<  in  piis-i'ssinn 
iifrtic  late  Kin;:,  wlm  wa-  |»;iriii  uliirl>'  riiti'Hi-i  in  nv-piii  i.i 
p<'iiL'rap)iii'id  ini|niiii-s.  <  )ii  Ilial  iipip,  I  ri'ptiit.  i-  placril  ilic 
hotnidiiiy  hiii''-U)at  cliurnrd  hy  llh'  t'lnt'd  Hiair-.  imd  nn 
tour  d.ll'.' Milt  plaii^  on  iljiit  li'llr,  •lirinridia>.  as  di'-criltcij 
li\  Dxwnld.'  Niuv.  I  do  not  s;ty  that  Ihnt  uiij*  the  hunndarv 
nlmnat)-ly  seiilnt  hv  the  iie^oiiMlurK ;  l>ni  nuihitnf  can  lie 
hiort'  riillacioim  Uiini  linindinii  a  claiia  upon  eonteiiiporiiry 
Ditips,  ntd'>i)>t  yon  eiui  uico  pinvi-  Hint  they  were  Hdo|Mid  hy 


tliunc^(jiJatorri;  and  when  the  notiii!  Ijord  ia\\ti*  it  riir;;rfinti'(I  i 

that  if  we  Imd  rei  ■)rtei|  to  mliiir.ilian,  wc  KJionld  liavir  lieea  I 

iiiii-ccs!4riil  in  ehlaiiiintj  our  elaini.-,  I  cniniui  lu'lp  thinkint;  | 

the  nialK.'r  would  have  Seen  opt'ii  to  iniieh  dlHciioiiinn.    In-  : 
deed,  t  ilo  not  t.dii-i'e  flint  that  r.li.im  of  Great  liritainwas 

veHJ'onmli'il ;  Ilial  it  is  n  claim  wliieli  tticue(;ntial<ir8iiitL>ndeil  \ 

to  rality."  i 

Now,  with  tlinso  ndnii.ssinns  and  disclosures  be-  | 
fore  the  w<-rld,  is  there  any  lanu;utige  too  strong  in 
which   to  characterize  the   course  of  the    liritish  . 
Government.''     They  show  tliat,  during  the  whole  ' 
course  of  the  controversy  in  rei^ard  to  the  nortb- 
eaHlern  boundary  prior  to  ihc  ne;j;otiations  of  the  | 
treaty  of  ]ir'4:2,  there  was  in  the  possession  of  the  : 
Ivin;^,  and  in  the  Hriiisb  arebives,  a  map — Milch-  ; 
ell's  map — which,  it  is  well  known,  wa.s  the  map  ' 
uscil  by  the  negotiators  of  the  treaty  of  17b3,  on  , 
wliieb  the  line  is  traced  by  Mr.  Oswald,  (the  Brit- 
ish commissioner  who  nei,'oiiated  the   provisional 
articles  of  this  treaty,  November,  17c':i,)  in  exact 
accordance  with  the  claims  of  the  United  Stales. 
li  has  always  betui  known,  therefore,  to  tlic  Brit- 
isli  Government  that   their  claim  was  an  unjust 
<uie;  and  still  it  lias  been  per.sevcred  in — pressi'd 
and  prosecuted  even  to  the  very  verge  of  war.     W^ 
it  be  ree;arded  as  loo  sironi,^  an  inference  from  the 
possession  of  ibis  map,  that  the  Uritish  title  was 
known  to  be  nnfounued,  Ins  would  add  the  express 
declaration  of  Sir  Robert  Peel,  in  the  same  speech, 
that  he.  *'(/((/ )io?  bfliivc  the  riahn  of  KnglanU  to  be 
u'tll-J),undv(l/'     -Now,  sir,  transfer  this  irunsactioii 
lo  private  life,  and    how  would   it    be    le^'arded  .' 
What  would  be  said  of  om-  who  should  make  an 
tilbrt,  ihrimLih  the  forms  of  law  or  otherwise,  to 
obiain   ibe  possession  and  jtroperiy  in   ids  neigh- 
bor's farm,  when  In-  bad  full  and  ample  evidence 
in  his   pocket   llial  the  ri^hl  and  title  lo  tlie   farm 
was  fully  in  bis  neighbor,  imd  not  in  himself?     Is 
there  one  code  of  morals  lor  imtividuals  and  an- 
other fm*  nations.'     C)n  the  ct.-ntrary,  does  not  the 
.same  immutable  principles  of  rii^ht,  of  truth,  ofjus- 
tice,  ajiply  to  both:  and  baud   and  'lecep'.ion  de- 
serve as  strong  and  emphatic  a  reprobation  in  one 
case  ns  in  the  other: 

liut  this  trausaciion  rfmiracts  u  deeper  dye  when 
we  trace  il  a  step  fartbei  It  ajipeais  by  the  dec- 
laration of  Sir  Uiiberl  I'ei  1  ihat,  at  ihe  very  lime 
Lord  Asbbmtoii  was  in  this  country  and  nci^o- 
lialing  the  treaty  of  Wasbim^ton,  be  had  in  his 
possession  this  nicniical  map.  .\otwil  lis  laud  inir 
this,  he  permits  himself  lo  say,  in  a  letter  to  the 
Sciietary  of  Stale,  June  KI,  l)^4:i: 

"  W'e  helicvc  tlu>  piisitioji  rnauitajned  hy  nsnii  thcsiiliju-t 
<»l  this  hoiuidaiy  lo  he  roiiinl' it  iii  j-^''  c  '/.>'  c/uitft;  and 
wc  den\  that  ue  iiave  hri'ii  ill  t<  iiiiiai'd  la  our  jueteiiirioiin 
hy  policy  and  e.Xjieaieriec.* 

Again,  he  says  in  his  lidtrr  of  the  ::2lst  of  June: 
"  1  will  i)nl\  lieii'  add  iIm'  iiin-t  -nit  am  a->iiriaice,  winch 
[  wnid'i  not  ii<!litl>  rnaU<  .  thai  alter  a  |i'ii_  aihl  eanlul  con- 
sidrratioit  ot' all  tin'  arizniiicai-  and  inten  no.  due.  i  and 
i'iiciiui>laii(ial,  h<  aruiL'  (ai  ihewanh  oi  nii>  tiatv  dii!)>  nit 
<pn  -lion,  it  i^  ni>  >eiiled  eonvjcliori  that  it  was  the  inlcn- 
tion  of  ihr  parti.'s  in  the 'ifaiv  ui' prai-e  oi  l*.SI.  lioucver 
na|ieriec(l,v  i\u»*-  iiiicni>  >n.-  ina>  lia\e  hn-n  i-M'cnK.'d.  to 
leave  to  tin  lit  Itiitain.  h\  their  drcicnpiiiiii  of  ht)UiulaiiL'.>i, 
the  wlinlc  of  llie  watcir'  oi  Ihr  .Si.  Jolia."' 

How  such  declarations  could  be  made  by  one 
bavini;  in  his  pi»ssi  .ssum  the  e;  idcticr  thai  ibe  line 
ein»ed  the  main  branch  of  the  St.  John,  and  ex- 
tended some  sixty  (U'  seventy  miles  beyond  it  lo 
the  higlilands  dividimr  the  waiers  emptying  them- 
selves, on  the  one  band  into  ihe  St.  Lawrence,  and 
on  ibe  other  into  the  .\llaiitic  ocean,  a'^reeably  to 
the  American  claim,  is  not  for  jiim  to  explain. 
Indeed,  il  seemed  to  him  inexplicable  and  asioniiu- 
ing.  I'nder  all  tlii'se  circuiuMances,  lu^  niiirhl  well 
ajtjieal  lo  probabiiilies  m  n  gard  lo  llie  currectness 
of  the  opinion  expn  ssed  thai  ihe  people  of  Maine 
were  folly  satisfn-d  wuh  this  ireatj' — aireaty  which 
irave  lo  England  over  ;hree  million  acp  s  of  terri- 
tory us  incimlesiably  the  property  of  mat  Stale  as 
any  one  oi'  the  manv  millions  of  acres  which  now 
constitute  her  broad  domain.  Fie  had  intended  to 
have  allud<'d  to  other  topics,  such  as  tlie  quality 
and  value  of  the  iaiids  transferred,  the  important 
niililary  iidvaniai^is  Mtrrendered,  iVc;  but  "the 
morning  hour"  bavioir  elapsed,  be  would  not  tres- 
pass upon  the  riudi's  ol"  the  Sttiator  from  Alabama, 
[Mr.  IJauhv,]  who  is  now  entitled  lo  the  lioor. 


To  tiiia  it  niny  hu  rrpMeil  timt  the  nmp  with  the  Ilriti^'h 
line  upon  it  never  wna  in  tin?  pnsoefifiinii  of  the  Gnvennneitt 
nl'  tlie  United  Slates  until  184:2,  when  it  was  hrouffht  here 
by  Mr.  Jured  Hmirkii,  having  been  dii-CDvered  hy  him  in  ttiu 
ari'hivcH  ul'thc  Foreiitn  Olhceut  Pari^.  IfthiK  wasn  ^'jnojto- 
ailion"  made  hy  the  Hritinh  In  the  Ameriran  Ministers,  why 
was  it  not  found  in  the  pns>4(!>>8ioi),  nr  innaiur  the  papers  ol' 
Ihc  latter,  or  in  the  arcliives  ol'  tlie  Aiaericnii  Gaverniiienl.' 
Anain :  there  in  not  only  ao  ci-uhucc  crjiaieetiiiK  this  nitip 
with  the  ueaniintionH  or  with  Dr.  Franklin,  hut  huth  [a>rd 
nrtinifhaiii  and  Sir  Rtdirrt  Fe'^l  e\pn>s.-ly  ndiiiit  that  ttiert; 
WHS  no  evidence  ot'it,  in  a  disru>>sinn  of  this  Kuhjcci  in  tlai 
Itritish  Pnrliajnent.  The  map  itself  is  u  sniull  alfair.  of 
ahoiit  eightren  inches  xpiare,  and  i.<4:>uppascd,  as  Sir  Hcbert 
Peel  Hays,  to  have  neun  puhlished  hy  M.  d'Anvillc.  1*16. 

On  llie  Dtlier  hand,  the  map  with  the  Aiucriean  line  n|ion 
it,  was  MU'-hcllU  map,  ai  knuwiedgert  on  all  liand^  to  he  the 

I  map  urted  liy  the  nefjatiators  of  the  treaty  of  Hf;!.  It  was 
found,  not  in  the  Forei<jn  tifTice  ut  Paris,  hut  hr^t  in  ilie  pos- 
session (tfOeoru'e  III,  and  afterwards  iti  the  Itrilish  niu-euiu. 
Il  did  not  purport  to  liavt^  an  Jimciican  jrrojiO'iHion  npon  it, 

;  hut  aliniMiureed  upon— n  tine  haviuff  written  on  ii,  m  four 
places,  ^*  Ununiiimi  as  dc-.trilicd  In/  our  neiiotiiitor,  Mr.  Os- 
HdW."'  And  tliis'we  have  piKid*  reason  to  liidieve  hy  Ihe 
hand  of  the  Kiufi  hinii^elf.  To  the  rennirks  of  r^ir  Hohert 
Peel,  already  (pH>tcd,  Ihosc  of  l,ord  Hroui;haiii.  ia  a  ^p^'eeti 
in  Parlinment  upon  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Lord  At<hhurion, 
may  he  added,  which  we-      ^  follows  : 

"  I  know  that  nai"  ,  knew  a  map  which  I  can  trace  to 
the  custody  of  t;^"  ..■  Ill,  and  on  which  is  llie  American 
line,  and  not  '  Mauliwii  lute,  and  up<m  which  there  is  a 
note,  that,  f'.iin  the  handwritini;.  as  has  uecn  de^^rihed  to 
me.  makes  me  tliink  H  u-as  the  uote  of  Ueorze  HI.  himself: 
'This  is  the  line  of  Mr.  Oswahl's  treaty  of  17ea,  writleu 
three  or  tVair  times  upon  the  lace  of  it.' '' 

After  alt  this,  lo  nyan!  llie?e  t\*niiiaps  as  of  r^in/  author- 
>7j/.orthat  they  \\vr''  mendy  iaterclianj!i  da>.  "  /iroj*osifjoiw,'' 
seems  stiange  and  farfeielii>d,  to  say  llie  least. 


NoTK. — The  closiim  remarks  of  Mr.  \\'i:hsti:«.  in  reply, 
are  repiirt'd  in  tlie  I'lnun  ihii-* :  '•  Mr.  W.  eiidid  uiih  alirief 
allusion  l4i  I  wo  niiips.  one  inai  ked  li\  Mr.  I)<\vald,  the  ofliiT 
hy  Dr.  (■■tankiin;  that  ol  Mi.  (Uw.dd  tuuiid  in  the  ltIln^ll 
Museum ;  the  other  in  a  Iihrarv  in  Pans,  \\'liich,  he  said. 
were  produced  as  jh-o/wmVioii  m.ip.^.  tiitlhinu  iiioie." 


THE  SECRET  SERVICE  EUND. 
REMARKS  OF  MR.  W.  L.  YANCEY. 

OF   ALABAMA, 

In  the  House  of  Ri:pnESKXT.\TivES, 

.•Iprtl  \)  and  10,  IHAil 

On  Mr.  C.  ,T.  Ine'ersoll's  resolutions  of  inquiry  into 

the  conduct  of  Daniel  Webster,  in  expendinj; 

the  coutini!;cnt  fund  while  Secretary  of  Slate. 

Mr.  YANCEY  said:  I  cnnno^  airree.  Mr. 
Speaker,  with  the  venerable  ijentleman  from  Mas- 
saebusclls,  [Mr.  Auams,]  bi  the  view  be  lias  lakeii 
of  a  want  of  c<nisiitulional  and  leiral  |>ower  in  ibis 
ti*tURe  over  this  subjert.  Tliat  ireiitleman  say.s 
that  he  cannot  vole  for  ihc.se  resohui(ms,  in  their 
present  tbrm,  because  they  "  rerpiire  mi  e\liil»ilion 
'  to  this  Hou.sc  of  the  manner  in  which  a  fund  baa 
'  been  expended,  winch,  under  the  ('(msiitniion 
'  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  has  hilherto  bet  n 
'  buried  in  profound  secrecy."  I  liavc  examined 
the  Constiluli(Mi,as  well  as  llie  brief  moment  since 
this  declaration  was  made  has  permitted  me  to  do, 
anil  fmd  nothino;  jn  its  provisions  to  justify,  in  ibe 
le;ist  d<i;ree,  the  iuterpret;\tion  put  upon  it  by  that 
i:  'lemim.  Tln-rc  i^  no  clause  lliere,  indeed, 
wiiich  speaks  of**  secrer  .service"  money:  the  mdy 
clauses  that  do  speak  of  approprialioiis,  dislmrse- 
ments,  and  aecoiinliii'^  for  the  same,  are,  the  first 
clause  of  the  .evtiith  section  of  article  first:  "  All 
'  bills  for   raisim:  revenue   shall    oriL^inate  in  the 

*  House  of  U(  prenentalives;'*  and  the  seventh 
clause  of  section  ninth  of  article  first :  "No  money 
'  shall  be  drawn  from  the  treasury,  but  in  consc- 
'  (|uence  of  appropriations  made  by  law:  and  u 
'  reirnlar  statement  and  account  of  the  receipts  and 

*  expenditures  of  all  public  money,  shall   be  jnib- 

*  lisbcd  from  time  lo  tune." 

My  colletiirue  [Mr.  HiLiiAnn]  has  al.-^o  said  that 
this  Ilouae  has  no  control  over  this  subject.  The 
above  provisi(nis  (.f  the  Constitution  show  that 
tliis  Hotise  alone  ori:;inates  "  all  bills  (or  raisin:; 

*  revenue,"  and  that  **  a  rcLTular  stal<niciil  and  ae- 
'  count  of  the  rei-eipis  and  evpemlitnres  of  public 
'  money  shall  be  published  fnmi  time  to  time." 

All  nioiiey  raised  mul  placed  in  the  treasury  \h 
"  pid)lic  money."  All  money  drawn  from  iIir 
treasury,  thereibre,  is  ''public  money;"  and  the 
expenditure  ot'  all  money  thus  drawn,  must  con- 
se(|iieutly  be  accounted  for  and  rei^nilarly  slated. 
Money  expended  in  what  is  called  "secret  ser 
vice,"  is  public,  money — expenucd,  it  is  presumed 
and  MUlemidaieil,  for  public  ijood,  and  is  not  ex- 
empted by  the  (.'oustifution,  as  aruued  by  tlieian- 
tleman  from  Massai'bitsetf-*,  jMr.  Auams,]  fr  nu 
beiiiij  thus  accounted  for.  The  (..'on.nitution  niakts 
no  disiinclion  between  money  drawn  from  the 
treasury  for  that  purno.-*)',  ami  inoney  drawn  for 
any  other  purjiose.  The  power  of  this  House, 
then,  over  the  expeiuliturc  of  ihe  "  secret  service 


1 


lli^ 


'•    il 


L3  fi 


Ri»] 


624 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  9, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess, 


aecret  Service  Fund — Mr.  Yancey. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


ftiiid"  is  complete;  nnd  il  iiiiisl  be  miulc  to  npprnr 
tlie.t  it  liiis  l)reii  expended  for  llie  public  benefit. 

The  piciilinr  spirit  of  this  Government  requires 
this  Ilouse  to  exorcise  the  right  of  holdine;  to  n 
risid  ttccountabiliiy  all  who  nre  charged  with  the 
disbursement  of  public  ?noiie".  Ajjain,  sir;  if  the 
expenditure  of  a  lew  thousand  dollars  can  be  cov- 
ered up  by  la'.v,asit  is  contended  that  the  expendi- 
ture ol  "  secret  service  money"  maybe,  the  dis- 
binsinienl  of  the  whole  amount  necessary  to  carry 
on  the  Oovermncnt  annually  nn\y,  by  a  ciirru]it 
parly  majority,  be  likewise  C(tncealed  from  the 
people  by  a  law  allowing  it  to  be  accounlcd  for 
by  merely  statins  llial  the  "  euiire  amount  had 
'  been  paid  out  for  the  aiuiuul  expenses  of  the  Gov- 
'  eminent." 

Sir,  the  people  have  a  just  riijht  to  know  to  w  hat 
purpose  every  doHar  which  you  have  taken  from 
thetu  by  taxes  has  been  applied.  In  this  instance 
a  Uepresentative  of  the  people,  [Mr.  C  J.  I.soek- 
801.1.,  of  Pennsylvania,]  a  member  of  llie  only 
branch  of  Con^ross  that  can  orii^inate  a  bill  for 
revenue,  states  in  iiis  [ilace,  that  there  is  pood 
reason  to  believe  that  a  lars];e  amount  of  public 
money  has  been  fraiululently  accounted  for,  and 
I'raudulently  used.  He  stales  that  Daniel  VVcb- 
stcr,  while  ^^ecrelary  of  fState,  instead  of  usiii;^  the 
secret  ser\  ice  t'lniil — the  "  coniiniifiit  fund,"  lo 
speak  in  legislative  phraseology — tor  the  public 
g.ioil,  as  ri'ipiirod  by  law,  corru|illy  applied  it  to 
bis  own  individual  puioose,  or  to  piirpo.-ies  un- 
known to  the  law.  Tins  Uepresentative,  on  this 
siateiiient,  demands  of  this  body,  thai  it  shall  call 
upon  the  jnupcr  department  lo  ci>ininunicate  to  it 
t!ie  facts,  from  which  it  may.dcterniine  lliecharac- 
1r  r  and  extent  ol' the  transaction;  and  if  il  should 
find  these  chniges  lo  be  tine,  to  tbiind  upon  tlieni, 
as  il  liiis  jiower  to  do  by  the  Consliiuiion,  articles 
of  iuipcacht'ieiit.  Yei  we  nre  !rravi?ly  told  iiy  my 
co||ca:.'Uc,  tlial  "lliis  House  has  no  control  over 
the  niatier;"  th;U  "  il  did  not  lairly  come  witliin 
the  jurisdiction  of  this  b.idy;"  llioo!:h  he  would 
nevrrlheless  vole  for  llii'  resolutions!  i^lraiiL'e 
conclusion,  sirl  If  not  "  within  the  jurisdiclion  of 
Iliis  body,"  n<^  nieiniier  1ms  a  riirlil  to  vote  for 
ll;eiu.  If  we  "  have  no  eonlnd  over  the  mailer," 
il  is  all  error  to  approve  of  tlieiu  by  a  vole.  Whv, 
then,  will  my  colleasue  vote  for  them.'  Not  (Ui 
hiuh  jailtlic  eoiisiderati'Uisdoes  he  justify  his  vole, 
bill   tor  reasons   thus  stated  by  hiiu  :  *'  I  being  a 

*  ^VIli'.r,  and  1  take  this  occasitni  to  say,  that  1  use 

*  ilie  word  in  no  low  or  bitier  partisan  sense,  and 
'ili;ii  heinir  in    a  miiioniy  lure,   1    avow  niy-self 

*  honored  in  doing  iiaitli!  under  ihal  st.-iiidai'ii, — I 
'for  one  will  interpose  no  objection;  on  the  con- 
'  Iriiry,  I  challenge  the  fullest  invesii'.'alion  into  the 
'  rondnci  of  a  man  who  came  into  olli.e  iisu  Il7n'g." 
is  my  clle.igne  thus  readv  to  slueld  *'  a  man  who 
ranic  into  ojfn  e  as  a  Whig,"  by  aidintr  llie  House 
to  do  that  which  is  not  "  within  the  jnri.sdicinni  of 
llnshodyf" 

Theienllemaii  fnnn  Massaclius'tis  [Mr.  .Xoams) 
iir;,es  as  an  ot.jertion  lo  the  passa^re  ol"  thi'se  it  s- 
nlnlions,  iliil  '■  for  the  expenditure  of  iliai  nioiii  y, 
'  ihe  .Seen  lary  of  Stale,  past  and  present,  is  no 
'  more  tcsponsil'le  ilnui  you  lU'  I.  'I'he  iaw  .says  it 
'  sh'dl  be  expended  by  order  of  the  President  iiiio- 
'  SI  It'."     'I'he  resirlutioDR,  sir.  call  t'm'  "  an  account 

*  of  all  |iaymeiiLs  made  on  I're.^ident's  ceriifuales, 
'  iVmii  llie  I'linil  a|  propriali  il  by  law,  lliroii:;h  Ihe 
'  aL'cncv  of  that  (the  ^Slale)  l>|iarliiienl  for  the 
'  (oniinirent  cxpeiisis  of  foreign   mterconrse." 

.Now.  sir,  trrant  all  to  bi'  as  the  centleman  fif  m 
.M.i.'.sacliuselis  sajs.thal  ibis  money  is  onlv  li  be 
expMiiled  liy  order  of  the  j'risident  hnnsell;  '  len, 
if  II  sIkiII  appear  thai  "  paynienis  of  luoiny  on  I'res- 

*  nil  nr.iccridic  ales(orordirs)  fioio  ihe  Inndappro- 
'  pnaled  by  law,  ihioiiirh  iheaL'Ciicy  of  that  l»c  parl- 

*  no  lit,  t'or  the  eontinueiit  exp*  uses  ofi'oreign  inler- 
'  course.",Vc.,  li;ive  LTone  into  .Mr.  ^\'el  '.ii  r'shaiids 
iiR  .Sf-crelary  of  .Sinie,  and  iliat  he  then  "  made 
'  iVandiilenl  misanplicalioii  and  peisonal  use  of  the 
'  pitl'lic  funds,"  'io  paid  to  hitn  out  ol*  li.e  Iri usury 
on  ihe  F*reMileiit's  order,  will  llie  iremlenian  from 
jMassachusetls  contend  that  '*  lie  is  no  tiioie  ii  spoii- 
sililc  tlian  yoii  or  I,"  and  llnil  beinv  the  appointee 
of  the  I'residi  at,  w  11  .-hn  Id  him  fnun  ci  usure  or 
pniiisliineni .-  Ceitainly,  il'  In'  does  so  coiileiid, 
lie  advances  n  new  and  strange  iloclrine.  When 
we  cut  loose  from  a  (jovernnient  lokinm  ledi^iu'' 
"Ihe  divine  ri'.-ht  of  kings,"  we  also  repiiilialed 
the  doctniip  that  ''the  kintf  could  do  no  wioiil'." 


We  have  not,  however,  while  adopting  the  rigiil 
nccounlabilily  of  the  great  head  of  llie  republii',  in- 
grat'ted  upon  our  juritsprndence  that  nunialrous  doe- 
trine,  that  an  iinder-ollicial,  a  clerk,  "can  do  no 
wrong."  Were  it  so,  inipinchment  would  ben 
useless  check  tipmi  otiicial  malversiition  and  crime. 
Kach  otlicer  of  Government  siaiuls  upon  his  per- 
sonal and  olficial  responsibility,  and  .Iidin  Tyler 
cannot  be  brought  into  this  controversy  to  shield 
Daniel  Webster.  If,  then,  the  gentleman  who 
presented  lliese  resolutions  should  prove  to  be  cor- 
rect in  his  slatement  of  the  extent  of  the  niisde-  ' 
nieanor  of  this  ex-.Seerelnry  of  Slale,  Daniel  Web- 
ster is  now  liable  lo  be  iinpeacln  d  by  this  House. 
The  Constitution  confides  to  this  Iniily  the  oriiri- 
nating  of  arlicli  s  of  iinpeaclimcnt.  How  can  it 
perform  that  duty,  sir,  if  il  "  has  no  contnd  over 
this  matter,'*  "if  il  does  not  fairly  come  within  ils 
jurisdiciion.-"  If  ihe  money  has  been  improptrly 
and  frauduleiilly  expended,  and  this  House  has  no  ' 
]iower  to  go  beliiiid  the  I'lTsideiil's  cerlificaie,  to 
see  how  il  was  done,  and  w  ho  so  e.xpeiuled  it,  and 
tor  what  jiurpose,  your  power  of  impeachinciit  for 
such  an  ollence  would  be  a  nullity.  Hut,  if  it  is 
nol  a  nullily,  you  have  power  lo  send  for  persmis 
and  j'apers,  and  to  proije  lo  the  btilloni  a  mailer 
on  whii'li  sacli  grave  i-harges  have  bei'U  founded. 
Il  is  not  only  due  lo  the  accused  and  the  accuser, 
liut  it  is  euiiiiently  due  to  the  chiiracier  of  our 
crnintry,  that  this  should  be  done.  If  that  charac- 
It  r  has  in  any  degree  been  sullied,  even  if  tty  "a 
man  who  cmne  into  otiice  :is  a  \Vliii;,"  let  the 
Aiuencan  people  know  him;  let  all  eyes  be  turned 
upon  liiin,  until  thi'  focus  of  their  concentiated  in- 
dnriiation  and  contempt  shail  consume  bun,  lis  wiih 
a  migliiy  tlaniecif  indignation,  or  so  tlood  hiiii  with 
painful  li^hl,  ihat  there  sjiiill  be  no  spot  in  the 
wide  land  in  which  he  can  hide  his  diminished 
head  in  .>diaiiie. 

I  am  not d IS]. used,  Mr.  Speaker,  to  interfere  in  the 
controversy  going  on  belween  the  Uepieseiiialive 
(Voiii  l*eiinsylvani.i,  [.Mr.  C.T.  IxoKiisoi.t,.]  and  the 
Siiinior  fioni  Massachusi  lis,  [.\lr.  Websier.J  I 
should  havi'  been  eonleni  to  have  t-iven  a  silent 
vote,  and  was  much  in  hopes  lhat  the  House 
would  liavt*  pnisned  such  a  course  on  the  resolu- 
lioiis  before  us.  They  were  merely  resolutions 
of  inquiry,  and,  as  sudi,  did  not  call  t'or  debate. 
Discus.-ion  will  be  more  apjtropriate  on  the  int'or- 
nialion  which  may  thus  be  iliciled.  The  Whigs, 
liowi  ver,  have  cliosen  to  throw  the  elniracler  of 
the  (■x-Secrelary  of  Slale  into  the  debaie  which 
sprinii:  Uji  on  ihe  power  of  ihe  I  Jonse  to  pass  these 
res'diiiiinis;  they  have  l-n  n  \\;irned  nol  lo  snli'i,-r 
the  iM'in  of  iht  ir  ciinmpion  lo  be  thus  pnrah'  .eil, 
while  it  is  dealing  suc'ii  weighty  blows  in  their  be- 
half; and  more  than  ihal,  thev  ha\e  soiighi  to  :ji\e 
lustre  lo  his  name  and  character,  l.y  associating 
him,  in  the  niiiid  of  the  civili/.ed  uoild,  wilh  the 
name  of  Washington,  the  Father  of  his  (Joiinlry  I 
.My  eolIea:rne  has  launchtd  boldl)',  indeed,  inio 
enfoi:y  upon  the  idinracter  of  his  favm-ile  Seiuiior, 
and  has  tiloiied  in  the  responsilaliiv  id"  del'inding 
an  absi  III  man,  upon  whom  blows  vm.tc  faHog 
lliick  ami  l'ast;and  has  "  >h  fended  him  fei'ause  he 
bi  iuvi  d  him  lo  be  an  iniioci  nt  inanl''  Sir,  where 
was  ('.  ,1.  Ingersoll  w  hen,  m  his  pi. ice  in  the  .^cn- 
ale,  Daniel  \\'ebsier  could  hardly  tiiid  language 
Midicienily  slroii^  lo  <;ive  \i  nl  to  Ins  alaise  o!  hini.' 
Ivxcliiibd,  sir,  from  a  reply  in  that  boily.  And 
sh.ill  .' '  .  Webster  be  eoiisiiiered  as  acting  proper- 
ly in  attacking  "an  absiiit  man,"  and  «e  here  as 
acliiiir  iiujtroperly,  t'or  review  ing  his  piiblie  Ciireer, 
because,  t'orsiioili,  he  is  not  prtseni.'  Who  is  re- 
sponsilile,  I  would  ask,  for  this  disseriion  ot'  his 
cliinueier,  u  in  n  he  is  "abseni,"  bin  ihose  I'riends 
ol'  Ins  who  have  eonimenced  in  ibis  Hall  such  a 
I'lilsome  eiiloi;-y  U|)on  him,  as  to  dciw  forth  liisycs 
fiom  niinibeis;  not  because  my  colli  a::ue  had  not 
the  rispectol'  the  uii  Hilars  lare,  bill  because  he 
had  altempled,  m  ihiir  esiiniaiion,  to  drag  down 
till  name  of  Wiu>hiiigtoii  lo  a  i^onnexion  wall  lhat 
of  WeliSler. 

ISir,  tin.'  only  possible  connexion  lhat  I  can  per- 
ceive lo  exist  lietwei  n  the  nanies  ot'  Waslnngion 
and  Wi  bsler  is  that  propiuipiiiy  who  h  ihey  liold 
lo  I  M  I'll  other  III  the  alplials  1.  1  will  iini,  cannot, 
jiiesnine  any  other  to  lie  possible.  My  colleague 
glories  ill  being  i  la.ssi  d  \,iih  .Mr.  Webster  as  a 
Whig!  W'ell,  sir.  he  may  have  a  monopoly  of 
all  Rueli  glo.y  and  pride.  1  know  iioihing  of  linn, 
save   what    history   discloses;   null    that    iinpiiitial 


Btenogrnpher  has  disclosed  enough  to  cause  me  tf> 
loathe,  such  a  political  aHinily.  I  speak  nol  with 
reference  to  his  bank  nnd  larilf  opinions.  Thn.se. 
are  questions  upon  which  men  ;iiay  and  do  hon- 
orably dill'er;  but  1  speak  v.  ith  reference  In  liin 
conduct  as  n  citizen  nnd  legislator  during  the  lata 
war,  nnd  to  the  position  in  which  he  now  stands  as 
n  public  mnii. 

Upon  what,  Mr.  Speaker,  does  nil  this  hiirh 
eommeiidalion  of  jMi'.  Webster  rest'  What  is 
there  in  his  hislory  or  public  career  which  has  in- 
duced my  rollencue  [Mr.  IIilmakd]  to  say,  "  that 
the  iniiut^  id' an  Anierican  citizen  was  honored  and 
respecteil  abroad  by  ils  associaiioii  with  that  of 
Webster;  llnii,  next  lo  that  of  Washinglon,  no 
.\nierienii  name  stands  higher  in  Kuro|icr"  Was 
it  the  history  of  his  course  during  the  late  war, 
when  Ills  country  was  involved  in  a  serious  aial 
deadly  struggle  with  the  lion  power  of  I'liglnnd, 
which  has  "aused  the  palriots  of  Knrope  to  pl.ice 
the  name  of  Webster  by  the  side  of  thai  of  Wash- 
ington.' Do  Ills  voles  againsl  llie  r.iising  ot'  troops, 
the  provisioninii:  nnd  (dothiiig  llieni,  and  n:;ainst 
th.e  tnakiiiLr  of  laws  lo  carry  on  ihe  war,  so  elevaie 
linn  ill  the  eyi's  of  the  palriois  of  the  Old  World, 
that  the  only  niche  in  tin'  temple  ol'faine  worthy  of 
his  self-dcnyin:;  palrioiism  and  love  of  counlry  is 
next  to  that  uiiiveisallv  accorded  'o  Wasliiii'^ion, 
the  "  first  in  war — lirsi  In  peace — first  in  the  hearts 
of  his  conntrynien  ■" 

lias  the  course  of  Mr.  Web.^ter  on  the  French 
spolialion  i|uestioii,  when  the  patriot  chiefiaiu, 
'Jeneral  .lackson,  was  President,  and  ni'ircd  Con- 
gress lo  aid  him  in  causing  I'rance  lo  do  us  long- 
delayed  juslice,  bicii  ihr  cause  of  all  ihis  high  and 
honorable  respect  beiiiL' awaideil  to  l,ini.-  On  that 
occasion,  il  will  be  remeiiibered  that  he  siiid,  in 
substance,  "if  llie  ciieiny  were  at  the  lmIcs  of  llie 
Capitol,  and  ready  to  batter  ilonn  ils  walls,  I 
wiHild  not  vole  one  cent  for  ils  defence;"  ami  it 
will  forever  be  remembered,  that  the  venerable 
gentleman  from  Massachusetts  [.Mr.  .AiivMs]  took 
occasion  then  to  say,  that  "  he  (Mr.  Webster)  had 
but  another  siep  to  take,  nnd  that  was,  logo  over 
to  the  enemy." 

(Ir  has  it  been  the  Ashburlon  treaty,  in  which, 
besides  yielding  soil  confes.scdly  ours,  nnd  nvoiil- 
ing  a  sdileineiil  of  the  great  question  of  "right  of 
search,"  the  murder  of  Diirfec,  and  the  burning 
and  lake-ingulphed  (Caroline,  were  lel^  unavenged, 
niiatoned  for,  that  has  entitled  this  man  to  the  lovi 
and  venerati'iii  awaided  lo  Washinglon.' 

.And  thoii::h  hairope  might  err  in  ils  eslin.ntf  ot 
Mr.  Webster's  tiile  to  that  I'esiiecl,  upon  what 
has  my  colleague  I'ounded  his  lii^'h  praise  of  that 
character'  Not  ii|ion  these  events,  I  am  sure. 
And  il*  not,  upon  what  can  he  I'onud  his  det'eiire 
of  him.'  I  liiive  a?kid  him  if  it  was  .\Ir.  Wch- 
ster'.-!  opposition  lo  the  file  wariicii  L:ained  hint 
the  hearis  of  ihe  palriois  of  ihe  I  Mil  World.  And 
how  did  he  reply.-  He  said  thai  he  knew  nothing 
about  that,  bill  ur;:ed  the  plea  of  inf.nicv  iis  an  ex- 
cuse for  it,  s. lying  lhat  .Mr.  Webster  was  at  that 
linn.'  a  yonn:;  man.  I  .-^ee  my  colleague  shakes  he: 
be.id  a;  this. 

.\lr.  Ilii.i.t.viin  said  that  he  had  declared,  when 
rising  to  address  the  Ilouse  yesterday,  lhat  he  did 
not  do  so  for  the  pnr|iosi'  of  defending  Mr.  Web- 
ster; nor  should  he  li.ive  adiled  a  word  further  lo 
the  debate,  had  il  not  In  en  lor  llie  personal  ail.ick 
made  by  his  I  olleagiie,  when  he  had  observed  ili.ti 
ill'  should  be  happy,  nl'ter  the  present  storm  h.'id 
subsided,  to  see  Mr.  AVebster  still  continuing  to 
enjoy  the  same  high  reputation  to  which  he  had 
ever  been  enlilleil. 

-Ml.  Van<  I'.v  here  quoleil  the  speech  of  Mr. 
Hii.i.iAiui,  as  reported  m  the  Union: 

"  Wieit  lie  h.iil  II  -.Jiy  wn-f,  licit  ti'-  hail  iiniiccl  ivitli  iirnlc 
luiit  t-lin-l.tclioi).  w  li<  II  111  l-'iirupc,  thai  ilic  n.iuc'  <<;  Win 
>Ti.ltw:i-  l.oi'il.  ti 'iiornl.  and  0'r.|i.  ct',!.  lie  uoiilil  iiii'i-t 
Itic  riill  rt'-|iiiii-il'ilil>   111    tlii-i  ileehiiiilloii,  loTc  luiil  clue 

WiM'O'." 

'•  If  .Mr.  WrnsTKn's  cotir:-e  was  iiiit'nrtiliiate  n«  In  in. 
wiir,  he  (Mr.  H.)  A.i<t  ii  ,lhi}t-i  to  tto  u-ith  il.  He  envied  the 
In  liiiu- lit  III!  one  who  W'lililil  lliril  oviT  the  [inites  fir  lillll 
unit  vil.'  |mriv  ih  I'aniiitiiin  In  nikc  up  ihiiriti  s  iiiiiihist  any 
man." 

-•  I  ihi  lint  rive  my  lavil  opjiiiiin  mtly,  t.llt  I  -eilc  Itie  t:l.  t 
that.  Ill  1)11  the  ttliiriiilis  eiHi  1  II  ilii'ii  ol' .XiiC'rieini  iiaiiie- , 
I il  hriiihter  in  lliloipcaii  i  .-nmalinn  ihaii  lliat  nl'  W'l.ti 

Hll  11." 

"  .Mr.  Iln.i.tAitn  wie',  lie  said,  jioinii  on  In  rennirk  ihii 
tiiiiciiiu  tile  iliii-t  eiiiiiM'iil  pcrMiihs  in  Kuriip''  no  .AiiietMiin 
iiniiie,  ui'W  to  till'  name  nl'  Wu'^huiitliih.  vvii-  held  ill  tiiiihi  I 
le^'jM'i  I  Ihaii  the  iiiilm-  nl'  I)\mi.i.  \Vki1"|'cii  " 


1946.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


625 


29tii  Cono 1st  Skss. 


Secret  Sermcc  Fund — Mr.  Yancey. 


New  Series No.  40. 


I  merely  liriti!;  llicsn  to  the  rcrollcctinn  of  my 
<-,(>llo«mir,  to  show  llml  lii!  ilid  not  iindertnkc  to 
(li  iVrid  Mr.  Wi'lislor  nj^iiinsl  luiy  ono  of  the  chnrsoH 
I  lironirht  ni;ainRl  him;  niiil  y<'t  ihnt  lie  heslowcd 
upon  hin  rlmrai'.tcT  llii;  verv  lii'ilnHt  cominiMidii-  ', 
lion.  On  wluU  foiindalion  Jid  this  commendation 
rest .'  I 

All'.  tdi.i.iAnn.  I  stiilfd  that  tim  peojilo  nlirond 
ilid  not  look  into  ihu  niiiniliii'.  of  <inr  party  divi- 
Niijns.  Tiiey  did  not  undiirt  ikn  to  ;;o  into  siii'h 
liMrli<-nl.irs,  lint  ri'^anl.'d  .Mr.  Wiiistnr  for  hi.'< .ijreul 
.111(1  s.iiiiin'i  (|iniliii('s  »s  uii  Amorii'an  sinlesman. 

Mr.   V'a.mck.v.     It   is   not   lo  the  cstiinraion   in 
nliii'h  Mr.  Wclisii'r  is  Inld  in  Enropt;  (  iiiii  now  ; 
ilirc'linu'  my  remarks,   liiit  to  tin;  hiu'h  ehnracti'r 
.'iKriliutt'd  liv  my  colli'a!^!!*;  lo  his  favorite  Senator. 
I  Ir  has  sail!,  "it  wa.i  n  niisl'oitniie  thnt  n  man, 

*  wlio.sc  inlrljei'l  and  imtiiir  services  Imve  rendered 
'  tin/  name  of  his  I'lnntry  iiliislrioiiR,  and  had  asso- 
'  lialed  ii  tthroad  -.villi  every  tiling  that  is  to  l)c  lioii- 

*  or'-d  and  loved,  slunild  have  so  few  personal  and 

*  political  frieniLt  li(!re. "  lie  furlaer  said,  "  I  imve 
'seen  mneh   in   hiiii  lo  ailmire.     If  there  is  any- 

*  lliins  eensurahle  ill  him,  1  have  not  oliserved  it." 
I  nsked  him  on  wlial  Ljroiiiid  he  rested  those  com- 
nieiidations.-  Was  it  on  Mr.  AVelister's  course 
<lioiii_'  the  last  war.'  He  said  it  was  not — he  knew 
iiolhiau;  aooiil  ihal.  Wiis  ii  on  the.  part  he  acled 
in  the  Aslil.iirlon  treaiyr  No;  iny  eolleai]:ne  said 
lie  had  noihinr;  to  do  witli  that  siilpjeil.  'j'lien  I 
Jiiipiired  whether  it  was  hecaii«e  Mr.  Wehster  had 
Miu\,  {'."  I  if  till' enemy  wi  re  thiinderiinrat  the  irates 
of  the  C  .pitol,  he  woiilii  not  vote  a  cent  for  its  de- 
fi'iicr':"  Me  said  that  was  not  the  eanse.  1  then 
in(|iiired  wlniher  it  win  heiaiise  he  was  at  this 
Ininr,  tin'  pensioned  a'.;eiU  of  the  mannfaetiirei's,' 
This  is  the  rumor  in  ai!  dirciUions.  It  is  imcmi- 
Ir.idiciid  liy  his  friends;  I  helieve  they  dare  not 
<leny  it.  My  colIea;;ne  admits  that  this  was  not 
ilie  ;;roniiil  iif  his  praise.  Tlien  what  was  it? 
I'erhaps  the  reason  may  he  profitahly  searched  for 
ill  the  feeliii;;  which  iiidiicecl  him  to  5^1. irv  m  de- 
fi  nilin;j  "  a  man  wlio  came  into  office  as  ii  VVhi;;'. " 

.Sir,  I  solemnly  enter  my  protest  aiiainsl  thin 
iiKOistrous  declaration  upon  the  floor  of  an  Ameri- 
can (,'on!;ress,  that  the  name  of  an  American  eiti- 
yeii  rei'eives  any  peenliiir  respect  and  honor,  even 
"ahroad,"  liy  an  association  with  that  of  Daniel 
Welisler.  'llie  world  yet  reveres  the  name  of 
ti'recian,  hecause  ol'  an  Aleihiades  of  ancient,  and 
;i  r>o7.zm'is  of  modern,  days — of  tlic>  Itom.an  eiti/en, 
liecanse  a  lirutiis  eonsecraled  it  liy  the  blood  of  a 
<lyiii^  tyrant — of  the  Sent,  hecaiise  of  ii  Wallace 
Had  a  liriice — of  a  Hriton,  liecanse  of  the  llanip- 
ilens  and  Sidneys — of  an  Irishman,  liecanse  of  an 
luninelt  and  a  ( Jrattan — of  ii  Swiss,  liecanse  of  a 
'I'l  II — of  a  I'ole,  liecanse  of  aSoliieski  and  n  Kos- 
einsko — of  a  i''reiiehiiiaii,  lieeansc  of  u  Lafayeltiv, 
lull  has  it,  I  ask,  lieen  reserved  for  the  proud  name 
<if  an  American  citizen,  not  to  he  eonsecraled  hy 
<lie  lustre  of  the  fame  of  Wasliin'.'lon,  h'rankliii, 
Ileiiry,  Hamilton,  .Jelferson.  Adams,  M-idison, 
and  .lacksiin,  lint  to  he  indehled  for  it.s  posiiinn 
Olid  character  lo  the  name  of  Daniel  Wehster! 

Lam;ii.iL'e,  Mr.  S|ieaker,  fails  in  power  lo  con- 
vey the  idea  which  such  a  discrimiiialiiu';  connec- 
tion siiL'LiCKts  lo  the  mind. 

Tiie  liorior.ihle  '.^eiitlenifin  from  Massaehnsetis, 
[Mr.  WiN-niBor,]  has  said  that  Wehsier's  "  name 
•and  fiiiie  will  live,  when  the  names  of  others, 
'  whom  he  would  not  nieiilion,  shall  have  perished 

*  forever."  I  will  not  gainsay  it.  'I'here  is  sneh 
i\  ihiii/,  I  helieve,  a-s  one's  heiiej;  "damned  to  iiii- 
morlaliiy." 

■•  \iiil  fiiiiic.  not  aiorc  survives,  fKiin  cond  tlitni  evil  ili-cds, 
'I'hi'  u  iiMiiii!  >'Mi]ni,  w  iMi  tired  tlic  llplie^iiui  ildiiic, 
lltllllv's  III  -lur>,  Ilic  iiiiiiis  tiinl  Willi  leart'il  it.'' 

And  while  the  names  of  many  a  nolile  spirit,  who  ' 
liiire  the  knapsiclv  and  musket  over  every  hatile- 
field  iif  the  Iteviilnliiin,  in  liehalf  of  hleedin;;  and 
Mru'_';;lin'.;  tVeedom,  shall  fircer  lie  "  nnhonored 
and  iinsninr,"  that  of  one,  who  in  his  eonnlry'H 
hour  of  peril,  deserted  her  can.se,  and  allempled  to 
crush  her  existence,  will  lie  as  vi\  idly  impressed 
upon  the  memories  of  his  conntrymen,  as  that  of 
\V"ashiiiirton  himself;  in  order  that  there  may  he  a 
name  for  the  emliodimeni  of  treason,  us  well  its 
for  virliie  and  palriolism  ! 

In  order  that  llie  world  may  jndije  how  far  the 
iiriii  of  one  "who  is  ilcaliii;;'  such  mighty  lilows" 
upon  the  Democracy,  should  justly  lie  paralyzed, 
I  would  like  to  know  of  llinl  genlliinan,  who  claims 


40 


"  the  distinction  of  heiivjafriend  of  thai  Senator," 
how  much  of  truth  there  is  in  the  slatement,  so 
eiirrenlly  reiinrlcd,  that  Mr.  AVelister  has  been 
pensioned,  in  order  that  he  ini2;lit  tro  into  the  Sen- 
ate, and  advocate  the  manufactiirin:{  interest? 

Mr.  WiNTiiRop  f:\\t\  he  should  reserve  expln- 
nation  on  such  topics  till  he  had  a  full  and  fair  op- 
portnnily  of  ;,'oinc;  into  the  sulijeet;  liiit  he  denieil 
that  .Mr.  Wi'lister  was  in  any  just  .'.ense  the  |ien- 
sionrd  nijent  of  ihe  maiinfacturiiip;  interest,  or  of 
any  olher  interest.  He  had  heeii  chai^'ed  at  one 
lime  wilh  liein;;  the  pensioned  au'cnt  of  ihe  Ilni.ed 
States  liank;  ni  nnoilier  of  liein,'  the  pensioned 
nient  of  the  Krilish;  and  now  with  bcin;j  llio  pen- 
sioned iiireni  of  the  maniifictnrers. 

Mr.  Yanckv.  t  will  imt  try  conclusions  nl  this 
tinti,  with  the  i^enlleman  from  .Mas.s!tc.!uisetls.  He 
does  not  ileny  Ihe  fiirl. 

Mr.  WiM'iiiioi'  wished  to  add  that  he  had  not 
denied  the  cliar'.;e,  because  lie  did  not  know  of  a 
.single  dollar  liavin?  been  raised  in  the  ciiy  he  rep- 
resented. No  such  fact  was  wilhin  his  kiiowledize. 
As  lo  the  peculiar  eircumslances  which  the  hon- 
orable member  had  f'und  slated  in  a  newsp;iper, 
he  should  neither  admit  nor  deny  llieni.  If  they 
had  occurred,  they  were  not  within  his  personal 
knowlcdi;e.  He  would  deny  nothiu'j;  about  v.-liich 
he  knew  nolhiiifr. — (See  Appendix.) 

.Mr.  Yax'ckv.  1  give  (;rcat  eveilit  lo  the  lionor- 
nlile  i;enllenviii  from  Massaehnscils  for  the  eaiihir 
of  his  remarks.  The  irentleman  does  not  deny  the 
ciiafice.  And  why?  Because  it  is  not  within  his 
kiiowledue.  This  is  very  priper.  1  make  a  slate- 
ment upon  public  newspaper  uilhoriiy,  wilh  wliii'h 
almost  the  wliol'  rnited  .Sta  "s  are  conversant.  I 
have  been  iiij^^irn  ed  that  the  i  um  of  sHRI,(Jl)ll  has 
been  raised  by  tin  iViends  of  Ww  Webster  to  iien- 
sion  him  as  a  Se  lator  of  Mas-aehiisetts.  It  is 
raised,  as  I  uiidersiaiid,  on  maiinfacturiii:;  stoci.s. 

Mr.  AsiiMix-  here  rose,  am',  asked  the  floor  I  >r 
an  explnnation;  lint  ]\Ii.  Y.  declined  to  yield  il. 

Mr.  Yax-ck.v.  I  undersiiiid  this  s.un  has  In  en 
placed  to  Ihe  credit  of  Air.  Webster,  ot  in  trii«\  for 
Ilia  family, '"•  the  money  pled^'ed  to  him.  If  the 
fact  is  not  so,  the  staleineiit  can  he  contradicted.  It 
is  further  said,  that  at  the  be;;iiniin2;  of  this  winter 
he  was  not  disposed  to  come  on  to  ihe  .Senate  at  all, 
because  some  ^Id.ODI)  or  SUhOIMI  of  the  amount 
had  not  been  raised.  He  is  llie  attorney,  then,  of 
Ihe  mannficlurers.  They  have  rascil  f,,r  him 
;>IOO,(I(IU  in  maiuifaeluriiii;  stock.  Here  is  shown 
the  peculiar  eunniiii;  of  the  Yankee.  If  the  "^.mI- 
like"  shall  succeed  in  |ireventiiij;  a  re|ieal  of  the 
tarifl',  the  stork  will  be  very  liieh;  but  if  he  doi  s 
not,  then  his  income  will  sink  in  proportion.  It  is 
so  arrnn  ..  lo  reward  him  in  proportion  to  his 
success.  It  will  be  remarked  that  the  ^'entleman 
from  Alassachusetls,  [Mr.  Wix-riiiioi',]  (from  one 
of  the  towns  of  whose  district  Air.  Welisler  comes, 
and  who  is  one  of  hiseonslitiients,)  denies  that  "in 
any  pist  sense"  Mr.  W.  is  the  pensioned  a;;ent  of 
■  the  maiv.ificiurers.  Xow,  as  lo  what  is  a  "just 
sense"  we  may  dill'er;  our  staiid.ird  of  justice  iiinv 
differ. 

1  heard  il  said  bill  this  mornin;  ill  Baltimore,  by 
a  warm  friend  of  Mr.  Webster.  Imih  personal  and 
poliiical,  that  he  was  n  man  of  expi  iisive  habits, 
and  was  poor,  and  could  n  all'ord  to  represent  the 
Siale  of  .Massaehiu'vits,  if  his  friends  did  not  raise 
him  this  ,.eiiiey.  Admit  that  he  is  poor — as  poor 
as  l.'iiiciniiatus,  who  was  forced  to  follow  the 
ploii;;li:  can  he  nut,  like  Ciiicinnatiis,  leave  his 
ploie^xh  111  do  si'rvice  to  hiseonutry;  and  then,  f'iu- 
einnatiis-like,  return  lo  his  p|oni;h,  as  poor  as  when 
he  left  it?  (,'aiinol  a  poor  man  serve  his  country? 
Is  there  no'  palriolism  enoiiu-li  in  Mr.  W.'s  liearl 
to  induce  hi  n  to  submit  to  the  iMinimou  privations 
to  which  oilic  rs  submit,  and  lo  do  without  the  ex- 
tra vai;ance  aiiil  luxury  111  which  hisexiiensive  haliiis 
may  have  accnsionied  him, and  serve  his  coniiirv  at 
j  a  critical  period  hue  this,  without  lieiui;  paid  Sl'.UbU 
a  year,  above  what  any  olher  Se-iaior  receives,  I'or 
oci  iipviim:  a  seal  in  the  Senate:  Why  are  liepre- 
seiiUiiives  paid  out  of  the  treasury  of  the  I'liili  d 
.Slates,  and  iiol  out  of  the  .'-late  iieasnri.s?  l!e- 
eanse,  did  ihey  look  to  their  own  Slates  I'or  iheir 
pay,  local  influences  and  local  inleresis  would  exert 
too  stroiii;  a  sway  over  their  minds,  and  they  would 
not  be  able  lo  preserve  that  personal  iiiilependenee 
of  ch;iraeler  which  iilnne  Ills  a  iiitui  to  act  on  gen- 
eral views  for  the  miod  of  his  whole  eounlry. 

The  lax  fir  the  pnyofn  Representiltive  is  there- 


fore  levied  from  the  whole  nation  of  which  he  is  a 
ieijislalor.  It  is  a  wise  |irovision  of  the  (constitu- 
tion. If,  then,  il  be  a  fact  that  Mr.  Wehster  in 
pensioned  for  hi.i  pnlilie  services  by  a  piinieuliir 
class  of  men  nt  home,  is  not  the  spirit,  at  least,  il* 
not  the  letter  of  the  Constitution,  thereby  violated? 
If  he  is  paid,  what  is  it  for?  Is  it  ihiit  his  eloiptent 
voice  may  merely  resound  within  the  walls  of  the 
.Senate  chamber?  Is  it  that  he  may  adorn  ihc  pub- 
lic counsels  merely,  without  any  view  to  private 
and  pe..-.(uial  intercsis?  That  is  not  luiinan  nature. 
If  it  be  true  th.at  Ihe  mnmifaciitreis,  who  have  al- 
ready accumulated  enormous  fortiuies,  are  still  ask- 
in;;  for  mor  '  and  more  protec.lion,  that  those  for- 
tunes may  be  yet  furil'rr  au','meiiled,  and  that  Mr. 
Webster  represents  these  inleresis  in  thc.SeniMe,  il 
is  not  haid  to  divine  that  the  SI'KI.UUO  have  not 
been  raised  merely  that  he  may  briiiii;  his  talenln 
and  experience  In  ihr  public  coune'ik.  It  is  not  hard 
to  divine  that  he  is  plai'ed  ihere  peculiarly  for  the 
pnr]iose  of  .seeing  lo  il  thai  thosi;  interests  shall,  tin 
licrelofore,  have  the  exclusive  |irivilege  of  hatlcn- 
imj;  ii;ioii  the  balance  of  the  eonnlry.  If,  hy  the 
force  cif  truth  ably  presented,  a  flash  of  litrht. should 
cliance  to  beiim  ill  upon  his  understanding,  and 
show  him  that  the  Conslilnlion  furbids  his  favorite 
doctrine  of  ))rotectiim,  can  he  raise  his  voice  n;;aiiist 
il  in  olieilienee  In  his  conscience  ?  Would  he  not 
be  ihrelict  to  his  eieza^'i'iiieiit  if  he  did?  Mi;rlitnot 
llie  m  innfactureis  turn  upon  him,  and  say:  "You 
are  onr  paid  attorney;  did  W"  not  ijive  you  Sl"">' 
(Mil)  for  the  very  purpose  of  defcndiiii;  this  doctrine, 
of  pi-otection;  iiiid  ure  you  now  goiiij;  to  betray 
us?" 

Sir,  if  that  Senator  is  in  annual  receipt  of  money, 
secured  lo  him  by  the  peculiar  inlin-est.s  he  repre- 
sents, he  is  nota  free  representative;  and  his  brother 
Senators  have  to  deal  with  a  iiaid  attorney,  with 
fixed  opini-iiis;  and  whenever  lie  opens  his  inonili 
to  discuss  those  peculiar  interests,  and  lo  sive  his 
views  of  llie  eonstitntionalily  of  the  course  he  ad- 
vocates, his  thonshls,  not  being  the  lhon!;ht3  of 
n  great  statesinaii,  speaking  eonscientimisly  uiioii 
such  grave  matters,  but,  receiving  their  coloring 
from  the  brilic  that  he  rolls  like  a  sweet  morsel  lie- 
neaih  lii.s  toinrue,  will  fall  harmlessly,  as  every  hon- 
est man  should  desire,  to  the  ground;  rty,sir,  (ol/ie 
j^rnvnil,  to  which  the  grovelling  belong! 

Has  it  been  upon  lliis  that  my  colleague  has 
based  his  estimate  of  Mr.  Webster's  character?  I 
should  hone  not,  sir.  Ihit  my  colleague  has  eon- 
tented  himself  with  olVsetling  these  ;;rave  matters, 
by  expri'ssini;  his  desire  "  no  longer  to  hear,  as  he 
hiis  loll','  heard  ml  the  stump,  charges  against  a  dis- 
timruished  nicmtitr of  llic  fl'hi'x  parlij!"  and  stating 
thai  he  eoiild  mil  eon.seiil  "to  track  down  public 
men  in  this  maniier,"  nor  "  turn  over  the  pages  nf 
vile  party  defamation"  for  such  a  purpose!  Ah! 
A  change,  then,  has  rome  "over  the  spirit  nf  his 
dream."  Xow,  I  would  like  to  ask  my  colleague 
whether  he  did  not,  in  the  Presidential  election  of 
1H40,  retail  m  the  people  the  vile  slang  of  Ogleism? 
I  would  ask  him  whelher,  ill  adducing  causes  why 
Air.  Vail  lUiren  ought  not  lo  be  reijicetcd,  he  diil 
not  infirm  the  peiiide  upon  the  very  grave  and  im- 
portant matter  of  the  number  and  qtnility  of  towels 
and  napkins  Air.  Van  I'.iircniised;  whether  he  did 
not  teil  tliein  "the  gold  spoon"  story,  and  descend 
among  the  scullions  of  Air.  Van  Duren's  kitchen, 
to  coiuit  the  uleiisils  there;  and  ransack  his  bed- 
chamber, to  take  an  invenlorv  of  the  artiides  used 
there;  and  dwell  with  peculiar  glee  on  other  par- 
tienlars,  not  proper  lo  be  menlioned  to  ems  polite — 
not  even  to  ears  as  im|iolite  as  ihosuof  ihis  House 
someiimes  seem  to  be? 

Air.  llii.i.iAao  did  not  hesitate  lo  miy,  thnt  ill 
IHIII,  he  had  taken  some  luimble  part  ill  tlmtiiolit- 
ical  contest  which  resulted  so  gloriously  to  the  cause 
of  sound  principles.  And,  during  the  Presidential 
canvass,  he  did  read  to  some  of  liis  constituents  ii 
porlion  of  Air.  Oijle's  speech. 

Air.  Yancev.  My  colleague  confesses,  then,  to 
"the  soft  impeaehnienl;"  ond  therein  confesse.i 
tliiii  his  sintesiuaiilike,  (|ualities  were  very  uiiwor- 
lliily  employed;  unless,  indeed,  he  deems,  like  llio 
lawyer  ill  llie  fable,  "that  the  ease  being  altered, 
alters  the  ease !"  That  kind  of  "  tracking  down" 
of  public  men  I  have  not  indulged  in,  neither  is  it 
coniemplaled  bv  the  resolutions  before  us.  That, 
sir,  I  have  lel't'lo  O'.'le,  and  lo  those  who  haven 
taste  for  such  vul<rarilieN;  but  if  the  course  of  ar- 
gmiieni  I  have  piiiRUed  is  deemed  objectioiialile  to 


i:i 


I 


626 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess, 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSTOIVAL  CT-OT?E. 

Secret  Service  Fund — Mr.  Yancey. 


[April  9, 


I  lo.  OK   HkI'S. 


those  ffcnllcmpii  wlio  linve  liociiini-  so  Kiiildi-iily 
fni'liiliims,  wlu'ii  firrphanre  "n  man  wlui  rami'  mlo 
olfic'o  (IS  n  ft'hif;"  i.i  assailed,  I  IVar  1  iimst  iii'cii|)y 
ns  iVail'iil  a  position  as  any  of  llwise  wlio  liav?"  pre- 
smmil  lo  ullaok  "ilia  ^ro'dlikc."  I  miisl  pirpari' 
for  as  Icvrilile  a  "  scarifying;"  as  liis  followers  say 
ill"  save  to  the  genllenian  from  Pennsylvania  '.  Of 
what,  however,  did  this  "  searifvin?'' eonsisi  ?  I 
heard  it,  sir.  It  was  jiowrrfid — severe,  if  yon 
please — if  Irne,  I'rnsliin;:  1  Hot  how  was  it  dune  r 
Was  there  dignity  in  it-  Oiil  it  exhibit  the  lofiy, 
siern,  clevaled  del'eni'e  of  a  pore  man,  nninsily  as- 
sailed? Was  even  tlie  ;rrandenr  of  passion  there? 
Far  from  it.  Il  was  hnt  a  heaping  of  "  false"  upon 
"falsehood  ;"  "ihinir"  npon  "erealnre,"  and  "crea- 
lure"  npnn  "ihins;."  It  was  not  relieved  by  a  sin- 
gle bnrst  of  Irne  and  honest  indisnation  —by  a  sin- 
gle elevated  senliment.  In  vain  will  vim  seareh  il 
for  any  of  tile  evidenees  of  thai  dignity  of  intelleet 
with  whii'li  nature  has  endowed  him.  He  eh-irac- 
terized  .Mr.  hu'ersoli's  s[  ereli  as  '*rtii  f/ni//i/ioii, 
Fori.  .\N'n  Di. \rK-MorTlif;n  as  iniU/ii?!;;  ever  ejerted 
from  tlu>  nionih  of  any  (ftiiiu'  .<.'iiiiifiiiu-  en  Ivn  /rq-t. " 
A  vul!;ar  pa.ssion  had  eonlrol  of  him  at  the  iiioni'Mil, 
and  //if  ftfirrl  of  the  man  was  displayed  as  iiaramoniii 
to  the  iiead  ! 

.Sir,  the  ea^rle  soarinj;  aloft  in  the  bine  vanit  of 
Heaven,  I'alhis  his  plmiKiL'e  in  ihe  el. mils  before 
lie  dans,  like  the  boll  of  .Toye,  upon  his  prey  1  The 
Miis'';>-,  V  lirake  ioyes  to  dip  hi.'?  fonlliody  in  liie 
mnd-pnddle,  and  lo  scalier  its  fillhy  eontenl.<  upon 
evorylhim;  around  him,  ns  lie  shakes  it  from  his 
rntHiiiL;  feathers! 

"  Searil'yin',',"  indeed  !  WJiy.  sir,  l!i"  "  s'^ari- 
fyins:"  may  be  owinji  to  the  m'-ditv  of  tlie  matter 
tfirown  upon  him.  The  i;enllenian  iVom  Pennsyl- 
vnnia  adniini'  (.red  an  eineiie  |<>  the  .\lass,ielinseits 
Sennlor.  It  prodnerd  a  wonderful  rd'eel;  :Mid  its 
operation  caused  an  immense  diseliari^e  of  b.ile  to 
be  thrown  oil'  from  the  Pcnator'.s  slomach,  wliiili 
doubtless  well  be/pattered  the  i^enileman  from  F-*enn- 
Rylvaiiia.  Yet  hesnrvivi  s.  IimiL'litbe"  a  jns'cnn- 
einsion,'' fnmi  l  be  sin  IV  thus  thrown  np.lh.ii  I  he  Sen- 
ator's system  conhl  not  have  been  in  alii  allliv  slate. 

My  eoilca;;ne  says,  ilial  '*  he  envies  the  feelini.^s 
of  no  man,  wlio  \yonlJ  turn  over  the  pa'.-es  of  vile 
parly  defamation,"  In  rnke  np  ehar^'es  io.'ain.st  any 
man.  AV'ithoiit  a^ain  referriiur  him  to  his  own 
eonrse  in  reference  to  Mr.  Van  llnren.  I  now  ie.<  r 
him  to  ibe  di  bates  of  1^4'J,  in  this  Hall,  in  wlii  -li 
this  Senalor's  parly  friends  dissected  his  eliaracier. 
If  but  half  they  s.iiil  of  him  was  Irne,  he  enn  be 
placed  no  lower  in  the  moral  scale!  I  do  nol  say 
that  ihe  elia'-sca  made  airainst  him,  by  leadiner 
Whii^s  in  that  Cinii^ress,  were  Irne,  (t;od  forbid 
that  I  shimld  be  answerable  for  the  Irnlli  of  what 
they  say.  when  lliry  choose  *'  lo  track  down  a  pub- 
lic man!")  I!ut  1  do  say,  llial  with  .'mc|i  a  eliar- 
neler  as  that  of  Daniel  Webster  before  ns,  as 
di.ssecied  by  lii.s  cmifeilerali  s  in  Whiirery,  the  ;;en- 
tleinan  from  IVnnsylvania  cannot  be  nl'imed  for 
what  be  has  said,  if  it  is  Irne;  leas  nf  mi,  .an  I 
belilamed  for  brin;;ins  np  liislnrie.d  Ir  nhs.to  show 
that  in  no  respect  can  llie  Americmi  iiame  re.'iive 
any  resjiecl  by  its  connertinn,  either  at  limue  or 
"abroad,"  wi'lli  that  of  Daniel  Wel".|.r. 

The  ;;entli'man  from  (.'onneciicnl  (.Mr.  Oixosl 
said  lliai,  Ik  fore  I  bronu'hl  lhe.se  chnr:res,  I  h.-ul  his 
hiL'li  respect.  1  Iriist  Ins  respect  is  nol  diminished. 
I  slionld  j;reatly  re^rei  il.  The  irenllemnn  and  I 
(ire  old  aci]iininlnni'eg  and  old  friends.  Wi'  were 
Rtndeni.s  in  college  to^jelher.  I  remember  Willi  llie 
!;renlest  |ileasnre  those  days  of  onr  e.irly  lii'e,  h  ben 
\ye  so  often  wandered  by  the  banks  of  the  (iri  in 
ri\er  loj^etlur,  or  tnnieil  uvii  the  paires  ol'  I'.nclid 
and  H.irace  m  common  pursuit  of  Know led:re; 
however,  if  I  have  lost  aiiythiitir  of  his  irood  will, 
I  most  e'l'Pi  bear  it  as  I  may. 

Mr.  Dixos  .said  Mr.  Y.  still  IkmI  that  resnert. 

The  ^enllrjmaii  l.'iinks  the  hisiory  of  the  l.isi  war 
has  noihiii!,'  1.1  do  v  illi  the  eliara.'i'er  of  Mr.  Web- 
sier,  and  he  thinks  I  was  nnlin-lmmle  in  alhnlitii; 
lo  il.  Why-  liei'ansea  n  laiiveof  the  u'eiilleman 
from  Pennsylvania  was  a  Tory. 

.Mr.  Dixo.v.  I  did  nol  ask  the  ^'entlinian  from 
I'ennsylvanm  wlielher  his  relatives  \iere  Tories, 
bill  wluthcr  he  hud  nol  said,  tl.at  if  lie  Innl  lived 
ill  the  days  of  Ihe  iiivohilion,  he  would  himself 
have  been  a  'I'ory.  and  he  s.iid  he  wiailil, 

Mr.  \A\'(Kt.  Very  well:  then  il  seems  lo  mn 
the  iiiily  dill'ereni'e  between  .Mr.  Websli  r  and  the 
Ki  ntlenmn  from  Peniniylvaiiiu  is  this:  the  one  would 


have  been  a  Tory  if  he  had  lived  in  the  war  nf  Ihe 
Hevnlnlion,  and  the  oilier  ai'tnally  was  a  Tory  in 
the  last  v.'ar.     One  would  have  been  a  Tory  on  ^ 
eontinseney,  and  the  othervvas  aTory  onlriiiht. 

Why  do'  I  .say  this?  If  the  c  ise  hail  been  that  ' 
Mr.  Wel)si"r  opp'ised  Ibe  poli.'v,  and  liie  Jusii.-e, 
and  the  expedieney  of  ihe  war.  np  lo  llie  very  hour 
when  war  was  declared,  but  nl'lerwards  supported 
and  aided  hiseonnlry's  cause  in  ihevvar,  the  ebari;e  ^ 
of  Toryism  could  never  have  allaehed  lo  him.  ihit, 
after  the  war  was  de.-lnred.  if  he  r.'fiisi  d  lo  aid,  and, 
on  the  contrary,  only  embarrassed  and  thwarted 
his  eonntry,  then,  I  sav.  that  lie  was  ii'i  heller  than 
a  Tory  or  a  Ihilish  Wlii:;.  S.i,  on  Ihis  ipn  slion 
of  Ori'l'on,  il'e  :renlleinan  from  f 'onneciiein  and  I 
may  dilVer,  but  if  a  war  .'-hall  urow  onf  of  tlie  ques- 
tion, sure  I  am  thai  the  i^eiuieman  and  !  shall  differ 
no  loii'^er. 

l!ul  how  was  il  with  ^Tr.  AVeiisler?  When 
we  were  actually  enirn'rcd  in  the  strie.r'^le  wilh  I'ais:- 
land,  and  tliiii'r.'*  looke.l  darli.  and  the  result  seemed 
doubtful,  (and,  in  iioint  ol"  fact,  we  did  fail  in  al- 
tai'iin','  the  tireat  eiel  of  the  war,  a  relin(|uishmenl 
of  Ibe  ri'.'hl  of  search  and  ihe  laactice  of  iinpress- 
ineiil,')  lie  refused  to  vote  el'ithiiej'  and  snpolies  lo 
our  snU'erinir  troops,  and  to  reinforce  the  army,  and 
at  its  close  sneered  at  "*tbe  bamniel  to  whieli  '.ve 
li.id  been  invited."  Sir.  bis  .'ondnct  in  thai  crisis 
of  onr  hisliu-y  was  snch,  ili;.;  even  ihe  word  "  erea- 
lnre'' would  snll'er  in  c.nineclion  wilh  his  name, 
unless,  indeed,  we  mi'rht  qualify  ii  by  the  ailjective 
"miserable,"  X('iliin'.r.  sir.  nol  bini:.e;ui  ever  jus- 
til'y  n  eili/.en  in  refnsiiej;  lo  lend  all  his  enere-i''s  to 
his  eonntrv  in  her  lime  of  need.  Ihit  for  l!ie  in- 
flneiicn  ,if  Mr.  AVebsier,  ami  of  those  who  aeii  d 
wilh  him,  ibe  war  nm'bt  have  been  pressed  wilh 
so  much  more  viiror  and  sneeess,  ihat  ihis  inieslion 
of  the  freedom  of  the  sens,  nf  ilie  ri','ht  of  search, 
of  impiessineiit,  mi.^'ht  lon._;  since  have  been  imt  at 
resi;  and  the  ex-Secritary  iiii;;hl  r.oi  have  been  lia- 
ble to  be  .icensed,  as  ho  |,ms  I.ei'u,  in  llie  Senate  of 
his  country,  with  baviii-r  avoided  its  settlement  in 
I'le  Asbbiirinn  or  Washin.j;lon  Irealy. 

The  crenlleman  fr.nii  ( 'onnerti.'ut  [Mr.  Dixovl 
also  sa\'s  in  defeii.'e  of  this  eyer-oc.'erriii',:  opimsi- 
lion  In  his  cnunlry's  inleiest.  when  m  conllici  with 
a  foreitin  I'ower,  tliat  M'iien  i\tr.  Webster  said  he 
would  not  vole  n  rent  to  defend  the  Capitol  even 
if  ilie  enemv  were  al  its  ./airs,  he  said  als»  ih,-il  he 
would  not  so  vole,  f.u'  it  would  violate  the  I ''nisii- 
Inlion:  and  thai,  if  once  liesiroyed,  could  uol  be  re- 
biiili,  l!ion'.:li  ihet'apitid  could  be!  That  in  fart 
>[r.  AVibster  was  Ihe  irreat  defender  of  ihe  Con- 
stilntionl  Siraii'ie,  iiassint;  sirainre  indeed,  that 
this  laliludinarian  eonslriiclionisi — ihis  ireneral- 
welfare  Federalist,  wh.i  beli.'vcs  iliat  the  Cfovern- 
nient  cnn  do  aiivihin;  which  a  inajorily  desires  for 
txeneral  t^ood,  should  never  e\  ince  ihis  overweeniiur 
seiniHilons  rejrard  for  the  rfsiri.'live  I'hnra.'ler  of 
our  Consliiiilion,  savi*  when  lli"  honnr  of  the  eoun- 
iry  is  at  slake,  and  Ihe  necessiiies  of  Slate  rail  for 
vi^'orons  action ! 

Siiance,  thai  when  eonntry  and  Cnnsiiiulion  are 
in  imminent  peril  from  foI■ei^n  invasion,  he  should 
be  so  strict  and  nice  in  ils  I'onstrnetion  as  lo  even 
Mrire  upon  torvisni  in  his  inarlvi  like  adhesion  lo 
If,  and  vet  in  lime  ..f  jn-aee  should  be  so  l-iose  in 
his  interpreialinii  of  it  as  to  niniost  t'nr.'e  a  dissolu- 
tion of  Ihe  I'ni.ni  on  R.'cnimt  of  it  !  .Necessity,  it 
is  s.-iid.  overrides  all  cimstiiniions.  In  the  hour  of 
piiblh'  ihni'j;er  all  cnnsiitniinns  tnav  be  most  lib- 
erally .■niistrmd,  if  e.ili:  d  fur  by  till'  exi'/i'iicies  of 
the  moment.  Kot  in  lime  i.f  prnfomnl  petic  and 
prosperity,  eonstitniioiis  may  be  most  strictly  iii- 
li-rpreted  and  no  harm  ensue.  P,ni  this  most  ]ia- 
Irioiie  iutd  ennseieiiiiims  Sennlor  has  honest  scru- 
ples so  .;reat  llmt,  even  al  the  iniinineni  hazard  of 
liis  c.'initry's  pe:ice  and  honor,  hr  wiMild  not  vote 
a  cent  t.i  defend  ihi'  walls  nf  the  Capitol!  and  yet 
has  nt'ien  reenrile.l  his  V. lie  fur  nppropriitiiitr  mil- 
limis  to  the  iniprovin<r  of  ereeks  n'lil  rivers,  and 
(jj.r.rjn"  canals  and  bnildintr  roads' 

"  Vv'e  had  a  Cnnslilitti.m  ihen"  lo  ih'fend,  my 
friend  I'roin  Cnmieeiicnt  s-aid.  A v',  sir,  we  Inul; 
:onl  It  w.is  in  the  palmy  days  nf  .! a.' ksmi's  ,\diniti- 
istralinn.  when  llie  iintion  repnsed  in  hnonr  and 
rpiiet  beneath  the  shades  nf  the  nid  hickory  tree, 
and  when  hnnnr  and  vinry  allaclied  to  the  iiaine  of 
an  Aineriean  eiii^'en  -'abrnnil,"  on  in  conni  nf  a 
warrior  statesman,  wim  Imd  shed  liisire  niion  his 
eiiiiniry's  arms  in  ihe  battle-field,  and  had  forced 
Its  rit^lils  to  be  respceteil  in   tip.  ."ibinet  of  Kin^s, 


while  Ihis  mushroom  patriot  was  rripplin!!;  tint 
eoimtry's  energies  in  Ihe  halls  nf  letrislalion,  under 
the  plea  of"  eonsiitnlionnl  scruples!" 

We  indeed  "  bad  a  Constitution  in  those  days;" 
anil  if,  ns  the  gentleman  t'roui  ConnectienI  inli- 
i.iates,  we  have  noii«'  now — if  "  il  is  mnlihited, 
broken  down,  destr.iy. -1,  irime,''  ihal  genllenian 
may  lo.iK'  al  the  blewf  il  .'eeeived  at  tlu'  extra  ses- 
sion of  l,-:i41  for  ihi  cause — >  session  in  which  ron- 
Iracts  were  repndialed,  .mil  ii-  ptist  furto  laws  pass- 
ed— the  eompron.'s"  of  1  slt'J  v'olated — the  ( 'niisti- 
tiilion  infra,  led  iuileed,  in  aln.'isl  all  ils  leadintj 
measures,  al  the  lead  and  sui;^'esi;on  of  hi.s  parly 
lender,  Mr.  Clay. 

In  respect  lo  thai  eoinproniise,  we  ni*^  told  that 
Mr.  Clay  by  il  save  1  ihe  lion. n' of  the  niill.:'"'rs  ! 
If  Ihi.i  was'mletnleil  as  :i  hit  :'<  i"",  it  was  badly 
aimed.  I  was  no  niilblier.  I  a!;ree(l  wilh  Heneral 
.lackson,  lhat  ibe  docirine  wns  not  a  coiistiiulioiKil 
remedy  (if,  inileed,  I  can  be  said  to  have  bad  fixid 
opinions  upon  such  crave  matters  w  hen  under  a'.'c.) 
I'm  did  Henry  Cl.iy  act  so  clever  ii  part  by  the 
nnllillers?  Why,  so  'far  from  this  lieiii'^-  tin-  fai  t, 
Mr.  Clay  has  expressly  defended  himself  fmm  the 
ciiar^'e  nf  havint;  abandoned  the  inl. 'rests  nf  the 
manufacturers,  made  by  this  very  man,  Daniel 
Webster.  In  lhat  well  known  defi'iice,  .\lr.  Clay 
ai'knowled'^res  that  llie  principle  of  prnteetion  was 
in  serious  daii/er.  He  saw  that  circnn. stances 
were  eonspirin;:  lo  overll.row  il.  He  saw  al  the 
heail  of  thcfiovernmeni  lhat  stern  old  ehi.f,  whose 
popularity  was  iiubounded,  mid  brbu'e  whose  on- 
ward si.'ji  ill  llie  i:\\\-<{'  nf  pi'o.'rressive  democra.'y 
(a  priieiple  wbi  'b,  seorniii';  precedeni,  a^ks  only 
what  oitLdit  lo  be,  not  what  has  been)  the  ancient 
landmarks  of  Fideralism  were  shriiikim;awny  and 
disappcarin.i!:.  Tin.  ijiant  system  of  inlern.d  im- 
provemeiil,  which  was  fist  eoverins;  Ihe  whole 
rnioii  with  ils  vast  network  of  canals  and  ma. Is, 
he  bad  sien  paralized  e.l  a  blow! 

That  monster  of  a  National  Hank,  which  bad 
s'retehed  its  hnej  arms  iipo  ev<  ry  Si  ile  of  the 
I'liion,  and  commanded  the  whole  capit.il  of  the 
romilry,  he  had  s.en  ipinil,  and  then  fall,  before 
the  sa!ue  uiiijhly  ceiiins.  .\nd  now  the  elements 
nf  oppnsition  In  ibe  prnteeiive  lariif  v.'ere  fast  ;ralh- 
eriin;  for  the  lasi  filal  e.nillici,  in  which  ihe  key- 
stniie  nfllie  Anii'ricaii  Rysl.  in  would  inevitably  be 
(iesirnve.l.  The  President  be  knew  t.i  benppnsid 
to  it.  S.mtli  Carolina  was  sternly  lesnlved  l.i  do, 
lint  what  .Miss.inri,  Mississippi,  N'ew  Htimpshiie, 
and  fieor^ia  have  since  done  in  reference  m  ihe  law 
dislr'cliii'i  the  Stales,  viz:  to  prevent  a  law  w  hi.  Ii 
she  ileemed  unconslilulional  fr.nn  beiie,'  exciiled 
within  her  borders.  Lar:;e  minorities  in  m.>s|  n|' 
till-  sonlhern  Stales  were  zealously  advoe:ilitis  her 
cause.  The  moderate  and  wise  men  of  nil  the 
States  were  depreeaiintt  the  system  of  le',;islali.m 
whicli  would  drive  so  larire  a  pmlinn  nf  the  people 
of  ih"  I'liion  to  ill.'  ver'je  nf  disimion.  In  this  stale 
of  thinirs,  Mr.  Clay  sir.v  Vi  rplaii.  k's  bill,  redu.'in,' 
dniies  to  an  avei'a;,'e  of  fifteen  per  ciil.,  iiilrndni'.  d 
into  the  House,  mid  about  lo  receive  its  sanction, 
and  wholly  in  the  face  of  the  ennstilntional  prii- 
\ision  which  requires  all  revenue  bills  to  be  oriiii- 
iiiiled  in  ibis  House,  introduced  the  Compromise 
bill  inl  )  the  Sen, lie,  and  pushed  il  llir.nu^b,  and 
s.ived  f.n*a  few  years  the  principle  nf  proi.'ciion  I 
He  has  t.dd  the  world  that  his  motive  was  lo  save 
lhat  principle.  IFe  said  lhat  it  wa!'  in  dniii;er — 
that  the  y.inibfnl  ller"nles  was  tiboi:,'  t.i  be  str-ui- 
'jrli'd  in  its  cr.'idh' — iliat  he  snalclied  it  fioni  dani;er, 
>.ived  i's  life,  ami  pla.ed  il  upon  a  plall'orin  upon 
wbi.'li.  diiriii:;  nine  v .  ars,  it  .-.luld  recruit  itf. 
strenirth.  .Mr.  Clay  saved  llie  honor  of  the  iinll'- 
fiers  1  Sir,  he  considered  himself  foilimate  in  e,.*- 
eapin'.r,  wilh  the  leue  bre  ilh  of  lil'.'  in  his  .■\mi  rieaii 
System,  from  the  cliitcli  of  the  nullifn'rs! 

(leneral  Hayne  Imd,  the  session  pieiioua  1.-.  the 
adoptinn  of  lite  Coinproinise,  pioposed  the  same 
principle  upon  wlii.'b  lhat  compromise  was  fr  imeil, 
the  'jiadual  alein.lnnment  nf  the  prolectiM'  princi- 
ple !  .\nd  ,Mr.  Clay  and  his  friends  knew  this,  and 
eoiisnlted  with  tin'  /real  leaditnt;  advocjii.f  of  niil- 
blicalion,  and  endeavored  to  ^ei  them  to  i.ccede  in 
a  Iriiee  fur  seven  years,  when  the  prole. 'live  prin- 
ciple should  be  abniidoned.  This  was  perempto- 
rily ri  fused,  and  .Mr.  Clay  ,/'fim./ to  tal..'  the  piiii- 
I'iple  of  (ieneral  Hayne,  :i  irnnhiiil  abahdoMiienl  of 
the  principle  dnriii',:  the  I'oitise  of  iiine  years. 
When  he  otl'ereil  the  bill  embodyiii!;  this,  he  did, 
indeed,  hold  out  lo  the  .State  lli'dils  men  tlial  the 


1840.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


627 


29ti!  Co\n 1st  Srs^i. 


The  Oregon  (Question — Mr,  Hnntiagion. 


Senate. 


prinrii.lc  wns  id  lie  concoiidl  nt  tlic  cn^J  of  nine 
yr:irfl,  Hut  In.-  lias  sitior,  in  dcA-nre  o('  himself, 
K;\i(l  lir  dcsi'.^nrd  fjir  ndiorwisc! 

'I'lip  ruinpininis''  \v:is  ndoptrd.  Tim  rryof  the 
[>rot((ti(iiiiprs  tli;H  (iicy  novcr  (Irsj^jivii  prnlcclinn 
(o  lie  prrju'tiuil,  l>ut  only  In  hiKt  r.  few  yrnrs,  to 
trivo  ilirin  stM-nirth,  was  nt  l.isi  m'lurpfl  to  liiriis, 
niul  iiino  yoars  ii-.vrrrd  upon  ns  liiat  which  should  It- 
yi*^!df(l,  and  owlu  ihnl.  Tim  qiu  -tioii  was  docmt^d  , 
EPttlod.  The  laith  of  lioih  an. I  nli  pnrlirs  was 
plcdircd  fo  it.  Thn  rnnjpst  nf  1810  fnnio  on,  and 
Gcnt'ial  Kariirnn  and  Mr.  V  in  Hnrfn  were  bolh  ; 
pN^dord  ti>nl»ide  l»y  it.  The  f-n-uuT  was  clcfiod: 
nnd  iho  r(ni«:nipieiirc  \va>;,  p.  rriniinnl  vinlation  of 
llio  C'liinpioinisp,  and  tho  O'lartmcnt  of  llio  taiifT'tf 
]8I*}.  innh'r  tlip  lend,  and  I  tnay  say  at  the  com- 
mand of  I  Irniy  T'lay  !  ')  nitli,  pisiico,  and  honor, 
were  hold  but  of  lililc  n-oi/lit  in  that  ninm^nt  of 
unjridii'd  pai-tv  triumph.  The  twelve  year.s  (tf  ex- 
elusion  frnni  thr  contrfd  of  Govorntnrnt  had  made 
the  Whi:^  fficrdy  for  the  accomplislimcnt  of  their 
piirposps.  An  cxira  session  was  railed,  and  imlc- 
et'Ml  hasie  waa  niaiN-  to  repeal  the  Rulj-treasury, 
and  violate  this  Pacrrd  rompromi.'c! 

Knt  tlirre  was  a  rctriluilion  at  hand,  sir.  It  ramn 
quickly,  sudden!'  ,  too.  TIip  spoilnr  had  hardly  he- 
j*un  hisraroer  bf  lon.' tho  God  oftrnth,  of  honor,  and 
of Jusiii'p,  frow.ird  upon  liim.  An  indii:;nant  peo- 
ple huvlrd  fron  their  scats  here  the  la riri>  paity  ma- 
jority which  'ho  Whi^s  possessed,  and  returned  a 
iai;:e  ninjoiiiv  to  the  vcrv  next  (!'oni:T*'Ss  of  frood 
and  true  D.  niO'i'als,  and  have  repealed  that  ma- 
jority (^iiiO( ,  and  elerled  ii  Democratic  President. 
And  whiU  on  this  sulijeet,  permit  me  (n  say  that 
the  Demoer.iry  is  equally  phd'jed  lo  the  repeal  of 
thalodi'iUS  aet,  whii'li  tiie  Whirrs  )>uilf  upon  the 
ruins  of  the  Compromise  act;  and  if  we  do  not  do 
Ro,  if  v.e  falter  in  our  course,  and  fait  to  fulfil  the 
proniises  nrule  to  ihe  people  in  every  election  since 
1832,  to  enact  n  revenue  tarifTact,  we  sliall  deserve 
the  frown  of  that  same  I 'city  who  has  smiled  so 
beri^nantly  upon  our  edV.rts  lieretofore. 

A  word,  sir,  as  to  this  nullifying;  party,  wliieh 
nome  gentlemen  love  to  harp  upon  so  much.  I 
H'il!  say  nf  them,  though  opposeil  to  them,  that  a 
liand  of  more  ixallant  spinia  never  were  united  in 
favor  of  any  principle.  They  rallied  in  defence  of 
the  Cnnstitutinn.  Theirs  was,  indeed,  a  noble 
ojijecf.  Trampled  on  and  oppressed  by  ln!:h  taxes, 
imposed,  not  f.i.  their  country's  irood,  but  for  the 
niamifactnrer's  benefit,  their  contest  was  i'^n-  jus- 
tice. They  asked  for  no  power;  ihey  a:d\erl  "that 
nncnuslilutinnal  power  should  not  be  exen'ised. 
They  ennlendtd  tiot  for  spod;  tiiey  lier;fred — be;?;- 
tred  dal  I  R:»y,  sir;  no!  tliev  demanded  th:it  thev 
should  no  I-'niC;'  r  he  desnoiled.  They  banded  ftir 
no  oflice  or  love  of  oilice  and  palronai'.e.  No  1 
they  rallied  ai^ainsltliu  most  unbounded  popularity 
whh'h  ever  attended  upon  any  individual:  and  cnn- 
tenrh'd  wilii  tin?  hatred  of  I-Vderalisis,  and  the  intern 
sense  uf  duty  of  llu;  iron-willed  .biek.<'in  !  They 
itot  only  exhibited  all  the  lii::rh  qualities  of  tli'e 
most  undaunted  conrajre,  the  most  indexilde  patri- 
oii-.in,  the  most  siern  nliance  upon  their  princi- 
ples, bvit  the  loftiest  ma-^nanimity.  Well  flo  I  re- 
numlK  V  the  beii;ht  to  wliich  party  animosity  had 
been  raised  in  the  ii:allant  Utile  State  of  SoutfiCar- 
(dina,  on  ijip  domestic  issue  of  the  test  oath.  In 
its  very  midst,  tlmu-^di  bavim^  luo-thirds  (if  the 
yttite,  bnili  {\\'  people  and  of  members  of  the  le^^is- 
lature,  the  oath  was  so  construed,  by  leijislative 
resolution,  as  to  do  away  with  the  (d>jeeiions  tn  it. 
The  liatchet  was  buried.  The  names  nf  Xnllifievs 
and  Tninn  men  were  almnd'.ned;  and,  under  the 
general  appellation  <if  Ilepnblicans,  the  penple  of 
that  nnble  Inile  State  are  unanimonslv  brMllinj;  for 
tionnd  ctMistihilional  )iiincip!e.^  I  So  enmplete  was 
this  re-uniim,  that  this  triumphant  majnrity  have 
Hince  itivHu  lo  the  Slate  two  t'nion  (.Jovernors,  one 
of  whom  now  tills  that  hii>!i  otiice,  and  has  sent  to 
.lie  other  end  of  thist  'apitoi  the  h  ader  of  the  rnimi 
)arty;  the  nolib- — ihe  diivalric — the  bii'li-souleil 
i  Incer;  tin'  iii  nileinaii  of  peitect  triuh  of  rharneier: 
the  chevalier  •*.Mni.s/)fin'€rsr(iiS>'(jn'oc/)r,'*' the  l!avard 
of  the  a'ii'. 

Mr.  Sneaker,  the  honor  of  the  ?sull!t\ers  lias 
beei-  in  I'lr  l-etter  keepiiii;  lliaii  it  could  by  possi- 
i'llity  have  been  in  that  of  Ii*nry  <'lav;  for,  bad 
iie  kept  it,  sir,  no  better  tiian  he  did  bis  ou  n,  as 
euniicctrd  with  the  (.'ompromi.-,!-  act,  that  honor, 
irsteud  of  s;himnf!;as  bri'.diily  as  it  now  does,  would 
have  been  n  by-word  in  the  nioutii  of  man. 


!       The  gentleman  from  T'onneetirut  errs,  then,  in 

'  f^upppsiiis:  tliat  there   is  any  "  raiddinir''  in  my 

'  breasf    aarainst    Mr.  Webster,   because,   forsoolh, 

.  Mr.  Webster  may   have  interfered    I'Clween   the 

'  Nullifier.^  and  their  object.     Their  object  was  ae- 

:  eomplished  in  tlin  ena- mient  of  the  compromise 

!f  it  has  since  been  iiefeated,  it  has  been  In'  faith 

badly  kept — by  promises  miser.iblv  violated:   and 

that  2:entlenvin  may  no  to  such  fields  to  roan  huur!^ 

for  Daniel  Webster,  if  he  (diooses  to  do  so. 

I  have  t!nis,  Mr.  Speaker,  perforuted  a  duly  ' 
which  [  owed,  as  I  conceive,  to  mv  co>mtry,  to 
my  friends,  and  to  mvselt'.  Of  Mr.  AV^-bsier,  I 
know  noiliin-j",  save  what  the  liisiory  of  the  cram- 
try  disidor*^s.  That  history  has  'riven  me  a  loath- 
ing of  his  pnl)Iie  character,  which  I  e-mnot  and  will 
n  M  undertake  to  conceal.  It  riclilv  entitles  him  tn 
be  considered,  if  not  tlie  "  wisest," certainly  *'  the 
meanest,  basest,  of  mankind.'"  And  yet,  sir,  bis 
infatuated  a(bnirers  have  styled,  *'  profanely  sivled 
him, "as  was  well  said  by  the  Jlenre^enlaiive  from 
Pennsylvania,  [Mr.  Ivr.i-.nsnij.,]  **  the  God-like 
Oaniel.'*  Sir,  he  also  bears  anniber  niq^ellation, 
amonjst  his  fo-niliars,  which  1  nmsr  tbinic  a  more 
appropriate  one — •'  Ulnck  I)tm  '"  And  if  the  an- 
ecdote of  mv  friend  from  ConneeiicMt  has  any 
application,  it  shows  that  this  peison  lias  two 
cliaracters,  which,  Protetis-Uke,  he  can  assume 
as  necessity  dictates — the  *' God-bke'''  and  tlie 
"  TTell-like."  At  all  events,  no  matter  what  char- 
aMer  be  bears '*  fi/n-rfM/,"  that  character,  here  in 
his  own  land,  is  not  an  enviable  one. 

The  i^reat  Wasiiixctox,  to  whom  be  has  been 
S'>  unnecessarily  and  saerilei^iovnlv  eonijmred,  was 
esteemed  '^llieftnt  in  the  Itraitf!  ofh'r,  rnuntnjuien.^^ 
Kulogy  went  not  abroad  for  materials  to  praise 
him. 

As  to  the  man's  inlelleef,  all  aeknowledire  its 
power;  but,  for  one,  1  do  not  award  respect  in 
jjrcat  men  for  mere  intelleet.  And  when  a  creat 
intelleelnal  name  is  not  associated  with  piddic  in- 
teirrity,  I  will  leave  hir^  praise  in  the  ban^ers-on  of 
cmu'ts,  and  to  (lie  sycophants  of  the  palace.  It  is 
unworthy  of  commendation  from  the  lips  of  a  vir- 
tinms  American. 


A.PPEXDIX. 

On  llie  lOrh  April.  INIr.  Wintiirch-.  in  the  Hnu.-c.  tiesiied 
to  Uo  henril  in  ''xplnnatmn :  aatl.  at'icr  alluilinc  to  w!i!U  lie 
lia<I  ^nU\  cm  ilie  siilijcctntMr.  Wdi.-tcrV  b('iti:i  pensinneil  on 
the  liny  helorc  ?ni(l,  "  I  ilc-irc,  then,  Ut  m^Uc  the  rollowha' 
dceliiriitiun.  hy  aulhnril\' : 

Mr.  \Vf  iMcr  cincs  luaown  a  sincle  -lelhrV  woith  of  stock 
in  aav  minnracln'iti!;  ciinpnny  whalcv.r ;  n')r  i>  a  ilnllar's 
worth  of  sncli  f^mck  hdn  hv  oilers  in  trn-t  for  hita  or  \\\< 
thinilv,  or  ia  any  wny  to  he  hctiericial  to  him  or  thenii  iir.r 
i-  he  iiiieri'-tiMl,  in  any  way,  in  nuy  nianui'icioi  v  wliati'ver. 
nor  in  l)ie  ri<c  or  t'lll  of  nay  sort  of  niannfiicrniinc  stock  or 
prnpi'ri>  :  nor  lia-  anv  iniVacinm  of  any  kind  t-iken  pla'-e 
on  ciiiiiiitioii  of  Mr.  \\'ciist('v'.-i  rcminnitiu  in  the  Senate  nr 
h-axinc  the  ScLinic. 

.Mr,  \Vcl)-i'  r  has  Hi-piwet!  of  certain  vahmlile  western 
luiil:.  at  prices  net  cNeteiiintr  tin'ir  acinal  va'ac.  for  which 
lif  Ins  h'.Mit  pai(i.  An  arr;\ii:»cinent.intcn''c(I  lor  hi<  ln-nelil. 
which  h"  r-  cards  ns  Iiiiihly  lionorai)le  lo  him.  and  which,  I 
nniv  ^ay.  is  as  Inch  n  coni|ilinii'nt  »^  was  ever  paid  to  any 
|(>ihh''  nian  in  onr  eoinnry—hcintr  tin'  provi-ion  of  an  aii- 
iiMiiv  for  life — wa«  amuMniceil  to  him  here  List  nioiit!)." 

TIm'  rest  of  Mr.  AViNi'nuni'*s  evplntiation  heinc  coinn.ent=> 
of  tlie  donor-i  aad  of  himself  on  fhc  f.uts  ha  nhove  Btalcd.  I 
dti  not  r-hoo^e  to  present. 

Mr.  IliiM.i  vRn  rose  to  an  explanation  ;  and  said,  in  snh- 
=taiice,  that  it  had  not  heen  his  pnrpo-e.  on  ye^iirdaw  to 
uiiilerti'ke  Mr.  Welt-ier*-  defence,  hnl  to  '■  exfire  s  in  ^IronlI 
lerni-i  liis  scn-ic  of  Mr.  Wi'h-ter".-"  widespread  npntahnn  ;"' 
lliat.  in  the  course  of  his  reniarks.  lie  was  coinc  on  to  say 
that.  •*  iie\i  to  the  name  of  \Va-iits*oto\,  a  name  p!a(  id  nt 
home  and  abroad  iphie  hevmid  ihat  ot'  other  men.  he  had 
heard  the  naaie  of  no  other  .American  inenlic.ned  oOenrr 
than  tha:  of  Mr.  Wehster:  and  it  was  always  nieiuhined 
with  nthniiaiion  ami  r.spect,'" 


ouFxiox  arivSTiox. 


SPEEril  OF  ]S.n,  irrXTINCTOX, 

or  roNNT-i  ■irTT, 
K'  Sr.XArr... 7y.n.'  i:!,  IMfi. 
The  followiiuc  resohnion.s  lieuiir  umler  consider- 
ation, tlie  fir.'^t  licinij  an  amendmenl  reported  by 
the  (^'ommiltee  on  l'\neii,ni  Relations,  and  the  sec- 
mid  an  amendment  to  the  former,  by  way  uf  sub- 
^Hiiinte,  proposed  by  Mr.  CRiTrr.KDES" — 

Itmbc.i  hi  tin-  Si-natr  cuit  llciusr  of  Rpi>re^ci\tnlirr<t  of  the 
I'li'li'.i  St-ilct  of  ^■iinvrii.t  ill  ('m:;rfss  ustnnhifil,  Tlmt.  m 
viitii'of  the  second  article  of  the  conveniion  cpf the  f ixth 
iif  August,  uiuhlccn  hundred  and  twcnty-eevL'n.hetwconihe 


rniteil  ^int-s.  of  Afiieiica  and  Orem  nrifnin.  relative  (o  Ihe 
rniiiitri  uv>iHnrd  of  Ih-*  JJlony  or  I'oeky  Mountatnn,  thn 
I'nit-d  .'^lates  of  Ainrrtca  do  no^v  lldnk  fit  to  ainnil  and 
al)ri';:ie'  tiiaf  coiivi'nii"n,  and  Ilief^aid  convention  i-"  herchy 
acconhn«Iy  entirely  an  nnJIfd  nndnhrocntc.I :  ProeiVW,  Thnt 
this  re-iidiiiion  >hatilakeetreet  aCler  the  expiration  of  the  term 
fil'tueivr  inniiih>  from  the  day  on  which  dtie  notiec  Khali 
Itjo'c  h  M'n  iriveii  to  (ircat  Itrilain  of  the  [laspnye  of  this  rea- 
ohitton.  And  the  I're^id'ntof  thi'  CnJtcd  Stated  i;*  herehj' 
auttioriz'  d  atd  reqaircd  to  yive  snch  notice;  and  nUo,  ntthc 
<'\pir'i1i<>n  of  -aid  eonveiitton,  to  isi<in'  hi.spriH'ImuntJun  sct- 
liM';  lorilt  that  U'.c\. 

Sithstifihf  prnposdi  by  Mr.  Crittevdi'V. 
*'  Wlicrea-,  hy  the  convention  concluded  the  f.'Otli  day  nf 
Octoh'T.  eii;'it"en  hnndnd  ami  eijihteen,  between  the  Unh-'d 
Sralc-i  oi  Ancrici  and  tie*  Kinc  of  tin;  Uinted  Kiiiadom  of 
firent  nrii:n;i  and  Ireland,  for  the  period  of  ten  ytarn,  arid 
aft'Tward-  iiidcfiniiilv  extindcd  and  eomirnied  in  force  hy 
naoilier  coavt  niton  of  Ihe  entne  parties,  concluded  Ihe  sixth 
diy  of  An;n-t.  ni  tlie  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  ei^dit 
hundred  ami  twenty  rcven.  it  was  ayieeil  (hat  any  coimiiy 
that  m-iy  he  chuimd  h\-  either  |iait>'  on  Ihe  northu  f.-t  coa>t 
of  Ane'rieri  westward  oft  I' '  Stony  or  Korky  .Mtnintain'-Minw 
enmuKniIy  eailt  (I  Ihe  t  ircfjoii  teriitory,  should,  l(»;!eihcr  with 
it^  li;uln(i-,hiy-'.  and  eref;ks,and  the  nnvicalion  of  nil  rivcia 
witliiii  III '  r-aiii  '.he  "  free  anil  op"n"to the  vessoln, citizens, 
and  >iilM,i-t<  of  (he  iwn  Cower--,  hut  without  prejudice  to 
any  claim  wliieii  riiher  o(  tie-  parlies  niiaht  have  to  nny  part 
of  yaid  eonniry;  nail  niib  tins  tnrtler  provi.-ion,  in  itie  sco- 
o:(d  article  of  the  said  ennvention  <rf  the  ^i\th  of  Aimust, 
einhtecu  tauidred  and  twenty-seven,  that  either  party  iniL'iil 
atiriejati-  and  annul  said  eonventioa.  on  eivuig  due  n(«ice  of 
twelve  m-'iiTh'  to  tiie  other  (■onlraeiinE  party— 

■•And  u■herea^  it  has  now  hreoiiie  ilesirahle  thnt  the  re- 
?peciiv(  elaimsof  the  fnited  States  nndtireat  Hriiiiin  should 
h:!  dcfmil'dy  settled,  and  tliat  said  teiritnry  may  no  jonyer 
than  need  he  remain  snliject  to  fie*  evil  eon-eijaciiees  of  ilie 
divid.d  alli-jiarifc  of  it-  Auierienn  and  Kritish  population, 
a'ld  of  thi*  eonriiriion  and  coniliet  of  naiitmal  juri^rlietions, 
ilanzerons  to  tin-  eheririu'd  p 'ace  and  cooil  tnider-tandiimof 
till'  two  counfri's— with  n  view,  theretore,  that  sli'ps  he'ia- 
ken  for  111-  uhioantion  of  tin-  j'aid  convention  ot'  the  sixth  of 
AuuU't.  ei:il;i(M'n  hundred  and  twenty-seven,  in  the  mode 
preseriii'd  in  its  second  article,  and  that  the  aticniiori  of  tho 
Ot'vernnn-ni-i  of  both  eminlries  may  he  the  more  oarnesily 
and  immediately  direefi-rt  to  rene\ved  efforts  t'or  the  seitle- 
r.ieiit  of  alt  tlieii-  diircrcnces  nmt  disputcti  in  respect  to  said 
territory— 

'•Wcvo?ee'?  h}f  the  f>cn-itr  rnuf  Ihiise  of  Representatives  of 
Ihe  i'liifc'i  Sti'te^  ot\.-iincrir..-  in  Ojuirras  ussrmhleily  Thnt  thO 
Presidetit  of  the  rnited  States  be.  and  bi^  is  hcreliy,  nutho- 
ri/.ed.  af  hi-!  di-cretien.  to  yive  toile'  Hritishtiovern'mentlho 
notice  ri'MUind  by  its  -aid  second  nrliele,  for  the  nlirouaiion 
mtbe  raid  convention  of  tlie  s^ixili  of  Aiiaust.  eijibteon  bvni- 
dredand  twenty  seven:  VroviiU\f,hoticver.  Thnt  inord*  r  to 
atTord  naiph'r  time  and  opportmiitv  for  the  nniicahle  iicttle- 
ni'-at  and  adiit-^tini'nt  of  p.ll  tin  ir  diU'ernnces  and  di>pines  in 
r'-pect  to  snid  t<iritory,f;aid  notiei-  fiuahi  not  lo  bei;iven  till 
nfler  the  close  of  tin-  present  si's>-ion  of  Con-rress.'* 

Mr.  HUNTINGTON  addressed  the  Senate  as 

f(dlows: 

Mr.  Pnr.'^inF.vr:  T  desire  to  cxpre.s.'?  the  views  I 
entertain  on  some  of  the  propositions  contained  in 
the  rcsnluti'Uis  before  uy,  and  on  matters  having  a 
necessary  or  important  connexion  witli  them,  that 
my  eonstilnents  may  know,  and  so  far  as  otiiers 
mav  bear  or  read  them,  tliey  also  may  know,  tho 
:rro'nnds  on  which  my  vote  in  rejrard  to  ihem  will 
rest.  And  I  intend  to  l)e  ns  brief  ns  the  subject 
will  allow,  and  \o  cfinfine  myself  to  sucii  topics  as 
relate  m  that  subject,  and  are  most  deejdy  connect- 
ed wiili  the  iieuce.  the  honor,  and  the  true  interest.^ 
of  the  country 

Previous  to  my  late  necessary  altsence  from  tho 
Senate,  I  bad  prepan'd  a  brief  outline  of  the  views 
on  the  rpicf^tions  befnre  us  which  I  then  entertain- 
ed, and  wdiich,  as  well  lo  avoid  misai^prehensinti 
as  t'  nve  myself  from  fatiirue  in  the  then  state  of 
my  liealtli,  I  had  dcsii,nied,  with  the  induL'ence  of 
tlii'  Senate.  tVeely  to  use.  No  opportunity  pre- 
sented itsrlt',  and"  duritiT  my  absence  !  learn  that 
the  subject  has  been  discussed  fully  and  with  ^reat 
ability.  Proliably  all  and  much  more  th.an  i  wixs 
prejiared  lo  say  has  In-en  s;jd  by  t.thers;  but  I 
imve  been  deprived  of  the  pleasure  and  instruc'ion 
wh'ch  I  shntdd  I'.ave  received  from  hearins::  or  rcnd- 
iii'^^  the  remarks  of  others,  and  shall  be  excused, 
therefore,  if  I  rejieaf  anythinir  they  may  have  said; 
and  belioviierthat  I  shall  avoid  both  fatii^tie  and  ex- 
citement, (which  it  is  prudent  for  me  to  do,)  I  shall 
appeal  to  the  courtesy  nf  the  Seimte  to  alhnv  me  to 
niake  a  free  n-^e  of  the  notes  t>iade  l>y  me  many 
weeks  Oiro.  and  which  will  rcrjuire  no  ehnnwe,  ex- 
cept n  rei^erenec  to  some  public  docttments  which 
have  recently  been  printed,  and  to  sonic  facts  stated 
here  in  enmiexiou  with  them. 

If,  under  existiuiT  eirctnnstanees,  it  should  be 
deemed  expedient  tliat  notice  be  now  triven  of  the 
nhroL^aiinn  of  the  convention  of  1827  in  the  man- 
ner llierein  inovided,  (as  it  is  tpiite  mnnifcst  it  will 
be.)  either  with  or  without  fiualification,  (a  sub- 
ject on  which  I  inti  nd  hereafter  to  speak,)  the 
,  amendment  proposed  by  my  honorable  friend  tVom 


•1 

p% 

'f  ■  i 

C28 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAI.  GLOBE. 

The  Orei(on  Question — Mr.  Huntington. 


[April  13, 
Senate. 


Konturky  to  the  orio  rrporleil  by  tlii'  ("omniilloe 
on  t'orri:,'!!  Relalions,  if  it  was  more  full,  (li'linilc, 
nml  exnliVil  on  en:  .ill  |)i>ints  oonmxliil  willi  the 
ffivins  i>f  lliiil  tiDtiii',  woulil  lie  luoic  iuir|ilalil('  to 
mc  I  il"  I'o'  "KV  I  shall  not  vote  for  it,  nllhmmh 
I  shoiilil  prolVr  tliat  it  be  nioilificil  in  iIip  iiiannir  I 
■hull  liiienfler  .'iiis:!;e.'<t.  1  coni'iir  in  the  (li.sire 
wliii'h  it  expresses  for  'he  ^eM lenient  of  the  (IniNin 
rnnlniveray,  Iml  it  wonil  beiler  neeoni  willi  my 
views  if  il  e>;|inx-ii((  nioie.  Il  has  several  features  ^ 
wliieh  2ivc>  it  a  ileeiiled  pn  t'erenre  I'ver  the  uakaX 
am!  nnqualiliecl  proposition  leeoniiiiencled  by  ihe 
eoniMiiltec.  It  reeo>.;iiises  the  propriety  and  desi- 
raljlenirss  of  sillliiiii  tiie  ri'speciive  elMiiun  of  llic! 
fliiiled  .Slales  and  Great  Urilaiii  to  the  t)rei;on  ler- 
rilory,  and  implies  llial  the  allention  of  the  liov- 
ernnients  of  hodi  eountries  should  beearneslly  and 
innuediately  direeuil  lo  leiiewid  elVurls  fm'  siieh 
seiilemeiil.  In  many  respe.is  iheri'  is  no  substan- 
tial diflerenee  hei,,een  the  two  proposi  d  ameiid- 
menls:  but  ;he  distinetions  to  whieh  1  have  reOr- 
red,  allhoiii;h  they  are  real  and  iniporlaiil,  woulil, 

I  lliink,  if  more  liioad  niid  extensive,  meet  all  the 
possible  exii^eneies  of  the  ease,  and,  in  my  judi;'- 
nieiit,  if  eiilarijed  in  terms  direet  and  explieil, 
would  be  iiKU'e  expressive  of  what  is  ihi'  duly  of 
this  Government  in  reL^ard  to  ihis  OreLom  eoiitro- 
versy.  It  docs,  indeed,  imidy  'hat  m  i^oiialions 
oiii^lil  not  now  to  be  finally  elosed,  and  expres>es 
the  wish  that  ihey  may  i'e  emilinueil,  and  ihe  ilis- 
pnte  lie  amiealiiy  adjiisled.  .\iid,  in  respeet  to  the 
desire  of  settlement  whieh  il  nianiteiJls,  di»es  ihe 
reeommendatioa  add  anyihins;  to  wliai  ihe  I'resi- 
deiit  himself  has  sui^ixesletl .'  If  tins  amendment 
hIiii  Id  be  edopted,  will  the  Eteeulive  harn  iVom 
it  that,  in  the  opinimi  of  the  Senate,  he  onuhl  lo 
express  his  desire  for  adjuslinent  in  siroie;!  r  lan- 
^ujiiie  than  in  ail  his  eommuniealiiuis  he  luu<  ibnie? 
In  ilie  noie  of  the  Seerei.arv  of  StaU'  It,  ihe  lirilish 
Minister  of  the  .'tOlh  cd"  A'm^iisl,  I-^).".,  and  wliiili 
is  repeated  in  llial  of  January  H,  If^-lli,  il  is  slan-d 
thai  ihe  President  "eherishes  tiie  hope  that  this 
'  loui^-pendiii,'  eontroversy  may  vet  be  finallv  ad- 

*  jusied   in   sueh  a  manner  as  nut   In  disturb  ihe 

*  peat  e  of  inierrupl  llie  h.irmony  now  so  happily 
'subsisting'  between  ihe  twn  iialions."  .\iid  in 
the  note  of  Mr.  lliuhanan  lo  Mr.  I'akinham,  dated 
I'ebrnary  -I,  IS-IO,  il  is  saiil  that  ":lie  Tresid,  nl 
'  cordially  concurs  with  ilie  Go\erniiienl  of  (Jieat 
'  Mrilain  in  desirinir  that  the  present  eoiitro\crsy 
'  niuy  be  iimioably  adjusted,      lie  belii-ves  ihat.as 

*  there  are  no  two  natiiuis  on  the  enrlh  more  idoscly 
'  bound  togelher  by  the  ties  of  ccunmerce,  so  there 
'  are  nmie  who  onsht  to  be  more  able  or  willin:;  to 
'  do  ea<-li  otliei  Justiee  with'*  "i  the  interposition  of 
'  any  arbitrator."  I  shall  call  the  attcniicm  of  ihe 
Senate  to  thissubJectofiiWu/ivitioii  In  realnr.  I  have 
referred  to  tln.si-  extracts  loshow  that  ilie  I'resideiil 
professes  .still  lo  be  desirou.s  of  adjusiinL'  ihe  On  iron 
controversy.  This  is  also  clearly  implied  in  oihcr 
language  u.sed  by  Mr.  Unchanan.'in  his  note  of  .Ian- 
nary  ;i.  He  says  "  ihe  I'rcsiih-nt  luarlily  cncins 
'  with  the  lirilish  Government  in  iluir  leL'iei  ihat 
'  all  atleinpis  to  settle  ihe  Oregon  <|Uisiion  by  ne- 
'  Soiiatioii  liave  hillirrlo  filled.''  And  the  I'ns- 
ideni,  ill  his  coiiimiiniiaiion  to  the  .SenaU-  of  ilie 
'JJili  of  March,  .says  that  he  sine  rely  irusis  iliat 
er,|lisimi  beiweenihe  two  I'riunlries  m.iy  hi' avoid- 
ed, and  that  it  is  his  .settled  purpnse  lo  linrsiiu.siii'li 

II  euurse  of  policy  as  may  be  ealculati  il  lo  preserve 
Hii  honorabli-  |Kaee.  If  lliesi' declarations  .ire  siii- 
eti',  (as  it  is  lo  be  pri'sumcd,  and  a.i  I  do  not 
dcaiht  they  are,)  ihe  aimJidmeni  is  a  repeiliion  of 
them,  and,  if  adopted,  would  he  expres.ine  id' the 
ecuncidencfof  the  viifws  and  opinions  ol"  t  lie  Senate 
aiid  ihe  Piesideiu  on  the  pr.ipriety  and  iin|iorMn.e 
of  a  settlenient  and  adjuslnienl  of  the  dillerences 
between  the  two  i-.iunlries.  Uul,  in  my  o|iiniou, 
il  would  be  eX|iedient  to  jo  further  than  the  K.xi  e- 
ulive  or  tins  aiiiendmeiit  proposes  lo  do.  If  any 
notice  he  !,ivcii  now,  i  should  prefer  that  il  be  ac- 
eompanieil  wilh  a  ileilaralion  thai  Ihe  .Senate  is  of 
opinion  that  tlii^  President  should  adopt  sucli  a 
eonr.se  of  proieodiiii;  as  is  calculated  lo  e.inse  ihis 
eontroversy  to  b,-  settled  im  such  lerniH  id'  inuinal 
concession  and  eomproniise  as  the  lionoi-and  nitc  r- 
ests  of  the  coimiry  will  ju.ilify  and  demaml.  A 
desire  to  adpisi  is  ihal  w'hieli  the  i'resideni  mani- 
fests and  the  aaiciid nl  expres.ses.    This  is  sunie- 

wliat  vajue  and  iadcfiniti',  and  haves  to  each  na- 
tion liberty  to  insist  upon  iis  whole  einim.  if  ihe 
bxeculive  should  he  iiifuriiied  by  iix  liiat  we  nre  uf 


opinion  lhat  n  settlenient  should  be  made  upon  the 
basis  of  a  just  and  honorable  co*ii/treiiiisr — an  nd- 
justmeiil  lui  leriiiH  short  of  the  extreme  and  entire 
claims  of  either,  which  if  jiersisieil  in  would  e\- 
eludeaiiy  and  all  hope  of  sclllement — aiiadjnsimi  nl 
which,  while  it  yielded  soinetliin;;  of  the  claims  of 
each,  would  nol  eomproniit  llii'  honor  nor  injuri- 
ously ailed  lite  interest**  of  eilher — it  would  be 
more  exjilicit,  for  no  such  reiommendiilion  i.s  ex- 
presslv  conlaitied,  perhaps  not  by  imjdicalion  sta- 
led, in  ihis  aniendmenl.  Il  repeals  the  already 
expresseti  views  ot'  the  President  upon  the  naked 
qneslion  of  adjusinient,  without  an  allusion  to  the 
ti'rnis  or  nature  uf  such  adjuslinent;  wilhoul  hiiil- 
iiii;  al  compromis'  or  eoncession  on  either  side; 
wilhout  rclcrrimr  lo  Ihe  propriety  of  yieldimr  soiiie- 
tliiie.-of  the  enure  claim  of  eacli.  And,  allhoinrh 
it  IS  Mry  much  to  be  preferred  to  ihe  aineiiilui'Ul 
of  the  I'ommitice,  because  ii  emilams  by  imjilica- 
tioii,  if  not  expr(s.sly,  a  wish  for  a  s|uedy  and 
ainieaMe  sclllement  by  renewed  eil'orls  liir  lhal 
purpose,  which  lliat  reporled  by  the  coiiimitiee 
docs  not,  I  desire  that  il  should  u'o  fiirllu  r,  andi'X- 
press  lo  ihi.^  Picsidenl  Ihe  opinion  id'  this  body  lhat 
iiciiher  parly  .vhonld  prevent  such  sellleiiient  by  j 
insislin^  u|ion  its  exircme  elainis,  but  lliat  n  spirit 
o)"  jusi  anil  lionu.abie  eomproniise.  should  be  nuuii- 
fesied  by  boi  i,  which,  if  enleriained  and  earrii'd 
out.  would  proihae  a  selilement  aliUe  honoriible, 
ciidilaide,  and  useful  lo  encji.  Such  a  form  of 
niitice  I  should  prefer;  but  if  lhal  be  not  neci'plable  , 
ti  a  inajoriiy  of  ihi:  Senale,  this  is  pnlerable  lo  the  ' 
oilier  I'oruis  which  are  bf-lbre  ns. 

If  il  should  be  thouiilii  bv  any  one  thai  the 
amendment  under  ihe  imuieiliiile  consideration  of 
the  Senate  may  hi!  liiirly  eoiisirned  to  imply  a  wish 
foe  a  selilement  upon  a  jiisi  anil  houomble  basis  id" 
ci.mpromi.se,  it  must  beiulmilled  ilial  olhers  enter- 
lain  donliis  as  lo  ii;  and  lliereline  I  should  prefer 
lhat  Ihe  laii^'iiai;e  be  varied,  and  lliese  views  lie 
expressed  ilirecily  ami  explicitly,  that  "the  Presi- 
(h  lit  may  nol  be  lel't  to  eonjeeln're  or  to  ronslrue- 
lion,  lo  di  lermine  what  we  mean,  but  lhat  In;  may 
read  it  in  wmiU  ndinittiiij  of  no  doubtful  inlerpre- 
lati.ui. 

1  do  nol  n'.;ree  with  my  tVieiiil,  the  Senator  frmn 
Delaware,  that  the  two  pmposiiions,  when  ihey 
are  viewed  in  connexion  w  iili  facts  notorious  anil 
well  Known  by  ns,\ary  in  what  he  eousiders  a 
most  mipiirlani  particular,  \W:  that  in  the  one 
Comriess  assumes  ihe  res|ioiisibiliiy  of  ,'iviii<;  the 
niilice,  while  ill  the  oihi  r  ^t  is  cast  upon  the  Presi- 
dent, by  leaviii.'-  il  lo  his  discrelion  to  sive  or  with-  [ 
hold  ihe  notice.  It  is  true  lhal,  in  terms,  this 
distmciion  exists,  bin  in  fact  there  is  no  such 
diversity.  The  President,  in  his  .\nnual  Mes.sai.'e,  : 
ric.immends  that  this  iiMiiee  should  be  u'lven,  and 
lhal  provision  be  made  by  law  for  uiviie.;  il,  and 
assiuns  his  reasons  for  liie  reeommendation,  No- 
thin;;  has  occurred  since,  so  far  as  we  are  iidbrmed, 
which  has  ehauired  his  >  iews  lu-aliVcled  those  rea- 
sons. On  the  coiiirary,  in  his  nussa^'e  of  March 
i-M,  he  says;  "The  lioiice  to  'rotate  the  treaty 
'  of  tlie  (iih  of  Au;,'usl,  lfJ7.  ilhori/.eil  by  ihe 

'  Irealy  itself,  and  cannot  lie  rejjnrded  a.i  a  warlike 
'  measure,  and  I  cannot  withhold  my  siioiei  con- 
'  viciion  thai  i'  ?,hould  be  prompily  ;;iven."  We 
know,  alniosl  lo  a  moral  eerininiy,  lhal  if  this  r' s- 

olulion   should   pass,  he   vi Id   num.  ili;ile!v  u'ive 

Ihe  notice;  and,  knowini;  this,  we  aihise'orau- 
lliorizi-  him  lo  do  an  let  which  he  has  .issiiiiit  ns  I 
he  desires  should  hi;  done.  We  meielv,  in  ad- 
Vance,  sanciioii  a  iioiice  which  will  snniy  be  'riven, 
anil  therefore  we  assuiin^  our  fall  share  of  the  re- 
.'lionsibihly.  If  evil  results  should  (bllow  from  it, 
we  shall  be  lold  lhat  we  ;,'.ive  iheaulhorily,  know-  ; 
in:;  lhal  il  would  be  exeri  ised,  and  lhal 'we  roii- 
fi  rrcil  the  power  lhal  it  miiihl  lie  iniinrirml.lii  exer- 
cised.(imd  lluieliire  we  caiinoi  free  oiirsibis  from 
the  jusi  rcspoasiliility  of  eonciirrinu:  in  friviie^  the 
iiuiice  inmiedialely.  ■  Sulisi.iniially,  iherelbre,  irr 

lake  a  pan  of  ilii,>  re.sponsihiiiiy,  because  w oiifi  r 

ihe  piiwer  lo  i;i\e  ihe  noiice  with  full  knowleilL-e 
lhal  11  is  lo  he  al  once  executed.  If  the  ri  soluliiui 
should  pa.ss,  no  one  who  voles  for  il  can  cast  llie 
entire  responsibility  of  lis  execnlioii  upon  ihe 
Pri'sideiit. 

There  is  this  diiriTenee  belween  the  two  amend- 
inenls.  111  which  the  Seiialor  from   Delaware  did 
iirii  advert,      liy  the  one,  notice  is  ii,  be  '.'iveui  im- 
medmlelyi  by  \hr.  other,  il  is  lo  he  wilhheld  iinlil  , 
the  eluiR  (if  the  pre.ieiii  session  of  f'yiiijre.is.     Il 


does  nol  sreni  to  me  that  llii.s  dislinction  !;i\es  the 
last  n  preference  over  the  iirst.  If  lhi.s  conlrover- 
ay  can  be  adjusted  by  ne;;oliiilion,  the  poslpnne- 
meiitof  the  eomuieneeiiieiil  *if  the  noiice,  after  the 
passa;;e  of  llie  resohilion  lhat  it  shall  hr  tjirrii, 
for  three  or  four  months  only,  eainiot  all'cct  il  es- 
senlially;  and  if  my  friend  from  Dilaware  he  rii;ht 
in  his  view  of  this  measure,  as  a  ;if(irr  measure, 
for  the  reasons  which  he  has  ur'.;ed,  and  lo  which 
I  intend  lo  aihi  rt  more  parliciilarly  hereafter,  the 
soniur  It  is  !^iven  Ihe  belter.  In  that  view,  noihiii;; 
is  u'aincd  by  delay;  on  the  conlrary,  many  iiiter- 
rsis  ar<'  |>ul  al  har.itrd,  and  much  injury  may  be 
done  by  pie;tpoiieineiit. 

While,  iheri  tore,  I  think  ilie  amendment  of  my 
friend  from  Kiaitmky  is  much  to  be  preferred  li> 
that  reporled  by  ihe  couimillee,  inasmuch  as  it 
expresses  or  iniplii's  adesire  for  a  speedy  and  am 
icable  seiih  lui'iil,  and  fur  renewed  ell'oris  for  lhal 
purpose,  il  falls  shoii  (,f  what  I  wish  it  should  ree- 
ommeiid,  and  adds  nolhiim',  by  way  of  su^'Kesiioi) 
on  mir  part,  in  favor  of  a  .selilement  lo  what  the 
Presidenl  priM'csscs  to  be  willing  and  anxious, 
wiihont  it,  to  pursue. 

I  refer  lor  n  mmnenl  lo  the  resolutions  on  iIiIm 
subject  which  have  lieeii  adoiUed  by  ihe  House  of 
Ilepri'.sentalives,  and  sent  to  this  body  for  ils  eon- 
cm-rence.  They  hive  been  under  Ihe  considera- 
lioii  of  the  n]ipropriaie  eoimuitlce,  who  have  re- 
porled tlieiii  tt  illioutamenilmciil,and  ihey  are  now 
before  us.     They  are  in  Ihi^  following'  words: 

'•  /^,■.'^■l^/  f.ii  !',!•  S<;.  >f.-  CI''  Ihn^pof  Wcjirrsrii/c/liT?  oj 
til.-  fiiilcl  ,s/„>c<  III  .•lin.'ii'.i  ill  ('oii.'iT«s  i,,i.niiWr/,  'riilit 
the  I'ri-lcl.Hl  lit  the  liiili'il  Slal.'-i  i;lil-c  nonce  In  hi  uivi  a 
In  llic  leneriaic'ia  nl  (irciil  llnliiiii  Unit  llie  i  iin\ciitinii  he- 

Iw Ill-  lialisl  .•Slates  nr.Viiiiiici  llllil  Creni  llill.iui.  cnii- 

ecr 1!  the  t.riilnrv  mi  llie  nmilave-l  ina-t  nf  A rn-a, 

W.'sl  nl'  llie  Slum  MniiMMhis.  nf  llie  lllll  nl'  Alimi-I.  Is-'T, 
;<ll!licil  at  biillilnli.  Hhall  II"  iiiiiuilli'il  anil  alini:.'ali  ll  twi  Ive 
ninntllii  aDi'l'  IIIMIIL'  slllll  linllcc. 

■':>.   .•(ll./  /„■   iV   lurlkrr  rnnlrri,  'I'llnt  llnlhuii;  hireili  inn 
taiacil  is  iiilcaiicil  In  inli-rrcie  willi  the  liiila  anil  ili-eretinii 
nr  the  |frn|i(  r  aillhnnlies  111'  llie  l«'n  cniitraelniL'  inirllcs  to 
I'cncw  nr  iiiiislle  iie.;iiliiilinns  tiir  an  ainteatile  sclllclacnt  ul' 
the  cnnlrnvcrM  re.-p.s'iiiit^  llie  (IrcL'iia  Icrrilnry." 

Those  resiiliilions  contain  an  absnlute  direction 
lo  L'ive  the  notice  wilhout  any  substantial  qualili- 
calioii.  They  do  nol  use  the  laii:;imu'e  of  mhirr. 
but  of  eoimiiHiii/.'  they  do  not  poslpone  ihe  lime  of 
ijivini;  the  notice,  but  reipiire  it  to  be  done  lortli- 
wilh;  and  the  on!y  ipialilication  contained  in  lliem 
is  n  declaration  lhal  Cctiisrrsa  i\<i  nol  iiileud  to  in- 
terfere with  the  ri';lit  of  the  two  Governments  to 
exercise  their  a[tpropriaie  t'tmctions  of  ne'_'  uiatiii:^ 
for  an  iimicable  selllemenl  of  the  eontroversy  re- 
.speetiie;  tlieflre;;nii  territory.  This  has  been  sup- 
posed by  some  lo  imply  a  desire  for  the  renewal 
of  furlhir  ne'„'otiaiions.  There  is  not  the  sli:rhlesl 
iiilimalion  of  any  such  ihsire.  The  second  reso- 
hilion is  merely  an  aliirmalion  lhal,  in  lliisea.se, 
Ihe  President  and  Senate  may  iieL'oliate  or  make  n 
Irealy  by  viriue  of  llieir  consiilulioiml  powers, 
wilhoiii  iiuy  inlerfeience  of  Ihe  House  of  Ueiire- 
senlatives  lo  prevenl  il;  a  proposition  which  (Ines 
mil  reipiire  a  resolution  of  llie  House  of  llepresent- 
nlives  to  sanelion. 

I  have  thus  brielly  adverted  to  the  several  re- 
soluliinis  rclaiiie.;  lo  niviii!;  the  notice  under  the 
eoineniioii  of  l^^i",  w  iili  the  siiiu'le  i>nrpose  of 
suL'^'esiini;  the  essential  points  in  which,  in  my 
jud^niciil,  ihey  dill'er  I'mm  each  other,  and  not 
thus  fir  with  the  view  of  iliscnssin:;  the  ipiesiion 
whether  eilher  of  ilieiii  should  reci  ivi'  the  sanction 
of  the  Senate.  Those  passed  b\'  the  other  branch 
of  Congress,  and  lhat  rccommendeil  I'm- our  adop- 
liiiii  bv  ihc  ('oniininee  on  Korei'/n  llelalions,  nre 
idiniical  in  principle  but  mil  in  form,  and,  for  all 
praciica!  purposes  and  all  probable  results,  are  llie 
same.  They  dill'i-r  subslanlially  from  the  one 
propiised  by  ihc  Senator  from  Kenlucky  in  three 
p;ir!iciilars.'  The  former  propuie  that  the  noiice 
should  be  i;iven  imniediaiely,  and  do  nol,  eilher 
expressly  or  by  implication,  express  a  wish  tlnit 
there  nIuiuIiI  be  any  fiirllier  in^olialions  on  the 
subjetl,  while  the  laller  poslpones  the  iriviii;;  ot' 
the  noiice  mini  alter  llie  close  ot'  the  present  ses- 
sion of  t  'ote'ri  ss.  and  coniaius  the  expression  ot'  a 
desire  thai  ihc  conlroversy  may  be  settled  and  ad- 
justed by  ihe  (lovermneiils  of  ihe  two  eoiintries, 
and  llial  renewed  ill'orts  should  be  imniediaiely 
made  for  lhal  purpose.  Whelherany  notice  slionld 
now  be  i:i\en,  and  if  so,  wlial  would  be  ils  best 
f  uiii  and  ipiahlicaiioiis,  are  ponils  I  propose  liere- 
afier  lo  eoiiHider.     Uefore,  however,  i  enter  upon 


1846.] 


/29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Oregon  Question — Mr.  Huntington. 


689 


Senate. 


)lii:si'  l(i|iicii,  i  dcKJru  to  inuko  Kiiiiie  (iliscrvHliciiis 
■  III  iiiattcrs  Imviiii;  lui  iiii{iiirlaiil  if  nut  iK;i'(:s.-ui-y 
bi-iiriii;;  ii[)(tr)  the  iiiinuMliarc  .snltjcct  iindrr  iti-Uaic. 
I  ill)  not  iiiK'nd  niiw  ut  I'xamino  ihe  liilo  wliii'li 
we  claim  to  ilic  wliolr  iif  Orijruii.  'I'liiK  lias 
hceii  (Idiki  Ijy  <itlii;i-s  I'ully,  as  1  uiMliTsliiiicl,  mid 
(pailii'ularly  iiy  llic  tjciiuliir  iViiiii  .Siiiilli  (Jaruliiwi, 
wliimi  I  had  llii'  pleaMiriMi]  litar.  Hut  1  will  nay, 
that,  alilKiu;;li  ilii:  lliiiiiil  Slak's  have  im|iorlant 
ri^'hls  in  ics|j<;('t  In  ihr  lonitiiry  oC  Ori'L'nn,  and 
siirh  us  (iiiu'hl  lo  ill'  iiiaiiitainrd — ii  liilt-  ii|p  In  the 
4!)ih  |iainllil  nl'  laiiiiuir,  wliirh  cannot  and  nii'.Mit 
nut  111  111'  yii'lilid — our  title  lo  the  trlinlc  ii(  the 
Irrritory  in  not  lio  cleat-  and  indispiitalilc  as  to  make 
it  iiii|iro|ier,  iiicviicdunt,  or  di.slKiiinralilc  to  en- 
dcHHir  to  settle  tlie  dis|>iiti'd  lionndary  liy  anii- 
<*iilile  ne^;otiiilioii,  on  the  liaMis  of  ii  just  coniprn-  , 
iiiise,  coiisisieiii  w  iih  the  honor  and  the  intefesls  ' 
of  the  iiatiiin;  or,  if  all  snoli  i  Iforis  fiil,  to  refei-  the 
(|Ui'Slion  in  dis|in(e  lo  the  arliitninient  of  |>oi'soii8 
c.oni|ii'tent  and  disnojcd  lo  hear  patiently,  tut  ini- 
)iartially,  and  deeiile  jnslly.  After  what  lias  lieeii 
done  rtLrain  and  au'nin  hy  thin  Uoverinni  nt,  it  is 
]n'e)iosteriiu.s  to  ur:n'  that  we  eannol  hnnoralilv 
yield  any  |iart  of  the  lerriiory  from  the  laiitinle  of 
4i2  diV^'rc'es  to  that  of  ri4°  •)()'.  '  We  have  repeatedly 
offered  the  4!>tli  parallel  as  tlie  line  of  division. 
We  i;ave  lip  li>  lUiN.sia  wlial  we  cliiinied  lieyond 
.')4''  40'.  Wc  have  rciiealeilly  net'oliated  upon  tlie 
Ijasisof  a  eonipriiniise,  and  the  Exeiiilive  Adniiiiis- 
Cration  was  at  all  of  tiie.M'  periods  in  the  h:inds  of 
men  who  weic  neither  idiots  nor  Irailors;  men  of 
inlelliii'ence,  nf  probity,  of  learning,  of  tlic  purest 
;iiid  most  devoti'd  patriotism. 

We  have  treated  the  question  of  title  tn  the  vholc 
ns  an  open  fpiestion.  We  have  deemed  it  to  lie 
einisislent  with  our  nalional  honor,  as  well  as  oiir 
national  interests,  to  ivceive  niitl  pro[iosr  lenns  of 
Heitleinenl  hy  wliieli  each  parly  yielded  n  portion 
of  their  respectiM'  claims;  and  tliose  who  consider 
iheinsclves  wiser  than  the  seneratinns  which  have 
preceded  them,  inori'  liatriotie  in  ihcir  pnrpose.s, 
;ind  more  comiKlcnt  lo  form  correct  opinions  on 
the  ii;reat  snlijects  -.vliiih  take  hold  of  ilie  lionorand 
prosperity  oi'llie  country,  (if  miy  such  there  are,) 
fxhiliit  no  ureat  siiperainindance  either  of  modesty 
<n-  inlelli^ence.  I  ri  peat,  tlierefore,  that  to  com- 
promise, this  disputed  lionndary  ({iiestion  involves 
11(1  sacrifice  of  honor  or  interest.  Ho  ihonL^lit  the 
jjreat  men  and  patriots  ot' other  days;  and  it"  we  he- 
lieve  ourselves  to  he  wiser  than  tliey  were,  we  do 
no  crt.'dit  to  ourselves,  and  injiistice  to  them.  To 
insist,  also,  (ii.s  has  hecii  done,)  llnit  Great  liritain 
is  not  sincere  in  her  claim  to  certiiin  riiihts  in  Ore- 
!;oii,  that  she  makes  it  oiilv  with  the  view  of  oli- 
(aiiiint;  soniethin^  to  wliieli  she  knows  she  is  not 
entitled,  and  that  her  only  ohjecl  in  uriiiiiK  il  is  to 
<'urry  out  her  policy  of  asserting;  nnloiinded  pre- 
tensions to  the  posscssioiLs  of  other  nations,  in  llie 
liope  lliat  they  may  be  fri:;lileiied  or  coerced  into  a  > 
mirrender  of  a  portion  or  the  whole  of  them,  ex- 
liiliits  on  our  part  neither  wisdom  i.or  iliscn  lion. 
<Vir  prcilecessoi's,  who  had  all  the  murees  of  cor- 
rect informaiion  which  we  have,  a>  much  intelli- 
p  lice,  as  ardent  a  love  of  their  ci'Uniry,and  as 
iniiih  moral  conra'^eand  lirinness,  if  not  as  voeiliT- 
oiis  ill  exnrcssiny;  it,  were  not  disposed  to  attribiile 
witch  motives  as  have  lir-en  just  mentioiied  to  their 
coniinercial  rival.  Mr.  Rush,  who  was  enlriisled 
with  the  iici^oiiation  tonchin;;  the  ()rei;on  contro- 
versy in  lf^i!4,  in  his  me raiida  of  n  residence  at 

the  ('ourt  of  London,  ]inlilislicd  in  lH4.'i,  says  that 
ill  the  fust  stateineiit  by  him  of  the  views  of  the 
United  .States  in  re;;ard  to  tlie  northwest  coast, 
JVlr.  Caiinin'.^  **  iiitiiiiat.ed  that  onr  claim  seemed 
'  much  lipyond  aiiythins:  that  En^'land  had  antici- 
pated;" ilial  "  lie  obii'i'ti'il  stion^'ly  In  our  claim 


'  i;oini;  as  lii^h    iiorlh  as   lil'iy-o:M',  and  hoped  we 

*  would  not  ui'iie  it;"'  "  that  it  was  to  the  south  of 

*  this  line  that  Ihitain  had  her  dispute  with  Spain 
'  about  Xootlta  Sound.  J  low,  tberel'ore,  could  she 
'now  yield  this  point  lo  the  United  .^-itates :  It 
'  was  n  iini'stion  too  important  l*or  her  to  ;^ive  up. 
*Ile  a^ani  hoped  we  would  not  iiri':eit;"  that  in 
the  ne!;iitialioiis  wlii' It  then  tieik  |ilace  "it  will  be 
'  .seen  that  it  was  only  then  thai  the  two  conntries 
'  for  the  first  time  fully  opened  ihcmselvesto  each 

*  other  npou  this  iptestion  nf  territorial  limits." 

The  retiorl  of  Mr.  Itiisli  to  the  Secrilaiv  ."f 
Stale,  ilated  Aiiirusi  I'J,  ls-,i4,  on  the  siiliji , '  -'i'tlu^ 
nciiotiations  with  which  lie  had  been  eliari;ed,  con- 
tiiiiis  u  full  ivccuuiit  of  tliem,wiili  ccipie.i  of  the 


several  protocols  annexed.     In  some  nf  them  the 
claims  of  (ireat  liritain  are  distinctly  and  specifi- 
cally .set  forth,  and  tlndr  asserted  ri!;hts  to  ()rei;on 
insisted  on.     Their  I'lenipotcntiaries  say  that  they 
"  decline  the  proposal  made"  by  Mr.  Uusli,  "  be- 
'cnu.se  it  would   snbslHiitiallv  have   the  elfect  of 
'  limitint;  ''"'  claims  of  their  ttnvernment  to  n  de- 
'  uree  inconsislent,  as  they  thouirlit,  with  the  credit 
'  and    just  interests  of  lite  nation;"  that  in  their   ; 
proposal   "  tlicy  had  dejiiirlcd  considerably    from  ,j 
'tli.^  full  exlenf  of  the  liritish  rii;hl,  a'.;:recablv  lo 
'the  readiness  which  theyiiad  before  expressed  to  , 
'settle  the  northwest  boundary  on  '.;roniids  of  fair  ' 
'  comprninisc  and  iimtiial    accninmodation;"  that 
they  "  found    it  altoi^etlier    impossible    to   accede 
'either  In  the  proposal  of  the  United  States,  or  to 
'  lite  reasonini;  invoked  in  its  support;"  that  "  the 
'  boundary  line  marked  out    in  liieir  own  wriiten 
'  proposal  was  one  iVnni  which  the  i  iovernuK-nt  ot" 
'the  United  .States  must  not  expi      (ireat  liritain 
'to  depart."     And  .\lr.  Rush,  in  >  oniinentiii'i  on 
these  claims  mid  af'.'inneiiis,  uses    tlu^    lo|lowiif.i 
laiisunse,  the  spirit  of  which  maybe  well  imilaii'd 
by  many  of  the  orators  of  tin:  pie.senl  day.     "  Il 
'  will  be  seen"  (he  says)  "  how  wide  asunder  wvyc 
'  the  opinions,  ari;iiments,  and  expeelutions,"  of 
the  respective  rienipolenliaries;  "  thence  siiL'^est- 
'  ini;  to  each  the  wisdon;  ot'LrivinL!;  a  resjieetful  eoii- 
'  sidcration  to  each  other's  convii'tions:  for  I  can- 
'  not  pass  this  siibjcci  over   witiiout  saying'  llnit, 
'  lhoroit','lily  convinced  as  1  was,  and  have  ever 
'  remained,  nf  the  superiority  of  onr  title,  and  siiv- 
'  ceri'ly  as  I  strove  to  demonstrate  it,  I  believe  that 
'  the    liritish   Plenipntentiariis  were  as  sincerely 
'satisliid  that  theirs  wa.^  best  tn  as  iinic.h  as  thev 
'claimed.      Ilnw  could  tlie    I'lenipntentiary  of  a 
'  civili'/.ed  and  enli;;htened  nation  meet  fare  tn  fii'c 
'  in    discnssinii    the    rieiiipntenliarics   of    nnother 
'  ^n'eat   nation,  men  possessin::  and  deserviii!^  ihe 
'confidence   of  that    nation,  iiien   of  intcu:rity,  of 
'  irntli,  of  intelllsi  lice,  anil  day  by  day  witness  the 
'  earnest  endeavors  and  calm  yet  conlideiit  lone  willi 
'  which  thev  un:ed  what  they  believed  to  be  the 
'  ri^:lits  of  tiuit  nation;  how  could  he  impeach  and 
'  deny  the  sincerity  of  sncli  Flenipolentiaiies  with- 
'  nut  exposin;;  his  own  conduct  to  be  dealt  with  in 
'  the  same  way  ■     In  believiic.'',  therefore,  ihal  the 
'  liritish    Plenipotentiaries   spoke   sinceiely    what 
'they  thriin;lit,  and  acted  up  to  the    duty   wliii'h 
*  bound   them   tn   their  ennntry,   I    merely  render 
'  them  the  simple  justice  due  from  man  In  man, 
'and  most  esjieeiallv  due  I'rom  naiion  to  nation, 
'  wliere  dei  ided  dill'erences  of  npininn  exist;  else 
'  we  break  down  all  barrier.s  of  nintnal  respect  in  the 
'  World;  else  we  appeal  at  once  to  the  svvnril,  in- 
'  stead  nf  pausing  for  thnse  other  modes  nf  mijust- 
'  ment  which  the  wisdnin,  the  hunniniiy,  and  the 
'  policy  nf  civilized  mankind  in  all  aires  have  |ire- 
'  scribed."     I  have  read  these  extracts  lo  the  Sen- 
ale,  not  because  they  jiiove,  or  even  rondnce  to 
prove,  any  title  on  the  part  of  (jri'iil  liritain,  but 
to  evince  thai  the  (.Jovei'innent  of  that  country  eon- 
staiuly  ui't;i  d   tin  ir  claims,  and,  in  the  opinion  of 
disliniiuislieil  citizens  of  mir  own  country  compe- 
tent lo  jiidu;e,  with   sincei'iiy  and  in  i';iiod  fiitli.     I 
repeat,  thei-et'ore,  that   this  di.sputed  i|neslioii   of 
bnnndary  may  be  adjusted  by  enmpiomise,  witii- 
out any  violaiion  of  ilie  honor  or  the  patriotism  of 
the  constituled  aniliorilies  of  either  nation. 

I  am  aware,  Mr.  President,  that  tlio.se  who  are 
endi'avnriii',' tn  maintain  the  peaceful  relalimis  nf 
the  United  State.s  with  Great  lii'itain,  who  prel'er 
honorable  compromise,  or,  if  tlial  fail,  just  arbitra- 
ment of  onr  exisiiiiL'  diiliinliics,  ate  chai'^'ed  with 
beini  the  peace-parly,  iinii-.\niericaii,  disloyal, 
friends  of  our  adversaries  rather  than  of  onr  ov\ii 
connlry.  1  treat  all  such  repi'oaclies  with  the  con- 
tempt  they  deserve.  They  are  uiierly  unv.'nrlhy 
of  serious  iiolii-e.  True  patriniism  dnis  not  con- 
sist ill  mere  /ir';/('«ieiis- nl"  Inve  nl"  eounlry,  or  in 
aidin;;  to  force  a  nation  intn  unnecessary  war,  or 
in  atlemplH  In  excite  odium  aj:ainst  those  who  are 
favorable  to  the  preservation  of  piaee  on  bonoriibie 
terms,  .ml  ardent  in  their  wishes,  and  persevei  iii*i: 
in  their  ell'nrts  In  maintain  it;  and  thnse  who  are 
loudest  ill  their  professions  as  well  as  tlii-ir  deiniii- 
eiations  are  not  always  the  first  in  the  fii;lil  or  the 
last  to  leave  it.  I  shall  not  be  deterred  by  any  ap- 
prebensinu  nf  bein;:  aecnsed  of  a  want  if  proper 
American  leeliiiL',  from  endcavoriii','  to  prevent  a 
ruinnus  and  tinneeessnry  war,  by  a  resort  to  inens- 
■  urea  lo  sustain  iimieublo  reltuioiis  wliicli  shall  be 


alike  lionorablo.  and  rITective.  I  ntpiin  repent, 
therefore,  my  clear  eoiivietioii  that  n  settlement  of 
the  Orepiii  dispute,  on  the  linHis  of  a  just  eoiiipro- 
tnise,  by  amicable  iie!;otiatioii,  or,  (lis  1  .shall  here- 
afier  insist,)  if  that  fail,  hy  arbitration,  on  a.  basis 
not  ineompatililc  v^'ith  the  linnor  or  the  iutcrests  of 
the  United  States,  should  lie  made.  And  if,  in  eon- 
seqneiice  of  our  refusal  to  treat  in  one  or  both  of 
these  forms,  war  should  ensue,  all  its  unhappy 
results — the  ileslruetion  of  life  and  property,  the 
prostialion  of  all  busines;:,  the  paralysis  wliieli 
wo.'ld  take  hold  of  all  the  labor  of  the  coitnlry, 
the  ije.iend  bankruptcy,  the  immense  nittionul  delit 
which -.jnuld  beeon'riieted;  these,  and  all  the  other 
evils  which  Would  follow  in  the  train  of  war,  would 
rest  upon  those  who  contributed  to  produce  them; 
upon  that  Executive  and  his  advisers  who  should 
be  iiisiriniiental  in  causiii','  such  results;  and  an  iii- 
(liirnanl  iwople  would  rise  in  their  siren'.;lli,  and 
remove  tlieni  from  the  liitjh  pulilic  slatinns  whieli 
tliey  oeeiipy,  and  place  the  ndiniiiistratinn  nf  the 
Governmenl  in  the  hands  of  those  who  seek  the 
tliintrs  which  make  for  an  honorable  peaie.  I  do 
not  intend  to  take  any  slmre  in  such  re.sponsiliility, 
nor  would  the  Comnionwealtli  I  represent  uphold 
me  in  any  vote  which  should  uimeces.sarily  anil 
wantonly  hazard  the  neare  of  the  rountry,  while 
it  wonld  reipiire  that  1  should  maintain,  in  every 
lirnper  way,  our  natinnal  honor  and  rights,  whieli 
I  intend  lo'do,  steadily  and  resolutely,  according  lo 
my  ability. 

1  imprnvc  the  present  occasion  tn  say  tliat  1  Ijc- 
lieve  no  war  will  irnvv  onlof  this  disputed  Oregon 
bnundary  i)iieslioii,  unless  il  be  forced  upon  ns  by 
unwise  counsels,  il  is  not  my  purpose  lo  enter  at 
larire  upon  the  consideration  of  those  elements 
which  have  a  lefritimale  inlluenee  on  the  risiil  dc- 
lei'mination  of  this  (pieMtioii  of  peace  or  war. 
W  111  ther  our  amicable  reliitioiis  with  Great  lirilain 
are  to  eontinuc,  or  whether  an  appeal  to  arms  is  lo 
be  iiiailc  lo  settle  a  disputed  question  nf  bmiudnry, 
and  as  tn  a  territory  no  incou.siderable  portion  of 
which  (so  far  as  then'  is  a  dispute  ns  lo  the  ris;ht 
of  occupancv  or  jurisdiction)  it  is  wortliless  and 
useless  lo  lio'tli  parlies,  depends  on  events  yet  im- 
kiiowii  to  lis,  and  as  lo  which  no  one  can  safely 
predict  what  they  will  lie.  There  are  some  eir- 
ciiiiisiances  vyhicb  would  lead  to  the  hi  lief  that  an 
ninicable  arransemi'iit  may  not  be  made;  but  there 
are  olhera  full  nf  linpe  that  the  peace  nf  the  cnmitry 
iimv  be  mainiained  with  a  due  rei;ard  to  it.^  honor 
and  riiihis.  If  there  be  a  "  mind  lo  the  work;"  if 
the  two  Governments  will  net  in  a  spirit  of  cniidor 
nnd  inoderatinii;  if  they  will  use  nil  proper  means 
to  arranu'e  their  rlilVerences  amicably,  or,  if  Ihe'J 
cannot  iiL'tee,  will  then  submit  them  to  the  nward 
of  proper  ]iersniis;  if  the  country  is  not  lashed  into 
n  state  of  excitement,  and  a  war'fever  iirodueed  by 
advenlilinus  eircnmslances,  1  doubt  not  the  whole 
matter  may  be  disposed  nf  without  involviiiic  in 
war  two  irr'eat  ('lirisiian  nations, lmvin>r  the  slrniif;- 
est  possible  nimives  In  beat  peace  with  each  other, 
and  on  terms  wliii'h  will  not  tarnish  the  honor  iior 
eninpromil  the  ri^'his  of  either.  Such  is,  at  pres- 
ent, my  deliberale  ennviction.  Until  recenlly  1  had 
less  cxpi'ctaiion  than  I  now  have  of  a  satisfactory 
settlement  of  this  Oreu;on  matter.  I  do  not  pro- 
)iiise,  at  the  present  lime,  to  refer  very  particiilarly 
to  ihei'roitinls  on  which  this  opinion  rests.  They 
do  not,  however,  inoiecd  from  the  t'eneral  tone 
and  temper  manifested  in  the  public  press,  here 
or  in  Great  liriliiiu.  .\ewspH|ier  iiarimraplis  can 
always  be  made  and  suited  In  onlery  both  here  nnd 
there.  They  are  in  eeneral  very  Imrmless,  nnd 
;.'ive  no  aid  in  liirniiim-an  opinion  oil  such  a  mo- 
mentous (|iiestioii  as  lliat  which  now  remains  un- 
decided in  respect  lo  our  difterenees  with  Great 
liritain.  I  inefer  riilher  lo  look  at  and  consider 
ollicial  ilocumeiits  emanating:  from  tho.sc  who  have 
authority  lo  ad,  and  iVom  their  acts,  and  sonie- 
I  times  frlnii  their  silence;  and  when  1  read  in  the 
President's  .Message,  "  It  is  hoped  that  ill  this  eii- 
li"hieiieil  n'.;e  these  dill'erences  (with  Mexico  nnd 
Great  liritain)  may  he  amienlily  adjusted;"  when 
I  liiid,  in  the  jiublished  despatch  of  the  Secretary 
of  Stale  lo  the  British  Minister  accredited  here,  it 
is  said  "  the  President  still  cherishes  the  hope  that 
'  this  loiiu'-))eiidin!;  controversy  may  yet  he  finally 
'  adjusted  ill  sneli  a  manner  as  not  to  disturb  the 
'  peace  or  interrii]it  the  harmony  now  so  happily 
'  'snlisistins;  between  the  two  nations;"  when  I 
'   notice  tliut  the  President,  in  his  Annual  Message, 


n 


ijf. 


630 


29th  Cono 1st  Sesss. 


APPKNDIX  TO  TIIK  CONGRRSSIOIVAL  GI.OBE. 

The  Oregon  (^titnlion — !\lr,  Jhtntington, 


[April   13, 
Senate, 


recnniniPnds  no  mcanures  limrliiii?  llie  public  do-  I 
fciieos,  Imikin?  lo  ii  iilntf  i>f  win— lliiil  im  ^iiili 
reconinif  iiihitioi)  rnniniilrtl  fniiu  any  liriiil  cil"  lie- 
pnrtnuiil;  wlicii  1  liiid  llml  llii-  l'.\ri'iiti\c  li;is  .-mil- 
nniiiionied  nulliini;  i.i  us,  aiii'  e  liia  M(ssa.;c  iit  llm 
opciiins  of  llie  si'Jsiiin,  wliiili  ^llnt||cl  lead  fiin- 
prcsa  t"  liplievi'  llii\t  w.ir  wns  ii'ioKsunly  li>  lolUuv 
fi-oin  lliis  din|)iile  i\lm\U  Drrixoir,  win  ii  I  |icn(ivc 
llint  llie  riisiili'iil  dots  nut  iiciw  iidvisp  :uiy  iii- 
CRMSe  ot"  "iir  dcrciii'ca  |)ri'diiT\icd  n|iMii  ii  pniliulile 
will-;  when  ilr.'ii;  is  n.asim  tii  lioiir  tli.il  t'ontjicis 
will  di'-i'liar;,'e  lis  dutiiii  willi  iniiilenitniii  mid  win- 
doni,  it  spriiis  nlniosl  iiii|uis-iild<.'  in  n  nist  ihr  con- 
elusion  iIkU  tlioso  who  arc  tliari;i'il  willi  tli<"  iiiiiir- 
vision  and  nianaircinciil  of  our  fnrriu'ii  n  laiioii.i  do 
not  seiionsly  n(>pii'liriid  niiv  a|i|i(al  lo  arms  to  si  I- 
llo  lliic  r;'.'isti(iii  ofiiile  lo  laud  hryoiid  iln-  llocky 
Mounlnins,  ni<d  lljal,  in  vii  w  of  ail  lliise  liic;,s  and 
riniinislnncos.  llieio  is  no  nrccSHiiy  rnranlicipalins; 
any  iiurvrnplim  of  our  cxistin!^nmi''alili'  rrlaiions. 

I  am  ']i'.iii?  nwnre  ilial,  in  a  rficiU  commuiiirniinn 
from  ill-  Exccniivi-  it  appears  :lial  I'lic  awnm^  lo 
the  npptor.;-li  of  the  rrrtpeolive  pa-lios,  lo  a  |  I  I'l' 
where  ihey  could  arnini:!'  iIiIh  disputvil  iMnuidary, 
nfier  all  other  ni^an.'*  had  t'aih'd,  on  ■»  haf^is  linno.a- 
ble  to  liotli,  li-is  lic'ii  rinsrd,  so  f.ii-  1M  ih.Tl  i!'-;Mrl- 
ment  of  llu'  Govpinnimi  is  cimkii'mi  1.  'J  lit:  Sen- 
ator from  .Michijan,  spcakiii'^  liy  authority,  f-aid, 
some  weeks  since,  that  despatches  had  hrf-n  n- 
ceivpd  by  llip  last  Hleani^  r  from  Cireat  llrilain 
louchin£;"thisOr<;,'.m  mailfr;  ihal.if  he  knew  what 
they  were,  lie  niii;ht  not  ft  1 1  at  liberty  to  state 
them;  but  thai  he  uuder.slomi  they  were  of  a  char- 
acter which  did  not  make  it  less  neces-ary  for  us 
to  look  into  the  eoiulilion  of,  and  lo  increise,  our 
naval  and  military  defences;  in  otiiui'  words,  that 
they  did  not  ehanire  our  previously  existing  rela- 
tions with  her  on  this  subit^ct.  The  Senator  from 
Massachusetts,  having  heard  these  aiithoritalive 
declarations,  offered  a  resolution  calliiKf  for  infor- 
mation as  to  any  nei;i)liaiioii3  or  eoinmunicatiuns 
relaliuij  to  this  suhjerl  which  nuu'ht  ha\e  passed 
belween  the  two  Govermiaiiis  since  the  annual 
message  of  iho  I'residei  1.  'This  lenolutimi  was 
ndopleil,  and  a  reply  has  been  made  lo  il,  from 
which  it  appears  that  the  LJrilish  GovernnienI  has 
proposed  to  submit  the  dispute  lo  arbitralioi,  and 
that  the  President  has  returned  an  answer  that  he 
cannot  consent  to  a  reference  of  tliis  Orei:oii  ipiej- 
lion  to  arbitration,  in  any  form  which  can  be  de- 
vised, no  matter  what  may  be  ihe  chanicler  of  the 
arbitrator — wherlier  sovereign,  citizen,  or  subject. 
In  other  words,  he  declines  pereiuptorilv  any  sub- 
mission, in  any  tbrm,  at  any  time,  or  under  any 
circumstances,  to  any  nrl'iiratnr,  of  llie  dili'crences 
sul)si-''tin£j  between  the  United  JSiates  and  'Jrcal 
Britain  as  to  the  ri:.'his,  claiin.-i,  iir  liile,  of  the  re- 
spective parties  to  the  Dreion  territory,  or  any 
portion  of  it.  It  is  due  to  the  iui|inr;a'iice  of  the 
subject,  to  the  crM.^eipiences  whi'di  may  reyull  lo 
the  people  of  the  Uinied  States,  to  the  i  haracler  of 
the  country,  that  ihe  reasons  asvi^-iu'd  by  the  Pres- 
ident for  this  delerminalion  should  he  examined, 
their  sulTiciency  lesied,  their  soundne:-:.s  iri'.J;  ami 
this  I  propose  to  do  as  brii  dy  as  ihe  iiauire  and 
impoilancc  o*'  the  subject  will  .idmit. 

I  shall  not,  at  this  lime,  refer  very  particularly 
i->  the  welleslabhshcd  doclrine  of  ihe  law  of  na- 
tions, and  the  settled  practice  under  it,  that  when- 
ever ditTerences  of  the  character  of  these  which 
now  exist  between  the  L'nited  Stales  ami  (ireal 
Britain  cannot  be  settled  by  the  mutual  nrraiii^f.  ■ 
ment  of  the  parties,  it  is  (heir  duly  lo  submit  ilieni 
to  a  just  arbiiraiion,  iii-^lcad  of  resorliii^'  lo  fnrce 
for  their  seilleineni:  and  that  the  rel'u.-.il  of  ihc 
President  lo  concur  in  a  propnr-id  for  nrliiirameiit, 
for  the  reasons  staled  by  his  .Sccpiary,  is  n  it  only 
not  susiained,  but  is  in  ennllici  with  ihc  prmcipli  s 
of  naiional  law,  as  well  as  the  pi-acti.  rj  nf  our  own 
Government.  The  .Senator  from  Massachuselis 
referred  to  several  instances  in  the  history  of  our 
Government  of  such  nrbiivaiions,  and  pVopcs.iN 
fir  ihejn.  In  the  treaty  of  17114,  provi.-ion  is  made 
forsiuh  an  arbitration.  In  llie'ireuv  of  Giienl, 
articles  of  a  similar  nature  are  iiiserled.  Unriie.; 
the  administration  of  .Mr.  Van  Ihiien,  this  (iov- 
crnment  pni|io.«ed  to  rder  ihe  setllemeiii  of  ihe 
northeastern  boinidary  i|iiesiion  lo  arliitiamenl — 
to  adjust  that  dispute  by  a  rcl'erence — in  siibmil 
what  were  claimed  to  be  llie  "  territorial  riirhls" 
of  one  of  ihe  Siaus  of  llie  L'nion  lo  llie  decision 
of  un   arbitration,     lii    view  of  these  facts,   with 


what  profiriciy  enn  lli«  Scerelarv  insist  that  Ihe  : 
"  territorial  rlirhls  (if  ihis  nalioii  are  imt  n  proper 
subjeci  of  arbiiraiion,"  even  if  serioiislv  dispuleil  ? 
I'm  I  shall  not  pursue  fiirllier  ihis  in^iuiry  into  ihe 
law  of  natio.is  and  iheir  I'r.iciice,  and  e.spi'r-iMlIv 
that  of  our  own  country.  Mv  business  at  present 
is  wiih  the  re  is'uis  uru'ed  liy  the  Secretary  oPSiaie 
for  tW.  refusal;  In  analyze  ihini,  and  to'ascerlaiii 
whelhrr  lliev  luue  any  found, ilion  in  fici  nr  priii- 
eiple.  He  has,  iiiileeil,  very  sumnnrilv  cm  out 
one  cha|iler  of  ilu  law  of  nations  apolicable  to 
arbiiraiion.  Ihil  lei  ihni  pasc,  I  will  sunpose  i 
there  is  no  such  law,  and  briic:  the  rcusnns  of  ilic 
.Secretary  to  iho  test  of  a  fair  and  im]iartial  exami- 
naiion. 

The  .'"le.Tctary,  in  his  letter  lo  ihe  P.rilish  Minis- 
ter, dated  .laiuiarV  ,'l,  ol  jecis  i  ,  ihe  i.roptised  avbi- 
trali.in,  su<r„'esicd  in  the  crMumnii' "111011  of  ihe 
lalier,  on  Ihe  "[round  that  its  acceptance  would  im- 
ply, oil  the  nan  of  iliis  GovernnienI,  nil  iickiiow- 
l-di.'ment  of  ih-  riThl  of  Great  P.ril.iiii  lo  a  pari  of 
the  lerii'oi-y,  {which  is  denied  by  us,)  inasmuch 
as  ihe  propiis-il  is,  imt  to  s'lleuit  ihe  quesunn  of 
ii(/f,  but  merely  ihil  of  the  niutitinn  or  eiiuilahle 
divi.sion  of  Ihe'  leriilory.  The  Rrilis'i  Tiivov  ob- 
\ia!i  s  this  ol'iffiion,  as  he  suooo^ies,  by  conlinin;: 
siibslanii  I'lv  the  leferenc  in  the  nnesiion  of  liile, 
comiecicd,  however,  with  a  enndiiion,  "ilia',  if 
'  ueiilier  piny  should  be  found,  in  ihe  opinion  of 
'  the  arbilniior,  to  possess  a  coniplele  liile  to  ihe 
'  whole  lerrilory,  there  slionld,  in  that  rase,  be 
'  assi^'iied  lo  ea-li  llial  portion  of  lerrilorv  which 
'  would,  in  the  opinion  of  ihe  ai-Mlnitin'j  Power, 
'  be  calle.l  for  bv  a  just  aimreciation  of  the  resnect- 
'  ive  claims  nfeacli,"  Tliis  coi.r|ition  is  viewed 
by  t!ic  Secrelarv  of  Stale  as  imdmissible,  and 
forms  ihe  first  objeelio'i  to  the  nrbiinmeni,  in  his 
Hole  of  February  •).  I[e  ennsideis  it,  in  I'lcl,  as 
objpclionable  as  ihe  first  proonsiiioii,  and  not  con- 
liniii','  the  submission  to  ihe  rnalier  of  liile  onlv. 
[[e  says;  "  If  ihe  ITniicd  Stales  should  eonseni  lo 
'  it,  it  mi'rht,  and  )u-obably  would  be,  construed 
'  iiiio  an  inlimaiion,  if  not  a  ilireci  invilaliou  to  l!ie 
'  arbiiiatnr  lo  divine  llie  lerrilorv  between  the  p,it- 
'  lies."  It  IS  dillicnlt  to  jierreive  how  the  condi- 
tion, which  is  considered  o'ljeeiinnal.le,  isdetache.i 
from  the  simple  (|uestinii  of  title.  The  arbilniior, 
under  the  propose. I  submission,  is  to  consider  ihp 
(|ue  lion  of  the  I'onflictinir  lii'es  of  the  respective 
parlies.  If  the  liile  to  the  wdiole  lerrilorv  is  found 
to  be  ill  the  one  or  the  oilier,  the  awaril  is  lo  be 
made  acnrdini'ly;  but  if  neither  should  prove  title 
to  the  whole  lo  be  in  iisell",  then  each  should  have 
sueh  a  porlinn  as  the  arbiiralor  sl.n.ild  think  il  had 
proved  to  beliins  to  iisell".  This  is  what  is  to  be 
fairly  luidersrooil  by  llie  word.s  "such  pm-tion  lo 
'  be  asi'ioied  to  eaeh  as  woiihl  be  called  for  by  a  insi 
*  aiiprec.;atioii  of  ihe  respeclive  claims  of  each."' 
.'V  just  appreciation  could  only  be  made  bv  the 
procifs  as  to  the  title,  and  the  clainui  of  each  are 
the  titles  re,~'|ie.-iively  insisted  on  by  each.  The 
award  is  not  to  be  made  upon  the  mere  claims  rif 
liile,  but  by  the  evirh-nce  adduced  in  siip]iint  of 
iliem,  and  ihese  claims  of  liile  are  duly  appre- 
ciaied  when  a  di\isifm  uf  the  territory  is  luade  in 
;i.-.iir.l  nice  v.iih  the  title  as  pr.ived.  So  thai  the 
condition  annexed  is  dependant  upon  liie  invesii- 
U'alion  and  seitleiiieiil  of  the  title,  and,  after  nil.  is 
a  provi-'ion  for  s.ich  a  lu-rlition  of  the  ti  rriiorv 
("where  neither  proves  title  to  llii;  vliole)  as  such 
pariv  shall  have  proved  that  ii  owns. 

The  second  objection,  which  i-  rather  intimated 
than  iirsed,  is  "  ihc  iiilriiisic  difficulty  of  selectiii.j 
a  Miilible  arbitrator."  Bv  ihis  sic^esiion,  is  it 
lo  be  under.siood  ihal  the  President  does  not  lliiiik 
either  that  anv  friendly  Power,  or  a  mixed  com- 
mission, or  a  board  of  ci\iliins  and  iurisls,  (ouhl 
be  selecp'd  in*  conslituled  who  would  possess  the 
abilii  V,  the  disposition,  or  ihe  iiuparlialiiy  lo  seiih- 
the  disputed  qnesliou  of  liile  in  a  inaniier  which 
would  or  oujlit  10  be  aeeeplable  lo  the  rniled 
."^tiites  }  Il  seems  to  me  there  is  no  foundation  for 
any  ap|-.rehensicni  that,  from  this  cause,  llie  honor 
or  ri;:hls  of  the  coiinlry  would  be  sa.'rificed  or  im- 
[laired.  In  reirard  to  a  friendly  sovereign  nr  Gov- 
ernment, can  il  be  rinsonibly  supposed  that  no 
one  I  all  be  foniid  ill  ihe  world  who  has  inlelliL'eiiee 
,aiii|  honesty  sulU'-ient  to  hear  and  decide  impar- 
tially belween  11s  and  (ireal  Ih-ilnin-  ,'\re  all  llie 
Governinenis  Icnowii  to  us  s.i  cnrriit)t,  or  so  de- 
ijraded,  or  so  servile,  as  lo  he  iiiuler  lirilisli  inlhi- 
ciici  -      Who   can   say    mid    pro\e    this?      AVIial 


evidence  is  there  of  iho  existence  of  aueh  n  desra- 
(led  servitude  im  the  pirt  of  the  soven  iyna  of  all 
the  nalioiis  of  the  earlh?  I  know  il  is  quite  easy 
mid  eiuiimon  to  alleije  that  lliere  is  daie.'i  i  of  such 
an  inllnence;  but  «  hy  should  this  jealousy  be  eii- 
terlamel,  iinlcMs  iherc  be  .Nubsi.miial  ^'riMimls  for 
it  }  .And  «  hy  Nlionid  it  be  made  the  Ibiindaiion  of 
rejeciinu' a  proposal  for  siibmissioti  to  11  sowreijn 
Stale,  when  no  reasonable  evidence  exists  that  ila 
deeisimi  could  be  parlial  or  unjust  ■  Ihii  ihere  \3 
no  necessity,  under  the  proposed  oftir  of  aibiira- 
inent,  to  res  at  to  ernwiicd  heads  Ui  become  ariii- 
tnitm-n.  The  cniilrover.sv  can  be  decided  by  iiidi- 
vidiinlsof  kiioHii  characler  and  reputation— men 
ilisiiir.'iushed  for  probiiy  and  abilily— men  willing 
In  hear  palienllv,  and  decide  iinpiinially.  Surely 
«n.h  prr-;oiis  can  be  round,  and  no  feeliin;  of  na- 
li.iiKil  pride  can  be  wounded,  and  no  n.iiional  inter- 
est can  be  hazarded,  hy  submiltiu?  to  such  ail 
umoiraL^e. 

The  third  o'ljection  slated  hy  the  Secrelnry  of 
S:aie  is,  thai  the  Presidcni  does  n 't  believe  "  the 
teirilorial  ri  ihis  of  this  iiaiinii  to  be  a  proper  sub- 
ject for  arbiiraiion."  The  answer  to  ihis  objee- 
ti.in  is  quile  obvious.  The  submission  is  not  10  he 
of  an  acknowledred,  clear,  undisputed  ri;.'hl  of  ler- 
rilory in  1  ilher  party  to  ibe  vhnk  lerrilorv,  but  in 
10  be  made  for  ihe  jiurpose  of  deienninint;  what 
are  the  lerrilorial  ri;;lils  of  each.  It  is  a  lUieslion 
ofdispnlcd  boundary  that  is  to  be  sPttled,  not  11 
mailer  of  ncknowlcdtred  ri;lit.  The  divid.ii'^:  liiia 
bi 'ween  ihe  adj.iinine:  |iroprielnrs  which  is  in  dis- 
piile,  and  as  In  wliii  h  the  parlies  cannot  ai;ree,  is 
to  be  ascerlained  and  definilively  seitled  by  ndis- 
inleresicil,  comnctciii.and  iinoartial  Iribui.al.  The 
Srci-elarv  admits  thai,  under  peculiar  circnm- 
stanees,'if  the  inlerrsis  at  slake  are  cnmparmivcly 
s-niall,  and  if  both  panics  slaiid  upon  an  equal  fioi- 
in<r,  lliere  nii^'hi  be  no  insuperable  objection  lo  an 
arbiiraiion,  This  yieWs  the  whole  aranmcntjire- 
vioiisly  slated,  that  ihe  lerrilorial  rn;hl3  of  the 
I^'niled  Slates  are  not  a  proper  subject  for  arbiira- 
iion: for,  if  this  be  true,  no  eiretmisiances  of 
equality,  or  of  ihe  .smiill  impnnancc  of  the  mailer 
in  disiiule,  would  justify  a  resort  to  arbitration. 
If  this  naliiui  eanliot,  with  n  due  reirard  to  its 
honor,  consent  to  have  its  lerrilorial  rijliis  sub- 
jected to  Ihe  exatninalion  and  decision  of  any  one, 
because,  in  llie  lau;:iia;re  of  ihe  Secretary,  "  ihey 
are  not  a  proper  subject  for  arbiiraiion,"  it  iieres- 
sarily  fellows  that  they  caiinoi, under  any  circum- 
stances, he  submitled  to  a  rererence,  even  if  "  the 
iiiiercsis  at  slake  be  comparalively  small,  and  il" 
leith  the  parties  siand  t'oon  an  eipial  (ooiiiii';." 
The  objection  :;!aled  ■;  ■  ■  .ut  of  ilie  iiilrinsic  na- 
Hire  nf  the  subject  ilself.  li  cannot  be  referred, 
for  the  simple  rensoii  that  it  is  a  territorial  .ri^'hl, 
and  il  is  ,5iic/i  a  riuht  "delached  fiinn  every  other 
consideralion,"  and  iiide|ieiident  of  the  eircum- 
siances  of  value  or  equalily.  Ihii  when  it  is  once 
adiniited  (iis  the  Secrelary'does  iidmit)  iliat, under 
peculiar  ciiviimslances — such  as  the  small  value 
of  the  disputed  tenitory,  or  the  perfect  eipialily 
of  ihe  parlies  in  resiieet  to  it — "there  miirlit  be 
no  insuperable  nbjccii(m"  to  an  arliiiration,  the 
L'rOMiid  assiiined  iliat,  bein^  a  ri'/ht  to  tenitory, 
it  cannot  iherefore  be  snl>milted,  ;it  once  fails, 
and  Ihe  objeciion  to  arbiirameni,  rtslinu'  on  ihis 
foundation,  cannot  be  maintained.  It  is,  how- 
ever, insi.sied  by  ihe  Secretary,  that  ihe  Uniicd 
Stales  caniiol  "adopt  any  measure  which  should 
'  wiihdraiv  her  liile  from  Ihe  eonlrol  of  her  Gov- 
'  ernnieni  and  people,  and  place  it  within  the  dia- 
'  crelioii  of  any  arbiiralor,  no  mailer  how  inlel- 
'  lii;pnl  and  resjieeiabli',"  because  llie  exientof  the 
territory  in  dispnic  embr.accs  nearly  thirteen  de- 
•rrees  (if  lalilnde,  siiflieidit  lo  consiiiuie  sevcaal 
powerful  and  pinspefais  .States  of  thel^nion;  ig 
e.niliu'aoiis  10  the  acknowledu'ed  lerrilory  of  the 
C'lited  .Stales,  and  deslinetl  Pi  be  peopled  by  (uir 
ciiizeiis;  is  the  avenue  lliroufjh  wdiicli  the  com- 
men-e  of  the  wesUrn  Suites  may  be  projliably 
condueled  willi  Asia  and  ihe  wesp  rn  coasts  of  this 
contineni;  and  ils  porls  the  only  harbors  belon;;- 
inu'  to  the  Uniled  Stales  10  which  our  niimeroii.s 
w  balers  and  oilier  vessels  in  that  reffion  can  resort, 
and  yel  nol  coulainini:  a  simple  safi;  and  commo- 
dious harbor  from  iis  soulhern  extii  inily  iinlil  the 
f.n-ly-niiiih  parallel  of  laliliide  is  approached;  that 
the  President,  helievin';  our  lille  lo  be  tln^  best  in 
existence  lo  Ihe  whole  lerritm-y,  cannot  conseni  lo 
jeopard  for  his  country  all  the  yrtut  interests  in- 


1816.] 


'29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  TIIK  CO\fJllESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Oregon  ^ueation — Mr.  JluiUington, 


631 


Sknate. 


vnlvril,  tutil  hy  nny  jiosHiliilityt  lutwcM-r  tt'iiifitr, 
(lt'{>i'i\>i  tliL'  Iti'iMililii',  ofiill  tlii^ciMxl  liiirlicirsoii  llic 
enlist  liy  I'l'l'cnlii^  (Ik^  i|iii'siliiii  ii,  .irliilivilliiii;  tliiit 
till'  ilis{iiileil  tci'i'il'iry  m  iiiUiir('i|iiiil  iir  iirarly  i:(|iiiil 
Millie  til  llic  trtii  I'liwer.i,  liiMiii;  iiiviilimlili'  to  llio 
tfiiili.il  Sliili'N,  mill  III'  riiiii|iiiniiivily  Niniill  iiii|iiirt- 
iiiii'r  til  CiiTiii  Kriluiir,  niiil  lliMl  llii:  jriiiii  lii  tiin 
jiilii'i-  sill!  wuiilil  iii'vi  r  si'iisililv  iVi-l,  wliilsl  the  Iokh 
to  ii.s  wiHilil  III'  in'i'|i;ir:ili|r.  'I'll  III!  this  rc.isiining 
iijtaliist  III!  aiiili'iilili'  n  li'iiiiri'  there  lire  severiil  oli- 
viiiiiH  iiiisweiH.  One  is,  ihal  in  iihiinsi  every  eiiNe 
iiriirliilriiliiin  eiii'li  |iiiriy  I'liimiders  ihe  nmlter  in 
(llsmite  111  l>e  must  iiiipni'itint  anil  viihiiilile  In  ilHcll', 
anil  shiiuhl  llmt  he  deeineil  a  millieii  nt  leuNiiii  for 
ilei'liiiin;:  sinli  n  inmle  nl'  KetllenienI,  there  would 
Hi'Iiloiu  iTever  he  nny  ariiitriiliiin.  Aiitttlie'-iuiNwer 
is,  Ihiii,  nhliiiii!;h  (ireni  ririiiiin  diiif  lint  elaim  the 
lerrliniy  In  he  oC  ihi:  siinie  viilne  In  her  lis  tn  ihe 
f'niied  .SlalcH,  on  ai'i'iiiiiit  ot'  the  oIijci'Ih  sfiei'ified 
hy  ihe  .Seereinry  nt'  Stale,  yet  she  Inis  alwnyM  in- 
^isll'd,  and  imw  iii>isif<,  llnil  Cnr  oihcr  reiisoiis  it  is 
of  Clonal  viiliie  In  her,  and  on  llint  neeniiiii  she 
eliiiiiiN  ilmt  she  in,  in  ri  .s|iec't  In  the  value  and  im- 
|inriiini'e  ol'  the  dis|mieil  lerriinry  In  her,  nil  an 
ei|iial  I'lintini;  with  the  United  Slates.  lint  ihe  final 
(iiisHer  to  lliis  iiliiei'iinii  is,  ihiit  it  iissiinieN  our 
liL'ht  to  the  ii'/iii/r  lerrilory  In  he  elearand  undniilit- 
eil,  and,  nn  thai  aeeoiint,  that  the  (|neslinn  of  lille, 
not  heine  an  0|i' n  f|iiestinn,  mi'.;lit  iinl  In  he  siih- 
milled  to  an  nrliitriiinr,  alihiHi','h  it  is  knnwn  thai 
this  ris;lit  is  eniuesied,  is  in  disntile,  and  this  (|nes- 
tion  ol' lille  is  siill  iiiidi'ierniiiied. 

A  rmirtli  ohjiciinii  is,  that  Ihe  territory  is  niirs, 
(lint  we  have  the  hesi  title  In  it,  and  therefnrc  there 
is  iinihiii!;  to  sulmiil  to  arhitratinn.  It  is  not  sn 
Ktaled  ill  terms  hy  the  .Seo.retary  of  State,  hut  sneh 
is  the  eoiiehisii'ii  In  lip  drawn  t'roiu  Ihe  eniirse  nl" 
reasnninir  aiM  lainruairc  used  hv  him.  In  other 
wnrds,  llien,  it  is  insisted  that  our  riffht  to  tlie 
whole  li'rritory  is  so  elcar  thai  we  oiislit  not  to 
siihmit  it  to  any  relerenee  wliiilover.  This  is  some- 
what ol'a  novel  arirnmciit  when  the  course  ol'  this 
Giivernnicntu.i  to  this  mailer  is  rememhcred.  Are 
our  ri^hls  any  heller  .suslained  nr.w  than  ihey  were 
nearly  ihirtv  years  airo.'  Has  anylhini;  triinspireil 
sini'e'tn  aih(  tn  iheslrenslh  ot'onr'title  r  Noihinir, 
linthin;;.  It'  we  have  a  clear  title  now,  sn  we  had 
a  qur  icr  ol'a  century  a?,'o;  and  yet  what  have  we 
dniie  .'  Have  we  treated  it  as  a  fierliict  undniihled 
tiller  Have  we  always  iiiaiiitained,  and  acted 
aecnrdinsjly,  lliat  Circal  liritjim  had  nn  riijlits  in 
Oregon?  It  is  iint  my  purpose,  (as  1  jiavc  hefore 
said,)  in  Ihe  dehale  on  this  hill,  to  enter  nt  larire 
upon  Ihc  cnnsideration  of  the  siihjcel  of  ihe  lille  tn 
Oregon.  That  lias  alri'iidy  heeii  done,  allhnnirli  I 
think  it  more  prnpcrly  helnii'^s  loanolhcr  oi  casion 
viiicli  may  present  itself.  Hut  it  is  proper,  in  this 
place,  to  repeat  that  onr  action  lierelnfore  has  ))ro- 
ceeded  on  the  hasis  that  there  was  no  nhsolutc  cer- 
tainty that  our  tide  to  the  whole  of  Oregnn  was  so 
complele,  so  perfect,  that  it  was  our  duty  never  tn 
vield  any  part  of  it.  If  nn  niher  natii'm  hut  the 
t'niteil  Stales  has  any  lille,  why  did  weaL'ree  tn 
the  coiiventinn  of  1^18,  and  its  renewal  in  jH'J7  = 
Why  did  we  consent  thai  Greal  IJrilain  should 
occupy,  with  ihe  same  frecdniu  as  ourselves,  un- 
sellleil  lerrilory  in  those  far-distant  leL'ion.'i  of  the 
west-  Why  did  we  repeatedly  offer  the  4!)lh  par- 
allel as  the  honiidary.  yieldint;  all  north  of  ii  ? 
And  why  did  the  present  Executive  suhstanlially 
renew  the  same  oll'er  ?  Did  not  all  these  measures 
indicaie  that  we  wi'ie  willinu'  to  cnminomise  the 
inaiter  of  a  dispiiled  hoimdary,  and  that  ourriirhls 
were  not  so  olivious  as  In  preclude  such  a  cniupro- 
mise-  .\iid  yei  we  are  now  tnld  tlnii  niir  lille  tn 
every  pari  nPOrci,'on  is  sn  incnntroverlihle  that  we 
oni,'ht  lint,  wliellur  reiraid  he  had  In  our  honor  or 
our  inlere.si,  to  siihmii  it  In  arhilraiiiciit.  In  Ihe 
laniruii;;!'  nf  .\Ir.  (_iall.uiii,  il  may  he  re|ilied  that 
"  neiilicr  nf  the  two  I'nweis  has  any  iiklisputahle 
'  ri^'lit  to  the  whole  cnnicsteil  territory;  thai  each 
'  may  recede  frnm  lis  extreme  pretensions  without 
'  impairiiiir  iiminiial  honor  or  woimdins  iiaiional 
*  pride*,  and  llial  ihe  way  is  therefore  still  open  t'or 
*a  renewal  of  nciioliaiiniis.'' 

Il  is,  iherefore,  .Mr.  President,  with  prot'ound 
re:;ret  that  I  learn  this  dettrmination  of  the  Kxec- 
iitive  not  tn  siihinit  this  dispute  as  tn  any  part  of 
()rei;on  to  a  fair  aiul  just  ariiiirament  under  any 
circunisiances  whatever.  It  is  one  nf  tlie  most 
hnnnrahle  and  sure  modes  of  ohlainine;  a  peaceful, 
and  at  the  same  time  equita'de,  adjustment  of  the 


eoiilrnversy,  in  the  last  resort,  mid  when  the  par- 
ties cannol  ai^reo  upon  a  seiilemeni.  And  that 
Adniinistralinii  which  sitoiild,  afier  nil  means  hy 
Mcifii/iiif/oii  were  found  to  he  fruilless,  pliin:;e  the 
coiinlry  iiilo  a  war  willmiii  assintiu'j;  In  ii  proper 
arhilraiuenl,  wniild  incur  a  respnnsiliility  In  the 
penple  which  they  could  iiol  meet. 

Nolwilhslanilinir,  however,  this  inauspicious  de- 
le iiiiiiiilinii  of  ilii-  I'residenl  to  reject  the  proposal 
I'nr  ariiiirament,  now  iiiiil  in  all  I'liliire  lime,  I  feel 
a  nood  de);rce  nf  cnnfulence  thai  peace,  an  lionor- 
alile  peace,  will  yl  he  maiiiiainid,  mid  the  pros- 
perity of  the  coii'ntrv  he  cnnliinied.  If  the  I'.xec- 
ulive  should  slill  adhere  In  his  pri  scut  opinicn  as 
In  the  inexpediency  of  arhiiralion,  in  relation  to 
any  |)nrlioii  of  ihe  dispiiled  tcrrilorv,  as  the  la.vt 
peaceful  alleriialive,  I  triisl  thai  the  Senate,  aclin:'; 
111  the  exercise  of  its  excciiive  I'linciious,  or  Con- 
t'ress,  in  l)ie  performiince  of  ils  le^islalive  duties, 
will  declare  ils  opinion  in  rclalion  to  iliis  matter — 
will  express  llieir  \ie\v  s  as  In  what  the  ptstple  of 
the  coiiniry  wish,  mid  whiil  Ihey  i  xpcct  in  rci'-iird 
to  ihis  snhjcci,  and  that  their  resniuliniis  will  have 
iheir  lc!,'iliiiiale  and  prnper  eO'ect.  I  am  yet  unwil- 
lin!r  In  helieve  iliat  the  Adminislralinn  considers  ihe 
title  In  the  ic/iii/f  nfdre^nii  sn  clear,  after  liaviiur, 
hy  itself  and  il.<  preilcci  .'^sms.  repcntedly  nll'ered  to 
conipromise  iukI  adjust  the  dis|iiile  hy  yieldiiii;  a 
pari,  as  to  refuse  lo  siihmil  the  (inestinii  ot"  lille  to 
a  |iorlioii  nf  il.  iil'ler  all  niher  peaceful  means  have 
failed,  lo  iinparlial  and  coiu)>etenl  persons.  On  the 
conlrary,  I  feel  slroii^' cniilideiice  thiit,U'|ioii  more 
inature  deliheratiiin,  and  especially  if  suslained  hy 
the  opinion  of  one  or  hntli  hraticlies  of  fonirress, 
the  President  will  recon.>iitcr  liis(ielci'iiiiiiaiion,and 
lliat  this  Inii'j-existinj  coiitrnversy  may  ho  seliled, 
if  necessary  hy  ihe  failure  of  other  means,  hy  Ihe 
peaceful,  the  honnralile,  ihe  just  mode  of  arhiira- 
lion. 

lint  it  is  In  he  hoped,  mid  it  is  helieved,  that  ne- 
gotiaiions  will  liereaHer  he  resumed,  and  tlie  dis- 
pute he  sclilid  hv  nei;oiialinii.  The  respective 
parties  may,  and  I  helieve  will,  yet  meet  and  com- 
|iroiiiise  on  a  salisfaciory  hasis.  The  President 
rcu'i'els  "that  all  attempts  lo  settle  theOrciron  ques. 
lion  have  hiiherlo  failed."  He  slill  "cherishes  the 
hope  that  this  Iniij-pendiu'j:  controversy  may  yet 
hn  finally  adjusted."  Me  desires  "that  the  pres- 
ent conlroversy  may  he  amichhly  adjusted."  The 
feverish  war  excileiiicnt,  so  nhvious  a  t\'\v  weeks 
au'o  in  some  parls  nf  the  cnimtry,  lias  received  nn 
additional  elemi'iit  tn  increase  il.  The  snher  second 
ilioiiirhls  ot'  ihe  people  are  he^iimiii:^  lo  manifest 
themselves.  The  denias-0'.;ue.s — the  men  who  live 
upon  the  earniiiL's  of  ollicrs,  and  those  who  love 
strife  and  cnntentinn,  are  vet  in  a  minority.  The 
majfirity  of  the  ]icople  nf  the  United  Slates  helieve  ' 
that  |)eace,  nn  prni'cr  terms,  can  he  mainlained;  i 
and  tliev  expect  ihat  it  will  he.  Tlieir  ex|iecta-  ' 
lions  will  he  realized,  and  those  who  are  indulL'inu:  j 
the  hope  that  war  may  ensue,  lo  «et  oth,  e  or  con- 
iracts,  without  defraying  .'Uiy  part  nf  the  exnenses 
of  the  war,  or  takiiij  any  share  in  the  fiLihlinn; 
which  would  accompanv  it,  will  he  sadly  disap- 
pointed. The  honor  of  ihe  coiinlry  w'ill  he  pre- 
served, its  hiisiiiess  conlimied,  ils  prosperity  prn- 
i!;ress,  ils  hihor  he  em]iloyeil  and  adequately  reward- 
ed, the  lives  and  properly  of  ils  citizens  he  preserved, 
and  a  slate  of  peace,  so  coniienialloour  insiitntions, 
so  impnriant  in  our  prosperity,  so  much  desired  hy 
our  citizens,  will  he  continued  nn  honorahle  terms; 
and  on  nn  other  would  it  he  desirahle,  or  should  it 
he  desired. 

Ahlinii^li  I  am  firmly  imin-esscd  with  thchelief 
that  our  cmitroversy  with  Great  I'rilain  loiicliiii2; 
Oreu^nn  will  he  arranged  in  some  form  satisfactory 
and  credi'ahle  to  hnlh  nations,  1  will  v:ive  my  sup- 
port If)  all  reasnnahle  and  i"iroper  measures  for  in- 
crcasinic  the  naval  and  military  defences  of  the 
counlry.  I  will  unile  in  makimr  apprnprialious  for 
these ohjccis  in  a  liheral,  liiil  not  exlravaj^ant  nian- 
lier.  Tlie  polilical  parly  with  which  I  am  con- 
nected has  ever  advocaied  ihe  sound  docirine  that 
"  to  inaintaiu  peace  we  should  he  prepared  for 
war."  1  would  not,  looking  tn  a  peace  eslahlish- 
ment  merely,  increase  to  a  very  larsre  amount,  in  n 
siiifr/p  tjtar,  ilie  npprnprialions  for  the  army  or  the 
navv.  Hut  I  would  make  liheral  additions  to  them, 
and  Willi  reference  to  a  slate  of  continued  peace, 
hut  not  so  extravasant  as  to  render  either  hranch 
of  the  service  unpopular,  and  curtail  ils  efficiency 
hereatler  by  stinted  appropriations. 


I  will  add  thai,  when  war  comes,  (if  il  should,) 
In  resisl  demands  which  cannot  ami  oiii;lii  not  to 
he  snhniilled  to,  or  proccedini;  from  what  I  iniijht 
consider  rash  and  preciiiitale  or  unwise  coiinseln, 
I  shall  he  found  on  ihe  side  of  my  coiinlry,  and  iini- 
tini^  Willi  inillinns  nf  my  counlrymen  in  siipporliiiir 
her  ii'.,'aiiist  any  and  every  fnreii;n  foe.  The  Stale 
which  I  represent — which,  during;  the  war  of  the. 
Kevohiiion,  furnished  more  than  thirty  thousand 
men  to  make  e.  part  of  the  Continenial  army,  and 
in  this  respect  was  equalled  hy  no  Stale  except 
.Massachusi  lis — which  supplied  nmru  prnvisinn.s 
and  cloihir.cr  for  the  army,  in  quantily  and  value, 
than  any  oilier  Slate  in  prnpnrtion  lo  ils  iio|iiila- 
tion — which  made  larire  advances  in  money  for  the 
common  defence  and  to  procure  our  iiidependence — 
which  sulfered  in  lis  privalinns  and  sacrilices,  and 
perfiirmcd  impnrlaiil  duties  and  ,scr\  ices  tn  an  cx- 
lenl  at  least  i'(|ual  lo  those  of  any  other  Suite — re- 
laii.)  in  full  viijor  the  spirit  ol  the  days  of  the 
Uevolulion,  and  will  he  found  at  all  limes  ready  M 
sustain  Ihe  honor  and  ri'.;lils  of  the  Union  of  which 
she  is  a  )iarl. 

I  shall  now  trespass  on  llie  indiilirence  of  the  Sen- 
ate while  I  eonsiiler  hrielly  this  question  of  notice 
as  presented  hv  the  resolutions  lieforc  us.  In  my 
jud'.'nieiil  il  would  he  ninsi  expedient  to  defer  any 
detiiiitive  aiiioii  on  this  siihject  to  a  future  period 
nf  the  session.  There  does  not  seem  tn  he  any 
pressing  necessity  I'nr  an  immediate  vnte  upon  any 
of  Ihe  propositions  for  irivins  notice;  and  hefore 
many  weeks  or  luonilis  shall  have  passed  away, 
hefore  onr  adjniirnment,  events  mav  transpire  ren- 
ileriii','  any  ai'lion  unnecessary.  We  lose  nothinij 
hv  di  la^'.  r>y  postpnnemenl,  we  avoid  even  the 
suspi'inn  that  we  intend  the  notice  as  a  threat  to 
produce  Hirers  of  settlement,  or  as  a  rod  wiih  which 
we  mean  hereafter  lo  chastise  Great  lirilain  unless 
she  vields  lo  nur  claim,  lint  as  it  is  quite  nhvious 
ihat'f'nii'^'ress  will  iinw  cive  the  notice  in  some 
form,  1  shall  prohahly  vote  for  giviiis;  it  with  qiial- 
ificalions.  I  cannnt,  however,  vnte  for  theameiid- 
meiil  suhinilted  hy  the  committee,  iior  for  the  res- 
olutions pa.ssed  hy  the  House  of  liepresenlatiyes, 
for  several  i-easoii.s,somc  of  which  I  will  mention. 

I  do  not  propose  lo  discuss  the  question  whether 
it  is  competent  for  Coiirji'fS.s-  to  !_'ive  the  notice  pro- 
vided for  hy  the  convention .-  Much  may  he  iir!;ed 
a!;aiiist  its  eonstilntional  power  tn  act  at  all  in  the 
iiialter.  1  am  not  aware  lliat  any  prccedenls  in 
liie  history  of  our  Gnvernment  are  tn  he  found. 
.\iino  have  fallen  under  my  notice.  There  is  no 
express  |irovision  in  the  C'onslitiilion  on  the  suh- 
jecl.  It  is  insisted  lliat  the  sole  power  is  in  Con- 
'.-ress,  hecaiise  il  alone  can  declare  war,  which  this 
nnlire.  Ini  cnnvqiinirr,  may  produce;  and  hecau.se 
it  is  ihc'  I'onstiniled  at'enl  lo  act  for  the  (Jniied 
Slates,  and  to  express  the  views  of  her  (leople  upon 
such  a  matter,  where  the  Constilution  has  provided 
no  other.  To  litis  it  may  he  replied,  that  the  Exe- 
cutive alone,  or  the  President  and  Senate  may,  hy 
the  provisions  of  the  Consiiluiion,  do  acts  which 
will  terminate  in  war;  and  yet  their  authority  to 
perform  them  is  tint,  on  thai  account,  the  less 
ohvious.  The  power  "to  declare  war,"  and  the 
power  to  perform  certain  functions  under  the  C'oii- 
stilution  which  when  excciued  may  produce  war, 
are  dislinct  powers.  A  treaty  stipulation,  if  not 
performed,  mav  cause  war,  hu't  ihe  refusal  to  per- 
I'orm  it  is  not  a'declaraii'ii  of  war.  Giving'  notice 
in  piii-Mianee  of  the  |iiovisiniis  of  the  eonvention 
may  end  in  war,  hnl  il  is,  in  no  le';iliinaie  sense,  R 
declaralion  of  war.  The  su,<r2;estinn  tlmt  Congress 
has  power  to  !;ive  ihe  notice,  hecause  il  is  the  ap- 
propriate accent  for  thai  purpose,  is  of  itself  no 
iirgvimiit  in  favor  of  the  power.  It  lakes  for 
granted,  and  assumes  the  very  (pU'Slion  in  dispute. 
Bv  Ihe  lerms  of  the  conveniion  the  notice  may  he 
■.'iven  liy  either  "of  the  conliactins  parlies,"  who 
are  the'  United  Siaies  and  Greal  Britain,  acting 
from  iiecessiiv,  hy  properl/  constituled  agents. 
There  is  certainly  miah  foi-ce  in  the  argument 
that  the  same  a'ulhorily  which  creates  should 
dissolve  the  ohligalion,  where  neither  the  Coiisii- 
tiition  nor  the  laws  of  the  nation  have  expressly, 
or  hy  implicaiion,  designnled  the  aeent  or  agents 
bv  whom  it  should  he  dissolved.  It  would  seem 
qiiile  proper  that  the  agents  who  make  the  com- 
pact, should  put  an  end  to  it  conformably  to  ils 
terms.  'The  notice  is  a  constituent  part 'of  the 
convcntiim,  and  giving  i'  iii»y  be  considered  per- 
haps as  a  contimious  act  necessary  to  carry  out 


i'':[\ 


kM3 


5i!>rii  Co.Nti...,lsT  Skss. 


Ai'PKiMJlX  TO  THK  t;(JNUUESSIONAL  GLOBi;. 

The  Oregon  (^uutimi — Mr.  Huntington. 


|A|.iil  Ui, 

Sl'.NATK. 


nil  iln  prpvinioiio.    I  pxproM  no  opininn,  hiiwcvcr, 

nil  lliiw  piiini,  it  heiii^'  in  my  jiiil:;miMit  iiiiiircrM- 
Kttry,  mill  I  icCi-r  In  ih''  t'olliiwiiii;  cxinirl  liMni  llic 
ri|Mirl  (if  I  lie  iniimnly  ul'n  rniiiiiiiin  f  nt'llii-  Uihihc 
(it*  UcprcHriitativtM,  nn  i-milniniiiu'  tin-  suIihIuih'c  nf 

llir  l\l-L'lllllrlll  lI'MIIISl  llll'  CSiri'lnl'  (lI'lIlM  poWLT  liy 
(  'iilllilt'as; 

"  'I'tio  tl'iiHi'  Iiiiil  nil  fi-ji-iir>  in  fin  I  iriimtKui  nl'  lliiri  <  on- 
vmdiiii  uiiii  r,iii!lii:itt.  II  {*  M  iiiMU  Willi  It  tiiri  imi  (•iit- 
»Miiiiii'ii1,  liKil  w  (M  nuwli.'  |ir  ilM'rh  ,  iiiiil  liiill  ruiiUI  iinl>  lin 
lii:i.lr  hi   lllr  I'nuiiU'nl  UMll  1.11    ."^    null'.     Thi' /iiinrliuM  li:  Cllll 

Hnu^t"  will  iif.iT  uivrti  to  If,  nil'  was  t'li-  iin'.'.-hiirv  lin  iu 
liili  ii'!il  r(iiii|ili  I.'  1  It'll.  'I'll  r'  iiri'  Inn  mini  ■»  h.,'  itlili'li 
|iii>  In-aly  III  i\  In' fiTiiiiniit 'il:  rh>l,  liv  :i  ili'i  liiiiitiiin  lit  war; 
iri  ■Jliillj.  liy  ijiviim  llll'  l|ii;il'i'  nl"  Iwi-U-  llll  nil  II-,  nrnirdniK 
I'l  111*  >li|iill.ilii>ii.  'Ill  till-  lil>l  liiiiili',  liic  rniiruiK-iii-i-  111  tlin 
lliiilic  umil'l  hi' II  in'i'rs-.lry  (■nii-tilni'lil :  anil  H'ltic  I'r.  mI- 
ili'llt  hll'l  ili'i'iiiril  llial  tlii>  lii'-l.  It  wiiiilil  nut  iiiily  ImiM'  Iii  ril 
rirujn-r.  tnil  iiiili-|ii-n>alilr,  llial  In-  kIiiiiiIiI  tii<K  tiii-  rn  npi-ia 
iKin  nl  t!i>'  tinii-  -  Itiit  wlrii  will  ram  tia-i  ltii<  Unit  «>  tn  a-  t 
111  llll-  111. II  r  nini).- Ill  jiinli'i!,'  an  i-ml  in  lliis  trtatx  .'  'I'lii- 
I' ■n-tilllliini  nil  iniirc  ifiiili  r»i  njinn  il  any  ;i.iw  i-r  nr  n'.M-iic> 
111  I -nniiiatn  a  in-aiy  than  in  nialn-  iitii>,' r\iM-pi  ni:l)  In  ii 
il'-i'l  irattnn  ni"  war,'  ulmli  iIismi|m-s  all  t-\icttiia  irrntii-i* 
'I'lin  |irii\i>iiii)  inr  tin'  nnin-    i-t  a  (i.irt,  am)  an  i-sninlial  |iinl, 

III'  thil  IriMiy.    Tin-  an  nf  ;inin^'  ihis  nut i<  n  hnjii  ins. 

1  iilliiiiary  imwiT,  i-.i-n  il  mil  h;  tin-  r.iiKtiliiiinii.  hut  liv 
llie  rri'Mili-iil  III  ni-jiilialiiii!,  and  h.v  tin-  *||mti-  in  raliuiini, 
a  fn-aly  Willi  mirtl  n  |iriivi-niii.  *  i 

**  It  i-  a  lrrat\  nt'tinh  .i(ii:i-.  Inn  -  li'l  nrit'iii|ini:tr>  i  nnliiilt. 
anri'.  'I'lli-  Ircan -liiaki!!,'  (mwi  r  iniL'liI  ai  inn  iinn'.  Willi 
tin-  i-nn-iiit  lit  liri  at  llrnani,  innihii  u,  i-~  unn  h,i>  lui-n 
(Innr.     'I'lii'  saini'  |ni\v-i-  intiy  at  any  tiini- pnl  an  iMii  In  il; 

anil  ilK  l-vi^tl-lll■l-  I-  hnt  tin- ii|Hialiiii! iinininis  will  iitllii" 

|niwi-r  I'm  thai  |illl|in,i-.  If,  Irriniiiallnn  lna\  at  .inv  linn-  In- 
(-[I'l-i-li-il  hy  till-  wilh-lraw  il  nl  tin-  .-laini'  will  I'ni-  ii-  hiniri-r 
i-M-n-nini.  Tin-  ilnnm  iiia> ,  .nnl  nrn-n  i:i  ri-iniirril  t  M-\irt 
aiiiirii(iriali' li-yi>lali%t' juiwrr-  in  tile  nxin'iilinn  nl'  in-atn  .s  ; 
Inn  1. 11-1  iinln'ii  iii  imt  mill  111     iial  rla-i.,.     Ii  ha- im  |irii|it-rty  ' 

nl' a  I  ui-lalivi-  imw-r.     Il  I-  I  \i-i-lllivi- in  il- i--arn ril 

If.  Ill  mir  ny-ti-in,  nrilin  iialiir  ntaiiil  im-nli-nt  In  tln>  n-.-alv. 
makini;  imwi-r.  It  i>  a  liiiili  ili-n  r.-tinn.  |ii-rtaiiiiiiL'  ml  In 
niir  intnnial  atl'airi,  hut  In  nnr  ri-hilnnid  \mi|i  a  liir-  n.-.-!  (inv- 
urnini-nl,  nri-ali-d  In  llmi  in  .ili  in.iKins  pnwi-r  il-i-h.  ri--liin.' 
tvttll  il,  ami  til  piimliii;!  iipun  it-  will  alinin  I'nr  tin-  i-M-ri-i-  -. 
!-i|ippn-i-  ihn  I'ri'-iili-m.  lit  Inin-i-lf*.  hail  i;i\i-n  Itiis  nnln--, 
wnnhl  II  liavi-  li-rniinan-ii  tin-  trial);  Wiitnitit  ih't-nlnii: 
I  In-  irravr  priihlt-in  nl  tin'  valiilily  ami  I'lii-rl  ni'  ^in-|i  miln   ~ 

I in-  will  harill.v  ilunhl,  lliil.  if  hi-  liail  ('iiiiiinlinn-.il  il 

nilli  the  f^i'iiati-.  Ill  m-i-ri-l  -r.--nin,  npnii  ihi-  Miliji-i-i,  ami 
hi-,  uilh  tin  I'nin-nrn-m-i-  nl'  K\\t\  ihinU  nl  lliat  hinly,  hail 
Kivi-ii  ihn  iinln-i-,ii»-nii!il  liavt'  ln-i  ii  ihinn  prninrly  ainU-ni- 
nUllltnnially." 

The  notice  fm-niiiiiif-iiiliil  |,y  ijio  ciiimniiiK.  is 
iitincn-»8i\ry  In  tlie  iiiitiiiK-iini'ine  nf  nnv  rii.'lils 
wliii-li  il  i.i'  now,  .\ni)  i.v  iiiis  khiim,  inil-  pnll-v, 
nut-  iiileie.s-t,  (ir  otir  duty,  to  (iifin-i-n.  li  ran  niily 
lit-  necessary  t'nr  one  or  nil  ol"  the  fnllowiiig  pur- 
pnses,  vi/: 

l-'irsl.  To  prolc't  oiii-  f-iiizens  wlin  iii-r  now  i.ii 
ni-cL'oii,  or  iliose  who  may  ^o  llierc  hereafter,  fmni 
any  invasion  of  Ihi-ir  riLihl.i. 

fierniui.  To  th.-  n.v.-'i'i  lion  mill  iniiiiili  naiii-u  of 
ouri'laiin  to  tlie  lerrilnry  inn-ili  of  the  (.'njiuiihiii, 

Thiril,  'I'd  pieveiil'  fiiiiii-e  i-nlH«ioiia  Ix-lwecn 
the  citizens  ofilie  Iwo  tiovi-nin.cnf;. 

Foiirlh,  'J'o  r|uii-t  the  alarm  which  now  pir- 
vades  the  puljhc  mind,  iind  paralyzi.-s  ilie  Inisiiie.-s 
ol'Ihe  eountrv. 

In  reply  to  the  nr'nimeiil  ihal  it  is  iH-ce.<)snry  In 
trive  the  nniii-i-  in  this  form  fur  (hn  prole,  lion  of 
our  jicople  in  On-'nin,  it  is  snlilcienl  to  n-inin-l<  ilmt 
we  have,  no  knowii-ilse  that  they  are  disinrlied  in 
the  occnpiini-y  of  tlie  lands  nn  'wliich  ii„.y  have 
M'ttled,  iir  in  the  piir.fuii  of  their  lawful  Ini'siin-ss, 
Tliese  ri;;hta  e..-e  sei-iireil  in  iheiii  liy  tlie  eonven- 
lioii,  and  we  have  no  evidi-ni-e  that 'ihey  are  now- 
violated,  iSo  tar  from  this,  I  have  n  i-'entlv  nad 
printed  slHlenients  of  the  i  miilition  of  onr  cilizeiia 
in  that  ti'rrilnry,  showin-,'  that  they  are  on  (-xi-el- 
leiit  leniis  with  their  Diiti.-ili  iieiu'lihors,  ilim  i|„.|-p 
IS  niueli  haniiony  miinii:r  tlu-ni,  i-oiisinnt  inter- 
i-lianL.'!-,^  of  kiinliie.ss  are  made,  and  a  pean  fnl  niiil 
.--niisfai-lory  ir.-ide  cmried  on  In-lw-ei-n  theiii.  In- 
deed,  I  siw  Init  reci.-nlly  an  nriicle  in  smiH  paper 
advin-aiiiiL;  the  !.'iviii',-  nV  tlii.j  noln-i-  iiniin-.-li.iti-lv, 
that  aliiinsi  all. on.-  pi-nnli-  in  i  Im-li-hii  li|i|i,|..r|.|| 'i,. 
ihi- '•  liritisli  party,"  and   were  desimns  nf  In-n, . 

h-fl  to  take  I  are  of  ihemst-lves,  will t  any  iiiiei" 

f.-reiiee  on   the    part   of  the   l.Iinied   .Stali-s.     .M, 
(iallalin  s.iys  thai,  so  far  as  i.s  kiiowii.  tin'  llini! 
-■•on  liny  Company,  wlio.se  vesied  iiitere.vis  aic  ihi- 
i;i-eat<.-st  olistacle  lo  an  aiiii.-nhli-  anaiiL'enienI,  has 
ui'.ied  ill  On-riin  in   cnnfnrinity  wilii  tin-   tei-u.s  of 


'  hotnew  liy  llin  niln 


Ihc  ctiiiK  nlion,  anil  that  its  oHici-rs  have-  nnifornily 
ti-ealed  the  Anierii-ans,  wlnlhi-r  visilers  or  eiin- 
^f-aiif.^,  not  only  eonrieoii.sl v.  Inn.  with  i'reat  kiiid- 
m-ss.  The  President  also  says  onr  people  have 
nmhiphed,  and  their  niiinlier  is  rajiidly  iin-i-e.-MiiiL' 
ill  Ui-e-on.  ..  'l'l„.y  havi-  made  no  apiieal  to  arms, 
hut  have   peacefully  furtified  llieiii.selve.i  in  their 


•  for  iheinselvea," 


nf  1 


Ithlii 


lilieiin  iiinlilii- 

And  there  is  no  i.itiiinilion 

thai  any  collision  has  InKeii  plm-e  l»-iween  them 
mill  till  ir  Uriti.ili  iieiijhiinrs.  lint,  if  they  need 
fiirllier  prnKi-iioii,  the  cinivenlion  (joes  mil  forlml 
IIS  froni  fiirninhinu^  such  as  is  consisieni  with  ilie 
ri^'hls  mid  privile^^f-s  sei-nred  to  olliers  hy  ils  pro- 
visions, mill  iloi-s  mil  ill  any  oilier  iiianner  vinlaie 
llie  terms  of  ilie  i  onM-ntinn. 

This  ronii  of  iiolice  \a  not  iieci-s.-^nry 


Inr  the  se 


I  MIS  iiMiii  111  iioiii-f  i.-i  iiiii  liri-i'Nsnry  inr  int.  se- 
eiirily  of  oiii  title  to  Oreirini,  or  our  riuhl  to  any 
porlinn  nf  it  in  dispnle.  'I'his  is  evidciil  from  the 
t'ai-l  thai  for  twenlv-se\(-n  years  we  liiue  heeii  ill 
the  precise  romlilion  in  wliii-h  we  tinw  nre  as  lo 
the  title,  and  yel  we  have  lost  noihinn;  in  respeel 
til  onr  ri-rhls  In  the  cniintry. 

linli-eil,  ue  cniinnt  perfei-i  any  silcli  ri';lit  while 
the  pnaisiniis  of  the  eoiiveniion  reninin  in  force. 
That  instrniiniil  decl'ires  ihnl  any  eoinilrv  that 
may  he  claimed  hy  eillier  party  on  the  inirtliwesl 
const  \t\'  ;\im-rii'n,  weslwnni  of  the  .Stony  .Moun- 
tains', shall,  tinrether  with  ils  liarhiirs,  hays,  mid 
creeks,  and  the  iia\  iiralinn  of  all  rivers  wilhiii  the 
same,  he  frte  and  npi  ii  for  tin-  icrm  of  ten  years, 
wliii-li  w.is  sulis!-i|iieiitly  (-\ieiided  inilefmilely,  or 
until  iinlice  should  he  ei\t-ii;  Intt  if  was  at  the  same 
time  prii\ided  that  the  iiL'reeineiit  should  not  pre- 
judice, iiii]iair,  or  nirecl  the  claims  off  he  |»arties  lo 
any  part  of  llie  territory.  Onr  lille,  tln-refoi-e, 
whatever  and  how  e\Iensive  socM-r  it  may  he,  is 
mil  chaiiijeil  iiy  llie  coiitinuaiice  of  ihe  coiiveiilioii, 
and  no  iieci-ssity  exists  t'or  ixivin:;  the  notice  lo  as- 
sert or  uphold  U,  Uesides,  it  is  i]iiite  ch.-ar  that 
our  rinhls,  since  the  conveniioii  went  into  opera- 
tiiin,  have  mil  In-en  ilenieil  more  sii-iiin,-ly  or  (Ve- 
ipienlly  than  lliey  were  Inforo  thai  event.  We 
have  lost  iiothins:  in  respei-i  in  iheni  hy  llie  lapse 
of  timi-:  and  the  claims  of  (ireat  llritain  have  imt 
In-iii  uri:ed  in  any  slrnnirer  teinis  in  eoiiM-(|iiein-e 
of  the  joint  occiipalioii,  which,  if  it  were  now  to 
cease,  w-ould  not  sli-eiii:llteii  nor  weaken  onr  title 
to  any  part  of  the  disputed  terrilory.  That  re- 
inniiis  tin-  same,  independent  nf  the  convention  and 
irrespective  ot'tlio  occnpaney. 

It  is,  however,  very  sirennously  conlended  thai 

is   mili(-e   ouirlit  to    In 
collisions  hetwei  n  tli 


al 
this  miii(-e  ouirlit  to  In-  L-iven,  lo  prevent  future 
cili-/.eiis  of  llie  two  Oovirn- 
ments.  This  was  nr^reil  li\'  my  friend  from  Dela- 
ware, who  supposed  that  the  dani;erof  muliial  col- 
lisions wouhl  increase  i-very  day.  It  dne.i  not 
seem  to  me  lliat  there  is  any  rensonalili-  !;riiund  of 
immediale  appreliensioii  t'rom  this  source.  If  the 
ITniled  .Stales  should  eMi-nil  ils  jurisdiction  over 
OrcL'oii,  il  would  he  conlini-d  to  Its  own  citizens. 
TIk-  jin-isdiclion  of  tin- t\voeounlri(-s  would  not  a[i- 
ply  loanynlli(-r  lliaii  llii-ir  own  jieople  and  their 
respeciive  pnssessiinis.  The  act  of  the  liriiish 
I'arr  ....-,  


ii-.>jir-i-ii\i-  [niN?<essnnis.  i  m-  ni-i  oi  iiie  niiiisn 
I'lirliaiiniil,  passed  in  IS-Jl,  eMeniliim'  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  coiirls  of  Tiiper  Canada,  in  all  civil  ,iiid 
criminal  cases,  to  the  ("Ire'roii  territory,  does  in  its 
letter  extend  to  all  in-rsons  w  ho  may  In-  or  who 
reside  there.  ISut  Mr.  loillalin  asserls  llnit  the 
IJriiish  l*Ieiiipiiteiitiai-ies,  in  the  <-oui-se  of  ttie  ne 
1,'niiaiions  of  psot;  and  If-JT,  did  explicitly  ih-clare 
that  till- act  hadnooiherolije.-t  than  the  mamtniance 
of  order  anioii'j:  llrilish  siihjecis,  and  liail  never 
hi-i-n  inleiided  to  apply  lo  eiiizeiis  of  tliif  Kniied 
Slates;  iiiid  I  nin  nnl  aware  that  we  have  any  aii- 
thcniic  i-vidence  that  it  has  ever  heen  eiifori-ed  . 
a'rainsi  onr  citizens.  There  does  not,  therefore, 
seem  to  beany  daiiL'er  that  rnllisioiis  will  al  once 
take  jilace  hy  reason  of  separali- indeoeiident  jiiris- 
dictinns  of  ihe  luo  (JiiverniiK-nls.  mnl  that  iheevils 
from  thill  source  w-liich  nn-  apprelic-iided  will  soon 
ensue.  If  the  person.<!  and  propertv  of  llu-  iiihnhi- 
tanlsofeacli  are  proiecleil  liy  the  l.-iws  of  their  own 
connlry,  mid  the  civil  and  (-riniiiial  jnrisdiclion  of 
eai  11  (Jovirnnient  extends  only  lo  their  own  ciii- 
<i      zeiis  or  siiliiects,tlieilnn;riirsporiraved  hy  ilieSen- 

r-      ninrfi-om  Delaware  will  not  immediately,  althoin'h 
>.       ..n; 1..I..  ii....,  ,.,...,  I i: — i 


The  ii-iiininin^'  Li'ound  of  nei-essity,  on   w-lii'  li 
the  ariruinein  in  favor  of  trivini,'- inimediale  notice 
rests,  is,  ilnit   the  a)i|)ri-lieiisinii  of  collisi 
tweoii  the  ciiizens  of  ilii-  two  nalii 
who  may  herent'ter  resiili         __^\ 

i-rci.d   i-nlerpri.se,  lilocked   up  capital,  and  |ii-e- 


sions   he- 

ions  residinir,  or 

'  there,  lias  checked  coiii- 


I '   ,1'  '"I'"-' I'll - 

le  eiilarsc-ment  o|  the  Inili.i  and  whaliii"; 
of  the  I'liiled  Stales;  that  llie  ililiiciillv 
l:i.. II 11 1    I  1.1     .-^ 


vented  the 

linsim-ss  ol   ,  , 

•dionld  he  speedilyanil  honnrahlv  settled;  and  llial, 
if  the  notice  he  <;iven.  Great  Britain  will  he  in- 
duced lo  coiieliidc  nil  lioiiorttble  arrniigeincnt,  mid 


|l  thnt  Bpeedily.  It  in  iinrtnulitrilly  Irite  ilnit  llie 
j  stale  of  our  relalion.i  with  Ureal  Itrilain  tins  had 
the  i-H'ect  slated,  and  111  a  I  oiKidenilile  cMeiil.  It 
is  fji-eally  lo  lie  renrelieil  ihni  siicli  a  pnralysiM 
slioidil  li.ive  nlli  cted  ihem  !;real  liriitiches  of  Iraile. 
linl  II  is  dillii-ull  to  pi  i-ceive  how  llie  niviiii.,'  of  the 
nonce  will  provide  a  i  •  iin-dy  for  il.  If  llicre  he  no 
ri-al  dann'-r  of  cnlli.-ii-n  I'lnin  the  causes  assinncd, 
(a  poiiil  I  have  alri  idy  consiileii-d.)  Iliei'e  is  no  iie- 
i-essiiy  that  inilice  he  i;i»en  to  prevenl  il.  Uiir 
inercaiilile  locn,  mid  those  riiLian  d  in  oilier  eni- 
ploynieiits  di  pendenl  upon  commerce,  do  not  leai- 
a  riiplnre  from  the  sniirce  whi(-li  hns  liren  Mii*r:resi . 
ed.  They  are  nnxioiis  thai  the  diilicidly  shnnlil  he 
amicnhly  and  honornhly  m-rnii:;ei|,  wilhoiit  (hlny, 
lest  coiitliini  d  |.i-ace  should  he  endangered  /ii/  ihr 
opi  yttilitu  i>l'  tillin-  i  itti^ts. 

I'lil  w  ill  i;iiiii;;  the  niilice  in  the  iiiii|nnlined  foriK 
which  11  IS  lie(-ii  projiiiseil  hy  lln-  coinmiilep  hnsicii 
such  a  .--I  ii;,  iiieiH.'  Will  the  Hrilisli  (iovi-riiniciil 
he  induced  to  make  new  proposnls  for  adjiiKtmeni, 
hee.'iiise  it  is  iiit'nrnicd  ihal  luiless  it  In-  tinne  ihe 
nniii-e  is  III  Hike  elli-cl,  the  com  eiitinn  will  he  aliro. 
eatid,  and  the  is'cupain-y  hy  its  sidijecis,  after  lliat 
peiiod,  will  lie  conlesled,  and  they  he  i-jecled  ;^ 
Will  such  a  nation  as  lireal  lintam  have  iidili 
lioiial  motives  lo  enter  upon  new  neijiitialions,  I'loiii 
the  f.icl  thai  she  is  served  with  a  *'  notice  lo  ipiit,'' 
iiniiiiahlied  in  its  terms,  and  accompanied  liy  the 
deiiaralion  of  the  I'rcsident,  made  known  lo  tin- 
world,  thai  the  Cnited  Stales  ehiim  the  whole  o) 
Ori  i;nii — that  ilieir  title  to  it  is  clear  and  indispiiin- 
hle,  and  "  inaittiaiintl  hy  irrefrai^ahlc  lin-is  mnl 
arL'itnieiils" — -thai  llie  noliie  to  dnl.-rmine  ilie  jniiil 
111  ciipancy  should  he  u'iveii — th;it  "nt  ;lie  end  of 
'  the  year's  noiice  we  shall  have  irai-heil  n  perioil 
*  wh(-ii  tlie  naiiiinal  riiihls  in  ni-enon  miidl  t-ither 
'he  ahniiilnncd  or  firmly  nininiirned;  that    lliey 

'cannot  In-  aliatidoiied  wiihoiit  a  sin-rifii f  hnili 

'  natiinml  honor  mnl  inleresi,  is  too  i-letu*  lo  ndniil. 
'  of  liniibl!"  Will  Milice,  aiieiided  willi  such  dec- 
larations, iiidni  al  iJrilain,  more  speedily  than 
she  has  tioin-  nit  iiolice,  to  make  stroii'.^ei- 
professioiiH  of  a  di  .ire  lo  settle  ihe  coniroversy,  or 
Iti  more  immediare  action,  hy  new  proposals  I'nr 
ils  adiustnientr  Those  qneslion.s  can  In-  lust  aii- 
.^wereil  hy  reinemli(it-iiii:  that  the  seiisihililies  of  a 
iiaiion,  under  ihe  eirciinisiances  in  which  the  re- 
spective |iarlie.s  lo  this  dispute  are  now  plte-ed,  are 
easily  exciied,  and,  whenever  niniised,  are  nnl 
easily  allayed.  If,  then,  there  he  no  immetliale 
ilan^'er  of  i-ollisioii  heUvt-en  the  settlers  of  the  two 
naiiims  in  Urei^on,  why  shall  we  not  reft-nin  at 
present  from  irivinn;  the  notice,  or  else  nci'ompany 
11  Willi  the  (-xpressinn  of  our  opinion  that  the  eon- 
troversy  oiijhl  to  he  sclilid  hy  a  jiisi  and  lionor- 
alile.  comprninisi-,  ;uid  thus  permit  il  to  fissiimi-  ii 
form  which  will  enable  the  two  Ciovernmi-nts, 
wilhout  exposure  to  the  suspicion  of  In  iie^  in- 
tlneiiced  hy  any  motives  of  fear,  and  not  invoking 
any  poinlsof  mere  honor,  to  renew  their  clforls  for 
an  amicable  arnin'jenir  nl .-  'I'liis  would,  in  my 
jndLTtnenl,  ensiin-  the  most  speedy  seiileiin-nt,  mi 
a  bnsis  which,  while  il  winilil  be  hnnnr.-dile  lo  both 
parlies,  wouhl  be  eoiidia'i\(-  tn  the  hcsl  inieresis 
ofholh. 

Immediate  noiice,  wiihonl  ipialificalion,  is  not 
only  inniei-essary  lo  the  protectinii  nf  the  just 
ri;,dils  of  onr  citizens,  or  to  the  inainti-niince  of  onr 
title,  lull,  if  so  t;iveii,  may  deprive  us  of  (Hie  ml 
vania'.n^  and  secm-ity  lo  onr  lille  which,  wiihhold- 
ini:  it  for  the  present,  or  ^ii\  iiii^  it  in  ;i  proper  tiiriii, 
will,  oral  least  may,  elisin-i'  us.  Dm-  penple,  il  is 
s;iiil,ai'e  iiiiini^iatim;;  tn  (hciioii  m  nn-at  numiier.^, 
are  iliere  innkiiiir  sellleiiiciiis~aii  iinineiise  lerri- 
tory  is  befiire  them,  and  they  will  speedily  become 
innsiersnf  tin-  country.  If  ihe  "  wise  and  miisier- 
Iv  inactivity''  in  i-ei;;ii-d  to  Drenon  h^  not  now  ont- 
policy,  ;is  it  formerly  was  allirnied  to  be,  w'e  should 
not,  by  any  incoiisideiale  or  nnnihised  form  of 
iioti.-e,  prevenl  those  who  may  wish  lo  beconie 
resiileiiis  there  from  immedialely  In  coiniii<;  such. 
Lei  llii-iii  mil  L'O,  or  be  resiraiiied  fiiiiii  il,  iinih-r 
ihe  fi-ar  lliat  w.-ir  w  ill  ensue,  ami  their  occnpani  y 
he  distnrbiil.  These  selileis  woti'd  he  republi- 
cans, and  would  soon  have  a  form  of  •,'overiimi-iit 
either  iiidep(-tah-iit  of  but  similar  lo  ours,  or  they 
v-oiild  uiiii(!witli  us,  and  eoniinue  under  our  jnris- 
diclion, and  no  oppusin;,'  i-laim  of  any  other  eouii- 
Irv  could  lie  snccessfnlly  int.inlnined. 

'If   the  resolution   riporled   hy   llie   committee 
should  be  adopted,  il  would  tcnil  to  prevent  n  re- 


181G.I 


APPENDIX  TO  Tin:  CONGIUISSIONAI.  GLOBK. 


)iih\i  CoNn Ivt  Sr.88. 


American  SV.llkn  in  Oregon — Mr.  V  'inlon. 


llo.  or  ituPH. 


int   the 

)     tl'\H    1)11(1 

\lrnl.      It 
|niral)*si>4 

if  lllMllt. 

irti.;  of  till- 

.Trli.'MO 

is^mni'd, 

1:1  no  IM'- 

II.    *)lll 

'tlifr  cm- 
iiol  riiii- 
I  Hiiiriri-Hi 
II, III  It 

tilt    lliIlM', 

rill  'ii(  ilir 


nownl  of  iiP);niiHlioiiii  for  (lie  nrfjiiHtmcnt  nf  ili« 
I'liiilrovi^rHyi  iiiiil  |Hi'lin|iH  lirniiiiiili'  in  iin  uiien 
rn|ilini:  liflwri  n  llir  two  iMninlilrn.  It  nii'^'lit  cIokc 
ilir  iIhoi'  111  t'lii'tlii'r  I'lloriN  for  an  iiiiiinihle  niMtlc- 
iticiit  of  till'  roiiliirlin^  I'liiiniH  of  tlic  two  niitioDN, 
in  a  inannirrrciliialili'  to  Imlli;  ami  I'oiiiii'i'liil  witli 
lilt' aMNci'tion  of  mil' clear  mill  niills|Mital>li'  tlllr  to 
llir  whole  of  ()ri't,'on;  smiIi  lliu  ilrilaralion  lli.vl, 
»  liilr  tlir  roiiMMiliiin  is  in  forrc,  il  laiinol  In'  |inii'' 
III  ally  inainlaiiicd;  tliiit  tin'  oliji-it  of  Ki^'inK  ''■'' 
liolii'i!  \H  to  aln'oi;ali'  that  noiivunlion,  tlial  wi;  may 
tlicii'liy  lir  I'lli'asi'il  iVoiii  iln  oliliiralionti,  anil  i  n- 
fori'ii  our  rlaini  to  tlir  wlioli';  ami  tlial,  wlnn  llii^ 
iioiii'c  is  I'.ivin,  anil  iliv  linii' liiiiiliil  lias  is|iin-'il, 
we  inii'iiil  III  laid'  |iiissi'SNion  of  ihc  wlioli',  in  I'oii- 
lonniiy  wiili  our  liili — tliiH  risolntioii  anil  tlicsp 
(Iti'hiiaiiiiiis  iiniii'il,  will,  it  may  In;  fearcil, Mu»|iiaiil 
111'1,'oliation;  anil  \i  iii'ii  llic  oliji'i't  is  atti'iii|ili'(l  to 
III'  i;\i .  uii'il,  Il  will  laiMliur  uHiati-'  of  war  lii'twi.'cii 
till'  |iarlii's.  (Jiviii;;  uiii|imlifn'il  iioihr,  willi  snrli 
MiWM  anil  |iiir|iosis,  |ir(Sii|i|ioai'H  lliat  iiff;otialions 
iiiiiHt  anil  will  ci'iisi-.  Il  IS  all  o|icii  avowal  tliiil 
wn  own  till'  v.lioli'  lirrilory,  llial  wi.'  aliropili^  llii" 
r<invt.'iilion,  to  i;iv(;  us  an  oji|iorluiiity,  in  good 
l'ailli,io  assert  that  iiw  n<'rslii{i;  and  that  \\v  inlriid 
to  |ii'rf('c't  It  liy  I'Xi'liisivo  ori'ii|iaiii'y.  It  will  hv, 
ho  understood  hy  (ircat  Uriiain,  and  at  tlic('\|>ira- 
tioii  of  tlir  year,  if,  as  is  dt'i'lairil  in  sulHlance  iiy 
llie  Kxernlivi',  every  dieialc  of  n  vlioiml  honor, 
every  motive  of  Nell'-res|M'el,  will  leqiiire  us  to 
inake  our  elaiiii  giiiiil  liy  our  ucts,  and,  if  liu'eHNU- 
ry,  liy  fort'e  to  aeipiirc  aolu  (iiwuuHNiun,  culliuiun 
w  ill  lie  ini'vilalile. 

If  we  ;;ivu  no  iiiiliee  nt  |ireseiil,  or  lu'eonipany 
il  with  an  aHsiiraiiee  that  we  are  still  ready  to  ro- 
eeive  |iro|)osilions  lor  an  aiiiioiljle  ai'raiii;eiiient,  en 
jii-i  :.uil  lioiioralile  terms  of  eom|iidniise;  thai  we 
desire  a  speedy  setllemeiit  of  the  dispute  in  a  peai c- 
liil  furni  and  on  li<aioral>le  jiriiieiples;  and  the  forin 
of  till;  iioliee  he  sui'li  that  it  eiiii  he  justly  viewed 
only  as  an  art  donu  liy  us  in  I'onforinily  with  the 
slipiilalions  of  the  eonvenlioii  and  not  with  the 
V  iew  ol' eoereion,  ne^olialions  may  he  resumed, 
mid,  if  earned  on  in  a  spirit  of  eaiidor  and  innliial 
liirhearanee,  will  lermiiiale  in  an  adjnslineiil  vvliieh 
will  lie  lieiielieiul  and  irediiahle  lo  liotli  parlies. 
JNo  one  desires  war  tor  ils  own  siike.  No  one  will 
Mihinil  toilishnnorahle  peaee.  .Ml  elforls  eonsisteiit 
Willi  the  honor  and  llii'  jnsi  rights  of  the  iialion  to 
m.iiniain  its  ainiealde  relations  with  torei^n  i\)\\ cis 
should  he  made  hef<iri'  resort  is  had  lo  the  last  al- 
lernalive.  A  war  wiih  (jreai  lirilaiii,  or  any  oilier 
(,'!'  ai  nalion,  is  no  Inlliiii;  mailer.  I'efore  it  lakes 
plaie,  all  I'easonahle  means  dii'laled  by  a  due  re- 
gard to  the  honor  and  essential  interests  of  the 
eimnlry  should  he  exhansiid;  hut  when  deelared, 
all  of  IIS  should  and  would  rally  around  ihe  stars 
mid  stripes,  iind  uphold  and  maiiilain  the  honor 
and  the  riirhis  of  our  own  eouiilry.  AVoutd  it  not, 
llieii,  he  tile  part  nf  wisdom  eillier  to  refrain  for  a 
time  IVom  tliviii^'  the  iioliee,  or  put  it  in  sueh  a 
form  as  that  no  just  exi'e|itioii  eaii  lie  taken  to  it, 
and  so  as  not  to  previ'iii  a  pearel'nl  and  snilahle 
arraiii;eineut  of  the  disputed  elaims  lo  t)ri';;()n. 

And  hero,  Mr.  I'risidenl,  1  lake  leave  nf  the 
Kuljeel  hefore  the  Senate,  willi  the  expression  of 
my  ardent  de.-are  that  our  proiei  diiiiis  iii  rc^jard  to 
11  may  lie  sueh  as  will  fully  niaiiitain  the  eliarae- 
ter,  the  honor,  and  the  interests  of  the  eounlry, 
and  coiisiNleiilly  Willi  iheui  preserve  ils  peacetiii 
and  ainieahlu  relaliuns  with  ureal  liritaln. 


AMI':R1C.\.\  .StTTLEllS  l.\  OREGON. 
ItKMAUKS  OF  All}.  S.   V.  VINTON, 

01'  Ditto, 
In  rilK  IlorsF.  of  Rf.l'iiKsKNTArivEs, 
.Ijnd  14,  It^lC). 
I'll  the  Dill  to  priileet  the  riulils  of  Aincrieaii  Set- 
tlers ill  Oregon. 
Mr.  VIN'I'OX  haviim:  fust  proposed  nil  niiiend- 
iiienl,  that  the  aet  should  not  he  so  ennsiriieil  or 
exeenled  as  to  violate,  in  any  maimer  whnlever, 
theeonvention  lirtweeii  the  United  Slates  niiil  Ureal 
Hritaiu  for  the  joint  (u'l'iipalimi  of  the  eouiitry ,  and 
that  Ihe  net  should  eonlmne  in  foree  till  said  eon- 
venlioii should  he  ahroyated,  anil  no  loii^jer — 
Mr.  VINTON  said: 
1  do  not  rise,  Mr.  Cliuinimii,  lo  iiiflicl  u  speech 


'I  upon  the  comtnitico  nn  (ho  Oreirnn  (|iii'stioii.  We  I 
have  already  HiiiVei'id  ahiiost  past  eiiilnraoie  hy  the 
dineussionof  this  iii'verendini,'  topie  ofdehale.  .\ly 
ohji'it  is  simply  to  present  souie  views  IIS  to  what 
will  he  the  praelieal  operation  of  the  hill  now  hefore 
UN,  and  to  show  thai  it  oiii;ht  to  he  inodittid  in  the 
niaimer  I  have  proposed.  The  part  of  the  hill  for 
whii'h  I  have  moved  n  siihstitnte  piovide.i  thai  the 

'  net  shall  not  he  so  roiislriied  or  exeentei]  as  lo 
di--pri\e  llrilish  siilijeeis  in  (he'^'on  of  any  ril.'lils 
seemed  to  them  hy  Ihe  eouveiition  for  joint  o -ni- 
paiiey,  so  lonij  as  ilie  eouveiition  remains  in  loree. 
It  appears  tome  iIil-i  exemplion  is  not  hroail  eniiui,'h 
lo  ai'i'ompliNli  the  end  intended  liy  il.  A\'e  oie^iit 
lo  reinemiier,  that  iiiiih  r  this  eoiiM  iitioii,  the  llrit- 
ish  nation  has  rit;lits  as  welt  as  ils  siilijeets,  and 
that  it  may  have  ri'^hts  ilisllnet  from  llie  rl::hts  of 
ilie  Huhjeet,  wliieh  iini-  ait  may  violate.  I  have, 
iherefore,  in   the  proposnl   imienilmenl,  niiiile  the 

exemption   111 d  eniiuu'h    lo  eovir  every  llriiish 

ri:^ht,  holii  piihtii'  and  pi'i\ale,  Itnt  the  important 
iiarlof  the  ameiidmeiii  is  that  wliieh  proposes  lo 
liniil  the  ilur.itioii  of  this  net  to  i|ie  lii.ie  wiien  iho 
ennvemion  shall  he  ahroualed.  To  make  the  pro- 
priety of  this  aineiidmeiit  apparent,  it  may  he  ne- 
eessary  for  me  to  ifo  into  Nome  explaii.ilion;  and 
particularly  to  show  what  oiir  riulits  now  are,  and 
what  they  will  he  win  i  the  eonventioii  shall  he  at 

,  an  end.  I  propose  to  show  thai  there  are  some 
tliiii;rs  w  hicti  we  trail  do  now,  that  v\'e  sliall  have  no 
rii,'lit  to  do  llieu;  and  ihal  there  are  oilier  tiling's 
which  we  shall  have  a  ri^'lit  to  do  then,  that  we 
eaiinot  do  now  while  the  eonvenlioii  lasts.  ^'Iial 
these  dill'ereiiees  are  virv  material,  and  that,  emi- 
seipit  ntly,  a  law  ad/iptcd  to  the  i  xistini^  stale  of 
tliili;.'s  will  he  unlit  for  that  which  will  arise  when 
the  conveiiliiiii  has  terminated.  Sirictly  speakim;, 
if  eithi  r  iiatioii  has  a  valid  claim  to  the  territory, 
or  any  part  of  it,  it  :,'ives  to  that  nation,  to  the  ex- 
tent nf  ils  claim,  all  exclusive  and  sovereign  ri^'lit 
lo  occupy  the  eounlry.  and  govern  all  dwellin;: 
within  it,  whoever  they  may  he,  holli  eili/eiis  and 
.  foreiu'iicrs.  This  rii;hl  of  exclusive  occiipiition, 
and  to  govern  or  connnand  there,  is  what  is  eom- 
'  nioiily  called  the  jurisilictioii  of  a  nation. 

Now,  hy  this  convention  the  two  nations  agree 
for  the  time  lieini.'  (llnil  is  lo  say,  so  long  as  the 
convention  lasts)  to  pin  aside  the  rpiestinn  hctweeti 
lliein  as  lo  the  riiihl  of  eiiher  to  the  exclusive  oc- 
cupancy and  i.'overiimeiit  of  the  country — in  other 
words,  lo  sn.-Npeial  and  put  in  aheyance  for  the 
present  the  ipiestlon  of  jurisdielion,  and  to  suhsti- 
tiite  in  its  place  nnagrei  inetit  that  hoili  partiis  may 
joiinly  use  and  occupv  the  comilry;  tint  that  iiolli- 
iiig  done   h)'  eillier  under  this  arrangement  shall 

I  nll'ecl  the  iilliiiiale  decision  of  this  iiuesliou  which 
was  thus  put  aside  and  suspeiiileil  fur  the  tune 
being.  Our  ri:;lil,  tin  reliire,  to  legislate  over  or 
concerning  tliis  eounlry  is  derived  fioin  ihis  con- 
ventiiin,  ami  not  IVom  our  right  of  jurisdielion, 
which  we  have  airrec  cl  thus  lo  put  aside,  and  not 
to  assume  or  assert  while  the  convention  lasts. 
From  which  il  follows  that  if  wealtcmpi  to  do  any- 
lliiiig  liy  virtue  nf  our  jurisdiction,  it  is  an  infrac- 
lioii  of  the  treaty  and  an  act  of  had  faith.  We  ran 
do  nothing  by  virtue  of  il  while  the  treaty  remains 
in  I'orce,  hut  we  may  do  whatever  ihe  eimveiilion 
permits.  The  coiiveiitioii  having  slipnlaled  lhal 
the  country  to  which  eiiher  I'owcrlays  claim  west- 
ward of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  shall,  during  ils 
coniinnance,  he  free  and  ojieii  lo  the  citizens  and 
subjects  of  both,  it  follows,  as  a  la'cessary  deiiva- 
live  riulit  from  this  privihgi,  that  either  Rower 
may  |»ass  all  sieli  laws  as  are  necessary  and  proper 
for  the  proleiiion  ot'  ils  eili/.ens  who  may  be  in 
any  p;irt  of  tiie  eounlry.  A\'e  may  aliiird  \\-^n\ 
prolectii'ii  by  virlne  of  the  eniivciition  as  far  iinrih 
as  onr  claim  extends,  to  lil'tyfniir  degrees  forty 
iiiimites,  and  further  still,  if  we  el.'iim  to  a  higher 
latitude,  win  titer  our  claim  he  i^iod  or  bail;  the 
Rritish  may  do  the  same  for  llieir  c  ili'/.eiis  down  lo 
the  ]\li\icaii  line;  and  .-in  h  legislation  while  tin' 
(Hinvenlion  lasts,  if  coiifnad  in  its  operaiion  to  the 
eoiitiuiianec  of  tlie  tieaiy,  is  not  an  asst  rlioii  by 
eillier  party  to  the  right  of  hi:;h  doiniiin  or  the 
right  of  so\eieigiily  over  llie  e.iuiitrv.  AVhereas, 
without  the  treaty,  every  act  of  legislation  by 
either,  wliellier  over  ils  own  citizens  or  others, 
would  be  an  assertion  of  both  of  these  rights.  The 
wri'.ers  on  the  law  of  nations  lay  it  down  as  a  set- 
'   '  '      '   gh  or  nalionul 


I  dumiiiii 


lid  lliu 


suvcreiynly  u\er  it.  (.wliieli   lo- 


((ctlier  coniiititto  wliat  it  tcmiril  Jurisdielion,)  nre 
ahnolute  lighu,  ami  nf  iieccNsity  and  in  their  very 
nature  exijie'ive  of  the  rights  of  all  (illierH.  A 
nation  miiNl  possesn  these  rights  aliiiie,  or  not  at  all. 

I'Vnm  what  has  been  said,  il  will  lie  apparent 
that  winin  wc  lee.ishile  midi  r  and  by  virtue  of  ihv 
eouveiition,  and  with  reference  lo  ils  eoninmanee, 
there  i.s  no  iiecesHity  for  us  to  define  our  boiinda- 
ries  or  preieribe  any  territorini  liinits  to  the  opern- 
tirii  of  our  laws.  It  will  also  be  appareiit  that 
when  the  convention  shall  be  lerminaied,  both  lin- 
tions  Will  be  remitted  back  to  their  origimil  rights, 
sncli  as  ihey  nre,  under  nnil  by  virtue  of  the  law 
of  nalii'iiH:  and  any  law  that  we  may  pass  that 
shall  have  etl'i  el  and  iiperalion  after  that  time,  must 
rest  liir  its  foiindalioii  nponour  riu'lit  of  .sovereign- 
ty and  domain  to  mid  over  the  ennntry  where  it 
hns  eirect.  And  'his  puts  ns  to  the  necessity  nf 
definiiig  till-  iirrilor',-  ovi  r  which  the  law  extends. 
Till  re  iH  no  escape  I'rom  il.  In  defmiiiL'  our  ri'jIilM 
We  act  upon  our  peril:  we  may  lawfully  exienil 
our  laws  over  all  llie  territory  tiiat  is  ours,  and  if 
we  pass  th.it  limii  a  siie^de  step  it  is  an  invasion  of 
the  sovereignly  of  the  adjacent  nalion,  and  a  just 
canst!  of  war;  and  when  we  ri-mt  tuber  who  and 
what  that  iMlion  is,  wt:  may  say  it  is  war.  And 
the  same  remark  is  apnhenhle  to  Kngland.  If, 
after  the  lerminalion  of  llie  emiveiition,  shi;  extend 
her  laws  one  inch  over  her  lrt;e  bouiiilary,  it  is  an 
invasion  of  onr  sovereignty,  and  a  jiisl  cause  of 
war.  Ant!  it  can  make  no  tlillerence  wheiher  the 
object  of  such  laws  he  to  '.'overii  or  protect  her 
own  Hubjeets  vvitlim  onr  binils,  or  to  Tovern  our 
own  people  in  onr  territory.  .Afler  thai,  she  will 
have  no  more  right  to  go  with  her  civil  or  eriininal 
process  into  our  territory  ill  Oiegnii  to  nrrest  her 
siihiecls,  or  any  'me  else,  than  she  has  lo  conn; 
here  into  this  very  Capitol  to  tlo  the  samt!  thing, 
or  than  we  have  lo  go  with  our  process  into  t.'aii. 
nda  or  into  Kimlaiul  itsell'.  No  nation  on  earth 
permits  this.  'I'lie  distiiictioii  between  the  two 
classes  of  laws  may  be  staled  in  this  liirin:  those 
made  iintler  and  by  virtue  of  the  coiivemion  ex- 
tend to,  opcraie  upon,  and  govern  the  /itrsoiu  (/ 
our  r/(i:riis  and  their  etI'eclR,  whether  they  are  in 
laci  within  or  wiilinnl  tlie  limits  of  onr  lawful  ter- 
ritory; those  made  iiialer  and  by  virtue  of  our 
sovereignty  or  jiiristlielion  are  ctinliiieil  in  their 
lawl'nl  .ipe'ralion  to  onr  righlfnl  terrilory;  they  aet 
n)ioii  and  govern  llu  countnj,  and  all  persiiiis  and 
iliings  within  it. 

Now,  Mr.  C'liainiiaii,  it  is  our  duty,  while  the 
eonvenlioii  lasts,  toallin'il  lo  our  eili/.ens,  wherever 
Ihev  may  lie  in  Oregon,  within  or  without  our  law- 
ful limits,  nil  the  protection  we  can  give  themeoii- 
sislently  with  its  piovisions.  And  when  the  enn- 
venliimsliall  cease,  it  will  be  our  duly  lo  give  full, 
ample,  and  absolute  protection  lo  all  within  our 
rightful  territory,  mill  exert  ourexchaive  aulhoritv 
and  sovereiiiily  over  the  riiiiii/n/  UstlJ\  ami  all 
lhiii«;s  within  it.  These  two  etides  tit*  laws  nre 
essentially  dilVerent  in  llieir  i;nture,  act  diU'ereiitly 
on  diU'eri'iit  olijecls,  and  are  tierived  I'roni  and  rest 
upon  diirerenl  nulhority.  An  act,  thert  line,  suit- 
ed lo  the  present  state  of  lliiims,  will  of  necessity 
he  iiiilil  for  anil  iiiadeipinle  to  the  altered  contliliiiii 
that  will  arise  when  the  convention  is  lerminaied. 
This  distinctiim  is  clearly  pre.-<enlt'd  by  the  I'resi- 
dent  of  the  Uiiileil  Slates,  in  his  ,\imiial  .Me.-sago 
lo  Coiigres.s.  S|)eakiiig  of  the  Oregon  territory, 
he  .says: 

".Ml  iilli'iii|it.<  nt  caiiiproiins.'  Iiiiviiin  fnilcil,  it  lireaies 
the  Italy  nt  rniiurc—  III  ciiiisnlcr  wltJU  ae'a.-ares  it  liillj' tie 
|ir"|i.r't.i  iiilii|it  li.r  the  «■  nirilv  ami  pMlcclinii  nl' iiiir  eitl- 
ziii-  now  nileiliiliiiL'iir  Willi  iiciy  liiTcainr  iiilinliil  Oreuini, 

^niil  liir  II lililr  Mini •(  inir  jil-t  lille  In  lillil  liTllliii y. 

Ill  ail'i|iliiiL'  aicii^nri"'  liir  llii-  inniHi-e  care  si lit  lie  lakea 

tliiil  laillmiL'  lie  iliiiie  III  \  nil. ill-  the  >lipiil;iliiili..  nt  tin'  etiii. 
vcntinii  Mri-'-j;.  witlcli  i-  ^nll  in  liiree.  'fin  railli  iirtiiiities, 
ill  llli'r  leltir  lui'l  >|iiiit.  Ini«  ever  liecli.  ami  I  ini-t  wili  rvci 
III',  scni[iiilna.^l\  etiservcil  li>  llie  I'nilnl  Hettes.  I  iiilcr llial 
ciMivciilinli  :i  vi'-iir'.'  iinliee  is  reninreil  In  Ifinven  lij  eilln  r 

[liirtvliut Itierlirrmc  tin' jniiil  ucentiaiicv  ^tl;lll  liriiiilinle, 

:iiiil  Iii'lnre  eitlnr  c:in  ri\'.'i//i(//;/  n.M'it  oi  cj-it'I'm'  ci • '((m'cc 
i,  I  i-fi,-ll  .11  (jicr  iiiiij  jnrlhn  t^f  ll'f  Irmfi.ni.  'fills  miliee  it 
wi.nlil.  in  my  jii'tLMiieiit,  lie  pm|icr  In  lave;  '1111!  I  nt'iini- 
nn  ml  tinti  pria  i.-inll  lie  liiatle  liy  l;iw  I'nr  iiiv  ila.' il  aceniij. 
in::U.  iiiiil  l<  rrnilKilili!;  in  tiii<  nilii'incr  Itn-  t'tiliveiiliiin  iirilie 
lilli  ill'  Aiian^l,  IriT.  Il  will  licciiiiie  prii|ii'rliir  t'oii(!ri'«s  10 
ilcliriiiinc  \vU:\{  lcL't>Ialiiiii  ttifV'  eiiii  in  llic  inctmtimr  ntlopt, 
witlinilt  viH!;itMl<>  till-  etiliViitlilli.  Iti  vnini  till  i|ln'..:|iiia  the 
prulectiiiii  III'  iiiir  hius  niiil  mir  jiiri>ilM  nun,  tiiilh  civil  ;iiiil 
i-iilniieit.  nnuiit  |;i  I,.-  niiiiicitnite.'i/ e\leiiit;',t  over  iilir  n'ti;t'iis 
in  llresiia."' 

The  President  next  proceeds  to  state,  what  pro- 
tccliuu  lias  been  given  by  law  to  the  British  sub- 


!| 


\n 


li 


^:M 


m\ 


'iJ>TII  CoNd I  ST  SKiH, 


APPKXDIX  TO  THK  CONOHRSSIONAI,  GI,ORK. 

American  Sillers  in  (hi'unn — Mr.  i  'inlnn. 


f  \pnl  11. 
III).  (IK  Uki-s. 


j<ic»  ill  Onuoii,  unci  rci'iiiiiitii-iiiN  timl  wp  givr  Itic 
fntni-  t(»  (tiir  cili/iii!*,  niitl  rhmi-H  liv  Mnymu  lli'ilt  hi 
ilic  riiil  nl'ilii'  yiai'x  niilici',  \\c  yliiill  liiivc  iriii'lii'd 
II  |i>  i'mmI  xhi'ii  ili>'  iiiiiioimI  rii;lilH  ill  Ori'irmi  iiiiii'l 
ciihir  Ik'  iiIiiiiiiIoimiI  hi  liniily  iiiiiiiiliiiiiiil.  In 
iillii  r  uiinU,  iIk- liiiir  will  llicii  li:ui'  iniiii' wlini 
Mr  ran  iii»  Inn  1:1  r  ii-'^iwliiir  Ii\-  viiiiic  nl'tlir  riiinrii- 
lioii,  III' v\  Mil  n  riri'iiir  III  It,  lull  I'v  viiiiii'  nf  mil 
r\r|ii.^i\i"  inriMilnihin  itiiil  miMTrivuiy ;  wlifii,  iih 
I  lia\i'  alri'iiiiy  hIidwii,  wr  xiiull  lie  <'niii{M'IUil  In 
lit  liiii'  our  liniilH. 

Till'  I'll  Niili'iii  I'niiiionii  im,  in  llir  niiisliMiiplinlii' 
nmiiiiiT.lii  hf  nil  Mill-  minril  imi  In  vmliii'  ili.'  iiraiy, 
■riii.1  IS  a  |Miiiii  111'  i;n'iii  ili'linii'v  «  illi  all  imiiniiH, 
Nnvv,  il*  llii-  |iiii|i,>»iil  aniniilninii  I'r  ailii|i|i(l, 
»  llji'li  |iiin  all's  lliiil  till'  law  MJiall  iml  lir  ho  inii- 
slnini  KM  In  Miilalr  llir  liralv,  ami  Nllall  Irnilllinli' 
Willi  II,  wi'  kIuiII  i'niii|ily  Willi  llic  rrrTiiiliMirx  riH>- 
oiiiiiionilali.in,  'riia  law,  liaviir,'  llii'  aiillinrily  nl' 
till'  liraly  aa  ils  l.asis,  anil  rraslli::  wlinl  II  NJlall 
oraMc,  lite  I'lrNi.lriil,  in  Ins  t"illiiri'  lirirnliallnllN  nil 
iliis  nln-aiiy  |iit|i|i'\i  il  (|iir>.nnn,  will  iinl  l>r  iiMi"cil 

Ini' iiinli  ran  a.liliiinnal  iiliii.iinn  (Vniii  ilu'  lir.lisli 

<in\iTiinu  III,  lliai  lliis  law 'In  nil  inlnii'linn  nf  ilir 
Ircaiy,  aiicl,  an  niii'Ii,  KtaniN  in  ilir  wnv  nf*  nc'.'nlia- 
imii:  1. Ill,  nil  ihr  (,i|icr  liainl,  Imlli  Dnvrriinirnls 
liaviiiL' aL-iciil  lli.il,  wliiU'  Ilir  I'niu niiinii  ri'niains 
ill  I'nrri',  lliri|iir»iioii  nrjiirisilh-iinii  anil  s,.\rrrii;nly 
wlii.'li  carli  rlaiiiis  mrr  llii>  rriiiiirv  sliiill  \v  »iis- 
|ii  iiiliil  anil  »ii|i|iii'.-.K('il  — lliai  iiiiilaT  NliatI  ns«cri 
or  i'\«  n'i,«i-  il  in  iIh'  tarr  nl'  llir  nlluT,  (1  H|ir;il>  nt" 
fill-  lf!,Ml  cll'i  1-1  nl'ilio  iri'aly,^  im  il  imi  ngilaiii  vinli- 
linii  ot'  It  I'nr  liiliiT  parlv,  wliili'  it  I'mitinuc-,  m 
[las.s  a  law  or  il.i  any  niln  r  pi>l>li.'  art  wliicli  assorls 
nil  cxrliiaiM'  riizlit  anil  snveri'iiriiiv  nicr  tin'  Irrri- 
Inry,  linlwillislalulillL'  tin'  rxri'iilmn  nt"  tliis  assir- 
tlnii  iiiav  la'  I'nslpniii'il  till  iha  tli'alv  sliiill  Lrnliill 

111(1=      Knr.  It'  it  sllniil.l  1)1'  lliniii;lit  'mil  In   am It 

In  all  anil  il  lii('a"li  nf  ilir  tr'  aiy,  still,  ran  any  niii- 
ili'iiy  that  II  wniilil  lie  an  nlleiisivp  nii'li'iiHinii  (nr 
eilliLT  In  set  n|i  aL,'ain»t  llii'  ollii'r'  Now  lliis  is 
llie  iirrnur  iittiliiili'  in  wliiili  we  pla'f  ilin  iiaiinii, 
if  «!■  pass  tins  lull  as  11  now  Hiaiiils,  witliniit  tlii- 
proposed  aim  nilnutit. 

Mr.  C'liaiiiiiaii,  11  appears  10  nie  thai  n^i  l'piiiIi'- 
mnii  ean  tail  In  peicrivr  lliai  siidi  a  law  will  ilirinv 
tin  nlislai;le,  perhaps  an  insnperalile  illlliiiiliv,  in 
tlie  ['rLsiiK-iu's  way,  in  his  fiitiiie  in  .:Miialinii,«; 
tiial  il  will  lie  a  new  anil  iVesli  eaiise  of  ilispnie  in 
H  eoniioversy  alieativ  1  inineiiily  preu'iiani  willi 
ilaii'^er.  It  is  iinilnnlncdlv  niir  ilntv  In  atVord  m 
our  eiti/eiis  ill  Oi-e;;nii  all  the  prnlei'iioii  we  ran  in 
pood  faith  i^ive  iheni:  lait  our  duly  to  the  nalimi 
nii:,'hl  nt  tlie  same  nine  in  make  ns  eaiiiinns  in  the 
extreme  thai  we  dn  imi ,  ml.iirrass  the  IVesideiii  liy 
.1  new  eaiise  of  irritaiion.  Wliai  need  is  ilnre.sir, 
thai  we  .vlioiikl  at  this  lime  dn  anylhiii'.'  more  than 
make  prnvisinii  for  ihc  prnteriinn  nf  our  eiiizeiis 
while  the  eoiiveniinn  lasis?  What  oe.'asion  is 
till  re  lor  IIS,  hy  this  hill  and  in  this  di  lilieiMtr  and 
IHililie  Inrin,  to  resenie  and  assert  our  rii;ht  nf  snv- 
ereijiity,  whii'h  we  linve  snlemnlv  a^'ii  ed  iinl  in 
assert  while  the  treaty  remains  r  And  tins  piiUlii' 
net,  tnn,  is  In  i^n  out  In  the  world  ill  eniiinii.'tinn 
with  the  iiniiee — piitiiin.'  upon  the  nnti.e  an  tin. 
friendly  inlerprelalinn,  wliieli  all  its  advoi'ale.s  have 
deilared  to  lie  a  peace  iiieasiire.  What  else  eaii 
this  do  Inn  miseliiefr  And  what  nei-ei^siiv,  I  ask 
ficniii,  is  there  for  nil  lliis  =  If  the  noliee  slinnlil  lie 
eivcii  to-day,  the  enineniinn  would  not  terminaie 
111!  we  shall  luwi;  elnsed  the  next  sessitni  nf  r'nii- 
cress  and  heeii  i;one  from  h<'re  nix  weeks.  If,  al 
the  next  ses.sinn,  we  find  the  President  of  tlie  Tni- 
ted  Siules  lias  iiiil  and  e  iinoi  >'eille  this  eoiiiro\er- 
-y,  (ami  liy  ilinl  lime  lhisr|iiesiioii  will  he  dellnile- 
ly  Milled  one  way  or  llic  ntlii'r.lwe  shall  h,i\e 
ahiindanl  time  In  pass  such  a  law  as  the  e\i;^»  nev 
of  ilie  CISC  will  demand  of  ii.-.  In  the  mean  lime, 
and  while  the  ennveiiiion  lasts,  the  settli  rs  in  Ore- 
uoii  w  ill  have  the  proieeiion  of  this  law,  wliieh  w  ill 
he  foiiMii  alio;;eiher  inndeijuale  to  their  nceessilies 
wlie,i  ihe  tri  iiy  is  ,a  an  1  ml. 

If  ih"  noliee  he  ixiveii,  and  no  irenty  lie  made 
helVire  the  next  session  of  Cnnsrcs,  we  shall  then 
he  iTinijht  up  to  a  point  «  here  we  ninst  act  or 
nliaiidnii  our  elaim.  'I'tie  eomentinn  heini:  al  an 
end,  we  shall  he  reiniiied  liaek  In  our  ori'.'imd 
ri:;lits  vindir  the  law  of  nations.  We  shall  then 
le-is' lie  niidi-r  and  hy  Airtiit-  of  our  sovereiirnty; 
v.h*-n  we  ^hall  have  a  rii'lit  to  exert  an  alisohn.- 
and  exi-liisive  authority  over  whatever  territory 
lawfully  belongs  to  us;  and  if  we  go  one  inch  be- 


yond II,  we  do  no  al  our  peril.  <  Ileal  llnlnin  will 
si, mil  III   respeel    to    us    ill    the   nilllie  atlillllle.      (If 

eonrse,  when   w line   lo  ihiti  drlnaie  point,  w  e 

lllllsl  nf  iieeessilv  define  in  our  law  the  llnllls  >t[' 
our  lerritnry,  v.liieh,  as  I  have  already  shnwii, 
there  is  ini  need  of  iloni','  while  the  eonvenlion 
lasts.  "Siiltieieiit  for  tin-  day  is  the  evil  thereof." 
When  we  me  linnpihl  up  to  ili'it  ne.'es<ily,  I  Iriist 
He  shall  meet  il  lirlllly  and  lii.infnlly,  hill  jllslly 
and  ri'.;lilfiillv,  in  the  preveine  of  the  law  of  iia 
lioiiH  and  of  the  world.      I  say,  we   shall   then  he 

oliliL,'eil  to  di  line  our  boiimlai  les,  1 aiise  upon  ii 

iiiiist  depend  tin'  ipiestion  of  war  or  iieaee.  'I'lie 
power  to  milke  war  is   veslell    by  the   Cnnslitlllinli 

ill  Cnni^re's,  imd    we  nIioiiIiI    I iifailhfiil   lo  ihe 

I 'iinslitnlinii  if  we  eniiiimlleil  In  ihe  I'ri  sideni  lln- 
pnwer  of  di'i'iiliii;:^  thai  itnestinn  fir  ns.  W'v 
should  be  uiijiist  lo  him  if  we  devolved  on  him  the 
iieiessity  of  assiimiie^'  thai  hiu'li  renponsibiliiy. 
And,  Ihoii'^li  Ihe  fa 'I  that  this  bill  does  iml  ili'lim' 
the  liinils  of  nnr  lerrimry  is  no  nlijeeimn  In  ii  while 
the  niiuenlinli  hlsls,  yel,  lookln-j:  lo  its  eniilrmnla- 
led  ai'lioii  iifler  the  treaty  shall  be  at  an  end,  il  is 
an  iiisii|ierab!e  obifeiinn  to  the  hill  iliat  il  lines  not 
fix  and  define  our  Inniis;  that  it  ilieii  enniprls  llir 
IVesldent  to  iro  forward,  and  at  his  peril,  exert  llie 
authority  of  lienalion  wherever  he  shall  lliiiik  oiir 
liinilN  I'lre-.  thai  it  (iiits  him  in  the  neeessily  of  iiia- 
kiii'.r  a  rt','ht  dei-ision  of  iliis  most  drlieaie  and  daii- 
L'eroiis  rpiesii'in.  It  in  feet  devolves  on  him  the 
neeessily  of  f«/ff/i/i'--ftiiiir  a  (iovernnieni   instead  of 

ir/miais/iriiK.i*  it.  10  wlo'li   he   is  idnn mt'iieil  in 

the  I  X'Tcise  f'^  his  atipiniiri.iti.  fnni'linir:.  Is  il 
)inssible  that  the  real  frieiiih  f*f  llie  !'ri'sident  disir  ■ 
In  put  him  in  that  enibnrrassed  position?   Ilewniild 

I  e  impelird  fnrwaril  by  iiitemivrate  men  and  by 
pilblie  elimnr  lo  exi'rt  otir  ailth.n-ilv  lo  ihi  very 
\erv:e  of  our  exiremest  preiensinns:  there  would 
be  no  eseape  (Vnni  WI  r.  I  Innk  upon  this  bill,  as 
it  now  Niaiids,  as  a  war  measure,  as  inevitalile  war, 
should  Ihe  rresideiit  fail  In  make  a  treaty  belnre 
the  terniinalinn  of  the  ennvenlinn.  Ibit,  if  he  make 
a  maty  between  now  ami  the  next  sessinn,  we 
shall  111'  relie\ed  of  the  neeessity  nf  eomin-r  up  in 
this  daiiLrerniis  quesiinn.  W'v  e.iii  then  prnvide 
for  (h'eiinii  as  we  wniitd  fnr  any  other  territory. 
This  bill  extends  the  laws  of  Iowa  over  nreumii, 
and  (iroviiles  for  a  eoiirt  and  jiisliees  of  the  peaee 
In  admini.-iii'r  ihe  law  lliin  nii  our  own  eiti/ens. 
This  is  all  that  is  w  iiiti  d  while  the  eiin\  cnlioii  re- 
mains in  Inri'e;  bill  the  inniiieni  the  ennveiiiion  is 
at  an  end,  this  bill  would  be  no  better  ihiin  so 
much  monnshiiie  I'nr  n  government  in  that  eoiiii- 
Iry.  That  lerritnry  wniih!  then  reipiire  a  sirmiir 
and  elVi'iive  exeeuiive  in  the  heari  of  the  lerritn- 
ry. This  bill  eithi'r  lines  nut  i.rovide  for  aiiv  ex- 
eiiilive  trove  rnmeiit  nf  all,  or,  it'll  do,  Ihe  ( loveriior 
of'  Iowa.  li\  ini7  on  the  Mississiinii,  some  hiiiiilreils 
of  miles  above  St.  I.oiiis,  nnd  IW">  or  three  ilimi- 
.saild  I'rniu  ()re-;nll,  wnllld    be    the  (iovenior  of  llie 

II  rritnry.  Ymi  nii/lil  as  well  have  nn  Unvevnnr 
al  all. 

[Here  Mr.  Tiimie^iiv,  of  IVnnsylvaiiia,  who 
reported  the  bill,  said  that  il  only  extended  the 
laws  of  Iowa  over  l^lreTon,  but  did  iinf  make  the 
rjineriinr  nf  Inwa  the  finverimr  nP  (1ii'_'nn:  ihat  if 
the  irenileinan  I'roin  Chin  w  niihl  lonk  at  the  hill,  he 
would  see  that  11  eoiitained  a  elaiise  wliieli  aii- 
ihorized  the  Pre.'.-id'nl  to  njipoiiit  the  requisite 
nuiiilirr  of  jiistiees  >^\'  the  peaee  and  sueh  iiiinisle- 
ri.il  I'fli  -ers  as  shall  be  neeessary  for  the  due  ex- 
eeiiiinn  of  the  laws:  thai,  under  lhat  clause,  the 
President  eniild  aopoiiii  a  ;rnv'-rnnr.] 

Mr.  A'lXTOV  lesnmeil.  It  is  nnw  admitted  that 
the  bill  lines  not  ei'inlain  any  express  provision  t'or 
the  appninliiient  of  an  t'xeeiitl\e  olViei .-,  and  it  had 
nevi  r  o.'einai  d  to  him  that  Ihe  power  lo  anpoiiil  a 
•rovernor  lay  eone"aled  uielir  the  nioih-si  and 
humble  elaiise  aiilliorizinir  the  appoinliiieiil  of  jiis- 
tii'es  of  the  peaee,  and  siii'h  niinisierial  ollicei-s  as 
mi'.dil  be  neees.snrv  to  exeeiite  tl;e  kiws.  Perhaps 
it  mii'lil  be  as  well  for  r'niiirress  to  ileeide  whnli.r 
there  should  be  n  (governor,  and  what  his  silary 
should  be,  ns  to  |ia\e  the  ih  '-ision  of  it  to  the  I'ns- 
ident.  ISlioiilil  the  President  fail  10  seuh'  the  Or- 
eirnii  dispute  before  next  winter,  and  whetlu-r  he 
makes  a  Irenty  or  not.  it  must  he  nii|inrent  to  nil 
that  we  shall  then  be  nhliireil  to  make  fiirllier  pro- 
vision than  this  bill  ronfains  for  the  '.government  of 
the  eoinilry  afli  r  the  eonvenlion  shall  eeiise.  Is  it 
mil,  then,  more  prudent  lo  leave  the  whole  sub- 
ject of  providing  for  that  stale  of  thiiig.'s  till  the 


iiexl  session  >  AVc  shall  llieii  linve  lii;lils  before 
US  that  we  do  not  now  possess.  At  the  same  lime 
we  shall  III' I'll' ir  111' even  the  pretenee  or  iiiipiita- 
llnii  nf  llavim,'  iunkeii  our  Ire, liy  oble.'alii.iis. 

1  have  said,  Mr.  ('Iiairmnn,  nil  tlinl  I  desire  (r 
nay  on  (Ins  piirliiiilnr  siibjii'i.  lliil,  belnre  I'e- 
siiminu'  my  sent,  I  desire  In  deiniii  the  I'oiiimillee 
a  shoil  lime  on  aiioiher  lopie,  wliieli  was  broii'/hi 
lino  the  ilehiiO'  visii  rday.  .\llnsion  was  mnde  lo 
lln  Ori'lt'in  bill  of  till  last  session  by  a  to'iillemall 
from  Soolli  ('ai'olinn,  |Mr,  Womuv  \iiii,{  whos.iid 
the  I'laiise  In  (;ive  nnlii'e  In  (ileal  Ib'iiaiii  was 
pill  iiiln  thai  bill  by  a  maiiii'iivre  nf  the  \Vlii:.'s 
In  ili'ii'.r  the  bill  and  kill  il.      t  eaii  deelare  fnr  iii\'' 

si'lf I,  I  lliiiik,  fnr  Ihe  whole  Wlii';  party,  that 

fli nih'iiian  labors  iiiiih'i'  a  threat  niislake.    That 

bill  w  lis   aeied  11)11111  under  vi'ry  | iili.ir  I'lreiiin- 

stiuiees,  whii'li  w  ere  vi'sti  riliiy  very  eorrei'ily  slated 
by  nnolher  ■'entleman  t'roiii  Sniiili  ('aiolnia,  |.Mr. 
ni'irr,|  The  lloiise  li,'id  ordi'i'i'd  a  very  lar^te  and 
enpinns  dnriimi'iii  In  be  priiil'  d  explanalnr)'  nf  llie 

title  til   the  (In  1:0 iiiiury,  and,  w  iihoiil   waiiiii'; 

for  llie  prinlinu'  of  Ihe  dm  iiineni,  the  over-zenloii  1 
friends  of  the  bill  hurried  il  Ihronith  the  Mouse.  I 
liiiil  no  liini'  nor  nppnrliiniiy  In  iinestiu'iile  ihe  sub 
jei'i,  nnd  am  t'ne  In  i'iiiii'ish  lhat, when  I  wa.s  enllid 
onto  villi,  I  did  iioi  fully  iindersland  it.  I  w  as 
oblii,'i'il  111  dn  the  best  reonlil.  In  my  opinion 
lliere  were  iml  twenty  L'entlenien  in  the  House,  if 
there  was  li.ilf  thai  niinilier,  who  nt  thai  tune  weie 
mnsters  of  this  di'liinli  and  I'oniphia.ed  ipii'stioii- 
I  saiisfieil  myself,  however,  on  Inokiii'.'  inio  tie' 
p'livisions  of  the  bill,  lhat  some  of  them  Were  ill 
viol'iiion  of  the  ennvenlinn  fnr  the  j'lnit  oi'i'ii|iani  y 
of  the  eoiiniryi  that  il  in  lael  nsseried  our  somi- 
eiirnly  In  the  whole  eonntry  up  lo  ,j.|''  4(1',  wliieli, 
by  the  Ireaty,  was  in  id  ey'im'e,  nnd,  it'  allempted 
lo  be  earrieil  inlo  ell'ei't,  ii  winilil  prnliably  iiunlve 
us  ill  a  war  with  l''.n','lalld.  The  veneiable  i:eiitli'- 
man  f'rnm  Massaehnsetls,  who  had  formerly  had 
the  iiei'iitialion  of  this  siilijei'l  under  his  eliar!.',i', 
expresseil  a  very  ileeideil  npininn  that  if  Ihe  lull 
Weill  iiilii  a  law,  williniil  a  provision  fnr  a  year's 
linliee  In  I'jiidand  of  our  di'siri  to  lerminiiie  the 
eonvenlion,  before  the  law  slinuld  net  ii|iiiii  the. 
eonntry,  il  would  be  a  violation  of  the  treaty,  and 
prolinbly  involve  us  in  iiimiediale  war;  and  I  be- 
lieve there  is  but  o ipniion  at    this  lime,  thai,  if 

lhat  bill  had  In  rnme  n  law,  we  slinuld  have  been 
involved  III  war  bi  I'nre  now. 

In  thai  state  nf  thiii'j-s,  I  voted  lo  nineiid  the  bill 
by  insertiii',' a  elaiise  prnvidin:,'  for  iioiiii  ,  know- 
iii'.r  it  would  seeiire  the  peaee  of  tin:  eoiiniry  for 
nil"  year  nt  least;  and  still  belie\  iie:.  that  al  the 
end  of  the  year,  the  bill  wind. 1  iiiMiUe  the  eonniry 
in  a  war,  I  voied  aLrainsI  the  lull.  Thus,  to  secure 
the  peaee  of  llie  eniintry,  I  voted  for  the  noliee  and 
a<rainst  the  bill.  I  was  llieii  t'or  peace,  and  am  still 
for  il,  ns  hue.;  ns  it  can  be  honorably  preserved, 
and  no  lom;er.  \  war  al  that  lime,  nn  this  siih- 
ii'i'l,  Wnllld  have  t,lki  11  lln  penple  nf  the  liiiied 
Suites  by  surprise;  they  limked  tin'  no  such  resnii. 
This  was  the  exieni  of  my  iimnieiivie,  and,  ns  I 
bi'lieve,  of  oihers  who  viileil  ns  I  did,  for  Ihe  no- 
tice and  ai'iiiiisi  the  bill.  It  was  n  vote  ..'Ui'ii 
frnm  n  sincere  de.sire  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the 
cniiiiiry. 

(Mr.  Wiiiinw  uin  here  explniiieil.  nnd  sa'd  that 
he  bed  not  iiiii'iideil  yisienhiy  In  make  any  eliari'e 
iiOTinsI  the  Whit;  members  in  nlludin;;  lo  their 
ciiiiise  last  winter  ii|ioii  the  '•noliee."  He  only 
nil  alil  to  SI  lie,  hislni'ically,  the  facts  ns  they  oeeiii  - 
red.  and  10  explain  tin  ir  inlliience  on  the  vole  of 
the  House  on  the  nre'.ron  hill.  He  was,  perhaps, 
wrnn;:  in  iiiidertalimi;  to  i:uess  ui  the  nioiive  which 
iii'iiiaiid  the  Whi/  iiieinliers.  He  did  noi  dniil'l 
thai  the  !_'ent|eiiiaii  fniiii  (lliin  [Mr.  \'ivrnx|  vnled 
iis  he  then  did  fnr  the  nasniis  he  imw  slates,  and 
he  was  fvfc  to  admit  that  the  rest  of  ihe  Whi,;; 
iiiemberH  were  in'tiiated  by  the  same  views,  j 

Mr.  Vis'mx  resumed  his  remarks.  When  the 
news  eanie  In  ns  ,<{  the  manner  in  w  liicli  the  Pri  ■.• 
ident's  liiau'.:ui'al  Messaire  was  received,  bnth  by 
ihe  jbilish  Parliament  and  iiaiinii,  I  liiiesaw,  what 
must  have  been  nbviniis  In  all,  that  there  was  iin- 
iniiieiit  hazard  that  this  l)re:.'oii  i|ii(stiiin  would 
involve  ns  ill  war;  that  il  wniild  be  the  ijreai  topic 
of  this  session  of  ('oii;;ress;  that  the  time  had  come 
when  il  was  the  duly  of  every  member  In  invesli- 
LMte  and  iiiulei'staiiit  it.  I  sat  dnwn  at  Innue  and 
III  my  leisure  to  examine  this  subject,  with  a  fixed 
resolution  to  .arrive,  if  I  could,  at  llie  very  truth  of 


<i;cs. 


its  iM'liirc 
t*ttiiu'  lime 
I'  iiii|>iilii- 

I'llH. 

(li'Nirc  If 
irliiri'  n- 
I'niMiiiliicn 

H  lil-lllli'lll 
lllUlll'    III 

'itlriiiMIl 

>  III!  t^MIl) 

Ml      WM.-i 

WhlL'S 

I'M'  iiiy- 
iiiy,  lliiii 
■  ■I'li.it 
irrlilil- 
llv  NInli'll 

■,|.Mr. 
Iiiriv  mill 
ry  iil'llir 

Hnillll'^ 
!■  /(  llliMlil 
loiHi'.      I 

till'  Hill) 
WMN  nillnl 

K.        1    VM.S 

y  iiiiliil"ii 

ll.mH..,ir 
Illtlr  UTH- 
l|IH  HllOII. 

;   iiiiii  llii' 
111  wvrv  ill 

ii|iniii  y 

Mil'  Hinrr- 

11',    Wllll'll, 
iilh'iiiptril 


IHIC.I 


'J'.h'ii  (Jhnu Iht  Srsi. 


API'KNDIX  TO  Tin:  rONCUKSSIONAf,  r.I,ORF-. 

ylmrrirnii  Silllin  in  (hi't^on — Mr.  Ciihh, 


(135 


Ho.  OF  HkPS. 


till!  cniir,  and  fnrm  nn  hnnrnt  opinion  upon  iIm' 

r.li  Ii4,  'I'lli'  linilll  iif  nil  U'llH,  lliiil  I  niiiii  In  llir 
I'linvii'lloM  lliat  llir  I'lllll'll  Slllll'.i  lllin  11  r.ili' (liillil 
to  llii^  ('iiliiioliiii  I'lVrr  mill  nil  llii'  niiinii'y  ilrniinij 
liy  UN  wnii  ih;  IIiiiI  l''.ii^lmMl  linn  ii  liiir  rlnim  In 
I''in.;i'r'»  ri\ir  iiinl  llir  coiinlry  I'liilirni'iil  liy  ilN 
wiiIiih;  llini  iiiir  I'l.iiii  in  ilii>  |''r;i/,i'i's  n\i  r  iiniii- 
liy,  MM  lln  nsNiu'iiii'.i  nl'  S|«iio,  (niiil  \vi'  linvr  ini 
iiiliii-  pnli'iiiT  ol'i-lniin  In  il,i  iniiiinl  lie  rMippiirli'ili 
Mint  III  lii.'t  llii:  S|iniiiMli  iiilr  In  ilmi  cniiiilry  wan 
lull  wnrili  a  ti  ';  S|injn  iiiny  jinvr  (mm  wc  I'iiiiiii  kIii' 

lllil)  liisl  lIlMi'nv.'Irl!  Ilinl  |i|il'l  nf  Ihr  linllllWIMl 
i-n.i:.l,  Inn  sill'  iii'H  I-  iiinili'  nsilllrmnti  llpnli  It— Nllill 
n  Killli'iiirol  UN  till'  linv  nl'  h.>iiinii>i  rrnMiris  In  L;nr 
lilli'.  .\iil'  lliur  «■(■  cvir  iiinilr  ii  mllli  iiii'lil  llirir. 
I  iihI  llir  (Mill  ni'c  III*  till'  varimiM  I'Mil  anil  pi'- 
tiinirii  rxpiiirniinnn  anil  liiHi-nvrticFi  of  ilic  SpaniHil 
iia\  matniH,  vMili  that  ill. ipii  1- nl'ihr  law  of  iiniiniiH 
lirriiir  nir  wlinli  pri^n'rllnn  iln'  rri|iiisiirs  llial 
niMsl  lir  roniplird  willi  In  ai'ijiiirr  iillr  in  a  drsri-i 
or  varaiil  rniinny;  thai  law  wliirli  (Ici'lnriK  that 
(llsi-nviry  id  nnlllliiir,  nillrSH  fnllnwnl  np  liy  iiiillli- 

tluih'  xrlili'iiii'iil  mill    iipniii'y,   wliii'li   iiiiisl   lir 

lliMln;ilniiil  tn  iiiraii  a  si  lllrriniil  anil  arlnnl  nnii- 
jiiiM  \-  in  a  iiMMiiiinlilr  linn-  nl'ii'i'  dincnviry;  lliai 
tin;  i-rrLMini)  nl'  rriiBMiH  nn  n  ilrsril  i^naMl  liy  llir 
cli-i',ivrrii'ji,  ani|  Kiirli  like  rrrrniniiirs,  air  Ini'l  iillr 

rniniMliln  s,  whirl mini    lir   xuliHiiiiiiril    In    llir 

|>la.  r  nl' ni- iliNpriisr  Willi  ni'liial  srlllnnriil  ninllr 
III  !:nnil  I'aillii  and  this  iiiii'  t  Ir  nn  ai  a  nr.'rssary 
d'dii.iniii  I'nini  tliiil  fival  and  fiindainrnlal  priii 
riplr  nt'llir  l.iw  nl'nniiirr  null  nf  naiiniiM  wliirli  Win 
ai  llir  rnnt  nl' lliJH  lirainli  nrpnlilir  law,  "  llini  llir 
r.iiili  wan  in.idr  I'm-  tlir  ii.sc  nl'  nimi."  'I'rird  hy 
tins  irai,  wliirh  llic  law  nl'  iialiniiM  inipdMrs,  the 
|'ani-<li  riallil  will   llnl   ■■i„nd    ihr   nrdral.     .S|.iun, 


.S, 


111  rii-1.  dill  rrdc  tnilir  UniirilHlalri  lin-tille  In 

the  rnunliy;  lint,  in  thr  laniina'/r  nC  tlir  liratv 
Willi  lirr,  "  Ills  Calhnlir  Majisly  I'njrs  In  llir  I'lii- 
Iril  .Siaira  all  his  ii!,'/i(s,  i/ninis, 'and  prtltiKi'mn"  In 
tlir  naniiry  iinrlli  id'  tlio  I'lMly  t^rcnnd  di'L'frr  nl* 
iiniili  laiiiiair  nn  llir  nnrilnvrm' rnasi  of"  Amrrira. 
Il'thr  l!riii.<li  dni-iiinc  l,r  rnirrrl  iliat  lliis  rnasi  nnd 
cnuiiny  was  liy  llir  law  ol'  nalinn.s  npm  and  I'lrr 
tn  8.  iilrinrni,  tlir n. Spain  liy  ihisrrssinii  lias  divrsi- 
iil  liM.--rirnrtlir  ri;;|ii  In  Nriilr  and  nrniiiv  il;  and 
ihni,  nil  ihlM  liyjinl  JirNiH,  wimlil  lir  llir  wli'nir  rlVnt 
(if  lilt!  rrssinii.  Assiiniina-,  llirii,  that  tlip  I'nilrd 
Siaics  own  thr  (,'nliiiiiliia  livrr,  mid  Knuland  llir 
Fia/ir's  livrr  rniiniiv,  linw  wnnlil  thr  law  nf  na- 
tlniis  dlMW  thr  linn  nl'  divisinii  lirlwrrii  llinn?  I 
Ihiii'^  a  shirt  oliNrivanic  nl"  thai  law  wnnlil  takr 
ns,  I'ni-  a  slailiii'.'  point.  In  a  station  nii  llir  rnasi 
iiiiilway  liriwrrri  tlir  twn  ilvrrf;  i-iinniir.r  tliriirr  In 
thr  iirmrM  liii;hland  that  dividrs  ihr  wairi-s  nf  thr 
twn  rivris;  ihriirr,  on  llirir  iliviilinL'  lii''lilaiiils, 
to^  tlirir  sinirns-,  thrnrr,  passini'  rniind  thr  In^ails 
of  thr  fnliiniloM,  nn  thr  liiirlihoiil.s  thai  dividr  its 
wains  frnni  llinsr  i"-nt  fall  into  iho  Finzm  orriiK 
ihrnir,  ill  the  nrai'rsl  dirrclinn.  In  ihr  hnthlimls 
thai  dividr  the  walci's  nf  Ihr  Cnhimliia  frnin  llmsr 
of  tlir  .Mississipni  i-ivrr;  and  ihiwii  tlinsr  hiirli- 
Iniid:',  nn  ihr  ilividiii'i;  i-id^'r  In-iwrrn  the  walois  nf 
the  Ailiiiiiir  and  llmse  of  ihr  I'aiifi.'  orraii,  in  llir 
fiirly-iiinlli  (lr!.-riT  nf  Iniiinrlr,  whrrr  il  would  iii- 
tiisi  '.l  llir  Ijnniidary  of  thr  two  nalinnson  this  siilr 
the  Itncliy  Mnnniai'iis.as  fixed  by  the  sccoiul  aili- 
rlr  i>t'  the  Irraiy  nf  IflS. 

This  IS  llir  rininiiy  that  I  ihinit  we  nntrht  In 
liavr,  or  its  ei|iiivaleiil.  Such  n  division,  liowrvrr, 
would  cany  the  llritislidownacnnsidrrnliledistani-e 
on  ihecnasllielnw  thr  forly-ninlhdrireeof  laliuidr, 
niul  wnnlil  rarry  lis  up  a  niiirli  trrrairr  distain'r 
n'nnvr  it  in  the  intrrior,  L'iviiiiitn  thr  I'niled  Stairs 
a  niiii'h  laiiri  r  rxiriit  nf  rnimirv  alinvr  that  dr^'rre 
than  to  [•'.nuland  lirlnw  it.  This  parlilinii  wnnid 
render  ihr  I'nriti  nf  linth  r<nintrirs  (|iiite  irrr'^nlar. 
nnd  hrraU  in  vrrv  L'rrally  iijinn  thr  syniinrlry  and 
rnnifiarinrss  nf  idr  Ihiiish  pnssrssiiiiis.  Thr  ronii- 
try  ill  Ihr  vallry  nf  ihr  Cohinihia,  aliovr  thr  I'lrly- 
iiir.ih  dri;i-rr,  wonlil  lie  far  liriirr  for  the  KiiL'lish 
tliaii  thr  srore  of  ronnlry  on  thr  roast  lirlow  il; 
whilr  the  rnnntry  on  the  roast  would  la-  hrltrr  for 
lis  than  the  roiintrv  ahnvr  that  dr'^rrr  in  tlii'  intr- 
rior. 'I'lir  line  nn  ihr  fnrlvniiith  dri:rrr,  thru,  is 
nni  a  line  whirh  llir  law  nf  naiinns  would  i;ivr  iii; 
hut  i.s  a  line  of  rnniproini.-^o  in  which  thr  nniinal 
foiivrniencr  and  intrrrsi  nf  hnlli  parlies  would  he 
lirttrr  pronintrd  than  liy  an  adhrrrncr  tn  that  law 
in  inakiii!;  thr  adjiistnirnl.  If,  hnwevrr,  Ihr  iio- 
ticr  In  trniiiiiati'  tlir  ronvriuion  he  i;iven,  and  no 
coniproiniae  he  efl'ected,  during  the  year,  holh  na- 


iinns    will     hr     Ihinwil     lillik     npnn     llnir    nri^rilial 

nuhln,  nil  iliry  wrii.  prinr  In  ihrliinU'of  \»\rt\ 
liolli  must  Inkr  tin  ir  siniiil  nn  thr  law  nf  naiinns, 
iinil  wr  nliall  tlirn  he  hrnnu'lil  In  ii  iioiiii  win  ir  ivi.' 
iniisl  asnrrt  our  rivrhlH,  whairvrr  liny  may  hr,  oc 
uhnnilon  ihrin.  Wr  shall  llirii  lir  nhliurd  In  r\- 
trnd  nnr  laws  lui  r  inir  own  I'niiniry  tn  thr  rxrlio 
Sinn  nf  all  Ihllisli  law  .  hailjlaiill  w  ill  hr  put  to  tlir 
Hainr  nrrrssiiy.  |'',nrhwill  nf  iircrssity  hr  rnm- 
prllcil  In  ill  fun  Its  nw  11  liiiiii-i,  and  an  iiilrrfrri  iiir 
nf  law  iiiiiNi  had  In  war.  Il  I'nIlnwN,  frntn  wlial  I 
lian'  Slid,  llinl  when  wii  nIiiiII  hr  hron^jlit  tn  ihr 
drhcatr  i{iiinliiiM  nf  drfiniii;;  niir  liniil.;  and  a.'-rrt- 
iii','  nnr  ri'^hls,  wi-  laniint  rnnsiMiiaitly  wiili  ihr  law 
nl'  iiaiiniiM  rxh  lid  our  jiii  isdiriinii  In  ,11'  ID',  nnr 
Illlike  -r.l"  onr  lilir;  Iiiu'wc  shall  In'  ohlr.'rll  tn  roll 
fnii'  oiirsrlviH  In  thr  vallry  nf  ihr  I'ninhihia,  if  wr 
inraii  tn  vn  Id  nhi  dinnr  In  tlir  l.iw  nf  naiinns  nr 
rrsprrt  Ihr  riu'hls  nf  I'liiL'laial.  Ifihriiinr  'dia|| 
I'linir  win  n  wr  arc  nlili(;rd  to  n.i^ninr  |iirisiliriioii 
and  asvrrt  onr  rii^lits,  u  nil  my  prrsriit  views  of 
this  siilijicl,!  shall  t-'ivr  my  vole  fnr  the  esinli- 
lisliiiirill  of  a  t;n\rniliiriil  nvrr  llir  vallry  nf  thr 
f'nliiiiiliia,  fnllnwin;;  tlir  linmiilnrirs  thai  I  hair 
alrrady  nirnlionrd.  I!nl,  .Mr.  f 'hairiiiaii.as  I  have 
slinwn,  tlirie  is  nn  nrrissily  nnw  fnr  dnin'/  this; 
all  wr  now  have  nerd  to  do  is  in  pinvide  {'.r  thr 
lirolrrtioii  nf  nor  nli/rliM  whilr  ihr  riinvinllon 
lasis.  hiiriir.r  ilia'  tillir  llir  hniindarirs  nf  nlli-  Irr- 
rilnrv  nrrd  llnl  hr  ih'fuiril.  And  I  rainint  Inil  hiipr 
and  trust  tlir  rnllvrMlinn  will   not   hr  miIViT'iI  in  (  \- 

pirr  w'lthniii  an  nniicalilr  arriui'^rnirnl  nf  this  dis 
pule.  Itiit  if,  nnfnrliiiiatrly,  adversr.  rnnnsrls  pir- 
vail,  anil  we  are  nhliiM-d  tn  as-irrt  onr  rii'liis,  if  we 
nin.it  have  war,  ihrii,  likr  the  (.'rnilnnan  from 
Sniilli  Cariihiin,  (Mr.  Wnimw  \iiii,)  I  inn  fnr  fiu'lit- 
iiu;  for  .ll^  •!(»' — I  am  fnr  li;lilin;;  fnr  all  wr  ran 
(rrl;  I  rIiiiII  then  he  fnr  (iijliiin;;  lint  niily  for  54" 
■III'  in  Oiriinn,  hill  I  shall  lir  fnr  IK'hlint;  fnr  wlial 
that  irnitlrinaii  may  nnthe  vrrv  th  sirniis  Inolilain — 
fnr  , '■)!'' •ID' on  this  side  the  Uneky  Alounlaina  as 
well  as  on  the  other. 


.'idi'il  for  liy  lllil  liill;  anil  to  what  cmmiI   iniitlu- 
iiiiiMrir    hninid   in   ihrir  fiiliirr  ariinn  Ilium  Ilia 


AMKRICAN  Sr.TTr.K RS  IN  OnEGON. 

RE^rARKS  OF  MR.  COBB, 

OF  (;i;(iK(:i.\, 

Is  THE  HorsE  nr  IlEpnKHESTATivEs, 

.7;in'/  M,  IH4(!. 

On  the  hill  to  |>roii'rt  the  ri;;his  of  American  Set- 

tlrr.s  in  the  ti  irilnry  nf  Ore;|;oii. 

Mr.  rolUlsaiil: 

The  rriiiarks  which  he  prnpo.srd  to  .isiiliinit  lo 
the  eominillre  would  hr  in  refrrencr  to  thr  pro- 
visions of  llir  hill  under  rnnsidrraiinn.  lie  prn- 
po.^cd  tn  nirrt  thr  issiir  whirh  hr  cniisidrrrd  had 
hern  made  hy  thr  I'rnilrinan  iVnin  Ohio,  (.Mr.  Viv. 
Tnv.l  who  had  Jiisi  taken  his  sent.  The  ariiiment 
whicli  hr  had  made  and  ihr  position  whirh  he  had 
nssnmrd  hrfnrr  thr  eninniiilee  cnnstiliilrd  a  iirw 
issue,  111  IrasI,  whirh  hr  (.Mr.  C)  tlinnu'lil  cnnld 
and  nu'.'lii  vrrv  nroprriy  in  hr  rlriermiiicd  hy  llie 
decision  nf  the  Ilniisr,  nn  thr  hill  nniirr  ronsider- 
alimi.  Thrre  was  annihrr,  prrliaps  ef|nallv  iiiler- 
esiiiiL'  issue  which  had  hern  raised,  to  which  he 
wniitd  direct  a  nnrlion  of  his  remarks. 

What  WHS  the  i..isne  nmde  hy  the  nnicndnient 
proposed  to  he  .snlnnillcd  ?  It  was,  tliiit  the  pro- 
vision.s  of  this  hill  should  erase  tn  opcr.i.ir  in  the 
territory  of  Orec^'nn  at'ier  the  twelve  mmillis  sjiall 
have  expired  fnr  the  eivin^  of  the  notice  tri  ternii- 
tialr  the  rnnvriitinn  of  Ifi'il ,  leavini;  the  territory 
nf  OreL^on,  w'ilh  its  riiizrns,  wilhoiii  ihe  proterlinn 
t)i'  aii\'  laws  snvr  thnsr  nf  (iiiat  Hrilani,  wlii.-li 
wnnId  thru  hr  in  existence  and  in  operalinn  iinoii 
the  people  of  Ore'^on,  unless,  peiadventurr,  the 
Cniii^ress  nf  the  Uiiitnl  .Stairs  shall,  in  llie  mean- 
limr,ser  proner  to  le^oslate  ni.niin  upon  this  suhjeci. 
rpon  llint  he  ioincd  issue  with  the  u'lnilcninii  fmni 
Ohio.  He  ihonixlit  it  was  due  nol  only  to  the  in- 
terest and  liinior  of  this  eniinti'y,  hut  erpially  due 
to  the  interrsis  of  those  eili/cns  for  whose  protec- 
tion this  hill  was  intruded,  that  there  should  not 
hy  any  imssiliility  whaten.r  he  any  inlerreniuim 
in  the  operation  of  the  laws  of  the  United  .Suites 
when  once  they  have  been  put  into  existence  in 
that  territory. 

The  other  issiir,  and  that  to  which  he  proposed 

first  to  call  the  attention  of  the  House,  was  in  ref- 

I  ercnce  to  the  boundary  whicli  ought  to  be  pro- 


vide 

iinnurir  hninid  in  ihrir  fiiliirr  aciinn  npnn  ilia 
siil.jrct  of  nrri;nii  hy  iln  kiIi'm  herelnfnri  i^ivi-n 
ii|inii  a  similar  hill,  and  the  vote  Itiry  may  ((ivo 
npnn  lliis  lull. 

lir  cnnsiihird  thai  tin'  prnvisimiM  «f  lliii  hill,ni) 
repniird  fiint\  tin;  ('niniiiiiiie  no  Tei-ritnrirs  by  Ilia 
fiirnd  I'rnni  I'ennsylvania,  (.Mr.  'I'limii-iiis.j  cnver- 
ed  ihr  ivlinir  crniiml;  ami  thr  npi  ratinii  of  llii;  hill 
unnid  hi,  if  lell  V,  1 1  hi, lit  any  iiineinlnirnl  whaictrri 
nvrr  all  llmt  pnriinn  of  thr  ti  iritory  west  nf  thr 
Itoi  liy  .Mnnniains  lyin;,'  helween  llir  parnllrlior 
I 'i"  111  1(1  .''iPIO' ni.nh  l.itiinilr.  If  thr  iim:.iinii 
lind  lint  hren  innniid  and  ih  haii  d,  and  the  adinn 
and  di.^cuMsinn  nf  thr  Ilniisr  had  pini;i(  ^sed  npnn 
llie  bill  rrp  Mini  by  the  rinnmiili  e  w  iilmiit  its  he- 
iii;;  raided,  he  slinnid  have  dn  misl  il  whnlly  nn- 
nrcrnnary  tn  linve  plaml  in  ihr  lull  thr  »|.rcifie, 
Inirs  nf  bnnndary;  and  thr  nnly  iim  ,-sily  which 
now  arises  fnr  plariiu;  ihi  ir  hnund.irirs  in  the  hill 
specilicnllv  nnd  niii  i|nivnially,  Wan  In  pieveni  what 
Ilia  friend  lrnni"liin  hid  viry  pinperly  ainicipMlcd, 
vi/:  ihr   ell'iri   ihii  wiaild   lir  prniliicrd   npnn   the 

piilihc  mind  nf  mil  nw iimiiy  and  nf  Ivimpi  — 

iiinreespeci.'dly  ii|inii  ihr  llrilish't  invi  niiiii  in,  willi 
tthnin  we  are  cnntrslni^'  lliifr  rights— as  m  the 
iipimnn  nf  the  ,\niei'iraii  r'ont;rrs.i  nl'ihr  extent  of 
Aiiirricnn  ri'^liLs  in  llir  Orr^nn  tiriiiiiry. 

Ih'l  an  I  ll'nri  had  liMii  inailr,  nnd  thai  en'ort,  lin 
frail  d,  w.is  Nticcrcdiir.:  lint  Inn  will.  In  array  iiiinii 
tins  <|iirstinn  nf  boiinilary  ihr  two  parti's,  as  liiey 
were  soniriime.s  trrmeil  in  f.niiiliar  rnnir-isalinn, 
f.ilhnu  under  the  hi  ad  nf  "  49'^"  and  of '■.lio.llj'," 
au'.iinst  each  other.  He  ilrenied  lliis  whnlly  iin- 
nei  e.ss;ir\-,  if  he  rnrrccilv  niidcistonil  llie  npetatinji 
of  ihis  Mil  and  the  npiiiinns  nf  '.,rniliiiirii  whn  Were 
arra\'ed  npnn  the  nnr  nr  Jir  oiher  side.  Tin  le  wer'j 
Ihosr  w  ho  wrrr  friendly  to  a  .'nmiiromiseiirnur  ilif- 
ficnllies  III  relntinn  in  the  Or.vnti  teiritnry  nn  ihc 
basis  nf  the  J'j'ih  paralh  I.  Their  were  others  that 
wrrr  nnw  illiii','  to  iis~rnl  to  siii'h  a  coniproinise, 
and  wdio  believed  that  iio  pnriinn  of  the  lerrilnry 
oii'_'hl  to  be  ceded  or  ni;;;i>liaird  away  below  the 
parallel  of  .'i4'^  40'.  f.'mild  these  two  se|ianile  and 
dislinet  parlies,  if  they  innv  I  e  sn  termed,  iiiecl  on 
a  cnniinnn  iilaifnrm  and  livi  in  this  bill  a  uniletl 
snppnrt  with  the  parallel  nf  ,'■1'^  4IJ'  laid  dnwn  an 
Ihe  nnriheiii  bnnndmy  of  ibis  territory.'  lie 
ihou'.'ht  till  y  cnnld,  with  a  very  few  exceptions 
iiidrid,  and  to  these  excrpiinns  it  was  that  ho 
wnnlil  address  a  pnriinn  nf  liis  lemailvs. 

Thn.sr  whn  wrrr  iinwilliin;  tn  Mlllr  the  Oregon 
dillicidiy  111  low  .'jl-'  40'  cnnld  find  no  diliiculty 
whatever  in  u'lvinir  tlii'ir  snp|inrt  to  lliis  mea.sure, 
Willi  the  bniinilary  inserlid  in  the  hill. 

Il  was  only  neci.-sary  to  impiirc  into  the  dil!!- 
ciilins  which  pnscnted  ihemseUe.s  lo  the  niindsol' 
those  who  would  be  williii;;  lo  enter  into  a  com- 
promise nn  the  basis  of  4!)'^.  In  refrinn  e  to  them, 
they  slioukl  eonsidtir  the  snbjcci  both  as  re;;ardfl 
the  existence  of  the  pre.-iiil  treaty  and  the  slate  of 
tliiii'.'s  that  would  arise  in  ftirirnn  after  llie  cnnven- 
linn  nf  IH07  sb.iU  have  been  abrmjaied  by  virtue  of 
ihe  nniiia;  nf  twelve  mniiihs,  which  we  prnfinsc  tn 
j;ive.  811  Inii'j:  as  ynur  enuveniinn  exi.sls — .sn  Inn^ 
as  thecnnveniinn  is  in  nperalinn — upon  every  |ii'in- 
ciple  of  iialinnal  law,  there  cnnld  be  nn  diiliculiv 
wlialevrr  in  exleiidins  llie  juris. liriii, 11  nf  the  l;ni- 
tedSlate.s  nver  the  whnle  territory  in  dispute, clnim- 
rd  by  both  rjovrrnnient.-,  proviiled  that  you  do  not 
violate  the  provisions  of  the  cnnvcntinn.  Accnrd- 
iiiL'  to  the  dncirine  laid  down  by  the  sentlenuin 
from  Ohio,  there  cnnld  he  no  two  opinions  in  ref- 
erence to  it;  and  whether  he  iirrred  with  the  gen- 
tleman In  the  fill-  cxienl  nf  his  aignnient  nr  not, 
was  nut  now  necrssarv  for  him  to  eniisider.  1'lie 
r.enllcni.'urs  proposiii'in,  vhii  !i  he  illnsiraled  with 
:;reat  force,  was,  that  the  riu'hls  both  of  the  United 
.•^tatr.s  and  ihefbivrrmiK  nl  nfCire.it  Hrilain,  in  ex- 
tend inir  their  laws  and  prnieciion  tn  their  liiizeii.s  in 
the  terrilnry  nf  Orcrnn,  duriii;r  theexisience  nf  the 
ennveution.donol  arise  frmii  thejiirisdiciinii  '^n*nw- 
in;,'  out  of  sovereiL'iity  as  it  exisiid  in  either  Ciov- 
irnmenl,  hut  rested  niiou  the  provisions  of  the 
treaty  itself,  and  L'lew  nut  of  the  treaty.  If  this 
was  sn,  cnnld  there  be  any  objeciinu  t.i  exletulinij 
onr  jiirisdiciinn  eo-exiensive  with  the  tiialy  it.self.' 
It  seemed  lo  him  there  could  not  be.  Tn  the  ex- 
tent, thru,  that  the  convention  of  1S27  .shall  remain 
in  operation,  he  conceived  that  thrrr  could  be  no 
iliHienliy  in  all  parties  ngreeinij  to  insert  w  the  bill 
..  the  boundary  proposed. 


!f 


i  i| 


.^i 


f% 


uraij-ipiwii  iiimip.vwi 


I^IIWW 


'  *HU  1 1 


636 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


S9tu  Cong 1st  Skss. 


American  Hettlers  in  Oregon- 


Mr.  Cobb. 


[April  U, 
Ho.  OF  IIkfs. 


•i'&n 


But  the  |iriiici|ml  dilliculiy  llint  Imd  nrison,  wns 
ill  ri'Icrciii'i'  lo  llii'  |ifrioil  of  tiiiif  miliscqiiriit  In  Ihc 
iiliiiiyMtiiiii  (if  llir  lii'iUv;  mill  lie  \vii»  |]|T|i;\ir(l  til 
conowlr  In  f;<'iilliiiii'ii  llial  tlicri'  wns  mniT  ilillii'iil- 
tv  ill  (leriiliii:;  tint  iiii'siinii  tliiiii  tlii'  first  niir  he 
lincl  iMiii.fidpri'il;  h'li  cvni  with  iTlLifiiiM;  to  that, 
with  vi'ry  tt"'  i!\i-e|)tuiiis,  lit*  imuh-imvciI  that  llic 
frifiidf*  til  li  IN  liU'a.siiri'  r.uihl  vote  fur  ihis  IkuiiuI- 
ary  withoiu  I'miiiiiittini;  'hiMiisflvcs  luymid  the 
piiiiit  wliii'h  thry  are  willini;  'i>  stand  I'liiiiiiiitlcd,     i 

OiiL' of  twii  thiii;;s  imist  he  lVhio  a.'U'r  tlir  nui- 
>v;iilitiii  of  Ic^'JT  shal'  Ik'  aV>rii^;:iti.'d  \\\  the  imtiff, 
iiiid  llie  twelve  iiiiniths  shall  have  expired:  this 
Cioveniiiieiil  must  tlieii  eilliir  aliaiiiliiii  theii'  eiii- 
■/.ens  ill  llie  leriitnry  of  (Irejjnii,  and  leave  them 
without  the  heiielii  of  the  in'oleotion  whieli  the 
laws  of  the  I'liiied  States  would  all'ord  iheiii,  as 
exieiuled  liy  virtue  K\i  this  Itill,  in'  some  similar 
liieiisurei  or  else  they  must  exteiiil  their  Jtirisdii'- 
tioii  over  that  eountry.  li'  we  extend  our  jiirisdie- 
tiou  over  the  territory  of  Urei^on,  we  must  exieiid 
it  over  a  territory  de'liied  Ky  liomidary.  If  you 
deliiie  that  terriuu'y  hy  a  lioiiiidar',  ,  elearly  and 
dislnielly  drawn,  wliieli  he  held  we  were  liouud 
to  do  ill  jiistiee  to  niir  own  l-iovenmieiit,  lie  asked, 
then,  those  individuals  who  were  lavoralile  to  a 
seltleiiieiit  or  eoni|iroiiiise  oil  ilie  -llhli  parallel,  if 
llie  ivveUe  mouths  had  lo.dav  expired,  and  you 
wfre  now  ealled  upon  to  m-t  in  lel'ereui-e  to  your 
eiu/.eiis  111  Ok  ueii,  would  you  aliaialon  ycair'eiu- 
/eiis,  and  plaee  lliein  there  without  the  proieeiioii 
of  any  la\r  :  There  was  uoi  a  disseiiiiu:;  voiee  to 
the  answer  wliieli  would  he  ;;iver  in  llie  iiei;alive. 
If,  llieii,  we  exuiid  our  jiiri.-xli.Mion  over  that  terri- 
tory, would  you  not  d.i  ii  on  delinite  hounds.- 
< 'liarly,  no  one  could  lo.siiate  as  to  that  position, 
!f  vou  are  to  extend  that  upon  delliiiie  lioiinds, 
will  IV  will  you  slop?  At  the  C'ohmiliia:  At  the 
paralltl  of  411°.'  There  was  liiii  one  elass  in  lliis 
lluusewho  eoiild  slop  upon  the  parallel  of  llf. 
lie  v\  as  e..nsideriii;;  tin  ir  aeiioii  in  relereiiee  to  the 
|Kliod  of  lime  vvhell  llu  lloliee  shall  have  hecn 
uivi-ii,  when  the  twelve  months  shall  have  expired, 
iiiid  the  eoiiveiitii>n  of  lS-27  have  lieeii  ahroialeil. 

They    were,    l.y    this    l.ill,    if  they    pleased,    lixill^' 

upon  ihe  hooiidaries  wliic  li  were  then  to  lie  asserted 
hy  the  liovernmeiit  n:'ili,/  I'niied  .Slates.  Would 
iliey  put  it  at  Vi^':  He  li.id  stated  that  there  was 
one  elass  who  would  put  it  there;  those  who  lie- 
lu'ved  the  tiovernnient  of  ihe  I'liiied  Stales  have 
no  ri'.'hl,  lo  el.iini  whatever,  lieyoiid  JiP,  einild 
a^'iue  t.i  til.-'  aiiieiidmeui  ollViid  ly  the  L'entleinaii 
from  Kii.iueky  |Mr.  .M.  Hksh'.  ]  yesterday.  Ihit 
uooii-  who  l.eliev.d  that  out  ri;;lils  extend,  as  the 
^'i-nthniau  from  t_)liio  asserted,  to  WS* — for,  if  he 
inid'.istood  the  L.'ehileinaii  eorreetly,  that  was  the 
Iciior  of  his  ari;uiiii  iit  upon  a  p.niicai  of  that  ter- 
ntoi-v — 11. >  one  who  l.elieved  that  it  exlellds  he- 
yoiiJ  4'.'" — no  matter  how  I'ar,  wheiln  r  lo  ,")!'-', 
;VP,  .'i.'P,  or  ;'>4^' — eoiild  i;ive  his  support  lo  that 
lull,  tixiiii;  the  territcuiil  l..iiiiidary  at  411'^.  lie 
,•l^^erted  that  as  a  prop.isitioii,  wliieli,  it  striiek 
Ills  mind,  euuld  not  he  refuted,  i.id  would  not  he 
diiiied. 

Why  ..oiild  ihey  assert  it  nt  4',)-'?  'Wliy  we.nld 
his  friends  he  f.ivor.ihle  to  a  sen'enient  upon  411'^, 
111  aniieipaiioii  i.f  any  si  iih  nieiit  •     And  wlieii  set- 

lleiiu.ll  ail. I  eoiii|i|i)illise  I.elwe.ii  ihe  tWoCioviTll- 

nieiils,  I  y  III  liiiiiati.'ii,  v\.is  iiiii  pi.diaMe — he  would 
not  .say  not  possihle — why  would  lliey,  then,  of 
till  ir  own  free  will  and  neeord,  i:ive  up  a  portion 
of  our  tt  rrii.iry,  wl.ieh  tlnv  held  we  have  a  ri'^lit 
lor  Y.iii  have  the  ri^'lil  to  "it — you  1.  i\e  the  heir  r 
li'li — as  had  lie.  n  ol.ser\ed  on  iliis  floor  liy  those 
\(iio  were  ■'.iMuahli'  ti'  a  eoiiipriuiiise  on  4'.P. 
Why  would  tie  y,  thoii;,'li  t'  y  .|:;lit  he  „  llliiut 
I  >  .■..mproiiii.se  i.ii  ihat  lioi-  it  we  w.  re  rei  eiviiu',  a 
lyiiid  ;)r(i  i/i.u  from  the  IJriiish  Cioveriiiiieiil,  w  hen 
ileiewas  no  indu'einent  held  oul  hy  lie-  I'lit- 
ish  Lioierniiient.  n.i  ..(ler  in  ale  hy  III  I— when 
there  was  in  la-.iiiation  pendili;,'  wliieli  would 
lead  toil — why  would  ihcy,  under  tin  se  einiii'i- 
siar.  es,  slip  forw.iid  a.  d  saerifiei,.  a  portion  of  our 
riL:hts  with. .Ill   any  eipiival'iit  wliate\er' 

He  put  this  arLoiiiii-nt,  itieii,  (o  ih.ise  ^eiitlt'iiu-n 
who  miuhi  f.iv..r  a  einiipnuiiise  lit  J!P,  lint  who 
tell  Volt  tlli'V  Im  lleve  the  title  of  the  riiile.l  Sl.ili  s 
to  that  p.nii.ui  of  the  territory  hetwei  n  4!'  and 
•ll"  4tf  heller  than  the  title  of  the  llrili'  li  (ioveni- 
111'  111:  and  It  Klrii.'k  him  that  tlun'  was  no  way  of 
t.v..i.liu:;  the  eoiieiiisio-'  to  whi.-li  hisuwii  iimid 
had  hueii  hruu'iht  upui   the  (,iilj..cl. 


Was  not  his  proposition  demonstrnted,  then — 
if  he  iiiii;lit  use  so  stroiii;  a  term — that  all  tlio.se 
who  were  in  t''vor  of  a  eonipromisc  at  4')^,  and 
those  who  were  I'avorahle  to  asscrtiiiiJ:  our  title  to 
54'-'  4U',  and  were  unwillin:^  to  assent  to  any  eoni- 
iiroiiiise  whatever,  eoiild  unite'  in  support  of  this 
hill,  or  of  soiiie  other  hill,  \,  liieli  si'tiles  upon  r>4^ 
40'  as  the  lioiindarv  to  i>e  asserted  hy  our  CJov- 
eriimeiil  i.fter  the  alirogatioii  of  the  eonveiitioii  of 
18-27? 

.Now'  lie  was  free  to  admit  that,  if  there  were  i 
those  pre.seiii  who  lielieuid  that  the  title  of  the 
IJriiish  Government  to  any  )iorlioii  of  this  terri- 
tory is  lietter  than  the  liile  of  our  Ciovernmenl, 
ihey  mi.;;ht  very  proiierly  draw  a  distinelioii  in 
their  aetioii  dm  jif?  the  exisleiiee  of  the  eonveii- 
tioii, and  suhseiiueiit  to  its  al/ro!;aiioii. 

If  hehelieved  ill. It  the  title  of  the  lirilish  (ioverll- 
meiil  to  the  porlion  ahove  4'.P,  or  to  any  portion  of  . 
Ihe  territ.iry,  w.is  heller  than  llie  liile'of  our  own 
eoiiutry,  then  he  would  not  assert  the  title  of  our 
eoiiiilry  to  r)4°  411'.  He  would  not  make  an  elf.irt 
to  carry  our  jiirisilicti.ui  and  our  laws  over  such  ter- 
ritory, hecause  he  mi','llt  as  well  lie  ill  fa. or  of  ex- 
lendiiiu;  our  jiiris'liciion  over  ("aiiaihi,  or  any  other 
portion  of  the  po.ssessioiis  of  ihe  Ihilish  (iovern- 
meul.  His  ar:,'iimeiit  was  only  addressed  to  those 
who  helieve  that  tlii'  title  of  the  riiiled  Slates  is 
the  heller  title;  that  it  is  siu'h  a  title  as  should  in- 
duce this  tiovernmeri  to  make  an  elforl  t.'  sustain 
it,  thou,'!!  they  iul._dii  hewilliii:;  to  eoiuproiuise,  to 
yield  up  some  part  of  our  claim  for  an  er|iiivileni, 
and  lo  settle  the  dis|iiite  on  the  line  of  411°. 

.Mr.  Uriir  inleiposeil,  and  (Mr.  ('.  yieldiiu:  Ine 
flu. irl  ill  sired  to  ask  the  L'eiilleiuan  from  Cieoriria 
whether  he  iiieanl  to  express  the  opinion  that  those 
who  helieve  that  Great  hriiain  has  title  lo  the  eoiiii- 
Irv  drained  hy  I'razer's  river,  lai'dit  not  to  vote  for 
this  l.ill  = 

.Mr.  Conn  replied,  that  his  |iosiiioii  was  this:  he 
woiild  repeat  ii :  lles.iid,  if  ilarr  was  any  li  rri- 
tm  y  eover.d  hy  tin'  lull,  to  which  he  helieved  this 
(i.ivermuent  had  no  claim  whatsoever,  he  would 
not  vole  forexlendinijlhe  Jnrisdictionof  the  rnileil 
Sines  over  thai  terrilory  at  a  jieriod  suhsei,.ieiit  lo 
the  aliroiralion  .if  tin   c.iiiveiition  of  l>:i7. 

.Mr.  liiiir  (.Mr.  ('.  a;:ain  yieliliiitr)  desired  lo 
know— he..ause  he  would  lik.'lo  he  eiili;;lileuMl  hy 
his  hoiiorahle  friend  friiin(.horuia — whether,  in  his 
opinion,  ihis  hill  w:is  now  to  he  re'.'arded  as  .in  as- 
si  rli.ill  of  Ihe  lill,.  of  the  rnileil  Slates  to  ."i4°  4li'  ■ 
If  so,  availini;  liimselfof  a  lii^'h  privilege,  when  one 
dis.-overed  he  had  taken  a  wroii._'  posiiioii— llie 
ru'ht  |.i  chaiiire— he  should  rertainly  take  hack  his 
position  in  I'avor  of  this  hill. 

.Mr.  Cuiiii  resuinin^',  said  the  whole  ohiecl  nf  his 
remarks  had  leeii  to  slmw  that  it  was  the  duty  of 

oiir  Goverumi  ill  to  extend  hi  rjiiri.silicii ner  the 

whole  terrilory,  if  v.i- 1"  lieve We  have  a  claim  lo 
that  territory  which  oii'^hi  lo  he  asserted;  hut  he  did 
not  hold  that  those  who  minlit  I.e  in  favorof  a  sei- 
lleiuelit  of  llie  (|iiesli<iii  hv  ciuiprnmise,  w'ere  eoiii- 
inilted  iifiainst  such  a  seiil.nieni  of  hoiiiidary  hy 
llu  ir  vole  for  this  hill.  That  wi.s  ihe  |iiisitioii  he 
had  taken,  and  endravored  lo  enforce,  in  the  ar:;ii- 
meiit  whii'li  iie  had  nlli  red  to  ihe  lloii.se. 

l''or  himself,  he  hail  no  dilliculiy  in  re^'ard  lo  tiiis 
hill,  iiii'li  r  any  eoiisiruciion  iliai  niiu'ht  he  plaeed 
up. Ill  it.  Il  suited  him  in  every  |iaiiicular.  His 
ohjeel  was  lo  place  such  a  eonslrii.  lion  upon  iis 
provisions,  as  that  it  would  he  a.'i'epiiihle  to  all  the 
friends  of  the  measure,  and  would  unite  them  in 
ii.<  support,  wilhoiit  ilrawin:.' a  ilisi'iiciiiiii  helweeii 
Ih.i.se   who   were   ill    fulu-  of  .1   seiil.ineiit   ,,f  'he 

hoiiiiilary  In nipr muse,  as  ihe  i'liilleinaii   rnmi 

.Soiilh  CiiroliiKi,  [Mr.  Wooinv.viii.,1  yeslerilay, 
ssiil  he  -.las,  and  those  who  were  opposed  to  any 
such  selllenieiit.  His  ohjeel  had  heiu  to  iiiiile 
tliosr-    ,|i.i  held  these  did'ereiil  opinions  ill  f.ivor  of 

sindi  a  iia'asiire  as  ilial   ii.iw  preseiiled  to  tin n- 

sideralioii  nf  '  i.e  coniiuiilei.. 

The  neiiilemnn  from  Ohio,  '.Mr.  ViNriiN-,^  and 
other  i^i  nileineii,  .<.vi\  ihey  were  willing;  lo  support 
lliis  hill,  pnividei'  eraiioii  of  it  was  liiiiiu  .1  i.. 

the  pi  rioil  ihai  |i.    .       .•  iiliiuiof  ImO"  w-as  in  I',  me; 

hill  Sl.lise.piiiil  11.     ,,t  .  period  ihey  in  sire  lli.il  i.l'.i'r 

and  d.ll'i  n  III  leaisliliiiii  ,li.iiild  he  had.  Ihit  i  w 
wen-  deiernuned  lieieafier  in  iiiiv  siili...i.ipii.iil  "iris- 
l.illoll  we  iiii;.'hl  make,  to  ||\  ihe  lioiini'  ry  as 
piopiiwd  by  this  II,  there  vt-as  no  more  dilliculiy 
III  seltlint:  it  no  v  than  there  would  he  at  a  fiiiiire 
jieriod.     VVc  could  (u:t  a.i  well  innv  ill  rgfcreiiet  i<) 


the  tiinn  wdicii  the  convention  of  18^7  shall  liavn 
expired,  as  we  could  within  one  month  previous 
to  that  lime.  If  the  view  pre.senled  hy  the  hoiior- 
ahle ^'eiilleman  from  Ohio  was  earriid  out,  would 
it  not,  mii;lu  it  iiol,  he  an  act  of  t^ross  injustice  to 
our  eiii/ens  who  are  in  Ore;ioii..*  ^'oii  pass  tlii.s 
hill  for  their  prelection;  your  laws  are  extended 
over  tlieiu;  your  eoiirls  are  orjiaiiized;  they  oucu 
more  live  under  the  proleelion  of  llii^  laws  of  lliu 
V-  :ed  .Stales;  hut  at  the  same  lime  you  infirm 
.iieni  that  this  is  only  a  leinporary  arraii!;emeiit; 
you  aholish  the  temporary  i^overiimeiit  which  ihey 
lia\e  reared  up  there  lo  proiect  themselves;  wf.:!" 
llie  Uiiiied  Slates  have  withheld  that  proteetioii  lo 
which  all  oiir  citizens  lhiaii;lil  iheniselves  enlilleil; 
Ihey  iiliandou  their  present  form  of  fjoveriuueiil, 
with  all  its  provisions  and  .safe<;iiarils,  in  order  llial 
ihey  may  he  sheltered  hy  the  provisions  of  your 
law;  anil,  at  the  .same  tinie,  yoo  say  to  llieiii,  tlii.-i 
is  a  mere  teinpor;»ry  arra  ::eiuMil,  and  when  the 
lime  comes,  upon  the  expiraiion  of  the  notice,  lo 
as.sert  our  jurisdi. ■lion  over  that  coimlry,  it  will  he 
dependent  upon  the  will  and  caprice  of  llio  ('oii- 
i;ress  of  llie  United  Slates  whether  wc  extend  lo 
you  any  proleelion  or  iioi. 

'I'liere  could  he  no  f;roiiiid  of  dilliculiy — no  valid 
ohjeclion  lo  inakine;  our  laws  perinai  lit  now.  Il 
would  not  interfere  with  the  couveiition  of  It'JT; 
the  learned  ;;enileiiiaii  from  Ohio  could  see  no 
chance  of  its  lull rference  with  the  treaty,  and  eer- 
l.iinly  no  one  was  more  capahle  of  delectini;  such 
an  iiiterfereiice,  if  it  would  arise  in  any  point.  If, 
then,  1  here  would  he  no  iiiierfereiice  with  thelrealy, 
it  was  iinohjcclionahlc.  diirini^  the  existence  of  the 
treaty;  and,  afier  the  treaty  shall  have  expired, 
there"  is  noihiiif;  more  necessary  ihaii  the  ii.itiiral 
colirlesy  which  existed  hetweell  all  I  uiverunielits. 
Mr.  ViMox  interposed,  and  (,Mr.  ('.  yieldiiu.',) 
said,  if  ihe  ameudmenl  which  he  hail  proposed 
were  adopted,  he  should  vole  for  the  hill,  hecause 
h..  did  not  iliiiik  the  lull  would  work  a  violaiion  of 
llie  rights  of  Great  Uritaiii  iliiriu.::  the  I'xisience  of 
the  eonveiilion;  hut  if  the  ami  iidment  were  not 
adopted,  from  the  terminalion  of  the  eonveiitioii, 
he  ihoii^lii  this  hill  would  inevitahly  involve  us  ill 
a  conilut  wiili  Great  lirilain. 

Mr.  t'oiia,  resiuuins,  said  that  was  a  dill'ereiit 
cousiileration,  wlial  would  he  the  result  after  the 
eonveiilion  has  expired.  He  was  iiu|iiii.ii!.':  wlieili- 
er  llie  hill  inlerfered  wilh  the  ri^'hts  of  the  Ihiiisli 
Government  under  the   eonveiitioii,  and   wheiher 

there  I Id  he  any  cause  of  coniplaint  on  the  pari 

of  til.'  Ihilish  Govermiieni  from  iis  passas,'e.  His 
idea  was,  ili.it  it  did  not  iiiierfere  with,  or  violaie 
any  provision  of  the  eoiiveiilion  of  I.'-;!?,  a  id  he 
i  wiis  referriii;;  to  the  authority  of  the  hon.irahle 
<;eiilleiiiaii  to  sustain  liiio  in  tluit  position,  as  lie 
1  learly  iiiiderslood  him  lo  do  s.i. 

Till  re  was  one  pan  of  the  aniendmenl  of  the 
Kentlenian  from  Ohio  which  he  ihoinihi  oiii;hl  to 
he  pot  into  the  hill,  ll  was  where  he  proposed  lo 
provide  that  the  proviMons  of  lliis  hill  shall  llol 
iiiierii  r"  wall  the  ri:;his  of  the  » ioveriiiiunl  of 
Great  lirilain  or  her  eiiizeiis,  diirin;  ihe  exisieia'e 
of  this  eonvenliou.  He  had  no  ohjeelioii  to  thai 
part  of  the  irenl lent. Ill':,  ameiidmenl. 

Ihit  the  •.•enileiuaii  says  ihis  lull  will  involve  us 
in  a  coiilli.i  w  nil  <  ireai  Ihitaiu  after  the  aluo^'aiion 
of  the  tiealy.  Thai  was  a  porlion  of  lla  invesli- 
/aiioii  to  w  inch  he  ihsireil  lo  call  the  atteniiou  of 
llie  cominiliee  for  a  very  few  moments.  Would  it 
involve  us  ill  a  eonllici  ■  Unless  there  he  a  selile- 
meiii  of  this  dilliculiy  hy  iieuniialion  privioiis  to 
the  expiraiion  of  llie  iueive  moiiilis' iiolice,  would 
tiiii  Giiveriimeiit  he  li.  lerred  from  passini;  laws 
triiinir  proiecimu  lo  us  ciiizeiis  in  the  Oret;oii  terri- 
tory hy  any  apprelieiisioii  thai  such  proleelion 
would  invoive  us  in  eonllici  with  Great  Ih'ilain  ^ 
If.'^o,  iheslepwhich  iliis  House  has  already  taken 
ill  iiivim:  llie  lloliee  IS  K.inoiis  in  ihe  extreme,  mil 
only  to  our  Ijoverument,  hut  lo  the  jteople  uf  the 
I'liiied  .Slates  who  have  emigrated  lo  Ore;;oii.  liet- 
ter hy  fir  iliat  we  reaill  llial  act  of  legislation;  hel- 
ler ll'iai  we  r insider  het'ore  il  is  loo  late,  if  iiuleed 

the  United  Stales  are  lo  hi'  ih  lerred  hi  real'ler  lioiii 
exIendiiiL'  aiiiph'  priiieciii.n  lo  our  ciii/.  iis  in  On- 
(foii  hy  the  apprelieiiM.iii  ihal  it  will  lead  to  a  ecm- 
llict  with  Great  Ih'ilain.  This  lull,  if  earrieu  out 
afier  the  expiration  of  the  Iwolve  moiilhs,  niiulit 
lead  to  eoidlict.  If  there  were  no  ne^Mitialion,  no 
seitleiiieut  of  llie  eoniroversy ,  perhaps  il  would. 
T'itU  i.uiillicl  WUH  inuMlahlc  ii'  ihey  udliered  to  ilia 


1840.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGUESSIONAIi  GLOBE. 


iV.n 


5i9TH  CoN« 1st  Sess. 


T/ic  Oregon  (Question — Mr.  IJcustun. 


Senate. 


jinssHse  of  the  nolii'e,  nnil  wcrp  unwilling  to  nbiiri-  j 
(loll  llin  iiUeroslM  of  yniir  |ieo|>li;  in  llwit  li'nitoiy,  ' 
mill  no  |iri'vioiis  setilunu'iil  of  llic  (jursilon  wii:) 
( Ili'Cltil.     If  111' coiilil  I'oi'  II  iiioniciil  I'lilrilain  lliu 
iciiii  llmt,  lu'ier  (lie  ox|)irali(iii  of  iIiIh  coiivciuinn, 
no  |irotri'lioii  was  to  be  j^ivcii  to  our  citi/.cns  in  , 
lliiit  Iniilory  for  I'riir  of  iiivolviiii;  us  in  the  con- 
llict,  sM'IikmI   Io  III'  fi'iirril   liy  llie  niiilli'iiiiin  I'lom 
(Hiio,  lie  wiiiild  uitti  llie  ulnio;  t  siReil  retrace  hi ;  : 
iiie|iH,  mill  iiokiiowl('il;;r  lifore  the  eoiiiitry  tliiil,  he  ; 
hail  ooiiiniilli'd  a  lcf;islalive  lihiniler  in  voting  for  j 
llie  noli  f,  from  the  e\il  elfeols  of  wlii'^h  he  wniilil 
i;o   III   relii"  !■  our  citizens  thcrr,   iinil    tln^  whole 
country,  as  smm  as  pns.silile.    Mo;  lliey  liail  laltcn 
llie  first  Ki'eat  iiml   iiii|ioitaiit  sle|i  on  the  part  of 
llii»  House,  lowaril  the  assertion  of  our  riijhls  over  I 
llie  wlioli;  territory  nl'  Or. 'idii.     A  eoiienrrenee  in 
that   measure  on    llie   |ian  of  the  Senate,  woiilil  | 
place  us  in  llie  position  which,  in  the  spirit  of  the  | 
iiiessan'e  of  t!ie  I'resiileiil,  woulil  impose  upon  n.s  j 
the  absiilnle  necessity  of  passing;  sncli  laws  as  will  j 
protect  our  inlercsta  and  ntir  citizens  in  the  terri-  • 
lory  at  the  expiration  of  the  twelve  inonlhs,  or  of 
aliaiidonins  llieiii,  to  the  disi;raee  of  the  i onnlry. 
'i'liis  apprehension  of  a  coiillict,  if  it  hecaine  ne- 
cessary, had  no  terror  for  him.     iSut  how  were  we 
to  avoid  it  ?    There  were  lint  two  roads;  one  led  to 
the  asserlion  ol'  lair  riL^its,  the  other  to  the  aiiaii- 
donmeiit   of   them.      Illliers   would   acl    as    they 
phii^a'd;  for  one,  he  went  for  an  assi  riiun  of  the 
ri'.'hts  of  his  country  to  the  extent  of  those  ri','lils, 
content  to  aliide   the  results  which  would   h,'i,'iti- 
niately  follow.     'The  citizens  of  the  United  Slates 
wi.a  liaie  enuLjraled    to  Oie'_'on,  were  not    to   lie 
alianiloncd.      It  was  not  on  account  of  any  appre- 
hension  that  may   lead   to  a  coiillict  with  Ureal 
lirii  liii,  lliat  we  wi  re  to  he  deterred  from  our  just 
course.     Il   niii;lit  lead   to  it.      i  le  had  never  had 
liis  iiiiiid  .so  completely  relieved  from  this  appre- 
hension, as  many  iicntieineii  seemed  Io  have  who 
had  addie.-srd  this  House.     He  had  never  looked 
forward  with   such  ccrlamly  to  a  peaceful   .selllc- 
iiii  lit  of  the  dilliculiy.    as    oilier  <;i'nlleman   had. 
ihil  alllioui;h  iiiidcr  the  apprehensioii  that  a  coii- 
llict iiti^ht  come,  he  could  not  feel  such  tremiilous- 
ness  in   regard   to  i;tviii:;  tlu^  notice;  lie  could  not 
look   with   such   anxiety   to   the   arrivi\l   of  every 
steamer.     He  loo'icd  to  the  rii;hts  of  his  counlry, 
and  llie  just  claim  of  our  citizens  there,  who  claim- 
ed the  protection  of  iheir  UovermncnI.     He  had 
studied  the  rii^hts,  the  interests,  and  the  honor  of 
his  ctuiiitry;  and,  in  reference  to  these  considera- 
tions, he  liad  cast,  and  he  sliouhl  eominue  to  cast, 
his  vote. 


01{Kiit).\  UUESTION. 

SPKECII  OF  MR.  HOUSTON, 

Ol'  Tr,\.\s, 

Is  TiiK  SK.NAri;,.//iri/  l.'i,  IS-lli. 

I  In  the   III  solution  for  lermiualiiii.' the  convention 

for  the  joint  occupation  of  Oregon. 

!\Tr.  HtU'SroN  said: 

Mr.  I'ui.MDKNr:  I  am  not  in.seiisiMe  to  the  pe- 
culiarity ot' the  position  in  which  I  now  find  myself 
pLici  d.  To  any  one,  and  more  esMccially  to  one 
uiiacciislomed  to  parlicip;iie  in  its  dcliates,  the  oc- 
casion of  addressin;:;  a  liody  so  inlliienlial  and  in- 
teMi;;ent  as  ihe  Senate  of  the  LTiiilcd  .States,  niusl 
necessarily  he  altciided  with  iiiucli  eiiiharra.,.anetit. 
1  am,  howi'ver,  now  ahoiii  to  he  called  or,  to  lU't, 
IIS  a  memlier  of  tins  hody,  on  a  suhjcci  of  lii-^h  iin- 
poriaiicc,  and  it  iheretoie  hei'ome.s  my  duty,  as  one 
of  the  rcprcsciilatives  of  a  Slate  which  has  recently 
heconie  an  iati;;ral  part  of  the  meat  confederacy  of 
this  Union,  to  present  my  reasons,  so  far  as  I  may 
he  enalilcd,  for  llie  vole  which  1  shall  f;ive  on  this 
occasion. 

The  proposition  to  aliiie^raie  a  treaty  which  his 
I  \"isled  for  years  with  L'an;land,  is  in  accoidaic'e 
with  the  linden  ihle  ri-^ht  of  this  CjoMrinueiil.  i 
III  licvc  hoili  those  ill  tavor  of  the  resolution  and 
opposed  to  it  have  aci|uicsccd  in  that  ri'Jil.  The 
l'',\ecuiivc  has  tlioie^'hl  proper,  in  Ins  .\i:nual  Mcs- 
sa'^e  to  til,  < 'oiil;!"  ss  of  the  lliiion,  to  rec.onimciid 
the  ahroL'atioii  ,,;'  the  treaty,  hy  tjiviui;  the  twelve 
nioiiihs'  notice,  ii.cessi'ry  under  its  provisions. 
The  ipiestion,  then,  arises:  Is  it  politic,  and  is  il 
Wise,  to  exercise  this  ri;,'hl  '     I>o  the  exi^'ellcies  of 


the  eoniilry  require  ilN  excicise.'  I  think  il  discreet 
and  necessary  lliat  sncii  a  course  should  he  adopted 
anil  carried  out,  for  the  reason,  that  I  can  perceive 
no  rational  !,'niiind  for  hoiie,  that  liy  delaying  the 
measure,  its  necessity  will  lie  ohviated,  or  the  riijlits 
of  the  country  vindicated.  JN'or  can  I  perceive  the 
possibility  of  any  detriment  to  the  inti  rests  of  the 
counlry  by  i;iviiiu;  the  notice,  as  rceonmicndeU  by 
the  ICxeciilive. 

(Jonseiiueiicca  may  grow  out  of  it,  which,  at  this 
time,  we  do  not  anticipate;  but  that  it  is  a  war 
measure,  or  one  liliely  to  prodtice  win,  I  caniint 
believe.  Honorable  and  distin^juished  Sienntors 
think  dilVereiitly  on  this  subject. 

If  we  were  disposed  to  admit  the  opinions  of  i^en- 
llemenwho  have  spoken  on  this  i|UCSlion,  war,  with 
all  its  calamities,  is  inevitable,  if  this  measure  is 
adopted.  IJiit  this  does  not  seein  to  me  to  be  Ihe 
ipiestion.  Is  it  wise  polic.y  in  this  Governinetit  to 
pursue  this  course.'  Is  it  necessary  tor  tlie  pres- 
ervation of  our  rights  that  the  notice  should  be 
given?  This  seems  to  ine  to  be  the  ipiestion  prop- 
erly presented;  but  not  wliether  war  is  likely  lo 
resiitt. 

Were  we  to  be  restrained  from  lu'tion  ill  n  crisis 
like  the  present  by  any  considerations  as  to  the 
possibility  of  war,  or  the  reverse,  the  puldie  inter- 
est woiiUi  be  liable  to  sull'ir  deeply.  If  wo  never 
dare  to  adventure  aciioii,  V  .  an  achieve  iiothina:. 
It  is  true,  I  iiin  not  in  fa,.i  of  precipitate  action, 
but  for  a  calm,  deliberaie,  ai.d  lirm  eour.se  of  pro- 
cedure. 

,\o  less  than  twenly-ei^'hl  years  have  rolled 
round  without  )proiluiiii!r  a  satisl'actory  result. 
Ac:j;oiiatioiis,tli'Me.rli  ot'ien  attempted,  have  failed  in 
ell'cciin'.;  a  .sciilciiiciit  of  the  controversy.  Ilepeat- 
eil  overtures  to  lMi!,'lanil,  direct  and  favorable  ns 
the  United  Slates  snp|iosed,  from  a  slron;;  desire 
to  preserve  peace  between  the  two  <:ountries,  have 
lieen  made,  yet  they  have  not  been  mi  t  in  a  ror- 
respondiii'T  spirit  on  'he  part  of  tlnit  Ciovermnent. 
Tliey  have  been  declined  or  reieeled  au'ain  and 
iiL'ain.  The  last  prop  isitiou  made  by  our  Kxccii- 
tive,  it  appears,  was,  according  to  the  representa- 
tions of  the  K;ii;lisli  premier,  dccidi'd  upon  bv  ihe 
Minister  resident  here  as  inadinissible,  anil  not 
transmitlid  lo  liisUovei  ninenl.  This,  lo  my  mind, 
is  conclusive  evidcnci;  that  his  (.ioveriimeni  would 
not  have  considered  il  more  favoraldy  than  he  did 
himself.  .No  minister  to  a  forei;;n  court  would  as- 
sume so  iniporiant  a  decision,  unle.-is  well  aware 
that  it  was  in  harmony  and  keeping;  with  the  policy 
and  opinionsof  those  who  had  dele:rateil  a  Iriist  lo 
him.  Mor  have  we  any  intimalion  from  Ihe  Uov- 
crnment  of  Kniland  that  il  would  have  been  other- 
wise considered  by  the  ministry.  I  think  il  is 
idle  to  anticipate  an  a^rre.-able  termination  to  our 
neii;otiaiioiis  with  Kie-'laiid  upon  the  subject  of 
Oreiion  unless  il  is  bi'oUi,'lit  about  by  giving  this 
notice. 

l''.ni;land  may  desire  to  train  time,  and  she  may 
have  a  desire  lo  amuse  the  United  Slates  as  long  as 
possible.  It  may  be  llial  Uii'zlaiid  at  this  lime  is  not 
prepared  lor  war,  and  therebire  does  not  wish  to 
liriii'.;  tliiims  to  an  iss'ic  willi  ns  upon  this  subject; 
for  if  she  conieinplated  any  such  basis  for  iiegolia- 
lion  as  that  nil'ered  by  this  ( iovi'riiment,  and  re- 
ieeled by  her  Isiivoy,  she  has  had,  and  yet  has,  an 
oppo-tiuiiiv  to  renew  It.  Uocs  delay  on  her  part 
arise  iVoin  the  fu't  that  the  ri  solutions  now  under 
consideration  have  been  introduced  into  the  t^oii- 
!:ress  of  the  li lilted  Slates  in  accordance  willi  the 
recommendalions  of  the  Kxecuiive  in  his  Animal 
Messa','cr  Can  il  arise  from  the  tact  that  lumland 
considers  her.self  iiisiilnd,  bccau.se  the  Executive 
assumed  oiir  riL'ht  lo  the  whole  of  Oregon  in  that 
stale  paper?  ('an  she  allege  ibis  as  a  .salisfactory 
reason  lo  ihis  (jovermiient  for  noi  steppiii'_'  for- 
ward and  inaking  such  .in  oiler,  if  she  really  had 
it  in  conti  inplaliou  ?  To  be  sure,  honorable  Sena- 
tors have  sui;'_'csied  tieit  the  measure  recommended 
by  the  h'.xccuiive  would  In-  regarded  by  hin^laiid 
as  held  ill  lerrnviui  over  her,  and  that  she  cannot, 
cohsi.aently  with  her  national  honor  and  dignity, 
accede  to  any  proposition,  nor  make  one,  uniil 
after  Coiejiess  has  ailjoiirned. 

Such  opiiiions  are  advocated  in  and  out  of  Con- 
ijress,  and  honorable  izeiitlcmen  m:iy  really  einer- 
lain  them.  liiit  I  ap|ireliiiiil  they  will  find  that 
Kie.'land  has  oilier  reasons,  and  that  tlio.se  which 
ihey  render  to  ibeniselves  are  fallacious. 

Il  has  been  said  that  the  I'rcsident  could  have 


withheld  lliis  recomniendntinn  to  Congress,  nnti 
thus  relieved  this  body  from  unpleasant  embar- 
rassmenls  produced  by  no  agency  of  llieirs.  1 
cannot  conceive  how  ihat  oniission  could  have  been 
jiroperly  made.  In  my  estimation,  lie  was  lioiimf 
lo  assume  his  present  position.  The  decision  of 
the  American  people,  in  his  elevation  lo  llie  Presi- 
dency, left  him  no  alternative.  The  rpteslion  of 
Oregon  was  one  of  the  leading  subjects  in  the  lust 
Presidential  canvass,  by  which  he  was  culled  to  his 
present  station. 

If  the  President  had  not  assumed  n  claim  lo  the 

whole  ofOrei;on — if  lie  had   not  declared  that  our 

ri;:ht  to  it  was  uni|ueslioiiablc — that  it  belonirt:d  to 

us,  (as  I  have  no  doubt  he  Ix-lieved  to  be  the  fad,) 

[1  certainly  he  would  have  fallen  far  short  of  the  ilis-- 

I  charge  of  his  duty.   'J'he  (|neslioii  had  been  moolcil 

ji  and  canvassed  before  the  American  people.     Il  waH 

a  thing  not  done  in  ii  corner.     The  popular  voice 

1 1  vi'as   conclusive  upon    this  stibjeet.     hailighlenttl 

statesmen  now  entertain  opinions  in  unison  with 

the  recoinineiiilations  of  the  Kxecuiive. 

.\lllioiigh  the  Slate  from  which  I  come  was  not 
at  that  lime  an  integral  part  of  the  Union,  never- 
theless, there  was  no  subject  of  importance  in  tliR 
United  States  of  political  agitalion  and  excileinent 
which  did  not  cominand  attention  and  some  degrei^ 
of  feeling  in  'inr  country.     We  were  observant  of 
,  all  that  pas.--i;  here.     J  again  repeat  that  the   h^.x- 
ecutive  was  bound  lo  I, ring  this  subject  bet'orc  Con- 
gress as  he  li:is  done.     Could  he  have  acted  other- 
i    wise, and  yet  taken  his  measures  in  accordance  with 
I    the  principles  upon  which  he  was  elided  ?     Had 
the  I^residciit  i  I;iiined    the  country  only  as  far  as 
forty-nine,  do  you  not  lielie\e  th:it  maiiv  who  now 
denounce  his  extended  assiimplioii  of  our  claim  lo 
llie  whole  territory  wfiiild  have  been  Ibiiiid   readv 
.    to  (h'lionnce  hill)  i'or  eompromisiii;:  the  honor  and 
1    iiite:-est  of  the  eoiinlrv,  and  as  irnilly  of  a  sliaine- 
;    less  abnni'nninent  of  American  rights? 

Had  In'  renewed  the  |iroposilion  made  hy  \Ir. 
CTallalin,  what  would  have  iieen  the  coiisefpienee  * 

■  Would  it  not  now  be  .said  lure  is  collision  ?  The 
joint  navitration  of  the  (Jnliimbia  river  will  al  once 
destroy  all  harmony  lietween  ihe  lu*o  cicintiies. 
His  object  must  be  lo  throw  in  contact  men  of  dif- 
ferent political  interests — the  subjects  of  (iovern- 
nieiiis  ot"  opposite  character.  War,  in  that  case, 
would  have  liceii  inevitable,  and  the  poliiy  would, 
indeed,  have  been  energetically  denouni'ed.  Cir- 
ennislances  precluded  the  President  from  taking 
such  a  ciuirse.  That  functionary  as.^umed  a  nropo- 
silion  that  all  Ore;;oii  beloimeil  to  ns;  and  wlieiher 
il  is  correct  or  erroneous  I  will  not  now  iindertal,"e 
lo  determine;  for  it  is  not,  in  my  ai^orehension,  a 
(jiicstion  necessarily  conneeleil  with  tin:  investiu'a 
lion  of  the  subject  now  before  ihe  Senate,  which, 
as  1  understand  it,  is  the  propriety  or  imprnpriety, 
the  necessity  or  want  of  ncccsaiiy,  of  giving  the 

I    proposed  nolice. 

If  Hiiiland  desi'jrns  to  neiroliate,  the  notice  will 

■  not  exclude  her  from  that  privile'_'e.  The  way  to 
negotiation  is  ,is  open  to  her  as  it  ever  was.  IJiit 
what  iiidicaiion  has  she  u'iven  thai  she  is  ready  to 
negotiate  ?  haiLdand  has  proposed  arbitration — she 
has  not  talked  of  negotialion;  and  are  we  to  wait 

I  for  the  nods  and  becks  of  I'anland  to  determine 
our  own  policy  or  property,  or  lo  what  point  on,- 
privile:res  exieiiil  •  If  we  wail  for  llie  coiim  nience 
of  Unu'land — if  we  wait  for  intimations  from  her  or 
her  ministry  to  resulute  our  policy,  we  may  wait 
an  indeliiiiie  period.  I  do  not  coni-eivi'  il  lo  he  tlin 
duty  of  the  Hepresenlatives  of  the  .American  peo- 
ple,'or  the  head  of  this  Uovernineiil,  lo  aw.iil  iho 
inliinalions  of  what  Knu'laiid  may  or  may  not  do. 
We  have  lo  inf|uire  of  ourselves.  Is  the  adoplion 
of  this  nuMsure  iiecesary  to  the  preservation  and 
well-bein;;- of  this  Union?  Is  it  necessarv  lo  the 
fiirlherance  of  our  inlerests  and  tin-  establishment 
and  upbuilding  of  our  nalioii  that  a  certain  nieas-' 
lire  shoiiM  be  adopted,  or  a  certain  policy  pursued  ? 
If  tliise  ipiLstions  can  be  answered  allirmalivelv, 
then  we  have  only  to  march  forward  in  the  hi^'li 
way  lo  llie  destiny  which  is  before  us.  We  are- 
iiol  to  falter  in  a  decisive  act  because  l'',n'.:lanil  may 
frown  or  smile  on  any  parliciilar  line  of  our  policy. 
Wi'  are  now  callnl  on  lo  adopt  a  cerlain  nicas- 
iire,  and  lo  iimsue  it  wilh  resolnle  and  unt'allering 
firiniiess.  We  can  only  jnil^'e  rf  llie  course  that 
Kie.'laiid  inleiids  lo  pursue,  and  the  senlinieni  llmt 
her  ( iovcrnmi  III  eulcrtains  at  this  iniic  Inwards  us, 
from  the  tone  of  her  jinirnal.s.     We  may  have  re- 


V 


038 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  1£ 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Qiiesiion — Mr.  Houston. 


Senate. 


course  to  her  newspapers,  but  not  to  opinions  of ; 
her  ministry,  in  order  lo  nscermin  with  any  degree  ' 

ol'  rrrlninty  ilii'  views  niul  dcsiffii.s  whieli  me  enler- 
taincd  by  lier  Alajesiv'a  Go\ernnieni  '^n  this  ques- 
tion. 'J  he  Ihiiisli  Miinisiry  have  sriven  nnly  eva- 
iive  iiiiinKUiiins  in  reference  to  the  proiiosiiion 
iTJected  by  llieir  envoy  here;  and  judirin:^  Ironi  iho 
h'ss  4)t>.-«cure  and  nneerlnni  expressions  (tf  the 
Kn2;hsh  newspope rs,  we  have  hiile  to  npprehend 
from  tlieir  favorable  disjiosilion  towards  our  in- 
tercs's. 

Honorable  Senators  hnvo  spoUen  of  "  eonipro- 
niise."  1  nlihiir  the  term,  li  sminds  hke '•  lem- 
ponzc.^*  It  implies  tiiat  .somethiii;!  unreasonable 
IS  denutnded  by  one  of  tlic  parlies,  and  that  ll.e 
other,  through  over  anxiciy,  is  prepared  or  re- 
quired to  nialce  a  sai  rifice  of  nu'lits.  "  7'eiii;iori:i  " 
iinpbes  tliat  iiisineerily  and  dnplioily  are  to  pass 
current  for  open  professions,  wlien  it  is  nothing' 
more  than  Ihi  conienhlient  of  that  candor  which 
it  wouhl  be  honoralile  (o  express.  These  trruis 
siioidd  be  cxpiinvred  from  the  political  as  weil  as 
social  vixabnl.o'h  s  of  the  world. 

Mr.  Fiesidint,  1  prefer  the  term  '•  ndjiislmenl," 
for  I  am  decidediy  m  favor  of  an  adjiisiMicnt  of 
this  comroversy.  Tiielcrm  inqtlies  evei  ytliin;^  de- 
sirable in  the  present  phase  of  this  (pusiion.  We 
know  iheie  is  tiivt  rsity  ot'  opinion,  and  we  should 
all  lie  in  lavor  ot'  dnitn;  what  is  rii;ht — of  arriviui^ 
at  truth,  mid  curvnii:  out  the  ohiecls,  \\  hicli  alone 
can  bo  done  by  .m  adju-stmeiit  raiher  than  coiupro- 
niise.  W'c  need  ask  noibina;  but  what  is  rii;ht. 
We  should  be  satisfied  that  jusiict?  is  on  our  side; 
niul  when  satisfied  of  ihtil,  we  should  strnpnloiisly 
Cuiittiul  I'or  our  re^lits  wiihnnl  reference  to  i  oiise- 
q'leiices.  AVe  should  say,  I'liis  is  onr  n^hi;  we 
will  maintain  it,  and  abide  (he  worst. 

Much  as  1  iiui;lit  deprecate  war,  which  is  foil  of 
dcsoliition  ;ind  calamity  to  all  orders  ot* society— 
anxious  as  1  would  be  lo  eschew  it  by  all  means  io 
my  power,  consistently  with  honor  and  intejrrity, 
vet  we  should  be  willing  to  encounter  it  latiii  r 
than  yield  an  inch  in  the  iiuiimeuaiice  of  any  as- 
certained ri^hl,  either  inherent  cji-  resultmir.  Lint 
let  me  here  ask,  are  we  crl.un  that  cnnoession 
even  would  secure  peace  witli  Kni;!anil-  W'lial 
nation  is  there  iliat  has  ever  ;;i-own  or  |'"o«i.rrtil, 
mid  become  f,'reat,  without  encunierin,,  v.ar-  li 
would,  indeed,  lie  stranse  that  it',  in  the  present 
condiuon  of  tlie  world,  the  United  siiates  eutild  re- 
main so  dislm^itished  as  one  of  the  ^'reat  rival 
Viuversoftbeeiirtli,an  obji  ct  of  mlernalicaud  envy, 
and  vet  t-scnpe  the  cuinmon  calamiii,  s  ol'  n.-ittons. 

W'e  cannot  always  expect  to  be  free  I'loin  war, 
wiiicli  IS  inherent  in  the  condition  td' nations,  ^o 
sir  >iiL.'ly  was  this  cHiui.tioii  impiessiil  upon  the 
mind  of  the  illnsirions  l-'ailier  ol  uiir  emintry,  that 
ere  he  d:  parted  he  left,  as  a  porimn  uf  the  lt;;acy 
bequeathed  to  his  coumrymen,  the  adnionition 
jirowiiii^  out  of  his  wisdom  and  experience — *•  in 
time  of  jiuace  pre|iarf  for  war."  'I'l.is  waniinu: 
should  be  lioriie  III  mind.  "Wasliiimtun  knew  weii 
the  spriii;;s  of  human  action,  lie  knew  the  pas- 
Bions  and  policy  <<(  nalimis,  and  that  when  it  is 
desired  to  asceiiain  their  chaiacitr  and  objects, 
you  have  but  to  si  an  man  in  his  social  state  iii 
coimexiim  with  his  fellinv-mau.  'I'ln  le  ymi.oh- 
lain  the  ehicidaiiioi.  The  passions  ..f  men  tire  nl- 
wavsciii|>loyc'd  |0r  ilie  benefit  or  detriment  of  each 
other,  'i'liey  have  li  ehn:;s  and  sympathies;  jias- 
sloiis  to  injure,  and  sympailnes  io  relieve.  l!ot 
nnlions  are  not  siLseeplible  of  ilie  refined  sensibili- 
ties of  onr  iiaiure,  wliicli  only  exisi  in  the  .soiual 
lelaliun.-i.  >,'atioiis  are  but  corp^raiioiis  on  a  nia'_'- 
nificeiit  scale — cold  as  Iceland  in  liieir  calculations; 
heartless  as  marble  in  iheir  cmirlusions.  In  their 
lal'inels  everylhinir  is  d.aie  to  prucnre  ceriain  re. 
soils.  Tliey  care  iiolliue.'  fur  ibe  cal.iiiiiiies  tin  y 
may  enuul  on  oiiier  iiaii'.ns.  Think  yoii  that  the 
Uritisli  mim.-iry  f  el  sympalhy  with  the  niilinois 
i>f  I.idia  whom  iliey  liave  slaii'rhlered  or  u. slaved  ; 
Have  they  tears  to  shed  wnh  Ine  wnl-iws  mid 
orphans  of  tlie  f^iklis.  so  lalely  sliuitrhu  red  in  ihi  ir 
tiuttles.*    .No.    \n  acts  ;.urli  ii.i  these  are  evidci.ois 

of  the  sympathies  .  if  mil s.     Nay,  it  is  e\iilenei- 

of  Ihiir  ministerial  spirit  of  ciimprnmisi'.  I  Iriisl, 
howevir,  it  is  a  sjarit  of  i^mnpidintse  never  to  be 
extended  by  Ei,i.'laiid  to  tins  eiuntry;  and  yil  the 
name  love  of  aL'L'randizemi  nt  which  has  ttireciid 
her  policy  in  India  will  undonliii  dly  characli'ri/.e 
iiir  measures  t.iwards  ilnr  L  iiin  i)  .Slati'S — the  in- 
creaBe  of  power  and  exieiis  <ii  of  doiniiiioii. 


1  sincerely  desire  peace;  hut  how  arc  we  to  se-  j 
cure  it.'  Will  it  be  attained  hy  permitting  this  i 
question  to  fester  in  the  public  mind  of  both  coun- 
tries.' Think  you  not  that  the  popular  mind  of 
l'.n:;land  Is  iiiritatcd  lo  some  exlenl.'  Can  she  be 
calm  at  heart?  We  know  that  the  public  mind  in 
this  country  cannot  be  at  rest;  anil  i.s  it,  llierefore, 
wise  in  us  to  permit  this  airilalin;;  subject  Io  remain 
ill  its  present  condititm?  I  answer  no,  Mr.  Presi- 
dent. I  venture  this  opinion,  however  erroneous 
it  may  be,  that  had  the  coordinate  brnnclies  of  the 
Ciovernnient  cooperated  with  the  Executive  with 
the  promptitude, and  in  the  spirit  in  which  he  acted, 
to-day  every  ill  ini;  had  been  Iranmiil,  Knu^land  quiet, 
and  ilie  public  mind  in  the  United  Suites  calm, 
serene,  and   iinexeifed. 

On  the  subject  of  our  havingnctetl  in  accorilance 
with  onr  rii;hl  in  nivin:;  the  notice,  no  (incsticni 
could  have  arisen.  l'.iit;laiul  know  "  it  is  our  ri^'ht, 
and  our  preroj^ative  to  exercise  it.  lint  when  Great 
Itritaiii  finds  that  the  fiolicy  of  the  I'.xecntive  is 
opriosetl  or  denonncrd  by  .'Vmerican  statesmen,  her 
presses  at  once  ehani^e  their  tone.  Tins  very  op- 
position is  sutlicient  to  inspirit  ICiiiland  to  beard 
this  country  into  a  war — to  embarrass  the  Execu- 
tive ot' tile  nation — i  mean  the  measures  of  the  E.x- 
ecuti\e,  not  the  man.  I  do  not  know  that  lie  can 
be  embarrassed.  Twenty  years  since  1  was  asso- 
ciattd  with  him  in  the  eoimsels  of  this  nation. 
.Since  then,  it  is  true,  time  lias  silvered  iiij  lucks, 
and  left  an  impress  npeii  his  brow.  Itiil  I  lielievi; 
he  yet  retains  miimpa.reil  all  tin!  faculiies  which 
he  ever  pos.sessed.  On  e  I  knew  his  perceptions 
were  clear,  his  views  c  nnpreliensive,  his  mind 
vi^nnous,  liis  poiuicjil  pinposes  patru'tic;  and  iie 
w.is  ihcidedly  energetic  ii  the  accomplishment  of 
Ills  di  sii;;ns. 

He  is,  I  trust,  yet  all  that  he  ever  was:  and  by 
the  eilirient  cooperation  of  the  coordinate  de- 
partments of  5;oveinnieni,  I  doiilit  not  imt  that  he 
will  be  enabled  to  brinix  iliis  matter  lo  a  liajipv  eon- 
sninmation,  and  thus  i  vert  the  evils  of  war,  so 
much  deprecated  in  th  s  chamber.  If  war  is  not 
avrletl,  it  has  been  siiiriresled  tinit  preparations 
are  necessary.  I  ^'rai  t  it  true.  Onr  situation  is 
not  one  oi' preiinration.  We  should  always  be  in 
a  ihiensilile  positifin.  Withm  more  than  a  h.df 
eentniy,  when  have  we  been  in  a  pr  li.er  situation 
for  defence-  Are  we  now  tnakiii>;  prepar.nions 
for  war.-  Will  we  ever  ie  prepared  until  it  conies 
upon  us?  .\ever.  It  is  not  in  the  i;eiiins  of  this 
people.  Thev  are  bold,  dnriter.  and  contideiit; 
and  until  the  slioek  of  datiL:er  cmnes,  every  .Anieri- 
c;ui  IS  prinid  of  the  national  charaett.'r;  and,  i:lory- 
itiL' 111  ins  individual  liberty,  each  feels  that  he'is 
inihril  a  fiei-m.ui,  and  therefore  e.uinoL  be  coii- 
ipieri-d.  'I'liev  eainiot  retili/.e  the  m ssity  of  con- 
cert and  jireparattoii.  It  is  this  nnuersal  feeltni^ 
that  prevents  the  nalional  defeiii  es  I'nnn  nssnimii!,' 
in  time  of  pince  that  formidable  iharacter  which 
such  11  nation  as  (jreat  Britain  at  all  times  jire- 
senis. 

To  |)laee  this  country  ill  a  state  of  defence  would 
require  on  land  mimerons  ftirtilic;ii,ons  and  the 
cniisiruetion  ot'a  iM'eai  naval  arinament,  which  can 
only  be-  aecomplisln-il  by  an  expeiulitine  of  many 
imliioiis.  In  iiiiie  of  pence  this  is  impossible. 
The  .Anieriian  people  ha\c  a  horror  of  taxation, 
rs'o  piildie  man  who  would  vote  for  inmsual  t.ax- 
aiioii  in  linn  of  peace  eonld  maintain  bis  position 
before  the  people,  no  matter  what  the  eineri;ency 
iniiHil  be,  siiort  of  aciiial  war.  Theret'ore  you  can- 
not induce  onr  popnlation  to  submit  to  taxation  for 
di  t''  net'  111  time  ofactuiil  pi'ace. 

'i'liis  bi'iin;  neee.s.sarily  i>nr  siliialimi,  honorable 
ireiith'uien  Sf(;ni  to  consider  it  an  ari;ninetit  in  f  ivor 
(d' a  conipronnse  on  onr  part.  If  we  mice  admit 
this  principli  ,  there  w  ill  be  no  mil  lo  the  conces- 
sions demanded  of  us.  Admit  it,  anil  wi*  will 
spet-dily  be  rniueil  by  coiieissions;  for  the  prm- 
eiple,  liins  L'rafted  on  onr  policy,  would  not  fiil  to 
be  taken  advaiita^-e  of  by  eiery  '."ivernment  with 
which,  in  fuiure,  we  may  have  .i  con(io\ersy  on 
any  subjei't.  IJiipiepareil  as  our  silnation  may  be 
hir  war,  we  eaiinoi,  c unsistetiily  with  nalional  ili^r. 
niiy  and  honor,  rciic-w  a  pr«ipositJnii  to  neijotiale. 
.Siip|iose  \\-e  were  to  do  so  in  view  of  onr  present 
i'ircuinslancei<,  and  ICii'.'laiid  were  lo  rej<:ct  it — for 
we  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  she  would  ac- 
cede to  it — would  It  not  justly  ile;rrade  us  m  our 
own  estimation,  and  incin-  for  us  tin-  eonlenipl  ol' 
other  imtiuiis  •     England  can  cunsislcntly  take  that 


step  without  compromising  her  nalional  character, 
anil  this  notice  will  interpose  no  harrier. 

If  l',iif;land  and  the  United  States  mo  tr  war,  it 
will  not  f,'i-ow  out  of  the  resolution  before  the  Ken- 
ate,  but  it  will  be  eontin','eiit  upon  the  inclination 
and  disfiosilion  of  h'tiu'lunil  afiart  from  this  ques- 
tion. It  is  by  no  means  likely  that  she  will  involve 
herself  in  a  war  for  a  c  iintry  described  by  honor- 
able .Si-naiors  on  this  floor  as  barren  anil  ii.ieless — 
a  ilesert  waste.  Kn;;lanil  is  Ion  politic  lo  hazard 
war  for  such  paltry  considerations.  She  wars  for 
empires;  the  ;;old'anil  dominion  of  the  Indies  aro 
the  slakes  for  which  she  now  pl-ivs. 

Il  is  not  the  policy  of  this  coni'itry  to  seek  war. 
Its  policy  has  been  |ieaceful,  and  it  .should  so  coii- 
liiiiic.  ''riie  nimexalioii  of  Texas  to  the  riiited 
States — an  event  of  loo  recent  occurrence  to  require 
explanatimi--ls  a  practical  eonimenlary  upon  the 
policy  of  this  lio\ernment.  IvL'ht  ye.-irs  after 
Ti-xas  had  become  an  iuilepenilent  ntiiion,  the 
IJiiiled  .States  ihoimht  proper  to  take  nciion  upon 
an  application  which  Ti-xas  had  made  to  them  for 
admission  soon  after  the  ileclaration  of  her  inde- 
pendence. This  presented  a  fair  opportunity  for 
the  r lilted  Sillies  to  li.ive  extended  her  dominion 
by  acqnisilioo,  had  hrr  policy  been  liial  of  nation- 
al ajrurandizement  and  dominion.  On  the  contra- 
ry, Texas  was  perniitled  lo  remain  under  embar- 
rassed ciicinnstances  fir  eit;lii  years,  before  action 
was  taken  upon  her  an;ilicaiion,  and  ten,  ere  an- 
nexation was  eonsiimmated. 

I'criuii  me,  Mr.  I'resident,  in  this  connexion,  lo 
read  an  extract  from  a  hue  number  of  ilic  l.omlon 
Sun,  a  journal,  I  believe,  of  much  respectabiliiv; 
and.  llion>.;li  not  siru-tly  ilie  oliiei.ii  (u-.;aii,  it  iniiy 
be  justly  i-i  ;;;irih-d  as  a  pretty  fiir  index  to  minis- 
terial and  popular  seiiimii'iit  in  Knuil.ind. 

In  this  w.iy,_l  imairinc,  we  may  be  enabled  to 
obtain  a  si;,'nilicanl  and  instructive  view  of  the 
feelni'^s  entertained  towards  popular  Governments 
on  lb  ,1  side  of  the  water,  if  notliini;  more.  The 
eilitori.il  lo  whieh  I  allude,  bearing  dale  March  the 
4tli,  last,  reads  thus: 

'■  rraiii  lie-  c|c'pr".M,,n  at'  tlic  fiiiiil*,  ,-iiiisiil  livllle  iiitelli- 

cci Ir.iiii  ,\iiicTM-ii,  iiiiil  III,-  Miriir.s   vviili  whi.'li  il  was  re- 

,-riv;',l  liy  f.-itiiiii  iiiirin  .-  In  tin- cilv,  niif  u-m-M  niiiiaaii-  that 

llie  r  j.'Cl liy  th-    rr,-.iiii-iit  ul   th,    lnilt  il  Slatt-.-.  ,,t  thv 

"iih    iii.kI.'    I,'!i  ep'-a  IM  M'lile  till-  t)ii-H,,ii   (|ii,..t wa.^ 

ulu'lly  iliii  X|i'-<  led.  mill  t!,:it  tie-  ina-t  saimimn-  lin|i  g  were 
elit.lt  inteit  licit  hi«  esi-,-ll.-ti,  >  wtiiiM  re.-nlc  loin  lli.l 
ll-ill:<lll>'  rl.illll-i  nniionnc,  il  in  Ins  Me-^ii!;,-  lo  ('.Ii.jo-h. 
Hill  li.cHC  |ii-r-,,ii'  i-iiiilii  have  nu  iirmiml-  lor  ;in\  .ii.-i.  >iip. 

pi'lliua.     Tin   aiilii'i ,-i in  Unit  ihir-ininiirih.il  Ann  r- 

ii-.i  riaiiiieil  tin- ulinl:- of  Itn- i.-rrii-in .  ua.  i-\nhntl\  nm.le 
not  \i  itlioiil  line  eoiisiiteriilniii.  and  w  tili  ui.^mI  paio  r-  a-niai 
tiir  liiaiiiliiiniir:  tin-  |ii»nl :  .-iini  x\  Inn-  \,>r  lia~  nrenireii  .ihec 
ill  Caiart-.-s.  a  r.ir  Irnni  wt-aki  iiiim  In-  iinllnajiy  iii  Unit  re- 
Hii.  el.  in  iinonlMii:  sintn'  iiniic.thh'  iin-,-iii-  ot  -^ -ll'h  menl.  Ii.iii 
n:I  h»'in  in  l^ii-  eniilrniy  I'ln-elnia.  \  niltiit  vinr  .-ii-iehrs 
have  hi-  -a  111. nil-  hy  ('\ss  ami  olhi-r-.  in  the  S.-iiat-.  ii-unMv 
eiiliii.ih«|» 'SI  il  In  |i-iiei-,  iiinl  lin  lilti-il  III  elH-ek  rilthi-r  lliaii 
eiii'oiirau-'  |i<>|iiil.ir  i-xi  niai  nl ;  and  i'\,>a  tin-  iiiiki  ninihr.iti.- 
-p  -fikt-rs  in  I'nit  a-f.--iiilil\  vnlnrril  lo  :.iliiii,-n  no  aiLeiairjiH 

111  'i|>|»  'Ml h'  Ml,  ri'lk"-  Vi.-w-.lint    '-'  itiftl  r.llh.  r  ta  i  eii- 

ti'itt  tiii-in«elv.  s  V,  all  I'vpn'-^iii','  a  wi-h  t"  pjT^.  fvi-  p  in-, 
Had  11"!  lo  exieiiil  llii-  Irmili'-r  till  iti'-  .-^niii-'  Innl  ai-ipin,'il 
lii'ir.'  >l-'nLeli.  Tlien'  wa-  im  rial  i.tiji  i-luai  In  ih,-  prniri 
pi  '.     Tin-  tillli'  fur  ;ii-liini  Wii-<  tin- only  'ilii--tioii." 

l-'iiiiii  ibis  we  should  infer,  Mr.  I'resident,  that 
l-'ii'^'laiid  ima'^nns  tinu  lu-r  ri;;his  have  iiol  n  ceivcil 
till'  full  aiU(K-acy  in  tiiis  honorabli-  body  to  wliicli 
they  were  i  niitlrd;  and  the  infei-euce  U  clear,  ihat 
the  Senate,  lo  mauiiain  its  peaceful  rliaracter  in  her 
estiiiiation,  should  have  reiiili  itd  a  .hcided  oppo- 
silioii  to  the  reconimendatioiis  of  the  Executive. 
Ill  corroboration  of  this,  the  article  proceetls  lo  say: 
"  In  tin-  Hiiil>--  111  Itepri-s  -ntallvi's  a  -.iiailar  spirit  pr.' 
\llilrit.  ami  till  liii'eiinii^  a. it  of  ihnir .  wt'f  In  til  li"'  tin-  piir- 
pii-i'i't  i-ln ''^illlt  tile  warlike  p'Inv  III'  J'i'lli.rii  laMii^  tin- 
ii'.l-l  i-iM'iiiir!ii»  iiit'iil  lo  tho-r  \vliiMM,|ii>il  llir  pi':ii-i'." 

If  l-'.iiL'land  should  expect  popular  meetin;;a  to  be 
held  in  tins  coniitry  for  the  piir|iose  of  encoiira:;ini; 
the  nlianilonmenl  of  onr  nallon.-il  rii^hts,  or  witli- 
holilini;  a  proper  support  from  the  l-'yeeulive  in'liis 
reioiiimeiidaiions  in  vindicniii'ii  of  the  national  in- 
teres:s  and  I'liarin-ier,  she  may  nsi  assured  tlnit  she 
has  formed  an  unfair  estimate  of  tin-  popular  senti  ■ 
iiient  of  Americ.i.      I  read  further: 

"  I'riiin  Ihi-  i''iiiinn'iii'riiii  ill  uf  ttiiii  iinloitiiiiati'  hli-iiie«., 

W"  liavi'  hei'ii   fiillv  vm i  th :il  I'i'lli  ami  Ihr   win  puny 

had  li>:i(t  -  lip  tli'-ii  niiii'l-  f"'  iMM-niila--i,  iiul  truiii  ii  lia-lv 
\  iei\  of  till-  ipn  -liuii.  tint  iriitli  lite  i-niin-  «>  -I'-iii  of  iinvi-rti 
nniif.  iniw  ualiTtiuiJit'-ly  -'  popiihir  in  tli.-it  e-iiinlry.  I'.v 
li'ii.-ii'ii  III  ti-rritiiry  -i-nin-  lo  h.'  ili.-  riiliier  pds^fiin'  of  iln.' 
pri-enl  ni'-e.  Tin-  inhahil.int-'  juiiniiL'  tin-  lake*  linil  Un' 
llrni-li  tirritorii--  on  lie-  in-rilienit  have  lor  inatiy  yeiirs 
ki  pt  a  ti>ia.'oii{  I'M-  Mil  ('ainiihi.  aiidi'nij  liele  iheir  liiiie'.  la 
till-  S  'iilli  ai.'iir n-hm  H  Ihi-  I'ldet  of  Ihe  ihiy.  hecniiM'  Ilie 
.Mevi'-aiii  cainiot  ilelianl  tta-'itivelve*.    The  inle  ii  lltivving 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


639 


29th  Con(! 1st  Sess. 


Thi:  Oregon  (Question — Mr,  Houston, 


Senate. 


ill  Hull  qiuirt'T  with  IVurlul  rapiility,  fiiul  itnthiiifi  |iiiit  1m 
iiitiTli'iuiiC'  Ml'  Kuriipi'iill  pinviT,-,  sii  iilinitiiimlt'd  hy  Mr. 
I'iilk,  can  p.x'VL'iit  llii'  v\h.ilt!  nC  Itiat  lieluMuiilrv  Iniiii  iieiii« 
-ii,illinvi.;l  hy  till'  Aiiiilo  Sixoii  r.iiv.  In  llii-  \V.>t  Ilii! 
siiiii''  Hpirit  |in'v;nl.4,  ami  I'ulil'oriiiii  iiiiit  O.r^uii  iirc  cun- 
siilf^rPil  iili.-oliiuly  ntvjfsi-ary  tu  iiiak.'  Ilic  rniun  i  ninplulf." 

It  in  Inif,  sir,  that  such  an  diiiiiion  is  niltrlniiied 
by  many  ntlii^hluncil  slatcsiiicti  i>f  tlii^  prtsent day, 
wim  tliiiiU  that  KiU'li  aciiiiisilioiis  arc  necessary  to 
tlie  United  >;tatcs,  I'lM'  tli<;  jiin|i(>si!  (it'  currying  out 
her  destiny,  and  sccunii!;  ttic  peace  ol"  thc'cuuti- 
neiit.  Her  eiiK  rprise,  w  itii  the  character  (iT  hi'r 
lio|Hilaliiiii,  and  llial  nt'  her  in>iiiuti(ins,  would 
tinile  in  tlie  exieii.siiin  (if  human  h  i|i|iiness,  liy  re- 
clamini;  and  iiniirnvin;:  ihose  wilih-rness  regions  to 
tlie  (loniiniim  ora^'riciilture  and  the  arts. 

A;;ain,  the  writer  says: 

"  II  1^  sjiiil  I'liit  ilii^i  >pirit  ot'  iic^rcssioa  is  cncniiras"!  1)\' 

P.ilk,  ill  I'lilir  to  sr.  lire  Li>  i  Ii'dimi  iimc I  tinn'.  iiinl  v^t"- 

icliiv  tl'.al  lliii  may  I.!- liic  cliiitia.iSi  ;  Imi  Imil  iicly  iciKiers 
til  ■'pn-'t'"' "'' '*''''"'^  "i""''  itiiiaicn  U-.  null  .-litjw.' ihiit  l!ii- 
n;^ie  MVc  sy.lcln  i?  mit  the  ell'.n  i.r  Hiale  pnlny,  tile 
ciiili-hi't  .III!  iniitinilar  iiiiiiisienpr  prc^iilent:  lint  tin'  cliuice 
oi'  ilii-  if^Llc-s  iiiiil  encniarliinsr  iiinltiiinti'.  •■^o  palpnhie  i.- 
tin'  I'iicl.  t:,.it  no  L'ovriilin.nl.  nnih-r  pn'.^^riil  i m  nin.-lanei'!*. 
cii'iiil  inanilain  ii-eli  in  x  earlty  loi  a  lui'lM-inonlli,  iin  the 
piliieipli.s  pKih'.fi  (1  hy  Wi  hsi'i  ami  i'alholin." 

Friini  this,  sir,  it  wmild  a|i|)par  that,  in  'heir 
0|iini(iii,  the  I'resident  is  (luile  exeusalile  I'ur  his 
present  system  ot'pulicy — not  thai  he  is  himsell'lo 
derive  aiivunlage  iVdiii  it,  as  siiiroesled  hy  the 
wrili  r,liullliat  lie  isaetinjjinaccurdance  with  "the 
choice  of  tlie  l■e^lless  ami  eiic.i'oaeiiin!;  niultiiiidc." 

in  this  country  t!ie  rresideiil  isconsidered  as  the 
represciilalue  of"  thi^  miillitude."  ile  is  the  (ir- 
yim  iif  the  nation.  The  measures  rec.ummeiided 
ijy  him  are  sn|ipiised  to  derive  their  characier  fioiii 
puMic  opinion  and  iVoin  the  peculiar  iclaiions 
v.iiich  we  bear  to  the  naiioiis  of  the  world,  if  the 
I'^xecutive  rii;lilly  apprehends  pulilic.  senlinieiii,  it 
will  he  I'ound  lliat  lia^  <  nergies  of  this  nation,  if 
once  coiuliiued  and  not  dislracied  by  opposilioii, 
will  'iistaiii  hiiii  ill  carrying  out  his  pol.cy  to  its 
full  coii.Hiiinualioii. 

I  (piote  furilur: 

"I'.UI-  caiiM'.l  with  l!.e  stivam  ;  ai.l  i.ll  Ilia!  I'.n^lai-.il 
I, a-  t'Ulo  1.  to  i.;(t\  to  liir  own  iiilrrc.ls.  .-mil  lak.'  c.i;e  that 
her  riylit:'  ami  po^-e- 'ions  aie  iii  :  oi  stioy-'il  hy  llic  iniimla- 
tioii.  IIitliiTlosI.elia-ilispl  lyeil  llii' nliiioiil  inialcrMiiiii  and 
I'oi  hi'inain-e,  v\  In-tni-r  u'e  luok  tii  lliu  governilicnt,  the  le^'i.s- 
lalilri',  or  im-  pro-.."' 

'i'liat  Kni;laiid  will  look  to  her  own  intercuts  wc 
should  enieriain  no  doubt.  .She  never  ceases  to 
re^rard  her  ri^hi.".  .SIk'  does  not  permit  iheiii  to 
be  destroydi  liy  innnclatiiMr,  and  it  is  our  duty  to 
see,  thai  inuialaiii  11  on  her  pan  sli.uld  iiotddinje 
iiir  ii'^lil.-<.  'that  she  "  lias  (lisplayed  the  utmost 
itioderation  iiiid  Ibrbearaiicc,"  i  have  no  doubt  her 
advocates  -tippose,  and  al.w  that  it  would  be  no 
asstiiii[ttioii  lor  her  to  claim  whatever  she  desires. 
Her  moderation  and  forbearance  have  uiieady,  1 
Iricsl,  secured  her  a  snllicieiicy. 

In  the  comlusion  of  llii.-i  ariicle,  the  writer  says: 

"  Wall  li \cipt.iiii  at  a  VI  r\  li'yv  liaslv  arlieh  .  in  tin' 

I'r.jtli.'li  a 'i\>pa|i.  l^,  pioMikcit  po  >ihly  hy  liiai  loni "i  ih' 
li  inci'  M)  loi!.  I>  proelaan  il  hy  lie  iiihcrs  in  holli  It  i'S('>  of 
Coin;!.  ».  M'  ,ri''  l>  (III  ■  liioiii.il  oi  pr'.voeniion  call  I c  iiiiti  il 
)i.  till'  .'\iic  rn  n  i  ti.  vcionn'ia.  In  itc  lii>ior>  oi'  in.iiii.inil 
It  woii'il  li '  in  p  i^v.hln  111  piiini  (lal  a  iialiii.i  nioa  .iiiMoi.s 
ttia.i  liie  r.;:i!0!>ii  all' III  111''  pn-i'i.t  n.oiin  1  t  to  ninuili  ai 
pi-a"(  ,  an  I  >i  oie  i >pi-cri|l^  u  nil  .\ini'rn  a.  h  llie  la>t  ri'Hiit, 
lllcii,  mil  I  h.' apj-riil.  «1  I  ■,  we  Iniv.'  iicri  ,  as  iiii  the  haiik.>« 
(li'tlic  Si'ii'-i.  iljllll  on  mil  siih'.*' 

Mr.  I'll  sideiii,  it  has  been  a  forttiiiair  ihiiijwilh 
F,ii'.;!aiid  always  lo  act  as  llioiii;h  she  had  ri'^ht  on 
her  side.  A  u.ilion  actiii:;  im  this  princiitte  will 
.■-■elihini  fail  of  succiss.  Il  we  will  now  aci  on  the 
same  [uiiiciple,  we  caiinol  fail  to  niaiiilain  our 
riy;hts.  Uiiiiin  of  i^entitneiil  iiud  c(Hi}»eralioii  with 
the  Kveeutive,  by  the  coiirdinate  depiirtnieiils  of 
(.ioverniiiciit,  will  viudicaic  our  national  cliaracli'r, 
and  pi'isirve  our  inieresis.  Their  pre.'crvalion 
will  not  lead  lo  wir,  if  l'aii;Iaiul  is  noi  ncire  de- 
sirous of  dispnsiissimi;  ns  of  what  is  oursllian  a 
nation  should  be  pnili  ssiic,'  siicli  niodeiaiinn.  1 
sincerely  hope  she  may  nenraitempi,  on  tliis con- 
tinent, fi)  enact  llie  sceiKS  of  the  Suilrj,  or  give  a 
similar  exhiliilion  of  her  p'llilical  iiioilerailon. 

I  eaiinoi  concur  wilh  a  ibsiiii'jiii.-ln  d  .S'lialor 
III  llie  opinion,  ihal  the  oulilic  seniiiiunl  is  chan- 
t;iii;,',  and  hecomiii'.;  (lay  ny  day  more  favorable  to 
the  establislnni  ill  of  tlii'  -liMli  piirallel  as  the  bnuiid- 

ary  between  ihe  iw iiniiii  s.    I  iiiii  nam  no  such 

ll|ipl'elli  lislou;  but  if  I  did,  I  would  vole  foi  this 
risoluiinii,  because  it  w  oiild  more  r(  ailily  enulile  us 
tu  arrive  at  an  adiuslmenl  of  the  il.:''culli.'s.  So 
long  as  the  ireaty  of  IHltl  coniiiines  in  fune  wo 


have  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  conlroversy 
will  be  terminated;  and  it  is  proper  that  our  citi- 
zens 111  the  Oiei;on  territory  should  be  protected. 
>i umbers  have  aliendy  iniirratcd  there,  and  num- 
bers more  have  it  in  eonteinplation  lo  follow  tli(;ni. 
Until  something  is  dune,  as  an  evidence  of  our  re- 
^'urd  fur  these  pioneers,  their  situation  must  be  ex- 
ecediii;;ly  infelicitous,  as  vvell  as  insecure.  We 
should  not  predicate  our  measures  in  relation  to 
ihem  upon  tlie  expectation  of  Uritish  inactivity,  or 
the  hope  of  ne£;otiutioii,  with  the  belief  that  Uiiii;- 
land  will  sluniLicr  while  our  people  are  to  occupy 
the  territory.  Kiif;land  never  slumbers,  niorc  es- 
pecially when  her  colonial  iiilerest  is  ai  stake;  and 
her  whole  liistory  warrants  the  coni'lnsion  thai  she 
never  will,  so  loiii;  as  the  power  reniaiiis  with  her 
to  extend  or  establish  her  doimniun. 

What  sort  of  policy  would  it  be,  as  susfested, 
to  eiieourajje  our  people  to  remove  lo  fJie'.xon,  and 
reinain  there  wtiliont  assurnnce  of  safely,  sur- 
rounded by  Indians  under  Hritish  control  r  It  has 
been  said  iliat  we  have  induced  lliem  to  go  there. 
If  so,  should  not' their  situat  on  claim  our  )ieculiiir 
regard:  An  limiorablc  fcjenatoi-  has  said,  he  would 
be  111  favor  of  giviic^  protection  to  our  settlers,  bin 
he  is  undecided  as  to  the  manner  in  which  that 
inoleclion  should  be  given.  He  says  it  should  be 
Hone  wilh  great  caution,  and  acromplished  irradii- 
ally.  He  is  in  favor  of  protecting  ih'.'ir  personal 
rights,  but  he  doubts  the  iiolicy  of  ex.finling  our 
political  jurisdiction  over  the  erriloi'/.  l''or  niy 
jiarl,  1  cannot  conceive  how  the  f  iiiied  t!t  iiii  could 
extend  to  ilieiii  |ieisonal  proieclioii,  .ml,  at  .i.e 
same  lime,  wiihliold  political  pruti  etiiin;  for  with- 
out poliiKul,  personal  proleclion  cannot  be  exlend- 
id  to  them.  As  inatieis  now  stiiiiu,  they  cannot 
.-settle  iiorlh  of  the  Columbia  river.  If  tliev  attempt 
It,  they  are  seduced  by  bribery  or  driven' liy  nieii- 
,ices  to  remove  soulii  of  that  river,  haiglaiid,  if 
need  be,  will  sireiigihen  herself  in  Oi'ei;oii.  Who 
has  troops  there,  armed  and  di.sciplineil,  if  she  lias 
not  an  auricnltuial  populaiion  such  as  ours,  in  the 
mean  lime,  what  ciairse  has  lieen  recommended  to 
us  by  the  distinguished  yeiKi'iir?  To  encourage 
our  people  to  go  into  the  terriliiry  until  by  aiid-by  i 
the  v\  hole  counlry  shall  tall  into  otir  possession. 
And  this  IS  nil  exeniplilicalion  of  the  policy  iif  i?i- 
iiclirilii.  If  Ihcirs,  would  il  not  be  lilchi'iig  ilieir 
lerritory?  Would  ii  not  he  obtaining  by  iiidin  c- 
tion  that  wliicli  we  dare  iiol  claim  as  a  just  right. = 

Wliy,  sir,  if  we  have  no  right  to  ii  now,  we 
would  have  nil  right  to  it  then.  If  it  is  theirs  by 
occii|ialion  or  discovery,  il  would  still  be  theirs  by 
the  same  right. 

If  we  have  rigliLsat  all  to  the  territory,  they  are 
.substantive,  and  do  not  depend  upoii  anything 
short  of  a  just  a.ssumption  of  them.  Sir,  we  should 
act  Willi  .such  policy  as  U\  enable  us  to  secure  our 
rights  111  ipicstion  as  occasion  may  reipiire,  .iid  lo 
tli.it  end  I  would  reeouiiui  ml  a  fair  and  just,  but 
at  ilie  same  liiiie  a  fit.n  ami  decided  course. 

I  iriist,  in  my  opiiiions  upmi  this  subject,  I  ttin 
uctualed  by  no  unworlhy  prejudices  agiiin.st  Kng- 
laiid,  or  iiilavoruf  our  own  counlry.  To  (jreal 
lirilaiii  1  do  not  intend  the  sli'jhles't  reproach  or 
UisKspi  ci,  tJu  the  conlrary,  m  many  lespecis  I 
miicli  adniire  the  glory  of  her  ciiaracter.  I  approve 
inaiiyoflier  msimilions.  I  admire  tin  character 
of  the  I'higlish  peo})le,  I'or  they  arc  generous  and 
magiianiinoiis.  1  admire  their  loyally  to  their 
Uo\eriiiiieiii,  and  I  adiniie  llie  gentlemanly  bearing 
of  tin  ir  cpreseiiiatives  alirnad.  l-or  Iliese  reasons 
I  can  enteriaiii  no  iui|ii'oper  pi'ejudice,  nor  desire  a 
collision  between  the  two  naiioiis.  Were  it  in 
my  power,  I  would  noi  impose  injnsli.'i'  upon 
I'jngland.  Ihit  lU  llie  same  lime  I  assert  ilial 
towards  her,  I  would  act  wilhoul  icfei'ence  lo  the 
power  she  may  possess.  In  this  ease  we  should 
c't  independent  of  ail  apprclu'iisions  of  thai  power. 
VV'e  should  take  measiiics  for  ourselves,  and,  pur- 
suing justice,  treat  her  as  ilioii'_'li  she  li:\d  not  a 
fortress  on  iaiid,  or  e  sail  on  the  ocean. 

If  the  tear  of  olfendnig  Kiigland  should  diclalo 
our  polic)'.  Me  would  be  driven,  as  I  have  lielbrc 
remarked,  to  concission  al'ler  conc(  ssion,  iiiilil  our 
l.'iiuiidari"  s  would  be  curtiiiled,  ninl  we  should  bo 
reduced  within  the  limits  of  lli"  irood  old  thirteen 
.Slates.  We  iiiiiiht  expect  trench  after  Irencn  upon 
Ihe  extent  of  our  territory,  uiiiil  we  woiihl  be  driven 
in  friiiu  every  oulpost  of  the  liepublic.  Wliale\er 
i-i  lastly  hers,  at  the  expense  of  great  lialioiial  in- 
eoiivenieiiee,  1   would  sav  let  her  liiive  it,  if  we 


could  not  obtain  it  by  the  exchange  of  a  fair  equiv- 
alent. Wc  should  alway.i  bow  to  the  majesty  of 
iiriiiciple.  lint  in  this  ease,  until  the  rights  of  Kng 
land  are  clearly  ascertained  and  defined,  I  should 
be  inclined  to  believe  llnit  our  right  to  the  territory 
ill  qtipsiion  was  by  no  means  inferior  to  that  which 
she  has  assumed. 

I  will  not,  Mr.  President,  allempt  n  discussion 
of  the  subject  of  boi  ndary,  because  I  consider  it 
unnecessary,  if  not  Improper.  That  qtiesiinn  does 
not  arise  out  of  the  resolution  before  ilie  Senate, 
but  would  necessarily  be  appropriated  lo  the  diplo- 
matic aclion  of  the  two  Goveriimeiils.  Nor  slinll 
I  now  iiidieale  what  would  be  my  course  should  a 
Ireaty  be  negotiated  and  PiibmiilPil  by  the  Pres- 
ident. I  think  any  avowals  beforehand  would 
lend,  more  or  less,  to  increase  the  ditlh'ulties  which 
al  inesent  exisi  in  relation  to  the  adju.-lnient  of  the 
dilliculiy.  Why.'  Ilecause  they  ti  ad  but  to  niaka 
Knglaiid  more  warv.  'I'liey  are  calculated  lo  induce 
her  to  abstain  from  proposals  wliicii  she  might 
oiherwise  nnke:  and  might  render  her  morn 
haughlv  ill  her  demands.  If  a  tiealy  should  bo 
made,  I  would  decide  upon  my  vole  when  itsliould 
be  suhiniited  lo  this  body.  I  will  not  even  say 
for  what  boiind.iry  I  may  vote 

If  by  chance,  opinions  are  ext^rcssed  in  this 
body  favorable  lo  the  preteiisiniis  of  Fnglaud,  and 
in  fiirlherance  of  her  views,  it  might  imbire  her  to 
williliold  an  offer  of  settlement  which  she  may  bo 
ready  to  tender,  and  thus  prrveoi  ijie  very  object 
who'll  we  desire.  She  will  m  C' r  be  prepared  lo 
':'ki'  less  tlitiii  we  are  prepareii  to  concede;  and 
opinions  favorable  to  lier  pretensions  will  not  hf. 
likely  lo  lessen  her  ib  iiiands.  However,  ihi.s  I 
will  say,  ihat  I  never  could  roiisent  In  the  propo- 
sition made  hy  Mr.  (lallaiin — lo  the  binmilary  of 
llie  parallel  of  4iP,  wilh  the  uaviL'alion  of  ilir  (,'o- 
lunibin  river  aecordcd  lo  I-'ngland.  Uallier  than 
vote  for  such  a  proposition,  I  would  resign  my 
]dacp  in  the  Senate.  1  ant  led  to  this  tleterniina- 
lion  for  the  reasons  jilready  slated. 

If  the  eotinlry  is  to  be  divided  by  an  ideal  line, 
the  sooner  il  is  done  the  beiicr.  Hut  I  apppre- 
liciid,  if  it  should  be  done,  ihe  evil  wilt  he  fell  by 
our  children's  children;  and  I  am  fearful  that 
wliatever  is  now  doia^  lo  elVccI  that  object  will  b(i 
but  patchwork  of  ihe  dilliculiy,  and  will  inevitably 
lead  to  a  rupture  at  some  fuliire  day. 

I  believe  if  this  coi  Iroversy  is  siiscejitible  (. 
satisfactory  adjiistmeiil,  the  present  measure  will 
altaiii  thiit  object;  and  I  .'in  free  to  confess  that,  in 
giving  my  vote  for  ihe  iio'ice,  I  would  prefer,  if  it 
could  be  done,  to  take  it  ir  iis  most  siinide  t'orni, 
wiliioiil  any  i|iialificalioii  wliaiever.  To  what 
docs  the  proviso  anioimi.'  Il  is  proiiably  tnlenii- 
ed  hy  some  that  il  should  he  understood  by  Great 
liritain  to  mean  no  barrier  to  negoiiatiou.  I 
would  leave  that  to  be  inferri' ',  ihouL'li  I  think  it 
maiiifcsl.  I  would  not  stale  i  in  adiance  of  the. 
notice,  as  if  it  were  placed  the  -e  iimler  the  inflii- 
ence  of  t'mir.  Has  Kngland  ev.r  adopled  such  a 
course.- — or  is  America  lo  set  srch  an  example!' 
i  would  give  the  noiice  rciocctfii'lv  and  with  the 
iitiuosl decorum;  but  I  would  leave  us  (piahticaiion, 
if  any,  with  the  Executive.  I  woi  Id  not  trantniel 
liie  President:  I  would  not  li;ive  the  head  of  ibis 
nation  mainu'led;  I  would  Icive  him  free,  because 
he  is  responsible  to  the  .American  people,  and  his 
acts  lo  Ihe  revision  of  this  body.  Lei  liiiu  be  left 
I'rcc  lo  coudiicl  the  negoiialion,  for  we  have  nolli- 
iiig  III  do  w  iili  liealy-uiaking.  We  lia\e  llie  power 
of  raiilicaiion  or  rejeclioii.  The  I'residenl  nloiio 
i.-i  charged,  by  ihe  (jonsliiulioii.  with  negotiations 
and  intirnalioiial  corresi'indeui  e.  He  knows  the 
course  ;uid  pro'jress  ot'tacli.  i'u'  they  are  conduct- 
ed under  his  direclion.  Win  ii  he  has  performed 
wliiil  he  believes  lo  be  hit  diiiy,  the  power  ilu'ii 
results  to  the  Senate  lo  approve  or  dissent  front 
his  action.  Hut  we  have  no  power  to  nioiild  a 
treaty,  or  lo  direct  ilii'  Presidenl  on  what  lirms  he 
slialliir  slnill  noi  trial.  Tlierefore,  I  would  eou- 
.4der  it  disrespectful  lo  him  lo  ailach  any  ipialili- 
caiioii  to  llie  notice.  iNo  coordinate  branch  of 
the  (..iovernmeiit  can  take  so  clear  and  eonipre- 
lieii.-'\e  a  view  of  the  whole  ground  as  can  the 
F.xecntive.  Th(^  Congress  is  in  session  leinpora- 
rilv;  he  is  penietnalU'  pie.'cnl  at  llie  scat  of  gov- 
enimci't,  ready  lo  watch  llie  public  iulerests  ai) 
they  change.  We  remain  here  but  a  I'vw  mouths, 
and  then  reiurn  lo  private  life;  bul  the  Kxerulivu 
.  is  constantly  presi       watching  every  eniergeney. 


i 


4i 


640 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29th  CoNtj 1st  Sess 


The  Oreiron  QueiUiun — Mr.  Houston. 


[April  15, 
Senate. 


Wc  alimild  tlicrcforc  Icove  him  not  only  uncmbai- 
rasscil,  liut  uninlluenrcil. 

Allusion  Ims  been  nindc  to  tlic  su>)ject  of  the 
neffiiliatioiia  between  llie  United  iSlalea  mid  Texas; 
nnd  claiinin^;  some  little  iilcniity  with  these  tiniis- 
actions,  I  may  have  u  liL'ltt  to  roncci  any  ericira 
timt  may  exist  on  this  Kiibjecl,  before  they  arc  re- 
eeived  as  history  by  the  public  mind.  They  were 
intert  ini;  then,  and  it  may  l)e  that  they  are  so 
still.  TiiereftTre  I  will  emleaviu'  liere  to  ^ive  .sonic 
account  of  tlie  prosross  iif  events  af  ilu  v  occurred. 

The  anlliori'ies  of  'I'lxas,  in  If'M],  |)ro|ioiied 
nnuc.\aiion  lo  (lie  Union  of  the  IJiiiieti  States. 
'I'liia  was  done  in  obedicni'c  to  the  express  will  (if 
the  people  of  that  country,  nnd  after  the  fullest 
r.xpiession  of  that  will  had  been  triven.  The  prop- 
osition was  rejected  l)y  this  Government,  Ihini^'h 
the  desires  of  Texa.s  continued  the  application  for 
n  ecnisideralile  leimlh  of  lime;  until,  fiudiiisr  there 
wa.^  no  hope  of  admission,  the  l''.xe<Mitive  of  Texas 
ordered  the  willulraual  of  the  propiisition  for  an- 
nexation. In  the  nieamiine,  the  uidependence  of 
Texas  had  been  rcco;,'iiised  by  the  I'liiied  Slates. 
In  Decemlier,  If^aH,  when  a  iiew  Adniiiiistruioii 
eame  into  Power,  the  I^xecutive,  in  his  Inaugural 
Addifss,  iieuouiiced  the  mea.siire  of  Hiniexaiion; 
ami  it  was  not  revived  lor  three  yejirs,  nor  were 
any  measures  taken  dn-  its  eO'ectiiatioii.  DLiriiis 
this  titne,  a  treaty  was  ne;;oiiatcd  between  Ku-^- 
liind  imd  Texas,  in  which  the  hitter od'.reil  to  L'ive 
five  millions  of  dollars  to  Kiii,'lniid  if  she  would 
eiiaranly  the  recogniiioii  of  the  indepindence  of 
Texas  by  Mexico.  Kns;laiid  did  no'  succeed;  but 
the  misforlnnes  of  Texas  accumulated  to  an  extent 
whii'li  I  will  not  here  describt'. 

In  December,  ItiJI.  that  .'Viiininislrntion  expired, 
nnd  a  new  one  couiinenied.  'i'lie  tirst  li'adinir  act  , 
of  the  new  .-Vdmiiiisliatuiii  was  to  appoint  a  iVFiins- 
ter  to  the  Governnieni  of  the  I'liited  Stales,  with 
instruilions  to  sound  it  on  ibe  subject  of annexn- 
lion;  and  il'it  met  with  a  favorable  reci'piion,  tiial 
iiejoiialioiis  should  be  ininiedialely  o|iene(l.  The 
Alinister  [Mr.  Uiky]  hastened  to  present  the  siib- 
Jecl  to  the  consideration  of  this  (Jovernment.  It 
was  received  wilhout  any  indicalioiis  of  I'nvor;  anil 
lliou;;li  somewhat  importunate  in  the  disehari;e  of 
his  duly  on  the  subject,  he  received  no  encouraL'e- 
iiienl.  So  bllle  was  be  ^iratilied  with  the  reception 
of  the  |iroposiiion,  that  he  aslced  and  olitained  leave 
from  liis  Government  to  return.  His  suceessov, 
iMr.  Van  Zaidt,  was  ilien  appointed,  and  referred 
to  the  iiislruiMions  of  his  predei-e.ssor,  by  winch  he 
was  authorial d  to  ri  new  the  proposition.  Me  diil 
renew  it,  but  soon  ascertained,  from  the  response 
with  wliii-h  it  w.is  iiRl,  that  there  was  little  or  no 
hope-  of  siicie.ss.  Not  lonijal'trrwards.a  proclama- 
tion vvas  issued  by  the  Kxecutive  of  T,xas  for  an 
nriuisiice  between  Texas  and  M,  xiro.  The  as- 
sniaiice  upon  which  it  was  fiundi'd  was  received 
tbroii-li  her  M.ij.slv's  CharL'e  d'All'aires,  resident 
ill  Tc-xas;  iiordid  the  F.xei'uiivp  fail  in  that  procla- 
niali.ni  lo  allude  lo  lire  kind  ollii-es  of  Kiiirland  in 
the  most  friendly  terms.  SiiH,  our  .Minister  had 
been  unable  to  make  pniirress  towards  (ipeiiinu- ne- 
{.'olialioiis  with  the  United  Stales  luion  the  subject 
of  aniiLXatio.i,  and  .so  advi.sed  the  GoMninieni.  A 
few  HfclvK  after  ihe  issuance  of  iho  pn«-hnii\iioii. 
Ml.  Van  /;iiirll  was  ilireeliil  by  the  .Seeiiiarv  of 
Stale  of  Texas  lo  inforni  liii' (Jovennuent  of  the 
Uniicil  Slates  that  the  propositimi  I'or  aniiexniiou 
was  snspi  iided,  and  that  the  sulijeci  was  no  |oii_'er 
(ipin  to  (hsciissiMi.  Ill  Deceinbir  ilien  foHowiuu', 
llie  Kxeruine  of  Tr'X.is,  1,1  submiiiio','  his  aiiniiril 
niessa'.'e,  in.nb'  no  allusion  to  the  siib|e,iof  aniiex- 
Btioii;  liul  look  c.ire  to  remark  iVanklv  upon  certain 
oulia.'es  cinnniiiieil  by  -Anierican  cuizens  on  the 
rollector  of  llie  Red  liiver  disiiici,  and  lo  Iheatl'air 
of  Colonel  Snivi  ly,  whose  i.auiiiand  had  been  i-ap- 
lured  and  dis.irined  williin  the  terr;:..rv  of  Texas 

b^-  Hoops  of  the  rniled  States.       iU    ..un-,  as  Ihe 

l-.xecuiuc  did,  that  this  subji^ct  ».vs  one  anlhori- 
/iiiv  a  deneinil  for  ri  paralion,  he  (.it  no  hesitancy 
in  s|ieakiii;;  of  th,  Hioii;;.  In  th.  >anie  mes.sii;;e, 
I-' ranee  was  spoken  of  m  kind  ter,,^,  nnd  ilnu'land 
ill  terms  more  poin!>  d,  and  exp.-  ssini;  a  conlideiit 
belli  f  thai  all  !ier  pledges  would  be  redeeuied  in 
Cood  fuilli.  It  was  believed  iliiil  sin  li  a  course, 
taken  l,y  the  Kxeciitiie  of  Texas,  would  have  a 
t  hibiM-y  to  arouse  the  .•\nierieaii  people,  while  it 
would   cre.iie   niwlieliniis  and  serious  aiiprelien- 

Hioiis  on  the  pmtof  theti.neru nt,  lest  ibet'uture 

nlaiions  of  Texas   mij;hl  iiol  be  desirable  to  the 


United  States.  It  had  the  desired  etl'ecl;  for,  soon 
at'ler  these  events,  a  proposition  was  made  by  the 
United  Slates  lo  treat  for  nnnexalion — n  nicasuro 
which  Imd  been  disccamtenanced  up  to  that  lime. 
Thus,  it  was  inaiiifcHl,  that  so  lon<;  as  Texas 
evinced  pieal  anxiety  for  nuiiexatiiin,  she  was 
treated  willi  iiidill'erence,  and  her  iipplicalion  held 
ill  abi^ynnce.  Hi  nee  ri  cliani;e  of  policy  had  be- 
come necessary,  and  sneli  a  chauire  as  would  in- 
duce llie  belief  that  Texas  was  about  to  t'orni  new 
relatioiiR  with  some  other  country.  It  was  from 
these  circumstances  that  the  change  ol'*'coipietry "' 
arose;  and  if  the  term  was  employed,  it  was  in  re- 
ference lo  llie  I'niled  Slates,  but  not  to  lac-land. 
It  was  not  applicable  lo  the  relations  of  Texa.s  and 
Kn;ilaiid,  and  would  bnl  apply  lo  our  relations  with 
llie  rnitcd  Slates. 

It  had  lu'conie  necessary  to  operate  iipmi  the  ap- 
prehensions and  jealousies  of  the  United  Slates;  lo 
drive  them  to  exertion;  and  no  other  course  was 
so  well  calculated  to  attain  thai  object  as  lo  speak 
of  l".iis;laiid  ill  lerms  of  conimendaticui. 

The  then  existins  administration  of  Texas  had 
comineiiced  under  the  most  unlavorable  aiispic'S, 
and  found  the  country  in  a  most  lainentalile  con- 
dition. The  institutions  of  the  coiintrv  wer  ■  in 
chaos — without  means,  wit  bout  del  ences;  huiu'reds 
of  our  citizens  prisoners  in  ilu:  duiu;eons  of  Mex- 
ico; coiilidence  between  man  and  man  desiioved; 
tbeGiivernmcnl  not  respecied;  no  syinpatbii  s  from 
altroiul:  an  Indian  war  rieiinir  on  our  borders; 
Mexico  readv  to  invade  os  iVoiii  the  Uio  Mraiidc; 
the  seaboard  iiiiilefein'cd;  the  navy  in  toniL'U  ser- 
vice; several  ot"our  couniies  in  civil  war,  and  oiien 
resistance  to  llie  laws;  and  without  livi  hundred 
pounds  of  powtler  and  had  to  delenil  oer  soil. 

Under  these  circumstances  had  application  been 
renewed  for  admission  into  the  Union  How  ''i('- 
ferent  were  the  circumstances  under  m  liicli  an.r.'x- 
ation  w;is  consiimmateil  !  Texas  bed  assumed  a 
new  and  le.ore  iiuposiiej;  attitude.  Shi-  had  realized 
a  currency  composed  of  the  precioiu.  metals;  peiu'e 
had  been  restored  with  the  Indians;  our  citizens 
released  iVoiii  prison;  our  interna',  condition  was 
oiderlv.and  the  law  restored;  at  j  t'urt'  with  Mex- 
ico,and  oiirindcpi  iidence  iecoi;ni.sei|  by  thai  Power; 
our  seaboard  iVee  from  invasion,  Texas  lran(|iiil, 
and  respected  by  other  iialions. 

li  was  in  this  condition  that  she  became  an  in- 
leirral  part  of  tlie  United  .States  She  did  not  enter 
into  this  Inioii  as  a  snpplia.it.  .\o.  The  hist 
overture  lor  annexation  was  miide  by  the  United 
Stales,  not  bv  Texas.  Texas  was  more  coy  than 
lorward.  The  overture  was  reiei\ed  with  as  miieh 
coyness  on  her  pari  as  the  I'liitid  Slates  had  pre. 
viini.,ly  evinced  towarils  I  er.  I  have  s.iid,  Mr. 
President,  that  -be  was  not  a  siipiiliiiiit.  She  eame 
into  lliis  conb'deracy  as  a  sovi'r  'iirn  and  indepeiv 
ileiit  .Slate.  She  broiiirni  with  her  as  warm  at- 
tacbmenls  to  i-epiil.licaii  insiiiiiiions  as  those  of 
any  other  Stale  represe'ited  in  this  cliaiiiber.  If 
slie  did  init  make  her  aiheiit  wiili  all  the  paiMplur- 
iialia  of  bridal  array,  slie  broii;-ht  a  naiioii  tor  her 
dowry,  and  the  hearts  of  freemeii  !or  her  jcvels. 

In  llie  course  of  Ihi  i  debaie  llie  subject  of  war 
li.'is  been  luU cried  to,  with  its  demoraliziiiLr  in- 
tluence  and  desolati'iL'  consi'(|ueiices.  |i  v.as  a 
maxim  of  the  veiierilde  .Macon  thai  war  was  ne- 
cessary lo  such  a  t!;overniiieiii  as  ours  ai  least 
once  in  every  tliirtx  years.  1  hope  that  iiondiiiof. 
of  iliinirs  has  run  out  with  us,  and  that  wisdom 
will  obviate  the  neces.sity  fur  many  years  lo  come. 
^'el  war  mav  soinetiiiies  be  productive  of  ;:;ood:  il 
mav  I'c  a  means  ol"  riildintr  a  connnnnity  of  rest- 
li  ss  and  turbnliiii  spirits  vv  hoiu  nothiiii^can  irovern 
iiut  Ihe  Iron  rod  .if  mihitiry  rule.  It  embodies  such 
nieii  at  leasl,  an  1  places  iheiii  in  a  ^iliialioii  where, 
if  they  tire  not  billed  i  If,  they  must  snbniil  lo  con- 
trol, and  are  lendend  Miboidiimie  to  Invv;  and  if 
lliey  shoiiid  survive  the  ihintters  of  baltle,  lliey 
return  better  ineiubeis  of  llie  eomiiniiiity.  War 
litis  Its  ev  ils,  but  not  to  the  extent,  or  the  cluiracfer, 
iniatxined  aiiu  ib  scribrd  bv  an  honorable  Senator, 
'I'he  Inst  wai  ol'llie  f'niled  .Slates  was  not  lailirelv 
productive  I  f  evil;  on  th.-  coiiiiarv,  il  culled  forth 
the  eiier;:ie>  of  the  [leople,  and  tidvauced  us  ill  the 
inarcli  of  improveiiient  tit  a  rtite  iinex.iiii|ihtd  in 
the  history  of  inankind.  Il  w/s,  no  doubt,  one  of 
tiie  iieeiio.  employed  in  developin;*  the  resources 
of  Aineri 'an  iniiid  and  enterprise. 

I  am  tar,  howevir,  from  advoi'alini;  war  as  a 
principlii   of  ilii<  Governnieni,      I   desire  pence, 


]  where  there  is.  a  prospect  of  its  Mnvina;  more  ad- 
;  yantnireons  than  war.  I  would  -atlier  remain  n 
little  stationary  than  to  run  llie  linzarda  of  war. 
Ihil  while  I  a'dmil  tlint  peace  oiiL'ht  to  be  pursued 
nnd  eu'livaled,  I  hold  another  i;reat  principle  iif 
!:overnmenl,aiid  thai  is, always  toresisi  oppression. 
If,  lo  mtiinlain  this  principle,  war  should  becoiue 
ncces.sary,  I  would  endure  it.  War,  with  all  the 
evils  iittemhuit  in  its  Irtiin,  is  pri'ferable  lo  iiiitional 
deiriadtitioti,  or  ilie  loss  ot*  empire.  What  people 
ever  remained  free  thai  did  not  pay  a  price  for 
till  ir  freedom  r  The  Government  bus  to  be  sup- 
ported at  every  hazard;  and  it',  in  doiu;;  this,  war 
should  come  u)ion  us,  we  miisi  meet  it  as  ti  iieees 
fiiryevil.  As  for  the  peniicioiis  inlluciice  a|ipre- 
iieiided  I'roai  L'enerals  who  have  siiecessfnlly  led 
the  armies  of  their  connlry,  I  cannot  assent  to  it. 
If  tidniitled,  it  would  be  an  iirituiiK'nt  tit^aiiist  war 
under  any  circumsi,iiices.  Men  as  pure  and  pa- 
triotic us  any  of  those  who  have  fdlfd  civil  .iialions 
have  achieved  victories,  and  secured  liberty  to 
mtitikind,  and  passed  oil'  without  abuse  of  llieir 
power. 

The  history  of  those  who  led  the  revnhitiounry 
armies  of  .•\merica  all'ird  evidence  of  the  trnlli  of 
my  assr'riioii ;  f  U'  when  (hey  had  conquered  in  the 
field  tli"y  vidnulirily  laid  down  their  commtind, 
aiiil  snbmitied  to  the  civil  antliorities  of  the  conn- 
try.  They  coiipertite  I,  with  their  mllnenee  and 
piiwer,  to  ere. lie  and  estal>lish,  but  iiol  to  over- 
turn, consiituliontil  irovernnienl. 

What  did  the  military  lenders  who  have  filled 
Ihe  President'til  chair  to  Jnstil'y  such  ap|uehen 
sinus  •  Wlititcver  may  be  tlio;ii;ht  of  the  poli.'y  of 
the  last  'jreatly  disiiii'.rnislie  I  inilitary  letider  who 
oc'iipied  that  station,  or  wbeilier  that  policy  was 
riilil  or  wi'omr,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  after  de- 
feiidiiii;  his  country  in  war,  he  left  ii  in  peace, 
prosperous  and  happy.  His  wlioleaim  and  elfort 
was  throuvli  lite  to  oppose  and  put  down  w  htitrver 
he  believed  injurious  to  liberty,  and  to  uphold 
!  whatever,  in  his  jiidirment,  would  proiiioie  the  I'ree- 
doiii  and  safety  of  his  connlry,  A  man  who  ha.s 
.sacrillced  most  to  secure  the  <:loi'y  and  indepen- 
dence of  his  country,  in  i  d  not  be  excluded  from  a 
participntiou  in  the  civil  ialvanttii;es  and  happiness 
which  his  valor  and  discretion  have  secured  lo  his 
fellow-citizens.  To  the  artny  and  navy  of  the 
cnnntrv  do  yon  in  a  irreal  ineasiire  owe  tiie  spleii- 
ilid  destiny  which  makes  yon  the  envy  of  the  Old 
AVorld.  What  enconra'.'cnienl  would  il  be  to  men 
to  brave  (he  front  of  b.allle  wlieie  ihinirer  lowers, 
nnd  to  cliari;e  ihronijb  the  seiTied  ranks  of  opposim^ 
ihnnsands,  lo  expel  the  invader  from  your  soil,  to 
know  ibat  tin  moment  be  bad  achieved  the  victory 
and  shealhed  his  sword  he  wtis  for  those  very  deeds 
to  be  proscrilied  fronicivil  hoiiorsaiid  posts  of  protit 
and  distinction,  and  thtil  the  linue  soldiers  who 
fniujlil  under  his  orders  and  by  his  exiiniple  were 
te  be  exeliided  from  the  lowest  mtmisiiacy  of  ihe 
land  r  The  dread  of  miliiarv  cliiel'tains  will  never 
indnee  me  to  avoid  a  wtir  thai  mav  be  neces.sary 
for  the  delVnce  of  my  cninitry's  ri:;lils, 

I  adtiiil  freely  tlnit  there  are  many  would-be 
heroes  who  have  been  the  ino.si  pestiferous  mem- 
bers of  Ihe  civil  coinniuniiy,aiid  the  irrentesl  curses 
of  their  country.  I  would  ttive  to  inilitary  men  no 
s'leci.il  adv.inno'is.  I  would  ht  them  enjoy  like 
riirbls  and  |irivi|e;;es  with  oiheis,  and  no  inure. 
The  dre:id  of  the  niiscliievoiis  inlluences  lo  arise 
from  war  to  civil  liberty  in  the  United  Slates  would 
never  induce  me  lo  vote  either  tor  or  aj,'aiiisl  the 

liotiee  now  proposed, 

I  d'l  not  believe  thai  this  (|iiestion  has  been  in- 
troduced with  auv  view  to  o|ieniiinL'  on  the  next 
I'li'sideiitial  election,  nor  with  any  other  ulterior 
olijeci;  but  to  secure  llie  111  si  inierests  and  peacp 
of  the  country.  I  trust  in  (bnl  tin.  .American  peo- 
pli'  have  the  capjicilv  to  st  lei  i  :i  man  tor  tbeniselves, 
who  will  promote  the  inieres'-^  .ind  '.'lory  of  the  l{c. 
public,  and  that  the  selection  will  be  mtide  with  no 
view  inconsistenl  with  iKe  L'l'eat  prniciples  which 
-honld  1,'iivern  their  iude|ieudenl  •i-tion.  I  trust 
tinil  a  nieasnre  of  siieb  in  i;;iiiiudi  .i>  the  preseni 
W  ill  never  be  diverted  into  lllilteiuil  tor  elecliolleer- 
iin,'  piirpo.ses.  t'ertainly.  iHi  views  of  this  Kind 
will  ever  iiidneiice  me,  eiiili«-r  on  this  or  any  other 
occHsion,  to  vote'  for  or  .iii:f.iinst  any  nieasnre.  i 
shall  vole  on  the  ipiestioti-  presenied  to  me  in  this 
body  upon  their  merits  aloii*';  on  the  pnseiil  occa- 
sion, I  will  vote  in  fiivor  of  the  notice;  because  I 
bebeve  i'  lo  lie  neiesHary,  to  enable  tlie  lixueiilivu 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


641 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Sapptrs,  Miners,  and  Pontoniers — Mr.  Giddings. 


New  Series. ...No.  41. 


loseriirolinirMony  inniirfiirei!;n  rolRlinns.  If  pence 
is  to  he  pri'Hcr .ed,  1  believe  tills  is  tlie  mensiire  to 
insure  it.  If  wn.'  spiinia  from  it,  it  will  lie  heeaiise 
wnr  wns  iiievitnlile  ill  any  event.  My  vote  in  fiivor 
<)f  the  nionsiire  will  l»e  nn  earnest  that  I  linve  not 
Riiiulil  to  emlmri'iiHS  tlie  Kxeeiilivc^  or  fiiileil  to 
slr'nillieii  Ills  lianils,  while  toilins  for  the  honor, 
the  interests,  anil  the  glory  of  his  eonntiy.  i 


SAPPKI!S,MINiaiS,  AND  PONTONIERS. 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  .1.  R.  GIDDINGS, 

OP  OHIO, 
In  the  Hoi'sK  OF  Kepkesent.\tivk9, 
Mmj  12,  1810. 
The  House  lieins  in  (.'oniniillec  of  the  Whole  on 
the  stale  of  the  Ciiioii  on  the  lilll  to  raise  a  com- 
pany of  S.ippers,  iMiiiers,  and  Ponlonier.s — 
Mr.  GIODINGS  leniarked  that,  since  he  Imil  i 
lieen  lionnreil  liy  a.  .seat  in  this  hoily,  he  had  at  all  ' 
times  opposed  every  increase  of  the  siandim::  army. 
Vm'  the  four  hiiiiilred  milliims  of  dnllai'N  lierelofore  I 
<'Xpeiided  upon  our  army  and  navy  in  time  of  peace, 
I  would  ask  (said  he)  what  lienefii,  w  hat  eoinpen-  i 
salion  lunethe  peopU-  received :  This  immense  | 
timoiint  has  heeii  wasted,  thrown  away.  Nay,  it  ' 
is  worse  than  thrown  away:  it  has  heen  the  means 
of  renderiiiff  a  portion  of  our  people  nnp'.  for  the 
•Inlies  of  civil  life.  lioth  olliceis  and  soldiers  !iave 
liecome  disipialilied  to  dischariie  the  ohlijrations 
reslinp;  upon  the  citizens  of  a  tree  Uoveriimeiit. 
The  otiicers  havc^  heen  loo  much  accnstomi-d  to 
I'liiaiiiiiHi/,  and  the  soldiers  too  inni'h  hahitiialed  to 
"bill.  The  forn.er  cannot  well  siilnnit  to  the  re- 
straints of  civil  lite,  aial  the  latter  cannot  he  raised 
10  the  cmiscioiis  ilii!;nily  office  cilizcns.  They  have 
.'dl  liei'nme  so  accustomed  to  receive  their  support 
from  the  pnhlie  treasury,  that  they  arc  seiierally  in- 
capable of  .supporting' themselves  in  any  other  liiisi- 
ness.  The  founders  of  our  Government  evidently 
believed  that  we,  as  citizens,  would  possess  the  iii- 
liereni  power  at  all  times  of  defendiii<r  our  nation. 
They  had  seen  tint  patriotic  devotion  of  our  militia 
txhibiteil  at  liunker  Hill,  at  .Saralosa,nnil  on  other 
liatlle-fnids  of  the  llevohition,  and  felt  the  most 
(lerfect  colidi'iii  e  that  they  would  at  all  times  he 
nble  and  willini;  to  repel  'all  invasions  from  any 
power  whatever.  In  this  opiniim  1  most  heartily 
concni.  The  founders  of  our  Govirnmeiii  never 
aiuicipaled  the  hostile  invasi.ni  of  oilier  nations  by 
iiH.  Tliey  knew  llie  fatal  leiideney  of  t'(n-ci[,'n  con- 
cpiest.  All  hi.story,  ancient  and  moilern,  convinced 
Ihein  thai  extension  of  territory  by  lorce  n(  arms 
had  always  been  detrimental,'  and  most  usually 
fatal  to  the  emniuerers.  .And  1  now  declare  my 
iinhesiiaiin^'  behif,  my  s(deniii  ccmviction,  that  the 
war  of  lonipiist  into  which  we  are  now  rushing 
with  such  indecent  hasie,  such  lhoui;blless  pro 
eipilaiicy,  will  prove  the,  irrave  of  this  Itepnhlic. 
In  ihe  nii.'ssa:;e  of  the  President  seni  to  us  yester- 
day we  were  told  that  ".'/mrricioi  hlnod  had  lireii 
sill tl  on  tlnii'i'iiiiu  .sei/."  !n  the  liocnmenis  accnni- 
panyiiiit  thai  no  ssau'C,  we  wen'  olliciallv  infonm  il 
that  Ihe  .•\nierican  soldiers  who  had  liist  fdlen 
upon  lh(!  Uio  Grande  hail  been  .slinl  by  order  of  a 
iiioi-cnniiiussiimed  o|li.-cr,  wiihonl  ari'csi,  without 
trial,  wiilnail  conviction,  or  sinieiice.  .Aincricin 
.soldieis,eiiliiledloilieproii'etion(if  iMirlaws,  wliose 
lives  were  rcL'orded  as  sacred  as  the  lives  of  the 
mcniliersol  ilii  '■.  ly,  liolh  by  the  laws  of  the  land 
and  by  ihc  nil.  .d  articles  iif  war,  by  which  tin- 
iiiniy  ilscll'  shopl,;  lie  g;overiieil,  were  inunlercd  in 
cold  blood  by  llii'ir  brethren  in  arms.  They  are 
s.iid  to  have  atiempU'd  a  desertion  fnun  the  army, 
Iml  wheiln  r  such  \u  .e  Ihe  fads  or  not  we  have  no 
li"U.  '  proof.  Tiny  ,vere  not  pei'iuitled  to  show 
ill  the"  were  absent  tVom  iln'  army  by  pcrinis- 
.  ion  of  the  proper  ollicer.  llail  iliey  been  Ic^'ally 
".l:icd.'  Were  they  of  snllicient  aire  in  law  to 
cnliT  mil)  a  coiilrari  of  enlistmenl .-  Or  were  they 
minors?  Or  had  iheir  enbsiment  Ueenobiaimd  by 
fr.iud  ?     Wen    ihey  induced  to  diink  to  inloxiea- 

ti and  th"  .,  while  lahoriiiL'  under  the  delirium 

of  druiikeimess,  were  ibcy  prevailed  upon  to  I'nlisi 
into  ihe  service  of  the  I'niied  Smics:  Who  will 
answer  these  oncHiioii.i  ?  Their  mothers,  their 
wives,  their  orpliiin  ehddren,  may  perhaps  be  in- 
forineil,  but  thiN  House  and  the  country  are  not. 
Sn',  what  compenNaiion  in  our  nalioii  to  receive  for 

n 


the  lives  of  its  citizens.'  Suppose  we  ohinin  Ihe 
whole  country  between  ihc  Nueces  and  Del  Norte, 
will  it  vindicate  our  violated  laws.'  Will  it  restore 
to  life  our  murdered  brethren?  Will  it  assuajje 
the  erief  of  those  who  now  inuuin  their  untimely 
deaths? 

lint,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  rose  for  the  purpose  of/ 
eallinjr  llie  attention  of  the  House  and  of  the  coun- 
try to  another  strikint;  illiistmtion  of  ihe  danjer  of 
a  stanilin!;  army  to  the  liberties  of  our  people  and 
the  free  institutjon.s  of  our  country.  I  allude,  sir, 
to  the  invasion  of  the  Mexican  territory  and  the  I 
war  into  which  we  now  find  ourselves  thus  sud- 
denly about  to  be  preripiiatcd.  Sir,  I  have  not 
time  lo  fro  imo  a  minute  examination  of  the  pre- 
tended claims  set.  u\i  by  Texas,  and  now  advocated 
by  our  Kxeciitive,  to  the  enunlry  between  the 
Nueces  and  the  Kio  Grande.  Every  inlclliircnt 
man  is  aware  that  so  niiicli  of  Mexico  as  lies  upon  , 
this  river  was  divided  into  the  Slates  of  "  New 
Mi'xico,"  Chiliualiiia,  Coahiiila,  and  Tamaulipas; 
that  the  Rio  Grande,  from  its  source  to  its  nioiilh, 
was  included  wilhin  these  deparlinenis;  and  ihal 
the  department  of  Texas,  as  orisinally  established 
by  the  ('overnment  of  Mexico,  was  as  disiinct 
and  as  .separate  from  New  Mexico,  Cliihiiiihiin, 
and  I'amaulipas,  as  the  Stale  of  New  York  is 
separate  from  Pennsylvania,  New  .Jersey,  or  Ohio. 
It  was,  however,  connected  with  Cnnhuila  for  le-  ! 
•risliiiivfi  purposes  until  perhaps  lKt4,  when  the 
line  wliici,  separated  it  from  llie  latter  Stale  ap- 
pears lo  hiive  been  established.  IJiit  irrantintr,  for 
Ihe  sake  of  tin:  argument,  that  Texas  aclnally  in- 
cludes all  that  jiart  of  C'oahuila  lyinir  east  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  it  would  not  give  to  her  nor  lo  us  any  claim 
whatever  to  that  portion  of  Tamaulipas  which 
has  been  invaded  liy  our  army.  I'm.  as  I  was 
sayinir,  the  line  of  sjparation  helwcen  Texas  and  j 
Coahuila  was  actually  established  by  n  commission  ! 
duly  appointed,  and  is  as  clearly  laid  down  and  as 
definiiily  deserilied  as  the  line  which  divides  Ma- 
ryland and  Virninia.  ("omineiK  ine;  at  the  mr.iith 
of  Ihe  Aransas,  it  follows  up  that  stream  to  ils 
smirce;  thence,  in  a  direct  line,  to  the  eonlluenee 
of  the  Medina  and  .San  Antonio,  near  Ilexar;  and,  j 
t'ollowini;  up  the  Medina  to  its  source,  it  runs 
Ihence  westerly  unlil  it  intersecia  the  east  line  of 
the  Slate  of  Chihuahua.  This  line,  thus  estab- 
lished, was  assented  to  by  both  Texas  and  Coa- 
huila. They  were  the  pavlies  in  interest,  and  their 
mutual  compact  miisl  remain  bindiiiLr  upon  each 
unlil  by  mutual  ciaisent  il  slia'l  he  abrosatcd. 

After  Ihe  separalion  of  Texas  from  Coahuila  eacli 
department  enjoyed  its  privileijes,  appointed  il.-; 
otlicers,  and  was  ir<'>v'erneil  by  its  own  laws.  As 
already  remarked.  New  .Mexico,  Chihuahna,  Con- 
hiiila,  and  Tamaulipas,  each  extended  far  to  the 
easi  (if  the  liio  Grande,  and  each  had  sclllcinents 
east  of  that  river.  Sania  Ke  is  the  capital  of  New 
IVlexico,  the  residence  of  her  governor,  and  is  situ- 
ated siinie  thirty  miles  cast  of  the  liio  Grande. 

Taos,  another  villairc,  is  still  further  east.  Al 
tlm  placi'  the  ciisiom-honse  is  situated,  at  which 
onr  people,  during;  Ihe  last  year,  paid  more  llian  n 
huiiined  ihousmd  dollars  in  duties  tti  the  Me\ic:in 
Govt  inment  on  zoods  exported  from  Missouri. 
.Many  of  our  inenhanis  are  now  there,  jirotecled 
by  \iexicaii  laws  and  payinj  respect  lo  Mexican 
authorities,  while  the  President  is  sendtnir  us  ines- 
saircs  to  make  the  people  believe  that  lho.se  villa'.'is 
are  wilhin  the  United  Slates,  and  thai  the  pcojile, 
Iheir  trovernor,  and  all  other  Mexican  officers,  owe 
alleiriance  lo  our  Government. 

Al  I'ninI  Isabel,  on  ibe  Gulf,  is  also  a  villa!;e, 
with  lis  Mexican  aulhoiiiie.s  and  its  cnstoni-hmise, 
al  which  our  own  people  have  for  many  years  paid 
duties  lo  the  Mexican  Government.  I  know  of  no 
(Uliercusloni-honsesoii  this  side  of  I  be  Rio  Grande, 
but  there  are  villaires  east  of  that  river,  in  each  of 
the  four  de)iarlnieiiis  menlioneil.  Kroni  Ihe  first 
setilemcnl  of  these  villairfs  and  town.',  down  lo  the 
day  on  which  General  Taylor  reached  Point  Isabel 
with  his  army,  they  were  in  the  enioyment  of  all 
iheir  rnrhls  under  Mexican  l.uvs  and  customs,  as 
loyal  siibjecls  of  that  Governmeiii.  Leavintr  the 
Mexican  set llemenis  on  the  "Rio  (Jrniide,"  (which 
IS  also  calleil  the  oRio  del  \orte"  and  the  "Rio 
llravo,'')  end  Ir.ivcllinir  east,  we  enlet  a  barren  . 
country,  a  deseri.at  least  one  linnilred  miles  in 
width,  which  is  deslilule  of  setllemenls.  As  we  ' 
approach  the  Nueces,  we  find  the  Spanish  setlle- 
menls, which   extend   alonx  thai  stream  on  both 


sides  of  It  These  Bcttlement.t  are  some  forty  miles 
west  of  the  Arnnaas,  which  wns  cstablishetl  as  the 
western  line  of  Texas.  The  country,  therefore, 
between  the  Aransas  nnd  the  Nueces  is  cleurly 
within  the  orit^iiial  boundary  of  Conlmiln.  But 
beins?  on  the  border  of  the  two  departments,  it  mny 
perhaps  be  said  to  have  Men  about  as  much  under 
Tixitm  as  under  Jfp.Ticim  laws.  In  truth,  I  suppose 
it  can  scanely  be  said  to  have  been  under  any  !nw 
durins  the  war  between  Texas  and  Mexico.  But 
as  I  intend  to  assiinie  no  doubtful  position,  I  will, 
for  the  sake  of  the  arsument,  admit  (contrary  to 
the  real  fad)  that  Texa  has  extended  her  laws 
nnd  jnrisdiclion  to  the  Nueces,  nnd  as  it  is  said  that 
some  individuals  on  the  west  bank  of  that  river 
have  united  willi  Ihe  Texnns  au:ainsl  the  nmss  of 
people  who  ndliero  to  Mexico,  I  will  fro  as  far  as 
thedisiiiiiruished  Senator  from  Mis.souri  [.Mr.  IIen- 
tonI  did  in  1844,  nnd  admit  llieir  jurisdiction  to 
exiend  as  far  west  as  ally  individuals  can  be  found 
who  adhere  to  Texas.  And  we  will  suppose  the. 
Texnns  aiinally  to  have  conr|uere(l  the  country  as 
far  as  the  desc^rl  whicli  divides  the  settlements  on 
the  Nueces  from  tho.se  on  the  Del  Norte.  'West of 
this  desert,  no  portion  of  the  people  have  for  a  mo- 
ment faltered  in  their  loyalty  to  the  Mexican  Oov- 
ernineni,  Texas  has  sent  four  several  parties  of 
armed  men  lo  conquer  those  settlcmeuLs.  One 
parly  only  reached  the  Rio  Grande;  huievery  man 
of  it  was  killed  or  made  captive,  and  I  believe  some 
of  lliem  are  now  in  the  mines  of  Mexico;  others 
have  heen  relensed,  nnd  the  rest  are  dead.  One  of 
the  other  parlies  wns  captured,  and  the  other  two 
were  ih'feiilcd,  and  lied  bnck  into  Texas  I  efore  tliry 
reached  the  vicinity  of  the  Rio  Grande.  These 
I'lets,  so  iiromincnt  on  the  pa;;e  of  hislory,  are 
passed  over  by  the  President  in  his  message,  and, 
as  a  pretext  li>r  sendina;  our  army  to  invade  ami 
ccaiipier  tlie  country  upon  the  Rio  Grande,  he  says: 
"Ti. Ills. hi}  ils  art  nf  December  19,  lH'.iCt,  hail  ihelared 
Ihe  Uio  dil  .Viiiic  In  he  Ihe  houndiinj  nflhitl  Rtpublic. " 
This  mere  declaratiun  on  paper  by  the  Lenislnliire 
of  Texas  could  not  ehanfre  or  alter  the,/ac(s.  Tluij 
were  entered  upon  the  pafre  of  history,  as  well  as 
upon  Ihe  records  of  eternal  truth;  and  no  fln2;rant 
falsehood  by  that  body,  endorsed  by  a  dignitary  of 
this  Government,  can  ehaufre  or  niter  them.  Texas 
had  afrreed  upon  Ihe  Nueces  as  her  boundary.  But 
lulinittiiif:  that  she  had  violated  her  solemn  com- 
pact, nnd  had  conquered  the  counlry  as  far  as  the 
.Nueces,  or  even  lo  the  fjreat  descrl,  she  had  nevrr 
exlcnded  her  boundary  liy  compact  or  by  conquest 
beyond  that  point.  And'l  rejieat,  lliat  neither  the 
unfounded  nsscrtion  by  the  Le^Mslature  of  Texas 
that  her  boundary  is  the  Del  Norte,  nor  the  repe- 
tition of  that  untruth  by  any  man,  however  difj- 
nilied  his  oliicc,  can  chanfre  or  alter  the  ivvct, 
which  must  remain  while  the  Author  of  Triilli 
shall  exist.  Wire  Mexico  to  declare,  by  a  le- 
nishilive  act,  that  her  eastern  boundary  is  the 
"Hudson  river,"  and  on  paper  attach  t lie  whole 
of  our  Slates  south  and  west  of  that  stream  to 
her  conirressional  districts,  and  then  on  paper  di- 
vide our  .seaboard  into  collection  districts,  without 
beiiif:  able  to  enforce  lirr  laws  in  any  way  what- 
ever, her  President  may,  at  the  next  nieetin;;  of 
her  Conirre.ss,  adopt  this  portion  of  President 
Polk*s  mcssni^e,  and  iir^e  with  eipial  )a"opriety  that 
Pennsylvania  and  Ohio  are  Mexican  territory.  I'lit 
if  Mexico  possess  the  power  and  disposition  to  en- 
force such  viewsof  her  PresiilrnI,  we  should  reirard 
Ihe  carryin:;  them  out  lo  be  an  onliau^e  iinparalleleil 
amoinr  civilized  and  Chriotian  nalions:  and  were  a 
Mexican  army  lo  invade  our  counlry  in  order  to 
cinnpelusioiiiiiiewiililheirGovernnient,\veshoiild 
meet  them  sword  in  hand,  nnd  would  only  yield 
onr  country  with  our  \\\>.-.  Yet,  sir,  Mexico 
may  rlaini' the  territory  on  which  we  now  are 
w  iili  as  much  proiuiety  as  o-e  .an  claim  the  .'oiin- 
try  on  the  Rio  Grande.  I  have  not  time  lo  make 
(|iioiaiions  from  authors,  hut  will  rest  my  nrTii- 
ment  iipnn  the  fuels  f^'iven  to  the  counlry  by  a  dis- 
liiiLruished  sialesmnii  in  the  other  end  of  Ihi.s 
f'.ipitol.  (Mr.  Hkvton,  of  Missouri.]  He  ha.i 
probably  examined  the  subject  more  thoroiifrhly 
lliiin  any  other  member  of  either  House  of  f^on- 
friisH.  lie  is  an  ardent  friend  to  the  annexation 
of  Texas,  and  a  supporter  of  the  President;  nor 
do  I  believe  any  member  will  deny  or  even  doid't 
n  siiifrlefaet  stated  by  him.  I  have  already  quoted 
him  in  regard  to  the  boundary  of  Texas.  He  es- 
tininle.i  the  country  on  the   Rio  Gianrie,  which 


'h 


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642 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[May  12, 


yjh"H  CoNO 1st  Sess, 


Sappers,  Miners,  and  Pontonicrs — Mr.  Giildings. 


IIo.  ov  Hkps. 


if 


now  ia  in  the  notiinl  poaaesMion  of  Mi'xico,  and   j 
wliicli  iina  ever  been  in  its  possnasion  sinie  it  br-  i| 
lanic  n  nadcin,  af  one  himdreil  milts  in  viillh  niii/il 
tiio  llinnsand  in  Itni^lh,  miiliinf;  iwo  lunidivd  tlwui-  ', 
Hand  Hi|unie  mili'd,  endimciiiy;  |ioitiiins  of  New  j; 
jMcxico,  Cliilmaluiii,  Coaluiihi,  and  TanianlJ|iaB,  j! 
willi  a  {xipulalion  uf  lliirty  llidusand.     He  inl'iirnia  ' 
UH  tlial  "  one-lialf  of  New  Mexico,  willi  its  capi-  1 
'  tal,  '  Santa  Fi','  eoiuaiiiin^  ii  popnlatinn  of  I'oiir  I 
'  thonsand,  and  Tao.s,  wiili  ita  eiisioni-lioiise,  and  ; 
'  a  population  of  tlireetlHiUHimd,  and  AU)ii(|u<  iipie, 
'  witli    its   alx    thousand    inlialiilania,   and    aonie  ; 
'scores  ol'  other  towns  and  viihi^ioH,  all   nnn'e  or 
'  leas   popnious,  and   surrouiideil    by  lloidta  and 
'  liold   ,  '  are  on  this  side  ot'the  Ilio  Urau.ie,  willi-  ; 
in  the  lerriiory  luiw  said  liy  the   President  lode-, 
/«iilj  to  tht'  Vniieit  Sltitt's.     'I'fuise  people  were  btirn 
there  under  Mexican  laws;  they  have  lived  under 
llmt  Governniunt,  and  are  as  nuich  allaehed  to  it 
as  we  are  to  oins.     Mr.  ISenton  assures  u.<  that  i 
**  no  Texan  loree  has  ever  lieen  simmi  near  it  with-   ' 
out  beini:  killed  or  taken, to  the  last  man."   They 
liave  defended   iheir  eointtry  as  iralKuuly  as   our 
fathers  defended  ours.     It  is  eudeaied  to  litem  by 
many  intere.slina;  assoriations,  and   I  pieilii't  thev 
will  not  lie  easiU'  subdtietl.     Situateil  as  Santa  Vc 
is,  nearly  two  ihou.snnd   miles   from   the  CJtilf  of 
Me'xico,  and  nearly  as  lar  from  juiy  etinsiderable 
settlement,  either  in  Texits  or  the  tiniied   Slates, 
which  can  furnislt  supplies  to  any  invtiiliiiij  army,  \'. 
1  rei^artl  il.-^  con(|uest  as  no  ea.-^y  tnttller.     1  anpre- 
lientl  that  miuh  blood  and  mtieh  treasure  will  bf 
expended  before  the   people  of  New  Mexico  will 
be  compelled  to   unite  with   slavehohlia^  Texas 
Those  Slexicans  love  IVeedoni.     They  iiavc  abid- 
I  ('  ished  slavery,  tor  which  the)'  iiitertain  an  uneon- 

;  <]ucral)le  detestation.     If  1  had  lime   I  should  like 

to  inquire  of  iijenilenien   from  Niw  Kn^'land  anil 
from  our  free  States,  what   benefit  our  nation  ttv  ' 
the  world  are   to  receive   from  a  eoiKpiesl  of  thai 
eiainlry,  and  the  extension  ol' slavery  o\er  II  r 

But  1  must  bej  the  attention  of  tin miniltee 

while  I  look  n  little  further  into  the  reastnis  assiirn- 
ed  by  the  President  ('or  ordering  the  army  to  the 
Uio  Grande.  He  says;  "The  iunsdlclitiii  of 
Texas  had  been  extended  and  exeieiseil  hiiiandllic 
J\'uects."  He,  however,  did  not  pres'inie  lo  a.ssert 
that  Texas  had  everextemleil  in-exercised  jurisdie- 
tion  beyond  the  rfi  sir/ which  I  have  laid  down  as  the 
farthest  point  to  which  hrr  law.s  had  ever  been  ear- 
ned. Nor  does  he  preti  lat  that  the  jurisilii  lion  of 
Texas  was  ever  exU'uded  (o  the  .Mexican  sittlenunl.s 
on  //if  Rill  (Id  .\'er/f,  or  wulhii  a  huialnd  miles  of 
Iho.so  seiihinent.i.  Suppose  Texas  had,  in  I'acI,  ' 
exieniled  her  jnrisdii  'a  .i  ic  yonil  the  Nueces,  even 
as  lar  as  the  barren  u'  «  ri.  '..irs  that  j;ive  to  her  or  j 
tu  us  a  ri^'ht  to  tro  a  hiinilnd  and  fifty  miles  further,  ! 
invadi  the  Mi:;.'  in  lerriioii's,  and  compcd  the 
people  of  that  rCL'ioii  to  siiljimi  to  our  laws,  and  to 
uniie  w  ith  Texa  i  in  violniioii  of  the  alle^'iance  they 
owe  to  their  own  Cioverinnent  r  Is  such  tlie  lo^ric 
of  the  Kxec  iiive  ?  Is  such  shallow  sophistry 
worthy  of  an  American  Presidirit  ■  Ihit  he  f;oes 
nil  to  say,  " 'I'lie  country  betWfcii  that  river  (the 
'Niiec(a)  and  the  Kio  del  Norte  had  been  reprc- 
'  .seined  in  tin;  Texan  (_'on;,'re.vs  .mil  in  the  Conveii- 
*  tiiMi  nf  Texas;  had  I  111  IS  taken  part  in  the  amir  xa- 
'  liini  nseit',  and  is  now  inchidid  in  on<  of  oi.r(,'on- 
'  tfiessanial  distriela."  The  Leirislatiire  of  Texas 
had  vn  fnififr  atuiched  to  one  of  her  Coni^resr-ioiial 
diatrieis  lyinj.'  east  of  the  .Vueces  the  whole  Mexi- 
can I'M  rilory  on  liie  I'.iii  del  Sorw,  io.lndinu'  the 
e  ipiial  of  Niw  .\Iexn-o,  ami  portions  of  the  three 
oiher  deparlinents  lieretofoiv  iiamid,  to;;ether with 
iill.UiHI  luiiive  Mexicans,  inliabitmg  some  scores  of 
towns  and  viiUiies,  sfiread  o\er  a  country  two 
thousand  miles  hniu',  and  one  liiindred  In-oad.  The 
jieople  liviier  in  that  <,'oii_'r(ssioi,al  dl^l|•ict  on  this 
side  of  the  Nueces  werr  inoilly  Texaiis,  and  tin  y 
elected  the  Kepresmiativi  ,  and  he  piofe.-..ii  d  roi 
jiiiprr  to  lepreseiu  ihe  Mexicans  briween  thede.sirt 
and  ihc'  l{io  di  I  .N'orie,  Ihii  lie  did  so  withoni  any 
auilioriiy  from  them;  for  I  think  |io  iiinii  tviHliiire 
assert  that  one  of  the  Mil.llilll  ,\|' xi>  iiii  nu  {jn 
Uiirdel  Niirlftever  t;ave  a  \oU'  llil-  a  lii  p|i  si  iil.i 
live  in  iheTexaji  ( 'ongi ens,  .>r  for  any  iiljier  I'eiiHIl 
(illlcer;  but.  on  the  eiin'rmy,  tin  y  Iniil  kiHeil  or 
taken  e»^ry  I'exaii  who  ilari  d  lo  ^how  him- 
self In  thai  rei,'ion,  lliil  tin'  I'resideiit  says  tins 
Mexie.iii  country  "  in  imhv  iim  ludi  <I  in  one  of  mir 
ronifresnion.il  il'isin,  t.s."  'I'he...-  :|ll,lltll|  people, 
whu,  nil  mniii  lui  the  bdl  which  jiassed  this  House  . 


I 


yeslerdav  shad  receive  Ihe  sanction  of  the  Senate,  j 
and  shalf  be  ap)>roved  by  the  President,  will  be  in 
a  slate  of  war  with  this  nation,  are  to  he  represent-  ' 
ed  on  thia  lloor  beemise Texas  hiia  on  pupernUiu  li- 
ed them  lo  one  of  her  ('onsressional  districts,  i 
If  this  act  of  the  Texan  Lc'lslaliirc  has  any  biiid- 
in;;  t'orce  whalever,  it  will  render  every  man  of 
those  ,'10,0(111  Mexicans  who  o;iposes  our  army  a 
linilor  apidinsi  //lis  (.'orcniimti/,  and  will  subject  him 
to  the  piinislinient  of  death.  Yes,  the  men  who 
burnt  llieir  dwelling's  at  Point  Isabel,  and  with 
tliiiir  wives  and  litlle  ones  ./(ci/ /ii/urc  our  iiirmh'iiir 
nniiH,  (ire  /"  (ic  rrprrscnicd  in  this  hmUj.  The  men 
who  killed  Colonel  Cro.''saiid  Lieiiteniint  Purler  and  ' 
their  comrades  arc  rili/.eiis  of  the  Unileil  Slates, 
and  lo  be  rcpreaeiiled  in  this  Hall!  Should  their 
Uepreseniative,  nccordnur  lo  the  Deinoeratic  doe- 
trine,  rnrry  out  the  views  of  his  eonstiiiients,  llie 
President  himself  niav  in  an  uneunrded  nioment 
find  a  "liisso"  aboiil  liis  own  neck,  and  the  mem- 
bers of  our  body  he  assassinated,  airreeably  to  the 
hearty  wishes  of  the  ]ieople  of  that  district.  Ihil, 
to  cap  the  climax  of  this  ^)(/;ii'r  •■laim,  the  rresiileiit 
refers  to  the  fact  that  an  act  of  Con^'iess  passed  du- 
ring' the  present  .session  inchides  the  coimlry  lo  the 
Kill  del  Norle  wilhin'one  of  our  ievemiedi.''lricls, 

Cii  nllenien  will  remember  thai,  one  eveniiii;  as 
we  were  about  to  adjourn,  llie  bill  referred  to  was 
called  upend  ]iassed,  williout  discussion  or  exaiii- 
inalion,  and  without  beiii^  i^enerally  understood 
by  the  members.  It  was  an  exi^ression  on  ]Ktiier 
which,  if  we  had  been  the  actual  occupants  of  the 
country,  would  have  hi  en  bindin^r  upon  the  peo- 
(de,  but  v.'hii'li  could  ha\e  no  elVect  whatexer  upon 
the  people  livincr  iipini  the  Del  Norte  under  .Mexi- 
raii  laws.  .Sir,  a  law  of  Congress  desiL'iiatin!;  ihe 
Kiiirlish  eoasl  as  a  revenue  district  would  have  as 
bindini;  an  ell'ect  upon  the  I'".n2:lisli  people  as  the 
law  in  i|iieslion  has  ui'on  the  Mexicans  on  the  Uio 
(ii-aiide.  'I'here  has  Ion;;  been  a  custom-house  at 
Point  Isabel;  and,  iioiwithstaniline;  onract  of  f'on- 
i^ress,  we  are  lold  Iliat  our  own  people  contimieil 
10  pay  duties  In  the  .Mexican  Go\ernment  until  ihe 
very  day  when  General  Taylor  arrived  there  willi 
his  arinv,  and  thii  ciistoni-liouse  was  burnt.  The 
anthorilies  at  Santa  Pe  still  coniiinie  to  eollei't  du- 
ties, and  lo  pay  them  over  In  the  Mexican  (iov- 
eriimeiit,as  they  have  ever  done  since  that  Gov- 
ernment was  established.  .Should  we  sc  nil  an 
armv  there  and  eonrpier  that  jieople,  and  talce  ]ins- 
scsaion  of  ilie  country,  we  should  ;ici|uire  the  ac- 
tual riL'hl  10  tstalilish  cnsliimliniises  and  collect 
revenues;  bill  the  ar;:uinent  tint  'i'exas,  by  her 
lei:Jslali\e  acts  o/i  ;m/jc)',  could  extend  her  eon- 
(|iiestH  beyond  the  power  of  her  armies,  or  that 
such  acts  of  the  Texan  t'oinrif  s^-,  or  of  this  C'on- 
;rr('ss,  coiiM  impose  any  ot)li;:;ition  wiiatevir  iij>on 
the  people  of  Mexico,  or  could  ^ive  Texas  or  the 
Pnited  .States  any  ri;rlit  of  jurisdiction  over  them 
or  their  country,  would  be  iiiiworlhy  of  serious 
p  to.lalion  had  it  not  come  from  a  hiudi  otlicial 
source.  Its  sophistry  is  too  transparent  and  i's 
ab.'airdily  too  evident  to  obtain  ristieet  amoii:;  an 
intelliirent  eommunity.  I  cannot  believe  it  to  hav! 
o'ltnined  credit  with  the  writer.  I  rci;ard  il  as 
liaviii:  been  put  forth  lo  divert  public  atlent'on 
from  the  outrage  committed  by  the  President  upon 
our  own  Constiiiilion,  and  the  exercise  of  usurped 
powers,  of  which  he  has  been  Loiihy  in  orderiii!; 
our  army  to  invade  a  coiinlry  with  which  we  are 
at  [leace,  and  of  provokinu;  and  briinriu'-'  on   this 

war.      I  am  led  to  this  inevitable  c hision  from 

till!  fiet  thai  lie  dare  not  rest  his  jnstili.Miioii  upon 
the  claim  of  Texas  or  of  the  I'niled  .Stall  s  to  the 
territory  in  (piesiioii.  A  mere  <;laiice  at  the  Me.s- 
sau'e,  nolwitlistaiuliii:,'  the  tissue  of  sophistry  and 
tnisrepresenlation  ihrown  over  the  farts  to  which 
I  hive  alluded,  will  show  that  he  felt  comi-elled  lo 
base  till  jii,<iiliialion  of  his  conduct  on  oilier  lacti- 
He  tlierel'ore  reminds  ns  of  the  grievous  wrongs 
perpetrated  (as  lii^  says)  by  .Mexico  upon  our  peo- 
ple ill  former  years,  am!  ii'liides  to  the  delay  of 
illiit  Uovirniniiil  in  the  payment  of  debts  ,liie  onr 
piople,  lii-i  I'loimli  we  had  no  reiiiidiatinj.;  Stales 
anioii!,'  In,  I  Slid  nionriis  mi  r  the  bus  of  our  eom- 
ineree  with  Mexico;  all  for  llie  purpose  ol  jiiBlify- 
itiir  hiniHell'in  scndiii;:  the  army  to  the  liioifraiide. 
If  the  eoiinlry  be  oiir.t,  why  does  lie  seek  lo  justify 
till'  takiiit-  i")SHessioii  of  ii  by  reference  to  the  lio't 
thel  Me\     ..  IS  indeliled  lo  siulie  of  our  peoplf  ■    If 

It  be  not s,  and  In   h.is  inlii  ii  possession  of  il  in 

order  to  eoinpel  Mexico  lo  |»iy  ll e  di  bis,  why 


not  say  so.'     The  fact  that  iMexico  has  not  paid 
the  debts  due  to  onr  citizens  can  have  no  hi;iiiinate 

connexion  with  lakini;  pos.session  of  onr  own  soil. 
But  the  writer  of  the  Mes.sa^e  was  obviously  eon- 
scions  that  this  invasion  of  the  Mexican  territory 
could  not  be  justified;  and  he  endeiivored  to  exten- 
uate the  act  by  assurint;  us  that  **  the  movement  of 
'  the  troops  lo  the  Del  Norte  was  made  under  poal- 
'  live  iiistriielions  In  uhnUiin  firm  all  (/"•^'ressirr  iicIh 
*  tiiinirtls  ^Vi.tit'u  or  Mexican  citizens,  unless  slit: 
'should  declare  war. "  AVhat  ai;i;ressivc  acts  to- 
wards a  foreiirii  Power  could  our  aiiny  commit 
while  on  our  own  territory.'  While  the  army  was 
within  ihe  Pnileil  Slates  they  could  not  eoinmit 
violence  upon  Mexico.  The  order  was  also  to  ab- 
stain from  all  a^'irre.ssive  acts  Inwards  "Mexican 
eiti/.ens."  It  seems  that  the  President  expected 
Geiierjd  Taylor  to  find  .1/i.i/ii/H  rilizinn  located 
villiin  Ihe  i'liilc-.l  Sialic.  And  this  seiitenee  evi- 
dently alludes  lo  the  order  of  the  Seen  lary  of  War, 
beariiii:  date  ,Tuly  SO,  IfJIl,  ill  w  liieli  General  Tay- 
lor was  directed  lo  take  possession  of  the  wlioli; 
country  "  r.rci/i/  llittt  ii7nV/i  irn.s  in  thr  tirhuil  m-nipii- 
lion  ifMe.rimn  /roe;"!  iic.1/i.rirnii  ^illliiDnils."  Hero 
is  It  disiliiet  adniissinn  that  at  least  a  part  of  this 
eouiilry  claimed  by  llie  i'resident  as  a  |ioriion  of 
the  United  Stati  s  was  in  ihe  tictiial  po.ssession  of 
.Ucrir.ni  (I'eeji.i  hiii/  .Ur.ricioi  silllnnnils.  The  iili  a 
that  our  army  eonld  jnfiftiililit  siuround  those  luili- 
lary  posts  oci  iipied  by  INIi  xicaii  troops  could  bo 
entertained  by  no  n  ilectiii;:  mind,  'i'he  President 
must  have  knov.n,  and  we  all  know,  that  those 
military  posts  were  esta!  lislad  for  the  sole  pur- 
pose of  protecttii!;  the  eonntry,  and  the  sendiiej; 
of  onr  army  there  must  have  been  done  with  the 
moral  cerlanity  tlait  war  would  ensue. 

The  President  appeals  to  have  been  fully  con- 
scious that  any  amre.ssivc  acts  towards  these  mili- 
lary  posts  would  l^"  reu;irded  as  violeme  towards 
•'  .'  Mexican  Government,  and  2:ood  cause  of  war. 
In  other  parts  of  the  messa;:e,  the  President  re^xaril.s 
the  seiidiiiL,' of  Ml  xicaii  troops  lo  the  east  side  of 
the  Uio  (iraiide  as  an  iiivii.yinn  ifuHr  Itirilnni.  Here 
he  adniils  them  to  be  in  iictiial  possession,  and 
directs  General  Taylor  lo  vmiirct  Hum.  Jhit,  in 
order  lo  show  still  further  the  inconsistency  of  tin; 
Executive,  and  expose  the  wickedness  of  this  in- 
vasion of  a  eonntry  so  loii:^  in  the  occupancy  of 
Mexico,  I  will  cail  the  allenlion  of  the  eoiiitnitKii 
to  the  fact,  that  as  early  as  llie  l.'iih  of  .lime.  Gen- 
eral Taylor  was  diiccted  to  take  a  proper  military 
position  near  the  Kio  Grande,  for  the  avowed  pur- 
pose of  del'eiidin'.:  Texas.  In  answer  to  this  order, 
on  the  4tli  of  (letober,  (ieiieial  Tayloi-  inl'ornied 
the  Departaiciit  that  he  had  encamped  his  army  al 

'  (.'or|iiis  (!liristi,  and  that  "  point  Isalel  wniilil  have 
'  fulfilled  the  eondiiivuisof  this  order  better  than  any 

;' other  position;"  "but,"  he  adds,  "we  had  no 

j  'artillery,  no  eiiirineer  force  or  appliances,  and  bill 
*n  moderate  ainonnt  of  infantry;  and  the  occupation 
'  of  Point  Isabel  iiiuier  these  circiimslaiices,  \\  ith  al 
'  least  Ihe  possibility  of  resisiance  from  ihe  iMexi- 
'  cans,  iniu'hl  have  eomiironiised  the  safety  of  my 

I  '  conmiand."  Il  should  be  borne  in  mind  thai  lit 
tins  time  General  Taylor  had  about  ■1,0110  reirular 

I  troops  under  his  cominanil;  yet  he  reL'arihd  il  itn- 

i  safe  lo  aitark  Point  Isabel  wiili  that  fmee  while 
de.uilule  uf  ,nlilie:y.     In  .laimary  General  Taylor 

I  was  ordered  peremptorily  to  advance  with  his 
army  and  to  take  a  position  near  the  Itio  (franile; 
ai.d  the  Secretary  of  W.ir,  speakiiiL'  by  order  of 
the  Presideiil,  says:  "  Kroni  the  views  heretofore 
'represented  to  this  I)ip.iitnienf  it  is  presinneil 
'  Point  ls:il)el  «  ill  be  considered  liy  yon  an  eli'.'ilile 
'position."  Tims  ill  .Inly  the  Presiilenl  diieeted 
General  Taylor  to  res|.eet  the  military  jiosts  in  the 
actual  possession  of  Mexican  troops.  In  Dctober 
I  feinral  Taylor  int'onns  lom  lliat  it  would  he  tinsali' 
to  attack  Poinl  Isabel  without  artillery;  and  in 
.lanuary  llie  President  orders  him  to  tike  possis- 
sion  of  il,  knowiinr  il  lo  he  a  military  post  in  the 
actual  possession  of  the  Mexican  troops. 

I  think  all  ex.uninalion  of  the  doruioents 
accoinpiiiiymi;  this  nussa^'c  ninst  eonvinee  any 
man    that    onr    army    was    ordered    to    the    Itio 

I  Grande  l,ir  Ihe  imriimr.  anil  irilh  Ihr  full  inlen- 
liiin  if  /niiiif/ii^:  on  it  inir  vilh  Mi.tini  vilhiiiil  run- 
^iillini^  CimnnsH.  Upon  what  otlnr  liypolhesis 
I  an  «e  account  for  this  older  direiiiiiL'  General 
Taylor  to  advance  wilh  the  army  and  to  take  Poinl 
Isaliel,  which  llie  President  kinw  to  be  in  posses- 
sion  of  Mexican    Hoops;    particularly  after  (hat 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


643 


'29th  CoNff I  ST  Skss. 


Sappers,  Mincn,  and  Fontoniun — Mr.  Giildings, 


Ho.  OF  KkI'S. 


ofiit'rr  hull  ivpnrtol  timt  n\\  rtltfMnpt  Intake  it  wiili- 
ii;il  iirlillnry  iiiii^lit  iMi(liiii!;fr  tlie  snl'iiy  of  llii! 
mrny  ?  In  n  liitiT  diiKul  tin;  (iili  iif  Auniist,  iIk; 
SiM'ictaiy  of  War  suys  in  (n'mntl  Tiiyliir;  "Al- 
'  llii>U!;)i  n  nU\U'.  of  wiir  Willi  Mcxiro  uMtj  not  liiKi: 
'  pliirt',  it  is  iK'Vi-illicli'.ss  ilcinicil  [iro|iiT  iinil  niM-cs- 
'  Riiry  tliiit  your  (nrcexlioiild  In;  (■(jiml  lo  meet  any 
•  cnicriifMry  tImt  niiiv  arise,"  Ami  lio  llicii  jjimh 
on  to  (liiTia  Genenil  Taylin'  to  ascirtnin  and  i<  jxn't 
I  lie  nuinl)(;r  of  men  tlial  Ti\ar<  would  funiisli  if 
i-alle<l  (III.  Ho  filali'M  fiirllier  lluit  IU,IKM)  inntkeLs 
iind  I, (IIK)  rifles  liiul  been  fnrwanled  to  'IVnus  for 
Chr:  iiseof  .^ui'li  liiio|is  as  ini.rli'  lie  mlleil  into  s<'r- 
vii'e,  lie  SHOD  ii('i<  r  auttuM'i/.ed  (Jener.i!  Taylor  to 
make  demand  upon  ihc  Slates  of  Louisiana,  Ala- 
Itanni,  Missisjuppi,  Tennessee,  and  KeiilU'-ky,  lor 
siieli  nniulK'i  (»f  tiMops  as  In-  nii;;lil  deem  ju'oper. 
He  further  Jlales  llial  liansporls,  despalelt  vessels, 
and  aminunition,  had  been  si  nt  to  Texas  for  the 
use  of  ll'p,  army,  and  that  the  naval  foree  in  the 
tiiilf  had  III  en  (a'di.reil  to  I'o-opernte  with  liini. 
UiMn'ral  Taylor's  forei' at  this  time  exeecleil  4, MOD 
re^'iihir  troops:  arms,  ammiiiiilion,  iVe.  Inr  11,(1111) 
tuoro  were  provided,  and  (iioiera!  Taylor  was  aii- 
thori/.ed  tit  eall  for  that  numlier  of  men  fnim  the 
Slates  menlioned.  Thun  provision  was  made,  fur  an 
nriny  of  l."),IMH),  as  llie  I'residenl  represenls,  for  llie  i 
ilefeiiee  iif  Texas,  liul  wla-ii  we  reriillfet  llial  at 
no  time  durinu'  her  revoliiiicni,  even  at  the  liallle 
of  San  .Taeiiiio.  h.id  Texas  more  llian  luilve  hun- 
dred ninlisriplined  men  in  the  tield,  it  liermnes  im- 
possilile  f(ir  us  to  believe  that  so  ^reat  a  loreo  as  , 
iliat  providi'd  by  Mr.  I'nlk  last  aiiiumn  was  In  ,j 
eoufiju;  its  operalioie:  lo  the  mnr  tltfittrc  nf  Trras. 

In  order  to  arrive  at  llu;  objeet  in  raising;  so  lari^e 
on  army,  we  need  only  look  lo  llie  dneiimenls  fur- 
nished by  the  Pre.siclent.  A|iparenily  fe.irful  ilial 
the  orders  eomitMiiiieated  to  (ieiieral  I'aylor,  di- 
rcetins;  him  to  i-espeel  siieh  military  posts  as  were  in 
the  pnssi's.'^ion  of  Mexieaii  troops  and  the  Alexiean 
Keltli'ini'iils,  nil^lit  not  prodnee  Imstile  eidlision  be- 
tween our  army  and  Ihe  .Mexicans,  General  'I'avlor 
was  dirceted  to  regard  the  erossiiii;  of  Alexi'i  an  ■ 
fiu'ees  Id  this  side  of  the  Kio  Grande,  even  to 
slren'.;liien  or  reinforee  tlio.s<;  pasts,  "  irs ///c  rem- ! 
\iinn-fmnil  (>(  linslilHitn.^^  The  President  seems  lo  ', 
have  believed  il  rif;ht  for  our  army  to  take  posses-  : 
Hiiiii  of  the  wb  >!e  eonnlry  around  those  posts,  lint  i 
for  Mexii'ip  to  inereasi;  the  number  of  her  troops 
in  those  p!ae(-s  was  lo  be  resjarded  as  war.  He 
was  alsii  tVeriuenily  reminded  of  hi-,  jinwers  lo'eall 
till-  Rueh  number  of  troops  as  he  should  them  ne-  '' 
ei/ss,iry;  and  was  authorized,  in  ea.-e  of  trnr,  de- 
elared,  nr  »i((i^'  iiiiniijisl  Inj  Im^tilf  i/e/.s,  to  eross  the 
Itiii  (jraiide  at  ili.^ciiti.ui,  lor  llie  purpi.se  tif  ea])-  i 
lurinii:  or  dispersin--  any  .Mexii'an  aiiii\'  lliat  mii^iit 
eiillei'l  Ihere,  and  "  Id  lnl.r  iiiiil  luilil  ,'liiliiliun'a.i  (inil 
/'//((.»•  i>tfUf<  ill  thf  r')Nji/ri/. "  .Now,  Mr.  ( 'liairman. 
the  ulii-rior  desiiriis  of  tin;  l-'xeeutive  are  unfohhal 
til  us  in  this  leller  oi' insii-iieiioiis.  V'/ir  fniujtuf-t  of 
Ahriro  ami  (\tr)1'nnuf)  is  tin*  ]iri/e  for  v.hieh  this 
same  has  be<ii  played.  This  objrei  is  moi'i'  clear- 
ly nmnifesled  in  the  Idler  of  in.siriieiioiis,  bearing' 
rialo  on  llieOil  M.ireli,  l^lt!,  whiTC  Geueral'l'ayloi- 
is  told,  "  If,  in  the  course  of  evcnis,  yon  should 
'  have  occasion  lu  rnlir  .Uc.riivi,  it  would  be  proper 
'  lo  ipiiet  all  appi'elieiisiMiis,  so  far  as  i(  can  bi-  ihme, 
'  by  a  publii'  proelamalioii  llii:t  llie  ris:lils  i f  fu-nfii  ihi, 
'■  jin-fiiins  tinti  rtli^itni,  vill  he  frsi>ccli'tL  I'artiniliir 
'  earr  .v/ieiiW  In  ItiUtn  nnl  In  iilnrm  llii  rclii^ioiii  1)  i  liiitrs 
'  of  lilt  .l/rjii(Oi,s-."  It  would  be  useless  to  muliiply 
iiroofs  on  tlic.-e  poiiils.  The  ordi  rs  I'm- Ueiieial 
I'aylor  to  march  his  army  lo  the  l.)il  >;orte;  lo 
lake  n  posiiimi  opposiie  Matamoias;  to  I'apliire 
I'oint  Isabel;  lo  rl■^.■u•d  the  erossini;  of  Mexican 
troops  til  iliis  side  of  llie  Itio  Grande  as  llie  com- 
itiencement  of  hosiiliiics;  bis  .■oithorily,  not  to  say 
orilers,  to  eross  h:'!  army  lo  tin-  soiiili  side  of  the 
Kio  Grande,  lo   I, die   and    hold    MaUinior.is  and 

iilher  places  ill  ih uiilry.  his  direciion.i  to  ipiici 

I  he  jip)irehensions  ol'  llie  people,  and  to  eonciliale 
lie  III  in  Older  lo  render  the  i'o]U|Uest  h  .ss  dilileult 
— all  these  ibreciioiis  develop  the  l'',xecniive  dc- 
si!!;iis  so  fully  that  it  would  be  a  waMe  of  liiui'  for 
me  loii);cr  to  occupy  the  allcnlioii  of  ihe  eoinmillrc 
lo  prove  lliiil  eoiii|uesl  was  the  desi;;ii  of  .sendin:; 
our  army  to  the  Itio  Grande. 

Iliseiiually  evident  ilial  the  Mexicans  viewed 
ih"  advance  of  iMirannv  toward  ihe  IMo  Grande  as 
ail  iiiriisiim  of  llinr  lirvilm-ij.  Tlieci\il  and  mili- 
tary aulhorilies  of  iMexieo,  in  all  their  inlercouiW! 
with  Giiieml  Taylor,  charaeU'ii-'.eJ  il  "  ii/l  iiwa-  i( 


.sioii."  The  burning'  of  Ihe  cusioin-lioiise  and  other 
buildin<;,'<  ut  Point  Isabel,  and  the  llii;lit  of  llie 
Mexicans  boffire  our  advaiiciii:;;iriuy;  the  eiuttioiis 
and  warlike  manner  in  which  our  army  proceeded 
to  llmt  part  nf  the  country,  and  llie  constant  mili- 
tary rer-onnoissauees  of  tin;  Mexicans,  showed  the 
li;rlit  in  which  they  viewed  the  Iraiisaciion. 

This,  ilien,  is  the  eharacter  of  llie  war  now 
about  to  be  watted  aL'ainst  a  weak  and  distraeleil 
sister  rejniblic.  It  is  a  warof  a:::iiression  and  eon- 
fpiesl.  Ii»  |irosecuiion  will  be  bin  an  increase  of 
our  nalional  iriiilt.  Tlu^  death  of  every  vietim  who 
falls  diiriii;^  its  )>roi;rcss  will  add  lo  the  already 
tearful  respmisibility  of  those  wdio,  from  anibilious 
motives,  liave  brouLihl  this  eurse  upon  our  nation. 
Gentlemen  who  voleil  for  the  annexation  of  Texas 
should  call  lo  mind  llial  they  were  soh  nmly  warned 
of  llii;  amount  of  blood  that  would  flow,  the  lives 
that  would  he  saerificed,  liv  that  oulra!;e  upon  our 
Coiistitntionand  n|ioutherl;:rlilsof  .Mc-xiiai.  They 
wen;  eonstantly  lold  by  tliose  who  opposed  iliat 
measure  that  var  irniilil  rrsult  frini  it:  thai  Mex- 
ico would  not  siibmil  to  a  dismenibermeiit  of  that 
norlion  of  her  territory  which  lies  east  of  the  llio 
Grande.  Sir,  we  llieii  washed  our  hands  of  the 
'_'nilf  of  annexation  and  of  ils  coiisenuences.  IJnt 
we  were  llieii  lold  of  the  vast  pecuniary  nilruiilagis 
il  woiihl  brinn;  to  llie  N'ortherii  .Stales.  AVheii  wi; 
spoke  of  the  blood  which  would  flow  in  this  war, 
we  weiT  referred  lo  the  letter  of  .Seerclary  Walker 
lo  prove  that  it  was  necessarv  I'or  us  to  have  Tex- 
as in  order  lo  prnlirl  our  sniilhirrylrni  froiilirr,  Ijct 
those  who  then  lauirhed  al  our  inediciions  wiih 
such  sniiercilions  confidence,  now  sl.uid  forth  luid 
receive  the  proper  odium  due  lo  llieir  folly. 

I'm,  sir,  I  retvard  this  war  as  but  one  scene  in 
Ihe  drama  now  beiin'  enacted  by  Ibis  Adininislra- 
lion.  Onr  Governinoiil  is  iinderu'oin;j:a  r.  v-olnlion 
no  Irs.')  marked  th.iuwasth.M  of  h'rance  in  17I)'J.  As 
yet  il  has  not  been  eharaeleri/cd  by  that  amount 
(if  bloodshed  and  cruelly  which  dislii|..;uished  the 
change  nf  Government  in  France.  When  the  Ex- 
ecutive and  Con^'i-ess  openly  and  avowedly  took 
upini  tin  iiisclvrs  tlie  responsibilily  of  exM^ndin^ 
and  perpelnaliii!!;  slavery  by  the  amiexalion  of 
Texas,  and  by  the  tola!  liverihrow  and  subversion 
oftiie  Consliliilioii,  and  llial,  loo,  by  the  aid  of 
northern  voles,  my  conlidenee  in  the  stability  of 
onr  inslilulions  was  shaken,  destroyed.  I  had 
ho]ied  that  the  free  Slates  micht  beaiiuised  in  lime 
lo  save  onr  I'nion  from  final  overthrow;  but  that 
hope  has  been  torn  from  me. 

It  is  true  the  .several  Slates  ntay  yet  refuse  lo  be-» 
come  parlies  to  the  new  confederacy  willi  Texas, 
fin-med  I'or  llie  suppression  of  the  liberiies  of  man- 
kind and  the  snpiiori  of  slavery;  bill  I  have  veiy 
lillle  expecialiou  ilia'  any  of  llieni  wi'l  nfuse  their 
assent  lo  llie  oiilra'_'e.  Sir,  those  who  c'lne  aflerns 
will  look  back  upon  ihe  amiexalion  of  M'(  xas,  and 
will  proiioniice  it  the  grnrr  of  our  (.'iiiislilidion.  It 
has  now  become  an  idle  mockery  for  lis  to  speak 
of  rniisliliiriminl  rislils.  The  L'reat  charter  of  lair 
polilieal  liberties  has  been  lamely  surrendered  by 
our  free  Slates  to  pnrcliase  perpetual  slavery  for 
Ihe  Soiitli.  Our  I'nion  continues,  but  our  Consti- 
tnlimi  is  eone.  The  riihis  of  ihe  several  Slates 
and  of  the  people,  leiw  depend  upon  the  arbitrary 
will  of  an  irresnonsible  majorily,  who  are  Miem- 
selves  eontrolled  bv  a  weak  but  nnibilions  Execu- 
tive. .'\m  I  asked  for  the  eeidei of  this  asser- 
tion.' I  point  yon  •  ihe  invasion  of  Mexico,  by 
order  of  the  Execn^iv*'.  while  ConLjress  was  in 
session,  to  the  bloc|(nde  rvf  Maiamoras;  lotlin.se 
nets  which  liave  involve'l  us  in  all  llie  evils  of  ac- 
tual war.  willioiil  even  (lei;;nin;,'  to  consult^  Coii- 
trress  on  the  subject.  V.'heii  all  this  was  eflecled, 
the  inajority  of  this  House  placed  at  his  disposal 
the  whole  military  and  naval  liu-ce  of  llie  naiion, 
willi  ten  millions  of  Ireasure,  /.r  Ihc  emiviir^l  if 
.1/i.cire,  and  then  endorsed  bis  llau'rant  misrepri;- 
sentalion  by  d.'clarinir  "  w.Ait  f.xisrs  iiv  'I'liK  act  of 
MKXtce."  Thus  were  the  usurpations  of  the  Ex- 
eculive  sanciioned  by  Ibis  body;  and  in  a  manner, 
too,  which  fully  illii' Iniii  s  iiie  disre;,'iiril  of  consii- 
tiiiional  rcslrainlsenlerlaiued  by  this  House.  Sir, 
on  this  tireat  mid  momenlous  siibjecl  of  peace  and 
war,  involvimi  the  llv/s  of  thousands  of  onr  I'ellow- 
citizen^  and  ihe  wilfnfe  of  two  mighty  nations,  we 
were  not  perinilied  to  speak,  to  deliberate,  or  to 
compare  our  views.  No  member  was  allowed  lo 
express  his  dissent,  or  st.iie  his  objections  lo  an  act 
wliieli  18  lo  tell  upon  the  future  destiny  of  civilized 


man.  AVitli  indeeent  hasle,  with  unhceimiiiisf  lev- 
ity, under  the  frair  of  the  ]previ(ina  (|ueslioii,  our 
nation  is  plunged  inio  a  bloody  war  fin'  llio  |)ur- 
jtoses  of  eoiK^uest  and  llie  extension  of  slavery. 

This  war,  I  apprehend,  will  prove  no  i  hild's  play. 
I  rnterlain  hut  little  apprehension  from  pitched 
baltle.<.  Indeed,  I  doubt  whether  such  a  battle 
will  ever  Is;  fon;;ht.  It  will  be  a  kind  of  guerillii 
warfare,  Ourariuy  will  seldom  see  their  eiieinieH, 
who  will  lian;;arouiid  our  eamps,nn(l  destroy  onr 
men  in  detail,  as  o)>porlunity  shall  olfer.  Hilt  the 
prslilonee  of  tln^  climate  is  to  Iw  our  most  deadly 
foe.  Send  your  fifty  ihoiisand  voluuleei's  to  the  Kill 
tiiaiide,  and  the  deadly  miasma  will  a.^-cail  tliein, 
will  waste  their  eneriries.  The  yellow  fever  anil 
ils  eoncoinilant  disea.ses  will  do  their  work  of 
dealli.  Your  troops  will  fall  before  an  unseen 
power,  and  their  bones  will  whilen  npini  those  dis- 
tant prairies,  and  the  heart  of  many  a  wife  and 
many  an  orphan  will  bleed  ere  IStexieo  will  submit 
to  onr  arms.  Sir,  no  man  rej^ards  this  war  as  just. 
H'v  /.Iliac,  the  eounlry  know.^,  and  the  civilized 
world  are  eiinsi'idus  that  it  has  resulled  from  a  de- 
sire lo  (  xleiid  and  suslain  an  instilnlion  on  wliieli 
i  the  rune  ofllietVnii^^lihi  most  visibly  rests.  Mex- 
1  ieo  has  loiii^'  since  nboiishi  d  t?lav(!ry.  She  Una 
1  purified  herself  from  its  crimes  and  ils  miilt.  Like 
,  the  senii-barhnriansof  Egypt  and  Tunis,  they  have 
I  separaied  iluinselves from' its  foul coiilagion.  That 
iiisiiimion  is  now  eircumserilied  on  the  southwest 
by  Mexico,  where  the  slaves  of  Texas  find  anasy- 
liim.  A  ^'eiilleman  from  Malainoras  lately  assured 
me  thai  lliere  were  in  and  about  that  city  at  least 
five  hundred  fuiritives  from  Texan  bonilai;e.  Ex- 
perience has  shown  llmt  tliey  eaniiot  be  lield  in 
servilude  in  the  vicinily  of  a  free  Goveriinienl.  It 
has  therefiire  become  necessary  lo  extend  our  do- 
niinimis  inIo  Mexico  in  order  lo  render  slayiTy 
sei-iire  ill  Texas.  Wilhout  this  the  i;reiil  objects 
of  annexation  will  not  be  ullained.  We  souirhl 
to  extend  and  p(  rpeluale  slavery  in  a  )icaeeful 
manner  by  the  annexation  of  Texa.s.  Now  we 
are  about  to  efl'ect  that  object  by  war  and  eominest. 
Can  wc  invoke  the  blessiiig  of  Deity  to  rest  on  sucli 
molives.' 

I>iii,sir,  there  are  peruniary  con.'viderations  which 
will  add  less  themselves  to  the  peo|)le  nf  ibis  nation. 
It  is  said  that  tin;  annexalimi  of  Texas  has  already 
cost  us  len  inilliims  of  dollars,  allhouiih  wc  have 
no  ollicial  daUi  by  which  to  asrerliin  ihe  prcci.se 
amount.  The  ten  millions  approprialed  by  the  bill 
of  vi.-lerday  will  do  lillle  more  llian  to  man,  e(|uip, 
and  set  our'  navy  afloat,  and  liriiifc  our  army  into 
the  field.  An  addilioiial  ten  millions  will  probably 
be  rcfinind  by  the  first  of  Januai  y  next.  How 
loni;  the  war  will  conlinuc  is  beyond  our  kiiowl- 

'■  eilire.   IJiit  should  il ilinue  live  vears,hundreds  of 

!  millions  will  he  swallowed  up.  These  untold  sums 
will  be  drawn  from  llie  people.  And  what  are  they 
lo  receive  in  return.-  Why,  sir,  the  parasites  of  the 
Executive  will  make  splendid  forlum  s.  Thou- 
sands of  olllces  will  be  criiated,  and  filled  by  a.s 
many  fawniiif;  syeo]ilianls,  who  will  fatten  upon 
Ihe  lifelilood  of'ihe  naiion.  The  virtue  of  our 
better  davs  will  yield  and  Kradually  disa|ipear  he- 
fore  the  flood  vif  vice  and  imiuoraliiy  now  ready  lo 
rush  in  upon  us.  I  know  it  is  said  that  a  larire 
army  and  heavy  apiiroprialions  w  ill  make  a  short 
war.  God  !;ra'iit  thai  the  prediclion  may  prove 
true.  I  apprehend  that  .Mexico  has  iiiatiir.  ly  con- 
sidered the  subject,  and  enlers  upon  the  war  with 
a  solemn  eoiiviclion  that  her  exisieiice  as  a  nation 
depends  upon  her  resistance  to  onr  a-rjressions. 
The  rorrespondcnce  before  us  proves  the  fact.  1  he 
devoiion  of  her  people  at  Point  Isabel  conclusively 
shows  it.  Why,  sir,  look  at  General  Taylor's  re- 
port, and  yon  will  see  a  devoiion  manifcsled  by 
Ihe  ollicers  and  peasantry  of  Mexico  that  speaks 
in  ihnniler-iones  to  iliose  who  rei,'ard  the  conciuest 
of  that  peopleasairifliu!,'  matter.  Seethe  people, 
■  the  females  and  children,  at  the  approach  of  our 
troops,  leave  their  homes,  consecrated  to  ihcni  by 
all  the  lies  of  domestic  life,  and  while  they  are  flee- 
ini;  10  llie  Mexican  army  for  iiroieclion,  see  their 
hirsbands  and  fulliers  ajiply  the  torch  to  their  own 
dwidliiisrs,  and  then  fly  to  iirms  in  defence  of  their 
institutions.  1  confi'SS  I  was  struck  with  deep 
solemnity  when  that  communication  was  read  at 
your  table;  and,  in  imiiation  of  Wilham  Pill,  I  was 
i-eady  to  swear  thai,  if  1  were  a  Mixaan,  as  I  am 
:  an  .\merican,  1  w.uild  never  sheath  my  swuid 
I  while  an  enemy  leinamed  upon  my  native  soil. 


:m 


m 


i 


644 


iJ^H  CONO l9T  Sb99. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAIi  GI/)BE. 

Sappers,  Minen,  and  I'onlmnera — Mr.  Giddlngs. 


[IVfay  V2, 


Ho.  OF  lir.PH. 


i:; 


Wlial  fnn'c  will  lie  lu'ccsmiry  I"  i-<iii(|mT  sin  li  n 
,C(i|ilr-.'  Lec  nil  liinliiry  Kiv'-'  iIk"  """wir.  How 
nns  iliil  it  require  lioiiiifiiirli',  willi  iiixlmirinillinn 
of  (rinripliiicd  lvoci|w,  til  roiuiiiiT  llir  niili'  iiiiil  Imll' 
civilized  |irii|ilc  ril'  Russia?  How  loni;  ilid  il  i(- 
i|iiire  our  nrniy  lo  Kulidue  i\  lew  huuditd  luisiralili' 
t^euiinolen  iu  our  iiiiiiuilialo  vieiuiiy? 

tlul,  Hir,  I  appri  lieud  lliat  Mexieo  will  find  aide  ■ 
nlliesto  aid  her  n\  earryiui;  on  iliis  war.  I  a|i|ire- 
Ininl  that  our  ditlic  idlii  s  with  (ireal  i'rilaiii  In  n  • 
frnnl  to  onr  nnrlliwrslern  liouiulary  may  be  enn- 
nieled  w  illi  I'ur  dis|Uilr  wilh  Mexao  as  lo  nur 
HoulliweNlern  Innitn.  Indeed,  I  lliiiik  il  ipiite  |iroli- 
nide  ihal  Mf'xieo  has  already  reeeived  assiirani'es 
ofHrilisli  aid.  AVe  should  liiar  in  oiinil  thai  Mex- 
ieo Ih  indeliled  lo  tlie  people  of  l'.rii;laiul  »onie»ixly 
DiillicMis  of  dollars.  Slmuld  we  suli\erl  ihe  Mexi- 
r;\ii  (iovrrnment  that  delii  will  he  rejiudihied. 
Think  you  that  nation  will  slaml  wi'h  folded  arni.s 
and  see  her  dehlor  swept  from  exislenee,  anil  her 
delil  hlolled  out  ?  IS'in-  is  it  unlikely  that  rraiii  e, 
too,  may  "'lite  wilh  Kn^'land  in  nsi.-iliiiL'  (Uir  ef- 
forts lo'sohvert  a  sister  llepuhlie.  Should  sueh 
rPMUlls  fcdiow  our  deilaralion  of  war,  our  western 
men,  who  have  heen  ho  /.ealouH  for  "  thv  trhvli'  tn' 
ti'iiii  "  of  OiTiron,  may  tveiilually  lind  onr  lerrilory 
on  Ihe  northwest  hounded  liy  ihe  Colnmliia  river: 
and  those  woullierii  men  who  liavi'  lieen  .mi  anient 
in  lluir  ctVorLs  to  plare  .slavery  upon  a  more  per- 
manent basis  by  Ihe  anncxal'ion  of  'Texas,  mav 
learn  too  late,  tjiat  having  ••  sowed  lo  Ihe  wind" 
they  "  shall  reuji  Ihe  vliirlifiiul."  The  (hin',Mrs  to 
Ihe  SoMlli  of  sui'h  a  war  will  strike  terror  and  ilis- 
may  to  the  hearts  of  her  people.  iShoiild  P'ranee 
niui  K.ni^land  unite  their  foree.s  wiih  ihose  of  .Mex- 
ieo, our  .soulhern  friends  will  lind  ilu  nisi  Ives  in 
daiiirer  of  beim;  eonsnmed  by  the  llaines  whieli 
themselves  have  kindled.  l''or  myself,  1  repi  at 
what  1  said  on  a  forintr  oeeasion,  thai  if  (iod  iu  his 
provide  iiec  shall  oviTrule  the  eli'oris  now  niakinu' 
for  the  extension  of  slavery  to  ils  final  desirneiion, 
I  shall  rejoiee  in  the  rii;liienus  relribiiiioii  whieh 
eriiue  usually  brings  upon  ilsi  If,  while  I  will  deep- 
ly deplore  tlie  evils  in  which  it  is  likely  to  iiivoUe 
till'  innoeent. 

Wilh  ihesfieonsidcrnlionsrestins upon  irtymind,  j 
I  was  on  ye.Hlerday  eallcd  to  vole  for  a  (leiTanitiou 
of  war  airainst  Mexieo;  or,  ralh(r,as  iiilroiliieliMy 
to  sueh  deelaralion  of  war,  I  was  asked  lo  ile.l.ire 
to  the  world  that  *'  Mexieo  had  made  war  upon 
us."  This  solemn  assertion  of  ibis  body  I  knew 
would  be  untrue,  as  I  have  already  shown.  I  fell  j 
most  deeply  the  impoteiiee  of  this  Inily,  in  thus 
nitemptiiiir  to  ehanire  or  alter  ijreal  and  iinporlaiit 
faels  already  entered  upon  the  rceorils  of  eienial 
truth,  where  they  will  remain  while  a  God  of 
truth  shall  exist.  .Sir,  when  we  were  about  lo  as- 
sume upon  ourselves  the  awful  ri  siioiisibiliiy  of 
invohinir  our  eountry  in  a  serious  and  blooily  war. 
with  nil  ilsi-onsefjiienei  s — when  about  to  appeal  lo 
It  God  of  jusliee  and  of  trulli  for  bis  aid  in  maiii- 
tniiiin:;  our  national  riirhts,  1  dared  not  do  so  \v  iih 
nn  impious  falsehood  upon  inv  lips.  Had  this 
been  the  only  objeeiiou  to  the  bill  I  should  have  re- 
garded It  as  iaial.  But,  sir,  I  saw  no  neeessiiy  for 
a  deelaralion  of  war.  Let  onr  army  be  now  «  iili- 
drawn  within  onr  own  territory,  and  not  a  mem- 
ber of  this  House  would  enleriain  either  fears  or 
expectations  of  further  hostilities.  No  nilellii:ein 
man  would  hazard  his  reputation  by  aiiruini:  that 
Mexieo  would  invade  us.  General  Taylor  informs 
liH  that  no  daiiL'er  whatever  was  lo  be  a|i|irehended 
while  our  army  remained  at  Corpus  Clnisii.  I 
would  liavii  viued  for  any  nmoinit  of  men  and  rno- 
ney  that  mii:ht  have  been  rei:ariled  as  neeessary, 
if  rniipled  with  the  proviso  that  our  army  should 
be  withdrawn  from  the  Mexiean  territory.  I  know 
the  insidious  efl'orls  put  forth,  represeiiims;  tho.se 
who  opposed  this  declaration  of  war  as  opposiin; 
BUftplies  and  aid  to  our  armv.  who  are  now  sur- 
rounded iiy  .Mexicans.  I  think  u'enileinrn  who 
make  these  etVorts  have  iinderraied  tlo'  ino-lii^'ein-e 
of  the  people.  .Wither  General  Taylor  nor  the 
army  have  incurred  any  res[ionsibiiitv  byoljeyinir 
the  orders  of  the  President.  They  were  not  per- 
mitli'd  to  jiidije  of  the  iiroprniy  of  those  orders. 
They  should  be  nlieved  aiid  broiejlit  back  on  our 
noil.  Ihil  for  me  to  vote  lor  a  •oDiiiin.'niee  of  hos- 
tilities, by  deilariiiir  war,  woiiM  be  lo  carry  into 
fffeci  the  v.ry  objeciM  for  which  our  uriiiy  was  or- 
dered mill  .Mexican  territory.  I  will  nive  no  vote 
to  continuH  ihat  invnuion,  or  to  dclare  im  unjust 


war,  because  the  President  has  provoked  huslililies.  [ 
I  would  f;lm!ly  vole  lo  withdraw  our  Hoops  from 
Mexican  soil,  and  liedisavow  the  invasion  whieh  ' 
has  111  en  niaile  without   auiliorily.     As  I  have  al- 
ready said,   I   would  a|ipi'opriiit<^  niiy  amount  of 
money   or  any  military  force  neces.sary  lo   brim; 

back   onr    ti ps    in    safety.     'J'hen,    sir,    liaviiii; 

placeil  ourselves  in  ihe  rii^lil,  we  should  find  bill 
one  he.-irl  and  one  mind  amon«;  us,  and  llial  would 
be  in  favor  o  I' defend  ill  LT  onr  rii,'bls  and  onr  country. 
l>ul  I  hear  il  said  thai  **  we  iniisl  i;o  for  our  coun- 
try, ris;ht  or  wroii;;."  If  this  maxim  be  niidir- 
siood  lo  reipiire  us  lo  ;;o  wilh  inir  coiinlry,  or  wilh 
till' majoriiy  of  inir  country,  to  commit  ii  uronu' 
upon  other  nalions  or  people,  eillier  ill  time  of 
peace  or  in  lime  of  war,  I  di'iiy  ils  niorahly;  but 
if  il  be  understood  as  imposin<^  upon  its,  al  all 
times  and  under  all  circnmslaiici  s,  the  obliu'iilion  of 
nsini;  all  (Uir  inltuence  and  etVorts  lo  keep  our 
conndy  in  ihe  riirlit  when  we  lind  her  wroiiir,  or 
lo  keep  her  ri::iil  when  we  find  her  in  the  path  of 
duly,  iheii,  sir,  I  yii  Id  my  assent  lo  iisconeciness. 
We  are  not  lo  abandon  our  coniilry  beciiuKC  onr 
Government  is  badly  adininisiered;  bill,  in  such 
ease,  we  shonlij  use  our  ellorls  lo  eorrerl  ihe  evil, 
and  place  lb'-  tjovi  rnnieiil  in  jiisl  and  able  hands. 
.'\i.'aiii.  it  is  .'•aid  '*  we  must  :aand  by  our  i  oiin- 
Iry."  The  man  who  would  do  olherwise  would 
be  nnworihy  of  any  country.  He  only  is  a  true 
friend  of  his  country  who  niaiiitains  her  virliie  and 
her  jiisiice;  and  lie  is  not  a  true  friend  lo  his  coun- 
try who  will  kiiowiii'.;ly  support  her  in  iloim; 
wronu'.  To-morrow  this  nation  will  probably  be 
ill  a  slate  of  war  uilh  .Mexico.  It  will  lie  an  air- 
;:ressive,  unholy,  and  uiiinsi  war.  Il  will  ilien  be 
my  duly  to  use  my  ellorls  to  restore  peace  al  the 
earliest  praciicable  monienl  ihai  it  can  be  done  on 
just  and  hoiiorjible  principles,  liui,  while  ihe  v\'ar 
eonliimes,  elVoris  will  probalily  be  made  to  eon- 
fjiier  .Mexico,  and  we  shall  be  called  on  lo  appro- 
pi'iale  money  and  raise  troops  to  i;o  there  and  slay 

lier  1 pie  and  rob  her  of  lerrilory.     Ihit  the  :riine 

of  iiinrilei'iip^  he  r  inii.ililaiits  and  of  lakint:  posses- 
sion of  her  lerrilory  will  be  as  ;rreal  to-morrow, 
nfler  war  shall  have  been  declared,  as  it  would 
have  been  yesterday.  ,luslice  is  as  imchan^eable 
as  ils  Aiiihor.  The  line  of  moral  rectilude  will 
IK  ver  bend  lo  our  sillish  passions.  In  ihe  murder 
of  .Mexicans  upon  iheir  own  soil,  or  in  robbinir 
them  of  Iheir  eountry,  I  can  lake  no  part,  either 
now  or  hereafler.  Tin'  suill  of  Ihese  criinis  must 
nsi  on  oihirs — I  will  not  pariicipale  in  them:  biil 
•if  .Mexicans  oraiiy  oiher  |ieopli-  siionhl  dare  invade 
our  cniinlry,  I  would  mi  el  tbein  wilh  the  sword 
ill  one  band  and  a  tonh  in  ihe  oilier;  and  if  com- 
pelled to  retreat,  like  the  Mexicans  al  roini  Isabel, 
I  would  lav  our  dwelliiiL'S  in  ashes  rallier  ihan  see 
them  occiipi.d  bv  a  conijueriie:  ;iriiiy.  We  may 
always  jiisiil'v  oiuselves  t'or  ih  feiidinir  our  ciuinlry, 
lilt  ne\evfor  waLrnii:  a  war  upon  an  unoifeinlini^ 
people  for  the  purpose  of  eon(|iiesi.  There  is  an 
imniuiable,  an  eti  riial  principle  of  jiislice  in  the 
order  of  ( I  oil's  pro  viib'i  ice.  .No  iialioii,  or  jieople, 
or  individual,  ever  did  or  ever  will  violate  ihal  law 
with  iinoviiiily.  Uoh.iparie  siili'rreil  ils  pen.iliy. 
Al^ertbe  I'iniip'esi  of  kiierdoiiis,  and  subieciin^'  a 
jai'L'e  porliim  of  Knrope  by  his  viciorious  arms,  he 
was  driven  an  exile  from  his  peoph'  and  counlry, 
and  died  upon  a  desolale  and  barren  island.  His 
people,  baviiiL;  sacriliceil  iinloli!  millions  of  money 
and  hundreds  of  ihousanils  of  lives  lo  annex  oiher 
i^overnmenls  to  !•' ranee,  as  we  are  now  endeavor- 
iiej-  lo  annex  Texas  and  a  pari  of  Mexii-o,  sud- 
denly found  themselves  under  the  power  of  ilie 
allied  army,  their  iinui.rtil  '.roveriinienls  a-^'ain  in- 
depenilent,  and  iheiusi  Ives  doomed  lo  p.iy  ihe 
whole  expense  of  a  lonu  any  bloody  war.  They 
had  violated  iliis  law  ofiinhi,  and  lliey  snirered  ils 
lienidly;  nor  can  it  he  otherwi.se  while  a  God  of 
jusii.'c  controls  ihe  desiinies  of  nalions. 

Ihii  we  have  a  more  recent  example  within  onr 
ov.ii  experieiiee.  .^ome  two  or  three  years  sinee, 
while  our  n:iiion  was  in  the  enjoymeiii  of  peace 
and  prosperity,  our  Executive,  in  order  lo  render 
ihe  iiisliiution  of  slavery  more  permanent,  ihereby 
insiiriir,''  the  oppression  and  ih'u'radaiion  of  a  u'reai- 
er  iinnibi-r  of  Ihe  human  family,  comineuced  ne- 
L'oiiaiions  for  ihe  atinexalion  ol  Texas.  The  oli- 
ji-ei  was  most  ini'piitons,  but  by  llie  aid  of  (!oii- 
iri'c  ss  It  has  bee  n  ell'ecied,  and  the  law  of  eternal 
justice  violated;  and  now  the  penally  is  inevitable. 
Sir.  how  much   money  and   bow  many  lives  have 


alreiidybeen  Rarrilicrd  in  ibisallempl  to  fasten  iho 
chains  of  nervilnde  upon  our  fellow-inen  .^ 

And  now,  suppose  we  send  an  anuy  into  Mex- 
ico, and  kill  hundreds  of  ihousanils  ol'  her  people, 
burn  her  cities,  and  lay  waste  her  country:  do  yoii 
think  we  shall  escape  the  dread  (leiially  of  relrllui- 
tive  justice?  I  tell  you  we  shall  mil.  As  sure  loi 
our  destiny  is  nwayed  by  n  i'i<;liieoii8  God,  our 
troops  wilt  fall  bv  Mie  sword  and  by  pestilence; 
our  eouiilry  will  be  iiii))overislied;  nur  widowH 
will  mourn;  and  (Uir  orphans,  rendereil  sueh  by 
this  unholy  war,  will  be  thrown  upon  our  public, 
charily.  Vice  will  iiicn'ii.se,  and  palriolism  will 
be  ilepreciaK'd. 

Hul  il  is  said  thai  the  ;»fn(i/p  are  in  favor  of  w.ir. 
I  deny  the  asserlion.  When  the  lumexalioii 
of  Texas  was  ni;ilared  diirini;  Ihe  eainpiiiL,'n  of 
1814,  il  was  ofleii  iir^'ed  llial  it  would  involve  us 
in  a  war,  precisely  as  il  has  done.  I  know  Ihal, 
lo  Ihe  exieni  of  my  ol.servaiion,  such  a  war,  for 
Ihe  .siipporl  of  sliuery,  vsas  reL^ariled  wilh  horror 
by  all  parlies;  and,  to  avoid  ihe  ellicl  which  lliio 
ai'u'Uiueiit  was  desiu'iied  lo  have  upon  ihe  public 
mind,  the  friends  of  annexalion,  in  I  his  House  and 
before  llie  people,  denied  that  war  would  result 
from  il.  The  war /ins  resulted;  and  I  am  unnblo 
lo  discover  why  it  should  be  more  popular  mm; 
than  il  was  then.  Had  llie  friends  of  Mr.  I'olk 
then  ndmitied  that  war  would  ensue  from  the  lui- 
iiexaiion  of  Texas,  be  would  not  probably  havo 
received  an  eh  cioral  vole  iiorlh  of  .Ma.son  and 
Dixon's  line.  Has  Ihe  deceplion  |ir;ieiised  upon 
ihe  people,  and  llie  falsehoods  by  which  they  liavo 
been  cajoled  iiilo  ihis  war,  rendered  il  popular? 

Ibil  a:,'ain;  it  is  said  thai  war  is  always  popular. 
I  deny  this  assertion  also.  I  believe  Ihal  nine- 
tenlh.s  of  our  neople  rc^rarded  the  Klorida  war  \v  ii'i 
conlempl.  Their  dis'ju.st  arose  from  the  fuel  ihat 
il  was  unjust  and  ciiiel,and  arose  from  an  eli'orl  lo 
siislain  slavery,  'i'liis  war  is  ei|nally  unjiisi,  ami 
arises  from  ihe  same  cause, and  must  be  viewed  in 
the  same  li'rht  by  llie  people.  Il  is  impossible,  in 
the  nature  of  lhiiiL,'s,  for  il  to  be  otherwise.  Our 
people  feel  iiohoslilily  lo  iboseof  Mi*\ico.  The 
Mexicans  have  remafned  al  home,  "under  iheir 
own  vines  and  fii;  trees;"  lliey  have  not  molesled 
ns,or  encroached  upon  our  rii;lils.  Il  is  true  iliat 
their  po)iiilalioti  is  h  !-s  inlellii^enl  than  ihal  of  onr 
free  Slales;  and  il  is  eipiallv  Inie  that  lliey  aro 
more  rapidly  improvin:,'llieir  condition  than  are  onr 
slav'e  Slates.  They  are  surely  iii  advance  of  llieiii 
111  the  dill'osion  of  nniver.^al  liberly  amon^'  their 
people.  Tile  means  of  iiiielli2;ence  and  eiijoyment 
are  open  lo  all.  Iiab'ed,  Inking  the  w  bole  popula- 
tion of  our  Soulheni  .slave  Slates  ;ind  of  .Mexico 
inio  consideralion,  I  iliiuk  we  shall  liiid  llie  .Mexi- 
cans the  besi  informed,  mosi  iiii"lli!:enl,  and  most 
viriuoiis.  thir  people  of  ihe  North  have' sympa- 
Ihi/ed  with  iheiii  in  ilieir  ell'orl.s  loreniler  their  fren 
Government  pernianenl  and  respeclable.  Can  llio 
lovers  of  liberly  in  our  fri  e  Slates  now  desire  lo 
see  a  sisier  ifepnblic  wanloiily  subverted  wliilo 
just  eoniiii:;  inio  exislenee  and  slru;ri;lini;  for  ilie 
jii  rmaneul  i  ':tiiblislimenf  of  civil  freedom  ?  //  cioi- 
luil  I'e.  Von  may  declare  war;  dis|day  your  ban- 
ners, your  irlitieriii:^  arms,  your  bl;c/,int;  uniforms; 
yon  may  raise  the  ballle-cry,  and  sound  your 
triiiupels,  but  you  caunol  indiicc  the  iiitellii^ent 
men  of  Ihe  .Norili  lo  march  lo  Mexico  I'm  llie  pur- 
pose of  bailiiii',' iheir  hands  in  .Mexican  blomi  for 
the  extension  of  slavery,  ^'oii  may  for  llie  mo- 
nienl exciie  llie  younir,  tin'  triddy.  and  llioii::liiless; 
hut  iheir  *' sober  second  ihoiii^lils"  will  Iced  iheni 
lo  in'piire  for  llie  cKiesc  of  the  war  in  which  ihoy 
are  asked  lo  eiii?aire.  The  iriie  niiswi  r  lo  that 
inipiiry  must  overwhelm  ils  aulhors  will)  dis- 
^rai'i*. 

Iiut  our  people  will  ini|uire  fnrlher,  what  nhjrrh 
are  lo  be  '.'iiineil  by  ibis  war?  Lei  ils  supporlers 
lell  llieni  that  we  shall  ioni|ni'r  and  drive  out  ilie 
.Mexic.'iiis  t'roui  the  counlry  beiweeii  lln*  Niiere.'! 
and  llie  Itio  Grande  for  ihe  benefit  of  Texas,  so 
ihal  she  may  spread  her  law  of  slavei'y  over  ler- 
rilory heielofore  consecraled  lo  freiiloin,  and  1 
think  lliey  will  hesiiate  and  doiibl  as  to  the  pa- 
lriolism of  smh  motive,  lint  when  you  allempt 
lo  iiiiile  ilii  .■oiniiry  beyond  llie  Itio  del  .\orin 
with  this  Government,  yon  will  find  saiilhirii 
men  also  beiiimiini^  to  hesitate.  All  history  in- 
forms us  lliat  II  nalioii  or  people,  mice  haviiej; 
adopted  the  system  of  iiniversiil  freedom,  can 
never  aflerwnrds  he  brouf;lit  to  ihu  miiiiitenance 


1' 


1846.] 


28th  Cono IST  SE88. 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  CONGRRSSIONAI.  GT^OHE. 

H^nr  (if^ninsl  Mexico — Mr.  ( V/.v.«. 


645 


Senate. 


(if  Hliivcry.  There  nro  now  iirolmljly  cisrlit  or 
iiiiin  niilliiil]))  of  |)oo|ili^  in  Mexico,  who  hiile 
nhivcry  an  NiiiiTrcly  a«  (h)  tho>»;  of  (nir  fri'r  SimO'H. 
Yim  may  iniinh-r  or  drive  from  ihcir  coimlry  that 
wliohMio|aihiiio]i,  lint,  yon  nii\  ni'Vm'  fia'ci;  Hhivcry 
ii|i(ni  llicni.  iNow  I  Nay  lo  Ihosc  t'nillcnn'n  who 
art'  Ni»  zrahin.s  for  ttiiM  coiiqurNt,  iliat  onr  »lave 
Miali's  will  Ik*  ilu'  last  lo  cohmmii  lo  tin'  ai»ii,'xaii<in 
of  ilicfrnp  Slati's  of  iM('si(ci  to  this  Union.  1  know 
that  Noutlicrn  men  an^  now,  and  have  luin,  zcid- 
iiiiH  in  liriii'^iii:;  ini  this  war  and  for  cxt'-nilinu;  tntr 
tcrriloryj  but  thi'y  will,  at  no  dittanl  day,  view 
the  Hiilijfd  in  its  trni!  Iii;ht,and  will  idiani!;!'  their 
|iosition,  atid  will  iipjiose  the  extensimi  ol'iuir  ter- 
ritory in  anv  direi'iion,  nnlesH  Hlavery  he  also  ex- 
tended." 'I'hey  desired  lo  annex  'I'exa.s,  and  lo 
fXlend  la'r  ImhiihIs  as  far  as  possilde,  lieeanse  she 
in  a  Nhiveholdin;;  eoiinlry;  tail  lo  the  ini  reasi;  of 
free  iSlales,  either  at  the  North  or  at  the  South, 
ihey  will  never  iMnisent. 

I  am  awari!  llial  some  of  my  jiolilieal  friends  are 
half  dis|iosed  to  permit  this  plan  of  ernnptest  to  i^o, 
for  the  ri^asoii  that,  if  it  .'ineceeds,  it  will  lirin;; 
alHait  the  aliidilion  of  slavery;  or  even  if  it  fails, 
il  will  lie  likely  1(1  arouse  the  iNinth  to  a  just  ap- 
preciatimi  of  its  own  rn;hls,  and  ihoreliy  I'lisiire 
ilie  same  ohjeet.  I  wonlil  i;ci  to  the  very  verjru  of 
onr  eonsliuitional  powi'i's  lo  relieve  the  hondinen 
of  the  South,  or  to  arouse  my  e.onntr\'nn'n  of  the 
.North  to  llie  daiii;ers  of  that  politieal  niaelslroni 
mio  wlmli  nil  onr  riL'lils  are  fast  verLMii;'.  Ifut  I 
am  unwilling'  to  elleei  that  olijeet  liy  .shiildinii  iii- 
iKieent  hlood.  Other  politieal  tViends  assure,  me 
that  tlii.s  war  will  pie.serve  our  larilf  and  proleet 
onr  free  labor  of  the  iNorih.  True,  lint  I  iini  iiii- 
willim^  to  do  that  by  a  saerifiee  of  onr  national 
honor,  and  at  the  expense  ot'onr  nalional  justice. 
In  sliorl,  1  have  discovered  no  facts,  I  have  beard 
no  ar^'iimeiit,  whii'li  can  induce  me  now,  or  hi'ie- 
.'d'ler,  to  participate  in  the  crime  of  snbveriiii;^  the 
Govermneiit  of  Mexico,  or  of  eontinuiie::  the  in- 
vasion of  her  tcrrilory,  .'iiid  of , shedding;  the  blood 
of  her  people  upon  their  own  soil.  .Should  the 
I  haraet(;r  ol'lhis  war  hereafter  be  chained,  should 
It  become  a  war  for  the  dcfeiiee  ot"  our  own  etnin- 
Iry,  or  our  ri;;lits,  I  shall  then  lend  it  my  utmost 
support.  My  (hildreii  shall  never  be  told  that 
iheir  father  lent  his  aid  lor  the  extension  of  slavery, 
or  withheld  it  in  defence  of  liberly. 


WAR  AGAIN.ST  MEXICO. 


S  PEKCII    OF    MR.    CASS, 

OF   MICIIKJAN, 

In  Till'.  Ses.^te,  ,Mu\j  15,  imc. 

The  Bill  "providiiu;  for  the  proseenlion  of  the  rx- 

isliiiL?  war  between  the   United  .Slates  and  the 

Republic  of  Mexico,"  being    under  con-sidera- 

lioii — 

Mr.  CASS  said: 

I  do  not  rise  to  detain  the  Senale  loiij,  nor  In 
enter  into  any  protracted  discussion  of  the  subject 
now  umlerionsideration.  I  have  but  little  to  say, 
.iiid  I  shall  say  that  spicdily.  ill  Ihe  first  place, 
sir,  I  desire  to  answer  the  appeal,  which  has  been 
made  to  this  side  of  the  t.'bamber  by  the  honorable 
Senator  from  Delaware,  (Mr.  J.  AI.  Ci.Avrax.] 
ile  desire's  that  portion  of  the  bill,  which  a.sserl.s 
the  existence  of  a  war  between  the  United  Slates 
and  .Mexico,  brought  on  by  the  af;n;ression  of  the 
lalier,  should  be  passed  by  for  the  present,  and 
that  we  should  now  conline  ourselves  to  a  eonsid- 
eralion  of  the  measures  necessary  for  the  diMeuee 
of  the  eoiinlry.  For  my  own  part  I  should  be 
happy  to  take  the  course  indicated  by  the  Senator 
iVom  Del.iware,  and  which  he  asks  us  to  adopt, 
were  I  not  preveun;d  from  doiii?^  so  by  lii;;her  con- 
siderations. If  we  appropriate  money  and  rai.sc 
men  for  the  mere  purpose  of  re]Jelliii:;aii  invasion, 
we  place  oiirsc  Kes  in  the  very  po.-:iiioii,  which  the 
honorable  Seiiiiiiir  IVom  Soiilli  Carolina,  |Mr.  Cai.- 
iiei  \,1  deeineil  yi  .^iciday  the  proiier  one,  and  to 
which  I  then  expressed,  and  yet  Icel,  insuperable 
objections.  A  Niexican  army  is  upon  our  soil. 
Are  we  to  confine  onr  elVorls  lo  repellint;'  them.' 
Are  we  to  drive  them  to  the  border,  and  then  .slop 

•Till'  (lay  (III  which  tlij..i  speech  was  (Iclivcreil  IMr.  Ciil- 
liiiiia  rclliscd  III  villi'  liir  the  liill  ilccliiriiii!  war,  antwith- 
miiiiliiiL'  lie  liiiil,  lis  Serrctiirv  nf  Hliite.  lubuied  so  /.ealuuslv 
to  lirnliiiile  llle  luiaexatiun  (ii're.va.i.  '   , 


nnr  pnrsiiil,  and  allow  llicni  to  fniil  n  refine  In  their 
own  terriloryr  Are  we  to  slaiid  Ihere,  and  lakeolV 
our  bats  poliiel\',  and  say,  "  ( i(ioil-liy(',^eiilleinen; 
we  will  w.iit  till  you  relinn  .'"  .Xiid  what  then?  To 
allow  Ibem  lo  collect  iiiraiii,  to  crn.ss  our  frontier  at 
some  oilier  poinl,  and  aL;aiii  to  renew  the  sanii' 
scenes,  lo  be  followed  by  a  similar  iininunily .' 
What  sort  of  a  coiidilion  of  tliiims  would  this  be, 
sir?  The  nilvanla'.re  would  be  nltoirether  on  the 
side  of  ihe  Mexicans,  while  the  loss  would  be  allo- 
c;elher  nurs.  Tliei;-  ariiiy  is  maintained  at  any  rale, 
iiiid  il  would  cost  lliein  little  iniire  to  renew  and 
continue  these  border  contests,  than  to  keep  their 
troops  in  their  eaiitmnneiiis,  while  we  must  snread 
our  own  aloiiLTOur  whole  border,  and  lintd  them  in 
reiidiness  to  meet  these  inva.^iolls  at  v.haievcr  point 
they  may  be  atlempteit.  iS'ow,  sir,  no  vole  of  mine 
sliiill  place  my  connlry  in  this  sitiialimi. 

And  besides,  these  .Mexican  liostililies  will  not 
be  confined  lo  operations  by  land.  Are  we  lo  suf- 
fer their  pri\ateer.s  to  spread  ihetnselvcs  over  the 
ocean,  lo  laplnre  onr  siiilors  iiiid  vessels,  and  to 
riiiu  our  eoininerce,  while  we  are  to  eonfiiK^  our 
ell'orls  to  self-def'iiee  upon  laiiil,  nslriciiny:  onr 
o|ienilioiis  and  our  eiier;;ies  lo  a  iriven  side  of  an 
iaia;;inar','  line,  which  is  lo  say  to  ns,  in  elfect, 
*'  Tints  far  tnnii  i/me  rniiir,  *mt  un  fttrllirrV^  The 
present  slate  of  lliin'.rs,  1,  for  one,  am  disposed  to 
meet  with  ]n'oinpiiinde  and  eiier'.;y.  Mexico  has 
ailaeked  the  I'niied  Stales — has  pi, iced  herself  in 
a  liellii.'ereiit  atliinde.  And  now  let  her  lake  the 
conseipiences  of  her  own  aL'L'i'ession.  h'or  tliesi' 
reasons,  sir,  while  we  provide  for  llie  defence  ol'llie 
eoiinlry,  I  am  for  m.ikiiii;  tliat  defence  ell'ccinal,  not 
only  by  drivim;  oil'  the  eiiemyi  but  by  f  llowiiiir 
tliein  into  their  own  territory,  and  by  di  latinj;  n 
peace  even  in  the  capilal,  if  it  be  nei'essniy. 

Hut,  sir,  wliv  does  the  honorable  Seni.'or  from 
Hehi ware  ask  ibis  separal ion,  and  refpiest  us  to  post- 
pone our  decision  npon  the  reliitive  condiiion  of 
ibis  country  and  of  Mexico,  while  we  provide  only 
for  drivinu' llie  invaders  from  our  soil .'  Ile  says, 
sir,  ihat  he  desires  time  to  exainiiie  the  docuiiienls 
wliieh  Ihe  I'resideni  lias  suliinilled  to  ns,  before  he 
can  decide  whether  llare  is  a  state  of  wnr  between 
the  llniicd  Slalcsand  .Mexico.  1  cannoteoiiceive, 
sir,  that  any  delay  can  be  necessary  for  lliis  pur- 
pose. TIk;  main  facts  are  iiidispntable.  They  are 
liefore  the  Senale,  liefori!  tin;  country,  and  lietore 
the  world.  A  Mexican  army  has  passed  our 
boundary, imd  is  iiownpon  the  soil  of  the  Uepublic. 
Ourtroojis  have  been  iiliaeked,eaplnrc(l,aiiil  killed. 
Our  army  is  siirrnundcd,  and  ell'orls  are  iiiakin;  to 
subdue  Iheiii.  Now,  sir,  no  docuineiits  are  neces- 
sary to  establish  these  facts.  'I'hey  are  annoiinc.ed 
lo  ns  ill  the  message  of  llie  Picsiilenl.  They  are 
llyinu:  iijioii  ihe  wiii'.;s  of  the  wind  to  every  part  of 
llie  Republic.  And  these  facts  me  all  that  can  be 
necessary  to  justify  llie  slatcmeiit  of  the  I'resi- 
deni thai  war  exisis,  and  our  coiicurreneo  in  bis 
reconiinciidaiion  lo  recoirnise  and  to  meet  it.  If, 
indeed,  llie  object  be  to  examine  the  conduct  of 
the  l''xecnlive,  to  ascertain  whether  this  eonditiim 
of  tilings  is  lo  be  attributed  to  him,  then,  niidoubt- 
edly,aeareful  cxamiiialimi  of  ihe  dncuinenis  would 
be  necessary.  And  from  indicnlions  already  i;iveii, 
I  presume  llial  .such  an  investiL'aiioii  will  be  cnier- 
ed  11)1011.  l''or  mn*,  1  am  prepared  to  enter  into  it, 
and  I  will  venture  to  )iredici,  that  the  more  severe 
il  is,  the  more  triuiniihanl  I'or  the  Adiiiinisiration 
will  be  the  resull.  l!ul  that  subject  may  well  ^ivc 
way  to  this.  Let  ns  posipone  that  inquiry,  till  we 
have  provided  for  the  defence  of  the  counlry,  and 
the  vindication  of  its  biiiior.  That  course  seems  lo 
me  to  be  e(|ually  dictated  by  duly,  by  |i(iliey,  and 
by  )ialriolism.  Let  iiivesti;;atioii,  if  il  iiiiisl  eoine, 
follow,  and  not  precede,  liii;lii  r  and  mure  sacred 
duties. 

And  now,  sir,  permit  me  lo  iidveri  lo  another 
braneliof  this  subject.  Si ranse doctrines  have  been 
heard  yesterday  and  to-d.iy,  such  as  have  been 
presented  neither  by  the  bisiory  ol'our  own  cniiii. 
try,  nor  by  lliat  of  any  oiln  r.  .■Vmoii'j:  those  who 
oppose  the  course  of  the  l''.\('cuiive,  there  seems  lo 
be  an  impiirlaiit  ilid'ei'eiic'  of  opinion  on  some  of 
the  principles,  which  should  rei;iilale  onr  conduct. 
P.y  some  il  is  conti'iidcd,  llial  the  invasion  of  the 
.Mexican  army  is  not  an  ad  of  war,  because  we 
have  no  proof',  that  it  was  conimilled  by  the  order 
of  llie  Mexican  (ioveriinient.  While  others,  and 
ainoiis;  them  the  dislin'.;uislied  Senator  from  South 
Carulina,  maintaiu,  ihal  no  acl  of  aiiollier  euuntry 


can  create  a  stale  of  war  with  this,  imle.s.s  such  war 
be  declared  by  Compress.  Now,  sir,  it  feeins  lo 
ine  that  tlii.s  pretension  is  eijiiallv  dan^'erous  ill  its 
C'lncliisions,  and  unsound  in  tfie  reasoniiiir,  by 
which  il  is  supported.  If  I  uiiderslood  the  honor- 
able Senator  yeslerday,  he  considers  there  are  three 
condiiion.^,  in  which  one  eoiiiitry  may  be  placed 
with  relation  toaiiolher:  A  slate  of  peace,  of  war, 
and  of  liostililies.  This  to  me,  sir,  is  a  new  tlivis- 
ioii  of  I  he  principles  of  inn  rcominunieation  between 
dill'i'ient  naiioiis.  War  I  imdersiaiid,  and  peace  I 
imderslaiid,  and  the  ri.','lils  and  duties,  which  lliey 
briiii^  willi  llieiji.  I'lit  a  slutc  of  lioslililics,  eoil- 
Inidistinsjuished  from  these  relations,  is  n  new 
cliaoier  in  the  law  of  nations  lo  trie.  Ditr  Coiisti- 
Inlion  is  eipially  silent  upon  the  subjecl.  It  pro- 
viihs  for  the,  action  of  the  Clovermnent  in  llieso 
two  well-known  eoiiditions  of  liumaii  society.  Hut 
it  Inul  not  fore.seen  this  new  discovery  in  the  prin- 
■  ipli'S  of  national  intercourse;  this  middle  term  lie- 
Iwien  (11  aci-  and  war,  which  breaks  the  one  willi- 
oiit  iirodueiiii;  the  other.     I  supposed,  heretofore, 

]  thai  if  we  we're  not  at  peacewith  a  eonnlry,  weweru 
lit  war  with  it.  I  bad  lo  learn,  that  there  was  iiii 
inieruieditite  state,  ereatin'.;  new  rii^lits  and  ttnlies, 
which  I  am  afraid  it  will  be  dillicult  to  Hud,  iiiiles.'i 
a  new  Grolins  starts  lip  upon  the  occasion.  The 
Seieiior  from  Missouri  [.Mr.  I!kstiin|  has  correctly 
slated,  Ihal  there  may  be  war  without  hostilities, 
ami  hoslilities,  or  rather  hostile  nets,  without  war. 
IJelliu'erent  operations  may  be  temporarily  suspend- 
ed, and  war  llnis  exist  without  lieiniC  carried  on; 
and  there,  may  l-e  uiiaiitlnn'ized  rencontres  by  sen 
or  l.iiid — ships  may  be  captured,  or  predatory  iii- 
I'Uisions  iiiav  be  made  ncro.ss  the  boundary  of  d 
country.  IJut  lliere  can  be  no  hostilities, earned  on 
by  the  order  of  one 'Jovernnient  a;,'ainst  another, 
which  do  not  conslitnle  a  slale  of  war.     They  be- 

,  come  war.  They  are  the  ell'orls,  which  lialioii.-» 
make  lo  injure  ('me  nnolher,  and  which  produce 
iliat  relation.     War  is  a  fact,  created  by  these  very 

j  acts  of  lioslilily.  In  trnlli,  the  words  are  convert- 
ible, and  I  will  u'ive  yon  a  si'.'iial  proof  of  it.  Wc 
declared  war  a'^'iiinst  Great  lirilaiii  in  IKIS,  and 
this  new  condiiion  was  aimonneed  to  the  counlry 
and  to  the  world  in  a  proclanialion  i.'isued  by  Mr. 
Madison.  Ill  the  couiiler-proclamaliiiii  issued  by 
the  Prince  Ilei.'eiit,  January  10,  lf*lH,  al'ier  statin;: 
//(((/  llir  <!(irniiment  of  llie  I'liilid  Sinks  had  ciiiiiyir/- 
Irdhiiii  In  ntifiis:c  ill  vur,  he  proceeds,  speakiiip:  ()f 
the  American  Crovernment,  to  .say:  "Inanuini- 
fesio  acconipanyini;  this  declaration  of  IwslUUies," 
Ac.  Ill  nnolher  part  of  this  authoritative  docu- 
iiieiil,  be  speaks  of  the  "  ciicumsuinces  which  pre- 
ceded nini  have  followed  the  declaralioii  nf  vnr  by 
iheirniled  States, 'We.,  and  of  the  orders  in  couii- 

]  cil,  &.C.,  "ejileuhucd  to  lend  to  hoslUilies." 

j  It  is  evident,  that  the  Government,  which  issued 
this  Slate  ])aper  was  i<;iinraiit  of  this  new  condi- 
tion between  peace  and  war,  wliieli  has  come  to 
enliirhlen  the  piiblicistg  of  the  world.  A  stale  of 
war  and  a  state  of  hostilities  are  here  convertible 
terms,  used  indiscriminately  to  dcsignati;  the  belli- 
frereni  lUlitude,  in  which  the  two  imiions  were 
placed.  And  this  jihra.seoloiry  is  justified,  as  well 
by  the  best  nutliority  as  by  general  usnije.  The 
defimiioii  by  .loliuson  of  the  word  hoslililij  is, 
"the  practices  of  mi  open  enemy;  open  wurj  op- 

,  position  ill  war." 

This  invesiiyalion  would  seem  unworthy  of  the 
time  and  place,  and,  indeed,  would  he  so,  were  il  ii 
mere  philological  iiKpiiry.  But  the  subject  assumes 
much  lii;;her  preiensions.  A  novel  priiici|ile  lias 
been  put  t'orlli,  not  merely  as  a  matter  of  speeuhi- 
tion,  (  xliibitiii,;;  research  and  aculcness,  but  us  a 

I  mallei- of  action,  irravc  and  iin|Hirlaiit  action.  A 
slate  of  hoslilities,  il  is  now  eontended,  is  neithera 
slate  of  |ieace  nor  war.  Il  brings  with  it  ]ieciiliar 
rights  and  (luties.  It  contracts  and  circnmseribes 
the  iipeialions  of  the  Government.     Il  liniil.s  nil 

1  exertions  to  defensive  measures,  leavins  our  ad- 
ver.sary  lo  roam  over  the  ocean  and  the  land, 
wherever  lie  can  send  a  force  or  find  an  assailable, 
point;  and  leaving  him  lo  take  shelter  behind  his 
own  boundary — lo  him  an  impregnable  defence,  to 
us  an  iniagina'ry  line.  And  we  are  earnestly  called 
upon  to  reeognise  this  new  creation  of  the  iniagiiia- 
lion.  AVliere  is  it.'  In  the  Constitution.'  No; 
not  a  word  of  it.     In  the  laws  ?     No;  we  sluill  seek 

j  it  lliere  in  vain.  In  llie  elementary  writers  r  No; 
nolhing  tlint  re.«cml)les  it.     In  the  practice  of  iia- 

i  lions  r     No;  from  the  first  shedding  of  blood — that 


m 


m 

'  'if 


646 


tl* 


AIM'KIVDIX  TO  TflK  CON(UM'.SSrONAr.  OI^onK. 


n 


It' 


2$>rn  CoNfj 1st  Si:»!i. 

of  AbrI — (Idwn  lo  thiH  (Iny.  ncillirr  iiuliviilimln  nnr 
(•onimiinilirs  hnvr  nrlwl 'ii|iiin  n  priivij'lc,  wliii  h 
wmil(lnlH!iy'<i"ii|'Pl''.ii"'l  cil'liMi  I'liui.llir  jiinI  nii'iiri.H 
nf  »rlf-ili  iViic'O.  I  am  ii  irtriil  iVicml  In  pronrijiN, 
Mr.  I'rrsiilcnl.  I  Imil  willi  "iii'iri'  pli'.isinc  llic 
Crnit  clinnii'lciisiii's  nl  our  m^'i',  iIic  nih  ami'  nl' (lin 
htnnan  iiitt-llti't,  and  (he  Trti-titu-atinn  ('t'llH'  In^iiiiui 
roiidilion.  1  wali'h  willi  iiiixiciy  llii' '  ll'ir'^,  uliicli 
lire  niakiiurllir(Mii;liiiiil  tlic  wcrlil,  lualmli.ili  iiscli  >.i 
mill  artifii'ial  (fistiiirlidiiH,  in  Mii'mirirjc,  Id  iii.Nli  lu't, 
111  rli'valr;  and  I'l  I'xinid  iiiiiral  and  nii'iil.il  nilliiii' 
mid  pliy.'i'al  riniirnrl.'*  In  llir  w  'inli'  laiiiily  el'  man. 
lint  1  must  cniiri's."',  tlnil  I  Im'k  willi  .xmni' ili»lrii.'<t 
mid  willi  KiiiiM"  indiircri'iii'  npcui  iinir  vi'riial 
irtini'iniMl.s.  1  do  tint  hrlirvr,  lli.il  nnollliT  *^(/tl.1 
is  III  111'  inlrodiii'i  d  inlo  tin.-  n  Inlion.i  of  iiitinii<, 
liilirr  liy  till'  rri'alion  of  ii  invv  iinini',  or  liy  iIh' 
H[ip!ii'ation  to  an  old  one  of  ii  uvw  )iriiiri|ili'  ot" 
ai'lioii.  If  wr  a  IT  alliuki'd,  I,  fnroiii',  nIi.iII  aiilirri' 
to  till'  old  dorlriiu';  I,  lor  otii',  .iliall  ronsidi  i*  iiulilii* 
liostilitii'H  n.-fl  \\ar,iriviii:^  ns  all  tlii'  ri:.-htH  w  liii-li  that 
ronditioii  In'iiijs  willi  il — ilir  ii:;lil  In  dri\i'  our  i  iii'- 
iny  from  our  soil,  and  to  follow  him  u  liiri'H'r  In' 
may  i^i>t  till  wr  coniiniT  liim  into  a  Hlato  of  |i(mi'i'. 

While  ill  till'  ortii'ial  ai-l.<  of  tlir  ;\inri ii'an  and 
Hriti.-^h  (iovrrnnii-nts,  towliirli  1  lia\r  jnsi  iilrirrd, 
orrallii'rof  iln'latlrr,llirhrlli'/i  n  ntiondilioii  of  iho 
two  connlni'd  was  iiidilVi'nnlly  di  nomiiiat'd  iriir 
mid  hnstililif's^  it  in  ovidi'iit  that  tin*  londition  itself 
was  iincliani^rd.  Tliu  two  natioin*  wern /m^/is  or 
cnriiiii.'),  and  plai'pil  in  a  lioslili-  aniliuir;  rr.ilrain- 
ril  in  tiR'ir  ill'orls  lo  injtiri'  oin-  anolliir  l>y  nnlliiiii.' 
hut  tlio.si'  siiliuary  prlmiplm  liy  wliii'li  liiiiiianily 
nnd  the  coiinnon  .smsc  of  nianUiiid  liavu  iiidtavor- 
t'd  to  li'.i.»ii'n  the  jiorrors  of  war. 

Hut,  Mir,  lo  pur.Niii'  ihe  topi.-.  One  parly  may 
make  a  war,  ihonu'li  it  riapiire.s  two  partii'.s  to 
make  a  piaie.  'I'lie  Senator  from  .Sinilh  Carolina 
eontend.",  that  a.i  Conirre.in  alone  have  a  rii;lit,  liy  . 
the  ('on.sliiiition,  In  deelare  war,  thin  fore,  there 
ran  he  no  war,  till  il  in  tliu.s  dielan  d.  'I'liere  i.i  here 
II  very  ohvioiiN  error.  It  in  ri  riain  lliat  CoiiL'iewH 
alone  hai  the  rii;ht  to  derhire  war:  that  i^,  there  is 
no  other  aiilhorily  in  the  I'nili  d  .Siate.s,  \\  huh,  on 
our  part,  eaii  elianue  the  ri  lalions  of  pi  are  « iili 
another  eoiinlry  into  those  of  war.  >'o  anthoriiy 
bill  Ciiitirres.s  eaii  i  nahle  lliis  I'liuiHry  to  roinnirme 
11  war.  Hut  anoiher  eounlry  ran  eomineiiee  a  war 
a<:ainsl  us,  wilhoiil  theeo-operalion  of  < 'oiiirriss, 
Anothtr  eounlry  eaii,at  its  ple.isnie,  lerininate  the 
iT-lalions  of  peaee  with  ns,  and  siihslilnle  for  these 
the  relations  of  war,  with  their  ii'.'iliniale  lonse- 
qiiences.  War  may  he  eoinnieneeil  with  or  hiiIh'IiI 
a  previouM  deelaraiion.  It  nay  he  eomiiii  iir.  d  hy 
a  maiiilislo  annonneini,' the  fiii  to  the  world,  or 
liy  hostile  attaelis  hy  land  or  .«ia.  The  lionoralile 
.Seiiatiir  from  Virjinia  |Mr.  IV.VNvn  m  ukk]  has 
well  siati'd  the  modern  praetier  of  Hat II ins  upon  this 
.suhjeet.  I  le  lias  referred  Imtli  to  farts  and  author- 
ities, show  iie^r  thai  aets  of  hostility,  willi  or  wilhoni 
a  piihlii-  ilii  laralion,  lonstitiite  n  state  of  war.  Il 
was  thus  the  war  of  H.Vi  was  loniiaeuied.  Il  was 
thus,  I  Iiiheve,  was  eomiiienri  il  the  warhilwien 
I'^nifland  .iiid  l-'ranee  diiriie^'  our  Kivolution.  The 
peaec  of  Amiens  was  terminated  hy  an  ael  of  hos- 
lilitv,  and  not  hy  a  piihlie  inanifeslo.  'J'he  eaplure 
of  the  I>ai,isli  /leei  was  preieded  hy  no  de'-laraiioii 
of  the  innnlinns  of  the  Hritish  Ctmi  rninent.  Diir 
own  war  of  Ihl-J  was  di  elated  on  Ihe  IHlh  of  June. 
The  manifesto  nf  the  I'rinee  lie^'ent,  ileelariii'.;  war 
atrainst  us,  was  not  i.ssued  till  January  10.  \f]'.]. 
And  yet  Imii.'  before  that  lime,  .ur  horders  li.ad  been 
peneirriteil  in  many  direriimis,  nil  army  had  been 
subdued  and  captured,  and  the  whole  territory  of 
Miehiiran  had  been  overrun  and  sei/.ed. 

Any  further  illustration  of  this  lopie.  would  ap- 
pear to  he  a  work  of  siijiererniralion,  were,  not  Ihe 
doelrine  pressed  upon  us,  with  a  eonvielion,  if  not 
of  its  own  truth,  at  any  r.ite  of  the  triilli  of  those 
who  maintain  it,  and  whieli  deniamls  our  aeipii- 
eseenre,tliou'.rli  It  tails  toeonvini'e  our  reason.  lis 
very  fnshni'ss  and  novelty,  as  ofieu  happens  in 
the  propa'^'ation  of  n  new  prini'iple,  instead  of  ex- 
citiii!,' I'auiion,  eall  for  belief,  rather  than  ini|uiry, 
and  would  evereisearestraininirintluenre  n]>iin  the 
eiiurse  of  the  UovernmenI,  instead  of  lenviii!,'  it  lo 
pronijil  and  free  aetiiin,  as  beeonies  the  erisis,  and 
MS  is  jiisliliijil  by  the  priietiee  of  nations. 

In  addition  to  these  fails,  whieh  establish  mnd- 
I  rn  iisatre,  1  shall  refer  to  ortieail  ileelaralions  of 
ihe  Frenidi  and  British  Governments,  w  liieli  rero;;- 
lost  the  prini,i].li;  of  tlie  existence  of  wnr  by  tiie 


liar  agiiln.it  Mt  riro — Mr,  Cass, 

net  of  nno  of  iho  pnrtlrn,  Irnvlnsf  to  flic  other  In 

proseeute  it  with  all  ils  !ei;ilimale  eonseipieiiefs. 

Ill  n  tnaiiii'esto  of  the  Hritisli  (ioveninienl  in 
JT'f*,  issiied  in  aiisuir  lo  n  derlaraiioii  of  the 
l''reiic|iUovenuiii  111,  jiislifyilii.'ilsow  ii  ciunse,  and 
eomplaiiuti:;  of  the  eoiiiltii't  iil*  the  former,  it  is 
s  lid,  "  that   no  forniiil   dei  laralion   of  war  on  Ihe 

•  part  of  (Jreat  Hrilain  vmi.i  neeessnry,  inasniueli 
'as  lin..iiliiiis  had  been  actually  eoiniin  iiied  by 
'  l''r:ince,  in  furniiii'.,'  In  atii  s  of  coninii  ne  and  alli- 
•aiiiewith  Ihe  iivolled  colonies, '^iv  iie,' tin  in  aid 
'and  succor,  and  conimillinic  direct  a^i!;reHsiiins  on 
'  Hrilisli  coninierce.'' 

The  same  doctrine  is  laid  down  by  llie  Prencli 
.National  tjoincnlion,  in  ils  decree  of  iVIiniary  l.il, 
I7H.'1. 

"  The  IS'ntional  ('onvrntion  declares,  in  Ihenami 

'  of  Ihe  I'nneh   | pie,  thai  in  i  iiiii:i'C|ui  iier  of  the 

'multiplied  acts  of  hostiliiv  and  ii::^nssion  iihovc- 
'  nicnlioni  il,  ihe  Freiicii  l!i-piihlic  is  al  war  Willi 
'ihe  Kini;  of  I'.ii'Jand  iinil  the  filadlliolder  of  the 
'  I'liilcd  I'mvinces." 

Tlie  act  of  t  'iin;;ress  of  Man'h  ,1,  |H1,"),  rreo:,-iii- 
sinir  I  he  existence  of  war  In  I  ween  I  lie  I'nited  Stales 
and  Al'.:ieni,  pntceeil.-i  upon  the  same  priiici|ile,ns- 
siininl  by  the  Presidinl  in  Ins  .Messaiic,  and  is  sim- 
ilar ill  ils  |irinciple  lo  the  bill  iiniler  eonsideration. 
Il  be'^^ina  w  iih  a  preamble,  slalm','   that  thf  tfrtf  i>l' 

•  ll^iivs  Iniil rotthinttnit  a  jirtihtlnni  i'''ti'fiii'*'  iif^n'tn-'t  llie 
I  iiilcil  .S7riff.«,  and  then  proceeds  with  ihe  necessary 
enacimeiits;  mil  making'  •'»  f"rmal  deelaralioii  of 
war,  but  reco^nlsini;  ils  evistriice,  and  authori/iu'.r 
"all  such  acis  of  pncaulion  or  hostiliiy  as  the 
state  of  war  will  justify." 

And  the  Mi  ssa-e  .if  Mr.  Madison,  dalcd  Keli- 
rtiary  5,'I,  iMlo.anil  which  led  tollnse  pioeerdiiiL's, 
expressly  recoinmends  lo  ('on'j;ress,  not  lo  declare 
war,  which  is  now  said  to  be  ihe  only  ciinsiitulion.d 

111 ess;  but  to  ifuhiir  thf  c.cf.s/ciici  nfaslitlr  i/li'ifr, 

broni^lil  about  htt  iftr  hoslilc  /ayiciri/iiii,'i  ff  the  fhtj; 
the  very  course  it  is  now  prii|iiiscd  to  adopt  under 
precisciv  siniilar  circumstances! 

Il  will  lie  found,  in  lor'dii::  back  upon  the  liis- 
tory  of  our  iniercourse  with  the  Indian  tribes,  that 
nof  a  single  instance  has  oeciirnd,  iiiider  the  t'oii- 
siitiition,  in  w  hich  war  has  been  declared  a;;ainst 
them.  In  all  eases,  Iiosiilities  have  becu  eoni- 
nii  need  by  ihein,  and  we  have  recoLinised  the  stale 
ofw.irlhiis  eri  alcil,  w  ilhoiit  l!ie  t'oriiial  action  ot 
I  'oieiiTss,  and  have  prosicutcd  it  to  a  lerniiuatiini; 
and  coiicludi  d  by  treaties  of  peace,  in  the  same 
manner,  as  if  the  war  had  been  brou'.'ht  on  by  a 
public  and  -siilenin  declaralinn  on  our  part. 

This  brief  review  of  fills  and  piiiinples  proves 
conclusively  iliat  it  is  a  .slate  of  iiosiiliuis,  which 
pniiluces  viae,  and  not  any  formal  declaration. 
Anv  other  eoiislriiclion  would  had  lo  this  prae- 
lic;il  absurdity.  I*".nf land,  for  insl.iiice,  by  an  act 
of  hosiility  or  by  a  public  dicl.iralioii  announces 
thai  she  is  at  war  with  us,  and  she  prosecutes  il 
with  viL^or,  v\  lierevi  r  she  can  most  injure  ns.  If 
the  view  presiiili'l  by  the  hnuoralile  .Siialor 
tVntii  Siiuih  t.'ariilina  is  correct,  wi-aie  iioi  at  war 
Willi  her,  till  l.'iiiiL'riss  has  aeleil  upon  the  subjecl. 
line  parly,  then,  is  al  war,  while  the  other  is  ;  i 
peace;  or,  at  any  rale,  in  this  new  iiircrmidiale 
stale,  hefon'  unknown  lo  ihe  world.  ,.Now.  sir,  il 
is  lery  clear  lliat  if  Mexico  is  at  war  wiih  us,  we 
are  al  war  with  her.  If  she  terininales  the  peaee- 
l*al  relati'iiis  between  Ihe  tw'o  coiinirii  s,  they  are 
tcnninnti  d.  wheiher  we  consi  ni  or  not.  'i'he  ni  w 
stall*  of  tliin;;s  thus  erealeil  does  not  depend  upon 
the  will  of  (.)oiiirress.  The  two  nalions  .ire  at  war, 
becau.se  one  of  them  lias  ehosen  lo  place  both  in 
thai  altitude. 

Iiiif,  sir,  il  is  contended  by  some  of  the  Senators 
thai,  in  the  present  case,  there  is  no  evidence  lliat 
the  invasion  of  our  lerrilory  has  hi  i  ii  aulliori/.ed 
by  the  Mixican  tiovernnient;  and  until  that  an 
Ihority  is  shown,  the  act  itself  does  not  eoiisiiiule 
a  slate  of  war.  I  hive  already  said,  sir,  lliat  there 
may  be  acciibnlal  or  uiiaiithori/.ed  reiicoiilres, 
which  do  not  iliercf ire,  eonstituie  war.  7'lie  case 
of  the  "  l.iitle  Hell"  was  of  ihat  description. 

And  it  is  a  wise  provision  of  the  law  of  nations, 
lhat  the  public  peace  shall  not  deiiend  upon  the 
mere  will  of  siibonlinale  otlieers.  And  in  all  eases 
will  re  there  is  Just  rea.son  to  believe,  that  insulated 
hostile  acts  have  been  eonimitied,  w  ithoiit  prnjier 
aiilhorily.  the  nation  a^'irrieved,  before  final  aelioii, 
should  allow  the  iujj;rc»3or  to  iivow  or  disavow 
them. 


[Mny  lii, 

Sknatk. 


I[  Hut  the  tinliirn  and  eirciiinstuiiees  of  nil  airtrres- 
Hionsulliciently  inilicalii  il.^  true  chaiiieler  and  eon- 
sei|iiences.  A  .Mexiciin  nrniy  inviides  our  l(  rritory. 
'I'he  l*residenl  ciiIIm  upon  ('oiii^ress  for  the  iieces- 
sary  inean.i  to  repel  and  piinisli  this  ael  nf  ii;;(;its- 
.■.iiin.  .And  we  are  mil,  forsooih,  at  the  very 
llireshiild  of  our  priieiidiiii^s,  wilh  the  objii'linn, 
thill  il  does  not  appear,  thai  this  invasion  lia.s  bren 
eonnintti  d  by  ihe  aiilhorily  of  the  IVlnxiean  (iov- 
iniiniiit.  Why,  sir,  what  rvidfii  11  i.i  iieces.sary, 
iniiler  such  errciiinslaiice.<  ?  Do  \  on  waul  such 
as  is  rci|iiin'il  by  a  coiinlv  eourl  in  illveMil{atill^'  ii 
eliiiin  for  futy  duliius-  Musi  we  have  ii  eerlifnale 
from  a  jiislic,'  of  llie  piai  eof  Mexiio,  that  the  I'les- 
idciil  of  that  lepiihlic  has  directed  ihisaltaek  upon 
our  terrilory.''  .Vnd  whatever  evidence  inny  be  re- 
i|uin  d,  how  Iiiii'J:  are  we  In  wait  for  il?  llnw  far 
III  ly  the  invaders  nianli,  betiire  we  are  satisfied 
lliat  we  are  at  war  with  Mexico.-  Whv  ,  .-lir,  sin  h 
a  'i.ile  of  Ihiic's  niusi  be  judged  by  moral  evi- 
dence, by  the  eircunisiance.s  am  iidiiii,'  il.  Il  iui^,'ii; 
be  enouiih  lo  say,  lhat  Ihe  inva.-iiou  iiself  iIiiowh 
ihe  responsibilily  iipoii  llie  Mcsiian  LJovernmenl, 
and  is  a  .siiili''ii  at  juslificaliiui  for  w^  in  holdiliK 
that  (iincriinient  accounlable.  The  neu'aiive  pnmi' 
is  not  iipiiu  ns.  The  moral  presiini|itiiin  is  miIM- 
cii  lit  I'or  our  acliiin. 

Ilo  you  believe,  llial  when  the  Driti.sli  fleet  and 

■  army  iiilacki  il  the  capital  and  navy  of  Denmark, 
il  was  the  duly  of  the  I  laiiish  tiovermnent,  befoni 
il  assumed  aMtlie  ri^hls  of  war,  lo  ascertain,  willi 
Ihe  pn'cision  of  a  conrt  of  jusiice,  how  far  that 
act  of  oiiira'40  was  directed  by  the  Hritish  authori- 
ties  at  hntiier  In  tlir  circunislaiicis  in  which  wo 
are  placed,  the  fuels  are  as  open  nnd  pr.lp.ible,  im 
i\er  were  any  of  those  acts,  which  ;;ive  characli  r 
to  the  conduct  of  iialions.  The  invasion  of  oiii 
lerrilory  by  ,in  army  would  be  (  nuimh  to  juslify 
the  eonclu'sioii,  thai  we  arc  at  war  wilh  Mexico. 
Hut  then'  is  iiiore  than  thai.  The  tiovernmenl  nf 
that  eoiiiiiry  has  protested  ever  sii.ce  ihe  lirst  pni- 
ject  of  the  iiiinexalioii  of  Texas,  ai,'iiinst  that 
"ineasiire,  ami  has  announci  d  its  emnpletion  as  ii 
riiMis  hiHi.     They  have  w  iihdrawii  their  iVIiiiislcr 

1  from  the  I'liiled  Stales,  nnd  bnikeii  olf  all  diplo- 
iiialie  rclaliiiiis  wilh  us.  They  have  reliiseil  li> 
ni  oLiiise,   and   have  treated  with  coiiiiimely,  our 

j  .Minisier,  cliiiru'ed  wilh  full  powers  to  adjust  all 
iiiatii  rs  in  dispute,  and  v.  honi  they  solemnly  pnini 
isid  to  receive.  They  have  eollicu  il  an  aniiy 
upon  our  frontier,  nnd  Inue  sent  lo  assmiie  ils 
eomniand  one  of  the  lirst   military  olficers  in  llie 

.  ri  imblic.  lie  siiminoned  ( Jeiicr.il  Taylor  lo  niire, 
with  the  llne.il,  that  if  he  did  noi,  war  would  iiii- 
lucdiaii  ly  coiunii  lice.  Ills  .'UUHiinn.s  beiir,-  di.-.- 
n';;ariled,  he  eonnnenced  the  w,ir  liy  emssiii;;  in 
I'lU-ce  inlo  our  lerrilory,  by  iitlackin'j  our  troops, 
and  by  siirrouiidinL'  our  army.  Now,  sir,  I  ap- 
peal to  every  Senator  on  the  oilier  side  of  tin- 
I'hamber,  if  helloes  not  believe  lhat  all  this  Inei 
been  done  by  luderof  the  Mexican  linvernlin  in. 
I  picsmue  there  i^  not  a  man  within  the  soiiiid  of 
my  voice,  who  will  not  say  that,  in  his  opinion, 
ilii'  .Mexican  ireiii nil  has  acted  under  the  dini  I 
instriielions  of  the  .Mexican  (ioveninienl.  .And 
an'  we  now  to  be  told,  sir,  that  we  luiisl  sit  slill 
till  weascirtaiii  w  lielher  his  acts  have  been  avow  id 
or  disclninied  .-  .No,  sir.  A  liosiile  army  is  in  our 
country;  our  fnuitier  has  been  peiii  iraied:  a  f'or- 
liL'ii  banner  lloals  over  the  soil  of  ihe  l!i  public;  our 

cilr/elis    have    bei  ll     killed,    while    defelldill!;    llieu 

country;  a  threat  blow  lias  been  aimed  at  us;  anil 
while  we  an*  talking,  askiii'.;  for  evideiiee,  mid 
seekiu'j',  with  ill-limed  asluieness,  to  interpolate  n 
new  eliiiplcr  into  the  law  of  nations,  lhat  blow  may 
have  been  sliiici:,  and  our  nriny  been  minihil- 
ated.  .And  what  then  r  The  Iriumphanl  Mex- 
icans will  mareli  onwanls,  till  ihey  reach  llie  IVon- 
tiers  of  Louisiana,  or  till  we  receive  such  a  for- 
mal certiliciite  of  the  inlentions  of  the  .Mexican 
(iovernmi'iil,  as  will  unite  us  in  a  deterininntioii 
to  iei'oi;in.se  the  existence  of  the,  war,  and  lo 
l.iki  the  ncecssiiry  measures  to  pro.secute  it  wilh 
viiror. 

It  has.  indeed,  been  suirtxested,  thai  arls  of  hostility 
111  eonstilule  a  stale  of  war,  iniisl  be  direcled  by  the 
le-jitimale  aulhorily  of  tin.'  country;  and  if  not 
eiinsliiutional  at  home,  ihey  eannot  be  operative 
abro.'id.  This  i.s  not  the  least  straie;e  amon:;  the 
stranu'e  principles  we  have  heard  advaucid  today. 
What  have  we  to  do  with  the  eonsliliilion  of  Mex- 
ico.-    What  have  we  to  do  with  the  powers  of  her 


ISIG.I 


I  .I'.'U'MN- 
irld  I'OII- 
I  niinry. 

f    IHTCH- 

lir   vrry 

l|M'|ill|l, 

111:,  hccil 
nil  (iiiv- 
i(:'.<;\ry, 
III  i<iii'li 
1,'aiiii!;  II 
iiitii'iiin 


129th  CoNti Iht  Skhs, 


APPHNDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAI,  GIXIRE. 

Mnrim  llospitnU — Mr,  firover. 


647 


llo,  or  Ukps. 


roiiir,  til  mill  li>  our  iliini'iikirK,  iiiiil  to  iiu'iniMr  tlio 

rCI|uiNilillMH  llpnll  lllll'I'Xri'lillllH  linil  lllll'|lllll'illli.  Ml, 

I  am  mil  iii'iiiiil  In  iriisl  ihi'  I'lrMilcnt  Willi  ilic  m- 
('(■NHiiry  |H)Wfi'  III  iiiMliiliiiii  Ihc  rii;lilH  (if  lln'  ciiuii- 
Iry,  iiiiil  III  vimliriiii'  iin  luiiinr.  I  lulievi;  hu  will 
exc'ciili'  lii.s  (liilii's  tiiiiily  iiiul  liiillirnlly. 

lli'fini'    I    (■imrjiiili',  I    |.(;;  li'iuc  til   IfiiiliT  my 

iIiiiiiUm  III  llio  ilisiiii'.'iiinlii  il   Sriinmr  from  Tixiis, 

(Mr.    lliMsToN,)  O'l-  llu:   I'llriiitir,  KenliiilriilH  liu 

iia.s  lliiti  ility  iiltcri'il.    lie  li.iH  nIiiiwii  iih,  llinl  lir  I4 

t\s  alili'  to  njvncau-  tlic  n.^lilH  oi^  liin  I'miiitry  in 

''ouiiKcj,  as  to  niaiiilniii  ihi  in  in  ai'ms.      Ili.s  iiiinii! 

isiissiiiiiaicil  with  dill'  of  lliiiMi:  im|ii'ri.sliiili|(i  ilnda 

j  wliirli  cotiiU'Ct  llu'liiiulvrs  willi  tlii;  I'llp  of  nalioii.s. 

I  If  II  il  the  forriH  of  Ills  a(lo|ili  il  coiintry  u|iiiii  lliiil 

day,  wliii'li  Hci'iircd  ilicir  iiuli'in'iiilrni't',  and  ln'iikn 

]  tin:  |io\vi  r  of  Mcxii-ii.     lie  liiiil  lliu  ma:  ijiiiid  for- 

i  mill'  to  iivcrllirow  a  lioMliln  army,  and  to  i'a|iliiio 

j  llic  Cliirf  MaijistriUe  of  a  lioslili'  iiiilinn.    Tlir  llo- 

iiiana  would  liavc  glvoii  liiiii  an  ovalioii.     Wii  will 

i,'ivc  liiii)  wliat  is  III  lli;r  tliaii  lliul  for  a  Ur|iiilp|i(  an 

— a  hearty  rccciiiinn  amons;  iis,  and  iliu  triliutc  of 

niir  thanks  for  (lis  worth  and  scrvu:cs. 


MAUKNK  HOSl'lTALS. 


ProHidnil,  or  of  her  CoiiWHH?     Il  is  in.t  for  iih  10  Ij  peiiri' at  the  poinl  of  the  liayoiiei.     I, it  us  moxe    !  U|ion  iis,nnd  t(>|irfpari' for  anolhi  r,  shoiild  annihrr 

on  till  we  lui'et  reasonalile  pi'ii|io.Hiil»  from  the  Mex- 
iran  Cioverniiieiit;  and  if  tlie^.e  are  mil  met  this 
side  of  the  rapital,  let  us  talio  posses  ini  of  the 
eityof  .Monte/.nntii,  11 11 'I  dirlate  oin' '  >wn  I'onililiiins. 
And  1  ti'iist  tlinsi' ('oiiiluionN  will  li'  honorahli' and 
reasiiiiiililc.  If  all  this  is  done  soon,  it  will  lie  well 
done;  Iml  if  delayed,  iheie  will  lie  nlln  r  harln  s 
Ihiiii  .Mexieo,  who  will  soon  inin;;le  llii'iiiselves  m 
this  iid'iir.  And  the  eonsemiuneea  may  be  felt 
thronirhi'iil  the  rivili/iil  worlil. 

It  IS  Ihii'ly-foiir  years  sine.e  I'ae.'land  drove  us  to 
arms,     (ire.it  lius  heen  the  eliatij;e  in  our  eondi- 
tion,  and  ^'reat  also  has  lieen  the  clmnj,'!!  in  the 
I'ondition  of  the   world.     Kiirope  was   then   con- 
vulsed  liy  a  tremendous  siriii;!;le.     The  war  of 
prini'iples   and   opinions,   wliieh    commenced    in 
l''ranre,nnd  whii'h  lluciiiencd  10  subvert  the  exist- 
iie^  inslitulions  of  III'!  Old  World,  was  drawing; 
towards  its  elose.     The  causes  and  pro;;ress  of  our 
eonlest  with  l'ai;,'Ianil  excited   little  iniere.H  in  the  | 
midst  of  the  !;reiit  drama,  which  was  pai-sinn  upon  | 
the  theatre  of  I'airnpe.     It  «as  an  episode,  which  , 
was  lost  in  the  aclioii  of  a  uorld.  j 

Ihil  now,  new  circn.ii'.tances  have  arisen.     The  ! 
eyes  of  Chrislciidom  arc  upon  us.     To  some,  we 
are  a  heacon,  poiiitiii'.);  out   the  shoals  of  Democ- 
racy, and  warnin'j;the  nalionsof  the  earth  to  avoid  I 
them;  while  In   olhers,  w(   are  a   landmark,  an-  1 
nouuciii'^  a  haven  of  lilierly,  and  imitin;^  the  011    j 
pressed   to  follow  us.     Whatever  we  do  will  lie  \ 
watched  and  scrutinize. 1,  wherever  llie  srcat  con-  j 
lest  of  political  principlis   has   penilraied.     It  is 
the  day  of  our  trial,  and  as  we  meet  il,  the  result  1 
mav  Is.  prosperous  or  adverse — not  for  a  lirief  pe- 
rioil  only,  Imt  fir  loni;  years  of  pride  or  regret.       , 

There  is  a  s|iirit  in  our  country,  which  rises  ■ 
with  the  eircumsliinc.es  of  our  position.     There  is  j 
an  instinct  which  never  fails  us  in  all  riuesiions  j 
of  iKitiomd    honor.      The   I'celin;;  of    the    people  ' 
precedes,  and  direcl.s,  and  controls  the  action  of 
the  Oovcrmnent.     Tlirou'.;li  all  this  hroad  land, 
there  will   he  one  spontaneous  exliihilion  of  pal- 
riolism.     The  proceedings  of  the  Legislature  of 
fjouisiana — prompt,  vi2;orous,nu(l  honorahle— and 
the  action  of  the  citizens,  are  hul  indications  of  the 
future,  as  they  are  imitations  of  the  past.     1  trust 
the  Government,  in  Imlh  lis  legislative  and  exec- 
utive departments,  will  march  up  10  iisdiity.    We 
arc  in  the  middle  of  ilie  sixth  mouth  of  our  session. 
.And  what  have  we  dune  10  meet  the  circninstances 
of  our  position?    Xol  one  siiv.'le  niea.^ure,  either 
financial,  or  military,  or  naval,  have  we  adopted 
to  prepare  for  events,  that  are  fjalherinj;  around  us.    ; 
One  war  has  overtaken  us;  and  yet,  tlioiejh  it  has  ii 
found  us  unprepared,  it  was   preceded  liy  iiidica-  i| 
lions,  that  ou;rhl  to  have  warned  us  to  he  up  and  ij 
diiiii:.r.     Let  us  lake  earn  that  another  does  not  ,; 
come  and  find  us  in  similar  security;  for  that  seen-  ' 
,  rily,  thomrh  not  fatal,  would  he  disastrous.     We  |i 
and  spirited  people,  we  shall  t\iriiisli  a  lesson  to  the   |  have  an   unsettled  rineslion  with  Knsland,  which    I 


stop  m  the  midst  of  our  ilelihcriilions,  to  turn  over 
llie  piujeH  of  the  last,  so-called,  eonslitiition  of  {[ 
Mexico,  and  to  seek  how  the  powers  of  Uiivorn-  i 
ineiit  me  divided  anion;;  its  various  fnnclionaries,  | 
nor  to  inipiire  what  is  the  lint  iiriiiiiiiiciiiiiniifii,  or  [' 
who  is  the  present  Dictiilor  of  that  unhappy  eoiiii-  | 
try.  The  cluinseH,  lioili  ol'  aullnnity  ami  iinihor-  , 
ities,  are  ko  rnpid,  that  il  is  dilllcnll  In  keep  pace 
with  them.  'I  hey  seem  riUher  the  shit'tin;,'  sceiicH  h 
of  a  llieaire,  than  the  real  eviiits  of  life,  and  least  I; 
of  all,  events  in  the  life  of  a  nation.  Whoever  di-  1 
reels  the  niilitiiry  juiwer  of  the  iMexican  (jovern-  1 
ineiit  a';aiiist  us  is,  tiir  onr  purposes,  the  rejiresent-  j 
litive  ol'  llie  Mexican  nalioii.  Whether  he  has  I 
litlaineil  that  power  liy  usurpation,  hy  false  con-  j 
strucliniiiorliy  an  exercise  ol  Icniiiniale  aniliorily,  | 
the  rcspoiu'iliility  of  his  country  is  the  same.  It'! 
a  Heel  of  the  Unileil  Slates  should,  hy  order  of  the  i 
I'resideiit,  homhard  an  Eii'^lish  town,  or  coimiiil 
any  other  act  of  au'-.^ressioii,  certainly  we  should 
lie  held  responsilile;  and  such  acts  of  ai'.;ression 

\>'onld  I onsidered  acts  of  war.     We  should  he 

left  to  seilli'  the  iinestion  of  aiilhority,  and  to  ex- 
amine the  conduct  of  our  own  functionaries  in  onr 
own  way.  Mow  we  divide  imr  [lower  anionfr 
lliem,  or  how  they  iihiise  it,  is  a  domestic  and  mil 
a  foiei;;n  topic  of  miiuiry.  They  may  be  punished, 
lint  we  are  responsinle. 

Honorahle  Senators  have  said,  that  this  act  of 
invasion  liy  the  Mexican  army  may  he  iinaiilho-  1 
ri/.cd;    and    lliey  demaiui   of   us,  what  would  he 
the  condition  of  the  two  connlries,  if  such  should 
liirn  out  to  hi^  the  fact?    Why,  sir,  the  answer  is 
equally  clear  and  easy:    If  the  Mexican  Govern-  ' 
nient  should  disavow  the  act  of  invasion,  with-  ' 
draw  their  army,  jiunish  their  ijeneral,  and  make 

riropersalisliiction  for  the  injury  done,  peace  would 
le  ininiedmlely  restored,  llut  until  tliis  is  done, 
we  have  only  to  accejit  the  state  of  war,  which  is 
oll'ered  In  us,  and  act  accordiiiKly. 

I  have  110  doiiht  hut  the  houiidary  of  Texas  tjoes 
to  the  Kio  del  Norte.  Hut  I  do  not  place  the  jiisti- 
ficiuion  of  our  Government  upon  any  (inestion  of 
title.  Grantiii'i  that  the  .Mexicans  have  a  claim  to 
that  country,  as  well  as  we,  siill  the  nature  of  the 
au",'ression  is  not  changed.  Wc  were  in  the  pos- 
session— a  possession  ohlained  without  conlliel; 
and  we  could  not  lie  divested  of  this  possession, 
hut  hy  our  own  consent,  or  hy  an  act  of  war. 
'J'hc  ultimate  claim  to  the  conntrv  was  a  ipies- 
lion  for  diplomalic  adjiislnient  Till  that  took 
place,  the  nossessory  ri;,'lit  was  in  us;  and  any 
ailcnipt  to  iiislod!,'e  us  was  a  clear  act  of  war. 

II  appears  to  lue,  sir,  lliat  the  iiresent  is  a  most 
iiii|iorlaut  crisis  in  the  hi.story  of  this  country — a 
crisis  which  is,  perhaps,  to  atfect  our  character  and 
our  desliny  for  a  Ion;;  series  of  years.  If  we  meet 
this  act  of  a;;;rressinn  iironiiuly,  vi'/orously,  ener- 
:;etically,  as  liecomes  the  representatives  of  a  ixreat 


world,  which  will  he  profuahly  rememhered  liere- 
afler.  lint  if  we  spend  our  lime  in  useless  discus- 
sion— if  we  adopt  iiiiiid,  half-way  measures — if  we 
delay  action,  s.'ckiii';  t'or  further  evidence,  we  shall 
exhihit  counsels  and  conduct,  whose  eU'ects  will 
impress  tliein.-Jclvcs  upon  many  a  chapler  of  our 
fnliire  history.  Our  institutions  have  few  lulniirers 
anions;  those,  who  administer  the  mnniirchial  and 
ari«locraticiil  sovernmcnls  of  ihe  Old  World.  Our 
condilion  and  progress  are  a  slaudiiej;  reproach  to  ' 
many  of  llie  political  t^rinciplcs,  which  arc  there 
practic.illy  ailopted.  The  new  doctrine  of  a  lial- 
aiice  of  power  on  the  American  continent  is  an 
iinerriiiu:  inilicalion  of  what  lliey  apprehended  and 
wliai  they  ilesiijn. 

Once  transfer  to  tliLs  hemi.<iplicrc,  the  right  of  in- 
lert'erence,  or,  in  oilier  words,  the  riijlit  to  check 
our  oinvaril  march,  ;inil  to  jirevenl  the  extension 
of  our  principles,  and  the  pow  al'i.'  opi  ration  of 
onr  exainple,  and  we  must  |)l  I'c  ourselves  in  an 
anlau'oiiisl  posiiion  wiili  respei  1  to  the  iiriiicipal 
I'owers  of  the  Old  World,  wilh  ,'s  lia/.ni-..'s  and  its 
eNerlions,  oriihiinilon  all  those  hr.  lit  hoec  t,  which  . 
have  looked  forward  to  thiswh.le  con'menl,  as 
the  sial  of  rational  liherly,  W'ilh  pi.'ilic.l  inslitu- 
lions, mainiaiiied  and  administered  hy  all,  for  the 
heiiifu  of  all. 

We  have  hut  oun  safe  course  before  us.     Let  ns   , 
put  forlli  our  whole  sirenilh.     Let  us  orcani/.e  a 
force,  which  will  leave  no  doulit  as  to  the  result.  ' 
Let  us  enter  the  Mexican  territory,  and  comiuer  a  || 


cannot  he  unsetiled  iniieh  loii'zer.  AVe  have  our- 
selves fixed  the  )ieriod,  within  which  the  two  na-  ! 
lions  must  come  to;;etlier  to  adjust  it  amic;il)lv,  or  ! 
part,  to  commit  it  to  the  issue  of  a  war.  With  , 
thai  provident  forcsi^'lit,  which  iiiakes  part  of  its 
syslem,  ihe  Kin^lish  Government  is  piepariii;;  10 
maintain  its  pretensi.ms  al  all  hazards.  How  nmcli  ; 
il  may  yield,  or  how  much  it  may  hold  on  to,  we 
know  not.  IJiit  we  do  know,  that  it  is  increasiie,' 
Its  means  of  annoyance  and  defence,  to  ho  ready 
to  sulistitiiti^  the  ar:;nmenls  of  force  for  the  an;u- 
menls  of  diplomacy,  should  these  he  found  insuili- 
cieiit  to  lerminale  the  eiintrnversy.  And  her  course 
is  o|ien  to  the  world.  It  has  heen  aimonnced  hy 
the  soverei'jn  herself,  in  an  address  to  Parliament, 
and  was  expressly  hequealheil  hy  one  retirin;; 
Minister  .'is  a  leijacy  to  his  successor.  And  think 
you,  sir,  that  the  haiL'-lisli  Government  and  pi^o|ile 
will  look  with  indilVerence  upon  the  progress  of 
our  dispute  with  Mexico,  careless  as  lo  its  result, 
and  witnholdiii;;  synipalhy  and  counsel,  ay,  and 
aid,  too,  either  openly  or  roverily  .'  No;  let  ns  not 
llaller  ourselves  with  such  a  delusion.  Our  true 
policy  is,  hy  ]>rompt  and  vi;:orous  aclion,  lo  antici- 
pate all  adverse  pornicalcomhinations,and  lo  strike 
Ihe  decisive  stroke,  hefore  other  parties  niini^le 
ihem.selves  in  ihe  coalroversy.  I  shall  iherefore 
snpporl,  wilh  my  voice  and  my  vole,  all  measures 
necessary  lo  arm  the  counlry,  and  to  enahle  the 
tiovcrnmcnl  to  act  with  proni|ititude,  energy,  and 
decision.     To  prosecute  the  war,  which  is  already 


REMARKS  OF  MR.  (iROVER, 

OI'-  NEW  YORK, 
I.V  TlIK  IllUBK  or  ReI'BKSENTATIVES, 

Mnj  'Milt,  IH4G. 
The  (Jivil  and  Diplomatic  Appropriation  13111  he- 
lm; under  consideration  in  Committee  of  the 
AVliole,  .Mr.  GuovKK  moved  to  strike  out  the 
Ki'ciion  making  ap^roprialions  for  the  constrne- 
lion  of  Marine  Hospitals  at  Cleveland,  Pitl.s- 
liiirg,  and  Louisville,  to  which  the  roniniitteo 
had  added  Padncnh  and  Natchez.  Upon  which 
motion  he  suhniilled  the  following  remarks — 
.Mr.  CiniiiM.tN:  If,  at  the  eommenceincnt  of  the 
present  session,  a  proposition  of  the  cli/irncter  of 
the  one  now  proposed  to  he  stricken  out,  had  heen 
made  in  this  House,  I  should  have  enlcrt<iineil  nn 
doiihl  of  its  rejection  hy  a  very  large  majority. 
Thai  h'lislation  of  this  eharaeter  should  ever  have 
heen  tolerated  is  to  me  a  malter  of  surprise.  I 
have  ever  hilieved  that  this  was  a  Government  of 
limiled  powers;  that  all  the  authority  it  could  Ic- 
ilitimately  excr''ise,  was  to  he  found  in  the  nllimi- 
alive  granl.'S  of  the  Constitution,  and  such  inei- 
denliil  powers,  wiihoiit  which  the  express  powers 
could  not  he  riasonahly  exercised.  .Such  are  Ihe 
fundamental  doctrines,  in  my  opinion,  of  our  in- 
stitutions. Such,  I  had  fondly  hoped,  was  In 
have  heen  the  guide  to  all  our  actions  here,  that 
when  we  came  to  ascerlain  our  |iower  liy  an  ex- 
amination of  the  Ciinstitiitinu,  we  should  aim  to 
arrive  at  iis  meaning  hv  plain,  practical  sense, 
without  endeavoring  to  eke  out  something  to  jus- 
tify us  in  warping  it  to  sectional  views  and  selfish 
ohjoets.  Krom  whence,  then,|is  the  power  de- 
rived to  construct  these  poor-houses,  1!, minified  hy 
the  name  of  marine  hospitals,  under  the  nuthoriiy 
of  this  Govermnent.'  I  confess,  Mr.  Chairman, 
I  never  could  have  imagined,  had  I  not  heard  in 
this  hall,  on  previous  occasions,  some  ccntli'men 
preserihing  rules  of  interpretation.  Afler  that,  I 
could  he  at  no  loss. 

This  power,  and  all  others  of  a  kindred  cliar.icter, 
are  claimed  under  the  war-making  power  and  the 
power  to  re;;nlate  commerce.  AVould  not  any  iin- 
niiiiated  person  he  amused  (were  not  the  suhjecl 
too  serious)  at  the  ingenuity  of  scheining  scllish- 
ness,  in  ilerivin^'  power  from  lhe.se sources.'  AVIiy, 
Mr.  Chairman,  they  tell  us  that  Congress  has  power 
to  make  war;  that  war  cannot  he  carried  on  with- 
out men;  that  men  collect  at  the  points  where  they 
propose  10  eonslruct  their  poor-houses,  (1  will  ;;ive 
lliem  no  other  name,  for  in  truth  they  are  nothing 
else;)  and  tli  il,  hy  employing  physicians,  and  all 
Ihe  paraphernalia  of  a  Government  estahlishment, 
lliey  iiiiiy  preserve  some  lives,  and  thus  he  the  bet- 
ter able  to  carry  on  war.  Again,  we  shall  hear 
them  say,  AVe  may  want  to  march  troops  Ihrougli 
those  sections,  and  some  of  the  soldiers  may  be- 
come sick  there,  and  it  will  he  very  convenient  lo 
have  these  |ioiir-honscs,  in  which  tliey  may  be  re- 
lieved. AVe  have  heard  these,  or  exactly  similar, 
'.  arguments  applied  to  this  and  the  power  to  regulnio 


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APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[May  96, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Marine  Uospitah — Mr,  Grover. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


rmve  Bio|ij>eu  acre.  iiircHuy  mm  inty  i;ivrii  [iiun- 
iiry  power  over  nil  subjects,  niul  would  luive  con- 
linril  the  bnlnncc  of  tlicir  labors  to  iinposiiiij  iirs;ii- 


rommercc.  Now,  I  submit  to  nny  candid  mind, 
uninfluenced  by  llie  liopc  of  dishonest  gain  nt  the 
expense  of  otliers,  whether  this  constriiclion  of 
tliese  clauses  docs  not  confer  all  power  upon  this 
Govrrnnient?  What  necessity,  Mr.  Chiiiiinnn,  for 
nnythin;;  else  in  the  Constitution  ?  You  ahcady 
liavc  nil  power;  and  the  convention  who  framed 
that  insinuncnt,  had  they  been  equally  wise,  would 
have  stopped  here.  Already  had  they  <;iven  plen- 
ary 
linn 

tivc  restrictions.    They  would  merely  have  said: 
"Cong;ress  s'hall  have  power  to  (lecfare  war  and 
regulale  commerce,"  and  then  jiroceoded,  and  con- 
I'ludcd  with   an  enumeration   of  what   Congress  [ 
Nhould  not  have  power  to  do.     From  the  cour.so  of 
things  lierc,  future  conventions  to  frame  conslitu-  i 
lions  may  learn  a  useful  lesson  in  the  dischari^e  of 
iheir  duties:   they  may  take  it  for  grnnled  that  the 
power  of  legislation  is  supreme,  exi'e|)l  so  far  as  , 
they  limit  and  restrain  its  exercise  by  nc[;alive  pro- 
hibitions.    If  J/ifSf  poor-houses  may  be  construct- 
ed, I  ask,  why  not  in  every  county  in  the  nation .'  ! 
Are  not  men  found  in  all?    Are  they  not  liable  to  I 
disease  equally  with  those  at  the  places  where  you 
now  propose  to  build  them?    May  you  not  want 
lo  march  troops  through  every  section  ?    WhcMC, 
then,  are  you  to  stop?    If,  al'ier  constructing iluse 
half-dozen,  nt  the  expense  of  a  huiulred  thousand 
dollars,  nnd  keeping  them  up  nt  an  annual  expense 
of  about  a  quarter  of  that  sum,  the  system  siioiild 
end,  it  would  not  be  so  important;  but  who  does 
not  know,  that  if  we  proceed,  we  are  to  have  hun- 
dreds of  them,  nt  an  nnnuni  expense  of  millions. 

Are  we  to  be  told,  Mr.  Chairman, that  these  are  ! 
important  points;  that  there  are  many  sick  there,  ! 
mm  that  therefore  the  Federal  Government  may  ' 
relieve   them  ?    What,  sir !  you  have  the  power  i 
to  interfere,  to  employ  physicians  to  prescribe  lor  | 
a  thousand  sick,  you  may  build  houses  to  acconi-  1 
modnte  them,  but  cannot  for  fifty !     Is  not  this  a  ! 
precious  doctrine  for  the  sparsely  inhabited  por-  i 
lions  of  country  ?  Shall  we  practically  .say  to  them,  | 
we  can  tax  you  to  provide  for  the  important  points, 
but  have  no  power  to  do  anything  for  you  ?     We  ' 
shall  hear  precedent  cited  in  favor  of  this  power.  : 
We  shall  be  told  that  tlie  Government  has  already  ' 
undertaken  to  erect  these  establishments;  that  you 
have  purchased  the  sites  and  commenced  the  build- 
ings, and  that  it  is  now  too  late  to  recede.     .Sir,  I 
believe  all  the  laws  heretofore pas.sed  on  this  subject 
arc  unconslitutioiial  and  void.    >'o  rights  have  heen 
or  can  be  acquired  under  them.     If  there  was  any 
way  to  test  their  validity  before  an  iiiielligent  and 
honest  judicial  triiiunal,  they  would  be  pronounced 
void,  and  your  tiilcs  that  you  have  acquired  under 
them  would  be  adjudged  worthless.     Let  us  pause, 
then,  before  we  have  squandered  any  more  treas- 
ure.    Let  us  hasten  to  retrace  our  steps.     Let  us 
recur  ba.-k  to  first  principles, discard  precedent,  and 
.^onsult  the  Consiimtion. 

Bui,  Mr.  Chairman,  suppose  there  was  no  ques- 
tion about  the  Constitution  involved;  Kujiposp  we 
examine  this  system  upon  principles  of  expediency 
and  Justice;  how  will  it  then  appear?  Ueiilly,Mr. 
Chairman,  I  was  aniu.sed  yesterday  in  listeiiiic;  to 
the  animated  appeals  from  the  gentleman  fnini  Kcii. 
lucky,  [Mr.  Thomasbon,)  for  justice  in  behalf  of 
bis  Louisville  hospital,  lie  tells  us  they  are  not 
going  to  be  .satislied  with  one  of  your  ordinary 
ponr-housps,  that  will  cost  twenty-five  ihousanil 
dollars.  Oh  no;  that  would  be  ouislionc  by  snnie 
of  Iheir  Slate  institutions.  No,  no;  he  must  have 
a  magnificent  edifice,  that  will  cost  fifiy  ihoiisand, 
and  be  an  firnamenl  to  their  city.  This  he  calls 
generous.  Generous  lo  him,  sir,  Inil  robbery  to 
my  constituents.  What,  sir,  my  eonsiitiienls  lo 
be  taxed  to  raise  money  to  support  the  poor  ihat 
may  happen  lo  be  at  Louisville,  and,  not  coiilcnt 
wiili  thai.  In  build  eilifices  there  and  elsewhere  on 
HiuBgnificent  scale,  to  rellcci  honor  u|)nn  the  nm- 
nirtcence  of  the  Federal  Government !  'I'liiy,  sir, 
have  to  siip|)<n't  their  own  piior,  and  all  Iransieiil 
paupers  Ihat  may  chance  to  come  niiioni  ihciii. 

Are  we  lo  be  tdid  that  Louisville  and  lliise  oilier 
points  are  ^ruatconnnircial  cities,  located  on  jricat 
thoroughfares,  and  consequenily  liave  many  sick? 
And  an^  they  not  wealthy  places,  with  a  laiie  pop- 
ulalioii?  Do  they  not  already  i  iijoy  ailniiilM^'cs 
euoiighr  In  Heaven's  niiiiie,  is  it'iiot  eiiiuigh  lo 
lie  'oijUed  at  the  heads  of  commerce  on  the  threat 
iliuruuglifiu-ea  of  the  country,  where  wealth  is  (low- 


ing in  upon  them  in  never-ceasing  streams;  where 
property  is  so  much  enhanced  in  value;  where  the 
ability  to  take  care  of  themselves  is  so  great?  Can 
they  not  be  content  with  this?  Arc  they  unwilling 
to  experience  the  little  incidental  evils  of  providing 
for  their  own  sick,  and  such  as  commerce  nnd  trade 
place  in  their  midst?  It  appears  so,  Mr.  Chair- 
man. Wc  find  them  romiiig  here,  telling  us  they 
have  nn  extensive  commerce,  n  world  of  trade, 
abundant  means,  and  then  trying  to  thrust  their 
anus  into  the  Federal  treasury,  to  filch  out  the 
means  of  building  hospitals  mm  supporting  their 
poor.  If  they  have  almr,  ornsnng  in  their  rivers, 
or  any  impediment  in  their  harbors,  they  come  here 
and  ask  to  have  the  whole  country  taxed  to  re- 
move it.  They  seem  to  think  it  all  ri'.ht  to  com- 
pel people  who  live  at  a  dislaiice  from  these  chan- 
nels of  commerce  to  provide  for  their  own  poor; 
lo  ninke  their  own  roads  ami  canals  lo  transport  in 
iheirown  vehicles  their  own  produce  to  market;  to 
do  all  this  for  themselves,  and  then  quietly  be  taxed 
to  take  care  of  their  poor,  to  clear  out  Iheir  rivers, 
to  make  and  keep  in  repair  their  harbors.  This 
they  call  justice.  Do  tliis,  and  your  Government 
is  generous.  Sir,  my  constituents  have  entered 
into  no  such  league;  I  hey  have  no  such  notions  of 
'justice;  they  believe  this  Government  should  treat 
all  alike;  that  they  and  their  Stale  should  lake  care 
of  their  own  poor,  of  their  own  roads  nnd  canals; 
and  this  tliev  do,  nnd  cheerfully  too,  for  them- 
selves. Shall  they,  then,  be  taxed  lo  do  these 
ihinirs  for  other  sections?  Talk  of  justice!  why 
such  a  system  is  monstrous;  it  shocks  the  moral 
sense.  It  is  no  more  than  robbery  through  the 
forms  of  law.  I  say  forms;  for  I  believe  there  is 
no  authority  in  the  Constitution  for  such  legisla- 
tion; nnd  there  being  no  warrant,  then  all  your 
acts  are  void. 

Mr.  Chai.  man,  look  at  the  Stale  of  New  York; 
look  at  her  great  commercial  <'mporium,  at  her 
cities  lining  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  and  the 
great  Erie  canal;  look  at  the  vast  commerce  borne 
upon  iheni,  the  mighty  tide  of  travel:  have  you 
bii'lt  any  hospitals  for  her  ?  JVot  one.  From  Buf- 
falo to  New  York,  none.  Thank  God  her  borders 
are  not  contaminated  with  them.  To  her  honor 
be  it  said,  she  has  never,  I  believe,  asked  for  litem; 
and  if  she  should,  I  hope  she  will  never  obiain 
Ihrnr,  and  yet  she  must  be  taxed  to  aid  oilier 
poinls.  And  this  is  justice  !  Away  with  the  idea. 
I  wonder  gentlemen  do  not  blush  when  they  utter 
the  word.  Talk  of  generosity  I  And  is  this  their 
i  :  \  of  generosity,  to  help  those  places  already 
hiL'hly  favored  by  naliire,aiid  plunder  the  secluded 
sections  to  do  it?  Wondrous  generosity  this  !  My 
eonsiitiienls  have  no  such  idea  of  the  term;  this  is  a 
new  definition  ti>  them,  sir;  and  I  believe,  too,  toby 
far  ilie  largest  part  of  the  country. 

Look  at  this  system  a  moment  in  an  economical 
point  of  view.  Who  llint  is  here  has  not  {ilwerved 
that  in  niaiui'.'ini  ihe  publii'  iiU'airs  of  the  smaller 
[tolitical  divisions — towns  or  villages,  for  instance — 
there  lionesly  and  economy  prevail.  Advance  a 
step,  and  look  at  those  of  counties,  less  under  the 
iimucdiate  eye  of  the  people,  and  now  and  then 
yon  will  (pretty  well  covered  up)  spy  out  n  little 
pcily  larceny.  Go  to  ilie  Stales,  and  you  will  find 
tsiighlly  blushini,')  iiraiid  lari'eny.  Come  here,  and 
wholesale  robbery  is  loo  mild  a  lerm  to  describe  it, 
and  men  glorying  in  il:e  smarliiess  and  dexlerily 
with  which  it  is  carried  on.  Who  does  not  know 
ihiu  it  ciisls  Ibis  Gineri.nienl  at  least  five  tiines  as 
iiiucli  lo  accnmplish  the  siinie  results  as  it  does 
towns?  What  conclusion  should  we  draw  fioin 
this?  Manifeslly,  tiiat  it  should  confine  itself  lo 
ils  lei;itiiiiale  duties — manage  the  foreign  relations 
of  llie  country;  quit  grasping  arter  jiower  over  the 
internal  and  doiueslic  nlfairs  of  llic  States;  but 
leave  all  these  where  they  piojierly  belong,  to  the 
Stales  themselves,  and  the  people. 

Mr.  Chairman,  1  have  been  aslonished,  perfect- 
ly aslonislieil,  ,il  many  things  I  have  wilnessed 
here;  when  I  came,  bel[c\  iiii;  as  1  did  that  I  was  lo 
be  associa'cd  wilii  homirable  ;;eiillemen,  I  had  ini 
expecialiini  of  sei  iiit;  disijracefnl  scrambles  for 
local  ml  vantages.  I  had  not  even  dreamed  that 
there  were  any  here  who  would  atleinpi  to  lliiust 
their  arms  lo  the  elbov  into  the  Iriasiiry,  ihnaigh 
that  into  the  pocki  t>.  id"  the  people,  io  alisiraet 
money  to  expend  nn  objects  for  llie  benefit  of  iheir 
sections.  I  had  hoped  for  reforms;  and  yet,  to 
my  utter  ouloiiishment,  1  found  frum  day  to  duy  i 


measures  of  extravagance,  measures  of  a  local 
character,  of  sectionnl  advantage,  obtaining  major- 
ities in  this  House.  I  could  at  first  hardly  believe 
it;  seeing  the  same  thing  again  and  ngain  repeat- 
ed, I  sought  lo  ascertain  the  motives  that  influenced 
members  in  Riving  them  their  sup|iort,  I  found 
the  entire  nia.ss  of  those  in  favor  of  eonlinuing 
the  protective  policy  of  the  country,  v/ith  scnieely 
nn  exception,  voting  uniUinnly  in  favor  of  every 
proposition  requiring  the  largest  expendilure  of 
money.  No  matter  what  the  project,  only  let  it 
i-cqiiire  money,  and,  in  eoinmillec  or  out,  it  wa» 
sure  of  their  support;  they  were  its  warmest  eliain- 
pions.  No  matter  to  them,  though  no  portion  of 
Ihe  money  was  to  be  expended  in  their  region; 
they  were  equally  liberal,  equally  generous;  any- 
thing, it  strikes  me,  to  get  money  out  of  the  treas- 
ury, is  their  mono.  It  requires  but  n  dull  iiilel- 
Icct  to  di.icover  Ihe  motive  with  them  to  spend  the 
money.  The  greater  (lie  expenditure,  tlic  more 
revenue  must  be  collected,  luid  the  higher  the  du- 
ties must  be  kept  up.  I  can  nccmmt  for  their 
roiirse  in  no  other  way. 

I  regard  this,  Mr.  Chairman,  n.i  one  of  the  great 
evils  of  the  protective  systein;  in  short,  sir, the  very 
niuromico  of  it.  Farewell,  sir,  to  all  hopes  of 
economy  or  reform,  while  this  is  continued.  I 
disliked  the  system  when  I  came  Jiero,  but  much 
more  now.  Let  even  a  friend  of  that  system,  hon- 
estly believing  it  is  best  for  the  country,  (having 
no  personal  interest  in  its  continuance,)  but  come 
here  and  watch  the  course  of  legislation  in  this 
Hall  for  one  .session,  and  witness  the  extravagance 
which  oppears  to  be  ils  legitimate  child;  let  him 
behold  the  friends  of  that  system  marching  in  solid 
phalanx,  leagued  with  a  class  of  gentlemen,  whose 
only  object  appears  tO  be  to  get  money  expended 
on  .some  project  or  other  in  their  particular  sec- 
lion;  let  him  see  how  well  these  classes  agree — the 
one  in  wanlimr  the  money  out  of  the  treasury,  and 
the  other  in  wanting  to  get  hold  of  it — and  sec  the 
combination,  ngain  and  again,  vote  down  the  great 
mass  of  the  Democratic  parly,  and  scarcely  a  half 
dozen  Whigs,  who  sometimes  vote  with  them,  and 
I  would  be  content  ihat  the  system  should  abide 
the  result  of  his  judgment.  If  he  was  still  doubt- 
iiiL',  I  would  direct  his  attention  to  the  deniornlizing 
eflects  of  such  legislation.  I  would  ask  him  to 
look  at  the  beautiful  log-rolling,  when  some  of  our 
pattern  river  and  harbor  bills  came  under  considera- 
tion; see  it  sustained  throughout  by  the  friends  of 
the  protective  policy,  in  ail  its  features;  and  then 
look  on  and  see  the  appropriation  '"r  Charleston 
harbor,  (a  work,  I  presume,  as  deserving  as  any,) 
stricken  out,  when  it  is  ascertained  ihat  the  South 
Carolina  deleiration  camiol  be  induced  to  vote  for 
Ihe  bill.  Wliataspectacle  is  here  presented!  What 
legislalion  for  an  American  Congress! 

liut,  [.'ciitleiuen,  we  have  a  war  on  hand  now, 
and  Ibis  will  necessarily  lead  to  an  expendilure. 
If  large  expenses  will  sustain  the  protective  sys- 
tem, it  may  now  be  regarded  as  out  of  danger. 
There  can  no  longer  be  an  excuse  for  continuing 
this  extravagance  tor  this  purpose.  Hut  we  hear 
it  .said,  Mr.  Cliairinan,  that  this  is  no  time  lo  change 
ll.e  tarilf,  no  lime  to  change  mir  le^'i.slalion  now, 
because  the  country  is  invulveil  in  war.  Not  now 
is  always  the  cry  of  those  opposed  lo  re'";>rins. 
Wait  until  a  seasonable  lime  ni  the  judgment  of 
such  suaP  arrive,  and  abuses  will  b(^  eternal.  It 
appears  lo  me  that  now  is  the  very  time  to  cease 
lo  do  evil,  and  leain  to  do  well — lo  enter  seriously 
upon  the  la.<k  of  cnnfining  our  legislalion  to  the 
limits  pre.scriiied  by  the  Coiisliliilioii.  Lei  us  gi\c 
an  earnest  of  our  inleiillons  by  withholding  lliese 
appropriaiioii>..  I'.iss  these,  and  we  know  thai 
others  will  follow.  We  have  already  seen  how 
tliey  |iiojress.  We  began  by  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means  repnrling  in' favor  of  Louisville, 
Pillsbiirir,  and  rievelaiid.  The  riimniillee  of  the 
Whole  have  added  I'aducali  and  Natchez.  The 
geutleinan  from  riiicinnali  has  altempted  to  obtain 
fifteen  ihoiisaiid  dollars  for  his  city.  It  appears 
that  a  hiispilal  already  ;  xisls  ilieie,  built  and  inaiii- 
taiiied  by  some  auihorily  iiiiiler  the  Slate.  Now, 
when  they  find  this  (lovernmrnt  constnicliiig  them 
al  the  expense  of  the  nalion,  they  call  for  a  share. 
They  have  conferred  honnr  upon  themselves  and 
their  city  in  doing  what  Iheyliave  acconiplished. 
I  have  no  cmiiplaini  to  make  against  their  present 
application;  it  is  the  natural  elicit  of  the  sysleni. 
Let  this  Uovcrnment  cuiitiiiuo  tlicir  present  uuurse, 


1846.] 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Gcnerah  Scott  and  Gaines. 


649 


Senate. 


local 


iinil  depend  upon  it|  sir,  nobody  else  will  do  nny- 
tliiiig  in  such  maUei'H.  AVhy  should  llicy?  If  they 
liikc  cure  of  their  own  sick,  ihcy  must  iicccssurily 
be  taxed  to  provide  for  those  of  other  pliiccs.   Aj) 


J" 


licutioiis  nru  also  iiiiidc  fur  Alton  nnd  Cliicinmiti. 


riio  gcntleiiuui  from  Tennessee  [Mr.  Stanton] 
bus  (old  us  that  he  shall  report  u  bill  fjom  the 
Committee  of  Niivul  Alluirs  to  estublish  n  hospiUil 
at  Memphis. 

1  Imvo  no  doubt,  Mr.  Chnirnmn,  but  nil  these 
places,  and  hundreds  of  others,  are  just  as  much 
cnlilled  to  such  favors  as  Louisville.  Ir.deed,  I 
regard  the  Iteprcscnlativcs  of  those  places  as  dis- 
charging their  duty,  whcnilicy  Lie  such  bills  pa.ss- 
ing,  to  get  their  cities  ))rovidcd  or;  their  constit- 
uents will  censure  ihcm  if  they  Jo  not.  ll  is  the 
system  I  comjilain  of;  the  violi  ^ion  of  the  Consti- 
tution; the  rank  injustice  to  th;  country  generally. 
It  is  true,  this  is  iii  part  rcpri-ted  from  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  nnd  Means;  nnd  yet  I  do  not  be- 
lieve the  worthy  chuirman  of  that  committee  ap- 
proves of  the  system.  The  ncis  providing  for  the 
erection  of  these  have  already  been  [ms.scd,  and  he 
regards  it  to  be  his  duty  to  report  to  the  House 
for  its  consideration  the  necessary  means  to  pros- 
ecute tliem.  It  was  but  the  other  day  that  we  saw 
that  vigilant  guardian  of  the  treasury  questioned 
as  to  lui  item  he  hud  reported,  nnd  ho  told  the  com- 
mittee that  he  regarded  it  as  wrong,  and  had  here- 
tofore, on  previous  occasions,  refused  to  rejiort  it; 
and  the  House  had  uniformly  inserted  it.  He,  Mr. 
Chuirman,  is  becoming  discouraged  in  his  labors; 
the  ro.'ubinution  1  have  before  alluded  to  has  beaten 
him  so  often  1  do  not  wonder  at  it. 

1  hope,  Mr.  Chairman,  yet  to  see  this  system 
broken  up,  root  and  branch.  Let  us  take  up  the 
tariff  bill  now  on  our  tables,  and  act  upon  it  at 
once;  .strike  out  the  clause  iiroviding  for  a  tax  upon 
tea  and  cotl'ce  in  case  of  a  deficiency  of  revenue. 
Let  this  system  of  extravagant  expenditure  return 
to  vex  the  inventors.  In  case  oi^  a  deficiency  of 
revi  nue,  I  hope  the  chairman  of  Ways  and  Means 
will  prouipily  report  n  law  imposing  a  direct  tax 
to  .su|ij)ly  It.  I  will  cheerfully  vote  for  it  in  pref- 
erence to  the  other  mode.  The  imposition  and 
collection  of  a  direct  ta.x  will  accomplish  a  vast 
amount  of  good.  1  want  to  sec  the  pockets  of 
your  Astors  and  Appletons  reached.  I  want  to 
see  those  genilcinen  who  obtain  seats  upon  this 
lloor,  nnd  labor  might  and  main  to  procure  some 
appropriation  for  some  local  object  in  their  dis- 
li'icis,  and  then  go  back  to  tlioir  constituents  and 
plume  themselves  upon  their  feats,  and  ask  to  be 
Hguin  returned,  because  they  have  succeeded  in 
obtaining  one  or  two  hundred  thousand  dollars 
from  the  treasury  for  their  special  benefit,  follow 
round  at  the  Ii.m,Is  of  the  collector  of  the  tax.  I 
want  to  hear  what  they  will  then  .say  for  them- 
selves. I  want  to  hear  them  answer  the  inquiry  of 
the  ta.x  payer  as  to  what  they  have  done  with  the 
money.  Will  they  then  dare  tell  them  they  have 
been  Ijuildiii!;  imor-houaes  at  Louisville  anil  other 
}ilaces;  that  tliey  had  been  voting  appropriations  to 
the  Ciiinberhnid  road,  and  to  remove  the  Muscle 
kShoaU  out  of  the  T(;inieasee  river,  end  a  thousand 
other  things  of  a  similar  cl  .laeler;  and  that  they 
lind  to  do  all  tlii.s  and  be  .generous,  in-  ot'ii!r\vise 
they  could  not  succeed  in  obtaining  the  glorious 
tilings  for  them  ihey  had  bei  n  striving  for  ?  I  want 
lo  s 'c  this  tested  thoroughly,  luid  then  hear  men 
talk  about  jiisliee. 

I  have  ihoiight,  sir,  it  would  be  the  happiest 
thing  for  llic^  nalioii,  if  a  direct  tax,  amounting 
to  about  five  millions,  could  be  collcelcil,  e\cn 
should  the  money  be  sunk  in  the  ocean;  then  we 
should  bear  no  more  about  ho.^pilals,  ('iimberland 
roads,  Museli!  Shoals,  or  any  of  that  class.  Then 
the  chairinan  of  the  Coininiliee  of  Ways  and 
Means  would  no  longer  be  troubled  with  sucees.sl'iil 
allcmpts  to  insert  into  his  annual  appropriatuin 
bills,  ainrndineni.s  providing  appropriaiions  lorono 
local  oliject  or  anothi  r,  until  he  became  disi;uste(l, 
and  IS  willing  to  abandon  their  siippmi.  Then  the 
allcntioii  of  every  incinlier  would  be  directed  to  a 
tliin'(nigh  examination  of  every  item,  lo  see  if  he 
could  find  anything  that  could  be  retrenched  with- 
out serious  detriment  to  the  public  service.  I  repeat, 
1  ardently  long  to  behold  such  a  state  of  hings. 

In  cinielusion,  Mr.  Cliairniiin,  I  wish  to  address 
a  few  reinurks  to  the  consiilcralion  of  my  col- 
leagues on  this  llocw.  The  situation  of  onr  State 
is  such  that  wo  have  nothing  to  guiii  by  this  profli- 


gate system  of  legislation;  our  I'onds  and  canals 
are  iTtade,  our  hospitals  have  been  erected:  all  this 
we  have  been  compelled  to  do  for  iiirselvcs.  I 
would  to  God  we  could  give  he:- entire  vote  herein 
opposition  to  every  part  of  the  scheme.  Then, 
iiKleed,  the  system  would  be  ehaken  to  i;s  foun- 
dation. Her  thirty-four  vote.i  ill  one  united  body 
could  restore  the  Constitution  to  its  original  vigor; 
could  enforce  economy  nnd  every  desirable  relorm. 
But  I  have  no  right  to  expect  this  from  my  politi- 
ctU  opponents.  Permit  nie  to  say  to  my  political 
associates  that  we  may  accomplish  much.  Let 
us  make  our  twenty-one  votes  count  every  time 
on  the  sije  of  the  donstitution  and  of  justice,  and 
if  any  one  olTers  to  dole  ont  to  us  for  one  of  our 
constituents  some  five  or  ten  thousand  dollars,  let 
us  reject  it  with  scorn;  and  if  we  cannot  cnlirehj 
overthrow  the  system,  we  can  do  much  in  nrresiing 
its  onward  progress.  This  I  believe  our  constitu- 
ents e.xpect  and  demand  at  our  hands. 


I  made  it  proper  in  my  judgment  to  change  my  de- 
termination in  regaril  to  the  command  of  the  army; 
and  the  Secretary  of  AVar,  by  my  direction,  in  liis 
I  letter  of  the  S5'h  of  May,  184G,  a  copy  of  which  is 
j  also  herewith  communicated,  for  the  reasons  there- 
j  in  assigned,  informed  General  Scott  that  he  was  re- 
I  licved  from  the  command  of  the  army  destined  to 
prosecute  the  war  against  Mexico,  nnd  that  he 
I  would   remain   in   the  discharge  of  his  duties  at 
!  Washington.    The  comninnd  of  the  nrmy  on  the 
frontier  of  Mexico  has  since  been  assigned  to  Gen- 
eral Taylor  with  his  brevet  rank  of  major  general, 
j  recently  conferred  upon  him. 
<\  .lAMKS  K.  I'OLK. 

I      Washington,  June  8,  lt*4G. 


GENERALS  SCOTT  AND  GAINES. 

MESSAGE  I 

or  ' 

THE  PRESinENT  OF  THE  I'NITED  STATES,  I 
In  answer  to  n  rcsolittion  of  the  .Senate  of  the  5th  [ 
of  .Tunc,  relative  to  the  calling  of  volunteers  or 
militia  into  the  service  of  the  United  States,  by 
an  olHcer  of  the  army,  without  Icgid  authority;  \ 
to  the  measures  adopted  for  the  defence  of  the  i 
southern  frontier,  &c.  1 

To  the  Srnnle  of  the  United  Stales  ;  | 

I  communicate  herewith  a  report  from  the  Sec- 
retary of  War,  transmitting  the  correspondence  • 
cnlletl  for  by  the  resolution  of  the  Senate  of  the  flth  ' 
instant,  with  General  KdimnulP.  fJninnsnnd  General  j 
If  "ill /if  W  Scott,  of  the  army  of  the  Unitetl  States.       I 
The  report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  the  nc-  . 
companying  correspondence  with  Ucneral  Gaines, 
contain  all  the  information  in  my  possession  in  I 
relation  to  calls  for  "  volunteers  or  militia  into  the 
service  of  the  United  States"  "  by  any  officer  of 
the  nrmy,"  without  legal  "authority  therefor," 
nnd  of  the  "  measures  which  have  been  ndoplccl" 
"  in  relation  to  such  otlicer  or  troops  so  cnlled  into 
service." 

In  addition  to  the  information  contained  in  the 
report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  the  accompany- 
ing correspondence  with  "  Major  General  Scott  of 
the  United  Slates  army,  upon  the  subject  of  his 
taking  the  command  of  the  army  of  occupation  on 
the  frontier  of  Texas,"  I  stnte,  tliiit  on  the  .same 
day  on  which  I  approved  and  signed  the  act  of  the 
I3ih  May,  1846,  entitled  "  An  act  providing  for 
the  prosccntimi  of  the  existing  war  between  the 
United  Slates  nnd  the  Republicof  Mexico,"  I  com- 
municated to  General  Srolt,  through  the  Secretary 
of  War,  nnd  nlso  in  a  personal  interview  with  lliiit 
ollicer,  my  desire  that  he  should  lake  command  of 
the  army  mi  the  Rio  Grande,  and  of  the  volunteer 
forces,  which  I  informed  him  it  was  my  intention 
forthwith  to  call  out  to  march  to  thnt  frontier,  to  be 
emphtyed  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war  against 
Mexico.  The  tender  of  the  commind  to  General 
Scott  was  voluntary  on  my  part,  and  wni  made 
without  any  request  or  intiinatiiu)  on  the  subject 
from  him.  It  was  made  in  consideration  of  his 
rank  as  ccnnmunder-in-chief  of  the  army.  My 
communienlions  with  General  Scott  assigning  liiiii 
the  command  were  vc  .al,  first  through  the  Secre- 
tary of  War,  and  aflei  wards  in  person.  No  writ- 
ten order  was  deemed  to  be  necessary.  General 
Scott  assented  to  assume  the  comninnd,  and  on  the 
followin;:  dcy  I  had  another  inlerview  with  him 
and  the  Secreinry  of  War,  in  relation  to  llie  num- 
ber and  apportionment  among  the  several  Stales  of 
the  ycdunicer  Ibrces  to  be  called  out  for  immediale 
service;  the  forces  which  were  lo  be  organized  nnd 
held  in  readiness  subject  to  a  future  call  should  it 
bccmne  necessary;  and  othi'r  mililary  preparmions 
and  movements  lo  be  made  with  a  view  to  the 
vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war.  It  wasilislinclly 
selllcd  and  was  well  understood  by  Gi  oeral  Scott, 
that  he  was  to  command  the  army  in  the  wnr  against 
Mexico,  and  so  continued  to  be  settled  nnd  under- 
stood, without  nny  other  intention  on  my  part,  un- 
til the  Secretary  of  War  submitted  to  me  the  letter 
of  tJeneral  Scott,  addressed  to  him  under  dale  of 
the  aisl  of  May,  I84G,  a  copy  of  which  is  here- 
willi  coinntunicatcd.    Tlic  character  of  that  letter 


Waii  Dkpaiitmknt,  June  8,  1840. 

Sin:  In  compliance  with  yiair  direction,  1  have 
the  honor  to  transmit  hen  with  such  letlers  and 
documents  as  arc  in  tliis  department,  to  enable  you 
lo  answer  the  resolulion  of  the  Senate  of  the  otii 
instant,  requesting  inlbrination.  First,  in  relation 
to  unaulhori'/.ed  calls  of  voliinteeisand  militia  into 
the  service  of  the  Uniieil  States  by  any  officers  of 
the  army,  &c.  Second,  ihe  correspondence  be- 
tween the  Secretary  of  War  and  Major  Gei.'ial 
Scott,  on  the  subjeet  of  his  taking  the  command  of 
the  army  of  occupation  on  the  frontiers  of  Texas, 
ifcc.  And  third,  the  correspondence  between  Gen. 
Gaines  nnd  the  Governmeni,  from  the  lstof,Iune, 
1845,  totio  present  time,u|)on  the  subject  of  volun- 
teers or  militia  ordered  to  the  frontiers  of  Texas. 

Tiie  information  requested  in  the  first  and  last 
branches  of  the  resolution,  is  mainly  fiirnisiied  by 
the  correspondence  herewith  submiticd  betwetii 
this  department  and  General  Gaines,  who  is  the 
only  oltlcerof  the  army  known  to  have  cidled  for 
volunteers  or  militia  without  legal  authority  within 
the  period  specified.  The  first  unauthorized  call 
by  tliat  oliicer  was  made  on  the  Governor  of  Lou- 
isiana on  the  loth  of  August,  1845,  for  two  com- 
panies of  volunteer  artillery,  (about  'JUO  men,) 
which  were  mustered  into  service  on  the  aist  of 
that  month,  and  immediately  sent  to  Texas,  to  re- 
port to  General  Taylor  at  Corpus  Chrisli.  As 
soon  as  information  of  this  call  was  made  known 
to  the  department,  General  Gaines  was  reminded, 
in  a  communication  addressed  to  him,  that  author- 
ity to  make  such  calls  was  vested  only  in  the  I'res- 
ident;  and  that  "  the  emergency  which  would  tol- 
'  crate  or  excu.se  the  assumption  of  this  authoriiy  by 
'  a  military  officer  in  comnmnd  at  a  disiaiice  trout 
'  the  seat  oi" government,  in  anticipation  of  ihe  Pres- 
'ident 'suction  must  be  one  indicating  great  and  iin- 
'  minent  peril  lo  the  cminlry — a  peril  so  great  and 
'  so  iniminent  as  to  leave  no  reasonable  doubt  that 
'  the  I'resident,  wilh  a  full  knowledge  of  all  ihe  cii- 
'  cuinslaiii:cs  oftlie  case,  would  have  felt  it  lo  be 
'  his  duly  to  resort  to  such  aid."  As  the  call  had 
been  promptly  respmuled  to,  and  the  troops  sent  to 
their  destination  before  the  aciimi  of  General  Gaiias 
could  be  stayed.  General  Taylor  was  directed  to 
receive  and  retain  them  in  service,  as  long  as,  in 
his  judgment,  the  public  exigency  iniglil  require, 
allbough  by  your  direeiion  Giiieial  Gaines  was 
informed  that  his  proceeding  was  not  ap|  -ovcd  by 
you.  These  volunteers  were  discharged  .  d  sc  iit 
iiome  on  the  expiration  of  their  three  months'  term 
of  service. 

No  further  calls  appear  to  have  been  made  by 
General  Gaines  for  volunteers  or  militia,  iiiiiil  early 
in  May  of  the  present  year,  when  iinaiilhori/.ed 
reriui'sts  or  requisil'ons,  in  various  forms,  and  of 
dili'erent  import,  were  made  by  liim  for  a  volun- 
teer force,  scnnc  to  be  in  readiness,  and  olliers  fm- 
immediale  entrance  iiilo  service,  the  amount  of 
which  is  not  yet  known  al  this  department,  but 
as  Ihr  as  asecrlained,  is  embraced  in  a  slatemeiit 
which  is  amcaig  the  doeumeiit.s  lierewilh  fiirnislii  d. 
It  is  also  uiiderstooil  that  he  has  taken  ineasurcs 
lo  orcani/.R  troops  inilepi'iidenl  of  his  calls  upon 
Stales  tbriaigh  the  respective  Governiu's;  and  the 
acr-onipanying  documenis  show  that  he  had  ap- 
pointed various  slalT  olficers,  wilhont  iiislruction.s 
m"  legal  authority.  As  soon  as  iiiforimition  was 
received  <if  those  proceediiii;s,  prtnnpt  measures 
were  taken  lo  ciumleract  lliem,  and  lo  arrest  this 
c(airsc  of  independent  action.  A  pm'tion  of  those 
thus  called  into  service  by  requisitions  upon  the 
Governors  of  Alabama,  Mississippi,  and  Missouri, 
having  promptly  responded  to  the  same,  the  Gov- 
ernors of  those  States  were  informed  thut  these 


tf 


650 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAT.  GLOBE. 


[Juno  8, 


a9Tii  CoNfi 1st  Sess. 


Oencrals  ScoU  and  Oaines. 


Senate. 


culls  upon  thorn  hml  been  recognised  "to  Ihetxlffit 
of  tilt  numbers  furnished  ami  sent  tn  Texas."    To 
lliis  exient,  nnd  no  Cnrtlicr,  Ims  the  conduct  of 
Gem  ml  Giiincs,  in  mnldn^  requisitions  callin;;  into  | 
scrviei'  and  or^'unizins;  troops,  lipcn  recognised,  and  : 
all  Iieyond  has  been  distinctly  disapproved.  ; 

I!y  your  direction,  orders  have  been  issued,  re-  \ 
lieving  liim  from  the  command  of  the  western  di-  I 
vision,  and  requiring  him  to  repair  to  this  city. 

The  correspondence  called  for  by  the  .second  i 
branch  of  the  resolution  accompanies  this  eommu-  , 
nicalion.  In  relation  to  that  part  of  it  which  nsks 
fur  ijifiirinatii>n  "whether  any  order  was  nt  any 
time  civeu  by  the  President  or  .Secretary  of  War 
1(1  Gciu-ral  Scott  to  proceed  to  the  Uio  Grande,  or 
to  take  cianmand  of  the  army,*' (*tc.,  1  have  to  state 
that,  about  the  time  the  law  reeosnising  the  exist-  ' 
eiicc  of  a  war  between  the  United  Stales  nnd  Mex- 
ico, and  antliori/.injjf  the  rai.siii<j:  a  vohuiteer  force 
of  lil^y  thousand  men,  was  passeil,  i  hnd  a  ennver- 
salion  with  AInjor  General  Scott,  ami,  by  your  di- 
ri'ction,  informed  him  that  you  intended  to  put  the 
army  designed  to  operate  against  M{;xico  lUider  his 
'mntediate  command,  and  invited  hint,  as  yon  re- 
jucsled  me  to  do,  to  call  on  yon,  for  the  purpose 
of  receivins:  your  views  and  instructions.  An  in- 
terview bctwien  yom'sulf  and  him,nt  which  I  was 
prr-^eru,  shortly  after  took  place,  when  you  an- 
nounced to  him  your  determination  to  assij^n  him 
lo  the  command  of  the  anuy  in  the  war  against 
Mexico.  The  order  anil  instructions  lo  him  were 
verbal,  and  1  am  tint  aware  that  they  have  been 
rciterateil  in  writing.  He  immediately  enlereil 
upon  the  necessary  arrangement.*  to  carry  into  ef- 
l\''-t  your  views  and  iustruetiojis,  and  down  to  the 
jtresent  time  has  been  assiduously  engaged  in  the 
duties  of  his  ollice.  Interviews  and  consultations 
between  him  and  inyselt',  ot>cn  at  my  particular  in- 
stance, have  very  freqia-ntly  taken  plare  in  regard 
to  arrangements  and  preparations  fin'  carrying  on 
the  war.  When  I  tirst  eiunnumicated  to  him  your 
intention  lo  place  him  in  the  command  of  the  army, 
hen'pliiil,  that  he  should  neither  decline  nor  solicit 
that  service;  but  at  once,  on  rereiving  your  verbal 
order,  entered  readily  into  the  preparatory  meas- 
ures lo  carry  them  into  elVect.  I  am  not  aware  that 
he  claimed  "lliat  connuand  was  due  to  him  from 
his  rank  in  the  army,"  or  expressed  any  wisli  to 
be  asaigned  lo  it,  until  his  prelVrenei'  was  intima- 
ted in  his  letter  of  the  2.")th  ullimo,in  reply  to  mine 
of  the  .same  date,  and  his  claim  .set  forih  fn  that  of 
lhc37ib,both  which  are  among  the  papers  here- 
with sii!miitii-il.  lliswishrs  in  this  respect  have 
not  been  made  known  to  mc,  fiiither  tlinn  they  are 
expressed  in  these  two  lettei-s.  1  had  no  intimation 
wliatever  that  yiiii  iiiteiuleil  to  change  or  thought 
of  reconsidering  llie  orders  lo  Cieneral  .*^.-oti,  eom- 
miiliiig  to  hi:n  liie  .'oinniand  of  the  army  lo  operate 
ngronsi  iMexieo,  iiiiiil  1  hail  submitted  lo  you  his  ■ 
Idler  lo  me  of  the  Ulsi  ultiuii).  .\fter  your  exami-  \ 
nation  of  that  Icier,  I  re 'eived  yoiir  direction, 
ehauijing  your  previous  onli  rs,  and  comnuinicated 
It  to  liiiii  ill  my  letter  of  the  o.'illi  of  M.iy. 

I  have  ihe  honor  to  be,  willi  'jreat  respeel,  your 
obedient  servant,  W.  L.  M.VllCV, 

To  liie  I'residkxt. 


roi!iiK,-'P'>viii:\(i;  ni:i'\vi-i;\  tiik  Hr.rrii:r.\uv 
Of  w.xu  .vMi  (;i:\i;i!.\i.  .^t'oi-i'. 

lIi;.iniir\RTK.iis  ok  tiik  Ahmv, 

irii.'.7iiag/im,.l/i/i(  -,'1,  IMIG. 
Silt:  I  have  received  lei  orile'is,  as  yet,  assign- 
lie^  nie  to  the  immediate  eomiu.uid  of  the  army 
about  it>  be  raised  tu  i  ou.pi<;r  a  peac.,-  w'itbin  Mex- 
ico: bill  I  have  been  told  to  hold  myself  in  readi- 
ness fur  ih.il  servi"!'.  I'rom  tint  nionieiil  !  have 
oiiMipied  myself  iiicess:iiitly  Willi  the  vast  prelim- 
inary uir.uerements  winch  c.-in  only  be  made  ad- 
vaniau'eiiiisly  at  this  place,  tliroU'_'h  the  respcelive. 
1  liiefs  of  the  general  stall' — llie  Adjutant  General, 
'  In.irterin.ister  (.ieneral,  Corinniss.iry  General  of 
Sni.sisreiiee,  C\iu  f  of  Onlnance, and  .Snrireini  Gen- 
eral.  1  h:ive  lieeii  iniii'h  occupied,  also,  in  the  (lis- 
Iribiition  of  the  (|Uolas  of  \  olunteers  needed  amoii:^ 
the  severil  .Stales;  in  apportioniii'^  the  hmse  to 
the  foot;  in  the  study  id'  the  routes  of  march  and 
water-conveyances  fur  the  several  bodies  of  troops 
to  Ihe  besi  points  on  the  IVonliers  of  .Mexico;  in  the 
s-liidy  of  the  norilicrn  inlerior,  and  the  southern 
routes  of  that  republic;  in  looking  to  the  means  of 
lianapurlatiuii  on  the  Uiu  Grande,  to  and  beyond 


in; 


t'int  river;  in  determining  the  dep6ta  of  supplies  of 
all  sorts  on  this  side,  &e.,  Ac. 

As  these  matters  nre  respectively  settled,  or- 
ders nnil  instructions  have  been,  or  will  be  given, 
10  the  chiefs  of  the  general  slaffnt  ihi.s  place,  and 
the  routes  of  march  and  wiiler-eonveyancps,  to- 
gether with  the  depoLs  for  supplies  of  every  de- 
scription, nre  finally  to  be  eomnuinicnted  to  the 
unknown  ccniimniulers  of  volunleera  whose  .ser- 
vices nre  to  bo  accepted. 

In  the  inidst  of  these  multitudinous  nnd  indis- 
pensable occupations,  I  have  learned  from  yon  Ih.tt 
much  inipniicnce  is  already  felt,  perhaps  in  hiirh 
quarters,  that  I  have  not  already  put  myself  in 
route  for  the  Uio  Grande;  nnd  now,  with  fourteen 
hours  n  day  of  preliminary  work  remaining  on 
my  hands  for  many  days,  1  find  myself  compelled 
to  slop  that  necessary  work,  lo  guard  myself 
against,  perhaps,  utter  eondenination  in  the  quar- 
ters alluded  lo.  I  am  too  old  a  soldier,  and  have 
li;id  too  much  special  experience,  not  to  feel  the 
infinite  impmlancc  of  securin;'  myself  n^'ainst  dan- 
eer  {ill-will  or  |ire-enndeninatioii)  in  my  rear  be- 
fiire  advancing  upon  the  public  enemy. 

Is'ot  an  ailvanl.iu'i  oils  step  can  be  laken  in  a  for- 
ward march  without  the  confiilenco  that  all  is  well 
behind.  If  insecure  in  that  (|narler,  no  general 
can  put  his  whole  heart  nnd  mind  into  the  work  lo 
be  done  in  front.  I  am,  therefore,  not  a  little 
alarmed,  nay,  crippled  in  my  energies,  by  the 
knowdedge  of  the  impatience  in  question,  nnd  1  beg 
to  say  I  fear  no  other  danger. 

My  Inlenlions  have  been,  after  mnking  nil  pre- 
liminary arraiijcnienls  here,  lo  pa.s.s  down  the  Ohio 
nnd  Mississippi,  lo  see,  or  to  assure  myself  by  cor- 
respoudonce,  that  the  volnnteers,  on  whom  wo  are 
mostly  to  rely  in  the  pro.secniion  of  the  existing 
war,  are  rapidly  ii.--'sembliiig  for  the  service;  lo 
learn  the  prolmiile  time  of  their  readiness  to  ad- 
vance upon  Mexico;  to  ascertain  if  their  supplies 
of  every  kind  are  in  pl.ace,  or  arc  likely  to  be  in 
place  in  snificient  time;  to  hasten  one  and  the  other; 
to  Imrmoni/.e  the  inoveinenls  of  volunteers,  nnd  to 
modify  their  routes  {if  iieces.sary)  so  that  all,  oral 
least  a  sullicieut  number,  shall  arrive  at  the  indi- 
cated points  in  the  Mexican  frontier  at  the  best 
periods,  and,  as  far  as  practicable,  about  Ihe  same 
lime.  All  that  I  have  but  shtlclird  I  deem  U)  be 
not  only  useful  lo  success,  but  indispensable.  As 
a  .■soldier  I  make  this  asserlion,  without  the  fear  of 
cnnlradiclion  from  any  linnist  and  randld  soldier. 

Against  Ihe  m(  cajiliindum  cnndenniation  of  all 
other  persiins,  whoever  may  be  ilc  ;a'.imled  for  the 
high  command  in  inicslion,  ihere  <  n  be  no  reliance 
(in  his  absence)  oilier  than  the  a.'iivc,  candid,  and 
steady  support  of  his  Govermuenl.  If  I  cannot 
have  that  sure  basis  to  rest  upon,  it  wiM  be  infi- 
nitely better  fur  the  coiinlry  (not  to  speak  of  my 
personal  security)  that  some  other  couunander  of 
the  new  army  iciaiust  Mexico  should  be  selecUd. 
No  mailer  who  he  may  be,  he  shall,  at  least,  be 
judged  and  supported  by  mo,  in  this  office,  and 
everywhere  else,  as  I  would  desire,  if  per.sonnlly 
in  that  command,  lo  be  myself  judifed  nnd  sup- 
ported. 

My  explicit  meaning  is,  that  I  do  not  desire  to 
place  myself  111  the  most  perilous  of  all  positions — 
'(  fire  njmn  lay  reur  I'linu  IVtWihinftnn,  and  a.Jire  in 
frinit  from  Ihe  ^Vr.r'trom, 

It  was  distinctly  iiilmitted,  and  laid  down  as  a 
basis,  in  Ihe  interviews  I  had  the  honor  lo  hold 
with  the  I'resident  and  yourself  on  the  subject, 
that  a  special  army  of  some  lliirlv  ihotisana  troops, 
re^^ulirs,  and  twelve  mouths'  volunteers  would  be 
necessary  for  the  m  ich  agiiiist,  and  ihe  eonqiiesi 
of  a  peace  in  Mexi.  o.  i  adlieie  |o  that  opininii. 
It  is  foreseen,  wit'i  lolerable  cerloiniy,  that  we  shall 
noi  h.-ive,  in  man  /  nionilis,  more  than  seven  tliuu- 
sand  (if  qniui  si  many)  re:;ulars,  applicable  to 
lli.it  service.  The  reni.iiniiig  nuinbers  are  lo  be 
mule  up  in  voliiniecr  horse  and  loot.  I  suppose 
of  these,  laken  together,  about  17,111111  have  lieen 
actually  called  fir.  There  is  yet  irood  time  I  think 
lo  make  Ihe  additions  suggested  in  one  of  the 
tjibles  I  Inid  the  honor  to  siiiiinit  last  iiiixhi. 

The.  qiiesiion  follows;  lly  what  time  can  an  army 
of  aliiiiit  :ill,0(IO,  as  above,  be  brought  to  act  from 
tin;  ditlcreiit  points  a;xreed  upon  in  the  interviews 
alluded  to  upon  .Mexico  • 

More  111. Ill  half  of  the  7,11110  regulars  rem;iin  to 
be  reiriiiled.  I  hope  lliey  may  be  obtained  and 
taken  to  llio  Kio  Grande,  though  raw  or  unin- 


1846.] 


slructcd,  by  the  first  of  September  next.  Cnu 
two-thirds,  or  even  a  hnlf  of  the  volunteer  horse  br 
gnl  to  thnt  river  much  before  that  time .'  I  greatly 
doubt  the  possibility — without  the  shadow  of  a. 
doubt  about  the  patriotism  or  zeal  of  the  citizens 
who  have  been  specinlly  cnlled  upon.  The  fnot 
volunteers,  aided  by  water  transportation,  (be- 
lieved lo  be  impossible  with  Ihe  horse,)  mny,  pro- 
bably, reach  nil  the  points  for  commencing  opera- 
tions n  week  or  two  earlier.  But  if  horse  be  a 
necessary  element  tn  success,  (nnd  two-thirds,  if 
not  three-fourths,  of  the  Mexican  army  are  un- 
derstood to  he  in  the  saddle,)  what  utility  would 
there  be  in  fVircing  the  foot  much  abend  of  the 
I  horse.'  This  ought  to  he  a  matter  of  arrange- 
ment, left  to  the  commander  of  Ihe  .special  army, 
as  information  may  open  upon  him  in  liis  progress 
lo  the  Mexican  frontier,  near  Ihe  heads  of  columns, 
or  within  easy  corresponding  distnnco  with  most 
of  them.  The  pnrlicnlar  question  here  then  re- 
curs :  Can  the  horse  regiment  from  Kentucky, 
(the  most  dislnni  from  Mexico,)  or  that  from  Ten- 
nessee, (.say  nineteen  dnys  nearer.)  reach  the  Uio 
Gmnde  (h\j  land  be  it  remembered)  much  before 
the  day  (1st  of  September)  before  mentioned.'  I 
have  learned  personally  from  the  zealous  and  in- 
telliirent  Adjutant  General  (Iludley)  of  Kentucky, 
that  that  nmst  distant  horse  regiment  cannot  be 
a.ssembled  (say)  at  Krnnkfort  on  the  Bowling- 
gri  en,  earlier  llinn  the  latter  part  of  June. 

Thence  it  will  prob.ibly  be  obliged  lo  march  via 
Memphis,  Fulton,  on  the  Red  river,  San  Antonio 
do  Kexar,  \c.,  a  line  of  some  120U  miles.  The 
routes  of  the  Tennessee,  Arkansas,  nnd  Missis- 
si|ipi  horee  will  bo  respectively,  say  400,  (iOO,  and 
TIM)  miles  shorter;  but  even  the  middle  or  Teinics- 
seo  lior.se  regiment  cannot,  allowing  not  a  day  for 
inslrnclion  at  its  rende/.vous,oron  ilic  route,  reach 
the  Uio  Grande  befiire  (according  to  all  ciimputii- 
tions  we  can  make  here)  the  middle  of  AuL'iist. 

I  think,  considering  that  we  cannot  hope  lo  have 
more  than  POO  regular  cavali-y  on  the  lower  Uio 
Grande,  no  commander  would  be  willing  to  enter 
Mexico  without  both  the  Kentucky  and  Tennes- 
see regiments  of  horse,  and  all  tfiat  have  been 
called  from  points  nearer  to  the  field  of  expected 
operations.  I  may  now  slate  a  fact  which  seems 
In  be  conclusive  as  to  the  period  best  for  taking  up 
lines  of  operations  from  nnd  beyond  the  lower  llio 
Grande. 

All  Ihe  information  that  can  be  obtained  here 
represents  that  the  rainy  s<,ison  on  and  south  of 
the  Uio  Grande,  begins  about  June,  and  lerniinalcH 
about  the  Isl  of  Sepieinber;  llnil,  during  that  sea 
son,  Ihe  hoof  of  the  horse  and  the  mule  beconiis 
sot'lened  (though  shod)  and  diseased  so  as  lo  dis- 
able ihe  animal  for  travel  and  work.  Asain:  it  is 
at  llic  end  of  the  rainy  season,  and  for  some  weeks 
later,  lluil,  in  the  noitlieru  provinces  of  .Mexico, 
men  and  horses  would  have  the  best  chance  to 
obtain  drinking  water,  the  horsesllie  best  ^'razinu', 
:ind  the  commissaries  the  best  beef  and  nuiltcai  for 
men. 

Unt  nnother  reason  has  been  mentioned  why  I 
should  leave  the  preliminary  work  lo  he  done  here, 
and  abandon  the  tvvelve-moutlis  volunteirs  lo  find 
their  way  as  lliey  may  lo  tliii  Mexican  frontier — 
viz:  the  number  of  patriotic  Ijonisiiinians  who  have 
poured,  mill  are  pouring  in,n|ion  Ih-evel  Urigadier 
General  Taylor,  at  Point  Isaliel  or  opposite  ,Mal- 
aiuoros. 

Those  meritorious  volunteers  can,  under  the  cir- 
eunistanies,  have  legally  euiraired  for  three  months 
only.  They  could  have  had  no  knowledge  of  the 
volunleer  iu'i  of  .May  l.'l,  HKi,  withoiii  which  no 
enrolineiii  for  more  ihan  three  months  would  b" 
hi  ml  ill:;  upon  them.  After  llial  term,  without  a  for- 
mal reeiiriilinent,  under  the  rcceni  act,  fiir  the  long- 
er prricid,  not  an  olfieer  or  a  man  could  be  legally 
held  to  service  or  tried  for  any  oU'eiice  whatever. 
They  evidently  hastened  to  the  si'eiie  of  danger  lo 
succor  our  lilile  army  there;  lo  save  it  from  what 
they  no  doubt  deemed  probable  surrender  or  th^- 
strnetion.  Many  of  the  tionisianians  may  b(^  ready 
lo  beeiune  twelve  months  volnnteers,  and  to  be 
organized  legally  as  such.  As  three-months  men 
they  could  hardly,  even  in  the  nbsence  of  hostile 
forces,  march  to  Monterey,  befiire  beciuning  en- 
titled to  (no  doubt)  an  honorable  discharge.  I'e- 
fiiie  ihc  time  for  that  discharge,  it  may  cerlainly  bo 
well — if  numbers  of  them  do  not  voliinlei'r  under 
the  recent  net — to  send  the  quotas  of  fool,  cnlled  for 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLODE. 


651 


iJ9TH  CoNo 1st  Skss. 


Generals  Scott  and  Gaines. 


Sknatk. 


from  the  lower  Mixsissippi,  to  aid  Gi-neral  Taylor 
in  defemling  )iiH  poHitiona,aiid  pcrhtipH  U>kin{>;  iiuw 
one.H  on  tlie  otlicr  side  of  llio  Rio  Grande.  But  for 
tlie  conquest  of  a  pence,  by  regular,  inceRsant,  and 
forward  niovcmenls,  the  baMis  of  our  calculations 
hero  (as  to  numbers)  must  bo  altoi;ellier  exlrava- 
f;anl,  if n  rnucU  larger  army,  iniludins;  that  in  po- 
sition, and  one  very  difl'crcnlly  cimiposed,  (in  hor-'-e 
and  foot,)  be  not  necessary.  It  was  to  command 
such  larger  army  that  I  understood  myselfas  likely 
to  be  sent  to  tlio  Mexican  froniior,  as  it  is  always 
ujijust  to  a  junior  KPiierol  who  has  done  well,  and 
is  suppo.sed  to  be  doing  well,  to  supersede  him 
by  a  general  of  higher  rank,  without  sending  with 
the  latter  corresponding  reinforcemcnis.  I  should 
esteem  myself  the  unhappy  instrument  of  wound-  | 
ing  the  honorable  pride  of  the  gallant  and  judicious  i 
Taylor,  if  ordered  to  supersede  him  under  ditVercnt 
circumstances.  I 

However    the    foregoing    suggestions   (hastily  I 
Ihrown  together)  may  be   viewed,  1  have  deemed 
it  due  more  lo  the  country  than  my  humble  self, 
that  I  .should  |>resent  them,  and  await  the  wishes 
or  the  orders  of  the  President. 

Willi  great  respect,  1  Imvc  the  honor  to  remain, 
sir,  your  nost  obedient  servant, 

WINl'IELD  SCOTT. 

Hon.  W.  L.  Marct,  Hecrctnrii of  fVar. 

War  Depahtme.s't,  J^Iaij  25,  1846. 

Sin:  I  have  received  your  ictler  of  the  aist  in- 
Ktimt,  and  considering  its  extraordinary  character, 
and  the  grave  matlers  sit  forth  therein,  rellecting 
upmi  the  motives  and  cts  of  the  President  in 

t(Midei'ing  to  you,  ash.  .las,  in  an  explicit  man- 
ner, the  I'oinnuind  of  the  forces  destined  for  the 
war  against  Mexico,  I  deemed  it  to  be  my  duty  to 
lay  it  before  liini,  and  to  take  his  direction  in  re- 
gard to  its  contents. 

The  passages  in  your  letter  which  have  excited 
his  surprise  and  deen  regret  arc  those  in  which  you 
impute  to  the  President,  in  terms  not  inexplicit,  ill 
vill  towanls  j'ouiHclf,  or  pre-conilemnttlinii,  and  a 
iiiurse  of  conduct  on  his  part  which  has  already, 
as  yon  allege,  impelled  your  labors  of  preparation 
and  crippled  your  energies. 

A  reference  to  two  iir  three  paras;raplis  in  your 
li'tler  will  show  that  he  is  not  at  liberty  to  give  a 
ililicrent  construction  lo  your  language.  V'ou  were, 
ihrougli  me,  and  also  at  u  personal  interview  with 
the  Piesiili'iit,  made  aci|iiainleil  with  his  settled 
deteriniiiaiion  to  put  you  in  imnicdiale  command 
of  the  forces  to  be  employed  in  carrying  on  the 
war  with  Alexico,  and  you  had,  as  you  state,  been 
devoting  your  lime  and  attention  to  preliminary 
and  preparatory  ariaiigenients.  "  In  the  midst  of 
'  ihe.se  nuilliuidinous  and  indisiicnsable  occupa- 
'  lions,"  you  say,  "  I  have  learned  from  you  iliat 
'  much  iin|)atience  is  already  felt,  perhaps  in  higli 
'  ipiarleis,  that  I  have  not  already  put  myself  in 

*  route  lor  the  llio  Grande;  and  now,  with  four- 
'  leen  hours  a  day  of  pri'liniiuary  work  remaining 
'  on  niv  hands  for  many  days,  I  find  niyself  com- 
'  pillid  lo  stop  that  necessary  work,  to  guard  mv- 
'  self  against,  perha|>s,  iitler  condemnation  in  ifie 
'  i|iiarlei's  alluded  lo,     I  am  too  old  a  soldier,  and 

*  have  had  ton  much  ttjircial  experience,  not  to  feel 

*  the  inliniie  imporlance  of  securing  myself  against 
'danger — (ill  will  or  pre-condemnation) — in  my 
'  ri-iU",  lu'lVn't*  advaiiring  upiui  the  public  enemy. 
'  Not  an  advanla;;eous  siep  can  be  taken  in  a  fnr- 
'waid  march,  wilhout  the  conlidence  that  all  is 
'  will  l)eliind.      If  insecure  in  thai  quarter,  no  geu- 

*  eral  can  put  his  whole  heart  and  mind  into  the 
'  work  lo  be  done  in  I'loiii.  1  am,  llicrefore,  not  a 
'  lillle  alarmed — nay,  rri;i;)/fi(  ill  my  energies — by 
'  ihe  knowledge  of  the  impalience  in  qucslion;  rnd 
'  I  lug  lo  say  I  fear  no  oilier  danger." 

Thislangiiagescarcely  requiiTsacomnicn',.  That 
it  conveys  llie  strongest  suspicion — not  to  say  a  di- 
rect impntalion  of  most  unworthy  molives  in  the 
Kxeculive  government — of  bad  failli  Inwards  yi.iir- 
self — of  a  reckless  disregard  of  the  interests  of  llie 
ciiunlry — of  adesign  Uicarry  on  a  warngainsi  you 
while  you  are  scnl  forili  lo  carry  on  n  war  against 
llie  public  ei.einy,  ihere  can  be,  I  think,  no  qiies- 
lioii.  You  must  allow  me  lo  advert  lo  Ihe  only 
fart  lo  wliicli  you  allude  as  ihe  foiindalion  forsiidi 
giave  imputations.  You  hair  liiirneil,  you  say, 
7'ii"ii  me  Ihat  much  iiii;M(iriirr  in  fill,  /irWiiiyis  in  high 
i/imrdiM,  that  ijou  are  not  alreiulij  put  in  mite  fur  the 


Rio  Grumle,  S(c.  What  was  said  on  this  point  at 
our  interview,  when  this  subject  was  alluded  to,  is 
not  so  fully  stated  as  it  ought  to  be,  considering 
the  purposes  to  which  you  have  converted  it.  You 
presented  to  me  fully  and  clearly  the  ditficullies  and 
delays  which,  in  your  opinion,  would  attend  the 
assembling  of  the  volunteers  on  the  Rio  Grande, 
and,  in  conclusion,  expressed  your  belief  that  it 
could  not  be  done  before  the  1st  day  of  September 
next.  I  then  alluded  to  the  troops  which  were  now 
hastening  to  General  Taylor's  standard,  under  his 
requisition — to  the  excited  feelings  of  the  country 
— to  the  patriotic  ardor  of  those  troops — lo  ihe  dis- 
appoinlment  which  both  they  and  the  eoniitry 
would  feel,  if  an  army  of  eight  or  ten  thousand 
men  were  on  the  Uio  tirande  comparatively  inac- 
tive during  their  entire  tnnr  of  service,  which,  be- 
ing limited  to  three  months,  would  terminate  before 
the  period  named  by  yon  for  iheas.semblingof  the 
volunteers  on  Ihe  Rio  Grande.  It  was  with  special 
reference  to  Ihe  employment  of  Ihe  troops  that  , 
would  '.le  on  that  frontier  by  the  1st  day  of  June,  | 
that  I  spoke  of  what  would  be  the  sentiments  of 
Ihe  country,  and  of  the  spirited  and  gallant  men 
who  had  enlered  into  the  service,  and  of  the  ex- 
pectations of  the  Executive  upon  this  subject.  I  ' 
was  well  aware  that  the  President  was  most  anx- 
ious that  the  war  should  be  prosecuted  with  ^ 
promptness  and  vigor,  and  thai  Ihe  brave  and  pa-  i 
triolic  men  who  had  been  called  out,  should  have 
an  opportunity  to  render  their  country  active  and 
clVective  service.  1  knew,  too,  that  the  President 
eonfidenlly  hoped  and  expected  that  a  large  portion 
of  Ihe  volunteers,  authorized  by  the  act  of  May 
13tli,  would  arrive  on  the  frontier  in  suflicient  force 
for  active  operations  before  the  time  which  you  in- 
dicnled.  With  the  view  of  securing  this  imporiant 
object,  the  most  energplicmea.snres  had  been  adopt- 
ed. Every  consideration  of  economy  nnil  duty 
forbade  that  the  troops  should,  if  thus  collecled,  be  1 
permitted  to  remain  inactive,  by  reason  of  the  ab- 
sence of  the  general  officer,  wlio,  fully  possessed  of  i 
the  views  of  the  Executive,  was  to  direct  their 
movements. 

I  did  not  deem  it  improper,  indeed  I  considered 
it  a  matter  of  duly,  lo  communicalelo  the  geneinl, 
to  whom  the  President  had  freely  confided  the 
management  of  the  war,  his  views  and  expect- 
lions  upon  this  ]ioinl.  That  this  communi'auon, 
made  in  ihe  manner  it  was,  should  not  have  been 
kindly  received,  is  surprising  to  me;  but  vastly 
more  so  is  the  fad,  that  it  should  be  made  ihc  j 
basis  of  the  most  oll'ensive  iniimlalion-'s  against  the 
I''.xcciitive  governmeni,  which  had  voliinlarily  sc- 
lecli'il  you  lo  conduct  our  army,  and  determined  to 
put  at  your  disposal  the  ai.olest  means  it  could 
command  lo  ensure  victory,  and  to  bring  the  war  , 

10  a  successful  and  speedy  lerminalion.  ' 
It  was  also  a  mailer  of  unfeigned  surprise  to  me 

that  you  should  have  allribufcd  lo  Ihe  President 
the  inlcnlion  of  opening  a  fire  upon  your  rear, 
while  a  lire  in  front  was  opened  upon  you  by  ih(\ 
enemy.  t)n  what  foundation  could  such  an  assiimp- 
lion  lesl  ?  Had  I'ot  the  President,  in  a  frank  and 
frienillv  spirit,  just  inlnisled  you  with  a  coinniaiid 
on  which  the  glory  and  interest  of  the  connlry  de- 
peiiileil,  lo  say  nothing  of  the  success  of  his  own 
admiiiislralion  -'  How  could  you,  under  these  cir- 
cumslances,  arresi  yinir  labors  of  preparation,  and 
siifler  your  energies  lo  be  crippled,  for  the  purpose 
of  indulging  in  illiberal  impnialions  a^'ainst  the 
man  who  hail  just  bestowed  upon  you  the  highest 
mark  of  his  confidence? 

Enlcrlaining,  as  it  is  most  evident  you  do,  the 
opinion  that  such  are  ihe  motives  and  designs  of 
the  l*!xeeutive  towards  you,  ami  declarinir  it  to  be 
your  explicit  meaning  ihat  "you  do  nol  ilesire  lo 
place  yourself  in  the  most  perilous  of  all  positions — 

11  fire  upon  ijnitr  rear  from  }ynshiii<:;lou,  and  the  fire 
III  front  from  the  Mexicaiia,"  and  so  enlerlaining 
llieni  entirely  wilhout  cause,  or  even  the  shadow 
of  justification,  the  President  would  be  warning  in 
his  duly  lo  the  connlry,  if  he  wen;  tojiersist  in  his 
delermi'nalion  of  imposing  upon  yon  the  command 
of  the  army  in  the  war  against  Mexico.  He  would 
probably  misunderstand  the  object  you  had  in  \  iew 
in  wriliii,"  your  letter,  and  disappoint  yourex|iccla- 
linns,  if  he  did  not  believe  that  it  was  intended  lo 
allcci  a  change  of  his  purpose  in  this  respect.  I 
am,  therefore,  directed  by  him  to  say  that  you  will 
be  conlinued  in  your  present  position  here,  and 
will  devote  your  efforts  to  making  nrrnngcmcnts 


and  preparations  for  the  early  and  vigorous  pioso- 
culion  of  hostilities  against  Mexico. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  rcspccifiillv ,  your 
obedient  servant,  W.  L.  MAJlCV. 

Major  General  Wixfieid  Scott, 
Commaniting  llencral,  Sfc. 

Headquahteiis  ok  the  army, 

HVu/iinf^/iiii,  .V«i/  "J."!,  1846. 
I  rcspcelfiilly  submit  to  Ihc  Si^crclary  of  War 
certain  leading  points,  on  the  sellleinenl  of  which 
I  will  depend  a  great  number  of  smaller  matlers  to 
I  be  attended  to  siicccs.sively  and  rapidly. 
t      My  allusion  is  to  the  dilferent  Sliite  quotas  of 
;  twelve-month  volunteers  which  have  been  called 
j  for,  and  which  are  to  be  ordered  to  march  against 
Mexico. 

I  suppone  that  those  volunteers  may  be,  by  Stales, 
I  assembled  at  their  respective  rendezvous  about  as 
1  follows: 

Ohio,  quota,  at  or  near  Cincinnati,  .Tn'"'.'  20, 1840. 
Kentucky,  quota,  at,  say  I'Vankforl  or  Bowling 
Green,  June  21),  lS4(i. 

Indiana,  quota,  al,  .say  Madison  or  Jefferson, 
June  2U,  184t). 

Illinois,  quota,  at,  say  Ciuiney  and  Shawncc- 
town,  June  25,  1841). 

Tennessee,  quol;i,  at,  say  Nashville  and  Mem- 
phis, June  25,  1846. 

Missouri,  quola,  nl,  say  Fort  Leavenworth  and 
Jefferson  Barracks,  June  95,  1846. 

Arkansas,  quota,  at,  say  Washington  or  Fulton, 
June  .'ID,  1846. 
!      Mississippi,  <|Uola,  at,  say  Natchez,  June  3\), 
\  1846. 

Alabama,  quota,  at,  say  Mobile,  June  .'tO,  1846. 
I  Georgia,  quota,  at,  say  Columbus,  on  Ihe  Clmt- 
I  taboochee,  June  :)l),  1846. 

1  The  great  difficulty  first  to  be  considered  is,  the 
;  placing  of  the  mounted  volunteers  on  the  I'io 
'  Grande,  and  at  Ihe  proper  poinls — say  (for  Ihe 
I  Chihuahua  expedition)  a  little  north  of  the  Presi- 
dio de  Rio  Grande;  and  (for  the  march  upon  Mon- 
terey and  south)  I't  Camargo  and  Malamuros,  or 
]  Rhinosa. 

I      Supposing  the  rivers  to  be  navigable  in  all  July 
!  ihr  steamers  of  the  middle  size,  ihe  lior.se  regiments 
may  be  Iransportrd  (but  at  vrrcat  cosi)  from   Ken- 
'  liicliy,  Tennessee,  Ac,  n'n  New  ftrleans  and  llie 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  lo  La  liaca,  (a  branch  of  Mata- 
gorda bay,)  and  thence  marched  to  the  Presidio  lie 
I  Uio  Grande,  .so  as  to  reach  that  more  dislanl  point 
by  (say)  the  1st  of  August.     The  horse  destined 
I  for  the  lower  poinls — as  Camargo,  Rhinosa,  and 
j  Malamoros — might  ]u'oceed,  by  sea,  lo  Point  Isa- 
;  liel,  and  thus  reach  the  Rio  Grande  a  little  earlii  r. 
]  liiil  the  horse  regiment  fnnn  Arkan-sas  would  be 
'  obliged  to  march  from   Fullcni  lo  the   Presidio  iln 
I'io  Grande,  (say)  600  miles,  which  would  delay 
its  arrival  to  about  the  lOlh  of  August. 
'       All  the  foot  volunlecrs  called  for,  aided  by  sicam, 
may  be   taken   lo  the  several  points  on  the  Rio 
I  Grande  a  lillle  earlier. 

It  is  thus  shown,  according  lo  the  best  ealcula- 

I  lions  which  can  be  made  here — no  mailer  how  great 

'  iho  zeal  and  energy  of  the  State  aiilhorilics  and  of 

j  ihe  volunleers  Ihemsclves — lb;u  Ihc  whole,   (say 

I  :h.',(H)l).)  nor  the  greater  part  of  the  Iwelve-inonlii 

volunleers — horse  and  fool — cannot  be  brouglil  on 

the  Rio  Grande  before  the  first  week  in  Augusi,  if 

so  soon. 

Assuming,  then,  Ihn  possibilily  of  uietling  (.say) 
22,(lll(l  Iwclve-nioiilh  volunleers  (horse  and  fool) 
[  in  position  on  the  Uio  Grande  by  Ihc  Isl,  or  even 
Ihe  IDili  of  Auu'usi,  and  leaving  out,  for  llic  pres- 
ent, Ihe  possiliilily  of  exlending  llu  regular  re-ri- 
nienls  (there  or  lo  be  -sent)  ''V  mw  rei  riiils  to 
6,(100  or  7,000  men— all  wilhin'l'  .same  lime-— I 
come  next  to  the  -■JrcuHi/ ilillieiilu  cini  the  troops, 
''  ajter  i^cltinff  in  position,  tolic  vp  tinea  of  oiierolions 
lieijond  that  riiur  vilh  any  priiliiiliililij,  luni,  possihililij, 
of  ailrantiifcr,  in  the  month  of  ,  lusiiist  .' 

This  is  the  question — put  here  in  the  second 
place,  but  which  is  the  ^irsl  in  importance — now 
to  be  met. 

As  a  soldier,  whether  I  am  to  command  in  lliii 
expediliiui  or  nol,  it  is  my  duly  lo  niret  il.  No 
matter  what  the  danger  to  myself — and  I  know 
that  I  have  already  been  condemned  for  having 
suggested  the  1st  ot  Heplembcr  as  the  earliest  day 
for  marching  much  beyond  ihc  Rio  Grande— ^I 
have  now,  according  to  better  and  most  reliable 


tii'' 


H' 


683 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Generab  Scott  and  Gaines. 


[June  8, 


Senate. 


inrurmntion,  conic  to  the  conclusion  thnt  auch 
opernlions  ciinnot,  nfter,  (s«y)  llie  lOtli  of  June,  or  , 
Lufurc  the  Ist  of  Oitober,  lie  (uutunicU  willi  the 
Irnst  possible  ailvnntiii;e.  This  is  ii  coiidiision 
which  (under  every  personiJ  (iiiiii;cr)  I  dare  an- 
ni/uiii'e,  iinil  I  \n;;  all  above  nie  in  aulhoiiiy  to  dis- 
cuss it  with  severiiy,  but  also  with  candor-,  and  if 
the  conclusion  shall  be  found  to  be  just,  that  1  may 
he  cordially  and  iiclively  suslaincd  against  llic 
clamors  of  the  ignorant  luid  the  slanders  of  the 
niiilii;n.  1  make  this  recpiest,  not  as  a  personal 
favor,  but  for  the  tjood  of  the  service,  so  far  as  my 
humble  abilities,  and  far  greater  experience,  may 
be  deianed  of  any  advantage  to  that  service. 

My  conclusion  as  lo  the  1st  of  October  is  found- 
ed on  the  nuist  satisfactory  information  derived 
flroiii  Colonel  A.  Duller,  a  distin^'uished  oUiccr  in 
the  war  of  ISI'2,  since  Minister  in  Mexico,  &c., 
and  from  General  J.  T.  Mason,  who  has  travelled 
much  in  Mexico  with  Coliuiel  ISutler.  It  is  clear 
til  my  mind  that  the  two  know  more  of  Northern 
and  Middle  Mexico  ihiui  all  other  persons,  taken 
together,  within  the  Di»trict  of  Columbia.  1  beg  to 
refer  lo  them.  They  ate  full,  precise,  anil  emphatic 
upon  the  subject. 

If  their  conclusion  (now  mine)  be  adopted  by 
the  liigher  aiiihiuities  here,  and  laid  down  ns  a 
basis,  then  these  smaller  points  und  deuiils  neces- 
sarily follow. 

Let  the  Stale  quotas,  as  above,  meet  at  their  re- 
spertive  rendezvous  without  delay,  be  inspected, 
nuistered  into  the  service,  and  armed  ns  prgmptly 
ns  practicable;  let  Iheni  be  supplied  with  .subsist- 
ence, camp  equipage,  be  put  under  instruction,  and 
held  in  readiness  to  move  in  time  to  reach  the  Rio 
Grande,  according  lo  the  routes  which  may  be  giv- 
en, a  little  before  the  bcjriinungof  Oclober — say  by 
the  2.")th  of  .September. 

U  is  here  assumed  that  all  spare  time  for  iiislrue- 
tion,  as  cavalry  or  as  infantry,  had  better  be  taken 
at  this  than  the  other  end  of  the  line  (Rio  Grande) 
of  march  or  water  transporialion;  ]st,  on  account 
of  health,  (while  at  rest;)  and,  ijd,  on  account  of 
abundance  and  cheapness  of  subsistence  and  other 


supplies 
ISut  th 


here  are  ollsets  against  these  advantages: 
1.  The  rivers  in  August  und  September  may  not 
furnish  as  good  navigation  as  in  July;  2.  Such  of 
the  troops  as  shall  be  obliged  to  pass  by  New  Or- 
leans may,  after  July,  be  in  danger  of  taking  ihe 
yellow  lever;  and  3.  The  earlier  presence  of  a  por- 
tion of  the  twelve-nKUiths  volunteers  may  (possibly) 
be  needed  to  aid  in  the  defence  of  posiliinis  on  the 
Rio  GiMMdc,  (say)  Matamoros,  Rhinnsu,  and  Ca- 
niargo,  wiiieh  General  Taylor  may  have  taken,  or 
ilesire  lotakc,  before  the  larger  army  can  be  ready 
(say  October  LSI)  lo  Uike  up  the  long  line  of  in- 
vasKui. 

All  these  points  1  am  ready  lo  discuss,  to  bal- 
ance, and  to  .siitle  with  till!  Secretary  of  War,  at 
his  call;  and  1  beg  lo  add  that  they  ought  to  be 
early  seiiliil. 

Now  1  linpelo  lie  pardoned  in  saying  something 
further  in  respect  lo  iiiysell". 

1  have  been  preparing',  by  looking  to  quotas,  ren- 
dezvous rouies,  (on  both  sides  of  the  Rio  Grande,) 
arms,  accoutrements,  camp  equipage,  subsistence, 
means  nf  Iraiisport.ition,  (steamers,  wheels,  and 
packs,)  .Mexican  topography,  Ac,  Ac,  in  order  to 
be  leady  to  obey  any  iiislruclions  lor  distant  ser- 
vice, with  which  the  Preside  iil  may  honor  nie. 
Such  have  iieen  my  incessant  occupations  since 
the  iniiinaiion  that  I  might  be  requireil  lo  ciinnnand 
the  new  forcis  au'ainst  Mexico.  I  think  my  pre- 
liminary and  necessary  occupations  may  be  ended 
here,  in  (say)  three  days  niori',  when,  premising, 
that  after  the  great  anil  brilliant  virtories  of  the 
gallant  Taylor,  (of  wbirli  we  ba\e  recently  heard,) 
I  sbonlil  be  ashameil  to  supersede  him,  before  the 
arrival  ofcimipelcnt  reinforcements  lo  penetrate  the 
interior  of  .Mexico  and  lo  conquer  a  peace,  I  shall 
be  ready  for  any  instructions  or  orders  with  which 
the  Prisideiit  may  honor  me. 

All  which  i,i  respectftillv  submilled. 

AVl.\!'li:i,l)SCOTT. 

lion.  W.  L.  Maucv,  •S'ffi'ffaii/i)/ llVir. 

HEADUlAnTF.RS  OF  TlIK  ArMV, 

l(ii.(/iiii(f(on,  .Wni/  A),  1H4G. 
Sir;  Your  letler  of  this  dale,  received  at  about 
six,  V.  M.,  as  1  sat  down  lo  take  u  hasty  plate  of 
soup,  deiuo-ids  u  prompt  rejily. 


You  have  taken  four  days  to  reflect,  and  to  con-  ' 
viel  me,  upon  my  letter  lo  you  of  the  2lHt  instant, 
of  oDicial,  perhaps  personal,  disrespect  to  the  con- 
stitulional  commanderin-chief  of  the  army  luid 
navy  of  the  United  Slates. 

If  you  have  succeeded  in  imparting  that  impres- 
sion to  the  President,  llieii,  by  ihe  conclusion  of 
your  letler,  wrillen  in  his  behalf,  I  am  placed  under 
very  high  obligatiouH  to  his  magimnimity^miiy  1 
nut  add,  to  Im  kimliusn? — in  not  placing  me  in- 
stantly in  arrest,  and  before  a  general  court  mar- 
lial.  I  may,  then,  hope  that  the  President  saw  no 
such  intended  disrespect;  and  I  can  assure  you  both 
that  1  feel  loo  great  u  deference  to  the  Constitution 
and  the  law  s  of  my  country  to  oiler  or  to  design  an 
indignity  to  our  Chief  Magistrate. 

The  sirongest  passages  in  my  condemned  letler 
are,  I  think,  hy|iotliitical.  In  it  I  spoke  of  "  im- 
patience"— "  perhaps  in  high  nuarlers;"  of,  "  per-  i 
Imps,  iiller  condemnation,  in  tlie  quarters  alluded 
to;"  of  the  "  iiifiniie  importance  of  securing  my- 
self again.^t  danger  (i7/-irt/tor  pre-rontliiniiativn)  in 
my  rear,"  and  of  that  "  most  perilous  of  all  posi- 
tions" to  any  commander — "  a  fire  upon  [his]  rear 
from  Washiiigion,  and  the  fire  in  front  from  the 
Mexicans."  And  I  also  spoke  of  the  necessity  of 
"  the  active,  candid,  and  steady  support  of  [such 
commander's]  Oovcrnment"  in  the  hope  of  con- 

j  ciliating  it. 

Now,  if  there  he  any  olfence  to  the  President  in 
these  passages — the  iiilention  of  committing  which 

'  I  ullerly  disclaim — it  must,  in  candor,  be  found  in 
Ihe  meaning  of  the  passages  "  high  quarters"  and 

;  the  "quarters  alluded  lo,"  which  qualify  all  the 
others  rpioled  by  yon. 

I  It  will  be  perceived  that  1  spoke  not  of  the  highest 
quarter,  but  in  the  plural,  "iiich  quarters;"  and  I 
beg,  as  an  act  of  justice,  no  less  lo  myself  than  the 
President,  lo  say  1  meant  "  impatience,"  and  even 
"  pre-condemnation,"on  yourparl,und  iheknown, 
open  and  violent  condemnation  of  me  on  the  part  of 
several  leading  [friends*]  and  supposed  couHdauls 
of  the  President  in  the  two  Hoii.ses  of  Congress, 
(liiuli  (pmi'lers;)  beciiiise,on  e.n  inlimalion — notan 
order — I  did  not  fly  to  the  Rio  Grande  without  wait- 
ing for  the  invading  army,  yet  to  he  raised — nay, 
abandoning  it  to  get  lo  that  river  as  it  could,  and 
without  the  least  regard  to  the  honoridile  pride  and 
distinction  of  the  gallant  general  already  in  eiim- 
inand  on  that  river;  who,  we  knew,  had  done 
well,  was  doing  well,  and  who,  I  was  quite  sure, 
and  Ills  little  army,  would,  if  the  occasion  oflered, 
cover  themselves  with  ulory.  My  prediction,  in 
this  respect,  has  been  fully  accomplished.  i 

But  that  I  did  fear,  and  meant  lo  express  the  fear 
in  my  hasty  letter  of  the  :21st,  thai  those  persons  here 
enumeraied  winilil  sooner  or  latt;r,  [during  the  nna- 
voidable  long  inactivity  of  the  rainy  .season, j]  im* 
part  their  precondemnation  of  m''  to  the  President, 
1  will  not  deny.  .My  letter  was  wrillen,  in  part,  to 
guard  biilh  the  President  and  myself  a^ainsl  such 
a  result,  wliic.h  would  have  been  fatal,  not  only  to 
me,  but  perluqis,  for  a  canipaisn  to  the  service  of 
the  coiiiilry.  Hence  the  details  I  entered  into  to 
show  llie  President  and  the  .Secretary  of  War — 
neither  supposed  to  be  prol'essionally  experienced 
in  the  techuical  preliminaries  of  a  ranipaigii — what 
had  beeen,  and  what  would  continue  for  some 
days,  my  incessant  occupations.  There  is  no  spe- 
I'ial  pleading  in  this  explanation.  It  is  wrillen  and 
iiU'i'ied  ill  good  faith;  in  proof  of  which  I  beg  lo 
refer  lo  my  letter  lo  you  of  this  dale,  sent  in  three 
hours  before  the  reii  plion  of  that  to  which  1  am 
now  replyiiiLr. 

You  speak  of  my  interview  with  the  President 
on  the  subject  of  the  intended  formidable  inva- 
sion of  Mexico.  I  wish  I  had  the  lime  to  do  jus- 
tice lo  my  recollection  of  the  President's  excellent 
sense,  military  comprehensioii,  patience,  and  cour- 

I  lesies,   in    these   interviews.     I    have   sinee    often 

!  spoken  of  the  admirable  i|ualities  he  displayed  on 
those  occasions,  with  honor,  as  far  as  it  was  in  my 
power  lO  do  him  h  nior. 

And  to  yon,  sir,  allow  me  lo  say  I  have  not  ac- 
cused you,  and  do  not  mean  lo  accuse  you,  of  a 
set  purpose  to  t'iscredit  me  as  the  cominamler  at 
first  ilesigned  fbr  the  new  army  that  is  to  invade 
Mexico.     1  bear  in  mind  with  pleasure  the  many 

*  The  word  ffrii'iuls]  jiitroitiieiil  liy  (juiienil  Hcott's  re- 
i|iie.it  in  lliii  lettiT  iit'Ilie  ^i"lli  JTistuMt. 
\  'I'lie  woriU  in  lirnrkeln  iiitriidneei)  as  n  correctinn  by 
'  Ui'ucrol  ScuU'a  rc(|ueat  in  Ilia  lelur  ol  the  Uilii  iiisluiil. 


personal  courtesies  that  I  have  for  long  years  re- 
ceived nt  your  hands.  But  I  have  for  many  days 
believed  Ihut  you  have  allowed  yourself  to  be  in- 
fluenced against  me  by  the  clamor  of  some  of  the 
friends  to  whom  I  h«T!  alluded.  To  that  source, 
and  from  no  ill-will  of  your  own,  I  have  feared 
that  you  had  not  made,  and  were  not  likely  to 
make,  the  just  unJ  easy  explanations  in  my  bclialf 
which  might  ho  made.  You  are  also  aware  of 
other  causes  of  uneasiness  1  have  against  the  de- 
partment—of  the  want  of  that  confidence  and  sup- 
fiorl  necessary  to  my  otficini  position — whether 
lerc  or  on  the  Rio  Grande.  1  have  heretofore  ex- 
plained myself  on  these  pouils,  which  renders 
refietition  unnecessary. 

Whether  it  shall  he  the  pleasure  of  the  Pre&'- 
dent  to  «end  me  to  the  Rio  Grande,  (which  .' 
would  prefer,)  or  to  reUiin  me  here,  I  can  only 
say,  I  am  emially  ready  lo  do  my  duty  in  either 
position,  wilii  all  my  zeal  and  all  my  ability. 

In  great  haste,  I  have  the  honor  to  remahi,  your 
most  obedient  servant, 

WINFIELD  SCOTT. 

Hon.  W.  L.  Mabcy,  Hecyetwij  of  War. 

War  Df-pahtment,  May  2G,  184fi. 

Siii:  Your  letter  of  yesterday,  although  left  at 
my  house  last  evening,  was  not  received  by  me 
until  this  morning.  Though  not  much  of  the  time 
between  the  date  of  yours  of  the  21st  instant  and 
of  my  reply  of  yesterday  was  devoted  lo  the  sub- 
ject, yet  It  was,  as  justice  to  you  required  it  should 
be,  well  considered,  and  the  construction  reluctant- 
ly given  lo  your  letter  was  such,  and  only  such, 
as  your  language  seemed  to  me  lo  render  unavoid- 
able. As  you  now  explain  that  lellcr,  the  suspi- 
cions or  imputations  of  "  ill  will,"  "  pre-condcm- 
nnlion,"  4c.,  were  not  intended  by  you  to  bn 
applied  to  the  President,  hut  in  some  measure  to 
myself.  There  is  nothing  in  that  letter  which 
warrants  this  particular  application — there  was 
nothing  in  our  intercourse,  and  certainly  nothing 
in  the  stale  of  my  feelings,  which  could  lead  even 
ton  conjecture  that  such  an  application  was  de- 
signed . 

You  cannot  recur  with  more  pleasure  than  I  do 
to  the  "  many  personal  courtesies"  between  us  for 
**  lonir  years,"  und  I  was  unconscious  that  the 
kindly  teelings  in  which  they  had  their  origin,  had 
undergone  any  change — on  my  part  they  certainly 
had  nol.  I  had  hoped  thai  your  knowledge  of  my 
character  was  such  as  to  place  me  in  your  opinion 
beyond  the  suspicion  or  apprehension  which  you 
seem  to  have  indulget),  that  I  was  capable  of  being 
influenced  and  controlled  in  my  official  conduct 
towards  you  by  unfounded  clamor,  even  should  it 
come  from  "  leadini!;  and  supposed  confulanlN  of 
the  President  in  the  two  Houses  of  Congre.ss." 
As  you  "have  not  accused,"  and  as  you  declare 
"  till  not  mean  lo  accuse  me  of  n  art  purposf  to  dis- 
credit you,  as  Ihe  coinniander,"  iSc,  but  only  ftar 
the  elTccts  of  sinister  influences,  I  submit  to  your 
judgment  whether  it  was  not  due  lo  our  personal 
and  ollicial  relations,  that  you  should  have  been 
more  explicit — that  you  slioiild  have  stated  the 
circumstances  which  had  excited  your  apprehen- 
sions, and  thereby  ojiened  ihc  way  to  correct  the 
rash  conclusion  you  have  adopted,  "that  (I)  had 
allowed  (myself)  lo  be  influenced  by  the  clamor 
of  some  of  Ihe  friends  lo  whom  (you)  have  al- 
luded." 

You  slate  that  1  om  "  aware  of  other  eau.seH  of 
uneiLsiness"  (you)  "  have  against  the  department, 
of  the  want  of  that  eonfiilence  and  support  neces- 
sary lo  (your)  otlicial  position,  whether  here  or  on 
the  Rio  Grande."  I  must  say  that  I  am  wholly 
ignorant  of  any  just  cause  for  uneasiness  on  your 
pan,  and  I  am  very  sure  you  have  no  ground 
whalever  to  sustain  the  alle  »alion  of  a  want  of  that 
confidence  and  support  necessary  to  your  "  olHcial 
|iiisition."  The  matters,  or  rather  matter,  to 
which  you  probalily  allude,  (for  I  can  recollect 
lull  one,)  and  which  h.is  been  made  the  subject 
of  a  frank,  and,  I  hoped,  satisfaclury  explana- 
tion, was  of  minor  importance,  of  too  slight  a 
chariicier  to  disiiirb  our  friendly  inlercourse,  or 
influence,  in  Ihe  smallest  degree,  our  oflicial  rela- 
tions. 

I  have  the  honor  lo  be,  very  respcctfullv,  your 
obedient  servant,  W.  L.  MARCV. 

Major  Geneiul  Winfiki.d  Scott, 

C'tniimani'ttij:  (Jentral,  &c. 


1 846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSTONAL  GLOBE. 


653 


29tii  Cong 1st  Sbss. 


Qenerah  Scott  and  Gaines. 


Senate. 


HEADdUARTIiRS  UF  THE  ArmT, 

fFathington,  May  U7,  1846. 
Sir:  I  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  Iciinr  of 
ycsierdiiy,  nt  my  office,  about  niin  o'clock  at 
iii^ht. 

As  you  do  not  say  thnt  you  hnd  shown  my  ex- 
pliiiHvtory  note  to  you  of  the  previous  niglit,  Miiy 
lirith,  li>  the  PrcRident,  miiy  1  be:;  yon  to  lay  the  fair 
copy  (herewith)  before  him?  In  this  cony  I  have 
iiisiTted,  in  brackets,  a  niatrrinl  word — "Iriends" — 
accidentally  omitted  in  the  hurry  of  writins:,  and 
also  a  development  of  my  meaning  in  another 
place,  in  red  ink  and  in  brackets. 

Allow  me  to  recapitulate  sonic  of  the  principal 
farts  in  my  present  (to  nie)  unfortunate  misunder- 
standing with  tlic  War  Dcnartment. 

About  the  13lli  instant,  both  you  and  the  Pres- 
ident expressed  the  desire,  very  explicitly,  that  I 
should  conduct,  on  nil  extensive  scale,  with  the 
new  forces  about  to  be  raised,  the  conquest  of  a 
pence  within  Mexico.  I  considered  myself  hon- 
ored by  the  intended  appointment,  and  I  beg  that 
my  expressions  on  tnc  occasion,  which  I  need  not 
here  repeat,  may  be  remembered. 

1  have  said  in  my  letter  to  you  of  the  21st  in- 
stant, "  1  have  received  no  orders  as  yet,  assign- 
'  iiig  me  to  the  immediate  command  of  the  army 
'  about  to  be  raised,"  &c.  No  officer  of  the  army 
or  iinvy  was  ever  despatched  by  any  Executive,  on 
distant  important  service,  without  mrillen  instruc- 
tions, or  orders  from  his  Government.  1  have 
rec<ued  nosucli  paper,  and  have  never  even  heord 
that  such  paper  bad  been  drawn  up,  or  was  even 
in  preparation  for  me.  It  is  evident,  then,  tliat, 
without  written  instructions,  or  orders,  I  could  not 
liave  left  my  Imbitual  duties  here,  independent  of 
tliu  preiiminary  arrangements  for  the  (brmidablc 
movements  contemplated  against  Mexico. 

On  the  ]8th  instant,  hearing  that  Mexican  troops 
had  passed  the  Ilio  Grande,  and  of  the  ca]iturc  of 
Captain  Thornton's  detachment,  I  addressed  a  let- 
ter to  General  Taylor,  n  copy  of  which  I  annex, 
and  beg  it  also  (with  this  letter)  may  be  laid  be- 
fore the  President.  The  letter  to  Generol  Taylor 
was  twice  sent  u])  to  you  before  it  was  despatched, 
and,  at  your  instance,  was  changed  (by  the  omis- 
sion of  a  paragraph)  to  the  exact  shape  of  this 
copy. 

lis  Inst  paragraph  is  in  these  words:  "  I  do  not 
'  now  expect  to  reach  the  Rio  Grande  much  ahead 
'  of  iho  heavy  reinforcemenls  alluded  to  above,  or 
'  to  assume  the  immediate  command  in  that  qua-ter 
'  before  my  arrival." 

I  quote  this  paragraph  to  show  that  1  did  not  ex- 
pect to  be  sent  to  the  Ilio  Grande,  and  did  not  even 
suspect  it  was  the  inteiuiini  of  the  President,  or 
yourself,  to  send  me  thither  "nni'h  ahead  of  the 
heavy  reinforcements  alluded  to,"  viz:  some  twen- 
ty-odd thousand  volunteers,  besides  a  few  addi- 
tional regulars. 

'riiougli  I  had  occasion  to  see  you  twice  or  thrice 
in  ihi^  nuamime,  I  heard  no  complaint  from  you, 
and  rei't'ivcd  no  correcticni  of  thai  misapprehension, 
if,  in  fact,  I  had  fallen  into  any,  licl'nre  the  even- 
ing of  the  20th  instant,  when  you  spoke  of  the  im- 
patience nmnifrsled  nt  my  occupations  (or  delay) 
ticre;  which  complaint  caused  my  letter  to  you  of 
the  next  morning,  (May  iil.) 

It  seemed,  therefore,  evident  to  me,  at  the  time, 
thnt  your  complaint  had  been  caused  by  the  out-of- 
door  clamors  to  which  I  have  since  alluded. 

Three  hours  before  1  received  your  letter  of  the 
S.^ili  instant,  conveying  the  displeasure  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive, and  without  the  least  expectation  of  receiv- 
ing such  a  leltir,  1  had  sent  in  to  you  my  reporter 
note  of  the  same  day,  (the  S25th,)  which  concluded 
with  this  declaration: 

"  [  think  my  preliminary  and  necessary  occupa- 
'  lion  may  be  ended  here  in  (say,  three  days  more, 
'  when — premising  Ihiit, after  ihecreni  and  brilliant 
'  victories  of  the  gallant  Taylor,  (of  which  we  have 
'  recently  heard,)  1  should  be  ashamed  to  supersede 
'  him  b(  fore  the  arrival  of  competent  rcinforcenieiils 
'  to  penetrate  the  inicrior  of  Mexico,  and  to  conquer 
'  a  )ieace — 1  shall  be  ready  fin-  any  instructions  or 
'  orders  with  which  the  President  may  honor  me." 
And  again,  on  that  day,  (the  night  of  the  2,5lli,) 
after  receiving  the  censure  of  the  President,  thrinigli 
your  letter,  I  concluded  my  pronqit  explanatory  re- 
ply, thus: 

"Whelhcr  it  shall  be  the  pleasure  of  the  Presi- 
■  dent  to  send  me  to  the  Ri>i  Grande,  (wliich  I 


'  would  prefer,)  or  to  retain  me  here,  I  can  only 
*  sny,  1  nm  cfjually  ready  to  do  my  duly  in  either 
'  position  with  all  my  zeal  and  all  my  ability." 

I  still  hope,  when  the  President  shall  have  rend  j 
that  exidanalory  letter  and  the  foregoing  exposi- 
tion of  facts  attentively,  he  may  be  willing  to  recur  j 
to  his  original  purpose,  and  accord  to  my  senior 
rank  the  preference  which  I  have  never  ceased  to 
enlertuin,  and  which  I  should  have  pressed  with 


incessant  zesUbut  for  the  apprehensions  heretofore 

expressed,  and  which  your  letter  has  nearly,  if  not  ' 

quite,  removed.  I  therefore  beg  to  claim  thnt  com- 
mand, whenever  the  President  may  deem  it  proper 

to  give  me  the  assignment — whether  today,  or  at 

any  other  better  time  he  may  be  pleased  to  des-  ' 

igiinte. 
In  your  rejoinder  to  me  of  yesterday,  (May  2fith) 

which  I  have  acknowledged  above,  you  quote  from 

my  letter  of  explanation  the  words:  "  Von  are  also 

aware  of  other  causes  of  uneasiness  I  have  against 

the  department,"  &c. 
Your  notice  of  this  complaint,  on  my  part,  is 

so  liberal,  not  to  sny  kind,  tliat  I  am  btaiiia  to  be 

frank  and  explicit,  as  to  one  of  those  causes:  1  had 

upon  my  mind,  in  hastily  penning  those  words, 

these  facts:  Urigadicr  General  Wool  was  called  to 

this  jdace,by  a  letter  of  your  own  writing,  to  com- 
mand, under  me,  one  of  the   detached  columns 

against  Mexico,  according   to   nn  understanding 

between  the  President,  you,  and  me,  to  that  ell'cct. 

1  saw  General  Wool  first,  the  day  of  his  arrival, 
(May  17,)  and  communicated  to  him  the  purpose 

of  his  being  called  to  this  place.  In  a  day  or  two, 
1  learned  from  General  Wool,  that,  notwithstand- 
ing my  intimation,  ho  had  been  told  by  you  he 
might  not  be  ultimately  assigned  to  that  command, 
because,  perhaps,  other  generals  might  be  autho- 
rized and  appointed  for  the  army,  and  called  into 
service  from  the  States.  Thnt  information  gave 
me  no  serious  apprehensions  for  General  Wool  or 
myself,  until  I  saw,  in  the  morning  of  the  20th,  a 
bill  reported  in  the  Senate,  (at  your  immediate  in- 
stance I  knew,)  the  day  before,  providing  for  two 
major  generals  and  four  brigadier  generals,  to  he 

;  added   to  the  regular  military  establishment,  he-  , 

1  sides  giving  to  the  President  tne  power  of  selecting  i  obedient  servant, 

I  State  generals  for  the  command  of  the  .'50,000  vol-  [ 
untcers.     I  then  thought  I  saw  strong  probability  ; 

'  that  both  General  Wool  and  myself  would  he  su- ' 
persedcd,  at  least  in  the  war  nf;ttinst  Mexico,  by  two 
of  the  new  re.gular  generals  of  our  respective  gmdes, 
to  be  appointed,  as  was  generally  understood,  from 

j  civil  or  political  life.  It  was  then  that  my  appre- 
hensions became  serious,  as  may  be  seen  in  my 
letter  to  you  of  the  following  day,  (May  21st,)  and 
in  ninnv  of  my  subsequent  acis.  From  that  mo- 
ment (liefiue  my  letter  of  the  21st)  I  have  had  ; 
but  little  doubt,  down  to  last  night,  tliat  if  that  bill 
became  a  law — connecthig  it  with  the  clamors 
against  me  to  which  I  have  alluded — I  should  not 
be  seal  against  Mexico. 

I  will  now,  however,  lio"c  for  better  fortune;  ! 
and,  appealing  to  the  justice  )f  the  President  and 

I  the  ri^'hls  of  scni(U'  rank,  I  h.ive  the  honor  to  re- 
main,  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant. 

WINEIELD  SCOTT. 
P.  S. — 1  add  to  the  papers,  herewith,  a  copy  of 
Colonel  Ituiler's  eTjilimdtnry  nolrs  of  a  rough  sketch 
;nade  by  hlin  of  norlhcvn  Mexico,  which  may  be 
valuable.     The  colonel,  in  the  notes,  is  not  so  full 
on  the  rdiiii/  seawn  as  he  and  General  ,T.  T.  Mason 
were  in  conversation  with  me.     I  beg  again  to  re- 
fer to  tlicni  personally.  W.  S. 
Hon.  W.  L.  Marcy,  Secretarij  nf  Wur. 
[This   letter  encln.sed  copies  of  General  Scott's 
two  letters  of  the  2.')th,  and  Ictler  to  General  Tay- 
lor of  the  18t!i,  with  notes  from  Col.  A.  Butler.] 


called  upon  several  States  for  quotas  of  twelve- 
month volunteei-s — making  n  total  of  about  20,000, 
say  one-fourth  horse,  to  march  upon  Mexico  from 
different  points  on  the  Rio  Grnncle.  Of  cour.sp,  at 
this  early  moment,  and  nt  this  distance  from  the 
scene  of  intended  operations,  no  definite  plan  of 
campaign  has  been  laid  down.  Being  destined  lo 
the  chief  ccunmnnd  of  the  nugmenied  fnicea,  1  shall 
delay  as  much  as  possible  of  that  plan  unlil  I  can 
profit  by  your  better  knowledge  of  the  enemy's 
country,  when  it  is  my  hope  to  have  the  benefit  of 
your  Tahmble  services,  according  to  ycair  brevet 
rank,  and  with  the  column  that  may  be  the  most 
agreeable  to  you. 

We  have  multiplied  our  force  on  the  general  re- 
cruiting service,  and  hope,  in  two  or  three  mouths, 
to  bring  up  the  privates  of  companies  to  70  or  HO— 
at  least  in  the  regiments  v/ilh  you. 

I  fear  that  we  shall  not  be  able  to  put  on  the  Rio 
Grande,  with  our  utmost  efforts,  more  than  ten  or 
fifteen  thousand  volunteers  by  the  1st  of  September 
— the  best  period,  we  learn  here,  for  the  commence- 
ment of  operations  beyond,  with  the  view  to  the. 
conquest  of  a  peace.  What  you  may  have  done 
since  the  26lh  ultimo,  or  what  you  may  be  able  to 
accomplish  before  Seplember,  with  your  limited 
means,  towards  that  general  end — an  hnnomtiln 
pence — cannot  now  be  assumed.  We  may  hope 
that,  with  the  small  reinforcements  you  have  by 
this  time  received,  you  have  forced  back  the  Mex- 
icans to  the  right  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  ami 


perhaps  may  have  taken  Matumnros,  or  possibly, 
ijy  the  greatly  superior  army  of  the  enemy,  you 
may  now  be  placed  stiictly  on  the  defensive.  By 
this,  it  is  not  intended  to  cmliarrass  you  with  new 
instructions,  but  to  give  you  information  as  to  ex- 
pectations or  intentions  entertained  here — leaving 
you  under  the  instniciions  you  have  alreaily  re- 
ceived, and  to  ymir  own  good  judgment,  zeal,  and 
intelligence. 

I  do  not  now  expect  to  reach  the  Rio  Grando 
much  ahead  of  the  heavy  reinforcemenls  alludeil  lo 
above,  or  to  assume  the  immediate  command  in 
that  quarter  before  my  arrival. 

With  great  respect,  I  remain,  sir,  your  most 

WINFIELD  SCOTT. 
Brevet  Brigadier  Gen.  Taylor, 

CoiiiHKinding,  .S'c,  S(c. 

War  Department,  June  2,  1840. 

Sir:  When  I  received  your  letter  of  the  071I1 
ultimo,  it  was  my  intention  to  answer  it  at  s.nne 
length,  and  to  note  the  misappreheiisions  under 
which  you  are  still  lalmring;  but,  on  account  of  my 
otficial  enin'.;emenls  at  this  particular  juncture,  and 
not  wifihing  to  protract  this  correspondence,  which 
can  end  in  no  jir.icticnl  good,  I  have  changed  my 
purpose,  preferring  to  point  out  those  misappre- 
liensions  in  a  personal  interview,  if  you  should  so 
desire  it. 

Your  communications  have  all  been  laid  before 
the  President,  but  1  have  received  no  instructions 
to  change  or  modify  the  directions  contained  In  the 
closing  pamgrnph  of  my  letter  of  the  S.'ilh  ullimo. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

W.  L.  MARCY. 

Major  General  W.  Scott. 

Orders  of  General  Guinea  and  the  Jldjxiinnt 
General. 


IlEADqrARTr.RS  op  THE  ArMV, 

»«sAi)ig/«n,  .1/111/  18,  1846. 

Sin:  We  have  no  report  from  yon  later  than  the 
26th  ultimo,  and  but  lillle  through  unofficial  sources 
.so  late  as  the  morning  of  the  2fllli.  Of  cour^'C, 
notwithstanding  our  hijli  confidence  in  you  and 
your  little  army,  we  are  anxious  \n  hear  further 
from  yon.  All  the  success  that  miiy  be  expected 
under  the  circumstances  is  confidently  relied  upon. 

Congress  having  recognised  the  existence  of  war 


.A7f iiinrnii(/i(m  oflhe  .ViliHii  0-  yoliiiilcrr  Ihrrf  rrcenllij 
culled,  or  aullinrized  to  he  culled,  inin  the  service 
nf  the  United  Ulutes,  hij  lirerct  lirigadier  Cinerut 
Uttines. 

1.  .Vni/  3,  1846.— General  Gaines  lo  Major  W. 
H.  Chase,  corps  of  engineers:  Authorizes  him  lo 
muster  into  the  service  of  the  United  Stales  any 
volunteer  troops  for  Texas  that  may  offer,  and 
despatch  them  to  New  Orleans. 

2.  Mnj  8,  1846.— General  Gaines  to  Colonel 
Crane,  first  artillery:  Authorizes  him  to  accept  the 
services  of  one  or  more  volunteer  companies,  has 
requested  the  Governor  of  Alabama  to  send  two 
volunteer  companies  lo  Pensacola  harbor. 


3.  Mail  9,  1846. — General  Gaines  to  Lafayette 
between  the  United  States  and  the  Republic  of  |  Saunders,  Esq.:  Authorizes  him  to  raise  n  rciinent 
Mexico,  and  having  authorized  the  acceptance  of  |]  of  mounted  gun-men,  from  five  hundred  to  u  thou- 
.')0,000  volunteers,  the  War  Department  hasniready  ■  sand. 


!i  ■•' 


654 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  8, 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss, 


Oenerab  Scott  and  Oainet. 


Sknate. 


4.  Mm  11,  ]84(i. — Gencml  Guinea  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  War;  llns  invilotl  into  the  Bervice  scverni 
rcijimcniH  of  niouiiled  gun-mrn,  to  rciidczvoiix  nt 
Fort  Jesup,  in  the  preHciit  ninntli,  (Mny,)  nnd  to 
press  forward  from  tlicncc  to  tlic  Kio  Uriinde, 
throiiKh  Texas. 

5.  .iJai)  II,  184R. — Gciierul  Gaincsi  to  Major  A. 
M.  Diuin:  Authorizes  him  to  raise  a  ronipiinv  of  | 
one  hundred  men,  to  garrison  Baton  Ilinige  bar- 
racks, and  giutrd  tjiu  public  |)r:>perly  tliere,  | 

C.  JMay  I'i,  1840. — Ueneral  Gaines  to  Major  Al-  i 
bcrt  Knst:  Authorizes  liim  to  raise  a  rtgiment  or 
a  battubon  of  mounted  gun-men,  to  consist  of  ten,  [ 
or  not  less  than  live  eom|mnies,  to  number  Kixly  lo  I 
one  hundred  men  each,  to  serve  six  months,  unless 
sooner  disi'Iiaiiiccl.  1 

7.  Miij  I'J,  1840.— General  Gaines  to  Colonel  ; 
W.  1>.  Lewis;  Authorizes  him  to  raise  a  reijinient  ' 
or  a  Imtlalion  of  mouiU(  d  gun-men,  to  eouHist  of 
not  less  than  five,  nor  to  exceed  ten  companies,  of 
from  sixty  to  one  hundred  nun  each,  to  serve  for  [ 
six  monlns,  unless  sooner  discharged.  ; 

8.  May  13,  1840. — General  Gaines  to  Colonel  ' 
Balie  I'eyton;  Authorizes  him  lo  raise  a  regiment, 
to  consist  of  len  companies,  of  from  sixty  lo  one 
hundred  men  each — six  of  infantry,  and  four  of 
rillemen — for  a  term  of  .^ix  months,  unless  sooner 
discharged.  * 

il.  Mill)  14,  1840.— General  Gaines  to  Major  P.  I 
Uuisson;  Authorizes  him  to  raise  a  battalion,  to  I 
consist  of  two  companies  from  sixty  to  a  huiulicd 
Hlrong  eadi,  lo  serve  as  artificers  and  iiifanlry,  for 
six  mtmtbs,  unless  sooner  discharge;. 

10.  J\Iuii  10,  1840. — General  Gaines  to  John  S.  i 
Gilbert;  Authorizes  him  to  raise  a  regiment  or  a 
b,ittulion  of  mounted  gun-men,  |o  consist  of  from 
five  to  ten  companies  of  from  sixty  to  n  liundieil 
men  each,  to  serve  for  six  months,  unless  sooner  j 
discharged.  i 

11.  .Mffi/SO,  lR4fi.— General  Gaines  to  E.  Feath- 
crst -n,  \V.  M.  Fulton,  William  S.  Hays,  J.  I{. 
Crcecy,  and  E.  D.  Tracy:  Authorizing  them  to 
raise  olio  regiment  each,  to  serve  as  infantry  or  rifle- 
men, to  consist  of  ten  companies  of  from  sixty  to  one 
liundred  men  each,  lo  serve  fur  six  months,  unles.s  : 
sooner  dischari;cd.  i 

12.  May  23,   1840.— General  Gaines   lo  P.  R.  ^ 
Sliuke:  Authorizes  him  to  raise  a  regiment  of  dra- 
goons, to  consist  of  ten  companies  of  froni  sixty  to 
one  hundred  men  each,  to  serve  for  six  months, 
unless  sooner  discharged. 

I!RCArlTfI,.\riO\— TDTAI,. 
1.  Any  volunteer  force  that  may  oiler. 
^.  Tint  e  or  more  companies, 
y.  (Iiie  rcgihicnt. 

4.  Sevcnil  reginieuls  of  mounted  gun-men. 
r».  One  eompnny. 
0.  t^ne  battalion  or  regiment, 
7.  One  Imitaliun  or  regiment. 
H.  One  regiment. 

!>.  t">ne  baitalion  ()f  two  cnnipnnica, 
HI.  One  balUiliun  or  regiment. 
II.  Five  iTiriineiits. 
1;.'.  One  leL'iinent. 

Besides  calls  for  indefinite  numbers  of  volun- 
teers from  States,  and  sinidry  <"ivilians  n|)|>(iiiiti;(l 
acting  (|uarterni;ister.-',  paytn.isti'rs,  cnniniis-,;irii'S, 
inspecting  and  mustering  olilccrs,  adjutants,  chap- 
luins,  clerks,  i^e. 

Note. — .\s  far  as  can  be  ascertained  the  vidnn- 
tecr  force  called  for  by  (Iciieral  Uaincs  may  ex- 
ceed 12,(HMI,  besides  a  re^'inieiit  of  loot  I'mni  .Mis- 
souri, wlii'li  has  been  ariepied  by  the  AVar  De- 
|)arliiienl. 

W,\K  Dl.l'ARTME.VT,  JlDtf  0,  ]  •^140. 

AUJITAXT  (ilAl! M.'s  OrFirE, 

OViJiiiig/on,  July  US,  18t."). 

Sir:  By  direction  of  the  .Secielary  of  War,  1 
have  the  hinior  lo  forward  you  copi(  s  of  two  de- 
spatches from  the  War  IV|iarlnient  to  Briiraditr 
(biMial  Taylor,  dated  June  l.lth  and  July  8tli, 
ecjiilaining  the  instructions  given  liiin  for  Iraiis- 
fiirriii;  into  Texas  the  brigiule  under  bis  command 
leeenily  conienlraled  on  the  Red  ri.er. 

These  instrnrlir^ns  (confidential  at  the  lime) 
were  sent  direct  lo  General  Taylor  for  pronipl  ex- 
ecution, it  being  desirable  that  the  movements 
slionld  take  place  as  ipiielly  as  possible. 

Publicity  iiaviiii.'  been  given  to  the  movement 
under  General  Taylor,  the  s|iecial  inslrnclions  uf 


I  the  War  Department,  under  which  hn  acted,  nre 
I  now  respectfully  forwanled  for  your  informalion. 
I  am,  general,  with  great  respect,  your  obedient 
servant,  H.  JONKS,  ,')i/jii(nH(  Ooierat, 

j      Brev.  Maj.  Gen.  E.  P.  Gainkh, 
I  Comi'g  M'ett.  rAv.fMw  Orleans. 

I  fCnnflilnlitlnl.] 

War  Department,  Jiiw  1.1,  184.5, 
Sin:  On  the  4th  day  of  July  next,  or  very  soon 
therenfler,  the  convention  of  the  people  of  Texas 
will  probably  accept  the  proposition  ofnnnexntinn, 

I  under  the  Joint  resolutions  of  the  late  Congress  of 
the  Ilnileil  Slates.    Thai  acceptance  will  consli- 

i  lute  Texas  an  integral  portion  of  our  coiinlry. 

j      In   anticipation  of  tli.it  event,  you  will  forth- 

.  with  make  a  forward  movement  with  Iho  troops 
under  your  command,  and  advance  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Sabine,  or  to  such  other  point  on  the  Gulf 

I  of  M  xico,  or  its  navigable  waters,   an   in  your 

'  judgment  may  be  most  convenient  for  an  endmr- 

.  cation  lit  the  proper  time  for  the  western  frontier 
of  Texas, 

In  leaving  to  your  judgment  to  decide  thn  route, 

.  it  is  intended  that  you  clioo.se  (hn  most  expedi- 
tious, Imving  due  resaid  lo  the  heallh  and  etiicien- 
ey  of  the  troops  on  reaching  the  point  of  destina- 

{  tion, 

!  The  force  under  your  immediate  command  nt 
and  near  Fort  Jesup  lo  be  put  in  motion  on  the  re- 
ceipt of  these  instructions  will  be  the  third  and 
fourth  reiimenls  of  infantrv,  and  seven  ccnnpanies 
of  the  second  rei:imenlf)f  dragoons.  The  two  ab- 
sent companies  of  the  fourth  infantrv  have  been 
ordereil  lo  join  their  regimenl.  Artillery  will  be 
ordered  from  New  Orleans. 

It  is  ?'nderslood  that  suitable  forage  for  cavalry 

'  cnnnot  be  obtained  in  the  rrs^ion  which  the  troops 

1  arc  to  occupy;  if  this  bo  so,  the  drngoims  must 
leave  their  liorsesand  serve  as  riflemen.  But  il  is 
possible  that  horses  of  the  country  accustomed  to 
subsist  on  meagre  forage  may  be  procured  if  it  be 
found  necessary.  Y<ui  will,  therefore,  take  the 
precaution  to  (u'der  a  portion  of  the  cavalry  ccpiip- 
menls  to  accot»p,any  the  regiment,  with  a  view  to 
mounted  service. 

The  point  of  your  ultimate  destination  is  the 
western  frontier  of  Texas,  where  ynn  will  select 
and  occupy,  on  or  near  the  Uio  Grande  del  Norte, 
such  a  site  as  will  consist  with  the  health  of  the 
troops,  and  will  be  best  adapted  to  repel  inva- 
sion, and  to  protect  what,  in  the  event  of  annexa- 
tion, will  be  o\ir  western  border.  You  will  limit 
yourself  to  the  defence  of  the  territory  of  Texas, 
iMilcss  Mexico  should  declare  war  against  the  Uni- 
ted ,Siates. 

Your  movement  to  the  Gidf  of  Mexico,  and 
your  prcparatitms  to  enibark  for  the  western  fron- 

1  tier  of  Texas,  arc  lo  be  made  without  any  delay; 
iiul  you  will  not  efl'eci  a  landing  on  that  frontier 
until  you  have  yourself  ascertained  the  due  accept- 
ance of  Texas  ol'  the  proflered  terms  of  annexa- 
tion, or  uulil  you  receive  directions  from  Mr.  Don- 
elson. 

1  am,  sir,  very  re-'peclfnlly.  voor  obedient  ser- 
vant, '         GF.DRGE  BANCROFT, 
To  Brii.  Gen.  7..  Twi.nn, 

I'.  S.  .Irmij,  Comm'ff  l«(  Dtpl.,  Port  Jraiip,  f,a. 
P.  S. — The  rcvcinie  cutters  Spencer  and  Wood- 
'   bury  have  been  placed  by  the  Treasury  De|iart- 
meilt  at  the  dis|iosiiion  of  iMr.  Donclson. 

AVar  Dni'ARTMrET,  Julii  8,  184."). 
Sim:  This  department  is  informed   that  Alexico 
has  srjine  military  r-stablishmeiits  on  the  east  side 
I   of  llie  Rio  Grande,  wiiich  are,  and  for  some  time 
liavi'  been,  in  the  ar-tnal  r)ccnpancy  of  her  lron)is. 
In  carryin.;  out  the  inslrnclions  heretofore  receiv- 
j    cd,  you  will  be  careful  lo  avoid  any  actsof  a^irs- 
sion  unless  an  actual  state  of  war  should  exist. 
The  Mexican  fences  nt  the  posls  in  their  posses- 
sion,and  which  have  been  so, will  not  iiedistnrbed 
as  loni;  as  the  relatiinis  id'  peace  between  the  Uni- 
ted States  nnd  Mexico  continue. 

WM.  L.  MARCV. 
il      Brig.  Gen.  Z.  Tavi.oh. 

Headquarters  Wf.sterw  nivisiov, 
;  AVir  Oi'/rnns,  »'/iigin(  1,5,  iHli'i. 

!       Sir:  Having  reasmi  to  apprehend  that  Mi'xico  i 
will  make  mure  eflicieiit  oppusition  to  the  nriny  i 


recently  ordered  to  occupy  the  wealern  border  of 
TexM  than  was  anticipated  by  the  War  Depart, 
inent  when  the  orders  for  that  movement  were 
issued,  or  iiuhsei|uently,  I  deem  it  necessary  and 
proper  to  lake  immediate  measures  to  augment 
this  army  of  ocenpntion,  by  such  volunleer  corps  as 
may  be  inclined  lo  enter  the  service  to  go  thither 
forthwith. 

And  believing  the  volunteer  corps  of  thin  city 
nnd  Stale,  nnd  those  of  the  neighboring  Sinles,  iho 
best  troops  in  the;  world  for  this  service,  acelimaird 
and  iliKiplintd  as  lliey  are,  and  extensively  ac- 
(luainled  with  the  eounlry  likely  to  become  tho 
tlieatrc  of  action,  I  respectfully  request  of  your 
excellency  one  regiment  of  infantry,  one  regiment 
of  riflemen,  and  two  companies  of  artillery,  to  re- 
inforce and  co-operate  with  the  army  of  occupath>ii 
in  Texas,  near  the  Rio  Grande. 

I  shall  make  immediate  arrangements  for  assem- 
bling these  volunteers  at  New  Orleans  barracks. 
Port  Jackson,  and  Port  St.  Philip,  nnd  furnishing 
them  with  every  requisite  supply  of  snbsislence, 
arms,  and  ammunition,  with  camp  equipage,  lo- 
Kcthcr  with  steamers  and  other  vessels  feu-  their 
transportation  lo  Texas,  nnd  also  with  wagons  anil 
horses  for  the  transportation  of  their  supplies  after 
laiiibng  in  Texas. 

This  will  he  handed  lo  yon  by  Major  S.  Coop- 
er, as.siHlant  luljutant  general  of  my  division,  to 
whom  I  refer  you  for  such  facts  as  have  this  morn- 
ing tmnspircd  in  relation  to  the  service  above  re- 
ferred to. 

I  have  the  honor,  &c. 

EDMUND  P.  GAINES, 
Maj.  Gm.  TT,  S. ,1. cnmminulivs; IheVt'culn'n  Dwision. 

To  his  Excellency  Ai.exaxdku  Moiitoh, 

6'ot'cntor  o///ie  &'l«lc  n//.oiitsiiinn. 

HEAmiitAnTBRs  Western  Divirion, 
Xew  Orleans,  Im.,  .JiigtuJ  17, 184.'!. 

Sir:  The  untoward  circumslnnces  which  attend- 
ed the  landing  and  concentration  of  difl'erent  corps 
of  the  army  under  General  Taylor,  as  reported  to 
me  by  our  exccllenldiplomatisi  and  military  friend, 
Donelson,  of  which  1  learn  from  him  that  the  De- 
partment of  War  was  duly  advised  by  him,  added 
to  the  rea.sons  contained  in  my  letter  of  the  Lltli 
instant,  suggested  lo  me  the  propriety  of  requesting 
of  tlie  Governor  of  Louisiana  a  regiment  of  infant- 
ry, a  regiment  of  rillemen,  and  two  companies  of 
artillery,  from  the  superior  volunteers  of  this  city. 
The  Governor  having  been  nt  Pass  Christian,  I  did 
not  hear  from  him  until  yesterday,  when  I  had  the 
satisfaction  lo  learn  from  Major  General  Lewis, 
and  Colonel  Preston,  tJie  Attorney  General  of  thi; 
Slate,  that  the  Governor  had  authorized  them  to 
assure  me  that  the  volunteers  requested  would  be 
promptly  furnished,  and  as  many  more  as  might 
be  desired.  I  enclose  herewith  acopy  of  my  letter 
to  Governor  Mouton. 

1  hiul  the  gratification  lo  learn,  last  nijlit,  thntas 
soon  as  my  requisiiion  w^ns  rommniiicated  to  Gsn- 
enil  Lewis's  division.  Major  Gaily,  the  experienced 
chief  of  the  artillery  bnttalion,  reported  himself  nnd 
the  two  companies,  or  if  desirable,  the  whole  of  his 
bntl:dion  would  be  ready  lo  embark  immediately, 
with  the  six  companies  of  the  7lh  infantry,  fur 
which  steam  triuisportation  is  eni^aged  f*  r  Wed- 
nesday next,  the  i>Oih  instanl.  The  only  dilficully 
ihal  appears  likely  to  attend  the  call  for  the  in- 
fantry and  riflemen,  is  to  'Icterniine  ainnni.'  the  .sev- 
eral rcu'imcnis  of  the  division  ready  and  willinir  to 
!;o,  which  shall  first  enjoy  the  privilet'c  of  enter- 
ing the  service,  in  wUkh  all  are  anxious  to  par- 
ticipate. 

These  reiriments  will  be  held  in  re.adiness  ;U  Ihe 
barracks  near  this  cily,  and  al  Forts  Jackson  mill 
St.  Philip,  to  embark  for  Texas  ns  soon  as  steam 
Iransportalion  can  be  oblaincil.  But  if,  ill  the 
nieantinie,  fiivorable  reports  are  received  from 
General  Taylm-,  these  rc'L'imcnts  will  not  be  sent 
to  Texas,  but  dislianiled  as  soon  as  it  can  be  done 
without  risk  or  injury  lo  the  service. 

1  am,  very  respeclfully,  your  obedient  servant, 
!•:.  P.  GAINKS, 
Mnj.  Urn.  U.S.,'].,cnm'ili;  If'tslem  /Wrifion. 
To  Brig.  Gen.  Roi^k.u  Jiine", 

,'hlj.  Gin.  V.  S.,lrmy,  Washingtitn, 

War  Dkpaiitmf.nt,  JhljulmU  Gentral'.i  Office, 
Hashinglon,  .7i(giM(t>7, 184.1 
General:  Your  communication  of  the  17th  In- 


"W 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


655 


SOth  Cono Iht  Sf.88. 


Generals  Scolt  and  Gaine». 


Senate. 


Pily 


stnnt)  ncrdmiiniiicd  by  n  copy  of  ymir  letter  to  liii 
Excellency  llie  Governor  ul'  LouiHinnii,  (luted  the 
IStli,  rcqiiesliii;;  of  liim  the  servlees  of  two  rc!{i- 
mciitrtan.lt\vuci)ni|miiieHcirvoluntcer8,  in  rei:i'lv<:(J, 
uiid  hiia  been  subiiiltteil  to  the  Sccrelnry  ot'  War, 
UH  well  OH  yourNuliHe(jucnt  letter  ol'llic  19ili  inHtniit, 
reporting;  n  niodiriailion  of  the  Biiid  letter;  but  you 
dii  not  HUitc  ill  whiit  reaped  it  in  modified,  nor  do 
you  furnish  u  copy  of  it  na  flnidly  Nettled  by  you. 
riie  Secretary  desires  me  to  Huy  tlint  when  he  «imll 
have  received  your  letter  to  the  Oovernor,  as  you 
have  finally  adopted  it,  ho  will  uddrcss  you  on  the 
aubject. 

The  Secrflary  of  War  also  directs  mc  to  aay  to 
you  that,  from  the  nccessiiy  of  the  case,  much  has 
liecn  left  to  the  Judi^nicnt,  discretion,  and  control  of 
General  Taylor,  to  whom  the  Administration  here 
liasossiijneil  the  exclusive  coinmnnd  of  all  theforces 
now  in  or  that  may  bcsent  toTcKus,  His  position 
and  superior  means  of  knowing''  the  deaiirns  and 
movements  of  the  Mcxic^na  will  enable  him  to  de- 
termine the  number  and  description  of  the  auxil- 
iary force  he  may  re(iuire  to  carry  into  cllect  the 
instructions  of  hia  Uovcrnment.  Orders  and  in- 
istructiuns  liiivc  been  issued  to  him  direct  on  this  j 
subject,  as  you  have  been  apprised.  j 

In  re;;ard  to  General  Taylor's  command.  It  is  only 
expected  that  you  should  do  within  your  own  what 
may  be  needful  and  proper  to  curry  out  his  vieww 
when  mnde  known  to  you.  j 

I  am,Uenerul,  with  ijreat  res|iect,  your  obedient 
servant,  H.  JOXES,  ./i/y'ii/nnf  Ucneruj.      i 

Urevet  Rtajor  General  V..  V.  Uaines,  | 

Cumd'g  H'isle.ii  JMvhiim, ^\iw  Orleans, 

War  Depabtmrnt,  .4i/jii(aiiJ  General's  Qffice, 
Washington,  Jlugust  SH,  1845. 

Gf.nebal:  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowlcd^'c  the 
receipt  ibi.s  day  of  the  ollicial  copy  of  your  letter 
of  the  15th  instant,  addressed  to  his  ll^xcelleiicy  the 
Governor  of  Louisiana,  calling  on  iiini  for  certain 
volunteer  force,  beiiii?  the  amended  or  modified 
leijuisition,  referred  to  in  your  letter  to  me  of  the 
19ili,  but  which  did  not  accompany  it,  as  you  were 
duly  informed,  in  my  letter  of  yesterday's  date. 

The  olHcial  copy  of  your  nmcndeu  letter,  us 
finally  adopted,  and  sent  to  the  Governor  of  Louisi- 
ana, has  been  duly  submitted  to  the  Secretary  of 
War. 

Your  letter  of  the  l,^th  of  August  was  duly  re- 
ceived, and  laid  before  the  yecretaiy  of  War,  and 
will  be,  with  your  previous  communications,  re- 
cenily  received,  submitted  to  Ihe  General-in-Chief, 
who  will  this  (lay  return  to  i^nncral  lieathpiarters. 

I  am,  Genuial,  with  tfreiil  lospect,  your  oliedient 
.lervaiil,  U.  iO>i Efi,  ^hljutant  Oenerul. 

K.  P.  G.MSKS,  ]lvl.  Jliij.  Goii., 

Comtl'g  Ifeslern  Division,  A*eio  Orleans, 

Headhuaiitkbs  Western  Division-, 

M'W  Orleans,  .iiiyiisf  ii3,  ISi^i, 

Sib:  I>y  a  leller  from  Captain  Criissman,  assist- 
ant (piartiM-nuister,  to  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hunt, 
di'puiy  iiuarterni.ister  g(Mieral,  dated  St.  Joseph's 
Island,  I'cxas,  Auj;usl  14,  1M4."),  it  appears  that 
General  Taylor  had  received  the  declaration  of 
war  by  Mi  xieo  on  thi!  prceeding  day,  as  will  be 
.seen  by  the  fullowini;  exiract: 

"  The  declaraiion  of  war  by  Mexico  reached  us 
'  yesler(lav,and  iho  General  Irels  the  awkwardness 
'of  bis  .siluatlon  under  'he  ciri'unistaiices,  with 
'  about  nine  luiiuli'iil  elieciivc  men  now  with  tlitm, 
'  and  desiiiule  of  a  field  lialtery  of  artillery  for  the 
'  inainleMance  of  his  first  position  should  it  be 
'  assailed.  Kvcry  exertion  i.s  now  making  to  push 
'  forward  the  rcinainder  of  the  troops  to  Corpus 
'Chrisli,  with  .smi'Ii  suppliiM  as  arc  of  immediate 
'  iiecessiiy.  Three  companies  went  forward  to- 
'  day;  and  there  remains  now  U|)on  this  island  but 
'  two  eonipanii  !i,  wliiili  will  mari'.h  to-morrow;  so 
'  that  to-morrow  night  the  whole  of  the  two  regi- 
'  nienls,  except  a  small  guard  left  upon  Shell  Island, 
'  will  be  eoneeiUrated  at  Corpus  Chrisli.'' 

Whether  General  Taylor  may  not  have  been  in- 
debted to  the  chivalry  of  the  Mexican  eominaiider 
for  a  copy  of  the  declaration  of  war,  or  how  he  may 
otiierwise  have  obtained  il,  does  not  appear,  as  1 
had  nothing  from  the  General  by  the  ves.sel  which 
brought  the  letter,  of  which  the  above  is  an  ex- 
tract. It  is  possible  that  Captain  Criissman  may 
have  alluded  to  the  mere  rc/torts  of  a  dcclarulion  of 
war  which  went  from  tills  city. 


Be  this  OS  il  may,  I  feel  greatly  relieved,  and 
much  gratified  to  know,  that  the  3u  and  4th  iiifiin- 
Iry  liavo  been  concentrated,  and  that  the  general 
will  soon  receive  the  7lli  infuntry,  with  the  etlieient 
companies  of  the  New  Orleans  artillery,  which  lell 
this  city  on  the  evening  of  the  21sl  instant.  These 
corps,  with  the  several  dragoons,  which  must  be 
near  him,  will  enable  the  ^cneml  to  maintain  the 
proper  attitude,  which  hia  instructions  from  the 
War  Department  prescribe,  limituig  him  to  defen- 
sive measures. 

Before  I  was  informed  of  the  nature  of  Ills  in- 
strnctiniiB,  I  advised  the  general  to  treat  the  Mexi- 
can troops  with  perfect  courtesy  and  kindness,  un- 
less they  should  conimit  some  overt  act  of  war,  or 
should  insist  upon  a  fight.  In  this  event,  I  iid- 
vi.scd  him,  by  all  means,  to  accommodate  them  to 
their  hearts'  content. 

In  till!  event  of  war,  I  desire  authority  to  assem- 
ble, us  1  urn  sure  I  can  assemble,  upon  the  Rio 
Grande,  by  the  lOtli  of  November  next,  two  hun- 
dred and   filly  battalions  of  mounted    gun-nicn, 
(fifty  will  be  aullieient,  whieli  I  can  assemble  there 
by  the  lOtli  of  October,)  which,  added  to  the  regu- 
I  lar  force  now  there  and  moving  thither,  will  enable 
I  us,  in  all  the  month  of  November  next,  to  visit  the 
I  city  of  Mexico;  and  after  placing  that  ancient  city 
I  under  the  protection  of  the  star-spangled  banner  of 
I  the  Union,  we  shall  be  able  and  willing  to  give  the 
j  Mexicans  ]ieace  on  terms  that  will  secure  their 
civilization,  self-government,  and  future  happiness, 
I  and  their  love  and  gratitude  forever. 
I      All  which  is  respectfully  submitted  to  the  De- 
j  partmcnt  of  War,  including  all  the  bureaus  whom 
It  may  concern. 

EDMUND  P.  GAINES, 
Jl/iy.  Otn,  U,  S,  .'irmij,  comm'g  West,  Division, 
To  Brig.  Gen.  U.  Jones, 

Mj,  Gen,  V.  S,  Jlrmij,  Washinglon  city. 

Adjutant  Genebal's  Office, 
Wns/(iiig(o)i,  Stplcmbcr  2,  1845. 

Sin:  Your  communication  of  the  i23d  instant,  re- 
ferring to  Mexican  alliiirs,  niid  suggesting,  in  the 
event  of  a  war,  the  expediency  of  raising  151)  bat- 
talions of  mounted  volunteer  gun-men,  i&c,  has 
been  submitted  to  the  Secretary  of  War  and  Gen- 
eral-in-Chief. 

The  Secretary  of  War  instructs  mo  to  say,  he 
disapproves  your  ordering  one  of  the  ennipanies 
of  the  "til  infantry  to  reiurn  to  Baton  Rouge,  as 
.seen   by  your  order  of  the  StJth,  to  Brevet  ,M(ijnr 
Seaieell,  who  received  the  order  of  countermand 
at  New  Orleans,  being  so  far  en  route  to  join  the 
army  in  Texas,  in  conformity  to  the  special  or-  ] 
(lers  of  the  department  of  Au^'ust  4th.      Brevet  i 
Major  Scawcll  has  accordingly,  this  day,  been  or-  | 
dered  to  obey  his  oriirinal  orders,  and  to  proceed  i 
forthwith  to  Join  the  headiiuarters  of  his  regiment  j 
at  Corpus  Christi. 

I  iini,  sir,  with  sreat  re.s|ieet,  your  obedient  ser- 
vant, R.  JONES,  .'Wjii/niii  General, 

Brevet  Major  General  E.  P.  Gaixes, 

CoiiiiM'g  IVrstern  Dirision,  A'.  Orleans, 

Headhuabtebs  Westebn  Division, 
Mw  Orleans,  .higust  31,  1845. 

Sir:  I  hear  from  General  Taylor,  under  date  of 
Corpus  Christi,  Angu.st  27,  1845,  that  the  steam- 
ship Alabama,  with  the  five  companies  of  the  Till 
infantry  and  Major  Gaily 's  two  coni|ianies  of  New 
Orleans  volunteer  artillery,  had  joined  him  in  safe- 
ty, after  a  very  quick  pas.iagc.  The  Alabama  re- 
lumed to  this  city  yesterday  morning. 

The  General  is  under  the  impression  that  there 
is  no  present  prospect  of  a  ftu'ward  movement  on 
the  part  of  Mexico,  and  that  the  troops  .soon  to  bo 
under  his  orders  will,  he  is  confident,  enable  him 
to  repel  any  attack. 

Under  these  circumstances,  I  shall  not  call  into 
service  any  of  the  Louisiana  volunteers  which  his 
Excellency  Governor  Moulon  has,  at  my  ref|uest, 
ordered  to  be  ready  at  a  short  notice,  unless,  in- 
deed, war  should  have  been  declared  by  Mexico, 
and  the  reports  of  a  large  concentration  of  their 
forces  upon  the  Rio  Grande  should  be  confirmed. 

These  reports  are  now  sup,  osed  to  have  been 
exaggerated.  Still,  however,  as  we  have  not  the 
means  of  accurate  knowledge  upon  the  subject,  it 
is  unrpiestionably  our  duty  to  maintain  the  altitude 
of  deliance  iu;amst  equal  nuinlirrs  of  the  best  of 
troojis.     If  they  should  prove  to  be  wanting  in 


prowess,  that  will  be  their  own  fault,  or  their  own 
miNfortunc,     If  not,  we  shall  be  ready  for  action 
upon  the  true  princiide  upini  which  every  muii  of 
military  mind  will  always  act. 
Very  resiicctftilly, 

EDMUND  P.  GAINES, 
Major  General  V,  S,  •Inny,  CummaniUng, 
To  Brig.  General  R.  Junes, 

Mjulant  General  U,  S,  Jinny.  ■• 

HEAnmiARTEns  Western  Division, 
Mw  Orleans,  La.,  Sejitemlier  2,  1845. 
Sir:  In  desiring  authority  to  assemble  upon  Iho 
Rio  Grnnde,  in  the  event  of  a  war  with  Mexico, 
fifty  baltatioiis  of  mounted  gun-men,  in  addition  to 
our  present  force  now  in  Texas  ami  ordered  thith- 
er, 1  am  convinced  that  the  ininiediate  concentra- 
tion of  such  a  force  would  enuble  us  speedily  to 
terminate  the  war — pridjubly  in  six  inonths — and 
without  a  tenth  part  of  the  corroding  and  vexutious 
efl'ecls  that  a  border  ic«r  (that  might  continue  for 
years)  would  produce  upon  the  minds  of  all  classes 
I  of  the  people  most  likidy  to  sull'er  from  war,  and 
!  who  have  the  greatest  reason  to  desire  a  durable 
i  peace.     Such  a  peace  as  would  result  from  the 
moral  elTect  of  the  prompt  and  ordVrly  inovement 
!  of  such  a  force  of  steady,  sober  cilizen  soldiers  of 
this  Union,  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  and,  if  neees.sa- 
ry,  to  other  populous  cities  and  settlements  of  that 
benighted  Repiihlic — Republic  long  afflicted  with 
:  the  awful  maladies  of  alternate  anarchy  and  des- 
'  pntism — maladies  that  the  proposed  force  of  fifty 
thousand  United   States  volunteers  and   regulars 
will  soon  cure.      Such  a  force,  prudently  coni- 
i  miutdcd  by  on  ofiicer  whose  experience  has  proven 
him  to  beijualified  to  command  volunteers  such  as 
I  General  P.  B.  Purler's  brigade  of  New  York  and 
j  Pennsylvania  viilunlecrs,  in  the  year  1814,  associ- 
!  uted  with  our  best  inslrurtedj-cgular  corps — an  nllicer 
n]>\v  to  maintain  a  liealiliful  discipline:  each  bat- 
I  lalion  and  company  headed  by  men  of  talents,  who 
'  have  learned  in  our  invii  schools  the  principles  of 
natural   law,  pulilical  economy,  and  self-govern- 
ment, with  the  value  n{  ohedieuce  to  law  and  order. 
Such  a  force,  with  such  commanders,  will  speedily 
accomplish  all  the  benefds  that  the  true  friends  of 
both  Mexico  and  the  l/nited  Stales  can  reasonably 
desire,  and  avoid  mostof  ihc  evils  incident  to  war. 
Those  found  in  arms  against  us  would  alone  have 
I  cause  to  fear  or  oppose  us.    Upon  these  we  shoulil 
indict  exemplary  punishment  in   baitle,  as  upon 
the  habitual  enemies  of  human  freedom  and  politi- 
cal independence  throiii;hout  the  world. 

These  consist  principally  of  monarchisis,  with 
their  secret  instigators  and  hypocritical  votaries  of 
the  old  Spunisli  Inipiisitinn,  latent  sparks  of  the 
fire  of  which  arc  believed  to  be  caretully  jirescrvi  d, 
and  ready  to  be  kindled  in  the  cause  of  monarchy 
and  II  foreign  hierarchy  against  .4iiicricaii  Rejiubli- 
caiiism. 

In  the  event  of  a  war,  we  shall  have  to  choose 
between  a  prompt  movement,  such  as  the  one  above 
suggested,  and  a  borderwar,  which  might  lingerfor 
'  years  without  any  satisfactory  result. 

The  objcclions  to  a  border  war  cannot  be  more 
clearly  set  forth   than   by  the  simple  details  of  a 
[  faithftil  history  of  the  Seminole  war,  the  savage 
'  horrors  of  which   lingered  during  the  greater  part 
of  seven   year.s — a  bordir  tc«r  attended  with  more 
flagrant  and  dangerous  violations  of  the  eslalilished 
laws  of  war,  and  the  approved  maxims  of  the  .sci- 
ence of  war — committed,  too,  by  high  public  func- 
tionaries, civil  and  military,  (luinninent  oliice-hunt- 
crs — candidates  for  ibe  PrisiilcMicy — men  belomjing 
to  the  two  great  political  jiarlies — Whig  and  IJeiii- 
ocral) — limn  was  ever  before  coinmitled  by  officers 
of  till!  United  States,  in  all  llie  wars  we  have  (  ver 
,  had  since  the  eoinmencemi  lit  of  our  glorious  Rin-- 
'  olutinn.    In  that  war — happily  Ibr  the  cause  of  hii- 
I  manity  and  natural  law — the  lii;;h  moral  eoura^'c, 
!  wisdom,  and  juslice  of  George  Wasliington  ruled 
triumphant,  and  kept  all  right.    His  example  ke|.t 
all  subseiiueni  commanders  right  in  the  wars  which 
followed,  until  the  year  1821,  when  a  new  system 
;  of  »irtiingfiiirii(  and  command  destroved  llie  system 
I  under  which  Wa.shingtoii  triumpheil  while  he'lived, 
and  in  which  the  example  of  Washington  enableit 
j  his  faithftil  followers  to  triumph  longafter  his  death. 
Our  bureau  system  can  never  work  well  here.    It 
I  is  eniphatically  a  monarchical  system,  adapted  to 
:  the  action  of  certain  European  monarchies,  whence 
'  the  most  objectionable  features  of  our  bureau  sys- 


m 


056 


APPSNWX  T(J  *rMfc  CONORESStONAL  OtiOBG. 


[June  8, 


29th  Cono l8T  Sgss. 


Cftnerak  Scott  and  Oninet. 


Srnatg. 


Irm  wrrn  horrowpil.     In  n  monnrrhy  Imt  little  lar- 

f',et  in  ilH  )tongmj)liici\l  linundnripii  thnn  lyo  nf  mir  | 
iirgrHt  StiitM,  mirh  n  (lydlfm  tniffht  wnrlc  wril, 
wlirii  n  niixini'K  dI'  militnry  anil  poHlleal  Inlrifur  in 
(Irc'iiii'il  ciiwiKiiil  to  KiiKiiiiii  (III!  itirfiir  right  nf  the 
iiiDimirli  tn  ;iii((  dotcn  mill  rniwiip  wliiinmooviT  llin 
piiliry  orrrrtnin  prnniinrnt  mm  or  iinrtirii  rcqiiiiv, 
willHuit  ro:;»ril  (o  the  troiililcNump  fiirnin  of  n  Irfriil  I 
iiivi'siisnlion.     Kcncc  it  wu.i  nftpii  in  tlii'  iinworof  i 
II  Imiichu  ihii'flnin  tii  not  iijion  thn  |iiiii('i|ili'  wliioh  ! 
|iiii'tijr  hiiH  nnoriliwl  ti>  thi"  honlhi-n  gods —  j 

"  Wluiin  Ihi'  undi  Imi'iid  to  c|p«lruy, iliiy  llrnl  iiinke  iiiiiil."  | 
V'hnm  the  bnrpnu  ohiffliiin  inlrnils  to  denlroy  iii'eil 
only  to  l)P  «wrrtly  rlmrKPil  with  iiifniiifi/ or  mulint/ 
liyHi.cliphieOiiin.mid  ihiwoi-kordpainiplinn  would 
he  i\ppom[>lii<hpd  under  ii  K"vcrnnient  rP{;arUlp»s  of 
Inw  or  juHlii'p. 

Siipli  n  HyKtpm  pnn  nrvpr  work  wpH  herp.  Wnsli- 
injtim'H  Byslpni  in  f.ir  lipilpr  unilpd  to  tlip  hpullhful 
nclion  of  thp  roii8liliilional  pinn  of  our  Slntm  mid  i 
otir  t'nion:  the  pprfept  |>o!ilicnl  systpinn  of  \i  liirh  1 
iipem  In  hnve  Iippu  rtpsi-tncd,  ns  if  by  Ihp  handM  of  i 
PrnvidpiMCt  in  nil  rrsjipcia  to  appord  will)  llie  vast  | 
rxlpnt  of  KPniraphii  at  limits  to  which  tlipy  nrpnp- 
plipalilp;  mid   ovpr  wliiph  tlipy  pnnnot  hut  extPnd 
very  noon,  if  wp  dn  onr  duty.     Thp  iniprovpiucnlM 
to  wliich   Mpani-powpr  will  pfivc    sprpily   nction, 
liniini.ienll  ihnl  thp  moot  san'jiiinp  Aniiiipnn  rili-  , 
zcn  Pail  ilpkirc  in  rrs|)ppt  to  iIiIh  vipw  of  the  siihjpct 
— wlihin  ihp  next  iluily  or  forty  ypurH. 

The  only  pxiiise  that  can  hi!  inunjiiipd  for  llio  i 
viiiJalionR  of  tho  Inws  of  war  in  Florida  was  that  ' 
our  fops  there  wprp  nnriigrs,  and  ndherpd  plosply  lo 
their  anpient  rules  of  aava^p  wurfaie.    Hence,  after 
they  sued  for  peacp,  and  jieacc  was  promised  ihem 
hy  one  commander — in  strict  ufcordnncc  with  the 
laws  of  war — lliat  promise  was  ncklPHsly  violated  I 
hynnnllipr  and  a  junior  eoniniandpr!     This  was  i 
one  of  ilie  first  of  a  series  of  the  gross  violations 
here  nfprred  to. 

We  may  soon  find  in  Mrxien  savage  trihcs,  or  in 
oilier  words,  .V'l/irp  .Imrrirunii,  hut  slightly  ad- 
vanrcil  In  the  arls  nf  civilized  communilies.  In 
this  lasc  it  will  he  proper  for  us  to  treat  them  as 
WP  are  in  honor  and  duly  linund  to  trpat  nil  other 
Mexicans — with  the  loiirtpsy  and  kindness  re- 
qiiircd  hy  the  most  approved  principles  of  the  Inws 
of  war;  giving  elTicient  protection  lo  the  persons 
nnd  properly  of  all  non-fomhnlanl^,  mid  more  espe- 
eiallv  rendering  every  pnssihle  friendly  nllention 
to  the  persons  and  pro|iprly  of  all  who  may  he 
disposed,  as  I  am  sure  ninny  will  he  diKposed,  to 
reci'ive  n^  as  (Viends. 

If  WP  hnvp  a  war  with  Mexico  or  England,  one 
of  llip  first  sleps  towards  snrcess  will  lie  (o  reslore 
lo  the  chiefs  of  division;:  llie  powers  confided  to 
lliein  in  the  war  of  IHU-iri,  and  the  second  essen- 
tial nicnaure  will  he  lo  spiid  to  the  llipalre  of  action 
evpry  hiirpau  offippr,  (not  rpquircd  hy  Inw,  or  the 
pppiiliar  duties  iLisi^'mil  In  him  lo  lie  at  ihe  scat  of 
tJovcrnmcnt,)  to  which  should  he  added  n  niinila  r 
of  experipuced  captains  nod  liculennuls  suHicicnl  lo 
supply  Pach  liallalion  of  voliinli'crh  with  an  acting 
slalf  of  one  major  and  two  captains  as  rpiarlcr- 
inastcr,  and  commissary  of  sulisislence,  and  an 
ordnance  otiicer  to  fine  jrilh  the  hiilliilivns  r'«;ifr(- 
irrlij,  and  to  have  charge  of  all  piililie  projicrly 
and  dishursemeiils  hclonging  to  their  respcclive 
liranchcs  of  the  !;encral  slafV,  and  lo  lake  charge  of 
whnlcver  may  lie  from  lime  to  lime  taken  in  hat- 
tie,  or  oihcrwisp  captured  f'om  ihnsp  found  in  arins 
npiiiist  us.  To  Ihpse  three  rpu'ular  otiicers,  lo  serve 
with  each  liallalion,  should  lie  added  for  each  divi- 
sion of  vfiluntcers,  an  aciinir  inspeclor  general,  and 
nn  acting  adjiiinnl  general,  with  an  assisiant  of  each 
for  every  liriijadc — these  to  he  taken  from  the  ma- 
jors, capiains,  and  lieutcnanis  of  (he  regular  nrniy, 
and  llieir  places  filled  hy  promoting  the  young  otii- 
cers and  llie  appninlmcnt  of  second  lieulennnts 
from  among  the  most  promising  volunteer  otllccrs 
nnd  soldiers.  The  high  cpialificutions  of  these  regu- 
lar olHrers,  wiih  ihe  inltuence  of  their  insiiuelioii 
ond  example,  would  do  much  towards  converting 
the  propo.sed  campaign  into  a  mililiinj  nchout  nf  Ihe 
h'lishnlorilrr,  in  which  every  nspiring  volnnleer  o(li- 
cerniid  soldier  would  actpiire  in  a  fcwinonlhs  of  ac- 
tive service  move  praciicnl  luihtnry  knowledge  than 
they  would  actpiirc  in  as  niuny  years  from  hooks — 
military  attTiiimenls  which  would  for  some  years 
five  them  the  charncier  of  frnrrifiiffi/ rclerans,  and 
render  them  eminently  useful  in  the  event  of  any 
future  war  in  whieh  w«  may  he  involvpd.     This 


I  view  pf  the  suh|«ct  nf  the  prnpnsed  eoiirentrntinn 
nf  fence,  nppenra  lo  me  lo  jnaiiiy  the  mrnaiire, 
pvpii  if  the  qnestinn  nf  war  or  nn  war  should  re- 
niniri  douhtfiil.  The  propospd  ninvenient  would 
nrolinhly  prpvent  a  war.  If  hoatililipa  shnuld  nnl 
lie  pnmmenced  hefore  the  propnspd  eoncpnlmlinn 

I  of  foi-pp.     And  it  will  hn  nn  act  of  mrrpy  and  grpat 

I  ntilily  to  evpry  Mpxicnn  and  lo  every  Yankee 
soldier  of  the  Union,  who  meet  nnd  commune 
together,  as  it  will  eimlile  Ihem  lo  hecome  heller 
ai'ipiainted,  nnd  leach  each  other  what  nil  their 
ftiliirn  interests  demand,  thst  ihey  nhoiild  (orr  tine 
nnnlhrr  as  nil  good  neijjhliors  nre  required  by  Ihe 

'  Scriptures  lo  do. 

I  have  only  lo  ndd  a  few  words  in  regard  lo  my- 
self individually  and  professionally.  Though  not 
a  young  man,  I  hnve  no  gray  hairs  lull  such  as 
have  grown  gray  in  Ihe  ii.ihlary  service  nf  my 
country.  1  think  I  am  three  years  ynnnger  thai) 
Field  Marshal  Ulnclier  was  in  his  Inst  hrillianl  nc- 

'  lions  near  Waterloo.     I  have  not  been  sick  for  nn 

.  hour,  so  as  lo  he  unable  to  march  at  Ihe  rale  nf 
tweniy  miles  in  niie  day,  or  to  ride  nt  the  rate  of 
flirty  miles  in  one  day  nt  any  lime  in  the  present 
yenr.  Nor  hnve  I,  during  the  last  iwenty-five years, 
lieeii  confined  lo  my  room  or  lent  by  disease  of  any 
kind,  more  thnn  at  the  rale  of  one  day  in  n  year, 
or  three  days  in  nny  one  year.  And  innreover, 
havinir  made  use  of  every  elfort  in  my  power  lo 
avail  myself  of  all  the  modern  discoveries  and  im- 
provemenLs  in  the  art  of  war,  and  more  especinlly 
such  discoveriea  nnd  iinprnvemonlans  slenm  power 
npplied  lo  railromli,  and  lo  every  description  ntjlnul- 
iiifr  hiillmr»  and  other  nif  in.i  iijiiilieithle  lo  Ihe  allack 
anildefenre  iij'sraporls and  the  mililaryponh  tipon  our 

[  inlels,  lakei,  oni/rierrs,  I  think  myself  possessed  of 
0,1  mxirh  pernonat  effleienrij,  and  more  menial  nbllily 
to  conimand  the  proposed  expedition  lo  the  city  of 
Mexico,  nnd  Ihence  if  necessary  to  California  or 
the  Isthmus  of  I'anaina,  or  both,  than  I  possessed 
in  the  summer  of  the  yenr  1814  in  Cnnnila,  at  the 
head  of  n  division,  to  meet  nnd  trinniph  over  a  vet- 
eran British  army  of  near  double  my  numbers, 
commanded  by  n  lieutenant-general  nf  the  Welling- 
Inn  sclinol,  nn  nfficer  of  higher  rank  than  we  have 
ever  had  in  nur  service  since  the  last  days  of  our 
helnved  Washingtnn. 

I  was  sixty-eight  years  of  age  on  the  20th  nf 
M'rc'i  '"St,  and  am  ihc  only  United  Slates  snldier 
■.  .  who  ever  won  n  battle  at  the  head  of « 

I.  jvcr  n  British  army.     Under  these  cir- 

cu.  ,  /  elniin  as  a  righl  Ihe  command  of  Ihe 

propoBtJ  expedition,  consisting,  as  itinusl  con.sisl, 
principally  of  regulars  and  volunteers  belonging  lo 
the  geographical  limits  of  my  division. 

Having  good  reasmi  to  believe  thai  my  clsim 
will  be  opposed  by  Major  General  Winfield  Scott, 
nn  officer  who  has  been  for  many  years  my  junior, 
who  I  nm  sure  has  labored  for  more  than  a  (piar- 
ler  of  a  cenlury  pasi,  with  far  more /.eal  to  cover 
me  wiih  calumny,  nnd  dcj'eal  mq  effmh  to  be  iin- 
ploypcl  in  any  service  likely  to  redound  to  the  safely 
nnd  glory  ol  my  country,  than  he  has  ever  laboricl 
lo  prnviilc  for  the  national  dcfeiire,  and  to  ilifiiit 
Ihi-  iimiding  fur, —  I  have  deterniini  il  to  siibniil  my 
(l.iini  lo  Ihe  ['resident  of  the  Uniled  Slates  and  the 
Secretary  of  War,  confidently  trusting  to  tin  ir 
known  wisdom  and  justice  for  a  decision  which 
will  prove  to  the  army  nnd  Ihe  nnlion  that  the 
risrhls  of  the  vnprrlinilhiK  soldier,  always  found 
upon  the  frontier  when  nieiiaced  hy  \^•nrs,  will  be 
as  mu<:h  respected  as  those  of  the  pnlilicnl  liielieinn, 
long  accustomed  to  cringe  and  crniicli  in  and  nlioiit 
lhe;)e/i/irn<  melropnlif,  sacrificing  the  interests  and 
honor  of  the  service  nt  the  shrine  of  that  morbid 
thirst  fur  Ihe  presideneij,  which  has  unhappily  for  a 
Ions  time  past  tiiriifd  Ih  ;  beads  nf  many  worthy 
ehiefi  of  cliijiies  from  their  appropriate  pursuits.  In 
the  great  annoyance  of  the  good  people  or  the  Union, 
nnd  the  neglect  of  iheir  best  interests — a  thirst  for 
high  office  which  has  in  some  cliipies  raced  even 
more  in/«ror  of  the  British  rieira  of  aliolilionism  than 
for  )i/ncing  our  oini  seaports  in  a  stale  nf  defence 
a!;ainsl  the  assaults  of  British  trar-sleaniers. 

If  I  nm  deemed  to  be  wrong  in  these  views,  I 
ought  to  be,  nnd  expect  to  be,  brniislil — not  before 
n  cottrl  of  ini/uiii/ — not  a  board  of  I'lTieers — but  be- 
fore a  grncrn/  roKrl-mni/in/.  If  the  President  or 
f?ccrelnry  nf  War  deems  me  to  he  wrong,  I  elinl- 
lengea  Icjal  inveatigation — lo  becharsed  and  tried 
before  a  grnfrnl  eourt-marlial ;  but  if  I  nm  deemed 

'  lo  be  right,  I  respectfully  solicit  a  complianca  'viih 


my  views  nnd  auggealions  regnrding  the  proposed 
exnodillon,  nnd  in  favor  of  my  sysiem  of  nniional 
deftnee. 

Though  fnvorpd  ns  I  nm  now  with  good  henlih, 
I  may  no,  live  to  receive  notice  of  the  nniicipnted 
derision  of  the  Freaident  and  Oepnrtment  nf  W«r, 
ns  Ihe  work  of  death  in  this  i.lty  is  often  nt  this 
Si  aann  of  the  year  despnlchcd  almost  as  quickly  as 
upon  Ihe  field  of  bnltle;  and  yet  /  iiinn  lire  In  ace 
my  ayatein  of  nntinnni  deft'iiee  carripii  into  eflipi, 
and  lo  aee  Ihe  flag  of  onr  beloved  Union  waving  in 
triumph  over  the  strong  plnees  nf  nil  nur  fnreign 
foes  near  ttJ — lo  the  westwnni  nnd  in  some  other 
directions.  I  shall  then  din  moat  happily.  I  have 
always  acted,  nnd  shall  while  1  hnve  life  continue 
to  net,  upon  the  principle,  Ihnl  the  pnlh  nf  duly  is 
nlways  tne  pnlh  of  Iriie  Aonor  and  f;lory,  if  it  ia  nnl 
nlwnya  the  jinth  nf  perannni  anfeiy.  I  have  ever 
acnrned  the  idea  nf  my  nwn  iiersoiinl  anfety ,  when- 
ever my  well-nscerlnined  pnlh  nf  duly  led  In  dan- 
ger nf  nny  deacriplinn.  This  ynii  hnve  had  twenty- 
four  opportunities  of  knowing  during  the  greater 
part  of  iwenty-thrcc  successive  days  nnd  some  Iwn 
or  three  nigfila,  ns  you  personally  nnd  gallantly 
participated  with  ine  in  each  one  of  the  occnsinns 
liere  referred  to,  as  did  nur  ehivalric  nnd  most  dis- 
linguisheil  nrtilleiy  enmnmnder.  General  Nalhaii 
Towsnn,  in  all  but  nno  of  them — a.s  did  niso  other 
brave  nipn  still  living — nnd  others  who  have  fallen 
covered  with  imperishable  fame. 

All  which  is  rcspepifiilly  siibmitlcd  for  the  infnr- 
malion  and  nclion  nf  the  I'lesident  of  the  Uniled 
Stnlcs  nnd  the  Secrelnry  of  War,  and  for  Ihe  in- 
Ibrnmlion  of  Major  General  Scott. 

KUMUMJ  1'.  GAINES, 
•A/nj.  Gen.  U.  S.  Jl,,cmnd'g  ff'eslem  IHrision. 

Brigndier  General  U.  Junes, 

.'Idj.  lien.  U.  S.  .1.,  HWiitigtoncifi/.  />■  C. 

P.  S.  I  hnve  never  known  more  thnn  two  or 
three  regiilnr  otiicers  highly  qualified  to  command 
volunteer  or  other  militia.  Our  own  beloved  Jack- 
son wns  ihe  first  nnd  abltsl.  He  acquired  Ihe  re- 
quisite knowledge,  not  at  a  military  school,  but  in 
service,  nt  the  head  of  this  description  of  fiirce,  be- 
fore he  ever  commanded  regulnrs.  Most  regular 
officers  aeeni  to  forget  that  the  militia  hnve  to  lenrii 
Ihe  school  of  the  soldier  after  Iheij  are  called  into  ser- 
vice. E.  P.  G. 

'"'oTE. — ^The  enclosed  article,  from  the  Lnuisinna 
Courier  of  this  day,  aeems  to  he  entitled  to  great 
respect  ns  lo  the  probability  of  a  pacific  policy  lin- 
ing likely  to  result  from  the  change  uf  ministry  in 
Mexico.  E.  P.  G. 

War  Department,  MjulanI  General's  Oflice, 

Hns/iitig/»n,  Sept.  10,  184.-). 

General:  Your  communication  of  the  .list  of 

August  has  been  duly  receivid  and  siibniillcd  to 

the  General-in-Chief  and  Secrrti  ry  of  War,  and  U> 

Ihe  President. 

You  Btnte  in  your  letter,  thai  you  do  not  inieiid 
"  to  call  into  service  any  nf  the  Louisiana  vohin- 
teers  which  his  F.xccMency  Governor  Monton  has 
at  my  [your]  request,  ordered  to  be  rendy  nt  a 
short  nniice;  unless,  iiiilerd,  [you  add,]  war  should 
have  been  declared  by  Mexico,  and  the  reports  of 
a  large  concentration  of  their  forces  upon  the  Rio 
Grande  shnuld  be  confirmed." 
I  Willi  regard  to  the  eontingenl  purpose  express- 
ed in  the  above  extract,  I  am  directed  by  the  Sec- 
retary nf  War  respectfully  to  refer  you,  for  your 
guidance,  to  his  leiter  of  instructinns  of  the  98lh 
ullimn,  which,  at  the  date  nf  your  letter,  could  not 
,  hnve  iieen  received;  and,  nlso,lo  the  Adjntanl Gen- 
end's  communii  alion  In  you,  upon  the  same  sub- 
ject, of  the  27ih  of  August. 

I  am.  General,  with  i^rent  respect,  your  obedient 
servant,  R.  JONES,  ./(/jiifnn/  General. 

Brevet  Major  General  F..  P.  Gaisf.s, 

Commani/iiig  fVeslvrn  Division,  »\'.  Orleans. 

Assistant  Adjitant  General's  Offipe, 

AVic  Orleans,  May  26,  184fi. 

Sir:  The  returns  of  the  Western  Division  for 

June,  July,  August,  and  September,  1844,  reniiired 

by  your  lelter  of  Ihe  8ih  instant,  will  he  made  out 

and  forwarded  ns  soon  n.s  the  necessary  data  can 

he  cnllected.     Some  time  will  necessarily  elapse 

^  before  they  can  be  completed,  which,  it  is  presum- 

'  cd,  will  cause  nn  inconvenience  to  your  oftice. 

I  would  sinle  Unit  Ihe  returns  for  November  and 


"W" 


18  in.  I 


iifh-ii  CoNfi IftT  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAri  GLOBE. 

Oenerati  Scott  and  Gaines. 


m 


Nkw  Skiiiks No.  48. 


Uei'ciiiliiir,  IHI.'i,  wi'ic  inii<l<'<iiii  wliiNl  I  wmk  liihnr- 
idfc  iimlei'  till'  •■tjic'ls  ol'ii  Hivirr  iriili.'<{iiiNii{i>ji,  ami 
1  wiiM  nnl  iilild  to  !;iv<*  iIimm  lliat  close  itlloillion  ' 
wlihli  they  ri'qiilrc     TIiIh  will  m  rouiil,  in  Nunic 
dt'i;rrr,  fur  lliu  t'lToTH  r\i«tir)';  in  iln-ni. 

1  liavr  (111!  Iiruinr  ii'M|i('i'iriilly  Mi  inliinn  ycMi  llml, 
unilrr  tlin  pxif^eni'y  nt'thr  rune,  I  IniM'  liiuhil  it  nr- 
crsHiiry  lo  ciii|il(>y  IW"  cIitUh,  ii  hciiif;  iillci'ly  iiii- 
piiNsililR  lor  iiic,  williiKil  tliiM  iiddiiioniil  iiHNisdiiii'i', 
tofillcnil   |iiii|i<Mly  III  llir  iiii'riMxi'il  ilnrics  (if  lliis 

fliid  I  Kdliijt  yiiiir  n]i])riili;t(inn  tii  iIm>  Huntn.    I  rnn-  , 
nnl  finil  thni  niiy  |ir<it'iNinn  is  iniidi'  I'nrn  ricrk  t(i  < 
lliia  iillirc;  imc  is  ill  nil  liiiii  s  iilimiliiKdy  nciTKniiry, 
mill  I  liicft-lVire  riii|ni  el  inilliiniiy  In  cniitiinii'  one 
<ir  llic  iii'iMiiiiH  wliii  liHN  liui  II  Irmporttrily  eiii|iliiy- 
ed  in  \m:  |uiHitii>ii. 

Willi  iiNiKi'i,  I  am,  sii-,  yniir  nliciliinl  Bprvani, 
I".  CAI.IIOU.N, 
^Isfislanl  .hljl.  Utiiniit  ICci/fni  Diiisinii. 
Brig.  Gen.  U.  .Ihnkk, 

.iiljl.  (.'(11.  I'.  .S.  .yciiii),  \l\isliinglon,  Ii.  ('. 

^V'All  Dl'.rAHTMtAT, 

Ifn^liiiiiilim,  .7i(je'ii.<i(  d.'i,  ItJJ.'). 
Sin:  lOiidonniJ  licrcwilli  ymi  will  rc'ciir  a  coiiy 
*tf  inntructidiH  wliii'li  liavc  I>im')i   issncd  IVoni  tliiK 
(Jcpnnnipnt  In  llriir'niici"  (I'l'iicrid  'raylnr,  to  ulniiii 
llii'  Cidvrrnincnl  ol'  llic  llniliil  Sljilfs  lias  a.xHi<;ii('d 
lli(>  conimainl  iiPthc  arniv  nriii'i-ii|miioii  in  Toxas. 
■      W.M.  L.  AIAUC^'. 
-Mnj.  0(Mi.  (itivF.'i 

\\  All   l)KPAm  MKNT, 

Ilns/iiiirloii,  .ya.TH.vl  -';«,  IH45. 

S'm:  TliP  iiHiiniiMiioii  liilliPrtii  rc.'pived  us  to  ilip 
inipiiiions  ol' Aloxico,  and  ilic  niPiiHinrs  8lic  may 
.'idapt.  doPH  iKil  Piialilc  tlip  Adiniiuslralinii  Iutp  to 
f.'ive  you  morp  pxplii'il   itistrnpiii'iis  in  rpijarii  to 
your  moveniPnlH  tiinn  tliosp  wliiili  liave  lit5PM  nl- 
icady  forwarded  lo  ymi.    TIipip  is  ipason  to  lip- 
lipve  tlmt  Mexico  is  niakin'^  cH'iirtH  to  assm.ilile  a 
laitrp  army  on  tlip  frontipr  of  Texas,  for  iIip  piii- 
poHi;  of  enieriii';  ils  territory  and  linldiiis;  foreilile  I 
posspssioii  of  ii.     Of  llieir  niovpincnis   you   are  I 
UonbllesH  advised,  and   we  trust  have  taken,  or 
early  will  take,  priniipt  and  elliiienl  steps  to  meet 
and   repel   any   smli    liostili'   iiiiiirsiiin.     Hhoiild 
Mexii'.o  assemhli^  a  lari^e  body  of  Iroofis  on   tlic 
Uio  Grande,  and  er(i«s  it  with  a  eonsiderabh^  force,  , 
mich  a  niovpnipiil  iiiiist  lip  rei^aided  ay-  an  iiiva- 
nion  of  tlie  I'nitpd  Stalps  am!  the  einiinipncenient 
of  lioRtililies.     Voii    will,  of  cniirsc,  use   all  llie  | 
uiitliorily  wliu'.U  lias  liecii  or  ir.i.y  lie  iriveii   you, 
to  meet   Riicli  a  statp  of  lliiiii^s.     Texas  niiist  lie 
protceled    from    liostile    iiiv.'isinii;   and,    for   tliat  , 
purpose,  you  will  of  e.onrHc  iiiiploy  to  the  iitniost 
exleiil  all  the  means  yon  possess  or  cm)  command. 

An  order  has  hecn  this  (lay  issued  for  senilins 
one  thousand  more  men  into  Texas  to  join  those 
under  your  comnnnd.  When  the  exisiiiiLC  orilers 
are  carried  into  ell'ect,  you  will  have  wiili  you  a 
force  of  four  lliiiiisaud  men  of  the  rei;iilar  army. 
We  are  not  enaliled  to  juilu'c  what  auxiliary  forcp 
piiii,  upon  an  PinPi'srpncy,  he  l)roiii;hl  ln'^reilier  from 
Texas;  and,  as  a  prec^uiiioiimy  lopasnre,  you  are 
authorized  lo  accept  volunteers  from  tin'  Slates  of 
Louisiana  and  Alalunna,  and  even  from  iMississip- 
pi,  Tennessee,  and  ivenliicky.  .Should  Mexico 
declare  war,  or  commeni  e  Imsiiliiies  hy  crossiii'j 
the  Uio  (Jriuule  with  a  eonsider.ililc  force,  you  are 
instructed  to  lose  no  lime  In  ';iviii'X  iiitoniialioii  lo 
the  authorities  of  eacli  or  any  of  the  aliove-meii- 
tioned  .Stales  as  to  the  numlier  of  volimti  ers  you 
may  want  iVoin  them  respectively.  Should  you 
requiri!  troops  I'rom  any  ot'  these  States,  it  would 
he  imporl:oit  t'l  h.ive  them  with  the  least  possilili; 
delay.  It  is  not  doul)teil  that  at  least  two  rci:;!- 
ments  tVom  New  Urieans  and  one  from  iSIoliile 
could  he  olitiiined  and  expeditiously  broinlit  into 
the  field.  Yon  will  enuse  it  lo  lie  known  at  these 
]ilaces  what  number  and  description  of  troops  you 
desire  to  receive  fr(mi  llu'iu  in  the  coiitemplaled 
emerpeiiey.  The  luithorities  of  these  Si;ites  will 
be  apprized  that  you  are  aulhorizi^d  to  receive  vol- 
unteei'.s  from  iIkmii;  and  you  may  calculate  that 
they  will  promptly  join  you  when  it  is  made  known 
thai  tlieir  services  are  reipiiied.  Anns,  ammuni- 
tion, and  camp  equipa'je,  for  the  auxiliary  troops 
that  you  may  reipiire,  will  he  sent  forward,  sub- 
ject to  your  orders.  S'oii  will  so  dispose  of  them 
as  to  be  most  available  in  ease   iliey  should  be 

42 


ne(!dr(l,  at  tliu  s.'mio  lime  with  a  due  ret^ard  to 
their  safely  and  preservation.  Ordei-M  liave  been 
isiued  to  the  naval  force  on  the  Gulf  of  .Mexico 
to  eoiiperale  with  you.  You  will,  as  far  as  prac- 
ticable, hold  commnnlration  with  the  coiiiniandei's  I 
of  our  national  vessels  in  your  viciiiitVi  "nil  avail  I 
yourself  of  any  nsaiHlaup*  that  can  be  derived  fioni 
their  cooperation.  The  Lexiii'.'lon  is  ordered  into 
service  as  a  transport  ship,  and  will  sail  in  a  few 
(hiVH  fioni  New  York  with  a  delaehment  of  llni- 
led  Stales  troops  for  Corpus  (Mirisli.  .She  will  be 
einploypil  as  lh(^  exii-ency  of  the  public  servici' 
may  ri'ipiire.  In  order  to  k(^ep  up  ii  proper  com- 
mnnicalioii  belweell  the  army  in  Texas  and  llie  ' 
lliiiied  Stales,  the  Oii-ka-hy-e,  ihe  Marney,  and 
the  Dolphin,  will  be  put  into  service,  as  Koon  as 
they  can  be  made  ready,  aw  dcHpalcb  vessels  'o 
convey  iiitellii;ence,  supplies,  Ac.  You  will  avail 
yourself  of  these  vessels  and  all  other  proper 
means  lo  Keep  the  Uovernmem  here  advised  of  | 
your  iipi  ralions,  and  of  the  state  of  lliinus  in  Tex- 
as and  iVIexico. 

I  have  the  Inmor  lo  be,  with  Ki'eat  resDect,  voors, 
W.\l.  L'.MAUf'V,  :u<;-el,ini  of  II „r. 

Opiipral  '/.  Tavi.ob. 

Waii  tlF.PAnrMKXT,  .liiitrnt  Qft.  IH^j. 
Sin:   I   transmit  herewith   a  copy  of  a  circular, 
wliii'li  liasbeeniiddresHeil  by  tliisdcpartmeiit  (dated 
•J.'itli  Anirust.  184.1.)  toihe  Governors  of  Louiiiana, 
Alabama,  Mississippi,  Tennessee  and  KeiilucKv. 
\VM.  L.  .MAIU'V. 
Hi.  .Mnj.Geii.  K.  P.  Gainks,  f'.  .S.  .li'iiiij. 

War  I)i:pmitmi-,n  r, 
n'l/s/iiiiif/eii,  ,lii;:iisl  •,'.">,  IS4."i. 
SiH;  General  Taylor,  lo  whom  has  been  commit- 
Ipil  the  eoniniaild  of  the  army  of  occupation  in 
Texas,  is  authorized  lo  draw  imy  .uixibary  force 
he  inav  need  from  Texas.  If  such  aid  should  be 
wanteii,  it  is  not  doubted  that  llic  patriotic  citizens 
of  tlinl  State  will  rally  to  his  assistance  with  alacrity, 
in  snlHcient  numbers  lo  enaljle  him,  in  eonjunclioii 
with  Ihe  United  Stales  troops,  to  repel  the  iinasioii 
of  Texas  by  Mexico,  Bliould  it  be  attempted. 
Thoiiilh  our  information  as  to  the  force  Mexico 
may  brini  into  the  field  for  such  a  |iurpose  is  not 
very  lucurale,  yet  there  is  n^ason  lo  apprehend  that 
it  is  more  numerous  than  that  under  tiie  commaiiil 
of  General  Taylor,  and  may,  perhaps,  exceed  his 
ell'ective  force  when  au;nii'nled  with  the  auxiliary 
aid  he  may  derive  from  Texas.  IJesides,  lie  m.iy 
need  addiiioiial  troops  to  a  :;rcater  number,  and 
sooner  than  they  e,iii  be  fitrihslied  him  from  that 
State.  Should  he  need  assistance  from  your  Slate, 
he  is  directed  lo  siinify  to  you  the  number  and  de- 
srription  of  troops  he  may  deem  necessary  to  re- 
ceive as  volunteers  in  the  ser\  ice.  Relyins:  upon 
the  zeal  and  public  spirit  of  the  !r,illaiit  militia  of 
Alabama,  .Mississippi,  and  Louisiana,  the  Govern- 
ment here  do  notdiiulil  thai  lie  will  be  promplly 
furnished  with  such  and  so  many  as  he  may  ex- 
press a  desire  to  have  mustered  into  the  service  of 
the  United  Slates;  and  it  has  the  most  perfeel  re- 
liance upon  your  eoiinlen:iiice  and  coiiperation  in 
oriranizini::  and  sending  iiiio  Texas  such  a  volim- 
leer  lurce  I'rom  your  .Stale  as  he  may  desire.  It  is 
neccssarilv  left  to  his  jiidijineiu  to  ilesiijiiatc  the 
number.  It  is  proper  lo  observe  lliai  the  einer:;eney 
rendcrin:;  such  assistance  from  the  miliiia  of  your 
State  necessary,  does  not  ajipear  to  have  been  fore- 
seen by  Consress,  and  coii>^eip\eiitly  lev  appropri- 
aiion  was  made  for  payim:  them;  but  it  is  not  to  be 
(louliteil  that  such  a  provision  will  be  promptly 
made  when  Compress  shall  a','ain  assemble.  In 
lailer  to  be  paid,  the  .Slate  troops  must  be  mus- 
tered into  service.  In  or:,'aiiizinir  companies  and 
rei^iments  for  that  purpose,  the  ntiiuberof  ollicers 
must,  be  jiroportioned  to  that  ol'  the  privalcs. 
Kncloscd  1  send  you,  from  the  .Vdjuluiit  Geiier.al, 
a  stalemeul  of  the  miiiiber  and  rank  of  ollicers  fur 
each  company  of  men,  as  well  as  the  re^Mmenlal 
and  stall'  ollicers,  should  a  ref;imeiit  of  volunteers 
be  called  for.  l-'roia  the  known  patriolism  and 
military  ardor  of  the  militia  of  your  St.ue.il  is  pre- 
sumed that  volunteers  to  the  number  that  may  bo 
required  will  rculily  tender  their  services  to  ilieir 
country  in  the  eoiitemplaled  einer:,'eiicy.  .Should 
aid  fr.Mii  your  State  be  required  by  the  command- 
ini^  jeneriil  in  Texas,  it  will  be  of  the  iilioosi  im- 
portance ihnt  the  troops  should  be  sent  into  that 
Slate  without  delav.     This  consideration  will  ren- 


der ll  proper  llial  iliey  Hhoiild  eome  from  such 
part  of  the  .Slate  as  can  most  |iromplly  furnish 
iheni. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respcetfiilly,  your 
obedient  servant,  WM.  L.  MARCY, 

Secrflaiij  of  Uar 
His  Kxeellency  HrKiAMiN  Pitzi-athk  u, 

♦ini'enioi'  nf.lliibinnn,  Tiitcatvonu,  Jlla. 
His  Exrellency  A.  (f.  liiiowN,  '. 

*.'ne(  riiec  of  Misumipiu,  ./iirAMDii,  Miff, 
Ilia  Kxcelleni  y  Ai.r.x  \s'l>Kli  .Mai'Tov, 

(.'oi'frdoro/'/.diii'.iidiH,  .N'fip  Orliunf,  l,a. 

MRAnqiiAiiTK.ns  Wkstkhn  Divihion,        '* 
.\'iH'  Diliinif,  /.».,. iiiifiisl  15,  184.1. 

Siii:  llavimr  reason  to  apprehend  thai  .Mexieo 
will  miike  min-e  elllcient  opposilion  to  the  army 
receiuly  ordered  to  occupy  the  m  eslern  border  of 
Texas  than  was  aniicijiatrd  by  the  War  Depart- 
ment when  the  orders  lor  that  movement  were  is- 
sued, in'  sul'Se({ueiilly,  I  deem  it  necessary  and 
proper  lo  lake  immediate  measnri^s  to  uui;inent 
this  army  of  occupation  by  such  volunteer  corps 
as  mav  be  inclined  to  enter  the  service  to  go  Ihitn- 
cr  fiM'thwith. 

And  believini;  llio  volunteer  corps  of  this  city 
and  Slate,  and  those  of  the  nei'i;hboring  Stales,  the 
best  troops  ill  the  world  for  this  service,  acclUnnleit 
and  (li:ciiilhnil  as  iliey  are,  and  extensively  ac- 
(luaiiiKd  with  the  country  likely  to  become  the 
tlieaire  of  action,  I  respectfully  request  of  your 
excellency  two  e(nupanies  of  artillery  lo  rointorcR 
and  co-operate  with  the  army  of  la'cupalioii  in 
Texas,  near  the  liio  Grande. 

I  also  request  that  four  re'/imeiits  of  infantry 
and  rillemeii  be  (u'Lcanizid  and  belli  n ady  for  ser- 
vice in  Texas,  to  move  thither  at  short  notice, 
which  shall  be  coininiiiiicated  at  the  proper  time, 
will  II  they  will  be  duly  mustered  into  service. 

Immediate  arran^'eincnls  will  be  niade  for  fiir- 
nishiiu;  the  above  force  with  every  reqnisiie  sup- 
ply of  subsisiciice,  arms,  and  ammunition,  and 
camp  e(piipa<,'e,  at  the  barracks  below  this  city, 
lo^i  ther  Willi  steamers  and  other  vessels  for  their 
transportolioii  to  Texas,  and  also  with  wagons 
and  horses  for  the  iraiisporlaiion  of  llieir  supplies 
after  laiidins  in  Texas. 

This  will  be  liiiiided  to  you  by  Major  S.  Cooper, 
assistant  adjiilniit  v'eneral  of  my  division,  to  whom 
I  refer  volt  for  such  facts  as  have  ibis  morninij 
ti'aiispii'ed  in  relation  to  the  service  above  referred 
til. 

I  have  the  honor  lo  be,  with  perfeel  respect,  your 
obedicni  servant, 

RDMtT.Vn  P.  GAIXES, 
.V(/;'.  (I'eii.  V.  .S. ./.,  Com.  l!'c»(i;i'H  flivi.^iou. 

To  his  Lxcellenry  Ai.i;xA\iiKn  Moiriiv, 

(i'oi'(  I'lKic  (;/'(/ic  *'((i/i!  (i/' /.oui.tiaiin. 

WaII  nEPAIlTMI-.MT, 

H'(t'./;i»,:,'(()a,  .lufftml  d8,  184."i. 
Siii:  The  Adjutant  General  has  just  furnished 
me  with  a  laipv  of  your  communication,  dated  the 
l.')lh  instant,  aildi'cssed  to  his  KxcellencyA.  Moii- 
ton,  (Governor  of  Louisiana,  by  which  it  appears 
that  voii  have  made  a  requisition  on  him  for  two 
companies  of  artillery,  to  be  sent  to  the  army  of 
occiipalioii  ill  Texas,  under  the  command  of  Gen- 
eral Tavlio'.  It  cannot  be  necessary  to  apprize 
you  that  the  authority  lO  make  a  requisition  upon 
ihe  Governors  of  the"  respective  States  for  the  mi- 
litia thereof,  lo  hi;  employed  in  the  service  of  the 
Uniled  Stales,  is  vested  only  in  the  President,  and 
limited  in  its  exercise  lo  two  or  three  specified 
cas"S.  The  emer^'eiicy  which  wimld  tolerate  or 
excuse  ilieassiinipiioii  of  this  mithority  by  a  mili- 
tiry  ntlicer  in  command,  at  a  distance  from  llieseiit 
of  Goverimienl,  in  anlicipaiion  of  the  President's 
aclion,  must  be  one  iiidicatiii.;  !!;reat  and  imminent 
peril  to  the  country— a  peril  so  {rreat  and  immi- 
nent, a-i  lo  leave  no  reasonable  doubt  that  the  Pres- 
ident, Willi  full  knowled-e  of  all  the  e.ircumstanc(^s 
of  the  case,  would  have,  fell  it  to  be  his  duty  to 
resort  to  such  aid.  The  assumption  of  this  au- 
thority by  an  ollicer  so  situated,  should  be  under 
eii'eiinisian.:es  which  would  be  sure  to  command 
his  subsequent  ratification  of  it.  The  information 
oil  which  vou  acted  in  making  the  requisition, 
may  have  been  mure  minute  and  authentic,  and 
showing  more  danger  lothe  troops  under  the  com- 
mand ol'  General  'i'aylor  than  has  yet  been  made 
known  to  the  Government  here.     You  speak  in 


*t  I 


flRS 


aOrit  CoNo Iht  Srm. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  COIVGRESSIONAT.  GUnHE. 

Oenernh  Scolt  and  daiiiei. 


[June  8, 


Sknatr. 


yiiiir  Ii  iicidl  ill''  ITili  iii^<inti'  t(i  ilic  AiljniiintOrn- 
irnl,  of  intlirnmliiiii  rrci'iviil  tVom  Mr.'  I>oi)cIniiii, 
lljrn  rii'inily  fniTii  (icnrnil  'I'liylnr's  rmii|i,  whi'''i 
yell  |iri'^iimi"il  linil  ln'fii  nuiiiniinii'nti'il  In  llii'  (inv- 
liiiiiiMii,  in  II  liiii'r  Mliii'li  Mr.  Iiimi'lsnn  Kialcd  tci 
ViMi  III'  liiul  wrilli'il  III  lliiN  (li'pnilininl.  N"  nili'h 
l.iii  !■  Inn  boi'ii  rcwivnl  ''loin  liini.iinil  il  in  llii  iT,'.ir« 
im|ii>.'.,Hilili'  lo  ili'Irrniini'  Iidw  I'.ir  mirli  iiil'iiniiMlinii, 
or  I'lhiT  I'li'lM,  not  Idiuwii  Ihmt,  linvc  ii iliicMii'ril 
voii  ill  imklof;  ill''  fiill  lor  n  |iorii(iii  oriiii'  Loulii- 
I'lim  iiiiliiiu,  null    I'lidiir;  llinn  iiilo  '['''Xhk. 

,\  Hliilc  of  iliinu's  wlii''li  mi','lii  rcnil'T  il  |iriiil''iil 
mill  proper  for  lifiii'm!  'I'.iyior  lo  ili.iw  iiii  aiivili- 
nry  lori'i'  from  mmi''  of  ihi'  Ihiiicil  Sinlcs,  ni  wi'll 
n't  from 'IVxim,  hut  li''riii'inl''m|iliilril  liy  llir  I'ii'n. 
iilcnt  iiH  M  |ioiisilil('  roniiii'jriii'y,  iiinl  liy  liiii  ilirrr- 

IIOIIH  ill.lI'lH'lioIlM  lipnil  lll;lt  Blll'j'TI   IlIlM'  Im-'MI  Krill 

lo  (Icii'iiil  'I'liylor,  11  1  iipy  of  wlili'li  w  ix  nho  fnr- 
wurdoil  In  yoii  on  llii  'J.'iili  iiisianl.  Il  it  nol  i-oii- 
coivril  lliiU'llii'ii'  Mill  III  iTiil'i'T  \w  iiiiy  oci'ii.iioii  lo 
snid  inloToMiM  Sliilo  IroopH,  iihIish  it  In- on  liix 
lioiilii  iilioii  liiiil  Hii.'li  fori'i'  will  It  iicrdnl. 

Till'  l«o  ('.oiii|i'iHi'x  of  nrlilli'ry  from  .Vow  Or- 
li'nnx  liuviii:;,  iit  il  i.t  prcHiimril,  nlri'iidy  icon*'  I'l 
TrxjiH,  ticmriil  'Taylor  will  I"'  ilirrotcl  lo  rrri'i\*o 
niid  I'i'iaiii  ilicni  in  ^'<'rvil'c  iiH  loiii;  ax  llie  piililii' 
cxi!!oiiry  mny  ri-nnii''. 

Till'  l''i'('.'<ideiitiliri''H  inr  to  Rny,lluil,  inmuKiii!; 
the  n'f[iiisitton  nn  llii^  (Invrrnor  of  I^niiisiima,  lir 
iloo.s  not  qiiPRtioii  ilir  piirilv  or  palriolisin  of  your 
moiivi's,  and  In'  lrii.'<is  ilml  il  will  \iv  iiiiicic  lo  n|i- 
prar  that  iln;  iiiforinnlion  wliii'h  led  yon  to  ii'solvn 
upon  til'-  mcamiri'  was  of  sinli  a  rliarartcr  and  so 
i>iiilii'iill<'aU'd  ax  lo  warraiil  liini  in  I'Mlifyiii;;  your 
prod'durc. 

Very  ri'xperlfiilly,  A''., 

W.  L.  MAIiCY,  Sccretarij  nf  Urn: 

To  Mnjor  Cioni'ral  K.  P.  0.»iNr.s. 

WaH    nRPMlTMI-S'T,  .'/I'S-IH/  .'10,  IS  I.-). 

Sin:  I  hriTWiili  Inni.imii  a  lopy  of  a  liiirr  from 
this  drparlminl  In  (ii  pi  ral  <  fuiiirs  of  llir  *Hili  in- 
Hlniit.  .Should  the  Iv.o  roiin.anii'x  of  artillery  i'p- 
ferred  lo  ill  llial  eoiiiniiinii'alion  report  In  yon  in 
Texas,  yon  will  r''''i'ive  and  ri'lain  iheiii  in  servii'e 
so  loiiir  119  the  puhli'-  (xi'Zi'iK'iex  may,  in  your 
judirnient,  rei|iiire. 

Very  respi'i'll\illv,  A''., 

W.  I.:  .M.MIf'V.  Scnclm-ti  rj  ll\n: 

Urovrl  Pri;;adier  (iiii.  '/,.  'r«Yl.iiii, 

OxtniKim/iii^'  Ciiitrtl  Sl'tten  .'/rm;/  iti  Trxnit. 

He \nQrABTrii'i  Wr.iTRnv  Pmiiiov, 

^Vnv  ikifaiis,  Sif)tfinhff  'A,  IH-I'i. 

Sib:  I  have  the  honor  to  ai'Kiiowlitil:;''  ilii'  lei'iipl 
of  your  two  letl'-rs  of  the  :2.'illi  ultimo,  one  en- 
elosiii^^  lo  rue  a  cfinv  of  voir  iiiHtriielionx  of  the 
SJ3d  lo(Jeiieril  Taylor,  and  the  niher  ai'Kiiowlid:j- 
iii2  the  reel  ipi  of  niv  letter  of  thi'  Klili,  whii'li  was 
written  after  the  mail  of  ili:ii  day  \va.'<  closed,  in  the 
hope  thai  il  wniild  reaeli  yon  a  day  .sooner  than  if 
sent  liy  the  mail  of  the  1  ifli  nlliino,  as  niy  ainiiilile 
friend,  Mrs.  .Mef 'orniiek,  who  look  eliar'_'e  of  my 
letter,  with  Inr  travelling  eomuanioiiN,  .Mr.  anil 
Mrs.  .\dani.s,  all  very  aeiive  anil  |ier»evc'riiis,  had 
determined  to  travel  with  the  mail. 

Coiisiderini;  your  insirnclioiis  In  Genrral  Tavlor 
cif  the  U.ld  iillimo  n  \irtnnl  apnroval  of  my  leipiisi- 
tioii  of  the  IJth  iillimo  for  Loni.siana  vohinteers, 
mid  more  e.speei.illy  for  the  two  line  i-.niiiianies  of 
New  Orleans  volniitepr  arlilhry,  with  tlnir  fiipeiinr 
h'imi  ('/brass  fii{il-)ihrf%Yeitil}i  for  tiction,  under  the 
txperieneed  Major  tially,  1  have  iheineil  it  lo  he 
my  dniy,  under  the  pnsent  aspeei  nf  ihe  polii'y 
nnd  proliahin  movemenis  of  tin:  .Mexieaiis,  to  ih'- 
RJre  General  Taylor  I'l  retain  in  service  this  very 
pfTicient  little  corps  diiriii'.?  the  term  for  which  they 
were  eii^raired,  iinliss  .sooner  disci, arji'il  hy  your 
orders;  as  oiherwise  wi'  mia:hl  incur  the  cliari^e  of 
spnrtiiiic  with  the  feelm^jx  t\\'  tlfse  clijvalrii'.  and 
patriotic  vohinteers,  liv  acreptini;  their  services 
when  manifestly  needed,  and  dixcharriii".;  them  in 
haUe,  even  hefore  we  have  uneipiivocal  evidence  of 
Ihe  desiijns  of  the  enemy,  who,  thoiiL'h  they  may 
not  dt'clare  irnr,  appear  resolved  to  iuvadr  Tcxur^ 
whi'h  would  he  elearly  nn  act  ifvnr. 

I  am  much  irntified  to  find  my  reqnisliinn  thus 
Tirtually  approved  hy  you;  nnd  I  rexpei'tfully  re- 
quest tliat  you  also  approve  my  inslrnetiniis  to 
General  Taylor  to  retain  Major  (Sally's  command 
in  si;rvice.  until  we  have  some  conclusive  osaurance 
of  peace  on  the  part  of  Mexico.  1 


I  have  Ihe  honor  lo  he,  with  perfect  rrKptel,  ' 
!  your  nhedient  nervmit,  i 

F'^nMCNn  p.  0.\!NK.«I, 
Mnj.  (Ini    I'.  S.  .Iiiiiii,rn<nm'f[  ll'iW.  Wrliiini. 
To  the  Mon.  Wm.  I..  .M»n<v, 
I  .S'rcrrdii'iM;/' H'lir,  (I'ruAiinj'dni  ('i/i(. 

Waii  Dk.pmitmi'vt, 
II'(iv/iiii:,'foii,  SrpUnilirr  i:i,  ISI.'i. 

Sin:  I  am  snrpiiscd  to  ham,  ax  I  il.i  hy  your 
Idler  of  the  ,'hl  instant,  thai  yon  eonsiih  r  my  in- 
slruetions  to  (Jeneriil  Taylor,  of  the  ■J.'til  nliiii'io,  a 
riiliiiil  ni'inoral  of  your  iTipiisilion  for  I.onisiana 
volunteers.  I  am  very  sure  that  no  nfi'i'ence  nf 
that  liiiid  can  hi'  enrrclly  drawn  from  these  in- 
slrnctioiiH.  The  Presiileni  has  seen  fit  to  insiriict 
(Jeneral  Taylor  to  do  what,  wiihotii  his  histrin- 
lioiis,  he  could  not  ilo — lo  c;ill  on  the  Governors 
of  Nome  of  ihe  Stales,  in  certain  enier'.'encirx,  for  a 
part  of  the  militia  force  nf  these  Sialcs,  and  you 
e.instnie  these  insirnclioiis,  il  xeem*,  iiilo  a  rirlital 
iinpri'Viil  of  your  call,  willioiil  the  amliorily  of  the 
Piesidenl,  for  Louisiana  volnnli  crs.  This  eon- 
I'hision  appears  lo  me  to  he  pitlpahly  erroneous. 
Iiidceil,  ihc  inslriiciiiniM  lo  (ieni'ral  Taylor,  to  my 
iiiiod,  warrant  an  iiilVri  nee  the  very  reverse  of  llitit 
which  yon  wish  lo  draw  from  tliein, 

The  Pre.iidenrx  views  in  re'_'aril  In  your  requi- 
sition iqioii  the  (lovenior  of  I.nnisiana  are  eon- 
laiiied  in  my  letter  lo  yi'ii  of  iheUHih  nliinio. 

II  is  quiie  evident,  from  your  rccpiesi  that  I 
should  approve  of  your  inslriietioii  to  (hiieral 
T:iylor  lo  retain  Major  Gallv's  command  ill  ser- 
vice, Ac,  that  ynn  misniidcrsiand  your  posiiion 
ill  reirard  to  the  eoiinnaiidim;  LTi'iicral  in  Texas. 
His  eoniinaiid  is  entirely  inchpnidciii  of  you;  the 
nrdi'rx  and  instriieiions  for  lux  eonihicl  emaniile 
only  tVoni  the  iioveriiment  here,  and  yon  are  di- 
rected to  ahsliiin  from  all  interference  with  him. 

W.   t,.   M.MiCV.  ,S'fr)'r/<oi/ ,7' »'<(!•. 
Gen.  E.  P.  Gaint.^,  .\iic  Drlralti,  l.i'i. 

1  ...  '     llEAnQI'AnTK.IlH  AVKSTF.nV  OlVlsloV, 

I  ,\!  II'  (hlmm,  Sijtiemlttr  10,  \'rl\X 

Sin;  1  have  to  ai'kno"  hih/e  the  honor  of  ynnr 
letter  of  the  oKih  nhiiiio,  coiiiaiiiiiio:  your  iosiruo- 
lions  rcL-nlatiii','  calls  foi-  miliiia  to  he  employed  in 
the  sirviceofthe  rniieil  Slates,  'vhicli  .shall  he  im- 
plicitly ohsi'rved  anil  oh.  yeil. 

I'rom  the  peciiliaily  adinoniiory  I'lne  of  your  let- 
ter, I  think  myself  ill  lii>nor  hound  to  aver,  and  am 
prepared  to  |irove,  that  /  hure  nerir  in  llir  s/'V/i/Mf 
ilen^rrr  (Ippctrtftl  from  Ihe  rulrs  of  ro»ihirt  vhicU  ymir 
iiiHlriirlininiimliiarr  rrnimliiif;  rails  loriii'ilitii'  nr  rnl- 
loi/pf  i"«,  and  1  am  very  sure  that  no  evidence  can  he 
nildneed  to  jni/  iiif  in  llic  ici/oer,  hiit  such  evidence 
as  m.iy  he  seen  in  the  hasehss  nsserlioiis  of  intol- 
erant parly  writers,  while  frrrrllif,  if  nol  openly  eii- 
deavoriii';  to  ;iii(  Ihr  tlnrmimnil  iivil  rrtni  hkmi  in 
f',tvi*y  nl'tl^li'ittrnis  llir  rniintrii  i»  llir  irrntt<r.  Such 
writers  as  marki'd  the  char.ieii'r  of  the  ailvoealex 
of  the  llarll'ord  Conveniion  in  the  year  INII,  nnd 
such  dastardly  writers  as  the  one  who  e/iicii/ii/  ile- 
nonneeilme  AS  w  in  r Kill. (ipkh,  while  he  was  e^liriai- 
bl  I  nde.ivoriii','  lo  starve  mv  gallant  army  and  my- 
self for  soliciiiii',;  the  services  of  a  rc'iineiit  nf  hrave 
Louisiana  vohinteers,  and  llyiin;  with  llieni  to  Ihe 
rescue  of  the  eili/.eiix  nf  l-'lorida,  whose  iV'nitier 
wax  lileedinrr  at  every  pore;  and  for  healim;  the 
eiicniv,  .'ind  (orciiMc  th'^m  lo  sue  I'or  )i(  ace  la  I'ore  I 
had  lime  lo  no  ihronirh  the  forms  of  what  one  of 
our  hiirean  heroes  deems  to  he  a  i-cirii/nr  rc'/Misi/inii. 
That  lileediii'_'  I'ronlier  happein  il  to  he  a  part  of  my 
proper  cfuiiniand,  win  re  war  had  hreii  coninieni'ed 
on  ihe  part  of  the  enemy  hy  the  massacre  of  t'nited 
.Stales  ofllcers,  soldi'rs.  and  eiiizeiix,  lo  the  amount 
I'f  more  than  one  lnnnlred. 

General  Taylor'.-,  lai'.'ade  was,  and  still  ia,  n  part 
of  niy  prop'-r  eomni.ind,  heiiiL'  one  of  the  hriijades 
of  III  V  di\  isioii;  and  it  was  and  is  my  duly  lo  make 
use  of  every  proper  means  in  mv  power  to  sustain 
it,  hy  reinforcenienis  and  snnnlies  of  nninitions  of 
war,  ax  it  was  in  the  year  IHM  in  raiiada,  or  in 
1h;1I!  in  Florida,  to  sustain  the  heroic  vohinteers  of 
New  ^'ork,  [*''iiiisylvaiiiii,  and  f..'aiisiaim,  with  the 
Pniled  Stales  reixnlarx  confided  lo  my  roinninnd 
whili'  in  haitle,  or  prepariin,'  for  nciimi  aiainst  a 
British  veteran  army  in  Canada,  or  a  saviiijc  fop  in 
Florida.  1  was  and  am  in  honor,  nnd  in  d'lly, 
hound  to  net  upon  precisely  the  same  principle  that 
it  is  always  the  duty  of  a  eoinmander  of  a  division 
far  distant  from  the  scat  of  government,  to  wntch 


over  the  snft'ty,  nnd  promptly  send  reinforcenienis, 
snppheN,  and  iiilel|i:,'eiice,  m  succor  and  siisiaiii 
any  ifiinn/or  ilrhirhmnil  sintolVhv  his  nwn  oiihrs, 
or  hy  order  of  the  Gnv'Tiiiuenl,  for  the  nltainnicni 
of  any  nrdiiiiinj  or  any  exirnordiiiiiry  ohjici;  or  tlin 
perfo'rniiincp  of  nny  icl//ii,i  or  irilhiml  ihe  United 
Stat'x;  not  to  hamper,  einhnrraxs,  or  weaken  such 
detacheil  coiiiniaiiiler,hiit  loriifi^'-'ifriiand  nlrrn^'llitn 
him,  hy  proiiipilv  sniiplvim;  linn  with  everythin:^ 
which  llip  iinavoidahle  easnallies  of  miliiary  mnve- 
iiienlx,  hy  land  or  hy  water,  always  produce;  Rial 
thus  ri'iiilcriiiu'  ihe  atlaimni'iit  of  the  ohjecl  in  \  ipw 
more  easy  and  c  rtaiii.  This  Indi  id  would  liavii 
been  my  diilv,  if  my  eominand  had  hein  limiled 
lo  llip  eily  of  New  Ihlianx.  This  is  the  diily  of 
every  ireneml  ollh'er  of  expprimci>  within  or  hear 
till'  xeclion  of  country  i  iiiimHiii','  the  thralri'  of 
ailion,  or  near  the  line  of  eominniiieiilion  helween 
thill  theatre  of  action  and  the  (iovermneiii.  'I'lm 
lirxt  and  liiL'^hest  duly  of  I'M-ry  eommniiihr  is  rer- 
tl'titlUt  Hint  frrfnillti  In  r""prnilr  irilli  rarli  nlhrr  in 
carry  linr  inloelVecl  thi'Ti'ial  eonsiiiiilioiiiil  principla 
nf  our  creation  ax  nninherx  of  an  army,  '•In  sup- 
jiiTKi  iiisuirrrliiin  itiiil  rrpil  iiirnsimi,"  "  in  \irnet  lu 
]ir,  pitrt  fi  r  irnr,"  and  in  ii'iir  /"  iiirri  iiiiil  Inal  llir  iii- 
rm/iii.'f  fur.  In  all  these  I'sscntial  measures  we  are 
in  limy  ho'.iid  heartily  and  lirvenlly  |ri  eoiiperato 
with  eneli  other  in  earryitie;  the  views  of  ihe  Gov- 
ernment into  pflcel  at  the  least  possihle  expense  nf 
hlood  and  Iriasnip.  We  xlionld  leave  to  the  vete- 
ran nieinherx  of  the  press — such  as  our  I'riends 
Ititchie  and  Gales — the  literary  and  polilical  work 
of  seitliii;r  the  yr.ive  qnesiions  that  may  I'rom  liine 
lo  liiiie  arise,  ax  lo  wh  it  '.rencral  this,  ihai,  or  tliu 
otherarniy  has  heeii  coiifnlcd,  iiiid  ihat  other  u'ene- 
nils  should  not  iiinlillr  with  it.  This,  anion'.'  men 
nf  iiiililary  iiiiiid,  would  seem  very  like  clnldre'i's 
|da  v — such  as  ihat  "  wliistle"  wax  ;,'iveii  lo  Telll, 
and  neither  Dirl;  nor  llnrnj  xlionld  nieddle  with  it  I 

if  the  duties  assi'.'iieil  to  Cieiiiral  Taylor  were  to 
occupy  his  atleiition  diiriii'.;  the  next  seven  years, 
I  should  never  mrilillr  with  liix  eonimaml  fiirlhir 
than  to  ^'ive  him  all  the  li^lit  and  sireiiijili  In  my 
power;  and  ihix  is  precisely  what  I  lia\e  always 
desired  the  Departmelil  of  War  and  the  generals 
placed  over  nie,  or  such  ax  happened  lo  he  on  duty 
near  lo  me,  to  extend  lo  me,  more  expecially  when 
the  e.isnallies  iiiciileni  lo  war  were  likely  lo  Piiihar- 
rass  nil',  or  any  iiit'lli'.;ence  loin'hini;  tlie  stren'.:lli 
or  ninvemenls  of  the  enemy  could  he  ohtaiiied  and 
commnnicateil  lonii'.  All  I  have  ever  wanted  (Yoni 
iny  Government  or  my  eommandim.'  iri'iiernl  was 
ii'^hl  and  slrinslli.  This  is  all  I  have  ever  venloreil 
to  ^'ive  to  Ijeneial  Taylor,  or  any  other  comniander 
similarly  sitnaled;  linlil  lo  eiialile  him  In  srr  llir 
forrrs  iiiiil  ohslarlrs  In  lir  nirniiiilrrril,  and  .s/ri )i';//i  lo 
rntililr  liim  lo  nvirmmr  all  sitrli  e/'/ifi.^iiiir  firres  and 
ol:sl<irlrs.  All  hilt  one  of  the  eominaiiiiers  in  our 
revohitionary  army  under  our  malchless  AVash- 
inL'toi)  rordially  and  I'crvi  inly  cfi<ipeiiilf  d  with  him 
and  with  each  oihi  r  iliiriie;  the  whole  of  their  un- 
exampled slriiL'L'le  in  the  achievemeni  of , /iinriani 
iiidriirndriirf.  That  one  defi'i'tive  coinmandi'r  had 
acquired  some  fame  in  Canada  and  elscwheri';  hut 
in  the  vain  hope  of  ol  laininir  money  and  liiirh 
rank  in  the  Ih-iiish  army,  he  denoiineed  Wasliin^'- 
ton  as  an  iii/n/ejur,  endeavored  lo  starve  him  nnd 
his  faithful  soldiers,  anil  force  them  to  yield  lo  their 
worse  Ihansava'je  foe.  Mm  ihe  moral  power  of  the 
people,  Iheirarniy,  and  hiloved  '■oniinaiider,  pre- 
vailed over  the  lieachcry  of  Major  (ieneral  lieiie- 
dicl  Arnold,  and  trioniphed,  v.  Iiile  he,  with  his  new 
associates,  vvere  everywhere  heaten  and  disi,'raeed. 
.\ot  so  with  the  army  of  France,  'rhiit  nrniy 
Iriiimphed  everywhere  while  eoinmanded  hy  Na- 
I'oleon  Ihinaparle.  iis  Ion;;  ax  its  eonimnndeis  cor- 
dially nnd  fervenily  eoepi  rated  willi  each  oilier; 
hut  the  want  of  Ihis  .spirit  of  eoiiperation  mi  the 
part  of  Field  Marshal  Grouehy  near  the  hallle  of 
Waterloo,  irnve  to  the  allied  furies  under  Wellini.'- 
Inn  the  Rieat  triumph  of  conquering:  Napoleon,  the 
eonqneror  of  Fiirope. 

I  am  sure  that  no  other  description  of  proof  enn 
he  adduced  lo  put  nn:  in  the  wroiiL',  hut  that  of  such 
writers  as  I  have  iiliove  descrihed ,  and  .such  as  those 
who  condenmed  my  condnrt  in  Florida  and  upon 
the  .'^ahine  in  the  yenr  IHJtti,  where  I  made  no  re- 
quisition for  volnnreers  or  militia  without  the  px- 
prpss  authority  of  President  .Tackson,  as  you  may 
see  hy  the  oflicinl  eorrespoiiUenee  of  iVIr.  t<eeretary 
Cass,  who  was  ever  ready  nnd  willine;  to  put  me 
in  the  wrong.   Such  abandoned  writers  are  expect- 


Ifllfi.l 


APPKNniX  TO  TriK  CONOHESSIONAL  GIX)HF-. 


C59 


90tii  Cono Irr  Sbis. 


(icneralt  Sioll  anil  (inlnei. 


Srnatb. 


eel  now  to  niifinil  nnd  ffnmirn  moi  mon*  mprrially 
if  in  BO  (loitij;  lliey  run  iril«'rr«t  (hr  IVfHidciii  fir 
VrtMrHrlf  no  fur  nn  to  nrriirr  li»  (lir'niHi'lvm  or  l!i»'ir 
riiciiili  liny  favor,  or  to  do  nic  nt\  injury.  I  nmrn, 
dilc'sl,  mid  drfv  nil  "inli  wrilir:<.  'I'lioy  liavc 
pi'ovi'ii  lln'nii"'lv('«  lo  ili'li'^hl  iiiMri'  in  lliriri<''lii'nii'H 
fiCiiitriatnr,  willi  llif  i'Iihiucm  ofii  hcvi  i  yi'urs' war 
with  ft  f'-w  IndiaiiN;  anlirinaliiM;  anTr«in  in  tin* 
fli'i'tion  of  KoiTiP  favorili-  polilirnl  rlili'ftain,  llinn  in 
till'  snri-  |iniH|>i'i't  nf  limily  inoiciltoii  lo  llic  liilji- 
UtH  woini'n  and  rliildiini  ii|i"n  a  di'l'i'niMlc"<H  fnni- 

licr.     I  nIioiiIiI  never  liavc  I n  worlliy  of  any  stu- 

tion  ill  the  nniiy,  if  Kin'li  liiri'd  or  inlii'^iiin;;  alnn- 

(IrriTMr'oiilil  liavi'  I'll d  iniMintorilic  plain  ulraixlit- 

forward  I'onrsr  of  my  duly. 

My  laic  I'lill  for  Ijoiiisiana  volnnlorrn  wnn  n  plain 
caRC  of  olllrial  dnly.  'riir  ri'poriM  Niiij^cHlini;  (lie 
proprirly  of  llii'  nii'iiraii'i'  wrri',  for  tin-  nioul  purl, 
imllinilii',  and  lliry  wiTi'  all  ciililli'd  to  nry  liii;li 
I'onsidiT.niini  and  ri'spci'l.  1  liavp  only  lime  now 
to  icfrr  lo  thrill  riniriH.ly,  No  iiH  lo  Inini;  lo  your 
ri'i'olli'riion  many  malirial  faclH,  wiiii'h  iiprd  not 
be  vvrv  parlienlarly  delailed. 

1.  Till"  mnii'mi-nls  reonviiMUinij  tlio  dilliiMillii'M 
rii'oiiiilinTil  liy  Ociieral  Taylor  ill  llie  landiii','  and 
tardy  (•oniTiilratinn  of  lii«  forccii  iii  CorpiH  Clirimi 
wi'i'c  liinuvn  lo  la-  Iriir,  as  rvprcscnhd  liy  Major 
Doncl^ini,  our  lale  Miniwti'r  lo  Tcmh,  a  ^rnllnnan 
of  liiull  mililarvand  rivil  nllaiinni'iilH,  and  Caplaiii 
CrosHman,  t'liiled  Slairs  i|narli'nnasirr,  willi  oilier 
ri'ipei'ialile  olIiierH  and  I'oinniander.i  of  vi'SscIh. 
Tlir.  waler  lielween  tile  Island  of  Si.  Josepli  oid 
f'oriMi"!  riirimi  wan  found  iiy  the  fii'iieraj  to  lie  of 
nnirh  lesa  depili  than  had  lieeii  reporled  tii  liiiii. 
TliiN,  added  lo  want  of  n  Hiipply  of  Hniall  veNselsof 
li'.'ht  driii':;lil,  ilrlinirit  llic  iiinrrinrni  of  Ihr  lirii  rr-^i- 
vifiilH  of  itif.iati'if  and  the  ra/ii/iaiii|  of  itrlillfrtj  (able 

only  to  do  infaiiiry  duly,  lieini;  H  illioni  fn  lil-pii h 

or  other  ordnaiiee)  for  near  lirriilij  ilmja.  Dnrini;  a 
^n-eat  pai'l  of  whieli  time  liut  one  or  twoeoinjianies, 
with  small  qiianliliex  of  most  eKNenlial  mililary 
store<<,  eould  posHibly  he  eonveyed  from  ihe  island 
to  Ci'rpiisi  (IhriK.i  in  one  day,  iiotwithxlan'lim;  llie 
eonsiant  eKerlionji  of  llie(Jeneral  and  all  iheiitrn'era 
and  men  of  tliene  eorpM,  than  whom  there  are  not 
in  SI  rvi' .'  more  elfi  'ient  oIlleerM  or  men,  n.iin  Ihe 
CJeneral  to  the  yonnie?!  private  Holdier  ineliisively. 
ITmler  thejie  eirenmstaneeH,  it  iw  very  evident  thai 
even  one  thousand  or  fifteen  hundred  Mexicans, 
iindi'r  the  eomniand  of  an  ollieer  of  any  enlerpriwe 
or  ehivalry,  ini;ht  have  riniie  frnm  Malamnrns, 
«ud  lalieii  or  desiroyed  some  five  or  six  eoinpanieM, 
wiih  all  the  pulilie  stores  laniled  at  f^»rpuH  (Mirisii; 
or  if  llieveoiikl  have  eome  in  small  u'Un-hoals,  willi 
iwo  or  three  aiiiall  pieees  of  eaiinon  or  howitzers, 
tliev  mii^til  liave  made  a  nuieh  more  disastrous  at- 
laek  upon  the  troops  and  slores  upon  the  island, 
while  thcoompanion  were  separated  in  nearly  equal 
iminhers.  Siieh  a  triumph  on  the  part  of  Mcxieo 
would  have  i^iven  to  llieir  troops  and  people  a  very 
hii;h  deixree  of  eonndeiice  in  llieir  nhility  to  rope 
with  us;  while  it  winild  liavoi;iveii  lo  every  siildn  r 
niid  eili/en  of  the  United  •States  an  exeeedinu'ly 
inorlifyiim  .dioek,  that  we  should  have  lieen  y;i|illy 
of  the  fatal  error  of  iimkiiif;  sueh  a  movement  w  illi- 
oni artillery,  und  witlnint  that  elass  of  *;uii-iinats 
which  should  always  aceonipany  evi  ry  such  expe- 
ilitiiui  upon  the  sealioani  of  Tia.is,  this  Stale,  Mis- 
sissippi, Alaliama,  or  Tlorida,  where  tliire  are  lint 
few  Inlets  affordini;  siillieient  deplli  of  waler  for 
any  other  description  of  vessels,  tit].  It  is  under- 
stood that,  liefore  the  nrrival  of  the  voinnleer  ailil- 
lery  frnni  this  Slate  at  Corpus  Christ i.  General  'J'ay- 
lor  had  attached  to  liis  eonimand  alioiii  two  hnii- 
dred  'l\'\an  volunteers;  thai  he  had  also  intrenched 
himself  in  his  position,  and,  bein>>;  defn  ient  in  ar- 
tillery, 'lad  Imrvowed  some  ship  f;uns  of  siimll  cali- 
bre, mil  plaeed  them  williiii  his  defences,  .'td. 
Cnplain  Crossman's  letter,  of  which  I  sent  to  the 
Ailjuiain  General  an  extract  in  mine  nf  the  2,'id  nil., 
clearly  proves  the  dilllcnlty  that  had  been  experi- 
enced up  to  the  14lh  of  Aiijusl,  and  the  awkward 
Nitualioii  in  which  General  Taylor  felt  himself 
placed,  in  the  event  nf  mi  attack,  froin  want  of  ar- 
tillery. It  is  a  fact,  which  will  he  found  reported 
by  Colonel  Hunt,  deputy  quartermaster  ixeneral, 
that  tlie  train  of  artillery  intended  for  the  eoiupaiiy 
commanded  by  Lieutenant  Dragi;,  did  not  reach 
this  city,  on  its  way  to  Texas,  until  five  or  six 
days  nfter  the  departure  of  the  Louisiann  volun- 
teers under  Major  Gaily. 

4.  The  reports-from  Mexico  demonstrating  the 


I  rxltitencii  of  n  leur  «;ilil»  on  the  imrt  of  the  Onvern-  | 

ineiil  and  people  o,'  dial  lle|iiiblic  aL'ainsI  the  Ifni- 
led  .Stales,  wi're,  for  the  nioti  pari  known  lo  be  in 
accordance  with  oHli'ial  deilaralioiis  of  the  luijh 
pnlilie  t'linclionarics  of  that  I  imcr  imnt,  in  their 
abrupt  aliandoninenl  of  all  the  ciinitcsuMof  ollliial 
intercourse  beiweeu  Mexico  and  her  older  si<ter  of 
Ihe  Aniericnii  Union.  Snine  oilur  reports  in  refer-  [ 
eiice  to  ill,'  mnrriiiriif  anil  .«/ir ii;,'l/«  of  the  Mi'xiian 
forces,  itir  iieie  nuiionstil  to  /iiirc  hrnt  r.t iii^f^n'ntftl . 
Still,  however.  Ibis  Is  liiM  a  ruifiir  HOjijioiiliini^  as  we 

,  have  iioeerlain  incaiiNof  a ir.ile  km  wlcdi;c  as  In 

I  Ihe  slrem;th  of  llwir  forces  or  the  desii;nH  of  their 
eommandcrs.  tliidir  these  eircnmi'lancen,  takiiii: 
into  I  icw  the  late  iinine  isnred  incni i  oflhe  Mex- 
ican (.iovernmeni  low.irds  Ibe  United  Stall  s,  it  was, 
and  is,  niiquesiionalily  oiir  duly  ti  maiiilaiii  ihe  al- 
liluile  cif  proud  defiance — as  aij-ainst  a  respectable 
foe  of  equal  iiumliers  of  the  best  troops.  In  oilier 
words,  we  should  lake  care  lo  ha\e  as  many  men 
upon  the  w'eslern  (Vonlier  of  Texas,  near  the  Itio 
<  ir.inile,  as  Mexico  may  sie  (it  lo  order  lliilher.  If, 
llicii,  llii'ir  troops  should  prove  lo  be  vi'iinliii','  in 
/HviMTS.i  or  enlerprise,  (a  thin::;  whicl^  w'e  raiiiiii/, 
without  violaliin;  the  most  essential  niaxiius  of  the 
science  of  w.ir,  nnliiipale  or  eoiint  u|ion,)  that  will 
be  their  own  faiill  or  lleir  own  misfortune;  but  if 
they  should  prove  to  tie  evi'il  more  ellicieiil  ihaii  we 
had  sn|)posed  them  to  lie,  we  should  he  ready  for 
nciioii  in  aecor  lance  wiili  the  only  true  principle 
upon  which  every  man  of  mililary  niiiiil  will  as- 
suredly act  ill  war,  and  in  peace,  while  preparim; 
I'or  war — namely,  to  '•  rely  iiimn  o'o-  own  streiii^th 
iind  resources, and  not  up  >u  the  riinaued  feoblene.ia 
of  Ihe  enemy." 

My  sincere  desire  is,  as  T  have  often  s aid  to  yon, 
and  other  olfieers  with  whom  I  Icve  lieen  in  cor- 
respondenee  upon  the  subject,  to  .iioirj  a  war  with 
Mexico,  If  it  can  he  done  honorably,  ioid  pursu- 
ant to  Ihe  laws  of  war;  as  I  am  sure  this  is  the 
wish  of  the  Govurnmeiit  und  nil  good  citi/.cns  of 
this  rnioii. 

I  have  constantly  nrsed  the  prnpriely  of  treating  ' 
the  Mexican  troops  and  people  with  the  most  per-  ' 
feet  courtesy  iind  kindness.     lint  if  those  found  in 
nrms  a'j;ainst  us  hIioiiIiI  insist  on  a  li'rht,  we  should 
by  all  means  necoiiimndaie  them  lo  their  hearts 'con- 
lent — takinircareat  the  same  time  I o  respect  and  pro- 
tect ihf!  persons  und  property  of  allnon-cnmbatanls. 
j       A  war  carried  on  in  this  way  will  not  fiil  lo  re- 
I  suit  ill  doinj  »iiir'i  gnotl  awl  lull  lilllr  linrm  to  the 
troops  and  well-disposed  people  of  both   nations; 
I  for  it  will   make   us  belter  acquainted  with   each 
other,  and  it  may  lend  ulliuialely  to  make  u:4  love 
one  aiioiher,  as  the  Holy  Scriptures  require  us  all 
to/ni'i' oiiriKiij/dinri.    If  the  Mexicans  and  Yankees  ' 
nf  this  Union  have  an  opportunity  of  beinirncipiaint- 
ed  with  each  other,  they  would  never  think  of  licim; 
'  involved  in  such  n  war  as  seems  now  to  menace 
them.     These  have  lon!;l)i  on  my  deliberate  views, 
all  intolerant  party  iiews|ia|ier  slanilurs  to  the  con-  | 
trnry  notwilhstandin;. 

I  am  a  soldier  of  the  United  Stales — the  whole 
United  Stales  of  America — and  not  a  .lo/dicr  nor  a 
iiidii'in'  of  any  political  pan  v.  This  nation  ran 
never  be  defended  by  any  one  political  party. 
Hence  it  was  that  George  XVasbini^ton  su^'^^ested 
the  propriety  of  the  oath  which  was,  under  his 
auspices,  prt  seribeil  by  law,  to  be  taken  !iy  every 
otficr  of  the  army — the  oath  which  was  taken  by 
me  in  the  year  IT'.MI,  while  Washiiiirion  was  still 
Itvinu — an  oath  which  every  nllicer  is  in  honor  and 
in  duly  bound  to  lake,  anil  to  carry  out  in  all  his 
military  ecuiduct.     It  is  in   the   foilowiii?  words: 

"  I,  — ^ ,  do  swear  that  I  will  bear  true 

'  faith  and  alleiriance  to  the  United  .Stales  of  .\ineri- 
'  ea,  and  serve  llirm  honestly  and  faithfully  n5;aiiist 
*  their  eneniii,\s  and  oppressors  whoiiisiie\ir,  and 
'  that  I  will  observe  and  obey  the  orders  of  the 
'  President  nf  the  United  Slates,  and  the  orders  of 

'  tlie  olVicers  appointed  over  me,  a irdiiii;  to  the 

'  rules  and  articles  of  war,  so  lielp  ine  God." 

I  am  satisfied  that  no  man  who  is  bound  by  this 
oath  can  he  an  elTicieiu  mcmbir  of  a  party,  as  we 
are  all  bound  to  serve  the  Viiilril  Sinlix,  and  not  a 
party,  or  n  part  nf  the  United  .Stales,  but  lo  serve  . 
lioiiesily  all  the  people  of  the  Uiiited  Slates,  mid  on  i 
1  the  approach  nf  a  war  we  of  the  army  should  in- 
1  yoke  aid  frnm  all  parties  for  the  national  defence. 
In  this  we  cannot  hope  to  succeed  without  having 
uniformly  endeavored  to  merit  the  confidence  of  all 
parties.  ^ 


In  unljeiilnc  your  pnrliriilnr  nttenllnn  tn  ihr  nn- 

fcxed  sMIeinenl  of  my  Assisimii  Adjulnnt  Gen- 
eral, Major  Samuel  Cooper,  I  have  only  to  add  the 
remaiks  which  fiillow; 

That  much  of  what  I  have  received  from  the 
military  bureaii  of  ihi'  War  Dep.irluK'nl,  havlii|K 
rel'ereiice  lo  niy  comlucl  for  a  Ioiim;  ijm,.  past,  has 
been  in  the  spirit  of  aerimonioiiN  nitriiiiiinil;  and 
this  wilhoiil  the  authority  of  a  ;;eneral  court-mar- 
tial. No  senlence  of  II  court  could  have  fixed  on 
me  more  marked  ci  nsiire  than  the  lawless  net  of 
ordcMiiiU'  the  inovemi  Ills  of  a  bri'_'nde  of  my  divix- 
ion,  conccaliiii;  it  from  me,  and  thus  nlieinplinK  to 
cell  line  me  for  watchiiu;  over  the  nafety  of,  and 
riislMiniiii,'  that  liri;;ade.  This  is  as  niiicli  n  viola- 
tion of  the  lillrri\tu\  spiiit  of  the  iniliUuy  law  as 
if  I  were  coshirml  by  order  of  an  ollicer  of  my  own 
irr.ide — ail  ollieer  abi  ays  junior  to  me.  Indeed,  I 
was  in  ihi'  year  Ih'I'J  siis|i(ii(led  from  my  proper 
eoiuniMnil,  and  my  pay  irdiiced  to  ni'arly  one-half 
ofwh.it  I  was  lawfully  eiiliiled  lo,  without  the  au- 
thority of  a  eeiiitrul  court-martial.  When  I  w.is 
aficrwavds  inslrncied  to  resume  my  proper  eom- 
ntiMid,  but  a  few  days  ilnpsed  befoi«  I  found  my 
military  coniniand  to  he,  as  it  lias  since  proved  to 
be,  a  pi  rfeci  military  mockery,  as  fir  as  it  could 
be  made  so  by  the  lawless  coniluct  of  that  same 
vindiciivi'  junior.  True,  I  had  my  choice  to  sub- 
mit to  the  olVicial  nutraijes  of  that  same  junior,  or 
to  de;;raile  myself  by  sulferin!;  the  vaintrlorious  in- 
slrinnent  of  my  persei'iitiou  to  achieve  llie  triumph 
of  drivini;  me  out  of  the  seruci',  and  from  the  po. 
siiioii  ill  wliiili  he  knoivs  full  well  1  shall  soon  tri- 
umph over  all  opposition  in  establishing'  my  sys- 
tem of  iKilional  defence,  to  ihe  dis;!:race  of  every 
military  piaii  who  has  covertly  or  openly  opposed 
me, 

(Jeneral  S-otl  has  not  the  power  to  liarm  mn 
withoMl  heiiiir  allied,  as  he  was  in  his  intrii^ues  of 
.Inly,  Irtll,  by  the  head  of  the  War  Department, 
ill  u  manner  and  to  nn  extent  not  sancliuned  by 
law.  What  were  ihe  precise  conditions  nf  his 
promotion  over  me  I  have  not  Innrned;  but  this  is 
n  liici  well  known  lo  the  army  and  people  of  the 
Uiiiteil  .Stales,  that  he  had  been  bul  a  few  months 
in  bis  new  ollice  before  his  iulrlirites  for  the  Presi- 
dency were  disclosed  in  nil  address  tending  to  scun- 
dali/.e  \\\o  army  and  the  otlice  confided  to  him. 

I  had  confidently  persuaded  myself  lliat  the 
army  and  its  senior  i;eneral  niTicer  would  linve 
justice  done  them  under  the  present  Adininistrn- 
tion,  inasiuueli  as  the  election  nf  Colonel  Polk 
clearly  indicated  determination  on  ilie  part  nf  a 
lar:re  portion  of  the  f,'ood  people  of  the  Union  to 
put  ilii\rit  all  iiidiifiiiiijr  fur  Hit  succession.  In  this 
lioiie  I  will  not  dispair. 

I  know  loo  well  the  nature  nf  your  duties  lo  ask 
or  expect  of  you  niiy  speeinl  favor.  I  think  it  due 
to  your  official  staiion  nnd  your  character  ns  a 
statesman,  and  more  espeeiiilly  due  to  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Uniied  .Suiles,  the  only  lawful  head  of 
the  army,  that  I  should  not  close  this  present  coni- 
municatioii  without  claiming,  as  n  lawl'ul  right,  tlio 
privilege  secured  to  me  by  the  "i'ltli,  .77tli,  79th, 
nnd  other  articles  of  the  rules  and  articles  of  war, 
which  clearly  iirovide  that  if  the  President,  the 
Secretary  of  W  nr,  or  General  Scnit,  should  sup- 
pose that  I  have  commilleil  n  crimr,  that  ollieer 
will  be  iei|uired  to  exhibit  charges  against  me,  nnd 
furnish  me  with  n  copy  of  the  same;  whereupon 
the  President  or  yourself  will  be  pleased,  if  it  be 
deemed  neees.Mary  nnd  proper  I'rom  the  nature  of 
the  charges,  lo  order  ft  general  court-martial  for 
my  trial,  as  the  law  most  wisely  and  justly  puts  it 
nut  of  the  power  of  that  ollicer  to  order  u  general 
courl-marlial  for  my  trial  in  a  case  wherein  he 
voiiltl  mill  must  he  mil  uccmer. 

There  is,  I  am  sure,  but  one  mnn  in  this  nntion 
capable  of  charging  me  with  the  crimes  officiully 
alleged  against  nie  by  that  officer,  nnd  that  mnn  is 
Major  General  Scon".  Unfortunately  for  the  army 
mid  the  eiiimlry,  he  is  offiei.ally  nssocintcd  with  the 
War  Department.  Nnt,  however,  it  is  hoped  nnd 
believed,  in  such  a  way  a.s  to  prevent  your  requi- 
ring bint,  in  his  future «lVorts  to  wrong  ml  otfieeror 
soldier,  to  confine  himself  to  the  essential  restraints 
of  military  law. 

I  am  truly  grateful  to  the  President  for  his  £;ood 
opinion  nf  my  iiiolirM,  But  if  he  shnuld  not  find 
my  ojjitial  conduct  as  unexceptionnble  ns  he  deems 
my  motives  to  be,  I  ought  and  shall  expect  to  be 
brought  before  a  general  court-martial. 


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APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSrONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  y, 


29th  CoNO 1st  Skss. 


Generals  Scott  and  Gaines. 


Senate. 


My  rnll  on  Governor  Moiiion,  U)ulerlhe  eircum- 
finners  nnil /nr (s  Aiiciirn  to  me  at  the  (/n/cc/iiii/iri/iii- 
sition,  wn.s  cither  riu'lil.  "i'  il  wii»  wniii!,'.  Il  »iif<  n 
eiisc  N|ii)ii  wliic'li  I  wiiuM  iissunie  On;  nspoiiKibility 
of  risking  my  lil'e,  iis  I  have  (ilicn  iloiie  wliili-  my 
duty  led  me  ill  siriliiiis:  ilisluiu'c  of  ihe  eiieiiiy'H 
Bhot,  whieh  1  hnve  hiiiulreils  nl' times  In  mil  wliis- 
tlin^  iicur  mc,  anil  eiiiiini;  ilmvii  my  eiiiii{>iiiiii>iis  in 
arms.  I  wii8  not  mo  i^iionuii  nt'my  iluiyii>>  )o  im- 
ai;ine  or  intmiato  to  anyone  ihat  my  rei|iiisitii)n 
was  expressly  aiitliori/ecl,  or  that  il  \voiilil  he  the 
iiiennB  orseeiirin!;  to  the  vohiiUieis  ihiir  pay  inilil 
annctioneii  by  the  PreNiiieiit  ot'Iiie  Uniicii  .States. 

All  w  hieh  ia  re.^necll'iillv  siibmilteil. 

KIJ.Ml'M)  I'.  G.MNF.S, 
Mai.  Gfn.  I'.  S..lriiiii,  IWslirn  Diiision. 

TotheTl.m.  VV.  L.  .\Iaiuv, 

Secrtlary  uf  llur,  irii.v/iiiiicfuii  i'Uij. 

H'l'.VrHMKN'r. 

In  June  instrnetinns  '  en'  sent  fiom  llie  War  De- 
pnrtnieni  to  IJriijatiier  Ciein  ral  Taviortti  move  with 
his  eoMinianil  a;  Fort  .Icsup  unit  <^'amp  S.ihihriiy, 
(eoiisistiiij;  of  seven  eonipaiiies  'Jil  ilra:;oons,llie  ;itl 
iiil'antry,  am]  ei;:ht  eonipaiiies  of  the  -llli  inl'antry, 
bII  wiihiii  the  limiis  of  tin'  ennimnniliiiLr  ireiii  ral  of 
Ihe  western  division.)  to  Texas — ilii'  iiilanlry  via 
New  Orleans.  No  ollieial  iiiloni'alion  of  this  move- 
ment, or  of  tliese  inslnietions,  were  sent  to  the 
eonimnndiiij;  (reneral  of  the  western  liivision  until 
some  time  in  Ansnsl.  wlieii  a  eopy  of  the  instriie- 
tiona  to  General  Taylor  was  reeeived  in  a  letter 
from  the  Adjntanl  GeiKial. 

Under  the  niiovi'  insirneiions,  the  %\  and  8lh 
rnmpaiiies  of  the  lili  iiifaniry  were,  in  emiiplianee 
with  orders  from  CJeneial  Taylor,  eoneenlraied  in 
this  eity,  near  the  lirjuhpiai  lers  of  ilii^  wesitrn  di- 
vision-, and  Iieiii!^  lure  joined  liy  a  eoiupany  of  the 
3d  artillery  from  f 'liarlesion  harhor.  under  instri;e- 
tions  from  the  Adjntanl  lieneral's  otiiee  of  the  ISih 
of  .Tune,  n  eopy  of  whieh  was  fnrwanled  to  divi- 
sion lieadqimrterK  on  the  ltll//i  fif  llml  ineii.'/i,  the 
whole  fori'e  emharked  t'or  .-Vraiisas  liav  on  ihe  o.'td 
nnil  •.24lh  of  July;  and  alioni  the  1st  rl'  Amvust  the 
seven  eompanies  of  iht  ^d  draL'ooiis  iiioM-d,  under 
the  written  orders  of  General  'I'aylor,  from  ilair 
positions  at  Kort  Jesiip  loTexas,  to  join  the  .'td  and 
4th  inthntrv  near  Corpus  Chnsii.  So  that  this  en- 
lire  foree  was  moved  tVoin  ilnir  fixeil  positions, 
and  to  a  distance  of  maiiv  hundred  miles,  without 
any  eo-<')per;ition  or  lu'iion  on  the  part  id*  the  ma- 
jor L'eneral  to  whose  einninand  they  helonned,  and 
without  any  letter  of  advae  lo  him,  and  even  with 
out  Ills  knowledge,  t'nrlhi  r  than  what  he  aei|uired 
from  fjeneral  rnnun*. 

fill  the  l.'iih  of  .Iiine,  two  roniiianie.s  of  the  4th 
infantry  at  I'Virt  .Scott  were  insniicied  from  ihe 
Adjutant  General's  olliee  to  join  tlie  hi;adi|narters 
of  their  "  ie'_'cnieni,  :it  a  point  on  llie  (inlf  of  .Mex- 
ico." A  cf>|iy  of  these  insirnetiDus  w  as  adihv-^srtj 
to  the  com  ma  inline  frent  r;\l  of  the  western  di\ision 
on  the  ."JOih  of  June,  /iCOfn  ilmis  nfier  iheir  date. 

On  the  ,'tllth  .Inly,  insinieiioi.s  were  sent  I'rnm 
the  Adjulanl  Cieneiar.s  oOiee  to  liriiradier  General 
Worth,  to  hidd  in  readi.i.'ss  si.K  companies  ol'  tiie 
8th  inl'nitry  at  .St.  .\nirnsioie  and  Tampa  l!ay,  to 
reheve  tlie  t^arrisons  of  the  7ih.  on  the  .Xjississippi 
and  Ijiilt'of  .Mexico;  ami  on  tin-  .'^ame  day  in.sirne- 
tions  were  sent  to  the  c.uuinanders  of  tin-  i:arrisoiis 

of  tlie  7th  to  hold  tlieii niinaiids  in    "  nndiness 

to  proceed  at  a  moment's  \\;irniii-:  to  join  ihcinny 

of( iipation  under  General  Taylor.  '     Copies  nl' 

these  insiriietimis  were  duly  I'orwaideil  to  the  eoni- 
mandin'.'  general  of  the  western  division. 

Oa  till'  'I'll  of  .-Vu'.rnst,  iiistrneiititis  were  sent 
from  the  Adjniant  (.leneral's  oiKce  to  llriu^adu'r 
General  Worth  to  deiaeli,  without  delay,  from  the 
garrisons  of  .St.  .-Xuioistiiic  and  Koit  llinokc,  five 
companies  of  the  hih  iiifiniry,  to  relieve  the  irarri- 
»ons  of  Ihe  7iii  at  I''oris  I'l.kens,  I'ike.and  Wood, 
l\n(l  IJatoii  lloii^e,  which  v.ert;  ordered  to  Texas. 
A  copy  of  th.  e  in»trnciioiis  was  duly  forwarded 
to  the  eoinmaiidim:  trcneral  of  ihe  wesiern  division. 

(hi  the  ,7ih  of  ,'\ui:iist  were  issued  "  :o  neral  or- 
ders" ,\o.  ;i7,  of  whieh  a  giipy  was  duly  fnniislud 
to  the  enimmoidin^  penend  ol'  the  western  div mon. 

dire.'iiiii'  the  three  companic  s  of  ihi' -.M   dra',' is 

at  r'l.rt  Washilu  to  fiioceed  to  Aostio,  m  Texas, 
and  report  to  (Jeneral  Taylor;  and  als  i  ihe  7ih  in- 
faiury.  relieved  liy  the  live  eompBiiie.s  of  the  l^ih. 
In  proceed  to  Aransas  hay. 

On  the   Pith   of  Auffiist  were   iRSueil    '*  t^encral 


!  orders"  No.  33,  a  copy  of  which  was  duly  fur-  ' 
nished  lo  the  commandini;  peneral  of  the  western 
liivision,  dircclin:,',  ftr.sti.One  company  of  th(!  1st 
artillery  to  proceed  to  Fori  I'iekens  and  relieve  the 
eonipaiiy  of  the  7ili  there,  when  the  latter  would 
join  us  ic^imeiil  in  Texas.  Second,  t^nc  comp.Miy 
of  the  ;)d  arlill.ry  to  occupy  Fort  .\Iarion,  !■  iorida. 
Anil,  tlind,  Dir.cliim'  the  '.lih  nnliiary  dcparlmi  lit 
to  he  aholished  on  the  departure  of  the  i-ili  inliin- 
try  from  Florida,  ind  nnitiim;  thai  part  of  l''lorida 
west  of  a  line  (ii.,vvn  from  l''ond  dn  Lac  to  Cape 
."-aldi'  to  the  Isl  department,  vvliich  is  williin  tlie 
;;eo;.'ra|ihii'al  limii.s  of  the  western  division. 

On  the  iJDih  .•\ui;ust,  two  cuinpanies  uf  the  8lli 
iul'ainry  arrived  at  Forts  I'ike  and  Wood,  from 
Tampa  Hay,  under  instrnetioiis  to  Cieneral  \\'orlh 
I  of  Ihe  4lli  of  .■\in.'nst;  which  leave  it  to  lie  inferred 
'  that,  snhserpiemly  lo  the  date  of  these  iiislriiclion.s, 
and  in  accoidance  with  the  tenoi'  of  t^ener.il  orders 
.No.  :^^,  of  the  Tnli  of  .-\imnst,  the  vviiole  of  the  ."^ili 
iiit'aiilry  have  lieen  direcud  to  proceed  to  Texas, 
yet  noodiciid  inl'ormatioii  has  heeu  received  at  di- 
vision he;uii|narters  of  mu'Ii  movement  or  such  iii- 
strnctions;  ^i.^l  yet  this  is  still  more  prnl.alde  from 
"general  ordi'ts"  No. 'II,  ii  copy  of  wliieli  was 
duly    I'lini'sheil    the   i  onmiandin;,'   uineral  of  the 

wc.->iern  divisiMii,  diieciiii';  four  npanii  s  of  tli" 

1st  artillery  to  procei  d  t  i  I'ensaeola  harhor,  anil 
one  cinnp.my  ol*  the  same  rei;inient  to  proceed  to 
Fort  Droolic,  Tiuipa  llay. 

On  the  l.'iih  .-\ii'.;nst,  in  coiise(|e,enee  of  inl'orma- 
lion  derived  t'roin  .Map'r   Domlson,  the   eliartrcti 
'i'ex.is,  who  was  just  from   the  eaiiip  of  l.ii  iiei.d 
Taylor,  ol'.'i  lari;e  .Mexican  force  hi  iny;  collected  i.. 
the  vicinity  nf  the  I'io  (.liande  wiili  hostile  inl-  .u. 
and  of  the  war  spirit  vvliicli  prevaiied  in  Mexico  t 
ncon.^lderahleeXll  nt,ili  rivi  d  trnm  various  sonrc._.    . 
and  consahrini:  the  well-known  limiied   me.ms  at 
(ieneral  Taylor's  ili.-iposal  (alioiit  niii'-  lo./hcd  in- 
f.intry  and  no  pieces  of  arlilicrv)  lo  repel  n  vi;ror- 
ons  att.ick  oraiiy  considerai.le  liody  ol"  iMcxicans, 
the  eoniiiianilin;,'!;ener,d  of  ihe  vvcsicrn  division  fell 
il  to  he  his  ilnty  to  call  upon  the  Governor  nf  Lou- 
isiana, near  at  hand,  llir  two  lompaiiiesor  voliin- 
leer  artillery,  wiili  llu  ir  lield  pieces,  and  two  re;;i- 
m.  Ills  of  inlanlry,  to  he   taken  into  the   service  of 
the  United  Siatis,  and  to  he  emharked,  as  soon  as 
transports  ennld  he  piiicnnd,  for  Texas,  to  rein- 
foi'ce  tjeiierai  Taylor.    Tins  reipiisiiion  w.is  linally 
so  moditiid  as  to  reiiniie  the  innnediaie  sirvice  of 
the  two  companies  of  vohinteer  artillery,  and  to  in- 
crease the  two  rc^'itnenls  lo  four  re'^imenis,  to  he  ■ 
held  in  rcadim  ss,  lait  not  to  he  mnslereil  until  tliiir 
services  should    he  rcijiiire'l,  of  vvJiii  h   due  notice 
was  to   he  ;,'iven.     L'ndiM*  this  re(]iii.^iiiiin   the  two 
conipaniisoi  ariiilery,  with  ihi-ir  i  ipiipinent  of  fn  Id 
pieces,  vvi.1'1'  doly  musiered   into  service,  ioul  were  I 
emharked  at  tins  pljce  for  Coriius  (.'liristi  on  the  ; 
Olsl  ;\uu'iist,  wliere  ihi'V  arrived  at  a  time  when,  it  i 
is  understood,  ticncr.il  Tayior  had  iiiireia  lied  Ins  i 
command  near  ihe  .N'neces,  and  had  sin  leiiiii-ned 
Ills  piisnion  to   the  exieni  .it'  his   inc-ins,  hy  the 
planliu','  of  some  ship  ^nns  of  small  ciililire,  lior- 
rowi  d  for  Ihe  occasion, and  had  increiised  his  force 
liy  ihc-iddilion  of  some  Texas  vol.intecrs. 

I'll  the  o;,,||  ,,|'  .\||^r||s;i,  ,,  leller  was  addressed 
hy  the  Secrct.'iry  of  War  to  tin'  coinniandinLt  '.leii- 
eial  of  the  vvesii  rn  division,  eiiciosinir  a  ''opy  of  in- 
slrnciions  to  General  Taylor,  dan  .1  the  .-.'.'Id  of 
An^'usl,  aiiihori/.ni';  that  oilicer,  iini.'i  r  certain  enn- 
tinL;eucies,  to  accept  voliinliers  fnan  the  .Siansof 
Louisiana,  .Maliamn,  .Mississippi, Teimessi  e,  Ken- 
tucky, not  donliiiiii;  that  "at  le.-isl  two  ri'.;inienls 
from  .\evv  I'lhaiis,  and  I  ■  frmn  .Uolnle,  could  he 
ol  Plained,  and  expeditiously  hroii'.;hi  in  in  the  lield." 
The  lelter  to  the  I'omniandin;;  i:eni'ral  of  ihe  wt  st- 
em division  siaics  that  the  "I  hivernmeiit  lias  as- 
stiMied  tot  iei II -i-.ii  Taylor  the  c.ininiand  ol"  the  army 
of  occnpaiiiui  III  Ti\;is."  Tins  is  llie  lir<i  intima- 
lion  of  the  kind  ollici.-dly  received  at  division  heiil- 
tpctriers. 

l-"iitnislied  ii'/rerahly  to  ihe  inslrnciions  of  .Ma- 
jor General  Games.     '         S.  CiiO|'l''.l!, 

.hfhlioil  .iiliiilntil  tliuirnl. 
AsstsrvvT  .'\i>ii  TV\T  Gkxiii  vi.'s  Ol  III  i;, 

.N'.ir  OWf«)l.^,  /.II.,  .^ifit.  !1,  Irl.'i. 

Copii  (•t'tlie  rniliir'i  iiiriil  I'I'tlrnmil  Srcll  i//inii  tin  t'tirr- 

'j;itin!^  httn-: 

I  If  Ihe  eone'poiidence  lii'lween  the  Seereiarv  of 

War  and  General  Gaines,  lom  hiiej  the  Louisiana 

unliiia,  sent   l.v   ihe  latter  lo  Tesns,   1   have  had 


nothing  to  do  up  to  this  moment.  All  ihe  lellors  of 
the  Secretary  were  wrillen  willioulmv  knowledije, 
and,  I  liclieve,  in  my  ahseiieo  from  Washington. 
This  eorrcspondence,  however,  having  heen  sent 
hy  the  Secretary  to  he  |ilaceil  on  the  files  of  the. 
Adjutant  Generurs  Ollice,  it  has  hcen  hrou^^il 
uiiiler  my  notice,  and  1  have  just  read  the  within 
letter  from  General  Gaines,  imil  the  Secretary's 
rephi'S  of  Seplemhrr  ,'!t)lh,  and  of  the  Kith  insla'iit. 
(.Son;.— A  lie  r  an  ahsenee  of  a  month,  I  trot  hack 
ti.  this  city  the  iiiuht  of  the  Kllli.)  I  shall  eonline 
myself  to  those  ihree  letters — hnviii!:  neillier  the 
time  nor  llic  inelinalion  lo  look  farther  into  llie 
conespoiideiicc. 

The  Secretary,  well  knowiiif;  that  I  had  had  no 
a!;eiicy  in  sinr^'cstiti;;,  niuih  less  in  diciatiii'j,  any 
part  of  his  letter  or  Iclters  lo  General  Gaines  un 
litis  suhject,  lays  down  (correctly  in  his  letter  of 
Septemher  110)  the  rnie  of  ollieial  eorrespondence, 
and  that  of  dcmandiie.'  rednss — hy  charjes  and 
spciilicatioiis,  and  adds:  "(!omplaiiits  and  chari^es 
prisenlid  in  tliis  manner,  will  receive  proper  ai- 
teiiiion." 

This  (tlion;:li  not  .so  iitlnulcil)  inri/ii/iea  will 
proli.ihly  i^ive  the  Secretary  charges  and  spccilica- 
lions  eiioii^li  nnriviiiht  me — like  llio.se  eontained 
williin. 

With  this  lelter  in  his  hand,  will  the  Secretary 
lune  the  ijoodness  lo  turn  to  ,")th  and  t^.td  articles  of 
war,  and  .say  what  ouuiit  to  lie  done  with  General 
Gainis.'  1  mi:.':iii  reti'r  to  scores  of  oilier  letiers 
from  the  same  source,  and  a  ilo/.eii  ether  articles 
of  war,  which  (ieneral  Ciaines  has  hahilnally,  and 
for  yeiirs,  violated  with  impunity. 

AVhy  dn  I  tiol  prefer  ehar::is  and  spreificatioiiR 
ivr;iiiist  that  oilicer.'  I  will  repeat  the  re]ily  which 
•    I'-ive  heretorore  twenty  limes  made  in  writing'. 

1.  If  1  were  lo  do  so,  there  has  hern  no  proha- 
hilily  in  more  than  four  years,  that  the  I'resident 
would  have  ordered  a  court  for  his  trial. 

:_*.  If  1  had  heen  placed  upon  a  court  or  jury  In 
try  General  Gaines,  in  the  last  ten  or  more  years, 
for  any  crime— eoiidnct  mihecomiii;j  an  oilieer  and 
iremleinan,  miitinv,  hreach  of  orders,  or  murder — 
1  should  have  aeipiiited  him,  no  malter  how  clear 
the  proof  of  the  crime,  on  the  frronud  of  parlial  in- 
sanity at  least;  and  hence  it  would  he  airaiiisl  honor 
and  hmnamiy  lo  ask  to  have  him  hronL;lii  lo  trial. 

If  the  Secretary  will  refer  lo  act  .\li\y  'JH,  IC'lll, 
section  Isi,  ((,'ross,  p.  :2:}'t,)  he  will  see,  that  it'  I 
were  to  prefer  cliarires  a;:aiiist  tieiieral  G. dues,  the. 
I'resideiil  only  would  have  the  power  lo  order  a 
court  for  his  trial. 

The  renii  ily  for  General  Gaines's  irrei;iilarities, 
arisimr  mainly,  as  I  am  in  charity  hound  to  sup- 
pose, iViini  insanily  or  ilola;;e,  is  to  place  him  on 
on  indctiniie  leave  id'ahseni-e.  This  .'otirse,  1  have 
repeatedly  riciinimeiidid  in  ihe  last  three  years. 

Kespeelfiilly  suhniilleil  lo  the  Seerdarv  of  War. 
WIN  FIELD  .SCOIT. 

(Mohir-H).  184.*). 

P.  .S. — 1  know,  tiiroiiLdi  an  nnilonhted  channel, 
that  II  eopy  ol*  (ieneral  (.iaines's  letier  (vviilim) 
has  heen  sent,  hy  him  to  two  militia  irenerals  iii 
I'hiladelphin,  .See  par.  :](IH,  Gciicrnl  Rrsr.  of  the 
Army,  pa^'c  :]>*.  W.  S. 

^\^vll  ni:r.MtTMr.xT, 
irin/iiii/tiii,  .Si;)/em/)fr  :il),  184.'). 

.Siiii  \(mr  letter  of  tin-  Hlih  insiaiil  has  heen  re- 
ceiviil.and  suhmillcd  to  the  I'resident.  He  has 
ihrceii  it  nil-  III  reply,  to  vciterate  vvliat  was  said  in 
my  coniinuiiiiatiou  of  ihe  ilHili  ultiino,  in  ret;aril  In 
your  motives  in  makini;:  ihe  rer|Utsitioii  on  the 
Govei-'ior  of  Louisiana  for  .Slate  Iroojis,  to  he  sent 
lo  the  arinv  in  Texas,  under  llie  eoinmaiiil  of 
( ieneial  Taylor;  hut  ai'i.  r  mature  eoiisideraiion  of 
all  yon  have  ofl'cred  as  a  jnstificulion  for  your  as- 
.'Uinpiion  of  thill  authority,  he  cannot  saiisl'y  him- 
self thai  there  were  siillicicnl  t: rounds  lo  a|iprehcud 
the  exisiiiice  of  all  eiiier'.;,ucy  for  siii  11  all  extra- 
oidoiarv'  pr liure  mi  yonr  part. 

The  power  which  yon  have  exercised  could  he 
resorted  lo  only  in  i  uses  of  extreme  piihlic  peril. 
All  error  of  jnihrmenl,  with  such  motives  as  the 
I'resident  li.is  vvilli  pleasure  conceded  lo  have 
Q:ovei'iied  your  conduct  in  this  ease,  I'annol  he  re- 
garded as  "  a  crime,"  or  an  olli  nci  sohjeclinL;  the 
oilieer  to  trial.  While,  iherei'oie,  he  dm  s  not  ap 
prove  of  yonr  makiiiu:  the  reipiisiiion  for  troi)|is 
wiihoni  Ins  Miithoiny— hecaiisi  ,  Willi  all  the  iiifor 


I 


-f 'v. 


184«.| 


APPENDIX  TO  THI'.  CONGRKSSIONAT.  GLOBE. 


661 


I 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss, 


Generals  Scott  ami  Gaines, 


Senate 


mation  you  npponr  to  hiive  possessed,  lie  would  |' 
not  have  deemctl  the  pxiirniicy  f^urh  ;is  to  rcqtiirp 
II  siinilni'  prurfcdiiif  on  lits  pnri — lie  ilcics  ni)t  |n'i-- 
reive  miy  nccessiiy  for  onlerinj;;  n  ciniri-iiinrtiiil  Cur 
thnt  ottirinl  an. 

As  the  lieuil  of  the  AVar  DcpnrtnieiU,  I  ramiot  , 
withh'ihl  f\ii  expression  of  my  reirrel  ii  lindhi;]:  so 
luaiiy  irrelevaiil  anil  soni»^  exccpiionahh'  tonies 
inirodtit'ed  into  your  Icticr.  The  intrusiitru  into 
an  ofiirial  dcspuirli,  of  p<*ison;d  matlrrs  rct'crriii.; 
to  trnnsariions  ot'  past  years,  ami  hiivin::  no  pcr- 
reivnhle  (Miiniexion  wilh  the  diret't  nhjm  ol'  it,  on 
v.'iueh  lio  Hpecit'n;  aerioM  i.s  a.-:ked  I'nr  iVoni  th<' de- 
partment, is,  in  my  i'idi:inent.  a  disii-L'ard  of  the 
prnpiit  tv  whi''h  shniilil  characterizf  olHci;.!  eoni- 
lunnii'aiioiirs,  and  an  exampU^  nf  niiwholcHonii; 
inrtnenee  np<in  llie  disi-iphnn  of  th»!  army. 

I  am  \  ery  far  from  desirinir  to  hiy  any  undue  re-  t 
Mrit'tmns  on  ihe  t-inri'spt  nih-m-e  wilh  \W\.i  hraneh 
of  the  (iovernnioiit:  hut  tin-  rfrnnrenn-nts  of  niih- 
(ary  pinprieiy,  noi  h-ss  than  (lie  i-eneial  n-LMiia- 
tions  ttf  ihf  anny,  i\\  hniiis  which  ^hoidd  nut  he 
transcenih  d. 

If  any  niiii  i  r  tiiinks  lie  has  been  injinid  in  liis 
riLrhtH,  Ilia  pmper  conr.st'  is  In  niaKc  a  dinti  iippcal 
I'lir  p  dreijs;  if  lie  has  mailer  of  clnwire  a■.:aiM^t  an- 
oiher,  let  liiin  make  a  direi-t  appeal  fnr  rcilre.-s;  if 
he  lias  malti'r  of  fiiMiL't'  ai:;;iin;J  anoiher,  h-r  lilni  i 
in;tke  his  spernlealintis,  and  (  all  fora  prnreedinir  in 
ilie  way  desi:;n;Untl  hy  re'j;nIations  and  military 
it:-:i«;e.  ( 'naiplaints  am!  ehi-r^es  |ire«eiited  in  this 
tnanner  will  rieetve  piopci-  aiteniion.  Tnless  with 
refeien'V  to  Mudi  re:<nlis,  they  should  not,  in  any 
form,  ami  cerlaiajy  not  hy  ineiilemal  and  indefi- 
nite? tdUr.-ions,  lie  incorporated  into  the  nnlinary 
<'irri'spoMd<,'ncc  with  the.  deparlntenl.  In  this 
vi'-w  of  the  hntticci,  I  eanniii  hot  ri'U'ard,  not  only 
yonr  letter  of  tlie  lOih  in-j!ant,  hut  others  of  pre- 
vious dale>J,  iis  ixcep'ioniilile. 

AV.Vt.   L.  MMirW  Sertrtanj  of  War. 

To  Major  Ueiieral  E.  V.  Gaixls. 

llEADinVHTP.US    VVESTEnV  DIVISION', 

.Wtc  (h-haus,  Sijittmhtr  *^\<,  [H-\~). 

Snt:  I  do  myself  the  honor  to  acknowled;;e  the 
receipt  of  your  letierof  thf  Kith,  in  which  ymi  say 
you  an.'  suiprisetl  to  learn,  as  yon  do  from  mine  of 
the  'M  instant,  thai  I  eonsiiler  your  instru''ii(nis  to 
Ijoiieral  Taylor  nf  the  ;i.'M  ultimo  a  virtual  approval 
of  my  requisition  for  Louisiana  v<)hiiiteeiv. 

In  reptv — reterrinir  you  to  my  letter  of  the  lOth  i 
iristiuu — i  have  to  report  that  General  Taylor  has, 
tor  morn  than  a  year  past,  had  the  eommaral  ni' 
one  of  tho  hrii^ades  of  my  division,  nn<l  1  have 
nevtr,  until  tlie  receipt  of  yuur  letier  of  the  13tli 
instant,  hi-en  honored  with  anv  auilnirity  whatever 
(tisconnee.tin;!;  that  hri^'^ade  from  my  command,  , 
otlnrwise  than  m  upon  irmjtoranf  strrice — as  a  lu'i- 
«rade  ihtufhvif  oiwn  fiomt  sicret  acrvirr;  on  the  aceom- 
pli.-hment  of  which  I  had  reason  to  expect  the  hri- 
.^ude,  or  the  i^rcater  part  of  it,  would  return  to  the 
un:ri>rris(tned  forts  near  me. 

I  had  never  received  a  »'opy,  nor  any  paper  pur- 
p(nnni:  to  In;  a  copy  of  any  authority  i;iven  tti  (.ten- 
I  lal  Tayhir  lo  pi  to  Texas  until  al'ter  llie  ilale  ol' 
my  rciiuisition  for  Liuiisiaiia  volnnleers  of  the  lath 
uUmuo.  rsio'  did  any  copy  of  inslriictunis  re- 
etivt;(l  hy  me  sincf  ihat  period,  notify  me  that 
Geiu'ral  Tayl'u's  hriuade  was  no  hniit^'r  to  he  ctni- 
;'id<reil  as  a  part  uf  my  division:  etaisequeinly,  I 
was  ii'ti  reheved  of  the  hi'^hly  respi.iisihle  and  nn- 
portiuit  duty  of  wat^hini;  tlie  movenuMits,  and  i;iv- 
mir //li-/!/ and  styenii;lli  to  that  hriiiade  nf  my  division; 
nor  could  I  omit  or  neglect  the  taithful  disi-hai-ir«'  of 
tills  tluty,  without  piittini;  it  in  the  ])owei' nf  any 
\aiif^lorioMs  adver.-ai*v'  tc.  briii;;  me  under  the  pains 
and  penalties  of  u  irial  and  conviction  before  a 
;,'eneral  eoinl-marti.d. 

I  may  he  asked,  wliy  1  permitted  General  Tay- 
lor to  emliark  for  Tevas  without  oliicial  informa- 
lion  of  his  authority  -  i  answer,  that  I  was  assured 
1)/ the  General  ihiiL  he  hud  iiistrm  imiis  from  the 
War  Deparlmeni  i.t  make  llie  movement,  hut  thai 
his  insiruelioiis  \\<it;  eorUideiiiial.  <  oiaral  Tay- 
lor's wiu'd,  which  I  am  8ure  he  would  w*l  vinlaie 
for  all  till'  weidlh  of  Mexico,  was  all  I  desiretl  lo 
Jnslify  his  mov<aneu( ;  and  I  dislinctly  slated  to  him 
ihil,  as  his  inslriictinns  wen'  cindideiiiiMl,  I  would 
not  see  them  untd  they  wen-  forwarded  to  me  iVom 
the   ;»niper  authorities  of  the  War  Department.* 

"On  liMnaim  trnin  (teaeriil  Taylor  tlcil  the  instraciioa-^ 
lie  lind  ri'CMved  wen?  loujidcnlial,  (  not  only  iilt^luiiK'd  frnin 


I,  howcvrr,  added:  *•  Shnvld  ijou  f^cl  into  antj  diffi-  ! 
Cftltijy  lirili  i^rn}npl(i{  Sffstaiii  iiott.^*  I  had  fnr  more 
than  thiiiy  years  past  deterniinrd  that  nn  invidious 
nei.deet  or  intriune  «ai  the  p.ul  of  anv  otllccr  of  the 
Government  Inwards  me,  slunild  evtr  fir  a  mo- 
ment tend  to  divert  my  attention  frniu  my  duty. 

IJiidef  nil  the  eireumslanees  detailed  in  my  letter  . 
of  the  lOth  insiaiii,a(ld.'l  to  what  I  have  here  staled, 
tindini,'  that  the  I'resideiit  of  llie  I'niied  Smt' s  had 
seen  lit  lo  aniliori/e  my  Jmiim-,  (Getieiid  Taylnr,) 
the  meritoriniis  chief  of  (un;  (d'the  hriurdes  nf  nsy  [ 
division,  \n  call  on  the  Governms  of  some  af  the  , 
Western  States,  in  eerlain  emerireneies,  for  a  part  ; 
of  the  mililla  fon-e  of  llmse  SSiales,  I  ecmld  not  hut  , 
ennstrue  ihis  authoriiy  into  a  virtuii!  approval  of 
my  call  on  Governor  Altuilnn  for  tlie  ehivairic  vol- 
uiiU'cis,  under  iliat  excellent  enouuander,  M;ij'ir 
CJallv,  lo  lly  I"  ihe  assistance  of  (ieiieral  Taylui-, 
wlio  has  been  tor  several  weeks  wiihnol  any  oilier 
lield-pieees  than  the  very  eUicieni  tram  seiU  to  hini 
under  our  Lnmsinna  commandf.is,  who  wcaild  do  i 
honor  to  our  reiiiilar  service.  i; 

If  is  nnw  appiu-eiit  that  all  thenricr- scattered  see-  ! 
ii'>iiH  nf  Coiieral  Tay|i>r*s  army  nf  oceii)iation  have  i' 
been   hai)]iilv  enneentrate<|   witlmut   any  such  dis-  ' 

aster  as  I   (wilh    thousands  of  othei n  of  snme  : 

experieiiee')  h;al  reasnii  lo  aiiticipjin  mi'/lit  occur 
between  the  loth  and  *i(lih  of  Au:;ust.  I  heartily  ■ 
rejiiice  at  this  resuli.  It  may  lie  the  means  of  b 
savimr  the  rnited  Slates  and  .Mexico  from  a  war —  ['■ 
a  war  which  has  tn  me  tnr»  much  the  appearam-e  of  i 
a  family  diNlurhanci- — a  r'lvi!  vuir  f  the  mnst  fri;Lrlu-  ' 
fid  nf  all  the  hoiM'ors  of  w;'.r  to  the  honest  votaries  ' 
of  tVec  LT'uermuen!)  to  be  averted,  if  possible,  hy 
every  rational  |n-ecautioii. 

My  conduct,  however,  is  not   to  be   judired   hy  : 
wlnit  has  bnppened  snhsennenl  to  the  enibareaiinn 
of  the  Lioiiisiana  vohintreiH,  but  by  the  act-- d  slate  ! 
of  thiii';s  as  represi'iued  lii  me  at  the  point  of  tim 
when  I  made  the  call,  and  which  pnmiptcd  me  to  j 
make  it;  acting,  as  every  judli'ious  olUcer  is  bound 
to  act,  upon   the  sound   principle  that  the  work  of 
pnpiirntion  far  var  nueht  never  to  be  put  oiV  until  ' 
the  v'ork'  oftlislntct'wn  tipnn  oitr f-oul'itr  Inj  n  r.ara-^e 
or  lidlfsanvjri' foe  has  hcti}  hi-^vv  ttrri'ittphtcd. 

All  which  is  res|ieitt'ully  sul'iiiilteil  fnr  the  infor- 
mation and  tinal  decision  of  the  Presideiu  of  the 
United  State.s.  I 

KDMrXD  P.  GAIXF-S.  | 

.V*/j.  den.  r*.  S,,h'inij^  coituViig  KVsf.  Division,  ; 

lion.  Wm.  L.  Maik  v,  Secretary  nf  War.  | 

AVaU   DKPAnTMKXT,  j 

nWn'air'oK.  Ortnhtr  10,  1845.       ; 

Srn:  ATv  si'veral  commuiiic.'tions  to  you  (the 
la.st  of  which,  dated  the  ,'i(lih  nllimn.cfMild  not  ha\e 
been  received  when  yours  of  the  LMih  w.is  wrillen) 
sn|)ersede  the  necessity  of  a  reply  to  it  in  detail. 
Admiltinir  what  you  talce  fort;ranted,  that  Gt-mTal 
Tavlor  was  under  yrinr  immediate e<mimand,befo it; 
he  received  cnders  to  <_'*>  into  Texas,  and  even  as-  , 
sumiiiii",  as  vmi  do,  that  after  he  pi-sed  wiili  bin 
forces  by  orders  fnmi  lliis  departnient  beycuid  Ihe 
cjearlv  dellned  limits  of  your  divi?ann,  he  miL'lit  he 
regarded  as  a  part  of  ynur  eomnianil,  (an  assump- 
tion not  at  all  warnuiteil  by  the  facts  nf  the  ease,) 
lliese  ronsidenitinns  have,  in  m\  Judt^meni,  very 
htlle  or  no  hearitt';"  upnn  tiie  qiiestinii  in  ndiUion  to 
vonr  procednre  in  inakiii'^  the  reqaisiiion  for  the  I 
Louisiana  niililiit,  ami  wouiil  not,  if  the  i^■esident 
eould  adopt  your  views  lliereon,  nll'ect  his  opinion 
upnn  thai  act. 

The  views  of  this  deparlmeni  relative  lo  the  ser- 
vice and  military  operations  in  Texas  liavini:  been 
fully  explaincil,  I  presume  there  will  i>e  no  longer 
any  misapprehensions  on  the  subject. 

WM.   L.   MAlirv. 

iMaJ.  (o'li.  K.  \\  G\isf.s  r.  N..7.,.\'.  ()rh,in^. 


I  li.Amii  AKTrit**  \Vi>ir.nv  Divi^mx. 

•  Mie  Or/r(Oi.s,.l/ifP/  1  I,  |«4(!. 
Sir:  The  rnmnrs  fnun  the  seat  of  Wiir,  eonlained 

ii'iL  iixi   -III  I'   I  till  Milt'  :i)inilt  I  lii>t>i    iiifa;i  'It'     J  iiit    I    Hi  i  ii  k     I   iliil  in  ii 


in  thr  enclosed  pnpns.suiigcst  tlie  propriety  of  the 
rcnitirlts  wliieli  lolldW; 

I.  Ii  is  vri'v  (li'sii;il>l(;  tlinl  General  Tnylor  niny 
lijuc  Riispcininl  liiN  mov(^inoiit  fnim  Puiiit  Isabel 
lo  his  f'lM'iiticd  i'iiciiin|piiit-iit  iK'nr  MjitaiiH^ros,  unlil 
joined  iiy  ilir  iwo  runip.iiiirs  nt'iirtillcry  from  l*en- 
siu'iilii,  and  scvcnd  nmipanirs  of  \olnitlet!rs  from 
this  I'iiy  and  frniii  Trxas,  wlio,  I  liiinlc,  niusi  have 
liL-in  at  I'oint  Isalicl  liy  the  cviiiinff  of  the  7lh  in- 
slMMi.  lie  this  as  it  may,  lunvever,  tliis  inovfintnt 
will  he  lilioly  to  aiVord  lo  ihr  (li'iieral  an  opportu- 
nity id'  Icvlin;;  ihe  ai'Iiial  siiTiinlli  and  chivalry  of 
his  aiilairciniMlH,  and  llifitfoio  it  cannot  fail  to  be 
attcitdcii  wilh  imjiorlanl  rcsulls.  That  he  will 
snrciv  ii'iiiniph  o.cr  rla-  innmronH  forcis  opposed 
to  him,  I  coDlidenlly  btlicsi:;  but  his  loss  will  prob- 
ahlv  t'c  coitsidcraljlc. 

'i.  (Jiidcr  ihis  and  every  other  view  thnt  can  be 
lalccii  of  iho  siilijcci,  it  is  idnioiis  lo  me  ihat  no 
lime  shniild  be  lost  in  llic  I'oiiccntraiion  of  Ten- 
iiessiT,  Kentucky,  and  oiiier  volimtocrs,  to  the  Kio 
Grande. 

:i.  ('onviiM'.ed  as  I  am  ihat  Mexico  would  not 
dare  lo  comnw'iice  bosiililies  wilhoiit  luivinir  been 
encoiira'^ed  by  I'rilish  a:;ems,  wiili  ihc  hope  of  lielp 
from  ihe  IJi'ilish  navy,  ibere  is  ri'Msr>n  lit  apptrliend 
that  ihe  polls  of  Texas  m.iy  be  s' rin  blockatled. 
In  this  e\eiil,  we  shall  have  no  oiiier  means  of 
scndiiiu'  lo  the  Hin  Ciruide  reiiiforccinenls  or  sup- 
plies than  by  land.iin  Fori  .lesup.  This  would 
euilxirrass  us  lireally.  To  obviate,  in  some  degree, 
the  u'real  i  vil  of  bi'iii;;  eoaliiied  lo  Ihis  route,  and 
lo  have  soiue  of  ihal  most  ellicieiit  force  winch 
marked  iIk  I'huracier  of  tluneral  Jackson's  and 
Generals  CollVe  and  Carroll's  ccnps,  1  have  deter- 
mined 10  iuvit(;  into  ihi;  service  several  re{^imenls 
of  moinilfil  iriini/itii,  to  rendc/.vous  nt  I'ort  Jesup 
in  Ihe  |ii'esent  nionih,  and  lo  press  ftn'ward  from 
Ihenro  to  lh<'  Kio  (irande,  ihiough  Texas.  The 
baltalioii  of  the  Isl  infaulry  embarked  for  Point 
Isabel  oil  ihe  evening'  of  the  9lli,  wilh  three  com- 
panies of  Loiiii  iaiui  voluiuecis,  in  line  health,  und 
ready  for  aciimi. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

EDMU.N'l)  I'.  GAhNKS, 
.U(i;'.  (ifii.  I'nilcd  Slales,lrmij,  commanding. 
To  the  lioii.  Wm.  L.  Maiu  v, 

Stcfetui'ii t'f  liar,  il'itihiuf^ton^ 

Adjita.vt  Gkxkiiai.'s  Officf., 

ir«i/iiiiff(o>i,.W«!/ le,  1846. 

GEvr.nAi.:  I  am  instrueled  by  the  Secretary  of 
War  lo  acknowledge  your  leller,  received  this  even- 
iiiir,  of  ilic  1  Illi  iiistaui,  and  lo  say,  that  he  desires 
you  will  couuleiinand  your  call  for  the  "  several 
reu'imeiiis  of  mounted  cunmcii,"  which  you  slate 
were  lo  reiide/.vous  at  l-'ort  .lesup,  on  the  receipt  of 
this  letier,  as  this  requisiiion  will  interfere  wilh  the 
arrangement  already  iiuule  by  the  War  Department 
relative  to  the  rpioui  of  volunleers  lo  be  called  into 
the  service  of  the  General  Government  from  the 
several  Stales,  under  the  new  law.  The  volunleer 
force  called  into  the  service  from  Louisiana,  Ala- 
bama, Ac.,  on  your  aiilhoritv,and  which  you  have 
previuusly  reported,  I  am  iiisirucled  to  say  meeta 
the  approval  of  ihe  depaitmenl. 

I  am.  General,  very  ri  spectlully,  your  obedient 
servaiii,  U.  .TONES,  .Wjiilani  Genera/. 

Uvt.  Maj.  Gen.  E.  P.  Gainks, 

C'ominimi/iiis-  ll'of.  /)irisioii,»\'.  O.,  tn. 

War  Dr.PAiiTMKXT,  .Viii/  18,  1(<46. 
.Siu:  It  beiim-  underslood  that  Major  General 
Gaines  has  made  a  call  on  your  Excellency  for 
volniiteeis  lo  reiidez.voiis  at  Fiirl  .lesup,  Louisiana, 
I  InuiMo  inform  ymi  that  this  was  done  without 
Ihe  aiiiliipritv  of  the  Presideni,  ami  that  the  gene- 
ral has  ihis  I'l.iy  been  iiisirucled  lo  revoke  the  same. 
Von  are  retiue'sicd  to  lake  no  measures  lo  comply 
w.ih  li.ai  e.ill  WlLLlA.M  L.  MARCY. 

His  Kxcellelicy  Wm.  (IwsllV, 

(iiiririior  ol'  Hcnliirkti,  Franhforl,  Kjj. 

His  Kx.vlleiicy  A.  V.  ISrohx, 
(lueirnnr  nf  7V)iiii»Mr,  ,\'iis/iri//f ,  Tenn. 

TIf.adch'autf.iis  Wrstkrv  Pivhion, 

.Wir  (Memu:,  Mn<i  H.  1H4G. 

Sir:  .Apprchendiiii;  thai  the  bad  IrentnienI  which 

volnnleers  of  Ihis  eily  (called  oiil  by  me  last 

summer)    experienced    from  those    who   were  in- 

Iruslcil  wilh  the  power  of  orilerin:;  their  jiiiyment, 

but  who  have  left  them  calumniated  and  unpaid, 


SENATE. 


i; 


^fM 


ll 

'I 


:  I 


. 

\M 

<M 

i 

'J19»J 

66-2 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  8, 


29tii  Cong Ist  Sess. 


GencraU  Scott  and  Gaines. 


Senate. 


mi"-lit  returd  or  ilcfoiit  our  preHcnt  ntlempt  lo  ob- 
Inin  voluiileora  in  lliis  SliUu,  I  linve  tiiki'ji  mens- 
ures  10  drsiie  ihc  Govi'nioi-s  of  ncvcial  iil'diu  iK'i;;!!- 
boring  Sliilcs  lo  anlMpate  the  mil  wliicli  1  niii  sure 
the  Picsiilent  will  now  aiilliorizp,  and  nt  once  to 
obtain  a  few  oonii)aniit  nt  Moliiio.  Kor  this  pur- 
pose I  deemed  it  proper  to  avail  niyseil*  of  the  ser- 
vices of  that  accomplished  olfioei",  Major  Chase, 
of  the  corps  of  ensirieers,  whose  equal,  in  point  of 
(i^iitnci/and  praciiail  niiliiary  mind,  I  have  sildom 
if  ever  seen  amonjj  the  olHcers  of  liis  aije  <^r  rank 
since  the  brilliant  scenes  of  the  years  1813  and 
1814  presented  to  my  admiration,  and  that  of  the 
Brmy,  the  {gallantry  and  extraordniary  usefulness 
of  our  lamented  Majitr  Wrxnl,  of  the  same  corps. 
To  the  memornniliim  of  Major  Chase,  1  refer 
you  for  a  refort  of  tlie  lale  patriotic  and  chivalric 
movements  nt  Mobile.  Since  his  departure  from 
that  city  I  have  learned  that  live  luauiiful  com- 

fnnics  were  prepared  to  enilnnk  direct  to  Point 
sabcl.  I  have  ri'nson  to  hope  that  these  corps 
will  be  f  illowed  by  .-.everal  others  in  the  course  of 
this  eveiiins;  or  to-morrow  mornins;. 

Very  respeclfullv,  vonr  obedient  servant, 
EDMUM)  V.  GAIN  lis 
•Wiijor  (nniiiU  C'oiniHitnding. 
To  the  Sechetarv  ok  Wau. 

.Vemoramta  of  the  procfxdings  nt\)htjnr  Clntsr^  I'nilcd 
States  Engineer,  (Ktitis:  vntUr  Ihc  ortlers  of  .Ui/Jor 
General  ilaines,  commaiuUiig  M'eslern  Uhision  of 
the  ^Irmy. 

New  OntEANs,  .Mmj  3. — General  Gaines  im 
formed  me,  at  8  o'clock,  a.  m.,  that  he  inieuded  to 
send  troops  from  I-'orts  Pike,  Wood,  and  Pcnsaeo- 
la,  to  Brazos  SaniiaEto;  and  direcHil  me  to  as.sist 
in  the  movement.  .Saw  Colonel  Hum,  Depnly 
Quartermaster  General,  and  recommendcfl  that  the  j 
mail  steamer  Fashion  should  be  immediarely  char- 
tered and  sent  to  Forts  Pike  and  ^Vood,  and  thence  I 
to  Pensacoln,  in  order  lo  transport  (he  troops  direc'.  i 
to  Krazos  .Sanliaso.  The  owners  of  the  sienm'.r 
charged  §20,000  for  one  momh.or  !a,li,(llH)  fov  a.' 
single  trip.  These  cxorbitinit  denumds  were  re- 
jerled.  Suggested  to  Gencml  Gaines  thai  a  reipii- 
sition  be  made  on  Commodore  Lalinh  r,  com- 
mandir;;  naval  forces  at  Pensacola,  for  ihc  steam 
frigate  Mississippi  to  proceed  to  llrazos  .Sanliapi 
with  the  troops,  ami  with  an  additional  number  ' 
of  boats,  lo  a.ssisl  in  the  landini;  of  the  iroops 
generally.  A  requisition  was  made  ncdrdingly, 
and  nn  order  piven  to  Colcniel  Cnine  to  embark 
the  troops  forthwith.  1  was  charired  with  (he  de- 
livery of  the  despatches  at  Pnisacola,  and  also  to 
muster  into  service,  i»  jwssant,  anv  men  dial  (niirhl  ' 
volunteer  nt  .Mobile.  Left  town  per  mail  s(e,imer. 
On  passing  Fort  Pike,  sent  a  no(e  ash. ire  (o  Cap- 
tain Van  Ness,  to  be  prepared  for  a  movement  at 
a  momeni's  vvarninj:,  and  recinesu d  liiin  lo  ini'nnn 
Captj\in  .Newman,  nt  Fort  Wood.  May  4lli,  ar- 
rived nt  .Mobile  at  half-past  it  o'clo.  k,  a.'m.:  saw 
Captain  Todd,  of  the  .M.ibile  lodlhiv.  iiifornKil 
hini  that  1  was  ready  lo  muster  voluiiicVrs  lino  ser- 
vice, rcconimended'dial  liis  (ine  company  should 
Tolnnleer,  and  proce(d  this  day  direct  to  N'ew  t)r- 
leans,  and  cmb.irk  on  board  (he  slea(ner  Galves- 
ton, which  would  |iiobably  sail  on  Tuesday,  ihe 
Slh.  Captain  Todd  was  in  favor  of  the  proposi- 
tion, and  invited  me  lo  meet  the  olhccrs  of  Colonel 
McCoy's  rcttiment  at  ihc  .\rmory,  at  10  o'clock, 
(Captain  Todd's  eonipany  was  adai-lnd  (o  this 
regiment;)  made  the  .-■■.ime  proposition  lo  Coloiu'l 
McCoy,  and  urged  that  at  lensi  two  cnmpanics  l,e  , 
despatched  Ihi.iday;  that  lime  was  now  more  valna-  ' 
bic  than  niMnbers.  I  informed  him  thai  these  com- 
panies would  arrive  in  time  to  embark  in  llic  firsi 
ateamer  despal'  bed  to  ihe  IJrazos  Si.  In;;.!,  and  '^n 
ill  company  willi  a  badalioii  uf  thi>  first  le'.nmenl 
United  Slates  infantry,  and  a  liaKalior  uf  I'niled 
Siaton  oriilb  ry.  i  was  espcriallv  de.iirous  that  the 
Moliilc  nriillcry  and  rides  should  ^o,  for  (hey  en- 
joy a  high  rcjiiiinlion  for  (!iscipline  ani  ell|,'irn.-y. 
Cciloncl  McCoy  rather  do.  Iiind  my  proposition, 
bein?  desirous,  I  believe,  that  his  whole  conniLoid 
alioiilil  g(,  direci  i,,  the  seat  of  war.  explain  Craw- 
ford, of  the  rides,  inviud  me  lo  meet  his  •ompany, 
to  whom  I  madLsi(nilarstnti;(n(  Ills  as  above,  which 
W -le  hcardly  n  sponded  lo. 

-On  invitation,  1  went  with  Jiiilo-('  Brass  to  meet 
a  commitlee  of  cidzens  nt  the  custion-lnaise,  and 
tfnyc  all  die  in.'ormniion  desired.  On  slatinj;  the 
lm|)ortance  of  sending  oU'  volunteers  to  New  Or- ' 


I  leans  (his  day,  if  possible,  nnd  that  I  would  inns-  I 
ter  into  service  any  willing;  to  iro,  GenernI  Dtshn,  * 
one  of  the  commiitee,  insianily  replied  that  ho 
would  t::o  for  one,  ixm\  taking  one  hundred  or  one 
hundred  nnd  fifiy  men,  would  be.  ready  to  embark 
this  day  at  3  o'clock,  p.  m.  Willi  an  alacrity  ami 
energy  corresponding  with  his  noble  oli'er,  he  pro- 
ceeded lo  n.sseinble  the  volinileers. 

At  my  requcsl,  the  mail  steamer  Fashion  defer- 
red her  usual  hour  of  dcpiuiurt-  to  3  o'clock,  p.  in. 
Transportatimi  sias  engaged  lV»r  (.iencral  Deshn's 
command.  Ui'ing  oljliged  lo  leave  .Mitbilc  at  half- 
past  one  o'clock  for  Pensacola,  1  was  not  able  lo 
muster  General  Desha's  loinpanv  into  service,  but 
gave  him  nn  order  to  report  to  divisimi  lieadqiiar- 
lers  in  New  (hleans,  wlnie  orders  would  be  given 
for  the  mustering  of  his  aien. 

The  collector  of  the  customs,  iioslinaslcr,  .Tudges  || 
Bragg  ami  Goldswcaiiicr,  Ciovernor  Gayle,  and 
oilier  members  of  the  coinmitici^,  as  \vcll  as  (he 
citizens  geiicially,  evinced  the  best  disposition,  by 
personal  exeriions  and  pecuniary  contributions,  to 
meet  the  demand  made  on  their  palriodsin. 

The  ciMnmlitei:  having  made  a  provi.sinnal  ar- 
rangement wilh  die  owners  of  the  mail  su-ainer 
Day,  to  carry  troops  direct  to  Sandairo,  it  was  ex- 
pected thai  t'olimel  McCoy's  regiincnl  and  oilier 
volunteers  would  depart  shortly.  1  accin'(liiu;ly 
reported  lo  General  Gaines,  and  rc(|ncsl(d  that  ail 
officer  of  Mlafl'  be  sent  to  Mobile  to  muster  tliein 
into  service. 

May  5th,  arrived  at  Pensacola  at  half  past  nini', 
o'clocic,  a.  111.;  ileli\ered  despalches  lo  C!olonel 
Crane,  and  forwarded  those  for  Comin.ulorc  Lati- 
mer by  Lieoienant  Talcolt  of  the  ordnance.  Col- 
onel Ci\iiic  i.ssued  orders  for  ilic  embarkation  of  the 
Iroops.  The  steamship  Mississippi  had  .sailed  for 
Vera  Cruz  on  Monday  evening.  Oll'ered  my  ser- 
vices to  procure  Iransporlalimi.  Proceeded  to  the 
navy  vnid  nnd  engaged,  lliiough  Lieiilenuit  Tal- 
colt, the  brig  Virginius  at  *,800.  Connnodore  Lat- 
imer perinilled  die  remainder  of  the  brig's  cargo 
of  coal  lo  remain  on  board  as  ballast,  and  under- 
took to  fill  up  the  nece.'^.siu'y  supply  of  water  from 
the  cisiern  of  llie  nuvy  yard  in  the  shortest  time 
possilile. 

Half  past  twelve  o'clock,  p.  m.,  delivered  orders 
lo  C.ipiain  Taylor,  commanding  at  the  iJarancHs, 
and  despatched  a  note  to  Captain  Webster,  at  Fori 
Pickens,  giving  him  iiolice  of  the  movement  of 
iroojis.  At  fiveo'cliick  the  brig  came  to  the  lia- 
ranciis  wharf,  and  at  -six  o'clock  the  Iroops  were 
embarked.  The  brig  proceeded  lo  Fort  Pickens 
to  "ake  Captain  Webster's  command  on  board. 

May  fidi,  the  lirig  having  got  under  weigh  du- 
ring the  niiihi.  was  prcvcntcil  by  opposing  tides 
and  light  winds  from  riacliing  Fort  Pickens.  A 
small  slcamer  was  despal<'lied  from  die  navy-vm'd 
In  carry  the  Iroops  from  Fort  Pickens  lo  the  brig. 
Leli  ISarnncas  at  nine  o'cloi-k  on  my  rcliirn  lo  .New 
Orleans.  It  whs  txpecicd  the  brig  would  leave  ibis 
day  at  eleven  o'clock  widi  a  fair  wind,  and  that  the 
Iroops  would  lie  landed  at  Point  Isabel  by  the  Dili 
or  Ibdi  insl.iiit. 

(;redil  is  due  lo  Colonel  Crane  and  his  stall";  to 
Coiniiiodoie  Latimer,  his  olliciis,  nnd  iniii;  and  to 
the  oHi.-ers  and  troo|is  emliarked,  for  the  prompt- 
ness and  zeal  displayed  in  tins  iiiovemcnt. 

.May  Till,  arriveil  at  Mobile.  Lieutenant  Lov- 
ed, II.  S.  A.,  had  arrived  under  orders  lo  niiisier 
volunteers  inio  service.  It  is  imderslood  that  they 
will  proceed  ilireci  lo  IJra/.os  .Siiniiago. 

The  iirmnpt  action  of  General  Desha  ill  the  prem- 
ises (lesci-ves  ihe  highest  praise. 

.May  8(h,  arrived  in  N'ew  Orleans,  and  reported 
at  division  headijuarlers. 

W.\L  11.  CI  IAS'-;,  M.ij.n/nngimn-s. 

HEADIlfAnTF.K>i    WksTIUIX   DIVISION, 

A  lie  t)rl(iim,  /,«.,. U«i/  It),  18.|(i. 

Sir:  I  have  the  honor  (o  report  die  enrolment 
and  acceptance  into  the  service  of  the  Uniled  .Si.in-s 
id'  nearly  three  reginienis  of  i^iiod  Louisiana  voliiu- 
lecrs,  iiniler  Ihe  leiptisilion  of  General  Taylor,  of 
the  Ijbdi  nlliuio 

The  lad^  tardy  progress  of  obtaining  volunteers 
to  ineel  the  very  modernle  call  of  tieneral  Tayhu', 
has  indicated  tome  the  projiridy  of  the  views  and 
mi-a.'-ures  which  follow: 

1.  To  insure  die  prompt  enrolment  id'every  tnl- 
enied  man  whose  circumstances  admit  of  his  Icar- 
iiig  /lis  home  und  buiiness,  and  entering  the  United 


Stales  service,  resolved  to  conquer  or  to  fall— the 
only  condition  upon  which  any  true-hearted  citizen 
of  ihis  Union  will  ever  become  a  volunteer— I 
think  it  my  duty,  as  the  military  reprcsenlalivc 
of  the  President  in  the  division  confided  to  my 
command,  to  nvail  myself  of  every  prudent  occa- 
sion in  my  |iower  to  encourage  the  enrolment  nnd 
do  honor  lo  the  ranh  and  file  of  the  meritorious  col- 
iinlirr  corps.  With  this  csseiuial  object  in  view,  I 
dilcrinined,  on  hearing  id'  the  prompt  enrolment 
of  General  William  De  Buys,  (one  of  the  bravest 
of  die  brave  i/i/nnd  rs  of  New  Orleans  in  Decem- 
ber, I8I4,  and  .Tiuiiiary,  1815,  though  then  a 
youth,  and  since  for  .several  years  n  mnjor  general 
of  die  best  volunteer  corps  I  have  ever  seen  since 
die  war  of  1814,  embracing  "  the  New  Orleans 
Legion,")  to  afipoint  liim  lo  act  ns  inspector  gi  n- 
eial  (o  the  volunteers  under  orders  for  the  Ilio 
Grande. 

'.2.  There  is  no  olTicial  action  so  essential  to  the 
etliciency  of  volnnleers  as  that  of  a  talented  inspec- 
tor general,  whosie  duties  should  commence  with 
die  organization  and  first  movements  of  the  volun- 
leercorps,  and  extend  lo  the  field  of  bntde;  thence 
lo  die  depols  of  p-isoners  taken  ill  biilile,  nnd  lo 
the  hospiuils.  For  the  discharge  of  these  iinport- 
ani  duties,  I  know  no  man  more  highly  qualified 
lliiin  General  De  lluys. 

3.  Should  you  deem  my  authority  lo  make  .inch 
an  appointment  at  nil  questionable,  I  respectfully 
solicit  the  favor  of  yo;t  to  approve  the  a])f>oiiit- 
menl,  and  to  take  the  retpiisite  measures  for  au- 
iliorizin;;  division  commanders  lo  make  such  ap- 
|iointinenis. 

4.  I  have  often  appointed  volunteer  and  other 
officers  to  act  ns  inspector,  quarlermasler,  ornd- 
jntnnt  general,  in  the  occasional  absence  of  either, 
wilh  no  authority  oilier  than  that  found  in  my 
olllcial  oaih,  **  ^'  s<  rre  the  United  Stales  hnnesllit 
und failhfutUu  ond  to  olieij  orders  uccording  In  ttiu\^* 
Win  n  leipiired  lo  organize  n  corjis  of  volunteers, 
or  liny  oilier  (roops,  I  inspect  them  nnd  see  that 
they  are  ready  to  do  good  service.  I  aivi  in  duty 
bound  to  supply,  as  far  ns  I  am  able,  nny  and 
every  apparent  ilefecl,  and  render  them  effii  lent. 

I  liavi!  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully,  your 
obedient  servant, 

EDMUND  P.  GAINES, 
.VnJ.  (Un.  V.  S.,1.,  Com.  ff'tslern  Division. 
To  the  lion.  W.  L.  Mahcv, 

Serretarif  if  War,  Wushington  Cilit. 
P.  S. — My  letter  of  this  date,  which  I  finished 
in  haslo,  witlioiil  relaininga  copy,  was  sent  to  the 
post  office  with  bill  Hide  more  than  the  conteiils  of 
ihe  first  page  hereof,  without  completing  mv  views 
regarding  that  excellent  officer.  General  William 
De  liuys.  I  write  this  to  complete  my  views  upon 
this  sulijecl — a  subject  of  great  dclicai'y  and  im- 
portance lo  the  service.  E.  P.  G. 

Ht.AnHt'AKTKRS  WesTFRX  DiVISIOV, 

.Site  (>r/(«ii,«,  .U.ii/  17,  184G. 

Sin:  I  take  much  pleasure  in  sending  yon  a  copy 
of  (Ji'iieral  Taylin-'s  report  of  Ihe  Dili  insianl,  nn- 
nomning  the  ri'sult  of  two  brilliant  coidlicls  wilh 
die  Mrxiian  army  under  General  Arista,  near 
.Malamoros,  resnlliiig  in  a  triumph.  I'm-  which  the 
general  merils  prnmotion  and  a  gcdd  medal,  nnd 
every  officer  unilcr  him  a  sword  of  honor,  nnd 
every  soldier  six  nnnidis'  pay. 

This  decisive  viciory,  by  a  few  slender  corps  of 
regulars,  cannot  (Siil  lo  secure  the  respect  of  our  dc- 
hiiled  IK  igIibors,and  Ojien  the  way  to  a  succession 
of  liimnplis  teniling  lo  convince  tlii!  .Mexican  Gov- 
ernmcnl  that  we  know  how  lo  vindicate  our  rights 
in  war,  as  well  as  nmgnaimnously  lo  exercise  n 
spiril  of  firlieaianre  inouredorls  to  preserve  peace, 
even  until  our  forbeai-ance  is  niislnken  for  timid- 
ity. 

If  wehnslen  on  the  volunteers  which  I  have  long 
desired  to  eoncenlrate  upon  the  Rio  Grande,  nnd 
thus  prove  our  delerminalion  lo /nfrr  and  ftoW  the 
nililiide  of  proud  defiance,  and  speedily  to  follow 
up  the  blow  just  now  siruck,  the  war  must  be  lei- 
niinaled  in  the  present  yeai ,  if  not  in  a  (cvf  months; 
oiherwise  it  may  linger,  as  did  the  Seminole  wnr, 
for  seven  years  afler  it  had  been  terminated  ! 

Bui  this  meusiire  will  require  a  considerable  out- 
lay of  money.  This  Is  a  Irnlli  which  is  slrictly 
apiilicable  lo  every  efficient  measure  of  national 
dcl'ini'e.  I!ul  the  intrinsic  value  of  (hat  iiistrnciion 
und  experience  which  tlic  volunteers  will  dorivo 


.»-;v^  - 


1846.] 


APPE^D1X  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


663 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Generals  Scott  and  Gaines, 


Senate. 


from  II  few  inniUlis'mtivcsiiviiT  will  icTider  tlicni 
ciiual  to  the  best  of  rf^iilars,  wlio  will  deli»lit  in 
{jiviiii;  llii'in  iiisti'iictinn — a  (ii'urcc  of  iiiKlruction 
timt  will  be  worth  more  to  this  Union  than  ton 
tiineri  the  amount  of  money  their  einployiLiunt  will 
cos'. 

With  Krcat  rcHpect,  your  obedient  siirvimt, 

KDMU,\D  PENDLETON'  GAINES,         : 
Mij.  Gen.  V.  S.  .1.  Com.  IVcst.  Div. 
To  Hon.  Wm.  L.  M.\niy,  Hccrdary  of  li'ar. 

Extract  from  a  Iclttr  finm  Muj.  Gen.  E.  P.  Gaines, 

"Headodarteiis  AVestkiin  Division, 

"  ,AVii'  Oileiim,  May  1,  1840. 

"  Sir:  Convinred  an  I  am  ihut  recent  events  in 
Mexieo,  and  upon  the  western  liorder  of  Texas, 
must  have  satisfied  you  tli.it  my  views  of  the  last  \ 
^■nmmer  and  aiiliimn  were  not  sueli  as  to  justify 
the  extra-judicial  reprimand  with  which  you  were 
pleased  to  assure  me  of  the  President's  disappro- 
nation  of  my  conduct,  1  do  myself  the  honor  to 
renew  my  apnlieatlon  to  concentrHtc  upon  the' 
southwestern  border  of  Texas  fifty  battalions  of 
western  volmiteers. 

"  I  nm  under  the  iniiiression  that  1  could  liave 
the  greater  part  of  this  force  concentrated  upon  the 
ilio Grande  bvtlicSrith  of  the  present  month,  ready 
for  action.  'I'his  force  would  have  the  benefit  of  a 
military  school  fir  superior  to  that  nt  West  Point — 
a  military  school  that  would  in  six  months  render 
every  olHecr  and  .soldier  of  these  volunteer  corps 
e(|iml  to  the  best  of  our  icorAiiig-  reiru(«i',s;  for  at 
West  Poini  they  do  not  learn  to  work,  whilst  in  a 
eampaii;n  to  the  Uio  Grande,  and  to  tlie  city  of 
iMexiro,  the  history  of  every  day's  duty  would  be 
a  history  of  incessant  labor  on  the  part  of  every 
member  of  the  army,  from  the  conimandin;;  gene- 
ral to  the  younsjes;  private  soldier  inclusively. 

"  I  propose  to  place  this  force  under  the  eoni- 
innnd  of  General  Taylor,  or,  in  the  event  of  our 
diiliculties  viilh  Eni^hind  being  settled,  I  propose  to 
take  command  of  this  force  my.self,  sliould  the 
I'resident  so  order.  I  wish,  however,  to  have  no- 
thiiii;  to  do  with  any  command  in  that  quarter 
without  at  least  fifty  battalions,  ten  of  which  I  pro- 
pose to  be  mountetl — as  it  has  lonj;  been  obvious 
to  me  that  no  decisive  j^ood  can  result  from  placing; 
upon  that  frontier  n  force  unable  to  maintain  the 
attitude  of  proud  defiance  upon  the  whole  frontier 
bordering;  upon  Mexico,  anil  able  to  ^uil  i/oicii  alt 
opposition. 

"  A  purely  defensive  policy  cannot  be  maintained 
with  such  a  nation  as  Mexico  without  ample  force 
to  punish  such  finiidi/.vas  have  for  many  years  past 
marked  the  character  of  many  of  the  armed  men  of  ' 
that  miserable  nation,  and,  if  necessary,  to  follow  , 
them  into  the  heart  of  their  country,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  protect  the  i;ood  citizens  of  the  coun- 
try a;.'ainiJt  this  lawless  rabble." 

«  4t  #  »  «  « 

1  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  your 
most  obedient  servant, 

EDMUND  P.  GAINES, 
.l/oj.  Gen.  V.  H.  .7.,  cuinU'p;  ll'eslrrn  J)irision. 

Hi;.\niii>AKTEiis  AnMv  of  Occipatios, 
Cniii;!  on  the  field  of  buttle,  three  miles  frnm 
.Malumoros,  Mail !),  1H4G. 
Sin;  Eor  the  infornialioii  of  Major  General 
Games,  I  am  diieclcd  by  the  (-'ommanding  General 
to  say  tlint  on  his  mnrcli  hither  from  Point  Lsabel, 
lie  encountered  at  "Palo  Alto,'' on  the  Hih  inslaiil, 
the  Mexican  forces,  consisting  of  3,^'U()  regular 
troops,  and  perhaps  3,UUIi  irregular  cavalry,  with 
nine  pieces  of  artillery.  Our  own  force,  including 
olficeiv,  (lid  not  i'xc<'c(l  "J,;!!!!)  men.  After  an  ac- 
tion of  five  hours,  mninlained  chiefly  with  artil- 
lery— though  the  ,'itli  infintiy  repulsed  a  charge  of 
lancers — the  enemy  was  driven  from  his  positions, 
which  we  occupied  for  the  night.  Our  loss  was 
fliur  men  killed,  ilirce  ollicers  and  thirty-nine  men 
wounded,  mid  several  of  the  laticr  mortally.  The 
loss  of  the  enemy  was  exceedingly  si;vcre,  more 
than  one  hundred  killed,  the  projioiiion  of  wound- 
ed not  known.  Major  Hiiiggold,  l)d  artillery,  and 
Captain  Pag:e,  lib  inliinlry,  were  severely  wound- 
ed.    Lieutenant  Luther,  ','d  arlillerv,  slightly  do. 

This  morning  the  army  renewed  its  march,  the 
enemy  L'radnally  falling  back  before  it  until  he 
reached  this  positimi — a  ravine  crossing  the  road — 
then  planted  seven  picccii  uf  artillery,  and  seemed 


disposed  to  make  a  stand.    After  n  heavy  ond  con- 
tinued fire  of  artillery  and  musketry,  the  General 
ordered  the  buttery  to  be  carried,  which  wi\s  hand- 
somely done  by  a  squadron  of  dragoons  and  the 
infantry  regiments  on  the  ground.     Our  victory  is  ,i 
complete.     Seven  pieces  of  artillery,  three  stand-   j 
ards,  a  largequuntity  of  annnunition,  baggage,  and    I 
[pack-mules  were   taken,   together  with  over  one 
nundred   pris.iners,  including  several  ofiicers  of  ' 
note.     They  have  returned  across  the  river. 

Our  loss  has  been  heavy — three  officers  killed,  i 
and  twelve  wounded;  killed  and  wounded  of  men 
not  yet  known.     The  olficers  killed  are.  Lieuten- 
ant Inge,  2d  dragoons;  Lieutenant  Cochran,  4tli 
infantry;  and  Lieutenant  CliaJbourne,hili  infantry. 

Wounded,  Licuteimnt  Colonels  Mcintosh  and 
Paine,  Captains  Montgomery  and  Howe,  Lieiiten- 
I  ants  Gates,  Macluy,  Seidell,  Burlmnk,  and  Jordan, 
8th  infantry,  and  Fowler,  ,5ili  infantry.  , 

The  loss  of  the  enemy  liiu)  been  exceedingly  .se- 
vere, but  is  not  yi't  known. 

The  fort  under  Major  lirown  has  sustained  itself 
handsomely  during  a  bombardment  of  ItiO  hours. 
Itsgallantcommancler  died  to-day  from  the  effects  of 
a  shell,  of  which  great  numbers  were  thrown  into 
the  work.  The  other  casualties  were,  1  sergeant 
killed,  10  men  wounded. 

1  write  late  ut  night,  luid  in  great  haste. 

W.  W.  13LISS.      I 

Lieut.  P.  Cai.iioln,  AViD  Or/e«iis.  '' 

Adjutant  Gf.nf.iiai.'s  Office, 

irashlnaton,  Mnj  'ia,  184fi. 
Geneuai.;  I  am  instructed  by  the  Secretary  of 
War  to  say  that  the  services  of  the  volunteer  rei;i- 
ineiils  of  foot,  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  tendered 
by  his  Excellency  Governor  Edwards,  and  accept-  ' 
ed  by  you  at  New  Orleans  about  the  4th  of  May, 
have  been  accepted,  and  will  be  regarded  as  a  por-  ' 
tion  of  the  force  called  into  the  service  of  the  Uni-  | 
ted  States  by  authority  of  the  President.  j 

'      I  am,  general,  very  respectl'iilly,  your  obedient 
I  servant.  U.  JONIOS,  .litjiilunl  General. 

I      Hrev.  Maj.  Gen.  E.  P.  Gaixes, 

Coin's;  "c.vl.  Wic,  Ai'ii)  Or(fniis,  Im. 

Waii  Department,  Mi,,  23,  1846. 
'       Sin:  Major  Gi'iicnil  Gaines  having  made  calls  on  ] 
the  Governors  of  Alabama,  Mississippi,  and  Mis-  i 
souri,  for  volunteers  to  be  .sent  to  your  aid,  you  are 
informed  that  these  calls  have  been  recognised  by  ; 
the  President  to  the  extent  of  the  number  already  I 
I'urnishcd  by  them.     You  will  receive  them  in  the  ] 
.same  manner  as  tho.sc  embraced  ill  your  rcqiiisi- 
:i  tion.     The  department  is  not  advLscd  of  the  num- 
ber sent  to  join  you.  ! 
i'      Very  respectfully,  vonr  obedient  servant. 
i                    W.M.  L.  MAllCV,  Sicrclanj  if  flar.      i 
Brig.  Gen.  Z.  Tavi.oh,  | 
Coiiiiiinili/iii^  .Irimi  of  Occiiimtion,  \ 
Dn  the  Uio  Grande,  Texas. 

War  Dei'autmext, ,1/(11/ 23,  184(). 
Sir  ;  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  ; 
of  your  letter  to  the  President  of  this  day's  date, 
and,  in  answer,  to  inform  you  that  the  President 
has  recogni.scd  the  call  made  on  you  by  Major 
General  Gaines,  to  the  extent  mentioneil  in  tliat 
commnnicaiion,  to  wit:  the  troops  which  may 
have  left  the  Slate  of  Missouri  for  New  Orleans, 
the  place  of  rendezvous,  before  the  notice  of  your 
order  cliamring;  their  destination. 

Very  respectfully,  your  idiedicnt  servant, 

WM.  L.  MARVY,  Semtarynflfar. 
His  Excellency  Joii.N  C  Eowauds, 
I  Governor  of  Missouri. 

War  nEPARTMEVT,  ^Uiii/ 2.'1,  1841!. 

Sir:  Although  General  Taylor,  who  alone  was 
niithorized  by  this  depni. iiieiit  to  make  reqiiis,- 
tions  for  such  volunteer  troops  ns  he  might  re- 
quire, did  not  embrace  :lie  Slate  of  Alabama*  in 
his  recent  call  for  such  additional  aid,  I  have  the 
honor  to  notily  your  excellency  that  the  call  made 
on  yon  by  Major  (jcneral  Ciaiiics,  and  tx'hich  was 
so  promptly  responded  to  by  the  patriotic  eiti/ciis 
of  your  Slate,  has  been  recngniscil  to  the  extent 
of  the  number  furnished  and  sent  to  Texas. 

Vonr  excellency  is  :cquestcd  to  inform  this  de- 
par.,  '^iit  what  imm'^erhas  responded  to  the  call. 


•A  •iniiliu  letter  was  sent  to  tlie  Governor  of  MLssihsippl. 


Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

WM.  L.  MAKCY,  Sierelurij  if  Ifar. 
His  Excellency  the  Guveknor  of  .\i.aiiama, 
Tuscaloosa,  Mabaina. 

War  Dei'art.mext, 

U'ashini^toii,  May  28,  1846. 

Sir:  His  excellency  the  Governor  of  Kentucky 
has  notified  this  department  that,  in  compliance 
with  a  call  from  you,  under  date  the  4tli  instant,  he 
has  caused  to  be  organized  and  sent  forward  n  vol- 
unteer force,  eonijioscd  of  eight  eompaniea,  denom- 
inated the  "Louisville  Legion,"  destined  for  Texas. 

This  call,  ns  you  must  be  aware,  hns  been  made 
by  you  without  the  .sanction  of  law:  and  as  similar 
calls  ap|iear  to  have  been  made  by  you  on  other 
Slates,  without  authority  from  the  President TJr  this 
department,  and  which  are  calculated  to  embarrnsR 
the  Government,  you  are  hereby  directed  to  dis- 
continue your  independent  action  in  the.se  matters, 
and  to  confine  yourself  to  carrying  out  the  orders 
and  views  of  the  President,  so  far  ns  they  may  be 
communicated  to  you  from  this  dc|>artmcnt.  You 
will  forthwith  revoke  any  calls  you  may  have 
made  on  States  for  volunteer.*  or  militia,  beyond 
I  lie  number  already  sent  into  Texas,  or  to  General 
Taylor  under  these  calls. 

'I'he  Louisville  Legion  having  been  sent  forward, 
although  contrary  to  the  views  and  wishes  of  the 
department,  as  conveyed  in  a  communication  to 
his  excellency  the  Governor  of  Kentucky  of  the 
18th  inst.,  the  President  has  thought  proper  to  give 
directions  to  have  them  received  and  mustered  into 
service. 

You  will  therefore  cause  the  Legion  to  be  em- 
barked for  Point  Isabel,  to  report  to  General  Tay- 
lor, should  it  have  arrived  ill  New  Orleans. 

"The  appointment  of  General  De  Buys,  as  In- 
spector general  of  volunteers,  which  you  report  in 
your  letter  of  the  lUtli  instant,  as  having  been  made 
by  yon,  is  not  recognised  or  confirmed.  The  Pres- 
ident himself  has  no  authority  to  make  similar  np- 
pointmcnts,  under  existing  laws,  nor  arc  you  au- 
thorized to  add  to  your  own  staff  by  appointments 
from  civil  life.  ISo  such  appointments  will  be  re- 
cognised. 

The  deportment  has  reason  to  believe  that  you 
have  called  into  service  persons  to  be  employed 
OS  artisans,  ite.  Such  a  measure  is  unwarranted 
by  law,  and  is  disapproved. 

Very  respcctfidly,  your  obedient  servant, 
[  WM.L.  MAUCY. 

I      Brevet  Major  General  EnMixr  P.  Gaines, 
Coinind'g  ff'es.  Die.  U.  H.  A.,  X.  Orleans. 

nEAD(H;ARTERS  WESTERN  DIVISION, 

•VVir  (Means,  May  21,  1846. 
Sir:  I  have  the  satisfaction  to  reiiort  to  you  that 
Major  General  Lewis,  and  the  principal  general, 
field,  and  staff  officers,  with  a  great  part  of  the 
field  division  of  Louisiana  militia  under  his  com- 
mand, constituiing  llie  best  irrecnlar  troops  1  have 
ever  inspected  since  the  clo.sc  of  the  war  1814-'15, 
have  ofliMcd  their  services  for  immediate  duty  upon 
the  Rio  Grande. 

I  have  rcjdied  that  T  would  most  gladly  avail  my- 
self of  their  offer  if  the  present  operations  upon 
the  Uio  Grande  were  such  as  to  rei|iiire  the  de- 
srripliim  of  force  of  which  the  fust  division  of  tlie 
Louisiana  militia  is  composed,  or  if  I  had  not 
good  reason  soon  to  anticipate  sfri'iVf  uiniii  a  theatre 
anil  iijmn  a  scale  bitter  adapledio  their  tegiuiiary  organ- 
iziitiiin,  their  past  serrices,  and  tl.  ir  trishes.  It  is  lic- 
lieved  that  the  infantry  and  riflemen  already  with 
(ieiieral  Taylor,  with  such  as  ;m.  In  march,  or 
ii.Milv  pri-pnred  to  embark  for  tli.  l!io  Grande, are 
suiliclent  to  enable  him  to  carry  into  effect  the  in- 
siruelions  of  the  President  ns  soon  as  the  general 
is  joined  by  a  frw  re^'inienis  of  "  inoiiiiffi/priiniiieii. " 

Under  these  circumstances  I  have  been  constrain- 
ed to  decline  the  present  oiler  of  the  first  division 
of  Louisiana  volunteers.  1  have  assured  them, 
however,  of  my  fervent  desire  to  have  the  benefit 
of  their  co-operation  in  the  anticipntcd  service 
which  a  few  days  may  bring  about.  I  allude  to 
the  probability  (if  a  war  with  England,  or  active 
operations  towards  the  city  of  Mexico;  with  some 
Indian  troubles  upon  the  northern  border  of  Texas. 

With  great  respect,  your  obedient  servant, 

EDMUND  P.  GAINES, 
Maj.  (I'rii.  U.  S.  .7.,oom(/'g  ircsfcrn  rtiiiwion. 

Hon.  W.M.  L.  Marcy,  Sccicioii/  nl'  ll'ar. 


I 


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1 1 


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^i^jgj—- n^rtT'.T;' 


'i9TH  Cong 1st  Sess. 

Headquarters  Western  Diviskin, 

.NVii'  Orhttiis,  Mill  "Jd,  l«4(i. 

Sir:  I  linvf  ii>  Hrknowlciljjo  llie  lioiiiir  of  yi.ir 
Ipitcr  of  t!ic  13ili  iiismm,  oiH'liisini;  tlic  priirlaitiH- 
linn  of  tlio  I'lisidnu  of  llic  I'liiled  SiiUch  i>(  llint 
•IbVi  mmoimeini,'  llio  rxi.stom'i'  nf  wm-  IicIwim  n 
this  country  mill  tho  Rrinililii' of  Mcxiro,  uml  ili- 
recling  iiie  lo  ai't  In  rclV-ri'iico  lo  this  i'lmni;e  of  our 
foreign  rehillons  in  tlii'diKi-liiirseof  my  ntlkiul  du- 
ties, so  far  as  tlioy  nmy  lie  iiirectcd  by  ii. 

Hoping  to  hear  from  you  soon  sanotlnnlni,'  ilic 
measures  wlilcii  I  liavc  taliin  toanliripute  your  or- 
ders for  linatcnin!;  to  llic  si'al  of  war  the  force  noil 
8U]>itties  required  by  Cicni  ral  Tayhu',  wlili  Nut-li 
aildiiiouHl  force  niid  supplicH  as  ilie  changed  aspici 
of  out  relations  with  Mexico,  and  the  luobabdity 
of  our  being  obliged  to  eucouiuer  anollur  foe  upon 
the  seaboard  of  Texas,  as  well  as  liie  niMthwcsiira 
border  of  llic  iidiabiicd  |mrl  of  that  Slate,  [iiiiiy 
be  required.] 

I  am,  very  resiicclfiillv,  your  obediint  serviint, 
EfiiVltlNDP.  GAINKS, 
Maj.  Gen.  U.S.  .7.,  riiiiii/'(r  I(Vs7fni  /)iiiM'oii. 

The  Hon.  Wm.  L.  Makiy, 

Secrelanj  of  Hni-,  lliis/iiiyii/ii,  1).  ('. 

War  Department,  Jiiiif  \sl,  le4U. 

Sir:  Since  my  letter  to  you  of  the  Oj^iIi  ullimo, 
I  have  received  yours  of  the  'ilsl  and  ','"Jd  of  May, 
from  which  it  appears  thai  you  cmueiuplale  send- 
ing General  Taylor  "  a  few  more  rcirinienis  of 
mounted  gunnun,"niid  that,  under  ihe  belief  of 
more  extended  military  oppralions,  yoi;  give  eii- 
eourairenienl  lo  volunieers  that  they  will  >ooii  be 
called  into  service,  which  will  priiinably  lead  lliein 
to  make  immediate  prepnriiliniis,  and  to  incur  ex- 
penses with  that  view. 

Ah  you  v\ere  in.'.-tructed,  in  my  Utter  of  the  oSth 
ultimo,  your  action  in  calling  foror  receivingviilun-  ' 
teers,  independent  of  the  in-^trui'lions  oi'  this  de- 
partment, and  beyond  the  requisitions  of  General 
Taylor,  is  wholly  unautiiori/.cil  and  illegal,  and 
you  are  again  instructed,  not  only  to  stay  all  such 
[n'ocecdings,  but  to  recall  any  re(|uisitions  you  have 
made,  and  act  ro  further  upon  tiin  subject  w  ithout 
special  autlioritv  first  had  Irom  this  department. 

The  Louisville  Legion  having  been  accepted 
with  the  understanding  that  they  are  to  form  a  part 
of  the  quota  of  volunteers  to  serve  twelve  inonihs, 
unless  sooner  discharged,  called  for  by  ihi.s  depart- 
ment from  Kentucky,  you  will  cause  llnni  lo  be 
sent  forward  with  all  despatch  lo  Point  Isabel,  as 
directed  in  my  letter  of  Ihe  2f<ih  nil. 

AV.M.  L.  NLVRCV. 

P.  S.  Since  writing  the  above,  it  is  underblood 
that  Mtaff  appoinlnient.s,  such  a.s  paynuisters,  ipiar- 
lerniasters,  inspectors,  iVc,  havi'  been  conferred 
by  you  on  citizens.  Such  appoininienls  arc  allo- 
gelher  illesal,  and  will  not  be  eonlirniid  or  leco;;- 
nised;  nor  will  the  assignment  of  slalf  iliilies,  of 
any  description,  lo  citizens,  be  recognised  nr  sanc- 
tioned. WM.  L.  MAIUV, 

Major  General  I-].  P.  Gvisr.s, 

*\tir  Ofltftiii^  l.t>utsiaiui. 

War  Oepautment,  ./vne  "J,  |("4U. 
^y  direction  of  ihe  President,  Brevet  Major  Gen- 
eral Gaines  is   iclievi'd  friuii  the  eommaiid  of  Ihe 
western  division  of  the  army,  and  will   repair  lo 
Washington  williont  delay. 

Brcvei  Drigadier  General  George  M.  Brooke  is 
Rssignid  lo  the  romniaiid  (pf  the  wesltin  liivision. 
WM.  L.  MAIICY,  Scmlanj  nf  /»,„■. 

<OBRE.-^l"llM)K\C'K     lir.TWi:i'.\     TIM;      VDJIT.Wr 

<iKM;it.\l,  .\\\l  tlKVKHAI,  C.MM^.-i. 
bpccial  Orders,  No.  .'.O.J 

Heapqiarters  Wkstern  DlllSlox, 
■  \(ic  OrifniM,  /,«.,  ./iigii.st  rjl,  |,-(.|,). 
The  two  companies  of  L(aiisi,ina  arlillcy  re- 
cently raised  in  this  city,  having  been  duly  iiiiis- 
t'led  inio  llic  .service  of  the  United  Slates,  vvill  em- 
bark Willi  .Majur  Cialb, ,  the  crtmmandijig  otHeer  of 
the  battalion,  on  board  the  sleamer  '*  .\iabania"' 
for  Texas.  On  arriving  at  Aransas  Bay,  .Major 
Gaily  will  re])ort  for  orders  lo  Brigadier  General 
Taylor,  coininanding  the  army  of  occupation  in 
Texas. 

By  onlcr  of  Brigadier  General  Gaines, 

S.  COOPER,  ^sjtjl.  Mj't.  Ovmal. 


Getierala  Scott  and  Gainea. 


Divl>loii  Ordem,  N'n.  .5.]  |l 

HeADIJI'AIITERS  Wf.HTERV  UlVl«10>/,  !j 

iNiir  Or/cHiHi.MjiYiiiftfrii-l,  184").      j 

The  Louisiana  volunteer  artillery,  consisting  of  I! 
I  wo  companies  :tcting  as  a  battalion,  under  the  com-  j 
manil  of  iVlajorlially,hnvini.'|irompllyoirered  llieir 
services, and  repaireil  lo  Corpus  Clirisli,  armed  and 
oqnippi'd  as  lighl   arlillerv,  with  llu'ir  horses  and  ' 
their  superior  Ir.iin  ot' tield-pieces,  and  having  per-  { 
fm'iued  llieir  lour  of  servii-e  wiili  exemplary  fidel- 
ity :ind  lutiior,  ever  (ui  the  :ilert  and  ready  for  ac-  | 
linn  ns  LioiiT  artillery,  they  will  be  paid  by  the 
United  Slates  paymaster.  Major  S'.  Clair  Denny, 
as  I  loilT  Ai'.Tii.LKRY,  (uit  of  ally  public  money  in 
his  hands,  or  any  iiinney  which  he  may  receive,  aa  \ 
Hooii  ns  the  requisile  iniislev  Biid  pay-rolls  shall  be 
eompleled.     The  price  nf  ihe  clothing  furnished  to  ; 
tlie^c  volunteers  shall  be  accounted  for  in  the  same  I 
ntanner  as  if  they  had  received  their  clothing  from 
Ihe  United  ,'^tates  clothing  or  (piarlerinasler  geiier- 
:il's  deoarlmeul,  vi/.:  the  cloihiiig  furnished  them 
slial!  nol  exceed  Ihe  prircs  of  rxnREss  or  KAvir.i'E 
I  LiiTiiiN'c   furnished   by  the  United  Stales  to  the 
troops  of  ihe  regular  army. 

The  comnianiling  u'cneral  of  the  western  division 
avails  himself  of  the  present  o.'casion  lo  lender  his 
hearty  ilianks  to  .Major  Gaily,  his  oiru'ersjind  men, 
for  the  unsurpassed  chivalry  with  whit'li  llu  y  llew 
lo  the  sticcor  of  (.ieiier:il  Tayliu-'s  brigade,  at  a  time 
when  his  corps  were  unavoidably  dispersed,  di'sti- 
tiite  of  a  single  piece  of  I'niied  Stales  ludnaiice, 
and  niruaeed  by  the  lioslile  demonstrations  of  Ihe 
heroic  forces  of  a  disiinguishcd  but  temporarily 
irritated  neiirhbor,  the  Republic  of  .Mexico. 

The  meritorious  coniluct  of  lliise  Louisiana  vol- 
iiniiers  is  worthy  of  their  chivalric  fathers  of  ihe 
war  of  lfil'l-'l,'),'in  the  defence  of  Psew  Orleans. 
Their  exani|>lc,clicrislicd  and  emuhiled  as  il  should 
be  by  the  palriolic  yming  men  of  the  United  Stales, 
cannot  but  coniribule  to  render  our  Ireloved  Union 
perpetual — invulnerableiii  war, and  prosperous  uud 
nappy  in  pcai'". 

IJv  order  of  AfajorGenend  Gaines: 

P.  CALHOUN,./.;),  c, .;../../. a. 


RespiM'tfully  laid  befnre  the  Secretary  of  War, 
WI.M'IIILD  SCnTT. 
DieEMiiEa  !l,  |H.|,"). 

IliviMiui  I  irilerH.  \f)  (i  J 

HeAUUI  AHTERS   AX'e'.TKRN   ItniMnS, 

.Wie  (h-lcittis,  iN'er.  ^7,  184.'». 

.V  lioard  of  olilcers,  lo  consist  of  Captain  ,1.  S. 
Worth,  Mh  inliuitry,  Captain  J.  I!.  Uraysiui,  siib- 
sislcnec  deparlinent,  and  Uirsl  Lieuteniuit  (J.  S. 
Lovell,  litli  infantry,  will  a.sseiiible  at  Captain 
Grayson's  ollice,  mi  Saturday,  Ihe  'J'.liii  instant,  at 
eleven  o'clm-k,  a.  in.,  or  as  soon  tliereafiei-  as  prac- 
ticable, tVoni  vvlicnce  the  board  will  |>r(tcced  lo  in- 
spect the  train  of  field  artillery,  gun  carriaires, 
caissons,  equipiiients,  and  ammiiniiioi),  of  .Major 
t-ially's  battalion  of  Louisiana  volunleer  light  ar- 
tillery, late  in  the  service  . if  the  Unit,  d  States  at 
Ciirpns  Chri-ti,  Texas,  and  npoil  the  opinion  cd' 
the  board  as  to  tin;  pre.scnt  condition  of  saitl  train, 
and  v\liat  ma.y  be  neci  ssary  and  propei' to  add  to 
the  same,  to  renew  the  train,  iV:c.,  in  all  res|itcts 
equal  lo  what  il  was  when  ihe  battalion  was  mus- 
tered into  the  service  uf  ihc  United  .Stales,  on  the 
:Jlst  of  ,\ugusl,  ISI."). 

By  order  of  Major  General  Gaints; 

P.  CALHOUN, 
tiid-ile-Ciim))  mid . Id  V  Wj'J  Mj't  Gtii. 

Oivi^inii  (irdrr-,  \o.  7.] 

Heauqi  artlrs  We-.tliix  Division, 

,\(ic  Orlcnnii,  .Viii;.  ,')0,  1H4J. 
On  account  of  the  indisiiosition  of  Captain  Worth, 

•  The  fln-lof  Ihe  kind  wiiliia  iii)liMowli'dm'.       W.  H. 


Senatb. 

Aid-do-Camp  Calhoun  is  detailed  mi  the  board,  or- 
dered to  assemble  by  division  orders  .\o.  (i. 
By  order  of  JIajnr  General  Gaines;  » 

P.  CALHOUN, 
.  liililc-Vump,  ,1.  .'I.  .1.  (1. 

HKAn.llAHTER'i  WesTERV   DlVISlON, 

,\tir  Oi'/fdiiv,  Mail  3,  1846. 
.Sir:  Shioild  you  despatch  the  steamer  Missis- 
sippi, as  re(|iiesled  in  my  letter  of  this  date,  I  would 
lucfer  the  ailililional  rennest  that  she  slioulil  receivu 
on  board  the  two  companies  of  artillery,  now  in 
garrison  in  Pensacola  harbor. 

I  have  Ihe  honor  lo  be,  very  rc.ipectfully,  youi 
obedient  servani, 

KD.MUNO  P.  G.MNES, 
Mfj.  (tell.  U.  S.  .7. ,  nimiCg  ll'rst.  Dieisioii. 
To  Comnmnder  W.  K.  Latimer,  (''.  N.  .N", 

Ci  rtimioi(/i?ig  naiitlJhiTis  nl  Ptiisiuola. 

Ht.Aii()tAiin;ns  Western  Division, 

.Nile  (hlemi.',  Muij  S,\mi. 

.Sir:  The  urgeiu  necessity  of  dispatching  rein- 
torcemeiits  lo  General  I'aj'lor,  induces  nie  lo  re- 
quest that  yon  will  order  the  steamship  Missis- 
sippi forthwith  If)  the  sonlhwest  pass  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi river,  to  receive  on  board  the  troops  des- 
tined for  Texas. 

i'rovisioiis,  v\'ater,  supplies,  &c,,  for  the  troops 
in  the  vnyage  lo  Brazos  Santiago  will  be  su|iplieiJ 
at  this  jilacc. 

I  would  sui^tri'st  that  an  extra  number  of  boats  be 
siipplieil  lo  the  steamer,  in  order  to  facilitate  the 
laniliiig  <tf  the  troops. 

The  accompanying  paper  will  apprise  you  of  our 
recent  inlelligence  from  General  'Liylm-,  suggest- 
ing the  propriety  of  the  above  reque.^t. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  .lir,  very  respectfully, 
ymir  obedient  servant, 

KD.MUND  P.  GATNE;^, 
.V(y'.  d'fii.  ('.  .S.  .7.,  romi/'s:  ll'exl.  Dirhiun 
To  Cuimnander  W.  K.  Latimer,  U.  S.,\'., 

t'oiiimiimlinu  nmaljhrcisat  Fensacoln 

Heaiiuiarters  Western  Division:, 

.M'le  Orhini.iyMiiy  .'1,  1841). 
Sir:  Voii  will  pioc< id  direct  to  Pensacola,  and 
carry  despatches  lo  Commodore  Latimer. 

You  will  urge  upon  that  olUcer  Ihe  necessity  of 
the  greatest  possible  despatch  of  the  steamer  .\Ii.s- 
sissippi,  with  the  troops  now  in  garristm  at  Pensa- 
cola, to  the  southwest  pass  of  the  Mississippi  river. 
You  are  authorized  to  muster  iiilo  the  service  of 
the  United  .Slates  any  volunteer  troops  tor  Texa-s 
that  may  ofl'er,aiid  desp.itch  them  to  New  Orleans 
1  am,  respectfully,  vinir  obedient  servant, 
"ICD.MUND  P.  GAINKS, 
Miij.  Of  II.  C  .S. ./.,  coiiiH'ir  Wot.  Dirmcn. 
To  Miij.  W.  H,  CiiA>^E,  Cordis (/ /J/igi)iff?-,t. 

iirilcis,  \.i.  l.J 

Heauiiiahiers  Western-  Division, 

.\ia'  (hiriins,  .V«i/  4,  184()'. 
Captain  J.  Ven  Honi,  .'Id  regiment  of  United 
Stales  infantry,  ia  hereliy  authorized  and  directiil 
to  imis»r  into  the  service  of  ihe  Uiiiled  Slates  the 
companies  of  LiruisiiiM  troops  beiii!;  raised  for 
Texas.     I!v  luder  of  iMajor  (lencral  Gaines: 

P.  "CALHOUN, .;.  1).  C, ./.  .7.  .7.  G. 

tlrdcra,  \".  a.J 

Headqi'Ahteus  Western  Divisio;., 

,\iic  Or/tn lis  .1/(11/ .I,  184(;. 

1.  Lieulcnanl  Cnlniiel  Pierce,  1st  ailillery,  will 
assmiie  the  coiiimaiiil  nf  the  two  ciunpanies  of  ar- 
tillery from  Uoris  Wood  and  Pike,  on  their  lUTivul 
in  tills  city. 

a.  The  indepenilem  company  of  Mobile  volun- 
teers, under  Captain  Desha,  will  be  aiiached  lo 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Pierce's  baltalion,  and  consli- 
tule  a  portion  of  it. 

;).  The  company  of  Mobile  vidunteers  will,  on 
being  mnsterrd  into  the  service  of  the  United 
States  by  C;iplain  Van  I  lorn,. 'Id  infantry,  muster- 
ing ollicer,  be  eipiippid  and  furnished  liir  the  field 
without  delay,  by  the  jiroper  odiceis  of  the  stall', 

4.  As  soon  as  Lieiileiiant  Colonel  Pierce's  com- 
mand shall  be  in  readiness,  it  will  be  furnished 
with  liansporlatinii  by  the  deputy  quarterniasier 
general,  (Lieutenant  Colonel  Hunt,)  and  proceed 
lo  reinforce  Point  Isabel. 

By  order  of  Major  General  Gaines: 

P.  CALHOUN,  .1.  n.  C,  .7.  ,1.  .1.  G. 


Onliira,  T 


A'^^- 


18'l(j.| 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRl^SSIONAL  GLOBE. 


665 


I 


'iOTH  CoN« 1st  Sess. 


Generals  is'colt  and  Gaines. 


Senate. 


Onlnra,  Nd.  3.] 

HF.ADauAiiTEBs  Western  Division, 

Aim  OrleiiDs,  Mmj  (i,  184fi. 

LieutenniitC  S.  Lovell,  (iili  iDf'aiitry,  in  liiicliy 
nnihori/itl  niicl  djioc  led  lo  icpnir  to  Slubilo,  Ala- 
hiinin,  mill  then?  mnsier  into  the  servire  ot'  the 
United  .Slates  miyrciiinmnies  thai  may  he  di.S|mscd 
Noi.n  l(j  einluuk  Cor  the  seat  of  war  en  tlic  Rio 
(ii'unde,  not  rxreedjui^  ninelceii  companies.  'I'hn 
company alreadyriiiiiiile.nnchr Captain  iJesha.Cor 
I'onit  Isaliel  will  be  considered  as  tliu  twentieth  or 
first  company. 

Lieolenant  Lovell  is,  moreover,  authorized  and 
required  to  ait  as  Uniled  States  (piarlermasler, 
to  i'urnisli  tmnsporlalion,  camp  equipage,  &c.,  and 
also  to  obtain  and  issue  any  arms,  aniniuuitinn, 
and  efpiipnienis,  mid  i^very  supply  to  render  the 
said  volunteers  ready  I'or  action. 

l!y  coniuiaiid  id' iVtajor  General  Gniues; 

1'.  CALHOUX, ./.  V.  C,  W.  .1.  w.  a. 

Orilir-,  No.  4.] 

Ukauuuaiitkus  Westehn  Division, 

iS'fir  Orleans,  Jluij  (i,  1840. 
Lieulenant  Beaure;;ard,  corna  of  en;;iiieers,  is 
hereby  authori/.ed  and  directed  to  muster  iiilu  the 
liervicc  of  the  Uniicd  Siales  any  of  the  companies 
of  vokmteers  under  the  command  of  UriiiadierUeii- 
eral  P.  [•'.  Sinilli. 

By  comuiand  of  Major  General  Gaims: 

i>.  CALHOUX,  .7  .  O.  C,  .1.  .1.  .1.  U. 

OriltTs,  Nil.  C}.]  ] 

llEAUUUAUTKlis   WksTKRN    DIVISION, 

.Mil-  Oileimx,  Miy  7,  184(). 

As  soon  as  ihe  Louisiana  volunteers,  under  the 
eoujiiiand  of  Dri^adier  General  P.  !•'.  ISmith,  are 
nuisiered  into  the  serviire  of  ihe  United  States,  they 
will  be  cipiipped  and  rationed  by  the  proper  oliicers 
of  the  stair,  and  when  reported  ready  for  the  field, 
they  will  be  furnished  with  trnnsporlalion  to  Point  , 
Isabel  by  thedeputy  quarteriiiastergeiierHl,Lt.  Col, 
Uiiiii. 

It  is  the  desire  of  the  Major  General  conimnndins; 
thai  the  oliicers  of  the  stall  of  the  army  on  duly  in 
ihis  city  allord  every  facility  lo  (jrif^adier  General 
tSniith,  and  his  oliicers,  in  preparini^aud  forwardini; 
the  forces  for  ihe  field.  The  Major  General  feels 
cuiilldent  that  bul  a  short  time  will  flapse  before 
they  will  be  ready  lo  embark  I'or  the  .scat  of  war. 

liy  command  of  Atajor  General  Gaines: 

P.  caluoUn, .7. 1).  c.,.i.  .1. .1.  a. 

Ordcri,  Xo.  6]  , 

llEAUQUARTF.ns  ■VVksTKHN  DIVISION, 

Xtio  Oilcans,  ,1/nj/  H,  IS-IC. 

Cuplain  Van  Ness,  ist  artillery,  is  hereby  ap- 
pointed musleriiif;  and  iiispeclin^  ollicer.  He  will 
Iiuisler  into  ihe  service  of  the  United  Stales  any  of 
the  ciMTipauies  of  Louisiana  volunteers,  under  the 
coimnand  of  l!ri!;adier  General  •Smiiii,  who  may 
present  iheniscKes. 

By  order  of  Major  General  Gaines: 

P.  calU0U2v',.7.  /;.  c,  .1. ./../.  a. 

Assistant  Adjutant  Gr.xr.nAi.'s  Oi  tiei:, 

AVie  (Mfiins,  JImj  «,  18-l(i. 

Sir:  The  Major  General  commandins,  insirucls 
mc,  in  answer  lo  your  communications  received  by 
to-day 's  mail,  to  say  that  you  are  atiliiori/.ed  to  ac- 
cept the  services  of  one  or  more  voluni'cr  compa- 
nii  '  iilil  any  oiler  themselves  in  the  vicinity  of 
Pl,i.sa...ia. 

'I'lie  (ieneral  fully  nppreciales  the  necessity  of 
navini:  the  harlior  of  Pensaci>la  projterly  ijuarded; 
and  willi  a  Ml  «  to  sirenslhen  Ihe  coinmaiid,  has 
icqueslid  ihe  Governor  of  Alabama  to  send  two 
volunlccr  roinpaiiies  to  that  point.  In  addition  to 
these  tw  o  i-onip:uiies,  and  those  you  may  be  able  to 
raise  in  ihe  in  ii;hborhood,  one  c'oinpany  has  been 
orderid  (as  you  will  see  from  llie  accompaiiyini; 
division  order)  from  Tampa  Uay ,  to  leinl'orce  your 
cniiiinand. 

The  General  directs  me  lo  inform  you  confideii- 
lially  that  he  bus  reason  lo  su)>]»ose,  from  ri'porls 
that  have  been  made  to  him  oy  respinisible  indi- 
viduals, thai  (iiirci/i'o'.i  are  beiiii;  filled  out  uiiiler 
Mexican  aiilhorily,  to  act  ajj;ainst  our  mercantile 
marine  and  Gulf  I'oast. 

Very  nspecifullv,  your  obedient  servant, 

P.  CALIIOUiN',.7.  I).  C.,,l..l..l.  (;. 

Col.  Crane,  cnm'g  \st  l)ei>nrl.,Prnsacoln  Umbor. 


!i 


I  HBADditARTERs  Western  Division, 

\  Ai-ie  0)7f(()is,  J/hi;<J,  IHlfi. 

Sm:  1  have  caused  two  field  pieces,  li!-piiuiiders, 
to  be  put  on  board  the  steamers  Galveston  and 
Teleijraph,  to  assist  ill  covering;  the  landint;  of  the 
troops,  should  the  pass;i;;e  into  the  [jrazosSaiil'.at;o 
be  blocked  by  the  enemy's  batteries. 

I  enclose  herewith  a  sketch  of  the  Brazos  Santi- 
a^'o  and  ;id  jaceiit  islands,  i  think  your  best  plan 
is  to  land  at  the  point  C,  and  inarch  direct  to  the 
point  D,  where  boats  sent  from  Point  Isabel  can 
truiisfei  the  troops  across  the  bay. 

A  small  boat  should  be  sent  to  Major  Miniroe, 
unviiiu;  notice  of  your  approach  and  desire  Ui  c:oss. 
liverythins,  however,  nuist  bo  left  to  your  discre- 
tion and  judgment  in  discovering  the  best  iiieaiis 
'  of  ell'ectiiij;  a  landliu;  at  Point  Isabel.  \\ 

1  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  resjiectfuUy,  your  i 
obedient  servant,  ' 

EDMU^•D  P.  GAINKS, 
Mttj.  Gtii.  V.  )i.  ,7.,  com.  IVtat.  Dhinion. 
To  Lt.  Col.  H.  Wii.soN, 

Coni'g  \st  Kig.  U.  a.  InJ'untnj. 
P.  S.  Should  you  deem  it  necessary,  you  can 
take  the  1^2-pouiiders  to   Point  Isabel;  if  not,  you 
will  seiiil  lliem  back  lo  iS'ew  (Orleans,  to  the  care  of 
Colonel  Html,  deputy  quarterniastcr  general. 

Assistant  Ailu'tant  Qeserai.'s  OrrRE, 
XeK  Oi7r«iis,  .UiM/i),  l«4(j. 
Sir:  In  answer  to  the  inquiry  ofUrigadierGen- 
.  oral  Smith,  made   lliroui,'h  you,  as  to  whether,  if 
two  assistant  siusreoiis  were  appointed  lo  a  re'^ji- 
iiient,  they  would  lie  mustered  iiuo  the  service  of 
the  United  States,  1  am  inslrucled  by  Major  Gen- 
eral Gaines  to  say  that  they  will  be  mustered  in, 
if  presented;  and  inslriictions  to  that  effect  will  be 
yiveii  lo  the  muslcrinc;  oliicers. 
1  am,  sir,  vour  obedient  servant, 

P.  (JALIiOUN,  .7.  /;.  C.,,l..l.  .1.  a. 
I    W.  G.  G.  Wilson, 

Siirgeuii /o  jras/iiiig:;!!!!  7?n/(fl(io)i,.\'.  Oi7«iii,s. 

Headquarters  Western  Divisiox, 

A'lir  t)>7ffliis,  J/ni/ 9,  I84li. 
Lafayette  Saunders,  Ksq.,  Is  authorized  and  re- 
quested to  raise  a  rcj;iiiient  of  niuiiiifnl^iiiiwni,  to 
number  from  five  hundred   to  a  thousand   men, 
which  will  be  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  Uni- 
ted Stalls  at  any  point  he  may  designate  for  that 
purpose. 
I       Ihe  officers  of  the  quarlerm.'ister's  and  commis- 
sary's department  will  furiiish  Mr.  Saunders  with 
I   any  arms,  equipments,  and  supplies,  that  lie  may 
need,  on  bis  retiuisilioii. 

EDMUND  P.  GAIXKS, 
.1/i/j.  (.'ill.  I',  a.  .7.,  ciiHiiCif  ll'cst.  IHiUiun. 

Kliciinl  Orilcrs,  No.  ■;!.] 

HEAnQlARTK.RS  WESTERN  DlMSIIIM, 

.N'fif  Orleans,  Jlaij  II,  184(). 

Lieut.  C.  S.  Lovell,  (illi  inlaiilry,  will  proceed  to 
Baton  Uou;!e  barracks,  and  remain  there  until  the 
company  which  Major  Dunn  is  authorized  to  raise, 
is  niuslered  into  the  service  of  the  United  Stales. 

When  this  company  shall  be  tilled,  Lieut.  Lovell 
will  muster  it  i'lto  service:  and  liavins  directed  the 
olliceriii  command  to  assume  diar^c  ot'tbe  burracKs 
and  public  proiierly,  he  will  return  to  this  city. 

By  ortler  of  iVlajor  Gen.  (.iaiiies: 

P.  CALliOUN,.7.  1).  C.,.l..l..l.  11. 

llr.AUQlARTKRS   WksTERN   DlVIMON, 

.\fii'  Orleiins,  Maij  II,  l«4(i. 
Sir:  Vou  are  hereby  authorized  to  rai.se  a  com- 
pany of  one  hundred  men,  to  garrison  Baioii  Rouue 
liarracks,  and  guard   the  public,  properly  at  that 
post. 

Lieut.  Lovell,  U.  S.  army,  has  been  directed  lo 
muster  this  company  as  soon  as  raised   into  the 
service  of  the   United   .States   for  a  term  of  three 
months,  unless  sooner  dischar:^eil. 
llespecllVilly,  your  obedient  servant, 

F.D.MU.ND  P.  GAINES, 
J\laj.  den.  IJ.  S.  .7.,  riiiiKCg  If'csl.  Oir. 
To  Major  A.  M.  Urxv,  Union  /{oiigr,  /.«. 
Official:  P.  Camioi  s, 

.7.  .7.  .7.  (;.  U'rslrrn  Oirisioii. 

llnAnni'ARTK.Rs  Western  Division, 

.Vhc  Oi/tniis,  J/iii)  I-J,  1841). 
Colonel  W.  B.  Lewis  is  hereby  authorized  and 


requested  to  raise  u  regiment  or  a  battalion  of 
moiiitfE(<  1,'iiniiien,  to  consist  of  not  less  than  five, 
nor  to  e.Kceed  ten  companies,  each  company  to 
miniber  seventy  to  one  hundred  men,  to  rendez- 
vous at  Upelousas,  where  they  will  be  mustered 
into  the  service  of  the  United  States  for  duty  upon 
the  Bio  Gnmde,  I'or  si.v  momhs,  unless  sooner  dis- 
charged. The  Uniled  Slates  i|iiarlermaster  and 
conmiissary  of  subsistence  will  be  instructed  to 
issue  the  reipiisite  supplies  of  camp  equipage,  for- 
age, and  subsistence,  upon  the  requisition  of  Col- 
onel Lewis.  EDMUND  P.  GAINES, 

J\hij.  Gen.  U.  li..l.,comd'g  fVest.  Viv. 
Ollicial:  P.  Caliioin, 

.V.  .7.  .7.  O.  H'«(rr)i  /)iri«ion. 

Headijiartehs  Western  Divisidn, 

.\'ne  Orleans,  Mail  V-i,  Is4li. 
Major  Albert  Rust  is  hereby  authorized  and  re- 
(|iie.sted  to  raise  a  regiment  or  a  battalion  of  iiiuiitK- 
td gunmen  to  consist  fif  ten,  or  not  less  than  five 
I  coinpames,  lo  number  sixty  to  one  hundred  each, 
!  to  rendezvous  at  L'ort  Ji'sup,  where    they  will   be 
;  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United  Stales  for 
1  six  inonihs,  ullle^s  sooner  discharged. 
;      The  (piarleriniisler,  comuiissary  of  subsistence, 
and  ordnance  fillicers,  will  be  instructed  lo  issue  the 
requisite  arms,  camp  equipage,  and    subsistence, 
upon  the  reraiisition  of  Major  Bust. 
I  EDMUND  P.  GAINKS, 

i  -^laj.  den.cnminaniling  irf.ilcni  i)ii'tsion. 

I      Olficial'  P.  CAi.iiorN. 

W.  tJ..7.  (i.  M'fsdni />irisioii. 

t  Headcii'ARTErs  Western  Division-, 

I  A'ciii  Orleans,  Miy  13,  184t;. 

!  Colonel  Balie  Peyton  is  hereby  aulhiirized  ami 
'  requested  to  raise  a  re;,Nnienl  lo  consist  of  ten  cuiii- 
panies  of  sixty  lo  one  hundred  men  each — six  of 
infantry  and  four  of  rillemiMi — to  be  mustered  into 
the  service  of  the  United  Stales  at  the  barracks  near 
this  city,  for  a  term  ol'  six  months,  unless  sooner 
'  discharged. 

The  deputy  quartermaster  general  and  commis- 
sary of  subsistence  will  furnish,  upon  the  requisi- 
tion of  Colonel  Peyton,  the  proper  allowance  of 
camp  crpiipage,  rations,  and  oilier  supplies,  I'or  the 
imnicdialc  acconiniodalion  of  the  companies,  and 
transportation  for  their  movement  to  the  scat  of 
war,  upon  the  Rio  Grande. 

Captain  Whiteley,  of  llio  ordnance  department, 
will  luriiish  the  regiment  with   muskets  and  lilies, 
]  with  accoutrements  complete,  togelher  with  what- 
ever aniinunition  the  ('oloiiel  may  rciiuire. 
liDMUND  P.' GAINES, 
.Vaj.  (iin.  (,'.  A'.  .1.,  Coind'g  ll'isl.  IJir. 
Ollicial:  P.  CAi.iiotx, 

.7.  W.  tl.  U.  Western  Dich'wn. 

(Irilers,  N...  ;.J 

llEADQt'AUTEns  WesTEIIN   DiHSIuV, 

.N'cic  Orleans,  .Vinj  Kl,  lfi4li. 

I.  William  Dubiiys,  laic  a  major  grneial,  muv 
a  Louisiana  volunteer,  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  is  hereby  appoiiiled  to  act  as  inspector 
;reneral  lo  the  United  Slalis  volunlceis,  undur  or- 
ders I'or  Malauioros,  upon  the  Rio  Grande,  and  will 
be  obeyed  accordingly. 

II.  Lieulenant  Jexada,  hue  a  member  of  the 
Le;rislature,  is  hereliy  appointed  lo  act  as  a  volun- 
teer aiil-de-cnmp  to  the  major  :;eii(  ral  ciiiiiiiiandiiic; 
the  western  division,  and  will  be  obeyed  accord- 
ingly. 

By  command  of  Major  Geo.  Gaines: 
■      P.  CALHOUN,  .7.  n.  C,  .7.  .7.  ./.  G. 

Ol,!cl.~,\".  S.J 

HEAtlQIARTEns  WesTI.RV   DiMvlON, 

.NVic  OiVdOis,  May  13,  1840. 
The  odiceis  of  the  United  Siales  sunsisleuce 
deparlnient  at  and  near  New  Orleans  will  issue 
rations  lo  all  volimlcers  ordered  to  the  barracks, 
preparatory  to  their  being  mustered  into  the  ser- 
vice of  the  United  States,  upon  the  requisition  of  a 
known  volunteer  ollicer. 

By  oriler  of  Alaj.  Gen.  Gaines; 

P.  CALHOUN,. 7.  I).  C.,.'l..I..l.  a. 

(IriUrrf,  No.  II. ] 

Headquarters  Western  Division, 
Xcw  Orleans,  May  14,  1840. 
Walter  Hichey,  of  the  California  Giiiird,  a  vol- 
unteer in  the  service  of  the  Uniled  Slates,  is  np- 


if 


r 


666 


i29Tii  CuNo IsT  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CO^GRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Gencrab  HcoU  and  Oaines. 


[June  8, 


Senate. 


Coiiiled  iicliii!;  nd  jiiliml  of  tin-  |inal  of  New  Orloiiim 
nrriicks,  and  will  \»:  obeyed  mid  reHpi'i  ted  nccord- 
iiiL'ly.  He  will  ri|inri  to  Liiulciiiinl  Kin^,  the 
orticcr  ill  rlmrijo  of  ilio  bnrrpckN,  for  insli'iii'lioiiH 
in  his  duiiea.    Hv  ooiiimniid  of  \liij.Grn.  Oaines: 

r.  calUoun, ./.  o.  c.,.i.  .i. .1.  a. 

OrUcm,  Nil.  10.) 

llKAimiiAnTEns  Westkrn  nivimoN, 

.Niio  Orlnm.i,  .Wni/  14,  IMWi. 
Jiiincs  G.  lirvoe,  Km],,  ii  dixlinKiiisliid  iiiuiiiLicr  i 
of  the  bill,  u  Loiiiniiiiiii  voliinli  ci-,  is   hiieliy  ap-  ' 
pointed  to  not  iia  vohiiileer  iiid-de-camp  lo  the  iim-  j 
jor  ;;cneiiil  eonimnnilini;  the  western  uivisiun,  mid 
will  be  obeyed  iiceoidiiigly. 

Dy  coiniiiiiiid  of  Mij.  cJeii.  Giiiiie.H: 

P.  CALUOUN, ./.  I).  C,  .1.  Jl  .).  a.      j 

Headqi'Artcrh  Wkstehn  Division,  | 

AVir  0,7..(,i»,  .Uin/  14,  1841). 
Major  V.  Huisaoii  is  In  reliy  aiuliorizcil  and  re-  , 
quested  to  raise  a  battalion,  to  eotisist  of  two  eotu-  I 
panics  of  sixty  to  one  hundred  men  eaidi,  to  serve 
as  ni'ti/ir£f-s  ami  as  i/i/mWrif,  as  oei'iision   niay  re- 
qiiire,  for  six  months,  unless  sooner  disi-liariicd.       | 
They  will  assemble  at    Korts  .Ta<'kson   and  Si.  ; 
Pliili|i,  where  they  will  be  siali'   led  iinlil  fiirlher  j 
orders,  and  will  be  nin.ttered  into  ihe  serviee  of  the 
I'liitrd  ^^laIes  as  stton  as  the  eoinpanies  are  raised. 
'I'lie  deputy  iinarleiiiiasler  ;;eneial  and  ('aplaiii  ,T.  ; 
l*.  Cirayson,  eoniinissary  of  sulisislenee,  will  fur- 
nish, upon    the  rei|nisiiion  of  Major  ISnisson,  all 
the  cuiip  eipiipai^c,   traiiepurtatioii,  rations,  and 
oilier  supplies  lo  whioli  the  volunleers  are  entitled.  ' 
Tile  ordnaiiee  oilicers  will  furnish  the  proper  oup-  I 
ply  of  arms  and  aiuniiiniiioii.  ' 

ED.MUWD  I'.'GAI.XKS, 
Maj.  (Veil.  v.  H,  ,1.,  coiii'g  Mis/.  l)ii\ 
(llfioial:  P.  Camiiun,  j 

.y.  .1.  .1.  G.  H'eatern  Ditision. 

epeeiiil  (i.ilers,  No.  ia.J  I 

HEADQIARTLns  AVf.sTF.UV  DlHSION, 

Xiw  Oi-li  am  .Uui/  l.'i,  1846. 

Lieutenant  .lame.s  Uelsjir,  lilli  infantry,  will  pro-  , 
ceed  to  Kcrt  Wood,  Louisiana,  and  assume  ehargc 
ofili.it  post. 

Two  citizens  will  be  hired  by  Licutcn.inl  Colonel 
T.  !•'.  Hunt,  diputy  qiiarlerm.nsier  tieneral,  ond 
fnrnisliid  to  Liiiiteiiant  Uelger,  lo  be  employed 
under  his  direetion,  ill  preserving,'  and  protcctins; 
the  public  iiroperiy  at  Fort  Wood.  | 

Uv  order  of  Maj.  li.  n.  Gaines: 

P.  CALilOUA, ./.  /;.  v.,  .J.  .f.  .1.  G. 

HpccjiU  Orders,  \ci, -j.-l,] 

Hf.AIWI  AHTt:il*  Wkstkhv  DlVf*10V, 

.N'rir  Oi Irani,  .Mini  Hi,  lS4(i. 

Thril  porlion  of  "special  orders,  .N...  u'U',  of  .\Iav 
l,5tli,"  wliicji  assigns  Licniciiiint  llcli^cr,  (iili  iii- 
faiiiry,  to  duty  at  r.nl  Wood,  is  revoked.  He 
will  report  i,i  Licnicieini  Cilonel  T.  1'.  lUiiiI,  for 
tenipor  iry  duly  ill  llie  qiiarlcrinasicr's  ilepariment. 

The  Iwu  riiizeii.'^  inili  red  lo  Ijc  cniploved  in  the 
sine'  "spr-rial  orders,''  will  be  direcicd  to  report 
to  ilic  iirdnance  scru'cunt  (Kclmc)  ni  Fort  Wood. 

Liy  order  of  Mnjor  Gcncr.il  Gaines: 

P.  CALHOU.X, ./.  J).  C.,,l.,l..l.  G. 

HEAiirjrAiiTKns  Westerx  Di'I'^iox, 

.Vnr  Oileans,  Maij  1(1,  184(1. 
John  S.  Gilbert  is  lien-liy  iiulhorizcd  and  re- 
nnesiid  to  raise  a  rcL'inient  or  a  baltallon,  to  con- 
sist of  five  to  ten  eonipanies  of  moiinled  iriiiimcn, 
e.ieh  -onipany  lo  consist  of  fmni  sixtv  lo  one  linii- 
dred  men,  lo  be  tniislcrcd  into  the  s'  r\  ice  of  the 
United  .Slates  ("or  six  iii<niilis.  nnle.-s  sooner  dis- 
cliaru'ed,  for  duty  upon  the  Ilio  Gniiide.  Tlie  dep- 
uty quarterninsler  s:'  inr.il  and  commissary  of  siiii- 
sistence  will  furnish,  upon  llic  reqnisiiioii  of  said 
.Tohii  S.  Ciilberl,  the  proper  allowance  of  camp 
equl|i;;L'c,  (oraje,  rations,  and  other  supplies  for  the 
imiindi.ite  aciommoilalion  of  the  eompunies,  and 
transportation  lo  the  seal  of  war. 

r^ipiain  Wliiteley,  of  the  ordnance  department, 
will  furnish  the  rei;iiiieiit  with  miiskels  and  rides, 
and  accnnlrcmenls  complete,  and  with  whatever 
amnlunition  he  may  reipiire. 

KUMINU  r.  GAIXES, 
Mij.  Gen.  i'.  a.  .1.    cam');  ^^c.^(.  Die. 
OITieial:  P.  Caliioin, 

.}.  .i.  .i.  G.  WiiUrn  DivUioH, 


llrclers,  No.  II.] 

IIeadquartero  We«ti;rn  Diviinnv, 

.Mm  ((Wfrtius  Mail  17,  184(!. 

Captain  Van  Home;  musterins  oOieer,  will  mus- 
ter into  the  service  nf  the  United  Slates,  tor  six 
niontliH,  unless  sooner  diHe)iiir;j:ed,  ('nptaiii  VA- 
inore's  and  Cajitaiii  Piatt's  companies  of  Alabama 
volunteers.  '1  he  ea{>taiiis  of  those  eompaiiiea  will 
report  to  Colonel  Pev(oii,  and  accompany  his  re;;i- 
iiient  to  the  Rio  Grande,  as  inde|iendcnt  eonipanies, 
to  be  united  with  such  other  eonipanies  from  that 
Slate  as  may  have  ijoiie  or  ro  thither;  and,  with 
them,  form  a  battalion  or  rei^imciil  of  infantry  or 
rillemen,  under  General  Desha. 

Hy  eoinmand  of  Major  General  Oainci: 

P.  CALHOUX,  .1. 1).  C.,.}.  ,1.  .J.  G. 

Orders,  No.  la] 

IIeauhiarters  Westeks  Division, 

,NiM'  (Wemis,  ,Uni/  li),  I8I(). 

The  o(fieers  apjioinlcd  to  muster  tlie  vobinli'crs 
into  the  service  of  the  United  Slates,  are  authorized 
to  nuisler  u  chaplain  and  paymaster  to  each  reiji- 
inem.  They  will  take  every  step  and  use  every 
'xerlion,  to  have  the  companies  reported  ready, 
iniinedialely  nuistercd. 

Should  any  blank  forms  be  necessary,  they  are 
aulhorized  to  have  llicni  printed. 

Ill  addllion  to  llie  four  rei;iments  reipiired  by 
General  Taylor,  the  iniisterini!;  orticers  are  directed 
to  tnusler  the  fojlowiiu;  voiunleers-— viz:  a  re<;iment 
whicii  Colonel  IJalie  Pevtoii  is  ai,..ior'zed  to  raise, 
and  three  companies  from  Alabama,  under  Captains 
Desha,  E^lmore,  and  Piatt.  I 

13y  order  of  .Major  General  Ciaines: 

P.  CALHOUX,  .1.  I).  C,  J.  .J.  .1.  G.      , 

Spccinl  Orilers,  No.  2'j.]  | 

Heauqvarters  Westers  Divisiov,  ! 

Afie  Or/f<iii,«,  J/ni/aO,  I84(). 
ThediitiesofCjiptiiin  Wliiteley,  ordnance  depart- 
ment, during  the  time  he  is  employed  in  i.ssuin:; 
arms,  \e.,  to  tin'  volunleers  in  this  city,  rei|nirin!; 
that  he  should  pass  fre<|iieiillv  between  Xew  Or- 
leans and  l3aton  llraiL^e,  he  is  ilirceied  to  do  so 
without  fuither  insiriulioiis.  This  order  is  inlendcd  [ 
to  cover  all  the  trips  he  may  lind  it  necessary  to 
make. 

Dy  order  of  Major  General  (jaines: 

P.  CALHOUX,  .1.  I).  C  .1.  .1.  .1.  G. 

I  Headihahtehs  Westehv  Oivisinv, 

.\;ir  Orlaiiis,  .Mail  -M),  184(>. 
The  following:  persons.  K.  h'caiherston,  W.  AT. 
Fiilion,  William  .S.  Hays,  .1.  P..  Creeey,  and  E. 
L.  Tracy,  are  lieiebv  authorized  and  reiinesied  to 
r.iiseone  rei^iiuenl  each,  to  serve  as  infaiiiry  or  rille- 
men, lo  cmisiHl  of  len  eonipanies  <it  sixty  to  one 
hundred  men  e.-icli,  to  be  mustered  into  the  service 
of  ihe  Uniteil  Stales  lor  a  term  of  six  months,  un- 
less sooner  discharijed,  at  the  barnieks  near  lliis 
citv,  or  whatever  other  place  may  l-e  ilesiy:nated. 

The  deputy  ipiariermasier  treneral  and  eominis- 
sarv  of  subsistence  will  ('urnisli,  on  the  ref|uisiiioii 
of  the  above  named  ircnilcmen,  tin!  proper  allow- 
ance of  camp  erpiipaee,  rations,  and  other  supplies 

(or   (he  immediale  a inir.od.iiion  of  the  rompn- 

iiies,  and  Iraiisporlaiion  for  their  movemenl  to  the 
se;it  ot  warnp'Oi  llie  Rio  Grande. 

Captain  Wliiteley,  of  the  ordnance  department, 
will  furnish  the  ri'^rimeiits  with  muskets  and  rifles, 
with  ar nlremenis  compleie,  losrellier  with  what- 
ever ummunition  tliev  may  rrf|nire. 

KDMIIXH  V.  GAIXF.S, 
Mij.  Gill.  I'.  K.  .1.,  roiiid'g  tl'tslcin  IHv. 
Omciah'P.  Cai.iiiiix. 

.1.  .1.  ,1.  (■'.  l)V.s7frii  Diviiidii. 

Orders,  No.  i:t.] 

IlEADtit'ARTf.tts  "Westers'  Division. 
.-Mir  Orlniiii,  .Mini  'id,  lH4fi. 
The  ninsterint;  officers  will  imiMler  into  the  ser- 
vice id'  the  United  .Stales   for  six  months,  unless 
sooner  dischar'.;ed,  any  voliiiiti  i-rs  who   may  pre- 
sin(  themselves  with  aiitlioriiy  ('or  nuisler  ('com  ihe 
major  L'cneral   commandim;  the  western  d'.ision. 
Volimlicrs  so  niusiered  will  be  fiirni-ihei;  by  llie 
jiroper  oilicers  of  llie  sialf,  on  the  rei|nisili.iii  of  any 
aulhorized  ollicer,  with  the  ef]ni|iinents   arms  and 
suli.'iistence,  which  are  authorized  by  li...'. 
By  order  of  Major  General  Gaines: 
'  P.  CALHOUX,  J.  V.  C,  Jh  .1.  Jl-  G. 


Urdan,  Nu.  M.] 

HtAuiivARTKHii  Western  Divisinv, 

Ai'ii)  Or/t'(iin,  Muij  "Jl,  l84(i. 
I.  Theophilus  L.  Toiilmin,  Iviquire,  of  Mobile, 
.\labaina,  is  hereby  appointed  mi  iieiins  quarter- 
inasler  in  the  service  of  the  United  Slates.  Mr. 
Toiilmin  will  receive  the  companies  of  volunleers 
beloiiKiiii;  to  the  .State  of  Alaliaina,  who  shall  ar- 
rive III  Mobile, and  will  furnish  them  willi  ipiarters, 
and  superintend  their  or:;aiiizutioii  andeipiipmeiils. 
These  eiimpanies  will  be  mustered  into  the  serviie 
of  tli(^  Uiiiled  .Stales,  either  by  an  olliier  sent  lo 
Mobile  for  that  purpo.se,  or  on  their  arrival  at  the 
seat  of  war.  He  will  make  such  reqiiiRilionstipoii 
the  commandant  at  Mount  Vernon  ansenal  for 
such  arms  and  ainmiinition  as  may  be  neees.sary. 


and  will  contract  for  camp  equipage,  sup|dies,&c,, 
wliii'li  are  not  (o  be  had  at  the  public  depots,  ac- 
cordiii','  to  the  army  re;;ulatioiiH. 


He  will  proceed  to  (he  ori;uiiiza(ion  of  one  reiji- 
nieiil  o('iiifan(ry  from  (he  Stateof  .Mabaina,(o  scrve 
for  si.x  months  unless  sooner  discharged,  and  pro- 
vide it  with  triumporUUion  from  Mobile  to  the  seal 
of  war. 

Ill  the  event  of  the  arrival  of  volunteers  from 
other  Stales,  Mr.  Toulmin  will  receive  them,  and 
furnish  them  with  >|iiarters  and  subsistence,  and 
report  (o  (his  oHice  for  further  orders. 

Mr.  Toulmin  will  hold  himself  snbordiimte  to 
the  (|nar(ermas(er  at  this  jilaee,  and  make  hill  re- 
ports to  him. 

U.  Mr.  W.  H.  Redwood,  of  Mobile,  is  hereby 
a|ipoinli'd  actinia  commissary  of  subsistence.  He 
will  furnish  siicli  supplies  oi' prov'sions  as  ...hall  be 
retpiired  of  him  by  Air.  Toulmin,  aciuit;  quarter- 
master  for  such  volunteers  as  may  -rrive  at  Mobile 
from  Alabama,  or  the  adjacent  t'!iatcs. 

Mr.  Redwood  will  hold  himself  subordinate  to 
the  commissary  at  this  place,  and  make  his  reports 
to  lilm. 

By  order  of  Major  General  Gaines: 

P.  CALHOUN, ./.  D.  C, ./.  .J.  .1.  G. 

DiviHiuu  Order:*,  No.  l.'i.] 

Headquarters  Western  Division, 
.S'fie  Orhniis,  .Miifi  ai,  1846. 
Major  General  Gaines,  Imviinr  'luly  considered 
the  olfer  from  t)ie  first  division  of  Louisiana  volnn- 
tcers  for  immetliale  service  upon  the  Rio  Grande, 
takes  this  occasion  to  tender  to  the  accoiiiplislud 
oilicers  and  soldiers  of  this  excellent  cor|is  his 
thanks,  with  assurance  of  the  proud  salisl'action 
with  which  he  has  reporled  (o  ilii.'  War  Depari- 
ineiit  their  patriotic  od'er.  llewiiiild  niosl  'gladly 
avail  liimsclf  of  llieir  olVer,  if  the  present  opciMiions 
upon  the  Rio  Grande  were  such  as  lo  jci|iiire  ihe 
description  id'  force  of  which  tin'  (irst  division  is 
principally  conipo.sed,  or  if  he  had  not  !;ood  rciisun 
soon  to  aniicipalc  sirvire  iijinn  a  tlimtre  of  artiiui 
bcltri'  atlitplid  III  tli'ii-  lijrinnanj  ni-f^aiiiza'ioii,  tlnir 
pd-st  sriTlci's,  (Old  Ihi'tr  irislirs.  ll  is  believed  that 
llic  infantry  and  ril'.eiiieii  already  with  General 
Taylor,  and  in  nian'li  for  the  Rio  Grande,  are  snf- 
licieiil  to  enable  liim  lo  carry  into  cll'e  his  insiriu;. 
lions  from  the  Prtsidcnl,  as  soon  as  he  is  joined 
by  a  few  more  re^'imenls  of  mound  d  ^iiiimiii. 

"Under  these  eircimislances,  (ietieral  (iaines  is 
constrained  lo  decline  the  present  od'er  of  (he  (irsl 
division  of  Louisiana  volunb'ers.  1  leiissiires  (hem, 
however,  of  his  fervent  desire  to  have  the  beiieht 
of  tlic'r  cooperation  in  the  anlicipaled  service  above 
indicated,  and  of  which  they  will  be  advised  in 
due  (iinc. 

By  command  of  Major  (general  Gaines; 

P.  CALl  lOUX,  .J.  I).  C.,.l.  ./.  ,1.  G. 

I        Assistant  Adjitint  General's  Oefii  e, 
I  .N'lic  Or/rnii.s,  vVni/ x!!,  IH4(i. 

Sin:  General  Gaines  directs  that  \'ou  furnish  to 
the  si'^ners  of  the  enclosed  letler — Messrs.  Cliimi 
and  Slewarl — (wo  pieites  of  ardllerv  of  (he  calibre 
(bey  desire,  as  soon  as  they  can  be  spared  from 
the* arsenal  at  I'aloii  Roiiue,  and  ainmiinition  to 
suit.     Respectt'iillv,  voiir  obedien(  servant, 

P.  CALllOUX,  .1.  I).  C,  .1.  .1.  .1.  G. 
Captain  Wiiitei.ev,  Oriliumce DeiiarlmcnI. 

Assistant  Aojitaxt  General's  Office. 
.Viv  Urhaiis,  May  t!'J,  1H46. 
Sir:  I  am  instructed  by  the  Major  General  com- 
manding to  infirm  yon,  in  answer  lo  yourcomniii- 
iiicution  of  tliis  date  in  leforeiice  lo  private  Bradly, 


1846. 
•29t 

of  (111! ; 

slriictio 

al  New 

be  spat 

raiigem 

can  be  ( 

his  rcfi 

As  y 

lo  the  n 

your  in 

that  sill 

by  the 

Any 

persons 

proved 

ilig  ollii 

Capl 
Orders, 


Capl 
graphr 
inspecl 
of  the 
who 
muster 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


667 


•29th  CuNn 1st  Sess. 

of  tlic  3il  inruntry,  tliut  lie  cniinnt  cli.tiiee  hia  in-  I 
striirlidiis  in  iT!;iird  to  wiiU  |irival(',  ax  liis  Mirvicca  / 
at  Mew  OrlcHiw  bnimckn  oiinnot,  fnr  tlic  |iicaciit, 
bu  H|iareil.  Tills  is,  of  coinsi;,  ii  tem|iiimiy  ar- 
rangrmiiit.  Ah  simui  as  private  Ltmilly 'h  mi'ivIics 
can  Ijc  iliri|ivnsvil  willi,  lie  will  lie  ordeicil  to  join 
Ills  ri';;inieiil.  '' 

As  you  desire  some  written  niillioriiy  in  rp^aril 
to  the  nlusle^ll^  of  volunteer  eoiiipanies,  I  stale  for  , 
your  iiiforinatiiin  General  Uaiues's  instructions  on  li 
that  auiiieet,  aUlinui;li  lliesulijeet  lias  been  covered  |{ 
by  llie  division  orders  already  issued. 

Any  written  stateinent  si;^ned  by  either  of  the 
persons  authorized  to   raise   rei;iments,  ttnd  ap-   | 
proved  by  myself,  will  he  authorlly  for  the  nuister- 
nig  olltcers.     Resiieclfiilly,  your  obedient  servant, 
V.  CALH()l).\,  .1.  D.  C,  .J.  J.  .1.  a. 

Cajituin  Vam  Huhm:, 

'Jd  liifmilnj,Xew  Oiicans.  • 

Ordcru,  No.  Ki.J  i 

liEADQUAnTKIlS  Westkiin  DlViHIOV, 

.Mil'  (Miuns,  Maij  2:i,  1H4G. 
Captain  T.  B.  Liiiiiard,  of  the  corps  of  Topo- 
graphical Engineers,  is  appointed  a  luusterni^  and 
iiispeclina;  oiKeer.  lie  will  muster  into  the  service 
of  the  United  States  any  eoinpunics  of  vohiutecis, 
who  may  nresent  themselves  with  aiilliorily  fur 
muster,  liy  order  of  Major  General  (.iaines: 
P.  CALllOU.X,  .7.  ]).  C,  J.  .1.  .1.  G. 

IlE.iDIJUABTEas  AV'esTKIIN  DIVISION, 

.Niir  Orlinns,  May  ^2,  184G. 
P.  B.  Starke,  Esip,  is  authorized  and  reciuested 
to  raise,  in  the  Stale  of  Mississippi,  a  re2;inieiit  of 
di'a^ooji.4,  to  cinisiat  of  ten  companies,  GO  to  100  men 
each,  to  be  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United 
Stalls  for  six  months,  unless  .sooner  diseliarged,  at 
some  point  to  be  hereafter  designated. 

I'he  otiiceis  of  the  (|iiarleninisler's,  subsislcnci', 
and  (U'dnance  depurlmeiils,  will  furnish,  upon  the 
rc<|uisition  of  Mr.  Starke,  the  proper  allowance  of 
camp  ei^uipage,  rations,  arms,  and  other  supjtlies, 
for  tlie  immediate  accommodation  of  the  compa- 
nies, and  traiisportation  for  their  supplies,  &e.,  to 
the  seat  of  war  upon  the  Itio  Uiamle. 

EU.MUND  P.  GAINES, 
vl/rtj.  G'eii.  Com.  fVcst,  Div. 
Ollicial:  P.  Caliiois,  i 

.1.  J.  J.  O.  lltsl.  Div.  ! 

Assistant  Adji'tant  Gevehal's  Ofiice, 
Ai.li'  OWcnas,  Maij  d.t,  IHJG. 
Sir:  General  Gaines  directs  that  you  issue  pro- 
vi.'^ions  to  all  volunteers  who  come  to  this  city 
AvitI'  the  intentlini  of  being  nuistered  into  the  .ser- 
vice of  the  L'uiled  Slates.  It  was  his  Inlenlion  to 
cover  this  by  order  iSo.  y,  of  .May  1,'t,  1M4G,  a  copy 
of  which  was  sent  you.  A  reiiuisitinn  fri>m  any 
one  of  the  captains,  signed  by  eitlier  of  the  per- 
sons whom  the  General  has  aulhori/.ed  to  raise 
icgimenls,  will  be  snllicient  to  waraiit  issue;  and 
it  is  the  ( lencrars  directions  that  you  issue  on  such 
reciui.siiion. 

1  euclose  you  one  of  the  requisitions  of  the  kind 
referred  to  above. 

Uespcctfully,  your  obedient, 
P.  CALIIOUN, ./.  n.  C, .].  .7. ./.  G. 
Captain  J.  li.  Ghavso.v, 

Cointnissanj  of  f^uh>htfiire,  A'.  Orleans. 

HEADaOARTEns  WesTK.HN  DiVlsiiiN. 

Afin  Orltans,  Maij  !!,■»,  iy4fi. 
Sib:  I'nder  the  instructions  of  .Major  General 
Gaines,  cnniinaiiding  llie  westi'rn  division,  1  have 
the  honor  to  ai'knowiedije  the  receipt  of  your  letter 
of  tin:  IHili  instaiil.  In  answer  to  which,  I  am 
directed  by  the  General  lo  ini'onu  you  that,  should 
any  nuniiii'r  of  volunteers,  not  exceeding  two 
thousand,  be  .sent  from  the  Stale  of  Mississippi, 
they  will  be  received,  mustered,  armed,  equipped, 
and  forwarded  from  this  point  lo  the  seat  of  war. 
It  is  impossible,  under  the  circumstances,  fur  tlie 
General  lo  send  a  niusleriug  ollicer  into  the  State 
of  .Missi.ssippi.  He  finds  great  difViculty  in  pro- 
curing a  snllicient  nuiaber  of  regular  ollicers  to 
perlorm  the  neces.sary  duties  ill  this  cily. 

ICnclosed  1  send  you,  l>y  direction  of  General 
Gaines,  an  official  copy  of  an  authority  which  lie 
lias  granted  to  1'.  U.  Starke,  Esq.,  of  yoiirState,  to 
whii^li  he  desires  your  a;i;M'obalion.  Mr.  Starke 
has  been  highly  recuniineiiUcd  to  liim  as  a  person 


Generals  Scott  and  Gaines, 


Sknate. 


in  every  way  qualified  loenmmand  a  dragoon  regi- 
ment', and,  as  it  is  all-important  that  a  eonsider- 
nblo  portion  of  the  force  sent  lo  the  Rio  Granile 
should  he  mountiMl,  the  Ciencral  is  desirous  that  a 
portion  of  the  force  sent  from  Mississijipi  should 
be  of  that  eharaeter. 

The  General  has  conversed  fully  upon  this  sub- 
ject with  Mr.  Starke,  who  will  be  able  lo  give  you 
any  additional  inforinatifui  you  may  desire. 

With  respect,  I  am,  air,  your  obedient  servant, 
P.  CALHOUN,  .1.  I).  C.,.1.  .h.1.  a. 
A.  G.  Brown,  (Jovernor  oj'lltt  SInle  ofMisHssipiii. 

Baton  Rouge,  .Uuy  21,  184(!. 
Sir:  In  tliiisadilre.ssing  you,  I  may  Ic  overstep- 
ping the  bminds  of  military  eliquelte,  but  a  sense 
of  duly  and  /.eal  for  the  welfare  of  the  country 
must  he  my  apoluiry. 

When  the  volunleeis  from  this  parish,  who  of- 
fered llieir  services  lo  light  the  bailies  of  their 
country  in  Texas,  were  on  the  eve  of  dep:irtuie, 
many  thoughlless  per.sons  unguardedly  nienti'ined, 
in  presence  of  our  servile  po|iulation,  the  unpro- 
tected stale  of  the  arsenal  and  muniiions  of  war  of 
the  llniled  Stales  at  the  post,  and  iniprndenlly 
slateil  how  easy  it  wiailtl  be  lo  take  possession,  in 
the  aljsence  of  ilie  regular  troops  formi'rly  stationed 
here,  and  of  so  many  of  llie  citizens  whose  services 
woiihl  be  most  available  in  any  emergency. 

These  rumors  reneliing  me  iVom  several  respect- 
able sources,  I  deemed  it  my  iliily  to  order  out  the 
volunteer  eompany  in  lliis  place,  and  two  mililia 
companies.  In  guard  in  town  the  siarrisoii  and 
arsenal  at  night.  At  the  time  of  so  doing,  I  re- 
ported, as  reipiired  by  law,  to  my  immediale  su- 
perior olHcer,  Brigadier  General  Rousseau,  who 
approved  of  the  measure.  I 

I  succeeded  in  keeping  n  guard  at  the  garrison 
and  arsenal  until,  two  days  since,  some  peismis 
having  absented  themselves,  were  fined  according 
to  law,  and  appealed  lo  :i  magistrate,  who  has  de- 
ciih'd  that  authorily  does  nut  exist  on  the  part  of 
niililary  olHcer.^  lo  call  imt  the  militia,  except  by  a 
draft.  It  was  therefore  unnecessary  to  order  out 
more,  os  such  order  would  not  be  olieyed. 

I  am  informed  that  you  have  authorized  Major 
Dunn,  of  this  place,  to  muster  a  company  of  one 
liundnd  men  into  the  service  of  the  United  Stales, 
for  the  space  of  three  months,  for  the  protection  of  | 

'  the  garristm.  1  am  sorry  lo  state  that,  from  the 
last  information  I  Ciiii  obtain,  ii  is,  and  will  be, 
iuqiossible  to  procure  men  for  such  a  [lurpose  ui 

.  this  place.  The  few  citizens  who  remain  here, 
capable  fif  bearing  arms,  miglit  probably  be  easily 
excited  to  voluntci'r  to  go  lo  Texas,  but  they  can- 
not be  made  lo  uiidersiand  lliat  they  would  do 
their  country  equal  service  by  submiuing  to  the 
tame  and  monotonous  lite  that  attends  garrison 
duly,  and  which  has  become  so  unpopular  ainulig 
those  who  have  lately  dime  this  duly. 

I  received  a  letter,  a  tew  days  aijo,  from  my 
overseer  in  West  I'Vliciana,  informing  iiie  ihal 
consiilerable  excileiiienl  prevailed  aiiioni;  the  petqile 
of  Ihal  parish,  in  eonse(|Uence  of  the  receplion  of 

'  news  of  an  insurrecuon  of  llie  negroes  in  Mobile. 
Such  news  as  this  immedialely  reaches  the  ears 
of  those  from  whom  it  is  most  desirable  to  willi- 

{  hold  it. 

1  must  also  add  that  this  lailer  rlas.s  appear  of 
hue  inncli  excited,  which  1  allribule  to  the  activity 
and  animation  iTin.ukid  by  lliein  lo  exist  anions 

;  the  other  classes,  who  are  so  very  full  id*  the  iilea 
id' going  to  Texas,  that  I  felt  myself  urL'ed  by  nio- 
tivis  of  prudence  fiir  the  safety  of  this  post,  after 
the  deparlure  of  idiout  two  fiundred  anti  tliirty 
volunteers,  to  discourage  us  much  as  jtossible  the 
deieutiiri'  of  any  more. 

in  view  of  what  has  been  said,  I  beg  leave  to  re- 
mark, that  should  lailbreak  unfortunately  occur, 
and  the  munitions  of  war  get  into  the  possession 
of  Ihal  class,  or  be  destroyed,  I  need  not  state  the 
consequence  lo  this  town  and  neighborhood,  as 
well  as  the  injury  that  might  be  caused  to  our 
brave  army  now  in  Texas,  by  being  deprived  of 
warlike  stovi'S.  The  whole  country,  from  north 
to  south,  and  east  to  west,  would  then  echo  what 
would  be  considered  llie  culpable  neglect  of  those 
whose  duty  it  may  be  to  avert  such  a.  dire  calas- 
iroplie. 

Report  also  slates  that  General  Vega  anil  suite 
are  lo  be  sent  to  this  place  during  summer.  Should 
lliis  be  tlie  cose,  and  that  general  have  any  pene- 


tration, and  become  acquainted  with  the  gossip 
that  is  bandied  about  here,  giving  the  exact  qiinii- 
tity  of  everything  in  the  ar.senal,  he  w  ill  hardly 
know  which  to  admire  most,  our  rashness  in  hav- 
ing such  a  volcano  ready  at  any  nionieiit  in  exphale 
without  the  protection  of  a  corporal's  guard,  or  our 
imprudence  in  proclaiming  it  jiublicly.  This  gen- 
eral, or  any  other  friend  of  \Iexico,  might  be  dia- 
po.sed  lo  profit  by  it;  and  '  need  not  suirgest  lo  one 
of  your  long  experience  how  easily  this  might  be 
done. 

It  wo'ild  be  presumption  in  nie  lo  pretend  to 
oiler  any  suggestion;  but  it  is,  perhaps,  proper  lo 
state  what  public  opinion  loudly  ami  incessanlly 
demands — that  is,  that  a  coni|iaay  of  regular  Iroops 
ou'.;lit  lo  be  immediately  slationed  at  this  post  to 
serve  as  a  rallying  ])oint  for  the  citizens,  should 
occjision  require. 

Willi  the  highest  consideration,  1  am  your  very 
devoted  servant, 

STEPHEN  HENDERSON. 
IJ.  Col.fCoiiiU'iflUhUig'l  Injanlnj. 

Major  General  E.  P.  Gaines, 

Comd'g  tf'esl.  Div.  U.  S.  .^.,^'.  Orleans,  La. 

HEADqiARTtns  Western  Divisio.v, 

Aiic  <Wcnii.i,.U«!/2:i,  11^46. 

Sir:  Your  teller  of  the  iil.^l  inslant,  calliii!;  his 
allenlion  lo  the  unprotected  stale  of  ISaion  Rouge 
ursenal,  bus  been  received  by  Major  General 
Gaines,  by  wlio.se  insiructions  I  reply  to  it. 

It  has  been  the  conslanl  eliorl  and  desire  of  llic 
General  to  impress  upon  the  anllnnilies  ill  Wnsh- 
intrlon  the  ur^'enl  nccessily  of  keeping  a  strong  and 
siillicinnt  guard  of  rc!f;ulur  troops  at  Baton  Rouge 
barracks.  Tina  necessity  tin  y  do  not  as  yet  appear 
to  appreciate, 

Wlien  the  Government  places  a  depot  of  arms 
and  nnmilions  of  war  in  the  miilst  of  a  larirc  slave 
population,  it  is  undoubtedly  her  duty  lo  protect 
the  owners  of  the  slaves  from  the  improper  u.ic  of 
these  arms,  i>i:c. 

General  Gaines,  feeling  the  necessity  of  having 
proper  guards  at  Baton  Rou:;e  and  other  posts  in 
lliis  seelion  of  his  division,  has  ordered  a  portion 
of  the  sixth  regimeiil  of  United  Slates  infantry  from 
the  Red  River  frontier,  to  be  used  in  garrisoning 
llieni.  As  some  time  must  necessarily  elapse  be- 
fore the  companies  ordered  down  could  reach  .\ew 
Orleans  and  its  vicinity,  he  authorized  Major  Dunn 
lo  raise  a  volunteer  fiuce  for  the  protection  of  Baton 
Rouire  arsenal.  The  General  fully  approves  the 
steps  taken  by  you  in  calling  out  the  volunteer 
companies,  and  ngrets  thai  tiny  could  not  be  kept 
logelher  until  they  could  be  relieved  by  the  regular 
troops. 

As  soon  as  these  companies  shall  arrive  from 
above,  one  of  them  will  be  ordered  to  Baton  Rou<;e. 

The  report  which  you  have  heard  in  relation  to 
the  Mexii  an  prisoners  is  totally  without  founda- 
tion.    I  am,  sir,  &c. 

P.  CALHOUN, ./.  li.  C.,.l..l..i.  G 

Stephen  Henuebson,  E.-q., 

LI.  Col., comd'g  litkreg'l  La.  „V., 

Baton  Rouge. 

Special  Orilers,  No.  M.] 

HeAUIU  ARTERS  AVeSTEBN  DIVISION, 

.Neil)  Oi7c«?i.i,.Vn!)24,  1H4G. 

I.  The  increased  duties  devolving  upon  Captain 
•T.  B.  Grayson,  commissary  of  subsistence,  in  Is- 
suing provisions  lo  the  volunteers  a.sseinbled  in  this 
city,  rendering  addilionol  assi.stanee  necess;irv,  he 
is  aulhori/.cd  to  employ  three  persons,  should  that 
ninnbcr  be  neces.sary.  The  pay  of  ihe  peisoiislhus 
employed  shall  not  exceed  what  liillows:  the  first, 
or  principal  assistant,  >jGO;  second  $40;  third  §30, 
per  month. 

II.  Lieuieimiit Colonel  Hunt, deputy quarternms- 
icr  general,  Is  directed  to  rent  a  suitable  room  lo 
store  llie  provisions  which  are  to  be  issued  to  the 
volunteers,  in  which  the  issue  will  be  made. 

By  order  of  Major  General  Gaines: 

P.  CALHOUN,. 7. 7>.t'.,.'7..7..'7.G. 

l)ivi»luil  Orders.  No.  6.] 

Headquarters  Wi.steiin  Division, 
AVio  Orleans,  .May  21!,  I84G. 
I.  Major  General  Gaines  acknowledges  the  hon- 
or of  the  subjoined  letter  of  inslructioii  from  the 
Department  of  War,  making  it  his  duly  lo  coun- 
'  termaud  his  call  f'>r  regiments  of  mounted  gunnun, 


668 


a9TH  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

lown  lioundary — Mr,  Dodge. 


[Juno  8, 


Ho.  OF  Ueps. 


who  Imve,  ni  sjrcat  cx|wii.se  of  time  nml  nioncv. 
|iiO|inred  llipmst'lvcs  In  tly  to  llio  sent  ol*  wnr  in 
deCcnro  of  (iiir  bcliivpd  ooiiinry,  ii»  liravc  cilizena 
oC  all  [inliticul  |tai-iiptt  iirc  fxer  ready  and  williiii^ 
to  do.  i 

II.  The  wantor«omosi(</('iii,esli\l)li8lied  by  law, 
presi-ribin;:  (he  mode  in  wliirli  volnn'eerH  nIumiIiI 
be  received  in  llie  Hervii'e  of  the  Urnled  Slates, 
conHtiiulea  n  prolific  source  of  delay,  expense,  and 
veXMliini,  to  the  iiicxnerienci'd  vnliiiilcer,  and  in- 
jury l<>  llie  service.  Flic  very  \\^\v  yoiini;  men  of 
the  eonmry,  wlio  are  favored  with  llie  privileire  of 
H  miliiary  education,  are  never  allowed  !•>  have 
unyeoniinand  in  war,  nortodo  inililnry  duly  upon 
the  frontier,  wiihoul  previously  lutviiu,'  the  benetil 
of  four  years'  inslruclion,  clevoled  alinosi  exelu- 
Hively  lo  ihe  llienrij  of  inililary  science;  while  the 
w.illlins  of  our  yonni:  lueii,  iiKv.ij's  ready  lo  sacri- 
fice every  personal  imeresl  at  the  shrine  of  luiliiuial 
honor  and  jjlory,  as  volunleers,  cheerfully  hasien 
to  the  i>iaee  of  rende'/.vnns,  for  ori.*-.nii/,ari(pii,  inus- 
ler,  and  ins|>ection,  often  wiihoul  a  Ic.aler  aci|naii.l- 
ed  Willi  our  fr(r-nn"iyin;r  r  s:ulitt}()it^,  or  able  to  do 
anyiliiii;;  for  the  iniiuejiiiie  comfort  or  elKciencv 
of  iiis  brethren  in  arms,  tlpMiL'h  ediUMled  and  well 
ipialified  for  the  pursuils  of  civil  life,  and  capable 
of  making  excellent  oHliers  and  soldiers  in  ihe 
course  of  a  few  weeks'  inslruclion.  are  not  allowed 
lliis  brief  spare  of  lime  (e /irfjwrf/ijc  «r/ieii.  They 
thus  hasten  to  ihe  field  of  balile,  willmul  lime  or 
ojiporlnnity  to  ;;ive  to  the  superior  iiic/ii' of  their 
eliiriilry  thai  (fiii/irr  and  ;winl  wliie'n  a  little  |iiaeii- 
eal  inslruclion  would  have  been  sntlii  ient  lo  /iiiis/t 
and  render  invincible;  and  if,  under  iliesc  untow- 
ard circunislances,  they  happen  lo  emnniil  a  fiiull, 
however  trivial,  the  vaino;lorioiis  inarlinel  spurns 
t'leni  us  but  //■(io/),s,  or  mil  as  **  ^^nei/Zrim/i'.'." 

III.  And  when,  as  at  this  lime  and  place,  these 
ftatriotic  \ohinieers  have,  for  the  most  pari,  ex- 
pended their  small  chance,  and  bpi;in  to  sufi'cr  ihe 
jirivaliiiiis  of /!  01/  and  rfs(,  ihey  apply  to  llie  Fniled 
S'atfs  riuarlermasier  and  siibsisienee  deparlments 
liir  thai  camp  equipage  and  rations  to  which  tin  y 
know  they  arc  eniitled  by  law,  and  which  they 
have  been  assured  by  the  authorized  pnlilic  func- 
tionaries of  the  Stale  and  ihe  ITnion  they  should 
receive,  they  are  told  by  the  United  Slates  <ninr-  - 
lermasier  and  commissary  deparlinenls,  th:il  lliey 
euii  issue  iioilini'.;  to  the  volunleers  uniil  llie'j  are 
miifltifil  inio  Ihe  Sdfireiifihe  I'niled  Sluice.  In  this 
way  iininy  of  these  inerilorioiia  volunteers  have 
been  unable,  for  several  days  in  succession,  m  find 
either  food  or  rest,  other  than  such  as  the  Known 
liospitaliiy  of  Ihe  jood  citizens  have  kindiv  ten- 
tiered  lo  those  wliosi?  desiiinle  coiuliiion  enuhl  be 
a-.'cruiincd.  lint  llieir wanlsarebutseliloni  known, 
as  ^ood  soldiers  never  cmnplain. 

I\^.  To  obviate  this  evil,  and  provide  for  the 
eornforl  and  prompt  orL'aniz.ilion  of  these  voliiii- 
iters.  the  Alajnr  tieneial  has  availed  himsilf 
of  the  as.-iistaiice  of  sc\eral  •xenllemen  of  known 
business  habits,  experience,  and  talent,  to  raise 
and  orf;aiii/.e  such  corps,  and  lo  slVord  them  sin  h 
temporary  supplies  as  are  essential  to  llieir  healili 
and  comfiirl,  preparatory  lo  their  bein^  inuslercd 
inio  tin-  service  of  llie  United  Si, lies. 

V.  The  piiblic-spiriied  ollicers  and  citizens  who 
have  volmiieered  their  services  upon  this  occMsion 
are  icspei'll'nily  noiified  that  llieir  st  rvic  s  will  be 
no  looser  recpiired  ihaji  for  the  time  that  will  bi 
iiecess.uy  lo  enable  ihein  lo  place  lit  the  United 
Slates  barracks,  near  this  cit\',  such  of  the  coni|ia- 
nies,or  parts  ot'com|ianies  of  in  foil  ry,  or  loinionni- 
ed  rideinen  as  may  lie  already  raised,  and  assist  in 
their  orLMiiizatniii  into  eompaiiies  and  re'_'inieiiis, 
where  they  will  be  immediatelv  mustered  into  the 
service  of  the  Uiiiled  Slates;  and  where  ihe\'  will 
be  I'iiriiished  w  iili  e\ery  .^iipplv*  10  which  iliev  urc 
cntiiled;  and  from  whence  the,'  will  be  conveyed 
on  board  of  L'ood  sicaincrs,  or  other  t;ood  vessels, 
10  the  seat  of  war. 

VI.  l.inii.  Coli'iiel  Thomas  F.  Hunt,  ileputy 
fjuartermaster  ',:eneral,  <-'aptain  John  H.  tir.iyson, 
coniinissary  of  snb.'iislence,  and  f'apiaiii  Whiiejcy, 
of  the  nidnance  ill  partmeiil,  are  i:iiart'ed  with  the 
execution  of  these  orders. 

V'll.  The  t^ominnndinc;  General  avails  himself 
of  the  present  occasion  to  lender  to  the  p;itrioiic, 
ollici^rs  and  citizens  of  Louisiana,  Mi,ssi.ssip|ii,  Al-i- 
bania,  and  Arkansas,  who  have  conlribuled  to  aid 
liini  in  the  above  mentioned  iinporlaiit  pnblnMlii- 
ties,  his  fervaiit  thanks  for  the  zeal,  ability,  and 


fidelity  with  which   they  have  discharged    every 
duly  confided  lo  iheni. 

liy  eoinmaiid  of  Major  Oenernl  Oaines; 
P.  CALHOUN, 
.•Jid-i/r-('(ii»i;i  and  •hsixlanl  ,liljulant  (leneial. 


THE  BOtTNPAHIES  OF  IOWA. 


REMARKS  OF  MR.  A.  C.  DODGE, 

OF  IOWA, 
In  the  HofSK  OF  Ukpiiesent.mives, 

Jiim  S,  18-1(1. 
On  the  Bill  lo  define  the  Pmundaries  of  the  Slate  of 

low'H,  and  to  repeal  so  much  of  the  act  of  llie  ,*id 

of  March,  I6i4.'i,  as  relates  to  the  boundaries  of 

Iowa. 

Mr.  UOOfiE  rose  and  said: 

I  re<_'rel,  .Mr.  Chairiiian,  that  ihe  jjenlleman  from 
.■"I'ew  York  |.Mr.  llATiinex]  should  have  niiide  the 
speech  which  in;  has  deemed  it  proper  lo  make  in 
opposiiion  to  this  bill,  lie  has  a'j;ain  appeah'd  lo 
those  seciioiial  prejudices  and  passions  which  were 
?o  sncceKsfnlly  jnvokid  at  the  lasi  session  of  Con- 
irress  lo  ell'cct  a  reduciioii  in  the  boniiilaries  of  the 
prop  ised  Slaie  of  Iowa.  It  was  nut  then  avowed 
ihai  Ihe  prnniiiir-knile  was  to  be  applied  b)  Iowa, 
because  of  ihe  annexation  of  Texas;  but,  sir,  lliiit 
avowal  was  not  necessary;  and  if  heretofore  wani- 
ini;,  it  has  been  boldly  and  openly  made  to-day  by 
the  iienileniiin  from  .New  York. 

I  remember  well,  sir,  that  diirini;  the  lime  this 
House  was  excited  and  eoiiMilsed  by  the  di.icns- 
sion  of  that  treat  qiiesiiun,  a  L'enilcinan  from  In- 
d.,ina,  not  now  a  member  of  iliis  House,  (.Mr. 
Sample,]  wandered  fr  iiii  the  ipiesiioii  iinilei  de- 
bale,  to  ilrau:  in  Ihi;  bomularies  of  Iowa,  and  that, 
loo,  before  the  House  had  ever  been  asked  to  con- 
sider them. 

The  area  which  we  asked  for  our  Slate  was  mis- 
represcnled.  It  wassnid  that  our  boundary  inclu- 
ded more  than  eighty  thousand  square  miles,  and 
no  c.ilculalions  (>maiiating  from  the  Topographical 
IJeoarlment  or  the  Coimiiissioner  of  the  CJeneral 
Lund  Ortice,  however  acciirale  they  were,  could 
convince  ■,'enllemen  from  a  certain  "seelion  of  the 
Union  Ihat  our  consliiiiiiunal  limits,  so  called,  gave 
us  bill  a  little  upwards  of  fifty-seven  thousand 
square  miles — a  .Suue  less,  in  point  of  territory, 
than  some  four  or  five  oilier  States  of  the  Union. 

1  thought  then,  .-or,  and  now  think,  that  our  con- 
vention and  our  people  were  rcasoimble  in  their 
demands.  We  all  leTiirdcd  ourselves  sale,  so  long 
as  we  kept  our  liiniis  far  wiihin  ihose  which  had 
been  assigned  to  the  .Slate  of  Missouri,  our  imme- 
diate neighbor  on  the  south.  I'.vi'ry  Governor  of 
lowu  had  written  upon  ihi:  subjeet'of  the  liound- 
arif  s  for  our  I'liinre  .State,  and  every  Legislature 
which  had  ineinoriabzeil  t.'oMi;ress  to  define  those 
boundaries,  had  asked  tor  the  gn-at  rivers  Alissis- 
sippi  and  Missouri  on  our  east  and  west,  and  ihc 
Si.  Peter's  on  tin;  iiorlti,  as  the  propi-r  boiuidaries 
for  our  Stale.  The  pi  npic  of  Uic  Terriiory  had  for 
years  a,*sociated  these  boiinilarii  s  with  all  theii 
ideas  of  .Stale  government;  and  when,  at  itie  last 
session,  they  found  that  (J.nigiess,  instead  of  grant- 
ing these,  had  given  llieni  mere  arbilniry  and  atli- 
fii  ml  lines,  eiuinig  thein  oif  irom  those  gie.it  rivers, 
ihi-y  rose  up  abnosi  as  one  man,  and  Ity  an  over- 
win  lining  vote  njecicd  llie  coiisliimion.  In fause 
these  lines  li;nl  lieen  inserted  in  it.  ll.iil  the  ques- 
tion of  boinidarv  been  separated  from  lhat  of  the 
constitiiiion,  as  the  gi  iitlcman  from  .\ew  York  had 
snggciied,  the  Congressional  boiinilaries,  as  they 
wile  called,  would  not  have  received  fiw  hnnilicil 
vole. — ii:iy,  1  doubt  whclher  one  hiii.dred — in  tin 
whole  Teirilorv.  'i'he  "onsiiintion  was  eniiiieni- 
ly  and  deserviilly  popular,  and  would  have,  been 
adoiited  by  an  inerwlielmiiig  majoriiy  of  the  peo- 
ple, but  for  the  action  of  (,'ongress  upon  it. 

I  know,  Mr.  Chairmun,  what  are  the  wishes 
mid  sentiments  of  the  people  of  Iowa  upon  this 
subject.  It  is  but  l.ilely,  sir,  that  I  have  under- 
gone tin;  popular  ordeal  upon  this  question;  and  I 
tell  you,  in  all  candcir  and  sincerity,  that  I  would 
not  be  in  this  Hall  to-day,  if  I  had  not  nia.le  ihem 
the  most  solemn  assurances  tiial  all  niv  energies 
and  whatever  intluence  I  possessed  would  be  ex- 
erted to  procure  for  them  tin;  lifiy-scvcn  thousand 
square  miles  included  within  the  limits  de.>i',omted 


in  their  original  consiilnlion.  It  was  in  conformi- 
ty with  pleilge,4  thai  I  had  given  litem  personally, 
with  inslrnciiiiiis  which  I  knew  I  had  received 
from  ihein  at  the  bt  llol.liox,  lhat  I  introduced,  at 
an  early  day  of  llie  present  session,  the  bill  im- 
bodyiug  the  boundaries  of  llieir  choice.  That  bill 
was  rel'erred  lo  ihe  (.'ommiltee  on  Territories,  ami 
its  members  now  present  will  bear  me  witnes,-', 
when  I  say,  lhat  I  repealedly  appeared  befine 
them,  and  spoke  and  plead  in  behalf  of  those  bound - 
ares;  bill  I  eonid  not  succeed  in  getting  them. 
The  cominiliee,  loolting  to  the  formation  of  oiher 
Sift'es,  would  curtail  us  on  the  north.  Tiny 
siriick  out  Ihe  St.  I'cler's  river,  and  inserted  the 
pMi-allel  of  4;i^.'tO'  as  our  northern  boimiliuv,  which 
gives  us  but  fifty  thousand  nine  hunibed  and  fif- 
teen sipiare  miles.  Adniilling  this  to  be  Ihe  size 
of  ihe  .'^laie,  (and  I  do  not  donbt  but  the  compula- 
tion of  ihe  Cmnmissioner  of  ihe  General  Land  Of- 
llce,  w  liicli  fixes  il  111  that  ninnber  of  square  miles, 
is  correct,)  how  would  bivva  then  compare  with 
other  Slates  of  the  I'liinn.'  Virginia  has  G-l,lh)l); 
Cieorgia,  .W.'JOO;  Micliig.ui  has  (iU.tlUll;  Illinois, 
.■)."i,n'ltl;  Aliiliania,  aO.IIDO:  Klorid.i,  sniiie  53  or 
.ll.lllH);  and  Missouri,  (17,415:  being  17,(100  squate 
miles  more  than  was  now  asked  Ibr  Iowa, 

Air.  Chairman,  I  sincerely  hope  tlint  this  illib- 
eral nppciil  which  has  been  made  by  the  getitlenian 
I'rein  .\ew  Vork,lo  excite  sectional  prejudices  and 
lo  revive  local  imiinosilii  s,  will  fiiil  of  its  mteuilcd 
ell'ect.  and  that  the  bill  now  under  consideration 
will  became  a  law.  Should  il  do  so,  there  will 
then  be  an  end  lo  this  exciting  and  vexed  qutstion. 
I  had  not  the  most  distant  idea,  len  days  ago,  lhat 
I  would  be  to-dav  advocating  this  bill.  I  then 
expected,  upon  ihis  occasion,  to  be  found  endeav- 
oring 10  jiersiiade  Congress  to  give  us  the  bounda- 
ries for  which  we  had  first  asked.  Il  was  about 
Ihiit  time,  sir,  that  I  received  from  the  very  wor- 
thy and  respectable  gcnlleman  who  presided  ov*  r 
the  convention  which,  on  the  I8tli  of  the  past 
month,  adopted  the  second  consliiutioii  for  llie 
Slate  of  Iowa,  the  letter  which  I  now  read  to  Ihe 
House.  I  read  it  for  the  purpose  of  showing  mem- 
bers the  fi'eling  and  delerminatimi  with  which  th<' 
pcoph'  of  Iowa,  up  lo  that  time,  adhered  lo  the 
ground  which  they  had  previously  taken,  and  the 
necessiiv  that  exists  for  some  concession  on  the 
part  of  Congress. 

IdVVV  ClTV.  .W.M,  10.  181(1. 
Ill:  ut  Silt:  'ri|cei)iivcntion,linw  in  ^cs^il)ll  Ihtc  rurltielin- 
nceioii  111' a  ciiii.,<llliitiiiii  tor  the  Htnte  iit  bivv;i.liii,^iiiilic;it<'il. 
lo;i/('W  viitc.iliiiltiii'liMiiiiiliirv..i9C(Hiliiii(i'iIiiitlicolil  erm-ii 
III iKiii.  Will  li'>  the  lioiniiliiry  at' the  iiewcuii-liniljoii.  \o  jHM- 
Itniliit  llli.s  lil^lnillicilt  ItlH  vet  (ia>*se(l  bevonii  Ihc  eiiiitiiilllliL' 
liaiid  iil'tlii'ciinvcnliiiii.lail  ti'iia..^lilerttieliMiiiiil:irvii.;(li-ciileil 
hi'>i)iiil  iilliliiillil.  !\-*  Ihcrc  well*.  11(11111  the  11111--IJ1111  ot';iilii|)l- 
ili;  the  ntil  l'f)tintl.tru.\mt  eiu'llt  licifntivc  viile,..  The  i|llc^ 
ttiiii.  tlicii.  i^.  whnl  11  Itcfit  calculatcil.  mi  tiir  as  Ihc  .'ictinii  01 
('oilLTc.isis  ciiuceriicil.  Ill  tilviir  llic  aitii(illntl  otilic  ciilislltll 
ti'iu  with  this  hiiiiiiihirv  ,-  .All  with  wlioiii  I  li.ivc  conversed 
jiiill  in  the  iipiliinll,  thill  lllllcss  we  eaii  |.rel  tlic  jnrL'i'  hullilll- 
ioy.  licll  illl  iiditill  (111  this  suhjecl  hyl'fiimre-s  -tiniilit.  it 
|i  is-ililc.  lie  ilcliiveil  iliilil  al'l'T  llic  lir.^l  .Mimday  111  .\iimisl, 
at  wiiica  tunc  the  I'alc  ei'  the  cnlislinilioa  will  he  ileclitcil. 
Il'l'iiiiurc-s  w  ill  i:ivc  us  our  h'miiilary,  it  will  insure  the 
ait'iplKiii  III'  Iheciiii-nliiliiiri  ;  il'thcy  ilchiy  all  I'linher  aclinii 
nil  lilts  siilijeil  lllilii  their  next  sessiiiii,  ii  wilt  IHit  llltertcie 
with  its  :iili>|iliiia. 

Il'iutiilil'il.  ive  IV  ill  nra.iitize  the  State,  sciiil  our  aieiiihers 
mill  ciill-nnitl'Hl  Ml"iili;'rc--s,ailil  ri-k  Ihe  cnii-ci|Meiices,  I 
have  lint  time  In  vvrile  iii'ire.  This  milch  1  have  said  lor 
olle-rs  III' the  coiueiiimii  as  well  as  myselt'. 

\|TV  resileetl'ullv,  Kt'., 
Iliiii.  ,\,  C,  DiinciK,  ENOS  LOWE. 

Si. lee  the  receipt  of  the  letter  just  read,  I  have 
received  another  frmn  ilie  same  gentleman,  under 
(late  of  the  l.'lih  nliiino,  in  which  he  .says: 

*•  Since  1  vvnile  yen  (ill  Ihe  lOlli  iiistaiil.  the  convention, 

liaviicj  r ived  Ihe  nlinrl  iit  the  t'limmillee  on  TerritoriCK 

iiI'tiM  llnii-c  01  l!e|iie-iiilali\es.  lias  nceileil  I'roii.  the  Inqt'' 
hoiMilavj.  mil.  hv  a  voir  lalicn  In  ilav,  decided  in  lavor  of 
'i;i    ;il|  nnrtll  lalilnde  lis  our  uorliicni  liollltdliry,*' 

Thus,  sir,  il  is  now  apparent,  that  if  the  House 
will  pass  the  bill  reporied  bv  the  Coinmittec  on 
Territories,  it  will  put  1111  end  lo  this  question. 
The  convention  of  Iowa  have  met  the  advances  of 
Ihe  Coimniiiee  on  Territories  of  this  House;  and 
will  Congress  com  ede  nothing  r  I  hope  that  it 
will,  and  that  our  advances  will  be  met  in  that 
spirit  of  compromise  which  lies  al  the  foundation 
of  all  our  institutions.  Some  gentlemen  .seem  nei- 
ther disposed  to  let  lown  becnnie  a  .Stale,  nor  lo  do 
nnyihing  for  her  as  a  Territory.  It  was  bni  the 
other  day  that  we  had  up  some  bills  granting  us 
the  usual  small  appriipriiitiinis  for  the  improve- 
nieiu  of  our  roads,  iVc,;  when  ihi;  very  gentlemen 
who  have  now  attacked  our  buuudnry,  ,ind  by 


k 


hinv  8, 

Ieps. 

nnformi- 
I'snniilly, 

received 
'need,  m 

I'ill  ini- 
riiMt  hill 
I'iea,  iiikI 

WilllCs.v, 

I  liel'ipie 
I'  IjMiiiiil- 
;r  ilii'in. 
"f  iiiliri- 
Th,v 
ilcd   Ih'e 

V,  Wllii'll 

11(1  tiC- 
Ihr  si/i' 

"Dipill..- 

ajici  or- 

'■  INJIis, 
li'    Willi 

(Jl,lli)ll. 

Illlll^i^. 
.),■)     IM- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GIX)BE. 


669 


>29tii  Cuno IsT  Sp.hs. 

llieir  eoiir.se  serm  dclermliied  to  keep  lis  nut  of  the  i 
I'niiiii,  |imi|)ecl  rou^hslinil  upon  lliose  ineiiFUreN, 
slaHJiin!;,  Hluyiii'j:,  mid  emiiiii;  tlieni   to  pieeen  iii  i 
lliey  dill,  mill  u.siii!,'  an  their  priiM-i|ii\l  iiiijiimeiit, 
that  we   were  alHiiit  to,  and  oii^lit  to,  lieeiinio  a 
Slate.     And  ncnv  ihcy  would  ai;ain  lay  llie  alronp; 
hand  of  power  ii|mn  our  eiuisiiiutioii,  wluii  they 
were  solemnly  asmired,  and  niii.st  Kiiov.-,  iliiit  hy 
doii)>;  i**i  they  would  det'eat  all  our  ellort.s  to  heroine  ' 
a  Slate;  and   yet,  when  we  asked  anything;  an  a  , 
Territory,  it  wan   ininiediulely  llirown   iiiio   oiir 
teeth,  that  \vc  were  aooii  to  hecoinc  a  Stale — that 
we  <uiKhl  to  heeoiue  a  Stale. 

If  the  n;eiiileinan  from  New  York  ha.s  ho  siroii;; 
a  repturnauee  to  the  hoiindary  in  this  hill,  I  will 
tliiink  hini  to  lell  n.s  what  hounihiry  lie  i.-'  williiifr 
to  ;,'rant  uh.  As  to  that  e.-lablished  liy  the  law  of 
the  last  SI  ssion,un(l  wliieli  he  seems  ohstinalely  to 
adhere  to,  I  ti  II  linn,  and  every  oilier  nieiiilier  of 
this  lloii.-e,  that  it  will  never  he  aeeepted  by  the 
people  of  lowii.  _      I 

The  opponeiils  of  the  present  hill  voted  to  give  ' 
us  4'I,.'1IU)  s(|nare  miles,  at  the  last  session  of  Con-  ' 
Hress;  we  askini'  at  that  lime  lint  f)7,l2(J-l.  Now 
we  had  fallen  ii,2f'.)  sipiare  miles,  and  Conu'ress 
was  only  asked  to  innease  the  (piantily  (1,111;). 
The  dilVereiiie  which  splits  us  is  .»io  small,  thai  I 
think  j;eiitlemeii  who  will  not  come  into  our  terms, 
now  that  we  havi^  written  them  in  the  lioiid,  must 
he  deiermined  not  lo  niaki^  a  har:;ain  willi  us. 
lint  1  hope  and  trust  that  a  majority  ofii.is  House 
will  act  otlierwi.se — that  they  will  not  aj;ain  throw 
the  friends  of  State  Government  in  the  Territory 
into  utter  disorder  and  C(iiifusinii,and  impose  upon 
us  the  expense  of  a  third  eoiivenlion. 

.\Jr.  ViXTOv  moved  an  ameudnient,  fixiii?  the 
4;id  paralhl  as  the  norlhern  houndarv,  and  ad- 
dressed the  House  nt  h  imth  in  oppo.^iiioii  to  the 
hill,  and  in  support  of  his  ameudnient. 

Mr.  Dorr.i.Ass  hrielly  rejoined;  when 

Mr.  l)oi)<:r.  asain  rose  and  said:  Mr.  Chairman, 
i  should  he  recreant  lo  my  representaiive  ohliira- 
lion.s,  and  faiihlrs.?  to  a  {jencrous  and  cnnfidin;; 
con.milueiiey,  did  I  not  oppose  with  my  voice  and 
wilh  w'lalever  other  means  I  can  control,  the 
aiiieiidmeot  which  has  just  hcen  moved  by  the 
member  frimi  Ohio,  [Mr.  Vinton,]  who  il  seems 
lias  lakcn  the  ))eo|de  of  Iowa,  and  ihe  State  to  he 
formed  therein,  uiiuer  his  especial  snardianshipaud 
eoiiirol.  He  has  seizi^d  this  occasion  to  repeat,  in 
Kiib:iaiiee  and  almost  in  words,  the  speech  which 
he  m.ide  at  the  last  session,  and  which  then  result- 
ed in  hrinsini;  upon  the  people  of  Iowa  all  the  evils 
and  incoiiveiiiences  to  which  ihey  Uiwv.  since  been 
hulijccled.  He  slates,  ihat  at  the  last  session  this 
subject  of  creating  new  Slates  beyond  the  Missis- 
sippi cNcited  more  interest  in  this  House  than  any 
oiber  save  the  Texas  ipi.  siion;  lhat  it  was  fully 
and  aldy  deliateil,and  that  llie  deliberate  jiidmneiit 
of  ihe  House  was  a  decision  ai^aiust  llie  "  inordi- 
nate dimensions*'  asked  lor  by  Iowa;  and  that  he 
has  heard  no  good  reason  why  the  House  should 
alter  that  decision.  It  is  true,  sir,  for  the  lirst  time 
in  the  hi.story  of  the  formation  of  new  .Stales,  where 
there  was  no  clashiii";  with  any  old  State,  that 
(.'onijniss  laid  the  lieavy  hand  oi'  iiower  upon  lis; 
hut  it  is  not  the  fact  that,  in  the  schelion  of  the 
houndarv  then  forced  npoii  Iowa,  there  was  any 
such  deiiberalion  or  mature  cmisiiha-aiion  on  lite 
part  of  those  who  did  it,  as  llie  ^eiiileman  now 
wi.^iies  li^  make  ihe  new  members  of  this  House 
believe,  or  as  the  subjeci  was  entitled  lo.  Sir,  as 
there  was  no  set  .■;peech  made  mi  that  occasion, 
save  the  mie  made  by  the  i^cnileman,  and  as  he  li.-is 
taken  occasion  so  freipicniiy  to  remind  you  of  w  hat 
was  said  at  that  sessicm  on  ibis  siiliject,  I  will  add, 
what  bis  modesty  foil>ids  him  frmn  menlioniiitj, 
that  il  was  all  siid  by  himself,  and  lhat  his  speech 
was  one  of  marked  ability.  There  were  sevi'ial 
other  cenilcmen  who  spoke  for  and  ai^ainst  the  re- 
dnciiiin  of  our  boundaries,  but  their  rennirks  were 
brief  and  without  preparation.  It  wa.s  a  short 
Bission — lime  was  exieiilin:;ly  precious,  and  the 
whole  thin.;-  was  done  wilh  the  utmost  haste  and 
precipitation.  It  was  most  unfortunate  for  us,  sir, 
thai  the  bill  for  lair  admissicni  came  before  this 
Hou.se  when  i;entlemen  from  a  cerlain  seclion  of 
this  Union,  how(  ver  imicli  they  attempt  lo  deny 
the  fai:l,wercsnnvrtini; — ay, almost  a;roni;'.iiij^ — un- 
der the  then  leeeiit  annexation  of  Texas.  In  their 
plireusy  to])reser\e  what  they  reijardetl  as  the  bal- 
nace  of  political  power  beiewen  the  slave  and  nou- 


Inilian  Appropriations — Mr.  McCkmand. 


Ho.  or  Rr.P8. 


slaveholdins  Slates,  Ihey  were  iirepnrecl  to  do 
almost  anytliini; — to  overridi'  the  delilierately  coii- 
sidcred  reptui  of  mie  of  the  most  respectable  e<mi- 
mitleesof  this  Hmise,  and  to  vote  in  favor  of  State 
lines,  of  the  proju'lety  and  expediency  of  adoplin<; 
which  Ihey  knew  nothing'.  The  same  iii>;enious 
appeal  hasa;.'aiii  been  made  to  the  same  dee))-roolcd 
prejndiees,  and  by  the  same  ^leat  eliuiiipiuii  of 
western  interests. 

Mr.  f'hairnian,  always  anxious  to  award  praise  , 
where  I  ran  do  so,  I  must  he  permitteil  lo  say  lhat 
the  ability  evinced  by  the  member  from  f)hio,  eon- 
siderahle  as  il  certainly  is,  has  been  fully  eipialled 
by  lh('  imtirin:;  industry  and  perseverance  which 
he  liaseNliibiled  In  his  ntlenlions  lo  this  boundary 
matter  of  ours,  both  in  this  I  louse  and  the  other 
end  of  Ihe  Ca)iilol,  at  this  and  at  idl  preeeilini;  ses- 
sions of  Coiii:re.ss  since  the  sul-jeiuhas  been  before 
il.  He,  amnn^'Sl  other  thiiiL's,  eninplaiiis  "  that 
'  the  jieople  of  Iowa  have  taken  the  matter  of 
'  boundary  into  their  own  hands,  and  had  proceed- 
'  ed,  without  any  preparatory  action  on  the  part  of 
'  this  Ooveriiment,  to  lake  lueasnres  for  the  forma- 
'  lion  of  an  independent  soveri'iu'nly  of  their  own." 
Sir,  it  is  extraordinary  that  this  arirumeut  slionld 
come  from  lhat  (gentleman.  He  knows  how  hard 
I  struij^^led  to  obtain,  beforehand,  such  action — 
useless  and  unnecessary  {is  it  was.  At  the  session 
of  Compress  |irece(liiii;  the  lioldiiui;  of  the  first  con- 
vention in  Iowa,  I  succeeded  in  ireltinG:  throii'^h 
this  House  a  bill  ii^ivin;;  the  sanctions  of  law  to  the 
meetini;  of  thai  body,  and,  what  was  nuire,  sir, 
living  us  fi.'iiOUO  square  miles  for  our  Slate:  but 
the  frenlleman,  as  in  the  ea.se  of  the  law  of  the  last 
session,  followed  my  bill  lo  the  Senate,  and  by  his 
representations  to  members  of  the  Judiciary  ('om- 
mittee  and  others  in  that  body,  jjave  it  the  death 
slab;  so  lhat  he  at  least  is  estopped  from  lakiin: 
advanlase  of  his  own  wrnnj;.  He  has  thus  far  suc- 
ceeded in  dereating  every  measure  which  I,  as  the 
Representative  of  the  people  of  low'a,  have  l)roui;lit 
]  before  either  House  of  Congress  for  the  purpose 
of  fixinj;  their  State  boundary.  His  lemaikahle 
speech  of  the  last  session,  I  well  remember,  was 
very  soon  written  out,  published  in  paniphlei  form, 
and  laid  upon  the  desks  of  Senators  in  advance  of 
the  time  at  which  the  bill  was  to  be  acted  on  in 
lhat  body. 

lint  thesentlemnn  says  he  has  heard  no  reasons 
given  why  the  boundaries  of  the  last  session  are 
not  the  most  suitable  boundaries.  Sir,  when  the 
passions  of  men  me  innamed,and  their  jnilgments 
warped  by  sectional  ji'alousies,  lliey  will  listen  lo 
neither  reason  nor  arirumenf.  In  the  protest  which 
I  made  aL'ainst  tlio.se  boundaries  at  the  time  they 
were  imposed  upon  us,  I  slated  tlien,  and  I  repeat 
now,  that  they  interposed  an  artificial  line  between 
us  and  our  creal  western  riier,  the  Mi.ssonri;  lhat 
that  line  cut  in  twain  oiir  griatest  interior  river,  the 
Des  Moines — a  stream  which,  risinu'  in  the  north- 
west ])ortion  of  our  eentem]tlated  State,  courses  to 
till  southeast,  runniuL' for  many  miles  almost  eriui- 
distaiit  between  the  Missouri  and  Mississippi,  into 
which  it  discharses  itself.  The  Des  Moines  is  now 
navigable  for  a  considerable  portion  of  the  year, 
and  Is  susceptible,  with  the  greatest  facility  and 
slightest  ext>cnditnre,  of  being  made  so  for  many 
hundred  miles,  at  all  seasons  of  the  year,  when  nol 
obstrni'led  by  ice.  The  eoiintry  through  which  il 
runs  is  one  of  unsurpassed  fertility,  and  is  now 
Incoming  densely  inhabiled.  h'rom  llie  eenind 
posiiion  of  this  river,  and  ils  olhia'  advantages, 
there  are  a  very  lar^^e  portion  of  the  people  of  Iowa 
who  believe  and  desire  ihat'their  ultimate  seat  of 
government  should  be  iiprni  il.  I. ookinL""  to  a  con- 
nexion wilh  the  laciHc  coast  ant!  ihe  .\sialic  Irade, 
the  boimd.iry  of  the  Missouri  river  is  of  the  utmost 
importance  to  us,  as  it  is  to  anv  system  of  internal 
improvements  by  wliicdi  our  Mississippi  and  Mis- 
souri towns  are  ti)  be  connected.  The  act  of  tlie 
;  last  session  withheld  frmii  ns  this  western  bound- 
ary, and,  as  a  eonseqiieme,  drove  a  largi'  number 
of  our  people  from  the  support  of  the  conslitulion. 
The  gciilleman  says  that  tln^  wishes  and  feelings 
of  the  pi'ople  of  Iowa  ought  to  be  utterly  disre- 
garded; that  Congress  should  look  only  at  what 
was  dictated  by  public,  policy  and  the  danger  of 
future  disunion,  and  so  mi.  tiod  forbid  lhat  that 
genlleman  should  ever  have  it  in  his  power  to  dic- 
tate tor  a  moment  the  eour.se  of  policy  that  should 
be  adopted  by  the  people  ofthe.se  United  State.-', 

Sir,  if  his  views  of  public  policy  had  controlled 


and  shaped  the  legislation  of  this  connlry,  there 
would  be  now  no  people  in  Iowa,  nor  Stale  bound- 
aries lo  be  fixed,  lint  the  policy  of  the  geiille- 
inaii  liiid  nt  lea.<t  one  virtue,  that  of  consistency. 
He  has  held  a  seat  on  this  iloor  tor  nearly  twenty 
years  as  a  Hfim'Hfultitivefrnin  tt  iresUni  Stair ^  during 
which  time  he  has  been  the  eimstaiil,  slern,  uiide- 
vialing,  eternal  opponent  of  pre-eniption  rights, 
of  ihe  gradnatioii  of  the  price  of  the  public  lands, 
and  of  almost  every  other  nicnsuie  in  which  the 
people  of  the  West  have  felt  an  interest.  Sir,  we 
luiglil  listen  to  these  arguments  in  favor  of  wi  stern 
interests,  if  ihey  did  not  come  from  one  who,  al- 
though ,1  western  man,  has  ever  been  found  voting 
to  ileny  the  humble  pioneer  the  right  of  preference 
in  Ihe  purchase  of  his  home.  When  has  ihe  gen- 
tleman from  Ohio  ever  failed  to  join  wilh  his  At- 
lantic allies,  with  whom  he  is  cooperating  on  this 
occasion,  in  speaking  and  voting  against  the  rediic- 
lion  ii(  the  price  of  the  public  lands.'  All  who 
were  here  at  the  last  session  remember  lhat  he  was 
the  first  and  bitterest  in  hisonposilion  to  this  bene- 
ficent western  measure,  as  he  lias  ever  been  lowarils 
all  those  public  laud  measures  which  have  done  so 
much  to  settle  and  to  develop  the  resources  of  the 
western  country.  Ihit,  sir,  is  it  nol  somewdiat  re- 
nuirkable  lhat  the  genth man  from  Massachn.selis 
[Mr.  fvO'*KWKi,i,]  ami  the  gentleman  from  Sow 
York  [Mr.  R.vTiiiirNJ  should  be  found  stamliug 
side,  by  side!  w  ilh  this  western  ehani|iion,  in  advo- 
cating western  policy,  ns  it  is  called  .'  If  there  was 
not  a  feeling  deeper  and  stronger  than  that  which 
the  geii.leman  f.din  Ohio  avows,  I  should  be  con- 
founded at  the  magiianiniitv  of  those  Allanlic  gen- 
tlenieu  who  so  strenuousfy  advocate  the  policy 
of  conferring  this  mammoth  uolitieal  power  upon 
us,  when  the  object  is  avov,  .;d  that  it  is  done  lo 
enable  us  lo  control  them.  They  must  surely 
think  we  will  be  much  kinder  masters  than  I  have 
ever  found  I  hem  to  he. 

If,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  remember  aright,  the  bright- 
est sprig  in  the  chaplel  of  renown  which  adorns 
the  gentleman's  brow  was  placed  there  because  of 
his  great  anil  memorable  services,  not,  sir,  in  bat- 
tling for  ^miill  Stales  in  the  West,  but  for  his  al- 
most superhuman  ell'orts  in  cxlintlhip;  the  bound- 
aries of  Ohio,  so  as  to  take  from  the  then  feeble  and 
dependent  Territory  of  Michigan,  n  large  portion 
of  her  rightful  limits.  On  that  occasion,  and  lor 
the  purpose  of  enlarging  his  own  5ia  e,  the  gentk- 
man  cnnld  override  and  break  do  "'i  the  ordinance 
of  Hi'*? — a  compact  declared  to  be  unalterable, 
except  by  tlu iisent  of  ihe  partiis  lo  ils  forma- 
tion, iind'which  the  venerable  ex  President  of  the 
United  .Slates  [.Mr.  Ad.vms]  then  declared  lo  be  as 
binding  as  any  law  which  had  ever  been  enncieil, 
"  liuiiian  in' 'di\iiie."  Arguments  against  our 
lioundariesmay  come  with  some  propriety  from  that 
gentleman,  when  he  gives  us  a  practical  illuslraiion 
of  the  doctrines  which  he  now  preaches.  V/e  will 
listen  to  them  with  more  conijiosure  coming  from 
that  i|uarler,wlieii  Oh io  consents  lo  restore  lo  .Michi- 
gan the  territory  which  she  wrested  I'roni  her;  ih- 
diana  also;  Illinois  the  fourteen  ciuinties,  the  finest 
in  the  State,  which  she  has  taken  from  Wisconsin; 
and  Michigan  the  large  slice  which  she  also  got 
out  of  the  .same  plmidered  territory,  1"  compensaie 
her  for  that  which  was  wrung  from  her,  .alinost  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet,  in  a  contest  in  vyhicli 
brother  was  arrayed  against  brother,  mid  father 
against  son. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  trust  that  the  act  for  onr  ad- 
missicni is  nol  again  to  be  shackled  wilh  condi- 
liims.  I  admonish  the  majority  of  this  House 
thai  if  llii'  amendment  of  thegentUnian  from  Ohio 
is  to  prevail,  ihey  ini::hl  ar.  well  p:i.ssan  act  lor  onr 
perpetual  exclusion  from  the  t'nioii.  .Sir,  the 
people  of  Iowa  will  never  asipiiesce  in  it. 

I.VDIAN  APPROPRIATIONS. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  Mi-CLERXAND, 

Of    IM.I.NOIS, 
K-  Tin;   Hoi'-E  OF   Ri:i'IlF,SI:XTATIVES, 

iiiHc  10,  184(;. 
Oil  the  bill  making  appropriations  for  the  current 

and  coiuiiigent  expenses  of  the  Indian  Deparl- 

ineiii,  &c. 

Mr.  .McCLERNAND  said,  that  his  motive  for 
parlicipaiing  in  the  debate  had  originated  in  cou- 


1 


•to 


APPKlVDtX  TO  THE  CONORESStONAL  GIX^BE. 


[June  16, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sr»», 


■iilrmliniiH  (•omirrliMl  with  tlir  Hpordi  ilrlivpri'd  l>y  [ 
elio  eoiiili'miiTi  fnim  New  Yo-k  (Mr.  fVi.vKii]  on 
yinhTdiiy.  TIml  (jonlli'iimii  had  mm  111  In  (li'|iiirl 
t^riiiti  tlic  prrtprifty  nfdrlinlr,  to  innkr  ti  L'rahiiloiiA 
iiMs.iiill  ii|inn  ilii'  rlinrui'lcr  nl'  llir  Simi'  nf  HliriniH, 
nnd  Mr.  McC.  Imd  only  iiileiiUed  in  reply  lo  liini 
in  lliix  c'onnrxiiiii. 

Iliil  i)i*(liiy  llip  rnnsro  nf  doUnir  lind  Itrrn  «o 
widi'iy  rxli'iiili'd,  llini  hi'  rill  liiinsi'irndli'd  iipnii  lo 
{rive  innri'  mil  h>  liii  rriniirkh  lliaii  hr  liiid  nriu'in- 
nlly  iiiliiidi'd.  Il  wi\^  linl  juNlico  In  liini.'<rir,  liiiw- 
pvrr,  lo  Hiiy  lltul  hr  did  not  risr  lo  driivrr  any 
foriiiiil  Nprrt'li;  he  wnMniipicparcd  lo  do  hh.  Siidi 
nlisi'rvniloiiH  rs  Iw  nIiouIiI  iiiaki',  woidd  lie  tjinsc 
wliirh  llii-  iii'rasioii  miirlil  I'aM  I'oilli. 

U|»on  llir  I'lilijiTi  nf  iliP  war  willi  Mrxii-o — IIm  i 
rniiNfs  and  ii.s  oIijimMh — ihi-'  •irnilnitan  iVoin  \^ir- 
pinia  |Mr.  I,kakh|  lird  pri'i'i'diil  liini  in  a  lonrni' 
(irri'MKnniii',',  and  a  Nlrnin  nt'  I'lniincin'i',  wliifli  lif 
(Mr.  .M''!'.)  could  nnl  linpr  loiimnl.  Ill'  awanlrd 
tlial  iri'iilli'inan — ri]iiiilly  cfiliiii:ildr  in  Hucial  as  he 
ia  I'vi'iiiphiry  in  pnlilic  rclalioni" — IiIm  i^raii'l'iil 
thanks  lor  Ihr  virlorioiis  mrvico  lir  had  rriidrird 
In. day  ill  In'hall'  nf  Iiih  counti'V.  I'pon  llio  ntti'S- 
linn  of  I'lrii,  hi'  had  Irinnipliuiilly  vindiealrd  ihi' 
rnndnii  ol'ihi-  l'",xi'rniivr. 

.Mr.  Ml'!'.  prnpoMid  in  iiiqniiT  lirii'lly  inio  the 
cinosiion  iir.nilhoriiv.  Thi'urnih'inaii  iVoni  lieor- 
(;ia  I  Mr.  Stki'IIKw]  liad  anai^nrd  llio  Mxi'nilivr 
upon  iho  rluii-^i'  of  Iiavin:;  provnki'd  llii'  war  upon 
n  d'lilirrair  dtsi^xii,  wiitmnl  r.iuMi'^  and  for  liavin;:; 
pnisri'nii'd  il,  nndi'r  llirsc  riri'iinistaiii'rs,  in  viola- 
tion of  till'  Consniulion.  Upon  thi'  lir.-^i  proposi- 
tion il  is  fiioni;h  lo  say,  ihal  ihi' inipiilalion  «  liii'h 
it  rarrirs  is  so  iinprolialdi'  and  monslron.s  ihal  none 
Hcan'riv  will  Iii'lii'Vf  il.  Upiiii  the  lallcr,  hi'  lir;;- 
pi-d  lo  ill'  111  ard  iii  a  fvw  words.  Il  is  hascd  upon 
thr  idia  ihal, as  I  'on:^ri'ss  is  Ihi'  \var>niakin;;  power, 
thrrofore    il    is    not    rompfti'iil   for    llir   I*ri-siilriU 

to  nnploy  ihi'  niililary  foi of  ilii'  ronntry,  v\-irn 

for  ihi'  piirposi's  of  ils  di'friii'i',  or  lo  rcpol  invasion. 


piopri:,rsoi  lis  uririii  I  ,  or  Ml  rr)u"i  invasion. 
Trnr,  "  ('oii;;ri'ss  may  provide  foreallins;  forlli  llie 
mihiia  lo  exi'i'iile  the  laws  of  the  rnion,  siippres.s 
insnrrei'lions,  anil  repel  invasions."  .'Vnil,  in  the 
n'jsi'ni'e  of  dele'raled  aulhorily  under  Ihis  elaiise, 
the  Presiilenl  ini^hl  not  have  or  exercise  I  his  power. 
Iiiil  ihe  wiHiioni  of  onr  pri.'decessors,  in  a  jii.^l  ap- 
pri'cialion  of  ihe  nnceriainly  of  human  allairs,  mid 
llie  ofi-reciirriii'.;  casimllies  eonlriinilinir  lo  in.  i- 
dcr  strife  and  war  lieiwcen  naliony,  have  hue.'  since 
deleir'ited  Ihis  necessary  power,  nnderccrlain  iiinit- 
nlinns,  lo  ihe  Presidenl.  As  early  as  nil.'i  a  law 
for  this  piirpose  was  passed,  and  il  iun\'  slanils  in 
full  force  on  lln'  malnie  liook.  Il  is  under  iIm'  au- 
thority of  this  law,  wiihiHiI  which,  in  the  recess  of 
r'on;:re«s,  the  eonnlry  iniLrhl  he  exposed  lo  the 
uininsl  dan?i  r,  thai  the  I'nsident  finds  his  josiifi- 
eation  for  .ill  that  he  has  ihnie  in  rcLnird  to  ,\texien. 
Il  is  prohaiile  thai  llii' ^.'eiiilenmn  iVoni  ( ieor^'ia  had 
f'oriroiieii  ihe  existeiiee  of  ihis  law,  or  he  would  not 
have  ventured  upon  so  unu  nalde  and  serious  ft 
eliar','e  upon  the  President.  *  v 

He  says,  however,  in  another  nsperl  of  ihe  ques- 
tion, tliat  there  was  no  neci  ssiiv  for  war,  as  there 
M'as  no  invasion  of  our  ternt'iry.  How  so'  The 
llio  (iraiiile  was  ihe  Kouiliern  iionnilarv  ofTexas, 
HO  fsiahlisheil  hy  her  eoiiKiilulion  ilself.  We  an- 
nexed Tex.aN  as  she  wan  ori;rnnzed  and  ollered  her- 
self; and  hence  ihe  iinasion  of  the  lerriiory  east  of 
the  Kii  (Jrande  was  an  iinasion  in  ihe  eonsiiiu- 
tionil  scn^c  of  the  ti  rni — such  an  one  as  rer|uired 
the  Presiileni  to  employ  the  mililary  aulhorily  vesl- 
ed  in  him  lo  repel.  Hm  tlie  uemieman  nays  that 
the  line  of  ihe  Nueces,  if  he  was  niiilcrsioiMl  .n-i'.rht. 
Is  ih"  true  linunilary  of 'I'exas  on  ihe  sonih.  'I'his 
is  a  fore/one  ipiesiion.  Ii  h.-is  heen  a'.'i:aleil,  de- 
liuieil,  and  seiited  otherwise  Itefore;  and  it  would 
he  vain  and  superi  ro'.nilory  to  reiipen  il  now. 
A'/ain:  he  says  thai  Ihe  terms  of  annexiiioii  ric- 
fcrmsed  the  exisieijce  of  a  ipieslion  of  honndjirx', 
nnd  )>roviiled  for  ils  adjustinenl  hy  in"_'onaiini, 
and  Ihal  iie^'oiinlion  should  have  heeii  lesorled  lo 
for  the  purpose.  In  answer,  it  mav  he  said  that 
iinaeealilc  and  friendly  ne'^oiiation  was  Irieil,  and 
in  vain.  AVe  have  sent  no  less  than  Iwo  minislers 
I')  sellle  it  iliiis,  hut  with  no  oilier  i  ll'.ci  ihaii  ihe 
rcjeciioii  of  lioih,  and  iiisull  to  our  nanii'. 

No  other  alli  rnalive  has  heen  left  u.s  thiin  war, 
or  t!ie  sun"ender  of  ihe  whole,  or  a  part  of  Texas, 
BS  .Mexican  moderation  mi'.;ht  choose  to  demand. 
Which  nfihe.se  nliernalives  would  the  internal  ene- 
mies of  this  war  elect  ?     Would  they  permit  Mex- 


Indian  Appropriations — Mr.  McClrnianrl, 

ieo  to  fix  the  liniilH  of  her  own  rnpacily  ?  Would  I 
ihey  flurrender  'I'exas,  even  if  ihey  eoiild  do  ho,  lo  j 
the  experience  of  anollrer  Alamo  and  tJoliad,  after 
noleiimly  pleduiie,'  the  I'ailh  and  slrenjlh  nf  Ihe  iia- 
lion  lo  preserve  and  prolecl  lier.^  Or  would  ihey 
war,  ifil  liecanie  nenessury,  as  it  Iuih,  Iii  fulfil  this 
Holemn  iihhu'alion  '  Lieiieral  'I'aylor  and  his  i;,dlant 
hand  encnmprd  upon  the  hanks  of  ihe  ItioCirande 
lo  fulfil  this  ohiii;aIii>n,  and  Ihcre  he  was  ailacKed. 
If  he  had  hailed  at  Ihe  Nueces,  the  Hame  result, 
moHi  likely,  would  have  taken  pi.ici  ",  and  so,  also, 
if  he  had  lialled  on  the  wiHterli  liank  of  the  Saliine, 
if  the  enemy  eould  have'  reached  that  point.  .Vh 
there  was  II  liinil  to  the  Mexican  elaiiii  slmrt  of 
Ihe  limil.s  of  Texas,  we  have  reason  lo  helieve, 
from  her  animiicialions  and  condiu'l,  there  woiihi 
have  heen  no  peace,  if  her  aulhorily  had  het-ii  con- 
Icsli  d  ill  any  pari. 

The  ^•enileman  from  Cleorgiii  asainiilales  iho  case 
of  the  military  oceiipalioii   of  Ihe   Uio  (iranile   lo 

ihal  of  a  like  o'ccnpalion  of  Ihe  hi f  .'■4"4ll'  norlh 

lalilnde  in  (lre<,'on,  lu^ainsl  (.ireat  Ihilain,  and  coii- 
dimns  the  former  hecaiise  he  scemB  lo  have  no  dif- 
ficuliy  alioul  condeinnlni;  ihe  laller.  Mow,  sir, 
(saiil  iMr.  .Met'.,)  uranliii',' Ihe  aiialo','y,  il  proves 
nollnnu'.  npon  tlie  lerminalion  of  the  convenlion 
of  join  I  usufrucl,  if  (ireat  [Irilain  should  uiideilake 
to  iiolil  the  whole  or  any  part  of  Orei;on,  Il  would 
he  as  i^'ieat  an  iiilVaclion  of  onr  national  ri:;hlK  as 
any  Himil.tr  allcmpl  on  the  part  of  \Icxico  in  re- 
i;anl  lo  Texas,  and  would  as  much  deserve  to  he 
resisled.  Mr.  Mel,',  only  re,'i'eilcd  that  the  con- 
sliliilional  aulhorilii  s  had  .seen  111  to  resist  miuifidly 
in  Ihe  one  ease,  and  sulnnil  lamely  in  the  other. 

The  l"lfe;^on  i|ueHlion  w.is  ihe  first  and  only  j:ri'at 
national  ipiesiinn  which  had  liecn  hroiiL^hl  to  the 
iiltenlion  of  ihe  Cioverinneni  under  we.siern  auspi- 
ces, and  it  was  now  alimil  lo  he  sacrificed,  if  ruinor 
waH  true.  An  act  was  ahoiit  to  he  eonsuimnated 
which,  considered  in  connexion  with  its  anlece.- 
deiila  and  lis  prohalde  i'oiiMeipii'iice.s,  would  prove, 
alloi;eiher,  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  evenis 
which  has  transpired  in  liie  history  of  nations,  A 
lerriiory  lari^e  enouLMi  to  eonsliluie  an  empire,  to 
which  our  title  i.s  claimed  to  he  valid,  inhahited  hy 
the  free  citizens  of  llic  IJniled  .Slales,  entillcd  to  the 
heiiefii  and  proleelioii  of  iheir  laws,are — IiuiiIh  and 
peopli — alioul  to  he  Iranslerred  to  a  lorei;:ii  Jnris- 
diction,  from  no  other  ostensihle  cause  than  the 
fear  of  a  war  which  may  he  necessary  lo  preserve 
them.  Sir,  ihe  .secrecy,  despatch,  and  iinpuiiily, 
wiih  which  ihis  act  i.s  about  lo  he  consuinmaled, 
proves  a  dei^iee  of  praclical  irresponsihiiily  on  tlie 
pari  of  pulihc  aiilhorilie.s  in  this  country — lie[aililic 
as  it  is — which  appertains  to  none  olher  in  the 
civilised  world.  A  Senale,  elected  not  hy  the  peo- 
ple, hut  hy  limiied  Icj^islalive  hodies,  hoasis  a 
power  which  the  House  of  Lords  in  Kii;;land  would 
mil  dare  lo  exercise.  l''or  one,  .\lr.  .\|c,  felt  it  to 
he  his  duly  lo  raise  his  voice  in  prolesiation  ai;ainst 
ihe  deed  which  was  aliont  lo  he  perpetralcd.  He 
would  proclaim  ils  iniquiiy  even  if  he  should  he 
impaled  uiion  Ihe  allar  of  poliiicat  sacrifice.  Ho 
would  stand  now  where  oiheri:  had  slood  wilh  him 
al  the  eonimenceiuenl  of  tiie  present  C'on;;ress;  and 
he  would  coniinue  to  stand  there  even  if  he  should 
he  ahnndoned  lo  the  loiielinesa  of  individual  soli- 
liide.  Ncuher  the  ijold,  nor  the  elephants  of  Pyr- 
rhus,  should  seduce  or  imimidaie  him.  If  he 
could  not  wheel  and  cut  ahonl  as  :i  shiitile-cock,  il 
was  not  his  faidl.  (.iiiil  had  luadc  him  of  sterner 
sluir,  and  he  would  nol  reiicl  Hi,'ainsl  the  will  of 
Heaven. 

I'^venis  arc  rrowdini  upon  the  atlenlion  of  ihe 
naiion — a  scene  is  ihicKenim;  which  should  alarm 
and  aronse.ihe  Slales  nf  Ihe  West  lo  n  proper  per- 
ecpiion  of  Iheir  siinalion  and  danijers. 

.MillioiiH  have  heen  expended  lo  wcure  southern 
teriiiorial  extension.  J-'lorida  nnd  Louisiana  have 
heen  acipiireil.  This  was  ri^ihl.  'I'exas  has  heen 
annexed.  This  is  ri'.,'ht.  A  war  is  waniiej;  to 
maintain,  nnd  piohaiily  to  extend,  soiiihern  exleii- 
sio.i.  Thisalso  is  ri^ht.  He  approved  of  nil  this, 
lint  Ihe  West  has  heen  hedijed  iiy  the  transfer  of 
Indian  Iriiies  from  ihe  Soulh  to  lis  horders.  'I'he 
army  of  pioneei's  have  eonipassed  this  harrier  on 
either  side,  and  closed  ufion  ihe  rear,  seekinir  scope 
for  genius,  daring,  and  enterprise,  upon  the  distant 
shores  of  the  Pacific;  and  here  n'.rain  they  are  met, 
not  hy  a  savage  harrier,  hut  hy  the  arm  nf  their 
own  (Government,  uplifted  to  elenve  our  territories 
asunder,  and  to  tiiruat  it  from  them.     This  is  nil 


Ho.  OF  Rr.rn, 


i  wrnni;.  The  South  in  hounded  only  hy  Ihe  ocenn 
nnd  the  feehle  harrier  of  Mexico.  In  ihatqiinrlcr 
the  proxpect  of  inilefinile  niat  volnnlary  exlensmn 
m  opened.  Not  so  wilh  the  North  andSVesI;  ihey 
are  resiricied  hy  ihe  sleeplesH  vi?ilaui  e  of  the  llril- 
idh  linn,  whose  temper  is  lo  ex'lend  hia  sovereiu'ii 
domain,  raiher  than  coniraci  il,  Upon  llie  liankn 
of  ihe  Si.  Lawrence  and  of  Kra/er's  river  he  han 
iilanled  himself,  and  nol  hy  fierce  conllict,  of  which 
he  is  eapniile,  hut,  with  head  erect,  mane  hrisiled, 
nnd  Inil  lashint;  IiIm  lawny  sides — hy  Ihe  feint  of 
his  nionni'ch  roar  he  has  driven  hack  opposition 
and  exlended  his  lerrilorial  encroaehmenis  upon 
llie  domains  of  Maine  and  Mnssachiisi  Its,  and 
eo-exiensivc  with  llio  liniila  of  nil  empiro  ml  the 
Pacific. 

Conirneiion  on  Hie  Norlh  nnd  West,  expnnninn 
on  the  .Soulh,  seems  lo  lie  ihe  order  of  ihe  day. 
Looking;  to  ihe  fniure,  what  may  come  of  ilii.s  ? 
We  know  that  unto  governmenls,  as  iinlo  iiicii,  a 
time  is  appoinli'il  lo  die.  When  this  unhappy 
ealaslrnphe  shall  hefall  our  (Jovernmeni — and  may 
(tod  averl  il '. — whal  will  he  ihe  eondilion  of  Ihe  free 
Slates  of  the  West — cm  oil' iVom  the  .Ailanlic — cut 
oil"  from  ihe  marilime  power  of  the  I'acific?  Insii 
laled  and  isolalcd  in  the  in'erior,  they  will  he  re- 
duced to  the  eondilion  of  a  |iasioral  people,  paying 
IrihiUe  for  egress  and  iierress  ihrnugh  the  pnris  of 
hiilli  oceans.  The  eveiiis  which  have  occurred  in 
this  connexion  may  not  he  ihe  result  of  a  deep, 
strategic,  and  syslemalic  policy,  hut  they  may 
produce  n.s  falal  eonseipiences  as  if  ihey  were. 
Lei  Ihe  young  .Samson  of  Ihe  WesI  hcware  that 
he  is  not  shorn  of  his  sirengih  while  he  reposes  in 
ihe  lap  of  Delilah:  ihal  he  is  nol  delivered  inIo  the 
hands  of  ihe  Philisiines,  nnd  his  eyes  johhed  out. 
Lei  him,  from  the  insiiiici  of  sclf-preservalion,  the 
impulse  of  patriotism  and  philanlhropy,  provide 
ii:;iiiisi  fiiliire,  even  eoniingent  evils,  which  may 
only  find  iheir  end  in  the  dread  necessity  of  his 
laying  violent  hands  upcm  the  pillara  of  the  lemjilo 
of  liheriv. 

The  West  may  mourn  In  the  desolation  nf  de- 
serlion,  hut  neiiher  would  she,  nor  voiilil  Mr. 
McC,  halt  in  the  discharge  of  iheir  piihlic  duties. 
She  will  adhere  lo  the  ('oiistiliiliiin;  she  will  respect 
nnd  defend,  if  nec's  he,  wilh  her  hlood,  a'l  of  ils 
compromises;  she  will  conlrihnte  her  voice  nnd  her 
infiuence  to  restrict  I'Vileral  power  to  safe  nnd  eon- 
sliluliiinnl  limits;  she  will  adhere  to  liarii-money; 
sanction  only  equal  nnd  necessary  taxation;  .she 
will  strive  lo  ndminister  the  pulilie  lands  so  as  lo 
secure  every  man  who  deserves  il  a  hnnieslead,  to 
prevent  mono[iolies,  nnd  to  elevate  the  masses  lo 
the  dignity  and  independence  ■  i'  freemen  in  fact  ns 
well  as  in  name;  she  will  .  cither  swerve  nor 
shrink  from  the  ohlii:alions  ol'duly  and  palrioiism, 
lull  will,  in  all  respects,  fulfil  them,  hoping  heller 
things  for  the  fuliire. 

Aw  apprehension  seems  to  have  prevailed  tlml, 
to  insist  upon  our  rights,  holli  in  regard  to  Oregon 
and  Texas,  would  he  lo  provoke  the  interference 
of  foreign  nations  against  us.  M.  (lui/.oi's  theory 
of  the  hnlauce  of  power  has  heen  held  up  ill  (cr- 
romii.  Hut  why  should  ihey  interfere,'  There  ia 
nnihing  in  the  moileralion  nf  iheir  examples  lo 
justify  il.  In  India  llic  red  fields  of  liallle  are  siill 
smoking  wilh  ihe  hlood  of  Prilisli  airgression. 
The  capilulalion  of  ihe  Piinj:uili  ha.s  just  added 
anoiher  em.iire  lo  ihose  she  now  holds  in  the  Kasl. 
In  .'\frica,  I'rance  is  pushiiiir  her  eoni|nests  to  the 
limits  of  nil  exlended  empire.  Neiiher  is  there 
nnyihing  in  Ihe  eondilion  of  Hurope  which  would 
jusiify  crowned  heads  lo  venture  upon  such  an 
expenmeiil.  'I'he  masses  nf  Kiirnpe  have  heen 
lahiirin;;  lor  eenluries  under  the  pressure  of  feudal 
lyrnnny;  hut  a  m  w  era  has  arrived— Ihe  era  of 
llioughl,  inielhgini-e,  and  aclion.  In  Prussia  the 
proi;i'ess  of  education  has  called  for  a  freer  consli- 
luiinn  of  goveninieiil.  The  llevolntion  in  hVancr 
has  laid  the  axe  al  Ihe  roul  of  privilcj-e,  and  nohil- 
ity  is  dwindlin:r  to  a  mere  name.  In  Kni-land  the 
corn-law  a'.'italion  has  forced  a  miliirntion  of  ihe 
iniqniiies  of  ihe  restrictive  syslem,  nnd  Irish  repeal 
and  eoereion  are  still  left  to  eomplele  the  great 
prpular  triumph. 

The  lime  has  now  arrived  when,  hy  ihc  reee.s- 
sion  nf  arislociMcy  and  ihe  advance  of 'democracy, 
these  inlluenees  are  held  in  nice  halanee.  A  war  he- 
.  tween  the  tiniled  Slales  nnd  any  of  the  Knropenn 
monnrehie.s,  especially  England,  would  probably 
sprend  the  flame  nil  over  Europe.     It  would  he 


sIlOU 


184G.1 


'2})tii  Cono 1st  Sk88. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GIX)BE. 

American  Settlers  in  Oregon — Mr.  Seddon. 


f)71 


Ho.  or  Hep8. 


war  not  of  force  only,  I'lit  also  of  nyiilemH — social,  I 
I'ivll,   moral,  ami  rclieioiiN.     It  wonlil   lie  a  war 
c'lillin'^  iiilo  ui  lion  tint  inipnlfic  of  civil  anil  r('li<;ioiiH  ' 
lihci'ly,   llic  M'inni|>li  of  wliicli  woiilil  only  lie  tliu 
more  i-crliiioly  M-cnrcd  liy  le.sirttaiici'. 

'l'o-(l,iy  (»aiil  Mr    Met'.)  Iia;i  r.vliiliilcd  a  (tranil    | 
anil  hniillnto  s{h'cI;icI(;  in  llic  liiKlory  of  (Ih;  w<n'lil.  | 
\\  c  liav(;  wiUn  M:<(  il  ll.'^   Ucprcscnialivt'H  from  re- 
mold 'lV\aK — the   far  WcmI — llic  St.  Jolin  anil  ilia 
Ailantic.  xialiiiaril,  all  niiiii;lcil  in  council.     It  Ih  a  . 
K|iccl,icl(!  ixliiliiiinjt  the  mouil  of  civil  and  rclii;ioiiM 
liliirly.     In  Ihc   first  one  Inindrcil  and  fifly  ycani  j 
our  Nclllinicnl.i  advanced  live  liiinilrcd  miles  from 
llic    fiLsicrn    .si'iilioaiil — in    tlic   ni\t   Hcvcniy-live 
ycarN  one  lliotisiinil  miles;  and,  more  reci.'iilly,  lln: 
tide  of  eiiiii;ralion    has   miii:;li'd    w  ilh    the    |ilacid 
waters  of  lln-    l\icifii-,  and   lais  heat    at;ainst  the 
nioiinlain  raiii;e  which  skirls  ihe  Itio  Granilc;  it  in 
ileslineil  lo  ovcrlluw  the  conliiieiit,  irri^'aling  it  fur  , 
Ihe  mimih  and  mainriiy  of  liherly.  j 

Mr.  Mil',  lliou.'lil  till'  ineseni  wiiraj;ninst  Mex- 
ico HJionld  l>e  i.rnseciiled  vi;;oroiisly  anil  ell'ectnally,  ' 
Onr  invailiii'.^  cidiimns  .-^ieaihl  advauca  upon  Saiiia 
I'e,  l'|i|ier  ('aliforiiia,  and  llie  Hay  of  San  I'lan- 
ci.sco — ai^ainsl  < 'liihiiahmi,  l)iiraii;:o,  Sinaloa,  ami 
Alazallao,  near  ihe  eiitraice  of  California  Cinlf — 
and  a'.;ainsl  .Mnitii  rey,  /acateens,  and  ii|ion  ihe 
eily  iif  .Mexicd  iiself  'I'lnis  we  wonlil  i'nconi|iasH 
iIm:  enemy,  cut  olf  his  cominnnicalimi,  anil  laim; 
him  to  sin  li  terms  as  wiailil  all'ord  inilemnlty  for 
ihe  |iasl,  im  hid  in;;  Ihe  cost  of  the  war,  and  security 
(or  Ihe  liilnre. 

To-day  we   have  liearil   llie  new  nirmlier  from 
Ti'Xas  (Mr.  rii.i.^lii  uy|    |ileadin;;  the  defi  nee  of 
Texas,  III  r  people  anil  insiiliiiions,  and  ihe  title  of 
her  Idood-hon^lil  domains,  (|iiite  lolhc  UioLJrande.  , 
We  have  hiard   ihi.s  in  riply  lo  the  harsh  assault 
of  Ihe  i;enlleiiian  from  .New  York,  [.Mr.  (.'ri.VK.a,] 
and  ihe  candid  and  JnsI  must  have  heeii  ilcli^^hled. 
'I'lie  i;eiillemaii  from  Texas  has  jtroved  in  lliis  reii-  , 
cminler  llial  the  capahiliiies  of  'I'exas  are  not  lim-  i 
iled  lo   ihe  held   alone,  lint  ihal   ihey  arc  etpially 
filled  lo  sliiiie  and  coni|ia'r  in  ihe.  council.     lie  has  ' 
spoken  ill  llie  lonchini;  lan;;iia;,'e  of  the  soldier  en- 
ured to  liiirilsaipanil  liatlie;  wiiiNt  he  has  triiimph- 
antly  viiidicaied  the   jiisiice,  moderalion,  and  hii- 
iiianily  of  Texas,     lie  has  alislaincd  from   imila- 
liii'j;  ihi;  example  of  the  es.iailanl  of  his  Slate,  tlui.s 
adiliie.;  the:  virtue  of  decorum  to   the  applause  of 
his  victory. 

The  i;eiilleaian  from  \ew  York,  [Mr.  Cri.vicn,] 
in  the  ccMirse  of  his   reply  lo  my  eollcaijne,  [Mr. 

Doroi.Ass,]  look  ( asion  to  iinpuic  lo  ihe  Stale 

of  lllino  s  a  ilisposilimi  to    repialiale  her    pnldie 
dihl.     .Now,  this  impalalion  is  iilterly  nnirue,uiid 
proceeds  eiiher  frmn  recklessness  ru'  Ignoriuiuc.    It  ; 
would  lie  fair  lo  say  from  the  latler.  \ 

Illinois  has  nol  paid  olV  ihe  dcht  she  eontrarlctl 
for  ihe  purposes  of  inlernal  iinprovemcnl  in  an  nn- 
Inck-y  mo\eineiiI,tie,'ausesliehas  heeii  iinahle.  Hut 
she  has  nniliuaily  declared  her  williio.'nessandolili- 
^'alioii  lo  do  so.  In  IHJ'-J-','!  she  compassed  every 
means  in  herpowei  lodoso.  .Shecnncelled  ihe  char- 
ter other  hanks,  a  nil  appropriaied  the  stock  she  own- 
ed in  ihem,  lo  Ihe  amount  of  more  ihaii  S.'t,IIIHI,llllll, 
to  lake  lip  her  hoials  ni  the  same  amoitnl;  and  thus 
hy  ihis  acl  acccnnplishcd  ihe  doiilile  purpose  of  i 
freeing:  herself  from  ihe  evils  of  ihe  haakins  sy,s- 
Icni  and  of  rediiciic;'  her  piiidic  ilelii.  She  was  ihe 
lirsl  .Siaie  of  Ihe  Union  lo  sei  ihe  example  of  ihe 
exiinciiiMi  of  all  liank.s — of  ilisconiinuin!;  ihe  re-  ' 
ceipi  of  ,ill  l^aiik  paper  ill  ihe  colleclimi  and  ilis- 
Ijiirsemenl  of  ihe  pal. lie  ie\enues,  and  amona;  the 
very  first  lo  resent  lo  laxalion  to  preserve  her  piih- 
lie  j'.iilh  inviolale, 

.^.^  an  lininlile  memher  of  the  roiineils  of  my 
Slale,  I  I'll  llial  occasion  used  litis  lanirna^e  in  sup- 
purl  oflhissystem  of  policy,  which  was  lespniided 
lo  then  and  is  now: 

"  11  i-j  iilcniilii'il  Willi  llic  lai  ans  of  rilinPln  ri  piiirerlait  , 
nnil  (jopniiiliiii:  |ieii|il, ;  it  i.i  iilenlincil  uilli  llie  liiinnr  ;iiiil  i 
liltiin' ilc-liii>' iilllic  Sni'';  11  i>  whtlt  llic  wiirlil  expert  iif  ! 
as,  anil  wlial  wc  iiiiisl  |iet-i'ViMc  in.  iluc  wmM  ileiicrvc  the  i 
iipliriili.ilKiii  iii'^tn,).!  aii'ii  iIm-oiilIiiiiii  llie  wiirlil.*'  j 

At  llie  same  time  all  of  llii;  disposahle  iiieana  of 
the  Slale  were  put  iiilo  rcipiisilion  lo  reduce  ihe 
dehi.  [loads  linisheil  and  iiiilinislied — all  of  llie 
lands  liouLihi  hy  ihe  Slale  in  connexion  with  her 
sysiein  ol'  iinproveinenls — all  oi'thc  hnililim;s,  de- 
pots, and  town  properly,  held  in  connexion  with 
the  sysieni— the  lands  ceded  to  the  Slale  under 
the  disirihutioii  actof  1841— the  Ulinol.s  and  Mich-  ' 


JKnil   rniml,  and   the   Iniiils   and    olhcr   properly   j 
eonnectrd  with  il;  all — I  nay  all  lliese — pverythinif 
thai  the  Slate  could  command,  were  oll'ered  lo  our 
credilorH. 

This  was  Ihe  demonstralion  made  in  184il  ninl 
1((4.1.  In  InMand  IHI,'),  llie  canal  and  ihe  appniil- 
ant  lands,  lois,  and   liuililin<;s,  were  ii<;aiii  oll'ered, 

and  ihe  oiler  is  now  a 'pleil.     The  canal,  which 

has  cost  Nome  <k'i,(JII(l,llllll,  lo^jelher  willi  its  laiid.s 
and  lolls,  are  pleil;:eil  for  llie  payment  of  inlerest 
and  llie  reiniltiirsemenl  of  principal,  and  in  now 
rapidly  proijreHsini;  lo  successful  complelion. 

lint  lliis  is  not  all;  we  have  nol  only  olfered 
everylhin;;  lo  our  eriililors,  lint  at  ihe  last  Hension 
of  ihe  Li  ;:islalnre  we  relre.icheil  ihe  piihlic  expend- 
ilui'cs,  and  impo.sed  all  addiiioiial  tax  lo  meet  ae- 
cruinj;  inlercsl. 

Mr.  McC.  fell  himself  ealleil  on  to  make  this 
explanation.  If  he  had  doia:  le.sa,  foslered  ami  ' 
cherished  as  lie  had  la>en  hy  ihe  people  of  HjiuoiH, 
he  would  have  lieen  recreanl  lo  duty  and  i^ratiliidi'. 
As  the  people  of  Illinois  would  pour  oiil  llicir  hlood 
and  treasure  lo  di  fend  llie  honor  of  llie  nation  in 
war,  so  lliey  would  do  the  same,  if  necessary,  to 
preserve  llicir  individual  fiiiili  iiiilarniNlicd.  They 
were  a  people  not  to  pause  lo  eoiml  dollars  and 
cenis  where  honor  was  involved:  iheir  alaerily  in 
Ihe  field  of  halllc  in  llie  present  emerijency,  and 
the  appliealion  which  had  lieeii  made  liy  iheir 
Slale  aiilhorilies  of  ihe  piiMie  money,  lo  facililale 
their  eai;eriicss  lo  join  llie  slandarti  ol*  iheir  ciuin- 
Iry,  alloriled  evidence  of  this  fad.  Mr.  Met.'. 
I'onlradicled  Inoiiilly  and  llally  the  impulalioii 
wliii  h  hail  been  cast  upon  the  bright  escutcheon 
of  his  State. 


AMERICAN  SKTTLERS  IN  OREGON. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  A.  SEDDO.X, 

OF   VIRGINIA, 
In  the  Hoitsf.  of  Rf.i'bf.sf.nt.mivf.s, 
.Ipril  l."i,  I84li. 
On  the  Bill  lo  protect  the  ri;,'ht9  of  American  Set- 
tlers ill  the  Territory  of  Unison  until  ihe  tcrnii- 
iiaiion  of  the  joint  occii|iaiion  of  the  same. 
The  Ilouee  lieins;  in  CommitU  oof  the  Whole  on 
the  slate  of  the  Union — 

Mr.  SEUDON  rose  and  addressed  the  committee 
ns  follows; 

Mr.  CiiAiiiMAN:  III  much  that  I  had  intended  to 
say,  had  I  succeeded  in  olnainini^  llii^  floor  al  an 
earlier  period,  I  have  lieen  aniieipaled  by  the  able 
gentlemen  who  have  pieceih  il  me,  and  esiieiially 
hy  the  honorable  inemlier  from  Uhio,  [.\ir.  Viv- 
Tox,]  who  so  forcilily  addressed  the  eominitlee  on 
yesterday  ill  support  of  the  aineiidment  olfered  by 
himself  Uul  for  beiii:;  so  aniieipaled,  I  sliourd 
myself  have  oll'ered  a  similar  aineiidineni;  for  so 
iinportaiit  and  e.ssenlial  in  ils  character  do  I  deem 
that  ainendmeiil,  llial  my  own  iiliimale  vole  upon 
this  bill  must  be  detenniiied  by  ils  aceeplance  or 
rejection.  It  proposes  to  limit  the  operalion  and 
eliict  of  llie  hill  lo  the  period  during  which  the  ex- 
isiinsj  conveniion  belwien  llie  L'liiicd  Stales  and 
Uieat  IJrilaiii  for  llie  joint  occupaiion  of  ihe  Ore;.'on 
territory  shall  conliniie  in  force.  The  hill,  as  re- 
|iiirlcd,  Mr.  Chairinaii,  will  operalc  in  two  very 
dill'erciil  and  ilisliiici  st.itts  of  our  relations  willi 
refill  lice  lo  lliet)re;;on  Icrrilory.  Osteiisiijiy, jud;;- 
in^  from  the  title  of  llie  bill,  which  is  for  ihe  pro- 
leelion  of  .'Vinerican  selllers  until  llie  lerniinaliim 
of  ihe  joint  oicupancy,  and  from  most  of  its  pro- 
visions, ils  .liiii  and  purpose  were  siiiijily  lo  pro- 
vide for  the  e.xlension  of  llie  laws  and  jurisdiction 
of  the  Uiiiled  Suites  over  our  citi/.iiia  in  On  yon 
during'  the  conliimai.ee  of  the  convention  al  present 
subsi.-tin;;;  but  in  actual  opeialion  and  i  ll'cci,  with- 
out the  tiinilalion  proposed  by  ihe  amendmeiil,  be- 
inu;  indilinile  in  duralion,  it  inusl  exieiid  beyond 
the  con  in. lance  of  that  conveniion,  and  have  an 
applicatiiu  and  eflicacy  f.ir  exceeding:,  as  I  prc- 
siiine,  ihe  eoiiiem[ilaiion  and  piii  pose  eveiiof  those 
who  reported  i.iid  now  suslain  il, 

.\lr.  Jamks  Tiiu.Mi'suN  here  rose,  and  (Mr.  S. 
givin;;  way  fiir  cxplan.ilion)  said  that  the  penile- 
man  was  mistaken.  The  ell'ccl  of  the  bill  afierlhe 
terininalion  of  the  convention  had  been  contem- 
plated and  u. tended  by  those  who  reported  it,  and 
they  had  now  come  lo  ihe  determination,  when 


the  proper  time  nrrived,  lo  pria|MiKe  tn  amend  the 
title  HO  n«  to  make  it  read  "  A  bill  lo  nrolecl  lliu 
rii;hlH  of  American   selilci.'t   west  of  the    Itocky 

Mountains." 

Mr.  Sbdiihn  icfiiimed.  Well, sir,  I  inniii  he  per- 
niilled  to  eX|ireHH  bolh  my  surprise  and  reurel,  if 
Hiich  elfecl  was  i/i .li^iiri/  lo  lie  uiven  lo  llie  bill,  that 
il  should  have  been  reported  with  a  title  so  incorrect 
and  delusive.  I''riiin  iheiilleaN  leporled,  and  even 
a  cursory  ex'aminalion  of  Us  leadiiii;  provisioni*, 
members  mi;;hl  readily  have  been  misled  lo  behevn 
its  operation  was  desiu'iied  lo  be  limiled  to  the  du- 
ralion of  Ihe  I'oiivention  and  be  delermim  d  w  ilh  ill 
and  thus  the  House  mti^hl  have  been  beliayed 
lhron<;li  misconception  into  the  heedless  adopiion 
of  a  ineasnre  reiiiu;naiil  toils  sense  of  polnv  and 
justice.  I  am  nappy  thai,  ihonirli  lale,  siirli  de- 
lusive (TUise  is  111  he  casl  aside,  and  that  llie  bill  ih 
lo  be  made  to  avow  on  its  face  its  real  purpose  and 
exleiil. 

'l'liel)ill,then,  Mr.  f'hnirmnn,  is  to  haveadonble 
operation,  and,  as  I  have  said,  under  esrieiiti.illy 
dtll'ercnt  circiiiiisiaiices.  Il  is  fust  lo  operale  dii- 
rim;  ihe  conveniion,  and  while  onr  rii:his  are  ih - 
lermined  by  licaly  stipulations,  and  ihen  after  the 
proposed  and  expected  dclenninalion  oi  thai  con- 
vention, il  is  lo  eonliniie  active  in  ihe  nsserlion  of 
onr  pielensions  as  mainiained  under  ihi^  law  of  im- 
lions  independi'iilly  of  iliat  eoiivention.  I  shall 
proceed  lo  exan.ine  il  with  reference  lo  each  slule 
of  circnmslanci  s  separalely. 

In  ils  operalion  duriii'i  the  ronlinuation  ofthe 
conveniion,  I  confess,  Mr.  ('hairman,  I  sie  no 
just  ohjeciions  lo  ils  provisions;  but  on  ihe  contra- 
ry, deem  il,  with  the  s:ivin,';  clause  embodied 
w  liich  prolecisall  the  ri<;lilsaiiil  privileires  of  (irent 
Drilain  and  her  suli|ecis  under  the  cotivention,  sal- 
utary and  just,  hiirim^  thai  [Period,  it  but  exiends 
the  jtirisdiclion  of  the  laws  of  Iowa,  so  far  as  ap- 
plicable, ill  entire  subserviency  lo  ihe  cotivention, 
and  with  an  express  saving  of  all  riiihls  secured 
by  il  to  Hrilish  subjects  over  the  territory  west  nf 
the  Rocky  Moiiniains  biloiiirini;  lo  the  United 
Stales.  Such  exlension  is  eonsi.'stent  with  the 
rishia,  while  it  is  dem;  niled  by  the  honor  and  ob- 
linalions  of  the  Uovermnenl.  We  have  citizens 
settled  already  in  ronsiderable  numbers  in  the  Icr- 
rilory west  ofthe  Rocky  Moiiniains,  and  they  are 
daily,  by  emi^jralion  ami  olherwi.se,  increasinL'aiul 
mnliiplyini;.  They  have  ^'one  and  are  fjoinLr  'o 
that  remote  territory  under  the  invilalion  and  in- 
duccmi'iilsof  oiirtiovernment  in  liolli  ils  branches, 
executive  and  li'i^islalive.  They  are  wilhout  laws, 
under  no  eoinpeienl  jiirisdirlion,  and  desliliile  of 
all  reijiilar  sovernineiji.  Their  exisenciis  have  so 
imperatively  demanded  ihe  sanctions  of  law  and 
jrovernmeiil,  that  they  have  been  driven  to  the 
feeble  siibslitiile  of  self-eonsliluled  as.sncialions, 
and  an  appeal  to  f^eneral  aci|uiescence  in  their  de- 
crees. They  have  niipealed  lo  this  Government 
for  Ihe  redempiion  of  its  obli^'alion,  impliedly  at 
least  civen  for  iheir  security  and  protection,  and 
invoke  the  a^i;is  of  our  laws  and  jurisdiction  over 
them.  We  have  no  exclusive  ownership  or  juris- 
diclion  under  llie  conveniion  over  the  lerritory  so 
occupied  by  them,  il  is  true,  but  we  have  certain 
admilled  riirhts  and  privile-;es  there  as  delined  and 
ascertained  by  that  convention  itsell'.  (_'oexteii- 
sive  with  such  riijhts  and  privileues,  may  onr  juris- 
diction be  most  fully  carried;  and  so  fir  as  we 
niav,  I  liumhly  conceive  we  should  nol,  under  the 
eirc'iinialances,  hesilale,  by  the  exIeiiKioii  of  our 
laws,toi;ive  ihe  security  and  proleciion  demanded. 

The  eloquent  (renlleman  from  South  Carolina, 
[Mr.  Iloi.MKs,]  who  addressed  the  House  yester- 
day, iirueil  that  llie  extension  of  i'lrisdiciioii  a.s  coii- 
templaled  by  this  bill  would  vi'ilate  the  provisions 
of  the  joinl  coiivention.  I  am  L'eaerally  proud  lo 
concur  with  that  renlleman,  but  from  lliis  view  I 
must  be  permitled  wholly  lo  dissent.  Oiirins  ihe 
convention,  ihe  bill  is  made  lo  operate  in  subser- 
viencv  lo  it,  and  all  ihe  ri;;liis  and  privileires  of 
(ireal  !!rilain  and  her snbjecls  are  expressly  saved 
and  excluded  from  ils  action,  llow,  Ihen,  call  il 
violate  or  conlravene  the  provisions  of  ihe  conven- 
tion.' Is  Ihe  objection  lliat  urued  with  zeal  by  the 
ffenlleman  froni  Tennessee,  [Mr.  Knoivx',]  that 
our  laws  should  be  extended  over  persons  only, 
and  not  be  made  to  operate  on  property,  or  "  ler- 
ri/cria/(i(,"  as  this  bill  does.-  I  hold,  sir,  thai  our 
laws,  in  thcirapplicalion,  should  be  made  coexten- 
sive with  the  rights  and  privileges  ascertained  and 


679 


'iOrii  CuNri....  I  s  r  Sen. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONOKESSIONAIi  OrX)nE. 

Amtrican  Settlf.ri  in  Orficon — Mr.  Seilifon, 


(April  in, 
Mo.  or  ItKHs. 


•rnirni  hy  llmi  ciinviMilion  In  our  rili/rnn,  nml 
piitliojrni  liir  llin  |iiiiiiiCiiin  mill  ciinninly  "•'  tli"«c 

rifihlH  mill   iirlviliri'H.     ,Niiw,  iiiiiler  llio  i viri- 

tiiiii,  Imvi' wo  nut  Hiinii'lliin!;  iiiiirc  ilum  llii'  iiii'ro 
riL'lii  of  cniiy  I"  "nr  olli/.tiw.'  'I'lin  riiiiiinil  clu- 
nmin  in  imlend  in  nlii-ynnii';  cxclnnivo  Kovi'iTisriily 
JH  not  to  lie  clmniril  nr  rM'ic  isi'il  ciiluT  liy  till'  I'm- 
U'{\  Stuti'd  nr  UiTiU  llrltmii;  luil  our  ciil/.iiiH  i\n: 
nni  mcrnlv  iVec  to  nmr,  llii'V  nmy  mln'  lli''ii' 
effei'ln  nnil  prnnrrty;  lliey  nmy  Irmli'  mill  liiiiil; 
may  Imilii,  Hi'tllr,  nml  I'Vin  nri'iipy  the  Imiil,  I'n- 
joying  till'  iiNiilVin  I.  tliiMi;;li  not  liolilintc  ilio  nli'<o- 
Inii"  or  pxi'liiKivc  tiili'.  We  nmy,  lln'ii,  liy  our 
liiwfl  do  more  tlinii  jrnmil  nicrr  |ii'rsonal  imimini- 
li('»!  wo  mny  |iriiii'''i  ilif  |iio|i(iiy  iiiul  iiVitih  of 
oiir  oillzf'iiH'  mill  srrioi'  llii'iii  in  llir  |irairali|i: 
pniisi'Ksion  iiml  iihiiiVmi'I  of  tlii'ir  triii|ion>iy  sillle- 
nvMiiH — iitiy,  niorf.  iin  miioiiir  mir  nu'ti  riti/.iiiM  on 
llii'ir  ni'knottli'il^ni:;  aliiu'imi''"'  In  'ln'  (ioM'rniiii'iit 
of  ilii'  I'liiti'il  SiMii'M  111  iliiil  liiriiory,  Ihuini:  I'lini- 
plctr  jiiriHilif tion.  we  iimv  ivu'iiliili'  ijii'ir  rlniins 
mill  ri;;lil«  in  ri'!;nril  to  tlii'  1  iiiiImhi  iiliil  or  nri'ii|iu'il 
li-nipornriiy  liy  ilii'iii,  iis  will  iih  nil  oilirr  niiiilfra 
ofrii;lil  or  coiiiriii'i.  \Vi^  may  lliiii  Ifijiiiniuii'ly, 
ilnriiii;  llic  I'nnvi'iilinn,  li"_'islalr  not  iniai'ly  ovrr 
TiirsoMK,  lull  (rtf*  It  has  Itfin  imHi'iI)  **  tfi'i'tloiiftlhi" 
likpwi«p.  \Vi'  havo  iliuir  imlliiiiL'  imoit  in  rxn.'iul- 
iiiU'  "  till'  laws  of  Iowa,  mh  fir  an  a|i|.|inilili',"  ovir 
llip  Ifriiiory  wi'sl  of  llir  Horky  Moimiaiiis;  anil  lo 
I'Xi'tuiti*  till'  po!4!iiliililv  of  nilH<  on^ilriii'tion,  wr  liavc 
iii«i'rU'il  an  I'Spn  ■•<«  -mviii;;  of  llm  nirliiH  ci'i'urcil  to 
llriiMln  mill  lur  Hulijri'i.i.  Such  Biiviii;;  was  not, 
inijiril,  of  iilisolnlr  iii'"i-.isiiy,  iiiiil  iui','lil,  |irrlia|is, 
Willi  MafiMv  liavp  lii'i'U  oniiltrl.  Wr  I'oiilil  not,  if 
wp  woiilii,  hy  li'!;islaliiin,  vioiiUi'  the  ronvrnlion; 
f'f,  iiiiiliT  till'  Coiiililution,  tii'aiii'N  I'oiislitnIP  ii 
p:\ri  of  till'  "  Its  Irgiiin" — the  siipri'iiu' Jaw — anil 
iumIit  iiiilii'inj  ronsirnriion.  the  I'lill  I'doi't  of  the 
si\  ill'.:,  I'H'ii  It"  ouuiiril  iVoMi  till'  hill,  waild  luivi.' 
Iicpii  sri'iiri'd,  and  all  cnai'tiui'niH  in  violation  of  thi' 
roiivciiiinn  would  l.p  aiiiiulliMl  and  varaii'd.  (Slid 
till'  insertion  of  lIu'  Naviiiir  rlaiisi'  was  wisr  and 
jii"*!,  Itri'nuse  we  owp  ii  io  oursilvrs  mitl  thr  honor 
of  our  Clovernini'iit  thai  I'vrii  ihi-  si'oinini:'  of  had 
1'aiih,oran  pi|uivoi'Ml  purpose  in  our  Irilislalion, 
should  ho  nvoiili'il  ami  ilisrlainiPil, 

.S.ilisfii'il  hy  ilip  rpasoninir  I  havo  usod,  I,  for 
ono.do  not  iiooil,  in  ilip  i  xionsion  of  our  jiuisdii'- 
tion  ns  ronlPniplatPil  hy  tills  lull  during'  tlio  ron- 
vi'ulion,  tlio  pri'i'idpiit  and  saiirtiou  of  FaiLrliNJi 
rxainpU",  nor  is  it  my  wont  to  i;iia_'0  hy  sui'h 
niPnsnro  tho  oxioiil  oitlicr  of  our  ri-^hts  or  ohliifa- 
lions.  Yi'I,  if  such  additional  warrant  for  tho  ix- 
iPiision  of  our  jiirisdiriion  under  tlie  roiiviniioii  ho 
rrquired,  I  iiisisi,  noiwilhsianiliii'^  itio  ar'^'-iinipiii  of 
till-  :.'pnileniaii  from  'riuiip-si'i',  (Mr.  liitiiwx,]  it 
is  iitVordcd  hy  ilip  Ilriiish  Ip'^-i.-lation  of  lH'.'l,tn 
which  refcrpiiri'  has  hppii  frcpiPiillv  made.  'I'liai 
net  of  the  liriiisli  I'arlianieiit.  1  suhinit,  is  in  pi]ual 
flpiisp,  and  to  i!ie  like  extent  wiili  the  present  hill, 
Iprriimial  in  lis  o]wnili"ii.  I!y  it,  "  liie  eoiirls  of 
judicaliire  in  the  province  of  Upper  r'anada"  have 
ronferred  fill  them  the  same  civil  jurisdiction, 
'  power,  and  nulliorily,  within  the   Indian  teniio. 

*  ries,  mid  other  parts   of  America   not  within  the 

*  limits  of  L'lvver  or  I'pper  Canada,  or  of  any  civil 
'  jrovprnnient  of  the  I'liiird  Stales,  as  the  said 
'  courts  have,  or  are  invesied  willi,  within  the  liiii- 

*  Its  of  the  said  provinces  of  Upper  or  Lower  Caii- 
'  niln,"  <Sc.  \or  is  the  savin;  of  the  ri?lit.s  of  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States  iinilcr  the  eonvention 
hy  aiiv  means  so  clear  and  saiislactory  as  the 
saviii','  in  tliis  hill  in  behalf  of  Uritisli  sniiji'cts.  A 
full  examiaaiim  of  the  provisions  of  the  British 
net  will,  I  think,  satisfy  every  one  that,  in  the  ns- 
pei'ijoii  of  jnrisiliciion,  it  ^oes  ai  1,'asi  as  far,  if 
not  fiirlher,  than  do  the  provisions  of  this  hill. 
Put  the  (renilemati  iVom  Teiinesspe  [Mr.  liHowvl 
.'irirned  that  this  ai-t  of  the  liriiish  Parliameni  must 
Ijp  hold  to  have  heen  siifierseded  hv  the  siitiserpient 
ronvpiiiion  of  l*^"i7,  which  is  the  one  now  suhsist- 
iii'j  in  relation  to  the  Ore'ron  territorv,  and,  there- 
fore, was  not  now  in  force.  The  validity  of  this 
miunienl  cannot  he  admitted.  The  I'oiivenuon  of 
\f^'Jl,  so  far  ;is  it  relates  to  the  ri'.rlus  mid  pm  tle'^es 
Kpcurcd  lo  the  citizens  of  this  country  and  (.irent 
Britain  respectively,  is  iihiilical  with  that  of  IHIM, 
which  was  in  force  at  the  very  lime  tin;  I'juilish 
statute  was  enneied.  If  that  statute  was  enacted, 
and  ooeiaied  during  and  under  the  joint  eonvi  ntion 
of  18iS,  how  eonlil  iho  renewal  of  the  identieal 
convention  in  1H37  (with   no  other  rliatii;i.'  than  its 


oxiptinion  indpfniitely,  with  a  provision  for  ita 
tennination  on  tweUe  iiioiitlm*  notice  in  lieu  of  ii 
specitied  term  ol*  yi.-ars)  annul  and  supersede  tlio 
provisions  of  the  slalutc'  .Siiili  i  ll'ect  emiliot  he 
aHcriheil  to  the  renewal  of  the  ('onvpiition  in  IW'Jr, 
hut  even  it'll  could,  iiiiil  the  Ilriiish  act  were  leally  i 
non-extsieiii,  still  the  full  ell'ect  of  tile  British  pre-  ! 
cedent  would  remain,  h'or  hy  that  act,  passed  it) 
IIS'.'l,  after  and  during  the  eonvention  ol'  IHllS,  a 
clear  iiiainl'eslation  is  nllorded  that,  aeeordin;  to 
the  itiidersiandnii;  and  conslriictiou  of  the  loiiveu- 
tion  hy  the  Hriiish  I'arliaini'iil,  provisions  for  the 
oxtensiim  of  jnrisiliciioii,  as  in  iliat  net,  (like  unto 
those  in  till'  lull  hel'ore  the  eonimittee,)  were  not 
in  eoiiiravi'iitmu  or  v'ol.itiou  of  the  jotiil  eonviii- 
tion. 

This  precedent,  Mr.  I 'hairmail,  may  Biillice  to 
relieve  the  scrnpli  s  ot'siich  inenihi'rH  as  would  not 
wish,  in  li'iiislatini;  under  the  eonveiiiion,  to  >;ive 
Uroiiiid  of  complaint  to  Cireat  Bril 'in  that  it  hiul 
heen  viotaled.  [hit  if  appreUensifins  on  this  score 
air  still  enti  rtaim  d  hy  any,  they  iiiust,  I  think,  he 
dissipated,  hy  ret'eritn-e  to  the  despatch  of  Mr. 
(.iallatni,  who,  as  Minister  of  thi'  I'liited  Stales, 
ne^olialed  the  con\eiiiion  of  IH^'7.  In  ilial  des- 
patch liestatis  the  .■onl'cieiices  had  holween  the 
British  neixotiators  and  liimselt',  in  relatam  lo  the 
powers  winch  niiu'hl  he  exercised  hy  ilie  (Joverii- 
tiieiit  of  ihe  United  States  uiiiler  the  eoinentioii. 
Hi!  says; 

"'I'lic  l^tlltiljshlilelll  of  II  ili-tilict  li'inlieilll  uov,ril>lli'llt 
nil  th  ■  «,■.!  »l.lc  11  til,'  HtMiiv  Miianlniii-,  WMiiht  iii-M  I. cull, 
jei'le.l  la  ii^  an  iiltciti|tt  in  c\t  ici-i-  evclUMVc  sioi  rcntntv.  I 
nli.,l'rv>'il  tllit,  .illtiiMljIl  til.'  \nrtlivvi--l  t'nin|iiiiiv  tlicijl, 
I'nilli  i|.  h  OIL'  iliciTii  luit  it.  t'iniii  lac  liiiliils  itt'lli''  lie  II  tli, ;. 
ciii,)|i>>cit,  iiiKt  loiia  lia\  lint  a  lii'ill'i|i  ii>  wiltl  ri'-lt"'  t  I'l 
iruile.  .-n  nir  ii.  Hiittsli  hiitiicclrt  wcic  ctii.cciinil.  i  ii:n  mi  a 
Hliccics  lit' Kuv,  raiai-iil,  unliinil  the  a-si  lance  iii  t.iiil  in 
tirclll    llrinilii.lt   was  nllierivir      Willi  ns.     liar  pn|iillllli>ill 

lllcre  wiiirlit  I "i^I  ii;'  -i-.erjtl  niili'iiinil.-iil  c  iiii|i;ilie  s  iiinl 

linhvittiiill-.  W'c  hull  itlwii>ti  lii'i  II  III  III,'  llaliil.iii  iiiir  lllii>I 
rciniit'-  scttli'iiieiiH.  lit  c.irr.i  itiu  laws,  cuiirl-,  nml  Jieticc-  nl 
tic  (I  -ill  c,  iiliiiu  with  114.    'riiere  was  nil  elisnhilt.  lecis.it, 

llir  hurt  Id  IniM'  sonic  sppcies  ol'  unvcriinie'it.     Wilhniil 

it.  tile  kiiiil  of  siiveri'untv,  or  ritlier  Jiirifl.lieniiii,  ulncti  it 
was  jaiciiileil  In  irlniil,  ceiihl  nut  tic  cxercisi-il  on  our  |i;ilt. 
//  ic.is  «iii;fi,ji/ct,  <iii(/  fcc/nrif  1 7  Ii,  (iCTiiic.cc /  ill,  thiti  the  ili>  i- 
i:il  tit  iiil;iiil  he  ohfiilh"!,  jirot'itlrj  Ihririrlioti  of  ti  rtctr  Ifiritory 
tri-i  not  ronliiirl  prr'usuehi  It  tkr  Irnitorii  I'f-I  nt  t/ic  Jiiiiiiii 
tdiii^;  t'liil  It  slioiitt  hi'  dctiiied  n,  cin/inif  I'nit  atl  Ihr  ;iijMi;*»ioii* 
of  thr  Umlcil  ^t  i/ci  ices/  of  n  line  that  ^ho-itd  hv  nl  ajme  i/o- 
faiec^ijiil  iJiMt  c.i-v^  "flhr  S.'oili/  Mouitljiil\.'^ 

In  pursuance,  proliahly,of  this  very  suKK'siion, 
the  present  hill  has  been  so  t'rained  us  to  incluile 
within  its  operation  iindoiihted  terriiory  of  the 
United  States  lyin'_'e;ist  of  the  llocky  Moiiulains — 
vi'z:  "the  .'iterme'liate  country  west  of  the  Mis- 
souri river,  helween  the  4(llli  and  4Ud  parallels  of 
north  latitude."  The  aci|iiiesreiiee  of  tlu'  Biitish 
commissioners  must  apply  lo  this  lull,  niid  precliiile 
iihjeciiiin  on  the  p;irt  of  their  Uovernnu'tit,  that  it  is 
violative  of  the  joint  convention. 

I  trust,  Mr.  Cliairman,  to  have  now  estahlislied 
that,  so  far  as  tins  lull  openiies  diiniiL;  the  eonlimi- 
ance  of  the  eonvention  of  I.*-i*7,  its  pi-ovisions  are 
needed;  that  they  nrejusl  in  themselves,  not  vioki- 
tivc  of  the  comeniion,  hut  only  comniensiirale  in 
the  protection  airorded,  and  authority  exercised 
with  the  ri'^hls  and  privilei^es  ascertained  ;iiid  se- 
cured hy  it;  that  they  have  the  s;inrtion  of  I'ae^lisii 

preceileni  and  example,  and  ar ly  ii iiformily 

with  su;rueslions  received  and  aciimesced  in  hy  the 
I'rilish  Uovprntuent  lliiou^h  its  eommissioni  is,  at 
ihn  noi^otiation  of  ihetriaty.  So  far  the  hill  lias 
my  npprohaiion  and  support. 

Bel'oie  proceedue,',  .Mr.  Cliairman,  to  consider 
the  hill  in  its  further,  and,  to  my  mind,  most  olj- 
joctionahle  operalioii  after  the  termination  of  the 
convention,  allow  ine,  tin/  moreesiieci;iliy  as  it  will 
have  a  nialcri;il  tendency  to  eliiciihite  such  snlise- 
rpii  lit  operation,  to  asceii;ijn  wiili  precision  and 
lerlaiiuy  tin-  limit  of  territory  or  lititiide  to  which, 
riuriiiL'lhe  con  vent  ion,  the  jurisjiclii  111  of  the  United 
Stales  is  hy  the  hill  to  exietal.  The  oliject  of  the 
lull,  ilnrini;  the  eoniiinno,'  ■'  of  the  convention,  i.s  to 
[u-otei'i  and  secure  all  the  riLjhtsniid  piivileires  as- 
ceriaiiieil   to   heloiiLr   lo   our  citizens   hy  lis  siipn- 

I.ilions,  and   i seipa  ally,  to  ell'ect    that   end,  its 

iipi'r;ilion  must  he  i  oinmetisuraie,  a.s  to  limits,  with 
the  lerniory  in  which  siie.h  ri;;hls  and  privik'ijes 
exist.  It  \vill  then  cover  the  whole  territory  em- 
hraceil  hy  the  convention  of  joint  occupancy;  and 
as  that  teniiory  nnipieslionalilv  exfends  to  ihe 
l!iissi;in  lini — lo  the  iiiinost  liinii  of  Til^  -ID'  inuili 
latitude — ilie  operalion  of  the  hill  must  he  lo  that 
extent  likewise.     On  this  point  then;  can  surely 


In-  III)  iiiicHiion;  (here  »c\enil  memlierfi  moiinil  ex- 
presiied  nciptiescei ice  aloud, ilnil  Mr.  S.  nildeil:)  iiiiil 
I  iiin  happy  to  hear  the  poHiiion  ailmilied  liy  hoii- 
iirahlp  ;;i'nileinen  of  all  parltes  around  me,  I  alnill 
proceed  on  such  adniisNion. 

I  come  now,  Mr.  Cliairiuaii,  to  the  consiilorn- 
tion  of  this  lull  in  the  more  impintani  view  of  it* 
iiiirpiise  and  opi  ration  aller  the  termination  of  the 
joint  convpiition.    What,  then,  will  he  its  aim  himI 

pll'eet  •     I   inainiain,  with   enti mlalence,  tlipy 

will  he  to  extend  over  the  irlmfr  territory  of  Ore- 
;;ou,  to  the  utmost  limit  of  ,11"  411'  north  latititdo, 
or  the  Uitssian  hue,  the  iilisohile  and  exclitsivp 
jurisdiction  of  the  laws  null  (iovernnienl  of  the 
tTuilcd  ,Si;iii  s,  to  the  dispossession  of  (irent  Brit- 
ain, no  of  all  oilier  inittons;  and  that,  for  the  nc- 
complishmenl  of  such  result,  the  power  suhstan- 
tiiilly  of  niakiii;,'  war,  nml  em|iliiyiii>;  tin'  mililary 
force  of  the  Uniiiii,  is  intriistid  io  the  liiscrelioii, 
not  even  of  the  I'rcsideiit,  hut  of  ihe  Kxeeittivo  of 
a  distant  territory. 

The  hill  IS  iiidelinite  in  diiiiition,  anil  no  ill;<lini'- 
tion  whatever  is  made  in  the  lan;.'ii;iL.'e  prescrlhin^ 
the  liinils  to  which  jini::ilieiiiui  shall  e<ienil  hft'ore 
and  after  the  eonvcnlion.  The  plii;iseolo!,'y  is 
loose  and  vn^'iie,  viz;  "over  all  llml  portion  of  the 
territory  of  the  I'tiileil  States  v  liicli  lies  west  of 
the  Bocky  Mounlaiiis;"  and  al'nr,  as  hefore,  the 
Icrminalioii  of  the  convention,  the  proiier  euii- 
striietion  to  he  '^iven  to  the  liiti  timst  he  iielerinin- 

ed   liy  the  odi 's  lo  ailmiiiisler  ii,  or  hy  judicial 

lull  rpretalion,  as  I  li.ivc  alrciuly  esiiildislicil,  Mr. 
Cliairiiian.  The  ohjed  of  the  lull,  diiriu'.;  the  pen  ■ 
dency  of  the  eonvcnlion,  heiiv;  to  assert  jurisdic- 
tion coextensive  with  the  ri4,'liis  ascertained  liy  its 
stipulalioiiH  to  heloii;;  to  us,  and  they  exlendiie; 
to  ,'>4°  411',  the  necessary  eiiiistruciion  of  the  phra- 
seoloi.i;yof  the  hill,  holh  in  comnioi)  nmlerslaiulin;: 
fli]i\  judicial  interpri'tatioii,  will  he  lo  ext'iid  juris, 
diction  to  that  extreme  limit.  To  precisely  the 
same  laiiu;iia;,'e  mii'a  not,  afier  the  termination  nf 
the  convptition,  this  necessary  interpretation,  pre- 
viously nscerlained,  he  contimied  and  enforced  f 
With  nothin;';  in  the  hill  to  limit  or  restrict  siioli 
constriiclion,  the  meaninjcr,  once  ascertained  and 
nrtixed  to  the  phraseoloj^y,  identical  both  before  and 
after  the  convention,  must  remain  imclianeed. 

I'recedent  and  common  imder.'itandin!;  as  to  the 
intnrprelation  hrforr,  will  extend  iij'trr  the  terniiiin- 
lioii  of  the  coiiM'ntion.  Could  the  slriii'Teney  of 
Hueli  )irevious  interprctatioii  fail  to  conclude  in  the 
construction  of  the  law,  the  result  would  probably 
not  be  cli;iii;;eil.  In  the  adminislrntiou  ol  the  law, 
after  the  convention  shall  be  termiieileil,  the  coii- 
slruclion  of  the  vie.'iie  pliraseolii;;v.  to  which  I  have 
alluded,  must  devolve  on  the  I'^xecnlive  of  Iowa,  or 
the  Indian  a'.;ent  and  otilcers  lo  whom,  by  the  bill, 
the  evecntive  power  over  the  terriiory  is  given. 
Willi  the  fi'eliiii:s  and  iulluences  oper;iiive  on  such 
fiimiioii. tries,  e;iii  it  be  doubted  tiiey  will  liohl 
"  the  terri'ory  owin  d  by  the  Uintrd  Statis,  west 
ot'  the  Itock'v  .Moiiiii:iiiis,''  to  extend  to  the  utmost 
limit  of  ;')4^  411' .=  Or  slionlil  they  liesitato,  and 
siihiuit  the  ni. liter  to  jndii'ial  coiistruclion,  it  will 
fill  under  the  decision  ol' the  IJinied  Si;ites  jiida;es, 
or  the  justices  of  the  pe;iee  resident  in  the  terri- 
l;iryiif  Ore','oii,  to  be  appointed  iiniler  this  hill. 
Think  von  mu,  Mr.  I  'hnirman,  that  they  will  carry 
our  jitrisdictiou  to  tin:  uiniost  extent  of  .')4°  40' .' 
Krom  position  anil  the  iipplianecM  to  which  eirciim- 
st;iiici  s  would  cxposi  them,  such  would  ;tssnreilly 
be  their  (liiirmiiKUion.  Indeed  it  is  worthy  of  the 
consideration  ol'i:r;ue  jurists,  uheiher  they  would 
not,  in  judicial  de''.ision,  be  lioiind  so  to  do.  Wlmt- 
ever  niiiy  he  the  real  title,  the  just  ri:_'his,  accord- 
in;;  lo  the  law  of  nations,  of  the  United  .States  in 
(  h'i".;oii,  it;;  iroveronienl  throii'j'lioiii  all  ;idiinnistrii 
ti  ins,  have  assericil  ehnins  :ind  iii'iiiit;iineil  preten- 
sions to  the  whole  terriiory  up  to  the  l!iissi;m  line. 
Ill  llie  ;lbsence  of  any  collveillioil.il  slipill.ilions  to 
overrule,  would  not  the  eoiirls  ol'the  L'liiled  Slates, 
and  ilie  jiisiiees  nctiii;;  nmler  the  appoiiilmeni  of 
tlu;  Mxeculive,  he  boinid  to  mainlaiii  and  rcs]ieci 
the  claims  so  asserted .'  I  incline  to  think  their 
duly  would  so  constrain:  hut  whether  it  did  or 
not,  no  practical  luaii  can  doubt  but  that,  in  fact, 
they  would  so  decide  and  act.  ■//'/o,  then,  as  be 
farr  the  lermiiialion  of  the  eonventinn,  it  iiiiiy  he 
safely  allirmed  the  jurisdiction  to  be  exercised 
under  this  hill  would  extend  over  ihe  ie//o/r  ofOre- 
ijoii  lo  Iho  extreme  limit  of  ,'>l"  4tl'. 

Then,  .Mr.  Cliairman,  comes  the  ;_'rave,  the  all 


1816.] 


Al'PENDlX  TO  TJIE  CONGRrSSIONAI.  GLOBK. 


673 


Q^H  CONO 1«T  SrSI. 


Aniiriam  Sitllmi  In  Urrtaon — Mr,  Stddon. 


New  Srricr No.  43. 


iiiii'l  rx- 

I'll:)  mill 

liy  lioh- 

I  almll 

iiiniilfrn- 

•W  111'    iln 

111  III'  Ihr 

iiim  mill 

',  ilipy 

il'  Or... 

Iiitiliiili-, 

."■IllMJVf 
Ml'    llll- 

a  I   llril- 

ilii'  nr- 

iilislmi- 

iiiliiiiry 

s'Ti'tion, 

■iillvonl' 


importniu  inquiry,  wlinl  jmlifchnrm'tfr nnil  drijrro  \ 
of  jiiritilii'liiiii  you  will  tlnm  exiniil  iifur  llir  ii  r- 
iniiialiiiii  III'  tilt!  roiivenliniW  A''  mint)'  iiiiil  ixi  In* 
olvr  niunt  it  iiiit  lief  A"  whm  nil  ymliriliiy  iilily 
iihouii  liy  'h*  li'iiriiril  i;riiilriiii>ii  frinii  Ohin,  jMi'. 
VivTiiN',1  wi"  nIuiII  llini  In;  reiiiini'il  in  imr  iisiIiIb  | 
nn  riaiiiii'tl  iiiiili'r  iIk'  Iiiw  n(  niitiniiH,  mill  In  dm 
nnHi'iiiiiii  of  ilii'  only  fmcrri'^'iity  kiinwii  in  lln: 
nliMi'iice  (if  coiivi'iiiiiniiil  iiiTiin^i'incnlN — a  mivcr- 
ci^'tiiy  nvrr  ihe  I'niiiiciit  dnniiiiii',  or,  in  nllKr 
wmmIh,  til  llir  iiMHcilion  of  PXiluNivi;  ilnniliiinn  over 
llird'irllnry.  I  will  mil  nlti'in|it  Imiilil  Ki  liis  vii-w, 
v\  liirli  u'liM  full  mill  r.iiMi|il(-ti',  nf  Uir  iiNHinii|'iiiin  i\\' 
lilli',  mill  r<iiii«'i|iii'iit  iilili'^iiiiiin,  wliii'li,  iiiiiirr  llir 
Ifiw  nf  iiiiiiiinK,  wiiiilil  ir.<iili  from  tin-  |iipsili'in  in  \ 
wliii'li,  liy  lliin  liill,  wt'  wiinlil  In;  |iliir<il.  lliil  I  I 
mny  n  fi  r  lo  tin'  woiils  of  ilic  liill,  only  uliinicil  iit 
ill  nil*  Iiiiiri:  iriinrul  vi<;U',{iii  ouui|ii'lliii'^  llm  hiiiiii; 
ciiiifliniiiiii.  'I'lic  liinsuHi,"'  "f  llio  liill,  alreiidy 
qniitcil,  is:  "  'I'lic  Iiuvh  nf  lliii  Territory  of  Iowa, 
'  lis  fur  ns  n|i|ilic  nlilc  over  nil  llie  tcrrilniy  wml 
'  nf  tlic  lliirky  .Mniinliiiiis  owiii'd  liy  lli«  Unitiil 
'  Siiiloii."  Nil  liiiily  will  rxial  in  lliiiil  llir  Biipli- 
Ciiliiliiy  of  llii'  Inwi*  of  lowii.  Some  iiU'rr,  liiral 
eimctniPiil  for  liriil);cii  or  coiirt-lnniKi's  niiiy  mil 
n{i{ily',  lint  all  llic  |;rm>i'iil  lawn  of  linvn  Mill  lir 
rxd'nileii  lo,  mnl  oii<-*raIi*  nvrr,  tin;  wlmlc  Irrrilory. 
TliiiNi'  InwN,  OH  (iviM-  lii'.va,  iiiiiinlaiii  exi'liinivd  anil 
nli.siiliitc  jnriiiilii*lioii  anil  siivrrt'lfjiily;  ko,  liki;«i«(', 
niiitil  iliry  ilii  ovir  tin.'  wlioli'  of  Oii '^un.  'I'liey 
me  to  lie  o|irrntive  over  il  iin  terrilnry  ownt'il  liy 
the  United  StaicH  in  llic  ulini'Moo  of  any  trfaly  In 
limit  or  define  that  iiwiiei-slii|>.  Who  ever  litaid 
of  II  divided  or  liiniled  jnrimlii'tinii  on  the  jmrl  nf 
nil  inili'|ii'iiileiit  nalinii  iivii  the  li  riilory  owned  liy 
it?  Till'  lawn  of  Iowa  assert  over  it  exeliiHivu 
Jiii'iHiIi<-iJiiii — iimintain  the  eininenl  diiiiKiin,  and 
exclude  all  |iit;leii.siiinH  lo  Novereignly  or  jnri^;dlctioll 
on  the  |i:irt  of  all  other  nilioiisi.  Kxlended  lo  Ore- 
gon, as  territory  owned  liy  llie  United  Slates,  they 
must  have  no  less  ellieaey  and  exelusive  o|ii'ratiini. 
Il  iiii<:hlas  well  Ue  eonleiidid  llialCiieal  liritain, 
or  her  snlijectH,  have  ri'^hls  of  soverci;;nty,  or  are 
entitled  to  exercise  jiniwilielion  over,  the  h|ioI  on 
whieh  we  stand,  ill  this  the  f,'a|iiiol  of  the  Uniiiii, 
as  liiiit  lliey  will  have  any  sni'h  rii^lilH  or  title  rei'o;;-  i 
nised  iir  rea|iei'li'cl  in  any  |iarl  of  the  Oregnn  terri- 
tory after  we  shall  have  extended  the  jiiri^diclinn  ' 
of  our  laws  and  i^nvernnienl  over  il  ii.s  territory 
"owiieil  by  the  United  Slates."  Il  surely  is  mil 
nceessary  to  elaliorate  tliia  view.  'I'iie  siin[ile 
."ilateiiienl  of  t!ie  terms  of  the  law  is  conchisivc  to 
show  that  after  the  i  (invention  shall,  liy  its  delei- 
miiialiiin,  have  ceased  lo  rcstriel  the  a|i|iliealjilily 
of  ihu  laws  of  Iowa,  Iheir  exleiiHion  over  the  whole 
terrilnry  of  Ore^nn  involves  the  elftitn  of  entire 
aoverei^'nty,and  llie  exercise  of  exelnsive  jurisdie- 
tinn,  to  the  eonijileie  ouster  of  the  soverei^^nty  and 
jiirisdiefiou  of  Ureal  Urilain  and  all  other  nations. 

The  exclusive  eharai'ter  of  the  sovereiijnly  and 
jurisdiction  to  lie  exercised  under  this  hill,  after  the 
lerminaiion  of  the  convention,  having  been  ihu.s 
aseerlained,  il  remains  to  inquire  hy  wlial  means, 
mid  with  wliat  consequences,  such  jurisdiction  and 
novcreiirnty  are  to  lie  enforced. 

The  E.xeculivc  of  Iowa,  or  the  mere  subordinnle 
agents  to  whom  this  bill  iiilrnsls  the  execution  of 
its  provisions,  will  be  bound,  immediately  after  the 
termination  of  the  conveniinii.  In  exlinil  our  ex- 
clusive jurisdiction,  and  lake  pnssessinn  of  the 
whole  territory,  disinantlinsf  all  forts  or  otiior  es- 
tablishments in  whi.  li  the  tla^  of  a  foreign  sov- 
ereiirniy  waves,  cloHiii'.;  and  nliroi;atins  all  tribunals 
in  which  a  foreii;n  jinisJn'tion  is  exercineil,  and 
ejcciin>;a!l  companies,  settlers,  or  traders,  who  will 
nut  nckiiiiwledi;c  rtllejjiauce  to  the  Onvcriimenl  of 
the  U.'iii.  d  .States,  and  submit  lo  acr,e|it  the  protec- 
tion of  its  laws.  The  powerful  Hudsiin  liay  Com- 
pany, with  its  army  ofasenls  and  employees,  and 
us  tribes  of  savage  auxiliaries,  will  be  in  the  pos- 
session of  much  111  the  terrilnry  and  most  of  its 
.sininsilioUls.  XumeroiiR  I'rilish  subjects,  settlers, 
iir  traders,  will  be  indilTerent  parts,  relying  nn  the 
assertid  ii:;hls  of  their  nation,  and  her  pledi;ed 
faith  lo  protect  and  defend  them.  Great  Urilain 
Imviiii;  asserted,  with  singular  unanimity  on  the 
pari  of  her  leadini;  slatesmen,  that  -she  has  riijhts 
III  Ihe  territory,  which,  at  all  hazards,  she  will 
maintain,  and  placed  by  such  legislation  in  a  piisi- 
liiin  when  lo  yield  would  be  dishonor  and  the  vio- 
lation of  the  most  sacred  engagements  of  a  nation 
to  her  subjects,  miisl  and  will  sustain  her  claims 

43 


with  the  ntmnsi  of  lur  power.  At  the  (list  nllempl, 
tlieii,  nil  the  iHirl  nf  the  l''.xeciiti>e  nf  Iinia,  or  thin 
new  Oreijon  li  rrilmy,  toinforie  the  |iiiivisioii«  of 
this  act,  he  niiisi  and  will  lo  riHisird  with  the 
sirnng  hand.  The  whole  niililary  fore,'  at  his  rom- 
mmid,  mid  Huli,~iqui'nily  at  llinl  of  the  Kxeciiiive 
(if  the  Union,  tiinst  be  invnked,  under  his  clear 
oliligati'iii  loi'xteiiil  mid  iniiintain  jiirisdii'linii  over 
the  ten  iiory  declared  by  clear  enailmenl  lo  belong 
lo  the  United  Slates.  And  lliiw,  ^ir,  \\-ill  be  war — 
notliing  but  war — the  lie;;iniiinu  of  a  ilire  contest, 
the  end  wliei-enf  no  miiii  can  know. 

This  bill,  sir,  bill  brrn  rc.rarih  d,  in  its  applica- 
tion lo  the  stale  of  iilfiirs  after  the  trrminatinn  of 
the  convention,  as  rickety  and  inilncile.  Ccr- 
taiiilv  but  little  forcsii^ht  or  sn'raciiy  hn.i  hern 
mauifi'sii'd  ill  flaming  provisions  for  the  exigencies 
wbii'li  will  then  (lemimil  much  wise  and  cautious 
li-;;is!ation.  Hill,  sir,  il  is  anythiti;^  else  but  im- 
becile— for  mischief,  it  will  be  fmnid  all-polenl.  It 
will  render  hostile  collision  of  inivilnble  necessiiy, 
mid  will  place  at  the  discretion  of  Ihe  cxecnlive  of 
a  remote  territory,  or  lo  the  pclty  ulllciis  to  be 
appiiinled  in  OrcL'on,  lie  issues  of  |ieace  and  war, 
with  the  full  power  of  .'omnelling  ili,  support  of 
the  whole  military  force  of  llie  conniry.  Is  the 
FTiiuse  |irepared  thus,  in  nnticipalinn,  to  part  with 
the  dread  power  reposed  in  C'onirrcss  alone,  of  de- 
claring war'  .'\iid  if  even  so,  are  they  so  infilua- 
ti'd  as  In  intrust  it  to  the  iliscrelinn  of  some  dislmil 
territorial  executive,  or  petly  niinislerial  ollicer  in 
Oregon?  I  ciinnot  believe  it  vvliile  I  retain  respect 
for  ils  wisdom  or  patriotism. 

In  view  of  the  operation  nf  this  bill  after  the  ler- 
minaiion of  Ibe  convention,  in  ('Mending  over  the 
whole  of  f>re2:on  to  the  Uiissinn  line  the  excliisivR 
sovireignty  and  jnrisilirlion  of  the  United  Rtatis, 
with  the  certain  consequence  of  lollisinn  and  war, 
I  fiel  tint  I  may  appeal,  with  entire  cnnfiilince,  to 
nil  such  members  as  have  ihonL'hl  onr  title  liniiled 
lo  the  -inili  deu'ree,  or  ihereabnuls,  or  as  entertain 
such  conscientious  scruples  nbinit  llie  extent  of  our 
riirlits  as  lo  have  been  unwillinc  lo  assert  alisoluie 
title  lo  ,")4°  4U',  to  ariav  ihemsclvcs  in  firm  oppo- 
sition lo  its  pnssajc,  without  the  aniendnient  lim- 
itinj  it  to  the  dnratinn  of  the  convention.  They 
camiol,  withoiit  abandonment  of  llnir  fixed  opin- 
ions mid  nscertained  positions,  give  it  their  support, 
and  they  are  loo  wise  not  to  see  it. 

Hut  is  there  not  even  a  more  numerous  class  to 
whom  this  bill,  without  the  nmendmetit,  must  be 
repuirnant  ?  I  refer  to  those  who  boast  of  entire 
cnncurrence  on  this  Oregon  question  with  the  Pres- 
ident, and  manifest  n  peculiar  desire  to  comply  ex- 
ncllv  with  nil  the  recoininendalionsof  bis  message, 
in  all  niir  leirislalion  on  the  subjeci.  The  Inngimire 
and  snirit  of  the  mcssnieare  clearly  opposed  to  le- 
irislaliiig  iinip  for  the  period  after  the  lerminaiion  of 
the  conrention,  and  the  exigencies  that  may  then 
exist.  His  recommenilatimis  are  for  ihe  adoption 
of  measures  lo  protect  our  emigrants  mid  ronciliate 
the  Indian  tribes  during  the  intermediate  time  be- 
I'lre  llie  aliro;ation  of  the  convention.  I  will  not 
detain  the  commitlee  bv  re.nding  the  passages  in 
the  messaje  which,  during  this  debate,  have  been 
already  exhibited,  showing  the  nature  of  the  Ex- 
e'lilive  recommendations.  They  all  refer  to  the 
"  iiifdii  tinv  "  before  the  termination  of  the  con- 
vention, and  conlemplate  only  provisional  legisl.i- 
linn.  "The  President,  in  ibis  respect,  acting  wisely 
and  prudently,  so  far  froi.  recnnimcndini  ulterior 
leu'islation,  li,is  even  abstained  from  developing  his 
opinions  as  lo  the  measures  which  should,  after  llie 
termination  of  the  ronvention,  be  ndopleil,  or  lo 
what  exicnl,  and  in  what  dcL'tee,  exclusive  sov- 
erei'jntyand  jurisdiction  should  then  be  nsseried 
in  (>e;;on.  tie  has,  indeed,  inlimnted  his  0|iinion 
of  onr  title;  lint  in  reference  to  the  pnsil'oii  of 
things  after  the  expiration  of  the  convention,  he 
has  contented  himself  with  saying  th'it  we  shall 
then  have  "reached  a  period  when  the  national 
rights  in  Oreann  must  either  be  abandoned  or  firmly 
maintained;"  and  that  they  cannot  be  nliandoiied 
wilhout  the  Riicrificp  of  national  honor  and  interest. 
Xo  intimation  is  given  what  specific  measures  vvill 
Ihcn  be  neeesiinry;  and  much  less  does  he  advise 
legislation  noie  for  that  period.  Should  not,  then, 
ills  peculiar  adherents  on  this  matter  of  Oregon 
abstain  where  he  has  abstained,  and  shrink  from 
legislating  where  he  has  not  ventured  even  to 
advise? 

To  all,  sir,  it  must  be  a.  consideration  of  no  lit- 


tle moment  that  siieli  premniiirfl  Ifcislnlinn  may 
niiisl  S(  rionsly  embarras  >  mid  involvi'  the  relations 
of  the  coiniiry  .:i  the  pending  negiiiialioiis,  They 
are  already  ill  a  situation  of  delicacy  and  rmbar- 
rnsdueiil,  and  a  ftirtlier  eleniint  of  ofrcnce  orilitll- 
cully  nhonld  not  be  cast  in  by  iniprovidenl  Ickis- 
lalioii.  I'*riim  th  '  first,  the  notici'  hiis  been  strongly 
presented  and  advocated  by  il;<  friends  aa  n  [leacfl 
measure.  That  being  stipnlntid  for  by  the  con- 
veiitiiin,  and  given  in  piirsnincc  of  an  iiiidonbieil 
ri'.jht,  expn  Hsly  reserved,  it  could  all'ord  no  jiisl 
cause  of  oll'ence,  while  il  must  tend  to  bring  bolli 
cninitiies  111  a  selllemenl  of  llieir  conllicling  ctaiins. 
We  W(  re  told,  repe.iledly,  that  by  the  notice  there 
was  no  manifiHtalion  of  hostile  iiitenl,  nr  of  aiiiir- 
pose  111  inv.ide  Ihe  rights  of  (inat  liritain.  That 
we  would  not  even  be  cnmniitted  lo  the  ansc'ttoii 
of  onr  rights  over  the  lerrilory  one  inch  fiirthur 
than,  according  to  the  conncienitous  conviclioim  of 
Ihe  majiuily  of  this  I  louse,  onr  title  Nhinild  bo 
clear  aitd  imqueslional.li'.  In  giving  the  nolica 
would  any,  even  the  iiinM  inf.itnaled  .14°  40'  men, 
(as  ilicy  are  here  styled,)  have  dreamed  of  i";coni- 
panviti:;  it  with  the  declaration  or  intimation  that 
at  Us  expiration  we  meant  lo  lake  possession  of 
ami  mainliiin  exclusive  snverei'^^nty  over  the  whole 
Oregon  territory  to  the  Russian  line?  Who  does 
mil  ;)ce  lliai  lo  liave  done  mi  would  have  excluded 
Ihe  idea  nf  a  purpose  to  induce  and  expedite  ami- 
cal'le  sellleinent  ? — would  have  iniplie.l  a  most 
oll'cnsive  menace  to  Oreat  firitain,  and  have  nn- 
(lend  negotiation  inipr.ielicniile,  and  liostilnics  in- 
evitable? Yet  if  by  colempiirary  legislation,  wo 
not  men  ly  dei  lare  such  purpose,  but  actually  pro- 
vide for  it's  execution,  llie  cniir.ie  is  not  materiall/ 
dill'eri'iil  and  scarce  less  dangerous.  We  are  prob- 
alilv  now  v.arrantcd,  by  what  has  proceeded  I'rom 
various  innncntia!  cuarters  in  l".n''tmid,  in  conclu- 
ding that  the  mere  mitice,  being  lull  the  exercise 
of  a  privilege  reserved  by  treaty,  will  not  be  re- 
garded as  a  war  im  asiire;  but  if  the  "  ((iio  (laiiiio," 
the  intent  to  fidlow  it  up  by  taking  and  holding 
exclusive  possession  of  the  whole  country  be  thus 
plainly  stamped  on  our  present  legislation,  how 
can  llie  nolii  e,  thus  explained,  be  regarded  other- 
wise than  as  most  offensive  and  aggressive?  I 
have  heretofore  shown  that  the  praf  tieal  operation 
of  the  bill,  on  the  lerminaiion  of  the  convention, 
would  be  direct  collision  and  war.  lUil  is  there 
lint  the  n.osi  serious  reason  to  npnrelicnd  that 
such  dread  result  may  more  speedily,  nay  even 
immediately  ensue  ?  Would  Great  Urilain  be  lia- 
ble to  the  censure  of  the  civilized  world,  if,  with 
an  unequivocal  manifestation  nf  our  purpose  to 
seize  and  appropriate  the  whole  territory,  and  in 
view  of  legislation  formally  enacted  for  the  dis- 
possession of  her  subjects  and  her  complete  ex- 
pulsion,  she  should  not  await  the  termination  of  the 
convention,  but,  waiving  nnlice,  and  availing  her- 
self of  her  superior  slate  of  preparation,  strike  at 
once  a  fearftil,  if  not  decisive  blow?  Whellicr 
thus  near  or  more  remote,  war  by  our  reckless 
course  will  be  made  almost  certain.  And  what, 
Mr.  Chairman,  must  be  the  nature  and  probable 
consequences  of  such  n  war  ? 

Under  any  circumstances,  Mr.  Chairman,  war  is 
n  great  cvil.'pcrlmps  the  greatest  which  can  befall  a 
natinn,  except  dishonor.  Uetween  two  such  nations 
as  Great  Urilain  and  the  Uniied  States,  each  of 
bravery  unstirpas.sed,  posses.sed  of  immen.se  re  ■ 
sources,  and  aided  in  llie  work  of  mutual  destruc- 
tion by  the  inventions  and  im|irnvemenls  of  modern 
science,  the  coiiflicl  would  be  friglilftd,  and  ilio 
devastation  shocking.  I  wish  nol  lo  dilate  on  the 
mere  honors  of  war".  But, Mi.  Chairman,  if  from 
the  dreadftil  aggregate  of  misery,  anguish,  and 
dc.'iih,  which  must  result  from  even  a  single  field  of 
carnage,  \vc  coiilil  segregate  and  individualize  to 
the  mind 's  ftill  conception  each  case  of  the  wound- 
ed or  the  dying,  with  all  its  attendant  sufiTering,  and 
its  mournful  result  to  the  home  of  Ihe  bereaved — 
to  the  widow  and  the  orphan — we  must  have  heorts 
more  savage  than  that  of  the  bloodiest  despot  who 
ever  outraged  humanity,  if,  holding  in  our  power 
the  blessings  of  peace,  without  the  most  palpable 
necessity,  we  should  "  cry  havne,  and  let  slip  the 
dogs  of  war."  To  my  mind,  the  character  of  the 
Duke  of  Wellington  is  not  more  illustrated  as  a 
conqueror  in  the  annals  of  history  by  the  d(!ci3ive 
victory  of  Waterloo,  than  as  a  man  in  the  view  of 
enlightened  humanity,  by  his  simple  answer  to  a 
friend  who,  congratuluting  him   on  his  glorious 


is 


674 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


American  Settlers  in  Oregon — Mr,  Seddon. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


'\ 


I  , 


(li'hirvrmpiit,  expressed  wonder  lit  llie  absence  of 
all  rl.iiiiin  on  liis  |iiirt.  Ce  not  surprised,  (lie  said,) 
for,  ipi  my  view,  s:ive  n  ilefcat,  llir  ;;rralesl  of  nil 
rjil. unities  is  a  i:li»rioiis  victory.  He  was  ritrlil,sir; 
and  llie  n  ililc  moral  ofliis  seniimnni  in  of  (ii'i'iiliar 
n;  lirahility  to  ns.  For  if  assured — as  've  are  tl\r 
from  lieiiii; — ^if  irimn|)li  iti  war  hiyoiid  onr  saii- 
jEiiinoaiitieipalioiis,  of  wliat  profit  would  it  lie  com- 
■tar-'d  with  the  destnietioii  of  lmm:in  life,  the  oat 


i ;    " ■ '•  »  —    

pouriiii^  of  treasure,  the  devastalioi)  of  (iroperly, 
the  jeo|iardy  to  our  inslitnliont,,  .Md  (he  .'eiardalioM 
of  iior  jirou'ress  to  iniprovemeiil  and  happiness  liy 
whieli  it.s  hlood-siainrd  laurels  would  he  jraiinMir 

Tlie  i^eiiius  of  inn*  in^lifntions  are  essentially 
peaeefnl,  anil  it  is  the  glorious  privilege  of  our 
position  ini  this  eoniineiit  that  we  arc  iimst  surely 
n';i;raiidi/.ed  as  a  nation  liy  the  nohlest  instrunii-n- 
talilits — the  eiiltiire  and  pcoplinir  of  the  eiirili. 
Our  Governmein  is  ailmirahly  adapted  for  llo-  de- 
velopment and  prosperous  display  ol'  ihe  individual 
enci\'y  and  indiisiry  of  its  eitizeiis;  and  in  every 
form  of  human  elforl — in  ajrieiilture,  in  rommeive, 
and  in  maniiftetuiTs — we  have  thriven  and  pros- 
pered in  n  iimmier  wholly  uiiexani|iled  in  the  an- 
nals of  mankind.  .Many'a  hoary  head  is  yet  seen 
nnionir  us,  whose  possessor,  having-  seen  our  n;i- 
ti.in  emerge  from  eohmial  vassala^'e,  has  witiir.'.si'd 
its  pro^jres.-.  with  s.Mive  a  eheek.  idl  now,  hy  the 
arknMwleil:;ment  of  the  first  statesmen  of  l".iirope, 
it  ranks  amonir  the  ;;re.-itesi  of  the  earth.  For  ihe 
eoiirl.iet  of  war  1  will  not  say  rair  Govirnment  is 
i'lroinpelent,  for  on  the  siidieieiiey  of  its  eiirri^ies 
for  every  want,  I  have  j;reat  eonfideiiie;  lint  eer- 
taiiily  in  its  eapaeity  for  the  eoncentrUed  exeeiili'. e 
en'iris  essential  for  war  it  ennlrasis  les.s  favoraMy 
with  the  monarehies  and  arisirteraeies  of  Ilurope, 
nnd  especially  with  the  Government  of  (jreiit  Uril- 
iiin,  than  in  its  ad.iptalion  to  inspire  ineentives  to 
industry  and  seeiire  the  iriumolis  of  peine.  There 
have  heen  frequent  manifesiati'Mis  on  this  door  id' 
feelinirs  hostile  to  Eajjlnnd.  id  as  if  to  iiieiie  to 
reseiioneiit  and  venijeanee.  iVc>  have  had  p, nailed 
in  vivid  array  all  the  crime-  .iiiil  airoeities  .dle^^ed 
to  have  heen  perpeti-nt.^  I  i.y  her  for  aiies  hack  in 
nil  qiiarlers.if  the  worhl,and  have  lislined  to  fervid 
appeals  in  helialf  of  the  ixroaninsr  and  dowii-ticd- 
den  millions  of  her  sulijects,  wli,.,  it  is  said,  writhe 
lienealji  the  oppression  nf  iier  Idoitrd  arislocra''y. 
Sir,  if  we  an?  to  he  nniinated  hy  su.'ji  nalioeal 
Q..nxotry,  or  he  hetrayel  into  a  crusade  for  the 
deliverance  of  those  w'lo  desire  ro'  our  svnipalhy 
nnd  would  spurn  our  prod'ered  aid,  let  lue'sav  that, 
in  my  opinion,  they  v.-ouM  "iiatlv  err  uiio 'would 
resort  to  war  fir  venj.vanc..  ,,r  redress.  The  mo.st 
ceitain  means  f ir  ii.s  to  overthrow  Fn^'lish  power 
— toavcmje  the  past  and  reiiii  dv  the  present  ills  of 
Iter  innieiin; — is  hy  our  peaceful  pro_:res.s,  hy.sih-- 
eessful  conipeiiiioii  in  commerce  and  iiianni'ictiiri  s, 
nil  Her  superiority  in  which  rests  the  main  siad'of 
her  d'pendenee.  Our  aL'riculiure,  of  ci.nrse,  ex- 
ceed-f  hers;  our  coniinercial  marine  is  f\si  approx- 
imating' to  hers;  in  many  lirancles  nf  maini;;iciure 
for  which  niircomnry,\vitliMiii  ariilicial  stii.rilants, 
u  ripe,  we  are  loe,!,  rsclliie,'   her  in  tie-  markets  of 

the   worlij.     Let  us  hut   await  our  'iiowih d 

time  anil  peace  will,  in  a  few  viars,do  more  to 
emiify  such  national  anli)iatliy,'if  it  iinl'orlinr-.teiy 
^'Xisis,  tli.iii  present  war  could  hy  pnssiiji'i.y  a  ■- 
iplish. 
I!nt,  sir,  what  won  I  lie  the  prohahle  e.inse. 
fjueiices  of  war,  sooiild  it  eomi',  in  rehilion  to  tins 
clisputr.j  country  of  (5re;,'o;i.=  It  has  heen  vvell  re- 
marked, in  a  le.Hlinir  F.iiirlisli  j.iurnai,  "  What  .an 
En;^!aiid  jusily  dread  in   lh.it  teniliry,  when  .she 

hascimoi  ind  of  the  sea!ioard  aed  tin.'  interior fif 

the  firt.s  and  Ihe  I.,diaiis."  Iler  resources  ihei - 
would  lie  fir  '.rreaier  thin  ours,  and  her  f.e  iliiies  o.' 
access  superior.  Iteiween  na.iins,  at  lra>i  kindred 
III  valor  and  skill.  Iliese  advanta-cs  would  s,  ,.|u  d,- 
cisive.  I'.lse  where,  we  nnsht,aial  proli.rly  w.Mild, 
olitiun  indemnities,  especially  in  the  Cm  iihs.   |lni, 

lifter  all,  the  ureat  stru::>;le  must  he  lei  tin cans] 

nnd  for  nothing' short  of  llic  soi.remacy  of  the  .seas. 
Immeiis.-  pri'seiit  od.l.s  must  there  he  a;,'aiiist  ns; 
yet  fir  o;.e,  if  the  cmOlici  he-i,,,  |  should  u,,i  des- 
pair of  111  least  an  equal  result,  rt'iiii  all  our  na- 
tional eii.!i_',es  r.i'isiil,  and  onr  immeusr-  resoiuvi^.s 
fully  directed  to  n.ival  ascendencv,  the  ( iod  of  hat- 
ties  could  alone  f.iresee  and  award  tin'  ultimate 
issue.  Hut  a'.'aiiist  eonllict  so  douhtl'ul  and  cim- 
sequences  as  dire  as  must  ensue,  every  patriot 
•Uouldmrive  while  honor  will  permit.    !Sudi  I  con- 


i  fidently  believe  to  he  the  feelin;;  of  the  enlightened 
e  instiliiMicy  I  hav.i  the  honor  lo  represent  on  this 
floor.  Prepared  as  one  man  to  lireast  the  slnvk  of 
ro'ius  when  necessarv,  they  are  tio  sairacious  not 
to  perceive  lliat,  in   the   way.s  of  peace,  their  true 

,  honor  and   iniercs's  lie,  and  too  cons-ions  of  real 

i  valor  to  dread  the  idle  inipiitalioii  of  timidity  in 
aihnttiie^  the  eonusrds  of  onideie  e  and  wisdom. 
In  their  name,  hiiniMe  as  I  am,  I  proiest  neain.it 
and  denounce  the  fillvand  the  madness  which,  liy 
such  improvident  lc:;islatioii  as  lira  hill  proposes, 
would  exoose  them  and  the  eoniilry  lo  the  ha/ards 
and  sacrilices  of  a  needless  war. 

To  the  c;ra\-e  o''iections  which  have  lieen  urired 
to  this  hill  willioiii  the  restriction  of  the  proposed 
anM'iidmcut,  one  answer,  haviiie  sullu'ient  iilausi- 
liility  to  require  notice,  has  heen  i;iven.  It  is,  that 
the   F.nTiish   leirislation  apiilicalde  to  this  the'^^on 

.1  territorv  is  eoexteiisi\-e  with  the  pronos. d  opera- 
tion of  this  hill;  and  that  in  adoptiiiix  it  we  hut  fol- 
low the  precedent  and  example  of  Great  Itritaiii, 
who  will  eonse'iiuntly  he  precluded  from  com- 
plaint. Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  not  disposed 
to  eavil  nlioiit  technicalities,  orqnihhle  on  the  pre- 
cise eonstniciion  to  he  :jiveii  to  some  of  the  clauses 
of  the  F.mrlisli  act  ,if  ISOI.  I  am  inclined  lo  ad- 
mit ih'ii  the  v'eiieral  phrascnloirv  of  that  net  mav 
he  jitst'y  stisceoiihle  of  the  consirnciiou  coiuended 
for.  Hot  it  iiiiisi  le  remcmhered  wdien  that  act 
was  passed,  and  »'-;.;,  what  assurances  if  was  fol- 
lowed.  The  enaciaieiit  was  as  far  Ikp'  as  I8'i}l. 
tiTier  the  .idoption  of  llie  convention  of  ISIH,  and 
when  it  was  to  endure  for  ten  years;  nnd  it  has 
heen  suhseqnent'v  eontinued  under  the  renewed 
eonventiono^'l^^^i7, which  was  indelinitein  itsdura- 
lion.  Al'ier  its  par;sa!i:e,  too,  as  is  well  known,  on 
the  apiitication  of  onr  Cfovernnient,  who  appre- 
hended its  provisions  miu'lit  he  inconsistent  with 
tile  ennveniioii,  salisj'ietory  nssnraives  were^iven 
liv  the  Governmein  of  Great  ririiain  thai  ils  pro- 
visions were  not  intended,  nnd  shonlrl  not  he  eon- 
siriied,  to  extend  to  ciii;'.ens  ol'  the  t'nited  Slates, 
or  invade  t!ie  riL'his  secio-ed  hy  the  cnnvemion. 
Praclicallv  and  siihsianlially,  liien,  this  Fnilish 
enactment  was  pas.sed  with  refi'ienee  only  to  the 
contimmnee  of  the  convention,  and  to  operate  un- 
der and  in  s'rict  siiliserviencv  to  .  s  provisions. 
For  more  tlian  tM-eiit\--five  \'ears  dnriiiL'  which  M 
haslii'en  in  existence,  such  has  hern  its  actual  ope- 
rition,  aiid  net  n  ceimohiiiit  has  heen  made  or 
heard  that  it  has  ever  heen  extended  heyond  Rrit- 
i -h  siihje'-is,  or  made  lo  apply  lo  citi/.i  lis  of  the 

Ullile.l   .still',  s. 

[Here  ^^■■.  .IvroB  Ti|iiMp«nv,  of  Mississipoi,  in- 
lerriiiited  Mr.  SKniioN  with  the  remark;  "  rJiil  in 
tie-  Kn;;lis!i  ii'-l,  «  iiai  saviie.'s  in  fiiv^;-  "f  .Aineriean 
eiiizeiis  exist.'  Ave  there  any  others  than  the  sim- 
ple ri'^ht  to  hiiiii ."'  ) 

I  have  staled,  sir,  fi'csiiined  Afr.  Siaiimv,)  my 
inelinaliini,  Willi  entire  candor,  to  admit  tiro  the 
irmeral  words  nf  the  I'.ii'ilish  sinfre  may  adniii  of 
a  construction  wdiich  would  he  less  l'a\orah|e  to 
onr  citizens  ihnii  niiilei  the  eonveniion  tliev  woehl 
havi-  heeii  eiiiiihd  lo  expect.  Piiit  to  the  exisiin^^r 
eonventi'iii,  in  vaov  of  which  th.  act  was  pass.d, 
to  the  full  assnraiioes  ^iven  in  expiiiiiati.ni  of  it, 
and  to  ils  praciicd  operation  fir  so  hni^'  a  time,  | 
refer  with  confidence,  to  demonsirale  the  real  ehar- 
a-tir  '>f  that  i.iw,  .md  to  •^howlhat  it  was  per.seual 
to  nriiisji  siihi'-  -ts  and  their  possessions — not  iiiju- 
rions  to  onr  cinzens. 

I  Hen:  Afr.  .\I  •IJowr.i.i,  of  Viri^iuia,  who  was 
siltiii!,'  hy,  handed  to  \\r.  .s^kdiiov  a  hooli  I'onlain- 
iii:;  the  F.ii'.riis'i  act,  and  ihs nd  him  to  nail  to 
the  eommitiee,  in  this  connexioii,  rtnd  in  ansM-er 
to  the  remark  nf  the  iientlem  oi  from  .Mississipp  , 
the  clause  in  iliat  a-'l  ie  wliicdi  the  inrisdiciion  of 
the  courts  of  t '.iiiada  is  extended  to  ilie  Indian 
eonutrv.  hut  so  as  not  lo  nooly  lo  any  part  under 
llie  civil  irovermiient  of  the  Uuiliii  States,  &i\'] 

.Mr.  .'^timox  proeeeded.  AFv  lionor.ihle  col- 
lea/ne,  whose  ojuniaiis  are  entitled  to  the  hiidiest 
dei'.rence.  Inn  ■•h:^  iiic'ly  handed  me  the  Kiclish 
ii'-t,aiid  desi'-ed  me  to  read  one  of  its  seciio.is.    l-'eel- 

ill':    Ihe    lllmosi    rispect   f  ir  hii  illd;;olent,  I  i!o  so. 

[Here  Mr.  ."S.  r'.ail  the  section. |  rroiii  iis  i.m- 
(Tiueje,  it  IS  apparent  thai  the  anthority  of  the  liov- 
ernmeni  of  tlii'  iiiiiej  Slates  is  not  meant  lo  he  in- 
juri'iiisly  iinadid. 

[Ileri'  Mr.  ,Umki  Tmomp'ois   interrnoted    .Mr. 


'  'I'liu  Muiiiu  eluuiu  liaN  liL'tin  licruturore  itiiuted. 


Seiidon  with  the  inquiry,  whether,  nt  tlic  liin"  of 
the  passage  of  the  Eiiq;liHli  act,  there  was  any  civil 
Soveriinient  of  the  United  .Slates  in  the  On'L'on  ter- 
ritory, or  any  jiart  of  it,  and  whether  the  jiiri.sdic- 
lion  esifthlished  by  the  linnlish  act  could  he  nii.sted 

I    by  any  suhseqiient  estahlishinenl  of  the  ci\i!  yov- 

I   eminent  of  the  United  Siatis  in  it.'J 

Mr.  Skdhiis  iTsiinied.  I  wish,  Mr.  Chairninn, 
to  deal  with  this  siilijeit  in  no  spirit  of  mere  par- 
tisanship, or  forseemiu'j;  triumph  in  amuioent,  hiu 
with  lerteci  cand'irund  fmnkiiess.  1  ilierel'ine  d. 
not  hesitate  to  reply  to  the  f;entleman,  that  there 
was  nnl,  to  my  knowledi;e,  at  that  lime,  any  civil 
government  of  the  United  States  in  Oreeoii;  and 
thill  the  law  may  pr.ilialdy  liiT  held  lo  apply  to  the 
eoimlries  ;  -  they  then  were.  Opinions,  however, 
as  lo  the  cnislructiou  of  llie  law  dilTer;  and,  as  I 
liavc  St. lied,  I  have  read  this  clause  in  deferenre  lo 
Ihe  wish  of  ft  respected  colleague  wh'ise  jud'.'inent 
is  of  more  worth  than  my  own.  At  least,  on  any 
construction,  tlie  cla.ise  proves  that  more  respect 
was  shown  to  .American  citizens  ihan  merely  to 
s;tvc  their  rii^ht  of  hunlini;,  since  all  under  any 
eivil  government  of  the  United  Slates  at  the  time 
ni'fi  excluded  wholly  from  tlie  operation  of  the  act. 
."Vs  I  have  said,  however,  I  am  not  disposed  P. 
eoninivert  tlie  view  taken  bv  ."■enllemcn  of  the 
mere  l.iii'.:iiae;e  of  the  act.  ^fvarjiumeiit  is  based 
on  ihe  time  nnd  rimoii.^/niiris  of  its  passage;  on  the 
assurances  uliii-h  were  solemnly  eiven  of  ils  in- 
I'lided  operation,  and  on  the  inidouhled  fact  that 
its  application  has  lueii  to  Ilrilish  snlijecls  alone, 
and  never -xiended  to  the  invasion  of  the  rights  i^x 
mir  (ioveriimeiit  or  its  eiiizens.  Instead  of  ferret- 
i  .'.rout  this  musty  act,  mid  wrani^liiig  on  the  i-x- 
act  .•onsiruction  to  be  ;;iven  to  its  mere  words,  let 
the  main  r  be  view.'d  pracli.'ally  and  subsiantially . 
('aiidor  most  adinii  that  in  the  time  and  circnm- 
stiinces  of  the  Kiijlish  le;;islatioii,  as  contrasted 
with  those  of  onr  pr.iposed  bill,  i-oiisists  the  ;;retit- 
esi  imaginable  dilV.rcnce.  There  was  tlun  no  r<;{' 
ereiice  beynid  the  convention;  and  the  leu;islatiiin 
of  f.''n'.:laiid  was  in  coutcniplation  of  and  in  snli- 
servience  to  ils  provisions.  Xow,  liaviip.;  already 
in  this  Hiiisc  voted  to  ;,'ive  notice,  and  not  doubl- 
ing the  concurrence  of  the  other  branch  of  the 
Lc;;islatiire  in  some  form,  -ir  Icu'islatinn  is  jiro- 
p.iscrl  in  direct  reference  lo  liie  tcriniiiali'''n  of  the 
I  "luemion,  nnd  in  full  c.nitemplatiou  of  the  ulte- 
rior stale  of  afliiirs  when  no  treaiy  slipnlatii'Us  are 
to  exist.  Hills,  the  (reneral  words  of  which,  if 
ad.ipiid  soi.n  after  the  eonveution  v.as  euien  d 
inio,  or  while  it  was  iinhfinile  in  durati'in,  would 
have  been  of  liiile  inomenl,aiid  of  i.odaOL'er,  wiiidd 
under  present  circumstances,  possess  peculiar  siji;- 
nilicatae,  a. id  convey  ni.'.'-t  oll'etisivc  menace.  To 
such  a  law  as  now  propie-ed,  had  it  been  hroujjhi 
forwc-j  when  il'e  F-icbsh  a.t  passed,  serious  ob- 
jection niii^bt  net  liavi  been  eiile riained.  I  inic'it 
my.silf  have  vo  .'.I  f.ir  it  '.vilhiiit  note  or  e, ire  liir 
its  operation  be, end  the  coiiveniion,  the  leriniim- 
ti.iii  of  wliii  h  was  iioi  coiiieniplaled.  Tut  now 
thnu'.;htl.'ssiiess  or  reckhssness  in  oii'*  letjislalioh 
w..ui.l  be  b..ili  fiolish  iiad  criniinal.  It  is  no  fiir 
te.'it  of  the  wisd.ini  or  .safely  ol'passin;,'  this  bill  p, 

npare  its  pr.iiisioiis  with  the  mere  phrasiolui^y 

of  the  i'',n.jlisli  act.  The  true  tonclistoiie  is  lo  re- 
verse the  attitudes  of  (ileal  Ijritain  and  our  Ciov 
eriimciii,  and  to  brniL'  lumie  to  our  own  brci.si.s 
the  thoii'.'iiis  and  .liioiiiiis  wlii.  h  c.ndii.l  like  tli.a 
we  pnipos,',  if  ad'ipted  by  Great  I'rit.iin,  would 
excite.  ^Stlppose,  in  the  aiisenee  of  any  cause  ot' 
irritat.oii  nn  our  part,  in  the  course  of  a  peiidini; 
ne'.,'oiiatioii  t'or  aimcable  iidinstment  nf  the  eoiilli,  i 
ill!.'  claims  .,f  the  i\',o  niiii.ins,  the  Goveiiinieiit  of 
Gn'at  llriiaiii  wiae  lo  L'ive  us  police  fir  llit  abi"- 
iiation  o."  ihe  existiii;^  eonveniion,  and  her  rarlia- 
nient  Were  eoiein|>oraii(  i.nsly  not  merely  lo  rhow 
a. I  iiiieiii,  but  pnivide  by  .actual  lci;islalioii,  iiiinii  - 
dialely  then'after  lo  lake  possession  of  the  whole 
terriiiiry,  and  dispoisess  our  eiiizens  and  exi  huh; 
ail  I  iaiiii  on  our  pari  P.  pir.sdi.-ti.iu  or  sovi  rei::ii'v 
ill  any  p.irti.m  of  the  cuuntry  even  s.iiilh  of  the 
(.'oluinbia:  would  not  iiiili.jiiation,ileip  and  iiileii,".  , 
be  kindled  in  all  .\ineri.an  hearts.-  .And  wonij 
not  >\w\\  iiiitr.-e  be  ih  t  iiied  most  si'.:nificant  of  h.is- 
llle  iiili  III,  and  the  prelude  lo  certain  war  ■  We 
ini^dit,  indeed,  deem  it  wise  in  onr  pn'sent  slate  of 
pri'p.iration  l.i  nurse  our  w:'alh  and  delay  an  iin- 
mediate  'iiilbreak  of  hostilities;  but  all  would  fci  I 
that  prndeiu'e,  not  intern  ition.d  iihli;;atioiis,  with 
Iield,  and  that  we  would  bu  warrunled,  so  uouii  uk 


April  15, 
'  Reps. 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


671 


2f)Tii  Coxo ^s^  Sr.ss. 


Bnltks  on  the  Rio  Grande — Official  Report. 


Senate  &.  Ho.  of  Reps. 


1i\' vi!;iri)iis  efTortwc  sliniild  nileqiinlely  pro:piir(!,lo  ' 
BP-k  thn  uliimaie  resort  of  n:\tiniis.  In  this  reverse 
of  pnHiiinns,  we  fuiil  nn  iirtmirnlilc  ailiriniiition  to 
firlieur  frnin  'lie  rashni'sa  nml  nfi^msinii  this  l)ill  : 
\inam''nile(l  wiiild  csliiliit;  fiirwlint  wn  wciiilil  not  i 
fii  Icirn  we  may  jiii^tly  ev;peei,  Gfiit  Firilain — ii  nn-  I 
tin!i  ns  piiteiit  and  sensitive  tn  licmnr  aN  i)ur  own —  , 
will  prnniplly  resent. 

A  sirnn);  miilitinnal  nririnnent,  Mr.  f'liairmnn, 
fur  limiiinir  tl'i"  ''ill  I'y  'lie  anie,i:lnieiit  proposed, 
is  afTordeJ  by  the  nnaniniity  whieli  will  then  be 
fle^ureil  to  its  pnssai^e.  Tins  is  a  consideration 
wliii'li  slinnid  lie  stronf^lv  fi'b  by  tliose  honorable 
penlleniei),  its  p'l'nlinr  a;lvociitea  in  its  |)ie«eiit  ob- 
jeeiioiiab'e  form,  wlio  have  been  so  sniieitoiis  and 
einmnronsf  n-iiiianiiiiily — eordial  and  united  ae.iion 
in  nor  mea«nies  about  Oieijon.  We  have  been 
stunned  by  hoi'orabic  ineinbers  here,  till  we  searcc 
lieeded  the  no  less  freq'ienl  appeals  of  the  prc.os, 
with  assnranecK  of  the  mi'.'hty  influenee  to  lie  ex- 
erted at  home  ard  abroad  by  the  ninrnl  elTeet  of 
united  anion  and  iiannoninita  eo-operation  of  nil 
brAnelies  of  tlie  Coverninent  in  relation  to  Oregon. 
Xow,  surely,  if  union  and  harnionv  eon.^titnte 
snch  potent  levers  wherewith  to  move  the  world  i 
on  this  snlijer'l,  they  ennnot  ho  less  essential  nn  the 
manift'St:ition  of  our  nnmose  to  eneourai^i'  and 
pmlc't  our  settlers  in  Or";;on,  than  in  the  form  in 
whi'h  the  notiee  to  trrminaK^  tin-  eonveniion  i.s  to  ' 
be  '.riven. 

There  will  s'-ar-e  be  any  dissent  in  the  privis- 
ions  of  the  bill  for  these  obie.els;  V  hereas,  by 
exiendintr  iis  operation  to  th"  dispossession  and 
exelusion  of  Oreat  Uritain,  after  the  convention  i.s^ 
terminated,  from  the  whole  territory,  die  hill,  if 
pns'ieil  at  all,  can  be  eavrieil  only  by  a  mca'.;re  ina- 
ioi-it\'.  I  appeal  to  L"M'h*mrn,  mi  their  own  iir;;u- 
nienis,  to  irr^et  us  fiirlv,  and  aeenrd,  where  all 
iiviv  ajree,  and  not  to  le'^islati'  as  if  the  is(datioii 
of  t'rienils,  rather  than  the  attainment  of  ends  eimi- 
inon  to  all  parlies  and  sections  of  parties,  were  ila.'ir 
real  object. 

.Ml  eonsideralinns  of  prudence  end  policy  con- 
soire,  Mr.  f'hiiirman,  to  dissii;ui"  ns  from  legisla- 
tin-  :iow  for  the  exitiencies  which  are  to  exist 
r  e  '/le  termination  of  the  convention.  There  is 
(■■Kamlv  no  occasion  for  Congress  to  aiui''ip:<te 
events  S(i  far.  Another  session  must  occur  before 
the  convention  ciin  expire,  anil  then,  with  much 
fuller  li';hts,aiid  in  view  o'  'M  intermediate  events, 
we  mnv  aljnst  our  let^islation  to  the  necessities  of 
existin'^  afl'iirs.  !^le>u!d  a  settlcnent  be  effected 
in  the  iiilernn'diaic  lime,  your  prtsent  !e.,'ish,tion 
would  be  intercepted  and  nverrii'ed.  Slionld  con- 
flict prove  inevitable — :inil  by  that  time  the  devel- 
opnieiit  of  events  will  probably  allow  a  correc.t 
dei'ision — many  members,  who  are  now  averse  to 
the  assertion  of  ex'^lnsive  sovi  reiL'iity  iiiid  juris- 
diction,  would  be  |irenared  to  2:0  Ibr  the  whole. 
Iffin-!it  the  II  ition  niii.ii.  tlrm  ht  it  fiirht  for  till  that 
the  file  of  arms  can  besto.v.  lint  now  mir  ne^ro- 
tiations  are  pemliiiff — our  relations  in  a  dmibiful 
and  e:vilii<rrassiii<;  condilion.  V.'e  are  on  the  eve 
of  events  lo  he  deci.-^ivr  .'f  onr  totin-e  r'onrsi'  in 
relation  to  this  whole  IIicl'ou  mitfr.  1  low,  tin  o, 
can  we  prndenilv  or  wisely  h-ivishile  in  advanci', 
when  we  literally  "  l>ni  \v  not  wle.it  a 
brinir  fo.  a." 

[Here  the  Chairman's  hammer  I'l 
was  cut  olf  f. om  further  iennrl;s.] 


in  Ti'XHs,  which  took  |ilace  mi  the  8tli  and  Otli 
ultimo;  and  also  of  the  boinbardnient  of  the  fort 
opposite  Matuiooris. 

Very  rcspectfnilv,  your  obedient  servant, 

W.  r,.'.MAUCY,  Sm-Himj„fWar. 

To  the  PiiKsini-.-r. 


il.iy  may 
;nid  Mr.  «. 


TtlF.  n.ATTLF.S  dX  Till".  [tli»  f;RAM)K. 
oiTiriAi.  ni;!")ins. 

WAsIllMiTOS-,  ./aiir  IJ,  I84fi. 
Tn  tlir  Sctinlf  am!  //e'n"  of  /iV/irf  <ni(/i/irfs.' 

I  transmit  lii'rewith,  f  a-  the  informaiiou  of  I'on- 
eiess,  oirn'ial  reports  rei-eived  tVoni  the  otiicer  com. 
inandinsr  the  army  on  :iie  .Mexican  frontier,  triviti',' 
n  detailed  report  of  the  operations  of  the  aroiy  in 
lli.il  quirter,  and  particularlv  ot' the  reci'iii  co'raL'e- 
ment.s  between  the  .Vmerican  an  I  .Mexii'.ui  f.M.'cs. 
,1 AMKS  K.  I'dl.lv. 

Wmi  Dk.I'aui  ii.vr,  ./am  II,  IHIIl. 

Sin;  1    respe'tl'ully  sulnoil   hen  with  rcporl.s  of 

Brevet  Major  tiener.d  Tavlor,  and  uccoinpanyiii!,' 

documents,  Kivint:  a  delniled  account  of  the  iialtles 

of  "  I'nio  Alto"  and  of  the  "  Resiiai  de  In  Palo," 


M 

Rr/iort.1  from  Genrrnl  Taiilnr. 

TTf. \i>or\nTKns  .\umv  of  OrrrpvTiox, 
rniiiji  iicnr.Wrt'(iiiiero,?,,1/ii;f  16,  lS4fi. 
Sin:  I  have  now  the  honor  to  submit,  a  more  de- 
tailed report  of  tlie  .action  of  the  >*-h  instant. 

The    m.iin    body   of  the    Army   of  O.-cinmtion 
marched  unr'er  m\'  immediate  orders  from  Point 
Isabel  on  the  evenini  of  the  7ih  May,  and  bivon-    . 
ncked  seven  miles  from  that  pta-'e. 

O'lr  marcli  was  resuni'^d  the  f  >llo\vin2  niorniotr. 
.\liout  ii'ion.  wild  o'li"  advance  of  cnvalrv  had 
reached  the  water-hole  of  "Palo  .\Iti,"  the  Mexi-  \ 
cnn  troons  were  renorted  in  our  front,  and  were 
soon  discovercil  oc'-unvite::  the  road  in  force.  ' 
ordered  a  hall  upon  reachiiej;  the  water,  with  a  view 
to  res't  anil  refresh  the  men,  and  firm  delilieralely 
our  line  of  lialile.  The  Mexican  line  was  now 
plaialv  v'sible  across  the  prairie,  and  about  three- 
quarters  of  a  mile  distant.  Their  left,  which  was 
comnosed  of  a  he. ivy  foren  of  cavalry,  occiniied  the 
road,  resfiii'i-  iinoM  a  tliic-  et  of  -•  !"^ "1  txal ,  wliile 
mas.ses  of  infui'r',-  were  dis"overed  in  soceession 
on  the  rii^lit,  e'rea'ly  ontniimberiiiLr  our  own  force. 

Our  line  of  liait'e  w'as  now  formed  in  the  follow- 
in;' order,  coinnie)iein;r  on  the  extreme  r!elil:  ."nil 
iniantry,  eomman  led  bi'  Lieunavint  Polonel  Mc- 
intosh; Major  P.in;r;;old's  arlillerv:  M  infiintrv, 
commanded  bv  t'aotain  I,.  M.  Morris;  two  ]S. 
poiinders,  coniniaMded  by  Lientenani  f'hnrchill, 
3d  a"til|erv;  -Itli  iiifmtry,  commanded  by  Major 
n.  AV.  .\lleo;  the  ;t  I  and  -llh  reiiimenis  composed 
the  third  bri,'ade,  under  command  of  Lienteivint 
Colonel  Garland;  and  all  the  above  eorrts,  to<.ret)|ci- 
with  two  stpi.'ulr  >ns  of  dra2;oous,  under  Caiiiains 
Ker  and  Miiy,  comoosed  the  ri'.'ht  win;,  under  the 
orders  of  Colonel  Tw''r;;s.  The  left  was  f '-med 
bv  the  liattalion  of  artillerv,  eoinni'tniled  bv  Iji'  11- 
teaant  Colonel  Chihls,  Captain  Duncan's  Ii;:ht  ar- 
tillery, and  the  8ih  infantrv,  under  Captnin  .Monl- 
'jomery.  all  foriiiin-ir  'be  first  brii^ade.  under  eoni- 
nvind  of  Lieutenant  Crdom  I  lielknao.  The  train 
was  parked  near  the  water,  under  direction  of  Cap- 
tains Crossnvm  and  .Myers,  and  iirotectcd  by  Cap- 
tnin Ker's  sqiiaib-on. 

.\hoHf  two  o'do'-k  we  took  nn  the  inarch  by 
heiils  of  eohimns  in  the  direeiiim  of  the  enem».', 
the  IP-oonnder  baltcry  followinL'  the  road.  While 
the  colunms  were  iulvnnciii<r.  Lieiitenaut  Iilake, 
Topo'xr-inhical  F.ni^iueers,  volunteered  a  reci>nnois- 
suveof  the  enemy's  line,  wliicli  was  handsomely 
performed,  and  ri'su'teil  in  the  discovery  of  at  least 
two  batteries  of  nrtillerx'  in  the  iniervals  of  their 
cavalrv  and  infinitry.  These  batteries  were  soon 
opeiie'l  upon  us,  when  1  ordered  the  colnniiis  halted 
and  depliiyeil  imo  line,  and  the  fire  lo  be  returned 
by  all  our  ai-tillerv.  The  Sfli  intV'^t-.-, ,  on  our 
extreme  lel'i,  was  thrown  bjick  to  .seioire  tint  Hank. 
The  first  fires  of  the  enemv  did  litili;  execution, 
w-hih-  our  IS-pounders  and  -Mijor  Uin'_'''Iold's  arlit- 
lerv  soon  dispersed  the  cavalry  which  lornied  his 
left.  Cantiin  nuncairs  buttery,  thrown  forward 
in  nd\-atiee  of  the  line,  \\-,is  tloin*_r  ;;-Mod  eX'-ciition 
at  this  time.  Canfain  ^I.iy's  squadron  was  nr,w 
dei'iehed  to  snooortthat  bioterv  and  the  left  of  our 
posi'ion.  The  Mexican  cavalry,  with  two  pie.-es  of 
ertiller\-,  were  now  reren-o  d  t  •  he  tiiovitej;  ihroirrh 
Ih"  etiaparr.il  lo  onr  ri-jhl,  lo  threaien  ih.it  Hank, 
or  nnke  a  denions'r.itiiei  ii"-:iinsf  the  tr-tin.  'I'he 
,'>t!i  infintry  w.is  inimediateh-  detached  to  cheek- 
this  movement,  and,  snoivirted  by  Lifuteii.int 
l?!'b.:ely,  wiili  aseciioii  of  .Major  riii'_':'-old's  l-nt- 
ter\',  and  Cai-it-iin  AValkcr's  compinv  of  veluii- 
teers,  etVeciually  repulsed  llie  enemy — the  ."ith  in- 
t'lutrv  repel'in'j:  a  ehai-ee  of  lancers,  and  the  ;iriil- 
lery  doiivj^  n:re:it  exe-cntion  in  their  raaks.  The 
nd  inl'intry  was  now  deiiched  1.1  the  riplit  .a-i  a 
still  l"urilier  security  to  thai  diiiiK,  yet  thre'Ueu-d  by 
the  enemv.  Major  P>in'.r;old,  iiiili  the  remainin;; 
sei'tion,  K','i>t  up  his  fire  from  an  advanced  posiiion, 
iiiid  was  siioporti'd  by  the  .lib  iiifintry. 

The  irris-i  of  the  prairie  had  been  accidiaitally 
fired  by  our  arliUerv,  and  the  \oln'ues  of  smoke 
now  partially  enncenled  the  armies  from  e  udi  other. 
As  the  enemv 's  left  hud  evideiillv  lieen  driven  back, 


and  left  the  road  free,  and  as  tiic  eaiinoniule  had 
been  suspended,  I  ordered  forward  the  IS-pound- 
ers on  the  road  nearly  to  the  nosiiion  first  oreiipied 
iiy  the  Mexican  cavalry,  anil  caused  the  first  bri- 
KMlie  to  take  up  a  new  position,  still  on  the  left  of  the 
18-pounder  bnltery.  The  5tli  was  advani'ed  from 
its  fiu-mer  position,  and  occupied  a  point  on  the 
extreme  ri;;ht  of  the  new  line.  The  enemy  riadn 
a  change  of  position  cnrrespondin;:  to  our  own,  and 
nfler  a  sn-spension  of  nearly  an  hour  the  action  wa.s 
resumed. 

The  fire  of  artillery  was  now  most  destructive; 
openiii'js  were  constantly  made  throui;h  the  ene- 
my's ranks  by  our  fire,  and  the  constancy  with 
wliieli  the  ?»lexican  infantry  sustained  this  severe 
cannonade  was  a  theme  of'universal  remark  and 
admiration.  Captain  May's  .squndron  wasdeiacli- 
ed  tn  ninke  a  denionslralion  on  the  lel'i  of  the  ene- 
my's position,  .and  siilTcred  .severely  from  the  fire  of 
ariillerv.  to  which  it  was  for  .some  lime  exposed. 
Til''  ith  infmlry,  which  had  been  ordered  to 

port  the  Ift-poii  aler  battery,  was  exposed  to  a 

most  jalUnir  lire  of  artillery,  by  wdiich  several  men 
were  killed  and  Captain  Patje  <]aii'.;eriusly  wound - 
.'d.  The  enemy's  fire  was  direcicu  ajninst  onr 
IH-pounder  battery  and  the  e;iios  under  Major 
Riie.ru^ohl  in  its  vicinity.  The  Major  himself, 
wliil"  coolly  directiii'.;  the  fire  of  his  pieces,  was 
struck  bv  a  cannoii-bidlnnd  mortally  wounded. 

In  the  niean  time  the  battaliou  of  artillery  under 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Childs  had  been  brought  up  to 
suopori  the  artillery  on  our  ri;;ht,  A  slronir  dem- 
oastrntion  of  cavalry  was  now  made  by  the  ene- 
my a;aiiist  this  part  of  our  line,  and  the  column 
continued  to  advance  under  a  severe  fire  froni  the 
l.-^-ponnders.  The  battalion  was  instantly  formed 
in  square,  and  held  ready  to  receive  the  charj-e  of 
cavalrv:  but  when  the  advnncin;  squadrons  v.-ere 
wilhiu  closi'  ran're,  a  deadly  fire  of  canister  I'rom 
the  bS-pounders  dispersed  them.  A  brisk  (ire  of 
siaall  arms  was  now  opened  upon  the  square,  by 
■  wlii.'h  one  officer  (Lieutenant  Lutlicr,  Sd  artil- 
lerv) was  sli'jhtly  wounded;  but  a  well-directed 
vollcv  from  ihe  front  of  the  square  silenced  all  fur- 
ther firinu'  from  the  enemy  in  this  quarter.  It  was 
DOW  nearly  dark,  and  the' action  was  closed  on  the 
ri'jht  of  onr  line,  the  enemy  havin;?  been  completely 
driven  hark  from  his  position,  and  foiled  in  every 
attempt  a:rainst  our  line. 

While  the  ahovew;i3  "joina: forward  nn  our  ri2;hl, 
and  under  my  own  eye,  the  enemy  h.ul  made  a 
serious  attempt  a'.:ainst  the  left  of  our  line.  (Jap- 
tiin  Piincm  inslintly  perceived  the  niovcmen!, 
and,  by  t  le  bold  and"  brilliant  nianosnviiiie;  of  his 
battel ,',  completely  repulsed  several  sllcces.^ive  ef- 
firis  of  the  eneniy  lo  advance  in  force  upon  onr 
left  flank.  Sup[iorted  in  sneecssion  by  the  8th 
infantrv  and  bv  C'ptain  Ker's  Rquadrou  of  dra- 
goons,'he  tralkintly  held  the  eneniy  at  bay,  and 
finallv  drove  liiui.  With  imme".se  hiss,  from  the 
firdd.'  The  action  here  am'  .I0115  the  whole  line 
c  nilinued  until  dirk,  when  t  le  eneniy  retired  into 
the  clianarral.  in  rear  of  his  position.  Our  army 
bivouacked  ■'.,  ihe  L'roiinr'  'i  occupied.  Dnriii;^ 
ilie  afierui'.in  the  train  lied  been  moved  forward 
al'nnt  half  a  mile,  and  wi  -^  parked  in  rear  of  the 
new  position. 

Our  loss  this  day  was  nine  killed,  forty-l'our 
wounded,  and  two  n'lissimr.  .\niona:  the  wounded 
were  M;iioi  Iliutre'ihl,  who  has  sin>;e  died,  and 
•  'aniain  Vaje  (lMn:;erously  wounded,  Lieutenant 
Lu't'ier  sbthtly  so.  I  annex  a  tahiiiar  st.itenient 
of  the  casualties  of  the  ilay. 

Dru'  own  force  eiiitaired  i.s  shown  by  tlie  field  re- 
port herewith,  to  have  hten  177  otlicers  and  S,J]  1 
men;  aei;re','ate  2.'-3^8.  The  .Mexican  force,  ac- 
cordin.r  to  the  stnleiiu  nts  of  llieir  own  odicers  ta- 
ken prisiniers  in  the  afl'iir  of  tin'  11th,  was  not  lesa 
tha:i  (i.ddO  rCL'tilar  troops,  with  ten  pieces  of  artil- 
lerv, and  probablv  exi ded  that  iiumiier — the  ir- 
regular force  not  known.  Their  loss  was  not  less 
than  2;l!l  killed  aid  4111)  wounded — probably  sreui- 
cr.  This  esiiiiuue  is  very  inodiu-aie,  and  I'orined 
upon  the  number  actually  eoiintud  U|i..'i  the  field, 
mid  unoii  the  repmas  of  their  own  otticera. 

.■\s  alreadv  reported  in  my  first  brief  dcapalch, 
the  conduct  of  our  otKcersand  men  waseveryiliiiiif 
that  could  be  desired.  Exposed  for  iioiirs  to  the 
severest  triiil — a  cannonade  of  artillery — our  troops 
displayed  a  coolness  and  eonsiancy  which  (j;av« 
me  throughout  the  assurance  of  vicimy. 

I  purposely  defer  the  mention  of  individuals  un- 


676 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  12, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Battles  on  the  Rio  Grande — Official  Report. 


Senate  &l  Ho.  of  Reps. 


til  my  report  of  llic  notion  of  the  9lli,  when  I  will 
ciideovor  lo  do  jiisc'ce  to  the  many  instnncea  oi 
distinjjiiishcclpondnc'  on  liolli  dnys.  Ill  the  mean 
time  1  refer  for  inore  ininiile  details  to  the  reports 
of  individual  eommanders. 

1  am,  sir,  very  resp'ctfuUv,  your  obedient  ser- 
vant, Z.TAYLOlt, 

Brerel  Brig.  Gfn.  {'.  S.  ./.  riimiiiniK/iiiff. 
The  Apjutant  Gknkrai.  of  thf.  Ahmv, 

(t'lis/iiiigfoii,  /).  ('. 

Return  of  the  k'tlcd,  icmiin/fi/,  «ii(i  missini^,  of  Hit 
Jinny  of  Ucnipiilion,<il  the  uclioii  of'I'a'u  .lllo," 
Maij  8,  iSAG,  'A.  Taylor,  Brerel  Biifr.  (!cn.  I'.  H. 
.i. ,  comiimni/iii^. 

Killed,  it  non-commissioned  otlieers.  arlifii'ors. 
musicians,  and  privates.  Wonmled,  '.i  conmiis- 
sioned  ollicers:  AJajor  UincsoM,  niorlally,  (since 
dead;)  Caplain  Fat'c,  dan<_'ernusly ;  Lieulenanl 
Lulher,  slightly.  Alissinij,  i  privaicH.  IUh-m's, 
14  killeil,  and  4  wounded. 

Field  rcpor*  of  the  roryu  ro)n;>.-,tHii;  the  .-Jrmi/  of  On-H/xf'fiji, 
i-oj/iiii.  Tl»/:-./  'y  Hrevet  i/ri.:,'.  Gen.  Z.  T.n'lo'r.  .>ri_t,8,  IMli. 


c  ,- 


Willi 


Gem  nil  st;ifr 

Liuht  iirniltTV  (RiriffSoIdV).. 

'J<l  (IniEiKiim  '. .' 

^1  tirifjnile — ^<t  nnil  4lh  re^ii- 

liieiu< 

[ ."itli  intiiiiiry * 

Iff  f  l<icla  iirtilli'ry  (Diincnii*;*)... 
bri-  <  B.-(aatJnn  4,1'  artillery  and  Mill 
gtide.  [     inlajilry 


Asjiri'Enle. . 


11 

!1  1       ~0 

ID 

'HJ  1    2S-J 

59 
■1 

611 
19 

C6.1 

.•wo 
.■a 

6. 

7ill 

C.u 

177 

•3,111  \-ifim 

IICAO^CA.^rKRs  Ar.'HV  or  ilecrF'ATloN, 

Citmp  nciir  Mjl.nntrft^.  .Viii;  IG,  IMfi. 
•/..  TA^l.llK. 
li.-evft  Bris.  (iejt.  t'.  S.  .1.,  e-iwm^ni 
W.  W.  S.  IlLlks.  Jissul:nU  .^rf).|/„n(  Gener.il. 


:'i,.». 


HF.AnQL'ABTEn5  ArMY   OF  OrnPATIflV. 

Camp  near  Fort  Broini,  Tn-ii.i,  ..May  17,  1^4(i. 

Sir:  In  snlmiitlincr  a  more  ininuie  report  ni  ihe 
nfTair  of"  llesaca  de  la  i'iilnia,"  I  linve  the  honor 
to  Slate  that,  early  on  the  inorninj  of  ihc  Hili  in- 
stant, the  enemy,  «ho  had  encamped  near  the 
field  of  liatllc  oflhe  day  previous,  va.s  discovered 
movin;:  l>y  his  Icl'l  flank,  eviilently  in  relreat,  and 
perhaps  at  the  same  time  to  e.'iin  a  new  posiiinn 
on  the  road  to  Matainoros,  and  there  njain  resist 
our  advance. 

I  ordered  the  .'iiipply  train  to  he  stronjiy  parked 
at  its  position,  aiid  lei't  with  it  four  pieces  of  arlil- 
lery — the  two  IH-lionnders,  which  had  done  such 
good  service  on  ihe  ]irevioiia  ilav,  and  two  I'J- 
ponnders,  which  liad  not  been  iii  the  actidn.  The 
wounded  ollicers  and  men  were  at  the  same  lime 
sent  hack  t'l  Riint  Isahcl.  I  ilinn  ni.ived  forward 
wiih  the  columns  to  the  ed^'o  of  ilie  chaparral  or 
forest,  which  extends  lo  the  l!io  Grande,  a  dis- 
tance of  seven  mih's.  The  lijht  cinnoanies  of  Ihe 
first  lnii,'adc  under  Caplaiii  t '.  '1'.  .Sniilh,  S>il 
artillery,  and  a  s^'lcct  deiaehmenl  of  liihl  iroops, 
the  whole  iiiider  the  coir.inai  il  of  CMplain  IMcCmII, 
4ih  intanlry,  were  tlirciwn  fnward  into  ilie 
chaparral,  to  feel  the  eneniv  and  ascertain  his  po- 
sition. About  three  o'clock,  I  received  n  ri'port 
tVoni  the  advain  e  that  llieenemvwas  in  jiosiiiini 
on  the  roid,  with  at  least  two  pieces  of  ariillerv. 
Tile  command  was  iinnicilialcly  put  In  inoliui;, 
and  about  Ion  o'clock  I  came  up  with  ( 'aplain 
Mcf'all,  who  reported  the  eneniv  in  foire  in  our 
front,  oocupyiii'-'a  ravine  wliicii  inicrsecis  the  road, 
and  IS  skirled  liy  iliickeiH  of  ilcn.si-  chapariMl. 
Ridu'ely's  ballcry,  and  the  advance  nnrler  f'apiain 
MeCall,  were  at  one,,  thrown  forward  on  the  roed 
and  into  the  cha|)arral  lai  either  side,  while  the 
.'illi  infanlry  and  one  wiii^:  of  the  4lli  was  ihrriwn 
into  the  forest  on  the  left,  and  the  :id  and  Ihe 
other  wi'ij  of  liie  4lli  on  the  riu'lil  id'  the  road. 
These  corps  were  einployeil  as  skirmishers  to 
'•over  the  bailerv  and  en:rM;;e  the  Af  exicjui  iiif  iiitrv. 
Captain  Mcf '.ill's  command  beeanie  at  mice  eii- 
frnijed  svitli  the  enemy,  while  the  le^'lil  artillery, 
Ihouji'h  ill  a  very  I'Vposcd  pofiiiion,  did  [jreat  exe- 
cutiini      The  enemy  had  at  least  eifrhi  pieces  of 


artillery,  and  maintained  an   iiicesaant  fire  upon    - 
our  advance. 

The  action  now  beeanie  ;;eneral,  and  nltliotish 
the  enemy's  infantry  !;ave  way  before  the  steady 
fire  and  resistless  |  .•o?,'res.s  of  (air  own,  yet  his  ar- 
tillery was  still  in  position  t.i  ( lieck  our  advance —  ^ 
seveiiil  pieces  occtipyiinr  the  pass  across  the  ravine  H 
which  lie  had  chosen  for  his  posiiion.  I'crceivins 
llrit  no  ilecisive  ndvanlaije  could  be  cained  until 
lliis  arlillcry  was  silenced,  I  ordered  c'aplaiii  May 
lo  charge  Ihe  bailery  with  his  sipiadroii  of  dra- 
goons. This  was  i;.'dlaiilly  and  etl'ci'iiially  execii- 
led;  the  enemy  was  ilriven  from  his  t;uns,  anil 
Ciciieral  La  VcL'a,  who  remained  aNu.e  at  mie  of 
the  batteries,  was  taken  )n'isniK'r.  Tin;  si|nadron, 
which  sulVercd  iiuicli  in  this  charge,  not  Ijein^  im- 
mediately siipprirtcd  iiy  infanlry,  could  nol  retain 
po.ssession  of  the  arlillery  taken,  but  il  w;:s  eom- 
plelely  silenced.  In  ll»'  mean  lime  ilic  ,'-''li  iii- 
lanlry  had  liieii  ordered  up,  and  liad  become 
warmly  eiisai;ed  on  llic  rishl  of  the  road.  This 
rci;inienl  and  a  part  id'  the  alli  were  now  ordered 
to  charf;e  the  batteries,  whicli  was  haiulsouiely 
done,  and  ihe  enemy  eiilircly  driven  l"r<^ini  his  ariil- 
lerv and  his  posiiion  mi  the  left  ol'ihc  ro'  1. 

'i'he  li'^lit  companies  of  llie  first  bri:;ade,  and 
ihe  .'id  and  4ih  resinienis  of  infanlry,  had  been 
deployed  on  the  ri,i;ht  of  the  ro:id,  when,  at  \a- 
rimis  points,  iliey  lu'caine  iirisMv  eiisaned  with 
tlio  enemy.  .\  .small  parlv.  under  t'anlain  Hn- 
chanan  and  Lieuunanls  V.'ood  and  Hays,  4ili 
infanlry,  composed  chi  ■l^\'  of  men  of  ihat  reiri- 
incnt,  drove  the  enemy  bom  ii  breastwork  which 
he  occii|iied,and  captured  a  piece  of  arlillery.  An 
attempt  to  recovf'r  ibis  piece  was  repulsed  by  Cap- 
tain IJarbonr's  .'M  infanlry.  The  enemy  was  at 
l.ast  eomple'cly  dri\en  from  his  posiiion  on  the 
rijlitof  the  road,  and  relrealed  precipilniely,lc!ivin!: 
ba^riraire  of  every  description.  Tiie  4th  infantry 
took  p'issession  ofa  camji  w  hr-rc  tite  bead-qiuirtcrs 
oflhe  Mexican  Gencia!-in-('hii  f  were  isiablisli(  d. 
.Ml  his  official  corre.s|iondenee  was  captured  at  this 
place. 

The  artillery  battalion  (excepting  the  (lank  com- 
iMinies)  had  been  oidercil  to  i^uard  the  bai:;ja:;e- 
train,  which  was  parked  some  distance  in  rear. 
Thai  ballalion  was  no'.v  ordered  up  lo  pursue  ihe 
enemy,  and  with  the  lliird  infanlry,  Cipiaiu  Ker's 
dra'.;i«nis.  inid  Captain  Lliincinrs  i.alti  rv,  followed 
him  rapidly  lo  the  river,  making'  a  inmilur  of  |ni.s- 
oncrs,  G'real  numbers  oflhe  enemy  were  drowned 
in  .at'empiiiiT  lo  cross  ilie  ri\er  mar  the  town. 
The  corps  last  nienuoni  d  rncamped  in  ar  the  ri\er; 
Ihe  remainder  of  ihe  army  on  liie  field  of  bailie. 

Till'  sircn^'th  of  our  m 'rchiuir  force  on  iliis  dav, 
as  exhil.iled  in  the  annexed  field  report,  was  IT.'t 
ollieirs,  and  'ifli'.)  men— a-m-e^'ale  a,ooo.  Xhe 
acin.il  nmnlier  ei'i.:a'^ed  uiih  the  enemy  did  not 
exceed  1,7IM1.  t'lir  loss  was  lliree  officers  killed, 
Ihirlv-six  men  killed  and  seventy-one  wounded. 
Amoii'i:  the  olficers  killed.  I  have  lo  i-'port  the 
loss  of  Ijieuicnant  Inu'c,  Ud  drauoons,  who  fell  al 
Ihe  bend  of  his  platoon,  while  j;.illanlly  elnu'.'ini: 
the  eofmy's  bailery;  of  IneittenaiU  ( 'ochrane,  of 
111"  4ih,and  I.ieoieiiaiil  Cbadbourne,  of  the  Hih, 
mt'aolrv,  who  lik'ewise  met  liu-ii-  de:iih  in  the 
thickest  of  the  fi!,'lil.  "I'he  officers  woimdeil  were 
Faeiileuant  Colonel  Payne,  Inspecior  ("Jeiteral, 
r.ieulin-uit  Dobbins,  Si\  infantry,  servin;;  with 
Ihe  birhi  infimirv  .nlvaiice,  sliL;hi!y;  Ineulenant 
Colonel  .Mcintosh,  ."nb  iid'cmry,  srveri  Iv,  iwice; 
'"'iiplain  Ilooe,  ,'ilh  infanlry,  severely,  (ri!;hi  arm 
since  ampnl.'iierl;)  hienleitanl  l''owler,  .'ilh  infiinlry, 
sli^'hilv:  Caplain  \Ioiil':onierv,Hlh  infanlrv, slight- 
ly; Limlcnaiiis  (iaos  and  .iojdaii,  .'■■li  infantry, 
severely,  (eiich  |w  ice;)  Lieuieuanls  .^'eldeii.  Ma- 
I  lav,  l!urb;mk,  mid  Aloiris,  Hlh  infiniry,  sli^'hlly. 

I  have  no  accurate  ilala  from  which  m  esiii  -.ale 
Ihe  enemy's  force  on  this  day.  Tie  is  known  lo 
have  been  reinforced,  after  the  acilon  of  ihe  Sih, 
linih  by  cavalry  ami  inl'aniry.  ,ii'd  no  doubi  lo  an 
extent  at  least  ef|o:il  lo  his  loss  on  l!  .U  day.  It  is 
probable  ihnt  (i.tHUl  men  were  opno'^^ed  to  us,  and 
m  a  jiosilion  chosen  by  themselves,  and  slronirly 
del'ended  with  artillerv.  The  enemy's  loss  was 
very  L,'real.  Nearly  'iiJb  of  his  dead  were  buried 
by  us  on  the  d.iys  succeiilin','  Ihe  Ii.mIiIi.  His  loss, 
III  killed  and  wounded  and  missinu^,  in  ihe  two  at"- 
fiiirs  of  ihe  Hlh  and  flili,  is,  I  iliink,  moderately 
fslimnled  at  1,1100  men. 

Our  victory  has  been  decisive.  A  small  force 
h:is  overcome  ininicn.se  odds  of  ihe  best  Iriaips  that 


Mexico  can  fttrnibh — veteran  regiments,  perfectly 
ef|uipped  nnil  uppointcd.  Eijlit  pieces  of  arlillery, 
several  coloi.s  and  standards,  a  great  number  of 
prisoners,  iiieludin<;  foiirleen  officers,  and  a  lari^e 
■iniount  of  banfattc  uiid  public  properly,  have 
fallen  into  onr  hands. 

The  cattses  of  vielory  are  doubtless  to  be  found 
in  the  superior  quality  of  cair  ollicers  and  men. 
I  have  already,  in  former  reports,  paid  a  ijeiieral 
tribute  lo  the  admirable  conduct  of  the  troops  on 
both  days.  It  now  becomes  my  duly,  and  I  feel 
it  lo  be  one  of  ijreat  delicacy,  to  notice  individiuils. 
In  so  extensive  a  lleld  as  tliiUof  the  8ili,  and  in  llio 
dense  cover  where  inosl  of  the  action  of  the  '.lib 
was  fim;,'hl,  1  could  nol  possibly  be  witness  to 
more  than  a  small  portion  of  the  operations  oflhe 
various  corps;  and  I  must  therefore  depend  on  ihe 
reports  of  subordinate  commanders,  which  I  re- 
spectfully enclose  herewith. 

Colonel  Twitfgs,  the  second  ill  eoniinand,  was 
particularly  active  on  boih  days,  in  execuliiaj:  my 
order.s  ami  direetini;  the  opcralions  of  the  rii;lit 
winj;.  Lieutenant  Colonel  .Mcintosh,  conmiand- 
ina;  the  5lli  iiifimtry;  Lieulenaiii  Cohnul  Ciarlaiid, 
coinniandim,'  the  lliird  bri^'ade;  Lieutenant  Oilonel 
Ihlkiiaii,  cominaiidin;;  the  fir.st  briL'ade;  Lienlenant 
Colonel  Chillis,  comnumdiu'',  ihe  arlillery  halhilinn; 
Major  Allen;  Caplaina  L.  >'.  Morrisand  Monli;oin- 
cry,  connnandiiiir  respiclively  the  4th,  ^td,  and  8ih 
re'.'imenls  of  inl'uilry,  were  zealous  In  ihi  perform- 
ance of  their  duties,  and  iraveexani|ileslo  I  heir  corn - 
mauds  of  cool  and  fe.irlcss  conduct.  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Mcintosh  repulsed  with  his  resjimenl  a 
chaise  of  lancers  in  the  action  in"  Palo  Alto,  and 
shared  with  it  in  the  Inniors  and  daneers  of  the  f'ol- 
lowiiii;  day,  bein;;  f.vice  .severely  wounded.  Lieu- 
lenaiii Coionel  lielknap  headed  a  charge  oflhe  tih 
infiinlry,  which  resiilled  in  driving  the  enemy  from 
his  ffiins,  and  loaviiii,'  lis  in  [losscssion  of  that  part 
of  the  field. 

Caplain  Duncan  and  L.ieulenanl  Ridi^ely  deserve 
special  notice  f'or  the  gallant  and  efficient  nianner 
ill  which  they  maincuvred  and  ser\(id  their  bal- 
leries.  The  impression  made  by  Captain  Duncan's 
battery  upon  ihe  extreme  riu'ht  of  llie  enemy's  line 
at  lh('  affair  of  i*alo  Alio  conlritniled  lareely  to  the 
rcsnii  of  ihe  day;  uiiile  the  terrible  fire  kept  up  by 
Lieulenanl  liidVlv  in  the  affair  oflhe  !)ih  infiicteil 
heavy  los.^ies  upon  the  enemy.  The  18-pouniler 
bailery,  which  played  a  conspicuous  part  in  ihe 
action  of  the  Htli,  vvas  ndiiiiraiily  served  by  Lieu- 
lenanl Churchill,  .'hi  arlillery,  assisted  liv  iLienten- 
:nit  Wood,  lopoLTaphii  al  inijineers.  Hie  cliarjie 
of  ca\alry  ae.-iinsl  the  enemy's  batteries  on  the  Ihh 
«as  ^'allanlly  led  by  Caplam  May,  and  had  cmii- 
plite  success.  Caplain  .McCall,  4th  infiinlry,  ren- 
dered distio'^iiislied  service  with  the  aihanccd 
corps  under  his  orders,  lis  loss  in  killed  and 
wounded  will  show  how  closely  il  was  ein:iii,^ed. 
I  may  l;ike  lliis  occisimi  lo  say  that  in  two  former 
insiances  Capi  till  .McCall  has  renderid  valuable 
service  as  a  pariisan  otlicer.  In  this  comirxion  I 
would  menliou  ibe  ser\  ices  of  Caiaain  Walker,  of 
ihe  Texa.^  rainrers,  who  was  in  bolh  all'.iirs  \\  iili 
his  conipaiiv,  and  who  li.as  perforiin  d  vi  ry  nierilo- 
rious  services  as  a  spy  and  pailisan.  I  must  bej 
lejive  lo  refer  lo  the  reports  of  subiu'dinale  eoni- 
iiianders  fin*  ihe  names  of  many  olficers,  non-com- 
missioned ollicers  and  privates,  \\  ho  were  dislin- 
ctiishi-d  bv  irood  coiidnci  on  boib  days.  Instances 
of  il  iliMiliial  'jall.oiiry  and  personal  conllid  wlih 
Ihe  eiKiny  were  not  wanliiie;  in  the  afi!iir  of  ihc 
Hill,  bnleaimol  find  place  in  a  item  lal  re)iorl.  The 
olficers  .-crviiij';  in  ihe  stalls  of  ihe  ilifi'crenl  cuo- 
nianilers  ;u-e  parliciilaily  iiienliom  d  by  ilieui. 

I  derived  ( ificicnt  aid  on  both  d;i^  s  from  all  ihe 
ofiicersof  my  siali'.  Caplain  Mliss,  .\ssislaiil  .\i!Ju- 
lint  ( Jeiieral;  Lii  utenani  Colonel  Payne,  Inspi  elor 
rjeneral;  Lienlenant  Kalon,  A.  I).  ('.;  Caplain 
AV'.iL'iTaman,  Commissary  of  Subsislencc;  Lieiiien- 
;uit  .'^eaiill.  l'!i  L'lmer,  and  Lieuieuanls  Blake  and 
.Mcaile,  Top()i:ra|diical  Kiiiriiieers,  pionipily  coii- 
vcyi  d  my  orders  lo  every  pari  of  the  field.  Lien- 
lenant ( '(donel  Payne  \\  as  woniideil  in  the  afi'air  of 
ihe  i.lili,  and  1  have  already  had  occasion  lo  report 
the  melancholy  dealli  of  Lieulenanl  HlaKe,  by  ae- 
cideni.  111  the  interval  between  the  two  cn'.;aj;i.'- 
inenls. 

Major  Craii;  and  Lieulenanl  Hrereloii,  of  the 
Ordnance  Dcparimeiil,  were  actively  entrand  in 
llieir  n|ipropriale  duties,  and  .Sur;,'eon  Craii;,  Med- 
ical Director,  snperiniended  m  person  the  HrduoiiH 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


677 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Battles  on  the  Rio  Grande — Ojficial  Report. 


Senate  &  Ho.  of  Reps. 


service  of  (lie  field  liosnitnls.  I  tnkc  this  occnsinn 
10  mention  e;encmlly  llie  dcvoiiiiii  lo  duty  of  the 
meiliciil  alnft'ofllio  anny,  wlio  have  been  untiring 
in  their  exertions,  liolli  in  the  field  nnd  in  the  hos- 
iiilids,  to  nllcvinle  the  snIVerinss  of  the  wounded  of 
both  armies.  ('n|itains  C'rossnian  nnd  Myers,  of 
the  Qmirtermnster's  Dcpnrtmenl,  who  had  charge 
of  the  heavy  sn|i|ily  train,  in  lioth  cngascments, 
conducted  it  in  '  most  siitisfactory  manner,  and 
finally  hronc::ht  ii  up,  without  the  smallest  loss,  to 
its  deslinalion. 

I  enclo.ie  an  inventory  of  the  Mexican  property 
captured  on  the  field,  and  nl.so  a  sketch  of  the  field 
fif  "  Resa.'a  (k'  lu  Palma,"  and  of  the  route  from 
Point  Isabel,  inado  by  my  aid-de-cainp.  Lieuten- 
ant f''.atoii. 

One  regimental  color  (battalion  nf  Tampico)  and 
many  standards  and  guidons  nfiavaliy  were  taken 
ul  the  lUl'air  of  the  fllii.  I  »  .uld  be  pleased  to  re- 
ceive your  inalructions  as  t.i  the  disposition  to  be 
made  of  these  troiihies;  whether  they  shall  be  sent 
to  Washington,  &c. 

1  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 
Z.  TAYLOK, 
Bl.  Urig.  llen.U.  S.  ,1.,  commamling, 
Tlie  Adjutant  Uesf.rai.  of  the  Ar.mv, 

ly'athinglon,  D.  C. 

Rrtitrn  of  ki'tcK  wtwidcK  aii/f  wi^sinz.  of'lhcJlrimt  of  O.-cu- 
liitlhii ,!l  Iht!  atlion  of  •■  lirsuca  dc  t,i  P.ilmn,"  ifm/d,  ItHfi. 


FictI  report  of  the  inrp^  romponiti  the  ^Iriny  of  Occiipi.tinn. 
cittiiitiiwlnl  III  liftftt  Bji^mticr  Ui.niral  '/,,  T,  iflor,  on  the 
9(/i  Afuu,  im. 


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p.  I 


N.  n.  The  killi'il  iiiiil  wnuiiili'il  of  the  ••  mlviuice"  lii'ing 
ini'liidfil  ill  their  own  reginn-nt...,  nn*  iiiiiittJ  ill  the  Hgyro- 

llK\Diji'AH'i'Kns  Ahmv  nr  itern'ATi'iv. 

(.■loiiji  iii'di-  iVf.i/.i(/ir>rfi«,  Mm  16,  IH^ti. 

Z.  TAYbdU, 
fh-firt  Ihij.  (irncriil  t^  S,  .-i..  (  omill«li((lH^. 
W.  VV.  Ul.lMi,  .^s9i«f.jiif  Jiiljiitant  GcnciuL 


IltiAUijLARrKUs  Army  (ik  (lr(  ipation, 

C>:ltip  iJt'ji-  yi.:liitiiOF)Sy  M.IK  16,  l^'4"^. 
'/,.  TAVLIll!. 
Urcfct  Ihi^.  (icn.  U,  S.  .'i.,  eommaniiDi^, 
W.  W.  S.  Hl,iss.  .<.«»/.i,i/  .M.iid.li:  amciiil. 

Rcjinrl  from  Coloiic/  Twiggi-. 
HiADijiviniJi'^,  Uitiir  W'lxti,  ) 

AllMV   nl     OcLll'AlION',  ^ 

j  Camp  ncitt'  ^'^hitainoi'us^  ^Maij  11,  l^iii. 

'  Sir:  1  have  the  honor  to  make  the  lollowing 
I  report  of  the  traiisai-'lions  of  the  diirerent  eorjia  ol" 
]  the  right  wing  of  the  anny,  under  :ny  eoiuMuoul, 
during  tlie  actions  with  the  enemy  on  ihe  tjih  and 
!  9lh  inalani.  About  half-past  two  p.  m.,  on  the 
j  8lh,  we  found  oursilves  at  the  I'.ilo  Alto,  witljin 
'  one  mile  of  tin;  chaparral  which  bordcrL;  the  llio 
'  Grande,  aii'J  nine  mik  .  from  the  river.  My  com- 
i  niand  being  comiioijed  of  Major  Itiiiggold's  coui- 
paiiy  of  li^lit  artillery,  two  S(|uadioiis  of  dragoons, 
I'  the  5tli  infantry,  and  lliu  3d  and  4ih  inluiitry,  coin- 
.    posing  the  third  briirade. 

The  enemy,  at  the  distance  of  about  half  a  mile, 
j,  o|iened  their  bnlleries  on  llnir  right,  which,  being 
immediately  responded  to  by  our  two  l8-)iouii(ler», 
in  charge  of  Lienlenant  (JInircliill,  brought  on  the 
action  of  tlie  8th  instant.  Major  Ringgold's  bat- 
tery was  ordered  to  the  right  and  front  of  the  18- 
ponnders,  at  a  distance  ot"  about  seven  hundred 
yards  from  the  enemy,  when  the  battery  was 
opened  with  great  elicit,  as  was  shown  the  next 
day  by  the  nunibcr  of  the  enemy's  dead  found 
along  his  line.  Tl;e  infantry  in  the  iiieaii  time 
was  formed  in  rear  of  ilie  ariilUiy,  receiving  with 
the  grealest  possible  cuolncss  the  enemy's  fire,  and 
^  only  anxious  for  the  order  to  rush  in  and  i-arlici- 
pale  aclively  in  the  -illair. 

A  regiment  of  the  enemy's  lanoers  was  ob.scrved 
to  move  to  our  righl.appannily  lo  gain  po.s^c^sion 
of  our  wagon  tniin,  a  few  hundred  y.irds  in  real. 
The  ,'illi  infantry  and  two  jiieces  of  Major  Ring- 
gold's ariillery,  under  the  conunand  of  Lieutenant 
R.  Ridgclv,  were  ordered  to  check  thi.s  movement. 
Having  gained  ground  lo  the  right,  some  four  or 
'  five  hundred  yards,  the  oili  was  formed  in  square 
to  receive  a  eliarge  from  the  \iy  :-;i\-<y  who  ad\anced 
to  wiihiii  fit'iy  yards,  when  the  opposing  side  of 
the  scpiare  fired  into  and  repulsed  tlieni,  having 
received  in  the  incui  time  several  irregular  dis- 
cliargcs  from  the  enemy.  The  lancers  re-formed, 
nnd  continued  their  movement  to  get  in  rear  of  our 
right  dank,  when  1  oi'dercd  the  3d  to  move  lo  the 
right  and  rear,  around  a  pond  of  water,  and  pre- 
vent their  progress  in  that  direction.  Seeing;  tiieir 
Iiiovemi-iit  frustrated  in  this  point,  the  lancers 
'  commenced  a  retre.il  in  good  order,  maiching  ap- 
parently by  sipiadions,  when  Fnst  Lieutenant  R. 
Kidgely,  of  .Major  l{iiig;:old 's  batiery,  assisted  liy 
Drevet  Second  Lieutenant  Kreuch,  (ippni'd  a  lire  on 
them,  and  scaltered  them  ill  all  direclioii.i.  Ill  this 
nfl'air  the  enemy  lost  sonic  twenty-eight  or  thirty 
men.  This  ]ioruoii  of  the  right  wing  served  in 
about  this  position  uiiiil  llic  close  of  the  aciiou. 
In  the  mean  lime,  Majcr  Riii;;gold,  with  the  re- 
maining two  pieces  of  iiis  buitery,  continued  to 
play  on  the  enemy  with  great  success.  The  gnl- 
lailt  Major  was  mortally  wounded  liy  a  cannon  ball 
towards  the  close  of  Jie  action,  and  his  horse  shot 
under  him  at  the  same  lime.  The  army  and  the 
counliy  will  long  deplore  the  loss  of  so  brave  and 
;  uceomplished  au  ollicer. 

The  second  siniadron  of  dnigoons,  commanded 
by  Captain  May    'vho,  during  llie  day,  was  under 


t'lc  immedinto  orders  of  Ihe  General  Commanding, 
being  ordered  to  turn  if  possible  the  left  flank  of 
the  enemy,  the  4lli  infantry  was  ordered  to  sup- 
I'ort  him.  Having  advanced  in  our  right  nnd 
front  some  four  liundrcd  yards  under  a  very  severe 
flic  from  two  of  the  enemy's  batteries,  it  was  found 
the  force  he  had  to  oppose  was  eight  or  nine  hun- 
dred cavalry;  lie  relircd  agreeably  to  his  orders, 
and  the  'lih  infantry  was  accordingly  withdrawn. 
In  this  operation  Captain  May's  snuadron  had 
live  men  wounded  and  six  horses  killed,  and  the 
4tli  infantry  one  mon  killed,  one  nflicer  (Captain 
Page)  mortally,  and  one  mnn  severely  wounded. 
iN'igbt  coming  on,  the  right  wing  took  position  in 
Iroiitof  the  wagon  train,  nnd  slept  on  their  arms 
on  the  ground  first  occupied  by  the  enemy.  The 
perfect  coolness  of  Lienlenant  Ridgely,  and  the 
great  precision  with  which  he  "ireil  his  pieces, 
whilst  acting  in  concert  with  Ihe  oth,  deserve  no. 
lice,  the  last  and  must  eli'ectivc  shot  he  having 
aimed  himself. 

On  the  morning  of  the  9lh,  some  of  tiie  enemy 
being  uisco\ered  in  the  edge  of  the  chnparral,  wo 
advanced  the  otli  infantry  on  ihc  right,  with  the  2d 
sc|uadron  of  dragoons  in  front.  Major  Ringgold's 
lialtcry,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Ridgely,  on  the 
h  ft  of  the  oth,  and  the  3d  brigade  on  its  left.  On 
ailvani^ing,  the  enemy  having  relircd,  we  entered 
the  chaparral  and  approached  to  within  eight  hun- 
dred yards  of  Uesaca  tie  lu  Palma,  wliero  the  enemy 
had  taken  position  for  fight.  The  advance  guard 
having  kept  up  u  fire  till  our  arrival.  Lieutenant 
Ridgely  was  ordered  in  front  of  the  5lh  with  his 
buttery,  and  having  advanced  cautiously  to  within 
about  four  hundred  yards  of  their  battery  in  the 
road,  llic  enemy  opened  on  him  with  erape.  Lieu- 
tenant Ridgely  jiuslicd  forward  rapidly  about  one 
hundred  yardi:'  lurllier,  and  returned  their  fire  with 
great  s|iirit  am  success,  advancing  on  them  when- 
ever their  fire  s.  ckeiied.  At  times  the  two  batte- 
ries were  firing  canister  at  each  other  when  not 
more  than  one  hundred  yards  apart.  Having  ad- 
vanced in  this  manner  about  five  hundred  yards, 
Captain  May's  squadron  was  ordered  lo  charge 
ihe  enemy's  guns.  Uasliing  forward  in  columns 
of  fours,  (the  main  road  admitting  of  no  other  for- 
niaiion,)  the  squadron  charged  ncvo.ss  the  ravine 
Ihrougli  seven  of  the  enemy's  pieces,  driving  ihe 
gimners  from  them;  Captain  May,  with  Lieulen- 
MUls  Inge,  .Stevens,  and  iSackclt,  and  the  first  and 
second  platoons  of  the  squadron  charging  the  guns 
in  the  road  and  on  the  right  of  it ;  Capiain  Graham, 
nccomp.inied  by  Lieutenants  Winsliip  and  Pleas- 
onion,wiih  the  third  and  fourlh  platoons,  leading 
ihc  chariie  against  the  pieces  on  the  left  of  the  rond 
in  the  ravine.  Capiain  May  liavingcliargcdthr  ..igh 
the  jiicce.s  in  the  road,  rallied  some  six  men,  and 
charged  again  at  some  of  the  gunners  who  bad  re- 
;:aiued  ihcir  pieces,  drove  them  oil',  and  took  Gene- 
ral Vega  prisoner.  In  the  charge  Lieutenant  Inge 
fell  ai  the  head  of  his  |ilatoon,  whilst  leading  it  on 
gallanlly,  having:  passed  through  their  balleries. 
(Corporal  McCauley  was  taken  prisoner,  nine  pri- 
vates and  eiirliteen  horses  were  killed.  Sergeant 
Mnley,  nine  privates,  and  ten  hor.ses,  wounded. 

The  lib  infantry,  under  the  command  of  lirevet 
Major  Allen,  the  5th,  commanded  by  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Mclnto.di,  and  the  3d,  commanded  by 
Captain  L.  JV.  Morris,  retained  possession  of  the 
enemy's  artillery,  repulsing  nt  difl'erent  limes 
largely  superior  ]iarlics  brought  to  bear  against 
them,  and  filially  brought  nfl'  the  pieces,  making 
several  prisoneis  of  war.  After  the  unsurpassed, 
if  not  unequalled,  charge  of  Captain  May's  squad- 
ron, t!ie  enemy  was  unable  to  fire  a  piece.  In  this 
alfair.  Lieutenant  Inge,  "Jd  dragoons,  and  Lieu- 
tenant Cochrane,  4ih  infantry,  were  killed,  and 
Lienlenant  Colonel  .Mcintosh,  Captain  Hooe,  nnd 
Lieutenant  Dobbins  were  wounded.  I  would  re- 
spectfully call  the  altenlion  of  the  Commanding 
General  to  the  gallant  conduct  of  Colonel  Mcin- 
tosh, olh, and  (^oloncl  Garland,  4lh  infantrv,  (com- 
manding the  3d  brigade,)  Lieutenants  llidgely, 
Sliov"r,  and  French,  3d  artillery.  Captains  May 
and  Graham.  Lieutenants  Winship,  Stevens,  Pleas- 
onion,  and  .Sackcll,  2d  dragoons,  and  Captain 
lluchanan.  Lieutenants  Hays  and  Wood,  4tn  in- 
faiilry,  iVc;  the  latter  two  having  raptured  a  piece 
of  ariillery,  defended  by  one  hundred  and  fifty  or 
two  hundred,  with  but  a  f'ew  men. 

The  enemy  liavin:;  been  roufd  with  great  loss, 
.  this  day's  action  closed  with  much  honor  to  the 


■t'l 


67B 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGR    3SIONAL  GLOBE. 


.hino  12, 


•29rii  CoNo 1  ST  Sess. 


Bittilen  on  the  Rio  Gramlt — OJicUil  Report. 


{Slnate  &  Ho.  OF  Hkps. 


Amcricon  oriiiy,  spremling  terror  among  the  Mcx- 
knn  people.     In  this  acinoi  every  oHieer  unil  mun  ] 
performed  his  duly  iiuiHt  (•nlliintly.  i 

Captain  Arnnid  mid  Lieutenant  McDoimld,  'M 
dr»:;<)ons,my  aids  on  the  8lh  and  'Jlii  instant,  pur- 
formed  the  several  dutiea  a.ssij,'ned  iheni  wiih 
promptness,  coohiess,  and  courage.  They  uc- 
conipanied  nie  durnig  the  whole  of  the  all'uirs,  ex- 
cept when  d(  lached  earryinj;  orders.  Tlie  detailed 
account  of  the  coninmnders  of  each  regiment  and 
corps  is  hcrewilli  auljinitud. 

1  am,  sir,  very  respectliilly,  voor  ol.edient  mt- 
vnnt,  ■  6.  t.  TWIGG.S, 

Col.  -Ill  Draj;.,  com.  ri;;ht  ii'iii,' ./.  ('. 

Capt.  W.  W.  S.  Bliss,  .ht.  Jtlj.  tiiii., 

,irmij  of  Occttpalhn,  Ciimpneur  .Uu/diiiu/us. 

Report  of  Colonel  Gurlaml. 

Batti.k-Fiei.0  near  .Matamouos, 
Headquarters  3d  Urigade,  Mmj  11.  lH4'i. 

Col  -SEl:  1  have  the  honor  lo  enclose  herewith, 
for  the  inlormalion  of  the  Commanding  Ueneral, 
the  reports  of  Capinin  Lewis  Morri.s,  of  the  Ud, 
and  Brevet  Major  Allen,  of  the  4th  infantry,  i;ivin!r 
a  detailed  account  of  the  services  perlormed  hy  the 
regiments  under  their  respective  eomnnind.s  in  the 
actions  which  took  place  on  the  8th  and  9ih  iii- 
Btant. 

I  have  only  this  in(unint  received  tlo-sc  reiii.ii.>!, 
and,  as  I  am  under  orders  to  march  ininnuiatdy 
with  my  lirignde,  have  not  a  moment  to  add  luiy- 
Ihing  to  them  if  I  were  disposed  to  do  so.  lioili 
of  these  regimental  commanders  used  every  ell'ort 
to  meet  the  enemy  and  overcome  him.  Il  was 
pleasing  to  me  to  witness  the  gallant  rivalry  lie- 
twccn  these  two  corps;  they  shared  liherally  in  the 
daOL'ers  and  exertions  wliich  brought  idjout  our 
signal  success.  I  wilnessed  with  great  s.itisfac- 
tion,  in  o  dense  chnjiarral.  Captain  Morri.soti,  of 
the  4th,  overcoming  ol).-itacles,  which  1  liclieved 
insnrninuniahle,  in  order  lo  reach  the  enemy. 

Of  Captain  McCall,  of  4th  infantry,  who.se  merits 
are  fully  appreciated  by  the  Commanding  (ieneial, 
I  ran  make  no  remark,  as  he  was  detached  with  a 
Hepiirnie  command  under  the  special  instructions 
of  the  General  himself. 

It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  speak  in  terms  of 
hiih  "apoi  batioii  of  the  efficient  services  of  my 
principal  i>talV-oflicer,  Lienienant  Beaman,  of  the 
4lh  infantry,  brigade  major.  Lieutenant  G.  O. 
Haller,  A.  C.  S.,  also  rendered  me  valualile  .ser- 
vice during  the  two  actions. 

ilost  respectfully,  I  am.C"lonel,  yourobedient 
servant,  .lOHN  GAULAM), 

f,ifii/.  Col.  4//i  Inf.,  cominaiuling  [U  Brigade. 

Col.  D.  E.  Twir.Gs,  -id  /(rngouas, 

CominaiuJing  rip/il  iciag;./r;ai/e/Ofei';)n(ioii. 

Report  of  Mnjor  .  lllcu . 

HEAnQrAnrr.ns  4tii  IsFAsrav, 

Cniiip  en  l/if  butUe-Jield,  .Maij  111,  1^4G. 
Sir:  I  lia\e  the  honor  to  re|iori,  for  the  inlorma- 
lion of  the  colonel  commandnii;  the  Ihi  briicade, 
i';ial,  in  oliidlciice  to  orilers  received  yesterday, 
when  the  fnui;:  commenced  the  4tli  inl'.inlry  de- 
ployed as  skirmishers  on  the  riirlit  ami  Icll  of  the 
road,  and  advanced  towards  the  point  where  the 
firing  seemcil  ino.st  lively.  After  ru.-iiiiii:;  on  for 
some  short  dis'.ance,  it  was  di.srnveieil  that  the 
enemy  were  pouring  in  a  heavy  tin'  of  grape  ai.d 
innvliciry  from  a  small  breasuvork  Justin  front, 
den'mlcj  bv  oin^  pic'-e  of  artillery  and  uboiii  I.**tJ 
or  auU  men.  C'aptain  I'lich  m.-iii,  beiiiLr  mvucst 
lliis  point,  and  finding  himself  tho  senior  ollicer, 
collei'teil  some  o.)  or  MO  men  of  the  regiciii,  por- 
tions of  his  own  ccnnpanyand  comipaincs  L),  1 1,  and 
K,  lo'.'i'lher  wilii  Lii  iiteiinniH  Hays  ami  Woods, 
chaffed  the  works,  compleO'ly  roiiled  the  eiiHoiy, 
and  cai'tuieri  the  pit  ce.  'i'lie  re;;iment  stilt  con- 
tiinn'd  to  nitpve  forward,  until  it  emerged  from  the 
thicki  t  into  the  main  caniii  of  the  em  niy,  conlain- 
iiig  (he  lieadonartei's  4if  the  comniaiidin'.:  general 
t)f  th'^  .Meviraii  army,  their  ammnuitiiMi,  some 
,'il)0  or  4(11)  mules,  s  oldies,  and  every  variety  of 
eiMip  e((oipii;:<'.  I  ri'gret  fxireinely  to  annonnce 
>it  Lienteiiaiit  R.  1-^.  Corlirane,  ol 


of  Kir 


several  dctaehments,  each  of  whii  h  met  the  enemy 
atditVerent  points,  and  always  put  him  to  flight.    ; 
1  eamiot  pass  over  in  Mience  the  iiriue  ami  distill-  ; 
guished  behavior  ol' Lieutenants  Hays  and  Woods, 
as  well  MS   ihat  of  Serireant-mnjor  Maloriev  and 
t'luporals  l''arrall  and  M'-Karlin,  who,  whilst  their 
gallant  commander,  Capla  ill  liiielianan,  was  briskly 
'  engaged  In  driviinr  back  the  mfmtry,  nishcd  for- 
ward with  six  turn  to  the  raoiiiin,  and  wliilsl  I,ieu- 
teiimii  Hays  wa.s  endeavoring  to  detach  one  of  the 
mules  aliaclicd   lo  it,  Lienienant  Woods  sprung 
to  the  handsiiikes,  turned  the  piece  in  such  a  direc- 
tion iis  to  liMik  one  of  the  wheels  airainst  a  tree, 
and  thereby  pie\enied    its  bein:;  moveil,  ami  siic- 
I'eeded  in  defemliiig  and  scenrinir  it.     The  coiidui't 
oi*  the  olficers  and  men  on  this  day,  as  well  as  on 
the  Hth,  redei'ts  Ihe  hii;liesl  cndi'  onthe  .American 
soldier.    On  the  8ih.  Captain  Pai^e  was  severely,  if 
not  nioi tally,  wounded,  and  one  nian   killed  and 
one  v.ounded.     On   the  Oih,  l-'irst  Lieutenant  II. 
K.  Cochrane  and  three  men  were  killed:  Lirnten- 
anis  Wallen  and   tiavs  and  six  men  wonnded — 
LiiMiienanls  'Wallen  and  Hays  viay  slightly. 
Very  respeciftiHv,  vour  olieilicnt  sr  rvaiii, 
'     GKO.  W.  ALLKN, 
V'ftril  Miijor  eo)iio\iuid\i\s:  \lh  (itftnUnj. 
To  Lii'Uienant  Colonel  .f.  Gapi  am». 

CfiantK/ji'o'ag  Iht  firiicadc. 
V.  S.  !''or  further  particulars  yon  are  referred  to 
the  aceompanving  report  of  Capi.iin  Ruehannn. 

G.  W.  A. 
'  have  the  meatpsi  pleasure  in  expresting  my 
wainest  thanks  lo  the  .Adjulnnt  of  the  4ih  infan- 
try, Li-^nienant  .'\.  (laskins,  for  his  coolness  and 
'gallantry  and  etlicienl  assistance  throughout  the 
whole  of  both  tdVairs. 

GEO.  W.  Af.LKN', 
Brevet  Major  coiiuuaudi}!^  4//i  liifiintrij. 

Report  rif  Ciipt'iin  Robert  ('.  Ulic/ianrin. 

C.\Mi'  o.;  -^jiK  0 ATTI  E-Fii;i.n,  ! 

.Urtr,  10,  1H4C.       j 

.Sm:  In  compliance  with  yotir  reipiest,  I  have  | 
the  honor  lo  report  that,  in  the  deployment  of  the  | 
4th  infanlrv,  I  found  myself  in  command  of  com-  i 
panirs  B,  D,  and  K,  on  the  left  of  the  road,  as  we 
entered,  and,  Iwwintr  been  ordered  to  cross  to  the 
riL'lit  and  advance,  did  so.  .After  erossiii'jf  Ihe  pond, 
[  had  with  me  Lieutenants  Hays  and  Woods,  and 
aboiii  twcniv  men  of  dilVereiit  regiments,  mostly, 
however,  of  the  J'h.  Upon  deiiloyini;  my  men  im 
the  crest  t^f  the  hill,  I  discovered  one  of  the  enemy's 
pieces  about  filly  yards  in  tny  frcnil,  which  was 
deleniltd  by  aliout  ],"iO  infantry.  I  eharired  and 
toidi  the  piece,  and  atleinpled  to  spike  il,  but,  not 
beiiii:  abli'  Id  do  .so,  look  il  back  lo  a  place  of 
s:itety.  The  ( in  tny  hail  a  breastwi^rk  in  my  rear, 
and  opened  a  heavy  fire  on  me,  when,  with  about 
ten  nii-n.  1  dis|oil:;ed  him,  and  drovi!  Iiiin  across 
the  road.  Too  innch  enibt  raiinol  be  given  to 
LieiiKnants  Hays  and  Woods,  of  the  4th.  They 
were  aniinig  the  very  ilrsi  to  reach  the  piece,  and 
to  them  beloiiL'S  the  credit  of  its  I'aplurc.  AVhilst 
I  was  eicraired  in  driviiu:  the  enemy  from  his 
breasiwoik,  iliese  oilicias,  with  ihi  ir  men.  repulsed 
!\  party  that  cbariied  them  in  order  lo  recaji'iue  tln^ 
piece.  I  cannot  riTr.'un  frnni  calliiej:  your  .attention 
til  Serjrraiii-major  Maloni'v  and  Corporal  Tarrall, 
who  behaved  with  remarkable  coolness  and  gal- 
lantry. I'Acrybodv  (lid  his  duty  nobly,  as  be- 
comes .\inerican  soldiers. 

I  lrt\»'  the  honor  to  be,  y.nir  obedient  servant, 
liOBliltT  C.  BCCHAAA.V, 

t'ajttain  itlt  Iiifinitnj. 
To  .Maj.  (i.  W.  ;\i,i.K\,  Ciiil'l'ix 'Ull  liifaiilni. 

lieport  of  Ciiplnin  I..  ,\'.  .Mnrrif. 

Hi  vofji  Aiirr.nv  Hn  Immvtiiv, 

f'atnji  01}  Ihittlf-liptd   uiar  .Votainoros,  ^ 

.Van  10,  IrtKi.  S 

Sin:   I  have  the  honor  to  reporl   that,  in  obedi- 

enee  to  \'oiir  orfler,  immediately  befiu'e  the  battle 

of  the  illh  instant  al  ibis  place,  I  ileployed  the  .Id 

infaniry  as  skirmishers  on  the  riu'lit  of  the  road, 

the  left  resiinir  on  the  road:  the  rojinienl  advanced 


f     rapidly  to  ilu^  front;  and,  soon  after  the  fir 


■d,  I  fo 


my   regiment,   who  fell   at   the  \ery  edge  of  the 
•\in|i,    whilst  irallaiitly   leading  his   men    into  il.      to  be  exposed  lo  a  cros.':  fire  from  our  own  and  the      was   d 


olKcers  to  eidlcet  ull  the  men  Ihey  could ,  and  bring 
them  into  the  ensagement,  which  was  altogeilier 
on  Ihe  left  of  the  road.  I  relumed  myself  with  all 
the  men  i  could  collect,  luriied  Duncan's  battery, 
and  joined  in  the  action  on  iho  left  (laivk,  wiih 
Lietitenanls  .lohns.  Bee,  Williamson,  and  Match, 
.Id  infantry;  Lieutenant  and  .Adjiiliuit  Irons  passed 
intfi  the  rii:hi  with  a  few  men  and  joined  a  party 
miller  Captain  Mct.'idl.  The  oilhers  mar  me  <ni 
this  occasion  did  all  that  could  be  desired  of  irallaiil 
soldiers:  they  directed  the  men  with  coolness, 
Judgment,  and  activity.  The  soldiers,  too — aboui 
thirty  ill  the  detachment — did  ihemselves  great 
credit.  I  re;;rel  that  I  cannot  give  a  more  full  ac- 
coiint  of  what  the  regiment  accomplished.  As 
staled  betiire,  it  became  scalleied,  anil  each  otricer 
was  compelled  to  act  independcnily.  .Some  lew 
have  lo  regret  thai  lliey  .'.oiild  not  find  their  way 
out  of  Ihe  chaparral  in  lime  lo  Join  in  the  battle. 
Caiitain  BorlKuir  did  good  service  wiih  his  di^inch- 
inent,  hy  driving  back  a  body  of  cavalry  attempt- 
ing to  reco\er  a  piece  of  artillery  taken  by  some 
olficere  and  men  of  the  4th  inrantry.  I  innsl  not 
it  to  notice  ill  this  repent  the  conduct  of  Cor- 
poral O'Sullivan,  ofcom|iaiiy  E,3d  infantry,  who 
tired  al  a  body  of  the  enemy,  and  immediately 
rushed  in  upon  them  and  seiz.d  a  lienleimnt  by 
the  coll:ir,  di.sarmcd  him,  and  delivered  him  a  pris- 
oner lo  Lienienant  Graham.  He  at'terwards  went 
with  a  parly  under  .Sergeant  Kendall,  of  1'' com- 
pany,,Id  infatitry,eaptuiTd  agun  from  the  enemy, 
rolled  it  out  into  the  road,  and  turned  it  over  to  an 
ollii  er  of  the  .'ith  iiil'antry.  There  were  many  other 
aelH  of  individual  dariii!;;  but,  where  all  hi  haved 
well,  it  is  deemed  unnecessary  to  multiply  in- 
slances. 

I  have  Ihe  honor  (o  be,  very  respei'ifnlly,  your 
obedient  seivmil,  L.  .V.  MORRIS, 

Cajilaiu  3d  Injmtry,  commandbig  Re:;!. 
Lieut.  Col.  .1.  GAai.AXi), 

CwiiHirf'g  3(/  Brigade  ,'lrmij  of  Occvp<Uion. 

I  Report  of . Mnjor  T.  Slnniford. 

i  Headqiabtfiis  .Ith  I.xfaxtry, 

■  Cnmp  o»i  tilt  I'irld  of  Battle,  -Vni/  10,  184G. 

Sir:  In  obedience  to  your  orders  I  have  ihu 
honor  lo  report  that,  in  the  action  of  Palo  .\lto,  on 
the  8th  inslaiil,  the  ..ib  infantry  was  placed  on  the 
extreme  rifht  of  our  line.  After  sustaining  the 
caminnade  of  the  enemy  for  about  three  quarters 
of  an  hour,  the  regiment  was  ordered  to  luiii  the 
left  dank  of  the  enemy,  and  wasdelnched  for  that 
pnrpo.se,  advancing  nearly  half  a  mile  to  the  riulit 
and  front;  the  cavalry  of  the  .Mexicans,  with  two 
pieces  of  artillery  in  view,  extending  themselves, 
iipparently  for  llie  purpose  of  onlllanking  us.  On 
the  nearapproiich  of  the  I'liemy's  cavalry,  the  reiri- 
inenl  was  tlirown  into  square,  with  Captain  W'alk- 
er,  of  the  Texas  Raii-H'rs,  and  twenty  mouiileil 
men.  on  our  riu'lit.  The  ciieiny  commenced  an  ir- 
regular fire  upon  our  square,  as  they  ailvanced, 
wonndiiiij  three  or  four  of  our  men,  and  continued 
lo  do  so  until  within  ul.oiit  fifty  yanls,  when  our 
lire  was  ileh\ereil  from  one  frmil  of  the  square,  kil- 
ling several  men  and  horses  and  cansiiiu'  llie  enemy 
lo  retire.  Oiir  lire  was  fi.lluwed  by  the  rifles  of 
the  mounted  men.  .At  this  tnninent  Lienienant 
Uid^ely,  with  two  pie, as  of  his  iKittery,  came  to 
our  siipi>ort,  and  pf.nred  in  a  dcslnictive  fire  of 
grape  ;oid  canister  on  the  enemy,  now  in  full  re- 
treat towai'ds  his  riijht.  The  reifjment  remained 
on  this  irroiinil  for  aboni  half  an  hour,  when  wc 
were  ciiilered  lo  lake  posiiion  on  the  right  of  the, 
new  line,  which  had  been  formed  by  ihrowing for- 
ward our  right — llie  enemy  having  changed  his 
fVoiil  nearly  perjiemlicnlar  to  his  first  line.  Here 
we  received  ;i  severe  fire  from  the  enemy's  bat- 
teries, woundiii:r  a  corporal  of  tin?  color  coinpniiy 
and  llie  color  seru'eaiit  slightly.  As  it  was  now 
near  night,  we  «eic  unbred  up  I'or  the  |iroieciion  of 
the  train;  the  caniMmadiiig  from  both  sides  ceasing 
at  dark'. 

Ill  the  battle  of  llie  !lih,  the  't\\\  being  in  advanro 
and  the  enemy  being  discovered  in  front,  the  rei;i- 
inciit  was  ordered  inio  the  cliap.arral  mi  the  left  of 
roail,  and  directed  lo  advance  as  sliir 


Ih 


rmlslii 


my  comma 


The   nature  of  the  cluiparr:d  was  such,  tlijii,  ii 
gnu.:  liiroiiu'li   il.   It  very  fiequiaitly  lacainc 


del 


dense  clia 


I  ball 
pa 


erics,  and.  in  con 


nil  so  far  advanced  as      and  push  for  the  enemy.     Thi'  -haparral  at  first 

1  almoHt   impassable;  cmiscipieiillv 


al,  Ihe 


sequence  of  the  very   ,  'hi'  regiment  became  nnieh  separateil  and  extended, 
h      rendering  it  impossible  lo  advance  with  much  reg- 


e  leL'imenl  becaioe  viry  muc 


dably  III   tsoiuy   to  disute  the  regiment  into      scattered.     I  passed  an  order  down  the  line  for  the      uhirily.     A    severe  cuiinenadiiig  frum  both  aid 


lie  12, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


679 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Battles  on  the  R!o  Grande — OJicial  Rsport, 


Sknate  &  Ho.  OP  Reps. 


row  bewail,  niinsled  willi  n  tiCiiiend'Hif.  fire  of 
iiiusUeuy.  In  n  lew  iiionioutN  llii;  onlcr  was  given 
iiicliiu'iic  lliccMfiny's  liaiU'rics:  which  wiis  proinpl- 
ly  doiii:  hy  cuHJiy  iinil  iiil'intry,  iijid  ihc  iMonjy's 
5;iiMs  weri;  nil  ciijitiiiTd.  In  this  hrilliaiit  cx|ili>il 
tiiu  5lli  burc  a  conspicuous  pun,  a  piu'iifin  ot'  (lie 
ri'yinient  succcasfnily  resisiijif;  llic  atlcinpt  of  the 
CMcniy  to  recuptme  iliosu  ijinis  oii  the  right  of  hiii 
haltiry;  the  luinaijiilrr  ol'  (hu  nj^ininnt  Ijeing;  cx- 
lundt'd  towards  the  i'if;lil,  and  iniriij;lini;  ill  the  tic- 
vfiro  and  close  ciiiiajjcniciit  whicli  was  ihcrc  going 
on,  and  was  so  gloriously  trrnilniitc^d. 

Diiriiis;  the  action  of  this  day,  Lieutenant  f,'nl- 
onel  iMclutiish  and  Captain  Ilooe  were  severely 
and  Lienlenant  Kowler  sli;;lilly  wounded;  loss  of 
the  rank  ami  lilc,  nine  killed  uiid  twenty-live 
wounded — many  of  them  severely. 

In  conclusion,  I  will  only  uud,  that  all,  ImiiIi 
olficcrs  and  men,  did  their  duty  in  a  most  gallant 
manner,  determined  to  conquer  the  enemy  or  per- 
ish in  the  conflict. 

1  have  tile  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully,  your 
obedient  scrvani,  T.  SI  AXU'OIM), 

*17((j«r  5//t  Inf.tCuiinnanditt'^  Jitt^iiiuni, 

Col.  D.  E.  Twioos, 

Com:nd'g  Kiglit  fl'iiig  .Irmij  of  Occuimlion. 

lleoort  of  Liealenanl  Ridt^ilij.  'I 

Camp  nkvii  .\lArAMoiios,  Maij  II),  ]H4(i. 
Sir:  In  coniidiance  wiih  yiuir  ilireclions,  I  have 
the  honor  to  report  that  the  company  which  I  now 
have  the  honor  to  command  took  up  its  po.siiion 
in  the  line  of  hatllc  about  3  o'clock,  p.  m.,  on  the 
al'iernoon  of  the  SlIi,  at  ii  distance  of  about  6(10 
yards  fiom  the  enemy's  line.  Aller  reeeiviiiij  a 
few  rounds  of  artillery,  we  advanced  about  lUU 
vards,  where  we  opened  r.ir  battery  with  consid- 
i^rable  execution,  as  proven  the  next  day;  but  ill 
eonscijni  nee  of  their  makiiii;  a  Hank  movement  lo 
nor  rliilil,  I  was  detached  with  two  pieces  to  oper- 
ate with  the  5;li  infantry,  who  had  been  scut  for- 
ward to  oppose  the  movement.  My  section  had 
already  lost  one  man  and  two  horses  badly  wound- 
ed. As  I  was  taking  posiiion  on  the  riRlit  of  the 
5tli,  who  were  in  square,  they  fired  a  volley  from 
one  of  its  faces  on  llie  enemy,  whose  cavalry  had 
charged.  I  at  once  unlimbered  anil  commenced 
firinjr.  Very  shortly  I  saw  their  artillery  and  cav- 
alry, wliicli  latter  wtis  in  large  force,  relirin;;.  I 
am  happy  to  state  our  fire  proved  ell'ective,  and  the 
Hiovemciii  was  frustrated.  Brevet  Second  Lieu- 
tenant French  had  the  immediate!  charjie  of  one  of 
the  pieces.  Wc  conlinued  thanijini;  position  from 
point  to  point  until  dark,  when  we  encamped.  I 
ihcn  learned  that  tSrevet  Majin- Rin;:i;ohl,  who  had 
been  with  the  other  section,  had  been  iiadly  wound- 
ed. The  section  was  broujjht  up  by  Lieutenant 
Sliover,  who  had  kept  it  actively  employed  during 
the  entire  nfiernoon. 

The  following  morniiiE:,  about  noon,  I  took  my 
position  in  rear  of  the  Stii  infantry,  im  our  way  to 
Matamoros,  marchim;  in  coluinn  of  sections  when- 
ever pnicticalile.  After  having  advanced  about 
five  miles,  I  was  ordered  to  the  front  n  illi  my  bat- 
tery, and  was  there  informed  the  enemy  were  im- 
inedialely  in  our  front,  occupving  the'road  with 
their  artillery.  Caplain  Walker,  of  the  Texas 
Rangers,  was  sent  to  ]ioint  out  lo  me  iheir  i  xaet 
pcpsiiion.  .\fier  nuniiiK  very  cautiously  fur  a  short 
ilisiauce,  I  discovered  llieiii  about  4(M)  yards  in  ad- 
vaii'.e,  ill  thf  rorti/,  and  almost  iustamly  tiieir  artil- 
lery opened.  I  moved  rapidly  to  the  front  lor 
abmit  Ulb  yards  and  returned  their  lire,  which 
was  kcpl  up  very  spiril(-i|y  on  both  sides  for  some 
time,  their  grape-shot  passim;  tliroui:h  our  battery 
in  every  directimi.  So  soon  as  it  slackened,  I  lini- 
licred  up  and  nio\i'd  rapidly  forward,  never  unlim- 
bering  unless  seeing  tiiem  in  Iron',  or  perceiving 
from  the  fire  of  ilieir  infinlry  they  were  on  my 
(laiiks.  Krec|iienlly  the  several  pi s  fired  canis- 
ter on  them  when  noi  over  lUU  in-  l.'ill  yards.  .Vi- 
ler having  advanced  in  this  niamier  for  abonl  5011 
yards,  Captain  May,  'Jd  dragoons,  rode  up  and 
^aid,  "  When:  are  tlicy.-  I  am  going  to  charire." 
I  L'ave  them  a  volley,  and  he  most  gallantly  dashed 
f  11  ward  in  "coluniu  of  fours"  at  the  head  of  his 
squadnin.  I  followed  as  iiuickly  as  possible  at  a 
gallo|i,  only  halting  when  I  came  upon  the  edge  of 
the  ravine,  where  I  foiiiid  three  pieces  of  arlillery, 
/ni(  ?io  rfniiioiiier.s;  however,  tiieir  iiit'antry  poured 
into  me  a  most  galling  fire  at  from  ^5  to  50  puces; 


and  here  rnsneil  a  most  dc-iperatc  strumrle,  but, 
our  infantry  comini;-  u]>,  they  were  cnmpletely 
routed.  'J'hoir  ia\a!ry  came  si  near  lliat  I  once 
cut  at  them  wiih  my  si.ore.  I  did  no:  luhaiicc  as 
rapidly  as  I  desired,  ,is  I  perceived  I  w.is  not  n/ 
(iiiifs  supported  iiy  the  inlaiiirv,  it  being  impossiide 
for  them  to  ::ei  through  the  cliaparral. 

I  cannot,  sir,  speak  in  to'i  liiiHi  terms  of  the  gal- 
lantry and  cooliie.-s  of  my  officers,  and  the  beha- 
viour of  my  iioii-(;oniniissioiied  otHct  rs  aii.l  men 
generally;  and  iTspeclfiilly  1  e^'  leave  1 1  call  the  at- 
tention of  liii;her  aiilhiu'ities  to  the  ficl,  that  llie 
orticers,  during  the  greater  poriioii  of  the  eng;i:re,- 
inent,  and  always  when  closely  jiressi  d,  li.ul  to 
fierform  the  du'ies  of  not  only  oni' /od /I'vic  tniion- 
iers,  haudliiig  their  own  s!ioi  and  firinu'  llieir  cuvn 
jtieces,  in  conseriuence  of  the  very  liiniied  uum'.:(r 
of  men. 

Ill  conclusion,  .sir,  T  am  proud  to  stale,  thai  un- 
til the  enemv's  artillery  was  lak"n,  and  they  com- 
plelely  rmtieil,  no  other  arlillery  was  refpiired,  or 
at  least  used,  but  the  battery  I  have  the  honor  to 
command. 

I  am,  sir,  vcre  resoeetfillv,  voiir  f^bedieiu  ser- 
vant, IV\NnoLPII   RUHiK'.V, 

Finl  l.iiul.  ;W  iirt'ij,  com'g  (ig/i(  com.  C. 

Ih'porl  of  Cnjitrni)  .Miiij. 

Dracoov  Camp,  Rr.sAev  ni.  i.v  I'ai.ma. 

On  Ihc  Ilitlllc  Grovnil,  Mm  10,  184G. 

Sin:  Ilaviiiu'  been  detached  from  the  hendqnar- 
tersof  my  reiriment  wiili  my  snu-olron,  and  aclinsr 
under  the  immediate  (uclcrs  of  the  Commanding 
(general  duriinj  the  aelions  of  ihc  8lh  and  i)th  in- 
stant, il  becomes  my  duly  to  report  the  services 
which  ill"  s'lnndron  I  had  the  honor  to  command 
rendered  tbiring  those  actions. 

You  are  aware  that  mv  first  orders  of  the  8th 
were  lo  slremrthen  the  left  flank  of  the  armv,  and 
snslain  Lieutenant  Duncan's  battery.  In  this  no- 
silion  I  lost  four  horses  killed  and  two  wounded.     , 

About  half  an  hour  before  sunset  I  rceeiveil  or- 
ders to  proceed  to  the  enemy '.s  left  Hank  and  drive 
ill  his  cavalry.  In  execution  of  these  orders,  and 
while  iiassiin.:  the  General  and  his  start",  the  enemy 
concentrated  the  fire  from  tJicir  batteries  upon  us, 
killing  six  of  my  horses,  and  wounding  five  mcii. 
I  succeeded  in  gaining  a  position  on  the  enemy's 
left,  with  a  view  of  charging'  his  cavalry,  but  found 
him  ill  such  force  as  to  render  inetieclual  a  charire 
from  my  .small  command,  and  iherelbre  returned,  in 
obedience  to  my  insiructions,  lo  my  first  position, 
where  I  remained  until  the  close  of  the  aeiion, 
wliieli  lerminaied  very  shortly  afterwards.  Thus 
ended  the  servi -e  of  my  scjuadron  on  the  Mb  iiisl. 

On  the  morning  of  ihe  'Jih  my  squadron  was  ac- 
tively employed  in  reconnoitring  the,  eha|)arral  in 
advance  of  ihe  fii  Id  of  the  Sih,  and  on  the  advance 
of  llie  armv  I  lo(d<  my  position  as  ihe  advance 
■.'Uard.     When  iiliniii  hall'a  mile  from  the  position 

which  the  ei ly  were  reporled  lo  have  taken,  I 

was  ludered  to  bait  and  allow  the  artillery  and  iu- 
fanlry  lo  pass,  and  await  fnrllier  orders.  I  re- 
mained in  litis  ptisition  abtmt  three-quarters  of  an 
hour,  when  I  reei'ived  orders  to  report  with  my 
sipiadron  lo  the  General.  I  did  so,  and  was  or- 
dered by  the  General  lo  chariio  ihe  enemy's  bat- 
teries, and  drive  them  from  their  pieec'i,  wliicli 
was  rapidly  e\eciiied,  with  the  loss  of  Lieutenant 
In:;!',  seven  privati  s,  and  eiirhleeii  horses  killed, 
and  Serjeaiil  Moley,  nine  privalc":.  and  ten  horses 
wounded,  Lienlenant  Sa"keli  and  .'^er'.;eanl  .Story, 
in  llie  front  liv  my  side,  had  their  liors.  .=  killed  un- 
der llieni,aiid  Lienienanl  Inge  was  ;;allamly  leail- 
ing  bis  plaloon  when  he  fell.  We  chiTTed  entirely 
ihrmicrh  llieein  iny's  ballerv  of  seven  pieces — Cap- 
tain Grahnin,  accomp  oiied  by  Lienien.inls  Win- 
ship  and  Pleasonlon,  leadiiiic  the  ehar'.'e  auainst  the 
pieces  on  the  left  of  the  road,  anil  myself,  accom- 
panied by  Lieiilenanls  lii^e,  Me\eiis,  and  Sacketi, 
those  on  the  direii  road,  and  fr.'iiin'd  the  rising 
ground  on  the  opp.osiie  side  of  Ihe  ravine.  The 
charge  was  made  under  a  heavy  fire  of  ihe  enemy 's 
batteries,  which  accoiiuis  for  my  great  lo.ss.  Af- 
ter gaining  the  rising  ground  in  the  rear,  I  could 
rally  but  six  iiumi,  and  wiili  these  I  charged  llieir 
sruniiers,wlio  had  ivi;,iincd  llnir  pieces,  drove  tliem 
oil',  and  look  prisoner  General  Vena,  whom  I  found 
irallanlly  fiL'htiui;  in  person  at  Ins  battery.  I  or- 
dered liim  to  surrender,  and  on  recognising  nie  as 
an  ulficcr  lie  handed  me  las  sword. 


I  brought  him,  under  n  heavy  fire  of  their  infantry, 
to  our  lines,  accoiii|iaiiieil  by  LieuK  nant  Sleveiig 
and  a  sergeant  of  my  squadron.  I  thi'ii  diiecled 
Lieulmani  .Stevens  lo  conduct  him  in  salfily  to  our 
rear,  and  inesented  iiis  sword  to  the  Coininaiiding 
Oenerul. 

I'ldin  ihis  time  until  the  enemy  were  milled  I 
was  engaged  in  colleeling  my  men,  who  had  be- 
come scallered  in  our  lines.  I  succeeded  ill  asseni- 
Ming  half  of  my  squadron,  and  joined  the  army  in 
pnr.aiil  of  the  enemy,  until  he  crossed  the  Rio 
Grande,  from  which  1  returned  lo  camp. 

1  cannot  sneak  in  terms  of  snilieicnt  praise  of  the 
steadiness  and  gallantry  of  the  olficers  and  men  of 
my  eonnnand.  They  all  behaved  with  that  spirit 
of  coura-e  and  noble  daring  which  dislinguislicd 
Ihe  whole  army  in  ihis  memorable  actimi,  and 
achieved  the  most  brilliant  victory  of  the  age. 

1  have  the  honm'  to  be,  very  rcspeeifully,  your 
obedieiii  servant,  C.  A.  MAY, 

Cnptniii  2./  Driignons,  ciniid'i;  iid  Squadron. 

Lieut.  AIcDovALii,  ,ldj't  Al  Urugoom. 

Rcjiort  of  L!,  Col.  Bellnwp  lo  G  \.  Taylor. 

IIi;au  Qi  AHTinis  I'm^r  Urijaul. 

CiMi;i  mnr  XtuUnncrm,  Miij  15,  184G. 

Sib:  In  submitting  an  ollicial  report  of  the  o|ier- 
alioiis  of  the  first  brigade  in  the  actions  of  the  6lh 
and  !llh  of  May,  at  t'alo  Alio  and  Resaca  de  la 
Palm. I,  I  feel  a  decree  of  delicacy  in  the  task,  from 
my  humble  rank  ill  comparison  with  the  import- 
ance  and  minriiiinde  of  my  command,  and  lest  1 
shall  be  unalile  to  do  full  jnsiice  to  the  admiruble 
coiiuiici  of  the  officers  anil  men  who  served  under 
my  orders. 

On  first  meeting  the  enemy,  I  received  your  order 
to  form  on  the  left,  with  instructions  to  move  into 
the  chaparial  and  allow  li.e  men  U)  refresh  them- 
selves by  gelling  water.  Perceiving  in  a  lev/  ino- 
nieiiis  tliat  the  enemy  were  advancing,  and  not 
knowing  ]irecisely,  being  on  the  left  of  the  line, 
where  water  was  to  be  obtained,  I  directed  the 
men  to  remain  in  the  ranks.  The  enemy  shortly 
al'ier  having  halted,  and  your  instructions  for  the 
refreshment  of  the  men  having  been  repealed,  they 
proceeded  lo  get  water,  and  immediately  fell  in, 
prepared  and  eni'er  for  aciioii.  The  brigade  was 
ilien  ordered  to  advance  in  coluniii  on  the  left  of 
the  army, the  battalion  of  arlillery, under  command 
of  Licu'tciianl  Colonel  Cliilils,  on  the  right,  the 
8:li  ri^Mmeiit  of  infantry,  cominanded  by  Cap- 
lain  .Montgomery,  on  the  lel'i,  and  Cajitain  Dun- 
can's battery  in  the  cenire.  The  army  then  hay- 
ing been  orilered  to  advance,  the  brigade  moved  in 
Ihis  order  nnlil  llie  enemy  opened  his  batteries. 
When  the  brigade  was  hailed,  Captain  Duncan's 
liiitlery  advanced  about  two  hundred  yards,  and 
commenced  a  most  destructive  fire  upon  the  enemy. 
This  disposiiion  was  mainlained  for  about  two 
hours,  when  tlie  enemy's  fire  slackened,  and  finally 
ceased.  Xoihing  could  snrpa.ss  the  coolness  and 
steadiness  of  the  cnnimuiid  while  lliiis  exposed  to 
a  galling  fire,  receivimr  as  they  did  the  heavy  dis- 
charges of  ihc  enemy's  well-aimed  uriill.iry  with- 
out tiie  power  of  delending  Ihemselves. 

in  a  short  lime  after  the  firini.'  ceased,  the  army 
was  ordered  to  adva:ice  and  take  position  some- 
what nearer  to  the  enemy;  the  battalion  of  arlillery 
taking  post  in  rear  and  to  the  right  of  the  two 
iM-pounders,  Caplain  Duncan's  arlillery  on  their 
left,  and  llie  Hth  infaiilry  on  the  left  and  to  the 
rear  of  his  ballerv.  .\t  this  mniuent,  Ca|.lain 
niincan,  wilh  his  "usual  quickness  of  perce|ilion, 
discovereil  and  emumniucaled  to  me  ihe  fact  that 
the  enemy  was  nioviii'.:  liie  entire  cavalry  and  in- 
lantry  f  u'ce  of  bis  rinl.t  wing  upon  onr  train  in 
rear  of  tli"  h-l't  of  our  line  of  battle,  and  ihat  his 
battery  could  produce  a  more  deslriiciivc  ell'ect 
upon  ihe  enemy  by  taking  ]iosilion  further  lo  the 
left.  I  ordcnd  liiin  to  proceed  to  the  threalened 
point  wilh  all  possible  despatch,  and  Indd  the 
enemy  in  e,lieck  lill  the  Hill  infantry  could  come 
up  lo  his  supporl.  Tlic  ballery  dashed  back  to 
Ihe  left  rtaiik  in  full  view  of  ihe  enemy,  and  en- 
gaged him  wiihiii  point  blank  range  of  his  small 
guns.  So  sudden  and  unexpected  was  this  move- 
ment to  the  enemy,  who  a  nioinenl  before  saw  ihis 
battery  disappear'in  the  opposite  direclion  behind 
ihe  sinoke  of  the  burning  prairie,  that  bis  whole 
'  I'oiumn  of  cavalry  pulled  up  to  a  halt  before  a  shot 
'  had  been  fired  or  even  the  guns  unlimbered.     A 


'1; 
111- 


it  m 
-'  ill 


630 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[J  one  12, 


29th  Coso l8T  Sess. 


Battles  on  the  Rio  Grande — Official  Report. 


Senate  &i  Ho.  of  Kefs. 


f**  ..1*.     '  M 


Btroiiij  body  of ''"■P"''i"y''"'  iiifimli  v,  J"|i|">iliil  I'M 
two  aqimdr'onaof  cnvi\lry,  ilohoudird  finm  llir  rx- 
Ireme  riglK  point  of  the  i-linimrnil,  mid  moved 
.  ndily  forward  lo  tlip  nimi-k.  Onr  "criion  of  ilie 
bntlery  opoTipd  upon  tlirm  willi  round  slinl,s)iells, 
and  sphericnl  cnsr,  !>o  wdl  dirrolnl  llml  the  wliiile 
advuMcc,  horse  niul  foot,  fell  l>n''k  in  disorder  to 
the  bushes;  the  olh.T  sei-lion  pliiypcl  in  llie  oieim 
time  upon  tlic  ninssca  of  cnvnh-y  that  hnl  hnltfd 
nl  the  sl^ht  of  the  pins  :is  I'll'ore  nnotioneil. 
Although  llicsp  shot  were  well  dirceicd,  nnd  eiu'h 
mode  nn  opening  throucrh  iin  entire  Mqii  idron,  this 
pnrt  of  the  enemy's  line  stood  niislial<en. 

The  ctdumn  of  envnlry  and  infantry  (hivrn  hiielf 
in  the  ehapnrnd  hv  the  other  section,  reformed 
there  and  moved  t'orward  n  ."eivmd  time  to  the  at- 
tack with  frrc-at  regularity.  After  they  iid.aiierd 
aliout  one  ittmdred  yards  from  tlie  ehaoarral,  the 
section  before  ordered  to  drive  them  back  a;;ain 
opened,  nnd  drove  them  with  e\en  ffreaier  success 
than  before.  They  fell  back  pell  mell  lo  the  bushi'S 
and  commenced  their  retreat;  their  supporliiiff  cav- 
alry abandoned  them,  rushed  back  np(ai  tlie  head 
of  the  columns  that  bad  before  wiibstfid  our!  ht)t, 
and  n  llight  comnieuc.ed,  Sipiadron  at'ter  Nr[undron 
took  it  up,  and  the  entire  lauhl  wini^  of  the  army 
wtis  in  full  retreat.  Hoth  .sections  weie  now 
brought  to  bear  upon  the  enemy'.s  broken  and  lly- 
injj  cohuons,  and  e  brisk  and  destructive  lire  K'ept 
up  all  they  disappeared  in  the  chaparral,  or  dark- 
ness put  an  end  lo  the  battle. 

When  this  ballcrv  fir';t  reached  its  position  on 
the  left,  nnd  before  the  infantry  could  arrive  lor  its 
support,  Crt|>tRiu  ICer,  of  the  second  dra^itons, 
who  lind  been  directed  with  hisfipiidron  to  '_'uard 
the  bair:;a!re  train,  wiih  a  promptness  and  eaiier- 
nesa  worthy  of  all  praise,  olTrred  In  iipel  any  at- 
tempt of  the  enemy  to  assai!  the  buttery  on  its 
lef>. 

During  the  nliseuce  of  the  Sih  infaniry  on  the 
left  the  commander  of  the  avtilli  ry  battalion  vigor- 
ously and  su-'cessfuUy  rejielled  a  desperate  etrcu't 
on  the  part  of  the  enemy  to  carry  the  18-ponnd- 
ers,  by  promptly  forming'  srjuare  and  arresim; 
the  charge  of  cavalry.  AVbiie  in  this  posninn 
he  rcceivetl  n  fire  from  n  line  of  ihe  enemy's  infan- 
try, which  was  (piii'kly  returned.  He  then  en- 
camped nn  liis  own  i.'ronnd;  at  this  time  the  bri- 
gade was  reunited  near  the  18-pninider  battery, 
and  bivo\iacked  in  front  of  the  army. 

On  the  mornin;;of  the  9'Ii  we  \\'crc  instructed  to 
assume  t/ie  same  order,  and  ndv.ance  upon  the  ene- 
my, he  Imvinj;  in  the  nij;hi  and  early  in  the  morning 
retired.  The  brisade  advanced  across  the  plain 
and  took  position  in  the  ehaoarral,  where  we  hail- 
ed for  .iever.il  hours  waitin:^  instruciifins,  ;oid  bury- 
inj  in  the  meiin  lime  eleven  of  ihe  pueniv's  dead 
tlia'.  «trc  there  fiund  terribly  man;rleil.  The 
e.rmy  havini  been  put  in  inardi  in  the  afirrnonn, 
the  brigade  was  ordered  to  halt  as  a  reserve,  when 
witlim  about  a  mile  of  ilie  enemy's  p^siiion.  In 
a  few  minutes,  ihe  firiuu'  bavin;  conmieiiced  in 
front,  I  received  orders  to  inove  up  Onucan's  bat- 
tery undone  balialion  of  infantry:  the  battery  and 
the  8th  rCL'imi'nl  were  immediately  put  in  nnition, 
the  latler  in  double  (]uicK  time. 

On  arrivinir  at  the  scene  of  action,  ihe  8ih 
regiment  eharp-ed  the  enemv  on  the  ri;ht  of  the 
road  and  drove  him  rrom  his  position.  .\t  this 
moment  Captain  May,  of  ilie  9d  drnjoous.  in- 
formed me  that  he  had  charged  nnd  carried  one 
of  the  enetny'.'i  batteries,  but,  brin^j  unsupported, 
was  unal>lc  to  maintain  it.  I  immediately  ordered 
the  8l!i  infantry  to  form  in  the  road,  when  it 
was  led  to  a  charire  upon  the  Imtiery,  a  part  of 
which  had,  as  re|M)rted,  been  retaken  by  the  ene- 
my. This  moveiTienl  was  executed  \\  ith  the  great- 
est eeleriiy,  and  the  i)atiery  secured  T'.c  regi- 
ment then  churned  upon  the  rnviiu:  nnd  across  ihe 
small  prairie  am'  Nt  a  sheet  of  fire  from  the  frimt 
and  ri^.'hl,  dro  .■  >  supporliii;  column  before  it, 
destroying;  ll  ,ny  in  vast  numbers,  they  bav- 

in;; mainlaii,  riost  determined  nnd  oi"   bimo 

resistunce  iint  'ly  repulsed  and  d;  ,.oni 

the  field.  C'api  ,  ■uil^jomery  with  his  reiimenl 
pursued  visorouslj  .,io  tiie  chaparral  on  the  oppo- 
site .<ide  of  the  ravine,  until,  from  the  rapid  fti'.'ht 
of  the  enemy,  further  pursuit  was  useless.  The 
conflict  was  slmii— ihe  result  shows  the  severity. 

Al  the  head  "f  the  ravine  I  met  with  r'aptiiin 
McCall,  4tli  infaniry,  who,  in  eommanil  of  the 
advance,  had  gallu:itly  brought  on  the  uclion,  and 


poured  a  most  drslniriive,  and  kepi  up  an  inces- 
sant lire  unr)n  the  enemy. 

After  the  commencement  of  the  action,  nn  nd- 
vancin;;  with  the  Hill  infantry,  and  the  battery 
of  artillery,  I  orderei'  Lieutenanl  Colonel  Childs 
to  remain  with  liia  balialion  as  n  reserve,  ll 
is  due  lo  Colonel  Childa  to  stale  that  he  was 
d'sirous  that  his  Imllalion  should  be  selected  to 
advance  into  t'  ■•tiiui  instead  of  the  8ih  rei'i- 
ment.  He  soon  allrr  received  orders  from  the 
Commandiiin;  General  to  advance.  He  obeyed, 
and  ni|iiilly  pursued  the  enemy  lo  the  Rio  Grandi', 
where,  liaviim;  thrown  out  pickets,  he  caplured  mie 
enptnin  and  about  twelve  privates  durim^  the  ene- 
my's di;hl. 

.\s  soon  as  iheeneiny'.s  batteries  were  carried 
and  his  infuitry  be^an  to  f;ive  jrroiind,  Captain 
nuncaii  was  ordered  lo  cross  the  ravine  and  take 
up  a  new  position,  thai  previciiisly  occupied  ren- 
dering it  impossible  for  him  lo  assail  the  enemy 
wilhtMit  irallin;  our  own  troops.  This  was  done, 
and  the  enemv  vi;;orouslv  )unsued,  a  i'vw  well-di- 
rected shots  from  our  batteries  drivin;  him  from 
p[>s;ticai  to  position  till  he  reached  ihe  river. 

^VIlere  all  have  acted  nobly  it  mav  seem  im- 
priiper  lo  speak  ol'iiidividiials,  but  I  feel  compelled 
to  name  the  eomnianders  of  corjis  in  the  bri:rade. 
The  commander  of  ihe  balialion  of  ariiliciy,  iai'ii- 
leiiaiit  Colcmel  Chillis,  neeils  no  praise  from  me. 
His  well-earned  fame — won  on  many  a  field — is 
known  to  all;  but  his  coolness  and  intrepidity  in 
liii^  baillo  (d'  Ihe  Htli,  durin;  the  heavy  cainion- 
;ulc  of  the  enemy,  I'n  prompt  manner  in  whicli 
he  repulsed  the  e,|.  ,i  /e  iipim  the  18-pouiider  bat 
lery,  nnd  his  hoi  piirsuii  of  ilie  enemv  lo  ihe 
lanks  of  the  Rio  Grande  on  l!"-  evening  of  the 
9ih,  are  new  evidem-es  of  his  7.eai  nnd  soldiership, 
which  it  u^ives  nu^  pleasure  lo  record. 

Captain  Moulioinery,  in  cnmuiand  of  the  8th 
infaniry,  at  Palo  .Alio,  manifestiil  the  utmost  coo'- 
uess  durinir  Ihe  cannonade  of  that  day,  wdien  his 
horse  was  shut  under  him:  the  celerity  with  which 
he  moved  lo  ihe  su[»pori  of  the  battery  of  artillery 
when  ihrealcned  by  the  enemy's  cavalry,  as  well 
as  bis  en'jeniess  in  ji  llin;  into  aciion  on  the  9lh, 
in  which  he  wars  wounded,  and  his  visor  in  pm- 
suini:  the  enemy,  merit  lii^li  commend. ilion. 

I  cannot  loo  mil'  li  commend  the  skill  and  judir- 
menl  of  Captain  huiican  on  li^pth  fields.  His  quick 
eye  delccled  al  Palo  .\lio  the  ihrealenim;  movement 
of  the  enemy  on  (uir  lefl,  whose  advancinj;  eohimus 
were  nrrisieil  by  his  prompt  aciion,  and  finally 
turned  back  by  tlie  rapid  nnd  skilful  di.schari;es 
from  his  fine  battery. 

In  ihe  I  aii'e  of  die  '.)lh,  the  8ili  regiment  lest  in 
Lieutenant  Civadbonrne  a  ]iromisin;  young ollicer, 
who  fill  in  the  manful  discbniic  of  duly.  Lien- 
tenanis  Gales  and  Jordan  were  badly  but  not  mor- 
tally wounded.  The  latter,  when  peraonally  ehar- 
;;iii:r  the  enemy,  beini:  overpowered  by  numbers, 
was  relieved  by  Ijieiiieuanl  Liiu:oln,  who  slew  with 
ills  own  b;inil  twoof  ibe  fiercest  assailnills.  Lien- 
tenants  Seidell,  Buriiaiik,  Maclay,  and  Morris, 
wen;  woimdcd.  Liculeiiaut  Liilher,  of  the  artil- 
lery baitaliDO,  was  v.ounded  by  a  miiskei  ball  in 
the  aciion  of  ihe  8ili.  On  tliis  day  Lieutenant 
Daniels,  ;iciiii;  aid-de-cnmp,  had  bis  horse  sliol 
under  liim  liy  a  cannon  ball,  (,'aptaiii  .McKavelt, 
of  the  8ih  iiifmlry,  and  aciinu;  field-olllcer  of  his 
regiment,  hau  his  horse  siiot  under  hini  I'y  a  nms- 
kct  ball  IV!  liie  Olh. 

I  cannot  close  tlri.;  ;-t,ioit  without  bearing  tesli- 
mony  to  the  zeal  ami  ediciency  of  the  brigade  staff. 
The  highest  praise  beloni^s  to  Lieutenant  Chase, 
9d  ariillerv,  .tctiug  assislanl  ndjiiinnt  i.-eneral,  and 
Lieulen.aiil  i>.o;iels,  2d  uriillcry,  bri:.'ade  eouiims- 
sary  and  nciiiii;  aid-ili-camp,  for  ihe  rapidity  with 
which   they  omiriunicaled    my  orders  fVom   [loint 

"  point,  and  tin*  coolness  and  courage  they  dis- 
played under  the  holiest  fire  in  both  ihese  battles. 
,My  thanks  are  alsodiie  to  Mr.  .lolin  l».  f 'oz/.ens, 
of  New  York  eiiv,  who  rendi'red  vabmlde  assist- 
ance by  Iransmittiiig  with  intelligence  such  infor- 
mation as  [  had  occasion  from  time  to  time  to  com- 
municate. 

II  is  impossible  to  enumerate  all  the  instances  of 
persona!  tiravery  conspicuous  on  llicse  days.  It 
mav  be  co.ilidenlly  asserled  thai  in  their  passive 
exposure  to  the  deadly  fire  of  the  eneniy's  balieries 
on  llic  plain  of  I'alo  Alto,  the  forliiiide,  hiirli  moral 
eouru'.'e,  hardy  valor,  and  perfect  discipline  dis- 
played by  the  troops,  have  few  parallelu  in  tlie  his- 


lory  of  war,  while  ihe  ballle  of  Resaea  de  la  Palmu 
will  long  be  associated  with  deeds  of  heroism  anil 
inlrepid  daring  which  can  never  be  surpassul. 

In  ihe  neiion  of  ihe  8ih,  the  artillery  balialion 
lost  in  killed  one  sergeant,  one  corporal,  one  pri- 
vate; wounded,  one  lieutenant,  two  nrlificeis,  one 
musician,  and  five  privates — iigu;regate  twelve. 

The  8ih  infiintry  loai,  killed  four  priviiles,  six- 
teen privates  wounded — total  Iweniy,  (including 
missing  Iwo  privates.)  The  artillery  compHiiy 
had  wounded  one  nonrnmmisaioned  officer,  one 
artificer,  and  two  pri rates — tolnl  (bur. 

On  Ihe  !lih  the  companies  in  Cnpinin  McCnll's 
conmiand,  belonging  lo  ihe  artillery  battalion,  lost 
ill  killed  one  corporal,  Iwo  privates;  wounded  one 
serireanl  nnd  four  privates — total  ten. 

The  8th  regiment  of  infantry  on  ihc  Pih  Inst,  in 
killed  one  subaltern,  four  iion-comiiiissioned  offi- 
cers,  null  three  privates — total,  eight;  wounded, 
seven  offirera,  (one  cnpltiin  mid  six  subalterns,) 
eight  non-commissioned  officers,  seventeen  pri- 
vates— nggregale  thirty- two. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  rerspreifully,  your 
obedient  .servant,  W.  G.  lir.LKNAP, 

IJiiil.  Cnlonrl  rmnmnmling  nrsl  liiigade. 

Capiaiii  W.  W.  .S.  liiiss, 

t'hsist,  *idj.  (Umralt  tirmij  cf  Occupation. 

liiporf  of  Cnpi.  McCnll  to  Gen.  Taylor. 
Camp  ni;\r  M.iTAMonos,  Mmj  13,  I8JC. 

Sin:  On  the  Olh  iiisiani,  in  obedience  to  your 
orders,  I  iiKirclicd  from  Palo  Alio,  the  ballle-itronnil 
of  the  3lh,  with  the  "advance,"  (eonsisling  of  220 
men,)  to  fidlow  niid  observe  the  niovements  of  the 
enemy  on  the  route  to  Malninnros.  I  direcied 
Cnptai  1  C.  F.  Smith,  Od  artillery,  with  the  light 
companies  of  the  1st  brigade,  to  move  on  the  right 
of  the  road,  while  I  advanced  with  the  dctachnicnt 
composed  of  artillery  nnd  infaniry  nn  the  left. 
Captain  Walker,  of  the  Texas  Raii;.'ers,  with  a 
small  detachment  of  mounted  men,  was  ordered  to 
examine  the  road  in  front,  and  Lieiilennnl  Pleas- 
onion,  2il  dra!;oons,with  a  few  dragoons,  marched 
in  tlie  rearoftbe  column.^  ofinfiuiiry. 

Having  followed  the  trail  of  the' enemy  nbout 

two  and  a  half  nb!es,  through  the  chaparral,  a  pria- 

I  oner  was  taken  on  tlie  ed?e  of  the  .Taekass  prairie, 

and  one  of  the  enemy  killed  by  Captain  Walker's 

men  on  the  prairie. 

H.uing  examined  the  opposite  side.  Captain 
Walker  n'poried  the  road  clear;  when,  desiring 
lo  procure  defiiiiie  information  as  lo  the  posi- 
tion of  the  enemy,  I  pushed  liim  forward  into  the 
chaparral,  (within  supporting  distance,)  and  one 
or  two  parties  of  from  three  to  .-^ix  were  seen  in  the 
brush,  one  of  which,  a  mounied  parly,  was  fired 
upon  by  my  ri;hl  fimkers.  On  reaching  ihe  open 
ground  at  La  Resnca  de  la  Pnlina,  ihe  head  of  my 
eulumn  received  three  ■•ouiids  of  canisler  shot  from 
a  masked  ballery,  which  killed  one  private  and 
wounded  two  seiireanls  on  the  left  of  the  road,  and 
made  my  men  lake  cover.  They  rallied,  however, 
handsomely,  wiiliin  forly  or  fi'fly  paces.  I  now 
broughl  Captain  Smith's  iletachment  to  ihc  left  of 
the  road,  [iroposing  to  attack  by  a  dank  movement 
what  I  supposed  to  be  only  the  rrar'.:iiaid  of  ihe 
retiring  army;  and  I  sent  Lieiilrnant  MrCown, 
with  two  men,  lo  recall  Lieuteiinnt  Oobbin.s,  who, 
with  a  tew  men,  had  deployed  to  the  left,  whern 
he  killed  one  or  Iwo  of  oie  ■  amy  who  showed 
ihemselvcK  in  his  front.  On  i.e  n  liirn  of  LieiUen- 
anl  Dobbiu.i  with  Lieutenani  McCown,  the  fonuer 
reported  a  larje  body  of  ir'^ops  iii  motion  on  our 
lefl,  and  nl  ihe  same  time  some  lancers  were  ob- 
served in  the  road  in  front.  Ilciiig  now  saiisfied 
that  the  .Mexican  army  was  in  force  in  our  front,  I 
despatched  three  dragoons  to  inform  you  of  the 
fict,  mill  tlieii  moved  my  command  to  a  stronger 
position  to  await  your  arrival. 

On  your  arrival,  Capinin  Smith  was  njnin  or- 
dered to  lake  the  right  of  the  road,  while  I  took  the 
letl,  with  orders  lo  bring  on  the  action,  and  then 
fiank  the  enemy.  Advancing  about  three  hundred 
yards  or  more  to  the  front  and  flank,  I  encoun- 
tered the  riglitof  the  enemy's  iiifiiniry,  and  the  ac- 
tion inimediaiely  commenced.  They  were  strongly 
posted  in  the  ravine,  on  the  near  side  of  the  pond, 
(the  principal  line  bein;  on  the  opposite  side,)  and, 
in  addition  lo  the  fire  of  musketry  from  both  lines, 
my  men  were  exposed  to  heavy  discharges  of  cnn- 
.  ister  shot  from  two  field-pieces  in  tlie  rear  of  their 


[June  12, 


1846.  J 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


68t 


)F  Reps. 

■n  ill;  111  I'lilinu 
licroism  anif 

irpassicl. 

Ifiy  Imilnlinn 
iiiial.  line  pri- 

nrlilifcia,  one 
iitp  twelve, 
priviilcs,  six- 
ty, (inrliiiling 
I'ly  conipiiiiy 
il  ofliecr,  one 

liiii)  McCnII's 
'JiMnlinii,  Idsi 
wiiiinduil  one 

r  Olli  Insl,  ill 
liasionul  iilli- 
111;  wnnndcd, 
nl'nllc'iiis,) 
levciiteeii   pri- 

ir.-ifiilly,  your 

'.knap; 

'S(  Biignde. 
cnipalion. 

m.  Taylor. 
"<J  13,  18JG. 
if-ncc  to  your 

liiitllc-Kroiinil 
i.sislin;;  of  230 
iriiu'iils  ol'ilifi 
I  (lirei'teil 
ivitli  ilie  light 
i-e  on  till.  |-ig|,t 
lie  ilelnihinciit 
y  nil    the    left. 

:iTs,  with  a 
ivns  oiijfrrd  lo 
ntemini  Pirns- 
nnus,  nmirheii 
Iv. 

enemy  ahout 
npnrral.n  pris- 
riekii.ss  pniiric, 
itain  Walker's 

side,  Cnptniii 
.•lion,  desiring 
to  I  lie  po.si- 
•wiinl  into  the 
nie,)  and  one 
ere  sien  in  the 
iiy,  «a.s  fired 
■lii'iij  ihn  open 
le  hind  of  niy 
ster  .shot  front 
e  privali'  anil 
till'  load,  and 
icd,  hoHTver, 
wi:s.     I  now 

10  the  left  of 
Ilk  iTiovenient 
r^'iiaid  of  the 

lit     McCoHli, 

)obliin.'>,  who, 
le  lift,  wlicrn 
who  showed 

11  of  Liculen- 
■n,  the  foiiiirr 
notion  on  our 
I  ers  were  oh- 
now  sHiislied 
n  niir  front,  I 

I  yon  of  the 
to  n  stronger 

■as  n^ain  or- 
ile  I  took  the 
on,  and  then 
liree  hundred 
ik,  I  enroiin- 
•,aiid  llie  lu;- 
vere  strongly 
of  the  pond, 
tc  . side, )  and, 

II  liolh  Inirs, 
arge.i  of  enn- 
lear  of  their 


'29111  CoNii 1st  Sess. 


Battles  on  the  Rio  Grande — Official  Report. 


Senate  &:  Ho.  or  Reps. 


centre;  yet  in  a  sliorl  lime  the  enemy  were  driven 
from  their  right  towards  the  road,  and  my  men 
followed  with  a  hearty  cheer.  Ill  followin;;  them, 
however,  I  ."oon  found  that  our  own  lialterie.s  were 
Bweeping  my  front,  and,  their  fire  heiiii;  keot  up, 
I  made  a  tlaiik  movemenl  lo  the  road,  and  lierc  I  . 
lit  once  liecnine  engaged  with  the  enemy  occupy-  ' 
iiig  Ihe  pond  on  the  right  of  the  road.  As  »oon  .* 
tliiir  lire  ceased  at  tliiii  point,  1  reiros.'<ed  the  road 
to  regain  my  former  position  on  the  riu'lit  flank  of 
the  enemy.  Here  a  iiart  of  my  regiiiienl  became 
mixed  in  with  the  5lli  regiment  of  infanlry,  they 
nnitcd  with  that  regiment,  and  charged  with  it. 
Licuieimnt  Pitcher,  of  the  5ili  rigimcnl,  was  of 
the  luimbir.  1  continued  lo  advance  on  the  left  of 
llie  5il>  regiment,  and  was  .soon  engaged  with  pari 
of  ihc  regiment  of  the  Tainpico  (Juurds.  They  re- 
ceived several  dcslriictive  tires  from  my  men,  and 
then  retired.  I  should  mention  thai,  during  this 
inlerval.  Lieutenant  MeCown,  having  been  sep- 
Hi'uied  from  nie,  joined  the  8ili  infanlry,  and 
charged  wilii  them.  My  eomtniind  coiuiimed  lo 
move  forward  on  the  enemy's  right,  with  more  or 
less  interruption,  (inseparaldc  from  a  bush  fight,) 
unlit  the  elo.se  of  the  battle. 

Captain  .Smith  being  sepurated  from  me,  I  was 
not  an  eye-witness  of  the  iiidividualeonductof  liim- 
tielf  and  olHcers,  but  I  enclose  herewith  his  report 
made  to  ine  this  day. 

In  thai  part  of  luy  command  where  1  was  in 
j^er-soii,  every  oflicer  and  man  did  his  duly  moat 
liandsomely,  1  received  every  assistance  I'rom  the 
good  conduct  of  Lieiiteuants  Dobbins,  McCown, 
Wuinwrighl,  and  Pitcher.  Lieiitcnanta  D.,  \V., 
and  P.  used  llieir  own  rilles  and  guns  wiili  good 
effect  against  the  enemy,  and  everywhere  inspired 
the  men  with  confidence  and  eagerness  to  engaire. 

The  loss  sustained  by  the  "  advance"  on  the 9th 
of  .May  was  six  killed  and  fourteen  wounded. 

I  have  the  honor  lo  be,  very  resp'.'ctfully,  your 
obedient  servant, 

GEORGE  A.  McCALL, 
Cnpt.  ilh  fa/iiiili'i/,  ciiiiimiiiK/iiie'  Iht  ailnance, 
Capt.  W.  W.  S.  Uli-s 

MjutaiU  General .  Inivj  of  Occupalion, 

Report  of  Ciiplain  Sinit/i. 
Camp  of  the  AiiriLi.ciiv  Battilio.\- 

FinsT  Urioaue,  , 
J\ettr  J^Iulamoros,  Jilexica,  .V«i;  13,  1846. 
Sm:  Agreeniily  to  your  desire  to-day,  I  have 
the  honor  to  report  that,  piirsiianl  to  your  orders 
■m  Ihe  'Jtli  instant,  my  command  (eonsistingof  the 
four  light  eoinpaiiles  of  the  brigade)  advanced  cm 
the  rigiit  of  the  road,  flanking  our  artillery,  and 
aiiout  eighly  yards  from  it.  The  moment  the  fire 
of  the  enemy  was  heard,  I  hastened  the  batlallon, 
inarching  it  by  the  right  flank,  in  the  direction  of 
tliu  pond,  [X,)*  until  slopped  by  the  thick  chapar- 
ral; when  11  was  faced  to  the  front,  an  advanced 
in  the  direction  of  the  enemy's  battery,  [C]  Il 
being  impossible  to  gel  through  the  eha|iarral  ad- 
vancing 111  line  of  battle,  1  ordered  an  advance  by 
the  lieads  of  eompaiiies,  and  to  have  tlie  line  le- 
fonucd  as  soon  as  we  could  get  through — a  mailer 
that  seemed  dillicull,  if  mil  impo.ssibie.  We  had 
advanced  thus  Init  a  few  paces  when  a  discharge 
of  muskotry  was  given  by  the  enemy  towards  the 
battery  anil  Irom  our  right  and  rear.  This  ren- 
ilercil  a  corresponding  i  hange  on  my  part  neces- 
sary. Accordingly,  I  ordered  the  battalion  to  de- 
ploy as  skirmishers  facing  the  pond,  (from  A 
towards  15,)  and  lo  advance  through  the  chaparral 
as  far  as  po.ssible.  The  moment  this  deployment 
was  attempted,  a  heavy  and  well-siislained  iire  of 
nmskeiry  was  opened  upon  us  from  the  opposite 
edge  of  tlio  pond,  and  kept  up  until  the  enemy  re- 
tired. The  chaparral  was  too  dense  for  the  men 
lo  charge  through;  but  lliey  mainlamcd  a  steady 
fire,  and  wilh  consideralileell'eel,  until  a  short  time 
before  llie  close  of  the  action;  when,  n.y  own  oii- 
scrvation  confirming  the  report  of  the  olficers  and 
men  that  a  severe  cross-fire  of  muskelrv,  which 
hud  been  opened  upon  us  from  Ihc  lei'i,  (b,)  came 
from  our  friends,  I  withdrew  the  ballalion  about 
two  hundred  yards,  and  ihcn  moved  up  the  road 
lo  report  for  orders.  General  Taylor  (by  his  Ad- 
jutant General)  directed  me  to  sustain  Lieutenant 
Huncan's  battery,  just  about  to  pursue  the  enemy, 
which  1  did  until  it  halted  here. 

*  Rcfurring  to  diagram  which  acci)mpaiiie!i  the  origiiiul. 


The  behaviorof  Ihe  company, orticers'and  nun, 

was  all  that  could  he  desired.    I  feel  under  especial 

obligation  lo  Captain  J.  B.  .Scott,  4tli  artillery,  for 

the  assistance  rendered  me  (as  an  acting  field  officer) 

I  thi'oiighoul  the  day. 

I  give  a  return  of  the  killed  and  wounded  below. 
Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 
'  C.  F.  SMITH,  j 

Capl.  9ii.Jr(.,  Com.  Hal.  Lt.  Cos.  UtBrigade.    ' 
Captain  GEonoE  .\.  .McCall,  ' 

i  4l/i  Rrgiinent  of  Infaulty. 

Return  nf  killril  and  xnnndtd  nf  Ihe  light  eompaniei  e/ 
the  \nt  (iHgn/f ,  ./Irmij  nf  Ocrunalinn,  in  the  arlin,, 
I      at  l.tt  Refam  de  la  Palma  of  the  9(/i  of  May,  1846. 

Killed — Company  K,  2d  artillery,  1  corporal, 
I  1  private;  company  I,4tli  artillery,  1  artificer;  com- 
pany .\,  Bill  infantry,  1  private;  total,  4. 

Woi'NDEO — Company  K,  2d   ariillery,  1   ser- 
geant, 1  private;  company  I,  4th  artillery,  3  |iri- 
vates;  company  A,  8th  infanlry,  3  privates;  com- 
pany F,  8lh  infiuilry,  1  private;  total  9  i 
i      "Total,  4  killed  and  9  wounded.  ' 
I                        C.  r.  SMITH,  C«p(.2iZ.'3r(iHei-!/. 

Letter  from  General  Taylor.  , 

;  [No. -11.] 

'  IlEAUHfARTEnS  AUMV  OF  OcCUI'ATlOW, 

vVii/iimoros,  Mexico,  .Mail  19, 18-16. 
\      Sin:  I  respeclfully  enclose  herewith  the  ofln-ial 
I  reports  of  Captain    Hawkins,  commanding  Fort 
'.  Brown,  and  Cipiain  Mansfield,  engineers,  of  the 
,  bombardment  of  thai  work,  and  the  operations  of 
i  the  engineer  department  during  its  continuanec. 
]      These  reports,  together  with  one  furnished  by 
i  Major  Brown  before  his  lamented  dualli,  will  irive 
j  a  history  of  the  operations  at  Fori  Brown  from  the 
Isl  to  llie  10th  of  May. 
In  rendering  these  reports,  I  deem  il  unnecessary 
I  lo  pay  any  fuftlier  tribute  to  the  services  or  mcm- 
\  ory  of  Major  Brown.     His  death  is  a  voucher  for 
j  his  patriotism  and  devotion  to  duly.     I  would  call 
the  attenlion  of  the  department  to  the  services  of 
Captain  Hawkins,  who  succeeded  lotlie  command; 
■  lo  tho.se  of  Captain  Lowd  and  Lieutenant  Bragg, 
\  who  skilfully  directed  the  operations  of  their  re- 
spective batteries;  and  pariiciilarlv  to  those  of  llie 
i  eniincer  officer.  Captain  Mansfield,  wlio.se  untiring 
vigilance  and  zeal  in  perfecting  the  defences  whicii 
}  he  had  so  alily  planned  cannot  be  loo  highly  praised. 
I      I  am,  sir,  very  respeclfully,  vour  olietlicnl  ser- 
;  vant,  Z.  TAYLOIi, 

I  J)vl.  Brig.  Gen.  U.  S.,h, commanding. 

:    The  AwfTANT  General  of  the  .Army, 
j  Washington. 

Report  of  Captain  Ihwhins, 

Headquarters,  Fort  Taylor, 
Texm,  May  10, 1846. 
I  Sir;  I  have  the  honor  to  report  that  on  the  morn- 
I  iiig  of  the  6th  instant,  during  the  third  day  of  the 
'  bombardment  of  this  fort,  its  ffallnnt  comniander. 
Major  Brown,  received  a  severe  wound,  which 
caused  his  death  at  two  o'clock  on  the  9th  inslant. 
I  immediately  assumed  command,  and  have  the 
honor  to  report  the  result  of  the  bombardments 
since  seven  o'clock  p.  m.,  on  the  4lli,  at  which 
lime  Captain  Walker  left  with  a  report  of  llie  re- 
sult up  to  that  lime.  At  nine  o'clock  p.  m.  on  the 
4ih,  firing  of  musketry  was  heard  in  our  rear,  about 
three  or  four  hundred  yards  distant,  and  nppnrenily 
extending;  a  mile  up  the  river;  ihe  firing  very  irre<r- 
iiliir.  This  conliuiied  until  half  past  eleven  o'clock 
p.  m.  The  garrison  was  under  arms,  batteries  and 
,  defences  all  manned,  and  coniinued  so  during  the 
night.  On  the  Sih  insiaiit,  at  five  o'clock,  a.  ni., 
the  fire  was  recommenced  from  the  enemy's 
batleries,  which  was  immcdinlely  reluriicd  I'rom 
the  Irt-pounder  battery  and  6-pouiider  howitzer, 
placed  in  embrasure  on  the  southeast  bastion. 
The  firing  was  kept  up  one  hour,  recrivinu'  during 
thai  time  about  fifty  round  shot  and  shells  from  the 
enemy.  The  batteries  on  both  sides  ceased  firing 
at  the  same  lime.  Oiircxpenditureof  ammunition 
was  thirty  rounds  of  both  caliber.  At  eight  o'clock 
a.  111.,  Valdez,  a  Mexican,  came  in  and  repnrled 
that  a  party  of  dragoons  had  been  driven  back  from 

•  K.2(l  artillery— nrcvi't  3il  I.ii'iilciiniil  II.  F.  Clarkei  r, 
4111  artillcry^lst  bUiilcniim  J.  ('.  IVinlierlnn  ;  .'\,  Pth  iafan- 
try— l^t  l.i"''iti'nntit  A.  T.  I.ec,9il  I.if'iitcnanl  J.  l.imestrcel; 
V,  8tli  iiiiiinirv— Qcl  Lieiilcnaot  J.  Ueotdsley,  Brcvetad  Lieu- 
tcwaiil  T.  J.  Montgomery. 


llie  prairie  to  the  point,  and  also  a  party  to  the  fort; 
that   he    had   seen   thirty  deserlers  from  Arista's 
army,  who  staled  thai  the  Mcxiians  were  without 
Nubsisience-stores,  that  lliey  were  tired, and  left  I'or 
their  homes;  thai  it  was  staled  in  the   Mexican 
camp  thai  Arista  had  received  an  express  from 
Mexico  informing  him  that  another  revolution  had 
broken  out  in  Mexico,  and  that  he  could  receive  no 
support  from  the  Uovernmenl.     At  nine  o'clock 
a.  m.  it  was  reported  lliat  a  rcciinnoissance  of  olfi- 
cers, escortetl  by  inounted  men  of  the  enemy,  was 
going  on  in  rear,  within  eight  hundred  yards  of 
the  fort;  and   that  other  parlies,  mounled  and  in- 
fiuitry,  were  nl  the  same  distance,  extending  from 
the  bend  of  ihe  lagoon  to  ihe  liver.     Lieuienant 
Hanson,  7lh  infantry,  asked  pcriuission  to  take  the 
dragoons  and  go  and  lookatllieiii.  This  was  grant- 
ed, and  in  an  liour  he  returned,  reportiii;:  that  the 
enemy  was   eslablishing   a  battery  ut    the   cross- 
roads; his  ajipearance  among  them  created  great 
alarm,  and  they  were  soon  conccntrnled  at  a  dis- 
tance under  cover  of  iheir  work.     Every  man  at 
!  work  to-day  slrengthening  ihe  defences.     Several 
I  parties  of  cavalry  and  inl'autry  seen  to-day  occupy- 
ing our  old  encampment.     Al  eleven  o'clock  p.  m. 
musketry    .as  heard  in  our  rear,  from  bend  of  la- 
,  uoon  to  the  river.    Tlic  troops  all  are  at  their  places 
i  in  ihe  bastions  during  tlie  night 
I       Jlfi/iifsi/in/,  Mail  6.— Al  five  o'clock  a.  m.   the 
;  cannonade  'commenced  from  the  lower  fort  and 
niorlar   ballery.      Many   round    shot   and    shells 
thrown  until  six  o'clock,  when  there  was  a  cessa- 
tion of  firing.     During  tlie  last  hour  the  shot  and 
shells  were  well  directed,  bursting  in  all  directions 
in  the  interior  of  the  fort,  tearing  our  tents  to  pici;c5, 
and  iiiinrintrseveral  horses.  At  half  pastsixo'cliuk 
I  the  sii'iial   18-poiinders  were  fired,  al  which   the 
I  enemy  opened  iheir  balleries  in  our  front  and  rear, 
;  and  the  eannonade  coniinued  from  two  mortars  and 
1  a  howiiner  in  front,  and  a  moriar  established  at  or 
I  near  the  cro.ss-roads  iii  rear  until  ten  o'clock  a.  m., 
j  when  our  gallant  comniander  received  a  mortal 
!  wound  from  a  falling  shell.    Large  mounted  parties 
land   infantry  were  seen  at  tliis  time   in  rear.     Al 
'  seven   o'clock  one  mortar  was  playing  upon    us 
fioni  town  and  two  from  the  rear.     At  ten  o'clock 
I  a  small   party  of  infantry  crept  up  in  ravine  and 
i  fired   musketry;  but,  beiiiz  out  of  range,  the  fire 
was  not  reiuriied.     At  half  past  ten  o'clo.k  a.  in. 
several  p.irlies  of  infantry  and  mounted  men  wira 
seen  siirroimdiin;  us  in  rear.     Several  rounds  of 
canister  were  fired  from  Lieutenant  Crairg's  battery, 
which  soon  dispersed  llieiii.     Several  were  after- 
,  wards  heard  to  have  been  killed.     Immediately 
'  afterwards,  and   until   half  past  twelve  o'clock  p. 
1  m.,  we  received  a  continual  shower  of  shells  from 
the  enemy's  batleries.     Al  two  o'clock  five  shells 
were  thrown,     Al  half  past  four  o'clock  \i   m.  a 
white  flag  was  shown  at  the  old  buildings  in  rear, 
and  a  parley  sounded  by  the  eiicmv.     Two  otliceis 
;  advanced  and  were  met  by  two  officers  of  my  enni- 
i  mand,  who  brought  mo  tlie  document  marked  A, 
I  signed   by  General  Arista,  allowing  me  one  hour 
!  to  reply. 

.1      This  document  being  considered  one  of  great 

;!  importance,  I  deemed  it  necessary  lo  convoke  ,i 

;  council,  consisting  of  all  llie  eoinpany  comniand- 

"  CIS  in  my  command,  and  laid  it  bel'ore  them.  They 

unauiniously  concurred  with  me   in  the   reply,  ii 

copy  of  which    is    the   accom|)aiiying   doninient 

marked  B.     This  document  was  despatched  in  iho 

allotted  time,  and    shorily  afier  il.s  recepiioii   the 

enemy's  batleries  opened  upon  iis  wilh  a  continual 

shower  of  shot  and  shells  imiil  sunset.     The  night 

'    was  passed  very  rpiieily,  but  coii.slnnt  vigilance 

was  exercised  in  the  connuand;  every  man  kept  at 

his  post,  as  an  attack  was  confidently  expected  in 

the  morning. 

ThiirsilaiuMaii  7.— At  hail"  past  five  o'clock  a.  in. 
the  enemy's  balleries  opened  with  shells,  and  con- 
tinued for  aboiil  an  hour  and  a  half,  and  then 
ceased.  Al  half  past  seven  a.  m.  several  rounds 
of  canister  and  grape  were  fired  into  the  enemy's 
picket  truards,  at  the  houses  in  rear,  and  at  the  old 
cuard-house  of  the  second  brigade,  which  caused 
them  to  abandon  their  positions.  This  was  re- 
]ilied  to  by  a  diselmrge  of  some  ten  or  twelve  shells. 
At  nine  o'clock  a.  m.  we  received  a  shower  of 
some  four  or  five  shells,  and  then  stopped.  About 
this  time  the  enemy  commenced  firing  iron  shells, 
having  previously  thrown  composition  shells,  and 
"  il  was  discovered  that  one  of  the  mortars  liud  been 


■Msl 


11 


682 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


fJiino  1'^, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Battles  on  the  Rio  Grande — Ojftdal  lieport. 


Senate  &  Ho.  of  Reps. 


I  I 


ifinovrd  from  our  renr  and  rchirnnl  In  the  riiy. 
Ai  n  qnnricr  past  ten  n.  m.  we  rcceivril  three 
bIicIIs;  hi  eleven  n.  m.  ci^lit  shells;  ni  twelve  ni. 
six  shells,  by  which  tour  of  Lieulonnnt  IJrairj's 
horses  were  killed  nnd  the  wheel  ol'  one  of  his 
cnissiins  disahled.  At  ludf  jMisl  twelve  the  l>utle- 
rics  were  opened  with  round  shot  nnd  fhelfs,  Hnd 
cnnilnnrd  tor  nn  houi  nnd  n  hall',  lly  this  time 
our  bomh-prooft  were  s )  fur  nilvnni'ed  that  our 
troops  wei'  comparatively  protected.  At  two 
oVloelc  sm:>  parties  of  infantry  connnenced  on  us 
with  raul"!!  mnslieiry,  on  the  bank  of  the  river 
nnd  fioin  ilie  ravine.  At  half  ]y.\n  two  p.  in.  a 
regular  I'oinbardmciil  wiih  shot  nnd  shells,  iVoni  u 
liowiizer  nnd  the  moilni's,  was  kepi  up  with  liillc 
iiitenniasion  until  sunset,  .^t  five  o'clock,  duriii!; 
this  lioinl'nrdmeiii,  a  shell  Biruck  in  a  lent,  almost 
cniircly  destroyiiv;  the  insirnmenls  of  the  7th 
irifaiilrv  hand,  io  the  value  of  three  luinilred  dol- 
lars. The  iicrurncy  of  their  firiii:;  now  evidently 
increascil,  as  nt  least  one-half  of  ihc  shells  thro«'n 
tell  in  the  fort.  A  sentinel  to-dav  lost  his  arm  by 
a  round  ^liot  from  the  enemy.  As  soon  as  it  w.is 
dark  enonsli,  n  party  headed  by  onr  indefatigable 
cnirineer,  Caplain  .\ians(ield,  was  sent  out  Io  level 
the  traverse  thrown  tip  by  General  Worth,  and 
cutting  down  the  chaparral  which  served  as  a  cover 
to  the  sliarp-shooiers  of  the  enemy.  At  twelve 
o'clock  at  iii'.:tit  a  random  fire  of  musketry  eom- 
inenced  mound  us,  followed  by  two  bn^les;  ihis 
conlinned  for  aliont  one  hour;  and  from  three  ».  ni. 
was  CMiiiinned  until  near  dayliu'ht. 

Frllwi,  .Va'i  8. — At  a  r|unrier  past  five  o'clock  a. 
in.  the  enemy's  I  alleiies  nirain  opened  with  shells 
from  the  lower  fort,  from  the  saiirtbns:  bnlterv,  and 
from  our  rear.  The  fire  this  mornin;  was  kept  up 
until  eiulit  o'clock  a.  in.  wiilntiit  ces^fttion.  A  parly 
was  sent  out  this  morning  and  biirnl  the  old  houses 
near  the  traverse  on  the  river  bank.  This  drew 
from  them  several  round  shot  and  shells;  from  twelve 
to  half  past  two  p.  m.  a  heavy  bombardment  of  shells 
was  kept  11)1  ;  nt  least  filly  I'lirown  nl  us  during  that 
lime.  At  hnlf  pnsl  three  ihey  airain  opened  their 
shells  upon  ns,  accompanied  by  round  shot.  Altliis 
time  the  enemy  ImJ  established  n  mortar  in  the 
ridu'C  ofchaparral  a-^ross  the  river,  and  immediately 
west  of  us.  Mortars  were  now  playins;  upon  ns 
from  the  north,  south,  and  west,  four  in  number. 
The  firiuir  of  round  shot  was  kept  up  for  two  hours, 
and  that  of  shells  until  half  past  seven  p.m.  Abmit 
li.'ilf  past  two  p.  ni.  a  heavy  cannon. idin^'  was  heard, 
R.ipnosed  to  be  a  little  north  of  east  of  ns  ;  il  appa- 
lenily  approached  until  half  past  tour,  when  it  bc- 
r,  line  very  disti  ict;  it  hnicd  until  nearly  seven  p.  m. 
This  we  supposed  to  be  an  action  between  our 
fircr.s  and  the  enemy.  :\  little  betore  snn.*et,  a 
Mexican  came  rmiiiini  in  with  a  white  fl.i:;  from 
the  direction  of  the  second  briL'adc  ffiiard-liouse 
clainiiii'.;  protection.  Itestnled  iliat  our  forces  hid 
come  in  conta'^t  with  those  of  the  eneinv:  had 
driven  ihein  back;  that  he  was  a  prisfuier  in  clijn-;;c 
oflhe  nickel  iruards  fired  on  by  our  balleries;  thai 
while  they  were  bnrvini;  ihe  dead  anil  cc.rryin;  olT 
the  wounded,  he  effected  his  escape.  Duiin;;  the 
cnnnonade  this  ul'leruoon,  a  small  cfilnmn  of  infm- 
try  from  aljove,  nnd  one  of  cavidry  from  below, 
were  seen  advancing,  supposed  to  be  leinlorce- 
nients  to  the  cnemv.  The  excitement  in  our  com- 
mand duriinr  tliis  distant  caniionadin:;  was  intense, 
nnrini;  ihe  d.iy  we  received  tVoin  one  hiindied  and 
tiftv  lo  two  hiinded  shells,  and  from  sevuiiy-live 
to  one  hundred  round  shot,  and  not  e.  man  disabled. 
During  the  previous  in;;ht  the  Irillierds  of  the  llai; 
on  llio  outside  had  become  iinri;:L'ed  :  and  as  the 
firin*?  had  bec4one  loo  intense  to  r-'eslablish  tlifin, 
a  temporary  sialf  was  erected  on  llie  inside,  and 
the  national  flair  of  ihe  7tli  in'.'aniry  laised  as 
M  sn'isiitnie.  We  pissed  a  very  ipiiet  Iiijjht — the 
troops  on  ilie  alerl  at  their  emis. 

Snliinlati,  .V.n;  9. — .\n  odicer  of  the  Ttli  siic- 
ceedeil  in  lowering  the  topmast  of  the  (lai;  slilV, 
and  ri'.'L'inj  llie  halliards,  but  found  that  he  eouid 
not  raise  it  a>;ain  wilhontirrcal  laliorand  cx'posur.  ; 
he  therefore  l.ished  it  in  po.^iiion,  and  raised  the 
national  fla'.r,  af'ier  haviii'^  ^.tood  u  succession  of 
round  shot,  canister,  and  shells,  tVoiii  ihe  enemv's 
batterii'S  fir  fil\een  or  tweaiv  minules.  At  ten 
o'clock,  a  serL'eant  and  ten  men  lircd  the  houses 
on  the  roed  which  had  been  successivelv  occupied 
by  our  own  and  the  iMieinv's  pickets.  It  brontjiii 
a  heavy  dist  harire  of  shtlls,  canister,  and  round 
bhol  from  tiic  enemy's  batteries.  Shells,  with  sli<jht 


j  inlerva!?,  rontinned  until  hnlf  past  two  o'clock,  p. 
m.;  the  ninrlar  on  onr  WC.91  silent,  and  one  firing  from 
n  posiiion  between  n»  and  the  fori,  at  the  npiier  [ 
ferry;  il  was  mncli  further  off,  but  fired  accurately.  | 
Two,  p.  III.  Major  Pinnvn  died,  and  in  a  short  ; 
time  we  heard  the  re,*ni;;ii;cineiit  between  the  ar- 
mies. CInarter  to  six,  quite  a  nninber  ol'  Mexican 
cavalry  and  a  fpw  infinlry  were  seen  in  the  re- 
Ireai.  \l  this  lime  we  received  a  heavy  fire  of  \ 
round  shot  and  shells.  From  the  lime  ihc  battle 
ccnninenced,  and  continued  10  increase,  an  18- 
pouniler  and  G-poundcr  were  fired  in  the  direc- 
tion oflhe  upper  ferry:  when,  findinj;  il  dilVicnll  to 
distinguish  bet^^■eell  friend  and  foe,  the  lirins;  was 
diseontiimed.  I  cannot  dose  this  report  nnd  pass 
in  silence  the  jjallanl  nnd  Hborioiis  efTorls  of  the 
officers  nnd  men  of  lliis  command  lo  fulfil  the  liiuli 
trust  reposed  in  them  by  Ihe  comniandin!;  ireneral. 
I''iider  the  most  disiulvimlaireons  circnmslanccs, 
labin-  was  performed  bv  the  men  with  the  ;;renle«t 
al.icrity,  and  always  in  tr,,'id  cheer.  Onr  indefiili- 
'rable  eu'^ineer,  C.iplnin  Mansfield,  is  entitled  lo 
Ihe  hnjliesl  praise.  We  have  only  to  lament  llie 
loss  of  a  callani  and  failhfiil  officer,  who,  proud  of 
the  trust  rcjiosed  in  him,  would  have  gloried  in  the 
acromplishment  of  the  task  which  he  so  gallantly 
conimenceil. 

I  hnve  the  honor  to  report  a  list  of  ihe  killed  anil 
wounded  diiriuT  the  seven  days'  bombardment  of 
Fori  Taylor.  Texas. 

A'i/ffi/.— May  3, 18-IG:  Sergeant  Wei;,mrl,  B  com- 
pnnv,  7lh  infmlry.  | 

n'iMiiidfi/— May  G,  If4G:  Major . T.  nrowiI,enni- 
niandin^  post.  May  !\:  Privnle  r.efcar,  F,  eom- 
pvnv,  ."Id  artillery,  sliirhl  wound.  M.tv  G:  Private 
Thompson,  F,  company.. "Jd  nrlillery,  slii;lit  wound: 
private  Thomnsoii,  Di'omnanv,  .'>tb  infimiry,  slight 
wound:  citizen  .T.  Paii^h,  sutler's  clerk,  sli2:lit 
wound.  May  7:  Mexican  prisoner,  sli;rlit  wound; 
private  Smith,  C  company,  7lh  infantry,  slight 
wound.  May  8:  Private  Moody,  H  romiiany, 
7ih  infaniry,  jVaeinrc  of  arm;  citizen  Uiissel,  dis- 
charired  soldier,  fraeinre  of  le::;  private  Stewart, 
fT  cnmoany,  7lh  infantry,  sliurht  wound;  private 
Ratcliir,  H  company,  7th  infaniry,  slight  woniidi 
Mexi'-nn  prisoner,  sliirht  wound;  Mexican  prison- 
er, sli'^hl  wound;  recruit  Cowan,  7lh  infantry, 
sli'rht  wound. 

Oirif — May  9, 184G:  Major  J.  Brown,  commnnd- 
inT  post. 

I  am,  sir,  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 
K.  S,   HAWKINS, 
Cniii.  ~lh  inCmlm, commaniliiiff  iwtt. 

Cantain  W.  AV.  S.  Ri  iss,  ' 
.Ifsisl.  .Iilj.  Gen.  .Inn'i  rj  OcciipaHon,  Tcxaf. 

F.riF.RCiTO  Mfok  vxn.  Division  dki.  Nonri:. 

Geverai.  ks  Okff.:  Se  balhi  V.  S.  siiiada  por 
fnerzas  snficienli  s  it  rendiria,  v  adeinis  se  enciicn- 
lr;i  ii  so  cspalda  una  iiumcrosa  ilivision  eneampada, 
que,  lil>re  de  loda  atenrion,  valer.i  ciiaiUos  anxilios 
teiom  V.  S.  esneranzas  de  rer  ibir. 

F.l  amor  de  la  huMianidad,  reconocidoen  el  siirlo 
Itresejiie  pin*  lodas  las  naciones  cntins.  impone  sin 
diida  el  delier  de  hncernienos  crueles  los  dcsaslies 
de  la  euerra. 

Fste  principio,  que  los  Me-jricanos  profezan  eon 
preferencia  a  enalquiera  otr.i  nacion,  ine  oblic:a  i 
indieaiic,  (pie.  siendo  inuiiles  siis  e/.l'nerzos,  se 
lenda,  para  rpie  por  una  capiiulacion  evile  la  total 
rnina  de  los  siddndos  ipie  la  obdecen. 

Asi  nie  proporcionar.a  V.  S.  el  placer  de  enmpiir 
con  los  sentimicntos  indicados  de  botniad  v  rlul/.ura 
fpie  forman  el  car.ader  de  mis  coinpniriotes,  i  la 
vez  que  dare  lleno  al  mas  imperioso  de  los  deberes 
que  mi  pais  exipe,  por  l.as  ofenz.as  rpie  ha  re 
cibiflo. 

Iliofi  V  Libertnd  !  C'liartel  general, en  los  Fanqnes 
del  llamirei-io.     May  fi,  de  IH4G. 

.M.AUI.STA. 

Hi:\i"jrAiirKiis  I'xnrn  S-rMKs  I'oim  !>. 
v\i«r  .tlnliimm-os,  .Mini  G,  lH4(i_.;'i  |>.  ,\1. 
.Sir:  Your  humane  conimniiicalion  has  jnsi  been 
receiveil,  and,  after  Ihe  consideralion  due  to  its  ini- 
porlancc,  I  must  respectfully  decline  to  surrender 
my  forces  to  you. 

The  ex. let  purport  of  your  despatch  [  cannot 
feel  confident  thai  1  understand,  as  my  interpreter 
is  not  skilled  in  your  lan^najje;  but,  if  1  have  nn-  '■ 


;  dcrstood  yon  enrrecily,  you  have  my  reply  above.  • 
I  nm,  sir,  respectfully,  your  obedien'i  servant, 
K.  S.  TIAWKI.NS, 
Commniirfiiiff  U.  S. ^iiicps  opposile  Milmnoroa. 
1      General  M.  Auist.v, 
I  ruiiiiii(Jin/iii5  /)iri«ion  of  Hit  «\Vrt/i. 

!  Report  of  Cft/itiiiii  .Mnmfic/il, 

FOUT  OPI'OSITF   MATkVlOROS, 

Tent':,  Mmj  Vi,  1846. 

Sir:  I  have  the  honor  to  report  the  in'oceedinss 
of  myself,  ihe  only  en/inrer  officer  of  your  com- 
mand  at  this  place  dnrins;  your  nb.^ence  with  the 
army,  from  the  1st  lo  ihe'lOlh  instant.  On  tho 
afternoon  oflhe  1st,  after  your  depnrlnre,  the  car- 
penters were  coniinueil  at  work  on  the  draw  nnd 
bridge  oflhe  fort  till  dark.  Xo  work  wns  done  by 
the  soldiers  this  afternoon  in  consequence  of  tho 
removal  of  their  camp  and  lenls,  Ac,,  into  the  fort. 
On  the  morniii'j;  of  the  51,  Ihe  labor  of  coniiilctitn; 
the  dil'diin;aiid  enibankin'^of  the  nnfinished  front 
was  resumed  and  continued  all  day  with  much 
success.  On  the  mnrniiuT  of  the  .3d,  (Sunday,)  at 
bleak  of  day,  the  command  was  roused  by  the  fire 
of  the  enemy  on  onr  batteries.  IJuI  the  labor  of 
clitchin:r  nnd  enibankinir  was  resumeil  nnd  eon- 
tianed  all  d  ly,  nolwitlislandin'_'  the  lire  from  the 
e  leniy's  balleries,  wiihout  iiilerrnplion.  On  tlia 
4th  and  ,'iili,  the  ramparts  were  completed,  allhonirii 
tlie  fire  oflhe  enemy  was  eonlinned,  nnd  pro';res.s 
made  in  the  conslruclioii  of  a  bomb-proof  and 
traverse  in  rear  of  postern.  On  the  Glh,  other 
bomb-proofs,  (^o-.,  were  commenced  and  continued 
uninlerrupiedly,  except  by  the  fallitiL'  and  bnrstin:^ 
of  shells.  On  the  7ili,  in  the  evening',  ns  we  had 
frequently  been  iiisniied  at  ni'.'lu  by  musketry,  it 
wns  deemed  best  to  level  the  traverse  on  the  bnnk 
of  the  river,  lo  prevent  the  use  of  il  by  the  enemy 
to  fire  into  the  fort;  and  one  hundred  men,  with 
three  nfiicers,  besides  myself,  accomplished  the, 
work  by  miilniijlil.  On  the  8tli,  the  men  were, 
enconrnjed  al  their  excessive  labor  by  the  sound 
of  distant  firing — your  first  bnllle  on  the  prairie. 
On  the  al'iernoon  of  the  flili,  bein;;  apprehensive, 
nnd  hearing  no  sounds  of  buttle,  and  rereivini:  no 
courier  from  you,  nnd  hnvinj  nscerlnined  thai  tho 
enemy  had  sent  off  his  troops  from  onr  rear  lo  re- 
inforce himself  in  your  front,  a  party  wns  sent  out 
to  burn  and  destroy  evcrythini!:  that  inis;lil  be  a 
cover  or  of  servic"  to  the  enemy  in  ease  he  relurned 
to  his  operations  inrainst  ihe  f'orl;  nnd  we  eon- 
tinned  at  it  till  the  sound  of  balile  and  the  retreat 
of  the  enemy  indicated  their  defeat  in  the  afler- 
nonn. 

In  the  course  of  the  duties  it  has  fallen  to  my 
lot  to  perform  in  litis  short  period,  I  have  to  slate 
that  I  have  been  most  truly  and  faithfnilv  seconded 
in  my  opei'ations  by  the  late  Major  Ilrown,  the 
comiuandiiiir  officer,  till  the  filli,  when  ho  lost  his 
Ic;  by  a  bomb-shell,  while  sinndins  ..ix  or  oi?ht 
feet  from  me,  and  which  caused  bis  denlli  on  llie 
Orb.  The  same  aid  was  extended,  eheerluUy,  Ipy 
his  siiccessir,  r'aplain  Hawkins,  to  the  ciinimnnd. 
And  all  the  olficers  and  soldiers  worked  eheerfullv 
to  the  full  cxieni  of  their  sirenirlii  at  the  various 
works,  whii'h.on  consuttalion  with  ihe  command- 
iiii^;  officer,  il  was  deemed  necessary  for  us  lo  iin- 
derlake  fir  the  defence  of  the  fort  and  safely  of  tho 
men. 

The  official  report  of  Ihe  commnndinj;  officer 
will  L'ive  y.pii  all  other  parlii'ulars  that  do  not  fall 
strictly  under  my  depariinenl. 

1  c.iimoi  close  this  official  report  without  eypress- 
iiej*  my  rcL'tct  for  the  loss  of  llie  lamented  Major 
Hi-own.  who  indie.'vted.  by  the  manmr  he  exer- 
cised his  command,  and  his  coolness  and  self-pos- 
session under  Iryinir  circumstances,  the  true  char- 
acteristics oflhe  soldier  and  the  'jenilennn. 

All  whiidi  is  respectt'ully  submitted. 

JOS.   K.   F:  MA.XSFIFLn, 

Vitpttnn  f'or;n  f'lii^inceri. 

Rri:;.  Gen.  ZvriiARV  Tavi  nil, 

Cmmmnd'mg  V.  S.  ,lnnij  ill  Texas. 

fi;iieIoseil  in  lleliertll  Tlivlnr's  reimrl,  of  Mav  17.  1810. j 

i\vr:NT(iiiv  (IP  cAi'TrHi:!)  fHoi'iMirv. 

Report  of  a  hiittnl  of  olOeers  einii}Wf:f(I  of  Cajttnh}  O, 
^Morris,  CapltiUi  ('.  //.  Laniard,  and  First  l.ieuleti- 
anl  n.  .Ilrord,  of  the  4lli  ivfanlrii,  cnnrentd  at  Ihe 
rniiip  of  the  '.id  hri^aile,  on  the  Wlh  of  May,  184G, 
ii'i//i  orders  to  lake  an  imenlory  of  Ihul  portion  of 


r 


me  I!/, 

KPS. 

y  above.  ■ 

Hilt, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


683 


29'rH  Cong 1st  Skss. 


Mexican  H'ar — Mr.  Severance. 


Ho.  or  Rkps. 


Ihe  prvperlij  vhicli  iiiu  ^ollcclrd  in  lliul  ciimp,  ciip- 
tuieil  fiom  tlu'  >^tfj:if(tii  ttfiiiii  til  the  liattU  trliick 
occiimd  oil  ((If  'JIU  iJ\Maij,  1S4(),  ahoiil  Jour  iiiilei 
noiik  iif  Muluinuriif, 

Orililttiice  and  ordiiiince  stores. 
Six  C-pnuiiiicr  rnnnnii,  ficlil  pieces;  3  ISJ-poMmler 
r.-iiniuii,  I'ipIiI  |iin(  m;  iiniiiiiiiiiuiiii  Imxt'S  Inr  sumo, 
e.oiilairiin;:^  I)  ronrulH  ol' (j-|iound(!r  riuiiyler,  tixoil; 
animuiiitinii  Iioxc-.-j,  with  7  rtnimla  (if  onitiHtcr  for 
IQ-poiiiiders;  5  boxes,  ecininiriine;  4(1  rounds  I'i- 
pouiider  euiUMler;  'Mi  roiiiuls  af  G*|toiii)dei-  strap- 
Hliot,  lixod:  Imiliers,  willi  inulea  and  lianiesis,  lic- 
loMsiii);  to  llif  8  fitld  piecM-s:  3  Ims^s  oftdow-iijaleli 
iijid  priiiii;!!;  mljfs;  3"J:i  .-ilaiidM  nl'sniall  ariiia,  (us 
lollnwH:  'JCS  iiiiiskels  wiili  bayoiicls,  24  inuskeia 
willioiu  li,iy»nel«,  sei-vii;iiiilp,;  IHsoopcUea,  7»  iiins- 
Kfla,  ljnil<uM  I'MTls,  11  NcopeClcs,  broken  parts,  iin-  ' 
herviceabic;)  lUI)  cariridu'e  boxei;  15.5, tiUU  rounds  i 
of  miiskct  ball  carlridgcs;  18  laiiues;  20  swords; 
a  Ciivab'v  g-i»ii/oii.«. 

Inlrtncliing  tonh,  i 

30  shovels;  10  pi<:k  axes;  10  axes. 

Mctma  of  trainqwrliilion.  ' 

About  5U0  niiilcs;  .dintii  450  paek-Hnddlcs,  with 
iriTiimiiiirs;  a  liir','c  ipiniiiiiy  of  oabrisler  and  m.iia 
for  packiiij;  20  horses;  15  saddles;  3  pprinsr 
wagons  with  harnciis;  3  ox  tarts,  with  a.  pair  of 
oxcii  to  each. 

Hiilisislenrr. 
4  sacks  of  riec;  6  saeks  of  salt:  0  sacks  of  boans; 

6  barrels  of  (lour;  3  sacks  of  flour;  2  sai'ks  of 
suijar;  S  sacks  of  bread:  3  kcijs  of  lard;  3  stones 
for  pounding  corn;  1  sack  of  pepper. 

j^trsonat  hfiir^nge  rf  cjficers. 
Portfolios,  wriliiuT  dc^-k,  canopy,  and  other  bas;- 
frage  of  General  Arisia;  packa^'cs  containing  orders 
and  official  eorrespornh-nce;  one  topographical 
sketch  of  route  from  Matainoros  to  liarita,  and 
Olio  plan  of  the  position  of  the  American  forces 
opposite  Matanioros,  &e.,  &c.;  personal  baggage 
of  General  La  Vega,  iSre.;  1  clothes  bag  and  roll  of 
bedding,  marked  J.  M.  Alartincz;  4  iiiess-chesls; 

7  rolls  of  bedding,  officers'  baggage;  2  canojiy 
frames;  1  chest,  .ipparently  belonging  to  a  slatV 
officer,  containing  "order  book  of  division  of  the 
north,"  diary  of  evenls,  maps, &c., signed  Francis 
Zcijui'n,  &c.,  itc. 

.V(SCf//f/Ilf01(.9.  1 

16  sacks  of  corn;  1  anvil;  1  bincksmiib's  vice;  ■ 

1  bar  of  iron;  1  bag  of  iron  axicirces,  containing 
3  sets;  1  bag  of  mallcls;  1  box  of  blacksmiths' 
tools;  2  boxes,  containing  carpenters'  tools;  2 
bags  of  fello'js  and  spokes;  1  bag,  containing  jars 
of  tar;  2  large  boxes  of  band  insinimenls— one 
containing,  also,  18  uniform  coats  for  musicians; 

2  bass  drums;  Ifi  conunon  drums;  3  water  casks; 
1  large  copper  Ciildron;  10  large  iron  camp  ket- 
tles; 32  large  tin  camn  kettles;  7  iron  fiots;  1  medi- 
cine chest;  3  bundles  of  cot  frames  and  cols, 
hospital  furniiuri;;  1  chest,  conlaining  officers'  bag- 
tage  and  ninety-five  dollars  in  silver,  owner  not 
known. 

The  board,  in  nicking  their  report,  have  to  add 
that  the  inventm'y  is  very  irnperfei't,  in  conse- 
iiuence  of  tlie  constant  additions  made  throughout 
llie  day,  and  brought  into  camp  and  deposiled  after 
the  projierty  liad  I'een  eounied  by  llie  boaril. 
GOUVEllNF.Ull  AlOinUS, 

Ciinliihi  nil  liij'mitni. 
C.  II.  LAI!  N  A  111), 

Cinilnhi  Ml'  [iifaiitrii. 
BEN.IAMIN  ALVOllD, 

\st  l.iciileiuiiil  ilk  IiiJ'anlnj. 


ded  me,  as  to  the  utility  of  miliiar 
si'ience,  and  the  ailvanlages  derived  ("nun  the 


who  has  pre( 


MEXICAN  WAR. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  I,.  SCVKRANCE, 

OF  iMAI.NE, 
I.si  THE  House  or  REpnKsEXTATivF.s, 
Mill  2.-<,  1^4(1. 
The  rcsolutii>ns  of  Mr.  I'iiixkuuiokf,  tendering 
the  Thanks  of  Congress  lo  General  /achaby 
Tavmih  and  the  Officers  ,ind  Soldiers  under  him, 
lor  ihcir  gallantry  upon  the  Uio  tfraride  on  the 
Uth  May,  being  under  consideration — 
Mr.  SEVERA.NCEsaid: 

Mr.CiiAiaMAs:  I  concur  generally  with  the  gen- 
tleman from  Mississijipi  (.\Ir.  jEnEUso.x  DaiisJ 


i.'iry 
-Mil- 
itary Aciuleuiy  at  West  I'oinl.  So  long  as  we  are 
to  liavo  wars.'or  find  jt  necessary  to  be  in  prepara- 
tion for  del'euce,  I  believe  such  an  academy  the 
cliea)iest  and  most  ed'e^  tual  means  of  military  pre- 
paration, anil  much  beller  than  to  keep  larger  bodies 
of  militia  under  a  syslein  of  drillings  and  trainings, 
which  amount  lo  liille  or  iiolhing,  in  lime  of  peace. 
When  war  conies,  if  come  it  must,  the  graduates 
of  llie  Military -Academy,  whether  in  the  army,  or 
Kcaltercd  over  the  country,  will  be  ready  lo  instruct  i 
ihe  masses  in  all  that  is  reiiuisitc,  and  can  do  it  in 
a  very  sh'  '  time.  It  is  a  great  mistake  lo  sup- 
pose that  lb"  knowledge  ii'ipaitcd  in  literary, 
scientific,  or  military  iiislitutioiis  is  confined  to  ihe 
gradualcs  in  such  insliiutioiis.  liy  lueiiiis  of  ihe 
press,  and  by  social  and  business  inieicourse,  it  is 
difTused  tliroiigh  iheCommunily  and  becomes  avail 
able  when  and  where  il  is  wanted.  If  iieitherGeii- 
eral  Taylor  nor  Captain  May,  who  have  dislin- 
guisheil  iheniselveson  ihe  Uio  Grande,  were  grad- 
uates ni  West  Point,  llieie  is  no  doubt  lliey  are 
well  skilled  in  the  military  science  taught  in  that 
and  similar  schools  bi  other  countries,  and  would 
not  be  what  they  now  are  were  all  such  scbcuds 
al'olished.  The  gentleman  from  Ohio,  [Mr.  Saw- 
yi;b,1  who  is  so  niurli  opprscd  to  the  .\cademy, 
has,  like  myself',  I  suppose,  never  received  any 
inslruction  in  any  liiernry  or  scientific  iiislilulion, 
but  he  will  surely  not  contend  that  we  have  never 
received  any  bciiefii  from  such  iiisiitulions,  siill  less 
that  they  are  useless  loa  communily.  The  iidvjin- 
Inges  of  military  science  are  strikingly  exhibilel  in 
India,  where  n'sinall  body  of  British.  Irish,  and 
Scotchmen,  understanding  the  arts  of  war,  have 
wrested  an  immense  empire  from  the  native  princes. 
In  the  service  of  an  English  corporation,  and  W'ilh 
not  more  than  fifiy  thousand  white  men  in  all 
Southern  and  Central  -\sia,  tliev  now  rule  nearly^ 
a  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  people.  And  of 
these  fifty  thousand  bill  a  small  part  are  in  the  ar-  , 
my.  The  fighting  force  is  mostly  of  Sepoys,  the 
nearly  black  inhnbitanls  of  the  hot  plains  of  liiii- 
dostan,  who,  under  the  discipline  of  English  offi- 
cers,  have  been  so  trained  as  to  vanquish  superior 
numbers  of  the  more  warlike  and  nthleiic  Sikhs 
and  AOghans  among  the  mountains  and  on  the 
upner  waters  of  the  fii'lus. 

The  objection  which  lies  heaviest  against  the 
Military  Academy  in  my  mind  is,  not  that  it  is 
very  expensive,  nor  that  it  is  ineflicient,  but  ihal 
its  tendency  is  lo  make  us  too  warlike.  We  are 
ofa  race  of  men  whose  aneestors  have  been  fiirlit- 
ing  each  other  from  lime  immemorial.  If  the  while 
race  is  furthest  advanced  in  civilizalion,it  can  eliiim 
no  exempiion  (Voni  the  charge  of  natural  ferocily; 
for  from  the  days  of  Uruner  lo  the  beginning  of 
the  lillh  century,  its  history,  has  been  almost  a 
perpetual  snccessioH  of  wars.  Europe  lia.<  been 
deluged  in  liuniin  blood  in  every  age,  in  rapid  suc- 
cessiiin,  ffu*  Iwenlv  centuries.  For  thirty  years 
past  the  principal  Powers  of  Europe  liave  kept  at 
peace  at  home.  The  Driiish  have  let  off  the  steam 
of  their  surplus  valor  in  India  and  China,  the 
French  in  North  .-Vfrica,  the  Uiissians  in  the  Cau- 
casus, and  we  at  last,  unable  to  keep  the  peace  any 
longer,  ami  not  ipiiie  ready  to  attack  the  British 
lion  wiili  nnviliing  beyond  brave  words. have  now 
fallen  with  (ury  iif^on  poor  distracted  Mexico. 

I  did  hope  that  lliiriy  years  of  peace  would  have 
brought  up  a  new  generation  of  men  slroii».:ly  im- 
bued with  ibe  principles  of' civilization  and  Chris- 
tianity, and  wlu>  \\'ould  regard  war  with  becoming 
abhorrence;  biii  I  am  sorry  hi  find  the  iiis;iiie  pas- 
sion runs  in  the  Mood, and,  IJK'c  latent  fire,  is  struck 
out  Ity  the  first  collision,  and  kindled  into  a  con- 
suming (lame. 

The  resolulions  now  before  the  commillee  find 
loo  ready  a  response  in  the  American  heart  to  be 
re^^isted.  I  niust  vole  ("or  ibeiii,  and  yet  I  fear  such 
tribules  lo  valor  are  not  favorable  to  the  ]ieace  of 
the  world,  or  hiippiness  or  moral  improvcnienl  of 
the  human  race.  They  sliiuiilaie  the  passion  for 
hiiniMn  slauL'hter  and  marlial  fame,  of  which  we 
have  loo  iniieh  already  lo  be  good  members  of  the 
family  of  nations.  "Williout  fear  and  wilhoiil 
reproach"  was  the  niolto  of  llie  Chevalier  I'ayar.l. 
It  should  b(^  that  of  our  Itepublic,  and  we  should 
live  up  to  it.  r>ul  have  we  done  so  in  this  Mexi- 
'  can  war  in  whicfi  we  are  now  engaged  .'  I  greatly 
'  apprcliend  that  reproach  justly  attiichcs  to  us.   The 


President  has  told  us  that  Mexico  has  made  war 
^ipoii  us,  and  the  lleprisentatues  of  ilie  people 
have  enilursed  his  declaration,  and  provided  thu 
means  of  defence.  Voliinlcers  nie  flocking  to  our 
standard.  Mlood  has  alre:idy  been  shed  profusely. 
We  have  bejjiiii  ihe  work  of  making  widows  and 
orphans,  of  knocking  out  brains  and  mangling 
huniAii  bodies,  and  we  are  doing  this,  not  in  de- 
fence of  our  liberty  and  indepcndeiice;  iiol  lo  reaisL 
oppression;  not  to  avenge  wrongs  and  insults  upon 
the  ocean,  but  lo  gel  a  strip  of  coiiniry  fioin  n 
ueighbiniug  Itepublic,  our  title  lo  which  is  ex- 
tieoiely  doubtful  at  the  best.  Such  a  luiiicnl.iblo 
(Miidilioii  of  tilings  iuvidvis  a  fearful  responsiliiliiy 
HOiuewhere,  and  it  becomes  us  lioncslly  to  iiM|uiro 
imd  putieiilly  to  invesiiijate,  that  we  may  be  "  uiiru 
rti:  are  right,"  bel'ore  wo  yo  imich  further  in  the 
work  of  liuiuan  luileliory. 

The  majoriiy  of  this  House  allowed  no  such  in- 
(|Uiry  to  be  iiuiile  when  the  I'resiilcnt  called  on  lis 
for  a  heavy  military  appi'oprialion.  We  were  nid 
the  couniry  was  invaded,  the  war  had  coiniiienccd, 
and  il  was  no  time  to  ni.iUe  any  inquiry  into  the 
causes  of  the  war,  or  ho,v  il  was  brought  aliout; 
ibat  we  must  fight,  and  ask  iin  ipiesiioiis.  This  is 
a  thiclrine  which  has  prevailed  very  exlen.yively  in 
p.ist  liisiory,  and  is  very  convenient  for  emperors, 
kings,  generals,  and  prodigate  siiitismen,  who 
eonniience  wars  on  the  sligliust  prciexl,  lo  giatify 
their  amhitiiin,  their  revenge,  or  llieir  avarice,  o'r 
.  lo  conceal  or  draw  away  ailention  from  their  wiik- 
ediiess  in  the  adiiiinislratioii  of  piibli.*  afiairs;  but 
it  is  a  doctrine  utterly  repugnant  to  the,  nature  of 
free  insliiutioiis,  ,,nil,  if  sancMioned,  will  soon  con- 
vert any  republic  into  a  niiliiary  ilespotijin;  for  it 
illibles  the  worst  of  men,  when  once  in  power,  lo 
I'over  up  all  their  enormitits,  and  silence  all  iiivis- 
ligation,  by  plunging  llie  eouniiy  into  war.  Tlio 
sentiiiieiit,  "Our  couiilry,  riglit  or  wrong,"  is  ii 
aenliment  which  lias  been  much  applauded.  It  is 
ascribed,  I  believe,  lo  the  late  gallant  Commndoru 
Uecalur.  For  a  military  or  naval  commander,  or 
for  u  soldier,  it  needs  no  cpudifiialion.  Tliey  aie 
bound  to  figjit  whenever  and  wherever  Iliey  may 
be  ordered  by  siipcrioi'  ofllcers.  Hut  not  so  a  cili- 
zcn;  still  less  a  Representative  of  the  people.  They 
are  equally  to  adhere  to  their  country  under  all 
circumstances;  but  they  have  a  voici'  in  iis  govern- 
ment, and  are  responsible  for  ils  acis.  It  is  not 
their  duty  to  rush  blindly  into  n  fight,  like  so 
many  unchained  bulldogs,  whenever  hosiiliiies 
may  have  been  improperly  and  unpisiifiably  com- 
inenced.  Their  duly  is  not  to  suri-ender  the  war- 
111. iking  power  lo  the  Executive,  but  to  resist  it.'* 
iinaulhorized  exercise  by  any  one;  and  trie  patri- 
otism and  duty  may  as  often  rei-|uirc  them  lo  slay 
the  arm  of  vengeance  as  to  cry  havoc,  with  the  iii- 
fiiiuaied  multilude,  leaving  sober  truth  and  wi.sn 
CO  niseis  to  be  heard  after  all  the  mischief  is  done. 
Mere  fighting  is  Ihe  lowest  manil'estalion  of  |ialii- 
oiism.  Animal  courage  is  common  to  the  most 
degraded  of  the  liiinian  race,  and  is  shared  largely 
by  briiles;  but  moral  courage  is  an  intellectual  vir- 
tue. If  any  one  seeks  lo  measure  my  |  airioiisni 
by  my  willingness  lo  fight  any  people  with  v.hom 
it  may  be  the  pleasure  of  ihe  President  to  make 
war,  as  a  Ileprescnlnlive  of  the  people  I  protest 
against  it.  I  hold  it  lo  be  a  solemn  duty  lo  our 
eounlry  and  to  mankind — one  of  llie  highest  and 
holiest  that  palrioiism  requires  of  u.s— ibat  we. 
should  sirike  down  the  Executive  arm  when  raised 
lo  kindle  the  fiames  of  war  without  mfiicienl  cause, 
and  that  no  siilijecl  can  possiiily  require  more  seri- 
ous deliberation.  This  deliiu'ralion  was  denied 
us,  when,  with  most  indecent  liasie,  we  were  called 
on  by  the  President  to  declare  that  war  had  been 
conimenced  by  the  actif  Mexico.  I  then  believed 
the  declaration  untrue,  and  would  not  vole  for  it. 
I  knew  that  ihe  rcipiisitions  which  General  Tay. 
lor  nolificd  us  be  had  already  niiale  on  Texas, 
Louisiana,  and  oilier  .Slaies,  would  relieve  liim  a 
nioiuli  or  six  weeks  before  any  Ibrce  cinild  reach 
him  which  Coiignss  might  provide  on  the  lllli  of 
May,  and  that  the  fifty  thousand  volonleers  were 
not  warned  to  relieve  iiim.  but  lo  enable  the  Presi- 
dent lo  invade  Mexico.  On  llie  day  after  the  res- 
olulions passed,  therefore,  I  wrote  the  following 
note,  which  was  piiblislied  in  llic  National  Iiuelli- 
gencer  of  May  13: 

TO  THE  EDITOKU. 
IliiCf B  or  KtrnEsKsrvrlVEs,  -1/ni;  H,  ISlfi. 
l.'KNri-L.MtN  :  neillij  one  of  llie  luuueeii  iiiciiiIktei  uf  tlie 


■'If- 

'm 


684 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[May  28, 


'^l>rii  Cong 1st  Bess. 


Mevican  IVar — Mi\  Severance, 


Ho.  or  Rrps. 


Ili>umwltnyi'il«nl)i.vvii|t><t  tiK.iiiir'i  iiif  hilt  ii|i|Hii|iriitiir>t(  im 
iiillliniiii  nrtliilliirN,  tn  Uv  |>liir<  il  at  ihr  tli-tiupiil  ni  ihr  I'ri-ni 
(1  rii.  ID  •■ntililr  him  to  I'.irry  on  tin  \v«ir  tiuniiiKt  >fi\ii'(i 
wliit  h  III'  hd'*  riiiiiiiH'iiri'tl.JiMil  hnvtliu  iH-rii  itnillih'  In  nhliiMi 
ttn.  il.cir  li»  uivi-  niiy  nMC'ui-t  tiir  my  vitc,  I  iii»k  thr  (iivor  of 
inrl  Ml'  II  rnhmiM  ni  ><>iir  |i)i|t(  r  in  i'.x|i)iiiii  llinut'  ri-it'«onH.  I 
li.iit  III)  I'hJo'iliHi  lov'iit"  uiiy  -iniplM''  iM'fCH'ury  lor  tin-  itlii-f 
or  our  iniiiv,  hnl  I  rt'rinl  (h<-  very  Hr-t  linr  oi'  tin*  hill  it^  n 
p.'il|>;ili|f  lllt^^lllt''llHMtnll  liicl.  I  hrlii'VP  th<'  MfVintii"  ii|K)|) 
til-  Uio  <i>>iiiii<-  lmu>  lii'cit  iU'iiiiui'iricil>  m  i>i-ir<lrri-iii-)',Hiifl 
It  llh  y  liiivi'  imiilt- iumiMl>  n'Mi-liitMi' ti)(ii>iiiT(il 'ritv|or.lhi>y 
IIP-  T-i  h  -  liiinoml  niiU  iit)i>liiiiil<'il  lortloiii^  <ii).  Witlioiit  iio\v 
("illiiiff  III  qiM-'lioii  lilt'  iiKNJc  hy  wturit  Ihi-  Mt  lU'iiit  <|:-|iiirt  ' 
III'  lit  III  Ti'Xii-  WJiN  i-oiiviTtiMl  iiitn  .t  Stiile  of  otir  I'lilmi,  I 
do  il  iiy  Hint  (Jt-iiiT.il  Tiiylor,  mikt  lie  ii<lviii)<-i*il  !><  >oiMt  tin- 
NuiTfj.,  Ii;i!«  ln'.  It  t  iiliiT  nil  Mil-  hoil  nf  tin-  I'liit'  il  j*ial>'H  or 
(III  ihlllnfTPMW-    lie  Il;t.«  h  ■i-li.iiliil  Wft-"  nt  thrill-*!  mTOllllt-4. 

HI  ih>>  M<  xli-iin  ih>|i  irtmi'iir  of  Tiiiuiuiliim-',  niul  il  m  then*, 
oil   .MfHM'iiii  foil,  tliiit  hhi  III  hiiM  lii'i'ti  i^hi'it.     'I'll''  war  Iiiih 

||M|  I)  -,■!,  rO'HIIII'll    I  ll   ll\    M Ml'O,  hltl   ll\   lIlC   l'rl'^UltMll  of  tllf 

I'lii'-'il  Hian",  wiili.iut  ilr-  iMii!iniii,\  oi  t\.iiiin---,  iiml  «ith 
Hill  iiiiy  iiiMM'-'tiry.  It  wiHiini  n'unirt'il  h>iiiivi«Mii(i(l  imlii-y. 
im  1  il  \vu-iot;ilhV<rhtil<li'ii  liv  ih  '  roiiniitiiiiunof  thr  I'nlifil 
.H:n!  I*,  hv  .  ri  ijiinl  liir  juntit-i-,  iiiiil  bv  inlfrnittinmtl  I'omm 
iiMit  l:oim)  li  itli. 

It  i-i  \.rv  Inn'  tiisil  ttn'  'IVxnn  ('^ll!•r.■■^^  rrtn/mf  li!i  limlti« 
U|itilhi*  Uio  *t:Hnl''.  mil  SI  roiiM'vi'it  it  \n  »-nm  y'l'vr ; 
liiit  noiliim{  H  iii'iri' I'liMr  iliiiTi  ihii  iln>>  liiiil  iiu  mori*  nitlil 
to  foii^'  V  i\n\  ('.>iiiiti\  It  >>i.ii(  III  \u-..s  Hum  tln'\  hml  to 
ntn.-vN-'W  I-'OH,  ZiraiuM-,  or  Diiiniii-n.  TImj  iIo  not 
p  1  I  ii'il.  I  h  ■Itinr,  t  rit  llh'  Hmtf  or  (I'lifirtinriit  iij  TfMis 
•  iiii:i>ijill>  I'MKinl'il  li->iiiiil  ilii-  Niiri-i't(.  hut  lli('>  -lu  Ihry 
Irn.'exi  ■ml'  ll  l!i  ■  'r<\"iiii  ltc|nililic  (o  that  rivi-r  hy  iln'ir  vir 
ti.mi<  ill  III  ;  M't  lhr>  hiilit  II  hy  tin- !>aiiii-  nil'  tlnil  tliry 
ll  'III  'iVx'it  [vop  r~lhi''  riiflit  ut  rui'iiu'-t,  tli.'  ri'ilu  oI  n-vo- 
liili>)<i,  TiiJK  1  il.i  ii<<t  hcln-v-  •  H  Iitn*.  A^  f:ir  iw  mv  intnr- 
loitiuii  I'XU'hd-,  cvi-ry  rxp  illinni  whiiti  thi-v  st-nl  In  ihc 
\.ill<'y  ni' l.o^  Km  U>'iiail'>.  u]t  Ml  iH  ii|ijH>r  or  Iowit  » 'ttiTM, 
wiH  il  (•oiiipl<>ii>  luiliiii'.  'I'lic  iH-npli-  on  iliiii  rivir,  who  me 
iii'irly  :ill  M.-xiiMiic.  in-vt-r  >ii!iimitf(l  li.  T.-saii  iiiUlioriiy. 
<-ivi|  iir  militiin.  I  Know  it  h  nil  im*liiit<  i|  mi  ji  /irr  in  thi' 
WH  I,  rii  I'litiirr.x-i'iinl  (lisirict  uf 'IVxn.-,  Inn  it  h  iirtnnllv 
r  jui'.  .  iit'il  III  it)i'  .V(vir..n  (.'migri'!*!*,  ( Mir  rrviuiii*  rulli't-- 
t>n  I  ia«  -,  tni),  at  t)h'  IVi'tiuhnit  i-nv;*  in  his  nii'-n.!''  ol'  yen- 
t  III  ly.  iirf  rvtiMnlnl  ovrr  ll.  If  lio.  th>T.'  is  n  ^ir;inffi'  <''>n- 
liliMj  in  mir  hiw* ;  (or  wf  liavcaNn  in  lorri'  a  law  iillnwinp 
ilrawh  ii-k  iif  limy  tnt  uoorN  iniixirti'il  rmm  Hmt'Im' or  I'Ui'- 
wlirri.-  and  L-itr.inl  o\rr  Intiil,  via  Ht-  L^tiii-,  M  S.iiita  Ff', 
(ivtiirli  i^  on  it  ^nl  ill  n\rr  «>iii|it\ins  into  lfii%  siifc  Ihr  Hio 
(ra'uli-  >  Tni^  art  i-*a  ito-itivi-  n'-kiiovv|i-i1:.'iiu'iit  thai  Htiiila 
I->  Id  II  )i  III  Th  >  I'liit  ll  s>tiii>i.  ll  wit^  np|irovi'ii  Man-li  :i. 
|pi»"i,  i«u''-''iiui'Tii  lo  liic  pi-*i3o  lit' ih«  aiiiiL'xattoii  ri-solu- 
ti'ti'.  .'M  M.'.iv  r.  till- Saiit  1  !>  iraih-r^  havi  fontiniKil  up 
lo  tilt*  till)  -  to  piyini|)n-t  iliiiics  to  tlir  Mi'xn'iiii  iri'a-iiry 
lor  ll  It  I  iiir  f,'n  nii'l  American  i^imls  thU'*  carrifd  ovrr  land 
am)  Milil  in  r^iiitii  |->. 

H\  ri'iiiior  Ilt'iiimi  was  ^irirliv  mrrri't  in  snviiiii.  iwn 
ycir-  n,'o,l'i:ii  til"'!' .Mill  <',m;r  o-liai  vvmnL'ruHy  iii--lii'hii, 
I'll  pip  I.  pin-  n-  III'  proMiii'c-  nr  ih  |nriini-nlf*  I't  Tarn  iiili 
pi-,  ft)  ilmil  I.  ('liitniiinn.i.  n^nl  \imv  Mfvicn.  A  vrry  litih- 
ntltMiimi  lo  L'  ou.apliy  iin  1  tli  ■  lit-tory  of  t'n'  op'tatnm:'  of 
till- I  111  yr '111-  trojii  ttir  I'liit  ll  r«t.iti-*  to  T.-xa-,  will  -Imw 
t  1  It  l!i'>'  ll  ivi"  nil  ny'il  wli.it  vi-r  t  i  iili>  iMiinlr)  Ui'-I  of  tin' 
Niii'i  v  OI  iiorili  o'  l{.'(|  riv>  r,  liavina  pi"vit  hrmmiil  it  nnilcr 
llicir  anl'iodi..  Tin  >  atl<  iiipud  tn  il<i  il  ^cver-il  tiiiif!',  but 
li'.w  ly-  laili'il. 

Tii.ir  Iir  t  iii'tviMiriit  wif*  in  l^:(i.  -onn  nfti-r  tiic  Ti  \m\ 
d ''-lariilinn  nl"  iiiilfiiriiiti'm'i'.  Ai  r\p  ilitionwi-i  j-i  ni  to 
i-oir,!'  |!m!  I'li-'tnin-lioii.c  rttnl  itniiln-  pii.p  rty  at  M.uanioro- ; 
tint  liiji'ori*  ll  r<-n(-hi-<l  t'lf  Kid  (ir'iiut-  ii  wan  met  anrl  drivni 
1 1  ^  U\.  .•*:iiiii  All'-  army.  Ihi-n  advanriiiL'.  Aii.i  tin-  lul- 
tlp  of  .■?  ll  J  n'lnio.  i.i  la'ti'.ii  T^as  in  it|i>  -un.-  \..;r.  I 
r  iv)!lt'«*t  no  niovi- n.'iit  upn  i  ii|,-  Km*  f;riii<ii'  iniiii  lSi:i, 
wiKMi  I  !*i*p  smiic  III  ■iitMii  III'  a  -■nail  m  iramlitf;  r\p  diiion 
Wiiiin  |i  ii-'iinl  (1  a?*  fiir  a-  ^  iliill-i,  m  roalmtl  i,  aii'l  wtiinc 
;;r-  ai  -t  hu  i  \- 1|  i-xpi  ,n  .  oa-i^u-il  iii  ii-  ma  I'-rly  niri-ai  itnd 
■  M-ap  '  iiiio  T  x  i.-».  avojIiiiR  tin-  pnr-niii-i  Mi'\i  aii4  a-  -kit 
fully  a-*  Xt'iinplion'a  i<-ii  tm>u>and  Grt-i  ks  did  llie  arini''s  of 
ri*r>i  I. 

Till-  nost  iii'ivnifiii  «■;!■»  tlir  Santa  lY  (•\pi'i1iiiim  .n  li'41, 
"  ll  11  IV'-'.d  nt  Lamu  m'iiI  tlir  n  cimi  m--i'Hi  ■i-.  \\  iili  an 
arii.'.l  cuil  p  i-i-  of  tlirci'  Imniln  il  ni'ii  or  iii'rr.  to  or;ian- 
I  -I'  t»M'  .M  'M'-a'i  si'iili'mini-!  on  th  ■  Hpp  r  w.it.)-  of  tin-  Hio 
liriiaili'.  ioiil  hriiie  111  -ni  nndi'r'riviiii  .■niDinniy.  'Dii-^c  tn-n 
w,  r  ■  If  a'i'd  a>  iiivail.-i«,  iill  cjipMirrd  and  sent  to  tlir  mini's 
"1"  Mixi  '.1.  '^'m^  niaii'Ts  "t'.n.j  niitil  tliu  smnnicr  of  InJ-J, 
w  .11  i;  ni-rat  Cos.  or  C.-turat  Woil.  i-n.^-inu  Hi  ■  \ii  ci'.", 
a  tvMi'-*'  1  fii  iw  ird  iiilfi  Tf\as  a-  far  ii-  Itii-  liviT  San  Anto- 
hi '.  Tn  'I'l-xan-f  tiivma  rall.i  I  a  coii>itl.raMi'  foiri',  tu- 
rf tri>ii  d.  iuid  <i  Ti'X'hn  iiraiy  ot'  -I'vcn  or  •  i^lii  hinidri d,  on- 
d  r  (J  'oi-ril  S  imi'rvill  ■,  wi-Iit  in  piii-uit.  Thi-y  n  a»'ti'-d  Hip 
Itin  (;nnd!>  at  Lor. d  i,  and  rn.';<''(|  the  lown,  CJiin-ral 
S  iini'rvilli'.  i;ri  ililii  lo  ri'-traiii  t'm  ir  rai>acity,  oii|fr''d  a  rc- 
iri'.it.  Ii>'iiu  I'liiiri'ly  without  tiiiid-<  ^^'il)1  wliii-li  to  pay 
for  ^  ip.ilii'  ;  liui  lii'iW'Cii  the  and  Hi\  tiiimlri-d  iiit'ti  re- 
fn*  d  ti  "ll  y,  .P'olcd  a  ni'W  h-adrr,  di*rl;irid  llir>  rmild 
hi'Ip  ttii'm-*clv.'-  to  wiiat  fln-v  wanli'd  in  an  ri\rnnf's  rjuiitnt, 
>fi/.t'd  all  til.'  linat-  \:n'v  ronld  lind  on  the  rivt  r.  hiirnt  tho^^c 
riii-\  did  noi  «an'.  and  mM  mV  d  .wn  tlir  river  to  .Mi"*r.  of 
w.it.'li  \Ui'\  u'ot  po-.i  --loi  HI  lilt'  mu'il.  lint  w.n-  (i'\t  da>  all 
'-.ipt  iri-d  ll-.  (;>-ii  ral  Ampiidia,  ami  mari'hcd  <>!)'  int<t  tin-  in- 
ti-ri'ir  ot  ^!l•^r.■n  ;\^  ,  itpiivc-^.  T*ir.uo  wi-n-  cimfllifd  in  Ih'^ 
i-antj  •  of  IN-roii'.  and  ^ocin-  i-iiiplovd  in  piivii-K  or  rt')>airtit(f 
ii,i'  fin-'  I.-  ni  t  .1'  iity  of  Mi\i<  o'.  1  do  imi  know  whi-tl«"r 
all  ..itli'-ni  h.u-  >''t  III'  -11  liiii*rati-d.  'I'ln^  wi*  in  Janmuv. 
l^TI.  and  wa-  Ihf  isl  "I'lxan  att.iiipi  uinni  Hu;  Rio  (iramU-, 
or  on  any  |niiiit  m-ar  il, 

I  hf lii  vc  tlf  n;dit  nf  mvifuc^t  i-  cfiiTally  ricknow|pdi;cd, 
Imi  i  in-vi-r  hi'liirc  luard  oi  a  I'imntry  li  inn  acipiireii  hy 
Mi--rr-fni'  mifl  tm\  irMiiL' di-f-at-!;  \i  I  f'li'-ti  i-  Hir  titir  which 
Tf\a-  i'on\  ■\«  to  n-^,  a!id  winch  ihc  Prc-idi-ril  hiit*  ordered 
(i.  (ipril  'I'lulor  to  ilic  III'.  i;.--inilc  ti  iiinintiin.  Tin- hill 
uhn  ll  pi --I'll  the  Moii-c  \'.-'t'r'lay  -anetioii'ihi-i  prorerdiiijii, 
an  i  end-ir-e-.  he  inariitV-«lo  ot  Itif  caiwe?*  ol  w;ir.  Ilirnuins: 
tlie  •  id  Ml  in  on  ilie  ^fixn  an*  whi'-h  ju-^tly  attacties  |.>  liini-cjf. 
1  tiavu  unoiticr  uhjvrtioii  to  tiic  bill.     It  virluoll)  authu- 


ri/e-i  lilt'    rrc-lileiit  to  iiiak*)  reniiininon^  of  iiillltin  lii  tw 
iiiiirched  h<-> Olid  (111'  limllK  nj'tlic  riild  d  Htnlen,  In  violallnn  I! 
of  the  rnn-litiiHoii.  I' 

AinoiiK  the  i>niiini*rattMt  (rrii'vnnrr>«  wlnrli  thr  Prt-tidrnt  : 
Ki'H  forth  iiKaiiiHl  Mexico,  M  her  iM  uleet  Id  piy  i'laim<«  for  ^ 
spolialiiiiiH  iii'kiiowledKed  lo  tu-  ilnc.     If  Ihi-'  Win   can-e  of  , 
ivar.  ll  would  he  Hie  duly  of  rniiKrc-rt  to  declare  it.  mid  iwd  ' 
for  the  I'rt'^ldtMif  tn  coiiiiiM'iire  il  wiltmul  tt  derliiraliori:  Inil, 
oniif^iderinir  the  di-lrarli  d  eondltion  of  Mexli'nt  ennniderltiK 
III  how  many  liiiiiiN  Hie  <ioveriimeni  hiM  Iiimii  when  Ihi  mc 
r>|iolialioii4   were    ciMiiinilleil;  eon-iderinu  too  Unit   Hati'a 
Ann  inade  n  foriTiJ  loan  to  pay  ii|i  >onie  ot'  the  In^t'ilmenH 
'  of  the  Irealy,  fit  a  time  when  wi'  were  de-|miliiiit  Mcx 
IPO  uf  oru'  ol  her  taircni  prnviiu'i-i*.  I  ilo  not   iliiiik   il  very 
manly  or  gi'iieroiii  iii  im  to  eominencc  lio-iiliiii  n  li-'emi-i 
^lexit'oha"  laded  to  pay  ih'-^e  clahii-<  fruni  an  empty  tn-a-iiry; 
at  jea-'t.  wl'il"  we,  H  nil  a  full  trea>.nrv.  have  ni'iilpefd  to  p:iy 
niir  ow-n  ciiir.'MM  for  French  cpoliatlomt  for  wlilrli  we  Im- 
I'lime  re!'|Hmr<ilt|i>  iieiirU  half  a  peiitiiry  a^o;  nnd  wtiiht,  Ion,    | 
many  of  Hie  Siiiti'H  of  our  I'nion,  enjoying  prnfoiinrt  p 'iioc,  j 
iiri'  refifinu  to  lax  ttiem-«elve4  lo  pav  the  )iiicri-,-l  on  iticir 
di'hti,  and  one  nr  more  apttially  repmlialintf  ttiriii. 

When  fonie  one  remarked  to  Taljryriind  thai  Napojpon  , 
had  Im'pi)  Biiiliy  of  u  crime  in  piilliriu  Hie  Diip  d'F.iinhein  lo 
di'iiili,  till'  w  il>  olil  poliiii  ian  remarkiil  Hiat  *'  it  \\\i-*  wor-ie 
llinji  a  crime :'li  w:h  a  tihindcr.'*  Fnli  -i  the  rre-ident  de- 
!<lre'«  war.  ami  look-*  to  Hie  eoiii|iie>t  of  !>Te\ico.  I  Riihinil 
whether  In'  Inn  not  coinmilted  tioHi  a  pidiiieal  prime  and  a 
lilnmler.  and  I  will  wini  lor  an  uimw  cr  on  Hie  rcfiiU-i  of  Uw 
nieanur. .  I..  HF.VF.UAN*'!-:.      I 

Tlio  "ijly  Miliiitiitii  llmt  flood  now  In*  in  nlr  ti)  llio  ! 
liistorii'iil  p;iii  of  Hum  notn  ic,  tn  refer  lo  llio  iittenipl  ' 
iii.uic  in   IK'19  by  iidvonues  of  \\\o  Fcilni-iil  HVi*lf'in 
ill  tlie  iioitlicrn   I'rnviih'f-M   nf  Mrxico  to  Hi-|iamln 
tlirtnselvcs  frmn  t\w-  (Vniral  (Jovfrnniriit,  nnil   cs- 
laliliMh  an   itnlpjii'ii  lent  Rrpiihlir,  to  !»('  railed  llie 
K('inildit*  nf  llio  Gr  iiulc,  ll)  Im'  oonslilnird  of  llie 
SmU's  of  'rainaiili|ias,    Cnalutila,    Dni-ani^n,    arid 
otliiTB  wliii.'li   iiiii;Iit  jiiii   (lirni,  wliieti   mnvrntriit 
iiiis  already  ''fcii  ri'fcnvd  tn  liy  t  he  i^riHlt'innn  fnnu 
Kentucky,  [Mr.  GAimETT   OWis.)     Uriioral   Ca- 
iiiiica   look   llit^   lead   in    thin  inovenient,  and   was  ; 
eli'irU'd   PrcNidcnl   nl'  ilic  now    Rcpnldii',  iti  wliieh  i 
rnpnciiy  lie  ciiterrd  inio  ii  secnl  arraiiiieincnl  with 
thuUovcrnnu'tit  of  Toxa.s  In  tin-  follnwini^  elVect:       i 

"  Ut.  The  l'r('--id''nl  of  the  PepnhliP  of  Rio  Craiide  (fien-  ; 
pral  r'nnal<-->  ph  ik'e-  him-elf  lo  deelarp  Hie  independeiiPP 
of  itin  ilepiihlie  nl  Km  fJrande.  and  to  deplaro  and  enlablir^h  ; 
the  Slate  ami  Fedeml  t'on«-(ifM,iiin  ol*  Ir'it,  m  noon  a-«  he 
^hall  liavp  esialili-heil  In-  lii-adipiart-r"  wiihiii  tht-  limit!*  of 
the  territory  elamied  Iiv  the  f^aid  Repnhlip. 

•■'3d.  That  ihp  pppiililie  of  Rio  Crnmb' ohnll.  immerliately 
after  the  snjd  d'-el^ralion  of  imlrpcndpnpe,  roenjrnisie  Ilin 
indi'iiendenee  of  Tex;!-!. 

'■:id.  Tin'  ll-pnhlic  o!"  Texa-t  pledji-f  hern-lf  to  aid  Hie 
Fed.  r.ili-l"  of  Ilin  Grande,  in  her  >lrnL»::le  fi>riiidipeml''nee. 
dirpi  ilv  her  hideppmlencc  U  recognised  by  the  Republic  of 
Km  nrande.'' 

In  pnrsnfinrp  of  this  n?vfpnipnt,  the  Trxan  land 
and  naval  fm-pps  poopprniod  witli  Opneral  Canalrs, 
who  took  |ios.'«r«<'^i'>n  of  tlm  town  of  T^orrdn.  in  Ta- 
maiilinas,  un  the  eii^t  hank  of  tlir  Rin  Grand*'.  It 
was  dnrin^;  those  iiinvonionls  that  Iho  TevniiH,  in 
no  ^'i-'^at  nniuiiors,  hnwpvor,ornss!rd  the  Rio  Gratulo 
to  eonprrat*'  with  ranalos,  and  it  is  llie  onlv  tiino, 
sn  far  a'j  1  jun  inrtirmcd,  sin''o  iheToym  ileclara- 
lion  of  indpprndonrc,  that  the  Texan  fop'os  over 
nndf'  their  anpparnnco  <>n  oither  hank  of  the  Rin 
Grandi'  wiilmul  I'cini;  inado -prisonrrH.  Tanalrs 
held  po-^sps-ii'in  of  I.oredoiihoni  six  tnonths,  wlirn, 
in  April,  IH^O.  h.o  was  altaekod  hv  Goiionil  Arista 
witii  a  strmiu^  hody  of  rentral  Mexi-an  troops, 
;ind  oMiijed  to  es.'nno  into  T<*  ;as.  Thus  endod 
llif  Rfouhlie  of  0\o  Rio  Granile.  Tho  h'j-rffnienl 
with  Canalps,  ahwidy  qnolfd,  shows  tint  Texas, 
at  that  time,  did  n"t  rlaini  the  Rio  Grandn  as  the 
lioundarv,  hut  admitted  allTamanlinas,  thn  idonti- 
ral  country  wliPt'f'  Genf^ra!  Tavlor  now  is.  to  lu-  n 
inri  of  the  n^^w  M''xi'';ui  (~'i»nredernrv  of  tjio  Rio 
Grnndo.  And  this  was  thror  yars  aftpr  llu-  Tex- 
an roii^ross  had  dofinrd  lior  wosiern  Imnndnry  lo 
ho  tlio  Rio  Grandr.  Yos.  thrno  ynrs  aftorwards 
sho  aekiirnvledi^od  \\\r  ootuitry  on  hoih  hanks  ()f 
tiiat  river  to  he  a  part  ofn  new  Moxiran  Confedo- 
nic'v,  whose  indopetidenee  she  liound  iicrself  to 
arknowlrdire. 

Mv  note  was  the  suhicot  of  severe  rommont  in 
the*'  rninii'^nf  Mav  19.  This  paper  is  the  nr?an 
of  the  Kxoontive,  and  is  iinder-ftood  to  speak  its 
soiuinienls.  A'jain,  May  'J'J,  when,  a(  tny  re(|nesf , 
ihe  editor  i>uhlished  niv  not<',  he  aeeoinpauied  it 
with  fnrlher  eoiunients,  from  wliioh  I  make  tlic  fol- 
lowinsr  oxtraet: 

•  •  It  will  be  obuptved  that  the  jnetifientory  po«itinn  of  this 
leMPT  I".  Hiat  Texas  does  lint  extend  tn  the  iMd  Norte.  The 
arifiimeiit  ia  Hiippnrl  of  tin.-'  p'i«iunn  i-^  iliiil  Texan  rxpedi- 
tion:4  between  iK'lttaiid  H-titdid  not  amoiini  to  a  ronipie-t 
of  that  part  of  the  Texan  territory.  \ow,  to  ihi^  we  reply 
that  we  hav<'  never  rented,  and.  mo  l,ir  a.-t  we  arc  iTiformeil. 
other-*  Inne  never  re^leil,  the  Texan  title  In  this  lerritory  on 
the  -aceiMK  of  ttii'.-^e  expeditions.  ^Vhen  mieh  an  aranmenl 
.  f-hallbf  pill  forward,  it  will  be  time  for  Mr.  Severance  to  di;- 


mnli«h  It.    Tho  (het  in  thai  theM  niiMdttlnni  on  thn  |Mirt  of 

Tet.H,  anil  nn  (In-  |»nrt  of  Mexlro,  were  liitlt!  nmrp  thati 
predilor>  Ineur-'iniH.  They  decided  iioHiim;.  The  war, 
and  the  wit  de  *iihji'p|  matter  of  the  war,  in  wll,/Ar  Uuh 
itniiliiu-i'  lit  TrS'to  ii/i  (n  Ihc  I  ue  it/'thv  Wo  ilr'  Sintf,  find 
licriidieidedlhrvcyeurfi  before  at  the  halHeof  Hiin  Jaetnto.'* 

[Diiriiiij  llie  readint;,  Mr.  SKvuMANtjfc  wna  onJIi  d 
In  iiiijer  hv  Mr.  Mohhih,  uf  Ohio,  for  irrclcvanrv. 
Mr.  S.  asked  if  it  was  luit  of  order  to  road  from  thu 
GoveruiiionI  origan  (Ui  a  matter  prrtaiiiiii<;  to  lliu 
lionudary  of  Tt'xaM.  The  Cliair  (Mr.  Uuuui.ahs,) 
doi'ided  Air.  8.  to  he  in  order.) 

Here,  then,  (Miiid  Mr.  S.,)  ihe  Union  nnoqiiivn- 
oally  atiandoiiK  alt  pn'ienoe  (hat  llio  Toxans  ever 
hri)'i)irht  the  territory  or  inliahitantN  on  thn  Rio 
(imtidc  iinthM'  their  iiuthorily,  hut  olaiinH  Imili  nii- 
dor  the  artiolea  nf  oapilulatioii  ai;rced  tn  hy  S.iiiia 
Ana  at  San  Jarinto  in  IKMi.  Now,  let  tin  jnnk  ut 
thoNO  artiojes  nf  eapilnlation,  unit  nee  what  they 
amiaint  to.  I  hav<<  llicin  in  this  honk  onliiled 
"Tevasaiid  iho  Tevans."  hv  (ionoral  Henry  i**^ 
iMinte,  of  MisHissippi.  vol.  2,  pp.  3l8and  .'Hit. 

Mr.  SK\!uutw  JoMK^,  of  Geor'^ia,  lu'te  made  a 
(|iustioti  nf  nrder.  \\v  said  (hat  on  a  vole  nf  thanks 
to  Genenil  Taylor  it  was  not  necessary  lo  aliow 
where  the  houndary  line  was. 

Mr.  Sevkivancf.  naid  it  ini';ht  he  of  iinpnrtanoo 
to  hIiow  whether  the  army  wan  in  or  out  of  the 
TJnited  States. 

The  rimii  overruled  (he  ohjeetion,  and  \[r.  S. 
proi  eeded  to  read  from  the  arti.-tos  of  oapiliitattou: 

"  IHi.  Thu  the  I're^ldeiit  Hinia  Ana.  in  bii  oineial  char 
aet-raN  ehiefof  tlic  .Mcxiean  nation,  and  tin-  Generah  Don 
Vii'catc  Fili-ola,  Don  Jo  C  IVea,  Don  Jiiai[iiiii  Kamircii  y 
S'-;ma.  and  Dm  Aiitnnin  Caonn,  a-;  elitet%  of  nriniei,  do 
o'lnnly  acktmwle.lite,  panetion.  and  ratify  Hie  f^ill,  eniire, 
ami  p 'rfeei  indcpendenee  of  Hie  Re|)iihlic  of  Tex:!",  with 
.^iieli  hnii'iilarii'-i  n-i  are  liereatler  kcI  Inrtb  ami  nureed  ii|)nn 
t'nr  Ihe  -aine.  At  !  they  do  Mdiminly  and  resptclivejy  pleiluc 
tJii'm-<i-lve-4,  V  all  a!l  their  per-^niml  and  olheial  attrihati'H,  to 
prneiire  w  itlinat  delay  the  llnal  and  eompletc  ratineatinn  ami 
eo'itinnation  of  tlii-t  attret.'ment,  and  all  the  pariK  Hieroof,  l/y 
ihr  ftrofirr  mirf  IcaHiinntc  Gnvemnnynl  nf  Mciico^  by  the  in- 
I'orporation  of  Hie  name  into  a  Boleinn  ami  perpi-tnal  irenty 
nf  Hitiitv  a'ld  eonimi'rpe.  to  he  nesotiated  with  thai  fiovera- 
meni  .tt  the  vitit  J  .V.rno,  hy  Mini-terH  Pleiii(iotentiary  lo 
hi' deputed  by  Hit!  finvenimtait  of  TuxaM  for  tbid  high  piir- 
po-ip." 

This  is  all  very  plain.  There  is  no  pretence 
here  hy  either  party  that  SatHa  Ana  and  his  frcti- 
oral.s  had  power  lo  cede  away  Textis  or  fix  any 
Iioundaries.  They  only  promised  to  tise  their  in- 
fluence to  have  such  a  treaty  made  at  the  fid/  of 
.Vi'jiro  hy  the  pvoper  authniities.  These  anthoriHea 
were  the  President  and  C.inu^ress  in  aelual  autlior- 
iiy.  The  otlloe  of  President  devolved  upon  Go- 
mo7,  Farias,  the  Viee  President,  as  .snnn  as  ihe 
eaiiuire  of  Santa  Anil  was  known.  Here  is  the 
8lh  artiole: 

"'■th.  The  President  and  CahiiiPl  of  Hip  Repa'ilie  of  Tex- 
a-i.  exerei  iiiLMlie  liiiih  powers*  poiilided  In  them  by  the  pcf>. 
pie  of  Texa-i,  do,  for  and  in  eoiiNideration  nf  the  fiiri'i;nii)i{ 
^tipulaiion.  "oli'iimly  enifaLEC  to  rt'/vdii  from  Liking  the  life 
0/  th''  PrcHiiteiit  S-fut't  W'ik,  and  of  Hie  several  nlflpi.Tn  of 
hi-'  lai.'  army,  whom  iheeveiit.-*  nf  war  Imve  madr  jirij-'niiers 
in  their  liamU,  and  to  lihernln  Hit;  INe^tdeni,  (.<<aniii  .\iiii,) 
with  lii?*  private  Seoretary,  and  eiui*>e  him  to  he  ennveycd 
III  one  of  Hie  national  vcs-i-is  ofTi'\a-«  lo  Vera  Cm/,  in  or- 
der Hial  lie  may  mor.'  proniptlv  ami  etlectnally  nht.iin  the 
i.i/t(ic.f/io(i  of  this  cotnjtiut,  and  Hie  iieirninition  of  the  dei'mi- 
tive  treaty  Api-eiii  fontcmitl.itvil  liy  llic  (iuvernim'iit  of  .Mex- 
ico ivilh  Hie  (jiovertiinent  nf 'I'l'xas." 

Santa  Ana  and  his  irenoral.s  never  did  attempt 
to  ohtain  the  rntifteatinn  of  the  compart,  they  al- 
le^rinir  in  their  jnsfifieation  that  it  was  first  hroketi 
on  'ho  part  of  ihe  'I'exans  hy  tlieir  rofnsiii','^  to  send 
him  to  Vera  Cruz,  hut  instead  thereof  keening  him 
a  pri-oner  from  the  iillth  of  Aprd,  when  the  Imtlle 
w;iR  fou'^ht,  \intil  next  winter,  and  finally  .soudinsf 
him  to  llie  city  of  Wasiuiiirmn,  to  he  exhihiled  to 
(imeral  .Ia<'ksoii.  The  8ili  article  .sliows,  morc- 
nver,  that  the  airrceiiK'nl  was  exinrted  from  him 
a.s  llie  condi'iiiii  on  which  his  life  was  to  he  spared, 
a  rather  exM'aord'iiary  stiiailation  in  hehalf  of  a 
pviHiJiff  cf  \i'itr  muowx  civilized  people  in  ihis  aga 
of  (he  world.     Rut  W(;  cmne  to  the  JUth  article: 

'•  loth.  The  Pie-^iftenl  Santa  Ana,  and  Hip  Genenils  Doti 
Vicente  Fili.-iihi.  Don  Jo-|i  I're.-i,  litm  Jnaipiiii  Ramirr-M  y 
Hernia,  and  Don  Antonio  (Janiiii.  do.  hy  tins  ael  of  Fiib^ 
•icriliMiL'  lhi<  in-^irmmni,  st-verally  ivnd  solemnly  pledue 
llieiii-elvpf4.  on  tlieir  inviolable  pamle  of  honor.  Hml  in  Hm 
I  VI  III  the  ^Icxitan  (Jiaernnienl  Khali  refuse  or  oant  to 
execute,  ratify,  confirm,  and  perfctt  tliis  a;ire  ineat,  they 
will  lint,  nil  anv  oi^pas^ion  whatever,  take  tip  armi*  aeainst 
the  people  of  Texa.^,  or  any  portion  of  them,  hill  will  eoii- 
aider  tln-msclves  bound,  hy  every  ^aered  olilicalion,  lu  ub- 
-tain  fmni  all  llo^liliI>  towarrl.'i  'I'exa.J  or  its  eitizi'tis  " 

Here,  then,  i.s  the  penalty  to  whieh  these  men 
suhjeeted  themselves  shituld  Mexico  refuse  to  ahide 
by  "their  a^aecment.     They  pioniised  timt  they 


184G.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


685 


iiJh'ii  CosQ !^T  Sr.sft. 


Mexican  IVar — Mr.  Severance, 


Ho.  or  Rkps. 


RPS. 


ilin  |inrt  of 

ll'TC     ||i;in 

i'iio  War, 

\,thr  i,t,lr 
Sniif,  hint 
>  Jlirliiiip." 


wniild  not  ilif*MiffelvcR  indiviiluallv  iti)<(^  U(>  nrmn  ' 
Mi;itii)Nl  'IVxdH,  ihhI  (hiH  wiiN  tliu  niify  iironiiinv  tlicy 
liiiil  (liu  iinwcrnr  |H'rriiriiiiii;;. 

Tit  rilxtw  Imw  lilric  valiii)   wan  iiltiirlinl   (n  (liiH 
iiijneimMit,  I  In  m   iiuiko  an   cxiiMi'i  of  a  lcitt;r  of 
ijciicral   iMimliiMiti  11,  l/iniar  in  iIm;  PrfNulfiil  Mild 
C'altiiHit  of  (lie  Up|ml)li('. oCTrxaH,  (liitetl  War  Do-  [ 
|MiIiUfiit,  May  I'i,  IKJti: 

•'  Milt.  UMl<'|)>'Milnit  nl"  tilt-  rniifiilcrtUiiiii,  it  tnfiy  In-  vrry 
\vi  II  <liMil>t<'i|  whrliii-r  Htiiiiu  Ann,  vv  llli  fv<-ry  (Ilit|iii.iti(iii  In 
Inltil  itiiv  Jii;ti  I'lm-iit  which  lii'  ii.-iy  imw  t>ii(i-r  iiilo,  will,  nn 
III'  rt'liini  In  M''\ic",  A  nr  llf  /ni'-i  r  tti'n  it.  Ir  wih  piihlh" 
dpi  rill  Ml  which  ilntvf  linn  intn  wiirix  itii  'rrxii'',ini<l  llii>  ^hiim' 
liiihljc  irntirinrit,  <mi  lii^  iiniviil  iit  liniiif,  mity  kfrp  linn  in 
l!iH  artiliiilti  ol  avMWt'il,  il  not  urliiiil  lin-nhly  id  lliirf  nitirt 
try,  \n  lualhT  u  linl  iiiii\  lir-  hi<<  |iiiviil<'  I'l  rlini{- ,  si-IC  \»i>it- 
iTvntjon,  iho  i>ii)litlit>  ni  his  iiiiw.r  rniiy  ih-p ml  M|tun  hi^ 
4'niinnil<'(l   (i|i|iiiHiliMii  tn  nnr  vm-W".     How  rin  wr  tlicn  r\- 

|ii-c|  III'  Iniii  11  (-111111111  n With  liny  niinii'ici  liirint-il  lor  tin' 

n'coiinitluii  III'  nur  intl<'|i  'nilcinT,  or  inr  any  dUht  pni|iM>c.'  ■ 
Thr  ttilunit  \H''  [tr-'])'i-'<-il  In  hi'  uain>  <l  iVnin  lii>«  '<ii|i)in-i  il  ur 
Itnilmlilc  inl  ■!»riiy,  f;innnt  nl'  rnn-cMii 'rin'  he  r»'iill/.i'<l.  r  cii 
i(j7/f  rroi/ '« f //ill  iriicw  fill  hii  fn  rt  to  rrdvcm  tiliulpil^iCH,    I  ilinihi 
li'it  ill  till'  h''l-l.  Iliiit  ns  iinnii  ih  |Ih<   tifWH  ol   Inn  <!(>('  ill  iliiil 

I  hpil-iiiiliifiil  hIiiiII  h  •  Mni|iiih>(|  williin  Ihi'  vvnlh  'if  M<  xiro, 
tli.it  iii-'luiil  will  II'*  |ll^t  nil  hi-4  iiiith'iriiv  ill  Ihc  liiiiil,  ih  hr  , 
h'H  Iniiit  -iiH'"  l<l^|  till'  :itli-''li'Min  (if  Ili^"p^■n|)h•.  \\f  will  IH' 
|io\vfrli>Hi4  f  ithiT  liir  unfiil  nr  ill.  I  am,  llirri'liin'.  ihTidi'itly 
<i|ipii-^i'il  Id  nil  iii't'oliiUiMii  or  iirr>iii!ii'iiii  Ills  with  liini ;  lir^t. 
t<':r>iusc  hv  i«  II  ii,ivjnei\  •nui  uol  J  iv*'  to  frt ;  »iMon.||y,  In* 
rnnsi'  hi'  l<riiiMili'Hs  aiiilmnvnrthv  nCrotifiili'iiff  ;  ihmI.  i'linj- 
Iv,  licrnii.n'  or  the  r-f'/  mr  iii/ii  of  hit  imiUlihj  In  rultll  hin 
p.oinl.'.f-i,  cv.'!!  Willi  llii'iii'.-ir<.'  In  iln  ii-*' 

Gpiii'i'al  fiinnar'.-f  first  t-caHnti  iltiit  f fpni'val  Santn 
Ana  '*  *.t  a  /insnjifr,  and  n<it  friv  to  nr/,"  wniild  lie 
cMHii'lusivc,  even  hail  llin  wlmln  liraly-innkiriK' 
|ni\vrr  oC  Alt'\ii'(»  hoi-n  vrslcd  in  liiiit  lu'loro  his 
cantiin",  InH  in  Ou'i  lir  had  iii>  siicli  powor  while 
H'  atcd  in  the  I'rcsirh'iHi"!  t-hnir  o!'  Mrvico,  without 
thr  iMiniMin'i-ncc  «>f  Cinijrress.  'riiat  (.'nnijn'ss,  so 
far  i'vom  <  oiicuiTinj;,  iminrdiatcly  drpi'scd  liiiu  ' 
from  all  niiihorilv  '»'^  somi  t\H  hi.i  rapiinlaiinn  was 
known,  and  disavowrd  his  acts.  (In  hi.sntnrn  hf 
wnit  inio  rciii'fiiu  nt  on  hi.'*  f.^^tato  at  .Man'_'o  dc 
('l.'ivo,  ni'ar  Vera  ('rn/,  and  rrmained  in  retiri'- 
mcnt  ("or  st'ycral  yrnrs,  iniiil  one  of  the  frr(|iiin( 
I'pvohilions,  to  whii'h  ihat  nnfortnnntc  rmnitry  has 
hfH'n  Hnlijcct,  liroiiijht  him  into  pnwrr  ai^nin  dir  a 
time,  to  1)0  nirain,  in  inni,  *'ohi]iflIed  to  lly  to  n 
foi7ij:n  rouiitry  for  safi'ty.  Psiitiicr  Mt'xii'o  nor 
'iVxas  n'2;ardf'd  ihe  ai-rcnnrnt  as  worth  n  ."iraw. 
Mt'Xii'o  (Umk  nncrd  il,  and  'IVxa.s  .set  thf  ho.statroH 
free,  relyinu:  up'  n  horarnm  torarve  mil  hrrcinpiiT 
and  defend  it.  Sim  di-.l  maintain  her  aiithoriiy  in 
Tt'XaN  )trupt'r,ltut  nolhiiii,  hcyond  it.  llrr  st:vrral 
rxpi'diiions  to  r nlarj?;r  her  Ii.'MI.s  are  cliararipri/rd 
liy  the  Union,  the  GnvrrnnHMii  or^an,  a.s  **  litlir 
*  morr  than  prodahay  inrur.sioi  •*  that  decided 
'  mithin;j."  And  what  are  })ri<laU,-tt  iiH'nrsiiHKsr 
Why,  accordin'j:  to  Jidnison,  they  ai  •  incMrsions 
for  robbcrij  iun\  }*lun<(n\  I  would  not,  i  >y>ilf,  dc- 
iionncr  llnsr  'I'l  \aiis  as  mere  rtdihcis  a.'d  pliin- 
dcrcis,  though  1  am  awarp  that  Mtnne  licavy  L'i;arii('S 
are  hiid  a^aipi;!  tlin  Mi(  r  expedilion;  and  General  I 
Thomas  .T.  (Jrecn,  who  wriles  its  history,  etna-  ! 
plains  that  (iiiieral  IfoHshui,  thtii  Prcsideiil,  had 
so  dcnonnt'rd  il;  yt  It  must  he  in  yiriue  of  that 
very  pn'dah'ry  eypiilitjoii   that  we  now  claim  llie 

II  ft  hank  of  the  huvi'r  part  of  ihe  Ilin  Cirande, 
where  Cm  neral  Taylor  now  i.s;  for  il  is  the  only 
Texan  expediiimi  which  ever  penetrated  furlher 
than  Mier  in  tliat  dlroi'lion,  and  tliere  the  wluilc 
expediiimi  was  caplnnd  hy  lint  Alexieans.  Aot  u 
man  escaped.  iVo  Texan  ever  went  witiiin  a 
hundred  miles  of  Malamoroa  .■^inee  the  luil'le  of 
iSan  .laeiiUo,  and  iiturned  a^ain,  unless  he  .skulked 
in  the  t  liap.j  ral.  The  emupiest  nf  tliat  reiiioii  wa.s 
V'siTved  fur  (ieiicral  T.iylor,  wiiii  was  sent  there 
liythe  I'rcsideni  in  time  of  peace  lo  drive  Mexican 
iiihaliit.\iiis  from  a  country  where  ihey  were  horn; 
fVoni  the  d\vellini,^s  In  whieli  they  liveti,  and  the 
land  they  had  Ioul*'  eulilvaied,  <in  Ihe  .scandalous 
i)retexl  ihai  W.nr.s  had  iraiisferred  It  to  ns,  w  hen 
Tixa.s  had  no  nmre  rlL'hl  to  it  than  the  l-'ather  of 
r.ies  hud  lo  all  llie  kiiii'dmns  of  the  earth,  which 
he  shitwed  to  (lur  Saviour  Irom  the  top  of  the 
mountain.  'I'he  pirate  Laliltc  would  liave  had  as 
good  n  rii;ht  to  rvtW  the  island  of  Culia  to  us,  aiu! 
we  as  L'-ooil  a  iii;ht  to  take  po.ssession,  l»y'  force, 
under  Nueh  a  title.  It  grieves  me  that  American 
valnr  should  he  expended  in  so  unri'j;liteous  n 
cause,  and  American  hloud  be  split  in  such  a  .scan- 
dalous aiii^i-et'sinn. 

'I'he  '*  Uniun,"  which  denounce.s  my  note,  pro- 
ceeds to  sav: 

*'TcTa«,  he  il  reini'mheriMl.  i.=  eluimed  to  ho  n  revniled 
pmviiu-L- ol' Mexico.     Wlit'tlier  Mnxicu  ever  had  r  mhudow 


of  rIfflitAil  nr  neliml  niitlinrily  over  it.  iiller  Ihp   Mf*il(*nM  | 
eniistiiHlinit  nf  ^f*i•^  Wfiil  ilnwii,  iiiiiy  Im',  (UmI  Ikh  lii'en  Nerl-  I 

oilnly  iiiit>tioii('il.  Mill  Mi'XH-n  ihilini*  ihiil  TcxtH  ktt  her 
n-voilcil  prnvllifn.  U'ti.'ie,  tlli'li,  l<  Ihe  iritt  he:t  ftoinihle  ni 
tlr»if>iit'  llif  I'Xli'iii  ol Texii''?  Cli'iirly  O  i*  thr  Irvutxfkt  /m 
i<itiin\H  of  Me  rial,  It  lul  the  offiriiU  mliniuionoj  Mrriot  tiiice 
tlu:  rr !'»//. " 

Very  well,  what  are  tin  nc?  The  Union  anHWers: 

"  Now  we  (<tiy,  tlFft,  Hiiiita  Ann  ni  ni  en-t  trt'iuy  rc^oR- 
IliTil  llH'  iliilr|l'-iiil(  iK-e  ol'T-VUh  lip  toilK*  l)r\  Nnrf.  \Vf 
Miiv,  srmniUv,  llKit,  in  \r*-\:u  Mi-xini  oft'iTt-il  in  n-eounlr'C  Hie 
iit(lr{H:iMltiici.-  ot  'I'l-xiiri  Up  In  Hie  |)el  Norh'.'* 

The  first  ileni  we  ha\rj  di.spnsrd  of  hy  «howln|tr 
ihat.Vfxico  never  made  niiy  such  sernt  treaty, 
And  now  for  the  Unimi's  **  secondly,*'  that  in  IKi."> 
Mexico  '♦  nllered  to  reen'^'uise  the  inde|iendei;cc  ti( 
Texas  ii/»  lo  till'  IhtA'i'ili.'*  I  say  thai  Mtxiru 
never  made  any  such  fdl'er.  In  IKi.'»,  dnriiiK  llie 
armistice  sousdit  hy  Tf'Xas  nn  pretence  ot*nei;otia- 
lion,  liiU  in  reality  prol'ahly  (o  nialure  aniiexalinn 
lo  Ihe  rniird  Si.ues,  ihe  lh-ilisli  and  Kreiich  .Min- 
isU  I'N,  Ilarnii  Alleye  dt-  Cyprey  and  C'harIeK  Uank- 
In'ad,  Wire  Induced  In  persuade  Mexico  in  receive 
an  otfer  nf  peace  tVom  Texas,  Here  is  the  docu- 
ment iiself  lo  which  the  Union  no  douht  alludes. 
It  may  he  found  on  j'a-je  T'-i  of  docuiiu-nt  No.  L*, 
present  ses.iiun,  heim;  tlii?  dociiineni  ueeuinpanyiii^ 
llie  Presidenl'H  Alessaiie: 

[Traii^Intinii.] 

The  MiTii-tcr  fif  Fofcj'.'n  .Mliarn  and  nnverniiirnt  nf  \hv 
M  \ienii  U<'pnl  lie  has  re-'tivcil  tin-  preli'iiiiiiiry  propnuiiion.- 
iH'ret:i.s  lor  lui  iiiTaimenieiit  or  tl' linillve  treaty   heiwei-ii 
Mexico  find  Tiv.i.s,  which  are  ul'the  iollowiii({  leiinr : 
'*  OjwUlioiiM  pft'liininurij  tn  it  ivnttyj  oj  pciuc  lit t  em  Mexico 

'  HWl   V'l-.iC  . 

"  Nt.  Mexico  rnnjieiii.  to  n-kiiuwl'due  the  liHlepcndcncf 
nfTexiw. 

"•Ji\,  'r('\:i«t  eniini.'cj*  thill  hhi'  will  ^ltplllnlc  in  ihe  Ircnly 
iini  lo  annex  hiTii^clrnr  bccninu  >uhji  ct  to  aii>  country  what- 
evi  r 

'■  ."Id.  liimtis  find  nthi'r  conilltioiH  to  he  iimllcrof  arrnnjje- 
nicjit  in  ilic  liiial  Ucah. 

*■ 'Itli.  Tcxus  will  lie  williii'i  to  remit  (li-[)i.leil  poinid  re- 
fipeciini{  tirritory,  and  other  iiiattcrrt,  in  ilic  uilntruuun  nl' 
iniipiieH. 

'■  Done  lU  Wnfhincioii.  /nn  the  Iltn«in,)  thi-Otttli  nf  Mnrr-h, 
ls|:,.  ASIIHKI,  SMITH,  Sir, tt<mt  of  State.'' 

Tlie  lioveriiineiil  ol'  itic  l{(f|Mil>lie  li:i .  nskcdl  in  eoiise- 
ijiicnee,  iit'thi'  \.iiioniil  ( '>iiiure^>.  lie-  aaitioiiiy  whieli  il  has 
f;r:iaicil.  niid  ^^lli^ll  Ih  of  the  IuHmw  itm  tenor: 

*'  The  (t<i\  cninienl  i.s  iiiiihori/i  il  tn  hear  lh(!  prnpo-liinnH 
wlii<'h  'I'exft.'i  has  uiade,  ami  In  ptocced  in  the  iirranueitn-iil 
or  ei'lchriKioii  oi'ilie  irt'iay,lhai  niay  lie  Jit  luid  hoiiorahle  to 
Die  Ucpiilitlc.ui villi!  anueeoiial  to  l.'>Miyr<  -s.s  I'ur  iu  examina- 
tion anil  ii|ipr(n;il." 

Ill  eonr-enticiiccnfihe  preredinij  lUithnritynrthet'oiifTrejid 
ol'  ttie  .McMciii  Ui'pnhlic,  the  niider^iifueij,  Mini-ler  nf 
I'or.'iiin  Alfiiirs  and  (iovermnenl,  declares:  Thai  Iho  Su- 
pienic  (lovcrntneiii  rerci\'cs  iiic  lour  iirliclcM  a^i'Ve  inen- 
timi'd  as  iin>  preliminnries  ni'a  rnniial  imd  ilefiniiive  treaty  ; 
and  I'nrlher,  Ihiil  ii  is  ili^pnfied  to  i  oininrnce  ilie  ii<  (loiiaiion 
ay  TekaM  may  desire,  iind  lo  receive  the  eotiaiii.'-HioiH.Tei 
w  liich  t!>liu  inay  name  I'ur  ilii.s  purpose. 

M'l.-i  f;.  CtKVA.'^. 

MKXico,>/m/iy,  I«4.'). 

f1  Iititiottirl  ifcrhirnlifnt. 

Il  is  iindcrslnod  lliai  her  idis  the  four  preltininary  nrliclcs 
proposed  hy  Texa.-:.  tlicre  are  oHier  e-si<iilial  and  ini|Hiriitiil 
polnis  which  nuiht  also  |o  he  inehnliMl  in  the  iieifotialion, 
anil  lliai  if  tiiis  ii'  noiialion  is  not  rcali/.ctl  on  urcoiinl  nf  cir- 
ciniisljinecs.nr  hecaii-e  Texas,  iiitlneiiced  h>lln'  law  panned 
ill  lite  I'hitcd  Slates  Oil  iiiiiie.xitioti,  ^lioiild  eonsenl  thereto, 
eiilier  ilni  eil>  nr  iinhrccily.  ilien  llie  answer  wliieli  tiiiiler 
I  his  d.ih'  is  \ii\i  II  l<i  Tt  \a  •,  hy  the  under,  mned,  .Minister  fur 
Foreign  All'.iir.s,  shall  h:-  eon>i(h-red  a^-nnll  and  void. 

t.ri.^  U.  (T'KVAS. 

Mbxico,  M'Iij  19,  lc^.>. 

Here  is  the  whole  matter.  Texas  otVered  tn 
treat  with  Mexicn  on  the  haslsnf  her  independence, 
and  proposed  lo  Ituvc  tht-  ijUfslion  of  homulartj  to  an 
vinpirr.  Mexico  (Miiisenied  to  receive  ihe  propo- 
sitions of  Texas  and  to  receive  e(inimis.^ioners  lo 
nei^otlale  a  treaty.  Not  only  does  .Mexico  nol  jic- 
kuowled'xe  the  Uio  del  Norte  as  the  homidary,  hut 
Tixiis  ifois  not  claim  it  in  tiie  pro))ositions  :j1ic  sub- 
mil?. 

Meantime,  at  thfi  earnest  aolieitatlon  of  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  Stales,  Texas  hacks  onl 
from  her  )iroposition  lo  Mexico,  whicii,  )ieriia|)s, 
was  considered  the  only  motle  to  brini^  us  to  better 
tenns  of  annexation,  and  carry  the  measure  iliroM'j;h 
our  Congress  on  the  pretext  ilial  otherwise  Texas 
mii:ht  fall  under  British  couirol  and  induence. 
The  scheme  succeeded.  Anncxalion  was  effected. 
One  of  the  most  dislin<:uished  actors  on  the  part  of 
Texas  is  reported  to  have  ailmlned  in  a  puldlc, 
speech  in  New  Orleans  that  Texas  had  only  heen 
enriiiettinir  with  the  lirliish  and  Ureiich  Ministers 
ami  vvltii  Mexico,  in  order  to  hrinir  ns  lo  Icrms. 
However  this  may  have  been,  it  is  clear  that  Mex- 
ico (//'(/  not  olTer  Texas  the  Uio  del  Norte  for  a 
boundary  on  any  terms  whatever. 

1  come  now  to  the  Union*s  '*  thivdlv." 


•*  We  Nny,  thirdly,  IhM,  In  l&M,nenernl  VVnl)  pmrlnlnieJ 
his  piir|Hi.<e  to  devaHtiit"  till)  terntor>  un  the  ci%t  f-un'i  of  tlit 
t)el  Sintc  IM  Texnn  tvnitortf.  And  we  ^jij  i'nrlher,  ihaletich 
luid  all  ofrhene  derlariitioniinnlhe  part  ol  the  M<-xiraii  Oov- 
erinnent  ure  niallerii  nl'reeitrd.  H»  inueli  I'ur  the  iidniiMlufMi 
of  .Menien  lUl  Ihe  ipie-tiiui." 

The  eominlltee  him  Hoen  what  the  "record"  il 
on  the  first  and  second  iteniH,  and  moid  of  ihe  mem- 
bers present  have  no  diuibl  read  the  proelainaiion 
of  (»eiieral  Woll,  published  in  llie  Union  hiHt  week, 
and  now  relerred  l(».  If  ho,  ihny  will  have  Heen 
liial,  HO  far  from  pnu-Iaimini;  his  purpose  li»  devas- 
tate the  coiinlrv  tliis  side  the  Itio  (Iriuide,  (tenend 
Woll  avowed  hi.^  pnijin.fe  to  protect  llie  Mexican 
selth  Tneiit.<j.  Mis  proelainaiion  is  dated  at  Mier, 
and  he  Kiiy"  hf)  shall  treat  as  eiieinn  s  those  who 
are  found  more  than  a  Spanish  league  on  this  sido 
il>r  river — that  liein!:^%  no  douhl,  as  farasilie  Mex- 
ii'an  eidiiviiti'Mi  extended  this  Main  the  river  at  thai 
liliice.  He  could  have  no  ref(  rem-e  to  the  eiumlry 
eiiher  above  or  below  iipon  the  It io  Grande,  for 
eiiher  way  Mexican  towns  and  villair*'s  extended 
tVom  five  to  leu  lea'^nes  this  side  the  llio  (Tnuide. 
None  ofihrm  had  ever  shown  the  lejisl  di.sposilion 
lo  thvor  Ihe  Texans,  The  places  below  remained 
undisturbed  nniil  <-ieneral  Taylor's  arrival,  and  ilic 
towns  above  remain  siill  loyal  to  Mexico,  haviniif 
never  been  dislurbed  hy  Texans  hut  oner,  wlifin, 
in  1H41,  the  expiflilion  was  sent  to  Santa  he,  every 
man  of  which  w<is  eaptnrefl  and  sent  lo  the  mines. 
Not  him;  can  be  more  preposKiinis  than  the  a  I  tern  i  it 
to  inlerana'lniissionof  Mexicoiiiat  the  lliot  jnuide 
is  the  boundarv,  on  no  other  irroiiiid  than  this  m'oe- 
lamaiion  of  (leiM'ral  Woll,  and  in  llie  fice  of  the 
constant  asHertlons  of  llie  Mexican  UovernmenL  lo 
the  coiiirary. 

Mr.  SiMR,  of  South  Carollnn,  here  called  Mr. 
Skvkii\nck  lo  firder,  beeauie,  altbou'^ch  Ihe  House 
was  111  (jnninitteeof  the  Whole  on  ilie  slate  of  tlie 
Union,  i|i(>  ireiiilcuian  was  not  dLseussue,'  the  state 
nf  the  Union,  but  was  discnssini,'  Mr.  Ritchie's 
Union  newspaper.     [A  lani^h.] 

[.Another  objeeiion  was  raised,  that  if  the  Union 
did  not  extend  beyond  the  Niieees,  it  was  out  of 
order  to  iliseir<s  mailers  on  the  Uii  (.iraiide  in  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whoh'  on  the  siate  of  the  Union,] 

Mr.  SK\KiiAN'tK  remarktd,  that  if  our  army  had 
C'one  beyond  the  limits  of  ihe  Union,  lie  presumed 
he  had  a  rii;lit  to  follow  on  a  (piestion  of  votlna; 
thanks  for  tiieir  .services. 

The  CiiAiH.  The  gentleman  from  Maine  will 
proceed. 

Mr.  Skvkrante.  I  have  nnoiher  Item  of  the 
Union's  proofs  lo  notice,  luid  litre  it  is: 

"  What  is  the  tjc.rt  Vt(  evidence  in  the  case.'  Il  in  In  ho 
found  in  the  Hijite  p.ipcr.s  of  ihjs  country— Ihe  records  of  its 
diploinaey  frmn  Ihe  day  when  the  I, nui^iiinn  territory  heoiini! 
Willi  lis  asuhjeclofdiMMHsioii,  We  have  akeadysliowii  that 
ail  iitdirokeii  M-ries  of  State  p'lpers.  ovi-r  tlie  M-jnauircw  of 
Jed'eryon.  .Ma(li>fm,  Monroe,  ami  Adam-',  cinini  the  I»"| 
\ortc  n**  the  houndnry  of  Texa*.  We  have  recently  eiled 
the  direct  nulliority  of  Mr.  Henry  Hay  to  the  same  point." 


Really,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  did  not  expect  lo  see 
such  an  arirument  as  ibis  in  the  ortidal  or-ran  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States.  It  had  seemed 
very  strange  to  me  lo  see  four  or  five  i;eniletnen  im 
this  floor,  one  of  them  a  nn-mber  of  the  ('ommitiee 
on  Uoreiirn  Relations,  nsinL''»r«:umenis  of  a  siniilnr 
kind — speakinvr  *>!'  oui  ori:^ina!  rlaims  to  the  Rio 
del  Norte  as  a  part  of  Louisiana,  ns  if  they 
were  clear,  and  as  if  we  had  never  reliiirpiishcd 
them.  Why,  sir,  the  net  of  Conirress  (d'  March 
:ifi,  1.S04,  dl'vidlni:  Louisiana  into  two  territoiies, 
shows  positively  that  we  did  noi  elaiin  bevond  the 
Sabine.  This  act  was  siinied  by  Mr.  JefTerson, 
who  purchased  Louisiana  the  V(  ar  before.  The 
act  of  February  id.  1811,  to  enable  the  people  of 
the  territory  of'Orleans  to  form  a  Stale  i;overnment, 
repeals  the' same  boundary.  This  tict  was  siunied 
by  Air.  Abidison,  Texas  was  all  Spanish,  not 
I'Vench.  iJnl  suppose  Texas  had  been  a  pirt  of 
Louisiana,  It  did  not  extend  to  the  Rio  Grande. 
Paris  of  three  other  Spanisli  provinces  lay  between 
Texas  and  that  river.  All  this,  however,  i.s  of  no 
conseipieiice  lo  the  ai'irument:  lor.  In  1810,  we  madft 
a  treaty  with  Spain,  in  which  we  a'jreed  upon  llift 
Sabine  as  llie  lioundary;  the  same  treaty  liy  which 
we  acquired  riorida,  and  tlie  same  by  which  wo 
acquired  the  Spanish  title  lo  Ore'^on,  the  title  which 
your  Secretary  of  Slate,  Mr.  I5ncli;uian,  mainly 
rehed  upon  in  his  controversy  witli  Mr.  Pakenham 
last  winter,  and,  sir,  the  only  title  we  have  tn  Ore- 
ijon  north  of  49*^.  I  hope  we  phnll  not  hear  any 
iil*iy-four-forty  men  at  least  talk  of  nullifying  the 


m 

■::h\ 


G3a 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GI.OBE. 


fMHy  28. 


1846.] 


i29-rH  CoNo 1st  Seoi. 


Mcxicnn  War — !\llr,  Htverance, 


Iffl.  or  Reps. 


39TII  COMO Is 


Kliiniln  ireniy  by  »li)l  clniming  up  In  llio  fiin 
Oraiiils  nil  uiir  nriciniil  iillo  l>y  lli«  inirihuBn  nl' 
LnuiHiaii:!.  A)m1  |irnh(ilily  ilif  i^riillcinnn  from 
Vliiniiix  wnulil  Imiillt'  In-  u  i|liii<jf  (i>  (>*>  nnil  linrni! 


illjil  Mialli'  II  Klil'iirl    In   llic  i  in«l 


'  S 


|<iiiii. 


w.. 


■Mili'il  ilir  i|iii'»iinn  nl'  linnnilary  liy  liTiily  Willi 
^)>llln  ill  IHI'.I',  \\i\  nllirninl  ii  iii^niii  in  inintliii' 
triiiiy  Willi  Mixii'D  in  IKI',>,  I  lliiiik,  iiiiil  nu'iiin  in 
II  Irtnly  wlili  'rexiiii,  iiiiikinu'  lliiir  liCiiliiN;  anil 
yt'l  J'oiitlpini'n  mi  llim  llnnr,  unil  llio  (iilmii  nl' llii' 
ii'nvci'iiiiif'iil  willi  tlirin,iiN  if  iil>li\ mint  nl' nil  rc- 
leiil  liimnry.  ^<>  un  iir;;iiiii;^  oin-  iilil  rliitiii  tn  liic 
llin  del  rSniicI  IJn  iln  at'  ^'Fnlli'iiirn  l'oij;cl  tint 
liicip  liRH  Im'iii  In  cxiMliiKf  lor  nine  yi'.iia  ii  Wr/iiWi- 
lie  I'f  V'ljnj,  mill  llial  \vr  iii'kiiiiwl(il.:i'il  iIh  iimIi- 
Ijfiiilciii'ir  Dili  llif  ii'rritiiiy  lu'lniif;  lo  lit  «lini 
tli.il  nnlfpemleiit't'  Wiis  a*  liicvi'ii?  Uul  tin* 'I't-x- 
aiiH  ('<itii[nri-  it  iVnin  lis  or  tVnin  Mrxiin.'  'I'n  talk 
iiiiw  I'f  iMir  old  I'l.iiii)  lu  iIk'  Km  (trantlr,  ilini,  la 
ID  iiivnivi'  lint  iiii'icly  R  Niiii;li.'  alisni-ilily,  Iml  a 
liiinillc  of  llii'in.  Tlic  vcnrianlp  ^'t'lilli'iiiaii  I'lnm 
Mns.-*aciiU'>i*Iis  wlin  iip;:iiiialt<d  llii-  l*'li)rida  Irt'iUy, 
mill  iimiiiMiiHil  llip  ciHiirincrny  willi  I'on  Uiii-i, 
iniule  lliL'  iiio.'st  nl'  unv  i-laii.i,  and  >;nl  all  llml  we 
were  cniilli'il  In,  il"  lint  n  Inilc  more;  Iml,  wlirilin- 
we  saniti'  nr  li'8i,  llic  Irciily  si'liled  all  diH|iiil(S 
and  lixeil  llie  bmiiidary.  1  liii|ie  ue  nhalt  hear  nn 
iiini'c  iiImiiii  rill- il. mils  lo  llic  ICin  Lirauile  in  viitiii 
ol'llic  Lniiiaiana  iMiirliiim'. 

'I  hat  1  am  cninrt  in  aMniniini;  llinl  llic  liiainil- 
nrits  of  'I'rMis  never  went  in  llie  Km  Ciianile,  nn 
iiiaii  will  ilniilii  »lm  has  exainiiied  the  iiialUr.  Al! 
iiLips  |uiMi.--lied  pieiiiiiM  tn  IKIIiau'i'i  i'  in  lliis,aiid 
the  |Mnnii4  Inue  l-ieii  aililiici  ll  hh  I'lilly  tiy  <|eiilte< 
iiii'ii  Willi  lKi\e  spidun  nn  llie  sMlijeri  wiiliin  a  I'nii- 
ii'^'lii,  lliat  II  wniild  Ire  siiiierlliinns  lii  re|ieal  tin  in. 
And  yet,  lliere  in  niie  lii^'li  aiiilinnly  wliii'li  iiiiini 
lia\e'wel;;lil  Willi  iiieinliem  nl' lliis  |lnii-ie.  I  rel'er 
lu  a  dtviiie^iii--'lad  .Seiialni  t'inin  Mis.siairi,  wlin  iiii- 
deisiaiiil.i  lla  wlinle  niiiilef  iiT  Alexiean  and  'I'exiin 
liiMniy  US  well,  |ierlia|  s,  as  ally  man  liviiiL'.  In 
Ins  .■■[leeoli  nil  llie  Texas  iiialv,  delnered  May  (i. 
Iel4,  aliniil  llie  same  tune,  lie  it  remeiitlieied,  iliiit 
Cien.  Wnll.ae.  urdiii^  In  tlie  "L'liiiMi,"  adniilled  the 
llio  Uninde  In  be  llie  nniiiulary,  Mr.  lieiimn  said: 

"Till  0  Inriner  pntviiiei-*  nf  lite  .Mextenii   Vi )>iillv. 

110 '■'.'«■/ .  il"C  /.  01  tf.c  MArit'in  Uii'itl'ih-,  \\tuti  on  tiolh  i  .t, 
o!  t.C  Hit  0,.in>e,  Jl    "t   i/s   /'...(/Mil    lri.jil//l.  we    li.<»'  pnt 

p.i  <•  I .it[i<ii;iti','..<u  I'.ii'  II-  ti.ev  lie  1,11  III"  leli  trink  iil  llie 

river,  lull)  niir  L'l.ien.  by  virMe  iil  a  tn  niv  ni  ,,-  ttmii-xalinii 
utili  Te\a>.  L' I  u.i  |inili,e.  unit  I.  »k  ai  lair  in  w  anil  im 
p.rtiiil  iir"p<'-«il  iti'i|iiisiii.iiis  III  itii..  i|ii;irter.     i'lr.'t,  tliere- 

i.  Iliu  lli'ii.-l.l 111.   I'ar.ii.-ily   the   pioviaee  nl   .%,-;■  McTiro, 

Uiwj  on  iH  th  -nl  >  nl  lie-  river,  riimi  it.  Iieml  rjeiim  in  nt.ur 
t  r  I'.i  mlfl  Xnri-';  I  -ll  i-  t-i  -ay.  hah  vv.iv  tlmvn  liu-  river. 
Till-  >l|.[l:elltl.llt  I-  s-ll.lileil  I,  nil  luvVIM  Illi.t  Vlll.-iu.  m;  is  |)n|, 
lil.iK'.l,  vvi  11  1  lillniili''..  III. I  euvir  il  i\  nn  lln.-K-  iiliil  lieiil-. 
1.1.1  I  .H  lel'i  haak  li'  r  i  oi.h  -|><  a.v  ni  llir  |.ail  vvtin  ti  ue  jaii 
|t.i.e  1. 1  re-alill.  xi  I.-,  lir  I.  In-  liiinll.r  vil  axe  nl  'I'.ii>i4,  ;j.lhlO 
s.ail.,  in.il  vvlltti-e  llie  ea  lu.ii  Intiee  I.-  kepi  at  ivLleh  tin- 
iMlj.MHiri  carHVai  s  eiit.  r  tin  ir  :;r  ml.-,  'in.  |j  e..iii.M  f'linia 
I'O,  l.i.'  ell|l.lli].  l.ih,|  Mail-;  tiled  .^lliliqin  riiUi  .  tj,U..U  .Olil-  ; 
tli.ll  ■  a  lie  i*L-nre  ■  nt  nitii  r  lew  list  li.,(l  vlll.tj>|.»,  all  innre  (ir  It  H- 
p  >|  ID.IIeil.  aiKl  ^Uni'lill  'etl  li>  ll.iekr^  Hull  liilil-.  Tin  11  e.iln,. 
til-  ile.autilieiili.  nt  O.ie.Jri  ,  L\)..*ai(.l.  ami  7'..iniili;  |„.>, 
vvnhi.ul  M  tta'iiii'ni.^,  i<n  lie'  lelt  liaiik  iti  lite  riv'.r,  lait  oi  i-ii 
n.  I.;;  tlie  njltl  liaitk  aiel  •  <•  iitMa..ihii3  llie  lt.|i  .\ll  Hn-, 
i^j'il .  I'tirt^  01  fMir  Miii  11,1  ttfjt,:,t.iii  nln,  i.uii-  iniilft  M>  sifun 
/'.c^rnurv  ei.'l^^./i'i^i'.iacnf.,  I- p  nnaiienil;.  ri  liiine.nial  l.,  tlilii 

i'lii'ili.  ll    liH  lleaty  1.^  iiiii.ii'il,  ai.il  i-  iit-iii.ill\  ii.ii 'Xt,) 

tr.'lii  Itie  iii..iiieiil  III  llio  s;!it.alir.  el  tin-  t.eiit> .  a<-eeriltiiii  tn 
li.e  I'lc-iih-iit's  In-I  lie  1-ai.'-.  tn  rt  main  .«.i  iiiiiil  ilie  a  ipiei- 
li  111  n  riji'leil  In  n  |e,  I  nu  ili,  neair.  Tin-  nne  liall'iH  ili.. 
(t  p.iilinc.it  nr.N'iW  .Mevn-.i.  Willi  iH  e.ipiinl.  li-.i-niiics  it  ler- 
li;    IV  Ml    llie    r..lli-il  Htales;   llti    ali.le  nl"  (-iil)lnalin.i.  at  till' 

l'a-<i  ilel  Nnrie.  I  ilii  H-i  I   r  ll    wine,  al-u  he, lan.-;  a 

(la.-t  II' I  .e  ll  (Mrliii  hl.'l  rimliiii.ii.nnl  pii|i<il.it  ,1  Mil  iiie  l,.|t 
hank,  w  I.I  h  we  l.ik  ■,  hill  eiNii.iiia.ih-.l  Iriiiii  ilie  rlahl  lini.k 
ti-.-  .\t.'- I -all  aiilhtirili  H ;  III-  -aiiii- el  'I'aii.niilip  is.  llie  an 
rent   N'li.va  .-^  in.aii'I' r,   |\   vv    .-^l.    ..\iiilrrw.)  anil   vvhi.li 

I'lvei^  l.iah  (.llIl■^  'II  lilt-  ii.t-r  ll.  Ill  II-  111  anil  P.r  -ii iiin,. 

li.el  mil.  s  ilp.ainl  a'l  l.i.  hi  I  n.ink  .  1  vvi.ieli  e-  in  i||:-|iiivm  r 
n'lil  pn-se-t-liilltil  >I  -Vleo.  Tilt  ,-e.  In  aililititili  t  ,  'ihl  'J'.-vll-; 
I'|.-.'  ptrl-  til  I.nir  Hlal.-'.;  Ilie-i-  ltivvii>  ai.il  villn.'e-;  Iln-.. 
pt.-ipl"  anil  ti-iriiiir> ;  iiii-«i'  tlti.-kit  iiikI  lier.i:- ;  l/ii. «  ne  uj  t,>c 
Hc/i  fc.'.c  !■/" -'•''■x"  ..  I  o  I'lOti  unit  m /,.,  /.a,,  .m/  .  me  /inn 
,lnii'ir>'y'—  ill  n.l-  t'lir  I'le-l  leiil  i  a- ,  iiti  (I'tV.iiii  il>  imiilier 

piiipne,  leitl  pr Ill-*  In  ll-.  ami  ileelari  -  it  niii-  ilnlll  the 

ii"liilte  ri'jei-t-  II.  lit'  <-al|.^  ll  Teva- ;  anil  me  I'llllinif  iiH'ti.- 
e  ill- ,e  anil. -xnnoe  I  lluiiih  hit  tii'i-  ll  .\fW  .M.-viei.  I'lii 
hnaliua,  l.'t'atiiiili.anil  .Nn.  \  nH  mlii.tl  r,  [innv  'i-.iiii.iiijipi>;i 
O'l'l  Itie  eivihzeil  wiirlii  iii.iv  t|'iii'ily  tl.i- r- -aunt  .vieiiin  ly 
the  a|i)iliea:eill  III*  -"lilt'  eilitiii-  anil  Itirill'  ,  pill. el.  |li.- 
Iii''*lll.  lies  advisi'.l  t  n-  pe  .pit;  ti:  .\lh.  a-  ln<t  In  lake,  liiil  in 
v-  lake,  n  eeilaia  t  lt>  :  an  1  in  thai  In.  lim  tin;  viilli.'  wlie  li 

,l;vt'il  III.    ael  I' 1  the  I  hitrai  l.-r  nl  ^ptlllalil ml   riihlii  ly. 

\t'iil  It  ll' I  .|iiali>  pnli'lil  Willi  II  ,■  .\ii.l  will  th'.  UK,  p,.'.. 
'iv  ll  Pi  Ihi;  aiilii\aliti|i,  /  t'i'n'iil'f  fli"  iei:tirr  ol  In'O  thou. 
Bell.'  mild  of  li  iici:;/i/oi  'll  tl.i,»iini  ill,  1'  ll.'i  11  hoin  .  I'  /i  i-i-  tn-:'.- 
tict  ■'/  ff.ue,  >:tul  flliUil^f.iu,  i:ul  co:hlnci\f  f      Will   ll   li(i.ti- 

miiti;  the  M'i/,iirf,  iiiaile  hy  viiliii- a;  a  tn  nfy  w  ith  Ti..,.i-, 
when  71)  T,  lea/.icc— vvitliH-s  ihe  ileta-lrnll-t  p\(K'itlli.iiis  lo 
MiiT  and  m  l-sai'im  F6 — hnve  frciraKi/i  iinir  it  uitlaut  ieiu^i 
kilttd  t>r  tuktn  t*i  iliU  t*i$t  muii  / 


"  I  vva  h  my  linnila  til' all  alt  -iliplii  'i>  li.imi-iiiAfr  t^f  Jl/r.ri- 
e.ni  He  iiW  r,  % 'e'tinf /,.  r  .ai.iin.ltfii.  iii  .Vme  M.rrt,  I'Si 
Alt  i/n,e,  Cljil'tii.l  ,  titltf  7*.  inii'/j..i«.  Til"  lil'ilty,  IN  VM.  IIUT 
RKI.ATK4  Til  rut  Htll'ifntHr  tiF  ilti  Uhi  IJkan.ik.  In  Al  vi  r 
111;  t  NlttR  vl.l.»:I.Kli  11'  mttiK  UN  .\l>:Metl.  It  II*  Till:  MKUI  H» 
IIP  r .VII   I'lltll  MAN II  VIII.KHiir  III.K   I'KKHtTnilV.  Wlltinill  I  vvillll 

nrevpl'i mil  III  vv  tin  he  .  .iiiil  h}  vii  III  -  nl  a  lr<  n'y  vvilii  Texa- 

lii  wliiili  -h    ptrl)      iltir!<-er  lary  nl'Hla'i  -.la  hi- let 

I -r  In  Ihe  r  illi-il  .-"alt's  riiarijiv  in  .Mevie  i.  niitl  sev  'ti  il.iv- 
nfliT  III  '  lieatv  w.is  sikhiiiI,  iiint  alter  Hit'  .Mevie.ni  .MIiiIuPt 
hail  w  llMilriiwii  Irtilii  iillr  seal  nl' (hivi  riiiiti'lil,  slinw's  lull 
w.  ll  that  .'ir  II-./1  loief.'.u*  ol'  Tlir  KNOHMITV  nf  tills  tn  r 
liviiRl  kiit-vv  II  vv.i.uiir ;  niiil  prtillirt'it  viiliiiil-er  aiMih.iiit's 
III  iiv.-rt  the  etili-eipieiii  t-s  vvlneli  he  knew  he  liitil  prti- 
vnkeil," 

.\n  man  lin.s  brrii  more  aiixinitfi  nr  iiiilcfiili;;ab!i 
In  Iniiif;  Texas  inln  llif  I'liiled  Siales  iliaii  .\lr. 
Iteiitnii,  and  in  llir  flpeieli  already  i|iiiiieil  lie  said 
lie  wntild  Inse  nn  n[i|iiirliiiiily  In  ai-i'tiiii|ilisli  lliai 
tibjt-el,  vv  believer  il  iiiiild  be  ilnlie  "  ii  i//linl(  llir 
nil, If  mill  iiil'iiiiiiji'J'tiil  iiiijiiil  ii'iii',''  vvbieli  he  ili'm- 
ly  saw  wniihl  be  iiieiirreil  liy  a  Irealy  i-laimiii^  llie 
lUn  (..< ramie  as  iln-  bniiiidnry. 

Anil  imvv,  wliiit  lias  in'i-nrri'tl  in  tin-  la.it  twn 
yi';irs  In  weaken  tlieri'^lit.s  iil'tMi  xn-n,  nr  slit  iii;llii-ii 
the  I'l.iiins  nt'  'i'exas,  on  eillier  bank  nl'  the  Km 
Griiiide.'  Have  llie  Mexieiii  iiilialniaiils  nn  llnii 
rivor  i;ivim  in  ilipir  adbesioii  in  Texas.'  .\ni  a 
ilian  of  lliein  lliiil  ever  I  lieard  nl".  Have  Texan 
st-itlenienis  lulvaiit'ed  m  thai  direilinii  r  ,\ii.  Have 
Ti  Xaii  I'liri-es  been  stilt  tlieri;?  >i'ti.  'I'lip  .Mier 
cX|H-diliiiii  vns  llio  last.  Alt  xieaii  law,  and  nn 
titlii  r,  has  ever  been  enrnreed  lliere,  iiinl  up  In  iIiih 
verv  year  ntir  own  jH-njiIe  linvc  been  |iayiii:;  ilnlies 
tn  Nlexii'iin  enstoiii-liniises  al  l^llll^  isnliel,  tSniiia 
l''i',Taiis,  iriml  titlier  |ilaees  a  t'liiiMileiable  ilislaiii-t 
tins  side  llie  UmClraiiile.  I  siibiml  wliellier  the 
war  iinw  wii^'iiii:  deserves  any  belter  name  llian 
war  wliieli  nnu'lit  have  neenrred  Iwn  years  iii;o  lo 
ciirin-i-e  tlic  Tyler  Iri-aly,  bad  it  bei  ll  laliliiil  by 
llie  .Senaie.  I  do  iitil  .-ay  it  is  "  i|||-|,|||,,i|„  'i  | 
wish  lo  iisc  no  nlTensivc  Innmunje,  but  1  "really 
fear  tlinl  the  civilized  world  will,  in  the  lan^iiai^c 
nf  the  disiinuiiislied  Missniiri  Seiiatnr,  stiniiji  it 
willi  "  yoiiie  inlioHn  tiiul  lerrihlt'  f/ii//ir/.'' 

In  a  war  willi  Knu'hiiid  in  defeiiee  of  territory  lo 
wliii'b  we  liavi:  a  iiiausible  t'laini,  wt;  iniL;lit  have 
the  syiiijiatliy  al  leiisi  nf  llio  rc|inblit'aii  |inrlinii  nf 
i-nirn|ie;  we  nii^lil  have  the  Kyiiijialliy  of  irelamt; 
wr  mi!;lil  have  llie  synmalliy,  and  |ierliii|is  the  aid, 
nf  Frain-e,  simiilil  annllnr  revolniioii  nci-ur  lliere, 
niid  the  tlanies  nf  war  in^aiii  desnlale  Kiirnnc.  Ibil 
who  will  sv-iii|ialliize  Willi  ii.s  in  ibis  |iiiliiy  war 
iipnii  ,\Ioxii-ii,  wai;eil  upon  pieexis  wlinli  the 
world  kiiow.s  to  le  false — a  war  between  two  Uc- 
pnblies,  the  siroii!:er  ai:aiii.'<l  the  weaker.  Mon- 
ai't'liist  and  Liliei-absi  will  iiiiiio  in  dl'llollllcill^'  ilie 
eiinduet  nf  inir  tiovernmi  nt  aseowarilly  and  rapa- 
t  Ions,  iiiially  niiwirihy  nf  the  pn-iimn  we  linlil  as 
Ill-all  of  llie  lamily  nf  ite[inliln-iin  natnnis  mi  tins 
eniitiiient.  We  shall  In iii^  iliserrilit  on  ihe  very 
Itaiiie  of  Ke[)nljlii.,  and  ilishonnr  lo  tin;  eanse  nf 
hiiinan  libi  riy.  'I'lny  wili  eliinee  iiswiib  sliritik- 
iin.r  frmii  a  i-miiefii  with  a  I'nwer  alili;  to  intt;l  lis-, 
Willi  exneiidiii'.i  only  valiant  wnrtls  iipnii  the  lliil- 
ish  lion,  while  we  ]niiilenily  reserve  our  blows  fur 
the  half  plm'.ked,  starved,  and  puny  .Mexican 
each',  1  desire  to  wash  my  lianils  nf  all  re-pnnsi- 
billlv  for  a  eniii'se  of  M.-tinii  whit  h  I  re'.'.ird  lis  ^o 
di.serediiable  to  us,  and  s.)  iiipii  nnis  lo  Mi-xien. 

I  see  thai  the  oi';zan  nf  the  linveriiineiit,  in  |  ;il- 
liiuion  nt'niir  aui^ri'ssinii  iipmi  Alexieo,  is  detin.iii  ■ 
1-111'.^  the  .Mexit-'in  peiiple,  and  reprtseiitin;;  lliiiii.ia 
ilisiinbers  nf  iho  peaee  of  naimiis,  as  beiiii-  eii- 
i;at:i'd  in  alinost  perpetual  revnliiiiiin,  .iitil  nn  :  In 
i^nvirn  themselves.  Kni^sia,  Austria,  aiivl  l*rnssiu 
niiide  the  same  ahe!;ftiiniis  aj^aiiisl  the  ^tlle^  when 
they  ilivitled  the  Pnlish  einpiro  betwet  ii  ihein,  'J'he 
Urili.-^h  presses  make  the  same  t-hari^es  ai,Miiist  ihe 
I'riiiees  of  Jnilia  win  n  they  seek  a  preiext  lo  lake 
them  litiiii  ilieir  ihroiii  s.  ^jin-h  prettxts  have  nl- 
way.s  been  fnimil  t'nr  unjust  aij-L^rissinii,  but  I  prn- 
tesi  nixainsi  ftillnvviii'j-  Kiieli  examples.     The  terri- 

toriiil  lii^hls  of  Mexieo  do  imt  de| d   ujmn  the 

ininiiier  in  which  sin:  mami^'is  her  dmnesiie  nf 
fans. 

Sir,  i  am  niioof  ihnsc  who  opposed  llio  nnnex.a- 
tion  of 'I'exas.  One  nf  the  ri  asniis  1  i,'avt:  fur  il 
was  iliat  -Mexiiai  wnnid  have  the  riiiiii  lo  consiiler 
il  an  ael  of  war  iiL'ainst  her,  as  it  would  t--iil  her  oil' 
from  nil  eliiiiii-o  of  reiineini:  a  revolled  prnviiice. 
I  liareil  war  wmihl  fnllow,  especially  if  we  shnuld 
elaini  the  same  bniinilarv  thai  Texas  lied  done.  In 
this  npiniiin.  I  ajreeil  with  many  mnrh  wiser  men; 
uinoiii;  w  hum  were  Mr.  Clay  and  .Mr.  Van  Uuicii; 


iiiiil  I  iitniee  that  a  dislini;iiislieil  Seiinlor  from 
'IVxnn  mill  lakeii  ihe  ninie  view  of  ihe  ninin-r,  niid 
iiiiinlaint  that  'l'exa»  lieintr  m  war  with  Mrxi"o, 
wo  ailnpied  Ihe  war  by  ainiexnlion.  Hiil  the  act 
of  annexai  III  passed,' lliniiijli,  a.s  I  believe,  in  n 
fiiriii  wholly  iiii'-oiiNiiiniinnal.  Texai  waK,  how- 
over,  adinillod.  (Iiir  laws  hit  exlenileil  over  il;  iM 
Kepreseiiiaiives  and  Senalnrs  are  elecieil,  and  we 
niiisi  make  the  lies'  nf  ii.  The  fnnple  nii;,'lil  final 
ly  have  slept  over  the  wroii'.^s  ih.il  aceiimpaini'd  il, 
had  the  I'resident  iiiaiia'.;eil  prinlt  inly  and  pre.Nerv 
eil  the  peace  nf  llie  coiiiitiy.  There  wan  no  dilli- 
I  u!iy  in  doiii','  this,  1  lad  he  kept  oiir  Irnnpii  vvilh- 
iii  the  prnper  liiinls  of  'I'exiiH.  there  would  have 
been  no  wiir.     Thoinjli,  al  Corpii.t  Chrisii,  ihey 

were  a  lillle  bevond  Ihe  Inn:  I is  of  'I'l-xas,  anil 

III  ihe  iiliniisl  verije  to  which  Texan  aiiihorily  had 
ever,  al  any  time  been  earned,  as  mlniiili  d  by  the 
linn.  A.  J.  Diineli^iiii,  our  ('liiir-/e  d'.Ml'airi",  in 
Texan,  in  Ins  letti  r  intii  iienil  Tavhir,  ol  June  QH, 
IS.|,'>,  yet  oven  ihei-e  ihoy  wonlil  nevi  r  have  been 
all.icked  by  the  .Mexicans,  Ihii  ihe  I'residenl  evi- 
deiiily  desl:;iied  In  briiiL;  on  a  wiir.  His  sniiilier-i 
frieinlM  vvniild  nnt  let  him  have  nne  ftir  Ore','nir,  so 
he  wiihdrow  attenlinii  fmiii  lliai  ipmrler  by  pro- 
viikini;  a  war  with  Mexien;  tirderni),'  the  irnnps 
forward  frnni  nne  posiiinn  In  annther;  nod  did  not 
sin-cei  d  III  Ills  oliject  imiil  ho  plaiiieil  llieiii  in  the 
ei-iiire  nf  the  iloparlini  .il  nf  'I'ainaiilipas,  in  a  Mex- 
ican eotloii  field,  with  llioir  ;;iiiis  planted  in  the 
facpnf  the  tiltl  .Mexican  town  of  .Matainorns,  and 
ill  the  midst  of  a  piipiilalion  as  loyal  lo  .Mexico  as 
any  part  nf  that  Kepiiblic;  a  poiiiilaiion  wlin-li  had 
never  liieii  disiiirln  d  by  a  Texan  stilili(-r  or  Texan 
civil  nllicer.  Mveii  iliis  iliil  nnt  liriiii;  on  hoslililies 
iiiiiil  ihe  Km  tiraiide  was  bhickiidi'd  by  oiir  naval 
fni'ce,  mid  the  .siippli,  s  of  the  Mexican  soldiery  and 
people  w-ere  i  nl  oil',  'I'lieii  il  was  that  ihe  .Niexi 
cans  reiiM'led  by  allenipiiiii;  lo  t:ipiiiie  or  cut  tviV 
General  'I'aylor's  supplies  finni  I'oinl  I.sabel,  and 
here  was  the  lirst  Imsiile  eollishin.  It  was  ahn- 
Keiheron  Mexican  soil,  nn.l  in  a  cniinlry  ilin  kly 
inhabited  by  a  .Mexii-aii  population.  Ami  yel  tli.i 
I'residonl  lells  us  leiir  /km  nimmvnciil  hij  llie  ucI  vJ 
*^Itxiru;  that  niir  siiil  is  invaili  d,  tVe,  How  Iriio 
tins  IS  may  be  sioii  by  the  fnllnw  m:;  exiracl  of  n 
leiit-r  fiiiiii  an  otliccr  in  onr  army  to  the  Philadel- 
phia Spirit  of  the  'I'inies,  dated 

"I'aMIi  tilTilSITK  .'VlATvMlinns.  ^ijrril  19, 184(1, 

"Our  iiiliialinii  hire  is  an  etlr; Iliciry  nne.    Rizlit  in 

the  tficuni'A  f:t)ufi/ri/,  ndiititlit  on  i(/,i,iii :  li'iri'i'  cjrii  miii  collon 
fields,  the  peojile  of  tin-  ijit  leni-in^  Ifutrfiniiieg,  nint  vvii,  Willi 
n  ^niall  hiiailfiil  iif  ne-n,  iiiait'lnnit  vvilli  enlnis  fliiiig  iint) 
ilriims  1) 'alini!,  rLilii  muter  ihe  very  liiiii-  nt  nn,' et  ih  ir 
priliciplll  illli's,  ihsiil  iviiiii  Ihe  ,t;n  -[iiii'jh'il  hanlier  as  t>  i  i 
lietiiliiei-  unth'rHit  n  very  iin-c,  llliil  thet  wilh  an  aiitiv  tvvic.- 
lairslze,  I'/  leu/,  mi  i|iiii  Ilv  ilnwn,  anil  Ina  vc  nnt  ihu  h'.isl 
n',-i.t;.iice,  mil  the  lir-t  eil'nrt  in  ilrivi-  the  iiivniltrti  nit. 
Tlli-re  is  111,  p.irall  I  l-i  It." 

[lerr  the  Mexicans  are  arlnilly  taunted  with 
llii'ir  fiirbrariinte,  ami  by  implic;Liioii  act  used  of 
beiin;  inn  cowarilly  lo  liefeml  Ihen-  nwii  Inarili- 
Btones  a:;aiiist  an  invadi  r.  And  here  1  have  a  let 
ler  fi'iim  nnolher  olflcev  publish.ed  in  the  Albany 
Atlas,  a  I)i-;nnn-alii-  paper,  ami  d.iteil  like  the  first 
al  the  camp  befne  Malaniiii'os,     The  writer  says: 

"  U'e-l  nl'lhc  N'ln  It'.  Ilie  p.'iiple  urn  nil  Spaihanls.     The 

iiifrt   is  iiiitiihai'ihilil  ■  evi-i-iiiin:;  lite  villcv  tii'  ihe   Km 

(.'raiiih',  anil  lleil  cniil  liii-  a  pn  ifv  it-n-..  piipiilaijoii,  ami  in 
».!  ji.irl  0/ t.if  f  iini/rii  .nf //ic  /  i-.;./c  iiiarc  fc,i,,/l  ti  the  M'.ri 
ci  n  Ooi-eriimrnl.  Tlif -ml  na  liie  riv.T  is  nt  tfrenl  rcrtilny, 
mill,  tlioiiih  iiiip  rit'i-llv  cnlln.iii'.l.  pmiliicts  cnasiitera'ii.' 
enrn,  enlinii,  ii:i.j  sii-iar.  Hit  Iln-  riv.  r  an-  st-vi'iill  tine 
tnteiis,  siiiiie  en  niii'  Mile,  sniiie  nil  l!ie  nllicr.  M.IIiini 
rn-  has  tl.dOll  iiilnihiianls,  ({eiiinsn  l..'illll,  riiiiiarii.i  :MlilO, 
.Miir  .Vlia;!,  Ihn  ro'ni  ;i..'.i|a,  l.trttln  l..».).  IVmiIius  .-,,0n», 
San  r-'niamln  I.'i  nifl;  nail  when  yini  u-  t  liiiihtT  up  tiiwaiil.i 
Sai.la  F|V.  Ihcrc  I,  aanlhcr  p  ipiilai.'tlcninilr,-.  Tiicic yi'oy'.i 
lire  ''It  .S/i.  tii.T,^.  liwi  ''re  'i-IU'itrit  l,)i  it  fee'iti^  of  tiiin-rr...  / 
fi-.^ti'iii,  f '.'■.  r/,  llir  t'„  ti'il  Sl'tii;  anil  -iiici'  niir  arriv.il 
lieaily  all  i.tlhem  liiiv..  tel'l  I'n-  si.lc  nt  ihe  riv.'r  llllil  iroiie 
nvi  r.  h'.iviim  Ih.'ir  hull-  -  ami  niiicli  valinilih-  prnpiTlv,  lie 
vvilhl  in.hn.' I  v.iv  aMiian 'e  I'min  t;  in  r:il  Tivlnr  tiial  nil 
tlnir  rilt'il'  anil  prniii'ilv  wniihl  he  rt-pi'ili  il  hy  niir  Gnvern 
meat.  Tiii'ytjii'irn'l  aiiiiiii.itiieiiiselvi's,  Iml  iiu'uiist  tijorci-n 
/"ac  the;/  ..re  inii/i-i/." 

Yel  these  are  the  people  our  army  is  ."iinl  to  pro- 
tif.l  I'l-nui  .Wc.i-iinii  iiii-rtsieii.  Km-  what  else  was 
the  ar.ny  .sent  ihi  re: 

And  IIIIW,  vvhat  is  to  be  the  end  rif  this  war,  ho 
madly  ami  vvainunly  bi'U'nn  by  the  I'resideiit  willi- 
onl  asking'  for  a  di-t-laralion  of  war  belorehand  by 
('onL,'re.ss,  the  bmly  in  whom  is  vesieil  the  power 
of  dcclariii'j;  war  bv  the  <.'onstiintioii  ?  We  are 
lold  ll  IS  to  In-  a  "sh.irt  war."  d'nil  ^'ranl  I  The 
slinrter  the  betier.  It  lia.s  been  ton  Inni;  already. 
There  will  be  a  fearful  accountnbilitv  for  the  blood 


already  shed.  Ibii  hnw 
war.*  One  party  may 
two  In  eiiil  il.  The  cry 
we  imist  "  revel  in  ihe  h 
If  this  in  anyilimi;  inni 
niaiice,  i  apprehend  llie 
Nlinrl  one,  nor  a  very  pro 
will  be  .,lrippi-d  of  llii  il 
le','iniis  An|;lo-Saxnii  ro 
the  iniiies  are  nf  ennrse 

firnperly,  anil  are  w'tirlt 
vnH  prnlil  tlinn  the  iroi 
ennniry.  Hmne  nf  ilie  t 
by  Iiii;;lish  iiiiiiiiii.'eiiinp; 
who  iiiiauine  they  nIiiiII 
Mexien,  and  tan  fill  ll 
niul  «ilvt-r  by  irtiini;  llieri 
oil,  litil  Hiippose  we  t-oi 
Can  wo  Illlike  it  a  ciilnii 
«-rn  il  by  a  th  piny  like  a 
ini;  a  lai:,'e  Irilnile  hnine 
UiiIi'sN  we  chini^e  the  vv 
rrmneiit  we  must  nnne: 
our  Union,  and  assume  i 
the  res. lit  nf  which  vvnii 
Alexieo  had  coinpieied 
far  mure  by  ihe  n|ieraiin 
Boveii  or  eii;lil  niillimis 
represented  in  this  Hoi.s 
In  the  eohesive  power 
Uiiinii,  tllou^ll  liny  will 
dilioii  tn  the  niilea::e  bill 
Californias  and  ihi;  iiorl 
of  Mexico,  and  hold  it, 
do  not  want  it  iioie,  \i 
Hire.'  Are  we  acliiic;  fni 
pojiii'alioii  and  emiiiratii 
It  is  wanted,  by  llie  s.ii 
now  rapidly  spreading  o 
Gnvcriiment,  it  seems  tn 
graspinn:,  selfish,  and  rec 
er  fiirecast.and  w-ithonl  i 
rharacter  and  noble  aims 
people  and  (.'ivc  diirniiy  i 
ret;ard,  ton.  In  the  spreai 
We  know  thai  already  i 
iilable  party,  cninpiised 
tired  ol  perpeliial  revnlii 
tlnir  Ooverniiient,  are  il 
towards  n  liinited  inniii< 
or  llic'land.  Will 
Btrenijilien  thai  party  an 
ft  I'lnropoaii  Prince  nn 
Instead  of  briii!;in'_'  ihe 
viir  in  I-'.nr.ipe  by  the  fn 
(shall  we  nnt  brim; 
and  brill'.;  monarchy  lot 
as  it  is  already  on  the 
disaster  to  follow  from 
laurels  to  be  won,  no  bi 
verv  victories  may  be 
nnif  in  my  npininn  the 
the  better  for  the  cam 
of  the  ctiiinlry,  and  tin 


SPEECH  OP  : 

or  .\i 

I.x'  THE  Hois: 

Mnj  ■ 
In  fomniiltee  of  the  \ 
Union,  on  the  Civil 
anon  Kill,  in  reply 
Cbo/II'II,  nf  Telin 
the  Tt;nilt.'ssee  rive 

Mr.  HOUSTON  ad 
follows: 

Mr.  CiiAinMvN:  I   ci 
idea  of  triinbliil:,'  tin:  e 
inion   this  iinestinii. 
bill  shnnid  pro!.'ress  as 
the  ordeal  of  leiislatioii 
iinpnrlant  nieasnris  ye 
ntinii.      III  that  wish, 
extent,    be    dis;ippoillli 
Tenmssee  [.Mr.  Cisozi 
declared  by  him,  niad< 
a  preineililaleil  attack 
the  members  of  this  bo 
diacuaaioii    irrelevant  i 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THF.  CONCJRF-SSIONAL  GLOBE. 


687 


Qfrril  Ciiso Ibt  Srm.  Diplomatic  Aiiiiroprinlion  Hill — Mr.  U.  S.  Iloiulon. 


Ho.  or  Hr.pi. 


alrr.iily  xlird.  Iliil  Imw  in  it  In  Im  niml0  n  iliort 
wni*  Olio  |inriy  iimy  lir^-iii  a  win,  Inn  It  (iik<"* 
two  to  I'liil  ii.  Till"  iry  nl'  iim  iidv  h'iiK  n  Ih,  iIimI 
wr  iiinst  *' rixrl  ill  the  IimUh  oriln-  Mfiitir/uniiiN." 
\i  lliiH  in  Miiyiliiiii;  tiioi'f  liiiili  llic  |Mit'try  nl'  rc- 
nwiiii'i',  I  ii|i|M'('lniiil  tlir  wiir  will  ii'il  III'  a  very 
«liiirt  mil',  iiiir  II  vi'ry  iiiiiriliilili'  "in'.  'I'lii'  rlmri:lii" 
will  111'  «iri|i|ii'il  III'  ihiir  mIkt  lirl'mi'  iiny  Mnrri- 
l(",'iiMi«  Aii;;|ii-SiixiMi  ruliliir  run  iiiirli  lliiiii,  anil 
llir  niini'n  lur  III' ciiiii'sc  nilnr  |iiililii'.  nr  |iii\ali' 
|iiii|irrly.  nnii  air  winkril  Willi  ;;iria  laliur  anil 
IcHH  iiriilit  lliiiii  llir  ii'iiii  mill  riiiil  inint'x  iif  iIiIm 
Cdiiiiirv.  Siiini'  111'  lliu  niliisl  nl'  lln'iii  ari.' (iwncil 
liv  lCiii,'lisli  iiiiiini!;i'niii|i,inirM.  Tlinci' .iiIvciiIihith 
Willi  iniiiuiiii'  lliiy  nIiiiII  liml  llii'  nal  I'l  iJnrailn  in 
Mi'Xirii,  ami  rail  lill  llii'ir  kimiiMaoKs  willi  {;nlil 
niul  mUir  liy  umjih;  ilnri',  will  In-  .siully  ilisii|i|Miinl- 
I'll.  liiil  »ii'|i|inM!  wc  riiiniiii'r  .\li\iin,  wlial  llieii  .' 
Can  wi'  iihiImi  it  a  rnlnny  m'  n  |iriiviia'r,  ami  ;;m- 
cni  it  liv  a  ili|iiiiy  likr  a  IIhiikiii  iirncrinmil,  laiii^'- 
iiilia  lai:.'e  liilnvlo  liniiic  In  \Va^liiii;;liin_niiiinally  ■ 
Uiili'NN  wc  cliiiiim^  tlie  wlinlr  slriii'lnii;  ofiiiir  Unv- 
rniiiiint  we  niiist  aiinix  tlir  Mi-siran  Slalin  to 
our  Unnin,  ami  iisNinm-  llii'  Mrxic.ni  naiiniuil  debt, 
till'  ITS. lit  nf  wliiili  wiiiild  III'  aliiint  llie  Minii'  as  il' 
lAli'Xii'i)  liad  cnni|iiiM('il  ns.  Ali  xiii)  win. Id  fji'i" 
far  inni'c  liy  lln^  n|H'i'iiiinii  lliiin  wi:  HJnuild.  llir 
drvni  or  liu'lii  niilliiin.'<  of  |iu)inlalinii  winild  In' 
rr|ircsonlril  in  lliis  [Iounc,  and  inlylil  mil  add  miii'.li 
to  tlir  rnlipsivr  (inwrr  or  llie  liai'iiimiy  nl'  ilic 
ITninii,  lli(in;;li  liny  winilil  niaka  I'liiiMiilii'alrle  ail- 
dilinii  ID  llie  inilinu'ii  I'ill.  I'nt  W'r  i-liall  nci/.p  tlic 
Calirnrnias  and  llii:  nnrllirni  nn|M'n|ili'il  trrrilory 
n(  Mi'xii'o,  and  luild  it.  I'm'  H'lial  jiiir|insi'.'  W'v 
iln  not  want  it  iioir.  Are  wo  |irinidiii!;  fur  llic  fu- 
Iiiri'-  All' «!' ai'iiiic;  I'm-  prisierily.'  'I'liu  lawH  of 
|)ii|>il'alioii  and  I'lnimaiiiin  will  lill  it  up  as  .snmi  a.s 
II  is  waiilrd,  liy  lliu  sanin  rati'  nf  imn  w  lin  am 
now  in|iiilly  sprcidinj,'  nvcr  Nnrlli  Aniurira.  Our 
Oovcrninrnl,  it  sprins  In  mi",  in  ailiiii;  in  an  rai;er, 
gra«|iiii<r,  si'lli.'<li,  and  rerldi'.'.s  .s|iiril,  willnnit  |irii|i- 
er  tiirci'ii.sl,  and  willioiit  an  a|i|irpi'ialinii  ol'tlie  liijjli 
rlinnn'ii-r  and  noliliMiims  wliii'li  lirfit  tin}  AimriiMiii 
peopli;  and  ^i\c  dii;iiity  to  lininan  natnri';  witlmut 
i'ri_;iii'il,  Inn,  In  lliii  M|nrad  of  i'0|nililiraii  |irinri]ilrM.  | 
A\'i'  know  that  aliiady  in  Mcxion  llici'i'  is  n  I'min- 
idalile  narly,  i'inii|insiMl  of  nirii  of  slamlin:^,  wiio, 
tired  111  pprpi'liial  iTMiliitimi  and  the  instability  of 
thiir  Govcriiini'iit,  arc  ilirii'liiiir  |iiililii:  .si;iiliiiii,'iit 
towards  n  liiniird  innnarchy,  liki'  lliat  of  Kraia'c  I 
01'  r.n':Iand.  Will  our  war  iipmi  Alrxico  not 
Btrcnjiilirn  that  parly  and  inilnco  Mi'xii'n  to  ncrept  . 
a  I'^nropraii  I'rim'p  nniirr  I'lnropcaii  proiri'lioii .' 
Insicad  of  liriiiliiii'.:  tho  ri'piililii'aii  sv.slcin  into  fa- 
vor in  r.iii'.ipi'  hy  ihi'  foil  I'  of  our  hrinlii  rxainpli', 
Khali  wij  not  lirnii;  r('|.iil)liranisni  into  di.-ii'cpiitc 
and  liriii'4  inoimrrlty  to  mir  vrry  dooi'Moii  ihi'South, 
a..4  il  is  alicadv  nil  tlin  ?mm'|Ii.'  1  hiu  nnihiin^  but 
di.'iiisier  to  follow  from  thin  war  wiili  Mixiio,  no 
lanrids  to  bo  won,  no  benrliis  (o  br  yaint'd.  Our 
vi'rv  vit'l'irio.^  may  bo  woi'mo  for  lis  lliaii  ilcfcalsj 
nnif  ill  my  npiiiinn  llio  sonni  r  we  sioji  the  war 
the  bciicr  for  tli«  raiiso  of  linmanily,  llio  interest 
ot'  the  country,  and  the  pcaee  of  the  world. 


SPEECH  OF  AFR.  HOUSTON, 

or   AI..\I).\M.\, 

\s  THE  IIoii!:  nr  Hni'iiKsKNTA'riviis, 

.l/i!/-,'(l,  l.-Kj. 

In  Pnmniilter  of  the  Whole   on    the  slate  of  the 

I'liion,  on  the  t.'ivil  and   Ihploinaiii' Ap)»ropi'i- 

aiion    Hill,    in    reply    lo    the    remarks   of   iSlr. 

Crozu'.ii,  t)f  Teinies'iee,  on  the  improvemeul  of 

the  'l'i!iiin.'ss(ie  river. 

Mr.  HOUSTON  addressed  the  Cominillee  as 
follows: 

Mr.  f'liAlUMVx:  1  errlainly  had  not  the  least 
idea  of  tniiiblin:,'  the  enniiniliec  wiih  any  remarks 
iiiinu  this  ipu'.-ilion.  It  was  my  ibsire  that  this 
bill  slionlil  pro!;i'ess  as  rapidly  as  possible  ilirouKli 
tln.'orde.il  of  legislation,  lliat  we  iniu'lil  pass  lo  oilier 
iinporlant  measures  yet  ri'inainim;fm'our  eonsider- 
nlioii.  In  thai  wisli,  it  seems,  I  ninsi,  to  some 
exient,  be  disapnoiiiied.  The  .'_'iiiileinan  from 
Tennessee  [Mr.  ('i;o7.ikk|  has,  for  a  purpose  not 
dcelai'ed  by  him,  made  w  liat  1  must  undirsiand  as 
a  preiiii'diiated  atlaek  upon  my  I'oiii'se  as  one  of 
the  members  of  iliis  body;  lias  inlrodueed  inio  this 
diacuiiaiun    iricle\ant  matter,  and    endeavored   to 


throw  a  firebrand,  by  imNniliiiK  nllirrHi  which  will 
nei'es,Harily  lead  lo  an  unfortunale  roiiNUmplioii  of 
lime,  wlnn,  ni  iin  event,  eaii  koihI  n  sail  tu  tin. 
I'oiintry  from  it. 

.Mr.  ('hairinan,  llinsn  out  of  this  Hall  will  in- 
quire into  the  nioliMH  of  that  honorable  ineinber; 
as  for  inyself,4  f'-'i'l  at  nn  loss  to  deiermnie,  and  I 
re'^iet  |o  say  that  it  was  for  a  pnrpone,  in  all  re- 
spiels,  nnworlliy  of  an  enli^hleneil  le^i.slalor — it 
win*  for  llie  sukhi  piii'pnse  i.t'  ereiiiiii:;  an  exeite- 
ineiit  and  warline  in  lerlaiii  (piarler.4,  w  liieli  iiii:;lil 
reNiilt  lo  ihe  bi'uetit  ot'  liini.seil'  and  frienilH,  And 
In  re  let  nie  lell  him,  he  is  welionie,  doulily  wi  I- 
eoiiie,  to  all  be  li.m  niadu  or  will  make  nut  of  Ins 
very  eNtiaordniaiy  roiirse.  1  iiivy  liim  iirl,  in 
ils  iiioHt  ample  I  iijoyiiMnl.  Iiiit  while  he  is  piin- 
iii'.;,  as  he  siippiLses,  popnlariiy  at  lioine,  wliieli,  1 
inn  sure,  must  vanish  as  houii  as  his  rourHe  is 
properly  uniterslnod,  let  me  ask  hini  what  he  has 
gaiiii  d  i'or  the  mi  iisiire  w  hieh  lie  has  thus  iaiyiri/i- 
trlij  and  HMM'iM/fM'eit-;-'''''' i"'" ''"'^ 'bbaler  Itoes 
he  value  the  imprnvi  nn  iit  of  llic  Teimessec  river.- 
or  is  it  .«(/■  vvhnli  indinid  his  aelioii  nn  tins  ueea- 
sioii .'  I'or  whom  or  for  wli.it  inirpose  did  liii  burst 
forlli  in  bis  "  ell'nk'i'iit  rays ofli^ lit.-"  TlielrienUs 
of  the  Tennessee  river  will  reipiirc  iiim  to  answer 
these  i|uesiions',  they  will  demand  In  kiinw  bow 
he  mieiided  In  aid  their  favonie  si'liemi  ;  ill  wlial 
way  Ina  eonrKC  eonld  have  beneliled  II.  They 
did  not  send  him  here  lo  ride  it  as  a  hobby  lo  iis 
injury  anil  destruelioii.  .\o,  sir.  'I'hey  liesiied 
for  ii  llic  faioralile  eonsiib  lalioii  and  aeliini  of 
(!im';ress,  and  will  imi  lie  utile  lo  ilisi  over  how  it 
could  have  been  oblaineil  on  the  bill  before  us. 

Till  re  is  no  provision  jn  this  bill  In  make  an 
nppropi'ialion  lo  llie  'reiiiiessee  river,  nor  li.is  any 
one  made  a  prnposilimi  of  the  kind  in  ie<;ai'd  to  it. 
Thin,  lei  me  au'ain  a>k  ioiw  eould  il  be  beinliled 
by  briii!.'inu'  it  nilo  ihis  liisen-sion.'  The  f,'eiillc- 
nian  ini'^lu  be  permilied  to  siin;  his  own  praise, 
hill  his  I'ourse  is  tieatly  wor.sc  than  that;  ho  dm  s 
not  eonfinc  ii  in  liinisi  It',  but  i.i  very  uiiiieces.sarily 
and  improperly  ercalinj:  preiuiliois  iii;ain»l  llie  nb- 
jei'l  for  wliieh  he  seems  lo  have  a  special  regard. 
Why  assault  his  Uemocriilie  eolleaunes?  \Vliy 
tnml  the  fjentleman  from  Keiiiucky,  (Mr.  l'ovi).-J 
Why  assail  my  cnurse?  Is  such  conduct  likely  lo 
'iiake  friends  nr  slrenmh  for  the  measure'  Can 
any  man  of  ordinary  diseermneiil  think  so.'  Then, 
why  do  it.'  .Now,  sir,  lei  us  i-ee  the  true  stale  of 
the  case.  Here  '.ve  are,  at  a  laic  perioil  ol"  the  sis- 
sioii,  hiboriii'j;  to  irel  lhroiij;h  the  public  business, 
and  ;:>>  liome;  exaininini;  and  passini;  upon  the 
civil  and  iliploin.uic  appropriation  bill;  when  the 
^'enlleman  [.Mr.  f.'iiozif.a]  rises,  wilhcait  laelexl  or 
provocation,  iinil  inalus  a  speech  upon  the  saijeci 
of  improviii'-  lb  'I'eiiiiessee  river — a  qiie.slion  to- 
tally foreimi  lo  I'le  one  uiiiler  eonsidciation — and 
in  liie  course  of  his  rciinirks,  taki  s  occasion  lo  as- 
siil  others  for  the  course  they  have  felt  it  their 
duly  lo  pursue  on  ainninr  bill  involvini;  a  dilVer- 
cnt'qni  siion;  and  I  now  s.iy,  it'  there  is  a  soli- 
lary  friend  of  that  river,  who  f.iils  lo  condemn,  tu 
rebuke  such  indiscrelion,  I  am  sure  it  has  a  right 
In  exclaim,  "  Sarc  iiir  fmni  mij  fiiiiuls,"  I  call 
apoii  iho.se  who  desire  such  an  approprialion  lo 
mark  his  course.  I  tell  tin  in  I'loni  my  place  here 
that  noiliin;,'  has  occurred  lliis  sission  so  well  cal- 
cnlaled  to  iiijiue  the  pi'ns|iecls  of  llial  river  us  lo  be 
Ihns,  wilboul  rhyme  or  ri  asoii,  mil  of  lime  and 
phu-e,  luL';;id  inio  this  dehalc;  and  llie  motive 
Willi  wliicli  il  wa.i  done  in.ikcs  it  worse.  .V  lUp- 
rescnlaiive  of  llic  people,  ;iii/iiii/iii,i;'  friendslii)i  for 
n  ineasinc,  but  who,  t'or  his  own  personal  pio'- 
poscs  and  self-aK^irandi/einenl,  is  wiiliiii;  lo  render 
11  ndioiis  to  the  House  and  dcs;roy  ns  pinspeclsof 
.success,  slioiild  and  will  he  classed  ainonust  those 
false  i'rieiids  of  whom  the  ;:enlleinaii  spoke. 

Mr.  (.'Iiairman,  I  am  soniewlial  aslonished  ot  the 
remarks  of  ilial  hoU'irable  ;;ciillcmaii  in  aiinlher  re- 
gard: be  lakes  me  to  task  for  ihe  manner  in  wliii  h  I 
discharge  my  diiiies  as  llic  represent. ilive  of  my  ibs- 
irici,  and  expresses  nn.riifi.  aiimi,  ve.<  sir,  morlifi- 
ealioii  1 1  thai  1  did  not  vote  for  the  Tennes.si  e  river 
approprialion.  I  do  not  propose  lo  repeal,  and  I 
may  not  even  allude  lo  all  of  iheolncious  remarks  of 
llie  L'entlcinan  from  Tennessee  in  reuani  lo  inysilf: 
I  will  not  say  they  were  i'li/ar/iiuii/,  1  am  not  in  the 
habit  of  iisi'im  liiir.sli  or  iiiMillin?  laii^'nai;e  on  this 
linor.  He  says  I  debate  al'ier  the  "  .'ioci'iibc"  man- 
ner. I  wish  1  could  iciurii  the  coinplimem;  he  must 
excuse  me,  however.     1  may  have  cried  in  nskiuj; 


I  qiimlinnii  orirentlrnien  while  ilebalinir  llir  river  anil 
harbor  bill.  I  rcrlninlv  'rrrij  an  far  an  ihr  t'cnlli- 
iiiMii  was  cnncerneil;  for  I  Hiion  fniind,  to  my  iinton- 
inlimenl,  lie  knew  iiolhini;,  nr  but  lililc,  of  ll.n 
nniller  abniil  which  he  w  an  endeavoriii:;  lo  ilebnir. 
I  l.ibnrrd  loobiani  the  llonr  In  nive  niv  OM  n  viewB 
at  Ii'ii',mIi,  as  well  as  tn  pieNeiil  llie  mctii  nn  ihey 
exi-t  in  reliuinii  lo  the  't'cnnrBsce  river.  I  faileil 
in  iiiv  etforis,  and  llie  only  ifinde  I  had  lel'i  mc,  by 
winch  I  could  i.'t'l  the  fin  '  i  befoie  the  llniise,  vtas 
to  make  inqiiirieN — in  ask  ipieHltons:  in  thai  v\'nv  I 
hoped  lo  uecoinpliHh  inv  pniposr,  HeHprakmif 
niv  civiii'.'  forili  rays  ol  li<;lii,  I  am  Kind, fir,  that 
even  by  askiin;  qiicHlinuN  I  wan  able  tn  civu  ihi* 
Keiillcai.in  liijit;  I  linne  it  will  not  always  "  shine 
in  ilarkiics"."  1  could  have  wislied  Ins  own  layH 
had  been  Nlrnn'.;er  and  inoro  vivid;  llipy  Wdre, 
however,  very  jinle  ami  ficklij. 

That  lionorablc  member  was  I'lvnreil  willi  thl) 
llnor — had,  or  slioiilil  Inivn  had,  I  el'orr  him  llin  rn- 
porls  iif  ihe  various  able  officers  nf  llic  On'  erninriit 
exhibiiin:;  ihe  fails — and  I  had  supposed  would 
liavccxplaiiied  llie  improvemeul  around  the  Mnsclc 
Slinnis,  lis  picseiii  eondiiion,  the  ammiiil  of  work 
done,  and  ihe  cost  of  ii,  ns  well  n»  ilie  amniint  to 
be  dnnc  and  the  estiinatc  nf  iis  cnsi;  alsn  the  im- 
porlanrc,  boili  in  a  commercial  and  military  point 
of  view.  111  lennivnii;  those  obsiruciiniiH.  liiil,  air, 
I  never  wilnesseil  in  all  my  life  such  a  riilhli'sn  anil 
colilblooiled  biilc'liery  ol'a  sniiieci;  it  was  ri'iie/ niiit 
tii/iioinfii.      Insiciiii  of  readmit  llii*  reports  In  which 

I  have  referred,  lie  failed  lo  i;ivc  'be  infnrmaiion 
which  llcy  ntVoided,  and  which  any  oiher  memhrr 
of  this  Mouse /iiif /liiiivi//'  would  have  considcrrd 
innst  impurliiit  for  llie  proper  nndcralandin; '•'' 
the  snbjcil:  hence  my  askiiii:  qneslions.  I  win.ieil 
the  lloii.vc  and  Ihc  coiiiilry  tn  learn  the  line  stale 
and  comliiion  of  the  improvement  and  llic  nlmiriic- 
lions,  as  well  as  ihc  yieai  impnrianco  uf  llic  stream, 
which  ihe  'ienlleniaii  t'ailed  In  ;:ive. 

I  was  then,  and  am  nnw,  (unless  llic  disiiuiruish- 
cd  member  t'rom  'I'l  imessee  has  supriscded  ine,) 
the  represenialivc  of  the  district  in  which  the  work 
has  bteii  dnnc.  The  obsiruetions,  or  iicarlv  all  of 
them,  are  ill  my  ilislrici.  Some  of  my  consiiiuciiis 
desire  an  approprialion  lo  remnvc  llieni.  I  could 
not  vole  for  such  appi'opruilinii;  yel  I  felt  bnnnil, 
ns  an  honorable  man  and  n  fiiihful  represenialivc, 
to  ^ive  irnly  the  fiels,  as  far  as  I  niis;ht  kiiinv  iheiii, 
in  ii'ijard  lo  the  work.  I  wiadil  have  done,  o  with 
pleasure,  could  I  have  oblained  the  tlooi-  win  •)  the 
proper  bill  was  iiniler  ennsideralion:  il  would  iif- 
fin-il  mc  pleasure  to  do  .so  now,  if  il  were  proper  to 
tlo  It  iipmi  this  bill,  I  will  iioi,  however,  press  it 
inijirfjiei'lii  upon  llie  notice  of  Ibis  eonmiiliee,  out 
of  place  and  sea.soii,  as  Ihe  iremleman  has  ilmic.  t 
will  conlent  myself  for  llie  present  by  Siiyni^,  lliiu 
if  the  rivers  cmnained  In  the  river  Miid  harbor  bill 
are  nalional  or  eonsliluiional,  so  is  llie  Tennessee. 

II  rims  Ihrviigh  Stales  and  hdireeii  Stiitrs;  is  naviira- 
ble,  with  Ihc  cxce|ilion  of  ihesc  obstruclions,  foi' 
some  ei;;lil  hutalred  miles,  nr  neurit;  washes  in  its 
ci>iirse  seven  of  the  leadiii'i  ai-i iciilliir.il  and  plaiil- 
iii','  Stales;  is  the  direct  link  of  eminexion  belwccn 
the  siiiilierii  Allanlic  ciiiesand  .Stales  and  llic  ei  Iif  s 
and  Siali  sof  ihe  t;i'eat  Wesi  and  >iorlliwesi,as  wed 
as  the  Gnif  of  Mexico.     I'pon  ii,  miibona  o.'  d   1- 

'  lais'  worlh  of  produce  nnil  merchandise  are  aniiu- 
'  ally  Iranspnrieil.     Thus,  in  a  eommcr.'lal  poim  erf 
V:i  \v,  it  is  of  vasl  iin[iortance  to  nuiny  of  the  >>iaies; 
besides,  as  is  well   known,  ils  commercial  import- 
ance  wciulil   be  yreaily  iiicreaseil   by  elearin^  out 
;  those  obsiructioMs,     Ilecaiise  ofiheni,  inncli  of  ih« 
,  transporialion  is  forced  inio  oihcr  clinimels,aiid  the 
I  iradc'whicli  Iciitim.itcly  beloiii;s  to  il  is  forced  to 
o'ber  poinis.     Xor  is  ns   iinporiaiiee  diininisheit 
when  viewed  in  a  mililary  point  of  v  lew.    I'emove 
the  obsiruclions  to  ils  iiaviialion,  and  you  nl  once 
enable  yourself  to  tr.insporl  trorps,  supplies,  and 
inuniiious  of  war,  with  cheapness  .-ind  despatch, 
I  beiwecn  llie  poinis  just  nained.     Il  is  never  IdoeU- 
ed  up  or  obsiriicied  by  ice.     At  all  scason.s  of  the 
year,  il  is  a  more  iinporlant  river  than  llie  Upper 
Ohio;  and  if  I  were  lo  vole  foraiiy  of  ihem,  I  would 
!  for  lln;  Tennessee. 

Mr.  CI  airni.in,  1  linve  nlreadv  said  I  could  not 
'  vole  for  ii.     1  will  detain  the  co  .mitiee  to  a;ive  n 
few  of  the  reasons  which  control  iny  opinions  and 
:  uciioii. 

I  cannot  eonsec'.  to  aid  or  connienancc  a  svslcm 

il  which  lakes  wilhout  his  consent  the  money  of  one 

niun  and  gives  it  loanuihcr,     1  have  never  knuw- 


.Tr, 

11 


688 


APPKIVDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Mny  26, 


29tii  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Diplomatic  Appropriation  Bill — Mr.  G,  S,  Houston. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


ingly,  (Irinc  so;  niiil  I  iicvcr  will.  While  I  would 
iiiCimplly  ilel'ciiil  niv  own  people  from  the  lolihery 
of  niliri's,  I  wnulil  lis  prom|illy  refuse  lo  pliiiider 
otiiiis  for  them.  I  mil  sure  they  will  never  require 
Buih  n  iliiiiffof  me;  yet  if  lliey  diil,  1  would  at 
once  derline  i(.  We  "are  less  npl  to  see  the  extent 
or  eiicnmiiy  of  the  iiijustiie  of  n  syslem  whirli 
lienelits  oui'selves.  We  are  sometimes  I'or^elful 
or  oareless  of  the  rights  of  others  wlieii  our  o\v  n 
direct,  loral,  personal  interest  is  lo  lie  advaiiced. 
We  do  not  properly  eoiisider  how  the  money  was 
raised,  ulio  paid  it,  and  for  what  piirpo.se.  We 
know  we  will  he  henefued  liy  its,  ciisluirscmriit 
nmoiisst  us.  null  may  fail  to  regard  other  iiiie  ms 
involved.  It  rerpiiiesa  hi^'h  deu:ree  of  moral  eour- 
n!rp  to  resist  these  leinplalions,  these  bails,  which 
(lie  sometimes  presented:  or  to  stand  up  amiinst 
til'  iirreiit  of  popular,  sectional  leelins,  winch  is 
freqiicmly  met  with  on  local  iiuestioiis.  May  I 
ash,  Mr. ''hairmaii,  how  niniiy  inemliers  on  iliis 
Hour  would  vole  tor  a  hill  iiuproviii;;  the  Hudson 
river,  and  leaviiii;  out  everyihiii;;  else.'  Is  there 
one,  who  lives  hevoiid  the  niimeiliate  preinu'is  of 
that  river  •  Further,  sir,  sniipose  every  ol'ject  of 
iniernal  improvement  in  this  Union  was  exclusively 
wiihin  one  .State,  or  one  particular  division  of  the 
Union:  would  any  meinher  who  lived  oul  of  the 
Stale  nr  division  to  he  hciicliied  vote  for  tl..-  ;u- 
]irovenieiitofiliein  hy  ihis  Government .-  W  ill  any 
man  evince  so  liitle  kiiovvled-e  of  iiieii  mid  things 
as  to  hesitate  in  :;iviii'_'a  ne:;au\e  aiiswe.-.-  I  would 
like  to  know  if  ihere  was  mie  siii^'-  item  in  the 
hill  which  wc  passed,  wlii'li  could  have  pas.sed 
this  Hoo.se  upon  its  own  nieriis,  eiitireiv  discon- 
nected wiili  others  .-     None,  sir:  not  out. 

Mr.  fhairiiian,  1  have  said  llie  system  of  inler- 
lial   iinprovenients  was  unjust;  let    me    illuiiiraie: 

•  two-thirils,  (M-  any  other  portion  of  the  CJiaus, 
have  rivers  which  are  naviij.ilile  or  ei:;ht  locuillis 
in  the  vear,  ;he  other  four  nioiilhs  lliey  are  lau; 
the  liala'nce  of  t'.e  .Siales  have  no  iuui;;aiile  rivers 
nt  all,  for  aiiv  portion  of  the  year— would  it  lie 
riL-lit  to  ta!,e"  the  money  paid  into  the  treasury  ol 
this  ijovirnnient  hv  the  people  who  had  i.o  iiavi- 
gaiion  at  all,  lnu,  who  liaci  to  wa;;on  their  pi...lucc 
riiiiidreds  of  miles  to  niarkei— mom  y,  too,  which 
they  paid  in  for  |iurposes  iiiterestiiu;  to  all  of  the 
Siaies  alike,  and  ecpialiy,— 1  ask,  would  it  le  jii,',( 
or/ioiif<(  to  lake  that  money,  mid  expend  it  to  tive 
the  fiv.ired  States  the  naviL-alimi  for  the  ullinji'iir 
mimllis  of  the  war,  leaving'  those  who  paid  the 
money,  ni  tlieir'desiiloti' coiidiiion,  iheiehy  iiiakin^' 

those 'who  have  no  iiav  is..tioii,  and    who  ca i 

liave,  contriliute  their  iiionc  y  lo  letter  the  navii;,i- 
tiOii,  niid  incnase  the  iidvaiitHi;es  of  the  more 
favored  over  them  ■  U  there  .s  Hiiythiiiit  in  such  a 
sysiein  to  reccniimeid  it  to  a  fiir-niiiuleii  or  just 
coniniumiv,  I  am  i  niirely  iiiialde  to  discover  it. 
AVhai  iiilr'nst  have  my  coiistitue  lis  in  iheimpruve- 
mein  of  the  Hudson  rivir;  the  canals  and  narhors 
of  Illinois,  liidi  ma, or  .Michi^raii;  or  ilie  I  arhor  al 
St.  Louis-  None.  And  ii  is  the  sum  Willi  the 
eastern  .Atlantic  .Siatfs:  they  have  no  inteivsi  in 
the  impi.^ve.-ieiit  o*'  the  'I'eniiessee  river. 

I  have  said,",  if  I  have  noi,  1  intend  now  lo 
Rav.  that  the  sysicin  is  net  only  niijnst  in  all  of  its 
h^arincs  upon  the  difl'ereni  si c'lions  ol  the  coiiniry, 
hoi  It  .s  kept  up  hy  |o2;-ro,iin^' and  har^ainni,; — 
that  it  is  the  child  of  corruption,  and  ever  has  in-i  n. 
I  undertake  to  say  in  my  place  here  that  no  sin  h 
general  lull  has  ever  passed  the  (.'onsrress  of  the 
I'nitid  .States  whii  h  was  not,  lo  n  :.'ri  aier  or  Icssir 
.-■xienl,  iniithliil  to  sinh  rnrr\\i>l  nniiliiiuiliiina  for  ils 
Rircess;  and  if  llie  secret  history  and  iiilloeines  of 
pueli  hills  coold  he  known,  they  would  disi'lnso 
the  fad. 

lain  lendv  lo  admit  that  ihere  is  one  i  lass  of 
represe;  tai  ves  and  coiisiiiiu-iicy  who  would  vole 
for  such  hills  withoot  liiiviie:  any  item  in  lliiin  in 
their  "  imiini/iiih'  (eni/ihi."  hut  tlo  y  do  so  from  a 
niotive  equally  sordid  —  I  .'can  lliose  who  support 
It  hecanse  lliey  view  it  as  a  hraneli,  imtl  an  iin- 
portani  hraiich,  of  the  protective  polity,  'i'liose 
whoaie  lor  In^hdutir-s  for  i.}iepur|M»se  of  protect  ion, 
nre  vviilmi;  to  vote  mom  y  lor  internal  Iniprovc- 
iTienls,  or  ahnoNt  anythim;  else.  'I'hey  an'  f.ir  l.ir:;!' 
rxpendiiores,  that  lliey  lony  ■  rente  a  vacinon  in 
Ihc  jiuhlic  treasury,  te  it  repleinslii'd  hy  liiL'h  pro- 
tecilve  duties;  hnl  I  dety  you  to  show  mc'  a  <5ood 
fi-it-lrn'ff-  "um — I  menu  one  v\  ho  is  honestly  for  low 
Inx'-s — who  is  at  the  same  lime  iiit'avop  of  the 
nyatoin  of  inlernul  iiiqiruvenieiits,   un.'eSK  he  htia 


nn  ohject  in  his  own  State  or  district  for  which  he 
wanlH  a  like  appropriation.  Such  nn  individual 
eaiinot  he  found  :  if  he  can,  I  ehnllen^c  ^gentle- 
men to  name  him.  1  will  not  refer  lo  the  course 
of  others  as  ii  i:uide  to  iiiv  action;  they  vvere  hut 
men,  and,  like  my.self,  liahle  to  err.  I  am  acliii:; 
lor  my  coiisiitiimis  and  for  my  co#ntry,  under  the 
solcnni  ooli^aiioiis  and  responsiliitities  incident  to 
the  capacity  in  which  I  act.  1  will  ilo  what  I  he- 
lieve  to  he  riirlit,  and  meet  the  inmseijuences;  if  my 
eonstiiuenis  Ii  "Vr  with  inc.  lliey  will  say  so.  While 
they  are  kind  and  inih'!i;ent  -ipon  all  siihjecls,  they 
are  learless  and  intelligent,  ai.d  will  hold  me  to  a 
proper  responsihility,  and  they  know  me  too  well 
lo  lielieve  iiir  a  miuiient,  that  1  love  oHice  so  dearly, 
as  hi  degrade  myself,  hy  yielding;  up,  or  ahaii- 
doiiins  principles,  which  (  helieve  to  he  souiiil  and 
e.dculaled  to  proniiiie  the  hcsl  interesis  of  the 
country,  and  advocate  those  which  I  helii.'ve  in  my 
conscience  are  unjust  and  ruinous  in  practice,  or 
tinil  I  will  siaiid  in  the  way  of  the  eoiisiiimnatioii 
of  their  well-nscerlanied  wishes.  I  value  too 
hiirhly  the  liiile  eliar.icler  I  may  have  earned  in  the 
piihlic  service  to  tinleit  it  I'm  the  mere  purpose  of 
re'iiinin;  oracqnirinu  office. 

The  honorahle  n  emher  snys  the  Bpproprinlion 
was  defeated  hy  false  friends.  If  he  means  lo  say 
I  was,  lu-  mil  now,  a  false  friend,  I  tell  him  he 
speaks  too  fast;  hut  as  I  am  allowed  lo  presume 
!'e  sjieaks  for  himselt',  I  will  not  conirovert  Ins  as- 
sertion. 'Iiiut  he  is  a  lalse  or  very  indiscreet  friciiil, 
no  ineniher  on  this  lloor  can  well  douhl:  and  he 
has  this  day  tjiveii  what  I  consider  llie  most  cen- 
clusive  evidence  of  it. 

.Mr.  (Jliairman,  I  did  nr>t  vote  in  the  House  on 
the  pro|Misiiioii  lo  appropriate  <jl()ll,(lh'j  to  ihe'l'in- 
nessi  e  river.  My  reasons  are  \\-\\ ,  and  easily  iin- 
der.itood.  I  could  not  vote  for  it  consistently  with 
till'  principles  which  have  irovernetl  my  course 
throimh  hie,  and  which  1  heheve  lo  he  correct,  i 
was  prepared  to  vtite  a'.;aiiist  it:  hut  hav  in;;  learned 
from  various  sources  that  my  eonslitueiits  desired 
the  appropriation,  I  felt  il  my  duty  to  .hem  lo  per- 
mit the  vote  to  he  taken  wiiliout  mine.  My  own 
iipinion  was,  that  a  majority  of  them  were  opposed 
to  the  sysnin;  yet  as  I  had  received  tetters  tVom 
seme  of  them,  of  Ijotli  panics,  lioldin;^'  a  dill'erent 
opinion  as  to  their  wishes,  and  as  they  hail  no  op- 
porluniiy  liefoie  the  vole  was  to  he  lakeii  lo  have 
a  lepreseiitalive  here  who  heheved  Willi  them,  ij 
llntj  lecre  fur  il,  1  tell  that  the  fairest  course  for  me 
lo  pursue  was,  to  withhold  my  vote,  and  let  the 
House  dispose  of  the  question  withoiil  me.  I  diii 
not  wish  to  misrepresent  them:  1  will  never 
knovvinuly  do  that.  And  as  I  had  some  reason  lo 
doiiht  the  accuracy  of  my  opinions  as  to  their 
wishes,  I  adopicd  ihe  course  winch  1  ihou:;l.t  least 
ealculalidto  thwart  llnir  will.  In  adopiiii:;  ilial 
course  I  may  have  erred.  I'erlainly  if  1  erred  in 
rejard  lo  ihi'  hill  at  all,  il  was  in  not  volin;  mainsl 
the  iiem  for  ilie  Tennessee  river.  I  very  vvillmuly 
siihmit  the  fads  lo  my  conslmieiits,  anil  will  how 
vviili  deference  and  rcspc't  lo  llnir  judL'iiient. 
Alllion;,'li  they  may  dillir  with  me  as  lo  the  cor- 
r»  cl I. ess  of  jhal  act,  yet  lliey  have  hearts,  and  can 
and  will  trive  inc  loll  credit  for  ilie  lair  and  honest 
pnrpo'-es  1  had  in  vi(-w.  They  need  not  t-e  told 
that  I  failed  to  vote  thromih  the  fear  of  responsi- 
liilitv:  they  will  helieve  no  such  siory.  .No  man  of 
Inilli  will  veniure  lo  say  m-  to  iniinialc  smli  a  iliiii;;. 

I  had  lold  some  of  I'he  friends  of  llie  Tennessee 
river  iinproveineni,  hef  ire  I  left  home,  that  I  could 
not  vole  for  il.  I  had  wriiien  the  sinie  to  others, 
lifter  iiiv  arrival  here  this  si  ssi.ni,  and  on  tl."  very 
da'/  the  vole  was  laker,  1  repealed  it  in  lellers  to 
my  district.  1  tried  lo  j^et  the  lloor,  lo  puhhsli 
them  here,  so  that,  insicail  of  emleavorinir  lo  coii- 
cimI  hiy  views,  I  have  iT.en  liieni,  and  endeavored 
lo  f^ve  tliein,  the  wiihst  circulalion.  These  re- 
marks are  made  in  explanation  of  my  acts',  not  for 
the  nenllenian  from  Tennes.see,  hut  to  he  seen  and 
read  hy  my  consiitnenls.  I  inn  sometimes  told 
that  the  system  of  inlernid  improvements  is  Icepl 
up,  and  i'l  thai  way  the  jnihii'  nnniey  is  hi  iinr 
distrihiit'  1  In  oilier  riv.'rs;  that  ihe  'I'eniiessee  river 
is  as  ttal  'lot,  as  (•(niyliUtlit'iiat,  aiitt  «v  i/'m  / 1  iiiif,  as 
they  are;  and  I  am  ihen  asked  why  i  ih;  not  mci  a 
part  of  the  money  while  It  Is  euint;;.  i  admit  all  of 
these  thiiiL's;  hut  then  I  do  not  iindersla  id  the 
principle  of  morals  or  justice  which  li-'iu-lies  ihat 
iiecaiise  others  do  w  i^,  I  must  do  the  same 
tiling,  or  Join  them  in  their  wron<;,  in  order  to 


make  it  right.  If  vvronr  in  others,  it  would  be 
equally  so  in  inc.  I  admit  tlml  the  immediate  in- 
jury to  my  eonstiiuenis  miL'lit  not  he  so  great,  if 
they  eoiihl  olitain  a  share  of  the  spoils;  hut,  in  the 
proporlion  of  its  diminuiioii  lo  lliein,  it  would  lo 
that  extent  at  least  he  in.  re.ised  upon  lliose  who 
could  gel  no  part  of  tin  i.uiey  hecanse  of  the  want 
of  an  ohject  upon  whe  li  to  expend  il.  I  then  nsk 
my  coiisiiliienls  if  they  would  he  willin£>-  to  take 
the  money  of  their  fellow-citizens  of  other  sections 
of  the  (Tiiion,nL'ainsl  ilieir  will,  anil  np|ilyit  to  their 
own  /oc((/  /Mir/ie.sf.s,  merely  hecanse  othtra  iccrr  ili/mg 
it  .^  1  am  sure  tin  y  would  not.  NVonld  they  he 
willing  for  others  in  lake  their  money  iiniler'  the 
same  circumstances?  If  they  would  not,  then  let 
lis  remeinher  and  coiifor""  'o  the  golden  rule — ilo  nv 
ICC  xfo'tltl  t>p  tlotii'bij.  Suppose  the  'I'ennessee  river 
dill  not  rii  i  where  it  does,  and  there  was  no  navi- 
galile  sirea  ':  williin  hundreds  of  miles  of  my  dis- 
trict: would  my  peoph-  not  condemn  me  if  I  were 
lo  go  into  the  support  of  the  system  of  internal 
improvemenls,  tl.erehy  appropriating  their  money 
lo  ohjecis  in  New  \\n\i  or  .MassacliiisfttR,  when 
there  was  no  chance  under  the  system  for  them  to 
gel  any  portion  of  il .-  I  helieve  such  would  he  the 
course  of  any  peojile.  Then  if  unjust  when  they 
were  exclud  ii,  of  ccuirse  the  same  injiislic"  would 
exist  if  they  vere  the  recipients,  (liir  Govern- 
nieiit  is  not  I'or  the  i.-t^tection  of  the  stroiii;  airainst 
the  ic(((/.',  i>\-  the  ntan.j  airaiiisl  the  fr,r.  No  such 
proieclioii  IS  needed,  hnl  the  reverse — that  the  weak 
shall  lint  he  plundered  hy  the  strong,  or  the  few 
hy  ihecomhinalions  of  the  many.  The  great  jirin- 
ciples  of  eternal  and  evi  Miianded  justice,  which  lie 
ill  the  fouiid.ilion  of  our  t_Joveinnient  and  its  insti- 
tutions, inust  heohserved,  or  the  Government  is  a 
curse  instead  of  a  liltssiti^. 

Take,  if  you  please,  the  item  of  S"5,000  for  the 
St.  Louis  harlior.  'I'hal  liarhor  inleiesis,  as  I  con- 
ceive, no  portion  of  the  country  except  St.  Louis 
and  the  iininediate  country  surrouniliiig  it.  Na- 
tional harhors  are  constructed  hy  this  Government 
for  the  use  and  proti  ction  of  the  navy.  They 
should  he  huilt  hy  the  General  Goverimieiu  for  no 
oiher  purpose.  Does  any  one  supjiose  our  navy 
will  go  to  St.  Louis  for  a  liarhm-.'  Is  not  such  an 
idea  ridiculous  am',  ahsiiril.-  The  «i'J5,U00,  then, 
given  lo  th.il  har'.ior,  is  taken  out  of  the  imuiey  of 
all  of  the  people,  and  given  lo  the  citizens  and 
property-holders  of  St.  Louis,  to  kee|i  up  the 
price  oi'  their  property  and  lo  protect  and  iruard 
them  against  misfortunes  or  the  chaiigmg  of  the 
cf-niiel  of  the  river.  The  money  is  not  needed 
lo  give  them  navigation,  hut  to  give  direction  lo 
ihe  channel  of  tie  Misssissippi  river:  it  i.s 
changing  from  the  Missouri  to  the  Illinois  side. 
If  it  make  the  tl:iii;:e',  llie  price  of  pro]ierty 
in  St.  Louis  will  depreciate;  and  iherefore  the 
cilizeos  and  propi  rty-holders  of  that  city  call 
on  and  ohlain  from  this  tjove  ■inneiit  the  common 
"loiiey  of  the  ic/ie/c  pevpif  to  throw  h.ick  to  them 
aid  their  city  ihe  channel  of  tiie  river  I'm-  their  own 
ailiiiilaal  iirisoiial  liinijil.  .And  yet  1  am  required 
io  vole  for  such  a  hill.  Siqipose,  however,  all 
.Slates  and  seci ions  of  .Stales  had  rivers,  so  that, 
in  improving  them,  ih-re  would  he  so  tie  equality 
ill  the  favors  d'strihu  "d,  and  we  were  all  to  join 
111  and  gel  (uir  share  of  i  le  appropriations:  where, 
let  me  ask,  is  ihe  ni.iiic'  to  coiue  I'rcuu;  and  w  hat 
anioimt  would  he  requiri  d  to  niei  t  such  heavy  ,  i  - 
ma.iilsr  l-'ifii— yes,  one  hundred  iuillioii.s  per 
aiiiunu  would   not  oe  siitliclent. 

These  consider;ilions  adiln  ss  themselves  to  the 
good  sense  of  l!ie  cmnmuinly.  Such,  hovvver, 
will  never  he  the  case.  'I'he  syslem  of  interimi 
iinprovcmi'iiis  hy  this  (iovermneiil,  like  t  profee- 
live  larill',  frcds  upon  its  own  iiuiimililiis,  and  /«(- 
(Ills  one  portion  upon  'he  hard  earnings  of  the 
oilier;  and  as  soon  as  yon  i.  :ike  it  equal  in  ils  ex- 
artiiiiis  e/aiid  I'arnrs  In  ihe  trlmle  penplc,  il  will  tnm- 
lile  into  ruins.  The  frimds  of  ihe  svsleiu  know 
lliis,  and  will  never  consent  to  make  il  universal; 
they  will  eomhine  mini  they  jel  strength  to  carry 
it,  and  love  ihe  rest  lo  he  lleeced  for  their  heii- 
el'U.  A  proiective  larilf  wtpiild  henelil  no  one,  if 
all  iiiterisis,  :;re;it  and  siiial',  vvere  pnueclcd  lo  llis 
sai;"' exlent;  lor  as  ...loii  as  yon  pifneci  all  alike, 
you  all'ord  protection   to   none;  you   destiHiy   tlio 

nil  quality.     Thi'  i .sequel is,  ihal  no  one  in 

henefited  over  Ihe  rest,  and  the  system,  of  course, 
falls. 
I      Such  has  hecn  tlic  history  of  protection  in  Oienl 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOT3E. 


689 


29th  Cong 1st  Sf.ss. 


Diplomatic  jlppropriation  Bill — Mr.  G.  S.  Houston, 


New  Series No.  44. 


Brilnin,  w'lcir  it  is  now  in  the  very  act  of  licine  | 
abandonee*.     The  very  same  may  be  fiaitl  of  the 
system  of  internal  improvemcnis,  or  any  othiM- 
eystem  ^''  distribution.     As  soon  as  you  make  it 
rqnal  and   iiist  lo  nil  in  its  exnetions  and   favors, 
it  fails  tn  lM,MK'fit  any,  and  will  be  promptly  aban- 
doned.    Jt  would  do  my  eon.-^tiluent.s  no  ijood  to 
inerensc  their  taxes  to  iiiis  Government  jfilflO.OOd 
|wr  annum  more  lliun   they  now  paVi  in  _order  to 
pive  that  #100,0(10  lo  the  Tennessee  river."     They  ' 
could  do  that  tlicmselvew.  and  savt;  the  exiiense  (tf 
eolleelintf  and  disbursiriij;  but  if  yim  will  colleel 
the  money  e(pially  of  all  the  peoplr.  of  the  United 
States   and  disiribnte  it  among  my  constituents, 
then  they  are  bijiefiied,  for  they  a:et  tnore  oii(  than 
tlieyjiayin;  they  (;et  that  which   has  been  paid; 
in  by  others,  and  tlierefore  the  system  operates  to  ' 
their  advantage.     Sju-.h  muiit  be  the  case  every- 
where. 

I  will  not  elaborate  this  view  further;  it  is  loo 
plain  to  i*Cfiuireelncidntion.  You  need  not  tell  me 
that  a  river  is  national,  and  therefore  entitled  lo 
the  ail!  of  this  Ijovcrnment.  What  makes  it  iin-  ' 
tionnl?  Is  it  the  len;th,  bread  I  h,  or  depth.'  Or 
is  it  l)ccau.«e  it  happens  to  run  into  an  ocean,  a  i;ulf, 
or  anoiker  river  ■  I  can  well  imai;inc  that  a  work 
is  national  when  it  is  nfcessmv  On' the  use  of  the 
Gejieral  Government  as  eontrndislins;uislied  from 
the  people; anil  when  it  is  ticrcssurji  ( I  do  not  mean  f.v- 
j)C(tient)  I'or  tlie  Government  to  transport  its  troops, 
sup|ilics,  munitions  of  war,  iStc.,  or  for  the  prc.teet  ion 
of  tlie  navy,  and  without  which  the  purposes  of 
the  Goveru;nent  must  fail,  i'ut  to  say  that  the 
Government  may  have  a  war  '•  soiiif  liumlred  years 
Atilff,"  and  if  so  it  would  be  convenient  to  have 
the  ui^e  of  a  particidar  river  here,  or  canal  or  rail- 
road there,  does  not  done  within  the  proper  dis- 
tinction. Aiu  I  to  understand  semlemen  as  say- 
ing liiat  conunerce  nntkes  a  river  national  ?  Snob 
an  idea  is  nhsKnl.  How  much  commerce  is  neces- 
sary to  make  it  naiional .'  Will  some  i;ci:'leman 
pive  me  the  (rue  point  or  s(anilard  of  nationa  /in 
a  coinuicrcial  pouit  of  view  :  Congress  has  ]>f(Wer 
lo  ret''ulalei;oninicrce,iVc.;nnd  if  iu(ernal  improve- 
ments are  carried  on  luider  (hat  clause,  you  have 
no  right  lo  'iMinirc  that  the  amcanit  be  over  or 
luidcr  any  specified  sum.  .Such  a  rule  or  slanilard 
is  entirely  arbitrary,  and  unknown  lo  the  (.'onsli- 
tulion.  Vou  must  repnlale  epinmerce  wherever  il 
is  found,  w!u  (her  it  be  S'O  or,|).(j()o  or  SlOO.OdO.dOO. 
The  tjonslilulion  liii'.rts  nothinu;  about  amoiiuls; 
and  in  a  c  mihKri'ial  s'lise  there  is  no  such  ibiiin; 
as  naiioii  ilily.  If  you  have  power  under  that  )>ar- 
ti'ular  elau.-jo  to  clear  (uit  rivers,  yon  have  (he 
t.aine  power  to  dii;  canals,  make  turnpke  roails, 
build  ralroads,  steamboat.-.,  warehouses,  or  do  any- 
(liingelse  which  will  pronic  ((■  and  prosr.er  the  eiim- 
nierce  of  (he  counl.y,  boih  external  and  internal. 

Mr.  t'liairnian,  it  may  not  be  ntirely  out  of 
place  for  iin'  lo  iiii]uire  who  il  is  w'  .1  nilenipis  thus 
10  read  lectures  to  members?  am'  where  is  his  an- 
Ihorily  for  llie  exercise  of  t'.i  duties  of  tha'  re- 
sponsible slalion  .'  If  I  had  been  called  on  to  seh'cl 
some  one  1 1  give  lessons  on  cousislencv,  I  would 
never  have  ihoiight  of  my  nifiiii(/criii;f  friend  over 
(lie  way,  [Mr.  Ciiozii.ii.l  He  speaks  of  liavin;' 
made  iieadwav  in  influencing  (he  action  of  (he 
democracy!  \Vlio  ever  beard  i»f  such  a  ihing.' 
lie  inllueiice  the  democracy  III  Thr  idea  is  so  su- 
premely ndiriiliiiis  I  hardly  know  how  10  treat  it. 
llccuuse  soini'  l)emocra^■i  voted  for  tin:  Tennessee 
nvei,  Ihe  gentleman  .liinks  it  v.  as  becau.^e  of  his 
liti-iil  cfimic/'-.s-.  Wl'en  will  strange  things  cease  to 
hnppeii-  ^c  s,  si  ,  what  a  wonderful  havoc  the' 
gentleman  has  .naile  amongst  the  democracy!! 

The  honorable  ge.;tleinan  dei  lared  liim.self  for 
ihe  system  of  iniernal  iinprovemenls,  and  seemed 
lo  s(ep  forward  as  a  sor(  of  leader  in  favor  of'  the 
Tenness'-e  river,  which  I  consider  very  iinl'u'lu- 
ntite  for  the  success  of'  the  undertaking,  lie  has 
been  lauded,  however,  very  bi^'hlv  by  some  of  the 
Whig  papers  in  the  Stale  winch  I  have  the  honor 
;.;  jtart  U»  represenf;  and  I  presume  the  true  tViends 
of  the  Tenm  ssce  viver  will  feel  as  indignant  as  this 
House  did  when  they  learn  (ha(  he  vtitd";;a'.ml 
Ihe  hill;  tliev  will  see  that  it  is  an  eflnrt  to  make 
iiolilical  capital;  he  knows  (hat  the  people  of  Ala- 
liama  are  lariiely  denu)cj'a(ie,  especially  (hose  re- 
siding on  (he  Tennessee  river;  (ha(  some,  probably 
many  o;' (hem,  feel  a  deep  persi'mil  inlercsl  in  llie  re- 
moval of  (hose  nbslrucdons;  and  if  he  can  succeed  in 
creating  an  excitement  in  favor  of  a  local  inlcresi, 


44 


he  may  also  succeed  in  defeating  the  true  democracy 
of  Ihe  .Slate.  I  do  not  say  that  (he  Whigs  gener- 
ally of  the  Stale  arc  in  any  siic'i  political  scheme; 
I  believe  they  are  not;  but  I  do  believe  llie  geulle- 
nian  and  (he  papers  (o  whhli  1  have  alluded  are 
engaged  in  it.  If  they  are  not,  why  do  iliey  cen- 
sure my  colleague  [Mr.  Cii adianI  and  praife  the 
Tennessee  Whigs,  and  especially  the  one  lo  whom 
1  am  now  replying,  [Mr.  C,'no?,i|-,R.=]  They  all 
vole  '  ''irthe  a]ipropriati(m  to  iIm;  Tennessee  nvei, 
and  1  -10  voted  against  the  bill;  yd  you  find  the 
paragraph  which  i  now  read  in  one  of  them: 

o'riie  'I'cnncp^pi-  iiii>nif)ers  fMUulit  lIic-  ((iicsnnii  tairly  and 
hoiicHtfy,  mill  gained  t'rii'iiifti  f'nr  it.  Ibul  llicir  i'ti;.rl«  licen 
sei'oiMled  in  llie  .-'tniiu  spirit  In-iiur  iii>  nilxTs-.a  dill;  rent  lute 
liiiL'ljl  liave  bi  en  iiiecled  nut  ti>  llie  aini'iidiucnt.  Hut  tfic 
IliiilKir  Biff  find  no  t'rieiid  in  ttic  di-lcir!iti>)n  except  Mr. 
Ilillnird — ific  ane-nilinent  tin  rricnd  Inn  t'lni|)amn,  iluu>tt)ii, 
and  llllfiard.  U'itli  wtint  iiraci- coiifd  tin-  twolinniL-r  iiiciii- 
licrs  il^li  liieaitlcrs  t'roni  ullii-r  t^eetions  ot  the  (,'ntiin  n>  vale 
(or  liic 'i'cnia-ssce  river,  wlien  tin-y  lln  insclvr.-*  were  op- 
p  i-^in^  Ifle  icAo/c  fiilf.^  It  ua.s  a-fiinit  ni.-inbcrs  Conn  Niw 
EnL'land  and  Itic  West  In  vale  inr  our  livi-r,  and  we  uppn^iiiit 
itff  apprii|>rititi()ns  to  iinpruvt-  tin'  fiaifpnr^  iinif  rivt-rs  in 
tlieir  sections.  Had  tfiesc  inenilicrs  ticiii  l<nowii  In  lie  ,-in- 
ccrc  nil  pri'u-ipl.-  in  wi-fanjr  ji  L'rcal  nvir  10  Ih- iinprnvcif,  . 
ific  friends  of  inipinvcnienls  ill  o![ier  cjainlcrs  wnnlcf  fiave 
united  witfi  tfieiii  111  >eciiriii^r  an  apiirojiriiitinii  10  tfie  Ti-n- 
ne.-see."'      ***** 

"'I'fie  llarlinr  mil  nppnipriates  ,'53111,000  lielaw  llie  Slinnis 
111  l.iiaisville,  and  .■ij'^ll.iwti  nfiove  llieiii,  tar  llie  Oliio  river, 
'fins  fact  shews  wtiat  the  western  river  iai[iioveiiieiit  men 
(-;lri  ii'e(niiiilish  for  Ifit'ir  pveiit  roer.  They  liii  Ct-r  eleniiinj: 
out  llieir**  Inhiiid  .*^ea"" — ;iiul  tt\  Liviiiitiind  lakiim — liy  unnm 
for  other  iinpniveniiat-i  etsewlR're,see  w  lial  Itn-y  tucceedi  d 
ill  t-eciiriiip  I'or  tlie  (lliio!'^ 

It  seems  to  me,  if  one  deserves  praise  so  docs  the 
other,  as  far  as  (hat  item  is  cmicerin  il. 

Mr.  Chnirnian,  I  repeat  that  (he  system  of  in- 
ternal inipmvemenls,  in  nil  its  tendencies  and  in- 
fluences, IS  corrupting  and  danircrons,  and  that  it 
is  generally,  if  not  itniver.sally,  indebted  (o  coiiibi- 
nations,  more  or  less  corrupting,  f'or  its  success; 
and,  if  1  am  not  mistaken,  1  will  prove  it  by  the 
course  of  tlie  gentleman  I'rom  Tennessee,  [Mr. 
C!iioziKa.]  I  do  not  mean  lo  sav,  or  to  intimate, 
that  every  man  or  any  in;m  who  voles  for  it  does 
so  from  corruot  or  base  inotiv(s — that  he  enters 
the  market  and  positively  makes  a  traliic  of  his 
vote — it  is  not  necessary  lo  toy  arguiTienI  to  make 
any  such  charge;  but  I  do  say,  iliat  many,  very 
many,  (if  them  are  more  01  less  under  the  influence 
of  (hat  sys(eiii  which  obtains  its  Irinniplis  by  the 
favors  il  can  dispense  anioiti;st  its  su)ipiiiters,  and 
that  imperceptibly,  or  e/Accicrsc,  it  L^aiiis  upon  them 
until  il  gets  such  control  as  to  induce  them  lo  vole 
appropriations  to  objects  their  belter  judgment  will 
not  sanetidn. 

Il  will  be  reineinhercd  that  the  Tennessee  river 
was  tlie  third  or  fourth  item  voted  on  in  the  House 
bv  the  yeas  and  nays;  that  the  li.nioi-aiile  member 
(Nir.  CiioziKa,!  voicd  with  llic  friends  of  the  bill 
for  erenj  item  until  tlie  one  f'or  the  Tennessee  river 
was  stricken  out;  ai  soon  ax  thai  iriis  tlrme,  we  f  nd 
liiiii  in  hoi  husle  moving  nnd  vntin-j;  to  reconsider  n 
|irecedinp  item  for  which  he  had  voted,  eviilenllv 
showing  that,  if  siiccessf'ul,  he  intended  to  f'oflow  it 
ii|i  by  an  effort  to  reconsider  the  utiicr  items  (or 
which  he  had  voied.  Heal'ierwards  voted  against 
nearly  every  item  in  the  bill,  and  then  voted  ag.iinst 
Ihe  bill  itself,  noiwiihsiandinghe  bed  declared  liim- 
■ii.lfa  friend  of  .nierii.il  improvenicnls, -md  advo- 
cated that  bill!  TIii«  .  and  why  is  this.-  A  frn-nd 
of  the  system  volin-.;  ii^.-iinsl  il  because  a  parlienlar 
item  had  been  vuicd  down  ! 

Here,  sir,  is  an  ample  commentary  on  the  sys- 
tem, and  abniidani  proof  of  my  charge.  Can  any 
'man  doubt  as  to  the  motive  of  llie  gentleman  ? 
When  II"  voted  for  the  previous  items,  he  must 
lia\f  dt'.n:  so  because  he  believeil  they  were  right, 
or  becaiisi!  he  wauled  their  friends  to  help  Inni  lo 
keep  ill  his  item.  When  he  ino\ed  and  voted  to  re- 
consider, he  must  have  done  .sn  because  he  believed 
the  items  to  be  wroii"-  in  themselves,  or  he  intend- 
ed il  as  a  sort  of  punis.unenl  (o  the  friends  of  the 
bill  f'or  striking  out  the  Tennessee  river.  Xow, 
sir,  I  am  willing  (h  il  the  honorable  member  may 
lake  either  horit  of  Ihe  ilileiiima.  ll'lic  believed  the 
items  right  when  bt-  voleil  f'or  them,  and  moved 
and  votetl  (o  reconsider  as  a  punishment  to  the 
friends  of  the  bill  with  a  view  to  thwart  them,  nnd 
thereby  force  them  to  reinstate  the  Tennessee  river 
:',;;ainst  their  own  jiidgmeius,  iIiimi  my  chartre  is 
sustained;  if,  however,  he  believed  tlicin  wrong 
when  he  voted  I'or  them,  but  gave  ibe  voletosecure 
the  passage  of  his  item,llicntdso  is  my  chai'gct'idly 


sustained.  The  facts  are  that  he  voted  with  the 
friends  of  the  bill  until  they  helped  to  vole  out  hi.: 
ameiidinent,  and  then  he  not  only  voted nirninst  the 
bill,  butendeavored  lo  have  a  reconsideration  of  an 
item  for  which  he  had  voted,  nnil  his  motion  to  re- 
consider was  made  as  soon  n<'  his  amendment  was 
voted  down.  Does  any  man  suppose  he  had,  from 
honest  rfflef(io>i,  in  tiial  briefs|mi  eof  time,  changed 
his  opinion.'  Surely  not — he  will  not  say  bo  him- 
self; then  why  change  his  vole  ?  Sir,  il  must  have 
been  lieeanse  he  saw  that  (he  friend.^  of  (he  bill 
warned  no  more  votes  for  it — that  they  believed 
they  could  pass  il  without  the  aid  of  the  friends  of 
the  T(  nnessec  river,  and  that  lliey  would  not  veto 
for  that  river.  As  I  have  already  remarked,  it 
then  becomes  a  sulijeel  of  inquiry,  why  he  votetl 
for  the  previous  items.  "\'V''bs  it  because  lie  thought 
Ihey  ought  to  pass  .'  He  will  not  say  so;  for  as  soon 
as  he  lost  his  own  favorite  item  he  vo(ed  lo  recon- 
sider. Then,  sir,  1  feel  authorized  in  charginglliat 
his  vote  for  them  was  induced  hij  oilier  means.  I 
am  justified  in  charging  upon  him  (bathe  voted 
for  those  iieins  airainst  the  honest  1  onviclions  of 
his  own  mind,  and  ahmc  because  lie  hoped  and  ex- 
pected therebv  to  keep  in  (he  Tennessee  river.  The 
gentleman  will  hardly  venture  to  deny  il — i  chal- 
lenge him  lo  do  so.  I  do  not  mean  lo  say  that  the 
honorable  member  enlered  the  market  and  made 
an  express  sale  of  iiimself;  I  only  mean  lo  say  that 
it  operated  upon  him  so  as  lo  induce  him  to  vote 
for  items  he  believed  to  be  wrong.  That  ilsefl'ect 
upon  him  was  that  of  a  tloveeur;  nnd  would  have 
influenced,  and  did  influence  his  vote  for  things 
his  judgment  condemned,  nothing  e^ii  be  more  evi- 
dent. 

.Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  go  one  step  t'urther;  nnd 
if  I  state  the  gentleman  wrong,  he  can  correct  me. 
I  sa\- — and  your  Journals  show  the  fact — that  the 
member  t'roiii  Tennessee  was  opposed  lo  (he  whole 
bill,  and,  with  very  few  exceptions,  to  evc-y  item 
in  il;  f'or  he  so  voted.  He  liad  his  votes  recorded 
upon  your  Journals,  acting  under  the  solemn  ob- 
ligations of  an  oalli,  and  will  not  now  ventnro  to 
conlroverl  what  they  )>rove;and  yel,notwitlisUmd- 
ingall  this,  lie  was  willing  lo  vole  for  the  whole  bill 
if  its  friends  had  kept  in  the  Tennessee  river  item ! 
The  fact  is  susceptible  of  the  clearest  proof.  Again, 
sir,  the  very  extract  rend  by  me  from  a  paper  in  my 
own  Stale  proves  my  charge.  There  is  one  of  the 
friends  of  llii'  system  eomplaininir  of  myself  and 
colleague  because  we  would  not  go  f'or  oilier  items; 
that  we  were  opposed  lo  the  bill;  that  we  would 
not  giiT  and  lake!  We  are  cilid  to  the  western 
members,  who  are  thought  to  be  very  liberal  in 
such  things — in  giri'iig  nin(  /n/.iiig — a  kind  of  4-ii'n;i- 
;)!»;,'•  irork;  i/ett  vote  for  jninc,  and  i  ieiU  vole  for 
yours.  I  ask,  wlial  is  that  but  the  influence  of  the 
system,  resulting  in  corrupt  combinations?  Thus 
\ve  have  abundant  facts  before  us,  proving  not  only 
that  the  system  is  corrupting,  bul  also  showing 
clearly  that  the  genflemaii  was,  ui  a  grea(cr  or  less 
extent,  under  its  inllueiice. 

Thisinflueneemey  have  been  insensible  10  him — 
probably  il  was — I  do  not  imagine  oiherwise;  and 
therein  consists  in  part  the  mapiiitnde  of  the  dan- 
ger rcsnltiuL'  from  it — it  steals  imperceptibly  upon 
us,  unlil  we  find  ourselves  its  open  advocates. 

Ill  ihat  way,  and  by  such  means,  bills  of  'iint 
character  geiit  rally,  if  not  always,  secure  their 
s'ren','tli,  ami  obiaiii  a  maioriiy  of  the  body  through 
wliii-li  they  have  to  pass;  and  I  can  hardly  doubt 
that  if  the  gentleman  had  been  successful  in  recon- 
sidering the  ileiiis,  111, .1  defeatiim'  the  bill;  if  he 
had  been  .ible  ti Urol  vi.'cs  eiioni:h  lo  have  de- 
feated it,  he  wcmid  have  been  admifled  into  the 
brotherhood;  the  Tennessee  river  would  have  been 
insert,  d  and  retained  ill  the  bill;  and  he,  instead  of 
the  voles  he  did  irive,  would  have  voted  for  it  and 
every  one  of  ils  ileins.  He  has  I'iven  the  liii>hest 
evidiiice  of  his  suscepiiliilily  lo  the  dangers  of  this 
seductive  system — of  his  pliable  quality.  By  il, 
he  was  made  williiiL'  lo  vote  wroiiefully  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  dollars  for  seas,  bays,  harbors, 
gulf's,  rivers,  and  all  such  things,  of  and  about 
which  he  knew  comparatively  nothing,  if  he  could 
only  get  a  portion  for  his  owl  region.  ■\'es,  sir; 
Ik- would  swiill.nv  down  everything  I'l.sented  to 
him,  if  yon  u  Id  imly  oil  it'witli  n  little  money 
f'or  tlie  "Tcmii       e  river. 

I  luisrht  cite  . -I  her  eases  quite  as  strong.  1  might 
inslaiice  a  scene  which  was  enacted  in  this  Hall 
in  the  -Jrilli  Congress,  when  wc  had  before  us  an 


w 


iriH 


. 


690 


2!)tii  Cono 1st  Sess, 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Tariff— Mr.  McCkan. 


[Juno  18, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


fnrlcrn  nnd  n  wcstfrn  internni  iniprovciueiil  bill. 
Tlipy  thiMi  wi-ri'  .lividcd  inio  two  Hecliiiiis,  nnd 
lii\d  io  cciinbinc  llu'ir  I'nn'ca,  lis  will  ii.i  llii'y  could, 
fiirrillu-r  tn  pass,  iiuii'li  less  rould  wo  cxiii'i't  ruili 
ilriii  U)  |inss  iiiinn  lis  nwii  merits.  Yi'l  sciitlcnii'ii 
(■(■em  111  think  I  slii.iiUI  vurp  I'm- sui'li  tliiiiijH.aml  (iis 
I  linvi'  iiliviulysliiiwii  iii  tlinrxlrHitrerun'cd  tiOone 
ol'  iho  Whii:  |iii|iiji's  ill  my  own  Slnlc  sroms  ti)  r<- 
liiiki' my  cdllciiiriii'  [.Mr.  (.'ihi'max]  nnd  niysi'll", 
I'l'iMiisf  wc  did  nut  I'lili'i  into 'his  I'lirniiit  si-lii'iiii", 
M'ilhnvirwti>.''elinir  ruer  in  tin' hill!  Hi' tells  ii.s 
it  is  Cully  to  expert,  to  ^'I't  iiiiyl'iiiiL''  for  oiir  river, 
tmless  \\r.  sro  for  the  ollur  items  I  Then,  sir,  1  sny 
Io  my  ennslitnents,  if  that  islheniilv  way  in  wliieh 
an  «|inropriat:oii  eanhe  liml  fort  he 'I'ennoissee  river, 
it  will  never  he  ohlained  I'V  me— never.  The.-e 
ore  some  of  my  thoii;;his  nnmi  this  important 
cinesiioii:  I  freely  nnd  !;li«"y  ^'i''""''  tlnni  to  tlio 
House  nnd  to  the  eoniitry. 

Mr.  Chairnian,  prohnhly  I  slinuhl  npoloL'ire  Io 
the  ciiinniitti  p  for  this  ties]iass  upon  't.s  time,  Iml 
more  espceially  l.  -  speakiivj  to  mailers  not  in  i.ssne 
under  the  amend;,  .'nt  propn.sed.  'i'l.e  House  will 
hear  me  witness,  however,  that  1  never  indulire  in 
irrelevant  delmie,  unless  in  a  ease  like  this,  where 
nil  n.ssai.ll  1ms  l)een  made  espceially  rerpiirinir  from 
me  a  reply  nnd  vindieation.  My  course,  then,  mi 
tiiisoeea-siou,  needs  no  ajiohvjry.  On  the  contrary, 
my  friends  woo'd  have  condemned  nu'  liail  I  not 
made  the  remark.^  1  hnvo  pis',  submitted  Io  the 
conmiittce. 

A  few  .v..rds  as  to  the  ti'iie  point  hefore  its.  I 
intend  to  nf.ice  n  motion  to  strike,  from  liiis  hill 
cvcrythin?  relatiii'T  to  marine  liospititls.  I  have 
no  hostility  to  I'le  .seamen  wliti  nre  to  be  heiulitcd 
Ijy  it — none  at  all — init  th.e  conir.iry;  and  si  loiv,' 
ns  the  appropriations  were  made  oat  of  the  hospi- 
tal fund,  I  had  not  the  least  olijeelion  to  it.  The 
Ciovernment  is  the  mere  nzent  or  trustee  for  the 
collection  and  dislrilmtion  of  the  fund:  nnd  lieeaiise 
llie  ainonnt  ih^tA  not  pra\e  to  he  fpial  to  the  lie- 
mnnds,ti»eGoverntnchtis  now  cnlkdon  to  make  \\v) 
the  deliciciiry  out  of  its  own  lunds:  that  1  consitier 
vromr.  If  the  liospiiid  fund  is  not  sntticlent  I'or 
the  purpose,  rniso  the  tax,  oruholish  tiic  system. 
If  yon  consent  to  fasten  .such  n  system  tip-ni  the 
freneral  treasury,  yon  will  s  have  nn  immense 
poor-house  system  to  nmnn^e.  t'ir,yoti  had  ()utte 
as  well  ]lro^  ide  ]ioor-iionses,  hospitals,  or  what- 
ever else  you  may  please  to  cail  '.liein,  for  tiie  siek 
U'd  di3al)led  ol'  any  other  class  or  c;i|!inir  of  our 
feliow-citi/.ens.  Suppose  a  hid  should  he  present- 
ed for  eonsideratio'i  to  huild  hospitals  for  tiie  .-ack 
nnd  disnhled  of  any  oiher  class:  v.  hat  wiaild  this 
House  say  to  it .-  I  may  he  told  tliai  there  is  n  tax 
of  twenty  cents  per  momii  collected  iVoin  all  seamen 
to  iiMike  the  liospiiai  fund.  Very  well;  if  yon  will 
confine  your  appropriations  to  that  t'lind,  i  v.  ill  ^[O 
with  you;  hut  yoi;  iiad  just  asweii  npprfipriatc  the 
Iiioncy  of  the  tre:i.sury  to  a  new  i-lass  \\\\u  liave 
never  paid  a  cent,  m.s  to  appropriate  out  of  it  an 
ninouiit  heynid  the  hospital  fund  paid  hv  liic  sen- 
nicn,Ac.  The  pur|Mis'- ot'tiie  sysiem  Ms  incep- 
t^ln  w;is  for  tjie  t.ioverhnieiit  lo  act  us  the  friend 
iif  llieseenian,and,  free  of  expense,  to  collect  t'nnn 
enili  one  iwent"  is  a  moiilh,  wliich  was  lo  I'orm 
a  i;-enera!  luiid  'or  the  care,  protection  .mil  conit'ort 
of  that  cla.ss  of  oni  ["ipulatioii  in  any  put  of  the 
c.)uniry,the  tiovcrnmeiii  to  liave  power  to  ilishursc 
it  nccordiii!!^  to  thedeinaiid  upon  it,arisin<^oiu  of  the 
\vant.«  of  seamen.  !  aiii  iinwiliiiej  that  it  shall  'j"'! 
furiher,  and  thercf  ire  will  vote  to  strike  it  I'roni 
this  hill. 


Till',    T.\n  IFF. 


SPEECH  OF  .MR.  M.  McCLE.W, 
OF  pr;\.Nsvi.v,\M,\, 

I.v  Titr.  IIor  =  i;  ni'  Hr.i'ni.«i  VTATur.', 
Junr.  1-J,  IMO. 
The  House  heini  in  Coinmiltee  of  the  AVIiole  on 
the  suite  of  the  Union,  on  the  lull  reiliici.i^.  ihc 
duly  on  Imports,  mill  for  other  purposes—^ 
Mr.  MeC'LK.A.N  nddreised    the  Committee  as 
follows; 

Mr.  CiiAi«M»x:  It  is  not  without  emharrnss- 
liient  lliai  I  rise  to  nilihess  Ihe  committee  on 
this  occasion.  Since  I  hnve  lind  the  honor  of  ;i 
Heat  ill  this  Hall,  I  liave  eho.sen  lather  to  he  n 
lifitcner  than  lo  lake  up  t!ie  time  of  the  Hmise  or 


the  committee  in  nny  remnrk.')  of  my  own.     But 

lookin;  to  the  importance  of  t!in  snhje'-t  now 
under  (liscussion — to  ihe  chaiacler  of  the  lull  ii|ioii 
liie  lahle — to  the  pi)sii;on  occupied  on  tlii.s  ipiesiinn 
hy  tlie  Stale  >.  Inch  I  have  in  p.irt  the  honor  to 
represent — and  as  'i  i.s  pi-ohalile,  in  my  actio;i 
upon  this  i|ueslioii,  that  1  may  he  cinipelled  lo 
diiler  from  a  portion  of  that  party  with  which  it 
is  my  plccsure  to  a;l,  it  is  proper  that  I  should 
ask  the  indulsjence  of  the  committee  whil.sl  1  suh- 
niit  a  few  remarks  at  this  time. 

A  few  days  ii^'o  (continued  Mr.  McC.)  I  pre- 
sented to  this  House  a  series  of  risolnlions  from 
ihe  Leirislature  of  Pennsylvania,  on  the  suhject  of 
the  tiM-ilT  of  |.-'-PJ.  Tin  y  are  very  short.  1  will 
ask  the  (.'lerk  to  I'cad  them. 

The  preamble  and  rcsolutioii.s  were  ve.ad  ns  fol- 
lows: 

liesolv'inns  reli'lirp  to  the  l(n-iff. 

^^^loren1  the  tarilT  m'  o'lc  tlionsiniil  ii'-'lll  liiindrcil  iiivl 
fiirlv-luo  pr'Kliics  no  iiKii-'' I'laa  siillicicnt  revenue  tu  ilc- 
IV;iv  the  iicce,<aiy  i>\|."icc*  of  llic  C.mcitI  IJ.ivciiiiucnI. 
iMiit  nirnrits  Italy  nil  r.tlcni'it"  incidcMt-il  prolcclinii  t.i  .Aiiicr- 
ic'tti  iiHlll.-try  iiiiil  .\incric:in  m:;'iiir:icnire.«  :;:.';iillsl  liin  i'jn 
cnnnietiiinii 'and  ('.ireirii  pnlicv,  ami  ii  cMiu-cijiiciit  I'lic-inir- 

nLU'iiiciii  1 iicii'Tci.Tl  c'i!cr)in';c,  M  a2rifiil!iii;tl  iMir^-iiiH, 

ali'1  l"ttu'  il.\.'l'>piieMit  nretir  own  iKit'ir.t!  rc-niirciv; ; 

.\lul  wlicnas  il  i.-  Iii'licvnl  ill  ■  |icn|ilcnr  I'.iins'  Iviuiiiare 
nppoMsl  t"  any  alt'Taficii  in  [lie  CTt^iliiiu  tariir.  iinli!  rnrlll'T 
pvp.'rii  ii'-c  iei's  ^I'liwa  i:'.-'  :t  m'-ilin'-alinn  i.i  rciiiiiri'd  t<i  s.-- 
care  !i  cnnti'iimnc."  ic'  -iicli  prot-'-'iinn,  nnd  lo  iiremat-'  tlic 
g.aienl  w.-ll'nrn:  TIl'Mc-lir". 

Hrv'ttrrl  l.rithr  .S'c.'i,-'c  <»i'  Ihu'^'^nf  Hi'l'rrfrjfti.firr':  of  Ihr 
r.li(ir;,-nl'Ti!/.'/(  of  /'C7eH-T'^:-''7i:r(,  hi    f;<'rn<:J  ..•/fi*Cr,l'''i/  wit, 

'I'lTil  Oiir  .'^ci!nn>rs  and  It*  pi.'»<^iitativcs  i;)  Cnntrrf's.*  lie.  initl 
Ihe  .■  arc  luTcliv.  rc-pi.'-ted  ta  nr.p;i.*e  all  O'Mieit^  lo  alter  o.- 
liia.'iiCe  ilie  tari'T  le-t  of  Ih.'  iVirtictii  i-l' .\ii':u<t,  eiie  l!ioa- 
saiel  ii''!'I  liiindred  and  t'any  iwo. 

Mr.  McC  eonlinued.  Now,  ATr.  flinirnian,  I 
pronose  to  snlimit  a  f*^w  remarks,  hased  upon  these 
resolutions,  v.-it'i  reference  to  t!'e  lill  ipion  your 
Inldc.  I  ^vil!  not  di.^ciiFs  the  point  here  as  In  the 
riirht  t^f  t!ie  T/'iris'cM're  of  a  State  to  instruct  or 
request  its  Peprcseniative.q  nn  this  floor  in  relation 
to  their  act;. in  n?i  anvfarticuhr  nue-ition.  I  am  a 
ncmocral.  T  hold  to  the  rirht  of  insiniction  from 
mv  peoiilc,  nnd  I  «.!  p'-rniic  no  man.  no.  nnv 
body  of  men,  to  .-iinMd  hci'vern  me  and  the  peoole 
I  represent.  I  hold  tint  the  represenlaiive  is  the 
ni'Mc  e«rent,  the  servant,  ify^ii  climse,  of  hiscon- 
stiliieutM.  He  i-!  the  mirror  thronrh  which  their 
wishes  and  ih.eir  desires  should  ho  reflected  in  these 
halls. 

Rill  thes[>  rosolntinns  nnd  requests,  enmin- 
f*    Lefjisialiire   of    mv   tintive    .S'atp — fro.. 


'!• 


•om 
the 
■nrd 

and 


Demncralie  Lcrislatere  of  l.o'li  Hnnsps,  f 
nnd  approved  hy  a  neniocratic  ("fovernor- 
heinr,  as  I  believe  these  re«'oliiiions  are,  in  strict 
nccordnnce  with  t!;e  w'shes  of  tl;e  people  v.dtoni  I 
h.ive  the  honor  more  inimcdiatelv  to  represent,  I 
feel  lioiini'.  in  my  ;iciiini  lirrc,  to  pay  the  strictest 
rei^nrd  to  tiiem. 
;  It  has  been  said  that  the  •■•i-iT  of  I*  H  was  a 
lemoorarv  mensm-e,  p'ld  the  enin'se  i,f  oor  di.-tin- 
rnished  Secrc»:irv  of  St:^te,  our  late  democratic 
Senator,  and  Irs  aciion  :uid  vote  on  that  hill,  have 
been  referred  to.  Sir,  that  <j:entlemiin  peed■^  no 
enlo'rv  from  me.  1^1  is  t>iotives  and  patriotism  have 
never  been  onceiioned  at  home  or  abroad.  I  admit 
that  the  tariiV  of  HP*  tp*^:*  h;ne  bren  eoindderei! 
as  a  temporarx'  measure  bv  tlio.-e  wlto  enacted  it; 
bill  I  ask,  is  this  ihe  lime  to  repeal  it .-  Is  this  the 
time,  situated  as  o;ir  eonntry  is,  to  net  calmly  and 
delibeni'ely  on  this  niiestiou.'  I  c'lpie  here  imiii- 
slnicted,  mipl'dijeil,  unlrammellcl,  in  ichvtion  to 
my  course  upon  it.  1  n;n  will-nir  to  alniit  that  th.ere 
nre  some  iniper!1'ciions  in  the  hill  of  |f<40.  There 
is  no  system  r.f  human  le^islaiion  that  is  ]ierl'e.^t. 
It  cannot  be  e\]ieeir.d  that,  in  n  bill  coiitainiiie"  so 
many  items,  everythin'r  sliop'd  lie  pcrfecl,  or  ihni 
llicy  could  lie  so  tol^nied  as  to  equ  'Ii7.e  the  duties 
on  imports  over  the  whole  extcnl  of  oiir  counfvy. 
lint  wp  are  now  inth"  seventh  ni'iiithof  the  session. 
We  nre  at  war.  Our  eonntry  is  in  a  state  o'*  ex- 
citement. I  ask  whether  this  is  the  time  to  revise 
our  tariir,  nnd  to  enact  a  system  of  dnlies  tliat  .s'lall 
be  permanent.'  Op*  country,  its  rnaiuil'ictnrinif 
interests,  the  pi-osncrity  of  its  iiictitntitais — nil  re- 
ouire  th  It  when  we  P'rain  enact  such  ii  system,  it 
shall  be  a  permanent  one,  that  nnrpeoi^Iemay  know 
upon  what  tliev  htive  to  depend:  and  I  contend,  (nr 
the  reasons  sta'ed,  i!iat  the  lime  is  now  inif  ivoijible 
to  the  acromphshmciil  ..fsiicli  nn  object.  Those  of 
us  who  nre  farmers  feel  that  to  remiiin  here  five 
ni  d  six  liotu'S  n  d:iy,  in  this  ch'se  nnd  heated  at- 
mos|ihere,  is  little  beiier  tliau  imprisonment.    The 


country  Is  becomiiii;  iinpntieiit.  Let  us  vole  sup- 
plies of  men  nnd  money  to  prosecute  tlie  oxisliii; 
wm-,  and  let  ns  ailjoiirn.     I.ct 


constituents. 


Let  1 


I  In 


!  to  our 


iinsiilt  with  tinan  ns  io  what 


our  action  should  be,  and  what  kimi  of  a  peac 
tarllf  ills  piop.r  lo  adopt,  l.-i  this  the  time,  in  a 
stale  of  war,  wh'ii  levies  of  men  are  imihin;;  on 
the  dill'ereiit  States,  to  net  calmly  and  dchheraiely 
Oil  this  ;;real  ipiesiion  .'  I  |iiil;:e  nol.  I  jnil';!'  that, 
wh.ilever  the  views  of  the  people  may  be  on  tlio 
qnesiiiin  of  the  tmilf  of  IS-I!.',  ihey  will  snslain  us 
in  adjournine,  and  holding'  the  subject  over  for 
future  consideration.  In  ex|iressin;;  llieso  views, 
I  believe  lliit  I  am  speakimr  in  ncconhin-e  v'tli 
Ihe  views  of  a  mnjorily  of  tiie  people  of  I'eiinsyl- 
vania.  I  do  n.it  ri.se  her.:  to  culo;:ize  niv  naiivo 
Stale.  She  needs  no  enlniy;  and  il'slie  did,  there 
are  others  of  my  colleiienes  more  competent  to  the. 
ta.di  than  I  prolis-i  to  be.  Wc  ask  yon  lo  look  at 
her  not  only  as  she  is,  but  ns  she  luis  been,  street 
nnd  yloriona.  Her  pnst  history  i.s  written  in  the 
records  of  your  eonntry.  The  part  she  bore  iii 
the  w.irs  of  the  Uevolniion,  the  p;irt  she  bore  in 
the  late  wiw,is  matter  of  history.  .Anil  let  mo  say, 
with  rcjard  to  the  war  in  which  wc  are  now  e'n- 
^a'^ed,  that  she  will  not  be  bacliM..,.;  ,,,  obeying 
her  country's  call.  In  my  owe  distiici,  moetine-a 
luive  been  held  wilhottL  distinction  of  party. 
Wliiirs  nnd  Democrnts  have  vied  with  each  other 
in  their  endeavors  to  come  to  the  siippmt  of 
Executive  in  carrvin^;  (oi  "his  war,  aiul  bringing  it 
to  a  speedy  and  i;lorioiis  termination. 

ronu!  ylvania,  alllioii:;h  .she  wiis  the  first  lo  abol- 
ish mi  i.istiliiiion  which  h:is  been  an  mifortnnate 
one  for  our  country,  dues  not  parlicip;iie  in  ihn 
f'elin^s  of  those  who  loo!:  at  this  war,  aiid  at  the 
me;isnro  oi;!  of  whieh  it  has  irrown,  t'lrongi.  Pio 
distoriiny;  medium  of  nholitiou  prtjndicei.  .  ■  ■ 
feels  that,  nlthoiin;h  ithnsbeenlcrniedaso.it'  ,  , 
measure,  ii  also  deserves  to  be  classed  anmnij  .he 
e;reat  iKitioiial  iiii;isiires  which  should  override  alt 
local  and  narrow  sectional  considcratii  ns.  As  I 
have  Slid,  she  \,-ns  the  lir.st  to  aboli.sii  the  iiislitn- 
lion  of  slavery.  As  e;ulv  as  tlie  year  17bi),  shn 
prepared  lo  relieve  herself  from  t!iis  evil.  1  hep;  to 
say  here,  not  lunipe:  until  now  h.id  an  opportunity 
of  doine:so,  that  in  'H\i  iirniy  m  to  earlv  in  the  ses- 
sion in  fa.  ;rof  the  rule  prohihii.ni^lhe  presentation 
of  n'lolition  jietiiioiis,  nnd  lio  ,-onsequenl  n'.;itation 
of  ..e  subject  to  the  neelcct  of  the  important  busi- 
ness of  the  country,  I  ilid  nothin;;  iii"onsist"iit 
with  the  early  action  of  I'eiinsylvania  on  i|ie  suli- 
jccl  of  slavery,  of  which  she  may  he  so  jnslly 
proud. 

There  was  n  time  when,  stranje  as  ii  may  ap- 
pear, the  term  uhol'ilinn  was  an  lionoralile  term.  It 
applied  lo  n  repe.d  of  that  which  weliad  a  ri;.'hl  la 
n  pi'al.  It  rel'crred  ;0  the  aeiion  of  onr  own  ."state, 
and  of  Uiose  .States  that  nbolisle  '  that  inaiiiition. 
I  was  not  warm  in  my  seat  in  the  .louse,  w  hen,  for 
the  vote  i  have  iilliidcd  to,  the  first  vole  I  evfrjiavr; 
in  iny  representative  capacity,  I  was  atiacdjed  by 
four  Wliiii:  l>:iners  in  my  district.  It  was,  as  I 
Inivc  .s;uil,  my  ilrst  vote,  and  I  confess  that,  dill'er- 
iii','  as  I  did  with  most  of  my  colleai;iu;s,  I  fell  some 
hesilalion  coiicerninL'  it.  lint  when  1  found  that 
ftiiir  W'iii;;  papers  assailed  me  for  it,  I  felt  s;iiisfied 
that  Iliad  done  riu'hl,  ;inil  llial  their  ;il!;ud{  wa.s 
a  sood  enomrh  eiiihu'sement  of  my  course.  Tlii.s 
is  the  lirsi  opportunity  I  haveeverlmd  of  ninkiiii; 
any  nllnsion  to  that  nitiiier. 

l'cnii.sylv;iiiia  has  li.'cn  always  democratic.     .She 
has  never -.vavered  ill  her  iliniocralic  course. 
'      A  voice:     "  How  was  il  in  IMlll.^  " 

Mr.  Mcf'i.F.AV.  It  is  ini-  •  '  in  Iti.lO  she 
did  cast  her  vofi'  t'or  the  Whii;  .dale;  not,  in- 

dcid  by  a  nitiiority,  but  by  less  than  a  majm-ity. 
Her  Mite  for  (ieneial  Harrison  was  a  pliirnliiy 
vole  onlv.  She  has  always  sustained  n  democrntic 
[■'.xeriiiive  of  our  country.  Her  msiitnlions  nre 
deinocratic.  And  I  be;  ;;enileinin  here  not  lo 
drive  her  too  close  to  the  wall;  I  be::  tliom  to  e.sti- 
nia.'e  properly  the  posiii.in  in  wdiieli  her  Uepre- 
seiitatives  oil  this  floor  nre  placejl.  I  am  'ilad  that 
in  the  vote  I  fra\e  the  oilier  day  af;aiiist  taliina:  up 
this  bill,  I  was  sustnini'd  by  nearlv  all  my  col- 
leat.oies.  And  fceliuT  llins  snsicini  d,  and  lieliev- 
im;  that  I  shall  be  siisiaiiied  by  my  o«u  people, 
the  remarks  I  now  propo.se  lo  niaki  shall  be  di- 
rected  to   the  propriety  "f  delay  in  adion  on  this 


Since  I  Clime  here,  I  have,  vvilh  whatever  feeble 


hi 


1845.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGPERSIONAL  GLOBE. 


69' 


•i9rii  Cong 1st  Suss. 


The  Tariir—Mr.  McClrun. 


llo. 


OK 


Kkps. 


(!  "xi.sliiii 

UK'  10  ciiir 

IS  In  \\  h.il 

!"  a  jicu^c'- 

liii;i',  in  n 

i;il;iiii^  (111 

■l.lu'iuicly 

Jul!'.'!'  lliiii, 

\n-  nil   tlir 

siisiaiii  iiM 

civil'  liir 

so  vii-vvs, 

iliiii 'e  v'lli 

r  I'c  liiisyl- 

iiiv  iniivi' 

llil,llinr 

loiil  Id  iIh'. 

Ill  liiiik  lit 

iiH'ii,  ^ni.r 

lll'll   ill   ilic 

lioro  ill 

ifi  liiire  in 

1  mc  siiy, 

!  iimv  ni- 

.  iilifiyiiii; 

nieoliiu'a 

il'    pariy. 

rarii  oilier 

purl  of  •-.   . 

Ijriiiirin»it 


aliility  I  possessed,  siisiained  llie  EKccutlve  ami 
tliu  Ailmiiiislrniiin.     I  Imvc  casi  tny  vole  for  lar^'e 
i-\]H'ii(iitiires   calk'il  for   liy  llie  eML^i-iiries  of  liie 
i'oiiiilry — exp'Militiircs  wiiii-h  1  vvumIiI   have  been  i 
loth  (ft  vote  for  ill  any  other  coiiliiiunie.y  tlinii  llint 
of  war.     i  I'epreseni  an  iiili'lliiriiit,  liiieral,  aii(l,al 
ilie  same  time,  tlnifiy  and  iVu-jai  peoph-,  who  hlie 
to  see  wiiete  their  motiey  i:oe.-';  lint  wiio,  in  lime  of 
war,  when  tile  i.liaraeter  aiai  liie  lioimr  of  the*  oiin-  . 
fry  are  at  sialic,   will  not  liesiiatc  to  vote  liberal  I 
siippliei!  nf  men  ami  money  to  carry  on  tli«  war.       i 

iMr.  (,'liainiian,  I  am  not  i^oiiii^  to  raise  the  qiics-  , 
finii  whether  a  lariil'fnr  pioiuetino  is  siieli  a  one  as 
the  interesis  of  the  enniilry,  or  the  progressive 
eliaracler  of  our  insiitiuioiis  and  the  new  li^'ht 
wliieli  is  every  year  east  upon  us,  will  justify,  or 
iiol.  It  is  sutlieient  for  me  to  know  thai  the  tariff 
(if  IR4"3  works  well.  The  !;entleniaii  who  prece- 
lird  me  [Mr.  S.  .loNi;s]  says  iliat  we  should  jiirlie 
liie  tri.'C  tiy  its  frniis.  I  am  willing'  lo  take  him  at 
liis  wtird.  J  can  onlv  speak  with  reference  to  that 
poriioii  of  the  eoiiiilry  with  which  I  am  iiiori"  iiii- 
luediaJily  ac(iii(iiiited.  Ami  what  do  1  Kce  llierer 
(•iveryuliere  around  me,  in  wliaIsoe\(.-r  direction  I 
iiiav  travel,  1  see  the  evidences  of  a  prns|ieriiiis, 
bappy,  and  clieerfiii  penple.  Cio  where  i  will,  1 
bear  the  hum  of  busy  industry.  I  sec  the  cvi- 
ilences  of  iiiiprovemeiit — of  prosperily,  I  was  ijoiim- 
to  say — almost  uiiexainoied  in  liie  Insiory  of  our 
eonnlry.  The  firmer  has  a  trood  price  for  his  pro- 
(liice.  Uiiriiii;  flic  last  seasnu  he  has  had  abniidance 
lo  spare.  The  W'a;;es  of  labor  are  fair.  The  c  a- 
rcncy  is  as  ^(lod  as  ever  it  wasj  it  has  never  in  my 
ricollectioii  been  belter.  The  system  works  well, 
'i'lie  tree  Iiei;rs  frnil:  tlie  fruH  i.s  I'.nod:  and,  as 
the  ^eiiileni.Mi  from  Ijem-gia  says,  by  iis  I'riiit  llic 
tree  should  be  judged. 

The  .<:y>teni  of  imposini;ibilies  on  iniporls  is  in- 
tricate and  complex.  )i  lias  eii;;aged  llie  alieminn 
of  al!  our  wisest  slalesnien  since  the  adojition  of 
tlic  Censtiiiuion.  .\iul  will  you  rashly  make  a 
clianire  in  the  face  of  the  prosperity  nl'  the  coun- 
try? Will  you  pull  down  a  sysiem  which  is  work- 
in-,'  .so  weli.'  1  trust  not.  I  trust  that  al  this  late 
)ieriod  of  the  session,  in  the  midst  nf  the  excile- 
lurnt  that  prevails,  you  will  nol  t'nrce  this  llniise 
lo  adopt  a  measure  which  the  people  expect  u:  be 
periiiaiieiit.  1  have  said  that  1  will  not  raise  llie 
fpieslioii  whether  it  is  proper  to  make  such  a  larili' , 
as  will  foster  and  jirolect  American  imlnslry.  IJiit  ' 
I  trust  th.it  the  d.iy  lias  not  cni.ie  when  a  Deni.i- 
er.il  who  raises  his  voice  here  in  lavnr  of  free  dis- 
cussion must  be  cried  down.  1  lliiul;  many  uiond 
reasoii.s  may  be  adduced  in  favor  of  a  sysieni 
which  imposes  reasonable  duties  for  t!ie  encoiiraije- 
iiieiit  of  domestic  imiustiy.  One,  for  iuslan-e,  is 
III  be  liiuiid  111  a  cause  whicli  will  always  exist; 
and  that  is,  a  reasonable  apprehension  of  war.  No 
natinii  shoiilil  e\er  be  unprepared  for  ihai  ealamilv. 
V.veiy  naiioii  on^Jil  so  lo  encniira^c  its  own  imlus- 
(.■!,*,  I'l.it  in  the  event  of  war,  if  tliori?  are  any  arti-  ■ 
rlejj  eiitcriiis;  into  the  coosumptinii  uf  the  people 
whi  1:  are  necessary  for  their  siibsisieiice  and  their 
I'l-.l,  it  should  not  be  deprived  of  these  articles, 
'i  I  s.'aild  look  lo  ils  own  resources  for  a  supply 
'  hei  I  refer  the  committee  Ui  the  action  nf 
I'i  ■  iV  v'oii^'re.ss  on  lliis  suliieel.  The  preamble 
o.  ■)  sec, ■till  act  jiassed  by  the  first  ( ■on';ies.s 
whr.ii  ;i  'milled  under  the  ('onsiiinlion  ol'  the 
Ifiiitcd  Stales,  declared  its  object  lobe  "liie  eu- 
eoiiratienient  of  luaiiufactures  and  the  rnisini;  of 
revenue." 

In  hi.s  messnicc  to  Congress  in  17'.)C,  Cieneral 
WasliiiiKlon  •  n    ■ 

"  ('oiii^ri's.-*  '.1'  t .  ji.- 'fi'("i/.  nii(i  mil  e.tlliniit  slice  ■-..  ili- 
reeled  111  ♦r  atlciileiii  la  llii>  eiiciiii  '.-  iiirni  i.l'  ni  iiiiiLie- 
tures.  'i'iie  iiiiji  CI  IS  <t!i,i;i  iiiiich  c.,|i.  ,pi,  II.  ,.  leirid  nl.l|l.' 
^  ciillIillllHlice  ol"  lliea  cirnrts  III  cxci.i  \\:i>  vihiili  sli.ill  lip. 
pi-ar  cliifiule." 

Mr.  JelVcrBun,  in  hi.)  mes.sic'c  of  November, 
JtsiW,  sny.s: 

•'  Till'  Hllunlion  into  wliicli  we  Iin\('  lici  rt  liius  f  irccil,  has 
iiiipell'il  II-  tn  tipply  a  iiiiriKia  ol  uiii  inili-l. .  iiinl  ei(|iiliil  m 
Oilciicil  iiiiiiuii.eliiic.  :iiiil  iiii|iio\.  nil  his,     Tlic  c\tciil  nl' 

till     CitlOri -Ci.l  I  .  il.uU    Iiiri,;i-iiii;.  ,111,1  hull-   itiiulit   IlillilOls 

1    .1    h     clalili-l iiis  loi'iiii'il  mill  In: nj  will,  liliil.T  the 

I'l  .pit  I'l  ijl'  ctii'iiii  T  iiialiTMls  mill  siilisisieiM'c.  im-  friistiMii 
Ml  I  (lior  iViilll  laxilliiin  w  il!i  ii ..  iiiid  ul'  /H'O/iioioi  dt'lic^,  uitil 
■^.rohihitiuti:,  Leiiiiiii  piaiii.iai  i.t." 

Ill  IMKi,  Mr.  .TelVerson  addressed  a  leller  to  Bcii- 
Jniiiin  Ausliii,  of  Mass.vchusctls,  in  which  he  re- 
aliirnis  in  llie  fullesi  luamier  bis  npinion  in  favor  of 
the  policy  of  iiroleciiu^f  Aineriean  iiiaiiufaetures,  or 
of  whai  he  calls  the  "  .\inericaii  sysieni."     In  ilial 


Idler  lie  says,  the  "  Federal  nierclianls  of  iVIussa-  ! 
eliiiseits"  are  oppo.scd  lo  tji-.,  sysiem. 

Mr.  Madison  said,  in  liis  nies.saL'e  of  February,  i 
1H1.5: 

'•There  in  no  sulijecl  wliii'li  c.in  enler  with  itTPiiler  farce 

iatd  tlie   (Iclilicrniiiilis  (it  Ciiiejriss,  lliiiii  : ii.-ulcriiliiiii  (iT 

tic  iiieiiiM  liip.-rs:  rv.  mill  pidiiiuic  Ml''  iiiitiiiil;ii-liires  wiiii-li 
iio'i'  siiriaii,'  i;iln  cxi.  (ciu-i-  iiiiit  aUiiiiiid  ;iii  iih|i:iinil('li() 
liclfiirily  lliriiiiL'hiiul  He-  I'liili'il  Sillies,  iliiriiii!  the  peiiiiil  nl 
I  ic  Kiir-'p  an  w;irs.  'I'lij,.;  .nnrc  ol'  iiniiniiil  liiilcpt'iuleiiie 
mill  w.'iilili  I  iinviiiiislyrceiiininciKl.liii  rcri,le,liilhe ,  niiipl 
llnil  enii.stiint  triliinliiiii.hlp  iif  L'tiiure-s." 

In  his  Iiiaiicnral  iuessai;o  in  March,  Itil",  Pres- 
ident Aloihoe  said: 

*•  Our  iiiiitmr.i'tnn's  will  likewise  reipiire  Ihc  nvsteniallc 
mill  r(i-t"rilii.'  em  •  ol'  Ihc  '.'iivi'rnnii-ltt.'' 

Ill  18:.'4,  Cieneral  .Tacksoii,  in  a  letter  addi'e.s.scd 
to  IJr.  Colei  win,  of  Aortli  (Jarulina,  on  the  subject 
of  tlii^  tariti',  says; 

'•  1  will  ask.  what  is  the  rcilyiliialinn  orniiragiicii'tinists . 
WliiTi  has  ih,.  .\iin  ncun  riiiiin  r  il  lii:iili.*t  h.i  Ins  ,-urpliis 
proiliKl.'  Kvi'.-pr  I'-ir  ciiuiia.  he  liii-  milK  r  a  I'er,  ipn  iinr  a 
liiinie  market.  Doc;  nrit  itiis  »  |rail,\  prnv,  wiieo'  Iliere  is 
llii  inlirliel  eillicr  iil  hnilie  or  li'iriiail.'thal  liiere  is  tim  inm'il 
lalior  i'iiipl(i,\eil  in  ii^ticnlinri .  iiin'l  lliiii  itti-  ciituin  N  lor 
laliur  .-Imiilil  he  inilllipticii .'  ('(iniiiiiiii  s:  ii-r  iiiiiiii.  dill  al 
(iiicc  III''  rcnieiiy.  Dr.iu  rrniu  in'ricilhn;''  Iliis  Mip  r;'hini 
(lam  laliei.  einphi.i  il  in  in  'ciianlsni  ami  ni.<iiiilai  lar.'  .  Hi.  re 
11,.  I  rciliii:;  a  linlne  liiark'l  for  ,V"iir  hnai!.  mil.-,  i-iid  dis 
triliUliNi,'lah  irlollic  mn.l  pr'ilii.iiil'  aci-..iiiil.aiii[  h'-tielil.-.  In 
the  (  oioitiy  uill  r  -nil,  'i'a  <i'  011111  ai'inulliir''  in  IIh'  I.'iii- 
t'-il  Hlulc,  siv  hill. do  il  ilKcisand  iiien.  W'liiii'ii.iiml  ctaidien, 
and  ^llIl\^'ill  III  'iiiec  liueahniii"  niiiikel  lor  mo.  1- Inead- 
Hliiir^  Ihaii  all  T'lr-'pi'  ii'iw  rniiii-hi's  IIS.    I,i  ^hoti,  ••ir.  u-c 

li...-.liii-,l  too  h,i«^nl::itl  Dl'in  H,il'  li  mfirh.ulh:     It  i-  li 

that  w.'  shiiiild  hei 11  lull''  inoi''  .\iii  ii'-am/ed  ;  and,  lie 

sii'  111  111'  I'l'i'dintr  the  paiipi  rs  oi'  l^i;:laiid.  irtsl  nnr  iiw  n  ;  nr 
el  e  III  a  .slior'  lini'.  Ii\  ccnlinlliiii  nnr  pr.'.-i'iit  pinn:y,we 
shall  all  ill-  lendcr.'ii  p,Hi|i.r.-  iinr-cives." 

Ill  February,  l>su'^,  the  same  cniinent  individual 
sent  to  the  (Jovernor  of  the  St, He  of  Indiana,  in 
answer  to  ceriain  resoluiions  of  ilie  Leijislaiiirc  of 
lliat  .Slate,  on  the  sulijecl  of  ihe  tarilf  ami  iiilernal 
iinprovenienls,  a  copy  of  the  leller  Ir.uii  which  the 
fore'roniv''  extracts  are  made,  and  riniarks: 

•'  I  will  rnrtlicr  nhservc  t'l.iniir  Kxerlli'iici.  ilial  no- views 
nf  cini.-liliaiiinid  power  and  .Anic.iraii  [1  ih.-V  w.-ic  ii'idiilu'd. 
in  no  small  d".;i''i',  in  Itii'  limes  and  Iiihii  'llic  .-.ej'  s  iiltlie 
Id  v.ihll  iin.  ami  Ilial  my  cvpiTiciii-e  has  mil  di,-p.i.-ed  me  In 

I'orL'et  liieir  lL■S^llll^." 

I  have  furnished  te  limony  from  lliose  who  are 
numbered  with  the  ih  id.  I  add  ihe  fslinioiiy  of 
one  who  is  still  liviii',',  ami  has  I'liiaf  oecupied  a 
prooiiueui  siaiion  in  li.    coiiin  ils  if  his  eniiii'iv.     I 

refer  to  the  I'em.uks  ,  f  Mr.  Call 1  in  b-li;.     I 

have  nol  been  able  lo  "'tain  the  paper  that  eonlaiiis 
them.  Uiit  they  are  s,.,.!  to  be  in  llie  Inlclliyeiiecr 
of  the  iiClli  of  .Vl'ii'i'li,  |S|6.  Ajrain,  in  his  "report 
as  .Secretary  of  War,  oii  road.-i  ami  e:  als,  .Mr. 
Calhoun  refers  to  the  sysieni,  {i.  c.  of  roads  and 
canals,)  as  well  ealc.ilaled  lo  aid  and  eiieiiura:;e 
domestic  inaiiuf;;''liiri  s, 

Aow,  (contimicd  Mr.  McC.,)  I  desire  to  take 
my  humlile  |iosit;ou  in  ihc  path  of  thai  great  man, 
(Jeiieral  .Jackson,  whose  opinions  1  have  just 
tpii'led.  1  believe  it  is  lime  that  we  should  become 
alilili'innr.  ;eric;inizi'il.  I  Irusi  I  feel  in  lelaiioii 
to  this  ijUesti.'.i  as  all  American  siecdd  feel.  See 
the  eoiulition  in  which  nurcoiintry  1:,  placed.  Ue- 
eent  events,  1  admit,  have  eH'cted  some  change, 
bill  il  is  our  duly  al  all  timi  s  lo  li  ;;is!ale  for  our 
own  insiiinlioiis.  Y»'e  have  iiiilil  lecenllv  been 
llireateiied  with  ii<.''2;ression  frniii  abroad.  We  arc 
now  (imaged  in  liosiililies  with  a  sister  Uepublie — 
a  weaker  one  it  is  true.  The  Powers  of  l'',iii'opc 
are  looking  on  with  jealousy,  anxious  thai  we 
should  (lesiroy  inch  oilier;  or  raihrr,  as  our  head 
is  the  tallest,  wailing  lo  strike  a  blow  ami  brinu;  us 
to  Ihe  level  of  Mexico  and  her  sister  Republics. 
Sir,  il  is  lime  that  we  slioiild  become  Ainei  icaui/.ed. 
Oh  1  for  a  spark  of  thai  .•Vmeric.iii  (ire  wlii.'li  bhc-ed 
so  imeiisely  in  these  halls  durimr  ihe  I  in-om  de- 
bate. [\  ineinln'r;  '•  Il  -.v.is  exliic-nish,  iI  in  the 
olbi'i-  end  of  the  Capitol. "|  I  think  thai  ibis  is 
I  Ik  lime  when  we  slioiild  elierisli  ,\iuericanri.';lil.s — 
when  've  should  make  our  (innilry.  In  ihe  reinolesl 
exlreniiiy,  feel  llie  deep,  slroii'i-,'warm  [lulsalions 
of  an  .•\iiieric  III  heart.  The  holy  nlliaiieeaie  look- 
iiiL'on  wiihj'.'iliiiisy,  and  are  I  likio.  nf  ri  "lul.iling 
the  balance  uf  Power  in  this  wesiern  beniisphere; 
and  I  ask  genileinen,  will  lliey  nil  cnne  up  lo  the 
rescue,  and  cherish  ilieir  own  insiinnions.- 

I  am  in  favor  of  n'erylhiii::  .■Vmerican  s- vc  na- 
tive Americanism  in  t!ie  pobiii'al  sense  nf  that 
term.  The  Si  ..  •  of  PemisyU.mia,  peopled  by 
emigrant'  .ind  the  des.'endanls  of  eniigranls,  from 
nlmosl  every  eounlry  in  I'^i  rope,  should  be  the  last 
to  advouale  llie  proscriplive  principles  of  lliat  in- 


tolerant school.  In  Ihc  pure,  atmosphrre  of  tlio 
enuntry,  on  the  tops  of  our  inouniains,  in  ihu 
liearls  of  onr  valleys,  native  Americanism,  ati  n 
p  iliiical  theory,  has  no  recoenizid  exisieme.  it 
lives  and  breiitli<'s.  and  has  its  beinu'"  in  the  dense 
ihoronglifares  of  onr  inlies  alone.  The  .'\mericnn 
can  point  with  pride  to  llial  clau.^e  in  the  Coiisli- 
tulioii  wliiih    forbids  a  religions   lest    for  Imlding 

(iiiice.     Sirilci I  lliat  clause,  and  our  libialies,  as 

a  people,  would  be  but  of  Ijvief  duniiion.  In  my 
own  disiri.'t  the  nainrali/.ed  population  of  my  nc- 
f|uaiiK.inee  are  as  hoinst,  worthy,  and  paliiolic  citi- 
zens, as  any  imrlion  of  our  inbabilanls;  ami,  in  ihe 
eveiil  of  aclive  service  being  reipiiied  durimr  the 
existing  war,  ibe  naltir;di7.('d  eitizens  of  our  Slate 
woold  be  as  willing  as  any  ulliers  10  iiilly  uiuler 
the  siars  and  stripes,  and  to  figlit  for  the  liberties 
of  their  adopuil  land. 

Ijiit  ibis  is  said  In  be  a  pnrlv  nicnsui'e;  and  wo 
are  called  upon  by  luirlv  lies  to  come  up  to  this 
work.  Sir,  I  deny' that  this  larilT(|iiesilon  in  Penii- 
svlvania  liesi  v(  r  be(  11  made  a  parly  (p.estion.  The 
Whigs  aiK  nijited  to  make  it  so,  and  failed.  I  be- 
lieve iheir  greaiest  irlory  now,  if  ihey  looked  to 
parly  views  and  feelings,  would  be  the  repeal  of 
llie  liirilV.  P.ut  I  have  inia";  ri  sped  for  llml  parly, 
as  a  bod)',  than  to  soppn.sc  that  they  are  aeiualwl 
by  such  iiiiworlliy  nintivcs.  I  will  not  say  that 
nnieli  for  their  liadrrs. 

The  laic  sieamer  brniislit  lis  tlie  news  of  two 
very  iinonrlam  evenis — an  inlercsliiigoccasionlmp- 
peiiing  111  the  Cliaeii,  and  the  repeal  of  the  eoril- 
law.s.  As  republicans,  I  believe  we  are  about  as 
miic.i  inlereso'd  in  the  one  as  the  other.  I  dislike 
this  L';ipini:,  lougiiiL'",  and  slretehing  out  for  news 
friini  KiiL'laiid;  as  if  we  eniild  nol  legislate  wilhout 
the  n|iiirolialion  of  the  nioiber  country.  I  disap- 
proveil  ol'il  whilst  the  Oregon  debate  was  in  prog- 
ress—  1  disapprove  of  il  now. 

Ill  fereace  has  beiii  made  t(i  the  exliibilion  of 
.American  m.-uiiifaciiires  in  ibis  city,  and  it  has  been 
eravely  chatted  ihal  free  ticlicls  were  sent  here  lo 
inllueiii'e  the  voles  of  members.  Is  there  no  other 
Kind  nf  iiilUieiiee  Fon'.;lit  to  be  broii',dil  In  bear  upon 
members?  I  never  expei'Ud,  when  1  came  here, 
III  see  such  an  exliiliilion  as  I  have  seen.  I  never 
expected  '.II  .see  Ibitish  men  bants  and  maimfaein- 
rers  brought  into  onr  em  1  onee  rnoms  10  exhibit 
their  imimifactnres  to  iiifoi'  nee  Aniericnn  legisla- 
tion on  Ihc  larilV.  Gentlemen  may  talk  as  they 
please  of  the  cliaiiman  of  the  eommiilee  ol'  the  Xa- 
linii.il  h'air  sending  iVi  '■  ti'-ki  Is  10  nienibers  of  Con- 
gress. It  was  110  more  than  all  act  of  courtesy. 
But  it  is  disgraerfiil  lo  sec  Ibitish  asrents  coming  to 
this  Capitol,  iiifesiing  your  roiiiniitl"e-i'oonis,  on 
this  siibji'i't  li^  diilles  nil  imporis.  I  think,  ns  eii- 
lighteiied  ,\mcri''ans,  we  shniild  lint  .-^nlimit  to  the 
repclitiou  of  such  a  scene.  The  exliibilion  held  in 
Ibis  city  must,  I  think,  have  been  gratifying  to 
every  .\merican  of  prnper  feel  g.  I  bad  ''O  part 
in  L'eilio^:  it  uii:  but  I  confess  tint,  when  '  niered 
the  bnildinir,  I  fell  a  glow  nf  pride  al  the  evidences 
of  skill  and  ingenuiiy  on  the  part  of  onr  mamifae- 
iiircrs  and  workmen;  and  al  the  articles  of  exrpiis- 
ite  skill  and  delicacy  from  the  fair  hands  of  our 
eoonirywomen.  My  own  district  furnished  il.>i 
liiiiiiblef|Uoia,aiid  I  felt  prouder  of  my  penple  than 
1  had  ever  fell  before. 

The  change  reconimen'!--!!  by  the  bill  under  eon- 
sideralioii,  and  by  the  h  tier  of'lhe  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  is  from  llie  specilic,  to  the  ad  valorem 
principle.  Now,  I  differ  with  the  honorable  gen- 
tleman who  pre led  me,  f.Mr.  .Toxf.s  of  Georgia,! 

as  to  Ihe  preference  ilint  should  be  given  tn  the  nil 
valorem  over  ihe  specific  duties.  The  t|iicslion  is, 
wiieiher  you  will  iidopi  the  home  or  the  foreign 
valuaiion'.  I  am  ill  fivnr  of  the  valuation  of  my 
eniinlrymen — the  valuaiion  nf  specific  duties,  in 
preference  to  ihe  system  of  ad  valorem  duties,  in- 
ducing and  presenting  livilitiiss  for  fraud.  You 
cannot  prevent  it.  The  gcnllcman  says  that 
the  importers  and  those  who  make  out  (lie  bills 
will  not  eheal,  because  the  duties  are  so  low  that 
there  would  be  no  object  in  making  out  fraudulent 
invoices.  Bill  men,  in  can  ying  out  fraudiileni  iii- 
leiilioiis,  are  not  aclnaled  by  the  amount  to  bo 
oblained  iVnni  llie  fraud.  I  believe  that  a  system 
of  fraud  would  be  carried  on  by  foreign  importers 
loo  inlriealc  and  too  extensive  to  be  reached  by 
any  iiiacimeiil  we  may  make.  1  believe  they 
would  ('Ileal,  110  mailer  what  iimouiil  was  involv- 
ed. They  like  il;  and  tlioy  will  chcul  for  cents  an 
Well  as  dollars. 


-     i 


692 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 


[June  18, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Mc  Clean. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


!; 


The  ail  vnlorcm  bnain  s»lijects  the  revenue  lo  |i 
constant  changes  in  amount,  |usl  ns  the  prices  of  i! 
imporlcd  arli(lca  tine  and  full,  the  revenue  being  i 
iensi  when  the  Government  needs  it  most.  | 

The  system  of  ad  valorem  duties  will  drive 
every  American  importer  from  the  foreign  trade. 
In  despotic  and  monarchical  governments,  the  ' 
revenue  collecied  tVoni  duties  upon  imports,  ns  well 
as  other  sources,  goes  lo  the  support  of  the  nohiliiy 
of  the  realm.  It  is  npplied  to  the  miiinlpiinnoe  of 
a  branch  of  the  population  in  which  the  people  nt 
large  feel  little  interest,  especially  as  the  means 
are  in  part  drawn  from  those  who  are  least  able  to 
bear  it;  and  for  that  reasiui  importers  are  less  eon-  i 
scientious  about  frauds.  In  our  country  every  nuui  | 
feels  that  he  has  on  interest  in  the  concerns  of  the 
Government.  He  is  a  constituent  part  of  a  great 
mass.  The  humblest  individual  feels  that  he  hns  nn 
interest  in  the  faithful  administration  of  the  all'airs 
of  the  Government.  lie  feels  that  o  fraud  upon 
the  Government  is  a  fraud  upon  the  people  com- 
posing that  Government. 

But  we  are  called  upon  ns  a  party  lo  repeal  the 
tnrilT.  1  nuiy  differ  from  ihe  I'rcsidenI  nnd  his 
finnncial  Sccrelary  upon  one  single  subject,  with- 
out laying  myself  open  to  a  charge  of  inconsist- 
ency. I  am  a  member  of  n  co-ordinate  branch  <tf 
the  Government.  An  independent  discharge  of 
duties  by  each  is  the  only  security  for  the  perpe- 
tuity of  our  polilicnl  fabric.  In  a  country  with 
interests  so  diversified  ns  ours  is,  it  cannot  be  ex- 
pected that  men,  brought  up  in  luid  coming  from 
widely-separated  sections  of  this  vast  country, 
should  entertain  the  same  opinion  cm  all  and  every 
subject  connected  with  the  policy  that  ought  to  be 
pursued  by  those  to  whom  the  admini-stralion  of 
the  Government  was  enmmitted.  The  Executive 
has  his  peculiar  responsibility.  AsaReprcsenlniive,  ' 
I  have  mine — less  weighty  nnd  more  circumscribed, 
it  is  true;  but  not,  on  that  account,  tlic  less  im- 
portHut  to  myself. 

The  party  cry  is  raised;  and  the  Union  is  call- 
ing on  the  democratic  party  here  to  come  up  to  the 
work.  We  have  had  lectures  upon  the  subject 
lime  nnd  again;  and  1  beg  leave  to  rend  two  ex- 
tracts from  that  ptt[ier,  uiken  from  a  work  written 
by  a  Mr.  Macgregor,  (ot  the  reipiest,  I  bi  lieve,  of 
the  (iuecn,)  in  favor  of  free  trade.  I  find  these 
extracts  in  the  Union  of  the  Itiih: 

"If  Eiiclaiii)  tins  niailf  srcnl  n(lviinc<>!<  toward-^  an  cftuita- 
blo  atiit  liinTiU  fyftcnt  nt'  cntiuucri-iiit  IfftisiiitiMii.  tlic  tree 
aiiil  United  Statt-ii  <>r  .Amcriia  hiivc  aclually  ri'tniirfailcil 
frnin  a  ity.'<trin  fl'^cnlly  and  cnjnincrciiilty  un^rmnil  in  it^  ori- 
pin,  intti  the  niiiKt  trrclihrd  and  unenligMeiti'd  r-rUi'inp-*  nt' 
cii>ti)ins  duties,  trained  on  tlic  JaUwioia  biwis  of  |»roU-('lint{ 
lMunnIac'tur('>. 

'•Tiie  numcrnns  cnstonifl  tariff*  of  the  t'nii.'il  Statfs 
wonld  be  discrt'ditalilc  to  the  rpinai  ignoruit/  and  A,(^^..^ol(i 
ftnverinncnt;  ami,  when  we  consider  (hi*  inteJIIaciM-.'  olthe 
citixenH,  ami  tlie  condition  of  llie  inniury.  wtn-n  l'oriirrc>- 
first  iiassed  laws  to  nnposc  duties  on  ttie  inipnrutiou  nf 
foreign  rornniodities,  we  can  only  account  lor  tlie //,nn/ers 
coii..nittfMl.  hy  an  hereditary  attaclnnent  to  tlie  had  e\auiptt' 
(tfthc  mother  country." 

Hei-e  (continued  Mr.  McC.)  is  n  pnper  pub- 
lished in  the  city  of  Washingtmi  adopting  smh 
language.  I  do  not  charge  the  Admiiiisinition 
with  it.  lb'  I've  no  one  is  responsible  for  remarks 
in  this  new.-('.iper  but  the  editor. 
•There  is  another  extioct: 

"  Hut  with  all  these  liuhts  and  nd\'antaf;es  tn  cuidc  tlieni. 
nnd  tiavinft  a  free  crnirse  heiorc  Uieut,  erroneous  vtivvs  r.l' 
eomuiercial  leffidation  arose  out  in'  the  very  prineijdes  id' 
independi'hce  which  they  declared.  Mi'n  of  nntderale  ani- 
htlifui  ami  friieal  hahils,  lilvi>  W'aHhinntou  nnd  mariv  oMiers, 
entertained,  with  nodiuiht  pure  intentions,  lite  idiii.  iliat  ni 
order  to  ho  perfectly  independent,  they  must  produt  i-  at 
hiMiiP  everythinit  rrn'nired  lor  AmkI,  raiment,  slielter,  emive 
nience,  and  luxury.  Tliin /(il/d'-ion*  pn'iirf/i/e  lias  Inlheito 
prevailed,  hiil  we  iielieve  Cii'niiol  he  very  loii:j  i-ontinueit," 

As  an  Americjin,  (continued  Mr.  MrO.,)  and 
trusting  I  have  an  American  heart,  I  dislike  to  see 
the  name  of  Wnshiiiglon  in  such  ,'oi  nKsoeimion. 
In  our  region  of  country  we  are  not  ncciislonif'd  to 
it.  I  will  not  nsk  where  the  editor  got  his  commis- 
sion. I  might  be  charged  with  i/iio/iHg  from  the 
other  end  of  the  CaTiiiol.  Hut  I  nsk,  who  m'liniied 
this  editor  with  l.ish  in  hand,  nnd  fiee-lrnde  spurs 
on  his  heels  to  goad  our  Hanks,  nnd  drive  us  up  to 
the  work  of  repeal '  I  believe  that  the  newsoiper 
press  in  this  country  should  follow,  not  lend,  the 
action  of  n  free  and  iiidipendent  people.  I  feel 
that  I  am  a  friend  nf  this  Administration.  I  took 
an  humble  part  in  the  election  of  the  present  woi'- 
thy  Executive  to  the  slniion  he  holds.  I  ndniire 
him.  I  admire  his  noble  liearing  in  the  present 
ditBcult  position  in  which  he  in  placed,    I  feel  ilml 


I  would  sustain  him  in  evi'ry  proper  measure;  and  i 
I  trust  that  my  party  alleginhce  is  not  to  be  brought  i 
in  ipiestion,  if  I  choose  to  dill'er  from  the  Union 
on  this  subject.  I  gloried  ns  much  ns  any  man  in 
the  election  of  Prrsident  Polk.  My  own  fate  in 
Ihe  canvn.ss  of  1H44  wns  but  a  drop  in  the  bucket 
eompaied  with  tl.e  iiilcrest  I  felt  in  his  election; 
and  I  believe  that  he  will  fulfil  the  highest  expcc-  , 
tations  of  tho.se  who  elevated  him  to  power.  As  I 
mingled  yesterday  with  the  gay  and  happy  throng,  l| 
of  nil  ages  nnd  coiid. lions  in  life,  in  the  fiont  of 
the  presidential  mnnsioii,  listening  lo  the  sirnins  of 
music  fi'om  the  Marine  banil,  my  nttenlion  wns 
attracted  by  a  smnll  enclosure  round  a  young  nnd 
thriving  tree.  I  went  mill  examined  it.  It  wns  a 
young  hickory;  it  had  sprung  out  of  the  root  of 
ihe  old  one  tlinl  lind  occupied  iis  plnce.  And  I 
thought  it  wns  n  striking  emblem.  I  believe  the 
I'resideni  will  turn  out  to  be  in  liiilh  Young  Hick- 
ory; nnd  that  in  his  I'ctii'enient  a  grateful  counlry 
will  esteem  him  whilst  living,  nnd  veucinte  his 
memory  when  dcnil.  I  trust  that  mytricnd,  the 
Irish  eardener,  will  cherish  the  young  twig. 

lUit  1  was  reading  eerlnin  exlrncts.  I  suppose 
now  we  Sic  to  dniue  .Mncgri'imr's  Reel,  nn  old 
Scoli'h  dance,  to  the  iiiusic  of  the  pipes.  As  I 
was  referring  to  the  opinions  of  Wnshington,  .Tef- 
ferson,  Mndisoii,  mill  nil  the  fnihers  of  oiir  coun- 
try on  ihis  ijuesiion,  mi  old  vuise  came  into  my 
mind — 

"  Our  fatV   -    lived  in  darlier  days;  ; 

The)  lifv,      ■  ^lenni  from  \\i>dom's  rays — 
l.iiie  ow     ■   I'        It:'-   ir  piev  liv  liivht, 
Thiirchil     I  e  for  lialil." 

Now  we  live  in   .  .1  of  light.     All  the 

opinions  ihni  have  beci,  _  ,  by  the  fathers  of  our 
institutions  in  the  dnvs  ^.me  by  are  to  be  disre- 
garded.    We  nre  to  ndopl  a  new  set  of  opinions. 

I'lit  my  time  is  ninningout.  I  voled,  I  confess, 
for  the  one-hour  rule,  and  I  do  not  complain  of  its 
o|ieration.  I  linve  not  time  to  go  into  a  discussion 
of  the  merits  of  this  iiill.  I  regret  it  the  less,  in- 
nsmucli  as  the  honorable  member  who  spoke  this 
morning,  nnd  who  is  also  n  member  of  ihc  Com- 
niillcc  of  Ways  nnd  Menus,  slated  tlinl  the  bill 
bad  not  yet  been  perfected,  thnt  amendments  were 
I.I  be  introduced;  nnd  we  do  not  ihercforo  know 
the  precise  form  the  bill  is  to  take. 

There  hove  been  three  jieriods  of  universal  dis-  ' 
tress  throughout  our  land  since  the  peace  of  17»I3, 
and  in  each  case  under  low  duties.  1  nppenl  to 
those  who  remember  those  periods;  nnd  oiliers, 
I  refer  to  the  niinnls  of  our  counlry.  Those  peri- 
ods were  from  ITfs.'J  (the  coiieliisioii  of  (lie  revolu- 
tionary war)  to  17f*!);  If^I,")  to  it^->i:  IH.'l?  lo  ISld. 

Our'lii::hest  tnrilf  wns  ihnt  of  Irtr.'rt;  our  greatest 
revenue  wns  uiiilcr  it,  for  the  year  IHUl,  being 
SU0,H13,K51  ncl,  nl  rales  of  duty  uNeinging  Al  |)er 
cent,  on  im]>orts  subject  lo  duly.  (See  Doc.  iVo.  1 
H,  i28th  Congress.)  tlur  lowest  liirilV  wns  in  oper-  ! 
ntion  in  1K4'),  being  less  tlmn  24  percent,  on  the 
dulinble  ioiporls,  and  pioiliiceil  a  net  revenue  for 
the  year  of  f>l:.',7^1l,17.'l.  With  lliis  ("net  slnring 
me  ill  the  Cm'i't  1  wilt  Iicsiiate  to  nilnpt  the  mnxiin 
ndvocnted  upon  ibis  lloor.  Mini  the  lower  llie  diilies 
the  grenter  the  revenue.  1  hnve  time  barely  to 
glniii'e  nt  one  or  two  of  the  primipnl  fenlures  in  the 
ni't  of  1'^4'J.  1  find  snnie  of  the  nrlicles  paying  the 
highest  duties  are  those  denomiiinted  "  lii.xuries," 
mill  entering  into  tlie  use  nnd  consiiinption  of  the 
rich.  The  nrlii'le  jmying  llie  highest  rate  of 
duty,  imporlcd  in  any  coiisidernble  (|iiniitity,  is 
thai  of  .':;iii'i(s,  the  rale  varyiier,  on  biniidy,  nini, 
mill  gill,  from  \:i\\  lo  11)7  per  ii  iii.,  miil  prinliiciiig 
■^1,1'^. 0(1(1  of  reviiuie.  The  duly  upon  silks  is  n 
specific  d Illy  of  %ii  .'lO  per  pound,  yielding  a  i'e\enue 
of  SL.I'-'liliCO. 

One  of  ilic  greatest  innovnlions  proposed  in  the 
bill  now  under  consiileralion  is  .i  duty  upon  tea 
and  cotiee.  These  nre  niticlis  of  general  t\nt\  .  ;- 
tensive  consumption;  nnd  the  picn  iiiged  ill  favor 
of  the  duty  is,  that  the  tn\  would  be  equnl.  I 
cnmiol  view  the  siit>jeri  in  i\  fuMirniile  light.  Those 
nrlicles  are  the  only  ones  iliat  enn  be  (lenominnled 
luxuries  thnt  ever  enter  the  dwelling  of  the  poor 
mnn.  They  are  considered  necessaries  of  life;  nnd 
\\\v.  ndvoctes  of  the  reduclioii  sysleni  nre  hnrd 
presMil  when  they  resiM't  to  this  proposition.  No- 
llilng  but  the  most  ui-gent  necessities  of  the  li'cns- 
iiry  would  ever  indiici'  me  lo  ussciil  lo  llieir  iiisin- 
li  01  ns  diilinlile  nrlicles.  '\'\w  larmers  of  this  coun- 
lry nre  more  inieresied  in  this  subject  thun  would 


be  supposed  nt  first  glance.  I  have  the  honor  to 
represent  n  district  in  which  the  agricultural  inter- 
est is  the  |iredominanl  one;  and  in  advocating  the 
measures  1  have  upon  this  occasion,  the  interesls 
of  the  farmer  have  been  uppermost  in  my  mind. 

I  advocate  exclusive  proteclimi  to  no  class  of  the 
community.  I  am  opposed  to  all  monopolies  of 
every  species  anil  description.  Is  the  advocate  of 
low  duties  nnd  free  trade  willing  to  ncknowledge 
Ihnt  in  wearing  British  collons,  woollens,  Ac,  we 
are  consuming  British  wheal, beef,  pork, iS:c?  I  havn 
British  authority  for  the  assertion,  and  ijive  it.  It 
is  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Brown,  an  eminent  mer- 
chnnt,  and  nble  writer,  nf  Liverpool.  In  a  letter 
lo  .Tolin  Rolfe,  Ksip,  a  landholder,  uiion  the  ad- 
vantages office  trade,  he  says; 

<•  Yon  next  nlliiile  lo  the  l.eiiitne  wishini;  to  injure  yon.  I 
presume  it  will  not  he  denied  Ihat  all  Ihe  interests  oi'  the 
kiiurdom  are  so  linked  lo|tcllier,  tliat  none  nf  them  enn  stihtT 
without  the  others  heiiii;  injured.  AVe  iiiilft  sink  or  siviiii 
toiteiher.  I'ar.'idoMcal  as  it  may  nppear,  I  think  Ureal  Ilrit- 
nin  is  ihi'  Inreest  zmin  crjiortin^  eniintrj-  in  the  world, 
allhniiith  it  is  impnssihle  to  estimate  a<-cnrately  what  i]uaii- 
tity  of(traiii,«ic.,iseoiisumcdiuprciKiriii!t  £.''ia,OltO,iKK)vnliiff 
of  e\|i.irt-s,  hy  wlih-li  you  are  so  preatly  lienefiteil.  It  i..< 
placid  in  llie'laliornlnry  nf  that  wonderful  inti'llccliial  ma- 
chine, man.  which  nives  him  the  jjliysical  poner,  aided 
hv  steam,  of  couvertiujt  il  into  hrnadclnth.  calico,  hardware, 
sic,  &c.,and  in  these  slui|ics  your  wheals  lind  Ilicir  way 
10  every  eountri'  in  the  «orlit." 

It  is  said  that  the  repeal  of  the  corn  laws  is  lo 
jirodiice  an  entire  change  in  the  trade  of  the  coun- 
try; .lint  although  we  have,  by  the  present  system 
of  duties,  a  revenue  which  very  nenrly  answered 
the  expectations  of  lliose  who  fiamed  it,  yet  that 
the  duties  nre  lo  be  reduced  for  the  ]iurpo.se  of 
raising  more  revenue.  1  find  iliat  the  goods  sub- 
ject to  duly,  impoi'ted  the  Inst  yenr,  nmounted,  in 
round  minibers,  to  ninety  millions  of  ilollnrs,  nnd 
the  goods  fi'ceofduty  to  about  twenty-live  millions. 
The  former  paid  an  average  duty  of  about  thirty -I  wo 
percent.,  creating  a  revenue  (sav)  of  twenty-eight 
millions.  If  the  revenue  derived  from  an  importa- 
tion of  ninety  millions  gave  Iwenly-eight  millions 
of  dollars,  whntninount  must  be  iinporled  lo  pro- 
duce the  same  tum  under  the  rates  proposed  in 
this  bill  r  It  will  not  be  less  thnn  one  hundied  nnd 
fifty  millions.  This  will  have  the  ell'eci  of  drain- 
ing the  country  of  specie.  The  gentleman  from 
Georgia  says  wc  niii  pay  nil  with  our  produce.  I 
will  examine  that  mat'  i'  directly.  If  the  present 
•  'ongii'ss  adopt  the  rule  that  the  lower  the  duties 
the  higher  the  revenue,  they  must  ndmit  that  our 
counlry  will  lie  Hooded  with  foreign  goods,  and 
must  eveiilually  be  drained  of  her  specie,  unless  we 
can  pay  the  whole  nmount  in  pnnlnce.  Does 
Englnnd  depend  on  the  Uiiiled  Stales  alone  lor  the 
:  portion  of  wheat  and  oilier  grain  not  raised  ill 
lier  own  ccnmtry  •  I  will  nsk  the  Clerk  to  rend  ail 
exti'act  from  an  article  entitled  '•  Prodiiciion  of 
wheat  in  theUiiiud  Slates," contained  in  the  Mer- 
chant's Mngnzine: 

'•  Siitipose  llie  eorn-laws  repealed,  is  our  ehaiiee  for  a 
market  so  iiiiieh  iioprovi'd  ?  Kiislaiid  now  iiniiually  im- 
ports wlli.'iit  to  tlie  aveniue  cMeiil  of  I-.MIIIII.IIIKI  liiishel-.  iiiel 
her  iniporlatioii  lia.s  aiiioniited  lo  iloiihle  thai  (|u;nility.  Wc 
have  shown  tliiit  we  have  lieeii  piTiinUed.  liereioiore,  to 
Mipp!)  from  our  liurslinL'i.'raiiani'>  one  iwelllhoflhalaiiionnt. 

As  so IS  the   llrilidi  priec  heeonies  invillnul>  hiitli.  in 

rushes  wheat,  co.siiint  less  than  ours,  and  al  cheajM'r  lrant«- 
portation,  I'rnin  the  iiraiu-exporliim  unintries  of  Kurop(>. 
The  yi-ar  ls;U  was  om-  nfaieat  scarcity  in  Knyland.  ami  ilu- 
rililt  that  year  her  ilnpfnts  «!|s  oT.IIOli.lHlli  lili^heU;  yt  t  our 
Ireasurv records  .'how  ih;il  we  >ii|i|il!ed,iu  conliielinon  with 
the  serf  lalior  ofllii-sia.  roliiiid.  and  Ih-rnianv .  only  •l,:l;ls.fis!)_ 
or  less  thnn  one  sivtii  of  that  amount.  I''.iiitir:ieitm  a  period 
of  ihirlv  \ears.  iieeordllii:  loMcriiHoeli  the  I'iiiImI  :-lales 
have  siipplied  lint  four  per  eeiil.  of  the  llrill-h  iiii|iorlatioii. 
Ilepi'iil.  Ilii'ii,  tlic  corn  lii»s  of  Kieilaiid.  and  the  Amerieaii 

far r  can  supply  her  uiarkei  when  hi-  can  place  himself  nn 

a  level  with  llii'  liiiserahle  and  (h'uratled  serlsof  llussia  and 
Polanil.  iiiid  not  tilt  llieii. 'If  he  can  sllr^■lve  asg|)oorly  fed 
and  lioiiseil.  if  he  can  endure  to  uo  as  meanly  elaiT,  if  lie  can 
I'oiitent  himsell'  lo  have  his  rhildicn  ^ro^v  up  around  hiin 
imioranl  as  his  i-:illle,  he  can  rai.-e  wheat  ami  sell  it  in  coiii- 
pelilloii  Willi  a  Kiirojienn  serf. 

'•The  nvernue  iiii|)orl  of  wheat  and  lloiir  into  (.real  Itrit- 
aiii.  lor  eiiilit  vears.  I'loni  IS.'IT  to  1^11.  inelii-i\i'.  reduced  in 
hiishels,  was  l-l..^sllt.!IW  ;  and  of  this.  Ihe  aiiKamt  received 
from  Ihe  t'liiled  Slates  averaged  hut  •».:fcHl.inil  hushels,  or 

less  thauone  sivlli,[-eeneiii atie  llcview,  lli'Uiher.  IH^,^,] 

and  ofother  arniiisor  meal,  our  exports  to  I'uropc  haveheeii 
liul  a  iie-rc  trille." 

In  a  speech  lately  made  by  Lord  Asliburlon,  iie 
said: 

'•  Hut  the  supply  (nf  wheat)  must  not  lie  expected  fVnni 
America,  and  wc  fonld  not  have  n  heller  proof  nf  this,  than 
Ihe  lad.  thai  at  this  niomcut  .American  com  (wheal)  could 
come  here  ihroii'^h  ratiada  al  a  duly  of  four  shillinits;  aiitt 
yel  if  the  rctnriis  were  exninnied.  11  would  he  found  thai 
iiiiie  tcnthn  of  the  foreimi  "orn  ill  Mnchuid  was  I'rnm  llie 
Ihiltic.  thoie-li  the  duty  on     irn  from  its  ilioren  wati  fiflueu 


ne  18, 


KPS, 

lonor  to 
■al  inlrr- 
itins  the 
inloipsts 
mind. 
IHS  nf  llifi 
poliea  of 
vofnte  oT 
ii>wleil};n 
>Vi^,  we 
■?  Ilinve 
re  it.  It 
ent  mcr- 
ri  n  li.'tlcr 
ilic  nil- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


693 


29th  Cono IsT  Sess. 


American  Settlers  in  Oregon — Mr.  M.  Brown. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


iihillins!*  n  iiunrtcr.    Thix  tvitH  entirnty  owlnjj  to  the  low 
price  ijl"  lnb(»r  ill  tilt'  Norlli  ot"  Kiiro|if." 

Ill  n  sprodi  made  by  Lord  John  Ruascll  (it  Glas- 
gow, I'Jih  Jiimmry,  he  Hnid; 

*♦  If  \vv  ran't  pi-t  ii  rtiiliU'h'Ml  supply  uf  c(irn  from  Diint/ic 
nr  Pnjjuid,  wi:  niity  ohluitt  it  I'roiii  Uilt'n.'-a  nr  tlu:  Uluek 
Soil." 

The  foUowinif  tnlilc,  taken  from  the  article  first 
rofcriTil  to,  will  throw  nmrh  lii;ht  on  this  snhjcct. 
To  my  mind,  it  seems  coni'liisivc,  that  the  Ameri- 
can wheat  fjrowiM'  canniit  com|iete  siicccsslully  with 
the  Eiiro|ienii  land  holder  in  the  Hrilish  market: 
.h'ernf^p  irhnlemlr.  pyicrs  nfjjniir  ami  V'lieat  fi'oin  18.')! 
to  1H40,  inctufih-r,  taken  fi'nm  the  piiees  nn  rent  of 
Pliilailel]iliia.  .^'  -  Yorl:,  ami  Hostoii ,  and  fiom  tlie 
riilries  al  the  i         n-hoimes.    .Ihn,  the  prices  on  the 
continent  of  Kiii:<pe,  taken  from  the  invoice  pricen  at 
the  cuxtom-hoiises,  anil  from  other  authentic  tables. 

.^tnrrirtin  prices.  Kitropaiti  PriV*  v. 

Vriirs.  Flour.        Wliciit.  Klniir.       Wlicnr. 

1831 <\,'i  80...<tl   18 $5  .'■>()... SI   10 

1832 r,  88.  ...1  15 4  im 0  98 

1833 r>  8;> 1   13 ,5  00. . .  .1  00 

18.34 5  ,30.... 1  08 4  05.... 0  99 

1835 5  89.... 1  19 4  15.... 0  83 

18.30 7  88 1  44 4  20 0  84 

1837 9  62.... 1  83 5  25.. 

1838 7  93 1  ,54 4  70.. 


1830. 
18-10. 


.fi  92.. 
.5  43. . 


.  .1  42 5  35. 

.1  10 5  35. 


..1  05 
..0  94 
...I  07 
. .  .1  07 


IhinfT  for  the  country.  Our  people  desire  pence.  I 
voted  with  the  niiiiorily  to  suspend  the  rules,  that 
the  resolutions  might  he  read  and  received.  I  did 
not  listen  attentively  to  the  readinir,  and  was  not 
therefore  acriniiinted  \\itli  their  precise  import.  As 
an  act  of  courtesy  I  voted  to  dispense  with  the  rules, 
in  order  that  they  miiht  be  received,  lenviii'.;  the 
House  to  dispose  of  them  as  it  might  think  proper. 
But  the  f|uestioii  is  settled,  and  it  does  nol  become 
me  to  sny  anylhingahnut  it.  Whatever  boundary 
may  have  been  fixed,  we  must  feel  that  forthe  pres- 
ent it  is  right.  Anything  in  the  shape  of  an  li'iii- 
orabic  treaty  is  to  be  preferred  to  the  calamities  of 
war.  nut  our  eoimtry,  if  not  injured  by  injudi- 
cioiis  legislation,  will  steadil  v  progress.  Our  insti- 
tnlions  are  of  the  go-aheail  ciiaracter,  I  care  not 
whether  the  boundary  now  is  fixed  al  49,  or  whether 
the  earnest  expectations  of  my  54  40  friends  shall 
be  realized.  If  the  country  goes  on  as  she  is  going 
on  now,  she  will  soon  have  no  ideal  boundaries, 
no  splitting  of  hairs  between  49  and  54  40.  Who- 
ever looks  on  the  map  of  the  northern  continent, 
anil  casts  his  eye  round  from  Panama  to  Panama 
again — who  reflects  on  tlie  character  of  our  institu- 
tions— *'  must  feel  that  the  switY  surges  of  our  pop- 
ulation will  speedily  fill  nji  the  outlines,  bearing 
upon  its  crest  the  emblem  of  oiirpower."  Weslmll 
then  have  no  boundaries  but  such  as  the  Almighty 
iVlakerof  the  universe  has  fixed.  Tliey  will  be  the 
isthmus,  tiic  two  oceans,  and  the  arctic  seu. 


Average 6  «5 1  30 4  93 0  98 

.Ivcruffc  prices  of  tclital  ut  certain  points  or  marts  of 

trade  on  the  eastern  contintnl  for  five  consecutive 

years. 

Hamburg 79cts.  I  InportsofPrussiH82cl3. 

Amsterdam 82  "       On  the  BlackSea.56  " 

Dantzic 87  "    | 

A  few  days  ago  (continued  Mr.  McC.)  I  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  an  ironmaster  in  Pennsylvania, 
inforniing  me  that  he  had  seen  n  letter,  dated  .Tan- 
nary  2d,  to  an  importer  of  iron  fi-om  his  brother 
in  Glasgow,  stating  that  there  were  piled  up  on  the 
Clyde  four  hundred  and  eighty  thou-sand  tons  of 
Scotch  pig  iron  awaiting  our  action  on  the  tnrift'. 
And  here  an  American  Legislature  is  to  be  influ- 
enced in  the  first  place  by  agents  of  the  British 
manufacturers  coming  into  our  committee  rooms, 
loading  the  desks  of  the  membeis  with  London 
publications  on  the  repeal  of  the  corn  laws;  and 
the  moment  your  duties  i\re  brought  down,  your 
markets  arc  to  be  glutted  with  the  produce  of  for- 
eign nations  and  manufaeliirers.  1  believe  tliat  if 
errors  in  the  enactmenl  of  laws  on  this  question  of 
the  tnrilV  are  committed  at  all,  they  should  be  com- 
miited  on  the  side  of  our  own  country  rather  than 
on  that  of  Biilish  manufactures.  I  feel  an  honest 
pride  when  I  reflect  on  the  great  perfection  to 
which  my  countrymen  have  broiisht  the  difl'erent 
manufactures;  and  I  trust  that  in  n  few  years 
longer,  when  our  counlry  shall  be  brought  to  a 
settled  .ftale  of  peace  and  prosperity — when  a  per- 
manent .system  of  duties  snail  be  established — very 
little  protection  will  be  required,  and  that  wc  may 
be  able  to  adopt  a  tariff  strictly  for  revenue. 

My  time  is  nearly  out,  and  yet  1  have  scjircely 
commenced  mv  course  of  argument.  I  can  only 
say  that  this  Congress  ought  to  act  cautiously  in 
this  matter.  It  is  an  importnnt  and  intricate  ques- 
tion, not  to  be  hastily  handled,  especially  at  this 
time,  w;lien  the  country  is  in  a  slate  in  which  calm 
legislation  cannot  be  had.  Our  country  is  pros- 
pcring.  Let  it  continue  to  do  so  for  a  few  brief 
months  longer,  when  we  shall  come  here  under 
instriiciions  from  ou>-  people,  and  prepared  to  enter 
upon  the  work  at  at  early  period  of  the  sessii/n. 
In  that  cour.se  we  « ill  he  sustained  by  our  con- 
sliiuents.  The  wa.-  will  in  all  nrobafiilily  have 
I'lo.sed.  Our  coun'.ry 's  arms  will  lie  crowned  with 
victory.  \Ve  can  enter  calmly  and  dclibcmlely  on  ' 
the  examination  ol'this  queslion,  and  determine  on 
such  action  as  will  be  worthy  of  an  American 
Con£:ress. 

I  feel  constrained  to  refer  to  a  vole  I  gave  yester- 
day on  the  motion  by  the  gentleman  from  Ohio 
I  Mr.  Mcllnwf.i.i.)  to  suspend  the  rules,  that  he 
might  iiitroduee  certain  resolutions  in  relalion  to 
the  Oi'e.;un  treaty.  I  feel  that  my  vole  may  be 
misconstrued.  I  feel  that  the  selllcmeni  of  the 
Oregon  (|uesiioii,  whatever  the  precise  terms  of 
that  settlement  may  be,  is  on  the  whole  the  best 


AMERICAN  SETTLERS  IN  OREGON. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  MILTON  BROWN, 

OF  TENNESSEE, 
In  tiik  Hoi;sr.  «k  RF.PBKSENTATivta, 
.Ipril  15,  184fi. 
The  House  having  under  c.insideralion   the  Bill 
"  to  nrolpct  the  riirhts  of  American  Settlers  in 
the  Territory  of  Oregon,  until  the  termination  of 
the  joint  occupation  of  the  same" — 

Mr.  MILTON  BROWN  addressed  the  House 
as  follows; 

The  bill  under  discussion  purports  by  its  title  to 
be  "a  hill  to  protect  the  rights  of  American  .settlers 
in  the  territory  of  Oregon,  until  the  termination  of 
the  joint  occupation  of  the  same. "  This  is  nn  im- 
posing title.  It  expresses  an  object,  which,  if  car- 
ried out  in  good  f.iiih  by  the  body  of  the  bill,  would 
receive  no  opposition  from  me.  I  will  vote  for  any 
and  every  measure  necessary  and  proper  to  protect 
our  citizens  in  Oregon  or  elsewhere.  But  then  this 
bill  contains  other  and  far  difierent  matters  than 
tho.se  indicated  in  its  deceptive  title.  Il  involves 
consequences  far  more  importnnt  than  any  hereto- 
fore discussed  on  this  much  agitated  Oregon  ques- 
tion. It  proposes  legislative  action,  immediate, 
direct,  and  absolute,  not  over  our  citizens  for  their 
protection  merely,  but  over  the  territory.  It  looks 
In  exclusive  sovereignly  over  the  whole  territory 
ai  ihe  end  of  the  coiueinplated  year's  notice,  per- 
mitting and  recognising  Ihe  exercise  of  no  rights 
on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  after  that  time.  In 
fact,  the  reservations  in  favor  of  the  riirhts  of  Brit- 
ish subjects  during  the  year  are  of  a  donbtfiil  rhar- 
ncler,  and  in  their  consequences  probably  tending 
to  a  hostile  conflict  even  before  the  expimtion  of 
the  year's  notii-e.  The  first  reservation  in  favor  of 
British  subjects  is  contained  in  the  proviso  to  the 
first  section  of  the  bill.  It  is,  in  substance,  that  the 
act  shall  not  be  conslrucd  to  deprive  the  .subjects 
of  Great  Britain  of  any  rights  which  were  secured 
to  them  by  ihe  treaty  of  1827.  Now,  if  Great  Brit- 
ain has  nny  rights  at  all  in  Oregon,  they  exist  in- 
dependent rif  that  treaty.  That  treaty  confers  no 
rights,  but  leaves  the  rights  of  the  respective  parlies 
stnnding  as  they  were.  It  is  uncertain,  therefore, 
whether  this  proviso,  in  its  legal  effect,  amounts  to 
nnvlhing. 

The  next  and  only  remaining  reservation  is  con-  ^ 
tained  in  the  proviso  to  the  third  section,  which  is, 
in  substance,  that  when  British  subjects  are  arrest-  I 
cd  for  crime,  they  shall  be  lianded  over  to  British  ! 
tribunals  for  trial  and  punisiment.  The.^e  provis-  ' 
ions  in  favor  of  BritLsli  subjects  are  to  expire  at  the  i 
end  of  the  year's  notice.  Then  our  s.nereignlv  ! 
and  jurisdiction  over  the  whole  of  the  territory  is  i 
to  be  absolute  and  exclusive.  The  enVct  at  the  1 
end  of  the  year's  notice  necessarily  will  be,  to  re-  ' 


quire  every  British  flag  that  floats  there  to  be  haul- 
ed down,  and  every  British  subject,  without  quuli- 
ficalion  or  exception,  to  leave  the  country  or  submit 
to  our  laws.  Uo  gentlemen  believe  tliis  can  be 
done  without  a  conflict.'  After  the  repented  offers 
on  the  part  of  this  Government  to  compromi.sc  on 
the  forty-ninth  parallel,  recently  followed  up  by  the 
same  offer  made  by  our  present  Executive,  do  gen- 
tlemen suppose  that  Great  Britain  will  tamely  sub- 

,  mit  to  be  expelled  from  the  country? 

It  cannot  lie  di.sguised  that  this  bill  originates 
with  the  extreme  "  all  of  Oregon  or  icnr"  men. 
About  to  fail  in  making  the  question  of  notice  sub- 
servient to  their  views,  this  bill  has  become  their 
peculiar  favorite.  And  in  this  they  exhibit  ability 
and  great  tact.  Under  the  imposing  guide  of  ex- 
tending protection  to  our  citizens,  they  efl'ectually 
assert  their  extreme  ]iosilion  of  "all  Oregon  or  a 
war."  They  have  purposely  and  very  adroitly 
left  all  boundaries  and  limits  out  of  the  bill.  Our 
laws  in  Iow«  are  to  be  "extended  overall  that 
portion  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States  which 
lies  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains."  What  this 
territory  is  must  be  decided  by  the  President,  who 
is  to  execute  the  law.  And  as  he  has  declared  in 
his  Message  that  all  the  territory  belongs  to  us,  he 
must  execute  the  law  over  the  whole  territory. 

But  it  has  been  said  that  the  extreme  action  of 
sei,'ing  the  whole  territory,  as  contemplated  by  this 

!  bill,  may  be  nrresled  by  a  treaty.     But  nrc  gentlc- 

'  men  willing  to  risk  this  in  the  present  excited  stato 
of  the  public  mind.'  Is  this  not  putting  up  the 
peace  of  the  country  on  a  most  dangerous  hazard .' 
Bui,  in  cnnncxion  with  this,  a  still  more  import- 
ant consideration  presents  itself.  It  takes  two- 
thirds  of  the  Sennte  to  ratify  a  treaty.  If,  there- 
foi-e  the  54°  40'  men  in  the  Senate  can  muster  e\cn 
a  minorilij  sufficient  to  defeat  the  treaty,  then  the 
law  goes  into  operation  by  its  own  force.  Does 
this  iiot  present  a  powerful  motive  to  the  54°  40' 
men  .'  Docs  it  not  place  a  most  dangerous  power 
in  the  hands  of  a  minority  of  the  Senate?  This 
perhaps  explains  the  extreme  delight  of  the  "  all 
of  Oregon  or  war"  men,  at  the  prospect  of  the  pas- 
sage of  this  bill. 

But  this  untimely  and  extraord'iary  legislation, 
it  has  been  said,  is  justified  by  s.^nilar  legislation 

I  on   the  part  of  Gieat   Britain.     This  pcsition  is 

1  founded  in  mistake.  No  legislation,  touching  the 
Oregon  territory  or  its  inlinbiumts,  has  taken  place 
on  tlie  part  of  Great  Britain  since  the  convention 
of  1827.  That  convention  stands  as  the  last  act  of 
both  Governments  on  the  suliiect.  ''  settled  nil 
previous  conflicts  (if  any)  of  legislal.on  that  ex- 
isted, and  has,  as  far  as  we  have  any  information, 
been  ileemed  the  supreme  law,  and  been  in  good 
I'aitli  kept  by  all  the  parties  to  it. 

Looking  upon  this  bill  in  substance  and  effect  as 
asserting  our  exclusive  sovereignty  and  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  whole  territory  nt  the  end  of  the 

,  year's  notice,  I  only  regret  that  its  friends  do  not 
proclaim  with  more  distinctness  and  boldness  what 
their  ultimate  purpose  is.  I  think  the  time  has 
arrived  when  Congress  should  either  cease  action 
on  this  question,  or  else  speak  out  antl  teb  the 

.  country  what  wc  intend  doing.  If  we  intend  to 
have  "  all  Oregon"  or  a  fight,  let  us  any  so,  and 
then  the  country  will  understand  us.  Let  our 
bravery  be  in  action,  and  not  in  speeches.    Let  the 

;  country,  the  peaceful,  quiet  citizens  of  the  country, 
know  what  wc  are  doing. 

But,  no;  this  is  not  to  bo  done.  The  country  is 
to  be  led  on  step  by  step,  and  what  folly  produces 
is  to  be  set  down  to  necessity.  The  war  spirit  is 
to  be  kindled,  but  mixed  up  with  great  professions 
of  love  of  peece.  No  one  on  this  floor  professes  to 
love  war— all  profess  nn  extreme  attachment  for 
peace;  and  the  steps  which  have  led  us   almost 

'  into  the  flames  of  a  most  unnecessary  war,  have 

i  been  procia  med  as  treading  in  the  surest  paths  of 

I  pence. 

We  seem  to  be  driving  on  from  one  false  step  to 
another,  without  any  distinct  idt,\  where  these 
steps  are  to  lead  us.    This  is  now  the  fifth  month 

i  of  the  session,  and  this  Oregon  question,  in  various 
forms,  has  been  the  contiiiued  subject  of  excite- 
ment and  discussion,  not  only  here,  but  through- 
out the  coHiitrv;  and  all  is  now  as  dark  brfore  us 
as  at  the  comttiencement  of  the  session.  The  de- 
bates have  only  served  to  make  darkness  morf 
visible.  At  first,  we  thought  we  understood  t* 
President;  now  we  are  sure  we  do  not.    AU  aV 


G94 


APPENDIX  TO  TIJC  CONGKESSIONAL  GLORE, 


[April  15, 


•29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 

him  is  niyiilery.  A  Inrge  piiidon  nf  tliis  loii'^  dr- 
li.ile  h.iB  ii('«n  liciwren  Ins  invn  Irndin^mul  |iri)mi- 
iieiit  l'ri(Miils,  ill  this  and  llic  uihcr  winsj  ot"  llic 
ra|MI"l,  on  (he  qnislion  iif  wlinl  he  dues  moan. 
One  win?  ol'  liw  i^riy  says  lif  i.^  noiv  fnr  "nit  if 
Oifzon,"  or  xriir:  annilirr  « in^'  says  In^  Is  I'lir  iio- 
{jdliatinn  mid  coniproniisp;  iind  in  ibis  sl.ilo  irl" 
iliiirjs  \vi'  are  oontinnallv  cxlii>rl''d  lo  I'f-  uii'iai- 
moiu.'  And  whrn  we  ask,  niuinininiis  in  wliai: 
\vc  are  nnsweicd,  in  siipporl  i)l'  llic  I'resicli'iit. 
And  yci  we  do  not  know  wliat  lie  is  for.  Ciod 
save  the  coiinlry  iVoni  this  slaie  of  tliiiiL!:s. 

Anil  now,  sir,  1  drsiie  lo  say  soniriliin^'  of  the 
rauses  wliirli   have  led  thi'T  Lio\rriinirtit   into  its 

f resent  iinforliinate  iio»ition.  And  in  doinir  this, 
sliall  he  the  hetler  nlih'  to  inr.'i'nl  ilie  reasons  of 
iny  belief  th:\t  we  eaiinot.  with  ]iro|H'ieM',  in  llie 
fii'-e  of  the  repeated  otl'ers  ot'onr  own  ( •nverhnienl 
to  divide  the  ternlnry  with  Dnai  lliiiain,  f  'l.iwid 
up  so  rerentlv  l»vihe  ^anie  olfer  made  hy  our  pres- 
ent I'-xectiiive.  nssrri,  at  the  ha7ird  of  war.  an  ex- 
ehisive  title  to  nil.  And  in  ihis,  1  .>:liall  prove 
myself  nhnmlanily  sn.«tained  hy  ilie  position.s  laken 
in  the  President's  IMessn-Te  it>e1l'.  lint,  tirst,  as  in 
the  unwise  inllneii'M's  whieli  h'lve  led  the  (■(•luitrv 
into  its  (iresent  iiiilortnnnle  posiiifin — iinforiunale, 
1  say*  heeanse  the  elmnees  of  lavm'al-Ie  and  hi»noi'- 
nide  ailjnstnieni  have  hecn  deerea.sed — iinlortonnte, 
because  o\*  the  waste  of  tune  nmi  nionrv  in  these 
Jontr  and  useless,  if  not  wtn'se  than  usel.  ss,  ile- 
bales — niid  iinfortnnate^  heeiuise  of  its  ininrious 
and  destriietive  inlluence  on  the  business  and  proa- 
periiy  of  tlic  eoiintry. 

This  Oieirini  r[iieMion,  like  all  niher.s  invnlvin<t 
our  foreian  relaiioiis,  was  eonfidid  by  the  Coiisu- 
ttition  to  the  treatv-inakinir  power.  Here  if  wa?, 
and  liere  it  should  liave  renininid,  until  iicissiiy, 
jirisin'.'  from  a  failure  of  all  etl'inls  al  aiiiieaole  sei- 
tlement,  had  Iransferreil  it  to  (Hiier  Ii;inds.  It  was 
not  desiirned  by  the  wisdom  of  our  fallu-rs  to  make 
every  (|nestion  involvinjT  our  relations  wiiii  fitliir 
Governments  the  siihje.-is  of  pojmlar  diseu>>ion  al 
the  hustiiiirs  or  on  this  door,  until  ail  hope  of 
friendly  ndjusiinent  was  tronc,  and  nothin:r  re- 
niained  but  a  cpiistifni  «'if  peace  or  of  >var.  fc'iifh 
questions  were  wisely  lefl  with  the  Presiilent  and 
Senate;  and  for  the  best  of  rensons,  as  an  e\cep. 
tion  to  the  jeneral  spirit  of  our  ( iovi  rnnifiii,  ihe 
v"il  of  secreey  is  thrown  over  iheir  netions.  In 
this  condition,  in  accordance  with  this  wise  pro- 
vision of  the  Consiitiiiion,  wasthisOrejxon  ipieslion. 
Alany  of  the  material  fai'is  necessary  to  a  li^'hl  nn- 
derstandins:  of  ii  were  locked  iii>  in  the  seiret  pro- 
ceedinss  of  the  President  and  the  Seiiaie,  and  the 
country  was  imperfectly  acf|iuiintcd  wiih,  if  tiol 
wholly  icnoram  of  iheni.  How  liiile,  then,  was  the 
country  jirepared,  without  a  K'nowledire  id'  these 
ficts,io  ro*u(;  to  a  ri^ht  eoitcliision  on  this  i,i!eslion  ! 
How  iin|  -  ,  11(1  unpattioiic  it  was,  uii.ier  these 
circiimslnni  ;.  .  drair  this  deiieaie  ijueslion  inlo  a 
popular  eleciimi,  in  the  nl'sence  of  the  facls  neces- 
sary to  a  ri'rbt  undeistaiidini;  of  it !  Neveriheless, 
in  an  evil  hour  for  t!ie  weit'.ire  of  ilie  eoumrx",  this 
qutslion  was  seized  upon  for  the  purpo.-e  of  I'n'.-i- 
(ient-mnkins:.  It  was  laid  bold  of  as  mie  of  the 
elemenis  of  n;;itation  in  a  nolilical  canipai'jn,  lo 
override  other  iniesiions.  An  exclusi\i^  claim  to 
alt  Orrt^nti  w.is  set  up,  and  any  one  wl,o  daii  d  lo 
doubt  llie  propriety  of  ibis  was  to  be  ilenounci  i|  as 
on  the  Brilinh  .sti/f  of  the  oiiestion.  'I'lie  IJaliimore 
Convenlion  enildazoned  the  claim  on  its  Hair,  and 
it  was  shouted  over  llie  Union  as  one  of  ilu!  v\  atch- 
words  of  party.  Next  came  the  Inaui^ural  nf 
the  newly  elected  President,  and  in  it  the  icilera- 
lion  of  this  claim  of  exchis'vc  ri^'hl  lo  the  «  hole 
of  the  territory.  This  niinoiincenient  in  tiie  lii.iii- 
piral,  pultin"  on  a  higher  di'.'iiily,  and  assuinin^'a 
i;reater  importance  llian  could  aiiacli  to  the  decla- 
rations of  a  mere  parly  convention,  ailracied  the 
Bpecial  notice  of  Great  Hnliiin,  and  called  I'ortli  a 
response  not  at  all  favoral-le  to  the  coniiiiii.-iiice  nf 
peace  between  the  two  countries.  This  naliirallv 
nroused  a  corres|)otidinij  increase  of  excttenient  on 
this  side  of  the  water,  and  the  (piesiiun  was  al  oine 
ill  daiiL^er  of  beiit;;  transt'cnnu  d  frinii  one  about 
acVLS  f'f  land  into  a  pfiiiit  ol*  nulUiiiut  //eiiee,  in  which 
both  Govcrnmenls  beiran,  in  some  detrree,  lo  Incik 
upon  llieir  siandint;  before  the  world  as  iiuoUed. 

In  this  poslure  IhiiiijH  stood  up  to  the  appi  araiico 
of  the  hue  Annual  .Mes.sai;e.  liy  that  we  were 
put  in  possession  of  iniporlaiil,  luid,  in  view  of 
tlic  Baltimure  rcsolulioiis  and  Ihe  declarulioiib  of 


Aincrkan  Stttlcra  in  Oigon — Mr.  AJ.  Brown, 


Ho.  OK  Rkps. 


'  the  Iiiaut;iirnl,  soniewliat  surprisin;;,  movements  ' 
on  the  pan  of  the  ncwly-elecud  I'.xeeiilive.  The  | 
hi^b  prelen.Hions  of  exc-liisive  claim  to  the  whole 
territory  set  up  ill  ihe  Ijalinnore  Convenlion,  and 
foll.iwcil  by  the  liiaui;ural,  luul  been  disrctrardtd 
or  fori'iuiei,,  a  I  wc  were  inf.u-iued  by  ihe  Presi- 
dent Hint  lir  luiil  'flindlo  iliviilv  tin  ilisiiiilnl  linilonj 
ii'ilh  Glint  Hiii.i'ii  I'tt  tin:  pni'iiHil  of  Hie  J'nrtii  ninlh 
ik'^vif.  of  iwiili  littilit'li'!  Ibil  '.o  a\oid  \i:>-  wrath 
and  denuiK'iation  of  his  '•  vliide  if  Orcgnii  .  >  inn" 
iViends,  and  Rei'in?  the  i;bost  of  llie  murdered  ■ 
l3alliniore  icH.ilutioii  rising  iiefoic  him,  he  iroes  on 
lo  tell  us  that  his  olbr,  not  bavin:;  been  ai'cepied 
by  Cireat  I'ritaui,  he  had  wiibdrawii  it,  and  had 
a'.;ain  set  up  bis  claim  to  all  the  li-rrilvry!  *^()iir 
litle  to  Ihe  fhrle  of  Oie^on''  is  a:;.iiii  proclaimed, 
ami,  ihe  Piesidcni  says,  "  inainlnined  by  irrefrafja- 
ble  facts  ami  iir:;iinicnis." 

To  lliis  (  ilcr  liy  till'  President  tii  compromise  nn 
the  foriy-niiiih  |iar.'ilcl,  I  make  i.o  ol'(ection.     In 
niakin:;  ibis  oil'  i',  I  believe   he  did  rislit.     Ihit  in 
makiiiit  il  he  lias  disre'j:ni''led,  if  not  cfnidennnd, 
in  the  most  uiieipiivocal  and  solemn  form,  the  llal- 
tiniore   Oeinotr.iao  residuiioii,  on  which,  among;  , 
other   thin^rs,  b*'  came  into  power.     That  resolu- 
tion is  ill  till  se  words:  , 
^•Ucio'eci',  'I'itai  car  lillc  In  the  wlinlc  of  the  icmetry  nf 
Oi-e^'Ml  IS  elciir  iiiiil  tMifjii  •^lill;l:l<•l  ' ;  aai]  th:U  li<i  jhclinn  nl 
Iliesirie  fiiiL'liItt  he  ci  il,-,l  t.i  I'a  ■,  i;ai.  <ir  iiii\-  nltlt  r  rnwcr;  ! 
niel  I'l.it  Ilie  re  (■ecii|):aiMri  nf  (.);,'.;. lit.  luiil  Ilie  ic-ii>iiic\:itinii 
o:"r\a- lit  llic  c:ulr">I  in  icIicj.Mc  pcriinl.urcrreat  .\lii>rii^aii 
I!!e:i:  III-  :.  u  'jtcll  ll'l..;  i  (lavi-lilmil  O-i-i iiiailcildd  In  llic  anient 
siipjiiirt  ni'  the  IJfiaecra<  J'  nl"  Ihe  L'liiun.'' 

This  resolution  declares,  in  Ihe  most  explii'it 
.  lanunaire,  that  our  title  lo  t!te  whole  of  <)rc'_'i.n  \n 
clear  and  umjnestionable,  itiiil  ttiiit  nn  iioetinn  ef  the 
sniiie  rit-ihl  to  l>r  etiUil  lo  /'aq-Zioa',  er  anil  other  Povir. 
lint  the  i'resid'  nf  informs  us  in  his  nirss;iL''e  that 
he  has,  since  he  came  inlo  oflice.  oirereil  to  cede  to 
Knidand  all  iiorfli  of  the  I'oiiyninib  de;;r(  e — which  ' 
anioiuifs  to  nctirly  half  of  the  whole  territory — 
enoiurli,  in  the  eslimnlion  of  iny  rolleairue.  f^Ir. 
.loiivsnx.)  to  make  six  secli  Stales  as  '/'» iiin  ssi  e  ! 
He  has,  therefore,  ollered  to  do  wli.-it  this  tiinious 
Pailini'ire  lesobitic'ii  said  onulit  not  to  be  done. 
This  resolnlion,  pa.sserl  by  the  I'allimore  Conven- 
lion for  ihe  purpose  of  sei/iii:;  bold  of  a  popular  ' 
excjiiiiieni,  to  override  other  que.siioiis  ami  iissisi 
him  in  allainino:  power,  b  «  been  thus  condemned 
by  one  of  the  first  ncis  of  his  .Administraiion  .' 

l^it  flic  reasons  ijivcn  b)'  llie  Alessaire  for  inakiiiG: 
this  olVer  ib  s(  rve  special  notice.  The  President 
says  he  made  if  "  i,|  dtfertnce  In  what  hail  liten  ihne 

*  bii  /i/.s /avi/crrssor.?,  and  especially  in  consitieration 

*  liiat  prepositions  of  compromise  had  been  thrice 

*  made, by  two  preceding:  .\ il m i iiist rations, to  ndit:>t 
'  the  question  on  the  para'-  i  of  I'orty-iiine  digrees,'' 
ic. 

I  iliaiik  the  President  for  this  admission  in  favor 
of  the  force  of  firecedenfs,  and  flic  deference  due 
to  the  acts  of  pre.ler-essors.  Put  why  were  these 
'•  propositions  of  compromise,"  and  tliis  deference 
lo  what  bad  been  done  by  preceilintr  adminiNtra- 
lioijs,  not  thouL'hf  of  sooner.-  Why  did  not  thise 
wise  and  patriotic  cDnsiderafions  prevent  ihe  pn.s- 
sa^'e  of  ihe  llaliiinore  lesolulion  -  \\'hy  did  iliev 
.  not  oci-.ur  to  the  Presiflent  when  he  delivered  his 
inanunral  address.-  Were  ihe  facls  known  to  him. - 
If  so,  ihey  then  deserved  as  much  respect  as  when 
lie  afierwards  made  the  ofii  r  of  comiiiomise.  |f 
tliey  were  not  known  to  him,  he  spnke  without  ii 
proper  kiiowled;:e  of  the  subject. 

Ibif  another  view  of  tbi.^  point  deserve.i  still  more 
special  notice.  If  the  President  did  ri'^bt  (and  I  ^ 
bold  he  did)  in  making'  this  oll'er  of  compromise 
from  defereiictt  lo  what  had  been  done  by  his  pre- 
decessors, who  bad  made  repealed  olT'ers  fo  scfile 
on  the  I'orty-ninlh  de:,'ree,  did  he  weaken  the  hirce 
of  their  acts  by  niakimr  the  same  offer  himself.- 
On  the  conlrarv,  did  he  not  frrenily  increase  "[ho 
implied  oldi'zafion  which  fl'.eir  iieis  seemed  to  im- 
pose "  by  bis  own  solemn  sancfioti .-  These  re- 
peated '*  propositions  of  compromise  ";ire  now  not 
only  the  iicis  of  his  predecessors,  but  bis  own  acts 
also.  They  resi  on  his  sanciion  as  well  iis  fliaf  of 
former  ad  mi  nisi  rations, with  ihisadilition.ii  wei^'lifv 
coiisidciaiion,  that  he  has  not  only  impliedly  ad- 
milted  llie  force  of  these  precedenfs  by  follo'wiii'.;  i 
them,  but  has  expressly  recij;;fn.sed  the  prini'iple 
thai  these  pieceilenfs  are,  in  some  de|i;ree  at  least,  ' 
morally  bmdiii;;  on  the  (ioverninenf. 

And  now,  sir,  I  come  to  the  (|ueslion,  whether, 
ill  the  face  of  the  repeated  acts  and  iidinisbions  of  ' 


this  Goveriimenl,  we  can  now  with  propiiely,  at 
Ihe  lin/ard  of  war,  seize  the  wlinle  Ore>;oii  territory, 
exclndintr  all  conipromi.ie  ?  I  believe  we  cnnnol. 
I  do  not  here  enter  inlo  ihe  quesiimi  of  title.  I 
have  neiiher  the  lime,  nor,  at  present,  the  iiicliim- 
lion  to  do  so.  Wlipthi  1  our  title  was  orisinally 
"clear  and  iiiiquestinnable,"  or  not,  the  acts  (if 
our  own  Uovernincnf,  and  especially  of  the  present 
h',X"'ciiiive,  have  placid  us  where  we  cannot,  in  the 
face  of  the  civilized  world,  leiiib  r  an  issue  of  war 
on  nn  exclusive  claim  to  all.  The  same  powerful 
considenilious  which  so  rrcenlly  induced  ourljov- 
ernmenl  lo  lender  an  oll'er  of  comproiuise  on  llio 
4Ufh  degree,  still  requires  us  fo  accept  il  when  i; 
shall  be  returned,  if  il  should  be,  by  Great  Urituin 
to  us. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  Presidi  nt.by  willidraw- 
iii(;  bis  proposition  ol'  comjiromisc,  has  released 
liim.'ilf  ami  the  (iovermiient  from  all  obliiralion  lo 
nilinst  the  dilliculfy  tii  anv  other  vvay  than  by  arms, 
unless  Great  lh-ilain  will  .imrender  all.  To  mo 
this  is  a  sfniiii.-e  mode  of  rensonini;  on  a  •Treat  na- 
tional question,  where  Ihe  only  nllernafivea  are 
enmpromise  or  an  appeal  fo  arms.  If  is  brimrin:^ 
down  ihe  ditxnih"  of  the  ipiesiion  to  the  rules  i^nv- 
erniter  horse  jnc keys  in  i be  exchange  of  iheir  slock, 
when  either  parly  has  a  ri;;ht,  before  a  final  a:;rce- 
nunl,  fo  wiihdraw  bis  prrqiodiion  and  ilcmaii() 
heller  term.*;  m-  to  a  case  of  disputed  ri'.;lifs  be- 
Iwien  private  iiidt\iiliials,  when,  if  ibey  cannot 
n*j-rr(\  the  law  has  provided  a  I'ommon  iiiluinal  to 
which  either  may  ur.penl  t'lo'H  peacet'iil  dcci.^ion  of 
the  confrovcrsv.  In  a  i^reat  (|uesti(m  between  na- 
liciis,  where  there  is  no  common  tribunal  lo  whicb 
Ihey  can  ijo.and  v.  hcn,if  nei-oiiation  fails,  I  be  shed- 
din;;  of  huniaii  blood  iiiu.^l  I'obow,  a  V(  ry  different 
rase  is  presented.  In  such  a  case,  the  uioral  aenso 
of  the  civilized  \vi>rld  fiu'bids  a  nation  slieddini^ 
blood  Ibrthal  w  lii<  h  it  bassolcniulyand  re|ieateillv 
oU'ered  to  surrender.  I  hobi  this  lo  be  our  eondi- 
lioii  ill  rci;ard  to  that  |iarf  of  Oieu-on  mulh  of  tbi; 
4Uih  decree,  repeatedly  oll'eri.d  to  be  surrcndeicd 
by  ibc  )irescni  and  prcceilini;  adiiiinisliaiioiis. 

Hut  it  has  been  .said  that  these  nfl'ers  of  compro- 
nii.se  were  only  made  for  the  sake  of  peace,  and  are, 
ihcret'ore,  not  binditi!;.  Hut  is  not  peace  as  tiear 
lo-day  as  when  these  ofl'crs  were  made.-  I  only 
re'.;ret  that  when  our  jiriseiu  Ivtecutiu:  made  bi.i 
offer  oi'i'ompromise,  he  bad  not  stood  upon  il.  If 
he  had,  the  w  hide  country  would  have  rallied  lu 
him  with  one  111  art  and  mte  I'eeliiii;,  except iii;^ only, 
p(rliaps,  the  '•all  of  (lie^'on  orwartiKii."  They 
wiiuld  have  opened  their  Imllcrii  s  on  him,  mil  he 
would  have  been  sii.tlaiiif  d.  If  he  had  asked  for 
the  pnssau'c  of  "  notice,"  it  wmild  have  passed 
willi(Hit  th'lav,  and  almost  iinaniinonsly,  unless, 
indeed,  the  e'lreme  Orcu-oii  win:;  of  his  owi.  pan  v' 
had  \ot(d  ai;aiiisi  it.  'Ihe  |iass.i';e  of  notice  in  it- 
self was  not  ex(  e|ilioiiablc,  nor  in  itsell'was  if  any 
c.uise  of  oli'encc  to  Greal  liriiaiii.  I,  lor  one,  .-K-i 
is  well  known  lo  my  friends  from  the  lime  iheques- 
lioii  first  slart(;d,  desired  lo  vole  for  notice,  if  it 
could  he  pill  ill  a  shape  that  seemed  lo  nie  unex- 
ceptionable, liul  Ihe  abrupt  wiilulrawal  by  ihe 
President  of  his  proposition  (d*  comproniise,  and 
the  extreme  positions  ussiinied  in  the  mes.sai^e,  in 
the  t\\ee.  of  his  own  acts  and  (lie  acts  of  his  prede- 
cessors, wiiicb  he  had  reco:;ni:»(  il  and  I'oliowfd, 
taken  in  connexion  willi  the  character  of  the 
speeches  on  this  Hour,  .seemed  to  me  lo  render  iiii- 
quahlied  notice  improper.  I  iherel'ore  voted  acainst 
il  in  lie  form  if  passed  this  House.  lint  1  here  de- 
sire to  take  occasion  to  .say,  fbaf  if  the  bill  rtturns 
from  llie  8enafe  modified  In  the  form  I  am  assured 
il  will  be,  1  w  ill  vote  for  il  with  meal  |i|easiire,niiil 
1  have  reason  to  believe  lliut  my  Whii;  colleagues 
will  also. 

Before  I  close  I  desi'.'ii  fo  say  a  few  words  only 
in  regard  lo  the  positions  assumed  by  two  of  iny 
Democratic  ( ((llea:;u(;s.  My  cidh  a;;iie  [.Mr.  Si  vx- 
rnx]  ujiproves  very  hearfilv  tfie  oll'i  r  of  compro- 
mise on  lhe4!ttli  dei;reema(le  by  the  President,  and 
thinks  if  (ileal  ISritain  should  reinrn  the  same 
|ifoposifioii,  our  (ioverninenf  should  accept  it. 
He  is,  llieri  fore,  for  coaipromise  on  that  line  ot' 
division.  If  so,  why  not  place  oiir.selves  on  lliaf 
ground,  and  .<taud  on  fhaf  line  us  an  vlliinatvm  > 
Why  break  oll'neirotiation,  and  in  a  seeming  pas- 
sion (daiiii  all?  Why  place  ourselves  in  a  false 
allilnde  before  the  worlil,  by  first  olVcring  fo  com- 
promise on  flint  line  as  a  division,  and  then  pro- 
voking an  unnecciisury  war,  fuuiiiied  on  ii  refusal  lu 


Ill  15, 

KPS. 


icly,  at 
rrrilory, 
fnnnut. 
lillr.  1 
iiii'lirin- 
iciimlly 
lie  IS  of 
■  iircKpii: 
't,  in  lliK 

(if  wni 

lOMOlCul 

)Mr(jov" 
IITI   llu,' 

wliiMi  i; 
l-Jriliiiii 


99Tir  CoNo 1st  Sess. 

i\i':.'iiliiUP,  mid  11  olftim  of  iibsolute  nnd  exclusive 
liili'  1(1  nil? 

Hill  my  oilier  rollenjiie  In  wlinm  I  nlliide,  [Mr. 
.Tiiiixsos,]  linlds  tliiil  no  ei>ni|ironiise  oii?lit  lo  lie 
ninile.  Nolhiii'j  will  sntisl'v  liiin  sliorl  ol'llip  wlujie 
teirilory  np  lo  fi'io  4(1'.  And  lo  Niistnin  ilii.s  liold 
posili(ni  lie  lins  rciid  llie  liiinons  Diilliinoie  Denio- 
ernlie  r<"*oliition  lo  wliii'h  I  Imve  nlirndy  referred. 
He  linn  nl.'^o  riad  from  the  liiiinL'iir.d  of  llie  Presi- 
denl,  in  wlii'di  llic  ex.diisive  i-liiiiii  of  tlifi  whole 
trrrilory  kcI  up  in  ilii>  lialiiniorf  ronvenlioii  wa^ 
ri':i!tiriiicd,  and  onr  liile  to  tin  whole  lerrilnry  de- 
eliired  lo  lie  rieiir  and  unc|neslionalili'.  In  n^fer- 
riii';  lo  ihe.M"  doi-inneiiis,  nnd  sustaining;  ihc  ni'.''cr- 
lioiis  of  title  wliii'h  th.y  ronlriin,  it  ."eenis  lo  nie 
111'  iiiHirls  (iinir-leiiiionally  |ierhar'f<)  eniel  eensiire 
on  liift  own  J'residenl.  If  our  tiile  to  all  is  elenr, 
toal  none  omjlit  to  Ite  Piirreiidered,  as  lieclfired  in 
tliese  faiiioiis  dornnients,  then  ihe  PiTHident  lias 
hern  siiilly  of  inexciisalile  violation  of  duly  in 
i^lVerini;  to  eedn  away  nearly  half  the  territory. 
Kiilier  lliese  docnnient.s  arc  wrong,  or  else  the 
I'lTHidenl  is. 

My  enlleairne  [Mr.  Jiinvsns]  ling  paid  that  the 
Wliiu'  ineniiiers  from  TeinicHsee,  as  fur  ns  they 
have  inaih'  nnv  fxpm",  are  wiUiii"-  to  eoni|ironii.s'o 
^\'iih  Gn  :ii  Hrilain  on  the  line  olfered  !iy  the  Pres- 
id?iit.  This  may  he  true.  They  eeriniiily  did  not 
a>;rep  with  either  llie  Hallininre  ('onvenlion  or  (he 
IiiniiL'nral;  they  thoiiihl  the  dei'lanilions  of  lintli 
iiniiinely  and  iiii|ii'op(r.  We  hrlieved  lliey  were 
I'aleiilaled  to  render  the  aniieahle  ndjuFlinent  of 
the  C|ne<ition  more  ilitlicidt  and  donhtfiil;  we  there- 
fore helieved  them  iiiiliniely  and  wron>r,  and  still 
believe  .so.  Bnt  when  the  President  ahandnncd 
the  extrnvajant  pretensions  of  the  liallimore  C'oii- 
venlioii  and  his  own  Inaii^oiral,  and  nll'ered,  for  the 
.-"llie  of  peaee,  ihe  4'.)lli  decree  ns  a  compromise, 
we  said  he  did  ri'.,'lit;  nnd  we  slill  sny  so.  Ihit, 
unfortunately  for  his  own  consistency,  nnd  I  fear 
for  the  peaee  of  the  ennnlry,. dreading  perliniis  tlio 
hrc  from  the  ffiins  of  his  own  friends,  the  Presi- 
dent has  abnniioueil  his  new  ]ioaition,  withdrawn 
the  proposition  of  compromise,  broken  «ff  jic^'o/in- 
I'litn  aliruiillij,  nnd  aiain  hnna;  himself  np  on  the 
liahimere  resolution  nnd  the  deoluralions  of  his 
Inaiiirnral  1 

Put  hear  what  niv  collen!»tio  ssys  of  the  relative 
positions  of  the  AVlii^s  and  Deiiioerals  of  Ten- 
nessee. He  says:  "  Unl  how  did  the  President 
'  stand .'  \Vliy,  he  was  snstaiiied  in  his  siron^' 
'  position,  the  line  of  54°  41)',  liy  the  Democracy, 
'  while  on  the  weak  points  the  AV'liiirs  come  in  and 
'  snppoiK'd  him.  Was  there  ever  an  Adminisir.i- 
'  lion  heller  sustained  than  this.'  The  Kxeciilive, 
'  in  od'erins'  the  C'linpromise  of  the  line  of  4'J^, 
'  was  supported  hy  the  Wlii;;s  of  Tennessee,  so 
'  far  as  they  had  made  an  exjiosi'  of  their  opin- 
'ioiis."  licre  the  President  is  represented  as 
havini;  li'^'ured  in  various  )ileasin:;  attitudes — 
sometimes  delii;htiiii!:  ihe  Democracy  and  some- 
times  tin'  Wliius.  1  ie  has  his  '•  stroiiff  position," 
which  is  his  claim  of  till,  and  his  '•  weak  poiiils," 
whic  h  is  his  dtl'er  to  divide.  The  former  the  De- 
mocracy siislain,  ihe  laiier  the  Whi}:s  sustain. 

Aow,  accordin;;  to  my  collen;i:iie"s  own  sliow- 
inst,  the  Whii's  have  the  advanlace.  'I'hey  sus- 
tain ic/m.'  thf  t*nsitlf)U  has  thnr;  ihc  Democrncv 
rrliiit  he  hiis  saiil.  The  Democracy  furnish  .sn|ipin't 
10  his  win<;s  while  (lyinir;  the  AVhifrs  sustain  the 
ground  on  which  he  lifihts  down.  He  has  taken 
to  his  wini^s  affiiin,  it  is  Inie,  in  dread  of  a  fire 
frinn  his  own  friends:  hut  it  is  supposed  of  hue 
he  is  liecoi'iiiis  i;reatly  fati?iied,  nnd  will  .soon 
iiL'am  li^ht  down  at  the  point  from  which  lie  took 
his  Inst  start. 


AMERICAN  SETTLKUS  IN  OREGON. 


SPEECH  OF   MR.  \V.  W.  WICK, 

OF  INDI,\NA, 
Is  THE  IlofSi;  OI'  RK.niF.SEN'TATIVES, 

.lin-il  10,  I8-I(i. 
On  the  hill  lo  provide  for  the  protection  of  the 
rights  of  American  settlers  in  Oreiron. 
The  House  lieinj;  in  (;ominitteeof  the  AVhole  on 
the  slate  of  the  I'niim — 

Mr.  Wll'lv  addressed  the  committee  ns  follows: 

Mr.  (^h.muman:  When,  on  a  I'oriner  occasion,  1 

addressed  the  CunimiUce  of  tlie  Whole  House  un 


Amcricnn  Settlers  in  Oregon — Mr.  Hick. 

.  .-  ,  ...      ^ 

1  the  sinle  of  tin  rnion  upon  tlio  notice  resolutions, 
I  I  declared  it  lo  he  my  purpose  to.^'iak,  not  "  to  the 
I  country,"  as  is  the  cnstoiii  here,  lint  to  the  House, 
I'  and  to  the  House  o.ilv.  On  this  occa'-'ion  1  would 
I  williii!;ly  speak  to  the  House,  if  ihe  House  were 
1  here;  hut  as  it  (the  Mouse)  is  not  here,  hut  has 
li  !;ono  to  the  other  hail  lo  he  "  in  at  the  dealh" — to 
t'  wilness  the  falling  of  l lie  enrinin  at  the  close  of  the 

notice  drama  enaclcd  then — 1  am  not  so  certain  but 
'    that  I  will,  for  once,  lullruv  the  fashion,  and  speak 

"  to  the  counlry,"  from  lee  hall  of  le/islation.  I 
'  am  the  more  inclined  to  take  lliis  course,  liei'aiisr, 
I  upon  the  oc:>asioii  to  wliich  I  have  alluded,  I 
'    avoided  the  discussion  of  crrtnin  topics  of  a  deli- 

cale  iMliire,  concerning  which  I  would  have  heen 
I   (.'hid  to  have  spidien  the  voice  of  thope  I  repre.'-cnt. 

I  allude,  sir,  to  topics  involvim.;  our  tiile  lo  or  in 
I  Oregon,  the  course  of  diplomacy  pursued,  nnd 
I  proper  vet  to  he  ]iursiied,  in  refirence  lo  the  rccoi;- 
!  iiition  tlicrei.f  hy  ihe  Presi.hnI,  and  the  milnral  le- 
.  suits  of  llie  I. '.'islalion  r  ■■•onmieiidi  d  hy  the  lixec- 
!  mive.  1  thoujjhl  tli'ii  lliiit  it  WM.i  in  o.ul  tnste  to 
]  dis'tnss  those  topics  he:-e,  or  in  the  inher  hall,  ex- 
,  cept  in  secret  session,  upon  the  consideration  of  a 
I   treaty;  nnd  1  have  not  elmnxid  my  opinion.     But, 

sir,  since   then  lliesi'  diKiiiie  suhh-"'s  have  heen 

riidelv   hroniht  into    the  halLs  oi'  (,'oi;':ress,  nnd 

literally  tomahawked  into  shreds.  Tli;s  nation  has 
'    not  a  siiejle  (iiplmnalic  secret  which    imr.rudencc 

/jrr*»  ecnihi  disclose:  and  ih.e  rudest  eil'oris  have  heen 
'   iinsucc  ssfully  made  to  dra^'  forth  and  expose  the 

opiniiois  and  intentions  of  the  Execuiive. 

■  Those  opiniunsanil  inlenlionshave  lieenauessed 
i  nt  or  inferred,  every  };eiitlcmaii  smssinc:  or  infer- 
I  rill'.;  to  soil  himseli";  and  ilie  result  ot' those  truesses 
I    or  inferences  have  liet  ii  openly  proclaimed  in  the 

face  of  the  eounlrv  and  the  world.     ,Sir,  so  far  as 
lay  in  the  power  of  memhers  of  Conare;s.  the  most 
j   delicate  oiaturs  of  national  interest  have  heen  pla- 
carded  upon  ihe  v.alls,  and   a  ;;apin<;  world  has 
looked  on  in  wonder  at  the  iiuliscrelion.     Suhjeets 
j    have  heen  openlv  her.diled  wliicli  the  interesis  of 
1    the  country  remnre  should   he  left  in  hands  where 
I    ihey  could  he  delicaieiv  and  shrewdly  maiinfred — 
:   in  the  hands  to  whiih  the  Constitution  liasassiirned 
'   them — 1  menu  the  trentv-niakin!r]Hiwer — the  Pres- 
ident and  the  Senate,  in  secret  session.     Our  tiile 
I    to  Oreiron  has  heen   hii:'2:ed   in,  by  the  head  and 
shoulders,  to  betjuestioned  orde|)reciated,as  mitrht 
suit  the  tasle,  opinions,  or  fielinirs  of  speakers,  till 
it  has  heen  spoken  into  the  "  glorious  iinrertainly  " 

■  of  a  lawsuit.  The  measures  concernimr  Oreg'oii, 
I  recomincnded  by  the  Executive,  have  been  ar- 
:  raigned  as  unwise  and  a.s  tending  lo  jn'oduco  a  war, 
'    and  the  loss  of  Oregon  as  the  result  of  the  disasters 

and  defeats  of  that  war.  In  the  conllict  of  pow- 
crfid  minds,  and  yet  more  powerful  wills,  assu- 
ming to  speak  of  the  present  opinions  and  inten- 
tions of  the  Executive,  lliiii:j;s  have  been  said 
which  might  lead  the  casual  hearer  or  reader  to  iii- 

■  fer  that  more  of  the.-^e  opinions  and  intentions  are 
known  than  the  Executive  communications  to 
Couircss  have  disclosed,  or  that  those  communi- 
cations arc  fairly  susceptible  of  a  duplicate  mean- 
ing. 

Now,  sir,  I  propose  to  speak  briefly  of  our  title 
to  and  in  Ori'irou,  lo  jnsiil'y  the  action  on  the  siih- 
jecl  of  Oreuon,  both  of  the  parly  lo  which  I  belong, 
and  of  Ihe  Executive,  anil  to  defend  the  same 
against  the  chartre  of  inconsistency  nnd  indiscre- 
tion, the  action  (or  inaction)  of  this  Congress  only 
cxci  iited. 

^\  ealv  as  well  ns  mischievous  minds  often  deliirht 
themselves  in  iindimr  profundity  where  all  is  plain 
and  easy;  marvels  where  all  is  eoinnion;  inlricaciis 
where  all  is  slrai;;hl;  in  dreaming  of,  nnd  making 
inferences  tVom,  imiiirined  t'acts;  in  taking  a  mcla- 
jiliysical  view  of  suiijects  to  w  hich  common  sense 
inily  is  fairly  applicalde;  and  in  converting  ducks 
and  geese,  and  such  like  cattle, into  "  witches, nnd 
warlocks,  and  Inng-nebbed  things."  It  is  to  that 
weakness,  or  to  this  perverseness,  that  is  to  be  at- 
tribu'ed  much  of  what  has  been  said,  written, 
thor  It,  supposed,  believed,  or  imagined,  concern- 
ing >,  "gon,  our  title  therein  or  thereto,  nnd  the 
aciioii  of  the  Democratic  party  and  of  the  Execu- 
tive ill  leferinre  thereto.  [No  one  will  imaarine 
(of  course)  that  I  am  speaking  of  whst  has  been 
said,  Ac,  in  Congress  on  those  subjects.  1  nm 
speakiuL'  of  things  which  have  been  said,  &c.,  in 
a  very  impuiliamcntary  and  uncongrcssional  sort 
of  way.] 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


To  attain  my  object,  1  need  only  give  n  siali'- 
ment  of  facta.  A  "  plain  tale"  will  "put  down" 
all  cavillers. 

God  gave  Oregon,  together  with  the  rest  of  the. 
world,  to  man.  In  process  of  lime,  a  church  dig- 
iiiliuy  resident  at  I'ome  came  to  he  recognised  by 
all  Christinn  nations  ns  God's  vicegetent  on  earth, 
nnd,ns  siieli,  niilhori/ed  to  convey  and  grant  por- 
tions of  the  earth,  unoccupied  hy  any  Christian 
nation,  nt  his  pleasure.  He  granted  Oregon  to  the 
kin;;  or  kingdom  of  Spain.  1  will  not  pniisc  lo 
f]'iesliim  or  estahlish  the  pov.erof  this  dignitary 
to  make  the  grant.  It  is  sufiicient  ihat  such  power 
was  then  reci  gni.sed  by  C; real  Rrilain,  who  pro- 
filed llieri'hy,'aiid  took  Ireland  under  a  similar 
crant,  anil  acc|uiesced  in  the  grant  of  Oreiron  lo 
Spain.  "I'his  estojis  that  Power  from  objecting; 
for  tlie  validity  of  grants  made  by  this  diirniinry, 
and  his  sole  right  lo  partition  out  the  world  waH 
notcimteslcd,  until  that  kin::  of  England,  who, 
because  of  his  reniarkable  jiiety  nnd  exemplary 
character — he  not  having  been  famous  for  wicked- 
ne>'s,  except  the  small  vices  of  adultery  and  wife- 
murder,  he  was  a  connoisseur  in  wives,  nnd  pcr- 
.  haps  a  small  mailer  of  fratricide — was  deidared 
'  Defender  of  the  Faith;  and,  because  the  Po|ie 
would  not  allow  him  to  kill  another  wife,  he  set 
up  a  kind  of  "opposition  line"  in  the  reli'.;ioiia 
v.'oild,  nnd  was  declari'd  (or  declared  hims'lf)  head 
of  the  Church,  and  assumed  the  right  to  make 
grants  of  portions  of  the  earth  to  bim.self. 
i  Spain  was  in  tiie  occupancy  of  Oregon,  (at  Noot- 
ka. )  A  successor  of  that  king  of  England  already 
dcsignaled  tiu'liiously,  unlawfully,  nnd  with  force 
nnd  arms — as  the  lawyers  write  it — entered  upon 
this  possession  of  Spain,  probably  on  pretence  of  a 
gniiit  to  himself  and  his  successors,  made  by  the 
aforesaid  English  nioniirch.  Spain  "  threw  herself 
upon  her  reservid  rights," nnd,  without  much  cere- 
mony, retook  .Nootka.  This  was  enough  for  Eng- 
land. AViili  that  common  spoiler  of  God's  earth, 
that  universal  depredator  upon  the  rights  of  nations, 
whose  benevolence  is  proclaimed  by  itself  in  tirades 
auainst  diauestie  slavery,  as  it  exists  directly  and 
avowedly  in  the  United  Slates,  and  is  written  in 
India  in  the  blood  of  n  hundred  nations  swept  frn"j 
existence— in  China  in  the  blood  of  her  sons  figlr 
ins  to  defend  them.sclvcs  agninst  the  invasion  of  a 
poisonous  drug  which  was  forced  upon  them  that 
llriti.sh  commerce  miirht  fatten  and  thrive— in  her 
own  home  dominion  in  a  code  of  laws  the  result  of 
which  is  slavery,  not  the  less  abhorrent  to  God 
and  man  thatit"is  accomplished  by  fraud,  and  is 
indirect  in  form — ami  everywhere,  in  a  thousand 
acts  of  arrogance,  cruelty,  and  wrong — I  sny,  with 
that  power,"  a  forcihle  entry,  or  a  fraudulent  o.ie, 
is  material  out  of  which  lo  bigin  a  title,  to  be  per- 
fected by  diplomacy,  or  by  force,  as  circumstances 
may  rer|uire.  A  treaty  was  forced  upon  .Spain,  in 
virt'iic  of  Avhich  England  acfiuired  the  acknowledg- 
ment of  her  right  lo  occupy  Oregon  joindy  with 
Spain.  In  this  attitude  of  alVairs,  the  United  Slates 
purchased  the  riilit  of  Spain,  and  superadded,  as 
to  the  valley  of  the  Columbia  river,  the  inchoate 
title  resuliing  from  tiie  discovery  made  by  Captain 
Ciray,  and  the  exploration  of  that  valley  by  Lewis 
and'Clarke,  and  the  expedition  iinde:-  their  com- 
,  manu.  Ofcoiir.se  wc  purchased  the  territory  sub- 
ject to  the  encumbrance  created  by  the  treaty  of 
'joint  iKCupnncy  innde  by  England  with  Spain. 
'This  en.umbrnnce  is  more  serious  ns  aditficulty  in 
our  title  thnii  if  it  were  held  by  a  nation  less  aggres- 
sive and  arroEant  than  is  Engltind.  A  somewhat 
similar  encumbrance  'was  recognised,  and  contin- 
ued by  treaty,  on  our  part,  with  Enghuid,  made  in 
1818,  and  again  in  1827,  exiended  till  one  parly  or 
the  other  should  give  a  year's  notice  of  its  abroga- 
■  lion.  Tims  the  matter  rested  until  the  meeting  of 
the  democratic  convention  at  Baltimore,  in  1844. 
:  In  the  mean  lime,  British  subjects  had  occupied 
I  "all  ofOreion,"as  they  had  an  undoubted  right 
'  lo  do  under  the  treaty,  ns  a  hunting  and  trading 
ground,  nnd  position,  and  had  added  to  their  tra- 
ding establishments  detached  agricultural  positions, 
whrdi  they  occupied  without  question  on  our  part. 
Our  citizens,  in  great  numbers,  had  also  emigrated 
toOresrou,  nnd  made  compact  agricultural  settle- 
mentsupon  the  Columbia  and  Willamette.  They 
had  siiznified  their  desire  that  our  laws  should  be 
extended  over  them,  and  looked  lo  us  to  secure 
them  in  their  possessions,  as  well  against  all  others, 
as  against  tlie  Indian  tribes. 


-J- 


vi; ; 

M  i 

5" 


If. 
'it  J: 


^ 

f- 


^ 


696 


APPENDIX  TO  Tin-:  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  16, 


ath-H  Cong 1st  Sf.ss. 

The  convoniion,  with  an  eye  ni  well  to  imtionnl 
policy  mill  ri!,'til  na  to  the  just  cliiim  of  our  ftllow- 
ciiizeiis  ill  Oi'i'^oii,  iisserifd  onr  liile  llieieio,  iiiiil 
cslleil  Uie  allciition  of  the  people  to  our  ii;;lil.<  ami 
interests  there,  iis  ton  "great  Americim  qnrslion." 
The  convention  »^serlell  llmt  onr  title  to  Oicpiii 
WHS  clear  nnj  unqiieatinniiljlc;  niid  he  who  was 
iksirimieil  hy  tlint  eonvention  lis  the  Oemocniin' 
cnnilidnte  for  the  Presidcni'y,  hnviii?  Iieen  called 
to  tlie  ehnir  of  Slate,  rcpea  >d  the  dcclnrnlioii  in  a 
manner  for  which  he  and  the  Democratic  party  arc 
rcs|ion8ibIe. 

yulisequeiitly,  in  the  course  of  neiolinlinn,  the 
Executive,  to  secure  pence,  and  having  as  inilucc- 
inents  the  exlini^uirtlimentof  the  encuiohrance  tipnii 
our  Oregon  title,  and  f»peraled  upon  hy  ihc  nioial 
fence  of  propositions  previously  made  hy  his  pre- 
decesNors  in  (he  chair  of  Sn\le,othr(d  to  divnh:  tlie 
territory  of  Oregon  vviih  England  l>v  extendiiiir  the 
line  hetween  the  United  Slates  and  Canada,  upon 

llic  4'Jlh  degree  of  latilude  to   the  I'acifi eaii. 

This  projiosition  was  refused  liy  the  iiriiish  Min- 
ister, mm  then  withilrnwn  hy  the  Vresideiii. 

This  action  of  ihe  convention  and  of  the  Presi- 
dent, instead  of  receiving  nl  the  hands  of  our  po- 
litical opponents  that  liheral  cnnsidcralion  wlilcli  a 
common  Ameiican  feeling  ons;ht  to  he;:rt,  and 
which  invariahly  in  the  liritiMh  Parliament,  upon 
the  discussion  of  similar  external  and  jialiiolic 
questions,  analogous  to  this  t_>regon  quesliiui  vvilli 
u.x,  lirings  the  sternest  oppoiienis  of  the  Adniiuis- 
tintion  to  the  slnndard  of  the  M.nisternnU  of  the 
country  ,  has  been  the  suhject  of  niiich  illiheral  crili- 
cism  and  unmerited  reproach.  It  ha?  heen  lepre- 
senled  ihat  the  convention  and  the  Piesideui,  in 
saying  that  our  title  is  clear  niid  iinquesliiuialjle, 
have  said  loo  much; 'for  that  the  same  is  encum- 
bered by  the  English  light  of  joint  occupancy  tor 
commercial  purposes,  and  hy  tiie  English  claim  lo 
Oregon;  for  be  it  rcmembeied,  that  upon  the  fool- 
ing of  the  forcible  entry  npmi  .Spain,  of  which  1 
liave  spoken,  and  of  the  commercial  occupancy, 
secured  by  treaty,  as  well  also  because  of  the  conti- 
guity of  Oregon  lo  the  liriiish  possessions  in  Ame- 
rica, and  other  pretences  less  forniidahle  than  these, 
the  British  Government  has  set  up  a  claim  lo  Ore- 
gon, or  part  thereof'.  1  undcrsland  the  claim  to  be 
made  to  all  that  Ihey  can  gel,  by  any  means  of 
fraud  or  force  which  a  grasping  policy  may  dictate, 
without  specification  of  meiisaud  bounds. 

Let  us  examine  this  criticism  of  our  opponents. 
Give  to  the  assertion  of  the  convention,  reiterated 
by  the  President,  a  construciion  .sanctioned  by  com- 
mon parlance,  and  what  is  iis  scope?  Dues  the 
liolder  of  a  fee  simple,  in  common  parlance,  hidd 
his  title  to  be  otherwise  than  clear  and  nnquesiion- 
able,  because  it  is  encumbered  hy  a  right  of  way 
or  other  privilege.'  Does  he  hold  it  to  be  other 
than  clear  and  unquestionable  because  some  one, 
without  right,  sel.s  up  a  claim  to  it.'  Surely  net. 
And  yet  a  right  of  way  is  an  eneuinbrance;  and  a 
claim  is  a  (jiitoi  eiicumhruiice,  bccau  e  it  slanders 
the  title. 

It  was  hut  the  other  day  that,  in  this  discussion, 
the  honorable  member  from*  Tennessee,  [.Mr. 
Brow.v,]  by  a  strange  perversion  of  the  words  and 
meaning  of  liis  colleague,  [Mr.  .Ioiinson,]  repre- 
sented that  colleague  as  having,  in  some  s(ui,  ad- 
mitted that  ihe  declaration  of  the  President  as  to 
our  title  to  Oregon,  and  his  act  in  offering,  as  an 
adjustment,  a  ilivision  of  the  terrilory  upon  lati-  ] 
luiie  forty -nine,  were  inconsistent  the  one  with  the 
other,  and  that  the  declaration  was  made  to  please 
the  Democracy,  and  the  act  done  to  please  the 
AVhigs.  And  by  a  peculiar,  and  in  a  small  way, 
somewhat  ingenious  adapiation  of  his  own  sen- 
tences, the  honorable  member  [Mr.  Brown]  con- 
trived to  give  the  endorsement  of  his  own  judg- 
ment to  this  seniiment,  so  grossly  imputed  io  his 
colleague.  Verily  this  criticism  of  the  hnnornble 
member  smacks  much  more  of  the  justices'  court 
than  of  the  equity  forum.  It  savors  not  of  the  chan- 
cellor. What!  'James  K.  Polk  shape  his  acis  to 
gather  golden  opinions  amongorof  Whigs.'  Why, 
thev  did  not  know  him.  They  asked  who  he  was, 
and  "  held  their  manhood  cheap  "  that  perforce 
their  "  great  embodiment"  must  soil  his  nobility  , 
by  running  on  the  same  political  course  with  this  ; 
same  James  K.  Polk.  Does  James  K.  Polk  ex- 
pect a  Whig  pen  to  write  his  life  and  limes .'  Does  i 
he,  the  advocate  of  Slate  rights,  of  a  strict  con-  | 
btruciion  of  the  Conetitution,and  of  trade  unshack-  ' 


American  Settlers  in  Oregon — Mr.  Mick. 


Ho.  or  Rf.ps. 


led  hy  aiighl  but  Inxation  absolutely  necensary  for  j 
iponent  of  bank  moiiopo- 


revenue,  and  the  fir 


oppo 


lies,  appeal  lo  laliludiiiarians,  I'ederalists,  prolec- 
tionisis,  and  hnuhites  lo  inscribe  his  epitaph  and 
wriie  his  hisliirv  ■'  JSir,  there  is  no  discrepancy 
bctwef'ii  the  deciarnli(uis  and  acU  of  the  President. 
Onr  title  is  clcnr  and  unqileslionalile;  but  it  is 
cncumliercd,  and  it  has  been  sLindcred.  Who 
rccoirni.sed  the  encumbrance.'  An  Kxeculivc  be- 
luriiiing  lo  the  same  party  of  which  the  hniKU'iilile 
geiillenmn  I'roin  'rennensee  [Mr.  Miioivn]  is  a  din- 
tingnislied  meinl'ir — ajiarly  which,  in  power,  has 
brouL'ht  upon  'Uir  eoiinlry  more  poliiical  evil  in 
twelve  yi.'irs  iliaii  the  "  progressive  Democracy "' 
can  remedy  in  ilie  same  period;  and  which,  oiil  of 
power,  occupy  ihcir  leisure  nnd  talenls  in  coni- 
iiining  will)  nl'olilionisls,  iN'ative  .\mericans,  iin- 
pr;iclical>les,  and  nil  other  frnclions,  f'aclirtns,  and 
iiiiinenla,  to  defeat  popular  will  and  weal.  Who 
slaiiilercd  our  lille  to  OrcL'on,  and  taught  (ireal 
Brilain  to  ho[ie  I'm' a  division  thereof?  A  I're.-iilent 
of  the  same  jtariv,  who  oU'ered  an  adjustment  mure 
favmable  loCinat  Urilain  than  that  ofl'ered  by  Mr. 
Polk.  There  is  not  a  lawyer  in  this  House  but 
knows  the  I'aial  ell'ect,  upon  his  cause,  of  an  olfer 
of  compromise  made  liy  his  elicm  publiilv  in  llie 
court-yard.  !5ail  as  the  prriposed  com)iromise  may 
be,  he  is  consiraiiieil,  L^eiierallv,  lo  advise  his  client 
to  repent  llie  olKer.  His  cause  is  slandered.  So 
tin  President  fiuinil  our  lille  to  Oregon  slandered 
by  the  ofVcr  of  parlilion  matle  by  a  precedent  Whig 
Atliiiinjslration,  wrillen  down  with  llie  pen,  and 
published  lo  the  world  over  ihe  name  of  the  '*  great 
eiiibodimeiii;"  and  he  was  eoiistrained  to  repeat 
the  offer. 

Oilieis  have  h.T/arded  not  only  indiscreet  guess- 
es, but  also  bold  asscrliwos  iipmi  ilie  proposition 
whctliertlie  President  would  now,  or  will  hereal^er, 
accede  to  nn  oU'er  for  adjusiment  by  a  division  of 
Ihe  territmy  n|ion  lalilude  ^!)°,  in  a  innnner,  nnd 
to  an  extent,  which  relieves  iiie  from  all  considera- 
tions of  delicacy  in  reliTeiice  to  speaking  to  that 
point.  Sir,  Anicricnn  slaiesmcn  have,  to  the  best 
of  lheiraliilities,evi.seerateil  our  Republic  of  its  last 
diplomatii'  secret  on  this  subject.  I  alsowill  guess, 
lest  it  may  be  inferred  that  1  Imve  a  personal  motive 
f(tr  beiiitr  .'guarded  on  this  t^ubjecl,  as  it  has  been 
inferred  tiial  others  have  been  letl  by  ptfsojuit  mo- 
tive lo  indulge  in  surmises  nnd  declarations  upon 
this  most  delicnie  topic.  Prick  up  your  ears,  lliere- 
fore;  for  the  secret,  as  1  understand  it,  is  about  to 
e.vplode. 

I  am  about  to  guess,  solely  on  my  own  judgment, 
and  I  am  preiiy  sure  that  1  shall  guess  rightly. 
7'/if  I'leiidinl  (hies  iint  Aiinte  \rhal  he  vill  Jo!  Like 
oilier  wi.se  men,  he  holds  himself  up  lo  be  control- 
led by  circumslaiires,  and  at  liberty  to  carry  out 
llie  behests  of  public  opinion,  as  thai  ojiinion  mny 
he  modifiril  b\  time  and  circumstances.  The  Inst 
proposition  for  adjuslinent  bynegotintion  emanated 
from  our  side.  The  next,  as  1  suppose,  must  come 
fnun  the  Briti.sh  side.  Of  course,  the  President 
(lues  not  know  what  it  will  be.  When  it  comes,  he 
will  considerof  11.  Now,  sir,  we  know  that  in  this 
country,  iiublic  opinion  is  the  niliiii:  power.  It 
therefore  beconns  important  to  consider  what  pub- 
lic o))iiiion  is  nine,  and  how  it  may  probably  be 
modified  bcyenflcf.  I'lie  .American  jteople  have  a 
rii.')it  'o  resolve  to  nmlcriake  a  war  in  defence  of 
that  which  they  assume  (as  they  have  a  right  to 
do)  to  he  theirs,  and  they  may  compromise  dis- 
puted rights  wi:hout  dishonor.  Public  opinion,  as 
indicated  by  the  representation  in  the  halls  of  Con- 
gress now,  would  not  justify  a  war  for  that  portion 
of  Oregon  between  the  parallels  of  4!)'^  and  54°  40'. 
The  number  of  those  in  this  and  ihe  olher  hall, 
who  would  undertake  such  n  war,  is  small  indeed. 
A  large  mnjorily  of  either  branch  of  Congress  would 
yield  up  that  part  of  Oregon  north  of  latitude  4!)°, 
in  extinguishment  of  the  encumbrance  and  claim 
held  nnd  made  by  Great  Britnin,  and  to  secure  the 
blesyings  of  peace.  But  there  is  not  one  member 
of  this  or  the  oilier  House,  as  I  believe,  who  is  not 
fully  prepared  nnd  instructed  to  meet  all  the  haz- 
ards and  disasters  of  a  war,  rather  than  yield  our 
claim  lo  any  portion  of  Oregon  south  of  latitude  49°. 
My  constituents  are  of  those  who  are  ready  to  un- 
dertake a  wiir  I'nr  "the  whole  of  Oregon,"  I'lor  will 
any  vote  or  act  of  mine  be  adverse  to  this  their  will. 
They  are  my  employers;  I  am  hut  their  agent.  ■ 
They  understood  that  our  right  to  all  of  Oregon  was 
secured  by  the  election  of  Mr.  Polk,  and  the  west-  ' 


I  em  people  generally  so  understood  the  matter.     I 

understood  "all  of  Oregon"  lo  be  one  of  ilif  issues 
of  1844.  But  I  now  Irani — no  doubt  Irnly — that 
the  resolutions  of  the  Baltimore  Conveiilion  were 
not  so  understood  in  other  portions  of  the  coun- 
tiy,  as  well  in  the  iVriih  nnd  East  as  in  the  South. 
I  have  no  means  of  knowing  whether  or  iHii  the 
President  would  now  accede  lo  a  iiroposiiion  from 
Ihe  British  side  of  the  same  tenor  with  that  herc- 
tot'ore  made  by  himself.  But  it  is  certainly  true 
that  the  British  (iovernment  has  n  ri^hl  to  sup- 
pose that  he  would  do  .^o;  and  if  that  Ciovern- 
nienl  desires  jieace,  nn  oH'cr  for  adjusiment  iipcui 
ihr  basis  of  4'.P  as  n  boundary,  will,  in  due  time, 
emnnate  from  it.  If  such  a  pro|io.'iiiiin  be  made, 
the  I'resident  will  ronsider  of  it.  Pnbhc  opinimi, 
as  now  developed  in  this  and  the  other  Hall,  would 
siislam  him  in  accetiing  In  nticli  a  proposition,  and 
would  not  suslnin  him  in  a  wnr  for  M'-'  40',  he 
having  it  in  his  power  lo  adjust  iipnn  lalilude  41P. 
The  British  Minister  has  means  of  taking  know- 
letlge  of  public  opinion  here;  nod  if  he  be  ns  wise 
a  man  ns  he  is  a  gentlemanlike  and  good  looking 
(Uie,  he  will  foresee,  that  if  his  Government  de- 
sires pence,  and  to  secure  nearly  half  of  Oiegoii 
to  itself,  the  oU'er  lirrelofore  repeaiedly  made, 
frrun  our  side,  must  bi;  nccedcd  (o  by  the  British 
side  during  the  existence  of  the  Congress  now  in 
session.  For  this  question  is  a  progressive  one, 
as  all  similar  questions  are,  in  a  republic.  In  the 
next  Congress  54^  40'  men  will  nbouiid  in  this 
House,  and  by  degrees  the  Senate  will  be  coii- 
fcn-ined  to  public,  opinion  a»  it  progresses.  My 
belief  is,  that  the  President  will  look  to  the  Halls 
of  Congress  ns  the  exponents  of  public  opinion. 
If  lie  finds  there  a  resolution  to  lii;ht  for  64°  40', 
he  will,  I  doubt  not,  lake  his  siand  accordingly. 
If  he  finds  there  n  disposition  to  secure  peace,  by 
yielding  it  isirtion,  1  suppose  he  will  act  nccord- 
ingly.  As  the  war-making  and  means-furnishing 
power  is  not  in  his  hands,  but  is  vested  in  Con- 
gress, 1  do  not  see  how  he  can  act  otherwise  than 
as  I  have  pri'dicated.  If,  therefore,  while  the  evi- 
dence of  public  opinion  remains  as  it  now  is,  the 
President  should  adjust  the  mailer  on  the  footing 
of  the  proposition  hercloforc  repeaiedly  made,  1 
shall  not  assume  to  he  either  his  advocate  or  his 
denouncer,  before  my  constituents.  They  are  his 
e  •.nstiluenls,  as  they  are  mine.  I  being  their  sole 
Ileprescntative  here,  nnd  represenliog  them  only, 
my  duty  is  plain.  Bui  the  constituency  .i  liie 
President  is  manifold,  and  of  various  siiades  of 
opinion,  andofdiver.se  interests;  nnd  there  isdaii- 
irer  of  portions  of  it,  incited  by  sellish  and  ambi- 
tious men,  becoming  u  little  heady  and  self  willed. 
My  constituents,  I  know,  "like  the  man,"  and 
ihey  are  also  for  M°  40'.  I  believe  they  will  con- 
strue "  Young  Hickory"  charitably. 

Of  him,  (the  President,)  in  considerntion  of  the 
dilliculties  of  his  positimi,  (agiiravntcd  ns  those 
dilliciilties  are  by  President-making  insiincls  nnd 
ambitious  designs,')  all  1  have  lo  .say  is,  "God 
semi  him  a  safe  deliverance.''  The  country  will 
be  more  just  to  him  than  are  "  the  polilicians." 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  bill  under  consideration  is 
one  of  a  series  of  measures  recommended  by  the 
President  in  reference  lo  (Oregon.  lis  object  is  to 
extend  the  laws  of  Iowa  Territory  over  our  citizens 
who  have  tmigra'cd  to  Oregon,  until  the  termina- 
tion of  the  joint  American  and  British  occupancy 
thereof,  and  afterwards  indefinitely.  To  lerniinnie 
that  joint  occupancy,  this  House  has  passed  the 
resolutions  of  notice.  The  Senate  has  occupied 
many  weeks  in  considering  those  resolutions;  and 
it  is  understood  that,  in  a  day  or  two,  ihey  will  be 
returned  lo  this  House  allcrcJ,  but,  as  I  think,  not 
iimeniUd.  I  am  prepared  lo  believe  that  when  a 
common-sense  world  shall  compare  the  labor  and 
time  expended  with  the  produci,  it  will  be  ready 
to  exclaim,  "  .Uoiis  /ndnridir,  proi/iic i/iir  miis. "  I 
trust  that,  ill  some  available  shape,  those  resolu- 
tions will  finally  pass  both  Hoiisis.  Ihit  let  iheir 
fate  be  what  it  may,  this  hill,  after  being  perfected, 
ought  to  become  a  law.  If  the  notice  residiitimis 
.  are  to  be  defeated  by  the  efforts  of  madness  and 
faction,  it  is  the  more  necessary  that  onr  laws 
should  be  extended  over  our  own  citizens  in  Ore- 
gon; that  emiirration  to  Oregon  should  be  encour- 
asred  by  a  promise  of  suitable  grants  of  lands  to 
settlers;  that  to  protect  emigraliiui  lo,  and  emi- 
grants in,  Oregon,  and  to  overawe  the  Indian  tribes, 
funs  should  be  erected,  and  aimed,  and  manned, 


ril  16, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


697 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


American  StttUri  in  Oregon — Mr.  Payne. 


Ho.  or  Rkps. 


M 

1111(1  Indinn  ncpncira  eslnMishcd,  nn  the  route  In  ' 
Biid  in  Orpffiiii;  mid  tlmt  n  (•oniiTimiioalion  with  \ 
Oicgon  be  fwi'iircd  liy  itinms  nf  (iiiinil-i'oiite.  Suoli  ' 
will  lie  the  eflect  of  tliia  bill  with  the  pending 
nmPiidnio"'9.  | 

Bill,  8,.,  I  nm  tnid  by  the  linnnmble  member 
from  I'eiin.iylvoiiin,  [Mr.  J.  II.  iNnr.inoLL,)  in  liis 
speefh  lo-(liiy,  lliiu  onr  Governmriit  is  in  duty  I 
bound  to  nddieds  n  note  to  the  llrilish  Minister  ex- 
[lrc^.'^ivc  of  ita  desire  to  ndjust  the  Oregon  eontro- 
versy.  Sir,  ihnt  dcRire  hnfi  lieen  ex|ire«.sed  in  ' 
every  cniiiiniinii'iilioii  iVom  our  Government  to  ijie 
Krilisli  Minister.  Why  repent  it.'  Thnt  nn  op- 
ponent of  the  present  Ailminisinuion  should  thus 
cnvil,  la  not  so  wonderriil.  But  when  I  hcnr  self- 
nilled  nemooriits,  (they  iire  few  in  number,  thunk  i 
God  I)  sny  the  same  ihiiiK — when  I  see  them  ! 
cnplious  lis  to  forma  of  wc.ids,  hnvinc;  no  more  ! 
mcaiiin£;  tlinn  the  word.s  "  your  very  liumble  ser- 
vnnt"iit  tlieeloscof  nehiilUiige — when  1  find  them 
HtirUlingupon  trufklinp  (iremribles  and  "  pnrenlhet- 
ieal  siiekings  in"  in  republienn  legislation,!  ne-  ' 
knowledge  that  my  faith  sometimes  fails  me.  I 
slinll  await  furilier  developments  bi'fore  I  make  iin 
my  mind  to  believe  allegnlion.s  of  "  punic  fuitli,"  || 
ofnwilltn  "  rule  or  ruin,"  and  of  a  desire  to  de-  ; 
feat  all  legislation  upon  topies  of  piiblie  cxpectn-  ii 
lion,  so  OS  tiiereliy  to  disorganize  the  Democratic  I 
jiariy,  and,  from  the  elements  of  pnlilieal  revolu-  i 
tion,  build  up  n  loral  parly,  for  the  grnlifientinn  of  ■ 
individual  ambition.  Sir,  I  will  only  believe  these  j 
things  when  I  nm  romjielled  to  sec'  them.  But  I  ' 
will  say  now,  that  if  suili  things  are,  the  American  ! 
people  will  see  nnd  rebuke  theiii.  Those  engaged  i 
in  such  projecls,  if  such  there  he,  will  in  all  time  j 
aloud,  like  Milton's  devil,  "on  a  had  eminence."     j 

Sir,  I  linvc  said   that  my  faith  sometimes  fails  j 
me.     I  will  tell  you  why.     I  hear  gentlemen  de-  i 
dare  that  they  will  east  iheir  voles  bore  to  incur  n 
war  in  defence  of  mir  riirht  to  Oregon  south  of  lal-  i 
ilude  4D°.     The  British  Government  is  authorized 
to  suppose,  ns  I  have  already  shown,  thnt  nn  offer  ; 
coming  from  that  side  jiroposing  Intiludc  49°  ns  n 
lioundary  will  be   accepted   by  our  Government. 
Now,  if  gentlemen  are  ready  to  fight  for  latitude  i 
4U°,  and  if  the  British  Government  has  n  right  to  ■ 
suppose,  as  I  have  said  it  lins,  why  the  necessity 
of  Biickling  nliout  forms  of  words?     Why  is  ihis 
bill,  or  the  notice,  in  n  simple  nnd  republienn  form, 
Btrip|ied  of  nil  verbosity,  likely  to  be  offensive,  or 
to  produce  war,  when  the  British  Government  has 
n  right  to  suppose  the  power  in  its  own  hnnds  to 
end  the  entire  controversy  any  day  or  nny  hour.' 
The  Britis'i   Government  has  a  right  to  infer  that 
war  can  be  uvoided  by  nccediiig   to  nn    adjiist- 
incnt  upon  tl-.c  basis  of  latitude  49'' ;  and  therefore, 
if  it  rcnily  desires  to  avoid  war,  will  make  thnt 
proposition,   without  wailing  for   our   nction,  to 
liunl  for  cause  of  offence  therein.     If  the  British 
Government,  on  the  cnntrnry,  desires  war,  to  rub 
out  old  scores,  or  to  grasfi  Oregon  south  of  latitude  . 
49°,  then  those  gentlemen  who  slnnd  for  latitude 
49°  are  pledged  to  lake  part  \>.ili  ns  in  the  fight. 
The  result  is,  thai  those  genilenien  nre  either  aliort-  ; 
sighted,  or  timid,  or  that  their  professions  of  wil- 
lingness to  fight  for  lalilude  49°  ns  n  boundary, 
are  insincere,  and  thai,  in  point  of  fuel,  they  do  h 
desire  to  defeat  the  Americnn  claim  to  Oregon,  to 
subserve  n  local  inleresl.     We  in  the  West  nre 
not  addicled  to  intrigue,  nnd  we  abhor  it  in  others. 
We niB  wniching developments.    And  if  wc should  | 
be  forced  to  believe  what  we  now  sometimes  fear, 
we  shall,  perhaps,  say  but  little:  but  we  shall  un-    ' 
dersland  ourselves  and  our  friends.     At  present  I 
we  nre  puzzled.     Our  western  logic  gives  unfavor-  i 
able  resulls.  We  shall  consider  the  logic  of  actions,  ii 
We  shall  see  whether  great  mea.-ures  nre  to  be  j 
defenled  for  lb.  sakcofn  form  of  words.     Wa  nre  ! 
not  jealous.     A/e  are  anxious.     And  we  nre  re-  i 
solved  not  to  be  humbugged. 

Mr.  Clmiimni.,  I  hnsien  to  n conclusion.  1  have 
endeavored  to  ninwer  the  chnrge  of  a  want  of  co- 
herence between  nemocraiic  declarations  and  Dem- 
ocrnlic  nction,  and  to  demonstrate  that  it  is  our 
duly  to  carry  out  the  recommendations  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive, on  the  subject  of  Oiegon.  It  only  remnins 
for  me  to  say,  thnt  our  nction  ought  to  '..'  prompt 
nnd  speedy.  The  nction  of  Congress,  t'.ius  far, 
hnsbecn  indecisive  and  hesitoting — "  liken  wound- 
ed snake  dragging  its  slow  length  along,"  The 
jieople  nre  exnininiiig  the  machinery  of  Govern- 
nienl  to  find  the  hand  tlmt  locks  the  wheels.  They 


His  rccommendalions  hnve 
en  apt,  nnd  proper.  The  responsibility  rests  upon 


justify  the  Executive 
lieennpt,  nnd  proper. 
Congress.    The  I'reaiilrnt  is,  ihis  day,  more  pnpu 


Inr  in  many  of  our  Democrntic  districts  than  we 
ourselves  nre.  The  people  will  find  the  hnnd  thnt 
locks  our  wheels.     They  will  cut  it  off. 

My  good  constituents  will  read  whnt  I  linve 
snid,  and  they  will  see  at  once  that  they  may  ex- 
jiect  one  of  two  events  in  ibc  course  ol  a  yenr  or 
two,  or  sooner — an  nilinstmeni  of  the  Oregon  con- 
troversy on  the  pnrallel  of  49°,  or  a  war.  If  the 
sentiments  of  their  nemocraiic  brethren  in  the 
North,  East,  and  Snuili,  and  of  the  Whig  minor- 
ity, or  a  part  thereof,  Hliniild  constrain  the  Execu- 
tive to  yield  to  such  an  ndjiistment,  they  will  sub- 
mil,  ns  I  believe,  thoui'li  it  mny  bo  reluctnnlly. 
Should  war  result,  the  Hoosier  bnnner  will  flout 
the  sky  right  snncily,  and  Hoosier  ariuadrons  will 
take  their  part  in  the  danger,  the  loss,  the  suffer- 
ing, nnd  t'.ie  glory. 


AMERICAN  SETTLERS  IN  OREGON. 
REMARKS  OF  Mr!  W.  W.  PAYNE, 

OF  ALABAMA,  i 

In  the  House  of  Repiiksentativej, 
J)ml  I,'),  184G. 
The  nmendment  offered  by  Mr.  Patne  to  the  pro- 
viso of  the  first  section  of  the  Oregon  jurisdiction 
bill  being  under  eonsiderniion,  which  makes  the 
proviso  rend  ns  follows:   "  Prorulril,  Thnt  this 
net  shall  not  be  construed  nor  executed  in  such 
manner  as  to  operate  upon  British  subjeels,  or  to 
deprive  Great  Britain  of  nny  of  the  rights  and 
privileges  now  existing   and   acquired    by  the 
treaty  of  October  20, 18]P,  and  continued  in  force 
by  the  treaty  of  August  6,  ]8i7." 
Mr.  PAYNE  snid  that  bis  object  in  rising  to 
address  the  committee  was  not  for  the  purpose  of 
making  a  speech,  but  rather  In  stale  the  reasons 
why  be  had  not  pnrlicipnled  in  the  Oregon  debnte. 
When  the  subjectof  notice  wns  before  the  House, 
some  weeks  past,  the  debate,  in  his  opinion,  as- 
sumed n  ehnrncter  and  latitude  nllogelher  improper. 
The  question  of  title,  peace,  war,  nnd  the  miliinrv 
power  nnd  resources  of  England  nnd  the  United 
States,  were  discussed  thi  n;  nnd,  from  the  present 
aspect  of  affairs,  the  same  was  to  be  done  now. 

What  injury  has  or  may  result  to  the  good  un- 
derstanding of  the  two  countries  from  l!."s  unwise 
course  of  debnte,  time  alone  can  develop.  lie 
trusted  thnt  the  cood  sen.se  nnd  deliberate  judgment 
of  both  countries  would  prove  sufficient  "to  elevnlc 
the  feelinss  of  each  nl>ove  the  petty  animosity  ' 
which  crimination  and  recrimination  lend  to  pro- 
duce. 

The  right  of  both  countries  to  end  the  treaty  of , 
joint  occupancy,  Mr.  P.  .said,  was  secured  by  ex-  ' 
press ireaty  stipulation.  How, then, did  the  notice  ! 
involve  war.-  or  how  did  it  involve  the  title  to  the 
territory  jointly  occupied.'  If  the  notice,  when 
given  by  the  United  States,  was  to  bo  followed  by 
immediate  and  exclusive  pos.session  of  Ore!xnii, 
then  be  adinilled  that  the  title  nnd  the  -ii-ohabilities 
of  war  would  hnve  been  fair  snhjeci.  r'  .  .scussinn. 
But  ns  such  was  not  the  case,  as  tw.  ive  innnilis 
must  necessarily  intervene  between  the  giving  of 
the  notice  and  the  adoption  of  the  neressnry  meas- 
ures before  taking  possession  of  the  country,  it 
seemed  to  him  Ihnt  the  whole  discussion  had  been 
premature  nnd  unprofiinble,  if  it  should  not  prove 
highly  injurious. 

If  n  simple  resolution  endins  the  convention  of 
1827  bnd  passed  Congress,  without  comment  or 
qualification,  it  would  hnve  been  no  just  cause  of 
offence  to  England;  no  embittered  feelings  wiuld 
have  been  eneenderet.  :ind  the  interval  of  twelve 
months,  if  both  Governments  were  wise,  would 
have  been  employed  in  patriotic  efforts  to  adjust  ' 
the  boundary  upon  nmirnble  and  equitable  grounds. 
It  wns  for  these  rensons  that  he  did  not  pnrticipnte 
in  thedelmle. 

The  bill  now  before  the  committee  wns  one,  if 
he  understood  it,  harmless  in  itself;  nnd,  if  it  does 
not  infringe  the  existing  Irenly  stipulations  between 
England  nnd  the  United  States,  can  give  no  just 
cause  of  offence  to  Great  Britain.  He  would  here 
remark,  that  if  England  chose  to  take  oflence  at 
the  United  Slates  without  just  cause,  he  should  be 
among  the  last  to  respect  her  captious  spirit,  or  to  ' 


ovoid  the  eonseoiiences  nsulting  from  it.  Hit 
feared  to  do  nnytiiing  which  violated  the  nntional 
faiili  or  tarnished  the  honor  and  glory  of  his  coun- 
try; but  be  feared  to  do  nothing  winch  her  honor 
and  glory  required.  He  I'.ared  to  do  wrong,  but 
be  feared  to  do  noihing  which  was  right. 

The  bill  under  consiileriiiion  wns  iiiinndeil  to  pro- 
tect our  own  eiiizens  in  Oiegon,  and  for  no  other 
purpose.  It  did  not  propose  to  operate  upon  Brit- 
ish subjects,  nor  to  deprive  England  of  nny  exist- 
ing  right.  It  was  lliii.<  to  limit  the  aciioii  of  the 
bill,  to  exclude  n  different  conchision,  nnd  to 
gunrd,  with  proper  cauiion,  ngainst  the  sliu'hlest 
infringement  of  on-  trenty  stipulnlions,  thnt  his 
amendmeiu  was  ofli  red. 

The  geiitleman  from  Georgia  [Mr.  CoDn]  ob- 
jected to  the  iimcndmenl  of  the  gentleman  from 
Ohio,  [.Mr.  Vinton,]  because  it  expired  by  its  nwii 
liinilalion,  and  would  lenve  the  people  of  (Iregon 
unprotected  by  Inw,  unless  subsequent  Iegi.«latiou 
should  be  adopted.  His  amendment,  he  said,  ob- 
viated that  obji  lion;  it  provides  no  limiiiilion  to 
the  law.  It  will  operate  upon  onr  own  people  in 
Oregon  through  nil  coming  time,  wilhoiit  .subse- 
quent legislation.  But  it  excludes  Brilisb  xulijeclH 
from  the  operation  of  the  Inw,  now  nnd  beicnfler, 
and  nbsialiis  from  an  infringement  of  Hriii.<b  rights 
now  existing.  Any  bill  passed  at  ihis  lime  must 
do  that,  or  we  shall  violate  treaty  sii[>ulaiioiis,  and 
larnish  the  honor  of  the  country.  This  he  would 
not  do  willingly. 

Mr.  P.  then  snid,  if  the  objeel  of  the  bill  be 
simply  to  protect  our  own  citizens  in  Oregon,  it 
.seemed  to  him  no  objection  ought  to  exist  in  nny 
qiiarif  r  to  the  amendment  he  had  offered.  But  if, 
upon  the  other  hand,  it  is  intended  to  go  fiirlheri 
and,  in  violation  of  existing  treaties,  operate  upon 
British  sulijects  and  British  rights,  be  till  it  his 
duly  to  oppose  it.  The  people  of  this  couiiiry  nre 
tenacious  of  nntional  rights,  l)Ut  they  were  also 
careful  in  the  preservation  of  national  fiiith  and 
honor;  nnd  members  may  rest  assured  they  will 
approve  no  legislation,  and  sustain  no  parly,  which 
is  reckless  of  either. 

It  is  said,  after  the  expiration  of  the  notice,  it  is 
intended  thnt  this  bill  should  act  upon  the  w  hole  of 
Oregon  nnd  its  inhabitants.  He  had  feared  thnt 
such  would  the  effect,  and  hence  his  proposition 
to  amend  it.  All  that  is  now  necessary  is,  to  aflord 
our  eiiizens  in  Oregon  ihe  protection  of  law,  under 
our  joint  oceupe  . -y  of  the  territory.  When  the 
twelve  months  u-qnired  by  the  treaty  shnll  have  ex- 
pired, it  may  then  be  the  duly  of  this  Government 
In  take  exclusive  possession  of  Oregon.  Will  it 
not  then  be  time  enough  to  pass  the  necessary 
laws  for  the  purpose,'  He  thought  it  would  be. 
He  trusted  the  calm  dclibnatioii  theinlervnl  would 
produce  would  lead  to  an  honorable  und  eqnitnble 
adjustment  of  pending  difficulties,  and  thereby  re- 
lieve the  question  of  all  embarrassment.  If  ho 
should  be  disappointed  in  ihis  reasonuble  expecin- 
tion,  nnd  the  gloomy  forebodings  of  his  friend  from 
Maryland,  [Mr.  Giles,]  should  be  realized,  he, 
for  one,  should  be  prqiared  to  meet  the  crisis  aa 
became  a  man. 

Again  :  is  it  necessary,  or  even  prudent,  twelve 
inonlhs  in  advance,  to  place  the  question  of  icnr 
beyond  the  control  of  the  war-making  power  of 
the  Government:  No  one  can  doubt  that,  at  the 
expirntion  of  twelve  moii'hs  from  llie  period  llie 
notice  is  given,  the  bill,  if  nasscd  without  nmend- 
ment, will  act  upon  Brilis.i  subjects  in  every  pnrt 
of  Oiegon.  And  to  his  mind  ii  was  equnlly  clear 
that  Great  Britain  could  not,  nnd  would  not,  aban- 
don her  citizens  in  Oregon  to  the  juiisdiclion  nnd 
control  of  a  foreign  Power.  If  not,  w  bat  must  fol- 
low,' First,  a  conflict  of  jurisdiction;  next,  of 
arnvs.  Suppose  Congress  should  deem  it  inex- 
pedient, when  the  period  required  by  the  notice 
shall  have  expired,  to  engage  in  war  with  Great 
Britain,  how  can  we  control  the  question.'  Im- 
perious reasons  of  State  necessity  might  forbid  a 
conflict  at  that  time;  and  yet,  if  this  law  pass  with- 
out amendment,  you  could  not  control  the  ques- 
tion. Suppose  '•"".  pa.ss  a  bill  repealing  the  law, 
the  President  might  veto  it,  and  thus  the  power  to 
produce  war  would  he  placed  in  Ihe  hands  of  the 
Executive,  who  might  exercise  it  against  the  will 
of  that  department  of  the  Governnient  which  can 
alone  declare  wnr.  Hensked  ngain  if  it  was  either 
wise  or  prudent  thus  to  deprive  Congress  of  a  con- 
trol over  the  question  of  war.'    If  his  amendment 


If 


If 


i 


v;.  !l 


:d 


.:t  ii 


am 


APPKNDIX  TO  THK  CONORKSSIONAI.  GLOBE. 


!29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


ii 


.'rt 


nrcvnilril,  Concrvf'^^  wntihi  rerain  t'lill  pnwrr  over 
till'  fpK'ftlion:  tnul  \\  In-n  llir  proper  linir  nvrivcH, 
NUi'li  li'iri-lmi'i"  limy  lir  nddpii'd  ns  ilic  pi|ii|io  i\- 
iiri'iiricfl  m  IV  ri'ipiirf.  }lr  (Inutitt'd  not  nil  \v<tnl<I 
llu'ii  (i't  ilii'ir  liiitv.  llr  pri'lrrrf'tl  a»  lwini»riiMr 
jM.iiT:  Inn  il'«ar I'dnicH.wi' jiliall  makr  llwino.'<l  of 
11.      Ill' Imil  nnihiip.;  lo  sav  of  litle,  lioiiiiilary.iVr. 

Hf  ton  1(1,  IiowrvtT,  il' In*  i''i|iiiiuir(l  liiM  rcin'irlin 
upon  llii^i  ponil,  hr  nIiohIiI  tall  into  tlw  error  ot'  (lis- 
niNwhiir  irrelfMnil  poinlN.  Tins  I;  ■  hail  roiKlrnnn'il 
III  others.  He  wonlil  onlv  atld  tli;n  hr  h  ul  entire 
eontiilnn'e  in  the  triMiiv-makiiii:  power  nl' the  t  Jov- 
erinnent,  anil  into  tin  ir  hniids  he  w  illinsly  left  the 
power  loinake  treaties,  ll'a  treaty .b«  iiiaili'  whieli 
tliil  not  '^leiOlv  impair  iniioiial  riplits,  he  slionhl 
not  eonilenin  it,  Inr  sustain  iIiosh  whose  iliitv  it  is 
to!;uaril  the  rii'his  ami  lionor  ol' the  nation,  anil  at 
the  same  time,  so  !ar  as  they  ran,  preserve  the 
penee  ami  ipiitl  oTthe  wot  hi. 

He  Inil  now  a  remark  or  two  to  mnke  to  the 
lionoraMe  eeiiileinaii  I'rom  Teiine.«see,  (Mr.  .M. 
llnnivN.]  He  did  not  oliji'.'!  lo  his  lastr,  in  nitaek- 
I  ■:,■  a  eitizeii  of  Ins  own  Stale,  now  the  l',\ei'iiiive 
III"  the  naiioii.  That  Itonorahlr  ireinlenmn  lia.-i  an 
uiid  inlMed  riL''lit  to  adopi  .\nv  course  in  rrrerener 
to  the  I'resiilei.l  he  nii;'.ht  d"em  proper:  Init  he 
(Mr.  i*. )  had  also  the  ri'.-ln  in  revolve  in  his  own 
mind  the  reasons  whieh  led  to  that  aitaek.  Air.  1'. 
had  laeii  aeqnaiiiled  with  the  system  of  cleeiion- 
eeriie.^  'or  some  vears  past  in  Tennessee.  A  eati- 
vass  tliere  is  ireia  lalK'  warnilv  eonlesled,  and  a 
u;ood  deal  nt'  party  aerimony  inilulired  in  upon  llie 
.sium|i.      In  tliese  eonllieiH  ihe   present  ineninhent 


ITie  Orr^nn  l^iiesthn — Mr.  I'niiii/lmrkff. 

the  nofiee  would  he  prodnciive  of  the  re.snlt«  wliieh 
he  had  antieipatei)  tVom  it;  and  he  had  satiHlied 
himsell"  it  prohalilv  would.  He  was  aware  that 
the  I'resideni  had  expressed  tlie  opinion  that  no 
eoinpromise  whieh  the  Itniteil  States  on'.'ht  to  ae- 
erpi  eonid  ever  lie  (•ireetell,  lail  slill  he  (.Mr.  1'.) 
had  enlerlained  the  heliet'  that  the  nn\tier  initrht  yt 
he  Inmoratilv  iidjn.sted.  It  had  never  entered  into 
his  head  lor  a  soliiarv  moment,  that  it'  the  llrilish 
t  Jnvernmeiit  should  jtropose  to  setile  the  matter 
iiiion  sonieihiim'  like  the  terms  whieh  the  I'resnlenl 
had  od'ered.  llie  (piestion  miirht  not  yet  still  he  ho 
adjiisled,  t'n  the  neeasion  alluded  to,  he  hail  ns- 
siirned  verv  hriedy  some  of  the  reasons  tor  the 
heherenlerlainiil.  In  the  letter  ofMr.  I!neh:inaii, 
in  whieli  he  had  denionstr.ited,  as  the  I'nsiilent 
had  supposed  he  had  (lemonstialed,  the  title  of 
our  eoiintry  to  the  whole  of  the  territory— in  thtil 
very  leiier  the  proposiiioii  was  made  to  eompro- 
ni:M'  at  ihe  .(!)tli  parid'el  of  laiiliiile.  Ii  i"  true,  it 
w.ts  said  the  President  had  made  ihe  oil'tr  in  defer- 
rnee  alone  to  what  had  heeii  done  l-y  his  prede- 
ei'<sors  in  nlHee;  hnl  .still  the  e/)ii'WMS  m.nle  hy 
the  I're.sidenl,  and  the  rninf  of  the  ollVr  had  nol 
ceased  to  e\ist.  Ill  the  eoiielmliin.^  narinrrapli, 
aN  I,  of  the  Idler  of  the  Se.'retarv  oi'  St.ie,  in 
which  the  proMositiou  to  compromise  al  the  4!tili 
parallel  of  liiiitude  \v.\s  withdrawn  hy  t!n'  Presi- 
dent, the  hope  was  expressed  that  the  lon<.'-peiid- 
ine;  controversy  mi'iht  yet  he  ailjnsled  in  sneh  a 
m.inner  ns  not  to  disiord  or  intirnint  the  oeaee  or 
the  liarinoiiv  then  so  happily  siihsisiiin;  lietweeu 
the  two  nations.     In   the  h'tier  also  in  which  the 


[April  Irt, 
Sf'.N.^Tr. 


of  the  AVhite  House  and  the  honorahle  >:enlleniaii      proposal  (o  arhitratc  wan  ileelineil  hy  onr  Ciovern- 

'■■ ■'' --■■■■  '^'"    I!  —  "  ■■'  • — ••—  ■■"        inenl.  it  was  empliatirally  said,  if  not  in  words,  in 

suhsii.nce  at  leasi,  thai  there  was  no  necessity  for 
ri  I'erriii'/  to  arhitration;  that  two  such  (.lovern- 
iiients  ns  the  riiiied  Slates  and  (treat  liritnin, 
hmiud  to-rethei- hy  such  lies  of  eommerce,  ou::lit  to 
h"  ahle  and  oiitrht  to  he  williie.;  lo  .settle  their  own 
diilirence.s  wilhont  resorting:  lo  nrliiiration;  ay, 
.■uid  to  do  each  other  jimlirr,  loo.  If,  then,  the 
President  should  have  an  opportunity  to  selUe  the 
(jiieslion  as  he  had  proposed  to  do,  would  nol  the 
(lefereiice  wliicli  was  due  to  his  predecessiu's — 
nay,  would  noi  I'le  respect  which  he  owed  lo  lijiii- 
self — renuire.  him  lo  tak'e  what  he  had  olVeied  to 
!:ive.'  Then  how  eonld  the  hope  he  enlirlained 
hy  ihe  Pres'deiii  that  the  loii2;-pemliii!;  eontrovei.sy 
heiween   the  two   (fovermnenis   in   resafd   to   the 


from  Tennessee  [Mr.  liHoivN]  were  aeiive  partiei 
p. lilts;  nod,  if  rumor  he  not  at  faolt — if  the  press 
iu'  not  la'se — the  President  of  the  Foiled  .Stales  has 
prcicnied  many  accininis,  tilled  with  ijnive  items, 
n-raiiisi  till'  AVIult  parly  of  Tennessee.  The  svd- 
lleman  [Mr.  IlMaiv.v[  was,  upon  more  oeeasions 
llniii  one,  i-all-d  noon  lo  "  fool  the  hill,"  1  will 
nol  siy  (sail  .\lr.  P.)  how  he  perfomieil  that  duly; 
hut  he  would  say,  it  would  concur  iiMie  with  lii.s 
lioiioos  of  valor  to  heard  the  lion  in  his  den,  to  nt- 
ta.'k  liiin  face  to  face,  ami  not,  nfier  llie  lapse  of 
some  four  or  six  ypaw,  *'  mirsiiie:  his  wrath  lo  keep 
it  warm."  to  rise  in  his  place  and  attack  nn  old 
rival,  wlio,  from  the  peculiar  circum.staners  of  the 
case,  cannot  reply. 

It  w  IS  not  li's  purpose  (Mr.  P.  said)  to  net  ns 


the  elianipion  of  llie   I'".xecuii\e.      He  deliL'hted  in      territory  niis;lil  he  ailjiisii  d  without  ilisinrhini  the 

■*    *  peai'e  or  interruptiiiu  the  iuinnony  so  happily  siili- 

sistioi:  'letwi  en  the  two  ii;itioiis — trr  insisthiix  i/^ioh 
/i«riji_y  Itir  vhrlt  of  the  cmtiilriiy  unit  ii'nliHtip^  ii'itlihhj; 
In  (Ueiil  llriliiin  vliiilrrrr  '  How  eould  it  he  i  x- 
pei'ied  that  the  two  nations  out  to  he  ahle  and  v.  il- 


no  such  task.  Hnl  he  thonirlit,  if  the  sus|i|cions 
of  llie  ijronnds  of  this  aiiai'k  were  true,  it  wuiilil 
lie  exeiidiiiL'ly  ditiicnlt  lor  ihe  IVesideiil  lo  satisfy 
the  e;eiuleni;ui  from  TeiiMi-ssee.  Siippo.se  the  Pres- 
ident had  taken  ihe  iinallerahle  cronnd  of  ."ij"  40', 
niiirht  nol  tin.'  treiilleinaii  from  Tennessee  have 
chari;e(i  liiin  with  a  di.sire  of  iiivolviii'.;  his  eoiin- 
try in  nil  nmierrss.iry  war  for  sinister  purposes  f 
Ii  would  he  ipiiie  ,'.s  ea   v  to  conihanii  liiin  for  thai 

as  ii  now  is  to  cnndemii  him  for  payiuir  a  I miiiiir 

I'esiiecl  to  the  opiuiim  of  his  ]iredecessors  in  otl'er- 
iiii:  a  eonipiomise  upon  the  parallel  of  411°.  He 
was  willim:  lo  leave  it  to  time  lo  de\elr>p  the  iiio- 
I'ves  l»y  which  tin-  i''xecutive  was  inllneneed,  not 
ihiiilniii:,' ihal  in  this,  as  in  all  else,  wisdom  and 
]'alrioiiMii  will  control  his  action.  I'or  the  reasons 
dlreaily  given,  lie  should  nol  speak  upon  tlieOie- 
^'011  que.siioii. 


THE  OIIEIJOX  l.iUt:STIOX. 

RE-MARKS  OF  MR.  PrXNYHACKER, 

l)F    VIRC.IM.V, 
Is-  THE  SKN-vrr.,  ./jiri/  ]C,  lf4(i. 

Mr.  rr,.VNY!l.\r'KlCR  rose  and  said  he  would 
df  lain  the  Senate  lait  a  vi  ry  A'w  inoinenis,  as  his 
i.Sjeet  in  iisni',^  was  simply  to  explain  the  eroiiiids 
of  ihe  vote  lie  should  lie  railed  upon  lo  i^ive. 

Il  ni;iy  he  remeinhered  hy  tiie  .Senate  (said  Mr. 
1',)  th.il',  on  ihe  "  cell  hrated  Tliur.sday"  of  whieli 
lie  Senator  from  Arkansas  [Mr.  Skviku]  spoke  a 
v.iek  or  two  ac;o,  lie  (Mr.  P.)  had  made  some  re- 
marks wlii'h  indicaled  the  vii-ws  he  then  enter- 
tained of  ihe  siihiect  hefore  the  Senate.  He  had 
Nia'ed  il  lo  he  his  purpo.se  lo  vole  I'or  the  notice, 
mill  he  went  for  it  as  a  means  of  promoiin;;  ne. 
foliation  and  a  settlement  of  the  ipie.siion.  ni'fore 
he  had  hroUL'lit  liinisi  If  lo  that  deUiniination,  he 
had  necessarily  considered  wlielher  llic  givinij  of 


liuLi:  to  do  each  other  Justice,  and  thai,  loo,  witlioni 
res  irtiut;  n,  Mrhitration,  the  one  lakinir  all,  and  the 
other  receivintr  none.'  I-'or  these  re;isoiis  .Mr.  P. 
had  heeii  of  opinion,  on  the  occasion  alluded  to, 
that,  if  ail  oppoiiuioiy  should  he  allorihil  llie  Pres- 
ident to  accept  what  he  had  ill  irooil  failll  oll'ereil, 
he  would  yet  lie  hound  lo  take  it,  ihou^h  the  tith' 
had  heen  asserted  lo  the  whole  of  the  lerriiory. 
.\iiil  such  was  siill  the  opinion  of  Mr.  1\  Why, 
what  did  the  Presidenl  say  in  his  ine.s.sage-  Lis- 
ten to  his  Ian:,'ua5e: 

"  *riic  c\ir;i»nliiiiir>  ami  wlially  ininlmii"*il»le  (IciimiiilH  of 
llie  Itriii'ii  (iivi  imiieia.Jiiiil  I  lie  rcjci-tem  rilim'  prniei-ilinil 
Ml  ulc  ill  "Icfi'icnce   alelie  In  "  Il.1t  iKIll  Iieen  (lniic  Ii>   lay  pre- 

(I s'inrs,   aiitl    the    iiaiilicd  oltlJuntinn   wliich    their  acts 

s-'enied  to  iicji  "'e,  .nlliird  fnti>lrl'-n-r\  evtiterice  ihni  no  cnia- 

prniiiHC  wiii'-ii  tlie  I'li.tiit   t^lille-  nUL'lll  lo  t epl  can  I f- 

r.  <-lc(|,     Willi  ttijv  eoiivictjiMi.  llic  propti-iii r  coaipni- 

ini-e.  w  Iiieli  liMil  liccii  hiiide  unit  rije,  ted,  wri--,  tiy  lay 
(iir'clinii.  ■  uli>' ijiichily  w  illiilriOMi.  anil  ear  tilt"  t.i  tlii' 
i\  linir  Orciion  trrrilnrv  n-^.-seie'il,  ami,  ns  is  lielieveil.  luiiiii- 
laiiiccl  la  iiierra^iiildc  liict-s  and  iiriiiiiaeiil-s." 

Mr.  P.  would  pray  Senators  to  mark  tlinl  lan- 
ffiniL^e.  7Vir  *'  t  .Tltnnrdttuirii  tnul  vhntlii  inndmisyilile 
ilem  inds  of  the  British  Cioveninn  nt,  and  ihe  I'pjpe- 
lin.,  tif  llif  iirnpnsilinn  made  alone  in  deference  lo 
w  !r\1  had  heen  done  liv  mv  predecessors,  n^Jhrd 
sd/i-i/if'uri/  friileuet  that  no  eoinproniise  which  the 
rnileil  .Sinles  oiiu'lit  lo  nccepi  .an  he  ellccteil. 
With  till"*  rritinclitm,  the  projiosiiion  of  eomprnmise 
which  had  heen  made  mid  rejecied  was,  hy  niv 
direction,  snhseciuenlly  withdrawn,  anil  onr  title 
lo  the  whole  Oregon  lerriiory  asserted," iV-c.  iVow, 
I  ask  the  fjiieslion,  (said  .Sir.  I'.,)  if  the  Hrilish 
Minister  should  su^iL'esi  lo  the  Presiileni  that  her 
Majesty's  liovernment  al  home  would  he  wiilina: 
lo  settle  the  matter  on  the  terms  jiropnseii  hy  the 
Presidenl,  or  on  somelhing  like  the  terms  proposed 


liy  him,  whether  ihe  demands  of  the  Uritish  (iov- 
eniineiit  would  any  lonucr,  in  the  opinion  of  tlm 
Presidenl,  he  ronsidereil  "  exirnordinary"  anil 
wholly  "  inailiiiissihle,"niid  whether  Ihe  "  reiected 
proposiiion,"  now  reiiirned  upon  the  Presidenl 
liinisplf,  would  "atroril  i-alisf.nlory  evidence"  that 
no  compromise  whi  'h  the  ITniteil  Slates  oinjlit  lo 
aecepi  could  lie  etl'ected  >  Would  there  he  a  "con- 
viction" on  ihe  iniiiil  of  ihe  Presidenl  in  the  alter- 
iil  stale  of  llie  (piesiioii,  iliiit  no  eomproinise 
which  the  I'nited  Stales  oiiL'hl  lo  accept  could 
ever  he  eU'ecieil  .>  If  not,  would  he  not  he  wiliim; 
that  the  jiroposition  of  eomproinise  which  he  had 
siilmiitted  niiclit  still  he  considered  as  pemliier 
I'or  the  purpose  of  fiiriher  neiroiialion  ^ — and,  on 
the  RUL'irestion  lie  (.Mr.  P.)  had  supposed  the 
llrilish  .Minister  In  make,  wonlil  nol  the  President 
willidrnw  his  wilhilriiwid  of  compromise,  nnil  rein- 
stale  what  had  ori'/inallv  heen  proposed  ■•  Il  ap- 
peared lo  him  (sinil  Mr.  P.)  that  someihiiiij  of  that 
sort  would  necessarily  and  ineviialilv  lake  place. 

Dill  the  Senator  from  lieorLMa  [.\lr.  IIkiuiii:\'[ 
thinks  that  this  is  not  sound  rcasonite.r.  In  li's 
reply  to  n  portion  of  the  remarks  of  the  .Senator 
from  South  faroliipi,  (Mr.  CvMinrN,]  who  :':l.iiieeil 
very  sliLihtly  at  the  same  view  of  Ihe  sulneei,  the 
S  Mtator  front  fieorL'ia  said  that  the  disiiie.riustied 
.SeiiMtor  from  Sooth  raroliiia  had  not  heen  as  he'i- 
cal  ill  thai  part  of  his  speich  as  he  usually  was. 
How  was  the  Senator  illo;;ical  in  his  s|ieech  .>  If 
the  fads  should  ehaiiL'i,  would  not  the  o|iinioii 
chaiiLre  '  It"  the  cause  ot'  the  opinion  should  cease, 
would  not  the  opinion  itself  cense  r  Ci-^^autr  (•fii'^a, 
remal  rjleiliis:  was  iiol  that  lo'_'ieal.'  Mr.  P.  eon- 
I'f'ived  It  lo  he  the  very  essence  of  sound  reasoii- 
in!r.  And  he  suhmittid  it  to  Sennlora  lo  know 
whflher  il  was  riirhl  or  proper — nay,  whether  it 
was  I'nir — lo  hold  the  Presidenl  lionnil  to  an  opin- 
ion expressed  upon  a  certain  state  of  t'acts,  when 
the  fads  ihemselves  ni!;;lit  aHerwnrds  lie  ehan^ed 
in  important  niid  essential  parlieiilars. 

IJiil  snpiinse  (said  .Mr.  P.)  that  the  President  of 
the  I'niled  Slates  should  nut  feel  inclined  himself 
to  seiile  the  rpieslion  on  the  lerms  which  he  had 
propo.sed;  think  yon,  sir,  if  his  own  |iroposition 
should  lie  relumed  upon  him  hy  the  Hrilish  Min- 
ister, he  would  not  eonsiill  the  Senate?  Think 
you,  sir,  that  he  would  take  upon  himself  the  rc- 
sfionsihility  of  rejectiu'.:  his  own  proposition,  and 
therehy  incur  the  immense  respoiisihihly  of  iissuni- 
iinr  upon  himself  ihe  ipiestion  of  peace  or  wnr? 
Would  he  not  consult  his  constitutional  ndvisers, 
the  sreat  executive  council  of  the  nnlioii,  which 
had  lieen  erected  hy  the  Coiislilution  for  purposes 
like  these.'  Who  'could  iloiihl  it  ■  (asked  .Mr.  P.) 
.■\tid  if  he  should  eonsult  the  Senate,  did  any  niie 
doulit  what  the  advice  wonlil  he.'  The  Senalor 
from  Mississippi  (.Mr.  ('iui.mf.hs|  had  said  that 
four-fifths  111"  the  Senate  would  he  willing  to  eoni- 
pioinise  as  Ihe  President  had  pioposi  il  to  do  ami 
that  three-fourths  of  liis  t'rieiids  on  that  side  (;if  the 
chniiilier  would  he  t'ounil  ainoinjj  the  nimiher.  If 
that  should  lie  so,  (said  Mr.  P.) — and  h"  ihoiiL'ht 
the  esiiniaie  a  t'.iir  and  proliahle  one— w  .to  eould 
doiiht  what  the  Pre.-ident  would  do? 

I'jiterlainin','  this  opinion,  .Mr.  P.  said  he  eould 
vole  most  sali'ly  for  the  House  resolutions,  lie, 
had  no  fears  as  io  what  the  President  would  do  if 
he  shou|i|  have  nn  opporiuniiy  lo  do  it.  Hut  would 
the  Uritish  .Minister  cive  him  that  opportunity? 
Mr.  P.  did  not  know  that  he  certainly  would.  For 
the  pi  ace  of  the  two  countries,  lie  hoped  lie  niiiilil'. 
I'or,  without  il,  the  fpieslion  could  not  he  peaeeahl' 
seiilcd.  The  lirilisli  Minister  had  spurned  the 
otl'er  of  the  President,  made  alone  in  deference  to 
what  had  heen  done  hy  his  predecessors,  and  he 
had  treated  it  thus  wilhont  even  referriie.;  it  to  his 
tiovernment.  Was  this  respectful'  was  il  eoiirle- 
ous  •  was  il  due  lo  the  trreat  importance  of  the  .siili- 
'  jei't?  His  ( lovernmenl  at  home  had  disapproved 
his  ronduci:  not  ollicially,  however,  lo  the  I'niled 
Sillies,  hut  through  a  Minister  of  the  Crown  in  the 
Uritish  House  of  C'oinnious,  to  the  world  at  lari.'e. 
This  w  oiild  not  he  satisfaclory  to  the  I'niled  .States. 
Could  any  one  eNpeet  that  the  President  of  the  I'ni- 
led Slates,  iiiider  eircnmstanees  like  these,  wouM 
eome  forward  and  renew  ap;ain,  of  his  own  aceord, 
a  |ii-oposiiion  which  thus  had  heen  thrown  hack 
into  his  face,  and  that,  too,  without  ii  respeelfiil 
considcralion?  The  President  would  not  do  it.  If 
the  liriiish  GovrrmnenI  desired  to  reconsider  the, 
proposition,  let  tlio  fact  be  made  known  ofiicially 


April  1(1, 


1946.1 


2S)tii  Conh IsT  Sks9, 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  Or^ORE. 

The  Turiff—Mr.  Sawyer.  ~ 


690 


IIo.  or  RnpB. 


til  lliP  I'll  ■liiliiit,  mill  an  ii|ipiiiliiiiiiy  would  ilniilil- 
lis.i  111'  .lOnnlril.  Till'  uiiins;  iil'lhi^  iiiiiIit,  Mr.  V. 
fiiriic^tly  li'iptil,  w'lmlil  Iciul  to  that  rrnull.  It  wmild 
d'liililliK.M  III  iiri'iini|iuiiiril  liy  Niiitiilili'  rxpri'KKiiiim, 
smli  MM  liriMi.K;  llii'  I'irdiiliiii  III'  llir  ITiiiIrd  SinliH  , 
III  iiiiiki';  mill  ir  llip  ll'-iiii'li  UiiviriiiniMil  Imil  miy 

idl'll  III'  Mllllil.!;    till'  f|lll'Nlillll  11.1  llll'    PirHllltlll     liiul 

piiipiiMiil,  iir  I  n  tcriii.i  siirli  ni*  ln'  had  Miilirtlaiiiially 
pi'iipii.-.i.'d,  ihi'  "ai'l  winilil  lii.'  ni'iili'  luimvii,  mid  the 
ipii.iiiiii  Willi!  I  III'  sellliil.  Hill  if,  on  llii' oiIiit 
limul,  111  Kill  li  iiiicnlliin  i-xImIi'iI  wiili  iliat  t>iivi'rii- 
nniii,  a  -irilli  nii'iit  of  lIii-  I'linlriixrrHy  \Vii.<  imt  of 
tllii  i|lie'.ili..ii.  Till'  Alni'lirali  pi'iiplr  wiilllil  lirviT 
I'lillNiiil  III  riimc  miillli  of  llir  4'.)lli  |iiil'iilli'l  of  llici- 
tmlf;  mill  \\>-.  V.  w.ih  williif/,  mi  tlint  NiippoHition, 
to  pi-i'pari'  I'lir  ihc  win-.il.  Al'ii'i'  ilie  nolir«  nIidiiIiI 
I'l'  ^;iviii,  anil  inilliini;  iloni',  Up  «iim  rrndyanil  wil- 
ling 111  anil  lliis  iMilion.and  to  pri  pare  for  llic  eoii- 
llii-'l.  Ill'  I'arnrslly  Iioprd,  liowcvrr,  that  wise 
ooiiiisi'ls  inlnhi  yi'!  iiii'Vi.jl,  mid  lliat  the  inallur 
ini'^lit  yi't  III'  prarc  il  ly  si-iilrd. 

'I'lirsi'  wi'vi'  the  virws  Mr.  1*.  fiilrrlaiiinl  of  lliii< 
ini|iiirtant  siiliji .( ;  and  \\  hilst  lif  roiilil  readily  volii 
(ill'  tliii  IliiiiM!  riMiliiMoiis,  yiit,  if  Im  roiild  have 
li.iil  Wist  own  wav,  hf  wiinlil  havf  prrfrrrcd  to  liavr 
hail  llii'iii  sli'^'hlly  aiiii'iii'  d.  Ilr  would,  hi' Kinil, 
anii'iiil  Ihi'  siToiul  ri'sohiliiiii  hy  aildiii;;  ihrrrdi  ihr 
worilM,  "  I'ut,  on  tlic  I'liiitr.irv,  tin'  liopp  is  I'liln*- 
taiiii'il,  I'lai  lliis  liM'_'-piniliii;;riiiin'nvnsy  iiiav  yi'i 
111'  (in. illy  ailiiisti'il  honor.ilily  and  prarcahly."  It 
lunsl  111' iii'vions  to  all,  dial  tlin  m'i'oiul  ri'soliilion 
lias  only  till,  ed'i'i't  of  i|ii:ili("viii;,'  till'  firat  (o  a  very 
miiall  ixU'iK.  Il  ixi'liiilrs  tlir  iilni,  llial  Coiiirri's's 
inlinds  hy  llii"  (ii>l  to  prrvrMt  iii't'otialioii  for  dii' 
t^etilriiii'iit  of  till'  inirsiioir.  and  ii.i  only  piirpoNO  is, 
to  drrlan'  that  t 'oiisii..'.s  does  not  iniriid  to  inln-  ' 
t'l-rii  at  all,  Inii  luavr.s  llir  fpii'slioii  to  liu  si'dlril,  <ir 
11'/,  lis  ilii!  lu'o  iiniions  may  rlioosf.  Xiiw,  .Mr. 
I',  wiiulil  I'o  fnrllirr,  and  ilrrlarc,  as  hi'  had  .'•laloil  ■ 
lii'loi'i.',  "  Irut  on  till'  i;ontrarv,  ihn  hope  is  riilrr- 
t:iiiii'il,  (hat  ilii.s  Inne-pi'iidiiii;  roiidovcr.sy  mi'_'li( 
yi:t  l.e  (iiMlly  ailjii.ili'd  hoiioral'ly  and  pcari'alily;" 
lint  Cor  the  piirpii.si',  howi'ver,  of  frniir/iiMq-  to  ( Inat 
lirilain,  nor  for  the  piirpoiu-  of  indiicia-ini;  tlir  PrcHi- 
(k'lil,  (lor  that  was  iiniici-i'ssary,  an  .Mr.  P.  had 
I'lidi'  ivorid  to  show:)  liiii  for  tlii'  piirpo.se  of  piit- 
liii'j;  oiirsilvi's,  the  ('oim;i'i'ss  of  ihi'  rniii-d  Slad'S, 
ri!.'hl  in  (In'  eyes  of  the  world;  so  (lia(,  if  unl'ordi. 
iiali'ly  a  roiidii't  .slioiild  I'oiiu',  it  would  he  apparent  ' 
to  all  that  il  was  not  of  our  seiliin^'.  We  are  (he 
war-niaKinu;  power  under  (liis  Ciovernnienl,  (said 
Mr.  P.,)  and  for  (he  purpose  of  ;;iiariliii'^  our  ac(, 
ill  viKiii;^  (lii.s  uoiii'e,  from  inisrcpreseii(a(ion  and 
misi'on.sirui  (ion  liy  (he  world,  he  would  amend  (he 
ie.solution.s  as  he  dad  inilieiKed.  ^Vha^  has  ("ireat  ' 
lirilnin  done.'  She  lia.s,  tliriiu'.;li  her  Minister  here, 
proposed  (o  nrhitnUe  (his  (inesiion.  Were  (liese 
propo.siiions  made  with  any  expeolatiou  on  the 
part  of  iliiu  Onverniuenl  tint  (hey  would  he  ae- 
eeded  (11  hy  ours.-  None  whiKever.  Similar  piop- 
osiliou.s  had  been  iiiaile  (o  Mr.  .\ilanis  and  (o  Mr. 
Tyler,  duiiiiir  their  Adininisdalioiifl,  and  had  heen 
refused;  ;iml  it  was  know  u  (ii  everyhody  here  (hat 
the  present  F.xeiutive  would  never  eoiiseiil  (o  il. 
Then  why  was  i(  projio.si'd  .=  Siniidy  (o  liedi  r  (he 
posiiioii  of  Knu'Lind  m  (he  eyes  lif 'die  world  on 
(his  l)re;;on  miiKer.  Shinild  we,  (hen,  not  see  that 
we  plaee  ourselves  on  proper  ^'roniiilK,  if  a  einifliet 
sliiii..d  eonie.-  I  would  (said  .Mr.  P.)  deprive  Knir- 
laiid  of  evry  jireiexl  for  not  setilin^'  this  ipiestion, 
and  if  war  should  luifortniiately  crow  out  of  it,  on 
her  sIniMlilers  should  res(  the  eonseqiienres  of  il. 
.She  should  mil  .say,  it  is  useless  to  ntl'er  (ii  eom- 
promise,  as  the  Pn  f.iihiit  propo.sed  to  eompro- 
mi.se;  for  lie  has  wididrawii  the  proposidon  to  ' 
coinpioniise,  mid  has  elainieil  (he  whole  lerritorvi  '■ 
we  will  not  do  (he  foolish  ihiin  of  iiiakinf.r  an  oiler  |[ 
which  he  is  pledu'ed  iiol  to  aeeepd  He  would  say,  i 
as  (he  represeiKadve  of  (he  Aiueriean  people,  we 
me  re(  willio!;  (o  do  wlia(  is  riglil  ill  itself,  and 
upon  Kll'^latlirs  he. 1. 1  shall  he  (lie  i'onse;[uenees  of 
iloiii'^odierwise,  .Norshoiild  (he  Presideni  (.-ikeany 
exeeplion  lo  siieli  an  anieiidnieiu  as  he  had  spoken 
of  Ni'iroliation  had  filled  in  liis  hands,  and  he 
had  sent  the  mailer  (o  Coiiiiress.  In  (lie  eonehi- 
diiij;  paiMLirapli  of  die  lelier  of  .Mr.  I'uehaiian,  in 
wliieli,  by  ilirei'tion  of  the  President,  he  wiilidraws 
the  proposition  ol"  eoinproinise,  he  uses  the  very 
lau^oiam-  wliieli  he  (.Mr.  P.)  would  like  lo  use  here. 
If  rit;lit  for  him  to  use  il,  il  eoulil  iiol  be  wroni;  for 
us  (.1  use  II.  Ilui  I  lune  no  hope  (said  Mr.  P.)  of 
aiiieiidiiig  the  House  resolutions.     The  iiiiiidsof'i 


Sen.ilors  have  hi  en  luiiile  up  upon  the  Miihjeel,  and 

I  have  said  what  I  liavo,  merely  lo  mIiiiw  wliat  I 
would  be  williiij;  lo  do.  .No  injury  eoiilil  result 
from  doin:;  it.  'I'lie  lime  for  i/i/i/iniiiiii/  with  tlii.<i 
(|res(ion  has  giine  by.  Il  has  reaehed  a  poin(  al 
wllii'h  il  milsl  he  sedinl,  if  ever  il  is  to  be  Fetlled 
peaerably,  luid  both  of  die  nations  must  be  far  ton 
sa^raiinus  mil  lo  see  and  not  to  Kiinw  it.  | 

A  word  or  two  (siid   Mr.  P.)  as  In  dip  mibiili-  i 
lulu  iill'ered  by  die  Seniilor  from   Maryland,  (.Mr.  ' 
J  on  X  VII V,  I  fur  die  Ilonse  resoluiiuiiN,  and  he  would 
sailer  the  vole  to  be  taken. 

The  Sniaior  from  .Norili  farolinn,  (Mr.  Al  iM-  i 
tirM,(  a  few  days  a'.-o,  made  an  ehiboraie  ariiiiment 
lo  show  dial  die  li";islalive  power  of  dlis  (ioverll- 
meiil  eoulil  not  mimil  a  tre.iiy;  mill  he  said  it  win 
mil  only  lii.H  opinion,  but  dial  he  had  eonversed 
wilh  eminent  iiiriNls,and  lliey  had  eoneiirred  very 
fully  wilh  himself.  .Now  (said  Mr.  P.)  I  will  mil 
say  dial  die  honorable  Seiialor  is  wroie.',  bui  I 
niiisl  say  I  have  always  ihoii^hl  very  dllfereiillv 
from  liim.  A  Irealy  in  this  eouiilrv, WhaU'ver  il 
mav  be  in  others,  is'ii  /me  of  (be  kind;  the  Consli- 
liiilon  of  die  I'liileil  Siiies  deelares  il  lo  be  llir  .vii- 
/n'ciiif  /me  of  die  laud;  and  die  eniirlR  of  jiisliee 
ailminisler  il  daily  us  a  Imi'  of  the  land.  In  iilher 
eounlrie.s  a  treaty  is  a  mere  eontrnet  enlered  into 
between  sovereii^n  parlies,  and  's  iioi  evei'uled  by 
the  jiidli'ial  power,  ijut  by  die  /le/i/in//  power  of 
die  nations.  Ifiheii,i:  be  a /me  wilh  us,  why  mav 
il  not  be  repealed  liy  die  le<jislalive  ih  pailmeni,  as 
other  liiws  are  repealed  by  thai  ile|iarlmrnl.'  In 
the  same  sense  that  a  Irealv  is  die  suiireme  law  of 
the  land,  is  an  ael  of  Compress  the  supn  nie  law  of 
the  land.  If  die  one  may  be  repealed  by  an  ail 
of  the  Le'.'islalure,  why  may  mil   die  other  also.' 

II  Is  true,  a  Irealy  sln^uld  not  be  abro;;ated  for 
sli^jlit  or  ordinary  eaiisr'-',  but  for  suitable  reasons 
it  oue;hl  lo  be  anniilUd.  Then  how  stands  the 
mailer  (said  Mr.  P.)  upon  muhorily,'  .TinK-e 
iStorv,  in  his  fomnienlaries  on  die  Consiiliilion  of 
the  ITuiieil  Siaies,  expressly  deelares  dial  "  il  irill 
nnt  be  (lispiitcd  that  Irealies  are  subjeel  to  the  /r^'/.s- 
/i(/('i'e  ;iei('i'i',  and  m.iv  be  reprtiUtl  like  olhei'  Itnft, 
or  they  may  be  varied  bv  new  irealits."  If  ihis 
be  so,  the  mailer  woiihl  seem  lo  be  al  rest. 

Xow  (.said  Mr.  P.)  a  qiiesiion  arises  here 
whi'ther  weeaii  leirltlnvilelv  eonferni>on  the  Presi- 
dent the  pow'er  lo  aliro-^nile  this  treaty  "  ttl  hiM  i/is'- 
fiT/ie.H,"  by  triviiiir  (he  noliee,  as  die  siibstltule 
proposes.'  If  u  Irealy  eaii  only  be  abolislied  by 
the  li'*j;islalive  power  or  by  the  treiily-makintr  povv- 
er,  ran  we,  nelinL'"  in  our  le;;islafive  eapaeily,  aii- 
Ihorize  die  President  lo  do  that  wliieh  properly 
slionhl  be  iloue  bv  ^nirseU'es  ?  fan  we  deleijate 
to  him  what  has  been  di'le</ated  lo  us.'  '•  DeltE^aln 
ltntf\lc!*  non  pntt'^^l  (/c/rirnri."  Does  not  ilils  iipplv 
lo  |i"_r|sliiiive  diilles  as  well  as  lo  other  ihiiiu's.'  I 
will  not  say  (said  .Mr.  P.)  posiiively  Ihnl  we  ean- 
not  eoiifir  upon  the  Presideni  die  power  pl'0|lo^;ed 
to  be  ::iven  him  by  (he  subs(i(ii(e  of  wliieli  I 
am  speakinir,  but  I  must  say  I  am  by  no  means 
sure  of  it.  The  o'lrelion  has  iio(  been  taken  (o 
the  siibsiilule,  and  die  minds  of  Senators  are  made 
up  upon  il.  My  resprei  fordie  inlelll'.'eneemid  wi-:- 
doin  of  lliis  liodv  will  |irevenl  me  from  setdiii;  up 
my  donbis  in  opposi'lon  lo  what  seems  lo  be  die 
seided  judsmenl  of  (he  Seiiale.  Neverdiele.ss, 
for  (he  reasons  I  have  staled,  I  miis(  vole  aL;ainst 
the  aubslilute  it.s  a  mere  nninHliiuul ;  mid  if  the  reso- 
lutions of  the  House  should  be  voted  down,  I  ean 
vet  vole  for  the  rrsolntions  itsainrtiihil,  rather  llian 
have  no  notice  nt  all,  and  I  shall  vote  so  accord- 
ingly. 


THE  T  A  R  I  r  F  . 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  W.  SAWYER 

OF  OHIO, 
In  TiiETIor«K  or  Rei'hesext.vtivks, 
./Kill'  JO,  isjii. 
On  the  Rill  for  the  Rednetion  of  the  TnrilV. 
The  House  beln£r  in  rommillee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  stale  of  die  Viilon,  on  the  Rill  reported  from 
the  Commiltee  of  Wavs  and  Means,  ameiidutory 
of  the  Tariff  law  of  m-2— 
Mr.  SAWYKR.said: 

Mr.  f'imnMvx:  My  principal  object  in  jr^ellins; 
the  lloor  ut  llii^  IJinc  i^  not  to  discuii^  no  purticu- 


larly  the  siili|i'i't  immedialely  under  einiHidiTaiion, 
IIS  lo  set  myself  ri'.^lit  in  reladon  to  mailers  anil 
lliiii!.'«  ill  general — a  |irivile','e  wliieh  we  liiive  in 
f'ommiilee  of  the  Whole  on  die  slate  of  the  Union, 
of  wanileriiii;  (roin  the  snbjei'l. 

.Now,  Mr.  Chairinan,  when  I  eanic  here  nt  the 
oieiiim,'  of  the  sission,  I  heard  die  Pn  sident'N 
Messaije,  and  il  was  fixed  upon  my  iiiinil  dial  we 
were  eiililliil  lo  die  \\lio|e  of  Oregon.  The  Presi- 
deni referred  iis  also  lo  the  ar'.niineiils  of  Mr.  Ibi- 
elianan  lo  Mr.  Pakeiiham  fir  a  eouiplele  jiistifiea- 
tiou  of  our  tide  to  the  w  hole  of  l)re<>on.  It  eiiii- 
vineeil  ine  I'lilly  llial  we  have  ii  belter  title  lo  thii 
whole  of  (•ri",'iiii  ihaii  any  oilier  iiailon.  Well,  ( 
M"t  invself  about  to  eonviiiee  my  eonsiiiuenl.')  of 
dial  fiet  also;  for  you  know,  .Mr.  ('hairman,  ih.ic 
we  like  Ui  have  iiiir  eonstldienis  «  illi  lis  in  all  dn  se 
mailers  1  siirreeded  ill  iloim;  so,  with  the  lelp 
o('  oihers;  and  in  every  iiu'eiin;;  they  have  held, 
they  have  passed  resoliiiiiins  applauding;  the  Presi- 
deni's  .\Iess:n,'e,aiiil  appliii|i|in.;llie  eoinse  of  inem- 
liers  of  t 'oii'j;ri'ss  on  the  subjeet.  Our  speeehi  s  are 
piililishcd  and  sent  foitli  to  the  world,  deelariii;,'  our 
rii;hl  lo  the  whole  of  Oi'i'loui — every  iiii'li,  no  to 
.'(4°  III'.  Some  of  my  friends  here  on  (his  Ihi.ir 
ni'ide  valiant  speei'lies;  they  threatened  the  Rritisli 
lion,  (a  laii^'li,!  if  lliey  slionld  meet  liii  i  in  ibe  way, 
dial  they  would  |ioiiiiie  upon  him  with  the  .Viiiei'i- 
e;in  eau'le,  and  make  liw  bin, id  spout  from  his  n.se 
like  the  spearing'  of  n  whale,  (a  lau;ili.|  Well,  «ii 
went  on  at  (his  rate,  and  il  was  really  a  mark  of 
pali'lolism  and  valor;  and  die  ineniherof  ihls  I  louse 
who  eradil  make  the  nmsl  diriet  assauli,,ind  plaeu 
himself  ill  the  boldes't  posiure  of  di  tianee  to  the. 
Ih'idsh  lion,  was  die  iiiosl  valianl  iiiun;  uiid  e^ery 
man  who  refused  lo  do  so,  was  held  up  lo  scorn 
and  derision.  In  vindieaiioii  of  our  course,  we 
ipiofed  die  Presideurs  ,Miss;ie'e;  \mi  look  up  dm 
letters  and  m';;iiiiienis  of  .Mr.  Uuehanan,  and  pub- 
lished them  di  the  world;  and  our  conslltui'iils  be- 
came as  fully  satisfied  as  we  were  dull  our  riuiil  In 
die  whole  territory  was  "clear  mid  ini'|Uisiioiiii- 

ble." 

Well,  there  was  nnolher  class  of  men  in  thia 
House  and  the  oilier  braiieh  of  Coiii;ie..s  who  were 
for  L^iviiis;  up  all  above  411*-',  and  short  of  it  they 
would  not  yield  oia;  inch.  .\ly  Virs;iiiia  and  my 
Soiiih  rarolina  friends,  and  the  AVIim  party  treii- 
ernlly,  were  of  this  class.  .Some  of  our  Will.'; 
friends,  however,  sir,  made  speeches  as  iillra  as 
we  of  this  side  of  the  House — we  ,'')4*-'  4U'  men. 
They  were  for  the  whole  of  Ore^ron;  some  of  the 
Senators  in  die  other  branch  of  t'oiiirress,  when  our 
rcsohtlions  went  there,  made  valiani  vpeei'hesalso, 
and  especially  lliey  (|Uoled  the  speech  of  a  cele- 
braled  iiiember  of  that  body,  (.Mr.  IiK,NTiiN.(  deli- 
vered some  yenrs  since,  in  which  he  deelaied  niir 
ri'.;lit  anil  litle  lo  the  whole  of  (b-eiron  was  belter 
llian  that  of  any  oilier  iialion.  The  noble  ijeneial 
from  Texas,  in  his  place  in  the  .Senate,  made  ii 
iiiosi  valiani  speech  also  in  favor  of  our  right  up  d> 
54°  40'. 

AVell,  Mr.  Chairman,  how  stands  the  iimlter 
now  ? 

(•V  voice;  "  We  are  in  Inuible."] 

Yes,  (said  Mr.  S.,)  we  are  in  trouble,  (a  luu;;!;;] 
but,  I\Ir.  <.'hairinaii,  I  ihink  (hose  very  t'rw  who 
are  now  die  derided  of  (his  I  louf  e,  and  (he  derhled 
I  miirht  almost  say  of  the  Kxeeiiiive,  will  sunn; 
day  or  other  occujiy  envial-ile  juisitions — posiiioiia 
that  eenilemen  who  have  now  gone  below  411^  will 
desire  lo  occupy. 

Sir,  I  wish  now  to  justify  myself  before  my  eon- 
slidienls  for  what  I  am  troimr  lo  say;  and  I  lake. 
Ihis  occasion  to  remark,  that  neither  the  Presideni 
of  iiiv  own  choice,  nor  the  parly  of  my  own  choice, 
nor  any  member  of  that  )iarly,  shall  ever  lead  mo 
from  a  correct  discharge  of  my  duly ,  or  seal  my 
lips,  and  prevent  me  from  saymt;  what  I  believe 
to  be  true.  I  ask  the  u'fm'l  will  of  no  man,  or  set 
of  men,  except  I  ean  t;et  il  from  pursiiiii..;  an  lioii- 
esl,  iiidepeiirleni,  upriuht  ciuirse.  Well,  then,  1 
have  founded  my  opinions  on  die.se  fads;  in  the 
(iriil  place  il  will  be  rcint  mbered  dial  al  Ihe  Ralti- 
more  ('iinvcnlion  the  party  with  which  1  am  asso- 
elated  in  bonds  dial  never  will  he,  that  never  can  be 
cut  asunder,  made  adtclaration  of  principles  nt  that 
tune.  And  what  was  the  occasion.-  Why,  dele- 
iiales  from  almost  every  Slate  in  the  Union  met  at 
lialiunore  for  the  purpose  of  nominatini;  a  caiidi- 
ilaie  to  be  supported  by  the  Oemoeralie  parly  for 
I'resideni;  and  [iroininent  uniong  their  resolutioOB 


.''> 


I 


M- 


700 


SOth  CoNa Imt  Skhs. 


APPKNDIX  TO  ThF,  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Tariff— Mr.  Sawyer. 


[Juno  20, 


llo,  or  Krpr. 


.  I 


■inndi  Ihii.    I  hnin  ROt  it  here  iiomnwhere.    How-  I 
fvrr,  ii  nmllrin  iKiii  wp  nil  kmnv  it  liy  lifnrl.     Il 
wofi  tint  mir  (itif  to  tin'  wliolf  nt' OiTL^oti  is  *•  I'leur 
unil  iiim)ii.'piImii,i1iIi'"  ii|'  ln.'il'J  .(II'. 

(Cili.H  111'"  Itinil  If.  iciid  II. "I 

Will,  I  liiivo  t;nt  It  hiic,  siuil  (Mr.  S.)  Hit.' 
it  in: 

•■  Wi'fo/i'ftf.  Tlinl  oiif  iuIp  10  the  whnip  nf  Orrfon  t«  rlPiir 
nnil  iihi|n«-^liMritiblt> ;  Hint  nn  pnrtinn  iit'tlii'  Kftliir  miiilit  tntic 
rrll  ■.!  Ill  F.lialmid,  or  {involll'-r  pioMr  ;  Itllll  tlinttlli'lr  nn-ll- 
piuiiMi  nl'  iiri'iiiiii  iinil  tin-  rr  .tiiii.  xiiiiiim  of  Ti'Min.  (it  tlir 
fnrl|i'>t   [>r;irlii*tilili'  |irrinit,  Illi'    grnit  .XllHTli'ltll  liH'll»llrt'n, 

wliiili  iii](4  coiivi'iitioii  ri'riiiiiinpiidit  to  ilif  cnrdial  mipporl  of 
till' ili'niiii'rii''V  iil'tiir  liiiiiii." 

Will,  .Mr.  ('Iiiiinii.iii,  wo  ntnrted  out  with  tliiit 
dri'Uriitinii;  tliiit  Wiis  the  ri'rnininPiiil.itinii  to  ilif 
Iti'iiplr  of  iliL-  (*iiilril  Stall's,  riiiil  il  w:iw  unit  out 
with  tlio  iiiiiiiiiiiM  rincnt  of  the  fiii'l  tlinl  .Iiimrn  K. 
I't'lk  WHS  the  nniiiimi'  of  tlmt  roiivpiitioii.  IT)iom 
oni-  hiiniii'i'.'i  it  wii,'<  Mii'ciiniiii','-- .il"  4il'.  I  liiwr 
Sfcii  on  iiiiinyn  ll^i'-r  tlir  liu'iirrs  ,")4"4n'  at  Irnsi  two 
fi'i'l  III  li'ii.;llr.  iitiil  iiiiili'r  thrill  we  inlllril,  iiiiil  lliry 
wi'iT  on-  .iiroii','  iiMsoii  nl'  oiii-  siu'c'r.'<.i.  .Ami  ilnv 
wiTo  I'liiiplcd  wiili  the  niiiii'satioii  nf  Trxas.  \Vi' 
nii't  llii'.si'  ijiii'siioiis  on  tilt'  stump,  in  our  r itirs, 
i'\  rrywlirri".  iiiiiI  \\p  ilarrii  our  o|Hioiinils  to  tlii' 
ronli'si,  am!  wi'  triiii'iplii'd — i.;lorioiisly  triniiiphi'd 
Willi  ilii'si'  two  ijncstions  upon  our  Imnni'r;  and  wo 
niiiiiiiiin'til  lo  till'  world  as  a  part  of  our  priiiripli's 
thai  WP  winilil  parry  lliPiii  iiilo  plfpol.  \Vp||,afiPr 
we  had  sucrrpilpil  iiinipr  tin  sp  tlnirs  with  iIipsp 
drplaralions,  wp  nipt  Iwrp  in  front  of  this  Capilo! 
on  ilip  .lih  of  .Marpji  last  in  thp  prps"iiri,'  of  .'ill.lKIO 
fropiiipn — and  l>pinii''rnlip  frppiiipii  too — and  ilwas 
pioolainiPil  iiy  ilip  olcitpd  I'risiilpiil  nf  thp  UnitPil 
Siaips  that  our  tiilp  to  thp  vmIioIp  of  OrP','on  wn." 
"pier  mill  niii|iiPstionnh|p."  WpII,  that  was 
n.:lit;  pvpryliodv  lovpil  tlmt  dpplaratioii.  ,\i;atii, 
^vhpll  thp  iirsi  .Monday  in  Ppppinhcr  arrived,  wp 
ini't  in  this  Hall;  a  iiipssairp,  was  rpi'pivpil  frntn  tin* 
Trpsidpnt  of  llip  rnitpil  Stalps — iIip  I'l'Prtiilpiit  nl* 
our  own  phoipp — inakinj  ilip  s'tine  declaration 
ii;Tain,  in  lani:iia'.:c  wliiph  I  shall  rpad: 

•■  III  ttlP  Ptii'lllii;  rirpillo^tiinrr^  ol'  tlir  wnilll,  tllP  nrPKPIIt 
i^  ilrtup'il  II  propiT  ni'rapioil  lo  rrlliTnli'  anil  ri'iimnn  Hip 
prill, 'iplf  iiv,)\vp(l  tiv  .Ml.  .Monrof,  jim(  lo  st.-ili' iriy  rordltil 
PMiH'tirri'iM-,'  in  it'*  wi.siloin  nnil  khiiiiiI  polu-y.  Tlii'' ri'ii-iMT- 
tioii  ol'llii-  prinrlpl^,  esprppillj'  in  ritiTi'iii'p  to  N'lrlli  .\iiiit 
ira.  IS  n:  lliU  itay  but  ttiP  priiiniiliiitlon  of  n  iiohcv  wliicti 
no  E'irop,'nii  Power  ^tloiilii  elierluli  tlie  ili^po-inoii  lori'-i-l. 
Exi^tiiic  niilils  o!  every  F.'lrojifnii  iintion  '•tiniilil  h--  respfi-i 
ed  :  lull  il  l>  due  alike  lo  niir  ..^iilelyiiiiij  our  iiileri  sIh.  iliat 
I'll'  ellieietil  prill'  Plloli  of  our  laws  should  he  evli'iiiled  over 
O'lr  ;,-/ij.'e  ti'rrilcrial  liiiiit-,  liliil  tlint  il  xlioiild  he  (li'.|iiietl\ 
Himoinieed  lo  the  worM,  as  our  milled  po)iry,lliat  iiorinilr'e 
/Jir'pirni  ri/9riif  or  iloiiilliion  fliall.  Ullll  our  imncul,  he 
]i'  iirtftl  or  eittMi^hcd  on  uiiy  fhirt  of  ilip  \oith  .inieikitn 
ciitliiinit.^' 

'•Tlip  extraoriliiiary  and  wliolh  lnadiiii'*sihle  iji'maml-*  of 
the  Itiill.Hh  (Joverinte-iit.  and  Ilie  rejr,'lion  of  Ihe  piopo^i 
tioii  made  in  (V/>reit<e  ,tl  'tir  lo  uhal  had  hei'li  ilotlf  h>  no' 
pri'ilee''-sor*.  iiiitl  Ihe  implied  ohligalion  wllieli  their' nets 
i,','»e  M  )  ieip.T,,'.  alVoril  iiiilisraelory  evideiiep  that  no  eoiii- 
pre  ,se  whiell  Ihe  riiilPll  HlateH  oiii;A/  to  iiecrjil  ean  he 
I  I'-,  led.  With  I'li-i  eonvieiion,  the  proiMt-itiop  of  i  oinpro- 
lili-e  wliicli  had  h  'i  n  made  and  rejeelcd  was,  .ly  aiy  diree- 
li'ili,  siihseqiii'iilly  withdrawn,  ami  inir  lllle  lo  I'ti'  ntit}te 
i>(  I'll  >ii^'rrir()),/as.>''il, (Lund,  as  i.s  helieveil,  iiiainh.ined  hy 
i(Te/V.iy.i'(f  /il'/t  'iii'l  'ir£titnrut<t," 

'•  M  Itle  eliil  of  Ihe  \  ear's  nolne.  should  Consri'SH  think 
il  proper  lo  make  provi-ioli  for  L'i\  iiii:  Ihat  iioliee,  we  shall 
haie  riaehed  a  piriod  when  Ific  ti'ilintt.il  riehl*  in  (hpson 
iim^l  either  hp  nhandoned  or  firmly  minntaived,  'I'lint  lliey 
ftnn'jt  he  uhitn'imfii  wllliniit  a  siu'riliee  of  liotli  n<ttionill 
hon^ir  arnt  intercut,  it  too  ilf'tr  to  iiilmif    f  ilonfil. 

"OreU'iii  i*  n  ytrl  nf  thr  S'orlh  ^-i.ncricau  c:inlinrnt,  lo 
whieh.  Il  is  eoiifnhnlly  allinned,  the  lille  of  ihe  Iniled 
Hlale*  is  //,,-  hr^l  noie  in  eri^tcnre.  For  the  (iroiinils  on 
wiiii-h  that  title  rests,  I  refer  itou  to  the  eorreitpoadenee  of 
the  late  nn'l  pri'seni  Heeri'mry  of  State  with  the  Urilisll 
Plenipolenliary  diirin?  tlie  ne^jotialion." 

Now,  let  us  look  at  ihe.sc  "  faet.snnd  arjjiinipnls." 
^lere  is  thp  ar'.:anieiU  to  wliieh  thp  Prpsidpiit  rp- 
feiTed — found  in  Mr.  Bnrhanaii's  last  Ipitpr  to  Mr. 
I'akpiihiim — di.srufsiin  nnr  title  to  the  whole  of 
Ore"on,     Mr.  IJiiplianan  says: 

'■  rp'in  the  wliole,  fr'iin  thp  ninst  earefiil  and  ninple  cx- 
nininaiion  whieh  •'">  iiiidersti;npd  has  hei'ii  nhle  lo  hesiow 
upon  the  siihiert,  he  is  fiali«tied  lliat  the  Hpaiii^h  .'Xineriean 
litle  now  held  li>' the  I'nilPd  stales,  finhrnriai;  the  n-h'tle 
tfnittry  hrt'ircn  the  p^irnttfU  of  i'2  ite^.  niut  .M  de«.  .|0  miii. 
is  the  i'est  lillp  in  exi-p-nee  to  Mis  pp/irc  re^'ton,  ami  that 
the  elaiin  of  tire. it  lirit'dn  to  any  fioition  of  it  h^is  no  sii/?i- 
rient  fmu'tiition.  Kven  Itrilisli  (geographers  have  notdoiihlpd 
our  title  to  the  lerritorii  in  itinjnite.'^ 

A.'zain,  before  Mr.  Poik  was  plpeled  Presiilpni  of 
the  United  Sinips,  .-ifier  hi.s  nhininnlinn,  nn  the  a,3d 
of  April,  lip  write.'!  aa  follows  to  Mr.  Chase,  and 
others,  nf  Cineinnati: 

o  [,el  the  flxpd  |K>lipy  of  onr  Boverinnent  he  not  lo  perinil 
r!ie,ir  Hriliin,  or  any  other  for.'i^n  Powr.  lo  plant  a  eolony. 

or  lirild  d iiiion  over  any  portion  of  the  people  of  eiUitr 

Orct>on  or  Tezui.''' 


I  Well,  now,  Mr.  Chnlrinnn,  after  all  tlipne  dnrlii- 
l'alioii!«,  vi'hn  doiihln?  Whm  dpinoeiat  in  there  in 
tliiK  Hnii»e,  or  in  tli'sp  I'liileil  Slates,  lint  wlial 
h  III  the  rijlii  to  u'l'l  up  and  say  that  our  litlp  to  the 
whole  i\\'  llip;;oii,  lip  111  ,'il'-'  '10',  wiiHple.ir  and  nn- 
niieslionalile,  and,  liPinir  elear  anil  iii'fpipsiiniialilp, 
llial  llipy  would  ilpfeiid  it  In  tlip  last  pxlrpinity  ? 
I  was  ri'adv  to  ipiarril  with  my  veneivililp  fripiid — 
for  so  I  Will  eall  liini  [Mr.  .'\ii*M^  iioilili'd  in  n.s- 
spiii] — frnni  Massnphiisi'tt.s  (Mr.  Aihm»1wIipii  h,' 
saiil  WP  wiiiili!  opt  il,"  whole  of  Ori'^Mii,  if  the 
J'residpnl  dill  not  "  IniPk  out"  lalaimli{ — if  he 
did  nni  slip  ml,  i-r  sn'nptliins;  of  the  kind.  That 
was  Ihe  iiipanim,',  at  anv  rate. 

ISi'vrral  von ,.,:"'  llnrk  out'  were  Ihe  words.'"] 

Well,  (said  Mr.  S.,)  I  no  more  helievpil  thai 
Mr'  l'olk,tliP  r.'i'siileiit  of  ilipTInilid  Slates,  wnnlil 
*'liaek  out"  from  that  position,  than  he  would  suf- 
fer his  rnrlil  arm  to  he  nit  rij]';  and  that  he  would 
s'lniier  ponseiit  that  his  hciiil  should  he  taVpii  fi-niii 
his  slioiililpr.'',  llii'ii  liP  woiihl  deeeivp  the  .■Xineripan 
people  in  tliP  dpi'taraiion  he  had  inailc.  I  wniilil 
iiave  vpiiliired  niv  all,  of  an  earlhly  iialiire,  that 
lie  would  he  the  liisl  man  in  the  rnilrd  Slalps  In 
'*  hai'k  oiii'*  from  ihat  position. 

.Now,  iliiil  he  has  "  lia''kpil  mil"  from  il  I  nm 
not  fiillv  advispil  yet;  lait  let  the  ea.sp  he  as  it  mav, 
there  has  heeii  a  kind  of  harkiii;^  out  somewlipre, 
or  l>v  soini'hodv,  to  s.iy  tin'  least.  1  nm  told  ihal 
thp  PiPsidpni,  wliPii  this  pi-oposilinii  of  Ihe  Uriiish 
(tovpniniPiit,  tliron!;li  Mr.  I'akpiilnim,  w.is  laid  hp- 
foi'p  ihp  .Senatp,  sent  with  it  a  messiiL'p  pnntainin;^ 
liis  prolpst  airainsi  sani  tioiiin;:!;  that  treaty.  Wr'll, 
if  liP  dill  HO,  (whieh  1  liavp  reason  In  helipve,!  he 
did  ri:rlit,  pprhaps;  Iml,  sn  far  as  my  fpi'linirs  go, 
had  I  hppii  in  his  plaee,  the  first  thills  I  would  have 
ilniie  wnnlil  havi'  lireii  In  have  tlirnwn  it  haek  intn 
llip  farp  of  iliP  Ilrilish  Minister,  as  lipini:  wholly  jn- 
admi^'sihlp.  1  sinnd  now  upon  tliP  ground  I  stood 
upon  wlipn  my  opinion  was  lirst  madp  up.  I  was 
elpiiily  eniiviiippil,  from  '•  irrpfraeahle  farts  and  nr- 
irnnipnls,"  from  pvervthini:  hpl'orp  nie,  that  our 
litlp  lo  the  wIioIp  of  lliat  Iprrilorv  was  '*p|par  and 
iinqiipslionalilp"  hpforp  ilip  latp  pipption  took'  [iIiipp. 
I  so  ar'.rneil  the  rpieslion  on  ihestiinip;  it  was  also 
an;iied  hy  olliers  with  alnlily,  and  in  every  view 
of  Ihe  pnsp;  and  lliP  people  nt  llii.s  nioinent  nie 
Ponvii.er'il  of  the  faPt. 

Ihit  how  stands  tlip  rni*p  now.'  Why,  this  ter- 
ritory thai  was  oiir.<  hy  every  prineiplp  nf  riirhl,  lo 
whieh  our  litle  was  "  elear  and  nnqiicsiionnlilp," 
whieh  was  prnvpil  nn  hy  fuels  and  niriitnpiils  indis- 
pntaKIp,  is  now  leisclv,  powardly,  ii^nominionsly 
siirrpiiilpri'd  lo  nnr  aripiptit  piiPiny.  I, pi  hip  I'pppat 
it,  sir,  haselv,  pilsillanimniisly  siirrenderpd  In  our 
aneient  enemy.  Who  did  il,  is  a  mailer  nf  iiidif- 
ferpiipe  lo  me;  who  did  the  ael,  il  is  not  for  me  nl 
this  momPiil  In  inrpiirp,  I'nr  1  dn  not  know.  Se- 
prepy  is  pniniiiPil;  iIip  piihlie  proerpdin'.rs  eaniiot 
now  hp  iiiadp  known;  lint  we  know  ahoni  thi.s 
piopnsitioii  the  i'pnpral  fpalnrps;  and  let  iiip  tpll  yon 
I  fpi'l  snme\\-hat  sr'ii.siiive  nn  the  siihtepl;  and  yon 
will  find  PIP  Ion;;  llip  crpal  WpsI  will  foil  sensitive 
on  llie  siihieet — iipoi!  the  aeiion  of  this  (tovprn- 
mpiit,  whipji  has  rpiprsed  tlip  onlv  irrp.'it  'npa.snre 
Ihat  ever  the  n-reat  WpsI  has  hroiitihl  liPre  In  lip 
aeted  on.  Il  is  the  qnesiion  she  has  nrare.st  her 
lipai't.  .^lld  how  have  WP  lippii  irpatpd  ?  Had  we 
not  a  rialit  in  eypeet  that  this  elaiin  would  he  sus- 
tained In  its  full  extent  when  we  were  rea.ly  to 
defy  the  nrmies  of  the  world  to  prevent  ii.i  from 
lakinj  and  keepinj  pnssession  nf  ilnil  territory.' 
Ihit  how  have  we  lieen  inPt.'  Why,  afipr  we  nii- 
nexed  Texas;  after  we  did  all  we  poiilil;  after  we 
parried  Tpxas  on  the  same  hatiiipr  on  whieh  wp 
Parried  ("Iretron;  aftPi'  the  .South,  who  wpre  partien- 
larly  inleresipd  in  this  niatipr  nf  Texas,  col  tliPir 
ends  misweied,  they  tiirneil  rnnnd  and  mid  us  vir- 
tually, *'  W'P  have  irnt Texas, now liplp  yourselves." 
Dnpiieil  V  nf  this  kind  may  answer  for  a  w  liile,  hiil 
the  day  is  Pomini;  wliPii  iIip  voipp  of  the  West  and 
Xortli,niid  other  portions  of  this  Union,  will  lie 
heard  and  rpijarded.  .Sniiie  of  the  .Sniilh  iinhlv 
slood  lip,  and  Iheir  vnies  are  reeorded  for  ,')4°  411' 
frnni  the  very  ine.ipient  8ta;!;e.s  nf  ihia  matter  until 
the  last  vole  wa.s  Ijiken.  Hut  I  reijret  to  speak  of 
the  Sniith,  while  Iheir  voles  leeediiij;  from  thi.s  pn- 
i  siiion  .stand  on  reeord,  for  fe.u'  I  nmy  hit  some  nf 
them. 

lint  we  have  put  it  out  of  onr  power  to  do  anv- 

tliiiiir  in  this  House  nn   this  mailer — il  has  i^oi'ie 

'  from  us;  hy  the  siren  song  of  those  who  whisper- 


I  ed  "  pcnee"  and  "  compromine,"  nnd  were  afraid 
to  rnnnd  up  holilly  nnd  assert  the  wIioIp  of  onr  nii- 
diNpiiled  ri;;lili»,  WP  WPre  hilled  to  sleep;  we  were 
iirj;ed  In  pas.s  the  iioiiee  in  the  fnriii  if  Paiiie  from 
tlip  Seiiale;  mill  this  nr'^'eiil  appeal  eanie  from  lieili 
qnnrlerH.     "  Pass  the  iioiipp;  it  is  heltir  than  nn 

I  notice  m  all,"  was  Ihe  nr;,'iiiiieiil  iirued.      Well,  llin 

I  notice  was  passed,  and  some  nf  llip  slrnii','  .'i4"  411' 
rneti — of  those  who  i;n  for  the  whnle  of  Ore^nii  or 
iiniie — vnipil  fnr  that  pompromise.  I  did  not;  anil 
I  am  L'lad  I  refused.  I  am  proud  of  ihe  eleyatid 
posilion  ill  wliieh  I  nlaiid,  lor  1  have  ihe  whole 
Amerieali  people  lo  liaek  nie.  Whenever  ihn 
Ameriean  ppnple  arp  eonviiiepil  of  our  iiiIp,  liny 
nre  willini,'  to  stand  up  to  il,  if  il  takes  the  last  drop 
of  hlooil  frnni  lliiir  vein.-t,  nr  the  last  cent  nf  Ireiis 
lire  I'rnin  their  pnekels. 

Well,  hy  niirexeeeilinfjly  pnerRetic  position  and 
aetioii,  we  liavp  anneXPil  Texas,  and  oiil  of  that 
annexation  has  iirnwii  a  war;  we  have  liroiiMhi  o,| 
a  \.ar  hy  our  jiisl  apt.  I  eall  it  just.  Well,  who 
are  li'.:liiiii!;  our  halllps  iIipip  .'  What  is  tlip  ohji  el 
nf  this  war  ?  What  is  iIip  dilHeiihy  ■  Why,  It  is 
a  hull'  pieep  nf  dispiiipil  territory  hetween  the  .N'li- 
eees  anil  the  llin  (iraiidp.  Thai  is  tliP  dispnip  nnw  ; 
and  rather  tliiiii  surrender  an  inehnf  thai  lerrilory, 
wi  house  In  he  iiivnlveil  in  a  war.  Well,  I  ko  for 
il,  as  the  hoys  sav  ill  the  West,  "  with  u  perl'eet 
rnsh."     [.-V  lan-h.'l 

I  voipil  iiipii  and  mnney;  I  went  for  that  strip  of 
land  hernnsp  I  helieve  we  have  ihe  heat  title  to  it  of 
any  peo|.le  on  earlli.  I  fj"  '"  defend  it  even  hy 
war  when  it  is  neeessary;  and  my  eonsliluenls,  the. 
people  of  the  West,  have  left  their  homes,  and  (;oiio 
tn  fiu'lit  nur  hnttles  lliirp.  Unt  linw  slanils  the  rep- 
rp.senlalivcs  in  the  Senate  frnni  Texas?  Why, 
after  one  of  them  makiie.;  a  valiant  speeeh  for  ,14'^ 
411',  they  sit  in  theii  |ilaPi'  and  dpiilipralely  vole  lo 
ijive  awnv  half  of  ihe  (1ie'.;nn  territnry.  They 
eaiiip  froi'n  tlip  South — from  this  very  territory 
whieh  my  eon.slitnenls  have  Roiie  lo  help  you  lo 
defend;  and  after  we  have  taken  yoi;  iiiln  the 
D.nnii,  and  ;;iven  vmi  the  privile{;c  tn  linsk  in  nnr 
sn;iles,  and  lieiieath  the  prnteetion  of  the  suns  and 

,  stripes,  you  eome  here,  and  when  you  have  pi' 

i  voiir  end  appoinplislipd,  yon  vote  to  throw  nwa 
half  ihe  leriiinryof  Oreijoii,  whieh   is  ours;  ■ 
you  sail  under  tlie  Demneralie  fliii;,  tno ! 

This,  Mr.  f'hairmaii,  is  what  makes  me 
somewhat  indiirnanl;  and  not  only  these,  but  melt 
hailine;  from  the  West  do  the  siime  ihiiiL'.  iMv 
own  Senator,  from  my  own  Slate — one  nf  tlieiii 
I  Mr.  Coiiwiv] — ean  sii  there  and  deliberately  vote 
for  the  form  of  nolice  whieh  has  iirouijfht  upon  ;im 
llip  vpry  lliiiii;  of  whieh    I    nnw  cninplain;    ami 

'  when  the  ralifiealinn  of  the  ,realy  pnnies,  why,  he 
either  absents  himself  from  lis  seal,  or  voles  In 
ratify  it.  Men  from  the  fai  West,  who  loiiilly 
prorlaimpil  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  Slates  a 
few  years  ago  that  our  lille  In  the  wliole  of  Ore- 
gon was  clear,  the  best  title,  that  Knijlatid  had  no 
shadow  of  litle  there — 1  mean  Mr.  Benton— ;« 
laugh,]  and  who  has  lately,  within  n  few  dny.s 
past,  iiiad'>  annther  speeeh  there,  nnd  set  down  4!P 
as  his  I'ltrliliiiir  (ilif,  now  eomes  out  and  voles  lo 
give  nvviiy  helnw  41)'^';  and  Iip  ean  vote  to  give; 
away  ihe  navigalion  nf  the  C^oliimbia  river,  ton. 
Tn  whnm?    To  an  ally  of  oura.> 

[Mr.  P\YN,.  Iiere  palled  Mr.  S.  to  orderfor  allu- 
ding to  the  action  of  .Sennlnrs.  Considerable  eoii- 
ver.^ialinn  ensued  on  the  point  of  order,  whieh  was 
susiaineii  by  the  Chairman;  but  on  appeal  by  Mr. 
Kkxxkdv,  the  deeision  nf  the  Chair  was  ovcrinled 
by  the  eommillpe  by  a  large  vole,  nnd  Mr.  Saivveu 
was  allowed  tn  prneeed.] 

I  was  nnt  aware  (said  he)  that  I  wns  out  of 
order  in  referring  to  ilie  past  action  of  the  Senate; 
and  t  did  not  intend  to  transgress  the  rules  of 
order.  But,  Mr.  ChairiTinn,tliat  I  may  be  clearly 
'11  order,  I  will  siipjime  that  there  were  certain  (jeii- 
tlenien  nt  the  other  end  of  the  Capitol  who  voted 
sn  and  so. 

[Several  voices:  " 'Vou  nre  in  order,  so  go  on; 
give  lis  the  names."] 

Well,  then,  (said  Mr.  S.)  na  it  has  been  sn  deci- 
ded hy  the  committee,  I  will  say  Ihat  I  have  the 
names  of  several  distinguished  Senators  who  made 
speeches  in  siipporl  of  our  litle  to  the  whole  of 
Oregon,  and  now  have  voted  lo  give  away  half  nf 
it.  There  was  nne  gentleman,  [Mr.  Dix,  of  >i'ew 
York,]  who  made  an  admirable  speech  for  the 

'  whole  territory  up  to  54O40'_the  whole  of  it;  lie 


fJiino  80, 
Of  Ukps. 

11(1  wric  niVilid 
iiilc  III'  (lur  iiM- 

ilfl'pi    Wll  WITH 

ri  il  I'linie  (Vmn 
'mill'  IViiiii  lii::li 
M'llir  limn  iiu 
Ml.  Wril.lli,, 
Flinri','  ,14"  -Id' 
of  (>ri'i;iin  or 
I  dill  not;  unci 
if  lllr  ilr\ill((l 
llic  wholo 
UlicncuT  iliii 
or  mil',  liny 
I  III'  la;"!  ilroji 
i|  (Tilt  orirfHN 

poiilioii  niid 

ml  oiii  ol'  that 

IP  Inoii^lil  on 

WHI,  who 

It  is  the  olijri't 

Why,  It  is 

twiTii  the  Nil- 

'ilis|inti>  now; 

'lli.i.  territory, 

WlII,  r  Ko  lor 

with  II  pi'i'lert 

lir  that  snip  ol' 

>i'nI  litle  to  It  ol' 

ml   It  even  l)y 

instiliieiit.i,  Ih'o 

imr.s,  anil  yono 

MtanilH  the  rep- 

Vxiik'     Why, 

ipeei'h  for  r)4^ 

lerately  vole  to 

•ritiiry.     Tiny 

very  territory 

to  help  you  to 

yoi:    into   the 

to  liask  in  our 

[>(  the  .siui-M  niicl 

you  have  ko' 

to  throw  awa 

h  is  ours;  ■ 

too! 

makes  me 
these,  Imt  men 
10  ihiiiL'.  My 
— one  of  thciii 
elilieratelv  vote 
'oiii^hl  upon  :iH 
complain;  nml 
(lines,  why,  he 
■at,  or  voles  to 
It,  who  hnidly 
Iiiiled  States  ii 
whole  of  Oie- 
:ni,dand  had  no 
r.  lienlon — [a 
n  II  few  da\'H 
I  set  down  4!P 
t  and  votes  to 
I  vote  lo  (jiv(i 
bid  river,  too. 

order  fo.'  nllii- 
isidernhle  eoii- 
er,  whieh  was 
ippcaj  liy  Mr. 
was  ovcrriileil 
I  Mr.SAWVEK 

I  was  out  of 
of  the  Senate; 
I  the  rules  of 
nay  be  elearly 
e  certain  ^eii- 
tol  who  voted 

icr,  so  go  on; 

I  been  so  deei- 
al  I  have  the. 
or.s  who  made 
tlie  whole  of 
away  half  of 
Dix,  of  .New 
leerli  for  ihe 
hole  of  it;  he 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAT,  Cr^OHE. 


:oi 


>0Nn.....lHT  Skm. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Sawi/ir. 


would  nnl  Kitn  nwny  nnn  Inch.    Then  w«r*  also 

the  S(  nalois  fnnii  Arkansas,  [Mr.  flicriEn  nn  ' 
Mr.  Ahiii.kv,!  who  made  t'ood  speeches  for  the 
whole  of  ()rr;;on,  which  suited  ine  e\ii(tly.  Then 
lliere  was  a  .Senator  fnnn  Norili  Carolina,  [Mr. 
Il\vwiiiifi,|  who  desiiiiiaied  4!!'^  as  his  fii^hiiii;? 
line,  in  his  siieccli  which  I  have  liel'ore  me.  Ihit 
ml  lliiHc,  anil  many  others,  who  occupied  Himiliir 
poHili(nis  in  their  speeclics,  come  lo  the  final  aciion 
(III  llie  siilpjeel,  vnli  lo  :,'ive  lip  liiilf  the  lei'rilory, 
III  allow  (ileal  lliilain  lo  come  lalow  40'',  b(  sides 
civiiii;  her  llic  lun  ijiiitioii  of  the  ("oliiiiihia  river 
I'li'i'tcr.  I  have  many  iiiilliorities  to  sustain  our 
cl.iini  to  the  whole  territory,  to  .MO  411';  Imt  I  have 
n  served  the  iiIiIchI  aiilliorily  lo  llie  last — that  is, 
the  authority  of  "Old    Hickory."     1    llijnk  that 

will  be  r( [;nised  by  every  man,  both  Wlii;^  and 

Democrat — more!  especially  by  the  Democratic 
pioly — as  hi^li  aiilhinily.  What  did  lie  say  .- 
Almost  his  ilyiii;;  words — almost  his  last  epiHtle, 
iiiiil  the  last  words  of  that  epistle,  were,  "no  cum- 

I'UOMISK    Of     TIHT    TF.UlllTOIlV     111  T    AT    TilK    I'AN- 

vns',,  MdiTii."  Now  we  u'ol  our  cue  fiom  the 
old  man,  I  siippoH".  |.\laiii;h.l  That  has  been 
nitenitcd  by  his  friends;  but  what  kind  of  a  "  eiui- 
iioii's  inoiilli"  [renewed  laiinhlei)  has  this  anrreii- 
ilrr  been  made  al?  Why  tin  Senate  of  the  I'niied 
Slates  has  deliberately  said.  We  will  jive  to  I'.n^'- 
l:md  11  portion  of  the  lerrilory  that  thiry  ihemselves  i 
have  herelolore  said  was  ours  by  a  title  "clear 
and  iinipiiistioiiable;"  that  there  was  not  a  doubt 
bill  it  was  (iiirs.  Now,  if  I  do  not  stand  iuslilled 
by  every  man  in  this  I  lonsc,  whether  Wliifj  or 
DemiK  rat,  in  my  •li'^  411'  position,  I  shall  stand 
pistified  before  a  much  higher  tribunal — that  of  uiy 
iMHislituenl.s, 

Now,  we  have  received  a  proposition  by  the  last 
steamer,  I  niiiler»t;iiid,  for  arbitration.  There  is  a 
mediator  thai  has  sleporil  in  and  olfered  his  ser- 
vices to  prevent  a  war  between  the  I'nited  States 
and  Mexico.  AVho  is  that  meiliator?  Old  liiig- 
l:uul;  the  very  Power  lliiit  but  a  fi'W  moiitlis  ago 
iliis  country  was  np  in  arms  a;;ainst,  and  to  whom 
we  would  not  think  of  submittin;;  any  even  llll^ 
smallrst  of  our  rights.  I  believe  that  arbitration 
will  be  submitted  lo.  What  will  be  the  result.' 
Will  we  get  California  fur  oirrtrouble  and  expense 
in  figliling  the  battles  of  the  South,  wli(;ii  they 
come  iK're  and  light  airainst  us  .'  No;  no,  sir.  |A 
gi  iieial  laugh.)  If  it  is  left  to  England  to  decide 
this  contest  between  us  and  .Mexico,  I  presume 
she  will  say  that  we.  shall  go  to  the  .Nueces,  and 
that  llie  territory  beyond  and  between  that  and 
the  Itio  Cirande,  .shall  be  given  to  .Mexico  by  way 
(if  "  ciiiiipromi.se  I"  I'nt  I  am  satisfied,  if  ihe  de- 
cisi(ui  of  this  i|neslion  was  left  to  the  West  or 
the  .Vinlh,  not  one  inch  winild  be  ^iven  up;  we 
would  take  lo  the  Itiotjraiide;  we  would  do  more — 
we  would  mil  our  line  straight  to  the  Pacifii-,  from 
llie  nioulli  of  the  llio<irande  due  west,  [''ii^dand 
has  a  strong  interest  in  the  decision  of  this  qnes- 
lion.  We  are  told  she  has  claims  on  Calil'oriiia. 
She  is  nil  interested  nation  ;  and  sh(  conies  here  to 
decide  this  controversy  between  nsl  The  very 
miiiiieiil  the  news  reaches  England  that  we  are  at 
war  with  .Mexicrt,  what  does  she  do?  She  sends 
forth  the  I'Veneh  with  ii  fleet,  and  sends  them  into 
the  Gulf,  to  make  us  believe  that  l''raiicc  is  going 
to  inlerl'cre.  She  sends  her  forward  as  a  eatspaw 
to  do  her  woiU",  and  make  us  believe  that  Krance  is 
going  lo  interfere  In  the  Gulf,  while  England,  our 
luicieiit  enemy,  has  her  iiniuense  Heel  in  the  Paei- 
hc,  to  deter  iis  from  inalving  an  attack  upon  the 
Monterey  of  the  Pacific,  or  Ujioii  Upper  or  Lower 
I  'alit'ornia.  And,  let  me  tell  yon,  if  England  knew 
Ihe  character  of  the  treaty-making  power  of  this 
Goverinnenl,  ns  it  is  constituted  in  the  present  Sen- 
ale  of  the  United  Slates,  she  ciinid  ask  what  she 
pleases  and  il  would  be  civen  up.  Past  experi- 
ence teaches  ns  the  fact.  Hut  yon  can  set  into  war 
with  poor,  imbecile,  distracted  Mexico;  yon  can- 
not yield  one  inch  of  territory  to  her.  tint  when 
llii>  iJritish  lion  crosses  your  path,  you,  like  whip- 
lied  spaniels,  back  out,  and  ^xive  up  what  yon  say 
is  justly  your  own.  That  has  been  the  case,  and 
ever  will  be,  while  tliinss  take  their  present  course. 
lie  


n  I  of  niible  ilrM."  [A  lnufl;h.|  What  did  our  fii-  ][ 
il  therd,  when  this  r>|iiiblic  was  in  its  infancy  >  Were 
liny  afraid  of  English  power,  when  it  was  vastly 
grealer  than  it  is  now,  and  wi^  were  in  the  ineic 
iiif.incy  of  onr  politic. il  existence?  Why,  they 
hurled  defmiic(<  at  lliat  haughty  Power,  niid  stood 
lip  III  the  rack  and  iniinliiined  onr  rights.  And 
when  we  were  grown  to  be  boys,  did  we  yield 
tamely,  eiiwardly  to  her  insolent  aggressions?  .No; 
rather  than  siillir  one  .Americnn  seaman  to  he  im- 
pressed into  her  service  to  light  airaiiist  his  eoiiii- 
try,  men  and  money  were  placed  wllhonl  Hii.it 
at  the  dispilsal  of  this  ( ioveriiment;  we  declared 
war  against  her,  anil  we  caini'  mil  of  that  roii- 
lesi  victorious.  Hence  I  nay  we  arc  dc'/enerali" 
we  are  not  of  that  class  of  beings  scarcely  that 

iMir   fathers  were.     Well,  when   mm  wl Iiiim 

to  be  democrats,  re^inblicans,  lovers  of  their  coun- 
try, choose  tamely  to  submit  and  snceiimb,  if  the 
Power  with  whom  we  have  to  deal  is  of  soiiie 
eonseqiienee,  it  reininils  me  of  u  bullying  I'ellow 
who  enters  a  crowd,  and  if  he  be  a  stronir  niaii — 
a  man  of  physical  power — he  can  get  luiyihiiig  li« 
has  a  mind  to  ilrmanil  from  a  coward;  lull  a  val- 
iant mail  will  no  more  li.sten  to  his  demanilH  ihaii 
he  would  to  those  of  the  ineanest,  smallest  in  stat- 
ure of  Ihe  whole  huiniiii  nice.  Why,  it  would  be 
more  mii'.;naniinons  to  yield  to  Mexico,  than  to  a 
great  and  powerful  nation  like  [■'.nirland.  I  would 
yield  more,  to  .Mexico  than  I  would  to  l',iii;land,  for 
various  reasons;  first,  because  I'.ngland  has  ever 
been  onr  enemy.  .She  has  tried  her  best  to  retard 
our  growth  anil  to  destroy  our  existence  altogether 
when  we  were  in  our  infancy.  She  is  yet  onr  ' 
enemy,  and  is  insidiously  ntteinplln;  lo  pn^vent 
the  spread  of  democratic — or,  if  yon  like  it  belter — 
of  republican  principles  tliroiii;hoiit  the  world. 
Hence  she  has  an  interest  to  destroy  and  cripple 
ii.s  all  she  can:  yet  you  ijive  her  enoiurh  territory 
on  the  northwest  roast  to  found  an  empire;  yon 
bring  her  here  a  neighbor  to  ns;  yon  make  her  one 
of  our  own  family  as  fir  as  this  roniinent  is 
[  concerned.  If  she  w.'is  driven  out  t'rnm  this  whole 
island,  or  whole  eoniiii*M',  if  you  elioose  so  lo 
call  il,  ns  she  ou'ihl  lo  ..c,  nhr  would  not  have 
the  means  to  cripple  ii-  :n  she  now  does.  Why, 
a  few  days  ago,  yon  ap|iroprialed  a  large  sum  of 
niimey  lo  keep  the  Indians  rpiid  in  ihe  noithwest 
lerrilory,  and  at  the  same  lime  ynii  i;ive  away  n 
vast  lerrilory  there  lo  I'.iiL'land,  whereby  she  may 
cherish  and  foster  the  nalural  animosity  which  the 
Indians  bear  towards  us.  As  1  said  when  I  nd- 
(Ires.sed  the  House  sometime  since,  the  course 
of  England  towards  the  Indian  tribes  costs  ns 
I  )j,a,nilU,()(IO  annually  to  buy  their  good  will,  which 
IS  destroyed  by  the  poison  which  England  instils 
into  their  minds  against  ns. 

Well,  I  presume  1  iim  understood.    I  have  fears 

that  the  President   has  not  stood  up  to  his  recom- 

mendalions.     If  he  has  not,  so  far  as  that  act  is 

e(nicerned,  I  cannot,  I  will   not,  be  his  supporter 

or  apolozisl.     He  entered  the  field  with  his  Hag 

Hying,  and  inscribed  upon  il  M^  40';  it  was  one  of 

tlie  doctrines  advanced  by  him,  and  which  he  was 

elected  to  carry  out;  and  if  he   has  "  backed  out" 

from   it,   permit  me  lo  bear   my  solemn  protest 

I  a'jainst  il.     If,  when  the  secrecy  shall  be  removed 

]  from  the  prorcedintis,  it  shall  be  found  that  lie  has 

I  not  departed  from  the  position   which  he  has  nr- 

I  eupied,  ns  I  hope  it  will  appear,  I  shall  be  one  of 

the  first  to  do  him  justice.     But  wc  cannot  stand 

before  our   eonstitnents   and    justify  the  act,   by 

whomsoever  ronimitled,  that  s'lves  away  lo  Imtr- 

laiiil  half  of  the  territory  to  which  we  have  declared 

and  proved  that  we  have  nn  indisputable  claim. 

1  do  not  see  well  how  my  Whig  friends  can  iro 
home  to  Ohio  and  the  West,  and  proclniin,  ns  they 
.  have  heretofore  (hnie,  that  we  Democrats  are  dough- 
faces, doiii^'  the  bidilin^of  the  South,  altendinL'  lo 
their  interests,  and  leiting  western  interests  siilfer. 
Look  at  the  recorded  voles  ofalmosi  the  entire  "Whig 
party  both  here  mid  in  the  Senate,  acting  in  obedi- 
ence to  Ihe  behests  of  the  South,  and  givins  away 
an  immense  tract  of  trmlcni  territory,  to  which  the 
title  of  the  United  .States  has  been  triumphantly 
shown  to  be  "  clear  nnd  unqiiesiionablc."    When 


,  I  say,  if  England  knew  Ihe  terror  we  have     they  speak  of  "  doush-facps"  hereafter  to   their 

'  '■     -  '--       '  -~   '■--  '-     constituents,  just  let  them  mention  their  votes  on 

this  one  subject  lo  make  polilical  enpital  nf!    I  know 
there  are  some  I'ew  exceptioiia  to  this  in  the  Whig 
I  party,  nnd  I  am  glad  of  it. 
'      Mr.  S.  now  proceeded  to  say  a  few  words  ns  to 


for  her,  she  could  make  n  fuss,  arm  her  vessels 
and  brini^lhem  into  the  neighborhood  of  ours,  and 
make  ahtrntration — [a  lauiih;  nnd  a  voice,  "That's 
a  i;ood  win-d") — and  we  would  submit.  Iilespi.se 
the  cowardly  net.    Why,  wc  are  "  degenertite  auns 


Hi),  or  \\r.v%, 

Ihn  inrifT.  And  whnt  h«  hnd  to  uny  nn  thin  iiiblcct 
would  not,  he  imagined,  «iiit  his  friends  on  Ihn 
other  side  of  the  HoiiHe  ipiile  so  a'cII.  Whild  ho 
condemned  the  ■,'iinig  away  of  lerrilory  under  ihn 
iiilliieiice  of  the  .Soiiili,  there  was  aiioihcr  policy, 
iisnally  called  Honthern,  but  which  was  in  reality 
(■(pially  the  policy  of  the  West,  which  he  highly 
approved.  His  consiitnents  had  as  irrcal  nn  in- 
terest in  the  repeal  of  the  prolective  laritf,  and  the 
snbslitiition  of  n  laritf  for  revenue,  as  the  men  of 
the  South  had,  a>id  they  had  insiriicled  him  lo  vote 
in  ils  favor.  This  revenue  larill'bad  been  nnolher 
Wiitcliworil  at  the  late  election,  and  this,  too,  had 
been  written  on  the  ileniocraiic  hauliers.  He  had 
expressed  his  a|iprobaiion  of  the  policy,  uiid  he 
stood  cominitlcil  to  inMinlaiu  il. 

(Icntleinen  who  advocated  the  conlinimncn  of 
pniieciinn  were  eiideavorio;;  here  to  prove  lliat  the 
liiglier  the  tarilflhe  lower  wrvf  prices;  and  a  jen- 
lleinim  from  Pennsylvania  j.VIr.  SrKWART|  had 
broadly  iidvocalcil  ilmt  doctrine  in  so  many  words. 
.Now,  .Mr.  S.  wi.shed  lo  put  one  ipiesiion  lo  soma 
tarilV^enlleinan  that  was  good  at  calculation.  If  a 
lariir  which  levied  a  duty  of  Hll  per  cent,  reduced 
the  hii,'h-priceil  goods  to  '?,[)  per  cent.,  how  liiL'll 
must  the  tarilf  be  inadi*  lo  reilnce  the  )irice  to  111 
per  cent.?  And  then  he  wished  to  put  another 
(piestion.  How  iniich  higher  miiiit  the  laritf  be 
made  lo  enable  us  to  get  goods  for  nothini;?  And 
one  other  qiiestion  still.  How  much  liirlher  must 
it  be  raised  until  we  shmild  not  only  gel  the  goods 
for  nothinir,  but  have  '.ill  cents  .comin<4:  ■>>  us  in 
cliaii:,'e?  This  whole  doctrine  struck  Mr.  S.  as  n 
very  singular  one.  Why  the  nianiilactnrcrs  should 
ask'  to  have  the  tarilf  increased,  that  their  own 
prices  mi','lit  be  diminished,  was  n  mystery  ho 
C'liild  not  conceive.  When  he  was  nl  hniiie,  he 
was  a  miller.  He  resided  in  a  thriving  village, 
where  ho  made  a  good  deal  of  Hour.  Now,  to 
illiistralp  the  doctrine  which  he  was  asked  lo 
receive,  he  would  suppose  that  the  corporation 
of  the  city  of  Washington  should  throw  n  licilje 
roiiiid  nboiit  the  District,  and  siid'er  no  man  to 
sell  to  the  people  here  niiy  Hour  but  a  certain  mil- 
ler in  Geortjelown:  he  asked  ircnllemcn  to  say 
whether  they  supposed  such  an  nriaiigement  would 
reduce  prices  to  the  consumer?  Would  not  tlin 
miller  who  had  the  moiiopnly  be  very  apt  to  raise 
his  [irice?  Suppose  a  larilf  were  imposed  laying 
a  dollar  n  barrel  on  every  barrel  bron.'ht  into  the 
District;  what  would  be  the  ellicl  of  thai  InrilV  on 
the  miller?  Mr.  S.  rather  ihiuight  that  the  man 
would  coninience  by  pultiiiL'  'iT>  cents  on  his  flour; 
and  after  ho  had  eiijoyed  that  for  some  time,  ho 
would  bcLiiii  to  belliinlc  himself  that  lii^  might  ns 
well  add  ol)  cents  as  oj.  The  iieople  would  then 
probably  begin  to  complain  n  litlle,  and  wlnit  would 
be  the  niiswer  of  the  miller?  "  Gentlemen,  do  you 
not  know  tlint  the  higher  the  tarilf  is  rai.sed,  the 
lower  you  !  vonrgooiU?"  Ijj  iioi  that  the  Whig 
theory?  H<i.  silenced  them  in  this  manner, lie 
would  the  next  day  add  3.")  cents  more;  nnd  so  ho 
would  go  on,  till,  hnving  rni.sed  il  n  whole  dollnr, 
other  flour  would  begin  to  come  in.  And  he  woi-.nl 
lo.se  his  monopoly.  Now,  whnt  would  his  W  big 
friends  think  of  a  corporation  that  shniild  do  such 
an  net  ns  tlinl?  Suppose  they  should  go  round  ihn 
country  and  try  lo  gel  signatures  from  the  people 
all  round  the  liislrict  in  favor  of  such  an  arrange- 
ment— there  were  many  tarilf  Willi's  here  he  be- 
lieved— would  they  be  likely  lo  si;;n  in  favor  of 
giving  sindi  a  monopoly  lo  ilic  miller?  Perhans 
some  miithl;  nnd  their  example  miglii  induce  oth- 
ers, till  nt  lenirth  some  fool  would  have  common 
sense  cnomrh  lo  say,  "  Why,  this  is  a  mere  trick 
of  the  inilliu';  he  wains  lo  put  up  his  prices."  Now 
.Mr.  S.  was  one  of  those  who  thought  with  Ihe 
fool. 

Whnt  was  the  fact?  Gentlemen  who  were  for 
n  protective  tarilf  quoted  in  its  favor  the  language 
of  Washiim^ton,  and  .Teft'er.son,  nnd  Madison,  and 
Monroe,  and  .Tnckson.  Well,it  was  all  true.  But 
under  whnt  circumstnnces  were  the.sc  recnmmend- 
ntions  given?  Did  wc  not  live  to  somepurpo.se? 
.■Vlanufnelnres  were  then  in  their  infiuicy,  but  how 
was  it  now?  They  had  grown  up  nnd  become 
strong,  nnd,  according  lo  their  .iwn  slMwinsr,  were 
able  to  eompelo  with  the  whole  wo; Id.  Now  they 
did  not  need  any  ndvenlitious  nid,  and  he  thought 
il  was  with  a  very  ill  grace  that  they  came  here 
asking  for  nroleei'ion.  It  reminded  Mr.  S.  of  a 
sight  he  linii  witnessed  some  days  since  in  walking 


3 


709 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  27, 


I 


29th  Cono 1st  Sbss. 


The  Tariff' — Mr.  Severance. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


throiieli  tl>e  L'ity.  His  nltentinn  was  nnoslcd  by 
n  iriT.il  lilt  overi;ro\vi»  cnU\  whn'ii  was  siii'K'ini;  lui 
old  cow.  Tiie  calf  waH  l.iirt;i'r  (linii  i.'ic  cow,  liul 
it  ccntitiuril  to  piili  at  its  poor  exliaiistcd  iiiotlii-r 
till  it  had  not  airtlip  iiiilkslir  liail  to  !;ive,  ai'u  tlifii 
it  liawliil  lor  iiioit.  [A  laiifrli.]  Tlic  ovitctowii 
rrfatiu'c  was  too  lazy  to  sctk  iis  own  liviiiL',  and 
so  rotiiiimt'd  to  [lersi't'iilf;  liic  old  fow.  It  hleaU'd 
and  Ijawli'd  lor  iiiort;  nuck,  iiiorc  iiiilk.  Just  siicli 
\vas  tiu!  rondLicl  of  the  niaiiutat  ttircrs.  Their 
c'oiirso  was  prcposienms,  and  thuy  ought  to  be 
asliauii'd  ol'lheir  condmt. 

Mr.  S.'s  hour  here  ex|pii((l.  ■ 


TIIH   TAKIFK. 


SPEECH   OF   MK.  L.  SEVERANCE, 

OF  MAI,\E, 

In  the  Hoise  of  Uepresent.mives, 

June  07,  184G. 

The  liill  reported  liy  ihe  foniniittee  of  Ways  and 

Means,  aiiundalory  ol'  ilir  TanlV  law  of  184ii, 

lieiiiff  under  eonsideraliini  in  fonni\illic  ol'  ih  • 

Whole,  (Mr.  C'ouii,  ol  lieurgin,  in  llie  ehair) — 

Mr.  .'^KVEl'.A.NLEsaid: 

AViilifint  wastins  any  of  my  lioiu'  on  prelimi- 
»^iry  oliservaiions,  1  will  i)ei:in  Ity  replyin;j;  lo  the 
last  pi'siiion  of  the  t'enlhnian  front  (ieoruia  who 
ha<  just  .'■■at  down,  |Mr.  Towns.)  lie  lays  it 
down  as  an  axijin,  thai  if  proieeini;;  dniieH  are 
unequal  lliey  are  luijusi,  and  if  equally  applied  lo 
h!1  interests,  ihey  neuiralize  eacli  (Uh*:  ,anil  amount 
to  nofhins".  Si.-,  pioteeiih::;  dtrtics  may  he  reipiired 
on  some  prndie'tions  and  nol  on  uihers,  and  it  ma  v 
he  for  the  f;eneral  lieaefu  of  a  eountry  lo  aj'ply 
them  where  ni'ded;  lait  if  ap|>li<(l  equally  to  all 
inlerrsis,  it  is  verv  fir  from  heini;  Irue  that  they 
neutralize  ea'h  oilu'r.  'I'liey  u:ive  no  luie  inleri'si 
fin  advantaiie  over  any  oiiwr  in  the  eounlry,  iutt 
they  proiect  the  whole  a;;ainst  foreiL'n  enmpeii- 
tioii.  'I'hev  laise  ihe  level  of  the  rewards  or  prn- 
li's  of  laiair  in  this  eounlry  ali  ive  those  rewards  in 
tile  KumiM-an  eounlries  whose  produetious  we 
imporl:  a'ul  this  I  regard  as  a  desirahleolij'M't;  hut 
it  seems  not  so  to  lie  reuardeil  l>y  ihe  I'resali  iii  and 
ino.«!  td'  his  )ioiiiienl  iVieuds,  for  ihev  deny  h*ii' 
the  ri^'bl  and  the  poliey  of  makin^r  any  diseruiuna- 
lion  for  prolection,  in  the  i.  .vs  re;^ula'ini;  our  ih^- 
|inrls  from  aljroad. 

In  ihe  Me.ssa'_"!  seni  liy  the  Presiilenl  lo  Con- 
press  on  ihe  Kjili  in.si.  on  ihe  siale  of  the  fmanoe-i, 
under  the  new  aspect  of  the  war  with  Mexico,  he 
Kays: 

'•  Tlie  liiah  ilntie^nl  prrspm  levied  nnmnny  .irtiel.w  toinl- 
1y  exclude  ilit-ta  f'oiiii  niip  irl;aini>.  wlal.-l  Uie  ipi.-lnntv  a.  >l 
d'O'iiait  "f  nihiTri  wlic'li  itn-  nn|i.»rl<  il  tire  cr.  ally  iliiiiui 
i-ti-il.  It>  •  ilii'-ini'  l!n'-'  iliuir*  hi  a  rcv.riiii'  .-liiial.iril.  u 
IS  nut  ill)  '.  mI  Itett  n  I.ul'  r  n'lioinn  nt'llie  articli-'  'in  v\  |ij,'|i 
til  *y  are  iiniiii-cd  womd  li  ■  nrlimrt  il.  aed  ii  cnrres[mii(liim 
nni'Mint  itt  rcvi'jiU'*  he  r.  c- iv,-il  at  tlu' 'rtc;t-nr\  Ironi  tin* 
leinrcc.     M>  umii'suil'  i«-v'ctiii  ■  iIu'i<-s  na  iii.iii>  aiticli-!<  now 

peraiitled  In  h"  ini;t'M  i  it  ir, I"  tliil> .  luiil  h\  r.xiilaui.i!  ihc 

nt's  wnliiCi  tin-  r'-vcMU'-^i  iiuliird  upon  «illnT-.  a  liujir  adili- 
tioaai  rcviMiuv  \\  ill  !■■  •  ■  ''•■<  I  d." 

This  ..■■  very  [d.i  .  Flere  is  no  pretence  ihni 
the  new  revemn-  uttasure  will  sullicuMilly  proiect 
the  niannfaeirres  <ir  other  prod  in  lions  of  ihe  con  ti- 
tiy  niiainst  foreiirn  compeiilion,  hut  a  distinet 
nropot;ilion  i<'  ar  e  Nice  diilies  as  lo  admil  a  LTeat 
increase  of  fore.^n  imp'irlaiions;  and  lln  aceoni- 
fianyiu'j;  letter  of  the  Secreiary  of  ihe  'i'reasiu'y 
follovs  up  ihe  idea.  And  ihev  do  ihis  lo  increase 
the  revenue.  Such  iniporlations  can  only  he  i  .luie 
l,v  ihrowimr  out  of  eiuploynieut  thonsanils  v  ho 
are  now  emplovd  in  makinir  the  arliclis  il  is  pro- 
posfd  lo  imoorl  and  reduciie^  the  pi-oceeds  of  ihe 
iMiHinesi  o('  (ho.-  who  conlniue  lo  heeoiploved. 
'I'he    .Sclclary,    if   the    e\pcnlOent    is    liiMile,    will 

find  Ihut  il  viil  lirni!:  u'eneral  einliarrasamcni  upon 
the  eounin",  mid  afier  the  first  IIimm]  of  foreiirn 
imporlallons  hns  hail  lis  pro»lrnun\'  ili'ecl  ir,on 
Awe  ricttu  inoi,  iry.  llic  imporialions  will  fall  olf 
rapiilly,  f-oni  the  i  hihiy  of  the  .American  people 
to  pnrchiiML,  a.id  uf  cuurvc  the  reienue  will  fall  oil' 
as  ra[iiilly. 

'i'he  lull  reporled  Iiy  the  Coniniiiiee  id' W.ays 
nnil  .Means  rciiucesall  Ihe  i  xisiinir  diila  s  lo  a  inax- 
itiiuui  of  ilnrtv  [wrceni.  ad  i-nlrrnti,  wnh  the  t  :;- 
cc|aion  ordiatill-d  spinls,  on  which  a  larL'e  ri  diie- 
tion  of  duly  [K  made. and  ilus  ihiriy  pireeui.  iii(  rn- 
tnnut  is  lo  he  as.'icH'-ed  Upon  ihe  foreti^n  valnaiion. 
A  lart^e  class  of  impoilani  arllcles  is  re'Ju''.cd  lo  25 


jier  cent,  ad  ralorem,  includinc;  f'.nm'-  hnizes, 
oockini;s,  (loorcloihs,  eordaire,  w.  ol,  woollen  yarn, 
>vorsled,  and  niaimfaclures  of  silk  and  couon. 

A  lari;e  i  lass  is  put  at  iJU  pereenl.  nt/ rnJort  in ,  in- 
chiuini;  heer,  ale,  and  porter;  bacon,  hurley,  beef, 
hlankcls,  sawed  lumber,  limber,  ami  lire  wood; 
hnller,  earthen  ware:  /is/i,  dried,  sailed,  lu'  pickled; 
hemp,  straw  Inils  and  boiniels;  lard,  lealher,  lin- 
ens, .salt,  rye,  oals,  pork,  jKilnlofs;  all  fish  oil,  ani- 
mal oil,  and  olive  oil;  wheal,  wheat  Hour,  window 
!;la.ss,  Ac. 

Anoiher  class  is  at  i5  per  cent.,  another  ut  lU, 
and  anoiher  at  H. 

iS'ow,  sir,  '  asrree  entirely  wilh  ihe  jientleman 
from  -Vew  'Vdrk,  [Mr.  Goiidon,]  who  yesterday 
thought  .1  necessary  lo  explain  why  he  voled  for 
the  InriiVof  Iri.;;.-.  ile  did  not  like  it;  but  he  said, 
and  very  Iriily,  that  the  ecun|iromis"  larilf  law  of 
IKiH  had  been  lound  totally  deficient  bolli  for  pro- 
ledion  and  revenue,  and  ii  new  law  had  become 
indispensahle.  lie,  like  his  pnlilical  friend,  ih 
disiin;;iiislied  Senauu"  from  \ew  York,  now  Lv  .- 
(a-noi-  of  llial  Stale,  had  no  allernalive  but  In  vole 
I'm- ihe  hill  which  ihen  pa.ssed,  or  leave  the  (jiv- 
erunient  wilhnnt  revenue.  'i"he  hisl  year  of  ihe 
coinproiuise  law,  the  net  revenue  had  fallen  down 
to  less  ihan  ihirieen  millions  of  dollars  annually, 
while  the  annual  expendiluies  were  double  I  hat 
sum.  'I'lie  ^enlleman  from  Souih  Carolina  [.Mr. 
iliiKTr]  says,  that  by  the  ti  rms  of  the  coinpro- 
nnse  il  was  provitled  thai  when  ihe  revenues  should 
he  found  lobe  deticienl,  discrimitiaiion  for  revenue 
niiirht  be  iinnle  on  arlicles  upon  wdiic  h  ihe  duly 
was  less  than  'M  per  cent.,  in-,  in  olher  words,  that 
alt  dunes  miirht  hi^  raised  up  lit  *Jtl  per  cenl.,  timi 
the  whole  free  list  put  at  ihal  rale,  inakini;  a  hori- 
zontal larilV  of 'JO  per  eem.  on  all  imports  alike,  if 
necessary  for  reven     . 

Xow  lo  this  1  s;iy,  in  the  first  place,  that  no  na- 
tion that  ever  had  any  niamifaiiures  of  ils  own  was 
ever  <:niliy  of  the  foily  in'  layin;.'  as  hisfli  duiie.<  on 
dye  woods  and  llie  raw  materials  of  iis  iiKomfac- 
Uires  wliiidi  il  is  necessary  lo  imporl,  as  upon  maii- 
ufaclures  imjau-tcd.  All  sa'j:-'"ions  nalions  impiirl 
siudi  Illinois  duly  free,  l.lui  hail  we  been  ;;uiliv  of 
ihe  folly  tif  eiuulin;^  such  a  hor-zoutal  larill*  in 
lf<l'J,  it  wouhl  not  have  .aided  more  than  three  or 
four  imllions  ;o  ihe  lliiru  en  we  were  iheii  ladleci- 
Hi:r;  and  as  laxiie,'  the  free  list  would  have  sliU 
further  embarrassed  our  own  inaimliiciiires,  the 
poverty  of  the  eounlry  would  have  iucre;i.sed  every 
year,  and  the  reveiuie  have  coniinued  lo  diminish. 
The  whole  scheme  of  a  horizonial  larilVi'f 'Jl(  per 
cenl.,  had  il  been  liied,  woulil  imly  h:i\e  sunk  'Ins 
i*iocrnsieaii  free  trade  svsnni  inio  utter  cinilcmpl. 
'Ihe  larilf  of  it<4J  revived  llie  business  of  ihe  eoun- 
lry, tind  replcmslieil  .he  revenue.  Il  litis  worked 
adniirably  tiius  far;  but  ihe  same  llalttuim-e  Ciui- 
lenlion  which  resolveil  thai  our  riulil  !o  lirc^om  up 
to  ,54°  4tl'  wjis  iin([ii<  slionabte,  also  resolved  ihal 
Ihe  turilfof  i^4•,)  must  be  rcpetded.  And  lieie  we 
liavi'  a  bill  lo  ri  pi  al  it  aci  lU'dinely.  .\ow  let  us 
look  at  il,and  see  wlmt  is  to  be  Us  probable  result 
if  il  iroes  mio  operaiion.  .Specilii'  dulies  are  all 
discarded,  'i'he  maxiimini  dunes  (exi'epiiiii:  mi 
spirits )  are  ;tU  pereenl.  ml  i-u/omii  lui  llie  foreiL'ii 
itihiaiiim,  wiili  olher  ni.' I'li/iii'cm  duiie.-.  below.  We 
can  nudeisltind  how  it  W'"  ooerale,  hoili  for  pro- 
leciioiiand  revenue,  by  eoniparin;;  il  with  Ibe  larilf 
of  lt<'A'.\,  i.t  ihe  end  of  nine  years,  win  n  ihe  inaxi- 
iniiin  was  SH  per  cenl.  wilh  home  valnaiiim.  Hap- 
pily Ihe  odicitd  orjtin  of  ihe  Cove  nent — ihe 
"  Ciiion"  newspaper  of  \\'ednesday  iiiiiht  last  — 
ilives  us  some  li^lii  on  ihe  suliii'cl,  tind  shows  how 
Ihe  Secreiary  of  liie  'i'reasi..  v  lejaiils  llie  bill.  I  le 
liiiu.sell',  111  tile  bill  wii'i'h  be  furnished  lo  ihe  I  'laii- 
miliee  of  Ways  and  .Me-uis,  proposiil  a  siill  lower 
I. lie  of  diilns  on  L'eueral  arlicles,  and  .iniom;  iheni 
woollen  nianufaclures  and  wiiol. 

'I'he  "  L'nioi.,"  in  re|ilyiiitj  to  a  corrcs)Hiiidenl 
from  lieor^^ia,  says: 

*'  .\^  I',  iriai.ltic  dla;  prniio^ed  h\  Mr.  WillkiT  1)4  tad  llllfh. 
III-. 11  per  cenl.  ad  Vit'iH-ai  lai  iiif  Joni^n  ,/e;i/.c/  rifliic, 
Wllicil  IH  aeil[l\  e'pinaleiit  |<,  |l,e  --^O  per  cent,  ild  vidor.  In  n:i 
Ilic  Hoiiie  in.trkii  pne,'  iiinl-r  lb'  eMinprnmi.t.'  :icl  nt  .M.ireh, 
l-.*i;i.  'I'lie  dat>  lt»  rciliiced  lieitily  enc -^n-,'.  {iiid  l^  am  pto 
pti>('d  lor  'llie  li.'iiclil  nl'  tin'  loin  tliaKl'  '-'.'  lull  I'nr  lieccn- 
:.,ll\  re\i  line  lu  -uppurt  tile  iiuvcriaiieitl.  in.  I  it-  Inlou  llie 
lai,..t    Mil     tvliicli    »unl,l  pruiluie  tin    l.irui'Kl  iiiiiinuil  ul 

revililie.  , 1.1  a  It  I  Ti'i, cc  lu   Ihe  t.llile..    ;nill    i-llin.'l'e.;    c|.  atl> 

ih  iiirai-lr;ile.  KviTv  duly  prupu-ed  ill  Mr.  Walker'-  l>l(l 
«n*  » '/rie//i;  TCiinf  diilv ,  It' cailHt'  II  li.ver  I'Aeei'.leij  ml 
llli>  lirtiel.'  tit:it  luwe-l  r:ile  id'dlllv  WlllcIl  w  ollld  prndllcc  the 
I  liL''    I  innuiiill  ul  rt  \i  hue.  •'  '  ■  • 

■  liul'inl  ul  .>fr.  Walker'n  prupojcd  dii':  ..a  fiif^ar  being. 


•next  to  Kpirlt",'  'higlicr  than  nnyihlnit  else,'  il  is  placed 
in  llie  s.iiiic  c/ius  and  nl  Hie  s.ime  rfii/i;,  with  iiicae  tllllll  H 
I  andrcd  nlhcr  nrlieles,  at  .1i1  per  cenl'.  lul  ndnoiii  on  iho 
(laeisn  vtttrket  rndiC,  which  is  nearly  i'i|iiivnlcnl  In  Ihe 
■iU  per  ceal.  nd  valureai  on  the  honu-  ni.irkel  price  under 
llie  eniiipioniitie  lU'l  ol"  March,  IKfl.  The  dan  of  ;!i)  per 
1  '111.  nil  siiaar  was  am  prnnnscd  h>  .Mr.  Walker 'liir  llie  licii- 
clli  nl'  the  siltiir  |iluiiler»,  lur  il  is  less  lliuii  halt  the  nrcselit 
daly,"  i«c. 

Thus,  llien,  we  have  the  nulhnriiy  of  the  \-,\r- 
cniive  origan,  apparently  speakiiij;  by  aulhorily 
from  the  Treasury  neparlmenl,  that  llie  .'iU  per 
cenl,  dulies  proposed  in  this  bill  are  ei|uivaleiit  lo 
ihe  on  per  cenl.  dulies  of  llie  eoinproinise  hill.  I 
lielievi  the  Union  is  subslaiuially  correci;  and  I 
lake  llis  to  be  the  l'2xerulive  view  of  the  mailer. 
The  in'eiuion  is  lo  brins  "s  back  to  the  eoinpro- 
inise, Willi  diseriminalion  for  revenue,  and  (i^alnst 
prolection. 

N'lW,  wilhont  pausinu:  here  to  inquii'e  w'lal  will 
be  ihe  cU'ect  upon  llie  indusirial  iiileresis  of  ihe, 
eounlry,  let  us  see  wiril  will  be  ils  proliable  effect 
upon  till'  revenue.  '\Vh;ii  reason  have  we  lo  siip- 
po.se  that  llie  revenue  w  ill  nol  run  down,  as  il  did 
under  the  compromise  law,  when  we  got  bill  lilllc 
more  lliaii  twelve  millions  of  revenue.'  I  see  none, 
'i'he  dill'erence  belweeii  :lie  home  and  llic  forei:.'n 
valualioii  may  not  ill  all  cases  be  as  much  as  leu 
pereenl.,  but  the  suhstiiiilion  of  nd  v:dorein  for 
specific  dulies  wi'l  make  a  i;realer  dilVerenre.  C 
have  nol  a  shadow  of  doiibl  Ihal  ail  ihe  Secrei-.,  y*s 
ealculaiimis  will  prove  enlu'ely  filliieioiis.  lie  is 
a  visionary  man.  lie  reasons  ineorie  ily  from 
sound  premises;  hut  he  -.reuerally  beejiis  wilh 
premises  that  are  erroneous,  anil  of  course  riiii.9 
wild  into  all  sm'ls  of  error.  .\nd  iiiiforluuai'  ly,  ho 
has  a  trienl  many  to  follow  him, as  he  Inis  followed 
other  false  li;;lils.  His  experinienis  will  he  most 
disastrous  lo  ihe  connirv,  unless  his  liaiul  is  stayed 
by  ;i  coiiserv.ilive  ;"'wer  in  the  Coivi  rmin  nl. 

If  the  dulies  proposed  on  iron  :uid  sii^ar  are,  as 
the  "  Union"  says,  less  than  half  llie  present  rales, 
we  must  of  course  import  more  llniii  twice  as  niiicli 
sii^ar,  and  more  lliaii  Iwici'  ;is  much  iron  as  we  do 
now,  to  uci  the  s.uiie  ;iijiouni  of  revenue.  Dut  the 
.Secreiary  proposes  to  iiirnn-r  the  revenue  by  the 
redueiioii  of  duly,  and  of  course  the  iniporlations 
of  siy;;;ir  and  iron  must  he  Irel.led  or  qnadriipleil. 
Mow  this  !;r(  al  imporlalion  of  si.  MrwiU  iiU'e.  t  ilui 
inlerests  of  I.ouisiaiia  and  Tex.is,  and  ihe  valley 
of  llic  liio  lirande,  when  we  sel  il,  I  leave  lo 
Reiiresenlalives  from  llie  Siaiihwesl  lo  delermine, 
inclndini  the  collon  planlers,  wilh  iheir  alrc.idy 
over-produciion  of  collon;  and  I  cnminend  iheir 
esjteci  d  aiii-nlion  to  llie  answers  of  I'ldiiiund  J. 
l-'orsiail,  of  New  Orleans,  as  published  in  Mr. 
Walker's  :jreal  npori.  Do.'.  No.  (>,  present  session, 
from  ji.'  e  7011  I  -  Til.');  and  also  to  the  piiMished 
pro.  eed II i:;s  of  llie  Memphis  Convention,  see  pa;:es 
II  and  'J9.  Irm  is  a  prodnciioii  of  almost  every 
.Si:i:e  ill  the  T'tiion,  :iiid  iherefore  all  are  inleresletl, 
even  th  '  few  wh:cli  Inive  no  vatu.iblc  ores. 

The  reporl  'of  llie  Sc.  niary  of  ihe  Treasury 
shows  lli:il  he  has  a  very  iiiadi.juale  eomepiion  of 
the  extent  and  iialnre  oi*  the  meciiaiiiial  industry 
uf  the  eounlry,  as  well  as  of  iis  iiiiiuuue  connex- 
ion Willi  ihe  ;i;.'riciillii!c  of  Ihe  eounlry.  ileseims 
lo  siippo.vi;  ih.ii  hilt  few  pecsoiis  are  iniciesied  in 
manufaeiures,  and  ihal  lliese  are  thrivin:;  at  ihe 
expense  of  a!;rii'ulliire.  >iolliin2;  can  be  more  fal- 
lacious. The  returns  of  ilie  l:ist  c»  iistis  vv  ere  made 
al  ihe  lime  w  hi  n  all  iiiieies:s  were  dcpn  sseil  under 
die  influence  of  llie  larill'of  IKt.'i,  which  had  ihcn 
gone  down  nearly  lo  'JO  per  cent. 

.'Xceordinirto  1*1  ofcssor'i'iicker's  si  a  list  ics,  found- 
ed oil  Ihe  census  of  i(J4U,  ihe  annual  proiliicls  of 
,Vmcrieau  iialiislry  were  as  follows; 
.•hntiL   ■     toi/ielv  In  18tO, 

A.jriciilniri' iSfi.>l..1=:7,.'.U7 

Manilla. line.. •iCi..-.'ii.'«!| 

r eree 'III.; -'il.l>S-i 

.Miiiniu ■!  .',,'l>.7i;l 

r.M.-t Iii.s:i,-,.ii  i) 

rishen.'i 11  .iiail.iim 

l.ii:i.i;i !,',:« 
D.'diicl  npiiciiltviic i),vi.;:-;..',;i7 

■111^,;  rj.n 


Here,  then,  were  olher  pursuits  in  which  llie 
.Ameriian  people  were  en;;a;;ed,  to  ihe  anionnt  of 
<4lll'<,747,l.'t'.l;  of  course  llie  iiuinber  i.f  per.sons 
eii._M._'cd  ill  llie  iinrsiiils  which  produced  lliis  sum 
nnnnally  iiiiisi  be  very  lai't'e.  I'he  sum  is  nearly 
nil  expended  in  ihe  eounlry  in  some  way  or  olher. 


f.Iiine  27, 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


703 


;}9tii  Cono 1st  Si;ss. 

and  the  liir<;eHt  purl,  of  it  is  piiid  fur  tlic  n^ri(uil- 1 
tiinil  surpIuK  i)f  ihe  fanticr,  cun.stiiiuing  llic  home 
vtarL'tt  lor  Miri'icuUiu*-',  and  vablly  fxcucdiui;   llm 
lore'  'II  luarkia  iii  luiiHiiiit. 

'i.ii;  iiuiiilii:rijl';)i'/-4i')U  I'eliirncil  in  the  ceiiHiia  as 
ci'4a;',eU  in  »i;\i'ial  pur.siiil^,  is  a.s  fulliuvs; 

III  luiiitim 15,-^)1 

III  luiic'iillMri! :t,^is).»,.l 

111  lU.IIIIM'.Vl! ll,,lC)i' 

III  liiiililirai'turrn 7:11.'  >9 

III  iiiiM);atiii<:  tlli-  uo. mi t.i.O'il 

loll  tiiiil  li.iMtjiuiol il.l,llai 

IjIMrurlt  pruli  ..fiOiia (M,'J>^3 


'I'otnl 


•l,',|if>;0 


The  tiilnl,  it  will  lie  soon,  is  but  liule  mure  liiaii 
onr-liiuilli  part  nf  llin  pdjuilaliiin,  ilie  reiiiiiiiider 
lieiiu;;  inii.stly  wonirii  and  i-liildruii  not  i-ockiinc.l 
umliT  I  nlier  head,  Ijiit  dupeniliint  for  sii|i|iort  upow 
each,  rcspeclively.  'I'lu  nianiifucniniij;  divi»ii/ii 
incliuii'S  ..  )nie  tlimisands  of  WDiiicii,  lint  llie  agri- 
I'liliinal  division  cudenlly  inciiidi's  four  linir  ;  as 
many,  as  smII  be  seen  liy  ooiiiparin^' ilie  number 
from  liie  severid  Slates — Ueor;^ia  liavini;^  more 
tlian  Pennsylvania,  ami  Smun  Carolina  n(;arly  as 
many,  ll  is  evident  tiiat  in  several  Niiuilierii  rSmles 
marly  all  llie  slaves  of  liolli  sexes  eapalile  of  labor- 
ing' III  lli.^  lielil,  have,  lii^en  reuiriied  as  eiigat;ed  in 
ai;neiiUuie,  wlienas  none  bat  men  ;;ave  been  .so 
reuirned  in  tiie  norlliern  .Sliiies.  'I'he  i  'iisus  isde-  i 
fi;i;tive  in  nniittnt'.^  a  i;i'eat  number  i.f  nieeiiaiiies, 
leamslei's,  laliorers,  ainl  other  mixed  employnieiits 
eotmee.tetl  with  m.iniil'aiiui'es  tuid  the  lueeliante 
arts,  and  driiendeiit  for  einployment  upon  the  j^eti- 
<r.il  prosjieiity  of  all  braiuhes  of  business. 

JSinee  llie  eensiis  was  taken  there  has  nten  a  irrcat 
inere.i.se  in  the  extent  of  all  these  i.eveial  uraiielies 
of  indnstr)',  and  especially  in  iiianufaciin'es  antl 
miiiii.;;',  siiiee  llie  t.uilf  ot'  J,*<4'J  was  enaeted.  'i'ii(i 
ainnuil  products  of  unr  manui'-i'lurts  now  un- 
doubtedly t  xn;ed  lliftp  hutulird  i  .ittioiiH  i;/'  dolhiis, 
wliile  iiiinin:^;  in  eoal,  iion,  leiul,  i.iid  copper,  have 
"e!iiiy  tloiiljled.  I  put  tlinvn  itie  present  animal 
pioilncts  of  our  mines  and  nmimlueluri's  at  ^ilitiO,- 
UUll,il(li),  llioiiiili  1  beiieve  tliat,  every  Kiiid  of  iiie- 
eiiamcal  iiiilustry  included,  it  is  not  less  thanjinir 
/'.ioi/ii'(r/iji(//ioiis,  and  nearly  half  as  niiich  as  our 
o^'ricnUuie.  ll  is  rapidly  illCl•casin^',  too, and  none 
can  hem  lit  more  liy  its  increa.-<e  than  the  airrieiil. 
iiinil  interesi.  It  is  not  tlie  inierest  of  tlie  tarnier 
to  lucrease  llie  miinher  of  farmers,  hut  rather  to 
increase  tlie  population  in  other  pursuits,  for  that 
po|ailatiou  must  depend  upon  him  fur  supplies, 
liis  piices  must  be  i'ej;ulated  by  their  demand  luid 
liieir  anility  to  pay. 

W'e  have  seen  here  tiie  extent  of  that  i;reat  do- 
mestic noii-a;;ricnliiiral  business  wliicli  tjues  us  a 
conslant  liome-market  f  o'  the  f.uils  of  llie  earth. 
i\o\v  let  us  see  what  is  the  extent  of  our  forei-'ii 
niarket.  In  the  reliirns  of  commerce  and  naviga- 
tion for  the  year  eniliiii;  Itljlli  .lune,  Uril,'),  the  last 
[mlilisluil,  pa^e  .)(),  will  he  fouiiil  a  summary  of 
the  exports  of  the  L'r;AVtli,  produce,  or  maimfac- 
tnreof  the  L'nited  :^:an  s,  f  ir  the  year  pieteiliim^. 
't'liey  amount  to  !jl)'.t,i:i!),7^t),  as  ei  rtiliiil  liy  tlie 
lte;^'ister  of  iiie  Treasury,  and  they  are  chielly  made 
up  thus: 

I'le.hictmii'llic  sen  (li-liericM) .i|..'i();,ljl 

(ii  I  ic  ['fir.'-l,  (skill,  iiir<,  M  iia«li;'?.  aiiil  luiiib/r, 

.mil  "liii'i  iioi.liict.  (HiMp'iiii,  t.ii',  f.:.:.) (i,V,a..|31 

A'tiiciiliiire,  iihiiiial  liaiil li,-JUlj.;):j  1 

Aaiciilnir.'.  vci;i'tiLlili.'  i>«m1.  aicliiilni'i  iicc,  aiitl 

c-vc;j  kiiiil  at  uralli,  llniir,iiii-al.  Hints,  &c...    .    il,Plll..''ins 

'I''ii«l'C, T.tffil.HIU 

•  '■'M.iii .■.l.T:,9.ti.i:i 

iM  .1111  iilcI III iw  111'  nil  kie.l- 11. 1 1 4.1 -17 

ll  will  be  seen  tliat  our  exports  of  every  desccio- 
tion  of  '.'rain  and  vi  L'etalile  I'oo'l  are  iiciiiailv  le><s  liy 
liciir  a  million  and  a  ludf  ot'tloUars  tlia.i  our  edporh 
f'fmaiiiifttcUn;  s. 

Iiiir  export.-,  of  whatever  description,  alike  de- 
prrve  enconra'j'cnieiit:  and  if  it  were  iiecissary  to 
sacriiice  aiiv  iloinesiic  interest  to  relain  or  lo  in- 
crease |iiem,  i ,  nii,:lit  lie  proper  lo  compare  their 
rilalive  valne.  [bit  there  is  no  such  i-inillicl  of 
inierest.  The  markets  of  the  worhi  arc  before  us. 
Onr  exports  de|  end  not  upon  our  larili's,  bul  upon 
foreign  deiinnd  uid  forei'.;u  larills,  which  i.'.x  be- 
yond onr  comi'ol, 

Ti."  leci-'icry  of  the  Treasury  appears  lo  have 
adopteil  llie  theory  tli.it  the  more  we  iinpoit  of  f  ir- 
^••w  'iic.uui'aciures  the  more  we  iiuisl  i.i;ii)r/  of  hl;- 
ricnltiiral  produce,  and  that  free  tratle,or  low  diilies, 
will    inciiasu    Ihl-i   commereiai    txchaii'-e    almost 


T/ic  Tariff — Mr.  Screrancv. 

without  limit.  The  inLsUike  I  look  upon  ns  it  very 
preat  one,  and  n  very  ruinous  one  if  lc<;i5lative 
action  be  foamled  upon  it,  as  1  I'ear  it  may,  when  I 
see  so  many  members  of  this  Uou;;e  ulttriiig  sim- 
ilar opinio. IS. 

As  the  elaborate  report  of  tlie  Secretary  receives  1 
the  concnrri'iice  of  the  I'resident,  of  the  Commit-  ' 
•ee  of  Ways  ami  Aleaiis  and  of  the  oilicial  or;^an 
of  tlie  Governinent;  as  all  the  iiilUience  and  pal- 
n)iiai;e  of  the  Government  are  broiiixht  to  bear  in 
favor  of  doctrines  which  [  eonsidtr  entirely  falla- 
cious— doctrines  carefully  inculcated  by  lirilisli 
authors  for  the  very  jiurpose  of  deceivini;  us, — I 
propose  lo  examine  the  report  a  little  in  detail. 

'llie  Secretary  of  the  'Ireasury  begins  his  as- 
.siuilt  upon  the  present  tarilfwitb  the  following  as- 
sertion: 

*"Tlie  r<?cel|its  for  the  first  qiinrter  of  this  year  are  less.  Ity 
.^-i.Oll.ss.",  i(U,  tiiiiii  the  rceei'ts  nl'  tie'  sMiiii  iiimrt'T  last 
year.  .'\iii(iiii:lhecaii..c.  ni'ili'cr''asc  i;  the  praaressivediiiii- 
liillifin  nl'  ilie  iiiipfirtntiiai  nf  iiiiiiiy  liii'lily-protcctcil  Qrlicl.-s 
and  the  Hubstiti  una  ul' rival  iluiiieslic  iiriiiliietii.'' 

Tliis.sii/).'!(i/i((inii  of  doniesiic  products  for  forelL'n 
imports,  he  seems  to  rei,'ard  as  a  niisfortiini",  and, 
as  if  anxious  lo  protect  the  interests  of  other  coun- 
tries inslead  of  our  own,  he  sets  about  a  plan  lo 
counteract  ihis  very  mischievous  demonstration 
of  domestic  industry,  to  slop  this  production  of 
domestic  produetp,  and  lo  restore  our  market  to 
f'irei;,'iiers;  and  no  one,  I  think,  r;\u  dispute  that 
tile  plan  he  proposes  wcaild  he  ns  elfeeuial  in  snp- 
pressini;  "  rival  '.lomeslic  products"  as  any  that 
eonid  be  devised,  wMiether  in  the  Cabinet  at  \Vasli- 
iii;;lon  or  the  Privy  Council  of  the  Urilish  '.ineen. 
The  [ilaii  proposetl  i.s  thus  laid  down  by  the  Sec- 
retary : 

'•l-t.  Tint  11. >  llinre  inoiiey  shniiUI  lie  coUccti'ii  Ihan  is 
iH'i'i'ssary  far  tin'  wiiiilH  nl'  the  (iovi-riiiiieiit,  ei'Oii'UiileaII\ 
uiImiiii.-l'Tcil. 

'•■Jil.  Tliat  III)  ihit\  ll''  iiiipiiscil  on  any  arli'le  iilin'.i' itic 
lowest  lal.'  winch  will  vi  hi  lie-  lar:."-st  a ml  of  icvr  nil'. 

".'M.  That  //•/,,'■  sii  !i  rate  (liseriniiiiati'  ll  may  tie  nun!', 
ili'iie,iiliii^4  ill  till-  srnh'  nf  diitii's:  nr,  fnr  imp  rnlive  reiisoiis. 
the  nrtich'  tuny  he  placed  in  thu  lisit  ot  thasu  free  rroiii  nil 
dill'.. 

"  nil.  That  the  iiiaxiiinna  r(?vrime  duty  should  he   im- 

[insi'll  1)11  lil.Mlri''s. 

"'"jih.  That  ail  iiiiniininns  and  iiH  ^iircU'ir  tUitifx  shniild  he 
ahnlishi'd,  iiinl  ad  val*rciii  niiuissiih  iintiid  le  llicu'  plaii — 
care  In'ini^  la'veii  In  ;iiiard  Teiaiiist  t'ralldilifiit  ii.M'ici  ;  ami 
lilul T  vatiiatina.aild  l"  assess  the  duty  ii))nii  llieai  nial  liiai- 
kcl  valili'. 

•■lilh.  That  the  dunes  shnuld  hi'  so  iinpiised  ns  hi  npiTalc 
ns  I'lpiallv  a-  np'-ihh'  titrMiijliuill  the  I  'nion,  disci iiiiiaaliii:; 
in'illi.-i  lor  nor  a-.-aiusl  any  cla-s  nr  sectii'ii. 

•-  \o  Iinri/.enlal  sc.ili  nl  dilliis  is  in  i  inlliciid(  d.  hi  calls" 
such  a  scidc  uoiilil  h''  ,1  n  I'li-al  In  di-i'iiijiin.ili'  liir  ri  vctiii'. 
ami  iiiiL'lil  sink  Hint  r.  Vcinii'  lielnw  the  v\  mils  nl'llie  t*nveiii- 
niiiit.  Snine  .irliclcs  wdi  yield  the  Ian.'. si  ri'Maim'  nl  vil- 
li's lliai  vMinl't  l■l-\^ll.lll^  nr  parllallv  pi'iliililtnr\  in  ntlicr 
eases.  I.uviiii.'s.  as  a  uiiniil  rule,  will  h.ar  the  hi'jin  si 
n\eiiie' ihlli-'- :  hut  e\  -li  ^ 'in.' very  enslly  Inviirics.  cn-ily 
sii.ii'juh'd.  will  hi'.-lr  hut  a  li'.'lil  diil>  Innevcnlle;  whilslntli'-r 
nrtieh's.  nf  meat  liiilk  uuil  vVLifiht,  will  hear  a  hi;ilier  duly 
I'nr  revenue."' 

These  proposiiions  are  sufficiently  ))lain.  There 
is  no  eiinivocation:  there  are  no  niimeanim,'  oram- 
liiiiiions  phrases  about  Utchlvnttd  jiroteclion.  'I'he 
Secretary  ai!:rces  with  the  President,  and  both  ctin- 
eiir  |>recisely  in  the  doctrine  set  I'oiih  in  the  report 
of  tlie  Committee  of  Ways  and  .Means  of  this 
House,  nvo  years  a;;o,  inlroductory  lo  tiie  lull 
whi'li  was  defeated  in  the  iJStli  Coii;;ress. 

The  lirst  proposition  reipiires  no  eoinmciit. 

'I'he  second  is  full  of  nieamnsr,  and  piei;iiaiil  with 
mischief.  It  is  itsell'a  rule  wlin'li  would  practically 
destroy  all  |trotectioii.  .'\  liorizitnlal  scale  fif  duties 
has  heretofore  been  co'iiended  fir  by  some  poli- 
ticians. They  have  (le  !ed  that  there  should  he 
any  discritninatiou  for  protectiLiii:  tliey  as^erl  that 
arlicles  produced  io  the  country,  and  those  noi 
produced  in  it,  should  be  siibjeetcil  to  the  same 
duties,  a  nn:''oriii  ail  valorem  of  twenty  per  cent, 
or  less  lieiii^'  applied  to  all.  Such  a  tariff  would 
^ive  some  protection  to  domestic  prodnclions  and 
home  indiisiry,  lo  ihe  amount  of  this  hori/.onlal  ta- 
rilf,  whatever  ii  iiii:;lit  he;  ami  ihoiii^h  had  eiioii'.;h, 
would  be  iiilinilely  prei'eiabie  to  the  new  rule  laid 
down  by  llie  S.i.relary,  by  which  ilie  diilies  are  to 
be  steadily  and  eonsiantly  reduced  just  so  fust  as 
the  .\mericaii  producer  succeeds  in  supplying  the 
market  of  his  own  eonmry.  W'e  are  told  that  it 
would  he  better  for  the  inaimfictureis  to  have  the 
liitlh  duties  reduced;  lirst,  because  it  would  save 
I  hem  from  toosever'.'donie.sticeompelilioii;  and  sec- 
ond, hec'iiis''  stability  and  perinanency  are  bettir, 
wilh  moderale  diilies,  than  liiirh  duties  with  a  per- 
.  pLiuul  warl'are  u|i')ii  them  ami  uii';ertaiiity  as  to 


Ho.  OF  Keps. 


their  conlinuauce.  It  is  certainly  very  desirable 
that  our  policy  should  be  fixed,  that  onr  people 
may  know  what  lo  depend  upon;  but  the  rule  here 
laid  down  by  the  .Secretary  cvcliidcs  idl  idea  ifpc- 
minic'Mcc.  If  adopted,  it  involves  unmtiil  clutiit^r;  it 
unfixes  tvcrythint;.  The  tarid'  is  to  rise  an  '.  fall 
ammally;  a  sort  of  tliermoiueler  to  indicate  Ihe 
strui;yle  of  tlu'  labor  of  this  coiiniry  wilh  the  labor 
of  Europe — the  jiroleclioii  to  our  own  hein;;  with- 
drawn whenever  it  oper.iles  in  our  favor.  This 
will  be  readily  understood  by  iipplyins;  the  princi- 
ple lo  a  particular  bralicli  of  the  mechanic  arts. 

The  manufaciure  of  lials  and  cms  in  this  country 
was  esliniale.i  iiy  the  census  of  18-10  to  amount  to 
sH,7U4„'M2.  It  is  now  not  less  than  »10,UUU,tK10 
anmially.  The  duly  on  fur  hats  is  thirty  per  cent. 
The  duly  has  been  nearly  the  same  ever  since  lelG. 
It  has  in  fact  I  eeii  nearly  prohibitory  for  more 
than  twenty  years.  We  have  loni;  since  eea.sed  to 
import  huts,  except  a  few  fancy  articles.  The  rev- 
emie  from  them  is  iiiixt  lo  nolliin;;— only  a  few 
hundreds  of  (loliars.  For  the  year  eiidihj  30:li 
.Tune,  l.'<44,  the  amount  of  wool  hats  imported  was 
to  the  aui;re;;ate  value  of  >j-JO.  On  these  is  a  duty 
of  eiv;hteen  cents  each  hat,  estimaud  at  tliirty  per 
cent.,  producing;  a  revenue  of  six  dollars.  Here  is 
a  ease  for  the  Secretary's  favorile  theory  of  admit- 
ting necessaries  ;it  low  duties:  forsiirely  the  poor 
ou;,'lit  not  to  be  oppressed  wilh  proliii'itory  duties 
on  wool  lials;aial  the  rule  moreover  imperatively 
'  reipiires  a  reduc:tion  of  duly  both  on  wool  and  fnr 
bats  down  to  the  point  which  will  admit  lar.;c  iin- 
poruitioiis  of  liais.  If  on  reduciin;  If,  ■  duty  lo 
twenty  per  cein.  onr  own  batters,  by  a  rediictioii 
of  waives,  slid  sup]ily  our  inatket,  the  duty  nmft 
he  reduced  ai;aiii,  und  aixain  if  need  be,  until  wf: 
reach  '•  revenue  duties,"  or  such  a  rale  of  duties  as 
will  proiliice  tiie  lareest  nmoiint  of  revenue  by  the 
iniportaiioii  of  forei'/n  hats.  The  sliiliie,'  sraleof  n- 
diii  lion  is  to  y;o  reu:ularly  down  so  loii!;  as  there  is 
a  particle  of  duty  left,  if  the  doinesiic  halter  per- 
.severes  i.i  the  sirn;;'.;le  with  the  unholy  alliance 
between  his  own  Uovernmenl  and  the  foreign 
importer. 

We  will  next  lake  mniuifiettives  of  leather,  of 
which  the  domestic  prodnet,  by  the  census  of  lN.pi, 
was  »s:)3,l.')4,4l):).  It  is  now'not  less  than  forty 
mdiions,  and  by  some  estimaied  at  nmcli  more. 
The  duties  are  ppecifh'  on  vari(*us;irticlis — on  bonis 
■sl  ;.'5  per  pair,  on  men's  shoes  3tleems;nnd  on 
women's  shoes,  on  ;.doves,  Ac.,  of  viirioiis  kind.^, 
sradiialed  sprcifie  duties,  i  stiinaled  lo  v.'iry  from 
13  to  (it)  per  cent. — the  aveia'.:e  a  hi  lie  more  than  liO 
per  ceiil.  These  duties  were  made  specific  in  bslfi, 
and  iiavc  continued  so  ever  since.  In  the  lejirre- 
!;ate,  lliey  have  not  been  increa.sed  since  If^lfi.  when 
the  duty  on  boots  and  bootees  was  made  ^l  jll  |ier 
pair,  or  rj.")  cents  more  than  it  is  iiow.  AVe  nave 
loiii:^  since  ceased  to  import  any  leather,  except 
soinethins;  less  than  Slbil.UliO  worth  of  dressed 
sheep,  calf,  and  ffoat  skins,  or  any  mamifu.tun  s 
of  leather,  except  f;love»,  of  which  we  import  sona  - 
Ihiin;  over  lialf  a  million  of  dollars'  wiatli.  The 
only  other  coiisideral'le  item  is  boots  and  bootees, 
cliiedy  costly  arlicles  from  Krain  e,  to  ihe  amount 
of  51,'),IJIHI.  '  Our  makei'S  of  leaiher,  and  its  manu- 
facturers of  boots,  siloes,  harness,  saddlery,  itc,  to 
the  ainoimt  of  forty  millions  of  dollars,  have  now  , 
and  have  had  for  liio...  than  twemy  years,  the  sup- 
ple of  tie  .■.•....  clean  m;  vket.  The  duty  is  iieaily 
prohibi'ory,  and  has  lor:,'  been  so.  The  S.'cretary 
prop,  si.-,  now  to  put  a  .stop  to  this  state  of  thines, 
wliirli  ho  deems  eiilii'.'ly  unconsiiiiiiional,  and  the 
I'resiileiit  agrees  with  li'im;  dilii-riiiL'  in  this  respect 
from  every  I'resident  who  has  !,'oiie  befire  him. 
lie  insi.sts  that  this  odious  monopoly  of  ihe  laii- 
iiers  and  slioemikeis  sludl  cease,  and  that  the  iln- 
lies  shall  he  reduced,  until  they  briiii  the  larirest 
ainomil  of  revenue  from  llie  importation  of  foieiK'ii 
saddles,  harness,  boots,  shoes,  irloves,  Ac,  thus 
strikiiiir  d'lwn  a  inaiml'acture  which  has  i;rowii  up 
to  the  amount  of  forty  millions  of  dollars  under  a 
proiective  duty  which  has  remained  nearly  thu 
same  for  tliirly  yeais.  This  '^reat  Ameriean  in- 
terest is  to  he  sacrificed  Ui  ii:et  revenue,  while  wc 
are  reduciii'Z  the  duties  on  wim  s,  siiks,  and  broad- 
cloths;  saciiticed,  too,  on  ihe  miserahle  plea  of 
imporiin;;  the  "  neci  .-^saries  oi'  life"  at  low  duties. 
Three-fourths  of  these  fortv  millions  of  dollars  i.'o 
lo  pay  for  the  products  of  tlie  farmer  and  wamsi.f 
the  oi;t  tloor  laborei,  f.ir  food,  materials  of  .'lotli- 
,    in;:,  fuel,  Ac.;  these  wurkci's  in  leather  uloiie  ma- 


J       '" 


•it 


■I 


K 


F 


iii' 


ii 


704 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Juno  27, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Seve.  ,mce. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


king  a  home  mnrket  for  tlie  farmer  of  far  more  I 
value  llian  the  foreign  market  of  all  the  world,  col-  \ 
ton  and  tobacco  boin?  excepted.     All  this  is  to  be  ' 
done  when  the  new  Democratic;  doctrine  is  carried 
into  cITcct.     But   this  bill  does  not  carry  it  into 
effect:  it  leaves  the  duty  prohibitory  in  defiance 
of  the  Secretary's  rule. 

Paper  is  another  article  of  which  we  import 
but  a  trille.  The  donicstic  product,  in  1840,  war. 
S>5,641,4i)5 — now  probably  seven  miUions,  The  du- 
ties are  -ipecilic,  varyinir  on  luimerous  articles  from 
17  to  10  cents  per  poiiiul.  The  import  is  less  than 
<»30,000  annually,  or  about  ^IfSO  worth  made  at 
iionie  to  SI  imported.  Here,  ajiain,  we  must  re- 
duce, luilil  we  stop  enoush  pa|)er-mills  to  enable  . 
us  to  gel  the  greatest  amount  of  revenue  on  paper 
imported. 

Let  us  takeanothcrarticle.  Ready  made  clothing 
is  now  subjected  to  a  duty  of  50  per  cent.  Cloth- 
ina;  is  considered  a  necessary  of  life,  and  a  Rood 
deal  of  it,  ton,  in  winter  in  my  section.  It  is  to 
be  inijiortcd,  therefore,  1  sitppose,  for  the  benefit  of 
tlie  poor,  and  to  $;ct  the  greatest  amoiuit  of  reve- 
nue. The  clothini:  of  the  people  of  the  country 
nt  SIO  per  head  would  amcuinl  to  }i,200,000,000. 
The  people,  who  arc  interested  directly  or  indi- 
rci'ily,  in  niakin?  the  clothing  ;  tlio.se  whose  busi- 
ness and  daily  bread  depend  upon  it,  partly  or 
wholly,  are  not  few  in  mimlicr.  The  two  hundred 
millions  ()f  dollars  are  scattered  amongst  a  multi- 
tude of  people,  and  .serve  to  give  them  a  good  liv- 
in;.  Kvery  mieof  theni  would  be  seriously  affected 
in  his  business,  and  find  bis  income  dimini.shcd 
and  his  resoiu'ces  cut  oil',  by  such  a  reduction  of  the 
duty  of  50  per  cent,  as  would 'produce  the  largest 
amount  of  revenue  from  iinpnrtaliojis;  for  it  must 
be  uiulcrstood  that  our  imports  of  ready-made 
clothing  are  only  about  jjifiO, 000  annually — not  on.' 
dollar'swortli  imported  to  three  tliniisand  produced 
nt  home,  liy  importini;  fifty  millions  of  dollars 
worth  of  rca<ly-mad('  clothing  at  30  per  cent,,  we 
should  set  (jUiiOOO.OOO  of  revenue,  which  would  be 
a  iniiid  financial  operation,  and  greatly  relieve  the 
poor  by  throwing  several  hundred  ihmisand  of 
them  out  of  eniploymcjil,  and  reducing  the  wages 
of  the  whole  laliomig  comiminity  in  which  these 
nianufactui-es  are  carried  on,  besides  driving  away 
the  last  hard  dollar  to  nay  lor  I'oreign  cheap  clotli- 
inir.  I  say  reducini  n//  wat'cs;  fur  who  docs  not 
knowlh.u  when  one  considerable  branch  is  stricken 
down  its  fill  is  felt  by  all  others,  because  men 
driven  from  one  business  will  rosli  to  another,  and 
the  supply  of  labor  thus  exceeding  the  denui.;;!, 
all  will  fail  toieiher.'  And  this  does  not  apply  to 
free  labor  with  any  in'Mc  cerlaiiily  than  to  siave 
labor.  Thus,  for  instance,  should  the  dttty  on 
suL'ar  be  reiluced  to  an  ad  vahn'ctn  of  30  per  ceiu., 
it  would  be  scverclv  t'ett  by  tdl  the  sutjiir  plniitcrs 
in  L'liiisiana.  The  cotton  pliuiters,  too,  will  hud 
that  protection  of  stfgnc  iti  Florida,  Louisiiin.t,  and 
Texas,  is  in(lispeiis;ilde  to  them  as  much  as  to  the 
sugar  planter.  Thus  it  is  throuLrhout  the  whole 
country:  protection  to  a  new  braiifb  of  business, 
or  even  to  an  older  (Uie  that  needs  it,  is  not  at  the 
expense  of  all  others,  lull  for  the  benefit  of  nil 
others,  by  diversifyintr  pursuits,  and  thus  prevent- 
in::  ruinous  cornpetititm  in  any  i>iie  jiursuit.  AV'e 
bv  innltiplvini:  our  rcsnitrces,  and  creating  new 
tlernands  for  labor,  iu'-icase  the  profits  and  the 
cinnpensation  of  labor. 

Were  the  !e;ulier  manufacture  of  this  country 
prof-traicd,  (he  blow  would  be  fill  by  every  other 
productive  interesi;  ii  would  aflVi't  the  wau'es  of 
evciy  laborin,'  man  fVom  one  ixiremity  of  the 
Tnion  to  the  oilier.  Of  cordage  our  nianufiicturcs 
ill  1>^!()  are  returned  at  S4,O7h,:j06;  now  «i5,000,000. 
This  IS  ;in  iiiiporlant  ih-m  to  us  in  .Maine,  where 
we  build  more  vessels  llinn  anv  other  State.  We 
have  nctilier  heio]i  imr  iron,  iiut  require  a  lar^'e 
runoiuit  fd'  bolli;  but  we  can  scarcely  advocate  tlic 

Crilii'v  (d'  imjeirting  all  the  nKitcnals  used  in  ship 
uildini;,  while  our  vessels  when  built  have  a  nio- 
iiof>oly  of  the  coasting  traile,  and  while  no  foret::ti 
built  ship  can  receive  ail  American  regislcr.  We 
rtiiu'lit  Willi  as  much  proprieiy  insist  on  repealing 
the  duly  on  wool,  so  that  the  manufacturer,  pro- 
tected by  n  duty  of  40  per  rent,  (not  nrohibilory 
as  in  the  case  of  ships)  iniahl  obtain  iiis  wipol  :it 
liie  lowest  rale.  No,  sir,  we  have  not  a  doubt  that 
ilie  great  valley  of  the  Ali.ssissippi  will  sonti  sup- 
ply Ii-'  with  hemp  cheaper  than  we  have  ever  h;\d 
II,  and  we  lan  manufaclurc  it  ourselves.     Ho  also 


I  can  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  Maryl.irid,  and 
other  States,  supply  us  with  iron,  and  Wisconsin 
with  copper,  and  I  for  one  nm  willing  to  rely  on 
the  domestic  competition  in  the  mining  and  work- 
ing of  iron  and  copper  to  on.:..;  'b>wn  prices,  being 
very  sure  that  such  competitici  w;,!  bring  down 
prices  and  profits  as  low  ns  the  average  in  all  other 
business.  I  am  opposed,  therefore,  to  laying  such 
duties  on  copper  and  iio.i  ns  will  produce  the 
greatest  amount  of  revenue,  if  reduction  and  larger 
importation.^  are  deemed  necessary  for  that  pur- 
pose. 

Sir,  the  building  of  ships  is  an  important  busi- 
ness, and  deserves  the  protection  it  receives.  This 
branch  of  American  inilustry  is  relumed  in  the  cen- 
sus at  '1117,016,094.  It  may  now  be  estimated  at 
S8,500,000,  but  we  must  not  overlook  the  fact  that 
the  manufacture  of  metals  is  returned  in  the  census 
at  §9,779,442— now  undoubtedly  »ia,O0O,O0O,  or  ^ 
near  one- third  more  than  the  manufacture  of  ships,  i 
and,  for  all  that  I  can  .sec,  quite  as  much  entitled  to 
protection.  It  employs  more  men  and  diffuses 
wealth  and  comfort  as  equally. 

The  manufacture  of  carnages  and  wagons  is 
returned  by  ihi  census  at  i(10,897,887,  now  proh- 
idily  >jil2,000,(i00,  or  nearly  one-third  more  than 
ships  and  vess':ls.  These,  excepting  fine  carriages, 
need  no  protection;  but  every  man  eni;aged  in  the 
annual  production  of  these  >:  12,000,000,  is  inter- 
ested in  the  protection  of  other  manufactures  which 
can  be  iinported,  for  a  depression  in  other  business 
not  only  lessens  the  sales  of  the  carriage  maker, 
but  induces  tho.se  driven  from  other  business  to 
press  into  his,  thus  increasing  competition  and  di- 
ininishing  prices  in  his  business.  The  same  law 
of  trade  ail'ects  every  business  in  the  community. 
A  blow  at  one  reaches  the  whole,  a>-  certainly  as 
the  waves  from  a  pebble  thrown  ir  the  water  will 
widen  their  circle  indefinitely. 

Our  woollen  manufactures,  by  the  census  of 
1840,  amounted  to  ^•]0,fil)(),999,  and  now  arc  not 
less  than  '(1,30,000,000 — including  household  mnnu- 
lactures,  probably  «i40,000,0()0.  We  iin|iorled  last 
year,  of  woollens  and  carpeting,  S10,(j(i(!,176.  The 
woollen  manufacture  i.*  one  of  great  ini|iorlaiice  to 
us  in  peace  or  war.  We  had  nearly  twenty  mil- 
lions of  sheep  in  1840,  and  have  more  than  forty 
millions  now.  At  three  slieei>  to  an  acre,  it  would 
require  over  thirteen  millions  of  acres  of  land  to 
feeil  these  sheep,  which,  at  So  per  acre  only,  would 
be  a  lariuiiig  capital  of  <>(i5,000,0l)0;  to  which,  the 
cost  of  the  sheep,  at  'jl  50  each,  would  be  <>60,0I)0,- 
1100  more.  If  it  be  said  thai  we  could  find  a  I'or- 
eign market  fiu'  woid,  I  ask,  at  what  pi  ices?  If  it 
be  true,  as  is  alleged,  that  wool  id'  middling  fine- 
ness can  be  imported  from  ilie  river  I'lale  t'or  le.ss 
than  seven  cenis  a  pound,  then  it  is  true  that  Kiu;- 
lish,  I'Vench,  and  Uerinan  iiianufacturers  can  buv 
that  wool  as  cheap  as  we  can,  and  w  ill  not  buy 
ours  at  a  higher  price.  Noihiug  is  more  ceri'iiii 
than  that,  if  we  export  wool  in  any  ccuisidcrable 
(|uautity,  it  must  be  at  prices  far  below  what  our 
farmers  now  get  from  our  own  manufacturers.  I 
protest,  therefore,  against  any  ri-duciioii  of  the 
duties  on  wool  or  woollen  inanufa'-tiires  for  the 
purpose  of  gelling  more  revenue  by  larger  import- 
ations of  either.      The  Sr<  rclnry  says: 

"  .Sii,7  is  <t  ncre<"in/  of  lift-,  nut  should  he  ii^  free  from  tax 
.1*  iiir  or  iritli'r.  It  iTi  e^cil  in  \,\rs  ■  qiiiiiinliiN  liy  the  Ijiriiicr 
and  phintrr;  iind  l<i  tta-  pmir  the'  .;i\  npcnucs  iiio-t  opiircs- 
sivcly.  nnl  ciiily  in  lllc  ll-i'  el'  tin-  :irli>-lt'  It.-cll',  hilt  ns  cniii- 
hiiii-d  Willi  siilltil  priivifiiijiiv,  'J'fir  «.///  tiMiyc  tthroiiit  h\j  solar 
efiiyiy.iti^.n  IS  ii/i  J  mos/  purf  nuf  iiholr^oinc,  rillil, ns  co'irsi;rv- 
ntive  itflK  nllli,  hlmiilil  lie  i'\i  iiijil  IVnni  lii.viilion.'* 

If  the  Sccrelnry  will  look  at  his  own  annual  com- 
mercial statement,  he  will  see,  that  of  the  8,24.'!, 1.39 
bushels  of  salt  iinportid  fur  tin-  year  ending  30tli 
.lune,  IH44,  more  than  five  ii.illioiis  of  bushels 
were  imported  from  ("Jrcat  Hrn.uii  and  Ireland,  all 
or  nc;irlv  all  of  it  made  bv*  boiliiiL'"  al  llie  t'hesliire 
salt  niiiies,  commoidy  called  I,ivcr[iool  salt,  and 
no  purer,  in  any  rcsperi,  than  the  billed  salt  of 
our  interior  spriiurs.  Ilesidcs,  an  immense  quan- 
tity of  salt  is  now  made  at  '"•vraciiBc,  in  New  "\  ork, 
by  srilar  evapo-atio''.,  as  pure  as  salt  iniide  from 
("•can  water  in  'le  inme  way;  and  any  niiantity 
can  be  made  i.i  I-'lorida  and  Texas.  .Salt  is  a 
necessary  fif  life  undoubtedly,  and  so  are  bread, 
meat,  and  clolhing;  but  I  do  not  ihiiilv  it  our  best 
policy  to  import  all  these  from  abroad;  nor  di>  I 
believe  the  price  of  salt  is  any  higher  now  than  it 
would  have  been  if  we  had  never  encouraged  the 
domestic  manufacture  by  u  protecting  duty  on  the 


import.     A  corresponding  rise  of  price  has  never 
yet  followed  an  increase  of  duty,  nor  has  a  full  of 
price  followed  a  reduction  of  duty. 
Again  the  Secretary  .says: 

"The  duty  nil  cntlim-lmuiiiiig  i»  eqiiivntpnt  to  .'i.'i.QO  per 
cent,  ml  valorem,  on  the  Scnlcli  Imimiiis,  nnil  to  I2:m1  per 
cent,  on  the  gunny-lmu;  n.iil  yd  the  whnle  revenue  Irnm 
these  duties  has  I'nIIcii  to  ,$6ti.l)fi1  .'Ml.  Nenrly  the  eniirH 
iliiinunt,  thererore,  ol'this  I'lt'irninus  tii\  uiakes  no  nildition 
to  the  rcveiiiic,  but  inures  to  The  bciictit  of  about  lliirty 
,  iiinnilfaclurers." 

li      To  my  apprehension  this  is  taking  n  very  im- 
li  perfect  and  erroneous  view  of  the  matter.     Instead 
!|  of  inuring  to  the  benefit  of  thirty  manufacturers, 
I  it  inures  to  the  benefit  of  every  hrmp-grower  in  the 
;  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  and  not  to  them  moro 
I  than  to  every  farmer  engaged  in  other  pursuits, 
i  because  the  hemp  culture  and  manufacture,  byeon- 
\  verting  some  thousands  from  competitors  to  con- 
sumers, adds  to  the  value  of  all  other  agricultural 
firoductions  in  the  same  region.    The  avails  of  the 
lemp  culture  arc  nearly  so  much  wealth  added  to 
the  West;  and  nt  the  rate  of  increase  in  its  produc- 
tion now  going  on,  if  the  duty  remains,  it  will  be 
i  no  more  a  ta.x  than  the  three  cents  a  pound  on 
cotton  is,  for  in  fact  we  are  already  beginning  to 
export   hemp.      But  gentlemen   from   the   West 
know  more  about  hemp  and  bagging  than  I  do, 
,  and  will  determine  whether  the  Secretary's  pro- 
posal to  give  the  cotton  exporter  a  drawback  of 
123  per  cent,  on  giinny  bags  is  a  wise  measure. 

Cotton,  the  Secretary  informs  us,  is  "  the  great 
exporting  interest,''  and  furnishes  most  of  the 
means  to  purchase  imports  and  supply  "  two-thirds 
of  the  revenue. "     He  says: 

*'  .At  present  pficcs.  our  ciilton  crop  will  yield  an  nn- 
niinl  proiliict  of  .^'T-J.OllO.OOO.  ninl  111.'  iiinmifncnircd  fiibric 
.•*."i04.000,0IK),  furnishing  priuil-^  uhroud  tn  thnnsiiiHls  of  ciipi- 
tiili-ts,  mill  wiiiji'S  to  huiKireds  of  tlioiisiinils  of  the  working 
classc:*." 

If  our  raw  cotton,  worth  $72,000,000,  is  increas- 
ed by  its  manufacture  to  be  worth  jli504 ,000,000, 
we  should  suppose  il  would  not  be  liad  policy  to 
manufacture  more  of  it  ourselves,  instead  of  giving 
foreign  capital  and  foreign  labor  the  profits  of  the 
whole.  He  would  retain  onn-.sevcntli,  and  give 
foreigners  six-sevcuihs  of  the  proceeds  of  our  cot- 
ton. Again  he  says: 
'•  'I'he  eniiditi.in  nt'iiur  foreign  relations,  il  is  saiij,  shniihl 
,  su^pi'nil  the  ri'iliii'tinn  iif  Ihc  larilT.  N'li  American  pntriiit 
ciin  (Ic-iir  to  iirri'sl  our  ouwaril  circcr  in  peaci.  niiit  priis- 
pcrily;  hut  if.  nnliiip|iily.  such  should  lie  Ihc  rc.-iill,  il  would 
cri'Jilc  nil  incren-'^ed  nci'c>sily  for  rc'iiciii*  oi.r  prvscttt  AigA 
duties^  ill  order  to  oht.iin  snfllriciit  rcifiiuc  to  inect  inrrenseil 
riiicntlitiirfs,  Tlir  iliitics  for  Ihc  i)iiiirtcr  cnilinil  the  30lli 
.'Si'lilemhcr,  18-1-t,  \i.'hli'd  .**3.01 1  .ft.'i  HI)  more  of  rcvciinc  Uian 
the  quartir  cniliii'i,'  30ih  Hi  pli'inber,  l^L'i." 

The  scheme  of  paralyzing  our  own  productive 
industry,  and  of  de)iciidiiur  on  f  ireign  nations  for 
articles  of  necessity,  is  certainly  a  very  singular 
preparation  for  war,  and  one  I  believe  never  be- 
fore recommended  by  the  bend  of  the  Treasury 
.  nepartmenl.  It  is  very  iiiucli  like  handing  over 
I  our  irnns  to  the  enemy  liefore  the  coniineiiccment 
of  battle.  It  is  the  more  extraordinary  for  the 
reasons  he  assigns,  viz  : 

*'  In  the  f  vent  nf  vviir,  nearly  all  the  hich  iliilies  wo  iM 
heroine  prniiihit'iri .  fniiii  the  incren-.i'il  risk  and  cost  nf  i  n- 
porlnlions;  and  if  then'  he.  iinlri'il.  in  the  opiiiinn  nf  any, 
a  serious  ilaiiL'cr  nf  siirh  an  nccurrctiri'.  it  nppials  must 
strongly  to  ihrir  pnln.ilisin  In  iiiipnsi'  the  loitcsl  revenue  du- 
lies  on  all  articles,  .i«  the  oiUit  metnis  of  vpci/n'ii?,  iit  mch  ii 
period,  iiiii)  eoiisiderithte  ineomr  from  theiarijj.'^ 

So,  then,  we  are  to  replenisli  our  coffers  pr.'- 
paratory  to  a  war,  by  iniportiiiir  a  llood  of  foreiir.i 
goods  at  low  duties,  ]Hillin:r  out  ihe  fiies  of  oui 
forges,  desolating  our  manufacturini:  villa^xs,  and 
turnins:  all  our  incchanics  over  to  iiirriculliire,  of 
which  we  have  a  siirnliis  already;  and  when  the 
war  eomi'S,  we  shall  luive  to  be::in  anew  on  the 
ruins  we  had  deserted.  The  losses  to  the  ...uniry 
by  such  a  process  would  bctwiiity  times  i^reater 
tliaii  all  ibe  revenue  obluined  1  y  it.  When  the 
coiuitry  is  prosperous,  when  all  branihes  of  iiidiis- 
Iry  are  profitably  employed,  I  lere  will  be  no  difii- 
culty  in  obtaiuiitg  revenii.'.  If  ',ye  produce  all  tho 
necessaries  of  life  on  our  own  soil,  as  we  outrht  to 
do,  the  masses  of  our  population  will  necessarily 
be  so  employed  that  they  will  be  able  to  purchase 
and  consume  luxuries  from  a  1  pans  of  the  globe, 
and  these  will  be  proper  siilij.  els  of  impost,  wiih- 
iiiil  in  any  degree  inqmiring  ihe  industrial  pursuits 
of  our  people.     The  Secretary  proceeds: 

"If the  tvliolc  rrvi'iiue  were  raiseil  by  a  la\  upon  prop, 
erll,  the  piior,  anil  c-|ii'cially  llio,.i' who  live  l.y  the  uas.'H 
of  liilinr,  would  p'lv  liut  u  very  siniill  pnrtiun  of  i-nelila.x; 
wIiereuH  b\  ;la'  larilf,  tlic  poor,  by  the  consiimiition  of  vari- 


1 84G.] 


Reps. 

lins  novcr 
an  a  full  of 


to ssao  per 
n  lai.ll  per 
'Vftimi!  Crorn 
y  Ihe  rmirH 

no  ndiljtjon 
nbout  tliiny 

n  very  im- 

Inslcnd 

iifiu'iiirers, 

wer  in  llie 

liem  nioro 

pursuits, 

h  bycon- 

1*3  to  (^on- 

!;rioiiltiiriil 

ailaoftlie 

added  to 

s  priidiic- 

ii  will  be 

lound  on 

iniiini;  tii 

tliK   West 

lan  I  do, 

lily's  |iro- 

iwback  of 

icasure, 

'  the  great 

1st  ot^  tlie 

two-thirds 


29th  Cong 1st  Sf.ss. 


APPEiNDlX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Tariff- — Mr.  Severance. 


705 


Nf.w  SEmEs.,..No.  45. 


mm  jnijiorl^,  nrnrdniifitijoiirtii'Ii'H  fiiliitncci)  in  price  by  lllii  ': 

ilnliis,  pny  n  miirli  liirsjiT  tflinn*  or  thf  tiui'.-' tliiiii  if'tlii'v  ' 
WITH  rnjlt-rldl  liy  nil  nfscHHlni'nl  ill  ttniiinrlinn  to  tlli'  prnp'- 

t'lty.    'I'll  coiiiii.riipt,  n»  Car  iw  pn-isiliii'.  ihiH  ciii.rt  m'  tlii'  I 
Iniiir— 1(1  c'cpnilizi'  il<  opi'ralinn,  niiil  niiilti'  it  nppro\iinilli< 

IK  Mi'iirly  m  niily  lin  to  n  nyyti'in  iiP  liixi's  in  priipiirllnn  In  ', 
lirnpfTtv— till'  iliilieH  ii|hiii  Inxiirii'^,  ii^i'd    alinnst    cvHil- 

^i%■(•ly  liy  ilii:  rioli,  sliuiild  Ixi  flxcil  nt  tlic  liisliuiit  rivcnuc  ] 

^tiiiiuunl."  ! 

If  this  arsumcnt  is  poo';  for  nnylhin<r,  it  is  tjooil  [ 
oil  all  Uutiis  on  i)n|iorl.s.  anil  is  an  arijiimeiit  for ' 
iliror.t  taxation;   hut  he  proposis  no  such  thiiia;    j 
Thn  pretence  of  taxiii'^liiNiirirs  to  relieve  the  poor  , 
appears  very  plansilile  on  the  surface,  hut  it  will 
not  hear  exaniiimlion.     It  is  haseil  on  the  nssuinp- 
tion  that  all  diiiiex  ndil  an  mneh  to  the  price,  and 
that,  hill  fur  llie  duty,  the  "  poor"  would  purchase 
!ii'liclc.-i  of  necessity  much  cheaper  than  now;  holh 
of  which  are  radical  errors  as  regards  nnythin?  j 
else  lliiin  a!;ricullural  )iriiducliiins.     lint  tlie'fjranil  j 
flefect  of  this  doctrine  is  in  wlmlly  ovcrlookinc  ' 
the  inlrre^ls  of  llie  "  pnor"  as  PUODUCKRS.     It 
makes  liiili;  dill'crcnce  to  a  man  that  a  luu  or  a  i 
coat  may  ho  hoinjht  cheap,  if  he  has  no  money 
nnd  no  way  of  earning,  any.     Dy  tlie  "poor"  I  do  ( 
not  iindcrsiiuid  the  Secretary  to  mean  the  idle  and  i 
lazy  who  arc  not  wiHiiij  to  work;  lint  the  tjreat 
mass  who,  not  havinu-  accumulated  wealth,  live  liy  ^ 
their  daily  labor — whether   on    their  own    lands 
which  lliey  have  or  have  not  paid  for,  or  on  the 
lands  of  other.- — whether  in  their  own  shops,  or 
in  the  shops,  or  factories,  or  furnaces,  of  others — 
whether  on  ship  or  shore.     IJow  areall  these  men  | 
rni|i|iiyrd,    lint   ill  jirmluchif;  the  "necessaries  of; 
life" — in   makiiii:!;   hats,  hoots,   eliiths,   furniture,  i 
fjrain,  vciretaMcs,  and  tlie  thousand  other  articles  | 
of  daily  use  and  ciinsiimption  f     It  is  a  very  ffreal 
niislake  to  sii|i|iose  that  llie  "poor"  will  he  bene- 
fited by  impiirliii:;-  these  necessary  articles  at  low 
tlulics,    on    |ii-i'tence  of  taxin!<   luxuries   hiijhest.  j 
The  man  with  a  fixed  salary  from  ti'ivernment 
luiiiht  be  hcnelited  by  impiirtini,'  the  necessaries  of 
life  cheap,  hilt  certainly  not  the  threat  mass  whose 
daily  empliiynient  and  means  of  living  depend  on 
their  labor  ill  producin;;  the.sc  same  necessaries  of 
life. 

I  come  now  to  a  paragraph  in  the  report  which 
I  deem  more  reprehensible,  if  not  more  fallacious,  ; 
than  any  before  i|noted,  viz:  ■ 

"  Wlicre  liin  niiiiilicr  nf  niaiiiifiiclorics  in  nut  prcal,  tlie  . 
pnwi'r  nf  the  system  tci  reu'iilale  the  wases  (il'jalpor  ia  incoii- 
siileralile;  hill  as  the  prnlit  nf  eapital  iiive-teil  in  iiianiilae-  ' 
lures  i»  aietiiieiitcil  liy  llie  prciteetivi' tarill'.  there  is  a  eiir-  • 
respiiiKlinil  increase   iil*  pinver,  iiiitit  the  conlrMl   (if  such 

rapilal  over  the  wanes  nf  lah'ir  lieen s  irri'sistihh'.     As 

lllis  priweris  ev  rei.-eil  iVniii  lime  In  tiaii',  wi' tillll  it  resl-teil 
l»\'  eninltinaliinis  ainnnji  tlie  work  ;  classes — Iiv  iiirniicinnt 
till  hialierwainsor  tiir  shnrter  lime,  hy  irailesiininn,  anil  In 
snine  eiiuiilries.  iininrtiinalely,  hy  ^■inil•llee  anil  hhimlsheil. 

Iliil  the  (eiver It.  hy  prnteetive  duties,  arrays  ilseir  nn 

till'  siite  nf  the  maiiillaiMnrine  system,  and,  !)>■  Ihlis  nimnieiit- 
init  its  Health  and  pnuir.  snnii  lerniinales  in  its  fiivnr  the 
slrnuijle  heiweeii  man  and  iiinney— heiwueii  cujiilal  nnd 
iahi.r." 

Here  is  a  deliberate  .attempt  to  array  the  cm- 
ployed  airainsl  the  employer  in  the  same  business, 
and  to  make  them  believe  they  have  separate  in- 
terests. This  kind  of  ai'eument  has  usually  been 
left  for  the  lowest  order  of  politicians.  A  tirade 
au'ainst  ciijiiliil  invested  in  |iriidiiclive  industry  is 
nil  worthy  of  a  place  in  a  treasury  r. 'port,  and  comes 
with  a  peciiliaily  had  tjrace  IVom  a  sonihern  cotton- 
planter,  whose  ex  tensive  lands  and  tixtiires  not  only 
lire  capital,  hut  llie  living  lunniii  laborers  upon  his 
iilantation  nn-  nijiilut  iihii.  The  whole  product  of 
liis  fields  is  the  product  of  cnpiial.  I.,alior  has  no 
voice  in  the  inatier.  There  are  no  "  •tlrihrs"  for 
waives  amoiii;  such  laborers:  the  master  or  his 
overseer  dues  all  the  sirikiiiL'.  The  worst  the  la- 
borer can  do  is  to  mil  away,  and  this  he  iloes  a* 
ereal  peril.  Apparently  takinj  his  ideas  of  em- 
liloyer  and  nnploved  from  the  southern  coltnn 
iield,  it  is  remarkable  that  the  Secretary  should 
find  his  synipalhy  so  exciied  for  thi'  free  laborers 
of  the  North,  and  the  snialliiess  of  their  waives, 
while  the  laborers  under  his  own  immediate  super- 
vision receive  no  watres  at  all,  but  are  compelled  In 
work  miller  the  lash  like  so  many  horses  and 
iii;iles,to  swell  the  profits  of  the  planliiii;  rii/iidi/i.v/. 

'1  '."re  i;^  III!  lalinriiii::  population  npiin  the  Oiee  of 
the  earth  more  independent,  more  iiitelliirent,  or 
A'ho  have  nioi'C  of  the  eumfnrls  and  luxuries  of 
lil'e  than  the  people  who  are  ene;ai;ed  in  the  me- 
clianie  arts  and  manufiiclures  in  tliis  country,  par-  ' 
lieiilaily  III  the  northern  States.  And  here  I  take 
leave  In  say  that  the  laborini;  ic/n'fc  jiopulation  of 
llio  Sniiih  wiiuld  find  their  eondiiioii  woiiclcrfiilly 

4r» 


improved,  and  their  wealth  nnd  political  influence 
Rreatly  increased  hy  the  eHtahlisliment  of  nianii- 
faetitre.s  nmonn;  them.  It  is  only  in  this  way  that 
the  Houtlierii  Atlantic,  States  can  ever  bccnnie  iiopn- 
lons  and  well  cultivated  like  the  North.  I  fear 
there  are  some  soulliern  politicians  who  look  with  ' 
a  jealous  eye  iipim  this  elevation  of  the  lahoriiiK  ' 
masses. 

There  is  no  more  striiisle  between  "  capital  nnd 
labor"  anions;  freemen  under  the  prolecliuLr  policy 
than  there  is  without  it;  and  that  pnlicy,  instea'd  : 
of  protectini;  capital,  protects  labor,  by  loakiii!!;  a  i 
demand  for  it.  The  c,om|iensatioiis  of  free  lalior 
d  ■pend  as  niiich  upon  the  demand  nnd  supply  as 
does  the  price  of  wheat  or  eollon.  IN'eilli.r  owe 
aiiythin,;  to  the  generosity  or  fnrbearanee  of  inili- 
vidii-.!s  The  wages  of  labor  in  factories  will  be 
i-egulated  .-nd  rise  and  fall  with  the  wages  of  labor 
elsewhere,  n:id  the  profits  of  business  in  all  other 
branches.  Capital  itself  is  not  protected  at  all. 
The  foreign  capitalist  is  free  to  come  here  and  ex- 
pend his  millions;  but  here  he  must  employ  men 
living  on  American  bread  nnd  meat,  and  pay  them  ' 
much  higher  wages  than  are  paid  in  Kurope.  And 
the  more  capital  is  invested  under  our  jiroteetive 
policy,  the  more  independent  is  the  laborer,  for  the 
greater  is  the  demand  for  his  labor.  I'ut  the  larger  ' 
pnrtion  of  the  laboring  men  of  the  free  States  are 
not  those  who  work  for  per  diem  or  monthly 
wages:  they  work  on  their  own  lands,  in  their  own 
shops,  or  on  jobs  or  contracts,  and  are  more  iin- 
nieiliately  nnd  largely  interested  in  |irotei  lion  than 
the  heavy  capitalist,  for  a  repeal  of  the  tariff  would 
rob  thousands  of  them  of  their  daily  bread,  while  the 
ca|iitalist,  if  .so  disposed,  could  profit  hy  lending  at 
usury  to  the  distressed  many  when  the  day  of  dis- 
aster comes  on.  iVor  is  this  all.  IJy  ineans  of 
corporations,  or  joint  stock  companies,  so  1111  wisely  , 
denounced  in  some  rpiarteis,  any  industrious  man 
has  it  in  his  power  to  share  ilie  profits  of  a  cotton 
factory,  an  iron  finndry,  or  a  railrnad,  as  well  ns 
the  "  rich"  capitalist.  With  the  avails  of  his  labor 
he  may  buy  n  share  one  year,  and,  nilding  his 
dividends  to  his  wages,  he  may  buy  two  next 
year,  and  so  go  on  to  accumulate  wealth  with  as 
much  convenience  nnd  certainty  and  with  as  little 
care  as  in  any  other  business  whalever.  No  mo- 
nopoly can  arise  where  tree  cnniiictition  in  every 
bu.siness  is  open  to  twenty  millions  of  people,  mir 
does  a  prolecling  tariff  give  any  jirivileges  to  wealth 
employed  in  maiiiifaetiires  which  are  not  eonally 
given  to  we;ilth  in  coninieree  nnd  agriciiltiii'e,  for 
whichever  of  the  three  is  the  iii>isi  pnifiiable  will  be 
sure  to  have  its  number  ^\vl!^(l  by  aeeessioiis 
from  the  other  two,  till  its  pniliis  are  brought  tn  a 
common  level.  This  is  a  l,;w  of  trade  as  invarieble 
as  tliat  water  will  '  ,1  its  level  on  the  .same  vessel. 
Capital  is  indi-  ible  in  large  maniifieliiring 
operations.  Sn  n  ,  \,.  ■ommereeand  navi^'ation, 
lint  it  need  not  nei .  inly  be  obtained  IVom  the 
rich.  Capitalists  are  not  a  distinct  el, is-  hi  inaiin- 
fiictures  any  nioi-e  than  in  Ir.nle,  cn  uncrce,  navi- 
gation, or  fisheries,  nor  so  mm  h.  i' n  .u  least  in  the 
easiern  Stales  iarge  mannfactnrin^  cstaMishmeins 
are  more  frer|iienily  incorporated,  ."o  a-  in  admit 
nf  a  great  snbdivisinn  of  ownership,  snmeiimes 
nmoniiiing  to  several  hundreds  of  men,  women, 
and  children.  A  laiire  factory  may  be  owned  alto- 
gether hy  labm-ing  men  if  I  hey  choose  to  ns.sociate 
for  the  purpose.  The  iiidiislrioiis  and  iVugal  accu- 
mulate, the  prodigal  and  idle  sipiander.  We  have 
no  Hindoo  castes.  The  rich  and  poor  are  con- 
stantly changing  places,  wliellicr  tin!  propei'tv 
transferred  be  in  (aeinry  stock  or  in  ships  or  lands. 
The  attempt  tn  array  emplnycd  against  employer, 
capital  against  lalmr,  isasimri  isonableand  absurd 
in  niauuractur.'s  as  in  commei-i .'  or  asrrienliiire.  It  , 
has  no  foiindalinn  or  aliineiit  hut  in  the  Jealnusy, 
easily  Onienled  by  dLsigning  men  in  ihe'miiida  iif 
the  envious  who  have  no  property,  against  those 
who  ni-c  more  I'orliinate  or  more  ii'idnslrions.  The 
very  last  place  where  1  should  have  looked  for 
such  an  unworthy  .seiitinunt  would  be  in  an  Aiuer- 
icaii  State  paper  on  the  finances  of  ihecnnntry. 
TliC  oeeiel.iry  would  piolinbly  regard  an  attempt 
to  excite  sliwe  liibor  against  rnititut  or  raitilitli^ts,  or 
even  to  mitigate  its  condition,  ns  highly  "incen- 
diary."    lint  to  return  to  his  rejiort.     He  says; 

"  When  the  tarlirnfisinwas  eiiar  leil.lhi'  inaviiininidiily 
wastwenH'  p,  r  cent,  Iiv  that  act  the  a  venule  nl'dtilies  nn  tlie 
lind'cl.  d  arliehs  was  imrf  llhin  iloiih',,1.  Iliit  llie  wiijjes  nf 
i.ihiiv  did  lint  inereiise  in  a  enrrespnndinij  ralin.  nr  in  aiiv 
ralin  whatever." 


Some  duties  were  more  than  double;  nnd  we  are 
left  to  infi'r  that  the  prices  of  the  iirotecled  nrtirlea 
were  raised  to  the  same  amount;  liiit  so  far  is  this 
from  being  true,  it  is  generallv  true  that  the  prices 
of  such  articles  have  been  reduced,  and  those  pro- 
tected by  the  liizhi'sl  iliilh.i  have  been  reduced  Iht 
mn\l.     This  etl'cet  has  been  invariable. 

Sir,  1  might  g'l  on  lo  ipiote  the  assertions  of  the 
.''ecrciry,  repeated  in  all  manner  of  forins,  that 
the  picseiit  tarilf  prnlects  a  few  capitalists  nt  the 
expen,se  of  the  industrious  clas.ses,  and  demonstrate 
the  fallacy  of  such  proposilions;  hut  this  has 
already  been  done  so  many  times  that  it  seems  n 
worli  of  siiperei'ogaiion. 

(,'nninicnling  on  the  cotton  niinimums,  tno  Sei:- 
ret;iry  says; 

n  Flideed,  liy  Ilnnse  dnciiincnl  \o.  H^Ki,  of  the  1st  sessinn 
ni'  ihe  -isui  Cfnn.'ress,  tiiis  dilVerence,  liy  acMal  importatinii, 
w^i.- li.'i  p  r  eeiil.  lei'.veen  lie'  eheajier  and  the  liner  article 
nf  llii'  :Jil  p  -r  cent.  miniiMiini,  i:il  piT  eeiit.  nn  the  MO  per 
cent,  minininin,  -1'-'^  jier  cent,  nn  tlie  r3,'>  p"r  cent,  minininm, 

HI  per  cent,  nn  the  (id  per  <'eiit.  Miinimnm.  anil  SI  |icr  ( l. 

mi  the  :.1  p'r  cent,  ininiin 'I'his  dili'Tcnce  is  fnnndeil 

nn  .■letiial  imptirl.ilinn.  and  stiows  an  averace  diseriininalioii 

It  i^'itt  t!if  jionronrnlt.-}!!  /•n/oW^O/SS  j,rr  ceil/,  hevnnit  Wliat 
the  l:iv  wiiilld  he  if  as-easi'il  iipnii  tile  actual  value.  The 
nperalinn  nf  Ihe  speeilh'  diilv  ]ireseiiis  a  Kiniilnr  lilscriniinii' 
linn  iiL'ainsI  the  iinnr  and  in  tiivnr  nf  the  rich." 

The  whole  tenor  of  the  report,  here  and  else- 
where, is,  tn  show  that,  in  the  pnrchnae  nf  llin 
eo:irser  fabrics  of  enttoii,  the  "  pocr"  \tny  a  "tax*' 
of  8")  per  cent,  more  than  the  rich.  The  truth  i.s, 
and  every  old  woman  in  Ihe  land  knows  it,  that 
these  cotton  shirlings,  sheetings,  drillings,  &r., 
instead  of  being  taxed  one  hundred  and  thirty-one 
|ier  cent.,  are  sold  to  the  "  poor"  here  as  cheap  as 
in  aiiv  other  coiiiitry  upon  the  fiicc  of  the  earth. 
The  fact  that  we  export  them  and  sell  them  ill  the 
same  foreign  markets  where  similar  British  manii- 
fiictnres  are  sold,  is  conclusive  that  we  pay  no  lax 
on  them  whatever,  and  should  get  iliem  no  cheaper 
if  the  duties  were  wholly  removed.  Of  course  wn 
impnrl  none  of  them,  lint  we  do  import  n  largo 
amount  of  cotton  mnnnfa''tiires  nevertheless;  ami 
what  are  they,-  b'or  the  year  ending  30th  June, 
1814,  we  imported  cotton  goods  of  all  kinds  to  the 
amnuiit  of  more  than  fourteen  millions  of  dollars; 
and  for  the  year  ending  .'lOih  June,  1S45,  we  im- 
ported thirteen  millions  eight  hundred  and  sixty- 
three  tlniirsand  two  hundred  nnd  eighty-two  dol 
lars.  These  were  not  the  cheap  articles  consumed 
by  the  pour,  fir  we  rxjinrl  such,  of  our  own  maii- 
nfactiire:  Inn  iliey  were  fine  and  costly  fiihrics,  the 
prndiiet  of  much  labor — arliclis  which  should  only 
be  consumed  \iy  the  rich.  The  repi':il  of  the  cotton 
minimnms  will  not  nflect  the  prices  of  any  but 
such  filiries,  and,  instead  of  relieving  the  poor,  will 
only  relieve  the  Inxiirioiis,  if  any;  while  the  only 
efiect  upon  the  |ioor  w'M  be  to  tlirow  them  out  of 
employment,  and  prevent  our  progress  in  the  finer 
eolton  maimfactnrcs. 

The  cotton  niiniminiis  were  first  enacted  in  IRlfi. 
They  were  mb  .■■:•,•■  il  then  by  William  Lowndes 
nnd  "John  ('.  '  illioiin,  of  South  Carolina.  They 
were  designed  to  protect  the  cheaper  nnd  simpler 
fnlirie.  of  cotton  liy  high  duties.  Tlicy  had  the 
efl'ei  I  li  sired.  We  now  make  them  as  cheap  as 
Great  I'.ritaiii;  hut  the  duly  riniains,  and  it  is  tiood 
policy  to  let  it  remain,  for  it  injures  nnimdy,  and 
protects  niir  niaiinfactiiies  from  being  sunjii  t  to  all 
revulsions  iii  he  Km'n|ican  market.  When  their 
Mi-irket  IS  oNerlinrdened,  and  their  mills  likely  lo 
'ipfrnni  a  glut,  or  from  a  stagnation  in  trade, 
tlu'v  may  .send  off  their  surplus  to  this  country  to 
be  sold  at  less  than  cost,  and  thus  keep  their  own 
population  employed  to  save  them  from  the  poor 
house,  while  they  ihrow  ours  out  of  employ  and 
.stop  our  nulls.  Why  slionhl  we  let  them  make 
UH  the  s,ii  iv-valve  fir  all  the  revulsions  and  vicis- 
ilndes  Ml  their  trade,  nnd  enable  them  to  keep 
i!,  alls  "in  opiraliim  by  slopping  ours ?  The 
|i  ,  nt  cotlnii  niinimums  proud  us  IVom  tlieso 
I-.  vulsions,  and  have  no  other  ell'eet.  The  natural 
revulsions  in  our  own  market  l^■om  domestic  com- 
petition will  be  enough  for  iis. 

We  come  now  lo  one  of  the  Secretary's  postu- 
lates, which  we  propose  to  examine.     Ilere  it  is: 
••  ,\t  least  uvn, thirds  nf  tile  Ia,\i'»  iniimsed  liy  the  preseni 

tarilf  an'  piid I  inln  the  treasury,  hilt  lo  till'  prnlccleil 

ela-ses.  'I'lie  n'venne  tVniii  iiii|inrt»las|  year  cvceeded  Iweii- 
ly-seveii  niillinus  nf  didlars.  This  in  il.self  ia  a  heavy  lav  i 
lint  the  whnleiiiv  i.npnscd  nn  tin'  |ienple  hy  Ihe  |ireseiillariir 
is  lint  less  than  eiiihlv-nne  niillinus  of  tlnllars— nf  wliieli 
ivvniy-seven  inillinns  iue  paid  tn  Ihe  linvernmeiil  iipiin  the 
liiipnris,  and  fifly-lnur  millinns  In  llie  prnleeied  classes,  in 
eiihanei'd  (iriees  nf  similar  dnmetilie  articles. 


■       fl 


706 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  27, 


■i 


1: 


29th  Cono 1st  Sf.ss. 


'■'I'liin  cjitiiiiatr  iti  liiHftl  iijKtit  tlh>  ii'iKJIiiin  lli:il  II'-'  illltv  ■-' 
ndduil  li>  llu*  (iriLT  nl'  :'  f  iiiiport.  anil  uhn  <•('  ils  ilnun^.-'tiL' 
rival,  ir  tlir  import  iii  ciiltanccd  iti  prlc'  by  tl)<*  duty,  ^-o 
mil!'!  he  llir>  d<aiM'>ii<>  rival;  lor,  liLtiij;  likt<  adivh'!),  tlit'ir 
(irice  tinisl  In- tlu'faiiH- (II  ttlt:  ^aruc  marlii'l.  *  •  • 
VVic  diUijf  tficniorc,  tittutt  he  nAh-ii  to  tite  }>ri('r,  itnit  /iitiil  Iftf 
(he cotuuincr—tiir  diihi  lOiintiluUuii  uj  laur/i  >t  f^mi  OJ  lite  jniiC 
M  ISe  c3st  oj  jir.>(l((.  titn.'* 

This  is  pliiiiily  stnlrd,  liiil  is  il  line?  Let  lis  sec. 
Tliei'o  is  a  Sjucifii'  duly  iif  iMciuy-five  cents  n 
bnsliel  on  wheal.  We  raised  hist  year  over  onu 
hundred  milliuiis  ol*  Imahels.  U|nin  this,  liy  the 
Secrelary'.s  ride,  we  [niid  a  ye.irly  tax  nl"  tweiity- 
tlvj  inilhtiii.'iii'.'diilhirs  to  Ihe  wheat  f;i'inverH,  which 
we  sliouhl  have  saved  liy  a  re|iciii  ot'thi:  duty. 

AVe  liave  tor  .'."tnu^  years  past  i"'ised  overa  hun- 
dred millions  of  liiishels  of  |inUaoes,  upon  wliifli 
the  duly  i.s  len  cents  a  Inisliel.  We  have  tlierefiire 
paid  u  ixv.i  to  llic  imlalo  growers  of  len  millions  of 
dollars  a  year. 

Wo  raised  nwc.  hundred  and  :>i  ventv  millions  of 
bushels  of  outs,  on  which  llu  re  is  also  a  specific. 
duly  of  ten  cents  a  hnslu  I,  o,>  '.liicli  we  pay  a 
yearly  lax  to  the  larinirs  of  seventeen  millions  of 
tlollnrs. 

The  annual  value  of  the  produce  of  the  dairy, 
liy  ihe  la.'it  census,  w.is  near  lliiriy-roiir  inillicuKs  of 
dollars.  Tile  duly  on  cliee.si  is  nine  ceiils  n 
pound,  on  hutle;'  five  ceiils,  equal  to  avera<re  of 
sixty  per  cciil. — aiiolhir  tax  t.<  the  I'utiiers  of 
twcnly-oiic  millions  loin  liiiiiiln^il  ilionsaud  dollars 
per  luinuin. 

On  raw  cotton  we  have  a  duty  of  three  cents  n 
p  uiid.  The  crop  is  esiiaialeil  liy  the  Secreiary 
ai  a  value  of  seventy-two  inillions  of  dollars;  and 
hy  the  report  of  the  CoiiiiuilKe  of  Ways  and 
Means  of  the  House  in  \^i^,  ibi-i  duly  is  rockiued 
equivalent  to  fifiy-nine  per  ceiil.,  iinioumiiii;'  to  a 
tax  ]iaid  to  the  cotton  :j;rowei's  of  over  lorty- 
iwo  inillions  of  dollars  evi-ry  year.  To  lie  sun  , 
ive  export  most  of  lliis  cotton,  hut  we  consume 
one-sixth  or  one-seventh  of  it,  and  for  so  much  the 
tax  holds  ffood.  Upmi  this  sixth  the  duly  must  lie 
added  to  the  price,  hy  the  Secretary's  rule.  And 
thence,  as  ihc  planter  {;i'ls  as  much  for  w  hat  he 
exporls  as  for  what  lie  sells  lor  home  eonsuinp- 
tion,  it  follows  lliat  the  lax  of  forty-two  inillions 
comes  out  of  sonieliody's  pocki'ls  and  i;:oes  into  llu; 
planter's.  This  is  at  hast  as  char  as  the  forly- 
liale  theory,  and  is  as  just  an  apjilication  of  ;t  as 
is  usually  made. 

We  export  wheat  and  (lour,  Imt  we  sonieiimes 
import  them,  loo.  We  import  poi.itoes  every 
year;  and  the  Secret;iry  now  pro]ioses  to  incnasu 
the  revenue,  to  meet  the  .Mtxican  war  expenses, 
liy  increased  importalions  of  potaiocM.  If  the  f.u  t 
of  our  e.xportini;  cotton  ^oods  does  not  relieve  that 
nrticle  fnim  li.e  t'ocretary's  theory  of  IHI)  pii  rent, 
taxation,  v.  hy  sin  uld  the  faci  of  the  exportation  of 
wheat  o:  coiioii  reiieve  llu  ni  of  the  odniin  of //inV 
Bpecifi  j-duly  iiroteciion  r 

Afain  the  Secreiary  .says: 

"  if  W-'  rciliu'i'  cHir  larilV.  Ihc  [larlv  oiiiwt«cd  to  tie;  corri- 
iav,'.s  nl'Eiiclaiul  would  .--non  pirvail,  and  adinil  all  nar  auri- 
cilltuml  priidiK'ts  at  ;ill  tiinc.i  frci'lv  iiitu  In  r  port:  in  i'\. 
cli.iiiec  for  ht'r  i'.vp  irl.".  .And  il'  Kiitrlaiid  wniild  iinu'  rcpi-.-ii 
h'T  duties  iip.111  ct>ir  wheal,  llniir,  Iiidiati  earn,  and  uiImt 
H'Zriciiltiiral  poula(''-,oiir  own  r.  siricnvc  fysicni  would  err. 
tiiiily  be  doouii'd  .<!  nvertliniw.  If  the  i|iiesiion  i.s  a^ki  d, 
Wlin  i^hiill  iM'^'iii  thisworh  orreciprm-al  ri'diiclion  ?  it  i-.-ui- 
gwered  hy  the  tact  that  KiiLdand  Ikls  already  altatcd  Inr  dii- 
ti'P  ttiwn  niorl  of  luir  expiate.  Sin;  ha^  r.''|i«'al -il  Uic  dim* 
U|Nm  entfii,  and  iro  ally  ri-diici'd  the  lariiriiprni  our  hreaii- 
8tair<,  priivi'^iony.  and  iilInT  arlicle..!;  aad  her  pr<'.<ciit  hail 
harvest,  aci'Oinprinii'd  hy  a  rirhiclioii  nl"  iiiir  t.'irilT,  wouUi 
le.-id  to  the  repeal  other  ciirii  laws.  an. I  llic  iinre.-tricti'il  ad- 
mUHinn,  at  all  liiiic'i,  of  oar  aitricnlliirat  products.^' 

Well,  since  ihe  Secretary's  report  was  pnlilislied 
the  corn  laws  lim-i'  hern  rtpinleil,  .inil  wlial  has  heen 
the  eft'ect  of  ilie  repeal .'  Not  the  sliirhlesi  percept- 
ilile  rise  in  Ihe  demand  for  our  Hour,  corn,  or  sailed 
nienLs.  On  the  contrary,  ihe  price  has  fallen  on 
most  of  these  articles  since  the  repeal  cd*  the  coin 
hiwa  was  considered  cerlnin;  and  this,  loo,  at  a 
time  when  llieie  were  ^reatnppreliensions  of  I'amiiie 
in  Kuro|)e  fmin  unusually  I  ail  harvests,  :oid  the 
fiilure  of  the  polato  croo.  The  repeal  of  the  corn 
laws  will  lessen  rather  linn  inci-ense  ilio  market  for 
our  wheat  in  lingland,  for  we  shall  lose  tlir  nd- 
vnntiiiji;  we  have  heretol'orr  had  of  sendiii'.,'  our 
wheat  tlu'oiii;h  the  Canadas  at  a  duly  of  foiii  shil- 
liiii,'s  per  rpiarter,  while  wlie.ii  finni  the  lialtic,  or 
any  other  than  a  Hrilish  colony,  wus  suhjected  to  n 
duty  of  fifteen  shillin.'s. 


TAe  Tariff- — Mr.  Severance. 

of  the  Black  Sen,  than  in  New  York  orDnllimnre, 
and  can  ho  shinned  to  liiiirland  in  less  time  niiil 
less  expense.  Unless  the  price  he  i,'reatly  rcduceil 
here,  unless  our  farmers  will  work  for  less  wa^es 
than  I'olisli  or  German  peasants,  or  hrin;^  their 
labor  down  to  the  level  of  Ilussian  serfs,  who  live 
ill  hiilH  without  floors,  and  clothe  Ihein.selves  in 
nreasy  sheepskins  with  the  wool  on,  we  raiinol 
supply  Enifland  with  llour  or  ffrain,  except  in  occa- 
fioiiaf  seasons  of  scarciiy  like  the  present.  And 
even  now  we  find  a  repeal  of  the  corn  la-.-s  creates 
no  increased  demand. 

As  to  colion,  the  Knctlish  duty  is  enli/ely  re- 
pealed. This  has  been  done  since  our  InrilF  of 
HI'-J  was  enacted.  It  was  not  caused  liy  any  con- 
cr.:  iion  on  our  part,  or  any  proposed  concession. 
The  repeal  applies  no'  to  (uo- cotton  only,  Inil  Until 
rnlliiii.  It  is  no  relaxation  of  ihe  Ih'ilish  proleclinj; 
policy,  bill  a  necessary  iiiirl  of  il.  Sir  UoberlPeel, 
in  his  speech,  avoweii  tlii't  ihe  object  was  to  enable 
Ih'ilish  inanuficiiii'crs  to  coinpeie  with  those  .'' 
America  and  other  countries,  which  they  could  not 
•  lo  if  they  paid  any  duly  on  liie  raw  material.  It 
i '  our  pi'otri'iiv .'  policy  ilial  lias  forced  llirni  lo  this 
;•  peal.  The  idea  of  the  Secretary  that  (ire.il  liril- 
aiii  will  not  be  able  to  pay  for  ourcolloii  oiiless  we 
r  'diice  our  larifl'so  as  M  diiuiuish  our  mauufacinres 
a. id  take  more  of  hers,  is  one  which  I  think  need 
iiol  tronlilc  us  much,  (frcal  I'rilain  has  for  the 
last  hnndrcd  and  lii'ty  years  laki  n  preliy  t;ood  care 
lo  keep  a  larae  balance  in  hir  favor  in  her  trade 
with  the  world.  Aiuleison,  in  his  Hiviory  of 
C'oinniirre,  has  a  table  i;ivin:r  the  annual  balance 
in  her  favor  from  170!)  lo  17f*7.  and  makes  il  ihe 
enorinors  air:^re'j:ate  of  -i'J"''!), Ob;), 1)011,  or  nearly 
foiirtecn  hundred  millions  of  dollar..  That  aiimial 
balance  was  never  jxi'eatcr  than  ai  ilie  present  time. 
The  Secreiary  himself  tells  iis  that  in  Ihe  article 
of  cotton  alone,  of  which  she  l.ikisthe  lariicst  part 
of  our  export,  what  we  sell  for  S7'-.0()l)  (HID,  is  by 
manufaciures  innde  lo  prodiu-e  the  amouiil  of 
■CiO-l ,000,001).  Great  Hrilain  takes  ihe  in.ist  of  this, 
and  sends  the  manufacture  all  o\'er  the  world, 
briicriiiL' back  its  weak'.'  into  her  cod'ers;  and  yet 
the  Secretary  is  very  miicii  ,lislrrsscil  for  fear  thai 
Great  Ibilain  will  not  beaMe  li:  payns  I'orlhe  raw 
m.ilcrial  —  yes,  d'nii'  llfil.i'ni,  the  'ii  Inst  coiiiiiry 
in  the  world,  and  the  most  wealthy  ilial  ever  did 
exist  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

T,et  me  pause  hereto  see  what  i-;  the  actual  slate 
of  our  trade  witli  Great  Ih'itain  ami  I.er  colonicsby 
the  last  returns. 

lAirthe  year  ending  June  ;iO,  1S.)5,  nur  exports  to 
Great  liritainaiid  all  her  colonies  win  'i(il,0J4,.-|.'l.'); 
our  imports  from  (.ireat  Ib'ilain  and  Inr  colonics 
were  >;l!),0U.'t,70.T,  beiin  a  lialance  in  our  favor  of 
•iill,lio,H|().  This  is  siii'dy  well  eiimi^-h  as  il 
stands;  lint  lei  us  look  a  lillle  further,  and  see  how 
wi'  stand  with  other  counirics.  I  cpioie  some  o"" 
ihrni; 

In  li^l.'),  our  irade  was  willi — 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


Krirr(.. 

l.-porli. 

Ilalv 

.       s.-.To.s'JII 

.■»I,lll''i,!'''li 

I'liina 

..       1,7.'iI1.:MI 

miai. •.•.'..■! 

M.'Xu'ii 

..      i.TW.s:):) 

'j.;ts:  .iHi'j 

Ilia/.il 

..       i.slH.riVJ 

n,s-.'i.s'ii' 

.'Xnri'litilli.'  Ri'imhlic.. 

.Mll.os!! 

l.l'-'l.lW 

Prill 

II'..S07 

Isl.l-Jt 

I'liha 

. .       .I.-IV..-,!!.", 

«.!i;iii,4'!; 

<  Klicr  !S|lalli^U  \Vl'^l 

Ildies.... 

iii'j.i:a 

a.'i'i-i.'ii''-' 

i:i,.ii)c,fn;i 

•j!i.'ji;ii.'>.>- 
i:t,.iii»,iiTii 

I.Vsfil, .-,!!> 

IleiT  il  will  be  seen  wc  are  brouirht  Inrjely  in 
di'bl  auaiii,  and  it  so  happens  ihat  lioni  neacly  or 

I  ipillc  i;v"ry  one  of  these  connlriis  I'ai'riand  diaws 
a  lai'ije  lial.uice  in  specie,  lo  pay  for  her  inanuliic- 

I  Ini'cs.  We  I 'ly  iliem,  they  pay'Kiiolanil,  and  l'',n:;- 
land  ran  will  aii'onl  to  pay  us,  I'  is  ipiin  jdir  lo 
ihiiik  of  niaUiUL'  an  even  exchange  of  pioduciion.s 

I  with  each  sepamie  coinitry  wiili  which  we  trade. 
If  we  balnuce  the  iiccoiini  with  Ihein  all  in  the  ai;- 
irre^'nle,  we  do  well  enoii-h.  If  v  e  have  a  balance 
in  our  favor,   v/e  do  U  Her.     The    present  larilf 

j  keeps  the  balance  very  nearly.     This  lull  would 

'  s|iei'ilily  create  a  ho'i!;e  haliuice  airainst  us,  cripple 
all   our  iiidiisu'y,  and  pieveiil  us  from  accpiirinu 

I  that  capilal  which  we  need  for   inlernal   iiu|irove- 


Graiii,  nine  ycirs  out  of  ten,  has  been  clien 


'('111 


'  IS  no  Ills 


per 


World  of  a  nalion  which  ever  I, 


tmii'e  in  the  historv  of  the      Ci,,.,! 


We  arc  told  by  the  Kcnlleinnn  from  Vii-ginia  [Mr. 
IkniNcEB]  of  the  Kieat  coumierrinl  prosperity  of 
Carthage,  of  Venice,  of  Geiion,  itc.  Why,  sir, 
all  these  were  manufacturiiif;  eounlries,  and  their 
rich  commerce  consisied  chiefly,  like  that  of  Eng- 
land, in  excliaiii;iii";  their  fabrics  for  Ihe  "barba- 
ric pearl  and  ^'ohl,"  the  raw  materials,  the  i;enis 

:  anil  precious  metals  of  other  counirics.  No  in- 
stance can  be  found  of  a  country  which  liecume 
rich  and  powerful  by  simply  exporliii;;  the  crude 
products  of  ajiricultiiie.     In  llio  nature  of  things  it 

'  is  impossible  for  such  n  coiintry  to  lloiirish.  It 
niiisi  always  be  thinly  populated,  badly  cidtivaled, 
and  pnor,  like  our  .southern  .Atlantic  Siales.  One 
fjreat  reason  for  this  is,  lhat  most  I'oiiiitries  feed 

I  themselves.  Another  is,  that  nearh  m  ipiiic  half 
the  arlicles  which  K"  '"  make  lip  ih'  .'si  of  human 
siihsislence,  in  a  well-fed  eoiiiiaunny,  are  ofa  per- 
ishable nature,  and  cannot  he  sent  to  distant  conii- 

:  tries,  even  if  w.-inlcd  there.  If  ihe  coiisinni  r  is  not 
al  hand,  the  arlicles  are  losl  or  not  prmliicrd.  Mr. 
Jeirirson  undcrslood  this  when  lie  said  that  wo 
must  place  the  mauufacliirer  by  the  side  of  the 
airicnliurist.nnd  miiislethem  lordlier  in  the  same 
tiei;;liborliood.  As  to  cotton,  Kn'.;land  lias  wisely 
repealed  all  duties  on  il.  All  oilier  mannl'ictiirin:; 
countries  will  have  lo  do  the  same  to  cnnipete  wiili 
her,  and  then  neither  can  ever  imp.  se  such  duties 
for  llu  i''imc  nii.son.  Our  i  oltoii  will,  iherefi' e,- 
always  be  sold  lo  those  wlie  can  ixt-t  the  best  arli- 
cleo.'usai  Ihe  lowest  price.     The  colion  spinner 

'  buys  wlicie  he  call  buy  cheapest  and  best  for  cash, 
wii'  ml  lookiuuat  any  balances  of  trade  but  those 
on  nis  own  Imnks. 

We  should  be  sadly  nverreached,  and  merit  the 
contempt  of  slatesnien  in  all  parts  of  ihe  world, 
were  wo  to  abandon  our  iiroleclivc  fiolicy  on  con- 
dition of  the  eiiliie  repeal  of  the  corn  laws  ;  and 
slill   more  aner  those  laws  are  actually  repenh'd. 

.  Such  a  bnr.i^ain  between  the  two  nations,  by  treaty 
orotherwisc,  would  be  a  far  !,'realer  Hrilish  Irinniph 

;  over  lis  than  could  be  obtaiia  il  by  arms.  Under 
such  an  nrranccmeiit  we  should  bens  perfectly  snli- 
.sci'vient  to  Ihe  ends  of  Ibiiish  anibilion  and  Hrilish 
power,  and  be  more  v.ilualilc  lo  ihe  Hrilish  Crown 
llian  all  the  cnloiiies  of  Great  lirilain  put  I'l^elher, 
for  she  Would  reap  li'om  lis  all  the  friiils  of  Inr 
comin.'reial  policy  wilhoul  any  expense  to  In  iself. 
We  should  oe  virtually  a  Uriiish  colony  of  twenly 
niillions  of  lunple,  inslead  of  coloiiiis  of  two  mil- 
lions and  a  half,  as  we  were  when  oiirfnlheis  drew 
the  sword  and  spilled  ilieir  bhiod  to  aeliieve  our 
independence.  Nodonbt,  loo, Glial  I'rilain  would, 
if  needs  be,  irive  us  the  northwest  coast  up  to 
.')P  .|0',  and  even  help  us  locompier  .Mexico  if  wo 
Would  adopt  and  larry  out  the  doctrines  of  Mr. 
Walker's  report,  which  find  such  f.vvor  in  ihe 
Briiish  House  of  Lords.  Great  lirilain  would 
make  lis  iiioie  valuable  lo  her  than  her  L"..ist  India 
possessions,  and  we  should  luoi'eoverhave.hehoiiin' 
of  beiiiir  ranked  in  point  of  wisdom  with  ihe  Isinu; 
of  the  two  Sicilies,  who  is  thiMinly  Europei  n  mon- 
arch of  whom  Sir  Hoburl  I'eel  expresses  arv  hope 
nl  present  of  bcijuilinu'  into  the  system  of  UriliJt 
free  trade — that  is,  (ree  trade  uith  the  mtttt.if'H  turnip; 

]  luoiher  coiiiiiry,  but  no  free  trade  wi'li  her  vast 
colonies  in  all  parts  of  the  world.  Oie.-e  noie  hear 
ihe  Secretary: 

"'I'llc  lilllnl'ei  of  la.iliufart  irfnu  cnlclalis:i  who  derive 
liH'  Ih'iielil  rrniii  Ihe  I.  'a»v  i  .ai'.-i  I'TIracli'd  hy  Ihc  tariti  Troia 
ovi-nty  iiiillionK  of  p.'oph',  doi'^  not  cvcerd  ten  tlioavaeil. 
'I'hi'  whole  aiindiiT  (iinhiiiiin!  tlii'  uorkiiiit  i'las)it'..i  eii^'aniil 
ill  our  laiiaiir:n'IMri'.il  iliTOiaL'  an\  lirtii  ill  Iroiii  Ihc  tirill', 
iliH^  not  pi<,,l/,ittr  AiMii/ri'il  tAoiO'iMi',  of  whiilll  not  more 

:  than  lorly  IhoiiA, Old  liavr  hi-i'll  hriiiluhl  into  Ihi.i  piir-^liil  hy 
Ihi'  la-l  lariir.  Iliil  thi.J  ^nlall  iiiinihi  r  of  limy  Uioii.iiinl 
wniiM -till  liav.' li'i.'M  in  the  I'onnuv.  con-^iiaiint:  oiii  au^i- 
I'liltnral  pniiliicN;  and  in  Ihc  atli  tiil't  to  Mi'iin'  Ihelil  iLS 
jmrclt  i-ir.s.  so  >iti;ii|  in  niiinln'r,  and  not  I'.'ii-niniiiL' one- 
hall'  llc'iipply  or  iniiiiv  I'oiitilii'.s,  the  laniiir  and  plaiili-r 
aO'iislinl  lo  ..-'ru'iiii.  .' Ihc  iii;irki'l-<  ol  tin- wortil,  conlainini; 
a  p.ipnl'ilioa  of  I'lL'liI  hilllilri'il  inilliiaiii,  ih^alili'd  tiuiii  pni 
I'iia-iiii;  oiir  proilinl- hy  our  hiuh  ilnlii's  nil  all  llcy  would 
sell  III  exchatiL'c.  'I'lle  I'arliiir  and  plrinlcr  would  liavi  the 
home  inarlict  ivtillolll  a  larill';  nnil  liicy  would  iiave  the 
I'on'iiai  riiarkiM  iiNo  lo  a  niiii-h  urcatcr  i-xli-iit,  hiil  liir  lliu 

lolal  or  parlial  pr  ' lion  oC  ihe  lasl  larilf. 

"  \\'i'  have  111 oil'  laiiil-  ih.'in  any  oilier  nation,  call 

raisi'  il  eri-nlcr  van.  i  .a  prinhli'ts,  and.  il  may  h"  said,  colllil 
Ircd  and  eliillie  tin-  p'  iiple  at' nearly  all  the  world. " 

I''eed  and  id  ('if.     How  are  we  to  c/n/Ac  llieni 
without  inanni  " 'iires-     And   why  don't   we  /f«< 
,■  ?     Ihn-  larilf  is  no  obstacle  whatever  to 


ill  ihe  jiuru  of  the  Baltic,  and  far  chtajitr  in  tlioue  J  had  a  permanent  prosperity,  without 


ci'iinie  wealihv 


:lh. 
>  or     iirnilticis  I'f 


tiltii 


I  it  be  b 
II 


1/  rnivini,''  the  /ii'icc  e 


pi-rates   ni 


o'lii 


itf  the 


uiimiliiclures.     against  our  a;;ricullurnl  exports.     Look  over  the 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLO 


707 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


;iiiiii  [Mr. 

wiicriiy  i)f 

Why,  sir, 
III  llicir 

il  .if  Kiii;- 

"  bnrlin- 

tlic  i;cnisi 

.  No  in- 
li  licdime 
lli«  rriulf! 

if  tilings  it 

IM'isll.       It 

I'liliiviiiod, 
iM.  Oiii: 
rii'M  fri'd 
iiiitc  li.ilf 

'I'llllllMIl 

ol'a  pcr- 
::>IU  cmin- 

III  I-  is  lint 

fil.  Mr. 
il  lli:il  \vc 
iilc  of  Iho 

\\\o  same 
i.'is  wisriy 

I'.ii'liiriii:^ 
|M-lc  wiiji 
IM'll  iliilicH 
llica-fi.  r, 
lust  niii- 
11  siiiiiiicr 
lf..r.v,.sli, 

lilt  tluiso 


The  Tariff — Mr.  Severance. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


tnblr  of  our  exports,  unci  it  will  bo  seen  nt  once 
that,  cxei'ptiiijt  cotton,  rice,  unil  Inlmcco,  we  now 
ticnU  liutii  ainall  nmonnt  of  niir  nirricMiJiiiriil  pro- 
tliintioiis  to  the  countries  wheme  we  import  our 
maniifiictiircs.  Cotton  thiy  import  free,  for  rra- 
Bims  liefore  explained.  On  rice,  hy  the  new  Brit- 
i.sh  Uiriir,  they  impose  u  duty  of  4H  per  cent.;  and 
on  tolmcco,  over  12(JU  per  cent.  Very  little  of  the 
flour,  srain,  and  salted  inents,  which  we  export,  go 
to  liiij^limd,  and  loss  to  Kiancc  and  Germuny. 
They  go  elsewhere  over  the  world  where  the  market 
is  not  III  the  least  dci^ree  alTivned  hy  our  admission 
or  exclusion  of  European  nmnufacliires.  We  hare 
now  the  nmiUils  of  the  world  for  our  nsriciiluiral 
produce,  and  the  qiie.slion  is  not  whether  we  shall 
abandon  them,  buL-ihall  we  add  to  thcni  a  domestic 
market  ten  times  as  i;ieat,  and  the  more  valuable 
for  beinsc.oiisiaiitaiid  uniform,  wherei.s  the  .^mailer 
foreijjn  market  is  unstable,  uncertain,  and  fluctua- 
tins. 

The  assertion  of  the  Secretary,  that  not  more 
than  ten  thousand  men  are  benefited  by  the  tariir, 
is  a  most  rxnaordniary  one,  cninins  from  such  a 
source.  It  would  be  easy  to  demoiislrate  that  the 
whole  American  penple  are  benefited  by  it;  but 
on  examiiiatioii  !■  will  lie  found  that  not  less  than 
three-fourths  of  tli"  Anerican  ,ieople  areenu;iured 
in  the  production  oi'.  -'.icies  protected  by  the  tarilV, 
and  more  than  o  '  million  are  employed  in  the 
inechaniciil  const  iii'iion  and  faliricatinii  of  articles 
Huch  as  we  import  from  alironil,  and  all  protected 
by  the  tarilT.  Rei'koiiiiii;  nil  en<;a!:ed  in  mechan- 
ical or  maiiufaciiiriiiij  pursuits,  (for  there  is  no  jiro- 
per distinction  belwei'ii  tlu.n,)  and  reckoiiiiip;,  too, 
the  day  laliiirers  ami  others  whose  out-door  em- 
ployments all  depend  upon  miinul'ictiires;  and  the 
families  of  all  these — and  their  number  is  not  less 
than  live  millions  of  people — all  of  them  dependiiitr 
upon  the  fanner  tor  their  bread,  meat,  and  other 
food,  his  wool  for  tliiir  doLliiiiL',  upon  his  wood- 
lands for  their  fuel,  Ac,  fiiviiip;  him  at  his  own 
door  a  market  worth  five  times  as  much  as  the 
foreiijii  market,  and  the  more  valuable,  because  at 
least  one-half  of  what  these  artisans  cmisume  is  of 
«uch  thiiii^s  as  from  their  perishable  nature  could 
not  he  tiaiisporled  to  a  foreii,'!!  country  if  there 
was  a  foreiirn  deniand  for  llieiii.  These  five  mil- 
lions of  people,  consuming'  in  fuel,  food,  and  cloth- 
in^',overiliiee  hundred  millions  of  dollars  annually, 
the  Secretary  would  turn  out  of  their  eiii|.loymenL--, 
and  set  tlieiii  all  to  farmiiii.'  to  supply  "  the  markets 
of  the  world,"  when  in  fact  the  "  niarki'ls  of  the 
world"  are  no  more  open  to  us  under  such  a  policy 
than  they  are  now,  ami  if  universal  free  trade  were 
adopted,  wc  could  only  supply  other  countries 
with  our  provisions  (ii/  silliiii;  Ihtm  ni  prices  rerij 
)'iir  below  irliai  oi'i  laniii  I o  ^'1  now  o'  liume.  The 
scheiue  of  iVee  trade,  or  iio-protecuoii,  has  one  end 
eonsianlly  in  view,  ami  that  is,  the  reduction  of  the 
\va',es  of  labiu-  in  this  country  to  the  level  of  the 
nre  of  wanes  in  ICiirope.  It  is  part  and  parcel  of 
tie  sysleni  ailvocaleil  by  Mr.  ('alhoiin  in  his  letter 
tj  our  Minister  ill  I'aris,  the  llmiorable  William 
\L  li'wj,  of  Auiriist  IJ,  18-11,  ill  which  he  iiiveisih- 
ed  n^'ainst  the  British  abolition  policy,  because  it 
niadi!  lalior  dear;  and  he  invited  the  Fi-eiich  King 
to  unite  with  us  in  proiecliiiijand  extendiii!!;  slavery 
for  the  piupose  of  niakiie:  labor  cheap.  Unlike 
the  I'risidenl  and  his  tiecretarj',  whose  propo.sed 
tarilV  r  ■?;iilalioiis  are  ill  perfect  unison  with,  and 
adajiie  I  to  carry  out  that  policy,  Mr.  CallKiiin  was 
loo  f.aiik,  honi'si,  and  consistent  a  )iolitician  to 
iii'bil;;!^  ill  any  declamation  nsraiiist  cir/ii/ii/,  while 
be  was  piiiposiiig  to  cheapen  labor  by  exteiidiiii; 
and  seiiirin^  the  permanence  of  his  favorite  "  pa- 
triar:'lial  institution." 

.Sir,  the  .Slate  which  I  in  part  represent  will  be 
deeply  injured  by  the  passiiije  of  tins  bill.  It  re- 
duces the  duly  on  several  of  our  au;ricultural  pro- 
ductions: on  wool  froiii  3(1  per  cent,  and  three 
cents  a  ]ioiind,  to 'J.'i  percent.;  on  potati^es  and 
oats,  from  ten  cents  a  bushel  lo  r2ll  |vercent.;  on 
foreii;ii  eauiiht  fish,  dried  or  smoked,  the  duty  if 
now  SI  pir  ll'J  His.;  on  mackirelSI  .ill  per  barrel; 
on  herrinirs  «;l  Titl;  o.i  (-"ilmoii,  pickleil,*,J  per  bar- 
rel; all  other  fish,  pickled,  ill  barrels  Si.  All  these 
are  rc^duced  to  0()  per  cent,  on  the  foiei'.'ii  valua- 
tion. The  drawback  cm  pickled  fish  exported  if 
rediic'ed  to  ihe  ainouutof  the  duty  on  the  siill  used 
in  curing  the  fish,  which  will  be  small  at 'JO  pel 
cent.  1111  the  foreign  vahialion  of  the  salt.  True, 
the  fishing  koiiii/in  remuin  untouched  by  the  lull. 


The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  proposed  their  re- 
peal, but  for  a  reason  which  is  very  well  under- 
stood, the  committee  have  thoni^ht  it  prudent  that 
their  repeal  should  not  be  inserted  in  this  bill.  Hiil 
who  doubts  that  they  will  be  repealed  if  this 
bill  passes?  The  State  of  Maine,  however,  has 
far  deeper  interests  in  the  protectins;  policy  than 
those  connected  with  her  fisheries.  The  State 
has  ;;reat  natural  advantai,es  for  mnnufactures  of 
wool,  of  cotton,  of  fjlass,  of  leather,  and  all  the 
various  articles  of  wood  and  iron,  and  is  now  be- 
ginning to  profit  by  these  advanl-iges.  tlur  es'ali- 
lishnients  are  mostly  new,  and  many  of  them  .ouall 
and  sciuieiecl,  with  liniitecl  capital.  The  prop,  d 
reduction  of  duty  on  cotton  and  woil,  with  tin  .  d 
valorem  duties  on  foreiijn  valuation,  will  stop  all 
incrca;. ;,  and  I  tear  sweep  all  the  weaker  ones  by 
the  board,  leaving  only  a  very  lew  ill  operation, at 
reduced  wiufcs.  The  large  old  cstablisluv.-'iits  of 
Massachu.selts,  Rhode  Island,  anil  Connecticut, 
with  lieav;'  capital,  will  go  on  rather  than  lose  the 

"  capital  iiivisted.  To  do  r.it  tliuy  must  curtail  their 
expenses  in  everyway:  but  they  will  survive,  and 
in  the  end  mi  doubt  profit  by  killing  oil" great  iium- 

I  bers  of  weaker  rivals  all  over  the  country.  If  the 
present  duties  urc^  suirered  to  remain,  tlic^  nnmher 
of  cotton  niill.s  and  woollen  mills  will  rapidly  iii- 

I  crease.  They  are  eieii  now  beginning  to  spread  all 
throiiirh  the  middle,  in  many  of  the  western,  anil 
in  nearly  all  the  southern  Stales,  and  just  in  pro- 

!  portion  as  they  increase  will  the  price  of  their  fab- 
rics fall,  and  tlie  price  of  agricultural  products  rise, 
till  they  find  the  same  levc:l.  The  same  may  be 
said  of  all  other  maiiiifaciurcs.     And  this  encour- 

;  agemeiit  of  the  meclianic  arts,  this  diversion  of 
luployinenl  from  airriculturc  to  other  pursuits,  is 
the  iiiilij  iinmiilile  wiiij  by  which  farming  can  he 
made  more  profitable  in  the  West,  or  aiiywlu-re 
else.  This  truth  will  force  itself  very  speidilv 
upon  the  West  whenevi^r  anoiher  exper  ment  lif 
low  tarid's  is  entered  upon.  There  is  n  >  foreign 
market  fiir  the  immense  agricultural  surp'iisof  the 
vall(!y  of  the  .Mississippi,  ami  iicm' enii  .-e.  The 
consumer  must  come  to  the  West,  not  I  le  Wet 
go  to  Ihe  consumer.  "  Malionii;t  must  to  to  the 
mountain." 

Wlieui  we  show  the  vast  amount  of  western  pro- 

I  duels  consiinied  in  New  I'hiL'land,  we  are  answered 

that  the  New  England  people  will  consume  just  as 

i  much,  whether  engaged   in  manufactures  or  not. 

'\  Thi;  is  a  irreat  mi.«take.  The  population  of  New 
England,  JVew  York,  and  IVinisylvania,  would  not 
be  what  it  is  without  inanufaclures.  The  eastern 
'  jieople  would  be  compelled  to  get  a  living  from 
theirown  soilor  starve.  They  would  buy  no  west- 
ern Hour,  corn,  pork,  beef,  Ac,  for  they  would 
have  no  money  with  which  to  pay  for  it:  they 
v.-oiild  emigrate  to  the  West  by  tlionsands  and  hun- 
dreds of  thousands,  not  to  engage  in  manuf.ictiires 
there,  but  to  engage  in  farming,  only  to  e.well  the 
already  existing  muphis  of  agricultural  produce 
and  diminish  the:  market  fiir  il.  Call  the  West 
desire  such  an  operation  as  this? 

licit  the  tariff  is  said  to  be:  very  oppressive.  Who 
does  it  oppress  ?  Examine  its  provisions  in  detail, 
and  you  will  find  that  four-fifths  of  the  revenue  is 
now  collected  upon  luxuries — upon  silks,  wines, 
brandies,  fine  cottons,  rich  carpi:ts,  broadcloths, 
and  other  similar  articles,  worn  or  used  by  the  ricn 
or  luxurious,  upon  nearly  every  one  of  which  this 
bill  redacts  Ihe  tlidiea,  lor  the  ostensible  ]iur|>ose  of 
getting  more  revenue:;  and  while  rediicingthe  duties 
on  tlie.ie  luxuries,  the  bill  lays  a  eluty  on  tea  and 
collee:  and  idl  this,  too,  while  the  Secrelarv  is 
pre:icliiug  a  homily  upon  taxinir  the  rich  ami  re- 
lieving the  poen'.  Why,  sir,  I  agree  with  liiiu  that 
in  laying  deities  for  rfre-uiec  »tcrr/ie,  luxuries  shoiild 
he  taxed  highest,  and  llial  "  nece.ssaries  of  life-," 
as  they  are:  calle-el,  should  be;  siihjec.t  to  low  duties, 
il'they'  iHn.'>7/if  imjutrletl;  but  it*  these  necessaries  of 
lite  are  what  the  great  mass  of  the  labor  of  the 
country  is  constantly  employed  in  prodcicine,  then 
I  would  not  import  them  at  all,  but  would  iinpo.se 
high  iluties  to  pi-event  their  importation. 

Th:U  our  prine'ipal  revi  line  is  now  derived  from 
duties  on  luxuries,  will  be  seen  by  looking  at  the 
items. 

Of  cotton  manufactures,  we  imported  last  year 
to  the  value  of  SI,'),H(i;t,'jMd.     Of  this,  Srt„'i72,.'>4(! 

was  of  dyed    oi lore'l;   SliW'.'U,4.'iI   was   while:; 

Sl.ll^iiili'il  was  glove-s,  mils,  hosiery, iVc,  and  the 
balance  niiscellaneous:  mure  than  four-fifths  was 


of  the  most  costly  ki'ici  of  cotton  manufactures, 
such  as  none  but  tile  wealthy  buy;  all  the  cheaper 
kinds  of  good.9  being  made  at  home.  On  all  these 
costly  cottons  this  bill  reduces  the  duties. 

Of  woollen  goods,  wc  imported  to  the  amount 
of  )!ilO,G(iG,17U.  Tliese  wereofcour.se  all  made 
of  foreign  wool;  and  of  the  amount,  I  find,  under 
the  head  of  cloths,  merino  shawls,  iS:c.,<i"),((38, 167, 
and  of  worsted  stiift's,  ■fili'.l.'IS.lOD.  The  bill  re- 
duces the  duty  on  the  broadcloths  from  40  to  30 
per  cent.  Mr.  Walker  had  it  Uii.  Worsted  stufl'a 
are  rciluced  tVoni  3(1  to  2,i,  and  ready-made  clothing 
from  50  to  3!).  l-'iiic  carpets,  from  5.')  and  G.">  cents 
per  si|iiare  yard,  are  redui:ed  to  30  per  cent,  on  the 
foreign  valualiou — all  lo  relie:ve  the  ]ioiir,  no  doubt, 
to  "discriminate  against  luxuries,"  luid  to  "in- 
crease the  reve;iiue." 

Of  manufactures  of  iron  and  steel  we  imported 
«j5,ll77,7rtd. 

Of  silk  maimfiu'lures,  we:  imported  to  the  value 
of  )>t^.(i8(;,OII,").  On  these  silks  the  pri-seiit  duty  is 
specifii:,  varying  on  dilVeieiit  kinds,  and  averaging 
about  .'iO  per  cent.;  but  the;  proposed  ad  valorem  of 
30  per  cent,  will  no  doubt  lie  :-o  evaded  as  to  pro- 
dnie  le.ss  reve-iiiie,  ami  throw  all  the  trade  into  for- 
eign, dishoiie-si  hands. 

The  reeliiction  of  duly  on  wine  and  brandy,  I 
suppose',  is  lo  lelicHC  the:  poor  and  fiivor  the  eau.so 
of  temperance',  as  well  as  to  get  more  revenue  by 
larger  iiiiporlanoiis. 

On  the:  whole,  Mr.  Chairman,  1  see  very  little 
in  this  bill  lo  ii'due;e  me  to  vote  for  it.  It  prot'esses 
to  relieve:  the  poor  from  taxation:  it  will  take  the 
bre:id  of  industry  fieiin  their  mouths.  It  profe:ss- 
es  to  disiriiiiinate;  a;;iiinst  luxuries:  it  reelucts  the 
duties  on  iie:arly  all  the  luxuries,  of  which  we 
iinpiiri  lai-'j-e:  ainoiint.s.  It  profi-sses  to  ilisi-rim- 
in:ile  only  for  revenue,  and  it  leave's  prohibitory 
duties  iinioiiclii  d.  It  prole-sses  to  dis'-ard  protec- 
tion allogi  ther,  but  puis  311  per  cent,  on  sugar  and 
•2'i  per  ce:nl.  on  wool;  30  on  iron,  and  DO  on  pota- 
toes; 30  on  molasses,  and  ^;')  on  cotton  ineuiiifac- 
tiires,  of  wliieli  we  impoii  nearly  foiirle-eii  millions 
of  dollars  worth.  It  professes  lo  he  di:si!;iied  to 
increase:  the  revenue:  it  will  reduce  the  revenue. 
Our  imports  fen-  the  last  year,  under  the  present 
law,  exceeded  our  exports.  A  reduction  of  duties 
will,  for  a  year  or  Hvo,  greally  incrca.'ie;  our  im- 
ports, but  no  irorrespomliiig  iiicre:iae  vl'  exports  will 
follow.  The  northern  mitions  of  Europe  have  a 
surplus  of  L'rain.  This  is  increasing  by  continued 
pe:ie;e,  by  improved  ciillivation,  and  by  the  siircad 
of  tcinperance;,  thus  seiviiig  tens,  if  not  hunelreds, 
of  niillions  of  bushels  heretofore  used  ill  brewing 
anil  distilling.  Eiighind  supplies  lie:r.self  with 
bread,  all  but  one-niiieleenth  part;  and  of  this,  if 
we  ge:l  oiie-lhird,  (and  we  do  not  have  one-sixth,) 
it  will  only  give  lis  one-fifly-seveiuh  of  what  she 
requires.  Every  considerable  Power  in  Europe, 
moreover,  has  a  high  protective  tarin",  lUid  all  of 
them  well  guarded  by  Sjteeijic  duties,  which  cannot 
,  be  evaded.  The  Zoll-Verein  duties  on  cloths  are 
so  much  per  pound  weight,  having  the  same  etlVct 
on  the  clieaper  fabrics  as  our  sepiare-yard  and 
1  minimum  duties.  They  amount  to  ])roliibition, 
and  have  worked  admirably  there,  just  as  tliijy 
have  here.  Kraiice,  lying  alongside  of  Great  Hrit- 
aiii,  and  with  a  population  of  3.1,000,000  inhahit- 
ant.s,  takes  from  England  mily  about  ha'fas  much 
as  we  do.  Russia,  Prus.sia,  Holland, iiial  all  Ger- 
many, protect  their  own  inaiiul'aciun-.;  and  even 
Spain  and  Portugal,  so  long  imiioverislied  by  free- 
trade  treaties  w'ith  England,  have  now  enacted 
high  proU'ctive  tarills. 

The  tarill'of  IH4d  was  framed  amid  great  difli- 
nilty ,  but  with  iiiuch  care,  by  men  who  knew  what 
they  were  about,  and  did  not  jump  at  conelnsiona. 
That  it  is  entirelv  perfect  no  cine  pre:teiids;  but  it 
is  as:rood  a  tarilf'as  we  have  ever  had,  e.- iirobably 
eversiiall  have.  It  neeels  enilyslight  ameirlmentin 
tew  points,  if  at  all.  The  heavy  importa'lon  of 
wool  should  be  prevented;  but  this  bill  will  in- 
crease: that  importation-  Tine  and  coarse  will  be 
impinled  alike  in  gicat  quantities,  provided  our 
woolle  II  manufactures  are  not  broken  down  so  as 
to  admit  the  foreign  wool  already  made  into  cloth, 
or  eve:n  all  made:  up  into  garments  by  foreign  labor. 

The  cotton  mamifacture  .seems  to  be  singled  emt 
for  destruciieui,  by  giving  it  only  25  per  cent,  pro- 
tectioii,  a  reduction  of  oue-ludf  ii'icording  to  some, 
and  of  .several  hundred  per  cent,  according  to  others, 
who  are  ingenious  in  piling  up  fanciful  figures; 


708 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 

The  Tariff— Mr.  liamsey.  ~^ 


[June  10, 
Ho.  OF  Reps. 


but  if  it  be  oiic-hnlf,  wn  must  import  #28,000,000  1 
Wdilh  of  eoltniisfiiii'"  loijct  tlic  Raiiio  rovoiiiie  from 
it  HP  Jo  now,  and  stopplnt;  the  mills  wliioli  no^v 
prodiirPOvrijlH  DIM^OOO.  ("im  this  hr  done  witli- 
oiil  lii'iiii;  fill  tliroHu^li  tlic  whole  commiiiiily,  nnd 
wiiliout  iitVccliiii;  the  ruriTncy?  nie  ScciTtnry 
talks  nmrli  of  the  mlvnnlnjrsof  a  specie  ciirrcnry.  ! 
■Wlii'iT  will  mir  sprc'ie  he  when  we  doiilile  our  iiii-  j 
polls  iif  cotion  and  wootleii  fjoods,  (f  iron  and  ' 
Biiir:!!'.'  It  will  soon  he  in  some  other  eoimlry  and 
not  in  this.  We  shall  hardly  he  nhle  to  huy  'he 
En'^lish  honks  that  teneh  ns  the  hcnntirs  ol  fi-ee 
Irade.  or  take  ihc  New  York  newspapers,  which 
nriarli  tlie  same  ducirines,  nnd  advocate  daily  the 
nilerestsof  the  forciijn  iniporterx,  whose  patronnire 
li:;hls  their  pathway, and  (Hiickrnsllirirpi'iceptioiis 
of  the  utility  of  low  duties,  nnd  pnrticidaily  of  ml 
riilt.nms,  mid  slren:;lhens  their  deep  sense  of  the 
oppressions  of  the  lilack  larilfof  ]8li,  which  these 
foreii^n  importers  feel,  if  nohody  else  dites  on  this 
side  the  water.  Let  it  not  he  foriollen  that  the 
pniductive  vnhic  of  onr  rotton  mamil'artnres  is 
greater  than  that  of  onr  exports  of  raw  cotton  nc- 
cordin*^  to  \lr.  Walker's  estimates.  The  spimiiriij 
nnd  weaving  it  I  Imlil  to  he  ipiite  as  respeclahle  a 
business  ns  plantin;;,  hocin;:,  and  pnllin?  it,  and 
eeiiainlv  more  of  the  latter  is  the  prodnctimi  of 
miiital  tiian  the  former;  hut  the  planting  interest  is 
not  injured  in  the  least  decree  hy  the  extension  of 
Ihe  manufaettire,  nor  can  it  j:ain  hy  destroying 
the  mamifaclure. 

Sir,  yon  may  pass  this  hill  hy  the  force  of  party 
disciplnie  and  K\'e<*nlive  inluence,  not  to  mention 
fortii^n  itijhti  »fc;  hut  if  you  do,  the  eOecl  of  it  will 
be  incvilahli':  another  tarilf  of  "4i2  will  lie  enacted 
hv  other  men  .-^cnt  here  hy  tht^  people  to  fdl  your 
jilaces  and  repair  the  mischiefs  yon  have  done. 


Tllli:  TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  ALEX.  R.\i\ISEY, 

OF  PE.NNSYLVANIA, 

In  the  Hot-SK  OF  RKI>nr.Sl!NT.\TIVES, 

.7(ine  1"),  1846. 
Tlie  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  AVhole  on 

the  slate  of  Ihe  Fnion  on  the  hill  reported   from 

the  Commillee  of  Wav>:  ami  -Means, amendatory 

of  tlic  TarilV  law  of  Ifijo— 

Mr.  RAMSEY  addressed  the  committee  as  fol- 
lows: 

.Mr.  Chairman:  When,  dnrin?  th."  last  Con- 
gress, i  had  the  Inmor  of  nddressini:  the  Connnii- 
teeof  Ihe  Whole,  on  the  hill  then  irporled  from  the 
Cmumiltee  of  Ways  and  .Means,  and  from  the  snli- 
seipient  decisive  acuon  of  tlie  House  upon  it,  I  had 
liiiperl  that  the  inilnsiry  of  onr  eimnlry  would  no 
loo'^er  be  diTiwn  into  the  vortex  of  pulitjcal  action. 
It  seems  incredil)le  to  me  why  the  niai'MMly  here 
eannol  arrive  at  the  connnon-sense  coni'hision  '*  to 
let  well  enouL'h  nlmie."  lint  it  would  api'car  that 
free  trade,  like  the  hydra  of  old,  is  niany-hi>aded, 
nnd  nsfa.'-'t  as  oiu' is  destroyed,  from  iis  blond  others 
spring  up  to  opposi'  the  popular  will;  fm-  how  can 
it  be  denied  that  Ilie  [Milii  y  itf  protecdun  is  the 
policy  nf  the  country,  as  developed  by  tlie  known 
wl'hes  nnd  interesis  of  n  vast  inajurily  of  the 
Airu'riran  people.' 

Iliad  hoped  that  the  |Uf  lion  was  at  rest — that 
the  evirlcnces  all  nroinid  an  about  ns  nf  the  bene- 
ficial inllnen"'  ..  .  le  Lirilfact  of  l.^ltj  would  have 
deterred  i  .  ,  one  Crom  aLTiin  attacking'  it — that  for 
once  the  public  ;;ooil  would  have  received  primary 
Mlleinion  over  the  mere  refpiisiiions  of  party — that 
p.irlisanship  would  have  waited  fur  eomplaint.s 
from  the  people  before  it  unihrlook  lo  pull  down 
our  iiroteciive  syst(m,and  thai  ri'al  lienr-fils  wfinld 
have  been  cherished  inslead  of  any  jack-o'-lantern 
Hchcmes  of  probable  ulterior  ndvanta;;e'. 

Have  we  ever  had  reason  nppialed  ii  with  nny 
republican  doctrines  of  free  Iradi}?  Have  wn  not 
boiTowi'il  from  I!rilish  statesmen  and  from  the  im- 
r":rial  Parliament  all  onrarirumeiitsnn  this  siibjeci.' 
Have  we  not  seen  that  even  now,  when  ."^ir  Robert 
Peel's  foresii;ht  has  preferred  to  nri;e  a  change  in 
the  commercial  policy  of  Kngland  by  IcL'islation, 
nillier  than  lo  await  the  slower  but  <  i|nally  sure 
change  which  would  be  lironi,'lit  about  by  popular 
exciiernent  and  revolution,  that  the  can.se  of  the 
elli-ct  is  to  be  found  in  the  constitution  of  ICngland, 
her  immense  enlnils,  licr  lawn  of  primogenitun-. 


nnd  Ihc  old  feudal  relnliuiia  oflatv'lnrd  nnd  tennnt,' 
Do  we  not  see  that  free  tmde  in  Knglaud  is  n 
political,  not  n  commercial  measure.'  That  it  is 
necessary  to  give  the  starving  laborers  nf  F.ngland 
bread  at  the  prices  the  free  lalior  of  onr  own  Ame- 
rica can  give  it,  rather  than  subject  them  lo  the 
•severe  cxaetjiuis  of  aristocratie  landlords  nnd  im- 
mense monopolisls,'  Centuries  must  roll  over  our 
eonnlry  ere  such  contingencies  can  he  feared  hy  us, 
nnd  perhaps  never  will  be,  under  our  present  con- 
federation. We  have  no  vast  entailed  estates  upon 
which  to  found  power;  we  have  no  gaudy  court  to 
maintain;  no  pampered  parasites  lo  feed;  no  gor- 
geous melo-dramalic  spectacle  of  royally  to  keep 
lip  with  continual  show  and  clitler,  to  liliiid  the 
eyes  of  the  people,  to  hush  the  throbbing  of  the 
niiv'hty  universal  heart,  or  to  draw  olf  the  attention 
of  the  people  from  their  real  sulferings,  Onr  conn- 
try  has  none  of  lli.'  old  remnants  of  feudalism 
about  it:  we  are  all  king,s — all  landlords,  as  desert 
and  industry  may  crown  or  endow  us.  There  is 
no  ilanger,  while  "  thl^  whole  boundless  continent 
is  luirs,''  of  any  monopoly  of  breadsuifl's  or  the 
necessaries  of  life.  The  spirit  of  comiielition  will 
keep  down  prices,  and  the  national  character  for 
adventure  will  make  ns  the  factor.i  for  the  world. 

AVliy,  then,  slicmld  we  abnnilon  the  policy  of 
protectionr  Wherein  have  cinannstances  allered, 
since  the  first  Conu'riss  passed  its  first  legislative 
net  wilh  the  avowed  object  of  proKction.'  AVIiy 
should  a  time-honoreil  custom  be  broken  in  upon: 
and  why  should  we  dare,  at  liii.<  hour,  to  say  that 
the  foresii;lit  of  Washington,  ;\ilams,  .Telferson, 
Madison,  nnd  Monroe,  of  llie  revolutionary  era  of 
onr  country,  or  the  policy  of  their  ]iresidential 
successors,  down  to  the  jnesent  incumbent,  was 
wron^:  and  unconstilnlional.'  The  first  nine  Pres- 
idents advocnieil,  broadly  ami  without  n  siriclion, 
the  proleciive  pnljcy;  ihe  tenth — the  last — opposes 
it.  And  wc  II  may  the  leadini;  lory  paper  of  Kng- 
laud, the  Loiiilon  Times,  in  reviewing  Mr.  Polk's 
Messaiie  to  C'miirress,  remark: 

'•  till  line  ii'iinl  ttic  .Mcssiit'c  e\liil)ii.j  n  FVC'iinttiy  uitli  our 
own  iitiiii-rcn.il  inlciiuiui.;.  as  iiiarvclloim  us  il  i^  aii-pici(iii.j 
nrililirnaliiiiial  amity,  'i'lic  priiieijih' nrtiriitcctive  ilniic-^ 
uti  n),|>(j!.eil  1 1  lliiR^e  I'lir  I'cveiiiic.  1,4  clearly  ileliiicit  anil 
siriinsly  eniKlciiiiicih  niiil  Ihc  l.ci:i>lanirc  ii*  ri:cniiiiiiciiili'il  r<i 
pill  nni-ml  Pi  the  eppn  s;.ivc  ilc  ,|llillille<  of  wlial  is  calh  il 
Ihi'  iiir'iiontoi)  ri  taiiicd  in  the  t.irili'df  1^1'.^,  witll  ttle  general 
iuhipliiiii  or.Nt  rii/eifdi  dalii's." 

Ti.ave  we  not  the  weight  of  nnlhority  on  onr 
side.' or  have  we  grown  wiser  than  mir  tiithers, 
nnd  are  wc  prepared  to  stultify  ourselves  that  we 
mavclaim  tliei'inply  merit  of  orii;inality.' 

Rut  llnTi'  are  abundant  evidences  that  llie  jieople 
of  this  Union  are  not  prepared  for  the  changes 
|irfipos(>d  bv  this  bill. 

While  the  advocates  of  protection  at  the  North 
stand  llieir  irronnd  invincibly  npnii  the  bro.ad  pla;- 
fnrm  of  llieir  counlrv's  besi  inlerists;  v.hile  there 
is  niii  a  siie.'Je  defectfun  from  the  tarilf  ranks  in  the 
North,  the  I'obweb  arL'uments  of  free-irade  at  the 
Snnili  are  being  dispersed  by  the  liiealli  uf  con- 
vic.iiiin;  and  we  find,  in  the  irreat  sonlliern  empo- 
rimns,  presses  ri^iii;;  up  and  proclaiminir  in  favor 
of  th('  L'l'eat  principle  avowcdby  Andrew  . I aekson, 
that  we  must  '*  beconu!  mort;  .Americanized." 
Where  are  the  evidences,  without  these  halls,  that 
the  people  want  any  elianuc?  Have  we  rei'eived 
their  uwmorials  for  redress,  or  have  we  heard  the 
fust  word  of  complaint:  Who  cr.me  to  ns  and 
ndvocale  llie  abmiiation  of  protective  laws?  Who 
but  liritish  emiss.ariesa.  tl  a;::enls  of  I'.nropean  eap- 
italisis.  Who  seek  to  convince  ns  that  onr  policy, 
for  a  space  of  time  which  Providence  has  nlloiied 
as  ihe  duration  of  man's  life,  has  been  erroneous? 
Who  lint  those  who  liopi- to  make  money  by  pla- 
eini:  llie  low  wages  of  ICurope  in  compeiiiion  with 
the  labor  of  onr  eonnlry,  .And  are  we  prepared 
for  such  interference?  Are  we  prepared  for  prac 
tical  free  trade,  that  wc  should  take  even  the  first 
stcii  towards  it. 

niicei  taxalion  or  diirct  protection  are  the  true 
issues  before  the  penple,  which  are  so  specionslv 
dis/nised  under  every  nanw  ,  from  the  horizontal 
to  t!ie  perpendicular!  We  may  eludf-  the  issne  for 
'  n  while,  hut  it  must  eonie;  we  niiisl  either  collect 
our  revenue  through  the  ciisiom-honse,  by  niicIi 
gentle  means  that  it  is  not  fell  as  a  burden,  or  we 
must  be  prepared  tfi  hear  the  kniicldes  of  Ihe  bail- 
id'  and  the  tax  L'atlierers  knockini;  against  the  cnl- 

taiie  doors  of  the  [loor.     Whether  our  | pie  will 

siibmil  10  this  or  not,  every  gentleman  on  this 


floor  knows  as  well  ns  I  doj  they  know  the  genius 
nnd  spirit  of  ournntron,  the  causes  which  produced 
the  ruplnrn  of  the  (olonies  from  the  inoiher  conn- 
try,  and  the  gnat  disinclination  ever  evinced  to 
nnvlhing  like  an  excise  duty. 

If  direct  taxation  is  determined  npon,  let  it  hn 
ndvoealed  boldly,  openly,  and  fnmkly.     Do  not 
nii.se  the  ery  of  unconsiitnllonality  aaiunst   tlif 
1  tarilf;  for  if  it  be   nncnnsllliitional,  then  has  tlio 
jl  einnitrv  been  under  the  guidance  of  traitors  from 
I  its  liirlli;  for  what  is  this  continued  tramplin'.;iipoii 
i;  the  Constitnlloii  but  treason?    When  onr  eolonle.s, 
;,  ns  far  hack  as  noi),  resi.sted  taxalion,  and  the  col 
j!  oiiisis   formed    them.selves    into    nou-iiiiporlalloii 
!j  societies,  the  Mritish  Pnrliament  called   it  treason; 
<\  but  In  the  I  foii.<eof  (^'ommoiis  Mr.  IJarre  t'ave  his 
'   eollea;iies  this  marked  itbiike:  "  Act  openly  nnd 
ti  honestly.     Tell  them  you  trill  lax  Hum,  ami  that 
jj  they  must  submit     Do  not  ndo[it  this  lliile,  insid- 
ious, futile  plan;  they  will  despise  ymi  I'oril."  This 
langnagcMiiay  be  repeated   now.     Let  the  Ameri- 
|l  can  people  know  what  yon  nre  about  to  do. 
I      Tlie  linglisli  Government  is  aiming  nt  the  same 
i  end  now  as  then,  only  it  has  assumed  n  dlflerent 
I  mode  of  o|ienillng  to  .accomplish  that  end.    When 
}:  the  colonies  belonged  to  il,  they  adopted   revenue 
';  diilies,  without  regard  to  protection;  and.  Indeed, 
;  wilh  the  avowal  that  there  should  be  no  proleclloii 
'  for  colonial   Industry :   and   from  this  oppression 
j  sprunsr  the  seeds  of  ihe  Revolnllon. 
I      AVluit,  I  would  ask,  is  ii  protective  tarifT  morn 
than  a  permanenl,  moilerate,  nnd  patriotic  non- 
iiilerconrse  act.' — .such  an  a^'irement  as  was  en- 
,i  tered  Into  l>y  the  thirteen  colonics,  when,  according 
i  lo  Chief .Insllcc  .Marshall,  "the  utmost  exerlioiiN 
I  '  were  iiseil   lo  inijinive  the  inamifactiires  of  Ihe 
(  '  eonnlry;  mid   the  fair  ,sex.  laying  asldi:  the  laic 
'  fashionable  ornainenis  of  England,  exulted,  with 
*  patriotic  jiride,   in   appearing   dre.'-acd   with   the 
,  'produce  of  llieir  own  looms,"    The  same  emi- 
!j  ncnt  histoi'laii  ,says,  the  .Oirce  of  luiblie  ojiinioii  se- 
ll cured  these  nssoeinlions  from  violation.    And  what 
'■:  was  the  result  >     Under  Ihe  Administration  of  thr 
Diikc  of  Graflon   he  olVered   a  proposition   "  foi 
'  Ihc  repeal  of  all  the  duties  impo.sed  for  llir  p\ir- 
'  '  pi.tf  0/' riMs/Hg  iiytrcniir  in  the  eohmics."     lint 
,  t.ie  aniounl  of  revenue  was  not  n  i|nestion  at  issue; 
ij  "  the  ininriplr  was,  In  the  opinion  of  both,  of  ihi' 
i    nimost  mairnitnde,''  and  tlierefore  the  Cabinet  of 

I  St.  .Tames  still  resnlved  to  retain  the  duly  on  i,:'i 
Look  at  the  I'oincidenee!  Hy  the  bill  now  bel'ori: 
us,  the  President  can,  by  proclamation — by  a  eab- 

.  inel  onler — Impose  a  duty  on  tea  and  coU'ee  !  The 
constitntliniatlty  of  taxing  everythiiii;  Kt>lelij  fur 
rerrmir  Is  yielded  in  thi.s  liill,  by  llip  fact  that  tea 

II  nnd  eolfee  mt:  in  ordinary  limes  exempt;  bin  the 
''  principle  of  discrimination  Is  in  full  force,  and  that 

"  discretion,"  which  h  is  been  so  feared  on  nnolliei 
recinit  occasiiin.  Is  here  called  into  operation.  This 
is  another  grievous  error.  Dur  revolutionary 
fathers  eonlendisl  that  the  right  to  lax  thcinselvcs 
was  vested  exelusivi  ty  in  thcmsi-Ives;  and  vet,  in 
I  these  days  of  "  pro>;ression,"  we  find  this  kingly 
,  prerogative  placed  nt  the  discretion  of  the  Presi- 
den*,!     And  we  arelo  be  taxed  by  proclamation  ! 

Sir,  the  same  S]»iril  is  now  at  work  which  jnsll- 
ficd  the  oppression  of  Ihc  colonists,  and  made 
'  them  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water,  to 
swell  the  revenues  of  Ihe  mother  eonnlry.  The 
.same  policy  which  deiermined  that  a  hobnail  should 
not  be  forged  in  the  old  thirteen,  is  now  at  work 
to   cramp  the  ih'vi  lopment  of  American  industry 

I  Every  iienileman  knows  Its  peculiar  operation 
anions  his  own  constituency;  and  it  is  my  finn  be- 
lief, that  could  the  people  be  brought  to  a  direct 
vole  on  till'  quesiion  of  a  protective  or  a  revenue 
i.irlir,  wllhiiui  lia\iiig  ihini  involved  in  any  ol 
those  mysticisms  which  liaveof  late  years  obscured 
lliem,  there  would  be  found  an  overwhelming  ma- 
jority In  favor  of  liie  protective  policy.  It  is  n 
vital  (|uestlon  with  Pennsylvania — one  of  life  and 

I  death,  of  prosnerily  or  bankruptcy.  Under  the 
oiieralloiis  of  tlic  l.arilf  bill,  now  assailed,  she  has 
shaken  oirdllticullus  which  oppressed  her;  revived 
her  financial  credit,  and  made  out  to  pay  iho  interest 
on  her  debt  contracted  for  tint  erection  of  n  glsantie. 
system  of  innrnnl  improvements.  Cripple  her  in 
teriial  trade  by  the  deslrncllon  of  the  present  larlll', 
•lint    sill,    I  fear,  falls  into  the    li.st   of  defaulting 

ji  States.  Tnire  away  "  the  means  whereby  she 
lives,"  nnd  yi  u  "  lake  away  her  llie."     There  is 

"  bill  one  opiiiioi    on  the  ijiicHliini  of  n  protective 


I MG.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


709 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 

Inrill"  ill  my  Stale,  nnd  tlie  weight  nf  ihnl  o|iininn 
IiikI   II   iiirporulci'iUin^  rtTwl  on   llie  si"nlr,  whii'.h 
•  li'Viitcd  llic  piX'sciit  inniinljfnl  iif  tlin  I'lcsideiiliiil 
clinir.     Iliiwiire  I'cniiHylviiniiins  to  Ijc  trralril  fnr 
(lieir  pencriniH  Nnppnrt   nf   Oiinmnu'y,   willioul 
I'.illcriiii^or  licHiliincy  ?    Wlicn  they  iippc'nl  tn  you 
I'lir  the  mrnnfi  of  oxi»ldii'r,i\ic  tlity  to  be  denieil? 
Wiu'ii  they  iislt  fiir/irfiii/,  iiru  yon  iircpnred  to  iiioek 
tlicm  willi  «  s/tmf  ;'    Ih  iiotsoiiiriliiri^'due  loPenn- 
NVlviiniii  from  tlint  pnrly,so  lnri;cly  in  the  iisccnd- 
anl  here?     la  she  never  to  olilain  henefieinl  h'^is- 
hiiioii  Imthy  the  votes  oflhnse  who  niv  inn  political   j 
iniiioriiy  on  this  floor,  in  the  State,  and  throughout   \ 
the  nation  ?    Mnst  she  work  and  hilior  to  elevate  'j 
the  ncmiiiitfea  ofihe  Deinor.rutie  p«rty,  and  receive   . 
no  recoin|H"nse  for  her  services?     Are  Sialen  and  'j 
iiulividnals  holh  tnfeel  the  iiiirratitnile  of  an  Anier-   1 
ie»n  C'oni;resa?     Is  nhe  to  lose  all  the  stdislanlive    I 
<^<»)A  she  poKscssea  within  herself,  while  iiothiiif;    | 
is  letiiieitH!  her  in  return  lait  specnlalive  henefila  ?  ' 
Is  hIk^  only  "  In  eat  the  air,  nroniise-enniimed  ?" 

Mr.  ChairniHn,we  are  solierly  asked  to  pass  the  ' 
liill   introdnced   liy  the  Coinniillee  of  AVay.s  luid 
Means;  and  l';ii;;land.  nowstru:;j;rni5;  will)  nntirin;;  ' 
zral  for  tlieprivile;;i-of  stipplyin^  ns  with  hernian- 
ufactnres,  would,  in  the  dcstruciion  of  oin-  work-  , 
yhops  here,  and  their  transtvr  to  her  soil,  have  this  ' 
iiia!;ni(ii;ent  confederation  of  t\venty-ci!;hl  States,  ' 
with  a  populalinn  of  twenty  million  souls,  in  more  '. 
complete  vas-sala^'e  than  ever  she  held  tlic  thirteen 
('(donies  with  three  millions  of  people.     She  wants 
IIH  in  this  position;  shi'  would  despoil  you  of  your 
territories,   insult   you  ujiou   the  ocean,  maltreat 
wherever  and  wheni^-er  she  |>leased;  hut  as  she 
would  inanufactiu'e  your  blankets,  your  powder, 
your  iron,  all  the  munitions  of  war,  and  almost 
♦^very  article  of  domestic,  comfort — you  would  not 
resort  to  arms  if  you   eoidd,  for  you  woulil   feel 
yourselves  so  completely  in  her  power,  that  war 
with  her  would  be  an  almost  physical  impos; . 
Iiility. 

Tlieeonstiluenlsof  Hritish  wealth  and  ,  owerare 
lo  be  fouiul  in  hi;r  manufactories;  these  lnve^iven 
eni|iloymi'nt  ;,/  her  dense  population,  feedinir  and 
ehiiliiiiijthem.  Willi  tlu'seshe  has  been  enabled  lo 
meet  the  interest  upon  her  e::ormous  pui)lic  debt  of 
four  thinisand  millimis  of  dollars,  mainlain  l.-trire 
armies  in  reaiole  lands,  and  so  belt  ihi^  globe 
wiili  her  forts  ihal  f.he  can  say  in  truth  that  the  roll 
of  her  mornin^drnm  is  heard  all  around  the  earth's 
eircunifi  rence.  With  these  she  has  kept  afloat  na- 
vies more  ntunerous  nnd  powerful  tifmi  those  of 
nil  the  nations  of  ehri.stendom  combined.  She 
inainlanis  an  expensive  Ciovenunenl,  and  has 
brought  all  the  internal  etinununication  of  i:ersea- 
!,'irt  isle  to  a  perfeeiioii  and  fuiish  that  leave  no 
further  (U'i^ri'C  of  completeness  ntlainalile.  She  has 
subsidised  forei<;ii  armies  and  nations,  nnd  dic- 
tates the  policy  of  the  most  distant  peiii>lc.  Other 
of  her  Kuropean  nii^tibors  may  envy  her  wealth 
and  ijreatness — niay  look  with  a  jealous  eye  upon 
her  onward  march;  but  they  cannot  stay  her  pro- 
i;ress.  The  judicious  protection  whicli,  fur  centu- 
ries, she  has  f;iveu  lo  the  manufaciurinj;  arts — 
above  all,  her  iron  and  her  coal  which  she!  has 
known  how  to  ilevclope — have  so  ;;iveu  her  the 
start  as  lo  defy  all  rivalry.  More  than  all  this  we 
<  an  attain:  much  of  Kn^lanil's  policy  is  not  suited 
lo  the  siruclnre  of  our  slate  or  tin;  interests  nf  our 
people,  but  in  all  ihat  is  desirable  we  can  excel 
iur;  aiul  uiiiler  the  enlivenin;;  influences  of  the  pro- 
Icdiyo  policy,  we  were  last  prosressim;  in  our 
I'areVi'af  !,'reatness,  and  sieadily  advancing  to  the 
hi'Jihest  rank  in  the  scale  of  nations. 

That  an  American  Rt;tt(suian  or  an  American 
Coni;ress  sliould  venture  upmi  an  experiment  that 
mmht  even  endaii'.'er  this  tendency,  is  almost  in 
eonc  eivablc,  and  will  eonsin;n  the  men  and  the  parly 
lhal  elVei^l  it  lo  an  infamy  so  deep,  "  that  the  hand 
of  resurriH'.lion,"  to  use  the  stroiti;  laiuxuairc  of  a 
Senator  in  the  i-eeenl  Orei;ou  debate,  "  will  not 
reacdi  them." 

Tli(^  peopli!  of  Pennsylvania,  beiiiii  one-tenth  of 
the  population  of  this  Ifnion,  and  therefore  enti- 
tled to  some  cnnsideralion,  with  a  nnanimily 
never  before  witnessed  upon  any  (pieslion,  demand 
a  eoul'nUMiice  of  the  tarilV  law  of  IH4'J;  they  regard 
tlmt  act  of  lei^islation  as  the  nuiin-sprinj;  of  their 
present  prosperity,  and  the  mily  security  fur  its 
eonliuuanc)!. 

This  bill,  if  it  should  nnfnrtunalelv  heeonie  a 
law,  will  prove  the  ruin  of  our  people,  who  are 


'ITie  Tariff— Mr.  Rammj. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


now  slrugulin";  under  a  burden  that  would  have 
crushed  any  other  community  in  this  Union;  lo 
meet  the  enormous  inteitat  of  two  millions  <d'  dol- 
lars which  annually  nccuinulates  upon  the  debt  of 
the  Stiite,  she  is  eoniiH'lled  to  lax  every  (ani;ible 
objeet.  No  other  Slate  of  the  Confederacy  would 
have  made  the  sacrifices  or  submitted  lo  the  taxa- 
tion which  wc  of  I'eiinsylvunia  have  borne  to  meet 
ill  good  faith  the  obli;;ations  of  the  Slate.  And 
although  the  party  with  which  1  am  proud  to  act 
have  had  hut  little  to  do  with  the  erealimi  of  this 
debt,  hold  hut  very  few  of  the  ofrices,nnd  reap 
none  of  the  patronage  of  the  government,  they  are 
not  the  less  anxious  to  eoiitributc  towards  the  re- 
lief of  government. 

1  must  eonfess,  Mr.  Chairman,  tlmt  I  feel  alarm- 
ed at  the  unity  of  purpose  which  seems  to  eliaiae- 
tcrizc  the  majority  of  this  committee  in  their 
as.saults  upon  the  ]iceuliar  industry  and  business 
of  my  eonsiitueney — the  mining  id'  coal;  every 
speaker  who  has  yet  addressed  us  ill  favor  of  this 
bill  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  aptly 
styled  the  "  British  bill"  by  my  colleague,  has  af- 
fected a  particular  horror  at  the  eiiormou.sly  high 
duties  imposed  upon  iron  and  ronl.  If  I  am  not 
mistaken  in  the  signs  about  lis,  the  duly  upon  coal 
is  to  he  cut  ofl";  and  why  should  this  he?  Cer- 
tainly no  genlleinnii  who  has  any  acquaintance 
with  the  prices  of  coal  at  home  and  abroad  can  for 
a  moment  suppose  that,  wilhmit  protection,  the 
business  can  he  sustained.  And  are  the  hardy  and 
induslrions  men  who  look  to  this  business  foe 
breiul  to  be  sacrific.ed  at  one  fell  swoop,  simply 
because  the  Haliiuiore  Convention  resolved  it? 
Have  not  blood  and  tears  enough  been  already 
sacrificed  to  this  Moloch  of  parly? 

I  had  inlended  to  ilevote  my  remarks  to  a  gen- 
eral exposition  of  the  protective  policy,  and  show 
its  advantage  to  the  various  jairsuits,  agriciilliiral, 
meehaniciil,  and  mamifactiiriiux;  but  I  am  ailiuoii- 
islied  by  the  aniiuosily  which  scciiis  lo  exist  uptpii 
the  part  of  the  Democracy  nf  the  House  lo  ihe 
coal  trade,  to  attempt  a  defence  of  th  '.  braueli  of 
industry,  which  1  cannot  n  ui-  effectually  do  than 
by  jn-escnting  to  the  coniiiii  Ice  a  L'.''ef  liistory  of 

'  its  ri.se  and  progress. 

I  twill  he  perceived  from  this  tidde,  Mr.  Chairman, 
that  in  a  very  brief  period  of  lime,  and  from  ii  very 
small  heginiiing,  the  Anthracite  coal  trade  of  Peini- 
sylvania  ha.s  grown  to  a  eonseriuence  that  coni- 
nieuds  itself  to  the  respect  and  consideration  of  the 

,  Government: 

"  The  riilja^vilii.'  is  the  i|liiuititv  111'  cnjij  iiiipiiilcd  JiilM  lliis 
country  Irnni  .liiiic  :lilih,  1-JI.  In  .liiiic  .■lllih.  |s|.'i.  ImMi  .\e;u< 
itli'lll^ivc,  ill  t<>iisnl'tu-i-Ml>'  ciijllt  Ii(ell<>l>.ci)ilain(-<1  riiiiM  llic 
olticijit  iliiciiiiicMls  111  \V:isliirii:lun.  toiirljicr  with  llic  <iii;ui- 

I  lily  of  Aiithracilc  scut  to  iiuiikct  iluruii^  the  suiiic  pcrioil ; 


i  Hchiiylkill  nilllll .VKHI.nOO 

ftciuliii}:  r.-ujroail  ciiri*,  engliien,  &c I0,'J'>",IXI0 

Towns  III  Ihe  eo.'ll  ri'vloii II,IXIO,lhit) 

ll.uivillc  aiui  Poll.villc  riiilroiul mut.lMt 

liiglity  tliou>aiHl  uerci  euiU  luuil  lit  .'•.*0  per  acre  ■l,tNlo,i)liO 

t  •         UI1,S.-«,,IHH) 

Kdtiiuatcil  jijvci'tiiioiit  Hir  sniae  itcnii  in  lHl-,2...    n,.V.>i;,miO 
Iucrca:iu  iii  four  yciir.s,  witli  |iroteciiuii .*rtl,n:tMViO 

Tonn  (if  colli  ncntlo  mnrltei  in  IKI.'i l,i:tl.e.>4 

CoiiHUiiiutl  ill  tlie  rcijioii  uttiiut *<.'i,uui) 

TnliilioMs 1,-J<l6.7;i 

Seiitiii  ISII li'JII.MJ 

liicruue,  uluiost  liimlricil  in  fuur  ye.iis ."iwi.:!;!) 

i  The  population  of  tiic  coal  region  of  Schuylkill 
county  is  now  almost  25,000.  There  are  al.so 
about  3,000  hor.ses  used  in  the  trade  in  the  region. 

t  And  the  iiiiporUiiiee  nf  the  trade  to  the  farmers  is 
seen  from  the  fact  that  they  receive  unc  millimi  of 
dutlurs,  or  neur  one-third  of  the  value  of  all  the 
coal  mined  in  the  county. 
.^irknlturtU  Proflnrts  con-'U  ncdinllte  Conl  Region  in  |S|,',. 

■  Wheat  ami  lliiiir ,*;sT.0l«l 

t'orii,  rye,  liiiil  liiieltwiiciil istI.eiH) 

(l:ils ".0,11111) 

1I:1V HI.IKIO 

Hlriiw li.llflll 

It'vi'nuil  jiorli IKIi.iiilO 

Polulllc .'ill.lHIII 

I'caillrv  •J.'i.lHll) 

lliiltir ffil,illli( 

l.iirii 7,IKIII 

MilK a'l.lllK) 

Kuna C.liiKI 

VcgcUitiics,  iipiites,  pt-itehus,  turiiiji.s,  onions,  fitc. .  .MI,illlO 

li'.l.imil 
Cuusuiiiptinii  ill  16-11 .>-.<'lll) 

iucrcuse  in  four  years ,«:ioi.iilKI 


V'virs. 

J*'orri','ti 

Jitithrmitc 

J'cfirs. 

/'orci;Ni 

Jint'iTitcili: 

coid. 

coal. 

lO.;/. 

tOlll. 

if'an.. 

ItO.'j 

is:a.. 
I^:il.. 

.   !l-!,i:«. 
.   71.i;-!'l. 

, .    •is,",,;(r).*( 

is-il .  . 

.aa.iM.. 

..    1,'it:) 

. ,   ;i7().i!:{r, 

ls-«.. 

.:M.r.o:i.. 

. .     3,'!  10 

is:i"... 

.    ill.lllVI. 

,,   ,v,i,.s:r, 

ISil.. 

.;iii.i;i:i. 

. .     .'LS-il 

^:iii.. 

.ins,i:«. 

,,   r.;»i,,-.oi 

IS-JI.. 

..   T,'ii-<. 

..     !l,MI 

is:  17.. 

.l.-.:),i:iii. 

.,    ,i7i,.-i:ei 

is-r,.. 

..a-.,"!.!. 

..  ;i:i.(i!i!i 

1s:n.. 

.  .i*i,os:i. 

.,    -•-':i,s:iii 

ISJi,. 

.  .:)."i,iiri."i. 

..    IS.Ho 

ls-51.. 

,,lsl..V,l. 

.,    !'[■:. c,-i) 

|s-!7.. 

..•|h.-i-|7. 

..  i;i,.r,7 

IS  10,. 

,  ,IIM,0I17. 

..   Hr,,iii 

IS-^.. 

..:h.:iii-). 

..  77,ii:i 

1S|1,, 

,,i.v-i,:cil. 

, ,    !).'.l!..v;ii 

I  so;).. 

..\:,,:m. 

. .  1  in,.|i);i 

1W>, , 

,.1I1,.VJI. 

,,1,1IIS,0II1 

ls:m.. 

.  .is.i;!!;. 

..n  1,-17 

iKin.. 

..  41,111:1. 

,,l,or.:i,r;!!i 

ls:ii.. 

..:iii.r,iw. 

..I70.HOII 

ISII.. 

..   H7,07;l, 

.,l,ii:il,ii(;ii 

IS.H. . 

..V'.DTS. 

.  ..'iliS.S?! 

ISl.'i.. 

,,   M,77li, 

..o,IHl,('>71 

But  every  branch  of  trade  and  indiislry  is  dee|il  v 
interested  in  this  trade,  as  these  statistics  will 
show;  for  which  1  am  inilebted  to  the  Miners' 
Journal. 

Mtrehatulisc  cotisumett  in  Itflo. 

(Jrocerics .57.'in.neo 

llrv  it Is,  rorciijn  iiliii  iloiucslic Iio."..oii0 

llootn  llliil  shncK lliu.llllll 

,  limits.  Itliiss,  ami  live  suill's,  &e .III. null 

lints  ami  caps 'lll.ullO 

fiiulillerv l."..iillil 

Nails  und  spikes s!ll,llllO 

liar,  p.i!,  iiiiil  lioilcr  iron 7.'>,lKI0 

Hnilroiiil  iron ,'m.(l(HI 

Sloiie  mill  liollun-  ware lu.lHNI 

fonleetioiiery l.'j.nIK) 

Jewelry S.IIIHI 

Uooks,  siiUiouery,  ami  paper I0,UIH) 

1 ,7.V.(KI0 
Coiisamplion  ill  It:'!! Ulf.lKH) 

I  Increase  ill  four  years .^slil.tHHI 


One-half  of  this  coal  is  mined  in  Schuylkill  coun- 
ty, one  of  the  coiinlies  of  the  dislrici  I  represent, 
and  is  known  in  the  markets  as  the  Potlsvillecoal — 
I'ottsville  is  the  chief  town  nf  the  county — and  is 
sent  to  the  Philadelphia  markets  by  the  two  gnat 
outlets  from  this  region,  the  Heading  Uailroad  and 
the  Schuylkill  Canal,  a  distance  of  ninety  miles. 

The  committee  may  form  some  faint  idea  of  llie 
extent  of  Miis  business  in  our  .Stale,  from  the  fil- 
lowing  exhibition  of  the  capital  invested  therein,  ill 
one  county — renieniher,  Mr.  Chairman,  inoiiecuiiii 
lij — of  Pennsylvania  alone: 

Slalhlia  nftlic  coiU  trade  of  Schuijikill  counlij, 
('apital  iavesli'il  in — 

t?l  miles  nfiueorporaleil  railrnails ,ft|,niHI,IKlU 

,■■,1)     "     oriniliviilual         ilo '     i:,0,llllo 

»)     "     uiiilerisronnil        do nil.iillll 

I.VKI  rnilriMil  cars l.-.i),iiim 

i  -JUKI  ilrill  ears m.tm 

:il  eollieries  helow  water  li'vel,  witlislcitineii- 

I  (lines,  pinups,  &c Hoh.eeo 

1     lOO  collieries  aliove  water  level ,'illll,lll«l 

I.amliuL's a(10,iinn 

lloals  aiul  lioat  horses .^ilMHlll 

II  Workiiin  capital :WU,OOII 


''The  ipianlity  of  nil  incliiileil  in  uroeerii's  is  a  prelly  con- 
siili-rahle  ileiu.  It  is  cstiuiatcit  Ituit  Ihe  ipi;iiilit.\  <-ousnuie(l 
in  the  reuion  last  year  was  worth  at  letist  otic  humhetl  mid 
sia-lii  Ibotisiii't  itollitr'i. 

'* 7,toii/cr. — Tlic  ipiantity  of  IiiuiIiit  iiseil  for  iiii)lilint.'s  is 
very  larje  in  this  reuioii;  iiail  the  value  of  the  tiinlier  iiseil 
in  ihe  mines  for  props,  schilles,  8tc.,  will  not  Ihll  shori  of 
Jijfii  thoiisiLuii  ihUars  jicr  niintoii,  ami  very  prohalily  e\- 
c'ci'il  It. 

"CilfU  Rruls — The  ilieniun  rcceiveil  List  year  hy  the  liolil- 

'  ers  of  coal  laliils,  for  coal  Iniiit,  diil  not  liill  short  of //oci? 
hmulretl lhon.\<nn1  liolliirf.  This  is  a  InrL'e  siiin  exlrael  'il  IVoiii 
uur  iiioiiiilains  anniialty  in  liie  shape  of  lent. 

!  '-Ttie  nlio\e  eslliiiali's  are  liascil  upon  eorreet  data,  a;ul 
will  ralher  fall  iiiiiler  than  overMlii  tin  realliy, 

'■  It  is  Inirilly  necessary  to  ;..Iil.  Hull  tin-  market  created  in 
this  rcjiioli  for  the  produce  of  llie  liirmi'r  has  nearly  doulilcil 
the  value  of  fariuini:  lands  in  Sehu>lkill  eouiity,  and  lias 
also  iiiereased  the  value  of  lauds  ill  the  ailioiiiintf  eoimlies, 
(Iur  farmers  also  appear  lo  he  aware  of  ihc  acees-ily  of  prii- 

trclion  for  III nisiiiiiplion  of  the  produce  of  their  tiirius  ; 

they  are  all  in  favor  of  ihe  lurilfof  ls|o  as  it  Isj  they  linve  a 
praeiieal  illiislralioa  nf  its  cood  etli  els  liefore  them;  they 
kiiowaiid  SIC  lhal  Ihe  co.alrcL'ioanfpiehilylkillciuiuty,wliieh, 
lint  a  few  >  ears  aao,  was  a  hoivlinu  wilderiiess,  is  now  the 
hesi  market  in  the  Stale;  and  wo  iinio  the  polilieal  prnsiieelH 
of  that  mail  who  would  dare  lo  preach  up  the  iib.airil  iiiiil 
ilesliiieii\-e  ilortniie  of  tree  trade,  under  e.\i>tiii<$  cireinii- 
staiices,  to  the  fariucra  of  Hcluiylkilt  county  I" 

;  Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  when  this  eommitlce  con- 
I  sider  that  this  capiuil,  invested  in  one  eounly, 
raising  last  year  l,d06,7:24  tons,  and  that  doulilu 
that  fpianlily  of  Anthracite  was  produced  in  the 
Stale,  it  is  fair  lo  infer  that  the  investment  of  eap- 
I  ilal  in  the  Stale,  in  this  business,  is  forty  niilliona 
of  dollars  at  least. 

This  intde  is  siill  in  its  infancy,  but  increa.sing, 
as  you  will  find  from  a  reference  to  the  statement 


i 


710 


29th  Cono....1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Tariff— Mr.  Runmy. 


[June  19, 

Ho.  OF    11kP9. 


which  I  linvo  juHl  cxhiSilcd  to  ihi)  cominitlce,  nl 
the  rnle  of  twciily-fivc  per  cnnl.  piT  aiimiin;  nnd 
the  ilcmaiiil  fur  the  v<'i>r  1846  is  i.siiiiiiitcd  iit  two 
niillii>iiti  anil  a  liiilf  of  toiiH. 

Ill  Kii;,'laii(l,  the  ciinsuniplinn  "f  roal  in  rsti- 
inalod  to  111'  one  Inn  fcr  r«(<i(n,  nralinnl  iwcniy-fivi! 
niillionM  of  tons  per  nnniiiii,  iinil  i."  j^ieally  on  the 
increaiie. 

Kvery  day  onr  maiiiifactiires  are  oxieniliii!;,  an.' 
this  cheap  fuel  is  their  f;cncialiiiu  power.  A  lar;'.c 
niinilier  of  fiirnaies  for  smellimr  iron  wilh  stone 
eoal  have  luen  eierteil  wjlhiii  the  l:ist  few  years; 
so  that,  as  a  ;;eiicraliii;;  power,  and  as  a  fuel  for 
iloinestie  purposes,  the  eoiisiiininiori  of  stone  eoal 
in  this  couiiiiy  w  ill  not  lie  less  than  fu\eeii  niillioiiM 
of  tons  ill  ten  years. 

Here,  then,  Mr.  riiairiiian,  we  Imve,  in  these 
rn^Ki'd  and  ollierwi.'<e  nnpi'odiiitivi'  inouiWains  of 
rennsylvaiiia,a  mine  of  wealth,  wliieh,  if  properly 
fostered  liy  this  Gitvernnient,  and  proieeied  tVoin 
tatal  eoinpi'tilifMi  iVoin  aliroad  for  a  reasonaltle 
lime,  will  prove  a  well-spring  of  Messina's  to  this 
whole  nation. 

The  ininiiis  of  coal  is  not  e.onfuicd  to  Si'liiiylKill 
eonniy:  Lu/.erne,  Carlion,  IS'orlhunilierhual,  and 
Daiipfiin  eiiunlies,  are  also  larsjely  fnir.ii::ed  in  this 
liusiness,  fir  the  .Anlhiaeiie  of  I'ennsylvania  cxisis 
ill  three  separate  and  dislinet  llelds  or  Ijeds,  lie.ir- 
iiig  to  cat'h  other  a  slrikin:;  similiinde  in  treoirraph- 
ieal  position,  eMent  ol'  area,  and  i;eoIo:;ical  char- 
acter. 

These  liilds  are  confined  to  the  emmtry  lietween 
the  Stisrpieiiannaand  Delaware  rivers;  theliist,eni- 
liriiein;;  the  .Maiieli  CliuiiU,  Si'linylliill,  I'nieljrove, 
and  LyKeiis  Valh'V  liehls,  exteniliiiu'  in  a  iliieeiion 
nearly  east  and  west  throiiu^h  C*^u''Hin,  .Si-liu\  Ikill, 
and  bauphin  counties,  is  nliont  sixiv  miles  in 
len;;th,  and  aveiMirtii:;  tive  miles  in  v.iilili. 

The  seeoncl,  or  I'eaver  iMi  .idow,  Sliamoliin,  and 
Mahoiiev  ci.al  feld,  passilli^  lllroii::h  Caihon, 
.S.'lniylldll,  f'olinniiia,  nnd  N'ortliuml'erlnnd  coun- 
ties, at  an  aveni::e  distance  of  alioiit  ten  miles  norih  i 
of  ilie  first,  roiinin:.'  laterally  wiili  ii,  raiiL'inj:  neailv 
an  east  and  west  course,  is  aL'i:ii  the  .s.inu'  in  ex- 
tent of  miles,  &e. 

The  thud,  or  Wyominsr  and  Lachaivanna  coal   > 
field,  is  siiiiateil  wholly  in  Lnzenie  county,  and  in 
extent,  i,'i  iieral  geological  character,  Ac,  is  similar  i 
to  the  oilur  ficMs.  i 

These  several  districts  have  anpplied  the  ni.arket ,' 
with  the  following  amount  of  coal  during  the  year 
1S45: 

Schuvlkill 1,IK1.7!I(!  tons. 

Lehigh ■Ct-i.li'-'i)     " 

Lackawanna ■]7.'l,-l.'!.')     " 

Wilke.sl.aiTe 17-,  IHI     " 

Pinegrove 47,'lort     " 

tjhamokin ..       111,111111     " 

a.llil.Wil  ions. 

The  Antliracitc  coal  dcposites  of  Pennsylvania 
embrace  an  area  of  nine  hundred  and  seventy-live 
sipiarc  miles,  and   are  competent  to  the  supply  of  ' 
any  demaml  for  ages. 

While  the  .\nthi\e'iie  of  Xorth  Amcriea  is  con-  ■ 
fined  almost  wlndly  to   Pennsylvania,  liitinniiious 
roal  i.s  foiniil  in  I'very  western  and  suullii'rn  folate. 

Most  of  the  counties  of  Penii'ylvania  west  of 
the   Alleghany  mountains  have  deposiies  of  bitu- 
minous coal.     A  commiltee  of  the  Legisl.iturc  of  i 
Pennsylvania  in  IKVJ  estimated  the  extent  of  coal  j' 
lands  ill  the  Slate  as  follows;  i 

Hiiu-ire  iiiil'-s.  Arrf  .'*. 

Rituminnu.-) 21,(1111)  or  l,3.44(l,(MIO      j. 

Anthracite 975  or        (i-24,()()0 

The  ^reat  nlnmdance  and  cheapness  of  hituini-  ' 
nous  coal  throuL'hiail  the  West  has  given  hirtli  to 
the  extensive  manufacture  of  iron,  glass,  vVc, 
which  gives  wealth  and  distinction  to  I'ittslnirg, 
Wheeling,  anil  other  ci-ics  and  towns  of  the  West. 
Owing,  donhtle.ss,  to  its  general  dissemination,  the  , 
trade  in  hituniinons  coal  in  this  coiiniry  has  no- 
where, save,  in  Virginia  nnd  Maryland,  assumed 
that  staliility  and  precision  wliii'h  characterizes 
the  anthracite  coal  trade  of  Pennsvlvanin. 

The  mines  in  the  neigliliorhooij  of  Kiclimond, 
Virginia,  Imve  been  worked  from  a  very  early  day, 
and  it  wius  doubtless  much  with  a  view  to  their  de- 
velopment that  the  duty  upon  coal  in  our  earlier 
tarilT  bills  tins  imposed.  IJy  the  kindness  of  n  i 
gentleman  long  eiii;iiged  in  the  roal  trade  of  Vii-  : 
ginia,  1  am  eiiabli;d  to  furnish  the  committee  with  >. 


pretty  Aill  aintiaticH,  showing  the  piuit  and  present  j 
condition  of  that  trade.  I 

SUitemrnt  of  the  firoltn'H'in  of  r^nl  in  t'irnitiin,  comi'itrcit 
iiith  the  uMiutoi/  unuual  It  innKitt'd  Jrom  lrt-i3  to  iMJ  is-  ' 
r/ii*ii'e.  j 


M,ar3.i):-j 

Aiiinuiit  111'  .\iii'  ricaa  |iriiiliii-tii>ns  enn.iiniiMl  in  the  tni-i- 

lie-M  111' eiilil  lliililliv.  llllil  irillispnrtilta  roill,   in   Die  ciilintll'S 

111"  Clie-tiTli'  III.  Ilinriin.  itiiil  tjini'-ill-uiil iii|iriMlia  eiirii, 

llli'ill.  Iiie'iai,  ii.ll  ,  lloil',  It'-e.  tiitiili'T,  lilllles,  liiinios  iiliil 
Iirillin,  Iml-  anil  >:i|h.  iii"lii-,-,'.i.  wjii-jiry,  ^Iiii>  ...  irim.  nail-, 
sliMvi'l-'.  av-n,  I'll,  ijii  wiire  |i  iwiliT,  ro|irs,  drv  ;t'iiiiN.  Iniie,  ! 

Iiricli-,  anil  eiltuii'-,  i- '......*  I -aiMHIO  ; 

.\iiiiiuiit  |iuiil  liiMiilmr su.iHiil 

|t-!IIO.(l  III 


The  nliov-'  nininint  iMi-^ni'iHlei!  ii[i«iiia  priMliiri  nl-i  aim.'KiO 
IiM-iliil :.  II  M  iniTriisfil  iiMiily  ill  tlie  i-aiiie  lalio  iiiinii  any 
iiiiT.'ii^i'iI  jirnilir  I. 

The  ipiantiiy  for  e  irli  year  is  made  up  by  Inkin;,' 
the  proiliii't  of  the  t'hislerlield  mines,  on  the  south 
side  of  the  river,  which  is  rorieetly  ascertained, 
and  lidding  thereto  an  eipial  quantity,  as  llin  esli-  , 
mateil  prnducl  of  the  miin-s  of  Henrico  and  Gooch- 
land, oil  the  iiiirih  sale  of  Jaiiics  River.  My  cor- 
responilent  ohsirvis: 

"  Yini  ^vil!  SI  I'  liy  till-  intit'*  Itiiil  \vi'  have  iirarly  ri-cnveri-il 

the  L'rnlinil   Inst    tiv  the  eiMliprninis,-  il.-l.      hllji'i'li  We   liave  i 

,  nlirely  rrenvi-reil   it— mir  iiniiliiet   lor  tile   |ire.seal  year, 
li'iHii  til  till'  '^til  nislanl,  (>iay.  I^l,'l.)  -liiiwin;:a  caia'over  ! 

Unit  "llhi  lai.|  year,  «li:r|i,  n'l lii il.  laint  weiliiiilil  nnl  i 

il  'vill  tn'  iinTr;i-iil,)  wilt  carry  us  iliis  \i'ar  in  inor'i  tliaii 
.|,aiHi.oiHil>nshi  Is. 

"  111  aililin'in,iitlii'riniiies,ni)(  n|i"iii'[I  at  lliefnrmer  (lares, 
iiearllii' .Ajiiioniallnv.  ill  t'llr-tciliclil  enimiv,  uri-  i'X|ii',<|l'iI 
t'i\i"lil  lliis  yiar  I.IKI'J.IKHI  hiiflii'ls,  Willi  il'Tair  |irn.-|n:cl  nl' j 
ra|iiil  iiliil  ureal  evti'iisinn.  ' 

'•  III  iiit|irii\ril  lraii-|inrtati«n.  we  have  ri'itticed  the  rail's 

Tr 11  I'l  e.'iits  |it  r  Ini-lii't  in  l?^IJ  to 'Ji  eeiits,  wall  a  fair 

pre-i'i  I'l  Ml  a  sjii  Illy  fiirlliiT  reilaciina  In  Iwii  ernts." 

■•Tlii'y  I'vea'.ale  anil  hrinc  iiilii  innrkil  nver  niie  inillinn 
nriiii-lii  Is  per  year.  The  ijiiaatily  .sliipped  hy  all  tlie  iiiiiH's 
III  ItiLs  iiciulitiurhiiiiil  Irnia  the  i-itv  jut  iin'niilii  is  alioat 
;i.iii>i.ii;K)  .ir  hnsliels,  ami  vahii  il  at  .jar.'i.iian  The  luiininit 
(it  \i'SM'Is  in  enii.-tant  eiiiplii>iiie[ii  in  tliit«  Im-inefM  i,(nliout 
liirty,  Willi  a  tniiiiu;ic  nl'  ;sa\)  f.inr  thiiti>anii,  anil  enipUainir 
some  twohllllilri'il  niiilf<  W'iil>  liiiints.  Tliissnlijeetreijiiires 
a  lillh'  I'Xiitninatiiiii,  anil  I  Koiirit  alli-nlinti  lu  it. 

"Theaiaiiiinl  nl'rapilal  enipl'iynl  in  alt  the  mines  ar'iiiml 
Kii'laiiiiml  is  I'min  twehe  in  lin<-.;]i  Iiiiinlrnl  tlnnii'anit  iliil- 
lars.  The  \aliii'  of  Ihe  mal  wnrkeil  mil  per  aiiiiiiia  is  I'nnii 
.-^ l,',n.n:H)  m  .'I-.'.iiiMKKI.  Tiie  sum  the  .MiiM.mhian  fiiiapiny 
cvpi'liil  pir  year  liir  laliar,  (troeiTies,  ar'ienlliiral  proiliii'ts, 
&c.,  ite.,  uuiiiuilts  til  ls'73,IXin,  ,anil  tiie  i. ,;  •.  i'JOO,IIOO— 
laakiim,  in  all.  .ViT.'i.OOt).  This  inuney  is  ilislrihiitid  in  the 
city  of  Rietiiniaal  ninitni;  all  kiints  nt'  liasiaeiiH  luiil  prdl'ev- 
siniinl  iiiea— in  the  country  In  the  fanners,  poor  fi'iaalrn,  and 
aipelmaic.^  fur  work,  nnd  to  over  eiuhteen  hundred  pert^ons 
wlio  are  dircetly  nnd  indirectly  dcpinident  upon  the  opera- 
llna  of  these  iniliett  for  a  suti.-istenei'.  Allow  that  there  are 
.■i-i.TiOnjOail  investeil  in  anil  ariianil  Hiehinmid  in  hin-ti  nianu- 
riu'liires  as  require  the  use  of  coal,  and  that  their  proilucls 
niniiilnt  10  (itay)  ,«o,i)on,(Hll)  pi>r  aiinuiii.  niiil  ttiat  thev  dis- 
trihute  >c'arly  to  their  ten  thousand  laeii.  wuiacli,  and  chil- 
dren, who,  directly  or  indirectiv,  depend  iipiiii  llieni  for 
evislencc,  ^l.dOtl.OOO,  what  nilliil  he  the  artiial  los.-4  to  nil 
classes,  ttle  city  nl  larjji'  ami  the  conntr\ .  Iiy  the  stoppnite  of 
these  niini's.'  'fill'  I'lial  inincs  around  Kielimnnii  keep  in 
ai'hvt'  operation  a  eapiuil  of  .■s-.',t),aoo.lMHI  over  ttie  Union,  and 
C'lnsiitiite  the  uiitia  nucnl  In  the  siippiirt  of  one  Iinmlred 
llioii-and  persoaH— near  one-ticventti  of  the  entire  wliitc 
piipiilation  of  tile  State.*' 

With  the  extension  of  steam  in  our  navy,  the 
valuable  quidities  of  Virginia  and  Maryland  coal 
will  continue  to  be  in  great  demand. 

I  trust  I  have  saiisfaclorily  shown  the  progres- 
sive increase  of  the  coal  trade,  under  the  policy 
V.  Iiich  has  heretofore  prevailed;  how,  from  a  very 
Iritiing  beginning,  il  has  cxteniled  itself  iiiitl  risen 


in  Imporlnnce  until  it  has  coma  to  he  one  of  tlia 
moat  pi'oniiiient  interests  of  the  country.  I  am 
happy  to  havi'  by  me  facts  which  will  ron- 
vince  this  conmiiltec  that  the  pi'Uectioii  uti'orded 
this  interest  has  not  been  abused,  but  that  what- 
ever piofil  may  have  been  made  by  the  producer 
of  conl,tlieconsuiner  has  more  than  shared  itwith 
him.  In  onr  climate,  next  to  cheap  breiul,  thn 
great  desiileraliim  is  cheap  fuel;  experience  had 
|ii'ovcii  thai  this  can  alone  be  had  by  giving  onr 
own  miners  such  [irolection  as  will  sliinnlatc  theiii 
to  energy,  induce  capital  to  enter  the  hiislneas,  anil 
thus  ki  cp  the  market  steadily  supplied. 

The  charge  has  lime  and  again  been  reilci'aled  in 
this  hall,  that  a  duty  on  coal  is  a  tax  on  one  of  the 
nli.soluteiieres.saricsoflife;  that  ills  an  onerous  bur- 
den upon  Ihe  people, and  particularly  so  upon  tho 
poor.  Ihil  here,  Mr.  (!liairinaii,  the  advocates  of 
free  trade  are  Hatly  contradii'led  by  stubborn  and 
undeniable  I'arl.s — for  nut  longer  lu'o  than  IKtl,  be- 
fore our  mini  s  were  exicnsively  worked,  Wehuy Ikill 
coal  was  selljii;.'  in  .\ew  \'iirk  at  sixteen  dollaisjier 
ton;  and  in  IKIu',  the  quantities  and  prices  of  fuel 
in  that  I  ily  were  as  follows; 

IVumlier  of  tons  of  aniliiacite  coal  inspected  and 
sold  lo  consunu'rs  in  l^l)*3: 

Ton^.    Av.  price.       .Aniount. 
Janiiarv,  Fehriiarv,  March.. .7,;.>li}...'*i;)  •JllJ...'»IKi.Iliil  iilj 

.\pril,  Mav,  Jiin.''. .'..  i:i:ij . . . .  !i  IK) .•,.'..'.|V  .v,i 

.liilv,  Auii-t,  Sepli'iiil'cr.,,I."..C.i:i!..,  Ill  !.■>....  I.>,H|ii  s-;? 
Deiolicr,  Novenilier,  llcc...-.M,;'-Jil,'.,,  Ill  •iiPi . ,  ,'.'l9,'alU  1-2} 

.Ml.lli']         III  (u        SlJ,Ty7  Mi 
Virginia  coal  insiiccted  in  1^33; 

Chalilrons.    Av.  price.     .Ainniiiit. 

.lannarv.  rdiriKirv,  IMarch.  .'I.T.!! .v!l  70 ,^l  I.-IIO  l.'l 

April,  >la  V,  .Inn.' .'l,:!:'!! H  S-iJ ;ill.;i  .'II  ",:J 

•IiiIv.  Anaii-I.  >cpl.  ii.Ii"r..,'!.'.'-li H  ll.'.j 1S,I1'>  till 

Ociulier,  Nov.iaiier,  l)ee.,.;i.l>s,-, 1)  17 -V.'iH  77 

Il.lllli  »  U^l  !.U,717  :it 

nKc.vnni.ATiov, 

••JflVm  loads  wood  at .•;-!  :IM .'j^l.l.'.ll-l  7fi 

.'.ll.llH  Ions  haul  coal Ill  <>."i ,'ii::.',117  .'.'2 

ll.lltll  cleililrmis  Virginia  ciild..  8  Ul I.!),7I7  :14 

;H7,'.UJ  tlllia  ehaieoal 'JSJ IIHI.O'.S  US 

l,;l(ill„',n7  Kl 

Which,  calculating  the  population  of  Ne\v  Yovk 
at  two  hundred  and  twenty  thousand,  is  a  fraction 
over  si.x  dollars  lo  each  iuilividiial. 

The  above  statement  only  embraces  the  quantitv 
of  wood  and  American  eoal  sold  to  citizens  for 
consumption;  and  does  dot  imbi'ace  the  largi^ 
quanlily  of  Liverpool,  Sidney,  I'ictou,  nnd  other 
I'oreimi  coal  used  by  the  eiii-/.ens  and  for  manufac- 
tures; nor  do  include  the  pine  wood  used  for 
slcainbonls. 

At  that  lime  the  duly  on  foreign  coal  wa,s  six 
ceiusper  bushel,  or  one  dollar  and  sixty-eight  cenlH 
per  ton,  and  Liverpool  coal  was  selling  in  the  New 
York  market  at  si.xleen  or  seventeen  dollars  per 
chaldron,  or  twelve  dollars  and  fifty  cents  per  ton. 

I'ut  llie  truth  Is,  Mr. Chairman,  that  the  foreigner 
has  always  kept  his  prices  up  lo  the  very  hi^'hcst 
fi'.'iire,  iiiilil  we  here  at  home,  by  a  ciimpililion  in 
which  we  were  assisted  by  the  Governnient,  have 
compelled  him  to  fall.  Niillier  the  fni'eigii  maiiii- 
faclnrer  nor  the  I'.ireiun  miner  would  have  ridnced 
the  price  of  his  conini'Miilies,  had  not  oui'  manufac- 
turers and  miners  conipclled  him  to  do  so. 

What  ingraiiinde  and  injustice  it  is,  then,  lo  say 
that  piolectiou  has  been  oppressive  lo  the  poor 
man,  in  raising  the  price  of  fuel !  I'm,  if  I  anj  not 
much  mistaken,  he  will  reqniie  clearer  loglcl,;lian 
any  we  have  lieaid  in  this  House  to  ciinvinee  him 
'  that  he  lins  suffered  much  by  a  policy  that  has  re- 
;  diiceil  his  mineral  coal  fiom  sixteen  dollars,  in  1831, 
to  five  dollars  and  fifty  cents  in  184G. 

This  idea  is  fully  iliustraled  by  an  extract  wliicli 

I  will  read  from  the  report  of  "  the  Doard  of  Trade 

i  of  Schuylkill  County"  for  this  year; 

I      o  In  I H-l-2  the  colliers,  and  ntlicri*  iiil'Tcsledin  the  coal  traile 

!  of  this  rcitimi.  presented  jiclitions  to  t'oni.'rcss,  askinj.'  for  an 

I  increased  duty  on  coal,  lu  which  the  pctilinncrs  pitiliieil 

thi'iusclvnK  that,  if  n  pfotcclivc  ilaiy  was  placed  on  forei  mi 

cnal,  and  the  price  was  not  reduced  in  the  prtncipnl  .^ilanlie 

laarkcls,  alter  a  period  of  live  yeai-s  from  the  imposition  of 

the  iliity.  they  would  not  ask  its  eoiilinuance.  ('oncrcss  ini- 

poiicd  iispi'cille  diltyofi^l  7.1  pi'r  inn  ;  and  to  show  that  the 

result  lias  been  as  they  luitieipated,  we  have  (irociiri'd  from 

Ihe  .sale  hooks  of  dcalei  s,  a  tnlile  of  priceri  of  coal  in  Ihe  three 

lanti'-t  .Atlantic  cities,  ilnrinu  the  past  seven  years,  in  order 

thai  il  mav  he  seen  what  li.is  h i  the  clfcct  of  the  larilVof 

Isl'!,  on  Ml.'  prir'i's  of  coal.  The  l'oIIinvin«  lllhic  kImovs  the 
whiili'siile  (irici's  at  I'hiL  Jelphia,  and  the  retail  pncus  ut 
\cw  Vork  and  Uusian : 


r-iiis 
whic 
Jiol.  an 


■I 


lie  19, 

KPS. 


ISiG.l 


SOti;  Cono 1st  Sks». 


APPRNDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


711 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


alril  ill 

:  (if  tin; 

oiiH  liiir- 

|i<»n  (lift 

■JllcH  of 

nil  anil 
IK'tl.lic- 
luiylkill 
'liiisjiir 
u(  fuel 


.VJi 


A'fiy  Vorlt.  hntton, 

Avi-rii«t*.  Avt-riuii'. 

.....«H  («) AD  IK)  til  .'JIO  no 

n  0(1 

U  IKI  . 

li  fill 

II  .Ml 

n  .-.(I 

7  (W 


Avi-riiico. 
IMIW  |ii'r  Inn  .«."i  .VI ... 

IXIII...."....    .'1  .VI H  (III !l  (III   III 

imi. ........  .I  (10 7  ;.'i H  (1(1  ti> 

iHW.. .."....  1  a"i (1  .vi n  (Ml  1(1 

irtci. ..."....  :i  .'ii) ."i  7.'> (i  00  111 

iK'il. ...",...  a  HTJ .'i  .VI fi  (10  Id 

ItH."!...."....  3  .'lO noil 8  00  t(i 

To  which  pormll  me  lo  lulil — 

18  in .'i  50  Id       II  (W 

When  it  is  riimniliL'inil  that  imc  Ion  of  uiithra- 
I'ili!  in  C'i|iial  in  hiaiiiij;  |ii'o|ii.'i'tiii8  to  two  cordK  of 
hickory  wood,  all  iiui»t  ruiifi'.'M  thai  nt  piesoiit 
prii'i'.s  u  is  a  ciicaii  I'lul.  Iliil,  as  I  will  [il'uscully 
show,  it  will  admit  of  a  fuilln  r  I'l^diiclion. 

Wliul  would  now  lin  thiMMiiiililion  of  the  pooi' of 
your  riiic.i  hud  not i"a|iilal  ami  ciiUuiirise  duvi^loiud 
(hi;  minerals  of  our  own  ('(ninlry .'  Dotn  any  la- 
lional  niiiii  hclieve  that  had  it  not  been  for  coin|ic'- 
lilion  at  homo,  I  Old  would  have  liccii  reduced  from 
sixtiTH  lo  .six  dollars  in  fi''li'i.'n  years.' 

I  was  Kiiins  '<■  iiKinire  whether  inanufitctnre.s 
roiild  have  so  llourished  had  ihcy  looked  for  their 
.su|i|ilies  of  fuel  to  a  peoplu  who  even  now  would 
not,  if  lliey  could,  have  a  hobnail  inaniifactured 
in  America.  Increased  economy  in  the  trade,  but 
above  all,  increa.sed  facilities  of  transportation,  will 
ijicadily  work  a  reduction  of  present  prices,  as  will 
lie  SI  I'll  by  ihiMinnexed  statement,  prepared  by  a 
very  iiiiellii;enl  ;;ciitlenian  familiar  with  the  trade, 
which  1  refer  to  also  for  the  purposcof  showin;,' the 
eonimiilee  the  various  items  of  expense  in  mining; 
and  Ir.oisportinu  a  lop  if  coal  from  the  coal  region 
to  tide-water  at  I'hiladelphia; 
"Tlic  pricc^j  el'  ciKil  at  tile  "  jiitf*'  iii<iiitir»  vary  ciiiimiI.t- 

iilily  (111  .'tci-iiiiiit  of  the  viirleit  (li>l:ii s  ti;>lwccn  the  diHiT- 

eiit  iiiiiif  mill  itipf^ls,  thll^e  iii-:ire-l  pnyiii'i  hij-hcr  ciial 
rciit.^,  (hciiii,'  iiKHtly  hcliHV  water  level ;)  while,  it  we  estj 
iiitile  it  III  llie  (le)iCil.  tliii.<e  veins  iiKiKt  (liKtnnt  have  lower 
r-iiN,  hilt  hiifticr  liiicial  rn.ul  niiil  Iriin.^pnrtatio.i  eharires, 
which  (■ipiali/c  thrco'l  nil  Iheeiiiial  laiiiljiiK!<,  (ir  railniailile- 
pol.  aiiili,'ive  119  the  ((illnwlnn  lepic't  ilttllct'lU'laliniis  : 

llc>t  i|iiiility  red  a^heeal,  |ire|)arcil,  pertmi  (il''illO|iniinil-», 
.yj  -J'l;  iiili^rinr  (|iialillei(,  i^-.!  to  .'jij  l.'i;  rent  ilnd  toll  tVniii 
iiiiiicH,  .Vi  eciils  ;  ici/ijcs  (avera;te)  per  ton.*!  60:  liest  ()iialily 
whit'-  ash,  (iiviTaKc)  .<i^  20;  Inferior  i|iiiilltics,  .*!  90  tii 
.«i-:l  I'ij ;  rent  and  lull  rriiiii  aiincH,  ii,j  cents ,  nvcraite  wa^'cB 
per  till!,  .a|  -10. 

'I'd  cither  iiCthi'^e,  at  .m  averaue  n!" ;*-i  |.", 

AiliI  lr:iiisj).irtati(j|i  liy  Ueiiiliiift  Il.aiiruad "l  'J5 

'J'raii>hipniiiit PJi 

L'liiiiiiitdsiun  luul  i^unninteu* Q.'i 

""' 

S:i  7-j 

Pay  ^'.'l  7."i  per  tun  nn  Imiinl  vensels  in  the  Uelawi.ce. 

Tor  li|iiladelphin  ennsiiinplion  the  prices  are  iilii  nt  the 
.'^aine  except  till  trniiriliipinent,  and  In  tiome  cilspii  the  uiinr- 
iiiit^l'. 

I*ri('e^  per  Reaillns  Hailroad  are  liiither  in  the  sniinner  sen- 
t^oii,  hilt  the  eiiinpilition  hy  eaiial,  (when  euUn-ncth)  vt't 
itio't  iWMirci//i/  Tf'hur  Ihis  ilitsi  ofvhurtics  to  one  diillar,  if  not 
111  eiehty cents  perion. 

N.  il.  Where  the  coal  r-i  hroken  ami  sereencil  hyuteani, 
ten  Ci'llts  les>(. 

Notwilhstandinn  the  reduction  of  prices,  the 
wages  of  labor  have  been  kept  up;  nay,  sir,  have 
lieen  increased;  and  herein,  in  niy  opinion,  con- 
sists one  of  the  most  beautiful  features  of  the  tarill" 
policy — one  that  confounds  idl  the  sophisms  of  its 
enemies,  and  gives  us  the  assurance  that  it  is  des- 
tined lo  be  the  settled  and  fixed  policy  of  thistiov- 
rrnmenl,itnd  that  long  after  this  Congress  shall 
have  been  swept  from  the  niemorie.s  of  men,  it  will 
survive,  shedding  its  benign  influences  over  the  rc- 
moteidl  generations. 

'•In  ls;ii  iniiieri"  received  j|i'l  niiil  lahorern  8'i  cents  ii 
(lay— the  lanlV  of  ^2S  was  in  full  force. 

"  III  IH-10  miners  received  .«l  and  lahorcrs  HO  cents  a 
day — the  hnv-iliity  system  was  in  fiirre ;  wanes  were  paid  in 
;:ii(ii|s,  iiiakiiii!  a  ililt'erciiceof  troin  l.'i  toiKI  per  cent,  against 
the  laliorer. 

*'  In  18-1*2  miners  received  H7i  cents  and  lahorcrs  70  cents 
per  day,  which  was  p;iid  in  trallie.  (hie  rourlliortlle  Inlior- 
ers  had  no  einployincnl. 

'•  III  IWI  the  tariH'ot'l-Jtook  fnll  eireel:  miners  recnived 
.*l  Id,  hihcrets7li  cents  It  day  ;  utt  wiTe  einplnyeil,  and  lahor 
was  ill  (l"iiiand. 

"Ill  Is-I*»  miners  received  .*l  Kl;  lahorcrs  PO  cents  per 
ilily.    In  other  respects  the  linsiness  continued  as  in  \i>\-\. 

"  In  June,  18tt),  iinncrs  received  .<-|  '_i."i;  lahorcrs  sy  ceiitu, 
and  the  hnsiness  is  iinpriivinR  in  activity,  &c.  All  is  paid 
ill  money  when  demanded,  »s  has  liueii  the  c-mo  fur  three 
years." 

From  1837  to  1842,  tindfr  the  Compromise  net, 
with  its  low  duties,  growing  "  small  by  degrees, 
mid  beniitifnlly  less,"  a  large  portion  of  the  miners 
and  laborers  were  out  of  employment,  and  those 
laborers  who  succeeded   in  getting  work  received 

*  Cimmiinon  lor  nmkiag  sule^,  ^itaranty  being  surely  for 
the  aniuuiit. 


only  from  j;.') .")()  to  %i  per  week,  and  miners  re- 
ceived from  S^A  to  if^6,  wliicii  in  ninny  instances  was 
nil  paid  in  tratlic.  Now,  nil  those  who  choose  to 
work  are  employed — laborers  at  from  f,!>  to  #(i,  and 
miners  at  from  ?jiH  to  i^tll  per  week;  Nliowiiignn 
avira'gc  incicase  pf  ,')U  per  cent,  since  \ti4'i. 

Suppose  the  u^,.re.s8ioii  in  the  coal  business  hiul 
continued,  and  these  miners  and  laborers  been 
driven  to  olher  pursuits — fiirniing,  for  inslaiice — 
would  that  interest  have  profiled  much  liy  the  ac- 
cession of  some  twenty  thousand  to  their  tnin.ber; 
or  would  ilieir  market  have  been  much  im|  roved 
by  a  sudden  conversion  of  this  number  from  con- 
suiiKOH  to  producers  of  liicadHinirs? 

In  every  other  pnitecled  business  tliis  vei  y  grat- 
ifying improvement  in  the  wages  of  libor  hub  t^iiten 
|ilace,  as  mi'ilit  easily  be  shown  this  ciiinni|i|i'e, 
from  well-f  stablished  statistics;  but  I  do  not  ciio.ise 
to  digress  from  the  subject  in  hand. 

In  this  country,  possessed  of  billions  of  acres  of 
the  most  productive  land,  to  be  li,..l  for  the  taking, 
the  wages  of  lahor  cannot  be  reduced  to  ihc  same 
com]iariitive  degree  they  have  reached  in  Kiirope. 
It  is  in  the  imiirovement  of  machinery,  the  cheap- 
ening of  transporfition,  the  increase  of  capital,  that 
we  must  look  for  a  rednciioii  of  prices. 

It  was  hy  the  invilatinii  of  this  Government  that 
our  people  emliiirkcd  their  capital  in  this  branch  of 
business.  Vou  at  an  curly  ilay,  doubtless  to  siimtt- 
late  our  friends  in  Vii'i;iiiia  in  llieir  then  infantile 
operations,  imposed  a  duty  upon  coal  in  the  very 
first  act  of  the  first  Ciingre.s.^  under  the  Ciinslilu- 
lion,  and  by  snliseiiuent  (Oiaeln'.ent  this  protection 
has  iicen  increa.sed  as  follows: 


Jidv  4,  17K). .. 
Aug.  lU,  1730.. 
M.\y2,  WMi... 
.Tunc  7,  17<ld... 
July  1,  181:3... 
April  :J7,  iMlli. . 
Mavyj,  lr<:24.. 
iMai-ch  d,  18;i:i. 
Aug.  31),  181J.. 


.  .3  els.  per 
..3    " 
..4!  " 
.  ..'>    " 
.111    " 


bushel. 


I!  CIS.  heaped  bush. 

Compromise  act. 

..  .^1  7."i  Jicr  ton. 
Here  the  committee  will  see  that,  loni  before  coal 
was  known  as  an  article  of  trade  in  Pennsylvania, 
Government  held  out  indiicement.s  lo  venture  in  the 

'  business;  and  now,  will  that  Government, after  she 
has  indnced  her  citizens  to  invest  their  millions, 
wantonly  blast  their  prosperity,  and  reduce  them  to 
beggary  and  want,  and  the  land  to  waste  and  lies- 
idation?  And  who  is  to  benefit  by  this.'  .\otthe  con- 
sumer: true,  he  tnight  get  his  coal  fur  a  year  or  two 
a  trifle  chea|ier;  lint  after  the  Dritish  colliers  had 
driven  our  miners  from  their  business,  and  ruin  and 
decay  followed  in  r|uiek  succession,  the  market 
would  again  be  in  the  hands  of  the  foreigner,  and 
the  ])rivate  consumer  and  the  Government  herself, 

,  for  the  navigation  of  her  su^amers,  would  be  at  the 
tendermercics  of  English  traders,  for  their  fuel.  And 
then,  sir,  a  rise  in  prices  would  follow  at  once. 
The  coal  mines  of  Nova  Scotia,  from  whosccom- 
petition,  on  account  of  their  proximity,  we  have 
cause  to  dread  much,  are,  or  lately  were,  the  prop- 
erty of  the  English  Duke  of  York.  They  have  been 
let  to  private  companies,  and  for  every  ton  of  min- 
eral produced,  u  royalty  or  royal  tax  of  foiirleen 
cents  is  paid  into  the  British  treasury.  Il  will  thus 
be  seen  that  the  Duke  of  York  and  the  imperial 
goverii.unt  had  an  nddiiionni  motive  for  admira- 
tion of  iVlr.  Secret;iry  Walker's  scheme — if  his 
policy  should  impoverish  us,  it  enriches  the  nubil- 
ity as  well  as  the  treasury  of  England. 

In  Nova  Scotia  coal  is  found  in  four  indepen- 
dent coal  fields,  viz:  i.st.  The  Picton,  one  hundred 
square  miles,  eighteen  veins;  the  first,  thirty-seven 
fcetthick.  2d.  Cumberland,  eight  veins.  3d.  .Sid- 
ney, one  hundred  and  twenty  square  miles;  fourteen 
veins,  none  under  three  feet,  and  most  eleven  feet 
thick.  S|miiish  river,  fifteen  uis,  four  workalde, 
six  feet  veins.  4th.  Albion  vein  of  coal,  fifty  feet 
thick.  The  .\lbioii  mines  are  accessible  by  water, 
have  one  of  the  best  harbors  in  the  world,  and  arc 
not  surpassed  either  in  the  facility  of  entrance,  good 

.  anchorage,  or  general  safety,  by  Halifax. 

The  jiassnge  from  these  mines  to  Iloston  is  made 
in  from  three  to  six  days,  and  to  New  York  from 
four  to  ciffht  days;  freif  !it  is  seldom  more  than  it 
is  from  Philadelpliin  to  either  of  these  ports,  and 
the  coal  can  be  put  on  board  vessels  for  one  dollar 
and  fifty  cents  per  ton,  or  from  one  dollar  and  fifty 

j  cents  to  two  dollars  less  than  it  can  be  put  on  board 

'  at  Philadelphia.    From  this  il  need  nol  be  a  mai- 


ler of  surprise,  ttial  during  the  la.sl  fisc:il  year,  for- 
eign com,  in  value  exci^ciliiig  aipiarterof  a  million 
(ifd(dliifs,  was  imported  into  this  country;  n  reduc- 
tion ei'the  duty  to  oiie  dollar,  as  proposed  in  Iho 
res  ilntinn  of  the  geiillcmHn  from  New  Vork,  [Mr. 
I  I'cN(iKuni:ii>,|  would  i|iindi'iiple  this  importation 
lie  next  year.     A  rednciinn  to  a  lliirly  per  cent, 
duly,  as  proposed  in  this  bill,  would  have  the  ad- 
I  vantage  of  shiirleiiini,'  our  niisery — il  woulil  bo 
I  inslant  death  lo  our  business  pnispir.ts. 
I      I  have  thus,  I  trust,  civen  this  i  nmiiiittce  miino 
id(;aiif  the  impdrlaiiceof  lhee(ml  trade  tnihecnun- 
I  try,  and  shown  the  duly  and  nccessily  of  sustain- 
;  iiig  il  against  the  ruinous  policy  of  the  Committeo 
'  of  Ways  and  Means.     There  are  other  inlerests 
ill  which  Pennsylvaiii.i  is  liiisrely  einbnleed — iron 
in  parlicular;  bill  a.s  others  of  my  cnlleamies  wiii 
'  (loulitless  turn  their  aiientioii  that  w:iy,  I  held  il  n 
I  duty  1  owed  a  generoiis  constituency  io  devote  the 
lime  tillotled  me  ill  this  discussion  to  an  appeal  in 
their  liehelf,  in  be'ialf  of  a  Irade  in  wliieh  they 
are  so  lar',i  ly  eiignged,  to  this  time  more  profiuibly 
!  I)  the  country,  I  fear,  than   lo  lli(niselv(S.     As  d 
■  nine  politician,  I  might  look  ^^'ilh  roniplaceiicy 
1  up  111  the  ruin  you  are  about  to  work  in  the  jiolit- 
i  icai  prnspeels  of  your  parly;  but,  sir,  I   think  I 
can  with  sincerity  say,  that  1  discard  all  such  mo- 
tives, and  am  actuated  alone  by  the  coniideralioim 
which  may  with  propriety  govern  the  conduct  of 
I  a  representative  on  tli's  floor. 

Penn.sylvania  being  so  imuieiliately  inteivstcd  in 
I  the  tarifl  policy,  il  n  iiy  jiislly  be  inquired,  why  is 
it  tbiit  she  has  so  o^'ieii  presented  a  political  p.ira- 
I  dox,  and  gi'en  liei  vote  for  men  who  were  not  tho 
!  truest  expouenls  of  her  wishes,  and  who  held  lo 
I  jirinciples  limt,  ii  carried  out,  would  involve  her 
'  111  a  series  of  disasters  which  would  proslralc  her 
I  energies,  render  valueless  ;ill  the  liviglit  and  lioiiii- 
leous  gifts  of  il  beneficent  I'riivideiice,  and  bring 
I  private  penury  and  public  baiikru|itcy  inevitably 
,  111  their  train.' 

',      The  luiswer  to  this  seeming  inconsistency  may 

1  be  found  in  the  holiest  and  confiding  character  of 

I  her  people,  and  iiiheratlacliinentto  those  politiial 

principles  which,  in  the  early  years  of  the  llepiiblic, 

I  were  stamped  upon  our  fatfieis  who  eoiiiierated  in 

achieving  our  iiiilependence,  and  which  linvc  been 

!  transmitied   nniinpaind  to  their  sons.     "  Demnc- 

I  racy"  has  l:(cii   the  potent  spell  which  has  ever 

j  inlliKiiced    Pennsylvania.     The   name   has   been 

I  eiideaii'd  to   her  by  every  recollection  and  every 

familiar  tie;  il  has  been  the  object  of  her  worship 

and    her  veneralion.     She  has  never  stopped    t(i 

inquire  the   aims  or  ellecls  of  its  more  modern 

'  phases,   its   progressions,   or   its  incnii:sislencies. 

.She  look  rank  on  the  side  of  I5eViiocracy,  when 

party  lines  were  first  drawn  in  our  country;  when 

'  Jelfeison   was  the  wizard  who  waved  the  wand 

of  power  over  the  land;  and  she  was  found  whero 

she   had   always  been,  when   the  mightier  spell 

I  of  Jackson  led  captive  the  entire  body  of  our  peo- 

I  pie. 

1      To  the  tenets  of  the  creed  of  Jacksonism,  Penn- 

'■  sylvania  was  attached  by  former  sympathies;  and 

j  ills  not,  therefore,  wonderful  that,  in  one  contest, 

:'  the  majority  for  that  chieftain  was  fifty  thousand. 

t  So  laborious  in  this  cause  has  our  State  in  times 

'   past  been,  that  she   has   been   compared   lo   tho 

wheel-liorseof  n  Conestogii  wacron,  always  ready  to 

extricate  the  team  of  Democracy  from  the  slough, 

j  when   its  drivers  have  called  upon   Hercules  in 

:  vain.     She  has  steered  her  political  bark  by  thn 

one  bright  particular  star  of  Democracy,  as  did  Iha 

mariner  of  old,  before  the  discovery  of  the  compass, 

guide  his  path  upon  tho  waves  by  the  lighthousu 

in  the  sky. 

And,  as  is  notorious,  there  have  been  those  who 
have  abused  this  devotion,  and  deceived  this  con- 
fidence.    1  need  nol  refer  lo  any  other  question  of 
great  naiional  importance  beyond  the  one  that  is 
now  eniraging  our  attention.     Upon  the  subject  of 
the  tnrilT,  and  the  policy  of  protection  to  domestic 
industry,  Pennsylvania  lias  been  deliberately,  wan- 
tonly, cruelly  deceived.    It  is  not  necessary  for  me 
,  to  designate  upon  whoin  this  charge  of  filial  in- 
I  gratitude  will  rest  nnd  must  cling  for  ever.    It  is 
[enough  that  the  world  knows  ihem:  an  injured 
people  knows  them. 

I  I  could  show,  Mr.  Chairman,  not  a  systematic 
:  nttempl  to  swindle  Pennsylvania — for  il  would  be 
I  unparliamentary,  perhaps,  so  to  characterize  il— . 
1!  bui  a  blind,  reckless  devotion  to  the  mere  success 


V    1 


712 


Al'PBlNDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIOIVAL  GLOBE, 


IJunc  'J9, 


29th  Cong tax  Sg8s. 


7%r  Tanjf — Mr.  Goodyear, 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


(I 

I 


of  parly,  which  Iwl  hnnnmliln  men  to  quibble 
wilh  words  iinil  "  pulli-r  in  ii  dinililc  bciimii" — to  rn- 
ihiiigpr  llic  inlciTnlH  iil"  IVniisylvaniii  iriiliiHtry,  |>y 
llic  successful  I'mlriivor  lo  |ilme  the  prcsnit  ill-  ! 
(•uinbi'iil  iji  till!  eXL'cnlive  ehnir.  Twci  yciirs  since, 
ill  my  place  here,  us  ii  Rriinsciiliilive  lVi>in  I'fiiii- 
sylvMiim,  I  wuriicil  my  pMliliciil  nppoiiciu.s  of  the 
iloiilile  ^';niiic,  wliieli  wii.s  lliin  in  embryo  lo  be 
played  n!;Hiiisl  the  inleroslH  ol'  that  Stale  to  which 
wo  all  have  such  just  cause  lo  be  miachiil.  I 
asked  them  what  could  be  expccli  il  from  a  resto- 
ralioil  to  power  of  the  piirly  which  in  lft40  sup-  . 
|Mirted  Mr.  Van  lluren,  and  showed  llieni  Ihiit  the 
result  could  be  nolhiiii^  Intl  ik^lnivlire  mmims  nir- 
rieii  mil  iti,'iiiii.s(  (Arir  irij/iis,  «iii/  /"  Ihf  ruin  i;/'  lliiir 
iulernh.  I  was  then  accused  by  my  iVicnd  finni 
the  Nnrthaniplon  district  (Mr.  l!iuuiiiKAD|  of  beini; 
lev  ultra,  ill  comiumi  wilh  the  tVicnds  of  ilie  Wliii; 
candidntc.  I!ni  let  us  look  whether  the  asserlimi 
has  not  the  full  force  of  prophecy.  Are  not  the 
inleresis  of  I'eiiiisylvaiiia  eiulaiii;ered,  and  her 
wishes  disres;ai'ded  f  Was  it  for  this — for  the  pas- 
sage of  such  II  bill  as  Is  now  before  ns — that  my 
I'onslituenis  and  my  8late  at  lari.'i^  were  told  that 
Mr.  I'idk  was,  par  txcrllener,  a  belter  tarilf  man 
than  Mr.  Clay,  who  for  years  had  been  tirsl  and 
forenio.'it  of  the  advoiales  of  protection?  Was  it 
for  this  that  the  tariff  of  lH|-,>,  at  the  vilnbty  of 
which  we  arc  now  sirikiia.',  was  prnclainieil  a 
IJcnioeratic  measure.'  If  so,  is  the  Democracy 
prcparins;, Saturn-like, to  d<!Vouril.-i  own  progeny. - 
When  the  cry  comes  up  lo  these  halls  for  the  pre- 
servalion  of  the  means  of  susleiiance,  when  the 
ehiUlrenof  this  nation  ask  for  bread,  are  we  lo  ^'ive 

I  hem  a  stone?  , 

No,   Mr.   Chairman,   Pennsylvania    has    been  ' 
neither  careless  of  her  intere.'-ts  nttr  ignorant  of  her  ) 
rights.     She  has  been  blindly  confident  in  her  at-  ; 
taehment  to  the  si>iril  of  Dtniocracy ;  she  has  relied 
inipliciily  upon  those  to  whom  she  hasaccustomeij 
herself  to  look  for  uuidiuice;  and  if  .■■he  has  been 
dcceiicd  by  false  promises,  if  she  has  haduiiworlhy 
stewards  who  have  squandered  her  resources,  or 
made  trallic  of  her  voles,  the  day  of  retribution 
must  come  wilh  overwlielmiiii;  force;.     Tluie  is  no 
man  under  this  Govermnent,  however  elevated, 
who  call  i;ild  over  the  counterfeit  coin  of  iiatriotism 
to   make  it  pass  current  in  the   Jveyslone  State. 
Ketribuiion  must  and  will  cinui\     I  have  said  that 
I'ennsylvania  was  loiiL'-enduring;   but  thire  is  a 
point  at  which  endurance  ceasis   to  be  a  virlue; 
there  are  injuries  to  which  submission  is  disgrace. 
there  is  n  liinit  to  the  exercise  of  paiicnce,  wlrjii 
want  of  actiim  becomes  evidence  of  a  craven  'iis- 
position.     And  who  shall  dare  to  brand  lur  \,iili 
this  disgrace,  or  tax  her  with   tiiis   liaseiy  servile 
spirit?     In  all   Ibrnur  exiuciicies,  whether  of  war  1 
or  polities,  when  her  spirit  has  been  aroused,  she  ! 
has  spoken  in  tunes  of  ihnnder.     .She  h^is   never 
hesitated  to  sjieak  her  miiid  Ixildly  and  indepen-  i 
ihnilly,  with  the  firm  detcriniiiution  (d'lier  (Quaker  ' 
«>rigin,  and  the   honest  bluntne.ss  i)f  her  tJerman 
infusion  of  character. 

Call  Pennsylvania  deceived,  but  dare  not  Inand 
hernscravcMi  in  manly  h"niu'or  in  piditicallidelilyl 
Kroin  her  hundred  balilefields  will  ccmie  up  the 
voice  of  indisrn.uit  denial.  Pennsylvania  hasalways 
lieen  true  to  herself,  and  devoled  to  the  honor  of 
the  country.  Most  faiihful  anmng  the  laithful,  she 
has  answered  every  call  of  her  counlry  Inr  men 
and  treasure;  her  fields  are  dyed  wilh  the  blnnd  of 
her  sous;  anil  in  tines  of  piiljlic  danger  she  has 
ever  been  Ibremosi  in  dfteiice  of  ri^^ht.  (>iher  ;;en- 
llenien  tnay  point  wilh  prule  to  the  achievemenis 
of  their  name  States,  but  I  yield  to  none  of  them 

II  superioriiy  over  Pennsylvania:  and  what  has 
l>ei:ii  here  reward  ?  Knnn  the  cinnaiencemci.i  m' 
the  present  century,  and  (luring'  the  enlire  exist, 
ence  of  our  Republic,  exct.pt  its  first  twelve  years, 
ihe  Democralic  parly  h.is  ciniirolled  the  natio'ai 
d(\sliiiies.  l'Ve([ueiilly  it  has  been  llie  voice  and 
mte  (d' Peiiiisylvania  ihat  turned  the  poliiicul  tide. 
And  what,  I  ask  a-'ain,  hiis  been  her  reward? 
Her  ciiiztns  have  been  o\erlnoked  in  the  ilislri- 
biition  of  olHcial  honors,  and  her  interests  have 
been  the  constant  objeits  of  attack  by  the  donii- 
iiaiit  party.  Her  voice,  which  hiis  been  raised 
again  and  ayiin  in  favor  of  a  tarilf  for  proiei'lioii, 
lias  b(!en  disn  ganleil;  her  le;,'islalive  resoliiiicnis 
have  been  niockid;  her  fictitiuns  thrown  cniele.ssly 
'leneath  yiaif  table:!.  .Mie  c.oinc.s  again  belnre  the 
..aiiuii,  and  ask.%  that  her  energies  may  not  be  par-  ' 


nlyzcd;  that  her  brond  iicitb  of  coal  lirldn  nnil  her  ■ 
exteiiiled  veins  of  iron  may  not  be  rendered  vahie- 
lesn;  that  her  immense  invested  capital  may  not  be 
niadt;  the  object  of  |«olilical  huckiilering.  Is  she  to 
go  from  these  Mails  airaiii,  with  the  appirlu  iisioii 
of  conslantly  lliicliialing  pidicy  and  the  dnimer  of 
ill-digested  legislation,  lo  unnerve  her?  Are  all  the; 
niieient  landmarks  of  the  good  and  true  olden  Dn- 
mocmey,  in  which  the  entire  iiation,  under  the  I 
gcddeii  Administration  of  Monroe,  was  coinpre-  ' 
bended,  to  be  overleaped.'  Are  ideal  I'enis  ol  coii- 
stitutiiMial  colli, Iruclion,  never  iina;;iiied  by  those 
who  framed  our  (^lnstltulion,  li>  be  thrown  into 
tin;  scale  iui:aiiist  the  prosperity  id'  the  laborer  and 
artisan?  Is  the  tarilf  ol  IWIJ,  for  which  a  large 
majority  of  the  iialioii  has  shown  iLsi  If  friendly,  lo 
be  overturned?  If  so — if  we  of  the  working  States 
are  to  see  our  hopes  prostrated  by  the  aclicui  of 
this  (^iii;:i'ess,  when  next  again  the  iialimi  speaks, 
there  will  be  no  Delphic  leltera  or  Sybilline  re- 
sponses, to  be  inletpreted  as  the  victors  choose, 
which  can  deceive  its  iinderstandiiig.  Pemisylvn- 
nia  will  not  be  cajoled  again;  she  will  have  an  eye  • 
oil  those  who  have  misled  her  belore,  and  earth 
will  not  have  a  spot  dark  enough  lo  hide  from  llie 
reiiibuiion  of  her  anger  the  future  deceiver  who 
will  iinpioii.dy  strike,  not  only  at  the  viialily,  bin 
at  the  Inuior  of  his  brothers.  Ves,  sir;  Pennsyl- 
vaiiia  has  already  won  her  lilhi  to  a  part  of  the 
proud  motto  which  she  wear.*  on  her  Slate  shield: 
lier  principle  of  viintiK,  her  devotion  to  i.iuKnrv, 
who  dale  question?  Pass  this  bill  unw  before 
you,  and  those  who  have  so  long  misled  her  will 
iinil  that  she  can  also  assert  her  iNDKi'iiNiniNeK. 


THE  TARU'K. 


Sl'EECH  OF  MR.  C.  (;OODYEAR,    | 

OF  NEW    YORK,  '< 

I.V  THE  lIoi'SE  OF  IlEI'llKSENTATlves,  ! 

June  2'.),  18-l(i.  \ 

The  House  bei.ig  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 

the  slate  of  the  Union,  on  the  bill  reported  from 

the  Comiuittee  of  Ways  and  Means,  amend-  , 

atory  of  the  Tarilf  law  of  184"J — 

Mr.  GnODYHARsaid: 

Mr.  CiiAinMAN:  1  have  no  inclination,  sir,  lo  de- 
tain this  comuiittee  in  this  iminire  and  heated  at- 
mosphere with  any  lengthened  discussion  of  this 
subject.  1  shall  neither  (|uestion  nor  defend  the 
constitutional  right  to  discriminate  in  the  imposi- 
tion of  duties,  wilh  a  view  to  proti'Ctimi,  willun  the 
revenue  limit.  It  is  snificient  for  me  that  the  exer- 1 
ci.se  of  th;it  riu'lit  is  sanctioned  by  the  uniform 
practice  of  the  Ciovernment,  and  recognised  by  the  [ 
very  bill  under  di;-'CUSsioii. 

The  (luestion  of  the  extent  lo  which  thai  right  ' 
should  be  exercised,  is  a  question  of  expediency,  ' 
and  as  such  1  propose  to  consider  it.  { 

It  is  said,  and  certainly  with  some  appearance  I 
of  truth,  that  the  linanciid  policy  of  this  Ailminis-  I 
Inliiiu  was  settled  by  the  i^lection  of  1844.      It  is  i 
true,  that  the  democralic  candidales  were  charged  ' 
by  their  opponents   with   inainlaining  ultra  free- 1 
trade  docirines;  and  it  is  eijually  true  that  they,  ■ 
tor  the  most  part,  avowed  a  hosliliiy  lo  the  larid'l 
of  1842.     The  issue  thus  made  up  and  contested 
W!i3  not,  however,  suHiciently  delinile  and  specific 
in  its  terms,  lau'  so  univeisiil  in  il:i  adoption,  ns  lo  j 
pledge  either  jmrty  lo  the  exiremes  of  tVee  Irade  on 
the  (Uic  hand,  or  piotectimi  on  the  other.     And  the 
succi^ssful  candidaie  was  left  to  develu|i  the  details 
of  his  financial  policy,  not  under  positive  instruc- 
tions from  ihe  people,  but  with  n  just  regard  to  the 
nianifeslations  of  the  popular  will. 

The  bill  reporled  by  the  Commitiec  of  Ways 
and  Means  is  understood  to  embody  the  views  "of 
the  Hxeculive  Department  of  the  Government;  and 
it  now  remains  for  the  legislative  branch  lo  exam- 
ine whiaher  its  provisions  are  in  |)riuciple  adapted 
lo  the  best  interests  of  the  country,  in  accordance 
with  the  fiiih  of  the  party  pledged  prior  to  the 
(lection  of  1844,  and  lulequaie  to  the  increased 
wants  of  the  (jovernmeiit,  in  llie  present  altered 
condition  of  its  foreign  relations.  i 

111  the  fir.-u  place,  it  may  be  observed  lli.il  one  of 
the  fundainenl:d  principles  of  the  hill  as.sumes  n 
ground  coinmon  to  all  pinties.  It  proposes  to  .■ai.se 
the  revenue  necessary  to  meet  the  ex|ieii,ses  of  Gov- 
ernment by  .1  tarilf  upon  imports.     It  is  conceded  ' 


on  nil  hnndu  Ihnt  fhlH  nyntem  of  Indirert  taxation 
for  pur[ioses  of  revenue  men  ly,  is  best  lalciilaieil 
to  supply  the  wants  of  Oovernmeiit,  and  best 
adapted  lo  its  geniiiii  and  policy;  mid  yet  il  must 
he  as  readily  conceded  Ihat  it  is  not  the  most  eijual 
or  most  just.  l*roperly  is  said  to  fin'ni.*<li  llir  true 
basis  of  taxatiiui.  It  lu  the  one  rexorlid  to  in  all 
eases  of  direct  taxation,  and  manifestly,  upon 
every  principle  of  political  phihisopliy,  liirnisheii 
as  well  the  true  scati;  for  graduating  the  liability  of 
Ihe  individual  as  the  .Honrce  from  which  the  ex- 
penses of  Government  are  lo  be  paid;  but  in  levy- 
ing the  revenues  for  Ihe  siippint  of  the  Govern- 
ment by  means  of  a  tarilV,  this  fnndauieiilid  prin- 
ciple is  wholly  disregarded.  The  property  of  the 
nation,  and  even  its  production."!,  nianiifariured  m- 
a:rrieultural,  are  not  taken  into  tlie  acciuint.  Tln^ 
basis  asanmed  i.-t  that  of  ronsnmplion,  and  the  lax 
is  paid  in  thill  ratio  by  the  individual  for  himsrll' 
and  his  dependants.  Ileiice  arises  ihe  inequality 
and  injustice  in  the  working  of  the  sysleiu.  The 
man  of  small  property  and  large  family,  pays 
iiioro  in  a  tenfulil  pnqnirtioii  than  ihe  man  ol  ini- 
meiise  wealth  and  no  family  or  ilependauls;  and 
yet  direct  taxation  for  the  support  of  Government 
j'lnds  favor  wilh  no  party.  The  most  stremuMin 
ad\oiate  of  free  trade — the  planter  of  the  South — 
cheeks  his  spirit  of  iiKiuiry  at  this  [mini,  and  I'al 
ters  in  his  patriolisni  when  calleil  upon  lo  levy  a 
tax  upon  his  property  for  the  support  of  Goveiii- 
lueiil. 

Il  is  supposed  that  Ihe  public,  burden,  however 
iliminislied  in  wei^'ht  or  equitably  arriniged,  wiuihl 
he  nioie  grievous  and  less  cudimible  if  imposed  in 
the  form  <if  a  direct  tax,  and  that  the  piilrioiism  of 
the  nation  wiaihl  not  be  found  adei|uale  to  tin: 
emergency.  Sir,  I  am  not  the  advocaii^  of  diri'ct 
taxation.  1  urn  not  about  (o  condemn  the  pro- 
posed plan,  or  to  sugge.st  a  new  one;  but  I  insi.xt 
that  a  system  proceeding  upon  a  falsi;  and  assumed 
basis,  confessedly  uneipial  and  unjust  in  its  i>peia- 
lion, adopted  as  a  political  necessity  and  as  a  choice 
of  evils,  should  at  all  events  be  limited  to  tlic  exi- 
gencies of  Ihe  occasion  which  could  alone  justify 
its  adoption.  The  stern  behests  of  necessity  hav- 
ing been  obeyed,  and  its  purposes  answered,  it  is 
not  the  part  of  political  wisdom  to  prolong  nr  ex- 
tend to  idterior  and  collateral  objects  the  opcrntioii 
of  a  false  and  factitious  sysleni. 

The  points  at  issue  in  this  controversy  are,  as  I 
understand  it,  between  a  revenue  larilVwi.h  mod- 
erate incidental  protection,  and  a  tarilf  for  protec- 
tion solely;  and  Ihe  advocates  of  the  latter  claim 
to  fortify  llieir  position  by  the  uniform  practice  of 
the  Govenniieut  from  ils  earliest  history.  Sir, 
the  object  of  a  tarilf  at  its  origin  was  never  pro- 
tection, but  revemie;  but  jirotection,  from  being 
the  incident,  very  readily  becomes  the  abuse  of 
tlie  system.  It  had  ils  origin  in  the  same  neces- 
sities which  gave  birth  to  every  description  of  gra- 
tuity aiid  bonus  for  the  grant  of  monopolies,  and 
was  resorted  to  by  ciirrupt  governmcnis  us  the 
readiest  mode  of  replenishing  the  exhiiusted  eid- 
fers  of  a  vicious  and  prndigal  court.  ISiit  ciu'rupt 
governmenls  are  seldom  provident.  Inrrea.sed 
expenditures  consecpient  upon  a  temjMirary  supply 
of  the  means  soon  lead  to  its  corresponding  ex- 
haustion, and  induced  the  usual  resort  to  like  rem- 
edies for  rf  lief  Lari;e  loans  were  negotiated  with 
wealthy  and  powerful  corporatiiuis  as  Ihe  eonsiil- 
eratiou  i'i>r  the  grant  of  aiidilioiial  privilcires,  and 
duties  upon  iiapeu'ts  wi  re  enhanced,  both  with  a 
view  to  swelling  the  tide  of  revemie  lo  the  gov- 
ermnent, and  as  a  compensation  t'or  iiecuuiary  aid 
furnished  by  opulent  manufacturing  ccunpanies. 
These  privileges,  once  gnuited,  could  never  be 
withdrawn,  The  enm-mous  advantages  thus  se- 
cured to  the  protected  classes,  gave  to  Ihem  the 
control  of  all  the  resources  of  the  nation,  and  a 
needy  sovereign  became  dep'Mideut  for  tin;  supply 
of  his  wants  upon  the  too  powerful  subject.  Thus 
grew  up  a  moneyed  aristocracy,  whose  interests 
became  paramount  lo  that  of  the  Crown,  anil  the 
principle  of  |irolection  prevailed  to  the  exclusion  of 
revenue.  Upmi  the  assumption,  then,  that  the  pro- 
tective policy  has  never  been  carried  in  this  repub- 
lic to  a  sullieient  extent  to  operate  prejudicially 
upon  Ihe  great  interests  of  the  nation,  we  find,  in 
this  brief  history  of  its  origin  and  growth,  enough 
of  its  sure  and  ra|iid  tendency  towards  an  over- 
shadowing monopoly,  to  juatily  all  the  opposition 
w  liicli  it  will  have  to  encounter  at  tlii;i  time,  or  at 


IM(\.] 


SDrn  CoNd Ibt  Sesh. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Turijj'—Mr.  Gooili/imr. 


7i:J 


Ho.  ur  Hkhs. 


liny  nuiiro  prrind.  The  procrriiii  nf  civllizalinn,  I 
1111(1  llic.  HpiTiiil  nf  iiilollijjciii'r,  liim  CNKiMiliiilly 
rliiiiiL'nl  in  ilH  cliiirarli'r  llic  iirl  ol'  (;"VHiiiiM(!  tlic 
iiiiiiiy  t'nr  tlio  linii'til  of  llir  t'fw.  U'lii:  Nuliji'i-t  it* 
hi)  loni^rr  (i|t[iiTrtHri!  by  ttii;  oxtMTi.n-  of  tirliili'ury 
|ii)\M'r.  Il  i.H  llii;  rninliiniitioii  nf  privili'ni'il  mid 
|iriili'i'liil  wriillh,  riiiiiriilliiiir  the  riMcmri'PM  iiiiil  mn- 
iMi|Mili/.iiii;  lilt!  tiivorn  nt'  i^ovt-riinifrit.  |ii-eHrTil>iii|; 
llir  wii^'i'S  III'  hilior,  mill  i'Ikhni!;  ii|i  iIiii  uvi'Iiui'H  tii 
inilrpi'iiili'iiri',  liniwiiii;  williiii  ilic  liiliU  nf  ilN  in- 
lliiciii'u  Hill!  its  powrr  III!  the  (iiirri^ioB,  nii'iiliil  mid  . 
pliVHlriil,  III'  till'  liiitiiiii,  iiiiil  lii.'liteiiini;  it.i  <;niMp 
iipim  I'vrry  nlni!,'u'le  willi  lliii  I'lilal  t'lipc  nf  llii^  mm- 
I'lmda,  whirl)  liim  Imm^iiiiiis  In  rivili/nl  lOunipr  it 
unci  Hiilwlitiilr  I'm'  llii!  Iiii\vstriii>;  iiiiil  liimplinriiH, 
TliiM,  ill  niiiili-rn  timrNf  in  ilif  I'l'siilliiiQ;  ilrMpnliNiti 
iiriiiiwi.sr  lt"^l.i|iiliiiii,  liiit  nut  H  iii'i'i'HNary  iiiriilt'iit 
III'  niiy  p.'it'lii'iilDr  rnrni  iil'  fjoviiiinioit.  I'mi'li-  i 
I'liilVi  i'  i"  n  niiilti'i'  111'  viry  litilo  rniincipicnni  ! 
wlii'liier  lliiH  oppi'rsHiiin  lie  exerriHt'd  iiiidrr  ti  fjiiv- 
rriiiiii'iit  ili'niiii'nilic,  in  its  I'nrni,  "r  llii'  niiiHt  iiIinh- 
Iiilf!  ili'SiinliNni,  Tlio  HVNli.'ni  rnn  hi'  ns  rlHcifiit  ill 
liiiiiipi'iiiiu;  ilip  indiiNlry,  riiiiDDi'tini;  thn  iiu'iuih  of 
mippiirl,  wilhdiiiij  the  hiiprs  mill  dryiiii;  up  the 
Kiiiiri'i'H  nf  liappiiirsH  Id  llie  pcnpli",  iiiidiT  tlin  one 
lis  ihn  ollii'r.  Thn  sfMiiiii!;  Iiy  any  mcaiiN,  iiiiil 
in  miy  fnrni,  cxrliiNivi'  privilc:;!'.^  In  inilividiiaJH  nr 
rliiH.o'H,  is  in  dirci't  vioialioi)  ol'  llic  riindmiicnlal 
pi'iliripli'N  nf  nur  Uiivi'i'iiiiiiiiit;  anil  lliii  dr»ii;n  In 
iii'i'iinipliHli  lliis  piirpiiNc  ihriini;h  the  mciliiini  of  a 
prnliTtive  HH  ronti'iiiliNliiiir||iM)ii>d  frnii)  a  rcvoniii! 
laiiir,  is  to  111!  vii'Wi'il  Willi  ihu  i^roali'i-  di.slni.sl,  and 
ilH  iilllninic  i'niiHifpifiin'.s  lliii  inoiT  In  Iw  diuadcd, 
Ihat  it  rnnrciiJH  llie  wciipnii  whirl)  inllirls  tin; 
wound,  and  Mwcettim  the  poison  as  it  pioU'ers  it  to 
Ihclip. 

I  am  aware,  Hir,  thai  tlirse  seneral  prini'ii'lrM,  at 
this  stai^e  of  poliliral  lutvanceinent,  will  not  he  din- 
piiU'il;  hut  it  is  insisli'd  that  a  lui'ilf  for  prnlection  , 
lilies  nut  r.iinie  within  the  catcirnry  nf  exelusive 
priviji'^jes;  lliiit  it  is  i,'eiieial  and  lieneficent  in  ils 
I'll'ei'is;  and  to  !;ive  it  a  philmithi'npic  and  nalinnal 
iliiiraele]',  ils  iViends  have  Icrnied  it  the  .limrican  ' 
sfislftn^  i>r  ihi:  firolt'clion  of  .'hnerictni  itulustnj,  A  I 
nalinnal  pnli('y,-eliarai'ti!ri/.rd  hy  terms  so  Hpeeious  I 
and  iniposin^r,  is  eertaiiily  enliiled  In  a  fair  inves- 
liLjalio))  and  eandiil  slalenient  of  results.  Kiisl, 
lliiii,  to  ileline  the  leniiM.  A  tmilf  upon  imports, 
ill  ils  eiinventional  sense,  is  ihe  lovyini;  of  an  indi-  | 
reel  tax  upon  all  ihe  eniisuining  pnpiilalion  of  the 
I'ounlry  in  pi'opni'tion  to  the  eonsiimplinn;  and 
pi'iileelinn  is  the  appnipriiilion  of  the  avails  of  that 
lax  111  the  exi'liisivc  henetit  of  the  [iroleeled  class. 
'I'lie  liasis  nf  ihe  syslein,  then,  implies  parlial 
le;;islatinn;  and  the  ({iiestioii  at  issue  is,  wliellier 
ils  ulterior  and  cnllalei'al  ell'ei'ls  me  such  as  lo  ex- 
einpt  it  from  ihat  reprnaeh.  I  l<nnw,sir,  that  the 
j;lariiiix  hoslilily  to  the  principles  of  eipial  rii^hls 
will)  whii'h  the  system  eo)i)incnees,  mill  the  dilll- 
ciiliy  of  tracing'  the  ultimate  elfirls  lo  a  favorable 
lesull,  have  driven  many  of  ils  advocates  lo  deny 
In  the  openilinn  of  tin;  system,  the  sole  nliject 
wliicli  is  snu;;ht  lo  lie  luxonipllshed  hy  il.  They 
insist  (unwisely,  I  lliink,  for  their  nwii  purpose) 
Ihat  pi'oleelive  diilii'S,  iiisleail  of  aiiirmenliiii.',  nclu- 
idly  rediii'cs  the  price  nl"  ilie  mii^  le  upon  which  the 
duly  is  impn.si^il.  If  ihis  he  line,  the  eonver.sc  of 
llie  proiinsilion  adniils  of  niatheinalical  ileninnsli'a- 
linii.  If  the  inoease  of  the  duty  diminishes  llie 
price  of  articles  of  a  similar  chm-acler  niamifacliired 
III  lliis  counlry,  ihcn  a  leiluciion  of  the  duly  miisl 
enhance  ihe  price  of  llie  .same  article,  and  the  ina.x- 
iiiiiini  jirice  will  follow  an  oilii'ii  ahrniralion  nf 
limy.  Assuiniiii^lhis  lo  ho  tlieenrreet  view  of  the 
mailer,  all  fiirllier  dispule  iilioiit  it  may  cease. 
'I'lie  people  will  lake  Ihe  hazard  of  a  larill  I'educcil 
lo  a  revenue  slandard,  anil  the  manul'aclurer  may 
pocket  the  profils  which  lii.s  friends  have  secured 
lo  him  upon  mi  applicalinn  nf  his  own  principles. 

I!ut  it  is  alles^ed  thai  llio  enhanced  prices  conse- 
ipieiit  upon  increased  ilulies  will  ci'cate  eoinnetiliiin 
at  home,  anil  ihal  a  reduction  of  prices  below  the 
foreii;n  slandard  must  necessarily  follow.  An  nb- 
vinus  answer  In  ihis  position  is,  that  if  the  inanu- 
facuu'cr  can  successfully  prosecute  his  business 
iip;ainsi  domestic  rivalry,  at  low  prices,  he  eeriainly 
can  witlislaiid  all  coiu|ietitinn  frnm  abroad  at  a 
much  higher  rale  of  prices,  lint  take  it  for  ^mnt- 
f  d  llial,  under  the  sy.slem  of  liii;li  duties,  compeli- 
lion  will  iiltimalely  reduce  'I'c  price  of  domestic 
fabrics  below  the  imported  article,  it  would  be  a 
curious  speculation  in  political  economy  to  nscer- 


inin  when  Ihli  minimum  has  arrived.    Upon  in  | 
nilvrnt,  all  further  necessily  for  prnleciinn  eeiidPH; 
cnmpelilinn  at  home  will  iheii  drive  from  llie  miir- 
kel  Ihe  fnieiirn  fabric.     The   pjoleclive  policy  has 
been  in  operiiiion,  with  various   modllii'iillons  nnd  i 
chiinues,  under  every  AiliniiiiMlralinii  since  llic  es- 
lablishineiit  nf  our  Ciovernment;   anil   the   era  of  j 
prices   below  the  foreign   slandard  has  not  yet  ar- 
rived; for  the  miinufaclnrer  and  llie  nilvocmes  of 
Ihe  Nysiein  upon  ihis  Hour  are  cliinioroii:i  upon  the 
necessily  of  prnlei  linn,  iii^aiiiNt  what  they  style,  in  .! 
their  usual  redundancy  nf  epilhel,  ihe  |  aiiper  liiiinc  I 
of  Kiiiope.     It  is  not  an  easy  mailer  lo  refute  ii 
paradox  willi  serious  ar<;iinienl:  and  I  now  have 
alluded  to  this  posilion  inei-ely  for  the  ]nirpose  of 
showiiif;  thill  ils  IViends  emi  only  defend  il  by  de- 
nyillff  the  very  ilfcci  which  il  is  the  sole  objecl  of 
the   system   lo  ncconiplish.      It  is  willi   pleasure, 
then,  ihal  I  now  turn  n)y  iillenlion  to  amine  legili-  ■ 
male,  eeriainly  a  more  cniisisient  ari^ninenl.  ' 

It  is  said  Ihal  hii,'!)  duties  benefit  the  laborer;  that 
the  enhanred  profit.')  nf  the  n)a)iufacturer  e)iiililes   ' 
him  InpavahiL'hor  rate  of  wanes  lo  Iheoperalives. 
This  [losilion  would,  perl)aps,  bo  mnre  tenable  if 
it  were  proposed  to  incorporale  i))  the  law,  jrinilu-  ■, 
iitiii!;  the  rale  of  proleciive  ilulies,  a  cori'espoinlini;  | 
scale  of  pi'iccs,  which  ihe  maniifacliu'er  should  be 
bniiiid  to  jiay  In  his  ivorkmen.     This  would   be  n 
larill'  for  the  benefit  of  the  American  laliiuer,  and 
the   only  nne,  I  fear,  which  can  he  devised  for  his 
lieiicfit.    The  price  of  wa!;es,likc  ihat  of  all  a  nicies 
of  commerce,  must  obey  iho  one  innniilable  law  nf 
Iride,  that  nf  demand  and  supply.    As  the  demand 
fnr  labor  is  increased  in  rel'o'ence  lo  the  iiun)ber  of 
laborers,  ils  rewmds  will  be  iiu^menieil,  mid  in  ihe 
same   proporlion   diiniiiishod  as  the  calls  fnr  i'  he- 
enme  less  ui'i;ent  nnd  pereinplory.    Nn  mailer  what 
llie  profits  of  the  niainifacturer,  llie  laws  of  Inile  I 
and  the  inslincts  of  our  iialure  will  prevail.     The  ' 
iiitei'esled  propensities  and   money-makin;;  liabils 
of  our  Kaslern  fVienilswill  pn  elude  the  idea  of  the 
manufiiciuiir  pnyini;  more  for  the  labor  of  ihc 
operative  than  the  lowest  rate  at  which  that  labor 
can  be  proeiii-ed.      No,  sir,  it  is  neither  tarill'  nor 
profils  which  opo-iite  for  llic  benefit  of  ihe  laborer;  1 
It  is  the  eonlliclin?  inlerests  of  rival  and  iinpioleet- 
eil   li)'a)icl)es  of  industry,  the  abiind. 'lit  means  of 
support  lo  lie  derived  from  our  vast  unapprnprialed 
lerritory,  nnd  the  i-ewards  to  indusiry  and  enler- ' 
prise  fiiriiishcd  by  au'rienliure  and  commerce,  that 
as  yet  protect  our  cilizens  from  ihc  discipline  onil 
oppression  nf  the  mill.     We  )nay  admit  that  the 
new  impulse  civen  In  business  by  enhanced  prices 
will  exieiid  the  business  and  create  a  temporary 
demand   for  labor;  but  lio'e,  Huain,  the   laws  iif_ 
trade,  which  can  never  be  violated  with  imniinily, , 
will  iissfrl  their  supremacy.    Theenlianceil  wa^es 
will  add  to  the  number  of  laborers,  and  the  dimin- 
ished  prices  nf  llie  pi'oduct  consequent  upon  ex- 
;  lended  compelilinn  will  lake  frnm  the  ability  of  llie 
1  emiiloyer  lo  pay. 

The  remedy  will  be  snn^lit  in  reduced  wnjjes  for 
increased  labor.  It  is  the  opei'iilion  of  iliese  natu- 
ral laws  III  which  may  be  traced  ihe  deplorable 
conilitinn  of  the  laboring;  classes  in  ihe  maniifac- 
liiriii''  districts  of  Europe,  where  the  joys  of  child- 
hood even  are  unknown  lo  the  period  of  hmiiaii 
life;  where,  from  llie  cradle  to  the  irrave,  one  sole, 
contiminiis,  and  absorbing  care — that  of  perpetual 
toil  f'or  a  seaiily  subsistence — is  read  as  well  in  llie 
tlioopinu;  spirit  and  furrowed  brow  nf  early  chilil- 
liooil  lis  the  deieetion  and  disease  of  iimluri-r  years, 
1*1  ar  up  your  inillionsnfnpeialives  frnm  childhnod 
in  the  mill — aceiislom  them  to  no  nllier  livelihood 
or  means  nf  siippo)-| — make  the  wa^cs  of  Iheir  la- 
bor depeiideni  ii|ioii  the  ilimiiiislied  prices  nf  llii! 
product  eonseipient  npon  exlciided  eompelilion, 
and  upon  llie  will  nf  an  avnri'Minis,  arisloci'atie, 
mid  [iiirse-proiid  eorporalinn,  prnverbially  wilhout 
a  soul,  mid  prnciically  williniii  a  hear!,  and  you 
will  then  have  e.\eni)ilifieil,  upon  your  own  shores, 
the  pauper  labor  of  Europe.  It  is  only  by  foll-iw- 
ini^  ils  pro^ressunlil  il  shall  have l^illy  accomplished 
ils  purposes,  that  we  are  enabled  lo  s'c  in  pei'spec- 
live  all  the  beaiilies  of  the  monopoly  and  |n-olective 
systems.  Rn^'land  has  carried  it  lo  Its  utmost  de- 
irree  of  perfection;  mid  we  have  the  result,  in  the 
lanKunse  of  a  disliniriiished  traveller: 

"  The  cnrii-laws  were  iiitcm'.cd  tiir  the  |trntccti'in  or  nirri- 
eiiltiirc.  The  iiianiirncliiriT.-^.  Inn.  arc  prnicclcil  'ly  llic  ex- 
cliisiiiii  of  riirciyii  liiliric.-i,  ami  their  rich  prupri  liirs  Iiiivc 
laloii  c;irc  inliv  Ihc  prii'C  ol'  WIlCcs  lll  tin'  inw  ■'t   pnillt   nf 

■  ciuhiraiice,  while  a  few  lanilliolilcrs,  who  hc.c  taken  the 


lilnnil  In  tlnnnwlveii,  linvn  Html  Uw  nrlM  nf  breiil  M  Uin 

liialicKl,  1*11  Unit  lliere  lire  "ix  iiillIiiiiiH  iii*  ■i|H-nilivi'i'  Hlrlpis'il 

In  Ihc  .'lOll,  iinil  live  lllllllnini  nl'  jiciihiiiiIi,  IIi:ii  ||\c  In  l.ilinr 
nil  pnlilln''„  (linl  niiII.      MiicIi  IiM  bl'cn  Hlldl  nl  (he  fllltcll  linil 

hiihiiii  pnnr ;  yd  I  cnii  liiiiiirlnH  nnililini  iimrt'  wrciclieil  iliiiii 
Ihe  riliaicil,  KhivcniiK  lliulntllllai  tliul  ili'lnrlli  tin'  liicu  nrmi 
cici)  In  liiiKliinil." 

We  have  the  result,  also,  in  llie  pnrliamenlary 
iiivesli);alionH  nf  the  factory  syslein.  The  blood 
chills,  and  the  heart  ceases  its  piilsaliiins  at  ihtse 
sickeiiini;  but  auihenlic  details  of  linnian  misery. 
May  Heaven  prolect  the  Americmi  laborer  frniil 
that  protection  which  manacles  iDiil  stiirvim  liim. 

'Sir,  the  teaching's  nf  the  past, as  well  as  llie  pres- 
ent, shuiild  convince  us  that  iliesu  deploiiible  con- 
scipicnces  flow  necessarily  from  every  violalion  of 
iliu  naiiiriil  laws  nf  trade.  Governinenls  have  no 
mimic  power  for  the  erealion  of  weallh.  If  it  were 
nlherwise,  they  miijhl,  williniit  the  vinlalion  nf 
any  fixed  principle,  itislribiite  il  as  suited  their  cuii- 
veniciice  or  ciiprlce, 

I'rnduciive  industry  is  the  only  sniirce  of  nalinnal 
weallli.  Oovermuent  may  iet;ulale  llie  eunenl, 
may  change  the  possesion,  may  render  ils  e.xisl- 
eiice  the  more  palpable  by  accumiilaliii!;  il  in  mass 
es,  but  it  cannot  create  weallh.  The  laws,  ihero 
fore,  which  enrich  the  one  must  impnverish  thu 
oilier;  and  l!ie  poliey,  tlie  direel  tendency  of  which 
is  lo  miiass  capital  in  the  liands  of  individuals  or 
c.oiiipaiiies,  must  drain  it  frnm  its  suurce — the  labor 
of  Ihe  loiliin;  millions. 

All  parlial  le^ishition,  )nanifested  eillier  by  the 
^'rant  of  money  specifically,  or  of  f'riincliises  In  in- 
dividuals ur  corporations,  which  isdesii;ned  to  fur- 
nish exelusive  advaiilai;es  f'or  ils  accniiuilulion,  is 
u  draft  upon  tlie  cnlleelivo  industry  and  wealth  nf 
the  nation;  it  diverts  the  current  of  business  from 
ils  ualural  chminel,  mid  taken  ilio  rewa.d  of  labor 
f'roiii  ihe  hand  that  ea)'ned  il.  Every  interference 
of  len;islainreH  nr  ftovermnenls  in  the  busineHS 
transaclions  of  the  cniintry,  not  absolulely  iiecis- 
sary  lo  tliedischari;e  nf  itsnwn  le^ilinialel'iinclinns, 
is.  III  my  jiid;;menl,  a.  vinlatinu  nf  ils  duly,  iinpnli- 
tic  niid  linslile  In  the  Iriic  inteicsls  nf  ihe  people, 
and  an  iiifringemenluflheirnalinnal  rights.  I  hnpe, 
sir,  ilint  the  time  is  nnt  far  distant  when  the  best 
interesls  nf  the  country  siiall  be  souffht  in  diiniii- 
islied  lei;islation;  when  every  branch  of  indiisirv 
subject  to  iialiiral  laws  will  he  pennilled  In  find 
ils  own  pi'oper  channel,  where  ils  cum  nt  may 
flow  nil  withnul  obstruction,  and  freed  from  llie 
waslinjj  iiiMuences  of  forced  and  unnatural  eleva- 
tions and  depressions. 

But  the  view  of  ihis  matter  most  relied  upon  by 
the  IViends  of  the  system,  because  it  takes  a  wider 
ran^e  and  coveis  a  nunc  important  iiileresi,  is  ilie 
indii'ect  iidhiencc  which  it  is  supposed  will  be  ex- 
erted upon  the  Kreat  a!;riculliirid  inleresis  of  the 
cniintry;  that,  liy  prnvidins;  the  farmer  with  ii 
home  market  for  tlie  pioduels  of  his  indusiry  he 
will  be  eipially  benefited  witli  the  manufaeliirers. 
This  ciicuiusuuicc,  if  true,  would  still  be  of  very 
little  coiise((iience  lo  the  fanner,  unless  it  could  ill 
Ihe  same  lime  be  shown  thai  the  market  so  fur- 
nished would  be  a  belter  nne  than  any  iilreadv 
1  iij'iyed.  So  Ion;;  as  llio  producis  of  llie  soil  coii- 
liiiiie  lo  he  yielded  in  a  surplus  ({uanlity,  wiiicli 
finds  ils  market  abi'oad,  Ihe  amount  nf  linine  con- 
sumption can  be  of  no  service  to  the  husbandmaii. 
Tiic  foreij^ii  market  will  always,  for  very  obvioii.^ 
reasons,  reijulale  the  price.  Tin  proihicer  will 
prefer  disposiiii;  of  his  piodiici.'s  .  home,  at  a  rati! 
sniiiewliat  lower  llinn  llie  one  pinli'eried  by  the 
foreisn  market;  and  it  i  i  only  when  the  article  will 
not  comiiiand  as  liiirli  H  price  at  home  as  it  will 
abroad  ihat  lie  resorts  lo  exportation,  and  then  ihi: 
home  market  must  advance,  or  be  deprived  of  ils 
supply.  To  make  the  arijument  available,  llieii, 
it  is  necessary  lo  eonlcnd  lliiit  the  irrowth  of  the 
mamiliicluriiif;  interesls,  by  diverliiis;  lo  thcspindln 
and  Innm  the  hands  now  en^a^'cd  in  tillin<;  the  soil, 
will  reduce  the  amount  of  iicjricultural  products  in 
Ihe  actual  cniisuni|)lini)  of  the  country.  Mark,  llie 
whole  must  be  absorbed,  for,  if  there  slill  lemains 
a  surplus  to  be  exported,  the  market  nt  home  will 
be!;overned  by foreiiin  prices.  And  does  anyone 
sei'iously  believe  that  this  can  be  accomplished .' 
Look  around  for  a  moment  upon  our  incalculable 
'  and  yet  unimproved  ajfiicullural  resources,  the 
boundless  expanse  of  forest  niid  pi'airiej  luxu- 
riatina  in  all  tl)c  abundance  of  vegetjible  weallh, 
nnd  hark,  to  the  loud  tramp  of  cniigi-ation,  like  the 
heaving  of  a  mighty  ocean,  rolling  ils  perpetual 


714 


APPENDIX  TO  TIIK  CONORESSIONAh  OLOriE. 


f  Juiiu  '2<.K 


ajh-H  CoNO lnT  St;»*. 


Thr  Tariff—Mr.  (inodyrnr. 


Ilu.  ()K  Kkfm. 


pf 


liiln  wruiwiinl,  nnil  ilii-n  Kiiy  wlirlhrr  the  OKrlriiN 
liiriil  |<i'i>ctii('lli>iif<  iirr  likely  in  lip  (tiiiniililiril,  nr 
wlirttii'i'  txriy  (-oiiililioii   nC  lltr   iiinniirarttiri'H  riui 

I  (cr  |>r«vlcl<'  II  niiirkrt  ftir  llitir  I'liliri'  i'niiKiiiii|i(liiii. 
Iliil  niniiii:  iiiiriiMilliiir  dcprnilH  ii"  miii-li  ii|ion  mir 
tnrr-l<;n  niniiuri'i'i-  f'^v  a  hnnir  iiiinkrl  11.-4  ii|H)n  ninn- 
nfadiiriM,  iNnw,  llifHf  liiti'irslM  arr  ho  llir  cnii- 
llli'liii^'.llial  llie  niK  rniiiidl  lie  foKli  red  liy  Onvirii- 
iiii'iil  iiilo  an  iiniiaiiinili;riiwtli  wllliiiiil  iniininiLily 
niVi  runt;  llw  mill  I'.  TIiIk  iHilliiHlralril  in  ihr  Ihiki- 
iiPKH  nl'xliiii-liiiililine.  Till'  iliiiim  ii|iiiii  llic  n\aii'- 
naU  iiHi'il  in  llir  liiiiliiinL'  "I'  a  "liip  "fa  llnninanil 
liiiiH  linrili-n  ik  alioiil  «^4tlHI0.  Tlir  contirijurnrr  \t* 
llial  MJiipH  iif  thai  I'jiiHi*  ari'  nn  Imiil'it  Imill  Hi  inir 
Nliiji-viirilK,  tail  arr  imrrtianitl  ahrmiil;  nnil  lln'  niar- 
Ki  I  l1ir  asiii  nlliival  |>i'iiiliii'iiiiii.'<,  riirniHlii-il  liy  iliin 
iinpiirtanl  laanrh  iifliiiHini'HH,  In  rnlirrly  Iiii4l,\vliilr 

II  In  mil  iniiirnvrti  in  any  niri'i'Mponiliriir  ilr^rrr  liy 
llir  iiii|iii«ii('  inlnoKl.  I  ilii  nut  Idiiiw,  lir,  wliirli 
iiltsiirl'N  ilii*  larL'i^l  anioiinl  nrmir  aixririiltiiral  pro- 
(turliitiiH,  llir  srii  sliiri'H  iif  onr  roniinrrcial  nniriiiis 
nr  iiiir  iiiMniil'i''lniiii'^  rtlHliliiilinirnlK.  I  liavc  nni 
the  HialiNlii''  111  li.iiiil;  lint  I  lin/.aiil  iiMlliin<;  in  .x:iv- 
iiii;  llial  llir  L'aiii  ill  llii'  i'\|>aii»icin  iif  llir  una  wniilil 
hr  liisl  in  llir  (•tinirai'liini  iiftlir  iillirr. 

\\n\p  L'l'iillrnirii  (Inly  I'liii.iilriril  ihiH  favorilo  pul- 
ley iif  lirinniiii:  llir  lu'ririillnriil  prnilnrliiuiM  w  iiliiii 
its  (irlnal  rnnMiini|Miiin  '  Lrl  ns  view  11  Inr  a  iii'i- 
liiriitaxriillyarriiiiipllHllrll.  AirriiMllllllT  i;irliri'kril ; 
llir  prriliicii'tns  lit'  llir  soil  iirr  liri>n:;lit  In  n  mIiiiiiI; 
llir  jiiriirri  lia^  rrlrarril  liia  sirjiN;  llir  sminilH  ot' 
ailvaiirini  riMli/.atiim  liavp  oriisnl  tii  awalirn  llir 
rrliiirs  iif  llir  run  i-i,  anil  llir  iiiarkH  (iriiirijiirnt  riil- 
tivaiiiin  liavr  ai^iiin  yirlilnt  lo  llir  (Iniiiiiiinii  nftlir 
rank  ^'ias«  and  wild  llnwrr  of. llir  ]itairip;  llir  (Vrr 
Npiril  wliirli  prniniils  llir  mn\rnieiil  nl'tlir  rniiL'ianl 
isNiiliiliml  111  llir  (llHi'ijilinr  nl'llir  mill,  ami  llirrtrr- 
mil  1  lank  iil"  niarliiiiiTy  in  Hiil>stiintril  t'nr  llir  srlnri- 
iiii.i  miiNir  iiCtlir  hills.  AVr  will  Niippnsr  llial  liv 
iniwiNr  h  :ji.slalii>n,  llir  inatnitartiii-rs  arr  (nn'ril  inli) 
a  riiii!.'i)ns  ami  iiiinalnral  irrnwlli,  nrsiilfiririil  imi'.'- 
niliidr  In  alisorii  ilie  wlmle  a'lririil'tiral  prnilin-ts  uf 
ihr  rininlrv — Tiir  In  this  rnniplrMnii  it  niiist  roiiir 
at  last — and  I  linpr  smtlrnirn  arr  sali^lil  il  hIiIi  thr 
riinlrinpliilion  ofllic  uliimalr  rrsnits  of  thrir  fnvoi-- 
itr  syHtrni.  Uo  nn  niistrivin;;R  iiiirnilr  lo  dislnrli 
llirir  srlf-roniplarriii'v?  Why.  .iif,  instrad  of  rrin- 
rdyin'.r  tin*  i'mI,  wn  Khniild  only  liavr  i  han^'rd  llir 
liiirdrii.  'I'lir  pi'odncts  of  thr  fartory,  in  anul  of 
Ihr  soil,  would  snllrr  ihr  rvils  of  ovrr-proilnrtion, 
iitid  havr  In  srrk  the  forrii;n  niarkri  nmlir  imirli 
Irss  favnnilili'  rinnmslanors.  Ay,  sir,  we  shnnld 
Inivr  dnnr  niorr;  wr  sliniild  linvc  drsiinyrd  ihr 
prrpnndrraiirr  of  tlip  ai;rii'iilliiral  inlrirst  in  thr 
iiniintry,  and  with  il  Ihr  nnly  snfrinard  of  thr  Hr- 
pulilii".  I  liavr  Ion  liitir  rrirard  for  nirn's  iVown.s 
nr  siiiilrii,  and  am  Inn  indill'iTrnt  In  pnlitiral  prrl'ri-. 
inriit.  In  altrr  11)11  any  amrlinir  fnr  po|inhir  fivor:  lull 
It  is  niy  solriiiii  i-oiiviriion  thai  if  llir  iirrspnt  prr- 
ponilriaini'  of  ihr  airrii'iilliiial  intrnsl  in  llir  roiin- 
iiy  iK-drsifoyrd,  our  rrpiiMiran  inslitntiniiH would 
tint  lir  wnrlli  nn  Innir's  piirrhasr. 

I'm  llinr  is  oiip  otiirr  view  of  this  mniirr  wliirli 
I  ilr.iirr  lo  jirrsrnt  lirlorr  I  {irorrrd  to  ihr  rorisid- 
i-ratinii  of  llir  ilrt.iils  of  ihr  hill  iindrrdisriission, 
Thr  i|iirslioii  iiivnivrs  llir  whole  poliry  of  |iiili|ir 
I  \|iiiidiliirr  and  ili.sii'ilnilinn.  A  hii/hly  protri'iive 
lariir  implies  a  surplus,  the  prniianeii'.  disposiiinn 
nr  di.ssipaiinn  nf  wliieh  lirrnmrs  a  [larl  nf  llir  sys- 
tem; and  the  various  mellinils  resnrled  In  for  that 
purfiose,  nnd  favored  liy  the  friends  i>(  prntrriion, 
are  drsri-vinij  of  serious  considernlion,  as  f^ivinix 
cliiiraetor  In  the  cxpedipiiry  and  mnralily  n(  the 
syslrni.  Thus  an  extrnvmjsnt  seale  nf  piililir  rx- 
prnilitiiri',  with  nil  its  (lr|irnvily  and  rnrniplinii — 
the  lavishim;  of  ilir  piililir  treasure  upon  iineon- 
siiinlional  and  often  iisi'less  [irojeetH  of  internal 
improvement — an  inicmenlalion  of  the  navy  to  nn 
iinliniiled  exient — llie  expansion  of  the  peaer  pstali- 
li.shnient  of  Ihr  army  mioii  a  seale  to  eorrespond 
with  the  lilnalid  enndilion  nf  the  siirpliis  fund — 
even  war  with  all  its  horrors  is  invoked,  and  pe..^ti- 
lenre  and  famine  nii^hi  lie  sn|iiTaddeil,  rather  than 
ihe  prolili.  of  the  mnnnfaeliirer  shniilil  he  iliniinish- 
ed,  nr  the  prineiplc  of  protretinn  relaxed.  Perhaps 
the  least  nlyretionalile  of  the  iillernntiveH  proposed 
is  ihe  dislrilailion  of  ihe  surplus  fund  amnns;  thr 
several  Slates.  Wn  all  reniemher  with  what  zeal 
this  poliry  wasadvnealed  liy  nriepoliiirnl  Jiarly,  not 
as  all  aiili'dote  for  the  evils  of  a  system,  liiil  as  a  rc- 
snllitij;  lienefit  hy  wliieli  the  people  were  to  lip  en- 
I'ichcd  from  the  surplus  fund^  uf  the  Government ; 


nnd  ir«nrlrhlnii  Ihn  fuw  nl  the  e xpenao  nf  the  ninny 
hp  llip  nlijrel  nf  iirnlPi  linn,  prrliapi)  nn  lieller  (ilnn 
eoiilil  hp  deviNPd.  Il  i;lvrN  ner.iisinn  fur  llip  all!,'- 
iTipnlalinii  of  thr  ii|;pnln  of  linvprnniiiil  whosr 
dntii's  ronsisl  in  llip  rolleelloii,  safe-kerpin^r,  nnd 
ilislnliulinii  of  llirnp  surplus  funds,  and  whosr 
inlriTNlH  air  amoly  proiprted,  liy  the  npproprialion 
'  of  n  rinisidenilile  part  lliereof  lo  the  paynirni  of 

I  heir  salaries,  and  tlie  residue,  in  adiminishril  fnrm, 
rnrtailrdof  its  fair  pri  >orliotis,is  distrilinlrd  anioiii,' 
the  srirral  Stales,  wheir  it  is  airaiii  sniiieeird  to 
llip  prores.**  ofenrtailment  and  roinlensiiiioii,siiifeil. 
ini;  lliP  rapaeily  of  a  new  set  of  UnverinnenI  au'ents, 
and  finally,  iiniler  Slate  aiitliorllies,  is  devnleil  In 
snine  ■^raiiil  selienie  of  pniieelion,  ostensiMy  for  the 
pnlilie  lienelil.  Inn  not  one  dollar  of  it  in  any  form 
ever  I'paehint;  Ihe  hand  that  earned  it.  .Sir,  I  know 
of  no  pulley  advorateil  liy  any  party  wliieli  is  at 
the  same  lime  so  lioslili'  in  the  prineiplrs  nf  Drninr- 
raey,  and  savnra  so  rank  and  foul  of  the  ilemau'o^'ue. 

II  eoiiinienees  its  warfare  apnii  ei|inil  ri:;liN,  liy 
seenriiiu'  In  classes  exclusive  privilei;es,  makitii,'  fnr 
t!ial  piirpnse  a  liirire  draft  iipnn  the  prodiieiivr  in- 
ilnsiry  of  llii' eoimlry,  ihe  avails  of  wliieli  are.  in 
part  approprialed  to  the  lienrlil  of  llir  proieeird 
class,  and  tlir  rcsidur  in  defray  ihr  r\prnsrs  of 
'.'ovrrnmriit,  and  to  swrll  ihr  a  1  noun  I  of  its  surplus 
I'linils;  and  llieii,  iltiiler  Ihe  pri  leiiee  of  a  <;ralnlly 
to  the  pi  opie,  a  very  small  portiiin  of  their  own 
ninnry — the  avails  nf  their  own  hard  earniiurs — 
is  made  snliservienl  In  the  siippnri  of  some  linored 
sehenie  avowedly  for  their  heiiefti,  Inn  in  truth  for 
the  lienefil  nf  ai;eiUs  wlin  ennlrnl  the  fund.  Siieli 
is  the  ilislriliulion  policy  i;r(nvinir  mil  of  this  sys- 
tem of  proleetion;  and  a  irrenter  ulnise  of  iiopular 
ri^'hls  was  never  alteniplid  upon  an  iiijnrid  and 
in..<nlted  penph'.  Sir,  ihe  lime  preserila  d  liy  the 
rules  of  this  iroiise  eonfuies  me  to  a  lirief  siaie- 
iiient  of  a  ti'W  licneral  prineijihs  liearini;  up-m  this 
snlijcei — all  of  which,  I  readily  admit,  am  very 
iiineli  modilii  (I  in  iheir  ap|ilicalinu  liy  nur  exislin^ 
rel.iiinn.s,  lioth  torei»rii  and  donieslie.  I  helirve 
that  thr  eoiidiiion  of  society,  the  priii;ress  of  eivili- 
/ation,  the  fai  ihties  of  intercourse,  ami  the  lilend- 
iii',' loi;ellicr  of  races  and  nations,  are  exerliiiK  " 
jiower  and  inlliieiice  upon  ihe  pnlitiral  relations  of 
the  world,  \\liieh  mif.*l,  ere  Innir,  break  dnwii  the 
harriers  thai  false  pnliey  and  harliarisni  Inve  inter- 
posed liplweeii  the  nations  nf  the  earth.  These 
views  may  he  irtnplan,  may  lie  wnnie;,  niiiy  lie 
iinpraeliealile;  luil  I  rannnl  resist  the  ennvielioiiH 
of  my  observation,  my  feeling's,  and  my  judiiment. 
To  my  mind,  ihe  w  linle  system  nf  laws,  reslriet- 
ive  nnd  prnhibitnry,  by  which  one  ii.iiion  seok.f 
lo  proleei  itself  ai;ainsl  another,  is  fast  falliiii.' 
into  decay,  into  "the  sere,  O'e  yellow  leaf." 
lint  Willi  all  my  predileetion  in  favor  of  an  1111- 
restrieled  commercial  intercourse  with  all  the  na- 
tions nf  Ihe  earth,  1  am  not  insensible  to  the  evils 
wliiidi  neressnrily  result  from  any  sudden  and 
radical  eliamre  in  the  laws  which  reaulale  the  liiisi- 
nesa  nlVairs  of  the  eountry.  Steadiness  and  uni- 
fnrmily  in  the  pnliey  of  the  Ciovrrtimrnt  is  of  more 
iniporlnneo  to  the  inti-resis  involved  than  exclusive 
proteetioii  In  the  niie,  nr  uiiliniiled  free  trade 
In  the  niher.  The  biisine.HS  eneriry  of  this  people 
will  adai'l  il.selfeven  10  a  bad  sysii m  :  and  llir 
evils  eniiseipient  uimn  the  sudden  hreakini;  up  of 
ihr  inipnrlant  interests  which  have  srnwn  up  un- 
der its  operatinn  may  be  but  pnorly  enmpensaled 
by  the  Iritlinph  nf  an  absliaeiinn  nr  llir  queslinn- 
atilp  advaiilaijeK  nf  even  an  apprnvrd  theory. 
When,  therefore,  the  profjress  of  a  well-considered 
public  opinion  demands  a  ehaiiire,  it  should  be  n|i- 
proached  with  caniion,  nnd  with  a  just  resaiil  to 
exislin;;  lights.  If  a  lari;e  amnunt  nf  rapiuil  has 
been  invested  in  any  branch  of  industry,  to  wliieli 
the  fnslerin^  eare  nf  Gnvrnment  is  absniutely 
iieceRsnry,and  upon  the  inipLed  faith  that  it  would 
continue  to  be  extended  to  it,  it  would  be,  impnll- 
tie,  as  well  ns  unjust,  by  any  sulilen  action  nf  this 
riovernment,  lo  invoke  such  in,iiorianl  interests 
in  toinl  ruin.  Il  is  w.ih  a  view  in  this  considera- 
tion, in  eoiiiiexioii  wiili  others,  that  I  shall  vole  fnr 
the  subslilute  prnposed  for  ihe  hill  by  iny  col- 
lea!;ue,  |Mr.  Hi'N(.i:i<Fonii.|  It  is  belleveil  to  he 
adjusted,  as  nearly  as  possible,  with  a  due  reirard 
lo  all  the  iiiiniernus  ami  conflielinic  interests  of  this 
widely  spread  Republic.  It  rijeels  ninst  of  the 
odinuH  fenlures  of  the  existing  inrilf,  and  is  mod- 
died  in  strict  eonfnrmily  tn  the  issue  presented  to 

'  the  people  at  llic  election  of  1844 — u  tariH'  for  rev- 


cnua  merely,  nnd  iniidpriila  dinrrinilnntion  fnr  ilin 
prnlpelionn'f  liomelmliislry.  AllexperieneelraclirH 
llinl  il  is  worse  llniii  iisrirns  lo  lr!;iHliite  in  advanen 
nf  pnlilie  opinion.  .Sir,  if  I  had  no  oihrr  imlucr- 
iiiriil  lo  prefer  the  Hulisliiiile  to  ihin  bill,  it  woiilil 
be  snilieieiit  ihal  it  is  the  only  nysleni  vthicli 
Inviles  eoiifideiice  and  proinises  slaliilily.  Tlin 
exireme,  illy-eonsidered,  and  impraclicabln  prn- 
vi.iions  of  the  t 'otnproinise  act  overthrew  llin 
dnminanl  parly  in  IH4II;  anil  llir  adnptmn  nf 
the  nppnsite  extreme,  111  the  pxislinir  laril)',  con- 
Iribuled  laru'ely  tn  the  pnliiical  irvnhilioii  of  |H44. 
Is  il,  llien,  I  ask,  pnlriolie  and  wise  in  iia  in 
reject  the  ailinonilioiis  of  the  past,  and  eiitiliimn 
this  prrprtual  warfare  nf  extremes.*  A  Huccrssinii 
of  parly  revniuliniis  is  the  iiecrsNary  eoiiseipn  iter. 

In  Ihe  nieanlime,  biisiiiess  is  paraly/.ed,  ill inn- 

Irv  impnverlsheil,  her  delils  remain  unpaid,  her 
chararter  and  inpilal  are  sacrificed  alike,  and  wis- 
dom ami  modrrnlion  in  Iirr  eoniicilN  are  fi>r<;ollrii 
111  ihe  predominance  of  lliiise  wild  passions  wdiicli 
are  eii'remlercd  in,  and  in  turn  stimnlate,  the  vio. 
leiiee  of  party  strife.  .Sir,  I  cannot  vote  for  this  bill 
ill  its  present  form.  I  will  not  eotisent  to  he  ilia- 
Snoiied,  by  parly  laelics,  into  a  measure  which  I 
dreni  so  hiislile  in  the  best  interests  nf  my  eonnlry. 

liiil,  sir,  there  are  other  objeciioiis  In  this  bill, 
which  with  me  are  insiipernhle.  Il  professes  lo 
e(|nali/e  ihr  larill'by  plaiini;  ai;riciiltiire  upon  the 
sainr  fool  ill';  willi  olhrr  braiichrs  of  industry;  nnd 
yrl,  whilst  It  recoijiiises  the  principle  of  prnleeiinii, 
.mil  amply  pmviilrs  fnr  it  in  rcijard  lo  some  lu^ri- 
cullnral  p'roiliieiions  of  soiilhcrn  ijrowlh,  il  wholly 
ne.rlecis  the  very  few  staples  of  the  Norlh  upon 
which  the  principle  nf  prolectinn  enuld  be  brouLrht 
lo  oprratr  fivnrnlily.  Il  prnpo.ses  tn  reduce  llio 
duly  upnii  fine  wnnl  from  :t(l  per  eriit.  and  .'I  renl.s 
tier  pound  specific,  lo  "J.")  per  cent.;  and  lo  raise  the 
duty  on  coarse  wool,  of  the  value  nf  7  cents  per 
pniiiid  nr  under,  finin  .I  in  !.'.■>  per  cent.  This,  linw- 
ever,  is  tn  be  estiniiiled  upon  its  value  at  the  last 
port  nr  place  whence  exported  tn  the  (Jnited  Slates. 
The  duly  upon  a  pound  of  wool  of  this  descriplinn, 
of  ihe  value  of  7  cents  per  pound,  would  unl  exreecl 
at  this  rale  one  and  lliree-i|iiarter  cents.  This  is 
the  only  kind  nf  wnol  that  enmes  in  cnmpelilioii 
w  itli  the  wool  Krowers  of  this  eounlry;  nnd  the  in- 
crease of  the  duty,  il  will  he  readily  perceived, 
taken  wiili  n  view  tn  proteeiioii,  is  wholly  falla- 
cinus.  Tn  make  the  diitv  of  A"i  per  criil.  mailable 
for  thai  purpose,  il  should  be  estimnled  iipnii  thu 
value  nf  the  wool  at  our  own  ports.  The  duty  on 
llaxseed,  also — .mother  aijrienhural  sUiple,  and 
with  which  the  foreiu'ii  impnrtalinn  comes  in  direct 
cnmprtilion — is  rednerd  onr-half  by  Ibis  bill. 

A?ain,  sir,  this  bill  proposes  In  levy  a  duty  nf 
ten  per  eenl.  iipnii  tea  and  enll'ee.  In  arrain;ini; 
the  details  nf  a  larilf,  it  is  not  ilenird  that  discriin- 
matioii  is  proper  for  the  purpose  nf  adinstiii<;  the, 
burden  ns  near  as  may  be  tn  a  prnperly  basis  of 
laxalinn.  Articles  of  general  eonsunuition,  ill 
nearly  eipial  proportions,  by  nil  olasses  ol  the  com- 
miiniiy,  should  in  nn  ease  be  siibjecied  m  n  duly. 
Tea  and  rnlVce  are  enlilled  hy  eusinni  to  be  runkeil 
with  the  iieeessarirs  of  life,  and  are  consumed  ill 
about  ripial  (|nanlilics  by  rich  and  poor.  To  lax 
them,  therefore,  would  be  Hilnpiin;;  n  most  odious 
feature  of  a  very  objeelionable  Hyslein  of  laxalion. 
I  eannnt  vote  fiir  any  revenue  bill  the  desij;n  of 
wliieli  is  merely  to  meei  the  ordinary  expenses  nf 
Onvernment,  which  imposeaa  lax  upon  these  lwt> 
artie'es.  Mow  I  ini;;lil  view  an  impost  of  this 
kind  included  in  a  supplemental  bill  drsiprned  for 
the  exlranrdinary  expenses  nf  war,  and  tn  expire 
with  the  necessity  nf  the  necasioii,  I  nm  not  prc- 
iiared  t)  say.  IVfy  determination  would  he  mainly 
Inllueiiec  I  by  the  extent  In  which  oilier  nnd  more 
justifiable  sources  of  revenue  had  been  exiuiusled. 
Iliittake  frnni  this  hill  the  articles  of  tea  and  coflee, 
nnd  it  is  adniitled  on  all  hands  that  ihe  revenue  to 
be  derived  frnni  its  provisinns  wnuld  be  whnlly 
inadeiptate  In  the  nrdinary  expenses  of  the  Gov- 
ernmeiil.  liy  ihe  ndnplion  nf  this  bill  we  shnll 
then  have  in  perspective  an  enormous  debt  irrnw- 
inKoiitnfllie  expenses  nf  proseculins  the  Mexi- 
can war,  added  lo  the  unpaid  hnlance  nf  the  ordi- 
nary expenses  nf  adniinisterini;  the  Government; 
and  all  this  to  be  discharged  with  diminished  means 
of  payment,  resullins;  from  uiiivcrsnl  business  eni- 
Imrriissnienl,  crcnted  by  the  un.setlled  policy  of 
the  Government,  and  the  e-xistiiig  necessity  of  a 
clrnngc. 


Ifi46.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIOIVAI.  OLOOE. 


715 


'^9tH  CoNO I  MT  Sksii. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  I'ollock. 


Ho.  or  IIkm. 


MyriillNlilili'lltH,  NJr,  will  lint  i(\lnllllli  illi:  ill  Viithlg 
(lir  M|i|irii|ii'iMliniiN,  wliir.li  iiiiiHl  ( itiiilr*  a  naiiniia) 
lii'lil,  wllliiiill,  at  till'  Hainc  tiiiir,  |inivliliiii;  llin 
ini'iiiis  iiT  |iiiyiiieiil,  'riiii  ilayH  iil°  ri'|iiiiliiilliiii  liavi- 
),'(iiir  liy,  anil  llio  rirkliHfi  |i(iliiy  of  liiirilriiliii;  llie 
riiliiii'  willi  llii-  ('iiiihi(|I1ciii'i:h  iif  (iri'Mi'iit  |iniilii;ality 
iiiiiNt  lir  aliiiii(l()iicil,  I  lin|H>  tnrrvci'.  'riic  pi'nplc 
wliMin  I  r'|irrM('iit  will  nnMiMil  In  \n:  laxi'il  fur  ili« 
|>iir|HiH«  III'  ilrlViiyiiii!  llii:  cii'iliiMiiy  mill  nrri'Hsary 
r\|ii-nHrii  of  (JiiviTliiiirlil.  1'liry  will  rniilrihute 
lilinally  •■!'  Ilii'ii'  IiIhimI  iiiiiI  Iri'MHiiri'  In  llii'  prnHn- 
I'liliiiii  III'  a  jiiMl  war.  Iliil  lliry  will  nut  Hiiliniit  to 
llii'  iliNliiiiinr  III'  till'  piililir  faiili  liy  any  liiiliirr  in 
|iriiuiliii!;tlir  niraiiHiil'{iri'ti>i'inin;  itn  rii!;ai;i'ini!nlii, 
nir,  I  I'lin  Mile  I'm'  iiii  lull  wliii'li  ilni  h  nut  priiviilo 
ri'H'imi!  HiiHii'irnt  I'm'  ilir  iiriliiiiiry  i'X|ii'n>irH  iif 
(tinirntniMi — In  nay  nnlliin:;  of  tlin  |ii'iiM|iri'livr 
iliHi'liai'u'i'  of  tin:  ilclit  I'i'oaii'il  liy  (ho  cxtriinriliiiaiy 
rxiH'iiHiH  nl'  war. 

Iliil,  nil',  I  iniiHt  Hiilimit  il  In  tlio  jinl'^'iiirnl  of  all 
parlii'M  in  lliia  I  lnii»f ,  wlielliiT  il  in  lint  tlii'ir  iiilitr- 
csl  In  ailnpt  till'  Hiilisliliiir  priipiiNi-il.  Tin' pxist- 
inu'  larilVi'iiini"!  1"'  niiilainnl  I'nrany  (rrrnt  lonijlh 
111"  tiini'.  It  was  iiilnpliil  iinili'r  Ilir  iicircKily  nf 
I'iiTiiniMlaii'iM  rr-iiiliint;  I'rnni  tlio  [loriiliarm-^janiza- 
linii  nf  till'  Onvcniiiiriil  al  lliat  linii',  nnil  was  I'ai- 
riril  liy  tin:  vntiH  nf  many  wliii  iiii'lini'il  tn  ninrn 
lilw'i'al  virwH,  wrrr  nprnly  npjinsi'il  In  iiiany  nf  ilN 
pi'iivi.'iiiinN,  anil  nnly  'Jiavf  ilinr  assent  tn  it  nn'Irr 
a  prnti'Ht  (hat  at  tlir  tii'Hl  favni-«ilile  iipporliiiiity  it 
hIiiiiiIiI  lir  iniiilt' till' Hiiliji'i't  nf  rcpral  nratni'nilnif^nl. 
Canii'il  in  Ilir  fiiNt  inilanif  liy  a  linrii  anil  rdiiriant 
iniijni'ity,  its  I'riinilH  I'annnt  linpn  Iniij;  to  (Irfrnil  il» 
many  vnlni'i'tilili'  pninlH  ii'^aiiiHt  n  vii^ilant  (no^vvt'r 
iVuili'iil  ill  icsmii'ii'S,  anil  ciiertfi'lir.  anil  frai'lesa  in 
alliK'k.  llcKiiltH,  .»ir,  I  insist  that  tlni  liill  prnposoil 
as  II  KiilisliUilr,  whilst  il  kerps  Htrii'tly  within  llin 
ii'Vi'iniii  liiniLs,  aH'mils  all  tin;  prolri'linn  tn  wliirli 
any  niaiuifui'lnrin^'  inti'rrst  can  make  any  ri'iisnii- 
alilr  I'laini.  Many  liiaiii'lii'S  nf  ilmnrslii'  indiislry 
iiriil  no  prntni'iimi;  llicy  have  arrivi:il  al  that  singe 
nf  pi'ifei'linii  wliii  11  I'.imlilcs  them  tn  cnniprii'  with  I 
iliii  l'orc'i;,'n  falirir.  in  ila  own  iniirkiU,  ami  many  ' 
olhei'B  may  iml  nt'cil  llw  wlinin  amnnnt  nf  prolci"-  ' 
II. ill  whii'li  lliii  illll'l■^.■^^of  iIk;  tri'nsni'y  will  fnniisli 
tlirin;  hut  if  any  nnii  ruiinni  siislaiii  itself  with  llint 
(lisrriininatinn  in  its  favor  wliii'h  rcicartl  to  revenue 
will  justify  ami  leipiire,  it  is  certainly  a  !;i'ave  r|iieK- 
i'li  I'nr  the  deeisiou  of  this  hoily,  wliellier  sueli  an 

rprise  is  tnc  iirnperehnnnel  into  whii'li  tnilireel 

I'  |irniliii'tive  liilmr  nf  tin  nalinn;  whether  il  is  the 
nly  of  Gnvei'imicnt  to  sustain  it  as  a  ileail  wi'ii,'lit 
upon  the  national  lesniirees,  or,  liy  withilrnwins 
IIS  proteelion,  tn  perpiil  its  enerijiea  In  seek  a  ninre 
legiliniali'  I'u'lil  for  llieir  (levelopmenl.  Our  vast 
ami  as  yi  I  uiiexploied  sniirees  of  wealth  and  in- 
I  inlives  to  enterprise  |iriivide.  ample  einplnyment 
I'r  the  whole  prndiictive  iiiilnslry  of  Ihe  nalion; 
I  lie  evils  nf  n  dense  populalion  and  limited  means 
nf  sulisistenee  do  not  eonipel  a  resort  tn  enter- 
prises lint  iula)iteil  to  onr  physieiil  and  social  vnn- 
dilioii.  In  a  Uovernment  cniislituled  like  ours, 
yii  Idiii;;  to  every  puLsalioii  of  a  progressive  and 
somewhat  lliictniiliiig  pulilie  opinion,  no  liraneh  nf 
laisiness  eiiii  lio|ie  for  permanent  success,  unless 
capahio  nf  suslaining  itself  under  the  opcrntinn  of 
the  iialiiral  laws  of  trade,  modilied  liy  the  niod- 
riale  proU'cliiJii  which  a  revenue  larill'  will  alTnrd. 
An  enlerprise  may  udvance,  prosperously  under 
the  favoialile  inlliii'iices  of  niio  administration',  hut 
is  destined  In  wiilierins;  reverse  under  its  Hucces- 
Hors,  and  involves  in  its  fall  a  ruin  wide-spread  and 
dcsohiliiig  in  proportion  to  its  fornior  prosperity 
and  success.  IJiit  in  nmlerlakings  liased  upon  a 
latter  I'oundatioii,  I  have  already  said,  that  sleiuli- 
ness  and  imiformity  in  the  action  of  the  Govcrn- 
niiiU,  ill  legaiil  tn  llieiii,  is  nf  vastly  more  inipor- 
lancfi  than  any  advanta{|;es  which  may  lie  derived 
from  n  vacillating  system  of  proleclion.  By  lirini;- 
ing  the  tarilT  strictly  within  the  revenue  limit,  it 
is  helievcd  that  the  reiiuired  steadiness  and  uni- 
fminity  will  he  in  a  very  good  degree  attained. 
The  revenue  ncccRsury  for  the  support  nf  govern- 
ment will  not  vary  materially  in  times  of  peace, 
and  in  time  of  war  the  manufacturer  can  usually 
make  his  own  terms.  But  a  larilT  arranged  solely 
with  a  view  to  protection  isgmdimted  hy  no  stanil- 
iird  except  the  nssiiincd  and  ofltimes  fancied  wants 
of  the  iimnnfactiircr;  ami  heingsustaincd  by  no  prin- 
ciple of  conlrolling  necessity,  it  must  ever  he  ex- 
Iinsed  to  the  hnstility  nfcontUcting  interests,  and  will 
ic  successively  adopted  and  repealed,  accordingly 


as  llieonenrllieollirr  Helordoctriiies  prevail  in  onr 
n  itional  coiincilH.  InveHtnieiilH  under  it  are  made 
iipnii  ihe  principleanf  niarineaNHiirance — the  preini- 
iini  niiiHthe  rei;ulttlediii  the  pro|nirlinn  nf  the  lia/.anl. 
'riieennrinoun  protUii  which  the  mamifaclurer  en- 
joys under  a  highly  proU'i  live  larill',  must  iiidein- 
iiify  him  against  the  evet-reciirriiig  danger  of  a 
cliaii'^e  ill  ihe  policy  ol'  the  Uoveriimeiil.  Tliiii 
exlia  lia'/.ard  will  ho  ohviated  hy  the  plan  pro- 
poNi'il.  The  larill'  and  its  incidenud  priiieciioii 
will  he  regiilatid  hy  ihe  iiiiilnrni  iieciMsilies  nf  ilie 
Unt'ernment.  'I'liis  Hlandard  can  hardly  he  n  ii- 
dered  niisUilile  hy  any  adverse  influences  nr  coii- 
flicling  interesls.  The  priiiiMple  is  eonccdod  liy 
all  parlies.  The  horl/.niiial  scale  of  duties  isahaii- 
dniicil,  lis  I  I  III)  sense  it  levemie  larill',  fir  llie  very 

'  olivinus  ri'iisnn  lliiil  llie  same  rate  which  upnii  niiu 
lu'liide  wnuld  alVord  the  highest  amniint  of  revenue 
would  III)  highly  prnleclive  upnn  aiinlher,  whilst 
upon  a  third  il  wnuld  he  entirely  prohilillnry,  and 
rurnlNli  no  rcK  line  at  all  k^siahlish  the  rcvemio 
standard, and  the  'I'liiiufaciini'r  has  the  iinaiiimoiis 
assent  of  all  paiiiis  as  his  giiaianty  for  fiiliire  iiiii- 
fnrmily  and  sleadlness  in  llie  policy  of  gnverii- 
ineiit.  lie  may  henccfnrth  prnseciile  his  liiisiiiess 
successfully,  and  grnw  opulent  iipnii  its  moderate 
hut  certain  prnfils. 

Sir,  lime  will  iint  perinil  ine  lo  pursue  this  siili- 
ject  further.  I  lielieve  lliat  thesiilisiiliile  pioposed 
liy  my  colleague  will  aceimiplish  all  the  ptirpn.-ies 
desired,  and  remedy  most  of  the  errors  with  whiili 
liolli  the  nxisliiig  larill'  and  llie  hill  under  dlsiiis- 
sioii  are  so  jiislly  ehargeahle.  I  i  oinmend  il  to  the 
Hcriniis  consideralion  nf  this  House,  and  c^dl  upon 
all  who,  for  the  time,  are  enpahle  of  rising  above 
the  petty  eonflicls  nf  parly,  and  whose  springs  of 
action  are  moved  hy   higher  and    purer  molives 

'  than  ils  ephemeral  triiin'pli,  to  unite  in  settling 
this  much  vexed  i|iiesliiiii  upon  a  Just,  satisl'actury , 
and  permanent  hasis. 


THE  T.\R1FF. 


SPEECH  OP  MR.  J.  POLLOCK, 

OK  PENNSVr.VANIA, 

In  the  House  of  Rlprkbentatives, 

Jitw  27,  18IG. 

The  House  heiiig  in  ("'ommitlee  of  ilio  Whole  on 

the  stale  nf  the  Uiiinii  on  llie  "  Bill  rediiciiig  the 

duly  oil  Imports,  and  for  other  purposes" — 

Mr.. POLLOCK  .iaid: 

Mr.  Chairman:  Alllinngli  we  are  nnw  in  Cnni- 
millee  of  the  Whole  on  the  stale  of  llie  tliiion,  I  do 
not  intend  lo  refer  to  every  question  that  relates  lo 
tliel'Mion.  I  will  not  fnllnw  the  example  of  many 
gentlemen  who  have  preceded  me,  and  disco,  s 
the  merits  oi  demerits  of  the  existing  war  with 
Mexico;  neither  will  I  enter  into  the  rpiesiion  of 
ihc  Imiindarv  of  Texas — whether  our  tiile  ex- 
lends  lo  the  Nueces  or  the  Ilio  Grande,  or  whether 
the  present  Admiiiislralicn  are  Justified  in  the 
cnurse  they  have  pursued  Inwards  Mexico.  All 
these  questions  I  am  at  present  disp.isid  to  refer 
In  the  *'solier  RC-cond  thought"  of  the  people,  in  the  1 
full  assurance  thai  when  they  are  siibmitlc!'  lo  that  ' 
Irihiinal,  the  verdict  will  he  given  ai'ceiuing  to 
the  fads  and  the  triiiC  merits  of  the  ease.  I  will 
not  now  atlemjit  lo  renew  llie  delwlc  on  the  Ore- 
gon finestion.  Although  on  a  former  occasion,  in 
this  House,  I  declared  that  our  claim  was  good  up 
lo  ,14°  40' — or  at  least  lielter  than  lliiit  of  Englnnil; 
nlthnugh  I  advocnted  and  voted  for  the  "notice" 
in  all  its  phases,  I  al  ihe  same  time  said,  that  if 
England  should  ofl'er  to  ns  the  same  or  equal  terms 
of  settlement  which  we  had  previously  nlTered  to 
her,  we  would  he  bound  in  Justice  and  liniior  to 
accept  them.  I  hear  it  rumored  that  she  has  done 
this,  and,  with  a  magnanimily  unparalleled  in  her 
history,  has  taken  the  first  step  towards  a  eom- 
|irnmise  of  all  existing  dilliculties  on  the  siihjcci  of 
boundary,  and  that  our  own  Government  litis,  in  a 
corresponding  s|iirit,  received  and  responded  to  her 
overtures.  If  the  fact  is  .so,  (and  I  have  no  reason 
to  dnuhl  il,  although  the  injunction  of  secrecy  has 
not  yet  been  removed  from  the  proceedings  of  the 
Senate,)  I  believe  the  course  of  the  Senate  in  this 
regard  will  he  approved  by  nine-tenths  of  the  Aine- 
I  rican  people. 

j      But,  sir,  I  will  refer  to  a  war  of  another  char- 
acter— nut  a  foreign  war,  but  one  equally  fatal,  if 


not  more  mi,  lo  the  interests  and  prosperity  of  iho 
coniilry.  I  refer  lo  (hat  iletirniineil  homiliiy  wliicli 
has  for  years  been  exhibited  nKiiinst  all  lawn  passe'! 
I'nr  the  prnteelinn  and  encniiiUKeineiit  of  Ameriiail 
iiiiliiNtry.  I  regret  that  the  I'oimiry  caiinol  he  per- 
mitted lo  rest  ill  |H'ace  niiilcr  the  operiilioii  nf  ex- 
isting laws  iipnii  this  siibjecl.  Not  content  wilh  n 
slate  of  proaprrity  unequalled  in  the  wnrld's  his- 
tory, we  seein  to  he  advancing  wilh  rapid  slridea 
lo  try  once  mine  those  fatal  experimenis  on  lliu 
hiisiness  nf  the  cniiniiv  wIih'Ii  iiiarknl  niir  hislnry 
from  IHII.'I  lo  IHIJ.  Why  should  we  now  atleiiipi, 
by  liliiil  experiments,  to  arrest  the  niiward  prn- 
gress  nf  tilings  •  Why  shniild  our  legiMlatinn,  by 
Its  ceaseless  changes,  einharrass  and  cnnfound  our 
penple  in  llieir  industrial  pursuits.'  Sir,  stahihiy 
ill  legislaiinn  is  esMeiiiial  In  niiiioiial  prnspi  rlly.  A 
fixed  and  sell  led  pnliey  in  relalinn  to  all  llie  great  iii- 
lei'cstsnf  Ihecniiiitry  nlioiild  hetheaimaiidnhjeci  of 
every  government.  The  dielates  of  |iriiileiiee  and 
sound  discrelinn  retpiire  that  the  eslalilislied  [mln'y 
of  a  nalion  should  imt  hi'  overliiri'.'d  nr  changed 
for  sli'_;lit  or  transient  rcisniis.  h'tcklencss  iiiiil 
'haiige  in  governments,  as  in  individiials,  not  only 
i  prevent  prosjierity,  but  lead  lo  ruin.  The  evil, 
the  enormous  evil  i if  our  cnimlry,  is /on  miielt  /cgi.^- 
Iiilinii,  The  enactment  nf  wise  and  salutary  laws, 
and  lliclr  honest  and  I'liillil'iil  adniinisii'aiion,  w'ili 
always  be  regarded  with  liivnr  by  a  law-lining  and 
law-obeying  |)eople.  But  when  enaclnieiit  upon 
enaclment  is  crowded  upon  yniir  stiitute  honk, 
withnul  reference  lo  llie  wauls  or  interesls  nf  tho 
people,  when  the  laws  nf  In-day  are  repealed  or 
Niijierseded  by  the  laws  of  to-morrow;  when  tho 
cherished  policy  of  the  eoiinlry,  estahlislied  and 
sustained  by  the  good  and  wise  of  other  days,  is 
rudely  assailed, and  threatened  wilh  aniiiliilat ion,  hy 
our  modern  but  less  wise  statesiiieii  and  legi.ilaiorH, 
then,  sir,  legislation  becmries  a  snlenin  mnekery, 
a  mere  game  of  hazard,  the  plaything  nf  an  hour. 
When  systems  sun  lioiied  hy  the  lest  of  lime  and 
I  experience  are  thus  aliaiidnned,  thus  given  up  I'nr 
I  modern  visionary  untried  ihenries,  oi'tlienries  tried 
'  only  to  onr  injury,  su''h  legislation,  instead  of  be- 
ingn  shield  of  proleclion  lo  the  general  prnsperiiy, 
proves  the  spring  nf  dea(llie-;t  evils  to  the  highest 
linpes  and  best  interests  nf  the  eommnnity. 

What  are  we  now  asked  tn  do.'    To  abandon  a 

policy  which   has  been  established  by  the  united 

1  councils  nf  men,  whose  enlightened  and  lolly  pa- 

i  triotism  looked  far  above  party  lo  their  country's 

jjnod — a  system  whose  operations  demonstrate  its 

wisdom,  and  whose  results  confound  itsopponenls. 

Why  should  we  abandon  a  |)olicy  that  has  cmi- 

I  irihiited  so  much  to  our  national  greatness,  and 

constitutes  the  fnimdatiou  of  our  national    pios- 

pcrity;     Who  has  demanded  il?    What  necessity 

requires  il? 

Have  the  American  people,  in  the  exercise  of 
their  sovereign   will,   eonstitutionnlly  expres.sed, 
demanded  it?     When  and  where  have  the  peojile 
pronounced  their  condemnation  nf  the  proteciive 
:  pnliey  as  embodied  ill  the  act  of  the  ,'IOtli  of  Aii- 
1  giist,'l843?     Is  such  eondemuntinii  lo  be  found  in 
the  election  of  .Tames  K.  I'olk  lo  the  Chief  Magis- 
1  tracv  of  this  Union  ?     I  have  yet  to  learn  that  the 
'!  people,  by  his  election, declared  against  this  policy. . 
Had  Ihe  qnestion  la  en  fairly  presented;  had  the 
people,  with  a  full  knowledge  nl  his  ofiinions  upon 
ihis  subject;  had  tho  deadly  and  unyielding  hos- 
tility of  the  Democratic  candidate  to  the  dnetrint , 
andcontinunncp,  of  a  protective  larill' been  truly  set 
'   I'orth,  and  fully  known  lo  the  electors— as  they 
now  know  them  to  he  from  his  late  annual  mes- 
sage,  and  they  had  then,  under  such  e.irciinislan- 

ces,  chose     him  for  their  President,  there  might 
be  some  Justice  in  such  an  assumption. 

But  wiis  such  the  fact?  Where  was  Pennsyl- 
vania in  the  canvass  of  184'4?  I  do  not  design  lo 
make  this  n  political  di.icussion;  hut  as  a  Pennsyl- 
vanian,  proud  of  my  native  Stale,  and  anxious  m 
do  her  justice  before  the  world,  I  am  compelled  lo 
refer  to  the  facts,  and  brielly  review  the  doings  of 
that  period.  I  again  ask,  what  were  her  sentiments 
in  IH44  on  this  question?  Did  her  people,  nf  either 
of  the  great  political  parties,  shoulder  lo  shoulder 
with  the  Democracy  of  Ihe  other  Slates,  war 
against  the  proteciive  policy  of  the  country  ?  Did 
\  the  Democratic  party  in  that  Slateadvocate  a  repeal 
;  or  modification  of  the  Tariff'  Act  of  1842?  By  no 
means.  The  people  of  Pennsylvania  are  the  friends 
and  unyielding  advocates  of  tlie  protective  policy; 


11 

In! 


716 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  27, 


31 


m 


1 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Pollock. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


or,  if 
teciioii 


yoii  plenso,  •'  n  tmilTl'or  revenue  wiili  ftiir  pio- 
III  to  Amcriinn  industry."    I'cnn.sylviuiia  lias 


1111(1  it 


always  been  coMsisK'nt  upon  this  qucslion;  and 
will  require  more  than  "  liriiish  tin urios"  of  I'n 
(|,,j,, — unhappily  adopted  Ijy  too  innny  Ameriean  i 
stuIesuKii — or  (|uotatioiis  from  I'.ritisd  I'ree-trndc 
writers,  nlllioii!;h  jiealed  liirtli  liy  a  Dcinoeraiic 
<Mpin,  to  drive  lier  I'roni  her  position.  I'eniisyl- 
vaiiia,  with  her  nearly  three  Imiidied  and  lil'iy 
thousand  voters,  is  a  tarilV  State.  The  two  i,'reat  ' 
parties  in  the  Slate  have  liei  i  nearly  on  a  poi.sc — 
live  ihousiinil  lieins  the  preiucst  iniijurity  tlmt  one 
was  alile  to  olitniii  aiiaiiist  the  other.  (Jut  of  our  I 
nunieroiis  electors — nunilierins  so  many  tliousaiids 
— more  than  oiic-liall'  voted  lor  James  K.  Poll. 
Hill  they,  hy  that  aet,  deeUire  that  the  tarill'  ,ii' 
lf<4-J  was  a  system  ol'  "  I'raud,  injustice,  tyranny,  ' 
and  oppression,"  as  the  frentleniaii  I'roin  Viru'inia 
|Mr.L!KntN<iKii]  has  this  niornina:  denominated  it- 
1  protest  iifraiiist  any  such  inference.  I'eimsylvu- 
iiia  is  in  favor  of  the  tarilf  of  lt54'J,  hehevinf;  it  to 
lie,  upon  every  proper  principle,  a  tarill' for  revenue; 
.seciiriii!;  ut  the  same  time  a  fiir  protection  to  home 
industry.  Her  entire  dele^atimi  lieie  upon  this 
floor,  with  perhaps  mie  exeeptioii,  are  ill  favor  of 
I  lie  exislins:  law,  let  their  political  preferences  and 
assoi-ialions  he  what  they  may;  olherwi.se  they 
wonid  not  Irulv  represeh'l  the  interests  of  their 
Slate,  or  the  opinions  of  tlie'.-  constitiienls.  All 
parlies  there  are  larilV  ii'-'  —]itolcc(ivc  tarilf  men. 
The  i;rciit  ipiesiioii  dul■■-.l^' the  Presidential  canvass 
was,  which  of  ih-  >wo  parlies  was  preeminently  . 
ihedirijf'  ii"..v.  On  every  luisliiiLf  ill  the  Stale, 
the  ipi'.  .>lioii  discussed  heforc  the  people  was, 
which  was  the  hetlei'  ilf  man,  James  Iv.  I'olk  or 
1  leiirv  Clay,  dii  lins  very  point  the  controversy  . 
tonieil;  ami  on  that  very  point  it  was  decided. 
Kverv  ollnM*  ipiestion  was  nieri;cd  in  the  over- 
wliehniiis;  impiMiaiice  of  this  i.ssia .  And,  Mr. 
Cliaiinian,  permit  me  to  say  here,  that  so  ihor- 

,ii;lily  indocirinaled  are  our  citizens  with  tarilf 
p!!~ici'p|.  s,  that  no  candidate  for  any  ollice,  from 
ill  venior  of  the  Conimoiiweallli,  down  to  a  lior- 
iiii  ;l'  cinstulile,  can  lie  elected  to  any  otiice,  w  nil- 
oul  first  proving:  himself  to  he  a  hrin  friend  of  the 
prol>,ciive  sysiini.  1  defy  eoiitradictii.i  to  this 
pnipiisiiion,  from  a  ly  person  acoiiainteo  w  itii  that 
Stale;  and  I  now  I'ipeal  to  in)  IJeniocratir  cid- 
leasues  whom  1  see  near  me  for  the  truth  of  this 
as.sertioii.  They  eoiiseiit  to  the  eca-rectness  of  the 
position.  Any  man  who  avows  himself  hostile  to 
this  svsteni  in  Peiiiu  /Ivania,  is  politically  down. 
That  liict  alone  is  sntlicient  to  put  an  end  to  all 
his  hopes;  a,,d  will  defeat  all  his  pcditical  iispira- 
tions,  so  deeply,  so  tlinroim'hly  are  ihe  people 
1  onviiiced,  fnaii  e.xperieiice  and  oljservation,  of  the 
lienelii  iai  eifecis  of  that  system  on  thiMr  ow  ii  prop- 
erly and  that  of  ilieir  coumry.  In  addition  to,  and 
as  proof  of,  w  lial  I  have  iJaid,  I  refer  to  the  fact  that 
llie  l..ei.'islalnre  of  Pennsylvania,  ini  more  than  mie 
oeiiisioii,  and  airaiii  at  the  late  session  of  that  body, 
with  a  Democratic,  niajori'y  in  both  Inanelies, 
passed,  with  scarcely  a  dissenting;  voice,  a  series  of 
resolutions  hi^'hly  ap|a-oljiilory  of  the  Tarilf  Act  of 
|.s4->;  and  at  the  .same  tinii ,  i'nslrncted  their  Sena- 
lors  and  rei|uested  their  Uepieseiitalives  in  this 
J  liaise,  to  oppose  all  alleiii|iis  tu  inodilY  or  repeal 
ilie  same.  They  liiitec!:oeil  ihe  seiitjinentsof  tlieir 
Kinsiiiiieiils:  and  in  that  illicial  form  declared  the 
i.olicv  of  that  Slate. 

It  may  then  very  natuiully  be  asked,  if  such 
was  the  casi — if  such  were  the  feelint's  and  seiili- 
iiieiits  of  I'ennsylvaiiia  upon  this  .subject — why 
ii:d  she  east  her  vole  for  the  present  incumbent  id' 
ihe  presideiilial  chair,  whose  opinions  and  views 

lie  .so  deadly  liostile  to  the  policy  she  approves, 
and  which  is  of  such  vital  imiiortiuiee  to  liir  f;reat 
interests?  The  expiisilion  ol  the  causes  that  iii- 
dueid  her  to  aim  so  fatal  a  blow  at  her  interests, 
all'ords  me  no  :;iantiiMtion.  I  had  rather  not  an- 
swer the  i{iiisIiiiji,  iiecanse  1  am  fully  aware  that 
lo  those  out  of  the  .Slate  'he  conduct  of  her  |ieople 
iinist  seem  i^rossly  iticoiisisleiit,  'J"o  those  who 
live  ill  the  Stale,  and  who  nnderslaiid  the  eircnm- 
suinees  of  the  ease,  her  course  is  known  to  be 
eoiisistent  with  her  profes..,ions.  Alllaauii  by  his 
speeches  and  his  voles  I\1r.  I'olk  bad  nianifesled  a 
dell  rmincd  and  irri  concilaide  hostility  lO  the  pro- 
liclive  system;  and  alllK,.;^!.,  iii  his  own  .Slate  of 
TenniHsee,  he  declared  I'lmself  opposed  to  the 
tarilf  of  184-',  and  his  political  friends,  there  and 
elsewhere,  openly  advocate.!   his  election  on  lliu 


I  1,'round  that  he  was  thus  hostile,  and  everywhere  Ij 
published  that  he  was  a  free-trade  man; — yet  in  ' 
Pennsylvania  they  held  a  language  directly  the  ■ 
reverse;  and  the  issue  was  placed  on  the  allej^ed  i 
fact  that  Mr.  Polk  was  in  favor  of  the  tariff  of  i 
lcl4d,  and  that  in  his  hands  it  would  be  .safer  than 
ill  those  of  Mr.  C'hiy.  The  press  teemed  with  e.\- 
tracts  from  the  letters  and  speeches  of  Mr.  Clay, 
to  prove  an  abandonment  of  forme.-  prinei|iles;  and 
oraiors  of  all  dimensions  echoed  and  reechoed  the 
,  ehari;es,  until,  in  the  whirl  of  political  exeitemcnl, 
the  people  believed  them  to  be  true.  My  ijemo- 
eralie  eolleaiues,  I  have  no  doubt,  in  that  canvass, 
pursued  the  same  course.  1  do  not  accuse  tliein 
with  an  inlenlion  to  deceive.  Charity  demands 
that  I  should  say  that  they  themselves  had  been 
deceived.  Even  Mr.  Buchanan  himself,  it  would 
sia-m,  was  induced  to  believe  that  Mr.  Polk  was 
in  favor  of  the  exislins;  tarilf.  1  was  present  at  a 
large  public  niei  lingofihe  Democracy  in  my  portion 
of  the  State,  which  was  addressed  by  "  Peini.-vl- 
vania^s  talented  and  favorite  son,"  James  Ihichan- 
aii.  The  assembliii^e  took  jilace  on  a  bee.iitiftil  and 
picturesque  ishnid  iii  the  Susquehanna.  Knowini; 
the  course  which  the  canvass  had  taken  ill  that 
Suite,  and  beiiiu;  aware  that  Mr.  iiiiclianan  must 
be  well  aeqnaiuled  with  the  opinions  of  bolh  candi- 
dates— liuviMi;  been  lon^  aiui  intimately  acquaint- 
ed Willi  llieiii— 1  felt  j;rei'(  curiosity  and  inlerest 
to  hear  what  that  irentleman  would  say.  1  do  not 
mean  lo  be  unileislood  in  what  I  say  as  assailing 
the  motives  of  Mr.  Ituchanaii.  I  know  and  esteem 
him  personally  as  an  '  iinorable  man;  and  here 
again  charity  conies  to  my  aid,  and  I  am  foiv<(l  to 
conelude  that  Mr.  Bnclianan  was  himself  deceiveil 
ill  his  esiimale  of  the  o|iinioiis  of  .Mr.  Polk  and 
Mr.  Clay.  Mr.  Ituehanan,  on  iliat  occasion, 
suited,  in  substance,  that  he  had  served  in  Congre.ss 
both  with  Mr.  Clay  and  .\lr.  Polk;  and  that  he  was 
personally  inlimatewiih  them  both.  He  then  pro- 
ceeded to  say  that  James  K.  Polk  was  as  i;ooiI  a 
tarilf  man  us  Mr.  Clay,  and  that  he  believed  the 
Uirill'of  1b4-' would  be  as  safe  in  Mr.  I'olk's  hands 
as  in  Mr.  Clay's.  The  scope  and  design  of  the 
address  were  lo  prove  the  issue  as  made  tip  in 
Pennsylvania,  iii  favor  of  ftlr.  Polk. 

Mr.  FuMKU  licre  interposed,  and  askcil  whether 
Mr.  Ituehanan  did  not,  when  he  made  these  dec- 
larations,  refer  to  the  s[ieeches  and  Idlers  of  Mr. 
Clay  lo  prove  Ills  posituin  r 

Mr.  PoLLiuK.  Mr.  Uueliman  did,  I  believe, 
refer  to  Mr.  Clay's  leiters  and  speeches  to  prove 
what  he  had  a.-serlcd;  bathe  did  rot,  according 
to  my  lecollecliiui,  refer  to  the  inimeroiis  and  then 
recent  letters  of  Mr.  Clay,  in  which  he  avowed 
himself  ill  liivor  of  the  tarilf  of  lrt4-,  and  opposed 
lo  UN  repeal,     lit:  may  have  inatle  such  reference. 

'Plus  same  ineetiiii;  was  addressed  by  oilier  ireii- 
tlemen,  iiu;h  in  favor  with  the  Democracy,  who 
ileclared  llic  Dcinoeralie  parly  lo  be  (/icdiW;/' parly, 
and  their  candidate  llic  (iiriy  oaiididale.  To  show 
that  the  same  views  were  eitleriaiiitd  by  the  party 
in  other  portions  of  ihe  Stale,  and  that  the  same 
iiicans  were  used  to  secure  the  vole  of  Pennsyha- 
iiia  for  Ml.  Polk,  1  have  before  me  a  lelter  wntteii 
by  Wilson  McC'andless,  then  an  Kh dor  ini  ihe 
Democratic  electoral  ticket,  and  now  the  Deiiio- 
eratic  nominee  for  Congress  from  the  county  of 
Alleghany.     The  letter  is  as  Hdlows: 

'  •'rrn.-iii  111,.  .1iii;ii,s^  s,  isil. 

"fJKNTi.cMKN:  Yniir  coriliiij  itiMl.iline  iil'llic  :t(llli  alljiiin. 
Ill  hi'  priM-iil  Willi  jiiii  al  >iiilr  iiia^iJ  iiieeljiii:  en  Ihe  ;{il  (if 
.■<'  litt'MiliiT.  eiiiiii'  111  liaiiil  iliifiic.'  lii.v  iilisciiee  in  Itie  nurlJl- 
Wi'-li-tll  (  nil  mil's  111  l'i'liliM\l\.-|IMil. 

■■  I  H7.-iirf,  '111  Ili.'it  I  lev.'rwriiti'.-iniiiii'liiL'yfiinii.viiialtilit.c 
111  ;iir-iiil  ;iiiy  [mhlii-  iis-tiiililniii'  in  llic  w  Imli'  I'mirM-  nl  mv 
jiiilili'  ;il  i-iiri-er  witli  iniin'  ri  liicMiie<' lli.'iii  I  ifillii-.  riiiijnii 
]ld>  liiiliilllv  li.  I'll  liiiiiiliiil  .sli'iiilra-lKi  liri  aillii'ieiii  I'tii  iMin 
fh  I'lfn  |iiM)'  ipli'..  I '111  .-III-  Im.-^  liei  II  iiiMi-mIiIii  in  Ihi  l<ae  nial 
|-tt|||Hlr^^l"tltl'^(r'/;,•  lliiil  iiiitilit'  ini'il.-tiri'.  wtiii'h.(!i>iilerrii|ii 
111!'  Hank  i|ll  -linii.l  like  llie  roil  "1  llic  |irii|i|ii'l.  is  ilr^liMil 
ill  swallin\  lip  nil  iillii  r  liipi'  ti  iifpiililii'.il  i'iinlrii\cri->.  \'iiii 
liioi;  priipiTly  :i|iiiri'<'i!ili  il  llic  inipiiieinii' nl  the  pyolr'liir 
]irin  ij,tc  (II  llii'  (.iii-ei'jis  III  liie  iininntiii'lnrui'.'  anil  ayrii  iilni 
oil  iiilensis  nl'  l'i-iilM>  Iviiiiiil :  anil  ill  the  iiliiiiiiliininent  of 
tlcil  principle  li\  Mr.  Clii.v,  in  Itli'  ('iiiiiprniini.1-  liill.yiiii  linve 
llie  lie>(  aiijinitiiy  iliiit,  iii  li'cteil  In  the  rri'siili-iir\.  Ill  will 

I'iirr) I  llii-  iiiini'ijiles  ol'  tlial  hill,  iiinl  iilliirii  jnii  ii  hnfi 

y.'inlill  illlty,  In  cnalili-  >nll  in  innti'lnl  \\  iltl  lllr  pillpi  r  l.ilinr 
Ilf  s'ai'ili  li  anil  llii-^ia.  In  lining  ^.i.  hr  w  mlil  nive  jmi  anil 
llic  ^oi'/  llie  sftini'  sKi'iivrl  llial  lllr  rn/'/*  ilnc*  llie  MiHiiiiUf 
man  -iii'lant  itc.tlll,  ninl  witllntit  llie  •>  heintil  nl*  ilcriiy." 
."^iippiirl  IniM  11  )nil  call-  I''"r  my  nwii  p.iii,  I  filmll  iln  liir 
I'lii.K  ami  Da l.i.A.-t,  Willi  have  lit  heart  the  true  iiili  ret-ls  nl' 
I'l'Miisvlvalna. 

"  .M.v  eiiiami'ini'iiH.  uciill'ineii.  in  the  Hnprcmc  ('mirl  will 
il  |ireveiii  llie  I'luiii  uuciiilinK  ynur  ina^s  iiieetini^.     Willi  tlic 


hrjjutite.-il  prnspcet  of  neliiocrntic  success— 2fl,lMHi  majority — 
I  lllive  (lie  llniinr  to  lie,  lilily  .\inir-, 

"WlbSOM  McCANDLESS. 
**  Meaurs.  Adam  Muonisv,  BE'rii  CuiviiR,  niiil  nilierii, 

"(JommiWcf.'' 

I  do  not  mention  these  thiiig.s  with  any  vi 'W  to 
cast  inpirious  imputations  upon  the  Democratic 
parly,  Init  only  to  show  how  perfectly  it  was  un- 
derstood that  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  were  in 
fiivor  of  a  prolectice  tarilf,  and  tliat  litis  was  not 
conliiied  lo  the  Whig  iiarly. 

Is  il  to  be  wondered,  then,  thai  iind t  llie.sc  rir- 
ciiiiistaiiccs,  and  enlerlaining  the  belief,  or  nl  least 
the  hope,  that  Mr.  Polk  was  the  friend  of  the  pro- 
tective policy,  the  nemoeracy  of  P'liiisylvailia, 
wilh  their  strong  party  preferences,  casl  their  votes 
for  the  present  E.xe  iitive  of  ibis  Vriiion.' 

Addilioiial  proof  of  the  feeliii;;s  and  opiiiion.s  of 
the  Deiuocratie  |>arty  opoii  this  subject  will  be  found 
in  the  mottoi.'S  upon  the  banners  borne  by  them  in 
their  pro^^essions,  and  at  their  mass  meetings. 
Inscribed  upon  many  banr.ers  borne  in  llieir  pro- 
cessions, 1  have  seen  these  words:  '*  Polk  and  the 
tarilf  I84;2;"  on  others,  "  Polk,  Dallas,  Texas, 
Oregon,  and  the  Tarilf  of  1K4-J;"  "Polk  and  the 
Democralic  Tarilf  of  lH4t2;"  and  so  on  in  great 
variety.  A  strange  medley  indeed,  in  the  estinia- 
lioii  of  nemocrals  upon  this  lloor.  Well,  Mr. 
Chairmaii,  have  lliese  principles  been  carried  mil 
by  llie  party  ill  power?  What  do  we  see  now? 
Oregon,  which  at  that  day  exieiided  to  ,')4°  4(1', 
has  now  relreated  back  lo  41I-'.  Texiis — the 
irliole  of  Texas — is  in  the  Union;  Mr.  Polk  is 
President,  Mr.  Dallas  Vice  President;  and  the 
(<iri//'«/lti4'J  is  on  the  eve  of  being  )c/)cr(/»(/.'  So 
imich  for  the  chief  niollo  on  our  Demoi.'ralic  ban- 
ners. And  ill  proof  lliat  il  was  not  the  Whi'' 
alone  who  were  in  favor  of  prolection,  1  was  credi- 
bly informed  that  in  a  procession  formed  by  the 
Democrats  on  a  certain  political  ociMision,  the  ban- 
ner borne  before  them  contained  these  significant 
words:  "James  K.  Polk  and  the  tarilf  of  184'J,'' 
"  We  dare  the  Whigs  to  repeal  it."  My  Demo- 
cratic friends  here  will  hardly  be  able  to  appre- 
ciate the  modesty  of  this  motto.  Let  me  ask  tie  ' , 
however,  this  (jiiesiion:  whellier  they  consider  iiie 
tarilf  of  l^-\'2  ill  much  danger  of  being  rejiealed  by 
ir/((g  Mites  ?  Gentlenien,  I  presume,  apprehciid 
but  iilile  danger  tVom  Whig  repealers. 

In  all  their  expressions  written  on  their  banners, 
the  peiipleof  Pennsylvania  were  lionesl;  their  ban- 
ners tohi  ivliat  lliey  believed  to  be  the  trnlh,  for 
they  received  t!>e  doelrine  which  was  proclaimed  lo 
them  by  those  who  as.niined  lo  be  Demncriitie 
leaders,  in  confidence  ilia',  treachery  was  not  in- 
tended. They  are  a  confiiiiMg  people.  lUit  now, 
what  ireatmciit  are  tliey  at>oui  ^o  receive  frein  llio 
Democracy  of  thecoiinlry — from  nemoeralic  mem- 
bers upon  this  lloor?  That  very  Democracy,  wilh 
James  K.  Polk  at  ils  head,  are  now  in  hot  In  sle  to 
blot  the  tarilf  of  lM4'J  from  the  statute  book — to 
banish  the  doclriia!  of  prolection  I'rom  onr  land, 
and  tliusexpo.se  to  ruin  the  great  intcresls  of  the 
nation.  Where,  at  this  day,  are  the  interests  of 
Pennsylvania?  Where  is  llie  Demoenit  out  of  ihi: 
Suite  who,  in  ihis  hour  of  her  need,  stands  up  for 
her  cause?  After  giving' her  ihiee  hundred  thou- 
sand .voles,  all  for  the  larilf  of  1H4^";  after  having 
aided  by  her  weighty  vote  to  elect  .Mr.  Polk  lo  the 
I  Presidency,  is  this  the  nianner  in  which  she  is  to 
i  he  rewarded  ?  Well  may  Peiiiisylvaiii;i  justly  eoni- 
plaiii  of  being  "  wounded  in  the  house  of  her 
friends."  And  now  let  me  say  to  those  who  have, 
reapeil  the  friiils  of  tin;  vote  she  gave,  pass  this 
bill,  and  yon  "  will  sow  to  the  wind."  pa.ss  this 
bill,  and  you  will  "real)  the  whirlwind.'  Above 
the  Democracy  suinds  llie  .Slate.  She  is  true  lo  her 
party — she  ever  li.'s  been — lint  she  will  be  trmr 
lo  herself.  Let  me  tell  the  Democracy  here,  that 
if  Iliey  pass  this  bill,  the  Democracy  of  Pennsyl- 
vania will  denounce  ihe  tii'iiehery,  and  renounce 
all  political  assoeiations  wilh  you.  To  the  free. 
Iriide  party  the  Stale  will  be  gone.  .Sir,  had  llie 
issue  iieen  as  Iruly  iiinile  up  in  Pennsylvania  as  il 
was  in  llie  oilier  Stales  of  this  Union,  the  resiill 
woidil  have  been  dill'erent.  Had  the  nemoeracy 
of  that  Stale  known  then,  hs  they  know  now,  anil 
as,  1  miicli  fear,  lliey  will  sunn  have  siibslanlial 
reasons  to  know  much  heller,  that  Mr.  Polk  was 
the  iiiii'oni|>roinisiiig  opponent  of  the  proleelive 
|iolicy,  their  votes  would  liiive  been  given  'iioie  ill 
accordance  to  their  interests. 


184G.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


717 


2{)th  Cono I  ST  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Follock. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


Ilnd  tlicy  lielicved  llmt  Mr.  Polk,  in  lii»  first 
Mcssiiijc  to  Coii2;rf'sa,  woiilil  have  rccoiniiirndcd  n 
lliorciii^li  revision  und  niodirication  of  the  luriiruct 
of  \Hi)i — in  fuel  ils  virlufti  rcpeiil,  nnd  a  sulwtitii- 
tion  of  mere  revenue  duties;  n;\d  they  linown  tiiat 
llio  Seeretary  of  the  Treasury,  u|>|ioiiiied   hy  tlie  i^ 
President  they  were  nidini;  to  elect,  would  have  j 
said  in  hia  first  report  that  "  the  pri'scnt  i.aiilf  is  j; 
viijust  and  vnequal,  as  well  in  its  delails  as  in  the 
|irini'ipks  u|ii)n  which   it  is  founded,"  and  that  it] 
discrinwnates  in  favor  of  the  rich  and  against  the  | 
poor,''  think  you,  sir,  Ihcy  would  have   hazarded  i 
the  i;rcat  and  nu'-rcasinij  interests  of  the  State,  liy  : 
electing  him  to  the  station  he  now  fills?     Nn,  sir. 
l''or  however  stritngly  they  may  ho  attached   ti>  | 
their  party,  and  however  unwillini;  to  soever  old   i 
associations,  tiiey  are  still  true  to  theinsf^lves,  trite  j 
to  their  State   and   the   inleresls   of  their   titate.  I 
They  prefer  their  country  to  party;  and  when  a  , 
sacrifice  is  to  he  nn'ide,  it  will  be  the  sacrifice  of  I 
party  on  the  altar  of  their  country.     Vet  without 
the  vote  of  Pcnnsylviuiia,  James  IC.  Polk  never'] 
wtadd  have  been  the  Presiilentof  the  United  States,  ji 
It  was  she  that  led  o(V  in  the  contest.     It  was  her  '■' 
\Mi:  which  eau.^ed  the  Whig  party,  which  had  been 
so  cnnfidetit  of  victory,  to  ta-gin  to  doul)t.    She  was 
led  blindfold  into  the  snaie  that  had  been  laid  f<a' 
her.     .She  threw  her  ])n'pon(lerating  weight  into  : 
the  .scale  of  tlic  Uemociaiie  can.liclate.     The  moral 
anil  political  iiilluence  of  her  example  was  over- 
wheliuiiig.     New  York  followed  on  the  same  side;  ' 
iNew  V(i-,k  that  was  equally  interested  with  her-  | 
self  in  the  umiY  of  IfW,  and  who.se  tremendous  j 
vote  cast  the  die  and  sealed  the  victory.  r 

(ienlleiuen  of  the   Democratic  school  from  the 
South  and  West  consider  the  tariff  of  184)2  a  mon- 
strous mass  of  injustice,  tyranny,  and  I'raud.     In 
this  opinion   I  doulit   not  gentlemen  are  entirely 
sinccri!,  though  they  are,  in  my  opinion,  certainly  ; 
mistid<i  n.     Sliould  the  new  bill  now  proposed  take 
Ihe  place  of  the  existing  law,  experience,  sad,  dark, 
anil  deep,  is  destined  to  convince  them  of  their  \ 
(■rror.     Such  was  not  the  opinion  of  Pennsylvania. 
She  hatl,  in   her   Legislative  Assembly,  resolved  ' 
almost  uniunmout'.y  in  favor  of  the  present  tarill', 
and  that  since  the  present  bill   has  been  reported 
from  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  JMeans.     The  , 
people,  in  public  meetings,  have  passed  similar  , 
resolutions,  and  indignantly  denounced  the  vision- 
ary schemes  of  the  Secr<^tary  of  the  Treasury.     1 
will   refer  to  resolutions  to    that  elfect,  recently  : 
imssed  at  the  meetings  of  the   Democratic  party.  | 
I  repeal,  sir.  that  I  do  not  make  these  statemenls 
with  any  view  to  find  fault  with  my  Deniocratie 
friends,  (U'  to  expose  more  irlaringly  the  inconsist- 
ency of  their  cmiiluct  in  the  support  of  a  frec-triule 
candidate.     The  act  is  done,  it  caniioL  Ije  recalled; 
and  I'eiinsylvaniti  will  be  made  to  rea|i  the  bitter 
fruits  of  her  own  folly.     It  was  with  sincere  rejjret 
that  I  heard  my  collegue  [.Mr.  iiiKiniiKAii]  admit 
that  there  was  some  mauieuvring  in  the  party  to 
secure  to  Mr.  I'olk  the  vote  of  Pennsylvania.     It 
IS  to  b(?  regrcitcd.     1   winilil   always  prefer   that 
lintli  polilical  parlies  shcnild  pursue  a  frank  and 
manly  coium';  a\ow  the  ,rne  o|iiiiii)iis  of  their  can- 
didates 0)ienly  and  boldly;  and  stand  c  fall  upon 
Hie  strength   of  their    priiici,.lis,  honestly  enter 
lained  and  tearlessly  expre.-.-^ed. 

To  show  what  are  thc'  o|iiiiioiis  of  the  Denioc- 
racy  still — to  in.ike  it  niiiiiifest  to  this  House  that 
It  is  not  their  wish  to  h.-uethe  the  land' modified — 
I  will  take  the  liberty  of  reading  smiie  re.soliilions 
pas.sed  at  a  Democratic  meetiiiir,  recenlly  held  in 
the  county  ot'  iNorthiiti,.,erlaii(l.  They  express 
ihi:  universal  sentiments  of  tjie  people  of  that 
HIrongly  Democratic  roiiiity: 

*'/(('vo/rn/.  'I'liut  umlcr  ttic-niuiretlsl  Illic  people  of  Ihi.) 
rnniirMiiiwrntlli  :inil  ot  llic  wliolt    Ini.iii  litoi-  Mijaycd  a 

til  ui t  |irn>)i'Til>  iiiii'Xiliiipl'  il  III  Milt  lii>Iiir> .  mill  lliat  liny 

;itlciii|il  III  iti'htit'.'  Ilic  jit'iit' t'liM'  s>-l<'iii.  liy  till' iiiaiii.-sinii 
III  lOrnflM  mipiiit  it-  tii>  iil  Micii  n'tis  nrdiilj  n-  uiililil  cluck 
null  ri'tani  tlic|iri)irc-i<  nt  uiir  iiii't  Miii<--iiiiil  iiiiiiiutilcliiris, 
will  III  ilci'liiril  ,1:.  a liliav  to  the  iiin^t  V itiil  lull  rcsM of  I'l'lni 
nitvainit.  anil  !iL!aiii>l  wlilrli  wc  iiiii^l  ciiriiotiv  rciiuiii^lnili  . 
•'/Vi-sdli'i'i/,  Tltiil  llic  iliitv  III  ;ir  jMT  i-i-iil.  nil  i-iiill  illlll  null. 
Ill  III!  lull  (iru'i'i-itl  li>  iih'  l^riidjin  III  llii'  'l'ri-n>iirv,  is 
Jiislly  vii'Wid  Willi  iiiiliiznalina  anil  alaiin.aiiil  wilt,  il  cli- 
it'-liil  illlll  il  law.  iiio*t  sciniiisly  iitjiiii-  111!'  meal  ctiiil  anil 
■  Kill  inli-i'cHl.i  III  j'lMiiisyU.'inia.  iipiiii  wlii<-li  tin'  I'nliirc  prn;. 
prnly  anil  the  nltiniali'  ii'il>  iniinun  iil  llii..  uxiit  .siulu  train 
II..  pi'ililii'  ill  III  iiiainly  ili'|ii  tlil.  =  ' 

Such  are  llie  seiilimeiits  of  the  Democracy  since 
they  hine  read  Mr.  Walker's  report,  ami  since 
Ihu  present  bill  has  been  reported,  proposing  n 


change  in  the  proleclive  system.  They  view  has  been  said  here  that  the  repeal  of  the  larilfof 
with  im/i^iiu/ion  and  «/anii  the  reduction  of  duties  1HI3  is  the  s;rettt  meuHure  of  the  Demoeratie  party; 
on  coal  and  iron  to  ,30  percent.,  knowing,  as  every      that  one  of  licr  cardinal  principles  is  eternal  lios- 


praclical  business  man  must  know,  that  sucli 


tility  to  the  protective  system.    As  I  do  not  wish 


duction  would  inevitably  lead  to  the  utter  prostra-  ';  to  misrepresent  the  principles  of  any  party  here 
lion  of  the  great  coal  and  iron  interests  of  that  ;  or  elsewhere,  and  to  make  certain  that  which  I 
State.  Uefereiice  is  tdso  made  in  the  resolutions  !  aleady  know  to  be  so,  I  ask  gentleman  of  the  Dein- 
to  the  public  debt  of  that  Slate,  and  ils  ultimate  ^  ocratie  |iarty  around  me — not  tlio.se  from  Penn- 
redemption.     Let  me  refer  gentlemen  to  this  sub-  i  .sylvania — wheth.T  the  protective  principle,  as  im- 

bodied  in  the  tarilf  of  act  of  1H4"J,  is  a  Pcmocralir 
principle.'  Democratic  gentlemen  all  around  me 
I  (oii(  of  Pennsylvania)  answer  "  no."  Having  ob- 
tained an  answer  to  that  (luestioii,  I  will  ask  an- 
other: Does  the  Democratic  parly  (saving  and  ex- 
cepting the  Pennsylvania  branch)  eonsider  the 
tarilf  of  1842  "  a  system  of  fraud,  injustice,  tyran- 
ny, and  oppression,"  as  il  was  said  to  be  this 
morning  by  the  gentleman  from  Virginia  who  ad- 
dressed the  committee.'  [Mr.  I1i'.,vi.kv, of  Indiana, 
'  "  I  .said  so  in  1H44,  nnd  I  say  so  now."[  Gentle- 
men respond  aliirinatively.     1  should  have  been 


ject  for  n  moment.  Pennsylvania,  in  the  construc- 
tion of  her  magnificent  system  of  internal  improve- 
ments, has  contracted  a  debt,  now  exceeding 
f(40,0{)fl,0U().  Iter  improvements,  though  of  a 
ucal  charaetcr,  are  a  national  benefit.  They  open 
111),  for  the  immense  agricultural  productions  of  the 
West,  a  highway  to  the  Atlaiilic  cities,  and  bind 
together  in  common  interest  many  of  the  Slates  in 
this  Union.  How  is  this  debt  to  be  paid?  Not 
by  repudiation.  Never,  while  it  can  bo  averted, 
shall  such  a  stain  rest  upon  the  fair  fame  of  my 
native  Stale.     Her  people  will  submit  to  taxation 


— they  are  now  groaning  under  it — but  there  is  a     better  pleased  to  have  received  such  an  answe 


point  beyond  which  they  cannot  go.  We  reciuire 
the  aid  of  the  revenue,  derived  from  our  puldic 
works.  The  hourly  develo|imeiit  of  our  resources, 
and  the  constant  and  rapid  increase  of  our  agricul- 
tural and  mineral  productions,  have  greatly  in- 
creased the  revenue  thus  derived.  Hut,  sir,  let 
me  say,  that  if  the  majority  here  shall  persevere, 
and  overturn  that  system  that  has  given  life  ami 
ill  iivity  to  her  industry;  that  has  unlocked  the  rich 
treasures  of  licr  mineral  weallh,  and  crowns  with 
success  the  lalior  of  her  people, — she  will  Lie  com- 
pelled, with  whatever  reluctance,  to  suspend  the 
paymeni  of  her  debt.  Impoverish  her  pcojih' — 
destroy  the  immense  trade  upon  her  pnlilic  im- 
provements— i>aralyze  her  industry  and  check  her 
(irosperity,  and  repiidiiUioii  must  follow.  Pros- 
trate the  protective  system,  and  she  will  be  unable 
to  demonstrate,  as  she  is  now  in  the  course  of 
demoiislraling,  that  integrity  of  character  which  is 
to  her  dear  as  her  existence. 

Let  Democratic  gentlemen  in  this  House  listen 
to  a  voice  fiuni  the  county  of  IJerks — so  long  and 
so  prei^'iiiii  iitly  democratic  as  to  be  termed,  in 
party  lan^u.ige,  the  "  Uibraltar  of  Deniccracy." 
It  is  the  banner  district  of  the  Democriiiic  party. 
Her  nearly  five  thousand  majority  rei|uires  and 
deserves  some  *'  cinisidcration  from  a  LJemocratic 
Congress."    I  will  read  a  resolution  on  this  sul 


two  yei'-  .  igo,  when,  in  ilie  presidcntiiil  canvass, 
we  •  .a  tlieni  that  such  were  the  opinions  of  the. 
'-  cat  body  of  the  Democracy.  When  we  pro- 
duced and  read  to  them  articles  in  the  "Globe," 
and  the  speeches  of  Mr.  Poik  against  the  tarilf,  onr 
suitements  were  denied,  and  the  "  documents" 
repudiated. 

Having,  I  think,  satisfiictorily  shown  that  the 
people  have  not  demanded  a  cliange  in  our  in-esent 
system  of  revenue,  I  will  now  consider  the  (|iics- 
tioii  of  the  necessity  of  its  repeal. 

Why  substitute  the  bill  reported  by  the  Com- 
mittee of  Wiiys  and  Means  for  the  existing  law? 
Why  remodel  existing  systems,  or  cliange  the  true 
policy  of  the  country?  Why  must  this  be  done 
111  this  juncture  of  our  public  allairs?  With  a  na- 
tional debt  of  seventeen  millions;  with  a  war  upon 
our  hands  the  cost  of  which  none  can  calculate; 
and  with  all  the  disturbinir  causes  in  operation 
which  result  t'roni  a  state  of  war, — why  repeal  ;i  sys- 
tem so  admiralily  adapted  to  the  wants  and  inle- 
resls of  the  country,  and  which,  as  a  financial 
measure,  has  supplied  former  deficieiiccs  in  the 
tretisiiry,  and  now  t'uriiishcs  a  reviMUie  more  lliaii 
sufiicieiit  for  the  economical  adminislration  of  the 
Goverimient?  The  bill  now  under  consideration 
was  presented  to  the  House,  not  as  a  war  meas- 
ure, but  as  a  iiermaiicni  peace  measure.     It  did 


ject,  passed  at  a  public  meeting  in  that  countyj  and  I   not  grow  out  of  a  stale  ot  war,  for  it  was  framed 


al.so  ibe  remarks  of  a  Democratic  editor  who  lenub 
lislied  the  resolution.  The  meeting  was  lield  in 
April  last: 

'•unities  coivTV— Tiir,  'iwnii  r. 


Ill  ihi'  1)  -niiicrai-v  iif  11.  rk- i-iiiinly  hilil  at 
II  llcaitiii:.'.  Dr.  11.  II.  .Miilili-iili  rs  pri-s 
])<i  ri-.olntiiiii.  aniDiii;  iilliers 


'■  M  a  iiii-i'liim 

III ml  Iniil^i' 

iiliiil.  Ihe  Inlliiwi 
llli>il>ly  ililniili  tl : 

"  •  lie  liti  al.  'I'llilt  \vi'  npjrrnvr  of  the  tttrilj'nl'  ]!- 1  .'.illlll  tllJlt, 
'  as  it  was  pi'Si  I  liy  lli-iiiuiTatii-  Vntr.-J,  it  ^liuiilil  al  leiL-.t  re- 
'  ci-ive  il  t'tiir  ciiiisnl.-riilion  iriiiii  a  Ilcinui-rnlit-  t'iiiii.'rrs.i.' 

'•  W'c  ii'.uco.  uiiiniiiz  llia-ii'  «  ho  parlicipalril  in  the  prn- 
i-ccihii;:>i  III  till-  ini-i'iiii:i  the  iiaiiii-.s  til'  iiiosi  iii  llic  priiiiiitii-iit 
lli-iiiui-rals  utillil  lli-iks  ciiiiiity.     Ttii-  [n  upli-  iit   l*i-nll..yl- 

vii it.  sire  riiiii!ivs.i  111  hi  III,,  itiritr  aluiie.  anil  wi- hii|ic 

nil  nii'inlirr  I'riiiii  till-  p^tiitc  will  sii  lariti-^ri-L'illd  llic  wight's 
III  lii.s  riinstinii'iils  a-i  In  vuti-  In  ilisliiiti  lln-  pii-scnt  tniill." 

I  call  upon  the  Democracy  of  ibis  House  to  hear 
this  language,  and  hope  it  will  nm  be  disregarded. 
This  Ihrniicnilir  rcsolniioii  certainly  deserves  "a 
fair  coitsideralion  iVoiii  a  Demnrriilic  Congress." 
Pennsylvania  has  given  yon  niiicli,  ;uid  you  know 
it.  She  asks.  In  leliirn,  that  ymi  w  ill  not  take 
away  her  all  from  hei .  It  may  be  ,vcll  for  gentle- 
men III  remember,  what  has  been  remarked  by  my 


before  the  war  began,  when  ihe  country  was  in  a 
state  of  ]>rofouiid  peace,  though  not  witlioui  some 
clouds  on  the  horizon.     The  atinexation  of  Texas 
had  been  consuinmated,  and  the  accession  of  that 
territory  to  ours   laid   bei.-ii  proiionnced  "  a  blootl- 
less  achievement."     I5ut  now  we  tire  no  longer  in 
iitiiuii-  I'  [I  stale  of  peace.    We  are  eii^'iiged  in  a  war,  which, 
I   terminate  when  it  may,  must  cost  many  niillion.s 
j:  over  and   .ibove  the  ordinary  amount  of  the  rcv- 
ji  eiiue.     Is  this  the  time  to  try  financial   experi- 
'   inents?     Are  we,   under  these  circumstances,  to 
adopt  untried  and  visionary  theories,  and  discard 
a  practical  system,  tested  liy  experieiici?     Wliiil 
are  we  to  expect  from  the  iliange?     Will  the  pro- 
posed bill  yield  a  hirger  amount  of  re\iiiite  than 
the  existing  act?     Will  it  yield  an  iinioniit  of  rev- 
enue not  only  sufficient  for  the  wants  of  the  Gov 
crnment,  but  cover  ihe  ixpeiiditiires  of  the  wiu" 
lis  niosi  sanguine  friends  will  iiui  say  so. 

That  some  syslem  should  be  ailopteil  to  riiise 
the  amount  of  money  necessiiry  to  mi  ct  the  ix- 
pi'iiditures  of  the  war,  no  one  can  doiibl.  The 
Senate   made   a  call   upon    the    Secretary  of   the 


Mr.  liKiiiiiii-,Aii,|  in  Ins  recent  speech.     Treasury  to  present  to  them  an  estimate  of  llii' 


collcagiu 

that  there  is  hioit  ritfiii!.''  to  oe  done  hereafter  in 
Peiinsylvaiiiii.  I  warn  the  Democratic  party  here 
to  beware  how  they  tiinijier  too  far  with  her  feel- 
ings and  interests.  Pennsylvania  is  honest,  eon  - 
filling,  and  true.  She  has  been  true  to  her  partv, 
and  now  il  is  lime  she  should  be  true  to  herself 
Depend  upon  it,  that  these  are  her  sentiments,  and 
this  her  ilcterniinaliiHi;  and  my  Democnitie  I'ol- 
Icagues  who  ueiy  follow  me  in  lliis  debate  will  re- 
allirin  and  confirm  what  I  have  said. 

The  great  object  in  making  the  i-efcrences  1  have 
nnwle  has  been  to  show  lliai  in  Pennsylvania  the 
t.iritf  was  no  ]iarty  i|ties.iiit).  There  all  parties 
agree  on  this  subject,  anil  will  coiiliniie  to  do  so, 
unless,  by  a  new  process  of  fciiiifiii^'-,  of  which  we 
know  soinething  in  tbal  Slate,  the  Deinocrary 
should  be  fnreed  to  nbandon  their  |iriiiciples.     ft 


liable  expenses  of  the  war,  and  tl 


pro 
which    he 


I   to 


le  means 


by 


Inch  lie  pioposcil  to  raise  a  sum  siillicienl  In 
meet  them.  'Plie  result  of  his  calcnliitions  and 
speculations  are  before  llie  public.     He  bcgitis  by 

-  taxing  Ihe  sloinachs  of  the  people,  ;uiil  recom- 
ineiids  a  duty  on  te;i  and  colfee  of  x!t)  per  cent. 
He  also  rcciimineiitls  the  passage  of  the  larilV  liill 
now  before  iis,    reiliicing  duties  on    ill   imporled 

'  tirlicles;  which  retlucfioii,  with  the  'ill  per  cent,  on 
tea  and  coll'cc,  the  Siicrclary  estimates  will  increase 
the  revenue  five  millions  of  dollars.     He  expects 

'  from  the  waiehoitsing  bill  one  million  more,  nnd 

I  from  the  reduction  of  llic  price  of  the  public  lauds, 
which  he  also  recnmiaends,  half  a  million,  leaving 
a  deficit  ill  ihe  treasury  at  the  end  of  lite  next  fiscal 
year,  of  nciirly  lliirieen  million  doll.irs,  ticcofding 

I  to  the  esuiiiate  of  the  Secretary;  which  Uclicit  is 


;ii 


.-.i 


718 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  27, 


a9TH  Cong 1st  Skss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Pollock. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


to  he  supplied  by  loans  niid  the  issue  of  treasury 
notes.  Putting  all  his  schemes  together,  he  shows 
at  the  end  of  the  next  fiseni  year,  an  iiugmenimion 
o"  the  revenue  to  the  nniouni  of  six  millions  and 
n  hKlf  of  dollars.  I  believe  ihc  Secretary  will  find 
liimself  mistaken  in  his  promises  and  his  conclu- 
sions. Instead  of  the  revenues  being  increased  in 
the  manner  and  to  the  amount  mimed,  they  will 
be  diminished  in  a  greater  proportion;  and  instead 
of  a  deficit  of  #13,000,000,  it  will  etjual,  if  not  ex- 
ceed, 5^5,000,000,  at  the  period  mentioned.  I  will 
not  undertake  to  review  oil  his  calculations.  If 
Mr.  Secretary  Walker,  or  any  of  his  friends,  can 
prove  that  the  proposed  bill  will  increase  the  rev- 
enue— the  duty  on  lea  and  coffee  included — five  | 
i.iillions,  F  am  ready  to  renoujice  all  my  own  iheo-  i 
rirs  and  jirinciplcs,  ami  to  become  a  convert  to  I 
the  iVce-trade  doctrine.  Or,  if  the  Secrelary'can 
show  how  the  warehousing  bill,  if  passed  ajid  in 
operatio'i,  would  nut  one  million  in  the  treasury,  I  : 
will  vole  for  thai  bill.  The  warchcMising  syslLui!  ' 
It  is  nothing  more  than  an  e.vUiidid  aysuni  of 
credit,  most  favorable  to  the  fonMgii  ini|Mirler;  and 
liolhing  could  have  been  more  ingeniously  devised  i 
to  ellVcl  the  certain  pro.<tralion  of  every  .\iuerican 
manufaclurer,  and  place  the  enlire  bu.sincss  of  t!ie 
counlry  under  the  control  and  at  the  mercv  of 
liriiisli' nuiiiopoli.sis.  'What  ilid  it  provide?  Thai 
the  llriii.-ih  iniporicr  might  bring  into  ihe  counlry 
goiijs  lo  the  amount  of  jnilliims,  and  lay  thent  up 
in  the  Ciovernment  warelioiises,  free  of  co.st,  except 
the  mere  tVe  of  entry,  until  he  saw  such  a  depress- 
ed siaii'  of  t)ur  market  as  windd  suit  his  purpose. 
lla\  log  his  goods  in  llie  country,  he  was  prepared 
to  .ake  advantage  of  the  ri.se  or  fall  ol' prices.  He 
did  not  pay  any  duties  till  t!je  goods  were  taken 
<iul  of  store;  an(l  wailing  lor  a  crisis  in  luir  markel, 
he  might  at  once  throw  in  ihe  total  amount  that  he 
had  been  hoarding  up  fur  such  an  emergency,  and 
thus,  by  !;lutiing  the  market,  accelerate  and  secure  : 
ihc  ruin  (if  all  the  maimra''Uiri)ig establishments  in 
the  country.  lirilish  <'Mpital,  lor  the  purpose  of 
.seeming  ihe  monopoly  of  ,uir  luarkeis,  could  well 
aii'ord  such  a  .s;u'rilii'e;  and  the  warehousing  sys- 
tem seiined  as  tliough  il  Inul  beeiuleviscd  to  fur- 
nish llicm  with  the  opporluiiiiy.  The  (piesiion  was 
oh':  of  common  Sfiise.  Wtiuld  tiiree  yc.irs  credit, 
or  six  months  credil  on  ilutics,  jiroduce  an  increase 
of  revenue,  particularly  during  the  firsl  yiar  of  the 
exisleiu'e  of  such  a  .sysleni  r  Supposing.millions 
of  IJiitish  goods  should  be  stored  in  warehouses  in 
the  city  ol'New  York,  tin  y  may  remain  there  three 
years;  and  during  ibis  Innc  the  Ciovirmucnt  W(Hild 
not  get  U])(m  them  one  dollar.  They  ntnsi  pay  the 
warcliiuise  fees,  but  these  are  jtaid  lo  liie  olHceis 
of  ihe  custfuus;  but  not  one  dollar  iif  duty  would 
conie  into  the  treasury  of  the  Ujiiteil  Slates.  The 
dmi'S  are  roiuired  lo  bi;  piiid  win  n  the  ^^oods  are 
lak'en  imt  ot  the  warehouse  for  ihe  purpose  of 
sate  or  consuinplicni  in  the  United  Stales,  ^'or 
need  the  duties  Ije  iillinialely  paiil,  I'.ir  the  mer- 
chandi.se  thus  stored  niuy  be  wulidrnwn  and  n - 
ship|ied  lit  pleasure.  I  low  is  such  a  system  to 
augment  the  revenue,  or  jirovide  for  the  e.\penses 
of  the  war? 

The  Secretary  of  the  Trea.iury  has  also  reroni- 
mended,  a.s  auoiher  means  of  increasing  the  reve- 
nue, Ihe  graduation  and  riductiim  of  the  jirice  of 
the  wublie  lands.  From  tins  source  he  (-.xpecis,  as 
we  iiave  already  said,  half  a  million  of  dollars.  I 
fear  he  is  again  inisuiken  in  his  coiiehisions.  In- 
Hte.id  of  bringing  that  sum  into  the  Ir'asury,  tin 
measure  is  much  more  likely  lo  lal  i:  u  greater 
aincMinl  out  of  the  treasury.  The  hi  ids  are  lo  be 
llii'iHvn  into  till'  markel  At  pncea  sii  King  by  a  sii- 
dih:;  .scale,  i,f  whi<  h  liii'  mininiun,  is  twenty-live 
*'eiiis  per  acre.  Now,  docs  the  Secretary  suppose 
that  an  individual  disposed  lo  purcli.ise  land  would 
pay  e  dollar  and  a  quarler  per  acre,  when,  in  a  lit- 
tle while,  he:  could  purchase  the  t.ime  I'or  iwcnly- 
five  ceiit.M-  liesidc.s,  is  it  not  mamfesl  that  lo  real- 
ize ihe  same  amount  from  the  public  lands,  which 
we  now  derive  from  them,  we  iiiukt  sell  five  limes 
ihe  presdil  qiiaiilily'  Will  the  demand  for  lands 
be  so  iiiiich  increased  by  ihe  proposed  reiliiciinn, 
Ihal  the  quantity  sold  will  yield  an  aniouni  eipial 
lo,  or  greater  than  the  present  receipts?  Such  will 
mil  be  ihe  result.  Do  giMillenien  expect  that  by 
wriling  a  law  in  the  nlauin -liook,  they  w  ill  change 
the  laws  of  populalioii,  and  drive  on,  with  railroad 
speed,  emignilion  ?  The  hope  is  vain.  Tliesi; 
|aWH  are  fixed  by  higher  aulliunly,  mid  are  nut  lu 


be  changed  by  the  puny  hand  of  man.    The  re- 
duclion  of  the  price  of  land  will  benefit  specidn- 
tors;  it  will  aid  but  litdc  the  hard-working,  honest 
yeomanry  of  the  country.     But  to  return  from  this 
digression.     I  now  ask  again,  what  necessity  re- 
quires the  repeal  of  the  larilVact  of '42?    Is  the 
system  a  syatem  of  oppression  ?    Where  is  the  evi- 
dence?   Southern  gentlemen  have  denounced  it  as  i 
a  system  of  "grinding  oppre.ssion,"  and  have  told  i 
us  that  the  South^wns  "groaning"  under  thelbur-  ; 
den.     They   aiiinot — "by   facts  and   figures" —  ; 
iirove  their  decluralions.     It  is  mere  declamation.  ' 
The  gentleman   from   Virginia  [Mr.   BEDiNCEnj 
represented  the  whole  South  as  in  a  stale  of  back-  i 
ward  ;)r<)grf.M — in  a  condition  of  general  decline,, 
produced  by  the  protective  system.  Will  that  gen-  I 
lleinan,  or  any  southern  gentleman,  or  any  gentle-  ' 
man  from  any   part  of  the   Union,   inform  this 
House  and   ihe  counlry,  when,  where,  and  how,  | 
the  larilfof  1842  has  injured  in-  leuirdeil  their  pros- 
perity?   They  tell  us  that  the  duties  imposed  by  i 
ibis  act  are  added  to  ihe  price;  and  that  under  this 
system  they  are  compelled   to  |my  more  for  the 
necessaries  and  comforis  of  life,  ihan  under  a  sys- 
tem of  free  trade.   This  is  the  great  and  paramount 
objcclion    urged    by   the   advocates  of  free  trade 
against  the  ]iroiective  policy.     The  duty  adds  lo 
the  price,  and  is  paid  by  the  consumer!     So  says 
and  argues   the  anli-proteclionisl.     Although  this 
general  ]irinci|)le  may  be  true,  to  some  extent,  in 
relation  to  arliclcs  not  made  or  grown  in  the  Uni- 
ted Stales,  yet  as  regards  all  dutiable  articles,  the 
growth  and  manufacture  of  the  eoinury,  the  themy 
IS  contradicted  by  the  fact.     Will  any  gentleman 
iK'.me  a  single  article  of  home  priului'iion,  and  pro. 
tected  by  tiie  present  tarilV,  on  which  ihe  price  liae 
been  increased  to  ihe  consumer?     I  challenge  gen- 
tlemen lo  the  proof.     Let  them  name  one.     'fliey  : 
cannot  do  it.     Ifihcnrice  has  been  increased,  let  j 
it  be  shown.     Uiit  the   fact  is   the  very  reverse. 
How  is  ihe  fact  under  the  larilfof  1842,  and  other 
and  foriner  larill'laws?  Have  prices  been  increa.sed 
under  ihese  aels?     The  opiionenlsof  iiroleetive  du- 
ties will  not  say  that  they  have;  and  if  prices  are 
not  increased   by  duties,  the  objection  of  our  i'ftn^ 
Iraile  advocates  falls  lo  ihe  ground.     Slrange  as  it 
may  seem,  prices,  instead  of  being  increa-sed,  have 
actually  dimini.slied   under  our  protective  larilFs. 
The  consumers  know  this;  and  fiee  trade  theorists 
cannot  conlrovcri  il.     Not  that  proleclive  duties 
tend  diiecily  lo  such  result,  but  by  inducing  large 
invcsimenls  of  capital,  encouraging  eomjielilion, 
.Old   sliinulaliiig  [irudu-'lion  at  home,  destroying 
foi(  i'_'n  monopolies  and  all  combinations  and  con- 
.spiiacMcs  abroad  to  keep  up  the  pri 'e,  increasing 
the  number  of  our  manufactories,  g.\ing  direction 
and  aid  to  American  skill  and  laiior,  and  thus  fur- 
oisliing  at  home  an  ailequaii'  supply  of  all  the  ne- 
cessaries and  comforis  of  life. 

Uut  adniitling  the  general  principle,  as  laid  down 
by  free-liade  writers,  that  the  duly  adds  lo  the 
price,  it  does  not  follow  lliat  this  rule  is  without  its 
exceptions;  and  experience  proves  conclusively 
that  diilii  s  do  nut  always  add  to  the  price,  even  in 
the  case  of  articles  not  grown  or  manuractured  here. 
And  the  reason  is  tins;  by  tli<!  rule,  the  duly  in- 
creases ihe  price;  the  price  being  increased,  the 
I'onsuniplion  is  diminished,  and  conseipieiilly  the 
demand  lessens  in  the  same  proportion.  The  de- 
mand being  less — supply  remaining  the  same — ihe  ■ 
price  must  fall;  I'or  ihe  producer  is  willing  U)  sell 
at  a  less  profit,  and  il  is  his  inteiest  to  do  so,  rather 
Ihan  sull'er  u  large  surplus  lo  aceuiimlale,  which 
must  eventually  result  in  a  heavy  or  tottd  loss.  Ills 
prolils  are  diimnishcd  in  propiirlioii  lo  the  ilutlis 
imposed;  and  thus  ihe  duties  an;  more  f'ri'i|ii<Milly 
paid  by  the  producer  or  foreiu-n  maiiid'aclurer,  oiit 
of  their  prolils,  ihuii  by  the  i  onsumer.  Tin:  Ins- 
lory  of  the  collee  Irade  will  illusirale  Ihese  princi- 
ples. A  few  years  ago  a  duly  was  imposed  upon 
coll'ee,  of  (I  believe)  Iwo  cents  per  [lound.  Was 
the  effect  of  this  duty  an  increase  in  the  price  of 
the  article  lo  the  amount  ol  the  duly?  The  price 
was  tempo rarilyincrea.si'ilalioiit  one  cent  per  fioiiiiil, 

biilmashoii  lime  fill  oil,  and  rnWre.  sold in 

cilies  at  former  prices.  The  duly  was  siibsi  ipienlly 
repealid,  and  yet  the  price  reniaincil  the  Maine  — 
alfected  only  by  the  clinnge  in  ilie  relaiion  of  sup- 
ply and  detnund — the  great  law  by  which  price  is 
rigulaled  and  eonlrolleil.  Allhiiiigh  the  iinilincy 
of  duties  is  to  increase  prices,  yet  this  len<leiicy  is 
controlled,  modified  or  destroyed,  by  u  great  vari- 


ety of  circumstances — such  ns  the  relation  between 
supply  and  demand— the  reduction  of  ihe  cost  of 
production  by  improvcmenlH  in  machinery — the 
application  of  sleam'to  manufacturing  and  the  ine- 
ciumic  arts — the  iibil'Iynf  the  people  to  consume — 
fruitful  and  healthy  seasons — the  changing  tastes 
and  fashions  of  the  day — the  currency  of  the  coun- 
try— peace  or  war,  and  many  other  consiilcralimis 
that  affect  the  bu.siiiess  and  pursuits  of  men. 

Without  pursuing  thi.s  subject  further,  it  is  evi- 
dent that  our  free  trade  friends  have  not  been  com- 
pelled to  pay  an  increased  price  for  the  varioit.1 
articles  consumed  by  them;  on  the  contrary,  lliey 
are  now  lower  than  at  any  former  period  in  our 
history.  lint  still  they  are  oppressed  I  If  their 
"  oppression"  is  so  "  grinding,  and  their  "  inju- 
ries" so  intolerable,  surely  some  proof  of  the  fact 
can  be  furnished.  An  evil  so  nionsirous  must  be 
palpable — it  can  be  seen  ns  well  as  felt. 

Mr.  Chairman,  is  it  not  strange  that  ihese  "enor- 
mous opjiressions"  arc  only  experieiced  by  the 
nemncralic  mlrnaitea  offrc  traife  ?  We  have  gen- 
tlemen upon  this  fioiir — dilfering  in  their  political 
creed  from  the  "oppressed" — from  the  same  "sun- 
ny South,"  and  subject  to  the  same  operation  of 
the  laritf,  who  are  ready  to  declare,  and  who  have 
proved,  that  instead  of  being  oppressed  and  griiund 
down,  t'ley,  and  the  coiislilucncv  ihey  represcnl, 
are  jbenefiied  by  il.  I  confess  1  cannot  explain 
this  slrange  pidilical  phenomenon,  that  the  De- 
mocratic "fleece"  should  be  constantly  "dry," 
whilst  the  Whig  "fleece"  slnnild  be  as  conptant- 
ly  wet  with  the  dews  and  blessings  of  the  protec- 
tive policy. 

And  not  only  have  southern  gentlemen  upon 
this  floor  defended  the  larilfof  1842,  but  I  have 
now  before  me  a  "Manifesto"  issued  by  one  hun- 
dreil  ami  four  planlers  of  the  Soulh,  in  which  they 
make  a  fornml  declaralion  of  iheir  approbation  of 
the  present  tariff.  The  nianifi  slo  is  copied  from 
Ihe  "  Jackson  Southron,"  a  newspaper  ptiblished 
in  Mississippi.     They  declare  that 

"'I'lieyiire  in  liivnr  nf  siii-hatnritriH  timt  of  1*13,  hccaiisc 
it  nlI'MiU.fis  they  liclifViMiiln|liale  pinli-rliiill  tniill  killils  ot 
linne'slic  lnlH]r,aiuI  renihTsii^iiiilciifiHlciil  not  only  in  name 
but  ill  Itlct. 

o  llcCililHe  tlley  lielii've  it  will  imiilce  nl  the  North  l(ir(;e 
involiiieiittinreapitiil  iiiitl  llieeiiijito.v  iiii'iit  (it'll  Inriri'  iniiiiliiT 
of  liill'iriTs  in  tlic  iiiniiilfiicmre  nt'  I'dHiiii  uddils  ;  ttial  it  will 
cvlciiil  [lie  (•(iTisinnplKni  (it  iiiaiiut'acliiri'il  urIirli'H,  tiiid  IIiitc- 
liy  men  nsr  ilir  (IciiiiiiKl  I'lrlhc  r.ivv  iiiiitcriiil ;  that  il  will  five 
the  liniui  rs  (It"  ('(iftoii  t(\ii  iiiarkcls  iii>tciul  ot  one,  ami  one 
of  those  ,lliiiiiir  iiiarket. 

"  !tcc.iii-cit  uriil.rt-i  iniliri'clly  lliegro,v  tHnrsinitll  lira*'', 
and  ffiveit  tlicni  a  hniiic  market. 

"  hcciuHe  it  prnli'eN  iiiitjrccllv  th.:  lieii;|)  jrrf.v/ers.  nnd 
elves  tlicm  a  liiiiiii>  markel,  iiiid  krepi,  llie  lame  niaiiiiiit  nf 
capital  and  taliiir  iiiuv  iiivc-lcd  in  llial  li.i-iiti'ss  101111  lieiii|t 
ciiipNiyed  la  exiendins  llii'  riilliiir-  uf  ciillim. 

*' nce11n.1i'  it  priilccis  iiiilin'i'llv  the  lirccdcrs  of  hc;:^,  of 
hiirscs,  (if  males,  and  ilivi'sthi'iil  alidiiie  mnrkel. 

o  lli'cail-i' It  pruli'ft^  the  piiiiliiccr  (if  siiyar.  Bives  him  a 
JKiine  markel.  and  (ircveiil'i  the  vast  aiiKiiiiitiifciipital  and  (if 
lahnr  inveslcd  in  riic  cnlniri'  nf  cane  tniiii  liciiii^  directed  to 
the  already  rediuidanl  prinhielidn  nf  ctdt'in. 

"  tIeeaiiM'  they  lielieve  that  all  expcrienec  prdvcs  thai  its 
alliinati'  letidiiicy  i-*  I'l  rcihicc  tlie  price  ol'  iinoialiicliin'd 
ij'ii'd-,  and  theretiy  hcnelil  C'lnsnnicis  nlall  classes. 

"  ll('cmi-(i'  tliey'lieli'-vc  tliat  in ureal  interesl  nf  llie 

edindry  can  lie  ad>  i|niilel\  prdli'ded  wjllidiil  in  Kiinic  dcuree 
(-xteinhnit  prdteeiiiiii  Id  all  nthcr  nit<'r('i'l.v,  and  thai  iiiine  de- 
rive liinrc  es'd'niiill  licnetil  friilll  the  itelleral  prosperity  (if 
(itlicr  piir-iiils  than  Itic  cdltnii  jiriivvcr. 

"  Itiit,  atidve  till,  llicy  arc  in  favor  of  such  a  Inriff  n<  that 
of  |Ht'.J  tieeaiise  they  he. .eve  Ihe  iiin'reslK  nf  the  maiinlae 
lliri'rs  (if  cdltdli  I'd. ids  at  the  Xiillll  in  lie  idennlicd  vvilll  Ilie 
inleresls  III'  tile  utd'  cr  nf  ciiltoa  at  itie  .Snuili ;  and  thai  as 

KlreiiLith  is  adih-d  lo  ihese  twii  crial  interesls,  ll ne  al  Ihe 

Niirlli  mill  (he  dlliiT  at  llie  Hdiith.  sn  will  slrenctll  lie  added 
td  till' haliils  vvhiell  hind  this  elinidiis  I'liiim  Idifcllicr ;  and 

they  dd  I t  sntcinnly  helievc  tlinl  if  the  sy-lcin  (if  iilfiird- 

uiL'  adeiin  lie  prdlectiiin  ld.-\iiieri«'.tn  imhistry  he  perscd'n  (I 
in  lint  fur  a  U-w  year-,  all  Hie  L'r'.il  liilerest.s  nf  the  Cdiinlry 
w  ih  hc'dine  sd  tilended  and  sddcpeiidanl  diieiiiidii  aiidtlicr, 
that  all  attenipt-.  vvlK'lher  II!"  ahdlitidiiisls  iirah  tructiniiisl-. 
Id  dc-lrny  iiiir  li.'Idved  Unnili.  will  he  lanuhcd  lo  i^enili  liir 
eeiilnnes  te  edilic." 

These  reasons  in  favor  of  the  present  system 
(Ies(  rve  and  should  receive  the  solemn  considera- 
tion of  every  American  palriol. 

I5ul  we  are  met  with  objectimis  on  "very  side. 
(Jeiilletnen  have  sneered  at  the  "home  narkcl," 
as  thou'^h  ihey  had  no  sympathy  for  "  home"  or 
iialive  land.     Is  the  home  markel  no  markel  for 


of  the  Souih?     Let  llie  I  in 


awrence  answer 


Ihi 


lisipieslion.     That  getlUe 


Abbot 


in  hiH  litters  on  the  snlijrel  of  ihe  tarilV, 
'  consimiption  (of  cotton)  re.ulied,  the  last  yar, 
'one  hundred  and  .seventv-six  millions  of  pounils, 
'  which  is  eijual   lo  ihe  whole  crop  of  the  rinon 


182.') 


iiiiu  eip 


lal  lu  the  whole 


iinsuinplioii  of 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


719 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Pollock. 


Ho.  OK  Keps. 


'  Grcnt  Britain  in  1826."   He  niso  snys,  tluit  "  tlie  j 
'  rDimumplinn  nf  cotton  in  this  uuiinlry  will,  in  his 
'  opininn,  iloiihle  in  ci;,'ht  or  nine  ymrs;  and  thiit  it  | 
'  will  rench   four  hiuiilred  millions  of  pounds  in 
'  IWfi. "    Such  bcin;;  the  fact,  is  the  home  market  1 
to  he  eharnclerized  nsn  "  hiiinl)u,'?,"as  it  has  been  j 
by  lentlcinen  upon  this  floor?    In  relation  to  the 
increase  of  the  cmiaiimplioii  of  cotton  in  the  Uni-  ' 
ted  Slates,  the  same  senlleman  says,  "that  the  i 
'  increase  in  the  United  Slates  from  1816  to  184r),  ' 
'a  period  of  twenlv-iiiiie  years,  has  extended  from 
'  ll.OOO.UnO  to  17(i,:i(KI.0(ll)  pounds;  heint;  an  ang- 
'  mentation  of  sirdfii  /</</.     The  increnso  in  Great  \ 
'  llrii.iin,in  the  sione  period  of  time,  has  been  from 
'  88,7()l),()0()  to  r)(;p,(llin,(ll)n  pounds-,  beiriijan  auc;- 
'  mentation  of  less  Ihnn  sc'\en  fold  nijainst  an  in-  ; 
'  crease  in  the  Unilid  Slates  of  sij-(fr)i /«/(/. "    And  ■ 
yet,  with  all  these  iaiporlant  fads  liefore  us;  witli  the  j 
iiome  market  becominu:  more  and   more  important  ' 
every  hour,  we  are  asked  to  prostrate  the  Ameri- ; 
can  mnnnfaclurer,  that  wo  may  enjoy  the  i>lessin*rs  ■ 
of  free  traile   will)   Kii^laial.     I  cannot  and  will  i 
not  letjislate  for  Hritisti  interests.     Were  I  a  mem- 
ber of  the   Uritish  House  of  Commcnis,  I  would 
cheerfully  support  the  |irespnt  bill,  but  as  a  mem- 
ber of  ihe  American  Con^Tress  I  cannot  ^ive  it  my 
support.      En!;laiul,    from    her  workshops,   now 
supplies  Ihe  niarketa  of  the  world  with  cotton  fab- 
rics, manufactured   from   the   raw  material  which 
we  now  furnish  her.     AVhy  cannot  we  enjoy  the  ] 
profits  of  converting    the    raw  material  into  ihe 
nianufaclured   article?     It  is  this  which  <,'ives  em 
iployment  to  labor,  and  reward  to  indnslry.     We  ! 
;,^row  our  own   cotton,  we   have  capitid  and  skill,' 
v.'e  have  all    the   necessaries  and  comforts  of  life 
cheap  and  abundant,  and  we  liave  all   the  eneru-y 
iici'cssary  to  make  ns  the  ijrealcst  manufacluriiis: 
couiilry  ill  thi^  wmld.     Let  us,  then,  become  the 
conipelitfirs  of  Great    Rrilnin   for  the   markets  of 
the  world;  and  under  the  fosterin;;  influence  of  inir  i 
present  policy,  our  commerce   will   soon   whiten 
every  ocean,  and   the   inhabitants  of  every  clime 
bceloihed  in  the  prodncls  of  (Mir  looms.  ' 

And  now,  sir,  lei  me  ask  inraiii,  is  the  home  mar- 
ket no  market  for  the  uraiii  of  the  West?  No  mar- 
ki't  for  the  imn'icullur.-il  [n'oductions  of' the  country  ?  ; 
'I'lu'  impin-tance  of  the  hmne  market  In  this  reijard  I 
can  best  be  determined  by  a  reference  to  the  amount  ■ 
and  value  of  our  airiii'uliural  productions,  and  the  j 
rclalive  f|Oanlily  consumed   at  home  and  aliroad.  : 
l''or  this  purpo.-;e,  I  will  lake  Iwoof  thi'  staple  pro-  i 
(luciions  of  the  C(auilrv — wheat  and  Indian  corn,  i 
'I'lie  wheal  crop  in  the  t'nited  Slnies,  for  the  year  i 
IS4."),asesliinaU'd  by  the  ("ommissicnier  of  Patents, 
is  l(lli,r)|8,IIIMI  bushels;  lh('  corn  crop  of  the  same 
year,  4I7,8!VJ,(HII)  bushels.     Now,  of  these  lar!;e  i 
amounts  \\e   have  exjporled   the  past  year  aimut  ' 
<i,(l(ll),IHII)  bushels  of  wheal,  and  not  more,  in  all, 
ih.'m   !>,()im,ll()l)  bushels   of   ccn'n— Great    Britain 
I  ikinir  duiin'^  that   time  o}ie  hnrrcl  of  corn  meal.  , 
I  low  was  the  balance  disptised  of?     Consumed  at  j 
home  by  our  manufaciuri'rs,  mechanics,  niendiants,  ' 
and  other  classes — disposed  of  in  our  home  mar- i 
kci,  which  is  so  lightly  esteemed  by  our  "free  trade"  . 
|>liilosophei's.    (tiir  iiiiire  domestic  productions  are 
eslimnnd  at  i;0,ll(HI,(lll(l,ll()n!  of  which  we  export  ' 
auuually  about  Slllll,IIIMI,(IIM)  in  value!     Our  for- 
ei'rii  commerce!  what  is  il  ia  conniarisou  with  our  ■ 
ilouieslic  commerce?     ;\  drop  in  tlie  bucket. 

liul.asanoilirrol'jcciio.i  to  ihe  tarilfof  1843,  we 
are  told,  that  for  every  dutiable  nrlicle  consumed 
ill  the  I'niled  Siales,  a  bonus  eipial  to  Ihe  duty  is 
paid  by  the  consumer  to  thc^  producer  or  maimfac- 
iiirer;  and  that,  in  this  way,  Ihe  money  is  taken 
from  tlie  pockets  id'  the  people.  If  "free  trade" 
L'lillcmen  wish  lo  prov  his  posiliim,  Ihey  mil:'' 
teii  (piole  "  Ibniillccund'  as  nulhitriiy,  or  ret'er  to 
the  "  i'orU'-bate  iheoi\'"  for  demonslnition  "  clear 
[IS  proof  iVoni  Holy  Writ."  Time  was  when  ihal 
Mimld  answer;  but  that  day  is  past.  A  day  of 
cuinmon  sense  has  cmoe.  And  il  is  men  of  ,'oni- 
mon  sense — nieti  \\\'  ihr  iule-(tf'-lhree — who  are  lo 
be  satisfied  ou  this  siibjecl.  Such  men  cannot  be 
made  lo  believe  llnil,  whin  thi'  duly  on  an  article 
!■•  aim  cents,  and  ihe  same  erliclc  can  be  pnrchnseil 
for  .sir  cetils,  lliey  have  paid  the  nine  cenis  duly. 
.\o  theories,  no  leanied  talk  about  "  bonus,"  could 
drive  sucli  ideas  inlo  their  heads, 

l!ul  ifjenlh'mi  w  wish  to  lalk  about  "oppression" 
and  "decline,"  alioul  ruin  ;iiid  proslraliou,  I  refer 
Ihcin  lo  the'  condiiion  of  the  I'lUinlry  before  iho 
|iassai;e  of  the  taritVof  I8lv!.     I  need  not  describe 


our  condiiion  nt  that  period;  it  is  known  tn  nil. 
Too  lively  is  the  remembrance  ever  to  be  effaced. 
Then  free  tmde  nrinciples  were  triumphant.     The 
"  blessinis"  of  tliat  system  fell  tiiick  and  fast  upon 
us.   The  hum  of  busy  industry  that  once  resound- 
ed through  our  liappy  land  was  silent  nnd  still;  the 
thunder  of  our  till-lmiinmers  nnd  the  crash  of  our 
rolling-mills  had  ceased;  the  smoke  of  our  hun- 
dreds of  furnaces  no  longer  darkened  tlie  fttce  of 
the  sky;  the  marts  of  commerce  were  deserted; 
public  nnd  private  credit  lost;  the  currency  ruined; 
Ihe  treasury  exhausted;  the  nation  bankruptt  ci     , 
terprise  lifeless  and  hope  expiring.     This  is  not  i 
fiction — it  is  fact.     And  to  the  people  of  this  conn-  ! 
try  one  great  fiict  like  this  is  better  than  all  the  I 
theories  of  British  free-trade  writers,  or  all  the  ab- 
stractions of  our  own.     Such  has  been  our  expe-  ; 
ricnee,  and  the  country  has  not  forgotten  it. 

Under  the  reign  of  the  Compromise  act,  the  nd-  ' 
vocates  of  free  trade  had  a  fair  op]inrtunity  lo  put  ' 
their  theories  to  the  test.     The  experiment  was 
made  under  circumstances  the  most  favorable  to 
conviction.     They  wanted  low  diilies.    They  told  ' 
us  that   these   would    increa.se    the   revenue,   and 
spread  universal  jirosperity.     Well,  sir,  we  have 
hai!  low  duties.   The  duties  under  that  act  declined 
gradually,  until  they  rcnclicd  yo  per  cent.;  and 
now,  I  will   put   the  question  to  any  trulhfnl  anil 
candid  man,  whether  the  prosperity  of  the  country 
did  not  go  down  step  by  step  with  Ihe  diilies  ?  and  ' 
whether,   inslead   of  supplying    the   revenue  and 
filling  the  treasury,  the  )ilan  had  not  emiaieil  the 
treasury,  prnslraKal  credit,  and  brought  the  Gov- 
ernmenl  tn  the  verge  of  bankruptcy  ?     So  low  had 
Ihe  credit  of  the  Ciivernment  become,  at  home  and 
abroad,  that,  whei  a  loan  of  five  millions  only  was  , 
asked  for,  to  keep  the  wheels  of  Government  in 
molior,  it  could  noi  be  obtained  but  nt  a  discount 
of  five  I  er  cent. !    Ti.'s  was  free  trade — this  was  a 
revenue  tariff!    But  nn.rk  the  .,.i|uel     In  less  than  ■ 
ninety  days  after  the  p.;ssage  of  ih     tariff  act  of 
184'3,  the'verv  stn.;k  issui  d  for  that  loan,  which  , 
had  been  ol)iainjd  with  dillicully  at  five  per  cent, 
discount,  sold  in  Ihe  mark n  at  a  rremium  of  (fn 
ner  cent.     So  much  for  the  rel.uive  merits  of  free 
trade  and  the  protective  policy.     And  now,  I  ask 
Ki'iillcmen  to  lay  aside  their  theories  and  specula- 
lions,  abandim   tluir  declamation,  nnd   come  to 
"ficls  and   figures;"  examine  this  subject  in  the 
liL'htofhislory  and  ex|ierience,ns  American  states- 
men, proud  of  their  eou.Mry,  nnd  jealous  of  lier 
rights  and  interests. 

The  geuileman  from  Virginia  has  drawn  a  Inju- 

brious  picture  of  the  declining  Slate  of  Virginia, 

and  the  i^reat  stifferiiig  of  the  planters,  and  has  al- 

tribuled  these  results  lo  the  "  crushing'' operation 

'■■he  existing  tarilT.     But,  sir,  the  ceiKsus  of  1810 

■oves  that  Vir;;inin  was  in  a  ieiri)i:rade  condition 
)efoie  the  tnrilV  of  l84'i  was  pns.sed.  From  IS."}!) 
and  onward,  she  has  made  no  forward  movement; 
and  this  includes  the  period  of  free  trade  under  the 
Compromise  act.  I  presume  the  gentleman  will 
not  say  that  the  tariff  of  1843  was  the  cause,  when 
that  act  was  not  in  existence.  Before  the  net  was 
passed,  Virginia  was  under  the  full  tiile  of  snccesa- 
ful  experiment,  as  to  the  effects  of  her  own  theory, 
.She  had  low  duties — ne.  protection — but  free  trade. 
Why  did  not  she  advance  ?  Why  did  she  not  pros- 
per? Was  it  th'  ariff  that  depressed  her?  In  1840 
she  was  retroL'rading.  .Some  other  cause  must  be 
assigned.  There  is  nothing  in  the  doctrine  of  pro- 
lection  that  can  lead  to  any  sudi  result.  Il  miiv 
possildy  be  referred  to  another  laiise,  which  1  will 
not  inine,  and  one  on  which  I  will  forbear  lo  speak. 

We  are  asked  to  subslitule  the  bill  I'eporled  bv 
the  chairman  cd"  the  Connnillee  of  Ways  anil 
Mi'ims  for  Ihe  tariff  act  of  1843.  Il  is  represented 
as  a  revenue  measure — the  duties  being  irradnati'd 
to  the  re\enue  slandard.  Now,  as  a  mere  revenue 
measure,  the  act  of  1843  is  preferable  to  the  present 
bill:  il  is  a  belter  revi'ime  larilf  than  this  bill  will 
111'  if  enacted  inlo  a  law.  TTiidcr  the  act  of  1843, 
the  amount  of  rcvcnui*  raised  has  been  sulficienl 
for  all  the  wants  of  :lic  Govennneiit.  There  has 
bi  en  no  surplus,  no  deficiency.  The  revenue  thus 
derived  has  ranged  from  Iweuly-five  to  thirty  mil- 
lions, the  annuid  avera-ic  being  about  tv/enly-scven 
and  a  half  millions.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury, however,  for  the  purpose  of  aidiiiir  his  own 
theories,  had,  in  his  esiimates  of  receipts,  for  the 
fisi'iil  year  endiii'.'  the  ItOlh  .Tunc.  184(!,  staled  the 
luiiuunt  of  revenue  from  customs  at  'ii.34,,')l)0,000. 


bi 


showing  n  deficit  in  the  customs  of  three  millions. 
But  the  fact  hns  already  exploded  alike  his  theory 
and  his  calculation.  The  amount  of  revenue  (Vom 
customs  for  the  first  three-quarters  of  that  year  is 
nscertiiined  to  be  4iSJ0,411,91,5  42;  and  tlio  cslimn- 
led  receipts  for  the  last  quarter  may  be  set  down 
nt  not  less  than  |6,300,000— making,  in  nil,  $36,- 
611,915  42,  It  IS  more  than  probable  the  actual 
receipts  will  exceed  the  estimate  nearly  one  mil- 
lion. It  is  also  probable  that,  had  it  not  been  for 
the  disturbed  state  of  our  public  affairs,  the  reve- 
nue, during  the  past  fiscal  year,  would  have  ex- 
ceeded th'irttj  millions.  But  the  very  uncertainty 
attending  the  tariff  itself,  as  well  as  the  apprehen- 
sion of  possible  difficulty  with  a  foreign  Govern- 
ment, paralyzed  commerce  and  nrevented  importa- 
tions. The  agitation  of  this  question  has  had  an 
injurious  effect  upon  the  revenue.  Even  a  bad 
tariff,  firmly  established  nnd  certain  lo  continue, 
was  better  than  this  perpetual  change.  The  act 
of  1S49,  as  a  revenue  measure,  is  more  in  con- 
forniity  with  the  celebrated  "  revenue  standard" 
of  Mr.  Walker  than  his  own  bill,  or  the  bill  now 
before  us.  The  duties  imposed  yield  the  largest 
amount  of  revenue,  nnd  no  more  than  sufficient 
for  the  wiinls  of  the  Government  economically 
adniinislered,  with  ni\  equalily  in  amount  aim  illy 
that  need  not  be  expected  under  n  system  of  ad 
valorem  dulies.  Let  gentlemen  try  il,  and  they 
will  find  that  they  cannot  pass  a  tariff  law  that  will 
yield  them  more  revenue  or  nioie  equal  in  annual 
amotinl.  A  revenue  slandard!  Whatisa  rcvenno 
standard'  A  slandard  is  that  which  is  eslabiishcd 
as  a  rule  or  measure.  It  is  something  fixed,  per- 
inanenl.  and  not  liable  lo  chaiiL'c.  The  rncnue  is 
now  to  be  the  rule  or  measure  of  duties. 

Is  the  revenue  fixed,  and  not  liable  to  change? 
We  have  i^een  it,  during  the  hist  few  years,  vary 
from  twelve  to  thirty  millions.   Under  any  system, 
it  is  liable  to  a  thousand  changes.     Tiie  wants  of 
the  Government  must  determine  the  aniouiU  of 
revenue.    To-day  we  wanted  twenty  inillion.s — 
^  to-morro^v  thirty  million.s — last  year  twenty-five 
millions — next  year  fifty  millions.   The  larilf  must 
be  graduated  by  the  wants  of  the  Government,  for 
the  wants  of  the  Government  regulate  the  "stand- 
ard."   Is   this  the  fixed    "standard"  by  which 
duties  are  to  be  measured?     What  can  be  further 
from  it?    This  is  such  a  "  slanilard"  ns  will  be 
|)erpeluallv  moving  up  and  down — a  "slandard" 
that  will  llncluale  between  fifieeii  and  fifiy,  and 
may  range  from  len  lo  one  hundred.    I  have  heard 
'  of  a  "  sliding  .scale"  before;  but  a  "  sliding  stnnd- 
'  aid"  is  a  novelty  in  finance.    But  not  only  will  ihe 
"standard"  move  up  nnd  down  ns  the  wants  of 
the  Government   require,    but  your   ad  valorem 
dulies   must   make   a    corresponding   movement. 
To-day  the  duties  go  up  to  dti-rttixe  the  revenue — 
;  to-morrow  they  go  down  lo  iaciTase  it.     This  year 
they  will  go  up  lo  incmisc  revenue — next  year  they 
will  go  down  to  ikcrease  il, — the  slandard  and  the 
dulies  alike  changing  and  changeable.   Truly,  sir, 
'  this  financial  .scheme  of  the  Secretary  reminds  mo 
I  of  the  old  nur.sery  rhyme: 


I  *' Now  we  (in  li]!,  U)i,  up. 

I  .Anil  now  vvc  irn  li'iwn.  down,  ilown-e. 

Here  wi'  B'l  li.'ickwiint.-  iiiiil  Inruiirils, 
[  And  here  \vc  ifo  rouiiil,  roiitiil,  rniniil  e.o 

;  Yet,  such  is  the  "  model  system"  recommcndeil 
by  the  Secretary  ! 

j  I  perceive,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  my  time  is  nearly 
ex|iircil.  I  projiose  briefly  lo  consider  ihe  effect  of 
low  duties  on  the  revenue.      It  is  said  by  Ihe  ailvo- 

:  cales  of  the  present  bill,  thai  low  duties  will  in- 
crease importations,   nnd  consequently  the  reven- 

;  lies  of  ihe  Gi)verinnent.  Thai  imporlalions  will 
be  increased  temporarily  by  such  reduction  may 
be  admitted,  but  the  disastrous  efl'ecls  of  large  im- 
portations soon  changes  ihe  ri'sult.  Increased 
importations  require  increased  ability  on  the  part 
of  the  people  lo  purchase  and  consume  foreign  j-.ro- 
diiciions.  But  will  increased  iiuporlations  increase 
the  abilily  of  the  consumer?  Will  they  increase 
the  productive  indnslry  of  ihe  counlry,  by  v  hieli 
ihe  people  acquire  ihe  means  of  payment?  Will 
ihcy  increase  the  exports  of  the  country  lo  be 
exchmigcd  for  Ihe  foreign  commodity?  Tliese  are 
imjiorlinit  questions,  and  they  have  a  direct  bear- 

■  ing  upon   the   subject.     The  eirect  of  larger  iin- 

;  portiitions  has  alw.iys  been  losubslitiite  the/iircign 
produi  I  for  ihe /iiiiiif  manufiiclured  iiilicle,  foreign 
labor  for  home  labor,  and  ihus  prostrale  nil  the 


«v     ! 


720 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Juno  27, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sgss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Pollock. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


great  interests  of  the  country.    The  foreijtn  nmnii-  | 
liiiaiir^rs,  induced  by  our  low  duties,  will  deluftc  | 
our  nmrkcis  with  thoir  Roods,  foico  ihcm  lo  side 
at  luuiion  at  any  saorirni',  and  thus  force  Ameri- 
can !;"i'da  out  of  the  market,  and  lireak  down  the 
American  nianufaolurer  and  mechanic,  at  <d!  haz-  I 
nrda.     It  is  ai^ainst  such  unlioly  c.oniliinalions  of  ' 
British  interests,  tliat  t!ic  protective  ))olic.y  shiehls  ' 
American  industry;  for  it  has  ever  been  Incpohcy  : 
of  Ciri'al  Britain  "  to  slillc  in  the  cradle  the  risini;  , 
manufactories  of  the  United  Slates."  Thi.s  policy, 
now  proposed,  on  the  part  of  the  Gov?ninienl,  will  ' 
inevitably  lead  to  ruin.   Go  on  and  pass  your  bill —  j 
dcsiroy  the  great  indusirial  interestj;  of  the  conn- 
try — rob  labor  of  its  employment  and  reward,  ami 
yini  will  soon  reduce  onr  now  happy  people  to  the 
condition  of  the   ill  fed,  ill  <  lotlied,  slarvinp;  mil- 
hinis  of  Kurope.     Having  thus  inipovrrislicd  the 
]«'oplc,  and  diminished  the  power  of  consumpiioii, 
yourini|'ortations  will  cease  and  your  re  venues  coii- 
secpu'iilly  be  diminished.    The  amount  of  iniporla- 
lions  depends  iinu'e  upon  the  abilTTy  of  the  people 
to  consume,  than  upon  low  duties    Inoiher  word.",  i 
importations  and  consumplimi  will  always  be  in  ' 
proportion  to  the  ;K»icfr  of  consumption.     That 
system  of  finance,  that  will   give  employment  to 
hoiiu',  and  lo  hd)or  ils  reward;  thai  will  increase 
the  iiroiluctive  industry  of  the   country,   and  en- ■ 
Iai\'e  the  power  of  con.sumption,  is  tlie  imly  wise 
revenue    system.     The  very  data,   fiiniished   by 
tin;    StN'retary    ill    his  report,    in    support    of   his 
own  scheme,  proves  the  fact,  thai  low  duties,  in- 
FtcaJ  of  raising,   had   rc^'ularly,  conslantiv,  and 
uniformly,  dimiuislied  revenue.     I  asl;  geiillemcii, 
who   hold   a  contrary  i»piniou,  to  piaiit  to   a  sin-  i 
gle    case   \vhi?re   a   reduciioij    of   duties   was   fol- 
lowed bya  |iernmnent  increase  of  revenne.    There 
is  not  one.     In  1S4I,  the  dotitrine  of  the  chairman 
•  'I'  the  Committ«-e  of  AVays  and  Means  wa-i,  that 
/i>ic   iliilhs  would   reduce   the  revenue.      He   then 
drended  a  surplus  in  the  treasury,  and  ivcttnimeud- 
ed  Inir  ftutus  lo  riilttce  the  amount,  and   pi(-\ent  a 
)>li'lhora.      But   now  the   doctrine   is  dircitly  the 
P  verse — loic  iliiliis  are   recommended  lo   iiicnnsf 
tile  ri'vemie,and  prevent  ni/iic/ioii.    Times  change, 
uial  the  opiiiioiiri  of  men  change  with  iheni. 

The  present  bill  will  fail  of  ils  intended  elfect  as 
n  reveiine  measure!  The  ccunmittee  that  reported 
the  bill  have  themselves  no  confidence  in  it  a.ssuch, 
or  why  would  lliey,  in  the  fourth  section  of  the  bill, 
anlh"i'ize  llie  I'resideiit  lo  levy  and  collect  a  duly 
of  Icn  jit-r  nnliiin  on  Icn  and  C(;//ii,  "  if  it  shoulil 
happen  in  any  future  fiscal  year  that  the  revenue 
shall  not  be  siiHicienl  to  defray  the  expenditures 
re.piind  for  that  year-"  Tliis  is  llii' laiiguai'i!  of 
disiriisi.  I  am  not  only  opposed  to  a  tax  upon 
(ea  and  coll'ie,  which  have  now  become,  iml  only 
the  luxuries,  but  the  necessaries  of  life  to  the  en- 
tire people  of  this  counlry;  bnl  1  am  opposed  to 
the  manner  in  which  the  duty  is  to  be  iniposeil.  I 
»m  utterly  opposed  to  placiii'T  the  taxing  power  of 
the  (.Jovennneiit  in  the  li.mds,  or  nniler  the  ciui- 
Ipil,  of  the  I'resident  ei  ihf  rnited  Siales,  I'illier 
nbsulutely  or  condilioii  illy.  The  leiuleney  in  ibis 
Lioverninent  to  "  eeiiiiaii/alifui,**  is  already  loo 
sirong.  The  disposition  lo  plai".  unlimited  power 
in  tile  hands  of  the  I'i'esldeiit  is  on  the  increase. 
Il  inusi  be  checked  in  the  laiil,  or  the  freedom  of 
onr  institutions  will  exist  only  in  name. 

The  bill  also  prciposis  lo  abolish  tiie  "specific 
dniies"  and  "  inMiimnnis"  heietofoie  eslablislietl, 
and  snbs'.ilnle  ilurefor  ad  valorem  duties  on  all  iin- 
portalions.  This  is  an  importanl  allernlion  in  imr 
fyj-uni  of  imposts,  and  eulirily  ihslioys  the  priii- 
i-iple  of  proleclicin.  'I'liis  svso  ni  of  ad  v.doii  in 
duties  amrravaies  the  fluciiiatninsff  the  r<'V(  lines — 
lUr.  dniies  rising  and  falling  with  the  prices  of  ilie 
tjiiods  iinpiu'ted;  il  oilers  a  teniplalion  to  frmid,  by 
linan.s  of  false  invoices,  and  renders  uiierrlfiin  the 
uinoiiiu  of  duliis  lo  Ijc  collected.  It  is  a  rash  ex- 
periinr'iii.and  thn  alcns  with  rum  the  businesK  mid  ' 
eiHiiii  erce  of  Ihe  country. 

Tliere  an;  other  seri'Uis  objer^tions  to  this  bill. 
It  iliscriminaies  iiL'ainst  Anieiii'an  labor,  liy  im- 
posing' the  same  duly  upon  the  raw  nialeii.il  and 
till'  uiaiinficinred  ariicle.  I'.o- example:  It  iniposeN 
a  duly  of  ,10  per  c,-nl.  no-Mi  ir* 


anil  I 


id  I 
The  ellcci  (d'this  will  be  lo  em 


llf.lc. 


wliilst  it  gives  employment  to  the  foreign  laborer, 
is  robbing  our  own  ineelinnie.s  and  laborers,  and 
reducing  them  to  beggary  anil  want.  Will  the 
foreign  manufacturer  Keml  his  raw  niatcrinl  here 
when  the  manufactured  ariicle  will  be  ndmittcd  nl 
the  same  rate  of  duty.>  This  system,  sir,  will 
proatmie  at  one  blow  both  the  iioii  niasler  and  the 
manufiicturer  of  iron  wares;  it  will  cxtingnish 
again  our  furnaces,  silence  our  rolling-mills,  and 
ntaeo  the  American  laliorer  at  the  mercy  of  the 
British  monopolists.  Will  an  American  Congress 
sanclion  such  a  principle.'  Will  we  legislate  for 
Ib'itish  interests  ? 

The  bill  now  under  consideration  alVord.><  no  pro- 
tection to  iron.  I'ass  the  bill,  and  the  great  iron 
interests  of  the  coniitiy  bill  be  irretrievably  ruined. 
Mr.  Walkiu'  proposccl  the  duly  on  iron  of  HI)  per 
cenl.  ad  vahu'em;  and,  as  if  to  show  his  hostility 
to  the  iron  liede  of  Pennsylvania,  the  duly  he  pro- 
posed, and  which  is  retained  ill  thejacsent  bill,  is 
hilou-  his  own  revenue  standard  !  I'  .ic  what  the 
"  ruion,"  the  organ  ot"  the  A.iminislraliou,  and 
theexiioiientof  Mr.  Walker's  principles,  says  upon 
the  siibjecl.  Let  I'ennsylvaiiia  hear  ill  111  the 
"  Union,"  of  Ihe  'J4ili  of  June,  ISJU,  we  find  the 
following  as  an  editorial: 

"  .Vs  til  ijori,  itic  iliili-  |tri>|ii)..cil  hy  -Mr.  Walker  is  not  too 
liiL'li.  Il  IS  ihirry  per  cVie.  nu  the  /;'>ic(;.ii  vatuiilion^  wliirli 
i-i  leinl.v  i'i|lli\;iii>hl  lo  llli-  luiiily  ||<T  cclil.  ml  valorem  nii 
the  liciiiie  iiiarkcl  |irice  nailer  the  t 'i,in|iri<iiit^c  net  of  .March, 
\^Xi.  The  ilnlv  I-  leihici-il  Mi':irl\  otic  half,  ilml  is  not  prii- 
liiisi'il  Mi>r  the  hciK  lit  nl  iNi-  ieiii  iii;eli'i.-(,'  l.iil  lii.- iici  cs- 
>:iry  r.'vciui    .  in  -lllipnrl  Ihr  (inMThliiclll,  unit  is   tn-lOf  tllill 

lo  <-,.t  r.Uc  which  weiihl  |tr",hii-,'  ihe  hir^ii-sl  nainutil  m 
r.M'ini''.  as  :i  relerciiec  ID  till!  lahii's  and  osliiii;Ue»  ilcarly 
(l,■^lUlil^t|■aL'." 

Poor  Pennsylvania!  No  protection  for  her  iron; 
not  even  the  poor  benefit  of  iMr.  Walking's  revema: 
standard:  but  a  duly  tnlnw  the  loircst  rate  is  doled 
out  to  her,  US  if  lo  sink  her  to  tliat"slill  lower 
deep"  from  which  she  was  tiikcii  by  the  act  of 
l.S-l'J,  and  to  which  slie  had  been  sunk  '■  by  the 
■Jll  per  cent,  ad  valorem  on  tin;  home  market  price 
under  the'.'oinpromisc  act  of  .March,  IM')."  And 
is  this  the  trealiiieiii  Pennsylvania  is  to  receive 
lioiii  tile  hands  of  her  friends.'  Uinllemeii,  lake 
care  I  We  remember  the  o()  per  cent,  duties  of 
the  Comproinise  act ;  and  ihe  scenes  that  followed 
arc  yet  fresh  in  our  ineiiiories. 

I  had  intended  to  i;o  somewhat  extensively  into 
the  subject  ot"  iron,  lo  examine  the  policy  of  Swe- 
den aim  laigland  in  relation  to  this  great  interest, 
and  also  lo  review  the  rise,  progress,  and  present 
condition  of  the  iioti  nuniulacture  of  Pennsylvania, 
but  time  lias  failed  inc.  The  policy. if  nil  civibzcil 
imlious  has  been  to  pioiecl  and  fosier  lliis  great 
source  of  national  and  individual  wealth. 

Sweden  established  a  bank  for  tlie  protection  of 
iron,  by  loaning  money  upon  the  ore  at  tbtir  piT 
cent.;  audio  this  d.iy  the  bank  at  Slockhidm  re- 
ceives the  metal  as  sn-unly  for  loans. 

The  protective  policy  was  not  adopted  by  Kng- 
land  in  i'<  lalion  to  iron  niiiil  late  in  tiic  List  century. 
She  at  that  lime  exported  her  corn,  and  purcliasid 
her  iron  in  Sweden;  but  lindlng  the  balani  es  ruin- 
(nisly  aL'ainst  her,  she  innied  hci  alleiition  to  Ihe 
inexhaustible  beds  of  iron  ore  within  her  own  lei- 
rjlories.  She  imposed  a  duly  upon  t'orei','ii  liars  of 
•<';2  per  ton;  which  was  imreasid,  in  IMII,  lo  ^t  "> 
I,"k.;  and  gradually  increased  ihe  iliitv,  till,  in 
IH-.'o,  It  reached  -il  I>>s-.  (ii/.;  eipial  lo  tfiirly-niiic 
ibillars  and  sixty-lwo  and-one-hair  cenis  per  loe. 
Under  this  system  of  iipiteciion,  the  priHluction  of 
iron  incivased  fioni 'J.'iH.llllll  Ions  in  IHIli;,  lo  ."),•■l,- 
,'l(i7  tons  in  lfi:i:  and  in  l^l,'!  the  produciion  h.ul 
reached  the  enorintiiis  ipiantiiy  of  l,.^)llll,l)IMI  tons. 
The  coal  trade  of  I-'ngland  advanced  with  eipiul 
rapidity  diirm;;  the  same  period.  In  IH4'I  Kngland 
niannfaclnreil  I.i'iTu'.'ilill  Ions  of  jng  metal,  ainl 
raised  Itr^lHHI, 111)11  tons  of  eoal:  lienig  an  increase, 
within  fifty  years,  from  l:i,()(l(l  Ions  of  pig  mi'ial 
anil  lilH)  tons  of  coal,  to  I,,'i';f.',!.'lll)  inns  of  iron  and 
;i;i. 1)1)1 1, 1)1  II I  tons  of  coal;  the  price  of  iron  being  re- 
duced frniii  >I  Ifi  per  Ion  to  >'i,');  and  the  price  of 
coal  ill  ihe  same  proporiion, — the  nsidt  of  her 
system  of  proleclioii  being  to  make  her  the  greatest 
iron  counti'v  in  the  world,  and  lo  give  In  her  almnsi 
the  monopoly  of  a'i  the  fnreign  markels,  beiieliimg 


npoly 
Iter  eoninierce,  am 


manufncturcof  iron  nrennetpinlled  by  those  of  any 
other  country;  and  under  the  fostering  care  of  the 

I  Government,  Pennsylvania   will  rapidlv  develop 

j  her  iinmense  mineral  wealth,  iiiid  rival  the  world 

I  ill  the  extent  and  quality  of  her  iron  manufactuies. 

I  The  nianufactiii-e  of  iron  was  eommcneed  in  Penn- 

'  sylvauia  probably  as  early  as  171.').  The  Ilending 
furnace  In  licrks  cniinly,  Pennsylvania,  was  built 
ill  I7'i(l;  ii'id  since  that  period  there  has  been  a 
gradinl  increa.se  in  the  niannfaclnre  of  iron.  In 
IK);,  we  niam.faclnrcd  about  oni'-lhird  of  the  whole 
amount  madi;  i'l  tlie  irnion.     Now  we  inamifac 

!  lure  more  than  o'le-half. 

Ill  18:t!)  the  niai.nfiicture  was !18,3!l.'i  tons. 

In  lH.lO|||p  inaunl:."ture  was. . .  1  l,'l,'J37  tons. 

I      In  lBiri,noi  less  Ihan tJ.'iD.IKJI)  tons. 

hVir  the  present  year  the  e.oiouiil  of  iron   manii 
fartnii'il  in  Peinisylvania  will  exci,')  .'tlM),l)0O  Ions, 
showing  that,  during  a  period  of  seven  years,  the 
niannfaclure  has  increased   Hirer  fnhl—u  rapidity 

I  of  increase  without  a  parallel  in  the  history  of  na- 
tions. 

The  iutrnduclioii  of  the  use  of  nnllirnrite  coal, 

,  ill  the  manufacture  of  ii'on,  has  given  n  new  impe- 
tus to  the  iron  business  of  the  country.     We  have 

•  now  in  operation  thii-tv-five  anthraciie  furnaces  in 
Pennsylvania,  (n  IK)I),  ihe  authracite  iron  niaiiii 
farlure  did  not  exist.  "  These  furnac'es  are  eapa- 
'  ble  of  turning  out  1801)  tons  per  week,  or  OM.tiOl) 

;  '  lonspcrannum.  Theqnanlily  of  coal  rerpiired  In 
'  smell  a  ton  of  iron  is  twoand-a-half  tons,  which 
'  would  make  a  weekly  coiisumplioii  of  4ri,IIOO  tons 
'  of  eoal,  anionnling  lo  j,'l4,lll)l)  Ions  per  annum  in 
'  thesis  works,  merely  lo  run  the  ore  inln  pig  nieliil. 
*  Of  the  thirly-iive  furnaces,  all  but  ./imr  Inive  been 
'  put  in  blast  since  the  passage  of  the  lurilV  of 
'  184-X" 

The  nianufacltire  of  milrtmil  iron  is  becoming 
daily  of  grealei  importance,  and  is  also  rapidly  in- 
creasing. .Should  the  present  pnlicy  of  tile  cmiii- 
Irv  be  continued,  onr  rolhii2'-iiiil!s  will  soon  be 
able  to  suiiply  the  entire  ilemand  of  the  United 
.States,  and  at  prices  as  low  as  the  forcl^'ii  bar  can 
be  purchased.  There  are  five  rolling-mills  in  the 
Uniteil  States,  now  employed  in  the  mamifaeliire 
of  railroad  iron.  The  ipialily  of  the  article  now 
made  at  tlie.<e  mills,  is  a  proud  evidence  of  the 
skill  luid  enterprise  of  the  ,\mericaii  inannfiielurer. 
The  impnitance  of  the  iron  niannfaclure  to  tin: 
people  of  Peiinsylvnnia  can  scarcely  be  eslimaled. 
All  cla.s.ses  of  cili/.ciis  are  benefiti'd  by  it;  the 
firmer,  Ihe  laborer,  the  menliant,  the  I'nechanic, 
the  eoal  dealer.  The  wages  of  labor  are  increased, 
the  veu'ctables  and  poultry  of  the  fiiriner  ari'  in 
demand,  a  markel  is  alVorileil  for  his  butter,  oats, 
straw,  and  a  tliousaie!  other  I'ltle  thiiexs,  which 
would  be  valnele.-:s  wilhonl  ibis  home  markel. 

A  coiiimiilee  of  .1  Pennsylvania  iron  cimvention, 
in  lis4'J.  estiinaled  that  ihe  furnaces,  i'ni-gis,  blooiii- 
erie.^,  aiiil  roiljnir-mills  of  the  Slate,  -dlnrded  ;i  mar- 
ket fnr  >i;,l)OI),l)IIO  worth  of  Peinisylvania  airricnl- 
iiiral  produce.  If  tin  cslimale  was  correel  llieii, 
they  now  all'ord  a  markel  for  at  least  sl4,l)l)l),IIOI), 
and  it  is  worili  sercii  I'lnirs  as  miii'h  lo  the  firmer  as 
the  whole  r.iiropean  market.  Did  time  permit  I 
conld  ri  I'er  to  the  iinporiance  of  the  iron  t|-ade  to 
Pennsylvania  as  a  Slate — to  her  revenues,  and  as 
ultimately  siipplyini:  a  l.ifL'e  portion  of  the  funds 
iieci'ssary  lo  ihe  exiiiiLiui.^limenl  of  her  public, 
delii.     I!ut  1  must  forbear. 

And  nn'A-,  .Mr.  <'hairniaii,  shall  this  irreal  inler- 

'  e^a  of  our  Stele,  shall  a  ',  the  irre.it  interesls  of  the 
country,  be  Ibslcrcil  and  protected.-  or  shall  they  be 
abandoned.'  Shall  we,  by  the  withdrawal  of  pro- 
lection,  expose  the  business  and  iiiduslry  of  the 
country  lo  hopeless  iniii.'  Shall  ue  encourage  our 
eirii,or  ciicouraL'e  the  iiiduslry  it(  iitlitr  iintions? 
Shall  Iirili:^h  tir  ,7iai  nVioi  counsels  pre\ail  here' 
The  contest  is  now  between  the  .Aineriian  laborer, 
happy  In  llie  eiiioyiiieiit  of  friends  and  lionie;  and 
the  liritish  hdiorer,  miserable  in  his  poverty,  de- 
giadeil  in  his  oppri-ssioii.  I'aiglaiiil  exci  Is  us  in 
r/icii/i  l.dior;  and  witliniil  cliea|i  labnr  we  eaiinol 
compete  successfully  with  her.  Shall  we  begin 
the  work  of  cheapening  labor  by  levelling  ilntrv- 
Vfinis.*  Will  we  lediice  the  American  laborer  to 
tilt;  conibtion  of  the  serfs  of  Kussia  or  llie  paiiper.'t 


iiportation  of  lln 


aiiufactiireil   arlii 


I  addiiiu' greatly  to  her  individual      nf  I-'.ni'land  ?     Pass   your   bill,  and  tin;  work 


lit   till 


le   iinport.'Uinii 


if  II 


d    national    wealth.      Pennsylvania  alioniids   in      I 


le  raw  materia 


I.  ,1  rich  and  inexliaiisiililedepnsites  ol'iron  i 


Tin 


nininejiced 


I.    I- 


iiac.t   your  law. 


ind   industry 


riie  lirilish   nianul'actiirer  will   thus   (iijoy  all   the  ''  deposins  are  assoi  lah  d  will al,orp!aied  amiilsl      r 


will  be  wiihoiitemployiiiinl,  and  labor  wilhonl  its 


111.     Siii-1 


profits  of  the  (;oii  version  of  the  raw  mater i; 


1   a   sysleni   may  i 


liirh,      iininen.se  forests  of  linilier.     The  facilities  for  the  .,  liuiij,"' but   il  will    not  do  in 


lo  fll 


'Old  I'jij 


oiiiig  America. 


.Iiino  87, 
Reps. 

Iitmr  ofnuy 

cnre  of  the 

Iv  dpvt'l<i|) 

the  world 

niifiicliiri's. 

rd  in  IVnn- 

'he  Urndin^j 

,  was  hiiill 

iiin  licrii   H 

ii'iiii.     Ill 

flllc  wlliilr 

inamiDic 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


721 


29th  Cong Ist  Sbss. 


Tht  Tariff— Mr.  Darrngh. 


New  Skkies No.  46. 


•arilf  cnnl, 

new  inipr- 

Wi'  liiivr 

AiriKtct's  ill 

oil  nianii 

aro  capn- 

,  Ml-  !i;i,(!(KI 

rcr|ulr('d  In 

l"iis.  wliicli 

4r.,(HI(l  tuns 

r  ininnni  !:i 

'  |ii;  niolul. 

r  liavr  lici'ii 

lio   tai-ill'  111' 


Lei  widl  cnongli  iilnni'.     Wliat  is  nnr  cnnditinn 
now?    L<;t  Ihe  hum  of  a  thousand  spindles  nn- |' 
svver;  let  the  flasliinjj;  firos  of  our  fnrnacoaand  the 
rraHli  of  our  rollini^-niillx  answer;  h't  the  rushing;  i 
ear,  bearinf;  to  Ihe  iriarLs  of  coininnrpc  the  rich 
tiTrtsures  of  our  nniuntaiiis  and  our  valleys  an- 
HWer.     And  now,  sir,  whilst   in  the  rnjoynicnl  of  , 
Ihe  liifiliest  prosperity,  with  a  rcphniished  treasury, 
fi  Kound  curreney,  an  cxpanuin;;  (■oniineiTC,  and 
with  a  happy  country,  "  erowned  with  the  bless-  ■ 
iuRS   of  Provideiieo,"  shall   we,  liy  our  reckless  j 
policy,  ruin  and  destroy  the  whole?    Every  con- j 
sidcration  of  patriolism,  every  motive  of  iiitereat,  i 
protest  asainst  the  suieidal  act.  ' 

AltlioU!;h,xir,  our  opiiiiiins  upon  this  subject  are 
as  various  a.i  our  inleieSs,  yet  tlie  lime  is  not  far 
ilistanlwhen  the  conflicting!;  interests  that  now  agi- 
inle  and  distract  us  will  be.  reeonriled;  when  every 
I'itij.en  of  our  far-spreadin.'^  Republic  will  see  "eye 
lo  eye;"  when  nil  local  fecliuns  and  jivejiidices  v.ill 
liavo  pasiicd  away;  and  when  all  will  niiilc  in  pa- 
triotic, enuilatioi),  and  vie  with  eiudi  othf  r,  to  niake 
nur  country  what  It  is  destined  to  lie,  "  ^'leai,  sjlo- 
i-imis,  and  free." 


THE  TAR  I  FT. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  C.  DARRAGH, 

OF  PE.VNSyi.VANMA, 

In  tiik  IIousb  of  Reimiksentatives, 

June  20,  ]84(i. 

The  IIon.se  beiiis  in  Committee  of  the  Whole 
>ui  the  state  of  the  Union — 

All-.  O.VRRAUlf  rose  and  said  that  he  was  not 
in  the  habit  of  making  preliminary  excusics  for  a 
.speech.  Apologies  should  rarely  be  made,  (or 
lliey  were  seldom  believed.  He,  however,  spoke 
bill  the  ]>lain  truth  when  he  said  that  he  had  no 
inlention  of  troublin;;  the  coinniittee  on  the  bill 
now  under  consideration  until  be  heard  the  sjieech 
of  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Indiana,  [Mr. 
«)ivrv,]  which  was  delivered  on  yesteritny.  He 
bad  jiailiered  an  impression  that  there  was  a  gen- 
eral disinclination  in  the  House  to  s;o  into  a  re£tu- 
lar  debate  at  this  swelteiin^  season  of  the  year.  , 
1 1  .seemed  lo  be  ag;ree(l  that  the  tarilf  question  had 
liirelofoie  been  suiricieiitly  discussed,  and  that  the  i 
••ouiitry,  particularly  tho.sc  most  inleresled — Ihe 
nianuracturers  and  con.s»niers,  the  buyers  and  the 
sellers — were  now  practically  acquainted  with  the 
operaliini  of  the  law  of  Aui;ust,  1843,  commonly 
riilled  "  the  tarilfacl,"  and  could  judge  of  its  bene- 
lits  and  defecLs  better  than  could  be  explained  on 
this  floor.  From  the  conversation  he  had  had 
with  .several  of  the  friends  of  the  larilVof  1H4"J,  he 
concluded  that  the  political  party  to  which  he  be- 
lon;;cd  had  delerinined  to  march  up  to  the  final 
vole  on  this  bill  without  niucli  lanienlation,  and 
with  the  same  moiiriiliil  sort  of  step  ihat  they 
would  Ko  to  any  ollieri;cncrnl  execution.  He  did 
not  expect  that  the  bill  would  bcsenerally  debated, 
and  he  wasstren<;ilienedin  llii.s  belief  by  the  speech 
of  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Georgia,  [Mr. 
.Seabohm  Jones,]  who  occupied  for  the  nonce  the 
responsible  place  of  ihe  chairman  of  the  Oonimitlee 
iif  Ways  and  Means,  and  who  had  devoted  a  p  ir- 
lioii  of  his  hour  lo  quo.>ilions  nriaiiig  out  of  the  ,var 
wuh  Mexico.  Oiher  — nllemen,  following  in  the 
unke  of  such  a  preccdenl,  had  also  enlightened  lis 
cm  other  subjects  than  the  tarifl". 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  had  my  say  on  the  Mexi- 
can war,  and  I  .shall  therefore  not  trouble  the  Com- 
inillee  on  that  inatlcr  at  present.  That  is  a  cinitesi 
which  has  opened  gloriously  for  the  credit  of  Amer- 
ican honor,  bravery,  and  skill;  and  it  is  net  lo  be 
<loubled  thai  audi  will  be  characlerislics  whilst  the 
war  shall  last.  Whilst  it  conlhiucs  I  trust  thai  I 
will  be  found  willing  and  ready  to  aid  the  country 
ill  the  honorable  prosecution  of  the  war.  I  hope 
and  believe  thai  it  will  soon  be  ended;  and  then, 
sir,  will  come  a  graver  question  than  has  yet  arisen, 
Hiiir  ii'ill  il  lie  rii((i'i( .'  When  we  shall  have  con- 
quered a  peac(>,  what  will  this  Adininislration  pro- 
liosc  iLs  Ihe  basis  of  the  settlement  of  ourdiliiculties 
with  Mexico .'  What  terms  of  treaty  will  it  propose, 
or  what  will  it  accept.'  I'ndoiibledly  a  boiuulary 
line  between  the  Stale  of  Texas  and  the  Republic  lif 
Mexico  will  be  determined  and  clearly  defined ;  but 
while  will  be  this  fixed  liner  If  genilemen  had 
looked  al  ihe  joint  resolutions  for  the  nnnexalion  of 

4(> 


Texas,  pas.scd  March,  1845,  they  would  have  saved 
themselven  much  trouble  in  alienipiing  lo  fix  the 
western  boundary  of  Texas  at  ihe  Rio  Grande  or 
anywhere  else  west  of  the  river  Nueces.  Wiiai 
was  riglilfullyheltmifiiii:;  tr  Texas,  and  no  more,  was 
annexed,  and  Coiigres.^  reserved  to  the  tjovern- 
ment  of  the  Unite!  Slates  the  right  and  power  (o 
ili'terminr  and  selllr  all  qucslions  nf  Iwtmilnry  iri(ft 
•Mexico.  To  this  Texas  gave  her  assent,  and 
there  is  nothing  lo  prevent  Ihe  (Tniled  Slates  from 
fixing  the  boundary  at  the  Nueces,  or  even  east  of 
il.  The  resolve  of  Congress  fiir  the  annexation  of 
Texas  repudiates  the  opinion  ihai  the  western  iioun- 
dary  thereof,  as  dcscrilud  by  ;ii  t  of  the  IjCgisla- 
tiireofthe  Republic  ofTexa.s',  is  of  any  obligatory 
force;  and  ihe  assent  of  Texas  lio  the  aiinexaioii 
admits  lier  boundary  to  be  wherever  the  Goverii- 
nienl  of  the  United  Stales  may  fix  il  by  treaty 
with  Mexii'o.  If,  as  it  has  been  contended,  it  wss 
"a  fixed  fact"  that  the  western  boundary  is  the 
Rio  Gnindc,  why  was  it  that  Congress  demanded 
the  right  to  settle  it  anywhere,  and  why  did  Texas 
assent  lo  and  surrender  the  advantage  oflhis  "  fixed 
fad  ?" 

In  the  exercise  of  the  power  lo  sellle  the  bound- 
ary, this  A  dniinistrnlioii  sen  I  a  Minister  lo  Mexico. 
It  was  a  fruitless  errand.  Th.'U  they  would  have 
lalien  the  Rio  Grande  as  :i  boundary  is  likely 
enough;  but  since  we  have  cniniiiciiced  a  war,  the 
relations  of  the  two  countries  and  the  slate  of  the 
case  is  altered.  When  we  shall  lia\e  coiiqiiered  a 
pence  with  Mexico,  what  treaty  will  be  proposed 
or  accepted  r  What  line  on  the  western  IVonlier 
will  be  demanded.'  Will  we  be  coiiK  iiled  with 
the  Rio  llravu  del  .Vurle — the  proper  name  of  ihe 
whole  river,  from  the  moimtaiiis  In  the  gulf  r  or 
.shall  we  require  all  New  Mexico,  and  carry  our 
western  limils  lo  Ihe  Sii'rra  Madre.'  Sir.  these 
arc  questions  which  il  is  proper  to  ask,  and  some 
one  in  the  confidence  of  the  Admiiiislration  or  ill 
its  counsels  ouslit  to  be  prepared  lo  answer. 

In  the  exercise  of  our  consiiiuiional  duties  wc 
have  been  called  on  lo  a|)pro]iriate  money,  and  lo 
aulhorize  an  increase  of  the  army  and  navy,  and 
in  the  amount  of  their  expenditures,  and  weou^'ht 
to  know  what  is  to  be  the  result  of  this  i(//ii)i«  ratio 
proceeding.  Sir,  it  requires  our  aid  and  action  lo 
furnish  the  men  and  the  money  fiir  prosecuting  this 
war;  but  it  does  not  need  either  our  aid  or  advice 
to  tcrmiiiale  it.  This  Hall  has  lately  resounded 
with  harangues  on  national  glory,  and  ilie  very  air 
is  riMlolent  of  all  sorts  of  patriotic  fervor.  As  the 
war  advances,  the  love  of  coumiy  glows  brighter 
and  burns  fiercer,  yet  who  on  this  flmn-  can  say 
when  in-  how  this  heaven-born  flame  is  to  be  ex- 
tinguished :  Shall  1  be  told  that  the  Adininislra- 
tion will  sedulously  watch  over  the  interests  and 
honor  of  the  country.'  That  the  President  and 
Senate,  as  the  ti-caly-making  power,  do  relieve  us 
from  all  responsibility  or  doubt  r  l'"or  one,  1  do 
nol  choose  to  trust  the  Administialion,  alter  what 
has  receiilly  transpired  by  way  of  a  treaty. 

Il  is  idle  lo  talk  about  the'  line  or  the  proper 
boundary  of  Texas.  Gentlemen  may  satisfy  them- 
selves and  others  that  it  is,  and  should  be, the  Rio 
tirande,  and  yel  some  fine  morning  we  m.ay  wake 
up  and  find  a  Irealy  subinilted  lo  the  Piesidenl, 
which  he  has  sent  to  the  Senate  for  their  advi'-.e, 
that  gives  up  all  we  have  been  fighting  for. 

This  is  nol  an  imaginary  cnnjecture,  for  a  simi- 
lar ruse  of  the  .'Vdniinislralion  has  transpired  within 
the  jKist  week.  Look  at  the  dre-^nni  allair,  and  see 
what  a  deplorable  condition  the  iVic-nds  of  the 
Presidcni  in  this  House  have  been  lurched  into. 
All  us  Fifiv-four-forties  have  been  plunged  below 
zero  by  a  i\-ce/.iiig  Executive  proceeding,  and  this, 
too,  by  the  same  power  that  at  the  opening  of  Con- 
gress excited  us  into  an  Oreson  fever  heat.  It  has 
seldom  been  my  fate  lo  be  on  the  sidi- of  the  parly 
in  power;  but  when  ihat  parly,  viunitingly  headed 
by  its  cii!''f,  assumed  ihe  American  title  to  the  ter- 
ritory on  tl,  North  Pacific,  I  Haltered  my.self  thai 
I  had  hit  il  K '-  nice.  Our  title  to  ,54<^  40'  was 
clear  and  iiiir[uesi"-iiiable,  said  the  President.  So 
it  was,  repeated  l!ie  Secietary  of  Slate.  Exactly 
so,  chimed  in  tin-  organ,  and  all  the  jiarty  gongs 
and  insirunienis  joined  in  this  iiorlljwesteru  aii- 
Ihem.  Sir,  is  il  nol  lanicnlable  to  relied  on  the 
vast  <|uaiilily  of  pairioiic  breath  tliat  was  here  ex- 
pended for  the  benefit  of  the  people  weal  of  the 
Stony  Mountains,  and  between  the  parallels  of  i)P 
and  .14''  41V  norlli  latitude' 


pectedly  brought  his  name  before  the  people  t 
candidiue    for    (he    Presiilencv  pledged    hiin 


ti-licy   piedgci: 
[ion  of  I'exas 


Mr.  Chairman,  i"S  the  friends  of  llic  President  in 
this  House  have  neither  displayed  astoiii.shnient 
nor  indiuiialioii  at  ihisKiiddeii  surrender  of  Ameri- 
can riL'hls  and  liinid  abandoiimeni  of  American 
title  in  flrcgon,  il  is  due  'o  the  country  that  arme 
one  should  remind  him  of  his  acts  and  former  po- 
sition.    The  political  convention  which  ao  unex- 

"  as  a 
and 
ihemselves  lo  llie  annexalioii  of  Texas  and  to  liin 
maintenance  of  our  title  lo  the  whole  of  Oregon. 
On  the  sti-jis  of  this  Capitol,  and  as  soon  as  the 
oath  to  observe  the  Consiilution  and  laws  of  tlip 
United  Slates  was  ullered  and  recorded,  in  the 
pieseiice  of  God  and  man  he  proclaimed  to  the 
world  that  oi.r  tide  to  tlregon  was  ^^eltar  and  iiii- 
(/iifWir/iirdi/i',''  and  iliat  lie  would  assert  and  main- 
tain il.  All  the  diplomatic  action  of  the  Admiiiia- 
Iratioii  was  required  and  exerted  in  order  to  prove 
to  Ihe  Anieriiaii  people  the  liiiih  of  hi.s  Inaugural 
Address,  that  our  title  was  clear  and  unqiiesiion- 
able.  'I'lie  newspaper  press  adopted  by  ihe  Ad- 
ministialion as  their  orL'aii  was  daily  employed  in 
discoursing  on  the  liiat;i;ui-al  text;  and  when  the 
Represeniiitivcs  of  the  people  came  here,  at  the 
opening  of  this  session  ol'Congiess,  the  l*residcnl 
laddly  reasserts  our  claim  and  lille  lo  .'i-io  40';  and 
so  sure  was  he  of  its  validity,  thai  a  liinping  anol- 
ogy  i-i  made  for  oll'ering  the  line  of  forty-nine, 
which  he  instantly  withdrew,  and  only  ofl'ered  out 
of  deference  lo  some  of  his  prederes.sors  who 
had  proposed  il.  Never  was  an  Executive  more 
pronijitly  and  vigorously  sustained  bv  his  friends. 
Gciiilcmeii  in  no  political  fellowship  with  the  (lariy 
in  power  looked  at  the  Oregon  allair  as  an  Ameri- 
can, and  nol  a  sectional  cpieslion.  All,  or  nearly 
all  of  us,  by  our  voices  and  votes,  afiirmcd  the  po- 
sitions of  the  President,  and  never  was  there  before 
so  large  a  nia|ority  cast  in  the  way  he  had  advised 
as  was  given  at  Ihe  termination  of  the  Oregon  de- 
bate. 

What,  sir,  ha.s  been  the  end  of  all  this?  Has 
(Uir  "clear  ami  itiiiiueslionable''  litle  been  main- 
tained, >n-  has  il  been  strangely  and  wantonly  bar- 
tered away  to  the  cupidity  or  power  of  England? 
We  have  a  treaty,  executed  so  far  os  this  Govern- 
ment is  concerned,  which  surrenders  lo  Great  I'ril- 
aiii  more  than  heretofore  was  ever  ollered  her — a 
ircaly  prepared  by  thai  rapacious  Power,  and  ihriisi 
into  die  councils  of  our  Chief  Magistraie.  We 
give  lip  all  iicn-lli  of  the  forty-niiilli  parallel,  and 
only  obtain  that  liii'-  lo  the  Straits  of  Foca.  We 
siirreiider  the  «  hole  of  Vancouver's  Island,  where 
the  line  of  the  forty- 11  ill  111,  if  carried  out,  wouhl  have 
given  ii.-i  one  lliii-(l  of  it,  end  with  that  one-third 
the  cinnmand  and  control  of  the  "  straits.''  We 
surrender  to  England  the  navigation  of  the  Colum- 
bia river  so  long  as  the  charter  of  the  Hudson  Ray 
Company  conliimes,  which  I  am  informed  is  per- 
pcliial.  These  are  some  of  the  terms  of  the  treaty, 
as  I  gather  them  from  the  public  paper.s,  and  it  is 
mortifying  and  truckling  enough;  but  what  will  be 
thought  of  Ihe  Adininislration,  if,  when  the  veil  of 
secrecy  is  rem  asunder,  and  the  doings  of  the  Sen- 
ate shall  appear,  il  may  be  seen  thai  all  the  best 
hinds  between  the  forty-ninth  parallel  and  the  Co- 
lumbia have  been  settled  or  squatted  by  the  Piiget 
Sound  Land  Company,  and  are  recognised  as 
rightfully  belonging  lo  Engli.sh  aiibjects:  ay,  more 
than  this,  sir;  f  greatly  fiar  that  fertile  lands  and 
choice  positions  north  and  even  south  of  the  Co- 
lumbia have  been  giiaranlied  lo  liie  Hudson  Bay 
Company. 

The  voice  of  the  honorable  cliair.nan  of  the  Coni- 
niitlee  on  the  Terriiories,  [Mr.  Di  i-<ii.As>,]  who  I 
see  before  me,  is  tuneless  now — liu-  heroic  bosom 
beals  no  more.  Why  sleeps  his  indignation,  and 
wherefore  is  still  that  tongue  that  can  deal  out  such 
deadly  inveciive  and  scorching  rebuke?  Whei-e 
are  ihe  political  friiiids  of  ihc  President  in  this 
lloii.se.'  This  Hall  is  as  silent  now  us  the  remotest 
sequestralion  of  Oregon  itself.  Is  there  no  iiidig- 
iiaiii  voice  to  burl  back  its  scorn  at  this  betrayal 
of  parly  troth  ?  Is  there  none  now  strong  enough 
to  sing  the  prai.ses  of  Oregon — of  American  people 
and  American  rights  lliere? 

••  Ami  iiiii.-l  tliH  tliciiie,  t.o  Ions  tliviue, 
[lr|{i'iienite  into  liiuuls  like  iiiiiie:'^ 

Sir,  it  is  nol  for  so  humble  n  person  as  myself 
lo  meddle  in  this  parly  strife;  but  I  had  supposed 
thai,  ere  this,  some  of  those  who  led  in  the  Oregon 
ilebale  would  have  denounced  the  catastrophe,  or 


722 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  90, 


29th  Cono IsT  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Unrraf^h. 


Ho.  OF  Rf.ps. 


nllpmplod  nil  rvrusc  fm'  diirh  nil  unncdniiitnlilc  I 
pvrnliiin.  If  cucli  sudilon  virriiiiTN  iif  Kxrriilive  "' 
opinini  «,  nnd  siioli  a  rccklrssnlniiiddnment  of  |iri)- 
rlnii'  J  risrlll^<nlld  priiiiiplos,  uiiilcr  lliesnlilprfiis'" 
iif  iilicalVi  I""  pi'Viuillril  111  piisH  widiiiiil  (•oinnii'iit 
(ir  rebuke,  tlio  diiy  nwy  i'"me  when  "  siimc  (Vsnr, 
willi  a  servile  iScnate  at  his  heels,"  will  howl  liiilli 
the  iTqiii»ni  of  dcparleil  lilierlv. 

When,  ill  III!'  early  part  of  this  session,  the  veii- 
riahle  •;enllenian  I'ro'ni  Massaehnsells,  [Mr.  .1.  U. 
AuAMs,]  with  prophetie  ken,  I'lretold  that  there 
would  not  lie  a  war  with  iMiirlaiid,  I  tVlt  and  ae- 
knowledjed  the  truth  of  the  predietion.  I  helieved 
with  him  thin  if  the  President  was  true  to  hiniself, 
as  he  stood  eoniinitted  on  the  (.>re;on  all'air,  anil 
timl  if  his  friends  in  CoiiL'i'ess  wonhl  mant"nlly  sus- 
tain him,  that  Kiiuland,  seeinir  'his,  would  aUan- 
don  her  pretended  eliiims— that  she  would  not  !;o 
to  war  with  ns;  Init  I  seareely  rrediled  the  other 
part  -if  the  fnrewarnin:; — that  there  was  no  dnimer 
of  a  eonlliet,  lieraiise  tlii.-:  Administration  would 
hack  out — IhnI  U  rniilil  no/  hr  kieKtil  niln  a  viir  ti'itli 

Sir,  I  was  deeeived  :  recent  events  liave  verified 
the  wisdom  and  sa::aeiiy  of  that  ilhisirions  man; 
the  Administration  can  niitlier  lie  eiilled  nor  kicked 
into  a  war  with  Gre-it  Uriiain;  Ik  r  naval  aial  mili- 
tary iiowcr  alarm  nnd  slioi-L'  the  nerves  of  the  Iteji- 
resentativesof  the  Wi-stern  impulscsaiid  tlieSonth- 
crn  ehivalry.  Speak  of  Tixas  anil  the  war  with 
Mexico,  and  nil  of  its,  from  the  President  down, 
are  vatoirlorionsaiirl  valiant.  "With  leelile  imhecile 
Mexico,  rent  as  she  is  Ky  her  milit;iry  tactions  and 
licarlless  rulers,  we  can  act  as  we  please;  hut  men- 
tion a  warwitli  Kii','laiid,aiid  the  scene  is  chaiv.'ed; 
the  jrannt  and  pallid  spectre  of  fear  comes  treni- 
lillns;  into  iheae  Halls,  and  winds  itself  into  the 
ehnmliers  of  the  Kxecutive  innnsion.  What  a 
startlinir  contrast  will  lie  presented  on  the  pai;e  of 
history!  On  one  leaf  will  lie  seiiiTlie  haulier  of 
the  eonntry  Iriiimpliint  and  aloft  on  the  nionntains 
nnd  in  the  valleys  of  Mexico,  carryiiisr  with  it  the 
frloriousboonof  our  free  institutions;  on  the  other, 
that  emljlem  of  the  nation's  honor  will  not  he 
found  lloatini  in  the  lirie/e,  lint  in  its  stead  will 
)ip|i€artlie  heads  of  a  treaty  to  despoil  our  inlierit- 
nnec  nnd  share  it  with  the  iirnitest  land-siinatler 
on  the  face  of  the  earth. 

Considerin;  what  has  recently  lieen  done  liythe 
President  and  the  trealy-makin;.'  power,  is  it  not 
proper  that  some  one  should  tell  ns,  who  vote  the 
men  and  money,  what  is  to  he  the  result  of  this 
Mexican  war.'  I  have  invsclf  an  opinion  what 
oiij^lit  to  he  in  such  a  treaty.  A  lioiindary  hetween 
us  and  Mexico  will,  as  a  matter  of  course,  hf-  s<'t- 
tlftd.  An  opportunity  will  lie  olfered  for  the  pur- 
chase of  California — the  Ignited  Stales  payinir  a 
just  price  for  the  same,  with  which  should  he  con- 
nected the  payment  of  the  sums  due  and  nwiiij  liy 
the  llepuhlic  of  .Mexico  to  citizens  of  this  country. 
And  the  occasion  ontiht  to  lie  seized  toohtain  iVoin 
Mexico  the  riu-lit  of  way  across  the  Isllimns,  from 
the  Gosaqnahiua  river,  in  the  State  of  Vera  f 'rnz, 
on  the  Gulf,  1 1  Tehuniiteprc,  on  the  Pacific,  a  dis- 
tance of  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles.  A  survey 
of  a  ship  canal  acros.s  this  place  h;is  been  made  by 
the  F'reneh  Government,  and  lonnd  to  he  alto'^ether 
practicable.  It  can  he  m.ide  for  ten  millions  of 
dullnrs,  nnd,  when  completed,  will  lirins  New  Or- 
leans within  four  days'  easy  sail  of  the  Pacific.  ' 
No  European  power  will  e\cr  ni;ike  this  canal, 
because  it  will  revolutionize  the  nioral  and  politi- 
caI  adairs  of  .Vsia,  and  will  brin:r  the  conimerce  of 
China  nnd  India  and  the  islands  of  the  Pacific  to 
New  Orleans  or  New  "\'nik,  on  their  wav  to  I'.n- 
rtipe  r.iid  other  parts  ot*  (lie  i^Iobe.  ,*\  voyai^e  to 
(.'hiiia  from  Canada  or  New  \'ork  now  re(|uiri*s 
from  five  to  six  nionlhs.  .M.tke  this  canal,  or  ctni- 
iieet  our  Atlantic  cities  with  ilie  Pacifii-  by  nulinad 
froir  -Missouri  to  the  coast  of  our  mnch-despniled 
Orcf^oii,  and  it  can  he  made  in  forty  or  fifty  days. 
The  Pacific  is  where  ilie  full  power  of  ocean  steam 
navigation  is  to  be  fully  developed — its  exemption 
from  frefpient  storms  and  its  pacific  character  udapt- 
injj  it  well  to  this  i.'reat  enterprisi-.  With  these 
hints  thrown  out  for  \\  hat  they  are  worth,  I  will 
now  cjill  the  attention  of  the  comniittee  to  what 
perhnp.s  I  had  better  done  nl  the  outset — the  bill 
now  under  consideration. 

Before  doin;;  this,  however,  I  deem  it  due  to  my 
most  rertpectable  uiid  well-beloved  I'olleaeue.s — the 
Democratic  nicmher»  from  Pennsylvania — to  con- 


dole with  them  in  this  tin'  hour  of  their  trihitlnlinn, 
and  to  ofl'er  them  my  sincere  fympalhy  for  the  tlis' 
lressin<r  nnd  perilous  condition  to  which  this  hill, 
the  work  and  the  pet  (if  the  Deinoerntic  majority 
in  this  House,  hns  hroii;;lit  them"  Theirs  is  a  case 
that  slrnni;ly  appeals  to  the  most  merciful  eonsidei- 
alion  of  the  committee.  Pass  this  bill,  and  what 
can  they  say  when  they  f;o  home?  Their  peoiile 
were  told  that  there  was  no  daiiirer  of  the  tarill  of 
IH4'J;  Polk  was  a  better  tarilV  mall  than  Clay,  and 
his  letter  to  .Tohn  Iv.  Kane,  was  torlur«'d  into  an  evi- 
dence' of  his  fondness  for  the  tarilfof  1H4'J.  Tlinl 
letter  answered  its  purposes.  It  enabled  cnnniii;; 
and  adroit  politicians  to  deceive  some  of  the  people 
in  the  tiirilV  States,  nnd  it  obtained  for  the  person 
to  \v  hom  it  was  nddresst-d  a  jniL'e-diip  in  thecoiirts 
of  the  I'nited  States.  Ihit  this  jiidu'eship  will  not 
satisfy  many  of  the  constitnenls  of  my  Democratic 
I'olleamues.  They  will  be  clamorous  to  know  how 
the  President  and  the  nemocraiic  party  came  to 
break  down  the  tarili'of  1810.  My  collea::ue  iVom 
the  York  district,  who  addressed  the  conriiitlee  the 
other  day,  very  truly  said  that  the  tarill'  was  not  n 
fiarty  rpieslion  in  Pennsx-lvMiiia  at  the  last  Presi- 
dential election.  The  Wlii::s,  he  told  ns,  tried  to 
make  it  so;  hut  the  Democrats  foiled  and  det'ciiid 
the  issue.  -Ml  this  is  as  true  as  preaching;.  Well 
do  I  remember  that  the  Wlii^-s  of  Pennsylvania 
bntiled  for  Henry  Clay  as  the  friend  of  the  iarilV  of 
1S4'J,  and  that  the  Democrats  claimed  a  un'cater 
merit  for  Mr.  Polk  for  ihe  same  cause.  We  .f;ot 
up  mer-timrs  and  processions,  in  which  we  resolved 
to  Mip]iort  Clay  as  the  friend  and  early  clnunpioii 
of  a  proteciive  tiiriiV.  (hir  friraiils  on  the  other  side 
ontimmbered  our  meetiiiirs  in  proclaimiiiir  Polk  as 
a  better  tarill'  man  than  Clay.  We  invoked  the 
muses,  and  re^'aled  the  people  with  all  sorts  of  tarifl' 
song.s,  in  which  Henry  Clay  was  identified  witii 
the  system.  Ihir  Democratic  friendsdid  the  same 
tiling  for  Polk,  and  saiiir  nsotVthe  track.  We  called 
forth  the  ueiiius  of  every  villau'e  artisi  to  decorate 
our  hauliers  with ''Clay  and  the  'I'arilVtif  Iv^'i.** 
The  Democr.ats  did  the  same  thiiiu,  only  siibstitii- 
titi;;  the  name  of  Polk  for  Clay  'I'hey'oiit-talked 
us,  they  ont-saiii;  ns,  and  oul-baiinered  ns. 

.Now,  does  not  their  case  feelinu'ly  appeal  to  the 
mercv  of  the  Democratic  majority?  -My  colleaijnes 
and  llieir  friends  so  iuana;red  as  to  carry  the  State 
f  0"  Polk, and,  PennsyKimia  leading  oil',  .New  \'ork 
followed  in  her  w;ike,  so  that  it  may  truly  be  said, 
that  .Mr.  i*olk  owes  his  election  to  the  vote  of 
Peniisylvania. 

I  appeal  to  the  ohnirmnn  of  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means  in  their  behalf.  I  do  not  .see 
that  L'ellllenian  in  bis  place;  but  if  he  was  there,  1 
would  piteonsly  ask  him  if  he  had  no  bowels  of 
compassion  for  his  Democratic  friends  and  my 
respectable  iolleai;ues.  It  will  not  do  tfi  say  that 
these  ^rcntlenicn  ^^ot  themselves  into  this  uirly  fix. 
There  ihev  arc,  ;nid  need  till'  luf  rcy  of  their  own 
jiarty.  Thev  will  understand  that  I  make  this 
ap|ie,il  for  them  voluntarily,  and  do  not  expect 
anv  public  ilianks. 

\lr.  Chairinau  fated,  w  lien   I   first  look  the 

floor,  that  niv  'I-  .-.i  was  to  L-ive  a  silent  vote  on 
this  bill,  and  iliat  it  was  only  cbiunji'd  when  I  heard 
the  speech  ot' ihe  i^entlenian  I'roni  Iniliiuia,  [Mr. 
i)wKx.|  That  tfeiitlemaii  has  diiecied  the  aiteu- 
tion  ol'tlie  comniittee  to  portions  of  early  l-ai;;lish 
history  and  I'tiLdisli  law — valnaiile  to  the  antiipia- 
rian,  creditable  to  the  si-liol:ir,  curious  to  all,  but 
pointless  ns  re;rartls  this  debate.  The  cruel  and 
unjust  lci;;islation  under  Henry  VIII,  or  the  capri- 
cious Klizal.eih,  or  the  reckless  Charles  II— laws 
riferred  to  by  the  irenthuum— can  illustrate  no 
principle  of  political  economy,  and  only  serve  to 
show  with  what  subserviency  the  people  were 
bronu'hl  to  submit  to  the  tyrannical  exactions  of 
the  blnlf  1  liu'r\*,  or  the  whim  ot'  l^lizabeth,  or  the 
caprice  fif  l-'iejland'.s  merry  monarch.  Had  the 
^xeiitleman  continued  his  historical  researches  he 
nii'.zlit  have  t'oiind  in  the  last  one  hundred  and  fifty 
yens  the"  leu'islation  of  Kni^land  in  regard  to  the 
e  ilonies.  He  ini;^lithave  foinid  in  the  nets  of  the 
Ihitish  Parliament  a  precedent  for  the  views  nnd 
lanuun^e  used  fit  thi.s  (lay  respecting:  the  mannfac- 
tories  of  the  I'niled  Siaies,  where  thev  nre  I'alled 
nnisani  es  and  tlieirowni-rs  robbins.  Ilad  he  look- 
ed into  the  .lournal.s  of  the  House  of  CoiniuotiN  for 


ity  ot  the  H 
'  (lay  to  the 


manufacturing  people  nt  that  larly  Hay  lotlie  mnn- 
nl'actories  cif  the  colonics.      Here  is  a  specimen   of 


the  nfl'ection  for  us  of  the  Government  that  is  now 
huided  for  its  pron;resa  in  free  trade  in  the  food 
iifcr.Mnn/  to  stop  the  eliunorins  mnulhti  of  her  lam- 
islied  iiiillions.  Tile  credit  of  huutiii;:  up  and  ar- 
raying llie.se strikini;  instaiicesof  Uritish  lei;islnlioii 
is  due  to  tin.  distiimuished  jurist  and  scholar  who 
represented  the  district  from  which  I  come  in  tlm 
^'.'itli  Cnniiress — the  Hon.  I'ichard  I'iddle,  of  whom 
it  has  olWn  been  s.iid  to  nie  by  tlio.se  who  served 
here  with  him,  that  he  never  spoke  without  com- 
manding: the  undivided  attention  of  the  House. 

I  call  the  attention  cd'  the  comniittee  to  an  extract 
or  two  from  the  Journal  of  the  House  of  (!oiu- 
inniis.  In  1717  a  petition  was  presented,  which 
rends  ns  follows:  ^ 

••  A  pclilioii  (if  iniiiiiinstcrs,  iriiiiaHiiitiers,  ciitltr.i,   IV 

Inilili  rs,  nailers,  siiiiili.f.  ami  iirlilicer.j.  in  ttic  iron  iii.niiiitiic 
tnrc,  livlnu  in  tlic  iiumi  oi'  Itiriiiinitliniii,  in  tlic  ('(iinitv  of 
\Viir\\icl(,  WHS  |irc!«i'ii1c(l  to  ttn-  llitiisc  niitl  rciid,  Nctliiit; 
tiirtli  lliiit  ^ll•llil<l  llicie  lie  ciicellra>:i'ineiit  t'ivcii  to  the  .-rni- 
/■iil;'  *m  /  mimii^.'i  tcic  o/'  iftii  in  ini/  it'iOi.'i  ti'.ii  tu'!oii:iiu  i  /.J 
A',«.lfrijc./i('i '/lojieiioi;*.  it  uilt  ccrtiiinty  tend  t<i  tlic  riiiii  or 
tile  iriiii  tiiide  (if  tins  txiinjijoni,  wliicii  eni|il<>v^  iriciil  iiiun- 
fiiT- (il'iicdiile.  Tile  ;;rc'('c«/ cnie*illn)itiiin  lit  (iiir  ioiii  iiiiili- 
ilt'iii'tiire-  i-  liiiw  M'MI  ;ilin>ii(l  to  tlic  |i]anlat)ii:i-.  vitiicli,  if 
till')  have  enc(nn:l«:i'nielit.  will  have  no  r(.i.,.«i',n  tor  ntir  '(^- 
vi^/'.n  c,  mill  the  lion  vvink^  nf  the  iiiitiini  will  he  tiitally 
runifil,  for  vviiiil  of  eiii|i|oyiii"iit  fur  tlie  |ioiir.*' 

Asaiii,  ill  I7.'tli,  the  Joiirii,;ls  of  the  House  of 
Coimnons  exhibit  this  entry: 

••  .\  iiclition  of  sniiilry  Ironinii.-ters  nnil  iniiimniiKer)'.  in 
liclntlf  of  Ihi'liisclvc..i  mill  iintliv  iillicr-.  tradinu*  tii  hi'  V:\ 
ji'-lv  '■'  [iliiiitalioii.j  in  ,\iiierica.  vvjis  presented  to  the  H'-nsi' 
and  niiil.  setliiii!  fiirlli  lliiit  the  inhnhitiiiil.."  of  New  K.niil.uid 

inivc.  v\  itiiiii  tlin r  four  vi'iirc  erccli  il  scverjil  forues  nnd 

slinin!<  nulls,  leid  itn  luiniiiiily  iiiiike  ii  {.Teat  deal  of  li.ir  iron, 
and  inaiiiifactiin-  the  said  iron  iiilii  itxrs.  lutih,  iinil  Mimlni 
olher  iiit'i-ii'^  :  .-llid  do  now  not  nitly  mpiifti  IhrmKCtrrt  with 
urelit  jurl  ofllleiriiailsaiid  iron  walc.  hnt'rxj>orl  crc/t/a./ii- 
lUiin  to  mnminthnafhii  ihi\i-^Ui\  /i/.rii'c/i'xn,  to  the  L'reilt 
decay  and  prejudice  id' the  iron  trade  in  this  liinminin,  vvhieli 

at  this  tin inplovs  more  pcnple,  es|iceially  of  tlie  poor 

liiliorioiis  sort.  Ilinii'  any  other  trade,  that  of  the  woollen 
tnanilf.ictiirc  oiilv  evccptcd ;  and  tliat,  inile>s  t/ieir  ^liltiua 
milh  are  ilf.itroiinl,  and  also  vomc  ^tn;»  foit  to  tlieir  iiiaiilifac- 
tiirinit,  (iiir  trade  tnit-t  siinn  tie  utterly  niiiled.  anil  preat 
nillllliers  (if  people  employed  ill  Ihe  iniikiili!  mid  iiiailllfiic- 
tiiriini  of  irnii  lie  deprived  of  ihe  means  of  siih-i.sti'iicc 

In  the  same  year  (IT.'lli)  nnother  petition  was 
presenlcil.     It  reads  as  follows; 

"  .\  petition  (if  >iinilry  iriiii(iiii.-lcrs  and  irnniiinneer««,  con- 

ecined  ill  the  itiin  inaiilifaclory  of  (1 iiinty  of  Worcester, 

ill  liclialf  of  themselves  and  "otlicrs,  was  presented  to  the 
House  and  read. setting'  fiirtli  that  in  that  and  other  ad|ueeiit 
eoiinlies  there  has  ioint  tieen  (>stal>lishe(]  the  ijreale-t  niaiiii- 
facloiy  of  iron  in  this  kinudoiii ;  and  that  tlnii  iiiiiniitaetory 
iivve^  ifs  orimn  :is  well  to  the  several  foraes  erected  in  the 
III  lijhliorli I  lor  makiiiL'  liar  iron  siiilalile  to  particular  pur- 
poses as  to  tlie  cri'Jit  [tleiitv  t.f  [lit  coal  and  the  cdnvenience 
nt'  the  Hi'VcMl  for  exportation;  and  that  their  trade  linfl 
always  increased  .ind  lioimshcd  till  lalidy,  in  proportion  to 
the  .■\niericaii  IManlations,  linl  iioie  ureatly  dcelines  for  want 
of  its  ii^iial  iteniands  ;  oml  li'ii\  llirii  i.oi  ^isirihr  to  luit/iiiiii  hilt 
the  inakiiiu  of  iron  mid  inai  ware'  ill  that  part  of  the  w  orld  ; 
and  that  iiianv  of  oiir  arlilieers  mid  workmen  have  uf  lute 
£0;ic  nit  lind  liave  relliov  ed  Ihelliselvi's  tlllllier,  as  it  u  to  In' 
Jr.iie'l." 

Nor  were  these  the  mere  efl'orts  of  the  idle  or 
jealous  few  who  coni;re'.rate  iiboiit  manut'actiirint^ 
towns  and  tradini^  marts.  They  remained  not  un- 
noticed on  the  Speaker's  table,  to  be  hurried  froni 
thence  to  repose  and  forL'etfnlness  in  the  dusty  mid 
unfreipiented  piieon-hoxes  of  Westminster  Hall. 
No,  sir,  they  received  the  early  and  earnest  atten- 
tion of  the  lloiise  of  Commons,  nnd,  with  eaijer 
haste,  the  Uritish  Parli:inienteniu'ted  strinirent  laws 
to  keep  down  and  break  up  the  striiifu'lhi','  maiiit- 
fiictories  of  America.  If  trentlemen  will  look 
throuL'li  llulVhead's  edition  of  the  lirilish  .Statutes, 
they  will  find  obimihint  instances  of  their  diui-esard 
of  everythite.,'  leiidin;;  towards  the  niannfiicturins; 
independence  of  the  colonies.  Thus,  nil  net  of 
Parliament,  pa.ssed  in  113'i,  has  the  following  |ire- 
anihle: 

"  U'licreap  the  art  and  niyslcry  (if  inalOnc  hats  in  Great 
llottin  has  mnved  to  ureat  perti-ction.  and  ennsiik-rnlile 
'tininlili'siif  lt:its,  inaiinlai  tared  in  this  kiiiL'diini,  liave  liere- 
liifore  lieen  e\|wirteil  to  his  .M:ijesty's  Plantations  or  ('(dollies 
111  .'Vnieriea.  who  have  heeii  soleiv  supplied  with  hsUa  tVoni 
tiT'-at  lltitain  ;  and  w  lieo  as  ureal  ipianlineii  of  lints  have  nf 
late  vears  lieen  in.-ide.  and  the  vnift  i/i.oiii/iic/nrp  i?  i/ai/v  i'"- 
erceait;  ill  tAc  /fj  ,'/e/i  I'liuitnlioii'i  in  .■/incrifii.  and  is  iinni 
thence  exp.irted  to  tiireicn  markets,  which  were  liurctnrnro 
Kiipfilied  frointircat  Hril.iiii.'* 
It  then  proceeds  to  entict — 

"Tliat.  at^cr  Ihe  •3*.llli  Hepu'inlier.  lo'Hi,  no  lint,  dyed  or 
iliidvcd,  tiiii-lied  or  iintinislted,  slialt  he  put  (in  liirird  any 
ve>sel  or  vvaiion,  w  nil  a  view  to  its  lieiin;  e\'|><irteil  mil  of  tlie 
.  piovinee,  on  penaltv  of  foifeilnre  and  a  tine  of  jt'.'illil.  No 
>  halaiaker  in  tlie  prov  iiiees  sliall  have  more  than  two  aiiprcn- 
ticcs  at  a  liiiie,  nor  steitl  he  employ  a  joiirneyinan  who  lull 
not  served  an  ajipienliee^lnp  of  bcvcii  years.*' 

Another  net  pnsaed  in  17.10  sets  forth  that — 


line  90, 


ml  JH  MOW 

l\m  1(1(1(1 
Did-  (i\m- 
ip  iind  iir- 

irlNlaiioji 

iilnr  who 
hif'  ill  tlie 

III' whom 
ho  scrvnil 

liilll  coill- 

iMise. 
Ill  fXIrai't 

ill"  Ooiii- 
"I,  wliich 


,  IVco- 

I  iiinniuii''- 
rilllity  (if 
ail,  NcltJHK 
!'■  Ilui  mii- 
I'/oiC'ftiij  la 

'  I'  nihi  of 
"■'II  niiin- 

iniii  iiiiiii. 
.  wliicli,  if 
/ill  onr  lit- 

III-  liitlilly 


l\ 


*'No  mill  or  (iUi«r  onuinn  for  ^lUlins  or  rollina  of  Irnii,  or 
«nv  plBlhis  fiirjc  lo  work  with  n  1111  linnimi'r,  or  nuy  fiinino' 
fur  nuikfllQ  ftPf'l,  Ntmll  bt>  erertntnt  riinttnnnl !  Aild  every 
Pitch  mill,  eneine,  furne,  or  fiirnnri!,  nhntl  lin  (Iccmei)  a  com"- 
MiiN  NninANCE,  lo  he  alialed  by  the  governor  or  llic  coiii- 
iiinndi-r-lii  ehh-fof  tlin  Ibrccrt,  wiUilii  sixty  dnjn  nftcT  infor- 
mation Kivi'ii.i^ 

Sir,  cnn  it  lip  possible  ihnt  Conirrosa  will,  at  this 
(lay,  p(?rform  llip  duly  nssiLined  to  the  ooininnndi'r- 
in-c.hicf  of  the  forces — n  duty  tlesii^ned  lo  cripple 
the  nntT!;ie3  of  the  proplc,  to  nricil  the  upward 
iio^jress  of  Voun?  America,  niiil  lend  to  divert  lier 
Vrtni  the  course  of  her  s'oriou.s  destiny. 

It  is  pnit  of  tlic  history  of  the  times,  llmt  such 
was  the  hnsiihiy  of  ihe  moihcr  couiurv  to  the  in- 
dependence, in  inide  ns  well  iis  evcrylhlnj;  else,  of 
the  colonies,  timl  they  were  compelled  lo  send  iind 
keep  nseiils  in  Knirlnnd  to  walcli  over  their  iiiler- 
ests — men  who  wi  r",  knockinsf  nt  the  dooi-s  of  I'ar- 
Immeiil  for  llmt  justice  which  was  denied  them, 
and  which  the  Ilevolulioii  demanded  and  acquired. 
These  and  oilier  wroniis  were  .^obmilted  to  until 
Inrhearance  cc.iseil  in  he  a  virtue.  The  4lh  of 
.luly,  1770,  came,  and  with  it  there  sprang;  into 
liciii:;  a  iiaiion  foremost  in  the  march  of  lime.  One 
of  the  causes  of  ihe  Revolution,  as  set  forth  ill  llic 
neelaration  of  Independence,  was  the  unjust  inter- 
ference of  ihc  mother  country  in  tlie  trade  and 
liusiness  of  Ihc  colnnies. 

During-  ilie  revohiiionary  slruirrle,  one  of  the 
Sreatcst  dilllciiliie.^  (Jcncral  Washimjion  and  the 
army  had  to  contend  ajainst  was  the  want  nf  the 
munitions  of  war  and  clotliinj  for  the  troops,  the 
laanulactiire  of  which  in  the  colonies  had  lieeii  dis- 
coiiiaued  and  forliiiUlcii  hy  the  Uiilisli  Parliament. 
Who  diws  not  shudder  when  he  reads  that  the 
march  of  General  Washiii'^toirs  nriiiy  lo  Valley 
Foi'L'C  could  he  tracked  liy  the  lilood  from  the  lacer- 
ated and  unshod  feel  of  his  palriolic  troops.'  So, 
too,  in  th'^  last  war  with  our  old  enemy,  the  want 
of  home  manufnclorios  to  make  clolhin^',  hiankets, 
cannim-shol,  iS.c.,  made  our  triumphs  less  frequent, 
and  added  larsely  to  the  exiieiises  of  the  conflict. 
Uut  let  us  return  to  the  early  days  of  the  Ilepulilic. 
I  love  to  dwell  on  the  times  of  the  Uevolutinii — lo 
think  of  ihe  men,  the  women,  and  even  the  romance 
of  that  classic  epoch.  I  prefer  to  drink  at  Ihe 
Kireams  that  refieshod  them  in  the  cau.sc  of  God 
and  their  cnimtry,  rather  than  lo  follow  ihegenlle- 
uian  iVom  Indiana  ihroujih  the  muddy  waters  of 
I'iuKlixh  serfdom. 

Mr.  Chaimiaii,  the  President,  ihe  Secretrry  of 
the  Treasury,  and  the  iViends  of  this  bill,  now' 
gravely  assert  that  Congress  has  no  power  to  pass 
leveiiuc  law.s  with  a  view  to  protection  of  Ameri- 
can industry;  that  there  is  no  coiisiituti  mal  author- 
ity for  the  exercise  of  any  power  to  pnitcci.  Reve- 
nue, they  now  tell  us,  is  the  sole  auihurity  for  lay- 
in;;  imposts  and  colle'llns:  duties;  and  that  the  true 
."Standard  of  the  duly  .s  the  amount  of  importations 
that  will  he  produced  under  it.  Let  me  ask  those 
(renllemen  lo  tell  me,  if  C'oiiL'ress  does  not  possess 
the  power  to  protect  the  labor  and  industry  of  the 
country,  where  ihe  pow  r  is  to  be  found  f  Does 
it  exist  nowhere  i  Oo  tl  e  Slates  possess  it,  or  has 
it  perished  in  soiiieobsci  re  way  .'  Sir,  I  trust  thai 
1  shall  lie  able  to  show  that  this  power  belonged 
lo  the  Stales  under  llie  Coiifederalion,  was  exer- 
cised by  them  to  prolrct  their  manufactories,  and 
was  surrendered  to  ('ongress,  under  the  belief  and 
trust  of  iioih  the  donor  and  ihe  donee,  the  Slates 
and  the  General  Government,  thai  Congress  would 
exercise  it  for  the  benefit  of  the  Slates.  'J'lie  sur- 
render of  so  great  and  important  a  power  was  not 
done  wathout  due  consideration  ami  full  informa- 
tion. It  was  not  an  idle  cer(?niony,  giving  nothing 
and  acquiring  nothing.  It  wiiH  a  surrender  of  a 
great  power  of  Stale  sovereignlv  lo  ihe  necessities 
of  tile  times,  and  with  the  unilcrslanding  that  it 
would  be  exercised  for  the  benelit  of  all  the  "  Old 
Thirteen." 

After  the  revolutionary  war  was  terminated  by  the 
licaly  of  peace,  signed  nt  Paris  in  1783,  the  colo- 
nies experienced  the  want  of  proper  laws  to  direct 
their  trade  and  commerce  with  foreign  nations.  Un- 
der the  articles  of  the  ('oiii'(Mleraliou  no  such  syste-'i 
was  adopted,  nor  could  any  be  obtained  from  other 
couuli'ics.  None  of  the  Kuropean  Powers  would 
make  ircnlics  in  relation  to  our  trade  or  commerce, 
because,  as  a  Confederation,  the  authority  to  im- 
pose discrimiimling  duties  was  in  the  respective 
States,  and  not  in  one  genera'  ,■  tveriiiuent.  The 
Government,  under  the  Confedcrii.'on,  had  not  the 


power,  and  therefore  il  was  powerless  lo  act  against 
ihe  reslrictivn  policy  of  oilier  nalioiis.     This  will 
'  niipear  lo  have  been  the  difllculty  in  the  way  un- 
der Ihe  Confederation,  by  reference  lo  the  works 
i  of  Mr,  .TcfTerson.     lie  went  abroad  as  a  commis- 
'  sinner  to  negoliale  commercial  treaties,  and  his  let- 
leis,  written  during  the  years  nH.")  and  l7?li,lo.Tohn 
.'\ilams,  .loliii  Page,  .lames  Madison,  and  others, 
show  the  opinion  of  that  great  slalesman  as  lo 
the  jirojiricty  of  the  Stales  siirrendering  the  jinwcr 
to  lay  duties  to  a  general  govenimcul,  and  also  as 
lo  what  sliimld  be  ihe  policy  of  loading  ihc  British 
mamifacturcs  with   duties.     I  read    his   IcUer  to 
.lolin  Adams,  dated  November  19,  1'6't: 

'•The  (IctiTiiiiiiiitiun  of  lliM  IIriti.-)i  ('atiiiicl  lo  malic  ii^^  , 
c((iiid  Irenly  with  ii<  continiiit  nic  ill  llic  o|»hiiuii  exprcs-ci    i 
in  your  Idler  of  (Ictolier  Ql,  timl  Ilic  riiilcd  tsialiM  mil.  i 
pil-^H  n  nnvii;iili(in  net  n'.'aiii-l  Ureal   llrilaiii.  >tnil  lanil  /er  j 
mnttufitilnrp^  uilh  liutiotj  so  lu  lo  yivc  n  [irercrulicn  to  tho:*R 
ofollicr  ciiiiiilrii'd." 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  under  the  Con'cdera- 
lioii  no  symeni  of  dis' ■ -iiiinaling  duties,  nor  of 
commercial  treaties  with  niimi  nations,  could  be 
adopted  or  negotiated.  'I'lie  Govt  rnmeiii  had  not 
the  requisite  power  for  either.  Not  that  the  power 
exisled  nowhere,  but  because  the  Slates  pos.'iesscd 
il,  and  had  not  ]mrlcd  with  il.     The  Stales  not  only 

\  possessed  the  power,  but  some  of  them — New 
York  and  Pennsylvania,  and  perhaps  others — ac- 
lually  exercised  il  to  protect  and  eiwourage  their 
Stale  manufactures. 

i  The  General  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  pre- 
vious to  the  adoption  of  the  Consliiuiion  of  the 
United  Slates,  jiiissed  seve'ral  acts  for  the  express 
purpose  of  protecting  the  labor  and  industry  of  lier 
ciii/ens.  On  the  SOili  of  September,  17H5,  an  act 
of  Assembly  was  passed  bearing  this  title:  "All 
'  act  to  (aroiiriige  nii<l  prnlrcl  ihe  manufactures  of 
'  this  Stale,  by  laying  additional  duties  on  the  im- 

*  portiilion  of  certain  inanufaclures  vhirh  iiitfrfcrt 

•  irillt  Ihtin."  This  act  was  followed  up  byolbers 
of  similar  import  on  tlic34ih  December,  175l.'i,and 
Hih  March,  178li,  and  finnlly  by  the  net  of  ailih 
.March,  17r*S,  entitled  broadly  "An  act  to  encour- 
age and  protect  the  manufaclui'cs  of  this  Slate." 

Sir,  this  power,  po.s.<es.seil  and  exercised  by  the 
.Slates  under  Ihe  Confederation,  is  denied  to  llicm, 
and  the  exercise  thereof  inhibited  by  the  Conslitn- 

j  lion  of  the  United  Slates.  That  Constiluiioii  was 
adopted  in  Seplemlier,  ]7f<7,  and  empowers  Con- 
gress to  lay  and  collect  iinpnsls,  and  alsfi  lo  rcgii- 
l.ite  commerce  with  foreign  nalioiuiand  among  llic 
several  .Slates.  It  forbids  the  Stales  lo  lay  any  im- 
posts or  dniies  on  any  exports  or  iuiporls,  except 
what  may  be  absolutely  necessary  for  executing 
it.s  inspection  laws.  Pennsylvania,  by  ratifying 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  Slates,  has  deprived 
herself  of  the  power  to  protect  her  manufactures — 
a  power  which  she  jinssesscd  and  exercised  under 
the  Coiifederalion.  She  has  yielded  the  power  lo 
Congress,  and  lier  people  expect  and  demand  that 
il  should  be  exercised.  You  but  mock  at  hercalam- 
ilies  when  you  tell  her  thai  there  is  no  power  in 
Congress  to  protect  her  labor,  and  that  the  only 
use  of  this  high  grant  is  to  collect  revenue  without 
regard  lo  protection:  a  mere  inachine  lo  increase 
iinportalions  mid  break  down  the  industry  and 
skill  of  the  coiiiilry;  lo  collect  money  enough  lo 
feed  and  jiay  Government  officers  and  carry  on  its 
(  oncenis,  and  to  give  American  employment  to  the 
low-priced  labor  of  Europe. 

Mr.  Chairman,  tlii!  men  of  Ihe  Revolution,  those 
who  framed  iIk;  (.'onslilulion  of  the  United  Slates, 
and  who  look  part  in  the  deliberalinns  and  legisla- 
tion under  it,  enterlaiiicd  no  such  free-trade  opiii- 

i  ions.  The  people  everywhere  in  the  .Slates,  in 
giving  expression  lo  their  joy  at  the  adoption  of 
the  C'onsiiiutioii,  forgot  not,  in  their  manifestalions 
of  delight,  to  jiroclaini  that  now  a  Government  cx- 

j  isled  with  full  power  to  pnilcct  lliem  in  ilicir  trade 

I  and  commerce.     This  is  familiar  to  all  acquainted 

i  wilh  the  history  of  those  times.  The  first  Con- 
gress under  the  Consliiuiion  met  in  the  city  of  New 

;  York  on  the  4th  of  March,  178!),  and  immediately 
the  people,  by  petition,  demanded  encouragement 
and  protection  to  their  commerce  and  manufactures. 
Little  more  than  a  moiiih  afiec  the  assembling  of 

I  the  first  Congress,  on  the  llih  of  April,  1789,  will 
be  found  this  entry  on  ihc  Journals  of  the  House: 
"  A  pelilioll  of  the  Irndcsiiieii,  iinnulaclilrerH,  and  ollicrs 
(It"  llic  town  of  lliiltiiiiiire,  in  tlie  .'<talc  oi'  Marilaiiil.  «  lni.su 
iiaiiu'sarc  llicrenatn  uiiliBcrilicil.was  prcsenlcijlo  the  lloiHe 
and  read,  priiyiim  for  dii  imiHUilion  ofsneh  ihitien  on  tilt  for - 

'  eign  artklet  iMicA  cixn  be  mitde  in  t^merica  nn  will  give  n  just 


nnd  decided  preference  lo  the  InlmrH  nf  the  petitioners,  nnd 
that  then?  may  he  erniitcd  to  ilicm,  in  coiniiioii  wilh  the 
other  iiiaiiiifacturiT!«  nnd  incclmnip.^  of  llie  Cmtrd  Hlates, 
Mich  ri'lii,-f  as  ill  liie  wi.-doiii  o!  Coiiijrcfls  may  appear 
proper.'* 

On  Ihe  18ih  of  April,  17H9,  llic  .Tournals  of  the 
House  show  another  petition,  from  the  mechanics 
and  manufacturers  of  tlie  ciiy  of  New  York,  in 
which  the  petitioners,  in  powerful  language,  de- 
mand that  Congress  will  "extend  a  jiroltcting  hand 
to  the  inlen'Slsof  comnicrce  and  the  arts."  From 
Philailclphia,  Iloslon,  and  other  places,  similar  pe- 
titions were  presented  to  the  Mouse,  and  will  bo 
found  on  the  .Tocrnals,  and  arc  publislicd  at  length 
in  the  Slate  Papers,  vol.  I.  These  early  iniliea- 
lioiis  of  the  power  .wid  duty  of  Congress  lo  protect 
the  niaiiufactiiies  of  the  country  will  rejiay  a  peru- 
S'd,and  I  recommend  theni  lo  the  consiileralion  of 
those  conslilnlioiial  lawyers  who  have  rrrown  so 
much  wiser  than  the  foundcis  of  the  Union.  In 
these  good  old  limes  even  the  Stale  of  South  Caro- 
lina regarded  the  General  Governinent  as  qualified 
to  protect  her  commerce  and  shippiiig  inleresls.  On 
the  .loiirnala  of  the  House  will  be  found,  April 
13,  17S9: 

<-ThcpcliHonof  Ihe  njifpwriittitn  nf  the  cilvof  riiarleston, 
ill  the  Slate  of  South  rariiliiia,  wa-i  prcMi  ntcd  to  the  llnu.-e 
mid  rctld,  stating' the  distress  they  are  in  friim  tin-  decline  nf 
thalhraricliofhiisiiii'ss.  and  llic  p'resi  iil  sinnlion  of  the  trnde 
of  the  ITiiiied  Slates;  and  pniviOL' that  the  wisdom  luiil  policy 
of  tile  National  Lesi^laliir.'  may  in- directed  lo  such  mcns'- 
ilrcs.  ill  n  ^enernl  rcmilatimi  of  trade  and  tlic  eslablislimeiit 
ni'  n  proper  iiavifialinii  act,  ns  will  tend  to  rellevi-  tlii^  par- 
ticular (li^lress(-s  of  the  pelitioii'rs,  and,  in  conimnii  with 
tlKMii, lliosc  of  their  fellow-shipwrii'litsljirougliout  the  United 
Slltes." 

Was  there  any  doubt  entertained  then  whether 
Congress  possessed  the  power  to  encourage  and 
protect?  Why,  sir.  Congress' answered  this  South 
Carolina  petillon,  and  gave  lliem  the  act  of  July, 
1789,  imposing  duties  on  loiiiiage,  and  hiving  a 
duly  of  fifty  cents  per  tun  on  all  I'lneigu  vessels. 
This  is  ()i'o/fc(io/i  to  Aniirican  shipping  interest, 
asked  for  and  obtained  by  the  Slate  which  now 
denies  the  existence  of  any  power  to  protect.  So, 
too,  the  first  Congress,  !ii  answer  to  the  petitions 
of  the  people  for  |)rolcclion  lo  American  trnde  and 
m  luufacliires,  enacted  the  law  of  the  4ih  of  July, 
1789,  which  contains  the  familiar  niid  definite  pre- 
amble, "  whereas  it  is  necessary  for  the  support 
of  government  and  the  fiifoiirngfmfiil  and  iirolec- 
I'wii  rf  the  maniiftictvrirs  that  duties  be  laid,"  &c. 
This  act  passed  on  the  4lh  of  July,  (the  political 
Sabbath  of  the  nation,)  and  rcceivc'd  the  signature 
and  np]iroval  of  George  Washington,  whose  whole 
life  was  devoted  lo  the  good  of  iiis  country.  Sir, 
permit  me  to  .say  that  I  regard  the  jireamble  to  this 
celebrated  act  as  containing  the  true  doctrine  on 
the  subject  of  impost  laws.  It  discards  the  ncw'- 
fangled  free  trade  notion  that  rcvemie  is  the  only 
authority  for  collecting  duties,  and  says  truly  that 
it  was  enacted  not  only  for  revenue  but  also  for 
protection;  and  I  believe  that  the  best  revenue  bill 
will  be  found  to  be  thai  which  affords  a  fair  nnd 
adequate  |irotection.  It  should  not  be  forgotten 
that,  whilst  il  is  juoposi  d  by  this  bill  to  reduce  the 
duties  on  all  nrliclcs  the  produce  or  mamifaclurc  of 
the  United  Slates,  it  imposes  them  on  a  variety  of 
articles  not  in  competilinii  with  us,  and  which  are 
now  free.  Tea  and  colfcc,  now  u.sed  as  a  daily 
beverage  by  all  our  consiituenls,  is  lo  be  taxed  lo 
make  ^11  for  the  reduced  duties  on  protected  arti- 
cles. '1  he  gentleman  from  CJeorgia  regards  iron 
and  salt  as  much  necessaries  of  life  ns  tea  and 
coffee,  and  wonders  how  it  is  that  the  latter  is  ex- 
empt from  duly  and  the  former  is  dutiable.  Adopt- 
ing I'ci'iHiic  ns  the  only  standard  and  rule  to  be 
observed  in  providinga  system  of  duties,  he  ia 
probalily  in  the  right;"  but  if  you  apply  the/iro/fc- 
lire  principle,  his  wonder  wilfbc  rradily  dispelled. 
We  protect  wlial  we  gnnv  and  make  ourselves, 
not  only  with  a  view  In  revenue,  but  as  an  item  of 
protection.  Iron  and  salt  are  inaiiufactured  by  our 
labor;  lea  and  coffee  are  the  products  of  other 
climes,  and  cannot  come  into  competition  with  the 
labor  of  our  people. 

I  have  not,  Mr.  Chairman,  prepared  Iheslatisli- 
cal  tables  necessary  to  exhibit  the  operation  of  the 
tariff  of  1843,  and  to  compare  the  results  with  ihose 
of  former  tarilV  laws.  1  have  neither  the  neces- 
sary information  nor  the  ability  to  argue  or  ex- 
plain this  aspect  of  the  protective  sy-stem;  other 
gentlemen  fully  competent  to  the  task  will  do  so, 
I  trust.  The  honorable  gcnllenian  from  Georgia 
|Mr.  Seabohn  Jonf.s]  has  bcseeched  us  to  abnn- 


t24 


•29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Tariff— Mr.  J.  II.  FMing. 


[June  Qr: 


Ho.  ov  Reps. 


don  llie  pnliroayatcni  of  |iTnlreiion,  «nd  to  imilate 
Kiisliinil  ill  llirowiii!;  open  Iht  puria  to  tlir  lircnil- 
fltiill's  lit'  the  world.  I'o  soiillenirn  flnllor  them- 
fclvi'.-)  Ilmt  llir  rcprnl  of  llir  Urilisli  corn  liiwn  is 
oiil  ofiifTrrlioM  for  iiK,  mill  ia  onr  ol'thfl  triiiinplis 
of  llio  doclriiic  of  fror  trnde?  No,  sir;  Kii'^ilniiirs 
iit:irviit!j  niilliona  nro  (■l;\MioroMH  for  lirtnil:  il  ia  lie- 
romiiii:  witli  licr  n  (|iipsii"ii  of  liiciid  or  rrvoUilinn, 
nnd  ahc  ]iprinitM  otluT  nations  to  fill  tlio  fllarviiiir 
rtioniliM  nf  llioRO  wlioni  win'  is  lirrwlf  unnlile  lo 
fiTil.  TliP  iniiinifii'Inrinu' inliTCsIa  linvc  givin  lo 
ffvi'Mi  Uriliiin  lior  iiilliini.'i'iind  her  powrr:  In  fml 
tlipi'lcinpnlsof  iJiispowiM' — liir loiliniranil  illy puid 
men.  wonvMi.iind  ''luMirn — shr  hiis  nilniiltril  ihc 
priins  of  olliiT  cnuiiirirs.  I  Tor  policy  is  tlir  cnliih 
lislinirnt  of  forri'^ii  niiirkrlM  lo  I'onfiini''  llir  liilior 
of  her  iimiKMisi'  populalinn.  I'or  this  slic  Ik\s 
fh"i'nt*hril  tin*  p.lains  and  mountains  of  India  in 
hiniian  Mood;  fnt  afcin'ii;n  nvtrki'l  slic  Ini.',  at  ap- 
pari'iit  Ins:*,  pnfsuod  and  lailar.'id  licr  colonial  svs- 
fcni:  for  lliis  she  lia>j  C'dnni/cd  Australia  and  \'an 
Dicnian's  Ijioul,  and  for  tliis  she  has  claimed  and 
jiiirsli  d  ns  '■■•!;  i'l'a  valnable  scacoasl  nnd  territory 
'in  ''..^.in. 

I  find,  in  n  laic  ni  mlirr  of  the  Fdiidnirgh  lie- 
view — a  puldicalioii  which  speaks  .he  sentiments 
of  ihc  ISrilish  Minislij  ,  if  any  one  ,ioes— the  ali'irni- 
nncc  of  this  opinion.     Hear  ih^  Review: 

■' Ilawcvcr  tlic  politiiiil  qllotinn  tictwi'eti  Kliylnml  mill 
AliK'ricil  u.*  t>  thi  inviier-!,t|»  of  Orc^nii  nia,\  h'-  li-'ciilcH, 
Ori-a  ta  can  ncvci  ti-  C'tliini/i'il  over  laisl  from  the  i;,iMi  in 
Sinii-s.    ill  tlicniiini  liin-.  the  InPL' line  eri-nii>i  ((il(>rcu"'ii) 

invites  caiiu-nlieit  fr.aa  ll ver  imoiOciI  ^hiirc>  cirilir  (Hii 

Worlil;  wlicii  om-r  the  i-ilniin-  er  llmiin  in  rciwlcreil  irjiv- 
ersnlilp,  the  vnv.'ilic  will  lie  caMcr  iiinl  slinrter  than  to  ,-\ii^- 
trttlin.  wliieli  ;Vl.lll*)  or  our  eoiintrytnea  Iiave  iiiinle  in  a  ^jll- 
gle>i'!ir.     iii-t  ii>  iiul.  tlii'ii,  reiiia'in  ,iiiiili'r  tlic  iilli- pi-r^iia^ 

sinii  that  \\i'  hav-'  i-nluiiii',- iitrli.    Il'thert'  is  any  urn-  thiiiu 

on  wilietj  the  inaiiileiiaiieiMil"ttiat/irri7oi'«!rtP'f/nf-«ln  whieh 
we  have  iillniaeit  ile[iein|s,  riinre  lliini  all  ihe  rest,  it  i.s  eiil- 
nlilzatinn,  the  openinn  ^if  ii'  ir  in<irKrlK,  the  nentiott  of  new 
e".«/'nncr«.  Whal  «e  Mam  is  mil  to  ilr.-iw  uirilrihletB  t>iiiii 
onr  teeiiiliiLMiiillliniilcs.  liMt  to  t'eaiKl  ni'«  naliniis  nf  cniii. 
niereial  nllie^.  ta  llli>  vii-w  .  to  the  nnitiiiT  ceinifry  it  oriciw 
It  ne'c  mttrkct.  It  tbrae*  a  n<-\v  link  Hi  llie  chain.  alonL'  wliieh 
Mir  cninmercial  iinircnniinniiicatiDii  is  carrieU.  Tin-  utter- 
tnost  iH:it>  of  llic  t\i]th  itri-  ulii  la/icnViOiri'." 

Sir,  if  yon  destroy  the  protective  svstem  nl  this 
lime,  yon  will,  I  fear,  not  only  indict  n  deadly 
woiniil  on  the  lahorand  skill  of  this  I'ountry,  lait 
yon  will  open  for  the  ciieap  lahnr  of  h'nrope  a  new 
market;  von  will  create  tor  them  new  cnslomers, 
more  profilaldc  than  l-aiL'land  has  recently  ohtain- 
ed  liy  tjraspin^  the  utlirinost  pans  of  the  earth  in 
Iter  colonial  system. 

The  hnnnrahle  L'cnlleman  who  oppned  this  de- 
hate  thou2*ht  proper  In  enln^'ize  the  liberal  views 
anil  stalesmanship  of  Sir  Uohert  Peel,  nnd  wished 
that  ninny  here  would  iniilnle  liis  e^caniple.  Sir, 
Ihe  Minister  of  Knslaiid  in  resard  In  the  corn  laws 
has  only  done  that  which  he  cnnld  not  have  avoid- 
ed and  retained  his  place.  He  has  admiileil  in 
Hritislt  portal  hreadstnlVs,  w'hen  necessity  and  per- 
haps rehelliini  or  revolution  was  harshly  deinand- 
ino;  the  measure.  Unt  what  else  has  this  threat 
cotnironer  done  to  merit  the  admiration  and  ap- 
iilaiise  of  this  Hnuse  r  With  one  liand  he  asks 
forliread;  with  the  other  he  lolls  another  knell 
over  the  insulted  people  of  Ireland.  His  corn  law 
hill  is  accompanied  hy  lii.s  Irish  coercion  hill,  nnd 
whilst  he  is  here  spoken  of  as  in  advancf;  of  the 
a'_'e  in  i-elation  to  the  former,  he  has  with  the  oiher 
measure  i;one  hack  with  hariiaric  ."tride  to  the  t'en- 
dalism  of  the  1,'jth  century.  The  rnrfcw  law  that 
ran?  its  feudal  peals  to  the  oppressed  peasantry 
ond  collared  serfs  of  that  period,  is  to  he  re-enact- 
ed for  Ireland.  Kvery  iTian*s  housr-  is  no  lnni,^er 
to  Im  his  castle;  it  ia  In  lie  lilotled  frcnu  the  ri(,'hlH 
of  the  Irish  people.  The  '^rent  Chatham  said, 
"  that  the  meanest  cottai'-e  in  the  realm  was  secure 
'  from  the  insolence  of  office  and  the  nisression  of 
*  pi^twer;  that  it  ini'.dit  he  rnnile.'ss'.  that  the  snows 
'  of  heaven  misht  drift  ihroiiKh  it;  that  ihe  wind 
'  mii;ht  enter;  the  storms  mitrht  enter;  hut  the 
'  Kins  of  KiiElnnd  could  not  enter.  All  the  I'nrces 
'  of  the  crown  dared  not  pass  the  threshold  of  that 
'  ruined  tenement."  Vain  prediction,  for  m  unr 
days  taking  a  ducvoflT  corn  Justifies  an  ontraire  on 
one  of  the  most  lieaulifiil  features  of  the  liritisli 
Constitution.  Sir,  In  our  hiudntions  of  this  corn 
law  champion,  let  us  not  fnr;rel  that  he  it  is  who 
insults  the  ijenerouB-henrted  children  of  Ireland  at 
the  door-sills  of  their  cabins  nnd  at  their  hearth- 
stones. 

I  hope  that  the  hill  will  not  receive  the  approval 


of  the  Hoii.se;  that  the  "  American  Hyslem  will 
be  permitted  to  ronliime,  to  reninnernle  in  n  proper 
I  deji^ree  the  wn^es  of  labor;  so  that  the  people  may 
have  confidence  in  the  permniiency  nf  that  system, 
as  Ions  as  it  iniiy  he  needed,  to  protect  the  indns 
try  and  independpnee  of  the  connlry. 


THK   TARIFF. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  .f.  H.  EWTNG, 

OK  PKNlVSVt.VANIA, 
K'  Tilt'.  Hm  «t;  nf  Ukpukskxi  ativk.s, 
,/imc  a.^,  184(>. 
The  Hnu.'-e  beins  in  Conimiltee  of  ihe  Wliide  on 
the  stale  of  the  Trnion  on  the  hill  to  i-editcc  the 
duly  on  IinporlH,  and  for  other  |.urposes — 
Mr.  I'.WING  addressed  the  Cmnmittee  as  fol- 
lows: 

I  rise  with  some  reluctance  upon  the  present 
occasion  In  address  the  coniiniltee  iipnn  thesuliject 
nnw'  under  con;<idei-alion,  as  I  can  have  little  hope 
of  arresliii't  their  attention,  aficr  what  has  been 
said  on  the  snhjeci.  I!ul  the  interest  which  the 
State  that  I  in  part  represent  feels  in  the  preser- 
vation of  the  protective  policy  In  all  .-Xmericnn  in- 
lei-ests,  induces  me  to  participale  in  Ihe  debate. 

The  siibjcc!  h.is  been  sn  t'lequcnlly  discussed,  ' 
nnd  so  favorably  received  by  the  cnnntry,  licit  we 
mi^'lil  Inive  hoped  thai,  at  lea.sl  for  the  present,  the 
subject  would  not  have  been  niritatcd.  Still,  there 
are  those  who  contest  bolh  the  constilutionalily 
nnd  expediency  of  the  measure.  As  to  the  first, 
if  precedents,  or  the  judicial  decisions  of  onr  hitrh- 
est  irilmnals,  are  worih  anythin!:,  this  ciuesiion 
ous^lit  to  be  considered  as  settled,  as  we  have 
both  in  its  I'lvnr.  Tlu^  :itlention  of  ihe  connlry 
was  enrlv  called  to  the  subject.  Inimediatelv  after 
Ihe  ndoiitioii  of  the  Conslitiition  and  orsanlzntion 
of  the  Government,  on  the  meelini  of  the  first 
t'onijress,  I'residcnt  Washington  recommended  the 
siibjcel  lo  their  attention;  and  anion;;  the  very  first 
acts  which  theyjiasscd  was  one  for  the  enconraije- 
inent  of  domestic  manufactures,  nieehaiiicarts,  and 
of  home  labnr;  and  it  will  be  recollected  that  there 
were  nianv  niemliers  of  iliat  body  who  had  partici- 
pated ill  the  tornniiion  of  the  (..'onstitutinn,  whom 
we  may  suppose  understood  all  the  powers  intend 
I'd  lo  be  ciinlerreil  by  its  provisions.  And,  in  ad- 
dition In  this,  it  is  a  measure  which  every  Ailinin 
istratinn  Ironi  that  lime  dow'ii  to  the  present  has 
recommended  and  supported.  Ibil  il  would  seem 
that  the  jiri'sent  incumbi^nts  have  had  some  new 
lic;hl  shed  noon  them,  and  they  present  to  the 
cnnntry,  as  an  experiment,  a  total  ehanee  in  their 
whole  revenue  laws;  the  expedicncv  of  which  there 
is  no  beiii'r  rule  to  jitdsre  of,  tlnui  the  practicil  ef- 
fects of  the  system  upon  the  cnuntrv,  of  which  all 
can  form  an  opinion.  '^Dienries  may  Ini.k  well  npnn 
jtaper;  but  wlien  tlieycnnie  lo  be  carried  into  exe- 
cution, they  often  prove  fallacinns  and  dcslrnciivi.'. 

There  is,  then,  everythin<r  in  the  slate  of  the 
coiintry,  one  would  have  sniiposed.  to  warrant,  at  , 
this  time,  n  coniiniiaiice  of  her  present  proli'ctive 
policy, and  leave  undisturbed  the  tarifVact  of  IHJO^ 
whetlier  we  look  to  the  hiirhly  prosperous  emidi- 
linn  nf  the  country,  or  to  the  amninit  of  revenue 
reipiired  to  be  raised.  There  has  been  no  perind 
of  our  cnnntry  in  which  all  her  ijreat  interests  have 
been  more  ]irospernus,  when  all  her  resfiurces  .are 
develnpin?  themselves,  nnd  the  niaiiiilacturin£;and 
luechauic  arts  are  niakinii:  rapid  pro;;ress  to  coni- 
pei(.  with  the  world  for  n  market  fnr  her  prodiic- 
linns.  And  nt  the  inomi'iit  while  I  am  speakin;:, 
many,  very  many,  restiinj^  with  confidence  upon 
the  prnleciion  heretofore  afl'orded,  <irf'  inveslin;; 
larir*'  amoniiis  nf  capital  in  m;iiiufactnres,  from 
which,  if  left  undisliirbed.  lliey  may  derive  a  fair 
interest  from  their  investments,  and  afi'nrd  emiilny- 
tnent  to  thousands.  Ones  tiny  one  desire  to  brina; 
back  the  same  state  nf  lliines  thai  existed  in  IHia, 
when  a  i^lonm  overshadnwi'd  the  whole  c^ninlry — 
the  Government  bankrupt  and  withonl  eiedit,  and 
the  whole  industry  of  the  cnnntry  paraly/ed,  one- 
half  of  niir  factories  stopped,  and  the  balance  iloinir 
half-work,  the  laborers  thrown  out  nf  einploynient, 
and  no  means  of  supporting  themselves  and  fanii 
lies.'  I 

II  was  under  this  state  of  lliinKs,  when,  in  ll^42,  i 
the   laborins   eommunily,    feelins;  thai    they  had  ' 


'  been  misled  nnd  deceived  by  Ihe  frce-trnde  llien- 
ries  advocated  by  the  demaso;»MPs  of  the  day, 
look  npon  themselves,  in  defiance  of  the  political 
patronajie  of  the  Government,  aided  and  .snslained 
by  nn  active  and  powerful  political  party,  to  placo 
lit  llie  head  of  this  Govennni'iit  inie  ol'^  the  noblr! 
sons  of  the  patriots  of  '7fi:  anil  with  him  ennio 
into  power  a  AVhi'.;  ('on<.ri'i'ss,  that  immeiliately 
reinstated  the  policy  under  wdiicli  the  enimirv  had 
always  prospenal,  when  properly  re;^ilated,  and 
in  eonsefiiience  of  which  she  hns  arrived  at  her 
present  pi-nsperous  condition;  and  all  inii.si  renli?o 

the  im|irove nt,  from  the  lime  of  the  pas.sn^e  nf 

Ihe  pre.^ellt  tariff  bill  to  this  lime.  If  there  be 
any,  then,  who  doubt  as  to  the  policy  of  piotec 
tioii  to  hnine  manufactures  ami  labor,  let  Ihein  com- 
pare the  present  stale  of  tliiims  with  whal  they 
were  when  Ihe  prcsint  law  was  enacted,  to  which 
I  have  heretofore  referred  them.  But  it  is  eon 
tended  that  other  causes  have  existed  lo  hriiii; 
about  the  distress  which  exislecl  prior  lo  the  pas- 
sage of  ihejiresenl  law;  thai  ihc  slate  of  the  cnnn- 
try was  dilierent;  her  linancial  concerns  deraneei'- 
Thai  is  true;  but  what  caused  il.=  f.ow  duties,  by 
which  our  cotinlry  was  Hooded  with  foreign  ninn- 
iifactiires,  onr^specie  drained  from  ns.  The  same 
slate  of  lliiii'.;s  has  uniformly  ocenni'il  under  simi- 
lar eirciimstances,  and  always  tinder  low  iliitieH. 
I  appeal  lo  those  who  rememlier  the  periods  Irnni 
181.')  to  IH'-M,  and  from  iNl"  to  184-J,  and  rely 
upon  facls  i-alher  than  them'ics;  from  which  they 
will  barn,  that  whenever  this  eountry  has  nn'orded 
adequate  protection  to  her  enterprise  and  labor, 
just  so  in  propwrtion  she  lias  tlnnrished  and  pros- 
pered;  and  wliencver  the  Goveniment  has  failed 
to  afford  that  protection, her  business  declined  nnd 
I  distress  followed. 

I  In  thecon.sideralion  of  this  .subject  as  applicable 
I  to  thi,s  conniry,  we  iiinsl  lake  inio  view  the  char- 
■  iieter  of  onr  people,  the  object  nf  our  Govei'nnienl , 
and  the  ndaplnlion  of  our  climate  nnd  soil  to  the 
prodiiclion  of  all  the  necessaries  of  life,  as  well  as 
the  mineral  resources  of  the  eountry  as  ndnpled  to 
ihe  wants  of  the  ]icople.  h'irsl,  then,  as  to  oiii 
peojile  and  Government:  1  desire  losec  the  people 
of  this  Goveniment  placed  upon  a  higher  plalfiirm 
tlinii  they  are  in  the  old  coimlries.  I  do  not  wish 
I  lo  see  them  Inborin?  nt  tvvelve-nnd-a-lmlf  cents  per 
I  day;  I  do  not  wish  to  see  onr  females  driven  lo  the 
fields  to  labnr  fnr  a  bare  support,  and  nur  atjricid- 
tural  populatimi  mere  serfs  of  the  soil.  No;  wc 
must  have  a  different  slate  of  things;  ilifierenl 
hfipes  and  aspiwitinns,  and  a  hii^her  nnd  nobler 
ambition.  It  is  false  reasonin;;  to  compare  the 
freeborn  eliildreii  of  this  happy  Republic  with  the 
iL'nmanI,  ''-  '"lied,  and  desjraded  population  of 
Kuropean  ^.-mitries.  Our  Government  is  ditler- 
ent,  our  habits  dilierent,  our  education  dilierent, 
our  home-born  comforts  and  enjoyments  are  far 
superior.  Let  us  not,  then,  sacrifice  all  these 
comforts  for  baseless  thenrie.>i,  and  destroy  the 
happiness  and  welfare  of  our  people  by  adopting  ix 
policy  borrowed  from  other  countries,  in  eircuin- 
stances  wholly  different  from  onr  own. 

I  desire  to  make  this  a  model  sovernmenl,sueh 
as  onr  fiithers  intended  it  to  be;  on;  :-f  self-irmern- 
nieiit,  where  nil  should  be  placed  upon  in  etiunl 
fbolini;,  with  the  same  rii;hts  and  privilege  s  to  nil; 
wheii!  virtue  and  inlelli'ieiiee  idiould  nione  entitle 
her  citizens  to  claim  preeminenca  in  society:  a 
eouiili-y  of  political  and  religions  freedom.  I  would 
iisk  if  this  IS  to  be  bron[rht  about  by  this  levelling 
sysli  111,  which  is  so  strongly  ndvoenleil  by  those  in 
liiL'li  places-  .Nol  so;  we  must  not  seek  the  aid  nf 
other  countries,  and  ninkc  our  labor  dependent 
I  upon  till  in;  we  must  be  independent  of  the  world 
for  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  wc  must  render  Ihe 
emphiyments  of  our  people  such  as  lo  enable  all  to 
mairitniii  tliemaelvea,  nnd  educate  their  children, 
and  difbise  intelhtjence  abroad.  We  have  a  coun- 
try unequalled — possessing  all  that  variety  of  cli- 
mate and  soil  capable  of  producing  all  the  impor- 
tant neces.saries  nf  life;  onr  nsricultnral  adv:intages 
I  are  superior  tonny  iialion  on  earth — capable  of  pro- 
ducing almost  loan  unlimited  extent.  Already  do 
we  raise  mnre  breadsuifl's  than  will  supply  linme- 
consuniplioii.  We  lia  v(mi1  so  a  large  extent  of  soutfi- 
ci'ii  cnnntry,  adapted  lo  the  crowing  of  sugar  and 
cotton,  the  latter  of  which  is  exported  lo  n  large 
amount.  We  likewise  have  one  of  the  best  era/.ing 
countries  in  the  world,  from  which  we  may  realize 
large  profits  by  raisingof  cattle,  horses,  hogs,  sheep. 


lino  25, 

il«  llmo- 
llie  cliiy, 
polilirnl 
l^nstaiiifii 
f  Id  plni'ij 

JlIlP   l|lll>lf! 

Iiirn  cnrnf! 
'iH'diiili'ly 
linlrv  Imil 
|<l'<l,   mill 

ll  Ml    llfl- 

■•'I  rnili?!- 

^MN.Sn:.rf   III' 

Ihi-rc   l.f 
'f  inotoi' 

lliriririiiii- 
■lm(  llicy 
tip  wliii.lt 

III   JH  nit) 
Id    liiiii^ 

llin    |P11S- 

lltii'  I'Oiin- 
lliTniiffMij. 
liilieM,  liv 
■iirn  iiinpi- 
'lin  Miinir 
iiiiT  Kiiiii.. 

\v  lIlItipH. 

IdiI.s  I'nini 
(inil  rely 
lii'li  llipy 
iillinileil 
mI  lalior, 
mil  |irns- 

IMN    lililfll 

lini'il  nnti 


1840.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  CONORKSSIONAL  GLOBE. 


;i25 


•2!)th  Cono 1st  Skss. 

«.Vi'.,  anil  llie  iipvwinf;  nt'  wiiul  to  aInioNt  any  extent. 
AIiIiiiiikIi  lull  ciimpniiitivily  a  t'uw  years  siiirn  «(■ 
•  omnu'iiroil  thu  vi'ii'il-ijrDwins;  llusilu■^ls,  we  lia.i' 
ritai'ly  ii  IidiIIC  hu|i|i.,",  anil,  If  iljirr  wa.s  a  fair  ilr- 
imiiiu  fur  thv  aitlcle,  llii'  i|iii>niily  i'diiIiI  Iio  iluiilileil 
in  llirrc  yeai'J''  lliiii'.  In  aililitioii  to  all  iIiokc  n;;ri- 
uultinal  iiriiiliatiDiiH,  wliicli  luir  riiiniUy  id  nii  bus- 
M'plililoDf  raisiiii,',\vu  liavi' great  iiiineriilnjsources: 
iriili,  riial,  cii|i|ier,  leail,  i!Il'C,,  all  which  an'  fnuiid 
ill  ahiiiidani'.u  in  dilVi'iinl  sei'ilniia  iif  lair  niiniiry, 
mill  of  cc|ual  purity  Id  any  other.  Tlio  i|iie3iiDii, 
then,  very  natunilly  pre.scniH  ilNolf  tn  every  refleet- 
iiiK  niinil,  whether  It  in  lieller  fur  this  eiauitry  lo 
Cosier  and  elierl.sh  all  llie.se  (;n:at  natural  iT.HOiirecs 
nf  weallh  wliieli  she  piisse.'^seH  ilir  inaimfiictureH 
and  the  ineeliaiiie  arts,  or  eiMifitM:  her  altiiiithin  tii 
Jigrii'.iihiire  aintie;  liceiiiKse  the  poliey  of  free  Iraile 
nt  this  lime  must  neeessurily  lead  u>  this  rcsull.  As 
we  till  nut  pMSscss  either  lhe('a|iital  or  laliiir  to  eiini- 
pele  with  ihe  fi)reiij;iii:r,  in  liriiii^in^  into  iiuc  those 
great  ri  soiiiees  of  wealth,  we  do  not  iirofesa  Id  lie 
able  to  inaiuifuetiire  many  arlieles  as  cheap  as  they 
do  in  the  old  I'omilrie.s.  The  price  of  lalior  in  our 
eoiniti^y  is  vastly  hi'^lier  than  in  the  eiowded  piipii- 
talion  of  other  eounlries;  and  I  do  not  suppose 
«ny  one  would  desire  to  sec  the  piiie  of  labor 
broui^ht  down  lolhe  same  slaiidard  as  there.  And 
if  the  laborir  should  have  to  pay  a  trifle  more  for 
ihe  article  of  domesuc  manufacture,  he  has  the  sul- 
isl'aelion  to  know  that  he  receives  live  limes  as 
much  for  liis  lalior  as  he  would  under  a  ilillureut 
slate  oftliiii'^s.  And  we  find  by  experience,  that  as 
we  progress  in  any  business,  and  coinpelition  can 
be  kept  up,  the  price  of  the  home  iiiaimfaclured  ar- 
ticle has  fallen  imu'li  below  the  price  uf  ilie  import- 
ed article  previous  to  the  lime  at  which  we  com- 
menced the  business.  This  is  fully  llluslialed  in 
the  manufacture  ofcoar.se  ciiUons,  nails,  and  fjhiss, 
v.hii  h  can  now  be  had  at  oiie-lhiid  less  price  than 
they  could  before  we  ciimmenceil  the  business. 

There  are,  nl  this  lime,  liinusands  and  lens  of 
thousands  in  ihis  country, ciii;aged  in  manufactures 
and  mechanic  arts,  such  us  woollens,  coltons,  iron. 
Halt,  leather,  hais,  shoes,  and  ii  thouKimd  other 
cinploymenus  conneeled  willi  these,  all  of  which 
receive  their  prolcciiou.  iSuppnsc  the  prelection 
hbrclofiiie  ullbrded  is  taken  from  all  those  articles, 
and  our  peojile  are  not  able  to  conipele  with  the 
foreign  uriiclcs:  the  consequence  must  be,  ihatlhey 
will  have  to  abandon  the  business.  Anil  to  what 
will  they  turn  their  attcnliim  .-  The  free-traders 
say,  we  inusl  be  an  agricultural  nalion.  .Suppose, 
then,  all  those  engaged  in  those  several  employ- 
ments referred  to  should  turn  their  utlenlion  lo  ag- 
riculture: anyone  can  readily  sec  the  conseipience 
of  such  a  course.  Already  there  is  a  surplus 
of  breailstiiirs,  and  no  market;  and  you  increase 
the  i|uaniity  tenfold,  and  rely  upon  the  foreign 
market  lo  enable  you  lo  purchase  all  the  neees.-ia- 
ries  of  life.  When  they  waul,  they  will  purcha.se 
fiiini  us,  but  should  ihey  have  a  supply  at  liouie, 
or  nearer  at  hand  than  ours,  we  shall  have  no 
markel.  The  consequence,  Ihen,  is,  ihat  wc  have 
abundance  u>  eat,  but  nolhing  lo  purchase  any 
oilier  necessaries  of  life,  and  thus  reiuler  ourselves 
perfectly  depenileiil  on  oilier  iialiDii."',  who  will 
take  all  the  advantages  which  we  have  given  llieni 
by  uiir  erroneiiiis  iiolii-v.  There  is  nothing  which 
so  readily  shows  tlie  folly  of  such  a  course  as  when 
we  take  into  view  the  distance  of  our  market — hav- 
ing to  transport  our  agricuiiural  iirodncesonie  three 
thiiusand  miles.  The  cost  of  transportalioii  and 
other  incidental  charges  laken  from  llie  price, 
would  leave  little  for  ihe  producer.  Vet  ihis  is  the 
result  of  free  trade.  The  jirire  of  wheat  al  this 
time  is  not  as  much  in  Liverpool  as  in  our  easieni 
cities;  yet  wc  have  a  large  surplus;  so  ihat  the  great 
nioikct,  which  our  woslern  free-trade  friends  were 
to  have  when  the  liriiish  ports  would  lie  open  to 
our  breadsiull's,  has  vanished. 

There  is  no  market  you  can  rely  upon  except 
ihe  home  murket.  You  must  adopt  such  a  policy 
as  will  induce  men  lo  engage  in  inanufactuies,  the 
mechanic  arts,  and  all  ihe  various  |Hirsuils,  lo  ren- 
der ourselves  indepeiidenl  of  any  oilier  country, 
liy  this  means  you  diversify  labor,  and  each  one  is 
providing  for  the  various  wants  of  society,  and  the 
farmer  feeding  them  all,  and  ill  return  receiving  all 
tlie  comforLs  of  life  from  llieni.  If  there  be  a  sur- 
plus of  any  one  article,  it  goes  into  the  foreign 
market  as  so  much  gain,  .lust  in  proporlion  as  a 
nation  shall  induce  a  diversity  of  employment,  so 


The  Tariff— Mr.  J.  IJ.  Kwinfr. 

that  there  is  a  mutual  dcpendcnrc  aino.  r  ItH  mem- 
bers, and  its  industry  so  arranged  as  lo  meet  the 
wants  of  the  whole  rommiuiily  lo  the  exlenl  of 
the  demand,  Ihen  prices  will  regulale  ilieinselves, 
and  become  nnifoi'm;  but  win  n  dependeni  on  for- 
eign nations,  the  result  is  just  the  reverse — llie  prices 
are  always  uncertain  and  wavering.  At  this  lime 
there  is  in  this  country  a  very  large  amount  of 
capital  invested  in  manufaclnres,  and,  froin  their 
ingenuity  and  skill,  are  enaljlid  to  furnish  many 
articles  nearly  as  cheap,  if  nol  allogeilier,  as  the 
foreign  produclion,  and  a  belter  arliele.  We  have 
arrived  at  this  in  conscipience  of  the  piotei'lion 
afforded,  which  has  eiiused  CMiii|teiilion  ai  home, 
and  a  reduction  in  price;  and  had  not  Ihis  protec- 
lion  been  alloideil,  iiiiiie  would  have  been  induced 

10  enter  into  a  business  which  would  have  been 
eerlain  lo.ss  to  him,  but  we  should  still  have  con- 
linued  lo  purchase  the  foreign  produclion,  and  ren- 
dered ourselves  a  dependant  nation.  Why,  then, 
this  restless  spiril  at  ihe  Soulh  in  regard  to  imagin- 
ary evils  and  oppressions,  which  are  conslanily 
imilating  the  connlry.'  They  fust  advocaie  one 
policy,  which  the  counlry  adopts,  and  tl  e  peofile 
all  adapt  themselves  lo  it,  when  they  change 
their  opiniuiis,  and  ihey  expect  every  other  person 
to  change  aLsii;  and  all  this  wilhoiil  any  known 
cause.  We  see  nor  hear  of  any  distre.-.s  in  all  this 
extended  country;  yel  a  bill  has  found  ils  way  into 
the  House  without  any  one  asking  il,  calcnialed  lo 
uproot  and  destroy  the  whole  business  of  the  coun- 
lry. tins  nol  the  present  revenue  bill  met  the  ex- 
peclalion  of  the  counlry?  Has  il  not  produce,'! 
sulHcient  revenue  to  meet  the  ordinary  expenses  of 
the  Government.'  Has  mil  the  whole  business  of 
the  country  been  reiiislatcrl,  and  now  ill  a  most 
prosperous  condiiion  ?  And  yet  an  experiment  is 
to  be  tried  on  the  counlry.  by  the  liitroiluclion  of 
a  bill  the  features  and  jirinciples  of  which  are  to- 
lally  dill'crent  from  our  piescnl  system,  and  allo- 
geilier uiilrieil  in  this  counlry,  or  [  believe  any 
other.  It  was  reconimended  for  the  first  lime  by 
Mr.  Secretary  Walker,  in  his  report  made  to  the 
present  Congress,  and  has  been  adopted  by  the 
comiiiiltee  oi' this  House — a  system  of  ad  valorem 
duties,  the  effect  of  which  will  be  found  inopera- 
tive, and  deslnictive  lo  llie  business  of  llie  counlry. 

11  must  necessarily  h'ail  lo  great  frauds,  as  the  ii'n- 
porlcr  will  have  his  goods  invoiced  al  perhaps  half 
their  value,  send  lliciii  lo  ilieir  agents  here,  and 
ihey  are  entered  in  the  cusloni-liouse  al  invoii-e 
prices,  by  which  ihey  will  pay  bul  half  what  they 
onglil  or  would  .have  lo  pay  by  home  vahialion;  so 
that  but  little  protection  is  allorded,  and  less  reve- 
nue. 

Hy  llieprinci|ile  hereloforc  adopted  of  specific  and 
minimum  duties,  a  much  greater  amoinilof  reve- 
nue is  derived,  and  a  f'airer  proleelion  to  home  pro- 
ductions, linl  il  would  seem  thai  llie  coiiimiuec 
had  ill  view  the  forei<jn  inleresl;  for,  nol  eonti'iit 
with  ihe  reduction  of  diiiies,  llicy  also  arc  prepar- 
ing lo  furnish  the  foreign  maiiufaclurer  a  store- 
house for  bis  u'Doils,  by  which  he  may  send  his 
goods  iiilo  the  counlry,  slore  llieni  up,  and  wail 
the  opporlunily  of  the  most  favorable  niarUel,  and 
by  Ihis  means  have  llie  country  al  all  limes  Hood- 
ed with  foreign  |iroductious,  to  the  prejudice  of  the 
home  manufacturer,  and  the  inleicslsof  the  coun- 
lry generally. 

The  friends  of  llie  present  liill  do  nol  profess 
ihal  it  will  produce  anything  like  the  same  amount 
of  reveiiiie,  with  like  iinporlalion  as  lierelofore,aml 
the  deficiency  is  to  be  made  up,  according  lo  l\Ir. 
Secretary  Walker's  notion,  by  buying  more  of  llie 
forei:;n  produclious  and  li  ss  of  llie  home;  lake 
I'roni  our  own  people  and  i:i\e  it  to  lilngland;  starve 
our  own  peojilcind  feed  foreign  jiaupers. 

To  what,  llien,  are  we  to  atlribule  Ihe  change 
sought  for  by  the  genlleman  from  Georgia,  [Mr.  S. 
JoN'Ks]  ?  I  presume  he  gives  ihe  true  one;  be  says 
il  was  .w  decreed  at  the  li.illimorc  Convention, 
where  they  decided  that  all  duties  were  a  lax  on 
the  agriculturisls  of  the  country,  and  must  be  re- 
repealed.  Now,  sir,  if  that  be  the  senliment  nf  the 
farmers  of  Pennsylvonia,  I  either  niisnndersiand 
or  misrepresent  them,  as  1  icpresent  eiuphalically 
an  agricuiiural  district,  where  ihe  people  live  by 
the  raising  of  grain  and  wool;  and  all  ihat  I  own 
is  conneeled  with  those  pnisuiis.  If,  then,  the  doc- 
trine of  gentlemen  who  contend  for  f'ree  trade  lo 
benefit  the  farmers  be  true,  I  am  ailvocaling  a  pol- 
icy contrary  to  their  interest  as  well  us  my  own. 


Ho.  or  Rkps. 

But  the  farmers  of  my  district  nre  Inlplllgeiu  men, 

j  who  believe  that  they  cannot  betier  proleci  their 
own  inleresl,  than  by  proleciing  the  maniifiteuir- 
iiig  and  mechanical  iirls,  by  which  they  create  a 
demand  for  their  agricultural  prodiii'l^i,  and  enablo 

j  Ihein,  by  rendering  their  business  profitable.  In 
purchase  them;  and  llie  more  yoii  can  induce  to 

'  enter  into  those  rinploynienls,  so  many  moiT  there 

i  is  In  feed.  And  Ihey  have  learned  from  ilieir  ex- 
jierieiice  that  whenever  there  was  fair  and  just  ju'o- 
tectioii,  lliey  received  full  prices  for  their  proiliice; 
and  that  us  duties  were  lowered,  prices  regularly 

'  fell;  and  being  satisfied  with  this  practical  illnslrii- 

■  lion  of  the  policy,  ihey  do  not  desire  that  any  ex- 
perimenls  sliould  be  made  at  iheir  exnense.  The 
idea  so  much  hawked  aboiii,  ihat  all  other  iiiler- 
esls  are  taxed  for  the  benefit  of  the  manufiiclnriiig 
inleresl,  IS  most  alisurd;  ihey  receive  no  grealer 
proleelion  than  any  oilier  inleresl.  There  is  a  duly 
on  nil  foreign  proilnclinns  which  come  in  conipe- 

I  lilion  with  the  home  productions,  and  Ihe  dulies 
levied  are  not  for  the  iniliviilnals  engaged  in  any 
parlicniar  business,  bul  ihey  are  for  ihe  proinolioii 
of  the  business  ilself'.     'I'liere  are  no  luonopolies 

;  in  this  counlry;  every  branch  of  busiinss  is  open 
lo  conipclition,  to  all  who  may  desire  to  enter 
into  il. 

IMiicli  has  been  said  as  to  the  profils  nf  the  man- 
ufiicturing  interest  as  compared  with  agricnliiire: 
thai  ihey  leceive  do.ible  the  amount  of  per  centage 
on  their  cnpilal.  It  is  true  ihat  the  capital  invest- 
ed in  mannfaclures  has  latterly  yielded  a  greater 
profit  than  the  agricuiiural;  and  so  it  ought  to  be, 
as  his  risks  are  U:nfold — his  whole  capilal  may 
he  lost  in  an  hour;  the  fiirnier's  course  is  slow 
but  certain.  Il  is  also  urged  ilial,  nolwilhsuuiding 
we  are  aide  lo  mauiifaclure  some  articles  as  low 
asilieycaii  be  imported,  the  dniies   are  slill  coii- 

.  tinueil.  Now  I  would  ask  those  gentlemen,  if  ihey 
have  any  right  lo  coniplain  if  ihey  gel  ihe  article. 
IIS  cheai'i  as  ihey  could  if  ihe  duly  was  taken  olT? 
What  possilile  dilTerence  could  il  make  lo  them .' 
Their  I'oclrine  was  to  buy  where  they  could  buy 
cheapesl;  and  where  could  the  South  buy  their 

I  coarse  collons  cheaper  than  in  llie  market  of  their 
own  counlry.   .\nd  il  was  a  matter  of  some  import- 

'  ance  to  ihe  maiiufaclurer  to  have  the  whole  mark- 
el, as  he  could  niauiifacUire  J1,I)I)0  worth  of  goods 

,  cheaper  than  he  could  <ii."illU.  It  is  morlifyiug  to 
wilness  here,  and  in  certain  porlioiis  of  ihe  counlry, 
such  feelings  of  hostility  id  home  produclion.  I 
am  sorry  thai  genllemei'i   have  so  lillle  American 

I  fieling, 'and  that   the  press   should  be  so  lolally 

j  devoid  of  pride  of  counlry;  which  remark  niiglit 

i  well  apply  lo  the  Government  organ  in  this  cily. 

:  Instead  of  exulting,  as  one  would  do  who  pos- 
.se.ssed  a  true  American  spiril,  in  the  progress  of 
our  counlry  Inwards  real  and  practical  indepen- 
dence, thai  organ  scnned  nol  to  know  what  such 
a  f^jeliiig  iiieaiil.  Nolhing  will  do  but  ihey  must 
be  conlinually  quoting  Knglish  aiilhorilies  against 
our   home    policy;    and    when    our   lale   exhibi- 

'  linn  was  held  in  this  cily  of  the  production  of 
American  ingenuity  and  industry— a  spcclucle 
well  calcnialed  tn  move  and  warm  the  heart 
of  every  man  who  loved  his  counlry — that  paper 
breathed  nolhing  but  a  spirit  of  conlemplnoiis 
ridicule:    it  was"  called  a  liumbug,  and  held  up 

,  to  scorn  anil  eontempl;  while  a  conslant  elt'ort 
was  made  by  daily  editorials  to  produce  an  unlh- 
vorable  impression  ihronghout  llie  counlry  towards 
our  native  indiislrv.  Thai  paper  should  have  been 
the  last  lo  hold  such  language,  or  brealhe  such 
a  spirit  while  it  was  feeding  so  lavishly  at  the  pub- 
lic, crib,  enjoying  the  greatest  monopoly  under  thi.s 
Goveriimeiii. 

Much  has  been  said  about  the  price  of  labor 
since  the  passage  of  the  present  tariff  bill.  It  has 
been  conlendcil  that  all  llie  benefits  inured  lo  the 
proprielius,  and  not   lo  the  laborei-s.     Now  this 

,  allegation  is  not  snslaincd  by  fads;  as  it  apjiears 
from  all  the  statements  which  have  been  exhibited 
by  tl  '  manufi.clurers  ihronghoul  the  whole  coun- 
try, thai  iniiiiediately  afler  the  passage  of  ihe 
bill  of  lti4'J,  prices  advanced,  and  there  was  a  de- 
mand for  labor.  And  I  well  know,  that  in  a  largo 
inanufiicturing  dislrict  adjoining  my  own,  (the 
city  of  I'illsbiirg,)  which  is  noted  for  its  numerous 
factories,  and  proverbial  for  ils  industry,  that 
prior  lo  the  passage  of  the  present  titrilT  bill,  there 
existed  great  distress  among  the  laboring  popula- 
tion of  Ihat  district;  that  iimny  of  the  manufacto- 


126 


APPEIVDTX  TO  THE  CONGRF,SSIO^Ar.  GLOBE. 


iJune  10, 


2{>rii  CoNO IsT  Se»h. 


Clerks  in  iliv  Puhlic  Drpnrtmtnts — Mr.  Sawyer. 


Hi),  or  Rbps. 


I  ifl 


rii'K  li'ul  Kli>|i|" il  Wink  ali"i:i'(ln'r,  unci  nmiiy  niliorx 
only  iliiiii;;  liuli  WDik,  iiml  liiiiiiliTdN  uiiliimi  any 
('iii|>l<>yiiii'iii  wliaU'vii',  Tlic  rliani;!',  hciwcHT,  waH 
nlnio.-it  inHtarilanrutiK  alitr  llif  |iai(ita^r  of  ttir 
piT.<int  taiiir  law.  t'linticlrncc  Mils  ri'sliPicil,  lilV 
wan  hrcallii'il  into  llii'  wlioli:  cniinliyi  laliiir  waH  In 
dciuaiHl,  priri'S  advanced,  anil  all  a|i|)rar('il  (n  t'tt-l 
niul  Iprt'atiK' «-a.4it'r;  (lir  r.uiiicr  a:.Mni  rDiind  a  mar- 
kc'l  I'or  Ills  piiiiJiii'liaiiN.  Tln'y  du  iiol  drsiic  Ki 
widK'Ss  a  irnrwat  ol'  iIhikp  hitims.  Ii  Wtudd  not 
be  iin  pa?<v  lawk  in  nijivime  lluni  lliat  Inw  iliin™ 
)(a\c  liiuli  {ii'ii'c.H,  uikI  iliat  Trci'  inulc  (ipi'mlid  in 
I'aviir  ol"  lioniu  lalKn",  ihc  y  liavo  Ifainril  ill  llie  1 
seliiinl  orixin'riiiiii'  iliu  sad  vi'Vimsc  ol' this.  ' 

It  lias  liifii  lonkiuli'd,  Willi  a  spiiil  of  (niimpli, 
that  till"  jujipli'  liail  ui\fn  ti  lair  fXiirrsMion  at  llir 
laic  I'ri'.sidi'iiual  i  !i'' linn  in  latm  ol  ilu'  ri  nral  ol' 
the  proic'i'iivi' |M>lii-y;  ilial  llic  issiir  ,va.s  made  on 
tin-  ri'iiral  ■d'  llic  liill  ol'  I'4'J.  To  tlna  tin'  |m'0|iIc 
of  IVnnsylvaina  clnanr:  lln  y  rasi  Iwciiiy-ran-flci'- 
loral  voles  lor  |Vi'.-<idenl  I'olk,  and  yi  I  H  is  well 
known  thai  all  [laiiii  s  iln  re  advoeale'llie  jiroiei'live 
policy;  and,  at  the  I.iie  i-anvass,  tlieri'  was  notliini.' 
nioie  ronnnon  i!ian  to  si  e  insi'rilied  upon  llieii' 
ncmoeratie  lianii'  r.-,  Pidk,  liMllas'l'exas,  and  the 
Tnritrol"  1><4'J.     Il  i:i  Irne  ilie  Wlii^'s  made  every 

cll'irl  to  show    ihe   | ole   ilio    danger   lliiU   then- 

eoursc  w  onid  likely  had  lo;  ihal  ilie  priHeiil  K\- 
conlivc  was  opposed,  and  always  had  lieen,  lo  onr 
poliey;  and,  il"  eh  lied,  the  wlilde  Inisiness  of  onr 
Suite  would  lie  ha/arded;  and  lo  snslaiii  our  posi- 
llon,  we  read  Mr.  Polk's  addie^sis  lo  ihe  people 
of  his  own  Stale,  made  on  various  oee.isittiis,  to 
show  his  free-lrade  views;  hiil  noiwilhsiandin;;  all 
this,  we  were  met  liy  the  leadiVs  of  the  Democralie 
party,  on  the  sinnip,  with  Ihe  assnranee  llial  .\lr. 
I'olk  was  ,\H  ;,-ooi|  a  lariir  man  as  .Mr.  <  'lav;  iliai  he 
luid  voled  lor  ilie  larill'lnll  of  1S3',',  wliieli  ','ave  as 
imieh  prolei'tion  lo  ^olne  artirhs  as  ihe  present  loll, 
hill  wnlionl  his  reasons  tor  lliat  vote,  v\'tni'li  he 
himself  had  sri\en,  whieh  was  lo  ri'duee  Ihe  dniies 
on  the  hill  of  lt-'J8.  Kiill  reariii'.;  for  the  sneeess 
of  their  eandidaie,  lite  present  Seereiary  of  Stale, 
Air.  Uuehanaii,  one  if  ihe  sons  of  I'piinsylv.mia, 
ranie  tuil  and  ;iddri'ss''d  the  people,  snstainin;]^  all 
the  alle<:ations  of  the  leaders  of  his  party  as  lo 
iMr.  Polk's  views  in  favor  of  proleetton.  1  may  hero 
also  refer  to  .'VIr.  .MeCaiidiess's  fainnns  Clarion 
h'tler,  the  present  landidalc  f  a' Coiiu'i'i  ss  of  the 
J3einoeraiie  party  from  the  stronirisi  nianiifieinr- 
ing  diatrirt  in  Pi'nnsylvania:  he  ;;;ive  the  iron  mas- 
ters of  Clarion  strong;  a.ssnriinces  that  Polk  was  a 
good  larilVinaii,  as  l'ooiI  as  Clay;  and  to  make  as- 
suraiiie  donhly  sure,  and  thai  the  people  should 
have  no  fears  on  the  siihji  •■l,.l"lin  1\.  Kane,  of  the 
city  of  Piiiladel)ihia,  wrote  a  leller  lo  .Mr.  Polk,  in 
whieli  I  have  a  riiihl  to  pi-esnine  that  he  s  liil  ihr 
tieetion  in  Pennsylvania  was  somewlial  donl'lfnl, 
and  thai  llie  ;;ieivi  dillienlly  was  as  to  his  views  mi 
the  tarill',  and  thai  he  niii.si  wrin  a  letter,  the  liaaiis 
of  whieh  were  pioliahly  dieiate.l,  sueh  as  the  parly 
vvonid  lie  satisfied  with.  That  1  may  not  imsre|i- 
reseiit  him,  1  f;ive  his  lellir. 

The  letter  is  daled  at  Culnmhia,  Tennessee,  on 
the  I'Jili  of  June,  If  IJ,  and  says; 

"  I  have  receOeit  riTi'iitli  -.'lerul  |i'lHT..i  in  ref.  r'-ni-e  lo 
my  i>|)Jniori!4  nn  the  <uliieel  of  ilif  tanll".  .-nul.  iiinntii;  (.ila-r^. 
)nur»  nf  the  ;t<lili  iilliiiiii.  y\\  <>|iininii4  iin  lla-  ,icili|i'rt  have 
been  nWvu  clvi-ii  la  thi.  iiiiIiIk';  ih.-v  lire  In  lie  tiiaiiil  iit  jio 
palilie  aelB  anil  in  the  piilihe  (lil,TO^fll,n.s  m  wjmh  I  have 
jmrlKapali  it. 

*'  I  Ilia  ill  liivnr  nf  aL-triirfar  re\eaiie.  '.iieli  a  oil''  ni  will 
yii'M   a  *tiliiiii-iit  iiiiiniiiil  in    tie'  lo'ii^iirv   In   ili-lr-ii    Ilif 

evifiif-o^oilhe  linv  riaiii'iil iikmiU'  :illv  a(liiiiiii>l<'r''il.    In 

ililju.-liiig  the  il' lail>  nt' a  rtvi-nih- laiill".  I  iiav  li.T'tnlnri' 
saiietinni'il  >ueh  llinil'fjilc  iloeriiiiiiialnis  ililtie.-  w*  wniilil 
proiliicp  tilt'  aiiiMiint  nl  rrvi'inii'  nci-d'-il.  niiil,  at  llie  '.aim' 
tiiiie.ntfiiril  ri'ii^niinlili'  inrt'lriit.-il  |ir"l'  eiioii  t'»  lair  liniiii-  in 
duiilry.  I  aai  opiHiMit  la  u  tarilt'lnr  pmlecti  la  imcic/v,  iiail 
uot  tor  reinaie. 

".\elins  ajKin  the.e  cnenil  priii'ipl'«.  il  i"  well  kiinivn 
thnt  I  gave  luv  unppnrt  l..  the  |Hilie\  nl  (ii'iiiTal  Jll.'klinh'.s 
Aihiiiiii^lrnlinn  nn  Ihi^  fuhject.     1  xiaei)  uuiiiiiHt  the  III.. I) 

Bet  nl  IS-JJ).     I  viiti'il   liir  111.'   ael  nf  li':l>,  n  hlel laiiieil 

moilincatinn."  nl  snill"  "rthenliji'i'lainahl''  prnvl^inll<  orilie 

ni't  of  18-JS.     A"  a  mii'IiiImt  nl  ihe  I  'ni iiiei'  nl'  Wav:.  mill 

MennB  111' Ihe  llnn.'ennii'pri'M'iiialivi's,  I  nave  no  as'seiil  in 
a  bill  repnrti'il  by  Ihateniaiintii'i'  m  ll'-ei'inh'T,  IKIJ,  iiiakini: 
further  innihliealinn^  nr  Ihi'  ail  nl'  Ir;;-,  anil  iiiakiiii;  uNn 
ilan'riminalinns  m  ihi'  niipnolinii  nlih.'  ilmii's  whiihil  pro 
piUiMl.  'riial  bill  iliil  n.it  pa-».  hiil  wa-  siiiiersi'iliil  liv  Ihe 
bill  e.miiiioiily  ealkil  Uie  Cniiipinaiise  hill,   lor  whieh  I 

VOl"ll. 

"  In  inyjailsiiii'nl  il  i<  lln'  ihitv  nf  Ihe  (;nviriiiiiinl  inev- 
leiiil,  lis  far  a-  il  iiiav  lii'  prai'li.alile  In  iln  MP,  hv  IN  r  viiiiii' 
I  iW",  anil  all  nlhiT  niiaiH  » illiiii  il<  priwir.  iiiir  anil  in-l 
lirnii'iiiiin  111  all  tin'  ttial  inli'ri-,i<  nf  ihi.  wlinh' Inimi. 
enilinriim  iiLTanlliiri'.  niaaaluelurea,  the  ineihanie  an.,, 
cnaiincrci,  ami  nuvigitiinn.  J.  K.  I'OLK.'' 


l''rom  whieli  wr  are  lo  nnilersland  thai  he  i«  In 
fiaor  of  a  revenue  tarilf,  wiili  ineiilenlnl  pr^ileelioii 
lo  all  llie  i;teal  interesl.4  of  the  eoiiiilry,  eomliinin;; 
iii;rieiilliiii',  tnamilartiirrH,  the  nierhaiiie  ails,  eom- 
nii  I'l-e  and  na\  i;;atioii.  Now  this  is  all  we  desire  in 
Pi  iinsyiiania.  We  do  not  elann  that  we  ini;;ht  lo  ' 
niise  more  reienne  than  is  neeessarj' to  iiieet  the 
oiditi.iry  expense.s  of  the  CJoveriiinein  eeonoinii'al- 
ly  ailiniiiislered.  All  we  ask  is,  that  ihe  duly  shall 
diseroiiinale  for  prolei'iimi;  that  il  sli;ill  lie  as>ess- 
eil  on  all  lliiise  arliih  -i  that  eome  fiirlv  iiilo  eoin-  , 
peliiliiM  w  iili  onr  liiime  proiliieiioiis.  'I'his  will,  in 
niy  opinion,  at  all  limes  airord  fair  proleeiion. 
Now  the  present  is  a  rexenne  larill,  and,  as  siii'li, 
airoids  proper  proleeiion;  it  does  not  raise  niori 
than  Ihe  ordinary  amount  of  revrnne  for  the  ex- 
penses of  ihe  Lioverinnenl.  l'"or  ihe  hisl  lliiee 
years  it  has  prodii.ed  almnt  yJd.lllllMHIII,  wlii'h 
IS  iiliont  the  nnnii.il  expendifiire.  'I'he  only  iiiat- 
ler,  then,  of  dill'eri  nil  ,  is,  lhal  ihe  \Vhii;s  elann 
111  levy  the  iliily  I'or  |iroiei'liiin  in'eordin;;  lo  llie 
I'lttl;  /Wdr,  and  llie  fne-lMili  is  ilesire  In  levy  il 
iip'iii  aidi-lrs  thill  are  not  r.iised  in  this  eoiinlry, 
iiiid  do  iiol  roine  in  I'onipi'lition  with  home  prn- 
dneis.  lint  jet  iiie  eome  l.uek  lo  this  leller,  for 
there  are  some  unesiions  of  interesl  eoinieried  with 
it.  Was  ii  w  rilleii  in  jood  fiiith,  and  does  it  ex- 
press the  lioni  St  iipiniiiiis  of  the  Kxeenlive?  JIow 
does  it  harninni/.i'  wilh  .Sei'rct'iry  Walker's  reve- 
nue noliniis,  whieh  wi-  may  fairly  rceoive  ns  the 
orian  nf  the  .'\ilmiiiistralion  on  the  suhjeel  of 
ri  veime^  I  |e  savs  thai  no  duly  is  to  lie  levied  lie- 
ymid  a  revenue  iliilv:  the  moment  it  shall  all'ord 
jiroleetioii  il  shall  lie  reiliieeil.  Mow,  one  thint; 
IS  eertain:  Ihe  [leople  of  l*i'niisyhaiiia  have  Iieeii 
di''eived  liy  one  of  two  parties,  or,  perlia|is, 
liy  liolli.  If  .Mr.  Polk's  h  iler  was  ineiely  intend- 
ed I'l  eaii'li  Ihe  voles  of  I'ennsylv.inia,  and  pro- 
enreil  hv  the  leaders  for  thai  purpose,  iheii  l-nili 
are  respoiisihle  to  the  people;  iinil  I  am  iinwilhn;; 
to  disi'iedit  the  leaders  of  the  Pemot'i-alii'  parlv  so 
nineh  as  to  suppose  lliey  did  not  know  what  .Mr.  ■ 
l*oIk*s  views  always  had  lieeii.  I  will  lea\e  that  : 
ipieslion,  however,  lo  lie  sellled  helwein  them- 
silves  and  iheir  eonsiiltieiifs.  One  ihiiii;  is  eer- 
tain, that  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  have  ;riven 
ihiiraid  lo  tin,'  cleelion  of  a  President  opposed  lo 
all  their  inleresls;  and  il  will  he  very  lillle  saiisfae- 
liniforlheni  lo  know  that  for  all  their  saeriliees 
they  have  sei'iired  11  S.'.'relary  of  Slate,  Mr.  Hii- 
ilianan,  Viee  President  Dallas, and  a  dislriei  jinlije, 
.loliii  K.  Kane,  the  same  individual  who  wrote  to 
Mr.  Polk.  Will  the  honest  :ind  self  ronfidin'.,'  eit- 
i/,etis  of  Pennsylvania  feel  that  they  Inue  heeii 
I  oiniiensaied  for  their  saerilieesr  Will  lln-y  loiiL'er  , 
■  ontimie  in  their  false  position,  and,  for  the  .sake' 
of  polilii-al  povi'er,  saerifiee  all  their  inleresls  I'or 
ihe  ■;ralifii'alion  of  a  few  leaders  of  the  parly. - 

Ilereliifore  the  Whiirs  have  stood  fnrwaril  as 
the  eoiiservalivrs  of 'he  nation.  While  they  have 
taken  rare  of  the  inn  rests  of  the  nation,  the  free- 
Iraders  have  revelled  in  the  spoil.i  of  otliee.  Ijiit  the 
linie  has  ronie  when  the  people  eannot  loiii;er  he 
ileeeivial;  ihey  have  llie  power  in  llieir  own  hands. 
My  nenioeratie  eoI!e.i;;ne  (.Mr.  Itnniiiir.^D]  says 
that  Ihey  maniciivereil  well  in  Pennsylvania  lo 
keep  the  power  in  the  hands  of  the  Demoeraey. 
.\iiil  he  now  ealls  upon  his  parly  to  eome  up  and 
take  rare  of  the  inn  n  sis  of  his  Stale.  Vim  mifjht 
as  well  mil  spirits  fi'im  the  vasty  deep — they  eome 
not.  Pi  ss  liiis  hill,  and  what  must  he  the  eU'eet 
upon  many  of  the  Siitis  who  an-  larL-ely  indeliied 
for  Ihe  eonslriielion  of  internal  improveinenis, 
w  liieli  have  heen  made  with  a  view  lo  their  iiiler- 
nal  trade,  many  of  w  liieh  have  jnst  heen  tinislied, 
hy  whieh  their  internal  resoiirecs  c;in  he  hronsrhl 
to  sonii:  aei-onnt^  Yon  strike  them  down.  1  feel 
deeply  inorlificd  for  my  own  Stale:  sin-  is  in  a  I'alse 
posilion,  and  one,  I  fenr,  fniin  whieh  I  eannot  free 
her,  willioiit  diaereditnii,'  her  for  that  intellijjenec  ■ 
whieh  I  should  like  to  extend  to  her.  .She  has 
liien  prini;i|uilly  inslrnmi  nial  in  hrin;;ini;alioiit  the 
present  stale  ofthim;s,  hy  pl:iiiii!,'al  the  head  of  the 
Government  a  President  whose  prineiples  are  at 
war  with  Pennsylvania  inleresls.  What  is  to  he- 
come  of  her  iiiai;nifiocnt  internal  improvements, 
eonstrui'led  at  ii  eosl  of  §4I),(K)II,()U0,  to  carry  her 
iron  and  eoal  lo  market;  all  of  whieh  at  this  time 
are  doiii'^an  immense  Inisincss.'  I  learn  from  the 
papers  thill  a  short  time  since,  they  .sent  fifty  tlion- 
Kami  tons  to  market  in  one  week,  worth  yjijO,()(JO; 
and  just  III  the  moment  when  she  liiis  relrieved  her 


credit,  payin;?  her  interest,  and  when  she  ihon^-lit 
all  wan  safe,  and  that  she  uliotihl  realize  some  lieiie- 
fil  for  liei  1,-reat  expendiliires,  the  parly  in  power, 
as  if  jealous  of  onr  nrosperiiy,  prepare  for  the  level- 
liii;.' system.  The  IVmorrals  of  Pennsylvnnia  may 
well  appeal  In  ymi,  niiil  ask  if  ihey  ileservp  siicfi 
Irealnienl  il  your  hands,  nfier  the  niippoit  Ihey 
:;avc  yon  i.-  ihe  last  Presideniial  election;  when, 
ri'^nrdli-s  of  their  own  interest,  they  rillied  aniimil 
the  siniidiiril  of  Polk,  n.ilhis,  'I'exas,  and  the  Tarill' 
of  IH-IS,  and  wi  iil  il  hii  id.  Is  this  llieir  n'wnrd  for 
siii'h  snliservieney  In  pu-iy,' 

(hit  sil|ipiise  yon  piiss  ihe  hill :  will  il  meet  Ihe 
ordinary expensis  of thetiovernment  •  There  is  no 
one  who  supposes  that  it  will  raise  mon'  than  m7,- 
IHKl.tHH),  if  yon  strike  onl  lea  iinil  eniree,  which  I 
I  ike  I'lr  ::raiiled  will  he  done:  how  then  do  yon  pro- 
pose to  raise  the  deficiency  to  meet  the  ordinarv 
ex]ieii«es,  vx'iihonl  lakiie.;  inio  view  the  rxiienses 
if  the  war.'  What  inie'l  the  country  thiiiK  nf  n 
pr.ipo.sitioii  wiihniiiteilhya  I  'om  mi  I  lee  of  Way. s  and 
Nleans  to  reduce  the  duties  almost  one-half,  when 
the  present  duties  do  not  inert  the  expensea  of  the 
(iovernnient.  and  not  only  ihat,  liiil  so  levied  as 
lo  strike  at  the  l.nsiness  of  the  enmilry  '  The  next 
thins;  we  shall  see  will  no  ilonlil  he  a  pr/iposilion 
to  issue  t.'ii  or  liflecn  millions  of  Ire'isnry  notes, 
which,  after  a  while,  will  have  lo  he  met  hy  an  ex- 
cise lax,  and  very  likely  even  at  the  present  ses- 
sion we  may  have  nnotlier  taniriiill  to  levyn  duty 
upon  ten  and  collec,  and  all  the  free  articles,  lo  he 
called  a  war  hill,  to  jive  it  favor. 

The  honoralile  memlier  from  New  York  [Mr. 
CoLMv]  has  ehiiri,'eil  upon  the  Whites  that  ihey 
were  disposed  lo  increase  the  expenditures  of  the 
Governmenl,  with  a  view  to  the  preservation  of  the 
taritl';  lhat  they  had  voted  for  all  approprliiiion 
hills.  IS'ow  there  is  ati'iiil  ns  much  charily  in  this 
allei^ation  as  one  would  expe"l  from  the  free- 
traders. Ihit  It  comes  with  an  ill  ffraee  from  one  of 
the  in  1-  iriiy  of  this  Mouse,  to  iri  ikc  such  n  clinr<_;e 
"  minnrily.  I  should  like  lo  lie  informed 
s  the  Whiles  have  voled  for,  which  Inive 
n    reported    hy    a  1  lemncnitic    eommitlee. 

jf  llic    Wlii'_'s    passing    hills   tliriin!;h    this 

House  with  n  nenioeratie  majority  of  sixty  airainst 
them.  This  will  not  do,  ;:eiitlemen;  you  have  ihp 
M'liise,  Senate,  and  I''.xeeiitivp;  you  have  all  the 
eoinmittees  which  nri'.'iiiatc  the  hills;  you  cannot 
shift  tlie  responsihiliiy;  il  liiirly  heliiii'js  to  yon, 
and  the  people  will  hold  you  responsilile.  Tlie 
Wjiiixs  hiivc  heretofore  stood  hetweeii  you  and 
the  people,  and  prevented  your  deslriictive  meas- 
ures. Still  you  have  made  eajiital  out  of  it,  and 
retained  the  palrfiiiiii^e  of  the  (fovermnent.  AVe 
have  endeavored  lo  ex|i'>se  the  folly  of  your  meas- 
ures, and  the  certain  distress  that  would  inevilahly 
folhiw  should  you  succeed  in  yoiirpoliey.  Hen - 
tot'ore  we  liiive  heen  snecessi'iil  in  siayini;  your 
hands;  hilt  now  yon  have  lomeinlo  power  with 
the  professed  dcelanition  that  the  tarifl'  is  to  he 
repealed,  and  I  leave  the  issue  with  the  people, 
under  u  firm  conviciion  that  the  policy  of  the 
Whij.s  is  the  poliiy  of  the  country,  to  lead  her  to 
llint  hi'_'h  (lestiiinion  to  which  we  all  would  desire 
to  see  her  nrrive. 


Ilpn 
wli 
not 
Talk 


CLEItKS  IN  PUIILIC  DtlPARTiMENTS. 
SPEECH  or  .MR.  W.  SAWYER, 

Of  OHIO, 
In  the  Hoi'SK  OF    ReI'RESENTATIVES, 

June  10,  184G. 
On  the  Hill  requiring  the  appointment  of  Ofllrers 
and  Clerks  in  the  several  Departments  at  Wash- 
1112:1011, to  he  made  from  nil  the  Stales  in  propor- 
tion to  their  representation  in  Consiress. 
Mr.  S.VWYEll  ohlained  the  llnor,and  proceeded 
in  a  course  of  remark  which  utlracicd  llic  marked 
nttention  of  the  eommitlee. 

Mr.  CimiiMAS:  1  have  heen  anxiously  trying  lo 
get  this  hill  up  ever  since  the  coniniencement  of 
the  session,  and  1  rejoice  that  wo  have  finally 
reached  it  to-day,  lliongh  with  miicli  dilficiilly. 
Now,  sir,  I  ask  nothing  hut  what  is  clearly  right, 
mid  what  I  shall  he  ahle  to  prove  is  right  hy  irrcf- 
ragahle  evidence.  I  am  not  at  all  surprised  to  see 
opposition  to  this  measure  from  certain  f|iiarlers, 
for  the  mumeiil  it  was  brought  forward  there  was 


IIU!    10, 

(rps. 

iIioii^'Ik 
line  licmi- 

III!'  level- 
niiiii  iiiiiv' 

TVP    Mlll'fl 

Hilt  (lify 
wlini, 
■il  iiniiiiKl 
•'I'Mnir 
I'Hnid  I'ur 

niri'l  Ihr 
re  is  iii> 
i:in'«il7,- 

whiili  I 
ydii  |ir(i- 

ifdirifiry 

xiK'ti.ir.s 
ink  of  (I 
IViiyinml 
IC,  wlif  n 
'■a  iif  Che 

vied  (IS 
riie  next 

luisiiiiHi 

/     IIOIIN, 

l>y  itri  ex- 
eseiit  Hes- 
vy  n  (liiiy 
-•Ics,  to  lie 


Ifl4(5 


APl'KNDIX  TO  '11  IK  (JONUIIKSSIOINAL  GLUUK. 


7a7 


yi>Tii  C'oNu 1st  Skss. 


Clerks  in  the  I'ublic  IhpnrlmenlH — Mr.  S,tu)y€r, 


liu.  or  Kki'h. 


Taeiorily  ex|iliiin,  In  line    I   yel   tlir(piii;li,  why  llic 
eiilliii:,'  iiji  III'  iIhn  liill  liiiN  sii  iiiiii'ii  diHtiir' 


Mr. 
Mr. 

pniiil. 


Mi- 


lt ({oiiil  ileiil  iif  fliittoriiig  and  evident  ulnrtn  nmoiir 
tile  re|ire!.eiilnliveH  cif  llie  "Old  Oiiiiiiniiiii,"  iihil 
erliiiii  iillier  1,'eiiili'iiieii  iiii  lliis  llimr.      I  will  Hiiiia- 

,  why  tl: 
nrlied  ill 
eHimiiiiniiy  (if  llie  iiieinlier.s  finni  Vir','iiiiii;  liiit  I 
will  firm  j;ive  llie  ri'dHiiiiH  wliieli  I  HiiN|iert  liiivc 
riiiiHdl  ihe  ii|i|iiiMiiiiiii  (if  the  ^'eiilleiiuui  friim  Illi- 
niiic,  (Mr.  Dm  (M.AK.]  lie  i.s,  I  iiiiderHtaiid  tt  liiicli- 
eliir.     [(Jeiier.il  liiii'^liier.  | 

IliNr  ealliil  ilii'  i,eiilleiiiiiii  In  firdcr. 
Dm  (ii.A'is  .said,  I  liii|>u  not  nil  no  duliciilii  it 
flleiieweil  liiiiL;liler.] 

SwvvKii  |ii reded.     I  wiy  tliitt  llie  yeiille- 

iiiiin'.'i  iis.siieiaiioiis  in  ilii.i  eiiy  "re  mie.li  iim  In 
iiwuken  lii:4  livelii  st  Kyni|mlliii!'S  fur  iimny  willi 
wiin.se  initrcsl.H  ilii.i  liill  will  dniiljllcss  inierrei(\ 
BaiihclniH  lire  .-ilwayn  fund  nf  llii^  ladies,  and  llie 
nider  lliey  !-( I  lie-  ijime  easily  lliey  liei  .ine  their 
ilii|ies,  and  ilie  inslninn  is  Ijy  wliiili  lliev  nceniii- 
iilisli  llieir  sellisli  |iiir|ius(H.  A  fair  lajy  hits  a 
lnniliei',11  fuller,  lira  Ml  III,  ill  line  nf  I  lirde|iiirtiiieiil.H, 
wlinse  salary  i.s  ex|iended  in  the  silks,  miliiis,  and 
iiaiiiis,  v.hieh  render  lier  Ijeaiilifiil  in  the  eycM  nf  the 
liiti'lielnr;  mill  when  slieasliH  a  fiivnr,  the  pnnr  frail 
Mill!  Haltered  .iiicAii-  is  ready  Indie  Willi  delijrhl  In 
lliiiik  he  iiiiiy  he  alile  In  aerve  .so  fair  a  creature. 
lie  lliinks  lint  nf  ihe  many  failhfiil  wariii-liearied 
frii-iids  he  lia.s  lel'l  al  linme,  whn  have  lahnred  hii 
cariicKlly  and  siiieessl'nlly  lo  raise  him  In  tlie  |iii.si  he 
oeeiipie.s;  lie  fiiis,'elN  Ihe  pnnr  fartner,  who  liUH  ofleii 
left  hiN  pliiii;;h  In  siir  up  his  iiei^hboiH  and  eiirry 
them  wilh  linn  In  lliu  pnll.~i,iiiid  wlinsc  (iiialifieatiiiiis 
lire  nfieii  ('({iial  In  ihnse  pampered  ineiiialswe  find  ill 
the  nlliii  s  III  ihiH  eiiy.  Vt.s,  sir,  vanity  and  weak- 
iie.s.s,  aeled  lipnii  hy  llie  sinilis  nfa  pretty  winiian, 
will  nfleii  priidiice  ihi.s  ell'tel;  hut  they  are  not 
cnnliiied  in  haelielors  alniie.  I  have  men,  wilh 
pi'nl'niiiid  re;;relmiil  mnrliliealinii,  .some  nf  our  heal 
men  .sedneed  frniii  iIk'  slrai;;]il  palli  nf  Demoeralie 
.finiplielly  and  honesly  liy  the  blaiiilishinenl.s  of 
the  arislncrntiesneieiy  of  ihiHiily.  Tlii.s  aiioslaey 
IVnni  the  true  failli  i»  hy  nu  iiieaiiij  confined  In  ] 
liiiclielnrs.  There  is  a  vast  iiumher  of  others  that  ' 
fall  ill  the  .same  way  niid  hy  lln;  sanio  vveapnn.s. 
First  llicy  receive  a  link:  note  with  a  jiielured  wafer  | 
upon  it:  this  is  llie  fir.si  drop  of  ihe  sahlle  poisuii  | 
wliicli  is  admiiii.slered,  and  which  only  increases  I 
the  apiieliie  fnr  more;  his  curiosity  i.s  raised,  his  ' 
vanity  /latlercd,  and  he  alinoal  Innijs  fnr  Ihe  ' 
eveiiinijof  "  ihe  parly."  Here  his  eyes  every  where 
ineel  the  smiles  of  llie  ladies,  and  his  ears  are 
tiiiluled  wilh  vniecs  .sweet  willi  hypocritical  emu-  ; 
pllmeiil.  Olherallurcmeiilsare  spread  urniiiid  lilin, 
and  he  wmn  drinks  In  drunkenness  the  social 
poison,  wliieli  sonn  spreads  lliroiigli  and  cnrriipl.s 
Ills  whole  heart  and  soul,  and  he  lieeomes  the  wil- 
ling; Meiini  and  tool  of  a  heartless,  hypocritical, 
and  syitojiliantie.  confederacy.  ' 

Ijiil  heloi'ii  I  proceed  runner  wilh  my  sermon,  I  ; 
w  ill  fjive  you  my  lexl.  You  will  find  It  I  think  ill 
the  third  Anmiiil  Message  of  Cienenil  Jackson. 
'J'liis  i;ooil  and  wise  man  soon  discovered  the  evil 
ellecis  produced  liy  the  inir|uiimis  syslem  loni;  in  , 
jiraciice  in  ihis  cily  of  the  iiiijnst  appoinlmciitsaiid 
lon^  eoiilinuance  in  orticeof  ihe  pauper  aristocracy 
of  iliis  District,  and  the  iniinediate  surroundiuij 
Suiie.s.  The  vcleiaii  statesiiian  thus  speaks  on  the 
suhjeet;  | 

*■  There  nrc,  |ierli(i|w,  few  men  wlm  can.  fnr  nny  pre.-it  ' 
jcnclli  ol  Ijiiie.  iMljiiy  i.trtee  (mil    |iii\ver  willmm  liehi^  iiinre 
iirlcs*  iiiidcr  llic   iiilliieiiee  of  fceliiiirs  iniiUviinililc  III  Ihe 
liilthl'iil  (liM>li;in.'i>  111"  llieir  ]Hilihe  ihilics.    'J'hiir  liitecriiy 
limy  hi;  priHil'  iifiiiinsl  iiii|irii|ier  eoiii'uler.'ilinds  iiinneiliiuely 
iiildrostsl  III  Iheiii.ielves ;  hill  tlicyare  lipl  In  (ii'i|iiiie  a  liiihi'i 
of  Inokjlift  with  ilKllHereiiee  HiK'H   Ihe  pillilic  inleri  sis,  iiiiil 
(if  tnlrnilnm  eniiiliK't  troiinvhJeliiiiiiiii|iriielisi'(l  man  wiiiilii  ' 
rcvnll.     Ollicf  is  eiiiisidefit  lis  n  species  ol'pinperlv;  (mii  ! 
L'dvcrniiieiil  riithiT  ii>  a  ineinis  of  pioiiiiilin<!  iiiihvjihiiil  in-  \ 
Iciest  thiui  us  an  in-liinneiil  creiileil  siilely  liir  ihe  .-cr\ieo  ' 
i>r  Ihe  people,    ('iirriiplldii  in  sdiiip,  iiiiil  in  nihers  a  perver- 
sidii  dl"  enrrecl  li'eliMixs  niiit  principle-^,  itiverl  noveriiiiii  iil 
triilii  ils  Iciiiliiiiain  ciiils.  iiimI  liiiike  it  an  einjidc  for  the  sup 
purl  dt  Ihe  h  w  al  Ihe  evpiiise  dl'  the  iimiiy.     Tile  illllies  ol' 
all  piiMie  dllieers  are.  dr.  iii  lea.-l.  adiiiil  nV  lieing  iiiuile,  sd 
jilaiii  anil  sjiiiple,  ihalnieii  nriiilellitii'iiee  may  rciidily  ipiaj-  '■ 
il'y  ihemselves  liir  llieir  perrnriiiaiice ;   niid   T  eaniint   hut 
hehi-ve  ttial  lildre  is  lest  hy  the  hiiiu  ediitidiiniiee  dl"  men  in 
iitiice  lima  IS  «eiierally  In  he  (.'ained  hy  their  cxperieiiee.  | 

1   siihmil,   Ihi  r-liire,   id   jimr   i MiliTiilidii,   tvlielher   the  '\ 

elhi-ieliey  df  Ihe  (Jiverilliieiil  Wdllld  lldl  he  pr<iiiidl<>(l,  and  ' 
dllii-iiil  iiidiislry  and  iiilei»rity  heller  secnreil,  hy  a  t:eiieral  i' 
extciisiiiii  ol  the  law  tvhieh  limits  appdiiitmellls  lo  four  i 
yeaiH. 

"Ill  a  eiiinilry  where  dlliees  are  crealed  solely  hir  Ihe 
lieiii  III  df  Ihe  pedple,  ltd  line  man  lias  any  mdrc'iiiliiiisic 
riudil  Id  dllieiid  sliilidii  than  andthcr.  I  llliees  wure  niil  es. 
tablished  to  ijivo  sii|ipart  to  paitieulur  men,  at  llic  [iiihlic 


e;iiifnMe.  \d  iiidivlilieil  nrdiiif  In  llierel'ore  done  liy  niiiin- 
vill.  "Iliee  iiellher  iipiiol(inili'lll  td,  Hiir  ediltililiaiice  III.  dihee 
IH  lliainr  ol'  iIkIiI.  I'he  niellmhellt  heeame  llll  ullleer  IMIh 
II  \lelV  Id  Ihe  pllhlic  h'lielllsi  ||||d  When  llli'-e  ri'l|lllre  his 
rellldVlll,  Ihey  are  (lilt  Id  he  siierlliced   to  jinville   illteri'Sls. 

It  tf*  the  p'siple,  iiiiil  Ihey  atone,  wlio  tiiive  a  riulit  I 

Idain  ivtlell  II  tiad  ollli'er  lo  "ilhslltiit.  d  tor  a  uood  oae.  Me 
wild  Is  reiitdved  lias  the  same  iie'ting  nt  iiliiaiiiiiiu  ii  livliiM 
llllll  lire  Olljoved  II)  llie  (iiillloiis  n  ho  III  \er  held  i.lllei'.  Tile 
prdpdsed  llmlNitiiiK  wuiild  dei,|r'i>  the  iih  a  iirpinpeiu,  now 
I'd  uenerally  ediiiiei'ii'd  (\iiii  dtti'.'i  il  staliiiii;  and  iililidiiuh 

IlldlMdlial  llHIre-.-  Iieiv  he  s'lmellmes  lnodileell.  il  Wdllld, 
hy  pniiiinlniu  Ihal  rotalioii  \\  hieli  eoi  ..ntine-  a  I   aih.-iu  pnll- 

eiple  III  till.'  repiililieaiici I.  m V e  lieallhliil  a<  linn  Id  llie 

sy^ti'lli." 

Such  aril  llio  npiiiinns  of  one  of  the  ;:realesl  and 
liest  nieu  this  world  e\er  prodiieed:  iliey  ure  iini 
ihenpimniiN  nfa  deluded  iheorisl,  w  hn  only  dreaiiiH 
nf  causes  and  ellicls,  iiiiil  then  fallen  s  his  (lie.uusln 
lie  reality;  far  from  it:  they  nrc  llie  opinions  of  a 
practical  and  tliiiroiis;h  Hlalesiuan,  miiliiied  liy  oli- 
servalioii  and  experiei ,  and  pound  iVniii  the  ful- 
ness nf  ail  honest  heart.  Vmi  will  reenllcet  the 
cireiinistaiires  under  which  he  (  xpi'esHid  these 
npiiiiniis:  lie  found  hiiuself  ohiired  In  liiiii  nut  a 
;;reat  many  olliei  r.-;  and.  like  lui  linuesi  man, as  the 
representative  nf  the  people,  he  fell  himself  lalled 
iipnii  In  make  kiinwii  lo  ilie  eoiintry  the  leasniis 
wliicli  iiidiiceil  him  in  pursue  ihis  (nurse.  This 
he  did  in  his  i  oinminiii.uinii  In  llio  asseiiililed  rep- 
resenlatives  of  llie  naiinii,  iiecaiise  he  eoiisiilered  it 
all  e\il  nf  .such  ina;;iuiiiile  as  to  cull  fnr  tin  ir  iiiter- 
posii-  III  hy  llie  enai  imeiil  nf  a  law  lo  prevent  ils 
recurrence.  A  liiie-and-cry,  Imid  and  loiiy;,  was 
raised  ii^'ainsl  the  old  Cieneral,  liei'iuise  he  did  not 
choose  lo  consider  the  Whin  'n'e  to  otliee  for  life 
"clear  and  iinipieslinii.iljle."  The  (lociiine  he  pro- 
mulgated was  eniLsidi  red  the  mnsi  damiiahle  here- 
sy, and  the  piaetiee  of  il,  the  most  arliilrary  ami 
Ivninnical  lu'oscripliim.  liul  the  rippling  nf  the 
rnulel's  wave  aj,'ainsi  the  rocky  iiiiiiinlaiii's  hiise 
lias  about  as  iiiin  h  elTecl  in  nverlhrnw  llie  mouii- 
laiii  as  these  Wlii;,'  claiiinrs  had  lo  iiirii  the  old 
iiiaii  frniii  what  lit:  believed  In  be  rii;lit  and  just. 
lie  desired  C'niiyrcss  lo  lake  the  m.iiier  into  eoii- 
sideration.  It  was  not  dime,  and  tin  enrinpl  and 
eorriiplin;;  iiitlueiiee  of  this  state  of  lliin^s  has  been 
increasing  ever  since.  The  siihjecL  is  now  auaiii 
before  Conj;ress;  and  1  la  lieve  there  is  a  lar;,'e  iiia- 
joi'ily  ill  this  House,  wlio.se  experience  and  obser- 
vation have  loiiviiiced  llieni  not  only  nf  the  pm- 
prieiy  but  llie  neee.ssiiy  of  passinj;  ihis  bill.  The 
i;i  iillcmaii  from  Illinois  [.Mr.  I)(iii;i..\ss|  nhjeels  lo 
Ihe  details  of  llie  bill,  as  beiiiL;  inipnieiiealile,  Inil 
does  mil  object  lo  a  et'iieral  syslem  It  linil  pro- 
posed. Well,  lei  him  briiii;  forward  Ins  aineinl- 
meiils  wliicli  he  considers  neeessiiry  to  render  llie 
bill  useful:  this  is  his  privile!,'e,  iiay,  duly;  and  if 
they  seem  lo  me  In  be  beller  ciilciilaled  to  secure 
the  ends  desired  lliaii  those  pnrtiniis  of  the  hill 
Iney  are  dcsi^'iied  lo  super.sede,  I  w  ill  niusl  cheer- 
fully (;ivc  llieiii  my  sii|iporl. 

1  am  aware,  Mr.  (Jliainnao,  thai  there  has  been 
a  ^leat  cry  ihroiisihoiit  the  counlry,  and  especially 
by  the  Wliii;  parly,  about  proscription  for  opin- 
ion's sake.  And  in  the  early  ]iart  of  this  session, 
the  t.'eiilleiiutii  from  Keiiiuiky  [Mr.  Ci .  U.vvis)  read 
us  a  lecture  about  prnseribiug  men  for  the  exercise 
of  a  privilege  yuaraiiiied  to  all — the  privilege  of 
.speaking  iheir  opinions  wilhniil  reslrainl;  or,  in 
plainer  words,  about  liirniiii;  men  out  of  olliee  be- 
cause they  are  lint  of  our  polilics.  Mr  Chairiiiaii, 
I  hold  the  doctrine  lli.il  •'  lo  the  vielor.s  belong  the 
spoils."  The  only  dillerenee  belween  the  Demo- 
crats and  Whigs  in  this  respect  is,  that  the  Whigs 
declaim  against  il  in  words  but  practise  il  inaclions. 
We,  the  l)emocrai.s,  have  iiol  risen  In  the  reliiie- 
iiieiil  of  hypneiicy  with  as  much  facility  as  ihe 
Whigs,  and  iherefore  fnllmv  in  ihe  bealeii  Irack  ot' 
our  plain  republican  ancestors,  by  priiciising  vvluit 
wc  preach  and  preaching  what  \vr  practise.  I  re- 
peal it,  1  hold  the  docuiiie  that  "to  the  victors  be- 
long ihc  spoils;"  and  1  pracilse  it  both  in  my  luib- 
lie  and  private  walks;  or,  ill  other  words,  I  hold 
il  lo  be  a  just  principle  (if  genllemcii  do  not  like 
the  phrase  which  1  have  used)  that  the  parly  in 
power  have  a  right  to  the  otiices;  and  whenever 
the  parly  lo  which  I  am  altached,  and  liie  parly 
which  1  nave  struggled  to  gel  inio  the  aseeiideiicy, 
abandon  this  ground,  1  shall  consider  it  a  dereliction 
of  duty,  and  raise  my  voice  against  il. 

Mr.  Chttirnian,  as  aslonisliing  as  il  may  seem  Ui 
you,  and  as  il  will  be  to  the  people  of  this  counlry   | 
when  they  shall  become  aciiuainled  with  the  fact, 
I  must  tell  you,  that  when  lliis  session  of  Congress   ' 


coinmeiieed,  after  the  pnseiii  Kxeciiiivu  and  the 
.  heads  nf  Ihe  depiirtiiienis  were  placed  in  power  hy 
Ihe  Denineniiic  parly,  at  ;;reat  trouble  and  expense, 
llanghter] — yes,  I  nay  expense — we  may  as  well 
Kive  thing's  their  rii;lil  iiaiues,  and  iheii  we  >lnill 
iiol  he  nilsiaken;  it  would  be  foolish,  and  dishniieHt 
too,  to  deny  u  fact  which  every  iiiaii  of  the  sliglil- 
esl  intclligenee  very  well  kiiovvs,  that  in  all  these 
poliiieal  campaigns,  great  expenses  ure  incurred — 
Il  would  be  worse  than  weakness  In  deny  it;  and 
ullhoiigli  genlleiiien  appear  lo  make  merry  at  the 
aimoiineemeiit  of  llie  fact,  wlieiher  on  accimiil  of 
its  Irileness  or  the  novelty  of  ils  being  slated,  I 
iieilher  know  nor  care,  but  ibis  I  do  know  ,  that  no 
U^eiillenii  II  I  an  better  a|ipreeiale  that  slaleineiil  than 
the  Whigs;  and  I  will  venture  to  .Miy,  there  is  not 
one  of  ihi  111  within  my  In  aring  who  does  mil,  at 
this  nioineiil,  recall  lo  niiial  the  many  heavy  driiiiiH 
iiiinii  his  purse,  oeeiisloned  by  his  efl'orls  lo  fnist 
himself  and  parly  iiiln  pnwer:  Well,  as  I  wan 
going  In  say,  at  ihe  eninmeiieenn  111  of  ihe  session, 
iliere  were  seven  liiimlred  and  thirty  ch  rks  in  the 
several  deparlinenis  al  the  .seal  of  ^nverimienl.  I 
hale  taken  sonic  pains  In  asierlaiii  the  facts,  and 
siaie  only  u  hat  I  am  piepareil  lo  prove.  >iow,  of 
these  seven  huiiilred  and  ihiriy  clerks,  there  were, 
.Il  the  coimnenei  till  III  of  the  •  ssimi,  /leo  httiidml 
1411(1  tliirhi-Jivi:  ft'higs — active  and  busy  Whigs — the 
alijccl  slaw  s  and  ready  Inols  of  lhal  parly. 

iiiil  this  injusliee  is  iinl  coiifmed  tn  the  deparl- 
inenis ill  this  city.     It  exists  in  llie  whole  diplo- 
matic corps — plaecH  of  the  highest  trust  and  profit. 
Df  llie   seven   resident   Minislers  abroad,  five  are 
from  lid   slavi   Stales;  of  the  fourleen  ,harg(''s  des 
allaires,  etcrvti  are  from  llie  slave  plates;  and  not 
one,  either  of  the  resident  mltiisters  or  (diargf's,  in 
iVoiii  a  Western  Slate.     Todd, our  late  Minister  to 
iitissia,  was  from  Kenliieky,  it  weslerii  Slate,  but 
has  been  recalled;  and  the  claims  for  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  weslein    Democrat   lo   fill    ihe   vacancy 
,  wen   Ion  strong  to  be  overlooked;  and  what  is  the 
eonseipieuei  ?    Why,  ralher  lliaii  fill  il  wilh  a  west- 
ern man,  the  place'is  left  vacant,  and  the  duties  of 
ilu!  oIKce  lefi  to  be  discharged  by  the  Secretary  of 
I  Legation,  Mr.  John   11.  Clay.     We  had  lalely  ii 
'  charge  from   the    West  lo  the   Republic  of  Peru, 
Mr.  Joliii  A.  I'ryaii,  but  he  was  periiiillcd  to  hold 
his  olliee  niily  for  ihe  space  of  about  four  monllis ; 
he  was  ihen  recalled,  and  his  place  filled  by  anolhei' 
person,  whom  nobody  knows, but  you  may  readily 
giu.ss   he   was  not  from   ihe  Wesl.      Mr.   llryitti 
was  an  old  and  sleadfasl  Deniocrul,  but  he  unfor- 
lunaiely  hailed  from  the  Wesl,  and  off  went  tiia 
head;   while   Ileiuy  A.  Wise,  Minister  lo  Brazil, 
with  ihe  handsome  salary  of  nine  Ikoiisanii  tlollari 
a  year,  a  hitler  Whig,  and  the  ninsl  nialigiiniil  ene- 
my In  Ueneral  Jackson's  and  Mr.  Van  Bureii'a 
.VdmiiiisiralioiiH  iii  Congress,  and  who,  in  the  vio- 
lence of   his  Federal   nuicnr,  insulted  Mr.  Polk 
himself,  is  retained.     The  Wesl  will  be  astounded 
al  iliesc  fads,  but  they  do  not  know  that  Virginia 
must  he  accommoilaled,  both  Whigs  and  Demo- 
crat.s,  no  iiiailer  who  is  ncglceled  or  trampled  upon. 
Yes,  there  is  no  other  reason  under  heaven  why 
V/ise  should  he  retained,  except  lhal  lie  is  a  Vir- 
ginian, that  prolific  niolher  of  office-holders  and 
oflice-seekers.     Of  the  niic  liitmlre<l  nndmirly-tliree 
secrelaries  of  legation,  consuls,  and  agciils  abroad, 
.sij-  only  are  from  ihe  great  West,  and  not  one  from 
Ohio,  although  the  third  Stale  in  the  Union.     We 
w  ill  bn  compelled  to  submit  lo  this  iiiiusticc  for  a 
lime,  hut  I  will  venture  to  prophesy  thai  the  day 
is  not  far  distant  when  the  Wesl  will  not  only 
claim  bill  receive  Iter  own.     Lei  her  people  .stand 
up  boldly  for  their  rights,  and  send  such  Represent- 
atives here  only  as  will  truly  mid  independently 
represent  llieir  inleresls  and  views,  and  their  wishes 
will  no  longer  he  neglected.     I  for  one  will  speak 
my  mind  freely;  anil  neither  fear  nor  favor  shall 
put  a  seal  upon  my  lip.s,  when  the  interesl.s  of  those 
I  represeni  arc  neglected  or  trampled  under  foot. 
The  favoritism  extended  lo  certain  portions  of  thia 
Union;  the  neglect  and  contumely  with  which  the 
oilier  ]iortions  are  treated,  have  no  parallel  in  any 
other  country  under  heaven,  except  where  despot- 
ism reigns  in  iinrestr.tined  corruption. 

Mr.  W.  Hint  inquired  of  Mr.  Sawyer  how 
he  knew  those  persons  to  be  Whigs  whom  he 
staled  In  be? 

Mr.  S.MvvF.B.  That  is  a  pretty  hard  question, 
I  adniil,  just  now;  but  a  litlle  while  ago,  when  the 
contest  was  going  on  which  placed  Mr.  Polk  in 


"  'I 


'2\hu  CoNn I  ST  Sksm. 


.\PI'KM)IX    TO    VMK  COIVCiUKSSIOiN.M,  tJI.()MK. 

ClrrliH  in  l/iv  I'lihlir  Drjiaiiinrntu — Ulr.  Siiiri/ir. 


|.liiiii'  to. 

III).   OK    HkI'S. 


M"? 


Ilir  |imilrtfiili»l  I'Imir,  iIkh'  «imlil  Imvr  linii  im 
ililRnilly  111  iln'  niiiinr  «l\uii'nr.  'I'Iiiki' CiIIowm 
would  li;ivi'  lu'iii  n'ry  iiiiuli  i>lli'inlril  liiiil  iiii\  imc 
I'SIMrnMrll  M  lliilllil  III'  lllfir  ilrviillcill  In  llll'  Wllii; 
•'lUiMi',  «lii'ii  II  «ii«  llll'  iiiinirwil  liilifl'  I'l'  Wln:'- 
(Iniii  dial  iiM  I  iiiiKi'  wiiH  iiImiiii  In  lriiiiii|ili;  I'lil  Iln  ri' 
wtro  raltii  anil  Kliarp  itliKriMiM  lirir,  wliti  li.tii 
wipinly  Piinii^li  111  miM|irri  tli.il  llii  n'  whm  n  im.i.ii- 
hilily  111"  till'  Will'.;  I'liiHi'  rmliii;;,  anil  lliry  lirlu'Vi'il 

II  ilay  wiiiilil  i'<iiii'  wlii'ii  ll  NMUilil  III'  a  iiiiillri' 111' 
iMiriuiin  iiili'ii'.ii  111  kiinw  «  lull  pari  I'l-rliiiii  :;i'iillr- 
nV'ti  liiiik  ill  llir  iiniiliii'T  I  Ir  liciii,  ami  (lii'V  Imik 
null's  i\i'i'iiriliiii;ly.  In  llir  imiiliil  ninuH,  lliui.si' 
■tiii'iiini'iit  No.  °J(UI,  llll'  <,'riiili'iiiaii  will  liiiil  a  li.'<l 
of  all  llll'  rli'rki  in  llir  ilill'i  rriil  r'.vri'iilur  ili|iai(- 
mi'iilN  hi  iliM  I'liv.  Wi'll,  I  iiii'k  iliin  liMi,iiiiil  hav- 
ing liiailr  Niimi  iii'iiiiiiiiilaiui'i  lirri'  ii|iiiii  wlin^i' 
TiTiii'liy  ami  kiiii\\liil;;i- I  nmlil  |ilai'r  llii'  I'lilli'sl 
ri'llaiii'c,  I  iiiiiili  ilili>;i'iil  iiii|iiii  v  "(  llii'iii  i\<<  In  iln' 
iinlitii  H  111'  lai'li  iiiiliviilii.il,  iiiui  .ll  111  llll'  |iiii'l  III' 
liail  lakiii  111  llll'  I'lUili'-'l  nt'  |H|  I:  rnim  tlirw  Biuiri'i  h 

I     llllM'     I'llllv    S.lliHiil'll     lliyMI'll'   III'    lilt-    ll'lllll    III'   llio 

iiLilniii'iiiM  f  ]ia\r  iiiailr. 

A  Ti'W  iil'iiiy  riioniln  I'lniii  my  iIihIih  I  \n n  iiiis- 
IOII.H  Id  iilitaiii  niliialiniiH  lirri',  ami  1  « .i"  ii»  aiiMiiiiN 
Id  lian'  tlii'hi  |ii'iiviiliil  I'lir,  la'iaii^<i'  I  liiii'W   llinii 

III  lie  wnrllu'  ami  rapalilr  ;  I'llt  I  \Mls  iilrt  ill  llir 
lliri'nhiilil,  ami  Inlil  llial  iiniliiii;  I'lnilil  lir  ilniir  I'nr 
my  I'rii'iiilH.  Tins  I'lrl  I  I'niiiiiiimii'altMl  in  lliriii, 
nml  ilicy  lliiiiK  llirir  pnlun'al  iliarm'lcr  nir-ii  Ihim 

III  I'll  lllli^ani'li'lu'lillril,  nr  llwll  llll'll'  is  Niillll'  I'lnil 
play  111  llir  laiNim'SH.  .\m  in  lllr  sus|i|iinll  I'l'liilll 
plav,  llll'll'  ran  lir  iin  ilniilit  iil  il;  I'lil  a«  In  iliiir 
pnlilii'nl  inli  :;iily,  il  wiim  Inn  \vi  II  kiin«ii  M  mi'  in 
ailmii  of  any  ipii'siinn  al  all.  My  rniiniiiiiiiiN — 
I  mt'nn  llii'  Itrmnnalii'  pi  ilinii  nl'ilirin — aiTiisjuiii' 
mill  (leviilcil  |)i  luiirral.s  a.s  tin*  wnrlil  ran  allnril  ; 
iiliilii'  all  I'liviini.slaiii'i'S,  ami  al  all  liiiir:*,  Iln  y  an' 
rniiiiil  manriilly  I'uililin;;  iimli'i"  tin*  liaiiiirr  nl'i-iiiial 
nslit^t  nnd  virinry  lias  iipvrr  yi'l  om'i  iIim  iliil  llnir 
nliiiiilard.  Vtl  I  have  lint  lii'iii  uliir  In  iiluaiii  an 
nppniniiitenl,  t'vi'ii  nfllio  iniisl  iii.si'^iiiliraiil  kiiiil* 
llir  a  sin;;li'  nm*  iit'  tlifin;  ami  nf  i-nnrsr  lliry  air 
ruriniiH  111  kmnv  iln'  rrnsnii,  ami  liny  shall  kiinw 
II.  L(H  llif  lilaiiii'  ii'si  win  IT  il  liilnii;;.s.  'I'liiir 
in  nil  innn  nn  i'xall>  il  in  slalinn  that  lii>  slionld  iml 
hear  llio  plain  Iruili,  iinr  sn  .sai'red  in  prrsnn  iluii 
iiieriu-d  censiiri's  slnaild  iint  fall  vvilli  full  fnri't' 
upon  him.  1  say,  llirii,  at  tin'  Mann'  n  si  wlicri' 
il  shmiUl.  1  I'aiimit  till  my  i-niisiiuirnls  ilitii'  ari' 
110  I.,  ii't'H  111  re  for  ilu'iii;  ilial  would  iini  lie  iln- 
miln:  ihi'iT  arc  plai'is;  tlii'ir  an-  Ivvn  liiiiiilnd  and 
iliiriy-five  plini's,  now  lu Id  liy  Ki'drraliMs,  cvrry 
one  of  wlinni  oiiL'lit  In  111;  iiirmd  mil,  and  ilii'  plai'is 
piven  In  Honiid  l)innM'rals.  1  told  the  I'rrsidiiil 
of  tills  state  of  thill':",  and  askrd  liiin  In  inakr  a 
rieiiii  sweep  of  llii.s  vipirnus  limnd,  and  leipii  sled 
piftejs  fnr  two  or  three  of  my  I'm  nils — jdai'es  liy 
no  means  the  mnsi  liu'ralive,  too — I'lii  I  had  iint 
the  .salisfaeiinn  ofsneriss.  I  lM-oii','hi  no  one  willi 
me,  lint  I  mn  with  one  Inie,  and  I  know  llial  Ins 
i-'iremnslanri's  and  desnis  ij.ue  him  jnsi  elaiins, 
and  [  was  anximi.-?  In  st-e  liiiii  siu'eted.  Appli- 
ealioii  arter  applii'alinn  has  lieeii  presented,  and 
failed  ;  a  uiiued  ell'ort  was  made  liy  the  Oemni-raiie 
porlinji  nf^lie  (leieiialimi  from  I'liin  in  proriireap- 
iininlmenla  fnr  some  of  our  friends  who  raine  here, 
1)111  Willi  like  result.  1  know  nther  irenlleinen  from 
otjier  States,  who  have  ilnne  the  same,  and  shared 
the  same  fate.  Thcexeiise  at  the  deparlinenl  was. 
ihal  there  were  no  pini-es  \nr  them;  while,  in  iwn 
iir  three  insianees,  I  laoposed  tli.it  they  slnaild 
turn  lint  .some  of  these  U'lii^s — mil  ihnse  wlin  Imve 
been  in  a  few  dnvs  or  a  year.  Inn  tho.'--e  who  have 
been  in  ftrtti  ye.irs,  and  some  who  have  heen  in 
ten  years.  'I'lie  leiiu'lh  of  nine  ilnnnu'  wlin'li  nin.-it 
of  tneni  have  heen  in  varies  from  /mi  /e  lotltt  tjrnnt ! 
Tliese  plaees,  liy  every  primiple  .if  Jnstae  ami 
eciniiy,  helnn;;  in  us;  ilie  |)einnrrals  have  wnii 
Ihein  III  the  liard  fmhi.  and  it  isliin  reasniialile  ihai 
they  expert  iIk  iM-iielit,-.  to  aec  rue  to  iheiir.  hut  lip 
to  this  day  tliev  have  looked  in  vain  fnr  this  in-t  ut' 
simple  jiisiiee;  and  In  nliiain  It  I  have  iried.  and 
Home  of  my  enlleaL,'ue9  Imve  tried,  I'mm  the  enm- 
niriieenieiit  of  the  »e«-ion,  lint  without  sneress. 
And  what  is  the  resnli  -  Several  irenilenien  have 
eoinc  here  and  applied  for  olfiee,  vvliieh  ilny  had 
not  only  the  ii;.'iit  In  do,  iait  they  h.nl  a  ri^'lii  to 
txpec'i  ilieir  ai.plii-atioiis  to  i.e  ;,'iaiited;  they  asked 
me  to  JO  and  niiereede  wilh  the  President  iind  ihe 
heads  of  the  departments  for  llniii,  and  .-ial  ihiwii 
here  midur  fair  promises  thai,  after  a  time,  room 


ithonld  he  made  for  them;  they  st.iy  here  some 
two,  three,  or  mix  months — Nome  longer  ami  Home 
Nhnrler— wailiii!;  fnr  plaeis,  mild  they  have  Hoeiil 

all  their  111 y;  and  yet  Ihe  prninise  is  as  far  Irniii 

III  iin;  rilfilh  d  as  il  Mas  whin  it  was  first  maile. 
i''iiiiliii<;  their  iiinm  y  •rniie,,iml  no  piospei-t  of  li<  t- 
ter  lorliine,  ila  y  :iie  aiixioiiH  to  ri'lnni  home,  I. in 
have  Dot  the  niiaiis,  ami  lliey  i-all  on  me  as  their 
vepre.-ienlaiue  lo  In  Ip  them  ;  and  the  result  is,  I 
have  In  pill  my  hand  into  my  poekel,  and  pay  their 
expenses  hoiiic.      |  ,\  general  liiiiuh.  j 

Ihii  a^aiii:  1  have  the  ^ralitiealion  here  In  kiinw 
that  I  am  iinl  ainiie.  I  venture  In  s,iy  there  is 
SI  111',  ly  a  Di'inoeral  here  llaii'.',hler|  hiil  has  liireil 
III  ihe  same  \iav.  .'Villi  I  lieai'd  some  of  my  MVii^'' 
fneiiils  Ireni'Wed  laii>;lili'i'|  eoniplain  thai  ihev  had 
to  do  the  s.iim  ilim..,'.  I  use  in  my  pine  in  !;i\e  a 
plain  Ntaleiiieiii  nf  f.iris,  and  I  sh'ill  mil  he  dnveii 
i'l'nni  my  piii|>osi'  I'oi  frar  of  slrikini;  the  I'resident 
nrany  iiiein>M  r  of  his  Cahiiiel.  When  I  immider 
mjiism  e  has  heen  ilniie  In  me  or  In  my  fi'iends.  no 
man's  peisnii  is  so  saered  as  to  pievenl  me  from 
s|H'akin!;  of  it.      I  shall  do  il  vvitli  nioderation,  lint 

I  shall  state  fai'Is.  While  we  are  thus  ohli;;ed  lo 
liirn  oil' onr  friends,  the  Wliais  are  enjoynij;  Ihe 
spoils  of  our  victory.  Well,  I  have  no  diinhl  ihis 
IS  \i  ry  ie:rieahle  in  ilieiii. 

Sir,  from  my  own  Stale  there  are  some  fiif/il 
persons  in  otiire  here,  .mil  most  of  these  have  only 
inferior  elerkvhips,  Ihil,  Uv  the  i'ei|iiireiiieiits  of 
this  lull,  we  uniild  he  entiihd  In  snmelliin<;  like 
lii^lllii.  .Nnw,  I  ask,  IS  this  I'.iir  llealmelll  ^  Slial! 
Virginia,  Maryl.ind,  and  the  l'l^M■ll•l  of  ('oliinihia 
iiionopnli/',e  all  lliesi  odiees.^  If  there  is  iioadvaii- 
la','e  III  them,  why  are  they  »  •  ri  liielani  lo  part 
with  them-  If,  oii  tl llier  hand,  they  have  ad- 
vantages, we  hear  as  niin'h,  and  indeed  nmi'li  more, 
of  ihe  hiiidens  of  !;overiiiiieiil  than  they  do,  and 

I I  rtainly  have  a  re^ht   In  a  propnrlinnal  pariti-ipa- 
lioii  III  IIS  heiielits.      If  there  is  iiiiv  iidiaiitai:e  in  I 
having'  a  nieiiilar  nf  the  Cahinel,  a  head  of  one  of 
till' hiiretuis,  or  even  a  messeiii^er  of  this  IIoiim',  I 
ask  that  this  advaiii.i^'e  shall  iiiiire  to  me  and  my 

1 siiiiients.   111  aei'ordani'e   with   some  eipiilahle 

rule  t'or  disirihiitins;  .-ueli  favors,  and  that  two  or 
tliree  .Slates  shall  imi  monopoli'/e  the  whole. 

I  iiiii  just  reniinded  llial  my  Stale  did  inn  i;ivea 
demoeralii'  viae.  Well,  that  is  hiil  too  true;  and 
I  laimiil  It  .IS  miii'h  as  any  one.  I  lahoied  as  miieli 
as  any  mnii  to  avert  this  imsfortnne;  hiit  had  not 
the  Demoirats  nf  Ohio  hihnred  willinni  rest,  we 
Would  have  had  a  minority  I'rcsidetil,  vvliieh  i 
hope  m  ver  will  he,  and  1  helieve  every  lionorahle 
iJiiiirii'rat  would  lament  siirh  an  oeenrreiiee.  Are, 
theret'ore,  ihe  hiiiidrid  and  lil'iy  llionsand  l.)i'ino- 
eralie  voles  nf  I Hiin  worth  iioillin;;?  Hnl  the  siii 
just  nnw  iii'm-d  a;;aiiist  ns  is  mil  an  iinparilniialde 
nne;  if  il  weie  sn,  nther  Slates,  wliieh  have  shared 
lar^'ely  of  the  hoiinlies  of  the  Kxei'iiiive,  have  the 
same  erime  lo  answer  for,  unless  ahsolved  hy  some 
peeiiliar  aet  of  ::rare.  Maryland  iiiiil  the  histriil 
of  ('olnml.ia  li.ive  two-thirds  of  the  olliees,  yet  I 
am  not  informed  in  what  manner  Ihey  eontrilailed 
to  ihe  eli'i'Iton  of  .Mr.  I'nik.  .Maryland  '.;ave  a  ma- 
jnriiy  of  siveial  thousand  a;;aiiisl  him,  and  the 
Hisiriet  of  I'ohimliia  h.nl  no  vote;  so  lliat  juiIl'- 
nieiii  must  have  heen  niidered  a;,'ainst  lis  frem 
some  other  eaiise. 

-Mr.jl 'hairnian,  I  have  hefore  iiK  a  list  of  the 
otiieeis  111  the  I'nst  (lilii-e  Department,  ihe  army, 
the  navy,  and,  in  short,  all  ihe  hnreaiis  and  ile- 
parlinenis  in  the  ejiy  of  Washmuton;  also,  the 
niiinlier  of  elerks  in'eaili  department  taken  frniii 
each  Stale,  as  in  ar  lo-  I  e;iii  ;!et  hi  pnhlivhin^r  thn 
Dine  liook,  iiiliiiliniiiilhi — I  eliari;i'  it,  and  1  have 
no  dniilii  nf  the  iriitli  of  it — iiiieiitioiially,tlie  names 
of  Ihe  Siali  s  Irom  \s  liii'li  these  persons  are  iippoinl- 
I  d  are  .pimlied;  .mil  it  is  mil  a  fair  staleirent  In  take 
that  liliie  liook,  and  seleit  the  nninlier  of  the  clerk.s 

III  the  dilVerent  departments  from  ihi  .Stales  in  whieli 
they  were  horn.  Ihit,  in  order  In  remedy  that  dif- 
llciilty,  I  liad  to  resort  in  ihe  .■Vrmv.ind  iN'a'vy  Uecis- 
tcr,  whicli  '.^iMs  the, e  names;  and  if  the  anieiidment 
of  Ihe  ^entleinan  from  ^'ew  York  |.Mr.  K.vtiibix'I 
prevails,  we  will  ;,'el  in  the  nexi  hook  the  very  in- 
fornialinn  we  sn  miieh  desire.  Ilnwever,  aeenrd- 
iii'.;  In  the  hest  information  1  eaii  t,'et  here,  there 
are  in  nllice  here  al  the  eity  of  Washinu'lon,  from 
Vir;,'iiiia  l.'iH,  from  the  Dislrict  of  Colimihia  19-1, 
from  Maryland  llili. 

I  Inive  not  time  to  attend  to  the  whole  list:  thai 
.ih;dl  Ijc  attended  to  presently.     1  have  somelliing  • 


more,  Iniweier,  who  h,  prnhahly  my  frii  nils  liiui 
not  i;nt,  and  I  will  fn  .1  hrin.j  that  fnrwanl. 

Now,  here  IS  a  simill  Hjierial  report,  iiiiide  Miiiiie 
lime  a;;o,  from  the  War  lleparlmi  in.  I'Voiii  this, 
I  find  there  iiie  mm  ty-eii;ht  oificers  and  elerks,  in 
all,  in  lliat  llepartim  lit.  IH' tin  M',  the  Disiiii  I  of 
Coliimhiii  has  /ei/iiiiiiir— exactly  one  half;  ami 
Vir;:iiiia  .iiiil  .Maryland  have  the  haliiice.  No; 
iHiio  li.iM  iinr,  and  soiae  other  States  li.ive  two  oi 
llitii;  hill,  cnnipiintively  speakiii';,  Viri^iniii  iiiiil 
.Maryland  lni\e  the  h.ilance. 

Well,  heie  IS  Ihe  slate  nf  I'licts  in  the  I'liHl  Ollice 
lleiiartnient:  'I'lii  n  are,  in  all.  fifty  thru  olliei  i.^ 
and  I'lerks  in  lhal  Department.  Of  these,  the  Dis 
It  Id  of  t  'tdiimhia  has  tv't  iilti-lliiir  -not  i|iiite  oiit 
half;  Ohio  lias /(I'l, •  and  lllinnis  is  haiidsninely  pro 
V  llll'll  for,  w  llii'll  may  in  snine  di'L^ree  ilccniinl  I'm 
the  opposiiKin  of  my  frniiil  fiom  that  Sl.ite  to  tin 
p{i.s.sa',-i  of  this  hill,  which  would  Init  little  increasi 
the  miiiihi  r  from  lii.i  .Siate. 

.Mr.  DiMi.i  v-^i  Interposed,  and  was  iinileisionil 
In  say  that  the  ueniN  ill  ill  wniilil  Iind  that  llhiioi  . 
has  not  one-third  of  her  iinmher,  aicindm'.'  to  the 
ratin  {)t'  represeiitiiUiiii. 

.Mr.  Svivvtii.  I  have  already  inlimlled  that  the 
miniher  wniild  prnhahly  he  sniio  what  iin'rcased. 

Well,  wilh  lefeiince  In  the  Deparlinenl  of  Stale, 
the  ficts  appear  to  he  lliesc  'I'lie  w  iinle  miniher  of 
nniieis  and  elerks  in  the  Dipartmenl  is  ii;;hly'Sis 
'I'liere  Virginia  is  rather  hehiiid;  she  has  iriily  six, 
hi;  I  the  District  of  ( 'olinnhia  iii.ikeH  il  up -she  has 
toflti-Jii'f  (Htl  I'l'  liiihhj  sl.i'  liiinx  iniirr  tlitiit  itHi  hiiH 
ofllti  ic/ii'/r  niimhrr'  Ohio  hiis  nam,  Itioi'i^ia  li.i-.; 
none,  and  some  of  the  other  Stales  have  llnlie.  Is 
there  a  sin;;li'  man  in  tins  llmise  sn  deaf  In  lliede 
niaials  of  jiistii'e  as  not  to  reprohalf  this  siiite  of 
lhii|i;s  '  .As  I  n;iiil  hi  fore,  if  it  is  an  ailvaiilaf;i'  In 
have  lllese  places,  why  lint  let  those  who  hear  the 
hiirden  of  I  joveriiinenl  also  share  eorre.^pinidiiii^ly 
i)f  the  henefits  r 

lint  what  I'lealid  this  slate  of  thiiifis.'  and  how 
is  II  iierpetnated  ?  .My  friend  from  .New  Vnrk 
[Mr.  ItAriMiiS'J  has  In-day  (;iveii  yon  a  <;raphii', 
ili'serijitinn  of  the  ways  and  means  resorted  lo  tn 
eslalilish  and  eonliniie  litis  monopoly;  lint  1  shall 
endeavor  to  ;;ii  a  little  farther  iiitn  the  details  of  the 
laisiness.  There  is  an  army  of  loafers  and  loiinj;ers 
ill  this  city  who  are  liioiii;lit  up  in  idleness,  ami 
enti'i'taiii  the  notion  that  il  is  disi^raei  fid  to  make 
;in  honest  living  hy  imiustrv;  this  swarm  of  worth 
less  animals  is  the  olVspriii!;  of  otfn-e-liolders,  anil 
seem  tn  have  inihilied  iin  nther  idea  lliaii  that  the 
Cinvernmeiil  has  them  In  support;  thiia  we  aee  two 
or  three  j^eneralioiis  of  the  same  stork  I'ei  dim;  al 
the  piihlic  erih,  lhoiii;li  they  have  no  other  merit 
iiiidur  heaven  than  that  of  hein>;eoniiei'ted  with  fat 
old  ollice-holders  hy  hlood  or  inarriice.  There 
are  iiiaiiy  honor.ihle  exceptions,  I  admit, hiil  a  vast 
inimher  are  of  the  ilescriplinii  I  Inui  just  named 
Tin  re  are  some  honorafile,  indiisiiintis,  talented 
men  in  these  Deparimems,  and  the  latent  there 
will  not  sillier  hy  a  eomparison  with  ihe  talent  of 
this  House.  Ihil  there  are  many,  very  iiiaiiy, 
others  ai;ain,  who  have  lived  on  odiee  I'li'tii  the  ilay 
lliey  were  horn  lo  the  pre.sent  lime;  and,  sir,  the 
miKiiits  a/irrain/i,  as  mv  l..iliii  I'liend  from  Sotitji 
I'arolina,  (allinhn^  In  .Sir.  I  lai.Mi.s) — [laii;;hterl  — 
would  say,  is  this;  all  old  otlice-holder  tinili<  ha. 
family  frown  up,  and  their  support  a  little  heavy 
iiiion  his  hands.  This  little  hi-ood,  or  hi^;  hrood, 
(lor  they  are  (;eiii'ially  hi;;  eniniijh  and  iif;ly  enoii^'h 
too,  to  work  fnr  a  liviiii;,)  are  now  to  have  a  stall 
tn  the  piihlie  stahle.  If  they  are  desi';ned  lor  the 
navy  or  army,  or  West  Point,  they  tiii'  sent  otf  in 
one  of  the  States,  to  i;iiiii  aresideme  in  eoiiformiiv 
with  some  iei;iilaiinn  of  the  hraiieh  of  the  (.inverii- 
meiit  hy  which  they  expect  to  he  supported;  niid 
there  are  several  instances  of  persons  ohtaiiiim; 
places  as  citi/.ens  of  (Miin,  whose  eiti/.eiiship  is  ol" 
this  kind,  hut  w  liiif e  real  lioiiie  and  residence  is  in 
the  Disirict  of  ('nliimhia;  and  Ihiis,  hy  loafmu  a  few 
weeks  upon  a  rich  and  hospitaldo  soil,  eni;a;;ed  in 
ihe  imporlant  laisiness  of  shnotiii;;  little  hirds,  m 
eatehin;;  lilde  lishis,  and  reliiriiini;  fiill-deihjed 
ISnckeyes,  lo  claim  the  lionnrs  and  advanta^'e-. 
which  belong'  lo  onr  own  sous,  who  jiave  labored 
hard  in  the  days  nf  their  boyhood  in  levelling  Ihe 
heavy  forests  and  reiiriii:;  enmforlahle  niansioiis 
for  their  old  parents  to  sjieiid  the  evening;  of  iheir 
days  ill.  Are  the  benefits  of  Ihe  Ciinernment  to 
be  confined  to  the  pensioned  horde  that  infe.st  this 
eity.'     Arc  we  in  llio  far  Wc-sl  to  receive  no  fn- 


*!■ 


nil'  10 


iiiIh  Iijiu 
I 

lilt'    H(H|1C 
•III    lIlJN, 

i'I'tKn,  III 
>i»lrn  I  iif 
n\f;  iiiiil 
'.  N.i; 
l\\i>  III 
[iiiiii  anil 

ilNl  Ollirr 
illii'i  r.i 

,iiii'  r)iN 

|lll(f'  IIIK 

ilvi.ri. 
iiiiiil  I'm 
III'  III  llii 

Illi-II'IIKI 

I  llliMilf 
lllllllll.'. 

Ill  Ihr 


|H1(5. 


AIM»KNI)IX  TO  THK  CONOUKSSIONAr.  (!r,C)HK. 


7'20 


•i!)Tir  CoNii 1st  Sksh. 


viim  liy  wlilrli  III  riiwiiril  llii^  niiiil  lnvn  ami  iiiiiiily 
vii'iiii  N  iif  iiiir  Miil'li'  Kiiii"'  Alt' wi' I'liri'viir  In  lin 
"  ilii  Ik'Wi'i's  111'  wniiil  mill  ilrawrrN  nl'  walir"  fur 
llir  iilli',  iiriNiiirriilir,  iiriHli;;iil  |iiiii|ii'rH  nl'  llir  Na- 
lllllllll  rii|iltiil  '  (lull  rmliilh  lllllllll  ri'  IH  Mlliitllrl' 
ri'iltill'i'  ill  llii'  raHii  IIS  iitliniiN  MH  tliJN.  Wlii'll  ait 
iillliir  III'  rlri'k  wliii  has  m|ii'iiI  Ins  hriliiin'  in  llir 
liii  rali\i'  i'iii|iliiy  nl'  llir  ( liiMi  iiiiniil  iliiM,  il'aiiy  nl' 
Ills  rliilillrli  all  mil  |il'iivlilril  I'm  ,  llir  |iliiri'  nl'  lllii 
I'lllllir  is  i^i\lll  III  Miililr  mail  IrsNiynllllL;  Imnliy  nl'a 
sun  In  Hii|i|inrl  llir  raiiilly,  ulin,  liy  llirii'  aiiMi'ly 
III  iijii'  liiuli  llii',  liavi'  llirnwii  aviiiy  i'iiniii;li  tn  liinu 
ki'|il  llii'iii  I'imil'nri.ilily  anil  iiii|i'|ii  iiilriilly  llii'ir 
w  linli'  lil'rlimi  .  Till'  niiiiiiii  r  nl'  wriinii);  lliis  In'-  , 
ri'ililaiy  I'laini,  I  liiur  Imtii  Inlil,  is  snini'lliini,'  liki;  | 
iIiih:  llir  ilniiiNi'il  lias  |ii'nlialily  Irl'l  a  ilaiii;lilri'  nr 
Iwn — I'aii'  mill  ilrlii'ali'  InnKini;  I'l'ialuiTs— Inn  ilrli- 
I  all'  I'm'  llii'  w  iiiils  nl'  liiavi'ii  In  lilnw  i'nii<.'lily  ii|imi, 

lllnnijll    ll|i  III   liislilimlilili'    jllllnll'liri'  mill    I'Xtl'llMl- 

f;aiiri",  ilirsf  iIi'I'ns  llii'iiisrUrs  ii|i  in  iiiniii  iiiiii;,  mill, 
Willi  (liilmniis  I'm  rs,  ii|>|irnai'li  llir  Si  ri'riary  nl' niai 
nl'  llir  l)r  I  111  rl  llir  tits,  mill  lia\  itii^  |irrviniiHly  iiiiitiitiil 
llii  ir  ryrs  llininii','lily,  Iniril  iiiln  liars  liil'nt'r  llir 
li'llilri'-lii  al'li'il  man  nl  nllli'r;  Iliry  |ili.'ml  |iinrily, 
mill  ask  thru  lilnlliri'  tn  lir  ii|i|inililril  tn  Ins  liilliii  'h 
[ilin'C,  In  Niivr  llinii  liiiin  slaivatinil.  'I'lir  lirxt 
tlllllH  ynll  liriir  IS  u  I'lllsiiiiir  |iiilt'  tjnitll,'  tllr  rnilllils 
nl'  llir  Ilrws)ili|irl's,  ;;lnl'iryiii;;  llir  ^rtirl'nsily  nl'llir 
^^i.rirt.iry  I'nr  liaviiii;  ii|i|iniiiiril  tin:  snti  nl'  a  ilcsli- 
liiir  wiilnw  In  a  liifjlily  liii't'iilivr  |mst  in  liis  l)r- 
|iiiriiiii  III.  Iliit  llirir  is  mil  iiiir  wiiril  iilimit  the 
iitilii  r  nl'lhiH  HUM  having  linn  in  nitirr  all  liis  lit'i  • 
tlllir,  anil  I'ri'i'ivril  lllnliry  riiniii^h  I'miii  ihr  Cjnv- 
I  riiiiiriii  tn  liavr  iiimir  Ins  I'aiiiily  lirli,  liiil  wliiili 
tins  saiiii:  I'miiily  liinlislilv  mill  wii'krilly  Hi|iiaii- 
llrrril  ill  llir  rashinllalilr  |iirasill'rs  mill  vii'rs  tit' till' 
i'll|ilt»l.  Anil  ill  llir  I'llllirss  nl'  lillir,  U'liril  this  smi 
ftliall  liavrKiiiir  llir  waynl'  all  llrsli,  Iraviii;;,  alsn, 
a  firstiittttt  witlnw  mat  starviiii;  laiiiily,  liis  miii  tir 
stiiiH  will  yrl  liavr  ti  sli'mi^tn'  ilaiiii  In  tliu  |ilat'r  nt' 
llirii'  aiit'i'slnr.  Mrrrly  liiM'inisr,  llir  linvi'i'iimriit 
liau  sti|i|im'lrtl  tlii^  raiiiily  liir  tlir  piiHt  lll'iy  yrars, 
It  lilltst  t'nnlitiue  In  tin  Nn  tn  llir  rilll  nrtillir,  ni'  till 
tin;  I'mnily  lirfniiirs  rxliiiil,  whi'li  is  iiliniK  llir 
Naiiir  lliiii^?.  Tliry  st'i'iii  In  ri'L'in'il  llir  Unv'ci'iniiriit 
MM  hriiii;  iiiattr  I'm'  thrir  rH|irrial  liriirlit,  ami  tlitiL 
nl'  tlirir  |ii'nL;riiy.  .Siirh,  sir,  is  ilit^  rlli't:t  nl'  Ihr 
Hyslriii  iiDW  iirat'tisril  in  llir  ilis|irii.talinii  nl'  llic 
hutii'S  mutiny;  tin;  l''.xi't'iitivr.  Drpai'tiiiriits  of  this 
Illy.  Aiitl  Niirli  all'  llir  ni"aiis  rismliMl  In  In  Kfrp 
It  ii|i.  Wlirii  llir  nirii  fail,  lliry  Hiiiil  ihrir  wivrs 
mill  ilaimlilrrs  In  iiitnirtlr  I'nr  tlit.iii.  I  sprak  fitini 
ihr  linnk.  Sir,  I  ili  spisr  this  Hrrvilr  Inutlisnme 
syi'i>|iliaiiry  tlitit  iiil'rsls  lliis  rity.  I  rxprt'l  thrir 
t'liiiilfiiiiialimi,  their  taiiiils,  mill  thrir  liilirr  sur- 
i-asnis  In  fall  iipnn  iiir  tliirk  iimi  fast.  I  am  ai'.riis- 
Imiii'il  In  it.  I  liiivr  a  liiiiilirl  nf  IrtlriH  iinw  ill  my 
pn.ssrs.sinii — anniiyiiinii.H  anil  si'tirrilniis  Irlli^rs — 
s'l'iil  fni'lh  frniii  thr.sr  pusillanniiniis  rnwarils,  frnni 
prrsniis  wliti  have  lint  llir  iiiaiiliiir.ss,  ihr  iiinral 
rniii'ai.'i'  In  slrp  fnr.vm'il  anil  till  mr  in  my  I'ai'i;  nf 
Ihr  rvils  ihry  I'liai';;!'  I  havr  dnnr,  m'  am  aliniit  In 
tin;  lull  wlm,  lilu'  rnwiinlly  ussii.ssiiis,  .stab  in  llir 
■  lark.  Il  iiiia.l  lir  lull  a  pnnr  satisl'ai'linn  tn  llnin, 
Innvrvrr,  fnr  an  army  nf  siirluliislarilly  si:niiinlrr!N 
rimltl  mil  ilrivr  mr  I'lnm  my  piirpnsr. 

Sir,  fnr  rvrry  spn-i'h  I  jiavi;  matlr  nllliis  srssinii 
nf  f 'nii^'rrss,  I  liavi'  rri'rived  a  slinw  I'r  nf  this  klml 
nf  ,'iliiisr;  ami  I'nr  my  last  rll'nrl  nii  llir  West  I'nmt 
Arailriiiy,  anil  I'nr  my  rxpn.sliinii  nf  the  siamlu- 
liMis,  ilaninalilr  rnrriiplinii  iinw  rxi.stinj;  in  ihc 
Army  ami  Xavy,  ami  nf  West  Pniiit  favnritism,  I 
liavr  irrrivril  a  pirfri'l  slinwer  nf  iiliiisivr  Mark- 
(,'iiai'tl  lellrrs.  .Nnw,  if  tlinsr  whn  write  sni'li  .stulf 
Miipposu  1  am  In  hr  iletrrrril  Iiy  them  frniii  llir  t-nr- 
rrt'l  (lisi'liai'i;!' nf  my  tinlv,  lliry  vrry  miirh  mislakr 
till'  mmr,  tlii'V  nrr  cnwarilly  villains,  whn,  if  Ihry 
Iml  iinsHrsseii  the  rniirau'r,  wniilil  sit  al  iiptiii  a  man 
in  ihr  (lark  hnnr  nf  iiiiilMiu;lii,  ami  iiiin'iler  hliii  in 
his  sirrp;  lull  lliry  havr  mil  ihi:  rniirai;!",  all  ihry 
ran  (In  is  tn  sptHV  fnrtli  llit'ir  veiinm  in  lliis  srrrt't 
mill  ilaslarilly  niamirr,  like  anmc  reptiles  I  have 
rrail  of,  whifli,  while  they  see  a  man  in  llir  Iriie 
mtngenf  (Jntl  apprnarhinj,  lilnw  fnrlli  ihrirvennm, 
ptiisoning  the  airarnimil  thai  lliry  may  drive  away 
nrilcstrny  the  nnwelitaiie  Iniriiilrr.  'I'liesr  stareli- 
eil-iip  animals,  nf  wliieli  I  liavr  lireii  spoakinir,nre 
nnl  men,  hut  tlie  vile  almrlinns  nf  pamperril  nliitc- 
holders.  Holier  thrir  lialred  In  all  who  wear  llie 
Iriie  impress  nf  God's  imivi^r. 

I  do  nnl  stand  alone  in  this  re.speet,  Mr.  Cluiir- 
iiiuii.     1  cnii  point  to  other  iiulividunU,  both  in 


Thv  Tiiriff—Mr.  Ihihnnl. 

Ihi*  llniiHH  iiMil  Ihr  .Seiiair,  will)  luivn  Hlinrril  (hii 
Haine  fate,  If  I  were  tn  purine  a  ililli  nnl  rniirsr, 
mill  hrrnmr  llir  apii|o'.;isl  or  ailvniali'  nf  ihr  foul 
enrrnplinii  wlin'h  infreiH  evrrv  laain'li  nf  the  piili- 
lie  Htrvii'i  In  Its  ri'iiintesi  rainiliraliniin;  if  I  were 
In  eonii'iile  Willi  Ihr  virws  nf  llniNr  painprreil  inin- 
inns  nf  piiwrr,  I  slniiilil  nnl  lirlrralril  in  iliis  way. 
.Nil,  I  slioiiltl  he  tiikt'ii  iiitn  llirir  enilirin'r,  and 
hailril  fi'lliiw  will  met.  lint  I  eaiiir  lirre  In  rrpre- 
arnl  llir  virus  and  wislirs  nl  a  liarily,  manly,  pa-  i 
Irinlir  t  iiiMliliit'iii'y;  and  llii'ir  virwH,  and  wislirN, 
and  iiili  rrslH,  iirr  diametrieally  nppnsetl  tn  tins  iii- 
jiisiier  and  t'lirrnpliiin  nf  wliii'li  I  havr  lireii  speak- 
in^'.  The  Driiiiiriary  of  my  disli  let  irr  made  up 
aliiiiisl  eiiliri'ly  nf  I'arnirrs  and  niri'limiifs,  mrii  whn 
work  liaril  mid  livr  frii'.'.ally,  tint  nnly  llial  ihry 
may  lay  ii|i  iinmrihhi'.;  I'nr  a  rainy  il  ly,  lint  Ilial 
lliry  may  ii;ivt;  llirir  I'hildrrn  hiii'Ii  an  riliii'ati'Ui  (is 
In  III  ihein  I'nr  any  piirsiiii  in  life.  Thene  iiirii  are 
always  ready  tn  ipiil  Ihnr  shnps  nr  llirn  llrlils  In 
prnmnlr  llir I'lllIHe  tif  Dt'lllni'l'illii'  prilli'iplfii.  When 
Air.  Pnik  lirrmiir  nur  Htmidard-liriirrr  in  HI  1,  Ihry 
rallird  arniiml  him  with  an  rnilnisi^isiii  ami  triie- 
lirarlrilurss  ihiit  has  iin  parallil.  Tliry  tli.tnilrr- 
rslt'illy  Hiisprndril  thr  lalmrs  nf  llir  slitip  mid  liidil, 
I'r^ariliii);  their  own  privmr  iiitrrrslH  as  imthiii;,' 
I'nnipart'il  with  llir  i^rrat  (|iirMtlniis  htftirr  the  prn- 
plr,  and  liavr  them.-irlvrs  lip  tn  the  liusiiic^M  nf  ihr 
rlii'iinii;  ility  I'nuMrd  their  I'rirntl.'i  and  iii'ii;lilini's, 
dislrilinleil  pmnplilelh  ami  papers,  anil  dit.iiinina 
tell  rvrry  Kind  nl*  iistfiil  iiifnrmatioii  In  all  williin 
Ihrir  reai'li;  lliey  iiiadr  lliriii'<rlvrs  will  iii'ipiainird 
with  llir  snlijnt  in  eonlrtivrisy;  ini-l  mid  vaminisli- 
rtl  their  oppnneniH  on  llie  stump;  nor  enlil,  mir 
rain,  mir  slnrin,  roiild  elieek  llirin  ill  llirir  elliirln 
In  prninnlr  a  emisi'  lliry  kiirw  tn  lir  just  and  of 
viial  impnrlanrr  In  thr  vvellliriii'.;  nf  inankind.  I 
Invt;  a  prnpir  at  liialeil  liy  sin'li  mnlivrs  mid  arliti;^ 
willi  sui'li  ellii'iriiey.  lliil  what  is  tin:  risiill-  I 
rnmr  here  llirir  Urprrsrulativr,  mid  ask  an  ollierr 
(for  whom  lliry  have  iint  only  spi  nl  llirir  valnahle 
lime,  hill  hIsii  money)  tn  ^^ive  a  plare  tn  a  very 
few  of  Ihrse  deservin;,'  turn  or  llirir  sons;  liiil  llieir 
devntetl  sirvirrs  in  his  liehalf  are  fnrijniten,  mid 
the  Administralinn  is  iinwillini;  to  reiiuile  the  oli- 
ti'.raliiniM  il  is  tinder  in  Ihrm.  1  have  tint,  In  this 
day,  heiMi  aide  In  nhtain  a  Nitnalinii,  even  of  an 
inlrrinr  kind,  I'nr  a  siii'.rle  friend,  liul  llii:  faiill  is 
nnl  mine;  I  have  done  my  duly,  let  the  ctiisure 
rest  where  it  should. 

i\o  line  ran  rise  litrr  and  oppose  the  eiirreiil 
of  injuslii'e  thai  is  sweeping  tlirnii;;^]]  the  varinijs 
deparlmenis  of  ihr  CJiivennm.'iil,  wilhnul  liiini^ 
pursued  with  a  vimlirlive  spirit  of  perseeiilion  thai 
knows  nil  limil  in  violrnee  nr  hiltrruess.  A  easr 
snmcwhat  siniilar  In  my  nwii  in  this  rei>poi'l,  is 
thill  nf  Mr.  Serretary  llaiuToI'l,  who  a  short  time 
ai^o  made  a  report  Hprril'viiiLj  errtain  ahiises  in  llie  . 
Xavy  Depmliueiit,  wini'li  nui;ht  In  he  rnrrei'lcd; 
errtain  siutnire  nllirrs  wliitdi  shniiltl  he  distontin-  j 
ueti,iV:e.;  and  fnrlhwilli  llie  whole  park  of  pam- 
pered peiisiniiersand  thrir  friends  wri'i' down  upon 
the  Seirelary  wiili  all  luanner  of  aliu.si:  ami  llireiils, 
and  a  scnrriious  iiamphlei  direelly  ;;nlleii  up,  and 
spreail  upntl  the  desks  nC  tlit;  tiicmluTH  of  this 
House.  Il  was  so  man<i^'ed  thai  llie.se  anallirinuM 
shnultl  iipprarln  havr  enme  from  dill'rrenl  parts  nf 
the  Union — from  Haliiniore,  IMiiladelphia,  New 
York,  the  exireme  West  unit  the  extreme  Kast — 
lint  innsl  of  them  were  wrillen  with  the  same  pen 
and  hy  the  .same  hand,  and  dnuhlle.s.s  in  this  vrry 
t'ily,  and  st;iil  In  dill'rrenl  pniiils,  and  pulilishetl  in 
tlili'erenl  papers,  fnr  the  purpnse  nf  iiiakinic  il  ap- 
pear thai  llie  whole  coimlry  was  in  arms  ai;ainst 
Mr.  lianernfl.  Tliry  wrn:  the  prndutMions  nf  ijie 
same  servile,*  sve.nphanlie  drinir,  whn  has  lived  all 
his  life  III  ihc  'iVasury  si  ill,  ami  whn  wii.s  frii,'hl- 
enetl  at  the  pnssiliillty  of  havni;;  his  fodder  lakeii 
away. 

All  that  the  friends  of  lliis  hill  iisk  is,  that  they 
m.'iy  be  plaeed  upon  an  eipial  fonlin^'  wilh  the 
other  St<ilrs  of  the  Union.  1  woultl  say  to  the 
i;riiLlcnian  from  Virt,'iiiia,  [Mr.  URnMuoiii.K,]  who 
was  sn  iiuirli  exriled  lliis  mnrnini:, suppose  thim^s 
were  reversed  in  sueh  a  way  a.s  In  {,'ive  all  these 
olfioes  In  the  Slale.s  of  Ohio,  Geor^'ia,  Mississippi, 
Alabama,  and  his  Stale  receive  none,  would  lie 
lint  be  loud  in  his  denuneiatimis  of  si;ch  a  inonop- 

*  I  nee  nl-n  that  (-'iilimt'l  WiishiiictiMi  liii-^  etiine  in  far  his 
tthnrc  til'  iiliil-^c  for  tliti  enrriielie  rt^roriiis  wtilcli  he  has  iii- 
tniiliit'eil  iiiti)  Ills  (li'pnrliiieiit  ol' the  i'lMl  ntliee.  It  is,  lo 
lite,  tliv  bunt  tivitluiieu  tliat  liu  id  faillil'ully  doing  liis  duty. 


H< 


Mki-i 


Illy,  mid  rail  iin  liaril  lianie<i  fnr  nur  riipneily  nial 

illiheiahty '  Wlienrvrr  mi  iilRrr  brroiues  vaiiiiil 
III  llns  rity,  thr  nrnpir  nf  Viri'inia  mid  Maryland 
havr  Ihrir  fitrinlN  In  rr  in  the  drparliiirniN  In  '.'.ive 
lliini  informalinii  of  thr  fuel,  and  ynii  will  ncp 
ihi'in  nil  thr  wiiiu'M  nf  ilii  winil  sailiii:'  in  the  i'a|iilal 
In  have  the  pliirr  lillrti  from  one  or  ihr  oilier  of 
thrsr  Hlalrs  nr  frniii  Ihr  Dislrn'l  of  f 'olumlna. 

lienllrmen  nnderliike  tn  hin'lrsi|iir  lliis  hill,  ami 
ask  us  whether  wrarr  in  rm'iir.>il.  Tiny  will  liinl 
wr  arr  in  riirmsl,  ami  that  llirre  nrr  riirm  it  mitl 
jiiNl  nii'i)  rnnii'.rh  in  this  jlnnsi-  tn  mnkr  it  tlr-  law 
of  thr  land.  I  hilirve  it  will  rapidly  lmIii  stirnrth; 
11  is  SI  elearly  jusl,  that  I  am  snrprisiil  there 
idiniilil  be  any  npiinsilinn  In  it.  I  appial  to  thr 
Hilisr  nf  iuNlli'r  nl  rvery  rnillrliiau;  In  my  frirlid 
Ir 
IV 


Hilisr  nl   jllNlli'r  nl    rvery  rnillrliimr,    In  my  Irlrlld 

from  .Smith  <''aroli |\lr.  I  Ini.Mi.i,!  am)  in   my 

ri'it'iid   frnm  Vir'.;iiu:i,  j  .Mr.  |)iii>Mf.tinij:,|  and  tiitU 


Ilia,  j.Mr.  (Ill 
hat  iSl.irvlaiii 


lliriu  if  il  is  just  lli.'it  .M.irylaml,  Vii':;iiiia,  ami  ,!i 
Itislrirt  nf  ('olumliia,  hIiiiuIiI  iiiimnpnh'/r  all  ilirs 
olliri  s,   lo   the   ext'liiHion   of  oilier   States  of   tlin 
Uin.ili> 

Snme  rrinarks  were  luaile  by  .Mr.  (Ihi.mk.h  mid 
,Mr.  hiitiMoiniM;,  (wliii'h  the  reporter  did  not 
hear,)  bill  Mr.  I>.  was  nnilnsinod  in  rrfrr  lo  thr 
fiel  Hull  Oliin  dill  lint  last  her  elii'inral  volt:  for 
Mr.  I'nlk,  and  llirrefnre  llitr  ijeiilleman,  on  Ina 
own  priiit'iple,  Hhnnid  nnl  prt^ss  hisrlaini  fnr  a  pnr- 
lioii  of  the  n  .spoils." 

.Ml.  .Sdvviit  (rrsnmin^')  Hiiid  that  (lliio,  nol- 
willi'^taiidini;,  had  irivrii  iiinrr  Jlrmnfraiir  vnlr.H — 
almnst  Iwo  lo  nnr — ihaii  Vir;;iniii.  Will  llir  t;rn- 
llriiiau,  thru,  instead  tt\'  Ivrrpini;  two.thirds  of  the 
ollii'i-s,  lir  plrasf'd   lo  diviilr  Willi  UN  rii'iirdiu;;  In 

our  lllimerirMl  strrlu;lli,' 

Iliil,  sir,  1  iln  not  rtaini  thai  this  bill  slinnld  pass 
ftu'  llir  purpose  of  i;iviii!^  nllii'es  In  I  Iliio,  or  any 
ntlirr  .Stair  111  parlienlar;  but  fnr  the  simple  rrnsmi 
llial  il  is  sirii'llv  ri:;lil  in  ilsrif,  And  unlhiii;;  h  sa 
lliiiii  ri[iml  and  rxai't  Justin;  lo  all  is  riu'lil:  thai  in 
t'lr  ilni'iiinr  laid  down  by  ihr  !,'riitlriiiaii's  [Mr. 
l»iiiiMi.iiiii.i.'s|  piilitiral  palrnli  siiiil,  Thoiuas  .Irf- 
fersiin;  "  I'jpial  ami  rxar.l  jiiHtire  lo  all — rxi'Iiisive 
[irivilr;;rH  In  mini;"  but  now  ihr  t;rntlrnian  is  iid- 
vnealiii;;  the  dnilrine  of  'jiviiii;  In  Ins  own  Siair, 
and  nnr  or  two  ollu'rs,  nil  llir  oflirrs,  and  rxelii- 
diiii;  everybnily  else  !  Nnw,  if  wr  ran  siirrei  d  in 
briiiirin;;  aboiil  ihis  ripi.ilily,  wf  sh.dl  have  allained 
a  i;re:il  emi;  and  I  shall  not  have  to  ;;o  to  myi'on- 
stilnriils  and  say,  I  linve  iin  inlliieiirr  with  the 
I'resiilenl,  fwliii'li  is  nnw  Inn  true.)  It  i.s  true,  as 
the  :;enliemmi  frnm  Illinois  .says,  thai  the  President 
tines  lint  nu'ddlr  with  lllrse  Kliiall  olllers.  I  wish 
Ihry  wrrr  In  ihr  liandsnf  llie  I'rrsidint.  I  briievo 
innrr  Jnslit'r  ivtiuld  then  hr  tlniir  thiin  wi:  now  have, 
liul  wlirii  wv  apply  tn  ihr  Seereliiry  nf  thr  Treas- 
ury, ami  errtain  tillier  Seerelaries,  wlin  have  ii  ma- 
inrily  nf  Wlii;;.s  iinilrr  Ihein,  wr  me  liirned  away 
wilh  the  answer,  tiny  "do  tint  know  nnythini; 
about  il."  The  time  iiiay  enme  when  they  will 
know  about  il:  when  wr  will  br  heard  on  this 
llnor;  and  the  limr  may  eonit;  when  we  shall  br 
a  lllllc  more  respericd  lliaii  we  arc  now. 


THE   T  A  K  I  F  !•■ . 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  E.  W.  Hl'BARI), 

t'lF    ViniJINM, 
!■<  THE  Hm  sK  OF  Rkiuikskvtvtivks, 
Jitne  -Jli,  l«4l). 
The  lull  reported  by  the  ehnirman  nf  the  Commit- 
ler  nf  Ways  and  Mraiis,  providing;  for  a  rediie- 
t  im  of  duties  tm  forei;,'ii  Imports  from  their  pre- 
sent rales  lo  the  reveune  standard,  hein::  nntlri' 
eoiiHidrralinii  in  the  f'oinmiUce  of  the  Wliolr — 
Mr.  HUDARDsaid: 

Mr.  Ciimuman,  I  rise,  brielly  to  stale  my  reasons 
I'm'  siipiiorlini?  llir  bill  nniirr  eonsiileratioii,  and  In 
shtiw  that  il  eontains  much  to  eommend  il  lo  ihr 
favorable  eoiialdrralion  of  the  eoiintry.  Il  greiilly 
rt'ilitrrs  existiiii?/ii,i.''/i  duties.  Il  n/iod'isthc  spccijic, 
as  well  lis  ihe  iiiiiiiiaiiiii  principle  of  impnsinj; 
tlulirs.  The  former  is  clearly  intended  to  snslain 
the  protectivr  features  of  the  bill  of  1842,  and  has 
Ihe  ilirect  ell'eel  of  incrcming  Ihernle  of  prolcclioii 
as  the  article  on  which  the  duly  is  laid  becomes 
rlicuprr;  as,  for  instance,  a  specific  duty  of  S|  05 
per  100  pounds  upon  rolled  bar  iron,  was  thfi  last 
fiscal  year  c(|ual  10  an  ad  valorem  duly  of  75  per 
cent.     Rolled  bar  iron  was  then  valued  at  the  cus- 


I      I 


•  ■,)« 


730 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOHE. 


[Jiiiio  '26, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess, 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Hubard. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


tom-hou»e  at  $1  (!5  per  100  pnuiids.  Now  it  is 
clear  llintwlipn  rolled  nan  falls  m  prien,  tlie  specific 
duly  of  ifjil  'J5  per  100  pounds  will  iJirrctKc  the  rale 
of  lul  valonin  duly:  thus  giving  the  iiiaiiufiielurrr 
hifsner  proloction,  exnclly  in  piopoiliou  us  iron 
ftilh  in  jti'irc.  Tlu'  eOei't  of  this  luenme  of  duly 
«a  iron  licconies  clutiper,  is  more  cU'ei'tually  to  fj;- 
r/u(/f  ilic  inipormiion  of  il,  thus  prevenliiii;  the 
*  •ovcrnnienl  iVoni  ilcriving  any  rensonahlc  amount 
of  revenue  from  tiiat  source.  But  In  doiiij;  that, 
you  also  cur'iil  ihe  commeree  of  the  country, 
thereby  dniri^  i;i  "al  injury  to  other  great  intcrcsls. 
The  HiiaiiiiioH  prn'ciple  is,  if  nnytliins,  more  oli- 
m.xious  than  the  specific,  because  il  accon)plish(>s 
more  injustice  under  lejislativc  fictions  and  aibilrii- 
ri/  valuations.  As,  lor  instance,  ihe  present  law 
declares  that  "  inanufactures  of  cotton,  not  dyed, 
colored,  printi:d,  or  stained,  and  not  exccedin:;  in 
value  twi Illy  cents  per s({uare yard, .shall  be  valiiid 
ut  iweniy  cents  per  sfpiare  yard,  and  pay  a  duly 
of  30  per  ce.uum  n/  ru/orfi/i."  Now,  ■iiidcr  this 
lesislalivc  di  vice,  plain  white  cotton,  ccistini;  six 
cents  per  yard,  is  to  be  valued  at  your  custom- 
houses, es  llioui^h  in  fad  it  cost  twenty  cents,  and 
ihey  tire  to  exact  a  di  ly  of  .'10  per  cent,  ad  va- 
lorem, not  U)ion  the  rent  cost  of  six  cents  the  yjird, 
but  the  ficliliniis  price  of  'S)  cents  the  yard.  liy 
this  minimum  system  of  laxin;;  cheap  while  rot- 
tons,  yon  in  fact  tax  those  costijii;  tiiily  six  cents 
the  yard  when  imported,  the  enormtms  titthj  of  six 
cent.s  the  yard.  By  a  species  of  hocus  pocus  le- 
friflaliim,  you  deceive  plain  people  into  the  belief 
that  yoi.  only  levy  a  duty  by  the  bill  of  1S4'J  mi 
cheap  wliite  cotton  ';oods  of  30  percent,  ad  valorem; 
vet,  in  fad,  slu-uld  'roods  of  this  description  be 
Imported,  tlii'y  wouid  have  , to  jiay  100  per  cent, 
duly.  Hut  this  miiiinmni  principle  is  a  means  of 
imposing  a  much  lii;;l!er  duly  on  the  cotton  cosiin;; 
only  six  cents  the  yard,  than  on  that  de.scriptioii 
eoslin;;  1.'^  and  120  cents  the  yard;  because  the 
more  nearly  the  price  of  the  imfiorted  cottimtroods 
approai'lits  the  iniiiinntiii  price  fi.xed  Ijv  law,  \\  hich 
in  ibis  instance  is  'JO  cents  the  yard,  so  inucli  more 
nearly  is  it  an  ail  valorem  t;ix.  If  it  is  expedient 
to  impose  an  ad  valorem  duty  on  while  cotiim 
goods  costiii'.;  'JO  cents  the  yard,  whv  is  it  not 
equally  lair  and  Just  to  impose  an  ad  valorem  duly 
»»n  v.liite  cotton  i;oods  costimr  oniv  six  cents  the 
yard  :  N.  ,-,  sir,  jusiicc  anil  boiu-sty  in  the  lainr 
case  imperiously  deniaiiilii;  because  the  niiir.Hc/on;) 
iTOei/s  lu^tuiUti  iiurcha^cil  hij  tltr  potn-fr  c/ilsscv,  shoultl. 
where  tiny  dillirince  is  made,  be  more //^'////k  taxed 

than  the  rtiK'c  i/ai/  ,iwrf  rusllii  aili'-le  1 ;;ht  by  the 

inoretrt''(//'ti/.  'I'lie  wordtfit)iifri((;n  isof  La'iii  ori;:in, 
and  means  the  least  t>\-  smallest  qn.'iiitity:  v\'hile 
nuuiiiiiim  means  the  ^'re.atesi  or  l.u<;est  ipiantily. 
Willi  this  plain  andobviousdistic-rion  bel\vet:n  the 
meiiiiiiiu-  of  the  two  words,  yi't  the  former  is  se- 
lect, d  Mill  iisiil  in  the  bill  o!''l^l3,  to  desiL'na'.e  a 
pricf  which  in  fe  i  is  a  nin.riinitnu  wiu-ii  we  taK'e  into 
eonsideralion  the  iiveratie  value  of  white  c-ott-,n 
goods  usually  consumed  in  the  country.  Tb  re  is 
no  j;or,d  reason  for  usiiiL;  either  ot  tin  se  arbiirarv 
terms,  as  Ihey  only  tend  to  "lelcr  the  law  more 
ilitfi'Mill  (if  eoniprelien.  on  to  the  irreat  mass  of  the 
opir.  For  the  first  lime  in  the  history  of  our 
•^eiler.il  lei^islation,  we  now  propove  to  introduce 
entirely  in  a  tanirbill  the  ml  rn!nrfm  system  of  tax- 
ation. This  of  Itself  Is  a  powerful  aiirinnent  in 
favor  of  ihe  bill  now  miller  consideration. 

After  year  of  nnu'ry  disciission,  and  varied  mn- 
tHtions  of  iiarlies,  the  Democracy  have  at  last  so 
fur  siici, ceded  ill  vlndicjitin^  their  principles  befoie 
the  coun'ry,  as  not  only  to  have  elected  a  I'resi- 
dent  favorable  to  a  reverue  tarilf.  b'lt,  as  we  be- 
lieve, a  majority  in  botii  Houses  of  Coii-^'ress. 
The  duty  now  devolves  upon  the  Democratic 
members  of  ("cmtr  «<  ''giving  'l.eir  principli'i  the 
sBii' 'ion  of  hirislauve  rimi  linent.  We  owe  it  to 
.he  cmintry  now  to  readjust  ihe  tardV,  and  make  it 
strictly  a  CfrftiKf  nn-asute.  In  doioi;  this,  the  D.^- 
moc-racy  need  take  vlielier  behind  no  complex  dc- 
vices  in  Imposim;  iliiilesi  bin  iiiaklng  justice  and 
fairness  our  L'nide,  we  desire  not  to  niv'Mlii'v  inir 
arts,  lait  init  'id  to  phn-e  befori  ibe  pefiple  ii  lax  bll! 
they  can  all  I 'iinprehend  and  apprecit.i  ,i'i.,m  its 
simplicity  and  ihe  intrinsic  correctness  of  the  prin- 
ciples upon  will,  Il  It  is  based.  The  ud  viiloirm  rate 
of  impuMie^  duties  is  intelle.'-iblc,  and  the  rtviitue 
principle  is  just;  so,  therefi 
measuri  s  on  the  Dei 


P 


j  ing  merchant  wc  will  impose  a  duly  on  your  goods 
'  nccordiii/sr  lo  their  value;  llius  leaving  the  icenllHy 
who  eonsiime  the  costly  articles  to  pay  most  of  the 
tax,  while  the  poorer  classes,  usually  eonsiiming 
ll;e  cheapest,  will  contribute  less  towards  defraying 
the  expenses  of  the  Kederal  Governmenl. 

The  extensive  importation  of  c/irap  foreign  goods 
was  the  plea  assiirned  by  the  advocates  of  the  taritV 
act  passed  in  1843,  for  denianding  hii^h  duties  to 
protect  American  manufactures  against  what  they 
characterized  as  thi'  prinlncllons  of  the  "  |>au|)er  la- 
bor of  tiiropc."  The  en'/  complained  of.  :.en,  by 
ihe  mamifactiirers,  was  cheap  fonigii  goi/i(.«,  coming 
into  auccessl'ul  competition  with  our  American 
manufiicturcs.  This  they  represented  as  a  iiioat 
grievous  evil.  It  was  urged  that  our  well-fed,  free 
American  labor  could  not  compete  in  o;ifii  mar- 
kets with  what  they  stignialized  as  the  "pauper 
labor  of  Kurope."  This  alarmiiii;  cal.imily  of 
cheap  fronils  Wiis  gretitly  deprecated  by  our  niami- 
fadurers,  and  for  tin"  most  obvious  of  all  reasons: 
it  curlaileil  (/irir  ;in;/i/s;  bill  it  enrlclied  labor  and 
administered  to  the  comlbrl  of  the  needy  consinniT. 
I  never  heard  of  the  vmple  raising  a  clamny  because 
goed.s  irere  cheap.  The  putrhnser  naturally  desires 
lo  buy  on  the  l)f,«(  terms:  so,  therefore,  the /rvs  money 
llie;ifo;)/r  have  to  pay  for //if  ir  merchandise,  the  bel- 
ter for  their  interesl.  lint  if  the  same  cause  which 
enables  them  to  buy  on  ihe  best  terms,  also  enables 
them  lo ilispitse  oflht  irpnuluetions  at  the  hii^hisl  rales, 
why  certainly  tbry  are  doubly  bcnclited.  Then  no 
rational  jieoplewill  :ruiipIaliiof  beingenablcd  to  sell 
and  buy  on  the  most  advantaireoiis  Icrins.  The 
people — the  great  iiia.ss  of  the  constituent  body — 
did  not  tisk  Congress,  in  1,-<4'J,  to  interpose  obsta- 
cles in  the  p.ith  of  eoninii  rcc,  so  as  to  impede  Its 
career,  and  thus,  by  diminislilm;  competition  from 
I  abroad,  enable  our  manufacturers  al  home  ;:rcatly 
lo  elevate  the  price  of  their  i^oods.  lint  the  man- 
ntacturing  classes,  and  those  innnedlately  in  llieir 
inlliience,  implored  Coie^ress  to  :;ranl  llieni  protei'- 
iioii  a«:ainst  the  niillitnis  nt'ehtiip  foi-ei:,'n  iroods 
daily  thrown  into  the  .\iiierican  markets,  htcaiise 
the  competition  lessened  their  profits.  Their  unjust 
and  selfish  request  was  trraiiled.  The  experiment 
has  been  fairly  trieil.  The  tarilf  law  of  184'J  did 
cnlutnet  the  |irice  of  ijood  '.  .\o'  only  did  it  do  that, 
bill  accomplished  it  by  iliininishing  .lur  cimimcrrc, 
and  i;reatlv  iinpitiii<iix  the  value  yiC  lair  ii'j:vieultHral 
staples.  Thi.^  /if//  in  our  leailiiigaixrii'iiitural  staples 
has  hail  a  blii;lnincell'edu  poll  I  be  mechanics,  tnidcs- 
nien,  prol'essional  men,  and  all  o'beis  einployed  in 
Ihe  aL'ricuhunil  disiricts.  This  AVIii;;  reuinlii  if 
i.r(7i(i/p)ig  r/i(i(;i /"riigii  uoods  iVom  a' fair  coin]>eti- 
tion  with  our  mamitadiires,  has  lireclcd  anoilier 
most  extraordinary  result.  They  now,  when  their 
boasti  d  remedy  has  lieeii  repudiated  by  the:  people, 
gravely  set  to  work  to  prove  that,  since  the  pas- 
sau'c  of  the  proledive  tarilV,  tin  y  can  manul'uiure 
goods  US  cheap  in  this  country  as  they  can  be  made 
HUH  where — thus  proving  thai  their  remedy  lo  de- 
I'end  ihemselves  agio'iis/  low  prices  has  ai'tually, 
I'cordin:;  lo  their  ass,  itions  iioic,  ib  leaied  their 
[list  (  xpectations,  by  enabliie^  llieoi  to  ni;inufac. 
lure  and  sell  their  goods  as  cheap  as  they  do  ahroail. 
Well,  we  propose  now  lo  plieve  them  from  this 
dilemma.  I'or  cheap  ;r'io'.ls  must  result  In  /eie 
wiu;es.  Thus  they  li.ne,  according  to  their  con- 
fessions, forced  iipnii  the  I'ountry  a  policy  that  has 
tlezratleil  our  labor  by  destroying  Its  reward. 

'I'll St  ol'laboranil  ;lie  inleiest  on  capital  coii- 

siiliile  two  of  the  leading  i!emeiils  eiiierinu'  into  the 
price  of  manufactures.  Then,  If  the  low  rate  of 
interest  in  I'^urnpe,  combined  with  low  wayes  of 
labor,  enabled  foreiiruers  to  manulai  lure  goods  and 
sell  lliein  for  loir  prices,  certainly,  il'  ice,  in  this 
r"iiii(ri/,  (where  llie  rate  of  interesl  and  wcjes  of 
labor  ate  both  Aig/trr, )  maimfacture  .•jji/o/ar  gooths 
,i;  liic  same  prices^  either  our  capitalists  who  own 
the  manufadurini;  esiablislitncnts  are  ^rreatly  in- 
,ured,  if  not  ruined,  or  out  I'lei-  .\ineric.an  labor 
must  be  degraded  and  plaeetl  on  a  le\el  with  the 
"  r  aper  labor  of  F.nrope."  If  lie:  'irst  alternative 
is  true,  the  protective  policy  lias  bieii  siileidal  and 
unproliluble  lo  the  capitalist.  Hiil  if  le.e  se-nnd 
alteriii'  '■  the  correct  one,  then,  sn  far  bom  pro- 
leciin^  ,.,/  low  wages,  il  has  Itasttiud  their  Mil- 

\ent  ,.       ,■   .lined  the  operatives  to  ef  hi  sud'ering. 
.s^liould   the  firsi   .■ontiic'ency  be   I  .le,    it  is  fo" 


t: 


re,  we  bnldly  place  our      for  the  lord 


iif  the  loom  r 


I  adher 


illy 


tcclivc,  which  practicnily  redueii  the  wages  of  the 
"  inanufaduring  operatives.  But  notwithstanding 
the  sophisms  and  subterfuges  gentlenien  resort  lo 
in  (Oiler  lo  sustain  their  policy  of  high  protective 
diilles,  nothing  can  be  more  certain  than  the  object 
and  design  of /iig/(  diitiis  is  to  sustain  or  enhance  the 
price  of  the  protected  article.     In  cither  event,  the 

I siimers  have  to  pay  more   than  ihey  otherwise 

would.  But  having,  on  a  former  occasion,  clial- 
j  leiiged  gentleinen  lo  rcfule  the  able  and  conclusive 
argument  of  the  honorable  nieinber  from  Massa- 
chusetts, [Mr.  -AinMs,]  which  demonstrales  that 
high  ilnlies  enhance  the  value  of  ihe  goods  on 
which  they  are  imjioseil,  and  finding  no  one  liere- 
lofore  either  able  or  willing  on  'l..il  side  of  the 
House  to  join  Issue  with  him  on  that  point,  I  will 
conclude  this  branch  of  the  subject  by  ciiiii:;  again 
one  or  two  extracts  from  his  rejiort.  No.  481,  Ist 
session  of  the  3'Jd  Congress: 

'•  The  il.ictriiic  tlii;l  iliities  of  imposr  c/icnyici?  the  prirr  of 
tlic  iirlic'.es  ii|iiiii  wliii'li  lliey  are  levieil,  fceiii^  to  czniiil 
wittl  tile /irs/ ./.V/ii/r»  HI*  roiiiiiioii  trmc.         »         *         *    '     • 

'■  Il  is  (■cWiiiiii;cimtKiry  lo  the  iialiiriil  eiiiirse  of  IliincK, 
Hull  .III  oiliUion  lo  the  eosi  s/ioii/.'  I'C  .;  iciholion  of  the  itrlic 
.:|'iiii  arlii-le.      ••>•..... 

o  Mm  ilic  il:ily  iliioii  itie  nrlicl.'H  iin|iiirleil  tVoni  iilinmil 
CHithlV't  tile  il(iin.>>lic  proilitcer  In  erit'T  illlii  C(ili)|>r|ilinn 
Willi  llle  iaipiirler  Iroiii  iibin:iil.  Hn  liiim  o*  tliis  eoiiipi-lllinii 
ciiiitniiie.^,  tile  iluiy  oiterali's  an  a  /loiiii/i/  nr  [irciiiiiiiii  in  the 
'Umc^lu  niiuiiitUcliirer.  Hut  liy  wfliaii  is  it  piijil .'  ('ertniiily 
liy  111,*  yurcfiiiter  of  tie"  artiel",  whether  (if  tiiieiixii  or  nti?o. 
mc.lh  itiiiiiiniicliin'.  The  i/iiiw  eiMistitiiles  a  juirl  ol  ilie  price 
III' tile  ii'/iif/c  iiij|.is  nl'llie  article  ill  the  iniirk.l.  Il  isvuh^liiii- 
Ijitlli!  ihti-'l  iipiiii  till-  arlicle  III"  i/oiiics/ic  iiiiiiiiiraeliirc,  a,,  well 
il^*  njioii  Hull  iifiiireimi  pioiliiclinii.  riHuinne  it  is  n  ftoim/i/, 
iipiiii  llic  iillier  il  ftiiri/cii;  iiiiil  itie  reiieal  of  llle  tii.x  iiin'st 
iipcrale  us  an  viiitinitviil  reiliidiiiii  of  the/iriVciit'tlu:  artich;, 
wliellirr  Ihreiiin  nr  liotne^lii-.         ***,*• 

"  'I'hc  ni'iiiTiil  anil  /iciiiiiiiicii/  eircet  lini-l  lie  In  iihtim.sc 
the  prii-e  of  tile  arlii  le  tn  ttle  ejinit  nf  tlie  [iililiiioiial  ilillv, 
anil  It  is  llieli  /iiiii/  hy  the  roil.tleiiiT.  If  it  were  hnt  mi  ;  if  the 
:;i'iier<i/  eltecl  nf  Kr/itjiij;  tn  a  illlty  were  to  iimtc  Ihe  yrrj,  e  nf 
the  iiiliel.'s  iijinii  u'hli-ll  il  IM  lexieil  /csv,  Ihe  enliver;>e  nf  Itie 
pinpn.sui,m  wniilil  al^n  lie  true;  iiiiil  tin-  nperalioii  liir  in- 
ereasini.'  Ihe  price  of  llie  itnineslic  Jirliel-'  Wnlllil  be  to  rCjtrot 
Ihe  illlty  lipnil  llle  siiiiie  article  iliipnrteil-.ari  er;icri;iieiif 
which  the  f'lienitv  of  our  iiileriiiil  ulltu^t^y  will  not  be  i/esiroiu 
nl  iii.iAiii^."' 

If  the  bill  now  before  us  is  not  in  all  respects 
perfect,  yel  it  proposes  greatly  to  reduce  the  exist- 
in:;  hip:h  duties,  and  therefore,  pro  Innto,  should  be 
snjiporled  by  every  Democrat.  The  pas.sage  of 
this  bill  will  be  a  ;;'real  movement  in  belialf  of  free 
Ir.ide.  The  Wliiiis  had  hro  olijcds  In  view  in 
passing  the  laritV  l.uv  of  184'J.  They  were  for  a 
lirnticlire  and  not  simply  a  revenue  la'rilV.  If  they 
were  for  revenue  riioar,  they  should  vote  for  ihc 
bill  now  before  us.  So  fur  as  I  have  heard,  no 
one  has  attempted  lo  prove,  by  fact  or  argunienl, 
that  the  bill  now  proposed  would  not  raise  an  adc- 
ipiate  rcveniie.  iSomellinisydcclainalion,  savoring 
more  of  dread  lest  ihey  may  lose  protection  th:'ii 
any  just  apprehension  nf  not  rai^in;,'  sullleient  rev- 
enue, has  liei  n  indulu:ed  in;  Ijiii  \ve  can  prove  that 
heretofore,  on  several  occasions,  when  the  iliilii  s 
were  moiler;iie,  imports  gre.ttly  increased,  l-'rom 
these  facts  we  tire  warranted  in  assuiniie.;,  that  a 
reduction  of  existing  duties  will  also  he  billowed 
by  a  :,'re.il  Increase  in  our  imports.  I'lom  the  data 
we  have,  we  think  it  fair  In  assume  that  the  im- 
ports will  be  increased  by  riiiiorin^  these  extrava- 
gant duties  of  184'>  in  a  vastly  greater  ratio  ihaii 
we  slaill  lower  the  ilnlies,  m-cal  as  that  reduction 
is  proposed  by  this  bill  to  be.  For  these  leitsons, 
we  think  a  reduction  of  duties,  followed  by  a 
irre;itly  increased  import  trade,  (as  the  past  history 
of  the  country  proves  to  have  been  the  atfiidaiit 
of  a  reduclion  of  duties,)  will  nsnll  not  i.nly  in 
aiigmenling  the  prosperity  of  the  country,  but  also 
be  the  means  of  placing  ample  revenue  In  the 
treasury.  Hut  while  we  eniertain  these  oplnlon.<i, 
we  do  iioi  11  end  to  ur:;e  that  oursyiitem  will  forih- 
witli,  even  it' put  into  succes.-il'ul  operation,  accum- 
plish  all  these  vast  results  with  unerring  certainty 

in  a  few  monllis;  yel  we  feel  i lident  of  its  t  xert- 

liiL' ultimately  all  the  salutary  iidlitcnees  which  wo 
anticipate,  am'  that  a  full  and  fair  trial  of  it  will 
lie  si^^nalizi  n  oy  far  greater  laosperiiy  in  all  parts 
of  the  country  than  resulted  tVom  llie  passa_'e  of 
the  lariir  of  |84'2.  Besides,  In  financial  mailers, 
aireding  the  u'leat  vital  interests  of  the  country, 
scarcely  anyihiii^'  is  of  more  linportance  than  sta- 
tnlitij;  and  we  hope  now  to  adjust  the  tariiTon  so 
just  and  wise  a  iiasi.i,  as  to  ensure  that  dtsideri  liiiu. 
VV'e    propose    by   passing  this   bill,   to   ri  move 


crBtie  doclrine  of  exieiidni 


policy 


but  If  the  lain  .  is  eorreei    ,),e 


ill  ruinous  a      many  of  the  barriers  that  now  I 


n  11  IS  an  iiii- 


nd  11 


lereliv 


LU-liiuidi.d  justice  to  all.     We  say  to  the  import-  '    positioii  iipot!  Ihe  credulous  lo  can  that  jiollcy  pro    ,   of  the  country.     ,\  dourisd 


ally  add  to  llu 


npeuc  our  coin- 


prospcrily 


coimnercc,  like  tliu 


^■*- 


[Juno  at», 
lo.  Of  Rki-s. 

I*  the  wiiiics  (if  the 
iiotwiili.st.-inding 
I'liilinicii  ii'siirt  lo 
'f  liif-'li  pnilrciivc 
in  lliiin  llic  (ilijcct 
tluiii  or  tnhatice  the 
h  riilicr  uvcril,  (lie 
|in  Ihry  nllu  iwi.si; 
■I-  occdsidii,  rlml- 
Jili'  iiml  C'lncliisivB 
IiIk  r  fniin  Mnssii- 
llemniisli-atcN  ilmt 
j<if'  lln!  p;o<)(ls  III) 
Idin;  III)  (Hie  licrc- 
il  siile  (if  ihc 
'liiil  point,!  will 
'■'  l)y  I'iiiiu;  iM'iiiii 
l"ii-l,  Nil.  481,  liii 

I  ■Vidi/icri  Ihi-  pyiir  „f 

|ll,    l^fl'llH^   III    r-„jii.l 

nil  .■i.iirsi'  (if  i|ii,m« 
llTfJw.  lion  nj  Ihr  i„i,c 

i|i'irliil  iViini   Mliriiiiii 
'I-  iiil'i  [•iiiii|i,|iti,iii 

111  lllisi'lMMIll'IMillll 

iir  liri'iiniiiii  lo  iln; 
|l»llp,-il(l.>  Crlaiiilv 
"I  liirciijii  or  iif,/o'. 
1'^  ii;/,nyolilit  (iriou 
:irk.  I.  Ii  iHvBAifuii- 
ii.iiiiiriuliin'.iia  Hcll 
'""Ml'  II  is  n  boiinl,,, 
•  il  ol  Ihr  iii.v  iiinst 
(!;>ii<collliiMirlioli', 

lllll-l  he  lo  III.  ri-,/.>c 
till-  aililiiioii.'ii  ,|iiii_ 
■IKi'rcnni  ^o;  iliiu. 

II  niukc  Ihr  im-,'  ol' 

llir    I'lMlVlT.-C  Oflln; 

■  o|jiT.il|.iri   liir  j„. 

Wi'iilil  III'  111  rcjirnt 

■li'il— Mil   rj-pfrimrut 

mil  nut  bf  ilcsiroiu 

'I  ill  nil  rcspci'is 
iicliicc  llii!  rxist- 

\liiiitii,  pIioiiM  |,e 
I'lii;  paNsiii;n   of 

'  in  lifliiilf  of  fill. 

ilTts     ill     vj,.„.     j„ 

J'liry  \Kri'  for  n 
N- laVill'.  |f||„,y 
mill  voK,'  for  the 

Imve  liriird,  i,„ 
iici  or  iir^uniciii, 
nnl  lainc  an  ndc 
niaiion.xavoriii^r 
pioii'i'iioii  ih-'ii 
llir  Kiitli,i,.iitrev- 
<;  I'aii  provr  timt 
«lnn  till'  diiti,  s 
'■I'MM'il.  l-'niiu 
1SMIIIIIII-,  iliai  a 
l''*'^,  Iw   fojiowcil 

J''nini  ilicdiita 
«•  llial  111,,  in,. 
:  ilii  SI'  cxirava- 
•iiiiT  ralio  than 

iluil  ri'dui'iion 

*  tfll'N,'  IX'tlMOIIH, 

fi'llmvul  liy  a 
III'  piiM  liisiory 
I  'III'  ali'iiiliiiit 
nil  Mill  only  il, 
iimry,  Imi  iil.-,.i 
'Viiiiie  ill  ilie 
lifsi'  opinions, 
■"  ni  \vi!!  forili- 
laliiiii,  am, II,. 
rill;,'  i-iriainiy 
II'  (ifil.N  txcri . 
ii'cn  wlilrli  \vf. 
lial  of  il  Mill 
!')'  in  all  pans 
lie  jia.'.sa-..  ,,f 
'"•iai   iiiatii  IN, 

'lie    Coilllliy, 

I'ni'i'  ilian  slu- 
II'  laihTon  Ml 
diMidcrMnni. 
U  to  nniim; 
de  our  ,oii,- 
10  priispiriiy 
t'riT,  like  UiB 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


731 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Hubard. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


heiUlhy  circuliitinn  of  the  blood,  is  cqiinlly  condu- 
cive lo,  as  Wl^II  na  dcmnnstrntive  of,  llie  ihrlfiy  con- 
dition of  llic  hody  polilir.  Iiivarialily  lis  c.oni- 
iiicrcc  is  fiilar'_'('d  or  diininislird,  do  \vn  find  our 
nuriculliiial  prndiu'ts  risinj;  or  fdlin','  in  value. 
This  I  shall  csiulili.sh  fully  in  the  9ul).sei|iient  part 
of  my  ri'inarlis.  So,  therefore,  we  have  ample 
reasons  in  jiassiii;^  this  hill  to  anticipate  a  greatly 
increased  coinmcree,  nnd  ihat  wt-  are  sure  will  im- 
parl a  ereatly  increased  value  to  all  of  our  aijricul- 
tiiral  productions.  This  openiii'.^  of  th..  springs  of 
coninieicn  will,  we  are  coiitidcnt,  revivify  many 
inlcrcsls  now  siid'eriiii;  from  the  want  of  good  and 
steady  markets.  In  facilitating  nn  exchanije  of 
commodiiies,  we  expect  to  ini'rou.se  the  wajrcs  of 
liihiir,  the  prnfils  fif  coninieree,  the  ^alue  of  our  ' 
staple  prodiiclions;  and  in  doiin;  this,  we  are  sure 
means  will  he  created  siiffieieiit  lo  warrant  the  en- 
terprisiicr  in  emjiloyinir  the  industry  of  the  coun- 
try, rtilly  and  profilahly.  These  ini;i:hly  results 
we  propose  to  attain  liy  doin'.;  jusiice  to  all,  and  im- 
posing liunlcns  upon  no  one.  We  are  for  redu- 
ciii'^  ihe  enorniou;-i|y  lii;,'h  duties  iin|msed  liy  the 
hill  of  !H1'],  not  only  hcraiise  they  are  oppressive 
to  airi'icnitnre,  commeree,  and  the  consumers  iren- 
erally,  but  because  the  manufaetiirers  do  »o(  need 
more  protection  than  a  bill  framed  solely  with  n 
view  to  rrrruiir  would  atl'ord  them.  This  is  nn 
assertion  made  at  randnni.  The  history  of  several 
Slates  of  this  ITiiion  abounds  in  facts  ibuslrative  of 
its  truth.  I  will  not  trespass  further  on  the  alien- 
tion  of  the  committee  than  to  cite  two  examples: 
the  cnllure  of  siiijar  in  Louisiana,  and  the  amount 
of  maniiraclures  in  Massarhiisetts.  'I'lie  other  day 
I  listeiieil  to  the  remarks  made  by  the  member  from 
Louisiana,  [Mr.  Hauman'sov.]  with  pleasure  and 
ndniiration,  ^rowiiii;  out  of  Ihe  fact,  that  he  had 
both  ihe  Head  and  liearl,  though  himself  en2a;,'ed 
in  plantiiiLT,  and  silualed  in  the  midst  of  the  su^'ar 
planters — a  lari;cand  wealthy  class  in  his  State,  and 
consliiutini;  the  only  atrriciillural  interest  in  the 
S  tulh  wliirh  deri\i's  any  subsi.iiitia!  beiietlt  tVom 
proteciiiin  ai  the  hands  of  this  (ioveniineiii, — yet 
that,  under  such  circumsianees,  he  should  manfully 
iidvoeaie  the  revenue  tarilf,  as  proposed  iiy  the  de- 
mocrai-'V,  as  the  only  f.iir  and  wmti  policy  lor  this 
(joveniiie'iit  to  )Hirsiie. 

It  is  universally  admitted  lhat  the  sii2;ar  planters 
of  Louisiana  are,  and  have  been,  under  the  foster- 
in;;  rare  of  Governnicni,  re:ili/.iii;;  vastly  larger 
jirofiis  than  anv  e//ipr  class  ,,t'a';i-iciiliiirisl.s  in  this 
country.  That  the  liiirli  rale  ot'pi'oleetion  extended 
to  the  su'/ar  planters  by  itnposiii'j;aii  exlravairanlly 
liii:h  duly  on  iniported  sui^ar,  is  a  leading  element 
in  their  yieat  prollts,  no  candid  or  sensible  man  can 
iloiibt.  .Viid  since  the  arLMiiiient  of  one  of  her 
incnibers  on  tliis  door,  no  one  can  doubt  that  those 
en';ii;:ed  in  that  business  will  derive  ample  and  re- 
miineraliiiL'  prices  for  their  suL'ar  aflir  ihe  rluly  is 
reduced  down  to  the  point  imbeated  in  llie  lull  be-  , 
fore  us.  lint  the  able  memltcr  tVoin  I'nsloit  [Mr. 
WixTtiiiiii']  pursued  a  ditlerent  course  of  ari;u- 
ment.  'I'lie  priisperons  eoudition  of  his  Slate,  nnd 
particularly  of  her  manul'a, 'lures  compared  wiili 
the  t;cnerally  depressed  condiJion  of  the  a;rriciiltii- 
ral  States,  seemed  not  In  su'^'.;est  to  him  the  causes 
which  acromplished  this  di.Hpariiy»  and,  if  persisted 
til,  will  perpetuate  il.  He  rathi  r  seemed  |tiisvessi'd 
of  the  idea,  thai  whatever  polii'y  suited  his  Stale 
would  exert  eip  .  'iv  as  salutary  an  inthience  upon 
the  other  Stat-  s,  nnd  thai  il  was  the  nei;leet  of  their 
citizens  if  ilic""-  did  i-.,!  avail  tlicmselves  of  the  ben- 
efits of  the  policy.  Ill  this  he  evidently  over- 
looldd  ilissimilarily  of  ,'iriuniilani'es,  of  pursuits, 
nnd  ofniians.  As  tin  lionoralile  ineniber  just  allu- 
ded to  did  not  furnish  the  commillee,  so  far  as  I 
heard  his  renmrks,  with  any  I'n'ts  elucidating;  the 
enonnous  valiii'  of  the  manufaeiured  productions 
of  his  Stiite,  I  will  revert  lo  a  few  taken  from  a  re- 
port of  the  .-itatislies  of  the  riiiled  Slates,  of  March 
'-''i,  1811,  and  primed  by  order  of  ihis  Mouse: 
llrlr^irtt  from  Iftr  ^t'ttislu'^of  Mtysoihw(Ctli  for  tfir  ypor  pre- 

ctnliiiii  .*//,n7  I,  IH-l.'i,  Kiiit  coitet:IC(i  utidcrlhc  aiUhoiittj  of  an 

net  of  the  Leiiiilatitrr. 

('ilt)itilt  111-     Itiillilsi'lil-    , 
vi'f-ti'il.  ployed- 


Villlle. 


>1aiiiir.i,-iiiri'a :>S7.SI-J-1,IKI  ijlll.tlll .-Jl".  l-.'s.lll:) 

i'i»iii  rii'H ,  II  ,K.vi,:iii  I  i;),i)  I  i,.ViO  iii.'j  1 1 

Miiii'Hiiihl  liiri'itu I    '.'.(Kil.t:!!  noreiiirii.'  .',..',ii'.l 

.Vt'ricillliife i   l'j,fitl7.l)-r'  liiirrlllili.  lioretiiril. 


(irniiii  liiliil Il4,-I7t<,li:i|      .■,i.l.ll,"i.7(i;     l.Vi.Tlili 


Here  we  have  il  stated ,  that  in  the  years  preceding  I 
lat  April,  184.5, 128,013  hands  employed  in  mann-  ' 
facturins,  with  a  capital  invested  of  !;i4(),l()l,217, 
made  the  enorinnu.'i  nj;i;re?:nle  value  of  '8H7,il^'4,0.8;t 
(ifmnmifactnred  goods.  I  hold  this  authentic  table 
up  for  the  examination  of  members  and  the  inspec- 
tion of  the  peo|ile.  It  is,  worthy  of  itiidy  and  ma- 
ture refleciion.  By  what  process  has  this  mij;iity 
result  been  aceomjilished .'  Who  nurtured,  who 
now  sustains  this  niamiiaeturins  mammoth.-  By 
what  means,  either  direct  or  indirect,  were  they 
enabled,  with  so  far  luinth,  to  make  such  a  vast 
snin  lis  S87,!)'-!4,083  of  manufactures  in  one  yea'  r  | 
Then  look  at  the  j;rcat  profit  mode  by  those  en^a-  i 
i;ed  in  the  fisheries.  Here  we  find  l!),ii44  hands 
employed,  with  a  capital  invested  of  J;1.'J,()44,5,5(J, 
anil  making  in  value  Jilll,85.'),3<J4.  This,  too,  is  n 
protected  interest.  Let  ihc  a'^riruliiirists  study 
these  fads,  and  lliey  must  come  to  the  conidnsion, 
that  some  powerful  a!;cnl  was  biouL'lil  to  bear  to 
swell  the  value  of  the  |trniluctioiis  of  Massachu- 
setts, besides  her  own  labor,  machinery,  and  capi- 
tal. It  is  immaterial  what  way  you  esiiniate  the 
cost  of  the  raw  materials  used  in  maiiiif;Hturiii2:, 
Ihc  interest  upon  the  capital  invested,  and  the  wa- 
:;e3  of  labor;  upon  any  jii-'<t  and  fair  mode  of  com- 
puting; them,  the  jtrnjils  will  be  nslnundin'.;.  As 
compnred  with  the  interest  that  the  !;reat  mass  of 
the  a;;riciilti.risis  now  receive?  on  their  capital  and 
liilior,  the  I  .  '  lufactiirers  must,  as  malleis  now 
stand  in  Mr  ,,-:liu.setts,  triple  or  qiindruple  them. 
They  may  insiitute  the  comparison  between  any 
of  the  i;reat  mainifaelurin:;  unti  planliiu;  or  farming; 
Stales,  ami  il  will  lie  shown  that  the  .States  of  Mas- 
sachuset's,  New  York,  or  Pennsylvania,  not  only 
^et  all  the  benefit  lo  be  derived  by  bavin;;  their 
nianiifaciures  p'ii(fc(p(',  but  nlso  aliout  nearly  all 
t'le  advanta;;e  ot*  the  boasted  hoiiic  iniirket,  which 
they  nrgr.  the  encouragement  of  mamifacturcs  af-  i 
fords  to  the  farmers.  i 

As  for  the  few  hundred  bales  of  cotton  taken 
from  Ihe  South,  that  is  no  favor;  for  if  you  v  .;i 
only  liberate  commeree  from  its  undue  restrictions, 
the  rise  in  their  cotton  would  reluni  ilicm  double 
the  orofit. 

We  are  opposed  to  the  larilVart  of  1843  iiecausc 
Congress  can  sriant  nn  [irotceiion  to  nianufactures, 
except  by  the  exercise  of  the  laxiii'j;  flower.  No 
one,  it  is  deemed,  would  have  the  hardiliood  to 
advocate  a  sysiem  of  i/iicc/  tanithii  ^villl  a  \iew  to 
raise  money  to  protect  the  nniiiufaclurers,  by  '.;rant- 
iiiL""  lliein  liuvnliis:  nor,  slionlil  such  a  law  ever  be 
proposed  and  passed,  would  any  one  say  that  the 
manulactiirers  should  be  solely  and  privately  in- 
trusted with  the  collection  and  disbursement  of  the 
direct  tax  tlius  im|ioscd  by  CoiiL'i'ess  for  their  ben- 
efit; that  these  reeipienls  of  pulilii' bounty  .should 
collect  the  dill  et  tax  and  divide  it  amonsst  iheni- 
sclves,  and  the  Giivcniment  neither  know  the 
amount  nor  look  to  the  disliursemcnl.  All  would 
•  oiideinn  such  a  sv-'<lcin.  Yet  virlually,  that  is  the 
ell'ect  of  the  existins  law,  with  the  siiisle  excep- 
liiiii  that  the  lax  is  imposed  iiidirirlbi,  and  saves 
themaniilaeturers  the  ;;reat  odium  as  well  as  trouble 
which  the  iliiert  sy.-item  of  taxaiion  and  bounlies 
just  in'iicaled  would  rei|uirc  of  havini;  manufac- 
turers' tax-Li-athcrers  harassiii!;  the  country  lo 
ciilleel  the  money  out  of  which  ihcy  were  to  pay 
Ihemselves  the  bounties.  The  sysleui  of  atlordini; 
inilirrcl  bounties  by  ConL'iess  l.s  not  only  more 
convenient  of  eolleetion,  but  is  more  dilKiiill  to 
litiiil  as  to  exient,  and  f.ir  h  ss  odious  only  bri-anse 
less  intellisible.  I'lir  exactly  as  the  value  of  .'Viner- 
nan  inanid'aettires  more  iifiir/i/approximale  to  fiir- 
nishiiiL''  'he  home  consuiuption,  so  imieli  the  tjrenler 
is  Ihe  af^irrrKiitc  indirect  tax  in  the  shape  of  en- 
hanced price,  which  the  ennsumers  have  to  pay; 
and  for  tlic  same  reason,  as  our  leime  manufactures 
increase  and  supply  the  home  market,  a  protective 
duty  upon  inijiorts  puts  into  the  Treasury  less  and 
less  revenue,  while  the  manufacturers  :;et  a  lar;;er 
and  lan;cr  bounty;  lieeaiise,  as  you  increase  the 
quantity  and  value  of  iheir  ;;ood5,  you  extend  the 
base  upon  which  protective  duties  operaie  to  en- ' 
haiice  these  profits,  and  as  you  diminish  by  this 
process  the  iinpnrlations,  yon  eul  down  the  source 
of  revenue.  Hut  I  wish  to  know  what  ri;;ht  has 
this  Oovcnimeiit  to  lay  taxes  avoweillv  to  foster  '■ 
maiiufiietiires,  wilhout  seeing'  'o  the  eollectins  and 
dislitirsiiii;  of  them?  Is  not  the  power  of  taxation 
the  most  powerful  Iriisl  eoid'erred  upon  u'overii- 
meiit?     Is  not  the  Ciovcrnmciit  responsible  for  its 


exercise  of  the  taxing  power?  And  will  any  one 
say  we  have  the  ii;;ht  to  delejate  lo  others  the 
power  of  roltfcthip;  nnd  oppropriath]^  to  their  <ncn 
ine  the  public  revenue  iri(/ioiil  acciiuniin:;  for  it.' 
The  firoleciion  f;iveii  by  the  bill  of  1842  to  manu- 
facturers ad'ords  lh<'m  bounties  as  clearly  in  the 
shape  of  enhanced  prices,  as  if  Con]i;ress  had  iiti- 
|>iisc(l  a  direct  tax  on  the  people,  collected  and  dia- 
Iribuled  it  out  amon;;st  them.  To  deny  this,  is  to 
afiirin  that  the  ;)ro/i'c(ire  taritr  does  not  confer  niiy 
benefit.  But  if  it  confers  a  benefit,  it  is  only  by 
excluding  from  our  niarki'ts  the  forei;;n  chcajj 
;;oods,or  else  by  sustainiii;;  the  price  of  American 
i;iiods.  So,  therefiire,  whalever  benefit  it  confers, 
comes  throui^h  the  nij;enni  of  Coni^reas  in  cxercisivs^ 
the  Irixiv:;  potrer,  and  their  bein;;  the  recipients  of 
the  bounty,  or  else  no  bent  fit  whatever  is  conferred; 
and  if  so,  a  protective  larill'  is  of  no  advanln'je  to 
the  manufacturers.  That  the  latter  siip;iosilioi» 
and  conclusion  is  erroneous,  the  vehernenl  and  elo- 
quent appeals  made  by  members  on  ,liis  fioor  de- 
[licliiii;  the  ruinous  consequences  that  would  result 
to  them  liy  passim;  the  bill  now  under  con.siilera- 
tioii,  as  a  siibstiiiiie  for  the  act  of  184ld,  and  implo- 
rin;;  us  in  the  most  persuasive  manner, and  exliib- 
itiii:;  the  ;;reat  loss  they  would  sustain  by  ihi}  fall 
in  llie  price  of  their  mnmifiicuires — all  ^o  to  prove, 
in  the  most  irrefra«;able  manner,  that  thev  du  derive 
much  ;;reater  profits  note,  than  they  wouhl  vilhoitt 
;.roleclion.  In  ciinteiidiii;;for  prolcclion,  the  man- 
ufacturers will  not  stultify  tlicmselves  liy  i/rni/iii» 
that  it  (/ofi  ansrment  their  innfitn.  I'nr  if  il  confers 
lift  advanlaae  on  ihein,  and  we  clearly  prove  that 
it  impoverishes  uH  other  parts  of  the  country,  it  is 
more  than  fiilly,  nay,  sir,  il  is  criminal,  lo  persist 
in  such  a  policy.  But  the  strin;gles  of  the  inami- 
fiieiuriii*;  interests  on  this  lloor — the  condition  of 
these  districls  as  compared  with  the  ajriculluial — 
prove  conclusively  lhat  iliey  enin  :;really,  while 
the  balance  of  the  conununity  lose  equally  as  much 
and  perhaps  much  inore.  But  as  it  was  not  my 
intention  to  expand  my  views  upon  Ihis  brjinch  of 
the  siibjeit,  I  will,  for  the  sake  of  illuslraling  my 
position,  enumerate  a  few  of  the  prolecled  articles; 
statin;;  the  value  of  those  we  matiufiiclure,  as  well 
as  of  those  we  import;  and  show  to  what  extent 
the  community  is  taxed  for  tiie  benefit  of  the  man- 
ufiii-inrers. 

The  n'.'irriale  value  of  ,'iily  four  leadiii;  arti- 
cles, enibriicin;;  woollens,  coifons,  iron  and  iiianu- 
fa'*fiircs  of  iron,  shoes,  boois,  and  oilier  nian- 
nfacinres  of  leather,  iiiadi'  in  the  I'niied  .Stales,  a! 
csiinialcd  In  the  census  of  18JII,  is  Slfi7,8ti.8,3,')!). 
These  same  ariicles  arc  doubtless  of  much  ;;rcaler 
value  now.  The  facts  staled  will  justify  us  in  es- 
Itmatiii';  the  value,  at  present,  of  uH  the  arti'-les 
liroleclcd  by  the  act  of  1842,  at  fully  iia.'>U,()(l(l,(Hlll. 
From  an  estimate  made  fnini  Doc.  No.  21(1,  2d 
session  of  the  27lh  (jon;;ress,  the  a'_':;re;;ate  aver- 
a;;p  annual  value  of  the  nianufaclnres  of  wool, 
cotton,  iron  and  mamifiiclures  of  iron,  and  shoes, 
boots,  and  other  nuiiiui'actures  of  leather,  import- 
ed, from  lH;t7  to  1840,  was  only  «.31 ,2117. !!)'», 
Fiiil  since  the  passa'.'i-  of  the  liiL'h  tarilf  of  1842, 
there  has  been  a  falling  nfl'  in  the  importaiion  of 
these  four  articles.  Il  will  be  a  liberal  estimate, 
from  this  data,  lo  suppose  thai,  out  of  our  present 
imporlations,  only  about  '^.'>tl,0{IU,000  in  amount 
came  in  competition  with  our  American  manufac- 
tures. As  upon  nearly  all  the  protected  articles 
the  duty  is  very  hi^'li,  1  will  place  the  duty  on 
them  at  forty  per  cent,  f'ont'ress,  then,  by  the 
act  of  1842,  imposes  a  prutirlire  duly  of  forty  per 
colli,  on  the  <io(),OUO,lll)U  of  imports  coming'  in  com- 
petition with  (iiir  maiinlai'tuies.  As  the  duty 
increases  the  price  of  the  imported  ai-ticle  in  the 
American  market  greatly  above  what  it  sells  for 
in  the  fiireii;!!,  we  coiiIcikI  llial  this  protective  duty 
of  41)  per  cent,  equally  elevates  the  price  of  the 
.■\mericaii  article  of  similar  desi  ripiion,  w-liich  the 
hii;h  dulics  were  ili'si:;ned  to  fn-oleei.  But  we 
will  suppose  the  ■*2,'ill,OIII),llU')  of  American  man- 
ufactures arc  only  elevated  ill  price,  by  this  40 
per  cent,  duty  on  the  foriisn  liibrie,  25  per 
cent.  This,  we  think,  if  any'hins,  is  below  what 
the  fads  will  warrant.  Then  an  addition  of  2ii 
per  I'dit.  to  the  S,2'iO,(IO(),0(H)  of  .-Vinerie.ui  man- 
ufactures would  swell  their  value  to  the  con- 
sumers up  lo  tlie  eiiormous  sum  of  *i312,,'>0(t,0(i0. 
Therefore,  we  insist  that  a  iimtedive  iluly  of  40 
per  cent,  upon  the  «,r)0,(l(IO,ll(HI  of  imporls  which 
compete  with  our  manufactures,  will  put  about 


1-      i% 

II 


!  ifl 


\i 


:32 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 


[June  2«, 


mt 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Htibard. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


^30.000,000  into  the  Federal  treasury,  and  fully  I 
862, .500,000  into  tlip  pockels  of  llie  nmniifnotiirers, 
in  tJie  slinpo  of  ijreaitv  inrreaaed  prieoH.  Tliis  is 
the  true  reason,  in  my  opinion,  why  ihc  nmnnfin'- 
Inrer.s  are  so  enllnir'iaslir  m  lielialf  of  protection. 
lint  the  community  pay 8  to la  enormous  tax,  and  the 
mnniilaeturers  receive  it.  Upon  no  other  rational 
ground  can  ihey  ecmtend  that  u  reduction  of  (he 
laiilV  of  184:i  will  seriously  injure  their  profits. 
But  why  should  not  the  price  of  manufactures  lie 
ie!:;ulatiil  liy  the  laws  of  (iWr,  like  the  prices  of  nil 
other  commodities  •  Why  should  the  laws  of  Con- 
gress lie  invokeil  to  sive  them  /»ijL,'/i  prices,  when 
the  Ituvs  of  c(ni\)iurce  fill  to  do  i(  /  We  propose  to 
revoke  this  lesislali\e  t'rnnchise  which  they  have 
been  allowed  to  enjoy  very  unjustly — that  is,  the 
privilesre  unrlei-  these  protective  duties  of  reapitis; 
iei^islative  pines  in  addition  to  wh.'it  the  fair  faw.s 
of  coiTimnrce  would  urant  them;  because  laws 
should  not  be  asked  for  to  increase  prices  above 
whiU  the  laws  of  trade  aH'ord,  for  that  can  oidy  be 
done  by  forcing  the  people  to  pay  more  for  vVhat 
tliev  purchase. 

liut  if  it  could  be  demonstrated  that  ])rolcctive 
duties  imposed  no  tax  on  the  consumers  for  the 
benefit  *tf  those  eni^a<red  in  manufactures,  yet  there 
are,  besides  this,  conclusive  reasons  ai;ainst  the 
system,  anifily  suliicient  to  condemn  it  in  the  esti- 
mation of  all  just  and  miprejtidiced  per?*ons.  Con- 
Kress  selected  the  system  of  impost  taxation  to 
raise  revenue  to  detVay  the  expenses  of  this  Gov- 
ernment, and  with  a  further  view  of  rfq-iiiii/iii;,'- 
coiiiinerce.  Hut  no  one  will  contend  that  ti»  re;^nlitte 
nieaiLS  to  create  the  articles  of  trade,  and  still  less 
to  place  insuperaltle  iiarriers  ;icross  the  channels  of 
commerce.  Vet  a  protectiw-larifi'  bill  virtually 
accom)>Iishes  both.  In  order  to  show  its  exirava- 
frant  character,  1  invite  the  attention  of  the  com- 
mittee to  the  followin'."-  siaiemeiit  made  out  at  the 
Treasury  nepartnimf,  from  a  treasury  report  re- 
c-cntly  printed  \'V  order  nf  Coni;ress; 

.i  lift  of  all  iniii-lis  pni/mir  ilulij  the  hut  fiscal  <iear; 
a/so,  tlu  number  of  those  paijing  duties  over  35  per 
'"'•"'•  N,). 

Articles  at  .15  and  under  .lO  per  cent 61 

M  "  7.-)         "  .-,H 


7.'» 

1110 

1110 

I-J5 

l-.'5 

"        150 

l.iO  niul 

iver 

Articles  paying  duty  at  and  above  .'to  per  cent. , 

"                      "           under  35       " 
Whole  ininiber  paying  duty 


I* 


This  list  of  the  articles  p,nving  duty  froin  the 
1st  of  .Inly,  IH44,  to  the  Isl  of  July,  184.'),  ninkine 
one  entire  fiscal  year,  presents  many  strikini:  facts. 
There  are  01  articUs  payini,'  a  duty  of  35  anil  un- 
der 5(t  per  cent.  There  are  filiv-eiijht  articles  ney- 
iiig  a  duly  of  .'itl  and  under  75  per  rent.  There 
are  twenty-one  articles  payini^  a  duty  fif  75  and 
under  100  per  cent.  Thi-re  are  four  artic.les  pay- 
iie.'  a  duty  of  100  and  under  1U5  per  chui.  There 
are  tliiee  articles  pavinir  a  duly  of  11*5  and  under 
1,50  per  cent.  There  are  live  articles  payiie,'  a  dutv 
of  l.SO  per  cent.,  and  over  that  rate; — iimkiiiir  in  all 
an  atrgregale  nimiber  (tayin;: dutv ocrr  35  percent. 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty-two  articles,  wliich  lacks 
one  and  a  fr.iction  of  lieiii;j  one  half  itl'  the  whole 
number  of  articles  paying  iluties  during'  that  fiscal 
year.  "It  will  be  seen,  also,  that  there  are  ninelii- 
one  nrtii  les,  (that  is.  nearly  one-lliiid  of  the  articles 
paying  duty.)  actually  payine  a  duly  over  ."lO  per 
rent.  Most  of  till  sc  e.viraordinarily  hiirh  diitieK 
ar"  not  (miy  protective,  but  to  a  sreat  extent  pro- 
liiiMtory.  Ti:at  a  reduction  ol'  these  excessive 
duties  io  a  revriiiie  standard — say  to  a  maximnni 
of. 30  percent. — would  ^rreatlyinci-ease  the  importa- 
tions, cannot  be  dintbted,  even  by  the  most  bigot- 
fd  advocate  of  pro'eciion.  Inileed  the  exirava- 
lianily  high  rate  of  duty  imn.ised  by  the  law  o'' 
|8|'^.  proves  how  very  stroni:  the  tendency  w.as  to 
import  ihe.Hi!  articles  thus  so  hi;;lily  taxed.  Per- 
haps a  fair  and  safe  nieimiiri'  to  calcnl.ite  what  will 
be  the  increase  of  iniporlalions  by  i-ediicjn'^  the 
tarifl',  is  to  exaininc  and  as'-eriain  hinc  hi^h  they 
liad  to  eltrnle  the  duliii  in  oribr  to  risis/  the  lirarn 
tide  of  imporlalions  seitinc  in  tow.irds  this  romi- 
ti-y:  for  either  the  tariir  party  were  for  protect- 
ing their  iiuereHts  ngainat  well-rounded  and  really  ' 


heavy  importations  in  requiring  these  high  duties  i 
to  be  imposed,  or  else  they  were  laboring  under  n 
delusion  based  upon  inaccurate  data,  and  ihereforc 
were  defending  themselves  from  imaginary  and  not 
real  dangers,  so  far  as  they  dreaded  free  and  full 
foreign  competition.  If  the  first  position  is  cor- 
rect, my  plan  of  measuring  the  probable  increase 
in  commerce  by  lowering  the  duties  down  to  the 
simple  revenue  point,  by  looking  to  the  rale  |ier 
cent,  of  duty  the  tarilf  men  deemed  it  proper  to 
impose  in  order  to  secure  protection,  will  be  fully 
sustained.  But  if  they  were  mistaken  in  esti- 
mating what  considerable  portion  of  commerce 
coming  into  the  country  would  be  restricted  by  the 
prohibitory  measures  they  passed,  then  the  pro- 
tection sought  was  nugatory,  and  the  coninierco 
of  the  country  would  be  but  slightly  increased  by 
lowering  the  cxislinir  duly.  I  iniisine,  Imwever, 
they  were  not  so  devoid  of  their  usuiil  keenness  in 
finding  out  fully  and  accurately  whatever  would 
)>roninte  their  iiiletesl,  as  to  have  been  guilty  of 
the  folly  of  passing  higli  restrictive  laws  to  pro- 
tect themselves  a;;aiiist  nothing.  So,  Iherefine,  I 
take  it,  a  protective  larilf  is  designed  not  only  to 
enhance  prices,  but^/ir.s7  to(/iHiiiii.s7j  imports.  Upon 
no  oilier  principle  cm  I  account  tor  their  anxiety 
to  admit  dye  stiills.  which  they  cannot  jiroduce, 
and  therefore  wish  to  jiuri'hase  on  the  best  terms, 
dutv  free,  and  their  eagerness  to  prohibit  those 
forei^rii  articles  comintr  in  eonipelition  with  those 
they  manufacture,  than  thai  they  get  the  first  in 
IXrea.er  qu  unities,  atitl  much  cheaper,  when  they 
conie  in  d  tty  free;  and  the  exclusion  of  forei;;n 
coin|ietitioii  in  the  seconil  instance  i;ives  them  the 
monopoly  ol  the  iioiiie  market,  and  therefiire  bet- 
ter prices.  In  both  instances  Ihey  are  benefileil: 
by  purchasiui;  the  free  ariicles  on  the  best  terms, 
in  one  case,  and  by  sellini;  their  goods,  in  the  other, 
for  the  highest  price.  These  considerations  satisfy 
me  that  we  may  salely  reduce  the  duties,  and 
greatly  incre.ise  the  commerce  of  the  country,  and 
with  that  lie  general  welfare  of  the  Union.  In 
su|iport  of  this  position,  1  again  have  recourse  to 
facts. 

In  arjiiini  financial  (|ueslions,  it  is  unsafe  to  rely 
upon  isolaed  facts  orilelached  statements;  for  that    I 
reason   I    I  ave  selected  periotls  extt'iidin;;  tliroui!:h 
sevfr.al    years,  and  embracing   in  each  period  ihe 
several  material  changes  in  oiii\/iai/aei(t/  policy. 

The  followmj  tables  C,  O,  K,  F,  were  carel'ully 
prepared  at  the  Treasury  Department,  froiri  public 
documenls. 

.'Ireru';e  animal  import  and  erpnrts  from  18-25  to  18.33, 
from  1,834  (.1  \bK,  and  from   1S44  to   184.'');  ici//i 
increase  of  second  period  over  the  first,  and  the  de- 
crease ef  tlu  third  as  compared  icith  the  second. 
Table  ('. 


Imports 
Exports 


Kirtft  perinil.       .SccM  pcriad. 


.Xvcrnac  iVeiii 
mWlnirat, 
miller  hi:',h 
itulies. 

$80,tii;8,5IO 
81,839,.595 


Avcr.tye     I'n 

iniilcr  retlinxd 
llulies. 

iJ135,38i,849 
117,806.304 


Increase  of  tti'c- 
(Mid  licriiHlorcr 
tlie  tir^t. 


945,714,339 
,35.966,769 


Table  D. 


Scroll  jHrioii. 

Average     from 

IKM    to    IH-l-J, 

iiiKier  reiluceil 

(IlltiC*. 


Tftird  }>criotl,    jDc'Teiueorthird 
Axenmc      traiiii  pcriail  I'roiatlie 

ISII      M     IHJ.-,.!    SCCOIhI. 
lltHler  iilrrra-s 
c./,lulies. 


Imports i#KI5,.3fl2,819  #1  IJ.,S44,7it9   <|,i!d,.".38,0,->0 
Exports     117,806,364     U2,'J:;J:),3'.>6 1      4,883,038 

It  will  be  found,  by  an  examination  of  this  table, 
that  iluriii;:  the  second  period,  nnder  tiie  auspices 
of  thi;  conipronii.se  bill,  from  1834  to  184;i,  there 
was  an  incrca.si;  in  the  annual  avera;;e  of  our  im- 
ports over  the  iirecediiiL'  pi'riod  of  high  [luties, 
from  \r^2'>u.  [HXt,  of  St5,714,33;i;  aial  that  our 
exjiorts  duriir;  the  s;inii-  period  kipt  [-ace  with  our 
imports  in  the  re;;ular  aiiiiu  d  averai^e  increase, and 
ihey,  loo,  increased  under  the  conipromise  bill 
over  the  foreyoiier  period  of  high  duties,  from  18:25 
1,1  1^33,  to  S,35,996,76;t.  The'  e  are  sinkiie;  lads, 
and  conclusively  show  how  wonderfully  our  com- 
m(  rce  is  augniented  as  you  ilimuiish  the  rate  of 
duty.  Hut  a  little  furtlii  r  exaininalioii  will  yet 
more  fully  establish  this  |ioiiit.  Hy  casting;  the 
eye  over  table  D,  it  will  be  ween  that  a  eumparijioii 


is  instituted  between  the  second  period,  during  Ihs 
operation  of  iho  compromise  bill,  and  the  third 
period,  embracing  the  operation  of  ihe  bill  passed 
111  I84^>. 

The  year  1843  was  omitted,  hecau.se  of  the  change 
made  Ijy  Omgress  in  the  fiscal  year  at  that  lime, 
which  slightly  strengthened  the  case  against  ihe 
present  law.  It  is  perceived,  llmt  during;  the  (/iiri< 
period,  under  the  operation  of  this  o|.pressive  turifl' 
of  184:2,  our  imports  have  jxrcatly/ii'/eii  oil',  as  com- 
pared with  their  condition  in  the  second  period,  du- 
ring the  continuance  of  the  comproMisc  bill.  The 
decrease  in  our  annual  average  importations  in  the 
third  period,  from  what  they  were  during  the  sec- 
ond period,  is  ^a9,,53S,050.  Can  any  inpartial 
man  look  at  the  increase  in  our  imports  and  ex- 
ports as  stated  in  table  C,  and  compare  them  with 
the  great  decline  exhibited  in  l.ible  D,  and  not  iid 
init  the  blighting  efi'ect  the  high  larill'of  184'2  has 
e.xercised  upon  our  commerce.'  Here  are  oilicial 
fads,  eoiitra>ting  in  the  slrongest  manner  the  in- 
jurious tendency  and  etfect  of  the  restrictive  policy 
upon  our  imports  and  exports — showing  most 
satislactorily,  that  as  you  incriase  the  duties  you 
diminish  our  conmierce.  These  tables  clearly  indi- 
cate the  vibrations  of  I'onmierce,  as  the  country 
has  alleriKitetl  between  the  two  contending  sys- 
tems of  higii  and  low  duiies,and  ihey  dcmonslraie 
that  under  tlie  latter  it  is  invariably  greatly  aug- 
mented, and  we  know  this  iiirrea.se  io  be  as  iii- 
evil:ibly  the  precursor  as  well  as  the  lest  of  t!ie 
prosperous  condition  of  the  country.  But  I  ]iro- 
pose  to  call  the  attention  of  the  conitmllee  toanolher 
comparative  statement  e(|ually  inslruclive,  because 
It  exhibits  the  relative  iiopulation  :il  stated  periods, 
with  the  corresponding  relative  exports  from  the 
United  .Sl;ites;  thus  pie.sentiiiL''  in  a  dilferent  aspect, 
and  in  the  moststrikin;}:  niiumer,  the  depressing  and 
elevating  ellect  of  high  and  low  duties  upon  our 
exports,  as  compared  wiili  Ihe  population  of  the 
country. 

Table  E. 

T(d)te  of  Ksronr^  for  several  years  from  179]  /a  1846, 

also,  of  the  FoprLA'Mus'  at  each  period. 


Yearn. 

1         Exports. 

Populntioii. 

1791.. 

#19,013,041 

70,971,780 

108,343,150 

4,000,000 
5,300,000 
7,000,000 

l.-*00. . 

1807. . 

Period  during  the  embargo  and  \rar  omitted. 
Table  F. 


YeftTH. 


|S-)(). 

1.-30. 
1840. 
l,-<45. 


E.xport-i. 

{f69,(i91,669 

73,840,508 

1.33,6,«5,»4i; 

114,646,606 


i      I'-ipulatinii. 

9,638,1100 
1-J.f(;6,00l» 
17,IMi9,453 

i»,.->oy,ooo 


Uiniinr  ihe  period  eniliraced  in  table  K,  that  is, 
from  1791  to  1807,  the  duties  did  not  aveufre  15 
per  ,;enl.  So  that  was  eniinenlly  a  lime  of  free. 
Hade;  and  diiriii:;  that  period  we  perceive  that  in 
1791,  with  .'I  population  of  4,000,000,  our  exporta 
were  only  19,II|-2,II41.  In  1«00,  wilh  a  populaliou 
of  5,3011,1)011,  niirexporls  had  gone  up  lo#70,971,- 
780.  .Villi  in  l-<07,  with  a  populatimi  of  7,000,000, 
our  exports  hail  ri.sen  to  the  enormous  ainount  of 
108,3l3,l.'iO.  Here  we  find  a  rapid  pro;;r<ssivi. 
increase  ill  the  value  of  lair  exports,  conipaied 
wilh  our  ini'iease  in  po|)ulation.  The  country 
then  I'lll  and  manifested  the  ;;reatesi  nossible  im- 
provi'incnt;  nor  were  our  manufactnris  nisignificanl 
then  or  nnthriflij.  I'or  .Mr.  (j;illaiiii,as  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  in  1810,  in  his  i;elebrated  report  to 
t'lnmres.i  upon  manufactures,  observes,  that  many 
leading  branches  then  mijjbl  lie  deemed  a.s  yiinmi- 
tifii(/i/  established;  and  that  their  gross  product  at 
that  I'lir/i/day  was  i,|oO,0(IO,OOII.  or,  in  other  words, 
that  we  niaue  ont-/ai//'of  our  sii|iphes  at  home,  iVu- 
our  iinpfiri.iti'Uis  about  kept  pace  with  ourex])orts. 
>i'o  one  thin  advocated  in  ( 'i.iiu'ress  llie  propriety 
of  taxing  one  tiundred  and  fifty-iwo  of  the  ini[)ort- 
id  articles,  at  rates  raii::iie^  from  35  Io  1,70  per  cent. 
Vet  manufactures  were  then  in  their  infincii.  Hut 
let  us  revert  tillable  h'.atid  we  there  find  thiv;rind- 
iiig  ell'ect  of  high  duties,  contrasted  with  llie  pros- 
perous con.sequences  resulting  trom  low  duties, 
in  1-16,  the  first  genuine  proleclive  tarill'  bill  was 


1. 1  line  26, 
Heps. 

,  (Inrin":  ilie 
il  till!  iliird 
:  liill  passed 


iipiin  our 
iilicm  ul'  the 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


7a3 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Hubard. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


pnsspd;  nnd  in  ]820,  with  n  populnii  in  of  9,(i38,n00 
our  exports  fell  down  to  #69,G!)l,l)fi9.  In  ItOI), 
with  11  popiilntion  of  ia,86(i,0UU  our  exports  were 
only  #73,840,508.  So  much  for  the  depressing 
(■n'e'ot  of  the  liijh  duties  dnrins;;  1820  and  18.'t0. 
Durine:  llint  [leriod  our  ex()nris  retrojrradcd,  while 
our  pnpuhitiini  increased.  Hut  we  will  exnmine 
llie  next  period,  inider  the  enmproniise,  and  we 
find,  that  with  a  popidalion  of  17,(l(ii),4.').3  oitr  ex- 
ports rapidly  rnse  ii[i  to  <iii;W,()Hr),!)4().  From  this 
tliillerinf;  state  of  things  we  turn  a^ain  to  a  period 
of  liiirh  duties;  and  in  184.'),  with  a  population  of 
lltjiSOOiOOO,  our  exporl.s  have  ajain  tunililed  down 
to  Sll4,64G,(!0(;.  These  lue  stulihorn  facts,  and 
should  lie  insirnciivc.  'J'hese  tables  are  worth 
ihinkinz  over.  In  tlieni  wc  find  additional  facts 
upon  which  to  found  arKunieiils  af^ainsi  tliis  niis- 
(i-alil"  (piackeiy  of  attempting  to  control  the  in- 
dusii'v  ami  enterprise  of  the  ccnintry  hy  {'ongres- 
Kionallaws.  Wcfiiiil,under  the  restrictive  sy.steni, 
that  as  you  raise  the  duties,  you  cut  down  our 
exports,  ami  they  no  longer,  as  in  the  periods  of 
low  duties,  so  on  inereasins;  at  n  rapid  ratio  in 
jjroportion  a.s  our  population  increases.  AVhile 
on  this  hranch  of  the  suhject,  it  is  pertinent  also  to 
siiow  to  what  extent  liigli  <lHlies  inipair  the  nrice 
of  our  exports.  I3\it  in  doin^  this,  I  siiall  have 
recourse  to  fact.s,  as  a  iiasis  tor  my  argument,  for 
we  cannot,  in  financial  allkirs,  nor  indeed  in  <ither 
linsiiKss  matters,  rely  upon  theories  and  abstract 
arsnnients.  Kortunali'ly,  we  can  lest  the  sound- 
ness of  (Utr  principles  by  reliable  facts,  and  from 
them,  he  who  runs  may  learn  lessons  of  wisdom. 
t  have  sinleil,  that  hish  duties  impair  the  price  of 
our  exports;  and  in  corroboration  of  that  opini,>n, 
I  ndditce  the  foilowiiti^  tables,  prepared  at  the  treas- 
ury from  olficial  documents.  In  tliese  tables  the 
year  IHA'A  (when  a  cliansje  was  made,  as  heretofine 
Btated,  in  our  fiscal  year)  is  not  omitted,  because 
the  aim  was  not  so  much  to  show  the  (piantily  and 
value  as  the  price  during  the  periods  indicatetl. 

Cotton. 
SI'itement  e^rhihitlitf  the  m-erii^c  annuitl  ifuantUiiy  rfttitr^  atiil 

inice  ol'fotlonf  e^porfed  at  stated  perlorf«,/rom'18dl  to  184.',, 

iiiclusite. 


Vonni. 

Pouiidfl. 

Value. 

Av'fiiipprico 
per  poinitt. 

K.vporlfii  iiiiiirr  low 

(iiilu's.  [r.)in  iHil 

to     Ir^M— iiMlliial 

uvi'inL'' 

iw,4i:..;i.v 

^'i\  ,(Mfi.:wm 

Mrt>».  H  m. 

K\|)iirM  iiMiiii  hizh 

itlllirr'.  troni  1^'J.i 

t.)      Ih.f-i— aiilMIHl 

ii\<t;ii;<- 

a;6,647,i:« 

28,:n;i,f*7G 

Hots.  1  rii. 

Expori.'il  iinili'r/oir 

(ttitif^.  Ironi  IKi;i 

III    lr>->'.2— ariiiii.it 

iiVi-rau.' 

^8:i,aori,703 

.'i7,:J7i,57'l 

11  PtH.  y  111. 

K\|inrM  iiiiit'T /ti^/i 

diiti.'!'.  fiiiiii  \>\'-\ 

III    Ihl.t—aiiiiiiiil 

uvomnc 

77fi,Q7^^,H.^a 

.M,640,9K) 

6  ctt».  6  m. 

6  cents  per  pound.  Certainly  in  both  instances, 
under /iii,''/i  duties,  the  cotton  crop,  ns  there  was 
about  the  regular  rate  of  increase  maintained, 
should,  under  all  the  boasted  advantages  of  the 
homt:  market,  at  least  have  sold  ru  high  as  it  did 
uiiiler  the  dtscendivg  duties  from  \WiA  to  1842. 

Wc  will  now  examine  n  similar  tabular  state- 
ment as  regard.s  the  tobacco  exported  at  dift'erent 
periods: 

Tobacco. 
Statement  ej-fiiliftin^  the  aeerut^e  >muuat  ^uroi/i7t/,  t'«/iic,  and 

juiee  of  tiiliaccay  exyorlcd  at  slated  periods^  from  l&'Sl  to 

1845,  iHetusive, 


This  table,  setting  Ou'lh  the  average  annual  ex- 
port value  and  prire  of  cottcni  tor  the  periods  in- 
dicated fr<uo  jW'Jj  to  !84."i,  proves  the  smirular  ex- 
inUuesM  with  which  this  greatest  of  agricullural 
staples  ri.sc.s  or  /i(//s,  a.s  the  duties  upon  imports  so 
iiji  or  iloirii.  The  present  V("v  (eie  pririi  should 
iniluce  the  plauier  to  iur|iiiri'  Into  the  cioisrs  that 
|iriidiiie  such  injurious  resulls,  Il  croiiioi  be  as- 
4-ribed  t<t  oi'cr  production,  lor  thai  has  been  prn- 
gressiiis  since  \^'2\\  and  by  casiiiis  the  eye  over 
the  table,  it  will  be  (ilainly  seen,  tlial  thoiiL'li  the 
i|iiahlily  rc'iularly  incnasiil,  yet,  as  the  lariil' 
policy  vibraied  frmu  /lig/i  lo  loir  duties,  the  price 
of  coitoii  also  vibrated,  in  exact  unison,  tVom  high 
to  low.  Look  at  the  iurreaMtl  stipptiis  ot"  cotton 
fiiun  I8i")  to  |H:i'J,  and  note  the  full  in  prices  dii- 
rtnir  that  lime,  and  llieii  Int,)^  at  the  increased  sup- 
plies tVom  1m:W  to  XK-i'i,  and  mark  the  rise  in  prices 
m  the  latter  period.  Hut  as  soon  as  Congress 
passed  the  high  larilT  bill  of  IHfJ,  behold  how  the 
)ii-ice  of  cotlon  has  fnltnt.  From  l8'Jj  lo  Xf'.Vl 
there  was  aii  increase  in  the  ottou  crop  \^^  aliunst 
70  per  cent.,  nnd  the  price  (I //  from  14  cents  per 
pi'umi,  which  it  inain'aineil  duniis  Itu-  (our  jire- 
ceiliii'r  viars,  down  to  II  cents  per  pound.  Hut 
from  XKn  to  184"J  there  was  a  similar  increase  of 
about  I.*,  per  cent,  in  the  crop,  but  the  price  j-nsc, 
neveribeliss,  n  lew  mills  per  pound.  Krinn  lH4.'t 
to  IHl.'i  ihere  was  still  about  the  same  increase  of' 
76  per  cent,  in  the  cri  |     Inn  the  price  I'^iiin  fell  lo 


Ycare. 

HoRHhnads. 

Value. 

AVagp  price 
perldtit. 

Exported  iiniler/oif 

(Iiitu-s.  nniii  18-Jl 

M    IH^M— immiiil 

fivcrfitfe 

8I,7;iO 

fl.1,7.VJ,509 

870  00 

Iv\p»r'fl  iiriiliT  hijih 

tlulics,  I'roin  Jj**ij 

lo    18.13— nnniiiil 

m;A:jfi 

.'■,,.'>96,4a8 

Hr,  no 

KTpnrte(luTnUr/o(c 

(lulirf!.  from  lrt;'3 

to     18^1'J — iituiillit 

nvcraac 

iOP,n;t7 

«„'i6e.a.v3 

'»  IKI 

RxiMir'd  iin<li-r/tiM 

(lutif'3,  iVoin  \M'.\ 

to    l&l.'i— iiiiniiiil 

nvorngf 

™,e(w 

6,8;)a,,'i5i 

,-,0  70 

In  turning  to  the  table  explanatory  of  the  tobncrn 
trade,  we  find  a  mo.st  extraordinary  coincidence  in 
all  the  facts  just  explaiiie.l  in  relation  to  th'  ell'ect 
of /(Jg//  and  /eic  duties  hum  tl.e  ii>creased  exports 
and  jiricf  of  cotton,  nnd  that  the  iileiUicul  resulls 
attend  the  toliacco  tr.ide. 

The  animal  average  value  per  hosshead  of  to- 
bacco expm-tcd  from  1891  lo  18;34  was  «,10;  from 
If-J.'i  to  1832  it  fell  to  S6.'>  per  hoL'shead;  from 
18.'13  lo  1842  il  aiiain  raw  nii  lo  *i79  per  houshend; 
from  1843  to  184,",  it  again/.//  down  lo  §,iO  70  per 
hogshead.  Sume  may  suppiis''  t'oat  tin  tpiality  of 
the  crop  may  explain  this;  bnl  in  preparing  the 
tables  many  years  are  embraced  in  each  period, 
so  as  to  include  the  existence  of  high  and  low 
tarills,  and  it  is  t.iir  to  infer  that  casualties  would 
as  frequently  alh'c'.  the  estimates  on  one  side  as 
the  other.  I'hc  average  number  of  hogsheads  ex- 
ported, and  the  average  |irice  during  the  several 
periods,  per  hogshead,  all  stand  out  boldly  in  the 
tables,  in  condeinnafiou  of  the  oppression  infiictcd 
npi>n  the  tobacco  planter  by  liiirh  duties. 

I  will  conclude  this  view  of  the  subject  by  invi- 
ting attention  t(^  tnie  other  statistical  statement 
relative  to  the  Hour  trade,  which  is  ecpially  inter- 
esting as  tlios-  already  noiiced,  and  fully  tis  in- 
structive to  the  farmers.  It  will  be  found,  on  ex- 
amining the  following  table  relating  to  tlour,  that, 
notwithstandiiis  the  boasted  demand  of  a  heme 
market  for  breailstufls,  which  the  advocates  of 
protection  alleged  would  lie  created  during  the 
opcrati.ai  of  /lig/i  duties,  yet,  stranse  to  say,  during 
iheir  existence  we  e.rprrted  aniinalty  on  ;m  avcrase 
a  greater  number  of  barrels  of  Hour,  and  at  reduced 
prices,  than  we  did  during  the  period  of /me  duties. 

Ki.ocii. 
Stittement  ej-hit>iHiii:  the  neerii::e  'iniiuiil  qiifnifitii,  raliie,  nttil 

inife  olllonr  eipurtcd  at  stated  ^iiTi<)ii«, /rom'lH'Jl  to  IS-l.',. 

inWiwicc. 


.Vv'aKC  price 
per  Lurrcl. 


Vears. 


I'.xpnrlccl  Miulct  fair 
(lllli.s,  tVoiii  InJI 
lo  IS.M — iLMiai.il 
iivrriejc 

F.V|inr'il  iiimIit  Aj  h 
ililta-^.  liciiii  1S-J-, 
In  ls:i'>— annllill 
iOcraL'e 

K.Njiiirti  il  iiii(l-'r/rM»' 
(iiitii-.  fniiii  is:i:i 
to    lKI'}_nniiii!il 


Barrels, 


IC.vpnr'il  lliulcr  lii ;h 

ihllic^.  IV l--i:i 

tn    l-'t.'i — nanuiit 


!ti«i,3;i) 


!l4fi,'.>S7 


«.'i,0™),7IH 


i.487,41-J 


.'i,:to7,n.M 


,*.'•.  Xi 


It  is  liere  shown  that  our  ex)ioris  of  fiour  aver- 
aced  iier  aiimim,  frmn  1821  lo  1824,  iiednsive, 
!UI!I,37II  barrels,  al  an  average  price  per  barrel  dn- 
rins  thai  period  of*..')  .'i3.  Hut  from  182,i  to  1832, 
inclusive,  luir  exports  of  llour  averaged  per  anmiin 
1,017,1112  barrels,  at  an  average  ;trice  per  barrel 
during  that  period  of  •Si.^  38.     Here  it  is  seen  iJial, 


in  the  latter  period,  under  the  high  tariff  policy, 
we  shipped  more  flour,  nnd  at  Iris  prices,  than  in 
the  first.  Hut  I  will  ha.slen  on  to  the  next  case  in 
point.  From  1833  to  1842  we  exported  an  annual 
average  of  946,287  barrels  of  flour,  at  an  average 
price  per  barrel  of  SG  111  for  llie  entire  period.  Bu' 
though  we  exported  from  182,5  to  1832  on  an  avf 
age  per  annum  1,017,102  barrels  of  flour,  and 
from  1833  to  1842  only  on  an  average  per  annum 
of  946,287  barrels,  yet,  strange  as  it  may  seem, 
our  exjions  of  flour  in  the  /n(/fr  period  brought  an- 
nually into  the  country  #222,141  more  money  than 
in  the  former,  when  we  exported  so  much  larger 
quantity.  So,  uiidern  reducing  scale  of  duties,  thn 
farn-ct-s  received  belter  prices  for  their  flour,  both 
at  home  nnd  nbroad.  But  friun  1843  to  1845  we 
exported  on  an  average  per  annum  1.158,426  bar- 
rels of  flour,  at  an  average  annoa!  price  per  barrel 
of  only  'S4  .">8.  Thus,  notwithslandiiig  the  great 
increase  in  the  nvera'.' ;  (/iinn/i/i/  per  annum  from 
1843  to  1845,  inclusive,  over  the  former  period 
from  1833  to  1842,  yet  the  flour  exported  in  the 
latter,  duriiitr  ton-  duties,  brouiiht  annually  into  the 
country  «i382,501  more  money  than  the  larger 
tpiantity  exported  since  the  passage  of  the  present 
tarifl'  law.  The  tables  prove,  that  under  the  liisli 
tniilf  we  exported  a  much  larjer  qiiantilii  of  flour, 
and  at  greatly  reiured  prices  fier  barrel,  than  we 
did  vhen  the  dulieii  were  reduced. 
I  The  eflbrt  of  the  mamifactiirers  to  force  a  home 
market  is  here  proven  not  only  lo  he  a  failure,  but 
the  mode  in  whii'h  they  ]ir(>)iose  to  accomplish  it 
is  wrong  in  princ  j.-e;  iuid  the  argumenis  adduced 
to  support  it  are  nut  (ally  proven  by  experience  lo 
be  fidlacinus,  but  '.-^  per.sist  in  urging  them  now  is 
ridiculous. 

Thus  we  find  that  the  ftoiiif  market  does  not  en- 
hance the  price  of  our  asricuitural  staples;  but  we 
are  forcibly  lauirht  the  fact,  that  as  you  restrict 
commerce  you  impair  the  value  of  our  exports; 
and,  on  the  other  hand,  that  as  you  liberate  com- 
merce tVom  these  restrictions,  you  thereby  give  an 
impulse  to  ti,Ldi\  and  so  auginint  their  value. 
When  by  the  operation  of  your  restrictive  policy 
the  agriculliiiists  set  lout  prices  for  their  pro- 
duce, y<iu  diuiiuish  their  aliility  to  purchase  or 
to  give  emplovment  to  others,  and  thus,  by  bring- 
I  ing  about  low  ]irices  for  agricultural  staples,  y',u 
I  create  hard  times  in  the  plaiilingioid  farining  Stales, 
and  you  thus  force  them  tofea.sioiie  '"s.?and  export 
DioiY  in  e;\iuntilit,  but  al.so  to  set  /(.?.•  price.  So, 
too,  hard  'iiiics  thus  brousht  about  e(|ually  curtail 
the  ability  rif  all  others  to  consume  our  staples  as 
well  as  you  ■  maiiutiicturers;  and  the  system  which 
It  was  said  wtmid  stimulate  and  sustain  a  good 
/tonic  market  for  our  asriciltural  ]irodiicti<ii)s  not 
only  fails  to  accomplish  that  result,  but  mils  bv 
inducing  proslnliou  in  the  asricultnral  Sinii-s,  and 
that  alfects  the  seneral  ability  of  the  country  lo 
consume  goods.  Thus  this  sraspins  cupidity  of 
associated  wealil.,  in  aimins,  by  legislative  devices 
and  sophistical  a  -guments,  to  control  the  labor  of 
llie  country,  and  -cap  all  the  profits  by  nionopo 
li/ins  the  home  tvarket,  is  apt  in  a  few  years  to 
defeat  itself,  became  it  dcslroys  the  ability  of  the 
American  crmsnmei  i  to  purchase. 

This  failure  of  corlin.iing  lo  receive  rich  cinifri- 
butions  from  the  community,  induces  the  maniifac- 
'  tiirersasain,  in  some  short  time,  to  call  on(  'oii'/ress 
,  for  ijel  liighei"  protection.     Therelbre,  the  more  we 
'  grant,  the  more   they  demand:  and  for  the  simple 
reason  that   the   principle   is  radically  wrong  and 
pernicious  in  its  tendency.     Hut   there  was  imver 
a  sreater  misnomer  aitplied  to  anv  svsiem  than  to 
call  the  advocates  of  high  duties  the  iieciiliar  fVietids 
of  the  lab ^r  of  the  eooutry.     The  catchwords  of 
"  proteciiiig  free  American   labor  asanist  the  pau- 
per labor  of  F.urope,"  is  a  favorite  term  wiih  tiiose 
who  advocaie   restrictive  ihities,  and   miiilit   have 
some  tonndalioii   in   truth  were  the  manutacturing 
isiablishments,  the  capital  invested,  ard  the  profits 
resulting  therefrom,  eipinllv  divided  (Uit  amonest 
the   poor  operatives:   or  if  the  law  re(|uired   that 
all  the  profits  orer  six  per  cent,  should  be  erpinlly 
diridtd  between  the  hands  emploved.     Were  this 
the  case  in  fact,  then  these  seutlemen  misht  prate 
of  proteding  Ami'rican  labor.     Hut    the  t'lcts  are 
exactly    the    opitosite:    llie    seutlemen    of   capitid 
own    the    factiu'ies,    nnd    they    enjoy   the    profits. 
1  Therefore,  their  system  is  for  the  bcnefd  of  capital, 
I  and  not  labor. 


Hut  do  not  the  mechanics,  the  commercial  men. 


734 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  26, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Hubard. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


the  snilora,  and  llin  nirtnilturists,  prpi'minently 
cnnsliliilfi  lliP  "(tee  Airwricnn  laliorr"  Arc  nul 
these  Rrrnt,  honest,  inchistrinna,  ntul  eiiterprisiiii; 
elftsaes  to  he  compiiied  or  thousht  of  when  von  ^ 
npenk  of  "free  Amerirsn  hilior?"  When  their 
piirsnila  nre  iinprofilnlile,  do  ihey  rnll  on  Ooniress 
to  lejisliUe  ihem  iiiio  hiL'li  prices,  nnd  to  force  the 
comminiity  to  deal  wilh  inem  nnd  eonlrilmle  lo 
their  prosperity  *  Yet  these  nre  the  cinsscs  to  he 
tjixed  for  the  henefit  of  Aniericnn  dx-oiiuitd  wealth, 
employed  in  mnnnfnclnrini:. 

Iinl  il  may  be  nru'iiid  tlint  the  tnhles  hist  referred 
10,  roli'lins  io  cotton,  tohacco.  nnd  llom',  nre  nrlii- 
trnrily  nrrnnsed,nnd  that  the  dnties  were  nol  hiirh 
or  lowntthe  sevorni  periods  thna  mnrked.  If  they 
nre  erroneous,  it  is  hernnse  your  reconis  nre  so; 
hut  if  true,  lliey  refute  every  nr^ument  ursed  hy 
llio.ne  wlio  nre  for  placins  heavy  restrictions  on 
eonnnerce,  wilh  the  real  design,  in  fict  nn<l  in 
truth,  of  Kwellinsr  lhej)re(i(s  made  hy  the  wealthy 
eapitiitish  eni:;a;red  in  nmnnfai'tnrin<r,  nnd  not,  as 
they  pretend,  with  the  sole  view  of  foslerins 
American  labor.  No  one  will  r|uestion  that  the 
tarilVwas  increased  and  reduced  at  the  lime  and 
during;  the  jieriods  initicaled.  Ihit  as  ihe  niost 
8trikin<;  period — that  heuveen  IKiU  and  184"J — is 
the  one  most  likely  to  he  assailed,  I  will  |irove 
thai  the  dnties,  dnrin;:  that  entire  period,  were  nn- 
nuallv  irreatly  reduced;  hut  to  nccomplish  this,  I 
shall  rely  upon  eslinintes  and  tables  made  out  at 
t.Se  Treasury  Departmcnl,  and  theielore  call  ulten- 
tion  to  the  following; 

.'?  «fn/rmfn/ 1  ti-m  from  t  lUc^  prrptrcd  nl  the  Tre.ixiirtt  De- 
]t.triinntt.  (Aoiriri','  tcAu/  iimniiiil  of  rfii/fc*  A.mt  hem  remit- 
ted h,t  lite  sercT'il  iicti  ))ii>tse:l  in  If^'MK  IfW,  nivt  IKfJ, 
injilit\ti II <i  the  lilt  of  Ir^JS.  Thete  aiit.  pusseit  niiiee  If'-JJ*, 
itiinini^ltiil  t/ie  ritie  of  iltitiei^  uiul  iiterCiaeil  the  /iv(  o/J'ree 
itrtielei. 


Y6nrcniliiie3l!)t 

Dtitic.-'t.ikcnofrilfuler 

Pavincnts  inin  ihe 

of  December. 

thcacKoilKW,  IKla, 
and  Wa. 

Trenhiiry. 

IXi) 

.■iis-,.47li  ti9 

S-ji.iW,:!!!!  :n 

Isil 

:i,T0-.7-i-,  :u 

•J  I.*;  1.4 11   77 

!-:« 

7.:tl|.:,im  'M 

2f .  ir,,K->.l7  i\ 

l-:« 

iii.7r-:i..v.io  03 

'jy.a.'t  >..',!  IS  in 

l-:n 

ai.+i.-..io.-i  07 

in.-Ji  i.'.i."i7  i:i 

IS.T, 

27,ii.vi.nii  .■):) 

lM.:BM.:tiii  .w 

I-:* 

.'ti.ii(i;i.ihx  :» 

2;i,4ii!i.!Hii  -,:i 

ly.n 

■M.'Jin.Kil  47 

ii.irei.ani  m 

ts:n 

2-.>,417.K«  :i9 

ifi.i.>.H(H) :« 

l-iiti 

a-3.n><i,o-.H  -17 

a;i.i:i7.!«i  si 

1M(I 

1S.4IM.1  Kl  'a 

l:l,4!lll..MP!  17 

IMI 

W.I)iM.(W)  91 

l4,4e7.SI0  74 

Aupresr.nle  amount  of  duties  taken  oil'  in  twelve 
years,  >-2;(:!,0(!J,5 11  911. 

This  Statement  shows  the  operation  of  the  Com- 
promise hill,  and  the  sitirht  clian^-cs  maile  in  the 
revenue  laws  just  before  it  passed.  The  caNiial 
observer  or  iKiliircm  politician  declares  at  one 
monienl  thai  under  the  operation  of  the  ("ompro- 
mise  bill  there  was  no  prompt  reduciion  of  duties; 
or  else  he  takes  the  other  alternalive,  and  insists 
that  the  bdl  so  ^'really  p  iluceil  the  rales,  thai  il 
thereby  del'eaud  the  ciillccnnn  of  an  aclcipiate  ri'v- 
enue.  The  latter  ]u-esc!iis  ibis  view  of  its  elleci  to 
prove  that  twenty  Iht  cent,  duties  would  iioi  briiii; 
a  Riitlicient  income  for  the  expenses  of  Ciovern- 
nienl,  while  the  former  asserts  there  was  little  or  no 
rcductiim  till  after  IKIli  or  IKIH,  and  then  llie  re- 
dui-tionH  were  ruinous,  lioth  *.f  these  views  are 
erroneous.  \o  ime  will  coniend  that  a  total  repeal 
(if  many  iluties  is  uot  a  reduciion.  'J'hen  the  ini- 
niense  amount  by  v.'hieh  the  iVte  list  was  inrreaseil 
was  ch.arlv  made  by  tiddin;;  the  vast  number  of 
articles  upon  which  the  duly  had  been  remitted, 
lie.sides,  the  suildeii  dimimiliim  of  the  a'.'^re^'iile 
nmoiiat  of  i  .venue  received  mlit  the  treasury,  and 
the  L'rent  increase  in  llie  imporiniions,  demonstrate 
lii.'tt  the  (/ii/i/ ninst  have  been  irreally  rr.7urf(/ sof^ri 
al"ier  the  passnse  of  the  ( 'o;n[iroiuise  bill.  l'|iiui 
no  other  stale  of  facts  ran  any  one  explain  why 
the  ninoiitit  of  reveime  paid  inlo  llie  treasury  lui- 
iiunlly,  from  l>*'Y,i  to  ISH,  should  fall  irreally  under 
what  was  annuallv  .  -xid  into  the  Treasury  ihe 
stune  iiMinber  of  y  ■»'^  lust  preeedinjr;  when,  after 
I"!);),  llie  imports  »cr.-  L'ri'atly  iiicrenseil  above 
wliMl  they  were  for  xn  ei]ual  niimbiT  of  years  im- 
inediiitely  before  thai  lime.  N(U-  is  the  oilier  posi- 
tion anv  more  tenahle,  for  the  tVee  list  increased, 
and  ihe  taxable  l<ase  of  iiuporialimis  was  lo  lliat 
extent  diminished.  Of  coiiise,  if  yiui  impose  a 
duty  of  iweiiu  per  cent,  upon  only  8Jti,rJa,l,'):J — 
which  WHS  the  amount  of  iinpurlii /ini/iii);  duly  in 


1S34,  while  the  imports  that  year  fret  of  duty 
amounled  to  the  enormous  anm  of  #68,393,180 — 
you  will  nol  colleci  us  much  rfi'fiiiif  ns  you  were 
collectin2  when  Ihe  tarable  ()n.t«of  the  imporiniions 
embraced  ninf-/fii(/is  of  the  imports  under  nil  av- 
ern^e  duly  of  thirty-four  per  cent.  But  this  mode 
of  eondemninir  a  fair  income  from  a  revenue  tariff 
of  low  rales  of  duty  is  absurd.  We  propose  to 
lay  a  levemic  duty  on  )ii)if-/fii//ii  of  the  imported 
•roods.  Suppose  we  pince  the  imports  nl  one  hun- 
dred nnd  thirty  or  one  hundred  anil  forty  millions 
per  nnniim,  ami  apply  the  rales  of  duly  nsare  pro- 
posed in  llie  bill  iiiuler  discussion  to  such  an  im- 
port trade:  can  any  canilid  man  niiestion  but  thai 
ihe  Government  woiilil  receive  ample  revenue.' 

Il  was  the  irreat  inereasr  in  the  trie  list  that 
caused  the  Compromise  bill  lo  brini;  in  so  small 
all  amount  of  revenue.  Stianje  as  il  may  seem, 
il  appears  frmn  Doc.  No.  t)  of  llie  first  session  of 
the  27lli  C'oniiress,  that  the  averas;e  nnioiiiit  of 
'.rooils  iinported  /Vff  of  diilv  for  seven  years,  frmn 
|rt;)4  lo  1841),  was,  per  anmiri,<i"l,T38,:i!0;  while, 
by  Ihe  same  ilocnmenl,  it  is  shown,  thnl  for  the 
same  Iciejitli  of  lime — that  is,  Croni  18.S-I  to  1840 — 
llie  aveniL'e  annual  anKuint  of  imports  ;i(ii/i)i!f  duly 
was  only  *>(!!). 718, 4."i7.  So  we  were  deriviiu;  what 
rrrriitif  was  collected  diirinir  that  time,  from  less 
than  one-half  of  our  iai;ior/.«. 

Hut  1  propfise  to  show  that  the  srreat  rednelioii 
of  duty  nniler  the  (L'ompromise  bill  was  nol  con- 
fined lo  articles  of  luxury,  and  lliai  ihe  taxes  were 
reduci'd  sreaily  upon  many  of  the  leading  necessa- 
ries of  life. 

*7  statrjreiit  from  lahletprejiaTcit III  the  Tre^Kimi  Dqiitrtmeliti 
xho'iii.i;  Ihe  iimouni  of  iluties  remitteil  on  the  ten  fnUouiiifi 
Itrtielei,  from  IKH/o  16,18  liif/twii'c; 

On  Wdiillen- SO .73 1 .07.1  S!t 

Weil  sti^ii  siuir* 7.«io,n:)-.  .VI 

.«iik.< i.'i.«;i'i,fin(i  HI 

I.iiuMi 7,lilH..>)!l  r,9 

Tens  fioin  I'liinn ai.sW),471  nil 

Ilrmvn  siiuar .'i.(ISi>,n7ll  (W 

mtt'ce '>'.fi71.1HH  fi.i 

n.ir  iron,  rolled S.ldia.lllil  4li 

Bar  irnn,  iimnul'iiclnrcd  or  ollierwi.-ic Htll  .;is.'i  !1H 

.Wall :i.  Ill  i.i;'.i:i  fi7 

Ainolialrcdilccii  on  ten  articles .*!l4.',»ii'l.;  l;i  ;m 


This  is  nil  inlerc-stinsstalement  lo  iheconsiimera. 
.  We  find  Ihat,  dnriiii;  the  .Administrations  of  Jack- 
son and  Van  nurrii,  «,94,"JII4,7I9  .'14  of  tax  was  re- 
mitteil an  ten  leading  arliclcs.  That  from  18.10  lo 
1841,  il  is  shown  by  the  next  preccdiuir  table,  that 
an  a^rsrcLTale  amou'nl  of  >«-J.');!,0(i-J,.'i41  '.HI  of  laMes 
w<'re  remitled.  \'-\  ill  the  face  of  such  fads,  some 
L'ravely  ipiesiion  the  salutary  inllnences  of  llie 
f'ompromise  bill.  \s  a  natural  and  cert.ain  result 
of  tin  se  iri'eat  reductions  of  duties,  commerce  re- 
vived, nnd  by  its  icsuscifatin<r  inniiein'cs  infused 
life  and  prosperity  ail  ovit  the  country.  Lest  there 
may  be  some  doubt  still  upon  the  point  1  have  just 
nr^'iied.  I  will  cite  one  other  evidence  f'(uu  the 
oHii-i.il  documents  in  another  table  prepared  at  the 
Treasury  Department: 

*'?(ijM(.i/  n-rrit'ie  laUie  of  imports  liiiriiie  perioitx  from  IH»}.'i  lo 
\f'Xi,  Iroiii  18.'11  lo  181*1.. fiid/rom  IKKl/,)  Is-i;, ;  ahio,  eirr- 
til^e  iioiiwit  I  nine  of  iinportv  free  of  itiili,;  nihi  ni  entire  iiii- 
nii.il  rcte  yer  rent,  o/ihihi  oil  an^'rcij./lc  rutue  of  imports  at 
eiteh  period. 


Ycar«. 

fllipnrl.". 

IVcc  of  illlty 

l^sliiiinted  averace 
rate  prr  cent,  of 
diM\  lilt  ai!L'rci,'ate 
aiiiMiiat    111*    iin- 
purl.*. 

|H->.-iM1h:i-| 
Is;i4ln|K.|-i 
lS44tolM.i 

.as!l.tifiS.,M(l 

■|:ri,;i«''i.Ki9 

I12,H44,7»9 

.*l-'.*.ie.!>>J 

"(i;i.ii9,:n-i 
ua,4.'i7,;«in 

.'14.11.1  per  cent. 
Ifi.afi  per  ecTll. 
9fi.(IS  iier  eenl. 

In  this  stntrmrnt,  wo  liavp  \\\v  annual  uvcraa:p 
iniporls  fnr  stntfii  pcriotls;  nlsn  tlic  s;imt'  of  llic 
iriKuls  imported  fret  i.f  dutu^  arvl  thn  Monc  of  rule 
II*  r  rcMi.  upon  the  nrjxrii^nff  vnlup  of  jnipoit.-i. 
Wr  firnl.  I>v  cxainininL:  this  siatcnicnt,  tliiu  from 
IH'J.')  to  1H33,  the  Pslinialod  nvrnii:^  annii.tl  r.ilp  of 
(iiity.  per  rnit  ,  on  ihe  ni^i^rrj^ate  nnioniit  of  im- 
ports w;is  ;i4  p'T  crni.  si\n\  a  frnction;  in  the  Hirtind 
period,  from  IKU  to  IH40,  die  csiimnted  avcrfiire 
anm.'d  rato  nf  (hily  per  I'ent.  on  the  as^^^irirate 
amount  of  imporis  was  HJ  per  cent,  and  a  frac- 
tinn.  Thin  was  eertatnly  a  irrent  rfdurtinUi,  l»eini»^ 
nnder  one  half  of  wliat  it  was  in  ihe  firNl  perind. 
Well,  irt  the  third  pi-riod,  from  1^^■I4  to  |h.(;-,,  ,||f. 
estimated  avemu''"  animal  rate  of  duly,  jieMenl., 
on    tlie  (iKgrrKaU   amount  of  imports  WHfi  *Mi  per 


I  cent,  nnd  n  frnction.  Here  wc  find  a  d'  ridcd  vi' 
crease  in  tlie  duty,  u'  comparf«'  with  the  prcceditig 
period  under  the  iiperutinn  of  theeompronVHC  hill— 
an  increase  over  iiO  per  cent.  Thns,th(-ie  8lale- 
mcnts,  from  offii-ial  sources,  nil  nustain  the  posi- 
tions taken  in  the  tables  relatinir  to  rotto.t,  tobncro, 
nnd  flour.  So,  therefore,  my  datji  heii.i;  correct, 
my  inferences  are  ieifiiimale  and  ronclusive. 

Tlie  j;rent  commercial  and  financial  movement* 
of  the  aK;e  are  based  upon  the  introduction  of  more 
enlarired  nnd  libera!  principles  in  lieu  of  ancient 
restrictive  systems.  Even  the  Chinese  are  becom- 
ini;  more  inclined  to  participate  in  the  j;rcat  com- 
mercial exrhanties  which,  l)y  addins;  to  the  com- 
fort, civili/ation^nnd  wealth  of  naiione,  haiul  them 
tojrether  i)y  the  sinuii^^est  ties  of  mutual  goodwill 
nnd  friendship.  The  Zidl  Vcrein  treaty,  wliiili 
was  propo.sed  between  this  country  nnd  the  CJer- 
nian  Customs  Union,  was  predicated  u)ion  n  re- 
riprncal  reduciion  of  duties.  Tiie  rrpral  of  ihe 
Britisli  corn  laws,  and  a  ^'eneral  rc/w.rri/ifjH  of  her 
inif)ost  system,  is  another  step  taken  in  liehalf  of 
free  trade.  The  recent  anxiety  manifested  by  per- 
snns  both  here  nnd  in  Great  Isrilain  to  reduce  the 
rale  of  /)(»$/«":?,  upon  the  ground  that  a  reasonable 
reduction  wtmld  iucrease  the  revenue  from  post- 
u'zes,  is  an  additional  compliment  paid  to  the  doc- 
trines of  free  trade.  Such  are  a  tew  of  the  i^reat 
ellorts  beini;  made  to  disemltarrass  this  rnliijhie';ed 
ni;e  from  the  ariticpiated  .shackles  impitscd  upon 
the  encrtrics  of  mankind  duriiii;  the  dark  aj^es. 
Already  we  have  both  facts  and  ar«;unients  to  sus- 
tain the  policy  of  free  tnHle,ani!  to  show  that  there 
iS  a  wise  and  Just  rate  at  whicb  revenue  duties 
should  be  imposed,  that  wilt  be  most  auspicious 
Cor  all  tlie  g:reat  interests  (d' the  country,  and  nt 
the  same  time  secure  ample  revenue  for  the  Gov- 
ernment. As  illustriuive  of  this  point,  nnd  as  I 
have  just  been  aUudini;  to  ihe  p<(licy  beirii;  carried 
out  in  Great  Britain,  permit  nn-  to  invite  the  ntien- 
tion  of  the  committee  to  the  fidlowinj;  extract  from 
a  speech  f)f  Mr.  Gonlburn,  in  Parliament,  con- 
tained in  "The  Poliiii.al  Kcfinomist'' of  May  30, 
184(),  nnd  published  in  London. 

".Me  fJiiiilluirn  tln-ii  pa^scit  tii  a  iicncnil  review  or  siirii- 
iiiiiiiiii|nirihc  e\|)i'ririi(rn('tliecinintryorinll  the  nH'a^nn■}^ 
wtiicli  [i:iil  1)C(  ti  innndii.Tilwilice  IM'J.  '  In  lH-l-_>.  iluiies  wn; 
redar-ed  (if  repealed  nri  Jiiv  huu.trcd  titui  ci'^lttii  ffo  nrIieN->*; 
ji)  |H*lj,  niMrmr  artl'leij;  in  IHI  I.  on  tiiiir  iirlicles  ;  anil  in 
Icil.'),  t  rcuhi  oHcnrtii-Ii's  were  rciliiccil.  iind  na  four  huniWvd 
aiiJ  Crt'i  ii^/,t  aiii.-lf-i  tlie  tluin-^  wfiv  n'piaird.  In  the 
pre-i'nl  >c;ii.  ttie  ini'ii-nn  s  w Inch  lia\ e  alreailv  |ia.'<>;t'(l  tlie 
lIoiHc  III  riMiHlieil-^  rrihlit  the  iliitli'Sirn  nrif  Inmilnd  nud 
f  *  r/ic  iirlii-les.  :inil  r<'|H  al  llie  <jiiO<><'iii  /If/i/ /".i(r  arttch';*. 
In  the  wtidle  p.  li'xl  in  ■)iM'>iinri  — in  llie  five  M'sstoiis  lircni- 
nni^  wiih  IkI'J,  anil  rnilliiL' with  Ihi-  pn'-eril— the  (liiUi'-'  un 
tiirn  hunilrrfl  >nul  t''mtt>-'frrn  :irnc|<w  h:i\-i' hren  rcdnrfd, 
rnid  Ilin-i'on  rir'C  fiuifihuf  </»W  tn.p  artirles  lia\-e  hceji  cnnrcly 
repiMh  li— arU'des.  i>i<i.  wlin  li  Icim-  innrly  all.  ih'inali  utimc 
t't  a  h-rj-cr  and  ntliei'-i  m  ii  i»reai-r  d'  urc,  aHi'rtfMl  the  1  nn- 
itihcii  nf  tlw  LT'  at  rnii.'^M-^  nf  the  p  -nide,  riilnr  in  their  f'nf.d 
nr  '  InihiMj.  nr  ill  the  -ii|M'l>  "'  lhi>  e  jiieal  stiiplc  ariirdi  s  (if 
raw  riiatirial  wtiidi  ari-  -ti  es-^i-ntiat  m  Hie  niariiit'iieitircH, 
anil  <'iin-i-<(uenilv  hi  the  iiidn-lr\  id  iIm-  ei)unti>'. 

*'  CiiM'^ideinii!  the  cireal  rrdnciinii-i  ihii-^  niadr  in  the  omm- 
tiini-  and  fM-j-r  diitu  s,  Mr.  (ioiillairti  was  an.MniiK  tn  slmw 
that  the  expirini'-iii-^  w  hiid)  the  (JDVirMiiH'iit  had  made  in 
this  wise  and  cnlii-diteni  d  enurse  of  tiaaticial  le-.-ishition,  hy 
whi'-h  rjinmcrcij  nint  iiuhi^tni  had  heen  so  inmdi  henetUed 
hail  110/  ifi  loii/  iic-:n'c  ixi/i-ncivi!  the  yencral  state  id' Our 

thinnref,  nr  added  lo  Ihe  |>il ttiaili'Jlt  ileht  of  the  eoiinlr.V. 
(in  the  cdatrary.  the  smrrts  of  the-e  free  trade  i  vpennien't.'i 
had  ht'eii  so  unal,  Ihni  iiniwithmandinu  the  ureal  rerhiclinan, 
:  every  ti'sl  which  eonid  lit-  taken  ot' tin-  liaanctal  ronchnoii 
nt'  the  foinitry  >h(iwed  tlial  U  had  rallier  ftccn  imjn-otnl  th,tn 
i»i/n;i'rc(/." 

To  this  able  exposition  of  llie  successful  opera- 
tion of  the  free-trade  principles,  so  far  as  they 
bnve  been  ititrtidiieed,  it  is  unnecrN.stU  y  tor  me  lo 
add  aiiy'liiiiiT  in  the  way  <d'  comiiH-nt.  The  facts 
here  set  forth  pay  a  liiiili  complintent  to  the  wis- 
dom of  lliose  stall  smen  who  sustained  and  carried 
out  .such  liberal  and  just  alterations  in  lier  com- 
nietcial  and  fiuan.  lal  policy.  .Shall  we  turn  n  deaf 
ear  to  what  is  jno:^  tni  around  usr'  \ow  thnl 
the  jjreat  platform  npcni  which  t\\v.  nitvoenteMof 
protection  ralbeii»  in  defend  bii:h  dulies,  hna  been 
swejit  from  under  them — which  was,  that  foreu-n 
nations  imposed  hi<;h  duties  on  mir  productions, 
and  thcrclorc  we  tnust  n-udiate  by  imposini: etpuil- 
Iv  liiijh  duties  upon  ilieir  niannl'aclnred  ;roods — 
s^iall  we  not  als<j  abandon  this  ruinous  system? 

Whin  we  hxdt  at  ijovermnents,  we  naturally 
iiHjiiire  tipin^  what  principles  they  are  basetf. 
Moiiarchiis  »'■  tnst  stand  upon  monopolies,  either 
achieved  by  'i*!**  sword  or  created  by  the  sanction 
(if  le^al  enactiaeut  nr  hmtj-continued  iisaij;e, 

Uegul  guvernnieiits,  tJien,  being    «u;trrmf,  mny 


29tii  Cono 1st  Skss. 


n  d'  cidcd  iii- 
lie  I  receding 
"niNC  bill — 
tin  ic  slnte- 
m  the  pnsi- 
I"  1,  tolincco, 
J  correct, 
llsive. 
niovemcnl' 
lion  of  more 
op  ani'ient 
arc  heconi- 
Kreat  com- 
10  the  coni- 
i,  liajid  thrni 
iial  goodwill 
ealy,  whii'li 
md  the  Cirr- 
npon  n  re- 
in ill  of  I  he 
•(ttifin  of  licr 
ii  hihalf  of 
led  hy  per- 
I  rciliirc  the 
a  reasonahle 
front  posl- 
il  to  the  (hic- 
of  the  i^reat 
I  i-niiKliUvitd 
ii'sed  upon 
(lark  a^'cs. 
nnnts  to  sus- 
>\v  thai  there 
•enne  diilirs 
anapieions 
iilry,  and  at 
"      the  Gov- 
ni,  and  as  I 
K'iiiiT  carried 
lie  the  aiien- 
xirac.t  from 
anuiil,  I'on- 
■  of  May  3U, 


ii.'dertake  to  control  the  laborof  the  conntrjr,  as  well 
(IS  1  s  wealth;  hut  democratic  and  repuhlicmi  insti- 
tntio.Ts  are  based  upon  rqiuil  riirhis  and  privilciica. 
There  the  pinpk  f;overii,  and  coiisiitnle  the  snn- 
rreign  nii'hority.  Why,  then,  in  this  case,  should 
they  tlirect  their  fis^rnts  uud  repiTsrnlativcs  to  make 
laws  ((/rfftiiiif  them  how  to  ap|i|y  their  labor  and 
'•apilal  ?  Is  the  sni'f rfi;»ii  to  ask  his  srmnt  to  di- 
)-f'ft  him  tr-/iri/  to  do?  In /ivc  America  we  scout 
llie  idea.  Let  kim^s  say  to  their  >/«rps.  Do  this,  or 
(hi  not  do  that.  The  freemen  of  America  success- 
fully asserted  and  uiainlaincd  Iheir  liberty  in  177G. 
The  dcmo'iTO  y  now  are  vindicalinij  the  freedom 
of  lalior  and  enterprise  to  seek  its  own  employ- 1 
ment,  and  the  rii;hlof  ihe  people  to  .w/i  where  they  i 
cin  j:el  the  hhflnil  price,  and  to  purchase  where-  j 
ever  ihey  can  Inni  on  the  best  terms.  i 

It  Wiis  the  priiteand  boastof  onr  jreat  men  who  ! 
frnnicd  our  Governmfyu'  to  have  proclaimed  reli- : 
!;ions  freedom.  ChvsManily,  in  tins  C(mfederncy,  ' 
is  iMitraminelled  by  law,  anil  nnawed  by  power.  , 
Nay,  sir,  its  position  is  elevated  and  expanded, 
rot  only  because  of  the  freedom  it  enjoys,  but  be- 
cause the  churches  here  rr/i/  f(n'  sn])port  upon 
what  is  termed  ihe  mlmilani  principle;  while  in 
Ivn'ope,  the  churches  ari:  sup]iorted  by  /itir,  or  rely 
upon  the  compuhnrij  principle.  Onr  churches  de- 
jiend  for  support  upon  whatever  each  person  thinks 
proper,  of  liis  nint  arrnrtt^  to  ix'n'c;  and  no  church 
ticrc  hits  precedence  over  another.  I'm  in  I'jirope 
the  rcliijion  is  eilalili'-heil  b/  law,  and  Ihe  jieople 
nre  rcipiired  by  htii'  In  ftaii  so  niii  h  lii  snpjiort  the 
rslahlhhed  church,  w'.M'liier  thev  bdoni;  to  that 
church  or  not.  After  paying  liis  church  rales 
lu-  tithes,  then,  if  inU  a  member  of  the  prolccird 
church,  why,  he  has  to  support  hisown  church  by 
rn'nii((Oi/  contriliulions.  In  this  eonulry  we  nil  i 
prefer  freeihuii  of  religion  and  the  rotutilimj  prin- 
ciple of  svppiirlinfc  churches.  Then,  why  cannot 
tlie  labor  and  industry  of  the  country  lie  Irusleil 
to  the  saiue  vohnitani  principle.*  Is  it,  as  a  member 
in  front  of  me  remarks,  because  you  think  more 
of  vour  (iO(/ic.'i  than  you  do  of  your  souls? 

A  wise  (>eoiiIe  aifapt  iheir  pursuits  to  the  cir- 
enmsiances  of  Iheir  coimlry.  We  have  a  vast  aiul 
extensive  territory — luie  greatly  superior  to  that 
possessed  by  any  olher  luition  on  the  irlobe  tor 
ii<;ricnltiu'a!  jiurjioscs.  Our  b(tnnilai'ics  iwv.  tViun 
ocean  to  ocean.  Wilhin  we  have  laru'c  inland 
seas  ;ui(l  mii^hly  rivers.  Superadded  to  these  luh 
vanla^^es,  we  bor.st  of  possessnii;  Ihe  best  and  freest 
Ifnvcrmiienl  in  the  wm'ld.  Our  people  are  worlhy  ' 
of  their  r|estin\'.  and  are  cmumcnsurale  to  any 
undcrlaliiniz.  We  have  hundreds  of  niiliiotis  of 
acres  of  pniilic  lands  now  unsniled,  and  even  the 
old  Stales  are  not  very  densely  populated.  Every  | 
mall  in  this  country  can,  if  he  think  proper, 
for  a  mere  pittance,  i)ccome  a  landholder.  i*ut 
how  is  it  aliroad?  Wiiat  is  the  ciuidiliim  of  man- 
nfaituriiiL' h'urope  in  this  respect?  In  answer  to 
this,  I  must  be  allowed  to  cite  a  few  piis.sages  from 
a  hue  wcu'k  by  Michelet. 

In  his  late  work,  "  The  People,"  be  observes, 
llial  "the  land  of  I'rance  belonu's  to  fifteen  or 
twenty  miU'wus  of  iniiaanls  whn  iiiUivulc  il;  the 
laud  of  haiiiland,  to  an  ariatncranj  of  ibiriy-two 
lliinisiind  individuals,  who^r/  it  cultivated." 

This  paiai;raph  should  be  known  to  crni/  man 
in  .America.  "  'I'lir  l:iiiil  in  Kt\»liniil  liili<!if:s  In  an 
nfislin-nii'ii  I'f  lli'li-tii-hro  llinifsaml,  irli»  fj;tl  il  nilti- 
viiliil."  Tl'.is  is  ihcccniditii... 'if  ibe^ni'.iicsi  inanu- 
l'.icturin;j;counlrv  under  the  Mil..  This  is  the  conn- 
t-  V  V.  heri'  irxrinilluir  has  i)ecn  nn-si  e\tra\a;:anlly 

)i  •.. ''led.    This  is  Ihe miry  where  iheyice/i/i  are 

no'  i:mdhold'-rN — whos«  exploded  doctrine  of  ^jr(j- 
hrliiin  we  are  to  cherish  and  sustain.  'I'liis  is  the 
conntry  possessini;  mori^  capital  iuid  populaliim 
wilho*  I.er  liinils  than  she  mn  f'urnish  with  small 
lariiu.,  or  support  by  tiLtriculinre,  that  we  are  to 
imiiale  in  ftnliniiis;  iiiitl  (/ro-cdi/iaif  onr  ]teoph\  to 
enable  our  inannfacinrtn^  I'lipiltilish  to  sell  lluir 
goiuls  as  f/i(*f/»as  they  do  in  (ik  at  iirilain.  Thirty-  ' 
two  thousand  nrislotrnlie  landliHlders  in^'jiiiland 
nopmfrit  the   late   yipfnl  of  the  cinn  law.     Perhaps 

O'-iit  as  many  wetilihy  itirtiiii7i«'---''"T  iirisiocrals 
in  litis  ciniiilry  tippnst    the  yifhtrtio}}  of'  the  lariir. 

Ill  both  I ntries  the  contest  i.H  Is  iwn  it  rtipilul  and 

labor.     The  (htmocrticy  camuu  and  do  not  hesitate  , 
wliicli  of  the  Iwo  lo  support,  and  in  Misiainiii:^  the 
interest  (d'lnaii  ttLUintst  the  exttciinns  of  the  i;rasp- 
iiii;  i-npitalist,  we  care  not  I'm-  ihc  lainenlaiimis  of 
ihuse  who  have  (;rown  I'at  by  what  bad  laws  tm- 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Seddon. 

jitntly  granted  to  ihem.     It  in  enough  for  thein  to  I 
enjoy  what  they  have  idrendy  gained,  and  in  re- 
duciiit;  the  tariif  we  want  the  people  to  enjoy  the 
full  rewards  of  their  eicii  labor. 

Permit  me  to  cite  a  few  nim'c  passages  from  the  ( 
same  author.  lie  observes,  in  speakini;  of  France, 
that,  "  In  n9."i,  an  excellent  observer,  Arthur 
Young,  was  surprised  anil  alarmed  at  seeing  the 
land  so  diciiled."  In  17.18,  the  Abbe  de  St.  Pierre 
observes,  that  in  Frtmce  "  the  tcorA'iitg  class  have  '• 
ithnosl  uU  a  /ftm/ru  tmd  some  strip  of  a  vineyard  or  a 
field."  Ill  another  place,  when  treating  of  the 
almost  indomitable  desire  amongst  i!ie  French  p(o-  , 
pie  to  iic(|nire  land,  he  remarks,  that  "  For  a  lew 
feet  of  a  vineyard  the  Unrgnndian  woman  lakes 
her  bosom  from  her  own  chilli's  mouth,  and  puts  a 
stranger's  to  it;  weaning  her  own  hel'ore  its  lime." 
"  Thou  may'st  live,  may'st  die,"  .^ays  the  father; 
"  but  if  thou  livest,  my  son,  thou  wilt  have  land." 
Is  not  this  a  hard,  almost  an  iiupions  IhiuL'  to  say? 
Think  veil  before  you  pronounce  it.  "Thou  wilt 
have  land."  Tlntt  means,  "Tlion  will  vol  be  a  liire- 
/iiig — taken  to-day,  discharged  to-morrow.  Thou 
will  not  have  to  s/nrc  for  thy  daily  bread,  but  thou 
will  be  free." 

Can  an  American  heor  such  sentiments  ns  the.se 
last  rend,  and  not  feel  more  grateful  for  the  bless- 
inirs  that  envir(m  him.  Nor  can  he  contcm]ilate 
Ihe  advice  triven  by  Mr.  Pilt,  when,  durii)!;  the 
bloody  and  expensive  war  waied  between  France 
and  Great  Rritain,  wages  had  risen  so  hi;;h  as  lo 
force  the  manufacturers  to  seek  aid.  In  their  dis- 
tressed condition  they  called  on  the  Minister  for 
relief;  his  fatal  rejdy  to  them  was — "  Take  Ihe 
children."  How  revolting  to  liumaiiity  sounds 
this  advice  to  American  ears!  p'amous  us  the  op- 
eratives in  the  manufacturing  districts  in  Entrland 
were  IVrmerly  for  brilliant  cnmplexion.s,  yet  the 
rose  has  left  their  cheeks,  beeanse  the  lords  of  the 
loom  obeyed  the  doctrine  of  Mr.  Pitt — they  "look 
the  children." 

Manufarturing  er^lahli.shments  nre  the  zreat  lab- 
oratories of  crime  and  of  death.  Atrricultiiral  em- 
I  ploymenis  are,  on  the  other  hand,  heallhfnl  and 
chastening.  The  ono  de^railes,  the  other  elevates 
mankind.  In  Ihc  one,  children  are  employed  to  a 
I  great  extent;  in  the  oilier,  sturdy  laborers  almost 
enlirely.  Infancy  is  instinctive,  and  age  relleclive  ' 
life.  In  manufactnrinir  establishments  the  children 
employed  fr  Uerni/.e  wiih  the  hum  of  the  spindles 
anil  the  cidd  iron  machinery.  I'm  in  agriciiltiire, 
they  roam  over  the  liclds,  charmed  and  deli'^hlcd 
with  Ihe  birds,  the  llowcrs,  ihe  L'lishing  streams, 
and  distant  mcHUilains.  There  liny  sympalhize 
with  ualnre,  and  trrow  up  lo  reason  lujd  act  like 
men.  It  was  said  of  Corregsrio  and  Appclles,  two 
of  Ihc  most  illnstrions  of  ancient  artists,  that  one 
of  ihem  irloricd  in  beholding  irroups  of  fine-looking 
joyous  children,  luxuriating  in  their  juvenile  sports; 
while  the  olbrr  look  as  much  pleasure  in  contem- 
plating liunian  a^ony  and  despair.  Were  they 
now  liviiiLX,  ('iU'reL'i:io  wimid  be  delishtcd  with  the 
happy  faces  in  .America,  and  .Appclles  miudil  sati- 
ate himself  ill  brooding  over  the  miserable  opera- 
tives of  Manchester,  Slu  ilield,  and  Birmini^hain. 

THF.  TARIFF. 
SPEECH  OF  jM  R.  J.  A.  S  E  D D  O  \, 

OK    \  IKlM.MA, 

Ix  TIIK  Hat'SF.  or   Ul.l'UKSEXTATIVK-, 

Jidif  39,  [^Mi. 
The  House  being  in  Comniittce  of  ili.   Whole  on 

the  si.-uc  of  the  rmon,  on  tin    ^lil  reducing  the 

duty  on  *■  iitorls,  and  I'or  ofitt  r  ;>tirposc.s — 

Mr.  SKI  Ha '.V  said: 

I  confess,  Mr.  Chairman,  my  feelings  are  strongly 
enlisted  nirainst  the  proi.  -live  system,  which  has 
been  ihe  leading  sub  .  i  of  discussion  in  connex- 
ion with  the  bill  iii'W  under  the  i  onsidiTalion  of 
the  cmnmitlee.  I  am  eimvinccd  thai  the  whide 
system  is  unwiisc  and  unjust,  in  its  operation 
iirossly  oppressive  of  the  leading  inicresis  of  ihv 
I.'nion,  and  especially  of  that  siciion  with  winch 
my  associations  and  sympalhiis  idcniify  nii'.  1 
yet  Irtist  not  to  be  hurried  by  such  ciinviclimi  into 
the  use  of  denunciation  and  invi .  r.vc,  but  lo  bring 
to  the  discussion  a  spirit  of  caliiiiic'is  and  candor 
Ik  fitting  the  (Occasion  and  the  subject.  That  sub- 
ject, the  revision  f.nd  ret'orm  of  the  revenue  syslen^ 


or  Reps. 


of  the  Gnvernment,  is  the  most  important  riue.stinn 
of  onr  domestic  policy.  Rdinund  Durke,  perhaps 
the  most  philosophic  of  Entrlish  slatesmen,  did  not 
hesitate  to  denotninate  "  the  revenue  the  State." 
If  the  functions  of  government  ordinarily  involved 
in  the  collection  and  disbursement  of  ihe  public 
revenue  are  so  important  and  varied  as  to  merit 
such  description,  with  how  much  more  appropri- 
ateness may  it  be  applied  to  our  revenue  system, 
which,  not  conlenting  il.self  w'lh  the  exicnsive 
scope  allowed  in  the  receipts  and  expenditures  of 
the  Government,  assumes  to  regulate  the  industry 
of  the  country,  and  to  guide  the  employment  of  iis 
labor  and  capiial.  Onr  tariif  system  (n'ii.'inales, 
indeed,  ill  that  inevitable  evil — the  necessity  of 
taxation  for  the  support  of  the  Government.  But 
it  has  been  heretofore  so  devised  and  framed,  that 
its  impositions  in  practical  operation  have  Ix^en  not 
merely  of  taxation  for  the  Government,  but,  by 
Ihe  exclusion,  total  or  partial,  of  rival  proihicts  iVom 
lOironil,  and  consequent  enharcemenl  of  prices,  of 
bonuties  for  the  establishment  and  nurture  of  spe- 
cial kinds  of  industry  and  capital.  A  system, 
compounded  of  laxatimi  and  protection,  and  com- 
))licaled  by  its  direct  0)ieratii  n  as  a  lax,  and  its 
indirect  as  a  bonniy,  lo  be  understood  in  its  prac- 
tical working,  must  receive  in  both  its  aspects  at 
least  a  passint^  ex.aminalion. 

As  a  system  of  taxation  purely,  it  is  manifest 
Ihe  most  perfi^cl  would  he  that  which  direcily 
apportioned  and  collected  it.' impositions  from  each 
citizen  accordinir  to  the  amount  of  his  properly  or 
means.  The  dilTicnlly,  however,  in  the  first  place, 
of  precise  .asccrtainmen;,  all'',  then  of  gauging  so 
accurately  in  reference  to  the  property  and  resour- 
ces of  men,  ronslitute  almost  an  insuperable  ob- 
stacle lo  the  adoption  of  such  a  system.  Besides, 
to  direct  taxation  in  nimo.st  any  form,  very  strong 
objections  have  always  prevailed  and  still  exist 
with  us.  Among  these  are  the  sensitiveness  to  the 
call  of  the  tax  gatherer,  which  has  been  inherited 
by  our  people  with  their  Saxon  blood;  thepccunm- 
lalion  of  ollices,  and  consequent  increase  of  Ex- 
ecutive pntronaKc,  which  would  result  froin  a  sys- 
tem of  direct  laxaliim;  the  propriety  of  leaving 
to  Ihe  respective  Slates  as  wide  a  scope  ns  pos- 
sible, within  which  to  make  the  assessments 
required  for  their  wants;  and  the  harsh  and  coin- 
pulsory  nature  of  direct  taxation,  as  coiilrasled  with 
the  npparenily  vidnntary  and  uiqicrceived  contri- 
bution obtained  by  indirect  taxation; — these,  and 
otlna-consideratioris  which  need  not  lie  memioneil, 
perhaps  wisely  induced,  at  an  early  |"'riod  in  iho 
history  of  lair  rnion,  the  adoptifui  of  a  sy.sletn  of 
indirect  laxaiion  by  diilics  ml  imporls;  and  e\ce|.t 
on  rare  occasion.s  lif  necessity,  when  direct  laxcs 
were  likewise  re.sorled  to,  tiia'  system  has  been 
alone  maintained  and  established  until  the  present 
time.  It  may  he  looked  upon  as  fixed  beyond  Ihe 
possibility  of  subversion,  so  long  as  it  will  snilice 
for  the  wants  of  the  Government;  and  its  proiuiety 
and  wisdom  are  almost  universally  recofTuisi  d. 
Our  nttentiim  must,  therel'on-,  lie  confintil  exclu- 
sively to  a  system  of  taxaiioa  by  duties  on  im- 
porls. 

Imports  may  be  either  of  products,  made  or  cul- 
tivated exclusively  in  I'oreign  ccnintrics.  and  which 
of  course  can  find  no  competition  in  the  produc- 
tions of  onr  Union,  or  of  producis  of  the  same 
or  like  character  with  ilios,'  which  are  or  may  be 
produced  wilhin  the  Uiiioii,  and  with  which  thcjr 
are  lo  compeit  in  the  inarkeis  of  the  counliy.  So 
Ions  and  .so  far  as  dunes  arc  imposed  cm  the  for- 
mer, no  just  objection  can  be  m  ule  on  the  score  of 
the  mifairness'and  indirei'tiim   of  thr  sysiem   of 

\  Uioii.    Tic  iluties  manifestly  enter  :irto  ihe  price 

all  such  I  r'.ihictions  introduced,  and,  cnhancin); 
ihe  price  bv  -.bat  amount,  constilnle  a  t>\  on  con- 
sumption, l!i  %  hole  pro.'ccds  of  wliick  ire  received 
into  the  nalio.i.il  In  as  ■•y,  and  a*  ipplicable  »o 
the  wanis  of  the  Government.  "Vllere  is  no  tn- 
diivcl  benefit,  no  iiicidenlal  boiiTi:v,  lo  any  class  or 
to  any  branch  of  indiislcy  or  ah, n lid. 

And  in  this  coimeciion,  Wr.  Chairman,  I  may 
be  pardoned  lor  a  brief  digression,  in  reply  to  ttio 
objections  so  vela  nicntly  urged  by  the  gentlewiaii 
from  Keiitncky,  jMr.  TiBmTTs,]  who  has  just 
taken  his  seat,  to  the  duties  proposed  to  he  im- 
posed by  the  prewnt  bill  on  tea  and  cofl'ee.  Those 
articles  are  ex.  I«sively  of  foreign  u'rowth,  and,  on 
that  acc.mi\<>,-»re  strongly  coiumcmled  to  ns  by  lh« 
npeintiott  I  have  just  been  explaining  as  among  Iha 


736 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  29, 


29th  Cong isx  Sess. 


The  Tarijf—Mr.  Seddon. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


S 


imports  pfculiarly  appropriate  for  taxation,  ^lie 
wiiole  duty  will  operate  as  a  lax  on  consumption, 
nnil  lie  received  by  the  Govirnmei::.  The  univer- 
sality of  tlieir  consumption  likewise  sironijly  re- 
commends tlicm  as  giving  assurunce  lintli  of]  a 
larce  yielil  of  revenue  froiii  them,  and  of  the  dis- 
trilniiion  of  the  tax  very  generally  throusliout  our 
pooulaiion.  I  cannot  think  that  serious  inequality 
of  liurdcii  among  different  classes  will  result  from  , 
.such  duties;  for  in  my  own  section  of  the  Union 
at  least,  1  helieve,  the  purchase  and  consumption 
lire,  to  a  reasonalile  extent,  and  perhaps  to  a  greater  ■ 
degree  tliiin  any  other  articles,  so  nearly  assimi- 
lated to  a  necessary  of  life,  proportionate  lo  the 
moans  and  wealth  lif  our  citizens.  The  |iroprie- 
t.irs  of  fine  estalilishments,  tlie  owners  of  many 
doincstics,  use  these  articles  in  greater  riuaiitities 
than  do  those  of  more  humble  ciniimstances  or 
limited  means.  But  if  the  imnirined  inequality 
ur^ed  by  the  gentleman  really  exisled,  still  II 
should  be  remembered  thai  the  duly  is  recommend- 
ed as  a  war  lax,  demanded  by  tlie  jiresent  exi- 
gences of  the  Government,  and  to  cease  with  the 
rcsioi-ation  of  peace;  and  that  on  no  other  articles 
of  import  can  such  certain  reliance  be  placed  lor 
the  yield  of  ihe  amount  of  revenue  required.  The 
genlleman  has  boasted  no  little  of  the  noble  patriot- 
ism and  !;allaniry,  with  which  the  constituents  of 
himself  and  other  gentlemen  from  his  section  are 
even  now  cro-.vding  lo  the  tenlcd  field,  and,  reck- 
less of  hnidship  ur  danger,  olfer  Iheir  persons  lo 
the  fierce  encounter  of  arms  in  vindication  of  the 
hcmor  and  ridits  of  their  country.  1  iniile  with 
him  most  cordially  in  rendering;  all  honor  to  such 
brave  and  worthy  citizens,  liui,  sir,  with  such 
enthusiasm  of  patriotism,  with  such  spirit  of  self- 
sacrifice  prevailinj  anioiiir  tlie  bold  yeomanry  of 
the  IVesI,  it  is  hard  to  beli>ve  they  are  correctly 
reoresenled  here  as  unwilling  to  contribute  a  slight 
pillance  from  their  mean:  —-a  trivial  lax  on  articles 
of  general  use  among  lliem — lo  pro\  ide  the  means 
for  fornishins:  them  arms  and  supplies,  and  ena- 
blinfftl  cm,  with  mores|ieed  and  facility,  to  achieve 
for  their  country  an  honorable  peace,  fur  tlieni- 
Fclves  undviiiff^'lory.  liut  I  tell  the  lentlenian,  in 
tuldiiion,  that  interest,  the  interest  of  his  conslilu- 
ents  no  less  tlian  mine,  emphatically  conspires  with 
Ihe  sentiments  of  honor  lo  induce  the  adoption  of 
this  war  tax.  The  |>rescnt  exicenciesof  our  Mex- 
ican w.irmust  be  sii|)plied;  and  if  not  done  by  such 
a  war  lax,  will  lie  by  lonii  and  the  accumulation  of 
nation.-il  delii.  That  debt  will  here, ifier  have  to  be 
paid  iVom  the  proceeds  of  liii;h  diuies,  makiii;;  a 
protective  system.  That  irentleuian  is  aware  of 
the  truth  of  the  position  I^lisign  presently  more 
fully  to  ilItiFir.io  ,  that  under  such  protective  sys- 
tem, no  i-auiii  portion  of  the  nKiniifacturii:^  and 
o'!)er  liindred  e|iis.ses  of  tht  northern  and  middle 
Stales,  receiviiii;  ns  they  do  far  more  of  benefit  than 
luiideu  from  ilie  duties  imposed  on  imports,  v,'ill 
j>ra."ically  contribute  iiolliing  lo  the  redemption  of 
tint  debt.  The  encumbrance  of  its  annual  inler- 
est.  the  burden  nf  its  ullmiaie  discliarire,  will  be  ini- 
pos<  d  exclusively  on  the  cKi.sses  and  sections  which 
si^ffer  under  the  exactions  of  the  protective  .-^vsli'm. 
'ill'  \Vest,  the  agncidinrisis  and  yeomanry  of  the 
gentleman's  fiwn  f-i  rriun,  and  we  <pf  the  South,  the 
conimoM  \ictinis  of  this  system,  will  have  to  la^'ir 
almost  exchisi\ely  the  whole  burdens  of  the  war, 
lliMS  accumuliUid  in  the  shape  of  a  public  debt, 
nt-iler  i  is  it  not.')  by  far,  thai  at  foice,  even  in  tlu' 
moment  of  iiu'urring  ihem,  we  should  uniti  in  the 
iidopti<in  of  a  w.ir  tax,  which,  hov.ever  it  may 
operate  on  us,  will  at  h  »st  e(iually  operate  on  those 
iliistcsand  |iorli"iis,  which  else  will  not  merely 
escape  ail  participation  in  the  burden,  but  actually 
reilize  from  il,  at  our  expense,  gain  and  benefit. 

It  may  well  e.xeite  surju-jse,  too,  Mr.  ('Iiairnt.-in, 
that  any  portion  of  the  Democracy  fr"ni  the  West, 
averse  as  lliey  have  shown  tin  mscKcs  to  the 
^ro.r.s  ineqiialilie.j'  .nid  heavy  burdens  .if  the  larifi' 
of  Jc<4'i,  shonld  y<(  declare,  that  unliss  this  war 
t,iX  on  lea  and  come  l,e  siricken  out,  they  will  vote 
u'/foiist  the  bill  reported  by  the  ro|||i|iiltee  of 
Way  Hiid  .Me:uis,and  this  leave  the  lalllior  |H||| 
in  full  ojieri'ii'Ui.  Why,  Mr,  if  ihe  duties  on  lei 
and  cntfee  vn'l  operate  unequully  ,oid  li  irshly  on 
their  ronstiiuents,  have  Ihey  not  agioo  and  aifain 
denounced  the  duties  in  the  larifTof  lM4:>iin  migar, 
on  iron,  on  null,  on  coarse  woollens,  and  very 
many  other  orticleH,  most  of  whii'li,  like  ten  and 
euiree,  are  assimilated  in  the  minds  of  the  people 


with  necessaries,  as  moat  nneipial,  oppressive,  and 
unjust.'  Have  they  not  stamped  the  odious  inini- 
miim  and  specific  features  of  the  tarilTbill  of  1S42 
with  the  stigma  of  frauil,  and  demonstrated  their 
gross  injuslice  to  the  poorer  classes  ?  How,  then, 
in  any  continijency,  can  ihey  firefer  these  more 
numerous,  these  more  crying  ine(pialities  luid  op- 
pressi<uis,  to  the  endurance  of  a  tax,  even  thoui^h 
considered  uneqiiid,  on  only  two  articles  of  no 
greater  necessity  or  more  general  use,  and  that 
a  lax  of  only  temporary  duration.'  The  simplest 
calculation  would  convince  them,  even  on  the 
score  of  inlerest,  apart  from  their  reiterated  pledges 
to  repeal  the  tarilfof  1813,  of  the  folly  and  injury  of 
uch  a  course. 

liut  to  return  fnnn  this  digression,  which  may 
have  served,  Mr.  Chairinaii,  to  illustrate  the  jaire- 
ly  revemie  char.icter  and  geiuM'al  fiurness  of  duties 
oi\  impi^rts  not  |>r(uluced  within  the  country:  we 
must  recollect  that  such  duties  may  not  always 
be  laid  without  enciuititeiing  overruling  inconve- 
niences and  objections,  and,  besides,  would  not 
alone  sutltce  to  supply  the  requisite  revenue  for  the 
wants  of  the  Government.  Duties  must  then  be 
imposed,  likewise,  on  the  importation  of  articles 
liroiluced  within  the  country.  What  will  be  the 
elVeci  of  such  iliities.'  Here,  as  in  the  case  of  im- 
ports not  produced  within  the  country,  on  all  the 
articles  htijutrUil,  the  duty  becnines  an  element  in 
the  price,  and  enhances  to  its  amount  the  cost  of 
th(^  imported  article  to  the  purchaser.  The  whole 
nmouut  of  duty  on  the  imported  article,  to  the 
extent  of  its  consumption,  is  a  tax,  the  proceeds 
from  which  are  received  by  the  Governincnt.  But 
the  elTccI  of  such  duly  ini  the  producers  of  like 
articles  within  the  country,  becomes  now  observa- 
ble as  prodiicieixincipiality.  If  the  jiroducer  within 
I  le  rounlry  of  any  ^;ivell  article,  on  the  import  of 
which  from  abroad  .a  duty  was  laid,  produced  only 
enoii'j:h  for  his  own  consiinqition,  it  is  mnnifcsi  lie 
would  be  simply  freed  fioni  all  participatiiui  in  the 
burtlen  of  a  lax,  which  must  be  paid  by  all  oilier 
consumers.  I'ut  if  he  raised,  as  almost  every 
protUicer  ihies,  not  merely  for  individual  consump- 
tion, but  for  sale,  his  products  would  command 
the  adiled  price  imjiosed  by  the  duty  on  the  im- 
ported article  coming  in  competition;  or,  supposing 
a  preference  to  exist  for  the  imported  article,  at 
precisely  the  same  price,  and  a  consequent  nece:;- 
sity,  (Ui'ihe  jiart  of  tin'  producer  within  the  coun- 
try, to  take  a  somewhat  less  price,  would  comnmnd 
nn  increased  value  very  nearly  equal  lo  tin  en- 
hancement on  the  lorei:^n  iirlicle  by  the  dutv.  The 
jirii-e  bciiiir  thus  eiilianccd  to  the  producer  wilhiii 
the  cf>untry  lo  the  amount,  or  very  nenily,  of  the 
duly  on  the  imported  artii'le,  the  duly,  inctead  of 
a  tax,  would  rtper:Ue  as  a  lnumty,  lo  the  precise 
amount  of  such  enhancenient,  paiil  to  him  by  the 
consumers  of  his  products,  precisely  as  the  duty 
on  the  imported  article  would  be  paid  to  the  Gov- 
erniiient  by  the  con.suniers  of  that. 

By  any  duties,  then,  on  imporls  similar  to  those 
raised,  or  which  may  be  prnduced,  in  the  ciiunliv 
whose  (.iovirnment  lays  tbeni,  bouniics  and  pro- 
lection  become  blended  ami  coinplicaied  with  taxes 
and  burdens.  Ir.eonsistent  as  are  the  two  thinsrs 
in  nature,  and  diverse  as  are  the  purpo:.es  to  be 
accnm|ilishp  il  bv  them,  ihey  lu-e  still,  in  :i  liniiii.|| 
extent,  iiiscpirable.  'I'lie  mie — proiecinui  to  some 
— being  Ihe  inevltalde  cnncomitanl  and  incident  to 
the  other — the  tax  on  the  many.  When,  however, 
the  duly  is  laid  honc'stly  for  revenue,  ihi'  bounty, 
or  protection,  is  but  the  inevitable  incideni— -not 
ilieeud  desi'jned  cu"  s'iu;.'lii — and  only  ilhislraiis  ihe 
universal  order  of  the  jioliiieal,  as  of  ihe  moral 
and  physical,  world,  iluit  what  ojierates  by  gene- 
ral rule  a  iMirden  or  c\il  to  the  many,  becomes, 
bv  some  peciiliaritv  of  exception,  a  boon  or  a 
bfessinix  to  a  fvw.  To  such  inetjualily,  known  lo 
exist  as  inseparable  to  the  svsleni,  none  w'ill  ol'Jee: ; 
but,  on  the  contrary,  all  will  rejoice  in  the  benefits 
ihiis  lecilimalely  realized  from  the  general  evil  of 
taxation. 

Such,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  the  system  of  laxalion 
by  import  duties;  but  to  make  il  laxalion  honesily 
for  revenue,  and  f.iir  mid  eipijiable  In  its  iqieriilion, 
it  is  inanlfesi  the  iliily  or  lax  should  be  as  low, 
extended  over  as  laru'c  an  amount  of  consuniption, 
and  distributed  atiionu'  as  large  a  numhi'r  of  I'on- 

Rumers,  as  may  I nsistciit  with  the  raising  ofthe 

nmoiini  retpiired;  while  the  bounty  should  be  con- 
fined to  ns  small  an  amount  of  eonsiiniplioii.  nml 


be  litnited  lo  ns  few  consumers,  as  may  be,  con- 
sistently with  the  same  object. 

Now,  duties  may  h<'  imposed  to  any  amount, 
from  the  lowest,  operatins  almost  exclusively  as  u 
tax,  lo  the  hiu'liest,  which,  excluding  all  imports, 
will  be  purely  a  bounty,  and  cut  oil'  all  receipts  to 
Ihe  Goverimient.  In  the  rantie  between  the.se  ex- 
tremes, there  is  a  wide  latitude  ofdiscretion,ac<'ord- 
ing  to  theobjecl  designed.  Uevenne  exclusively,  or 
protection,  yet  not  without  reference  lo  revenue 
or  protection  exclusively,  may  be  the  object.  If 
the  first,  the  lowest  duty  which  will  raise  the  re- 
qiilsite  amount  should  be  adopted;  if  the  .second, 
the  highest  duty,  or  at  least  a  hi'^her  duty  tliaii 
maybe  necessary  to  yield  the  revenue  required, 
will  he  adopted;  if  the  last,  prohlbiiorv  d'  ties  will 
he  resorted  to.  It  may  seem  strange  that  high  and 
low  rates  of  duty  may  rai.se  sometmies  the  same, 
or  about  the  same,  umount  of  revenue;  yet  such 
both  experience  and  the  rcasiui  ofthe  tliiii;;  demon- 
strate to  be  ihe  fiict.  A  low  duly,  adnuilin;;a  lar- 
ger ainounl  of  imports,  and  consec|uenlly  a  more 
extended  consumption  by  a  greater  number,  may 
sutlice  to  raise  a  given  sum.  A  much  hii^her  duty, 
which  may  mosl  seriously  restrict  the  amount  of 
iinporlalion  and  the  extent  of  the  consumption  of 
the  iiniHirted  articles,  yet,  by  reason  of  its  larirer 
exaction,  mav  give  the  same  sum.  The  very  high- 
est amount  of  revenue  which  any  article  of  import 
will  yii'ld  may  thus  be  ohiained  at  very  tlill'erent 
rales  of  duly;  and  the  error  has  been  but  too  prev- 
ail nt,  that,  |a-ovided  the  amount  of  revemie  rai.sed 
was  the  greatest  that  could  be  obtained  from  an 
article  of  import,  il  was  thereby  clearly  shown  lo 
be  a  pure  revenue  duty.  A  less  l;ix  on  a  greater 
amount  of  imporls  may  manifestly  equal  in  product 
a  greater  lax  on  a  less  ainounl  of  imporls.  The 
posilion,  therefore,  assumed  by  the  gentleman  from 
Vermont,  [.Mr.  Coi,i,\mi;ii,1  tiieollicr  day,  tlnit  the 
lowest  duty  and  the  highest  duty  that  v  ill  yield 
the  largest  amount  of  revenue  are  one  and  the  .same 
duly,  was  a  gross  fallacy.  The  derision  which  he 
attempted  to  cast  on  the  able  and  luminous  report 
ofthe  .Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  for  having;  niaiii- 
taincd  the  contrary  asa  fnndamciilal  principle,  may 
be  justly  retoried  on  ihe  criiic,  who,  in  assiimini;-  lo 
correct,  has  exhlbiteil  only  his  own  misapprehen- 
sion or  ignorance.  Why,  sir,  the  very  case  sup- 
posed by  the  gentleman,  to  illustrate  the  justice  of 
his  censure,  exposes  iis  folly  and  corrects  his  own 
error.  He  supposed  11)11,(1(10  pairs  of  shoes  im- 
ported at  a  dntv  of  10  cents.  Tlie  revenue  yielded 
would  be  >|(l,000.  Xow,  Id  the  duty  be  increased 
lo  !,'»  cents,  and  the  iinportation  remain  tin-  same, 
the  yield  would  be  jib'i.llOO.  But,  continued  he, 
supjiose  the  duty  lo  be  increased  to  'JO  ceiiis,  and 
at  that  rate  the  arlicli  to  be  so  proiliiced  al  home, 
under  the  encoiira^inient  ofthe  duly,  anil  the  iin- 
porlalion so  restricted  that  only  ,W, 000  pairs  were 
oroiiL'lit  into  the  country  from  nbroad — "  what," 
he  asks,  "would  be  Ihe  yield  r"  and  replying 
"  iiKoiifesily  onlv  mo, 000,"  he  triumphantly  asks, 
"  Then,  is  iioi  the  hri^esi  ainounl  of  rcveiitie  real- 
i/i'd  at  !.">  cenis  diiiyr  Is  not  the  l"wesi  duty  which 
will  yield  the  lar;;esi  revenue  l.'i  cents:  And  is  noi 
thehighi  St  duly  which  will  yield  the  same  lacents? 
They  are,  then,  one  and  the  same;  and  the  plirasi*- 
olo;^y  of  the  Secieliiry  of  the  1'i'(iisur}' — ihe  Ittinst 
(Inly  that  will  raise  tlie  liiglusi  annuint  of  ri-venue — 
n  miserable  catchword,  for  po|iiilar  eireci." 

Now,  .Mr.  riiairnian,  |ialpably  here,  mi  the  gen- 
tleniairs  own  case,  !,'>  cents  is  the  lowest,  lail  not 
the  lii;:hist,  duty  w  he  h  will  yield  ■"il.'i.OOO — the 
supposed  hrirest  aniiHint  of  revenue.  There  is, 
manifestly,  a  pmnl  beiween  l.'i  and  JO  cents  duty, 
where  such  ratio  will  exist  beiween  the  enhance- 
ment of  duty  and  the  con.sequent  diniiniillon  ofthe 
amount  of  shoes  imiiorted.  that  duties  raised  to 
that  point  will  yield  on  tin  nnpoi-t.-uion  so  dimin 
islied,  pre.'isr;ly  the  same  amount  of  ^l.'i,00t).  To 
find  that,  mii^ht  require  the  use  of  fractions.  8o, 
Ut  illustrate  ii  in  rouiiil  numbers,  suppose  that  the 
:30  cents  duly  diminished  the  importation  mily  to 
T.'i.OOO  iiair,  insle.id  of  ,'10,0110,  as  he  supposes. 
\ow,L'0  i-i'iits  duty  would  yield  Sl'i.OUO,  llie.same 
ainounl  yjelrled  at  I.'jeenls.  ,S..,  a:;ain;  supposing 
,'10  eenls'dulv  restricted  importation  only  to  .",0,000 
pairs,  this  yi'l  liiirher  duly  would  still  \  niiKI.">,000, 
the  supposed  largest  amount,  and  the  sum  realized 
fi'oiu  1,5  ceiils.  Here,  then,  would  be  three  rates 
of  duly — 1,"),  yO,  and  .'10  cents — eiudi  yielding  the 
lariresi  aminint  of  revenue  which  thi'  import  wouhl 


1840.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  COINGUESSlONAIi  GLOUE. 


737 


'i'Ac  Tariff— Mr.  Sedrlon. 

be  iiPcrssiiry  the  (Inlim  niT  rvpii  liiirlirr,  liiiii'^  i;rn- 
oniMy  ;)ll  per  rent.  To  llmm  sliniild  l)i'  Hililid  llio 
aiiiDiint  of  prnlei'lion  inriiliiitally  iiiri)r(lcil  liy  llii^ 
ponIi  (liitica,  tlip  viiluulion  iil  llii;  linmc  inarkil  liy 
llin  ndditlnii  of  nil  I'linriji'M  nnd  tliR  like,  to  llic 
prime  cost,  and  tlic  frciLjlils,  wliidi,  iiccordiii'^  lo  ii 
cnlculiilioM  nindn  l)y  Mr.  Cliiy  liimsnll'sninc!  yi-iirs 
sinre,  I'ruinls  some  11  per  rent.  morn.  The  inei- 
iliiildl  liniinlij,  Id  be  dnni'ii  from  Ihr  'iniillrst  riiiifJiiiit  of  '  denial  prolerlion,  llien,  inseparaljle  from  the  slriei- 


yOrn  CoNO 1st  Skss. 

liear;  nnd  of  tliese  tlic  Seerelary  would  say,  in  eoni-  ] 
iiion  wiili  every  reasonahle  man,  the  lowest  was  tlic 
true  revenue  (Inly.  And  why?  lieeatiae,  consiat- 
ciilly  willi  iIm'  atiainmentof  the  aniianilof  revenue 
nipiired,  it  iiiiiuiscd  llif  lensl  rvslrirliim  on  iiii/ioWs. 
II  niivcr/  Ihi'  (iiiwiinl  lnj  Ihr  Imrrst  lux  iin  Ihr  Inrgrsl 
anumnl  iff  rnii'iiimitlioii  nnd  llie  Ini'fxrfit  numhn-H  of 
finistiniris^  irhilf  it  i^tive  thr  /fos/,  niiit  n  ptirrl'i  inri- 


imsHinjit'wn  and  thr  fnrrst  rnnsvinrrs.  Oi\  tlic  other 
hand,  eitlnr  of  tlie  oilier  rale.sof  doty  are  to  iheex 
teal,  respectivoly,  ihat  they  exceed  the  lowest  rale 


est  revenue  duties,  wo-dd  amount  to  .-lome  HI  per 
rent.,  anil,  under  the  provisiona  of  the  hill  now 
olTi'red,  ran^en  from  llfi  to  1(l-oi!d  per  ecnt.     Surely 


Ihided  to,  (lurely  protective,  aa  mneh  sons  If  tliev    ,  this  jives  aid  and  advnnta'.'e  more  than  enon!;li  for 

the  eatahllshnnait  and  p;rowlh  of  all  liranehes  of 
internal  industry,  for  which  the  eoiintry  is  nt  nil 
prepared,  or  which  ean  he  eirrieil  on  at  profit. 

In  what  other  induslrial  iiursiiii.s  of  life  wonlil 
luen  have  the  liardlliood  to  ileniand  premiums  and 
advanlau'easo  erenl?  In  domestic  rompeiiiion  they 
would  blush  lo  owe  success  to  sindi  prefernieni, 
nnd,  surely  in  competition  with  produi;ls  from 
abroad,  they  should  liisdain  to  claim  from  their 
counlrymcn  s-u'rifiees  and  submission  in  Iheir  Ih;- 
half  lo  exactions  larL'er  than  those,  which  are  by 


were'  prohiuitm-y;  for  to  s\icli  extent  they  ent  oil' 
impiirtation,  enhance  the  bounties  drawn  in  the 
form  of  pric.es  ott  the  arlii'le  made  within  the  coun- 
try, and  exact  them  on  the  larj^er  amount  of  eon- 
snmptiiMt,  and  from  ihc  tars^er  number  of  nmsu- 
luirs.  The  uanire  of  the  protiu-tivn  .sysleni,  and 
the  repiejiiancy  of  iis  aim  lo  all  fair  iaxalion,  is 
thus  well  ilhislraleil.  It  aims  al  bounties  to  classes, 
not  idnlribution  to  Ihi^  Government.  Uevcnue  de- 
mands admission  of  iniporls  as  free  as  may  he, 
under  the  least  duty.  Protection  demands  exrlu- 
i-ion, either  total  in'  [lartial.  Uevenue  duties  invile 
I'oiupetitiiin  from  home  and  abroad;  proleclion 
NccJvs  iK.t  fair  compi'iiiitm,  hut  craves  monopoly, 
as  lull  and  complete  as  the  necessity  r)f  revenue  will 
allow. 

tSo  far,  Mr.  C'iiairman,  I  have  only  soufriit  to 
explain  the  intimate  cimnexion  of  the  protective 
:;yslent  with  ihe  reve-nue  system  of  the  Govorn- 
nn'Ut,  and  to  illustrali!  its  repuL''nancy  to  the  ]>vin- 
ciplcs  of  fair  Iaxalion.  I  wish  now,  as  far  as  lime 
will  pcrmil,  lo  examine  its  priU'lical  operaliou  on 
(lie  prolccti.'d  i'lasses  ihemsclves,  and  also  on  the 
other  irreal  interesis  of  the  counlry*.  I  shall  then 
impure  iiilo  tlie  practicability  of  eslablishini:  manu- 
faclures  with  success  in  t!ie  section  of  the  Union 
lo  which  I  beloii'j'. 

I'roni  what  has  been  said  of  the  inseparable  con- 
nexion which  exisis  lielvveen  the  purest  revenue 
iluties  and  some  (leu'i'ce  of  inciileiitid  pnUectimi,  it 
is  manifest,  .Mr.  Chairman,  that  in  adoptint^  and 
neipiiescin^  in  the  syslem  of  deriviUii;  the  revenues 
of  the  Government  iVom  duties  on  imports,  no  in- 
consider.dile  I'oncession  has  been  ;:ranted,  and  no 
trivial  ailvantane  has  been  accorded,  by  the  oilier 
i.'1-eal   inleiesls  of  the  Union,  to  those  branches  of 
iiiiliislry  and  ca|iilal  eiiinmed  or  to  be  eni;n?ed  in 
the  proilaciiim  within  the  country  of  articles  of  the 
same  or  like  character  with  those  importeil  from 
abroad.     This  aiKanlaiie  results  almost  enlinly  to 
till-  nianufactiuinv:aiid  -^ome  few  of  tlic  mininij  in- 
lercsis;  lor,  with  very  lew  exceptions,  the  prodiic- 
1 11  ins  111   tlie  auriculiural  and  tin 
commercial  classes  neitlier  reipurc  nor  admit  of 
such    iiii'idenlal    proteciiou.     From    protection  so 
ineidenlal   and    limited  it  is,  however,  cheerfully 
ndiiiilleil  some  ;,'eneral  benefit  is  secured,  and  willi- 
onl  iniirdinate  sacrifice.     It  may  freipienlly  happen 
thallhicirrumslancesoflliecountry — ils  resources, 
and  the  conilitioii  of  ils  iniluslrious  classes — may 
have  prcpaied  il  to  eiiL'a^'e  siicce.ssfallv  and  at  a 
priilit  111  particular   branches  of  niamilactiires  or 
iniiiiinr,  and  yet  llie  pre-occiipalion  of  Ihe  market 
by  iinpiirls  from  abroad,  aial  the  serious  dillicuhy 
iii'ilivcrliui,'  Ihe  .supplies  of  trade  iVoin  their  eslab- 
lislieil   channels,  may  deter  capital  and   industry 
wiihiii  Ihe  eiiiinlry  from  enga^'uiir  in  compriiiion 
with  the  foreii^n  products.     Under  such  eircum- 
.siaiiccs,  withoul  some  collater.d  advanlau;c^-,  it  is 
maiiili  St  tliat  before  such  enterprises  of  domesiii^ 
iiidasiry  would  beenibaikid  in,  we  should  have  to 
wail  not  merily  until  the  producis  could  be  pro- 
ibiced  as  chetiply  here  as  abroad,  but  until  <;rcaler 
clieapness  of  prodiictiiin  could  be  counted  on,  and 
a  consei]ueiU   ability  existed  on  the    part  of  the 
domestic,  producer  lo  undersell  and  supplant  the 
rival  imports  from  abroad.      In  all  such  cases,  rev- 
enue duties  admirably  supply,  by  their  ineidenlal 
proleclion,  the  aiils  and  stimnlants  i-ei|nireil  lo  in- 
duce Ihe  estalilisluiieni  and    prosetailion  of  such 
branches  of  productive  industry.     l''or  such  pur- 
poses, too,  they  are  fully  aibiinate.     Our  (iovern- 
nient  reijuires,  for  Us  econoinical  aibniihslralion, 
alioiit  'jri,llllll,IIIIO  dollars  to  be   rai.sed  by  diilies; 
and,  miller  the  very  sirictesi  ri-veiiue  system,  the 
iiver.i!;e  of  such  dniies  would  always  eipial,  if  not 
exceed,  ;M  per  ei  III.     Tlie  present  bill   before  the 
I  onmiillee  aveiai^es  alioiit  ■J.'i  per  celt  I,,  and  on  most 
of  Ihe  anil  lis  for  which  proleclion  is  asserted  lo 


New  Seiukh No.  47. 

I  circnnislnncca,  ihc  enlerprisn  nnd  labor  of  ilH  peo- 
ple, and  lo  the  natural  adaptation  of  the  diflercnt 
sections  lo  nH'oril  supply  and  consumption,  they 
owe  their  hcin;j;  nnd  willmut  the  factitious  influ- 
ences of  iiovcrnmcnial  interference,  without   the 
pom-  dependance  of  premiums  nnd  bounties,  with- 
out any  mcritricious  alliances  with  politicnl  parties 
and   Iheir  inieresled  leaders,   they  would,  in  nil 
probability,  have  lloiiri.shed  more  vimoroualy,  nnd 
i  atlaineil  ton  hardier  and  noliler  2;rowlh.    To  show 
j  that  I  am  induli^iii!;:  no  fanciflil  apcculnlion  lierc, 
we  niav  refer  to  the  extent  of  nmnufaelures  nnd 
!  the  i-nies  of  their  amiiial  advance  prior  lo  the  e.om- 
'■  mencemcnt  of  tlie  protective  system.     As  a  sys- 
I  tern,  none  pretend  lhat  il  oriijinated  before  IHlfi; 
I  and,  indeed,  the  tarilVof  lH;il  is sencrall^'  rrgardeil 
;  as  our  first  directly  protective  larilV.     ^ow,  fortu- 
;  nalcly,  in  1«ll>,  reiunis  were  diligently  snusht  by 
!  the  then  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  of  the  state 
I  and  value  of  existiii';  manufnctiires;  nnd  the  result 
of  confessedly  limited  informaliou  was,  that  at  thai 
;  eiirlv  period,  the  annual  value  of  the,  manufactures 
'  maife  m  tlie  United  Slates  was,  in  round  numbers, 
Sin,(HII),lltl().     A  year  or  twonfierwaids,  under  ii 


ireneral  con.sent  cheerfully  accorded.     Products  of  !  resolution  of  Confess,  Mr.  Gallatin,  the  liieii  nhlfi 


mamifactnrca  ru-  inininir,  v.'hich  cannot  sustain 
lliemselves  under  such  iar;:e  preniiiims,  are  not 
callable  of  natural,  hardv,  and  pcrmtincnt  i^rowth, 
but  are  miserable,  sickly,  hol-bed  plants,  forced 
into  precarious  beinir  by  excessive  nnrtiirc,  and 
destined  speedily  to  perish  wilhout  adcrjiiate  ri'lurn 
to  any.  The  i;rowlli  not  of  luirdy  industry,  bnt 
the  illeijitiniate  product  of  political  iavoriiism,  fast- 
ened by  the  unwise  nnrlnre  of  Govcrnnient  as 
parasitical  slioots  on  ihc  labor  and  capital  of  the 
really  productive  classes,  they  deserve  only  to  be 
eradicated,  or  lefl  unheeded  lo  wither  and  decay. 

Instead,  however,  Mr.  Chairman,  of  the  system 
of  revenue,  with  ils  liberal  rales  of  incidental  pro- 
tection, for  many  years  past,  most  extravasant 
rales  of  duty,  in  not  a  few  instances  ]irohihitory, 
nnd,  in  more,  havinj;  direct  reference  lo  protection 
nnd  Ihe  partial  monojioly  of  consnmplion  in  behalf 
of  dill'erent  branches  of  manufaciiirin';  nnd  niinins; 
operations,  have  been  unwisely  and  unjustly  ndnpl- 
ed,  and,  with  few  intermissions,  persislcd  in.  Time 
will  not  sniliceuieto  trace  these  various  protective 
enactnienis,  nor  to  exhibit  the  disaslroit,?  ellects 
actually  induced,  and  the  still  more  serious  dan- 
:;ers  ihreatened  by  lliem.  Sullice  it  lo  say — as  a 
candid  examination  of  the  provisions  of  the  larill 
ofI8l'2must  satisfy  a" 

fenlurcs  nre  hitjhly  and  directly  prolective.  .Many 
duties,  wc  nre  assured  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  are  even  prohibitory,  and  on  not  a  U'W 
pursuits  of  llie  |!  leadiiii.' articles,  of  almosi  absnhile  necessity — such 
as  coarse  woollens,  iron,  sutrar,  salt,  coal,  nnd  tlie 
like — Ihe  diilies,  lliouuh  yielding  some  revenue, 
ranire  from  fifty  to  nunc  Ihan  a  bnndred  per  cent., 
nnd  operate  a  most  hici.itive  monopoly  of  the 
market  to  the  internal  producers.  Now,  can  or 
ouijlil  a  bill  of  such  inordinate  protection  loin::er 
lo  dis2;rac(\  our  staliile-book,  or  opprctss  the  labor 
mill  capital  of  the  i;i-eat  masses  of  tlie  country? 

To  the  maniil'actnrers  and  other  protected  classes 
them.selves  would  I  appeal.  Unless  1  irreally  niis- 
t.ike,  much  the  larger  pmaion  of  them,  instead  of 
dcrivinir  benefit  or  pernrment  security,  sust.-iiu  real 
loss  and  constant  liability  lo  revulsion  nnd  ruin 
from  such  protective  system. 

It  i".  Mr.  Chairman,  a  2;reat  error,  which  still 
has  -i  -I  straUL'c  prevalence,  that  much  the  L'realer 
imnr  ■  .  Iii'tli  ill  exi.  ,11  and  value,  of  the  mainil'ac- 
liiriinx  and  -ihcr  propcteil  interests,  have  oriijina- 
ted,  and  i  re  sustained,  oiilv  under  the  protective 
system;  thai  they  owe  the  brealh  of  iheir  exist- 
ence 111  political  favoritism,  and  hold  the  tenure  of 
n  lic'.;?;arly  hein','only  at  the  mercy  of  L'overninent. 
Hence,  sir,  lieri^  il  is  unhesitaliii'dy  assumed  that 
the  reform  nnd  correction  of  the  hi^h  prolective 
fcatnris  in  the  larilV  of  IS)-.',  are  to  brin^  ]iroslra- 
lion  iiiiii  ruin  on  all  Ihc  manufacinriiii:  and  milliner 
mleresls  of  the  coiuilry  ;  and,  in  opposition  to 
salutary  revision,  all  the  advanta:ies  of  mamifac- 
tnres  lo  the  eiiniiiry,  the  extent  and  value  of  Ihe 
home  iiKirki  i,  and  consumption  of  other  producis 
ofiiiduslry  by  all  the  maniifacturin'j:  and  miniii'j; 
(liisi'a,  nre  loudly  proclaimed  and  L'lowinjly  de- 
picted. Sir,  they  have  a  nobler  origin,  and  lu.iy 
proudly  beira  iMl'tiir  crest  of  iiiilepenilence.  To 
the  naiural  wants  of  Ibis  ;;i-eat  Uepiiblic,  now 
aiiioni!  I'll   llisl  of  llie  Powers  of  the  earllr.  lo  the 


Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  employed  Mr.  Tench 
Coxe,  a  ■/.ealoiis  frienil  and  dislinu'uished  advocate, 
by  pen  and  speech,  of  the  manufacUirins  interests 
oi"  the  counlry,  to  luakea  digest  of  the  former  re- 
turns, nnd  obtain  nil  other  atiainahle  information 
of  the  stale  nnd  progress  of  the  manufactures  of 
the  Union.     In   his  report,  made,  after  laborious 
research  anil  full  eonsiileralion,  he  cslimales  the 
annual  value  of  the  maimfacture.s  of  the  Union  for 
ISl.T  at  <it>;)0,OOI),0(m,  nnd  declares  his  conviction 
thai  Ihev'  are  advancins;  at  Ihe  rate  of  20  per  cent, 
per  amiiim.     Our  pnpulation  was  then  only  abmit 
H,I)0(1.(I()II.     Prom  the  carefully  ascerlaincd  stnlis- 
lics  of  the  census  of  lt<ll),  our  populnlion  liaviin; 
then  adviiined  lo  upwiirds  of  17,IHII),IMIl),  it  appears 
that  the   whole  nmoiint  of  capital  in  ihe  Untied 
Stales  embarked  in  manufactures  was  about  <f339,- 
111111,(11)1).     The   values  created   from  its  cniplny- 
meiil,  none  will  pretend,  I  presume,  could  have 
cfpialleil   10(1  per  eeni.;  and  yet  lliat  amount  of  nn- 
nual  value  would  not  have  borne,  by  a  great  deal, 
a  like  ratio  to  population,  or  evinced  anything  like 
the  annual  advance,  which  were  manifested  by  the 
nimiial  values  and  rate  of  pro2;ress  in  181:).     Such 
is  the  lamentable  falling  olV  after  thirty  years'  pro- 
tection; such  the  result  of  the  forcing'  and  pam- 
reasonablc  meii-^'iliai'i'ts  |   perim;  system,  as  contrasted  with  the  eflecls  of  free. 
industry  and  fair  cimipeiiiion,  sustained  only  by 
the  inci'ileiital  raicourau-enient  of  moderate  revenue 
duties.     Should  not   this  exhibit  startle  the  pro- 
tected cl.is.ses  themselves  into  donbl  and  examina- 
tion of  the  opeiation  of  their  much  vaunled  and 
eherislicil  system  upon  their  true  interesis?     To 
such   incpiiry,    I   would   respectfully  invile    them. 
Aly  belief  is,  lhat  lliey  will   find  a  comparatively 
limited  class  alone  are'siislained  by  the  iiroteelive 
system,  and   they  wilhout  permanent   benefit  to 
theuisclvcs  nnd  ai  jreat  loss  to  the  nation. 

The  mamifactiirin;  and  other  protected  clas.ses, 
Mr.  Chairman,  may,  for  the  purpose.^  of  the  pro- 
posed inmiiry,  be  embraced  in  three  divisions: 

l-'irst.  Those  whose  prodiicla  eaiinnt  be  made  or 
raised  as  cheaply,  or  nearly  ns  cheaply,  as  tlie  im- 
poried  products  of  like  ehamclcr  in  loreigii  comi- 
Iries; 

Secondly.  Those  whose  jiroduets  cost  m  pro- 
duction here,  no  more,  or  very  little  more,  than 
like  in-iiducis  of  foreiu'ii  importations,  and  inny 
therefore  enter  into  competition  with  the  forei^^n  im- 
ports within  our  own  markets,  hut  who  nre  not 
so  firmly  e.-iablished  or  do  not  produce  so  largely 
as  to  engross  the  internal  market  nnd  exclude  ihc 
foreign  importations;  and, 

Thirdly.  Those  who  can  make  their  proanets 
as  cheaply,  or  even  more  so,  than  articles  of  like 
character  abroad,  and  bein;  eslablished,  have  en- 
grossed the  markets  of  the  country  with  their  sup- 
plies, and  excluijed  the  foreign  imports. 

In  relation  to  the  first  of  these  classes,  it  mny 
be  iircmiscd,  that,  when  the  cost  of  producing  any 
article,  is  seriously,  and  from  permanent  enuse.s, 
less  in  a  foreign  country  than  in  our  own,  it  is  vain 
to  hope,  by  any  temporary  protection  or  bounty,  to 
cslalilish  its  proibiclion  here,  so  that  ilean  fionrish 
and  sustain  ilself.  During  the  present  discussion, 
we  have  heard  many  fallacies  urged  on  the  faith  of 
1  ihe  well-known  maxim,  that  prices  are  regulated 


iit^l 


17 


738 


29th  Cono IsT  Sr88. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

'he  Tariff— Mr.  Scildon. 


[June  29, 


Mo.  OF  Kkps. 


t 


by  dirpply  nml  ilpmnnd.  In  n  limircil  untiRc,  nnd  jl 
as  nppliciilile  to  piirliiMilnr  iimrki'lH,  iliis  is  aiilli- 
ciciilly  liiio  for  {iciiernl  nssiTlioii;  liiit,  on  n  com- 
prelicuHivi'  vii'W,  nml  with  rchvlioii  lo  pcrmniicnl 
•liiralion,  it  is  inciirroi't  nml  di'crplivi'.  On  any 
eNtcndril  sriilf,  nnd  ii«  n  pnmantnt  lliin:;,  liinv- 
cvcr  tcmpomry  dificirnoics  nnd  fliiclunlions  may 
oi'cnr  in  parlindnr  niaikfts,  HiipplicH  will  nlwnyN 
l>r  iillordcd  equal  to  tliR  dt'niands  of  mirclinsiM'!', 
nnd  tlioan  Hupplics  will  lie  fnriii>ilied  from  llie 
sonires,  whence  they  can  lie  ohiainid  ehoapcsl, 
imleHs  llie  obstarles  of  an  unwise  leiri.sltitiiin  inter- 
vene to  thwart  the  iaiva  of  trade;  and  liiey  'vill  lie 
sold  nt  prime  cost  of  prodneiioii,  wiih  a  fair  return  , 
on  the  enpital  invested.  This  ia  manifest;  for  if 
from  deficient  supplie:i,  or  oilier  eauscH,  the  article 
commands  more  than  a  fiir  profit  on  prime  cost, 
enpilnl  and  lalior  will  lie  lemined  lo  ensiire  in  its 
)irodiiction,  until,  liy  competition  and  ainnidant 
supplies,  the  rates  of  prolii  are  reiliiced.  If,  on  the  ' 
other  liniid,  from  over  production,  or  any  olher 
cause,  leas  than  a  fair  )irofit  on  the  primc'ciist  of 
the  article  is  all  that  it  will  command,  its  produc- 
tion will  be  surely  aUandoncd,  and  first  and  most 
rajiidly  in  those  qimrters  where  the  prime  cost  of 
procl'.ictiun  is  hii;liist,  ami  hast  ennlilcs  them  to 
endure  reduction  or  coniiniMiice.  To  apply  these 
principles  to  the  first  class  rcl'cned  to,  no'exteiit 
of  supply,  induced  by  the  exclusion  of  foreign 
competition  and  inordinate  advances  in  price,  con- 
sequent on  the  monopoly  of  lii^li  protective  dnlics, 
can  ennsc  n  pcnnanciit  reduction  of  the  price  of 
nrticles  not  susceptible  of  picilnclloii  here  as 
cheaply  as  abroad,  to  ihe  priies  of  the  forciirn  arti- 
cle. The  dift'ereiicc  in  the  prime  cost  will  ahvay.*, 
let  the  internal  production  be  sjiimnlaicd  and  fed  by 
liounlies  to  the  utmost,  fran^e  the  excess  of  price 
that  must  be  paid  for  the  home  article  over  the 
foreign.  Such  production  could  not  be  carried  on 
a  day,  but  must  immediately  na  ilnwn,  unless  hi;^li 
bounties  be  paid  t.i  snslnin  it,  or,  which  niuouiits 
to  the  same  tiling,  the  command  of  prices  be  given 
it,  by  the  exclusion  of  the  foreifrii  nnd  cheaper 

firoduction.  It  is,  and  so  long  us  the  prime  cost  ia 
CSS,  ever  will  be,  without  high  protection,  a  losing 
business.  On  such  n  class  of  productions,  what 
now  will  be  the  cifect  of  the  protective  sysiem  ? 
To  induce  men  to  engage  in  a  business  so  wholly 
dependent  nnd  precarious,  very  high  duties,  sucii 
ns  to  afford  inoniinate  bounties  to  internal  produc- 
tion, must  be  imposed  on  the  foreign  imports.  For 
some  years,  therefore,  and  to  those  who  first  em- 
bark under  such  stinntlanta,  inordinnie  gains,  in 
the  form  of  prices  enhanced  to  the  amount  of  the 
duty,  or  so  nearly  as  only  lo  avoid  the  finij-n 

competition,  are  realized.    Such  lar::cr  I ties,  if 

the  system  be  continued,  finally,  Iiovvcvct,  induce 
a  flow  of  capital  and  Lilior  from  oilier  internal  pro- 
ductions of  more  real  value,  and,  by  domestic 
comnetiiion,  under  such  excessive  inilncements, 
the  business  is  usually  overdone;  a  glut  ensues 
in  the  market;  prices  temporarily  fall  below  the 
actual  cost  of  protection,  and  a  fair  jimfit  thereon. 
The  more  feeble  and  recent  eslablishmenls,  or 
tho.se  least  favorably  situated  f.ir  llie  prosecution 
of  the  business,  are  borne  down,  llie  laborers  cast 
ontof  employment,  and  the  ownirs  and  projectors 
utterly  mined.  Production  thus  diminishiiig,  the 
surviving  estidilishments  a'j-ain  enniinand  the  inar- 
kels;  prices  rise  to  the  h'Vel  of  ihe  dnlics  again, 
and  inordinale  profits  are  again  renli/.ed.  After 
various  lluctuations  of  this  kind,  tilings  fiimlly 
settle  dovi-n  under  the  intliience  of  donieslic  com- 
petition lo  prices  giving  only  fair  returns  on  the 
))rinie  cost  within  the  country,  with  no  inconsnler- 
nble  lulded  premium  for  the  risks  of  so  dependent 
n  bnsiiiesu.  Hut  the  prime  coat  being  greaKrof 
prodiiclioii  here  than  abroad,  the  prici  s  can  never 
be  brought  down  to  the  rales  for  which  the  foreign 
.trticlea  could  be  cominaiided;  and  Ihe  diilVrcnce  i.s 
a  perpetuai  bounty  paid  by  all  olher  clas.scs,  who 
consume  the  producl.s,  to  maintain  labor  and  capi- 
tal ill  employment  at  n  loss,  which  might  else  be 

profilably  engaged    in    ollii  r  jiro'dm  live    o pa- 

tion".  Thus  a  dead  loss— iho  dilTercnce  between 
the  cost  of  production  here  and  abroad — i.-i  incur- 
red by  the  nation,  and  a  constant  contribution  ex- 

lorled  fr (dl  other  productivi:  industry  lo  keep 

men  (hiring  mraij  at  a  losin-^  liiisimm,  luvl  In  siiy)- 
pnrt  al  imijil  rmiilniimintn  uhicli  cannnt  siiminrl  llii m- 
ndrrs.  And,  in  this  general  sacrifice,  wlial  i:ain  is 
I  hep.  to  .such  home  producer.')  themselves  ■  At  first 


the  flcolinj;  enjoyment  of  enormous  proAts,  follow- 
ed by  lluctuaiionaaiul  ruinous  reverses,  and  Hiinlly,  J 
as  a  permanenl  result,  only  rca.sonable  returns  on  ; 
labor  nnd  capital  embarked  in  a  precarious  and 
ilependent  business,  not  exceeding  the  gains  which 
might  be  realized  from  the  |Hirsuil  of  other  iiitrin- 
aically  profitable  brain  lies  of  national  industry.  I 
should  add,  Mr.  Chairman,  thai  I  believe  this  class 
of  iirotected  inlcresls  to  be  comparatively  limited, 
niul  to  be  confined  chiefly  lo  Miosis  prodncis  in 
which  manual  labor,  or  very  high  manufaciuring 
skill,  constitutes  the  most  iniporlant  ingredient  in 
the  cost  of  produciiini.  Tiny  are  for  the  most 
part  the  finer  products  of  nianiHacture;  and  with 
few,  if  any  cxci  ptions,  not  necessaries,  or  essen- 
lial  even  to  cuniforl.  It  ia  vain  lo  nltempl  the 
eslablishmenl  of  such,  until  the  wages  of  labor 
,  here  be  reduced  to  a  level  wiih  the  piin|ier  labor  of 
Kuropc,  as  it  is  called,  which,  thank  God,  is  not 
likely  to  occur  in  our  liajipy  country  for  centuries 
to  come.  To  pay  bouoties  until  llien,  1  submit, 
Mr.  rhairnian,  is  paying  loo  dear  for  llie  whislh — 
the  idle  honor  of  boasting  prodncis  made  al  u  lus.s, 
anil  to  be  obtained  more  cheaply  abroad.  i 

I'rocei'ding,  Mr.  Cliairman,  to  the  second  cinaa  \' 
of  prodncis — lliosij  which  may  be  ni.ide  as  cheaply, 
or  very  ne.irly  so,  here  as  abroad — it  may  be  safely 
])redicalcd  of  ihcin,  that  lliey  must  and  will,  ns  the 
v.aiils  of  the  country  rei|niic,  sleailily  and  anrely 
grow  up  and  lloiirish.  AVilb  them  ihe  permanent 
incidental  protection  of  siriilly  revenue  diilics  will 
amply  sullice,  al  the  same  lime  to  overcome  any 
disailvantages  attending  untried  pursuits  and  infant 
eslablishmenls,  and  gradually  divert  ihe  courses 
of  trade  from  the  foreign  lo  the  home  supplies,  and 
also  lo  slimnlale  ca|iital  and  labor  to  eiuliarlt  and 
persevere  in  their  production.  l''or  their  growth 
and  prosperity  the  protei:ti\e  system  is  not  nt'cikil. 
Hut  what  is  Its  (ITect  on  the  (dasses  engaging  in 
Ihem.'  When  high  duties  arc  first  laid  on  the 
liK'c  imports  from  .abroad,  the  prices  are  enhanced 
ihereoii  in  the  inarKits  of  tlie  country  to  that 
amount.  The  internal  products  of  the  same  nature 
are  of  course  similarly  exaggerated,  as  ihey  do  not  ' 
siidice  lo  supply  the  markets,  and  still  allow  the 
foreign  imports  lo  come  in.  l-jiiormous  profits  are 
thus  exlorlcd  from  all  olher  classes,  in  the  form  of 
high  prices,  and  the  most  extravagant  .siiinnlants 
given  to  the  internal  proilnciion.  Under  such  ex- 
traordinary incentives,  all  existing  eslablishmenls 
are  rapidly  increased,  and  capital  and  labor  are 
qtiickly  employed  in  commencing  others,  wherever 
the  pursuits  of  the  pcoiile  and  the  natural  advan- 
tages of  the  Slates  will  allow,  liven  more  rvr- 
laiiilv  ihaii  in  llie  case  of  llie  fonuer  class  which 
we  have  coii.<idcred — for  in  tins  class  the  facilities 
are  generally  far  greater  and  ihe  risk  less — will 
exci  ssive  production  ensue.  There  will  be  some 
yiars  of  inordinate  pro.-perily,  realizing  dividends 
of  Senile  thirty,  f  iriy,  or  fifiy  pi  r  cent,  profit;  then 
glnis  from  over-compf  tiiion,  and  eonseuiient  revul- 
sions, which  will  sweep  away  niosl  of  llie  younger 
adventurers  and  more  0  elile  I'siablishments;  and, 
finally,  after  many  inllal ions  and  depressions,  nineh 
noinidering  and  |iUingiiig  from  llie  extremes  of 
jirofit  and  loss,  the  permanent  laws  of  trade  will 
prevail,  and  jiiicea  will  si  ule  down  lo  fair  relnrns 
on  the  eiist  of  jiroiliiction.  Tl.at  this  picture  is 
not  overdrawn  is  apparent  from  the  stalemenls 
i  made  here  a  few  d:iya  since  by  liie  genthanan  from 
•  'onnecticul,  [.VIr.  Uck  liu  km.,]  wlio,  while  adniil- 
ting  that  the  maiiiifaclurers  enjoyed  al  inlervahs 
■  years  of  large  profils  and  high  prosjierily,  exhib- 
ited evidence  of  the  large  proporiimi  of  nianufao 
luring  eslablishnient.s  thai,  in  the  course  of  in, my 
years,  were  mined  and  slopped,  and  coiitcniled  that 
the  average  of  the  perioanent  profii  did  not  exi'ced 
three  percent.  In  thi.s  f  stiinali',  I  incline  lo  think 
he  luusl  have  greatly  erred;  slill  llie  facts  addiM'ed 
ill  support  of  his  views  conclusively  denionslrale 
the  dis.'istroiis  results  to  the  inanuf.iclitrers  them- 
selves of  the  innations  and  depressions,  the  llui  lu- 
ations  and  agilations,  induced  by  Ihe  protective 
system. — fSee  note.)  To  the  iciiioii  al  large,  the 
operation  is  lik**wi.M.-  most  injurious.  .Mannlitctures 
of  this  class  may  perchance  be  established  in  the 
country  a  litlle  earlier,  ihan  niiih  r  more  wholesinne 
indncemeiilsthey  would  have  been, but  mostdenily 
is  such  premainre  growth  piirchasid.  First,  for 
years,  at  ilifl'i  rent  |»'riods,  extraiau'ani  prices,  ma- 
king enormous  boinities,  are  exiorli  d  from  ail  nther 
industrial  chissts;  and  then  lliene  classt.s  sustain,  i 


to  aome  exlenl,  in  common  with  the  ninnufncluring, 
the  C(insei|ueiicea  of  endiarraasmenis  and  revul- 
sions in  the  trade  nnd  lurreiicy  of  the  connlry. 
The  retribulive  jiialli'e  which  ever,  in  the  conslitn- 
lion  of  huniaii  alfairs,  follows  exci'aaes,  unforin- 
nalely  involves  the  vielims  a.<  well  ns  the  tempo- 
rary heneficinries  of  the  system. 

't'o  the  third  class,  whose  establislimenlR,  su«- 
tained  by  the  slate  nnd  wnnis  of  the  country,  nrn 
firmly  fixed  and  eiigroSH  the  home  markets,  the 
syslein  is  one  of  unmiNed  evil.  Their  successful 
industry  and  matured  grovMh  liavo  excluded  the 
foreign  imports;  nnd  high  diiliea,  for  the  purpose 
of  revenue  to  the  Liovi-rnmenl  or  monopoly  to 
them,  are  idle  nud  innperalive.  Such  ellect  is  not, 
however,  fully  or  generally  knn\*'n,  nnd  the  delu- 
sive idea  is  engendered,  that  such  prol.iciion  must 
give  lo  llnan,  as  lo  other  preferred  classes,  exorla- 
tanl  gains.  Hence  there  is  a  teniiilalion,  often 
yielded  to  by  the  public,  to  embark  capital  anil 
labor  in  these  pnrsuilH  likewise^;  and  lo  some  I'X- 
lent  al  least,  tliongli  not  so  far  as  willi  the  olher 
classes,  over-prodaclion,  willi  ils  resiilliiig  con.se- 
(luencea  of  gluts  and  revulsions,  is  the  result  lo 
tlieiii  also.  In  addilion,  they,  togi  llier  willi  all  the 
other  really  prodnclive  I'lasscs  of  the  country,  nii; 
snbjei  ted  io  the  exaciimia  and  boiiiilies,  which 
swell  temporarily  the  coders  of  the  really  proleded 
classes.  Their  inlcresls  are,  ihia'cf  ire,  on  every 
account,  directly  adverse  to  the  whole  sysieiu,  and 
it  is  full  time,  they  should  be  aeparalid  in  feeling 
and  action  from  the  olher  classes,  willi  whom  they 
arc  confounded.  This  class  is,  I  believe,  by  far 
the  most  nnnierons  of  ihe  nianiifiicturers,  and  em- 
braces nearly  all  engaged  in  the  prodiu'iion  of  ihe 
coarser  and  more  essenlial  articles  of  manufaclnre, 
inclnding  coarse  cotuins,  nails,  common  glass,  and 
many  otliera. 

I'Vom  the  exposition  given  of  the  workings  of 
this  proleciive  syslein  on  the  inamifaclurcrs  lliein- 
selvis,  ari^  w'e  not  authori/ed,  Mr.  ('Imirman,  lo 
conclude  that  its  pcliiiigaiid  siimnlaliiig  are  needeil 
to  sustain  only  those  for  whose  prodnciion  the 
counlry  is  not  ripe?  They  can  perinaiiently  de- 
rive no  real  benefit  from  the  forced  diversion  of 
their  capital  and  indnslry  lo  einploynients  eiilail- 
ingonly  loss,  lo  be  niiide  good  by  enduring  exac- 
tions fnnn  all  other  productive  classis;  while  to 
others,  though  L'iving  lemporary  monopolies  nnd 
large  boniiiies,  bi'/h  (inlics  are  of  more  than  ipies- 
tionableuiiliiy;  and  lo  others  slill,  yci  iinne  numer- 
ous and  iniporlant,  cause  only  injury  and  opjires- 
sion. 

lint  well,  indeed,  would  it  be  if  the  banet'iil  in- 
fluences of  this  svsiiiii  of  inislaken  fivoritisin 
ceased  willi  ils  deluded  claiinaiils.  li  iiuliIiI  ilieii 
be  left  lo  lime  and  experience  to  awaken  ilieiii  lo 
wi.ser  perceptions  and  more  righlfnl  aciion.  The 
ea.ae  is  indeed  far  otherwise.  To  the  great  mnssei: 
of  ihe  people,  and  to  the  other  grent  branches  of 
indnslry,  the  true  sources  of  nalional  wealth  and 
individual  prosperiiy,  the  workings  of  llie  syslein, 
direct  and  indirect,  are,  with  fi'W  partial  or  tem- 
porary coiupensnlions,  even  inoredisasirons.  And 
the  more  eomprehcnsive  oiir  survey  of  these  etli  els, 
the  more  conclusive  must  be  the  coiidemnalion  of 
the  sysleni.     .Shall  we  look  at  it  in  ils  tendency  to 

derange  thai  all-iinportaiit   yet  s.  nsiiive  ele nl, 

our  banking  issues,  which  |a  rvades.  and,  accord- 
ing to  its  degree  of  soundness,  alfects  tor  weal 
or  wo  all  llii^  monetary  and  indiislrial  npiralimis 
of  the  public.'  Sir,  reason  will  tea.di,  as  expe- 
rience will  prove,  ils  dclelerions  cooperation  in  in- 
ilncingilie  inflaiions  and  revnh-iioiis,  vvhii'ii  have  so 
ofii'ii  racked  llii'  whole  fr.inievvork  of  trade  and 
industry  in  the  nation.  The  very  aim  nnd  end  of 
onr  banking  inslitutions  are  lo  realize  profils  to 
their  proprietors  anil  slockholders.  This  iliey  can 
best  ellect  by  excessive  loans  and  issues.  'Viny 
are  therefore  invariably  slimulaled  to  excess  by 
diminishing  their  liability  to  be  called  on  for  the 
redcnipiion  of  tlieir  issues  in  coin  m-  other  real 
values,  and  by  indnciiig  eager  dcmanils  on  the  part 
of  the  pill  lie  for  loans,  al  the  same  lime  iliat  llieir 
ap|iareiil  resources  are  enhanced  by  large  deposiiea 
and  the  seeming  abundance  of  inoniy  in  the  classes 
around  lliem.  During  seasons  of  n|iparent  pros- 
pi  rity  and  general  conlldence,  the  donie.silc,  trade 
and  exchaiigi's  of  the  connlry  impose  inconsider- 
able liabiliiies  on  the  biuiks  to  llie  redemption  of 
llieirissiies,  tin'  williin  llie  range  of  iheiriircnlalioii, 
1  being  received  nearly  by  all,  they  are  used  in  all 


1840.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


739 


i29TH  CoNn liiT  Sbss. 


The  Tariff'— Mr.  Scddoii. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


rnitiirinir, 
11(1  icvnl- 

'(Hinlry, 
:  ccillKtilll- 

lllllnl'lll- 
ic  ti?ni|M)- 


ilcnlinps,  mid  monsiiro  nil  vnliips  in  lira  nf  the  coin 
ihiy  r<'|irisi'nl.  In  iiiiilc  iinil  cxrli.iiiiii'H,  on  the 
oilier  Imiiil,  wiili  fiin'icn  (•(iiinlni's,  llii'sn  rppri'sen- 
tiilivoN  (if  mnni'y,  Imviii?  aiinmil  no  circnliition  or 
icccptidn,  wlicn  liikcn  licrc,  nre  iiimln  to  conform 
111  lliii  only  iiilrnnliiiiial  mciiMiircs  nf  vnliic,  nnci 
rnilly  niiivoilrcl  into  sjnld  ,\n(I  silvi.T,  or  otlirr 
r(|niviilfiit  vnlncs  in  liillH  of  o.xcliniisp  or  pxpo'is 
ili'ii'nnincd  liy  ii  »|i<'i'ii'  stmidiird.  In  rlie  dcitlin^'H, 
llii'icfiirr,  of  Ui(\  ]ico|ili\  wjili  fori'l^n  cmiiilrii's,  nnd 
rHperially  ill  llie  import  imdo,  in  ronaoipipni'P  of 
wliiili  ri'lnnminri'iil  valiirsnri'  rendrrod  nccnssary, 
arr  to  lie  found  aininsi  llic  only  prarlioiil  rtPMiaiid 
(iir  iliii  arlnal  cnnvcrliliilily  and  redemption  liy  the 
liaiil<H  of  Ihene  insnes,  and  eonseipieiilly  ihe'niosl 
<  ssenlial  elieekn  on  iheirrxeess.  Now,  all  confess 
that  a  leadinj  ohjeel  and  manifest  tendeney  of  the 
piiileetivosyslcni  were  til  resirii'l  and  lessen  the  im- 
piirls  of  Ihe  I'lHimry.  In  this  reapret,  therefore, 
a  most  Ralnlarv  Jinard  over  our  paper  rurreney  is 
renniineed  and  lost,  lint  its  njjeney  in  over-ex- 
pansion is  positive  as  well  as  nesativc.  However 
just  111"  d'li'irine,  wliieh  experi"iiee  and  poliiieal 
(•eoiiomy  iinili  eiiforee— ihat  hi^li  dniies,  liy  rx- 
eliidiiiu'  iiiip'irls,  iiliimalely  li'ssen  revenue — all 
admit  thai  lii^h  diilles,  fir  some  years  after  llieir 
)iassai;e,  and  lipfore  domeslie  siipi'iliiR  fill  llie  inar- 
iiils,  draw  larire  amounts  of  revenue  into  the 
tiTMHurv.  Tliise  are  eolleeied  and  received  main- 
ly ill  llie  lar^e  eomniereial  cilies  of  the  North, 
whose  liniilis.  In  a  ijreal  extent,  eoiitnd  and  saiiffe 
the  hankini;  issues  of  Ihe  whole  Union,  nnd  even 
now,  as  nniformly  in  limes  past,  arc  deposited  in 
Ihe  hanks,  to  eoiisiitnle,  willi  ihom,  the  linsis  of 
extensive  loaiia  anil  issues.  We  have  seen,  too, 
llial  the  primary  i  ITeels  on  the  mamifaeliiriiiff 
elasses  of  hijli  duties  are,  to  give  (hem  inordinate 
^;aiiis  or  lioiinlies,  drawn  from  eoiisiiniers  in  all 
iieelions,  and  to  indiiee  numliers  lo  erowil,  with  all 
the  capital  lliey  can  command,  into  similar  cm- 
)iliiymeiil,  llial'lhey  may  share  ihe  cainful  spoil. 
This  has  a  twofold  operalioii  in  siimnlalinj  to  ex- 
cess of  issue.  The  lai'le,  |irofils  so  realir.ed,  and 
drawn  from  all  quaiiers  to  one  .srciion,  (ind  their 
way  iiilo  the  hanks  in  eonsiderahle  amoinUs,  and 
for  limiled  periods:  so  as,  on  n  i,'enrral  nvernire, 
lo  make  a  i;reat  addition  lo  the  deposites,  which 
iilways  ronntiuilo  no  incoimiilcralile  linsis  on  which 
hanks  venlnre  lo  issue.  At  llic  same  lime,  from 
Ihe  slinuilaiits  exisiin;  anil  llie  fjeneral  disposilion 
to  embark  in  niaiiiiliiclurinu'  enterprises  ihal  reipiire 
lar:;e  ca|-.iial  and  rrcdii,  extensive  loans  and  issues 
,11-0  demanded  and  ohlained  from  the  hankins;  iiisti- 
tiitioii.s.  Tlie:;nneral  appearance  of  prosperity  and 
c.n.ifiileiice,  and  the  nctivitv  irivcn  lo  many  collateral 
jinrsnits  hy  llie  lar;.'e  Lrains  received,  aiid  cxlenil- 
iinr  operations  hy  the  niamifacturiii'.'  classes  in  this 
Ncciion,  ilelnili!  the  hanks,  and  eonlrihiile  lo  hurry 
them  to  excess  and  innatirni.  Thiiiirs  advance  in 
this  manner,  at  n  pace  constiiiHlv  aci'eleratin'.j,  (for 
it  IS  Ihe  nature  of  these  undue  issues  lo  cause  the 
over-vahiatiou  of  all  lliinss,)  nnd  lo  mad  excesses 
ill  all  hranchcs  of  trade  and  specnlation,  until  those 
srlulM  null  reactions  in  maiiufacluriii;;  operalions, 
of  which  1  have  spoken,  or  some  other  of  the  nii- 
nierous  checks,  which  ihe  course  of  trade  opposes 
to  over  stimulants  and  wild  speculation,  ensue, 
A  shock  is  niven  to  the  seneral  confidence;  actual 
eouverlihiliiy  is  souirht  to  he  enforced  in  lieu  of 
Ihe  nomiiiar  one  which  hanks  have  rested  upon. 
Tlie  widely-exicniled  system  of  credit  is  snhverled 
in  all  its  ramilications,  and  riL'id  enforcement  of 
ilahilities,  on  the  part  of  iinlividnals  and  hanks,  is 
pressed,  at  the  same  lime  that  facilities  for  the 
command  alike  of  means  tnid  credit  are  almost 
totally  cut  oil'.  .Suspensions  of  specie  payments, 
failures  in  every  line  n(  husiness,  and  commercini 
revulsions,  ensue,  wilh  all  those  convulsive  airila- 
lions  to  the  linsiness  and  I'oi-tuiies  of  nil,  save  ihe 
lanre  capitalists,  who  hniten  on  llie  numherless 
sacrifices  of  the  unforlimale,  and  with  their  Ion:; 
Irain  of  evils — ruin,  haiikriiptcy,  and  demornli/.a- 
lioii,  social  nnd  political.  Hut  why  deepen  n  pic- 
tnic,  of  which  the  hideous  hues  have  scarce  faded 
from  siu'lil,  and  yet  live  in  fresh  rememhrance? 
Nhall  nol  expiTience,  recent  as  well  as  ntore  re- 
mote, avail  lo  read  a  hitter  admoniiion  atrainst 
ihe  system  which  has  contrilaileil  lo  such  calami- 
lies?  'I'liiii  ii  li;,s  iliine  so  lariieiy,  1  verily  helieve. 
And  he,  Mr.  ('Iiairmaii,  who  lonks  atleuiively  at 
the  hisliiry  of  our  commercial  revulsions,  will  find 
that,  ultliou,;;h  th.i;  brtakiivj;  v/',  in  some  instances, 


hnn  linen  delayed  until  nfler  the  moclificnlion  of  n 
lii^h  tarilT  had  allowed  llie  check  of  loriiu'ii  imports 
lo  arrest  nnd  expo.se  ihe  swelliii','  imposlliume,  in 
most  it  has  soon  followed,  anil  in  all  it  may  he 
(raced  lo  (he  Ici^itimate  elicits  of  its  nnwholsomc 
paniperiin;  and  silly  restrictions  on  the  heahhfnl 
courses  of  trade. 

The  lari^eamonnla  annually  suhlracted  from  the 
masses,  eonstilnlin:;  all  the  other  classes  of  the 
people  save  llie  pnitcilcd,  not  for  the  wants  of  the 
novernmenl,  hut  lo  feed  wilh  honnties  the  pets  of 
political  favoritism,  and  siistain  them  in  premature 
or  profilless  einploymcnis,  constiinte  auolher  of 
(he  i^eneral  evils  of  this  protective  system.  This 
is  an  effect  so  olivioiis,  and  ijenirnlly  nrL'cd,  that 
I  slinll  not  dwell  upon  it.  I  only  refer  (o  it  (o  s(ale 
Ihe  amount  of  ihe  contrihiilions  lliua  annually 
:  extorted,  that  a  due  appreciation  of  its  extent  may 
'  nol  he  lost  siuht  of  in  jiiiiiiiiiii!i'  up  the  aEjrcnale  of 
national  loss  from  the  folly  of  partial  le;,'islation. 
I  The  i^enlleman  from  New  York,  [Mr.  Coi.i.in,] 
in  his  alile  speech  on  lliis  Buhject,  estimaled  Ihe 
annual  honnties  paid,  nt  some  ijsnH,!)!!!!,!)!!!).  The 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  his  clahorMle  report, 
deems  it  not  less  than  if^.W.OIHl.dOO  per  annum; 
I  and  the  smallest  calculalinn  I  recoiled  (o  have  seen 
from  anv  opponent  of  (lie  sys(em,  is  !(ii4H,()IK),(HII). 
When  i(  is  recollected  how  much  more  are  the 
internal  maniifacdires  consumed  in  (he  eonntrv 
than  those  imported  from  ahroad,  it  must  he  mani- 
fest, at  least,  that  a  ennsiderahlv  lar^^er  sum  must 
he  extracted  from  the  pr-oph^  for  houiUies  to  the 
)iriiteclcd  classeslhan  frirduties  to  (heGovernnienl. 
This  should  he  aliundaiilly  sndicieni  to  slarde  (he 
t^ri'at  masses  lo  a  consciousness  of  the  monstrous 
injustice  ami  oppression  practised  hy  the  sysleni 
upon  ihem.  I  found  upon  it  no  appeal,  and  refrain 
'  from  all  invective.  1  simply  ask  (hat  i(  may  he 
I  pondered  on  till,  realized  with  all  the  potency  ofn 
practical  truth,  it  come  linmr  lo  the  feelings  nnd 
convictions  of  every  jnsl  man, 

On  the  !;reat  prodnclive  interests  of  the  country, 
'    and  especially  Ihe  two  Icadiinj;  classes,  of  a!:ricul- 
I   lure   and   commerce,   this   system    presses,    Mr. 
\    C'hairman,  as  a  hanefnl  incnlms.     Apart  from  the 
lar^'e  proporlion  paid  liy  them  on  their  consump- 
lioii  as  honnties,  to  which  I  have  just  referred,  the 
indirci-l  influences  of  the  sysHni  In  checking;  their 
developinent  and  narrinvinij  their  spheres  of  ac- 
I    lion,  are  v\ci\  ninre  hurtful.     I  should  he  tempted 
I    to  dwell  Ion<;  here  on  this,  perhaps,  the  most  inter- 
|.  es(in;j  view  of   (he  operations  of  the  restrictive 
I    system,  and  hy  statistics  and  leneral  reasoniiv;  lo 
'    eiifiirce  and  illustrate  its  hli;;litin',?  ellects,  had  not 
j    the  field  heen  so  fully  occupied  and  exhausted  hy 
I    the  ahle  speeches  of  my  colleau;nes.     Prom   the 
accurate  statistic^il  statements  jn'esented  hy  ihem, 
not  limited  to  selected  periods,  hut  exiendiinr  over 
10112:  series  of  years,  as  well  hefore  the  estalilisli- 
'  meiUof  the  protective  system,  and  when  il  was  nol 
I  in  operation,  ns  during  the  whole  time  of  it.s  exist- 
ence, it  has  hcen  conclusively  shown,  that  wlien- 
e\cr  the  system  was  in  operation,  the  exports,  as 
well  as  the  imports  of  the  country,  have  iiivariahly 
declined;  the  prices  of  all  leadinu^aijricultural  staiiles 
have  heen  depressed;  and  the  loimac;e  of  the  Union, 
in  the  coasting:  as  well  as  foreign  trade,  has  tallen  oif; 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  wilh   no  less  regularity 
under  the   free  trade  of  modiM'ate  rcveniu^  duties, 
the  same   unerrine;  criteria    all  concur  in   «riviiij; 
most  L'-ratifyinj;  evidence  of  increase  and  prosper- 
ity.    To  the  same   eircct  are   ihe  results  of  the 
ex}ieriinents  recently  made  in  (jieat  Hritain,  when 
under  the  re|ieal  or  u'rcat  reduction  of  hijli  diilies 
to   the  numlicr  of  nine   hundred   and    odd,  such 
rapid  adv. nice  in  trade  and  consumption  li;is  hcen 
made,  that,  to  the  surprise  of  the   most  satnjiuine, 
there  Ii;is  heen  increase  inste;id  of  diminulioii  in 
revenue. 

'I'hi  se  results,  loo,  are  entirely  eonsisleiil  with 
reason.  Il  has  loni;  heen  an  axiom  of  political 
economy,  that  the  exports  of  a  country  cannot 
loii'^  exceed  its  imports.  On  a  comprehensive 
scale,  trade  helween  naiions  miisl  consist  in  liartcr 
and  exclian2:enf  jirodncts;  and  a  trade  nac-sii/ci/ is 
doomed  to  speedy  decay  and  extinction.  It  is 
also  clear,  that  the  consuniption  of  our  proilucts 
hy  the  other  inuions  of  Ihe  earth  must  depend  on 
(heir  aliility  to  liiiv.and  that  lo  the  extent  we  deal 
with  them  and  purchase  their  jiroilucts,  lo  that 
I'Xteut  we  incriMse  their  ahility  to  buy  and  enlarije 
their  consumption  of  our  products.     On  these  prin- 


"  ciples,  vvhenrver  from  lii^h  proteetive  duties  our 
imports  from  ahroad  are  restricted  and  cnrlnili'd, 
our  exports  correspondiiiifly  lessen,  anil  llie  means 
ofinterii.itiiiiialexchanjeserioiisiy  diminishing,  nnd 
the  ahility  of  our  forei:;n  consumers  declinine;,  nil 
(he  staples  of  our  a'.:riciiltnrists  are  depressed  in 
price.  .Nor  is  this  ellcct  conlined  (o  foreii;n  mar- 
kcls;  for  (he  diuiinnlion  of  ihiiiand  from  nlirimd 
for  them  compels  undue  supplies  to  he  cast  upon 
the  home  markets,  which  are  eonscquenlly  slow 
and  low.     This  is  one  view  lo  illustralc  the  inock- 

'  cry  of  (he  lionic  marke(;  the  pretended  henefils  of 
which,  (o  the  n'rricnltnral  interesls,  conslitiite  iho 
slereotvricd  ar::umenls  of  the  proleciionisis,  nnd 
are  so  loudly  extolled  hy  ihrm  here  and  thron!r||. 
out  (he  hreadth  of  the  land,  liul  in  this  connex- 
ion, this  hiiasted  ef|nivaleiit  (enih  red  for  all  (he 
incipialilies  and  opjiressions  of  the  prolecti\e  sys- 

,  (cm,  may  deserve  a  hrief  examination.  That  the 
mnlliplyini;ofthe  industrial  pursuits  of  the  people, 
the  diversion  ol  lalior  tuid  capital  lo  as  nutneroins 
'  and  varied  hranches  of  prndnclion  as  pnssilile,niiil 
^  the  conseriueni  cnlarireinent  lo  each  of  the  iinmher 
of  its  consumers,  prumole  Ihe  2:eneral  ai'tivity  and 
prosperity  of  ill,  m:iy  he  most  cheerfully  riinceded, 
provided  indusiry  and  capital  so  diversified  he 
really  proiludive  and  yield  i^ainfnl  returns.  Iltit 
if*,   ns  we  have  seen    is  the  case   willi   (he  lar*;© 

',  classes  of  (he  nranufacturers,  snsi:uned  or  prema- 
turely stimulated  liy  the  protective  system,  lliey 
are  only  xpirilrd  up  lo  emliark  in  pnrsuils  intrin- 
sically profilless,  or  carried  on  nt  n  loss,  and  derive 
their  trains  from  exactions  on  all  other  classes,  it 
!  alisurd  lo  suppose  these  last  can  lie  generally 
iicnefited  hy  the  partial  return  of  their  own  eon- 
'rihutioiis  In  purchase  of  llnir  products.  The 
home  niirkct  of  the  more   numerous  classes    of 

1    mainilactnrers,  who,  enira'^eil   in  estal.lishcd  and 

'  intrinsically  profitahle  production,  subsist  not  hy 
protection,  is  valuable,  and  will  he  enjoyed  as  fully 

1  willionl  as  wilh  liiih  duties,  r.iil  the  home  mar- 
ket  of  those  who  breathe  only  in  the  atmosphere  of 
protection,  and  are  fed  hy  bounties,  is  only  to  he 
secured    lo   the    niher  indus(rial   classes  hy  their 

i   mipjthjin!;  biitli  the  mrnnn  i/ /ninVnisc  and  the  pmducis 

'  for  salt!  The  farmer  v.-ould  be  deemed  a  pretty 
wiseacre,  indeed,  who  should  maintain  n  nci:;li- 
bor  in  a  losin:;  business,  that  out  of  the  liounty 
furnished  he  mi2:lil  find  a  purchaser  of  his  croii. 
Vet  on  a  ireat  scale,  considerini:  the  cUisses  suu- 
slstinj  only  by  protection,  and  the  nlher  classes  of 
the  comniiiniiy  as  two  divisions,  this  is  precisely 
what  is  done'by  the  latter  to  ohtuiu  ft  Aome  mar- 
kef  from  the  former. 

I'urilicr  to  explode  this  much  puffed  home 
market  of  the  m:iiiufactnrers,  it  is  only  neces- 
s;u'y  to  contemplate  the  circumstances  nf  our 
country,  lis  extent  and  resources,  and  the  neces- 
sary exi'css  of  its  prodnclions  over  domestic  con- 
sumption. The  auriciiliural  and  )>lanliii<j:  inter- 
esls must  <!;reatly  predominate,  and  for  centuries  lo 
come,  fir  ihc  lar:;er  ]iroportion  of  our  citizeii.s 
must  been'.5a'j;ed  in  the  culture  of  the  earth.  Willi- 
oiit  any  pieleiision  lo  strict  accuracy,  hut  as  n. 
reasonable  approximation  lo  truth,  it  has  been  esti- 
mated that  the  labor  of  one  a'_'riculturisl  willsuince 
Cor  Ihe  support  of  ten  nianufaclurers.  How,  then, 
when  Ihe  agricultural  mast  fir  exceed  the  niaiiii- 
factiiriii','  classes,  and  llie  dis|iroporlion  between 
them,  hy  natural  increase,  is  daily  enliancinij,  is  it 
|iossihle'lo  conceive  that  the  home  market  of  ihe 
manufaclnrcrs  can  seriously  diminish  or  absorb 

■  Ihe  products  of  the  aiiricidturists?  Reference  (o 
the  statistics  furnished  by  Ihe  returns  to  the  Sec- 
ret:iry  of  the  Treasury  in  ]fi|l),  and  the  i-epnrt  of 
Tencli  Coxe,  already  alluded  lo,  as  contrasted  wilh 
the  results  of  the  census  of  1H40,  conclusively 
establishes  the  f.illy  of  looking:  to  the  home  market 
of  llie  ]irotected  classes.  Since  1H1,'1,  notwitli- 
slandiiv,-  all  the  stiinnlants  of  thirty  years  of 
ne:irly  uninterrupted  protection,  manufactures  have 
advanced  less  than  7J  per  cent,  in  nnnu.il  yield, 
while  llie  products  of  a^'ricnltiire  have  been  more 
than  tripled,  and  very  nearly  quadrupled.  How 
lorn;  it  will  he  before,  at  this  rate  of  comparative 
proirress,  the  manuficturers  shall  afl'ord  a  Itome, 
market  lo  ihe  surplus  production  of  the  nu'rienltii- 
risls,  I  snlimit  to  the  imrenious  casuistry  of  such 
))rotectionists  as,  enibolilened  by  their  frequent 
arL'iiment  that  the  competilion  of  one  connlry  ex- 
cecils  the  coinpelition  of  that  iinil  all  others  besides, 
or,  ill  plainer  lane;nao;e,  that  the  pari  is  greater 


140 


29tii  CoNn 1st  Sksb. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Tlw  Tan II— Mr.  ,Scd<lon. 


[June  '29, 


Ho.  or  Kki's. 


m 


tliiin  llie  wliiili',  nuiy  fiil  ili«|"'>ie(l  In  iiiirimlizo  , 
lliinlfilvi'il  bv  iNliililiHliirij';  lllul  tlu'  Iinm  i-oiiIiiuim 
till'  f;ri  (iliT.  'Nil,  m:  li'l  "  ii"  ||<'"1  "P  '''.''"  '""■ 
liiii'  iiiir  |m\vi'rH."  'I'lic  cNiiiiii.tur  tiiii'uicn  unci 
Diiliii'Uiii^lii'iMlurlMcjriiiir  iiiIiii'iilttiiiitHcUniiinil  llic 
liiiiiliriN  111'  llir  wiirlil.  Ah  it  iiiiw  is,  iinilir  ihr 
ii{ii'i'iiiiiiii  (>r  yimr  iniw  isc  rrsirirlinim,  llii-y  millrr 
t'liiiniKins  iMii  lions  iil  lnnnr.anil  nl  llii'  s.inic  linn' 
liiivr  lliiir  risiiiiri'cs  liiiril  ii|i  at  llif  I'limil.iin  liy 
ili'|ii'i'N>inff  III'  |iiiri's,  nnil  tlii'ir  ri:;lill'nl  avninrs  In 
panirul  iM'liHiiUfs  mid  inliiri;i'il  iniiMiiniiilinn,  iVuni 
ihi  ir  lii'Sl  I  iisliinit'is,  lilin'k'il  >i|i  ur  si  nsilily  iiiii- 
riiwi'cl.  W'lvili'  KM  snlVi'iin-.',  lln  V  "i"',  in  insnll 
to  lliiir  inic  lliuini'i'  nr  ilrrisiini  nl'  ihnr  w  iiini;H, 
Hinr^lil  ID  lii'SiTiiilii'il  hy  Inlliiliy  |ininiisrs  III, il  liny 
iilsii  iTi'i  ivi'  |iriil('ciiiin.  Will  inny  lliry  iinly, 
'*  \Vr  nciil  no  |iriii(<iiiiii,  imd  linst  nf  nil  oiii  li  as 
yiHi  \\  ill  irivc  VIS.*'  j 

'I'lii'  ii|i|iic'ssivc  iipci-aliiiii  (if  llir  Nysloin  cm  the 
nnnmi  n  i:il  ami  iiaviiialini;  iiitirrslK  nl' llic  cnuii- 
liyavi-  a|'|iai'rnt  In  llic  ninsl  siiinrlii-iai  nlivirva- 
linii,  Ihnn^'li  llii'ir  I'XIiiit  is  |irrlia|is  iml  in  urin'nil 
iliily  a|>iirfi'iali'il.  Willi  llitM'iitliin;  nirnl'iiniMirls 
ihu  ilrcliiu'  <i|'  fxpnrls,  ill!'  viiy  iliini  ills  nl'  lln'ir 
HiiHli-iiaiirr  anil  iirns|icrily  arii  withilraw'ii.  'I'lir 
puns  nf  (■nnimci'i'i'  an'  initnrally  irrralrst,  as  like- 
wise ilio  c'ni|i|nyinrnl  nl'ra|iilal,  ships,  anil  sailnis, 
ill  lln'  ninsi  (''xliniliil  riir('ii;ii  exrliaii^-es.  Tim 
rairyini;  tniili.'  liiiwerii  distant  rniinlriis,  and  c.s- 

IH'l'ially  nl'llll'  iTlial  |i|nillli'ls  nf  snlllnin  I'lLlinns, 

Iris  r-^ir  I'niisiiuiliil  ilii'  piinu'  sniin'is  nf  wialili 
und  pnwir.  Ill  all  liisimy,  wlialrvcr  iialinn  lias 
must  lar:;ily  I'liiimssiil  ii  lias  fur  tin'  liiiii'  Is  in 
llir  sir.l  nf  rii'lii's  and  iliiniininii,  nf  I'llini'ininl,  ihr 

nils,  anil  all  till'  I I'nniilaiUs  nf  ilill'iisid   inlilii- 

i:i'in."i'  and  aiUaia'iai  i-ivili/.alinii.  'I'n  lliis  'I'yii', 
inil  ai'iiy  I'll  piias.nwt  il  iln'ina;;nili('ini  caiiil  wt  allli 
wliiili  jiisiihid  ilii' disiiipiinn  iifllnly  Wiil,  ilial 
In-r  *'  nitTi'lianls  weii'  prinrt-s  and  licr  iiattlri  I's 
till'  linnnralili'  nf  llie  larlll."  AVilll  il  CailliaL,-!' 
Nil  liin^'  Hiisiaini  d  Willi  llir  riini|in  i-nrs  nf  ihr  nidi  ii 
wnrlil  lirr  R'linwiird  sliii','^lo  fur  niasli  ly  iiiid  rni- 
pii'r.  Ill  ihrirlni-ynf  ilsii'ansirntpnssi'ssinn,\'i  nirr 
was  Iniiird  as  ihr  liridi'  nf  llie  seas,  anil  a  rity 
nf  hnciinrs  and  swamps  shown  irsphnih  nl  willi 

Iiiilari  s  and  Irnijili  s,  and  alninst  alnnr  brrasird  and 
irnkr  Ihr  advaiH  iiii;  lidr  nf  Mnslrni  fanaliriMii,  lir- 
fnrr  whirli  all  ('hnsiriidnm  Iroinl'Ird.  I'rnni  I'nr- 
lii^al  In  Spain,  frnni  Spain  In  Ilnlhind,  and  finally 
In  I'lnijland,  a.-:lliis  iradr  lias  passed,  il  has  Imrnr  nii  | 
its  rirst  llie  scrjitrr  t*f  ihr  seas,  and  Iirmn^hl  in  ils  ' 
wake  all  the  iiinst  valnalile  irsoinces  of  power, 
Wi  aldi,  and  prn^'rrss  in  llir  arls  und  ri  finrnn  ins  nf 
life.  Aiming'  llie  yn"ii_'ist  nalimis  nf  llir  i  arlli, 
frnni  nnr  eraillu  ihr  lilnnd  inheiiiid  finni  the  nlil 
til  a-kiii:;snf  the  Nniili,  and  siininlalrd  in  ii.s  Iraiis- 
inissinn  tliriiiii;li  ilir  \riiis  nf  nnr  paiiiit  eonniiy, 
lia.s  displayed  ilself,  and,  fioni  the  advanla;;i  s  of 
cnir  pn.-iiinn,  tlir  :;i  inns  nf  our  ni  opie,  ihe  fri  ulnni 
of  nnr  insiiiiiiinns,  and  thrnii^d  nnr  happy  iiinnii, 
the  eninmand  nf  so  many  uf  llie  st.i(ile  pindm-l.j  nf 
the  earth  III  its  It  niprrate  and  trnpie  iliinrs,  we 
liavc  enlried  iinlily,  and  with  i\rry  pini-pni  nf 
Ftii'eess,  in  the  rare  nf  iniiiprlilimi  with  the  nati"iis 
of  lln  earth  fur  the  loinineree  nf  the  world.  The 
Klriiii^h'  is  a  i^lnrinus  one,  imi,  I  trust,  In  he  rnn- 
diicted  amid  llie  ihniiders  nf  war,  and  siunali/.i  d  at 
every  step  liy  the  crash  of  aiinainrnts  and  the 
groans  nl'  llie  ilyiin;  and  the  di  ad,  lint  hy  Ihr  arls 
<if  piare,ainid  the  exi  lian^i'  nf  rieipmrai  hnii  liis, 

lllld    In    he  wnll    hy  ihl:    first   ill  lln     ;;ifls    nf  l'rn\  i- 

deiiee,  and  the  ino.-^L  wise  lo  disrein  and  de\t'lop, 
liy  lastiiiij  olV  all  traniMiLls,  the  frrehorii  eiierijies 
nf  its  pio)'le  and  llir  resonn-rs  nf  ils  pnsilioii. 
I  hi  hew  It  In  he  our  lii;;li  iiii.s.anii  In  snateh  the 
palm,  and  in  this  "  inareli  npnn  the  nioiintain  . 
wa\e,"  to  anrpiisa  llie  reiinwii  and  |iiowr.-sevcn  of 
Alhinn's  sra-^irt  isle  and  Iier  wnrld-famed  tars. 
lint  In  dn  sn,  restrirtinn:j  and  iinpn.sitinits  iiinsi  he 
ihrcwn  oil',  and  the  win;,'s  of  our  rnmmene  pininrd 
In  liy  nviT  every  sea,  and  vi.sit  uiery  i  lime.     The 

Iirily  roasliiii^  trade,  whirh  your  reslrirlive  .>ysteiii 
masts,  ihiin::li,  if  slalistirs  arc  tn  he  eredited,  cr- 
rini^ly  rvi;ii  here,  tn  suljsiitnlr  tn  ynur  u  idr-yprrnd 
inininrrre  in  the  iinpnit  of  inannfarinrrs  and 
Ihrir  rxrlianuini;  rxporta,  ereepin;,',  as  it  niiisl  dn, 
from  shiire  in  shore,  and  lindiii'.;  ils  lillrsi  \t  hir.les 
in  ihr  small  rral\  nf  srhnonirs  and  hoais,  can  never 
Hiippiy  the  nurseries  nf  hardy  seamen,  create  the 
llert.-  nf  stately  iiiei'i'hanlinrii  and  "  rieli-freif;liled 
uriinsies,''  eni;ime  the  enlerprise  and  capital  or 
draw  the  relurn.s  in  the  prodncus  und  tieasuies  nf 


every  rliinc,  thai  are  iri|nisilr  In  yivr  prreniiliciico   | 
ill  the  hnniidlrss  tracls  nf  nld  niran's  rralni. 

A|iarl  frnni  sill  11  fiH'-si^'hlrd  policy,  as  a  siinplp 
ipicsiinii  of  naiional  piin  In  each  iiiM',  il  may  he 
well  i|iirstiniiril  whclher  till'  supply  nf  any  arlicio 
nf  rniisninplinn  hrrr  had  mil  lirlirr  hr  snppliril  hy 
cnniincrcr  I'rnin  llir  nmsl  dislanl  pniiil  lliaii  l>y  lii- 
lernal  prndnctinii,  prnviilril,  as  iiiilii  il  in  iin  nlliiT 
case  it  will  hr  inirndnced  frnni  ahrnad,  il  ran  he 
fnrnislird  hy  iinpiirialinii  an  cheaply.  l''or  while, 
hy  llie  eonsninplinn  nf  the  inlernal  prndnci,  ynn 
may  tfive  reasnnahle  vains  In  nnr  prison,  llir  lan- 
dncer,  (nr  al  ninst  tn  Iwn,  himself  and  his  retailer,) 
hy  the  use  nf  the  imported  article,  ynn  ha\r  t;ivrn 
lar'.'ir  t;at|is  tn  ihr  fnrriu'ii  iir'idncrr,  In  llir  inlrr- 
niediale  a'^riils  v.  Iin  sell  fnr  liiiii.  In  llic  naviijalnrs 
wlm  have  Iranspiirtrd  il.  In  Ihr  iinpnrlrr,  and  the 
rrlailrr.  Wliilr,  ihrrrforr,  the  linnir  eonsnmi  r 
recei\es  al  the  same  cosl  and  is  no  siitferer',  he  has 
henelili  d  a  lar'.;er  niimher  even  of  his  own  eniintry- 
nieii,  and  l'nrrii;nerH  lusidrs',  and  if,  ill  ailililioii, 
as  In  a  ennsidrrahlr  rxtrnt  ninst  hr,  ihnsr  fnrri;;ii-  ' 
ri'K  have  In  rii  paid  liy  llir  prndiicls  nf  thr  rniisiimrr 
nr  his  rniiiilrvinrn,  tir  has  i;ainrd  In  himself,  nr 
ijivrn  In  some  f,  llnw-ciinntryman,  all  thr  prnfils 
nn  such  sail'  of  his  prodiicis.  In  nthrr  wnrils, 
wlirrr  till'  rnsi  nf  prodnrlion  is  rhraper  ahrnad, 
and  it  can  he  fnriiishid  al  llir  same  nrier  with  Ihr 
inlernal  prndr.cis,  there  nuist  he  a  lari;er  niar^'iii 
nf  prnfii,  nn  which  may  he  writliii  the  nainrs  nf 
all  rn-a'_'id  in  i  ll'rctinu'  llir  rxchaiiL'r,  and  likewise 
that  nf  the  piodinir  nf  ihr  arliclr,  with  wliicli  the  , 
fnri  imi  iiiipin'  has  licrn  pnrchasrd.  ij 

With  this  illustralinii  nf  Ihr  snpcrinr  lieiiofilH  of 
fiirris;n  cnninn  rcc,  and  linw  distrihulid,  wliii  can 
apprrciale  the  exirni  and  intlniir  nninhrr  nf  los.srs 
susiainrd  to  ihr  whnir  niiiinn,  hiil  especially  the 
nun  antilr  and  maritimr  rhissrs,  hv  llir  persislaiicc  ' 
fnr  nrarly  thirty  years,  tliniigh  in  dillirrnl  desrres, 
ill  lliis  rrstriclivr  .■.ysicinr  I  will  inl  vriilnrr  In 
rsiiinair  llir  lossrs  iVnni  its  sappinu'  and  iiisidinus 
inlliiriic.es  on  eillirr  orilir  two  unal  inierests,  niei-  ' 
canlile  nr  a^'ricnltnral,  lesl  the  .imnnnts,  as  well  nf 
what  has  hern  pnsiiivrly  'riMii  up,  as  of  what 
nii^lil  and  wmild  readily  have  heeii  rrali/.ed,  .slnnild 
appear  sn  ennrmnus  as  In  excile  incrednlily  and 
deter  frnni  ini|niry.  Imiirrfri'tly  and  L'enerally,  as 
nnly  my  lime  wnuld  allnw,  I  ha\i'  sniii,'hl  In  ex- 
pnse  the  haneful  iullneiices  nf  its  insiiliniis  agencies; 
and  I  only  rei|urst  thr  candid  liran  r,  whn  may  he 
roiuincrilof  llir  jiisticr  nf  my  rcasniiin;;,  to  piinder 
and  calculate  fnr  himself  the  fri^'lill'nl  le^L't'euale  nf 
ils  total  In.-isrs.  lie  will  lie  Worse  than  an  infniel 
if  hr  hr  lint  then  convrrlrd,  fnr  hr  will  have  care  i 
neilliir  I'nr  his  penpic  nor  liis  hoiiseli'ild.  ' 

Ililhrrln,  Mr.  t'haiiniaii,  atlentinn  has  liern 
nskid  In  the  rdecis  nf  the  prniecti\e  .■-vslrni  on  the 
dill'erriil  classrs  of  the  pi'ople  in  thr  iTnioii  roiisid- 
ered  eollei  ti\ely;  hut  perhaps  ils  har.-diest  fea- 
tures would  he  overlonkiil  if  its  sictioiial  parliall- 
lii  s  and  its  pei'iiti.ir  injustice  nn  lari;r  portions  nf 
the  ('ninn  were  iini  at  least  hrielly  expnsed.  To 
a  liiiiileil  pnrlinn  of  the  .North,  the  hoimlies  and 
nmnnpnlies  i:ivru  In  the  inauufictniers,  whn  cnn- 
sliiiite  the  prepiinih  raliuu'  class,  ami  i  nllatrrally 
disprnsed  aninnt;  their  deprndrnt  rinployres  and 
nei^hhnriiii;  snpporleis,  may  perhaps  overhalancr 
ils  ijeiieral  mis'-hirfs.  To  oiher  portions,  ils  oper- 
alions  may  he  accoiupauic  il  liyi'onntcrvailinL''a'.'cn- 
cie.-!  or  [lartial  coiniirnsalinns,  w  hich  may  alleviate 
ils  oppressinns.  Hut  lo  much  nf  ihr  West  and  all 
nf  the  Snutli,  il.s  ell'ecis  are  ihnsr  nf  uiiallnyi  d  op- 
pression. Siieli  scctioiml  inri|ualilies  mi^ht  natu- 
rally have  heeii  expected  frnui  the  atlrmpts  evrii 
nf  ihe  wisest  In  rnccaira;;e  hy  l-'ider.il  le(.'iHlatinii 
special  hraiielies  nf  industry ,  and  In  rcijnlate  ihr 
employinent  nf  liihor  and  capital  in  a  connlrv  of 
such  vvidr  exieni,  varied  produets,  anil  diversified 
interests  as  that  of  nnr  I'liinn.  I  hi  llii.s  acrnuiit, 
llir  spirit  and  tin  ory  of  onr  (iovi  rnnieiil,  lo  say 
iiolhini.'  of  the  snii  l  refinisilinns  of  ii.<  wrilteii 
Constitution,  ri  r|niir  that  only  ihe  fi'w  ijreat  in- 
ierests, natiniial  in  tin  ir  character  and  eoininon  lo 
all,  should  he  suprr^isrd  and  eonirulled  iiy  th(! 
l''i  deral  authorities,  and  that  thr  special  interests 
or  peculiar  pinsnits  of  thr  peo|ilr  of  ihr  Stairs  re- 

S| liMly  should  hr  li  ft  rxclnsivrly  tn  llirir   Incal 

li  ;;i.^laln|■es.  iloW  p.llpalily  lliise  wise  ennsidrra- 
liniis  nf  our  prciiliar  |iolicy  have  hren  disrei.'ariled, 
;  and  llie  rssenlial  relalions  of  our  Cinvernmrnl, 
Stale  and  Kederal,  dislnrheil,  let  tlii.i  vry  prnlrr- 
livesy.sleni,  with  the  ell'ecis  It  has  wrniifrhl,  and  llie 


diin<;rrH  it  huH  niPiinerd.  Htrikini;ly  display.  Tli" 
prnteciive  inierests,  willi  few  exceplinns,  I'rnni  Ihe 
ennimeiiceiiM'iil  liaveexisted  iiliunr>l  ixclusivily  in 
the  Nnrlli  and  one  or  Iwo  nf  Ihr  middle  .Stairs; 
V,  liilr  iillirr  sections,  and  the  wlioir  Snnlli  particu- 
larly, have,  frmii  the  nature  nf  their  n:;riculiiiral 
and  staple  iiileresls,  hern  inia|«ihlr  nf  rrcrivin;j 
eiiei)nrai;enieiil  nr  Hiiiipnrl  from  any  ri|iiinilent 
system  nf  partial  le^-islntinn,  lli  nee  ihe  adnptinii 
nf  a  system  nf  Jmiinif  indiiMtry  iiiid  (riii()liinr  capi- 
tal and  lalinr  111  special  pnrsuils,  lian  lednunileil, 
sn  far  as  ndvaiililKr  was  allainahle,  wlinlly  In  lla; 
.N'nrlh,  wlnlr  the  Smilh  has  frll  llie  opeialion  only 
in  hnrdens  and  forced  cnnlriliiilioiiN.  This  Inm 
i;nne  sn  far  thai  fnr  years,  as  the  Soiilli  has  nnnly 
helieved,  the  spr.  iiirinli  rests  nf  niily  a  few  Stales, 
which   shnnlil   never  have   Innkrd  hrynnil  ihr  sn  • 

prriisi f  their  Incal  unvernnieiilH,  have  virtn- 

ally  cniilrnlleil  ll'e  li'L'islalinn  and  eiirnipnil  the 
Aiiiiiinistiiilinn  nf  Ihe  l''eilenil  rninu,  e^-pi'cially  nil 
the  all-impiirtant  suhjeclsiif  laxalimi  and  eypendi 
lure,  lo  such  extent  lliat  all  tin'  hnrdens  of  the 
foriner,  and  much  iiiorr  in  llir  naliirrof  hnnntirs, 
Inivr  herii  piiirlicallv  cast  nn  llieni,  while,  with  tlin 
rxceiilinii  nf  nceasiniial  eriimhs  diiled  In  them,  all 
the  lieia  Ills  of  the  lallrr  havr  hecii  en;.'riiHsed  hy 
the  paramount  sectinii.  I  nerd  tint  .say  tn  what 
exireuiiliessiicli  cnnviclinns  hiil  a  feve  years  since 
led  nnr  nf  ihe  iiinsI  enli^hlened  and  i,'allaiil  StalcM 
nf  ihc  Si>nlh,iiiir  hy  what  prinleiit  cnncessinnsnnd 

wisi tinsels  the  cnsis  \i  Inch  ihrealeiicd  ii  fralricl- 

dal  war,  .mil  was  hi^' with  till  f.ile  nf  the  I  Iiiinii  itself, 
WHS  averted.  The  iraiisaclinnsnf  thai  deeply  inler- 
esliii.T  perind  are  fresh  in  llie  recnllectinnsnf  the 
naliiin,  and  many  a  palriol  heart  yet  heals  I'aiiil  a) 
the  reineinla'ance  of  the  siul  presii'.'cs  then  iiidnlijed. 

II  srnni'd  almost  inrvilahlr  thai  hrforr  auolhrr  an- 
niversary of  our  national  inilrprndeiice,  the  proial 
haiiner  of  onr  coniilry,enihleiii  of  ihe  happy  union 
of  these  States,  wnuld  wave  in  sevrrtd  siriprs;  nr 
that,  as  thr  Irast  evil,  friuii  its  pnrea/.iire  wnuld  hr 
hlnlieil  nut  niie  nf  its  f  liresl  stars— a  I'leiad  Insl  for- 
ever tn  il.s  sister  thrniii,'.  It  is  himeiilalile  In  rclhcl 
ihal  llie  ;;naraiilies  nf  the  ('niuprnmisr  hill,  which, 
thnnu'h  veiled  ill  the  fnriiis  nl  Icirislatinn,  wa.s  iiN 
sacrrd  a  enin|iacl  as  was  ever  sealed  hy  ennli  iidiiii; 
parlies  nil  I  heir  cnunliy's  altar,  and  which  re-hnniiil, 

III  the  hnmis  nf  pracr  and  fialrrnily,  thr  alirnateil 
I'll  iinj;s  nf  a  snveniL'ii  Slate,  shnnlil  have  heen  ever 
marred  al  the  iusti-atiniis  nf  secliniial  rnpidilyanil 
under  the  frivnlniis  pri  lexl  nf  a  Iransieiii  uece.ssiiy. 
The  deed  was  dniie,  hnwever,  in  the  passage  nf 
Ihe  iidinus  act  of  h"  |-.'.  And  au'ani  the  almost 
nniteil  voice  of  the  Sn.illi  is  rai..ril  in  rrmousirance 
and  appeal  imainst  the  i.newed  oppressions  of  the 
hateful  system.  Nn  frinit  nf  mi  iiace  is  assiinicd, 
imr  is  the  last  resnrt  nf  niillificatinn  cniiti  mplatnl, 
hill  only  llie  elaimsof  justice,  of  pli^'hled  faiili  and 
party  pddm  s,arr  ri  lied  on  In  srciire  redress.  The 
adm'nniiiiiiis  nf  ihe  past  slimild  not,  himever,  hi; 
unheeded,  and  the  L'oad  of  onpiessinii  should  he 
leinnved  hefnre  il  shall  have  driven  In  madliess. 

liiil,  .Mr.  ('hairman,  win  n  \W'  of  the  Sonili  have 
heen  dcnouncin:;  llie  seciional  favoritism  and  iin- 
rr.isonalilr  iiioiiopolies  awarded  hy  the  luolrclivr 
system  lo  the  maiiufaclurers  of  the  North,  the 
laniuinir  impiiry  has  more  than  mice,  in  ihis  very 
dehale,  hern  aitdressed  tn  us,  why  wr  dn  nut  par- 
liv'ipale  in  its  lioiinlies  and  share  its  spoils  hy  the 
estalilislnueni  of  maiiufaciiires  aiiinn^'  nnr  pi  nple; 
and  lint  a  few  invert  sneers  have  heen  iiiiliil;;eil  nl 
iheir  snppnsed  waul  nf  prnvidciice  and  riilrrpiisr. 
Thr  hnnnrahle  gentlrman  from  Ma.ssaehusetts, 
[Mr.  WiS'Tiiiiiii',1  having'  iniderslnnd  thai  snnie 
ivw  inannl'aciiiriinr  eslahlishnieuls  have  heen  start- 
ed in  the  South,  and  especially  in  my  nwn  Slate, 
has  innrc  kindly  teiidereil  his  cnnu'ralulatioiis  thai 
onrprnplrarr  awakiin:  In  a  sriismf  lln  ir  inleresIN, 
and  are  snnn  In  fnllow  in  llie  wake  nf  the  prnli'cH.'d 
classes.  Sir,  I  lunch  fear  the  cnui;ratiilaiiiin  is 
as  illliiiird  as  ihe  lauiils  are  immeriled.  Unlesn 
^rievniisly  mistaken  ill  coiiviclioiis,  mil  ndnplcd 
withnnl  snme  thnni:li'.  I  helieve  the  penple  nf  tin; 
Smith  have  lint  emiiarkcd,  and  niiijhl  iinl  in  prii- 
ihice  tn  rinhark  In  any  ^leat  extent,  in  maiiiifai;- 
liires,  hreaiise  lliey,  wilhnut  default  nr  lack  of 
indnslry  nn  their  part,  lalior  under  ili.'^iulvanlai.'eH 
which  preclude  them  from  ei|ual  eompi  tilion  with 
the  people  of  the  Niirtli  in  snpplyiii!:  Willi  mami- 
factured  prndnets  llie  ;;eneral  cnnsninplioii  of  llie 
eountry.  No  rational  man  wonders  that  the  pen- 
ple nf  hleak  New  l'^ii'.;laiid  dn  iiul  eii!,'af;e  in   the 


'  Ih 


/line  ti<l, 
Ik.i-s. 

lay.  I'Im! 
,  Iriiin  ilic 
iiHivi  ly  III 
If  SiMlcy; 
Ii  |iai'lii'ii- 
p'lriilhinil 
111  riviii;; 

'l|lliVMll'lll. 
llllii|illoll 

•liiii^  rii|ii- 
'iliiiiiiiliil, 
.llv  III  till- 
lllnli  iiiily 
Tills  IllIM 
MS-  (irmly 
vv  SlaliH, 
III  llir  Nil  - 
ivr  VMIll- 
4mI    III.- 

Lilly  oil 

\|lrlllll 

»!'  llir 

illlii'N, 

,  Willi  llld 

llinli.all 

IMS!  ll    liy 

y  III  whiil 

iirs  siiici' 

lam  Slalrs 

sMJiiiis  ami 

II  iValriri- 

iiiiiii  ilMi'ir, 

I  |ily  iiilir- 

inis  III'  ihi^ 

als  faint  a) 

I  iiiiliil:;i'il. 

llntlllT  all- 

llii'  |>i'iiiiil 
|i|iy  iiiiiiiii 
Ntrt|ii's;  iir 
!■  Unulil  hr 
III  liiMI  I'lll'- 
r  111  llllcil 
ill,  Whii'll, 
111,  was  lis 
rnhiniitiii^ 

iri-lmllllil, 

I'  alii'iiaiid 
I'  liirii  rvrr 
ijiiilily  anil 
iH'Ts.siiy. 
|>assa^o  111" 
llii:  aliiainl 
annsiianir 
inns  iifllii' 
4  a^.sllllll.■(l, 
lrlll|ilaliil, 
I  lailli  anil 
•CSX.  'I'lii- 
iMi'Vri',  In: 
slli.lllll  in. 
Uiilln'ss. 
^Illllll  IliHT 

III  anil  iin- 
|>riili'iMivi! 

I'llllll,     llll! 

I  Ills  viiry 
i>  nut  ]iar- 
ils  liy  llift 

lll|l,u|,lc; 

iiliil;;iil  III 
■nliT|iri.si'. 
aciiiisciiii, 
'iiKl  siiiiir 
iciMi  siail- 
iwii  Sliilc, 
iliniiH  lliat 

■  illtCll'.SIH, 

|inili'ol«(l 
iiliiliMii  is 
Ullil■N^4 
t  nilopli'd 
pie  iif  lliu 
It  in  |irii- 
nianiil'ar* 
r  lark  (pf 
lvaiila!;r.H 

lilMI     U'illl 

til  iniiiiii- 
im  111'  till! 

llii'  I - 

ire  in   tlip 


Jfl-IG-l 


'iihif  CoNo 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  TIIK  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 

The  Tiirljf—Mr.  Seildnn.  ~ 


741 


Ho.  OF  llr.Hs. 


ciiliiire  nrmmiir;  iiiir  tlinl  the  riti/i-iiH  nf  (iniiinmnil  " 
clii  lint  lii'liiki- tlionisi'lvca  I'l  (he  niiiiiil'iii'liire  (if  ii'p; 
I'craiisc,  in  snrli  iiistani'i's,  ihr  nliHlar.lfH  ornntiire, 
pilpalili'  III  nil,  I'vidiiitiv  |iri'iliiilii  rnimsiicli  wiihIo 
ol'  lapital  ami  lalinr.  Yet,  i-ir,  in  tlii'  rnnxtilntinn 
anil  I'irfiinislani'rM  iif  sMrii'iirs,  rlrmniitfl  of  iliHiiiI 
vaiila!;!'  niiil  liia|itiliiili'  lor  [liirtiriilnr  iiiiliislrini 
|iiir«iiii.s,  iriiiil  iii'ii|iial  potiMicy  witli  pliysiral  ini-  | 
priliiniMilH,  may  exist  in  siirh  coiilrollin^  iiiMnenrr, 
tliiil  wlii'ii  ilisi'irnril  nnil  esiiniali'il,  lliey  will  lie 
riailily  inlniilteil  to  preiliiile  iVoni  the  siieeessfiil 
priiseeulinn  nt'  those  piir.siiil.s.  Sitrli,  I  Itelieve  to  , 
<'\isi  III  tlie  Soiilli,  iiii'liiiliii!;  my  invii  Siiito,  wlili 
v.liieli  I  am  liest  iieipminieil,  at  least  rilalively  with 
the  Norlii.aiiil  espeei.illy  New  Kn^'laiiil.  To  olii- 
I'iilali'  the  tans  (emliif;  to  prove  siirh  relaiive  ilis- 
mlvania'^^es,  ami  to  explrtin  llio  iialiire  anil  eirer-tH 
111'  the  emisr.i  for  them,  I  nhall,  Mr.  f'liairmiin, 
Ni'lei'l  ami  I'onirasl  the  Slates  nf  Vir^'iiiia  anil  Mas- 
Naehiisetls,  as  the  liailim;  one.H  nf  their  riKpeelive 
.^eetiolts. 

I'roiii  the  ropiirt  ofTpiirh  Cnxe  hi  IHl.'l  nlrraily 
nlhiiletl  to,  the  fai't  appears  timl  ns  rnrly  as  1H|0, 
l.i'fore  the  eoinnieiiei<menl  nl'llie  proieetive  svslem, 
the  annual  value  nf  the  inannfai'lnrcs  in  Massa- 
<liiiseits,  then  Imviim  in  whole  niinihers  a  pnpii- 
inlion  of  4IHI,IHHI,  was  *•.>!, 111)11,(1110,  while  in  Vir- 
i,'iniii,  with  a  population  more  than  ilniilile,  iiay 
!)ll(),(tlMI,  (he  aiimiiil  value  of  all  her  maimfaeliire's 
was  (ill  roiinil  nnmlurs)  ><l,'i,(l(l(l,()(l(l.  .^t  that 
remote  period,  then.  In  Core  any  foreeil  iliversion  liy 
emliartfoeH,  or  liy  the  temptatinn.i  of  the  proleelive 
Nyslem  of  the  capital  and  lalinr  of  M.i.ssaeliiisetts 
to  niamifai'tiirinu',  I'roin  the  operation  of  some  ^'eii- 
eral  eansi'S,  (here  \va.s  siieh  irreater  pioelivity  and 
Hilaptatiiin  on  the  pnrt  of  her  people  to  inaiinfae- 
iiirin:;  over  (hose  of  Virginia,  that  with  less  than 
half  her  piipiilatioii  she  prodiieed  annually  a  ntiieli 
|:irL;i'r  amniint  of  maimfaetiires.  In  I's'tiniatin!;, 
loo,  lhe.se  relative  prniliiels  in  this  line  at  that  time, 
we  miisl  also  hear  in  miml  how  nimli  fewer  were 
the  ("aeililiis  of  jntereoiirse  and  transpnrtatiiin  of 
pioiliiels,  and  that  siieh  (lilliinltieH  tended  very 
iiiiieh  to  fmve  inamifactnres  in  earh  State  for  its 
own  supply,  and  to  prevent  distanl  States  (hoiii;h 
lietter  adapted  to  the  liii.sim-ss,  from  siipplyiiiij  ilH 
wants.  Tlie  ilispriipnrlion  then  was  prolianly  less 
ui;ainsl  Virginia  than  it  would  have  lieen,  had  pres- 
ent faiililies  r.f  eiimmniiieaiiiiii  lieen  enjoyed. 
A^'aiii,  after  the  lapse  of  thirty  years,  from  the 
areiirate  slalisties  nf  the  eensn.-i  iif  IH-ll),  we  find 
the  wlinli!  nmmifaetnriii;  eajiilal  invested  in  Vir- 
{.'iiiia  was  only  alimil  <*1'J,(I(MI,(I()(I,  liriiis;  less  liy 
!p.'l,(l(lll,(l(l(l  (han  the  aiimial  value  of  her  ninn- 
iifae'iires  in  IMl.'),  while  thai  so  invested  in  Mas- 
nae.hnsetl.s  was  near  four  timi's  as  miieli:  still  the 
jiopnialiiin  of  the  former  exceeded  that  ol' the  latter 
liv  ,')()(I,UII()— very  nearly  (lie  same  as  in  IHIO. 
'I'll  make  the  existing' disproportion  nioreslrikin^'ly 
ininilisi,  1  may  slate,  ihat  from  slatislies  reemitly 
taken  Willi  miieh  eare  in  .Massai-hiisetts,  the  annual 
valiii'  nf  her  mannfaeliires  now  amiiiinis  to  '»H7,- 
(l(H).(l(l(l;  and  allhiiie.;h  we  are  wilhniit  similar  sla- 
(isiic's  from  Viri;iiiia,  no  eitizeii  of  lliat  Stale  will 
|ireti'iiil  ihrre  has  lievn  anytliiii^'likeapriiportionate 
increase  within  the  last 'few  years.  Diirinir  this 
period, the emliar:,'!!, war, and  iheproieclivesy.stem, 
gave,  it  is  true,  excessive  stimulants  to  increase  of 
niaiuit'acians.  liui  41s  they  operated  iikthe  ofl'er  of 
indiicemenls  alike  to  the  people  of  liolh  Stales, 
me  fact  docs  not  weaken  tiic  argument.  Indeed] 
ii  inay  he  fairly  artrneil  (hat  al  the  enmmencenieni 
(if  those  measures  of  restriction,  they  were  deemed 
(idioiis  and  op]ir(?.ssivo  in  Massachnsotis,  and  there 
was  every  (lisposi lion  to  evade  and  resist  their  natu- 
ral elhcts;  while  on  thenther  hand,  in  'Virciiiia  the 
feeling's  nf  |h('  people  stronuly  sustained  (hem  as 
linsiili'ietaliat ions;, ind  it  was  esteemed  patrinticand 
]iraiseworthy  to  dei.lop  the  resniirees  of  the  conn-  , 
try,  and  to  mee;  ihe  il.priviuions  of  the  times  liy 
eiicouraijini;  ih  ■  prodiiiiii  n  and  use  nf  dnmesti'e 
mainiliieuires.  Moral  iniliionccs,  therefore,  tended 
to  make  the  inc  inivi  s  .1,  maniifactniT,  resiillinc; 
from  llie  action  o.'  tin.'  (.'n  v-ernment  al  Iheir  cnm- 
liieiicement,  more  I'oicnl  i  1  'Virijiniii  and  the  South 
f;enen\lly  than  in  New  Knijrland.  Yet,  notw^ith- 
standini.',  in  the  lalter  manufaetnres  were  speedily 
estalilished  and  };rew  apace,  while  in  the  former 
they  nilvaiiced  nni  al  all,  if  they  did  not  positively 
decline.  And  now  the  re.sull  relatively  is,  that , 
near  tliiee-fourlhs  of  tlic  capital  and  lahor  em-: 
ployed  in  the  production  of  iimiiul'actuies  in  llie,, 


Union,  are  to  he  found  in  the  Siaies  niuili  nf  the 
I'lilDiime.  Now,  Mr.  Chnirnian,  fir  these  sir  iking 
facts,  so  clearly  imlieii(i\e  of  the  e.irlier  c-ifaliliMh- 
mem  and  niiire  siieeesKfiil  pioMeciition  of  maniilae,- 
tures  III  the  .\nrlli  'han  in  the  South,  evenauMinxt 
stroll'^  mural  inniieii.-es,  there  must  have  lieen  tren- 
eral  and  perMiilni'.r  causes.  There  initst  Imve 
lieen  (leciHive  advantages  for  Hiich  prnductions  in 
the  one  scctioii  over  he  other.  .\nd  what,  Hir, 
wen   they.' 

I  know, sir,  it  has  heen  hut  too  eommoii  toascrilie 
them  to  alleL'ed  su|ieriority  on  tli(>  part  of  tin  pi  opie 
of  the  .Nnrih  ill  industry,  enterprise,  and  enonomy. 
The  siipposiiiim  has  lieen  loo  tl.itleriii!;  I'l  llie  pride 
of  llie  North  not  to  receive  ready  aeceptati  >n  lliere; 
while,  at  the  South,  casual  ohservalion  of  ihe  su- 
perior liiisile  ami  (iniward  manifesiuions  of  indus- 
try incidenl  to  eriiwde(l  marls,  and  the  pnrsiiits 
llial  collect  nun  lii:;eilier,  over  the  avocations  of 
av'riciiltnre  and  the  (piiel  of  ihe  fndds,  has  ;iven 
some  plausihility  to  the  idea.  So  far  as  the  purposes 
of  the  view  1  am  now  preseiitiiiLr  are  concerned,  it 
would  mailer  liille  whether  the  (lisadvanlaces  of 
the  South  for  manufactures  were  (o  he  fntind  in 
such  allcL^ed  characlerii-tics  ot'  her  people,  rather 
ilian  in  the  circnnistanccs  of  their  situation',  for 
they  would  still  he  s^eneral  and  aliidin;:.  ll  were 
as  vain  to  expeet  "  the  Klhiopian  to  1  han'.;e  his 
skin  or  Ihe  leepard  his  spins,"  as  thai  the  attri- 
hiiies  of  a  people,  win  i  lier  fov  iinhilence  or  iiidu.s- 
try,  niav  he  cliiini^ed,  s.ive  in  liiim  tracts  nf  time, 

and  under  causes  of  striii'^enl  in ssity,    Tlieirav- 

etyofthe  h'rench,  Ihe  pride  of  the  S|ianiaril,  liie 
phlcL'ni  of  Ihe  ( iermaii,  and  the  iu'lnlencc  ,.f  the 
Italian,  all  exisl  now,  notwiilisiaiidin','  the  niut.i- 
tions  ()('  lime  and  events,  as  ihey  did  centnrii^s  a^'o: 
and  iierhaps  few  thing's  in  the  world  are  more  in- 
eradicahle  and  alndinir  'Inn  ihe  ciiaracteristii's  of 
people  and  races.  P»iit,  sir,  I  lielie\e  the  supposi- 
tion wholly  iinl'oimiled,  and  a  liliel  on  the  people  of 
the  .Soiiih.  A  slave  popnlaiioii,  ihe  eommaiid  of 
more  domestics,  and  a'.ri'i''uliur'il  pursiiils,  all'ord 
them  more  f.iciliiics  for  liheral  hospitality  mel  so- 
cial enjoyments;  lint  their  iiiiliil'ren''es  are  neiiher 
more  niimeioiis  nor  more  wasiel'iil  of  time  than 
those  of  the  Norlh.  Speakim:  particularly  of  iny 
own  .State,  I  lielieve  its  people  are  as  indiistriniis 
and  prudent — as  spirited,  enlerprisimr,  and  ener 
luetic,  as  any  ill  the  Noriii.  I  say  this  deliheralely, 
(in  full  eoiiviciion,  afler  mil  n  lilile  travel  and  oh- 
servatinii  in  holh  sections.  Their  lines  of  pursuit 
are  variant,  and  conseipiently  their  maiiiteslalions 
of  cnerL^y  dill'er;  hut  comfiare  them  wherever  they 
meet  in  a  common  field  ot'eli'ori.  and  Vir^ini.i  may 
pride  herself  in  the  result.  1, 00k  (o  your  navy  and 
voiir  army,  where  yoiinu^  men  selected  from  every 
Slate  meet  in  fiir  eompelition  for  distiin'tion  and 
irlorv.  Viririniaus  have  certainly  not  heen  ex- 
celled. In  the  civil  service  of  the  enuntrv,open  to 
the  eipia!  aspirations  of  ail,  whether  in  diplomacv, 
in  le','islalion,  or  the  statesmanship  rennired  to 
trniile  tin;  coimeils  and  wield  the  powers  of  the 
Union,  my  native  Stale  wilt  hoast  for  her  sons  no 
preeminence,  lint  may  certainly  claim,  in  the  his- 
torv  of'ihe  past,  al  least  enualily  of  honorand  iise- 
fiiliiess.  C'onsiiler,  loo,  her  proud  title  as  the  molhfr 
nf  Shttfs.  In  the  enterprises  of  eiui',':raiion,  reipii- 
rinir  such  Iar'j:e  s'lcrilici^s  ol'comf  irt  and  ease,  and 
the  encoiinler  with  hardsliips  in  every  I'orni,  and  so 
indicative  of  energy  and  perseverance,  her  people 
have  ever  heen  promineiil;  and  1  ajipe.il  with  ron- 
fidence  to  the  llepresi'iitalivcs  of  all  those  sections, 
whether  nf  the  South  or  Northwest,  wherever  her 
emii;rants  have  pitched  their  tents,  cither  in  the 
wilderness  or  amid  the  marls  of  linsiiiess,  and  en- 
tered, amid  a  stram^e  people,  in  fair  slriiL'i;le  with 
those  from  all  other  sections,  ('or  fortune  and  honor, 
if  (hey  h.ive  not  heen  fiiniid,  in  the  intelligence, 
industry,  and  steadliist  ell'iirl  which  insure  snccess, 
equal  to  any,  and  surpassed  liy  nnne.  Such,  in 
my  jouriieyin'.j,  I  am  pi'iiud  (o  say,  I  have  ever 
found  (he  case.  In  fict,  sir,  in  (he  rapid  suhjiiira- 
(ion  to  cnlliire  of  the  immense  wastes  of  the  West 
and  Soiilhwest,  and  their  vast  increase  in  wealth, 
in  production,  and  In  jinpulatiou,  may  he  found 
ihe  results  nf  (he  industry  and  enterprise  of  the 
peoplenf  Viririnia,  and  the  other  southern  .Atlantic 
Stales,  directed  in  their  natural  lilies  and  exhihiled 
in  their  appi'opriate  manil'esialions.  The  pursuits 
of  their  people  are,  and  ('or  a  lomr  I'litiire  must  he, 
plantini;and  a'.,'rieullural;  and  for  evidences  of  their  , 
industry,  you  must  look  lo  lite  staple  products  of 


these  hranchfR.  Hfif,  "ir,  (Ivfl  matinticH  of  ihe 
''oiintry  show  a  reverse  of  (he  !iic(ure  to  that  pre- 
Menfcil  hy  comparison  of  maimrt<cii4n'H,  and  (he  111- 
erease  nf  ihc  Hniilh  has  hi  en  mo.Hi  H(rikiii!;  anil 
t;ni(ifyini;.  I  will  iint  weary  with  details,  hut  tlin 
'/real  miulhern  staple  nl'cnttnii,  raised  to  siieli  ex- 
tent hy  the  iiidnslry  and  ea|iilal  drawn  from  my 
own  Slate,  has  swollen  more  in  amoiml  of  prii- 
diii  lion  and  value,  pnliiical  and  pecuniary,  to  tlin 
nation,  tha  \  perhaps  any  other  product  of  (ho 
Iliihili.  T!  at  Vir!,'inm  has  declined — no,  sir,  .Vif 
lini  nnl  ilt'lninl,  liiit  that  she  has  not  advanced  im 
rapidly  in  wealth  and  popukilinn  as  (he  norlherii 
Slates — is  (00  eisily  accounted  I'or  lo  warrant  iiii- 
piitations  of  slii'li  or  proliisimi  to  her  people.  Ill 
the  ''real  field  of  indiistry,  le^'ricultiire,  to  which 
iialiire  and  cireiiinstnnces  liiue  limileil  her,  slie  has 
heen  hroii^hl  in  direct  eompcliiion  with  the  rapidly 
drveloped  resonrees  nf  the  virgin  lands  of  llin 
South  and  West,  while  to  the  imlnstrial  pursuim 
of  (III!  .North,  commerce  and  inemifactiires,  aided, 
too,  as  the  last  have  heen  hy  partial  leirislalion, 
ihese  very  resoiircis,  in  their  trrowtli  and  yield, 
have  imparted  aliment  ami  stimnlam.  That  under 
such  circnmstances  the  S'lnihern  Atlantic  StalcM 
should  have  iniiin/Hiiiii/  Ihe'ir  turn,  instead  of  lieina; 
matter  of  Imint  or  injiiriiiufl  relhele'ii,  is  the  he.'<l 
piissilile  proof  of  the  iiulustriiius  atlrihules  nf  their 
people. 

(iiher  morn  satisfactory  causes  for  Ihe  i;re«tcr 
advance  imiformlv  made  in  the  eslahlishmenl  and 
rrowtli  of  manufactures  in  the  Noiih,  inusl  then 
exist.  .Many  snhsiiliary  ones,  of  latent  operation, 
nivliine  willnol  allow  me  to  develop;  lint  the  lead- 
im:  ones,  1  venture  to  (hmk,  Mr.  <'hairnian,  arc 
of  easy  deleclion  and  eX|ilaiialion.  1  will  liriedy 
stale  till  m. 

In  the  first  idai  e,  owin'.:  lo  the  more  steril  soil 
anil  hleaker  clime  of  the  .North,  its  people  never 
had  as  slion':  indiieenients  or  as  ■;reat  addiction  lo 
the  piirsnits  of  auriciilliire  as  prevailed  under  lliB 
more  e;|.nial  sun  an  1  amid  the  ;;reatcr  feeiiiidily  of 
the  Sooth.  Krom  the  L'leati  r  length  nnil  severity 
nf  their  winlers,iilari;er  |  iniiortion  of  the  year  had 
necessarily  to  he  friveii  lo  .alier  iivocatioiis  and  in- 
door emplovmenls.  Thes.-  caii.ses  operaled  ho(h 
miirallv  and  (ihysieally  lo  wean  from  iiistic,  eni- 
plovmenlsand  to  divert  to  varii  d  pursuits  of  more 
lirofit  lo  them  and  of  more  (■oiistanl  employiiienl. 
Tin  ir  ell'ects  were  from  tln^  earliest  periods  of 
nonhern  selllemcnt  seen  in  the  withdrawal  of  her 
,iiii|ile  f'rom  the  land  to  the  sea — to  commerce,  nav- 
iL'alion,  ami  ihe  lisheries;  and  snlise.-|nenlly,  as  (he 
advance  of  (he  country  cre.iteil  a  demand,  to  works 
of  haiidicriftaml  of  n'lannl'aclure.  Here  isatrreat 
natural  cause,  to  some  exnnl,  always  operative; 
hut  of  course  more  and  more  inllueniial,  as  under 
(he  proleelive  svslem  .-Uron^rer  inducements  were 
lo  time  "iven  lo  ii'.anul'acturing  indus- 


(rom  lime 
irv. 

Cooperuin;;  will)  (Ins  as  n  peeond  jreal  cause, 
may  he  mentioned  (he  dill'erence  helween  the  lahor- 
\\\'X  classes  of  the  North  and  South;  the  former 
live  and  whin — the  latter  hlaek  and  slaves.  Now. 
Mr.  (,'liairnian,  1  neither  helieve  nor  admit  the 
slavery  of  the  South  to  he  a  i^rcal  evil,  moral  ami 
social.  The  compensations,  whii'li,  thrnimh  the. 
Iieniu'liiiy  of  rr.ividence,  leniper  Ihe  operation  of 
all  general  laws,  moral  or  physical,  and  liir  inoro 
erpiTlidily  than  is  !;enerally  lielieved,  set  otf  the 
rcl.ilive  iidvanlaL'cs  and  disadvanlaires  of  did'erent 
sociilies  and  individuals,  have,  in  relaliiiii  lo  this 
institniion  of  slavery,  sIrikiiiL' display. 

To  the  hiack  race,  1  have  no  ipiesdon,  (ho  con- 
dition of  dnnieslic.  slavery,  as  it  exists  with  ns  in 
the  Sonth,  is  the  best  ihev  call  hold,  and  nH'ords 
more  eomt'orl  for  the  present,  and  prospect  of 
improveineiil  and  advance  in  the  fulnre,  (halt  are 
enjoyed  hy  any  of  their  color  or  stafo  of  eivilizn- 
tioiiin  the  world.  It  was  a  frcfpieiU  remark  of 
.John  l{anilol|ili,  and  it  is  emplmiically  true,  llint 
they  consume  a  larirer  prn|iortion  of  the  profits  of 
their  lahm-  than  any  workiie,'  class  on  earth.  In 
the  iiilliience  of  the  "institution  on  the  politics,  (he 
mnrali(v,  the  social  relations,  and  the  manners  of 
the  whites  of  the  South,  1  am  imdined  to  helicvo 
il  hl^'hly  henefieial.  We  are  exempted  bv  it, 
ton,  from  the  awful  risks  which  are  to  nllemf  the 
solution  of  the  'jreal  problem  of  modern  eiviliza- 
tlnn — so  formidable  to  all  ijovernments,  bul  espe- 
cially republican — how  the  sharp  compclilior.  and 
^riniUii'.;  sui'",-!c  between  capital  luid  labor  are  to 


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23  V<tiT  MAIN  STREET 
WEBSTSH.N.Y.  1458) 

(710)  87-.M'..13 


742 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  29, 


29th  Como 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff—Mr.  S^don. 


Ho.  OP  Refs. 


end.     But  that  llierp  arc  ernnomiciil  ills  incident  to  | 
HJBTcry,  few  will  deny.    That  the  rcaullnnt  from 
ihe  labor  of  tha  free  as  compared  with  the  slnve,  | 
even  of  tlic  mme  mcc,  will  be  a  larger  a/tyrc^alc  of  j 
value, cainiot  be  doubted,  when  the  cu|)i'rior  iucen-  j 
lives  of  llic  former  ure  considered.    The  disparity 
must  be  enhanced  when  the  nlavc  is  of  a  more  do   [ 
itjraded  race,  endowed  with  less  rapacity,  and  of  | 
inferior  fikill.     We  majr  therefore  anfily  roncjiulc  ' 
the  labor  of  the  free  white  man  of  the  IVorlh  to  bo   ; 
more  productive  than  that  of  the  black  slave  of  the   I 
South.     As,  too,  the  white  lalmrcr  has  slron'^er  [ 
inducements  to  save,  and  is  endowed  with  more   ! 
foresight  oiid  sagacity, tlicre  will  be  morerrugalily   I 
and  less  waste  in  reference  to  his  products.     'I'lie  ! 
slaves  of  the  Goulli,  toy,  interpose  most  serious  oli-   j 
sUicles  to  diversifying  jnirsuils  and  withdrawing  i 
labor  from  ngriculiure.     Tor  most  higher  branches   ' 
of  industry  'liey  are  unfit,  from  deficiency  of  inlH-  ' 
ligence.    "I'hcir  owner,  too,  has  always  on  him  the 
burilen  of  maintaining  and  providing  for  them — the 
superannuated,  the  youni;,  the  feeble,  and  the  sick,   ; 
as  well  as  the  benlihyand  the  able-bodied;  and 
this  obligation  can  manifestly  be  most  readily  and    • 
cheaply  redeemed  upon  a  farm,  wliere  hal)iliillons   I 
cost  nothing,  ami  the  .iponluneous  growth  and  in- 
cidental products  largely  contrilnile  to  subsistence. 
The  employments,  loo,  in  which  slaves  can  be   ■ 
profitable,  must  be  permanent  in  the  aninunt  of  ; 
IabordemBnded,and  not,  as  in  very  many  brandus 
of  manufactures,  nquiring  at  particular  times  and    ' 
seasons  great  accessions  of  force;  tor,  if  owned, 
they  must  of  course  be  kept  always  engagcil ;  and 
if  hired,  they  cannot  lie  commanded  in  large  num-   , 
bera,  except  for  long  periods.     Indeed^  sir,  I  be-  : 
lievc  the  histo.y  of  the  world  will  show  that,  wiili 
a  large  slave  popidation,  it  is  inevitiible  that  a^ri-   j 
culture  should  be  the  main  occnpalion  of  the  people. 
Now,  sir,  the  advantages  adorded  by  the  while 
labor  of  the  North  in  ihe  conduct  of  niarmlacliMes   j 
must  be  manifest.     They  are  belter  suiiid  lor  vari-  j 
ed  pursuits  and  ready  division  of  labor.   They  have   j 
fhr  more  intelligence  anil   aptitude  to  acquire  ihe 
information  and  skill  indispensable  to  all  hiii'ier   I 
Immches  of  manufactures.     They  may  be  readily 
allured  by  the  prospect  of  employineiii  in  dilfiiTiit   \ 
directions,  and  cominandeil  in  the  number  and  at  | 
the  times  required.  Their  labor  is  more  prodnciive, 
and  consequently  cheaper,  and  less  ol'  their  !rain.< 
arc  consumed  or  wasted.     l!ut  it  may  be  asked,   , 
why  while  labor  of  a  similar  kind  may  noi  be  em-   - 
ployed  at  the  South  equally  as  at  the  Nonh.     .Sir, 
the  slave  population,  to  a  great  extent,  exclode.i  the 
class  which   furnishes  such   labor,   and,   excrpi 
perhaps  in  a  few  towns  of  the  Souih,  it  cannot  lie 
commanded  at  all  in  any  amount.     V.\vi\  where 
it  may  be  had,  both   from  the  liiniled  supply  and 
the  prejudice  in  a  slave  coniilry  lo  such  iiireling 
employments,  wa!:l^s  must  be,  iind,  as  ex|ieiieiice 
has  shown,  arc  always  liiirher  ihan  at  the  N.irlh. 
In  view,  therefore,  ijoili  of  facilities  for  nianiirac- 
turc  and  cajiaciiy  for  cheap  production,  a  perma- 
nent  HUperiority  n  suits  to   the    Norlh    from    the  i 
nature  of  its  laboring  classes. 

A  third  most  important  ad  vantage,  Mr.  riiairman, 
was  pos.sessed  by  the  North,  in  the  much  lamer 
amount  of  its  Poaling  or  persmial  ca|iilal,  which, 
embarked  in  commen'ial  or  oiher  specnlaii'  e  piii- 
snils,  could  be  more  easily  diverled,  and  dircTlcd, 
when  inducemenis  presented,  to  the  prndiiciion  of 
manufaclures.  The  capital  of  the  .Soulli  was 
mainly  invesied  in  lands  and  slaves,  wlmh  are  at 
all  times  proverbially  ditlicnlt  of  conversion,  but 
which,  if  thrown,  to  a  great  extern,  at  any  one 
time,  under  a  common  inducement  In  embark  in 
other  pursuits,  ii|Mni  the  market,  nailil  iim  be  nal- 
ized  at  all,  or  only  at  ruiniius  sacrifices.  The  case 
was  widely  diircrent  at  the  Nnrlli.  Persniial  cap- 
ital might  easily  be  commanded,  niitrht  be  drawn 
from  trade  or  commerce,  and  ilirecled  whilherso- 
evcr  :hc  prospect  of  profit  tempted.  In  aid  of  this 
advantage,  too,  the  North  has  always  been  ilie 
seat  of  the  national  and  oilier  more  important 
banks  of  the  country  and  the  poiiiis  where  the  rev- 
enues of  the  Government  were  coll,  cted,  and  made 
the  basis  of  extended  issues  and  enlnrued  credits. 
It  enjoyed,  therel'ore,  much  more  available  capital, 
ond  had,  besides,  the  most  important  aids  in  the 
facility  of  obtaining  loans  and  dealing  on  credit. 
The  extent  of  this  advantage  may  be  difficult  of 
appreciation, but  woiM  alone  havo'been  decisive. 

A  fourth  important  advantage  cf  llic  Nonh  may 


be  found  in  its  vicinity  to  the  leading  tnarkets  of 
the  country,  and    the  consequent   facility   with 
which  its  manufactured  products  could  be  thrown 
in  the  cut  channels  of  general  supply,  and  substi- 
tuted to  ftrreign  products,  as  they  were  excluded  , 
by  high   duties  or  otlierwi.se.     The  coinmercial  j 
cities  of  the  North  ha\  e  very  long  been  the  sources  | 
whence  the  .supplies  of  manufactures,  us  of  almost  j 
all  other  goods,  were  obtained  for  all  sections  of  I 
the  Union.     To  them,  retailing  inerchanis  from  idl  ; 
(junrters  of  the  country  ri'sorted  for  their  assort-  ' 
nients.     Facilities  of  access  ond  Inuisport  to  them  ! 
were  much  greater  at  the  North  than  from  the 
moredistant South;  consequently,  whenever, either 
from  the  natural  wants  of  the  Union  or  ihe  shut- 
ting out  of  foreign  imports,  demand  exisied  there  ■ 
for  manufactured  products,  ihey  would  be,  from 
the  first,  most  cheaply  and  natundly  snpiilicd  from 
the  adjoining    Stales.     When    Ihe    ditjiculty   of ; 
diverting  established  channels  of  trade   and    the 
importance  of  fiilling  in  with  them  are  considered,  , 
this  advaulagc  will  readily  be  rccogni.sed  as  of  no 
slight  moment.  ' 

A  fifth  cause,  kindred  in  its  nature  to  the  last, 
may  be  found  in  the  fact  that  the  denser  popula-  \ 
lion  of  the  North  always  all'orded  more  exleiisive 
demand  and  coiisumpliuu  in  tlio.se  regions  anmnil 
manufacturiii!;  eslablislmienls, 'which  would  natu- 
rally seek  them  for  supplies,  and  at  the  same  time  : 
coiiperaling  willi  the  comnierci.il  and  Imding  pur- 
siiils  of  the  people  and  their  speculative  tendencies, 
induced  the  earlier  opening,  by  railroads  and 
canals,  of  avenues  of  access  to  disiaiit  seclions,  the 
niarkels  of  which  mi;;ht  be  engrossed.  A  firmer 
basis  of  support  at  home  was  thus  secured  in  the 
first  instance,  and,  ill  addition,  the  sphere  of  ex- 
lended  operalions  was  conslantly  enlarginj.  To 
llu  SI!  resiilis  Ihe  larger  capital,  the  diversified  pur- 
suits, and  the  greater  amount  of  travel  and  supe- 
rior importance  of  despatch  in  conimunicatioii 
incident  to  a  coinmercial  people,  lar:;ely  contrib- 
uted. Their  existence  cannot  be  f|uestioned;  nor  i 
can  their  elVcciive  inllucnces  in  giving  to  the  North  ' 
greater  licilitics  fur  I'le  establishment  of  manufac- 
tures iiiid  the  supply  of  general  consumption,  be 
well  overrated. 

All  these  ailvanlasres,  to  which  not  a  few  more 
might  be  lidded,  if  time  allowed,  haveexL-iled  from 
a  very  early  period  in  favor  of  the  Xorili  over  the 
South,  ill  respect  to  manufaclures,  and  still  exist, 
•Mr.  Chairman,  ill  even  more  than  original  potency. 
The  stimuianis  which  have  been  almost  constantly,  | 
for  thirty  years,  ap,  '  d  by  partial  legislation,  have  | 
acceleraied  their  development  and  confirmed  their 
conlrolling  power.  Kroni  their  own  nature,  too, 
they  have  grown  and  streiigiliened  by  exercise  and 
display.  I'opulation  has  become,  in  points  fiivor- 
iible  lo  manufactures,  denser;  labor,  in  larger  sup- 
ply and  of  more  competence  and  skill,  is  more 
cheaply  furnished;  capiuil  has  accuiiiulaled,  at  a 
conslaiilly  .acceleraliiig  rate,  and  been  largely 
.added  to  by  the  extortions  made  by  the  protective 
system  on  every  other  section.  The  nianul'acturing 
esiabtishini-iils  have  bi-rmne  more  sUible,  and  sup- 
plied with  more  abundant  resources,  and  bctler 
prepared  to  sustain  compclition  and  reverses.  In 
view  of  lluse  thinirs,  may  not  the  protecii\e  sys- 
lein  be  well  characiiTizeil  as  "adding  unio  ibose 
who  already  have,  and  taking  from  those  who  have 
not  even  thai  which  lliey  have." 

When  all  the  advantages  I  have  referred  to,  Mr. 
Chairman,  are  fairly  considered  and  eslimaled,  I 
appeal  lo  the  candid  todeierinine  whether  Ihe  pros- 
pect held  out  lo  the  South  of  successlYil  competition 
with  the  North,  in  ihc  supply  of  nianufailures  for 
the  general  consuniplioii  of  the  country,  be  not  a 
mockery  and  delusion.  The  South  would  be  in- 
fiiluiileil  indeed  to  be  so  reconciled  lo  the  inequalities 
and  oppressions  of  the  protective  system.  >Sir, 
adviiiilages  for  the  produciioii  of  manufactures, 
kindred  in  nature,  and  probably  not  less  decided 
than  lliose  which  are  enjoyed  by  Hid  England  over 
New  Knirland,  are  enjnved  by  the  latter  and  the 
.\orlh  generally  over  tfie  South.  More  accumu- 
laied  capital,  lonsjer  experience,  greater  skill,  more 
prodiielive  and  cheaper  labcn, established  factories, 
mill  channels  of  trade  already  cut — all  exist  rela- 
tively between  the  iVorlh  and  the  Sonili,  if  not  as 
fullv,  yet  with  as  controlling  influences,  as  between 
ihe  North  and  the  European  nations.  If  the  North  re- 
quired and  still  dcnmnij  protection  against  the  latter 
fur  the  establishment  and  growth  of  manufactures 


among  them,  reason  to  the  ftill  as  stronf  will  de- 
mand equal  encouragement  and  protection  in  our 
behalf  against  the  North  before  manufactures  can 
exist  and  flourish  vigorously  with  us.  Ihit  the 
uniformity  required  by  the  Constitution  in  its  im- 
(losts  among  the  Stales,  and  the  perfect  freetlom  of 
trade  so  happily  guarantied  and  enjoyed  among 
them,  (and  it  is  astonishing  how,  in  such  connexion, 
the  benefits  of  equal  justice  and  free  trade  are  ap- 
preciated and  lauded  by  the  most  clamorous  pro- 
tectioni8ts,)are  generally  believed  lo  prohibit  legis- 
lation on  Ihe  part  of  any  of  the  Siale.s  designed  ti> 
exclude  from  the  South  the  mnmifactures  of  any 
other  section,  or  lo  make  any  distinction  between 
those  of  the  two  sections  in  favor  of  the  weoker. 
Nor,  unless  ground  down  by  the  oppressions  of  the 
prolectivc  system,  until  relaliiition  and  defence  be- 
come, on  the  part  of  the  South,  works  of  necessity 
aiid8eir-prrservation,do  I  think  .such  forced  diver- 
sion of  soulheni  labor  and  capital  from  in  natural 
channels,  even  if  ronslilnlional,  would  be  wise  or 
profitable.  Lid  the  North  enjoy  its  nalunil  advan- 
tages, and  even  those  in  addition  which  oppressive 
sectional  legislation  has  so  far  extorted  from  us, 
and  may  God  speed  and  prosper  it,  provided  only 
the  leech  will  now  loose  its  hold,  and  not  drain  us 
to  further  exhaustion. 

But  now,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  view  of  all  that  I 
have  said,  I  would  ask  men  of  capilal  and  enter- 
prise in  the  South, ami  especially  in  my  own  Slate, 
if  it  be  wi.sc  or  prudent  in  theni  to  embark  in  maii- 
ufivctiiring,  iri/ft  «  vific  (o  Ihe  supply  cf  the  gfiifidf 
coinuiin/ilioit  of  Ihe  ciiuulnj.  In  some  few  articles, 
and  to  a  limited  extent  in  others,  as  t  shall  pres- 
ently endeavor  to  show,  they  may  profitably  en- 
gage: but  beyond  I  would  warn  and  entreat  tlien» 
not  to  venture.  Sir,  the  line  of  argument  I  have 
adopted  was,  U)  some  extent,  induced  by  a  desire 
10  meet  and  refute  the  idle  imputations  in  constant 
vogue  about  the  sloth  and  improvidence  of  the 
South.  Bill,  sir,  high  consiileratious  of  duty 
have  constrained  me  lo  do  much  more.  Though 
the  office  was  on  ungracious  one,  and  to  some,  wlir 
may  not  appreciate  my  motives,  may  prove  olfeii- 
sive;  and  thonsh  in  its  distdiarge  I  have  been  com- 
pelled to  exhibit  facts  neither  palatable  to  my  own 
Suite  pride  nor  to  the  feelings  of  my  conslit'uents, 
as  a  sentinel  on  the  walch-lower,  I  have  fell  bound, 
by  the  stron»est  coiiviciions  of  duly,  to  admonish 
and  guard  my  fellow-cilizens  of  the  South  iVom  en- 
terprises of  inutility  and  ruinous  linziird.  Of  late, 
sir,  it  has  been  the  fashion  with  many,  and  the 
earnest  elfortof  an  influential  political  [mrty  in  the 
South,  to  decry  its  natural  pursuits  and  the  real 
industry  of  its  people,  and  to  recommend,  as  wise 
and  polilic,  diversion  of  labor  and  capilal  from  ag- 
riculture 10  manufactiiie.  To  some  extent  the  in- 
fluence has  prevailed,  and,  under  the  extraordinary 
incenlives  of  the  tarilf  of  1H4-',  some  of  the  most 
enterprising  of  our  citizens  have  embarkeil  their 
fortunes  in  the  perilous  experiment,  while  still 
more  may  be  coniemplaiiiig  a  like  step.  Let  them 
pause  anil  reflect  will  before  their  coiir.se  be  deter- 
mined. I  would  advi.sc  them,  above  all,  not  to  bo 
deluded  by  the  fleeting  profits  which  may  have 
altended  similar  enlerprises  under  llie  innnediale 
eflects  of  the  liiirh  prolcclion  aHiirded  by  the  tarilV 
of  Icl'j.  Winn  high  proieciion  is  al  first  alliu-dcd, 
and  liireiErii  imports  largely  excluded  or  ixlrava- 
faiitly  raised  in  price,  to  supply  the  deficiency  or 
meet  the  ilcmand  at  exoriiilant  prices  aflbrds  a  fiiir 
field  of  profit  to  adventurers  from  all  scrtions.  Such 
large  profits  ore  realized,  that  establishments  even 
in  the  least  favorable  situations,  and  under  the 
greatest  disadvantages,  may  flourish  and  divide 
larae  receipis,  though  of  course  to  less  exieiit  than 
oihers  more  forUmaiely  eslablished.  I'ndcr  lliese 
'iicnmstances,  while  the  manufacturers  of  the 
North  may  divide  twenty,  thirty,  or  forty  per  cent, 
profit,  the  less-favored  adveiiluria'S  of  the  South 
may  realize  some  ten,  fifteen,  or  even  twenty  per 
cent.,  trains.  Uiit,  sir,  their  summer  is  briel,  and 
then  must  come  a  nipping  frost.  SVhellier  ihe  uuilf 
be  maintained  or  repealed,  the  time  of  ,vien  com- 
petition with  the  prodnclion  of  the  North  or  the 
foreign  production,  or  both  combined,  must  come. 
As  I  have  lierelofoie  shown,  the  domestic  alone, 
over-stlmiilaleil,  will  inevitably  glut  the  market, 
and  the  keen  struggle,  first  for  reasonable  profit, 
then  for  mere  exislence,  will  ensue. 

.Sir,  the  field  will  be  engrossed  by  the  most  favor- 
ed; the  decisive  advaiilugcs  enjoyed  by  the  North 


1646.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSION  .L  GLOBE. 


743 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


'i%e  Tariff— Mr.  Seddon. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


must  prevail;  larger  capital,  greater  cheapness  of 
pruduction,  more  extended  trade,  and  tlie  longer 
growth  of  these  establishmenta  ni  the  North,  will 
put  il ''"n  tlic  feebler  factories  of  the  South,  and 
pr.iripiuitfi  the  projectors  to  ruin.  We  are  not 
w  ulicut  warnings  from  the  past  of  similar  cotns- 
tr  pliies.  In  travelling  in  my  own  State,  I  have 
not  unfrequently  found  in  some  remote  valley  by 
some  scqueplered  stream,  a  deserted  and  dilapida- 
ted building, which  was  known  as  "the  factory." 
On  inquiring,  1  have  learned  that  it  was  establish- 
ed under  llie  protection  of  the  war,  or  the  early 
turill'of  J818,  and  for  a  while  (lourishcd  prosper- 
ously. But  it  had  soon  gone  down,  notwithstand- 
ing the  projector,  as  his  enterprise  nianifestea  was 
among  the  must  industrious  and  energetic  o  '  his 
vicinity,  and  he  was  fortunate  indeed  if  hn  for- 
tunes had  not  been  bankrupted  with  it.  I .  stood 
a  monument  to  warn  against  like  folly  ip  the  fu- 
ture. So,  sir,  in  lti24,  Mr.  Clay  percei  iring,  as 
the  gentleman  from  iVliwsachusctts,  [Mr.  Win- 
Tiiiuip]  now,  indications  of  manufacturing'  enter- 
prises in  my  own  State,  expressed  his  c  {uliant 
conviction  that  Virginia  would  he  the  next  Slate 
to  wheel  hito  line,  and  hilrh  herself  to  the  car  nf 
protection.  All  llie  stimulants  of  the  tarifl'of  that 
year,  and  of  the  bill  of  abominations  of  1828, 
could  not  long  save  such  efforts  from  the  naliiral 
file  of  their  feebler  position,  and  the  inevitable  dis 
advantages  to  which  they  were  subjected.  They, 
too,  1  believe,  with  scarce  an  exception,  likewise 
fell  a  speedy  sacrifice,  involving  loss  for  the  time, 
but  admonition  for  the  future.  After  the  tariff  of 
183S,  and  within  my  own  recollection,  similar 
ex|)erinients  were  renealed;  but  how  few  survived 
the  gluts  and  revulsions  of  1837  and  1839!  The 
tariff  of  1843  has  presented  again  enticements 
too  strong  to  be  by  all  re<>isted,  and  once  more  to 
some  slight  extent,  its  fair  seeming  of  profit  has 
veiled  from  the  unwary  the  rocks  in  lulvance, 
which  have  made  shipwreck  of  the  fortunes  of 
many.  1  trust  greater  prudence  and  wisdom  may 
with  all  such  avert  the  calamities  of  the  past. 
IJut,  sir,  my  conviction  is,  their  establishments 
are  based  on  unstable  foundations,  which,  sand  by 
sand,  will  be  worn  away  by  the  ft-iction  of  compe- 
tition, growing  every  day  more  shorp,  until,  if 
timely  refuge  lie  not  found,  by  their  downfall  they 
will  involve  in  common  niin  all  concerned. 

I  have  said,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  some  few  kinds 
of  ni.uuifacturescinslitulcd  exceptions  to  the  gen- 
eral ciinsidcrntiuns  1  have  been  urging,  and  from 
peculiar  causes  may  be  successfully  prosecuted  in 
the  South.  Among  these,  I  have  no  doubt,  supe- 
rior facilities  in  obtaining  the  raw  material  and  the 
adaptation  of  our  slave  labor  to  employment  in  it, 
place  the  manufacture  of  tobacco.  Similar  advan- 
tjiges,  coming  in  aid  of  the  fact  that  machinery  is 
the  chief  agentof  production,  and  that  even  where 
slaves  cannot  be  employed,  the  labor  required  is, 
for  the  most  part,  that  of  children  and  females,  other- 
wise almost  wholly  lost,  may  likewise  include  the 
manufactures  of  coarse  cottons  in  the  exception. 
So,  likewise,  of  the  manufacture  of  nails,  which 
arc  made  mainly  by  machinery;  and,  perliaps, 
also  of  inm  in  favored  situations,  w'  ere  fuel  and 
orealxmnd.  There  may  be  other  exi  ptions  which 
my  limited  knowledge  of  the  elements  essential  to 
their  jiroduction  will  not  allow  me  to  determine; 
but  il  so,  I  trust  the  general  principles  I  have 
endeavored  to  elucidate  will  enable  any  possessed 
of  >nre  practical  knowledge  readily  to  decide  in 
each  case,  lieyond  these  exceptions,  I  think  it 
the  part  of  wisdom  to  forbear  competition  with  the 
North,  and  not  to  es.say  the  supply  of  the  general 
coiiHumption  of  the  country.  To  a  limited  extent, 
however,  manufactures  of  all  kinds  may  be  pros- 
perously conducted  in  (uir  southern  cities.  Around 
each  there  is  always  a  district,  more  or  less  ex- 
tensive, which  trades  with  and  obtains  supplies 
fnmi  it.  This  constitutes  to  such  city  a  home 
market,  in  which,  from  vicinity,  habits  of  trade, 
and  facilities  of  access,  it  must  enjoy  decided  ad- 
vantages over  more  distant  mans;  and  to  the 
extent  of  the  wants  of  such  neighboring  region, 
its  supplies  will  be  preferred,  and  il  may  prof- 
itably embark  in  their  production.  The  true  pr,l- 
icy  of  Huch  southern  city  is,  as  far  as  possible,  to 
engross  the  trade  of  sucli  surrounding  areas,  and 
to  enlarge  their  circles  by  improvenuints  for  com- 
munication, and  by  opening  new  avenues  to 
ferlile  disiricU  cut  olFfrom  inarket.    At  llie  same 


lime,  by  all  practicable  means,  they  should  seek  to 
develop  the  resources,  enlarge  the  productions, 
and  enhance  tlie  wealth  of  such  home  districts, 
that  thereby  their  increased  means  of  trade,  more 
numerous  wants,  and  enlarged  capital,  may  reect 
upon  and  advance  in  prosperity  the  cities  with 
which  they  deal.  The  protective  system,  no  far 
from  aiding,  directly  conflicts  with  this  wise  pol- 
icy. The  excessive  stimulants  of  high  duties  in- 
duce, as  we  have  seen,  even  in  the  rnost  fovorcd 
sections,  excess  and  over-production,  and  the  in- 
tense competition  that  follows  forces,  at  the  lowest 
rales  of  profit,  and  often  at  great  sacrifices,  the 
manufactured  products  of  the  North  in  every  direc-  1 1 
tion,  and  to  the  interi.al  markets  of  the  most  dis-  |i 
taut  sections.  They  thus  come  in  direct  conflict  !l 
with  the  courses  of  trade  and  the  accustomed  sup-  j 
plies  of  our  southern  cities  to  their  respective  home 
markets,  and  prostrate  all  who  had  before  pros- 
pered by  engrossing  such  limited  areas.  In  addi- 
tion, as  It  is  manifest  that  such  home  trade  depends 
for  its  extent  and  importance  on  the  means  and  abil- 
ity to  consume  of  the  surrounding  population,  who 
are  almost  invariably  engaged  in  agriculture  or  the 
mechanic  arts,  the  depressed  prices  and  oppressive 
exactions  of  the  protective  system  on  them  must 
react  upon,  and  correspondingly  diminish,  the  trade 
anil  prosperity  of  those  interest's  in  the  cities,  which 
had  thriven  on  their  supply.  The  manufacturers, 
then,  of  the  South,  no  less  than  all  other  portions 
of  its  population,  are  in  interest  directly  opposed 
to  its  establishment  or  continuance.  To  the  South 
and  her  whole  people  it  is  a  system  of  gross  injus- 
tice—of  burdens  and  exactions  unredeemed  even 
by  palliating  alleviations. 

I  have,  Mr.  Chairman,  many  other  views  which 
I  should  be  happy  to  develop  in  exhibition  of  the 
generally  vicious  tendencies  of  the  protective  policy; 
but  my  'ra))idly  waning  time  warns  me  to  forbear. 
I  must  hasten  to  a  conclusion.     The  bill  offered 
by  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  although 
it  does  not  fully  attain,  yet  approximates  as  nearly 
perhaps  as  the  circumstances  of  the  present,  and 
due  regard  to  establislied  interests,  which  1  for  one 
would  never  consent  wantonly  to  overthrow,  will 
allow,  to  that  system  of  comprehensive  justice  and 
wisdom— .of  trade,  as  free  as  is  consistent  with  rev- 
enue duties,  which  we  offer  in  contrast  to  the  re- 
strictions, the  inequalities,  general  and  sectional, 
and  the  oppressions  of  the  |)rotcctivc  system.  Ours 
is  the  system  of  freedom  striking  off  the  trammels 
from  trade  and  commerce,  from  capital  and  labor, 
as  we   have    already   so  gloriously  broken    the 
shackles  of  tyronny  over  the  person  and  privileges 
of  men.     It  approximates  to  the  providential  gov- 
ernment of  God  himself,  who,  though  endowed  \ 
with  omniscience,  essays  not  to  regulate  or  control 
the  industrial  pursuits  of  man;  but  with  only  the 
stern  fiat,  that  oy  the  sweat  of  his  brow  shall  he 
earn  his  bread,  intrusts  him  to  the  incitements  of 
interest  and  his  own  sagacity  for  the  srleclion  of 
his  pursuits  and  the  rewards  of  his  industry.     It 
aims,  too,  at  the  development  of  the  peculiar  re- 
sources and  gifts  with  which  each  people  and  clime 
have  been  endowed   by  Providence,  and  the  free 
interchange  and  communication  of  the  blessings 
of  all  among  the  family  of  man.     It  is  only  the  i 
partial  extension  of  a  system  peculiarly  our  own.  [ 
Disclaiming  reliance  on  the  experiments  of  older  ' 
\'i  nations,  the  gentleman  from  Mass,ichiisetts   has 
H  defied  us  here,  in  this  "  our  Youncr  America,"  to  i 
;   afford  an   illustration  of  the  benificence  of  free- 
|i  trade.     Why,  sir,  its  most  gk    'ous  ilhislrations 
'i  are  everywhere  around  and  aboin  us.     Despite  the  ! 
•■  marring  influences  of  the  |iarlial,  sectional  legisla- 
ii  tion  of  the  protective  system,  to  the  perfect  free-  1 
'i  dom  of  trade  and  exchange  between  the  States  of 
!■  this  Union,  guamnlied  by  our  glorious  Constitu- 
tion, more  than  to  any  oilier  siiiile  cause,  are  to 
I   bo  ascribed   the   wonderful    development  of  the 
|!  resources  and  the  pi-ocress  in  wealth  and  liappi- 
!  ness  of  the  people  of  the  rc^iiective  States  of  our 
I  Union,     Linked  together  by  the  chain  of  mutual 
!  and  reciprocal  benefits,  ihe  States  are  more  sirong- 
I  ly  cemented  and  bound,  each  to  all,  tlirough  ilie 
'  noble  instrumentalilies  of  free-trade,  than  even  liy 
community  of  blood  and  tongue,  and  all  the  noble 
memories  of  the  past  and  proud  ]irnspecls  of  the 
!  future.    The  movement  of  the  age  is  to  freedom 
;  of  trade.     We  have  just  seen  the  recognition  of 
1  its  wisdom  and  the  aifoption  of  its  justice  by  one  ! 
'  of  the  greatest  and  most  sagacious  of  nations.  ' 


The  unwise  restrictions  of  a  ruder  a^e  are  being 
unl(  oscd  from  the  oppressed  and  starving  millions 
of  Europe;  and  with  strong  limbs  and  exultant 
hearts  they  are  tendering  to  their  fellows  the  world 
over  the  privilege  of  reciprocal  exchange  and  mu- 
tual blessing.  Not,  sir,  in  '.he  '*  phrensy  of  phi- 
lanthropy," but  in  the  spirit  at  once  of  sober 
calculation  and  of  enlarged  wisdom,  we  hail  and 
applaud  this  great  movement  of  human  progress. 
It  is  to  be  the  olesscd  instrumentality  of  more  cor- 
dial understanding  and  stable  peace  among  the 
nations  of  the  earth.  Their  rivalry  is  to  be  not 
of  war  and  conquest,  but  in  the  arts  of  peace, 
the  extension  of  trade,  the  exchange  of  their 
respective  gifts.  And  free-trade  will  not  "  have 
accomplished  its  perfect  work,"  tiiilil,  under  the 
guidance  of  a  universally  diffused  commerce,  the 
Baptist  of  modern  times,  "  making  siraight  the 
paths  of  the  Lord,"  the  world  shall  rejoice  in  the 
advent  of  a  holier  civilization  and  a  purer  Chris- 
tianity. 


The  portion  of  Mr 
red  to  is  as  fallows: 


NOTE. 


Rockwell's  speech  refcr- 


"2.  The  next  point  to  which  I  wish  to  call  the 
attention  of  Ihe  committee  is,  that  the  capitalists  of 
the  country  who  have  embarked  in  manufacturing 
have  not  been,  as  a  class,  benefited  by  the  protect- 
ive policy,  by  being  induced  thereby  to  embark 
their  capital  in  that  business;  and  that  the  profits 
have  not  only  not  been  as  large  as  those  stated  in 
the  Secretary's  report,  but  have  not  been  equal  to 
the  lowest  legal  rate  of  interest  in  the  country. 

"  I  am  aware  that  this  statement  will  strike  some 
persons  with  surprise,  but  it  wilt  be  only  those 
who  are  ignorant  of  the  subject.  All  who  have 
been  conversant  with  the  manufactures  of  cotton 
and  wool  in  New  England,  from  the  year  1816  to 
the  present  time,  will  testify  to  the  correctness  of 
what  I  say,  and  that  this  statement  is  far  within 
the  truthl  There  have  been  occasional  periods  of 
prosperity,  when  considerable  profits  have  been 
realized,  as  during  the  last  two  years;  but,  with 
these  exceptions,  the  history  of  these  mills  has 
been  in  the  main  one  of  disaster.  It  is  well  known 
that  the  State  which  I  represent  in  part  is  very  ex- 
tensively engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  cotton  and 
woollen  goods,  and  my  own  district  embraces  more 
than  three-fourths  of  the  cotton  and  woollen  man- 
ufacture of  Connecticut.  I  am  conversant,  to  a 
considerable  extent,  with  the  results  which  have 
attended  the  individuals  and  associations  embark- 
ing in  these  branches  of  business,  and  state,  with 
the  most  entire  confidence,  that,  from  the  year 
181G  to  the  present  time,  these  branches  of  business 
have  not  yielded  an  annual  average  profit  of  three 
per  cent,  on  the  capital  invested. 

"  I  have,  however,  been  unwilling  to  rely  upon 
my  own  testimony  on  this  subject,  but  have  ob- 
tained that  of  others  whoso  information  was  more 
accurate  and  precise  than  my  own.  I  hold  in  my 
hand  a  long  communication  from  the  man  who 
knows  more  of  the  early  history  and  progress  of 
the  cotton  manufacture  of  New  England  than  any 
man  now  living — one  who  when  a  boy  worked  ill 
i/ie  first  mill,  erected  by  Samuel  Slater,  the  father 
of  the  cotton  manufacture  in  this  country,  at  sixly- 
.soven  cents  per  week,  and  has  continued  in  the 
manufacturing  business  to  the  present  time:  I 
mean  Smith  Wilkinson,  of  Pomfret,  in  the  State 
of  Connecticut — a  man  not  only  of  proverbial  hon- 
esty and  intelligence,  but  of  the  most  precise  accu- 
racy. He  gives  in  this  communication  the  history 
of  ihirty-aeven  cotton  factories  within  his  own 
knowledge  in  the  county  of  Windham,  the  one 
of  tlic  two  counties  in  my  district  most  largely 
engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  cotton.  Of  these 
the  ownei-s  of^  sixteen  have  not  failed,  and  of  them 
Mr.  Wilkinson  says  they  "  were  men  of  wealth 
and  ability  and  experience,  who  could  live  whether 
the  business  paid  n  profit  of  six  per  cent.,  of  five 
per  cent.,  or  two,  or  even  one  per  cent.,  and  man- 
aged tlieir  business  so  snug  and  independently  as 
to  hold  on  their  course."  And  I  will  add  that 
Mr.  Wilkinson  himself  is  one  of  the  most  promi- 
nent of  this  number.  But  of  the  other  twenty-one 
establishments,  which  ho  describes  in  detail,  the 
history  is  one  of  disaster  and  ruin  to  those  em- 
barked in  the  business.  All  of  them  failed  once, 
and  some  two,  three,  and  even  four^times,  and  ths 


744 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29tm  CoNa....lsT  Sess. 


The  Tariff — Mr.  Harmamon. 


[June  24, 
Ho.  OF  Rrps. 


properly  paused  into  other  luuids.  There  would 
bo  occasional  ycors  of  prosperity,  but,  in  part  by 
the  competiti  >n  of  thoso  wishing  to  share  the 
profits,  of  which  exaggerated  accounts  had  been 
givrn — in  port  by  the  unstable  legislation  of  the 
Government,  and  in  part  from  the  fact  that  the 
business  was  a  new  one  and  experience  proved  a 
hard  teacher — and  the  constant  introduction  of  new 
machinery — from  these  and  similar  causes  the 
years  of  prosperity  were  succeeded  by  years  of 
loss  and  consequent  failures. 

"  I  have  in  my  hand  a  similar  account  from  a  ' 
gentleman  well  acquainted  with  the  factories  in  the  ; 
other  county  in  my  district,  (Mr.  Roger  Hunting-  ; 
ton,)  showing  even  greater  losses  than  those  slated 
above.    WitTi  regard  to  most  of  these  I  am  well  ! 
acquainted  with  their  history,  and  can  testify  to  the 
correctticss  of  the  sUitcmcnts  of  Mr.  Huntington. 
He  estimates  the  average  annual  profit  of  these  j 
tni.iblishments,  from  their  commencement  to  the  ] 
present  time,  nt  not  exceeding  .3  percent.,  and  I  , 
am  persuaded  that  the  estimate  isqiiitesufliolenlly 
high.    In  my  own  town,  whcic  there  is  a  million 
and  a  half  at  least  of  goods  of  various  kinds  an- 
nually manufacture  .  there  is  not,  with  one  ex-  j 
ception,  a  single  cstr.ilishment  which  has  not  failed  I 
once,  sunk  tlicir  entire  capital,  and  passed  into 
other  hands,  and  in  some  instances  repeated  fail- 
ures.   The  exception  is  that  of  two  persons  who 
hire  a  mill  belonging  to  others.    Some  years  since, 
the  Hon.  Mr.  Whipple,  of  Providence,  Hhode 
Island,  made  similar  inquiries  in  relation  to  the 
cotton  manufactures  of  that  State,  and  the  result 
of  his  inquiries  was,  that  the  average  annual  profit 
hod  not  exceeded  3  per  cent,  on  the  capital.  I  stale, 
then,  with  entire  confidence,  that  the  •estimate  of 
C  per  cent,  as  the  average  annual  profit  of  the  cot- 
ton and  woollenmanufacturcsof  New  England,  or 
of  the  country,  from  the  year  IS\G  to  this  time,  is 
a  very  high  estimate,  and,  as  I  verily  believe,  more 
than  double  what  it  should  be. 

"  I  appeal  for  the  correctness  of  this  to  my  hon- 
orable friends,  the  Representatives  of  Rhode  Island, 
whether  they  agree  with  nic  ? 

"They  both  assent  to  what  I  say.  I  will  also 
ask  my  friend  from  Massachusetts,  (Mr.  Hirnsos-,) 
who  resides  in  a  manufacturing  district?  I  under- 
stand him  to  bear  the  same  testimony. 

"  [Mr.  Abbott,  of  Massachusetts.  I  have  no 
doubt  of  the  correctness  of  the  statement.] 

"  And,  without  knowing  any  thing  in  relation 
to  the  iron  bu.siness  of  the  country,  I  ask  my  hon- 
orable friend  fiom  Pennsylvania  (Mr.  liRoniiEAu) 
whether  the  same  facts  do  not  exist  in  nlalinn  lo 
the  profits  of  the  iron  maniil'acluie  of  Pennsylva- 
nia?    He  assents  to  what  I  say. 

"  I  have  tliu.s  called  my  witncs.sea  at  r.inilom. 
Their  means  of  inl'iinialion  arc  the  best  possible, 
and  they  arc  in  the  highest  degree  cuniftlenl  and 
credilile. 

"If the  inquiry  is  made  why  men  should  cm- 
bark  in  H(i  unprofitabie  a  business,  the  an.->wer  is 
very  obviou.s,  linit  iliey  suppused  it  wouM  prove 
profitable.  An  occasional  nruspcruus  year  intliirrd 
numbers  id  rush  into  liic  f)usinesH,  and  llie  result 
is  a  disappointment  of  their  lilgh-raLsed  cxjicda- 
lions." 


THE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  A[R.  J.  H.  HARMANSON, 

OK   LOUISIANA, 

In  Till:  House  of  RcratiiENTATivE!!, 

Jiiiie  •J4,  lt-'4(). 

The  House  being  in  Oommillre  nf  the  Whole  on 

the  stale  of  the  niiinn,  nn  ihe  bill   rcihicing  the 

duty  on  Imports,  and  f  )r  other  purjmses — 

Mr.  HARMANSON  addressed  the  Committee 
Hs  follows; 

I  enter  into  this  di-siussion,  .Mr  Chairman,  fully 
conscious  of  my  incompetency  t.i  do  it  the  juslice 
demanded  by  lis  vast  importance.  ISut  represent- 
ing a  constituency  who  are  uncompromising  in 
their  opinions  on  this  subjecl,  I  should  be  recre- 
ant to  every  principle  of  honor  and  duly  did  I  fail 
to  enter  their  protest  against  the  perpetuali(m  of  a 
system  which  they  honestly  believe  will  bring  ruin 
to  the  agricultural,  comnurcial,  and  innritinic  in- 
tercsuiof  our  country;  a  system  wliich,  if  forced 


upon  us,  must  end  in  the  subversion  of  tho  liber- 
ties of  the  people,  when  the  few  will  govern  tiic 
many,  and  revel  in  v  ^alth  extorted  from  them  by 
unjust  legislation;  u  system  which,  if  persisted 
in,  ere  half  a  century  pusses  by,  will  reduce  the 
people  to  a  state  of  degriulatioii,  immorality,  and 
abject  slavery. 

It  is  to  avert  this,  sir — it  is  to  save  my  children 
from  so  sad  an  inheriutiiec — that  I  enter  my  pro- 
test against  your  deceptive,  fraudulent,  miscalled 
protective  system,  that  carries  a  hypocritical  smile 
on  its  face,  and  a  lie  on  Its  tongue,  to  allure,  de- 
ceive, and  rob  its  victim;  wherein  every  argument 
that  cunning,  avarice,  and  ambition  can  conceive, 
is  iinscrupulouBly  used  to  persuade  a  confiding 
people  that  they  are  benefited  by  oppression  and 
robbery. 

I  shall  enter  this  distcussion  with  a  full  determi- 
nation to  oppose  all  legislation  for  special  interest, 
whether  that  interest  be  located  at  home  or  abroad. 
1  was  not  sent  here,  sir,  im  a  political  vulture,  to 
prey  njiun  the  interestof  any  section  of  the  Union, 
but  to  demand  and  accord  cverihanded  justice — a 
fair  cumpetilion — to  all,  advantages  ;o  none. 

But  before  1  examine  into  the  merits  and  demer- 
its of  this   ruinous  system,  I   would  advise  the 
committee,  and  iiarticularly  my  opjionenls,  that  I 
do  not  wish  to  bo  understood  as  impugning  their 
motives.    Their  motives  and  my  motives  must  be 
led  to  the  consciences  of  each,  and  to  our  God. 
ISut  in  exposing  what  1  consider  the  errors  and 
frauds  of  Ihe  syslem,  I  shall  not  curb  my  indigna- 
tion, nor  let  a  false  courtesy  smooth  over  its  injus- 
tice.    I  shall  strip  it,  as  far  as  I  am  able,  to  its 
nakedness. 
;      The  adralorcm  principle  of  this  bill,  or  the  priii- 
'  ciple  of  laying  the  duty  according  to  the  value  of 
'  the  article  imported,  is  objected  to  by  our  oppo- 
neiils,  for  the  reason,  as  they  say,  of  its  aiding  the 
importer  to  defraud  the  revenue  by  false  invoices. 
This  objection  I  look  upon  as  iiiireiisonable  and 
captious.    The  oath  of  the  importer,  the  intimate 
I  knowledge  oiir  own  appraisers  have  of  the  value 
of  all  imported  articles,  assisted  by  prices  current, 
and  tho  confiscation  of  the  goods,  if  detected,  area 
full  guaranty  against  that  risk.     I  go  for  the  tax 
according  to  tlie  value,  for  the  i-cnson  that  it  is 
I  honest  on  its  very  face;  it  is  just  and  equal,  bearing 
equally  on  all  our  fellow-citizens,  ricli  and  poor, 
'  as  for  as  is  practicable.     Uy  ihis  syslem  of  taxa- 
tion (\.hatis  still  very  important  in  a  republican 
government)  we  shall  all  know  what  amount  of 
t;ixes  we  pay. 

As  to  the  specific  duty  our  opponents  wish  lo 
place  in  its  sleiid,  1  am  ullerly  opposed  to  ii,  as 
uiiju.st,  unequal,  and  as  ilirowing  the  whole  weight 
of  the  Government  on  the  poor,  instead  of  the  rich; 
thus  reversing  every  princij)le  of  justice.  By  way 
of  illuslralion,  let  us  lake  the  article  nf  llanncls, 
whkli,  by  your  Inrilfof  '42,  is  taxed  14  cents  per 
ynrd,  without  any  regard  toils  value.  The  hue 
ariicle,  at  jjl  per  yard,  which  the  wcalihy  buy, 
will  1)0  laxed  14  cents  on  every  yard.  The  conrser 
article,  which  the  .poor,  from  their  circumsinnces, 
are  compelled  lo  buy,  if  il  cost  ;iU  renis  a  yard,  is 
taxed  the  same  amount.  All  men  must,  it  appears 
lo  me,  see  the  injuslice  of  ihis.  Take,  again,  the 
article  of  silk:  Your  larili'of  lh<4d  taxes  it  s'i  50  per 
I  pound.  0(  llie  fine  gau/.i^  silks,  ii  would  lake  (say) 
i  twenty  yards  lo  make  a  pouial,  and  should  be  worth 
ji3  or  jSi.'t  per  yard,  and  yet  it  would  be  laxed  but 
>;]  51)  for  the  twenly  yards.  Take  ihe  heavy, 
sulislanlial  article  that  Inc  people  in  moderate  cir- 
cunisUinccH  wear,  anil  suppose  it  would  lake  ten 
yards  to  make  a  pound,  and  is  soM  atiSil  pei-  ^a:'d: 
the  tax  would  be  yj  ;')IJ,  Ihe  same  ns  llii.i  on  llic 
Iwenly  yard:),  which  cost  douljle  as  nnii  h.  This 
is  so  palpably  unjust,  that  I  have  no  iKMlation  in 
saying  that  no  iinni  winild  ciuniieiiance  ii  c  princi- 
ple for  a  moincnl,  unless  he  was  wholly  Miiuled 
l)y  parly  passioji  and  parly  bias.  Tliesc  are  the 
reasons  why  I  unlie.sit;itingly  condemn  all  specific 
duties. 

Let  us  now  examine,  Mr.  Chairman,  llie  true 
i|ueslioii  at  issue.  If  I  understand  it,  it  is  simply 
lliis:  Who  is  to  furnish  this  ccninlry  with  manu- 
factured goods:  the  iigricullurisis — i:omprising 
three-fourllis  of  the  people  of  this  Union,  through 
their  agents  as  it  wcr<',  the  mercharils  and  sail- 
ors, by  exchanging  their  Hour,  cotton,  lard,  to- 
bacco, nee,  bai:on,  beef,  lumber,  butler,  cheese, 
,  mules,  horses,  and  other  jiroductiuns  of  tho  farm 


and  forest,  for  them ,  with  other  nations;  not  only  to 
l\irniHh  the  farmers,  but  the  army,  navy,  mere  haul, 
mechanic,  &c.; — or  will  Congress  prohibit  this, 
and  allow  a  few  eapitalisin  to  do  it?  This  ia  ihe 
true  question.  Both  are  contending  to  do  the  same 
thing.  The  tiller  of  tho  soil  asks  nothing  but  ii 
fair  competition — cvcnhundcd  justice;  but  theso 
chartered  capitalists,  true  to  tlieir  instincts,  have 
the  insolence  to  come  with  Ihrir  money  bags  to 
Congress,  and  demand,  ns  a  right,  of  the  Uepre- 
senUitives  of  a  free  people,  that  the  farmers,  mer- 
chants, and  sailors,  ue  prohibited  from  doing  this, 
and  demand  a  monopoly.  It  is  yet  to  be  seen 
whether  the  Representatives  of  the  people  on  this 
floor  arc  prepared  and  willing  to  harness  the  tillers 
of  the  soil  to  the  cars  of  these  monetary  Shyloek.s — 
whether  tho  agriculturists  are  to  be  made  by  law 
the  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water  for  these 
lords  of  the  spinning-jenny. 

To  show  the  inevitable  ruin  of  the  agricultural, 
commercial,  and  maritime  intcre.st.sof  our  country, 
if  the  policy  our  opponents  are  pressing  on  us  is 
carried  out,  I  will  place  the  Government  precisely 
in  Ihe  condition  they  are  striving  to  force  it  into. 
1  think  I  can  show  to  the  most  skeptical  that  it 
would  be  our  country's  ruin.  Let  us  adopt  their 
syslem,  and  manufacmrc  everything  at  home,  (tor 
this  is  what  every  Whig  politician  has  persuaded 
the  fiirmers  would  be  best  for  llicir  interests;)  iniil 
[  say  it  would  be  their  certain  destruction.  Keep 
Ihis  conslantly  in  mind,  that  all  the  goods  imported 
into  the  United  Slates  are  paid  for  with  your  flour, 
cotton,  pork,  lard,  tobacco,  beef,  butter,  cheese, 
lumber,  horses,  mules,  corn,  rice,  and  oilier  agri- 
cultural  productions,  and  yon  are  furnishing  your- 
selves just  as  certainly  as  if  you  were  manufac- 
turing "them  on  your  farms.  You  arc  indireclly 
the  manufacturers,  and  this  is  the  very  bone  of 
contention. 

Now,  admit  that  by  our  assistance  these  char- 
tered companies,  through  the  help  of  Ihis  glorious 
protective  policy,  3U|iplied  the  United  Suites,  oiid 
that  nothing  was  imporled.  We  will  take  a  view 
of  the  condition  of  the  planters  and  fanners,  did 
I' such  astute  of  things  exist.  For  illustration,  I 
will  take  Ihe  article  of  cotton.  I  select  this  for  Ihe 
reason  that  the  amount  made  and  consumed  in  tho 
United  Slates  is  better  ascertained  than  any  other 
article  of  export.  Flour,  corn,  pork,  lard,  tobac- 
co, rice,  horees,  mules,  lumber,  beef,  &c.,  would 
share  the  same  fate.  We  imported  into  the  United 
Slates  last  year  ten  millions  of  dollars  worth  o,' 
coiion  goods.  That  would  be  equal  (say)  to  two 
hiiiiilred  thousand  bales  of  cotton.  W,>  manufac- 
tund  in  the  United  States  (sav)  four  hundred  thou- 
sand bales.  That  would  make  six  hundred  thou- 
sand bales,  being  the  amount  the  American  pcoplo 
consume,  or  wear  out,  anrnially.  The  crop  of  iho 
United  Slates  is  two  millions  and  a  half  of  bales. 
We  would  then  have  on  hand,  ileducting  the  six 
hundred  thousand  bales  wc  use,  one  million  nine 
hundred  thousand  bales.  I  now  ask  our  oppo- 
nents to  show  us  how  wc  are  to  dispose  of  lhi« 
coilon.  They  tell  us  that  England  and  Fiance  are 
obliged  to  have  it.  Tlml,  Mr.  ('hainnan,  is  a 
child's  argument.  OliHncd  to  have  il,  iiuletd  ! 
They  must  show  us  I'lal  ihey  are  nlile  In  Ituij  il. 
Now,  I  W(ndd  ask  these  gcnilemen,  if  they  were 
desliiule  of  sliirls,  and  nobody  would  give  iheni 
one,  and  they  had  nolhing  that  Ihe  seller  would 
lake  in  exchange  Ibroru',  if  Iheir  saying  they  were 
oWigrii  to  have  a  shirt  would  get  it  for  them  ?  So  it 
wouki  be  as  lo  England  and  France  being  olilisid 
lo  have  ourcotlon.  That  they  wmild  sutler  tor 
!  Ihe  want  of  il,an(l  that  that  want  might  possibly 
revolutionize  their Governmints,  I  can  plainl;'  see; 
i  but  that  they  can  iim)  for  il  is  another  thing.  .Say 
ihatwc  load  our  sliips  with  ourcotlon,  pork,  flour, 
ttc,  send  it  lo  England,  and  ask  her  if  she  wantd 
I  it.  She  would  lell  you  yes,  they  were  sullering 
'  for  it;  their  mills  were  .slopped,  and  their  laborers 
in  a  slate  of  starvation  ami  rebellion,  and  oll'ered 
'  you  their  cotinn  manufactures,  various  mannfac- 
lures  of  wool,  iron  in  all  of  its  varieties,  glassware, 
!  earthenware,  and  other  manufactures  that  she  h.iM 
:  always  exchanged  for  our  cotloii.  Y'ou  would  tell 
them,  No,  we  liad  enough  at  home!  You  go  lo 
France,  and  you  get  the  same  answer.  She  would 
oiler  you  her  silk,  wine,  brandy,  lace,  glass,  and 
other  productions  she  has  always  exchanged  with 
you.  Our  answer  would  be  the  same,  that  we  had 
'  enough  ut  home  I    It  is  the  duly  of  our  opponents 


1846.1 
29T1I 

lo  show  u 
If  ihcy  ca 
manner  tl 
see  that  it 
clusively 
policy.  It 
that  II  wo 
to  say  lh( 
an  unccrti 
What  ^ 
&c.,istli( 
jires:«!d , ) 
and  silvei 
were  priu 
I  will,  ho 
be   in  esl 
trade  bet 
ductions. 
used  to  1 
as  have  i 
annually, 
IS  Ihi  ir 
desire,  as 
need, 
and  Fran 
ver.   Tl 
just  enou 
ductions. 
I.ind  has 
silver  cui 
ing  no  SI 
(say)  fift 
and  we  i 
reduce  h 
lions,  or 
and  wha' 
iin  all  ha 
the  prioi 
would  11 
pass 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


745 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


TJie  Tariff — Mr.  Harmamon. 


Ho.  OF  Rkps. 


in  allow  U8  how  wo  arc  to  diiiposo  of  iMh  cotton. 
If  they  cnnnot  do  it  in  mo  clear  and  satisfactory  n 
manner  that  every  ;;ood  rnmninn-xcnso  mind  can 
see  that  it  is  prncticalilL — if  it  docs  not  prove  con- 
clusively the  utter  absurdity  and  humbug;  of  your 
jinlicy ,  It  at  least  must  prove  to  every  prudent  mind 
llmt  i>  would  lie  too  hazardous  to  auupt.  It  would, 
(u  fay  the  least  of  it,  be  giving  u|)  a  certitinty  for 
an  uncertainty. 

What  shall  we  do  with  this  cotton,  flour,  pork, 
&c.,  is  the  question.  Possibly,  as  you  arc  so  hard 
pressed,  you  may  venture  to  say,  we  will  take  gold 
and  silver  for  il.  I  would  have  no  objections,  if  it 
were  practicable;  but  1  know  that  lo  be  impossible. 
I  will,  however,  exi)o.se  this  faHacy.  I  hold  it  lo 
be  'Ui  eslablished  principle  of  commerce,  that  all 
trade  betwe<'n  all  notions  is  an  exchange  of  pro- 
ductions. That  gold  and  silver  is,  and  can  only  be, 
used  lo  pay  snu\ll  balances,  unless  by  such  nations  ' 
as  lia\c  mines  of  gold  and  silver,  that  ihoy  make 
lOinually ,  as  we  do  our  cotton  and  flour,  and  which 
IS  ihcir  annuol  crop,  lo  exchange  l\)r  what  they 
desire,  as  we  now  cvchangc  our  crops  for  what  we 
need.  13ut  this  cjiiinot  be  the  case  with  England 
and  France,  for  neilhcr  have  mines  of  gold  and  sil- 
ver. Their  crop  IS  their  manufactures.  They  have 
jusl  enough  specie  to  facilitate  the  exchange  of  pro- 
ducliuiis.  Let  us  say  she  paid  us  in  siiecie.  Eng- 
l.ind  has  about  two  liundrcd  millions  of  gold  and 
silver  currency;  Krancc  has  somewhat  more,  hav- 
ing no  small  paper  money.  We  sell  to  England 
(say)  fifty  millions  of  our  cotton,  pork,  flou-,  &c., 
and  we  receive  specie;  in  payment.  That  would 
reduce  her  circulation  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  mil- 
lions, or  2.'>  per  cent.  We  take  them  •' •  next  crop, 
and  what  priic  would  we  get  for  it?  .•>  admitted 
<in  all  hands  that  the  nnKMint  of  currency  regulates 
Ihe  price,  ll  would  be  fair  to  presume  ihol  wc 
would  lo.se  25  per  cent,  in  the  crop.  Hut  wc  wUI 
pass  that  by.  Hay  we  got  another  fifVy  millions: 
wiih  the  next  two  crops  we  should  have  nil.  From 
lliis  time  to  eternity,  I  suppose,  our  Whig  friends 
ihiiik  we  should  nol  wantu  market!  So  much  for 
the  absurdity  of  taking  specie  in  exchange.  The 
most  stupid  minds  must  sec  its  utter  impraclica- 
bilily.  I  admit,  as  far  as  we  trade  with  Mexico, 
we  misht  lake  gold  and  silver.  Say  for  two  or 
three  millions  we  could  receive  pay  in  specie,  for 
that  is  the  crop  she  makes  aniinnlly,  to  exchange 
fiu'  what  she  desires.  So  with  Russia,  and  some 
few  South  American  Slates,  and  for  tea  and  colfec; 
but  all  would  not  amount  even  to  the  surplus  flour 
we  export.  But  lo  j;ive  tlii.s  idea  of  receiving  specie 
in  payment:  1  have  Ihe  best  Whig  autliorily  for 
saying  that  thirty  millions  is  llie  entire  amount  of 
gold  and  silver  aniuially  made  throughout  the 
world — just  one-third  the  amount  of  our  exporta- 
tion; and  if  we  cot  all,  could  sell  but  one-third  of 
imr  surplus.  What  shall  we  do  with  this  cotton? 
Vou  will  lulmit  tlw)  planters  cannot  give  it  away. 
Perhnps,  in  your  desperation,  as  a  dernier  resort, 
you  will  tell  lis  that  we  will  inannfaclnre  it.  That 
1  »M  be  done  easy  enough;  but  it  would  only  make 
the  thing  wor.se.  Instead  ofiiurhavingcnic hundred 
inilliinis  surplus,  il  would  increase  to  two  or  ihree 
hundred  millions,  and  there  would  be  the  samedif- 
liiiilty.  What  are  we  lo  do  with  it?  You  cantmt 
.sell  it;  there  is  nothing  you  can  take  in  exchange. 
Olher  iiatloiiN  would  suller  for  its  want,  but  are  not 
able  to  buy  il.  And  can  any  man  be  .so  senseless 
as  10  siipposi;  that  these  cbartrrcd  cinnpanies  would 
buy  a  piaiiid  of  our  cotUui  unll'^.s  they  can  sell  the 
j;oods  after  tln^y  lue  manufactured?  No;  not  one 
jMiinid  would  be  sold. 

I  contend  that  no  nation  can  beatlUc  same  time 
a  generally  manufacturing,  II  (Tcnerally  agricultural, 
and  a  tcreal  ciiimiieri'lal  nation.  It  Is  impossible. 
The  commerce  of  u  imlion  depends  on  the  absence 
of  one  or  the  oilier.  A  nalion  may  manufacture 
a  few  leading  arlirles,  produce  a  few  leading  arti- 
cles, and  be  a  great  coniniercial  nation,  by  having 
a  wide  list  of  cxihange;  but  that  u  impossible  with 
lis.  We  have  a  climate  and  soil  iliiit  produces  in 
till!  hif;l.cst  iwrfection  almost  every  agricultural 
pi'odiiriion  that  is  made  between  the  tropics  and 
the  frigid  zone;  and  many  arlicles  the  world  desires 
and  would  lake,  to  almost  an  incalculable  amount, 
if  we  would  take  their  mauufacliirns  ill  exclumjje. 
It  appears  to  inc  to  be  clear,  that  the  moment  wc 
succeed  in  forcing  ourselves  to  maniifaclurc  every- 
thing at  home,  the  Carolinas, Georgia,  the  uplands 
of  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Texas,  and  Louisiana, 


Arkniisna,  and  Tennessee,  will  have  to  abandon  the 
culture  of  cotton.  The  lowlands  of  Mississippi  and 
Louisiana  would  produce  a  million  bales  of  cotton, 
which  would  be  as  much  as  wc  could  consume  and 
dispose  of,  for  our  lea,  coflce,  and  other  articles  wc 
cannot  make.  Those  Stales  would,  from  necessity, 
rni.seflour,  corn,  pork, beef,  lard,  horses  and  mules, 
butter,  cheese,  &c.;  the  very  articles  they  now  pur- 
chase by  millions  from  the  eastern  and  western 
Slates.  I  would  n.sk,  in  all  seriousness,  what  would 
then  bo  Ihe  condition  of  those  States  that  now  find  a 
market  at  the  South  for  those  arlicles?  They  would 
find  them  competitors  instead  of  consumers.  Their 
ruin,  it  appears  to  me,  would  be  inevitable. 

We  may  be  told,  however,  that  we  shall  make 
no  surplus,  as  labor  will  have  been  taken  from 
agriculture  to  manufactures,  nnl  the  operatives 
will  have  become  consumers  instead  of  producers. 
Let  us  examine  this,  and  sec  whether  it  be  true  or 
nol. 

1 1  will  be  acknowledged  if  we  import  and  export 
nothing,  that  our  fifteen  thousand  vessels  will  be 
destroyed.  It  will  throw  one  hundred  and  eighty 
thousand  sailors,  all  the  timber  getters,  ship  builil- 
crs,  riggers,  caulkers,  joiners,  sail-makers,  rope- 1 
makers,  lar-gelters,  hcinp-grfiwers,  importers  and  ' 
exporters,  and  those  connected  with  those  inter-  j 
ests,  out  of  employment.  Now,  to  settle  this  j 
question,  I  would  ask  if  those  whose  employment 
you  have  broken  up  would  be  a  sutTicient  force  lo 
do  tJie  manufacturing?  Vcs,  they  would  be  nmre 
than  enough.  This  I  can  prove  beyond  cavil  or 
doubl,  by  the  facts  furnished  by  the  protectionists 
themselves.  1  will  read  from  this  pamphlet,  enti- 
tled "  The  Tarifi':  a  Tract  for  the  Times:  by  a 
Citizen  of  Virginia,"  prepared  by  the  order  of  ihe 
Him.  Willis  Green,  chairman  of  Ihe  Executive 
Committee  of  Whig  Members  of  Congress.  This 
document  was  franked  by  Ihe  Hon.  Alexander 
Barrow,  now  Whig  Senator  from  Louisiana.  I 
call  the  attention  of  the  farmer  to  this,  as  his  weal 
or  wo  depends  on  the  seltlement  of  Ibis  question. 
This  is  what  this  Whig  document  states.     It  says: 

"(';reinBritm'n,wittl  n|)npii!alioii  of* twenty  fimr  milliniift, 
f  rni|»lnyH  in  iler  innnnfnctiirii't*  five  hiinilnMl  Ihoiiniind  oiwrn- 

livcH,  who,  liy  the  iiid  of  iniiclijnory.  exert  Ihe  power  nnd 
I  pi-rlonn  the  work  of  one  hiiiiilretl  inillionii  of  men  tiiliorinff 
j  with  tlicir  own  liiiiiidttil  i-irorts.  Tliis  power  in  eonsiilcred 
I  snllicii'iit  In  supply  nmnufmniresforlliewlioli'  worlil.  nm 
I  tile  condition  of  die  operiltivrs  Ih  lliat  of  tlie  vcricpil  slnvps 
1  on  llle  liice  of  the  ciirlh  ;  tlii:y  lalmr  sixteen  lioiirsn  iliiy,  Ibl 

eijflit  or  (en  cents,  and  ut  iiigtit  lie  down  on  u  straw  boil  ut 
j  dirt  floor." 

I      Now  I  would  nsk  our  good  Whig  friends,  who 

;  cry  out  so  loudly  about  their  home  market,  and 

,  are  so  expert  at  figuring,  particularly  for  Ihe  ben- 

efit  of  the  lionc-l  Whig  farmer,  who  has  been 

\  deceived  into  a  belief  that  it  really  enli.iired  his 

market  by  manufacturing  everything  at  home,  if 

il  lakes  five  hundred  thousand  half  starved  Ens- 

liKlimcu   to   maiuifartiire   enough   for   the   whole 

world,  how  many  full-fed  Americans  will  it  take 

to  manufacture  for  the  United  Stales?    The  result 

will  scale  the  queslion  about  the  lioine  market. 

It  is  nil  a  cheat,  a  hunibu'j:,  a  lie,  got  up  by  these 

capitalists  and  cliarlered  com,  .nics.lo  deceive  and 

dupe  their  ftUow-cilizens,  that  tliey  may  fleece 

I  them. 

'      To  ex|)osc  this  insidious  policy,  nnd  Ihe  cun- 
!  niiiii  of  llipse  men,  let  us  lake  the  article  of  salt. 
•  Say  that  the  fanners  of  our  country  were  exclian- 
:  !;ing  ten  millions  worth  of  their  Hour,  pork,  lard, 
Inmiier,  bncf,  biiller,  cheese,  tobacco,  coltoii,  rice, 
I  &c.,  with  Turk's  Island  for  ten  millions  worth  of 
i  salt  of  the  best  and  cheapest  that  call  be  made  in 
i  the  world;  say  that  year  after   year  the  fanner's 
j  productions  were  exchanged  for  this  salt,  to  ftir- 
'  nish  the  United  Stales,  employing  some  five  hun- 
dred ves.scls  and  tliiily  thousand  sailors,  and  others 
connected  with  that  interest.     Let  us  say  that  a 
'  (cK  capitalists  should  apply  lo  Congress  and  re- 
i  qiiirelliat  it  should  prohibit  'he  farmers,  merchanl.i, 
I  and  sailors  from  doin;;  it;  but,  lo  protect  American 
1  industry,    let   them    do    il.      Do    not,   says   the 
'  cnmiin!;  capitalists,  tell  the  farmers  oiilrighl  that 
they  shall  not  do  it,  for  they  would  then  under- 
stand the  game;  but  jiut  on  a  high  duty,  calling 
'  it  protection  to  home  industry.     Congress,  in  its 
wisdom,  puts  on  a  hidi  tarilf,  and  gradually  the 
sharpers  undermine  the  farmers,  nnd  finally  fur- 
nish all  the  salt  of  an  inferior  quality  at  a  higher 
!  prire.    The   farmer  has  lost  his  market  for   ten 
millions  worth  of  his  produclions;  he  1ms  a  surplus, 


prices  fall,  he  sees  that  he  has  been  robbed,  and 
nia  trade  broken  down,  and  all  under  Ihe  pretence 
of  protecting  home  industry  I  He  complains,  and 
the  capitalist  tclU  him  of  his  great  homo  market, 
and  that  he  has  given  the  people  labor.  He  has 
taken  labor  from  agriculture  to  making  salt,  who 
are  now  consumers  instead  of  producers  I 

Then    conic    up  the  protection  and  frcc-trado 
policy.    The  free  traders  contend  that  the  fiirmers, 
I  while  they  furnished  the  salt  by  exchaiige  of  their 
'  flour,  pork,  lard,  butter,  cheese,  lumber,  horses, 
mules,  corn,  &c.,  were  indirectly  the  mamifaclu- 
rers,  as  much  so  as  if  they  hud  manufactured  it  on 
their  own  farms;  and  that  the  Government's  in- 
terference was  unjust — it  had  ruined  them  to  bene- 
fit the  capitalist.     He  is  answered,  that  il  has  bei  ii 
an  advantage  to  them — it  has  taken  labor  from 
uffriciilturc — has  lessened  the  quantity  raised — and 
tliat  they  furnish  them  a  home  market;  which  is  u 
vile  fraud !    They  have  only  displaced  labor,  by 
\  destroying  the  five  hundred  vessels,  and  throwing 
:  out  of  employment  the  thirty  thousand  sailors, 
ship-builders,   lumber    gelters,  and   hundreds  of 
I  others  connected  with  lliat  business,  who  would 
I  be  sufficient  to  make  all  the  salt.     I  have  uikcn  the 
arlicleof  .salt,  for  the  reason  that  it  gave  the  jiro- 
\\  tcctionists  tin    be.st  possible  case,  as  it  required 
I'  more  hnman  I'dior  to  make  the  salt.     Thosewhose 
■    productions  are  made  by  machinery  arc  in  an  infin- 
itely worse  condition;  for  when  they  take  one  man 
;;  to  manufacturing  with  mnchinery,  they  throw  out 
i   of  employment  two  from  cominerciul  and  niari- 

liine  pursuits. 

'       The  protectionist  tells  us,  that  the  half  of  every 

,   bu.shel  of  sail  is  of  agricultural  produclimi.    'I'liey 

'   consumed  the  same  amount  while  they  were  in  the 

shipping  iiileresl.     But,  for  the  sake  of  argument, 

admit  it  to  be  a  fact,  that  half  is  agricultural:  does 

/  not  this  prove  conclusively  the  fraud  and  liiimlnic;- 

gery  of  your  home  market?    For  the  veriest  .<iin- 

pleton  can  .see,  that  while  the  farmer  furnished  il 

;  iroin  Turk's  Island  by  exchanijc,  it  was  all  agri- 

'  cultural.    That  is  precisely   tlie   ground   of  our 

complaint — that  when  you  make  it,  it  is  but  lialt' 

agricultural. 

I      The  Chamber  of  Commerce,  of  New  Orleans, 

;  Mr.  Chairman,  has  done  me  the  honor  In  send  me  ii 

'I  pamphlet,  w'lich  is  an  answer  to  a  call  from  llio 

I  Secreter   of  the  Treasury,  (and  I  take  pleasure  in 

M  nov.  stating  my  belief  that  the  Treasury  Department 

i|  has  never  been  under  the  direction  of  an  aliler  head,) 

1   eulogizing  and  endorsiuij  an  able  article  from  the 

penof  E.  J.  Forslnll,  Esq.,  a  distinguished  nicrcluint 

and  sugar-planlerof  Louisiana,  on  the  sugar  inter- 

:   est.     1  have  examined  il  with  much  care,  and  have 

conic  to  an  opposite  conclusion  from  those  distiii- 

'  guishcd  gentlemen.     It  has  convinced  nie  that  the 

two  and  a  half  cents  duty  under  the  act  of  1H1;> 

is  a  sham,  a  cheat;  that  the  real  duty  has  been  less 

than   half   a  cent  per  pound.     It   jiroves   more: 

I;  that  even  with  half  a  cent  duty  it  is  the  most 

['  flourishing  agricultural  busincssin  the  world.   And 

still  more:  that  no  country  is  betler  adapted   to 

the  culture  of  sugar  than  Louisiana,  and  that  it 

has  met  competilion  and  overcome  it,  having  Inul 

the  last  three  years  really  less  ihan  .'tO  per  ecni. 

duly.     I   will  read  from   this   pamphlet,  for  the 

I  benefit  of  the  committee,  the  facts  and  opinimi.s 

I  of  Mr.  E.J.  Forslall,  endorsed  by  the  Cliamlier 

j  of  Cmnmercc  of  New  (Irleaiis,  which  inoduccd 

j  this  conviction  on  my  mind. 

j      Mr.  Forslall  says: 

"  It  liiK  ol'ti'il  I e  iissertoil  that  (lie  ciilniri'  of  liie  cine 

w.x-*notconceni;il  tol.nnisinna.  'J'lii.-^is  altoyi'iIiiT  an  rrror. 
(liirerop.!  an!  fully  as  tt-cniar  as  in  any  part  of  flic  tVest 
Indii's.  If  wi>  have  lo  conti'iid  aiiainst  rally  winteis,  the 
dronntils  so  ooiniiuii)  in  those  islaiirls  an-  eipially  ftilal  h, 
the  cane.  On  an  avi^ruai',  ihe  Culm  plaiiler  proihicus  ti.x 
Imiislieads  of  siiiiar  to  each  woikin:;  liiiiul.  Thi-r."  is  not  ;i 
well  nianaued  plant.-ilioii  in  I.oiii>iaiia  that  does  nol  yii>]''  tin 
an  avi'race,  an  I'lpiat  iillniher  fif  liocslirads  In  ea-.i  |. 
TlH'  ureal  advantajte  of  the  Ciilia  over  tlio  l.nnisiniia  pinker 
is  not,;is  (leTicrally  hclievi'd,inthe  cliina'e,  but  in  ilic  diili-r- 
I'lif'i'  of  valiH!  of  his  bands,  and  of  expenses  to  support 
thein.  In  Louisiana,  a  irniat  tii'ld  band  is  worltl  oik!  tlioii- 
saiid  dollars,  and  is  provided  with  two  iiienis  of  beef  or  pork 
ptT  day  throiiirhont  the  year,  liesides  corn,  whiskey,  tohacen, 
and  two  suits  of  elotlies  per  annnin,  the  cost  of  all  nf  \vlneli 
is  alioni  seventy-five  dollars  ini  a  well-rrgiilal'Ml  iilanialiipii. 
In  rnha,  a  ftood  field  luind  only  costs  foiir  hllnilred  dollars, 
rerpiire's  little  or  no  clotbini;,  and  lives  eliii'lly  on  roots  and 
iKinanas,  wliieh  are  «f  n  spontaneous  ftmwth.  And  this  is 
tilt!  reason  why  siiizar  cannot  he  pnidiicL'd  ill  Louisiana  helnw 
live  cents,  wllilst  four  et!nts  is  saitl  lo  be  ahtiut  the  cost  or 
proilnctiiin  in  Culm.  Indi'cd,  it  cannot  he  denied  llmt  the 
reihiriion  in  the  tliity  on  foreitin  sufiars  Ims  been  n  bounty  to 
slave  traders.    Let  the  sliive  trade  be  efleetuitlly  put  down, 


746 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  24, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  2'ariff—Mr.  Harmanion. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


and  then  Lnufitliina  suRUi  wUI  require  little  or  no  protcc- 
tlnn ;  but  until  then,  it  i«  netdetl ;  and,  whutlier  connidered 
in  n  nntlnnal  point  oi'  view,  or  lu  a  matter  nt  ahcrr  JUKtlro 
to  Louiaiana,  it  cannot  lie  refiMed  withnul  grnai  InJUKtIce." 

It  19  Been  here  that  the  only  dimidvanliigc  the 
Louisiuna  planter  labors  under  is  the  great  cost  of 
his  hniids,  which  no  longer  cxislR;  as  good  hands 
can  now  he  purchased  ut  (^1,OOU  to  $1,300  per 
pair.  The  only  advantage  thiit  the  Cuba  iiluiucr 
has,  is  one  hundred  dollars  in  the  cost  o(  liuiids, 
and  the  lighter  expenses  in  clothing  and  feeding 
tlicni;  which,  1  think,  is  more  than  overbalanced 
by  the  Louisiana  planter  being  in  the  market,  and 
saving  insurance  and  freight, 

Mr.  Forslall  states: 

•'Till'  uvenigL'  yii'Iil  or  pstntes,  workins  to  lliclr  ftill  pow- 
er, nmy  Im*  n^Hnrn(Mt  tit  lie,  iht  (-liive,  flvt- honitlicaiitt  ut'hunat 
and  two  liuiidriMt  and  Illly  gidlunn  ot'niulaKsea,  wliich  would 
give  tJle  lollowing  reiiult: 

S.OO'J  III...  buiiar,  nl  4  cla $3i)0  00 

SM  gulluna  luul^ieaes,  at  Ut  Qla 37  50 


(337  .'lO 
Deduct  exp«!Uflei)  as  lierore 75  00 


Prudiirt  piT  stave $1G*J  50 

"  Which  t^hoivti  that,  on  a  welt-cnnductrd  !.U)pir  cHlato, 
with  uieaiH,  on  ttie  [iiirt  ol'  it^  owner,  to  work  it  to  ndvaii- 
ianc,  titur  c<-iit<  I'lr  eu^or  is  ns  good  a  return  pi^r  bluvc  imlen 
cents  lor  cotton." 

It  will  be  seen  that  Mr.  Forstall,  in  estimating 
the  valu  of  labor  jier  hand,  has  taken  four  cents 
as  the  ci'st,  lie  says,  of  the  production  in  Culia, 
and  innkes  the  net  vield  $1G2  50.  I  will  now,  by 
the  wny  of  comparison,  cslininle  the  value  of  labor 

tier  hand  on  a  cotton  pluiitation.  i  will  take  five 
mics  as  the  avcnige  crop  per  hand.  I  know  it 
will  be  thought  by  the  gentlemen  from  the  Caro- 
linns,  Alabumii,  Tennessee,  and  Georgia,  that  this 
is  too  hiiili  «n  average;  but  wilh  this  large  average, 
it  will  be  seen  that  it  is  the  cotton  planter  that  rc- 
tiuires  protection. 
Suy  per  liuiid  five  bales  cotton,  at  fiJ  cents 

j)er  pound jjia.'i 

Expenses  per  hand 30 


Product  per  hand 0,5 

So  it  is  seen  that  the  sugar  planter  makes  S1G2 
50  per  hand,  and  the  cotton  planter  <J95,  Which 
wnnls  protection,  lask?  If  you  wi.sli  to  protect 
the  sugar  planter,  put  on  a  high  tariff  to  proliil)il 
the  importation  of  sugar;  and  the  very  reverse,  if 
you  wish  to  protect  the  cotton  ])lanier;  open  new 
markets  to  sell  his  cotton.  It  is  said  that  it  is  iin 
advantage  to  the  cotton  planter,  as  it  draws  labor 
from  cotton.  It  is  true;  and  if  sugar  was  the  only 
thing  protected,  it  would  be  some  advantage.  Hut 
whiist  this  benefits  him  one  dollar,  you  arc  apply- 
ing this  principle  to  all  manufactures,  cutting  off 
his  cxclinngoa,  and  injuring  him  ten  dollars. 

Now  to  the  proof  that  the  9^i  cents  on  the  statute 
book  is  nil  a  cheat,  a  lie,  to  dupe  the  sugcr  planter. 

The  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  New  Orleans 
says: 

»'  llcfore  quiltiiii;  Uie  mitiject  of  FH((:ir,  tlie  enmniittee 
would  ri-ler  III  llii-  tai-t,  liow  greatly  tfie  nuniinal  prolectinn 
airnded  to  it  i:,  neutrali7.i;d,  and  the  puliiic  revenio'  injun-d, 
by  the  provisions  ntttn-  present  Inriir  us  conneeti:d  witll  tiie 
artiiii'  oi'ninliis^es. 

"  'I'lle  otticial  ri  turns  slinwihal  ai.O<X),(ll)0  of  nations  were 
inipirti'dintnthe  IJnili'd  Htattsiii  tlie  year  l»<4;t-'4l.  Of  llii.i, 
ati.iui  I7,00'I,0U0  of  imllons  were  from  Culia,  wlieic  tlie 
whole  produce  of  rial  moliuses,  wliicli  eonsipLsof  ihedrntn- 
liigs  of  niii-fiivad'i  siiaar,  nf  wliirti  ciiinparnlivi'ty  a  viiiall 
rin.iiitit)  IS  inaile  on  III*-  inland,  does  not  exceed  .'lOiijOOO  cal- 
1 111^.  and  llie  lialaiieejiin-t  tiiive  tieeii  the  syrup  arisinif  fiiiiii 
the  operalioii  uf  inakiim  llleir  wliite  and  brown  clayed  ^u^ar, 
eoiiip  i-iii'^  the  itreat  bulk  of  their  crop,  wliieti  syrup  i.^  not 
kri'iwn  ill  t.'ub.t  liy  itie  name  of  inolasses,  but  wliieli  is 
hlitpiieil  .IS  .-iicti  in  tlii'se  imnien^c  iiuantities  to  the  I 'iiiled 
St  lt^^i,  and  iatrodiie,-il  under  the  niolasses  duty  of -ir,  eeiitii 
per  101)  iHiiiiids.  Ttiis  artiele,  on  its  rir.>t  biiilinjt,  will  >icld 
Ml  per  cent,  of  uouil  siiuar,  and  the  residue  ni'ilasgcs,  from 
wliieli  uiore  snirar  eaii  la;  iibtaiiied  liy  a  sceonil  proceiis. 
Since  the  taritf  of  1810,  large  esinlilislunenu  have  bicn 
created  at  tlie  Nortli  for  the  pur[Hiseof  thusexlrauing  siiijarj 
and,  nt  an  estiiiiated  yield  of  only  5ti  per  cent.,  it  wilt  be 
s'eii  llial  I r>,lXlO,l)llO  of  priiiiids,  or  I'i'i.OOl)  hopihends  of 
forrivn  siittirs  are  thus  aiiiiiially  iiitrodueed  at  a  tlnty  of  Ie!>H 
tli.in  one  lialf  cent  per  |Miund,  to  tlie  great  injury  of  the 
aiuar  iiiter.-st,  and  Hi  a  lost)  of  nearly  tiirec  niilliona  of  dol- 
lars to  tlie  revenue.'' 

From  this  it  is  clear  that  the  planters  of  Louisiana 
have  been  amused  by  their  loving  Whig  frieinls, 
Willi  the  idea  of  having  the  protection  of  Q^  cenla 
per  pound,  while  in  reality  they  have  less  than 
that  propoiied  by  this  bill.  It  hos  hnd  the  happy 
ellict,  however,  to  convince  them  that  they  do  not 
require  ])rotection,  but  can  compete  with  the  world,  ' 


and  will  now  bo  ready  to  join  the  other  great 
agricultural  inlcresia  of  the  countiy,  to  carry  out 
the  great  principles  of  free'  trade.  But  had  it  been 
otherwise,  that  the  sugar  planter  could  not  have 
competed  with  other  countries,  I  never  could  have 
agreed  to  the  principle  of  taxing  the  balance  of  the 
Union  for  their  special  benefit;  nor  will  I  now  agree 
to  tax  them  for  the  benefit  of  any  other  section  of 
this  Union,  I  contend  the  Government  has  no 
right,  nor  would  it  be  expedient,  to  interfere  in  the 
conflicts  of  interest  between  its  citizens.  I  am 
now  planting  seed  cane,  iind  expect  in  two  or  three 
years  to  make  sugar.  And  should  1  do  it,  I  hone 
never  to  be  so  much  a  slave  to  interest  as  to  <le- 
mnnd  that  the  Government  tax  my  neighbors  for 
mv  special  benefit. 

There  is  one  great  advantage  the  sugar  interest 
of  the  United  Slates  possesses  that  is  not  fully  ap- 
preciated: it  is  the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade. 
Our  llecton  the  African  coast  will  be  of  more  nil  van- 
tage to  the  sugar  interest,  than  all  the  toriffs  wo 
have  ever  had.  It  will  be  permanent  and  real.  It 
prevents  the  African  slave  labor  from  being  ap- 
plied to  its  cnlluie,  and  it  is  impossible  for  free 
labor  iri  compete  with  the  well-organized  labor  of 
the  Louisiana  planter.  I  think  Ihe  sugar  lands 
and  sugar  interest  in  the  United  Stales  have  bright- 
er prosjiects  ahead  than  any  other  agricultural  in- 
terest. 
The  agricnlturisls  of  our  countiy  receive  about 
:|  2i  per  cent,  interest  on  the  capital  invested,  whiLst 
j  these  cliarlered  manufactiners  declare  dividends 
I  from  I5to,')0ppr  cent.  Their  insatiable  avarice 
';  siill  crying  aloud  for  protection:  ask  them  against 
'  whom,  they  will  tell  yon,  the  pauper  labor  of  Eii- 
j  I  rope.  It  is  false,  and  they  know  it  to  be  folse.  It 
i  is  to  be  protected  n-rninst  the  tillers  of  the  soil.  It 
j  is,  that  he  knows  that  they  can  furnish  the  market 
I  by  exchange  cheaper  than  they  can;  and  they  have 
li  the  audacity  to  call  on  the  Governniert  to  prohibit 
I  them  from  doing  it.  They  charge  us  with  being 
opposed  to  the  manufacturing  interest.  It  is  wholly 
I  untrue.  I  have  no  hostility  to  any  legitimate  inter- 
;  est  of  my  country.  I  go  in  to  protect  American 
'  industry — not  your  protection  of  American  indus- 
try, however,  such  as  the  wolf  gave  the  lamb;  but 
to  protect  the  great  agricultural,  commercial,  and 
I  maritime  interests  of  my  country,  from  your  ma.s- 
!  tcry  and  robbery.  Nothing  will  satisfy  the  avarice  j 
and  ambition  of  these  haughty  capitalists  hut  a  i 
public  acknowledgment  that  we  are  their  willing 
slaves.  If  we  give  a  duty  of  10  per  cent.,  have 
they  not  10  per  rent.  ndvnnUige  over  us  in  furnish- 
ing the  market.'  if  20  per  cent,,  have  they  not 
twenty  .'  It  is  now  proposed  by  'his  bill  to  give 
ihcm  from  *i95  to  MO  on  every  Imndred,  advantage 
'  over  us.  This  even  does  not  satisfy  their  cupi- 
dity. Let  them  learn  wisdom  ere  it  is  too  In'e. 
Let  the  fate  of  the  protectionist  of  England  warn 
them. 

We  are  indebted,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  the  honor- 
able gentleman  from  New  York,  (Mr,  Coi.i,iw,] 
for  an  expose  of  the  romlilinn  of  the  iron  interest. 
He  here  proves,  beyond  envil  or  doubt — lakinj  the 
census  returns  of  ihe  amount  of  capital  invested, 
the  number  of  tons  of  iron  made,  its  value,  the 
number  of  hands  eni|iloyed,  allowing  each  ^400, 
makinga  liberal  deduction  for  other  expenses — that 
the  capitalist  made  fiO  per  cent,  interest  on  his  cap-  i 
iinl  invested.     He  proved  more  than  this:  he  took  i 
the  (iricc  of  iron  in  the  Fiflish  market,  allowing  j 
five  dollars  per  ton  for  freight,  insurance,  &e.,  and 
proved,  conclusively,  that  if  the  cnpitali.st  hnd  sold  i 
his  iron  to  his  cniintrymen  ns  low  as  the  English 
iron  could  be  brousjht  hire,  adding  five  dollars  per  i 
ton,  he  woidd  then  have  made,  afier  paying  each 
hand  S400,  and  full  idlownnce  for  other  expenses,  i 
,30  per  cent,  on  the  capital  he  hnd  invested.     Not-  i 
withstanding  this,  I   regret  to  sav  we  find  gentle-  ! 
men  irom  Pennsylvania,  calling  themselves  friends  t 
of  equal  rights,  abandoning  their  ancient  friends  ' 
who  have  stood  shoiii  ler  to  shouliler  with  them  in  | 
many  a  glorious  battle-field:  and  at  this  late  hour, 
when  victory  is  about  peiching  again  on  the  Re- ' 
publican  banner,  with  deep  mortification  and  regret  j 
do  we  behold  them  in  the  ranks  of  Federalism,  ' 
with  their  battle-cry  of  plunder.     Let  me  entreat : 
you  to  Slav  the  fratricidal  blow;  ponder  well  before 
you  take  ftie  irremediable  leap.     We  are  told  that 
ihe  interest  of  Pennsylvania  demands  it.     Are  the 
sacred  principles  of  truth  and  justice  to  succumb 
to  the  fleeting  monetary  interests  of  tlie  hour.'  Are  ' 


truth ,  justice,  and  equal  rights  to  be  trampled  under 
foot,  to  satisiy  the  insatiable  avarice  of  a  few  Shy- 
locks?  No,  sir.  Let  our  friends  join  us  in  wrest- 
ing from  these  bold  men  Ihe  chartered  privilege  of 
nillaging  their  fellow-citizens;  return  to  the  old 
Keystone  State,  unl\irl  the  banner  of  free  trade, 
and  show  the  tillers  of  the  soil  it  was  (or  their 
freedom  and  interest  that  they  fought.  Go  to  the 
mcrclmnis  and  sailors,  and  oner  them  commercial 
cmnncipttlion ;  go  to  the  manufacturers  and  tell  them 
you  have  durcil  to  tear  from  the  statute-book  their 
license  to  plunder.  Tell  the  day  laborers  to  hie 
to  the  West,  with  wife  and  children,  build  their 
log-cabin,  whose  roof  may  shelter  a  freeman's 
head;  and  my  life  for  it,  old  Pennsylvania  will  do, 
us  .she  has  always  nobly  done,  her  full  duty.  It  is 
whispered  that  they  may  lose  their  scats  on  this 
floor.  Even  suppose  they  did,  which  I  do  not  be- 
lieve, I  nsk  if  t.'iey  could  die  in  a  nobler  cause .'  As 
to  myself,  I  should  prefer  that  doom  a  thousand 
times  to  a  sent  on  this  floor,  wilh  a  consciousness 
that  I  was  doing  what  I  knew  to  be  wrong, 

Mr,  Chairman,  we  are  told  by  our  opponents 
that  our  foreign  commerce  is  as  nothing  compiled 
to  the  internal  commerce  of  the  country,  and  they 
claim  that  the  internal  commerce  is  the  legilimnlc 
fruitof  their  policy.  This  I  deny,  and  think  that  1 
can  prove  to  the  most  skeptical  mind,  Ihat  their  poli- 
cy, if  carried  out,  leads  to  its  certain  destruction.  If 
their  policy  is  right  as  to  the  United  Suites,  why 
not  apply  it  to  the  diflerent  States,  to  make  every- 
thing at 'home.'  If  applicable  to  the  States,  why 
not  to  each  county .'  If  to  each  county,  why  not 
carry  it  out,  and  make  every  man  a  jack  of  all 
trades.'  Where,  then,  would  be  the  internal  trade.' 
It  would  be  annihilated.  Is  it  not  clear,  as  you 
approach  the  principle  of  making  everything  at 
home,  you  diminish  the  internal  commerce  to  Ihe 
same  extent.' 

Our  internal  commerce  entirely  depends  on  the 
foreign  commerce  of  the  country.  They  are  in- 
separably connected  ;  they  live  or  die  together. 
Strike  on  your  foreign  trade,  and  what  would  be- 
come of  the  producers  of  the  fifteeen  millions  of 
tobacco  we  now  make  more  than  the  American 
people  can  consume )  What  will  become  of  the 
wheat,  pork,  lard,  beef,  corn,  butter,  cheese, 
horses,  mules,  lumber  producing  States,  that  now 
make  millions  more  than  the  whole  people  of  the 
United  Stales  ejtn  consume,  even  with  the  great 
cotton  States  as  consumers,  and  when  your  policy 
forces  the  cotton  States  to  the  abandonment  of  ii.s 
culture,  and  necessity  must  force  them  to  make  tlio 
same  productions  that  they  now  purchase  from  the 
West.'  I  would  ask,  in  all  seriousness,  where  is 
your  internal  commerce;  where  are  the  thousand 
steamboats  that  now  ply  the  mighty  rivers  of  the 
West.'  Would  they  then  be  freighted,  as  they  now 
are,  with  flour,  corn,  beef,  bacon,  horses,  mules, 
&c.,  to  furnish  the  South.'  No,  sir;  your  pro- 
tective policy — your  making  everything-at-home 
policy — has  forced  them  into  opposition  to  nature, 
to  be  producers,  instead  of  consumers  of  these  arti- 
cles. What  becomes  of  the  great  canals  and  rail- 
roads of  Pennsylvania  and  New  York,  that  are 
now  bearing  the  teeming  productions  of  the  West, 
to  scatter  them  to  the  four  quarters  of  llie  globe, 
to  exchange  for  the  very  articles  that  these  pro- 
tectionisls  say  we  ought  to  make  nt  home .'  That 
is,  the  Government  must  not  let  farmers  furnish 
the  market  by  exchaiifje,  but  prohibit  it,  and  let  a 
few  chartered  companies  do  it!  I  will  tell  those 
cunning  men  that  it  is  now  made  at  homo  just  as 
certainly  iis  if  it  was  made  on  their  farms;  and  1 
repe.it  again,  Ihe  conlesl  is,  who  is  to  furnish  tho 
market,  the  tillers  of  the  soil  by  exchange,  or  a 
few  chartered  companies.  We  have  the  same 
right  to  demand  that  Government  prohibit  the 
chartered  companies  from  furnishing  the  market, 
for  the  reason  that  it  conflicts  with  onr  interest,  us 
they  have  to  demand  that  Congress  prohibit  us, 
because  it  conflicts  with  their  interest.  But  neither 
has  the  right  to  ask  more  than  a  fair  competi- 
tion. We  now  import  into  the  United  States  four 
millions  dollars  worth  of  sugar,  and  I  ask,  who 
furnishes  this  sugar.'  It  is  the  lumber  of  Maine 
an  I  the  Carolinas,  the  corn,  flour,  pork,  lard,  [."ef, 
mules,  and  horses,  from  the  farming  States,  and 
giving  employment  to  thousands  of  ship-carpen- 
ters, sailors,  and  others,  connected  with  that  busi- 
ness: and  why  shall  they  be  prohibited  from  doing 
it?    I  can  see  no  reason,  in  common  justice  or 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


747 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Harmamon. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


nounil  policy.  But,  on  the  contrary,  it  would  be 
lirctikiiig  (low  n  one  set  of  our  citizenn  for  the  licne- 
fit  of  another.  Carry  out  voiir  policy  of  destroy- 
ing th(i  fiireisn  commerce  of  the  country,  and  what 
becomes  of  New  York,  now  the  centre  of  our  com- 
mercial system  ?  What  of  Philadelphia?  What 
of  New  Orleans — a  mart  that  nature  has  pointed 
out,  and  will  be,  if  the  great  niiturul  interests  of 
tlie  country  are  unshackled,  the  mightiest  city  in 
llie  civilized  world  ?  Uut  q  half  century  will  not 
miss  by,  if  your  prohibitory  system  is  prrxisled  in, 
Ijcfore  their  wharves  will  have  rolled  down,  beggary 
will  infest,  and  grass  grow  in  their  streets.  Such 
will  be  the  fate  of  idl  those  cities. 

In  pointing  to  the  list  of  free  articles  of  the  tariff 
of  1842,  and  demanding  to  know  tlie  livsin  why 
one  set  of  articles  have  a  duty,  varying  from  50  to 
liUU  per  cent.,  and  another  set  free  of  duty,  our 
opponents  tell  us,  that  they  made  them  free,  he- 
I'uuse  it  would  be  unjust  and  oppressive  to  the 
jioor,  and  dctrimcniul  to  the  general  interests  of  the 
country  to  lux  those  articles.  In  the  very  next 
breath  they  tell  us  that  their  object  in  the  high  du- 
ties is  to  draw  capital  to  (hose  points,  to  enable  us 
to  make  them  at  home;  and  so  soon  as  accom- 
plished, must,  from  necessity,  throw  the  whole 
weight  ui)on  the  Government,  on  the  articles  they 
now  make  free,  and  which  they  acknowledge  it 
would  be  so  oppressive  to  the  poor,  and  destruc- 
tive to  the  general  inlercsis  of  the  country  to  tax. 

They  also  charge  us  with  being  in  favor  of  direct 
tuxalion.  They  denounce  the  system  ns  iniqui- 
tous, odious,  and  tending  to  revolution.  They  say 
that  every  Whig  is  opposed  to  it.  I  am  not  one 
of  those  who  believe  it  to  be  unjust,  iniquitous, 
odious,  or  that  it  would  destroy  my  country.  But 
if  I  did  believe  it,  os  our  opponents  profess  to  be- 
lieve, and  should  advocate  a  policy  that  I  clearly 
saw  would  lead  to  so  direful  a  result,  my  conscience 
would  tell  me  that  I  was  a  traitor  to  my  country, 
to  humanity,  and  my  God.  And  let  me  entreat  our 
opponents  to  stay  their  course,  for  their  policy  will 
produce  that  result  iis  certainly  as  that  there  is  a 
God.  Make  everything  at  home,  and  you  have 
done  it;  nay,  make  the  articles  you  are  protecting 
for  the  very  purpose  of  enabling  us  to  moke  them 
at  home,  und  you  have  done  it.  What  would  be 
lliouglil  of  a  pilot  who  would  warn  the  passengers 
that  a  mighty  gulf  was  in  the  seas;  that  to  enter 
it  was  certain  destruction,  and  charged  the  pilot 
who  was  then  navigating  the  ship  with  the  inten- 
tion of  running  into  it.'  The  pih)tat  the  helm  is 
interrogated  by  the  afl'righted  passengers;  he  tells 
them  that  he  does  not  believe  in  such  a  gulf;  but 
if  such  a  gulf  did  exist,  the  course  he  was  steering 
would  avoid  it;  the  passengers  were  urged  not 
to  trust  him;  whilst  they  slept  he  would  ingulf 
them;  but  to  give  him  the  helm  and  they  would  lie 
safe.  He  was  asked  the  direction  he  w<uild  steer 
if  they  gave  him  the  helm;  ho  pointed  out  the 
direction,  and  all  saw  if  such  a  gulf  existed,  and 
he  hud  the  helm,  their  destruction  was  inevilable! 
Would  tlicy  be  wise  to  give  it  to  him?  No,  air; 
for  he  would  have  proved  to  them  one  of  iwo 
things:  that  he  was  ignorant,  or  wished  to  destroy 
them:  either  would  be  sufficient  to  condemn  him. 

Yet  these  men  boast  loudly  of  their  stoteamnn- 
ship.  1  readily  accord  them  the  highest  order  of 
iiUelli'ct.  But,  Mr.  Chairman,  a  man  to  be  enli- 
tled  lo  the  proud  name  of  statesman,  in  my  opinion, 
must  not  only  have  intellect  and  intelligence  enough 
to  understand  the  eflcct  and  bearing  of  these  great 
measures;  but  he  musi  have  honcaly  with  it.  He 
must  point  out  to  his  frllow-citi/.ena  fairly  mid  fear- 
lessly the  cfl'ect  and  iiilcntion  of  his  nieiisurea,  so 
lis  to  enable  his  countrymen  to  cast  an  honest  and 
intelligent  vole;  and  he  who  supprcsacs  the  truth, 
or  advances  argimienls  he  knows  to  be  false,  in- 
siead  of  deserving  the  proud  name  of  statesman, 
should  be  sligmatized  as  a  oonteniptililc  demagogue, 
who  would  deceive  and  dupe  his  fellow-citizens, 
that  he  might  carry  out  his  scheme  of  avarice  and 
ambition.  When  I  look  at  the  comlilion  that  the 
American  women  must  be  placed  in  which  a  heart- 
less policy  would  draw  to  these  mills — thousands 
working  by  the  day,  with  no  other  security  from 
Btarvatiim  and  misery  but  the  slender  dependence 
on  the  interest  of  heartless  speculators,  who  can 
ard  will  starve  them  at  any  moment,  if  interest  or 
ambition  commands — I  cjinnot  contemplate  it  with- 
out the  deeiiest  solicitude.  I  look  on  Has  counter- 
acting tlie  designs  of  our  God.    Your  law  of  pro- 


tection is  a  law  of  celibacy.  It  crushes  the  fairest 
hopes  of  youthful  life,  and  deprives  old  age  of  ils 
colace:  they  cannot  marry.  Its  fruiti.,  the  highest 
1)1  -ings  of  matrimony,  m  their  condition,  would 
be  a  curse  and  dread,  and  must  be  shunned;  suir- 
vation  or  the  poor-house  would  be  the  certain 
penally  of  vi.ilaling  your  law  of  celibacy.  The 
young  inun  cannot  marry,  for,  instead  of  getting  a. 
nelpniate,  he  would  have  an  insupportable  clog 
around  his  neck.  And  can  it  be  supposed  the 
women  could  trudge  at  those  mills  from  morning 
till  night,  with  their  infants  clinging  to  their  brcasis? 
Can  it  be  thought  that  these  chartered  companies 
would  stop  their  spindles  until  the  mother  could 
appease  the  hunger  of  her  child?  No,  sir,  the  cries 
of  a  thousand  infanta  could  not  stay  fur  a  moment 
their  tireless  machinery;  their  fate  indeed  would  be 
a  gloomy  one. 

If  happiness,  virtue,  and  freedom,  are  the  true 
ends  of  government,  can  our  opponents  attain  it  by 
driving  our  people  to  manufacturing?  1  would  ask 
if  it  is  wise  or  humane  to  drive  people  to  so  uncer- 
tain employment,  who,  by  the  force  of  population, 
ere  a  half  century  passes  by,  will  be  reduced  to 
unspeakable  degradation  and  misery.  I  ask,  whose 
children  are  they  whom  you  would  doom  to  this 
slavery  ?  Are  they  the  children  of  the  proud  own- 
ers of  the  mills?  No,  sir;  they  are  the  farmers 
and  mechanics'  children  you  would  invite  to  this 
servitude.  It  is  a  deep-luid  scheme  to  enslave  I  hem, 
to  carry  out  your  purposes  of  avarice  and  ambition. 
You  say  you  give  thcin  labor.  It  is  true.  But  the 
complaint  is,  you  give  them  too  much  labor,  and 
too  little  for  it.  Heaven  knows  you  give  them  la- 
bor enough !  From  the  gray  of  the  morn  till  twi- 
light, they  are  trudging  at  these  mills,  with  but  a 
short  half  hour  to  gulp  down  their  hasty  meals. 

Our  policy  is  exactly  the  reverse.     It  is  to  draw 
them  to  the  public  lands — the  happiest  condition 
of  life.     Take  one  hundred  couple,  and  place  them 
to  manufacturing  by  the  day;  take  a  hundred  and 
send  them  lo  the  public  lands.     Let  twenty  years 
pass  by,  and  then  visit  the  children  you  had  placed 
under  the  kind  guardianship  of  these  manufactu- 
rers.    Hunt  them  up  in  the  garrets  and  cellars;  go  ! 
to  the  poor-house,  you  will  find  some  there;  go  to  ' 
the  penitentiary,  you  will  there  find  some  of  your  ! 
once  noble-hearted  children,  driven  to  excesses  by  ' 
starvation.     Siirch  in  the  streets  for  your  beggar  j 
grandchildren    who  never  had  a  home;  go  to  the 
orphan  rsyh'.n,  and  search  out  those  who  are  too 
small  to  beg-  see  the  haggardness  and  degradation 
of  your  one:  happy  and  free  children  I     Turn  and 
visit  those  who  have  been  led  by  a  more  humane 
policy  to  the  flowery  prairies  of  the  West.   Goto  ' 
their   log-cabins,   see  the   health   and    happiness 
around;  sit  down  to  their  loaded  board,  tin-  ''Miils  ' 
of  the  sweat  of  a  freeman's  brow,  and  how  freely  I 
given  !     Look  at  your  grandchildren,  reared  I'f  in- 
dustry, and  educated  to  undi^rstaiul  their  country's 
honor  and  interest,  who  will  ever  be  ready  to  pro- 
tect them  with  a  freeman's  heart  and  firm  a  (ii,aiul  ' 
who  ciMi  say  this  is  my  mother  and  father's  ."louse 
— this  is  my  home  ! 

They  tell  us  they  furnish  capital,  and  eivc  the 
people  labor.  That  is  true.  It  is  also  true,  that  from  ' 
the  fruits  of  that  labor  they  take  ihe  lion's  share. 
So  do  we  furnish  capital  in  land,  and  they  h.ive 
the  whole  fruits  of  their  labor.  There  is  the  diller- 
enre. 

Let  us  look  at  the  condition  of  the  agricultural 
interest,  not  yielding  over  2i  per  cent,  on  the  cm\i\- 
Inl;  whilst  the  maiiufiicturing  is  averaging  25  jier  ■ 
cent.  It  is  yet  to  be  said  for  the  first  lime  in  my 
presence,  that  the  inlenlion  of  your  tariff  of  1842 
was  to  enable  the  capitalist  to  make  a  higher  inter- 
est on  his  money;  but,  on  the  contrary,  the  pre- 
tence has  always  been,  it  was  intended  to  raise  the 
price  of  labor.  Five  per  rent.,  all  must  acknowl- 
edge, would  be  a  fair  remuneration  for  the  capital 
invested.  But  they  have  made,  by  the  influence 
of  this  law,  an  average  of  25  per  cent.  Is  it  not 
perfectly  clear  that  one  of  two  things  is  certain — 
that  they  have  not  paid  their  workmen  enough,  or 
they  have  charged  the  people  too  high  for  their 
goods?  If  they  did  not  charge  the  people  too  much  ! 
for  their  manufactures,  it  is  perfectly  clear  that  the 
laborers  should  have  had  the  residue  over  a  fair 
interest,  else  it  is  all  humbug  and  deception  that 
the  tiiriffwas  intended  to  benefit  labor.  Its  inten- 
tion and  effect  has  been  to  benefit  capital  at  the  ex- ' 
pense  of  labor.     And  when  this  pillage  is  pointed  ' 


out  to  clearly  that  ho  that  runs  mny  rend ,  they 
charge  you  with  demagoguism — of  a  desire  to  ex- 
cite the  poor  against  the  rich.  No  doubt,  sir,  it 
would  be  much  more  grateful  to  the  feelings  of 
these  men  did  we  connive  at  this  plundering,  and 
hide  it  from  the  ga/.o  of  an  injured  people.  I  do 
denounce  it,  for  the  purpose  of  exciting  them  to 
repel  and  resent  this  injuslice.  1  do  denounce  it, 
for  the  purpose  of  exciting  every  honest  .iiind, 
both  rich  and  poor,  to  slay  this  career  of  plun- 
der; and  if  that  is  a  crime,  I  glory  in  being  a  cri- 
minal. 

You  tell  us  you  buy  ourcollon,  flour,  pork,  but- 
ter, cheese,  iKC.  That  is  true.  Ask  the  little 
Prince  of  Wales  why  the  starving  people  of  Kng- 
liinil  are  taxed  a  million  of  dollars  for  his  benefit. 
Will  he  not  give  the  same  answer?  Would  ho 
not  say  to  the  farmer.  Do  I  not  buy  your  horses, 
and  your  corn  to  feed  them  with,  your  provisions  to 
feed  myself,  servants,  and  dogs?  Would  he  not 
say.  Do  I  not  hire  your  children  to  wait  on  mo, 
wash  my  feet,  curry  my  horses,  and  feed  my 
hounds?  This  would  all  be  true.  But  it  is  equally 
true  that  you  buy  both  with  the  money  yim  have 
filched  from  the  pockets  of  the  people  by  unjust 
legislation. 

We  have  achieved  our  personal  freedom,  and 

we  have  religions  freedom.      We  have  but  one 

more  step  to  take  to  perfect  our  republican  syatcni: 

that  is,  to  give  us  freedom  of  properly.     That  ia 

the  contest  now.     Free  trade  is  nothing  more  nor 

less  than  freedom  of  projierly.    I  make  my  cotton, 

flour,  pork,  corn,  t^c.    And  the  simple  quesliou 

is  this:  Shall  I  use  my  cotton,  flour,  pork,  beef, 

&c.  as  I  think  most  conducive  to  Ihe  interest  and 

welfare  of  my  family  ?    Your  protective  system 

says  no,  you  shall  not  do  it;  if  yon  do,  these  muii- 

ufactureia  will  be  injured.     Then  I  say,  I  am  not 

master  of  the  fruits  of  my  own  laiior,    but    the 

inunufaclurer  is,  so  far  ns  to  prevent  my  using  it 

in  any  way  that  will  be  detrimental  lo  his  inlerest. 

This  is  Ihe  question  to  be  settled.     These  arrogant 

vampires  have  the  insulting  impudence  to  tell  Ihe 

li  tillers  of  the  soil  of  this  free  country  that  they 

!'  shall  noldisposeof  the  fruilsof  their  labor,  if  doing 

'1  .so  conflicts  with  their  interest.     It  does  appear  to 

!i  me  that  these  men  think  that  the  farmers  and  mr- 

I  chanics  of  this  country  are  only  fit  to  be  their 

ji  bondmen,  and  their  wives  breeders  of  slaves  for 

i  their  especial  benefit. 

j  It  is  full  lime  that  the  producers  of  this  Republic 
should  look  to  their  freedom.  It  is  full  lime  that 
they  rise  lo  the  true  dignily  of  their  calhng,  and 
teach  the.se  bloated  lords  of  the  sphining  jenny 
that  they  know  their  rights  and  interests,  and,  at 
all  hazards,  will  moinlam  them. 

To  say  other  nations  shall  not  sell  their  manu- 
faclures  to  us,  is  to  say  we  shall  not  sell  our  flour, 
corn,  cotton,  beef,  tobacco,  lard,  rice,  horses,  mules, 
and  lumber,  to  them.  To  say  that  we  shall  not  sell 
to  them  is  tantamount  to  passing  a  positive  law  pro- 
hibiting our  raising  those  articles;  for  every  sini- 
pletoii  must  know  that  we  cannot  raise  them  un- 
less we  can  sell  them.  That  is  the  question  wo 
are  called  on  to  decide.  The  capitalist  says  you 
shall  not.  It  is  left  with  the  American  jieoplc  lo 
say  whether  we  are  their  willing  slaves  or  free- 
men. 

Thousands  of  good  honest  Whigs,  who  are  as 
true  to  ihcir  country,  as  true  lo  the  great  principles 
of  republicanism,  ns  any  man  in  the  Democratic 
ranks,  have  been  led  lo  the  ailvocacy  of  this  pro- 
leciive  system,  from  the  highest  feeling  of  patriot- 
ism, conscientiously  believing  that  it  would  add 
to  their  country's  glory,  wealth,  power,  and  inde- 
pendence. They  are  cliealed,  vilely  cheated,  inio 
this  belief,  by  the  most  subtle  sophistries,  the  most 
specious  deceptions,  the  most  daring  frauds,  that 
Ihe  keenest  intellects  could  forge,  stimulated  by 
insatiate  avarice  and  ambition. 

They  tell  you  that  they  give  you  a  home  mar- 
ket. You  see  it  is  untrue;  that  it  destroys  your 
market.  They  tell  you  they  give  your  children 
labor:  you  know  it  draws  them  to  the  most  un- 
certain employment,  where  they  may  be  starved 
at  any  moment,  and  in  the  end  must  be  wretched. 
They  tell  you  thai,  by  giving  them  a  monopoly, 
they  will  sell  goods  to  you  cliea|)er.  You  know 
this  to  be  false;  ond,  if  true,  that  they  have  ruined 
you,  and  deprived  you  of  the  ability  of  buying. 
They  tell  you  ihey  have  drawn  capital  from  agri- 
culture to  manufactures,  and  benefited  the  farmer, 


748 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  I, 


29th  CoNQ I  ST  Se89. 


The  Tariff — Mr.  James  Thompson. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


1846.] 
89th 


which  11  wholly  a  mislnko.     It  hoa  prevented  ila 
eoiii^  to  the  very  points  that  would  hnve  been  innat  ! 
Ill  iiiiiaun  with  the  iigriciilturni  interest,    Ifithnd  I 
not  iieen  niindirecled   hy  legialiition  to  mnnufnc- 
tiiriiuri  it  winild  hnvc  lieen  iiHcd  for  building  mil-  | 
rtiads  nnd  ('niialii,  to  nHsint  the  riirniursof  the  coun-  | 
liy  to  send  their  productions  to  Iho  grciit  nmrtH  of 
oureonnlry.    They  tell  you  itinnkes  uh  indupcnd-  . 
ent  iiiid  free,  when  it  iinnihilnles  our  sliippiiij;  in- 
terest— our  ri;;lit  nrm  of  natioiuil   delbncc — nnd 
iniik™  liondmeii  of  the  tillers  of  the  soil. 

We  caiiimt  lie  u  grciit  niiiiiufiuturina;,  iif;ricnl-  ' 
liinil,  nnd  coninicreini  country.  Thnt  is  impossi- 
ble. Wc  council  lie  nil  three.  Ciunmeroe  depends 
on  the  nbsencc  of  one  or  the  other.  Hence  it  is 
llint  England  is  the  -greatest  commercial  iintiiin  in 
the  world.  She  scailers  her  manufactures  over 
the  world,  and  lirings  hack  nOTicuhural  products. 
This  has  given  her  the  coiilrol  of  ihe  seas,  and  liy 
its  power  bus  placed  the  fate  of  niitions  at  her  dis- 
posal. Sulfenii^  humniiily  can  attest  how  hard 
that  fnte  has  been.  Wc  are  the  next  Rrent  cotn- 
niercial  nation  of  the  earth.  We  scatter  our  ngri- 
rultural  productions  to  the  four  tpiarlers  of  the 
globe,  and  bring:  back  innnufactures  an  cheap  as  : 
they  aiii  be  inude.  Ciod  has  piven  us  a  climate 
congenial  to  the  hi>;hcst  perfection  of  man,  and  ii 
soil  that  no  cpiaiter  of  the  liubilablc  fjlobe  can 
equal;  pruductions  of  the  finest  tpialiiy,  and  of  u 
kind  that  the  whole  world  desire,  and  who  would 
t.ikc  to  an  ulninst  illiniitnlilc  aiiMiunt,  if  they  bad 
the  ability.  That  ability  entirely  depends  on 
wlieihcr  we  will  take  their  productions  in  exchange. 
If  we  take  iIumii,  we  will  S've  incixlculnble  coin- 
forls  to  our  IVlldW-ninn;  and  tiiey.will  give  us,  in 
return,  ,ill  the  varied  mnmifacluren  of  the  earth,  of 
the  best  (|iiulity,  and  at  as  low  a  price  as  skill  and 
competition  can  iiroduce  them.  Tiiis  is  the  ques- 
liiMi  to  be  decided.  Alonientous  resulls  for  the 
weal  or  wo  of  mankind  depend  on  our  decision. 
And  can  it  be  supposed,  fur  a  moment,  at  iliis  ad- 
vanced stage  of  civilization,  that  prejudice,  avarice, 
and  Hinbition,  will  be  |>ermitted  lo  bi-eak  down  the 
great  natural  inleiests  nnd  power  of  our  country, 
to  slay  its  ailvanccnient  to  that  wealth,  power,  i 
and  glory,  the  coiitemplntion  of  which  expands 
the  heart  of  the  American  patriot?  Never,  sir. 
Never  can  America  be  so  (hlse  "o  herself  and  her 
Uod.  Carry  out  your  hateful,  blighting,  miscalled  ] 
Aniciican  system,  and  what  have  you  done?  You  I 
hnve  destroyed  the  agricullurni  and  murilimc  in-  I 
teresis  of  your  country.  We  will  have  been  false  i 
to  ourselves  nnd  Iraiiors  to  humanity.  As  to  the 
political  power  we  would  have  over  the  world,  to 
4;uide  the  advancing  civilization  of  the  age,  we  will 
b.ue  sunk  iriio  notliingnci'.s — a  <li,sgrace  to  our 
lineage — and  will  be  lecollectcd  by  posterily  only  i 
to  be  despised. 

Su'h  cannot  be  the  miserable  fate  of  the  race 
that  sjirung  from  the  loins  of  tbe  fathers  of  the 
llevolulion.  .No,  sir;  we  will  be  true  to  our  .sires. 
The  rich  lei:acy  ihey  have  lct\  us,  of  personul  frire- 
doni  anil  religious  liiieriy,  we  will  hand  down  lo 
our  children  uniaipalieil.  We  will  do  inure:  add 
to  it  the  freedom  of  proj>crty.  We  will  carry  out 
the  great  principli^s  of  free  trade.  We  will  take 
thai  position  ninoiig  the  nations  of  the  earlli  that 
iKiliire  intendid.  We  will  freight  our  tlnuisands 
of  ships  to  every  quarler  of  the  habilablc  globe, 
(■arryiiig  peace  and  comfort  to  every  man's  door; 
a  Bible  to  teach  him  the  true  doctrines  of  Chris- 
tiaiiiiy;  our  declaration  of  rights,  that  he  may 
know  his  own,  and  learn  to  respect  those  of  others. 
And  ere  half  a  ceiUury  passes  by,  the  stars  nnd 
snipes  will  iloat  ill  every  part  of  the  habitable 
world.  No  longer  will  it  be  sung  that  nritamna 
rules  the  waves.  Her  day  will  have  past;  her 
power  will  have  gone  into  other  bnnds.  It  will 
lie  our  proud  boast  that  Ainenca  rules  the  waves. 
The  fate  of  iiiitloiifi  will  be  in  her  hands.  ii\\c 
will  control  the  advancing  civilization  of  the  age; 
be  the  freeman's  love  and  tyrant's  dread.  All 
those  barriers  that  prejudice  and  despotism  have 
built  up  to  make  man  the  enemy  of  man  will  be 
broken  down.  The  principle  of  war — hate,  and 
a  thirst  of  power  to  oppress  nnd  rob  our  fellow- 
ninn — will  hnve  run  its  reckless  nnd  lloody  career. 
The  American  principle — the  Americnn  itfea — will 
control  the  nctlons  of  mankind.  Equal  rights, 
personal   freedom,  religious   liberty,   freedom   of 

Iiropcrty,  pence' nnd  goodwill  to  nil  mankind,  will 
le  the  legittinnle  fruits  of  the  policy  wc  propose. 


THETARIPF. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  JAS.  THOMPSON, 

OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

In  the  HotiHE  or  Rkprkhkntative!), 

Jubj  I ,  ]):I4G. 

The  House  being  in  Comniiitee  of  llic  Whole  on 

the  stnte  of  the  Union,  on  the  bill  reducing  the 

duty  on  Imports,  nnd  for  other  purposes — 

Mr.  THOMPSON  said: 

Mr.  CiiAinMANi  I  never  in  my  life  experienced 
so  great  n  leliictnnce,  ns  well  ns  dirtidence,  in  nt- 
templing  to  spenk,ns  1  dont  this  time;  but  I  feel  it 
to  be  my  duty  to  innke  tbe  elVort.  How  cordially 
do  I  wish  that  the  necessity  did  not  exist  fm-  doing 
so;  but,  sir,  I  am  one  ^f  ihe  representatives  from  a 
sinle  greatly  nnd  vitally  inlcrcsled  in  this  qiieslion; 
and  1  inaysay  here,  wlii'.t  is  well  known,  I  jircsumc, 
that  I  am  a  tnrilV  man.  And  iintwilbstanding  what 
the  gentleninii  from  Alalmma  [Mr.  Yanckv]  has 
said,  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say  I  am  a  tniilVmnn  nnd 
n  Ueniocrnt  too.  Thnt  genllemnn  has  said  that 
"  the  South  has  heretofore  met  thegenilemen  from  ' 
Ohio  and  Pennsylvania  in  common  council,  be-  ; 
licving  that  they,  in  common  with  us,  entertained  i 
kindred  prineiiilcs.  Hut  we  are  wrong;  we  enter-  i 
tiiin  no  principles  ineommoii."  Sir,  perhaps  wedo 
,ot;  and  perhaps  ahso  we  have  as  much  ground  to 
I'elieilate  ourselves  that  it  is  so,  ns  those  who  clnim 
to  have  made  the  discovery.  But  tbe  gentleman 
suya  they  will  no  longer  hold  poliliinl  communion 
with  IIS.  Hold  politicnl  communion  with  us!  Sir, 
who  asks  bin)  to  do  so?  If  he  desires  to  go,  let 
him  go,  nnd  joy  go  with  him.  If  he,  or  those  who 
think  with  h'lm,  desire  to  witlidrnw  from  tbe  Deni- 
ocmtic  party,  the  separation  will  be  fully  as  agree- 
able as  the  meeting.  We  shall  acquiesce  in  nil 
their  desires  on  llils  subject.  I  mny  feel  very  sorry, 
but  1  think  I  slinll  not  cry.  I  should  like  to  see 
by  what  nuthority  that  gentlemun  rends  us  out  of 
the  pnrty,  for  it  struck  me  this  wns  the  atlenipt.  I 
would  like  to  sec  the  broad  seal  of  his  commission. 
If  it  is  siiHicieiitly  authoritative,  it  shall  be  obeyed ;  if 
nut,  be  nssiircd  it  slinll  receive  no  more  respect  thnn 
it  deserves.  Muny  tilings  have  been  snid  about 
Pemisylviuiia,lier  people,  and  interests;  many  un- 
just reflections  have  been  uttered;  but  it  has  been  re- 
served to  this  day  to  iinpcnch  her  political  integrity. 
Since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  she  has 
never  faltered  but  once;  and  that  time,  too,  be  it 
remembered,  was  under  the  workings  of  a  system 
such  lis  the  gendeman  now  ndvocntes.  She  hns 
ever  been  foremost  nnd  slendliusl  in  her  siip])ort  of 
demourutic  men  nnd  measures.  The  charge  or 
inipeuuhment  is  unjust,  liut  the  gentleman  is  the 
more  unju.st  to  himself  when  he  is  unjust  to  Penn- 
syl#iiiia.  1  cannot  reflect,  however,  on  the  illbrt  to 
riad  us  out  of  the  democratic  ranks,  but  I  toiilem- 
plate  with  surprise  theobject  lo  be  achieved, and  the 
nuuM  employed  lo  efftct  liw  object!  It  certainly  put 
me  ill  mind  of  the  Irishman  who  ivaptuicd  the 
Hessians:  The  prisoners  would  neither  go  nlong 
with  him,  nor  let  Paddy  leturn  himself.  Su",li 
seemed  to  me  wns  about  llie  position  of  the  gentle- 
man in  bis  undcrlaking. 

The  gciitleiiian  contends  that  the  Bnltimore  Coii- 
venlioii,  at  whiili  Mr.  Polk  was  nomlnaicd  for 
the  Presidency,  declared  that  the  tarill'  should  be 
modified.  Sir,  that  convention  did  so;  nnd  so  fnr 
ns  that  is  concerned,  I  have  no  objection  lo  n  inod- 
ificuliun;  the  bill  before  us  is  not  a  modification, 
it  is  an  eiilire  change  of  the  tnrilt'  in  principle  and 
detail.  But  am  1  bound  to  vole  for  this  bill  be- 
cause of  the  Bnltimore  resolution  ?  1  think  not; 
and  I  deny  that  that  eoiivenlion  had  any  right  to 
determine  on  subjects  for  futSre  legislution,  dis- 
connected with  the  principles  of  frceilo;u  that  tte 
believe  the  democratic  cause  best  serves  to  per- 
petuate. 1  deny  thnt  they  had  any  right  to  puss 
on  local  interests.  Where  did  the  convention  pro- 
cure the  right?  They  were  elected  to  nominate  a 
candidate  lor  the  Presidency  and  the  Vice  Presi- 
dency— nothing  more.  Did  they  nsseniblc  pre- 
|)nred  to  digest  nnd  decide  on  the  question  of 
tnriU's,  revenues,  imposts,  or  duties?  Sir,  the 
delegates  from  my  Stnte  did  not  so  go;  nor  did  nny 
from  the  North,  I  presume.  Let  me  teM  you  how 
I  understnnd  thnt  resolution,  nmnngst  others,  enme 
into  existence.  They  were  rend  by  the  drnwer  after 
u  lurgc  portion  of  tlic  delegates  had  left,  perlinps  a 


majority.  They  wore  voted  on  without  diacuii- 
aion,  oxaminntion,  or  dclihomtion,  by  the  members 
present.  And  now,  air,  we  arc  to  bo  bound  hand 
and  foot  by  them.  It  is  cininied  for  these  resolu- 
tions a  force  fnr  beyond  legislative  obligation 

snniclliing  eqtinl  to  eonatitutional  sanctions,  bv 
elevating  them  into  articlea  of  political  faith.  This 
1  object  to.  To  anything  tliat  eonveiilion  met 
lo  do,  1  yielded  my  cheerful  assent.  I  shall  ever 
do  so;  but  whatever  is  cxtrajiidicini  I  discard  with- 
out hesitancy.  It  astonished  me  lo  bear  the  gen- 
tleman invoke  the  snnelion  of  the  Bnltimore  Con- 
vention; and  it  astonished  me  more  to  hear  him 
rallicr  ominously  declare,  that  "when  we  meet 
'again  it  must  be,  not  to  pass  resolutions  clothed 
'  in  words  which  liide  nnd  do  not  convey  meaning, 
'  and  which  can  be  used  as  a  screen  for  nny  poliii- 
'  cnl  vngary,but  lo  define  principles  of  action  whiili 
'  we  shall  feel  nn  nrdent  desire  to  promote."  This 
is  nil  very  well;  hut  I  wns  surprised,  sir,  lo  lienr 
this  from  him.  Hnd  the  genllemnn  forgotten  the 
resolution  of  the  Baltimore  Convenlion  in  regard  In 
Oregon;  ihnt  it  declnred  our  title  good  to  the  whole 
of  it;  ui'd  hnd  he  forgolten  thnt  he  voted,  but  n 
few  months  since, ngninst  the  only  mennsby  which 
the  country  cnuld  enjoy  the  fruits  of  thnt  title — 
against  the  notice?  it  wns  the  flrat  measure,  ex- 
cepting thnt  in  relnlion  to  Texas,  thnt  wo  were 
pilled  to  net  upon,  eiiiimernlcd  in  these  ]iroceed- 
iiigs,  and,  on  the  very  first  trial,  the  genlleman 
baulked.  He  marched  up  to  the  sticking  point  and 
— backed  out.  Sir,  ns  '.e  sny  of  n  fnlse  liorse,  he 
bolted.  Thnt  genllemnn  should  not  read  us  n  lec- 
ture until  bis  own  consistency  eniilles  him  to  do  il; 
nnd,  in  my  opinion,  that  time  hiw  not  yet  arrived. 
Mr.  Chairumn,  it  liim  been  said  that  this  is  n 
most  imporlnnt  session  of  Congress,  on  account  of 
the  mugniliide  of  the  many  measures  nirendy  acted 
upon.  It  mny  be  so,  sir;  but  I  here  tnkc  lenve  lo 
sny,  thnt  not  one  of  nil  those  mcusures,  in  ray  judg- 
ment, bear  any  comparison  in  point  of  vitnl  in- 
terest with  thnt  now  under  considerntinn.  Vitnl, 
becnuse  it  will  nll'cct  the  industry  and  prosperity 
>f  the  country — will  clinnge  it  radically  nnd  en- 
tirely. And, sir,  let  mensk,  how  mnny  genllemcn, 
upon  their  own  knowlege  or  thnt  derived  from 
niithenlic  sources,  are  eompelent  to  determine  the 
full  ellcctof  all  the  changes  proposed  in  this  bill — 
the  cireet  on  trade,  on  mechanics,  on  manufac- 
tures?— the  consequence  of  adding  too  much  duly 
on  one  species  of  fabric,  or  too  little  on  another? — 
how  it  will  nflect  us  nt  home,  nnd  whnt  will  be  the 
eonseqiienres  nbroad  ?  It  will  not  be  considered  dis- 
respectful to  express  my  belief  that  not  onegenlle- 
niun  amongst  us  is  thus  prepared — not  one.  The 
idea  that  we  necessnrily  understnnd  nil  these  lliing.s 
because  wi;  hold  sifnls  here,  or  that  we  do  so  by  intu- 
ilion,  is  a  very  great  mistake.  Hnw  is  it  possible 
to  legislate  uiideistandlngly  about  all  Ihe  diveisilied 
interests  of  this  country,  when  Ihey  nre  not  nil,  nor 
any  considernble  portion  of  them,  common  to  nny 
particular  geographical  division,  much  less  lo  nny 
one  congressional  district,  or  to  nny  one  Stnte  ? 
Yet  we  nrc  all  required  to  net  ns  if  tlioronglily  ac- 
r|uaiiited  with  the  whole  subject— entire  masters 
of  every  result  to  be  produced.  There  nre  but  two 
i  wnys  to  judge  of  the  elVects  likely  to  ensue:  the 
one  is,  by  the  experience  of  the  pa.st;  the  other,  by 
special  invesiigalion.  We  have  the  formia-.  Wo 
know  that  the  syslom  intended  lo  be  changed  by 
this  bill  has  resnlled  well  for  the  whole  country. 
,  Now,  how  sliall  we  proceed  to  make  another  that 
shall  be  equally  successful  ?  Upon  conjecture? — 
upon  untried  theory  ?  Surely  this  will  be  nitempted 
wiili  great  liesiuiiicy,  nnd  n  just  conviction  of  the 
responsibility.  Are  gentlemen  prepnred  lo  venture 
it?  I  hope  not.  But  whnt  cnii  be  done  to  obvint« 
the  dilficulty  ?  Wliy,  sir,  do  as  all  other  Govern- 
lueiils  have  done:  appoint  a  cnmmitlee  to  investi- 
gate the  subject;  take  testimony  in  relnlion  lo 
every  interest  to  be  airecled;  call  upon  practical 
men  engnged  in  every  species  of  mnnufncture;  and 
thus,  under  the  solemnity  of  an  onlli,  ascerbiin  tlio 
!  necessity  existing,  if  any,  for  protection  or  other- 
'  wise.  Let  us  have  no  eustom-hnuse  iheorics  about 
!  it;  give  it  the  chnrncler  of  jiidicini  investigntion; 
I  nnd  the  people  will  abide  by  the  decision,  and  not 
i  complain.  If  the  investigation  shall  show  to  the 
'  South  that  their  interesia  arc  not  injured  by  the 
i  existence  of  the  present  oranyotherratesof  duties, 
i  they  will,they  must  acquiesce,  for  such  is  the  proof. 
I  If  it  be  made  to  appear  tlial  the  intercstsof  Pennsyl- 


1S46.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


749 


S9th  Cono IsT  Sbss. 


The  Tariff — Mr.  James  Thompson, 


Ho.  or  RepH. 


t    (lidCIIH- 

nipnihcrs 
ind  liniid 
o  rcNi>lii. 
isntinii— 

JdllH,    l)V 

lion  met 
illiill  rvrr 
nicl  witli- 

lin  ircn- 
ni-e  V,m- 
ipiir  him 
Wfi  nioci 

clotlii'd 

y  pnliii- 
"llWllii'li 
"      'I'lliH 

In  lirnr 
lien  ihc 
iird  I.I 
ic  wiinln 
l)nt  a 
y  which 
tilln— 


vnnia,  fnr  inutuncn,  need  no  iirntuction,  her  people 
will  be  siitlKncd,  rnnipliiinix  will  ceaac  everywhere, 
mid  all  will  ncquicm-e  in  wimt  the  (calimnny  estab- 
liHhcH.  LntuHdi>thiH,and,fiirone,  I  pledge  myself 
to  be  bound  by  il.  Let  the  report  be  made  when 
it  willi  I  uni  rciidy  to  conform  to  it.  But  I  tim  op- 
posed to  clmn^CH  un  the  HurniiMes  or  H|i('culutions 
of  liny  man,  lut  his  position  bo  wlint  it  nuiy,  or  his 
ItilentH  ever  so  preeminent.  Vote  down  this  bill, 
nnd  let  us  go  to  work  nnd  nsi'crtnin  the  truth  in 
Nome  sueh  mode  ns  1  hiive  sugi;cHted ,  und  we  slinll 
all  go  together  harmoniously  to  conform  to  the 
reHiilt. 

But,  sir,  after  making  these  suggestions  nnd  fear- 
ing they  may  not  bo  aciiiiicsred  in,  I  will  proceed 
111  the  considerulionofotncrnmltei's  connected  with 
this  bill.  And  lure  I  wish  distinctly  to  suy,  that 
between  the  bill  under  consideration, anil  the  Inriil' 
of  1H4S,  I  am  unhesitatingly  and  decidedly  in  favor 
of  the  latter.  I  do  not  say  that  no  bill  between 
the  two  would  receive  my  vote;  on  llio  contrary, 
I  would  vote  for  an  alteration  in  nianv  particulars 
of  the  existing  law;  I  would  nmeiiu  it  where  it 
needed  amciulmcnt,  nnd  change  ii  where  it  uuglit 
to  be  clinnged:  but  I  protest  against  the  abandon- 
ment of  all  its  principles  and  the  change  in  nil  its 
details.  What  interest,  sir,  has  not  been  advanced 
under  it?  It  is  said  that  the  agriculturist  suffers 
by  its  operation;  that  the  manufacturer  realizes 
immense  per  centage,  while  the  agriculturist  has 
to  bear  the  whole  burden  of  what  ciinslitules  these 
immense  profits.  This,  to  my  mind,  is  extraordi- 
nary enough.  Have  tlic  farmers  complained? — 
petitioned  to  bo  relieved  ?  Not  a  word  of  il.  If 
they  were  oppressed,  think  you  we  should  not 
have  heard  of  it ?  Intelligent  and  independent,  as 
they  arc,  would  thoy  not  let  us  hear  from  them,  if 
suffering  under  your  present  tariff  system?  No 
men  on  earth  understand  their  interests  better  ihn.T 
do  they.  But  they  are  silent;  nnd  their  silence  is 
proof— pregnant  proof,  to  my  mind — that  those 
wlio  utter  complaints  in  their  name  do  it  without 
their  nuMiority. 

Let  us  examine  the  subject  and  see  how  they 
are  injured.  Will  the  fact  be  denied,  that  the  more 
ronsuiners  there  are  of  agricultural  products,  and 
the  fewer  producers,  that  the  advantage  from  this 
Rlntc  of  affairs  must  be  greatly  to  the  farmer? 
No  one  can  doubt  it.  It  is  self-evident.  There 
are  at  present  75U,0U0  manufacturers  and  mechan- 
ics in  the  United  States:  these  with  their  families 
make  an  aggregate  of  about  fou.- millions  of  inhab- 
itants. Now,  sir,  if  there  were  twice  this  number 
of  manufacturers,  with  our  present  poimlation, 
would  it  not  render  twice  as  valuable  llic  home 
markets  to  the  farmer  ?  But,  if  it  should  hoppen 
to  be  the  effect  of  the  bill  under  discussion,  to  break 
down  manufactures,  and  turn  out  of  employment 
half  those  engaged  in  it  at  present,  changing  these 
consumers  of  agricultural  products  to  producers, 
would  not  this  greatly  injure  the  farming  interests? 
Sir,  it  wouhl  not  only  be  the  loss  of  half  the  con- 
sumers as  such,  but  it  would  turn  them  into  pro- 
ducers, creating  additional  competition  in  agricul- 
tural labor  and  prices,  to  the  incalculable  injury  of 
both.  Is  not  this  SO!  And  can  anybody  doubt  but 
that  the  present  bill  will  have  this  efl'ecl  ?  That  it 
will  produce  this  result,  it  is  only  necessary  to 
advert  to  calculations  made,  showing  the  great  in- 
creiiseof  importation  contemplated  under  this  bill — 
the  increase  of  the  productsof  oilier  countries  to  be 
introduced  into  ours  <o  raise  the  amount  of  revenue 
by  low  duties  up  to,  or  near,  the  amount  arising 
from  the  existing  law.  Will  the  excess  of  impor- 
tations have  no  effect?  The  people  will  consume 
no  more  than  forinerly,  or  at  present.  They  are 
supplied  now  in  every  necessary  fabric.  What 
will  be  the  result  when  n  third  or  a  half  more  shall 
be  introduced?  Sir,  it  will  displace  an  equal 
amount  of  the  domestic  manufacture.  It  will  of 
course  therefore  turn  out  of  manufacturing  employ- 
ment those  engaged,  to  the  extent  of  the  increased 
supply.  Under  the  most  favorable  auspices,  this 
will  be  the  result.  But  the  injury  will  bo  im- 
mensely greater — it  will  extend  to  all  those  redu- 
ced to  the  necessity  of  gi\  ing  up  businessoii  account 
of  low  prices  that  it  will  be  tlic  interestof  the  foreign 
manufacturer  to  adopt.  Why,  sir,  all  protection 
will  be  withdrawn  from  our  infant  manufactures; 
Hiich  is  the  effect,  if  not  the  terms,  of  the  bill;  and 
I  hesitate  not  to  avow  my  coiivictions,  that,  with- 
out protection,  u  vast  majority  of  our  manufactories 


will  he  destroyed,  nnd  their  employees  be  forced 
to  seek   for  subsibtenc.e  in  ngncultural   pursuits; 
thus  diminishing  the  demand  fbr  this  kind  of  pro- 
duct, and  of  course  greatly  reducing  the  price  of 
the  product  as  well  as  the  land  itself.     The  man- 
ufacturers of  New  England  alone  take  about  ten 
millions  of  bushels  of  grain  from  the  West  annu- 
ally.  Reduce  the  number  of  manufacturers  to  one- 
half,  and  there  will  probably  not  be  one-lhird  of 
the  amount  of  grain  taken,  becauae  the  consumers 
are  not  only  diminished,  but  have  become  them- 
selves agricultural   producers.     It  seems  to  me, 
therefore,  that  in  place  of  benefiting  the  farmer, 
the  injury  to  him  will  be  the  most  incalculable  and 
ruinous.     Why,  sir,  the  existence  of  nianufac- 
tnrcs  are    always  advantageous   to   the   farmer. 
They  not  only  fiirnish  him  a  market  for  his  grain, 
but  for  all  and  everything  he  can  raise;  nnd  there 
are  many,  very  many  things,  that  would  not  bear 
transportation  that  he  can  sell  at  home  for  a  b  ind- 
some  profit — for  all  profit — as  without  such  market 
they  would  not  be  sold  at  all.    This  is  not  all; 
it  increases  the  value  of  bis  land;  it  enables  him 
to  impiove  it — from  day  to  day  and  year  to  year 
it  is  steadily  increased  in  value;  and  when  the 
manufacturer  has  worn  out  his  machinery,  ex- 
liaustcd  his  material,  or  broke  up  from  misfiirtunc 
or  I'lisinaniigenient,  the  farmer  beside  him  has  be- 
j  Clime  more  independent,  has  a  better  farm,  in  a 
higher  stale  of  cultivation,  nnd  isn  more  indepen- 
dent man.  This  is  most  emphatically  true;  it  is  no 
J  fancy  sketch,  but  is  constantly  occurring,  particu- 
larly in  the  iron  districts. 
Nothing  is  taken  into  account,  in  what  seems  to  me 
i  an  crt'ort  to  array  the  farmer  against  the  manufactu- 
rer,but  theannual  profitoftlieoncovertheother;no 
recurrence  to  risks;  no  appeal  to  final  issues,  which 
are  so  often  fatal  to  the  latter.    This  is  not  fair  to 
either,  reason  os  you  will.  In  practice,  the  farmer  is 
always,  and  always  will  be,  the  most  indepcnilcnt. 
Do  you  propose  to  increase  his  profits  by  dimin- 
ishing the  value  of  his  business?    It  is  certainly  a 
very  novel  way  to  accomplish  the  object.     Sir,  I 
am  for  protecting  him  by  increasing  the  amount  of 
the  consumption  of  his  products;  and  this  is  all  the 
farmer  desires.     It  was  formerly  urged  that  our 
tariff  and  restrictive  legislation  had  the  effect  to 
keep  up  British  duties  on  grain,  nnd  this  was  said 
to  be  prejudicial  to  the  agriculturist  of  this  coun- 
try.    How  stands  tliL  ri:;itter  now?   Let  me  appeal 
to  the  West  hero,  and  say  to  them,  that  if  this 
argument  ever  reached  them,  it  ought  to  do  so 
no  more.     Without  a  relaxation   of  our  duties, 
England  has  adopted,  from  necessity,  a  new  eorn- 
luw  system,  which  reduces  the  dutiiis  to  a  mere 
tiifie,  when  compared  with  former  rates.    It  is  said 
their  ports  are  now  open  to  our  grain.     It  is  so,  to 
a  certain  extent.   Ourgrain  can  enter  without  much 
restriction.   That  market  is  therefore  open  fbr  what 
it  is  worth,  without  asking  a  corresponding  reliix- 
!  ation  of  duties  on  our  part.     You  have  it.     Now, 
why  will  you  not  preserve  the  home  market — that 
is,  keep  up  your  manufacturing  interests,  and  thus 
keep  up  the  home  market,  in  addition  to  the  for- 
i  eign?     Retain  both.     Is  this  not  the  best  jiolicy 
that  can  be  adopted?    Why  break  down  or  injure 
the  domestic  market,  now  that  you  have,  without 
the  necessity  for  doing  so,  attained  a  foreign  one? 
Leave  things  as  they  are,  and  both  will  exist.    The 
farmer,  in  that  event,  must  be  prosperous:  he  will 
have  a  domestic  market,  and,  for  Irs  surplus  prod- 
uce, the  chances  of  a  free  competition  Jii  a  foreign 
one.     But  let  your  home  market  bo  but  .seriously 
injured,  and  .send  the  farmer  with  his  products  to  a 
foreign  one,  subject  to  all  the  fluctuation  incident 
to  good  nnd  bad  seasons,  to  meet  the  competition 
of  the  whole  world — to  experience  the  derange- 
ments agitating  institutions  to  which  be  is  a  stran- 
ger— nnd  the  prospect  of  buying  some  articles  of 
consumption  at  a  trifle  less  than  at  home,  will  be 
but  a  poor  compensation  for  the  loss  of  a  steady 
domestic  market.     Sir,  it  is  chimerical — absurd — 
to  suppose  that  the  farmer -vill  be  benefited  by  any 
policy  that  will  destroy  the  number  of  manufac- 
tniers.     But  when  we  talk  of  a  foreign  market  for 
our  surplus  grain ,  it  seems  to  me  we  reckon  s.range- 
ly.     Wliy,  sir,  for  the  last  thirty  years  the  prices 
current  exhibit  that  wheat,  on  an  average  (luring 
that  period,  has  commanded  ^I  30  per  bushel  in 
New  York;  while,  in  the  shipping  ports  of  Europe, 
during  the  same  period,  the  averase  price  1ms  been 
a  fraction  under;^!.  Whutchancci.s  there  for  com- 


petition abroad?  None  in  the  world, until  ourgrain 
IS  reduced  in  price,  by  the  destruction  of  the  homo 
market,  to  a  mere  nominal  value;  none,  until  your 
free-trade  approximation  hns  done  its  work  upon 
the  manufacturers  of  the  country,  nnd  consumers 
are  turned  into  producers,  nnd  the  price  of  the  pro- 
duct has  declined  beluw  those  of  all  ihe  woilii — not 
till  then  can  you  expect  to  furnish  the  markets  of 
the  Old  World.  But  I  would  ask,  if  the  tariff  ope- 
rates so  injuriously  and  unjustly  to  the  fmnimg 
interests,  how  does  it  happen  flint  we  henr  nothing 
of  all  this  from  the  farmers  of  I'ennsylvnnin,  the 
producers  of  ia,IK)U,000  of  bushels  of  wheat  nnnii- 
iilly?  A  more  intelligent,  virtuous,  and  indepen- 
dent cinss  of  men  exists  nowhere  In  the  world. 
Why  have  ihcy  not  complained  of  oppression  ? 
A  most  satisfactory  answer  is  to  be  found  in  their 
silence:  it  is  the  indubitable  evidence  of  content- 
ment, of  satisfaction,  nnd  of  prosperity.  Why, 
sir,  their  iron  establishments,  misrepresented  as 
monopolies  nnd  oppressors,  furnish  them  with 
a  market  for  everything.  Let  me  show  you  a 
calculation,  made  by  an  intelligent  iron-master  in 
Pennsylvania,  of  the  agricultural  products  con- 
sumed in  the  mnnnfacture  of  a  ton  of  iron: 
21)  bushels  wheat  and  rye,  7,5  cts.  per  bush,  ^l.";  (M) 

57  pounds  of  pork,  ,5  cents  per  pound i  .a  HH 

4,')  pounds  of  beef, .)  cents  per  pounds I  73 

II)  pounds  of  butter,  I'Ji  ccnis  per  pound  ...  .1  2.% 
2  Inishels  of  potatoes,  'M  cents  per  bushel. . .     (iO 

!j  ton  of  hay,  #7  per  ton 3  .511 

Loss  on  tennis  by  death  and  injury I  411 

Fruit,  vegetables,  &c 1  Of) 

*27  a.'i 


Now,  make  this  calculation  upon  every  uni  of 
iron  manufactured  in  the  United  States,  estimating 
I  the  whole  at  five  hundred  thousand  tons,  and  the 
j  result  will  exhibit  the  immense  consinnptifoi  of 
I  agricultural  products  of  <H3,5l)l),(JtHI  in   the  iron 
business  alone!     One-half  of  the  entire  mnnufac- 
'  ture  of  iron  in  the  Union  is  produced  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, perhaps  more.     This  exhibition  accounts 
for  the  silence,  the  acquiescence — nay,  more,  the 
actual,  octive  support  given  to  the  tariff  policy  by 
the  farmers  of  Pennsylvania,  nnd  everywhere  else 
•  where  the  subject  is  understood   by  the  result  of 
I  actual  experieiicn.     It  proves  more,  sir;  it  proves 
that  wherever  manufactures  exist,  the  farmer  is 
i  their  friend,  because  they  are  his. 

It  bos  been  said,  that  the  prices  of  everytliing 
!  on  which  the  tariff  bus  operated  has  been  rciliired. 
This  assertion  has  ueen  denied,  lauirhed  nt,  ridi- 
I  culed;  and  yet  no  man  has  iimlertakcn  the  task 
j  of  showing,  by  actual  results,  that  it  is  not  so.     I 
!  will  now  proceed  to  show  that  such  is  the  effect  of 
the  system  on  iron;  and  this  is  ninoiigst  Ihe  highest 
protected  class  of  articles  in  the  tariff."  It  hns  always 
iieen  so.     I  will  concede,  that  at  first,  in  the  outset 
of  the  workings  of  the  system,  that  it  is  not  so,  but 
it  is  the  efVtct  and  operation  of  it,  to  produce  the 
result.     Give  ample  nrolection  to  any  one  branch 
of  manufactures,  and  nt  once  you  encourage  the 
investment  of  capital   in  the  pursuit;   the   morn 
money  that  is  made  at  it,  but  stimulates  invest- 
ment, until  competition  reduces  the  price  of  the 
I  production  to   the    lowest  siandard   of  profit  at 
i  which  the  operator  can  exist.     This  is  the  theory 
j  — it  is  reasonable — self-evident;  yet  I  will  show, 
from  actual  statistics  that  cannot  be  di.'^piiied  rn- 
doubled,  that  such  is  the  prnclical  working  of  the 
system.     For  the  purpose  of  proving  this,  let  us 
first  sec  what  the  price  of  bar  iron  was  at  Pitts- 
burg nt  different  periods. 
I      111  1818-'l'J-'20,  il  was  *2I)()  to  <t2r20  per  ton. 

I  IK'tl do..     IDOperlon. 

I  184G do,,       (ill  per  ton. 

This,  sir,  is  the  result  under  the  operations  of 
;  the  tariffs  of  1824,  1828,  and  1842.  The  first  of 
'  these  acts  continued  the  duty  of  #30  per  ton,  on 
]  rolled  iron  as  imposed  by  act  of  1816;  the  second 
a  duty  of  ^37  per  ton;  and  tho  last  ^H  per  ton. 
But  Bg;nin,  let  us  look  at  the  prices  on  the  ninnit- 
i  fnctures  of  iron  in  1820,  and  compare  them  with 
■  present  prices.  In  1821),  at  Pittsburg — 
!  Axes,  per  dozen,  $24  to  fjSH:  now,  best  cast  steel, 
I      ^10  to  jJlO  50. 

i  Iron  hoes,  !)ji)  jier  dozen;  now,  steel  plated,  J3. 
'  Small  iron,  bra/.ier's  rods,  hoop  iron,  &c.,|„313 
per  ton;  now,  iJiUK). 
Nails,  13  to  Hi  cents  per  pound;  now,  4  cents. 
'  Grass  scythes,  $25  to  <^3C  per  do/.cn;  now,  ||9. 


750 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  1, 


tiOrn  CoNo 1st  SKsg. 

Sir,  I  onulil  prncettd  tli«  wholo  day  witli  n  Rimi-  { 
Inr  exhibition,  but  time  will  not  psrinil.     II'  tliu  | 
Uirilf  liiui  the  cIlVi'l  of  kci'iiinif  up  ihe  priccH,  nnd  ji 
liurilcniiiK  tlio  community,  Iwiw  ilo«s  it  cnniii  ihnt  | 
1  uin  ablu  to  ninke  I'rom  the  miint  autbeiitir.  Niiiirci-H  j' 
Ruch  nn  oxbibit  iim  the  foru^oini;?      Uul  I  will  not  I 
Mtup  linrci  lot  inc  ('ompitrK  llu<  pricea  under  th« 
Cunipromine  act,  nii  much  lulniircd  nnd  bimHli'd  ut°, 
nnd  Inmenlcd  in  certain  ciuHrlem,  and  I  will  take  a 
period  when  it  hiid  nearly  readied  itM  deHtinalion  | 
on  the  road  to  r.  luction  and  ruin.    1  will  tirm  j;ivc  , 
the  priroN  of  Ki\);li8li  iron  in  1841  and  \tHi.  i 

Jan.  1841,  linfjliali  rolled  bur,  *75to80|jcrlon.      j 
Aug.  1841,       "            "  711  lo  75  per  inn.       i 

Jon.  1M4-J,       "             "  ti5to7l)iierlon. 

Aniericttii  bar  ofn  much  au|x>rior  cpiuluy  ia  now 
aelliiiK  at  )M>*>.  What  does  this  show  ?  I'orlwill 
luakc  my  applicnlimi  na  I  go  uloiia;.  It  provea 
two  lliinj;«!  The  lirsl,  llmt  when  without  protec- 
tiiiii  our  edtalpliHlimunla  cciiacd  to  produce,  llic  I'ur- 
ei!;ii  iirliclo  rose  in  price,  and  llius  we  were  the 
losers  by  tlio  apiiidxiuiation  to  free  trade.  The 
aecuiid  ia,  llint  under  the  tarilfof  184^,  iiiHleud  of  the 
prill'  advaiicinjt,  il  has  sjreaily  diiuiiiislied.  Tlicae 
lliinirs  cannot  bedispuud,  and  their  ctl'ect  cannot 
he  cxplrtined  owny  by  tlicori.sis,  however  ingenious. 
Hut  I  said  1  would  proceed  to  compare  the  prices  ■ 
of  1841  with  those  of  1810,  for  the  purpose  of 
aiilisfyinj;  every  one  thai  the  ciVect  of  the  liiriir  of 
184'J  lias  been  to  reduce  prices. 
Atl'ittsburg ...1841.  184fi. 

Axes,  cast  steel,  per  do/..  «<17  'o  17  50   jjlO  lo  10  50  ; 

Scvllics do...  IJloia.W        !) 

Sickles do...     5lo   5M       3 

Vices,  not  solid  boxes,  IScts.  per  pound Ii2]  ; 

"    solid  boxes,        :J:Jcls...di lU 

Dcve  shovels,  steel  points, 

haiumeicd,  per  dozen..     8  00 750    I 

Do.  shovels,  (diircriii!;  ill 

quality,)  perdozen. .. .     7  00 COO 

Do.    shovels,    cast    steel 

poiiiia,  per  dozen 9  00 7  50    . 

Spades,  steel  points,  ham-  J 

nieied,  perdozci 8  00 7  00 

Gmin  shovels,  do !1  00 7  00 

Hayforks do 5  00 400 

lloes,  plated .  .do 3  50 3  00 

Sad  irons,  per  pound...     0  05j  to  (i 005 

Tea  kettles,  per  dozen...     8  00 7  00 

AVngoii  boxes,  pr.  pound     0  03 0  O'J^ 

1  have  not  iiiade  the  average,  but  it  exhiliils  u 
decline  in  the  prices  of  the  necessary  articles  of , 
nijriiultiii.il  utilily.of  over  thirty  per  ci  lit.  ill  three 
years.  Now,  sir,  iisfuicscairi  lie,  il  is  said,  and  if 
lliey  do  n(U,  I  have  proved  incontestubly  what  1 
have  undertaken,  namely,  to  show  thai  the  cH'cct 
of  the  tiirilf  of  184'J  ha.s  been  to  riduce  prices. 
But  1  am  not  yet  done  willi  these  caliulalions;  tin  y 
suliscrve  an  adiiii.alile  purpose  by  way  ol  illiistra 
tioii.  I  shall  use  them  n  little  further,  and  lax; 
remark  by  the  way,  that  mine  all  lelale  to  iron, 
beiiiij;  a  subject  with  which  1  am  some  little  ac- 
quainted, as  it  much  concerns  my  people  and  the 
.State  at  lurKe,  It  has  been  aijjutd  thai  the  duty 
is  always  added  to  the  price  of  the  protected  fabric; 
and  this  is  the  ^rcat  i;rouiid  of  complaint  against 
the  tarifl' — the  vice  of  the  system.  Let  us  try  it 
on  a  few  articles  of  iron-ware.  1  have  cpioted  the 
price  of  axes  in  It'JG  at  ^10  and  )jlO  50  per  dozen, 
."av  JilO  is  the  price;  the  duty  ou  the  dozen  at  this 
price  under  existini;  laws  is  j)3;  now  deduct  this 
from  jjilO,  the  selliii!;  price,  and  see  if  it  has  been 
added  as  profit;  deduct  ^3,  tlic  duty,  and  the  price 
of  manufacturing;  would  be  but  J7  per  dozen;  a 
fraction  over  fifly-ei;iht  lenta  per  axi'.  Why,  sir, 
the  iron  and  .steel  and  coal,  with  the  interest  on 
invcstiuent  at  six  p<:r  cent.,  would  come  to  more 
than  this  without  a  cent  for  labor!  Certainly  the 
duty  is  not  included  in  this  item.  Take  scythes 
ul  $0  per  dozen;  the  duly  is  $^  70;  this  taken  out 
would  reduce  the  manufacture  of  a  dozen  scythes 
to  f^G  30.  Does  anybody  lielicve  the  duty  lurnis 
any  part  of  thi.s  price .'  .Sickles,  price  flii  per  dozen, 
duty  ninty  cents;  price  of  maiiuficture  of  a  dozen 
sickles  ^i  10.  Is  il  probable  that  the  duty  forms 
any  part  of  this  price,  and  that  the  dozen  of  sickles 
are  really  produced  for  J.t!  10.'  Take  nails:  the  ^ 
duty  is  iliree  cents  per  piuiiid,  the  selling  price  is 
four  I'.enls.  Has  the  duty  been  added  to  this  ar- 
ticle aa  a  bonus  to  tlie  manufacturer  r  Why,  if 
no,  the  price  of  liie  nianufactuie  must  be  one  cent  I 


The  Tariff-— Mr.  Jame$  Thomp»on. 


Ho.  or  Repi. 


pound  I     It  would  be  nbaurd  In  auiipnae  thfa 
•ibic,  because  the  iron  itself  coala  about  nine- 


per 

posai 

tontlia  of  the  price  of  the  nail.     Did  the  duty  i;i 
to  swell  the  protila  of  the   ninnufacturer  on  this 
article?     Nir,  1   auy  with    reverence,    if  you  will 
not  believe  evidence  like  thia  Koiii);  to  reftite  the  oil-  ' 
repeated  nri;unient  thai  the  duty  is  adtled  In  the 
coat  of  inaiiufactiiro  na  u  bonus  to  the  maimfnc-  | 
turer,   you   would    not    believe,   Hllliough  "  one 
arose  from  the  dead."      I  do  not  mean  lo  contend  [ 
for  lliia  result  as  an  iiliaoliitisin,  if  1  may  use  the  I 
term;it  ia  theell'ectof  an  easily  distiiiiruished cause,  '< 
lo  wif  uuMi-KTiTioN.     Now,  sir,  don't  disturb  this 
coinpelitioir,  it  is  p-ent  eiiouf;h  here  niunii<;st  our  ' 
own  people.     Il  ia  reducing  pricea  ns  fast  as  any 
reiisonalile  belii^  ou);lit  to  desire.    Keep  nut  forel};ii  ' 
c.oinpelition — the  competition  of  the  pauper  labor  ' 
of  Kurope.     The  ({enlleman  from  .\labania  (Mr.  ' 
1'av.\k|  the  other  day  denied  the  propriety  of  this 
remark,  made  by  suine  j^enllcniun  on  tliis  Hour,  and  ! 
said  there  was  no  such  thin);,  and  cliar>;ed  those 
who  made  il  with  i^noiancc  if  notsometliin^'Wiirse.  ; 
1  was  surprised  at  the  remark.  INo  |iauper  labor  in 
Kn^laiid.'     Why,  sir,  lei  him  peruse  the  works  of 
an  iiiiglinh  novelist,  one  who  paints  "life  to  the 
lil'c,"  and  he  may  discover  that  the  scenes  of  wo 
llial  stir  up  the  heart  and  harrow  up  the  soul  nri^ 
scenes  of  iVIaiicliester.     If  lie  must  have  history 
to  tlasli  conviction  on  his  mind,  let  me  conunenil 
lo  his  perusal  the  "Ulory  and  Shame  of  ICn;;- 
innd,"  by  Lester;  and  if  more  still  be  wanting',  I 
will  point  him  to  the  testimony  taken  by  n  com- 
mission of  i'arlianienl  a  few  years  since.     In  thin 
ho  will  read  and  learn  what  puuper  labor  there  is 
in  Kn^laiid.     The  miserable  miners  doomed  frmii 
day  to  day  to  exist  in  the  caverns  of  the  mines — 
from    year  to   year  excluded   frmu    the  light  of 
heaven — of  all  ages  and  all  sexes,  with  scarcely 
more  than  instinct  ui  indicate  the  diil'erence  of  sex, 
earning  but  enough  lo  keep  soul  and  body  together. 
Tins  sir,  exists,  undoubtedly  exists;  and    this  I 
would  call  f>av)icr  tuliur.     And  such  competition  1 
would  protect  our  people  against.     The  gentleman 
from  Virginia  [Mr.  Skuoun)  told  us  that  the  peo- 
ple of  his  Stale  could  not  manufacture,  could  not 
compete  with  the  North;  they  had  tried  il  and  had  ' 
failed;  and  he  is  I'.ie-e'ore  in  favor  of  availing  him- 
self of  the  advt,  this  pauper  labor;  of  per-  : 
milting  its  udm                u  the  country — is  in  favor 
of  lice  trade.     S.             ^s  putting  ihe  question  on 
us  proper  basis.     \,., .  was  hmking  fearlessly  and 
steadily  at  the  sulijcct,  and  to  the  lulvunUiges  of 
lice  trade  lo  the  purchaser,  and  not  to  its  ell'ecis  l 
ou  our  national  independence.     I  dill'er  with  liim; 
1  um  opposed  lo  his  doctrines,  and  hope  and  pray  : 
they  may  iicter  be  put  into  |iracticc.     1  w<iuld  not 
have  my  ciaintrymen  reduced  loa  level  with  those 
whose  labor  only  kee[is  up  and  continues  a  niise- 
rulile  existence,  thai  pridoiigs  but  for  a  sea.son  the 

IKior  boon  of  life,  divested  of  all  enjoyment.  Sir, 
turn  from  ibis  part  of  the  subject;  and  although 
the  appellative  "  iho  American  System  "  has  been 
siieeieU  at,  yet  I  appeal  with  conlidence  and  hope 
to  the  country  for  support  in  its  Jfavor,  in  prel'er- 
eiice  to  thai  other  system  which  introduces  IVee 
trade,  uiid  reduces  to  the  same  scide  of  coinpen- 
satiim  the  labor  of  the  freeman  of  America  with 
thai  of  the  pauper  of  Euro|ie.  It  is  this  diil'er- 
ence that  di.itiiiguishes  us — distinguishes  reason- 
able protection  Inmi  free  trade. 

IJiit  I  must  hurry  along — llie  hour — the  waning 
hour,  adiiionishes  me.  It  has  been  said  iliui  ihj;^ 
bill  furnishes  protection  sullicient  for  the  iron  in- 
terests. Would  thai  I  could  think  so.  Unfortu- 
nately for  my  own  comfort,  I  know  better.  I  a.s- 
seri  the  fact  thai  the  English  can  manufacture  iron 
cheaper  than  we  can.  IJul  my  figures  have  al.so 
shown  lliat  when  they  get  possession  of  our  market 
they  sell  for  higher  prices  than  those  demanded  by 
our  own  people;  this  I  have  shown  was  the  fact 
in  1841,  and  It  will  ever  be  so,  for  n  reason  very 
obvious,  namely,  that  the  increased  demand  lo 
supply  the  home  market  and  a  foreign  one  loo, 
necessarily  raises  the  price  of  the  article. 

I  will  proceed  now  lo  show  what  il  will  cost  to 
make  a  ton  of  pig  metal  in  Wales,  and  also  in 
I'cnnsylvanin. 

January,  1843.  At  an  establishment  in  Wales, 
413  (iO. 
(Jctober,  1843.  In  North  Wales,  $1S>  51. 

I      Uctuber,  1843.     At  Mr.  Crawalmy's  in  South 

I  Wales,  «11  75. 


I  will  take  the  medium  rstabliahmenti 

Price ma  .M 

Add  transpurtntion li  80 

15  31 
Add  ,10  per  cent.,  aa  proposed  by  this  bill    ;|  7,"i 


Add  for  commission,  &e. 

Total 


1!)  06 
.  1  (H) 
•♦'JO  (Mi 


Now  toke  the  itvemKO  <""»'  "^  n  ton  of  pig  metal 
in  IVnnaylvnniu — and  Twill  admit  that  aoini^  eslab- 
lishmenta  can  produce  it  a  Irille  cheaper,  and  to 
some  it  costs  much  more — lake  an  average,  there- 
fore, and  it  will  not  fall  fnrahortof ^o>2  ||0 

Transportation  lo  market '  a  HO 

Drayiige,  commission,  &c |  pn 

y.>5  80 

With  30  per  cent,  duly,  the  advantage  ia  about 
five  dollars  per  Ion  against  us. 

The  above,  sir,  is  Ihe  relalivc  cnndilinn  of  Ihe 
iron  nianufactui's  in  Kiighind,  nnd,  I  believe,  the 
United  .States,  in  tiiiiea  of  low  prices.  Ills  only 
when  prices  are  low  in  both  countries  that  we  need 
the  tariff.  The  above  is  a  faithful  calculation,  I 
niosl  conscientiously  believe.  Wlinlchnnce,  I  ask, 
is  there  for  competition,  for  existence,  when  prices 
are  low,  with  your  30  per  cent,  duly?  None  what- 
ever; and  the  result  will  lie  certain  destruction  lo 
mir  iron  inti  lesls  if  you  pass  this  bill.  The  dif- 
IV  rence  widens  as  ymi  increase  labor  nn  Ihe  row 
maierial,  and  it  is  more  against  us  on  the  bar-iron 
ilian  on  the  pig;  and  still  more  and  more  against 
us  as  you  advance  in  the  higher  manufactures  of 
iron.  Thirty  per  centum  is  no  protection  what- 
ever on  pig  and  infinitely  less  on  Ihe  manufactures. 
Sir,  I  Imil  tlii^  melancholy  experience  of  w'Inessing 
the  scenes  of  1841,  when  all  our  furnaces  "  blew 
out,"  and  our  forges  stopped.  Yet  protection  then 
was  about  whot  this  bill  proposes.  The  same 
scenes  will  again  recur,  the  same  distress  ensue; 
the  tires  of  our  furnaces  will  be  put  out;  all  the 
noise,  and  bus  !■  nnd  circumstance,  of  their  busy 
workera  will  cease,  and  the  officer  of  Ihe  law  will 
o^ttin  do  execution  upon  the  remnants  of  properly 
of  the  broken  manufacturer.  Prices  ore  high  at 
this  time  in  Kngland,  owing  to  Ihe  great  demand 
for  railroad  iron,  but  are  coming  down;  nnd  when 
the  mania  shall  have  subsided,  and  the  joint  stocks 
shall  have  exploded,  as  they  cerloinly  will,  iron 
will  he  cheaper  than  ever  there.  Then,  sir,  what 
will  become  of  us?  We  shall  be  at  their  mercy; 
and  when  we  sholl  be  prostrated,  then  will  prices 
rise,  luid  we  shall  have  lo  pay  higher  than  ever. 
Sir,  they  will  scarcely  wait  for  low  prices  to  anive 
111  the  orilinary  course  of  things.  It  will  be  wi'liin 
their  (lOwer  to  efl'ccl  their  object  much  sooier; 
«|>50II,0I)0  worth  of  iron  thrown  In  upon  us  when 
the  ccumtry  is  conscious  that  there  exists  iioiIiiml; 
a'leipiate  to  jirotcct  its  interests,  will  have  an  im- 
mense ell'ecl  to  produce  at  o  much  earlier  stage  ilic 
disasters  that  must  eventually  ensue.  Why,  sir, 
trade  is  the  most  fickle  thing  in  the  world.  A  few 
years  since,  n  short  supply  of  45,000  hogsheads  of 
sugar  in  Louisiana  advanced  prices  100  per  icnt., 
anti  superinduced  the  import  of  over  *«,5,000,0(10  of 
the  article  above  thai  of  the  preceding  year.  The 
inverse  of  this  result  will  take  place,  when  four  or 
five  hundred  thousand  dollais  worth  of  iron  shall 
be  thrown  into  our  market,  greatly  below  selling 
inices;  depend  upon  il  it  will.  There  will  be  no 
anchor  lo  rest  upon  until  the  storm  shall  be  over. 
Its  fury  will  be  resistless  as  it  will  be  disastrous. 

15iil  why  shall  we  disregard  universal  experience, 
as  well  as  reason  ?  No  nation  on  earth  exists,  but 
what  has  adopted  the  protective  system.  Lei  us 
look  at  Kngland  hei'.sclf.  In  1805,  she  imposed  a 
specific  duty  on  iron  of  *i'J5  SI]  per  ton,  and  con- 
tinued to  increase  it,  from  time  to  time,  until  it 
reached,  in  1819,  to  the  sum  of  «|i39  &^i  iiir  Ion. 
In  1835,  il  was  reduced  to  'J6  per  ton.  X'liis  sys- 
tem, in  filly  years,  brought  up  the  nmnufaciure  of 
iron  from  13,000  Imis  to  l,.50tl,00H  tons— nearly 
twice  as  much  as  the  product  of  the  wlode  world 
;  beside.  France  has  a  specific  duly  of  #15  50  jier 
Ion  on  pig  metal,  nnd  #41  75  on  bar-iron.  Sola 
there  a  large  duty  on  ii'on  in  .Sweden.  Not  only 
is  this  so  in  that  kingdom,  but  money  is  loaned 
j  .111  the  deposile  of  iron  in  the  warehouses  of  the 
I  Unnk  of  Stockholm,  ao  as  to  enable  the  mnnufac- 


1846.] 


SOrti  CoNo Iht  Sk8i. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Tariff— Mr.  James  Thmnpion. 


761 


Ho.  or  Hf.pi. 


■#I9  «1 

■   a  MO 

,     i.T  .11 

'''II  ;i  7,5 

I!)  (m 

■__ljlH) 

•|y<)_mi 

"I'iff  mctiil 
"111!  rsial,. 

•  iiikI  III 

I'.    llllTC- 

■    a  HO 

•  I   00 

syTno 

'  is  iiboiil 


Hirer  In  iiiHlnin  liimapir.  Thin  in  n  Inw  of  tlin 
kinsilnm.  In  nil  lliu  Uerinnn  HiniM,  where  It  In 
priiiiuccil,  prnleclinn  pxlaiN,  In  Knglnnd,  lean 
iliity  iiiiw  PxlHtn  nn  Ircin  ihnii  in  any  ntlirr  nntloii 
on  cnrlh  where  it  la  proiliinril,  iiiinply  lipriume  prn- 
U'ctlnii  In  iim  ncrcfmnry  1  on  ncrniiiil  of  the  linmcime 
nmmint  prodiicoil.  luinniu  tried  iho  experiment 
nf  free  trade;  nnd  one  of  her  flifit  men,  na  well  iih 
premier  of  Iho  empire,  Hpeiiking  of  the  free-lrade 
ri'sniiition  of  18IH,  aiiid: 

"  ll  ort*"rp»  (I  coniiniml  enrdurnj^pini'iil  to  the  mnnMrRrin- 
rlPM  01*  olher  iMiuiiirlcH,  unci  U*  nwii  ihtihIi  In  the  i«lruMle, 
wlijcli  Ihi'y  nre,  im  yrl,  nnaltle  lo  inriinltiln.  Atirli-nlluru 
wilhnni  II  iiHirkrI,  iiiilu'lr)'  vvlilioiii  iiroiui'tlon,  IniiiinlHh 
tinil  ili'ctlne  Hpi-elo  In  PK|K>rlL>tl,  nnil  lliu  iikmI  xolld  Iiuuhcm 
iiri'  nliHken." 

RiiHniii  has  long  aince  adopted  the  syatcm  of 
proleclinn. 

Mr.  ("hiiirman,  this  1)111  propnnea  no  nrntcclinn. 
ThedphiiJH  of  itileiiiea  the  principle,  and  nlinndons 
iluHHni'h,  The  ml  viiloreni  principle  in  at  war  with, 
in  the  niilnKonlst  of  proleclion.  Why,  air,  when 
prifPH  are  hi,';h  ahrond,  proleclion  ia  lint  Mule  necd- 
pit;  then  it  in  that  ad  valorem  diitiea  would  lie  hi^h. 
The  lii^her  the  ,  rice  the  hiijher  the  duty.  But 
when  prirea  nrc  low  abroad,  ihen  the  duly  ia  low. 
At  ihe  lime  that  proloclioii  ia  ncedcil  moal,  it  ia  at 
that  moment  that  nil  vnlorenia  fail  to  have  the  eflect. 
The  lower  the  price  of  the  arlicle  llie  lower  the 
duty.  It  therefore  cniinot  be  innile  lodiacriminnle 
for  proleclion.  Sir,  there  ia  another  insuperable 
objection  to  the  iireaent  bill.  And  llieobjecliou  in 
the  viiUintion.  If  you  take  the  foreifjn  invoice  na 
fixinjf  llie  price,  then  you  are  nubject  to  be  defraud- 
ed by  falae  invoicea;  liccauac  the  lower  the  price, 
the  lower  the  duly;  and  the  ahipper  ia  by  tliia 
incnna  directly  inlurcated  in  making  lila  pricCN 
appear  na  low  na  puasible.  If  you  adopt  a  home 
vnlnatioii,  then,  sir,  will  the  vnluu  of  n  commodity, 
the  same  in  every  particular,  havedid'ercnt  pricea  m 
different  porta — depending  on  the  judji^nent  of  np- 
innisersi,  prejudiced  or  |inrliul  to  the  syatcm,  oa 
eirctimatnncea  and  localities  may  he  calculated  to 
superinduce.  A  few  yenra  since  I  was  told  that 
canes  shipped  to  Philadelphia,  paid  n  certain  duly, 
ad  valorem  of  course;  but  the  aame  article  at  the 
p(ut  of  New  York,  was  ndmitlcd  an  wood.  No- 
Ihinj;  of  this  can  occur  where  the  duties  are  apecific. 
The  same  urticle  must  bear  the  same  burden  in 
every  port,  and  not  be  dependant  on  either  the 
varying;  jud;,'mcnt  of  men  or  custom-house  onths. 
Sir,  as  a  ayalem,  no  experience  will  justify  the 
adoption  of  aJ  valoreina  thnuigliout,  and  reaaon 
must  always  condemn  it.  I  will  not  delay  to  recur 
to  the  many  other  objections  to  this  system. 

I  should  like  to  know,  Mr.  Chairman,  whether 
this  is  a  war  measure  or  a  peace  inrasnre.  If  a. 
wnr  measure,  let  me  ask  if  it  is  not  a  little  novel  to 
chaiiKe  your  whole  rcvcinie  system  in  a  time  of 
war,  for  nn  untried  experiineiu?  If  you  want  to 
raise  an  extraordinary  revenue,  apply  to  something 
that  will  produce  an  iiicrcase;  tax  something  that 
is  now  free.  Why  chan;i;e  the  whole  system.' 
Hut,  sir,  it  is  admitted  that  this  bill  will  nol,  in  nil 
pi'iliabilily,  prodnre  within  one  or  two  millions  as 
much  revenue  ns  the  present  law;  and  with  tea  and 
colt'ec  out,  I  have  no  hesilnlion  in  declaring  that  I 
believe  it  will  not  yield  over  eighteen  millions  of 
dollars  at  farthest.  Our  present  system  produces 
from  the  customs  about  837,000,000.  This  last 
sum  will  not  be  suflicient  for  present  exigencies. 
More  is  wanted;  and,  to  procure  the  addition,  a 
n(!W  bill  is  inlroduced  which  will  not  produce  an 
amount  eipinl  to  Ihe  law  relinquished  !  This  puts 
me  in  mind  of  the  old  "  question"  in  arithmetic, 
which  proposed  something  like  this:  If  a  frog  in  a 
well  jumped  uii  the  wall  one  footeach  day,  and  birck 
two  at  night,  liow  long  would  it  be  in  getting  out? 
If  we  allempt  lo  pay  an  incri^nsed  demand  with  less 
means,  how  long  will  we  be  getting  out  of  debt? 
It  ia  not  for  me  lo  answer  this.  But  I  deny  that 
j\iiy  decrease  of  duties  generally  increases  the  rev- 
enue— gc^rally  I. say.  What  was  the  eflect  under 
our  tariff  laws  for  twenty-fivo  years  past  ?  Let  us 
see : 

l«:il,  gross  revenue  under  act  of  1810,  {118,01)2,399 
IH'J4,  gross  revenue  under  net  of  18I(i,  25,(132,155 
1828,  (under  the  larift"  of  1824,  which 

increased  the  duties,) 3(1,097,267 

1831,  under  the  tariffof  1828,  the  high- 
eat  of  all  the  tariffs 36,373,596 

1833,  under  the  Inrilf  of  1832,  which 
reduced  die  tariffof  1828 21,589,483 


1834,  under  Iho  compromian  act,  atill 

reducing  the  Inrilf  of  1832 18,195,905 

18.37,  under  the  cnmprnmiae  net,  duty 

lenspning  every  yenr 17,607,127 

1838,  under  the  roinprominc  act,  duty 

Irsaening  every  yenr 18,151,589 

1830,  under  the  coinpromiae  act,  duty 

leaaening  every  year 24,531,416 

1840,  under  the  compromise  net,  duty 
lenspning  every  yenr 13,884,457 

1841,  under  the  eomproiniao  act,  duty 
leanening  every  yenr 19,221 ,018 

1849,  under  the  cnmpromino  act,  duty 

lessening  every  year 15,894,014 

Net  in  1842 12,78(1,173 

1844,  under  the  tnrilT  of  1842,  inerena- 

iiig  duties 29,.351,076 

1845,  under  Ihe  tariff  of  1842,  increaa- 

ing  duties 30,863,205 

Now,  air,  this  table  ahows  clenrly  ami  incontest- 
nbly  that  the  reduction  of  imposts  has  universally 
reduced  the  amount  of  duty  derived.  So  has  also 
the  increase  of  rates  increased  the  nmount  of  rev- 
enue received.  Is  it  proper,  ia  it  wiae,  then,  to 
reduce  the  duties  in  lime  of  wnr,  when  such  a  con- 
si'qi;ence  is  inevitable?  What  will  be  the  result, 
if  an  insufficient  amount  of  revenue  is  produced? 
Do  you  propose  to  lay  a  direct  tax?  Some  of 
Ihe  Slates  ol  the  Union  miirht  be  in  trouble,  if 
you  have  to  apply  to  this  resource.  Let  mo  ad- 
vise gentlemen  to  let  the  law,  aa  it  exists,  stand — 
startl,  at  least,  until  the  war  is  over.  Then  if  yon 
can  safely  reduce,  why  the  country  will  lie  pre- 
pared for  it.  If,  instead  of  paying  off  Ihe  war 
expenses,  ui  addition  to  the  ordinary  wunts  of 
government,  we  shall  fall  behind  on  both  acconnlH, 
wc  shall  be  in  a  difficulty  truly,  A  national  debt 
must  1)0  the  consequence  inevitably.  You  cannot 
avoid  it.  Will  this  bo  much  desired  by  the  people? 
I  rather  think  not. 

This  bill  proposes  adiity  nf  30  percent,  on  coal. 
Thirty  per  tent,!  Why  this  is  absolutely  nnthinj' 
at  all.  If  the  foreign  valuation  lie  adopted,  it  would 
not  ninnunt  to  more  than  15centaper  ton.  Ills  now 
$1  75  per  ton  !  Can  our  coal-men  stand  this?  Nn, 
sir,  no.  It  can  be  furnished  at  the  Pictou  mines, 
and  others  in  Nova  Scotia  and  New  Brunswick, 
at  the  pit  for  about  40  cents  per  ton,  nnd  on  ship- 
board it  would  not  cost  over  ^1  50  to  ^2  per  ton. 
The  tmn,<porlnlion  is  nothing.  Sir,  they  will 
supply  us  from  abroad  with  our  f\iel  aa  well  ns 
oui  iron.  Over  eighty  thousand  tons  nrc  exported 
annually,  now  paying  jfl  75  per  ton,  only  about 
forty  thousand  tons  less  than  was  imported  under 
the  most  favorable  duty.  Now,  how  much  will 
be  imported  if,  in  place  of  {il  75,  it  is  reduced  to  15 
cents!  In  place  of  eighty  thousand  tons,  we  shall 
have  millions  introduceil,  to  the  complete  annihi- 
lation of  our  own  mines.  We  have  about  fifteen 
thousand  hands  engaged  in  the  coal  business. 
They  are  all  to  be  afl'cclcd  by  this  bill.  What  will 
you  do  with  them?  Make  farmers  of  them?  This 
would  not  be  much  in  fuvor  of  the  farmer.  The 
mines  in  Pennsylvnnia  send  now  to  market  over 
two  millions  of  tons  of  coal,  selling,  I  believe,  nt 
J!i4  to  §4  50  per  ton,  making  a  productive  business 
of  near  $10,000,00()  per  annum.  Do  you  know 
what  Ihe  ell'cct  on  this  business  will  be  by  your 
(iioposcd  bill?  Destruction — unqualified  destruc- 
tion. I  beg  gentlemen  to  consider  this.  Stop  and 
reflect,  I  appeal  to  the  honorable  chairman  of  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  to  reflect  on  these 
things.  We  have  in  Pennsylvania  over  one  hun- 
dred thousand  persons  employed  in  mining  and 
munufiicluring.  All  of  them  you  will  affect  more 
or  less  by  this  tnrifTbill,  You  will  not  only  affect 
most  ruinously  the  interests  of  the  Slate,  but  you 
endane;er  her  politics.  She  has  ever  been  firm 
and  faithful.  Once  only  did  she  yield,  and  then  it 
was  when,  pi'oatrated  in  her  energies  by  a  ruinous 
Compromise  bill,  she  Ijccame  all'ected  by  the  uni- 
versal cry  of  "  Change,  change, "and  castlier  vole 
against  the  Democratic  candidate  for  President. 
.Sir,  your  legislation  enabled  her  to  recover  herself 
again,  and  alic  is  true — true  as  steel.  Do  not  ruin 
her,  or  endanger  her  fidelity  to  the  principles  the  ma- 
jority of  us  embrace  and  support.  A  small  fraction 
of  ihe  one  hundred  thousand  inanufncturera,  of  that 
portion  who  profess  your  principles,  if  changed, 
might  change  the  ('omiilcxion  of  the  Slate  politics, 
and  then,  too,  of  the  Union.    Will  you  endanger 


everything  when  it  cnn  no  cnnily  be  avoided  ?  To  our 
hnniln— the  hands  of  the  Democralle  party — in  cn- 
Irualed  Ihe  luecpna  of  nemncnillc  principlen — their 
pcrfietuatinn.  Don't  jeopard  them.  Let  no  innn 
auppone  that  I  am  nroclaiining  that  Pennayl>aniu 
will  he  rccrcnnt  to  hor  principlen,  even  should  her 
interenia  be  injured.  Hir,  there  are  great  and  ele- 
vated inanea  to  he  contended  fiir;  nnd  we  shall  con- 
tinue to  fight  for  them,  even  amidst  the  diannlera 
consequent  upon  your  Icginlntion.  We  shall  not 
yield,  and  will  only  ho  vanquished  when,  nuper- 
adilcd  to  despair,  wc  are  inadu  to  feel  the  weight 


of  your  liluwa. 
Let 


me  ask  ngnin,  who  is  it  that  dcairen  the 
reduction  of  the  tariff  lo  the  extent  now  proponed? 
What  part  of  the  country  is  and'cring  under  it? 
A  gentleman  from  Virginia  [Mr.  Bkiiini^kr]  said 
the  olher  day  that  Virginia  was  dying  under  the 
opprrasions  of  the  system,  I  hope  not,  sir,  I 
ahonld  he  sorry.  So,  too,  has  it  been  said  in  the 
South  generally,  that  it  was  opprcsnive  and  inju- 
rious. Is  this  so?  It  sounds  alrango  to  me,  when 
I  see  from  the  South — from  Virginia,  North  Car- 
olina, Georgia,  Alabnmn,  nnd  other  southern  Stales 
— gentlemen  elected  who  are  snpporlera  of  the 
tariff  of  1842.  How  is  this?  Were  they  elected 
on  the  ground  that  they  were  op|)n8ed  lo  the  inter- 
ests of  the  people — their  own  conslilnenis?  Did 
they  appeal  to  them  and  tell  them  that  they  were 
aguinst  their  inleresis,  nnd  for  their  oppression 
and  ruin? — all  of  which  is  said  to  be  the  fruils  of 
this  odious  tariff  of  1842,  and  upon  these  issnis 
were  they  elected  and  sent  here  ?  Strange,  if  Irue. 
But  this  IS  not  all.  In  1844,  air,  wc  had  two  can- 
didates for  the  Prisidcncy — .lames  K,  Polk  and 
Henry  Clay.  This  fact  will  not  be  dispuieil. 
The  anli-tnrifT  men  of  the  Soulh  tell  us  that  Mr. 
Polk  was  run  as  their  candidate  and  on  their  prin- 
ciples, nnd  Mr.  Clay  aa  n  protectionist.  Was  not 
thisso?  [Voices:  "Yea,""  yes."  A  voice:  "How 
was  Mr,  Polk  run  in  Pennaylvmiia?"]  I  will  tell 
the  gentleman  that  prisently,  Mr.  CIny  wna  the 
proteclioniat.  Did  he  receive  any  votes  in  Ihe 
South?  Let  me  show  you.  Here  it  is — the  votes 
in  this  opjiressed  land,  this  land  that  has  so  griev- 
ously suffered  from  the  lurifl"; 

Whi^—f-ir  PrrnUnit.    Democrat— for  PresUtnxt. 
Virginia 43,677  votes 49,,'>70  voles. 


North  Carolina.. 43,232 

Georgia 42,1(16 

Alabama 25,035 

Louisiana 13,083 


Mississippi 
Tennessee. 


.19,206 
.  ,(iO,0,'IO 

2T7,27a 


"     39,287 

"     44,155 

"    37,407 

"     1,3,782 

"     2.-),126 

"     ..50,917 

S(;0,324 
247. 2(i!) 

22,0.5.5 


Only  ttrenty-lwo  Ihmisand  and  fifly-fn-e  voles  of 
(lifTrreiici  in  scren  ,ioii//ifn>  Sinles.  The  peojije 
sulfcring,  and  give  such  a  vole  as  this!  the  eflect 
of  which  was  to  perpetuate  their  sufferings!  Sir, 
it  is  impossible  to  suppose  this  so.  North  Car- 
olina elected  her  Governor  under  the  protective 
banner.  So,  report  says,  did  Tennessee,  Can 
any  man  deny,  parry,  or  avoid  the  force  of  thi» 
evidence  in  favor  of^  the  measure  in  the  South? 
Sir,  in  this  immense  territory,  only  twenty-two 
thousand  votes  of  a  difference!  I  have  not  ini'ln- 
dcd  South  Carolina,  because  I  did  not  know  Iter 
vole,  aa  she  elected  her  electors  by  the  Legisla- 
ture; nor  have  I  included  KeniucKy,  with  her 
majority  on  the  otlicr  side.  Why,  then,  ruin  a 
portion  of  the  Union  for  the  licneht  of  those  who 
are  not  injured?  Is  it  desired  to  be  done  for  the 
purposeof  carrying  out  some  obstrnclion,  that  you 
propose  this  great  change  in  your  policy?  I  hope 
nol;  I  trust  not.     An  nbslractinn!     VVhnt  is  It? 

Sir,  it  is  a  figment  of  fancy — a nothing — an 

abstraction — anonenlily  passing  a  defile  so  narrow 
as  to  retard  its  progress;  it  is  impracticability 
snpcr-refined.  Is  it  for  this  you  will  make  a  greot 
change  to  affect  interests  in  that  portion  of  the 
Union  where  all  parties  unite  in  agreeing  that  Ihe 
eflect  will  be  injurious,  disastrous?  And  what  is 
more,  sir,  if  I  had  exhibited  the  larift'  votes  given 
throughout  the  Union,  where  they  constitute  ma- 
jorities and  minorities,  the  nggregnic  would  have 
lieen  an  immense  majority  for  the  tariff — n  tariff 
in  principle  like  that  of  1842,  if  nol  identical. 

But  much  had  been  said  about  the  Presidential 


759 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONG  SESSION  AF.  OIX)BE. 


[July  I. 


l29Tii  CuNo IfT  Sbu. 

coiKi'Hl  ill  Poiiniylvanmt  and  I  will  tell,  oa  I  have 
priiiiiiiii.'tli  how  we  cnnilucteil  il  there,  ni  fur  a»  I 
<'.(iiil(i  iiliar-rve.  Ill  uur  public  addreitaea  wo  quuled 
us  iVilluwit: 

fVom  Mr.  Chy't  RateliK  Sf,k. 

"  \V<!  iiiiirt  rojrrl  Ixilli  Uin  iliirlrlin'"  nf  l'rm<  triuli!  miil  « 
lilKlMiiiiliniirlilUiilliiflir   'rii<i|iiirtliiniii>iirt'iM'li  iiiiol iiiiiko 
■iiii'nIU'i't  Di'ihi'lr  |».-tMilliir  ii|itiiti)ii^.    Tlivy  iiiii.^t  tliiil  «niiii< 
cflniiiioii  Kriiiiiiil  (111  U'lilrh  iHit'^  rnii  xliuiit,  mid  rctlfrt  tlliit. 
ir  ni'llhcr  IMH  Dliutiiml  nil  iIim  It  cli'mm*,  li  hiu  nciirml 
M>llli'llilii|,  and  wimt  II  iIihii  imt  nsMlli  lliu  Im-imi  (iillrli  by 
lu  Irli'uil*  Hiiil  ('(iiiiitryuii'n.    'I'linri'  aro  vncjr  l>'W  vvlm  ilin- 
iri>iii  frnin  the  i)|>lnli)ii  itiiil,  ill  lliiK^  nr  iH>nr<s  ttir  Ft'di'ml 
r<'vi'iiHi> iiuilil  In  Iw  ilinwn  IVcim  lonlin  liiiiHirK,  n IthiHii  [ 
ri'iortiiiiitu  III!  rii:il  liltiillnii.     Iluro  In  II  liwlii  I'lir  lirrniii- 
iiiodiiiinii  mill  iniiiiiiil  xnUiiriii'lloii.    I.i'( tli«  aiiiuunl,  wlilili  | 
IK  rriiulnlii'  Kir  nil i euiiiniili'.d  udiiilnl'trnliiMi  >il  Hit' (liivirn-  i 
iiii'iii,  wtipfi  Wf  nri!  iiol  t'liRnui-d  In  a  wiir,  liu  riilKid  mxcIii-  I 
vivi'ly  nil  llirt'liiii  IniiMirtK  i  uiiil,  In  ndjuiitiiiii  »  mrlir  Ihr  Hint  | 
|»ir|»Mi),  liil  <iicll  ilU'riiiiiiiiilliiiM  Im  liluUii  n*  will  ID^tiir  ami  I 
eiiu<iiir.iM>-  our  (iwii  d»ini!>tii'  tndii<try.    All  |inrtM-i>  ought  to 
III*  Ntiijitli'il  with  a  tiirltlTor  ri!Vi'iiiie,Hitil  iliKcniiiliialloii*  lor  I 
liroli'i'iliiii." 

We  then  wnuM  read  IViim  Mr.  Polk'n  letter  to  : 
John  K.  Kline. 

o  roMTMHU,  TKKNKIHRIt,  June  If),  11444.       I 

**  Okak  Hir:  I  Imvi*  rivfivivl  rrcrntly  Hrvrnil  Iriicni  In 
fpfpri'iirr  to  my  oj.iiii  >n'i  on  the  iiiiliji-ci  of  III**  tnriir,  nriil, 
niiioHK  ollierii,  yonr>4  nt' tin*  .Will  iilllnin.  My  o|iiiilonH  on  | 
Uli4  KUbJiTt  li.ivii  III  All  nttrll  glviin  to  till,  imlilic.  'I'lii-y  art. 
In  III,  timiid  In  my  imlilir  art-i,  mid  In  IIil*  public  diiieui«Mioiii* 
ill  nliii'li  I  linv«  iMii'tlclpiili'il.  I 

"  I  mil  in  Ihvor  of  a  uirill'  lor  revoniii*,  mipli  n  one  m  will  i 
yield  a  HUindi'iit  amount  to  ilu*  tri'aioiry  lo  drrmy  tin*  cx- 
|M'iix>>'<  of  lllii  IJitvernniunt  t*('oiioiiiically  uilnitni'«ti-reil.  in 
niljiiilini  till*  di'iailK  of  a  rrvi'iim*  inrltl',  I  hnvi*  Inrrtoroni 
Maiictioni-d  lOii'h  iiiodcralu  (liiirriiiiiniiting  diiiii'M  iw  would 
prodiiri'  ttii>  amouiil  of  ri-vi'iiun  iii'i-dcil,  rind  nt  tlio  iiniiii* 
Unu*  alTiid  ro.iHOiinltli*  Incidiititiil  proliTiion  to  our  tioinu 
iodtiMiry.  I  am  oppiMt-d  tu  a  tnrtir  for  prutrclion  merely, 
and  not  for  ri'venui!." 

After  rending  these  extracts,  wcconlciidcd  lliitl,  in 
lirinciplc,  the  candidiUcH  iigrecd  un  thia  sulijcci;  in- 
deed, the  only  perceptible  dillcreiice  lictween  tlicso 
dcclariilinne,  wa-s  the  word  exclufirely,  whieh  wna 
iiHcd  in  the  one  cnHo  to  iiidiciite  an  excluHiuii  of  the  , 
pi'o(>.eed.><  of  the  public  lundH  na  funda  to  be  applied  i 
to  (he  ordiiiitry  expenae.i  of  the  Uuvcrnmeiit.     In 
Mr.  Polk'a  letter  the  word  was  not  used,  and  I 
iireHuine  no  auch  exc.UiHion  waa  contemplated  by  | 
liini.     In  principle,  that  ia,  in  the  nicana  by  which  i 
|ii'iileriion  waa  to  be  ufTorded,  namely,  through  u  j 
tarifl'  for  revenue,  both  eandidulca  upon  these  ex-  I 
liibila,  were  identical,  diireriiig  only,  aa  I  have  said,  | 
nbont  llie  application  of  thi;  proceeds  of  the  pub- 
lic lands,  the  leceipta  for  which  had  been  f;really 
iliiniiiished  for  some  lime  before,  and  nt  the  ne-  | 
riod  of  thia  contest.     We  therefore  insisted  lliat 
■  be  one  waa  as  good  a  tarifl'  man  a.s  the  oilier. 
Wn  also  showed  that  .Mr.  Clay  hud  declared  in 
his  ('hnrlcslon  speech  his  adherence  lo  the  Com-  i 
promise  act,  of  which  he  had  been  the  author;  and  ' 
the  fawl  elfecLs  (if  which  Pennsylvania  had  recent-  : 
ly  but  liio  bitterly  experienced.     We  showed  his 
li'tier  to  Dr.  Mionson,  in  which   he  claimed  that 
iiflir  his  return  to  Congress,  his  elforls  had   been 
directed  U)  the  reduction  of  existing  rales  ol"duties, 
and  lliul  nmcli  less  protection  was  needed  than  for-  ■ 
ineilv.     And  we  also  quoted  against  him  his  dec- 
lui'atiiin  ill  the  Senate,  which  iiiniilnlaled  the  whole 
gi-oiind  of  .iupposed  dinVrence  between  him  and 
Mr.  Polk,  to  wit:  that  he  waa  not  in  favor  of  "  jiio- 
Irrlion  fur  prolcciion."    From  nil  these  things,  and 
iiiaiiy  iniire  (piotations  from  letters  and  speerhes 
III'  Mr.  ('lay,  wc  inferied  and  insisted  upon  it  that 
llie  existence  and  niaintenanccof  llie  tarilVwcre  as 
safe  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Polk  as  Mr.  Clay.    This 
was  lli.i  ground  taken  by  all  our  prominent  men,  so 
far  as  I  can  recollect.     About  the  ^MMi  of  Septem- 
ber, 1844,  Mr.  Clay's  letter  to  n  Whig  committee  in 
Pennsylvania,  appeared,  in  which  he  declared  his 
adiieience  U)  the  larifl'of  1849.   This  letter  appear- 
ing at  so  late  a  period,  and  dilfering  so  widely  from 
oiher  declarations   made  in    the  South,  waa  not 
relied  on  by  the  people  aa  changing  the  position  of 
Mr.  Clav  at  all,  although  constantly  cpiotid  by  his 
friends. '  The  candidates  thus   standing   on    the 
tarilVqucslion,  there  were  many  other  issues  which 
Mr.  Clay  was  known  to  favor,  all  of  which  the 
majority  in  Pennsylvania  had  frequently  decided 
ii'-uiiiHi,  to  wit:  the  bank,  distribution,  the  bank- 
rupt luw,&c.  cS.c.    Determining  that  the  deliberate 
declarations  I  have  quoted  and  referred  to,  placed 
liolli  gentlemen  on  about  an  equal  footing  as  to  the 
rmirse  each  would  pursue  in  the  event  of  an  elec- 
tion, ill  regard  to  the  tariff,  the  people  had  no  hcsi** 
talicm  III  casting  their  votes  against  Mr.  Clay  on 
llie  issues  that  he  was  known  to  favur,  and  which 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Jamci  Thompion, 


Iln.  or  Kkpi. 


were  ob|ectionable  with  them.  1  have  not  time  In 
follow  tiie  matter  further,  but  now,  iia  then,  I  inaist 
u|Hin  il,  thai  from  the  evidence  fairly  considered  we 
deduced  legitiniatu  and  iiropcr  conclnsioim.  Sir, 
it  wov.ld  have  been  a  hard  matter  for  Pennaylvaniii 
lo  have  cost  her  vole  for  Mr.  (.'lay  under  any  cir- 
''iimslancoH.  Hhe  iiiul  ever  op|HMed  him,  and  con* 
■idered  herself  conaiatent  with  all  her  intereala  in 
doing  an  luaill.  Mr.  Polk  had  declared  hiniHelf 
ill  favor  of  o  luriir  for  revenue  "  liiwrimiiKiliii^" 
for  protection.  Thia  wua  his  letter,  air,  and  this 
waa  all  we  asked,  all  we  desired,  all  wo  now  desire. 
Uiseriininalo  for  iirotecliiin  in  raising  revenue,  and  ' 
our  intereala  will  be  sulHcienlly  protected.  Wn 
call  the  Uirill'of  IH4i]a  larlir  for  revenue;  il  has 
yielded  about  the  adequnle  amount,  and  has  work- 
ed well  for  priitcctiiin.  la  not  thia  what  we  are  to 
have?  Il  is  all  we  uakeil,  sir.  Insteiul  of  this, 
the  Coimniltee  of  Waya  and  Means  give  us  a  bill 
for  revenue,  merely  disiriiuiuuliiig  fur  revenue. 
Thia  ia  a  new  positimi — we  adhere  to  the  old  one,  ! 
and  ask  its  maintenance. 

Mir,  we  insist  upon  il  that  the  tariff  of  1843  hna 
been  equally  benelleial  to  all  the  great  inierests  of 
the  country,  viz:  agriculture,  commerce,  and  man- 
nfactures.  I'he  product  of  iliu  former  has  incriNised 
in  the  aggregate  amount  viially  within  the  last  three 
years,  and  may  be  esliiualed  at  between  seven  and 
eight  liuii'''"ed  niilliona  of  dollars — and  if  prices  are 
now  low.  It  is  owing  to  the  superabundance  of  agri- 
cultural products.  Let  ua  look  at  coimnercc  for  a 
nioincm,  and  see  how  it  has  advanced. 
1843,  imports  91UU,IO'<,IH7;   1845,  (ill7,>.U7,.'')64i 

Increase  17  per  cent. 
1849,  exports  $10'J,Clll„'i34;    184.'i,  »114,«4C,C0Ci 

Increase  "J  'j-IU  per  cent. 

1843,  tonnage  13<,),U8;|  tons;  1843,  146,018  Ions; 

Inciease  L'l  per  cent. 

Maiuifiictiires  have  greatly  increased  since  1842; 
tliia  ia  admitted.  They  are  clamored  against  on 
account  of  their  number,  and  prolits  it  ia  ruppoaed 
they  have  been  niakin<,.  Now,  air,  when  all  the 
great  intereala  of  the  counlry  are  tlua  advancing 
side  by  side,  steadily  and  rapidly,  do  wo  desire 
more.)  Ceruiinly  not.  Do  wc  desire  Icaa?  1 
hone  not. 

llul  these  profits,  immense  profilf,  so  oO  spo- 
ken of,  where  do  they  exist.'  Only  in  inin,<rinalion. 
Why,  sir,  there  are  ten  manufacturers  who  break  \ 
up  to  one  mechanic,  ttirmer,  or  professional  man —  i 
ten  who  are  ruined  lo  one  of  these.  In  the  mining 
regions  of  Pennsylvania,  thuuaanda  have  lost  their 
all  in  the  adventure,  and  retired  ruined.  New 
men  took  up  the  business  where  their  predecessors 
left  it,  and  many  in  turn  became  ruined.  So  it 
has  continued — .some  have  made  money  and  some 
have  lost  it;  and  so  it  will  continue.  Just  so  has 
il  been  in  the  iron  business;  thousands  have  been 
ruined  by  it;  and  1  ihink  1  may  say,  a  niucli  less 
number  have  made  money  at  it,  than  the  number 
who  have  lost  by  it.  The  profits  of  a  single  year 
is  no  criterion  to  judge  by.  One  year  may  lie  pro- 
ductive of  great  protil;  il  may  eomimie  for  a  series 
of  years;  but  all  the  while  the  inveslinenl  is  be- 
coming of  less  value — nmlerial  is  diminishing — the 
eslalilishment  is  wearing  out — and  at  last,  when 
given  up  as  unprolitalile,  the  whole  oiiginal  iiivesl- 
inent  is  lost.  I'liis  is  actual  experience  in  the  iron 
business,  and  is  never  thoughl  of  by  ihoae  who 
I  declaim  against  them  us  inoiiopoliea.  These  prolits 
'  arc  fanciful,  not  real. 

I      The  gentleman  from  Virginia,  [Mr.  UuiiiNCEn,] 
'  the  other  day,  in  denouncing  the  larilf,  gave  us  a 

■  fable    by  way  of  illustration — he   told  ud  a  JbU 

■  slortj — the  substance  of  which  was,  that  some  silly 
small  fish,  to  gel  clear  of  a  big  one,  cominitled 
themselves  lo  ihc  keeping  of  a  hawk,  who,  having 
kindly  inlerested  himself  in  their  behalf,  at  Ins 
leisure  devoured  ihein.  We  Uirilf  people  repre- 
sent the  big  fish — the  great  pike;  the  free  traders 
the  Utile  fish:  who  is  the  hawk.'    The  English, 

!  certainly  the  English;  and,  sir,  the  reality,  in  one 
particul<*.r,  will  resemljle  the  fiction— the  hawk  will 
devour  them  in  the  end.     This  is  the  true  npphca- 

;  lion  of  the  allegory.   To  say  the  least  of  il,  1  lli.nk 

i  il  was  o  ualij  argument  in  favor  of  free  trade. 

1  Sir,  the  gentleman  denounced  the  system  as  one 
of  plunder,  robbery,  and  tyranny.  He  seemed 
lo  have  a  jicrfect  horror  for  it.    He  apiieared  to  be 

i  in  terror  111  ihe  conteniplaticm  of  it.  Indeed,  sir, 
he  reminded  me  of  the  .ler.seyman  who  lived  near 

:  the  Camden  and  Amboy  raihoad.     When  il  was 


finished,  u  locomotive  waa  put  on  it,  of  conrae;  but 

,  the  Jeraeyman  had  never  heard  or  dreamed  of  audi 

lathing.     Along  it  came  one  day,  acudding  away 

I  at  the  rale  of  twenty  miles  un  hour,  nulling  vapor 

'  and  emitting  fire  and  sinoke:  il  hioked   like   tlio 

I  demon  of  deatruction;  the  Jerneyninn  looked  at  it, 

becuineiilariued,  and  lied  into  his  house  in  consler- 

I  nation,  exclaiming,  "  Oh   Lord  I  lute  roinea  the 

tariff!"    Very  unlike  the  iiicongrnoiis  appi  araiice 

of  the  loromolive  werir  the  indications  that  niiirkid 

I  ihe  advent  of  the  tarilf;  il  euiiie,  mil  diapeiising 

I  flume,  and  vuiior,  and  smoke;  but  like  the  iiiflnenre 

'  of  the  gentle  dews  of  heaven  on  Ihe  parched  earth, 

il  dispensed  |ilenty ,  haiipineas,  and  prosperity,  to  all , 

Mr.  C'liiiirman,  noihnig  on  earth  i an  be  of  iiiore 

imjiorUuice  lo  England  than  free  trade  with  us. 

!  Uive  thi  in  this,  and  they  will  supply  all  our  n  iir- 

kela.    While,  sir,  we  may  niaiiufaclure  as  cheanly 

aa  Ihey  do,  still  they  will  nreak  na  down  by  niiilei- 

selling.     i'liey  can  stand  the  lo^:a  in  proHnect  of' 

the  ultiiniilH  gain.     Wlmt  says  that  able  English 

ecoiiomial,Mi'Culloeh,  on  thia  subject,  when  sjieak- 

;  ing  of  the  effect  of  the  Compromise  act?    "  Il  ap- 

'  pears,  therefore,  (he  observes,)  reaaonable  tocon- 

i  '  elude  lliat  new  beginners  having  to  withsland  tlin 

'  coniiietilion  of  those  who  have  already  arrived  at 

\  '  a  very  high  degree  of  perfeciion  in  the  art,  must 

'be  inevitably  driven  out  of  every  nisrket  equally 

'  uccesaible  lo  both  parties;  and  lliat  nothing  but 

I  'the  aid  derived  from  reairictivo  regnlationa  and 
'  protections,  will  be  ell'eolnal  to  »rti'ea(  (Ac  total 
'  drstrudlim  of  their  tnlublhliinenis  in  the  couiKrir.* 
'  ie/iir«  thrijare  set  iiii." 

!  Againhesays;  "  The  tariff  forced  cottons,  wool- 
\  '  lens,  iron,  and  other  manufactures,  into  a  pi-ema- 
i|  '  lure  existence  ill  the  United  Stales;   but  wc  have 

II  '  little  doubt  that,  except  in  the  coarse  fabrica,and 
r  '  then  when  il  la  necessary  to  use  a  large  quantity 
!;  'of  the  raw  material,  ihe  lute  inodificalions  (the 

I  '  Compromise  act)  huif  gi.vii  (/i«  iltitthblnw  In  Ihe 

■  '  •/iinericimniaiii'^iir/uriii^f  mjalein."  The  prediction 
I  was  true.     And,  air,  your  bill   is  nothing  better 

than  the  Compromise  act,  and  the  proposed  duties 

I  an;  not  higher  than  they  were  at  the  time  that 
jj  great  and  general   failures  were  experienced  by 

II  inunufacturera  under  that  bill. 
'I      I  will  make  one  other  quotation:  it  is  from  a 

'  speech  delivered  in  Parlianienlby  Ihatdiatingiiisli' 

I   ed  HUilesnian,  Lord  Uroiigluim.     Speaking  of  the 

<'  piLssa^e  of  the  tariff  bill  of  181C,  he  says:  "  In- 

I  ■  diviilual  Driliah  merchants  may  lose  by  Ihc  liile 

"■     (1817)  immense  importations,  but  Briliah  coin- 

'  '  merce  and  maiiulhclures  in  the  muss  will  gain  by 

'breaking  down  the  i.ompeliiion  with  ours  in  their 

'own  markcln."  This  was  lirillsli  policy  in  1817 

'    '  il  will  soon  be  seen  that  it  will  be  so  again. 

I    Hill  I  perceive  that  my  time  is  almost  out.     Oh 

for  another  hour !   One  short  hour  more  !   Give  nic 

,,  but  this,  and  I  will  consenl  hereafter  to  be  silent. 

[Voices:  "No,  no;  wc  cun'l  agree  to  lei  you 

oH  that  way. "J 

My  friends  are  very  kind,  but  I  .we  I  must  con- 
clude, and  I  will  do  so,  by  slating  that  I  object  to 
;  this  bill — 

Uecause,  if  a  war  measure,  the  result  will  be  en- 
!  lii-<  ly  inadequate  to  that  object,  yielding,  according 
',  to  the  estimate  of  Ihc  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
;  less  by  a  million  of  dollars  ihan  the  tariff  of  1843, 
I  which  estimate  I  believe  to  be  conjectural  at  best, 
I  and  lo  my  mind  erroneous. 
I       Uctcause,  as  a  measure  of  ordinary  finance,  il  is 

■  insufficient  to  meet  the  wants  of  the  counlry,  and, 
if  adnoied,  will  in  the  end  lead  to  direct  laxation, 
thus  ilestroying  at  once  both  the  purposes  of  rev- 
enue and  protedion. 

liei^uisc  il  will  change  the  industry  of  the  pen- 
'  pie,  driving  them  from  employments  undertaken 
j  upon  llie  faith  of  your  legislation,  by  adinitling  a 
!  free  and  almost  unrestricted  competition  from 
j  abroad,  of  labor  reduced  to  the  lowest  possible 
!  living  prices,  the  fniits  of  oppression  and  poverty. 
[  Because  it  will  retard  that  great  national  jiros- 
j  perily  now  everywhere  so  conspicuous,  by  not 
'  only  greatly  impairing  the  success  of  enterprises 
I  already  underUiKen,  but  by  preventing  the  (Il^cov- 
j  cry  of  new  fields  in  which  to  employ  the  ingenu- 
I  ity  and  skill  of  our  peiqile. 

I  Because  it  yields  up  the  independence  intended 
I  lo  be  utiained  \>y  the  fathers  of  ihe  American  ays- 
I  tcin,  by  again  [ookiiig  to  Europe  for  ihe  pi'odnce 
of  their  workship.s  ins.ead  of  supplying  our.selves 
I  from  our  own. 


/m^ 


K  IIkhh, 

rciiiirHr);  hilt 
iiiiiil  ormicli 
iidilini;  iiwiiy 
iiilliiii;  VH|iiir 
«'il  likii  llio 
liMikcd  lit  ii, 
lu  in  I'liiiNlcr- 
'iiiiiua  ilio 
ii|i|Hariiiii!c 
tliiit  iiiiirkiil 

I    (llH|)|'||Ni||ir 

>li«  inlliHMii'f 
ii'licil  (■iirlli, 
pirily,  loall, 

I  lie  llt'lillllu 
ill!    will)    IIM. 

nil  mir  tiiic- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


768 


99rM  CoNS.....lfT  Sbss. 


Tke  Tariff— Mr.  Chaie. 


N^w  .'.,cMiit.....No.  48. 


.  notwiihiuuidinf  it  may  b*  tnit,  that 
in  many  dapartiMnu  or  manuftelura ,  tha  coat  of  the 
foraifn  pnxltietion  ia  leaa  than  with  ui,  on  aeeounl 
of  tha  paalar  ohaapnaM  of  labor,  itill  axparicnee 
haa  Ailljr  ahowii  that  tha  priea  of  tha  foraifn  Atbrio 
ill  our  markal  alwajra  advanaaa  aa  eompaiiiion  by 
our  own  manuflwturara  ia  daatroyed,  and  in  the 
end  wa  ara  obligad  to  pay  higher  prieaa  than  to 
our  own  produeeia. 

Becauae  the  bill  nndar  eonaidaralion  ia  not  a 
modiAeation  of  the  tarifT  of  1849.  but  an  entire 
chan^  of  it  in  princiale  and  detail — not  eon- 
forming  to  any  expreiaea  wiah  of  the  minority  of 
the  people,  and  ii\jurioua,  in   my  opinion,  to  all 


THE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  L.  B.  CHASE, 

or  TiRiiBaiii, 

In  thb  Hoofi  or  Rkpbihmtativm, 

Jimt  96, 1846. 
The  Houie  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  itate  of  the  Union,  and  having  under  ita 
conalderation  abill  •'  reducing  the  dutiaa  on  Im- 
porta  and  for  other  purpoaea"'— 

Mr.  CHA^  addreaaed  the  committee  aa  fol. 

lows:  iff^ 

Mr.  Chiirmin;  Btlbre  I  proceed  to  an  exami- 
nation of  the  bill  now  uniler  conaideration,  I  hope 
I  may  be  pardoned  for  alluding  to  the  aigumenta 
advanced,  during  the  progreaa  of  the  protective 
policy,  by  ita  advocaiea.  It  will  be  found,  that  oa 
tireunulancn  have  changed,  ao  have  the  opinioni 
of  the  dcfendera  of  the  reitrictive  iyatem.  Yet, 
air,  it  is  well  to  bear  in  mind  that  tho  rtotom  for 
thia  veraatilily  ar;  not  quite  ao  obvioua,  aa  the  de- 
aire  to  fallen  the  impreaaion  upon  thi  public  mind 
that  Iheir  policy  advuncea  the.\v  ilrin-  and  happi- 
noas  of  all. 

Not  the  least  zealoiix  among  thia  clasa  of  poli- 
ticians is  tho  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr. 
HuDioN.]  His  position,  as  the  great  defender  of 
the  protective  policy  upon  this  floor,  entitle  his 
opinions  to  conaideration.  I  aay,  sir,  that  how- 
ever anxious  olAereentlemen  may  be  to  luiumt  the 
leadership  of  the  Whig  forces  upon  this  question, 
ill  my  judgmint  the  ability  and  research  of  Uie 
gentleman  from  Massachusetts  entitle  him  to  that 
position.  The  member  firora  Massachuselta  shakes 
his  head  in  token  of  dissent.  Will  he  suffer,  me  to 
remark  that  great  modeiiy  ia  often  the  accompani- 
ment of  ability. 

[Voices  in  various  porta  of  the  Hall,  exclaiming, 
"  What  will  you  do  with  Stkwakt?"] 

Mr.  Chaik.  I  will  leave  him  in  the  enjoyment 
of  a  position  whore  a  very  fertUt  imagination  hoa 
placed  him. 

Well,  Mr.  Chairman,  it  has  been  an  argument 
very  much  relied  upon  by  the  Whig  party,  that 
foreign  tarifls  being  so  high,  we  ahouM,  in  aelf 
delfance,  establish  countervailing  dutiea.  Thia 
ever  appeared  a  strange  argument  to  me.  I  can- 
not yet  conceive  liie  policy  or  justice  of  heaping 
burdens  upon  the  people  of  this  country  tceatu* 
foreigners  are  oppressed  by  their  Governmenta. 
Yet,  sir,  as  little  weight  aa  this  assertion  ought  to 
have,  it  certainly  has  riot  been  without  its  in- 
fluence. It  ia  very  natural,  where  iniuriea  are 
inflicted  upon  ua,  that  we  feel  an  irreeistible  desire 
to  retaliate,  regardless  of  the  consequencea;  and 
when  the  high  lax  imposed  by  the  Powers  of 
Europe  upon  our  U^iacco,  cotton,  wheat,  pork, 
&c.,  was  announced  oy  the  Whigs,  they  artftilly 
accompanied  the  statement  with  a  recommenda- 
tion to  establish  retaliatory  duties. 

The  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  rtdr.  Hud- 
son,] in  a  report  made  by  him  on  the  10th  of 
April,  1844,  alludes  to  this  subject  with  much  in- 
genuity.   He  remarked: 

"The  cnminiitee  tee  nothing  In  the  policy  of  other  ns- 
tloiu  which  would  Jualiiy  aa  in  edopUng  the  dvluiive  tlieory 
of  free  trado.  Tlie  new  tariff  of  Great  Britain,  which  hu 
been  haUed  s*  the  harbinger  of  a  cumnerpial  millenium,  Is 
highly  tenrictive  in  its  ciiaracter."  "  Bom.^  articles  which 
were  (brmerly  |irobiMled,>bo  now  idmiti,  bat  on  a  duty  lo 
nearly  ptohihUnry,  that  they  cannot  he  imported  except  in 
eiirenw  caaea."  <•  But  what  ia  the  free  Hade  that  England 
trmien  to  atf  On  what  ternia  doea  ahe  receive  our  aUplea ! 
Why,  aba  impoaea  Ike  Mlowlag  rale  of  dnUcs  upon  ou  pro- 

48 


B«flim*.*. 


Tobasee,  BMUiathebHI  UK 
Tohaeeo,  aaaMauflw- 


Boap 

■plrtls  (Von  grata 
■plrlH  ikeai  aiola 


.IKO 


,IOB 

.  n 

Irilaneeraiivtisia.,..  S 

Ploar,  averais St 

Rml M 

RlKraioll B 

Ipwaeaadlw. 38 

<•  Oa  Uieae  (baitsea  inlelas  aiw  laipasaa  la  avsrafa  oTHS 
psrecM.— a  dalr  vaaUy  grealar  Ihaa  wa  hnpoae  apoo  as) 
at  hot  Ikbriaa.  n  la  idle,  ihereftire,  to  pP'taBd  thai  aba  ax- 
laada  lo  im  anylkinc  like  free  trade." 

Tha  Imprtaaion  ia  Hh  upon  our  minda,  Mr. 
Chairman,  that  tha  member  from  Masaaehuaetia 
ia  aonvinced  tha  English  tariff  ia  ao  high  aa  to  ba 
i^jurioua  to  the  producer  in  thia  eountry,  and  be- 
cauae her  tariff  u  ao  inju.iona  to  our  interaet,  wa 
have  no  induoament  to  reduce  our  ratea  of  taxation. 

Since  that  report  waa  writtan.  however,  a  neat 
and  gloriona  revolution  haa  taken  phea  inEng- 
kmd.  Tha  truth  haa  burn  upon  them  that  there 
nro  other  intetaala  beaidea  those  of  the  fraUtUi 
clars.  Public  opinion  can  ba  no  longer  conlroll- 
ad .  Tha  shacklea  upon  eommaroe  are  to  ba  broken 
off )  her  porta  are  to  ba  thrown  open  \  the 
necessariea  of  lifo  are  to  ba  admittedi  and  where 
fhmine,  niint  and  terrible,  alalked  through  the 
hovela  of  the  poor,  placing  Ua  touch  upon  the  hol- 
low eye  and  sunken  eheek,  and  bleating  that  hap- 
pineasa  which  lovea  lo  dwell  around  a  home,  now 
will  aueceed  that  peace  and  joy  which  make  a 
family  fireside  so  holy  a  spot. 

I  have  taken  the  following  extract  fVom  the 
speech  of  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania,  [\f  r. 
Stcwakt,]  delivered  March  14, 1846: 

"  In  this  great  atmggle.  Sir  Kobsn  Pei'l  aoawa  tn  thii 
reecue  j  he  repeala  the  duty  on  cotum  aad  wool,  bnad  and 
BriUah  manalkelurerB,  tu 


meat,  and  everything  uied  hf  I 
enable  them  u>  go  ahead  in  tola 


.  airufrie  wiUi  dn  Ameri- 

canst  sndwbaldoeaMr.  Walker  dor   Just  tliereverae." 

I  find  the  following  labia  in  the  National  Intelli- 
geneer  of  February  SI,  1846,  credited  to  Wilmer 
s  Smith 'a  European  Timea: 

«  •fUeroMoa  o/Min  ««  Amtrttm  yrtdwe. 

"Our  American  readers  will  Rod  that  the  British  Mlalatry 
propose  to  make  imponant  reducttrna  on  many  of  Uia  arti- 
clea  exported  (Tom  America  to  England.  We  nnpe  lo  aee  a 
aimilsr  aplill  manll^aud  by  the  Cakloel  at  Waabingmn. 
The  sltentUoBS  comprlae  i 

iVmieiit  duty.  A<ikK«{(»- 

Bacon 14a.  percwt Free. 

BeeKIVeah 8a.    do Free. 

Deef,  aalted fla,    do Free. 

Hay 18a.  per  load Free. 

Hides Oa.perlb Free, 

Meat Sa.per  owk Free. 

ej.    do. 


Pork. 

Buckwheat 

Candlea,  tallow.. 

Cheese lt)a.6d,  pcrcwi,, 

Clocks 90  per  cent 

Hama 14a.  percwt 

Hona Wa.    do. 

idiai 


.10a.  percwi.. 
I.U,  I 


Free. 

.la.  per  quarter. 

.JSs.  per  cwt. 

.Ga.      do. 

.10  per  cent. 

.7a.  per  cwt. 

.   ,  ^- 43a.    do. 

Indian  com heavy  doty la.  per  quarter. 

Bice Oa.jiercwb Is.     do. 

Tallow 3a.ad.  per  cwt Ia.  per  cwt" 

When  the  Qovemment  of  England  (endera  to 
the  world  such  commercial  benefits,  it  ia  indeed  the 
"harbinger  of  a  commercial  millenium,"  eapecially 
when  made  under  circumstances  which  preclude 
the  idea  of  another  resort  to  the  restrictive  policy. 
But,  Mr.  Chairman,  how  ia  this  information  re- 
ceived by  thosa  who  have  dwelt  with  so  much 
ehiquence  upon  tlie  burdena  imposed  by  England 
upon  the  agricultural  producta  of  diia  country  ? 
They  certainly  ought  to  hail  it  as  a  bright  era  in 
tha  history  of  trade;  eepecially  should  the  gentle- 
man from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Hddson]  raise  his 
voice  in  tones  of  congratulation.  Not  so,  sir. 
Listen  to  his  apeech,  nuide  on  the  S6th  of  Febru- 
ary, 184& 

•<  I  am  aware  that  it  will  be  said  that  moat  of  the  wheat 
which  ia  aent  into  Canada  flada  ita  way  into  Oreal  Britain." 
"I  admit  it,  and  shall  endeavor  lo  ahowhereafter,  that  in  thia 
indirect  trade  wo  now  enjoy  a  aoit  of  monopoly,  by  the  ope- 
raUon  of  We  jnaeni  atm-Iau*  of  Oreat  Britain,  but  of  which 
we  rtioiild  be  deprived  by  a  leneal  of  Ihoee  laws.  Thia  la. 
In  lk('t,  Uis  point  lo  which  IwMi  lo  call  ailenUon— (he  great 
qaeaUun  for  Uie  cunimltteo  and  the  covntry  to.ccaJiderV 

What  a  change  is  produced  in  the  views  of  that 
member.  In  1844,  he  spoke  in  tones  of  complaint 
of  the  English  lariir;  enumerated  the  burdens  im- 

Sosed  upon  our  commerce;  mentioned  tlie  rales  of 
uty.  Now  that  those  burdens  are  nearly,  if  not 
auite  removed,  in  the  estimation  of  that  gentleman 
le  corn-laws  of  Eniland  were  no<  injurious,  butac" 
tually  betufieial  to  the  American  farmer.  I  know, 
Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  aometimea  remarked,  that "  he 
ia  inconsistent  who  endeavors  alwaya  to  be  con- 


and 
ahaiMi^  of  cireumi'aneaa.    But.  vr.  «  amm^  »■ 
opinion  without  raaaon,  and  whiob  tieaia  aboul  it 
a  palpable  and  flat  conindieliont  ia  allogallMr  wi- 
.ai-raniable, 

Palataff.  ia  tha  "Merry  Wivaaof  Windaor." 
poaaeasing  himaelf  muoh  veraatilily,  givaa  a  vary 
aaiMiis  ilhialitlion  of  aoddaa  ehangaa,  wh«i  ha  !•• 

rarkadt 
"  I  weal  M  her,  Mssttr  Break,  sa  yea  aee.  Ilka  a  peer  sM 
bat  I  saiM  from  bar,  Master  Braofe,  Uks  a  pear  aM 


that  •  man  ahouM  change  with  a 
a  eaaage  of 


It  will  ba  rwollaeted,  Mr.  Chairman,  by  Ml  who 
have  lialaned  lo  the  argumenia  advanead  by  tke 
Whig  party,  that  they  have  dwelt  with  much  eon- 
Adenca  upon  tha  permanency  of  the  Er^liah  p<o- 
taetiva  policy.  They  have  inaiatad,  in  unmaaaured 
terma:  that  if  wa  ahould  prove  ouraelvea  ao  ftwliah 
aa  to  lower  our  tariff,  and  suffer  the  people  of  thia 
eountry  to  trade  wherever  they  choae,  still  Eng- 
land would  hold  on  to  her  policy.  They  have  even 
gone  so  ftur  aa  to  say,  that  powerflil  would  that 
atatesmsn  prove  himself,  who  could  by  arrange- 
ment induce  foreirn  Fowera  to  reauea  thair 
dttiiaa. 

I  have  an  authority  upon  this  point  which  will 
have  no  lillle  weight  with  the  Whig  party,  and  I 
tniat  will  put  at  rest  thia  cavil: 

BUtarial  oftht  NaHamJ  hMHtfmtr,  ntrumyn,  IMl. 

"  The  moat  ourioua  itam  of  intelligence  by  ihia  arrival  Is 
the  unprecedented  eonipHmenl  paid  by  the  Houae  of  Loi4a 
lo  Mr.  Oi'irelary  W<ilkar>a  Annual  Treoaory Deport,  recom- 
mending the  repeal  af  our  pmeellve  tarUT,  which  waa  otder- 

1  by  their  Lardahlpa  lo  ba  prlaled  *»  IM  ua«  oflbr  Hoaae. 

I  i.,  indeed,  not  improbable  thai  Ibe  ftee-lnde  prDpoaiUoos 
o.'  r  Secnlnryarcrteralediif  theydid  nnljwom|il,  the  kla- 
dri' ',  uieaaura  in  Eoglniidof  a  total  repeal  orlha  com-lawa." 

It  has  been  asserted  that  Jgnat  poverty  and 
wretchedness  prevailed  in  the  British  empire,  in  a 
an  ;i>ch  of  the  gentleman  from  Maasachuaetta,  [Mr. 
HcDioN,]  July  8,  1849.  I  believe  he  was  llu» 
endeavoring  to  aauiblish,  aa  the  basis  of  an  argu- 
ment, that  they  could  manulhuture  cheaper  than 
in  thia  country. 

BttracU  fnm  tHa  meek  of  Mr.  Heasoa,  tf  ttamatkunUt, 
Jii%  8,  184S. 

«  With  iuch  flwu  before  ua,  we  esn  aympaUilaa  with  a 
reepeetalile  weaver  who  leatilied  belbie  the  coaumsaioner 
OS  Ibilowa  I 

"  QiUfNan.  Have  yoa  any  chfldrcn  t 

"Antwr.  No.  I  bad,  but  Ibey  ore  both  dead,  Ibonks  be 
lo  Qoil. 

'•QuetMm.  DoyoueiprjaaaeUafaellonallhedealbofyour 
children  I 

"JttmMT.  I  do.  I  thank  Ood  Ibr  it.  I  am  relieved  Ann 
the  burden  of  maintaining  Ihem  i  and  they,  poor  dear  cieo- 
torea,  are  relieved  from  the  iroablsa  of  ihla  mortal  1Kb. 

"  Comnienu  upon  auch  evidence  woold  be  oat  of  place. 
When  poverty  and  wretchedaesa  nreaa  lo  heavily  upon  pa- 
renla  that  they  rejoice  al  the  death  of  their  own  ebUdnn, 
Ibelr  Btaie  meat  be  poinAtl  Indeed." 

This  is  indeed  a  mournful  picture,  and  well  cal- 
culated to  excite  the  sympathiea  of  the  moat  heart- 
less. We  should,  however,  deem  it  a  vision  of  an 
excited  imagination,  rather  than  atem  reality,  if 
we  might  judge  from  a  /oney  Attth  of  the  same 
honoraola  member,  of  later  production,  brought 
forth,  indeed,  aince  tha  propoaed  repaid  of  tha 
English  corn  laws. 

Bidnutftam  aapaee4  tfMr.  HvssoR,  ntmorylH,  1846. 

■<  Tooke,  an  experienced  EngUah  writer,  inhrms  ua  that, 
from  1B33  to  1838,  ttie  cropa  In  Great  Britain  and  Ireland 
were  ao  abundant  that  wheal  waa  Ibd  oat  to  catUe,  aheep, 
nni  awine,  and  even  WMd  Ibr  dlalUlalioa.  Thia  inducjd 
the  Ikrmer  to  aow  leaa)  and,  ibr  aeveral  auccceding yeara, 
Ihe  whiten  were  unliivorahls  for  the  crop*,  and  the  aeaaoo 
ofharveat  waa  nnpropitloua,  ao  na  lo  Increaae  the  demand 
Ibr  foreign  grain.  Every  man  acqoainted  with  ^gtl  ili  ag- 
rtculnirs  knowa  that  great  Improvemenla  ate  eonitantry 
uking  place  in  her  mode  of  cultivatian.  Boga  and  awampe 
are  being  reclaimed,  barren  hiil^de*  ara  being  convened 
Into  fruitAil  flelda,  and  her  waate  plaeea  are  being  made  to 
bloaaom  like  the  roae.  Bhe  haa  alao  adopted  an  improved 
mode  of  aeeding.  Until  quite  recenUy,  the  wheat  growers 
were  in  Ihe  habit  of  aowing  aboul  lliree  buihela  of  grain  to 
tho  acre.  But  Drummond,  a  late  Engliah  writer,  aaysthal, 
by  tlie  inlraducUon  of  a  new  maebine  for  aowing  wheal, 
wliiuh  dlatribulea  tho  grain  equally  over  the  whole  auiftce 
of  till'  gronnd,  they  have  found  that  a  leaa  quantity  of  need 
nill  answer  equally  well |  and  that  Ihia  improvement  alone 
will  Biive  to  the  United  Kingdom  Ave  or  aix  miUiona  of 
hushi'U,  and  tbua  supply  at  leaat  one-tblrdof  her  deflciancy. 
Under  theae  cironmatancea,  it  ia  not  probable  Ihalherde- 
mand  for  foreign  grain  will  mateilally  increase.  Her  own 
aapply  will  tneieaae  with  her  demand.  The  meaaa  of  Ibe 
maaa  of  tier  people  are  limited  |  and  we  cannot  expect  that, 
under  anycin:umatancea,Bhe  will  take  a  quantity  of  forel|B 
grain  much,  if  suy,  larger  than  ahe  does  at  preseal." 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  since  the  propoaed  repeal 
of  the  Engliah  com  lawa  affords  the  farmer  of  thia 
country  an  opportunity  of  feeding  thoae  who  were 
described  aa  being  so  poverty  atrickeii  iq  the  spciirh 


'■Ad^tt 


754 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  26, 


S9th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


IJie  Tariff— Mr.  Chase. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


of  the  member  in  1843,  lie  has  changed  hi*  ground 
again.  What  a  brilliant  picture  the  gentleman 
draws  of  the  appearance  of  the  British  empire: 
«  Bo^a  and  swamps  are  being  reclaimed ,  barren 
hill-aides  are  being  converted  into  fruitful  fields, 
and  lier  waste  places  are  being  made  to  blossom 
like  the  rose."  The  object  of  this  alluifion  to  the 
condition  of  that  country,  is  to  convince  the  farmer 
that  "  we  cannot  expect  that,  under  anjr  circum- 
stances, she  will  take  a  quantity  of  foreign  grain 
much,  if  any,  larger  than  she  does  at  present." 

Now,  sir,  I  presume  the  object  of  the  gentleman 
fK>m  Massachusetts,  in  1843,  when  he  d^j^cribed 
the  "  poverty  and  wretchedness"  prevailing  among 
the  people  of  the  British  Empire,  was  to  convince 
US  that  protection  was  necessary  to  enable  the 
manufacturer  to  compete  with  the  pauper  labor  of 
Europe.  The  basis  of  his  argument,  if  true,  could, 
as  he  supposed,  enable  him  to  draw  deductions  to 
suit  his  views. 

Well,  the  object  of  the  gentleman  from  Massa- 
chusetts, in  1846,  in  despriliing  th?  r  "osperous  con- 
dition of  England  and  Ireland  from  1832  to  1838, 
when  "the  crops  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland 
were  so  abundant  that  wheat  wat  fed  out  to  cattle, 
sheep,  and  swine,  and  even  used  for  distillation," 
and  in  assuring  us  that  "  her  waste  places  are  being 
made  to  blossom  like  the  rose,"  was  to  create  the 
belief,  undoubtedly,  that  the  farmer  cannot  rely 
upon  the  foreign  market,  but  must  look  entirely 
upon  the  home  coniumption  for  relief. 

This  statement,  xf  trve,  would  induce  the  farm- 
ers of  this  country,  03  he  imdoubtedly  imagined, 
to  submit  to  the  galling  yoke  placed  upon  their 
necks  by  the  advocates  of  the  protective  system. 

It  is,  Mr.  Chairman,  very  oOen  the  case  that 
gentlemen  will  asmme  a  state  of  facts,  and,  whether 
true  or  false,  draw  deductions  'herefrom.  But  do 
they  suppose  that  such  assumptions  can  gull  and 
deceive  an  intelligent  people ! 

What,  sir,  w  the  present  condition  of  Ireland .' 
The  imagination  could  scarcely  conceive  a  more 
startling  picture  than  the  facts  presented  in  the 
paragraph  below,  which  I  cut  from  tlie  Naliona 
TntelTigencer  of  May,  1846,  credited  to  the  Liver- 
pool Times: 

**  Irrlanp. — We  have  still  to  reconl  tlie  receipt  of  nlnrin- 
ing  int'^lligenoc  from  the  sflfttT  country,  siviiiK  Uic  ilinati  of 
the  approaching  famine,  wliich  lias  alrcadymadu  its  appfar- 
ancc  in  sevfTal  parts  of  thn  ooimtry,  tinnging  witli  it  a  tmiit 
of  diseaspB,  the  results  of  which  it  i«  ver>'  painful  torontem- 
pinte.  Meetings  are  being  held  ill  various  parts  to  devise 
means  to  an-est  Uie  prop-^'^-s  of  the  evil,  and  to  prornre  work 
and  food  fur  this  now  Htarvinn  liensantri".  A  meeting  oflhe 
citizens  of  Waterford  was  held  on  the  Tth  instant,  the  Mayor 
in  the  chair,  to  adopt  measures  to  meet  the  existinit  destitu- 
tion in  the  borough.  A  loeal  relief  eomtuittee  was  appointed. 
Durins  Uie  nrocecdimts  the  following  oliser^'ations  were 
ma/le  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Hhehnn :  '  There  was  never  »u<li  des- 
titM'  *n  in  the  eitynsthere  is  atpre^rnt.  Hlinwmca  niason, 
car|H>nler,  or  any  other  tradesman  employed.  The  artisans 
have  no  employment,  and,  consequently, they  are  in  a  xtale 
of  destitution.  [  took  the  trouble  of  examinine  the  reisirts 
of  the  Fanning  Institution,  and  I  found  that  in  Marrli,  1W3, 
potatoes  of  the  best  quality  were  sold  at  Hid.  a  stone  j  in 
1844,  at  41*. ;  in  1845,  St  Itjrf. :  and  now,  this  vear,  they  are 
as  high  as  'id.  to  81d.  by  retail,  and  it  is  by  retail  tliat  the 
poor  buy  them.  As  there  is  no  eniptovment,  and  prices  are 
■o  very  hilll,  Uiere  niu^itbe  extreme  de«iitulli  n.>  I'oinniit- 
tocs  have  been  formed  at  nallyilulf,  Killeiikerc.  and  Balle- 
borou;h,«oiinty  favan.  Aceouiits  pour  in  up6n  usdailyof 
the  increasing  distress. 

*•  In  many  places  there  are  no  polat<tes  left;  in  none  will 
the  Inst  peri.-;hlng  root  be  fiiind  atter  May.  A  I'.iftlehar 
paper  has  the  fnllnvving,  iieaded  Famine  in  Mayo :  *  This 
;aunt  and  lnn.?-drended  scourge  has  at  last  broken  forth.  U'e 
iBve  been  written  to  from  several  parts  of  this  extensive 
country  by  gentlemen,  upon  whose  veracity  we  plm-e  the 
nio.-t  implicit  reliance,  giving  tlie  most  awful  accounts  oftlie 
piitrerings  nf  the  people  at  this  early  period  of  the  year. 
Even  at  Turloifh,  in  the  immediate  'lieigliborhootl  of  this 
town,  many  families  are  at  this  moment,  we  learn,  without 
food,  nnd  the  wretehed  sutlerers  are  in  \ain  endeavoring  to 
get  provisions  in  time,  tliat  liieir  children  may  not  die.  At 
the  market  of  Castlebar,  on  Saturday  last,  provisions,  which 
were  hitherto  eonsldered  reasonable,  roKn  to  an  alarniing 
height— potatoes fnjin  Sid.  to. 'id.  per  stone,  and  oaunealfriim 
lai.  to  I6f.  per  cwt.'  "— Llierpoo;  Timej  of  .Ipril  111,  1846. 

Mr.  Chairman,  having  alluded  to  the  positions 
occupied  by  prominent  men  of  the  Whig  party  at 
differc; '  'imes,  in  relation  to  the  protective  policy, 
I  will  pi  iceed  to  the  discussion  of  the  bill,  and  in 
defence  i>i  a  revenue  tariff. 

"2. — GENERAL  PRINCIPLES. 
There  will  always  be  much  difficulty  in  ndiust- 
ing  a  tax  upon  imports,  if  any  regard  is  paid  to 
discrimination  for  protection.  The  iron  master, 
the  cotton  and  woollen  manufacturer,  the  salt 
maker,  and  the  siignr  planter,  all  have  interests 
involved,  wliich   induces    unholy  combinations. 


15 


Any  person  who  is  honored  with  a  scat  upon  this 
door  for  one  session  cannot  fail  to  observe  how 
easy  it  is  to  form  a  quiet  understanding,  and  estab- 
lish an  arrangement  for  the  mutual  benefit  of  the 
parties  interested.  These  combinations  result  not 
unfrequently  in  the  levying,  indirectly  of  course, 
contributions  upon  tlie  tax  payers. 

To  close  the  door  against  these  combinations  I 
have  alluded  to,  and  to  carry  out  the  power  vested 
in  Congress  by  the  Constitution  to  lay  iind  collect 
taxes,  m  my  judgment,  rev  nue  alone  should  be 
the  object  in  adjusting  a  lux  upon  imports.  Of 
all  persons  affected  by  a  tariff,  the  tax  payer  is  the 
most  interested — much  more  so  thr.n  those  who 
derive  benefits  from  the  incidental  protection  which 
even  a  strictly  revenue  tai-iff  affords. 

No  measure  can  stand  the  test  of  investigation 
which  Is  founded  in  injustice  to  one  portion  of  the 
community  for  the  benefit  of  another.  If  those 
who  advocate  the  protective  policy  should  obtain 
all  they  ask,  at  the  expense  of  other  branches  of 
American  industry,  it  will  finally  avail  them  noth- 
ing; for  it  is  impossible  for  them  to  obtain  perma- 
nent prosperity,  when  the  agricultural  interests 
lie  prostrate  and  languishing.  The  welfare  of  the 
South  as  well  as  the  North,  the  East  as  well  as  the 
West,  should  be  the  object  of  a  statesman  and  an 
honest  man. 

We  may  derive  instruction  from  Holy  Writ  in 
coming  to  a  correct  conclusion  upon  this  branch  nf 
the  subject.  Paul  was  celebrated  amongst  the 
Aposilcs  for  his  ability  and  wiailoin;  ond  it  may 
not  be  inappropriate  to  refer  to  his  writings.  In 
one  of  his  Epistles  to  the  Corinthians,  he  says: 

"And  tlie  eye  cannot  say  to  the  hand,  I  have  no  need  of 
thee;  nor  again  the  head  to  the  for,  I  have  no  need  of  you. 

"And  whether  one  mf;inlK-  -lii?;  ^  all  the  members  siifler 
lyilh  it;  or  one  meinii.'r  hi  m  .1.  all  tlio  members  re- 
joice Willi  it.'' 

If  it  be  not  considered  r  ane,  we  might  apply 
this  reasoning  toll:-  m<\  'fieis  of  our  Confederacy, 
and  say  that,  alt;,ou(.'.i  the  North  may  boast  of 
her  manufactures,  yet  ihcy  have  need  of  the  South 
to  consume  them;  and  this  she  will  be  unable  to 
do  if  her  interests  are  prostrated.  If  each  member 
is  prosperous  and  happy,  then  will  the  whole  Union 
rejoice. 

The  basis  c."  our  inslimtions  is  the  sacred  prin- 
ciple of  equality  of  rights.  No  power  was  con- 
ceded by  the  people  which  conflicts  with  this 
principle;  and  consequently,  when  it  Is  exercised. 
It  Is  assumed  without  authority,  and  is  a  violation 
of  the  Constitution,  and  on  encroochmcnt  upon 
the  powers  reserved  by  the  people. 

Revenue  can  be  raised  by  duties  on  Importi,  but 
Industry  cannot  bo  seduced  into  purticular  clian- 
ncla  by  bounties,  nor  forced  from  others  by  taking 
from  it  its  due  and  Icpltinuite  reward. 

If  duties  me  so  liiijli  es  to  prevent  the  importa- 
tion of  an  article,  the  object  wc  may  have  in  ob- 
taining revenue  upon  that  article  fails,  and  to  thot 
extent  It  improperly  becomes  pnhibitory  and  not  a 
rtremie  tarifl'. 

The  olijert  should  be  to  raise  revenue;  nnd  as 
taxes  nrc  m  nnv  form  oppiesRlve,  the  lowest  rate 
A-htch  will  yield  the  reiiuired  amount  should  be 
selected.  As  fnr  us  It  Is  practicable,  taxes  should 
fall  upon  the  prmietli/of  the  country;  nnd  hence 
the  importance  oi  levying  the  highest  duties  upon 
luxuries,  which  are  generally  consumed  by  the 
rich,  end  lowest  upon  those  npcessuiies  which  the 
poor  are  compelled  to  have.  This  Is  the  onlv  dis- 
crimination which  I  am  aware  is  proper,  except 
discriminations  for  revenue.  In  laying  a  tariff 
upon  hixiiripH,  or  articles  used  by  the  >lch,  care 
sliould  be  taken  not  to  put  a  prohibitori  urlff  upon 
them,  or  one  so  liighas  to  induce  smuggling.  Sup- 
pose from  the  Iniiff  upon  salt  il),000,o5o  is  raised: 
this  tux  is  collected  without  any  portion  being 
paid  by  Ihe  domestic  manufacturer  of  that  article, 
for  the  reiisoti  tliat  he  uses  his  own  salt. 

Again:  we  will  suppose  thot  from  the  tax  on  Iron 
Jl.OOO.OOO  is  raised:  the  manufartuicr  pays  noth- 
ing upon  that  article  for  the  same  reason. 

The  same  argument  will  apply  to  the  manufac- 
turer of  cotton,  susar,  &c.  It  is  but  just,  tlicn, 
that  upon  the  luxuries  which  Ihcy  do  purchase,  a 
high  tariff  should  be  levied,  that  they  may  poy 
their  proportion  of  the  taxes  of  the  country,  and 
from  which  no  jusl  man  will  shrink. 

.3. AD  VALOnP.M  DUTIES. 

I  have  no  hesitation,  Mr.  Chairman,  In  asserting 
my  preferencx)  for  the  ad  valorem  system  of  col- 


lecting taxes,  as  the  most  equitable,  for  the  reason 
that  the  tax  is  levied  upon  the  ocluni  value  of  the 
goods.  Sugar  worth  |>100  at  SJO  per  cent,  would 
yield  a  tax  of  |120;  while  upon  the  same  amount  of 
sugar,  bat  of  finer  quality  and  worth  $200,  the  tax 
would  be  $40.  It  Is  upon  this  principle  that  in  most 
of  the  States,  I  believe,  the  direct  tax  is  levied  for 
State  purposes. 

[Mr.  Joseph  R.  Inoehsoll  here  remarked  that 
in  Pennsylvania  the  taxes  were  levied  upon  horses, 
&c.,  by  the  bend,  without  regard  to  value.] 

Mr.  Chase:  It  Is  diffarent  in  other  States.  In 
Tennessee,  for  instance,  the  tax  is  levied  upon  the 
actual  value  of  land,  &c. 

[Mr.  J.  R.  Ingersoll:  It  is  (o  ii|  Pennsylva- 
nia.] 

Mr.  Chase:  I  cannotdoubt hut  thattAat method, 
as  regards  the  collection  of  taxes  for  State  pur- 
poses, is  entitled  to  the  preference.  A  plantation 
worth  $7,000,  at  two  per  cent,  would  yield  a  tax 
of  $140,  while  one  worth  only  $500  would  yield 

glO  revenue.  There  is  nothing  improper  in  this, 
ut,  on  the  contrary.  It  Is  in  strict  accordance  with 
justice.  With  the  same  force  does  It  recommend 
Itself  to  the  General  Government  in  the  levying  and 
collection  of  a  tariff, 

4. — MINIMUM  DUTIES. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  enter  my  solemn  dissent  against 
this  mode  of  collecting  taxes.  Nothing  could  be 
more  improper  and  odious.  Coaa*  cotton  shirt- 
ings, worth  in  England  three  cents  PR  yard,  by  the 
law  of  1842  is  lustimed  to  be  worth  twenty  cents 
per  yard;  thus  bearing  a  falsehood  on  its  face.  If 
a  duty  of  forty  per  cent,  were  levied  upon  the 
three  cents,  the  real  value  of  a  yard  of  coarse 
cotton  shirting,  the  tax  would  be  about  one  cent; 
but  tustiinin^  the  yard  to  be  worth  twenty  cents, 
your  present  law  would  exact,  even  if  the  article 
could  be  admitted,  a  tax  of  ei^ht  cents,  instead  of 
one.  Now,  sir,  what  woultf  be  thought  of  the 
equity  of  a  law  in  Tennessee,  which  would  autho- 
rize a  sheriff  to  assume  that  a  farm  worth  $1,000  Is 
worth  $6,000;  and  instead  of  exacting  from  the 
owner  twenty  dollars,  wring  from  his  honest  earn- 
ings one  hundred  and  twenty.'  As  much  justice, 
sir,  would  there  be  in  suffering  a  Shylock,  who 
hod  loaned  $100  at  six  per  cent.,  to  lusunie  tliat  he 
had  loaned  $G00,  and  Instead  of  receiving  six  as 
interest,  to  extort  thirty-six  per  cent. 

5. — SPECinc  DUTIES. 

This  mode  of  raising  revenue  Is  also  more  un- 
reasonable and  unjust.  It  is  a  tariff  nf  the  same 
amount  upon  all  articles  of  the  same  kind,  weight, 
yard,  &c.  i>own  sugar  may  be  taken  for  the  pur- 
pose of  illustration.  Havana  sugar  we  will  sup- 
pose worth  $4  per  hundred.  The  lax  levied  upon 
this  amount,  undertlieactof  1842,  would  be  $2  50. 
Porto  Rico,  worth  $2 per  hundred,  would  yield  the 
same  amount  of  tax,  $2  50.  It  would  be  reganlcd 
very  unjust  If  the  same  tax  was  levied  upon  all 
farms,  carriages,  slaves,  &c.,  without  regard  to 
value;  and  yet  the  defenders  of  the  tariff  net  of 
1842  can  pass  over  the  injustice  which  It  inflicts 
upon  the  community. 

But,  say  the  defenders  nf  this  system  of  collect- 
ing duties,  it  Is  necessary  to  prevent  frauds.  I  will 
answer  this  objection  by  adducing  the  authority  of 
one  yet  influential  with  the  Whig  parly. 

Remarks  of  Mr.  Clay  in  the  Senate,  March  1, 
1842: 

"  Whnt  are  the  ntii^r  principlps  of  the  net !  (Cninprnniiiie 
not.)  FiMi,  thorn  \e  tin?  prinoiptn,  thnt  a  tlxi'd  nd  vnlornn 
duty  fihiill  pri'vnJI  iind  tic  in  lurco  al  ull  tinier.  Fnr  nnr,  I 
mil  wiliiiiff  to  atiide  hy  thni  priiiciplti.  There  lire  ccrtr.ia 
VBfiiiu  iintiniii)  oflnnt  as  In  the  utility  and  ncoesDity  or speeiilc 
duticit  and  dipcriiDlnntioiiR,  which  1  inn  pcrtiiiiuteu  nrixa 
IVoni  n  witiii  of  n  lii^ht  iindi'mtandins  nf  the  siihjert.  We 
have  hnd  the  ad  valoreNi  principle  prDrtically  in  Ibrre  ever 
fcliice  the  Cnmprnuilse  act  \\n*  imt^»eil ;  and  (lien*  lias  heen 
nndinieotly  in  adminixtennit  the  duties  of  the  treabury  on 
that  prini'i pie. 

"Compare  the  pyiiteni  of  ppocifir  and  the  nd  valorem  syn- 
ten'of  diitien,  and  I  niiiir.lniii  that  the  lattiT  In  junily  entitled 
to  trto  preference.  The  one  principle  declares  thai  the  duly 
shall  he  paid  n|H)n  Uie  real  value  nf  the  article  taxed  ;  thn 
ppeeitlc  principle  impoties  an  equal  duty  ou  articles  greatly 
unequal  In  value," 

'*  1  say  that  In  tlienrv,  and  ncoordinfi  to  every  pound  prin- 
ciple of  hiPticej  the  a(i  vahirem  principle  is  entitled  to  tlie 
preference.'* 

•<l  believe  that  tf  weadopta  flxod  rate  ad  valorem,  whera- 
nver  ft  can  he  done,  the  revenue  will  he  ^:»l!j(■clcd  to  fewer 
fraudu  than  tlie  injiictice  ami  fraud.<i  Inciilcnt  to  8peeiDc 
ditties.  One  of  the  nioxt  prolific  xonrces  of  ilie  violation  nf 
our  reventiR  laws  has  heen,  as  everylwidy  knowH,  the  cllorl  to 
Kct  Kooilii  nf  n  finer  quality  nnd  iiiu'lier  value  admitted  utidnr 
ine  lower  rato  nf  duty  mqitircd  for  thoso  of  r  luwer  value.** 


[June  26, 

OP  Reps. 

5,  for  the  reason 
luiri  value  of  the 
per  cent,  would 
same  amount  of 
th  gaOO,  the  tax 
ipio  that  in  most 
tax  is  levied  for 

remarked  tliat 
cd  upon  horses, 
n  value.] 
her  States.    In 
levied  upon  the 

in  Pennsylva- 

latfAaf  method, 
for  State  pur- 
A  plantation 
lid  yield  a  tax 
W  would  yield 
proper  in  this, 
"cordanee  with 
it  recomnr.end 
he  levying  and 

es. 

I  dissent  ajtainst 
hhins;  could  be 
H  cotton  shirt- 
H-yard.by  the 
1  twenty  cents 
in  its  face.  If 
ified  upon  the 

ard  of  coarse 
)out  one  cent; 

twenty  cents, 
1  if  the  article 
lis,  instead  of 
"ought  of  the 

would  aulho- 
orth  !J1,000  is 
ting  from  the 
3  honest  earn- 
much  justice, 
Shylock,  who 
assume  tliat  he 
living  six  as 

I. 

ilso  more  un- 
"  of  the  same 
kind,  weight, 
n  for  ttiepur- 
we  will  sup- 
X  levied  upon 
mid  be  $S  SO. 
mid  yield  the 
1  he.  rcganlcd 
ied  upon  all 
ut  regard  to 
tariff  act  of 
i:h  it  inflicts 

m  of  collcct- 
luds.  I  will 
authority  of 

e,  March  1, 

(Cnin|irnnii»e 
■d  0(1  vnlnri'm 
».  For  oin',  I 
■0  nrn  ccrlr.ji 
Kityofsprnido 
rKfinded  nriNe 
subject.     VVc 

ill  (brce  ever 
lero  lins  been 
le  treat<ur>-  on 

vnlorein  syn. 
"slly  eiiiuled 
lliBt  the  duly 
e  lined  J  tho 
■lieles  greatly 

r  PDUiid  prin- 
iitiUcU  to  Uie 

)rein,  where, 
leil  to  fevtir 
'■  I"  »|ieeillc 

violulfoii  ot* 

Ihe  ( llorl  to 
iiiltcd  under 
wer  value.'> 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


755 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess, 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Chase] 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


6. — THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  AND  PROTEC- 
TION. , 

As  hix  excuse  for  adhering  to  the  protective 
policy,  when  hard  pressed  for  arguments,  the 
Whig  party  insist  that  it  had  its  origin  with  the 
comirencement  of  our  Government,  and  that  tlie 
fathers  of  the  Republic  sanctioned  it.  It  is  well, 
Mr.  Chairman,  to  examine  this  position,  for  we 
are  inclined  to  pay  respect  to  the  acts  and  opinions 
of  those  who  cemented  our  liberties  with  tlieir 
blood.  To  show  the  fallacy  of  the  assertion,  that 
the  earlier  Presidents  sanctioned  high  tariffs,  I  will 
submit,  for  the  consideration  of  the  committee,  ex- 
tracts from  Ihe  different  tariffs  from  1789  to  1816: 
Tariff  Jlct  of  July  4, 1789. 

On  moliunes,  per  gnllon,  2J  centu ;  on  mnll,  per  bushel, 
10  centu ;  on  brown  sugiint,  per  jiound,  1  cent ;  loaf  sugAra, 
per  pound,  3  eenta ;  all  other  sngnrn,  per  pound,  1^  centi; 
on  cofl'ee,  per  pound,  2^  cent-* ;  on  boot'*,  p.T  pair,  5t  cenli* ; 
on  all  ahoei  and  vlippsrs  made  of  leatllir,  per  pair,  7  cents; 
on  Bit  steel  uinvrought,  for  every  112  pounds,  56  cents ;  on 
All  nails  and  spike.*,  per  pound,  1  cent;  on  salt,  per  bushel, 
6 cents;  on  coal,  per  bushel,  2  cents;  on  boliea  ten,  per 
pound,  6  cents  ;  all  hyson  teas,  per  pound,  90  cents ;  on  all 
writing,  printing,  or  wrapping  paper,  p.iperliangings,  and 

Cnftehoiird,  TJ  per  cent,  ad  valorem  ;  on  all  butlniis,  daiidles, 
atts  of  heaver,  wool,  or  mixture  ol'eitber,  on  millinery  ready 
made,  ca.-lings  of  iron,  silt  and  rolled  ireu,  and  on  clothing 
ready  made,  7J  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

Tariffed  nf  1192. 
Steel,  per  hundred  weight,  lOi)  cents ;  nails,  per  pound,  8 
cents;  sillies  and  slipiiers  of  cilk,  20  eent^  ;  all  other  shoes 
and  slippers  for  men  and  women,  elogs  and  galoshoes,  10 
cent" ;  cm  eabl(!s,  for  every  112  pnund.',  IH)  cents  ;  on  Uirred 
cordiige,  lor  every  1 12  Douiids,  180  cents ;  looking-glas.*,  win- 
dow, and  otllcr  glas.*,  IS  per  cent.  aJ  valorem  ;  east,  slit,  and 
rolled  iron,  Int-*,  caps,  and  Imnnels,  sail-cloth,  cabinet 
wares,  anil  generally  nil  manul'netiires  of  iron,  steel,  tin, 
pewter,  copper,  bra  is,  &c.,  not  being  oUicrwise  particularly 
enumerated,  10  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

T«ri/.4<;1  0/1794. 
On  coffee,  per  pound,  I  cent ;  clayed  or  lump  sugar,  per 
pound,  I  cent;  on  hoots,  per  pair,  2b  cents ;  on  shoes  and 
slippers,  for  wen  and  women,  5  eents;  on  coal,  per  bushel, 
i  cent;  on  slit,  cast,  uiid  rolled  iron,  anil,  generally,  on  all 
mannracinres  of  Imn,  stM),  tin,  pewter,  eopiicr,  and  brass, 
nnt  oibcrnisc  enumeniten,  5  per  cent,  ad  valorem ;  on  all 
ninnufaeinres  of  I'oitnn  or  li.jeii,  or  of  muslins  of  cotton  or 
linen,  or  of  which  couon  or  linen  is  the  material  of  chief 
falirie,  being  printed,  stained,  or  colored,  5  per  cent,  ad 
valorem. 

Tariff  Jlct  qf  March  3,  1797. 

"  An  Act  for  raising  a  further  sum  of  money  by  additional 
duties  on  certain  articles  imported,  and  fur  oilier  purposes. 

"  That  from  and  niter  the  30th  day  of  June  next,  the  fol- 
lowing duties,  in  addition  to  those  now  in  loree  and  payable 
on  the  several  artich's  liereinallenmunierated,  shall  be  laid 
and  levied  and  eolleeted  upon  tliose  articles  respectively,  at 
their  Importation  into  the  United  States  from  any  I'oieign 
port  or  place. 

"  On  all  brown  sugars,  per  pound,  J  cent ;  on  all  bohea  tea, 
per  pound.  Scents  j  on  all  molasses,  per  gallon,  1  cent;  and 
on  all  velvels  and  velverets,  wheUicr  slained,  printed,  col- 
ored, nr  otherwise,  and  upon  all  muslins,  muslinetts,  and 
other  cniion  gooils,  not  priuted,  stained,  or  colored,  24  per 
cent,  nd  valorem." 

There  whs  also  a  section  providing  that  after 
the  30th  of  June  an  additional  duty  of  10  per  cent, 
should  1)0  levied  on  the  aforesaid  articles  imported 
in  foreign  ships. 

Tariff  of  March  20, 1804,(rfuri«j  «c^rf.-»tnijlrii/ton 
of  Jefferson,)  called  the  Mediterranean  Fund. 

"  An  Act  further  to  protect  the  Coinincrce  and  Seamen  of 
the  United  States  against  the  Barbary  Powers. 

"  A  duly  of  2i  per  eemnni  nd  valorem  In  addition  to  Ihe 
duties  now  imposed  by  law,  [afi.resaid  act  of  March  ;)d,  1T97,] 
shall  he  laid,  levied,  and  rolfeeled  upon  all  goods,  wares,  and 
inerelmndisc,  paying  ii  duty  iid  valorem,  which  sliall,  after 
theSOIhday  of  June  iiejl,  be  imported  into  the  United  Suites 
from  any  foreign  port  or  place." 

The  act  provided  an  additional  duty  of  10  per 
cent,  upon  goods,  wares,  and  merchniulise,  import-  j 
ed  in  vessels  not  of  the  United  Suites. 

The  act  further  provided  that  a  distinct  account 
should  be  kept  of  the  tVmd,  nndnhnt  iic  additional 
duty  should  cease  us  soon  a:*  liie  diffitultiea  should 
be  adjuiwSd  with  the  Uarbary  Powers . 
Tariff Mt  0/I8IC,  during  Madison's  Jltlm'.nistration. 

On  all  ariieles  manufactured  from  bras:*,  copper,  iron, 
steid,  pewter,  lead,  or  tin,  eiillery,  pins,  needles,  buttons, 
cannon,  musicets,  and  lire-arms,  20  per  cent,  nd  valorem  ; 
Oh  woollen  inanufaetnres,  of  all  de.si'ripiioiis,  or  of  which 
wool  is  the  material  of  chief  value,  (exeeiiting  blankets, 
woollen  rugs,  niid  worsted  or  stnti'  goods,)  ■.»,')  per  cent.  aJ 
vabir'in,  until  June,  1819,  and  alter  that  day  20  per  cent, 
nd  viilorein;  on  all  eotioii  ni:.iiufaeiures,  of  nil  descriptions, 
or  of  wliieli  eottoii  is  Iheniaterlalof  chief  value,  and  on  cot- 
ton twist,  yarn,  or  thread,  as  fiillows,  for  tlnee  years  next 
ensuing  the  13th  day  of  June,  ldl(l,2.~i  per  cent,  ad  valorem, 
and  arter  that  tiini'  20  per  nl.  iid  valorem ;  on  iron,  In  bars 
and  bolts,  (eieepiing  Iron  manufactured  by  rolling,)  per 
hundred  weight,  4j  centa ;  uu  bunts,  per  pair,  150  cents. 


7. — GENERAL  JACKSON  AND  THE  PROTECT- 
IVE POLICY. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  what  is  quite  surprising, 
those  who  have  often  denounced  ueneral  Jackson 
with  a  bitterness  only  equalled  by  their  opposition 
to  his  measures,  now  quote  him  as  autliority  to 
siist.  ':n  the  sinking  cause  of  protection.  Nut  only 
do  the  Whigs  pursue  this  course,  but  a  portion  of 
the  Democratic  party  follow  their  example. 

Mr.  Jamei  Thompson:  Will  the  gentleman  from 
Tennessee  suffer  me  to  ask  him  a  question  ? 

Mr.  Chase:  Certainly;  with  great  pleasure. 

Mr.  Thompsom:  1  wish  to  ask  the  gentleman  if 
Genera!  Jackson  did  nnt  vote  for  the  tariff  of  1824, 
and  sign  the  tariff  bill  of  1832? 

Mr.  Chase:  That  is  true;  and  he  also  signed  the 
Compromise  act  of  1833.  No  member  upon  this 
floor  is  bettei-  informed  as  to  the  history  of  that 
struggle  than  tlio  gentleman  from  Pcr.nsylvania, 
I  Mr.  Thompson.]  Ho  will  recollect  the  encounter 
of  intellect  which  preceded  the  passage  of  the  act 
of  1828 — the  determination  of  the  manufacturers  to 
obtain  pmlection  at  all  hazards — the  complaints  of 
the  Snmli — the  concentration  of  the  powerofGen- 
eral  Jackson's  Administration  against  the  protective 
policy,  (when  Us  pernicious  tendencies  had  been  de- 
veloped,) and  which  threatened  at  once  and  forever 
to  overthrow  the  system — the  passage  of  the  Com- 
promise act,  which  gradually  abolished  the  pro- 
tective policy.  All  these  events,  which  marked 
that  as  the  most  exciting  portion  of  our  couiilry's 
history,  certainly  must  yet  remain  in  tho  memory 
of  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania. 

Now,  sir,  for  the  benefit  of  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  and  the  Whig  party,  I  undertake  to 
assert,  that  General  Jackson  in  1833  brought  all 
the  weight  of  his  preponderating  influence  against 
the  protective  policy. 

Perhaps  no  one  had  a  better  knowledge  of  the 
events  of  that  day  than  Henry  Clay.  He  was  the 
father  of  the  so-called  American  System.  He  had 
eagerly  watched  its  progress;  he  saw  it  in  danger 
of  destruction;  he  knew  who  were  its  friends  and 
ils  enemies,  and  as  he  rushes  forward  to  save  his 
infant  from  insttuit  peril,  he  uses  the  following 
language: 

"  It  is  well'known  that  a  majority  of  the  dominant  porty 
is  adverse  to  the  tariff." 

*<  How,  then,  I  ask,  is  tlie  system  (protective)  to  lie  sus- 
tailed  a'^ainst  numbers — n-^'iin^l  tlie  whole  veis'tt  of  tlie  Jld- 
mfni'.triition— against  the  milted  South,  and  against  tlio 
Increased  pending  danger  of  civil  war?" 

**  Discontents  are  niultiptying  nnd  assumiug  new  anil  dan- 
gerous luspeets.  They  have  been  cherished  by  the  eiinrse 
and  hopes  inspired  during  the  Administration,  wliieli,  at  the 
vt>ry  iiioincnt  tliat  it  threatens  and  recommends  the  use  of 
the  power  of  the  Union,  proeiainis  aloud  the  injustice  of  tile 
system  which  it  would  enforce." — Mr.  CLty'it  speech  in  U. 
S.  Se.iute,  Fehmanj^,  1933. 

Years  passed  by,  and  after  Mr.  Clay  calmly 
looked  back  to  the  great  struggle  in  which  he  was  a 
prominent  actor,  he  remarks: 

"  Two  motives  had  operated  on  my  mind,  and  I  helievo 
on  the  minds  of  others,  to  Induce  them  to  concur  in  the  pas- 
sage of  till!  law  (of  1C33.)  The  lirst  nan,  to  avert  the  ealain- 
iiy  of  civil  war,  the  fire  of  which  having  been  lighted  up  in 
South  (Carolina,  threatened  to  extend  its  tiames  ovi  r  the 
wliole  ITnion ;  tlie  second  was,  to  preserve  from  utter  de- 
struetion  the  system  of  protection  whieti  t'eniisylvania 
favored.  When  tlie  law  was  passed,  (and  I  will  repeat  liere, 
althougll  it  will  not  he  long  het^ire  I  shall  have  an  opjHirtu- 
nity  to  go  into  an  examination  of  the  wliiile  subject.)  that 
if  the  Compromise  net  bud  not  lieen  adopted,  the  whole  sys- 
tem of  protection  would  liave  been  swept  by  the  hor.rd  by 
the  prepoiuteratin:!  inllilenue  of  the  illustrious  man  then  at  '! 
the  head  of  the  Uoverninent  (General  Jackson)  at  the  very  M 
next  session  after  its  eimeliiient." — SiieeeA  of  Mr.  Ciuti.  Feb- 
runri/ 18,  1842,  17.  S.  Sen.Uc. 

j  8.-;-"  HIGHER  THE  TARIFF  THE  LOWER  THE 

1  GOODS." 

i  There  is,  Mr.  Chnirmnn,  quite  a  diverF.ity  of  ,1 
:  opinion  among  the  Whig  leaders  as  to  the  efl'cct  of  • 
;  a  high  tariff.  It  seems  that  tho  gentleman  from  :l 
Massachusetts  [Mr.  IIudson} regards  a  proteclive  II 
tariff  ns  nc;essary,  bccnu.se  we  cannot  manul'aclure  { 
;  as  cheap  ns  foreigners.  In  his  report  of  April  10,  || 
;  1844,  ho  advances  the  following  reasons;  | 

i  "The  English  ninnufiieiurer,  owing  to  tlin  low  price  of  || 
the  iron  for  bis  miiehinery,  the  reduced  rate  of  interest,  the  h 
eheapness  of  labor,  and  other  causes,  can  prepare  his  mill  ii 

;  for  operation  sonie  20  or  3J  per  cent,  less  than  the  maiiunic-  !  I 
turer  in  tills  country;  and,  after  it  is  in  operation,  tils  labor  1! 
will  cost  lilni  less  than  one  half  the  sum  the  Amerieaii  man-  y 

'  iilhetilrer  would  be  coinpi'lled  to  give.  Henee  th;:  mutual  1 
repeal  of  all  duties  on  nianiifaetured  goods  would  rnin  our 

;  manufactures,  and  liring  down  the  price  of  labor  in  this  || 

'  country  to  tiie  low  level  of  the  European  standard." 


Now,  the  plain  English  of  all  this  is,  that  the 
consumer  must  pay  bounties  to  tiie  manufacturer 
in  order  to  sustain  him  in  a  coinpelition  with  the 
pauper  labor  of  Europe.  There  is  no  misunder- 
standing a  statement  so  plain  and  direct. 

Mr.  Daniel  D.  Barnard,  a  distinguished  member 
from  the  State  of  New  York,  in  1842,  maintained 
that  protective  duties  would  enable  the  manufactu- 
rer to  bring  down  prices  below  what  thev  wnultl 
be,  provided  the  foreigner  had  command  of  the 
market. 

**To  come,  however,  directly  to  the  point  of  this  com- 
plaint, i  de  ly  tliat  there  is  the  slightest  foundation  for  {it; 
f*or,  in  tiie  'jr^'.  place,  I  deny,  ns  a  general  thing,  that  piicefl 
nre  permanently  raised  by  protective  duties;  on  the  con- 
trary, as  I  have  sliown  already,  the  common  effect  is,  to 
bring  down  prices,  even  below  what  they  would  be  if  the 
foreigner  were  allowed  to  have  the  command  or  the  mar- 
ket"—.SncccA  q/'i)uniefD..BanMr<<  in  U.  8.  Home  of  Reag.. 
Jul)/ 6, 1842. 

Cut  the  question  of  great  interest  to  the  farmers 
of  this  coun'ry  is,  whether  protective  dulies  will 
enable  the  manufacturers  to  sell  goods  i^t  eheap  (ta 
foreigners  can  sell  to  us?  Upon  this  point  there 
is  not  as  much  authority  as  we  could  wish;  it  is  a 
position  around  which  there  is  an  unaccountable 
inclination  to  slide. 

Mr.  Horace  Greeley  ventures  nearer  to  the  point 
til  in  any  one  I  have  known: 

"  But  wliy  is  a  tariff  necessary  after  manufiieturea  nre 
once  established .'  You  pay,  says  a  free-tnnier,  that  you  can 
inanulacture  cheaper,  if  protei'ted,  than  we  can  biiy'nbrnadi 
then  why  not  do  it  nUfiout  protection,  and  save  all  trouble. 
Let  llie  answer  Uiiseavil.  I  will  suppose  the  innmifactures  of 
this  eountry  amount  to  .^100,000,000  per  aniiiiin,  and  tiiose 
of  Great  BriLiin  to  .«3li0.0iia,000.  Let  ns  suppose,  also,  that 
under  an  efficient  protective  tariff,  ours  are  produced  five 
per  cent,  cheaper  than  those  of  Eiiglnnd,  and  tliat  our  owa 
markets  nre  supplied  entirely  from  the  home  prmlnet." — 
Ettrtict  from  a  sjicech  of  Uorace  Greeley  in  New  Vork,  J-'c^- 
rnani  10,  1843. 

The  basis  of  Mr.  Greeley's  argument  is,  that  un- 
der a  prolective  tariff,  we  can  manufocture  five  per 
cent,  chcajicr  than  the  English.  We  will  suppose 
this  assumption  to  be  true,  and  that  $1,000  worth 
of  iron  can  be  manufactured,  not  cheaper,  but  aa 
cheap, 'as  the  same  quality  and  amount  in  Eng- 
land. Now,  sir,  wc  will  leave  out  of  the  estimate 
the  cost  of  freighting  the  foreign  iron  to  the  city 
of  New  York,  but  will  suppose  that  a  tariff  of  30 
per  cent,  ad  valorem  is  iniposed  upon  the  foreign 
iron.    The  account  will  stand — 

Domestic  iron $1,000 

Foreign  iron,  with  the  30  per  cent,  tariff. . .  1,300 

Unless  some  individual  is  patriotic  enough  to 
pay  the  $1,300  for  the  same  amount  of  iron  he 
could  buy  for  #1,000,  the  foreign  article  would  be 
excluded, and  nn  revenue  would  bo  realized  from  it. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  apply  the  same  reasoning 
to  sugar,  salt,  spirits,  cotton  goods,  woollen  goods, 
and  every  other  description  of  goods  manufactured 
hero  nnd  in  foreign  countries,  and  they  would  be 
excluded,  and  revenue  would  be  cut  off,  unless  the 
advocates  of  protection  should  generously  step 
forward,  and  show  their  horror  for  direct  taxation 
by  purchasing  the  foreign  fabric,  although  they 
assert  they  could  obtain  as  good  an  article  of  the 
domestic  manufacture,  and  get  it  ihe  ainotml  of  Ihe 
tariff  less,  than  they  would  pay  for  the  foreign 
article. 

The  inevitable  result  of  the  doctrine  of  Mr. 
Greeley,  and  of  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania, 
[Mr.  Stewart,]  that  the  "  higher  the  tariff  the 
lower  the  goods,"  is  direct  taxation;  and,  as  hon- 
est men,  it  is  their  duty  to  proclaim  Mm  remit,  as 
well  as  the  olAer,  to  their  supporters.  Both  these 
genthmen  undoubtedly  express  great  alarm  at  the 
idea  of  direct  taxation,  and  yet  they  seek  to  estab- 
lish a  system  which  they  assert  will  produce  a 
result  ending  in  direct  taxation. 

While  upon  this  branch  of  the  subject,  I  beg 
leave,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  adduce  some  authority 
whicli  I  trust  will  not  be  without  its  influence  with 
the  Whig  party,  as  to  the  effect  of  a  tariff  upon 
prices; 

Mr.  CXaxj. 

"  The  exporter  of  nn  article,  if  he  Invests  its  proceeds  in 
n  fnreieit  market,  takes  can;  to  make  tiic  investment  in  such 
merchandise  as,  when  brought  home',  he  can  sell  Willi  a  fair 
prolil ;  and.  eonsni|iienlly,  the  fOiisumiT  unuld  pay  the  ortirt'. 
mil  cost,  and  rAf/rge*  unit  |n"0/W«." — Vol.  9.  p.  3(1,  Life  nnd 
Speeches  of  Henry  Cluy,  by  tireclcy  IkMeKlrath,  :844. 

Again: 

"  It  there  is  any  truth  in  political  economy,  it  cannot  be 
that  result  W;II  n^rco  with  the  prediction;  for  tee  or«  tiw 
siriictcif,  hit  atl  rx;ierie»iee,  that  the  consumption  of  any  article 
is  in  proportion  to  the  reduction  of  its  ;)riee,  and  Ulat.  in 
general,  it  may  be  taken  as  n  rule,  that  the  ihUy  on  an  orAcle 
Jorme  a  portion  of  id  price." — Suns  voluiuo,  page  144. 


■alMMMk 


I.  ;■ 


750 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  26, 


29th  CoNa.....laT  Sess. 


Tht  Tariff—Mr.  Chate. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


! 


t 


JMr.  ir<Mtartaiea4. 
•<  Our  whole  uniul  eoamimiUoa  of  Uiii  utiel*  (Iroii)  U 
•appurd  by  Uw  elMiiuu  uf  UW  eommittae  lo  be  48,000  or 
80,000  ton>.  Let  ua  nippoM  the  iMUr.  The  amount  of  our 
own  manulhcture  he  eramiue*,  I  think,  at  19,000  lone.  The 
premml  duiv  (letH)  on  the  imported  article  ii  (IS  per  ton ; 
and  ae  Ikb  ikttu  nuuet,  afcomtc,  <m  egirfi'iiiail  mummtottoH 
•/  th*  price  o/(A»  konu  nunw/acturv,  the  whole  Tncrcaee  of 
price  ii  equal  to  «7S,000  annually.  Tbia  lum  wr  pay  on  a 
imw  material,  and  upon  an  abaolute  neeeaiary  oriih.  The 
Mil  propotee  to  ni.M)  the  duty  from  AIS  to  (SB  GO  per  ton, 
which  would  be  equal  lo  (l,l!ts/100  on  the  whole  annual 
eoneuinpUoo.    Bo  that,  tuppoae  the  point  of  prohibition, 


which  it  aimed  at  by  lome  tenllemen,  to  be  attained,  tlie 
conmmerf  of  tkt  ttMcte  wovldjtay  thie  lant-monliunod  lum 
every  year  to  the  (iroducen)  or  it,  over  and  ahovo  the  price 


at  which  they  could  lupply  Ihemaeivea  with  the  aame  article 
fkom  other  aourcea." 

BUttaajnm  tko  rrjmt  of  John  H,  Mami  in  1839. 
"The  doctrine  that  dntlee  of  import  cheapen  the  price  nf 
the  articles  upon  which  tlicy  urc  levied,  Mcnia  lo  conllict 
with  the  dictotee  of  common  mam.  The  duty  oiivruleo  na  a 
bounty,  or  premium,  to  the  dnmeatic  in:iniii)icliirer.  But  by 
whom  II  it  paid  I  (5ertalnly  by  the  purcliaaer  nl'  the  nrticle, 
whether  of  fotelm  or  domenlic  maiiul'ncturn.  Hit  ikU\i  con- 
ttUutn  a  rati  oftktfrice  of  He  witole  man  of  Me  arliila  in 
market.  It  ia  aiibatantially  paid  upon  the  article  ofdomettic 
maiiufaelme,ai  weltwi  ufonlhntofforeifnfroiluctton.  Upon 
the  one  It  la  a  BOUNTV— iipon  the  other  a  BURDEN ;  and 
the  repeal  ufthetax  timxt  operate  bm  an  equivaliMii  reduction 
of  tile  price  of  the  itnicle,  whelh(;r  toreijril  or  dnint^alic.  * 
*  *  *  The  general  and  permaixjiit  effect  must  he  to 
tnereaee  the  price  of  the  aiticle  to  the  extent  of  Uic  additional 
duty;  and  it  ia  then  luU  iy  the  coiiaumer." 

But  the  point  presented  by  the  members  upon 
the  other  side  of  the  Hall  is,  that  prices  liave  fallen 
during  the  Inst  twenty  or  thirty  years.  That  is 
very  tjrue,  Mr.  Chairman;  but  how  can  it  with 
truth  be  ascribed  to  our  protective  torilT?  Prices 
have  fallen  throughout  the  world. 

I  begin  with  the  following  table  of  prices  of  cer- 
tain articles  of  hardware  in  England: 


Dacriftion  of  article: 


Rmcea  ofliiu,  13  in  a  aet. . 
HIicM'-hammerw,  per  dozen .... 
Loika  for  doora,  6-inch,  per 

dor.cn 

Hinxea,  catt  butU,  Oitich,  per 

dozen 

Shovel  and  tonga,   flre-irona, 

per  pair 

Latchea     for     doora,     bugle 

thumba,  per  dozen 

Sad  Irona,  per  cwt 

Trace  chftina,  per  cwt 

Candleaticks,  bmaif,  6-inch.... 

Bolts  ibr  doora,  |>er  groaa 

Anvila,  per  cwt 


Pricei. 


1818.    1824.    1(88.     IKH. 


1.   d. 

y  0 

6    9 
38    0 

0  10 

1  0 

9  3 
£S  li 
2l)  0 
9  II 
B  0 
95    0 


c.  d. 

6  3 

3  9 

39  0 

0  7J 

1  0 


>.  d. 

4  3 

3  0 

li!  0 

0  3| 

0  9 

1  0 
14  0 
19  6 

1  7 

6  0 

10  0 


>.  d. 
9  10 
3    U 


0  9{ 

0  51 

0  8 

II  0 


The  above  table  is  taken  from  McCulloch's 
Commercial  Dictionary.  The  great  fall  in  price 
upon  the  articles  above  named  cannot  be  ascribed 
to  our  protective  tariffs.  In  referring  to  the  prices 
of  foreign  goods  sold  in  our  market,  it  seems  that 
the  advocates  of  the  protective  policy  have  entirely 
overlooked  the  fact,  that  there  is  a  /oreign  compe- 
tition for  our  n>arket.  They  assert  that  domestic 
iMimpetition  will  brin^  down  prices;  if  so,  tlie 
competition  prevailing  in  manufitc.iuring  cslAblish- 
nienls  throughout  the  world  would  induce  foreign- 
ers, by  struggling  for  our  market,  to  keep  down 
the  prices.  Other  causes  have  operated  lo  produce 
the  result.  Mechanical  skill  has  made  wonderful 
improvements  in  machinery,  which  has  been  sub- 
stituted for  hand  labor.  This  has  undoubtedly 
contributed  more  than  any  other  event  to  lessen 
tlie  price  of  goods.  The  farmer  boy  hesitates  to 
cultivate  the  flax  which,  when  manufactured  by  his 
mother's  hand,  is  to  become  his  raiment;  the 
busy  hum  of  the  wheel  which  we  listened  to  in 
our  childhood  is  nearly  hushed;  the  sound  of  the 
blacksmith's  hammer  is  scarcely  heurd  moulding 
his  nail  from  the  hissing  irun;  and  in  tlieir  stead 
arc  heard  the  confusing  sounds  of  the  spindle  and 
the  loom  iiH  tlieir  complicated  machinery,  almost 
without  the  aid  of  human  hands,  unfolds  to  view 
the  curious  specimens  of  its  skill,  while  the  steady 
and  unceasing  fall  of  the  well-fashioned  nail  as  it 
drops  from  the  mill,  proclaims  the  substitution  of 
artincinl  for  natural  power. 

The  low  price  of  the  raw  material  and  of  food 
u  our  forests  disappear  nnd  broad  acres  yield 
their  harvests  as  a  reward  for  toil,  is  by  no  means 
an  unimportant  cause  for  the  full  of  manufUctured 
goods  within  the  last  thirty  years 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  a  great  question  for  tho 
country  to  consider  is  thr  comparative  price  of 
manufactured  articles  before  and  since  the  passage 


of  the  act  of  1842.  If  the  arguments  of  gentlemen 
upon  the  othersideof  this  Ha II  be  true,  there  should 
be  a  decline  of  prices  since  the  passage  of  the  pro- 
tective torilTof  that  year. 

It  is  well,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  examine  the  prices 
of  domestic  goods  since  the  passage  of  the  ta- 
riff act  of  1843,  and  ascertain  if  it  is  true  that 
the  "higher  the  tariff  tlie  lower  the  price  of 
goods." 

WholiMie  mice  of  domelUc  /^dt  on  the  fint  day  of  ^usuel, 
1843  md  1844,  tahen  from  the  talee-hookl  of  the  leUing 
agenttf  and  copied  into  the  New  York  Honing  Newe, 
TABLE  I. 
.trtUlee.  1843. 1844. 

Brown  cotton  flannela,  Hamilton,  per  yard c<t.  10|    11} 

Gliutgow  jfiana,  per  yard 17      19 

Shcrp*a  firny  cnyincta,  per  ynril 30     45 

37-lnch  hron-n  ahpctings,  In.  Held,  per  ynni 7^ 

77-mch  brown  aheelin^-a,  ( >elln  B^  per  yurd 7 

37-inch  brown  aheeliiiga,  Bavase  iiictorv.  (leryord.  8 
37-inch  brown  ahoetinpH,  Blnrk  eoiii)VMi>'.  p^-ryard  7 
37-Inch  brown  Hhcotinj^,  Tliihlle  laclory,  per  yard  6} 
37-inch  brown  ahei-tJnita,  Tliiittle  furtory,  per  yard  5 


37-iiiph  brown  aheetlnga,  Pniuientcompany,  per  yd  7* 
■   -  .pryd.lOJ 


8 
8 

n 

19 
111 


44  inch  Oaiitiburgii,  grayd,  Pntup^co  Ihctory^ , 

Penitentiary  plaida  nnd  strpeK,  per  yard.,..'. 10 

Snlinlmry  company  KC-rlet  flannelti.  No.  13  to  26 

incllif<lve,  per  yard 18      35| 

Merrimack  blue  prints,  per  yard lit    Hi 

Fan  River  blue  printa,  per  yard 10     lOi 

Maverick  sanincta,  per  yard SH    75 . 

I  now  give  the  price  of  iron  in  the  New  York 
market  on  the  30th  July,  in  each  of  the  years  of 
1842  and  1845: 

TABLE  II. 
JMUUe.  IMS.  1845. 


Bar,Buaaia,P.S.I.,.'$l09S0  loii;l(i5  0  $109  .W  to  $105  0 

SwcdcB 80  0  ■•"   " 

American  rotted 6^  0  to 

Sheet  inill  (Kua.)  p.lb.     0  I3i  to 
Sheet    iron    (English 

and  Aiiiericnn)p.  lb.    0  5  to 
Ilonpa   (English   and 

American)  per  cwt.    4  SS  to 

I  now  give  the  prices  of  sugar  in  the  New  York 
market  on  the  same  day  of  tlie  montli,  in  the  same 
years. 

TABLE  III. 
.«r«clc«.  IM2.  1845. 


70    0 
014 

85   0 

85   0 

13 

0   5i 

0   7to 

0  71 

4  75 

SfiOto 

650 

e|  CIS.  to  8  eta. 
5         to  7| 
10  to  10} 

71         to   9 


St.  Croji,  per  lb 5)  els.  lo  8i  eta. 

New  Orleans,  p<.'r  lb 31        to  41 

Havana,  while,  per  11).... 71        to  9 
Havana,  l)rown,  pel  lb. . .  4} 

Lnstly,  I  give  the  prices  of  certain  other  articles 
in  the  New  York  market  in  the  month  of  June  of 
each  of  tho  years  of  1843  and  1844,  taken  from  the 
New  York  Evening  Post. 

TABLE  IV. 

Dover  printa,  por>'ard 7^  eta.  Ill  cts. 

MiTriniaok  iinnls,' per  yard Ill        131 

Chicknpne  1),  lintwn  aheeiiiiga,  per  yard . . . .  6J  81 

Anionkfiig,  tirown,  per  yard *. 6J  8} 

f^Hniiiier  )>antnlooii  slima,  per  yard 131        10 

nouU-mill  cotton,  nir  yard 8  10 

Pc.-.rlct,  while, iin(iyeIIowflaiinel»,|)ery»rd. 18  35 

Scarlet,  white, and  ycllowflanncls,|ieryard.9()  971 

Scariet,  while,  nnd  yellow  tlannclii,  pt-r  yaril  .97  35 

Uroadi'lolha,  pir  yard $9  (Ml     $9  .'iO 

Broadclollii*,  per  yard 3  371     3  50 

TABLE  V. 
From  the  July  No.  of  HvniH  MerchanU^  Magazine,  1844. 


Arllclea. 


Jnn'ry,  Jan'ry, 


Iron  anviN,  per  lb.. 
Bary,  cninnion  Eng- 

li.-ili  rolteil,  p.  ton- 
Biirii,  retliii-d  Eng- 

liKh  rolled 

B.irx,  American  re- 

lliied 

BlooinH,  Ami^rirnn, 
NiiilH,wrotigtil,p.lb. 
NiiilM,  cut,  per  lb  .. 

PigH,  Iter  ton 

flryllira,  jier  dozen. 
SbovelH,  per  dozen. 


I, -MO. 


««    9i 

76  95 

93  75 

HO  00 
CUUO 
111 
5} 
.■»35 
13  00 
IQIM) 


IWl. 


Jiui'ry, 
IH49. 


$0  001 
7195 


K-.OO 
53.10 

,19.10 
19  .'id 
U.'ill 


Jan*rv,  Jan'ry, 
IU.1')        ta.iA 


90  081 

53  .W 

76  95 

77.10 
50  00 

'."I 
3100 

19  .K) 
900 


im. 


91)081 

53  75 

07  50 

ftlOfl 

47  50 

0 

3< 

35  00 

9IJ0 

795 


1814. 


«0  081 

.'>3  75 

67.50 

67  .W 

53  50 

.  9 

4} 

37,50 

900 

7  95 


Now,  sir,  if  competition,  under  the  tarilfof  1842, 
is  to  bring  down  tho*price  of  the  manufactured  ar- 
ticle, acco.-ding  to  their  theory,  why  not  carry  it 
out  in  m-ddici!  7 

Of  the  sixteen  articles  specified  in  table  No.  1, 
fourteen  have  increased  in  price  from  1843  to  1844; 
two  remain  at  the  same  cost. 

There  are  six  nrliclcs  conlnincd  in  table  No.  2; 
(bur  have  increased  in  price  from  1842  to  1845, 
one  has  not  varied,  one  has  slightly  fallen. 

Of  the  four  articles  contained  in  table  No.  3, 
every  one  rose  in  value  from  1842  lo  1845. 

Eleven  articles  are  specified  in  table  No.  4;  every 


one  enhanced  in  price  firom  June,  1843,  to  June, 
1844. 

Mr.  Chairman,  important  facts  may  be  gathered 
from  table  No.  5;  it  contains  ten  articles.  While 
the  tariff  was  descending  in  its  scale,  Qnder  the 
operation  of  the  compromise  act,  from  1840  to  1843, 
every  article  specified  in  the  list  fell  in  price ;  but, 
after  the  passage  of  the  tariff  of  1849,  and  fVom 
January,  1643,  to  January,  1844,  four  of  the  ar- 
ticles increased  in  price,  and  six  remained  sta- 
tionery. 

FROM  nONT'a  lIERCUAim'  HASUISS,  HAT  SO.  1845. 

Pricet  of  mamtfacturM  articlei  In  Me  Neto  York  market  at 
different  periods. 


Articlsb. 


Cord.ige,  American, 

per  100  pounds. . 
Cotton  bajD^ng,  Ky. 

per  lOO  yarda  . . . 
Lead,  pig,  per  100 

p<mnda 

Molaaaca.  N.  O.  per 

100  gallona 

Bleel,      per      100 

pounds  

Sugar,  N.  O.,  per 

100  pounds 


1843. 


Octo- 
ber. 


$13  00 
16  00 
3  45 
37  00 
SOO 
687 


1844. 


Febru- 
ary. 


$1900 
16  00 
355 

33  or 

500 
795 


^r 


Juno  8. 


$19  00 
16  00 
3  30 
30  00 
SOO 
7.77 


$13  00 
17  00 
3  45 
3100 
500 
795 


Sept  7. 


$13  00 
17  00 
3  47 
33  00 
600 
700 


Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  notwithstanding  the  fal- 
lacy of  the  assertion,  that  the  higher  the  tariff  the 
lower  the  price,  the  advocates  of  Uie  protective  pol- 
icy adhere  to  it  with  wonderful  tenacity;  and  those 
members  upon  this  floor,  who,  like  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania,  [Mr.  Stewart,]  liave  the 
moral  courage  to  iterate  nnd  reiterate  the  assertion, 
even  if  they  are  not  personally  interested,  in  dol- 
lars and  cents,  in  manufacturing  establinhments, 
still  they  receive  the  commendation  of  the  lords  of 
the  spindle,  in  cmnplimentary  subscriptions  for  their 
speeches.  I  have  taken  the  following  communi- 
cation from  theNational  Intelligeni^r  of  June,  1846: 

[cOMHDNIOafsD.] 

"The  Hon.  Abbott  Lawrekcz.— This  gentleman,  with 
bis  cliaracterisUc  liberality  and  palriotiam,  has  aulliorized 
the  printing,  at  Washington,  of  twenty  Uiouaand  copies  of 
Mr.  Stitwart'fl  8p>iecli  *  in  defence  of  tlic  protective  |»Iiey,» 
for  distribution,  directing  the  printer  to  draw  on  liiui  for  all 
expensc.'i.  The  ditlusion  of  such  docuiiients,  at  Ulia  time, 
in  the  South  and  West,  cannot  full  to  produce  salutary  et- 
fec!.  TIfe  author  of  this  spciech  may  well  be  proud  of  such 
a  compUmcnt  I'mni  such  a  aoiiice.  M." 

Now,  sir,  when  this  wealthy  manufacturer,  who 
has  made  an  immense  fortune  under  the  operation 
of  the  swindling  protective  system,  comes  forward, 
with  his  "  characteristic  liberality,"  to  enlighten 
the  "  South  and  West,"  he  had  be"er  express  his 
very  disinterested  regards  for  them  by  sending  forth 
20,000  copies  of  a  speech  delivered  by  some  other 
person  than  the  member  fVom  Pennsylvania,  [Mr. 
Stewart.] 

The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  might  very 
appropriately  quote  the  following  language,  when 
addressing  the  mnnufactuiers: 

"  Thine  own  true  knight, 
By  day  or  night. 
Or  any  kind  of  light. 
With  all  my  might. 
For  Uice  to  Bgbl." 
We  AttMO  him. 
9. — PRICE  OF  AGRICULTURAL  PRODUCTS. 
It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  in  every  instance 
absolute  certainty  can  be  attained  in  computing  tho 
prices  of  monumctured   goods  or  of  ogricultural 
products;  but  I  have  endeavored  to  obtain  informa- 
tion from  the  most  reliable  sources,  that  the  fiicts 
upon  this  interesting  question  may  be  fhirly  placed 
before  the  country. 

raoM  iinNT^a  MRHonASTs*  magazine,  may  no.  1845. 


1  Price  of  United  Stales  jiroi 

itf-e  til  the  New 

For*  nmkel,  at 

]                                      different  periods.                  * 

1843. 

1844. 

Oct. 

Feb. 14. 

Apr.  30. 

Junes. 

Sept.  7. 

Cotton,  N.Hrieaiis, 

fair,  too  pouniU 

$8  75 

*I0  75 

»HW 

i«?  ?; 

$7.10 

'  Flour,  weal,  bill — 

4  .HI 

4  95 

5  06 

4  .W 

4  95 

j  Wheat,  weal,  btlah. 

0  95 

1  05 

1   19 

II  U8 

0  99 

Rye,  bushel 

0  65 

0  70 

0  71 

0  61 

0  07 

n  M 

0  4H 

0  54 

0  47 

0  48 

1  Beef, mesa, p.  hill.. 

6  75 

6  95 

6  .V) 

6  SO 

5  -.5 

'  Buner.p.  llMllhs... 

14  00 

IB  00 

18  00 

15  00 

11  00 

Cheese,  p.  100  lbs.. 

5  50 

5  50 

7  00 

5  50 

5  .50 

Toliacco,Ker.lucky 

6  .50 

6  SO 

650 

6  00 

6  00 

Years. 
ISIKl  .... 
1849.. 
1844.. 
1845.. 


[June  86, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


757 


jp  Reps. 

1843,  to  June, 


29th  Cono IsT  Sess. 


Tlte  Tarif—Mr.  Ckate. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


44. 

Juno  8 

Sept.  7- 

•13  00 

913  00 

17  00 

17  00 

3  45 

3  47 

3100 

33  00 

SOO 

SOO 

7ai 

700 

•  Sept.  7. 


$1  m 

4  35 

0  U3 

0  H7 

0  46 

S  75 

11  00 

SftO 

6  00 

In  the  foregoinf;  list  of  nine  articles  of  vital  in- 
terest to  the  cultivators  of  the  soil,  seven  have 
ibllcn  in  price  from  October,  1843,  to  September, 
1844.  Rye  increased  in  price  two  cents;  the  value 
of  cheese  remained  the  same.  Now,  Mr.  Chairman, 
according  to  the  theory  of  the  protectionists,  that 
tho  farmer  is  to  be  benefited  by  the  high  tariff,  the 
price  of  his  produce,  should  ittcrcote,  instead  of 
linA:,  in  value. 

raoa  tbi  mkw  toki  jodknii,  op  commbrce. 
JMida.  Price  <il  1840.  Prirc  in  1844. 

Dmi;  mess,  per  bbl $14  35 $5  35 

llGcr,  pijtno,  per  bill 10  00 3  35 

Pork,  DiCHK,  piT  bbl $15  00 $8  50 

Uliltcr,  prime,  per  lb 0  17 0  10 

llaiiifl,  Hiiioked,  per  lb 0  ]0| 0    5 

Flour,  per  bbl.,  Genesee 4  75 4  SO 

Flour,  per  bbl.,  Ohio 4  43 4  37( 

i;orn  nienl,  per  banel 9  874 ^^ 

Wheat,  per  bushel '   1  00 0  96 

Corn,  northern,  per  bushel 0  56 0  50 

(Jum,  southern,  |)cr  bushel 0  53 0  47 

PROM  hunt's  merchants' HAaA£lTiB  POR  NOV.  1845. 

Prices  of  cotton  at  MabUe,  in  the  month  of  Oiiaber,  in  thefoU 

lai<<ingyeart: 

Years.  Price  per  fotmd. 

IK'n  16   toSM  cents. 

1843 7(to  Blcents. 

1844 6   to  8  cenu. 

IMS St  to  6icent8, 

PROM  BDHT'S  HRRCHANTS'  HA0AZIN8,  APRIL  NO.  1845. 

iVfcei  of  cotton  in  Liverpool  <n  1844  and  1845. 


Upland,  ordintiry  to  middling 

Fair  to  good  lUir 

(iood  to  fine 

New  Orleans,  ordinary  to  middling. 

Fair  to  good  fair 

Good 

Choice  marks 

Alabama,  ordlnaiy  to  middling 

Fair  to  good  Fair 

Mobile,  ordinary  to  middling 

Fair  to  good  fair 

Good  to  fine 


1844. 


4(  to  5c(i 

5|to5t 

5»to5J 

mo  si 

5lto5| 
SltnO 
el  to  7 
4110  4} 
Sto5( 
4110  5} 
sito.H 
5}  too 


3! 


to3tc<.> 
to  4} 
4ito5 
3)  to  4i 
4t  to  4) 

5  to  5i 
5}  to  7 

3to3i 
3|to4| 

3  to  4 
4|  to  41 
4}  to  5} 


Fallen  in  every  instance,  notwithstanding  the 
tariff  of  1842. 

I  would  call  the  attention  of  the  committee  and 
the  country  to  an  examination  of  these  tables. 
They  illustrate  the  effect  of  the  protective  policy. 
10. — THE  WHIGS  OF  TENNESSEE. 

Mr.  Chairman,  if  I  may  be  pardoned  for  the 
di^ession,  I  will  briefly  allude  to  the  position 
hitherto  occupied  by  tho  Whig  party  in  Tennessee 
upon  tliis  vexed  question;  and  I  may  show  the 
effect  which  the  policy  they  have  so  recently  es- 
poused will  have  upon  the  interests  of  that  State, 
now  the  fiflh  in  the  Union. 

I  have  already  referred,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  the 
effect  of  General  Jackson's  influence,  when  brought 
to  bear  against  the  protective  policy  resulting  as  it 
did  in  the  compromise  act  of  1833. 

I.  John  Bell — On  the  8th  of  January,  1832, 
Hon.  John  Bell,  ofTennes8ec,amanof  greatabil- 
ily,  and  not  without  his  influence  upon  tlie  destiny 
of  this  country,  made  a  speech  against  the  protec- 
tive policy.  I  believe,  sir,  lie  has  been  suggested  by 
several  papers  in  Tennessee,  as  the  next  Whig 
candidate  for  the  presidency,  and  therefore  I  as- 
sume, his  oninions  are  entitled  to  considerable 
weight  with  his  friends.  In  that  speech  Mr.  Bell 
remarked ; 

"  Never,  Mr.  Chairman,  upon  any  occasion,  have  I  at- 
tempted to  address  nn  axsetnlily  with  so  strong  a  sense  of 
the  Iniimrmnce  of  tlio  suhjeet,  or  with  a  deeper  coni^Brn  for 
tlic  issue  of  n  question."  "We  have  what  Is  enlled  tho 
Anieriean  system,  designed.  It  is  said,  and  nn  doubt  truly, 
to  add  to  the  national  wealUi.  It  is  said  that  this  system  is 
necessary  and  proper  in  this  country,  because  it  is  adopted 
anil  conntenanceil  by  the  prlnolpal  Slates  of  Europe.  Let 
US  briefly  eimnine  the  solidity  iil'tliis  argument.  The  Euro- 
pean system  of  trade  and  eninmeree,  as  well  as  nf  geiiernl 
politics,  is  peeuliar,  and  has  objects  in  view  totally  diffiirent 
Iriini  tliose  wliicli  are  tlie  only  legitinmte  olijccis  of  the 
Anieriean  Hlates.  It  Is  a  part  of  the  very  essence  and  na- 
ture of  lluropcnn  States  to  encnumge  monopfilles ;  and  they 
may  be  said  to  have  been  forced,  upon  u  prlneipla  of  self, 
prescrviition,  into  the  adoption  of  tlie  pioteitivo  systi'in, 
Willi  nil  lis  evils."  "The  eapiliillsts,  into  whose  Imiiils  the 
Kuropean  |Hilley  has  eoneenlralid  the  Iniits  ofthe  labor  of 
the  people,  are  the  sole  reliance  ofthe  monnrehs  of  Knrope  for 
supplies, upon  every  great  emergency,  tsltnotnntorious  that 
the  greatest  monarchs  of  F.iirope  arc  reduced  to  the  neces- 
sity nfconeiliatiiig  the  support  ofthe  rich  capitalists  of  their 
own,  or  nfoUier  friendly  Powers,  before  iliey  dare  lo  urge  n 
war,  however  Just  th-;  cause  ?  The  enplliillsts  have,  in  some 
sense,  and  In  efn'et,liceoino  the  soverolgns  of  Europe.  Thc'y 
declare  war  and  make  peace." 

We  might  pause,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  th.'  perusal 
of  these  extracts,  and  reflect  upon  the  facility  with 


which  the  monopolists  of  this  country  can  create 
a  panic.  We  have  an  illustration  or  their  influ- 
ence upon  great  questions  since  the  commencement 
of  the  session,  and  the  lordly  and  confident  tone 
with  which  they  talk  of  granting  or  withholding 
loans  to  the  Government  in  case  of  a  rupture  witn 
a  foreign  Power. 

But  to  the  speech: 

"Now,  air,  what  mint  be  thought  of  an  American  states- 
man  who  would  model  the  policy  of  ihese  United  States 
upon  tho  basis  of  the  European  system .'  We  have  what  la 
called  an  Amciican  system ;  but  is  it  not  clear,  tliat  it  ia  the 
European  system  transferred  to  America,  and  without  the 
slightest  retard  to  the  peculiar  and  distinguishing  circum- 
stimccs  in  the  condition  of  the  American  States,  in  regard 
both  to  tlie  (brrn  of  government  and  their  relative  pnsiUon?" 
"Tlie  avowed  design  of  the  advocates  ofthe  protective  Liys- 
tem.  In  this  country,  is  to  assimilate  our  own  policv.  In  tiiifl 
reapcct,  to  that  of  the  great  European  Powers."  «  All  mo- 
nopoliea.  all  restrictions  upim  the  perfect  freedom  of  the 
cinaen,  in  regcrd  to  trade,  nnd  every  other  siiecles  of  indus- 
try not  essential  to  the  preservation  of  the  order  and  morals 
of  society,  are  directly  at  war  with  tlie  great  end  and  aim  of 
all  our  political  Institutions."  "Sir,  the  true  American 
policy  is,  to  preserve  the  natural  equality  of  rank  and  influ- 
ence, by  diseniiraRlngthe  accumulation  of  great  wealtli  in  the 
hands  of  iiidividuiil  ciUzens." 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  if  it  was  dangerous  in 
1832  to  create  monopolies,  vesting  in  capitalists  the 
power  to  "declare  war  and  make  peace,"  subse- 
quent events  surely  have  not  diminished  the  dan- 
ger; and  if  Mr.  Bell  had  a  deep  concern  for  the 
issue  of  the  question  then,  he  must  noto  suffer 
painful  alarm.  If  it  was  "  the  avowed  design"  of 
the  protectionists  in  1832,  "  to  assimilate  our  own 
policy,  in  this  respect,  to  that  of  the  great  Euro- 
pean Powers,"  is  Mr.  Bell  prepared  to  join  them? 
And  if  so,  is  it  because  the  "  avowed  design"  is 
substituted  for  a  system  which  will  produce  tlie 
result  he  so  much  dreaded;  or,  in  other  words, 
because  the  design  is  not  avoivedH 

But  Mr.  Bell  well  illustrates  the  folly  of  counter- 
vailing duties: 

<•  The  prejudices,  the  pride,  nnd  the  resentment  of  the 
country  were  appealed  to,  to  su.^tain  what  was  pronounced 
to  be  a  mcisiin;  of  Just  rcmliniinn  for  the  unjust  exclusion 
of  the  British  ports  ngninst  our  Hour  and  other  hreadstuffs. 
It  was  sold,  tliat  while  that  Govt  rnment  found  in  the  United 
States  a  most  prolitahle  market  for  her  manufactures,  she 
excluded  fVoin  her  markets,  by  her  corn  laws,  one  of  the 
principal  articles  of  American  produce ;  and  to  compensate 
this  toss,  as  well  as  to  furnish  Gre^t  Britain,  the  ingenious 
device  was  fallen  upon  of  rrcating  a  home  market^  bii  a  tax 
upon  ourselves.  The  superlative  wcaJmess  nnd  foUif  of  this 
argtnnent  may  be  made  manifest  by  the  statement  of  a  few 
simple  facts." 

Now,  sir,  the  distinguished  gentleman  not  only 
characterized  this  position  by  the  term  of  "  super- 
lative xoeakness  and  folly,"  but,  what  is  still  more 
conclusive,  promised  to  prove  it. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  tliink  we  can  let  that 
gentleman  pass. 

II.  Ephraim  H.  Foster. — ^This  gentleman, 
whose  influence  with  his  party  entitles  his  views  to 
consideration,  toro.eo  fe((cr  in  1839.  In  that  docu- 
ment Ihfc  gentleman  made  at  least  Ituo  points. 

1.  He  illustrated  the  superior  cxccllencea  of  a  di- 
rect, over  an  indirect  system  of  taxation;  which  is, 
to  say  the  least  of  it,  a  very  liberal  position  for  one 
whose  party,  now,  not  only  eulogize  an  indirect 
tax,  but  one  discriminating  for  protection. 

2.  Ho  explained  the  importance  of  (oteeritig  the 
price  by  rciJticiiig  or  removing  the  duty  on  several 
necessaries  indispensable  to  the  poor  man.  But 
there  is  so  much  richness  contained  in  the  letter, 
that  I  am  induced  to  give  some  extracts: 

"  The  General  Government,  as  1  have  elsewhere  observ- 
ed, collects  its  immense  revenue  by  what  iiutiticinns  call  nn 
iiwirerf  tax;  nnd  tlie  mysteries  of  a  system  whlrh  4c«ta,  in 
silent  impiMiily,  from  unconscious  purses,  may  easily  deceive 
a  well-infonned  cummnnity,  whilst  it  imiHises  heavy  bur- 
dens upon  Ihcir  Industry,  The  necessary  pulley  of  on"  Stale 
Government  nvoids  all  subterfuge,  and,  appealing  openly  to 
the  pockets  of  the  people;  suslnins  Itself  iiyn  itircft  and  ei|nal 
tax  u|K>n  nil  the  projierty  of  the  conntry.  Every  citizen 
pays  In  proportion  to  his  wealth  nnd  means,  nnd  the  aggre- 
gate amount  may  be  made  to  correspond,  in  n  reasonable 
degree,  with  the  wants  (if  the  trensufi'"  "1  forbear  nny 
coninientary  upon  the  superior  excellences  of  this  system 
of  taxation,  but  may  briefly  remark  In  passing  along,  tiiat  by 
reaching  tho  sense  of  tho  dullest  capacitv.  It  excites  the 
watehfnliiess  and  jealousy  of  all,  nnd  tends  tliereh>-,  in  nn 
eminent  degree,  to  secure  the  (^ntry  against  oft'.rinl  pecii- 
laUon  nnd  oi  (vasleful  consumption  oi^tlie  public  money.  It 
may  yet  lie  our  dut;-  to  consider  If  such  n  system  would  not 
promote  economy  and  cheek  the  frightful  increase  of  fraud 
and  extravagance  in  the  adniiiiistmtinn  of  the  General  Gov- 
ernment." "  nut  there  are  other  things  in  the  short  cata- 
logue of  the  wants  of  the  ixior,  which,  na  it  seems  to  me, 
shnnlil  likewise  engage  our  consideration,  ami  claim  our 
nntlce  and  defence.  I  emulate  the  zeal  Unit  w  rins  gener- 
ous bosoms,  nnd  would  lower  the  prlco  by  reuiiciiig  or  re- 
moving the  duty  from  that  essential  article  which  imparts 
■harpncsi  and  durability  to  the  laboring  man's  plough,  whilst 


at  the  same  dmc  it  gives  point  to  his  axe  and  his  hoc,  and 
nails  out  the  piercing  winds  of  winter  tinm  hia  humble  hnli- 
itation.  I  would  touch,  too,  with  the  aamu  tender  n|Brd.  -- 
the  tux  that  swells  tho  cost  of  many  otiier  commoditiM,  ana 
which,  however  they  may  be  at  times  the  choice  ofthe  rich, 
fall,  Orom  neceaaity,  to  the  invuiable  lot  ofthe  poor." 

III.  In  1841-'42,  the  Whig  members  of  the  Le- 
gislatture  of  Tennessee  published  an  address,  in 
which  they  animadvertedf  with  some  severity  <>Pon 
the  course  pursued  by  the  thirteen  DemoeraUc  Sen- 
ators with  regard  to  the  election  of  United  States 
Senators.  In  the  estimation  of  the  signers  of  that 
address,  much  dcpenticd  upon  the  representation 
of  Tennessee  in  the  Senate  of  the  l/nited  States. 
Among  other  reasons,  they  enumerate  tho  follow- 
ing: 

"  And  wo  remind  you,  fbllow-citizens,  that  at  the  piesent 
session  of  Congress  Tennessee's  representaUon,  and  of 
course  her  pollUcol  power  in  Uiat  august  body.  Is  to  be^trf 
/or  (Ac  next  ten  yenri .'  And  wo  remind  you,  that  upon  Mio 
careful  attention  by  the  Soutli  and  West  of  Uicir  due  and 
const] Uitional  Federal  power  in  representation  depend  tlieir 
security  of  possession  and  title  to  i/ni-M— depend  Uieir  suc- 
eessf\il  and  righUul  enjoyment  of  reward  and  profit  fVom  the 
industrious  cultivation  and  production  of  the  great  staples  of 
soil  and  climate-  -depend  their  interests  in  the  long  and  un- 
mitigated, yet  continued  conflict  between  tlio  manufacturing 
and  agricultural  States,  for  free  trade  or  a  protective  taiUf,'* 
he. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  find  this  address  is  .signed  by 
fifty  Whig  members  of  the  Legislature  of  Tennes- 
see. Among  them  stand  recorded  the  names  of 
many  of  the  most  influential  of  that  party.  I  dis- 
cover the  name  of  my  colleague,  [Mr.  Ewino,]  ia 
one  ofthe  fifty. 

Mr.  Ewino.  What  document  are  you  reading 
from? 

Mr.  Chase.  From  a  certain  address,  signed  by 
the  Whig  members  of  the  Legislature  of  Tonnes- 
see  during  the  session  of  1841-49. 

Mr.  EwiNG,  with  great  good  humor:  Are  you 
certain  my  name  is  signed  to  the  address  ? 

Mr.  Chase.  I  will  assert  that  fact,  unless  my 
colleague  wishes  to  put  in  the  plea  of  turn  est /actitm. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  frankly  admit  that 
no  positive  and  unequivocal  preference  is  expressed 
in  tha  language  for  free  trade  over  a  protective 
tariff;  yet  we  are  led  to  the  belief,  if  langiiagc  is  in- 
tended to  convey  ideas,  that  their  choice  was  not 
a  prolectitie  larifP  in  preference  to  free  trade.  In  fact, 
when  we  Recollect  the  allusion  made  to  the  interest 
which  they  had  "  in  the  long  and  unmitigaled,  yet 
continued  conflict  between  the  manufacturing  and 
agricultural  Stales  for  free  Iraile  or  aproleclive  tariff," 
bearing  in  mind  that  Tennessee  was  what  is  called 
an  ttgrieultural  State,  we  are  almost  irresistibly 
driven  to  the  conclusion  that  the^  inclined  to  free 
trade,  and  against  a  profeclitie  tariff".  They  allude 
to  an  interest.  An  interest  in  what  ?  \n  interest 
in  a  certain  struggle  then  going  on .  Between  whom  > 
The  manufltcturing  and  agricultural  States.  For 
what?  Free  trade  or  a  protective  tttr\fft!!  The 
manufacturing  States  were  unquestionably  strug- 
gling tor  a  protective  tariff;  tho  agricultural  States, 
therefore,  must  have  been  contending  for  free  trade. 
If,  therefore,  Tennessee  took  any  part  in  the 
"  conflict,"  it  must  have  been  on  the  side  ot  free 
trade,  because  she  was  im  agricultural  State;  con- 
sequently, these  gentlemen,  i/(A<!f  meant  anything, 
regrettecl  that  Senators  could  not  be  elected  to  army 
themselves  upon  tlie  side  of/ree  trade,  and  against 
a  protective  tariff. 

4.  Whig  Men\btrs  in  Congress,  1842. — It  is  a  fact 
worthy  of  recollection,  that  the  Whig  members  in 
the  27th  Congress  from  Tennessee,  with  but  one 
exception,  voted  against  the  tariff  of  1842. 

"The  bill  passed  tlie  House  of  Representatives  b> 
the  following  vote:  Yeas  104,  noi^s  103.  The 
Tennessee  delegation  voted — 

YEA— Joseph  I,.  Williams— 1. 

NAVa— Thus.  1).  Arnold,  A.  V.  Drown,  Milton  Drown, 
W.  D.  Campbell,  Thomas  J.  Camplwll,  Robert  S.  Carullier*, 
MercdiUi  P.  Gentry,  Cave  Johnson,  Abr:iluiiii  MctJIclIan, 
II.  L.  Turney,  II.  M.  Wuttcrson,  and  C.  H.  WilUom*— 13. 

But  it  is  right  to  admit,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  some 
ofthe  Whigs  who  voted  dgainst  the  bill,  assign  as 
a  reason  for  having  done  so,  that  a  clause  autho- 
rizing tho  distribution  ofthe  proceedsof  the  sales  of 
public  lands  in  certain  cases  contained  in  a  former 
act,  was  repealed  by  the  act  of  1842.  Now,  sir, 
give  them  the  full  benefit  of  this  defence,  and  what 
docs  it  avail  tliem?  They  voted  against  the  act  of 
1842.  If  I  now  understand  their  views,  they  are 
for  the  act  of  1842:  why  this  change  ?  Not  because 
there  is  a  distribution  clause  in  tlie  act  of  1842. 
No,  sir;  that  bill  remains  unaltered  since  its  pas- 


mmmm 


wmm 


758 


■APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  26, 


29th  Cono I  ST  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Chase. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


M 


I 


mft.  There  wtia  no  distribution  clause  in  the  bill 
then,  there  ia  none  now;  they  voted  ngninst  it  then, 
*ihey  Me  for  it  now.  Their  voles  were  caet  against 
it  in  1843  for  the  want  of  n  distribution  clause.  Do 
they  sustain  it  now  for  the  same  reason  ? 

But  let  us  tiOce  another  view  of  this  defence.  A 
bill  passed  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the 
16th  of  July,  1843,  in  which  was  the  following 
section ; 

Sir.  sn.  Jtnd  ic  (I  further  tttacM,  That  the  |irnvii<n|l(i 
the  i^itli  teetlnii  of  ttie  act  cntUlod  "  An  net  tn  apiiroprinle 
the  prncoeds  of  the  xalea  ol'  ilu^  pulilic  lutuls  and  to  erniu  pre- 
cmplinn  rlghtx,"  opprnvi'd  Septeuiber  4, 1641,  b«,  and  the 
Miina  fi  hereby,  repealrd. 

The  proviso  of  the  act  alluded  to  specified,  if  it 
vras  necessary  to  impose  duties  higher  thnn  2U  per 
cent.,  OS  provided  in  the  Compromire  act,  then  the 
distribution  authorized  in  thnt  act  should  cense. 
The  act  which  passed  the  House  of  Rcprescnta- 
tives  July  16, 1842,  wos  vetoed  by  President  Tyler, 
mainly  on  account  of  the  repeal  of  that  proviso. 

Now  to  render  the  excuse  of  (tcnllcmeii  availahle 
for  voting  <^iiim(  the  tariff  of  1842,  upon  the  ground 
that  there  was  no  distribution  clause  in  it,  they  must 
have  voted  /or  the  act  which  passed  the  House  of 
Representatives,  July  16, 1842,  and  which  did  con- 
tain a  distribution  clause.  And  yet,  sir,  we  find 
the  Whig  portion  of  the  delegation  from  Tennes- 
■ee  equally  divided  upon  fAat  bill. 

YEAS— Merari.  Arnold,  T.  J.  Ctimplicll,  M.  P.  Centrj', 
J.  I..  Willi.iiiia. 

NAYS— Mt-ssrs.  Milton  Bmnn,  William  B.  Campbell, 
Bobfft  L.  CaruUien,  C.  H.  \Villiiun9. 

I  have  thus  examined  the  position  of  the  Whig 
party  down  to  1842.  Since  thnt  period  they  seem 
to  have  been  forced  by  unfortunate  alliances,  or 
other  causes,  from  their  formcriground',  they  have 
turned  their  bayoneis  upon  their  old  associates, 
and  are  now  battling;  with  all  the  zeal  of  new  con- 
verts for  tlie  protective  policy  und  the  odious  tarilf 
of  1843. 

"  Mnn*s  n  f trangc  animal,  and  mnkrs  stmnqe  use 
Of  liii)  own  nature  and  thi>  variuuB  art^; 
And  likes  particularly  to  product! 
Some  new  txptriment  lo  bliow  iris  partn." 

Having  disposed  of  this  branch  of  my  speech,  I 
will  now  illustrate  the  effect  of  the  tactics  of  the 
Tennessee  Whigs  as  they  are  now  understood, 
upon  the  interests  of  thnt  Stale  and  of  agriculture 
generally:  premising,   however,   that  I  will   not 

fuaranty  the  permanency  of  a  system  of  Whig 
iscipline  at  wai-  with  tlie  welfare  of  the  majority  of 
the  citizens  of  Tennessee. 

11. HOME  MARKET. 

It  is  with  no  little  confidence  thnt  the  friends  of 
the  restrictive  system  hold  up  to  the  fanner  the 
blessings  of  n  home  market.  Its  importance  is  con- 
stantly the  theme  of  their  praise,  until  the  foreign 
market,  commerce,  and  everything  else,  sinks  into 
nothingness.  They  assert  that  a  high  tariff  will 
produce  competition — the  fanner  will  abandon  his 
plough  and  become  a  conwimer  instead  of  n  pio- 
ducer;  all  resulting  in  this  glorious  home  market. 
Mr.  Chairman,  there  might  be  some  plausibility  in 
this  assumption,  if  there  were  no  forests  lo  be 
cleared  up,  if  the  amount  of  production  of  the 
American  soil  had  reached  its  hii;hest  point,  or  if 
the  power  should  cease  which  mankina  possess  of 
begetting  theii  species.  But,  sir,  the  oak  and  the 
pine  spreading  far  westward  to  the  Pacific  ocean, 
are  yet  wovin»  their  tow.-ring  forms  undisturbed  by 
the  woodman  s  axe.  Vast  and  gloomy  forests  are 
only  tenanted  by  howling  beasts  and  ftirking  sav- 
ages. Oursoil  repays  bountifully  thehusbnndman's 
industry;  Europe  still  nours  forth  her  thousands 
annually,  seeking  liberty  and  happiness.  Man  yet 
prefers  to  brcathethepurenirof  heaven,  and  quench 
nis  thirst  from  the  cool  waters  which  burst  from 
her  hills,  to  confinement  in  unhealthy  manufac- 
tories; and,  shunning  the  toils  of  the  crowded,  con- 
fined, and  joyless  corporations,  seeks  indepen- 
dence and  happiness  in  the  country,  "  where  the 
cricket  is  heard  upon  his  hearth,  and  where  his  fire 
never  goes  out." 

Cast  your  mind  over  this  vast  country,  commen- 
cing upon  the  eastern  border,  and  running  along 
the  line  dividing  this  country  from  the  posscs- 
■ions  of  England,  to  the  Pacific;  thence  down  the 
Rio  Grande,  round  the  Quif  and  along  the  Atlantic 
cooat,  to  the  beginninc.  Within  this  line  is  en- 
closed an  empire  with  more  resources  than  any 
other  on  earth,  and  with  a  hardy,  honest,  and 
induitrioua  people  lo  develop  them.    Even  east  of 


the  Alleghanies  and  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
the  soil  and  climate  ini^ht  well  please  and  satisfy 
the  mi'^d.  Butwhen.it  attempts  to  take  in  the 
valley  of  the  Mississippi — its  water  power,  its  vast 
and  fertile  plains,  it.i  millions  of  acres  of  rich  and 
virgin  soil,  the  myriads  of  human  beings  who  arc 
destined  to  develop  its  immense  resources,  the 
amimntof  produce  which  will  float  down  its  bosom 
seeking  a  market  throughout  the  world; — when 
we  think  of  all  this,  emotions  almost  of  contempt 
arise  in  our  mind  at  the  idea  of  crowding  the  agri- 
cultural products  of  such  n  country  upon  a  Aoine 
morkttH  and  of  confining  its  resources  within  its 
own  borders. 

But  let  me  refer,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  some  of  the 
agricultural  productions  of  this  country.  Accord- 
ing to  the  reports  of  Mr.  Ellsworth,  tne  following 
is  the  amount  of  wheat  and  Indian  corn  raised  in 
the  United  States  in  1842- '43- '44,  viz: 

Years.  A'umbtr  ofhtishtls. 

Wheat,  Iiultiin  com. 

1842 102,317,34C/       441,829,246 

184;i 100,310.850       494,618,306 

1844 95.607,0(10       421.953,000 

298,235,190     1,358,400,552 

By  an  examination  of  the  report  of  the  present 

Commissioner  of  Paionis,  the  Honorable  Edmund 

Burke,  nnule  February  24,  184G,  it  appears  that 

there  was  raised  in  this  country  in  1845— 

Of  wheat 10(!,548,000  bushels. 

or  corn 417,899,000       do. 

Of  the  amount  of  cum  raised  in  1845,  Tennessee 

raised 70,265,000  busheU. 

II      More  than  Ohio 12,665,000     do. 

! ;      jMore  than  Kentucky 15,440,000      do. 

li      More  thnn  New  Yoik .'i7,015,000      do. 

h      More  than  Pennsylvnnia... 53,139,000      do. 

i|      More  than  Vir-iiiiu 4,299,300      do. 

More  than  the  Slates  of  Michigan,  Elorida,  Lou- 
isiana, Mississippi,  South  Carolina,  Moryland, 
Delaware,  New  .Icrsoy,  Vermont,  Connecticut, 
Rhode  Island,  Mas.«achusetls,  New  Hampshire, 
Maine,  and  Cieorsia — comprising  more  than  half 
the  Slates  in  this  Cnion. 

1  have  ascertained  from  the  last  report  of  the 
Commissioner  of  Patents,  thnt  in  1845  Tennessee 
raised,  of  tobncco,  87,109,000  pounds. 
More  than  any  other  State,  except  Kentucky. 

More  than  Virgini.i 6,891,000  pounds. 

More  than  Missouri 23,655,000  pounds. 

More  than  the  States  of  Mnssacliueetis,  Con- 
necticut, Pennsylvania,  South  Carolina,  Georgio, 
Alabama,  Mississippi,  Florida,  North  Carolina, 

anil  Missouri 10,610,400  pounds. 

Tennessee  raised,  of  cotton,  in  1845,  48,000,000 
pounds. 

More  thnn  any  other  State,  except  Georgia,  Al- 
abama, Mississippi,  and  Louisiana. 

From  the  report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Pat- 
ents, of  1846,  the  number  of  hogs  raised  iii  1839  in 
Tennessee  were  2,926,607.  More  than  any  other 
State  in  the  Union. 

These  statistics  show  that  Tennessee  is  one  of 
the  most  important  agricitllural  Stales  in  the  Union. 
And  are  her  interests  to  be  disregarded  and  pros- 
trated to  promote  the  welfare  of  tiio  manu/acdiring 
Stales? 

Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  a  matter  of  no  little  interest 
to  the  people  of  Tenncisee  to  obtain  a  market  for 
the  large  surplus  produce  which  they  raise.     Per- 
haps no  State  would  be  more  injured  by  an  ad- 
herence to  the  policy  of  llic  rcslrictive  system, 
advocated  by  the  Whig  portion  of  the  dclegntion 
from  that  Slate.     What  will  they  do  with"  their 
corn,  cnlton,  hngs,  and  tobacco,  if*^  thnt  system  is 
adhered  to?     AVIiere  is  the  home  market  fcu'  all 
'these    articles?      Not    in   Tennessee,    certainly. 
.]  Then  how  much  better  to  abandon  at  once  and 
;]  forever  the  rcslrictive  policy,  and  let  the  farmer 
I;  purchase  und  sell  where  he  pleases.     Offer  liberal 
■;''  iiroposiiions  to  foreign  Powers,  set  the  example 
1 1  oy  taking  the  vanguard   in   the    great   free-trade 
|i  struggle,  which    is  to  knock  the  shackles   from 
ll  commerce  and  rn'iihilare  the  principle  of  prolec- 
ij  lion.     Already  have  the  free-trade  propositions  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States  and   the  able 
Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  produced 
their  effort  in  England. 

The  editors  of  the  Naiionol  Intelligencer,  on  Iha 
2Isl  of  February,  1846,  renwuked;  "It  is  indeed 
'  not  improbable  that  the  free-trade  propositions  of 
'  our  Secretary  accelerated,  if  they  did  not  prompt, 


•  the  kindred  measure  in  England  of  a  total  repeal 
'  of  the  corn  laws." 

If  such  a  fortunate  result  has  been  produced  by 
the  liberid  course  of  our  Government,  what  induce- 
ments have  we  to  persevere  in  our  efforts  to  place 
our  commercial  regulations  upon  the  best  footing 
with  oW  the  Powers  of  the  earth.  It  is  a  part  of 
the  ]iolicy  of  European  Governments  "  to  encour- 
age  monopolies,"  says  Mr.  Bell,  It  is  certainly 
our  duty  to  discourage  them.  It  is  our  duty  to 
make  the  advance  in  the  approach  to  free  trade, 
and,  by  our  influence  and  example,  induce  other 
Governments  to  follow  our  lead. 

I  take  great  pleasure  in  recommending  to  my 
colleagues  upon  the  other  side  of  the  Hall  (as  well 
as  to  the  Whig  party  generally)  the  opinions  of  a 
Senator  standing  high  in  their  favor.  The  lan- 
guage of  that  Senotoi-  (Mr.  Webster)  was  used  in 
a  recent  speech  in  the  Senate;  and  if  it  were  in 
order,  I  would  rend  an  extract  from  it. 

[Mr,  Graham,  in  his  seat:  Read  it,] 

Well,  I  will  do  so.  He  was  alluding  to  a  speech 
made  by  him  nt  Baltimore  in  1843.    He  said  : 

"Sir,  my  correspondence,  public  and  private,  with  Enit- 
Innd,  then  led  ine  to  aiitjei|KUe.  belbrc  loni,',  tnin(!  elitui;ie  in 
the  policy  of  England  with  respect  to  certain  artielea,  the 
produce  of  this  country — some  clianne  with  re^pecl  to  Ule 
iHdicy  of  tliu  corn  huvt^.  Am]  1  tuacu^tcd  in  Uiat  t^peech 
now  very  hnponaut  it  would  be,  if  things  should  so  iiirn  out 
as  that  tllnt  tlieal  product  of  ours — the  Indian  corn— of  which 
wo  raii^ed  live  limes  as  niueh  as  tv,;  do  of  wheat — the  pro- 
duet  of  Uie  Wept  and  Sonlhwest— u.^peeially  of  the  PliUo 
of  Tennessee,  wt)ich  raised  annually  I  did  not  know  how 
many  millions, — I  sucucsted,  (  Ba>,  the  great  good  fortune 
that  would  hapi>en,  if  an  arrangement  could  be  made  by 
wliieli  ttnit  article  of  huniaii  food  could  lie  freely  iiiiportcd 
into  England.  And  I  said,  that  in  the  spirit  that  prevailed, 
and  which  I  knew  prevailed— I  km;w  that  the  tojiie  had 
been  discussed  in  the  hoard  of  trade  In  England — it  an  ar- 
rangcnn-nt  could  be  made,  in  some  proper  manner,  to  pro- 
duce such  a  refrutt,  it  would  bit  a  piece  of  great  good  for- 
tune." 

The  distinguished  Senator  has  not  over-estima- 
ted the  great  good  fortune  which  such  an  arrange- 
ment would  confer  upon  Tennessee. 

Already  are  they  learning  the  value,  in  Ireland, 
of  Indian  corn,  as  an  important  portion  of  their 
food;  and  when  they  have  became  skilful  in  its 
preparation  for  the  table,  it  will  constitute  i\  cheap 
anil  very  neces.sary  part  of  their  subsistence.  Thus 
will  be  opened  lo  the  Tennessee  planter,  by  "  a 
piece  of  great  good  fortune,"  a  market  for  his  corn, 
of  which  he  would  be  deprived,  to  n  great  extent, 
by  an  obfiinote  adherence  to  an  exploded  policy. 

As  an  illustration  of  the  increased  importance  of 
Indian  corn  ns  an  article  of  food  in  England,  1  beg 
leave  to  refer  to  n  speech  made  by  Sir  Robert  Peel, 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  April  8,  1846: 

"Sir  Robert  Peel  then  said:  Sir,  I  wish  to  he  excused  by 
honorable  members  for  taking  ttiis  iipuortunily  of  njcntion- 
iiig  a  subject  of  inimcnsc  intportanec.  1  hope  that  honor- 
able gentlemen  will  make  no  answer  to  my  statement  or 
my  appeal,  and  that  what  I  am  about  to  say  will  lead  to  no 
di^'cus.sioii.  I  trust  that  honomble  genUcioen  will  consider 
that  I  am  influenced  solely  by  my  strong  impressions  as  lo 
tile  state  of  the  country.  I  helUvc  that  u  grC'it  rcrottUion  if 
taking  place  in  heluiid  l>y  the  hitroituctioti  of  meiii  made  of  ■ 
Tnitiiin  oni,  and  that  thcrr  huB  ftecn  cieatcd  u  new  tusle  for  a 
better  and  more  aenerom  dest-riplion  of  food.  Wo  find,  from 
the  example  of  workmen  on  railways,  who  are  subsisting 
for  the  first  time  on  an  ariicto  of  foreign  produce,  oii  which 
they  hud  never  before  been  aeeuslomcd  to  live,  that  they 
are  alile  to  trork  much  Lnnicr,  are  much  better  than  uhen  they 
siibsulcil  on  that  inileriifootty  the  potato.  [Cheers.]  Notwith- 
standing Uie  prejudici-s  uiiich  have  exisieil  ii'ialnst  this 
meal,  but  which  are  in  the  course  of  removal,  thiTe  is  an 
immense  dcm/ind  for  the  ntudication  jtoin/ing  otil  the  way  in 
which  tftc  meat  can  be  cooked  und  drci.ed  in  the  nw*(  approi^ed 
Tfianner  in  frctaiul  Indian  corn,  however,  is  now  admitted 
iiy  a  sort  of  snlfcnince,  under  an  order  of  the  Treasury — wiiat 
is  wanted  is  the  decision  of  Parliament.  [Cheers.]  It 
would,  sir.give  increased  confidence  to  the  importers,  if  the 
law  were  settled,  and  if  those  engiuied  in  these  speculations 
in  the  Ignited  l^lates  could  have  the  guaranty  of  nn  act  of 
Parliinn-'nt,  instead  of  an  order  of  the  Treasury." 

It  is  very  easy  for  wise  and  liberal  statesmen  to 
take  the  burdens  from  commerce.  Mutual  com- 
promises must  be  resorted  to  by  a  mutual  reduc- 
tion of  larifis.  It  was  in  this  spirit  that  Mr.  Clay 
was  induced  to  take  the  IttrifT  entirely  off  from 
French  silks  in  1833,  He  assigns  the  reasons  in 
the  following  manner : 

"  Ily  the  bill  of  the  last  session,  the  duty  on  French  silks 
was  fixed  nt  five  per  ceiilinn,  and  that  on  Ctiinese  silks  nt 
ten  per  centum,  ad  vatoreni.  By  the  bill  now  proposed,  the 
duty  on  French  silks  is  pro|ioscd  tn  be  reiienled,  leaving  the 
other  untouched.  I  will  fninkly  state  why  I  made  Ibis  dis- 
iinction.  It  has  been  a  subject  of  anxious  desire  with  me, 
to  see  our  commerce  with  France  increased.  France,  though 
not  so  long  a  customer  in  the  great  staples  of  our  country  as 
(;rent  ItriUiln,  is  a  great,  growing  customer.  I  have  been 
niuch  struck  with  a  fact  going  to  prove  Itiis,  which  accident- 
ally come  to  my  knowledge  the  other  day,  wbicfi  la,  that) 


[June  26, 
i"  Reps. 
>  total  repeal 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


759 


2^H  Cong Ist  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Chase. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


within  the  siinrt  pcriml  of  rourlcen  ymire,  ttio  amount  of 
conifurnptlnn,  In  Francis  nftliu  i(ront  Hontliern  titnulo  nf  rot- 

t linn  liecn  (rlmilo*."— S/wec/i  oJH.  Vlaij,  1*A  Feb.,  1833, 

ujion  introducing  the  0.3mpromi*e  .^ct. 

I  will  proceed  fVirther  to  illustrate  the  ramous 
home  market,  so  m\ich  eulogized  by  the  Whigs. 

The  para^rttph  may  be  found  in  the  Daily  ria- 
lional  Inlelligenuer,  o{  May  35,  1846. 

<'  The  flubjuct  of  llin  cotton  ninnufnctnrcfl  is  one  of  Hur- 
psmniug  IntorcRt  to  ttio  iirnwor  of  cotton,  Uie  grower  of  grain, 
ami  tliu  mnnufhclurer  Itinisclf." 

The  Inst  part  of  the  proposition  is  self-evident, 
and  requires  no  proof.  I  will  examine  the  first 
two.  I  linvo  obtained  from  Lowell,  Massachusetts, 
information  of  a  highly  intercnting  character,  which 
is  headed  "  Statistics  of  Lowell  Manufactures, 
January  1843, 1843, 1845,  compiled  from  authentic 
sources."  I  pre.sunie  the  statements  contained 
therein  are  as  favorable  as  the  facts  would  justify, 
to  the  manufUcturers;  they  are  probably  made  out 
by  their  direction.  At  nil  events,  those  interested 
in  the  factories  drni  them  out  quite  liberally  to 
visiters.  These  tables  contained  in  the  appendix, 
are  posted  up  through  the  mills  at  Lowell,  to  show 
the  amount  of  business  transacted  there  each  year. 
By  an  examination  of  the  appendix,  it  will  be  easy 
to  ascertain  the  amount  consumed  at  Lowell  of 
seven  articles,  during  the  years  1843,  1843,  and 
1845. 


18-ia. 

184,3. 

184.5. 

Cords  of  wood  per  nnn . . 

3/)80 

3,080 

3,270 

Pounds  of  collou   con- 

sumed  

28,784,000 

29,568,000 

34,198,000 

Tons  anthracite  cuiil  per 

ll.'IIO 

78,C»U 

12  300 

19,.')00 
67,849 

GaIIouh  of  nil  per  annum 

80,189 

Conanniption  of  sinrcli, 

pitundfi  per  annum.... 

80O,00U 

800,000 

800,000 

ConHumpUon  of  ttour  for 

■tarcli  in    nilllH,  print 

wurku,  and  liieaciting, 

biirroln  per  onnuni 

4,000 

4,000 

4,000 

Consnniption    of    cliar- 

'   conl.  iiimhel:*  per  nnn.. 

600,000 

600,000 

600,000 

Now,  air,  Lowell  is  called  "  the  City  of  Spin- 
dles," and  sometimes  "  the  Manchester  of  Amer- 
ica." No  person  can  visit  it  without  being  struck 
with  surprise  and  wonder  at  the  immense  business 
carried  on  there.  Yet,  sir,  what  has  been  the  re- 
sult for  the  three  years  above  specified,  so  far  as 
cotton  is  concerned,  and  sonic  nilier  agricultural 
products.'  It  should  not  be  forgouon  that  the  first 
year  alluded  to  witnessed  the  passage  of  the  act  of 
1843,  which  was  to  give  a  new  impulse  to  every 
i<ind  of  business,  and  alford  a  Aoine  market  to  tlie 
farmer.  The  next  period  is  1843,  and  the  last 
1845 — after  (he  tariff  had  been  in  operotion  about 
three  years. 

And  what  was  the  result.*  Why,  there  was  a 
fulling  off  in  the  consumption  of  three  articles  from 
1843  to  1845,  one  increased,  and  three  remained 
the  same.  The  InteUigeHcer  says  that  "  the  sub- 
ect  of  cotion  manufticturcs  is  one  of  surpassing  in- 
terest to  the  grower  of  cotton,"  Ac.  But  how  is 
it  jji-oued?  Certainly  not  by  the  increased  con- 
sumption at  Lowell.  The  amount  consumed  is 
(i, 196,000  pounds  less  in  1843  than  in  1843,  and 
4,686,000  pounds  Itas  in  1845  than  in  1843.  Much 
importance  is  attached  to  the  vast  and  increased 
consumption  of  starch  in  the  manufacturing  estab- 
lishments, yet  the  amount  used  at  Lowell  during 
the  three  years  did  not  increase. 

The  ground  assumed  by  those  who  advocate  the 
restrictive  system  irj^/oi'/)ro<ecitoii,  designed 

either  to  exclude  luo  mreigii  article,  or  to  raise  the 
price  so  much,  by  adding  a  high  duty  to  its  original 
cost,  that  the  farmer  cannot  purchase  it;  and  thus 
force  him,  by  legislaHon,  to  buy  of  the  American 
manufticturcr.  Their  position  means  this,  or  it 
means  nothing. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  when  their  propositions 
are  thus  plainly  stated  and  understood,  the  inquiry 
arises,  is  it  founded  in  justice  and  fair  dehting? 
Suppose  the  Slate'of  Tennessee  should  enact  a  law 
the  effect  of  which  would  be  to  prevent  the  farmer 
from  purchasing  any  fabric  w  itiiout  the  limits  of 
that  State,  and  should  disregard  the  assertion  that 
poods  diuld  be  purchased  cheaper  in  Kentucky, 
New  York,  or  New  Orleans;  assigning  as  a  reason 
for  thus,/i)rciiuf  trade  into  particular  channels,  that 
by  an  adherence  to  this  policy,  manufacturing 
establishments  would  spring  up,  goods  would  be 
brought  down  by  competition,  the  farmer  would 
get  a  honie  market,  without  tlie  trouble  of  going  to 


New  Orleans,  and  the  citizens  of  the  Stale  would 
become  prosperous,  happy,  and  rich,  by  trading 
with  each  other.  Following  up  this  "  wise  and 
statesmanlike  policy,"  imagine  that  the  manufac- 
turers nf  the  county  of  Davidson,  in  Tennessee, 
should  consider  themselves  authorized  to  force  the 
farmers  of  that  county  to  purchase  all  their  articles 
from  them,  and  the  same  objection  should  be  raised 
by  the  farmer,  that  he  could  make  better  bargains 
in  New  Orleans  or  New  York.  He  is  again  con- 
founded witli  the  argument,  that,  although  they 
cannot  now  manufacture  as  cheap  as  the  citizens  of 
other  States,  yet  by  receivinij  a  generoxu  protection 
I  for  a  term  of  years,  competition  will  spring  up, 
prices  will  be  reduced,  and  then  the  farmers  of 
Davidson  will  find  a  home  market,  prosperity  will 
reign  throughout  the  county,  and  her  citizens  will 
become  contented  and  wealthy,  by  trading  with 
cacfi  otktf. 

Again,  Mr.  Chairman ,  suppose  an  old  patriarch, 
the  father  of  many  children,  shoidd  collect  them 
together,  to  give  advice  well  matured,  and  coun- 
sel the  result  of  much  reflection.  He  informs 
them  that  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  is  the  ruttural 
occupation  of  man,  but  that  they  would  become 
more  inilepnident  and  happy  if  n  portion  would 
turn  their  attention  to  manufacturing,  thus  furnish- 
ing for  the  rest  a  home  market.  Tlie  objection  is 
raised,  that  they  prefer  the  cultivation  of  their  soil 
to  the  heated  and  unwholesome  otniosphere  of  a 
factory  or  a  workshop;  and  that  their  neighbors  are 
already  engaged  in  that  business,  affording  them 
an  opportunity  to  exchange  their  surplus  produce 
for  manufactured  goods.  But  the  patriarch  insists 
that  although  for  a  period  the  tax  would  be  some- 
what burdensome  to  those  who  continued  the  cul- 
tivation of  the  soil,  yet  the  result  would  be  inde- 
pendence, prosperity,  a  home  market — alt  flowing 
from  this  trade  with  each  other. 

Mr.  Chairman,  how  absurd  would  such  a  policy 
be  thought,  if  adopted  by  a  State,  a  county,  or  the 
head  of  a  family;  and  yet  it  is  as  unjust  and  ab- 
surd when  carried  out  in  practice  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  this  country. 

A  farmer  may  wish  to  purchase  a»  New  Orleans, 
or  New  York,  goods  manufactured  in  Europe: 
why  should  the  Government  step  in  and  prevent 
him,  under  the  plea  that,  by  obstrncting  his  wishes 
in  this  particular,  manufactures  will  spring  up,  and 
after  a  lapse  of  yeai-s  he  can  purchase  similar  arti- 
cles in  his  own  country '  Why  should  the  Gov- 
ernment/orce  him  to  purchase  at  one  place,  when 
he  desires  to  purchase  at  another.'  One  reason 
assigned  is,  that  it  will  make  us,  as  a  nation,  in- 
dependent of  foreign  Powera.  It  should  not  be 
forgotten  that  this  is  done  by  sacrificing  that  inde- 
pendence and  freedom  of  action  which  is  the  boast 
of  the  citizen. 

Before  leaving  this  branch  of  the  subject,  it  may 
be  proper  to  refer  to  the  interest  involved  in-  this 
struggle  for  free  trade  against  a  protective  tariff. 
I  have  obtained  estimates  from  the  most  reliable 
sources;  oiid  although  they  moy.not  be  strictly 
accurate,  I  think  they  may  be  relied  upon  for  all 
practical  illustrations. 

Amount  of  cnpiial  invested  in  ngricnilnrc 84,000,000,000 

Amount  nf  capital  invcstcit  in  iniinufacturcs  ol 

nil  kindK 400,000,000 

Annual  productit  of  ngricultural  interests 1,900,000,000 

Annual  value  of  nil  kinds  of  innnnfaetures.  cost 

of  raw  material  mid  labor  included. ........     300,000,000 

While  the  agricultural  interest  so  greatly  pre- 
dominates, it  certainly  should  not  be  disregarded. 

12. BALANCE  OF  TRADE. 

The  opponents  of  the  protective  policy  not  un- 
frequently  refer  to  the  balance  of  trade  between 
this  and  foreign  countries,  and- insist  that  it  is  an 
evidence  of  prosperity  if  the  balance  is  in  our  favor 
in  trading  witli  all  the  Powers  of  the  earth.  This 
is  probobly  more  than  we  ought  to  desire,  or  can 
expect  to  accomplish.  If  they  could  carry  out 
their  designs,  it  would  be  no  evidence  of  substan- 
tial prosperity. 

We  may  become  indebted  to  China  for  tea,  to 
the  East  Indies  for  spices,  and  to  France  for  silks. 
We  pay  this  debt  off  with  the  balance  coming  to 
us  from  England.  The  balance  may  be  against  us 
in  trading  with  one  country,  and  for  us  in  trading 
with  another — all  resulting  in  a  fair  and  equitable 
exchange  of  our  productions  for  theirs. 

There  have  been  found,  in  all  ages  and  in 
all  countries  interested  persons,  who  have  pre- 


dieted  fl'ightful  ruin  as  the  consequence  of  free 
trade,  resulting,  as  they  insist,  fiom  an  unfavor- 
able balance  of  trade.  They  have  sought  eagerly 
to  receive,  from  a  commercial  intercourse  witn 
other  Powers,  profits  totally  inconsistent  with 
common  honesty.  To  overreach  foreign  traders 
has  been  considered  laudable;  and,  instead  of  cre- 
ating mortification,  they  chuckle  as  they  return 
with  their  ill-gotten  booty.  Such  a  course  would 
stamp  us  OS  a  nation  of  swindlers,  instead  of  a 
people  proud  of  a  good  name. 

No  cuunury  with  such  a  va^t  annual  produce  oa 
this,  ever  would  have  cause  to  fear  the  result  of 
free  trade.  If  our  resources  were  small — if  we  had 
little  more  than  was  necessary  for  our  own  con- 
sumption— it  would  be  otherwise.  But  while  year 
af^er  year  there  is  pouring  from  every  hill  and 
valley  throughout  this  Confederacy  our  "  surplus 
produce"  to  exchange  for  the  necessaries  and  luxu- 
ries of  the  Old  World,  we  have  no  reason  to  dread 
the  most  unrestricted  commerce. 

The  balance  of  produce  and  coniiimption  is  alto- 

f  ether  a  different  question.  The  amount  of  pro- 
uction  may  decrease,  while  its  consumption 
increases,  re.iulting  in  disaster  and  wretchedness. 
To  illustrate,  we  will  suppose  that  the  United 
States  increases  in  population  until  they  number 
one  hundred  millions  of  inhabitants.  If  the  pro- 
duction remained  stationary,  the  result  would  be  ' 
poverty  and  want,  only  equalled  by  mental  and 
physical  imbecility. 

The  production  of  the  whole  world,  through  the 
indolence  of  its  inhabitants,  might  become  less 
than  its  consumption,  ending  in  the  same  results. 
But  where  the  production  is  equal,  or  more  than 
its  consumption,  a  nation  will  remain  prosperous. 

A  state  of  facts  may  arise  when  what  is  called 
the  balance  of  trade  is  against  a  people,  and  the 
balance  of  produce  and  consumption  remain  in  its 
favor. 

Suppose,  Mr.  Chairman — to  put  a  strong  case — 
a  nation  imports  for  u  certain  number  of  years  more 
in  value  than  is  exported,  yet  the  solid  wealth  of 
that  nation  may  be  on  the  increase,  by  the  increas- 
ed value,  to  a  greater  degree,  of  its  yearly  pro- 
duce, the  erection  of  cities,  and  the  development 
of  the  labor  and  resources  of  the  country,  thus 
laying  the  foundation  for  more  extended  and  suc- 
cessful operations. 

It  is  true,  Mr.  Chairman,  this  depends  to  a  great 
extent  upon  the  internal  resources  of  a  country,  and 
the  incUnation  of  her  people  to  develop  them.  It 
will  apply  with  much  force  to  the  United  States, 
because  our  internal  resources  are  immense,  while 
it  could  not  to  a  country  where  the  consumption 
exceeds  the  production. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  wish  to  call  the  attention 
of  the  committee  to  the  learned  reasoning  of  the 
National  Intelligencer,  which  generally  speaks 
with  some  effect  to  the  party  of  which  it  seems  to 
be  constituted  the  organ : 

"  It  is  quite  clear,  we  think,  that  the  safest  and  most  lolU 
business  for  us  would  he  to  make  our  exports  exceed  our 
Imports,  becaiu^e  the  balance,  whatever  it  may  bo,  will  come 
to  us  in  coin;  that  is  to  sav,  if,  In  1846,  we  export  $150,000,- 
000,  and  import  only ;)' 1 00,000,000,  die  bulonee  of  $50,000,060 
due  us  by  the  residue  of  the  world  will  be  received  in  tile 
*  Aard,*  which  should  be  as  welcome  to  the  IjOcoIocos  as  the 
VVhiss.  lint  if  the  party  in  power  disturb  the  tariff,  the  re- 
verse will  be  the  case,  and  the  consequence  may  be  another 
commercial  and  6naneial  revulsion,  perhaps  as  disastrous  as 
that  of  18:)/,  which  may  Heaven  forerend!"— ^utionj/  Intel- 
li^enrer,  October  8, 1845. 

This,  I  suppose,  is  tliot  bolance  of  trade  which 
the  Whig  party  wish  to  adopt,  as  well-calculated 
to  save  tlie  country,  and  bring  to  us  permanent 
prosperity.  The  National  Intelligencer  forgets  that 
It  would  be  unjust  to  bring  all  the  precious  metals 
into  the  lap  of  our  country,  even  it^it  was  not  con- 
trary to  the  "  laws  of  trade,"  which  wo  could  not, 
if  we  would,  violate.  Suppose  we  should  receive 
$50,000,000  annually,  as  the  balance  due  us  by  the 
nations  of  the  earth.  How  long  would  it  take, 
if  we  should  annually  draw  to  us  a  balance  of 
jf50,000,000,  to  receive  all  the  gold  and  silver  in 
Uie  world  ? 

The  amount  of  gold  and  silver  in  use  throughout 
the  universe  has  been  estimated  at  |5,000,000,000. 
It  would  therefore  only  require  one  hundred  years, 
according  to  the  theory  of  the  National  Intelligen- 
cer, to  drain  the  universe  of  its  gold  and  silver. 
13. LABOR  AND  ITS  REWARD. 

The  protection  of  the  American  laborer  against 
1  the  pauper  labor  of  Europe  is  a  subject  of  anxious 


760 


APPENDIX  TO  (THE  CONGRESSrONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  26, 


29rH  CoNO. 1st  Sess. 


3%e  Tariff— Mr.  Chate. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


cart  with  tlioie  who  favor  the  protective  policy. 
Seaiealy  a  ipeech  ia  delivered  upon  the  other  eiae 
of  the  Houae  but  Ihii  eubject  i»  refcrrpil  to,  plwayi 
coupled  with  the  assertion,  that  a  high  tariff  ena- 
bles them  to  give  increased  wa^cs  to  the  operatives. 
With  more  than  ordinary  complacency  have  mem- 
bers lingered  upon  this  branch  of  their  subject,  aa 
if  loath  to  leave  it. 

The  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Hud- 
son,] with  much  satisfaction,  alludes  to  the  subject 
ill  his  report  of  April  10,  1644,  in  the  following 
language: 

"  In  Europe,  the  laborer  gets  hut  n  miserable  lub^lKtenro 
ttom  day  to  day ;  in  UiIb  rnuntry,  hu  inuHt  slioru  with  hiu 
employer  the  prutlu  uf  hid  buninu^H,  hy  Uio  Increased  rule  of 
his  WBfea." 

I  am  conscious,  Mr.  Clmirnmn,  that  the  Whi^ 
party  have  acquired  political  influence  and  ascend- 
ency by  a  reiteration  of  such  oiiscniiina.  Although 
it  may  appear  ungenerous  to  take  from  them  this 
argument,  resorted  to  when  they  are  hard  pressed, 
yet  truth  nnd  justice  demand  an  exposure. 

Another  member  from  Masaachuselts,  [Mr.  Wm- 
THROP,]  who  addressed  the  eommitlee  on  yesterday, 
alluded  to  the  wages  of  labor,  and  endeavored  to 
excite  in  the  bosoms  of  the  laborer  hostility  to  he 
doctrine  of  free  trade.  The  following  is  the  lan- 
guage of  that  member: 

"  Mr.  Chsirnmn,  if  Iht^re  be  anytbinn  ogainut  which  the 
American  labon^r  ouglit  to  lie  on  liit*  vwwX  at  itiif  niomeiit, 
It  id  the  thise  syuiimthy,  tlie  hollow  lnen(tf^l)i|i,  ilie  Ititlinit 
kindness  or  men  who  are  huKying  themiielves  about  the  i-mt 
of'  whiit  he  consuineH,  wliUe  ihey  nrn  euuiiii{  down  ttie  value 
of  whut  he  «;nrn!i;  of  men  who  niniiiie  him  wiili  delUKivu 
scheinett  for  redueing  bin  expenditures  while  they  are  cm- 
ployed  in  diii'^ni^hin}!  hi*  receipt^ ;  of  men  who  diin^le  the 
viflion  of  cheaper  food  and  ehe]i|N*r  cloUiing  before  liifl  cye«, 
while  they  are  in  Uie  very  actof  riilingJiiD  pocket-book." 

N"W,  Mr.  Chairman,  before  I  pan  with  thnt 
member,  I  will  show  lo  his  satisfaction  that  it  is 
the  "  killing  kindness"  of  his  political  fiiends,  the 
manufacturers,  whose  apolosinl  he  has  coiistihitcd 
himself,  who  are  amusing  tlie  laborer  with  false 
promises,  while  they  "ore  in  the  very  act  of  riJHiig 
nil  pocket-book."  The  gentleman  from  Massacliu- 
seiw  [Mr.  WivTHRop]  read  from  tables,  hardly 
worthy  of  notice,  showing  an  increase  in  the  wn^e9 
of  the  laborer  in  two  mills,  in  some  place  in  New 
Hampshire.  Was  this  the  exteiitof  Inat  member's 
researches,  or  was  the  increase  of  the  wages  of 
labor  confined  to  these  two  mills? 

Why  did  not  the  member  turn  his  attention  to 
thegreatmanufacturingcity  of  Lowell — "  the  Man- 
chester of  America" — which  is  within  his  own 
State,  and  within  thirty  miles  of  his  residence .' 
Surely  tho.se  immense  corporations  must  be  a  sub- 
ject of  pride,  at  least,  to  Aim. 

I  will  not,  Mr.  Chairman,  pass  that  city  by  with 
ao  much  imlifference. 

1  again  i  uler  to  the  ap|iendix  to  my  speech.  It 
fumislies  lood  for  much  reflection,  and  iliustrntes 
the  "killing  kindness"  of  the  employer  towards 
the  operative.  It  will  appear  by  uii  examination  ol 
the  statistics  made  out  in  January,  1842,  that  the 
amount  of  wagen  paid  a  month,  was — 

Fn  January  1842 *170,00() 

In  January  1843 l.W.OUU 

In  January  1845 138,500 

Less  in  1843  than  in  1842 30,000 

Less  in  1845  than  in  1842 31, .WO 

This  is  BaT,ing  quite  a  liberal  sum,  cs|)eclally 
when  we  take  into  considemtiun  the  language  of 
Mr.  Hudson,  that  the  laborer  "  must  share  with 
his  employer  the  profits  of  the  biioiness  frt/  (Ae  in- 
crtased  rate  of  his  teagts."  To  tliat  operation,  so 
interestiii''  to  the  laborer,  I  come  now  to  remark 
upon.  IMie  "  Statistics  of  Lowell  Manufactures" 
show  that  the  average  wages  of  females,  clear  of 
board,  per  week,  was — 

In   1842 «3  00 

In   1843 1  iry 

In   1845 1  75 

Average  woges  of  moles,  clear  of  board,  per  day, 
■was — 

In  1842. 80  cents. 

In  1843 70  cents. 

[   In  1845 70  cents. 

Here  is  an  illustration,  I  suppose,  of  the  doctrine 
of  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Hi'd- 
■ON,]  that  the  laborer  "  must  share  with  his  em- 
ployer in  the  profits  of  the  business  61/ (Ae  incr<«sr(j 
rote  qfhia  ujages."  It  was  bad  enough  to  lower  the 
wages  of  the  men  10  cents  per  day ;  but  it  was  truly 


uneallant  for  the  lords  of  the  spindle,  who  are 
miucing  princely  fortunes  out  of  the  labor  of  the 
females,  to  strike  down  li«ir  wages  from  A2tojll  75 

Cer  week.  I  call  particular  attention  to  these  facts, 
ecause  it  has  been  denied  that  the  wages  of  the 
females  have  been  reduced  since  the  passage  of  the 
tariff  of  1842. 

But  let  us  see  if,  while  the  wages  of  the  females 
are  fallliii;  off  instead  of  increasing,  Ihey  perform  leu 
labor. 
In  1849  the  total  number  of  females  employed  at 

Lowell  was 7,430 

In  1843 6,375 


More  in  1842  than  in  1843 1,055 

Number  of  yards  manufactured  in  1842,  73,8.')3,40O 
Number  of  yards  manufactured  in  1843,  70,275,400 


Mor«  in  1842  than  in  1843 3,578,000 


Although  there  were  1055  more  females  in  1842 
than  in  1843,  yet  they  manufactured  only  3,578,000 
yards  more. 

In  1842,  there  were  UIO  more  female  operatives 
than  in  1845,  yet  Ihey  manufactured  2,019,800 
yaids  more  in  1845  than  they  did  in  1842. 

There  were  55  more  female  operatives  in  1843 
than  in  1845,  yet  ihey  manufactured  5,597,800 
yards  more  in  1845  than  in  1843. 

Now,  this  increasing  the  amount  of  labor,  while 
reduciii"  its  reward,  comes  with  a  had  grace  fro' a 
those  who  assume  to  be  the  peculiar  defenders  (if 
the  protective  policy,  and  tlic  guardians  of  the 
American  laborer.  Well  may  the  laborer  exclaim. 
Preserve  mo  from  the  "  killing  kindness"  of  my 
"friends!" 

Before  I  leave  this  branch  of  the  subject,  I  beg 
leave  to  allude  to  the  number  of  hours  the  females 
ore  coinnclled  to  lobor  ut  Lowell.  It  is  altogether 
beyond  numan  endurance.  Tho."ie capitalists  who 
are  reaping  immense  profits  from  the  toil  and  suf- 
fering of  the  fenuile  sex,  should  pause  in  their 
thirst  for  gain  and  plunder,  and  remember  that  it 
is  acquired  at  the  expense  of  their  fair  country- 
women; that  forms,  more  tender  than  their  own, 
suffer  fatigue  and  hardship;  that  many  a  rosy  check 
grows  pale;  that  many  a  sparkling  eye  becomes 
sad,  and  many  an  elastic  step  faltera;  beautiful 
forms  lose  their  roundness;  health  decays;  and 
those  who  left  their  homes  joyful  and  happy,  return 
with  constitutions  destroyed  and  spirits  broken. 

I  desire  to  draw  the  attention  ot  the  committee 
to  the  following  well-written  article,  which  I  found 
in  the  columns  of  the  "  Loom" — a  paper  published 
at  the  late  Notional  Fair — rrediled  to  the  New 
York  Tribune,  and  written,  I  presume,  by  one  of 
the  editors  of  that  paper: 

"The  i?real  miu*ter  evil  in  oiteration at I.owetl, however — 
and  too  fieneral  in  Aniericnu  mcloriea — ifl  that  ol^  excessive 
liourt)  of  latKtr.  At  t.owcll,  all  hands  are  expected  to  heiiin 
work  nt  live  a.  in.,  nnd  to  htlmr,  wiUi  hut  half  an  liour'H  in- 
terniii.sioii  fur  lireukfn^t  and  a-n  nnich  mon^  for  dinm^r,  till 
seven  p.  m.,  niakinfi  Ihiiiecn  hoiirt*  steady  cniploymeiu  daily. 
The  working  ilay  is  a  litUe  loniier  at  some  seafHins,  nnd  a 
titUc  shorter  at  others ;  but  Uiia  is  ahfiut  the  aver.lge,  and  it 
is  entirely  loo  much.  It  is  a  severer  uixon  hutnan  energies 
than  formerly ;  because,  with  the  progress  of  maclnnery,  Uic 
attention  reijuired  is  more  cotist;int.  and  the  work  more  ex- 
acting. Many  of  the  girls '.end  three  looms  on  plain  weaving 
wliere  one  was  fonneriy  thought  enough  —two  certainly  so; 
in  some  cases  a  chain  is  to  lie  lilted  at  intervals,  re(|niring  a 
very  considendiic  uiUM'nlar  efliirt ;  and  titnngh  litis  may l>c 
more  healtliful  tlian  merely  mending  tlireads  and  supplying 
spools  all  day,  it  not  the  less  coiitrihuti-s  to  increase  the 
fatigue  createii  by  thirteen  hours'  of  scarcely  remitted  toil. 
lUost  of  the  women  employed  in  tlio  factories  are  still 
young — a  large  prnprirtion  mere  girls  of  fiUeen  to  twenty ; 
and  when  it  is  considered  that  they  are  hereatter  to  Iwrouic 
wives  and  mothers,  it  will  lie  gevn  that  the  presttrvaUon  of 
their  constitution  is  i>f  the  iiighest  puhlie  inip'>rtatiee.  v\nd 
it  is  not  enough  tliat  they  should  continue  healttitul  and  vig- 
nmus.  Tliey  shmihl  have  Ume  for,  nnd  iie  encouraged  to 
form  habits  of,  daily'  reading  and  study.  Vet  what  can  be 
expected  of  girls  of  slender  forms  and  immature  str(>ngth, 
who  find  themselves  first  at  leisure  a  little  hefi're  eight 
o'clock  p.  rn.,  alter  havinir  heim  011  their  ft^et.  witli  barely 
time  fur  ha>.ty  meals,  since  live  a.  in. !  Can  they  heex|H>cted 
now  to  apply  tliemselves,  with  alacrity  and  perseverance,  In 
any  nienns  of  munlui  improvement?  Hurely  not.  Hence 
must  grow  habits  of  inditferenee  to  Ixsiks  and  of  mentid 
frividity,  very  mournful  to  think  of  as  eharncteriKing  the 
mothers  of  Uiose  who  will  rule  tlie  desUnies  of  our  country 
in  the  next  generation." 

I  But  the  manufacturers  pretend  that  they  are  the 
friends  of  .Jmericnn  industry ;  nnd  wo  ore  led  lo 
suppose  that  they  woultl  scarcely  employ  one  who 
was  not  born  in  this  country,  much  less  send  to 
Europe  for  operatives.     I  take  the  fiillowing  from 

I  the  liostun  Post,  where  it  is  credited  to  a  London 
journal: 


■■  Last  wnk  the  reprsMnullve  of  a  •pinning  eatabUs:i- 
ment  M  Boston,  ITnlled  Slates,  visited  this  country  in  order 
to  enssge  wool  combers  and  mill  iinndi.  Abnut  a  score  or 
nunilfet  fVom  Brndibid  have  already  engaged,  and  are  to 
nil  rroin  Liverpool  sa  soon  as  the  ihip  ia  ready." 

14.— COMPROMISE  ACT  A^D  THE  TARIFF 
OF  1842. 

The  advocates  of  tiio  protective  system  wellnigh 
brought  the  country  to  the  verge  of  ruin,  by 
obstinately  persisting  in  a  course  of  policy  which 
enriched  tiie  manufacturing,  but  impoverished  the 
agricultural  Slates.  The  most  powerful  intellects 
were  aroused,  and  a  long  and  fierce  struggle  of 
mind  with  mind  resulted  in  the  temporary  over- 
throw of  the  policy.  Its  most  ardent  friends  sought 
to  snatch  it  from  instant  destruction ,  under  a  pledge 
to  abandon  it  after  the  lapse  of  a  few  years.  I  give 
the  language  of  Mr.  Clay  upon  introducing  the 
Compromise  act: 

"  What  ia  the  principle  which  hasalwnys  been  contended 
for  in  this  and  in  the  other  House  ?  AlXer  the  aecumulalioii 
of  capita]  and  skill,  the  inanufocnirers  will  stand  alone,  un- 
aided by  the  Government,  in  eoniiwtition  with  the  imp^irU'd 
articles  tVoiu  nny  quarter.  Now  givu  us  limn ;  cease  all 
tliicnialions  and  agitations  for  nine  years,  and  the  manuthc- 
turers  in  every  hnuich  will  sustain  lhenist-IV(!S  against  ior- 
eign  compctitiiai." — Er/racln/'roin  the  specrh  of  Wenri/  Clay 
upon  introducing  the  Dompninise  act,  February  I'iy  ISm. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  opponents  of  the  protective 
policy  gained  a  glorious  triumph  in  the  conflict 
which  preceded  the  passage  of  the  Compromise 
act,  and  the  odious  system  would  have  been  at . 
once  annihilated,  but  fur  the  mercy  of  its  enemies. 
Public  opinion  was  aroused ;  the  weight  of  the 
then  Administration  was  thrown  against  it;  a  ui^i- 
ted  Soutii  stood  ready  to  assail  it.  I  have  alread)' 
referred  lo  extracts  from  the  speech  of  Mr.  Cla) 
in  1833,  to  show  the  danger  which  threatened  ihe 
protective  system  at  that  time.  Below,  I  give  an- 
other extract  from  his  .sncech  in  1833,  to  show 
that  the  power  was  in  the  liands  of  its  opponents: 

"  I  am  compelhtd  to  express  the  opinion, tbrmed  after  Uio 
most  deliberate  reflection,  and  on  full  survey  of  die  whole 
country,  that,  wheiher  rightOiUy  or  wrongluiiy,  the  *ariff 
stands  in  immiuent  danger  Ifitshonldbe  preserved  during 
Ulis  session,  it  must  fall  at  the  next  session." 

This  being  the  state  of  the  question,  what  did 
the  friends  of  the  restrictive  system  ask  .>  and  what 
did  its  enemies  gcntroMs/i/ yield  ?  What  was  the 
compromise?  It  was,  that  the  manufacturers  should 
enjoy  nine  years  of  diminished  and  diminishing 
protection;  Ihe  farmer  should  suffer  for  that  pe- 
riod decreased  and  decreasing  burdens;  when  the 
duties  were  to  be  reduced  to  that  "  revenue  stand- 
ard" for  which  the  free-traders  had  so  long  con- 
tended. 

Mr.  Clay  remarked  further,  in  his  compromise 
speech: 

*'l  am  anxious  to  find  out  some  piinciptc  of  mutual  nc- 
oonimoflation,  to  satisfy,  as  thr  as  pnicticable,  both  parties  ; 
toincreiute  the  stability  of  our  legislation;  ami,  at  some  dis- 
tant day— iHit  not  too  distant,  when  wo  take  into  view  Ihe 
magnitude  of  Uie  interests  wllieh  are  Involved— to  tiring 
(lown  the  mti;  of  duties  to  th4it  reeeauc  itamtard  for  wllieh 
our  opponents  have  so  long  contended." 

Well,  Mr.  Chairman,  what  security  had  the 
South  that,  when  the  nine  years  of  burdens  upon 
them  had  expired,  the  Compromise  would  not  be 
violated.'  Why,  sir,  they  had  pledges  the  most 
solemn,  promises  the  most  binding,  assertions  the 
most  positive.  They  could  not  "doubt,  and  they 
trusted. 

I  will  again  quote  from  Mr.  Clay: 

"  Hut  if  iho  measure  should  be  carried  by  the  common 
consent  of  liotli  parties,  we  shall  have  all  security ;  Instory 
will  faiUifiilly  record  the  transaction ;  narnue  under  what 
circumstances  the  hill  was  passed;  tlmt  it  wits  a  pacifying 
measure ;  tlmt  it  was  oil  jtoured  froia  Uie  vessel  of  the  Union 
to  restoi-e  peace  and  harmony  to  the  country.  Wiien  all 
I  Ulis  was  known,  what  Congress,  wliat  Legislature  would 
mar  tile  guaranty  ?  What  man  who  is  eiiUtied  to  deserve 
the  character  of  an  American  suitesman  would  stand  up  in 
his  place  in  eitiicr  House  of  rongress  and  disturb  the  treaty 
of  i»eaee  and  amity?" — JIfr.  Vtayy  upon  introducing  the  Com- 
jmmiac  actf  yehrunry  I'i,  It^t. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  30th  of  June,  1842, 1  believe, 
was  the  time  when  tha  South  was  to  realize  her 
part  of  the  compact.  The  shackles  were  to  be 
taken  off  her  tratle;  a  "  revenue  standard"  was  to 
be  established,  and  oppressive  burdens  wore  to  be 
imp'"sed  on  them  no  longer. 

'Jut  favors  long  enjoyed  were  not  thus  to  be 
yielded,  although  plighted  faith  was  to  be  violated, 
^'he  fiivored  classes  rallied  again.  Legislative 
luvoritisin  was  too  delightful  to  be  thus  easily  sur- 
rendered, ond  honor  oni  good  faith  could  not  stand 
the  test  for  two  months.  They  were  violated  by 
the  passage  of  tlie  tariff  act  of  1842. 


June  26, 
Reps. 


inn  <MlabUii:i- 
■nuy  In  order 
lit  a  score  of 
)  and  ara  to 

TARIFF     • 

in  wcllnieh 
f  ruin,  by 
licy  which 
fished  the 
I  intellects 
Iruggle  of 
irary  over- 
ndH  sought 
■T  a  pledge 
rs.  I  give 
duciiig  the 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


161 


39rH  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Strong. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


KuiiT  law  18  Bumcicnuy  aiBcnminaunB  i 
senM,  and  reJcctH  tlio  nrinciplefl  of  Uio 
I  hope,  liirovpr." — Mr.  tVetaterU  tptrch  at 
itemier,  1H43,  KaUafuU  InteUigcncer,  Octo- 


I  preaume  it  ia  not  neeeraary  for  me  to  adduce 
proof  that  the  act  of  1843  was  a  violation  of  the 
Compromiae  act.  An  *illualrious  Senator  at  the 
other  end  of  this  Capitol,  [Mr.  Webbtek,]  has 
given  hia  opinion  upon  thit  subject.  He  waa  a 
prominent  actor  in  the  struggle  which  resulted  in 
the  compromiae.  I  believe,  sir,  he  was  at  the 
time,  and  still  ia,  opposed  to  the  principles  of  that 
act: 

<>  Ths  prcwnt  taiiir  law  !■  rafflclcntly  diacriminitlng 

holda  to  romninn  aenie,  and  rejects  llio 

OompromiHfl  oct,  I  hoi 
faitatU  HaU,  SeUi 
ber  4,  IMS. 

If  there  is  nny  inducement  to  redeem  pledges 
solemnly  mttde,  it  is  yet  in  the  power  of  those  who 
violated  the  Compromise  act  to  wipe  out  the  stain. 
Until  this  is  done,  let  the  significant  language  of 
Mr.  CIny  be  to  them  the  "  handioriting  upon  the 
wall:"  "  }Vhat  «um  who  is  entitled  Ic  the  character 
*  of  an  Jl)nerican  italennan  would  stand  up  in  his  place 
'  in  either  Hotue  of  Congress  and  di<tur6  this  treaty  of 
'penM  and  amity?" 

Mr.  Chairman,  let  this  Congress  redeem  its  faith, 
by  ealablisliing  a  tariff  upon  the  revenue  principle. 
But  it  is  inslBlcd  that  it  was  tried  under  the  Com- 
promise act,  and  that  ruin  and  embarrassment  was 
the  consequence.  This  objectiun  seems  not  to  bo 
well  taken,  if  wc  may  judge  from  an  assertion  of 
Mr.  Clay,  made  in  a  s{icech  delivered  by  him  on 
the  18lh  of  February,  1842: 

"  With  regard  to  the  upemtion  of  thin  act,  (die  Compro- 
miM)  net,)  it  ia  a  et'eat  miUuke  to  say  thut  amj  portion  of  the 
embarrasamerUr  of  the  country  have  renttlrd  from  it,  Other 
t-Hii!tea  have  ennlribiited  to  tliia  reaiilt ;  uiiii  it  ia  to  l)C  attri- 
buted to  the  experimeiita  which  have  been  made  upon  Uio 
currency.  The  nnlwrnk^HUieiita  are  nUn  to  l>e  aUributed  to 
the  action  oftliv  Statua,  wtijcli,  liy  pbin|ijr>i{  into  schcmea  of 
internal  iiiiproveiiieni,  have  rontractiMl  deblH  abroad,  and 
ttlercby  nivcn  a  falac  and  llctitloua  ap|>carancu  to  the  proa 
pcrityof  the  country;  and  when  Uieir bonda depreciated, the 
evila  under  which  tliey  now  aittfer,  aa  a  conaequence,  en 
sued." 

Theso  extracts  from  Mr.  Clay's  speeches  are 
taken  from  those  compiled  by  Daniel  Mallory. 

I  do  not  know  what  will  be  the  result  of  the 
voting  upon  the  bill  reported  by  the  Committee  of 
Ways  ,md  Means.  Many  objec'.ions  are  raised 
against  it.  It  is  difficult,  Mr.  Clmirman,  to  fashion 
a  bill  to  suit  all  interests,  and  every  portion  of  our 
country.  Perhaps  this  bill  may  have  imperfec- 
tions; Its  friends  will  not  pretend  that  it  is  entirely 
free  from  them;  but,  contrasted  with  the  odious 
tariff  of  1843,  it  is  far,  far  preferable.  ficDeniie 
and  not  protection  is  its  object;  and  let  the  people 
test  the  operation  of  a  tariff  which  looks  solely  for 
revenue  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  Government, 
without  desiring  to  give  protection  to  any  class  of 
the  community. 

The  tariff  of  1842  has  been  sufficiently  tried; 
agriculture  has  withered  under  its  blighting  influ- 
ence, the  price  of  the  former's  produce  has  falltn, 
the  cultivator  of  the  soil  cannot  find  ugood  market 
for  his  surplus  produce,  and  il  requires  the  most 
pinching  economy  to  enable  him  to  make  one 
year's  end  meet  with  another.  How  is  it  with  the 
manufacturer?  In  some  instances,  with  bad  man- 
agement, he  may  have  failed;  but  where  skill  and 
ability  have  had  the  control  of  capital,  the  most 
unbounded  prosperity  has  been  his  reward;  im- 
mense profits  have  been  realized;  fortunes  have 
been  amassed;  and  while  he  is,  with  cold  sclfiali- 
iiess  coiitemnlnting  his  prosperity,  he  exalts  the 
system  wliicli  "  according  to  law  "  enables  him  to 
plunder  his  brother,  and  to  gather  Ainuet/ what  he 
has  not  sown.  A  system  like  this  cannot  stand. 
It  was  fairly  overthrown  in  1833.  Why  seek  again 
to  fasten  it  upon  the  country  ?  If  the  advocates  of 
the  protective  policy  possessed  the  poicer  in  this 
Hall  to  accomplish  their  designs,  are  there  no  argu- 
ments, which,  appealing  to  their  justice,  can  stay 
their  action?  Have  pledged  faith  and  plighted 
honor  been  forgotten  ?  The  "  treaty  of  peace  ond 
amity  "  has  been  honestly  complied  with  by  the 
South,  anu  all  we  claim  in  return  is,  an  adherence 
to  the  tetter  and  spirit  of  tite  bond.  Do  not  forget 
that  we  are  your  brothers,  united  by  a  common 
kindred,  and  desirous  fur  happiness  and  prosjicrity 
under  the  same  Constitution.  Wc  seek  no  cause 
of  complaint,  but  would  prefer  that  cordial  union 
of  sentiment  and  feeling,  which  will  enable  us  to 
present  to  the  world  the  glorious  spectacle  of  a  free 
people  approaching  n  brilliant  destiny,  united  by  a 
common  interest  and  tlie  bonds  of  fraternal  love. 


THETARIPF. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  S.  STRONG, 

OF  NEW  TORK, 

In  Hooie  of  REFREaENTATivEi,  Jiine  29, 1846. 

The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 

the  state  of  the  Union,  on  the  bill  reducing  the 

duty  on  Imports,  and  for  other  purposes — 

Mr.  STRONG  said: 

Mr.  Chairman:  Four  years  ago  the  present  tariff 
act  was  passed,  and  berime  the  law  of  the  land. 
At  that  time  the  Whi^s  were  in  the  ascendant,  hav- 
ing a  largo  majority  in  this  House  and  a  decided 
preponderance  in  the  Senate — the  entire  Govern- 
ment was  under  their  control.  During  an  unusual- 
ly long  session,  and  after  a  full  and  animated  dis- 
cussion of  the  -vhole  subject,  it  barely  passed  the 
House  of  Representatives;  not,  however,  until 
after  repeated  efforts,  and  a  tie  vote  more  than  once. 
It  passed  in  the  Senr.to  by  a  majority  of  one  only, 
and  under  very  peculiai-  circumstances.  It  may  be 
profitable  to  go  back  to  that  period,  and  look  a  mo- 
ment to  the  views  then  taken  of  it  by  both  parlies. 
Before  the  election  of  General  Harrison  to  the 
Presidency  in  1840,  the  subject  of  the  tariff  was 
greatly  agitated  all  over  the  Union.  The  Compro- 
mise act  was  then  in  existence,  and  it  became  an 
object  of  intense  interest'to  know  what  course  the 
Government  would  pursue  in  relation  to  it,  in  case 
he  should  be  electeil.  It  is  well  known  that  the 
most  distinguished  feature  of  the  Compromise  act 
was  the  adoption  of  the  revenue,  to  the  exclusion 
of  the  protective  principle;  and  this,  witli  the  direct 
sanction  of  Mr.  Clay  himself,  representing  the 
views  of  the  Whig  party  at  the  time,  the  person 
who  draughted  the  bill,  he  himself  having — if  we 
may  rely  on  the  authority  of  his  friend,  Mr.  Web- 
ster— inserted  a  clause  in  the  original  to  the  effect 
that  after  the  30th  June,  1842,  duties  should  be  laid 
without  reference  to  the  protection  of  any  domestic 
article  whatever.  That  there  might  be  no  mistake 
about  the  matter,  so  far  as  General  Harrienn  was 
concerned,  he  was  directly  questioned  upon  the 
subject,  and — though  contrary  to  the  course  he  had 
hitherto  pursued  under  the  advice  of  the  famous 
committee,  in  whose  keeping  he  was,  during  and 
for  a  long  time  previous  to  the  canvass — he  was 
permitted  and  required  to  speak  out  his  sentimenis 
and  dehno  his  course  of  policy  in  regard  to  it,  in 
case  he  should  be  elected.  AccordingTy,  on  the  2d 
of  November,  1H39,  at  Zanesville,  in  (Jliio,  he  ad- 
dressed a  letter  to  Messi-s.  Foster,  Taylor,  and 
others,  in  which  he  expressly  declares  that  he  wos 
"  forsupportingtheCompromiseact,"and  "  never" 
would  "agree  to  its  being  altered  or  repealed."  It 
was  upon  this  action  of  Mr.  CIny  in  reference  to 
the  Compromise  act,  and  General  Harrison's  ex- 
press declaration  and  pledge  that  he  would  never 
agree  to  its  being  altered  or  repealed,  that  the  lat- 
ter was  elected  Prpsj^'ent  of  the  United  States  by 
the  voles  of  the  entire  Whig  party,  by  which  they 
directly  approved  of  and  sanctioned  the  principles 
publicly  avowed  before  his  election. 

Now,  sir,  one  object  1  have  in  view  by  present- 
ing tliis  subject  in  this  form  before  the  committee, 
is  to  show  the  apparent  agreement  of  the  entire 
Whig  party  at  tliis  time  with  the  Democratic  doc- 
trine oro  revenue  tariff  without  re";ard  to  "  protec- 
tion for  protection,"  that  their  subsequent  course 
of  action  may  appear  the  more  striking  by  the 
contrast,  and  that  wc  may  the  better  determine 
how  much  faith  and  credit  slioulJ  be  given  to  their 
professions  and  arguments  now.  In  1842,  when 
the  present  tariff  law  was  passed,  President  Har- 
rison was  dead,  but  the  views  of  Mr.  Tyler,  his 
successor  "  by  the  grace  of  God,"  are  not  known 
to  have  been  iJifl'erent,  and  if  they  were,  the  parly, 
as  before  observed,  by  electing  General  Harrison, 
had  thereby  adopted  his  views,  and  stood  pledged 
before  the  country  to  see  them  faithfully  carried 
out.  This  brings  us  again  to  the  action  of  the 
Senate  on  the  final  passage  of  the  bill.  Il  passed 
the  House  on  the  22d  of  August,  and  on  the  27lh 
was  called  up  in  the  Senate  liy  Mr.  Evans,  when 
several  Senators  gave  tlicir  rensons  for  voting  either 
for  or  against  the  bill.    Mr.  Buchanan  said: 

"  I  admit  mnat  clieerf\ll>y  that  the  (>ill  Lx  extravagant  In  the 
protection  it  aflbrda,  and  in  aot.le  inatanccs  ia  altogether  tnc- 
AtMtorv.  It  la  a  bill  which  I  do  not  apftrovi;,  and  for  which 
I  would'  not  vole  were  it  not  for  tlio  prcacnt  unparalleled 
condition  of  the  exiiting  law,  the  treaaury,  and  the  country. 


If  the  preaent  eitravasant  IHII  ahould  be  ftirced  upon  the 
country,  I  foel  eonacioua  that  I  biw  doue  everyUiin|  I 
could  to  avert  it." 

Mr.  Smith  said: 

"  It  (tliu  bill)  ia  a  prn|>oailinn  to  ta<  the  hardy  IVeemen  nf 
thii  Union,  who  truat  to  Uicir  own  induatry  alone  for  tlieir 
aupport,  and  make  them  iMiy  nearly  double  price  fur  every 
imported  arllclj  that  eiitera  into  the  daily  conaumption  of 
tlielr  Ihmillea,  that  the  rich  mono|H)llata  may  grow  richer, 
and  their  detiendcnta  may  become  more  dependent  and 
more  nunieroua.  Hi'lticient  munifeataliona  have  been 
ahown  during  tl:e  progrcaa  of  thia  nieaaure  to  fatiaiy  every 
true  patriot  that  it  waa  time  to  aaaert  the  uidepcndnnee  of 
Iculahitiim  ngaliiat  tlio  dictation  of  mono[mtlai  ninnufacturua. 
Where  in  the  4'onstitutiun  did  nionupoliat  manufacturcni 
find  Uieir  power  of  illctaUng  to  Congrcaa  what  aort  of  rev- 
enue bill  the  country  aliuulu  have?'*  ^ 

Mr.  Choate  said: 

•<  That  he  felt  rejoiced  that,  m  a  Whig  and  a  politician,  ha 
could  aupport  Ihia  nienaurc  aa  a  purelij  fyhig  measure.  He 
pointed  to  the  linmcnae  amount  of  capital  which  had  been 
exiiendcil  on  the  faith  uf  tlic  pmteeUon  of  the  (jienerul  Gov 
ernnient." 

Mr.  Wright  said: 

"  He  roao  not  to  make  a  ^p<^ech,  but  to  declare  that  he  was 
about  to  record  hia  vote  in  Ihvor  of  tliia  bill :  a  declaration 
wliicl)  it  pained  him  to  know  would  carry  dlaap|)Ointment 
and  aorrow  to  the  minda  of  many  of  liia  moat  roapected  and 
eatecmed  frienda,  botli  in  and  nut  of  thia  hall.  Of  oil  the 
three  great  intiTcata  of  New  York— ngrieulturnl,  commer- 
cial, and  inauuraeturjng— the  laat  he  auppoacd  to  he  much 
the  teaat  extenaive  in  itic  capital  intcrcaied  and  the  peraona 
cin|>loyed.  That  interest  iiiiuht  be  directly  bcnellted  by  tho 
duUea  impoaed  by  tlie  bit),  Uioiigli  he  entertained  a  aettled 
crmviction  that  in  many  caaea  the  dutica  were  inncti  loo 
high  for  the  true  benetit  of  the  inanuf.ieturcra  engaged  in 
the  manufncturca  Intended  to  be  protected.  Those  u|ion  the 
woollena  and  coitona  he  thouijht  imicli  too  high,  and  meat 
uncfiual.  Other  dutiea  upon  leaa  eaaential  I'ttereata  wer« 
atill  more  unrenaouably  fiigli.  Upon  the  nf^icuttural  interest^ 
this  liill  must  operate  in  the  main  as  a  tax  aiul  a  'lurtlcn.  To 
the  coinmcrcitit  interest^  tlicae  dutiea  are  direct  btirdens ;  and 
the  exceaaivc  ratea  tlxed  by  this  bill  cannot  Ibil  Ui  dialurti 
irndR  extenaivcly.  if  tliey  do  not,  in  aoine  inatancea,  prove 
to  be  positive  proMliUions." 

Mr.  Woodbury  said : 

"  It  (the  bill)  aecurca  a  high  and  diacriminnting  tarilTfor 
mnnufneturea,  and  that  alone  ia  anlRcicnt  wiUi  mnat  of  the 
majority  in  tbia  body— the  higti-tarilf  party — to  ioanrc  its 
triumph,  whatever  may  be  its  violation  of  comproniiaea.  But 
why  a  .Senator  ahouUl  vote  for  thia  bill  who  ia  hoatlle  to  a 
high  and  exclusive  system  of  protection,  ami  who  ia  looking 
to  revenue  aa  tlie  chief  object  Uiat  ought  to  be  aonght  in  a 
great  contingency  like  thia,  ia  to  me  inexplicable." 

Mr.  Calhoun  said: 

1'  The  whole  bill,  taken  In  connexion  with  the  declaration 
of  its  advocntea,  that  the  maniifactiirea  must  go  down  nnleaa 
these  dutica  are  imposed,  forma  a  volume  of  evidence  th.'it 
the  whole  elTcctaof  all  past  protection,  from  1816  to  tbia  day, 
liave  been  but  to  require  atill  higher.  It  ia,  indeed,  in  tlie 
nature  of  tbitayatem.iu  he  had  proved  when  the  vetoed  bill 
waa  before  the  Senate,  that  every  duty  jm|>oacd  had  but  tho 
effect  of  requiring  a  atill  higher.  The  cry  ever  boa  been. 
More,  more,  more.  The  more  it  had  been  supported,  the 
more  it  required  to  hi.'  supported." 

And  this  is  the  bill  which  we  are  told  must  not 
be  changed,  altered,  or  modified — a  bill  claimed 
by  gentlemen  on  this  floor  to  have  been  the  re- 
sult of  a  compromise  of  interests,  and  satisfac- 
tory to  all  parties — a  law  at  variance  with  the  pre- 
vious pledges  of  the  Whig  party,  and  in  direct 
conflict  with  the  principles  of  the  compromise  act; 
a  law  conceded  to  be  framed  with  a  view  to  pro- 
tection as  its  ])rimnry  object,  tmd  not  for  revenue 
mainly.  It  was  draughted  by  Mr.  Abbott  Law- 
rence, a  manufacturer  of  Boston,  confessedly  a 
Whig  measure,  and  admitted  to  be  hostile  to  a  car- 
dinal Democratic  principle — a  law  which  the  Demo- 
cratic party  is  pledged  to  repeal  or  modify.  The 
bill  became  a  law  on  the  31st  of  August,  and  Con- 
gress adjourned.  It  was  immediately  denounced 
by  the  entire  Democratic  party,  from  one  end  of  the 
tfnion  to  the  other.  In  May,  1844,  a  delegation 
from  every  part  of  the  country  assembled  at  Balti- 
more to  nominate  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 
As  had  been  the  custom  of  the  Democratic  party 
for  years  before,  so  now,  the  convention  odopled  a 
set  of  resolutions  containing  an  abstract  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  party,  upon  the  sustaining  of  which 
their  candidates  relied  for  success  with  the  people. 
They  run  thus:  Resolved,  that,  &c.,  "our  aoc- 
trines  and  measures  are, '|  <Src.,  "a  tariflTfor  the 
purposes  of  revenue  sufficient  for  the  expenses  of 
the  Government  economically  administered,  with 
discrimination  consistent  with  the  object  of  rcvo- 
I  nue,  and  for  tlie  purpose  of  etiualizing  the  burdcnn 
I  of  Government  among  the  different  classes  of  in- 
II  dividuals  ^and  branches  of  industry."  Thu  doc- 
i|  triiies  of  our  opponents  are  "a  high  protective 
|i  tarift","  &c.  Thus  was  the  issue  made  up  between 
I  the  two  great  parties,  and  submitted  to  the  people 
''  for  their  decision.    "Ihe  main  questions  to  be  de- 


762 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  29, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


rA«  Tariff— Mr.  Strong. 


Ho.  or  Rita. 


' 


oidcd— thoM  most  diacuaaed  bofora  the  people,  and 
on  which  the  election  of  Mr.  Polk  principally 
turned — were,  wlietlier  Texas  nhouldlw  nnnexnU, 
and  whether  the  present  hi^h  protective  tariff  Hhould 
be  equalized  and  brought  down  to  a  strictly  revenue 
standard;  to  botit  of  which  he  was  pledged,  as  Ihr 
as  the  Executive  was  concerned. 

The  Whig  parly  avowed  themselves  opftosed  to 
both.  "  The  tariff  as  it  is  "  was  inscribed  on  all 
their  banners;  whilst  it  was  denounced  in  every 
possible  form  that  Iangue^*i  could  devise  upon 
those  of  the  Democrats.  The  Baltimore  resolu- 
tions were  regarded  as  containing  the  political  creed 
of  the  Democratic  party.  Messrs.  Polk  and  Dal- 
las were  bound,  by  their  acceptance  of  the  nomina- 
tion, to  carry  out  the  principles  contained  therein  to 
the  extent  of  their  ability,  as  was  also,  for  similar 
reasons,  every  Democratic  member  of  Congress 
elaeted  at  the  same  time.  I  know  it  has  been  de- 
clared in  this  Hnll,  that  the  proceedings  of  the  Bal- 
timore Convention  were  not  binding — that  the  dec- 
laration of  principles  then  made  and  published  to 
the  world  meant  nothing.  Sjr,  I  venture  to  say 
that  but  for  the  promulgation  of  those  principica, 
and  their  supposed  binding  force  upon  the  Demo- 
cratic party  anil  its  nominees,  that  parly  would 
have  been  prostrated,  and  Mr.  Clay  at  this  time  the 
President  of  the  United  States.  1  confess  my  in- 
ability lo  com|)rehcnd  the  arguments,  or  to  perceive 
the  consistency  of  certain  gentlemen  on  this  floor, 
who  call  themselves  Democrats.  An  honorable 
gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  McClean]  the 
other  day,  after  declariiii!;  himself  to  be  a  Democrat 
— a  friend  and  supporter  of  President  Polk  and  his 
administration — came  out  in  favor  of  a  high  pro- 
tective larifT,  and  eulogized  the  pri^cnt  odious  law 
as  one  which  had  greatly  benefited  the  country, 
and  ought  not  to  be  repealed  or  changed.  He  made 
B  good  Whig  speech.  Hj  showed  that  the  iron 
(interest)  had  entered  into  his  very  soul;  and  not 
satisfied  with  all  this,  he  made  war  upon  the  Union 
for  advocating  the  same  doctrines  held  by  the 
President  and  by  the  Democratic  party — doctrines 
which  have  been  maintained  ana  held  by  every 
writer  on  political  economy  of  any  standing,  both 
in  Europe  and  America,  for  the  last  hundred  years. 
Ht  made  himself  merry  on  the  occasion,  and  en- 
tertained the  House  with  both  wit  and  logic  in 
snpport  of  his  peculiar  Democratic  notions.  Now, 
sir,  I  do  not  suind  here  to  defend  the  Union.  It  in 
able  to  defend  itself.  But  I  thought  it  strange  that 
a  Democrat  should  assail  Democratic  doctrines,  and 
measures,  and  men,  and  denounce  his  brother  Dem- 
ocrats for  maililuining  opinions  which  they  have 
advocated  all  their  lives,  and  to  the  support  of 
which  the  President  of  his  choice  mainly  owes  his 
present  elevation. 

The  question  now  is,  shall  this  odious,  unjust, 
unequal,  and  oppressive  law  be  so  changed  as  to 
meet  the  only  object  which  can  juslify  a  tariff  at 
all — the  raising  of  revenue;  and  at  the  same  time 
equalize  the  burdens  of  Government  among  the 
ditferent  classes  of  individuals  and  branches  of  in- 
dustry. No  gentleman,  1  jiresume,  comes  here 
to  learn  the  science  of  political  economy.  No  one, 
I  presume,  comes  here  without  his  mind  is  pre- 
viously made  up  upon  this  subject,  and  prepared 
to  give  his  vote  if  necessary  at  once.  It  is  not  a 
new  subject.  The  same  argumeiiLs  have  been  re- 
peated over  and  over  again  in  this  Capitol  at  differ- 
ent periods  for  the  last  thirty  years.  During  the 
present  short  debate  in  this  House  the  question 
has  been  discussed  with  great  and  acknowledged 
ability.  The  arguments  which  have  been  advan- 
ced by  my  colleugue,  [Mr.  Collin,]  by  the  gen- 
tleman from  Indiana,  [Mr.  Owejj,]  from  Louisi- 
ana, [.\lr.  Harmanso.v,]  from  Alabama,  [Mr. 
Patne,]  and  others,  will  not,  I  presume,  be  n!- 
tempted  to  be  answered;  and  I  will  venture  to  add, 
cannot  be  answered.  It  is  not  enough  to  reply  by 
bitter  and  sneerin:^  denunciation,  or  by  llatdeninf. 
The  worthy  and  Konoralile  gentleman  from  Con- 
necticut [iVIr.  Rockwell]  was  pleased  to  remark 
in  his  speech;  that  he  had  hoped  to  hear  no  more 
of  the  slang  of  stump  speeches;  that  he  was  dis- 
gusted to  hear  the  words  lords  of  the  loom  and 
spintlle — of  the  oppressions  of  the  poor  by  the 
'  rich.  Well,  this  is  all  very  dignified,  but  it  is 
difficult  to  feel  the  force  of  the  argument.  I  hum- 
bly conceive  thnt  a  man  must  have  been  a  care- 
less, indifferent,  or  interested  observer,  not  to  per- 
ceive in  the  eatabUshmcnta  of  extensive  manufac- 


tures, sustained  by  high  tarifli,  aristocratic  tenden- 
cies of  the  worst  character.  Though  our  form  of 
Government  be  democratic,  the  nature  of  man,  and 
is  love  of  power,  is  still  unchanged.  His  im- 
pulses lead  him  to  seek  for  mastery,  and  to  domi- 
neer over  his  fellow-man.  The  agencies  by  which 
this  control  was  formerly  effected,  can  no  longer 
be  put  in  requisition.  IVfilitary  force  is  out  of  the 
question,  hereditary  rank  is  abolished.  Though  tho 
means  by  which  this  mastery  was  formerly  ob- 
tained arc  changed,  the  spirit  of  nris'ocracy  sur- 
vives, and  the  power  it  wields  in  this  Republic  to 
subject  man  to  his  dominion,  is  the  power  of 
money.  Wealth  should  be  protected  by  just  laws; 
but  it  is  a  great  mistake  lo  give  it  artificial  strength 
by  legislation.  Wealth  will  take  care  of  itself. 
It  is  labor  that  requires  the  protecting  care  of  the 
Government.  If  you  institute  a  protective  tariff 
in  favor  of  manufactures,  what  do  you  do .'  You 
invoke  o  competition  that  must  call  in  the  aid  of 
machinery,  and  the  infinite  subdivision  of  labor. 
Sixty  men  must  cooperate  to  make  a  pin;  and 
each  of  the  sixty  must  learn  a  trade  at  making 
the  sixtieth  part  of  a  pin.  What  is  the  conse- 
quence ?  No  one  of  the  sixty  can  set  up  for  him- 
self. He  is  dependent  on  the  capitalist,  for  capi- 
tal alone  can  furnish  the  means  of  this  subdividing 
labor.  The  manufacturer  thus  becomes  the  lord 
of  the  operative.  He  holds  in  his  hand  the  bread 
of  that  operative;  and  thrfe  is  no  slavery  so  abject 
and  so  degrading.  The  servitude  of  tho  vassal  to 
the  feudallord  of  the  Middle  Ages  was  as  nothing 
in  comparison.     By  controlling  the  bread  of  the 

I  operative,  (montij,)  the  aristocratic  power  of  this 
country  is  thus  enabled  to  control  his  vote.  Nom- 
inally fiee,  he  becomes  in  reality  s  slave.  We 
have  not  seen  tho  operation  of  this  power  yet,  be- 
cause manufactures  in  this  country  arc  m  their 
infancy,  and  capitalists  have  feared  to  enforce  it. 
In  England  the  class  upon  whom  it  is  exercised 
have  no  vote.  Yet  in  some  instances  this  power 
has  been  exercised  here.  And  can  it  bo  for  us  to 
encourage  a  policy,  by  the  fostering  influences  of 
artificial  legislation,  that  shall  rear  up  an  interest 
BO  fatal  to  freedom  and  to  the  interests  of  the  citi- 
zen ?  Let  mnnufacl  ires  grow,  .»  far  as  they  grow 
tinliirnl/i;,  and  the  wants  and  circumstances  of  the 
country  re^nire  them;  but  do  not  galvanize  them 

'  into  life,  and  that,  ton.  \t  the  expense  of  the  more 
important  agricultural  and  commercial  interests. 

God  grant  that  we  may  always  be  an  agricul- 
tural country!  Let  us  feed  the  paupers  of  Europe, 
and  let  them  work  for  us.  We  need  not  fear  to 
depend  on  them  for  mamifnrlurea  so  long  as  they 
depend  on  us  for  bread.  If  they  will  buy  our  grain 
and  pork,  and  give  us  more  than  we  could  other- 
wise get  in  the  "  home  market,"  and  at  the  same 
time  sell  us  articles  which  we  want,  and  which  are 
not  made  in  our  immediate  neighborhoods,  better 
and  cheaper  than  are  made  in  our  large  manufac- 
turing establishments  at  home,  which  are  protected 
by  Government  in  order  to  compel  ns  to  buy  of 
thom  and  pay  more,  certainly  our  farmers  will 
have  cjiusc  for  rejoicing.     The  baronial  castles  of 

;  this  nsre  and  country  are  our  great  manufacturing 
establishments;  our  lords,  those  of  the  loom  and 
spindle;  and  their  vnssal.s,  that  they  can  control 
with  move  than  feudal  tyranny,  are  their  opera- 
tives. 

The  advocates  of  a  high  tariff  sometimes  point 
us  to  England.  They  say  that,  while  English 
writer'  inculcate  free  tradp,  in  order  to  gull  and 
dei-eive  other  nations,  her  Government,  more  wise, 
and  iinderHtandins  its  true  interest,  has  always 
practically  repudiated  the  doctrine,  and  pursued  an 
entirely  different  policy.     Well,  look  to  England  I 

,  by  dint  of  this  system  England  was  never  so  rich 
and  never  so  poor  as  at  present.     "  To  him  that 

,  hath  it  gives,  and  from  him  that  hath  no'  it  takes 
awny  even  that  which  he  seemeth  lo  have."  The 
pnlnce  and  the  hovel  are  placed  side  by  side;  pov- 
erty increases  in  a  greater  ratio  than  wealth;  the 
chasm  which  separates  the  rich  and  poor  is  con- 
tinually growing  wider,  until  frightful  and  irre- 
trievable ruin  now  stares  British  statesmen  in  the 
face.  They  are  just  awaking  to  it;  and  now,  for 
the  first  time  during  long  years  gone  by,  are  bcgin- 

1  ning  to  retrace  their  steps,  beins  forced  to  do  so 

''  by  the  intolerable  misery  and  suffering  of  millions 
of  their  people.  More  than  twenty  years  ago, 
Mr.  Webster  used  the  following  language  before 

'  a  large  public  meeting  in  Boston.    I  commend  it  to 


the  special  notice  and  consideration  of  our  Whig 
fVienas  in  this  House,  and  throughout  the  country: 
"Wn  lee  {«»iil  Mr.  Wrlmer)- moat  enllghlenccl  iiiiloni, 
wlllcli  liBvu  Bilopted  thli  srtlAolsl  Kymoin,  atii  llriid  ol'  It ; 
wo  »ce  the  most  cMnlnnuiKhrd  iiifii  In Knilnnd, for Innlnnce, 
of  all  |Mrii<'ii,  cnncliriiuilii«  It.  TIih  only  illflhrcncu  of  opin- 
ion Ih.  wticLher  tht)  dlAnnMe  Im  not  mo  Inveternto  an  to  yiuld 
to  no  rnineily  which  wnutil  not  prodiirn  gn.<att'r  evllM.  Tlie 
only  dlfltTf  nee  Ix,  wht^Uier  it  Im;  an  evil  griuvuui  hnt  to  be 
horno,  or  a  Krievoun  rvil  not  to  hp  tM)rne.  flu  nlludtut  in 
KnRlitnd,  bitcntiRn  her  exnnipit^  hml  hoen  ko  often  quoted  lu 
K  aindol  for  our  imitation.  Rut  wliy  xhould  ws  ndopt,  on 
her  eininple,  what  she  hcreeir  luincnu,  and  would  be  glad 
to  be  rid  of."' 

8o  much  for  the  opinions  of  Mr.  Webster,  who 
was,  at  this  time,  in  the  prime  of  his  manhood, 
and  his  great  intellectual  powers  were  in  their  me- 
ridian strength.  Such  were  then,  too,  the  opinions 
of  Mr.  Abbott  Lawrence,  the  man  who  now  comes 
lo  lis  with  his  millions,  begging  for  protection  and 
a  high  ttriff,  to  keep  him  and  other  manufacturers 
from  ruin. 

This  miserable  system  is  at  length  giving  way, 
even  ip  England.  It  is  a  policy  which  rums  the 
mechanic — for  what  matters  it  to  the  shoemakA  of 
your  own  neighborhood,  whether  the  cheap  shoes 
liy  which  ho  is  undersold  come  from  France  or 
Massachusetts .' — whilst  it  gives  to  capital  a  monop- 
olti  of  the  mechanical  arlt. 

Nations  are  but  communities  of  men,  and  they 
differ  only  from  families,  towns,  counties,  and 
States,  in  being  composed  of  a  greater  number  of 
men.  If  a  protective  (arifi  is  expedient  between 
nations,  it  is  expedient  also  between  different 
towns,  counties,  and  States.  Ifitisgood  policy, 
in  principle,  to  establish  a  protective  tariff,  as 
nirninst  Englond,  and  other  foreign  nations,  then  it 
would  be  equally  so  as  between  our  own  United 
States,  and  the  makcrsof  our  Constitution  showed 
ereat  want  of  wisdom  in  prohibiting  the  different 
States  from  establishing  such  a  system,  one  against 
the  other.  If  the  nrsrument  is  good  in  the  one  case, 
it  is  equally  good  in  the  other. 

A  few  words  as  to  the  much  talked  of"  home 
market."  By  this,  I  understand,  is  meant  that 
manufactures,  encouraged  by  protection,  subtrncn 
laborers  from  the  agricultural  classes  to  become 
operatives;  and  so,  by  leaving  fewer  hands  to  till 
the  ground,  enhance  the  price  of  agricultural  pro- 
ducts. This  is  what  is  meant  by  furnishing  a 
market  for  the  farmer.  They  do  not  increase  the 
population  of  a  country.  There  are  not  of  course 
any  more  mouths  to  be  fed.  But  if  agriculturists 
turn  operatives,  of  cource  those  that  remain  agri- 
culturists— the  number  of  producers  being  dimin- 
ished, though  the  numlier  of  consumers  remain  the 
same — must  be  able  to  raise  and  sell  more  than 
before.  Thnt  is,  the  aggregate  amount  of  agricul- 
tural products  raised,  sold,  and  consumed,  remains 
the  same;  but  the  number  who  produce  them  is 
diminished,  so  that  their  business — the  business  of 
those  who  remain  f\rmers— is  improved.  But,  let 
me  nsk,do  manufacturers  draw  their  supply  of  op- 
eratives from  the  laborers  engaged  in  raising  agri- 
cultural products.'  They  do  not, except  to  a  very 
limiied  extent.  So  far  as  they  do,  we  have  seen 
that  they  make  men  slaves,  tools,  the  mere  appen- 
daffcs  of  machines,  and  dependants  on  rjipitnl.  But, 
as  I  have  said,  it  Is  only  to  a  very  limited  extent 
that  mannfiicturcs  improve  tlie  condition  of  those 
that  remain  agriculturiels,  by  subtracting  laborers 
from  agriculture,  and  so  diminishing  the  number  of 
hands  and  Improving  their  markets.  Women  and 
children,  not  agricuhurists,  supply  human  labor  to 
manufacturers.  In  4,213  factories,  which  produce 
the  bulk  of  the  enormous  production  in  the  four 
staple  manufactures  of  cotton,  wool,  flax,  and  silk, 
in  Great  Britain,  out  of  422,209  hands  employed, 
only  96,7.')2  are  males  above  clghtren  years  of  age; 
whilst  244,821  are  females,  of  whom  162,2.'iti  are 
below  twenty-one.  The  same  proportion  will  hold 
good  in  the  manufiictures  in  this  country.  But  I 
do  not  propose  to  go  extensively  into  any  statistical 
calculations.  I  shall  content  myself  with  only  one 
or  two,  and  these  suggested  mainly  by  my  iVIend 
and  colleague  [Mr.  Collin.]  Gentlemen  on  the 
other  side  tell  us,  only  protect  our  manufactures, 
and  we  will  supply  you  with  a  home  market  better 
than  the  foreign  one.  Such  protection  they  have 
now,  and  have  had  for  three  or  four  years  past. 
Manufactures  have  increased  greatly  beyond  the  av- 
erage increase  of  our  population,  whilst  agiicultnre 
has  fallen  behind  the  average  incrcoseof  population. 
What  is  the  result  ?  Since  the  act  of  1842,  the  pricea 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


763 


epa. 

our  Whin: 

0  country; 
cil  nations, 
tired  ol'  it ; 

or  Inmanco, 
ICO  o(*  opln- 

iw  to  ylold 

»vll«.     Tll8 

hut  ii>  be 

nlluiliiil  tn 
>  nunti'd  lu 

1  ndopt,  nn 
luld  Iw  glad 

stor,  wlio 
nnnliood, 
their  me- 
!  opinions 
>w  conips 
"lion  and 
ifttcturers 

inp  wny, 
iiina  the 
niiki*  of 
■np  shoes 
'ranee  or 
1  monop- 


39th  Cono Ibt  Sk8s. 


Tlie  Mexican  War — Mr.  Tilden. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


of  agricultural  productions  north  of  Mnson  and 
Dixon's  line  hiive  fallen  off  over  SO  per  ctnt., 
while  those  sotitAof  that  line  have  within  the  same 
period  been  reduced  over  60  per  cent.;  the  total  re- 
duction or  falling  off  beinn;  (145,775,366.  Whilst 
((cntlemen  say  to  us  that  protuclion  to  maniifacturct 
IS  protection  also  to  the  farmer,  by  providing  him 
with  a  better  market,  they  also  inform  us  that  agri- 
culture docs  not  increase  in  proportion  to  our  grow- 
ing population;  and  that  manuftictures  have  in- 
erenscd  beyond  nil  proportion;  and  that  agriculture 
is  so  depressed,  because  it  has  produced  so  much— 
thereby  proving  that,  althougli  manufactures  are 
prosperous  and  agriculture  depressed,  still  the  lat- 
ter fVirnishes  mure  than  the  other  can  purchase.  A 
beautiful  "  home  market,"  this ! 

One  other  fnct.  in  1840,  there  was  made  in  the 
United  States  386,903  tons  of  pig  iron,  which  at  $9 
per  ton — the  amount  of  the  present  duty — would 
make  $12,580,037.  In  the  same  year,  there  was 
made  197,303  tons  of  bar  iron,  which,  at  ^5  per 
ton — the  amount  of  the  present  duly — makes  #4,- 
938,075— in  all  $7,508,302  per  annum,  which  that 
interest  alone  is  protected  by  the  bounty  of  the 
Government,  and  this  without  taking  into  account 
the  incrca.^c(l  and  increasing  mnnufiiclure  of  iron, 
which  has  probably  doubled  since  that  period.  By 
the  same  mode  of  calculation,  the  Suite  of  Penn- 
sylvania is  protected  to  the  amount  of  at  least  five 
millions  of  uollnrs  annually,  and  this  at  the  expense 
mainly  of  the  farming  interest.  It  cannot  be  that 
the  farmers  of  Pennsylvania  will  long  submit  to  bo 
thus  taxed  for  the  benefit  of  her  already  lordly  iron 
monopolists.  And  yet  the  advocates  of  this  beg- 
garly, craving,  intolerant  and  insatiable  monopo- 
lizing spirit,  that  almost  controls  the  legislation  and 
the  government  of  this  country,  tell  us  that  these 
men  of  wealth  embark  in  these  manufacturing  en- 
terprises from  motives  of  patriotism,  rather  than 
for  profit;  that  they  arc  great  losers  by  the  opera- 
tion, and  never  make,  when  most  protected,  over 
three  or  four  per  cent,  upon  their  capiml.  If  so, 
in  Heaven 'sname  let  them  go  down,  if  they  can 
scarcely  be  kept  in  existence  at  an  expense  to  the 
Government  of  this  country  of  millions  every  year, 
let  us  do  without  them ;  the  burden  is  more  onerous 
and  oppressive  than  a  perpetual  war  tax. 

Sir,  I  avow  myself  the  friend  and  advocate  of 
the  most  unlimited  free  trade.  I  fondly  hope  the 
time  is  not  far  distant  when  we  sliall  see  these 
principles  in  full  operation.  I  sr;e  no  rcoson  why 
trade  and  commerce  should  not  be  as  free  and  un- 
trammelled between  the  different  nations  of  the 
earth  as  between  thedifferent  Stotesof  this  Union, 
and  with  equally  beneficial  results.  So  long  as  the 
present  order  of  things  is  kept  up,  we  shall  have 
endless  difficulties — nn  expensive  and  extravagant 
government  through  all  its  departments,  becoming 
more  corrupt  and  corrupting  as  each  successive 
year  rolls  round.  At  present,  the  change  cannot 
be  effected;  our  people  are  not  prepared  for  it;  we 
can  only  make  an  approximation  towards  "  a  con- 
summation 30  devoutly  to  be  wished." 

Mr.  Cnairman,  I  have  nothing  to  sny  of  the 
details  of  the  bill  now  before  the  committee,  and 
which  is  proposed  as  a  substitute  for  the  present 
law.  I  find  no  fault  with  the  principles  involved 
in  the  bill.  With  some  modifications,  which  will 
.  appropriately  come  up  for  consideration  wlien 
amendments  are  in  order,  I  have  no  doubt  the  bill 
may  be  made,  not  perfect,  but  acceptable  to  a  very 
decided  majority  of  this  House.  When  thus  set- 
tled, and  it  becomes  the  law  of  the  land,  as  I  will 
not  permit  myself  to  doubt  it  will,  may  we  not 
hope  that  all  parties  will  acquiesce,  ond  that  the 
country  will  be  suffered  to  repose  from  the  cease- 
less agitation  of  this  subject,  at  least  for  a  season .' 


THE  MEXICAN  WAR. 
■  SPEECH  OF  MR.  D.  R.  TILDEN, 

OF  OHIO, 
In  the  House  of  Representatives, 
Mil  14,  1846. 
The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  Tariff  Bill- 
Mr.  TILDEN  said: 

Mr.  Chairman:  I  have  been  anxious  for  some 
time  for  an  opportunity  to  submit  to  tlie  House 


and  to  the  country  a  feu  remarks  nn  the  present 
war  with  Mexico,  the  causes  which  led  to  that 
war,  the  objects  of  it,  and  some  of  the  reasons 
which  induced  me  to  vote  against  what  is  known 
as  the  war  hill.  I  regret  that  an  opportunity  has 
not  been  afforded  me  to  submit  these  views  at  a 
time  when  they  might  be  presumed  to  have  more 
effect,  or  at  least  when  they  would  have  a  more 
pertinent  application  to  the  subject  under  consid- 
eration; hut  as  at  that  time  the  House  was  put 
under  the  gag,  end  all  debate  or  opportunity  for 
the  purpose  of  objection  or  explanation  peremp- 
torily denied,  I  sholl  now  avail  myself  of  tne  pres- 
ent occasion,  under  the  decision  of  this  House  that 
in  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the 
Union  a  member  cannot  he  strictly  confined  in 
debate  to  tlio  subject  regularly  under  discussion,  i| 
Notwithstanding  this  general  practice  which  pro- 
vails  in  this  Hall  under  this  rule,  I  arn  averse  tn 
availing  myself  of  it,  and  should  not  do  so  if  onti- 
nary  courtesy  in  debate  had  been  extended  to  the 
minority  in  any  of  these  matters  which  relate  to 
Texan  annexation. 

In  my  remarks  I  shall  make  no  effort  to  produce 
conviction  upon  the  mind  of  any  gentleman  now 
present.  My  speech  will  be  emphatically  a  speech 
for  Buncombe;  not  irBuncombe  speech,  however, 
in  the  commonly  received  sense  of  that  term,  which 
I  take  to  be  a  speech  made  with  a  view  to  a  mem- 
ber's re-election.  I  confess  I  have  no  ambition  of 
this  sort.  If  I  can  be  assured  of  forgiveness  for 
having  comn  hero  at  all,  I  will  promise  faithfully 
to  keep  away  hereafter.     This  is  the  first  of  my 

Eoliiical  life,  and  I  am  resolved  it  shall  be  the  lost, 
lut  attempts  have  been  made  in  my  Slate  to 
i  grossly  misrepresent  the  views  and  feelings  of  the 
i  fourteen  members  of  this  House  who  voted  against 
j  the  Mexican  war  bill,  and  to  place  before  the  peo- 
i  plo  in  a  false  light  all  the  facts  and  circumstances 
j  from  which  that  war  has  resulted;  and  so  fur  as 
I  these  representations  are  to  have  nn  influence  in 
that  pnit  of  the  Slate  where  I  reside,  I  am  deter- 
mined to  resist  them  to  the  utmost  of  my  ability. 

From  a  Democratic  paper  published  in  my  dis- 
trict, and  which  I  have  recently  received,  I  learn 
that  currency  is  being  given  to  the  war  speech  of 
the  honorable  gentleman  from  Illinois,  [Mr.  Douo- 
L*89.j   And  from  oilier  sources  I  am  informed  that 
this  speech  is  receiving  a  large  circulation,  and 
attracting  much   attention  in  other  parts   of  the 
State.     I  am  constrained  to  say,  with  proper  def- 
erence to  the  gentleman's  abilities,  that  a  more  spe- 
cious and  baseless  speech  was  never  henrJ  upon  j 
this  floor,  and  it  is  my  jiresent  purpose  on  this  j 
occasion  to  take  some  notice  of  the  nrgumenis,  if  • 
arguments  they  may  be  called,  which  it  contains. 

So  far  as  I  nm  personally  concerned,  I  care  noth- 1 
ing  about  these  misrepresentations.  I  had  expected  I 
they  would  be  made,  and  this,  too,  I  have  no  doubt,  | 
was  what  was  anticipated  by  every  intelligent  man  I 
in  the  country.     From  the  very  nature  of  the  vole,  j 
I  knew  it  would  arouse  the  demagoguism  of  the  ; 
country.     It  was  very  peculiarly  calculated  to  call 
it  forth.     There  is  notliing  new  or  extraordinary 
in  all  this.     For  more  than  thirty  ye^rs,  a  ccrinin 
class  of  unworthy  politicians  hevc  acquired  place 
and  power  under  this  Government,  by  denouncing 
those  who  oppuscd  the  last  war  with  England,  and 
it  was  quite  easy  to  foresee  that  a  strenuous  effort 
would  be  made  to  associate  the  fourteen  members  ' 
who  voted  against  this  war  bill,  with  the  Federal- 
ists who  opposed  the  war  measures  of  President 
Madison.     Now,  I  will  here  lake  occasion  to  say,  ; 
that  I  have  no  affinities  with  Federalism,     Before  j 
I  was  capable  of  determining  for  myself  what  wbj^  ' 
right  or  wrong  in  politics,  that  party  had  ceased  to  I 
exist,  and  so  far  as  early  education  or  early  preju-  1 
dices  are  concerned,  they  were  all  unfavorable  to  ' 
Federalism;  for,  after  theslrnitestoflhesect,  I  was 
bred  a  Democrat.     But  justice  requires  me  to  say 
that  this  old  Federal  party,  wiih  all  its  faults — and  t 
it  had  faults,  and  prominent  among  them  was  their  \ 
intemperate  opposition  to  the  war  measures  of  Mr.  ] 
Madison — in  all  that  could  ennoble  and  dignify  I 
human  nature,  they  stood  higher  than  the  Alps,  in  t: 
comparison  with  those  time-serving  men  by  whom  |' 
they  have  been  most  denounced.   They  had  a  more 
true  patriotism,  and  a  sincerer  regard  to  the  tnie 
■interests  and  honor  of  the  country,  than  the  great 
body  of  those  whose  business  it  has  been  for  the 
last  thirty  years  to  vilify  them. 
In  the  present  case,  it  it:  perfectly  obvious  what 


have  been  the  true  reasons  for  the  denunciation! 
fulminated  against  the  fourteen  memliera  who  have 
opposed  this  war  bill,  as  well  as  the  pieans  which 
have  been  so  loudly  sung  to  the  Mexican  war 
itself.  It  is  even  obvious  what  it  was  that  prompt- 
ed my  colleague  over  the  way  [Mr.  Thurman]  to 
denounce  mo  and  my  other  colleagues  who  differed 
with  him  upon  that  bill.  It  was  the  fancied  anal- 
ogy, or  what  he  supposed  the  people  would  regard 
as  analogy,  between  this  Mexican  war  and  the  last 
war  with  England,  that  has  led  him  thus  to  exper- 
iment with  our  reputations.  But  gentlemen  will 
yet  find  they  have  made  a  grievous  mistake  in  this 
business.  They  will  yet  lie  informed  that  they 
placed  for  loo  low  an  csliniate  upon  the  intelligence 
and  moral  sense  of  this  nation,  when  they  persua- 
ded themselves  that  all  the  obloquy  which  attached 
tothe  opponents  of  ihe  last  war  could  be  fixed  upon 
those  who  opposed  the  present  war.  If  my  col- 
league [Mr.  TiiiinMAN]  anticipated  any  such  result 
in  Ohio,  he  deceived  himself,  in  my  opinion.  One 
thing  I  know  perfectly  wcll»-it  will  not  happen  in 
my  district.  Party  appliances  are  powerful  for 
many  things,  but  they  cannot  long  cphold  this 
Mexican  war  in  the  section  of  the  Sloln  to  which 
I  belong.  If  gentlemen  were  there  even  now,  they 
would  very  quickly  have  their  eyes  open  as  to  what 
was  soon  to  he  pul>lic  sentiment  tipon  it. 

What  can  be  greater  than  the  difference  betweca 
these  two  wars  ?  Our  last  war  with  England  was 
a  war  for  the  maintenance  of  high  and  impo-.tant 
principles — a  war  of  self-defence — a  war  in  the 
defencj!  of  the  dearest  rights  of  the  citizen — a  war 
urged  upon  us  by  a  series  of  most  unparalleled  in- 
juries, and  open  insults  offered  to  our  national  flag 
and  national  honor;  insults  that  never  •-•ild  have 
been  submitted  to  without  national  degradation; 
and  this  war  was  therefore  justly  denominated  a 
seconil  war  for  independence.  And  now,  how  shall 
I  describe  Ihe  present  war  ?  I  choose  not  to  venture 
uponndescription.  My  colleague  from  theColum- 
bus  district  [Mr.  Delano]  did  it  very  faithfully  in 
the  remarks  he  submitted  to  the  House  some  days 
past;  and  in  doing  it  subjected  himself  to  the  very 
severe  criticism  of  the  gentleman  from  New  York, 
now  in  the  chair,  [Mr.  Gordon;]  and  his  descrip- 
tion of  it  was  also  very  particularly  offensive  to  my 
colleague  over  the  way,  f\om  the  Chillicothedaitrict, 
[Mr.  Thorman.]  Now,  in  speaking  of  this  war,  I 
will  not  use  my  own  language,  least  I  diitu.b 
the  sensibilities  of  the  Chair;  btit  will  quote  tliat 
employed  by  a  certain  Democratic  convention  in 
the' city  of  New  York,  who  have,  in  the  strongest 
terms,  denounced  this  war  in  advance.  I  shall  be 
safe,  I  take  it,  in  en-ploying  the  language  of  this 
Democratic  convention,  one  of  the  officers  of  which 
was  the  able  and  well-known  editor  of  the  New 
York  Evening  Post.  Last  year,  that  convention 
declared  that  war  with  Mexico  would  be  "  a  war 
'  for  conquest,  an  unjust  war,  a  war  in  which  the 
'  nation  would  be  sustained  by  no  sense  of  right, 
'  but  condemned  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the 
'  civilized  and  Christian  world." 

Thus  much  for  opinions  which  gentlemen  have 
expressed  concerning  this  war,  and  as  to  what  are 
to  be  the  sentiments  of  the  people  generally,  soon- 
er or  later,  in  regard  to  it. 

The  people  will  be  at  no  loss  to  determine  be- 
tween these  two  wars.  I  warn  gentlemen  that 
there  is  to  be  a  searching  discrimination  and  sol- 
emn inquiry  entered  into  before  this  business  is 
over;  an  inquiry  that  will  cause  certain  poUtical 
gentlemen,  if  I  mistake  not,  to  shake  in  their 
shoes.  The  question  will  yet  be  asked,  what  this 
Mexican  war  has  been  for.>  When  this  becomes 
the  grand  inquest  of  the  people,  will  the  presei.t 
abetters  of  this  war  be  prepared  to  meet  it)  The 
novelty  and  the  interest  which  have  been  awaken- 
ed by  this  new  relation  of  war,  and  which  have 
accompanied  the  commencement  of  this  struggle, 
will  liave  passed  away,  and  will  give  place  to  a 
sober  inquiry  as  to  the  sacrifices  made,  and  the 
results  obtained.  There  are  yet  to  be  disclosures 
made  in  relation  to  this  annexation  and  its  resulta 
that  will  chill  the  blood  of  honest  men  in  their 
veins.  The  means  by  which  the  people  are  to 
be  fleeced  of  their  money  in  the  prosecution  of 
this  war  will  put  to  shame  the  enormities  of  the 
Florida  war.  We  have  already  been  called  upon 
to  pay  $800,000  for  services  that  might  have  been 
rende'rcil  for  $900,000.  I  refer  to  the  account  ren- 
dered to  the  Government  for  transporting  baggage, 


764 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  14, 


29tu  Cono 1st  Sesb. 


The  Mexkan  War-^Mr.  Tilden. 


Ho.  or  Rkps. 


&«.,  Mid  which  IhU  HouMorderad  to  b<  publiahcd; 
but  it  haa  not  yet  miula  in  appmrance.  And  all 
this  winked  woate  iirironmirr,  taken  Oom  the  pock- 
eta  of  the  toiling  milliona  and  tranarerred  to  unprin- 
etpled  army  specuUlora  in  Texaa,  to  lay  nothing  of 
the  ancrifice  of  the  livca  of  tena  of  thouaanda  of  our 
citizens, — nil  thnae  aacrifices  ore  to  be  niiide,  that 
land  R|>eculalors  l>ctweeii  the  Nueces  nrid  the  Kin 
Ornndu  may  be  accuro  in  the  poucaaion  of  their 
ill-gotten  plunder.  I  have  become  acquainted  in 
this  city  with  n  very  respectable  French  gentltman, 
well  known  here,  who  has  recently  returned  from 
Europe,  where  he  has  been  to  obtain  aomeOrrman 
emigronta  to  Texas.  Ho  informed  me  that  he 
hrldby  grant  from  the  Texan  Qovemment  seven 
hundred  and  finy  thousand  acres  of  land  lying 
beyond  the  IViicrca  upon  this  disputed  territory, 
M'  secure  which  the  present  war  ia  proaecuted. 
Whenever  we  secure  a  title  to  thia  territory,  this 
land,  at  the  inininium  price  of  our  public  land, 
will  be  wortii  little  short  of  a  million  of  dollars. 
Thia  ia  not  an  isolated  caae;  the  whole  coun- 
try, doubtlesa,  between  these  two  rivers  haa  been 
parcelled  out  in  thia  way.  And  now,  how  much 
blood  ia  wanted  from  my  district  in  order  to 
make  millionnires  of  these  foreign  speculators, 
who  have  never  devoted  one  hour  of  their  time  or 
a  dollar  of  their  money  to  the  support  of  our  free 
institutions?  I  trust,  sir,  that  iiiit  one  drop  of  it 
will  bo  shed  in  so  unjust  a  cause. 

Thus  much  as  to  the  power  of  the  people  to 
discriminate  l)ctween  tliia  war  and  Uio  lute  war 
with  Great  Briuiin. 

I  will  now  go  into  aome  of  the  reasons  which 
induced  me  to  give  the  vote  for  wliicli  I  have  been 
so  strenuously  denounced  in  certain  quarters.  I 
voted  against  the  war  bill,  because  it  contained,  na 
1  believed,  a  direct  and  positive  falsehood  in  its 
preamble.  Iiasked  me  to  acknowledge  that  which, 
of  all  other  things,  I  wna  then,  and  am  now,  most 
anxious  to  deny. 

This  preamble  recites  "  That  whereas,  by  the 
act  of  the,Republic  of  Mexico,  war  exists  between 
that  Government  and  the  United  Slates."  Now, 
is  thia  true?  And  let  me  add,  air,  much  import- 
ance attaches  to  the  inquiry.  Public  sentiment, 
to  a  great  extent,  will  hinge  U|ion  this  very  point. 
If  it  qai  be  shown  to  be  true,  it  will  go  tar  towards 
reconciling  the  people  to  this  war.  I  believe  it  to 
be  utterly  false;  and  what  I  aw.  now  about  to  say 
1  shall  hercttflcr  repeat  in  every  quarter  of  my  own 
district.  I  now  turn  to  the  gentleman  IVoni  Illi- 
nois, [iVir.  DorcLAis,]  and  put  to  him  the  direct 
question:  Whether  it  is  true  that  this  war  h<is 
happened  by  the  act  of  Mexico  herself?  [Mr. 
UuuoLAia  nodded  assent.]  The  gentleman  soys 
that  it  is.  Now,  for  the  purpose  of  illustrating 
this  matter,  I  will  put  a  case  to  him — not  only  to 
him,  but  to  the  country;  and  I  am  sure  it  is  such 
a  cnae  aa  will  come  home  to  the  feelings  of  <;very 
American  citizen.  I  will  suppose  the  case  of  Ore- 
gon. I  believe  it  has  not  been  disputed  that  our 
tide  to  the  country  on  the  lci\  bonk  of  the  Colum- 
bia river  "  is  clear  ond  anquestionable."  I  will 
now  suppose  that  upon  the  right  bank — tliut  is, 
u|)on  the  north  bunk  of  the  Columbia — we  had 
been  in  possession  gf  the  country  for  a  century 
past — tiiat  our  ))cople  had  built  their  villages  and 
towns  along  tiuit  river  from  its  mouth  to  its  source 
— ihut  we  had  erected  a  cuslom-house  at  the  mouth 
of  the  river  opposite  Astoria,  at  which  British 
subjects  had  paid  duties  upon  their  merchandise 
to  our  Government.  Now  suppose,  all  at  once, 
and  in  the  face  of  these  facts,  and  in  violation  of 
two  solemn  treaties  by  which  she  had  recognized 
our  title  to  this  territory.  Great  Uritain  should 
come  forward  and  lay  cltiiin  to  the  country  by 
right  of  conquest,  where  never  a  soldier  of  liera 
had  set  foot  upon  the  soil  but  to  be  captured.  To 
enforce  this  claim,  suppose  her  to  march  a  British 
army,  with  their  colors  (lying  unci  their  music  play- 
ing, through  the  maturing  grainficlds  of  our  cili- 
Kcns,  who  are  forced  to  fly  to  the  opposite  bank 
of  the  river  for  protection  against  these  invaders — 
suppose  this  army  to  take  post  i:pon  the  high  land 
opposite  Astoria,  erect  iti  battery,  and  bring  its 
cannon  to  bear  upon  the  public  square  of  that 
town — suppose  a  British  fleet  to  collect  off"  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  and  cut  off  all  supplies  and  all 
trade  from  Astoria,  and  now  a  British  general 
should  send  word  across  tlic  river  to  our  citizens, 
*■  oU  this  bank  of  the  river  is  ours,  don't  presume 


to  iMt  fboi  harai  the  flnit  man  who  ahall  dare  croaa 
the  river  will  b«  regarded  aa  Iha  enemy  of  Great 
Britain" — suppose  fUrthec,  that  in  the  fhco  of 
these  threats  we  should  march  a  detachment  of 
American  troops  across  the  river  to  the  right  bank, 
and  should  accidentally  encounter  this  hostile 
force  under  the  colora  of  England.  If,  in  siiih  a 
posture  of  things,  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain 
should  issue  a  solemn  proclamation  declaring  that 
war  existed  by  act  of  tne  United  States,  where  is 
the  man  in  America  who  would  not  at  once  declare 
it  an  audacious  falsehood.  And  yet,  wherein  is 
tlio  analogy  defective?  I  call  upon  the  gentleman 
from  Illinois  to  show. 

[Mr.  DoDor  t»  hero  said  that  he  had  no  wish, 
by  replying  at  thia  moment,  to  take  away  any 
portion  of  the  hour  allotteil  to  the  gentleman  from 
Ohio;  but  when  that  gentleman  should  be  through 
with  his  remarks,  Mr,  0.  would  avail  himself  of 
the  opportunity  then  afforded  In  show  where  the 
analogy  was  defective,  and  to  how  great  an  ex- 
tent,] 

Mr,  TiLDEV,  (resuming.)  I  will  wait  with  pa- 
lienrj)  to  hear  the  gentleman's  explanation,  though 
I  am  persuaded,  upon  this  point  he  will  make  no 
improvementupon  Ills  former  speech.  I  challenge 
the  gentleman  to  disturb  this  analogy,  or  to  show 
a  distinction  between  these  cases,  that  shall  be 
intelligible  to  n  single  member  of  this  House,  It 
cannot  be  done.  If  the  forces  of  Great  Britain 
were  upon  the  north  bank  qf  the  Columbia,  with 
their  guns  bearing  upon  Astoria,  and  one  of  her 
gcnemls  should  talk  to  a  ircncral  of  ours  as  Gen- 
eral Worth  talked  to  the  Mexican  Geiiernl  Vegn, 
there  would  go  up  from  every  man — yea,  flom 
every  woman  and  child — one  unbroken  cry,  To 
arma !  It  is  well  for  ua  to  consider  how  our  course 
will  be  likely  to  appear  in  the  eyes  of  others.  I 
go  for  no  such  maxim  as  that  oflen  quoted  with 
approbation  here — "  Our  country,  right  or  wrong," 
I  believe  in  this  case  we  arc  wrong,  most  clearly, 
wickedly  wrong;  and  I  shall  slriiggln  to  maintain 
that  which  I  believe  to  bo  right.  General  Vegn 
said  to  General  Worth,  at  an  interview  had  atMat- 
amoroa  before  the  battle  of  Palo  Alto,  "  Our  people 
arc  grieved  to  see  the  flag  of  the  United  States 
floating  upon  the  left  bank  of  that  river.  There 
is  tlie  home  of  our  people;  there  is  our  custom- 
house, our  towns  and  namleta;  and  there  stand 
the  whitening  harvests  of  our  citizens;  and  we 
resard  your  presence  there  as  an  act  of  unjustifi- 
able invRBion."  General  Worth  rcpHfed,  that 
this  was  H  matter  of  taste;  that  however  unpleas- 
ant it  mi"hi  be  to  (hem  to  see  our  flag  flouting  upon 
the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  still  that  flag 
would  cnntliiuc  to  float  there.  Suppose  this  lan- 
guage had  been  addressed  to  us  by  a  British  com- 
niandfT  do  the  banks  of  the  Columbia;  that  we 
had  Hiiid  we  grieved  to  see  the  Cross  of  St,  George 
flouting  on  the  brmk  of  that  river;  and  ho  had 
replied  that  this  is  a  mnllcr  of  Uistc,  and  however 
much  you  may  grieve,  my  Governniont  instructs 
me  to  say  the  Cross  of  St.  Gcoree  will  still  con- 
tinue to  float  there:  Whose  blood  would  not  boil 
in  his  veins  at  such  an  outrage?  Whoso  hand 
would  not  clutch  the  sword  to  avenge  the  foul 
insult?  I  thought  it  was  the  maxim  of  the  dom- 
inant parly  here  to  demand  nothing  but  what  was 
clearly  right,  while  they  submitted  to  nothing  that 
was  wrong,  I  am  for  adhciing  to  thia  principle, 
and  by  it  I  am  willing  to  judge  this  question  of 
the  Mexican  war.  I  maintain  that  Mexico  had 
(if  the  case  admits  of  compnri.ion)  abetter  title — a 
more  "  clear  and  unquestionable  title'' — to  the  left 
bank  of  the  Rio  Grande  than  we  to  the  right  bank 
of  the  Columbia;  ay,n  title  she  had,  in  my  opinion, 
free  from  all  doubt.  And  this  is  a  question  I  am 
willing  to  put  to  the  common  sense  of  every  man; 
nor  do  I  believe  that  the  human  mind  can  be  so 
stultifieil  PS  to  make  up  a  false  judgment  in  the 
case,  when  the  fac's  are  rightly  understood. 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  impute  to  the  gentleman 
from  Illinois  any  improper  motives  in  making  the 
speech  which  has  been  circulated  among  my  con- 
stituents. With  the  gentleman's  molivcs  I  have 
nothing  to  do,  but  of  his  speech  I  have  a  right  to 
speak,  and  I  will  sny,  that  while  I  consider  it 
ingenious,  it  is,  at  the  same  time,  one  of  the  most 
flimsy  and  sophistical  productions  that  I  have  ever 
heard  upon  this  floor.  Speeches  of  this  character 
may  sometimes  do  very  well  upon  the  stump, 
where  arguments  are  not  always  very  accurately 


Sut  to  the  teat.  But  I  confeu  I  should  not  have 
ared  to  Ttnture  a  a|ieech  like  that  in  this  IIiOI.  I 
have  too  much  reapvet  for  the  place,  too  much  rev- 
erence for  the  great  men  who,  with  so  much  honor 
to  the  country,  have  filled  these  seata  in  daya  gone 
by,  to  have  attempted  it.  In  a  fbrum  like  this,  it 
seems  to  ine,  men  should  be  held  to  a  mure  strict 
accounttibiliiy  for  what  they  utter. 

The  first  argument  on  which  the  gentleman  re- 
lied was  the  despatch  addressed  by  the  venerable 
gentleman  from  Massachusetts  near  mo,  [Mr. 
Adam),]  when  American  Secretary  of  Stale,  to 
Don  Onia,  Ihe  Spanish  Minister,  wiiile  the  nego- 
tiotion  in  181',)  was  progressing  between  these  two 
gentlemen  for  the  adjustment  of  the  Louisiana 
boundary.  I'lie  gentleman  from  lllinuia  [Mr. 
DouuLAii]  alleges  that,  in  the  despatch  referred 
to,  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  declared  our 
title  to  be  oa  good  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Kfo 
Grande  as  to  the  isle  of  Orleans.  It  is  obvious  to 
every  one  that  if  this  were  true,  and  that  Louisi- 
ana did  in  fact  extend  to  the  Rio  Grande,  it  is  not 
legitimate  argument  for  the  gentleman  in  this  case. 
It  will  be  recollected  we  are  concluded  from  inakine 
claim  to  thia  portion  of  country  by  treaties  both 
with  Spain  and  Mexico,  fixing  the  Stibino  us  the 
boundary.  And  again:  it  does  not  follow  that  be- 
cause Louisiana  extended  to  the  Rio  Grande,  that 
the  Mexican  department  of  Texas  extended  there 
ulso.  So  ftxr  from  it,  the  fact  is  notoriously  the 
ll  contrary  of  this.  But  I  do  not  avail  myself  of 
I;  these  objections,  glaring  and  prominent  as  they 
jj  arc,  but  put  it  to  the  gentleman  to  say  whetlicr  hia 
j  is  a  proper  argument  upon  a  question  of  this  chur- 
:'  aclcr?  Is  it  a  fair  way  to  prove  our  title  to  a  cer- 
[  tain  boundary  by  producing  what  a  public  agent 
''  of  our  Govei-nmcnt  hud  said  while  conducting  a 
I  j  negotiation  wiih  a  nation  who  had  a  counter  claim  ? 
I  I  do  not  pretend  to  know  with  any  special  accu- 
jl  racy  what  is  proper  in  diplomacy,  though  I  have 
r  a  general  idea  of^  it,  as  I  presume  all  others  have, 
il  This  much  I  do  know,  that  fi'om  the  manner  in 
which  diplomatic  negotiations  have  usually  been 
conducted  among  the  nations  of  the  world,  they 
amount  to  little  else  than  a  system  of  intcniational 
jockeying,  in  which  each  party  endeavors  to  get 
the  belter  of  the  other;  and  subnui,  with  much 
gravity  and  many  plausible  argumenta,  claims 
which  they  never  expect  to  be  able  to  enforce. 
Immemorial  usage  seems  to  liavc  sanctioned,  in 
this  sort  of  intercourse,  all  manner  of  trickery; 
and  a  diplomatic  agent,  who  should  fail  to  avail 
himself  of  these  means,  would  be  suspected  of  an 
oflcnce  little,  if  any,  short  of  treason  to  hia  Gov- 
ernment. Our  able  and  distinguished  negotiatoi  of 
the  Louisiana  treaty,  now  near  me,  in  conducting 
thatnegotiation, acted,  it  ia  presumed,  in  accordance 
with  thia  established  usage,  and  Justus  those  did  by 
whom  he  was  o|)pospd.  With  what  pretence  or 
show  of  propriety,  then,  can  the  gentleman  seize 
upon  the  lunguagc  of  this  despatch  to  make  out  our 
title  to  the  Rio  Grande?  What  would  we  think  of ' 
a  lawyer  who,  in  a  court  of  justice,  upon  a  question 
of  pnipcrty,  should  insist  that  it  wns  his  client's, 
because  his  client  said  so.  Were  I  to  employ  such 
logic  as  this,  and  the  gentleman  were  the  opposing 
coiinsel,  I  am  aurc  he  would  laugh  me  in  tlie  face; 
ond  yet  this  is  literally  the  sort  of  argument  upon 
which  the  gentleman  relics  in  the  outset  of  his 
speech, 

[Mr,  Douglass  here  interposed,  and  said  he  pre- 
I  Slimed  it  wtia  the  object  of  the  gentleman  from 
Ohio  to  reply  to  the  speech  as  it  was  made,  and 
not  as  the  gentleman  might  think  proper  to  make 
it  for  him.  Mr.  D.,  us  the  gentleman,  and  all 
who  heard  him,  must  recollect,  had  expressly  dis- 
claimed any  reliance  on  t!iis  despatch,  as  having 
anything  to  do  with  the  proof  of  the  case;  but  na 
the  gentleman's  colleague  [Mr,  Delano]  hud  talk- 
ed a  great  deal  about  ancient  references,  as  if  they 
were  good  authority,  Mr.  D,  had  said  he  could 
give  him  a  specimen  of  such  quotation  on  the 
other  side;  but  he  had  expressly  declared  that  he 
discarded  all  such  authorities  on  both  sides.] 

Mr,  Tilden  said  the  gentleman  had  certainly 
made  this  despatch  a  part  of  his  proof  of  title,  as  a 
reference  to  his  speech  would  show.  The  gentle- 
man not  having  his  speech  before  him,  and  speak- 
ing from  recollection,  had  fallen  into  a  slight  mis- 
take. But  I  was  about  to  say,  when  interrupted, 
that  the  gentleman 's  good  sense  did  prevail  and 
that  he  did  say  in  his  speech,  be  sliould  not  rely 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


766 


29th  Cono IST  Se8S. 


jRle  Mexican  War— Mr.  TUden. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


Jiol  have 
[Hall.  I 
luch  rev- 
ph  honur 
pya  |t;ona 
thia,  it 
Ire  atrict 


upon  the  muity  record*  of  French  and  Snaniah 
courts,  but  upon  a  far  moft  glorioua  title,  that  of 
conqueat. 

Mr.  DouoLAii.    Ah,  that  indeed. 

Mr.  TiLDEH.  Yea,  the  ((enilcman  aaid  ao;  and 
I  hold  him  reaponaible  for  it.  And  I  now  proceed 
to  allow  upon  what  principleH  it  wna  that  he  en- 
deavored 10  make  out  his  title  by  conquest.  The 
gentleman  does  not  now  controvert  the  fact,  as  I 
understand  him,  that  the  original  western  limits  of 
Texas  was  the  rivtr  Nuccea.  Dy  extendi:)^  them 
to  the  Rio  Orandc  wo  cut  off  from  Mexico  the 
greater  proportion  of  four  of  her  other  departments, 
namely,  Tiiinaulipas,  Couhuila,  Chihuahua,  and 
New  Mexico,  all  lying  beyond  the  Nueces;  and  it 
is  to  these  that  the  CRiitlenian  attempted  to  prove 
title  by  conquest.  He  infonned  ua  that  he  had 
qunliflcd  himself  for  the  task  he  had  imposed  upon 
himself  of  making  our  title  to  thii  territory  by  con- 
quest, by  consulting  thedistingnislied  leaders  of  the 
Texan  Uevolulion,  Generals  Hou.sion  and  Rusk, 
whom,  he  said,  were  present  in  the  Hall  at  tJie  time 
he  delivered  his  speech,  And  now,  with  these 
high  sources  of  inrormntion,  what  did  the  gentle- 
man give  ua  to  support  this  bonstcd  claim  of  title 
by  conquest?  Battles  fought  in  these  departments? 
Their  strong  holds  conquered  by  the  Texaiis? 
Nothing  of  thia  aort.  Never  did  a  Texan  aoldicr 
set  foot  in  these  departments  but  to  be  captured. 
But  the  gentleman  says,  some  of  the  men  who  re- 
sided beyond  the  Nueces  participated  in  the  Texan 
rebellion,  and  were  members  of  the  convention 
that  formed  her  Constitution.  This,  after  consult- 
ing his  two  Texan  Generals,  is  nil  the  proof  tliat 
the  gentleman  cnii  give  usof  conquest.  Row  many 
were  there  of  these  men  ?  Thia  is  the  great  ques- 
tion he  should  have  onawered  to  the  country.  I 
How  many  men  would  it  take,  in  the  gentleman's  j 
estimation,  to  effect  the  disintegration  of  theae  | 
departments,  and  transfer  of  the  fragments  from  I 
Mexico  to  Texas  ?  Were  there  men  enough  to  | 
effect  such  an  object?  Were  there  ten  men?) 
Were  there  twenty?  Thirty?  Were  there  a  hun- | 
dred  in  all?  Theae  questions  are  very  important; 
but  depend  upon  it,  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  j 
will  never  attempt  to  answer  them.  There  is  also  i 
an  important  principle  to  settle,whcther  any  num- 
ber of  men  less  than  a  mujority  could  transfer  ! 
these  four  departments  from  Mexico  to  the  United 
States.  To  my  unsophisticated  mind,  it  seems  ! 
that  it  would  require  at  least  a  majority  to  effect  j 
such  a  change.  It  should  have  been  the  great 
point,  therefore,  in  tlie  gentleman's  argument,  to 
show  the  number  of  men  west  of  the  Nueces, 
who  participated  in  this  rebellion;  and  the  gentle- 
man has  racked  his  brain,  and  piit  his  mind  to 
the  stretch,  and  finally  come  to  the  conclusion 
that  there  were  ceiuiinly  two  such  men:  one 
by  the  name  of  Reny,  and  another  by  the 
name  of  Pierce,  I  think.  This,  to  say  the  least 
of  it,  is  most  extraordinary,  that  three  depart- 
ments of  a  government,  should  be  trimsferred  to 
another,  because  two  men  were  in  rebellion  in  a 
fourth  dcp'utment.  The  two  men  referred  to  by 
the  honorable  gentleman,  resided  in  tlie  department 
of  Tnmaulipas,  and  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  a 
very  few  individuals  around  Corpus  Cliristi,  in 
this  department,  did  sympathize  with  the  Texans 
in  their  rebellion.  But  were  there  any  from 
Coahuila,  Chihuahua,  and  New  Mexico.'  Who 
represented  the  several  important  towns  in  these 
.ilcpiirtments ?  Who  came  fiom  Albuquerque,  with 
its  six  thousand  souls  ?  Wlio  represented  "Taos, 
with  its  tliree  thousand,  and  Sante  Pe,  with  its  five 
thousand  souls  ?  I  osk  the  gentleman  to  answer,  and 
I  will  see  that  his  answer  is  made  known  to  my  con- 
stituents. Did  tliere  a  single  soul  represent  either 
of  tlicse  departments  in  the  Texan  Congress  or 
Texan  Convention  ?  I  answer,  no ;  and  among  the 
many  things  the  gentlem.in  from  Illinois  learned 
about  this  title  from  the  distinguished  Texan  Gen- 
erals he  consulted,  he  did  not  Icnrn  that  either  of 
these  departments  was  ever  represented  in  any 
Texan  Congress  or  Convention. 

Thus  much  as  to  this  country  being  represented 
in  Texas.  And  on  the  score  of  conquest,  there 
is  absolutely  nothing.  The  distinguished  men 
whom  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  consulted, 
should  have  been  at  home  unon  this  point.  "They 
were  cognizant  of  every  blow  which  had  been 
given  and  received  in  this  Texan  Revolution,  and 
yet  they  were  not  able  to  tell  the  gentleman  of  one 


poor  apot  of  earth  that  had  been  conquered  between 
the  Nuecea  and  the  Del  Norte.  If  these  diatin- 
guiahod  Tcxana  liad  talked  at  all  on  thia  aubiect, 
they  would  have  told  the  gentleman,  dnubtleaa, 
what  were  the  real  facta  of  the  case :  that  in  183(i, 
aonn  aflerTexas  had  declared  hcraelf  independent, 
ahe  aent  an  expedition  to  sei^e  the  cuatum-hnuso 
and  public  property  at  MaUimoroa,  but  before  it 
reached  the  Rio  Grande  it  waa  driven  back  liy  the 
army  under  the  command  of  SanUi  Ana;  that  a 
amall  marauding  expedition,  in  183U,  waa  aent  to 
Saltillo,  in  Coahuila,  whoae  only  glory  waa  its 
masterly  retreat  and  escaiie  into  Toxaa;  that  in 
1841  President  Lamar  sent  commiaaionera  and  three 
hundred  armed  men  on  the  celebrau^d  Santa  h'P 
expedition,  to  organize  the  Mexican  aoltlementa 
on  the  upper  waters  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  bring 
them  under  Texan  authority.  These  men,  it  is 
well  known,  were  captured  and  ernt  to  the  mines 
of  Mexico.  In  the  aiimmcr  of  1848,  the  Mexican 
army  advanced  into  Texas  as  far  as  8an  Antonio. 
The  Texana,  under  General  Somerville,  rallied, 
and  drove  them  back  to  Loredo,  on  the  Rio 
Grande,  which  town  the  Texans  sacked.  General 
Somerville,  unable  to  restrain  their  rapacity,  or- 
dered a  retreat;  five  or  six  hundred  of  hia  men 
refused  to  obey,  elected  a  new  leader,  and  sot  off 
down  the  river  to  capture  Mier,  but  wore  them- 
selves captured  by  General  Ampudia,  and  morched 
off  OB  prisoners  into  the  interior  of  Mexico.  These 
arc  all  the  military  expeditions  which  history  dis- 
closes, that  were  set  on  font  by  Texas  for  the  con- 
Jiucst  of  the  country  bevond  the  Nueces;  and  it  is 
or  the  people  to  .judge  now  fHr  Texas  has  a  right 
to  lay  claim  to  this  country  by  conquest.  Here 
are  the  facts  upon  which  the  gentleniiin  has  asked 
my  constituents  to  believe  we  had  title  to  all  the 
country  between  the  Nueces  and  the  Rio  Grande. 
And  to  support  such  a  title  he  contends  is  just 
cause  of  war  against  Mexico.  However  much 
the  gentleman  may  promise,  not  one  of  the  facts  to 
which  I  have  referred  bearing  upon  this  part  of 
his  argument,  or  any  of  the  inferences  drawn  from 
them,  will  ever  be  disturbed  by  him.  It  is  in  the 
face  of  these  he  must  prove  title  to  this  country,  if 
he  proves  it  at  all.  It  does  seem  that  the  gentleman 's 
argument,  drawn  from  conquest,  is  even  more,  im- 
potent than  that  drawn  from  the  despatches.  But 
feeling  the  weakness  of  his  position  on  this  point, 
tlie  gentleman  has  deemed  it  necessary  to  prop  it, 
and  therefore  resorted  to  another  fact  whicli  occu- 
pies a  prominent  place  in  his  speech.  If  the  gen- 
tleman had  confidence  in  his  assertion  tliat  the 
Texan  title,  by  conquest,  extended  to  the  Rio 
Grande,  if  it  was  so  perfectly  demonstrated,  why 
go  farther? 

Tiie  gentleman's  third  position  was  that  we  held 
the  country  between  the  Nueces  ond  the  Rio 
Grande  l)y  treaty,  entered  into  in  1830,  between 
Santa  Ana  and  the  Texan  Government.  Tlie 
force  of  the  gentleman's  logic  had  been  such  ua  to 
demonstrote,  not  that  Santa  Ana  had  power  to 
bind  the  Government  of  Mexico,  he  being  a  pris- 
oner of  war  at  the  time  of  making  this  treaty,  but 
that  he  need  not  bind  it,  beaiuse  he  was  himself 
the  Government.  I  will  put  to  that  gentleman  a 
plain  question:  Has  he  ever  read  that  treaty  ?  From 
the  manner  in  which  he  discusses  it,  I  should  think 
he  had  not.  If  he  will  consult  that  treaty,  he  will 
find  that  both  the  contracting  parties — President 
Burnett  and  his  Cabinet  on  one  side,  and  Santa 
Ana  and  his  Generals  on  the  other,  reco^^nise  the 
supreme  power  not  to  be  in  Santa  Ana,  ns  he  sup- 
pases,  but  in  the  Mexican  Congress.  The  treaty 
Itself  upsets  the  whole  foundntior  jpon  which  this 
part  of  the  gentleman's  argument  is  built.  It  was, 
in  fact,  no  llrcaty,  but  a  mere  pr'iliniinary  engage- 
ment.    The  fourth  article  of  it  reixir,: 

^Mlli.  That  the  Prosiiicnt  Bntitn  Ann,  in  his  oftirinl  chnr- 
artor  nH  rhiitf  nf  the  Mo.xi<>nn  niition,nncl  (he  Gnncmla  Don 
Vicente  Filisotn,  Don  .Iok^  (Jrea,  Don  Joui|ilin  Kainireti  y 
Hcsina,  and  Don  Antcniio  G.tonii,  m  eliletH  of  armies,  do 
solemnly  nelcnowleilKe,  sanction,  nnd  ratify,  the  full,  entire, 
and  perleet  independenee  of  the  Repniilic  of  Texas,  with 
stirli  boundaries  as  ate  hercaftc- set  forth  and  asrced  n|)on 
for  tne  same.  And  they  do  solemnly  and  respeetively  iiledge 
Iheniselves,  with  all  tlleir  i>ersonnl  and  nflieiiU  attrihtltes,  to 
proeun?  Ivitlinut  delay  the  final  and  complete  ratification 
nnd  eoniinimtion  of  this  ngn^einent,  nnd  all  the  parts  thereof, 
bif  the  jirOfier  atui  tegitiinate  (tovernmeitt  of  ^lexil•o,  Ity  the 
iiiror|Hiration  of  the  same  intoa  solemn  nn<!  nerpetiinl  treaty 
of  amity  end  eonmierce.  to  he  necotiated  wiUi  that  Govern- 
ment <it  (Aa  rt/i/  of  Mexico f  hy  Mini'>ters  PlenipolenUnry  to 
be  deputed  by  the  Government  of  Texas  for  tlusliigU  pur- 
pose." 


it  will  be  a«*n  at  onee  that  hare  again  the  gen- 
tleman fVom  Illinois  ia  mnal  egregiously  at  fitull. 
He  ia  not  at  liberty  to  alep  in  and  give  a  cDiisiruc- 
tion  to  thia  agreement  dill'erent  from  that  under- 
atood  and  intended  by  the  partiea  who  enterft  into 
it.  Thia  would  be  to  violate  the  rule  flrat  to  be 
observed  in  the  construction  of  contracts.  Another 
article  of  this  treaty  provided  that  in  the  event  of 
a  failure  on  the  part  of  Mexico  to  fVilfil  ihe  ngree- 
ment|that  Santa  Ana  and  hia  Generals  should  not, 
during  the  war.seive  against  Texas.  Here,  then, 
ia  thia  much  tnlked-of  treaty — a  mere  contract,  by 
which  Santa  Ana  and  Iiia  Qenerala  agree  lo  use 
their  peraonal  and  official  nttribiitcH  to  procure  the 
consummation  of  a  definitive  trtvity  lo  be  entered 
into  by  the  Ir/fUimale  nnd  proper  tt%Uhoriliei  qfMti- 
kp,  with  miniatera  thereafter  to  be  deputed  on  the 
part  of  Texas  for  this  purpoae.  Thia  agreement, 
made  by  Sanui  Ana,  waa  indignantly  rejected  by 
Mexico.  So  far  from  concluding  that  Govtrn" 
nient,  it  was  not  binding  upon  SanUt  Ana  himaelf. 
Ho  waa  a  prisoner  of  war,  and  not  at  liberty  to 
act;  and  it  was  to  save  his  life  that  he  entered  into 
this  agreement,  as  the  8th  article  of  it  fUUy  dia- 
closea.    The  6th  article  reads: 

"The  Presldenl  and  Cabinet  of  the  Republic  of  Tcxu, 
cxeri'isinn  Ihe  hiiih  isiwcrs  eonfided  to  them  liy  the  pi'oplo 
of  Texas,  do,  for  and  In  considi-railon  of  the  foreRoliiff  sUp- 
nlation,  solemidy  eitKUfte  lo  rrftnin  from  /riA-iiiif  the  life  of 
the  Pfesidcjit  S'lntti  Jinat  and  of  the  several  fiftieers  of  liu 
late  army,  whom  Uie  eventji  of  war  have  made  prisoners 
in  their  linnils,  and  to  liberate  the  Prei-iilent,  {tiimla  Ann,) 
with  his  private  secretary,  and  <-ause  him  lo  be  conveyeil  in 
one  of  Uie  national  vessels  of  Texas  to  Vera  Crnx,  In  order 
that  he  may  more  promptly  and  eflectuHlly  o6taf»  Me  ratifi- 
entionofthitcompftit,ntMi  the  nextjiiatloh  of  the  deflnltlvo 
treaty  herein  coiiteinjiltited  by  the  Government  of  Mexico 
with  Ihe  Government  of  Texas." 

It  is  under  color  and  upon  the  authority  of  such 
nn  agreement  aa  this  that  the  gentleman 'a  con- 
science would  be  satisfied  to  take  from  Mexico  tho 
greater  portion  of  fbur  of  the  richest  of  her  dep[u°t- 
mcnts. 

[Mr.TiBBATTS  hero  interposed,  and  stated  there 
were  two  treaties  to  which  Santa  Ana  was  a  party, 
one  signed  by  Santa  Ana  alone,  nnd  one  signed  by 
him  and  all  of  his  Genemls.  One  of  these  treaties 
had  such  a  provision  as  that  wliich  the  gentleman 
referred  to,  but  in  the  other  it  was  wholly  omitted.] 

Mr.  TiLDEN.  The  gentleman  from  Kentucky 
did  me  the  honor  to  communicate  this  fact  to  me 
this  morning  in  a  private  conversation.  From  the 
honorable  gentleman  I  learned  that  bo:h  treaties 
were  signed  on  tho  same  day — on  the  14th  of  May, 
1836.  The  gentleman  will  ace  at  once  that  there 
being  two  treaties,  but  both  signed  the  same  dfty, 
between  substantially  the  same  partiea,  detracta 
nothing  from  the  force  of  my  remarks,  though  it 
should  be  shown  that  another  treaty  than  the  one 
to  wliich  I  have  referred,  was  finally  adopted  by 
the  parties.  I  refer  to  it  in  order  to  show  that  the 
treaty  was  not  made  by  Mexico  in  the  person  of 
Santa  Ann  and  his  Generals.  That  Texas  recog- 
nised the  supreme  power  not  to  be  in  Santa  Ana, 
as  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  had  alleged,  but  in 
the  Mexican  Congress.  And  even  though  this  be 
not  tho  treaty  'or  agreement  actually  concluded, 
yet  it  is  legitimate  to  refer  to  it  to  show  tliat  Texas 
did  not  consider  Santa  Ana  the  Mexican  Govern- 
ment. But  the  gentleman  fVom  Kentucky  does 
not  inform  us  which  of  the  two  treaties  was  last 
made  and  finally  adopted  by  the  parties.  I  aver 
that  mine  was  the  treaty  adopted,  and  I  am  borne 
out  in  the  assertion  by  every  well-authenticated 
history  of  Texas. 

There  is  another  view  of  this  subject,  that  jus- 
tice requires  ine  to  notice.  Whntcvcrniiiy  have  been 
the  cliaracterof  this  treaty,  it  was  first  violated  by 
"Texas.  By  it  Santa  Ana  was  to  have  been  imme- 
diately conveyed  in  a  national  vessel  to  Vera  Cruz; 
but  alter  he  was  placed  on  board  of  a  ship  for  this 
purpose,  to  satisfy  the  morbid  curiosity  of  a  dis- 
solute soldiery  who  had  just  arrived  in  tho  harbor 
of  Vclasco  fVom  New  Orleans,  he  was  dragged 
on  shore,  and,  as  he  afalca,  chained  to  a  bar  of 
iron,  and  kept  a  prisoner  for  fifty  days;  and  during 
that  time,  to  appease  a  lawless  mob,  was  once 
taken  out  to  be  shot.  While  such  prisoner,  he 
repudiated  the  treaty,  and  protested  against  it,  by 
a  public  protest  published  in  Texas.  . 

There  is  one  other  matter  in  which  the  gentle- 
man's speech  is  n  little  extraordinary.  If  the  Object 
of  the  gentleman  had  been  to  enlighten  Congress 
and  the  country  in  the  true  facts  of  this  case,  why 


766 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  14, 


39th  Cons Ist  Seas. 


77l«  Mexican  fFor— A/r.  Tilden. 


Ho.  or  Reph. 


had  he  Mid  nolhing  about  thia  a|i(r«rmenl,  made 
three  yeara  after,  belwren  the  Texan  Oovernmeiit 
and  ine  Mexican  Oeneral,  Canalea,  for  the  cnn- 

auei|  from  Mexico  of  thia  very  territory  to  which 
le  centleman  flroin  Ilhnoia  aaid  they  had  ao  clear 
vlitle?  la  it  to  be  believed  that  a  government 
would  ever  conapire  with  a  foreif^n  i^neral  to  con- 
quer a  part  of  ila  own  territory  >  Certainly  not, 
Texas  at  that  time  could  not  have  pretended  to  any 
tillo  to  thia  territory,  but  wanted  to  get  one  by 
conquem. 

In  18:19,  the  advocntra  of  the  federal  lyatem 
in  the  northern  provincea  of  Mexico  attempted  to 
•eparatc  ftcm  the  criiirni  Oovernmenl  and  form  an 
inar|icndent  republic,  to  lie  called  the  llcpiiblic  of 
Rio  (irande,  to  be  connliluted  of  the  btalea  of 
Tamnulipaa,  Coahuila,  and  Duinng^,  and  auch 
othera  aa  might  choose  to  join  them  in  thia  move- 
ment. General  Ciinnlc!)  took  the  lend  in  thia  enter- 
priac,  wna  made  Prraident,  and  as  auch,  entered 
into  thia  sicret  agreement  with  the  Government  of 
Texas: 

"  I'l.  The  Prenideiit  nf  Ihn  RepiiliHc  o(  Rio  Granite  (Oen- 
emi  C'unnk'fi)  {iliMtgf^  hiinxflf  to  f)<>clare  Ihn  litdi'iM'nilHnrb 
nf  thi'  Ke|iunlit'  ul  Rio  Ciriiiiilf,  and  to  ilt'f Inre  and  p«tnhliMh 
tliH  Hmte  anil  PiMlfrnI  Ciiiiillliillon  of  I8-J4,  ii>  Ronii  km  tip 
■liall  Imvc  i>«lnbti-<lHMl  hi^  hrni)i)iiiirtf  m  witllin  the  Ihiiltji  at 
the  territory  rluiiitrd  liv  the  >h'ft  rrpiililic. 

■>  '^1.  Tliiil  the  Ri'iiiiiiiir  of  lllo  tiiaiiili'  ■Imll,  linini'dlalPl}' 
afti^r  thi*  xnid  diTJiinitioii  ot  liidt'iK-mleilci*,  recognisn  the 
liid<'n**ndfnpp  onvtas. 

"lid.  Thi)  Rtpuhlio  of  Tnxmi  iilcriacn  IterKPlf  to  aid  the 
PederAllftt-i  of  Riit  Urnnde  In  bet  ^ttuttlv  for  iiMh'|H>iidpncei 
dimrtly  hrr  Independence  ii  rucujinUi-d  by  the  Republic  of 
Kio  (Irande. " 

This  expedition  fnilcd,  and  Canaica  and  the 
Texans  who  coiiperntcd  were  driven,  by  General 
Arialn,  over  the  Nueces.  • 

There  is  one  ihin^  further  that  may  be  supposed 
to  militate  somewhat  against  Ihe  soiindncaa  of  the 
argument  of  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  upon  this 
treaty.  President  Polk,  to  justify  his  moat  unjus- 
tifiable proceedings  in  this  war,  in  his  war  nicssa>;p, 
communicated  on  the  11th  of  May  last,  attempts  to 
give  us  the  muniments  of  our  title  to  this  territory, 
OS  he  understands  them.  At  the  time  this  message 
was  communicated,  be  it  remembered,  the  Presi- 
dent hod  all  the  benefit  nf  the  gentleman's  very 
able  argument;  for  it  will  be  recollected  that  he 
mode  substantially  the  same  speech  on  the  2Glh 
of  March,  in  reply  to  the  gentleman  from  Pennsyl-  ; 
vania,  [Mr.  McIlvaine.]  President  Polk,  there- ; 
fore,  had  the  ftill  benefit  of  nil  the  genllcman's 
elucidations.  And  what  docs  President  Piilk  say  ? 
Has  he  made  the  slightest  mention  of  n  treaty  with 
S.^ntaAim?  Has  be  tpioted  a  wnrdof  it.'  No;  he 
did  not  even  allude  to  it.  Mr.  Polk  had  too  much  | 
at  stake  to  venture  upon  an  nrgumcnt  of  that  sort. 
He  had  too  much  chnraclur  as  a  statesman  yet  left,  i 
He  is  nol  like  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  and  my- 
self, who  are  politicians  of  smaller  ventures,  and 
with  greater  safety  mny  say  things  that  it  might 
puzzle  us  to  prove.  When  a  President  of  the  Uni- 
ted Slate.'?  prepares  nn  Executive  message,  he  hns 
to  mind  his  p's  and  q's,  (n.s  we  sometimes  say,) 
and  cannot  play  the  slump  orator,  like  smaller  mi-ii. 
It  is  abundantly  evident  that  the  President  has  nn 
confidence  in  this  third  point  in  the  gentleman's 
speech,  by  which  hi^  sought  to  make  out  a  title  to 
the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande.  Ho  regards  it  ns 
worthless,  and  unworthy  of  the  slightest  notice, 
however  much  the  geiillcman  himself  may  be  at-  ^ 
lachcd  to  it.  i 

The  President,  in  his  message  says  : 
"  The  Congrfth  o/"  Tcjax,  hy  itt  act  of  Deccmher  19,  IKW,  ' 
hai  dfctarfd  (Ap  Ritt  del  Sorie  to  he  ttie  fwurvlnry  o/liuit  re 
piibtir..     ill  juHtdit-tion  has  heen  ejiewtcii  and  exercised  heitond 
the  Nueces.     The  eaiintriihcti'ten  (Aiit  river  itnd  the  Del  Korte 
h'-M  ftprti  represented  in  the  OjuirrcMt  and  the  Contentian  of 
TextiM.  and  Lu  thu^  tiiken  yart  in  annexation  itMclff  and  is  noiv  ■ 
ttle!aded  in  one  of  our  eoni^retaional  di\tritjti.     Onr  own  Catt- 
grctl  has  more^reVf  with  frreat  itnanimity,  hjthe  act  apitroird 
Decemher  SI,  \iiA5,  reropiised  the  country  heyond  the  S'ueeeu 
at  a  part  of  onr  territory,  iitid  ly  itteludin^  it  within  our  o-m 
revenue  ttr^tem ;  and  a  rpi-eiiup  oifficer,  to  rctUte  within  the  dis- 
trict, has  lieen  appointed  liy  and  uith  the  advice  uiul  cometit  of 
tlie  Senate."  ^ 

These,  and  these  nione,  are  the  facta  upon  which  i 
the  President  relies  for  title.     It  will  be  seen  that 
lie  rejects  in  (o(o  the  view  taken  of  tin;  subject  by  \ 
the  gentleman  from  Illinois.      He  says  nothing  '. 
nbont  despatches — nothing  of  conquest — and  no- 
thing of  a  treaty  with  Santa  Ana  or  with  Mex-  : 
ico.     Never  did  a  speech,  upon  the  Administra- 
tion side  of  the  House, get  poorer  bnckingfrom  the 
President  than  this  speech  of  the  gentleman  fVom 
Illinois. 


A  few  words,  Mr.  Chairman,  upon  tha  Prn- 
I  idant's  view  of  thi*  title,  and  then  I  shall  have 
I  done  with  tha  question  of  title  altogether;  and 
I  alio  with  that  imrtion  of  the  preamble  of  the  war 
I  bill  (which  I  nave  been  laboring  to  refute)  thai 
allegea  this  war  to  exist  by  the  act  of  Mexico. 
I      The  Preaident  claimi  lillo  to  the  Rio  Qrande, 
first,  that  Texas  by  act  of  Congress  made  that 
river  her  western  limit,    Tnily  this  is  a  strange  I 
argument !    Had  she  included  in  that  act  all  Mex- 
]  ico,  according  to  the  President's  logic,  our  claim 
to  it  would  be  good.     Notwithstanding  the  high 
{  source  IVom  which  this  argument  emanates,  I  am 
constrained  to  say,  that  it  is  a  useless  waste  of 
words  to  attempt  to  refute  it.    The  good  sense  of 
[  the  country  will  readily  appreciate  its  absurdity.  I 
The  second  ground  of  title  is,   that  Texas  hns 
exercised   jurisdiction,   not  to  the  Rio  Grande,  j 
but  hetjond  the  Nueces.      It  may  have  been  be-  ; 
ynnd  the  Nueces,  and  two  hundred  miles  short  i 
of    the    Rio  Grnnde  or   Del   Norie,*  to   which  j 
it  is  said  our  title  extends.     Where  bri/Dfirf  the  ; 
j  Nueces  was  jurisiliction  exercised }     Tfie  Pres-  • 
ident  would  blush  to  tell  you  where!    It  was  ex-  ' 
ercised  over  a  few  of   these  Texan  adventurers 
who  had  crowded  into  a  corner  of  the  department 
[  ofTamnulipns — into  the  town  of  Corpus  Christl — 
which  lies  upon  the  Gulf,  and  but  a  (tv/  miles 
from  the  Nueces,     Here  wns  exercised  this  pre- 
tended jurisdiction.     It  was   here,  and  nowhere 
else.   The  third  ground  of  title  is,  that  the  country 
j  between  the  Nueces  and  the  Del   None,  or  Rio 
I  Griinde,  was  represented  in  the  Texan  Congress, 
I  and  in  the  Texan  Convention,  and  is  now  n  part  i 
i  of  one  nf  our  Consressionnl   districts.      It  wns 
Corpus   Chrisli    alone    that  wns   represented — a  i 
few  Texmis  who  had  crossed   the  Nueces,  and  I 
j  who,  of  course,  sympathized  and  acted  with  their 
I  old  neighbors  on  the  other  side  of  the  river.     They 
constituted  but  n  fraction  only  of  the  population  ; 
of  the  department  of  Tamaulipas.     It  was  these, 
and  only  these,  that  were  so  represented.     No  one  i 
of  the  other  depnrtnients,  now  claimed  as  a  part 
of  TexnH,  had  any  such  representation.     Uisby; 
virtue  of  these  marauders  at  Corpus  Chrisli  not 
only  that  Tamaulipas,  but  the  three  other  Mex- 
ii-nii  departments  are  sought  to  be  transferred  to 
Texas.  \ 

If  the  country  lying  between  these  two  rivers  was 
represented  in  ihe  Texan  Congress;  if  the  people  of  j 
this  section  had  amalgamated  with  Texas — had  vol-  I 
untarily  become  a  part  of  that  republic;  how  did 
it  happen  that  General  Taylor  found  them  all  our 
enemies  when  he  arrived   there  with  the  army.' 
If  what  the  President  has  said  be  true,  ihcy  would 
with  joy  have  hailed  bis  oppronch,  as  they  would 
have  considered  him  there  tor  their  special  benefit 
and  protection.     Wliy  did  not  these  good  Texan  : 
citizens  rally  to  the  General's  standard,  nnd  help 
to  promote  the  success  of  this  militory  exprdition? 
rhey  did  not;  but  fled  from  our  nrmv,  and  rallied 
under  the  banners  of  Mexico,     Rut  it  is  a  part  of 
one  of  our  congressional  districts,  says  the  Pres- 
ident.    This  is  begging  tiie  whole  quesiior!.     If  it 
be  n  part  of  one  of  our  congressional  districts,  then 
our  Union  extends  to  the  Rio  Grande.     But  the 
question  is,  how  came  this  a  pnrt  of  one  of  our  ' 
congressional  districts .'    This,  the  President  docs  ! 
not  think  proper  to  discuss.     Texas,  under  the  ' 
annexation    resolutions,   wns    admitted    into   the 
Union,  with  n  right  to  two  Representatives  upon  ; 
this  floor.     She  hns  divided  herself  into  districts, 
and  elected  members  for  each;  but  if  she  hns  ex-  \ 
tended  either  of  these  districts  beyond  the  Nueces, 
or  even  defined  the  western  limit  of  the  western 
district,  the  net  is  null  and  void;  for,  by  the  terms 
of  annexation,   the  right   to  adjust  her  western  \ 
boundary  was  surrendered  to  the  United  Stnles.  , 
We  have  refused  to  recognise  the  Rio  Grande  ns 
the  western  limits  of  Texas.     By  the  terms  of  the  { 
annexation  resolutions,  we  annex  so  much  "cu  «  ! 
'  properly  included  in,  and  righlfully  bcloni^ne;  to, 
'  the  Remtblic  of  Texas."     No  one  upon  tins  floor  < 
believeu  at  that  time  that  Texas  hnd  the  least  claim 
to  the  territory  beyond  the  Nueces.    Mr.  Benton  i 
sold,  at  the  other  end  of  the  Capitol —  i 

"  I  wn9h  my  hnndrt  of  all  nnemiitji  to  dismetnher  the  Mexi- 
can Hepulilic.  by  seizing  tier  dominions  in  A'eio  Mexico,  0/ti- 
hiiahua,  Ojaniitht,and  TamauUi>as.  The  treiity.  in  all  that 
RELATES  TO  Tnt  BOUNDARY  OP  TIIE  Hlo  GraNOB,  18  AN  ACT 


j  I      *  This  river  is  Indiierimlnately  called  Rio  Grande,  Rio 
"  del  Norte,  and  Rio  Bravo. 


orusrAiALt.si.an  ovTaAaa  as  Mixico.  Itiitm  tiKoai 
or  TWO  TnnoiAsa  MiLiiror  uia  tbiritor«,  wIUiomi  a 
word  oreiplsiisiion  wlili  her,  and  by  virtue  of  a  treaty  with 
Tenna  lo  which  she  !•  nn  party." 

What  right,  then,  has  Preaiilent  Polk  to  say 
that  this  territory  is  within  one  of  our  congres- 
sional districts?  When  he  asserts  it,  he  asaumei, 
instead  of  proving,  that  it  ■•  rightfully  belongs  to 
the  Republic  of  Texas." 

The  President's  last  source  of  title  is,  that  Con- 
gress has  organized  a  portion  of  this  territory  into 
a  collection  district.  It  ia  true  that  the  House, 
acting  under  the  gag,  did  vote  for  the  organization 
of  a  revenue  district,  and  designated  the  place 
where  the  revenue  oflicer  ihould  reside,  viz:  at  Cor- 
pus Chrisli.  Rut  I  do  not  believe  there  were  ten 
men  in  the  House  who  uiideralnod  at  the  time  what 
was  doing,  or  c.iiild  have  told,  if  their  lives  hnd 
been  nt  slake,  where,  by  the  terms  of  the  liill,  thia 
revenue  office  was  lo  be  locateil.  The  bill  passed 
sub  silenlii).  We  know  the  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means  hnd  something  in  rela- 
tion to  Texas  he  wished  adopted.  And  from  our 
knowledge  of  the  proceedings  of  this  House  on  all 
other  Texas  matters,  we  supposed  of  course  there 
I  was  nothing  for  ns  to  do  on  this  side  but  to  sub- 
i  mit.  For  one,  I  solemnly  protest  aeninat  being 
concluded  by  this  vote.  And  can  a  President  of  tha 
United  Slates  rely  upon  snch  a  fact  as  this,  to  prove 
timt  four  departments  of  Ihe  Mexican  Government 
have  been  transferred  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
United  Stnles  >  Such  nn  argurnent  is  oflenaive  to 
the  common  sense  of  Ihe  country. 

I  will  now  take  the  liberty  nf  stating  some  other 
rensons  which  induced  me  to  go  agninst  this  war 
bill.  I  wns  n^  willing  to  trust  the  President  with 
the  enlniijcd  powers  that  Ihis  bill  conferred  upon 
him.  There  were  no  menus  thnt  I  would  have 
left  unemployed  to  rescue  the  army  from  the  peril- 
ous position  in  which  it  wns  snid  to  be,  at  the  lime 
this  bill  wns  introduced.  But  it  was  obvious  to 
my  own  mind,  and  wns  the  opinion  of  others,  that 
nothing  the  bill  proposed  could  relieve  the  army. 
If  it  wns  in  danger,  that  danger,  as  I  supposed  nt 
that  lime,  would  have  to  be  encountered  long  before 
the  means  proposed  by  the  bill  could  bring  effect- 
nal  relief  Subsequent  events  have  proved  the 
justness  of  these  conclusions.  I  therefore  felt  my- 
self nt  perfect  liberty  to  determine  whether  or  not 
I  would  trust  the  President  with  the  power  to 
raise  fifty  thousand  volunteers,  nnd  pincc  in  hie 
hands  ten  millions  of  money,  toenablcnim  to  carry 
on  nt  his  discretion  "his  war  of  conquest  against 
Mexico;  I  determined  I  would  not;  nor  has  any  act 
of  my  life  brought  more  sincere  grnlificniion  in  the 
review.  I  believed  then,  sir,  thnt  we  had  been  be- 
Irnycd  into  this  war,  by  the  unauthorized  nnd  uncon- 
stitulionnl  net  of  the  President.  Hnd  he  marched 
the  army  into  Canndo  nnd  bombarded  one  of  her 
cities,  it  would  not  have  been  a  greoler  stretch  of 
power  or  n  grosser  infrnclion  of  the  Constitution. 
And  I  verily  believe  if  the  moral  sense  of  this  na- 
tion hnd  not  become  benumbed,  deadened,  nnd  stul- 
tified, by  the  continued  outrages  upon  the  Constitu- 
tion, which  hnve  followed  cnch  other  in  quick  suc- 
cession ever  since  the  commencement  of  this  Texas 
enterprise,  thnt  there  would  go  up  from  the  whole 
country  one  unbroken  volumii  of  indignant  remon- 
strance nffninst  this  act  of  the  President. 

The  President  has  made  no  honest  efl'ort  for  peace. 
It  was  by  war  alone  thnt  he  could  secure  the  object 
he  hnd  in  view;  nnd  he  look  upon  himself  the  re- 
sponsibility of  declnriiig  it.  Unjust  to  Mexico  ns' 
hnd  been  this  ncquisition  of  Texas,  she  was  wil- 
ling to  surrender  it.  The  fact  that  General  Taylor 
remained  from  July  until  the  following  March, 
about  eight  months,  at  Corpus  Chrisli,  and  that 
during  all  that  time  no  nttcmpt  wns  madtf  by  Mex- 
ico to  drive  him  from  his  posiiion,  is  incontestible 
proof  of  this  fact.  And  after  General  Taylor  had 
rnorched  his  army  on  to  the  Rio  Grnnde,  the  con- 
dition of  peace  insisted  on  by  CienernI  Ampudia 
was,  not  thai  he  should  withdraw  beyond  the  Sa- 
bine, but  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Nueces.  On  the 
lath  of  April,  1846,  Genera!  Ampudia  wrote  to 
General  Toylor  as  follows: 

"Your  Goveniment,  in  nn  inerrdililo  mnnner— you  will 
even  pcnnii  nic  lo  ,<ny  nn  cxtriiviiffaiit  one,  if  the  iisaffc  or 
(tPilornl  rule.*  eftiihllMlied  niul  received  ninong  nil  civilized 
nations  an'  resarded— has  not  only  Ini'ultcdfhuthati  exaxjie- 
rated  the  Mexican  nation,  bearino  il«  coiiquerinsi  banner  to 
the  left  bank  of  the  Kio  Ilrnvo  del  Norte ;  and  iii  Uiia  cose, 
by  tlie  explicit  and  definitive  orders  nf  niy  Government, 
which  neither  can,  will,  nor  ihoiild,  receive  new  outragea,  1 


July  14, 
Repi. 


Ml  ••KUH 

WIUlOIII  » 

» Irmly  wllji 

Ik  to  my 

I  iiMumel, 
boloiigi  to 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


767 


2{>rH  CoNo Ibt  Seii. 


neTat^—Mr.  Wihr.ot. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


reqiilrv  ynu  In  nit  fhrm,  •nil  ill  IrIpni  In  lh«  p«r«iniJlorv  t«rili 
<>r  iwvnlylliiir  Imiiri,  ui  hmnk  up  yniir  rmnp  •na  rolno  In 
Ihr  intivr  Imiik  iirilm  Ndirt^*  river,  wlillx  nur  fliivnrtinionti* 
nrn  n-ful»lliiu  lti«  im'ihIIiiv  tiucailiin  tit  rcliitiiiii  iii  Trmut.  If 
villi  IpkUI  III  ri'iiinliiliiff  ii|Hiii  thn  ndllofMi'i  l)''pnrliiii'itt  iif 
TiiiiiiitilliHU,  II  wtMrli'KrlynmiiliUmliiriiiji,  iiiifldrniii  iiloiu', 
lllltHt  tlci-litii  till'  qili'ilioh  t  nii'l  III  tliul  vnne  t  HiUJM  yuil 
tlllll  Wl-llt'<'l>|ll  till'  war  to  wlili'h,  Willi  nit  lllllrll  llljllntlt-e  nll 

yniir  iiiiil,  yiiii  iirnvnko  ii**,  mill  Unit  im  imr  iiart,  Ihli  war 
Hlmlt  Ih'  rniiriui'lPd  oiiiiforiniitily  In  Itio  |irli)ci|ih'N  r.^liilillHtiui1 
liy  (tiu  inovl  rlvlllzeil  iuiiIomr  j  iliiil  Ih  In  vny,  Ilinl  llm  tiiw  of 
iiHtlniii  mill  nC  wiir  ihnll  Imi  iIic  uuIiIii  oI'  my  (i|irriiUuiiiii 
IrunUiig  lliAl  un  yiiur  pHrt  Uhj  nuiiiu  will  bu  obtiflrvud.'* 

Prom  lliiii  Ictler  d  •  we  dnuht  tlint  in  Mnrch, 
184.5,  when  OeiiPinl  Tnylnr  left  hid  oiimp  nl  Cnr- 

^ma  Cliridli,  llmi  Mi-xico  wa.i  (irepnrcd  to  nmkenn 
lommt  mill  fiiir  licnty  of  iimiti,  givinR  to  Tiixnn 
nll  Mr.  Kkntiin  nnld  ilit^  liiid  arifrht  to  cinim,  nnd 
nil  that  iliiN  Hnimo  ihnught  nhc  niiild  cinini  nt  ihe 
tirn«  of  the  udoplinn  of  the  nnncxniioii  re»nltilioin' 
Nil,  nir,  neither  our  hlimd  nor  our  treniiure  wiih 
needed  to  sccuro  to  Texiis  nil  alie  hml  ii  right  to 
cInim;  ay,  mnro  thnn  «he  hnd  a  riclit  lo  einlin. 
An  nil  ultlmnliiin,  Mexico,  na  we  hnve  rrniion  In 
believe,  would  hnve  Ronn  farther,  nnd  fixed  the 

lioiindnry  lietwecn  the  two  GovornmcniB  nt  thut  , 

desert  whirh  sepnrnles  the  wntcrs  of  the  Nuecen  ';  Wexico  not  lo  ndmit  a  Minister  Plenipoientjnry 
from  those  of  the  Rio  Grnnde.  Lnet  ycnr.  While  }  ui.  'I  the  ndjustmenl  of  the  difficulty  liy  which 
in  delinle  on  the  nnnexnlinn  resolutions,  it  wns  '    ''■'■endly  reln'tions  hud  been  interruptecl,  becnuse,  to 


with  thr  propoiition  of  the  Mexican  Minialcrf  Or, 
if  he  thought  proper  to  lend  Mr.  Slidcll  nn  Envoy 
Kxtrmmliiinry  nnd  Minisl'ir  HIenipotenlinry,  why 
did  he  not  instruct  hin<  to  conform  lo  the  Mexinin 
nntiiiii  uf  what  wns  due  lo  her  own  rousistency, 
nnd  nt  once  enter  upon  the  iieKolintion  on  Commis- 
sioner?   None  can  doubt  that  if  the  proliniinnry 
CjUeslion  of  boundnry  had  been  seltleu,  Ihe  other 
question — the  niljiistment  of  the  cinims  of  nur  citi- 
zens ncninst  Mexico — must  necessnrily  niul  inevi- 
tably have  followed.    Mexico  hns  never  ninde  nny 
issue  upon  these  cinims,    8ho  has  been  willint,  nt 
nil  times,  to  submit  this  (piestioii  of  claims  to  an 
I  imoartiul  anil  enlichtencdnrbilrainentiBnd  there  is 
little  doubt  thnt  they  would  loiii  since  have  been 
I  amicably  nnd  honornbly  adjusted,  but  for  the  con- 
j  tinned  infmctinn  of  our  trenty  Htipulntions  with 
i  her,  in  the  prosecution  of  this  scheme  for  the  nc- 
quisitinn  of  Texns,  which  has  been  persevered  in 
;  for  the  Inst  fifteen  yenrs.     Butwimtevermuy  have 
;  been  the  enuse  of  delay,  we  nro  the  Inst  people  in 
the  world  thnt  should  rashly  go  to  wnr  to  punish 
'  linquenciea  of  this  sort.     The  President  well 
knew  that  it  wns  a  matter  of  national  pride  with 


urged  by  the  fi'lrnds  of  the  nicnsure  thut  ihis  desert 
wns   the  4inlural   bounilary   between  the   United 
States  nnd  Mexico;  or,  in  the  lnns;unKe  of  the  gen- 
tlemnn  from  Pennsylvania,  [Mr.  C.  .7.  Ingkhsoli.,] 
"  Iht  naliiriil  bounilary  hfltneen  Iht  .Inglo  Siijcon  and 
'  Mnurilti     mraeta.     TArrc"  (said  the  gentleman) 
'  ends  the  <.il  ley  of  Ihe  ll'est;  IhereMexieobegins.  IVhile  |l 
'peace  it  cheriiihed  Ihal  boundary  uill  be  sacred;  but,   | 
'  until  Ihe  spirit  of  conrjueH  rages,  V'ill  the  people  o/|j 
'  either  side  molest  or  mix  tcilh  ffach  other.       Even  i 
Ihis,  sir,  we  cnidd  hnve  obtnined  by  pence,  ns  will  i! 
bo  abundnntly  disclosed  by  the  impnrtini  history  of 


do  BO,  would  hnve  been  to  acknowledge  that  there 
wns  no  just  cnuae  for  interrupting  those  rclnlions 
of  friendship  between  the  two  Governments, 
There  wns  no  ncccssily  for  blending  the  question 
of  boundnry  with  the  question  of  claims;  and  the 
two  were  uniuid  by  the  Administration, ns  it  should 
seem,  from  nn  apprehension  that  so  ftiir  nn  oll'cr 
would  be  made  on  the  subject  of  boundary,  that  it 
could  not  with  decency  be  rejected.  It  is  certainly 
most  cxlrnordinnry,  f hut  Mr.  Ihichnnnn,  an  ex- 
foreign  Minister,  should  hnvo'  mistaken  the  pro- 
position  of  Mexico  to  receive  u  Commissioner. 


oommitle* rliti  othera  cried  >ul  loudly,  "No,  no! 

I  go  on," 

Mr.  Foot  olTered  lo  move  for  Ihe  rising  of  th« 
committee,  but  Mr.  O,  declined.  He,  however, 
yielded  the  floor  tempomrily  lo 

Mr.  TiiuRMitN,  who  said  thnt  his  coIleiv;ue  had 
asked  him  when  he  had  been  eonverted  to  the  doc- 
trine of  Texun  annexntion  >  He  would  call  on  hit 
colleague  lo  any  whether  he  had  ever  known  Mr. 
T.  to  be  opposed  to  it  ? 

Mr.  TiLUEN  (the  floor  being  yielded  for  that 
nurposi )  replied  that  he  hnd  neverknown  the  mem- 
bera  of  the  Democratic  pnrty  «f  Ohio  to  differ  from 
Ihu  sentiments  expressed  in  their  lending  organ, 
the  Sintesmnii.  Ho  knew  the  further  fact,  thnt  the 
Democmtic  cnndidntn  for  governor,  who  resided  in 
hin  district,  hnd  unil\)rmly  denounced  annexation 
until  the  Baltimore  Convention  assembled,  and 
even  then,  in  his  section  of  the  Hiate,  he  observed 
a  very  careful  silence  on  the  subject. 

Mr,  TiivRMAN  said  thnt  the  Ohio  Statesman  waa 
edited  by  Samuel  Mcdnry,  n  distinguished  and 
well-known  Democrnlic  editor,  and  that  he  had 
for  months  before  advocated  the  mcnsiire  of  annex- 
ation. The  opposiiion  of  that  paper  had  been  not 
to  nnuexation,  but  to  the  trenty.  The  justice  nnd 
policy  of  nnncxntion  had  long  been  maintained  by 
thut  powerful  nnd  influential  editor. 


THE  TARIFF. 


these  proceedings.     The  naturnl  inquiry  now  is,  if  ,  This  word  CommiNsioncr,  in  diploinnlic  Inngunge, 


these  results  could  hnve  been  secured  by  pence,  why 
should  the  President  hnve  preferred  wnr?  I  an- 
swer, thnt  it  was  becnuse  he  preferred  the  interests 
of  Texas  to  the  interests  of  tlie  Union.  Hnd  ne- 
gotiation been  opened  nnd  n  proposition  made  by 
Mexico  to  ndjuat  the  boundnry,  ns  I  hnve  suegcat- 
cd,  the  public  sentiment  of  the  counlry  would  hnve 
forced  the  President  to  hnvo  concluVled  a  treaty 
upon  those  tcrme,  and  the  great  object  of  the  Texnn 
speculators  would  hnve  been  defeated;  which  is  to 


must  bo  understood  to  hnve  a  precise  aignincntion, 
nnd  not  to  be  readily  confounded  with  Minixter 
Plenipotentiary.  And  this  diplninntic  intercourse, 
too,  of  all  others,  is  subjected  to  the  most  critical 
nnnlysis.  Every  word  is  weighei!,nnd  its  precise 
import  determined  upon.  In  the  exercise  of  this 
hypercriticism,  it  is  difficult  to  believe  thnt  the 
sending  Mr.  Slidell  ns  Envoy  Extraordinnry  nnd 
Minister  Plenipolentinry,  wns  the  result  of  mis- 
tnko.     The  President  nnd    his  Secretary,  when 


nrqnirc  thnt  good  land  between  the  Colnrndo  and  Ii  'hey  did  this,  could  not  but  have  known  thut  their 
the  Rio  Grnniie,  said  to  be  the  best  in  Texns  for   I  Minister  would  be  rejected, 
the  products  of  slavc-lnbor.     This  wns  one  of  the  ' 


objects;  nnil  the  other,  the  conquest  of  California. 
Had  negotiation  been  opened,  the  people  would 
have  insisted  upon  neither  of  these;  and  the  Presi- 
dent knew  it.  It  was  by  declaring  war,  and 
awakening  the  national  prejudices  against  Mexico, 
nnd  sliding  the  public  conscience  by  arousing  the 
military  Ic'olings  of  n  brnve  people,  that  this  most 
wicked  scheme  of  acquisition  was  to  be  accom- 
plished. And  who  is  to  gnin  by  this  wnr?  Our 
money  is  to  be  poured  out  like  water;  our  pco- 


I  must  stop  here,  without  finishing  my  remarks 
upon  this  subject,  for  I  nin  informed  by  luy  friends 
thnt  I  hnve  but  five  minutesuf  my  hour  nninining; 
nnd  I  mu.st  devote  that  to  my  cnlleasue,  [Mr. 
TiiiiRMAN.]  I  regret  very  much  thnt  my  colleague 
fell  into  n  train  of  remarks,  such  ns  those  which  he 
made  use  of,  in  commenting  upon  my  \-oteupon  the 
war  bill.  It  would  have  done  better  in  some  dark 
corner  of  my  colleague's  own  district.  And  after 
all,  what  dill  his  strictures  amount  to  ?  He  gnve 
us  n  slereotyped  collection  of  extracts  from  rash 


pie  lo  be  devoured  by  disease  and  torn  by  Mex-  i    New  England  sermons  made  during  the  last  wnr 
lean  grape-shot;  and  every  inch  of  land   thnt  is   |  An 


conquered  from  Mexico  beyond  the  Nueces  by 
accretion  becomes  n  pnrt  of  Texns.  This  whole  , 
wnr  hns  been  got  up  to  cnrry  out  those  secret  ns- 
suranccH  which,  it  will  be  rrcollccled,  Mr.  Polk's  i 
agent  made  to  the  Texan  Goverirmcnl,  that  the  i 
refusal  of  this  Government  to  pay  their  public 
debt  should  be  no  objection  to  nniiexation:  that  i 
this  Government  woulil  provide  for  that  debt.  i 

This  view  of  this  subject  is  much  strengthened  | 
by  this  pretended  elfort  at  negotiation;  the  rejec- ' 
tion  of  which  is  allogid  as  one  of  the  causes  of  War  '' 
ngainst  Mexico.  This  offer  of  negotiation  wns  a  1, 
wnr  measure — ariisc  drgueire,  to  throw  upon  Mcxi-  | 
CO  the  responsibility  and  odium  f.."  hostilities.  A  ' 
candid  invesligntion  will  be  sullicicnt  to  convince  I; 
any  man  of  this.     The  President  started  out  with 


d  the  ravines  during  that  same  period,  of  a  few 
misguided  Federal  editors  in  diflerent  sect' ina  of  the 
country;  with  llicse  he  attempted  to  associate  those 
who  oppose  the  present  wnr.  The  rencating  of 
these  old  extracts  upon  this  floor,  it  r,  urred  to 
me  nt  the  time  was  in  very  bad  taste.  My  col- 
league has  not  even  the  merit  of  selecting  these 
extracts,  for  so  often  have  the  very  same  been  re- 
peated, that  the  boys  in  my  district,  I  am  sure, 
are  quite  fnmiliar  with  them.  But  I  will  ask  my 
colleague  when  it  wns  that  he  became  so  vehement 
a  friend  nnd  supporter  of  this  Texnn  cause  ?  What 
time  did  he  become  a  convert?  St.  Paul,  as  he 
journeyed  to  Dnmoscus,  was  not  more  suddenly 
converted,  than  the  democracy  of  Ohio  to  annex- 
ntion. The  very  day  of  the  Bnltimore  Convention, 
the  Ohio  Statesman,  the  organ  and  mouth-piece  of 


the  very  commcndalile  resolution  of  waiving  all  j!  the  Democratic  party  in  Ohio,  denounced  anne.x- 


ceremony,  and  taking  tlic  initiative  in  opening  the 
negotiation;  and  yel,  after  conducting  it  for  some 
time,  with  every  prospect  of  success,  we  find  him 
terminating  it  upon  a  mere  question  of  Icchnicnlity ; 
and  that,  when  the  mighty  results  of  peace  and 
war  were  depending  upon  tiie  issue.  Mexico  hnd 
ngreed  to  receive  a  commissioner  to  treat  with  her 
exclusively  upon  the  question  of  boundnry.  If  the 
President  wns  so  willing  to  waive  all  ceremony, 
wliy  did  he  not  send  a  coinirijsionor  in  conformity 


ntion,and  declared  that  its  real  object  wns  to  perpet- 
uate slnvery,  nnd  to  increase  the  slave  power  of  the 
South,  and  give  them  nn  undue  influence  in  the  i 
councils  of  the  nntion.     But,  lo!  in  n  single  night, 
yes,   in  the  twinkling  of  nn  eye,  the  democmcy  of  | 

Ohio  had  been  brought  over (here  the  chair-  j 

man's  hammer  fell  and  Mr.  Tilde.v  resumed  his 
sent.)  : 

Mr.  Douglass  obtnined  the  floor.     Many  voices  1 
called  upon  him  to  yield  it  for  a  motion  that  the  '■ 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  DAVID  WILMOT, 

or  PENNSYLVANIA, 

I  In  the  HonsE  or  REPREirNTATivEi, 

July  1,  1846. 

The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  nn 

I      the  sinte  of  the  Union,  on  the  Bill  reducing  the 

I      duty  on  Imports,  nnd  for  other  purposes — 

Mr.  WILMOT  nddrcsaed  the  committee  an  fol- 
I  lows: 

I  Mr.  Chairman!  If  I  felt  nt  liberty  to  consult  my 
own  inclinations,  I  should  refrain  from  Inking  part 
.  in  Ihe  present  discussion.  It  is  always  unpleasant 
for  n  man  occupying  a  public  position  to  find  him- 
self constrained  to  separate  from  those  with  whom 
he  is  more  intimately  and  closely  associated,  espe- 
cially upon  n  question  of  such  deep  and  absorbing 
interest  ns  the  one  now  under  consideration.  For 
each  nnd  every  one  of  my  colleagues  on  this  floor 
I  entertain  the  kindest  and  most  respectful  fcelinga. 
My  association  with  them  has  been  of  the  moat 
agreeable  cbarnclcr,  nnd  it  is  with  unfeigned  regret 
that  I  find  myself  conslrnined,  by  n  high  sense  of 
reprcsenlntive  duty,  to  tnke  n  position  an  this  sub- 
ject dilfering  totally  nnd  fundamentally  from  the 
one  occupied  by  them.  But,  air,  I  must  abide  by 
my  own  convictions — I  must  stand  by  my  own 
judgment.  While  I  intend  to  speak  of  the  restric- 
I  live  system  and  ita  advocates  as  I  believe  the  truth 
demands,  I  trust  thnt  friends  with  whom  I  differ 
will  not  undcrstnnd  me  In  imply  the  slightest  re- 
p/onch  upon  the  course  they  hnve  felt  it  their  duty 
to  tnke.  Others,  doubtless,  spenk  the  sentiments 
of  their  constituents — I  shall  endeavor  to  speak  the 
voice  of  mine;  to  their  judgment,  and  theirs  alone, 
we  are  alike  responsible.  And,  while  I  doubt  t 
but  their  constituents  will  approve  their  course,  I 
will  meet  mine  as  best  I  can. 

Sir,  believing  as  I  do,  I  cannot  give  the  influence 
of  my  voice,  however  bumble  it  may  be,  in  sup- 
port of  the  tarirt'  of  1843.  I  believe  it  unjust  nnd 
oppressive;  imposing  heavy  burdens  upon  the  la- 
bor nnd  industry  of  the  country,  for  the  purpose 
of  building  up  a  monopolizing  and  privileged  class, 
I  am  opposed  in  principle  to  all  partial  legislation. 
1  believe  it  nt  wnr  with  the  spirit  and  genius  of  our 
institutions,  nnd  dangerous  to  the  equal  rights  and 
liberties  of  the  people.  This  Government  was 
established  for  the  equni  benefit  nnd  protection  of 
nil  its  citizens.  If  confined  within  its  proper  and 
legilimnte  nttion,  ita  duties  arc  simple:  regulating 
our  intercourse  with  foreign  nntions,  aflbrding  pro- 
tectio  1  to  person  nnd.property,  leaving  cnch  to  pur- 
sue that  particular  employment  or  branch  of  indus- 
try which  he  may  deem  most  profitable,  or  best 
ailapted  to  his  tastes  and  habits.  When  it  turns 
aside  from  these  objects,  and  seeks  to  build  up  one 
interest,  (which  cnn  only  be  done  by  depressing 
others,)  it  ceuaea  to  be  a  just  Governmeut — it  be- 


768 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  1, 


29rH  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Wihnot. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


cornea  a  tynxmy,  unworthy  of  thi  confidence  or 
aupport  of  the  people. 

It  is  urged  by  the  prolecUoniita,  tlmt  the  impo- 
sition of  nigh'restrictive  and  prohibitory  duties 
benefits  alike  the  who'e  country  and  every  branch 
of  domestic  industry.  This,  sir,  I  deny.  In  my 
view,  tlie  falsity  rf  ihis  proposition  is  as  clearly 
dsmonstrable  as  tny  mathematiccd  problem.  If 
what  was  taken  from  one  man  w<\s  returned  to  him 
by  another,  and  so  on  t^iroughout  the  wliole  com- 
munity or  State,  it  would  benefit  no  one,  but  lenve 
cnch  standing  exactly  w  here  he  was  when  the  pro- 
cess comiiienccd.  Again:  nil  weiilth  is  the  product 
of  labor.  If,  by  any  system  of  legislation,  you  en- 
hance the  profitd  of  a  particular  department  of  labor 
beyond  wnat  they  would  otiierwise  be,  you  must 
of  necessity  draw  those  increased  profits  from  the 
labor  of  some  other.  If  this  proposition  be  correct, 
the  subject  would  seem  to  resolve  itself  into  an  an- 
swer ofthe  single  question :  Do  high  protective  tarilfs 
increase  the  profits  of  the  manufacturer  ?  If  so,  it 
follow  b  ihat  those  increased  profits  arc  drawn  from 
some  other  department  of  industry .  It  would  really 
seem  unnecessary,  to  those  having  the  slightest 
knowledge  of  this  subject,  to  expend  one  moment 
in  proof  of  an  aflirmative  answer  to  this  question. 
Who  is  it  tliat  year  afLer  year  clamors  so  loudly 
for  protection )  Is  it  the  mrmer — the  industrious 
"•id  cniprprising  artisan — the  d.iy-laborer.>  No, 
b.  ,  ttuoc  men  are  never  seen  about  your  halls, 
nski";  ')'..■  special  legislation  of  this  Government 
in  thei'  behalf'.  Thej  rely  upon  their  industry  and 
economy  to  obtam  for  themselves  and  their  funii- 
lie.i  a  livelihood.  It  is  the  inanufncturcrs  who  conic 
here  asking  bounties  and  protection  for  the  partic- 
ular business  in  which  they  have  chosen  to  embnrk 
their  capital.  Do  they  ask  this  in  order  to  lessen 
tneir  prices  and  diminish  their  profits?  It  is  too 
absurd  for  serious  argument. 

It  is  said  by  tlie  protectionists  that  the  "  indus- 
try of  the  country"  must  be  protected.  This  clap- 
trap phrase,  together  with  others,  such  as  "  lidine 
markeis,"  protection  against  pauper  labor.  Ac, 
have  lost  tlieir  power  over  intelligent  and  rciinting 
men.  Is  that  protection  to  the  interests  of  the 
country  which  levies  contributions  upon  iiiiie-tentlis 
of  its  labor  to  build  up  a  favored  and  privileged 
class?  The  bold  pioneer,  who  with  his  axe  fear- 
lessly encounters  our  heavy  foresW  and  subdscs 
our  rugged  soil,  makes  a  valuable  and  permanent 
conquest  over  nali  re  for  tlie  benefit  of  man.  Ho 
has  added  something  to  the  world's  stock,  and 
made  that  which  before  was  useless  subservient  to 
the  happiness  and  support  of  his  race.  Has  he  in 
his  noble  undertaking  asked  the  bounties  of  Gov- 
ernment in  his  behflf.'  Has  he  come  with  greedy 
and  si<lfish  grasp,  demanding  from  the  public  li-ens- 
ury  a  premiunf  upon  the  land  cleared  by  hitn,  or 
upon  the  wheat  and  Cfirn  raised  as  the  product  of 
his  labor?  Sir,  this  man  asks  only  nrottclion  (mm 
the  spirit  of  rapacity  a"d  wronf;.  But,  argues  the 
protectionist,  we  desire  to  givai  to  the  farmer  ii 
market  for  his  surplus  productions.  Give  to  him, 
then,  the  markeu?  of  the  world — not  seek  to  restrict 
him  in  his  choi<^e,  by  a  system  ot"  icstrictive  and 
prohibitory  d'l'les,  which  leads  So  countervailing 
restrictions,  and  by  its  narrow  mid  selfish  policy 
renders  tliose  v.'lio  would  otherwise  become  jiur- 
chasera  unable  to  buy.  litit  it  is  a  home  market 
that  is  to  be  gi  )  the  fanner.    Tlmt  is,  by  shut- 

ting him  out  from  the  markets  of  the  '  /orld,  nnd 
confining  him  to  one,  you  place  hini  completely  in 
the  power  of  those  who  control  that  mai'ket,  <;iil)rr 
to  sell  at  their  prices,  i,r  not  sell  at  all.  Not  only 
chir,  but  he  nuist  be  prohibited  from  seeking  the 
best  and  clica|)est  market  in  which  lo  nurcliasi;  arti- 
cles ncccFsary  for  the  comfort  of  liiii.HcIf  and  fiinii- 
ly,  but  must  buy  of  this  same  privil''i;r(l  class  at  ih" 
prices  they  may  find  it  for  their  iiilin  si  to  dciiiM.d. 
rhiiH  upon  liotli  sidi's  the  fanner  is  lleeced.  i  am 
answered  by  the  prolectionisLs  tiiat  ihis  is  not  the 
case — that  the  fanner  is  benefited  by  the  restrictive 
policy,  inasmuch  as  ho  obtains  more  from  the 
manufacturer  than  he  could  otherwise  get  for  his 
produce,  and  buys  of  him  manufactured  arlieles 
cheaper  than  he  could  otherwise  procure  them. 
This,  sir,  is  begging  the  whole  ipicstion.  It  comes 
Inck  to  the  old  argument,  that  hiali  duties  cheapen 
tlie  articles  upon  which  they  are  imposed.  I  can- 
not but  repeat  my  surprise,  tlmt  any  man  who  has 
given  lo  this  subject  one  hour  of  cool,  unprejudiced 
refiection,  ihuuld  insist  upon  this  position  as  cor- 


rect. Yet,  sir,  on  tliia  subject  such  perversity  is 
shown  by  the  advocates  of  restriction,  that  the 
friends  of  a  more  hberal^nd  enlightened  policy  are 
called  upon  to  prove,  over  and  overo^in,  the  sim- 
plest axioms  of  political  and  economical  science. 

What  is  the  meaning  of  the  word  protection? 
It  is  to  guard — to  ahield  from  danger  or  harm. 
This  the  manufacturer  desires.  To  what  danger 
is  ne exposed?  From  what  threatened  harm  does 
he  seek  the  shield  of  legislative  protection  ?  From 
the  competition  of  a  cheaper  article,  is  it  not?  Not 
8  ',  says  the  protectionist;  he  merely  desires  to  be 
securtil  oiid  protected  in  the  home  market.  I 
answer,  that  tlic  cheapest  goods  secure  the  market 
without  further  protection.  If  our  manufacturers 
can  and  will  sell  an  article,  equally  good,  at  a 
cheaper  price  than  the  foreigner,  they  have  the 
market  to  tliemsclvcs  by  the  fixed  and  established 
laws  of  trade.  But,  says  the  protectionist  again, 
wo  are  in  favor  of  protecting  American  labor 
against  the  pauper  labor  of  Europe.  How,  pray, 
do  the  half-starved  paupers  of  Kurof*  injure  the 
domestic  manufacturer?  He  will  not  burn  down 
his  factory,  or  derange  his  machinery.  But  he 
labors  so  clieaply,  is  the  reply,  that  the  manufac- 
turer at  home  must  be  protected  from  the  cheap 
article  of  his  make.  Why  protected?  Ccruiinly 
not  that  he  may  sell  the  article  cheaper  still.  Do 
sagacious  and  shrewd  men — men  capable  of  em- 
barking successfully  in  a  business  requiring  so 
much  of  skill  and  good  manageme...  us  docs  that 
of  manufacturing — come  and  ask  of  Congress  so 
to  legislate  as  to  reduce  tlieir  priceu  and  diminish 
their  profits?  If  so.  Congress  has,  as  yet,  failed 
to  accomplish  their  wishes.  The  profits  of  the 
large  manuracturing  establishments  in  tlie  East 
have,  1  am  fully  satisfied,  realized,  in  the  last  year, 
from  50  to  75,  and  even  100  per  cent.  I  know 
their  dividends  have  fallen  far  uelow  this,  ranging 
ft-oni  15  to  30  per  cent;  but  it  is  easy  to  divide  only 
a  portion  of  the  profits,  placing  the  balance  to  dif- 
ferent funds.  Again,  many  of  tlio  largest  nnd 
most  profitable  eslablishmenls  nre  carried  on  as 
private  partnerships,  and  the  profits  divided  with- 
out any  public  declaration  of  dividends.  I  have 
derived  some  information  from  a  friend  upon  this 
subject,  in  whose  statements  and  estimates  I  place 
great  confidence — one  long  and  iiiliinately  connect- 
ed with  the  manulUcturing  business.  He  tells  me 
that  the  coarser  cotton  shirtings  are  manufactured 
here  at  a  cost  of  three-and-a-half  cents  per  yard 
at  the  most.  I  have  considered  the  cost  nt  four 
cents  in  mv  estimate.  Lot  wi  take  a  manufactu- 
ring estabiishmenl  in  which  has  been  invested 
$300,000 — 11  sum  nin]jly  nnd  more  than  sutllcient 
to  liuUil  one  of  the  capacity  of  my  calculation. 
There  would  be  in  sueli  a  factory  at  least  fifteen 
hundred  looms,  each  loom  inaUiiig  one  jiicce  of 
thirty  yards  per  dny,  I  have  stated  the  cost  at 
four  Cents  per  yard. 
Thus,  one  pound  of  cotton,  costing 

eightccnt.s,  will  make  four  yards,  2  els.  per  yard 
One  girl  will  attend  two   looms, 

mahing  sixty  yards  pcrday,  and 

allowing  her  fifty  cents  per  day, 

it  will  be  less  than  one  cent  for  ' 

the  cost  of  weaving  per  yard —  | 

say 1  ct.  per  yard. 

One  cc'  .  more  will  cover  cost  of 

Hpirining,   wear  of  machinery, 

interest'  upon    capital,   and   oil 

other  expenses 1  ct.  per  yard. 

Cost  of  coarse  shirtings 4  cts.  per  yuid. 

Fifteen  hundred  looms,  making  each  thirty  yards 
per  day,  gives  45,000  yards,  which,  at  four  eeiits, 
IS  the  Sinn  of  1^1,800  the  eost  of  running  the  I'uc-  , 
tory  one  day. 

This  article  has  been  sold  in  the  market  during 
the  last  year  at  from  fij  to  'i  cents  per  yard.     1 
will  consider  the  sales  made  at  six  cents,  wiiich,  ' 
upon  45,000   yards,  gives  the  sum  of  «»:i,700  as 
the  daily  products  or  receipts  of  the  fnclory —  | 
leaving  as  the  nei  profits  for  one  il ' . ,  JiOOO.     The  j 
mill  will  run  three  hundred  and  Iwi  Ive  days  in  the  ; 
year,  but  allowing  for  nccidenlH,  stoppages,  &c.,  ' 
say  that  it  runs  three  hundred  days,  this  will  give  I 
ail  the  net  annual  profits  the  sum  of  f^T0,0U6  on  { 
an  investment  of  |blKI,00O.  | 

I  believe  tins  calculation  correct,  only  in  the  1 
profits  being  under-estimated.  If  there  is  any  error  ; 
in  the  data  upon  which  it  ia  based,  1  would  bo  i 


most  happy  for  any  gentlemun  acquainted  with  the 
subject  to  point  it  out.  We  do  know,  that  coarse 
shirtings  are  manufhctured  in  England  at  a  cost 
even  less  than  3]  cents  per  yard ;  and  all  agree  in  the 
fact  that  we  manufacture  these  goods  aa  cheaply 
OS  they  are  made  abroad.  Indeed  we  were  so  told 
on  this  floor,  by  one  of  the  most  earnest  of  the 
advocates  of  high  duties.  Certain  it  is,  that  they 
have  not  been  sold  in  the  American  markets  for 
less  than  six  cenla  the  yard,  if  aa  low  aa  that, 
during  the  last  year. 

Where,  I  inquire,  do  these  enormous  profits 
come  from  ?  I  answer,  from  the  pockets  of  the 
people.  Evcryman,woman,andchild,  who  wears 
a  yard  of  this  monufactnrc,  contributes  to  make 
np  the  sum  of  those  pro^'is.  How  long  can  the 
country  and  tlio  people  staid  up  under  this  system 
of  taxation?  If  persisted  in,  and  finally  esUib- 
lished  as  the  permanent  policy  of  the  country,  it 
must  in  time,  and  that  at  no  distant  day,  impover- 
ish the  musses  by  concentrating  all  wealth  in  the 
hands  of  the  few.  No  wonder  that  your  Law- 
rences and  Appletons  are  so  zealous  in  their  eflbrts 
to  protect  American  labor.  What  gives  to  these 
men  so  dcep^iid  exclusive  a  sympathy  with  the 
mass !  Is  it  for  the  laborer,  that  they  annually 
expend  thousands  in  their  efl'orta  to  mould  public 
opinion  to  their  views?  For  him  do  tliey  hold 
tariff  conventions,  an  .  pass  tariflT  resolves?  Is  itfor 
him  that  they  pension  the  brightest  talents  of  the 
country  to  plead  the  cause  of  protection  ?  Truly, 
till  ir  interests  in  the  laborer  must  bo  deep  and  sin- 
cere, that  at  such  cost  and  trouble  they  seek  to 
protect  him  against  the  pauper  labor  of  Europe.  I 
wonder  if  these  men  should  have  application  made 
to  them  by  a  carjjo  of  paupers  fieslily  landed  from 
Europe,  to  work  in  their  fhctories  at  wages  one- 
half,  or  one-third*less  than  they  were  paying 
American  laborers,  if  their  patriotism  would  not 
lake  fire  at  such  an  attack  upon  American  labor  ? 
What  say  my  friends  upon  the  other  side  ?  Do 
the  manufacturers  employ  tlioso  they  can  hire 
cheapest?  I  think  they  would  not  be  seriously 
alarmed  at  the  pauper  labor  of  Europe  presenting 
itself  under  such  circumstances.  It  is  only  when 
that  labor  comes  over  in  the  fonn  of  a  cheaper 
rival  manufacture,  that  his  patriotism  rises  •  the 
fever  heal.  His  interest  in  the  laborer  rises  and 
falls  in  exact  ratio  with  his  dividends.  Sir,  I  have 
no  fiiilli  in  these  hypocritical  pretensions.  Your 
lords  of  the  spindle  seek  by  evc.y  means  in  their 
power  to  dc]iress  American  Inlior.  They  have, 
from  time  't  time,  reduced  prices  and  increased 
the  hours  .'  labor.  Their  rules  and  regulations 
have  the  force  and  aull.  irity  of  law  over  a  largo 
class  of  those  in  their  employ.  Most  of  them  arc 
f.i'inles,  in  a  great  degree  lependant  upon  them 
for  employment,  nnd  who  obey  their  edicts, 
whether  for  reducing  iriccs  c.  ;..cr»asing  labor, 
rather  than  lose  their  means  of  upport.  I  rec<d- 
lect  to  have  seen,  some  two  year  since,  a  petition 
from  some  factory  girls  to  the  Lcgislnturi^  of  Miis- 
aachusetts,  praying  for  a  redress  of  grievanceH  of 
which  they  complained.  They  had  ciijagcd  to 
work  in  a  factory  at  stipulated  prices;  af^er  work- 
ing a  short  time,  an  edict  was  issued  reducing  their 
wages  some  iiO  or  25  per  cent.  They  nt  first  re- 
monstrated, and  finally  left,  seeking  work  in  other 
factories.  They  went  from  one  to  another  asking 
einployment,  Dut  were  everywhere  refused.  The 
sequel  proved  that  their  names  had  been  sent  lo 
every  factory  in  the  SUUe,  and  they  were  denied 
cniploymenl,  because  they  had  refused  to  submit 
lo  the  nijiislice  and  tyranny  of  their  first  employer. 
If  there  is  no  truth  in  this — if  it  were  u  mere  elec- 
tioneering slory,  some  of  the  gentlemen  who  rep- 
resent that  St  lie  on  this  floor  can  set  nie  right.  Jno 
denial,  sir;  it  is  then  true.  A  wicked  and  unholy 
combination  was  entered  into  by  these  moneyed 
lords,  to  deprive  these  girls  of  labor,  or  compel 
lliem  lo  submit  to  their  prices.  This  is  the  way 
in  which  thry  aid  and  sustain  die  labor  of  the 
country.  Thus,  sir,  it  will  ever  be.  Privilege 
and  monopoly  nro  ever  selfish— ever  gras|)jng. 
Interest  is  the  sole  governing  principle  of  all  llieir 
iiitioni".  These  are  the  men  to  whose  tender  mer- 
cies you  would  deliver  over  the  working  men  and 
women  of  the  country.  Builil  up  by  a  system  of 
restriction  nm^  '  rcdiibitory  duties,  wlmt  souie  gi  n- 
llemen  are  pleased  lo  term  the  ^tat  interests  ofthe 
country,  enable  capiuilisin  by  special  legislation  to 
embark  in  large  enterprises  securing  lo  them  large 


.  OF  Reps. 

luainted  with  the 
now,  that  coarse 
nglnnd  at  a  cost 
loall  agree  in  the 
lods  as  cheaply 
we  were  so  told 
t  earnest  of  the 
n  it  is,  that  they 
can  markets  for 
as  low  as  that, 

normous  profits 
pockets  of  the 
Jiild,  who  wears 
ributes  to  make 
ow  lonp  can  the 
uler  this  system 
d  finally  estab- 
the  country,  it 
t  day,  impovcr- 
ill  wealth  in  the 
hat  your  Law- 
is  in  their  efforts 
gives  to  these 
ti|)iuhy  with  the 
It  they  annually 
10  .nould  public 
n  do  tlie^  hold 
solves?  Isitfor 
!'.  talents  of  the 
ection .»    Truly, 
)e  deep  and  sin- 
jle  they  seek  to 
)r  of  Europe.   I 
pplication  made 
Illy  landed  from 
1  at  wages  one- 
f  were   paying 
itism  would  not 
Lmerican  labor? 
ther  side  ?    Do 
they  can  hire 
ot  be  serioubly 
[rone  presenting 
It  is  only  when 
n  of  a  cheaper 
ism  rises  <    the 
borer  rises  and 
Is.    Sir,  I  hovo 
ensions.     Your 
•  means  in  their 
.     They  have, 
3  and  increased 
>nd  regulations 
w  over  a  large 
38t  of  them  are 
«it  upon  them 
'    tlicir    edicts, 
".r-'vising  labor, 
ipori.     I  recol- 
ince,  a  petition 
'latuieof  MijH- 
I'  friicvances  of 
111  ci-^agcd  to 
s;  after  work- 
reducing  their 
hey  at  first  re- 
work in  other 
mother  asking 
refusiul.     'i'lie 
d  been  sent  to 
y  were  denied 
iscd  to  submit 
irstrmployor. 
■K  II  mere  elec- 
incn  who  rcp- 
mc  right.   No 
'd  and  unholy 
use  moneyi'il 
Jr,  or  compel 
lis  is  the  way 
labor  of  the 
e.     Privilege 
rer  grKMpjiig. 
Ic  of  nil  tlniir 
»;  Icniler  nicr- 
ling  men  and 
r  i\  system  of 
lilt  Hiiine  g(  11- 
ilercNisoftlie 

ll'giHl«lil)ll  to 

to  them  large 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


769 


2f)TH  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Wilmot. 


New  Series.... No.  49. 


profits,  and  they  will  then  buy  the  produce  of  the 
farmer,  and  employ  the  labor  of  the  poor.  In 
short,  sir,  it  comes  down  to  an  old  maxim  of  an 
old  parly,  "Take  care  of  the  rich,  and  the  rich  will 
take  care  of  the  poor.''  This,  if  I  understand  it, 
is  the  long  and  short  of  this  argument  in  favor  of 
the  restrictive  system. 

Sir,  the  cffDrls  to  sustain  on  the  one  hand,  and 
to  break  down  on  the  other,  this  protective  policy, 
is,  in  my  humble  judgment,  a  contest  between  cap- 
ilnl  and  labor — the  former  stragiiing  to  perpetuate 
its  privileges,  and  the  latter  for  its  rights  and  just 
rewards.  Why  should  those  who  are  already 
blessed  with  abundance  and  wealth,  ask  of  this 
Government,  that  was  established  for,  and  is  sus- 
tained by  the  people,  to  legislate  for  tlieir  especial 
bonefit?  What  ii^ht  have  they  to  Ocmand  a  mo- 
nopoly, that  they  may  make  even  30  percent,  upon 
their  cnpitiil?  Is  it  to  enable  them  to  protect  and 
take  care  of  American  inclustiy?  Witli  whatju.s- 
tice  or  li-ulli  can  they  claim  that  their  looms  and 
machinery  coiitsiilute  American  industry?  Sir,  it 
fs  an  arrogant  and  insolent  nssuniplion,  and  should 
be  mot  and  denounced  by  every  man  who  values 
the  equal  igbts  and  liberties  of  the  people.  I  sol- 
emnly b.  licve,  if  this  policy  could  be  permanently 
established,  that  not  one  century  would  pass  away 
before  the  free  .ind  independent  laborers  of  this 
country  would  be  reduced  to  the  degrading  condi- 
tion of  the  laborers  of  Europe.  It  would  sap  and 
undermine  our  republican  institutions.  The  people 
would  lose  the  control  over  their  own  Government, 
and  wcaltli  become  firmly  intrenched  in  all  the 
seats  and  high  places  of  ])ower.  The  vnstness  of 
our  country,  and  the  cheapness  of  the  unoccupied 
lands,  have  hitherto  prevented  the  full  devehi)i- 
ment  and  workings  of  this  systftii.  Had  our 
limits  been  confined  between  the  Atlantic  and 
the  Allegauies,  we  should  ere  this  have  wit- 
nessed the  fruits  of  this  system  upon  the  labor  ot 
the  counlry.  We  slioulcl  have  seen  here,  as  in 
iMighmil,  men,  women,  and  children,  working iVom 
foui-lccn  to  eighteen  hours  in  the  day  for  a  mere 
subsistence.  It  is  this  accursed  policy  of  legisla- 
ting for  the  capital  of  the  country,  together  with  the 
paper-money  sysier  'hut  has  contributed  more 
limn  all  other  cau-  s  >■!  fasten  upon  the  English 
laborer  a  slavery  \M.r..c  than  that  of  the  lash.  The 
conilition  of  his  existence  is,  work  or  starve.  If 
hIcIviicss  or  accident  interrupt  his  labors  but  for  i\ 
day,  famine  siurcs  him  in  the  I'ace.  This  i  what 
the  capitalists  and  privileged  clas.scs  have  done  for 
the  English  labori'r.  So,  sir,  it  will  ever  be  when 
wealih  '■  •'  privilege  are  allowed  to  levy  their 
exacil.iiia  upon  liilior.  AVIien  avarice  becomes 
lilieriil — when  wealth  ceases  to  desire  new  ni.'r[ui- 
sitions — when  capital  is  satisfied  with  niodeiate 
profits — then,  anil  not  till  then,  will  labor,  under 
this  system,  receive  its  just  rewanls.  It  docs  not 
now  receive  ilicm,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  is  cruelly 
and  uiijuslly  plundered  of  ils  ;  iglilful  earnings.  All 
business  in  wliicli  capital  anil  iaiior  arc  employed, 
is  a  joint  entorprise,  in  whiiii  llarc  slioniil  be  a 
fair  and  just  division  of  the  profits.  At'lcr  paying 
to  capital  a  fair  inlciest  upon  its  iiiveslniem,  and  a 
reasonable  per  cent,  for  tlie  risk  incuned,  tin;  bah 
luice  ought,  and  ot'  right  docs,  belong  to  labor. 
lint  laliiir  obtains  a  mcresubsisicnce,  while  capital 
can  scarcely  count  ils  guii  .  Is  this  justice  to  the 
hibdicr?  It  is  the  only  incasvrc  of  justice  he  will 
ever  receive  at  the  bauds  of  pruilege  anil  monoply. 

!Sir,  I  am  ill  liivor  of  protection.  1  here  avow 
mysiilf  a  prolccllonist  in  the  highest  and  truest 
sense  of  the  word.  I  demand  protection  for  labor, 
against  the  cruel  exactions  of  capital.  1  deniiuid 
pnilcclion  for  !hcM|ual  liglilsi  i' the  people,  agrinst 
a  privilegid  and  moiiupolizing  class,  uplieid  and 
suslaiueil  by  partial  legislaliou.  I  claim  protcc- 
lion  for  the  hard  earnings  of  the  poor,  against  an 
insidious  system  ihat  pluuders  by  steailh,  and 
I'uls  out  his  substance.  Why,  sir,  in  the  name  of 
luimaiiity,  sr'ck  to  heap  lairdcn  al'icr  lairdeu  upon 
llic  buck  of  liiborr  Is  not  the  lot  of  the  poor  already 
sullii'iinlly  bard  ?  Mas  not  wealih  alivmly  .sullicicnt 
ailvantages  over  poverty?  It  has  inlliience  and 
power,  and  too  ol'ten,  even  in  this  fiee  counlry, 
commands  the  hi'^li  stations  of  honor  and  pr.iht. 
The  rich  live  in  allliieuce,  surrounded  with  all  the 
elcirancicH  and  luxuries  of  life.  Their  rliildrcn 
grow  lip  around  them,  and  arc  amply  advanced 
and  provided  for  The  poor  toil  in  bent  and  in 
cold  for  a  pbiin  and  homely  subsistence,  sulVering 

45) 


many  reverses,  enduring  many  privations.  His 
children  toil  by  his  side,"or  leave  home  at  an  early 
age  to  toil  in  the  fields  or  workshop  of  the  stranger. 
Against  this.  Democracy  makes  no  complaint. 
Democracy  seeks  not  to  deprive  wealth  of  any  of 
its  legitimate  advantages;  it  asks  not  to  take  fi-om 
the  rich  one  farthing  of  his  riches;  but  it  docs  de- 
mand that  these  advantages  shall  not  be  increased 
by  the  partial  ennctmenLs  of  the  Government;  that 
110  system  of  direct  or  indirect  bounties  be  estab- 
lished, by  which  a  portion  of  the  earnings  of  the 
poor  be  taken  to  swell  the  already  overflowing 
coffers  of  the  rich.  Yet,  under  the  thin  and  flimsy 
disguise  of  protection  to  American  labor,  such  a 
policy  is  attempted  to  be  fastened  upon  the  coun- 
try. I  will  war  ogaiiist  it  while  1  have  breath.  I 
have  warred  against  it  at  home  before  my  own 
people,  and  I  shall  not  desert  their  eanse  now.  Sir, 
I  had  no  concealments  upon  this  subject.  I  am  un- 
der no  pledges,  except  the  high  and  solemn  pledge 
implied,  that  I  would  here  carry  out  iu  my  action 
the  priiicii)lcs  I  publicly  avoweil  in  the  canvass. 

I  have  already,  sir,  glanced  at  the  argument  so 
much  insisted  upon,  that  this  system  will  giv  to 
the  farmer  a  home  market.     W^liat,  1  inquire,  has 
it  yet  done  towards  that  end  ?    The  surplus  agri- 
cultural productions  of  Ohio  alone  would   feed, 
twice  over,  all  the  persons  employed  by  these  man- 
ufacturing ffitublishments  that  have  gro"'n  u|i  un- 
der this  system.     What  is  lo  be  d-.e  with  .'>e  ro- 
maining  surplus  of  the  vast  West,  and  of  the  niiUdle 
States?     1  jr  thirty  years  we  have  heard  that  a 
;   home  market  wrts  to  be  created,  and  yet,  during  this 
jl  time  the  agricultural  productions  have  increased  in 
I  a  ratio  as  ten  to  one,  over  the  consumption  of  these 
|;  large   manufacturing  establishments.      Does  the 
'■'■  farmer  look  to  the  prices  current  of  Lowell  to  as- 
i  i  certain  the  market  price  of  his  wheat,  his  pork,  and 
':  I  the  products  of  his  dairy  ?     No,  sir;  he  looks  to  the 
prices  they  bear  in  the  great  commercial  cities  of 
l'  our  seaboard,  and  their  price  there,  under  a  sound 
;!  currency.  Is  in  the  main  governed  by  the  price  they 
ii  command  In  the  foreign  market.     More  of  the  pro- 
'   ductionsof  the  Ameiican  farmer  have  foundamar- 
;    ket  during  the  last  year,  iu  the  dependencies  of 
Great  Britain  alone,  than  all  that  has  been  con- 
sumed by  this  same  home  market  promised  us  by 
liie  protectionists.    Yet  by  their  policy  ibey  would 
dcstloy  the  foreign  market,  that  they  might  control 
absolutely  the  price  of  the  t'armcr'a  products,  as 
they  now  do  that  of  the  woollens  and  cottons  he 
wears;  and  when  one  State  had  glutted  this  home 
niM-kcl,  they  would  cry  out,  as  I  have  heard  some 
:  of  the  savans  of  this  school,  iluif  there  was  an  over 
production  In  the  country;  that  there  was  too  much 
jl  wheal,  corn,  and  pork  rai.sed;  that  the  farmer  was 
',  '00  indiisirious,  and  produced  loo  much.     This,  I 
,  suppose,  is  one  mode  of  encouraging  home  indus- 
try.    They  would,  I  repeal,  ilcslioy  the  fVneign 
j :  market;  for  by  refusing  to  purchase  ot  foreign  coun- 
j   tiics,  you  make  those  countries  unwilling,  and  in- 
;  deed  unable,  to  buy  of  us.     Suppose,  sir,  that  the 
I    Potomac  was  the  tlividing  boundary  between  two 
nations;  wbicli,  for  couveiiieiu'e,  I  will  n.amc  afler 
ihc  ailjiicent   Slates   of   Virginia  and  Maryland; 
that  the  soil  of  Virginia  was  adapted  to  ogi'icul- 
!   liiral  pursuits, — wheal,  and  all  the  productions  of 
;,  the  farm  could  there  be  raised  cheaply  an:i  inalain- 
:   dance;  that  the  lands  of  Ma.'yiand  were  of  a  cold 
'   nnpi'uduclivc  soil,  but,  owing  to  her  mineral  treas- 
ures,  walcr-power,   and    oilier   facilities,   all    the 
braiuhes  of  luainil'acUiring could  be  carried  on  ad- 
vantageously.    Would  it  not,  1  inquire,  be  f  u-the 
miiliial  iuleivsis  of  li.esc  two  nalions  lo  exchange 
ihi'ir  respective  proilnctiiuis  lo  the  exicnt  of  I,  eir 
Wiinls?    Would  iliev  not  naturally  and  beneficially 
do  so  under  the  ordinary  laws  of  trade?     Mo  oiie, 
1  think,  will  deny  it.     Let  us  now  suppose  the 
beaiilies  of  this  restrictive  syslem  to  break  in  upon 
llie  hitherto  beniu'hied  farmers  of  Virginia.     Tliey 
learu  to  talk  alioiit  protecting  Virginia  labor — the 
advantages  of  a  home  market,  and  resolve,  by  high 
restrictive  and  prohibitory  taritl's,  to  shut  out  the 
maniil'aclures  of  Maryland.     I  laving   dime   this, 
some  quit  tlicir  former  pursuilM  and  engage  in  mun- 
iilacluring.    The  labor  bestowed  in  making  a  yard 
of  cloth  in  Virginia,  if  laid  out  upon  the  soil,  would 
have  purchased  two  yards  of  the  Maryland  nianu- 
faclurer.     The  manufacluicis  of  Maryland  cau  no 
longer,  as  fornurly,  buy  the  wheal  of  the  Virginia 
farmer,  because  he  cannot  pay  lor  it,  the  farmer 
IK)  longer  taking  his  ;uanufactures  in  return;  and 


thus  the  foreign  market  of  Maryland  is  destroyed 
to  the  farmer.  But  the  Marylandcr  cannot  starve:  ■ 
wheat  he  must  have;  and  he  sets  about  digging  in 
his  cold  uncongenial  soil  for  the  purpose  of^  raising 
wheat  and  corn.  The  labor  he  expends  in  produ- 
cing a  bushel  of  wheat,  if  expended  in  his  former 
business  of  manufacturing,  would  have  bought  him 
two  bushels  of  his  neighuor,  the  Virginia  fhrmcr. 
What,  sir,  have  these  two  communities  gained  by 
this  system  ?  They  have  destroyed  each  other's 
markets;  they  have  forced  their  citizens  into  un- 
profitable employments,  because  unnatural  to  their 
soils  and  i)liy3ical  resources.  In  short,  they  have 
protected  labor,  and  created  a  home  market  at  in- 
finite cost  and  sacrifice  to  both — a  sacrifice  that 
must  continue  until  their  policy  is  changed.  This, 
sir,  J  believe  to  be  a  true  picture  of  the  restrictive 
system,  when  applied  to  the  great  nations  of  the 
earth.  True  independence  con.sists  in  frcfdom 
from  restraints — untrammelled  to  all  things  not 
morally  wrong;  and  labor  is  best  protectetl  when 
ils  productions  are  idlov. i.d  to  seek  their  natural 
ami  best  m?  '  .  ,  i-urchasing  in  return  where  it 
can  buy  cheapest. 

Another  argument  of  the  protectionists,  and,  in 
my  judgment,  as  fallacious  as  those  I  have  already 
noticed,  is,  tliat  unless  this  restrictive  policy  is 
adhered  to,  nil  the  money  will  be  taken  from  the 
counlry  to  pay  for  our  importations.  The  trade 
ii'-iween  nations  is  nothing  more  than  an  exchange 
of  their  respective  productions.  If  in  any  given 
year  we  should  buy  of  England  more  than  we  sold 
to  her,  we  would  pay  the  balance  with  the  pro- 
ceeds of  the  trade  with  some  oilier  country  wliera 
we  had  sold  more  than  we  bonght;  or  if  the  balnnco 
against  us  should  be  general,  we  would  be  com- 
pelled by  the  laws  of  trade  to  curtail  our  purchases 
the  next  or  following  year,  until  the  balance  was 
restored.  Under  a  sound  currency  no  nation  can 
much  overtrade,  before  a  self-acting  remedy  will 
be  applied.  Wc  cannot  purchase  unless  we  can 
sell.  Nor  can  we  for  any  length  of  time  purchase 
a  much  larger  quantity  than  we  sell.  Again:  the 
precious  irietcls  arc  like  any  other  commodity  in 
the  mark' I;  they  are  carried  by  commerce  from 
one  place  to  another,  according  as  the  demand 
for  them  may  be,  and  their  value  at  difl'erent  points 
in  the  commercial  world.  If  wheat  were  so  scarce 
as  that  it  was  more  valuable  hero  than  in  Europe, 
it  would  at  once  be  brought  to  us  from  there;  or 
if  in  a  sea.son  of  jilenty,  from  a  speculating  mania, 
or  an  inflated  currency,  wheat  should  rise  so  much 
in  price  as  to  make  it  profitable,  it  would  be  brought 
to  us,  as  was  done  from  the  Baltic  durirg  some  of 
the  periods  of  inflation  through  which  we  have 
passed.  So,  sir,  it  is  '.viih  the  precious  metals — 
they  ebb  and  flow  according  to  their  value  and  the 
demand  for  tliein  at  different  commercial  points. 
It  is  in  the  power  of  this  Congress,  by  an  arbitrary 
enactment,  to  cause  a  great  influx  of  the  precious 
metals.  Let  a  law  be  passed  giving  a  premium  of 
five  or  ten  per  cent,  upon  all  foreign  gold  oflered 
lo  the  mint  for  re-coinage,  and  millions  of  foreign 
coin  would  almost  immediately  find  its  way  here; 
'oul  it  would  not  follow  thi'.  the  country  was 
thereby  enriched. 

In  my  judgment  this  restrictive  policy  is  ruin- 
ous to  the  labor  and  industry  of  the  country,  and 
if  persisted  in  will,  iu  a  brief  time,  paralyze  the 
great  agricultural  and  planting  interests.  These 
groat  and  truly  iiaiional  branches  of  industry  are 
passed  by  as  unworthy  of  notice,  and  ihe  steam- 
engine,  the  niachincry  driven  by  water,  the  power- 
looms  and  spindles  of  eastern  capitalists,  are  dig- 
nified, ns  if  alone  worthy,  with  the  appellation  of 
American  industry,  and  prolected  as  American 
labor.  The  farmer  and  planter  must  rest  quiet 
and  be  fleeced,  coiileni  with  the  proniisi,.Tof  ahome 

iimrket protection   fiinn  pauper  labor — national 

iiulepcudeiice  and  ihe  like — words  long  stereo- 
typed in  the  vocabulary  of  the  protectionists,  and 
used  as  poinilar  catchwords  to  mislead  the  unre- 
flecting ami  uninformed.  The  day  of  their  power 
is  pa.su  Inquiry  is  abroad,  and  men  will  look 
into  the  workings  and  operations  of  this  system 
for  tliemselves. 

I  have  attempted  to  show,  in  part,  how  the  far- 
mer Hires  under  the  reslrictivc  policy;  let  us  see 
iiow  it  oneratcs  on  the  mechanic.  Surely  ho  must 
be  bencfiicd.  This  1  deny;  he,  as  well  as  every 
other  interest,  pays  tribute  to  the  jnanufacturer, 
without  receiving  any  adequate  compensation  in 


770 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


July  1, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  mimoi. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


retiirii.  Let  us  take  the  shoemaker  oa  an  example 
,  of  the  worthy  artisBns  scattered  over  our  country. 
It  is  anid  that  lie  is  protected  ui.der  the  present 
high  tiirifT,  by  the  exclusion  of  the  work  of  French 
nnd  English  nrtisnns — that  large  ctpilnlists  have 
been  induced  to  enilmrk  extensircl]'  in  the  busi- 
ness, thereby  nflTording  employment  to  more  than 
could  otherwise  obtain  it.  Any  capitalist  who  has 
engaged  in  this  business  hnn  done  so  for  the  pur- 
pose of  finding  a  profitable  investment  for  his  capi- 
tal. It  it  out  of  no  feelin»  for  the  man  who  does 
the  labor.  These  capitalists  lay  in  their  stork  in 
largj  quantities  and  to  the  best  possible  advantage. 
Ma"V  of  those  they  employ  are  the  least  meritori- 
ous class  of  journeymen — men  without  families, 
who  hang  about  our  larger  towns  and  cities  spend- 
ing their  substance  in  dissipation.  They  are  em- 
ployed at  the  most  reduced  wages,  thus  reducing 
tlie  wages  of  the  mora  meritorious,  who  work  by 
their  Bide.  In  this  way  are  turned  olT  aniuially 
immense  quantities  of  this  manufiiclure,  which  is 
sent  over  tlie  wholj  country,  penetrating  the  re- 
motest corners  and  by-places,  filling  every  country 
store  and  retail  shop,  nnd  thus  brought  directly  in 
competition  with  the  mcchanirg  of  our  villuges  and 
country  districts,  who  constitute  at  least  three- 
fourths  of  the  w  hole.  No  French  boots  or  shoes 
t;vcr  found  their  way  there  to  cU  down  the  business 
nnd  depress  thr. , .rices  of  the  country  mechanic.  It 
is  the  large  ef.tablishments,  carried  on  by  capital- 
ists, that  operate  injuriously  upon  him.  The  me- 
chanics of  my  district  want  no  such  protection  as 
is  given  them  by  the  tariff  of  1842.  If  this  syslcni 
is  to  be  longer  continued,  they  would  like  to  have 
it  extended — they  would  like  to  have  a  prohibitory 
duty  imposed  upon  Massachusetts  boots  and  shoes. 
Such  protection  they  could  understand.  It  would 
comt  liome  to  their  "business  nnd  bosoms;"  but 
they  thanit  you  not  for  the  kind  of  protection  you 
give  them.  It  enhances  the  cost  of  their  material, 
and  all  the  expenses  of  living.  About  two  years 
since,  I  met  an  old  school-mate,  who  hud  worked 
for  some  time  in  one  of  these  large  establishments 
at  Newark,  New  Jersey,  and  he  said  he  found  it 
impossible, at  the  prices  paid,  by  the  hardest  labor 
he  could  endure,  to  support  himself  and  a  small 
family;  that  he  cnuld  obuiin,  in  the  remote  country 
districts,  more  of  the  necessaries  of  life  by  nine 
hours' labor  than  he  could  there  by  fifteen;  and 
that  the  further  he  could  get  frcun  these  large  estab- 
lishment the  belter  he  could  do. 

It  is  not  the  agricultural  and  mechanical  interests 
alone  that  arc  injured  and  defrauded  by  this  re- 
strictive policy.  The  great  niiuiiime  nnd  commer- 
cial interests  arc  most  seriously  ali'ccted.  Every 
restraint  and  clog  imposed  upmi  coinmercc  cannot 
but  be  injurious  to  all  engaged  in  that  legitimate 
and  enterprising  business.  (Jarry  out  the  system 
to  its  furthest  limits,  and  all  foreign  coniincrce 
would  be  destroyed^-our  ships  would  idly  rot 
down  at  their  wharves — our  cnuimciviiU  marls 
would  become  deserted.  Yet  iheciiy  of  New  Yoik 
alone,  built  upaiid  su.stained  by  foreign  comnuirc, 
affords  a  larger  market  for  the  productions  of  the 
farmer  than  all  tlie  manufactories  of  New  Eng- 
land— another  example  of  the  aliility  of  this  sys- 
tem to  ad'ord  a  hojnc  market.  Lot  us  blui.k  up  at 
once  every  clmnn»l  of  access  to  our  coast;  lei  us 
shut  ourselves  in  by  a  wall  of  adamant  from  the 
rest  of  the  world,  holding  no  intcrrouiti'  wi'h  our 
fellow-man  beyond;  and  then  the  splendid  theory 
of  the  I  loiertionist  will  be  fully  realized.  Why 
has  the  b.mniiful  Giver  of  all  ihings  spread  over 
the  globe,  this  diveiaity  of  rlimnie,  soil,  and  jiro- 
duciionr  Did  he  design  that  his  children,  sepa- 
rated into  families  of  naliniis,  shoulil  bo  confined 
in  their  unjoyinents  to  the  proi'jcts  of  llicir  respec- 
tive national  limits.'  If  so,  it  would  be  rational  to 
presume  that  ihcir  wants  would  have  been  circum- 
scibed  wilhin  the  same  narrow  bounds.  He  gave 
the  earili,wiih  alliisfiuiLsand  means o>"enjoyni>'iJt, 
to  man,  inviting  hnn  to  a  friendly  interchange  one 
with  another. 

The  ( iin.He  of  humanity,  the  highest  and  best 
interest  of  man,  is  indi.ssulubly  connected  with  the 
eourae  of  a  more  liberal  and  free  commercial  inler- 
eourse.  It  breaks  down  national  prejudices  and 
iinimosities;  it  brings  man  in  rioserconnexion  wilh 
his  fellow;  binding  each  to  llie  other  by  lh(.  strong 
cords  of  nuilual  interest  and  good  will.  It  is  the 
cause  of  philniilhropy — of  human  advancement  and 
progress.     It  is  liie  cause  of  justice  and  right;  and 


[  must  and  will  prevail.     It  may  be  retarded,  but  it 
:  cannot  be  turned  back.    Selfishness  may  for  a  time 
I  impede  its  progress,  biit^  like  the  waters  that  are 
',  obstructed,  pulilic  opinion  will  swell  higher  and 
higher,  until  it  overbreaks  all  impediments,  sweeps 
away  every  obstrilction.    Yon  might  as  well  at- 
tempt to  shut  out  the  light  of  heaven,  as  to  resist 
the  power  and  progress  of  truth. 

The  advocates  of  a  more  liberal  commercial  pol- 
icy in  this  country,  arc  not  unfrequently  charged 
with  belonging  to'tbe  British  party — of  advocating 
British  intciestH.  If  there  is  any  party  in  this 
country  to  which  the  appellation  of  British  party 
I  can  be  given  wilh  any  shade  of  justice,  it  is  to  the 
idvocntes  of  restriction.  The  grounds  assumed 
I  by  them  in  favor  of  the  manufacturers,  are  idcnti- 
;  cal  with  those  occupied  by  the  advocates  of  Eng- 
lish monopoly.  Monopolies  must  of  necessity  be 
enjoyed  by  the  few,  at  the  expense  of  the  many. 
They  cease  to  be  such  when  the  many  participate  | 
their  privileges.  England  is  a  small  island;  its  | 
territory  is  confined  by  the  ocean  within  narrow  | 
bounds;  its  lands  are  in  the  hands  of  the  few.  Of  j 
I  the  twenty  millions  of  population  of  England  nnd  j 
Ireland,  the  soil  is  owned  by  a  few  thousand.  The 
corn  laws  were  enacted, and  have  been  maintained 
:  for  many  generations,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  to  : 
the  land-owner  a  monopoly  of  the  brendstuffs — of  | 
enabling  him  to  obinin  higher  renUs  fipni  his  ten-  i 
ants.  It  is  the  landholders  of  England  that  talk  j 
there  about  nrolecting  English  labor  and  English  j 
industry.  They  raise  ihc  cry  of  pnni;  and  alarm 
as  lustily  as  tlicir  co-workers  on  tliia  side  of  the 
Atlantic.  "Repeal  ihc  corn  laws,"  say  they,  "and 
von  strike  a  final  blow  at  English  labor.  Large 
bodies  r>f  land,  now  occupied,  will  be  abandoned  as 
unprofitable,  nnd  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands 
thrown  out  of  employment."  The  landed  (aris- 
tocracy of  Englanil,  in  struggling  to  hold  on  to 
their  unjust  privileges,  cry  out  as  loudly,  and  I 
doubt  not  as  sincerely,  in  favor  of  English  labor, 
as  do  the  mnmifacturers  of  this  country  in  behalf 
of  American  labor.  They  siund  in  the  same  rela- 
tion with  the  masses  of  their  respective  countries. 
Each  have  enjoyed,  by  unjust  and  iniquitous  le- 
gislation, the  |irivilege  of  plundering  the  mass,  to 
fncrease  their  own  wealth.  In  this  country,  thank 
God,  there  can  be  no  monopoly  in  the  lands  for  a 
century  or  two  to  come.  Here  the  many  are  land- 
i  owners,  and  the  /;■«•  seek  a  monopoly  in  manufac- 
tures. Thrcalen  to  repeal  the  corn  laws,  and  there- 
by to  reduce  the  rents  of  the  one,  nnd  he  cries  out 
in  behalf  of  English  iiilcrrsis  and  English  labor; 
talk  of  modifying  the  larilVby  a  reduction  of  duties, 
thereby  diminishing  ihe  dividemlsof  ihe  other,  and 
he  declaims  palriotirally  in  favor  of  American  in- 
terests and  American  labor.  If  there  is  any  British 
party  in  this  country,  it  is  that  party  which,  using 
the  arguments  and  the  language  of  the  aristocracy 
of  England,  seek  to  build  up  a  similar  aiislocracy 
at  hoiiic. 

Doubilrss,  sir,  if  the  reainrks  I  have  made 
should  ever  see  the  light,  and  be  so  fortunate  as 
to  be  read,  1  shall  be  set  dcwn  by  all  monopolists, 
ofwbalever  name  or  parly,  as  a  free-trade  man. 
I  deny  that  I  am  such  in  the  sense  that  term  is 
usually  empliived  by  ibe  protectionisls  and  Whig 
parly  of  the  Norlh.  I  am  in  favor  of  a  tariff  for 
reveinie;  of  an  equal,  just,  and  I'Oiislitulicmal  tariff; 
one  that  shall  protect  all  inlerests  equally,  grnnlins 
I'livors  In  mine.  By  a  reveiuie  larilf,  I  niideisiaiid 
one  levied  upon  revenue  piincijiles,  and  in  wliieh 
t'lose  itrinciples  are  adhered  to  in  its  details.  The 
r'onslitutifMi  confers  upon  this  Government  the 
I  riixht  to  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  im|)osls,  and 
excises,  for  llie  purpose  of  paying  its  delils  and 
providing  for  the  cominin  defence  and  ceneral 
welfare.  There  is  no  authority  to  r(\sort  to  eitlier 
of  these  modes  of  revenue,  except  for  the  objicts 
named;  or  if  aulhority  to  impose  one,  for  any 
other  olject,  as  pnilection,  then  either  or  all. 
What  would  be  thought  of  the  consliiulionality  of 
a  law  ihat  should  levy  a  diieel  tax  for  the  purpose 
of  paying  bounties  on  mani.lactured  goods  as  a 
protection  or  encouragement  to  the  manufacturer.' 
It  woiilil  be  |ironounced  by  any  eoiirl  in  Ihe  Union 
uni'onstitnlional;  nor  would  it  be  submiited  to  for 
a  inonient  by  ihc  people.  Yet  it  is  as  constitutional 
to  tax  by  direct  levies!  as  by  imposts;  and,  ir.  my 
judgment,  such  a  law  would  be  no  more  unconsti- 
lutinnal  than  un  iniposl  duly  levied  for  the  mere 
purpose  of  ]irolection.     All  imposts  are  necessa- 


rily protective;  and  when  protection  is  the  inci- 
dent, and  not  the  primary  object  of  the  duty,  it  is 
legitimate,  and  within  Ihe  letter  and  spirit  of  the 
Constitution.  Ium,lhen,aprotectionistwithin  the 
revenue  stand-ird  or  principle.  When  tlie  duty 
laid  docs  not  by  its  stringent  operation  diminish 
the  revenue,  it  is  not  in  my  opinion  open  to  objec- 
tion, although  it  might  be  deemed  by  some  loo 
highly  protective.  If,  for  example,  n  duty  of 
Jli  per  cent,  on  a  specified  article  yield  a  given 
amount  of  revenue,  and  by  raisins  it  to  15  per 
cent.,  Ihe  revenue  is  not  diminished  but  increased, 
the  additional  5  per  cent,  protection  is  incidental, 
and  may  be  imposed  without  any  violation  of  the 
revenue  principle.  If  by  raising  the  duty  to  20 
per  cent.,  importations  arc  so, far  checked  as  thai 
the  revenue  falls  off,  the  last  5  per  cent,  is  for  pro- 
tection merely,  and,  in  my  view,  unjust  and  un- 
consiitutional.  If  the  duty  be  further  raised  to  30 
percent.,  whereby  importations  cease  and  no  rev- 
enue is  derived,  it  then  becomes  a  prohibitory  ta- 
riff, which  is  the  highest  measure  of  protection; 
giving  to  the  home  mamifacturcr  of  that  ariiele  an 
absolute  monopoly  of  the  home  market.  Many 
seem  to  suppose  if  a  tariff— as  that  of  1842— only 
yield  sufficient  revenue,  that  it  is  properly  n  reve- 
nue act;  but  the  details  of  a  tariff  so  arranged  ns 
to  throw  the  principal  burdens  of  the  revenue  on 
tt  few  articles,  leaving  some  free  and  prohibiting  a 
large  class  of  others,  is  not  a  revenue,  but  ahiglily 
restrictive  nnd  jiroteclive  tariff.  Of  this  character 
is  the  act  of  1842.  In  it  the  revenue  principle  is 
violated  over  and  over  again.  The  false  and  fraud- 
ulent principle  of  miiiimums  is  tolerated,  thus 
spreading  a  lie  upon  the  statute-book,  and  most 
unfairly  discriminating  against  the  cheaper  articles 
worn  by  the  po»r.  Thus  a  duty  of  30  [icr  cent,  is 
imposed  upon  all  cotton  manufactures  of  clolh, 
which,  on  a  yard  of  coarse  shining  manufactured 
in  England  at  three  and  a  half  cents  the  yard, 
would  be  about  one  cent;  but  the  law  provides  that 
all  plain  cotton  clolh  costing  less  than  twenty  cents 
the  square  yard,  shall  be  valued  at  twenty  cents, 
and  30  per  cent,  on  this  valuation  gives  a  duty  of 
six  cents;  thus  imposing  ns  high  a  duty  on  the 
coarsest  nnd  cheapest  shirtings  worn  by  the  poor, 
ns  that  levied  on  many  of  the  finer  qualities  of 
lawns  and  muslins.  This  same  fraudulent  princi- 
ple is  adopted  on  cotton  goods,  stained, cidored, or 
printed,  which  are  by  law  valued  nt  thirty  cents 
the  square  yanl,  without  regard  to  ihcir  real  nnd 
true  value,  by  which  the  coarsest  calicoes  are  made 
to  pay  as  much  as  the  finest  French  prints.  I  nm 
surprised  that  any  man  should  attempt  a  defence 
of  these  minimums.  They  are  an  oulrage  upon  all 
truth  and  justice — a  reproach  to  the  legislalion  of 
an  enlightened  country.  Again:  the  act  of  1842 
discriminates  most  unlairly  against  the  agricultural 
interest.  I  have  not  time  to  go  into  a  detailed  ex- 
aminatiim  of  its  injustice  in  this  respect.  It  is 
enough  to  say,  that  while  almost  every  article  of 
raw  material  raised  by  the  fanner  is  admitted  under 
a  mere  nominal  duly  of  5  or  10  per  cent.,  the  arti- 
cles of  mauufaclure  consumed  by  him  are  charged 
with  a  duly  of  from  40  to  200  per  cent.  On 
coarse  wool,  which  comes  direclly  in  competition 
with  our  wool-growers,  a  duty  of  only  5  per  cent, 
is  levied;  while  upon  woollen  cloth  the  manufac- 
Uner  is proUAted  by  a  duly  of  40  per  cent.  This, 
sir,  is  but  one  exnmple,  of  ihe  many  that  might  be 
adduced,  showing  how  unjustly  the  tariff  of  1842 
discriminates  ag.iinsi  the  farmer.  The  inanufac- 
liircrs  h.ne  no  ohjeciimi  to  the  pauper  labor  of 
Europe,  when  brought  into  the  country  in  Ihc 
shape  of  cheap  wool,  or  other  raw  material.  Of 
ihis  ihey  arc  the  jairchasers;  but  when  the  farmer 
lieconies  the  purchaser,  and  they  the  seller,  then 
Amciioni:  labor  must  lie  prolceled  by  a  duty  of 
from  40  to  2TO  per  cent.  The  farmers  .md  labor- 
ers, w  hen  they  tally  understand  this  sulijecl,  will 
no  longer  submit  to  be  pliinuered  as  tliey  liave 
been.  By  this  system  every  retail  merchant  is 
iiinverled  into  a  tax-gatherer  for  Ihe  benefit  of  thn 
iiiainil'acUirer.  Ini|uii'y  iipmi  this  subject  is  al- 
rcaily  actively  at  work  amnng  the  people  of  hitherto 
high  tarilT  Stales.  It  will  go  on  workingsilenlly, 
but  powerfully,  until  the  cause  of  truth  shall  be 
permanently  eslnbli.vheil. 

I  have  been  told,  here  nnd  elsewhere,  that  no 
man  can  stand  In  Pennsylvania  as  Ihc  advocate  of 
these  iloctrines.  It  may  be  so.  I,  however,  do 
not  believe  it;    Of  this  1  am  certain;  that  thero 


July  1, 
Rgps. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


T71 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


TTic  Tariff— Mr.  Rathbun. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


are  those  in  that  State — nor  are  they  a  few — who 
ran,  and  dure,  and,  if  need  be,  will  fiiM  in  their 
support.  But,  sir,  they  will  not  full;  they  can 
stand  triumphantly  on  these  doctrines,  if  they  will 
but  rely  upon  the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the 
people.  Sir,  this  restrictive  system  lias  not  been 
met  ill  Pennsylvania  as  it  ought  to  have  been. 
Prominent  partisan  lenders — those  who  gave  tone 
pnd  diierlinn  to  public  opiiiinn— who  in  a  great 
degree  moulded  the  political  fmli  of  our  people — 
have  shrunk  from  looking  it  full  in  the  face. 
Rather  than  labor  for  tlic  reform  of  abuses,  they  have 
found  it  easier  to  sanction  and  promulgate  error. 
I  cannot  liclieve  that  the  staunch  republicans  of 
that  noble  old  Commonwealth,  the  mightiest,  sir, 
in  her  resources  of  all  the  Stales  of  this  Union, 
will  ultimately  sanction  a  system  so  fatal  to  liber- 
ty, so  hostile  to  the  equal  rights  of  the  peo|ilc. 
Time  was  when  Pennsylvania  presented  iven 
greater  unanimity  in  favor  of  a  National  Bunk  ilian 
would  now  be  claimed  for  her  in  favor  of  the 
restrictive  policy  Yet  when  the  corruptions  of 
that  institution  were  exposed^ — when  ils  vast  power 
for  harm,  its  dangerous  tendencies,  were  under- 
stood — her  republicans  were  firmest  and  foremost 
in  the  war  against  it.  So,  sir,  1  believe  it  will  be 
when  bold  and  fearless  discussion  shall  have  ex- 
posed the  equally  dangerous  system  by  which 
privilege  and  monopoly  seek  to'  swallow  up  the 
just  earnings  of  labor.  I  have  faith,  sir,  in  the 
intelligence  and  patriotism  of  the  people  of  my 
native  Slate.  I  have  never  found  them  unwilling 
to  heed,  or  unalile  to  understand  the  arguments  of 
reason  and  truth.  In  my  district,  wherever  I  went 
pending  the  canvass  of  1844,  in  public  and  in 
private,  on  the  slump,  and  in  the  confidential  circle 
of  my  own  friends,  I  spoke  upon  this  subject  as  I 
have  here  spoken.  No  banners  were  there  raised 
bearing  inscriptions  in  favor  of  the  tariff  of  1842. 
Sir,  I  am  fully  aware  of  the  responsibility  of  my 
position;  but  1  should  be  unworthy  of  the  plac 
occupy,  unworthy  of  the  support  of  a  generous 
and  confiding  constituency,  it,  like  a  coward,  I 
shrunk  from  meeting  that  responsibility.  Were  I 
ambitious  of  other  distinction  than  that  of  a  faith- 
ful performance  of  duty,  1  should  have  remained 
sUent,  and,  by  my  course  on  this  question,  avoided 
the  bilter  denunciation  which  I  am  fully  conscious 
will  be  floured  out  upon  me  by  the  interested  advo- 
cates of  high  duties.  My  'district,  sir,  may  be 
made  the  theatre  next  fall  for  their  combined  oper- 
ations, to  crush  one  who,  in  the  discharge  of  high 
duty,  has  dared,  in  n  feeble  manner,  to  vindicate 
the  rights  of  the  people,  against  the  encroachmeiils 
of  monopoly  and  wealth.  I  should  not  be  sur- 
prised were  nucIi  the  case;  and  so,  sir,  let  it  be,  if 
monopoly  chooses  to  make  that  its  battle-ground. 
The  fight  will  not  be  mine,  but  the  people's;  their 
dearest  rights,  and  not  my  humble  self,  will  be 
the  Slake  at  issue.  The  resolutions  in  favor  of  the 
taritf  of  1842,  passed  by  the  late  Legislature  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  which  have  been  presented  to 
this  l-louBe,  were  ojienly  and  ably  opposed  by 
icprescnlalivcs  from  my  district;  and,  while  I  en- 
tertain the  highest  respect  for  an  expression  of  .10 
enli'Uitencd  and  patriotic  a  body,  I  hold  myself 
res|Hinsible  to  my  constituents  alone  for  my  course 
pon  this  and  all  olhcr  quoslions  upon  which  I 
may  be  called  uixm  to  act.  To  their  Jnsiructions 
I  would  cheerfully  bow,  however  much'  they  mi-'ht 
conllict  with  my  own  opinions.  " 

I  desire,  before  resuming  my  seat,  to  say  a  few 
words  upon  the  subject  ol  specific  duties,  and  1 
duty  upon  iron.  Where  articles  of  the  same  nature 
and  character  are  widely  difterent  in  quality  and 
value,  specific  duties  are  unequal  and  unjust.  A 
duly  of  one  dollar  a  yard  upon  all  woollen  cloth, 
would  be  highly  objectionable,  because  of  ilicir 
great  difl'erence  in  quality  and  value.  So  a  duly 
of  so  many  cents  a  pound  on  (ea  or  coffee,  would 
be  open  to  the  most  serious  and  well-grounded  ob- 
jections; some  qualities  of  these  ortioles  being  worth 
twice  and  three  times  as  much  as  oihers.  Indeed 
tliisdiUVrcnce  of  quality  runs  through  almost  every 
article  of  commerce,  and  Iheicfoie  ad  valonim  du- 
ties should,  us  u  general  rule,  alone  be  resorted  to. 
But  when  nn  article  such  as  iron,  imd  some  others 
that  could  be  named,  is  marly  of  the  same  intrinsic 
value,  1  can  see  no  olijecliini  to  imposing  a  specific 
duly  upon  ii;  and  when  the  article,  notwithstand- 
ing its  uniformity  of  qiialily,  is  liable  to  great  and 
sudden  fluclualions  in  price,  t  thinl?  there  are  sub- 


stantial and  good  reasons  for  preferring  the  specific 
to  the  ad  valorem  duty.  The  quality  of  pig  iron 
is  nearly  the  same  nil  over;  so  of  bar,  rolled,  and 
slit  iron.  The  imposition  of  specific  duties,  there- 
fore, upon  iron,  would  not  lead  to  the  injustice  and 
inconsistency  of  making  articles  greatly  differing 
in  value,  pay  the  same  duty.  Iron  is  nn  article 
which,  wnile  of  nearly  uniform  quality,  is  subject  I  j  judgment,  that  the 'Democracy  of  Pennsylvania 


failed  to  get  what,  under  other  circumstances,  could 
easily  have  been  obtained.  It  was  suicidal,  in  my 
judgment,  not  to  accept  of  these  offers,  instead  of 
adher'ng  to  an  act  open  to  so  many  and  strong  ob- 
jections as  that  of  1842 — one  tlint,  it  was  apparent, 
must,  if  not  now,  in  a  shor'  time  give  way  to  more 
equitable  and  just  legislation.    The  sjioner,  in  my 


to  great  and  frequent  fluctuations  in  price.  Under 
ad  valorem  duties,  when  the  price  of  iron  falls  1 
abroad,  the  duty  is  proportionnbly  reduced;  when, ! 
if  any  change  were  made,  it  should  be  increased.  I 
So,  when  the  price  rises  abroad,  the  duty  rises  in  j 
proportion;  wnen,  if  changed  at  all,  it  ought  to  be  i 
lessened.  This  lends  to  sudden  and  excessive  im- 1 
portntions  at  one  time,  and  un  entire  prohibition  at 


severs  its  alliance  with  Eastern  Federalism  and  the 
Whig  party,  and  placing  her  interests  upon  high 
and  national  grounds,  appeals  to  the  Democracy 
of  the  Union  ifor  liberality  and  support,  the  belter 
for  those  interests,  and  far  better  forlier  republican 
character. 

Sir,  I  shall  probably  support  this  bill  on  the 
question  of  its  pas.«age  through  tins  House.     I 


another.  It  gives  unsteadines.i  and  uncertainty  to  ||  trust,  however,  that  the  duties  upon  iron  and  coal 
the  market  at  home.  Under  a  specific  duty,  the]!  will  be  increased  at  least  10  per  cent,  above  the 
thing  is  reversed.  As  the  price  rises  abroad,  the  !  present  rates  of  the  bill,  if  they  are  not  made  speci 
present  duly  is  diminished,  and  ns  it  falls  it  is  in-  jl  fio,  which  I  prefer.  If  these  amendments  are  not 
creased.  It  gives  greater  stability  to  ihc  market  I  made  here,  1  shall  look  with  confidence  to  their 
al  home.     It  helps  check  excessive  importations  1|  being  made  in  the  Senate;  and  if  mistaken  in  this, 


when  iron  is  low  in  the  foreign  market,  and  does  j 
not   so  readily    prohibit  importations  when   it  is  1 
high.     For  example;  when  iron  was  sixty  dollars  | 
per  ton  in   England,  a  30  per  cent,  duty  might  en-  [ 
tirelv  prevent  its  importation,  while  considerable  i 
would  come  in  under  a  specific  duty  of  fifteen  dol-  j 
lars  per  ton.     And  so,  if  it  should  fall  to  forty-five  j 
dollars,  u  30  per  cent,  duty  would  operalc  as  a  ; 
feeble  check  to  importations,  while  a  sj]ecific  duty  ! 
of  fifleen  dollars  would  be  more  effective  for  that: 
purpose.     The  illustrations  I  have  given  show,  1 
also,  I  think,  that  the  revenue  is  more  endangered  i 
by  an  ad  valorem  ihau  a  specific  duty  on  iron.  ; 
FV)r  these  reasons,  while  I  admit  the  general  pro- 
priety of  ad  valorem  duties,   I  am  in  favor  of  a  , 
specific  duty  on  iron.    I  will  not  underlake  to  fix 
upon  the  amount  that  should  be  laid  upon  its  seve-  ; 
ral  varieties.     If,  however,  there  is  any  interest 
within  the  range  of  American  productions,  in  favor 
of  which  the  principle  of  restrictive  duties  can  be 
tolerated,  I  confidently  claim  iron  is  that  interest. 
I  It  stands  upon  higher  and  more  national  grounds 
than  any  other.     It  is  the  great  element  of  offensive 
'  and  defensive  warfare.    Large  capital,  much  time 
and  labor  are  required  in  its  production.   It  cannot 
i  be  established  10  meet  the  demands  of  the  country 
in  the  hour  of  threatened  danger.    It  is  urged  that 
iron  being  a  necessary  of  life,  tho.se  who  oppo.'ic 
\  duties  on  tea  and  cofice  because  they  are  such,  can- 
i  not  consistently  support  a  tariff  on  iron.    I  think, 
:  sir,  1  see  an  obvious  distinction  between  an  article 
I  of  national  and  individual  necessity.     I  agree  that 


and  the  bill  again  comes  before  this  House  upon 
amendments  from  the  Senate,  I  shall  then  act  as 
to  me  seems  right,  not  regarding  my  present  sup- 
port as  a  final  commitment  for  the  bill. 


REMARKS  OF  MR.  G.   RATHBUN, 

OP  NEW  YORK, 
In  the  HonsE  of  REraESKNTATivEs, 
July  2,  184G. 
The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 
Ihc  slate  of  the  Union  on  the  bdl  reducing  the 
duty  on  Imports,  and  lor  other  purposes- 
Mr.  RATHBUN  made  the  following  remarks; 
Mr.  Chairman:  I  am  much  obliged  to  the  com- 
mittee, and  particularly  to  the  g  iitleman  from  Mas- 
sachusetts, [Mr.  AsiiMUN,!  fo-    enabling   me  to 
obtain  my  rights  to  the  floor,  which  had  been  de- 
nied to  me  on  two  several  occasions  by  the  Chair, 
although  I  was  fairly  entitled  to  it.    It  was  not  my 
purpose,  sir,  in  seeking  the  present  opportunity  to 
address  the  committee,  to  enter  into  a  discussion 
of  the  tariff.     I  have  a  theory  on  the  subject,  as 
all  others  have  who  have  preceded  mc  in  this  de- 
bate.    I  shall  not  inflict  it  upon  the  committee.    T 
have  heard  so  many  ingenious,  conflicting,  and  ab- 
surd theories,  that  I  have  a  perfect  con'ujmpt  for 
all  theories. 

My  first  inquiry  will  be,  what  is  the  duty  of 
Congress  in  reference  to  the  subject  of  the  tariff 


-  -  -^-     --^---  II  ^--      --    - 

the  ordinary  necessaries  of  life  should  be  left  as   i  and  the  revenue  in  the  present  condition  of  the 
1  free  as  is  consistent  with  the  wants  of  the  revenue;  |]  country?    Wliot  it  was  when  Congress  assirmbled 


but  an  article  of  national  nccessily — one  absolutely 
essential  to  the  defence  and  safely  of  the   whole 
country,  if  such  there  be — ought  to  be  produced  in 
the  country.    An  imposition  in  any  form  for  such  | 
;  tt  purpose,  would  not  be  for  the  benefit  of  n  class,  ; 
(though  it  might  operate  to  their  advantage,')  but  for  i 
theprolectionnnd  safetyofiheSlale.  I  wouldplacc  i 
the  iron  interest  of  Pennsylvania  upon  these  high,  [ 
I   these  national  grounds,  ai.d  leave  it  to  the  pa'-:it-  i 
:   ism  of  gentlemen  to  say,  what  measure  of  encour- 
'   agcmcnt  should  be  extendi'd.     I  would  not  blend 
:;  her  great  interest  with  the  manufacture  of  pins  and 
ji  brass  kcllles.     I  am  fully  saiiafiod  thai  if,  instead 
I   of  lending  her  support  to   a  false  principle  and 
j,  uniting  her  inlercsis  with  those  of  minor  import-  i 
ij  ance,  Pennsylvania  would  even  now  assume  the 
i   high  ond  commanding  position  to  which  her  truly 
'-  national  interests  entitle  her,  she  could  obtain,  lit  i 
;    the  hands  of  the  Democracy  of  this  House,  the  full 
I  measure  of  protectiim  that  is  desired  fir  her  iron 
and  coal.     I  have  been  anxious  finni  the  first  to 
:  agree  with  my  Democratic  colleagues  upon  some 
i  reasonable  compromise,  fully  satisfied  that  what-  ' 
ever  we  asked  in  reason  would  be  granted.     The  ' 
'[  clriirmnn  of  the  committee  who  reported  this  bill, 
■  ,  offered  40  per  cent,  instead  of  30,  upon  iron  and  ■ 
coal,  if  llicreby  the  support  of  the  Democrats  from  '. 
Pennsylvania  could  be  obtained.   Nay,  sir,  its  I  am 
informed,  he  even  offered  specific  duties  of  seven, 


in  December  last,  when  we  were  at  peace  with  the 
world,  is  clear  to  the  comprehension  of  every  man. 
An  imperative  duty  devolved  on  us  to  modify  the 
present  tariff  law— to  strike  out  its  prohibitory 
features,  to  graduate  its  scale  of  duties  in  such 
manner  as  to  render  its  burdens  and  benefits  as 
nearly  equal  as  possible,  to  divest  it  of  its  unjust 
and  }iarlinl  provisions,  and  to  reduce  the  revenue 
arising  from  it  to  the  necessary  wants  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. That  duty  still  requires  of  us  that  we 
should  remodel  the  tariff  in  fime  respect.s,  but  in  u 
manner  thai  a  change  of  circumstances  has  ren- 
dered necessary.  We  are  now  at  war,  and  we  are 
required  to  provide  extraordinary  means  to  cany 
it  on  vigorously,  and  to  bring  it  to  a  speedy  close. 
I  hold  that  it  is  our  duly  to  so  regulate  the  tariff 
as  to  command  the  largest  airiount  of  revenue. 
The  present  law  yields  near  thirty  millions  of  dol- 
lars annuallv-  "This  amount  may  be  increased,  by 
proper  modifications  and  additions,  four  or  five 
millions.  We  have  already  appropriated,  for  the 
purpose  of  pulling  the  country  111  a  state  of  defence 
and  to  carry  on  the  war,  at  the  least  fifteen  mil- 
lions of  dollars.  Our  public  debt  was  previously 
seventeen  millions  of  dollars.  Wo  must,  before 
leavinc  here,  appropriate  between  twelve  and  twcn 
ty  millions  more.  The  war  may  last  0  year  or 
two,  at  an  expense  of  forty  or  fifty  millions  annu- 
ally.    Instead  of  throwing  away  six  or  seven  mil- 


fiflcen,  twenty,  and  thirty  dollars  per  ton,  to  satisfy   ;  jioiis  a  year  of  the  revenue  produced  by  the  present 


and  secure  the  support  of  the  Democracy  of  Penii 
i  sylvania.  But  no  unanimity  could  be  had  in  our 
counrils.  Some,  ailing  under  inslrui'tions  and 
pledges,  stood  lenariously  upon  the  act  of  1842; 
others  desired  specific  duties  upon  most  of  the  niaii- 
uftirtiu-es  of  inui;  and  thus,  sir, 'Vnnsylvania  has 


\  law,  we  should  increase  the  amount. 

i      It  seems  to  me  that  there  can  be  but  one  opinion 

'  on  this  subject.    I  know,  sir,  that  the  people  whom 

I  represent  arc  not  so  anxious  to  get  rid  of  taxes, 

although  in  some  respects  unequal  and  unjust,  as 

to  desire  to  see  ihe  Government  crippled   in  its 


772 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  2, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Rathbun. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


t 


meana  during  the  contest  with  Mexico.  Nor  Rre 
tliey  of  that  class  who  would  be  willing  to  see  a 
large  public  debt,  and  its  accruing  interest,  and  its 
years  of  taxation,  fttstcned  upon  the  country  for 
the  sake  of  nreaenl  relief.  The  people  of  New 
York  are  empnatically  a  debt-paying  people.  Their 
rule  is,  let  us  pay  principal  mid  interest  when  due. 
They  will  leave  no  debts  to  posterity  to  pay,  ex- 
cept a  debt  of  gratitude.  In  behalf  of  such  a  pco- 
le,  I  am  bound  to  protest  against  the  passage  of  a 
ill  that  will  not  produce  over  seventeen  or  eighteen 
millions  of  dollars  a  year,  when  we  ought  to  have, 
and  might  have,  near  forty  millions. 

We  nave  heard  a  great  deal  during  this  discus- 
sion of  the  beauties  and  benefits  of  free  trade. 
There  is  no  such  thing  as  free  trade  among  na- 
tions, nor  can  we  produce  it  by  any  action  of  ours. 
It  depends  upon  others,  over  whom  we  have  no 
control.  The  term  "  fVee  Irndc"  is  deceptive,  and 
as  pernicious  in  its  effects  as  the  cry  of  "  protec- 
tion to  American  industry,"  of  which  so  much 
complaint  has  been  mnde.  There  is  not  a  free- 
trade  man  on  this  floor.  No  man  has  proposed 
it — no  man  will  prop^  le  it.  All  concur  in  opinion 
that  the  funds  necessary  to  support  the  Govern- 
ment must  be  raised  by  duties  upon  foreign  goods. 
Nobody  is  in  favor  of  direct  taxes  for  thai  puijiose. 

The  Baltimore  resolutions,  and  the  letter  of  the 
President,  contain  our  creed.  "  A  revenue  tariff, 
witli  just  discrimination  in  favor  of  domestic  in- 
dustry," was  our  motto.  Wc  were  opposed  to 
the  tariff  of  1842.  Under  the  banner  of  free  trade 
we  would  have  been  defeated.  It  is  tnie,  sir,  that 
the  Richmond  Enquirer,  and  some  other  papers, 
called  for  the  repeal  of  the  law  of  1842.  We  de- 
nied, and  our  papers  in  New  York  almost  without 
exception  denied,  that  we  were  inVav^r  of  repeal- 
ing that  law,  but  avowed  a  determination  to  modify 
it.  That  we  are  ready  to  do  now.  No  man  on 
this  floor  has  labored  more  zealously  for  that  pur- 
pose than  I  have,  and  no  man  is  more  ready  or 
anxious  than  I  am  to  accomplish  that  object,  liut, 
sir,  an  important  point  in  the  creed  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  as  I  understand  it,  seems  to  be  over- 
looked :  revenue  sufficient  for  the  support  of  the 
Government  I  understand  to  be  one  of  ils  essential 
characteristics.  Will  the  bill  under  consideration 
produce  that  result.'  Clearly  not,  as  it  now  is. 
The  estimates  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
show or.ly  about  twenty-three  millions  as  thegross 
amount  of  its  products,  "he  expenses  of  collec- 
tion, debentures,  bounties,  and  drnwback.s,  amount 
to  three  millions,  leaving  but  twenty  millions  of 
net  revenue.  On  the  other  hand,  the  cuitimi  ex- 
penses of  the  Government,  for  the  last  ten  v'ars, 
average  twenty-five  millions  of  dollars.  The  ex- 
penses will  be  increased  in  protecting  Texas,  and 
improving  her  harbors,  building  light-houses,  cu.s- 
tom-houses,  and  maijilaining  I'Vdcral  rnurts,  and 
building  fortifications,  and  s«p;'oriing  llie  niinin-- 
ous  officers  of  the  Government,  one  million  of  dol- 
lars. Oregon  will  require  for  similar  purposes,  und 
for  maintaining  a  regiment  of  mounted  men,  and 
building  and  maintiuning  fortifications  ninng  the 
route  for  the  protection  of  einigrama,  another  mil- 
lion. TluiH  we  sec  that  twenty-seven  inilllniis 
will  be  necessary  hereafter  in  time  of  peace.  But 
it  is  said  that  the  amount  of  ^oiids  imported,  sub- 
ject to  duty,  will  be  increased  twelve  or  fourteen 
millions,  and  thus  the  revenue  will  be  increased 
three  or  four  millions.  It  may  be  so,  lint  I  dnnbt 
it.  Last  year  the  amount  o."  gonds  paying  duly 
was  about  ninety-five  millions,  while,  for  the  last 
ten  years,  the  average  amount  was  only  sixty-five 
millions,  being  an  excess  over  the  average  of  thirty 
millions.  Suppose,  however,  for  the  sake  of  Ihe 
argument,  that  an  increase  to  llial  amount  should 
actually  take  place,  will  it  produce  the  sujiposed 
increase  of  revenue?  1  think  not,  and  I  v.ill  state 
my  rensons.  Under  the  present  li,\v,  about  thirty- 
five  millions  of  imports  were  charged  with  spcrific 
duties.  These  goods  were  consequently  reported  at 
their  real  value,  for  the  reason  that  the  diitiea  were 
not  cficcted  by  the  value.  This  bill  almlislies  all 
specific  duties,  and  fixes  the  duty  at  a  certain  per 
cent,  upon  the  value,  at  the  place  where  purchased 
for  importation.  The  less  the  value,  therefore,  li.e 
leas  the  amount  of  the  duty  Instead  of  an  invoice 
at  the  real  value,  it  will  be  S.'i,  or  .W,  or  perhaps 
lot)  per  cent,  below.  This  spei-ics  of  fraud  is  not 
new.  Twenty-three  millions  of  poumls  of  wool 
was  imported  the  la.st  year,  under  a  duly  of  .I  per 


cent,  ad  valorem,  at  invoiced  prices  of  seven  cents 
a  pound,  or  less,  actually  costing  much  more  than 
that  price.    The  same  thing  will  occur  under  this  : 
bill;  and  althoujjh  the  vahic  or  amount  of  imports  j 
may  be  in  fact  increased,  yet  the  nominal  or  in-  j 
voiced  value  will  not  be  materially  varied.    Sir,  j 
there  is  a  principle  embraced  in  this  bill  that  I  do  | 
not  approve.    All  the  duties  are  ad  valorem.  This  S 
is  a  radical  change  in  our  revenue  laws.  From  1789,  j 
being  the  first,  to  the  present  time,  there  have  been  i 
many  laws  passed,  and  each  of  them  contain  a  i 
large  list  of  articles  charged  with  specific  duties.  ' 
The  experience  of  own  Government,  as  well  as  | 
that  of  every  civilized  Government  in  the  world,  i 
has  approved  of  that  mode  of  levying  duties.    It  j 
is  the  safest  protection  against  frauils,  the  most 
certain  in  regard  to  the  amount  of  revenue,  and  ' 
the  most  wholscsomc  check  to  ovcr-imporiation.  | 
CXuantity  is  certain;  value  uncertain;  as  value  de- ; 
creases,  the  duties  depending  upon  the  value  also  ; 
decrease.     When  prices  are  high,  the  ad  valorem 
principle  affords  large  protection,  when  it  is  not 
necessary;  when  they  are  low,  it  affords  little  or  no 
protection,  when  it  is  most  necessary.     The  spe- 
cific principle  operates  the  reverse  precisely,  and  n 
is  therefore,  in  my  opinion,  much  the  best.  i! 

One  word  more,  sir,  in  regard  to  the  time  and; 
circumstances  under  which  this  revolution  in  prin-  : 
ciple  and  reduction  of  the  amount  of  levonue  are  to 
be  adopted.  I  have  said  we  arc  now  at  war  with  1 
Mexico.  On  the  first  day  of  .luly,  1812,  (congress  j 
passed  a  law  by  which  all  duties  were  doubled.  On 
the  second  day  of  .July,  184G,  Congre.ss  ia  engngcd  j 
in  an  effort  to  redi.ce  the  duties  very  considerably. 
The  war  measure  of  1812  was  to  enlarge  the  rev-  ; 
enue — of  184o  to  reduce  it.  It  is  not  for  me  to  say  | 
which  Congress  exhibits  the  most  wisdom.  I  will  I 
ask  the  attention  of  the  coinmitlce  for  a  few  mo-  1 
ments  to  the  substitute  for  the  bill  of  the  Committee 
of  Ways  and  Means,  pieseritcd  by  my  colleague, 
[Mr.  HuvGERFonD.]  It  is  preferable,  in  all  re- 
spects, in  my  judgment,  to  tlie  other,  and  will  yield 
three  or  four  millions  more  revenue.  T!'<"  only  se- 
rious objection  to  it  is,  that  it  will  not  produce  as 
much  as  is  desirable.  But  we  are  told  by  several 
gentlemen,  that,  as  Democrats,  we  arc  bound  to 
support  the  original  bill;  that  the  substitute  has 
anti-Democniiic  features;  that  it  is  priKective,  and  ' 
contains  specific  duties,  for  the  expression  of  a 
preference  in  f.ivor  of  the  substitute  to  the  orisriiml 
bill  by  some  of  the  Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  and  New 
York  Democrats,  they  have  bceii  formally  read  out  : 
of  ihe  jiarty  by  certjiin  numbers  who  liav(^  assumed 
authority  to  which  they  have  no  right.  Sir,  I  sliniiM 
be  greatly  obliged  to  any  of  those  gentlemen  if  lliey 
would  inform  mo,  first,  by  whose  authority  lliey 
attempt  to  read  Ohio,  Pennsylvania, and  New  York 
out  or  the  party  ?  Have  they  coinied  the  strength 
of  those  States  =  Do  they  know  that  we  have  upon 
this  floor  seventy-nine  llepresoiitatives  ?  Do  lliey 
suppose  the  Ueprcsenialivcs  from  these  Stales  come 
here  to  receive  lessons  in  rejard  to  the  principles  of 
Democracy .'  Sir,  perhapa  they  will  inform  us  what 
per  cent,  ad  valorem  is  the  nui.viinum  Democratic 
point;  when  it  was  cstalilihhed,  and  by  what  au- 
thority; when,  and  by  what  authority,  it  wiis  de- 
termined that  specific  duties  weiehiui-Dcmocrniic. 
Cerlainly  it  was  not  by  the  Baliimorc  ('onvenlinn. 
Texas,  Oreion,  and  ihe  tariff  were  settled  there,  it 
is  said;  but  I  can  find  in  the  proceciliiiirs  nothing 
about  specific  duties  or  the  rate  per  cent,  ad  valo- 
rem. Is  4U  or  ;')()  per  cent,  toil  high?  Will  .')  per 
cent.,  more  or  less,  convert  a  Deniocmi  inloa  Wlig, 
or  a  VVIiig  into  a  Democrat?  .Sir,  the  0111110111  uf 
this  new  Hiandard — this  per  cent,  and  ad  volorein 
Denioeraey — oin^ht  to  inlbrni  us  of  the  )ioint  be- 
yond whi.'h  a  nemoerat  cannot  go  without  becom- 
ing a  Whig.  The  purest  and  wisest  Democrats  in 
tiiia  Union,  that  have  lived,  or  are  iii>w  alive,  have 
voted  fororaided  in  the  enactment  of  liiwis  in  which 
the  duties  were'  nuich  higher  per  cent,  tlimi  in  die 
snbsiitnle  otfered  by  my  colleague,  and  bills  cnn- 
taiiiing  many  more  specific  and  liiglicr  duties  than 
are  to  be  found  in  thiil  siilislitute.  'Ihe  idea  of  any 
siieh  .standard  by  which  to  determine  a  man 'a  poli- 
tics, is  loo  absurd  and  loo  ridiculous  to  deserve  any 
other  notice  than  ridicule  and  con"eni;.t. 

Now,  sir,  one  word  in  reply  to  the  gentlemen 
who  are  coiialantly  ealliiig  our  allentiun  to  the  Bal- 
liinorc  lesolutiona.  Tliey  seem  to  suppose  that 
we  are  bound  to  support  this  particular  bill,  because 
it  was  there  resolved  that  the  larirt'  of  l«42  ought 


to  be  modified.    Sir,  Texas  and  Oregon  were  also 
in  the  Baltimore  resolutions.    Texas  has  been  an- 
nexed, and  Oregon  divided.    The  members  who 
were  most  zealous  in  fiivor  of  annexing  Texas 
immediately,  regardless  of  consequences;  who  ridi- 
culed the  idea  of  war  with  Mexico,  and  defied  Great 
Britain  and  the  world  then,  when  Oregon  was  to 
be  protected  and  England  stood  alone,  were  the 
first  and  loudest  dcclaimers  against  hasty  nclion — 
first  to  proclaim  the  horrors  of  war — to  magnify 
the  power  and  prowess  of  Britain — to  decry  our 
own  strength,  and  to  prophesy  defeat  and  disgrace 
to  our  arms.     Mexico,  it  was  said,  dared  not  fight; 
if  we  had  a  war  with  her  it  would  be  only  a  paper 
war;  her  bullets  would  be  paper  bullets.    They 
were  bold  as  lions  then,  and  as  timid  as  lambs  in 
behalf  of  Oregon;  the  will  of  the  people  was  set 
aside  in  the  person  of  Mr.  Van  Biiren,  not  because 
he  was  opposed  to  annexing  Texas,  but  because  he 
advised  moderate  and  discreet  action — because  he 
proposed  an  amicable  arrangement  of  the  war  then 
existing  between  Mexico  and  Texas — because  he 
recommended  that  the  consent  of  Mexico  should  bo 
obtained,  and  that  peace  might  be  preserved  be- 
tween the  two  countries.     Tliese  gentlemen  denied 
that  wardidcxisi,  or  that  any  war  would  grow  out 
of  annexation.    The  predictions  of  Mr.  Van  Buren 
are  more  than  realized.     The  "paper  bullets"  are 
turned  to  copper  and  iron  bullets;  the  war  is  no 
paper  war,  but  one  of  deadly  strife.     "  Masterly 
inactivity"  was  reserved  for  Oregon,  while  mas- 
terly activity  was  exerted  in  the  case  of  Texas. 
But,  sir,  war  did  in  fact  exist  between  Texas  and 
Mexico,  as  stated  in  the  letter  of  Mr.  Van  Burcn. 
This  fact  was  avowed  a  few  days  ago  on  the  floor 
of  the  Senate  by  an  honorable  Senator  from  Texas, 
[Mr.  Houston.]     I  allude  to  these  facts  for  the 
purpose  of  showing  the  inconsistency,  as  well  as 
the  want  of  foresight,  of  these  fiery  spirits  in  times 
of  supposed  security,  and  tame  spirits  in  the  face 
of  danger.     Those  members  who  were  for  imme- 
diate annexation,  and  who  were  in  reality  the  au- 
I  tliors  of  the  war,  arc  now  equally  zealous  tor  the  re- 
i  duction  of  the  revenue,  regardless  of  the  meana  for 
the  vigorous  prosecution  und  speedy  tcrminaticm 
of  that  war.     I,  believe  they  are  pursuing  a  mis- 
i  taken  policy,     tfntil  peace  is  realorcd,  onr  expen- 
ses will  be  large;  our  income  ought  to  be  as  large 
as  possible  to  meet  those  expenses.     With  the  re- 
turn of  |ieace,  let  us  reduce  the  army  and  navy, 
and  remodel  the  tarifl'  so  ns  to  reduce  the  revenue 
to  the  diminiahed  wants  of  a  peace  eslabliahment. 
'  These,  sir,  arc  my  views,  ami  altliough  they  n.ay 
be  erroneous,  they  are  not  unsafe.  I  have  exteiuled 
:  ilicse  remarks  much  beyond  what  I  intended  when 
I  obtained  the  floor.  I  will  now  turn  my  attention, 
for  a  few  minutes,  to  a  subject  which  1  cannot  cim- 
tem|)lute  without  fcelinsis  of  loatliin;  and  disgiLst. 

1  allude  to  the  geiillc;man,  (I  beg  pardon  of  the 
House  for  the  misapplication  of  the  term,)  1  mean 
the  member  from  Indiana,  who  said  in  his  speci  li 
that  his  people  at  home  called  him  I'illy  Wick. 
'  1  le  ought  to  be  a  gcnilenian,  and  out  of  respect  to 
the  pco))le  who  sent  him  here,  I  hope  the  cmninit- 
'  tee   will  overlook  my  iiiadverience.     This  man, 
whose  head  is  swelled  with  pride  and  viiniiy,  and 
!  whose  intellect  ia  obsi  ured  by  egotism,  impudence, 
as.<urance,and  folly,  wrote  home  to  Indiana  that 
he  intended  to  whip  in   the  dcmociMts  I'rimi  Ohio, 
Pennsylvania,  and  New  York.     Tiiis   li  tier  has 
.  been  pnblislied   in  the  papers  of  that  .Stale,  and 
reached  this  cily  shortly  l)eforc  tliai  great  feat  was 
destined  to  be  consummated.     He  naj.  proclaimed 
the  same  iliiiijr  here,  as  I  am  informed.     lie  is 
going  to  whip  in  tln-.se  three  iL'iatea.     Ohio  with 
her  two  iiiillicuis,  Pcmisylvnnia  with  her  two  and 
a  half  millions,  and  N'ew  Ycnk  wilh  her  three  mil- 
lions of  people — Ihivc  Slates  ihat  noiliingon  Ood's 
eavlh  can  whip — arc  lo  be  whipped  by  this  biag- 
'  ixart!     Who  is  he,  and  what  ia  lie,  that  he  dares 
thus  to  proclaim  his  folly  and  ignorance?     A  lep- 
lile  that  crawls  np(;.i  the  ground,  and  licks  the  dust 
from  Ihe  heels  of  the  imislers  whom  he  serves,  and 
who  despise  him,  and  will  spurn  him  and  S|)il  upon 
him,  when  he  has  performed  their  dirty  work.  I  le 
says  he  was  "  a  Whig  him.self  oiae,  but  liow  ho 
is  better  iiiforincd."     How  did  lie  obiaiii  that  in- 
formation ?     I  iindcrsiand  he  run  as  a  Wilis  can- 
didate for  Con;;re.vs  iliree  limes,  and  was  cncli  lime 
defeated.     That  "  informed"  him  lhat  the  Whigs 
;  could  not  send  him  lo  Congress,  and  he  turned 
I  Democrat,  aiid-is  now  here.     He  found  the  right 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


773 


29th  Cong...,  1st  Sess. 


The  Public  Lands — Mr.  Rathlun. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


side  tn  obwin  the  office,  Riid  this  he  calls  being 
"  better  informed."  Hia  constituents,  he  says, 
"  would  8UR|^icion  him  if  they  should  see  him  soci- 
able and  familiar  with  the  WhiKS  of  this  House." 
Mis  ronstiiucnts  know  their  man  and  his  instincts.  I 
They  have  little  confidence  in  his  political  integ- 
rity. This  whipper-in  has  tried  his  hand  at  his  new 
avocaiion .  In  wliat  manner  did  ho  perform  his  task  I 
The  House  will  pardon  me,  if,  in  endeavoring  to 
chnracteri/.e  his  Inngnaije  and  manner,  I  am  com- 
pelled ti>  descend  to  the  nso  of  langnago  unsuited 
to  this  place,  and  the  diijnity  of  this  body.  I  will 
not  repeat  here  the  vulsjar  and  ol)Scene  lanr;uagc 
which  ho  used.  He  disgraced  Ihe  members  of 
tliiH  House,  his  constituents,  and  if  it  were  pos- 
sible, which  1  doubt,  himself.  His  language 
was  that  of  a  low  grog-shop,  pot-house  brawler. 
It  was  heard  not  only  by  the  members  of  this 
House,  but  by  the  ladies  and  gentlemen  in  the  gal- 
leries. Ho  docs  not  know  his  true  avocation;  in 
my  country  he  would  bo  elected  as  whipper,  not 
of  men,  but  of  a  certain  animal  which  I  snail  not 
name.  Sir,  a  man  may  forget  his  own  dignity  and 
self-respect;  but  a  man  who  can  forget  what  is  due 
to  the  place  and  the  occasion — who  can  forget  the 
character  and  the  honor  of  his  constituents,  which 
are  both  in  some  degree  confided  to  his  keeping, 
must  have  a  vulgar  and  depraved  mind.  But,  sir, 
the  manner  of  this  man  was  as  contemptible  and 
as  clownish  as  his  language  was  low  and  vulgar. 
He  played  the  bufl'oon  admirably  and  naturally,  for 
the  amusement  of  the  spectators,  like  a  clown  m  the 
circus.  In  alluding  to  Ohio,  ho  says,  "  they  won't 
'  support  the  tarilTbecause  they  can't  get  a  pay  mas- 
'  ter  in  the  army,  and  a  thousand-dollar  clerkship. " 
He  knows  very  well  that  the  groiuid  taken  by  Mr. 
Brinkeriioff  against  the  bill  was,  that  it  would 
not  produce  sutlicient  revenue,  and  because  it 
proposed  to  tax  tea  and  coffee.  He  knows  that  this 
was  the  position  of  all  the  Democrats  from  Ohio. 
The  imputation  is  as  base  as  it  i.s  unjust  to  the  Dem- 
ocrats of  Ohio.  Sir,  I  shall  leave  Ohio  to  her  own  de- 
fence; she  needs  no  aid  of  mine.  Ho  tells  us  that 
lie  called  on  the  President  and  wonted  to  be  made 
H  brigadier  general.  Yes,  sir,  he  really  wanted  to 
bea  live  brigadier.  The  President,  he  says,  refused, 
becaifse  he  was  a  member  of  Congress.  Think 
you,  sir,  that  was  the  true  reason.'  Have  you 
heard  him  talk  about  keeping  his  "red  eye  onus," 
and  his  threats  to  "  tell  on  us  when  he  goes  home.'" 
The  President  looked  into  that  red  eye,  and  ex- 
amini^d  that  stolid  countenance,  and  he  saw  that 
it  was  not  the  right  material  to  make  into  a  general. 
Who  but  this  vain  egotist  would  ever  have  thought 
him  fit  for  a  general  to  command  troops  in  active 
service?  If  he  had  applied  to  the  President  to  be 
made  corporal,  the  answer  must  have  been  the 
same.  A  general!  That  man  to  be  converted  into 
agriicral!     Why,  sir,  he  is  not  as  fit  to  make  a 

general  of  as .    Will  not  some  gentleman  help 

me  out  with  the  comparison.'  Mr.  Chairman,  1 
nin  at  fault.  I  give  it  up.  I  can  think  of  nothing 
that  1  will  venture  to  mention  here.  -He  said  he 
was  a  "  plain  spoken  man;  that  children  and  fools 
speak  the  truth."  Mr.  Cliairnmii,  he  is  no  child. 
Children  are  not  sent  here.  Age  is  the  only  con- 
stitutional (pialification  retiuired  here.  I  repeat  he 
is  no  cliild.  whatever  else  lie  may  be. 

Now,  sir,  I  have  done  with  this  subject;  and  if 
in  i-cpl yiiiu',  I  have  said  anylhing  not  warranted  by 
the  slnc.t  rules  of  propriety,  it  is  chargeable  to  the 
in.solence  and  impudence  of  llie  member  from  Indi- 
ana. I  have  done  with  him.  Mr.  Chairman,  I 
intended  when  I  in.se  to  reply  to  .some  remarks  of 
a  gcnileinnn  from  Virginia  [Mr.  Bavi.<]  upon 
aiioilier  suiijcrt.  I  wi'l  do  so  on  some  other  occa- 
sion, when  there  is  le.'s  anxiety  for  the  floor, 
whicli  1  now  yield. 


THE  PUr.LlC  LANDS. 
REMAUKS   OF    MR.   G.   RATHBUN,  i 

iir  NEW   YORK, 
In  TIIF.  Him  ^K  ni-  RflMlKsr.NTATIVES, 

Ji-hj  9,  184(1. 
The  liill  for  the  graduation  of  the  price  of  the  Pub- 
lic Lands  licing  under  coiisidenition  in  Committee 
of  Ihe  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union — 
Mr.  l(.\THIlUNHaid; 
Mr.  CiiAinMAN:  The  bill  from  the  Senate  pro- 


viding for  the  graduation  of  the  price  of  the  pub- 
lic lands,  now  under  discussion,  is,  in  my  judg- 
ment, one  of  very  great  moment,  and  Icserves  the 
most  serious  consideration.     The   land    system 
adopted  by  this  Government  near  a  quarter  of  a 
century  ago,  has  produced  the  most  beneficial  re- 
sults, and  ought  not  to  be  overthrown  without  the 
most  imijcrative   necessity.     The  rapidity  with 
which  new  Suites  have  populated;  the  prosperity 
they  enjoy;  the  astonishing  improvements  they 
have  accomplished  in  a  few  years,  should  admon- 
ish  us  to  be  cautious   how  we  strike  down  the 
system  regulating;  the  public  lands,  which  is  the 
foundation  of  their  prosperity.     We  have  often 
heard,  during  this  discussion,  complaints  of  the 
enormous  price  which  the  Government  exacts  for 
its  lands.      We  have  been  repeatedly  told   that 
these  lands  are  not  worth  the  price  demanded  for 
them;  that  they  will  not,  and  ought  not,  to  sell  at 
one  dollar  and  a  quarter  an  acre.     And  we  are 
also,  again  and  again,  told  that  these  lands,  many 
of  them,  have  been  in  market  from  five  to  thirty- 
five  years      This,  it  is  said,  is  evidence  that  they 
are  worthless;  that  they  are  of  inferior  quality; 
refuse  lands;  some  of  them  entirely  worthless;  and 
the  whole  of  little  value.    The  Senate  bill,  which 
is  based  upon  this  theory,  will,  if  it  shall  become  a 
law,  reduce  the  price  of  all  the  lands  which  have 
been  in  market  five  years  or  u|)wards,  in  a  few 
years,  to  twenty-five  cents  an  acre.    The  moment  j 
It  becomes  a  law,  two  mUlions  eight  hundred  thou-  j 
sand  acres  will  be  reduced  from  one  dollar  and  ' 
twenty-five  cents  to  twenty-five  cents  an  acre,  and  ; 
more  than  one  hundred  millions  of  acres  will  be, 
reduced  to  prices  ranging  from  twenty-five  cents  to  I 
one  dollar  an  acre.      At  the  end  of  every  three  \ 
years,  all  the  lands  above  twenty-five  cents  an  acre, 
which  shall  have  been  in  market  five  years,  are  to  be 
reduced  twenty-five  cents  the  acre,  until  they  reach  ! 
that  price;  so  that,  at  the  end  of  twelve  years  all  the 
lands  which  have  been  in  market  five  years  at  the  , 
present  time  will  have  reached  the  price  of  twenty-  I 
five  cents.     In  order  to  appreciate  fully  the  result  I 
of  this  plan,  it  is  necessary  to  ascertain  the  quan-  j 
tity  of  land  heretofore  sold,  the  quantity  in  market  i 
unsold,  and  the  quantity  to  be  yet  brought  into  ' 
market.    This  will  also  test  the  soundness  of  the  ' 
argument,  constantly  urged  upon  our  consideration, 
that  the  reason  these  lands  liave  not  sold,  is  be- 
cause they  are  poor. 

First,  tnen,  1  state,  from  public  documents,  that  i 
the  whole  quantity  sold  by  tliis  Government  is  \ 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty-one  millions  of  acres;  '• 
second,  the  nnuntity  in  market  and  unsold  is  one 
hundred  anJ  thirty-three  millions  of  acres;  and,  ; 
third,  tliat  the  quantity  which  is  yet  to  be  brought 
into   market  is  estimated   at  eight   hundred   and 
eleven  millions  of  acres.    This  estimate  does  not 
include  any  lands  in  Texas.    I  insist,  in  the  first 
I  place,  that  the  fact  of  having  sold  only  about  one-  i 
half  of  the  land  brought  into  market,  instead  of 
I  proving  that  the  unsold  lands  are  worthless,  simjily  ' 
proves  that  too  much  land  has  been  thrown  into 
the  market.   The  average  sales  per  onnum  is  about 
two  millions  of  acres,  to  supply  which  near  four 
'.  millions  of  acres  have  been  annually  thrown  into 
I  market.     That  some  portions  of  these  lands  are 
1  poor  is  unquestionably  true,  but  that  they  ore  all 
:  of  that  character  is  not  true.     The  soles  of  lands 
!  in  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illinois,  in  the  last  two  years, 
out  of  these  same  poor  lands,  as  they  are  called, 
I  disproves  the  allegation  that  they  are  poor,  and 
ij  also  the  asscrlion  that  tlicy  will  not  sell  for  the 
■'  present  price  demanded  by  the  Government  for 
1  them.     The  sales  in  Ohio,  in  1844,  amounted  to 
j  »43,4r>'.);  in  three  quarters  of  1845  S163,3i5;  in  In- 
S  (liana,  in  1844,  #134,106;  in  Illinois  §612,533,  mid 
j  in  each  Stale  aliout  the  same  ratio  in  the  three 
quarters  of  the  year  1845.     It  is  very  clear,  from 
'  tnese  facts,  that  all  these  lands,  fit  for  farming  pur- 
poses, will  sell  at  the  present  price  as  fast  as  they 
are  required  for  cultivation.     It  is  not  the  price  or 
the  quality  of  the  land  that  prevents  their  sale;  it 
is  the  excess  of  the  supply  over  the  demand.     If 
I  the  surveys  were  discontinued  and  no  more  lands 
brought  into  market,  these  lands  would  then  sell; 
but  so  long  as  four  or  five  millions  of  acres  arc  an- 
nually thrown  into  market,  it  is  folly  to  suppose 
that  there  will  not  be  a  surplus. 

This  bill  hf.s  been  urged  upon  us  by  those  par- 
ticularly interested,  as  designed  for  the  special  ben- 
efit of  poor  men,  and  us  an  act  of  justice  to  the 


new  States,  which  are  now  deprived  of  the  right 
to  tax  these  lands.  The  reasons  are  at  least  plaus- 
ible, if  not  sound.  They  desire  to  benefit  POor 
men,  and  to  increase  the  taxable  property  or  the 
States;  and,  to  accomplish  these  two  very  desira- 
ble objects,  iliey  wish  tn  sell  tliese  poor  men  lands 
whicli  they  declare  are  worthless  and  good  for 
nothing.  What  a  prospect  for  poor  men !  What 
use  have  they  for  soch  lands .'  What  benefit  will  a 
poor  man  derive  from  lands  that  are  good  for  noth- 
ing.' What  benefit  will  the  State  derive  by  the 
taxation  of  poor  men,  doomed  to  live  upon  such 
lands?  These  are  not  the  kind  of  londs  which  the 
Government  ought  to  sell  to  poor  men.  If  they 
arc  such  as  they  are  described  to  us,  they  will  not 
afl'ord  to  him  and  his  family  support.  They  will 
injure  rather  than  benefit  poor  men. 

This  bill  will  destroy  the  value,  not  only  of  all 
the  public  lands  now  in  market,  but  all  yet  to  be 
brought  into  market.  Suppose  thirty-three  millions 
of  acres  of  these  londs  poor,  you  yet  have  left  one 
hundred  millions  of  acres  in  market  at  reduced 
and  constantly  descending  prices,  until  they  are  to 
be  sold  at  twenty-five  cents  an  acre.  Suppose, 
also,  that  the  amount  of  land  to  be  sold  the  next 
twenty-five  years  shall  double  the  usual  average 
quantity  per  annum;  you  will,  at  the  end  of  that 

feriod,  only  have  exhausted  the  hundred  millions, 
n  the  meantime,  including  the  lands  which  have 
been  in  market  less  than  five  years,  you  will  have 
in  market  more  than  a  hundred  and  fifty  millions 
of  acres.  These  lands,  by  the  operation  of  this 
bill,  are  also  to  be  reduced  in  price,  ut  the  same 
rapid  rate  as  those  already  five  years  in  market, 
whenever  they  shall  have  been  that  length  of  time 
subject  to  entry.  The  result  will  be,  that  no  sale 
will  be  hereafter  made  above  twenty-five  cents  an 
acre.  Your  public  land  system,  which  has  worked 
admirably,  and  which,  as  a  system,  can  hardly  be 
improved,  is  broken  down  and  destroyed.  The 
poor  men  of  the  country  will  not  be  benefited — 
your  lands  will  be  wasted,  and  greedy  speculators 
will  fatten  upon  the  spoils  thrown  foolishly  into 
their  liands  by  the  Government.  They  will  be- 
come the  owners  of  the  public  lands,  and  the  poor 
men  will  be  compelled  to  pay  to  them  as  much, 
and  perhaps  more,  than  they  are  now  required  to 
pay  to  the  Government. 

Sir,  suppose  these  poor  lands,  worthless  as  they 
are  represented  to  be,  should  not  sell,  what  loss  is 
it  to  anybody?  If  they  ore  good  for  nothing,  they 
will  or  ought  to  bring  nothing.  But  is  it  necessary 
or  proper  that  we  should  throw  away  eight  hun- 
dred millions  of  acres  of  good  lands  for  the  pur- 
pose of  selling  a  few  millions  of  poor  ? 

Sir,  I  have  another  objection  to  this  bill,  which 
will  prevent  my  voting  for  it  in  its  present  form. 
It  is  this:  The  pioneer,  who  led  the  way  into  the 
wilderness,  and  encountered  all  the  perils  and  hard- 
ships and  trials  incident  to  the  life  of  the  settler 
in  a  new  country,  has  been  compelled  to  pay  for 
liis  land  one  dollar  and  twenty-five  cents  an  acre. 
Why  shall  those  who  delay  until  all  the  comforts 
and  enjoyments  of  civilization  are  produced  by  the 
toil  anil  suffering  of  the  more  courageous  and  en- 
terprising, be  allowed  to  purchase  their  lands  for 
twenty-five  cents  ?  To  my  mind  it  is  reversing  the 
rule  of  justice  and  propriety.  The  man  who  ven- 
tures life  and  health,  who  tears  himself  and  family 
from  the  enjoyment  of  society,  who  runs  in  aci- 
vanco  of  civilization,  is  justly  entitled  to  a  bounty 
from  his  Government.  And  if  the  price  of  the 
public  lands  are  to  be  graduated,  the  order  should 
be  changeil  in  the  bill.  He  who  comes  last,  and 
purchases  lands  where  the  earlier  settlers  have 
made  roods,  established  schools,  erected  mills,  and 
all  other  necessary  and  useful  accommodations 
consequent  upon  an  advanced  state  of  civilization, 
is  benefited  by  their  labor,  and  ought  not  to  receive 
any  reward  from  the  Government  for  his  tardiness. 
Would  you  liasten  the  settlement  of  the  western 
ciaintry  ?  If  so,  the  true  mode  is  to  be  liberal  to 
those  who  lead  the  way.  Look  to  Oregon.  How 
shall  it  be  settled  and  improved  ?  My  plan  would 
be,  to  give  to  every  man  who  will  go  there,  within 
'  the  next  ten  years,  alibcral  allowance  in  land.  To 
j  those  who  delay  beyond  that  time  1  would  sell 
]  within  the  next  ten  years  at  fifty  cents  an  acre; 
I  and  at  the  end  of  every  period  of  ten  years  I  would 
I  increase  the  price  fifty  cents,  until  it  reached  two 
I  dollars  an  acre.  I  j  not  this  course  just? 
I      Bad  as  the  Senate  bill  is,  in  my  judjment  the 


774 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  1, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


'llie  Tariff— Ah.  Hough. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


liill  reponed  by  the  Committee  on  Public  Lands  is 
Btill  worse.    "That  bill  gives  to  tlie  new  States,  im- 
mediately, abou.    ightcen  millions  of  acres  of  land. 
If  this  wns  all)  I  would  not  object  so  strongly;  but 
it  atrikes  down  in  efiect  t)ie  wliole  value  of  all  the 
residue  now  in,  or  liercaner  to  be  brought  into  | 
market,  to  twciity-five  cents.     The  quantity  of  i 
land,  and  the  rapidity  with  which  the  price  is  to  I 
be  reduced,  will  prevent  sales,  except  at  the  lowest  | 
rate.    Is  this  proposed  graduation  of  the  price  of  : 
land  juat  to  those  who  have  purchased .'     Is  it  just  j 
to  the  people  of  the  old  States  ?    What  eirect  will 
litis  reduction  have  upon  lands  in  all  the  Slates, 
new  and  old  ?     Can  tliere  be  the  least  doubt  that 
real   estate   throughout   this   entire  Union    must 
depreciate   in  value  >    Sir,  if  either  of  these  bills 
should  become  a  law,  and  the  price  of  the  pub- 
lic lands  should  be  reduced  to  twenty-five  cents, 
and  some  of  them  to  ten   cents  lui  acre,  every  j 
man  who  resides  in  the  vicinity  of  those  lands, 
and  whose  farm  comes  in  competition  with  them 
in  the  market,  will  find  the  price  of  his  farm  fall- 
ing; in  proportion  to  the  price  of  these  lands.    The  , 
effect  in  tlie  old  States  will  be  nearly  the  siiinu. 
Men  owning  small  farms,  or  houses  and  lots,  will 
be  anxious  to  sell,  for  the  purpose  of  purthasing 
cheap  lands;  and  the  quantity  of  real  estate  which  ' 
will  thus  be  thrown  into  market  will  depress  the 
price  of  the  whole.    I  think  it  a  safe  estimate  that 
the  price  of  real  estate  in  every  State  in  the  United 
States  will  fall  at  the  least  20  per  cent.    The  in- 
ducement to  emigrate  to  the  West  will  be  so  great 
as  to  be  alike  injurious  to  the  interests  of  the  old 
and  new  Slates.    The  hope  of  wealth  without  toil 
or  delay  will  draw  thousands  of  Oset\il  and  valu- 
able citizens  from  the  old  States,  to  meet  with  dis-  ■ 
appointment,  disease,  and  death,  amidst  trials, 
perils,  and  deprivations,  of  which  they  have  no 
conception,  and  which  they  never  would  have  en- 
countered if  not  so  strongly  tempted  by  the  action 
of  the  Government. 

Under  our  present  system,  notwitlistanding  the 
great  r8.pidity  with  which  the  new  States  have  been 
settled,  their  growth  has  been  wholesome  and  per-  i 
manent.  Inducements  have  been  sufficiently  strong  I 
to  command  a  constant  stream  of  emigration.  Sonic 
of  the  old  States  have  become  stationary  in  their  pop- 
ulation, others,  many  of  them,  arc  in  the  progress  of  i 
diminution.  Either  of  the  bills  before  us  would  give  i 
a  new  impulse  to  thut  siiirit  of  emigration  already 
i^utncienuy  strong;  the  impulation  of  the  old  States 
would  rapidly  diminisl, — the  settlement  of  the  new 
StntcK  would  be  more  -iipid,  but  not  so  substantial 
and  beneficial  as  at  present.  So  long  as  the  present 
orice  of  the  public  la. ids  is  preserved,  in  the  main 
I'lcre  will  be  no  moe  speculation  in  tliein.  Expe- 
rience has  admoi;islicd  sperulatois  to  avoid  them.  I 
Lands  solt'  in  1835- 'ti  can  now  be  purchased  at  1 
fifty  cer'.s  an  acre.  The  principal  paid  for  these 
landf  IS  lost  and  part  of  the  intcrist.  The  quantity 
is  beyond  the  reach  of  Bptculators — ihcy  cannot 
monopolize  them  to  such  an  ex'.cnt  as  to  comiiclc 
with  tlie  Government  in  the  market.  If  we  re(iuce 
the  price  of  ihose  lands  lying  in  Ohio,  Illinois,  In- 
dians, and  Michigan,  to  twenty-five  coins  an  acre, 
which  have  been  tiiirty  years  in  market,  amount- 
ing to  five  and  a  half  millions  of  ac  cs,  we  have 
then  opened  a  door,  and  presented  a  field  which 
they  know  how  to  improve,  and  which  iliey  will 
improve,at  theexpenseof  those  who  wish  to  settle 
and  improve  those  laiuU.  An  army  of  speculators 
will  march  in  advance  of  that  tide  of  einiiimnts 
who  will  seek  a  home  in  the  West;  they  will  reap 
a  rich  harvest  out  of  those  who  aie  entitled  t.i  pur- 
chase lands  at  the  lowest  price.  But  this  is  Noi  all 
the  wrong  that  will  result  from  the  adoption  of 
either  of  those  plans;  speculations  in  lands  will 
not  be  confined  to  the  new  lands  O'-  'he  new  Stales — 
the  old  Slates  will  also  sufl'er  f  he  same  cause. 

The  desire  to  sell  land  and  far  the  old  Stales, 

for  the  purpose  of  purchasln  .,'!  new,  will  in- 

duce a  spirit  of  speculation  inj'  •  and  most  di.s- 

R«troustothec<Aintry.   Theow  small  farms, 

the  most  industrious  anil  vnhiabu  ,  rtinii  of  our 
eitiz-ens,  will  sell  and  remove  to  the  West;  their 
farms  will  be  annexed  to  larier,  and  thus  vast 
tracts  will  be  nc,  umulated  in  tin-  hands  of  one  man; 
the  mode  of  cultivation  will  be  changed;  the  char- 
acter of  the  population  will  also  be  changed;  ll.c 
line  between  rich  and  poor  will  he  widened  and 
dteiicned;  tenants  will  take  the  plate  of  frechold- 
ere;  dependence  of  independence.     While  all  this 


evil  is  falling  upon  us,  the  new  States  will  derive 
no  benefit  from  it.     In  process  of  time  they,  loo, 
will  find  their  lands  possessed  by  the  few  in  large 
tracts;  they  will  have  their  landlords  and  tenants. 
That  state  of  equality,  so  desirable  in  all  countries 
and  so  absolutely  necessary  in  ours,  will  cease 
to  exist.    Lordly  wealth  and  abject  poverty  will 
dwel/' side  by  side.     Influence  unu  power  will  be- 
long to  the  lew;  dependence  and  submission  entail- ' 
ed  upon  the  many.    No  man  can  desire  to  see  this  ' 
state  of  things,  and  yet  no  man  can  look  into  the 
future  with  a  clear  vision  without  seeing  all  these  i 
bitter  fruits  giowing  out  of  this  overtlirow  of  a 
system  which  has  approved  itself  to  tlie  judgment ', 
of  every  thinking  man.    Sir,  I  am  opposed  to  both  I 
these  |)lans,  and  to  all  otlier  plans  which  have  yet  | 
been  presented  to  us. 

I  am  opposed  to  any  change  which  shall  destroy  '■ 
(Hir  system.     I  wish  to  see  that  preserved.    At 
the  same  lime,  i  am  willing  to  support  such  a  bill 
as  shall  reduce  the  price  of  such  lands  as  are  really 
of  an  inferior  i|ualily.     I  am  anxious  to  see  [he  i 
title  to  such   pass  into  the  hands  of  individuals.  ! 
But  there  is  great  difficulty  in  ascertaining  which 
are  poor.     It  is  insisted  that  the  time  they  have  | 
been  in  market  is  the  test  of  their  quality.     Is  that 
so?    Were  not  the  lands  in  the  old  Slates  in  mar-  i 
ket  as  long  as  these  before  they  found  purchasers?  j 
Were  they  condemned  as  worthless  because  they 
did  not  sell?     I  ask  every  gentleman  here  to  turn  i 
his  nitentinn  to  llie  settlement  of  this  country,  and  J 
lo   view  its   tardy  growth,   compared   with  the  ! 
West, and  tell  me  if  its  settlement  was  then  evidence  i 
of  the  poor  quality  of  the  soil.     It  was  in  conse- 1 
mience  of  the  scarcity  of  people,  compared  with  ! 
the  boundless  extent  of  lands.     It  is  so  now;  and  1 
it  must  continue  to  be  the  same  for  many  years  to  i 
come.     It  is  imnorlant  that  these  things  should  be  ; 
well  considered,  and  that  the  rich  treasure  of  the  i 
people  in  the  public  domain  should  not  be  thrown 
away,  under  a  mistaken  impression  in  regard  to 
their  value.     They  are  a  mine  of  wealth  lo  Gov- 
ernment, and  a  rich  field  spread  out  for  the  use 
and  enjoyment  of  posterity.     If,  in  defence  of  our 
soil  fiiim  invasion,  or  in  the  vindication  of  our 
national  rights  or  honor,  we  should  become  hi- 
volved  in  a  great  national  debt,  they  are  a  sibstan- 1 
tini  resource  for  its  payment.     Let  us  not  bo  in  i 
haste  lo  squander  them,  reganlless  of  the  future.  | 
Sir,  for  the  purpose  of  avoiding  a  greater  evil,  I 
shall  vote  for  a  bill  lo  reduce  the  price  of  the  lands  ; 
which  have  been  in  market  for  twenty-five  years,  | 
if  one  is  ofl'ercd.     If  no  other  member  oilers  an  t 
ameiidinent  of  the  right  kind,  I   intend   lo  do  so  ' 
myself.     I   will  sUiie  precisely  what  1  will   vote  i 
for,  and  what  I  shall  propose  as  an  amendment  to  ; 
llie  bill.     lam  in  favor  of  reducing  the  eighteen 
millions  of  acres  to  one  dollar  an  acre,  lo  remain 
at  one  dollar  for  ten  years;  the  residue  rcniaining  | 
unsold  at  the  end  of  ten  years  to  be  reduced  lo  I 
sevenly-five  cents  per  acre,  liniiling  the  (|uanlily 
to  be  brought  into  market  annually  to  lliive  and  a  1 
half  millions  of  acres;  the  etl'tct  of  the  bill  to  be  ; 
restricted  to  these  lands.     I  am  unwilling  to  sup-  '. 
port  niiy  bill  which  sliull  grasp  tiie  present  and 
future,  111  regard   to  the   public   lands,   reducing 
those  in  market  and  those  to  coine  into  market.    1 
wish  the  future  to  be  left  to  provide  for  itself;  con- 
fident that  those  who  are  to  follow  us  will  be  as 
competent  »a  we  are  lo  leiulate  these  things.  j 


TIIE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  VV.  J.  HOUGH, 

OF  NEW  VORK, 

In  the  House  of  Rkpbesen'tatives, 

Juhj  1,  184fi. 

The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 

'e  of  the  Union  on  the  bill  reported  from 

..miittcc  of  Ways  and  Means,  amendatory 


the  . 


I 

oi  (lie  Tiiriff  law  of  lti4"J — 

Mr.  HOUGH  was  entitled  to  the  lloor,  and  ad- 
diensed  the  committee  «s  follows: 

Mr.  CiiAiiLMAN  :  The  time  has  arrived  when  I 
am  soon  lo  lie  cnlKid  upon  lo  give  my  vote  upon 
the  que.tliun  under  consideration;  and  as  I  deem  it 
one  of  the  most  importjuit  measures  of  the  session, 
would  nwk  the  indulgence  of  the  committee  whilst 
I  briefly  submit  some  of  liie  reasons  for  the  vote  I 
am  about  to  give.     The  subject,  sir,  has  been  so 


fblly  and  ably  discussed,  not  only  here,  but  before 
the  country,  for  the  last  four  years,  that  I  cannot 
hope  to  interest  the  committee,  or  advance  any- 
thing new,  in  the  remarks  I  am  about  to  make,  I 
regret,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  bn  under  the  necessity 
of  dill'ering  with  any  of  my  political  friends,  and 
more  especially  with  my  honorable  colleague  from 
the  Oneida  district,  who  addressed  the  committee 
yesterday  evening,  (and  with  whom  I  have  here- 
tofore been  most  happy  to  cooperate,  and  for 
whose  opinions  I  have  the  most  profound  respect,) 
upon  a  question  of  such  vital  interast  to  our  com- 
mon country.  But,  sir,  I  profess  to  belong  to  a 
class  of  politicians,  schooled  from  infancy  in  the 
principles  of  Jeflersonian  Democracy.  1  hold,  sir, 
lliat  the  representative  is  bound  to  represent  the 
interests  and  carry  out  the  expres.fcd  will  of  his 
constituents. 

The  subject,  sir,  of  that  most  une(|ual  and  op- 
pressive tmilTact  of  1842  has  been  most  fully  and 
ably  discussed,  and  tlic  will  of  the  Democratic 
party  thereon  expressed  in  almost  nil  their  political 
meetings  and  conventions  from  the  day  of  its  pas- 
sage to  the  present  time.  I  have  recently  heard, 
however,  by  occasional  conversations,  that  from 
the  present  peculiar  positirfn  of  nll'airs,  public  opin- 
ion, and  especially  of  the  Democracy  of  the  coun- 
try, had  undergone  a  material  change  upon  the 
subject  of  the  revenue  since  we  have  been  here  in 
delioeration  ;  and  consequently  I  nildicsscd  letlera 
of  inquiry  to  many  of  the  most  intelligent  and  best 
informed  Democrats  in  ditrcrent  parts  of  my  dis- 
trict, whose  answers  all  concurred  in  what  I  believe 
to  be  true,  that  public  opinion  hud  undergone  no 
change  in  that  district  since  my  separation  from 
them.  With  these  lights  before  me,  sir,  I  will 
not — nay,  I  dare  not — rise  in  my  place  here,  and 
advocate  the  principles  of  a  high  protcclive  tariff — 
one,  sir,  which  the  ingenuity  of  man  could  scarcely 
have  devised  better  calculated  to  make  the  rich 
richer  and  the  poor  poorer,  than  that  most  unequal 
and  oppressive  act  of  1643;  and  I  greatly  mistake 
both  tiic  will  and  the  interests  of  my  constituents 
if  they  are  not  almost  unanimous  in  asking  for  its 
repeal,  or  material  modification,  in  such  manner 
as  lo  substitute  a  revenue  tariff,  so  adjusted  as 
equally  us  may  be,  to  sustain  as  well  the  agricul- 
tural, mechanical,  and  commercial,  as  the  manu- 
facturing interests  of  the  country — yes,  sir,  so  as 
to  sustain  all  these  great  interests  as  equally  as 
may  be,  and  if  possible  in  such  manner  as  to  bo 
oppressive  to  none. 

I  have  expressed  myself,  sir,  in  favor  of  a  rev- 
enue tarilV;  and  the  act  of  1842  may,  in  one  sense, 
be  a  revenue  tariff— that  is,  it  may,  under  some 
conditions  of  the  country,  produce  about  the  re- 
quisite amount  of  revenue;  but  that  many  of  its 
provisions  arc  unequal  and  oppressive  in  iheir 
operations,  greatly  promotive  of  the  interests  of  a 
few  classes,  and  equally  oppressive  of  the  gryat 
body  of  the  people,  is  undeniable. 

On  many  of  the  manufactures,  and  especially 
iron,  woollens,  and  cotton,  the  duties  are  alto- 
gether too  high  for  revenue  purpospj,  and  even  for 
the  hcnlihy  and  permanent  support  of  the  manu- 
'  fucturers  tnemselves,  and  greatly  oppressive  to  the 
consumers,  and  especially  to  the  agricultural  and 
mechanical  inleresls  of  the  coiintry;  and  in  many 
other  respects  it  is  loo  unequal  in  us  operations  lo 
bcjust. 

I  hold,  sir,  that  a  tnritr affording  rensoimble  and 
moderate  protection  will  be  more  smblc  and  per- 
in.'inent,  iind  consequently  better  pronnite  llio 
inleresls  of  the  capitalists  mid  nianuluctiirers  than 
one  that  is  prohibitory,  and  c.on.sequcnlly  oppics- 
'  sive  in  its  onerniioiiK  and  obnoxious  lo  consiniii 
I  changes,  and  thereby  rendering  the  LnsineHs  llue- 
Itiatiiig,  and  the  investment  of  capital  hazardous 
and  uncertain.  I  would  therefore  so  change  or 
modify  the  act  of  1842  as  to  make  it  as  far  iis  prac- 
I  licable  conform  lo  these  principles.  I  would  re- 
duce the  duties  where  tlicy  are  found  lo  be  loo 
high,  and  in  all  cases  where  they  are  t'laind  to  bo 
unequal  and  oppressive  in  their  operation,  I  would 
so  adjust  them  as  lo  divest  them  as  far  as  po.ssihle 
of  their  objectionable  features. 

To  do  ihis,  sir,  you  mu.st  divest  the  ad  of  its 
aylifieials,  Us  miiiinitims,  and  Us  si)ei-ijics,  and  sub- 
stitute in  their  place  the  more  rational  and  equitable 
principle  of  ad  valorems. 

What  principle  can  well  be  conceived  of  more 
unjust,  deceptive  and  iniquitous  than  this  decep- 


[July  1, 


EPS. 

but  before 

tt  I  cannot 

'nnce  any- 

mnke.     I 

neceaflity 

iends,  and 

eague  from 

coinmitlee 

have  lierc- 

nnd    for 

d  reajicct,) 

our  cotn- 

!loii^  to  a 

loy  in  the 

'  hold,  sir, 

resent  tin; 

will  of  hia 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


775 


2&rH  ConJ> 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Hough. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


live  ayBtem  of  minimuma  got  up  by  fraud  and  legia- 
laiive  trickery  for  the  benefit  or  manufacturora? 
Whilst  it  proftisaea  to  impoiie  a.  duty  of  thirty  per 
cent,  upon  manufactures  of  cottons,  it  in  Irutfi  im- 
poaei  a  duty  of  from  aeventy  to  one  hundred  and 
twenty  per  cent.,  and  I  cannot  in  any  other  way 
so  well  express  iia  operations  as  to  read  from  the 
very  al)le  annual  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury.     Hi  says: 

"Miniiiiunii  aro  k  nclitinu^  vnliir,  aasumrd  liy  law,  iii- 
iitnnil  of  tilt!  nval  value;  niid  (ho  npiTiUion  nf  all  iiiiiiliiiunis 
iiiny  l>»^llu<lriil<'il  hy  n  siiislu  uxaiiiplc.  Thus  by  ih«  tnriif 
of  1849,  a  (iHty  of  30  |M!r  iiiit.  nd  vnlnreni  in  l«vii  d  on  nil 
inaniifaclurex  oreoimn;  hut  lliu  law  further  prnvlileii  (hat 
cotton  gofida  '  not  dyed,  colornl,  priiitiMl,  ot  tdiilncd,  not  ex- 
rec-dlnii  in  valun  twenty  conlif  per  stjuare  yard,  t^hall  be 
valued  nt  twenty  eiiitu  per  cqUiHe  yard.'  If,'thi'n,  the  real 
value  nf  the  clieapef>tcnlton  gnndtt  \*  but  four  eenta  ft  oquare 
yard,  it  1^  placed  hy  the  law  ut  the  fnlfle  value  nf  twenty 
cents  per  t^quare  yard,  and  the  duty  levied  on  the  fletitiotlii 
value— raMu;{  it  five  tininn  higher  nn  the  chcup  nitirle  enii- 
■umed  by  the  ponr  thn>t  U[K)n  the  fine  arilple  purclmxcd  tw 
the  more  wealthy.  Indeed,  hy  Jlonse  dnenuientt  ^n.  306, 
of  the  litt  ffefi!<ion  of  the  Q8lh  Cniifticsfi,  lliin  diltereuee  hy 
actual  iuinortatinn  wb.>j  65  per  rent,  between  the  cheaper 
nnd  the  nner  article  of  tlie  90  per  cent,  intniinuni,  131  per 
o-nt.  nn  the  30  per  cent,  ntinimuiii,  4^2  per  cent,  on  the  3.'> 
per  cent,  ininlniuiu,  81  per  cent,  nn  the  61)  |ier  cent,  niini- 
nium,  ftnd  64  per  cent,  mi  the  75  p<T  cent,  ininlniuin.  This 
dilfereiice,  founded  on  actual  iinimrtation,  shows  an  aver- 
luie  diserii.'iiiiatiou  aKainnt  tJie  poor  nn  cnttnii  iinnnrtH  nf  69 
per  cent,  heytnid  what  ttic  lu.\  would  be  if  atssesfiea  upon  tlie 
actual  value." 

By  this  kind  of  legislative  deception,  prices  of 
manufactures  of  cotton  have  slendily  risen  in  the 
market  fiom  the  passage  of  the  act  of  1842  to  the 
present  time,  in  almost  the  some  proportion  that 
their  price  is  raised  above  their  actual  value  by  that 
most  deceptive  and  fictitious  mode  of  appraisal,  as 
appears  from  a  table  of  prices  fbrnished  by  the 
agent  in  New  York  of  several  manufacturing  com- 
panies, nnd  which  reads  as  follows: 


Marks  and  descriptions  of  the 
goods. 


SCI).  SnlTolk  brown  cnltnn  dril- 
lings per  yard 

IMC.  Lawrence  brown  sliirt- 
iiigs  per  yard 

.M.McR.  Merrimack  browiishirt- 
iiii<s  per  yard 

ACA.  Auinskenfi  bed  lick 'gpy'd 

Alien's  siiigle'Cnlored  printed 
cottons  |H!r  yard 

Providence  printiiiftclitlh  pery'd 

N.York  mills, lon^elnth pery'd 


1843.    1644.  1.1845.    1848, 


cU. 
6.3 

6.4 

7.9 
19 

8.3 
4.3 
12 


cU. 
8.5 

7.8 

8.3 
16 

9.9 
6 


ill. 
8.5 


7.8 
6.3 


13 
6.8 
14 


ct$. 
9 


8.3 


16.2 

19.9 
6.8 
15 


This,  sir,  shows  a  steady  incretise  of  prices  of 
fro.li  25  to  100  per  cent,  during  a  periotl  of  four 
years,  whilst  the  raw  matei-inls  from  which  they 
are  manufuctured  have  declined  in  price  in  about 
the  same  pioportion ;  and  during  this  period, also, 
the  wages  of  labor  remained  about  the  same.  It 
is  true  that  some  of  the  manufacturers  who  Iiad 
reduced  ihe  wages  of  their  luboiers  during  the  de- 
pression of  1841  and  1842,  agnlii  raised  them  after 
the  passage  of  the  present  Uiriff  .somewhat  in  pro- 
portion to  their  previous  reduction;  but  in  every 
inswnce,  it  is  believed,  where  such  increase  was 
was  made,  the  increased  labor  required  was  in  a 
gi-eatcr  proportion.  In  many  instances  this  in- 
creased labor  was  at  leastone-lliirj  by  the  increased 
speed  of  the  mills,  or  by  requiring  each  hand  to 
tend  three  looms,  instead  of  two,  r.s  under  the  pre- 
vious regulations;  and,  to  use  the  langunse  of  a  i 
well-informed  and  able  writer  on  the  sul.ject,  "  in  ■ 
'  no  mill  have  tlie  wages  of  week  har,u.M  or  the 
'  rates  for  piece  work  been  increased  from  tlic 
'  lowest  amounts  paid  at  any  time  between  1840 
•and  184(i.'' 

The  profits  of  the  mannfiicturers  have  also  been 
largely  increased  by  the  fall  of  prices  of  the  raw  I 
matcnalo,  as  well  as  by  the  reduced  price  of  pro- 
visions nnd  agricultural  productions,  as  their  divi- 
sioiis  of  pvofns  show.  I 

The  Afcrriinack  Company,  nt  L^iwell,  with  a  i 
capital  of  <j2,00U,fl00,  divided  for  the  year  1843, 
$320,000,  being  16  per  ceiil.;  for  the  year  1H44, 
MDO.OOO,  being  20  per  cent.;  for  the  yemv  1845, 
SGUO,000,  being  30  per  cent.;  besides  I'etainiiig  a 
large  sum  as  n  reserved  fund. 

And  yet,  it  is  said  these  Shylocks  of  the  cotton 
mills  cannot  keep  their  machinery  in  motion  or 
pay  Ihe  oper.itives  their  wages,  if  the  act  of  1842, 
under  which  such  enormous  profits  have  been 
mad«,  shall  be  repealed,  or  the  import  duties  inn- 
tfi-ially  reduced;  and,  I  suppo.se,  if  this  beautiful 
deception  and  artful  device  of  minimuins,  whereby 


they  receive  from  three  to  five  times  the  professed 
protection,  ahull  in  any  way  be  disturbetl. 

The  principle  of  specifics,  too,  is  tilmust  as  une- 
qual and  o))pre8sive  in  its  operations  as  the  mini- 
mums. 

Take,  fo  instance,  the  duties  on  nnnnels,  hock- 
ings,  nnd  bnixes,  being  a  specific  duty  of  14  cents 
per  yard  without  regard  to  the  quality  or  value,  ond 
being  a  duly  of  14  per  cent,  upon  the  fine  arlicle, 
costing  ^1  per  yard,  and  100  per  cent,  upon  the 
coarse  nrticle,  worn  by  the  poor,  and  costing  14 
cents  per  yard. 

The  article  of  iron  is  also  another  article  of  great 
consumption  by  the  poor  and  middling  claases,  and 
comparatively  of  but  small  consumption  by  the  rich ; 
nnd  yet,  under  this  system  of  specifics,  tlic  farmer 
and  the  laborer  pay  from  50  to  100  per  cent,  upon 
his  ploughshare  and  log-chain,  whilst  the  rich  pays 
to  the  treasury  comparatively  but  little. 

Notwithatandin?,  Mr.  Chairman,  these  iron  man- 
ufacturers are  receiving  this  enormous  profitof  from 
50  to  100  per  cent,  upon  their  productions,  it  is  said 
their  fires  must  be  extinguished  and  their  opera- 
tives dischnigei;,  with  starvation  anil  misery  fol- 
lowing in  the  train,  if  ibis  most  oppressive  and  un- 
holy act  of  1842  shall  be  disturbed;  and  it  has  been 
gravely  insisted,  upon  the  floor  of  this  Hall,  as  con- 
clusive evidence  of  such  n  disastrous  result,  that 
during  the  unheard-of  depression  of  1840imd  1841, 
the  forges  and  furnaces  of  Pennsylvania  were  stop- 
ped, the  owneis  bankiupted,  and  the  laborers 
thrown  out  of  employ  and  reduced  to  starvation 
nnd  misery  in  consequence  of  the  low  duties  and 
insufficient  proteclion  affoided  by  the  Compromise 
net,  when,  in  truth,  at  that  very  time  the  duties 
upon  iron  under  that  act  were  from  two  to  three 
dollars  per  ton  higher  than  by  the  act  of  1842 ! 

This,  it  is  true,  was  but  a  slight  mistake  for  the 
want  of  n  little  examination  of  thestatute-book;  and, 
I  doubt  not,  the  fearful  forebodings  for  the  future 
have  no  better  foundation,  and  will  prove  to  be  bilt 
day-dreams  of  fanciful  imaginniions, 

That  an  ad  valorem  duly  of  30  per  cent,  is  nil 
the  protection  the  mnnufncturers  of  ii-on  need  to 
enable  them  not  only  to  carry  on  their  business 
successfully,  but  to  make  fair  and  reasonable  prof- 
its, I  think  is  salisfnctoi'ily  shown  by  a  tnble  I  have 
before  me,  prepared  by  James  Hnll,  State  Geolo- 
gical Engineer  of  New  York,  for  the  year  1845, 
imd  which  I  beg  leave  to  read: 
"Coal  of  nxanxtfactvnnf:  iron  in  the  United  Stales  and 

Gnat  Britain  compared. 

'^Grcat  Bn'tain.— Crawshav  estabiishineiit  (Smith  Wales) 

ill  1841. 

Pi^  metat,  Tous.   Cut.    L'l.    Sterlin%, 

Irnn  stnne 3 0 0 6s i»4  ."iO 

Coke 1....15 0 8s 3  .10 


l.i-iestone 1 0 0 3!. 

VV;  ,is 6s 1 

(Jfiiernl  charges 6s I 

Coat  of  a  ton  of  pig  iron  in  Wales $11 

UnUed  Slulm. 
Irnn  stnne tons^Ji. 


«1  ."iO.. 

Coal  (anthrileitc) 9 3  00.. 

Limestone 1 0  7.').. 

Wages 1  T.'i.. 

General  charges rl  00.. 


Cost  of  a  ton  of  pig  iron  in  rennsylvania SH  25  ' 

11  75 
nilferencc  in  liivnr  of  Great  Brit.niii .«-i  r.o  : 

"The  present  price  nf  a  tnii  of  Ainerieaii  pie  irnn  in  Phil-  ; 
adelphia  is  from  .«-J8  tn.«;i';  the  |iri:.ent  duly  on  nlnnnf  pii; 
iron  imimrted  froni  Wtilcs  is.^-'J;  freijtht  to  M-apiirts  of  the 
United  f<l.ite.<  I9v.;  fr  •ijlil  aniidiity.SIi  ^'8— being  more  than 
tlie  original  cnst  of  tin.'  iron.''  , 

Import  of  certain  itincripliotm  nf  iron  into  the  United 
States  for  the  year  1845.  • 

J'tlite  of  ini-      Dutti  col- 
ltf.rl\.  lerfcil. 

Pig  iron .« 501,237 .'|i'946,7,'Vl . . 

Bar  iron,  miinufaetured  > ,  ,.oT,,-n         .'  ~.. ,,-. 

byrnlling Jl,()83,(l,0 1,9T.VJ..5.. 

Sheet  irnn IfU^IW 969.077.. 

I  Old  and  scrap  irnn Ill*, 740 ;^,475.. 

>  Chain  cables,  and  parts  )      --  ^.y.  .,,  _,,_ 

nfsanie.... ..........  ;--5'.<W6 4S,,93.. 

!  CImins  nf  wroneht  iron 10,390 IU,500  . 

I  This  sho.ws  that  it  costs  jJ2  50  more  to  produce 
I  n  ton  of  pig  iron  in  this  country  than  in  Wales; 
but  the  cost  of  ti'nnsportalion,  ctmimissions,  &c., 
are  about  three  times  the  amount  of  the  diUcreiice 
in  the  cost  of  production,  which  gives  the  Ameri- 
can manufacturer  an  advantage  in  the  home  mar- 
ket of  at  least  25  per  cent.    Who  will  suy,  then, 


DtdyvcT 

fur. 
...«iS  63  ' 

...75  22  ' 

...60  90 
...48  83 

...87  03  i 

..101  09 


that  lie  ought  not  to  be  contented  with  the  addi- 
tional protection  of  30  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  which 
the  bill  under  consideration  proposes  to  fiirnisli 
liiin,  and  making  in  all  a  protection  equal  to  55  per 
cent.  .> 

Again,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  manufactures  of  silk, 
by  another  kind  of  legislative  deception,  are  made 
to  pny  a  duty  of  ^2  50  per  pound,  without  regard 
to  quality  or  value.  Who,  air,  does  not  see  the 
inequality  and  injustice  of  thia  artificial  mode  of 
assessing  the  revenue,  by  which  there  is  an  ob- 
vious discrir  iuation  against  the  poor  and  in  favor 
of  ihe  rich? 

The  coarse  and  more  substantial  silks,  which 
ore  generally  worn  by  our  wives  nnd  daughters  in 
the  country,  costing  from  50  to  100  cents  per  yard, 
will  weigh  at  least  twice  as  much  as  the  line  faces, 
brocades,  and  French  silks,  costing  from  S2  to  83 
per  ynrd,  and  which  are  used  only  by  liie  rich. 
So  that  whilst  thelady  of  wealth  niitl  fashion  pays, 
nay  but  j^2  50  duty  upon  a  dress  costing  from  $35 
to  )j40,  our  countrywomen  are  compelled  to  pay  a 
duty  of  ^5  upon  a  dress  costing  but  ^10  to  A13; 
and  thia,  in  a  great  majoril"  of  cases,  is  earnetl  by 
the  sweat  and  toil  of  our  laLinring  countrywomen, 
at  the  weekly  wages  of  75  to  100  cents.  Ami  tliis, 
to  H  greater  or  less  extent,  is  but  a  fair  sample  of 
the  unequal  and  unjust  operation  of  all  specific 
duties. 

Although,  sir,  the  amount  paid  under  this  un- 
just discrimination  in  favor  of  the  rich  against  the 
poor  in  a  given  case  may  appear  small,  yet  the 
aggregate  amount  thus  paid  in  such  obvious  dis- 
proportion by  the  poor  over  the  rich  is  truly  start- 
ling, and  causes  the  cheek  to  redden  and  the  blood 
to  circulate  a  little  more  freely  through  the  veins  of 
the  patriot  and  philanthropist  when  Drought  to  his 
consideration. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  bis  annual 
report,  says: 

"  When  we  consider  that  S^,8K,621  74nf  the  revenue  last 
year  was  collected  hy  ininimum  duties,  and  $13,311,085  46 
by  specific  duties,  the  discriminatinn  against  the  cheaper 
arUcle  must  nmoiint,  by  estimates  founded  on  the  same  doc- 
uments, to  a  tax  of  $5,108,429  exacted  by  minimuins  and 
specific  duties  annually  from  the  ponrer  classes,  by  raising 
thus  the  duties  nn  the  cheaper  articles  abnve  what  they 
would  he  if  the  duty  were  assessed  itpnn  tile  actual  >Tilue. 
rf  direct  taxes  were  made  sjiecifie,  they  would  be  intoler- 
able. Tlius,  if  an  annual  tax  of  thirty  dollars  was  assessed 
nil  all  houses  without  re^'pcct  to  their  actual  value,  niakins 
tlie  owner  of  the  humble  tenement  nr  cabin  pay  a  tax  nf  30 
dollars,  and  the  owner  nf  the  cnstly  mansion  a  tax  of  but 
thirty  dollars  nn  their  respective  hntiscs,  it  would  difi^er  only 
in  degree,  but  not  in  princijdc,  trom  the  same  unvarying 
specific  duty  on  cheap  as  nn  tine  articles.  If  any  discrimi- 
nation should  be  made,  ft  should  he  the  reverse  of  the  spe- 
cific duty,  and  of  the  niinimlliii  principle,  by  establishing  a 
inaximtiiii  standard,  above  which  value  the  duties  on  the 
finer  article  stioiild  be  lii^Iier,  nnd  below  which  tT.ey  should 
be  lower  on  the  cheaper  article." 

The  manner,  sir,  in  which  the  duty  is  imposed 
under  this  act  upon  unmanufactui-ed  wool  is,  if 
possible,  inore  objectionable  still — evidently  in- 
tended for  the  benefit  of  the  manufacturer  nt  the 
expense  of  the  farmer  and  wool-grower.  By  a 
legislative  device,  designed  as  "  a  promise  to  the 
ear,  to  be  broken  to  the  hone,"  whilst  a  duly  of 
30  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  nnd  tnree  cents  per  pound, 
is  piofcsscd  to  be  imposed  upon  wool,  vet  upon  the 
coarser  qualities,  costing  nt  the  place  f'rom  whence 
exported  not  exceeding  seven  cents  per  pound,  a 
duty  of  five  per  cent,  only  is  impost  i.  If  this, 
sir,  were  intended  as  a  protection  to  the  wool 
grower  as  well  as  the  manufacturer,  the  order 
should  have  been  reversed,  and  the  high  duly  iin- 
poscd  upon  the  coarse  wool,  instead  of  the  fine; 
for  it  is  the  coarse  wool  only  that  can  be  to  any 
great  extent  protected  by  import  duties.  13y  the 
operation  of  thi.s  contrivance,  Ihe  wool-<riower  is 
protected  upon  his  wool,  which  can  be  allectcd  by 
a  duly  of  five  per  cent,  only;  whilst  the  manufac- 
turer is  protected  upon  his  productions  manufac- 
tured ft'oirt  wool  of  a  similar  quality  by  a  duty  of 
40  per  cent.  Where  is  the  justice,  I  would  nsk, 
Mr.  Ch.airman,  of  such  a  discrimination  in  favor 
of  the  manufacturer  niiainst  the  wool-grower.' 

But  this  Whig  tariff  of  1842  was  to  heal  all  the 
ills  of  the  body  piijitic.  The  farmer  especially 
was  to  be  bencfitea  bj^the  withdinwnl  of  laborers 
from  the  tillage  of  the  Eoil,  and  the  "creation  of  a 
home  market"  for  his  surplus  produce.  But  what 
has  been  the  result?  1  would  ask  the  farmer  how 
much  is  the  price  of  his  produce  increased  since 
this  glorious  high  proleclite  (anj^baa  been  in  oper- 
ation?   Let  him  try  to  ronotie  the  wool  from  his 


7T6 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  1 


29rH  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Hoiigh. 


Ho.  OP  RkP8. 


eyes,  which  wan  so  adroitly  piil/cil  orer  liy  this 
tarilTaci,  and  deliberately  examine  the  Hul)ject,  unit 
I  doubt  not  ho  will  be  convinced  tlint  Mn  frniidii- 
lont  legislative  contrivance  was  cunningly  devised 
by  the  nian\ifacturrrs  themselves,  with  the  sole 
design  to  their  own  supreme  interests.  Yes,  sir, 
to  make  the  rich  richer  and  the  poor  poorer. 

I  have  before  me,  Mr.  Chairman,  a  table  of  the 
price  of  wool  in  western  New  York  for  th ;  IriI 
five  years,  which  shows  that  in  the  years  1841 
and  1842  the  price  wns  !'  oni  thirty  to  fitly  cents 
per  pound,  and  at  tlu'  jrnscnt  lime  it  is  from  thir- 
teen to  thirty-one  cems,  and  Ims  nevf  r,  at  ony 
other  period,  since  179.'),  been  so  low  as  at  the 
present  time;  whilst  the  manufactures  of  wool  nre 
at  least  as  high  »n  iil  any  (lerioil  since  1840. 

What,  then,  sir,  allow  me  to  ini|nirc,  is  the  cause 
of  this  seeming  ;uiomiilly  in  the  coimmralive  prices 
of  wool  and  the  cloths  manufactured  from  the  same? 
Almost  every  kind  of  agricultural  productions  at 
the  lowest  point,  and  the  whole  energies  of  the 
farmer  prostrated,  whilst  the  manufacturer  ix  rap- 
idly growing  rich  nt  his  exj)ensc !  Is  it  i;i  conse- 
quence of  tlierci>eal  of  this  mrmcr's  "home  mnrket" 
creating  tarilV?  Most  unfortunately,  it  Ims  linp- 
pcned  at  too  early  a  period.  No,  sir;  this  result 
has  been  gradnnllv  produced  ever  since  the  passage 
of  that  beautil\ii  Whig  protective  act.  And  yet  we 
are  gravely  told  that  high  prottctive  duties  to  the 
manufaclurerrcducesthepii  e  of  his  manufactures, 
and  increases  the  price  of  labor  and  of  agricultural 
productions.  At  the  rale  of  comparolivc  prices  of 
labor  and  agricultural  productions  with  nianufiic- 
tures  under  the  operation  of  this  act,  I  would  ask 
the  mathematician  to  demonstrate  how  long  it 
would  take  to  make  the  fttnncr  hnd  the  laboring 
man  rich  and  the  manufacturers  poor.* 

The  truth  of  this  docrine,  that  protection  to  the 
manufacturer  reduces  the  prices  ol  his  productions 
ond|increo.'?es  that  of  the  former,  may  be  well  tesled 
by  the  falling  off  in  price  upon  the  article  of  wool 
alone  under  the  operation  of  tliis  protective  act  of 
1842. 

The  census  of  1840  shows  the  quantity  of  wool 
raised  that  year  in  the  United  Slates  to  be  35,000,- 

000  pounds., and  that  New  York  produced  onc-thlid 
of  it.  I  have  a  table  before  me  which  shows  the 
production  in  New  York,  in  1845,  to  have  been 
obcut  14,000,000  pounds — being  an  increase,  since 
1840,  of  nearly  one-quarter.  A  like  increase  in  the 
United  Stales  may  be  assumed  as  reasonable,  ond 
Would  make  the  clip  of  the  present  year  to  be  about 
44,000,000  lbs.  The  falling  ofl"  in  Ihe  price  of  this, 
since  1842,  would  be  about  $4,000,000.  And  this 
is  a  loss  to  the  wool-srower  to  that  amount.  One- 
third  of  this  would  fall  upon  New  York — being 
about  $1,150,000 — the  congressional  district  which 

1  have  the  honor  to  represent,  a  loss  of  about  $GG,- 
000.  The  county  of  Madison  alone  prodiiced 
about  600,000  pounds  the  last  year,  and  being 
second  only  to  one  (Ontario)  in  the  Slate,  and  sus- 
tained a  loss  by  this  fulling  off  in  price  of  i^r.0,000. 

Now,  sir,  if  this  astounding  falling otf  in  the  price 
of  wool  has  been  produced  by  any  oilier  caii.se 
than  this  unjust  and  unequal  operation  of  the  tariff 
of  1842,  how  does  it  happen  that,  under  a  protec- 
tion of  forty  per  cent.,  the  manuriicturers  of  this 
very  wool  have  steadily  kept  up  their  prices,  and 
now  realize  as  high,  il  not  higher,  prices  ihan  in 
1842,  whilst  the  wool-grower  and  the  farmer  sus- 
tain a  loss  from  twenty-five  to  thirly-lliree  per 
cent,  under  a  proteciion  of  five  per  cent,  upon  the 
grade  of  wool  generally  grown  by  thcni  ■  i 

House  Doc.  No.  13,  of  the  present  session  (An.  I 
Report  on  Commerce  and  Navigation  j  sluuvs  the 
imporuuion  of  twenty-three  and  a  half  millinns  of 
pounus  of  wool  during  the  past  year,  costing,  in 
the  foreign  market,  not  to  exceed  .seven  cenl.s  ])cr 
pound,  upon  which  duties  were  paid  iiiio  Ihe  treas- 
ury to  tlie  amount  only  of  iJ75,000.  This  wool, 
sir,  is  shown  to  be  equal  in  quality  to  our  common 
grades  of  Marino,  and,  at  a  low  home  valuation, 
worth  at  least  Iwenty-five  eenUi  per  pound, amount- 
ing U.  more  than  j>5,500,000;  and  if  subjccled  to  a 
duty  of  thirty  per  cent.,  as  is  provided  for  by  the 
commitlee's  bill  now  under  fiinsideration,  would 
have  paid  into  the  treasury  4ulie»  to  the  amount  of 
S1,500,0<H),  or  its  place  would  have  been  supplied 
by  Ihe  American  production  at  a  fair  compensnlion 
to  the  wool  grower.  Here,  sir,  is  evidence  of  the 
iniporlotion  of  about  one-half  of  the  whole  quan- 
tity of  wool  consumed  by  tiif,  manufacturers,  at  a  i 


cost  of  about  one-third  Ihe  cost  of  the  American 
production.  Who  can  desire  belter  evidence  of 
the  cause  of  the  continued  reduction  in  the  price 
of  wool  under  the  act  of  1842? 

And  here,  Mr.  Chairman,  permit  me  tnnnlice  a 
staicnientof  my  honorable  colleague  from  the  Liv- 
ingstim  and  Ontario  district,  in  his  remarks  upon 
the  question  under  consideration  this  inormng. 
He  [Mr.  CAaRoi.i.]  staled  that  his  "  district  raised 
annually  1,(1110,000  bushels  of  wheat,  and  a  half 
million  of  sheep,  and  it  sustains  Ihe  larill."  All 
the  answer  1  desire  to  give  to  this  statement,  sir, 
is,  simply  to  ask  the  farmers  of  Ontario,  who  pro- 
duce auout  six  hundred  and  ihirly-one  ihoiLsand 
poundsof  wool  annually,  whether  they  sustain  this 
niglily  ])roleciivc  liirilV  for  Ihe  benefit  of  the  manu- 
faclurer,  because  they  sustain  an  luinimi  loss  of 
S.'>3,000  in  Ihe  falling  of  in  the  price  of  llieir  wool- 
.\nd  the  farmers  of  Living.slon,  whellier  it  is  be- 
cau.se  they  siislain  an  annual  loss  of  {Si320,000  upon 
the  tailing  off  in  the  price  of  their  wheat,  whil.st  a 
profit  equal  to  their  lo.''scs  goes  inlo  the  coffers  of 
the  maimfactiirer.'  But  1  leave  this  to  be  settled  ' 
between  my  honorable  colleague  and  the  farmers 
of  Ontario  iuiil  Livingston. 

A  lillle  fiirtlicr  indulgence,  Mr.  Chairman,  and  i 
I  will  pass  from  this  branch  of  the  subject.  1 

It  is  claimed,  sir,  by  the  friends  of  this  high  pro- 1 
teclion  to  the  manufacturers,  tbal  nclhing  short  of 
40  per  cent,  protection  will  enable  them  to  com- 
pete with  the  "nniijifi'  labor  of  Kuropc."     Statis- 
tics, sir,  collected  by  the  I'ominiuee  of  Ways  and 
Means  of  this  House,  in  1811,  show  that  the  cost 
of  labor  to  the  manufucturer  constitutes  24  per 
j  cent,  of  Ihe  cost  of  his  productions.     Now,  sir,  • 
:'  would  not  a  piotection  of  24  percent.,  (instead  ol' 
|j  40,)  being  equal  to  the  whole  expense  of  labor,  be 
ji  a  sudicient  proteciion,  though  the  "  pauper  labor  of 
,   Europe"  cosln  noM.'iig — and,  without  taking  into 
Il  the  account  the  superiorily  of  Anieiicon  machine-  1 
i  ry,  cheapness  of  water-power,  provisions,  taxes,  | 
Ac. .' 
'      Admit,  then,  that  the  price  of  labor  is  higher  in 
!  this  country  than  in  Kiirope — and  it  is  right  il 
should  be  so — it  may  be  inteiesling,  at  least  to  ihe 
laboring  class  of  our  fellow-citizens,  to   inquire 
how  the  price  of  their  labor  compares  with  the 
.  profits  of  Ihe  manufacturer.     The  same  slatislics, 
I  to  which  1  last  referred,  show  that  it  requires  eight 
'  times  Ihe  amount  of  capital,  and   five  limes  Ihe 
amount  of  labor,  to  produce  an  equal  amount  of 
income  in  agricullural  pursuits  ibat  il  does  to  the 
'  manuractuier;  iliat  is  to  say,  if  upon  llie  employ- 
'  mem  of  every  )JI,000  capital  in  manufartiiring,  il 
requires  the  employment  of  one  laliorerto  protbice  , 
a  profit  of  S500,  il  will  require  the  employment  of  I 
^8,000  capiud  and  five  laborers  lo  produce  a  like 
pnlit  to  the  agriculturist  and  the  mechanic!    Heau-  ; 
tiliil   proledion   this,   to   "home   induslry,"   the 
American  laborers  I  j 

lint  1  am  occupying  quite  loo  much  lime,  and 
'  will  hasten  lo  a  cniiclusion,  by  savin;:,  that  from  ' 
the  examiiialion  1  have  given  the  subject,  in  all  ils 
diireienl  pha.ses,  I  cannot  rcsLst  the  coiivic.iion  that 
all  ihcsc  artificial,  mixed,  specific,  and  niininiiim 
legi.slutive  conlrivances,  arc  unequal  and  oppres- 
sive in  their  operalinn,  and  sliould  give  place  to 
ihe  more  equal  and  equilalile  principle  of  od  val- 
orem duties — duties  to  be  imposed  in  proportimi 
'  lo  Ihe  ac:Uial  value  of  the  commodity — and  for  this 
we  have  the  authority  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury.     1  read,  sir,  from  his  annual  report: 

'■Till-  liix  upon  the  nrtn.il  value  Is  the  innst  equal,  nrirl 
ran  (i;ily  In-  nc(■(lnl|lli^ln  (1  liy  ml  v;Mort'in  (lnlic«.  Ah  lu 
frandiilcMt  invnici'.s  and  nnder-valuntiun.-,  llH■^e  daliBcrs  are 
liclii-vi'd  Ifihc  arrrslrd  cl1*>('lunllyt)ythe^trinsctit  provt^'jnns  ' 
and  Kcvcre  pennlly  ol*  the  17th  hection  nf  the  tariiri)!'  18-t'J; 
and  new  ntic-lmH*  tlic  revenue  is  collected  I'roni  ait  vuliirein 
dijlio." 

If  this  authority  is  not  deemed  snlisfactnry  to 
onr  friends  on  the  oiher  side  of  ibe  Hall,  I  would 
refer  them  to  the  opinion  of  an  individual  which,  I 
doubt  not,  will  be  regarded  by  iheni  as  good  au- 
thority, and  worlhy  of  consideration.  Mr.  Clay, 
in  his  speech  in  the  United  Slates  .Senate,  March 
1,  1842,  says:  | 

"  I  fay  (,ffii(i  he)  ihni  in  theory,  snd  ncrnrdinn  to  pvcry  ! 
Monnd  principle  (if  Jn-tice,  ilii<  ud  valorem  mode  ot'taxniioa  ' 
■  iR  entitled  to  the  prffcreiice." 

Now,  sir,  if,  in  the  language  of  Mr.  Clay,  Ihe 
*' lul  valorem  mode  of  taxjition  is  entitled  to  ihe 
preference,"  it  U  sufficient  for  my  purpose;  for  I 
cannot  resist  the  conviction  that  it  is  far  more  equal 


and  just  in  its  operation,  as  well  as  more  simple, 
and  belter  to  he  understood.  It  is,  in  short,  air, 
emphatically  the  ",9menu.:.  iiysttm." 

These,  Mr.  Chairjjiian,  arc  some  of  the  promi- 
P  nent  dcfccis  of  this  highly  protective  and  unequal 
revenue  act  of  1842,  which  has  met  with  almost 
universal  condemnnlion  by  the  Democratic  party, 
from  the  day  of  ils  passage  lo  the  present;  and  I 
cannot  persuade  myself  !  shall  be  held  blameless 
by  my  constituents  if  1  fail  to  exert  my  feeble  efforts 
for  its  repeal,  or  iil  least  for  ifneh  material  modifi- 
cation as  lo  divest  it  of  ils  onerous  and  objection- 
able fealnres,  which  1  have  pointed  out. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  desire  to  be  understood 
upon  this  subject.  Let  it  not  be  said,  sir,  that  be- 
cause I  am  opposed  to  the  unequal  and  opiiressive 
fiMiUires  of  that  acl,  I  am  Ihe  enemy  of  the  miinu- 
I'l'durers,  or  opfiosed  to  discriminating  duties,  so 
far  as  to  art'ord  them  reasonable  pioleclion.  Yis, 
sir,  I  would  so  adjust  a  revenue  tariff,  as  to  afford 
reasonable  proteciion  lo  ibis  very  enterprising  and 
useful  claws  of  our  fellow-riii/.ens;  and  in  fact,  sir, 
I  wimid  do  it  to  as  great  an  extent  as  it  can  be  done 
without  oppression  to  the  oilier  mid  equally  meri- 
toriiuis  interests  of  our  coiuilry.  To  this  extent, 
sir,  I  am  willing  to  go,  but  no  fiirlher.  If,  in  short, 
any  discrimination  is  lo  be  made  between  the  dif- 
ferent classes  of  society,  I  would  make  it  so  as  to 
bear  heaviest  upon  the  rich,  and  lightest  upon  the 
poor.  I  would  tax  lightest  the  necessaries  of  life, 
and  heaviest  the  luxuries. 

The  next  inquiry,  Mr.  Chairman,  is— is  the  bill, 
reported  by  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means, 
so  framed  as  to  avoid  ilie  objectionable  features  of 
the  present  law,  and  to  furnish  the  requisile  amount 
of  revenue  for  the  prudent  and  economical  admin- 
istration of  the  Government.*  For  it  Is  by  n  tariff 
upon  imports  that  the  revenue  is  to  be  derived.  No 
man,  I  trust,  nt  the  present  Hay,  or  under  the  pres- 
ent slate  of  public  opinion,  is  so  much  of  n  free 
trader  ns  to  suppose  the  expenses  of  the  Govern- 
ment nre  to  be  raised  by  direct  taxation. 

Whilst,  sir,  the  pripciple  and  general  featureii  of 
the  commitlee's  bill  are  such  as  to  meet  my  appro- 
bation, yet,  sir,  I  deem  it  wrong  in  some  of  ils  pro- 
visions, and,  wilhojt  malerial  amendments,  it  can- 
not receive  my  support. 

The  fourth  section,  sir,  imposinga  duty  on  tea 
and  coffee  must  be  stricken  out.  These,  sir,  are 
articles  of  almost  universal  consumption,  alike  by 
the  rich  and  ihe  poor,  niiil  are  esieemed  os  neces- 
saries of  life;  and  n  tax  upon  ilnin  would  be  tan- 
tamounl  toapoU  lax  upon  the  head  of  every  family 
in  the  land,  beoring  as  heavily,  and  generally 
heavier,  upon  the  poor  as  upon  the  rich,  and  can* 
not.  therefore,  receive  my  support. 

The  duly  upon  wool  miisi  be  raised  from  25  to 
30  per  cent.,  so  as  to  place  II  in  the  same  scale  of 
proieclion  with  woollen  manufacluies.  Under  tlie 
present  unparalleled  depression  in  price,  the  wool- 
grower  neeils  at  least  as  much  protection  as  Ijie 
mnnufaclurer. 

Blankets,  too,  should  be  raised  from  20  to  ,30  per 
cent.;  lliey  are  generally  made  of  coarse  wool,  and 
the  inleresi.s  of  liolli  the  wool-gro\vei  and  the  man- 
nfacturer  require  as  nuicli  proieclion  against  their 
imporlaiion  as  against  the  raw  material  of  which 
they"  rre  niamifaclured. 

Flaxseed  is  anoihcr  article  of  considerable  pro- 
duction by  the  fanners  in  western  New  York,  and 
rc(|iiires  as  niiicli  proieclion  ns  the  oil,  of  which  it 
Is  the  rav/  malerial;  it  should  be  raised,  tlieielbrc, 
from  10  10  20  per  cent.,  so  as  to  place  it  on  a  par 
with  oil,  wheat,  flour,  and  many  other  agricultu- 
ral prndiicilons. 

Watches,  watch  materials,  jewelry,  *c.,  should 
be  raised  from  10  lo  .30  percent.,  so  as  to  be  placed 
in  the  same  scale  with  iron,  Ac.  No  good  reason, 
sir,  can  be  perceiveil  why  the  weallhy  and  fiishion- 
able  should  bo  pi  rmllled  to  furnisli  themselves 
with  watches,  jewelry,  and  gold  chains,  and  like 
arliclcs  of  luxury,  at  a  duly  of  10  per  cent.,  whilst 
Ihe  farmer  is  compelled  to  pay  a  duly  of  30  jier 
cent,  upon  his  ploughshare  and  log-chain. 

Lumber,  too,  such  ns  boards  and  plank,  and  red 
cedar,  at  leasi,  should  be  changed  Iron;  Ihe  20  to 
the  10  per  cent,  schedule.  There  is,  sir,  no  red 
cedar,  and  but  very  Utile  pine  lumber,  in  my  sec- 
tion of  the  .Siaie,  and  especially  ill  the  district 
which  I  have  Ihe  honor  lo  ripresent,  bui  what 
comes  in  from  Canada.  With  n  low  duly.  It  ^W)^lld 
be  an  article  of  considerable  trade,  and  would  I'ur- 


JJuly^l, 


Ihe  promi- 
1(1  iinequni 
ith  almost 
rntic  party, 
sent;  nnd  I 

blanicloss 
'pl)|pufr()rls 
rial  iniidifi- 

objeiition- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


m 


Qih*!!  CuNo IsT  Sesb. 


The  Public  Lands — Mr.  Jacob  Thompson. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


f;; 


niah  n  respectable  item  of  revenue  i\l  the  port  of 
Oswesto;  but  »o  high  n  duty  aa  20  per  cent.  1  so- 
rioudly  apprehend  will  amount  to  a  prohibition, 
and  consequently  no  mur.h  loss  of  revenue. 

With  these  amendmcntH,  sir,  I  should  much 
refer  this  bill  to  the  proposed  substitute  reported 
ly  my  honorable  colleague  from  the  JcflTerBon 
district,  bcin^  framed  entirely  upon  the  ad  valorem 
principle,  whilst  the  proposed  substitute  is  a  mix- 
ture of  ad  valorcms  and  specifics,  nnd  with  some  of 
the  latter  cInsH  entirely  loo  highly  protective;  at 
least  it  is  so  upon  iron. 

And  now,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  conclusion,  permit 
me  to  give  notice  that  I  intend,  at  the  proper  time, 
toortcr  the  several  amcndmenls  to  the  committee's 
bill  which  i  have  adverted  to,  and  hope  they  may 
be  adopted;  and  then,  sir,  if  lean  be  satisfied  it 
will  produce  sufficient  levenuo  for  the  prudent  and 
economical  admiiiislialion  of  the  Government  in 
time  of  peace,  it  shall  receive  my  support.  And 
upon  the  queslioii  of  revenue,  1  rely  much  upon 
the  examinations  and  estimates  of  the  Secretary 
and  the  committee,  whose  means  of  judging  with 
accuracy  are  entirely  superior  to  my  own,  and  they 
estimate  it  to  produce  about  twenty-four  and  a  half 
millions  of  net  revenue,  to  which  may  be  added 
one  and  a  half  or  two  millions  from  the  sales  of  the 
public  lands,  nnd  you  have  an  aggregate  amount  of 
at  least  j>26,000,OUO — a  sum  aa  large  aa  any  prudent 
Administration  should  be  permitted  to  expend  in 
time  of  peace.  And  aa  this  bill  is  designed,  when 
settled,  as  a  permanent  regulation  of  the  revenue, 
and  to  render  more  stable- and  permanent  protection 
to  the  great  commercial,  manufacturing,  and  agri- 
cultuial  iiitereala  of  the  country,  I  would  raiae  no 
more  by  this  bill,  but  would  leave  the  expcnaes  of 
the  present,  and,  as  I  trust,  but  temporary  war 
with  Mexico,  to  be  provided  for  in  some  other 
way. 


THE  PUBLIC  LANDS. 
SPEECH   OF   MR.  J.  THOMPSON, 

OF  MISSISSIPPI, 
•  In  the  Hoi;se  of  Representatives, 
Juhj  9,  1846. 
The  bill  to  reduce  and  graduate  the  price  of  the 
Public  Lands  being  under  conaideiation  in  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole — 
Mr.  THOMPSON  said: 
Mr.  Chairman:  I  feel  a  deep  interest  in  the  suc- 
cess of  this  measure  for  the  graduation  of  the  price 
of  the  public  lands,  but  not  on  account  of  any  ad- 
vantage which  my  more  immediate  constituency 
may  be  supposed  to  derive  from  the  passage  of  the 
bill.      The   lands   which   lie   within   the   district 
which  1  have  the  honor  to  represent  will  not  be  ; 
affected  by  it.     They  all   fall  within  the  Chicka-   i 
saw  cession  of  1834;  and  in  the  treaty  of  acquisi- 
tion, the  princi|)le  of  graduation  was  engrafted;  ,1 
and    any   l.iw   which    you    may  enact   will   not   i 
reach  or  aflect  them;  therefore,  1  feci  myself  dis-  ,1 
interested.     But  .is  I  know,  from  personal  obscr-   \ 
vatiiin,  the  practical  operation  of  liie  principles  of  , 
the  bill,  I  desire,  before  the  question  is  taken,  to 
bear  my  testimony  lo  their  correctness,  justice, 
and  sound  policy.     I  desire,  n.s  a  statesman  and  a 
republicnn,  to  see  this  Government  adopt  a  libenil 
syaicin,  whi'',h  will  tend  to  the  early  disposition  of 
her  vast  )iul)lic  domain;  expel  the  wild  lieasts  from  ,; 
your  extended  forests;  redeem  your  waste  places; 
subject  to   the   jiloughsliare  that  soil  which  was    ' 
intended  for  the  use  of  civilized  man;  and  intro-   j 
duce  a  robust,  vigorous,  enterprising  population,  '! 
who  will  illustrate  your  institutions,  enjoy  the  lib- 
erties which  our  ancestors  have  transmitted  to  us, 
prove  the  asylum  of  the  down-trodden  of  every 
land,  and  raise  them  to  the.  high  and  "glorious  i 
privilege  of  being  independent."  j 

1  hold  it  to  be  the  duty  of  this  Government,  ' 
under  the  Constitution,  to  adopt  such  rules  and  i 
regulations  as  will  lead  to  the  disposition,  nnd  not   ; 
the  hoarding-  up,  of  your  public  lands;  as  will  tend  ^i 
to  their  settlement  and  improvement,  and  not  to   ' 
thcircontiiniance  in  tl'eir  wild  uncultivated  state;  to 
play  the  part  of  a  liberal  and  bcnificent  landlord,  1 
and  not  of  u  hard  task-master  and  an  avaricious   ^ 
speculator.     And  as  the  Constitution  of  the  United   . 
States  has  conferred  upon  a  citizen  of  any  one  of  il 
the  Stales  all  the  rights  and  privileges  pertaining  il 


to  the  citizens  of  any  other  State,  a  wise  policy 
will  prove  beneficial  to  the  people  of  the  whole 
Union. 

The  gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Sciif.nck]  has 
just  repeated  what  has  been  said  by  other  gen- 
tlemen in  this  debate — that  this  is  "  no  party 
question;"  and  an  appeal  has  been  made  to  the 
<dd  States  to  assert  their  rights — to  take  care  of 
their  own  intereats,  and  reaist  the  spirit  of  self- 
aggrandizement  which  has  manifested  itself  on  the 
part  of  the  new  Stales  at  their  expense.  These 
appeals  but  more  clearly  evince  the  weakness  of 
their  cause.  No  party 'ucstion  !  In  what  does 
a  party  question  consi.^  ,  and  how  is  il  made? 
Doea  11  arise  from  the  principles  involved  in  the 
adoption  of  a  measure;  or  from  the  sympathies  of 
its  advocates  or  op)ionents,  for  or  against  those 
who  are  to  receive  the  advantages  of  a  policy.'  Or 
does  il  spring  from  the  recinnmcndntion  of  a  Pres- 
ident who  has  been  elected  by  a  party,  and  who 
must  necessarily  look  to  his  friends  for  his  support? 
Or  is  it  tested  and  made  known  by  the  fact  of  its 
being  right  in  itself,  and  being  sustained  by  the 
great  majority  of  the  one  party  anil  opposed  by 
the  almdal  unanimous  voice  of  thu  other  party  ? 
Apply  any  one  or  all  of  these  means  I'oi  the  asccr- 
Uiinmcnt  of  a  party  question,  and  if  this  l)ill  be  not 
one,  then  there  is  no  such  thing  in  this  Govern- 
ment, and  parly  is  but  an  idle  name,  adopted  and 
kept  up  for  the  umusemcnt  and  deception  of  the 
people,  and  sinks  into  the  mean  and  contemptible 
scramble  for  the  offices  and  honors  of  the  country. 
For  a  great  while  a  Bank  of  the  United  Slates 
was  asserted  to  be  no  party  question.  In  1836, 
both  of  the  prominent  candidates  for  the  Presi- 
dency were  decided  in  their  opposition  to  a  na- 
tional bank,  and  the  supporters  of  Judge  White, 
in  all  their  harangues  before  the  people,  admitted 
that  on  this  subject  there  was  no  dilference  bcHveen 
him  and  Mr.  van  Buruii;  but  the  Democracy  were 
not  to  be  deceived  by  this  syren  song,  nnd  would 
not  intrust  those  with  power  who  held  principles 
adverse  to  tlieir  safety  and  true  intereats.  The 
same  state  of  things  existed  in  1840,  and  Mr.  Van 
Buren,  with  the  Democratic  party,  was  defeated, 
and  General  Harrison  succeeded;  nnd  no  sooner 
was  the  Whig  jiarty  installed  into  jiower,  than 
they  proclaimed  this  same  national  bank  to  be  in 
deed  'and  in  truth  the  very  shibboleth  of  party. 
The  people  have  now  passed  upon  that  question 
so  clearly,  so  emphatically,  that  again  it  cea.ses  to 
be  a  party  question,  and  has  become  an  "oljsolete 
idea.  '  And  why  was  a  national  bank  opposed 
and  condemned  by  the  Democratic  party,  but  be- 
cause in  its  creation  powers  were  assumed  not 
delegated  by  Ihe  Constitution;  because  it  confer- 
red upon  the  few  rights  and  privileges  not  enjoyed 
by  the  many,  nnd  wliich  could  be  wielded  io  the 
great  prejudice  of  the  country  nnd  its  liberties  in 
the  hands  of  corrupt  men;  because,  in  short,  it 
violated  that  great  cardinal  principle  of  Democracy, 
of  equal  laws  securing  to  all  equal  benefits. 

For  a  great  while  a  larilV  for  jirotection  was  es- 
teemed, in  many  sections  of  the  Union,  as  no 
party  question.  In  the  South  both  parties  opjio-  | 
sed  it.  In  the  middle  Stales  both  parties,  to  a  ! 
considerable  extent,  advocated  it;  and  in  the  late  i 
debate,  which  resulted  so  gloriously  in  the  i>as- 
sage  of  the  tariff  bill  of  reform,  of  justice,  and  , 
equality,  some  of  my  own  party  friends  insisted  \ 
that  a  tariff  for  protection  was  no  party  question.  ' 
3ut  this  is  surely  incorriMt;  for  why  are  the  de-  ; 
mocracy  opposed  to  a  laritf  of  protection }  The  , 
problem  is  easily  solved:  because  it  is  contrary  to  j 
the  spirit  and  meaning  of  Ihe  Constitution  to  pass  j 
laws  which  confer  benefits  and  bounties  on  one  ' 
portion,  nnd  burdens  and  taxes  upon  another  por-  : 
tioii  of  the  community;  because  it  is  unequal,  fa-  j 
voring  caiiiud  to  the  disadvantage  and  injury  of 
labor;  aim  because  it  is  based  on  that  old  explo-  ^ 
dcd  Federal  idea,  that  it  is  the  duty  of  Government  | 
to  take  care  of  the  rich,  and  the  rich  will  take  care  i 
of  the  poor.  i 

What  principle,  then,  is  there  in  this  bill  which  , 
will  commend  itself  to  the  adoption  nnd  support  of 
the  Democratic  party  ?  The  answer  is,  because  its  i 
object  and  aim  are  to  elevate  the  masses,  to  furnish  ! 
a  retreat  to  the  unfortunate  poor  man  whose  lot  j 
may  be  cast  in  a  community  where  his  necessities  ! 
may  chain  down  his  soul  to  the  car  of  wealth  and  i 
capital,  and  make  him,  in  nil  save  the  name,  n  ! 
fawning,  cringing  slave;  to  give  him  on  easy  terms  i 


a  fee  simple  whereon  he  can  erect  his  castle  in 
which  to  shelter  and  protect  his  wife  and  little 
ones,  where  ntme  dn.u  molest  or  make  him  afraid; 
where  none,  not  the  highest  in  station  or  the 
most  gifted  in  talents,  or  the  proudest  in  purse, 
can  cross  his  threshold  without  his  permiasion. 
This  man,  thus  favored,  will  be  transformed  into  a 
new  being,  going  forth  among  his  peers  in  all  the 
conacinusnesa  of  being  o  freeman.  He  appreci- 
ates his  liberties  and  the  institutions  of  his  country; 
he  fci:ls  the  endearments  of  "  home,  sweet  home," 
and  ho  is  ever  ready,  with  a  willing  spirit  and  nn 
unerring  aim,  at  the  first  shrill  note  of  the  fife  and 
beating  of  the  drum  to  fly  to  the  relief  of  his 
country,  and,  if  need  be,  to  lay  down  his  life  in 
her  cause.  Such  men  make  up  the  breastwork 
which  is  thrown  around  and  protects  the  teinplo 
of  our  liberty.  And  such  men  have  my  sympa- 
thies, and,  I  trust,  the  sympathies  of  the  whole 
democracy. 

Bull  can  easily  understand  why  the  Whig  party 
resist  all  audi  considerations.  1  heir  favorite  doc- 
trine is,  encouragement  to  domcstiu  manufactures; 
and  all  interests  and  classes  of  society  should, 
in  their  estimation,  contribute  to  effectuate  this 
great  object.  By  holding  up  your  public  lands  at 
high  and  unreasonable  prices,  you  discourage 
emigration.  This  lends  lo  the  dense  aettlemenls 
of  tlic  older  States,  where  the  laborer  will  be  under 
the  control  of  the  capitalist,  and  his  sinews  and 
skill  be  under  his  management  and  direction,  lit 
such  wairesns  will  enable  him  the  riore  etfectually 
to  compete  with  Ihe  pauper  labor  of  Europe.  But 
God  forliid  that  their  policy  should  be  carried  out 
at  such  expense  to  the  free  sons  nnd  daughters  of 
America,  and  thai  we  are  thus  to  become  n  great 
manufacturing  people!  This  favorite  doctrine  of 
protection,  of  encouragement  to  domestic  manu- 
factures, thus  sustained,  has  lost  to  the  whole 
Whig  party  the  sympathies  of  the  masses  in  all 
the  new  States.  And  arc  gentlemen  so  blind  as 
not  to  see  thai  the  uniform  opposition,  which  their 
party  frienda  have  shown  to  all  laws  which  favored 
and  facilitated  settlement  in  the  new  States,  to  all 
prcemptionand  graduation  laws,  is  the  great  source 
of  their  weakness  in  those  Suites?  Will  they 
never  learn  that  distribulion  of  the  proceeds  of  the 
sales  of  the  public  lands  among  the  States  is  an 
exploded,  nn  "obsolete  idea,"  condemned  by  the 
people,  unauthorized  by  the  Constitution,  and 
founded  in  injustice  and  a  false  economy .'  Whence 
proceeds  Mr.  Clay's  personal  unpopularity  in  the 
new  Stales.'  There  were  many  points  in  his 
character  which  challenged  the  admiration  of  our 
people.     His  boldness  and  frankness  in  taking  his 

Eositions;  his  glowing  eloquence,  and  his  manly 
earing,  were  traits  which  would  have  won  upon  the 
esteem  of  the  daring  pioneer.  But  his  opposition  to 
preemptions;  his  unjust  and  impolitic  aspersions 
of  the  lionest  squatters;  and  his  advocacy  of  dis- 
tribution, which  led  him  into  opposition  to  gradua- 
tion, as  a  means  of  squeezing  from  the  settler  the 
largest  possible  amount  for  the  lands, — gave  to  the 
cup,  which  otherwise  might  have  been  sweet  nnd 
palatable  to  the  taste,  such  gall  and  bitterness  ns  to 
induce  the  people  of  those  Slales  to  turn  away 
Willi  odium  and  disgust.  Mr.  Clay's  course  on 
the  public  lands  has  always  lost  him  the  vote  of 
the  new  Slates,  and  il  musl  and  will  be  the  fate  of 
all  those  who  are  unwise  nnd  unjust  enough  to 
follow  in  his  footsteps.  Look  through  the  excite- 
ment nnd  debauch  which  existed  on  the  surface 
of  the  canvass  of  1840,  nnd  analyze  the  secret 
springs  which  control  the  actions  ol  men,  and  you 
will  find  tluil  no  one  fact  or  circumstance  had  so 
powerful  a  control  over  the  minds  of  the  great 
masses  in  the  Mississippi  valley  in  winning  their 
ullectiona  to  General  Harrison  as  that  he  had  been 
a  pioneer  himself,  n  settler,  in  the  western  sense  of 
that  term,  had  lived  in  his  log-cabin,  and  had 
favored  all  laws  which  had  tended  to  the  protec- 
tion nnd  security  of  the  squatter.  Here  wos  the 
consideration  vhich  threw  confusion  into  the  ranks 
of  the  Democratic  party.  This  was  the  lever  by 
which  the  Whig  party  raised  themselvea  from  a 
hojieless  minority  into  a  most  unexpected  and  tri- 
umphant majority.  The  supposeif  sympathy  of 
General  Harrison,  nnd  the  imputcj-aversion  of 
Mr.  Van  Buren  for  the  poor  man,  for  the  humble 
citizen,  is  the  true  secret  of  the  great  and  tremen- 
dous political  revolution  of  1840. 
"The  graduation  of  the  price  of  the  public  lands 


n 


778 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONOkESSlONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  9, 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


Tht  Public  Lands — Mr.  Jacob  Thompson. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


wu  reenmineiided  by  th«  Praiident  in  hii  annual 
moiiMt^  at  ti>*  coininencrmcnt  of  this  aeaiinn.  Thia 
bill,  iherefdre,  is  nn  Administration  measure,  and 
whether  members  are  willing  tn  consider  it  n  party 
question  or  not,  the  counlrv  will  so  regard  it;  and 
in  its  del'dit,  the  party  will  receive  a  severe  and 
most  unkind  blow.  For  twenty  years  we  have 
been  slruggling  for  the  success  of  this  measure. 
Now  the  hour  is  come  when  the  Democrutic  niirty 
expects  every  man  to  do  his  duly.  The  Whi^s 
come  here  in  a  spirit  of  opposition,  and  wc  nmy 
cxfiecl  them  to  oppose  every  Executive  menenrc. 
But  this  should  induce  the  friends  of  the  President 
to  come  forward  nnil  give  those  measures  which 
nre  right  in  themselves,  a  cordial  support ;  and  I 
believe  this  bill  to  be  right— just  in  jirinciple,  and 
sound  and  wise  in  nnlicy. 

But,  nfier  the  einbortito  and  satisfactory  argu- 
ments which  have  been  iride  by  those  who  hiivo 
Preceded  me  in  this  debrt !,  in  support  of  this  bill, 
shall  niiitcnt  myself  with  a  concise  review  of  the 
prominent  objections  to  the  passage  of  this  meas- 
ure, so  replete  with  interest  to  nil  the  new  Slates. 

First,  then,  it  is  asserted  with  great  confidence 
that  we  have  no  power  to  pass  the  bill.  Tlii-s  ob- 
jection, if  well  taken  and  sustained,  is  fatal  to  its 
passage.  Convince  mc  that  this  power  is  wanting, 
and,  however  desirable  suoh  a  law  may  be,  I 
cease  fuither  to  press  it.  But  the  Constitution  is 
loo  distinct  and  explicit  to  leave  a  pretext  to  hang 
a  doibt  upon.  Thus  it  is  written  in  the  Consti- 
tution: "The  Congress  shall  have  power  to 
dispose  of  and  make  all  needful  rules  and  regula- 
tions respecting  the  territory  and  other  property 
of  the  United  States."  From  this  language,  it  is 
clear  to  my  mind  that  it  is  a  duty  imposed  upon 
Congress  to  adopt  rules  and  regulations  which 
will  lead  to  the  disposWon  of  the  public  lands;  and 
the  largest  latitude  is  given  to  our  discretion  as  to 
the  manner  and  means  of  effecting  that  object. 
But  reference  is  made  to  the  various  deeds  of  ces- 
sion from  the  old  Slates  to  this  Government,  as 
containing  limitations  and  restrictions  upon  our 
power;  and  the  argument  is  advanced  that  these 
public  lands  became  a  trust,  to  lie  administered  for 
the  use  of  all  the  States,  the  ceding  States  included. 
Now  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  present  Con- 
stitution was  formed  and  adopted  subsequent  to 
the  cessions  of  most  of  the  Suites,  and  no  qualifica- 
tion whatever  is  contained  in  the  Constitution  itself. 
And  surely  it  must  be  an  axiomatic  truth  that  wc 
can  fix  prices  upon  the  public  lands,  and  such  terms 
and  conditions  in  their  disposition,  as  in  our  judg- 
ment we  shall  deem  most  advisable. 

[Mr.  Stephess,  of  Georgia,  here  interposed  and 
said  he  hid  not  contended  that  Congress  had  not 
the  power  to  fix  the  prices  of  ihe  public  lands,  but 
that  it  had  no  power  to  cede  them  away.] 

Mr.  Thompson  continued.  Then  tliKre  is  not 
so  much  dirterence  between  the  genileman  from 
Georgia  and  myself.  It  seems  to  mc  no  one  can 
denv  our  power  to  regulate  the  prices  nt  which  the 
public  lands  shn'l  be  sold;  and  I  now  understand 
that  that  point  is  conceded  on  all  hands.  1  do  not 
-  insist  upon  cession;  that  provision  is  not  to  be 
found  in  the  Senate  bill,  wliiih  is  now  the  subject 
of  discussion,  and  which  I  prefer;  therefore  I  shall 
not  uiijuc  the  power  of  cession.  I  would  not  thank 
you  for  the  cession  of  your  relVise  lands  to  the 
Stalea;  and  I  hope  gentlemen  will  cense  their  ap- 
peals to  the  passions  of  the  old  States,  that  they 
are  soon  to  lie  despoiled  of  all  interest  in  the  public 
domain.  This  appeal  has  its  infinence,  and  excites 
the  desired  prejudice.  I  hope  gentlemen  will  dis- 
miss all  such  apprehensions  from  their  minds.  It 
is  no  object  with  the  new  Stales  to  receive  a  dona- 
lion  of  your  lands  which  Imve  I'een  in  mnikci.  for 
thirty  years,  and  have  been  nITered  for  ."nle  nt 
twemv-five  ceniH  per  acre.  Instead  of  vesting 
these  lands  in  the  .Slate,  1  subscribe  with  all  my 
heart  to  the  sentiment  of  the  gentleman  from  Ala- 
bama, [Mr.  Pavse,]  to  give  them  in  limited  quanti- 
ties to  any  one  who  will  Kettle  upon  und  imjirove 
them.  It  IS  an  abominable  farce  to  hold  up  to  the  old 
States,  that  in  this  way,  the  glorious  Old  Thirteen 
are  to  be  deprived  of  all  interest  in  the  rich  inher- 
itance derived  from  our  ancestors. 

[Mr.  Stephens  interposed,  and  asked  if  Missis- 
sippi liad  not  received  near  l,700,0tK)  acres  of  land, 
and  five  |W,r  cent,  of  the  proceeds  of  all  the  sales  ? 
And  what  had  Georgia  received;] 

Mr.  T.  resumed.    The  exact  amount  received 


I  by  Miuiuipiii  I  cannot  itato  with  accuracy,  but 

j  this  much  I  do  know,  that  Georgia  received  every 
acre  of  land  lying  within  her  limits.    And  when 

I  the  General  Qovcrnment  extinguished  the  Imlian 

I  title  to  a  largo  district  of  country  occupied  by  the 
Cherokces,  instead  of  opening  her  land  oflices,  ex- 
acting high  prices  from  her  citizens  for  her  lands, 

i  she  caused  the  same  to  be  surveyed,  and  divided 
theni  among  her  people  by  cilnling  hits.  When 
has  such  kindness  ever  been  shown  to  the  people 

{  of  Mi.Hsl8sippi.>  No,  sir;  they  nave  paid  their  mil- 
lions into  your  treasury  for  their  titles,  and  the 
money  was  used  for  the  payment  of  the  dolus  of 
all  the  States  of  the  Union,  Georgia  included.  By 
virliie  of  our  compact  of  admission  into  this  Union, 
Mississippi  agreed  to  levy  no  tax  upon  the  lands 
of  the  General  Government  lying  within  her  Imr- 

'  ders,  and  no  tax  upon  any  lands  sold  by  llie  Uni- 

;  led  States  for  five  years  after  tho  pniThase,  on 
condition  of  the  receipt  of  one  thirty-sixth  part  of 
all  the  lands  in  the  Slate  for  the  use  of  school.s, 

I  and  five  per  cent,  of  all  the  proceeds  of  ilic  sales  of 
her  lands.  Thli>  ai'cuunla  for  the  large  amount 
received  liy  that  State. 

I      [Mr.  Stephens  said,  there  still  is  your  500,UOO 

;  acres.] 

Mr.  T.  Yes,  Mr.  Chairman,  Mississippi  has 
also  received  5U0,00U  acres  of  luni!  for  purposes 

:  of  internal  improvement.  But  when  and  how  did 
she  receive  them?  By  virtue  of  your  Whig  distri- 
bution law  of  llj43.  The  genilcmun  cannot  com- 
plain of  that,  berause  his  party  threw  this  gift 
upon  the  Slate.  It  was  given  upon  the  principle 
that  the  General  Government  owned  a  large  amount 
of  lands  in  the  State;  and  if  the  SOO.UOU  acres  were 
properly  expended  in  making  improvements,  it 
would  I'ai'iliinle  the  sale  of  the  residue.     Missis- 

:  sippi  has  received  this  amount  of  lands,  and  I  hope 
they  will  be  wisely  and  properly  administered. 

I  As  for  cession  of  the  public  londs  to  the  respect- 
ive States  in  which  they  lie,  gentlemen  may  make 
themselves  easy.  The  dny  and  the  hour  is  not 
yet,  when  this  great  release  of  ihe  new  Stfitcs  from 
Executive  infinence  may  be  anticipated.  Nor  will 
it  ever  come  till  the  experiment  is  fairly  made,  and 
satisfactory  proof  is  afforded  that  the  cost  of  ad- 
ministering the  lands  is  greater  than  the  income 

;  derived  from  their  sales.      This  Government  will 

{  never  yield  her  grasp  upon  them,  till  it  shall  clearly 

[  appear  that  it  is  her  interest  to  do  so.     And  if  we 

persist  in  holding  them  iiput  tlieir  present  rates, 

that  lime  is  not  far  distant. 

It  its  again  argued,  that,  while  graduation  of  the 
price  is  proper  in  itself,  the  manner  proposed  in 
the  bill  is  improper  and  unjust,  and  thai  a  clas- 
sification of  the  lands  hascii  upon  actual  inN|>ec- 
lion  is  more  in  accordance  with  the  diclnics  of 
justice  and  a  sound  policy.  Under  your  present 
.■lysteni,  the  surveyors  are  required  to  return  with 
ihcir  field  notes  a  description  of  the  lands;  and 
tills  has  been  done.  And  gentlemen  who  consider 
this liiUsounreasonablc, should  examine  the  tables, 
and  learn  the  quantity  of  land  in  each  State  de- 
scribed as  unfit  for  cultivation.  I  will  call  the 
attention  of  the  committee  to  this  table,  appended 
to  the  able  and  sniisl'nctory  report  of  Mr.  Hous- 
ton, of  Alabama,  who  has  eiullled  himself  to 
great  credit  by  his  laborious  investigation  of  this 
siibjecl,  as  a  memlier  of  the  Conimlitoe  on  Public 
Lands  of  the  last  Congress,  in  which  this  fact  is 
made  most  clear  and  manifest,  that  the  lands  de- 
scribed by  the  public  surveyors  as  "  unfit  for  cul- 
tivation," will  not  sell  for  $1  do  per  acre.  From 
this  tall'.!.,  it  apgiears  that,  in  the  State  of  Indiana, 
there  wer,.'  three  land  ollices  in  the  year  1628,  and 
by  the  returns  of  surveys  'hen  made,  there  ap- 
peared to  be  4,521, U(i9  acres  "  fit  fur  cultivation," 
and  764,217  unfit  fur  cultivation.  In  1B40,  after  a 
lapse  of  twelve  years,  ilieic  were  sold  4,478,146 
acres,  and  there  remained  unsold  807,139,  leaving 
only  42,92.')  acres  "  fit  for  cultivation"  unsold. 

In  1828,  Missouri  had   two  land  offices.     The 

proportion  returned  fit  for  cnltiv.ition  was  (j43,4.58 

acres,  proportion  unfit,  6,005,99.3  acres.     In  1840, 

916,724  acres  had  been  .sold,  and  7,7.32,725  aires 

remained  unsold,  selling  in  this  cose  273,268  acres, 

:  considered  unfit  for  cultivation. 

'      In  1828,  Mississippi  had  two  land  offices.     The 

amount  of  lands  returned  fit  for  cultivation  936,912 

acres,  unfit  3,903,618  acres.    Amount  sold  in  1840, 

j  563,650  acres,  unsold  4,276,878,  leaving  373,262 

II  acres  described  as  fit  for  cultivation  unsold. 


will  take  one  more  example,  to  ohow  with 
what  general  accuracy  lands  described  as  unfit 
for  cultivation,  will  not  yield  you  one  dollar  und 
twenty-five  cents  per  acre. 

In  1828,  Alabama  hud  two  land  offices.  Tho 
proiiortion  returned  fit  for  cultivation  was  697,371, 
unfit  4,954,670  acres.  In  1840,  there  had  been  sold 
1,016,708  acres,  unsold  4,635„333  acres,  showing  nt 
that  lime  319,338  acres  were  sold,  regarded  as  unfit 
for  culiivatlon. 

It  must  be  remembered,  that  between  1838  and 
1840,  speculation  ran  to  the  highest  point  in  pub- 
lic lands,  and  in  that  period  there  was  the  highest 
expansion  of  the  paper  currency.  Yet,  this  is  the 
result,  and  the  discrepancy  between  the  different 
Slates  Is  ex|ilalnr.d  in  the  fart,  that  during  this 
time  lar;;c  tracts  of  frech  lands  were  thrown  into 
market  in  some  of  tho  Sutes,  and  no  such  occur- 
rence took  place  in  others.  Now,  if  I  understood 
the  genileman  from  Georgia,  ho  would  send  out 
appraisers  to  clnSKil'y  tl.esc  lands,  so  as  to  altnch 
to  each  tract  of  land  a  fair  valuation.  No  plan,  in 
my  CNiiination,  would  be  mnie  impracticable  and 
preposterous.  Throw  out  of  the  consideration 
the  Executive  patronage  necessarily  attendant  upon 
the  execution  of  such  a  plan.  I  do  not  verily  be- 
lieve that  ihe  profii  derived  to  the  Government 
would  be  equal  to  the  necessary  expense  of  such 
an  arrangement,  because  I  do  not  believe  that  a 
large  proportion  of  these  lands  could  be  sold  at 
any  price  whatever.  At  all  events,  the  anxiety 
thus  shown  by  Government  to  exact  from  the  poor 
settlers  the  uitennosl  liirlhing  for  these  refuse  lands 
would  be  unbecoming,  and  unworthy  of  our  legis- 
lation. 

But  Ihe  argument  mainly  iclicLi  upon  by  all  those 
who  oppose  the  passage  of  this  bill  is,  that  time 
is  no  teat  of  the  value  or  saleublencss  of  land;  that 
the  demand  for  new  lands  requires  not  more  than 
2,000,000  acres  per  annum  for  its  satisfaction;  and 
that  a  diminution  in  price  will  not  increase  the 
demand,  and  that  therefore  no  more  land  would 
sell  at  any  rates,  and  that  a  failure  to  sell  is  no 
evidence  of  the  inrcilor  quality  of  the  land  unsold. 
To  prove  these  assertions,  reference  is  made,  and 
Rpccial  stress  is  placed,  upon  the  sales  of  land  in  the 
Zanesville  district  of  Ohio,  where  the  same  had 
been  in  market  between  thirty-five  and  forty  years. 
But  a  moment's  examination  will  be  sufhcient  to 
remove  the  whole  force  of  this  example.  In  the 
first  place,  by  the  returns  of  survey  in  1828,  it  ap- 
pears that  all  the  lands  in  that  district  are  described 
as  "fit  for  cultivation,"  and  therefore  it  does  not 
present  a  fair  case.  In  the  second  place,  1  have 
lieeii  informed  that  in  that  district  coal  has  been 
dIsLOVcicd,  and  salt  springs  or  wells  have  been 
found  and  sunk;  and  this  extraordinary  circum- 
stance explains  the  whole  matter.  The  Lnd  is  not 
entered  for  cultivation,  but  for  the  wood  i.iid  for 
the  coal  supposed  to  lie  imbedded  bfiieuth  the 
surface. 

[Mr.  Vinton,  of  Ohio,  interposed,  and  said  that 
he  had  never  heard  that  there  was  either  coal  or 
salt  in  that  district,  and  the  lands  could  not  have 
been  entered  on  that  account.] 

Mr.  Thompson  resumed;  I  do  not  understand 
the  exact  position  of  that  district.  I  give  him  the 
information  I  have  received  to  explain  this  anom- 
aly of  hinds  hai'ing  been  offered  for  thirty-seven 
years  at  jlil  25,  mid  suddenly  selling  off.  In  tho 
absence  of  positive  and  affirmative  proof,  I  will 
not,  1  cannot  believe  that  these  lands  were  entered 
for  purposes  of  cultivation,  after  they  had  been 
passed  by,  and  examined  and  reexamined  for 
thirty-seven  ytara.  Having  thus  disposed  of  tho 
Zaiicsville  ease,  I  will  notice  ue  singular  argu- 
ment of  the  genileman  from  Vermont,  [Mr.  Col- 
i.AMCB,]  thai  time  is  no  test  of  the  inferiority  of  the 
land.s.  He  says,  with  as  much  truth  as  propriety, 
you  may  sny,  because  a  gentleman  selects  one 
1  uly  for  his  wife,  that  therefore  all  the  other  ladies 
of  the  country  are  inferior  and  of  no  account;  or 
because  a  man  buys  ten  bushels  of  corn  in  Ten- 
nessee, and  does  not  buy  it  all,  that  therefore  all 
the  corn  of  Tennessee  is  of  bad  quality;  and  con- 
cludes the  explanation  by  saying  there  is  no  de- 
mand. Take  these  very  cases  by  way  of  illustra- 
tion, and  I  would  desire  none  better  suited  to  my 
purpose,  or  to  the  case.  Suppose  the  lady  to  have 
been  in  mnrkel  fifteen,  twenty,  or  twenty-five 
years,  displaying  her  chornis  with  her  bright  eyes, 
and  smiling  lips,  and  her  fascinating  manners,  using 


1816.] 
29th  Cono IsT  Seas. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


779 


TT^e  Public  Land$ — Mr.  Jacob  Thompson. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


fCCN.       TIlO 

J'»C9T,371, 

l>  liocn  Holii 
Jihowiiijrnt 
|eu  n«  unfit 


sll  the  arii  and  npplinnrrii  necenaary  to  Brr««t  thfl 
ntlcniinn  and  win  (he  nflcctinn  oi  the  reody  nnd 
inquiring  nwain  who  wns  in  rngcr  wnrcli  for  a 
piirtnrr  of  hi*  bosom;  that  otiii'ra  nil  around  her, 
day  after  day,  were  happily  led  to  the  hynneneni 
nltar,  nnd  atill  a  fresh  aiijiply,  with  a  fairer  reputa- 
tion than  any  wlio  had  preceded,  were  liroiight 
into  nuirket,  nnd  the  lienux,  old  and  younp,  were 
loud  in  their  praises  of  some  new  beauty,  or  were 
lavish  in  their  attentions  to  sonfie  ncromplislied 
hello,  to  her  entire  neeleot;  would  it  not  he  the 
irresistible  conclusion  of  all  that  her  stock  had  de- 
preciated in  market,  and  that  the  estimnie  she  hud 
placed  upon  herself  wiis  too  hiph?     [A  Inugh.l 

[A  voice:    Would  you  then  cede  her  away  f] 

If  she  wns  my  daughter,  and  I  considered  it  my 
duly  to  diupnse  of  her,  I  should  cerlninly  consider 
it  proper  nnd  rifrht  to  cede  her  away  on  the  fiist 
occasion,  when  I  founil  ahe  would  be  well  used. 
(A  Iniigh.]  In  the  cnse  of  the  corn,  suppose  pur- 
chnHcrs,  anxious  to  buy,  hnd  pnssed  by  at  differ- 
ent times  during  the  season,  nnd,  nfter  exnminn- 
lion,  erch  hnd  (rone  on  nnd  bought  enough  to  sup- 
ply his  v/nnis  elsewhere,  would  not  the  seller  find 
It  necessary  to  fall  in  his  prices,  in  order  to  induce 
buyers,  nnd  dispose  of  his  corn  ?  Such  is  the  nat- 1 
urnl  course  of  trade  with  individuals,  dictated  bj^ 
the  simplest  rules  of  prudence  nnd  common  sensei! 
and  the  rule  of  conduct  which  nn  individual  would 
adopt  in  his  own  cnse  would  be  wise  for  a  govern- 
ment. 

Bu'  we  are  met  with  the  argument,  that,  under 
the  graduation  of  prices,  no  land  would  sell  until 
the  price  reached  the  lowest  grnduation.    And  this 
is  likened  to  the  boy  who  cnrricd  potatoes  to  the 
mnrkel,  and  slated  to  the  purchnsers  that  his  fnlher 
had  instructed  him  to  take  no  less  than  S5  cents 
per  bushel  till  after  dinner;  then  ho  might  sell  them   i 
for  n  shilling.     Of  course  he  sold  none  till  he  fell  j 
to  the  shilling.     In  the  absence  of  competition  this  i 
might  be  a  fair  illustration;  but  a  home  is  too  dear 
and  too  esientinl  to  the  happiness  of  a  man  to  ' 
admit  of  such  experiments  of  delay.    As  to  the  ( 
practical  opcrntion  of  this  principle,  we  have  hnd  i, 
the  most  sntisfactory  experini^nt  made  in  that  part  I 
of  Mississippi  obtained  from  the  Chickasaw  In- j 
dinns. 

In  the  year  1834,  the,  treaty  with  theChitkasaws  |[ 
>vas  ratified,  by  which  they  ceded  to  the  L'lited  ■ 
States  a  country  covering  an  nren  of  6,718,J'S6  [ 
acres.  In  this  trenty,  reservations  were  securcL'  | 
to  each  individual  Indinn  nnd  orphnn,  which  were  r 
first  located,  of  course,  upon  the  choicest  land  of!; 
the  nation,  and  covered  3,401,660  acres;  which  left  i 
to  be  disposed  of  at  public  .snle,  nnd  afterwards  at  i 
privnte  entry,  4,383,827  ncies.  As  it  was  slipu- j 
lated  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  that  the  pro-  h 
ceeds  of  the  snle  of  these  Innds,  after  deducting  nil ! 
the  expenses  incident  to  the  bringing  of  them  into  ]' 
market  nnd  disposing  of  them,  were  to  he  reserved  i' 
as  a  triist  ftind  for  the  sole  ancl  exclusive  benefit  of 
thnt  tribe  of  Indinna,  it  wns  deemed  advisable  to  ii 
insert  the  grnduation  principle  ns  one  of  the  pro-  i' 
visions  of  the  trenty,  in  order  to  wind  up  the  i' 
whole  business  and  bring  it  to  n  speedy  termina-  |j 
lion.  It  wns  therefore  ngreed  thnt  the  Imnls,  nf- 1' 
tcr  being  oHercd  nl  public  outcry  at  <11  2.5  per!' 
acre,  wcie  liable  to  entry  for  twelve  iiiontli.s  at" 
thnt  price,  then  for  twel-e  months  at  one  dollar,  j 
then  nt  50  cents,  then  at  i>5  cents,  then  nt  12,  !■ 
cents— fur  twelve  months  at  cnch  rate;  thu.s  going  ' 
through  a  rapid  grnduniion  in  five  years  to  12]!' 
c^nt-s  per  ncre.  Tim  result  is,  that  in  nine  years  i 
nnd  a  linlf,  3/169 ,320  acres  were  sold,  nnd  Inought ' 
S3, 181, 219;  being  at  an  nvernge  price,  ns  the  Co^n-  j 
niissioner  of  Public  Lands  informs  us,  of  91. 69  cents  i 
per  acre;  and  leavins,  at  the  lime  of  making  out  1 
the  table,  only  875,712  acres  to  be  disposed  of.  !: 
This  rapid  .sale  took  place,  noiwithsinndingnlnrgc  i 
portion  (say  1,000,000  ncres)  wns  suspended  from  j 
sale  or  entry  for  tnore  than  three  years,  on  account  ; 
of  fraudulent  claims  which  were  sought  to  be  lo-  '■ 
cnted  upon  it.  |: 

This  experiment  establishes  the  position,  con- !' 
tended  for  ny  the  friends  of  this  bill,  that,  by  grnd-  i 
uations,  an  inquiry  is  kept  alive  for  the  Innds,  i 
examinations  nrc  repealed,  and  competition  forces  i 
the  buyers  to  pay  a  fnir  price  for  them.  Thus 
the  lands  will  be  disposed  of  and  settled,  and  the  li 
Government  will  derive  revenue  from  the  public  1 1 
domain.  i 

It  also  disproves,  with  the  clearness  of  demon- '' 


I  stration,  nna  argument  against  the  bill,  nn  which 
great  emphasis  has  been  placed:  thnt,  by  publish- 
ing beforehand  that  the  Qovcrnmcnt,  nfter  the  lapse 

i  nf  a  certain  time,  will  fall  in  her  demnnds  for  tier 

riroperty,  no  portion  of  it  will  sell  till  it  flills  to  the 
(iwrst  rate  in  the  descend  iilg  scnle.     For  of  the 
j  875,713  acres  liable  lo  entry, 376,057  acres  are  snb- 
I  jecl  10  l)e  entered  at  124  cents — nearly  one-hnlf  the 
•  whole  amount;  and  only  46,000  acres  at  50  cents. 
In  confirmation  of  these  figures,  I  can  add  my  own 
personal  observation.   Often  has  it  occurred  within 
my  knowledge,  that  individuals  who  desired   lo 
{  enter  a  particular  tract  of  land  would  reimir  to  ihe 
i  land  office,  and  actually  purchase  his  (nnd  a  few 
,  duvs  prior  to  the  fall  in  price,  for  fear  that,  when 
I  it  ^ell,  he  should  meet  with  opposition,  and  possi- 
bly lose  his  home.   In  addition  lo  this,  the  average 
I  price  of  91^  cents  per  acre  gives  the  conl'ututioii  to 
this  supposition. 

I      [Mr.  BARKiNOEn interposed, and  said  that  these 
lands  were  sold  for  paper  when  money  wns  plenty.] 
t      Mr.  T.  resumed.    My  friend  from  North  Curo- 
;  linn  is  mistaken.     If  Wb  will  recur  to  those  times, 
he  will  rememberthat  a  very  small  portion  of  those 
I  lands  hnd   been  brought  into  market  prior  to  the 
issuance  nf  General  Jackson's  famous  specie  cir- 
cular; and  surely  he  h;is  not  forgotten  the  whole- 
sale and  un>|UaliHed  abuse  which  was  heaped  upon 
the  head  of  the  old  Hero  for  what  wns  then  and 
I  there  deemed  this  most  unjust  and  unrighteous 
I  requisition,  hut  which   has  proved,  lo  the  entire 
sntisfaction  of  the  mor.l  hostile,  a  most  timely  and 
j  salutary  regulation.    No,  Mr.  Chairman,  nearly  nil 
'  of  these  lands  were  pnid  for  in  specie. 
i      [Mr.  Barrinof.r  said  specie  was  more  plentiful 
i  then  than  now.] 

Mr.  T.     I  consider  my  friend  again  mistaken. 
i  It  was  in  those  days  the  contest  was  first  waged 
between  Ihe  opposers  and  supporters  of  the  banks 
and  a  bank  currency;  and  those  who  advocated  a 
specie  currency  were  denounced  as  Utopians — ultra- 
ists — locofocos.     It  was  said  there  wns  not  specie 
enough  in  the  world  to  answer  the  purposes  of 
trade — not  enough  to  buy  the  crop  of  Mississinpi— 
not  enough  to  furnish  each  child  a  bit  to  cut  its 
teeth  upon,    Whnt  the  gentleman  fioni  North  Car- 
I  olinn  has  slated  reminds  inc  of  an  anecdote  which 
I  a  Whig  opponent  of  mine  for  a  seal  upon  this  floor 
frequently  related,  often  to  my  great  annoyance, 
and  always  to  the  infinite  amusement  of  his  audi- 
ence:   I  nllude  to  Colonel  A.  L.  Bingaman,  than 
whom  there  lives  not  a  finer  specimen  of  human 
;  .'nture  in  nny  country — "graced  with  every  pood 
gi.'ce  to  grnce  a  gentleman."     He  would  say,  thnt 
havn:g  been  some  lime  previous  on  a  race  field,  ' 
(the  colonel  is  found  of  fine  horses,)  and  being 
called  on  ns  a  judge  of  the  race,  it  became  necessary 
lo  throw  up  lor  choice  in  the  track.    Several  gcn- 
'  llemen  were  present,  and  upon  inquiry  it  was  found 
'  that  not  one  had  a  piece  of  specie  with  which  to 
throw  up  heads  and  mils;  nnd,  necessity  being  the 
i  mother  of  invention,  their  only  escape  wns  to  spit 
i  upon  n  chip,  nnd  throw  up  wet  nnd  dry.  [Ahiugh.]  ; 
'  If  there  wns  so  much  specie  in  the  country  then, 
I  whnt  becomes  of  the  nigument  of  my  friend,  that 
'  the  specie  wns  brought  into  the  country  by  virtue  , 
1  of  the  Whig  InritroriMS.' 

'  But  it  is  asain  said  thnt  the  demand  for  such 
lands  is  about  2,000,000  of  ncres  per  annum,  nnd 
'  nn  change  of  price  wotdd  increase  Ihe  demand. 
If  this  be  true,  suppose  we  extinguish  the  Indinn 
title  to  no  more  land,  and  iheiofore  «topoui;ncqui- 
siiion;  as  v/e  have  now  1,33,307,457  acres  subject 
to  entry,  nnd  109,035,345  acres  ncnily  ready  to  be  i 
biou?ht  into  mnrkel,  which  mnkes  nn  aggregate 
of  342,342,802  acres.  It  will  require  the  lapse  of 
one  hundred  nnd  twenty  yenrs  before  we  dispose 
of  the  slock  on  hand.  And  suppose  our  popiiln- 
lion  lo  increase  ns  inpidly  hertiifler  as  it  h.ns  done 
heretofore:  in  thnt  time  our  numbers  will  hnve 
increased-  to  900,000,000  of  populntion.  But  the 
argument  is  fallacious,  because,  as  our  people  ' 
increase  in  strenglh  and  numbers,  of  course  the 
demand  for  Innd  for  actual  settlement  will  aug- 
ment. 

Again:  this  bill  is  charnctcrized  by  very  strong 
epithets  as  a  measure  of  plunder — a  svtem  of  rob",  i 
bery;  and  the  insinuation  is  very  directly  made  | 
that  the  representatives  of  the  new  Stales  liave  ; 
some  covert  design,  which  is  not  revealed  to  the 
public  eye;  that  they  are  endeavoring  to  practise  i 
deception  U]ion  tlie  House  and  the  country;  that  j 


we  are  to  derive  unnumbered  beneflla,  lo  the  i(rrat 
prejudice  and  injury  of  the  old  Slates.     To  all 
such  insinuations,  suggestions,  and  epithels,  I  have 
one  answer,  which  is  made  with  a  proper  sense  of 
responsibility:    that  all  such  remarks,  lo  thr  ns 
they  are  intended  to  apply  lo  the  friends  of  the  bill 
from  the  new  Hiatei,  are  unjust,  untrue,  nnd  ca- 
lumnious.    It  is  usual  in  this  House,  that  those 
who  are  most  familiar  with  a  subject  are  relied 
upon  to  ftirnlsh  Ihe  facts  on  which  our  action  i* 
ii  bused.     But  hero  our  testimony  is  impeached,  on 
I  the  ground  of  a  supposed  interest;  and  the  unwur- 
I  ranlable  nnd  infnmous  iiiliniation  is  made  that  the 
I  aims,  intents,  and  purposes  of  members,  are  dif- 
ferent from   what  are  avowed.     The  new  Stale* 
,  want  to  see  their  wild  lands  settled  upon;  they 
'  waul  Bipeiiglh  nnd   popululion;  and,   if  possible, 
j  lliey  desire  to  see  the  General  Qotiernnicut  cense 
]i  lo  be  n  landholder,  so  that  their  tax-gnthorers  may 
I  receive  contribution  from  every  portion  of  their 
1  country  for  the  maintenance  of  Ihe  whole  com- 
I  monwculth.     They  believe  your  lands  will  not  be 
■  purchased  for  settlement  at  your  present  prices. 
I  A  brief  comparison  of  the  Chickasaw  and  Choc- 
!  mw  purchases  in  my  own  State,  illustrates  lliia 
j  proposition  so  clearly,  that  it  is  but  necessary  to 
I  know  the   facts  to  convince  every  lair  unbiased 
i  mind  of  its  truth.     The  Chickasaw  cession  wns 
ij  niade  in  18,34.    The  Choctaw  cession  was  made 
.]  in  1830.    The  whole  area  of  the  Chickasaw  nation 
It  lying  in  the  Stateof  Mississippi,  is  6,383,996  iicre.t 
j  of  land.     The  nicn  of  the  Chocluw  nation  in  the 
!  Slate  IS  9,592,075  acres.     In  Ihe  snle  of  the  Chick- 
ji  asaw  lands,  there  was  a  rapid  graduation  of  price, 
coming  down  in  five  years  to  13j  cents  per  ncre; 
and  Ihe  result  is  this:  on  the  3Ut  July,  1816,  all 
the  lands  in  the  Chickasaw  nation,  lying  in  the 
Sta te, were  sold,  except  6S3,314ncres,  and  nearly  III" 
whole  hod  been  paid  for  in  specie — yielding  upon 
an  average  of  91  j  cents  to  the  acre.    The  Chocluw 
lands,  equal  in  every  respect  ns  to  soil,  health,  or 
advantages  of  location,  had  been  in  market  during 
that  remarkable  period  of  speculations  of  1834, 
1835,  nnd  1836,  and  there  stdl  remains  unsold  the 
large  amount  of  4,315,874  acres.     In  the  mean 
lime  you  havelo  keep  up  three  land  offices — though 
one,  it  is  true,  (the  land  district  of  Augusta,)  em- 
braces lands  not  obtained  by  virtue  of  the  treaty 
I  of  1830 — three  registers,  and  three  receivers,  at  a 
|i  heavy  expense.     And  without  this  bill,  orboim- 
I  thing  of  the  kind,  you  cannot  discontinue  them  fur 
years  to  come.    On  the  score  of  population,  the 
;  census  of  1840  does  not  furnish  the  facts  in  all  their 
;  force,  and  therefore  1  nm  unable  lo  give  Ihe  exact 
I  relative  strength  of  settlement  of  these  two  divis- 
:  ions  of  my  State;  but  it  is  well  known  to  my  col- 
^  longues   that  the  Chickasaw  nation,   by  far  the 
]  youngest  portion  of  the  State,  po.ssesacs  almost  a 
j  controlling  political  power  over  the  whole  State, 
j  whenever  they  choose  to  exercise  it.     Wo  find 
I  them  largely  more  than  o  third  of  the  wholgjiota 
!  of  the  Stale.     We  advocate  this  bill,  then,  bflkiisa 
•\  we  know  it  will  conduce  to  the  settlement  oT  the 
;  Stale.     We  believe  that  its  adoption  is  demanded 
;  by  the  dictates  of  a  wise  economy  on  the  part  of 
j  the  United  Slates.    The  necessary  cost  in  holding 
up  iheiie  lands,  in  tl.e  way  of  keeping  open  proper 
I  land  offices,  is  greater  than  the  additional  amount 
'  you  will  realize  by  your  effort  to  sell  refuse  lands 
tor  fjl  25  per  acre.     Sell  the  lands  for  what  ihey 
'  will   now  command,  add   lo  thnt  amount  n  sum 
,  which  will  yield  you,  at  six  per  cent.,  n  sufficiency 
to  pay  Ihe  salaries  of  your  land  oflicers  nnd  other 
cniiiingencics,  nnd   1  am  perfectly  confident  that 
;  you  will  have  made  n  most  excellent  arrangement, 
far  more  to  your  advantage  than  anything  wliich 
;  you  can  expect  under  your  present  system. 
t      As  it  will  give  population  and  strength  to  the  new 
Slates;  as  il  will  be  n  wise  and  sound  economy 
on  the  part  of  the  General  Government, — should 
the  old  States  complain  .'    Will  they  refuse  to  their 
!  industrious  and  energetic  people  the  opportunity  of 
seeking  n  home  when  the  hope  ia  held  out  lo  them 
i  of  bettering  thuir  condition.'    When  the  humble 
emigrant,  with  increasing  responsibilities  rising  up 
around  him,  resolves  to  bid  n  final  adieu  to  the  hill 
!  and  valleys  and  streams  of  his  nativity,  tearing 
himself  asunder  from  so  many  endeared  associa- 
tions and  so  many  tender  ties  of  kindred,  do  your 
sympathies  for  him  cease  ?    Do  you  forget  that  he 
is  still  of  your  own  household .'    And  instead  of 
allowing  htm  to  enter  a  home  in  a  country  which 


780 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  I. 


Q^rn  CoNfl Irt  Sesb. 


Tlu  Tariff^Mr.Lewu. 


Ho.  or  Uepb. 


hu  been  picked  iiml  culled  at  fnir  and  liTing  ralea,  | 
du  yiiii  wiali  to  drivo  him  farther  nnd  Hiill  fUrther  | ! 
nwiiy  I'rtiiii  civilizniinn,  into  the  wilii'rrncRa,  where  > 
hii  iiiuKt  wii^e  »  AiMVR  rontcat  with  the  miviKC  uiid  l! 
\\\r>  wild  hciiat?    The  clfvct  nf  your  prraeiit  eyi-  | 
Icni  ot'n  miniiiuiin  pricp  for  public  IkiiiIh,  uh  diliiiua  || 
mill  uiijimt  UK  yiiiir  ininimiiin  vnliiitliiiiia  in  yniir  i 
inriiriiiw",  iH  thi.i:  Tlint  the  cniii;iarilH  In  the  fur 
West  I'lillow  ill  11  nlri'iiin;  ihiiae  tlmt  fliHl  urrive  In 
n.new  country,  Bctlle  down  nnd  puri'hnxc  the  liet- 
ter  liindi',  llioHC  thai  roino  nflcr,  ^o  Hiill  I'mlhcr, 
rofuKini;  nveii  to  nxiiininii  the  lejiclcd  liiiiil.     They 
hnvc  now  erosniMl  the  Alli'^lmny  inoiinliiiiiii;  tlii'v 
Imve  croHSrd  tlir.  iVliHHinHinpi  rivrr;  and  to  pi;t  a  ni'\v 
Inline  on  IVi-kIi  and  uni'ulleil  laiiilM,  llioy  aiu  wind- 
iiiK  their  way  aernsH  iliR  Uoiky  MoiinuiiiiH  and  lo- 
oniniK  upon  the  I'ariliu  Ocean.     Tliis  Htream  you 
onniiut  arrest.    It  will  ^o  on.    Will  you  nlteinpt  to 
dam  it  u(i,  and  thus  npread  out  our  peo|>le  {iienui' 
luiely  over  iho  whole  oontnieuti'     Will  you  drive 
the  jioor  innn,  witliHinnll  nieana.heyonil  tho  coini- 
iry  where  he  find.')  the  church  erecuil — llieHchool- 
I1UU8O  o|icu — the  roads  nindc  nnd  the  health  tried — 
liccnusc  you  wish  to  writ);;  tVoni  his  hard  earniiiKs 
the  lar^;cst  posnible  amount  that  his  necessities  may 
compel  him  to  i;ivc  for  your  lands.'     1  ask  my 
tVieiid  from  ISiirih   Caiolinn,   (Mr.   UAnniNuER,] 
whom  1  now  have  in  my  eye,  docs  he  so  far  foijL'ct 
his  own  people,  ihat  when  they  leave  the  good  old 
North  Slate  and  wend    their  way  westward,  he  \ 
would  extort  fioni  the  sweat  of  their  face  any  hard 
terms  for  inlciior  lands? 

[Mr.  13.  said,  No  son  of  North  Cnroliiin  nskcd 
fur  this  ri'duciion.] 

Mr.  '!'.  suid:  i,  n  son  of  Noriji  Carolina,  who 
would  glory  in  her  advancement'  and  pros|icrily, 
consider  that,  havin";  seen  and  felt  the  exact  posi 
tiun  of  such  emiijrunts,  do  say  lliat  justice  demands 
the  rcduciiun. 

[Mr.  Vinton,  nf  Ohio,  said  it  was  for  tho  spec- 
ulnior,  not  for  the  settler.] 

Mr.  'r.  a;;;ain  resumed.  Go  iiefore  a  crowd  of 
these  people  in  any  of  the  new  tjlates,  nnd  pro 
pound  the  question  to  those  who  are  familiar  wiili 
the  working  of  your  land  system,  in  \'lio«c  behalf 
would  a  reduction  in  the  price  of  public  i,:miIs  ope- 
rate, and  1  am  confident  tlio  unanimous  and  prompt 
instinctive  ie|ily  would  be,  in  the  sMltr,  anil  that 
it  would  even  there  be  opposed  by  the  specula- 
tors. The  represcnlalive  ot  thecapilalisis.wlioown 
large  tracts  of  unsettled  country,  may  wilh  propri- 
ety oppose  this  reduction,  beraii.e  it  eniaiicipaies 
the  poor  nmn  from  his  dependance  in  tliein.  And 
one  of  the  arfrunienis  relied  upon  „i  iliis  debate, 
by  the  gentleman  from  Vermont,  [Mr.  Coi.lameb,] 
in  opposiiioii  to  this  measure,  is,  that  it  will  hnvc 
ft  tendency  to  reduce  nnd  keep  down  the  price  of 
Innds.  'I  o  this  cll'ect  1  will  not  object,  because,  as 
you  chcniicn  lands  you  increase  the  number  of 
free-holds  in  the  country;  and  as  you  increase  the 
number  of  free-holds,  you  elevate  the  masses. 
H^jjbis  it  that  our  common  jicople  are  so  far  su- 

!mr  t^tlie  common  pcopl»  of  any  olher  country? 


IT 


is  ill  lui'iiishin:;  iliem  cheap  homes,  where  they 
lenrii  their  rights,  and  know  the  value  of  their  lib- 
erties; where  ihcy  practise  virtue  and  independence 
ill  thuuglil  and  action;  where  lliey  may  have  their 
hollies,  humble  thou^'h  they  be,  in  which  Iliey 
know  how  10  show  hospitality  and  di.spense  kinu- 
ness.  This  is  a  levelling;  system,  indeed,  but  a 
system  which  levels  uiiwarils,  by  clevalin;;  ilie 
poor  and  ilepcndent  to  all  the  blessins;s  and  di>;nity 
of  freemen — a  levelling  system  dear  to  every  patri- 
ot, and  especially  to  be  desired  by  every  truc- 
hearicJ  Ueiiiociat. 

One  word  more,  and,  as  1  discover  that  my  hour 
is  nearly  run,  1  will  close.  Our  people  will  settle 
on  these  lands;  and  it  is  impossible,  indeed,  it 
is  impolitic,  to  endeavor  to  prevent  it;  but,  biins; 
unable,  or  iiiiici/Ziiii^  ii'  they  were  able,  to  purclinse 
these  lands  at  the  prices  at  which  they  are  h.  Id, 
they  erect  temporary  dwelling.?,  and  conieiit  them- 
selves with  small  and  inferior  iniprovenicnis,  to 
avoid  olleriiig  luiy  ttniptation  to  the  speculnlr.r  to 
buy  their  homes  from  over  them,  riius  your 
policy  keeps  up  n  roiing,  unsteady  population,  in 
all  the  new  States,  vlio  never  feel  settled,  and  who 
are  ever  ready  to  st  ike  tlieir  tenis  and  begin  the 
world  anew.  Thit  |iolicy  produces  iliaaalisraclion 
and  obstructs  the  advaiiccnicnt  of  society;  audit 
oppears  to  me  mcdt  uiirtusouubk  and  unwise  longer 
to  perpetuate  it. 


THE  TARIFF. 
SPEECH  0  F  M  R.  A.  LEWIS, 

OF  .NEW  YORK, 

In  the  House  or  Rkphf.iientatites, 

July  I,  IH4(i. 

The  House  being  in  C'onimillec  of  the  Whole  on 

the  state  of  the  Union  on  the  bill  reducing  the 

duty  on  Imports,  and  for  other  pur|)oacs — 

Mr.  LKWIS  said: 

Mr.  Chairman:  Having  olilnined  the  floor  nt  n 
late  period  of  the  discussion  of  this  ipiestinn,  I 
have  the  advnntauo  of  most  of  the  aij^iiinoiils 
which  have  been  adduced  on  both  sides.  1  iiilenil, 
therefore,  to  avoid,  as  far  as  may  be,  a  repetition 
of  the  ar^'iimenls  alrr.idy  employed  by  the  friends 
of  protection,  and  conlini^  myself  to  the  iliaciissinn 
and  illustration  of  one  branch  of  this  subject, 
whic.li,  from  the  constant  harjiing  of  the  advocates 
of"  free  trade,"  has  troubled  the  minils  of  many 
honest  men  to  understand  *  'I'hey  assert  that  the 
jiroteciion  given  to  the  mamifacuiriiig  inlercsts  of 
this  country,  by  the  larilfof  184'J,  abscdulely  im- 
poses burilens  upon  all  other  industrial  piH-suils, 
and  especially  lhat  of  agricnlliire.  If  this  were 
true,  it  woiilif  surely  be  an  insuperable  objection 
to  this  whole  system  of  protection.  The  theory 
of  those  opposed  to  the  scheme  of  protecliini  is, 
that  the  prices  id'  American  manuftictures  an;  in- 
creased to  the  consinner  in  exact  proportion  to  the 
amount  nt  duty  imposed  upon  like  articles  of 
foreign  importation,  and  that  the  only  cll'ect  of 
proteciinn  is,  to  enable  the  nianufacturer  (o 
fill  his  colfers  with  gold  and  silver,  to  the  great 
prejudice  of  other  classes.  Those  who  honest- 
ly enlcrinin  nnd  publish  this  sentiment  are  much 
more  entitled  to  the  confidence  and  respect  of  man- 
kind for  their  I'lonr.tfi/  and  iatcjp-Uy  than  for  their 
inlelligencc  upon  this  great  subject  of  jiolitical 
economy. 

Knierlaining  an  entirely  dilTercnt  opinion  upon 
the  subjccl  of  protection  from  those  who  oppose 
the  doctrine,  I  will  commence  its  discussion  by 
laying  down  n  proposition  which,  if  denionstrnlcu, 
will,  in  my  juilgnieiU,  overturn  Oiis  false  theory 
of"  fiee  trnilc." 

Let  nic  heic  remark,  that  it  seems  to  mo  quite 
strange,  that,  if  the  operation  of  the  protective 
policy  of  this  country  is  so  disastrous  to  agricul- 
ture, all  the  wise  men  who  have  conducted  the 
allairs  of  this  Government,  from  General  Wnsli- 
ington  down  to  and  including  Genera!  Jack.son, 
should  have  been  so  stupid  and  senseless  as  not 
to  discover  it.  They  formed  one  linbroken  pha- 
lanx in  advocating  and  enforcing  the  necessity  of 
protection  to  A.mcricnn  manufacinres,  as  best  cal- 
culated to  advance  the  great  interests  of  agricul- 
Inre.  With  all  these,  on  the  side  of  piotec- 
lioii  to  American  iiidnsiry,  I  cnle-  with  less  difli- 
dencc  into  the  discus.sion  of  this  question.  Again, 
having  examined,  as  fauiifully  as  it  ha.s  been 
in  my  power  to  do,  the  history  of  this  and  of 
olher  countries  under  the  operation  of  a  tarilV,  and 
having  n.scertaineil,  that  in  all  these  countries,  the 
interest.'-  of  agriculln "c  have  been  enhanced  by  tho 
just  and  ample  protection  which  has  been  alTurded 
to  nmnnfariiirea  and  the  mechanic  arts,  (llie  uni- 
lorm  rcsull  ol  which  has  been  to  create  ;,  market 
for  the  surplus  productions  of  the  agriculturist;) 
and  leaving  seen  that  the  farming  interest  of 
these  countries  as  umlormly  crippled  by  the 
neglect  of  their  governments  to  provide  for  the 
adequate  protccticni  to  ninnufacturers  and  me- 
chanics; 1  feel  the  greater  confidence  in  urging 
upon  this  committee,  and  upon  the  country,  the 
absolute  necessity  of  still  contimiingthe  protection, 
which  has  been  given  to  these  great  and  growing 
inieresis,  by  the  law  which  you  now  seek  to  repeal. 
Sir,  1  feel' that  these  interests  an  to  receive  a 
shock,  front  which  it  will  require  years  of  pros- 
[icrity  to  relieve  them.  It  is  this  consideration 
whicn  has  indi'ced  me  to  change  the  resolution  1 
had  formed  noi  to  join  in  the  debates  of  this 
Hou.se  so  soon  after  having,  for  the  first  time,  en- 
tered this  Hall  of  national  legislation. 

Wilh  these  brief  preliminaries,  I  start  with  the 
proposition,  that  aileiiuale  protection  to  American 
ninnufacturcs,  enaiilcs  the  ninniifiictnrer  to  pay  a 
higher  price  for  the  raw  material,  including  agri- 
cultural products  anil  labor,  and  to  sell  the  nianu- 


fiiclurcd  arliole  ohetpor,  and,  at  iha  mma  time,  to 

I  reali/.e  greater  proAta  fi'nm  his  enterprise,  . 

If,  llicrefore,   1  shall   be  able   to  eatabliah   this 

'  proposition,  Ihcn  very  lillle  credit  will  be  awarded 

I  to  the  theory  that  the  imposition  of  duties  upon 
fiirrign  inanufnctiircH,  in  all  caica,  compels  ihe 
consumer  to  |uiy  a   higher   price   Ibr  articles  of 

■  Jlmerican  mainilUcturc. 

I  do  not  pnUend  to  deny  that  if  the  conaiimcr  in 
this  country,  purchased  all  his  articles  of  niamifac- 
tiirefioin  England,  and  llie  Knglish  manufacturer 
shall  continue  to  charge  the  American  importer  tlin 
same  price,  and  sell  the  same  qiianiily,  and  the 
.Anierican  merchaiils  continue  to  make  the  same 
profits,  lhat  then  the  consumer  is  coinpellcil  to  pay 
the  enhanced  price  caused   by  the  iniposilion   of 

'•  duties.     Hut  neither  doi.s  the  American  importer 

I  bring  in  the  same  aniouni  of  British  manufactures, 
nor  docs  the  llritish  manufacturer  get  so  high  a 
price  for  what  he  does  sell,  as  when  lie  haa  been 
enabled  to  engross  the  whole  market  of  the  United 

I  Stales. 

The  Democratic  ndvncniea,  of  prn;.eclion  to  Brit- 
ish inamifucliires,  assert  lhat  the  protectiini  nflord- 

'  ed  to  American  maiiufactnres  not  only  lakes  away 
all  motive  to  tliedptn  articles  of  manufacture,  but 

^oU'era  an  incentive  10  enhance,  the  price.     This  is 

'obviously  untrue,  in  any  light  in  which  hiiinnn 
molive  can   bo  viewed.     If  you  could  divest  tho 

I  inainifactiirer  of    all    inclination    to   increase   the 

;  amount  of  the  capital  he  has  invested  in  his  enter- 
prise, then  indeed  he  would  charge,  in  the  sale  of 
Ills  mannl'acturi's,  above  what  it  costs  him  to  make 

I  them,  no  more  than  the  interest  on  his  capital  in- 
vested.    Dut  I  believe  that  the  llritish  party  in  this 

i  country  do  not  pretend  that  the  American  manu- 
facturer ;i  governed  entirely  by  inoli»es  of  disin- 

!  tereated  benevolence.     They  aliirm  that  his  object, 

i  in  thus  invesiing  so  large  a  sum  of  money  as  he 
has  done  in  this  branch  of  industry,  is,  to  incrcnao 

i  his  slock  of  wenlth  by  all  the  means  which  tlieem- 

,  ploymciit  of  his  capital,  his  industry  nnd  skill, 
aided  by  governmental  action,  will  enable  him  to 

i  do.  This  Inst  proposition  shows  that  those  who 
inakc  it  have  really  discovered  the  spring  of  human 

!  action,  which  all  experience  and  observotion  jirovo 
to  exist.     This,  then,  being  true,  we  may  assume 

I  that  the  manufacturers  possess  sagacity  and  fore- 

.  cast,  sufficient  to  discover  those  ni'ans  by  which 

I  their  object  is  to  be  attained.  Now,  I  will  not  rely 
upon  "./'riciii/jAiji  in  (iWr ,"  to  establish  my  propo- 
sition, that  it  is  the  interest  of  the  manutaclurmg 

I  classes  in  ihiscountiy  to  sell  their  manufactures  nt 
a  less  price  under  the  protective  policy,  if  (as  I 
|)rn|)ose  presently  to  show)  they  can  do  so.  These 
cla.s.ses.  It  is  admitted  on  all  hands,  are  benefited 
by  the  protective  policy;  nnd,  for  Mint  policy, 
they  are  entirely  indebted  to  the  legislative  inter- 
ference of  the  General  Government  in  placing  its 
shield  of  protection  between  them,  aim  the  over- 
grovn  maiiufactuiing  energies  of  fiurope.  Here, 
all  the  consumers  of  manufactures  are  permitted, 
nnd  made  to  share  in  the  benefits  that  grow  out  of 
this  pictccti  c  nolicy,  or  doomed  to  bear  the  bur- 
dens which  ii  imposes  n])on  all  the  other  industrial 
pursuits  of  M  1;  c  untry.  These  are  usually  watch- 
ful of  th  ir  nitcresis,  and  jealous  of  encroachments 
sought  to  be  made  upon  thcni,  and  nic  generally 
quick  to  dii-  iver  any  injury  which  those  interests 
may  so.stnin.  And  if,  at  any  time,  they  should 
seem  to  slreji  upon  the  approach  of  danger  from  the 
niamifacturing  iiitercsls  of  this  country,  those  ever 
wakeful  and  vigilant  guardians  i^t  Briliik  interests, 
who  profess  so  inuch  regard  for  the  "  dear  people," 

'  (but  who  never  fail,  when  they  have  the  power,  to 
adopt  measures  to  rob  them,)  are  ever  ready  to 

1  sound  the  note  of  alarm  whenever  a  vigorous  elfort 
can  be  successfully  made,  to  render  the  manufac- 
turing interests  of  this  country  subservient  to  those 
of  Great  Britain. 

Our  manufacturers  know,  full  well,  that  the. 
other  industrial  classes  of  this  country  possess  as 
well  the  power  to  lUstroij.  as  to  pi-f.'jeiTe  l)ie  means 
by  which  they  are  permitted  to  prosper  in  their 

i  enterprise;  nnd  if  the  mamifacturer.s  shall  lake  ad- 
vantage of  the  protection  thus  afl'ordcd  them,  to 
demand  a  higher  price  for  the  articles  they  fur- 
nish in  proportion  to  the  value  of  the  agricultural 
products  wliich  they  receive  in  exchange,  they  are 
not  so  stupid  as  not  to  know  that  the  oppressed 
classes  will,  as  they  possess  the  power,  exert  it  to 

ii  wrest  from  them  the  means  they  possess  to  render 


1846.1 


prosperi 

turista, 

have  nil 

pecuniai 

till!  ti^ni 

to  iiicrc 

siini  of 

olliers. 

of  ihc  I 

I'lirnisli 

as  cliea 

cultural 

1  rives  ii 


1846.] 


20th  Cono I  ST  Srhv 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Tariff— Mr.  Lewis. 


781 


Ho.  or  Rbps. 


proHprrity  muliml  bolwwii  llii'in,  nnil  tlin  iiKi'icul- 
turlniit,  l>iit  wliii^h  nil  tiiiliiily  lovo  of  ^iiiii  rnny 
hnvi!  induced  tlii'in  tn  iiriKilitiilo  tn  piirpoiiea  itf 
pnciiiiiiiry  iippri^HHlnn.  I'licy  iiiiilt'rntniid  tno  wtll 
liii!  toiiuin  by  wliiuli  tlicy  hold  tlicNii  iulviilllii)i;i'H 
to  iiirrriiao  thrir  weiiltli,  to  ninko  tlictii  llm  (m;<-u- 
isidii  nl*  UTHpnimin^  upiiii  tliu  I'IkIiin  mid  iiiicri'Hln  iif 
iiiliiTH,  TiiNCCiiru  lliiN  liiiu  id'iniidiirt  (III  ilicpurt 
III'  llin  mniiiittti'.tiirnr — to  liciid  nil  liiH  iiii'iKirii  to 
t'liniiali  to  till'  coiiHuiiKJi'  hix  nuiiiuraitured  nrlii'lcH 
iiH  I'licap,  and  lo  pay  aM  liiL;li  a  priin  for  tin'  a^ri- 
riillural  proiliulH  and  for  llio  lalior  uliicli  lie  re- 
I  liviN  ill  exclian^u  fur  llieiii,  (or  to  pay  llifirciiuiv- 
iili:iit  in  inniK'y,)  im  iH  coiisiHii'iit  willi  luaKonalilr 
NnrcL'HN  ill  liiH  t'litcrpi'ittc — it  iN  not  ncocsHury  that 
yon  tax  liin  brnmUiiee;  llic  nii'rn  love  o(  giiin, 
Willi  till)  l<iiowli.'d;;e  llml  ho  IiuUIh  iIn  r.iiiiiirt  by  tin; 
indnlKend'ol'tlioau  wlio  are  to  led  the  iiillnenco  of 
liiN  operaiiiiiiH,  in  a  BUlHcieiit  f;naranty  that  hiH 
liallii'.  with  ollnr  cIukhcm  will  liut  be  made  the  iii- 
Htrninini  of  their  oppreNalon. 

Why  doex  nut  the  inil'eeliiii;  mnitter  milTcr  liiii 
slaves  to  starve,  and  go  iiaki'd!'  Sir,  it  is  his  inter- 
est to  feed  and  ilotlie  theiii,  ho  that  ho  may  reap 
the  benefit  of  their  labors.  If,  then,  for  no  other 
reason  than  thin,  the  iiiannfaeturer  would  seek  to 
gratify  the  JuhI  expeeliuions  ol'llic  af;;rii'ulturi«l, 
in  ,!;iviii;;  him  in  exihan^e  for  his  prodnets,  inanii-  L 
laeiured  articles  at  as  low  a  rato  iih  before  the  " 
adontinn  of  the  prtitective  policy.  1 

8ir,  I  liave  not  assif,'ne(l  to  myself  the  task  of  | 
sliowini;  that  the  nianufactnrer,  in  the  inveslineut 
of  lar^'e  sums  in  his  enterprise,  has  any  hii<lier  mo-  I 
tive  than  siniply  lo  increase  his  stock  of  wealth. 
I  have  no  sympathy  for  /ii»i;  nor  does  he  need  my 
Hyinpathy  or  yours.  He  is  able  to  live  without 
it.  Nor  do  tlio  nonstituciicy  which  I  have  the 
honor  to  represent  take  any  peculiar  interest  in  the 
welfare  of  those  wealthy  men  who  are  able  lo  in- 
vest in  manufaclines  their  lens  and  hundreds  of 
thousands.  My  eonslitueiits  are  mostly  an  ayri- 
cultuial  people.  They,  therefore,  will  never  con- 
sent to  the  adoption  or  continuance  of  a  lefjal- 
i/,ed  system  of  opeialioii,  which  is  at  war  with 
their  prosperity.  The  manufacturer  must  so  maii- 
ai;e  Ins  atlairs  us  not  to  impose  burdens  upon  their 
industry.  They  have  made  theinselves  believe 
that  the  principle  of  demand  nndsupply  has  snme- 
tliinf;  lo  do  with  re''ulating  the  price  of  their  a;;ri- 
cultural  pniducls.  I'hey  suppose  that,  if  there  are 
ten  millions  of  producerH  of  ai;ricultni'al  products 
in  the  United  Stales,  who  create  a  surplus  over 
and  above  their  own  abiliiy  lo  eonsunie;  the  trans- 
fer of  three  millions  of  these  producers  to  nianu- 
f.icturiii!;,  mechanical,  and  mercantile  pursuits,  and 
to  become  ccnisumers  of  the  surplus  of  the  seven 
reinainini.rinillion.s,  would  ;,'i'eatly  enhance  the  value 
of  their  surplus  productions,  by  lesseninu;  the  H»]y 
ply  and  increasnit;  llic  demand,  notwithstandint; 
the  Ihilish  party  in  this  counlry  constantly  aflirni, 
that  this  state  of  thiiifjs  is  ul  war  with  the  agricul- 
tural inlerest. 

Hir,  how  does  it  ha|ipen  that  real  estate  is  so  much 
enhanced  in  value  by  its  near  proxiniily  lo  your 
huge  towns  and  cities,  which  these  ;;reat  interests 
have  built  up  iill  over  this  widely-extended  coun- 
try, if  iheir  existence  and  operations  are  so  preju- 
dicial to  llie  farinin";  inierest.>  And  why  is  it  that 
so  lar^e  a  majority,  both  of  the  American  and  llrit- 
isli  |iariies  in  this  couniry,  regard  it  so  imporlant 
lo  expend  almost  countless  millions  of  money  in 
llu!  construction  of  llioroughl'ares  IVoni  these  large 
towns  and  cities,  into  the  interim'  of  your  farm- 
ins  districts,  for  the  purpo.se  of  Ikc.ilitatmg  the  ex- 


Sir,  how    much  will  the   llritinh  manufacturer  ' 
lakeof  your  agricultural  products?    They  answer  \ 
and  say,  now  that  the  l''.n<,'lisli  corn  laws  are  uiioiil 
lo  h«  repealed,  we  shall  export  a  largo  amount. 
It  is  the  great  misfortune  id'  our  western  grain-  | 
growers,  that  those  corn  laws  are  to  be  repealed, 
for  under  the  existence  of  llio  corn  laws  in  Kng-  ! 
land,  the  western  agriculturist  had  n  monopoly  of  { 
the  Knglisli  market,  beiin;  able  to  gel  bis  grain  • 
and  Hour  through  Canada,  ehargeil  only  with  n 
small  c(donial  duty,  while  the  producers  and  cX' 
porters,  of  tho  grain  grown  in  the  ngions  of  ilie 
Uallic  and  Mediterranean,  were  compelled  to  pay  I 
a  duty  four  times  as  high,  and  who  now,  under  a 
repeal  id'  the   ICnglish  corn  laws,  iiossess  all  the  ' 
advantages   in   this   res(iecl,   which   their    nearer  ! 
proximity  lo  the  Knglish   market  all'urds.     Hut,  I 
suppose  you  weru  able,  on  etpuil  terms,  tn  com-  | 
pete  with   the   agricullurislN  of  the   llaltic,   how  i 
much  would  you  sell  in  the  Knglish  market?    Cer-  ] 
lainly  no  more  than  they  want  lor  their  own  eon- 
suniplion;  for  however  anxious  i/uii  may  be,  sir, 
to  import  into  this  counlry  fifty  millions  of  Huro- 
peaii  manufactures  more  than   we  want  for  our 
own  consumption,  fur  tho  puriioso  of  getting  half 
that  lunoiinl  of  revenuo  from  all  our  impnrlatiuiis, 
they  will   purchase  of   you  no  inoro  than  they 
want  for  their  oicii  coa.iamjifioii.     And  Masnachu- 
sell.s,  alone,  consumes  more  of  tho  agricultural 
products  of  tho  other  .Stales  of  the  Union  than  all 
they  lind  a  market  for  in  nil   Kuropo.     And  your 
thrive  millions  of  consumers  of  agricultural  pro- 
ducts in  this  country,  wiili  ihc  iirospecl  of  contin- 
ued  protection,   will  idways   turnisli   your   own 
agriculturists  w  ith  npermanenland  reliable  market, 
while  the  European  iimrket  is  always  llnctnaling 
and   uncertain.     For  instance,  during  the  present 
year,  lingland  will  require  very  little  of  your  grain 
of  luiy  kind.     Their  crops,  throughout  the  whole 
island,  promise  an  abundant  harvest;  and  your 
agriculturists  must  depend,  mainly,  on  the  home 
market  for  the  sale  of  their  surplus  productions. 

But,  sir,  you  propose  now  to  strike  down  this 
protective  policy,  and  in  doing  so,  you  will  crush 
many  hunilieds  of  niunufacluring  estidjlishinonls 
in  this  coijntry,  which  the  tarilf  law  of  1H412  has 
brought  into  existence,  and  which  would  llourish 
under  its  continuance;  and  you  will  turn  out  of 
employment  lens  of  ihuusandsof  inenand  women, 
who  musl  either  subsist  upon  public  charity,  or  go 
into  your  agricultural  districts,  and  I'easu  lo  be  the 
consumers  of  the  surplus  productions  of  your 
agriculturists,  and,  by  their  iii'iu  ilry,  add  to  the 
supply,  while  they  lesson  via  dee  ,  nd.  And  this 
is  not'all.  You  at  the  same  Uoic  will  divert  mil- 
lions of  capital,  now  profitably  invested  in  inanu- 
l'aciuri;ig  pursuits,  to  lie  reinvested  in  agriculture; 
still  increusing  the  supply,  at  the  same  lime  the 
demand  is  diminishing,  merely  to  carry  out  your 
wild  theory,  that  the  inanufaciuring  interest  is  at 
warwiih  the  agricultural  pursuits tif  the  country. 

1  promised  you,  sir,  that  1  would  denii>nslralc 
that  the  pruteolive  policy  of  llio  net  of  ItiU  would 
enable  the  manufacturer  of  this  country  to  pay  a 
higher  price  (or  the  raw  niuterial  and  labor,  lo  sell 
tho  manufactured  article  at  u  less  price,  and  yet 
make  more  money. 

To  illustrate  this  proposition:  take  a  manufac- 
turing establishment  possessing  the  capacity  lo 
produce,  in  a  given  period,  ten  ihou.sand  yards  of 
clolli.  liut  the  foreign  competition  is  so  great  that 
during  the  sup|io,scd  period  he  finds  a  market  for 
only  live  thousand  yards,  and  the  wool  and  otlici' 
materials  of  which  tho  cloili  is  composed  are  con- 


change  of  commodilics;  if,  in  fad,  the  only  effect  !  setpiently  low,  so  that  the  cost  of  inanulacturing 
is  to  put  money  into  the  pockets  of  these  nianu-  i]  by  the  yard,  is  but  three  dollars.  Ho  sells  tho 
1*. „    I ;„ 1  -1 -._ I  i-*^  .  .1  1  1  .    .  .  I! ill I     .1... 


facturers,  mechanics,  and  merchants,  at  so  great  u 
sacrifice  to  the  agriculturist? 

It  seems  lo  me,  that  the  theory  wluch  these 
friends  of  Uritisli  interests  have  adopted  and  pro- 
iTiulgcd,  and  honored  with  the  name  ui'  I  km  ncrucij, 
and  which  all  experience  and  observation  have 
proved  lo  be  as  empty  as  "ihe  baseless  fabric  of 
a  vision,"  ought  not,  and  cannot  much  longer 
deceive  men  of  sense  and  rcllectioii.  AVIiat,  1 
ask,  would  be  tho  condition  of  iho.se  almost  un- 
bounded grain-growing  districts  of  the  West,  were 
they  deprived  of  the  market,  which  the  establisli- 
meiit  and  prosperity  of  these  great  interests  have 
opened  to  their  surjilus  prodiiclions  ?  Why,  the 
Uritisli  Democincy  say  that  they  woidd  send  it  to 
the  European  inurkel. 


five  thousand  yards,  at  live  dollars  per  yard;  the 
cost  of  inanufucluie  is  fifteen  lliuusand  dollars;  Iho 
avails  of  the  sale  are  twenty-five  thousand  dollars. 
iS'ow,  tho  protective  policy  has  gone  into  opera- 
liuii,  and  he  finds  llie  condition  of  the  market 
such,  thai,  during  a  like  period,  he  can  sell  ten 
thousand  yards.  He  now  oilers  and  pays  to  the 
wool-grower  a  higher  price  for  his  woid,  and  to 
the  operatives  an  increased  price  for  their  lalior; 
so  much  so,  that  the  manufaciure  of  his  cloth 
costs  him  three  dollars  and  fifty  cents  a  yard, 
and  he  sells  it  for  four  dollars  and  seventy-five 
cents  a  yard.  'I'lie  cost  of  the  manufacture  u(  the 
last  lot  is  thii'ty-five  thousand  dollars,  which  he 
sells  at  four  dollars  and  sevenly-fivc  cents  a  yard, 
making  an  nggregulc  sum  uf  forty-seven  lliousund 


I  five  hundred  dnllnra,  ImvhiK  his  proflts  nl  twelve 
llioiisnnd  five  liundrrd  dollars;  making  two  thou- 
sand five  hundred  dollars  iniirr  during  the  luller 
tlinii  the  Hirnier  period.     >Similnr  ilhintrutioiia  may 
I  bo  drawn  I'rimi  every  other  branch  of  nmmifanturrH; 
and  it  is  no  plain  mid  easy  of  coinprehcnsion,  ihnt 
I  every  man  of  eoniiiion  iinderslHiiiling  mnv  make 
rhiniHcIf  fiunlllnr  with  them.    Thus,  you  pcrcoivo 
iliat  the  woul-Krownr,  In  the  instance  abovr-ciindi 
I  realizes  a  greater  price  for  his  wool,  while  nl  the 
'  same  llnio  ho  receives  the  chilli  at  a  reduced  price. 
Any  jiorsun  who  knows  the  use  and  operation 
of  figures  can  carry  mil  these  Illustrations,  in  proof 
of  my  propoHitioii,  as  applicuble  to  all  our  munu- 
.  facliiring,  mochunicid,  and   mercantile  operations. 
As  a  fiirlher  illuslralionof  my  position,  take  tho 
,  slioemaker.     Ho  has  erected  Ins  esUiblisliimnt  of 
sulUcieiil  capacity  In  niamifacliiro  two  ihoiisaml 
I  pairs  uf  boots  in  a  year;  but  tho  market   in  so 
I  nearly  supplied  by  the  impnrlalion  of  tho  fiireign 
I  article,  that  he  can   sell  but  one  thousand  pairs, 
[   Ho  gels  his  supply  of  agricultural  products,  and 
.also  Iowa  rale,  that  the  conl  of  manufacture  is 
I   but  tlireo  dollars  a  pair — ai;gregalecosl,  tliice  thou- 
j|Nand  dollars.     Ho  sells  tlieni  for  four  dollars  n 
pair — nggregnlfl  amount  of  sale,   fiair   thousand 
dollars:  net  annual  profit,  one  thousand  dollars. 
His  operations  for  the  year  are  closed,  and  a  duty 
is  imposed  upon  the  imporlalion  of  tho  foreign 
article,  wliieli  lessens  its  amount  in  market.     Ho 
'examines  the  market,  mid  is  satisfied  that  it  will 
justify  his  manufacturo  of  two   thousand   pairs. 
Ho  this  year  pays  a  higher  price  for  the  agricullu- 
;   ral  pniducls  fijr  Ills  own  consumption,  and  n  high- 
er price  to  his  workmen,  than  he  paid  tho  lust 
year,     >So  llnit  the  cost  of  hin  manufacturo  is  in- 
I  creased  lo  three  ibdliirs  and  twelve  cents  n  pair — 
,   a.;gri'i;jlo  cost  of  manufacturo,  six  thousand  two 
'   huialred  and  forty  dollars;  and  sells  them  for  llireo 
i  dollars  and  eiglily-eiglit  ceiils  u   pair — aggregate 
:;  amnuntof  sale,  seven  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
ij  sixty  dollars:  net  profit,  one  thousand  five  hun- 
l'  dreil  and  twenty  dollars;  thus  increasing  hin  profit 

the  last  year  more  than  fil'ty  per  cent, 
':]  Now  let  us  survey  tho  "  viischief"  done  to  the 
I  agriculturist  and  the  "poor  laborer"  by  thissysleni 
t  of  "  H7iigoji/)rcs.rion."  Now,  the  leather,  the ngri- 
i  cultural  products,  and  tho  labor  of  tho  poor  me- 
\  ehnnic,  uro  nearly  all  that  enters  into  ihe  cost  of 
manufacturing  booLs;  and  let  mo  ask  you,  for 
which  of  these  commodities  has  a.  higher  price 
j  been  paid?  Certainly  not  for  the  nianulliclured 
i  leather,  fur  the  leather  manufacturer  has  been  pro- 
tected at  the  .same  time,  and  to  the  same  extent, 
I  and  witnessed  tho  same  results  in  the  nianufacturctl 
I  arlicle;  while,  at  the  siunc  time,  and  fur  the  same 
!  reasons,  he,  too,  has  jiaid  to  the  agriculturist  anil 
I  the  poor  laborer  a  higher  price  for  what  lie  Ime 
;  consumed  and  employed. 

I      Such,  also,  is  tho  case  of  tho  merchant,  who 
chooses  lo  deal  in  articles  of  Anicricnn  ninnufao- 
I  turc.     He  goes  into  a  farming  district,  erects  a 
'  store,  and  puts  into  it  eight  thousand  dollars'  worth 
!  of  goods,  which  he  proposes  lo  di.'ipose  of  in  one 
I  year,  at  a  profit  of  iwelve-und-a-hulf  per  cent., 
j  which  will  give  him  an  aggregate  profit  nl  the  enci 
of  the  year,  of  one  thousand  dollars.     But,  by  the 
time  ho  cmnmenccs  his  operations,  he  finds  by  his 
side  a  coinmissiiHi   merchant,  who  has  been  fur- 
nished by  the  Knglish  manufacturer  with  nn  equal 
amount  of  goods;  and  as  the  "  fiee-trade"  portion 
of  the  community,  true  to  their  political  instincts, 
1  clioo.se  to  encourage  the  importation  and  sale  of 
:  Knglish  goods,  iliey,orcour.sc,  patronize  the  com- 
mission merchant,  and,  in  consequence,  the  Amer- 
'  iciui  merchant  can  sell  but  one-half  his  slock  on 
:  hand  during  the  above  period.     Now,  he  must 
1  realize  his  thousand  dollars  this  year,  or  be  com- 
1  polled  to  abandon  his  enterpriue,  and  clear  ihc  way 
;  for  British  agents  to  .supply  the  whole  market. 
■  How  is  he  lo  manage  the  mailer  so  as  not  to  be 
j  defeated?    Why,  simply  lochnrgea  profitoflwen- 
I  ly-five  percent.,  insieud  of  twelve.     And  the  most 
1  stupid  free-trader,  lliatumlerslands  his  arilhmetio 
as  far  as  the  single  rule  of  three,  will  perceive  that 
j  the  farmer  and  tho  poor  mechani',  .ho  purchase 
I  the  goods,  have  paid  five  hundred  li  illnis  more  for 
!  these  goods,  in  consequence  of  Ijritish  competition 
I  lleniove  this  competition,  and  give  the  American 
i  merchant  the  market,  and  next  year  he  will  fur- 
nish you  his  goods  at  n  much  cheaper  rate. 

It  in  quite  time,  as  General  Jackson  said,  "  that 


I 


782 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  1, 


29th  Cong isx  Sess. 


The  Tariff — Mr.  Lewis. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


r  '.« 


the  people  of  this  country  hn  '  become  more  .^iiier- 
ieanizca."  Let  us  protect  our  own  mnnufnctures, 
iTierclmnts,  mid  incchaiiirs,  and  let  Great  Britain 
take  care  of  her  own. 

Thus,  you  perceive,  that  by  the  must  simple 
process,  it  is  capalile  of  demonstration,  that  the 
protective  policy  of  this  Government,  as  it  now 
stitnds,  and  which  you  propose  to  demolish,  ena- 
bles all  these  classes  to  pay  to  the  farmer  and  poor 
laborer  a  higlur  price,  and  furnish  to  them  the 
manufactured  article  at  a  less  price,  while  the  ma- 
ker and  -ender  of  niunnl'actures  at  the  same  time 
receive  more  money. 

But,  sir,  that  this  proposition  may  not  rest  upon 
mere  theory,  (which  no  man,  by  any  course  of 
reasoning,  can  confute,)  ict  us  resort  to  facts,  in 
reference  to  which  no  tiophislry  can  suggest  a 
doubi.  The  who'  class,  of  articles  manufactured 
fi-oin  iron  and  steel  in  .his  country,  under  the  tarilf 
of  1842,  has  been  reduced  ill  price  at  least  20  per 
cent.  All  maiiui'iictures  of  cottons,  including  prints, 
and  all  woollens  of  every  description,  have  been 
exchanged  to  the  consumer  for  his  agricultural 
jiroducis  and  labor,  at  prices  very  much  reduced ; 
and  those  which  have  been  uniformly  protected  by 
the  highest  duty  have  exhibited  the  greatest  reduc- 
tion in  prices.  Sir,  how  do  you  meet  these  facts? 
Do  you  attempt  to  answer  or  refute  them  by  other 
facts,  or  by  argument  ?  Not  at  all.  Then,  I'low  do 
you  dispose  of  the  mattei .'  Sir,  if  you  will  give 
me  permission,  1  will  tell  this  coimnittce  a:id  the 
country  how  this  thing  is  managed.  Sir,  making 
yourself  an  honoralile  exception  to  geneifl  rule, 
your  political  friends,  when  on  the  "s(ii«i;)"at 
home  in  their  districts  before  jheir  constituents, 
who  either  have  not  on  opportunity,  or  have  not 
taken  the  trouble,  to  examine  the  co'inmeiciul  rec- 
ord, when  the  *"e  facts  are  stated,  flatly  deny 
that  such  is  the  tact,  and  positively  declare  iha 
the  prices,  of  these  commodities,  are  actually  in- 
creased. 

Here,  in  this  Hall,  where  the  record  is  at 
hand,  they  change  their  course,  and  admit  that 
the  prices  have  i;....e  down;  but  allege  that  they 
'70uld  have  been  as  low,  had  not  their  manufacture 
been  protected,  and  that  it  is  their  optnioti  that  they 
woultl  have  been  stil'  lower;  for,  say  they,  "our 
theory  is,  that  the  duty  imposed  upon  the  foreign 
article  must  necessarily  increase  the  price  of  the 
ilomestk  article  in  exact  proportion  to  the  amount 
of  duty  thus  imposed."  Now,  sir,  this  is  all  the 
Bigunient  you  use,  and  this  is  all  the  demonstration 
of  which  y'lur  miserable  theory  is  capable. 

Sir,  to  show  how  much  your  theory  is  worth, 
aufler  me  to  refer  to  one  fact,  which  renders  all 
cavil  ai.d  sopnistry  entirely  powerless  to  deceive. 

Under  the  t;iri(l'  act  of  1842,  the  iranufacture  of 
bar,  rod,  and  strap  iron,  of  the  capacity  of  five- 
eighths  of  an  inch  and  under,  is  protected  by  a  s|  e- 
cific  duty  (if  J56  per  ton,  gross,  while  that  of  the 
oapaciti  if  ihrfe-tiiiirthsof  an  inch  is  protected  liy 
a  duty  0."  onlv  <%25  per  ton,  gross.  Now,  let  me 
apply  your  "'free-trmk"  theory.  We  >vill  estimate 
the  value  of  the  larger  .-ap.-city  r!"  iron — tlint  of 
three-lnurtlis  of  an  inch — to  btJoUpcrton  without 
protection;  and,  as  it  is  incieuscil  in  price  to  the 
r.on.^unier  by  just  the  amount  of  the  duty  imposed 
— and  that  fs  jj25  a  toi. — it  i.i  thrown  into  the  mar- 
ket at  <)105  per  ton.  The  smaller  capacity  of  iron 
is  manufactured  at  an  increased  expense — say  <;5 
per  ton— which  brings  its  volue,  without  protection, 
up  to  $85  per  ton;  add  to  this  the  amount  of  duty, 
which  is  J'>6  per  Ion,  and  its  market  value,  accord- 
ing to  your  theory,  (which  I  have  staled  liiirly,)  is 
$141  per  ton.  Now,  sir,  Ict  me  call  you  and  your 
"free-traiU"  friends  upon  the  stand,  to  prove  the 
lowest  rates  at  which  the  mouiifnclurer  can  afford 
to  sell  this  iron  per  ton,  ard  if  you  believe  yonr 
theory  to  be  the  true  one,  you  would  not  hrsilate 
for  a  sin^'le  moment  to  lay  your  hand  on  Adiiin 
Smith's  .System  of  Political  ticononiy,  an  '  swear, 
by  all  that  is  sacred  and  valuable  in  "  jtrn^rensirc 
(Icniocmc!/,"  that  the  one  kind  is  worth  jjUl,')  per 
ton,  and  the  other  $141.  And  yet  the  fails  of  the 
case  would  convict  you  of  iierjury,  unless  you 
could  prove,  in  excuse,  eiiner  ihnt  you  In.  I  been 
most  grossly  deceived  by  your  theory,  or  *'  ihu.  all 
is  fjtr  and  honest  in  poHlies."  For  so  t"ir  is  this 
from  being  true,  that  just  the  reverse  is  the  fact. 
The  same  iron  which  's  of  the  '■apacity  of  five- 
eightlis  of  an  inch  and  under,  and  wiiich  it  costs 
more  to  manufacture  than  the  other,  with  a  duty 


1 1  of  ^56  per  ton  imposed  on  the  same  class  of  im- 
ported  iron,  is  actually  sold  for  J80  per  ton  groEs; 
while  the  oilier,  which  you  know  costs  less  to 
manufacture,  with  a  duty  of  only  $25  per  ton  im- 

;!  posed  on  ihe  like  kind  imported,  commands  in 
market  Ji85  per  ton.     And,  sir,  were  I  not  limited 

Ij  by  your  hour  rule  in  what  1  have  to  say,  I  could 

f  I  weary  your  patience  (if  1  have  not  already)  in  mul- 
!  tiplying  instances  to  the  same  effect,  under  the 
operation  of  this  "black  fVhig  tarijj"  of  1842. 

Suuh,  too,  is  precisely  the  r  se  of  manufactures 
ofttoollens.  Take  thearticleofflanne!',  where  the 
duty  imposed  is  much  higher  than  on  other  classes 

I  of  wool!  ns,  and  the  cli'ect  has  been  to  diminish 
the  amount  of  importation  of  flannels,  to  a  greater 
extent  than  of  the  other  classes  of  woollens — thus 
extending  the  market  for  llaupcls;  and  the  result 
lias  been,  that  instead  of  iiicienitiig:  the  price  of 
.'Imcrican  flannels,  by  theamount  of  duty  imposed, 
they  have  been  reduced  in  the  same,  or  nearly  the 

'  same,  proportion,  as  the  duty  on  the  foreign  article 
has  been  increased. 

These  illustrations  hold  good  as  to  glass-ware, 
and  also  as  to  all  other  American  manufactures, 
where  this  principle  of  discrimination  has  been 
applied;  and  would  lime  perniil,  1  could  adduce  a 
multitude  of  other  instances,  under  the  tarifi'  acts 
of  lS2f.,  !832,  and   1842.      But  I  deeiii  it  wholly 

^  unnecessary  i;>  multiply  instances  of  this  sort,  for 
either  of  these  , 'heady  adduced,  is  a  triumphant 
refutation  of  the  "/ife-(ri...'.'"  theory  of  the  ene- 
mies of  the  American  system. 
The  division  of  labor,  rendered  practicable  only 

j  by  the  investment  of  a  largo  amount  of  capitjil, 

:  also  creates  facilities  lor  cheapening  munulitclures. 
Suppose  you  take  six  shoemakers,  each  having  a 
separate  establishment,  and  each  compelled  to  de- 
vote his  attention  1 1  all  parts  of  the  manufacture 
of  boots  and  shoes;  it  requires  his  whole  life  to 
perfect  his  skill  in  either  branch  of  his  under- 
taking. Now  let  the  capital  thus  employed  in 
these  six  establishments,  be  combined;  to  say 
nothing  of  tiie  lime  and  expenses  saved,  in  the 
purchase  of  slock,  and  of  the  agricultural  products 
necessary  to  carry  on  the  business,  any  one  can 
see,  that  very  little  more  time  need  be  expended  in 
the  purchase  of  half  a  Ion  of  leather  and  two 
hundred  dollars  v.inlh  of  agricultural  products, 
(which  can  be  done  by  an  individual,)  than  would 
be  required  in  purchasing  one-sixth  part  of  that 
quantity;  and  while  separate,  each  must  spend  his 
time  anil  defray  liise.\peiises  ingoing  to  market.  It 
IS  easy  to  show  that  the  division  of  labor,  in  the 
one  large  establishment,  will  cnalile  thai  same  estab- 
lishnienl  to  nianufacture  a  much  greater  amount  in 
value  of  boots  and  slioes,  in  a  given  number  of 
years,  than  could  Uie  same  number  of  persons  do, 
were  iliey  operating  Separately;  for  Ihe  most  cli- 
vidus  reason,  that,  in  the  large  manufactories,  each 
has  I, IS  particular  part  assigned  him,  to  which  lie 
give!  his  whole  attention,  and  iii  a  brief  period  of 
limf ,  approaches  the  perl'ection  of  his  skill,  which 
very  much  increases  the  rapidity  with  which  he 
perlbrins  his  task.  What,  therefore,  is  true  in 
reference  to  this  branch  of  industry,  is  also  true  of 
every  other  branch,  within  the  whole  range  of  our 
nmuufacturing  oprmiions,  where  skill  is  so  neces- 
sary an  ingredient  in  the  reduction  of  the  ja-ires  of 
manufiictuies.  This  can  only  be  eflecteu  by  the 
protection,  which  a  wise  and  provident  nilmiii- 
istiation  of  the  Ueneral  Governnienl  would  af- 
ford. 

What  constitutes  the  elements  of  wealth  in  this 
coun'.ry  ?  C'erlainly  they  arc  not  confined  to  the 
ninety  i;iillions  of  gold  and  silver  which  are  I'ouiid 
here.  They  are  fouml  mainly  in  the  vastly  ex- 
tended and  fertile  regions  which  are  spread  oiil  to 
invite  the  industry  ami  skill  of  the  agri.'ulturist, 
and  in  yourmountiiin.,,  where  i.rc  embowelled  your 
ore  and  coal.  I'o  combine  these  elemi'iits,  and  to 
siihji'ct  them  to  your  control,  ill  copverling  tlicui 
into  the  means  of  wealth  and  comfort,  you  require 
the  application  of  iiiilustry  and  .^ki'l.  Aiul  to  de- 
velop these  suflicicntly,  it  is  neccs.sary  that  they 
receive  the  fostering  ca'-  and  protection  of  the 
Government. 

The  political  cronomisl.s,  of  every  civilized  L'OV- 
ernnie:U  on  the  globe,  liavi!  always  edvocatcd  ihe 
protection  of  the:r  oirti  industry  and  skill,  except 
those  of  recent  origin  in  our  own  country.  Ailam 
Smith,  who  has  published  a  code  of/''  ''"''  ''"''" 
tri  \es,  for  tiiis,  and  oUier  cnunlrieH,  whose  com- 


mercial operations  come  in  competition  viih  those 
of  Great  Britain,  has  been  particularly  .  arcfiil  so 
impress  upon  his  own  Government  the  great  ne- 
II  ce'isity  of  proteeliiig  the  labor  and  a^ricullure  of 
I  that  island.  After  he  has  labored  with  his  accns- 
ji  lomed  ingenuity  lo  impose  his  "free-tin  'e"dog- 
||  mas  upon  I'.is  dupes,  in  this  and  otlr  .  ountries, 
h  he  tells  Great  Britain  not  lo  be  deceiv  il.  He  tellt 
j|  her,  (al  page  8,)  that  "  whatever  tentls  to  leaien  Ihe 
!  '  immftcr  of  artificers  and  nianiif<u:tiirers,  lends  lo 
il  '  diminish  Ihe  home  markit,  the  dest  «/  alt  markets, 
!;  '  for  Ihe  rvde  produce  of  the  land,  and  still  further,  ui 

|;   'DISCOURAfiK  AGRICULTIUE." 

||  In  reference  to  the  great  advantages  which  the 
i  division  of  labor  would  and  does  all'ord  to  ail  the 
I  manufacturing  and  mechanical  pursui's  of  this 
I  country,  let  me  call  your  attention  to  ihe  remarks 
''  of  anoiher  English  write'  on  political  economy, 
I  who  is  held  in  very  high  'stimation  bv  the  ailvo- 
'  cates  of"  free  trade"  in  Ihe  douth.  When  he  un- 
dertakes 10  leach  b^ngland,  he  counsels  her  in  this 
.  wise — at  page  419,  he  says: 

"Our  cflliil)ti:i))iiieiiLs   for  ^pinniiic,  weiivinp,  printinir, 

\  lilcnclnng,  Stc,  ore  iiillniu^ly  more  ceTnpl.ac  and  perfrrl 

;  Mmn  iiii>'  timl  cvml  elsewlierc ;  the  dimiou  ot  liitxir  ia  them 

is  curried  lo  aa  incnnipftralily  grenlcr  cxtiint;  llic  worliincii 

are  tr.iin.-d  from  iiifancy  tn  iiallislrlnas  li.iliits,  Find  have  nt- 

!l  tinned  that  peculiar  dexterity  and  sIIkIii  01' hand  in  the  per- 

^  fonimnce'nl'  llieir  taslis.  Hint  can  inly  lie  nttaiiied  tiy  long 

^  niid  iinreniitlrd  npplieatlon  In  thcsniue  employnieitt-    Why, 

then,  hiivinjj  nil  these  adviiiilaiies  on  oiirsiiio  slioiild  we  not 

l^eep  the  start  we  have  giiined.'    Every  oihe,  people  IhnI  at 

tempt  10  set  up  ininnthetiires  niu-^t  ohviously  lalior  unih  r 

I    Ihe  grenlesi  dillieullies,  nu  compared  with  ns.    Their  eslati- 

lishnienta  cannot,  nt  first,  lie  sutTieiently  large  to  ennlile  the 

tliviiion  of  rinploymentJ  to  he  carried  to  nny  coiisiderftlilo 

extent ;  at  tlie  itnine  time,  expcrtness  in  inanipiilatioii,  and 

:'  ill  tile  details  ot*  the  various  processes,  can  onl>  iie  nttnined 

'    ;•;"  slow  degrees.    It  appears,  therefore,  reasonahte  lo  con- 

<  citide,  tliat  sueli  new  lipginncrs,  liaviiig  to  witb>tand  the 

competition  ot"  those  who  liavc  already  arrived  at  a  very 

Itiixli  degree  of  perfection  in  the  nrl,  ninst  he  immeiliately 

driven  out  of  every  market  equally  aocessihie  tohoth  pitrtieit, 

and  Itial  notliing  hut  Ihe  aid  derived  from  restiii'liie  retiutu- 

■   tions  and  protuhitions,  will  lie  elT'eetnal  to  prevent  Ihe  total 

destrncUoii  of  their  csudilishments." 

Russia  was  the  first  to  be  sedu:ed  by  the  syren 
;  song  of  "commercial  freedom;"  and  she  entered 
i  upon  the  enterprise  ns  full  of  hope  as  the  deluded 
politicians  of  this  country  seem  to  be.  And  now 
let  her  own  Minister  of  Commerce  give  the  result 
of  her  foolish  experiment.  He  sta'.es  it  as  follows; 
*'It  olfers  a  contimial  cneoaraL'om.jpi  to  the  nianiiftie- 
tilres  of  other  eonnlries,  nnd  their  own  manufai'lories 
'  peiisli  in  llie  sirug<|Ie,  whicli  they  arc,  as  yet,  unable  to 
niaiiitain 
*'  It  is  with  most  lively  fcelinf^a  of  regret,  we  ncknoivledge 
^  il  is  our  own  proper  ev|ierienee  whiell  enahles  ns  to  trace 
llii^  pielurt*.  1  he  ev''  i  which  II  details  have  been  realized 
in  Ku-sia  and  I'oland,  sinee  the  conclusion  if  Ihe  act  of  the 
7th  ^Itltli)  December,  1818.  Agrieulmre  without  a  market, 
industry  without  proleclion,  languish  and  ('eeliiie;  specie  is 
exported,  and  tlie  inosl  solid  houses  are  si'aken.  The  pub- 
lie  prosperity  woiihl  soon  feel  the  wound  ii  flieled  on  private 
fe.rtnnes.  if  new  regulations  did  not  piomi  ilv  rhance  Ihe  jic- 
tnal  stale  of  nlliiirs.  Tile  Einperor,  however,  woind  not 
yii'hi  III  representations;  he  desired  lo  try  lln;  new  exricri- 
ment  '  Ting  a  long -r  perio.l;  but  he  was  particulatly,  and 
above  all  things,  desirous  that  the  reproaeh  of  leaving  hii 
engagements  iiii''alftll-'d  sluMild  not  attach  to  bim;  mortover, 
he  still  tlatlcred  bir'elf  that  less  disastrous  years  might 
eninpeesate  for  Ibft  -issea  our  Inidr  had  experienced  al  Ihe 
lirsi  mnmenl  of  the  crisis;  and  it  is  only  aOer  losses  have 
reached  their  heif;lit,  IhnI  events  have  proved  that  our  agri 
culture  nnd  onr  eomnieree.as  well  ns  our  manufacturing  in 
du>try,  iir>^  not  only  paralyzed,  hut  hronghl  ti  the  brink  o 
riiin,'tli..,  bis  Imperial  -Majesty  I'orine.i  lb-:  re  'I'-llion  lo  rc- 
traee  his  steiH." 

Tile  Russian  Government  .«'ns  deceived  oy  taking 
those  parts  of  the  theory  of  Smith  and  McCi:"och 
which  were  by  tlicm  intended  m  influence  Ri.sjia 
and  America  to  the  adoption  of  the  "free-trade" 
policy,  while,  at  the  same  time,  the.se  very  consci- 
enliuvs  i.ien  warn  Great  Brit.iin  not  to  be  so  forget- 
ful of  her  inlerestB  as  to  abandon  the  principle  of 
[irnteelion 


If  the  history  of  other  nations  had  not  failed  to 
teach  the  wild  and  deluded  theorists  of  'his  coun- 
try, who  now  rvte  only  to  ruin  a  confidii  "^  yet 
aliiised  eonsiilupncv,  il  might  not  be  improper  to 
confront  them  with  the  past  liistory  nnd  present 


eonilition  o 


f  Portugal,  ns  well  as  that  of  Russia,  to 


which  1  have  alrei.dyrcferred. 

Portugal,  in  the  early  ;.a.l  rf  the  twelfth  century, 
had  no  existence  as  a  >>'naraie  country  or  kimrd.iin, 
bill  was  "  a  poor  nnd  oliseu.-e  part  of  .Spain."  Ill 
IIHS,  however,  Por"i!;al  began  lo  exicnd  its  power 
and  influence,  though  nnlliiiig  essentia!  to  inv  pre- 


sent pii  'pose 


occurred  until   H18,  when  she  made 


her  fir.sl  settlement  in  the  island  of  Madeira,  and  in 
the  year  following  plaiileil  it  with  sii^ir  cane  from 
Sicily,  and  with  viiiislVoin  ilioMcditeri.inean.  She 


[July  1, 


1846.] 

APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

,783 

29th  Cono.. 

..1st  Sess. 

The  Tnriff—Mr.  Lewis. 

Ho.  OF  Reps. 

soon,  however, abandnned  her  susaf  cane, and lurn-   ■ 
ed  liernttcntioii  to  the  ciiltiviuion  of  her  vineyards  ! 
for  the  mannllicture  of  wines,  which  they  made  in    j 
great  qiinnlilies.    These,  ioi;ether  with  her  osey, 
wax,  grain,  figs,  raisinr,,  datcH,  honey,  cordovan  ij 
lenthrr,  hides,  itc,  soon  'itiracted  the  attejilion  ol' ; 
English  traders,  (who,  I  believe,  are  not  very  slow  | 
10    discover    opportunities    for    increasing    their   j 
wealth.)     At  about  this  time  an  Kiiglish  voyager  ji 
having  passed  by  the  island  of  M.ideiru,  rcmarlced  {| 
to  his  Government  that  "  Portugal  is  our  friend;  it 
Bcndsmuch  merchandise  into  England, an  J  our  peo- 
ple resort  thither  for  trade;  and  they  have  (the  arti- 
cles above  enumerated,)  all  of  which  are  carried  in 
great  quantities  into  Klanders;  aiid  us  Portugal  is 
deemeil  chmtgtaltle,  she  is  in  our  power  whilst  we 
are  masters  of  (he  norrow  seas." 

In  1440,  the  Portuguese  pushed  their  discov- 
eries on  the  west  coast  of  Africa,  as  ;'ar  south  as 
Clape  Blanco,  where  they  discovered  gold  dust. 
Within  a  few  years  after  tnis,  the  A/.orcs,  or  West- 
err,   Isles,  were  discovered  by  a  Flemish  trader, 
and  immediately  after  they  were  taken  possession  , ' 
of  by  Prince  Henry;  and,  soon  after,  they  di.scov-  ! 
ered  the  Cape  de  Verde   Islands.     Uetween  this   | 
and  the  close  of  that  century,  they  took  possession   ! 
of  several  other  places,  perhaps  as  important  as  ; 
Texas  and  California,  and  possibly  more  so  than 
our  presrnt  title  to  all  that  ])art  of  Oregon  north  of  ; 
the  49th  Parallel  which  wo  can  iioie  establish  by  : 
'  irrefragaO'e  facts  and  arguments." 

Early  in  the  sixteenth  century  they  sent  three 
Portuguese  ships  to  the  East  Indies,  anil  on  their 
way  they  discovered  the  island  of  Ascension,  and, 
on  their  return,  the  island  of  St.  Helena;  built  a 
fort  at  Cochin,  subdued  iheKingof  Moitibaza,  and 
others  in  eastern  Africa,  and  sent  their  ships  to 
cruise  against  the  Moors  at  the  entrance  of  the 
Black  Sea.      They  pushed   their  conquests  and 
commerct  to  such  an  extent,  that  they  established 
R  vice-roynlty  there,  and  soon  afterwards  became  | 
mnsteis  of  Ornuis  in  the  Peisian  Gulf,  of  Goa,  and  : 
many  other  ports  on  the  coast  of  Coromandel,  also  I 
of  the  coasts  of  the  island  of  Ceylon,  where  only  '. 
true  ci'i'iamon  is  produced,  and  soon  subdued  the  ! 
Spice  islands — thus  having  n  complete  nu>nopoly 
of  the  commerce  of  India.     And  the  historian  says 
.hat  "  in  a  very  few  years  afterwards  she  conquer- 
ed the  island  of  Ceylon,  seized  the  isle  of  Ornuis, 
and  made  Goa,  on  the  Malabar  coast,  the  metrop- 
olis of  her  ea.stcrn  empire." 

^n  1500,  the  Portuguese  obtained  :;  good  footing  j 
in  Japan,  From  158U,  to  1640Portugo;  was  united 
to  Spain;  when,  through  the  means  of  King  John 
the  Fourth,  she  again  lieiamean  independent  slate. 

In  16U  Portugal  had  a  lleet  in  tiie  Indian  sea  of  ; 
two  hundred  and  forty  .sail  of  merchant  snips.   At ; 
this  time  she  was  trailing  extensively  on  tho  north-  • 
castcoast  .if  Afrl'o,  at  Miisambiqne,  Mombaza,  and 
alMogadore,  for  gold,  ivory,  ambergris,  luid  slaves, 
besides  several  sorts  of  drugs;  and  from  all  lliosf 
places  t'ley  pushed  their  tiT.de  to  Cambaya,  to  I'.e 
Red  Sja,  and  to  many  other  places.     She  liai'.  also  i 
a  very  profitable  trade  with  Persia,  Arabia,  and  , 
India.     Portugal  at  this  time  was  complete  master, 
having  established  strong  fortifications  there.  JNear 
the  mouth  of  the  Indus,  they  had  many   sirong 
castles.     On  the  isle  of  Ceylon,  their  ports  and 
fortifications  were  very  imp'jrtant  and  sire  ng.  Be- 
sides i)  I,  ortaiit  trading  pos.'icssions,at  many  other 
jilnces,  tl.?y  had  at  Macao,  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Clinton  river,  0  city  and  castle,  and  ci'iiicd  on  a 
very  profitable  trade  with  the  Chincfj. 

In  1^40,  under  :he  auspices  of  Jolui  Duke  of 
Bragan/.a,  the  Portuguese  drove  oat  the  Spaniards, 
when  the  Di.!:s  "ascended  the  throne  of  Portugal, 
under  the  title  of  King  John  the  Fourth."  From 
this  time  to  1G54,  a  strife  was  constantly  kept  up 
between  the  Portuguese  and  the  Hollanders,  when 
the  former  succeeded  in  driving  the  latter  entirely 
out  of  Brazil. 

Froin  this  period  to  1703,  her  tide  of  prosperity 
was  uninterrupted,  when  she,  in  an  evil  hour,  en- 
tered into  the  lunious  "  Methuen  treaty"  with 
Great  Britain.  By  this  tnaly,  th,-  King  of  Portu- 
gal stipulated — 

**  Itntli  in  liJH  owa  nninr'  niul  those  of  IiIh  Buocpfisnni,  to 
ndniit,  fiirwvcr  huruarter  into  rtirtilpnl,  the  wuolU'it  rliMlli* 
nnil  the  ret;!  of  tlio  woiilli'ii  iniuiul'itclilrcH  iif  the  Hrili^h,  a^ 
ihi  y  wcro  formerly  aiTiistiiiiiud  to  be,  lill  tin  v  were  iirnliih- 
iU'd  tiy  llie  laws,  ii'iKin  llie  i  r  niliiion  tlinl  her  iSnllsh  Muj"siy 
Hliall,  ill  tier  own  iiiitiie  and  (liatof  her  BucoeiisnrB.Iieotitiiied, 
forever  lienntU'r,  tn  urtiiiil  the  wines  of  Porliisal  iiiKi  Gieni 


Britiiiii,  so  tlint  no  nmrc  diitie.-i  ^linll,  citlier  in  peace  or  i 
war  with  France,  be  d[?inaiid<'d  nn  llin  winc^  of  F'lrtiinal  | 
than  liioric  of  France,  dediiclint;  (iiie-liiird  pint  of  the  cil!*tiHii«>  i 
or  duly;  and  in  I'li  e  of  any  rine  of  dniy  on  Pornt'-'Ui'se  i 
wineH,  then  tliu  Kill);  ol  Purtu^al  inay  again  proliihii  Eiig'Uh  I 

WOOll'IIIH."  I 


This  was  called,  at  that  time,  a  treaty  of  reci- 
procity;  reducingtheduty  on  Portuguese  wines SSj  ;| 
per  cent,  below  those  of  other  nations,  and  British  ij 
woollen.'i  were  admitted  into  Portugal  at  a  mere  |j 
nonflnal  duty.  The  editor  of  the  British  Mer-  ", 
chant,  in  speaking  '     ih is  treaty,  says:  |j 

"  By  this  trrniy  we  gain  a  greaier  Imianee  from  Portucnl  j, 

tlian  from  any  other countr>'wlmtcver.     By  iI,al.-o,  we  leive  ■ 

increased  our  e.vprirlii  Uiiltier  fioiii  alielit  tlirei!  iiiindreil  '', 

tlioumind  pounds  a  year,  lo  near  one  million  five  liniidred  'i 

thoiiAHiid  pimiiii.i."  ' 

And  though,  at  iliis  time,  it  is  generally  known  ij 
!  that  the  mines  of  Brazil  were  brought  into  Portu-   | 
gal  in  great  abundance,  the  drain  upon  her  has   I 
i  [peen  so  great,  to   meet  the  enormous  balance  of 
:  trade  against  her,  that  she  has  long  since  become   i 
1  complelcly  impoverished,  and  gone  down  into  utter 
!  polilicul  insignificance  and  ruiii.     And  who  is  snr- 
I  pii-sed .'    For  in  the  space  of  sixty  years,  under  her 
I  treaty  with  Portugal,  Great  Britain  drew  from  her  ! 
in  gold  and   silver,  lo  pay  her   balances   against ; 
Portugal,  Iwo  hundreit  and  vighly-fire.  millions  cf  dol-  | 
Ian;  'So  that,  at  the  close  of  this  period,  there  were 
but  twenty  millions  of  livres,  left  in  the  ruined  king- 
dom— thus  showing  how  certain  is  the  downfall, 
and  sure  the  ruin,  of  any  nation  that  is  so  stupid 
as  to  neglect  the  just  and  adequate  protection  of  its 
own  productions  and  ihc  industry  of  its  own  peo- 
ple.    And  these  palpable  instances  of  national  lolly 
should  warn  the  enlightened  slatcsmen  of  this  coun- 
try not  to  dash  its  great  and  growing  inlercsts  upon  ; 
the  same  rock  where  others  iiave  been  so  fearfully 
wrecked. 

Sir,  it  may  be  well  for  u.   to  pause  a  jnomcnt, 
before   wc   take   the   final   plunge,  and   consider 
whether  it  were  not  wiser  and  safer  to  spend  a 
sober  hour  in  adciilatinglhe  chances  of  enhancing  ' 
the  pro     -rity,  and  augmenting  the  wealth  of  this 
country,  ly  neglecting  to  protect  the  e/cmenJsof  its 
wealth,  and  by  pouring  into  the  country  annually 
fifty  millions  of  imports  more  than  the  amount  of  , 
its  exports;  in  the  vain  and  tiillaeious  hope  of  pay- 
ing the  balance  in  "corn;"  which  >vill  prove  as 
insufficient  for  that  purpose  as  did  the  "  niacs  of 
Portugal"  to  pay  for  British  woollens  in  iheeigh-  ! 
teenlli  cenlury.  j 

And  now  let  us  hear  Adam  Smith,  on  this  subject  : 
of  the  division  of  labor,  rendered  practicable  only  ; 
by  ihe  employment  of  large  sums  of  money.    After 
giving  numerous  instances  of  the  great  advaniages 
Iroiii  the  division  of  labor,  he  says  (page  11  of  his 
"A'.'callh  of  Nations"): 

'This  great  increase  of  llie  t(uantity  of  work  which,  in 
coiism;ueni'e  of  the  division  of  iahor  tlie  same  iiuinher  of 
piople  are  capalile  of  perliirniiiig,  is  nwing  lo  ihree  ditlerent 
eireiinistanees;  lirst,  to  increase  of  ilcMirily  in  every  jinr- 
Uenlarwiirkinaii;  seciiiidly,  to  liie  tavliig  nlihe  lime  wliieli    ; 
i.s  Ciiiiinionly  lii.-t  in  im..;siiig  from  one  ^prcieH  ot  work  to  !  j 
another;  and  la^ly.  In  tlie  invenlinn  of  agrenl  iiuiiilier  of   ; 
ni;iciiiiies  whieli  faeililate  and  ahridge  lah().-,iind  eiiahtc  niic  ,i 
inaii  tn  do  the  wink  of  liiaiiy."  ■! 

He  gives  an  inslancc,  in  illustration  of  this  prin- 
ciple, 'in   the  manufacture  of  common  [liiis.     He   ; 
says; 

'•  I  have  seen  a  "iirall  inanilf.ictnry  "f  this  kind,  where  ten 

men  ciiily  wi're  » ..iiilnyed,  ainl  wliere  suine  ol  them  coiise-  , 

(ineiiily  "perrormed  two  or  tliree  disliiict  npcMiions.    Bin, 

liinn^'li  liiey  were  poor,  and,  tlierefore,  Iml  iiidilt.-ienlly  ac- 

cointilodnled  v^■llll  liie  neeessnry  inaciliiiery,  tiley  ooiihl, 

when  Ihcv  e.xerled  themselves,  make  among  them  about  l 

,  twelve  [innnds  of  plus  in  a  day— there  are  in  a  (ibund  upwards  j 

I  of  foul  ihonsaitd  pins  of  a  middling -size.    TliurieU'npi:rsons,  ! 

Iherelore,  could  make  ninoiig  tliein  upwanis  of  foityeiglit  ! 

thnnsand  pins  in  a  day.    Bull'.'  tin  y  had  wrought  separately 

:  and  iiidepeiideiiily,  iind  wii'..iut  any  of  them  haying  lnjen  : 

I  educated  to  Uiis  parlieiilDr  Imsiness,  they  eould  not  cerlainly  I 

\  have  made  each  twenty  pins  in  a  day." 

And,  sir,  with  your  permi.ssion,  I  will  give  you, 
'  in  illuslration  of  this  same  principle,  an  inslancc, 
'•  which  fell  under  my  own  observatiru  but  two  or 
three  days  since  in  the  city  of  New  Yoi'f.     It  was 
at  the  screw  manufactory,  under  the  conduct  and 
supcriiitcndence  of  General  Thomas  W.  Harvey 
and  his  brother.    They  manufaeiiire  the  wire  for 
the  <li;Veient  sizes  of  screws,  and  then  one  person 
inserts  the  wire  into  a  macliino  which  forms  the  ^ 
head  and  body  of  the  screw,  and  then  cuts  it  oll'at  j 
'  the  requisite  lenglli,  and  they  are  thrown  out  of 
the  machine,  by  its  own  operation,  to  the  number  1 
I  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  m  a  minute.    These,  by  ; 
another  person,  are  taken  and  thrown  into  another 


machine,  where  the  usual  notch  is  cut  in  the  head 
of  the  screw.  These  are  thence  taken,  and  put 
into  a  long,  narrow  hopper,  in  the  bottom  of 
which  is  an  open  space,  just  wide  enough  tojier- 
mit  the  body  prepared  for  the  screw  to  "ass 
through,  and  retained  by  the  head  of  it.  By  Ihe 
side  of  these  hoppers,  and  immediately  cor.r.ccled 
wiJi  them,  are  ten  machines,  of  cipinl  size  and  of 
precisely  similar  construction,  for  ilie  purpose  of 
cutting  the  screw.  These  hoppers  are  arranged 
on  a  phin  so  much  inclined,  that  Ihc  operation  of 
the  machines  carries  the  screw  body  to  the  place 
where  it  is  received  by  the  fingers  ol  the  niacliine, 
and  placed  where  the  screw  is  cut  and  ihrov/n  out 
intoooxes  below,  a  perfect  screw.  This  line  of 
ten  machines  (each  performing  a  similar  task)  is 
tended  by  one  girl.  There  are  two  such  lines, 
making  twenty  machines,  in  the  .same  room,  and 
tended  by  two  girls.  These  screws,  thus  formed, 
are  tokeii  and  thrown  into  a  cylinder,  of  sufficient 
size  to  contain  half  a  ton  of  these  screws,  with  dry 
cinders.  The  cylinder  is  put  in  motion,  and,  by 
its  own  operation,  scours  and  makes  the  whole 
mass  perfectly  bright  and  dry,  in  a  condition  to 
be  put  into  papers  ready  for  market;  and  all  the 
machinery  of  which  I  have  spoken  is  put  in  mo- 
tion and  kept  in  operation  uy  a  slconi  engine, 
which  is  located  within  the  budding  occupied  by 
this  machinery.  Here  the  division  of  Labor,  and 
the  invention  of  machinery,  are  working  wonders; 
and  yet,  but  for  the  protection  aftoriTed  to  this 
branch  of  American  industry  by  the  tarifT,  this 
establishment  would  newr  have  existed.  Thin 
remark  is  abso  true  of  thousands  of  manufactories 
ill  this  country.  Now,  this  very  esiablishment 
for  making  screws  is  enabled,  by  the  protection 
aflTorded  by  the  act  of  1842,  in  increasing  the  mar- 
ket by  lessening  the  foreign  importation,  to  do  a 
profitable  business;  while  the  article  mnnufacturetl 
comes  to  the  consumer  at  prices  reduced,  in  Ihe 
same  proportion  as  the  duty  on  the  imported  arti- 
cle is  increased. 

Now,  let  the  advocates  of  "  free-trade"  strike 
down  all  those  great  and  growing  interests  of  this 
!  prosperous  and  llourishing  Republic;  but  let  them, 
at  the  same  time,  pre|mre  themselves  for  the  gatli- 
I  ering  storm  of  indignation  and  scorn,  which  a  cnn- 
fidiiig,  yet  deceived,  insulted,  and  ruined  conslitu- 
1  ency  will,  with  unerring  certainty,  bring  to  bear 
■  upon  the  authors  of  their  ruin.     Sir,  you  and  your 
i  southern  Demociacy  may  redeem  your  pledges  to 
I  Ihe  western  Democrats  to  waste  and   fritter  away 
the  vast  nublic  domain  by  your  miserable  system 
of  graduation  and  cession,  on  condition  that  they 
shall  be  found  faithful  in  aiding  you  to  sink,  in 
utler  ruin,  all  the  great  and  now  flourishing  indus- 
trial pursuits  of  this  country,  both  manufacturing 
and  agricultural;  producing  the  sure  effect,  if  not 
with  the  design,  of  atTording  encouragement  and 
support  to  the  already  overgrown  manufacturing 
interests  of  Great  Britain.     Sir,  accomplish  it,  and 
your  day  of  reckoning  is  at  hand.     An  abused 
constituency  will  say  to  you,  in  the  language  of 
Holy  Writ,  "  Give  an  account  of  thy  stewardship, 
for  thou  inaycst  be  no  longer  steward. " 

Sir,  when  most  oilier  arguments  have  failed,  you 
resort  to  one  which  is  vry  popular  with  your 
parly,  and  one  which  in  other  ilaya  possessed  con- 
siderable potency;  it  is,  that  iliis  mea.'Jure  is 
recommeni.ed  by  the  Adiniiiistralion,  and  there- 
fore, it  must  be  sustained.  Whata  beaulil'ul  doc- 
trine this  is.'  Why,  sir,  have  you  examined  the 
system .'  It  is  what  I  call  a  Democratic  monarchy. 
To  be  sure,  this  might  be  a  much  moi"  simple 
mode  of  operation,  because  if  Congress  is  assem- 
bled merely  to  record  the  edicts  of  the  President 
md  his  Cabinet,  then  surely  it  would  save  much 
of  the  oidiiiary  e\penses  of  the  Government  to 
abolish  Congress,  and  let  the  Secretary  of  Suite 
record  and  publish  their  edicts.  Then  the  law- 
making power  would  be  in  //icon/,  what  you  claim 
it  now  to  be  in  practice.  This  \3  certainly  a  re- 
markable improvement  in  "progressive  democ- 
racy." And,  sir,  if  there  are  no  more  improve- 
men'.s  to  be  made  in  this  system,  (and  I  ilo  not 
see  how  it  can  be  more  perfect,)  perhaps  you  had 
better  secure  a  "  patent  right "  for  it,  and  then  you 
can  have  it  all  your  own  way 

Sir,  I  think  it  is  quite  lime  it  gentiemcn  cast 
about  to  see  where,  in  this  Cto\  niment,  sovertignly 
rests — whether  with  the  people  or  in  the  Execu- 
tive.    If  Ihe  sovereignty  still  rests  with  the  people, 


784 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  30, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Brinkerhoff. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


then  nre  'heir  represenlnlives  in  Congress  held  to 
«  solemn  i-csponsihilily  to  (n«n,  nnd  not  to  the 
President,  for  the  fnilhfiil  discharge  of  their  legis- 
lative duties.  And  I  feel  quite  confident  that  if 
the  Executive  ehnll  succeed,  through  Congress,  in 
carrying  into  effect  all  the  measures  he  has  pro- 
posed, by  the  time  of  t\\o  next  election  he  will 
legin  to  suspect  that  he,  too,  is  responsible  to  the  ■ 
people  for  /iw  conduct. 

How  is  the  passage  of  this  measure  to  be 
effected?  for  I  take  it  as  granted  that  it  it  to  pass 
this  Hnii-Ji\  If  all  the  (lagellalions  which  the  mem- 
bers of  '  >'  mocratic  party  who  nre  unwilling  to 
pivfc  it  ilii  1  pport,  have  received  and  will  receive 
at  the  hands  of  the  "Government  organ"  shall 
prove  ineffectual,  then,  sir,  all  you  have  to  do, 
IS,  to  call  inlo  the  House  of  Representatives  the 
President's  Cabinet,  to  hound  into  submission  those 
Democratic  members  who  seem  rather  inclined  to 
stand  by  the  interests  of  the  country,  and  tell  them 
that  their  unqu'ilitied  submission  is  the  only  tenure  : 
by  which  they  may  hope  to  hold  a  claim  to  any 
share  in  the  distribution  of  the  ofl.  cs,  and  in  the 
division  of  the  "spoils."  I  thin!',  sir,  if  your 
friends  are  faithful  in  this  mailer,  they  will  find 
sufficient,  with  your  Texas  allies,  to  effect  its  pas- 
sage. 

The  proud  chivalry  of  the  South  are  altogether  A 
too  democratic  to  consent  to  cxchanffe  their  raw   j 
cotton  with  the  manufacturers  of  the  North ;  when, 
nt  the  same  time,  they  know  that  they  would  thus 
he  enabled  to  receive  m  exchange  cotton  and  wool-   ' 
len  manufactures,  at  pric«n  equally  as  low  as  those 
charged  by  the  British  mnnuficturer.     They  are   ; 
determined  still  to  continue  t'^eir  preference  for  the   i 
British  trade;  and  that  the  tariff,  that  is  now  scat-   | 
lering  its  blessings  all  abroad,  increasing  the  skill,   , 
and  imparling  new  energies  to  all  the  industrial 
pursuits  of  the  country,  slirdi  now  be  struck  down; 
or  they  will  ajain  resort  to  the  pfocf/iii  means  of 
nulli liealion.    AVhy,  sir,  unless  you  can  now  de- 
.  ;roy  the  tariff,  you  will  have  lost  one  of  the  advan- 
tages which  you  hoped  to  realize  from  the  annex- 
ation t.f  Texas.     And  let  me  tell  you,  I  think  you 
arc  not  to  be  disappointed.      You  would,  most 
assuredly,  have  failed  in  your  effort  to  bring  down 
the  growing  prosperity  of  the  North  and  Wtst 
to  a  level  with  your  own,  had  you  failed  to  sec 
llie  Stat,  of  Texas.     But,  with  it,  you  will  pn.o-   i 
ably  accomplish  your  object,  if  the  western  Demo-  , 
crats  can  place  fidl  confidence  in  your  pledges  to   | 
aid  them  in  the  c<-  s'on  of  the  public  land  to  their   j 
Slates.     You  balked  a  little  on  the  Oregon  qiies-   , 
tion,  but  1  believe  they  have  conclud''d  to  try  you 
once  more.     Sir,  get  your  bill  through  this  House   ^ 
nnd  into  the  Senate,  and  I  think  it  pretty  cerLiin  that 
the  Texas  Senators  will  be  able  to  aid  it  through 
the  Senate:  though,  but  for  them,  all   your  fend 
hopes  had  been  like  "  llie  hope  of  the  hypocrite;" 
they  would  "  perish."     If,  when  yrii  come  to  the 
final  vote,  any  of  your  troops  should  stem  to  fal- 
ter, adjourn  over;    take  the  weakly  ines  to  the 
"While   House,"  and  show  them   the  "public 
crib;"  let  the  President  tell  lliem,  thai  if  their  con- 
stituent.s  shall  be  displeased  with  their  course,  and 
repudiate  them,  tluit  "  the  fi'u,)i()s  are  ready;"  and 
in  the  morninir,  he     i. re  that  the  v'    !o  Cabinet  is 
on  the  ground  at  an  t  .irly  hour  -it  m  your  only 
rliftiice:  if  yo'i   fail  now,  llic  country  is  safe;  it 
will  still  move  on  i;i  its  career  of  prosperity,  and   i 
the   British  niaMufaclurcrs  will   be  compelled   to   1 
shirk  for  themselves. 

Sir,  when  you  shall  lievc  nncompliulied  what 
voii  design;  when  one  after  another  of  the  mniiii- 
f.icuiriiiir  cstablishnicuts  of  this  country,  under 
the  bligliting  iniliiencc  of  your  "  free-trade"  meas- 
ures, shall  iie  reeling  a.id  tottering  to  their  fall, 
nni'  thousands  of  persons  are  being  thrown  out  of 
einpi  lymen;,  and  cluingeil  from  consumerp  of  tlic 
surpb.a  products  of  the  :igriculturisl  to  produiers 
of  a  surplus,  without  a  market,  it  may,  perhaps, 
he  well  fo.  you  and  your  "  free-trade"  friends,  to 
pass  along  through  those  regions,  and  with  your 
masterly  argninents,  atlenipt  to  quiet  the  anxiety 
that  fnrmcrT  may  feel  on  seeing  their  markets 
destroyed,  nnd  their  lands  reduced  in  value — tell 
them  that  they  have  been  laboring  under  a  fatal 
mistake,  in  iiipposing  that  their  lands  are  wiuth  I 
more  from  biiiii;  located  ;n'ar  these  larec  manufac- 
turing towns  nnd  cities — tell  them  that  Englainl, 
wliosc  market  is  nearly  supplied  from  the  grain- 
growing  dis'ricls  of  the  Baltic  tmd  Mediterranean,  , 


is  the  place  they  should  seek  to  dispose  of  their  ! 
surplus  products.  Sir,  go  tell  them  that  the  im-  ' 
mense  cost  of  transportation,  and  the  high  rales  of 
insurance, or  the  occasional  loss  of  a  cargo  of  wheat ' 
and  corn,  will  make  but  a  "  ix-rriovs lillle  difference^'  ' 
in  their  profits,  in  the  glulteu  n.itrkets  of  Europe.  : 
Then,  sir,  if  you  have  leisure,  go  int.  the  vast  and  ! 
fertile  legions  of  the  West,  nnd  tell  Ihem  how  much  i 
more  valuable  their  lands  note  are,  than  they  wauld  . 
be  were  those  fertile  lands  located  in  the  ncigli-  ; 
borhood  of  Lowell,  Boston,  and  New  York.  Sir,  ' 
if  you  can  convince  them  that  there  is  no  mistake  i 
in  your  theory,  you' will  succeed  in  dispelling  the 
fears  which  your  ruinous  measures  will  have 
excited. 


THE   TARIFF. 


REMARKS  OF  MR.  BRINKERHOFF 

OF    OHIO, 
In  the  House  or  Representatives, 
June  30, 1S46. 
The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  Dtate  of  the  Union,  on  the  bill  reducing  the  < 
duly  on  Iinpoils,  and  for  other  purposes —  i 

Mr.  BRINKERHOFF  addressed  the  committee  | 
as  fidlows: 

Mr.  Ciuirman:   I  have  sought   the  floor  this  i 
morning,  not  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  regular  i 
speech,  .or  I  have  not  prepared  myself  nor  ar-  ' 
ranged  my  thoughts  with  a  view  to  any  systematic  '. 
effoit,  and  the  probability  is  I  shall  not  occupy  i 
one-half  the  time  allotted  to  me.     My  object,  sir,  ' 
is  solely  for  the  |nirpo.se  of  having  a  little  plain  talk 
with  gentlemen  on  this  floor  wi'li  whom  I  usiiatiy  , 
act  upon  this  subject,  and  to  fjll  them  what  we 
can  do  nnd  what  we  cannot  d  >,  what  we  will  do 
and  what  we  will  not  do.    We  have  had  a  great  deal  [ 
of  discussion,  sir,  in  regard  ti  the  abstract  qius-  ' 
lions  connected  with  this  subject — a  great  deal  of  : 
llieorizing  about  free  trade  nnd  protcviion,  all  of 
which  has  brought  us  about  as  near  to  any  practi-  i 
I'al  result  as  did  the  speculations  of  the  fallen  nn-  I 
gels  when,  according  to  Milton,  they  awaited  the 
return  of  their  arch  lender  upon  the  shores  of  the 
infernal  lake,  and  who  I 

■'  ReiL^oncd  lijuli 
or  Providence,  Ihrckaowlcdpe,  will,  nnit  fate, 
Fixed  fate, free  will,  tiin'kaowlcdRi!  uhsaliilo,  i 

And  foillid  no  end,  in  wnndering  iiinzPH  losf 

We  have  a  bill  on  yinir  table  under  considern-  ■ 
lion,  reported  from  the  Commiltee  of  Ways  and 
Means.  The  first  question  that  presents  itself  is, 
fCill  i/oii  support  this  hill?  For  myself,  sir,  I  am 
ready  to  give  an  answer  at  once;  and  in  so  (loing, 
although  not  specially  authorized,  I  believe  I  speak 
the  unanimous  scniiments  of  the  Ohio  delejntiou. 
nill  ICC  siijjporl  this  bill  7  My  answer  is,  }!'c  will 
not.  1 

[A  voice:  "Well,  it  eettles  the  question,  then 
just       nie  down."] 

\V  hy  will  we  not  ?  (asked  Mr.  B.)  I  have  sev- 
eral minor  ol')et'tions  to  the  bill,  which  however 
are  not  iiisuperiilile,  which  w*e  rniglit,  for  the  sake 
of  ronciliation  and  harmony,  gel  over,  but  which 
I,  for  one,  consider  well  founded,  and  the  provis- 
ions of  the  bill  on  which  lliey  are  based,  wrong, 
improper,  unequal.  I  will  name  two  tir  three  (if 
them.  In  the  first  place,  sir,  I  say  there  is  no 
;;iind  reason  why  there  should  be  so  wide  a  dis- 
linitiiui  between  the  amount  of  duty  laid  upon 
"liirits  on  the  one  hand,  and  wines  on  the  other. 
The  duty  upon  the  former  is  7"i  per  ceni.,  upon  the 
latter  but  30  per  cent.  So  far  as  the  usefulness  of 
thrse  articles  is  ciuicerned,  I  suppose  iheyare  about 
inia  jiar;  and  I  am  inclined  to  believe  if  the  whole 
of  them  were  exi'luded  from  the  country,  llie  pub- 
lii'  health  and  public  morals  would  not  siiU'er  by  it. 
It  is  ipiite  obvious  lo  my  mind  tlint  wine-drinkers 
are  quite  as  able  lo  pay  a  heavy  duty  as  those  who 
drink  spirits;  and  I  can  conceive  no  earthly  good 
or  proper  reason  why  they  should  not  lie  Cf|ually 
taxed.     But  this  we  might  proliably  get  over. 

But  again:  the  duty  by  this  bill  on  worilleiis  is  30 
per  cent.:  on  wool,  ii'i  per  cent.  Why  should  they 
not  be  equal  ?  Both  are  iniporled :  one  is  an  agritMil- 
tiirai  production — a  raw  material;  the  other,  a  niaii- 
ufaclure.  If  the  manufacturer  of  woollens  is  enti- 
tled to  a  proiection  of  30  per  cent.,  why  is  not  the 


wool  grower.'   And  wool  growing  is  a  large  interest 
in  my  State,  as  it  is  over  the  whole  country. 

The  same  observation  will  apply  to  the  articles 
of  linseed  oil  and  flaxseed.    The  duty  upon  the  oil, 
the  manufactured  article,  is  20  per  cent.;  upon  the, 
raw  material  10  per  cen;      Why  should  tliey  not 
be  equal  ? 

The  same  remark  would  probably  apply  to  some 
extent,  though  not  to  the  full  extent,  to  raw  hides 
and  leather. 

However,  ns  I  said  before,  these  are  objections 
we  might  get  over,  and  yitltl  for  the  sake  of  liar- 
mony;  but  there  aro  other  objections  which  nre 
insuperable. 

And  the  first  is  the  tax — contingent  on  its  face, 
but  cprdjin  in  its  results — on  len  nnd  coffee.  Now 
we  will  not  support  any  tariff  bill  which  levies  a 
tax  on  these,  the  "Union"  to  the  contrary  not- 
withstanding. In  1841,  when  a  similar  proposition 
emanated  from  Henry  Clay  and  the  Whig  party, 
we  denounced  it.  Shall  we  change  our  song  thus 
suddenly .'  For  one,  I  cannot  consent  to  do  it — 
not  even  with  a  view  to  the  important  result  of 
harmonizing  our  notes  with  the  cracked,  squealing, 
and  discordant  notes  of  any  "  organ."  No,  sir; 
we  denounced  it  then,  nnd  wc  denounce  it  now, 
we  proclaimed  it  wiong  then,  and  wc  proclaim  it 
wrong  now.  What  we  denounced  tl.:"!,  we  cm.- 
not  and  will  not  support  now. 

Why.'  Because  it  is  wrong,  unequal,  and  un- 
just, as  applied  lo  individuals'  Upon  our  people 
it  operates  as  a  poll-lax.  Practically,  to  all  inlenla 
and  purposes  what  soever,  it  is  a  poll-tax — so  much 
per  liead;  because  our  p'ople  all  use  them — the 
rich  and  the  poor,  the  richest  and  the  poorest;  and 
just  about  in  equa'  quanlilies.  In  fai  t,  if  there  is 
any  difference,  the  poor  use  the  mostofUeui;  be- 
cause the  rich  have  olhi  r  luxuries  which  are  substi- 
tuted in  place  of  tea  and  coffee.  They  are  the  poor 
man 'sand  the  poor  woman's  only  luxury,  u.sed  in 
large  quuntiiies,  nnd  frequently  without  sugar. 

[A  voice:  "  Three  times  a  day,  too."] 

The  gentleman  says  lliree  times  a  day  in  his 
country.  Well,  in  niost  of  the  families  in  my  dis- 
trict three  times;  many  of  them  use  coffee  once  and 
tea  once — Sundays  three  times  a  day —[a  laugh;] 
f.nd  the  poor  woman  who  goes  out  for  twe:;;y  fiy.. 
(enls  a  day  to  assist  her  wealthier  neighbor  in 
washing,  will  pay  jusi  as  n..;ch  of  this  tax  as  the 
wife  of  the  millinnairf . 

Not  on'  Iocs  it  op.  rate  wrongfully  ns  applied  to 
individui...)— not  only  is  it  a  poll-tax,  but  it  is  a  sec- 
tional tax.  Our  people — our  laboring  classes — the 
free  laborers — all  use  them;  while  the  three  millions 
slave  laborer.*  of  our  southern  friends  scarcely  use 
them  at  all.  A  few  favorite  house-.servants  may; 
the  field-hands  do  not,  cannot.  So  that  it  is  unjust 
when  applied  to  localities,  as  well  as  to  individu- 
als.    Wc  cannot  support  il — ici!  will  not. 

"  But,"  asks  the  "  organ,"  "  Will  you  not  do 
it  to  raise  a  sufficient  revenue  for  the  support  r, 
the  war.'"  No,  sir;  not  while  you  are  raising  a 
revenue  upon  these  ar'icles,  yon  n'-e  cutting  down 
the  duties  upon  all  others.  No,  sir.  What  rela- 
tion do  we  sustain  to  thi-i  Administrnlinn.'  What 
favors  have  been  heaped  upon  us  of  Ohio,  that  we, 
lo  please  it,  and  for  no  olher  motive  imaginable, 
shall  vote  to  'ax  the  stomachs  of  our  people — our 
fice  laborers — fiu'  ils  special  gratification,  nnd  for 
the  exemption  of  another  scctinn?  Shall  we  do  it 
for  the  sake  of  raisinu:  revenue  for  the  support  of 
an  almost  exclusively  southern  civil  li:i|.'  Oiliers 
miiy;  I  will  not.  This  expression  may  seem  strong. 
Sir,  look  to  the  book — look  lo  the  record.  You 
have  foreJL'n  ministers  abroad,  receiving  #9,000  .t 
ycai  salary;  and,  on  the  avcraie,  in  the  shape  i. 
ouiliis  and  infus  perhaps  ftO.OOO  more— making 
SlHiOOO  each  per  aiinuin.  Where  do  they  come 
Irinn.'  Every  one  of  ihem  from  the  slave  States; 
not  one  /i-)»i  the  free  Stairs.  If  you  go  down  l() 
second  grai'  •  niinislers,  (char'n's,)  with  lower  sal- 
ary, you  will  find  the  niai(uiiy,  even  of  them, 
fnini  the  soiithern  Slates;  anil  this,  under  an  Ail- 
niiiiislration  which  we  of  the  free  Stales  made, 
which  our  votes  were  nrrfssiii'ido  make,  and  which 
has  been  sustained  here  by  a  majority  of  the  dele- 
gation from  our  own  .Stale. 

[A  voice:  Did  Ohio  h-ilp  to  make  this  Adminis- 
tation  ?"] 

As  much  (replied  Mr.  B.)as Tennessee;  just  as 
muih.  [A  laugh. 1  The  ilemocracy  of  Ohio  has 
sent  n  majority  lo  this  floor  ol  the  delegulio'i  of 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


785 


Re 


PS. 


t29TH  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Lewis. 


New  Series No.  50. 


on  its  fiice, 

flee.     Now 

icli  levies  a 

iritrary  iiot- 

pniposilion 

liifr  pnrty, 

sniiir  thus 

to  do  it — 

int  result  of 

squealing, 

No,  sir; 

nee  it  now; 

proclaim  it 

we  cai'.- 


our  Stnte;  and  yet  all  the  foreign  ministers,  and  a 
majority  of  chargfs — the  whole  are  from  the  favor- 
ite and  pampered  South.     What  does  it  mean  ? 
"Can  tlicsfi  tlHncR  tie, 

And  ovt'Tronii>  un  like  a  snninirr  eloiid, 

Willioiit  our  uppeiiil  wnnflcr?" 

Ts  there  no  desiijn  in  all  this  ?  There  is  a  remit, 
if  there  is  not  a  design.  And  what  is  that  result? 
That  result  is,  that  we  are  excluded  from  the  share 
of  influence  ir  directing  the  alfairs  of  this  Gov- 
eminent,  to  which  we  are  legitimately  entitled. 
We  care  noti/.ng  ahout  your  money;  we  live  in  a 
inunlry  whco  the  people  work  for  a  living;  and 
Hie  Hl)le  and  willing  to  do  so.  We  care  nothing 
aliout  your  money;  but  in  trimmin;:  the  sails  and 
guiiling  the  helm  of  the  ship  of  slate,  we  claim  to 
have  our  legitimate  and  proper  influence;  yes,  and 
our  fair  chance  in  winning  and  wearing  the  honoi-s 
of  the  Re])ul)lic.  Wo  are  denied  this,  howtver; 
and  the  result  \k,  onr  young  men  arc  excluded  from 
]iul)lic  cnjpliiymeiit.  By  excluding  lliem  from 
pulilic  eiuiloymenl,  you  prevent  the  acquirement 
cm  their  part  of  that  education  which  experience 
only  can  give.  The  education  of  a  puhlic  man  is 
in  puhlic  employment,  and  without  that,  he  never 
can  become  known,  never  can  have  influence,  nor 
the  section  to  which  he  belongs.     Of  this  we  com- 

tlaiii.  Look  at  Ohio — the  third  Stale  in  this 
'nion — the  third  Stale  in  this  Union,  and  the  land 
of  common  schools,  too,  where  the  people  know 
how  to  read  and  write,  and  where  we  fancy  we 
have  men  of  talents.  Wiiat  has  sliegot?  Aforeign 
minister?  No.  A  cabinet  olficer?  No;  not  one. 
13jt  we  certainly  have  a  chaigf?  Not  one.  But  we 
It  least  have  a  first-rate  consulship?  Not  one.  A 
.iccoid  or  third-rate  consulship?  Notone.  In  fact, 
1  Tug  might  repeat  the  history  of  our  treatment 
1)  ■    " 'lininistralion,  if  it  were  taught  only  to 

.  ese  two  mnnosyllahlcs,  "  Abi  (Die."  We 
have  one  little  bureau — the  bureau  of  Indian  af- 
fairs! And  thus  our  public  men  are  kept  out  of 
employment,  and  robbed  of  their  legitimate  influ- 
ence ill  the  affairs  of  this  Government. 

Sir,  patience  lios  ceased  to  be  a  virtue;  our  people 
do  not  know,  perhaps,  these  things;  but  they  shall 
know  them,  and  they  will  act  upon  them.  Our 
recommendations  have  been  disregarded;  our  im- 
jiortunilies  have  been  spurned.  Is  it  the  part  of 
independent  men,  conscious  of  worth,  to  lick  the 
hand  that  smites  thcni.and  fawn  around  the  foot 
that  spurns  them  ?  That  is  not  the  kind  of  human 
nature,  sir,  to  which  our  soil  trivcs  birth,' and,  us 
long  as  I  have  any  power  to  intluence  its  action,  i{ 
jici'er  shall — it  NF.vr.ii  sham..  No,  sir;  wc  will  not 
tax  the  stomachs  of  our  people  to  please  this  Ad- 
ministration or  its  "organ."  We  look  to  the  com- 
forts of  our  people.  If  they  cannot  have  their 
legitimate  share  of  honors,  they  shall  have  their 
legitimate  share  of  .oniforts  and  common  luxury, 
and  thai,  too,  free  ''.mn  the  burdens  of  taxation. 

"  But  will  you  nni  do  it  as  a  war  tax  ?  Surely 
you  will  do  it  ..  a  w:  r  tax."  If  ynu  had  given 
us  "afoemn^  *<iuiv,f  our  steel;"if  you  had 
shown  0  di-  .  .i.."  .  to -and  up  for  our  western 
ri-lits;  if,  whr  .  .■  re  thus  brave  and  gallant 
tiiwardsu  '>r..  .>,.:  li.iljj\i  ^iiean  hyena, you  would 
not  turn  Ivck  'viov'tr.  iike  the  leaves  of  the 
aspen  nl  the  renioi,  n  iirs-  muttering  growls  of 
the  Hiitish  lion;  if  y>  n  .,i\<<  nood  upas  we  wanted 
you  to  stand  up,  and  wci>j  ready  to  back  you  '.n 
.Manding  with  all  the  blood  anil  treasure  of  our 
Jicople,  and  vindicated  that  to  which  you  your- 
selves have  declared — luid  what  is  more,  prnrfil — 
our  rights  to  bo  "clear  and  uni|iii  silonablc,"  then 
we  would  have  given  you  a  la>  .a  and  collce 

as  a  war  tax.  You  might  have  laxed  anything 
and  everytliing.  You  have  made  a  disgraceful 
surrender  of  these  "clear  and  unquestionable" 
rights;  you  have  not  only  come  down  to  4!)°,  but 
below  49°,  and  you  have  given  our  liereditary 
enemy  the  whole  of  Vancouver's  Island,  and  the 
piivihv  i,"  navigating  the  waters  helow  49.  You 
have  1  ..■:  that  degrading  concession,  and  you 
now  .  -..F.  'ir  a  war  tax  upon  tea  and  colTee  to 
inake  si.  '..  n  cor'(U'-si' ,  while  northern  territory 
is  given  i  wi,  ,■  hy  e  ipi.rx.  We  know  this  stale  of 
things  too  well  ui  comply  without  hesitation, and  as 
a  mailer  of  course,  when  you  ask  us  for  a  tax  on 
tea  and  colfce.    No,  sir;  we  shall  do  no  suUi  thing. 

Well,  I  got  up  for  the  imriiose  of  making  a  little 
plain  talk — a  practical  speecii — if  speech  it  may  he 

■  II-  ■      There  is  another  question,  still  fuillier  in 

50 


called 


advance;  and  that  is,  suppose  you  strike  out  the 
duty  on  tea  and  coffee  from  the  bill  from  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means,  what  will  ycu  do 
then? 

[A  voice:  "That's  the  question."] 

Well,  1  am  going  to  answer  that  question,  (said 
Mr.  B.)  We  liave  always  stood  on  the  ground  at 
home  among  our  people,  and  here,  in  favor  of  a 
revenue  tariff.  Wc  occupy  that  ground  still — a 
tarifl^for  revenue;  not  a  tariff  for  proteclion,  nor  a 
tariff  for  the  (fc.sfriiclioti  of  revenue — neither  the  ' 
one  nor  the  other.  ! 

Now,  the  next  practical  question  that  comes  up 
is,  Will  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means'  bill,  I 
when  divested  of  the  provision  f^ratax  on  tea  and  ] 
colTee,  yield  sufficient  revenue  for  the  support  of 
your  Government?    That  is  the  next  question.  ! 
Why,  your  own  Secrcuiry  le.ls  you  that  the  tax 
on  tea  and  coffee  is  ncccs  ,\ry,  anil  he  anticipates  a 
revenue  of  S3,000,000  from  that  source.     Strike 
that  out,  and  there  is  a  deficit  of  «,3,0U0,0n0  to  start 
with.     Sir,  0  ikjicit  of  three  mitlions  to  start  yrilli.  ' 
Sir,  1  think  the  gentleman  from  New  York,  [Mr.  ; 
Hi'NGKRi'oRn,]  yesterday,  who  reported  the  sub-  ' 
stituie  for  this  bill,   dcmunstrated — demonstrated,  ■ 
talcing  the  Secretary 'sfisures  as  the  basis  of  his  cal-  ■ 
dilation,  that  there  would  be  a  much  larger  deficien- 
cy than  ^.1,000,000;  and  while  lie  showed  from  the 
record  that  the  average  expenses  of  this  Govern-  : 
meiit,  in  a  time  of  peace,  for  the  last  ten  years,  has  j 
been  nearly  }42(),00l),O0O,  he  showed,  also,  that  we  I 
would  not  realize  from  this  bill  SIS.OOO.flOft,  lenv-  ] 
ing  a  deficit  of  nearer  1.10,000,000  th.an  !«u3,000,000.  I 
Now,  I  am  under  no  pledges,  no  obligations,  to  go  I 
for  a  tariff  for  the  destruction  of  revenue,  more 
especially  when  I  believe  that  the  hill  leads  (and  1 
when  it  is  fo "cseen,  too,  by  many  in  this  House)  i 
to  the  necessity  of  a  tax  upon  tea  and  coffee  here- 
after.    No,  I  do  not  conceive  it  to  be  my  duty,  as  a  ! 
Democrat,  standing  on  the  platform  of  a  revenue  ■ 
tariff,  to  vote  for  a  bill  which  I  do  not  believe  will  1 
come  anywhere  near  raising  a  siiflicient  revenue  to 
-upply  the  necessary  wants  of  this  Government.    I  i 
do  not  believe  it  is  wise  as  a  statesman  to  do  it;  I  do  i 
not  believe  it  politic  as  a  partisan  and  politician  i 
merely,  to  do  it.  And  let  metellgenlleni'  a  now  in  ^ 
advance — I  give  them  fair  warning — thal.nimiikins  ; 
up  iliis  issue  between  the  bill  of  the  Cimimitlee  of  | 
Ways  and  Means,  with  lea  and  colli  •■  stricken 
out,  and  tlie  law  as  it  is,  counting  on  niir  votes,  ' 
they  "  reckon  without  their  host,"  and  i;  liecoines  i 
thcni  to  see  to  it  in  lime.     The  fate  of  liic  matter 
is  in  your  hands.     My  warnings  cost  nuihing;  if 
gentlemen  do  not  like  them  they  have  nothing  to  ; 
pay  for  them.  I 

i  will  tell  you  what  wc  will  do;  we  will  support  ■ 
the  subslitulo  of  the  geiillemaii  from  New  York, 
[Mr.  HrNGERFOBD.J  We  will  do  it  unanimously; 
we  will  be  content  with  it,  not  because  we  consider 
it  perfect — far  from  it — but  because  we  believe  that ' 
bill  will  compromise  this  question  and  settle  it  for- 
ever.    We  believe  that  it  ■■:  .     vield  a  suiTicient  i 
amount  of  revenue  for  the  rea.^uiiablc  sup|iort  of 
this  Government,  and  that  the  antagonist  bill  will 
not.     Wc  arc  desirous  of  compromising  and  pui- 
tiiig  an  end  to  this  eternal  war  u|ion  the  subject. 
W(3  wish  to  sacrifice  none  of  the  great  interests  of 
this  counlry  further  than  is  necessary  to  secure  ' 
justice  to  other  interests.    We  have  no  hostility  lo 
old  Pennsylvania.     The  substitule  of  the  geiille- 
maii from  New  York  is  exempt  eiitirelv  from  the 
odioiu'  miniinuins  against  which  we   have   com-  ' 
plained  so  much.     It  contains  but  two  or  three 
specifics,  and  they  arc  materially  lower  than  the  ' 
present  law.  "Haifa  loaf  isbeiter  than  no  bread;" 
if  it  be  not  ii:  the  estimation  of  other  gentlemen,  let 
them  take   their  own  course;  they  are  no   more 
responsible  to  i.^e  than  I  am  to  them.     But  we  ; 
have  no  dispnsitlor.  to  murder  old  Pennsylvania; 
we  love  old  Pcnnsylvinia;  we  of  Ohio  look  back 
to   her  as  a  parent.     I   believe  Virjinia    claims  • 
our  paternity,  but  we  disown  it.     Pennsylvania 
has  given  more  people  to  Ohio  than  all  the  rest 
of  God's  creation   jnit  together.     Wc   love  her; 
we  have  no  disposition  to  crush  her  or  her  inter-  ', 
esls.     We  have  no  propensity  for  malricide;  we 
like  her  friendship;  wc  like  her  support  in  hours 
of  peril  to  our  party  and  our  principle  i;  wc  always  i 
hail  with  joy  her  iiidoniilablc  Dcmr.racy,  as  their  i 
banner  co'nics  out  of  the  light  Iri-.i  iphant,  and  we 
expect  lo  do  so  again;  and  ..we  say  lo  gentlemen, 
it  IS  not  only  iiuwire  in  us  as  siatesmeii,  'mt  as 


politicians  it  is  suicidal,  to  throw  her  out  ie  o  the 
embraces  of  our  enemies.  Let  gentlemen  think  of 
this;  there  is  a  future — I  may  not  live  to  see  it — but 
there  i.s  a  future,  when  some  things  will  be  set 
right,  when  neglect  will  be  remembered,  when  in- 
sulls  will  not  he  forgotten.  Yes,  sir,  we  will  sup- 
port the  subslitute  ofl'ercd  by  the  gentleman  from 
New  York;  and  it  depends  upon  our  southern 
friends  whether  or  not  they  will  take  ground  with 
Ohio,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania. 

[A  voice:  "  Will  Pennsylvania  support  the  sub- 
stitute?"] 

I  am  confident  she  will,  (replied  Mr.  B.,)  but  I 
am  not  authorized  to  state  that  she  will.  1  I'elieve 
Pennsylvania  will  yield  much  for  the  sake  of  com- 
promise; at  all  events,  I  would  give  her  the  op- 
portunity. But  to  go  with  our  eyes  open,  with  a 
full  knowledge  of  tlic  fact,  to  the  destruction  of  a 
larilT  which  doi-i  yield  sufficient  revenue,  and  that, 
too,  in  lime  ol  war,  for  one  which  must  imme- 
diately create  a  deficit  of  several  millions,  and  thus 
lay  the  f  lunda'.ion  for  a  direct  tax,  or  that  still 
more  odious  to  us  than  a  direct  tax,  a  tax  on  tea 
and  coffee — we  cannot  do  it — we  will  not  do  it. 
The  alternative  is  prcscnled  to  us;  we  can  defeat 
your  bill,  and  wc  will  defeat  your  bill.  I  speuk  it 
more  in  sorrow  than  in  anger,  gentlemen;  i  uo  it 
out  of  personal  hostility  to  no  man  on  this  floor. 
But  it  is  as  fixed  ns  fate,  let  me  tell  yo  i  gentlemen. 
And  "  I  speak  as  unto  wise  men:  judge  ye  what  I 
say." 

THK   TARIFF. 
SPEECH    OF    MR.    LEWIS, 

OF  ALABAMA, 

In  the  Senate,  July  l.'l,  1846. 

The  bill  foi  reducing  the  duties  on  Imports  and  for 

other  purposes,  having  been  taken  up — 

Mr.  LEWIS  addressed  the  Senate  as  follows: 

Mr.  President:  From  my  position  on  the  Com- 
mittee of  Finance,  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  preneiit  to 
the  Senate  the  result  of  such  conclusions  as  I  have 
been  able  lo  form  of  the  merits  of  this  bill,  afier  a 
verv  liasiy,  and,  of  course,  imperfect,  exumiiialioii 
of  il.s  provisions,  and  without  the  aid  of  niucli  val- 
uable information  which,  with  more  timt,  1  ould 
have  procured  from  the  Treasury  DepartmeM'. 

In  attempting  this  duty,  I  shall  say  nothing  of 
tlie  anti-protective  character  of  this  measure.  As 
strong  as  are  my  convictions,  and  as  deeply  as  I 
feel  tcicsted  in  that  aspect  of  the  question,  I  shall 
leave  its  discussion  in  other  luid  abler  hands,  con- 
tenting myself  with  exauiinins:  this  bill  as  a  meas- 
ure of  revenue  alone — as  a  means  of  meeting  the 
financial  necessities  of  the  Government. 

It  may  be  readily  conceived  that  a  principal  ob- 
jection to  this  bill  will  be  derived  from  theentirelv 
ad  valorem  character  of  its  provisions.  It  appear.-< 
lo  be  taken  forgionted,  particularly  by  gentlemen 
w  ho  advocate  liigli  duties,  that  ad  valnrems  are  but 
iiiile  to  be  depended  on  for  revenue,  and  that  in 
luljusting  a  tariif  at  such  a  rate  as  will  give  any 
considerable  omount  of  revenue,  reliance  can  bo 
placed  alone  on  specifics. 

This  proposition  is,  in  my  judgment,  one  of 
those  axiomatic  errors  which,  upon  exaniinn'.ion, 
will  be  fnund  to  be  wholly  fallacious.  I  tl'iiil:,  sir, 
it  will  be  found  that  ad  valorem  duties,  w.iich  it  is 
admilteil  by  all  are  the  fairest,  iimsmucli  as  they 
ail!  more  open,  and  beUer  understood — carrying 
therateof  the  taxes  they  impose  on  their  very  face — 
are  also  best  for  all  the  purposes  of  revenue. 

But,  sir,  under  wli,.f  circumstances  of  failure  on 
the  jiait  of  ud  valoreins  to  subserve  all  the  purposes 
of  revenue,  is  this  objection  brought  forward  ?  At 
a  time  when,  by  the  re|iort  of  the  Trea.sury,  !jl5,- 
72:J,HII  of  our  present  revenue  have  been  derived 
from  ad  valorems,  and  only  »13,'200,1 18  have  been 
derived  from  specifics.  Yes,  sir,  considerably  more 
than  one-half  has  been  derived  from  ad  valorems, 
although  coal,  iron,  hemp,  sugar,  molasses,  salt, 
spirits,  wine,  glass  of  all  kinds,  shoes,  boots,  and 
many  other  articles  of  heavy  consumption,  upon 
which  it  was  attempted  to  give  the  highest  protcc;-  . 
tioii,  pa'  specific  duties.  Now,  sir,  before  dis- 
crediting so  large  a  source  of  our  revenue,  I  pro- 
pose inquiring  into  the  character  and  truth  of  the 
allegations  which  have  been  urged  against  the  ud 
valorem  principle. 


786 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  13, 


1846. 


29rH  CoNo I  ST  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Lewis. 


Senate. 


The  chief  ground  of  objection  to  ad  valorem 
dulies  iS)  that  ihcy  furnish  the  importer  v.iih  the 
constant  temptation  and  opportunity  to  undervalue 
his  goods  by  returning  a  false  invoice.  I  oak,  in 
reply,  what  triiipwtiun  cm  there  be  to  do  this  in 
the  lace  of  the  heavy  penalties  prescribed  by  exist- 
ing laws? — among  which  are  not  only  very  heavy 
forfeitures,  if  the  invoice  price  be  fixed  lower  than 
the  appraised  value  of  the  goods  in  the  foreign 
market,  however  truly  and  innocently  that  invoice 
price  may  be  stated,  but,  if  it  be  stated  falsely  and 
eriuiinally,  the  heavier  penalty  of  the  State  prison 
awaits  the  offender.  To  suppose  that  false  invoices 
would  be  made  out  under  such  circumstances,  is  to 
presuppose  the  temptation  of  very  great  gain  in 
case  the  fraud  succeeds. 

Now,  sir,  1  hold  in  my  hand  a  calculation  of 
■what  the  importer  would  gain  even  if  he  succeeded 
ill  passing  his  goods  through  the  custi)ni-h»)use  by 
a  false  invoice.  I  will,  for  the  information  of  the 
Senate,  give  the  results  of  several  supposed  suc- 
cessfial  attempts  to  defraud  the  revenue. 

In  each  case,  suppose  the  goods  imported  cost  ; 
|100  in  the  foreign  market,  and  20  per  cent,  to  be  • 
the  late  of  duty:  the  importer  would  save,  not  the 
otnoiint  of  the  nmkrvaluatian  on  his  invoice, but  the  '. 
SO  per  «ii*.  duty  on  that  amount.'  I 

"Thus,  if  he  entered  his  goods  five  per  cent.  I 
below  their  value,  he  wi>iild  pay  not  JiSO  duty,  but 
*1'J  duty.     Gain  one  dollar  by  (he  fraud — equal  to 
85-100  per  cent,  on  cost  of  goods  and  duty." 

"  If  he  enters  his  goods  10  per  cent,  below  their 
value,  he  would  pay  not  J,i!0  duty,  but  §18  duty.  ; 
Gain  by  the  fraud,  two  dollars — equal  to  1  70-100  : 
per  cent,  on  cost  of  goods  and  duty." 

"  If  he  enters  his  goods  1.^)  jie'r  cent,  below  their  i 
value,  ho  would  pay,  instead  of  J,20duty,Snduty. 
Gain,  by  the  fraud,  three  dollars — equal  to  2  55-100  , 
per  cent,  on  cost  of  goods  and  duty."  I 

"  If  he  enters  his  goods  at  20  per  cent,  below  their 
value,  instead  of  S20  duty,  ho  would  pay  #l(i  duty.  ' 
Gain,  by  the  fraud,  four  dollars — equal  to  .■)  44-100 
per  cent,  on  cost  of  goods  and  duty. "  ' 

"If  hcenters  his  goods  at  25  per  cent,  below  their 
value,  he  would  pay,  instead  of  $20  duty,  $15  duty. 
Gain,  by  the  frauii,  five  dollars— equal  to  4  35-100 
per  cent,  on  cost  of  goods  and  duty." 

Now,  sir,  I  take  it  for  granted,  before  no  com- 
petent appraisers  would  it  be  possible  for  any  im- 
porter to  undervalue  his  goods  more  than  25  per 
cent,  below  their  true  valuation;  and,  therefore,  'he 
most  that  he  could  promise  himself,  even  were  he 
tOBUccecd,  would  be  4  3,'>-100  percent.  I  submit  it 
to  the  Senate,  if  any  man  of  sane  mind  would  run 
the  risk  of  the  State  prison,  of  loss  of  characti^r  and 
liberty,  together  with  the  heavy  pecuniary  fon'elt- 
ures  affixed  by  the  law,  for  the  barely  possible 
contingency  of  saving  less  tlmii  five  percent,  on 
the  cost  of  his  goods  by  a  'raudulpiil  invoice '.  The 
absurdity  is  too  monstrous  for  belief,  and  I  venture 
to  say  no  importer  ever  attempted  such  a  fraud. 
The  united  testimony  of  every  iiioiiopulist  inter- 
ested in  the  disguises  of  the  npccific  system  could 
not  impose  a  pi-esumption  so  unreasonable,  <in  my 
crcd'diiy. 

But,  iVl'.  President,  shoul  liie  importer  be  v.eik 
and  wicked  enough  to  atti  nq)t  to  undervalue  his 

foods  by  a  false  invoice,  he  could  not  by  possi- 
ility  succeed,  for  the  reason  that  dulies  are  as- 
sessed, not  upon  hi.s  iiiroiff,  but  on  the  actual 
vahuUion  of  the  appraisers,  who  are  sworn  to  allix 
the  (rue  ta(ii«  of  the  goods  in  the  foreign  niarkei, 
without  regard  to  their  actual  cost.  And  how  do 
they  arrive  at  this  foreign  volue?  Not  by  any 
one  invoice,  but  by  niuny,and  least  of  all  do  tlicy 
arrive  at  it  by  the  invoice  of  the  immediate  party 
in  interest.  Their  constant  business  is  lo  know 
and  adjudge  the  values  of  goods  in  foreign  mar- 
kets, to  examine  invoices,  to  compare  lliini  with 
friers  current,  and  to  obtain  information  un  to  the 
foreign  market  by  every  |.oHsiblo  means  which  a 
constant  aisociation  with  other  well-informed  com- 
mercial men  can  afford.  Their  valuations  are 
made  entirely  independent  of  the  cost  of  the  article 
'n  the  foreign  market,  even  where  that  cost  is 
Known,  The  question  is  not  what  is  the  cost  of 
the  article,  but  what  is  its  value  in  the  foreign  mar- 
ket. It  becomes,  therefore,  necessary  that  the 
appraisers  should  osUiblisli  a  ngular  kihI  uniform 
■taniiard  of  such  values,  from  which  uniform  stand- 
ard they  are  not  at  liberty  to  depart,  even  though 
they  may  oscertain  beyond  doubt  that  the  antual 


cost  in  the  foreign  market  of  the  goods  valued  is 
below  that  stanctard.  Of  what  avail  is  it,  then,  for 
the  importer  to  \inder-Btato  the  cost  of  the  goods 
in  his  invoice,  when  that  cost  constitutes  noi  even 
un  clement  in  determining  the  amount  of  duty  he 
has  to  pay?  Are  we  to  suppose  him  guilty  of  the 
madness  of  risking  character,  liberty,  and  money, 
where  he  cannot  even  by  possibifity  lessen  tfic 
amount  of  the  dulies,  niiii  where  it  is  the  interest 
of  every  human  being  connected  willi  the  custom- 
house to  detect  and  expose  the  iinder-valu.'.iion? 
Tiiere  are  some  propositions  so  grossly  absurd, 
that  they  assume  the  semblance  of  possibility  only 
when  they  are  gravely  denied. 

But,  Mr.  President,  I  will  now  show,  that  so 
far  from  the  importer  having  an  interest  in  under- 
valuing Ills  invoice,  he  has  more  frequently  a  posi- 
tive and    direct  interest  in   orcmifuiiig  il.     And 
why?     Becjiuse,  if  he  has  been  so  fortun.ite  in  tlio 
foreign  market  as  to  have  jnirchused  goods  nt  a 
rate  lower  than  the  usual  price  in  that  market,  the  , 
presentation  of  a  true  invoice  of  that  purchase  sub-  j 
jects  him  to  the  penalties  of  the  law.     He  is  re-  1 
quired  by  the  law  not  to  return  the  value  of  his  < 
goods,  but  a  sworn  invoice  of  their  cost;  and  this  i 
very  requirement  of  the  law  suLjcct:    him  to  the  ^ 
penally  of  forfeiture,  if  he  has  purchased  lliem  a  | 
few  per  cent,  below  their  market  value.     It  is  in 
vain  that  the  appraisers  are  convinced  of  the  truth  | 
and  genuineness  of  his  invoice,  and  that  the  goods  | 
actually  cost  him  no  more  than  is  stated  in  that  j 
invoice.     It  is  less  than  the  c    M  shed  valuation  j 


ket  value  of  •iicli  iin|inrtM  in  Itio  principal  inarkelfl  nf  the 
cnuntry  whence  the  tnipnrtnliun  kIiuII  Imvo  been  ninilc,  nr 
in  wlifcll  the  gnridi*  iniporteil  shall  hiivu  heen  nriiilnnlty 
ninaiifnctared  nr  proilurrd,  <itt  ihu  ciuic  ntny  1h;;  and  In  tulil 
IhtTiMn  nil  cnsts  inni  '/ImrfiPH  which,  under  ''xl^ting  InwH, 
wunld  form  [mrtof  Uu?  inu;  value  ntthe  pnrt  U'hL'relhcHnniu 
may  tie  entered,  upnn  whirl)  the  dulicit  nliould  lii>  iist'essiMl. 
Anil  il  filinll  In;  the  duty  nf  the  enllectnr  within  whnitc  din- 
tric'l  the  9nme  inny  lie  itnported  or  entered  In  cnuxu  the  duli- 
Abli!  value  of  Huch  imports  to  he  np|)rniKed.  erlininled,  ami 
Hdrertained,  in  acrnrdancu  with  Ihe  provisionM  nf  existinx 
Inivx;  and  if  Ihc  apprai^^i'il  vahm  ttxTcnf  xhnll  fxet-rd  hyieri 
por  rontnni  nr  more  llut  vnhn*  t^o  declared  on  the  entry,  then, 
in  addition  to  the  duties  ini|>n»>ed  Ity  law  on  Ihc  sarnie,  there 
ithall  he. levied,  cnliected.  nnd  paiil'n  daty  of  Iwentv  \wt  cmt- 
uni  ad  valnrcin  nn  (luch  npprniNcd  vnliic:  Prori'dcd,  iipucr- 
thftfiff  That  under  no  eircuni>laii('L'ii  ^Inill  Iht;  duly  ho 
,-l.4itt!.''Kcd  upon  an  nninunt  less  than  the  invoice  value,  any 
law  n.'"C(nigrcBrf  to  the  contrary  nntwithiitanding." 


nf  such  articles  iji  the  foreign        : '         T'le  law  | 
is  inexorable;  nnd  by  this  sum    ,■ 
the  custom-hoHse,  without  the  foro. 
or  the  intcrvr  ntion  of  a  jury,  the  ioi^ 
the  penalty  of  forll'iture.     In  n  case  Ilk 
easy  to  see    that  nil   the   luomptings   of  imerest  J 
j  would  induce  nn  overstatement  rather  than  an  un-  ; 
deratotement  of  the  foreign  cost. 

I  hold  in  my  hand  n  siatement,  from  a  reliable  . 
source,  illustrative  of  what  I  have  said,  and  which  i 
I  will  read  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  Senate:  ' 

"  In  1^11,  Mr.  .Inlui  A.  Newlinld,  of  New  York,  contract- 
ed with  an  inininonuer  nf  ltirniin[.'hani  for  certain  kindu  of 
gond-i,  t>- lie  dcliverid  in  e<|nal  tinaiililicB  fnr  live  cnnsccu-  j 
live  yearn.    In  llie  mean  time,  iron  rose  in  price  !*n  much  ni* 
In  compel  Ihc  ironriiiiMi;er  lo  raiiio  tlie  price  of  his  iron  lo 

all  liiij  nlher  cni,t rs  i>0  per  cent.    He  ^till  continued  tu 

seiMi  llu'in  to  Mr.  \ewbold  nceonlins  lo  contract.  The  ap- 
praisers nt  the  (u>toni  house,  (ili-ervinK  H'e  di«crepain\v 
h  'tween  llic  inv  ,iee  nf  Mr.  Newbnld  and  hi-H  neiybbors,  felt 
thelnselv<-s  iioiniil  by  ihe  law,  not  only  to  iniimse  llie  same 
daty  nn  tlic  others  (aid,  hut  niso  Ibe  {KMially  nf  ."lO  |wr  cent, 
liir  uiidervalnatitin,  re')uired  by  the  ai  I  of  1H>9.  The  l.iw 
aiioweil  no  ilisert.'lion.  Nohiidy  doulited  tlic  character  nf 
the  iransaclinn,  au  .Mr.  NewhobI  then  ami  now  stood  at* 
Ii';h  as  any  iinporlcr  in  \ew  Vorii.  Mr.  \e\^  hold  was 
co;iip.-lled  to  give  up  ills  good  eontnict,  a.s  it  was  a  losing 
bu>iness.'' 

Mr.  WEnsTEn.  I  hope  Ihe  honorable  Senator 
will  li.md  his  documents  to  the  Chair,  or  put  them 
in  such  a  form  we  can  hue  access  lo  them. 

Mr.  Lkwis.     I  fihall  have  them  published,  sir. 

Now,  Mr.  President,  with  tliisf.ict  lielbre  them, 
v.ill  gentlemen  co'iteud  further  that  there  is  a  ten- 
dency ill  ad  valorem  duties  to  induce  iioporleis  lo 
uiuler-vahie  their  goods?  Here  was  a  case  where 
the  iiiiporier  would  most  gladly  have  returned  his 
goods  ahnre  their  invoice  cost,  and  nt  their  true 
value;  but  the  law  of  1H12  would  not  allow  him 
that  privilege.  Il  compelled  liini  to  enter  them  at 
their  cost,  although  it  was  known  to  be  below 
their  value;  and  aiier  thus  compelling  him,  ciaort- 
ed  a  forfeiture  fur  so  doing. 

This  bill  iniieiids  llic  net  of  1842,  and  gives  to 
the  importer  the  privilege  he  has  long  desired,  of 
entering  hid  goods  above  their  invoice  c».st.  As 
strange  as  it  may  appear,  this  will  be  found  lo  be 
a  most  impoilant  privilege,  and  one  which  will 
save  more  to  the  importer  than  all  Ihe  under-valuu- 
tions  which  were  ever  put  into  rcoui  utioii  to  defraud 
the  riistom-lioii.se.  I  ask  ihe  Clerk  to  read  the  8th 
i-ertion  of  the  bill,  to  prove  that  while  geiillenien 
contend  there  is  such  a  tendency  lo  understate  the 
invoice  price  of  Imnorted  goous,  it  is  considered 
important  to  the  rights  and  interests  of  importers 
thai  they  should  Ue  allowed  to  evade  the  rigid  pen- 


Mr.  President,  a  further  objection  to  ad  valorem 
dulies  is,  that  the  true  value  of  certain  kinds  of 
goods  cannot  be  ascertained  by  the  appraisers, 
and  hence  there  will  be  no  uniformity  in  Ihe  oper- 
ation or  execution  of  the  law.     Wines  are  otten 
cited  in  illuslration  of  this  objection,  and  il  is  said 
there  is  no  such  thing  as  judging  of  the  quality  of 
wine  by  the  inspection  or  even  the  taste  of  ap- 
praisers.    Now  1  say,  as  wines  have  always  paid 
specific  duties,  the  possibility  of  appraising  their 
value  has  never  been  tried.     I  have  no  doubt  that 
this  is  the  strongest  case  which  can  be  put,  nnd 
yet  I  think  it  will  be  found  on  ti.al  that  much  of 
this  difficulty  is  imaginary.      If  individuals  can 
judge  the  quality  of  wines  vi'cU  enough  to  purchase 
thcni,  I  see  no  reason  why  other  individuals  can- 
not ajipraiae  them.     But  il  so  happens  in  point  nf 
fact,  that  instead  of  the  ditficulty  of  ascertaining 
enl  ot  j;  tlie  value  of  an  article  being  a  reason  why  sncii 
trial,  ;!  article  should  juiy  a  specific  duty,  by  the  act  of 
incurs   j  1(^42  those  orticlcs  whose  value  are  least  delernii- 
*">  it  IS   i  natc  pay  ad  valorem  duties,  while  specific  dulies 
have  been  imposed  on  such  as  are  most  delermi- 
•  nate  in  value.    This  observation  is  the  result  of  an 
5  extensive  examination  into  the  character  of  those 
I  articles  paying  duly.     I  will  give  inslnnccs: 
I      Coarse  cottons  pay  minimum  duties,  which  are 
'  a  refinement  on  specifics.     These  minimum  duties 
operate  on  the  princijile  of  assuming  the  value  of 
I  the  article  in  the  foreign  market,  us  if  such  value 
'  could  not  be  accurately  (Uiccr/niiiti/,  when,  in  point 
i  of  fact,  nothing  is  more  determinate  in  price  and 
i  value  than   these  coarse  cottons.     Bv  an  instru- 
!  incnl  applied  to  the  eye,  you  judge  of  their  fine- 
ness most  accurately  by  eountiiiL'  the  number  of 
'  threads  in  a  square  inch.     Cut  fine  cottons,  the 
quality  of  w  hicii  cannot  be  so  estiinated  and  de- 
scribed, and  the  value  of  which  it  is  diHicult  to  fix, 
pay  an   ud   valorem   duty.     Sewing  silk  pays  a 
.specific  duty;  silk  mixed  with  cotton  or  wool  pay.s 
an  ad  valon  m  duty;  chains,  chain  cables,  caslings, 
anchors,  and  anvils,   articles   at   which   no   cine 
wishes  ti  look  to  nscerlain  their  v.ilue,  judgingen- 
lircly  by  their  weight,  pay  specific  diities;  while 
I  cloths,  kenscynieies — the  qnaiility  and  quality  of 
!  which  Ciui  be  determined  with  dilllrulty  even  on 
I  inspection — pay  ad  valorem  duties.   Those  articles 
I  which,  from  the  deienniiiateness  of  their  value, 
;  arc  to  be  found  in  every  "  price  current,"  would, 
!  upon  this   reasoning,   appear  to   be   the  articles 
il  wliuh  should  pay  an  ml  valorem  duty;  and  with 
;  the  price  curit.nl  before  them  the  appraisers  could 
!  never  be  deceived;  but  with  scarcclyan  exception, 
i  the.;e  are  the   articles  which  pay  specific  duties; 
,    while  those  nrliclcs  which,  from  their  indetcrmi- 
nale  value,  are  never  nilmilted  into  a  price  current, 
''  with  few  exceptions,  pay  ad  valorem  duties.   The 
objection,  then,  of  a  ditficulty  in  the  appraiser".? 
asceitaiiiing  the  true  value  of  certain  goods,  so  far 
from  being  a  reason   for  abolishing  ad  valoii'ms 
and  substituting  specifics,  turns  out  lo  be  an  after- 
thought, which  has  had  no  influence  in  introdu- 
'   ring  the  one  or  excluding  the  other.     Il  is  not 
only   a   clear  aflerlliought,    but  an   afterlhoiight 
,  founded  on  the  gross  absurdity,  that  allhongh  in- 
■   dividuals  can,  by  inspection,  judge  llio  value  of 
I  these  articles  with  siifticient  accuracy  to  buy  them, 
']  oppiaisers,   upon   like    inspection,   cannot  know 
;'  enough  of  their  value  to  appraise  them.     My  lilh 
on  il,  sir,  the  whole  bnlch  of  specifics,  including 


allies  ol  ihe  law  by  nverflating  the  cost  of  such  \\  cvenwines,  can   be   valued  by   the  Governmeiit 
good*  III  the  foreign  market.  ['  appraisers  with  as  much  accuracy  as  to  price  us 

The  Clerk  read  the  section,  which  is  as  follows:  I   they  can  be  purchased  by  individuals. 
t<i.c.  H.  .^rul  l,c  ilfmthereiMcted,  That  It  shall  be  lawful    i       lim  sir,  il'framls  are  the  neces.snrv  eoncomilnnls 

,.,..,Si:;:,;T:iV;''^';!,^Zr,.nSS     "f  -l  -lorems,  why  have  not  such  n-,mds  bee. 

iidiiitlni)  ill  til.!  rnlrv  If)  tln' ro-t  or  vnliii'  diviii  in  the  in-  j    tlPKM'tt'il,    pii)Ht!Out(  (I,    lUiU    piiiiishetl .      We    hear 
vuii  (  nn  III  liiH  oiMnimt  niny  raise  the  iiihh'  ('» the  irni*  tiiar-  i,  much  complaint  Cmm  llie  mniiulUctiircrp,  but  from 


Cor  iliL'  ottiii 
lii'Oii  nclii 


[July  13, 


IKNATE. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


i&i 


E 


29tii  CoNfi 1st  Sess. 

no  other  source.  If  there  were  nnch  frauds,  tlie 
lionrst  imporlcrs  themselves  would  Vie  llic  first  to 
complain.  Do  the  fnir-dcRlin2;  mcrclinnts  com- 
plniii  I  Who  hiis  henrd  such  a  cnrnpltiinl,  except 
from  the  mnnufiicturers,  who,  with  nil  their  talent, 
wcnith,  indiiHli'Viiind  7.eal  in  tliiscniise,lmve  whol' 
\y  fiiilcd  to  nuke  out  their  proof  of  fraud?  I  will 
prove  by  n  document  1  hold  in  my  hand,  that  after 
a  most  pnlient  and  thorough  investigation  by  an 
Kxci-utive  Committee,  appointed  to  investigate  this 
vc.-y  Bulijcct  of  frauds  on  tiic  revenue,  and  particu- 
larly on  ad  valorem  duties — II  committee  at  the  head 
of  which  was  a  leiullns;  member  of  the  Whio;  party — 
a  committee  which  called  on  the  manufiicturera 
both  far  and  near  to  come  forwn  uul  produce 
their  proofs — that  committee  repcji  .  that  no  such 
frauds  had  been  proved,  and  thai,  "  none  such 
existed." 

Mr.  Lrwis  desired  the  Clerk  to  read  the  follow- 
ing from  House  Document,  No  212,  27th  Congress, 
2d  session,  pa2;e  309; 

"  In  Bcurcli  oPthc-JO  frniid^,  and  llin  mnnner  in  whicli  they 
have  liecn  or  niiijlil  tio  porpotrateil,  the  ciniiiiii''Ririn4.>ri«  have 
ex:uiiinei)  the  iwtat  inttHliitcnt  ant)  expericni^ed  inerchnnLs 
cngaard  it)  the  iinpnrttitloii  of  foreign  uotxln  and  in  dnnu^sttc 
ninnulnctnri's,  lintli  in  New  Ynrif  iiriil  nr><itnn.    I'tic  inter- 
rnenlnrlcs  pnt  to  these  inorchnntt<  cnvercd  tlie  whole  sround 
ot'  their  knowlcdse  of  I'nindit  or  cvmiions  of  the  revenue 
lawrt;  their  lieliel  in  the  i-xisti^nce  of  tiucli  IVntldH;  ttic  in- 
fortnulion  whirli  thoyhlut  n^eeivfid  from  other»<,  nnd  clrcnni- 
ptnneeH  which  niluht  lead  to  the  conehi^lon  timt  nucii  fnnid.^ 
ami  eviiriinntt  hiid  liecn  prnc(iseit,to  the  Injury  ofthe  revenue 
or  ofthe  honest  Importer.    Of  ilieir  own  IfnnwIedjrc,  not  a 
Binijlo  witne.-s  enlti'il  lni.s  te^'tiHed  to  any  fact  whicli  e^tnh- 
lishcfl,  In  nnv  piirticiilnr  cn<>e,  nr  any  nnuiher  of  cii^es,  tlie 
cxlHtence  nf  frnuil!*  or  eviwionit  of  the  revenue  InwB.    From 
rnriiorH  and  variou!*  cireuunstnnceB  rehtliuR  to  the  dl^crep. 
ancy  in  price  hetween  iniporier*  of  tlie  unuie  description  of 
jooda,  (sonin  of  llioso  ttnlli  ii|i  at  a  price  (1.  r  tielow  wlnit  could 
:ie  afforded  tiy  otlierH  at  a  reaHonalde  profit,)  and  f:peculative  |i 
npinlonB,  nil  aiireo  that  frnudii  have  heen  nracrifted  on  the  i 
revenue,  nt  different  liniev,  to  n  conxiderahli'  extent.    They  j 
also  lipeak  of  the  di'viees  l>y  wliieh  these  frauds  Jiave  been  ; 
HUcceHsfully  perpi'traled,  and  hy  which  ttiey  may  lie  ngain  ;  ' 
hut  of  their  own  kiinwtedRe  they  do  not  profens  to  Itnow  ij 
nMytliinc,  routine  ttieir  opinions  entirely  on  cenerat  ntputa-  {' 
tiou  and  the  coiirrie  of  trade,  ns  it  has  exii^ted  under  their  { 
own  iiliservnlion.'  Many  of  tlie  witnesses  examined  on  tiiese  ij 
points  are  domestic  mnniilhetiirers  or  tlleir  a:^cnfs.  or  iiier-  ' 
chants  referred  to  hy  sueli  inannfnelurers  to  pslahlish  the 
existence  of  frauds  on  the  revenue,  in  order  to  place  foreign 
coinuierce  niiiler  the  niosl  riaid  restrjetions.  to  exclude  the 
foreluri  fiihric  for  the  lienelit  of  doinotie  (loods  of  the  same 
description.     It  may,  thereliire,.ln^  fairly  presumed,  Itiat  if 
any  po-<itive  evidence  could  he  adduced  to  fix  Itie  charpe 
nf  fraud  on  any  nuuihcr  of  forelKn  importers,  it  would  iiave 
been,  as  the  door  was  widely  ttirnwu  open  hy  the  cnnimls- 
[doners  to  the  introdiieiion  of  such  evidrnci!.    \one  such, 
however,  was  adduced,  and  it  is  presumed,  therefore,  tliai 
none  sucli  existed." 

None,  sir,  "  was  adduced,  and  therefore  it  is  to  i 
he  presumed  none  existed."  jVow,  I  ask  the  ' 
Clerk  to  read  annllier  extract  from  the  same  docu- 
ment, pane  .172,  the  report  nf  three  very  expe- 
rienced appmiscrs,  long  employed  in  the  business  i 
in  ihc  city  of  New  York.  The  Clerk  read  as  fol-  i 
lows:  I 

"  The  underst*iued,  late  principal  appraisers  nf  tile  eus-  ! 
tnnis  for  the  port  and  districtof  New  York,  lies  leave  to  sul>- 
niit  the  UillowhiB  report,  ,inil  re-pectfullv  solii  it  that  it  may  I 
be  conslderi'd  as  a  pin  of  Ihe'r  testimony,  vi/,;  , 

"  Ff huiB  and  caii'fnliihservatioimandexiuninniinns  nf 

merclmndisc  at  Un-  eustnui  house,  ihev  are  fully  satisfled 
that  there  have  1if>cmi  no  frauds  of  aiiv  'loriseiiuenee  nrac-  i 
Used  on  the  revenue  liy  the  uniler-valuation  of  cloths  and 
cassinieres  at  their  eiitrv— 

"  llmiiiae  there  has  heen,  in  all  Eiiallsh  fabrics  of  that 
kind,  a  greiit  uniforiiiity  in  value  on  fli.'  invoice  prii'es,  when 
of  similar  nuality,  whether  iiiiporled  hy  Amerieau  or  forei"U 
nierehanfs. 

"  Hcnme  most  nf  ihe  woollens,  pnrticniarlv  the  middlins  I 
n.id  lower  i|uidilies,  have  not  luen  suhleeteil  to  duties  nv- 
eordins  to  iiivnieii  value  j  hut  have,  in  most  eases,  heen  sub-  j 
Jei'ted  10  increased  dulii's  thriiiiuh  pre|ndiee,  caprice,  or  ' 
false  valuation,  by  those  aciini  as  appraisers,  who  were  not 
the  legal  rppraisers  in  the  New  York  ciistoiii-liouse.  j 

lit^rump  tlii're  has  heen  no  inollve  to  inder-value  the  ' 
poods  on  invoiee,  since  it  was  not  taken  as  'he  criterion  of  ' 
value  on  which  the  dnUes  were  to  he  conipii'ed;  and,  con-  ' 
seqiiently,  the  merehaiil  on  the  other  siile  of  i  le  water  could  , 
not  consider  his  invoice  as  a  giiiilo  to  the  dities  to  be  iiii-  1 
posed  liiTC. 

"  Hrc.iiuc  neither  In  our  olticlal  cnpnc.lv  nr  otherwise  ; 
have  coinplainls  heen  made  nf  any  Instaices  of  suspected 
under-valuation,  either  hy  iniporlers,  or  bj  persons  encaged 
in  the  nianul'neiiiri' of  domestic  gdiidsi  ani'  had  there  been 
any  such  nnder-valiiaiioh-,  the  vigihui.'e  .if  rivalry  and 
proinniirigs  of  iulerest  would  have  niaile  tlU'  facts  known. 

"  Hrriiui<;  In  the  sales  of  cloths  and  cassinii'ris,  when 
they  have  been  made  after  seixure  by  efinsenl  of  parties  and 
without  iircjnillce,  thi'y  have  riirelv  brought  the  invoice  cost 
and  chargi-s,  even  when  made  lindi'r  the  most  favorable 
cireumsiaiices;  and,  III  n  large  majority  of  the  cases,  they 
liave  not  briiiighl  to  exceed  two  thirds  of^io  customhouse 
valuation, 

"Tint  there  were  frauds  by  smuggling,  coniuiiued  during 
tlin  last  term  of  Hwartwout's  iucumbeiiev,  there  eaniint  lie 
a  doubt  i  but  these  were  brought  about  bv  eolhislou  of  oin- 
coi»  of  tha  cu'.tomt  with  certain  liuporturii,  but,  wlietlicr 


Tfie  Tariff—Mr.  Lewis. 


hyiiniler-valiintion  or  otbnrwl«e,tho  undcraigncd,  not  having 
seen  the  goods,  are  iinabhi  to  say. 

«  \Ve  have  confined  these  remarks  to  cloths  and  endsl- 
rnnres  solely,  because  no  allegations  of  frauds  in  any  other 
descriplioiiB  of  merchandise  or  mauufnetures  have  ever 
been  made  liy  the  American  inaiinthcturcrs,  lo  our  knowl- 
edge. Hut  it  is  due  to  th(!  public  to  Htatc,  (and  we  do  it  with 
great  deference  and  respect,)  Unit  among  the  nunierous  cases 
of  evasions  and  frauds  that  came  under  our  observafionB, 
when  acting  as  appraisers  of  the  customs,  whether  by  false 
or  uiider-valiintioii,  or  otiierwise,  inueli  the  greatest  propor- 
tion, both  in  iiumhcrs  and  aniount,  were  of  goodB  other 
than  those  in  which  wool  wa^  a  conipiuient  part." 

Now,  sir,  until  this  charge  of  fraud  is  satlsfac  ■ 
torily  proven,  I  think,  from  the  result  of  this  invca- 
tigotion,  il  may  be  safely  inferred  it  is  wholly  and 
utterly  without  foundation. 

Having  thus  disposed  of  the  objection  of  fraud 
in  ad  valorems,  I  feel  that  I  have  put  down  the 
principal  argument  in  favor  of  specifics,  for  I  do 
not  know  that  I  ever  heard  any  one  express  a 
preferetice  in  favor  of  specifics,  which  was  not 
founded  on  the  allegation  of  frauds  in  ad  valorems. 
The  stereotyped  objection  of  the  protectionists  is, 
that  as  ttd  valorems  cannot  he  relied  on  for  revenue, 
•lecMsifi/ compel  us  to  adopt  specifics. 

Now,  sir,  not  satisfied  with  establishing  the  fair- 
ness and  equity  of  the  former  system,  I  propose  to 
prove  that  for  revenue,  or  for  any  other  pui-pose, 
the  latter  is  not  entitled  to  confidence. 

What  is  the  orii'in  of  specific  duties?  Gentle- 
men s,iciik  of  them  as  if  they  had  grown  up  out  of 
the  frauds  of  the  opposite  system,  and  on  ai  cr.unt 
of  frauds,  had  been  adopted  as  a  substitute  fur  such 
system.  This  apjiears  to  be  the  common  opin- 
ion; yet  is  it  fiirfrom  being  true.  I  speak  advisedly 
when  I  say,  that  in  no  one  instance  has  there  been 
a  change  f'rom  ad  valorem  to  specific  duties  on  ac- 
count of  frauds  under  the  former.  I  hold  in  my 
hand  a  list  ofthe  principal  articles  paying  specific 
duties,  showing  the  time  at  which  they  were  im- 
posed. Upon  examination,  it  will  be  found  that 
the  act  of  1790  was  the  purent  of  a  large  portion  of 
these  specific  dulies,  and  they  have  been  increased 
by  every  tariff  since  that  time.  In  1816  n  large 
number  was  added,  not  under  pretence  of  avoiding 

j  fraud,  but  doubtless  to  conceal  the  enormous  duties  . 

I  impo.sed  nt   that   time — icipo.ied,    if  you   plen.se, 

I  strictly  for  revenue.  Initio  conceal  the  expenses  of 

i  a  war  which.  In  certain  qunrleis,  was  far  from  being 

i  popular.    The  remaining  specifics  have  sprunc;  into 

;  existence  since  that  time — many   by   the   act  of 

'  1828;  but  not  one  because  the  ad  valorem  duly  had 
been  evaded,  but  because  a  high  rate  of  protection 
was  desired  on  particular  articles,  to  put  down 

1  foreign  competition.  I  challenge  the  advocates  of: 
specific  duties  lo  show  a  single  article  on  which 
that  form  of  duty  was  imposed  to  put  down  I'l'i-^uds 
on  the  revenue.  They  will  find  in  every  ca.^c  since 
the  act  nf  18Ifi,  these  duties  have  been  impused  on 
the  petition  of  parties  asking  for  such  enormous 

'  rales  of  duty,  that  to  grant  them,  it  was  necessary  , 
the  aniottnt  should  be  concealed  under  the  disgnises 
ofthe  specific  system.     The  following  is  the  list, 
to  which  I  will  inviie  the  attention  of  the  Senate: 

All  the  articles  on  tir  specific  list  amount  to  about  ninety.  ' 

None  of  these  appear  In  have  been  imposed  with  a  view  of 

preventing  frauds.  | 

Nails  have  been  specific  from  ITPO  to  the  present  time.       I 

I      Bpikes  have  also.    Cut  nails  are  only  luade  in  Uie  United  , 

.  Slates. 

Pieel  has  also. 

Wire  was  ad  valorem  till  1P*18.    It  beiran  to  tie  innnufac- 

j  tureil  three  or  four  years  beliire  that  time,  wln.'u  u  petition 
for  protection  was  made  the  ground  ofthe  duty. 

,      Tacks,  brads,  and  sprigs,  marie  spi'cific  in  IPIG— nocut 

'  tacks  used  or  made  in  England,  and  none  oilier  of  any  con- 
sequence are  used. 

i  Sheet,  hoop,  roniiil,  split,  and  rolled  iron,  made  specific  in 
18l(iand  IP*34,  on  aciMiuiit  of  doniesiic  coniiietifion. 

I  liar,  rolled,  haiiiniered,  and  fag  iron  were  changed  to 
speciiic— the  first  two  in  1810,  and  the  last  ill  1818,  for  the 
purposes  of  revenue  solely. 

\  Anchors  were  made  so  liigh  in  181(1,  for  revenue  purposes, 
that  the  duty  induced  eoinpetjtinn  at  home,  till  the  nmiiufac- 
tllrcrs  asked  and  obtained  increased  protection  ill  18'J4,  and 
slill  more  ill  18^1*J.  ' 

Castings,  in  1818,  were  increased,  for  ninlpctlon,  from 
three-qnarfers  of  a  cent  to  one  and  a  hall';  in  IH-lloue  and  a  , 
half;  and  in  IHI'2,  from  various  rales,  one  to  five  cents  per 
pound. 

i      .\uvils,  hammers,  and  chains  raised,  for  protection,  on  pcU- 

1  tlon,  in  lH-31,  from  30  lo  .'ili  per  ciiil. 

Brassier's  rods  raised  for  prnfecdon  from  90  per  cent,  to  3  ' 

'  ceiifs  per  pound  in  1834,  on  petiiion  of  manufacturers;  p-esent  ; 
duty  equal  to  Tifi  per  cent. 

Mill  saws  raised  In  1894  from  90  per  cent,  to  one  dollar 
each,  on  pelifioii  of  an  Kiiglislimaii,  in  riiilailelphin,  by  the 
iiniiie  of  Slillington.  There  ore  now  four  other  manufac- 
turers. 

j  Mill  cranks  and  mill  irons  Imth  raised  in  1824  from  iO  per 
cent,  to  4  cciiib  per  pound,  for  protecfion. 


Senate. 

Sadirons  in  1834,  were  beginning  to  he  made,  and  Con- 
gress raised  the  duty  i'rom  90  per  cent,  to  3^  cents  per  pound ; 
equal  to  87  per  cent. 

Manufactured  silks :  These  were  free  principally  in  1843, 
when  a  silk  mania  had  overspread  the  country,  and  a  high 
specific  rate  was  iiii|inscd  on  the  urtiele  by  the  {lound,  witta 
a  view  lo  protection. 

I^ewlng-silk  :  This  nrlicle  had  been  Bubject  to  a  specific 
duty  for  siinie  years,  in  consequence  of  itjt  being  nioiiu- 

{  factiired  in  Connuctieut,  at  Mar.tfield ;  a  duty  was  imposed 
in  l«41. 

1     Gloves,  boots,  skins,  paper,  carpeting,  hemp,  gloesware, 

I  fill  made  specific,  with  a  view  to  proleciloii. 

I      Pins,  shin'els,  spades.  Sic,  were  all  increased  to  protect, 

j  and  BO  of  most  other  articles. 

I  Having  shown,  from  the  history  of  specifics, 
j  that  they  owe  their  origin  to  protection,  and  not  to 
I  frauds,  ns  is  commonly  iinagined,  I  now  state  my 
■  objections  to  them. 

!      First,  they  increase  the  expense  and  add  greatly 
[  to  the  difficulty  of  collecting  the  revenue.     I  am 
I  informed  thai  a  very  large  number  of  those  engaged 
'■  obout  the  New  York  custom-house — as  many  per- 
j  hiipR  ns  one  hundred — may  be,  I  do  not  say  xeill  be, 
[  dispen.sed  with,  liy  adopting  wholly  the  ail  valorem 
j  system.     By  ridding  ourselves  of  the  specific  sys- 
,  tem,  we  can  disband  an  army  of  weighera,  gaugers, 
I  measurers,  and  clerks,  in  all  the  custom-houses, 
j  and  a  large  number  of  clerks  in  the  treasury.    We 
j  shall  rid  ourselves  also  of  that  vexatious  class  of 
!  questions  arising  out  of  specific  dutien,  which  oc- 
j  cupy  the  comptrollers  irequcntly  lo  the  cbstruction 
'  of  all  other  public  business,  and  which  constitute 
I  so  heavy  and  perplexing  a  portion  of  litigation  be- 
fore our  courts.     The  contested  cases  arising  un- 
der specific  duties  are  ns  ten  to  one,  compared  to 
ad  valorems.     No  doubt  can  arise,  under  an  ad 
valoreir.  duty,  as  to  what  amount  of  duty  the  law 
intends,  while  the  most  diflicult  of  all  things  is  to 
reduce  every  article  of  imporlation  lo  the  class  to 
which  it  belongs;  so  great  is  this  difficulty,  it  can- 
I  not  be  said  that  we  have  ever  approacheil  to  abso- 
!  lute  uniformity  in  collecting  duties,  although  the 
I  Constitution,  ns  well  ns  common  justice,  requires 
it.    I  am  informed  that  four  different  rates  of  duty, 
under  the  act  of  1842,  have  been  collected  at  four 
different  custom-houses,  on  trnce  chains — nnd  this 
notwithstanding  the  gienlest  industry,  talent,  and 
integrity  in  the  olRcera  ofthe  treasury. 

Secondly,  the  danger  of  mistake,  collusion,  and 
tVaud,  in  collecting  the  revenue,  is  greatly  rnore 
under  specific  than  ad  valorem  duties.  Articles 
paying  ad  valorem  duties  pass  through  the  hands 
of  liio  collector,  his  deiiuty,  the  appraiseis,  assist- 
ant appraisers!,  and  examiners — all  interested  in 
delecting  every  attempt  nt  under-valualion.  Arti- 
cles paying  specific  duties,  on  the  contrary,  are 
delivered  into  the  hands  of  a  single  officer,  for  the 
purpose  of  mensu-ing,  weighing,  or  gauging;  and 
when  measured,  weighed,  or  gaugeil,  this  officer 
sums  up  the  amount  of  duly,  and  returns  the  arti- 
cle to  the  itnpnrter.  In  this  case  no  forfeitures 
can  accrue;  and  hence  there  is  no  other  vigilance 
than  such  as  arises  from  n  regard  to  the  interests  of 
the  Government. 

Now,  sir,  I  ask,  in  the  name  of  common  sense, 
under  which  system  is  there  the  most  chance  for 
mistakeaud  fraud?  Sujiposinglheweighcr,gauger, 
or  measurer,  equally  lioncst  and  rigilnnt,  without 
the  inducements  arising  out  of  forfeitures  as  the 
collector  and  other  officers  arc  with  it— which  sys- 
tem will  give  rise  to  most  mistakes  nnd  most 
frauds?  Suppose  the  importer  should  otlempt  col- 
lusion, in  which  would  lie  be  most  likely  to  suc- 
ceed? In  the  one  case  he  would  have  to  buy  up 
a  score  of  oflicers  already  bought  up  against  him 
by  Ihe  Government,  through  hopes  of  forfeiture; 
in  the  other  case,  he  would  only  have  to  propi- 
tiate n  single  indivfdual,  having  no  other  induce- 
ment than  ills  love  of  honesty  to  resist  the  appeal. 
Sir,  I  am  surprised  that  gcnileinen  who  are  so  zeal- 
ous in  preventing  fraud./  have  never  complained  of 
this  "  one-innn  power"  mder  the  specific  system, 
where  h  single  man  in  weighing  and  relurnine  a 
hundred  ton  of  iron,  may,  by  false  weight  or  false 
return,  make  il  fifty  or  seventy-five  Ions,  and  thus 
defraud  the  Government  out  of  from  six  to  twelve 
hundred  dollars  on  a  single  article. 

But  suppose  this  one  weigher  charged  with  an 
importation  of  silk,  how  easy  in  an  article  so  val- 
uable nnd  so  light,  to  defraud  the  Government  out 
of  five  times  the  amount  which  he  could  on  iron, 
either  by  tripping  the  beam,  if  he  weighs  it  all  at 
once;  or,  if  he  weighs  it  in  different  parcels,  by 
leaving  out,  or  under-stating  the  weight  of  these 


788 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  13, 


29th  Cong Ist'Sess. 


The  Tariff—Mr.  Lcw'\ 


Senate. 


pnrcela.  If  thn  ingenuity  of  ninn  cnii  finil  a  sys- 
tem belter  rnlculated  titan  all  oliierN  to  pinmole 
frauils  in  the  revenue,  it  is  this  niui'liboaHlcil  sys- 
tem of  assessing  duties  by  inoasiiic  anil  weight, 
Ccimparcd  to  the  niQdo  of  assessing  them  by  the 
Tnhie  of  the  aitirlcs,  the  chanecs  of  fraud  cannot 
be  less  than  twenty  to  one. 

But,  admitting  that  the  custom-house  ofliccrs 
make  no  mistakes  and  commit  no  frauds,  is  it  not 
more  difficult  to  detect  an  under-measuremenl  in 
piece  goods  than  an  under-valunlion  in  an  invoice  ? 
What,  then,  is  to  prevent  frauds  at  present  on  cot- 
ton bagging,  sail  duck,  carpeting,  llannels,  bork- 
ings,  and  baizes?  all  of  ihem  piece  goods,  paying 
upecific  duties,  an'l  which  pass  ihe  custom-house 
without  being  uinolled  or  measured.  What.  I 
nsk,  is  to  prevent  still  greater  frauds  in  tnider- 
niejisurement,  when  all  piece  goods  are  made,  as 
gentlemen  contend  all  ought  to  be  made,  to  pay 
upecific  duties?  To  open  and  measure  them  at 
the  custom-house,  even  if  it  were  possible,  all 
admit,  will  destroy  their  innrkctable  value,  and  re- 
duce them  to  the  condition  of  damaged  goods.  To 
reject,  therefore,  the  evidence  of  a  sworn  invoice 
ns  to  their  measurement,  is  to  reject  the  only  pos- 
sible evidence  you  can  have,  and  to  open  a  wide 
door  to  favoritism,  collusions,  and  IVauds,  on  the 
part  of  custom-house  officers. 

Third.  A  further  objection  to  specific  duties  is, 
that  tlicygoiui  progress' vely  increasing,  relatively, 
ns  compared  to  the  value  oi'  the  articles  on  \vhi(  h 
they  are  imposed.  There  is  no  process  more 
rapul  than  the  reduction  in  the  prii  c  of  niost  man- 
ufactured articles.  This  is  the  result,  mainly,  of 
improvements  in  m.nchinery,  bringing  about  easier 
nriu  cheaper  modes  of  produciiig  such  articles. 
It  has  been  eminently  the  ca.se  for  the  last  twenty 
years,  and  a  consequence  has  been  that  s])ecilio 
duties,  imposed  with  a  view  to  protection  or  reve- 
nue to  the  extent  of  50  per  cent,  upon  the  value 
of  cue  article  paying  them,  in  a  few  years  becomes 
a  tax  to  the  amount  of  UIO  per  cent,  upon  such 
\nlue.  The  further  consecpiei'c  e  is,  ilie  augment- 
ing i!uty  poon  becomes  prohibitory,  and  yields  no 
revenue,  or  we  are  forced  to  do  what  some  gcn- 
licmen  regard  with  so  much  horror — we  are  forced 
to  be  every  few  years  tinkerinsr  with  the  revenue. 
Sir,  under  a  system  of  specific  duties,  no  rate  of 
duly  ran  survive  more  tiian  four  or  five  years 
without  the  necessity  of  change.  Ad  valorem 
duties,  on  the  contrary,  decline  wilii  the  ]irice 
of  the  articles  on  which  they  are  levied,  while 
the  revenue  in  most  cases  is  rcind)ursed  by  in- 
creased importation  and  consumption. 

Fourth.  Another  objection  to  specific  duties  is, 
that  they  imim.se  an  equal  tax  on  coarse  aiul  fine 
goods.  Now,  sir,  we  were  told  a  few  days  auo 
liy  a  Senator  on  tlie  other  side  of  the  IInu.sc,  thiil 
this  was  a  high  recommci. '  ti  .;>  to  specifics,  inas- 
much as  they  cncourageu  .■  i' nortalion  of  the 
finest  and  best  goods.  If  wc  ..ere  all  able  to  pur- 
chase and  consume  no  other  than  the  finest  and 
best,  and  consequently  highest  priced  goods,  the 
remark  might  be  just;  but  as  nine-tenths  of  the 
great  body  of  the  people  arc  compelled  to  cimsume 
the  coarser  and  lower  priced  goods,  «Uhou;;h  not 
the  best,  to  discriminate  against  tin:  dieapir  and 
coarser  goods  is  to  discriminate  again.st  poverty — 
arrainst  the  masses — against  the  many  for  the  ben- 
efit of  the  few.  This  is  an  injustice  in  our  tanlV 
laws  of  which  we  have  always  comjilained.  Tlie 
act  of  1842  is  full  of  such  unjust  and  iniquitous 
di.scriminaiions,  a  few  of  which  I  shall  now  drag 
out  from  under  the  disguises  of  the  specific  sys- 
tem, for  there  they  are  all  to  be  found,  to  expose 
to  the  full  gaze  of  the  Senate. 

Silk  jmys  a  specific  duty  agreeable  to  weight, 
the  finer  orticleg,  of  course,  weighing  less.  I  am 
informed,  on  good  authority,  that  a  lady's  shawl 
w.is  lately  imnorted  through  the  IS'ew  S'ork  cus- 
tom-house, wliich  was  so  fine  and  costly  tli.tt  it 
o!ily  paid  one  per  cent,  duly  on  its  cost.  Now, 
sir,  to  show  off  this  discrimination  in  faror  of 
wealth  and  luxury,  I  will  read  to  you  a  few  more 
of  these  specific  duties,  levied  upon  the  necessaries 
of  life.  Salt  l)ays  83  per  cent,  duty,  brown  .sugar 
payi  63  per  cent,;  coal  pays  69  per  cent.;  plain 
tuniMers  not  cut,  such  as  arc  used  by  tin:  poor, 
pay  137  per  cent.;  log  chains  pay  101  percent.; 
spikes  pay  IGs  per  cent.;  hoop  iron  pays  115  per 
cent. 

Fifth.  But  the  great  and  conclusive  objection  to 


specific  duties,  if  there  were  no  other,  is,  that  they 
I  conceal,  and  are  intended  to  conceal,  the  amount  of 
I  the  duly.     I  say  nothing  of  the  molality  of  any 
'  let,islation  which  attempts  to  deceive  and  hoodwink 
j  the  people;  but  I  do  say,  that  it  is  not  only  the 
people's  right,  but  the  very  essi  ine  of  liberty,  that 
they  should  know  the  amount  of  taxes  they  are 
'  forced  to  pay.     I  put  it  to  the  advocates  of  specific 
dutie8,toHay  if  they  would  have  dan  d,  in  the  broad 
light  of  day  and  in  plain  lOnglisli,  to  have  sanc- 
tioned such  unjust  and  unequal  taxation  as  1  have 
jl  pointed  out?    And  whether,  in  adopting  such  ex- 
\  pedienis  to  conceal  the  extent  and  enormity  of  their 
\\  im|>ositions,  they  cjn  hojie  to  secure  the  people's 
i   favor? 

i!      Having  established,  as  I  think,  Mr.  President, 

!  most8atisliiclorily,not  only  Ihe  fairness,  openness, 

i  and  justice  of  ad  valorem  dutie.'f  as  compared  with 

I;  specifics,  but  likewise  their  belter  adaptation  to  all 

I  the  purpo.ses  of  revenue,  uiul  more  particularly  to 

,  the  prevention  of  collusions  and  frauds  in  the  cus 

tom-housc — I  come  now  to  the  consideration  of 

the  question,  whether  this  bill  will  r.-.i.se  the  amount 

of  revenue  recpiired  to  meet  the  financi'.d  necessities 

of  the  Goverimienl.     That  it  will  meet,  in  addition 

to  the  ordinary  cxpenditiui  s,  all  the  requirements 

of  the  Mexican  war  aS  fa.st  as  they  may  occur, 

without  throwing  on  the  Government  the  nei'i  ssity 

of  using  its  credit,  is  of  course  not  expected  by 

any  one. 

The  real  question  is,  whether  it  will  furnish  as 
mucli  or  more  revenue  than  the  existing  law.     I 
stand   prepan  d  to  maintain  that  the  revenues  will 
not  be  diniiiiislied  by  the  pa.ssagc  of  this  hill.     But, 
sir,  on  what  tjrcunds  can  it  be  maintained  that  the 
revenue  will  be  lessemil ':    On  no  oilier, certainly, 
than  that  there  will  not  he  an  increa.se  of  importa- 
tions corresponding  wiili  the  reduction  of  duties. 
If  there  he  any  considerable  increase  of  imporla- 
tions,  there  must  be  an  iiu'rea.se  of  revenue,  for  while 
the  avciai.'e  rale  of  duty  under  this  bill  is  about  dli 
j  per  cent.,'  ii  will  not  require  a  vc?y  great  increase 
(  of  importations  to  give  us  an  increase  of  levenuc. 
I  Whyshoiildwe  not  expe;i  sue  ban  increase?    No 
I  other  re.ison  can  be  as.-iigned  under  a  reduction  of 
j  the  duties,  unless  it  be  lliiii  they  have  not  been  re- 
j  duced   low  enouiih  to  gi\e  us  the  highest  amount 
of  revenue,  and  are  therefore  still  to  some  extent 
prohibitory.     Such  i.s  my  own  opinion,  1  confers, 
11  is  impossible  to  say  what  amount  of  duty  will 
I  give   the  maxiinuin  of  revenue.     It  varies  on  dif- 
ferent articles  .ind  at  dilVerenl  times;  but  while  I 
believe  tluit  .'Id  per  cent.,  or  even  2.i  per  cent.,  is 
above  the  maximum  of  revenue,  and  that  'JO  per 
;  cent,  will  give   more  revenue  ihmi  either,  1  still 
think,  that  ns  this  bill  is  a  reduction  on  <\.c  act  of 
1  1H4!2,  it  will  irive  more  revenue;  and  for  the  reason, 
simp',,  that  it  is  le.ss  prohibitory. 

liui,  .Mr.  I'rtsidrnt,  alihou'.;h  we  .shall  be  told, 
\  that  under  this  bill  there  will  be  great  reductions 
'  of  the  revenue,  not  one  of  those  making  the  oh- 
Ijection  will  admit  that  it  is  beaiu.se  the  rate  of 
j  duty  is  to  any  extent  prohiljitory.  Proliibiiion  is 
a  term  not  admitted  iiilo  iluir  vocabulary.  On  the 
I  contrary,  one  portion  of  them  will  attack  this  bill 
I  because  it  will  not  raise  eiiouu'h  reviMiiic,  while 
;  another  portion  will  cry  out,  that  by  reducing  the 
t  duties,  we  shall  lie  Ihioded  with  iMiglish  goods, 
!  and  timt  the  niaimfacuirfs  of  the  country  are  to  be 
j  complelely  inumlalcd  with  the  aliundaiice  of  iin- 
,  portations.  Now,  both  of  tliese  propositions  can- 
i  not  be  true.  If  we  are  inundated  with  English 
!  goods,  we  must  also  be  inundaled  with  revenue. 
I  In  my  opinion,  the  inimdulion  will  not  be  as  great 
t  ns  it  tmght  to  be,  either  for  the  porposes  of  tinre- 
I  stricted  trade  or  of  increased  revenue.  As  I  have 
I  before  said,  a  still  lower  rale  of  duly  would  give  us 
I  a  greater  iiniiorlation  and  more  revenue.  There- 
I  foe,  while  1  do  not  look  for  a  heavy  inundation, .' 
''  expect  (me  sullicieiil  to  give  us  twenty-eight  or 
i  thirty  millions  of  revenue. 

I      No  man,  sir,  i:aii  look  over  the  statistics  of  our 

trade  and  revenue,  and  remain  unconvinced  of  the 

I  justice  of  this  expedalion.     While  we  have  re- 

1  duced,   by  ihis   bill,   the   higher   rate   of  duti.s, 

I  many  of  them  prohiiiitory,  we  have  placed  duties 

:  on  a  very  heavy  list  of  free  articles — on  almost 

everythmL'',cxci;pi  it  be  tea  and  coll'ee  and  specie. 

On  many  of  these  free  articles  wc  have  imposed 


very  high  rates  of  duty,  and  thus  the  average  rain 
of  duty  under  the  present  bill  is  but  little  reduced 
below-  that  of  J84'J,  while  it  is  infinitely  better  ar- 
ranged for  all  the  purposes  of  revenue.  The  im- 
portations, it  is  true,  carry  but  n  little  less  weight, 
but  that  weight  is  much  better  ndjusled,  and  there- 
fore will  be  less  oppressively  borne. 

What  will  be  the  exact  amount  of  revenue  under 
this  bill  is  of  course  entirely  conjectural,  and  every 
one  ia  ciiiitled  to  the  privilege  ot^gucssimr.  1  have 
made  an  estimate  with  great  caiT,  entirely  inde- 
pendent of  the  Treasury,  lint  with  all  the  aid  I 
could  find,  and  with  the  fullest  informalioii  the 
short  time  allowed  me  to  collect;  and  though  I  do 
not  promise  myself  even  an  approximation  to  the 
accuracy  of  the  es!imates  which  may  shortly  be 
expecied  from  tlie  Treasury  Department,  I  shall 
frankly  submit  my  estimate  to  the  Senate  for  what 
it  is  worth.  Founding  my  estimates  on  the  im- 
porlntioiisof  184"),  and  a.ssuniing  the  rates  o''duly 
impo.sed  by  this  bill,  [  I'alculatc  the  revenue  which 
would  accrue  on  those  importations  at  <^J23,88(i, 657 
— within  n  small  fradicm  of  twenty-four  milions. 

[Mr.  CAMKROhf.  On  what  do  yon  base  your 
calculation  ?] 

Mr.  Lkwis.  On  the  importations  of  last  year, 
after  deducting  tiie  articles  reexported.  But  will 
there  be,  under  this  bill,  an  increase  of  importa- 
tions? "This  is  nn  important  question,  which  every 
Senator  must  decide  for  him.self.  1  think  there 
will  be  a  very  considerable  increa.ie;  and  in  that 
opinion  I  am  persuaded  a  majority  of  this  boily 
must  concur.  On  what  do  1  ground  this  opinion? 
The  answer  is — 

First.  An  increaseof  importations  corresponding 
to  the  regular  augmentation  of  the  populatiim,  re- 
sources, and  commercial  activity  of  the  country. 
Taking  an  average  of  ten  years,  the  increase  of 
population  alone  has  been  thirty-four  per  cent. 

Secondly.  From  theadmis.'^ion  of  Texas  into  the 
I'nion,  The  population  of  that  fine  State,  though 
important  in  itself,  is  not  the  ground  on  which  I 
base  my  expectations  of  increase,  but  it  is  the  ad- 
dition (if  a  large  exporting  section  of  the  finest  cot- 
ton land  in  the  world  to  our  Union,  The  export- 
ations  from  Texas  will  form  of  course  the  basis 
of  a  corresponding  importation  of  sufBcient  conse- 
quence to  deserve  a  place  in  this  calculation. 

Third,  I  look  wilh  great  confidence  to  the  re- 
laxation of  duties  by  Great  Britain  on  American 
products,  as  an  important  element  in  increasing  the 
amount  of  our  inqwrlations.  What  will  be  the 
incrca.se,  no  one  can  certainly  predict,  hut  that  it 
will  be  large,  can  hardly  be  doubled,  Suppo.se  it 
shoulil  increase  our  exporiaiions  to  the  extent  in 
the  present  and  coming  year  of  twenty  millions  of 
dollars;  it  will  give  us  a  correspondiiig  increase  of 
importations  from  that  cause  alone,  I  have  a  mble, 
which  1  will  read,  to  show  the  magnetic  speed  vi'iih 
which  our  exports  have  increased,  in  anticipation 
merely,  of  the  modification  of  tht  corn-laws  by 
Knglaiid,  The  tabic  shows  the  amount  of  exports 
in  the  city  of  New  York  alone,  from  January  Ist 
to  June  30lh,  1846,  as  compared  with  the  exports 
for  the  same  period  of  time  in  1845: 


*  I  Imve  (incc  (bund  that  the  nverngo  is  nearer  33^  per 
cent. 


1845, 
7.'l,Jti6    17  times  nssrent) 

l;),.'ili7  {-I'l  tliiii'»  lis  tiritnl) 
•tlj'JfO    (lu-nrly  ilciulile) 

l.liiMI  ('iiKi tiiiK^s as niilch) 
ti:t,(>14    (4liiiiCM  n.-4  iiiui'h) 

'.i,7lll  (-J^  tiiiiusuc'imicti) 
l.V>CI     (11  us  iiiucli) 


I  pi 
i-'rom  J.in.  1, /o  Jioic  3(1,  ISKi. 

(;iiril,  (lillslli-ln) WHIfiVl 

('"riiinr-nl,  (in  luirrcls)  ."i-l.lilT 

I.anl.  (kei;-j) ',(i,7.'i7 

Wlicat .'W.N'.S 

Fliiur.  (ivlieal) Il-l.lo."! 

Itvell.iiir li.-tiK) 

llllHiT, I!i,0:l7 

Flour  iinrl  wheat  ini|mrti'ii  into  Flour  niwl  wheal  iinporlcii 
l.iV'Tpoiil  in  Ihe  iiKMilh  of  ititn  the  whole  of  t^iiif- 
Jitiic.  ls-l<),  Hull)  the  I'nited  IiiimI  in  the  joar  IHl.'i, 
Klate^:  fruii)  ll)R  t'liilcd  .''nites: 

Wheal I0n,-I7a  himliels,  2,010  hlifhelH, 

Flour I Jii.;ilJ  liarrilH,  ;i;i,3,1i  harreln. 

The  aniniinl  of  wheat  in  bond  (n  Liverponl  on  Ihe  .tfib 
June  was  l,'.Mn,iitio  hiisheN,  all  of  which  was  entered  for 
eoii;<uinplioi)  o))  that  d.'iyut  a  duty  of  sixpenco  titerhiiK  per 
l)u>liel. 

HitrreJH  of  flour  in  liniiil  entered  in  like  manner  on  that  day, 
7iIH,000,  at  two  nhillillir^  and  fniirpence  sterling  per  barrel. 
All  of  the  lliiiir  was  Ironi  Ihe  iriiiled  Stales,  and  nl  ^  >  the 

hairel,  » mild  niiioiiul  li .$3,IJU(i,iluU 

I'lii'  wheal  wan  iiKihahly  Iroin  the  Cnited 
8late^,  and  at  a  itotlur  a  iniHlii-l,  which  ii4  \v.i% 
than  II  cost  at  the  tiiau  uf  e,X|iurtutiul) l.niO.'Wn 

lt,'>,l>3tl.l)Dl> 

The  tola!  ainoiirn  of  flnnr  and  wheal  etpnrieil 
to  all  liireiL'ii  nations  in  tlie  year  lHI,^i,  nuia 

tlie  1,'nited  suiiea ', r,,;x^.:m 

<a.:f.n 


fJuIy  13, 


18/16.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


789 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


The  Warehouse  BUI— Mr.  Dix. 


Senate. 


Showine  that  tlie  exports  to  ihn  por*  o/ /JffrpooJ  ll  law  all  letters  now  pay  Scpniaj  nnd  nt  this  low 
a/niiehnvoiiccnnlrendy  witliii\ftl(l5,5'J3orih«vnlue  |j  rate  the  profits  luc  tlirco  or  fmir  niillioiis. 
(iln((  tlie  exports  of  tfieUiiitcil  StiiU's  in  tlioscarti-  h      Ilcrc,  Mr.  Pre«i(leiit,  is  a  rciliKMinn  in  one  cnsc 
cics  tn  «(Uhc  ports  of  tlifc  world  in  1815.  This  is  in   i  from  2SJ  cents  to  a  cents;  in  iinnthcr  from  14  cents 
luUlilion,  too,  to  what  has  been  taken  out  of  bond;  jl  ond  6  mills  to  j  cents.     And  at  that  rate  the  gen 


the  amount  of  which  U  not  known,  but  it  may  be 
almofit  or  quite  equal  to  the  present  uinounl  in  bond, 
jS'or  docs  this  statement  of  the  month  of  June  in- 
clude Indian  corn,  Indian  mcul,  rye,  oats,  or  bar- 
ley; the  aitiount  of  all  which  must  have  been  vcy 
lttra;e,  judi;ing  from  the  importations  previous  to 
the  month  of  June. 

Such  is  the  oscertttincd  result,  not  of  the  actual 
reduction,  but  only  of  the  anticipation  of  the  re- 
duction of  the  English  corn  laws.  What,  let  nic 
Hsk,  must  be  the  cH'cct  of  their  total  pineal  by  the 
nassaije  of  Sir  Robert  Peel's  law,  which  I  am  (old 
lias  reached  us  in  an  authentic  form,  ii)  a  paper  not 
now  before  me?  1  hcve  read  thefie  extracts  from 
u  Whit-;  paper — from  a  ta.riir||fcier — the  New 
York  Tribune.  ^^ 

Mr.  Wkbbtkk.  Have  you  staled  to  what  place 
these  cxport.s  were  nnule.' 

Mr  Lbwis.     Principally  to  Enp;land. 

Mr.  Johnson,  of  Maryland,  inquired  the  date 
of  the  paper. 

Mr.  Lbwis  replied  that  he  had  received  it  yes- 
terday. Now  1  oak,  (he  continued,)  if,  under  the 
laritV  of  1812 — bad  as  it  i.=!,  and  it  is  worse  than 
unythinfi;  that  the  people  should  ever  submit  to — if 
even  under  that  law,  in  anticipation  of  the  action 
of  the  British  Parliament  on  the  corn  laws,  the  ex- 
porlnlion  of  American  produce  was  so  va.stly  oiig- 
lucnted,  what  is  not  to  be  expected  from  the  oper- 
ation of  n  law  which  must  necessarily  tcntl  in 
itself  to  increase  importations  after  that  anticipated 
action  had  taken  place  ?  What  is  jiiot  to  be  ex- 
pected when  reduction  has  taken  place  at  both  ends 
of  the  line.*  There  must  of  necessity  be  a  greatly 
increased  elasticity  in  all  commercial  operations, 
and  imports  and  exports  must  go  on  augmenting 
with  vas'ly  increaseil  activity.  It  is  ditKcult  to  say 
what  increase  of  iirmorls  may  How  from  the  re- 
duction of  duties.  The  following  extract  from  an 
English  paper,  received  by  one  of  the  recent  ar- 
rivals, may  throw  some  light  on  this  point: 

"  Sujijily  of  ItMan  mral  at  Cor/..— Sucli  ik  nml  lina  been 
Itic  extensive  tlL-niand  for  tliidurticle  tlirntijiliiiut  tin;  country, 
niiicc  tlio  price  wan  (Ixeit  at  ton  pounila  |i  T  liia,  Hint  tliiri! 
tins  boca  issued  tVoni  tlie  GoveraineiU  <l<  pt!t  nt  titc  Leo 
iviills,  in  lliiscily,oiHaboiisHnii  toiH  iinrweelt  to  Uie  scvi.'nit 
riliol^coininitlcca  wlin  receive  8up|>liiis ;  llmt  is,  tea  llinu- 
Kuiiil  p:iund4  worth  ol'  Iniliaa  uiinl  per  wecli  is  isHued  I'rnni 
Corli  iilnin^,  to  iii.ikc  up  liir  llie  ilclioiiiicy  ciiilscil  liy  tlic  fiiil- 
urc  ia  Insl  year's  petatii  crop,  imlcpi'iiilriitly  of  tlic  nmoinit 
8olil  by  i?aport  -rs,  on  private  nicount,  wliiili,  liowcvcr,  we 
Imve  no  nppnrimiiiy  nt  presciil  ol  n-crrtaiiiiiii!,  lait  wliicli, 
wc  are  ii^ifmrcil,  aiust  be  very  considerable.  A  cargo  of  yel- 
low incnl,  ill  prime  condition,  wiis  Inslweelt  ollercd  to  ilic 
relict'  coinniiltec  nt  aoi.  per  ipmrtcr,  or  about  £8  per  ton, 
niid,rroni  tlie  extensive  inipoitalionslbathnve  taken  pbici', 
anil  the  prospi'cts  ot'aii  early  ami  almudant  harvest,  nnd  ihc  j 
rrdnclhm  in  price  nroUler  bread  ntulli',  the  price  is  expected  ; 
to  I'all  still  lower.  'J'lic  price  of  the  incnl  at  £10  per  Ion,  is 
t'i|iiiil  to  ahoiit  two  nnd  n  (jimrtcr  cents  per  ponmt.  Uy  the  [ 
qiKitatious,  'ndiiin  Incnl  wns  worth,  nt  Uic  latest  dale.-i,  about 
iwo  cents  per  pound.  The  duty  is  ubiml  nine  cents  per  | 
hundred  weight."  i 

Fourth.  But  I  ask,  is  not  an  increase  of  import-  [ 
ntions  a  necessary  consciiuenec  of  a  reduction  of 
duties?  Uii  not  reduced  duties  and  iuerea.^ed  im- 
ports sustain  to  each  other,  under  all  circumstances,  I 
the  relation  of  cause  and  ed'ect?  Where  has  it 
ever  failed  ?  Where  has  the  reduction  of  railroad 
fare,  cither  here  or  iu  Englaiul,  failed  to  increase 
the  amount  of  travelling  .>  Where  has  there  been 
a  reduction  of  the  rate  of  postage  which  has  not 
liccn  followed  by  an  increased  number  of  letters? 
1  have  before  me  a  memorandum  on  this  subject, 
derived  from  e  source  which  is  entitled  to,  nnd 
will,  I  am  sure,  leceivc  from  the  other  side  of  this 
House  no  mean  ri.ipect  and  consideraiiiin.  It  is 
tt  memorandum  1:  ndly  and  courteously  furnished 
lue,  on  the  eHects  iil'ieduced  postage,  by  the  hoii- 
oiablc  Senator  fi'oiu  Rhode  Island — himself  one 
of  the  moat  able  and  distiiiiruished  advocates  of 
the  tarilT  of  lSi'2.  He  says,  tint  under  the  former 
law,  our  average  rate  of  postage  was  equal  to  14 
cents  li  mills.  Under  the  present  law,  G  cents  ,') 
mills.  He  estimates  that  al  this  rate  the  profits 
over  expenses  will  be  1^100,000. 

He  however  thinks  5  cents  will  be  the  best  rate 
of  postage,  and  will  give  revenue  enough  to  defray 
all  expenses. 

In  England,  he  says,  the  rate  of  postage  under  the 
old  law  averaged  per  letter  SJ2  cents.     By  the  new 


tieman  from  Rhode  Island  expects,  by  an  increase 
of  letters,  to  pay  all  the  expenses  of  the  depart- 
ment. This  is  his  testimony  in  favor  of  o  still 
greater  reduction  of  postage,  on  the  principle  that 
a  reduction  of  the  rate  must  of  necessity  be  follow- 
ed by  an  increase  of  letters,  and  consequent  in- 
crease of  revenue.  And  yet  that  honorable  gen- 
tleman will  contend,  as  strenuously  as  any  man 
on  this  floor,  that  if  we  reduce  the  tarilV  one-tenth 
of  that  amount,  wo  will  have  a  vast  fidling  oil' 
in  ih  revenue.  If  he  will  concede  to  me  In  re- 
lation to  the  revenue  one-hundiedth  part  of  what 
he  claims  in  relation  to  posUige,  we  shall  have  an 
amount  of  revenue  suflicient  to  corrupt  bo'h  the 
Government  and  the  people.  May  Heaven  iu 
its  mercy  save  us  from  sucli  redundancy  of  reve- 
nue. 

But  if  we  could  find  in  our  financial  history  any 
series  of  years  during  which  a  rate  of  duty  corre- 
fponding  to  that  fixed  by  this  bill  had  been  in 
operiUioii,  we  might  obtain  the  basis  of  a  tolerably 


tied  by  construction  nnd  practice.  The  bill  con- 
sists of  an  amendment  of  a  single  section — the 
twelfth  section— of  the  act  of  ihe  30th  of  August, 
1842,  commonly  called  the  tarill'act.  It  is  almost 
a  tran.script  of  that  section  and  the  thirteenth.  The 
amendments,  though  important,  are  all  comprised 
within  the  compiuss  of  a  few  lines.  Thus,  .Senators 
will  perceive  that  the  proposed  measure  will  bo 
presented  for  their  consideration  in  the  most  simple 
shape,  and  that  the  examination  which  the  im- 
portance of  the  subject  demonds  may  be  carried 
on,  without  embarrassing  their  attention  by  com-, 
picxity  of  details. 

The  first  observation  which  I  deem  it  proper  to 
make  in  connexion  with  the  general  policy  of  the 
measure,  is,  that  the  warehouse  sy.stcm  is  actually 
in  existence,  though  on  a  very  narrow  basis,  and 
in  a  very  imperfect  form.  Indeed,  I  believe  there 
has  been  no  period  .from  the  foundation  of  our 
revenue  system  when  it  was  not  in  operation  ill 
some  siiape  or  other,  and  under  certain  limitations. 
It  will,  in  fact,  be  neccssiuy,  in  order  to  show  to 
what  extent  it  is  in  force,  to  go  back  to  the  general 
revenue  act  of  the  2d  March,  1799,  "  to  regulate 
the  collection  of  duties  on  imports  and  tonna^'c." 

The  .')Gth  section  of  that  act,  which  is  still  in 


accurate  calculation  of  what  we  may  expect  under  ij  foicc  with  some  modifications,  provides,  that  after 
ils  operation.  But  it  so  happens,  that  with  so  much  |  the  expiration  of  fifleun  working  days  from  the 
vigilance  has  the  protective  pulicy  been  guarded,  !■  time  prescribed  for  reporting  i;  vessel,  if  any  goods 
that  we  cannot  find  such  a  basis  so  low.  The  last  l\  shall  be  found  on  board,  other  than  such  as  were 
five  yearsof  the  Compromise  act  are  the  five  lowest  :'  reported  for  entry  in  another  collection  district,  or 
years  that  can  bo  found,  and  yet  I  will  take  them  jl  some  foreign  port,  they  shall  be  taken  potscssion 
as  tlie  basis  of  calculation — a  basis  very  much  :|  of,  and  stored  under  the  order  of  the  collector, 
against  me,  because  the  duties  were  much  higher  '.  The  same  section  also  provides,  that  after  five  days' 
than  they  will  be  fin'  the  next  five  years.  The  net  notice  to  the  ciillector,  ony  goods  may  be  so  taken 
average  importiuions  for  IH.'JT,  18.')8,  1839,  1841),  [''  and  stored,  with  the  consent  ofthe  owner,  or  con- 
nnd  1841,  was  one  hundred  and  fourteen  millions,  i!  signee,  or  the  master  ofthe  vessel.  By  the  act  of 
Now,  if  u|ion  these  we  predicate  a  calculation  for  j;  3d  March,  1821,  the  time  allowed  for  unlading 
1347- '48- '49- ';")()  and  Til,  and  increase  the  amount  i  vessels  exceeding  three  hundred  tons  burden  is 
by  the  barely  pi-ogressive  increase  of  population,  l!  extended  from  fifteen  to  twenty  working  days; 
leaving  out  any  allowance  for  the  admission  of  jl  nnd  by  a  proviso  in  the  5Gih  section  of  the  act  of 


1799,  "which  I  am  now  examining,  the  fifteen  work- 
ing days  originally  allowed  may  be  extended  by 
the  collector  fifteen  days  more  for  vessels  laden 
with  .salt  or  coal. 

The  act  of  1799,  like  nil  the  early  nets  regulating 
In' every  aspect  in  which  1  have  examined  this  jj  the  collection  of  duties,  'rave  a  credit  to  the  im- 
question,  1  nm  convinced  llii.-i  bill  will  give  us  an  \>  porter,  whei-e  the  duties  chargeable  on  imported 
increase  of  revenue;  and  though  I  have,  not  been  i:  merchandise  exceeded  a  certain  amount.  It  the 
able  to  .sustain  this  proposition  with  all  the  data  \\  duties  did  not  exceed  fifty  dollars,  they  were  re- 
which  I  could  with  more  lime  have  procured  from  ;■  quired  by  that  act  to  be  paid  in  cash;  and  by  the 


Texas,  or  the  reiliiclion  of  the  British  tarilT,  Ihe 
avern'.;e  ofthe  next  five  years  will  be  one  hundred 
and  fifty-four  millions,  which,  under  the  rates  of 
this  bill,  will  give  us  an  average  revenue  of  over 
thirty-three  millions  of  dnllars. 


the  Treasury  Department,  I  stake  myself  on  the 
general  result,  and  thank  the  Senate  for  their  pa- 
tient ttitenliou. 


THE  WAREHOUSE  BILL. 
S  r  E  E  C  H  ol''  ai  R.  DIX, 

OF    NEW    YORK, 


act  of  the  14th  July,  1832,  cash  payments  weie 
exacted  for  duties  not  exceeding  two  hundred  dol 
lars.  On  all  suvus  exceeding  these  amounts,  the 
importer  took  the  goods  and  gave  his  bond,  pay- 
able at  periods  varying  from  three  to  twelve  months, 
accoiiling  to  the  nature  of  the  merchandise  and  the 
countries  from  which  it  was  imported.  This  was 
the  general  system.  There  was  an  exception  to 
it  in  the  case  of  teas,  which  wre  allowed  to  be 
deposited  in  stores  agreed  on  by  the  importer  and 
inspector  of  the  revenue — bonds  without  sureties 
being  taken,  in  double  the  amount  of  the  duties, 
payable  in  two  years.     And  there  was  also  a  gen- 


In  tiik  Sf.natk,  June  19,  184G. 
In  explanation  of  the  Warehouse  Bill. 

Mr.  DIX  rose  and  add res.sed  the  Senate  in  ex    ,,  ,  -^ ^ 

planalion  of  the  bill  mid  the  amendments  he  pro-  i;  eral   provision    authorizing  collectors   to   receive 
posed  to  submit,  as  follows:  !'  goods  in  deposite,  by  way  ol  securing  the  payment 

- (if  duties,  as  n  substitute  for  sureties  on  bonds. 

For  instance,  if  the  importer  preferred  not  to  give 
sureties,  he|was  allowed  to  give  his  own  bond  and 
take  his  merchandise,  depositing  ■vith  the  collector 
a  suflicient  quanliiy  to  insure  the  payment  of  the 
duties  on  the  whole. 

Under  the  system  of  credits  thus  established, 
there  was  no  strong  inducement  to  piflctc  goods  in 
store  pursuant  to  the  provisions  of  the  .5(ith  section 
of  the  act  of  1799.  Such  as  were  found  on  board 
vessels  after  the  time  specified  for  unlading,  were 
usually  sinrll  in  quantity  and  not  of  great  value. 
Under  the  proviso  of  the  ."ifilh  section,  which  I  have 
rel'errcii  to,  authorizing  goods  to  be  received  in 
store  after  five  days' notice,  with  the  consent  of  Ihe 
owner,  I  believe  it  was,  and  still  is,  the  practice  for 


pose 

Mr.  PuF.sinKxr:  The  bill  under  consideration  | 
was  reported  to  the  Senate  from  the  Committee  on  ' 
Commerce,  under  a  resolution  instructing  them  tn  ' 
inquire  into  the  expediency  of  establishinga  ware-  j 
house  system,  and  giving  ti.em  authority  to  report  ! 
by  bill.  The  committee  having  charged  me  with  i 
the  introduction  of  the  bill,  it  devolves  on  me  to  ! 
explain  ils  provisions,  to  point  out  ils  objects,  and  ■ 
to  show  in  what  respects  it  modifies  existing  laws. 

■'he  bdl  is  designed  by  the  committee  to  respond  j 
affirmatively  to  the  inquiry  they  were  instructed  to 
make.  It  is  true,  it  does  not  provide  specifically  ' 
for  Ihe  establislinicnt  of  a  warehouse  system;  but  j 
it  aims  to  accomplish  nil  the  objects  of  such  a  sys-  ; 
tern,  by  extending  the  provisions  of  existing  laws  ! 
in  relation  to  the  stora  c  and  fuial  disposal  of  im-  | 
ported  merchandise.  They  have  given  it  the  : 
greatest  possible  sinq  .  '^ity  in  form.  They  have  j 
not  deemed  it  expedient  to  recomuicnd  a  complex  i 
system.  Tliey  have  aimed  to  introduce  no  priii-  ' 
elples  wholly  new  or  untried.  They  have  made  1 
the  system  they  propose  conform  as  nearly  as 
practicable   to  the    provisions   of   existing  laws 


vessels  in  haste  to  enter  on  the  return  voyage,  and 
especially  packets,  to  be  put  on  what  is  called  the 
five  days'  order,  for  the  purpose  of  unlading  and 
sending  their  cargoes  to  the  public  stores  without 
waiting  t'or  them  to  be  appraised,  weighed,  meas- 
ured, and  gauged.  .  . 

Is  thus  deposited  were,  by  the  provisions  of 


Good ... 

'They  hnvc  founded  it  on  enactments  now  in  force,  ''  the  .Wlh  section,  permitted  to  remam  in  store  for 
and  in  daily  and  familiar  oper.ition;  enactments  of  ii  the  term  of  nine  months,  unless  the  duties  cliarge- 
which  the  meaning  and  application  have  been  set-  "  able  on  them  became  payable  m  a  shorter  period 


790 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


fJune  19, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  H'arehome  fJill — Mr.  Div. 


Senate. 


and  ill  tliia  cnne  a  suffioieiit  qiinntity  wiis  nllowed 
tn  bo  sold  to  renlize  the  diiilcswlien  they  were  due. 
The  residue  wns  to  he  sold  iit  the  end  of  tlic  nine 
months,  with  the  ndditiun  of  otic  ninnlh  presorilied 
for  ndvcrlising  them.  So  that,  witli  the  nine 
months  nllowed  for  rctniiiinjc  synods  in  more,  one 
month  for  ndvertiain";,  twenty  dnya  fur  iiiiladinc;, 
and  unnvoidnble  deliiys,  it  rarely  happened  that 
gnoda  charged  with  duties  payulile  in  nine  monthn 
were  sold  in  less  than  a  year,  liet'me  ^oods  were 
sold,  they  were  required  to  be  anpiaised  by  two 
or  more  reputable  inenhants,  and  the  proceeds  of 
the  sale,  aOer  deduclin;;  the  diuies  and  cimrirr.s, 
were  paid  into  the  treasury  of  the  United  Statis 
for  the  use  of  the  owner,  upon  proof  of  his  right 
to  receive  them. 

Such  was  the  warehouse  system  as  it  existed 
under  the  earliest  revenue  laws.  The  sysiein  of 
credits  established  by  tlie  saytc  laws,  and  the  lim- 
ited time  fur  the  deposite  of  merchandise,  rendered 
it  of  no  great  )>ractical  iinportanoe  ns  an  instru- 
ment of  commerce.  I  call  it  a  warehouse  system, 
though  it  may  be  deemed  unworthy  of  the  name, 
as  it  object  was,  chiefly,  the  convenience  of  the 
commercial  community. 

The  12ih  section  of  the  act  of  the  30ih  August, 
1843,  requires  the  duties  on  nil  imported  mer- 
chandise to  bo  paid  in  cash.  The  act  of  17!)9 
required  duties  to  he  paid,  or  secured  to  be  paid, 
before  a  permit  for  landing  them  was  granted. 
But,  in  order  to  asccrtun  what  the  duties  were,  it 
WHS  necessary,  as  a  geieral  rule,  to  cause  the  goods 
to  be  weighed,  gauged,  measured,  and  sometimes 
sent  to  the  public  stores  to  be  appraised.  The 
necessity  of  the  case,  thercfiire,  established  this 
construction  of  the  law,  w  hieh  has  existed  from 
the  earliest  period — that  its  requirements  are  sulH- 
ciently  complied  with  if  the  ii.iportcr  pays  the 
duties  regularly  ascerlnincd,  or  secures  them  when 
estimated,  before  he  obtains  possus.slon  of  the 
goods  on  which  they  are  charged.  This  practice  ; 
exists,  and  must  always  e.xist,  under  any  system 
of  cash  duties.  It  existed  when  the  cash  sysiein  '< 
wns  partial,  when  it  wns  made  universal,  and  it 
exists  still.  Under  the  cash  sysiein,  then,  the 
duties  must  be  paid  or  dcjiositcd  before  the  goods 
go  into  the  possession  of  the  ovyuer.  Under  the 
credit  system,  the  owner  obuiined  po.ssession  of 
his  ^oods  on  giving  his  bond  for  the  payment  of  j 
the  duties  at  a  future  day. 

The  V2di  section  of  the  act  of  1842,  after  exact- : 
in^  the  payment  of  duties  in  cash,  provides,  that 
"  m  all  cases  of  failure  or  neglect  to  pay  the  du- 
ties, on  completion  of  the  entry,"  the  goods  "shall 
be  taken  |)nssession  of  by  the  collector,  and  depos- 
ited in  the  public  stores."  When  so  deposited, 
they  are  to  be  kept  at  the  charge  and  risk  of  the 
owner;  and  if  tiie  duties  are  not  paid  in  sixty 
days,  (or  ninety  days,  if  imported  from  beyond 
the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,)  the  goods,  or  a  suffi- 
cient amount  to  pay  the  duties,  arc  required  to  be 
sold  at  auction,  after  un  appraisement  by  the  gen- 
eral apprai.sera.  If  the  owner  does  not  claim  the 
residue,  they  are  to  be  re-deposited,  and  disposed 
of  under  the  13lh  section  of  the  same  act,  tlie 
provisions  of  which  I  shall  explain.  The  time  of 
advertising  before  a  sale  is  prescribed  by  the  j 
Treasury  Uepartment,  and  has  been  fixed  at  thirty  \ 
days,  as  under  the  act  of  17!)9.  ! 

Such  is  the  warehouse  system,  if  it  can  be  so 
called,  existing  under  the  twelfth  section  of  the  act 
of  the  3Uih  of  August,  1842;  and   it  will  be  jier- 
ceived  that  it  dill'cis  from  that  established  by  the  ■ 
act  of  1799  in  many  es.scntial  p:irticulai:!.  ' 

1.  By  the  act  of  1842  the  maximum  time  during 
wliich  goods  arc  allowed  to  remain  in  store  before 
a  sale  to  rcdizc  the  duties,  is  reduced  from  nine 
months  to  sixty  or  ninety  days.  I 

2.  Under  the  act  of  1799  the  appraLscment  was  '. 
required  to  be  made  by  two  or  more  rcjtutable 
merchants.     Under  the  twelfth  section  of  the  act  * 
of  1842  no  special  appraisers  aic  named,  and  it  is, 
therefore,  construed  to  intend  the  general  apprais-  [ 
era — the  olHcial  persona  appointeil  under  the  gen-  i 
eral  law.    The  apiiioisement  is  accoitlingly  made 
by  them. 

3.  Under  the  net  of  1799  all  the  goods  were  to 
be  sold  at  the  end  of  nine  months.  Under  the  12th 
section  of  the  act  of  1842  only  a  sufficient  (uiantity 
is  to  be  sold,  at  the  end  of  sixty  or  ninety  tiays,  to 
pay  the  duties,  charges,  and  interest. 

4.  Under  the  56th  section  ot  the  act  of  1799,  the 


overplus  of  tho  proceeds  of  the  sale,  after  paying  '| 
the  duiics  niiil  charges,  wns  to  be  paid  into  the  j 
treasury  of  tlie  United'  Slates,  for  the  use  of  the  '\ 
owner.  UndiT  the  12ll^ section  of  the  act  of  1842,  1 
tho  re»idue  of  the  goods,  after  selling  a  suttieient  : 
quantity  to  pay  ilulies,  interi'Sl,  and  charges,  is  to  '| 
be  delivered  to  the  owner,  if  claimed  by  himj  or  if  ji 
not  claimed,  to  be  re-deposilcd  in  store.  I 

5.  The  act  of  1799  ie(|uircd  an  inventory  and  'j 
appraiscuKiit  of  the  gooils  before  a  sale.     Thu  lu't  j 
of  1842   iTqiiircs,   in   aildition,  that  ilLKtinct  nnd    i 
printed  calalogncs  dcscrijilive  of  the  goods,  with  ll 
the  appraisid  value  annexed,  nhall  be  dislributed   \ 
among  the  per.ions  present  at  the  side,  and  n  iia-   ' 
jj  sonable  opportuniiy  given  to  purchasers  to  inspect  '; 
i   theqiinlity  of  the  goods.   These  additional  require. 
']  mi'iiis  are  of  great  imporlance.    Under  the  old  sys- 
I  tem  these  sales  were  ordinarily  mere  imck.ige  sales. 
■  The  officciT.  of  the  customs  and  persons  in  their 
ii  cimlidenci;  inii^jht  know  all  about  the  goods  to  be 
;  sold,  while  the  purc'iascis  could  know  very  little 
;!  about  theiii;  thus  opeiiiiig  a  wide  door  to  collusion 
nnd  fraud. 

There  are  other  ditTcrenees  of  minor  importance 

not  necessary  to  be  spcrilicd. 

I      The  13tli   section    of  the  act  of  30lh  August, 

i  1842,  dill'era  materially  from  the  li'ih,  nnd  is,  in   ! 

j  its  general  provisions,  more  analagous  to  the  56th  '\ 

I  section  of  the  act  of  1799.     The  appraisement  is  |j 

I  required  to  be  made  by  two  or  mtive  respectable  J 

I  merchants,  and  ali  the  goods  are  required  to  be  |l 

I  sold.     This  section,  at  first  glance,  appears  to  have   ' 

j  been  specially  framed  for  tlie  purpose  of  finally  |, 

disposing  of  all  unclaimed  goods,  in  whali^ver  man-  ji 

tier  they  may  have  found  ilicir  way  into  the  public  ;: 

1  stores;  but,  by  a  iinislruclion  of  the  Treasury  De-  ' 

!  parlinentof  the  11th  July,  1845,  it  is  deiided  to   ! 

I  emlirace  only  such  goods  ns  are  re-deposited   in    ' 

store  under  the  preceding  section,  after  a  partial    [ 

j  Siilc  to  realize  the  dutit^s,  or  such  as  are  liable  for  ;[ 

I  charges  of  stir.ige,  &c.     The  time  during  which   ' 

ioods  may  ren.ain  in  store  under  this  ."ection  is  ,\ 

fixed  by  the  56tli  section  of  the  act  of  1799,  which  ;| 

I  is  in  this  respect  unrepealed,  and  the  sales  accord-  J 

iiigly  take  place  oiice  in  nine  months. 
j  In  all  cases,  both  under  the  acts  of  17j9  and  ' 
,  1842,  there  is  a  provision  for  the  speedy  sale  of  [ 
j  perishable  goods — a  provision  equally  important  li 
'  to  the  Government,  in  order  that  the  duties  may  i 
I  be  realized  before  the  goods  become  worthies.*;  and  ! 
j  to  the  owner,  who  may  not  always  know  that  his  jj 
goods  are  in  store,  and  who  might,  without  such  ii 
I  a  provision,  lose  their  entire  value.  |l 

1      I  have  thus  stnted  the  provisions  of  existing 
laws  in  relail.m  to  the  storage  and  final  disposal  of 
I  imported  iioods  ill  all  cases  of  a  failure  or  neglect 
!  to  pay  ilio  duties  charjealile  on  tiiem,  and  of  ironds 
1  unclaimed  by  the  owners  within  the  time  limited 
:  for  reuiinii.;  them  in  stnre.     A  comp.u'ison  of  the 
j  act  of  179.1  in  respect  to  the  stora'^e  of  goods,  with 
i  'he  act  of  1842,  will  show  the  latter  to  lie  much 
I  more  siriniieiil  in    its  provisitma.     It   diminishes 
the  time  duriim:  whicli  the  goods  are  allowed  to 
'  remain   in  store  from  nine  months  to  sixty  and 
'  ninety  days,  and  it  exacts  interest  on  the  duties 
from  the  date  of  the  entry  of  the  goods  on  which 
i  they  are  eiiargeable. 

The  tarill'act  of  1842  introduced  the  most  thor- 
ough revolution  in  lliis  department  of  the  revenue 
'  system  of  the  United  Siales  which  has  been  known 
since  the  foundation  of  the  Oovernnieiit,  by  aban- 
doning the  old  plan  of  giving  credit  for  duties,  nnd 
j  requiring  them  to  be  paid  in  cash  for  the  largest  as 
]  well  as  tlie  smallest  sums.     The  old  system  gave 
a  crcilit  fur  duties,  without  exacting  interest  durin;; 
the  period  for  which  the  credit  wa.s  granted.     Un- 
der the  act  of  1842,  if  there  is  fa  fiiilurc  or  an 
:  omission  to  pay  the  diuios  on  inijiorri  d  mrrchan- 
I  disc  on  the  completion  of  tlie  en.ry,  inti'rest  is 
charged  from   the  day  the  duties  aecriie,  and   the 
importer  pays  it  with  tho  duties  when  he  claims 
the  goods;  or  if,  in  default  of  voluntary  payment 
by  the  importer,  a  sale  takes  place,  the  interest  is 
'  added  to  tlie  dutief,  and  the  amount,  togdher  with 
the  charges  for  storage,  cic,  is  realizeil  from  the 
proceeds  of  the  sale. 
'      I  desire  to  .say   here,  Mr.   President,  to  avoid 
misnpprehension,  tlint  I  am  aware  of  tho  provision 
in  the  tarill'act  of  1833,  or  the  Compromise  act,  ns 
it  is  called,  requiring  duties  to  be  paid   in   ready 
I  money;  but  this  provision  did   not  go  into  eflecl 
<  until  the  Ist  of  July,  1842;  and  by  the  same  act 


all  duties  were  reduced  to  2U  per  cent,  on  the  same 
day,  wliilo  the  more  liberal  provisions  of  the  act 
of  1799,  in  respect  to  the  sioi-age  of  goods,  if  I  am 
not  mislakeii,  remnincd  in  force.  I  also  desire  to 
say  that  1  have  not  overlookt^d  the  partial  provision 
in  the  act  of  1832,  requiring  duties. on  woollens  to 
be  paiil  in  cash,  or,  if  stored,  e.\acting  interest  on 
the  duties. 

The  introduction  of  cash  payments  for  duties, 
though  I  believe  it  is  generally  conceded  to  linvo 
operated  favorably  na  far  as  the  Govcrmncnt  la  con- 
cerned, so  much  so  that  few,  if  aiiy,ai'cdoMiroua  of 
disturbing  it,  al  least  by  reiiiatating  the  old  ayslein 
of  credits,  bears  hcnvilyon  the  niercnntile  interest 
in  comparison  with  the  latter.  The  forbenrance  of 
pnymeiit  by  the  Government  was,  in  practice, 
equivalent  to  a  cash  capital  for  the  merchant  to 
the  amount  of  the  duties  during  the  time  for  which 
the  credit  or  forbearance  of  payment  wns  grant- 
ed. It  was,  t^||h|estioiial)'y,  a  valuable  mercan- 
tile facility  foWBose  wh  i  had  the  benefit  of  it, 
and,  the  discretion  to  eiiqiloy  it  judiciously.  Hut 
it  had  iis  public  inconvcuiences,  and  it  wns 
very  properly  abolished.  It  wns,  however,  fore- 
seen and  foretold  at  the  time  the  change  was 
made,  that  yrent  hardship  would  bo  likely  to  result 
from  it,  unless  provision  was  made  for  storing 
goods  for  n  limited  period,  nnd  fmbearing  during 
that  period  to  exact  the  payment  of  the  dutie!(. 
lint  It  Is  n  singular  fact,  nnd  one  which  is  not 
easily  to  be  accounted  for  on  any  principle  of  pub- 
lic utility  or  convenience,  that  when  the  extrnor- 
dinnry  nnd  violent  transition  took  plncefrom  credits 
to  cash  pavmonts, the  maximum  timeduringwhich 
merchandi'se  was  allowed  to  remain  in  store,  before 
n  sale  to  realize  the  duties,  instead  of  being  en- 
larged, as  one  would  suppose  it  should  have  been, 
oral  least  conlinued  as  it  then  existed,  was  actually 
reduced,  as  has  been  seen,  from  nine  months  to 
one-third  of  that  period,  nnd  fiir  most  merchandise 
to  a  still  shorter  time.  The  clinnge  took  plnce,  too, 
at  the  very  moment  when  the  rates  of  duty  were 
encjrmously  increased  on  a  large  class  of  imports 
from  2(1  per  cent.,  the  maximum  under  the  Com- 
promise act  of  1833.  The  stringent  measure  of 
cash  payment  was  rendered  more  stringent  by  a 
simultaneous  increase  of  the  rates  of  duty,  and  by 
depriving  the  importer,  to  a  great  extent,  of  the 
facility  of  pliiciiig  his  goods  in  store,  if  the  impor- 
tation should  find  him  unprepared  to  pay  the  duties 
in  cash.  Thisprivilege,  which,  under  the  system  of 
credits,  was  of  no  great  practical  benefit  in  exten- 
sive operations,  would,  under  the  system  of  cash 
payments,  have  been  a  facility  of  considerable 
value  to  importers  of  moderate  means,  nnd  would 
have  enabled  them  to  contend,  in  a  limited  field,  at 
least,  with  large  capitalists,  who,  if  general  opinion 
be  true,  have  now  engrossed,  in  a  great  measure, 
the  business  of  imporlalion,  nnd  will  continue  to 
do  so,  under  existing  laws,  from  their  ability  to  fur- 
nish readily  the  means  of  meeting  the  payment  of 
duties  in  cash  on  larije  cargoes.  Still,  if  the  time 
allowed  for  merchandise  to  remain  in  store  under 
the  act  of  1799  had  not  been  diminished,  it  would 
have  been  too  limited  to  accomplish  all  the  objects 
anticipated  from  a  warohoiisiiig  system,  especmlly 
so  far  as  such  a  syatini  may  lead  to  the  stoi-age  of 
goods  for  exportation. 

I  will  now  stale  wherein  the  bill  before  the  Sen- 
ale  pioposes  to  amend  existing  laws,  pointing  out 
ns  I  proceed  in  what  respects  it  will  change  the 
practical  operation  of  the  present  system;  and  I 
shall  conclude  by  a  brief  summary  of  the  advan- 
liiires  expected  to  result  from  ii.  1  linve  already 
.said  lliit  the  hill  is,  with  the  exception  of  n  few 
amendments,  a  tran-script  of  the  12ib  and  13th  sec- 
tions of  the  act  of  30th  August,  1842;  and  in  sla- 
ting and  explaining  the  amendments,  I  shall  cover 
all  the  ground  which  is  new. 

Tho  fir.st  amendment  proposed  is,tonllowgoods 
to  remain  in  stme  for  a  period  not  less  than  two, 
nor  more  than  three  years,  as  Congress  may  deter- 
mine, instead  of  sixty  and  ninety  days,  with  tho 
privilege  of  withdrawing  them  at  nny  time  during 
that  period  on  the  payment  of  duties  and  charges. 
This  nniendment  embraces  two  new  provisions: 
1st,  an  extension  of  the  time  during  which  goods 
are  permitted  to  remain  in  store;  nnd  2d,  a  remis- 
sion of  the  interest  now  exacted  on  the  du:ies  i'roin 
llie  date  of  the  entry  to  the  time  of  withdrawing 
from  the  public  stores  the  merchandi.se  on  which 
they  are  charged.    These  provisions  ars  so  dis- 


[June  19, 
Jenate. 

on  the  same 
18  '>(■  llie  net 
"(is,  if  I  «m 
Isn  desire  to 
iiil  provision 
woollens  lo 
;  interest  on 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


791 


29rH  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


The  fVarehome  Bill— Mr.  Dix. 


Senate. 


tiiiot  in  chnmeter  thnt  it  will  bo  iiocessiiry  lo  con- 
sider tliem  -(cpninicly. 

1.  ,1s  lo  the  extemion  of  tinif. — The  Scnnle  will 
perceive  that  the  numlicr  of  years  durint;  which 
the  liill  proposes  to  iillowgf  Jm  lii  rcnmin  ni  store, 
i-;  eft  in  hliinlt.  1  will,  Rti\  proper  time,  move  to 
fill  the  lilanU  with  three  yeiirs,  lhoii};h  I  nm  not 
aiUhori/.pd  to  say  that  I  sliiill  he  sustained  ii  this 
motion  hy  the  jiidijment  of  the  committee.  There 
are,  in  my  viciv  of  the  Hnhject,  some  strong  con- 
eidcrations  in  favor  of  selectin;;  thnt  period  of  time. 
It  is  llic  jieriod  fixed  hytho  British  system,  which 
has  been  in  siicccssfnl  operation  for  more  than  for'y 
yearn;  and  it  may  be  reasonably  supposed  that,  nf- 
k'r  so  full  a  trial,  it  has  been  Helecled  from  consid- 
erations of  its  eonvenieni'-eforcommcreialpuriioses. 
lint  it  is  not  for  this  reason  nionc.  The  term  of 
three  y(«i's  is  the  period  ilurin^  which  imported 
goods  may,  under  existing  laws,  be  entered  un  ex- 
portation with  the  privilege  of  drawback;  and  the 
term  thus  fi.xed  in  one  ease  would  seem  to  indicate 
n  proper  limitation  in  the  other;  especially  as  sto- 
ring goods  for  exportation  will,  in  all  pronability, 
become  a  very  important  and  extensive  branch  of 
business,  if  this  bill  shoulil  become  a  law.  Should 
the  Senate  be  of  the  opinion  that  the  term  of  three 
years  is  too  long,  and  thnt  a  shorter  period  is  dic- 
tated by  any  urgent  considerations  of  public  con- 
venience or  utility,  I  can  only  say  that  1  shall  sub- 
mit cheerfully  to  its  better  judgment,  but  with  the 
strong  hope  that  a  less  lime  than  two  years  will 
not  be  thought  of,  as  I  am  fully  persuaded  that  it 
is  the  least  which  would  be  suHicient  to  accomplish 
cH'ectually  the  objects  in  view.     Commercial  and 


I  sonnblo  and  unjust — a  profit  to  the  Government  Qoverninent  for  tlie  inconvenience  and  expense  of 
I  without  any  corresponding  advantage  to  him.  It  ,  adminislcring  the  system  of  debentures.  Under 
allows  him  to  take  his  goods  from  the  public  stores  !  any  other  view  of  the  subject,  it  could  only  bo 
when  he  wants  them,  by  paying  the  charges  of  considered  as  an  unreasonable  imposition  on  coin- 
storage,  (Sec,  and  the  duties,  without  exacting  in-  >.  merce,  and  especially  that  branch  of  commerce  in 
tcrest  on  the  latter  for  the  period  the  goods  have 


been  in  store.     The  principle  seems  so  obviously 
just  Ihat  I  will  not  pursue  the  argument  further. 

It  may  be  proper  to  add,  however,  that  the  sys- 
tem of  cash  payments  proceeds  upon  the  principle 
of  recpiiring  the  importer  to  pay  the  duties  when 
the  merchandise  goes  into  his  possession;  and  this 
is  the  only  material  point  in  which  it  dilVers  from 
t  the  old  system  of  credilR.    The  non-exaction  of 
j  interest  on  the  duties  does  not  nfl'cct  this  principle. 
j  Imported  goods,  as  long  as  thev  are  d(",io'iteil  in 
I  store,  are  a  security  to  the  CTOvernment  for  the 
I  payment  of  the  duties  chargeable  on  them.     The 
payment  of  the  impost  is  exacted  when  the  goods 
are  withdrawn,  .ind  go  into  the  importer's  posses- 
sion; and  thus  the  great  principle  on  which  the 
system  of  cash  payments  proceeds  is  preserved 
inviolate. 

The  observations  1  have  made  are  confined  to 
the  policy  of  extending  the  period  of  time  durin 


which  the  country  is  so  deeply  concerned — the 
carrying  trade. 

The  bill  under  consideration  proposes  to  lay 
aside  this  exaciion  entirely,  returning  to  tlie  more 
liberal  provisions  of  former  laws;  and,  as  a  sub- 
stitute for  it,  to  require  only  the  payment  of  the 
actual  charges  and  expenses  incurred  while  tho 
goods  are  stored.  By  this  provision,  tho  interest 
of  the  Government  will  be  fully  r.roterttd,  and  the 
charges  paid  by  the  importer  will  bear  a  just  pro- 
portion to  the  time  he  has  enjoyed  the  benefit  of 
the  legal  provision  under  which  his  goods  have 
been  held  in  titorc.  Under  the  proposed  system, 
the  exaction,  if  it  were  continued,  would  become 
a  mere  premium  paid  to  the  Govcrnitient  for  tho 
privilege  of  exporting  foreign  merchandise  for 
which  there  was  no  demand  at  1'  me. 

If  the  exaction  were,  as  it  now  is,  in  the  shnpo 
of  a  deduction  by  the  Government  from  duties  ac- 
tually paid,  its  true  character  would  be  less  appa- 


which  goods  are  allowed  to  remain  in  the  public     rent  than  when  the  exaction  takes  the  form  of  an 


stores,  without  calling  for  the  payment  of  duties, 
and  of  allowing  them  to  bo  withdrawn  for  con- 
sumption, or  domestic  use,  on  paying  the  charges 
and  the  duties  without  inleiest.  These  points  em- 
brace the  whole  of  the  first  proposed  amendment. 
I  proceed  now  to  the  second  amendment,  which 
is  to  allow  goods  at  any  time  during  the  period 
i  limited  for  keeping  them  in  store,  to  be  taken  out 


financial  reactions  are  not  supposed  ordinarily  to  \'  for  retixporlation  on  the  payment  of  all  charges. 


run  their  course  in  much  less  time;  and  if  that 
period  is  allowed  for  goods  to  remain  in  store,  the 
owner  will  be  able  to  avoid  the  inconvenience  and 
loss  on  the  one  hand  of  reexporting  them  unneces- 
sarily, and,  oti  the  other,  thu  sacrifice  of  throwing 
them  upon  the  domestic  market  when  the  demand 
is  limited,  or  the  ability  to  purchase  impaired  by 
derangements  in  the  pecuniary  or  mercantile  trans- 
actions of  the  country, 

2.  ,'ls  to  the  remission  of  the  interest. — Interest  is 
now  exacted  on  the  duties  from  the  date  of  the  en- 
try of  tho  merchandise  on  which  they  are  charged 
to  tho  time  when  tho  duties  are  paid.  The  pro- 
posed amendment  proceeds  upon  the  principle  of 
requiring  the  owner  or  importer  of  foreign  mer- 
chandise to  pay  the  impost  when  the  merchandise 
is  wantfid  for  consumption.     If  he  pays  the  duties 


This  amendment  is  a  substitute  for  that  part  of  the 
existing  revenue  system  which  exacts  two  and  a 
half  per  cent,  on  the  amount  of  the  duties  paid  by 
the  owner  of  the  merchandise  when  he  imports  it, 
and  refunded  to  him  when  it  is  rci/xportcd.  The 
Government,  in  other  words,  in  refunding  the  du- 
ties to  the  importer,  retains  two  and  a  hidf  per 
cent,  of  the  amount  lor  its  own  use.  The  amount 
retained  was  originally  one  per  cent.,  as  may  be 
seen  by  a  reference  to  section  31  of  the  act  of  31sl 
July,  1789,  and  section  57  of  the  act  of  the  4th 
August,  IVilO.  An  addition  of  one  quarter  per 
cent,  was  made  by  the  act  of  March  19, 1799,  as  a 
suKstitute  for  certain  stamp  duties  on  debentures, 
which  were  repealed  by  the  same  act:  and  by 
tho  act  of  3Ulh  May,  1800,  an  addition  of  two  and 
a  half  per  cent,  was  made  for  the  same  purpose: 


on  tho  entry,  and  is  compe'lcd  to  keep  the  goods  !!  so  that  the  amount  retained  was  at  one  time  tliree 


actual  payment  by  the  importer  on  an  estimated 
amount  of  duties  which  thj  Government  has  never 
received.  The  last  case  would  always  occur  under 
the  |iroposed  system,  if  it  should  be  adopted,  as 
the  goods  would  lie  in  store  without  any  payment 
of  duties;  and  in  case  of  reexportation,  it  would 
be  necessary  to  assume  as  a  basis  the  amount  of 
the  duties  which  tho  merchandise  would  have  paid 
if  it  had  been  entered  for  domestic  consumption, 
and  to  exact  from  the  owner  the  payment  of  a 
given  proportion  of  that  amount  as  a  charge  for  the 
privilege  of  rei:'Xporting  it.  Such  a  cliarge  is 
deemed  an  illiberal  imposition  on  commerce;  and 
the  bill,  therelbie,  proposes  to  allow  merchandise, 
during  the  time  it  is  permitted  to  remain  in  store, 
to  bo  withdrawn  for  exportation,  under  tho  exist- 
ing Icaal  provisions  in  respect  to  drawbacks,  upon 
a  payiiHMit  of  actual  expenses,  including  tlie  cus- 
tomary charge  for  storage. 
The  third  amendment  is  one  on  which  only  a 
1  single  remark  is  necessary.  Th«  12lh  section  of 
the  act  of  1843,  provides  foi  sale  of  such  quan- 
tities of  the  goods  deposited  in  store  as  shall  be 
necessary  to  pay  the  duties,  and  directs  the  goods 
unsold  to  be  restored;  and  if  ur  laimed  for  nine 
moil  hs,  they  are  liable  to  be  sold  /or  storage  under 
i  section  thirteen  of  the  .same  act',  after  the  expira- 
I  tion  of  that  period.  The  proposed  amendment,  for 
I  obvious  reasons,  contemplates  one  sale  of  all  tho 

■  goods  at  tho  expiration  of  the  period  allowed  for 
keeping  them  in  store,  and  adopts  the  requircincnts 

i  of  section  thirteen  in  respect  to  the  formaUties  of 
I  the  sale,  and  the  payment  of  the  surplus  of  tha 
i  proceeds  into  the  treasury  of  the  United  States  for 
the  use  of  the  owner.  The  propriety  of  making 
a  final  disposition  by  sale  of  all  goods  which  have 
been  stored  for  the  term  of  two  or  three  years,  in 
case  this  period  shall  bo  fixed,  is  too  manifest  to 
need  illustration. 

Another  provision,  which  is  entirely  new,  re- 
'  'lies  n  passing  notice.  Perishable  goods  are  re- 
!  qiiired  to  be  sold  forthwith,  as  under  existing  laws; 
:!  but  with  them  ate  chissed,  for  the  purpose  of  an 
I  immediate  sale,  gunpowder,  fire-crackers,  and  ex- 
'  plosive  substances.  The  danger  in  larg-J  cities 
j  fom  the  accumulation  of  such  substances,  espe- 
,  i  cially  when  deposited  in  the  same  stores  with  prop- 

■  erty  of  great  value,  is  of  such  anaturens  to  demand 
:  some  eifectual  preventive.     They  are  not  imported 

ill  l.rge  quantities,  and  there  will  be  no  individual 
'  hardship  in  the  few  instances  in  which  a  compul- 
ii  sory  sale  is  likely  to  take  place,  at  all  comparable 
I  with  the  risk  which  would  be  incurred  by  the  pub- 
lic in  admitting  them  to  the  benefit  of  the  ware- 
;!  house  system. 

i      I  believe  I  have  now  stated  the  general  provi- 
sions of  the  proposed  bill,  and  pointed  out  the 
i  amendments  it  makes  in  existing  laws.    They  may 
j  be  briefly  summed  up  thus: 

1.  Merchandise  may  be  deposited,  and  remain 
'  in  store  two  or  three  years,  instead  of  sixty  or 

ninety  days,  before  selling  it  for  tiie  purpose  of 
realizing  the  duties. 

2.  Merchandise  may  be  withdrawn  from  store, 
,           ^                     at  any  time  during  the  two  or  three  years,  for 

imposing  a  burden— from  cxactiiig  what  is  unrea- 1 1  purpose  was  what  I  have  stated',  to  indemnify  the  ''  domestic  use  or  consumption,  on  the  payment  of 


on  hand  because  he  cannot  sell  them  advanta- 
geously or  without  loss,  the  Government  has  the 
use  of  the  money  paid  ibr  tho  duties,  though  tho  i 
merchandise  has  not  been  used  for  the  benefit  of 
the  owner,  while  the  latter  is  also  paying  or  losing  ' 
interest  on  the  amount  of  the  duties  he  has  ad-  ' 
vaticed  to  the  Government.  In  like  manner,  if  a  \, 
merchant  imports  goods,  pays  duties  on  the  entry;  j 
and  is  compelled  to  keep  the  goods  on  hand,  t'  jy  I 
become  constantly  enhanced  in  cost,  not  only  by  ' 
an  accumulation  of  interest  on  the  purchase  money, 
but  of  interest  on  the  duties.  Cases  of  this  de-  | 
scriplion  are  undoubtedly  of  frequent  occurrence;  l 
and  I  advert  to  them  for  the  purpose  of  sliowin"  : 
the  inequity,  the  illibendity,  not  only  of  exacting 
the  jiayinent  of  duties  before  the  merchandise  on  : 
wliich  they  are  chargeable  is  required  for  consump-  j 
tion,  or  before  the  importer  can  make  any  advnn 


and  three-quarters  per  cent.  But  these  provisions  1 
wcic  all  superseded  by  the  tarilFactof  181G,  which 
reduced  tho  deduction  to  two  and  a  half  per  cent. 
In  1829  all  deduflion  was  abandoned;  and  from 
that  time  until  1842,  the  whole  amount  of  the  du- 
ties paid  on  the  importation  of  foreign  merchan- 
dise was  refunded  on  its  exptnlalion.  But  now, 
by  the  15th  section  of  the  act  of  30th  Augu.st, 
1842,  the  amount  of  the  deduction  is  fixed  at  two 
and  a  half  per  cent.,  excepting  in  the  reexporta- 
tion of  foreign  refined  sugars,  in  which  case  the 
amount  retained  is  ten  per  cent,  on  tho  duties  paid. 
The  amount  thus  deducted  by  tho  United  States  'n 
paying  back  the  duties  received  on  foreign  mer- 
chandise in  case  of  its  reijxportation,  was  origi- 
nally, as  is  perceived,  very  small,  (but  one  per 
cent.;)  and  tho  two  second  acts  to  which  t  have 
referred — adding  two  percent,  and  three-qnarlers 


tngeous  u.se  of  it,  but  of  exacting  interest  on  (he  ;  to  the  amount  as  a  substitute  for  stamp  duties  on 
duties  also.  The  Government,  by  so  doing,  derives  |i  debentures — show  that  the  object  was  to  indemni- 
npmfitfrom  the  merchant  wilhout  any  correspond-  !  fy  the  Government  for  the  inconvenience  and  ex- 
ing  benefit  to  the  latter.  Under  the  syKlem  ofHpcnse  to  which  it  was  subjected.  But  the  object 
credits,  coeval  with  the  foundation  of  the  Govern-  ||  is  directly  or  indirectly  shown  by  all  the  early  laws 


ment,  the  merchant  was  allow -d  to  take  his  goods 
into  his  own  posscs.iion,  by  gii  ing  security  for  the 
payment  of  the  duties,  without  interest,  at  a  future 
day;  and  durin"  the  period  nlli  wed  for  tho  credit 
to  run,  he  coulil  always  dispose  at  least  of  a  suf- 
ficient amount  of  the  goods  to  meet  the  pr.yment 


as  well  as  the  early  reports  in  respect  to  the  rove 
nue  system. 

Uniler  existing  laws  there  is  no  very  perceptible 
want  of  equity  in  this  exaction,  for  the  reason 
that  it  does  not  take  the  form  of  n  direct  payment 
to  the  Government.     But  under  the  proposed  bill. 


of  his  bonds.     It  was,  as  I  have  already  said,  a  i   and  with  the  extension  of  the  period  allowed  for 
Ill-  : —  !•- .:i:...  ._  .1.-  ■!_  II  ifggping  goods  in  store,  the  exaction  of  a  payment 

equal  to  tho  same  proportion  of  the  amoitlit  of 
du''es  chargeable  on  them  in  nil  cases,  without 
rciei'^nce  to  the  time  during  which  the  goods  have 
been  stored,  would  be  illiberal  and  impolitic.  The 
exaction  was  designed,  not  as  a  source  of  revenue 


most  valuable  pecuniary  facility  to  the  mercantile 
community,  though  having  an  inherent  tendency 
to  run  into  excess,  and  to  stimulate  and  extend 
injuriously  the  operations  of  business.  The  re- 
mission of  interest  on  the  duties,  from  the  cmry  of 
goods  to  the  time  when  the  duties  are  paid,  does 


not,  sirirtly  speaking,  extend   a  facility  to   the  ]'  to  the  Government,  much  less  as  a  discourage- 
imporler  or  merchant.    It  merely  abstains  from     ment  to  tho  reexportation  of  imported  goods.    Its 


709 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  9, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sdss. 


The  H'anhousc  Bill— Mr.  Dix. 


Sknate. 


chnrffpa  nnd  dutie!i,  withmit  exnrtfng  interest  on 
llic  hitter  from  the  dnie  of  thn  riitry. 

3.  McrclmiidiBc  mny  lir  eiitirrd  for  oxporlniion 
Rtany  tinir  diiriiia;  tlie  two  or  llircn  yiiirs,  on  tlie 
piivnicntof  ootuiil  chnrKes  nnd  pxpeiisCH. 

Tlii-ao  mo  the  lending  )irnviMioiis  of  the  bill.  It 
li»!t  lieon  a  niliiii,'  eoiiMlderatlnn  in  framing:  it  to 
divest  it  of  nil  romple  ity.  It  Iuih  liern  tlionuilit 
proper  to  pnt  it  in  the  mnsi  simple  form  posnilile, 
iind  to  rely  mniiily  for  carryini;  into  elVccl  tin  n.  w 

CrovisioiiB  it  rontniiH  on  ref;iilalions  to  he  frnnicd 
y  the  Treasury  l)e|iarlnient.  'I'lit'se  may  he  ac- 
eommodnlcd  to  unforeseen  rirrnnistnnccs,  and  exi- 
);cni'ies  may  thus  lie  met  which  mijrlit  he  without 
II  remedy  for  a  lime,  if  nil  the  delnils  of  ilie  plan 
were  at  thn  oiilpel  lo  ho  re^ilalod  hy  lep^il  enact- 
ments. The  Scerclary  of  tliu  Treasury  is,  there- 
fore, authorized  to  make  such  retrulations,  not  in- 
consistent with  the  laws  of  tlie  United  States,  as 
mny  be  necessary  to  give  full  elVect  lo  the  provis- 
ions of  the  net.  As  the  plan  is  tried,  and  its 
defects  or  its  benefits  lieconie  fully  disclosed,  the 
details  mny  he  all  placed  upon  the  perninnent  fool- 
ing of  leg.Hl  regulation.  It  is  believed  that  the 
course  suggested  will  be  deemed  reconcilmlile  with 
the  most  scrupulous  considerations  of  prudence, 
when  it  is  remembered  that  there  is  little  in  the 
plan  which  is  absolutely  new,  or  wliicli  mny  not  be 
accomplished  by  a  mere  extension  or  a  broader 
application  of  existing  provisions  of  law. 

I  shall  now  detain  the  Senate  but  a  moment,  in 
stating  some  of  the  principal  benefits  anticipated 
from  the  changes  proposed  in  the  existing  revenue 
system. 

The  first  nnd  greatest  benefit  to  the  commercial 
interest  is  the  relief  it  will  nft'ord.from  the  present 
system  of  exncting  the  payment  of  duties  in  cash, 
on  the  eomplelion  of  the  entry  of  merchandise. 
In  one  sense  it  may  be  contended,  when  comjinrud 
with  the  present  system,  that  it  is  an  extension  of 
u  credit  to  the  importer  for  the  duties  until  he  can 
effect  a  sale  of  his  goods.  Strictly  sjicaking,  it  is 
but  abstaining  from  an  unreasonable  exaction;  and 
it  is  divested  of  nil  rL^k  lo  the  public,  as  ilie  goods 
will  never  be  permitted  to  go  into  the  jiossession 
of  the  owner  until  the  duties  are  paid.  It  will  re- 
lieve him  from  the  gicit  hardship,  which  is  com- 
mon under  the  present  system,  of  being  tbrced  to 
sell  a  portion  of  his  goods,  and  sometimes  in  nil 
overstocked  market,  for  the  purpose  of  raisin™  the 
money  to  pay  the  duties.  It  will  enable  him  to 
pay  the  duties  as  he  has  the  opportunity  of  dis- 
posing of  his  goods  for  coiiHUniption,  instead  of 
oeing  compelled  to  borrow  money,  or  sell  his  mer- 
chandise at  a  loss,  to  raise  if,  and  it  will  enable 
men  of  moderate  mean.s  to  enter  into  coinnetilion 
with  large  capitalists,  who,  un  I  havealreiulv  said, 
monopolize  to  a  great  extent  tho  business  of  im- 
portation, through  their  ability  to  command  money 
to  meet  the  payment  of  duties  in  ca.ih.  The  pro- 
posed chnngc  is  entirely  consistent  with  the  )iriii- 
ciple  and  the  object  of  cash  pnymenls;  and  by 
preventing  forced  sales  of  goods  to  raise  money 
for  the  payment  of  duties,  it  will  often  avoid  an 
overstock  of  the  domestic  market  wiili  foreign 
merchandise,  to  the  prejudice  of  the  importer  iiy 
compelling  him  to  sacrifice  his  property,  and  of  the 
producer  of  domestic  goods  ol  like  character,  by 
depre.xsing  prices.  If  we  consider  ul.so  that  it  will 
be  likely  to  enlarge  the  circle  of  competition  in  the 
business  of  importation — not  to  augment  the  ag- 
gregate nn.ount  of  imports  for  consumjition,  but 
to  divide  it  among  a  greate-  number  of  persons — 
it  will  not  be  difficult  to  perceive  that  the  mer- 
eantile  interest  must  be  greatly  benefited  by  the  . 
change. 

The  second  benefit,  though  perhaps  not  second 
in  importance,  to  be  anticipated  from  the  propo.sed 
measure,  is  the  stimulus  it  will  be  likely  to  give  to 
tlic  carrying  trade,  by  making  our  ports  of  entry 
inlrejwts  for  the  jiroductions  of  all  countries.  Under 
the  present  system,  if  imported  merchandise  is  en- 
tered for  exportation,  the  duties  are  not  refunded 
until  after  the  exportation  has  actually  taken  |dace. 
Thus,  if  an  importer,  having  brought  merchandise 
into  the  country  for  the  domestic  market,  and  hav- 
ing paid  the  duties,  finds  at  the  end  of  one,  two,  or 
three  years,  no  demand  for  it  at  home,  and  is  con-- 
polled  to  reexport  il,  he  will  have  lost  during  that 
period  the  use  of  the  moncv  he  has  paid  for  the 
duties,  nnd  he  is  taxed  in  addition  two  and  a  half 
per  cent,  on  the  whole  amuunt  so  paid  as  a  pre  ,' 


I  mium  to  the  fiovernnicntfor  the  privilcp!  of  Beml- 
j  ing  his   goods  lo  a  foreign   marKi't.      No  better 
I  scheme  could  be  devised  either  to  glut  theilomestii 
I  market  by  t'orriiig  the  importer  lo  throw  his  mer- 
chandiso  into  it  at  any  price  it  will  command,  or, 
on  tho  other,  to  discourage  navigation  by  taxing 
I  the  ret'xporlation  of  foreign  meivhanilise,  which 
is  not  vvanled  at  home.     Und  ribe  propo."ed  plan, 
foreign  merchandise  will  be  allowed  lo  he  freely 
deposited  in  store,  nnd  to  be  reexported  as  freely, 
with  no  other  imposition  than  the  payment  of  ac- 
tual  expenses  of  storage,  tVc.     lino  of  the  certain 
conse(|uciiresof  sueli  a  system  must  be  toaccumii- 
I  late  in  our  mnritime  towns  n  variety  of  the  products 
1  of  other  eountriis,  where  our  vessels  can  make  up 
assorted  cnrgncs  for  foreign  markets.    This  facility 
has  led  lo  ihedeposite  in  liritish  porta  of  merchan- 
dise designed  for  re-shipment  to  the  southern  por- 
tions of  this  conlinent,  and,  indeed,  to  all  ounrters 
of  the  globe.    The  value  of  foreign  mcri'liandise 
deposited  in  the  warehouses  of  Ureal  Hritain  is 
estimated  at  two  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  dol- 
1  lars.     The  proposed  plan  would  have  the  same  re- 
'  suit  here,  if  like  elVecls  are  lo  be  expected  from  like 
causes.     The  depositc  of  even  a  considerable  por- 
tion of  such  a  quantity  in  value,  made  up,  a«  much 
'  of  it  doubtless  would  be,  of  goods  suitable  lo  the 
I  South  American  nnd  P.icific  markets,  could  not 
I  fail  to  benefit  and  extend  our  navigating  interest — 
I  one  of  the  most  valuable  in   peace,  and  the  most 
i  important  of  all  others  to  .so  commercial  aeoniimi- 
nily  as  the  United  Slates  ns  a  means  of  defence  in 
war.     That  our  carrying  trade  would  be  vastly 
increased;  that  shipbuilding  would   be  stimulatetf; 
that  many  foreign  i"arkeis   would   be   supplied, 
wliollv  or  in  pari,  !^v  'is  with  merchandise  now 
furnislied  from  the  warehouses  of  I'.iiropo:  that  the 
industry  of  our  seaports  would  be  put  in  greater 
nilivily;  that  the  commercial  transactions  of  the 
country  would  be  facilitated;  and  that  a  healthier 
competition  would  I',   created  in  the  business  of 
importation,   ran   hardly  be   doubted.     Such,  nt 
least,  is  the  opinion  of  t)ie  mercantile  community; 
and  so  believiii!;,  it  is  natural  that  they  should  look 
with  great  intcresl  to  the  concurrence  of  the  .Senate 
in  a  mensure  which  appears  to  them  so  intimately 
connceied  with  the  prosperity  of  the  country. 

AnI  finally,  Mr,  President,  if  unil'orm  prices  and 
steady  markets  are,  ns  we  are  taught  to  believe, 
advantageous  to  the  producing  classes,  the  innnu- 
fact'.iring  interest,  next  to  the  commercial,  is  likely  ' 
lo  be  most  benefited    by   the    proposed  measure, 
through    supplies  of  inerchandi.se  near  at  hand,  ' 
ready  lo  meet  sudden  and  umisiial  demand.t,  thus  , 
preventing  a  transient  scarcity  from  bcconiin™  the 
basis  of  speculation,  and  furnishing  an  additional 
safeguard  against  lho«e  derangemeiils  w  liich  are 
always  the  nuisl  injurious  to  steady  indnsiry, 

Mr.  Dix  then  proceeded  to  sug'.'est  and  explain 
certain  amendments  to  the  bill,  which  he  intended 
to  propose  at  a  future  stage  of  the  discussion.  • 


THE  WARiaiOUSE  niLL. 


SPEECH   OF  MR.  DIX, 

OP  NKW   YOIIK, 
Is  TltK  Senatk,  JtlllJ  3,  IHlfi, 

The  Warehouse  bill  being  under  considernlion, 
Mr.  niX  addressed  the  Senale  as  follows: 

Mr.  PnF.sinr.Nr:  It  was  my  intention  to  reply 
to  the  Senator  tVom  Connecticut  [Mr.  IIiiXTiNt;- 
Tuv]  on  the  day  after  he  addre.s.scd  the  Senate;  but 
1  have  been  )irevcnled  by  a  variety  of  circiim- 
Klanccs  over  which  I  could  exercise  no  control. 
With  the  lapse  of  time  which  h.is  intcrvei  ed,  (now 
more  than  a  week,)  his  remarks  have  lost  .some- 
thing of  their  freshness;  and  I  may  not  be  able  to 
follow  Ills  argmneni  'is  closely  as  1  might  have 
done  if  1  could  have  Had  an  opportunity  lo  respond 
at  nn  earlier  day — especi  lly  as  I  have  been,  for  a 
considerable  portion  of  the  inirrvening  lime,  ab- 
sent from  the  city,  and  in  no  condition  to  examine 
his  afgiimcnts.  It  would  now  be  in  vain,  if  I  were 
lo  undertake  to  follow  him  from  the  beginning  to 
the  end  of  his  nbli;  and  well-considered  speech.  I 
shall  not  attempt  it.  But  I  desiie  so  far  to  tax  the 
indulgence  of  the  Senate  ns  to  notice  the  objections 
he  has  made  to  the  details  of  the  bill  under  con- 
sideration, to  examine  a  few  of  his  leading  argu- 
nicnta  against  the  general  policy  uf  the  measure, 


nnd  to  point  out  what  I  consider  grave  misnppre- 

hensions  with   regard  lo  certain  commercial  lacis 

I  which  have  an  essential  coiniexion  with  the  sub- 

I      His  objertions  to  tho  details  of  the  bill  came  first 

I  in   the  course  of  his  argumeiil,  and   I  shall  take 

j  them  up  in  the  order  in  which  ihcy  were  presented 

i  to  the  Senate. 

;  lliil  I  desire  to  notice,  in  the  first  place,  aprnliiii- 
innry  remark  of  the  Senator.    -lie  did  me  thn  ' 

j  honor  lo  say  that  he  considered  me  capable  of 
drawing  this  bill — u  compliment  for  wliiih  I  beg 

^  him  to  ncccpt'iuy  tlinnks,  though  I  did  think  he 
look  from  it  much  of  its  value  when  he  added  that, 

'  in  his  opinion,  such  a  bill  ought  not  to  receive  the 

''  sanction  of  the  Senate.     lie  -mid,  also,  that  lin 

I  considered  nie  cnpalile  of  drawing  a  bill  on  any 

,  subject;  in  this  he  conceded  lo  mo  emirely  loo 
much  merit.  And  he  cinicluded  by  s.iyiiig,  that 
if  he  had  not  felt  this  assurance,  lie  would  have 
supposed  the  bill,  from  his  view  of  its  probable 
operation,  to  have  been  drawn  by  some  largo 
capitalist,  or  the  factor  of  ,sonie  foreign  nianiifae- 

;  turcr.  Now,  1  beg  lo  assure  my  hoiim-able  friend 
from  Connccliciit,   that  no  person  of  the  descrip- 

,  lion  referred  to  by  him  had  any  agency  in  tho 
mailer.     The  person  to  whom  I  wau  principally 

'  indebted  for  siigiiestions  in  respect  to  it,  before 
it  was  prepared  for  presenlaiiori  to  the  Senate, 
was  one  of  those  "  regulnrdcalers"  in  New  Vorit, 
who,  according  lo  llui  .Senator,  have  no  interest  in 

i  a  warehouse  system — who  neither  desire  nor  call 
afford  to  use  il— a  gentleman  of  intelligence  and 
information,  and  who  is  now  n  iiiember  (if  the^ 
convention  engaged  in  revising  the  consiitiilion  of 
the  Slate,      Ihit  I  can  assure  the  Senator  that  the 

]  gentleman  lo  whom  I  allude  deems  tho  measure 
of  the  utmost  importance  lo  those  who,  under  the 

,  present  system,  have  not  the  means  of  entering 
into  competition  wilh  large  capitalists,  and  believer 
that  it  will  have  a  salutary  inrtiiencc  upon  tho 
commercial  jirosperity  of  the  country, 

fiut  I  proceed  now  to  notice  the  objections  the 
Senator  lias  taken  to  the  details  of  the  bill: 

1.  The  first  objection,  ns  I  understood  it,  wns, 
that  in  depositing  inerchandise  in  store,  no  invoice 
was  reipiired,  no  appraisement  was  necessary, 
iiolhiii!:,  indeed,  lo  show  the  nature  of  Ihe  nier- 
cliandi.se,  or  the  aniounl  of  the  duties  cliarge- 
nlile  on  il.  If  the  Seiintor  will  refer  to  the  amond- 
nienls  I  have  proposed,  he  will  see  that  all  these 
objects  are  eircctnally  accomplished.  The  im- 
porter of  foreign  merchandise  is  recpiired  "to  make 
entry"  for  warehousing  it,  "in  such  form,  and 
supported  by  such  proof,  as  shall  be  prescribed  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury."  To  make  entry 
of  merchandise  h!>n  n  specific  nnd  well-known 
meaning  in  the  operations  of  the  ciistoni-liouso.  It 
involves  the  neces.sity  of  an  invoice,  and  a  com- 
pliance with  n  variety  of  well-digcslcd  forms.  Nor 
IS  this  all.  Another  aiiicndment  provides  that  the 
duties  and  the  charges  on  merchandise  deposited 
in  store  shall  be  ascerlnined  "on  due  entry  there- 
of" The  duties  cannot  be  ascertained  without 
weii.'liing,  gai:ging,  measuring,  or  ap[a-aising  the 
nierchandisi!.  Thus,  il  will  he  seen  that  a  com- 
pliance with  all  the  forms  of  proceeding  wliiidi  arc 
required  in  the  payment  of  the  duties  on  the  entry 
of  merchandise,  is  to  be  rigidly  exacted  when  it  is 
deposited  in  store. 

2.  Tac  next  objection  is,  that  if  goods  are  burnt 
while  ill  store  the  Uovernmenl  will  lose  the  diiiies. 
Now,  sir,  I  ask  if  the  Government  should  exact 
duties  in  such  a  case?  Is  il  not  enough  tlint  the 
importer  or  owner  should  lose  his  merchniidi.se.' 
Have  not  the  duties  usually  been  remitted  in  such 
cases.'  I  suppose  this  to  have  been  the  practice; 
and  certainly  it  is  opposed  to  every  principle  of 
liberality,  and  even  of  fairness,  lo  exact  duties  on 
merchandise  which  has  never  come  into  the  home 
market,  and  on  which  the  duties  liuvc  never  been 
paid. 

It.  The  Senator  says,  if  mcrchnndise  deterio- 
rates while  in  store  the  Government  will  lose  the 
whole  amount,  or  at  least  a  portion  of  the  duties, 
and  that  they  will  be  calculated  on  the  reduced 
value.  Ill  this  he  is  entirely  mistaken.  The  du- 
ties, •  I  have  already  said,  are  to  be  ascertained 
on  the  entry  for  warehousing  llie  merchnndise. 
They  will  be  calculated  on  ils  full  value;  and  if  it 
becomes  perishable,  the  officers  of  the  eustonia 
will  cause  it  to  be  sold  furtliwilh  under  the  provis- 


[July  9, 

HNATE. 


inisn|iMrp- 
iTcml  tm-Mt 
ill    tl\o  Null- 

I  Clinic  first 

bIiiiII  iii|<i, 

t!  liresiiiilfil 


1816.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAIi  GLOBE. 


793 


'iOrii  CoNo 1st  Sks». 


The  Warthaxue  Uilt—Mr,  Du. 


Sfnate. 


ion  rolKliii),'  •"  pcrinlmlil.-  hhoiIh,  niiil  thus  rr^lizu  ' 
Ihe  duiicH  Liifurc  llio  iiicri:li.iiiUisc  becomed  wortli- 
Ifiiii. 

4.  The  Senntor  ia  of  llie  nn'niiin,  llinl  under  the 
priivixinna  nt'  iIiIh  liill,  merrli  indiBo  may  Im  liikcn 
ml  of  Hloio  nnd  lei'xpnrlrd  in  nny  qiinniily,  Imw-  I 
tver  nniiill,     Tliu  hill  in  imt  no  inlcndid',  nor  do  I  | 
tlu.ik  it  nan  proptrly  rci'eivr  s'lili  a  rnnMlriiciion.  j 
If  liii  will  look  «l  Ilio  twpnty-ni  iili  line,  hi;  will  hic  i 
llial  n  conipliancd  wii'i  the  rc'iiiirrnicnlH  of  fixisl- 
ini;  Iawb  in  relnlion  to  lli.'  pxi.orlalinn  of  niciTlian- 
diHo  •  illi  llio  litncfit  of  diiuvlmiU,  iH  nrrcswiry.  It 
iiMiBi,  llnipfiirc,  lip  pxpoiied  in  llio  oiii;innl  piii-k-  > 
ii(,'i..i.     Unt  if  ilicre  is  nny  doulil  on  this  sulijept,  n  1 
vtrlml  umundnipni  will  bo  all  that  lit  required  to 
rcmovp  tlio  olijtM-tioii. 

5.  Willi  ipenrd  to  ihn  nprpMily  of  n  bond  lo  pay 
ihi!  iliilieH,  thpic  in  good  froiiinl  for  a  dilftrcncn  of 
opinion.  It  is  to  be  remeinbi'ipd  that  the  goods 
arc  lo  be  in  llio  possession  of  the  polleclor,  or,  in 
other  words,  in  the  possesHion  of  tlieOovcrnmcnt. 
Tlipy  ore  n  pcrfprt  security  for  liie  payment  of  the 
dulii-s.  Why,  then,  exact  a  bond?  If  it  be  thought 
expedient,  tlipre  certainly  can  bn  no  valid  objec- 
tion. Under  the  Uiilish  system  no  bo;.  I  is' re- 
i|uiicd,  if  the  goods  are  deposited  in  the  public 
slorea,  nnd  are  in  the  possession  of  the  Crown. 
When  the  |;nnds  are  deposited  in  warehouses 
belon^^ins;  to  individuals  or  companies,  n  bond  is 
rc(|uired,  not  usually  from  Ihc  owner  of  the  n;nods, 
but  a  general  bond  from  the  owner  of  the  ware-  ■ 
house,  Btipulntini;  that  the  poods  deposited  with  \ 
him  shall  Ijc  exported,  or  Ihc  diilies  paid  in  full. 

6.  Willi  regard  Ic,  the  danjer  of  a  clandestine  ! 
removal  of  goods — annihcr  objection  urged  against 
the  bill  ~lhu  answer  is,  that  iho  danger  must  be 
very  slight,  as  the  goods  will  be,  as  those  now  de- : 
nositpd  in  store  ure,  in  possession  of  the  custom-  j 
noose  olllcei's.     There  is,  I  believe,  no  provision 
by  law  nowl  for  the  nunishment  of  such  offences.  : 
IJiit   if  experience   siinll   show   the   necessity  of 
such  a  |irovisioii,  it  cnn  at  miy  time  be  made.     In- 
deed, I  will  not  object  to  such  an  amendment  of 
the  bill,  if  it  be  thought  advi.sable.  [ 

7.  Willi  regard  to  ihe  provision  exonerating  the  ' 
master  of  a  vessel  from  all  claim  of  the  owner  of 
merchandise,  which  has  been  sold  by  the  colleclnr 
for  the  non-payment  of  the  duties,  I  will  only  say 

I  hat  it  is  copied  verbatim  from  the  tarilf  net  of 
1842,  that  it  is  in  constant  practice,  nnd  no  difli- 
cul'y  is  known  lo  have  resulted  from  it. 

8.  It  is  also  objected,  that  if  goods  are  once  with- 
dtuwn  from  the  public  slnres,  end  the  duties  paid, 
they  can  never uficrwnrds  be  reijxporlcd,  or,  in  other 
words,  that  foreign  goods  can  only  be  reexported 
fruni  the  stores.     Sir,  this  is  nn  entire  mLsappre- 
liension.     All  the  laws  relating  to  debentures  will 
be  left  in  full  force.     If  an   importer  or  owner  of  i 
nierchandi.se  deposited  in  store  withdraws  il,  and  ' 
pays  the  duties,  be  may  at  any  time,  within  the 
period  allowed  by  law,  reexport  it  with  the  benefit 
of  drawback.     1  he  existing  provisions  of  law  will, 
in  this  respect,  remain  untouched      But  in  case  of  ^ 
r(!cxporlaiion  under  such  circumslanccs  n  deduction  j 
of  two  nnd  n  half  per  cent,  will  be  made  on  refund- 
ing the  duties. 

9.  It  is  said,  nlso,  that  goods  may  be  withdrawn  j 
in  the  smallest  quantity  for  home  consumption,  and  : 
that  the  public  stoics  will  become  mere  retail  shops.  \ 
It  is  certainly  very  unlikely  ihat  nny  such  result  will 
follow.     No  nierchandise'cnn  be  withdrawn  with-  [ 
out  a  permit  from  the  collector,  and  this  permit  | 
must  be  paid  for.     The  inconvenience  and  expanse  ' 
will,  in  in-dinnry  cases,  constitule  sulTicient  obsia-  i 
cles  to  the  wilhdinwal  of  minute  quantities  of  mer- 
chundisc.     Rut  if  gentlemen  think  it  material,  Ihe 
olijection  can  readily  be  removed  by  a  proviso, 
that  no  merchandise  shall  be  withdrawn  from  store  ; 
in  less  quantities  than  ill  an  entile  package,  bale,  '< 
box,  or  cask.  ' 

Tlie.sc,  as  I  understand  th^m,  are  the  objections  j 
made  to  the  details  of  tlie  bill;  and  I  am  sure  it  will  j 
all'ord  the  Senator  pleasure  to  find,  on  a  more  crit-  , 
icid  examiiiniion  of  the  subject,  that  there  is  not  one 
of  ihcm  which  is  not  cither  groundless,  or  which  I 
may  not  be  removed  by  the  most  simple  amend- 
ment. I 

1  will  only  say,  in  conclusion,  in  respect  to  the  i 
details  of  the  bill,  that  it  ha.s  been  subjected  to  the  ' 
rigid  scrutiny  of  son.o  of  the  most  intelligent  j 
individuals  in  the  revenue  service — some  now  in  | 
commisaicn.and  others  who  have  become  familiar  I 


Willi  the  operntions  of  the  Byslem,  through  Ion? 
expcriencp  in  prominent  silualions.  All  these  gen- 
llemen  concur  in  the  opinion  llint  it  will  be  adequate 
to  the  objects  il  Ii'in  in  view,  and  that  il  is  siilH- 
ciciilly  guarded  against  abuNc.  Hut  should  expe- 
rience poiiil  out  necessary  changes,  it  will  alwuys 
be  easy  to  make  iheni. 

I  come  now,  Mr.  I'residenl,  lo  i\  portion  of  the 
HeniUor's  remarks,  which  will  require  a  somewliat 
exiended  and  I'riticnl  exaliiiiialion.  When  this  bill 
wnit  first  called  up  for  consideiiition,  I  alluded  in- 
cidentally, in  mv  explanalion  of  ils  provisions,  lo 
the|l)riliHh  warehouse  Hyslein,and  lo  the  iiilluencp 
il  had  exerled  upon  the  commercial  prosperity  of 
C4rent  llrilaln.  I  did  not  say,  nor  did  I  iiilend  to 
intimaie,  llial  the  plan  pro|:oHed  by  the  bill  under 
consideration  was  copied,  in  any  degree,  from  the 
British  system.  On  the  cnnlriiry,  1  had,  ihrou^h- 
oiil  my  remarks,  kept  sieudily  in  view  the  idea 
that  it  WBS  founded  upon  our  own  laws  regulating 
the  deposile  of  mercimndise  in  the  public  simes, 
nnd  that  the  objects  it  had  in  view  were  to  be  ac- 
complished by  an  enlargenient  and  more  extended 
application  of  ihe  provisions  of  tho.se  laws.  In  his 
reply,  the  JSenntor  referred  to  Ihe  British  system, 
comparing  ihe  plan  proiiosed  by  the  bill  Under 
consideration  wiili  il,  and  in  his  references  In  the 
operation  of  the  former  he  came  lo  conclusions  to 
which  I  cannot  yield  my  assent. 

I  have  no  printed  report  of  the  Senator's  re- 
marks, and,  speaking  from  very  hasty  and  brief 
notes  of  his  topics,  I  may  inadvertently  misstate 
him.  I  trust  I  shall  not;  but  if  I  do,  I  beg  him 
lo  be  assured  that  no  one  will  regret  it  so  much  ns 
myself. 

I  understood  one  of  his  first  remarks,  in  relation 
to  the  British  warehouse  system,  lo  be,  that  il  wns 
designed  lo  extend  the  commerce  of  Great  ftrilain, 
and  lo  depress  the  trade  nnd  shipping  of  other 
countries.  I  citnnot  concur  with  him  in  all  re- 
spects, though  not  difTering  with  him  entirely  ns 
to  ils  design;  and  I  shall  endeavor  to  show  that 
its  ellecl  has  not  been  to  exclude  foreign  shipping 
from  a  parliciputiou  in  the  commerce  of  the  Brit- 
ish empire. 

Ils  desigi,  as  I  have  always  understood,  was 
chielly  lo  remove  great  commercial  inconveniences, 
arising  from  the  necessity  of  paying  duties  in  cash 
on  the  entry  of  merchandise.  These  inconveni- 
ences arc  slated  by  McCulloch  to  have  been: 

I.  Tliiit  llio  iiierclmnt,  in  nrdcr  to  riti:4e  fainlH  in  pay  Iho 
(hllit'H,  was  IVei|U('nlIy  reduced  lo  llie  iieccss-ity  rirHcliiric  his 
nuodtt  iiiiinodiiucly  on  their  arrival,  wliei),periiup!4,  the  innr- 

liCt  WIIH  irhiticd. 

a.  Tllnt  llio  dillicH  liiiviiiil  In  be  pnirl  iill  nt  once,  nnd  not 
liy  deitri'C!!,  ns  the  cnndrt  wen;  grdd  ti,r  cniiFiiiniplitiii,  llnir 
price  wns  riiiniMl  hy  Iho  naioiint  nt  the  profit  nn  the  cupilai 
ndvnnci'd  in  pnyiiirat  of  llic  diilics. 

:l.  'riiiUcntiipclitton  wasdiliiiai^ll'^din  cnniicqniMicenf  tlio 
groiitcr  cnnninnrt  of  funds  ri'(|iilrod  to  curry  nn  irnde  inuler 
iillciidiriudvi,ntnt,'<'t>;  nnd  a  finvricli  individiiaJH  woriM-ii.ilili'd 
to  innnopnlizo  the  iinpormtioa  of  thmt!  coininoditicM  on 
which  dniies  were  piiyahle. 

4.^'rimt  Ihe  syKlcni  of  pnyinc  cash  nn  the  entry  of  itirr- 
ehnndise  lind  tin  obviouft  Icliilcncy  to  ilisfMitintttc  titt;  cnrry- 
ins  trttde. 

.',.  Thill  it  prevented  Ihe  cniinlry  front  bi'pnntinii  nn  entre- 
pot Inr  fnri-'i^tl  proditcts;  nnti  bindertrd  tin;  itnportntioii  of 
Hticlt  ns  were  not  iititncdintciy  wniiird  for  bottte  cnnHiunp. 
lion,  nnd  ititm  lendcil  to  lessen  lite  resort  of  fnreigiiers  to 
tlie  inllrlt"ts  of  (irenl  llrihiiti,  inttsmiull  ns  it  heeaiiie  diftl- 
ciili,  or  niiltcr  itn[wasible,  for  them  to  cinnph'tc  an  nssnrictl 
cargo. 

These  are  the  reasons  assigned  by  McCul- 
loch for  eslnblishing  the  system;  nnd  it  is  curious 
to  observe  how  closely  this  enumeration  of  incon- 
veniences describes  those  Uiider  which  our  own 
commerce  labors. 

In  the  Yearly  JoiirnnI  of  Trade  for  184,5,  a  woik 
which  has  been  published  for  twettly-ihree  years, 
and  which,  I  believe,  may  .safely  be  referreil  to  ns 
uulhorily  in  matters  touching  the  cointnercial  sys- 
tem of  Great  Britain,  I  find  the  following  passages 
in  som-!  preliminary  remarks  in  relation  to  ware- 
housing: 

«  Anii'ccdcnily  to  the  present  centttry  n  system  of  reslrnint 
nnt)  prnltihitioit  jtcrvndcd  Ihendntiniwlrationof  nttr  innrilltno 
nnd  revcnnt;  tiftatrs,  proditcitii;  iitcoiivi-nicnce  lo  tlii>  iner- 
chniit  nnd  delriiiieiil  to  cntntnerce.  iVIttch  of  sticii  incon- 
vfMiienct!  nrnse  frnia  the  ctrctntislnnce  of  tin;  ittt|inrt  dittios 
bcins  rc(|ttirisl  to  be  paid  on  the  hiiidintt  of  |inod,i.  ninottnt- 
iiiufri'qttcnlty  lo  nmny  thousand  pounds.  Hitch  uiis  innre 
particttlarly  tite  cnsc'tlitriliit  Ihe  late  wnr,  when  titt- usual 
ri'ijtilarity  of  eoiiiincrcitit  trnnsnrtiot's  was  tiiucli  ttilcrrti|)t- 
cil,  anil  lite  tncrchnnl,  at  titiics,  calleil  itptiii  on  the  ttiiex- 
piM-teil  arrivnt  of  it  sliip  ft>r  n  Inruc  advance  of  iliitit^s.  This 
(tiive  ris(!  lo  a  wysleiit  of  ilcfcrring  paytnctil,  by  nllowint; 
goods  to  ho  pcciircd  in  wnrehouscs  or  other  npproVcil  places 
under  tttc  locks  of  lliu  crow'i,  and  tu  be  taken  out  as  iiijghi 


tnilt  lliii  enttvenletico  of  partb  •*,  the  t>nynienl  not  bi-iPB  chII- 

t  fl  lor  until  till-  M Is  wi T(-  liik>'ii  out.     Itrtice,  in  li*0J,  tim 

i-'Ntablli>lllii>-lil  of  the  ({cltt'riit  witrchiiie'lntf  system." 

"The  principle  npnn  which  tlic  iinri-linusInK  net  wn« 
fiiiindi'i)  wns,  that  H'lods,  u|k>ii  boinv  liikini  out.  cither  for 
tidiiii' f-iiiisintl|ition,  liir  ex|M'rtiilinn,  or  rcinnvnl  cnn. twine, 
sllnlild  be  siibji-ft  to  the  UK:*  i-ntiditlons  as  \*'lien  llrrt  Ini- 
piiricd.  This  WIS  then  dcctni'il  a  prnditjious  iHion-sucli  II 
tin>|Ui'sllnniil>ly  was." 

Such  was  ihe  design  of  the  sysletn.  Il  hnd  no 
direct  connexion  with  any  consideration  of  policy 
in  respect  lo  iho  trade  or  shipping  of  foreigners. 
It  wns  n  mailer  ptiicly  of  iloniestli',  interesl,  fiiitued 
exclusively  for  the  benclll  of  the  coinmercn  of 
CJrent  Iitilniii — not  to  tleiiress  Ihn  rointnerco  of 
other  eottnlries  Indeed,  liy  referring  lo  her  slnl- 
ules  il  will  be  neen  ihnl  fiireimt  vessels  nre  perinit- 
teil  to  carry  into  her  ports,  anil  warehouse  fur  ex- 
portation, articles  prohibiied  to  be  introduced  into 
ihe  kingdom  for  home  use. 

lis  elVect  has  not  been  to  discorrngc  Ihe  parlici- 
palion  of  foreign  shipping  in  the  commercial  inter- 
course of  Great  Britain  willi  olher  nalions.  Uti 
the  contrary,  fiireign  tonnage  enters  to  a  very  re- 
markable  extent  into  her  foreign  trade. 

In  connexion  with  this  subject  I  will  proceed  lo 
stale  some  of  the  principal  itiodificatioiis  and  n- 
laxiiilons  of  her  nncient  nnli-eommercinl  system, 
'  which  have  taken  phicc  within  Iho  last  half  cen- 
litry.  For  lliis  purpose  I  will  ngnin  refer  lo  tha 
,  Insl-nnmed  work,  as  the  chnngcs  are  better  and 
much  more  briefly  slated  than  they  would  be  if 
given  in  iny  own  words: 

•'Tile  oiieninv  of  the  Fast  Inilla  trndn  lo  privnte  inilivid- 

ttaU  stands  .'nrcinosl  in  tin;  list  of  innilerii  nitt  riitions  in  iiur 

eotiitncrciul  coilo.    Tlint  this  trade  wns  nltnust  exclitsivrly 

conllned  to  the   Kast  Itidin  Coinpiiny  since  tJic  year  l^Uj, 

diirinij  tile  rclitn  nf  Queen  Kliznbcth,  is  well  ttnowii." 

;      "Tlie  lirst  Hcnernl  warclioiistiiit  act  wits  passed  in  1803. 

1  Tile  leadiint  fenllire  of  llie  wnrclioiislnu  net  is  to  defer  the 

{  piiyiiient  of  duties  formerly  due  to  Ibe  kini;  nt  the  liini!  of 

llnpnrtntinn,  nnd  In  iiilnw  goods  to  reuiaiii,  under  certain 

'  rcKlllntions,  in  warelinitses,  nr  other  places,  iiiitil  il  tuny 

suit  the  parties  tn  remove  thein  either  for  exporlaiinn  or 

home  consuinption." 

"In  the  yearlH-M,  nn  enUrely  new  principle  wns  inirn. 
dnced  into  tlie  ecnnnmy  of  niir  foreign  trade,  and  which 
nirceis  in  no  slight  degree  tile  intcreals  of  some  nf  our  staple 
innniithclures. 
"  This  principle  is  In  nholish,  ns  far  ns  practicable,  liic  pro- 
I  bihitiotis  nn  import,  nnd  hnuiitius  on  expoit. 
I      "  A  system  nf  reciprocity  in  our  intercourse  with  foreign 
nntions*  tins  been  recently  nilopted.     The  ships  of  those 
I  k'.nsdnins  ilint  choose  in  nvail  themselves  of  tlie  ndvnn- 
{  luges,  may  now  enter  Rrilish  nr  Iri.-h  piirls  upon  the  Hiimn 
!  terms  ns  ships  of  ihe  I'nited  Ki>ngdniii ;  and,  on  the  other 
'  jiniid,  our  vessels  may  enter  iiitio  the  linrliors  helongitig  to 
tlinve  fnreign  natiniis  upon  the  same  terms  OS  if  built  and 
navigated  hy  liieir  nwn  cnnntrym'!n." 

Among  the  most  important  of  these  chnngcs,  nre 
the  privileges  granted  by  the  reciprocity  Irenlies, 
to  which  the  writer  refers.  1  confess  I  wnssome- 
'  what  surprised,  when  I  cnnie  to  look  into  me  sub- 
ject, to  see  their  number  and  the  libe  al  nature  of 
their  stipulations.  I  find  that  Great  Britain  huii 
arrnngemenis  with  twenty-three  independent  Slates 
relating  lo  the  trade  with  the  United  Kingdom,  nnd 
nineteen  relating  to  the  trade  with  her  possessions 
abroad.  Some  of  these  arrangements  rest  upon 
treutie:;  of  a  very  liberal  ehnrncter,  and  others  upon 
orilers  of  council  issued  by  virtue  of  a  slalute  au- 
thorizing the  sovereign  lo  concede  certain  p.-ivi- 
leges  in  consideration  of  like  concessions  fiotn  the 
Stales  to  which  they  ore  granted.  I  vill  read  to 
the  Senate  a  few  stipulations  from  two  of  the  trea- 
ties, in  order  that  the  subject  may  be  better  un- 
derstood. 

From  a  convention  of  commerce  and  navigation 
with  Sweden  and  Norway: 

"  JJuticn,  4'e.— Dritisli  vessels  entering  or  departing  from 
Hie  pons  of  the  kingilonis  of  Sweden  and  Nnrwny,  nnd 
Swedish  nnd  Noru-eginn  vessels  entering  or  departing  frnni 
tilt;  pnrls  of  Ihe  United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  mill  lio- 
iaiiri,  eh»ll  nnt  be  subject  tn  nny  other  or  liighrr  ship  dunes 
or  clinrges  thnn  nre  nr  shall  lie  levied  on  nntinnai  vessels 
entering  nr  departing  frniii  such  ports  respectively. 

"  yestets  anil  ^ooAt.—AW  goods,  whetlier  tile  production 
nftlle  Kingdnms  nf  ISwcden  and  Norway,  or  of  any  other 
cnnnlrv,  wliicli  may  be  legally  imported  from  any  of  tbo 
ports  of  ;lie  snhl  kingdnms  intntiie  United  Kingdom  of  Great 
nritnin  nnd  Irehui'l  in  liritish  vessels,  shall,  in  like  manner, 
be  permitted  to  be  so  imiiorted  directly  in  Sweilisli  or  Nor- 
weginn  vessels ;  nnd  all  goods,  whether  the  production  of 
nny  of  the  doinininns  of  l!is  Rritnnnie  Majesty,  nr  of  any 
nttier  cnuntry,  wliich  may  he  legally  exported  from  the  ports 
of  the  United  Kingdom  in  B^itisli  vessels,  stinll,  in  like  man- 
ner, be  permitted  lo  be  exported  from  the  snid  ports  in  Hwe- 
disli  nr  Norwegian  vessels.  An  e.xnct  reciprocity  shall  be 
observed,"  &c. 

From  a  treaty  of  commerce  and  navigation  with 
the  Netherlands: 

"Duties  ofetatomsj  pn'ei.VgM,  &T. — No  duly  of  etistoms  or 
other  impost  shall  bo  eliargud  upon  any  goods,  the  produce 


J 


794 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRLSSIONAL  OLOnE. 


[July  9, 


99*H  CoNo 1st  Scss. 


7^  tVarehouie  BiO—Mr.  IKx. 


of  »nie  rounlry,  ii|mhi  linp^ututloMi  liy  wn  iir  tty  Innd  Immii 
■iK'h  oiiiiilry  liiln  <l>ii  nlliiT,  liljiliir  llinii  llii-  iliuj  or  Iiii|h>  I 
rliHmrtl  ii[Niii  |{<»nI«  <>i'  Iho  Mftiiir  kliiil,  llH!  |iriHlMi'<i  III,  or 
liitporii'd  I'roiii,  iiiiy  niiirr  riMintry ;  luiil  hi*r  ^tiih'tfty  Ihi* 
iiiiftfil  ol  llif  lltilli'il  KingtliHii  ol'Urt'nl  llrllntii  luiil  Iri'lniiil, 
niiit  lii«  MiijHHiy  llin  Koiv  ol  tlli'  \i>Uii'rluiitl<,  ilii  hi-n-by 
hiiiil  jtiitl  I  iiK.iKD  llii'iiiH<'kt>>4  lint  til  Hriiiit  ttiiy  (iivor,  prlviU'Kis 
nr  iiiiriiiiiiiiy.  Ill  iiiiitt<'rifir('oiiiiiit>r(M>  mill  iiavlituU<'ii.io  tli«> 
•iilijrt'tiit'niiy  ^iiitL'  wlilcli  nhiill  not  tH>  dIko,  nitil  iii  Uih  uninu 
tliim,  •'ilfliilt'tUotlif'  ollifr  Niilijiirtiiorihi'ullirr  lilitli  c'liiilnirt- 
liiff  p!irt,v,  KriitiiltiillHly,  ir  tliu  t'oiMCNhlon  In  liivnr  nf  tliiit 
nilifr  Hinli' nhnll  hnvii  hi<i>ii  KrniiiitoiM;  iiitd,  on  uiviiiK,  itn 
nt'iirlv  114  fMiR'<tltt'',  ttiti  Hiiinii  riiniiMMiniitlnn  or  I'ltiitvali'iit,  in 
ciun  ilici*iinri^«.<loii  Httall  tiHvi*  bi'i-ii  condUloliiil-" 

Hy  rcfiTriiii;  lo  llin  Yenrly  Joiirnnl  nrTrnde,  I'nr 
1845,  |iM!,'P  45,  it  will  lie  nci'ii  llml  Grir.t  llrilain 
liaH  iiM>i|ir(>rily  liTalicn  wilh  fiflceii  iinli'iunilciit 
HhiicM,  !,'ramiii!>  to  oarli  oilirr,  miiiinillv,  the  "lirii- 
rfila  III"  the  iiiiml  favnicd  imliiiii."  Tlic  «li|iuln- 
tliiiiR  nliiivii  qiintod  arc,  tliordbre,  appUealjIe  to  all 
tlip  tiOcpii  Sialp.H. 

What  haH  liern  tin-  reaiilt  of  thcsr  intcrnalinnal 
ri'miiiercial  nrianjcmrnls,'  It  is  iinn  nf  wliicli  I 
must  miifras  I  was  not  n|i|)rinc(l,  llious'-h  nllirr 
SBiinlors  may  lie  innie  thinilinr  with  llic  aiiliji'd, 
nial  the  siaii'inciit  may  givn  llii'iii  no  siirpiisu. 
In  the  y<"nr  1H4I,  ■('  rannot  find  Iho  rtttirns  ot"  a 
later  year,)  the  l'orri:cn  sliiniiiiiij  ensairtd  in  the 
commerce  of  (jieat  liriiain  liore  a  L'reairr  |iio|ior- 
tinn  to  her  own  loiinai,'e  than  the  fiireij;n  Nhi)i|iiii'4 
cnsmsed  in  the  coniniorro  of  the  United  SinKs  in 
the  year  1845  hore  lo  imr  own  tonnage.  Tiirse 
details  I  nhall  (;ive  more  at  length  et  u  siibaequcnl 
Bta!;e  of  my  leniarlts. 

Ureal  lliitiun  has  thus  adopted  tho  miiMrn, 
which  it  is  to  he  hoped  may  become  nniycrsal — 
that  naiionni  prosperity  ia  lo  be  aoui;ht  for,  not  in 
nnneccsaary  reslruiiona,  not  in  commercial  con- 
vcnlions  framed  wilh  n  view  lo  tilitain  exriuaivo 
ndvanln^es  by  subtlety  and  address,  but  through 
the  better  nnil  more  enlighlened  policy  of  seciiriiii; 
imiuial  privilc|c;es  by  a  liberal  application  of  the 
piinc.iple  of  reeiprocily. 

In  Ine  commercial  iiiterconraeof  forei:^n  nations 
with  her  colonial  possessions,  she  siill  niainlains, 
to  some  exteni,  o  system  of  restriction.  A  ves- 
sel from  any  country  may  carry  lo  her  colonies 
a  carRO,  the  produce  of  that  conntry,  and  carry 
away  from  lliose  colonies  a  cari^o  to  any  coun- 
try not  n  Driiish  possession,  but  not  from  one 
British  possession  lo  another. 

Dut  il  is  time  lo  return  lo  the  detnil.s  of  the  Rril- 
iah  warehouse  system.  The  Senator  stated,  that 
it  was  a  rcsiricied  syslem.  I  disafjreo  with  him. 
I  shall  prove  it  lo  lie  an  exceedins^ly  liberal  system, 
n«»t  only  in  respect  to  the  numlier  of  warehoiisinjf 
porta,  but  in  nspecl  lo  ilic  nrlicles  .illowed  to  be 
warehoused.  It  was  established  in  IHU.'i,  on  a  very 
limited  scale  as  to  the  favored  arlii  les,  and  for  the 
jiort  of  London  alone  II  now  embraces  sixiy- 
eijjht  ports  in  Ent,-liu  ,  twenty-three  in  Scoilai'il, 
and  eiu'hteen  in  In'and — m  all,  101).  In  most  of 
tlie  lari^e  ports,  i^oods  in  general  may  be  ware- 
lioused;  in  the  smaller  pons,  pnrliculart;oods  only. 
London  in  the  southeast,  ISristol  in  the  soinhwe.sl, 
arij  Liverjiool  in  the  northwest,  are  privileged  for 
all  goods  which  may  be  legally  imporle'l;  and  Hull 
in  the  northeast  for  the  same,  witli  a  single  class  of 
exceptions.  These  ports  are  nilininibly  silualcd 
for  distributing  the  products  deposiied  with  them 
to  all  porliona  of  the  kingdom.  fSiand  at  Leicester, 
which  lies  in  the  very  centre  of  Knijland,  and  draw 
n  circle  around  you  whicli  shall  pass  throns-h  one 
of  the.se  ports,  and  it  will  touch  or  graze  all  the 
others.  There  is  not  a  single  point  in  Kngland 
distant  in  an  air  line  more  than  one  hundred  and 
fifly  miles  from  some  of  these  ports,  excepting  the 
Laiid's  Kiid  in  Cornwall,  which  may  be  two  hun- 
dred from  lirislol.  The  Scuntor  from  (Jonnecticnl, 
if  I  did  not  misunderstand  him,  represented  these 
four  porus  as  the  (inly  ones  to  which  a  lilieral  scale 
of  privilege  in  respect  lo  warehousing  had  been 
applied.  Sir,  my  honorable  friend  is  behind  the 
me.  He  is  about  up  In  the  era  of  George  IV,  or 
possibly  ihe  4lh  William.  I  sny  it  in  no  oflensivc 
sense.  He  will  properly  oppreciate  this  di.sclnliner 
when  I  frankly  acknowledge  that  a  few  days  nL'O 
I  was  in  ihc  s.ime  predicament  with  him.  1  have 
fortunately  fallen  upon  more  recent  informalinn, 
and  I  am  nappy  not  o.ily  lo  have  advanced  niy.self, 
lint  lo  be  able  to  brin?  him  up  wilh  me  lo  the  point 
at  which  things  now  stand.  l''nlinouth  in  Cornwall 
has  been  made  a  warehousini;  port  for  all  goods, 
wilh  the  single  exception  of  silks.  Southampton, 
about  n.idway  from  the  Land'a  End  to  the  Straits 


iif  Dover,  ii  larKsly  privilefeit.  Mnncheater  ha* 
leciiitly  been  made,  liy  net  of  I'arlinmenl,  n  ware- 
housing town  for  consuinptioii  only.  It  is  an  in- 
!:ind  place,  ne  we  all  know,  and  therefore  not  lit 
for  warihousing  for  exportation.  I  find  in  Ihe 
list  of  warehousing  ports  twelve  privileged  for  "  all 
goods,"  with  cerlain  spicifiid  exceptions.  In 
short,  the  syslem,  as  to  ports,  has  been  and  is  in  u 
constant  course  of  cxiension. 

Lei  us  now  see,  sir,  what  gooi'.s  mi.y  be  ware- 
housed. On  this  point  I  regie',  lo  be  at  variance 
with  the  Senator  from  ('onin client.  I'l  looking 
into  the  llrilish  Slaiules,  I  find  ihe  numiier  of  iibso- 
liile  iirnhibitions  extremely  sn.nll  They  arc  as 
follows,  as  may  be  seen  by  reference  lo  3  and  4 
William  4,  chap.  .5'i: 

1.  Ooods  proliibiied  on  nccnnni  of  Ihe  pncknge 
in  which  ihey  are  contained,  or  the  lomiairfl  of  the 
vessels  in  which  they  are  laden — as  segara  in  pack- 
ages of  less  tlmn  one  hundred  pounds,  nr  in  vessi'ls 
,  of  less  than  one  hundred  and  twenty  tons  burden. 

'i.  Qmipowdcr,  anna,  ammunition,  or  utensils 
of  war. 

.3.  Infected  hides,  skins,  horns,  hoofs,  or, any 
part  of  any  callle  or  beasl. 

4.  Foreign   playing  cards,  wilhoul  the  nltmo  of 
the  maker,  &c. 
I      5.  Counterfeit  coins  or  tokens. 

fi.  lioiiks  first  comjioscd,  nr  written,  or  printed, 
and  iHiblisheil  in  the  United  Kingdom, end  reprint- 
ed in  any  other  cnunlry. 

7.  Copies  of  prints  ciiLrraved,  eichcd,  drawn,  or 
designed,  in  tho  ITniied  Kinu'ilom. 

8.  Copies  of  casts  of  acolpturea,  or  models  first 
made  in  the  Unileil  Kingdom. 

!).  Clocks  or  watches  prohibited  to  be  imported 
for  home  use. 

All  oiIilT  articles  prohibited  for  homcnae  may 
be  imported  and  warehoused  for  exportation,  and 
in  foreign  vessela,  except  from  JJritish  posses- 
sions. 

The  list  of  prnhibjlions  has  been  diininisheil 
since  the  statute  above  referred  to  was  enacted. 
A  lew  years  ago  all  goods  from  China  were  pro- 
hibited In  be  warehoused,  unless  imported  in  Brit- 
ish ."liipa.  The  China  trade  since  I8;i4  has  been 
thrown  open  lo  individuals,  excepting  in  Ihe  single 
article  ol  tea.  Now,  it  would  appear  that  leas 
may  be  warchonscd  for  exportation,  though  ini- 
|iorled  in  forciirn  vessels  and  brought  from  any 
place.  (See  Customs,  Revenue  Laws,  and  Regu- 
lations, by  Lowe,  Sherlock,  and  Uiclmrds,  iinire 
118.) 

We  diHer  also  as  lo  Ihe  extent  of  the,  authority 
ciinl'errcd  on  tho  commissioners  of  the  treasury. 
The  Senator  said  they  had  power  lo  designate  any 
arlicle,  whii  h  they  considered  as  interfering  with 
their  domestic  manufactures,  and  exclude  il  from 
the  benefit  of  the  warehouse  system;  and  that  the 
power  wi's  frequently  exercised.  He  slated  this  on 
the  auilimivof  individuals  whom  he  did  not  name. 
Niiw,  I  (b'sue  lo  ask  him  whether  il  is  not  due  to 
this  body,  in  the  discussion  of  great  iinestions  of 
public  policy,  to  state  facts  on  grounds  n.ore  defi- 
nite, and  beiier  entitled  to  consideration,  than  the 
authority  of  individuals  rot  even  named;  especially 
when  llie.se  facts  are  matters  of  leiral  rcL'ulalion, 
and  may  be  ascirlained  by  a  reference  to  the  slal- 
iiics,  in  which  they  are  contained .'  Sir,  I  believe 
his  infinmant  to  be  entirely  misiaken.  The  pow- 
er''  of  the  <:ommis,sioners,  in  respect  lo  the  nialler 
in  issue,  are  contained  in  the  following  section  of 
the  act  of  3  nod  4  Will.  4,  cap.  5V: 

"  It  shiill  he  Iiiwfiit  for  the  comniiifioncrsof  liin  mniei>ty*s 
Ircafiiiry,  by  their  wiirrintt,  rrnin  liiiic  to  tliiic  lo  .-ipiinint  the 
[lorts  in  tli'e  nititi'd  Kiii<.'(l'ini  which  Khali  he  w.'iri>lioii,iirii; 
p-irts  for  Ihe  piirpo.si-v  orihiji  nc- ;  and  il  ^hilll  he  lawful  for 
the  comn)i'"<ionPrH  of  cil-<lniiiti,  suhjeet  to  the  iiiithority  mid 
direction  nf  tlie  coininis^ioiierH  of  his  iMajei^lyV  trpitsiiry,  by 
tlii'ir  order,  friiiii  time  to  time,  tnapimiiitln  what  warehoil''(>8 
'  or  places  of  ttpceial  i*iciirily,  or  nf  ordinary  Hcnirity,  tv*  the 
I  cast-  may  rcf)iiire,  in  miicIi  liorts,  niiil  in  what  dillHrPiil  parts 
or  divisinns  of  siieh  •vari-hoiisesor  places, and  in  wlint  ninn- 
ner  any  iinod:>,  and  »'hnt  norts  of  !!ooil<>,  may  nnd  may  only 
lie  warelioiiscd  iiiid  kept  and  pccnrrd  witliont  payment  of 
any  duly  iipiiii  the  llrsi  entry  thereof,  or  fir  ex|torlaiinn  only, 
in  easex  when-ill  the  saaie  may  he  iirntiiliited  to  lie  importiMi 
for  hniiie  use ;  and  al-o  in  such  order  M  direct  in  what  cngrg 
(if  any)  seenrily  hy  Imiid,  in  manner  hereinafter  proviiled, 
shall  he  reipiiri'd  in  resis'et  of  any  wareliuiisc  so  appuijitefl 
Ly  till  in."  ' 

Many  of  the  articles  to  be  warehoused  are  fixed 
by  law, as  will  be  seen  by  reference  to  Ihcschedules 
annexed  lo  the  statutes  regulating  the  warehouse 
system.    Over  these  I  infer,  though  I  may  bo  in 


SCNATB. 

error,  llint  the  r.nmmisainncrs  exercise  no  control. 
I  find  some  of  tho  ports  selei  ted  by  ■lalnle— 
Maiiihesler,  for  instance.  Can  lliecommissionerji, 
by  their  order,  close  any  pnrl  so  selected  agaiiLst 
warehousing,  or  exclude  from  the  warehouses  in 
such  port  any  article  the  law  allows  to  be  deposited 
intlii-m?  I  cniinol  believe  it.  This  wouhi  be  to 
exercise  a  power  beyond  the  law  and  subversivo 
of  il.  lint  if  il  exists,  I  cannot  find  that  it  has 
been  exercised.  The  true  aiilhority  of  tho  ciim- 
missioncia  of  the  treasury,  I  apprehend,  is  lo 
regulate,  arrani:e,  and  control,  williin  the  legal 
limilitions.  They  may  enlaru'e  the  aystem  by 
designating  new  ports;  the  commissioners  of  the 
customs,  under  their  authority  and  direciion,  may 
carry  out  the  details  of  these  extended  arraiige- 
iiienls:  and  all  such  iirdi  ra  may  be  revoked.  Ibit 
il  is  only  necessary  lo  look  iiilo  ihe  hisiory  of 
the  sysieni,  nnd  compare  dillirent  perioila,  to  see 
that  It  has  been  in  a  course  of  regular  extension, 
boih  as  to  iioris  and  merelmndise.  Un  this  point 
I  will  not  lurlher  enlarge. 

Il  has  been  stated  on  the  other  side  that  foreign 
maiiufu-lnres  intended  for  home  consumplion  in 
Ureal  liriiain  cainiol  be  warehoused.  I  lielievu 
this  III  be  a  total  mis  .;>preliension.  It  is  adniilted 
on  all  hands  that  foreign  manulactiires  may  bo 
warehoused  fur  exportation,  and  yet  I  can  find  no 
special  authoriiy  to  deposite  them  fur  that  purpoae. 
If  they  may  be  in  the  warehouses  for  exnorlalioii, 
they  may  bo  for  consumption,  unless  tliere  is  a 
restriction. 

I  prove  foreign  mannfactures  to  be  in  British 
warehouses,  1st,  by  the  following  regulalion: 

"  It  sliall  III-  lawful  tiir  the  I'nnillilsslniiers  of  ciisttinis  lo 
permit  any  stall's  or  I'ahrics  of  -.ilKs,  linen,  coltoii.  or  wool, 
or  nf  any  mixture  of  tliein  Willi  any  oilier  material,  to  ho 
taken  out  of  the  wari-lioii-e  to  he  elealied,  ri'freshed,  dyed, 
staiiii  d,or  cah-iidi>red,or  to  he  hlcnched  nr  printed,  wtllioiit 
payini'iit  of  duty  of  eiisliiiu'.  niidi-r  seriirily,  nevertheloss, 
hy  lioail  lotlieir  sallsfariloii.that  sueli  ftmsts  sliall  he  reiurn- 
rd    to  the  warehouse  witlilil  the  time  that  they  sliall  Dl>- 

piiiiit." — ;i  ail//  -I  in//,  -t,  fAiij).  j7, sec.  y.')." 

This  regulalion  obviously  applies  to  foreign 
mnnufacturcs,  as  n  reference  is  made  to  the  pay- 
ment of  "  duly  of  customs." 

a.  On  an  application  lo  the  lords  of  the  treasu- 
ry, staling  some  objections  lo  the  existing  mode 
of  n.scerlaining  tho  exact  number  of  yards  of 
"  foreign  woollen  cloth  warehoused  in  this  coun- 
try,"' the  application  was  i;ranted,  so  far  as  regards 
"  such  littles  of  woollen  cloths  as  may  be  ware- 
housed fiir  cxporloiion  only." — Yearly  Journal  of 
Trmie,  1845,  jin^e  il7. 

This  order,  which  hears  dale  in  Novcmberj 
IRfil),  shows  that  foreign  woollen  elolhs  are  w  ire- 
housed;  that  some  are  warehoused  for  cxpoita- 
lion  only;  and,  as  o  necessary  inference,  some  IVr 
home  consumption. 

3.  Manulactiires  of  silk,  being  the  nmnufaclurc.l 
of  Europe,  may  be  imported  into  cerlain  ports  and 
warehoused  ginerally,  viz:  London,  Dublin,  iJo- 
vcr,  and  Southampton.  The  same  manulUctures 
may  be  imporied  into  other  ports  for  cxp  irlation 
only.  I  refer  to  a  work  on  Ihe  "  Customs,  Rev- 
enue Laws,  and  Regulations,"  published  at  Liver- 
pool by  Lowe,  Sherlock,  it  Richards,  officers 
of  her  Majesty's  eusloms.  The  reference  will  bo 
found  at  page  115,  of  the  edition  of  1843,  under 
the  head  of  "  Is'oics  on  Importations,"  where  an 
order  of  iheeomini.ssionersof  the  lrea.siiry  is  cited. 
This  reference  shows  that  European  silks  may  be 
warehoused  both  for  exportation  and  consump- 
tion, though  under  certain  restrictions  as  to  ports, 
doubtless  for  the  purpo.se  of  guarding  against 
frauds  on  the  revenue.  No  such  reslrielioiis  are 
found  in  respect  to  cottons,  woollens,  linen.s,  or 
iron.  The  inference  is,  that  these  nrlicles  eomo 
under  the  general  regulation,  and  may  be  freely  im- 
ported nnd  deposited  in  store, either  fiir  exportation 
or  consumption,  at  ihe  option  of  the  importer. 

4.  By  referring  to  Ellis's  Laws  and  Regulations 
of  the  Customs,  edition  nf  1843,  vol.  4,  page  ai)9, 
table  P,  it  will  be  seen  that  "  nil  goods  manufac- 
tured of  silk,"  iSc,  are  amon;  the  articles  allowed 
lo  be  warehoused.  I  find  the  same  articles  in  the 
edition  of  1842,  and  I  infer  that  not  only  silks,  but 
nil  other  manufactured  goods  not  specially  exclu- 
ded, may  be  freely  deposited  either  for  consump- 
tion or  exportation. 

5.  The  same  inference  may  be  drav;n  from  Ihe 
stalisliial  returns  of  the  British  empire.  1  give 
some  details  for  the  year  1836,  excepting  those 
relating  to  silks,  which  ore  for  the  year  1841: 


JJuIy  9, 

KNATE. 

no  control, 
Y  (iiitiilo — 
niaslniirrji, 
"•il  Mf;»iii.tt 
ilmiiMcH  ill 
'!  (InioHiinl 

lllllci  III!  I,) 
"llllVclniv<l 

liat  it  lian 
till)  roni- 
liil,  in  lo 
till"  (.■^'(il 
VHloin  liy 
'TH  of  llio 
lion,  may 
I  lirmil;;!!. 
<:il.  liiil 
iiJHiory  of 

OcIh,  III    HCO 

MenHiiin, 
llila  jioint 


lit  rori-iirii 

niplioii  in 

1  ImIIivo 

iidnijili^d 

!*  may  lio 

ioi  lliiil  no 

II  l'nr|)OHi!. 

'cpinliition, 

lliiic  is  a 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


79.-1 


52{>rii  CoNo.. 


OR8«, 


fore 


the 


pay. 


ImporMd. 

Eiportad. 

Relnlnril  Dir 

I'minlllnpHnn, 

Cmiiiii    iiiiiiiuruc 
iari'< 

ai,034 
13U,;0H 
*<«,717 
6.'M,HIQ 

4,70'J 
11,791 

iSU.UIB 
IH.ini 
19H,07S 

am,r,m 

10(),.10.-i 

VVo'il     iiiaiiiiritc- 

Milk  iimniirai'tiiri!)! 

Ill'  Kuril))!-.. . . .. 

Hllk  iiinimrH('luri-» 

al'lliillii 

£l,li:n,7l9 
l^l<,;iK),710 

MiTifim 

i'.-.Tn,iii)fl 
ij.a.Hfi.uu.'i 

It  is  not  |iori'('iv('il  liow  tlirni!  rrtniniirnn  l)i>  fully 
mmie  onl  willioiit  rifririirc  In  llic  warrlioiiMi  o|icr- 
alioim  of  llir  kin^'ilom.  They  bIiow  llint  foiricn 
nmiuifai'lnri^ii  arc  iioi  cxcliiilcil,  linl  llinl  llicy  aclii- 
ally  Ciller  into  tim  roiiHumplion  of  (hi!  country. 
The  ilullcH,  inilccil,  on  mont  arliclcs  nic  r|iiiin  low, 
ns  may  ho  Rceii  hy  rcfcrciii'c  to  ihn  HriliNli  larilf. 
if  ihry  arc  imported  in  mnall  qimiiliticH,  it  in  hn- 
cause  they  me  cxclndcd  hy  the  domestic  competi- 
tion in  her  own  fulirica. 

It  hiiK  hecii  ntiiteil,alHo,thnt  on  ileponilin!]; (gondii 
in  the  Urilixh  warehoiiBes  tin:  owner  Ih  required  lo 
declare  whether  he  deposiics  them  for  conHuinpiion 
or  e.\iiori»lion,nnd  that  the  pnoda  nroffoverncd  liy 
this  (leilarution.  Sir,  my  invefiti<;aliona  have  led 
mo  to  an  entirely  dilVurent  coiiiliiHinn.  I  finil  no 
such  restriction,  except  in  n  npecial  case,  which 
confirms  my  inference  as  to  llie  fieneml  rule.  I 
proceed  to  state  the  resnlt  of  my  examinations. 
No  declarntion  is  required  when  merehaiidiNC  is 
wnreliouHed,  whether  it  is  for  exportation  or  home 
consumption,  unless  it  is  merchandise  which  can- 
not he  imported  for  home  use.  In  this  case,  the 
importer  must  declare  that  he  enters  it  for  exporta- 
tion, and  the  package  is  marked  "exportation." 
This  seems  to  he  the  only  case  in  which  a  declarn- 
tion is  required  on  warehousing;  merchandise.  The 
proof  is  US  follows: 

1.  The  law  requires  a  declaration  to  be  made  in 

this  special  case.     It  requires  none  in  any  other 

cnso.     The  omission  in  general  to  require  n  decla- 

ition,  and  the  exaction  of  one  in  the  special  case, 

e  conclusive  proof  that  none  is  required  cxcejit 
in  the  special  case. 

9.  The  form  of  the  bond,  when  o  bond  is  re- 
quired, seems  to  prove  it.  The  condition  of  the 
bond  is  for  the  payment  of  the  full  duties  of  im- 
portation or  for  the  due  cxporlaiinn  of  the  mer- 
chandise.— {Yeaily  Journal  of  Trade,  1845,  iidffe 
259.) 

3.  It  appears  (see  conimi.isioncr'a  order  of  1834) 
that  it  is  tlie  priiclictj  in  London,  "  where  a  part  of 
the  original  iiiiporlalion  has  been  exported,  and  n 
portion  entered  for  home  consumption,"  to  charsre 
the  duly  on  a  proportionate  part,  ttc.  Thissccnis 
to  show  that  when  goods  have  been  warehoused, 
a  part  may  be  exjiorted  and  n  part  enleied  for  home 
consumption.  ThouKh  not  concluHive,  it  raises 
the  strongest  possible  presumption  that  no  dec- 
laration is  required  on  warehousing. — (Id.  page 
3dl.) 

4.  No  goods  v/hicli  have  been  warehoused  can 
be  taken  out,  "except  upon  due  entry"  "for  ex- 
portation, or  upon  due  enli-y  and  payment  of  the 
full  duties  pav'ible  thereon  for  home  use."  This 
shows  llmt  the  election  is  made  on  withdrawing  the 
goods  from  warehouse,  and  not  on  warehousing 
them.— (W.) 

8ir,  it  is  extremely  unpleasant,  to  say  nothing 
of  the  lalior,  lo  be  compelled  to  go  into  this  ex- 
tended examinaiion  to  show  the  erroncousne.ss  of 
slali'meniH  made  by  gentlemen,  whose  great  re- 
spcclabilily  is  vouched  hy  the  Senator  from  Con- 
iieciiciil — slalcmcnis  made,  according  to  Iheirown 
representations,  after  careful  inquiry.  I  will  not 
assert  that  they  are  wrong.  1  do  not  deal  in  asser- 
tions. 1  give  only  the  result  of  my  researches  into 
the  regulations  of  the  system,  citing  my  authorities 
and  leaving  to  the  better  judgment  of  the  Senate  to 
correct  my  conclusions,  if  they  nre  erroneous.  I 
stale  the  result  thus: 

1.  All  goods  of  all  descriptions,  which  may  be 
legally  imported  into  the  kingdom,  may  be  ware- 
housed, except  the  enumerated  articles  before  men- 
tioned. 

2.  Goods  prohibited  to  be  imported  for  home  use 
may  be  imported,  even  in  foreign  vesacii,  mid 
warehoused  for  exportation. 


The  Warehmuf  IM—Mr.  Dix. 

3.  All  other  giMiiis,  e\-i'epliiig  tlin.ir  coinprr- 
hcndcd  in  Ihe  two  foregoing  cIiimsch,  may  be  im- 
ported and  warehiiUNcd,  either  for  home  consump- 
tion or  exportalioii,  wilhout  any  declarallon,  nt  llm 
lime  of  the  entry,  whether  they  are  intended  for 
one  or  the  other. 

4.  The  goods  which  may  be  so  warehoused 
wilhout  n  declaration  incluile  foreign  niiiiiufac- 
tures.  i; 

Kiich  I  understand  to  bn  the  Ilrilish  wnii  house 
system.     I  have  slated  the  fiiclu  above  presented 
on  no  niilhorily  of  individuals.     I  do  not  regard  '.'. 
such    icsliniony  as   legitimate  in  the   decision  of  i 
questions  of    legal    enactment  or    regulation.      I    ' 
have  sought  for  my  authority  in   the  laws  and  ; 
statistics  of  the  Ilrilish    empire.     If  I  have  mis- 
understood llicm,it  has  been  fiiiin  nulling  an  erro- 
ncous'constniclion   on    the  data  from  which  my 
conclusions  are  drawn— data  of  the   highest  nu- 
thenlicity.* 

The  history  of  'he  warehouse  system  of  CJrent 
ttriiain  allorils  an  instructive  lesson  of  Ihn  power 
of  prejudice,  kept  alive  by  the  inisrepreseniaiions 
of  inleresled  classes,  lo  defeat  and  delay  the  nilop- 
lion  of  social  improvements  and  reforms.  In  n.'l.l. 
Sir  llohert  Wolpole,a  minister  of  great  energy  and 
intellectual  power,  underlook  to  introduce  the  sys- 
tem ill  London  on  n  very  limited  scale,  and  I  iie- 
licve  in  respect  to  a  single  article  of  iniportation — 
tobacco.  He  was  met  by  the  furious  opposition 
of  the  moneyed  cuiiilalists  of  iMigland,  who  mo- 
nopolized that  braiii'li  of  trade  through  their  ability 
lo  ciimmand  the  nieaiis  of  paying  the  duties  on  the 
entry.  They  iiillamed  the  populace  by  the  gross- 
est inisrepresentalioiis;  the  Parliament  House  was 
surrounded  by  mobs,  the  life  of  the  minister  was 
ihreaiened,  and  he  was  compelled  lo  submit  to  the 
hiimiliaiioii  of  rising  on  the  floor  of  Parliament 
and  moving  such  a  posiponemcnl  as  was  eipiivalent 
to  a  defeat  of  the  measure.  It  is  curious  lo  look 
back  into  the  history  of  that  period,  and  see  with 
what  violence  the  scheme  was  denounced,  and  what 
l<tineful  cirects  were  predicted  as  certain  lo  flow 
from  it.  1  will  read  to  the  Seniite  n  fi  ■  ■  \lracts 
iVom  Smollett's  continuation  of  Hunu  h  History 
of  Kngland,  to  show  to  what  exieiit  the  iinscriipii- 
lousness  of  sclf-inlerest  can  go,  and  how  successful 
il  may  be  in, carrying  popular  prejudice  along  with 
it.     It'was  contended  that  it  would  be —  [ 

oDi'Htrllclivc  to  traile,  aiiil  ilniiRi'miis  lo  the  lilmrMe.*  of 
the  Biilijcct;"  •' that  it  wniilil  proiliice  iin  ntlililliiiiiil  swanii  I 
of  oxciBc  ninci'r.4  iiail  wari'lioiiim-keeprrs,  iippninlcij  iiail  I 
[mill  liy  the  treiii^ary,  sn  as  to  aiatilply  the  ih'peiiiliint'i  na 
till)  Crown,  mill  eniilil"  it  still  fiirlllcr  lo  iiilliieiici-  the  free 
iloill  of  vIectiDIIK;  thru  the  triulers  would  liecoiiie  f\nvi-i*  lo 
exci^ciiiiMi  anil  wnreliiiiisi'  keepcrn,  m  they  wmilil  he  ile- 
Imrreil  nil  aecetifi  In  their  cnniiiinilitles,  except  nt  cerliiiii  , 
hoiird.  when  attenileil  hy  thosi'  iilticiT.-* ;  llial  tlie  laerehaiit. 
liir  I  veryqiiunlity  iil'tnhncciihc  ^hoiilil  sell,  wiiiild  he  nhllueil 
to  make  a  jiianiey,  iir  send  ii  iiii'Hsi-nner  Id  llie  otlice  for  a  , 
perinil,  wliieli  eniilil  nnt  he  ulitaini'd  willioiit  treiilile.  ex- 
pense,  mill  ili'lay ;  anil  tliiil,  sliinild  a  law  he  enai-li-d  in 
ci>iisei|ii('iiee  ori'lii.s  neilioa,  it  u'imlil,  in  all  {irohahilily,  he,  , 
siiiiie  lime  nr  other,   used  as  a  preci'itent  liir  inlrnililciiii{ 
exeise  laws  Into  every  hraiieh  nf  tlie  revenue;  in  v.hieh 
ease  Ihe  liherty  of  Great  Uritaia  would  he  no  more."— (Vnl. 
5,  pane  H17.)  I 

The.ie  representations  prevailed,  nnd  tho  histo-  , 
rian  adds: 

"  The  miscnrrinec  of  the  hill  was  celehrntcd  with  public 
re|nieini*s  in  l.nnilnn  and  VVeslininsier ;  and  Ihi)  nihiislur  j 
was  hilrnetl  in  efliny  hy  the  pnpiilace."  | 

Such  was  the  faie  of  ihis  measure  in  1733;  nnd  I 
it  was  nnt  until  1803,  .seventy  years  afterwnids, 
ihat  a  Huccessfiil  eflort  was  maife  lo  establish  it. 
It  has  now  become  the  most  important  branch  of 
the  revenue  system  of  Great  lirilain,  facilitating 
and  extending  vaally  the  operations  of  her  com- 
merce. It  has  miule  her  mereantile  interest  the 
most  prosperous  in  the  world;  and  yet  it  was 
through  the  blind  and  mistaken  opposition  of  the 
merchants  that  its  adoption  was  so  loeg  delayed. 

I  repeat,  the  history  of  this  measure  alTorils  an 
instructive  lesson.  It  is  thus  that  interested  class- 
es— or,  what  is  practically  the  same,  classes  fan- 
eying  themselves  interested — are  sure  to  bn  found 
arrayed  against  the  introduction  of  salutary  re- 
forms; successfully  for  a  lime,  but  overborne  nt 
last  by  the  power  of  truth;  ne»er  listening  lo  reason 
and  argument,  always  wailing  to  bo  vanquished; 
planting  themselves  before  the  car  of  improvement 

•1'liese  cnneliisioa»  were  drawn  from  the  utatnte  of  the  '■ 

',i  nnd  4  VVilliani  IV.     It  appears  that  tile  laws  in  relation  to  i 

warehniisinit  were  consoliilaind  in  Ihn  year  IRI.*, ;  hut  no 

material  altemtions  were  made  in  them— nntliina  lo  render  i 

'  necessary  any  modiacation  of  the  viewn  herein  contained.    ! 


Senate. 

uiiiil  liny  lire  in  dtihger  of  bring  run  over  nnd 
criiHlieil,  and  then  hanging  on  behind  ill  impotent 
nllenipis  III  stay  its  progress. 

I  now  proceed  to  exniniiic  some  objections  raised 
by  the  Senator  to  the  general  policy  of  the  meas- 
ure. I  understood  him  to  say  that  the  system  t>f 
wnichousiiig  prppose.l  by  the  lull  would  be  niaiii- 
laincd  nl  the  expense  ol  the  American  importer, 
and  for  Iho  benefit  of  the  foreign  importer  or  hi* 
consignee,  I  do  not  undertake  lo  give  his  preeiis 
language.  I  state  the  proposition  in  general  lerini. 
Ill  other  words,  il  is  contended  that  the  privilege 
of  iliiriiig  goods  in  our  seaporis  for  domeslic  con- 
sumptiim  or  exporUition,  ni  the  option  of  the  ini- 
porler,  will  have  the  effect  of  accnmulaiing  in  those 
polls  immense  masses  of  foreign  menhandisc, 
which  will  be  thrown  into  the  market  to  the  gri  at 
injury  of  the  domeslic  producer.  Hut  it  seems  to 
inc  that  then)  is  a  rcndy  and  sulisfactory  answer 
lo  the  rfhjcction.  Whethergoods  are  stored  in  the 
countries  where  they  nre  produced,  or  in  our  own 
cities,  is  of  no  consequence  so  far  as  Ihe  questinn 
of  cnmpelilion  with  our  domestic  products  is  con- 
cerned, unless  it  can  be  shown  that  in  Ihe  latter 
case  (storing  in  our  own  cities)  they  will  be  brought 
into  the  domeslic  market  at  a  cost  materially  less. 
This,  it  is  believed,  cannot  he  readily  shown. 
Whether  stored  at  home  or  abroad,  ihe  expense  of 
bringing  merchanilisc  into  the  domestic  market 
must  be  nearly  Ihe  same.  In  either  ease  it  has  the 
same  processes  to  perform.  It  must  be  transporled 
from  the  factories  or  workshops  where  il  is  [iro- 
duced,  to  the  sea;  il  must  bo  shipped,  entried  across 
the  ocean,  brought  into  our  ports,  and  before  it  can 
enter  inio  tho  domestic  market  to  be  sold,  tho  im- 
post or  duty  must  be  paid.  Tho  chai'^cs  and  exac- 
tions are  the  same  in  both  cases.  If  it  is  placed  in 
store  here  and  allowed  to  remain  for  n  limited  pe- 
riod without  paying  duly,  it  is  in  no  belter  condi- 
tion, so  far  na  cost  is  concerned,  than  it  would  have 
been  if  it  had  been  kept  in  store  in  the  country 
where  it  was  produced,  unless  slnragc  hero  la 
cheaper,  and  this  is  questionable.  Whether  il  will 
come  into  the  domeslic  market  at  all  depends  on  its 
cost,  nnd  the  influence  of  cost  on  the  demand  for 
consumption.  As  has  been  seen,  the  cost  will  be 
the  same  whether  it  is  stored  abroad  nnd  kept  there 
until  it  is  required  for  exportnlion,  or  whether  it  is 
stored  here  until  it  is  absorbed  by  the  demand  for 
home  use.  It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  the  proposed 
remission  of  the  interest  now  exacted  on  ine  duties 
from  the  dale  of  the  entry  until  the  goods  go  into 
the  importer's  possession,  will  save  to  the  import- 
er or  owner  the  amount  of  the  interest  j  and  I  be- 
lieve it  to  be  difficult  to  show  that  there  will  be  any 
other  ilillcrence  in  cost  between  goods  on  which 
the  dulies  are  paid  on  the  entry,  and  those  which 
nre  stored  for  a  limited  period  wilhout  exacting  the 
payment  of  the  dulies  iirol  they  enter  into  the 
consumption  of  the  country  '"'•ere  may  be,  ho\y- 
ever,  another  difleienee,  tliougn  ■.iconsidcrnble,  if, 
OS  I  suppose,  the  privilege  of  storing  goods  sliall 
have  the  cflect  of  enlarging  Ihe  circle  of  compeli- 
lion  in  the  business  of  importation;  for,  to  the 
exlent  that  the  regular  dealers  puichaao  abroad, 
they  will  save  iheclmrges  on  foreign  agencies  here. 
To  the  present  exaction  of  interisl  on  the  duties, 
I  am  totally  oppo.sed.  It  is  but  a  means  of  adding 
iiulireclly  to  the  amount  of  the  duties;  and  I  be- 
lieve it  ought,  on  every  just  principle,  to  ho  abol- 
ished wilhout  regard  to  tiny  plan  of  storing  goods. 
.Still,  though  I  consider  theexaclion  wrong  in  prin- 
ciple, I  do  not  ailmit  that  it  adds  so  materially  lo 
the  cost  of  imported  merchandise  ns  to  give  any 
apprecialilo  advantage  to  domestic  products  of  a 
like  character  in  the  home  market.  Nor  have  I 
been  able  to  satisfy  myself  that  the  mea.surc  pro- 
posed by  the  hill  under  consideration  would  add 
much  to  the  public  revenue.  The  Secretary  of  the 
Treasiirv  estimates  the  increase  of  revenue  at 
f41,ni)0,000;  and  his  opinion  is  entitled  to  great 
respect.  From  his  oflicial  position  he  has  within 
Ills  reach  means  of  infornialion  not  always  ac- 
cessible to  others.  It  strikes  me,  however,  ns  a 
large  estimate.  At  least  it  is  conjectural.  But  if  it 
shall  prove  to  be  accurate,  it  does  not  follow  that 
the  imported  merchandise,  on  which  this  incrensei'. 
revenue  is  charged,  wdl  be  altogether  uf  ihose 
descriptions  which  come  into  competition  with  our 
own  manufUctures;  and  it  will,  at  nil  events,  find 
a  market  for  an  equal  amount  of  our  own  products. 
Merchandise  will  be  stored,  unquestionably,  in 


:.^ 


796 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  9 


l84i 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Warehouse  Bill— Mr.  Dix. 


Senate. 


very  largfi  quantities  Tor  exportation.  So  (kr  aa 
the  imporlation  and  re-exportnlinn  nfthis  merchan- 
dise extends  the  carrying-trnde,  it  will  aid  the 
treiuury  tlirous;h  the  increase  of'tie  tonna^  duties, 
which  are,  however,  veiy  inconsiderable.  The 
amount  of  imposts  can  only  be  augmented  by 
bringing  h  greater  quantity  of  foreign  merch:tndi8e 
inlo'the  home  market.  Whether  this  effect  shall 
take  place  depends  on  the  demand,  which  can  only 
be  increased  thron<>;h  a  diminution  of  the  co^it  of 
foreign  marcliandlse,  thus  bringing  it  within  the 
means  of  a  larger  class  of  consumers,  or  by  en- 
abling it  to  enter  on  such  terms  of  advantage  into 
cnmpetitioii  with  our  own  products  of  a  like  char- 
acter as  to  expel  the  latter  from  the  market.  Of 
course,  I  do  not  take  into  considerntion  the  in- 
creaseii  consumption  arising  from  an  increase  of 
our  popniatian.  If  I  am  right  in  my  pn8ilio^s, 
none  of  the  consequences  retired  to  will  be  real- 
ized. Tlie  cost  of  foreign  merchandise  will  not  be 
materially  aiTecteJ  by  the  proposed  plan;  and  all 
the  apprehensions  founded  upon  such  a  supposi- 
tion wdl  prove  groundless.  But  if  I  am  wrong, 
then  the  diminished  cost  of  foreign  merchandise 
will  be  so  much  gained  to  the  great  body  of  the 
"onsumcrs.  In  any  event,  the  reduction  of  cost 
will  only  bo  to  the  extent  of  the  indirect  increase 
of  the  duties  by  exacting  in  ereslon  them  from  the 
date  of  the  entry  of  the  merchandise  on  which 
they  are  charged-,  and  to  thi"  extent  every  princi- 
ple ofcommon  fuii'">ss  is  on  the  side  of  the  reduc- 
tion. 

The  second  objection  is,  that  the  proposed  plan 
of  admitting  foreign  merchandise  to  the  bencnt  of 
the  warehouse  system  will  throw  the  whole  busi- 
ness of  importation  into  the  hand^of  foreign  capi- 
talists; that  foreign  manufacturers  will  have  tlieir 
agents  here;  that  they  will  fill  our  seiipnri.t  with 
their  products,  ond  exercise  an  unlimited  con- 
trol over  the  home  market.  So  fai  am  I,  sir,  from 
feeling  the  force  of  this  objection,  that  I  consider  it 
wholly  groundless.  Foreigners  never  have  had, 
and  are  not  likely  to  have,  a  very  large  share  in 
the  business  of  importation,  taking  all  our  imports 
together.  '^'  y  send  their  products  here  'o  some 
extent,;  i  .  their  agents  hfic  to  mukc  sale  ; 
but  the.:  :  .  ,;i  cpation  in  the  business  of  import- 
ing it  CO  ;;S  a  very  inccnsideruble  portion  of 
our  whole  unpoi't  trade.  Indeed,  i  regarii  the  pres-  j 
cm  syf:tem  of  exacting  the  payment  of  duties  in 
cash  on  the  entry  of  nierchanuise  as  much  bciler  I 
calculated  to  throw  the  business  of  importation  into  i 
the  hands  of  large  capitalists,  native  and  foreign,  I 
t.h«n  tt  warehouse  system.  If  a  cargo  of  merchan-  j 
dise  worth  one  hundred  thousand  dollars,  is  im-  | 
ported,  and  the  duties  are  thirty  per  cent.,  it  will  ' 
require,  under  the  present  system,  one  hundred  I 
and  thirty  thousand  dollars  to  purchase  the  nicr- 
c<indise  and  pay  the  duties  on  the  entry.  With  ] 
the  privilege  of  placing  the  ■  lods  in  store  with- 
out paying  tlie  duties,  it  v  i  require  only  one 
hundred  tliousimd  dollr.ra  to  make  the  importa- 
tion. The  ninrchandisc  will  be  withdrawn  in 
limited  quantities,  aa  sales  are  nmdc,  and  the 
duties  will  be  paid  on  these  SL|iarale  quantities  as 
they  are  delivered  to  the  ii"-i"ru'r  or  o  i'  r.  In 
one  case  one  hundred  thouL  i  >  dolli  r^i  ■.  ;ii  suffice 
for  the  transaction;  in  the  other,  one  Hundred  and 
thirty  thouuund  dollars  will  be  r.?q.;irtf.  Now,  it 
is  quite  clear,  thtt  in  proportion  is  the  amount  of 
capital  requiicd  for  the  impirtatioi;  oj'  .v  ■•chandise 
is  increased,  you  diminish  the  nbihty  of  impu'lcrs 
of  moderate  means  to  make  purchases  for  them- 
selves abroad,  and  you  multiply  the  chuners  of 
making  the  business  of  importing  a  mononoly  in 
the  hands  of  capitalists.  They  bring  mcrcliandise 
into  the  country,  pay  the  duties,  and  compel  the 
regular  dealers  to  purchase  them,  wit!  the  addition 
of  interest  on  the  duties,  commission  I'or  agency, 
&c., — either  depriving  the  merchant  of  a  portion 
of  his  legitimate  profit,  or  ciihni  cing  the  price  of 
he  merchandise  before  ii  reach".f  liic  consiimir, 
and  rompelling  the  latter  to  bear  t  le  burden  of  these 
Intermediate  charges.  The  ]-fiviii,;e  of  storing 
goods  will  tend  to  break  up,  t>  some  e:.  .Mit,  this 
system  of  ninnnpoly,by  disprni,!..^  with  the  pay- 
ment of  the  duties  until  the  merchandise  ia  reouired 
for  consumption.  Merchandise  will  be  more  likely 
to  be  nurclmscd  abroad  at  the  places  of  production, 
i.islead  of  being  procured  of  aieiils  here,  with  the 
commissions  anti  charges  of  these  agencies  Siij-.r- 
added.    A  larger  number  of  individuals  will  be 


able  to  make  importations  under  >'  warehouse 
system,  and  whatever  tends  to  withdraw  any 
branch  of  business  from  the  hands  of  a  few  per- 
sms,  and  to  divide  it  among  many,  cannot  but  be 
benefici.'^l  to  the  community. 

But  adin'aiiig  tin; .  '.jection  to  be  well-founded — 
admitti'ig  that  one  of  the  consequences  of  the  ware- 
housssystem  will  be  to  enable  foreign  mannfiicln- 
rers  to  place  their  productions  in  store  here,  ready 
to  he  introduced  at  any  moment  into  the  home 
market:  the  answer  is  that  they  never  can  be  so 
igjtroduced  .vithout  first  paying  the  duties,  and  that 
tne  domestic  producer  is  equally  secure,  whether 
they  are  stored  hero  or  abroad.  The  force  of  the 
objection  is  further  weakened  bv  the  consideration, 
that  through  the  rapid  commu.^n'ation  between  the 
eastern  and  western  cont'  lents  by  steam,,n  few 
weeks  are  all  that  is  necessary  v.r.w  to  bring  into 
our  market  unlimited  quantities  of  foreign  mer- 
chandise. The  home  market  can  only  be  con- 
trolled by  a  monopoly  of  the  business  of  importa- 
tion; antl  this,  if  my  positions  are  correct,  will  not 
be  so  likely  to  occur  under  n  warehouse  system  aa 
under  a  system  of  cash  payment  on  the  entry  of 
mfrchandise. 

In  connexion  with  this  subject,  the  Senator  re- 
ferred to  the  extent  to  which  foreisrners  are  now 
engaged  in  the  import  trade  of  the  United  Stalea, 
and,  as  I  think,  estimated  it  too  !■  rgely.  On  this 
point  a  brief  explanation  is  necessary.  I  presume 
it  will  bo  admitted,  that  in  makinff  the  estimate, 
we  must  confine  our  attention  to  the  city  of  New 
York.  There  arc  few  foreiirn  importers  in  Boston, 
Philadelphia,  Baltininre,  Charleston,  or  New  Or- 
leans; not  enoM>;h,  if  I  am  well  informed,  to  make 
niiv  perceptiliK'  variation  in  the  estim.'ite.  I  take 
it  for  granted,  al.so,  that  in  the  city  of  New  York 
woollens,  cottons,  and  silks,  are  the  chief  imiiorls 
on  foreiirn  account.  The  value  of  t|-  -'p.  articles 
imported  into  that  city  in  1845,  was  as  follows: 

Woollens $H,1.'>4.5,14 

Cottons R,8fi3,n7,T 

Silks 8,78i),92f) 


jjia,'i,Sn7,7-^7 

Every  species  of  manufoctures  of  wool,  cotton, 
and  silk,  is  here  included. 

It  is  not  easy  o  ascertain  precisely  to  what  ex- 
tent foreiirn  merchants  are  concerned  in  lhe.se  im- 
ports. All  esti  iinles  must  be,  in  a  great  decree, 
conjet.'ural.  T,  _  Senator's  estimate  is  higher  than 
my  own.  From  the  best  information  I  can  ob- 
tain, I  am  not  satisfied  that  mn(  h  more  ilinn  half  is 
imported  on  foreign  account.  But  I  am  (lispoRpd  lo 
bo  liberal,  and  give  nearly  two-thirds — <tl7, 01)0,0110. 
The  value  of  the  whole  amount  of  our  imnnrts  in 

lfl4.'>  was,  in  round  numbers <!,]  17,000,000 

Imported  on  foreign  account 17,00(1,000 


Leaving  a  balance  in  our  favor  of., ,  SIOO.OOO.OOO 


Some  of  these  foreign  imnorters  have  American 
partner.'?.  They  hire  our  houses  and  stores,  put 
the  industry  of  our  seaports  in  requisition,  con- 
triliute  in  a  variety  of  modes  to  the  wealth  of  the 
country,  and  send  abroad  the  products  of  our  soil 
and  labor. 

In  illustration  of  this  portion  of  his  rema-''<i. 
the  Senator  referred  to  ihe  tonnage  encnaed  in  our 
romnierie,  to  show  how  much  the  fcneign  had  in- 
creased under  the  reciprocity  treaties,  and  that  a 
large  portion  of  our  commercial  intercourse  v/ith 
olhei-  nations  is  carried  on  in  foreign  vessels. 

It  has  been  .1  common  complaint  in  past  years, 
and  continues  to  some  extent  to  be  so  still,  tl.  t 
our  commerce  is  ijoiniriotti  the  handsof  f  irrii.'-ncrH, 
Ijookiiur  at  our  statistical  returns,  they  seem,  at 
first  glance,  to  confirm  the  inipres.sion  that  the 
complaint  is  well  fiunded.  Hut  our  judgment 
ought  not  to  be  formed  on  Hnnerficial  examination. 
If  we  go  back  to  the  year  18Q4,  fl  take  llie  year 
Ihe  Senator  li,.s  referred  to,)  we  find  ll>e  tonniiire 
of  AmeriiJin  vessels,  which  cleared  from  the  Uni- 
ted Stales,  to  have  b"(yi  010,208,  and  the  liuiinure  of 
foreign  vessels  cleared  to  have  been  102„').'i3,orlilil« 
less  than  nine  to  one  in  favor  of  mirs.  In  184,'), 
the  American  tonns'.re  cleared  was 'i,0.').1,077,  and 
the  foreign  i).')0,'J7.'),  a  little  more  than  two  to  olie 
in  our  favor,  showing  an  enorniouH  dilTcrence  in 
the  proportion  ofincrease.  While  ours  has  but  little 
more  than  doubled ,  the  foreign  has  increased  nioro 


than  nine-fold.  This  great  increase  in  the  foreign 
,).. '""«  employed  in  carrying  to  and  from  tlia 
Uniteu  States  the  i  objects  of  commercial  exchange, 
wouUi  certainly  fuinish  just  cause  of  alarm,  if  our 
own  tonnage,  so  employed,  had  been  stationary. 
But  it  has  been  greatly  anil  very  rapidly  increas- 
ing. 

During  the  last  four  years  it  has  increased  more 
than  500,000  tons,  or  at  the  rite  of  34  per  cent., 
while  the  foreign  has  increased  about  180,000  tons, 
or  less  than  25  per  cent.;  so  that  it  may  bo  fairly 
presumed,  that  the  full  effect  of  the  reciprocity 
treaties  has  been  felt.  If  wc  compare  the  propor- 
tion in  which  British  and  foreign  tonnage  is  em- 
ployed in  the  fo.eign  tiadeof  Great  Britain,  we 
shall  find  less  cause  tt'  be  dissatisfied  with  our 
own  condition  in  the  s.ime  respect.  I  lake  the 
year  ending  the  5th  of  .'anuary,  1841,  (I  cannot 
obtain  the  returns  of  a  later  year,)  and  find  the 
vessels  of  the  United  Kingdom  "  entered  inwards" 
from  all  parts  r  the  world,  were  14,370,  with  a 
tonnage  of  2,8'  /,367— -exceedingours  in  1845 only 
about  800,00  '.  In  the  same  year,  the  number  of 
foreign  vessels  entered  "  inwards,"  was  SiSiiS,  and 
their' tonnag"  1,297,840.*  Thus,  it  appears,  that 
the  foreign  tonnage  engaged  in  the  foreign  trade  of 
Great  Britain  in  1840,  was  nearly  equal  to  one- 
half  of  the  amount  of  her  own  tonnage.  With  us 
the  proportion  of  foreign  tonnage  engaged  in  our 
commerce  to  our  own,  is  more  than  a  third,  but 
less  than  half,  and  somewhat  less  than  the  propor- 
tion engajTcd  in  the  commerce  of  Great  Britain. 
If  we  test  the  relative  importance  of  the  commer- 
cial transactions  in  the  two  cases  by  the  tonnage 
of  all  the  vessels,  we  find  those  engaged  in  our 
commerce  average  214  tons  each,  while  those  en- 
gaged in  the  commerce  of  Great  Britain  average 
only  181  tons  each. 

If  we  pursue  this  examination  further,  we  shall 
find  still  less  cause  for  concern.  We  border  on  the 
provinces  of  Great  Britain,  and  a  constant  inter- 
course is  maintained  between  them  and  us  in  a 
variety  of  commercial  transactions  of  comparatively 
trivial  importance,  but  constituting  a  large  aggre- 
gate. This  circumstance  enables  us  to  accouii:  for 
a  fact,  which,  at  first  sijht,  strikes  us  with  .some 
surprise,  and  excites  some  apprehension.  We  find 
the  number  of  vessels  that  entered  the  Uniled 
States  ill  1845,  was  13,723.  Of  this  number  8,133 
were  American,  uiid  ."ii.lOO  foreign.  This  seems  a 
large  proportion;  but  when  we  look  into  the  detiil, 
we  find  that  of  these  5,590  vessels,  4,262 — nearly 
four-fifths — are  from  the  British  North  American 
colonies,  and  that  their  t mnage  ainountf  to  4(13,- 
748,  (about  one-half  the  whole  amount  of  the 
foreign  tiuinage  engaged  in  our  commerce,)  or  an 
average  of  109  tons  each — snail  vessels,  in  general, 
cnirai^ed  in  the  minutest  operations  cftratic.  These 
details  will  be  fully  shown  by  House  document 
No,  13  of  the  present  session,  page  213,  Turning 
to  pnse  232,  wo  find  the  number  of  fiireign  vessels 
that  entered  the  Uislricls  o  Cape  Vincent,  Oswe- 
gatcbie,  Osweiro,  Genesee,  Niagara,  (vhanijilein, 
and  Sai^keti's  Harbor,  was  1(!27,  with  an  nggregnte 
tonnage  of  273,79."l.  These  districts  ere  <m  Lakes 
Ontario  and  Champlain,  and  the  river  St.  Law- 
rence. Add  to  these  entries  G7  foreign  vessels 
which  entered  Cuyahoga  on  Lake  Erie,  and  Detroit 
on  the  river  of  that  name,  with  an  aggregate  ton- 
nage of  7„303,  and  we  have  I, (194  foreign  vessels, 
with  an  asgregate  tonnage  of  281,101  entering  our 
interior  lake  and  river  ports,  on  waters  conslitnliiig 
the  I:  ndary  between  us  and  Upper  Canada, 
These  vessels  are  for  the  most  part  steamers,  run- 
ning  between  the  ports  on  the  British  aide  and  our 

'  Him-e  tluH  siHM'cIi  wa^  iimilf,  I  Imvc  tnuiul  '■ 
of  till'  ciiiiiiiMTi'Jnl  KtaliMlicH  of  threat  llritain, 
llif  rnilnwinK  itt'laij-i  are  otitinned  : 
Sl:ijtpii.g  enterKd  tim-arits  in  the  United  A'm^rfo. 
eii>n  ;i(irtj. 


•*  retunis 
\  wli'Lh 

,»  for- 


Years. 

DRlTIdH  ASD  inttll  VBtl- 
HEI.M, 

roRBlON  VS8KKLM, 

JVo. 

Tont. 

ATo. 

I  n.. 

IS-l-i 
18  l| 

is,n»7 

19,.-.00 

u,^iiii,tm 
.•i.aiM.ra-. 

3„14,'),34ll 

9,.'ia7 
H,n,->4 

»,5I1 

1, Mil  Mils 
l,jo,-..:i(i:) 
i,rioi,9,-)0 

I  Hv  thifi  »*tat*'iiMMit.  it  will  t)i>  hp.vu  Unit  the  tminniro  ot 
\  Great  HritHlri  ciiKncmf  h)  hi'i  cuimutTcn  with  rnn-isn  Hluton 
j  Ims  iiuT»'H-«!'t,  nntwith.-^tiiiMJInii  Iut  n'fiproriiy  tn-niirH,  in  ii 
crciiti'r  ratio  tliun  lurcigii  turiiiRgc  engnged  iit  Uit!  aaiuu  coiii- 
'  niorcii. 


[July  9 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


797 


Senate. 

in  ihe  foreipii 
and  from  iTie 
•fiul  exclinnge, 
f  alarm,  if  our 
en  Rtnlionnry. 
ipiilly  increas- 


'  rcliirijn 
.«  for- 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Warehouse  Bill — Mr,  Die. 


SENATE. 


own,  and  stopping  al  several  points  in  each  direc- 
tion, and  always  counting  one  entry  and  one  clear- 
ance each  trip.  Thus,  it  will  be  perceived  that 
the  number  of  foreign  vessels  entering  the  United 
States  from  the  British  .orth  American  provinces, 
after  deducting  those  "r^ainged  in  the  lake  traffic,  is 
reduced  to  ;J,568,  ..itli  an  aggregate  tonnage  of 
182,647. 

By  turning  again  to  document  No.  13,  page  333, 
WR  nnd  699  foreign  vessels  entering  the  district  of 
Pftssnnmciuoddy,  with  an  aggregate  tonnage  of 
J)4,412,  or  an  average  of  78  tons  per  vessel.  The 
district  of  Passamaquoddy  lies  upon  the  confines 
of  New  Brunswick',  and  from  its  position  and  the 
average  size  of  the  foreign  vessels  entering  it,  they 
are  obviously  small  craft  engaged  in  trivial  ex- 
changes. The  aggregate  number  of  foreign  vessels 
from  the  British  North  American  provinces  is  now 
shrunk  below  3,000.  One  more  reference  to  the 
same  page  of  the  documer. ',  and  I  shall  dismiss 
this  part  of  the  subject.  \/c  find  1,265  foreign 
vessels  entering  the  port  of  Boston,  with  an  aggre- 
gate, tonnage  of  101,491,  or  an  average  of  80  tons 
)ier  vessel.  A  large  portion  of  these  are  small 
cnifl,  schooners  and  sloops  from  Nova  kJcotia  nnd 
New  Brur.swick,  laden  with  plaistcr,  wood,  nnd 
coal.  Portlnnd,Gloucester,  Salem,  and  New  York 
have  their  share  of  these  visiters  from  the  British 
provinces.  Tlie  whole  of  this  portion  of  the  for- 
eign tonnage  entering  >hs  United  States  is  thus 
accounted  for,  and  the  foreign  vessels  legitimately 
engaged  in  our  external  trade  arc  reduced  to  1,328. 

Throwing  entirely  out  of  view  the  commercial 
intercourse  between  the  Ui.ited  States  and  the 
North  American  colonies  of  Great  Britain,  in  the 
vessels  of  both,  the  vessels  and  tonnage  engaged 
in  the  commerce  of  the  United  States  with  all  other 
countries,  would  stand  as  follows:  Vessels  of  the 
United  States,  .5,267;  foreign  vessels,  1,328 — about 
four  to  one:  Tonnage  of  tiie  United  Stales,  1,351,- 
127;  foreign  tonnage,  446,815 — more  than  three  to  ' 
one.  ^      ^       ! 

To  show  how  fallacious  a  cursors  examination  j 
of  our  commercial  statements  would"  prove  as  a  cri-  ; 
terinn  of  the  trade  of  the  country,  it  is  only  ncces- 
Rttvy  to  look  at  the  district  of  Cape  Vincent,  near 
the  head  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  where  the  lake 
sicttuiers  touch.  By  the  return,  (page  236,)  1,337 
vessels  appear  to  have  entered  it,  with  an  aegregute  i 
tonnage  of  331,ft67,  almost  rivalling  New^ork  in 
entries  and  tonnage.  By  turning  to  page  240  of 
the  same  document,  it  appears  that  the  tonnage 
belonging  to  the  city  of  New  York  is  550,359, 
while  that  of  Cape  Vincent  is  2,670.  While  the 
revenue  collected  at  New  York  c'fceeded  eighteen 
millions  of  dollars,  that  collected  ut  Cape  Vincent 
was  J779  and  a  few  cenis,  or  about  an  ave  age  of 
half  tt  dollar  for  each  vessel  entered  in  the  dis- 
trict. 1  exhibit  the  details  of  this  case  to  prove 
how  deceptive  the  returns  are  when  assumed  as  a 
criterion  of  ihe  extcntof  our  commerce.  It  is  only 
by  a  c'-icful  analysis  of  them  that  the  truth  can  be 
reached  dnd  false  impressions  I'emoved. 

One  word  more  on  this  subject  of  tonnage.  It 
has  been  supposed  that  a  large  portion  of  the  trade 
carried  on  by  foreign  vessels  was  circuitous — that 
i.f,  tluit  foreign  vessels  were  in  the  habit  of  coming 
here  with  cargoes  not  the  produce  of  the  countries 
to  which  they  belonged,  nnd  that  they  were  in  the 
habit  cf  departing  with  cargoes  for  other  connlrijs 
than  those  to  which  they  belonged.  This  is,  to 
sonic  extent,  true;  but  the  amount  of  this  circuitous 
intercourse  is  much  less  than  has  been  su]i|)oscd. 
1  have  taken  the  trouble  to  look  into  th'.s  branch  of 
our  commerce,  1  have  analyzed  tlu  commercial 
tables,  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  where  the 
foreign  vessels,  which  enter  our  porta,  come  from 
nnd  where  they  go  when  they  clear.  It  has  cost 
some  labor,  but  it  is  fully  repaid  by  the  result. 
Or5,5H7  foreign  vessels  entering  the  Uniti^d  Stales 
in  1845,  5,380  came  from  the  countries  to  which 
they  belonged,  and  207  from  other  countries;  and 
of  5,583  which  cleared  f  om  the  United  Slates, 
5,254  sailed  for  their  ov  ii  countries  and  229  for 
oihcr  countries  than  those  to  which  they  belonged. 
Thus,  it  will  be  seen,  that  the  Oirect  trade  in  for- 
eign vessels  between  the  Unii?il  Stales  and  those 
countries  to  which  the  i -ssels  mlong,  conalitutes 
more  than  iiiiielcen-tv,enticiliii  of  tlio  whole. 
Throwing  the  Uri'.ijh  No/lh  American  provinces 
out  of  the  Kccourt,  the  circuitouf  trade  in  foreign 
vessels  conslitu'.es  less  than  one-6i:<lh  of  the  wliul« 


amount  of  our  trade,  direct  and  circuitous,  in  for- 
eign vessels. 

But  it  is  not  alone  to  the  number  of  American 
and  foreign  vessels  engaged  in  our  foreign  com- 
merce that  we  arc  to  look  for  the  proportion  in 
which  they  participate  in  it.  We  must  see  also 
what  they  carry;  and  I  now  proceed  to  show  to 
what  extent  tl  3  commercial  exclinnges  of  the  coun- 
try are  car'ied  on  in  foreign  vessels.  The  itatisti- 
cal  facts  1  shall  state  are  taken  from  the  letter  of 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  transmitting  the 
annual  report  of  commerce  and  navigation,  print«4 
as  House  document  No  13,  of  the  present  session 
of  Congress — the  same  document  I  have  already 
so  often  referred  to.  At  page  42  it  will  be  seen 
that  the  value  of  the  exports  of  domestic  products 
during  ihe  year  ending  the  30th  of  June,  1845, 
amounted  to  $',19,299,776.  Of  this  amount  «(75,- 
483,123  were  rxporled  in  American,  nnd  $23,816,- 
653  in  foreign  vessels — or  more  than  three  to  one 
in  favor  of  American  vessels.  During  the  same 
period  the  value  of  the  exports  of  foreign  prod- 
ucts, articles  imported  into  the  United  Slates  ft'om 
foreign  countries  nnd  reSxportcd,  amounted  to 
P5,346,830,  of  which  nn.ounl  #1 1 ,4,59,319  were  ex- 
ported in  American,  and  1^,887,511  in  foreign  ves- 
sels; 01  a  little  less  than  three  to  one  in  favor  of 
Ancriran  vessels.  For  these  details  I  refer  to  page 
95  cf  the  same  document.  The  whole  value  of  our 
expo. IS,  domestic  nnd  foreign,  was  $114,646,606; 
nnd  of  this  amount,  §86,942,442  were  exported  in 
American,  and  $27,704,164  in  foreign  vessels;  or 
three  millions  and  a  half  more  than  three  to  one  in 
favor  of  the  former.  This  is  a  respectable  propor- 
tion, though  not  so  large  as  is  desirable;  but  our 
exports  constitute  only  a  part  of  the  foreign  trade  j 
of  the  country,  and  that  part  which  can  with  least  j 
propriety  be  ti\ken  ns  a  criterion  of  the  whole,  as  ! 
ftirther  investigation  will  show.  It  is  to  the  im- 
ports rather  than  to  the  exports  that  we  miLst  look 
for  the  extf.nt  of  our  participation  in  carrying  to 
and  from  our  own  ports  the  products  which  make 

I  up  the  foreign  commerce  of  the  country.  Our  im- 
ports arc  chiefly  for  our  own  consumption;  they 

I  are  purchased  for  the  most  part  on  our  account, 
and  for  these  reasons  they  are  imported  principally, 

'  ns  is  naturally  to  be  expected,  in  our  own  vessels. 

[  Our  exports  to  some  extent  are  purchased  on  for- 
eign account,  nnd  they  are  naturally  carried  out  in 
foreign  vessels  in  a  like  proportion. 

By  referring  to  pase  193  of  the  same  document, 
it  will  be  seen  that  tlie  value  of  our  imports  for  the 
year  ending  the  30th  June,  1845,  amounted  to 
S117,254|564.  Of  this  amount,  $102,438,481  were 
brousht  in  Atnerrim,  nnd  $14,816,083  in  foreign 
vessels,  or  nearly  7  to  1  in  favor  of  American  ves- 
sels. In  carrying  the  articles  imported  into  the 
country,  therefore,  there  is  n  very  large  diflerence 
in  favor  of  our  own  vessels. 

Taking  the  imports  and  exports  together,  they 
amount  to  $231,901,170.  Of  this  amount,  S189,- 
380,923  were  carried  in  American, and  $42,520,247 
in  foreign  vessels,  or  nearly  4J  to  1  in  favor  of  the 
former. 

It  is  a  fact  worthy  of  notice,  that  the  value  of  our 
imports  in  foreign  vessels  has  scarcely  varied  half 
a  million  of  dollars  for  any  entire  year  since  1839,  | 
oxcepliiig  in  1842,  a  year,  ns  all  know,  of  extraor-  j 
diiiary  depression.  With  that  exceplion,  the  low-  ] 
est  amount  imported  in  foreign  vessels  in  any  one  , 
year  since  1839  was  $14,260,362,  and  the  highest  : 
The  average  of  our  imports  in  for 


togctheran  aggregate  of  $10,115,854 — lea^ngonly 
$4,700,229  of  imports  in  foreign  vessels  to  be  dis- 
tributed among  all  the  other  countries  on  the  globe 
with  which  we  have  commercial  connexions.  Of 
this  latter  amount,  a  little  more  than  one  million 
comes  from  France,  a  little  more  than  half  n  mil- 
lion from  Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Norway,  com- 
bined, and  the  residue  from  some  thirty  difTerent 
countries,  and  in  amounts  falling  short  of  Haifa 
million  in  each  ense.        ' 

Such  is  the  'condition  of  our  import  trade,  so 
far  as  it  is  carried  on  in  foreign  vessels.  I  see 
nnlfiing  alarming  in  it.  It  ministers  in  various 
modes  to  our  own  industry.  The  vessels  of  other 
nations  which  rind  their  way  to  our  ports,  bring- 
ing with  them  the  products  of  their  own  soil  or 
ihc  fabrics  of  their  own  art,  jiay  tribute  to  u.i  by 
augmenting  our  revenue,  purchasing,  to  some  ex- 
tent, in  our  ports  the  sttpplies  they  require  for  their 
voyages,  and  carrying  back  with  ihem  the  products 
of  our  own  labor.  1  am  satisfied  with  the  extent 
to  which  we  participate  in  this  portion  of  the  great 
system  of  exchanges  we  are  carryng  on  with  other 
countries.  If  our  export  trade  stood  upon  a  foot- 
ing as  favorable,  it  would  leave  little  else  to  he 
desired.  Even  ns  it  is,  taking  our  exports  and  im- 
ports together,  the  extent  to  which  foreign  ^'cssela 
participate  in  the  business  of  carrying  furnishes  no 
cause  for  uneasiness.  Nor  do  I  see  any  reason  to 
apprehend  thot  the  future  will  present  a  more  un- 
favorable result. 

I  now  resunte  the  examination  of  objoctions  to 
the  bill,  and  will  dispose  of  them  in  the  briefest 
manner.  In  respect  to  the  necessity  of  building 
stores  at  the  public  expense,  I  will  only  .say  that 
during  the  late  Administration  inquiries  were  ad- 
dressed by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  a  large 
number  oi"  individuals,  some  of  them  holding  offices 
in  the  revenue  department,  and  others  engaged  in 
mercaniile  pursuits  in  our  principal  seaports.  I 
have  examined  nil  the  answers  I  could  find;  and  of 
eig  ily-eight,  there  are  eighty-four  expressing  the 
opinion  that  suitable  stores  tot  warehousing  goods 
may  be  hired,  nnd  only  four  expressing  a  contrary 
opinion.  I  have  looked  over  the  documents  in 
which  they  are  contained  in  haste,  and  may  have 
committed  mistakes  in  the  enumeration,  but  I  think 
not  to  such  an  extent  as  materially  to  impair  its 
accuracy. 

An  army  of  officers  (said  the  Senator  from  Con- 
necticut) will  be  required  to  carry  on  the  system, 
nnd  it  will  lend  to  innumerable  frauds.  Sir,  these 
were  some  of  the  arguments  against  the  British 
system,  as  will  be  seen  by  referring  to  the  extract 
I  have  given  from  Smollett.  And  if  the  Senator 
will  permit  me,  I  will  remind  him  thn,  at  the  close 
of  the  last  session  of  Congress  he  raised  the  same 
objections  to  a  bill  allowing  a  drawback  of  duties 
on  goods  transported  from  the  United  States  to  the 
adjacent  British  provinces.  The  bill  became  a  law, 
and  has  been  most  salutary  in  practice.  Not  an 
addiliannl  custom-house  officer,  as  I  believe,  has 
been  appointed  under  it,  nor  have  I  heard  any  alle- 
gation of  fraud  arising  from  the  more  extended 
commercial  intercourse  to  which  it  has  led.  I  trust 
and  believe  that  the  apprehensions  of  my  friend 
from  Connecticut  will  prove  as  groundless  now  as 
they  did  then. 

One  of  the  closing  remarks  of  the  Senator  was, 
that  there  was  no  analogy  between  this  bill  and  the 
a't  of  1799,  in  respect  In  tli"  deposit'?  oi'^oods  in 
the  public  stores.     I  dirte.   with  him  in   ipinion 


$14,H16,083.     ^-    -      ,,  ,  ,         , 

eign  ves.sels  for  the  last  few  years— exclud.ig  1842  ii  entirely.  I  see  a  strorg  analogy  betweeii  them 
an;  the  nine  months  preceding  the  30th  Jun.,  1843,  ';  The  Senator  said  the  provision  in  the  net  nf"  1799 
when  the  termination  of  the  fiscal  ycnrv  s  changed 


— amounts  to  $14,534,978.  During  thes.imepericd, 
and  making  the  same  exceptions,  our  imports  in 
Americi'.n  vessels  varied  from  $92,802,352, 111 1840, 
the  lowest  amount,  to  $113,221,877,  in  1841,  the 
hishest  amount  in  the  series  of  years  referred  to — 
a  variation  of  more  than  twenty  million.^. 

Of  our  imports  in  foreign  vessels,  $7,354,804  are 
ftom  the  Umled  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  r.nd  Ire- 
land and  her  colonial  possessions,  or  about  one- 
half  of  the  whole  amount  of  those  imports.  Our 
imports  in  our  own  vessels,  from  the  same  coun- 
tries, amounted  10  $41,123,502 — nearly  7  to  1  in 
our  favor. 

If  we  add  to  the  imports  in  foreign  vessels  from 
Great  Britain  and  her  jioesessions,  ns  above  sla- 
ted, the  imports  in  foreign  vessels  from  the  llnnse 


w.as  intended  to  secure  the  duties  on  inclaimed 


goods,  and  that  its  object  was  public,  nnd  not  the 
convenience  of  individuals.     Sir,  1  think  he  will 
adni't,  on  furlher  consideration,  that  ';e  puts  too 
narrow  a  construction  on  that  act.     It  applied  also 
;  to  goods  deposited  in  store  with  the  consent  of  the 
i  owner,  consignee,  or  master  of  the  vessel,  and 
I  authorized  them  to  be  received  after  five  days'  no- 
tice to  the  collector.    The  Senator  is  lenrnedi  in  the 
'  law,  and  1  need  only  remind  him  of  the  rule  thai, 
I  whenever  an  authority  is  conferred  on  a  public 
j  officer,  nnd  the  exercise  of  the  authority  may  bo 
1  beneficial  to  third  persons,  it  is  his  duty,  on  tiie 
I  application  of  the  parties  interested    to  net.    The 
term  consent  must,  therefore,  be  deemed  aynony- 
:  mous  with  request;  and  such  I  believe  it  is  in  prac- 
tice; for,  ns  I  said  when  I  explained  to  the  Senate 


'  Towns,  amounting  to  $2,761,048,  they  will  give  11  the  provisions  of  this  bill,  vesgels  in  haste  to  enter 


798 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  30, 


a^TH  C8no 1st  Se?s. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Jenkint. 


Ho.  OF  Rkps. 


on  the  riturii  voya^o  ni«  cnnstontly  unladen  under 
»ho  five  day«*  order.  Let  ur  pursue  this  quesninn 
ot"  analogy  a  little  further.  Wlmt  were  the  leading 
provinions  in  force  in  1799  in  respect  to  the  storage 
and  reexportation  of  foreiRn  mercliandiae  ?  Slorne:e 
for  nine  months,  no  interest  on  the  duties,  and  IJ 
per  cent,  deduction  on  the  drawback.  What  are 
the  provisions  in  fcrce  now?  Storage  for  sixty 
and  ninety  days,  interest  at  6  per  cent,  on  the  dii- 
ilea,  and  3i  |>er  cent,  deduction  on  the  drawback. 
The  bill  under  considcrntinn  is  intended  to  remove 
tlie  ri^ni  of  the  present  law,  and  to  restore  and 
extend  the  privileges  of  the  old.  Sir,  so  sironf^do 
I  consider  the  analojy  between  the  provisions  of 
the  bill  under  consideration  and  the  provisions  of 
the  act  of  1799,  that  I  would  almost  be  willin:;  to 
take  the  latter,  with  a  mere  extension  of  the  time 
allowed  for  storing  goods,  and  ask  no  more. 

But,  sir,  I  have  trespasseC-too  long  on  the  indul- 
gence of  the  Senate;  and  with  a  brief  reference  to  a 
single  topic,  I  will  bring  my  remarks  to  a  close. 

It  is  said  that  this  is  a  mc.isure  calculated  for  the 
exclusive  benefit  of  New  York,  and  appeals  were 
made  to  Senators  from  other  States  to  take  notice 
that  the  bill  contained  no  provision  for  rc-wnre- 
housing  goods  when  once  deposited  in  store  at  the 
place  of  importation.  In  reply  to  this  appeal,  I 
wish  to  suy,  that  aAer  the  bill  was  drawn  a  provis- 
ion to  allow  goods  lo  be  removed  from  one  collec- 
tion district  to  another  in  the  manner  in  which  they 
may  now  be  transported  for  rel'xportr.tion  with  the 
benefit  of  dro.wback,  was  si'ggested  by  a  distin- 
guished Senator  from  the  Soath,  and  I  assured 
him  that  if  such  an  nmendment  was  prni>osed,  I 
should  not  object  to  it. 

But,  with  such  an  amendmenfor  without  it,  my 
sincere  belief  is,  that  New  York  is  no  more  inter- 
ested in  this  measure  than  some  other  seaports  in 
the  Union.  She  is  the  centre  of  commerce  now. 
A  warehouse  system  can  make  her  no  more.  But 
I  believe  its  tendency  is  to  make  other  cities  par- 
ticipate, to  a  greater  extent  than  they  do  now, 
in  the  commerce  of  the  country.  Its  tendency  is 
to  make  them  dep6ls  of  merchandise  for  the  sup- 
ply of  the  interior  districts,  of  which  they  are  re- 
spectively the  outlets — Boston,  for  the  New  Eng- 
land district,  which  lies  back  and  north  of  her, 
not  great  in  territorial  extent,  but  wonderful  in 
activity  and  physical  power,  with  a  network  of 
railways  covering  it  and  connectins  it  with  hert 
Philadelphia,  for  the  rich  interior  of  Pennsylvania 
and  the  still  more  western  districts  which  that 
State  has  rendered  tributary  to  her  by  means  of 
the  internal  channels  of  communicntion,  of  which 
the  ciiy  is  the  terminus;  Baltimore,  Charleston, 
and  Savannah  for  the  interior  districts,  which  re- 
ceive their  supplies  through  those  cities;  and  Inst, 
though  among  the  first  in  imporl.tnce,  New  Or- 
leans, with  the  immense  valley  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  the  almost  boundless  regions  upon  the  M  is- 
souri,  the  Arka'isns,  and  the  Red  rivers,  which 
look  to  her  a.?  ihcir  only  outlet,  and  their  only 
point  of  transhipment,  both  for  their  inward  and 
outward  trade.  I  believe  these  cities,  in  propor- 
tion to  their  population  and  commerce,  will  be  as 
much  benefiied  as  New  York,  by  the  measure 
under  consideration.  They  will  become  depots 
for  the  merchandise  requirt  «l  to  supply  the  several 
districts  de|>endcnt  on  them,  and  New  Orleans 
may  also  confidently  look  for  a  large  and  valuable 
share  of  the  export  trade  in  foreign  products  depos- 
ited, for  reexportation,  in  her  warehouses.  As 
Senators  from  other  Stales  have  been  npncHled  to, 
I  desire  lo  commend  the  Sen.itora  from  Louisiana 
to  an  attentive  consideration  of  the  commercial 
etatements  on  their  tables.  New  Orleans  sends 
abroad  domestic  products  to  the  value  of  (.aa.lMK),- 
(H)0.  New  York  sends  only  about  *90,()t)0  more. 
Look  now  to  the  imports.  New  York  receives 
seventy  millions.  New  Orleans  only  seven— ^» 
tenth  part.  The  foreiijn  products,  in  which  the 
vast  ex|>orl  of  New  Orleans  is  paid,  go  first  lo 
New  York,  and  the  duties  arc  paid  there.  I  ask 
them  to  consider  these  facta,  and  say  whether, 
under  the  proposed  system,  New  Orleans  may  not 
liecome  the  depot  for  llic  merchandise  retpiired  for 
the  consumption  of  the  v.illey  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  for  exportation  lo  South  America. 

Sir,  I  dill  not  understand  the  Senator  from  Con- 
ncclirut  a«  iniimaling  that  this  measure  had  been 
urged  by  myself  with  any  exclusive  view  lo  bene- 
fit New  York.     I  am  sure  he  knows  me  too  well 


lo  suppose  that  in  my  legislative  capacity  I  am  not 
actuated  by  a  higher  motive  than  that  of  endeavor- 
ing to  shB|)0  the  legislqlion  of  the  Union  so  as  lo 
give  any  undue  advantage  to  mere  local  interests. 
When  the  Senate  did  mo  the  honor  to  make  me  a 
member  of  the  Committee  on  Commerw,.,  '  con- 
sidered myself  charged,  in  common  with  my  asso- 
ciales,  with  the  responsibility  of  looking  to  the 
commercial  intereslsof  the  whole  country.  I  have 
endeavored  to  meet  that  responsibility  in  a  '.ibernl 
and  impartial  spirit.  I  might  safely  appeal  to  the 
other  members  of  the  committee  to  say  whether  I 
nave  busied  myself  in  devising  schemes  of  local 
benefit  for  the  State  I  have  the  honor  to  represent 
— whether  I  have  not  discouraged  applications  from 
that  State  in  more  than  one  instance  because  I  be- 
liuved  them  not  to  be  made  under  such  circum- 
stances as  to  render  it  proper  to  grant  them.  It  is 
my  duty,  doubtless,  in  conjunction  with  my  col- 
league, to  see,  as  far  as  lies  in  my  power,  that  the 
interests  of  New  York  are  not  overlooked  in  our 
consultations  for  the  general  good.  That  duty  I 
shall  endeavor  to  discharge  faithfully  and  vigi- 
lantly. But  I  trust  I  shall  never  be  found  press- 
ing any  local  interest  of  my  own  Slate  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  common  interests  of  the  whole  Union. 
That  service  I  can  never  consent  to  perform.  My 
constituents  do  not  expect  it  of  me.  They  would 
be  the  first  to  pronounce  me  unworthy  of  the  trust 
thoy  have  reposed  in  me  if  they  were  to  find  me 
acting  upon  grounds  so  narrow  and  so  subversive 
of  all  just  principles  of  legislation.  Sir,  New  York 
asks  no  ))artial  exercise  of  legislative  power  in  her 
favor.  She  needs  none.  She  desires  only  to  stand 
on  equal  ground  with  her  sister  Slates.  Her  "  claim 
hath  this  extent,  no  more." 

In  bringing  forward  this  measure  I  have  been 
actuated  by  the  single  desire  of  benefiting  the 
commerce  of  the  country  at  large,  of  liberalins,  it 
from  some  of  the  restrictions  by  which  it  is  em- 
barrassed, and  of  giving  il  freer  and  broader  scope. 
I  believe  these  objects  may  be  effected  without  pre- 
judicing any  other  interest.  I  believe  the  meatiure 
proposed  is  due  to  every  consideration  of  fairness. 
T  have  given  it  my  support  under  these  convic- 
tions. I  shall  defend  it  In  the  last.  I  trust  it  will 
receive  the  sanction  of  the  Senate.  If  I  shall  be 
disappointed,  I  shall  bow,  as  is  my  duty,  to  the 
judgment  of  the  majority  of  my  associates  on  tlis 
floor.  But  in  such  an  event,  which  I  will  not  an- 
licipate,  il  will  be  with  the  assurance,  not  that  the 
measuio  is  unworthy,  but  that  il  would  have  suc- 
ceeded if  it  had  been  advocated  by  the  mover  in  a 
manner  a.  '<l!  commensurate  with  its  Claims  to 
support. 


THE   TARIFF. 


SPEECH   OF   MR.  JENKINS, 

OF  NEW  VORK, 
Im  the  Ho"se  of  Representatives, 
June  30,  ISW. 
The  House  being  in  Commitico  of  the  Whole  on 
the  state  of  the  Union  on  the  bill  reducing  the 
duty  on  Imports — 
Mr.  .TENKINS  said- 
Mr.  Chairman:  The  interesting  argument  of  my 
friend  and  colleague,  [Mr.  Benton,]  to  which  we 
have  jnsl  listened,  and  the  speeches  of  many  other 
cenllnnen  preceding  his  m  this  discussion,  have 
imparled  to  the  question  an    increased    inliTcst. 
The  dill'crent  points  of  view  from  whence  this  sub- 
ject was  examined,  nalnrnlly  led  to  various,  and 
Homctinies  conflicting  oniclusions.     This  is  well; 
for  no  question  is  ever  fully  understood  until  the 
reasons  for  and  against  il  have  been  dislincllv  pot 
forth   and    iinpnrliHlly  weighed.      If  the  field  ot 
vision  could   be  enlarged,  and  the  whole  snbjeri 
seen  at  once,  v.<!  should  more  accurately  compre- 
hend the  various  parts  of  this  great  scheme,  as 
connected  with  the  whole  system. 

No  suliject  within  the  range  of  our  legis'ulivc 
duties,  presents  such  a  variety  of  diffici-.liies  as  the 
tarifl".  The  clianges  in  the  system  luce  followed 
each  other  in  sucli  rapid  success. oi  ,  that  ex|>eri- 
enie  can  furnish  no  very  ndeipnitc  guide  to  our 
deliberations  in  frnminga  bill  so  unlike  nil  that  has 
preceded  the  present  plan.  In  other  countries 
with  which  we  have  commercial  inlercrtnrse,  as 
well  as  our  own,  flucti'utions  in  price,  changes  in 


capacity  for  supply,  and  requirements  of  the  mar- 
ket are  so  great,  that  the  merchant  runs  imminent 
hazard  in  filling  up  his  orders  a  month  in  advance. 
Manifest  difiiculty  must,  therefore,  occur  in  fixing 
the  rate  of  imposts  at  that  nice  |)oint  wliich  shall 
precisely  satisfy  the  wants  of  the  Government,  in 
war  and  in  peace,  and  at  the  same  time  measure 
out  even-handed  justice  to  a  communit)  like  ours. 

The  interests  involved  in  this  questioi'  cover  an  . 
extended  field.  The  eflects  of  a  change  in  cwr  rev- 
enue laws,  though  soonest  felt  in  the  larger  chan- 
nels of  commerce,  pass  with  telegraphic  despatch 
down  through  every  branch  of  trade  to  the  minu- 
test transactions  with  which  business  can  claim 
alliance.  Capacious  should  that  mind  be  that  un- 
der'akes  the  difficult  task  of  bending  the  multiplied 
and  ever-changing  objects  of  pursuit  and  enterprise, 
into  the  fixed  measure  of  written  law. 

It  is  gratifying  lo  observe,  that  upon  one  impor- 
tant point,  all  parties  now  appear  to  agree;  namely, 
that  there  ought  to  be  no  more  duty  levied  upon 
imported  goods  than  shall  raise  a  revenue,  which, 
together  with  the  amount  annually  derived  from 
the  sale  of  public  lands,  will  be  an  adequate  supply 
to  the  wants  of  Government,  economically  admin- 
istered. Thus  it  is  seen,  that  the  plan  for  the  im- 
position of  duties  entirely  or  mainly  for  the  sake  of 
protection,  is  substantially  abandoned. 

If  we  examine  the  various  appropriation  bills 
before  this  House,  at  tlio  present  session ,  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  Government,  civil  and  diplo- 
malic;  the  appropriation  bills  for  the  supply  of  the 
army  and  navy,  for  the  erection  of  fortifications, 
for  the  improvement  of  rivers  and  harbors,  the 
payment  of  Indian  annuities,  military  and  naval 
pensions,  and  many  other  supply  bills  of  less  im- 
portance, no  one  will  claim  that  there  is  any  pros- 
pr  jt  of  raising.as  much  revenue  under  the  existing 
.nw,  or  any  other  which  may  be  passed,  as  will 
defray  the  expenses  of  the  present  year.  In  ma- 
king up  the  estimates  for  imposts,  it  is  proper  that 
we  should  have  in  view  the  amount  of  Govern- 
ment liabilities. 

The  national  debt,  contracted  prior  to  the  present 
Administration,  now  amounis  to  upwards  of  eev- 
entcen  and  a  half  millions  of  dollars.  In  making 
up  a  permanent  revenue  bill,  this  debt  and  the 
accruing  interest  upon  it,  must  be  provided  for. 
Although  no  considerable  share  of  the  principal 
of  this  debt  is  payable  immediately,  yet  arrange- 
ments must  be  made  for  the  ultimate  liquidation  of 
rrincipal  and  interest.  My  honorable  colleague, 
Mr.  HtiNGEBFORU,]  who,  from  his  experience  in 
this  House,  and  his  position  as  a  member  of  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  is  familiar  with 
this  subject,  has  shown  that  the  average  expenses 
of  this  Government,  during  the  past  nine  years, 
amount  to  onwards  of  twenty-five  millions  of 
dollars  nnmmlly.  From  this  time  onward,  it  is 
quite  obvious  that  the  objects  of  expenditure  wilt 
not  bo  diminished.  Already  we  have'Texas  and 
Oregon  to  provide  tor,  in  addition  lo  the  ordinary 
requisitions  heretofore  charged  upon  the  treasury. 
As  our  country  increases  in  population  and  re- 
sources, it  is  not  to  be  expected  that  thejniblic  ex- 
penditure will  grow  less.  I  therefore  set  down  the 
sum  of  twenty-five  millions  annually  for  the  future 
ns  the  sun  required  lo  meet  the  wants  of  Govern- 
ment in  time  of  peace.  To  these  amounts — the 
existing  national  ifcbt  and  the  ordinary  expenses  of 
Goveininent — must  be  added  the  outlays  for  the 
Mexican  war.  No  reliable  estimate  can  now  be 
made  upon  thissubjecl.  Il  appears  from  the  rc|mrt 
of  the  .Secretary  ot  the  Treasury,  made  on  the  lUtli 
day  of  ihe  presenl  innnth,  that  the  probable  expense 
of  this  war  will  be  Jia;i,iloi>,9()4;  and  that,  at'ter 
applying'  from  Ihe  aniounl  now  in  iho  treasury 
ivlittt  can  properly  be  devoted  lo  that  purpose, 
there  will  be  a  deficiency  of  means  for  the  support 
of  this  war  of  upwards  of  nineteen  millions  oC 
dollars.  These  lliree  sums — that  is  to  say,  the 
exit.ing  national  debt  of  seventeen  and  a  half  mil- 
lions of  dollars,  the  ordinary  current  wants  of 
Oovernmeiil  of  twenty-five  millions,  and  the  bal- 
ance of  the  expenses  of  the  Mexican  war,  est- 
niated  at  nineteen  millions — make  up  the  basis  fur 
a  revenue  bill. 

If  the  imposition  of  no  higher  duties  than  what 
shall  be  sufficient  to  supply  the  wanls  of  the  Gov- 
ernment be  a  Democratic  doctrine,  it  seems  to  ina 
equally  in  accordance  with  the  long-cherished 
pVinciples  of  thai  |>arty  not  to  ])«rmit  tlie  amount 


f  June  30, 
Rcps. 

ofihe  mar- 
B  imminent 
in  advance, 
ur  in  fixiiie 
irliich  shnll 
ernnient,  in 
no  measure 

like  ours. 
I'  cover  an  . 
in  0!»r  rev- 
arger  chan- 
ic  despatch 
'  the  minu- 

can  claim 
be  that  un- 
:  multiplied 
enterprise, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


799 


29th  Cono IsT  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Jenkins. 


Ho. •or  Heps. 


80  raised  to  fall  below  such  wants.  It  is  true  that 
the  expenses  of  the  war  may  amount  to  a  largo 
sum  beyond  our  present  capacity  for  payment;  but 
in  a  revenue  bill,  the  foundation  should  be  laid  foi' 
the  speedy  adjustment  of  any  deficiency. 

It  IS  now  time  to  see  from  whence  the  funds  are 
to  come  with  whirh  to  pay  up  the  various  sums 
chargeable  upon  Government.  The  biU  under 
consideration  has  clionged  nil  the  epecifi:;  duties, 
prescribed  in  the  former  laws  upon  this  subject,  to 
B  certain  per  cent,  upon  the  value  of  articles  im- 
ported at  tho  place  in  which  they  were  purchased. 
This  change,  together  with  the  diminished  rate  of 
('uty  prescribed  in  this  bill,  and  the  consequent 
variation  in  the  amount  of  importations  under  it, 
render  the  task  of  estimating  the  gross  amount 
of  revenue  to  be  derived  a  laborious  one — a  task 
requiring  a  very  extended  knowledge  of  our 
commercial  relations,  and  whicii  must  necessarily 
result  in  some  uncertainty.  My  colleague,  [Mr. 
HuNOERFORD,)  who  addressed  the  committee  yes- 
terday, exhibited  the  results  of  his  re.oearches 
upon  this  point,  from  which  it  appears  that  the 
amount  of  revenue  derivable  from  this  bill  will  fall 
short  of  eighteen  millions  of  dollars.  Suppose 
that  the  amendments  contemplated  by  the  chair- 
man of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means 
should  be  adopted,  the  amount  of  revenue  then 
derivable  from  this  bill  would  fall  short  of  twenty 
millions  of  dollars  annually.  Add  to  this  amouni 
the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  estimated  at  two 
millions  and  a  half  a  year,  and  we  have  the  sum  of 
twenty-two  and  a  half  millions  a  year,  with  which 
to  pay  the  public  debt  of  seventeen  and  a  half 
millions,  the  ordinary  annual  expenses  of  Govern- 
ment of  twenty -five  niiilions  of  dollars,  together 
with  the  expenses  of  the  war.  Should  this  bill 
pass,  how  shall  we  provide  for  the  ordinary  wants 
of  the  Government?  When  shall  we  pay  ofl'  the 
public  debt?     How  carry  on  the  war? 

But  it  has  been  said  that  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  estimates  the  amount  of  revenue  deriva- 
ble under  the  proposed  bill  .it  twenty- 3ix  millions 
of  dollars.  If  this  estimate  were  based  upon  reli- 
able data,  dmwii  from  experience  and  supported 
by  reason,  this  answer  to  the  charge  of  deficiency 
in  the  revenue  would  be  satisfactory.  But  not- 
withstniiding  the  great  labor  bestowed  by  this  dis- 
tinguished officer  upon  the  subject  of  the  tarilf,  we 
have  some  reason  to  conclude  that  many  of  his 
dedu".tions  are  quite  erroneous.  Thus,  in  estima- 
ting the  amount  of  revenue  derivable  under  the  1 
existing  law  for  one  year  ending  this  day  he 
places  the  oniount  at  #24,5110,000.  The  first  c,anr- 
ter  had  expired  when  the  estimate  was  made,  and 
the  actual  returns  showed  a  revenue  of  #8,861,932 
14.  Hence  he  had  only  three-quarters  of  the  year  j 
to  fill  up  by  estimates,  which  ho  places  at  the  sum 
of  #15,638,067  86,  thus  making  the  #24,500,00. 
By  actu.'l  returns  now  received,  the  revenue  of  the 
first  ihrec-iiuartere  of  the  same  year  proves  to  be 
#20,411,915  •!2;  and  the  estimate  now  made  foi 
tho  last  quarter,  expiring  to-day,  is  #6,200,000 
thnu  making  the  actual  revenue  of  the  same  fiscal 
year  #26,611,915  42,  instead  of  the  #24,500,000 
supposed  by  tl.e  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  six 
months  since.  This  great  mistake  of  more  than 
two  millions  of  dollars,  it  will  be  remembered, 
occurred  notvithstanding  the  law  on  which  the 
estimate  was  b/ised  had  been  in  force  three  years, 
and  every  facil.ty  for  an  accvirate  calculation  woa 
nt  the  comninml  of  that  officer.     If  such  errors 


1845  #27,528,112  70;  in  1846  #26,611,915  42. 
What  good  reason  is  there  to  presume  that  the 
revenue  under  the  existing  law  will  fall  down  to 
#22,500,000  in  the  year  1847  ? 

By  this  bill,  although  it  is  proposed  to  reduce 
the  average  rate  of  duty  upon  imported  goods  fVom 
36  to  about  24  per  cent.,  yet  the  friends  of  this  bill 
alleged  that  from  the  operation  of  three  causes, 
reaiuting  from  such  reduction,  the  amount  of  rev- 
enue which  will  be  raised  from  this  lower  rate  of 
duties  will  exceed  the  sum,  which  would  be  col- 
lected under  the  teriff  act  of  1842  by  #3,500,000. 
I  proceed  to  examine  these  causes. 

The  first  item  constituting  this  supposed  increase 
of  revenue  consists  in  the  anticipated  sale  of  a 
larger  quantity  of  public  lands,  yearly,  than  has 
hitnerto  founil  market.  The  following  table  ex- 
hibits the  amount  of  these  sales  tor  the  last  twelve 
years: 


Year. 

Numlier  of  Hcres  Bold. 

Amount  received. 

1834 

1835 

1836 

1837 

1838 

1839 

1840 

1841 

1842 

1843 

1844 

1845 

4,658,245  71-100 
12,564,478  85-100 
20,074,865  92-100 
5,601,103  12-100 
3,514,907  42-100 
4,976,382  87-100 
2,236,889  74100 
1,164,796  11-100 
1,129,217  58-100 
1,605,264  06-100 
1,754,763  13-100 
1,843,695  94-100 

#6,099,981  04 
15,999,804  13 
25,167,833  06 
7,007,523  14 
4,305,.564  64 
6,463,5156  78 
2,789,637  53 
1,463,364  06 
1,417,972  06 
2,016,044  30 
2,205,8!i0  82 
2,468,276  51 

Total.. 

61,124,610  45-100 

77,405,408  07 

W 


The  bill  for  the  graduation  of  the  price  of  public 
lands,  as  reported  by  the  committee,  provides  that 
when  the  lands  shall  have  been  in  the  market  ten 
years,  the  price  shall  be  reduced  from  adollar  and  a 
quarter  toa  dollar  an  acre;  anc' a  reduction  oftweii- 
ty-five  cents  per  acre  for  each  |/eriod  of  five  years 
thereafter,  until  they  shall  have  been  in  the  market 
thirty  years,  when  such  lands  as  remain  unsold 
shall  be  ceded  to  the  Slates  in  which  they  lie. 
The  bill  also  provides  for  the  cession  of  the  public 
lands  whicli  havfl  already  been  in  the  market  thirty 
years  or  upwards,  and  remain  unsold,  to  the  re- 
spective Smies  in  which  they  are  situated. 

The  following  tabic  exhibits  the  amount  of  pub- 
lic land  which  luis  been  in  market  twenty-five 
years  or  upwards,  and  which,  by  virtue  oi'  ihis 
graduation  bill,  will,  within  two  years  afur  iis 
passage,  be  ceded  to  the  following  niinied  Suilcs, 
to  wit: 

Namet of  Statrf.,  ■  ir^. 

Ohio "» 

Indiana 1,  ' 

Illinois 3,!lli,i,I''4 

Missouri 2,307,225 

Mississi))pi 4,146,878 

Louisiana 1,141,6115 

Alabama 4,510,895 

Michigan 27,426 

17,804,.5.57 


The  amount  of  public  lands  surveyed,  and  now 
actually  in  the  market  and  subject  to  privote 
entry,  is  133,307,457  acres;  of  which  27,075,773 
have  actually  occurred  in  regard  to  estimates  upon  i' acres  have  been  in  the  market  not  exceeding  five 
the  operation  of  a  law  which  has  thus  been  tried,  '.',  years;  33,272,508  acres  have  been  in  the  market 
what  allowance  shall  we  make  for  erroneous  esti- j  more  than  he  and  not  exceeding  ten  years; 
mates  of  the  same  officer  when  based  upon  a  law  j  23,435,956  acres,  more  than  ten  and  not  excceili  ig 
which  we  have  not  tried?  If  the  light  of  expe-  ji  fifteen  years;  10,5,33,067  acres  more  than  fil'-.n 
rieiice  has  pointed  so  wide  from  tht  true  result  |  and  not  exceedin,i;  twenty  yer.rs;  21,185,596  acres 
under  the  tariff  act  of  1842,  how  far  away  has  jj  more  than  twenty  .in.1  not  exceeding  twenty-five 
imagination  beguiled  the  judgment  in  regard  to  a  J;  years;  15,178,825 acres  more  than  twenty-five  and 
tariir  then  existing  in  hope  alone,  and  practised  I'  not  excendiiii;  thirty  years;  and  2,625,732  acres 
only  in  the  gambols  of  fancy  ?  i   have  been  in  market  more  than  thirty  years. 

Mr.  Chairman,  you  are  now  prepared  to  hear  !i  Let  it  be  remembered  that  the  public  landa  have 
that  tho  Secr'.iary  >>f  the  Treasury  has  estimated  i  been  purchased  of  the  various  Indian  tribes  at  n 
the  revenue  ■nuler  thj  pvcsei-t  tarili,  for  the  year  great  ex|)cnse.  The  amount  required  for  the  sup- 
ending  on  tho  30th  jf  June,  1847,  at  only  #22,500,-  i  ply  of  the  Indian  Department  this  year  is  estimated 
■       '  at  #1,649,791  44,  and  will  exceed  that  sum.    The 


000;  while  he  supposes,  under  the  proposed  bill, 
the  revenue  would  fur  exceed  ^.26,000,000.  Actual  I 
experience  will  not  warrnil  any  such  conclusion. 
It  should  lie  remembered  that  the  fiscal  year  closes 
annually  on  the  30ih  of  June.  The  present  law 
yielded  a  revenue  in  1844  of  #2G,18;i,570  94;  in 


cxjiense  of  surveyu  and  the  maintenance  of  land 
offices  make  up  another  sum  worthy  of  attention. 
Yet  the  Commissioner  of  tho  Lond  Office  recom- 
mends the  immediate  gift  of  this  seventeen  and  a 
half  million*  of  acres  of  the  public  lands  to  the 


States  in  which  they  lie.  What  shall  be  the  num- 
ber of  millions  of  acres,  which  shall  be  hereafter 
ceded  to  these  States  by  virtue  of  this  bill,  time 
alone  can  determine.  Yet  it  is  supposed  that  this 
graduation  bill,  reported  by  the  Committee  on 
Public  Lands,  will  tecome  a  law. 

But,  sir,  the  project  of  permanently  increasing 
the  public  revenue  liy  any  scheme  of  graduation  in 
the  price  of  public  landr,  is  utterly  fallacious.  In 
1834,  1835,  and  1836,  the  speculators  purchased  a 
larger  amount  of  the  public  domain  than  can  he 
occupied  in  fifteen  years  to  come.  Many  of  these 
lands  are  of  the  first  quality,  and  favorably  located 
for  farming  purposes.  Yet  thuaii  very  lands,  though 
costing  #1  25  per  acre,  are  now  hawked  in  tho 
market  places  for  want  of  buyers  at  fifty  cents  the 
acre.  Great  as  the  tide  of  emigration  to  the  West 
is,  it  has  by  no  means  exhausted  the  purchases 
made  ten  years  since.  What  man  will  move  from 
the  State  of  New  York  to  Illinois  and  purchase 
him  a  fltrm  there,  merely  because  he  can  purchase 
it  at  twenty-five  or  fifty  dollars  less  than  the  pres- 
ent Government  prices?  Not  one.  They  must 
be  moved  by  some  higher  incentive  than  so  small 
a  sum  of  money.  Those  lands  will  be  purchased, 
and  the  country  peopled,  at  the  present  prices  of 
public  lands,  as  fast  as  the  surplus  population  of 
the  old  Suites  and  the  influx  of  foreigners  will 
allow.  Will  not  the  ambition  of  this  Administra- 
tion be  satisfied ,  though  it  shall  fail  to  people  every 
eighty  acre  lot  in  the  West  and  Southwest  during 
its  continuation  in  power?  It  is  the  want  of  peo- 
ple, and  not  any  excessive  price  of  public  lands, 
which  will  render  the  graduation  bill  nugatory  as 
a  revenue  measure. 

On  examining  the  table  of  the  sales  of  public 
lands,  to  which  I  have  alluded,  it  will  be  seen  that 
anxiety  for  speculation  is  far  more  eftective,  as  a 
moving  cause  in  the  sale  of  the  public  lands,  than 
diminution  of  price  or  the  increase  of  population. 
Nevertheless,  if  the  prices  be  kept  at  the  present 
fair  value,  the  increase  of  population  in  these  new 
States  will  prove  a  source  of  national  wealth,  wor- 
thy the  fertility  of  the  soil  which  invites  the  atten- 
tion of  the  emigrant.  But  on  increase  of  sales 
stimulated  by  a  reduction  of  price,  if  such  a  thing 
were  possible,  or  from  a  desire  of  speculation, 
would  be  of  short  duration  and  of  no  beneficial 
'  result.  When  one  lot  is  sold,  the  contiguous  one 
;  is  rendered  more  valuable  from  that  cause  alone. 
Should  refuse  land  finally  remain  in  a  given  tract, 
then,  and  not  until  then,  is  the  time  for  the  scheme 
of  graduation  to  begin. 

The  second  project  relied  upon  for  the  increase 

of  rivenue,  is  Ihc  diminution  of  the  rate  of  duties 

in  England  upon  breadstuflfs  imported  into  that 

kingdom.    The  British  Parliament  propose  to  re- 

!  (luce  the  duty  on  wheat  to  about  the  average  of 

;  twenty  cents  the  bushel,  and  on  sonic  other  main 

articl.  <  of  food  in  about  the  sdini     iii'i      Thisduty 

1    !  .  ii'iTiniii  three  years,  and  tlh  ii  ii  is  to  be  re- 

cd  to  n  still  lower  rate.     It  i    supposed,  by  the 

,  vcral  gentlemen  who  advocaic  the  doctrine  of 

(Vee  nude,  that  this  circumstance  will  induce  the 

:  Engl     '  truclciii  to  pur^     ise  immense  quantities  of 

■  Amcrnan  produce  for  rimsnmplion  in  that  island; 

I  and  that  the  vessels  whicli  shall  - mivcy  it,  will  fill 

our  seaports  with  the  uibrics  '      Hritisli  inaniifac- 

1  tures,  by  wav  of  roturniiij  ri-    ,i>.     .Should   these 

'  hopes  be  realiz"'.  this   Incrciisc  c.r  our  ioiptu-ls 

'  derived  from  f"'>  ^   .i  gmid'<  brought  into  this  coun- 

i  try  would  b^       nhy  of  micntion.     But  if  we  re- 

]  duce  our  duties  upon  imjiorled  goods  to  a  low  rale 

tor  the  purpose  of  propping  up  this  trade  with 

England,  we  may  df  rive  ,\  less  amount  of  revenue 

than  we  now  colleri   rim      ilie  same  source;  not- 

wilhslanding  the  aniouii         goods  imported  may 

be  greatly  enhnncc.l 

A  very  great  n .!  i  of  ourimposia  c^n  foreign 

goods,  and  the  :,  viii^'  our  importing  merchniite 
credit  for  duties  liy  means  of  the  proposed  ware- 
housing system,  may  encourage  the  merchants  to 
order  vast  importations,  and  thereby  incur  heavy 
debts  to  the  merchants  of  the  mother  country. 
But  experience  warns  us  to  beware.  No  man  can 
desire  a  return  of  the  revulsion  of  1837.  Last 
year  our  imports  amounted  to  ^117,254,.564,  and 
our  exports  to  #114,646,606.  Il  our  imports  are 
allowed  greatly  to  exceed  our  exports,  a  debt  will 
be  incuvred,  which  must  be  paid  in  B|iecie.  The 
eflect  of  a  large  draft  Jfor  specie  upon  our  mer- 
chanta,  with  which  to  liquidate  debta  conlrftcted 


800 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  30, 


29th  Coi*a 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Jenkins. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


abroad,  always  has  brought  upon  u<i,  and  always 
will  produce,  commercial  distreRS.  Instead  of  ac- 
complishing n  general  increase  of  trade,  these  fluc- 
tuations tenit  to  cripple  and  circumscribe  commer- 
cial snlerprise. 

I  know  that  great  reliance  is  placed  upon  our  ca- 
pacity to  pay  for  foreign  goods  by  means  of  ship- 
pi  ngbreadstuiTa  to  England,  and  I  am  not  disposed 
to  deny  that  the  moditication  of  the  British  corn 
laws  will  somewhat  promote  the  exportation  of  our 
surplus  produce  to  that  country;  but  to  what  ex- 
tent, remains  to  be  shown.   Although  tiie  past  year 
has  been  a  season  of  scarcity  in  Great  Britain,  and 
the  modification  of  her  corn  laws  is  on  the  eve  of 
consummation,  yet  provisions  have  fallen  in  pricj  \\ 
thfcre  and  in  our  own  market,  far  beyond  the  an-  j' 
ticipations  of  the  most  sagacious  ol)servcr.     Flour  j- 
is  now  selling  in  the  New  York  market  at  $4  the  li 
barrel,  and  the  provisions  imported  into  England  \\ 
have  filled  her  storehouses  to  overflowing.     The  '•■ 
much-praised  abolition  of  the  corn  laws  scarcely 
produces  a  ripple  in  the  coniincrt  iai  current  of  tliu 
world.     The  effect  of  this  modificaiion  upon  the 
American 'markpt  is  not  felt,  alihi-ngh  its  passage 
is  hailed  ns  a  new  era  in  the  liinturv  of  commer- 
cial prosperity.     Depend  upon  it,  disappointment 
awaits  us,  if  we  rely  upon  any  considerable  in- 
crease of  revenue  from  this  source.     England  will 
trade  for  her  bread  where  she  can  buy  it  the  cheap- 
est, and  she  will  not  purchase  at  all  when  she  is 
not  hungry. 

I  shall  not  take  .'me  to  show  that  little  nr  no  in- 
crease of  revenue  .  .n  be  expected  from  the  adop- 
tion of  the  warehousing  sy.stom,  put  forth  as  the 
third  great  measure  to  supply  thp  deficiency  in  the 
national  income. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  this  tnriir  bill  is 
based  upon  these  three  measures,  neither  of  which 
has  received  as  yet  the  sanction  of  law.      The 

fraduation  bill  is  now  in  this  House,  remaining  to 
e  acted  on.  We  are  not  certain  that  the  English 
corn  law  will  be  modified,  and  the  warehouse  bill 
has  passed  neither  branch  of  Congress.  If  a  care- 
lul  man  would  erect  a  house,  it  is  quite  cnminon 
for  him  to  lay  the  foundation  before  he  raises  the 
superstructure.  Why  has  not  this  House  taken 
up  these  other  bills,  alleged  to  be  so  essential  to 
the  support  of  this  new  tarifl",  before  acting  upon 
this  great  measure?  Dues  the  chaii-nmn  of  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  believe  that  the 
graduation  bill  can  pass  cither  branch  of  ConKres.s? 
— a  bill,  the  apparent  object  of  which  is  to  reduce 
the  price  of  public  lands,  but  the  eU'ecl  of  which,  if 
it  passes  in  its  present  form,  will  be,  to  give  these 
lands  to  the  States  in  which  they  are  situate.  We 
".vere  not  sent  here  so  to  squandei  the  public  do- 
main. The  people  will  not  r.|iprove  of  this  gigantic 
acheme  of  plunder — a  scheme  whic'i  holds  out  a 
bribe  to  the  new  State,  to  vote  for  M.  and  makes 
up  a  rapital  for  politicims  to  trade  upon. 

In  svhatever  aspect  'nis  tariff  bill  shall  be  viewed, 
it  sr^ms  to  me  l'..:i  ilic  conclusion  will  be  the  same, 
wKich  is,  tha'  it  will  yield  a  revenue  far  below  the 
necessary  el 'innnds  of  this  Government.  This 
alone  constitutes  a  sufficient  reason  to  induce  nie 
to  vote  against  the  measure.  The  present  tariff  has 
yielded  an  unexpected  amount  of  imposts.  Now, 
with  our  immense  liabilities  on  our  hands,  we  arc 
by  this  bill  about  to  reduce  the  revenue  upon  im- 
posts from  twenty-six  and  a  half  millions  to  twenty 
millions,  nr  less  than  that  sum.  If  an  individual 
were  about  to  enlarge  his  expenditures,  would  it 
not  be  wise  in  him,  at  the  same  time,  to  examine 
into  and  provide  adequate  means  for  payment.'  I 
greatly  mistake  the  intelligence  of  the  country, 
if  they  shall  not  condemn,  in  the  most  decided 
terms,  the  weak  and  incongruous  policy,  which  dic- 
tates a  large  increase  of  the  public  expenditures, 
and,  at  the  same  lime,  unnecessarily  reduces  the 
means  of  payment  far  below  the  ordinary  require- 
ments of  Gdveinment  in  time  of  peace.  Sir,  this 
whole  scheme  is  pridicated  upon  theory.  It  is 
theoretical  in  form,  and  its  chief  props  are  nothing 
more  than  the  creations  of  a  fervid  imagination. 
The  tests  of  experience  and  the  well-settled  laws 
of  trade,  so  far  as  they  can  be  made  to  cast  light 
upon  the  subject,  disclose  a  labyrinth  of  counter 
currents,  utterly  at  war  with  each  other  and  incon- 
sistent with  themselves. 

But  to  counterbalance  the  effect  of  reducing  the 
djly  upon  some  of  the  necessaries,  and  many  of 
the  luxuries  of  life,  imported  into  our  country,  the 


honoraiilo  gentleman  from  Georgia,  [Mr.  Jones,]  |j 
proposes  to  lay  conditionally  aduty  of  aOperccnt.  ■■ 
on  tea  and  coffee,  both  of  which  articles  are  now  ! 
free  of  imposts.  The  gentleman  claims,  that  those  | 
articles  are  luxuries;  and  that,  therefore,  they  ■ 
should  be  liable  to  taxation.  In  the  same  sensp,  | 
wheat  is  a  luxury,  because  you  can  live  on  pota-  '; 
toes;  all  viands  are  luxuries,  because  you  can  live  li 


upon  corn;  all  of  our  ordinary  wearing  apparel, 
in  this  sense,  also  may  be  raised  into  the  rank  of 
luxuries,  because  a  people  can  be  clad  with  the 
bark  of  •  -ees  and  the  skins  of  beasta.  No,  air; 
whatever  has  been  introduced  into  common  use, 
and  is  of  it.self  a  wholesome,  nutrici<'Us,and  I  may 
say,  an  indispensable  beverage,  sinuld  never  be 
abused  by  the  name  of  luxury.  Bu;  why  reduce 
the  duty  on  imported  cloths  and  foreign  delicacies 
below  the  revenue  standard,  and  settle  down  upon 
the  tea-table  for  the  support  of  Government  ?  Why 
tax  the  poor,  the  free  laborers  of  the  North,  who 
use  this   beverage  daily,   and   leave  the  wealthy 


Owen,]  for  the  purpose  of  showing  whot  wisdom 
could  be  gathered  from  experience,  went  for  back 
into  the  history  of  the  Old  World,  and  spread  be- 
fore us  a  catalogue  of  enactments  so  unlike  any- 
thing now  contemplated,  as  to  cast  but  little  light  on 
this  subject,  either  by  way  of  analogy  or  ontithesis. 
I  was  interested  by  the  very  clever  way  in  wliicli 
ho  dressed  up  these   crumbling  skeletons  of  the 


I  past,  and  marshalled  them  before  us,  like  gloomy 
I  friars  in  a  world  of  darkness.     But  the  vision  has 
pi'ji,  awi  the  argument  gone.     His  allusion  to  the 
history  of  the  revenue  laws  of  this  country  seemed, 
at  the  time,  lo  have  a  more  direct  bearing  on  the 
!  subject,     tie  alluded  to  the  fact  that  our  first  rev- 
enue bill,  passed  in  1789,  imposed  a  very  low  rale 
I  of  duties,  altlioiigh  the  country  was  then  in  dilit 
!  nearly  eighty  millions  of  dollars;  and  slated  that 
"  our  manufactures  were  all  in  their  earliest  in- 
'  fancy ,  and  many  just  struggling  into  existence — 
'that  then,    if  ever,   a  high  scale  of  duty  was 
required,   ...id   a   heavy  protection  justifiable." 


owners  of  the  three  millions  ot.sonlliern  bondmen,  j^  At  that  tune  there  was  rot  n  cotton-mill  in  tlio 


who  are  never  allowed  to  drink  tea  and  coffee,  com- 
paratively free  from  lhi.s  tnxaiinn.'  If  you  would 
make  the  Administration  odious — if  you  would 
remind  the  whole  -leople  every  morning  and  every 
evening,  most  thoroughly,  of  the  highest  manifes- 
Uition  of  folly,  thei.  Uw  the  tea  and  tax  the  coffee. 
You  may  raise  (Vom  that  source  two  millions  of 
dollars;  but  you  will  alienate  the  affectionn  of  more 
millions  of  people  from  the  officers  of  their  choice 


United  Stales,  and  perhaps  not  a  manulhcto  ry  o 
I  woollen  goods.  Capital,  and  mechanics,  and  op-. 
!  eralive."  were  needed,  with  which  to  begin  this 
j  branch  of  business.  So  far  as  that  act  had  refer- 
ence to  piotection,  it  was  more  the  suggestion  of 
!  nn  opinion  upon  the  popry  of  protection,  than  any 
decisive  movement  to  t' at  tTect.  Whatever,  there- 
!  fore,  there  may  have  been  o"  argument  in  the  hon- 
ii  orable  gentleman's  remarks  upon  this  point,  must 


In  whatever  form  funds  .shall.be  raised  to  delVny  j!  have  related  lo  the  question  of  revenue.  But  hern 
the  expenses  of  Government,  the  system  in  the  !  also,  when  the  matt  .\l  facts  are  seen,  the  arsru- 
end  amoiints  to  taxation.  The  sum  paid  into  nient  of  the  gcntlcmun  vanishes.  A  nation  able  to 
the  treasury  is  always  drawn  from  the  pockets  of  pay  up  its  liabilities,  should  not  allow  any  great 
the  people.  If  it  is  raised  from  impost  duties,  !  length  of  lime  to  elapse  before  meeting  its  engago- 
tlieii  the  tax  is  mainly  paid  by  the  consumer;  if  inents.  So  late  as  1H27  there  were  upwards  of 
by  a  direct  assessment  upon  real  and  personal  pro-  '>  thirteen  millions  of  this  very  debt,  contracted  bc- 
perty,  then  the  |)ossessor  mu.st  sustain  the  bur- 1  fore  1789,  remaining  unpaid.  Forty  years  to  pay 
den.  Experience  has  shown  that  a  direct  assess-  \\  the  public  debt  in,  is  not  an  example  which  it 
ment  on  real  and  personal  estate,  however  eqnitiible  ij  would  be  expedient  to  follow, 
in  theory,  is  far  from  being  accurate  in  practice.  j|  When  the  tariff  of  1842  was  passed,  no  Demo- 
Every  cmiccivable  guard  may  be  resorted  to  fm-  '  crat  believed  it  to  be  the  best  bill  which  could  be 


the  purpose  of  equalizing  the  assessment;  u.^  yet, 
such  is  the  facility  with  which  money  may  be 
secretly  invested,  that  no  oath  or  penally  has  ever 
secured  an  ng.;essment  upon  half  of  this  species  of 
capital.   Hence,  the  man  best  able  to  pay  the  high- 

!  est  tax,  has  the  greatest  facility  for  evading  it. 
But  the  husbandman  cannot  conceal  his  land  and 
chattels,  if  he  would;  hence  he,  though  less  able, 
must  always  meet  a  full  assessment.  Our  national 
Constitution  provides,  that  all  direct  tax  shall  be 
asses.scd  .iccording  to  representntioii.     But  lepre- 

i  sentation  is  not  hascd  upon  jn'opeity;  nor  is  it 
founded  upon  population.  Such  are  the  institu- 
tions ill  some  of  tlie  (States,  and  such  our  Coiisti- 
tion,  that  in  representation  five  slaves  are  counted 
for  three  persons  only.  It  is  obvious,  that  wliat- 
t'r  may  be  said  of  this  ratio  in  regard  to  rcpreseii 


framed.  On  some  articles  the  duly  is  so  high  as 
to  result  in  prohibition;  on  some,  it  affords  no  ud- 
eipiato  protection.  The  consumer  is  injured  by 
'Mine  of  its  provisions,  because  certain  foreign 
m:inufacture8  are  not  allowed  to  come  in  renson- 
alili.  competition  with  similar  articles  manufactured 
here.  The  wool-growers  of  our  own  country  have 
felt  the  deleterious  ctfects  of  the  immense  amount 
of  wool  imported,  at  seven  cents  the  pound,  upon 
the  ad  valorem  duty  of  only  five  per  cent.  The 
most  expensive  silks  pay  no  higher  duty  than  a 
cheaper  but  more  useful  article.  Foreign  hides  are 
permitted  by  it  to  run  down  the  price  of  our  own 
erlicleto  a  very  low  rate,  and  nominal  duties  wern 
placed  upon  commodities  never  imported. 

A  few  am.      inents  to  the  tariff   law  of  1849 
would   rei        ,    the  evils  contained  ill  it,  wi'.liont 


tation,wlien  reduced  to  the  basis  of  tuxalion,  it  is  iL  reducini?  .  increasing  the  public  revciuie,  now 
far  from  being  just.  Yet,  in  iliis  age  of  reloriiMfco  mucli  needed.  This  is  what  the  country  ex- 
wlicn  theory  is  taken  for  fact,  and  fancy  is  allowei^Kieeted:  Niu  to  give  up  the  primiple  of  protection, 
to  supjdy  the  place  of  experience,  it  will  not  l/e  ij  out  to  place  it  on  a  footing  which  should  afford 


I 


iilace 
difficult  to  find  legislators  wl'o  sigh  lor  direct  taxa^ 
tioii.  They  long  to  hear  the  tap  of  the  marslwil  at 
the  door,  demanding  payinentof  fur, ds  with  which 
to  support  the  Government.  Let  it  be  remember- 
ed, that  the  Slate  of  New  York,  upon  the  present 
basis,  would  Have  lo  pay  nearly  four  millimis  of 
dollars  annually,  wiJi  which  to  meet  the  re- 
quirements of  tile  General  (ioveniment  in  time  i  I' 
|)eace.  It  requires  no  great  sagacity  to  discover, 
that  the  adoption  of  such  a  scheme  wmild  firing  | 
out  a  storm  of  indignation,  neither  agreeable  to 
contemplate,  nor  easy  to  withstand.  Send  the  tax 
gatherer  around  once  to  colli  ct  a  direct  lax  for  the 
support  of  the  General  Gover.nnenl,  luid  he  never 
would  go  again.  I  have  alludcu  l)  this  subject, 
not  that  it  has  been  made  an  issue  upon  the  bill 
now  under  discu.ssion,  but  because  the  plan  has 
been  spoken  of  in  terms  of  praise.  Let  the  en- 
thusiastic admirer  of  this  project,  in  addition  lo 
the  other  dilliculiies  attending  it,  also  ponder  upon 
the  expense  of  carrying  it  into  effect,  and  the  diffi- 
culty of  making  up  the  deficiency,  occasioned  by 
the  pecuniary  enibarrn.ssincnt  of  various  Slates,  as 
yet  unable  lo  pay  their  own  liiibililieK,  and  he  will 
mid  a  theme  affording  ample  scope  for  the  exercise 
of  his  keenest  perception — a  subject  which  will 
task  llie  highest  powers  of  political  analysis. 
The  huiiurable  gentleman  from  Indiana,  [Mr    ' 


adequate  encouragement   to   the   industry  of  tin 
ceuiiiry,  and  at  the  same  time  do  justice  to  the 
consumer. 
1      III  accordam  1   with  this  principle.  ■'...  Tn   idem 
I  of  the  United  Sinies,  prior  to  the  ekction  A'  1H44, 
1  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Kane,  of  Pennsylvania,  disclc.-<i'd 
Ins  views  upon  the  subject  of  the  tariirin  connex- 
ion with  eiicoiiragcoient  lo  dnmesiic  industry.     1 
'  read  an  extract  from  this  letter: 

j  "  I  irn  ill  fiivor  of  11  iiirifl*  for  revenue ;  pncii  ii  one  nw 
will  J  ieltt  tl  suHicient  aiiinliat  to  the  treasury  to  tlelVHV  ttie 
e.\|)i>iise.mirtll(:  tttiveriiiiienteeiiiinini<-Hl)y  H(hiHiiii«lere<i.  la 
*  lutjiiHliiip  tlie  (Iflails  of  a  reveiiu.-  tuntf  I  Imve  )i«<ielnfoie 
I  fiini-tioaei)  etictl  llioiterale  (fii^'TliiiiiiiilJnu  iluliefl  tiK  nnulil 
j  prorjiice  till'  uinniait  of  rrveiuic  nrcilrfl.  iimi  at  tlie  same 
I  time  iilfonl  a  reiHoimliiif  iiieiili'iitiU  pniti'iiioii  to  niir  iionie 
■  iniliistry.  I  inn  ii|i|M)«e(l  to  a  tiiriir  Djr  prutectinn  tiif rc/i/.  mill 
I  not  for  reveniii'. 

I  o  Actini;  iipiiii  lliene  Kviierril  prineiplen.  it  U  well  knon  a 
tlliil  I  (tave  niy  niippiat  to  the  policy  of  CJeneral  J,'irltMiii*tt 
lulmilii^tnilion  on  tliis  milijecl.     I  vnied  a     iiist  tlM-l.irilf  nel 

i  oflH-28.     I  voteil  forUiniietof  IKH,  «l ntniinil  irioili- 

I  Deatioiis  of  Konie  of  Itn-  ot^eetiuiiiililc  pioMsioiir,  of  the  net 
of  IftW.  As  a  nii'iiiticr  of  tile  roiiiiniltee  of  WiijH  and 
Menaf  of  tlie  Hollar  of  lleprem'ntntiv.'n.  I  UJive  my  ni48eiil  lit 
a  tiiil  reporlnil  liytliiU  I'oniiiiiuci!  In  Dec.  miicr.  IKK',  niiiHitiif 
flintier  niiiilitit'UliniiM  of  tlie  act  nf  li-  .  iihiI  niiikin!;  (ll-ii 
(li.<icriniiniuinni>  in  Itie  ilaiioiiitjon  nrtlie  iliilieA  wliicti  it  pio- 
poHiMl.  Tlliit  liill  (till  noi  pnsH,  Inn  w.ih  i.iip(<ri<eiji>it  iiv  lti« 
liilt  eoiiniioiily  called  the  ('onipr'>iui.-o  liill,  liir  wtiieli  I 
voted.*' 

This  letter  was  intended  as  a  public  manifesta- 


June  30, 
Reps. 


1846.] 


Sfti'H  Cong Ibt  Siiss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

. ». 


801 


T»c  Tariff— Mr.  Jenkins. 


New  Sk.  .,s No.  51. 


tion  of  the  Froiident'i  oninion  upon  thia  tiubject. 
It  wu  published  in  all  oi'the  Democratic  journBis, 
and  lead  at  the  political  meetings.  It  woe  then 
Buppnsed  to  embrace  the  Democratic  doctrine  of 
limiting  the  revenue  to  the  wants  of  the  Govern- 
ment, and  BO  adjusting  the  imporitjon  of  duties  as 
to  afford  protection  to  home  mdustry.  It  is  true 
that  this  principle  of  protection  was  not  new  with 
him.  It  has  been  in  practice  from  I789|  and  ex- 
pressly adopted  by  every  AdministraUon  since  the 
organization  of  our  Qovernment,  I  deem  this 
letter  of  the  more  importance,  because  it  contained 
the  ffltt^e  which  won  the  election  of  our  Chief 
Magistrate.  The  sentiments  there  expressed  ore 
.he  sentiments  of  the  people.  For  one,  I  am  pre- 
jjivred  to  vote  for  any  bill  which  shall  tend  to  cor- 
rect the  imperfections  of  the  existing  tariff,  pro- 
viding it  does  not  contain  other  features  equally 
or  more  objectionable. 

The  provisions  of  any  tariff  law,  which  abso- 
lutely prohibit  the  importation  of  foreign  fabrics, 
can  neither  be  just  in  principle  or  sound  in  policy. 
A  fair  conipotiiion  between  foreign  and  domestic 
manulUcturcd  commodities  muNt  have  a  beneficial 
effect  upon  the  country.  But  let  it  be  remembered 
that  a  market  at  home  is  fiir  better;  both  for  the 
manufacturer  and  the  consumer,  than  a  .'brei^n  one. 
Suppose  t!-nt  we  had  no  mnnuflicturin^  -H'ablish- 
nenls  in  thi  Jnitcd  States,  and  that  i.  our  wool 
and  our  cottcn  must  be  sent  across  th  j  Atlantic  for 
manufacture,  o  be  returned  to  us  is.  the  shape  of 
cloth,  can  it  be  maintained  that  our  country  would 
profit  by  the  oj  oration  ?  The  expense  of  the  man- 
ufacture would  add  from  three  to  seven  hut  Ired 
pc  cent,  to  the  value  of  the  stock.  A  constant 
ilrafl  would  be  kept  upon  the  country  to  liquidate 
the  balances  against  us.  liut  if  we  manufacture 
the  main  part  nf  the  fabrics  used  in  the  country, 
our  funds  are  not  thereby  required  to  cross  the 
Atlantic.  Nocountry  in  the  world  ia  better  adap  "d 
to  the  raising  of  sheep  and  the  growth  of  wool  than 
the  volley  of  the  Mississippi.  ^The  ease  with  which 
the  article  of  wool  is  transported  to  market,  offers, 
in  that  section,  a  great  inducement  to  this  branch  of 
farming.  That  enterprising  j«!ople,  aware  of  the 
advantages  of  their  position,  have  embarked  ex- 
tensively in  this  business.  If  they  should  manu- 
fiicture  their  own  wool  into  cloth,  a  large  amount 
of  money  paid  for  its  transportation  to  the  eastern 
States,  and  for  its  nianufticture  there,  would  be  kept 
in  the  country  where  the  wool  is  grown.  Add  to 
this  the  expense  of  carrying  the  cloth  back  to  the 
place  where  the  wool  was  grown,  and  the  ordinary 
profits  of  the  numufiicturcr  and  merchant,  and  it  is 
easy  to  decide  wlicllier  the  valley  of  the  Missis- 
sippi does  not  make  nn  incalculable  sacrifice  in  not 
fostering  manuractorics  at  lioma.  Dut  suppose 
thnt  a  i-evcnue  law  shall  b»  passed  which  shall 
chiefly  shut  up  our  easlern  mctorios,  and  thus 
send  to  Qrcat  Britain  'ho  raw  material,  to  be  re- 
turned to  the  same  valley  in  the  shape  of  cloth, 
with  the  cost  of  manufacture  and  the  profits  of 
merchants  added  to  .he  expense  of  transportation, 
and  I  leave  it  to  the  western  "  free  trader"  to  say, 
how  much  the  sober  ?nd  hardworking  farmers  of 
the  West  arc  to  profit  by  rhe  experiment.  Depend 
upon  it  they  will  nt  some  di  y  learn,  that  the  manu- 
facture of  their  own  apparel  in  the  vicinity  in  which 
they  live,  in  addition  to  im  )roving  their  market  for 
produce,  will  not  only  add  to  the  general  wealth  of 
the  neighborhood,  but  wi'l  tend  to  prevent  their 
specie  from  seeking  cnployment  iii  a  foreign 
market.  The  time  must  and  will  come  when  tTie 
importance  of  domcMicmanufacto/ies  will  be  seen, 
when  the  value  of  a  steady  home  market  over  the 
fluctuations  of  i  foreign  one,  will  be  appreciated. 
Will  it  be  of  thti  least  |)ossible  benefit  to  any  class 
of  our  citizens  to  expel  the  workman  from  the 
loom,  the  laborers  from  their  mines,  and  a  large 
class  of  mechanics  from  their  shops,  to  take  refuge 
in  the  pursuits  of  agriculture?  Already  we  have 
overstocked  the  market  with  farmers'  produce,and 
gentlemen  seem  disposed  to  believe,  that  by  adding 
more  to  this  abundance,  is  manifestly  to  help  the 
farmer  I 

If  wo  secure  a  fair  competition,  when  our  man- 
ufacturers fiiil  to  supply  tiie  market,  or  raise  the 
price  above  its  legitimate  standard,  foreign  (hbrics 
will  flow  in  to  supply  the  deficiency,  and  redu-e 
tlic  price  to  its  appropriate  level.  But  pass  a  rev- 
enue bill  which  shall  cripple  or  close  our  factories, 
and  send  the  iron  trade  across  the  water,  and  the 

51 


market,  engrossed  by  the  British  capitalists,  will 
soon  exhibit  the  fruits  of  the  new  impulse,  by  mch 
on  advance  in  prices  as  will  materially  cool  the 
new-bom  patriotism  now  suddenly  springinf^  into 
such  vigorous  growth  under  the  name  of  "  tree 
trade." 

The  effect  of  such  a  fair  competition  as  I  have 
named,  between  foreign  and  domestic  articles  of 
manufacture,  is  not  unlike  competition  in  the  car- 
rying trade.  Suppose  the  productive  soil  of  the 
vast  West  had  nn  outlet  for  its  surplus  produce  bat 
through  the  medium  of  a  single  canal,  what  would 
be  the  cost  of  transportation ,'  A  second  channel 
of  communication  would  reduce  the  price  fifVy  per 
cent.  So  the  public,  when  accommodated  by  a 
single  line  of  boats  on  our  navigable  rivers,  pay 
the  exorbitant  charge  for  v  passage  with  some  re- 
luctance, and  never  shed  tears  at  the  appearance  of 
an  opposition  steamer  making  its  majestic  way  over 
the  tide  and  sweeping  along  our  crowded  landing- 
places.  Lay  the  axe  at  the  i-oot  of  competition, 
and  you  will  pay  a  penalty  equivalent  to  the  folly 
which  dictated  the  measure. 

The  price  of  an  article  is  regnl  ited  by  the  amount 
in  the  market  and  the  require.nents  of  the  con- 
sumer, more  than  by  the  cost  of  the  commodity. 
Suppose  that  no  American  manufa>'tories  had  ever 
been  put  in  operation,  will  any  man  claim  that 
prices  would  now  be  as  low  as  they  really  are? 
England  vould  then  have  had  the  control  of  the 
market,  and  dealt  out  to  us  goods  at  her  own  prices. 
Competition,  three  thousand  miles  away,  between 
the  mechanics  and  manufacturers  of  that  country, 
would  not  have  reduced  prices  here  like  competition 
between  that  country  and  this,  as  well  as  com- 
petition between  individual  manufacturers  in  both 
countries  carried  on  in  thesame  markets  at  the  same 
time.  To  illustrate  this  subject  further,  alio w  me  to 
refer  to  the  salt  trade.  At  this  time  there  are  about 
sixteen  millions  of  bushels  of  salt  consumed  in  the 
United  States  annually,  ABout  one-half  of  this 
amount  is  imported,  and  nearly  one-quarter  of  it 
manufactured  in  a  single  town  in  the  central  part  of 
the  State  of  New  York,  For  a  long  time  a  heavy 
Slate  tax  upon  salt  manufactured  r.t  Salin.i  so  kept 
up  the  price,  as  greatly  to  circumscribe  the  amount 
of  sales.  More  enlightened  legislation  has  greatly 
diminished  the  effect  of  these  duties,  and  now  the 
Salinn  salt  meets  the  foreign  article  at  tidewater. 
This  liberal  legislation,  in  connexion  with  a  duty 
imposed  by  the  General  Government  on  foreign  salt, 
has  encouraged  the  domestic  manufacUire  of  thia 
necessary  of  life,  and  in  fifteen  years  has  reduced 
the  price  upon  foreign  as  well  as  domestic  salt  in 
the  city  of  New  York  fifty  per  cent.  This  business 
alone  has  withdrawn  from  the  pursuits  of  ngricul- 
turo  ten  thousand  inhabilants,  and  brought  thom 
iicto  villages,  not  to  purauc  the  business  of  manufac- 
turing salt  alone,  but  making  up  those  little  worlds 
where  each  trade  and  pursuit  is  a  necessary  con- 
stituent to  the  maintenance  of  the  whole.  There 
may  be  two  thousand  men  engaged  in  thia  salt 
manufacture  at  Salina,  including  persons  employed 
in  furnishinijfiicl  and  casks  for  these  works.  But 
the  effect  of  this  business  is  to  draw  n  great  number 
of  persons  from  that  common  source,  agricultural 
pursuits,  to  engage  in  the  thousand  employments 
of  which  the  manufacture  of  salt  is  the  nucleus. 
Destroy  this  main  branch 'of  business,  and  the  peo- 
ple will  naturally  fall  back  to  the  employment  (Vom 
whence  they  came. 

The  same  rule  is  applicable  to  the  great  number 
of  villages  and  some  cities,  begun  and  grown  upon 
inducements  held  out  by  the  erection  of  cotton  and 
woollen  manufactories.  I  do  not  over-estimate  the 
number  employed  or  congregated  in  this  country 
by  means  of  the  various  manufhcturcs,  when  I  say, 
that  they  are  equal  to  thc'population  of  New  Or- 
leans, Philadelphia,  New  York,  and  Boston,  to- 
gether. Strike  these  cities  from  the  map  of  the 
country,  and  the  farmers  in  every  part  of  the  Union 
would  severely  feel  the  effect  in  the  price  of  his 
surplus  produce. 

It  is  snid  that  this  lawts  not  to  curtail  the  amount 
of  manufactured  goods,  but  only  to  prevent  the  ex- 
orbitant profits  of  the  manufacturingestoblishments, 
and  enalile  the  consumer  to  purchase  their  fabrics 
cheaper.     If  thia  be  sound,  how  do  gentlemen  ex- 
pect to  incre„ue  our  revenue  by  a  reduction  of  du- 
i  ties?    In  ordir  to  accomplish  this,  there  must  of 
i  necessity  be  nn  immense  increase  in  the  impnrtn- 
'  tion  of  manufhclur'.d  goods.    But  if  these  goods 


ore  imported,  they  will  not  be  manulhctured  at 
home.  It  follows,  then,  pretty  clearly,  that  th« 
amount  of  goods  manufactured  in  this  country  will 
be  diminished  in  proportion  to  the  increase  of  im- 
portation. How,  then,  can  it  be  said,  with  even 
a  plausible  reason,  that  a  law  which  shall  greatly 
increase  our  imports  is  not  going  to  cripple  our 
manufacturing  interests?  Surely  we  see  nothing 
in  the  bill  <nlculated  to  increase  the  amount  of 

foods  to  be  consumed  in  this  country.  This  is  a 
ranch  of  the  subject  somewhat  difficult  to  weave 
into  the  nice  theories  spread  before  us  in  such  pro- 
fusion. 

It  is  possible  that  the  duty  of  30 per  cent,  upon 
woollen  good  /ill  enable  the  manutacturcr  to  keep 
his  works  in  operation.  Of  this,  however,  I  am 
not  nn  adequate  judge.  But  I  cannot  resist  the  con- 
clusion that  this  proposed  diminution  from  40  to  SO 
per  cent,  on  the  manufactured  article,  will  reduce 
the  price  of  wool  in  a  like  jiroportion.  The  mnn- 
ufhcturers  will  not  keep  their  mills  in  operation  at 
a  loss.  They  will  sooner  stop  them.  If  the  cloth 
is  imported,  of  course  the  amount  of  domestic  wool 
for  the  supply  of  our  home  market  will  be  dimin- 
ished. The  reduction  of  the  duty  on  wool  import- 
ed costing  over  seven  cents  the  pound  from  nn 
amount  equivalent  to  40  per  cent,  to  a  duty  of  30 
per  cent,,  must  reduce  tne  price  of  that  article. 
Experience  will  prove,  thnt  instead  of  aiding  the 
wool  grower,  the  proposed  tariff  will  diminish  the 
price  of  this  great  staple. 

Such  is  the  capacity  of  this  country — so  f\ill  of 
activity  and  natural  resources — that  it  will  continue 
to  prosper  under  unwise  legislation  far  beyond  any 
other  of  which  we  have  intelligence.  But  it  does 
not  from  thence  follow  that  we  can  run  the  round 
of  injurious  experiments  with  impunity.  Such  is 
the  connexion  of  legislation  with  every  branch  of 
business,  and  such  the  union  between  the  various 

Eursuits  in  life,  that  the  slightest  jar  in  one  is  felt 
y  everj  other  interest.  Can  the  manufacturer  or 
mechani ;  prosper  when  the  former  is  unfortunatu  ? 
Will  the  tiller  of  the  ground  find  a  ready  return  for 
his  toil  1  ^hen  the  mechanic  and  manufacturer  ore 
distressc  d  ?  Will  commerce  spreod  her  sails  upon 
the  call  of  poverty  ?  No.  They  are  all  parts  of 
one  great  system,  all  suffering  when  one  is  afflicted, 
and  all  more  or  less  dependant  upon  the  wisdom  of 
legislation, 

"Snch  is  the  present  demand  of  the  treasury  upon 
the  country,  that  a  low  rate  of  duties  is  wholly 
out  of  the  question.  No  man  has  ever  yet  drawn, 
and  no  sane  man  ever  will  attempt  to  draw,  in  this 
or  any  other  country,  a  bill  of  horizontal  imposts. 
This  oracular  number  of  20  per  cent,  duties,  held 
up  as  the  only  notch  on  the  political  balance-beam 
in  which  justice  and  policy  meet,  is  wholly  ideal, 
founded  upon  no  conceivable  principle,  and  utterly 
incapable  of  being  reduced  to  practice.  In  theory, 
there  may  be  sucn  a  thing  as  a  revenue  atanilmd. 
I  In  theory,  there  is  a  point  in  the  rate  of  duty  im- 
posed upon  imported  commodities,  which  will 
yield  the  greatest  possible  amount  of  revenue,  and 
will  not  admit  of  a  rise  or  depression  without  cur- 
tailing the  revenue.  Where  shall  wo  find  this  cel- 
ebrated revenue  standard,  generated  by  the  nature 
of  things  and  sustained  by  immutable  principle  ? 
Why,  sir,  everywhere.  To-dny,  on  spirits,  it  is 
prolmbly  over  .00  per  cent,;  on  wool,  woollen  and 
cotton  fabrics,  between  20  and  40  per  cent, ;  on  iron, 
between  30  and  50  per  cent. :  thus  varying  through 
the  whole  list  of  imported  articles,  and  through 
every  quality  of  the  same  orticle.  To-morrow,  the 
change  in  prices  or  in  capacity  for  supply  or  re- 
quirements of  the  market,  may  also  change  the 
per  cent,  for  the  highest  rate  of  duty,  upon  the 
whole  army  of  commodities.  It  would  puzzle  a 
sagacious  financier  or  acute  mathematician,  to  ex- 
tract from  the  moving  atoms  in  this  floating  mass, 
the  countless  number  of  revenue  standards,  which 
i  in  theory  are  exhibited.  If,  however,  the  revenue 
I  stondard  means  the  greatest  amount  of  tevenuo 
I  which  the  Government  requires,  without  re'jrenco 
I  to  the  amount  of  duty  which  different  articles  are 
capable  of  producing,  then  the  definition  of  the 
term  is  quite  simple,  and  the  term  itself  of  no  im- 
portance. But  if^  the  meaning  ofthe.se  words  takes 
into  account  the  greatest  amount  of  revenue  which 
each  article  from  time  to  time  is  capable  of  yielding 
be  assured  that  the  political  orthodoxy  of  every 
Domocret  is  in  imminent  danger.  For  it  seems 
that  to  be  a  true  Ochiocrat,  a  roan  must  believe  in 


802 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

• 


[June  30, 


29tu  Cono 1st  Sess. 


I%c  Tariff— Mr.  Jenkins. 


Ho.  or  Rep8. 


the  iriM  revtnut  ilondarH;  n  tliin;  which  the  miita- 
tion<  of  trade  may  diacloao  to  the  politician,  when 
the  electric  spark  ahall  consent  to  stand  still  to  be 
{^ed  upon  by  the  philosopher.  The  honorable 
ffentleman  flrom  Indiana,  [Mr.  0<ten,]  has  snid 
that  this  rule  or  30  per  rent,  duties  was  fixed  upon 
by  Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Calhoun  in  1833.  But  is  it 
suppospble  that  they  or  any  other  men  could  look 
through  all  coming  lime,  and  by  a  single  glance 
upon  the  maze  of  trade,  chnnKeable  ns  the  restless 
ocean  which  rocks  it,  catch  nn  arbitrary  number 
that  should  be  always  the  imninculiite  standard,  by 
which  commerce,  ninnuracturcs,  public  expendi- 
tures, in  time  of  war  and  of  peace,  should  be  meas- 
ured ?  Did  not  this  rate  of  duties  in  1843  run 
President  Tyler's  administration  ag7t)und  for  the 
want  offVinas?  This  mcnsure  of  imposts,  memo- 
rable only  as  a  magnificent  failure,  is  of  no  force 
as  a  precedent.  Take  it  as  a  lesson  of  experience, 
•and  it  is  an  argument  against  itself. 

Protection,  by  means  of  our  revenue  laws,  con- 
fined within  its  proper  limits,  has  always  been 
the  doctrine  of  the  Democratic  party.    There  C4>n 
bo  no  doubt  of  the  continuance  of  this  policy. 
The  question  is.  Who  shall  continue  it?    Some  of 
our  political  opponents  have  herclofiire  advocated 
a  high  tariff  for  the  sake  of  protection,  whether  the 
Goveviiment  needed  tlie  revenue  or  not.      This 
principle  we  have  steadily  opposed.    Wo  have  op- 
posed it  succes8l\illy.     But  since  Great  Britain  is 
about  to  reduce  her  duty  on  brcadstufl's,  a  mania 
has  seized  upon  us,  and  gentlemen  for  that  cause 
seem  prepared  to  undo  the  work  of  halfa  century. 
Should  a  fritnd  politely  offer  you  a  pine!,  of  snuff, 
would  you,  in  return,  exhibit  much  wiadnni  by  cast- 
ing your  whole  fortune  oi  his.lVet  ?    Because  Eng- 
land is  about  to  modify  her  corn  laws  (perhaps  to 
be  restored  iij  a  twelvemonth,)  and  thus  to  afford 
greater  fhcilities  to  her  own  mechanical  and  manu- 
facturers, lo  compete  with  ours,  shall  we  be  so  weak 
«s  to  shut  up  our  factories  and  leave  her  to  clothe 
us  at  any  price  which  she  may  demand .»  When  has  , 
Great  Britain  ever  done  an  act  tending  lo  cripple  ! 
this  branch  of  her  industry  ?    Has  she  thrown  ■ 
open  her  ports  free  of  duty  lo  the  manufactures  of ; 
France  or  Italy.'    Docs  uhe  admit  our  sugar,  owr 
immense  quantities  of  tobacco,  our  timher,  our  | 
butter,  cheese,  tallow,  and  wool,  free  of  imposts.'  i 
The  reduction  of  her  corn  laws  has  been  broujjlit  i 
about  to  aid  her  manufacturers,  by  rendering  food  i 
cheaper,  and  thus  enabling  them  to  sell  their  fab-  I 
rics  ot  a  lower  rate.    In  return  for  this  supposed 
benefit,  we  do  not  propose  to  open  our  ports  to  the 
products  of  the  English  farmer  free  of  duty.     No ; 
this  would  be  of  no  avail;  for  we  can  produce  these  i 
necessaries  of  life  at  a  lower  rate  than  England  ' 
can.    What,  then,  shall  we  do  r    Why,  sir,  saori- 
ficc  the  only  great  interest  in  our  (lowcr  to  cripple 
or  destroy— our  manufactories.   And  this  is  ci\lled 
doing  justice  lo  ourselves  and  our  parent  country! 

Whenever  an  alteration  in  the  present  tariff  shall 
be  made,  in  my  judgment  the  change  should  be 
gradual.  This  instantaneous  leap  fWini  ihe  ex- 
treme of  protection  to  its  opposite,  cannot  be  ser- 
viceable  to  the  country.  It  is  the  coming  of  the  ' 
tomailo,  rather  than  the  mild  and  invisomtius  1 
shower,  ^  ^  ' 

I  will  not  take  time  to  enumerate  the  objection- 
able items  in  the  bill  under  consideration.    These 
alone  should  be  sufficient  to  induce  ai/  r>an  to 
vote  against  it.    The  principles  upon  whi  h  (he 
bill   rests,   when  understood,   -        itute  a  siitfi- 
ciont  commentary   upon   •'        ....•,.       Such    has 
been  the  insatiate  thirst  fbr  imitMing  the  old  no-  j 
tions,  and  long  since  rejected  scheines  of  Great  , 
Brii.iin,  that  it  is  now  proposed  to  avoid  all  specific  '. 
duties,  and  go  back  to  an  ad  valorem  rate.    The 
British  tariff  act  of  1787  was  founded  chiefly  upon 
this  basis.     But  on  examination  of  the  delects  of 
the  plan,  both  in  principle  and  in  practice,  that  ' 
Goveniment  h..B  been  adopting  the  system  of  spe-  , 
cific  duties  in  all  coses  where  specific  duties  can  be 
convenienily  applied.     It  is  true,  that  for  the  want 
of  appropriate  designations  for  goods  of  the  same  i 
sort,  but  of  different  qualities,  specific  duties  can-  i 
not  be  anplied  to  oil  article.-!.      But  wherever  a 
suitable  designation  to  an  article  can  be  given,  spe- 
cific duties  should  be  adopted.     It  is  true  you  can 
make  specific  ilulies  which  shall  operate  w;lh  great 
injustice,  by  running  into  the  extremes  of  cither  I 
immixlcraiely  high,  or  unjustifiably  low  duties,  i 
By  the  sygtec  i  of  specific  duties,  the  gross  injustice  I 


in  pituung  an  inaccurate  valuation  upon  inip^^rtcd 
go«da,  may  be  prevented.  Even  if  the  appraiser 
be  an  honest  man,  his  cajvtcity  to  judge  accurately 
of  the  value  of  an  article,  affords  a  slender  protec- 
tion to  iho'iarties  in  interest,  and  to  the  country. 
But  if  he  be  a  dislionest  man,  the  facility  for  fraud, 
and  the  difficulty  of  detection,  holds  out  a  great 
inducement  to  its  practice.  Those  most  experi- 
enced on  this  subject,  give  it  as  their  deliberate 
opinion  that  ad  valorem  duties,  when  levied  and 
collect,  do  not  exceed,  nn  the  average,  two- 
thirds  of  the  amount  required  by  law.  Take,  for 
instance,  the  article  of  wool.  The  duty  on  im- 
ported wool,  costing  over  seven  cents  a  pound,  is 
three  cents  specific,  and  thirty-pcr  cent,  ad  valo- 
rem—equivalent to  an  ad  valorem  duty  of  forty 
per  cent.  The  amount  of  wool  costing  less  than 
seven  cents  a  pound  imported  Inst  year,  was  23,- 
382,097  pounds;  and  the  amount  imported  costing 
over  that  sum,  was  only  450,943  pounds.  Take 
into  consideration  that  nt  least  one-third  of  this 
low-priced  wool  is  equal  in  quality  to  the  common 
wool  grown  in  our  own  country,  and  that  it  cimes 
in  competition  with  wool  of  domestic  growth,  ,<nd 
we  shall  not  be  at  much  loss  to  discover  that  fraud 
exists  in  this  traffic  somewhere,  and  if  the  importer 
has  profited,  the  wool-grower  1ms  been  wronged 
by  this  scheme  of  ad  valorem  duties.  This  is  a 
great  defect  in  the  tariff  of  1842,  which,  though  it 
contains  a  great  number  of  specific,  embraces  a 
needless  number  of  ad  valorem  duties.  The  advo- 
cates of  the  present  bill,  instead  of  avoiding  the 
errors  of  the  past,  have  adopted  the  most  promi- 
nent ones  by  wholesale;  for  there  is  not  n  specific 
duty  to  be  found  in  Ihe  present  bill. 

The  olijection  ns  a  principle  to  the  scheme  of  nd 
valorem  duties  for  Ihe  levy  and  collection  of  im- 
posts, is  quiie  as  manifest  ns  is  ila  injustice  in  prac- 
tice.    If  Government  were  to  undertake  to  supply 
itself  with  a  revenue,  one  would  suppose  that  its 
first  object  would  brfto  secure  an  adequate  amount 
of  imposts,  when  imported  goods  are  reduced  to  a 
low  price.   But  upon  ihc  ad  valorem  principle,  the 
amount  of  duty  sinks  with  the  price.     When, 
thrroforc,  money  is  scarce,  nnd  goods  from  that  I 
rnvKP  arc  low,  importations  will  be  small,  and  the  ! 
amount  of  duty  trifling.    If  from  the  abundance  of  j 
goods  the  prii'c  of  imported  incrchanrtisc  bo  low,  j 
still  the  duty  will  be  comparatively  small.  i 

As  a  source  of  incident.il  protection  to  home  in-  j 
dustry,  the  nd  valorem  project  will  not  licnr  inves-  ; 
ligation.     When  does  the  manufacturer  of  shoes, 
wool,  cotton,  iron,  or  nny  other  ariiclo  of  liafRc,  i 
need  protection .'    Obviously  when  the  imported 
article,  having  nccunitilaled  in  the  foreign   port,  j 
forces  its  way  into  our  markets,  and  from  its  abun-  i 
dance  reduces  the  price  down  to  a  ruinous  loss,  i 
Upon  the  coining  nf  such  ii  juncture,  often  to  be 
met  with  in  the  history  of  conmiercc,  the  Aineri-  j 
can  manufacturer  must  fnil,  unless  he  have  an  im-  I 
niense  capital  lo  carry  him  thronih  the  season  of  I 
depressed  prices.     But  the  man  of  small  capital —  | 
Ihe  ninn  over  whom  legislation  should  extend  a 
steady  and  discreet  panoply — must  meet  with  cer- 
tain ruin,     tlnce  a  bankrupt,  when  sliall  he  a;ain 
rise?    But  the  foreign  capitalist,  having  millions  i 
at  command,  con  well  afford  a  severe  loss  for  n  ! 
season,  if  by  that  means  he  can  permanently  close 
the  works  of  his  weaker  but  more  meritorious  rival  : 
in  America.     If  protected  by  specific  duties,  viz:  ; 
o  given  and  permanent  sum  on  each  article  im- 
ported, the  American  inanufuclurer  is  far  .ess  likely 
to  he  overwhelmed  liy|such  nn  occurrence;  for  then 
excessive  importation  would  be  checked  by  the 
fixed  rate  of  duties,  always  graduating  relatively 
upwards  as  Ihe  price  sinks,  and  downwards  when 
Ihe  price  rises.     Ad  valorem  duties,  on  the  con-  ' 
tmry,  relatively  rise  when  they  should  fall,  and 
full  when  they  should  rise;  giving  high  protection 
when  none  is  nr"de,d,  nnd  Utile  protcetinn  when 
mi.cC  is  required;  yielding  an  immense  revenue  in  ; 
time  of  commercial  pro.sperily,  and  sinking  to  in-  ; 
significance  when  Government  Is  in  want. 

No  perfbct  system  of  laTation  by  way  of  revenue  ' 
laws,  orotherwise,  ever  has  l)cen  or  will  be  devised. 
It  isfareasicrto  see  defects  in  them  all  than  fully  to 
comprehend  the  preci.se  operation  of  either.    But  if 
one  were  to  busy  himself  in  the  formation  of  a  law 
which  should  the  most  effectually  carry  incidcnIiU  ■ 
dtslruelion  to  the  manufacturer,  he  could  not  fix  ! 
upon  a  plan  more  perfect  than  to  adopt  the  ad  valo-  j 
rem  rate  of  duties.    I  cannot  suppose  that  the 


manufacturers  in  this  country  will  be  absolutely 
ruined  by  thia  law,  but  I  do  believe  that  all 
branchea  of  productive  industry  will  bo  essentially 
injured  by  its  operation. 

This  bill,  if  It  should  become  a  law,  is  to  take 
effect  Ihe  lat  of  December  next.  By  the  sixth  sec- 
tion, all  foreign  goods  coming  into  port  under  the 
tarilTof  1842  are  permitted  to  remain  in  store,  and 
allowed  to  be  taken  out  under  the  diminished  rale 
of  duties  provided  in  this  bill.  The  goods  thus 
suffered  to  remain  over  will  diminish  the  amount 
of  duties,  which  would  otherwise  be  collecledunder 
the  act  of  1842,  and  swell  the  amount  of  duties 
under  the  present  bill  beyond  its  legitimate  merits. 
This  may  at  first  give  the  present  bill  some  renown 
as  a  revenue  measure.  But  time  will  finally  bring 
the  principles  of  the  bill  to  the  appropriate  test.  It 
cannot  shine  for  any  great  length  of  time  upon  a 
borrowed  lustre. 

Mr.  Chairman,  nf>cr  wo  had  incurred  a  heavy 
expense  in  carrying  oii  the  Mexican  war,  it  seem- 
ed pretty  clear  that  this  bill,  reported  before  that 
war  was  declared  and  intended  as  a  revenue  meas- 
ure in  time  of  pence,  ought  to  be  postponed  until 
the  war  should  bo  brought  to  a  close.  The  bill 
was  then  praised  as  an  ndcouatc  peace  measure. 
Now  it  is  applauded  as  an  aileqiiale  war  measure. 
How  the  same  bill  cnn  occommodate  itself  to  these 
two  widely  different  conditions  of  public  affairs,  ia 
a  mystery  of  some  consequence  to  Ihe  country. 
No  one  tolerably  conversant  with  our  financial 
condition,  and  who  has  a  desire  to  have  a  tariff 
law  enacted  which  should  be  a  permanent  revenue 
measure,  adjusted  with  reference  to  incidental  pro- 
tection, can  doubt  but  that  this  is  an  unfavorable 
time  for  the  attainment  of  that  object.  Who  can 
tell  how  large  a  fund  wc  shall  went,  until  some 
reasonable  estimate  can  be  made  of  tlie  amount  we 
must  expend  in  thia  unexpected  war  service?  Is 
nny  man  ao  presumptuous  as  to  allege  that  he  can, 
with  any  plausible  pretence  for  accuracy,  fix  upon 
a  rate  of  auties,  which  shall  remain  for  years  to 
come,  as  the  settled  law  upon  this  subject?  Why, 
then,  push  forward  this  measure  until  the  country, 
rid  of^  this  state  of  hostilities,  and  settled  down 
into  repose,  slia.l  yield  manifest  and  well-sustain- 
ed evidence  of  its  capacities  and  its  wants?  Such 
a  season  alone  can  afford  a  suitable  opportunity 
for  the  establishment  of  a  wise  and  durable  finan- 
cial policy 

From  the  principles  which  I  have  attempted  to 
elucidate,  it  is  obvious  that  the  low  price  of  an 
article  is  not  always  dependant  on  a  low  oi-  a  high 
duty  imposed  upon  imported  ^oods.  If  we  pro- 
duce an  abundance  of  any  particular  article  in  this 
country  for  home  consumption,  and  n  suflicient 
number  of  persons  be  ongnijed  in  such  production 
to  keep  up  a  brisk  compeliiion,  the  imposition  of 
a  high  duty,  generally,  will  not  tend  either  to  in- 
crease or  dimmish  the  price.  When  a  high  duty 
is  imposed  upon  a  commodity,  the  exclusive  pro- 
duction of  a  foreign  country,  it  is  manifest  that 
sueh  tariff  will  at  once  enhance  the  price  in  pro- 
portion to  the  rate  of  duty  inip<ised.  But  if  an 
article  be  produced  in  this  country  sufficient  in 
part  only  to  supply  home  consumption,  Ihe  impo- 
sition ol^a  duty  will  necessarily  enhance  Ihe  price. 
In  this  case,  however,  such  increase  of  price  will 
be  likely  to  continue  only  for  a  season,  if  the  re- 
sources of  the  country  will  readily  admit  of  an 
abundant  increase  of  the  article  to  an  amount  equal 
10  the  entire  wants  of  the  home  market.  Hence 
it  is  seen  that  ihn  two  nnUigonistic  theories  ao 
familiar  to  our  ears,  the  one  assuming  that  "  the 
AigAer  the  duly  the  lower  the  prices,  and  the  other 
claiming  that  "  the  lower  the  duly  the  lower  the 
price,"  have  neither  of  them  nny  accurate  appli- 
cation as  an  universal  rule.  Either  r.iny  justly 
apply  to  insulated  and  peculiar  cases;  but  neither 
by  itself  can  encompass  the  whole  round  of  our 
industrial  interests  and  comK.orcial  relations. 

Whoever  has  read  the  documents  of  the  present 
session,  has  not  failed  to  notice  that  the  old-fiish- 
ioned  Democralic  principle,  whereby  the  right  has 
been  recognised  in  the  imposition  of  duties  to  dis- 
criminate in  favor  of  domestic  industry,  (provided 
the  amount  of  imposts  raised  do  not  go  beyond  the 
wants  of  the  Go-— •r.r..?"'.)  has  been  made  to  give 
place  to  a  dijcri  iiinnf ion  in  favor  of  revenue  only. 
The  advocAtea  of  this  new  crei  1  seem  to  suppose 
that  you  may  con.itilulionttlly  disv  riminate  in  favor 
of  revenue;  and  if,  by  so  doing,  domestic  industry 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


803 


29tii  Cong 1st  Bess. 


The  Mexican  War — Mr.  Kaufman. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


11' 


ahall  chance  to  be  beneflled,  well;  but  if  ynti  bcnil 
the  law  ill  ihe  leaat  to  fuvor  domniitic  enterprise  and 
iiidustrv,  when  tlio  rule  of  duly  liiia  HKceiidcd 
above  llie  celebrated  oracular  nitmber — Iwtnlij  per 
cent. — llien  such  disfriininntion  Is  unemutUutionnl, 
and  the  unfortunate  advocates  of  it  anii-nemoerttlic. 
Upon  this  new  and  peculiar  notion  the  bill  under 
discussion  has  been  chiefly  framed.  Yet  these 
snRO  expounders  of  the  Couslilulion  profess  to  find 
authority  somewhere,  either  in  or  out  of  that  von- 
crablo  instrument,  allowiiis  many  commodities  to 
bo  imported  into  this  country  free  of  imposts, 
although  a  large  amount  of  duty  mif;ht  be  gathered 
from  such  free  nrliclcs,  These  arc  contradictory 
but  nice  diHtinctions,  put  forth  by  the  devotees  of 
this  new  faith,  wfi|  fitted  to  adorn  a  treatise, learned 
and  elaborate,  desiKnatiiiff  the  precise  point  where 
extreme,  attenuated  tbous;ht  ends,  and  the  bliss  of 
dreaming  begins.  Hand  such  musings  over  as  a 
legacy  to  transcendenlalisis;  but  do  not  introduce 
them  upon  the  stage  of  sober  legislation.  They 
have  done  mischief.  They  may  at  some  remote 
-leriod  amuse  the  curious,  but  the  real  business  of 
ife  is  at  open  war  with  their  very  elements. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  shall  vote  against  this  or  any 
other  tariff  bill  securing  the  collection  of  an  inade- 
quate amount  of  rcveinie.  I  will  vote  for  no  ijen- 
eral  revenue  bill  which  shall  not  in  its  formation 
embrace  the  principle  of  a  moderate  discrimination 
in  favor  of  the  American  in  preference  (o  the  Brit- 
ish producer. 

THE  MEXICAN  WAR. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  D.  S.  KAUFMAN, 

OF  TEXAS, 

In  the  House  or  Rkprgsentatives, 

June  29,  1846. 

The  bill  providing  for  the  reduction  of  the  Tariff  to 

n  revenue  standard  lieing  under  consideration  in 

the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the 

Union — 

Mr.  KAUFMAN  said! 

Mr.  CiiAiKMAv:  I  congrntnlate  the  friends  of 
the  revenue  principle  on  the  favorable  auspices 
under  which  they  baVe  entered  upon  the  discus- 
sion of  this  bill.  It  is  known  to  you  and  the  coun- 
try, that  one  of  the  favorite  nrginnenls  ofihefriendM 
of  the  protective  policy  at  the  North,  has  been  that 
it  would  be  suicidal  iif  the  United  States  to  per- 
mit the  introduction  of  Uritish  mannfuclurcs  into 
this  country,  while  England  clo.sed  her  ports  to 
our  grain  and  brcadstuffs.  This  argument,  which 
ha?  done  more  than  all  others  besides  to  make  a  pro- 
tective tariff  popular  with  the  farmers  of  the  North, 
bos  been  lately  silenced;  for  we  have  just  recoiccd 
the  gratifying  intelligence  that  the  old  and  aristo- 
cratic corn  la\^  of  England  have  been  repealed, 
and  that  henceforth  our  farmers  will  find  a  maiket 
for  the  products  of  their  soil  in  ports  hitherto  cloiied 
to  them.  To  preserve  that  market,  it  is  evidently 
our  policy  to  reciprocate,  as  far  as  we  can,  and  to 
remove  all  restrictions  upon  imports  from  abroad, 
so  far  as  is  not  incompatible  with  raising  the  rev- 
enue necessary  to  keep  the  wheels  of  the  Federal 
Government  in  motion. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  fruitful  and  inviting  as  is 
the  question  now  legilimatrly  under  consideration, 
and  aeeply  interested  as  my  constituents  are  in  its 
proper  disposition,  I  do  not  now  propose  to  dis- 
cuss it.  In  the  wide  range  allowed  to  debate,  when 
the  House  has  resolved  itself  into  committee, 
another  question  has  been  raised  by  members  in 
their  discussion  of  this  bill,  which  demands  my 
first  and  especial  attention.  I  allude,  sir,  to  the 
Mexican  war.  While  every  patriot  in  the  land 
feels  a  deep  and  abiding  interest  in  its  vigorous 
prosecution  and  speedy  and  successful  termination, 
yet  opinions  have  been  advanced  in  this  debate 
which  peciiliar/i;  concern  the  people  whom  I  have 
the  honor  in  part  to  represent  on  tills  floor.  In  Ihe 
hasty  zeal  of  certain  gentlemen  to  attack  the  Pres- 
ident for  ordering  the  United  States  troops  to 
march  to  the  Rio  Grande,  (the  western  boundary 
of  Texas,  as  defined  by  the  constitution  of  my 
State,)  tlicy  have  struck  n  blow  at  the  i.Uegrilu  of 
her  soil  which  I  must  attempt  to  parry,  and  which, 
if  their  opinions  were  corrcci,  would  curtail  the 
once  "  lone,"butnow  "  bright  and  particular  star,'' 
of  one-half  her  fair  proportions. 


I  shall  first  endeavor  to  show,  Mr.  Chairman, 
that  the  Rio  Grande  is  rightfully  thu-  western 
boundary  of  the  State  ofTexas;  and,  in  the  second 
place,  that  if  it  was  a  matter  of  doubt,  yet,  under 
the  circumstances,  it  was  the  bnnndcn  duty  of  the 
President  to  act  as  he  has  dnne,«and  protect  every 
inch  of  soil  claimed  liy  Texas  in  her  fundamental 
law,  and  under  her  imlejtenilent  orgnnir,ation,  from 
the  pollution  of  foreign  invaders. 

I  confess,  sir,  that  it  sounded  strange  to  my  ears, 
to  hear,  upon  this  floor,  the  right  of  Texas  ques- 
tioned to  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande.  With 
a  residence  of  upwards  of  nine  years  in  that  coun- 
try, mingling  in  its  legislative  councils,  and  among 
its  citizens,  innny  of  whom  bad  on  the  "tented 
field"  contributed  to  her  independence,  I  say  to 
yon,  and  to  this  committee,  that  I  have  never  heard 
ner  right  questioned  to  the  soil  between  the  Nueces 
and  Rio  Grande;  and  to  have  done  so  v/ould  have 
been  considered  (reiuonto  "  the  RepublicofTcxns." 
May  it  be  owing  to  the  fact,  they  have  not  had  th.i 
benefit  of  that  "  bookish"  informnti-^.n  :ifl"(irdcd  the  j 
Representatives  here,  or  to  those  other  fact  ,  that 
they  have  mingled  in  the  fray  which  made  Texas, 
throughout  her  wide  limits,  sovcrrii-n  and  inde- 
pendent, and  that  they  have  hern  accustomed  to 
pay  no  regard  to  the  expositions  of  Mexican  di- 
plomacy, which  claims,  even  at  this  day,  the  wliole 
of  Tcxns  to  the  Sabine. 

The  honorable  gentleman  from  Georgia,  [Mr. 
Stepiiev»,1  thinks  the  Rio  Cinnde  "  ought  to  be" 
the  western  boundary  of  Texas;  and  what  he 
thinks  ought  be,  I  will  endeavor  to  show  "  is,  and 
always  has  been,"  the  rightful  boundary  ofTexas. 

That  Texas  extended  to  the  llio  Grande,  and 
belonged  to  the  United  States,  previous  to.  the 
transfer  to  Spain  in  1819,  I  presume  will  not  be 
questioned;  if  it  were,  I  could  priduce,  in  proof 
of  it,  the  coi  '  ring  testimony  r.f  .Teffersnn,  Mad- 
ison, Monroe,  .ind  indeed  all/mr  lending  statesmen 
who  have  been  on  the  stage  of  political  action,  from 
the  |iuirliase  of  Louisiana,  in  1803,  to  the  present 
day.  Mr.  .Tohn  duincy  Adams,  in  a  letter  to  the 
Spanish  ininieter,  Don  Oi.is,  dated  Ma"'-  19, 
1818,  says:  "The  claim  nf  France  always  diu  >;x- 
'  lend  westward  to  the  Rio  Bravo.  She  always 
'  claimed  the  territory  tc/iir/i  t/ou  call  Texas,  as 
'  being  within  the  limits,  and  forming  a  part  of 
'  Louisiana."  lie  [Mr.  Adams]  goes  on  to  reite- 
inle  a  declaration  iur\de  by  Messrs.  Monroe  and 
Pinckney  in  1803,  "  that  the  claim  of  the  United 
'  Slates  to  the  boundary  of  the  Rio  Bravo  was  n? 
'  clear  as  their  right  to  ihe  ialan.l  of  Now  Orleans." 
And  again,  on  the  31st  October,  1818,  he  .says: 
"  Our  title  to  Texas  is  established  beyond  the  power 
of  further  controveisv-" 

Mr.  Clay,  also,  in  his  celebrated  Raleigh  letter, 
previous  to  the  last  presidcntiol  election,  says:  "The 
'  United  Slates  acquired  a  title  to  Texas,  extending, 
'  as  I  believe,  to  Ihe  Rio  del  Mrle,  by  the  treaty  of 
'  Louisiana.  They  ceded  and  relinq'iished  that 
'  lille  to  Spain  by  the  treaty  of  1819,  by  which  the 
'  Sabine  was  substituted  for  the  Rio  del  Norte,  ns 
'our  western  boundary."  I  might  here  also  quote 
the  declaration  of  the  celebrated  British  .st:ilesman, 
Mr.  Huskisson,.  as  to  the  western  boundary  of 
Texas:  "  Designs  are  entertained  by  the  people  of 
'  the  United  Slates  to  get  possession  of  the  fertile 
'  and  extensive  Mexican  province  of  Texas.  They 
'  look  to  all  tite  country  brhceen  the  Stdiine  and  Bravo 
'  .kl  .\b)(f  ns  a  territcrv  that  must,  ere  long,  belong 
'to  their  Union."  Speech,  May  m,  1830.  (The 
Rio  Grande,  Rio  Bravo,  and  Del  Norte,  are  differ- 
ei:t  names  for  the  same  river.) 

Enough  has  been  read  to  show,  conclusively,  that 
the  ancient  limils  and  boundary  ofTexas  was  the 
Rio  Grande.*  But  this  country  was  ceded  in  1819 
to  Spain.     However  binding  this  treaty  may  have 

•Till'    I'cilliiwiilB   cjlracts    IVojn   Rtiinilnril   (.'Cniraphicnr 
worlt^,  conclusively  e!ilalili!i|i  tliif*  pnsitinn,  and  iniisl  i)iiir'i 
every  (Iciulii:  "Tcmg  in  tmundcil  8.  R.  Iiy  the  OiilforMix- 
ico,  WG!>I  nnil  Hoatliwcst  hy  tlic  Hio  dii  Norte."— Aforxc's 
Grozraptiicnl  Dirlioit'nni,  eilition  1P'3I.     "Texas,  province  of 
Mi'Xicn,  linundncl  S.  W.  by  liic  Ilin  Oniml,i  del  Nnrlc."— 
Brook's  Vniveriat  Gitzettccr,  eiUlion\Hi^.  "Texas, claimed 
by.Mpain  ns  n  part  of  tlio  internal  provinccH,  ami  homtticd 
west  by  Ihe  del  Norte,"*  ttc — IVorenter^i  Ouzrtlcer,  edUion 
!8M.  '  "  Texas,  province  of  Muxico.  in  tlic  former  iiroiiiiirfoj  | 
fn(cnw>»,  bounded  soiitlnvcstbyUic  Rio  Grande  del  Norio." —  ; 
Drtrft.v'*  (fazclti'tT,  edition  I8Q7.  «  Texas,  province  of  Mex-  ' 
ico,  in  Uie  former  internal  provinces,  is  l>ounded  S.  VV.  tiy  I 
llie    Rio   Granile." — VaveixportU    Gazetteer,  edition  1839. 
Ttiesii  are  Ibe  depcriplions  of  imparlitU  geoirrnpbers  of  tbe 
lioundariC8  of  Texas  anterior  to  tlie  rovolution  that  made  lier 
independent. 


been  considered  by  the  United  Stnici,  yet,  its  being 
made  without  the  consent  of  the  people;  ofTexas, 
it  was  a  palpable  infraction  of  that  provision  of  the 
Louisiana  treaty  of  1HU3,  which  declared  that  "the 
'  inhabilanls  of  the  ceded  territory  shall  bo  incor- 
■  porntcd  into  the  United  Slates,  and  admitted,  ai 
'  soon  ns  possible,  according  to  the  principles  of 
'  the  Federal  Constitution,  to  the  enjoyment  nf  all 
'  tbe  rights,  advantages,  and  immunities  of  citizens 
'  of  the  United  Suites,"  and  therefore,  according  to 
reason  and  authority,  null  and  void — at  leitst,  it 
was  not  binding,  except  by  the  power  of  force,  on 
the  disfinncbiHcj  citizens  of  Texas.  Not  only  did 
that  people  not  consent  to  this  surrender,  but  they 
sent  forth,  at  "old  and  time-honored  Nacogdo- 
ches," an  eloquent  protest  and  remonstrance — pro- 
nnnctaiiMiifo — and  declared  that  they  would  not 
consent  to  be  the  subjects  of  the  priest-ridden  mon- 
archy of  Spain,  uiid  they  never  did  submit  to  that 
dcgradntion. 

That  protest  was  in  the  name  of  all  Texas, 
throughout  its  ancient  limils,  and  it  ia  fully 
worthy  of  being  copied  at  length.  It  is  as  fol- 
lows: 

"  DECLARATION  OF  THE  INDEPENDENCE  OP 
TE.fAS. 

"  Tlio  Lnn'ininnn  Herald  rnntnins  a  copy  of  a  drclnmtion, 
l«-iicil  on  titoHM  Jane,  1819,  by  tlie  b^iiprerneConneilofilig 
Repiibltn  of 'I'exaft.  Ttio  followiiift  trxtmcU  contain  all  tliat 
would  be  iiucrcstins  to  ttle  Americnn  reader: 

"  Tlie  citizens  of  I'exafi  Inive  Icmjc  inittili{ed  tim  hope  that, 
in  the  ndiusiineiu  of  tlie  bound^irieH  nf  ibe  Hp'inlsli  jiosrci- 
sifniR  in  Ani(!ricr.,  and  of  ilio  lerritorieH  of  the  United  Htatcii, 
they  Klionld  be  iiKrlniled  within  the  limits  of  the  hitter.  The 
elninis  of  tliR  United  Hiates,  longnnd  hlrcnuously  uri{ed,  cii- 
courageil  this  hope.  An  expecUilioii  fo  ttntteriiiji  prevented 
any  elleemnl  eflorl  to  throw  off  tlie  yoke  of  Spnni.'h  aulliorl- 
ly,  tboii<;b  it  could  not  restrain  Hnne  unnvailini;  relwllion 
n3nin>t  an  odious  tyranny.  The  recent  treaty  iHMween  Spain 
and  tlic  ITnitcd  States  nf  America  liai  distliinted  an  illusjnn 
too  Ions  fondly  clieri.dicd,  and  has  ronsca  the  riiizenfl  of 
Texas  li'im  the  torpor  in  which  n  fincied  security  hud  Inllud 
tlieiii,  Tliey  have  seen  themselves,  lyn  convcittiontouhieh 
t/icy  irere  na  ;irtr/v,  literally  iib:tlidnned  to  Ibn  donilninn  ol 
the  crown  of  Hpui'n,  and  left  a  prey  not  only  to  Iniposltinns 
already  iiit(ih.>rab!e,  but  to  nil  tliosecxnctioitiiwhiili  r^iiinUli 
n^'  ".eilv  is  fertile  in  devisinf;, 

'•  The  citizenii  of  Texas  would  linvc  proved  themni  Ivei 
nnwortby  of  tlie  iu(p  in  which  they  live— unworthy  of  tlieir 
„  cesiry— of  the  kindri  d  rcpiiblicjofihc  American  continent 
— <  Mulif  Ihey  have  besitiiteil  in  this  emergency,  wliat  course 
to  pursue,  'Sfinrninjl  the  fetters  of  colonial  vassalnge,  dis- 
diiiiiiin  to  subniit  to  the  most  ntrocioim  despotism  tlint  eviT 
disgraced  the  nninis  of  Europe,  they  linve  resolved,  under 
the  blessings  of  Cod,  to  be  tiiES,  By  tills  niagiianiinouf 
resolution,  to  the  uinltlleiiiiiicc  of  which  their  lives  and  for- 
tunca  are  pleilgcd,  they  see  are  tntlieinselveiian  elective  and 
reiiresctitative  goveriiiiient,  equal  laws,  nnd  tlie  fiiitliful  ad- 
111  iiistratinn  nf  justice,  the  right  of  conscience  nndfeliginua 
liberty,  tlic  freedom  of  the  press,  the  advantages  of  liberal 
edueiilion,  and  unrestricted  commcretal  intercourse  uHth  all 
the  u-oWd, 

"  Animated  hy  a  Just  confidence  in  the  goodnesn  of  their 
cause,  and  fliiii.ulated  liv  tlic  high  object  to  be  obtained  by 
the  contest,  they  have  pn^pnred  theniselvea  unshrinkingly 
to  meet,  and  firinly  to  sustain,  any  conflict  in  wliich  this 
decliiration  may  involve  them. 

"  Done  at  Nacogdoches,  iliia  twenty-third  day  of  June,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  113111, 

JAME8  LONG, 
"  Preiident  of  the  Suirrcme  Council. 

"  Bu'i.E  Taris,  Secretary," 

Surrendered  nnd  deserted  by  tbe  American  Got- 
ernment,  Texas,  weak  in  numbers  and  influence, 
found  herself,  in  1821,  a  part  of  independent  Mex- 
ico; and  for  fifteen  long  years  she  was  "  the  sport 
and  victim  of  succes.sivc  mditary  revolutions," car- 
ried on  at  a  far  distant  capital,  without  any  consent 
on  lier  part,  except  that  imposed  by  force.  She 
was  curtailed  of  her  ancient  proportions  and  limits 
— other  States  encroaching  upon  her,  she  ..^aa  tied 
■to  the  car  of  Coahuila,  forming  together  the  State 
of  Conhuila  nnd  Tcxns,  ond  denied,  5u«  promised, 
a  separate  existence;  and,  when  the  promise  was 
asked  to  be  complied  with,  her  commissioner  was 
thrown  into  prison  for  bis  presumption.  All  this 
was  done  at  the  city  of  M^^xico,  and  I  admit  that 
Texas  was  reduced  in  her  limits  to  the  Nueces,  but 
with  no  other  binding  force  upon  her  than  thot 
which  jiotrcr  imposes.  This  orbitrary  reduction 
nnd  curtailment  of  her  limits  is  the  foundation  of 
all  the  modern  declamation  as  to  the  Nueces  being 
the  western  boundary  ofTexas.  But  Texas  began 
to  grow  in  strength  and  power,  nnd  "  the  might 
that  slumbered  innfrecman'sarm"  waaeveiitually 
to  be  awakened,  her  long-lost  rights  vindicated, 
and  her  ancient  limits  to  be  restored.  As  an  evi- 
dence of  her  increase  in  wealth  nnd  influence,  I 
will  here  quote  an  extract  from  a  report  made  by 
General  Almonte,  who  was  sent  lo  Texas  by  Santa 
Ana  in  1834,  to  reconnoitre  the  country,  (irepara- 


804 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


{June  89, 


99^H  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Mexican  fVar—Mr.  Kaufman. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


lory  to  ita  being  oTerrun  and  despoiled  of  the  few 
Tcatigea  of  libtirty  yet  left  it: 

■<  Ttio  mute  or  thnt  rulony  (Totas)  it  mon  flourlnhlng, 
(finyH  Almonte ;)  it  hU\»  ftiir  to  Imcomo  the  hem  imrtion  of 
thu  Mexican  eoiifetterntlon ;  trun()Uiltily  reigned  In  nil  the 
■ettlemedti,  whoHii  plantntions  and  prmluctionB  were  niplilly 
Increasing;  no  lesa  tlmn  A^SOO  bnlef  of  cotton,  of  4.V)  jha. 
each,  wouki  be  cxponeil  this  year  (IKM)  fVoiii  ttie  nettle- 
ment  of  the  Bnutos  alone.  A  f*iniill  Btemnhont  whs  shortly 
expected  at  Ban  Felipe  de  Austin,  finin  New  Olenns,  for 
the  tmnflport,  in  Uie  interior,  of  imssenip'rs  mid  koimIs,  inde- 
pendently of  tnnnyotlier  contein(iliite<l  improvements,  which 
would  powerf\illy  contribute  to  the  advancument  of  that 
prosperous  colony."— (iVila'i  RefUter,  tfovemier  SWA,  1834, 
JW(te  1W-) 

The  editor  goes  on  to  remnrk  that  ■'  the  accounts 
pretty  plainly  show  thnt  Sanin  Ana  is  gathering  up 
the  elements  of  a  despotic  power. "  The  pred  Iction 
proved  correct.  Ho  came  at  the  head  ot  the  flotver 
of  his  army,  and  the  hcst  appointed  t.onps  of 
Mexico;  and  at  San  Jacinto,  in  1836,  the  tale  of 
his  disaster  was  told;  and  Texas — aneicntTexaa — 
•was  again  free.  Santa  Ana,  who,  it  will  be  recol- 
lected, was  then  President  of  Texas,  and  its  virtual 
dictator,  having  destroyed  the  Mexican  Slates,  and 
erected  a  military  despotism  on  the  ruins,  was 
token  a  prisoner.  All  the  powers  of  the  Mexican 
Government  were  centered  in  his  person.  He  then, 
to  save  the  honor  and  lives  of  that  portion  of  the 
army  under  General  Filisolu,  their  arms,  ammuni- 
tion, and  public  property,  from  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  Texans,  and  to  restore  himself  and 
fiUow-prisomra  to  liberty,  signed  a  treaty  with  the 
Government  of  Texas,  by  which  he  agreed  to 
acknowledge  her  independence,  and  to  the  Rio 
Grande. 

Article  3  provides:  "The  Mpxican  forces  will 
evacuate  the  Texan  territory,  and  recron  the  Rio 


«  Now,  by  clenrlv  annlyxinff  both  conventions,  [nllnding 
to  the  secret  and  fuhltc  ones,]  it  wilt  he  found  that  both  had 
for  tlieir  object  a  suspension  of  hosfiillies  in  favor  of  our 
rthoMcxieanJ  army,  the  delivery  of  the  prisoners,  [tnkcn  at 
Ban  Jacinto,]  as  well  as  my  own  liberty,  which  I  believed, 
thouith  perh»|w  erroneously,  niltrtit  iimve  beneflcial  to  Uie 
formcTf  OS  Ukewiic  ta  the  nation  ond  its  rmue.*' 

Such,  sir,  arc  the  advantages  which  the  Mexican 
nation  recei  d  at  the  hands  of  Texas,  in  consid- 
eration of  her  relinquishing  her  unjust  claims  to 
what  I  have  previously  shown  were  the  ancient 
limits  of  Texas,  and  "  out  of  their  own  mouths 
have  I  condemned  them."  And  to  remove  the 
least  shadow  of  an  excuse  for  the  Mexican  people 
to  refuse  to  acknowledge  this  treaty,  they,  no 
doubt,  feeling  a  proper  sentiment  of  gratitude  for 
the  advantA)!:es  gained  by  it  on  their  part,  subse- 
quently (in  1841)  elevBtcil  Santa  Ana  again  to  the 
supreme  power.  In  addition  to  the  livts,  liberty, 
and  properly  of  the  iMexicnn  army,  saved  by  this 
treaty,  its  honor,  it  is  admitted ,  was  also  preserved. 
For  the  protection  of  the  three  first,  governments 
are  inrtilutcd  amongst  men;  and  without  the  Imt, 
a  nation  would  sink  into  inctliciency  and  degrada- 
tion. 

"  The  Rinry  of  a  nation  is  intimately  connected  with  its 
power,  (snys  Viitiel  in  lii»;e.\crllcnl  Ircniiseon  the  Laws  of 
NaUons,)  and  indeed  forins  a  considerable  part  of  it.  It  Is 
this  brilliant  iidvantiiffe  that  procures  it  tlic  esteem  of  other 
nations,  ami  lendera  it  respectable  to  its  neigttbors.  It  is  of 
great  aiivantaite  to  n  nnUnn  to  establish  ils  reputation  and 
glory." 

And  can  it  really  be  contended,  Mr.  Chairman, 
that  all  these  advantages  arc  to  accrue  to  Mexico 
by  the  forbearance,  humanity,  and  magnanimity 
of  Texas,  greater  than  her  victorious  arms,  without 
even  Mexico  being  bound,  as  stipulated,  to  recede 
ifrom  the  soil  of  Texas,  on  whicn  she  had  "  tres- 


GroTMif '•    Here  is  an  acknowledgment  that  tli*»i-K,^cd"iii  nn  hour  of  our  weakness?    Such  a  doc- 
east  bonk  of  the  Rio  Grande  is  Texan  territory.        •  ....  ...... 

It  is  contended,  however,  thai  Santa  Ana  being  a 
prisoner,  the  Mexican  nation  is  not  bound  by  that 
treaty — a  position  which  I  shall  endeavor  to  refute. 
I  am  willing  to  admit,  that  if  this  treaty  had  been 
made  by  Santa  Ana  for  his  own  individual  be.."<it, 
and  the  Mexican  nation  had  received  no  advai.- 
tages  from  it,  it  would  not  be  binding  upon  that 
people.  But  if  that  nation  received  advanta(;es 
from  the  treaty — if  they  received  a  full  consid- 
eration for  all  the  concessions  made  to  Texas, 
(if  concessions  at  nil  they  wore^)  then  she  is  nuir- 
ally  bound  by  it.  It  is  laid  down  ns  a  principle 
of  law,  that  "  if  a  man  be  legally  imprisoned, 
and,  either  to  procure  his  discharge,  or  on  any 
other  fair  acemmt,  seals  a  bond  or  deed,  this  is  not 
by  duress  or  imprisonment,  and  he  is  not  at  liberty 
to  ovoid  it."  (Coke's  Inst.,  2d  vol.,  482.)  Now, 
what  was  the  "/air  oecotiiU"  which  SanlaAna  hod 
in  view,  and  eflected  by  this  treaty?  The  honor, 
lives,  liberty,  and  property  of  the  Mexican  army. 
And  these  being  secured,  can  the  nation  of  which 
he  was  the  repr..sentotive  be  permitted  to  "avoid" 
the  treoty?  But  this  treaty  between  the  Mexican 
President  and  the  Government  was  afterwards  re- 
vived between  General  Rusk,  the  commander  of 
the  Texan  forces,  and  General  Filiaola,  second  in 
commond  to  Santa  Ana,  who  never  was  a  prisoner. 
What  was  the  view  that  he,  (Pilisoln,)  wlio  knew 
the  despotic  and  unlimited  powers  with  which 
Santa  Ana  was  invested,  took  of  the  matter?  This 
is  an  extract  from  his  reply : 

**  It  becomes  now  my  duly  to  tjike  every  iicccssriry  meas- 
ure to  carry  your  last  instructions  into  exccuUoii.  This 
convention  [tlic  troatj]  beiu?  duly  drawn,  with  nil  foriiiali- 
lies,  and  bearing  the  nenature  and  ratificatiar.  of  your  excel- 
lency,  CM  eeneral'in-chief  of  the  army  "/  ojicra/tiMw,  tMicA, 
jointly  with  ifaur  qualUy  as  Preiidenl  of  the  Mc-ru:in  Repuhtit:, 
leave  me  neither  right  nor  faculty  of  resisting  your  orders: 
my  duty  is  to  obey  and  promply  put  Uiem  in  execution." 

Filisola,  in  a  statement  made  to  his  Government 
on  his  return  to  Mexico,  snid  that  the  safety  of  his 
army  entirely  depended  on  his  complying  with 
that  treaty.  And  what  docs  Santa  Ana  "say  in  his 
manifesto  to  the  Mexican  Government  ofter  his 
liberation?    Hear  him: 

"  I  learned,  at  the  arrival  of  General  Wall,  that  at  tlio  fltst 
news  of  my  miafoitune,  the  whole  [Mexican]  army  was 
thrown  into  conflision,  and  that  instead  of  atuieking  the 
enemy,  a  reoeat  lo  Matanioros  liad  actually  begun." 

Again: 

■■  It  was  tliusthat  1  eomplifdwith  bis  [Houston's]  wishes, 
by  signing  Uie  order  ft)r  a  suspension  of  hostilities ;  thus 
aavinmlio  uoNORofllie  Mexican  armv\  and  '.helieoof  more 
Ulan  SOU  [a,IXIO  he  might  have  said]  Mexicans,  who  might 
otherwise  have  Iieen  placed  in  great  Jeopardy." 

And  further,  ho  says: 


trine  would  shock  every  principle  of  justice.  In 
/oro  coiiseicrttin!  it  cannot  be  sustained,  and  to  that 
forum  all  treaties  mu.it  be  submitted.  If  nations 
choose  to  disregard  their  treaties,  there  is  no  tribu- 
nal to  resort  to  to  enforce  them,  except  the  arbitra- 
ment of  the  swonl.  All  independent  nations  are 
sovereigns,  and  no  one  has  a  right  to  adjudicate 
for  another.  Texas  has  the  right  to  that  bound- 
ary; and  if  not  "  peaceably"  acknowledged,  it 
muat  be  "  forcibly"  vindicated.  The  advantages 
acquired  by  Texas  at  San  Jacinto  over  the  Mexi- 
can army,  (and  would  have  acquired  but  for  the 
treaty,  over  Filisoln  and  his  men,)  would  have  cn- 
abletl  her  to  extort  her  independence  from  Mexico 
within  the  whole  extent  of  her  ancient  limits.  A 1- 
though  Mexico  has  recivcd  her  panic-stricken 
army  and  the  public  property  at  the  hands  of  Texan 
forlicarnnce,  yet  she  uniformly  refused  to  pay  the 
price  of  their  Hberation,  and  the  preservation  of 
their  etulangercd  honor.  Ifshe  had  indignantly  sent 
her  army  back  to  Texas  as  unworthy  of  preserva- 
tion, ami  liad  forever  repudiated  her  captured  chief 
as  having  basely,  and  without  consideration,  sur- 
rendered up  a  portion  of  her  ju.st  claims,  and  not 
again  elevated  him  to  power,  then  there  might  have 
been  some  excuse  for  reflioing  to  acknowledge  the 
treaty;  but  as  they  have  not  done  eo,  there  is  no 
excuse  whatever. 

It  is  said,  however,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  Texas 
violated  the  treaty  in  regard  to  Santa  Ana's  libera- 
tion.    This  is  in'ccrrect.     Every  article  of  it  was 
faithfully  cjirricd  into  execution.    Article  ten  pro- 
vides as  follows:  "General   Antonio  Lopez  De 
SnnUt  Ana  shall  be  sent  to  Vera  Cr.iz  os  early  as 
I  the  Texan  Goremmenl  may  think  jrrojter."    Santa 
Ana  was  in  due  time  sent  by  the  Texan  Govern- 
ment to  Vera  Cruz,  and  by  such  a  route,  and  in 
I  such  a  manner,  as  he  himself  publicly  admitted 
I  was  moat  consistent  with  his  personal  safety. 
I      I  will  now  produce  the  highest  Mexican  tes'i- 
j  mony  that  the  people  of  Texas  in  1844  were  in  the 
I  possession  of  the  country  between  tlic  Nueces  and 
I  Rio  Grande,  although  tlieir  possession  is  styled  a 
i  tMur;)alton.    General  Woll,  acting  under  express 
;  orders  from  the  Mexican  Government  at  Mier, 
I  June  20,  1844,  issued  the  following  order: 

i  <'  3.  Every  Individual  who  may  be  found  at  the  distance 
of  one  league  fVom  the  Icit  bank  of  the  Rio  Bravo,  will  bo 
regarded  ns  a  flivorer  and  accomplice  of  the  tmirpert  of  that 
|iar/  of  the  naticrxrJ  terrHoryt  and  as  a  traitor  to  his  coun- 
ty." 

Although  the  -<rder  did  not  embrace  one  league 

I  along  the  Rio  Grande,  yet  the  declaration  of  twttr- 

pnlion,  or  unlawful  possession  by  the  Texnns,  ap- 

I  plies  to  the  whole  territory  on  the  east  bank  of  the 


I  Rio  Bravo.  And  well  could  General  Woll  sny  so. 
Although  Vnsquez  and  himself,  in  the  year  1842, 
had  each  crossed  the  Rio  Grande  ami  made  at- 
tacks on  the  unprotected  town  of  San  Antonio  de 
Bexar,  yet  their  retreat  before  the  Texans  was 
more  rapid  than  their  advance.  They  "  recrosseit 
the  Rio  Grande"  in  such  a  manner  as  to  give  emi- 
nent force  and  propriety  to  Mr.  Webster's  declnra ' 
tion  in  reply  to  Bocanc^ru.  Speaking  in  hia  char- 
acter of  Secretary  of  State,  in  regard  to  Texas, 
July  8,  1842,  more  than  three  months  after  Vas- 
quez's  invasion  and  retreat,  ho  says: 

«  (Texas,)  pnicticnily  IVee  and  Independent,  acknowledg- 
ed as  a  political  sovereignty  by  the  princi|tal  Powers  of  tli« 
world — no  hostile  foot  fiiulinn  rest  irithin  her  territory  for  sir 
or  leeen  years — ami  Mexico  iierself  refniiningllir  lUl'thnt  pe- 
riod/rom  anyfiirlhti  attempt  to  eelf^nhlith  her  own  utUhorittj 
over  that  territory—it  cannot  but  lie  surprising  to  liiid  Mr. 
Ilocaneum  compli'iiniiig,  Uint  for  that  whole  ptiriod  cilizeiis 
of  t!ie  IJnited  States,  or  its  Govem.nent,  hLve  been  favoring 
the  rebels  of  Texas,  null  supplying  liiein  with  vessels,  am- 
munition, and  money,  us  if  Uio  war  for  the  reiluetioii  of  tho 
province  of  Texas  had  been  constantly  prosecuted  by  Mex 
ICO,  and  her  success  prevented  by  tliese  influences  from 
abroad." 

When  General  Somerville,  in  1812,  marched 
into  Lorcdo,  on  the  left  bonk  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
he  met  with  no  opposition  from  imy  Mexican 
army;  and  it  was  not  until  o  portion  of  his  brave 
and  gallant  men,  under  the  chivalric  General 
Fisher,  went  lo  Mier,  on  the  right  bank,  that  they 
could  get  a  fight.  Indeed,  the  Texas  Roneers, 
under  the  gallant  Hays  and  McCullough,  hove 
for  years  held  undisputed  sway  over  that  territory, 
and  we  have  had  such  occupation  of  it  as  its  con- 
dition and  the  wants  of  our  population  permitted 
or  required.  No  Mexican  forces  hove  ever  been 
stationed  on  the (cj) bank;  oil  theirwor  manifestoes 
are  dated  on  the  right.  And  although  it  must  be 
admitted  that  we  hove  never  taken  actual  posses- 
sion of  Santo  Fe,  and  the  friendship  of  the  people 
there  for  American  institutions  has  been  prevented 
from  exhibiting  itself  by  a  few  military  tyrants, 
yet  if,  on  account  of  its  distonce  from  the  princi- 
pal settlements  in  Texas,  or  the  exhausted  condi- 
tion of  our  finances,  we  have  not  found  it  neces- 
sary or  convenient  to  take  possession  of  our  estate, 
we  must  be  shown  the  statute  of  limitations  which 
I  bars  us,  before  our  right  to  it  is  questioned. 

There  is,  Mr.  Chairman,  another  ground  of  title 
I  to  which  I  might  refer,  and  which  must  carry  con- 
viction to  at  least  one  honorable  member  of  this 
committee.  It  will  be  recollected,  that  during  tlia 
Oregon  discussion,  while  one  gentleman  based  our 
I  right  to  oil  that  country  op  •nrchase,  onotlier  on 
I  disct'"ery  and  occiipalion,  ant  bird  on  cmitiguity, 
I  that  the  aged  and  venerable  gentleman  from  Mas- 
sachusetts, [Mr.  Adams,]  repudioted  nil  these 
grounds,  nntl  sent  to  the  clerk,  to  bo  rend,  as  his 
ground  of  our  title,  the  26lh,  27th,  and  28th  verses 
of  the  1st  chapter  of  Genesis.  Now,  if  that  hon- 
orable gentleman  was  in  his  sc^t,  I  would  ask 
him,  with  all  good  feeling,  and  with  that  respect 
due  to  his  age  and  his  distinguished  public  W- 
vices,  whether  the  doctrines  of  Genesis  don 't  apply 
to  tlie  Rio  Gronde  os  well  as  to  Oregon ;  and  whether 
he  at  least  would  not  concede  thnt  our  title  is  good 
to  the  Rio  Gronde,  os  he  formerly  contended,  from 
documentary  testimony,  that  the  title  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  lo  the  Rio  Grande  was  as  clear  as  to  the 
:':\:.~ul  of  Orleans. 

But,  Mr  Chairman,  I  must  hasten  to  my  second 
position;  and  thot  is,  to  prove  that  tho  President, 
under  the  circumstances,  was  bound  to  pursue  the 
course  he  did  in  sending  the  ormy  to  the  Rio 
Gi-nnde.  By  on  act  of  the  Texas  Congress  in 
1836,  her  western  boundary  was  declared  to  be  the 
Rio  Grande.  By  a  provision  of  the  present  Con- 
stitution of  the  Slate  of  Texas,  all  laws  of  the 
Republic  of  Texas  were  declared  in  force,  rot 
inconsistent  with  the  joint  resolutions  of  oiinex- 
ation,  ur  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
It  will  not  be  denied  that  each  State  has  a  right  to 
form  horown  limits,  unless  restricted  by  the  United 
States.  Now,  how  far  is  Texas  restricted  in  regard 
to  this  question  of  boundary?  The  atljustment  of 
her  boundary  is  to  be  settled  by  the  United  States 
with  all  other  Governments.  Until  that  adjust- 
ment is  eflected,  one  portion  of  the  soil  claimed  by 
her  is  ns  much  entitled  to  protection  by  the  Exec- 
utive of  tho  United  States  as  another;  ond  he  would 
be  recreont  to  his  duty,  and  to  the  fauh  pledged  to 
Texas,  were  ho  not  to  do  so.  Can  the  President 
usurp  tho  dangerous  power  of  saying,  himself. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


805 


39th  Cono l8T  Sr.ss. 


2Tie  Mexican  War — Mr.  Kaufman.. 


Uo.  or  Rbps. 


how  f\t  the  boundaries  of  n  State  are  to  be  ex- 
tended, and  that  htre  he  will  nflVml  protection,  nnd 
Ihert  none?  Or  ou^ht  he  to  liuve  submitted  to  the 
humiliation  and  dmgrnce  of  having  our  western 
boundary  dkliUtd  to  him  by  Mexico,  and  pointed 
out  with  the  aui)orcilious  air  of  a  tyrannical  mas- 
ter? Wore  the  rights,  interest,  and  honor  of  a 
sister  of  this  glorious  confederncy  nothing,  who 
had  submitted  her  boundaries  to  your  negotiation, 
and  those  of  Mexico  Mhacrid,  aUnough  she  scorn- 
ed your  peace  mission  as  unworthy  of  her,  and 
appealed  to  the  law  of  force?  And  if  the  Presi- 
dent wore  to  think  of  such  assumption  of  power, 
or  such  degradation,  amidst  the  conflicting  claims 
of  Mexicans,  he  would  not  know  where  to  dri.w 
the  line.  The  Mexican  Minister,  Mr.  Pcfla  y 
Pi-fla,  would  drive  him  entirely  out  of  Texas; 
while  Ampudia,  the  chief  in  command  ot  Mata- 
moros,  only  onlcred  General  Taylor  east  of  the 
Nueces.  The  former,  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Black, 
dated  October  15th,  1845,  says:  "The  Mexican 
'  nation  is  deeply  injureil  by  the  United  States 
•  through  the  octs  commitled  by  them  in  the  depart- 
'  ment  of  Texas,' which  belongs  to  this  nation," 

I  havejiist  slated  that  General  Ampudia  ordered 
General  Taylor  to  retire  to  the  caf.t  of  the  Nueces. 
This  order  is  dated  April  12,  1846,  twenty-lwo 
days  after  Mr.  Slidell  had  received  his  possporls  to 
return  homo.  Ampudia  says:  "  /  require  you  in 
'  aliform,  and  at  the  latest  peremptory  term  oftxoenty- 
'/our  hours,  to  break  up  your  camp,  and  retire  to  the 
'  other  bank  of  the  Nuecos  river,  while  .  w  Kovem- 
'  i.ienfa  are  remUating  the  ptndinK  question  of  Texas !" 
OcLted  at  NfaUimoros,  2  o'clock,  p.  m.,  April  12, 
184G.  Two  o'clock !  Very  precise  as  to  tlie  hour. 
It  seems  that  this  valiant  ^neralj  who  *■  boils  the 
heads  of  his  unfortunate  victims  in  oil,"  wos  fear- 
ful that  he  would  not  have  an  opportunity  of  show- 
ing his  bravery  against  the  Americans,  and  ti-ere- 
fore  gives  a  length  of  time  so  short,  that  if  disposed. 
General  Taylor  could  not  have  complied  with  it. 
And  when  the  battle  came  on,  we  find  him  break- 
ing at  the  first  fire,  "across  the  Rio  Grande," 
leaving  Arista  and  the  gallant  Vega  to  bear  the 
brunt;  and  the  next  we  hear  of  him,  he  basely  and 
perfidiously  charges  Arista  with  having  betrayed 
the  army,  which  he  (Ampudia)  Wad  deserted.  And 
he  has  since  succeeded  in  having  Arista  removed 
from  the  command,  and  ordered  to  Mexico.  But 
what  was  the  reply  of  General  Taylor  to  this  re- 
doubtable and  insolent  hero?  Read  it.  It  is  the 
language  of  a  brave  old  soldier,  nnd  speaks  vol- 
umes m  defence  of  the  Administration: 

'*  Hbadquarters  Army  or  Occupation, 

"  Camp  near  Matnmorot,  Tcxai,  .April  19, 18-16. 

^  Senor  Ahpudia  :  I  Imvo  had  tlio  honor  to  receive  ynur 
noteonhiH  dnte,in  which  you  atiminqn  iiic  towithdmwthc 
forces  under  loy  cominitiid  I'roni  Uieir  present  poHition,  nnd 
beyond  Uie  river  Nueces,  until  the  iH-nding  miestion  be- 
tween our  governments,  relative  to  the  liiuits  of  Texas,  shall 
\m  setUed. 

"  I  need  hardly  oilvise  you  that,  charged  ns  I  am  in  only  a 
inUltnry  capacity,  with  the  pcrrnrniancc  of  specific  dniien, 
I  cannot  enter  into  n  discni^^ion  of  tlie  international  question 
involveil  in  the  advance  of  the  American  army.  Vou  will, 
hmvever,  permit  me  to  say,  that  the  Goicmmcr,'  of  the  Uni- 
ted  Staten  fum  cotutunthi  sought  a  sclttemcntyf^yne^otiationj 
of  the  iptMion  of  boundary;  Uiat  an  envoy  ^^-lis  .tes|mlctiea 
to  Mexico  for  that  purpose,  and  that,  w, ;,,  it\^  most  recent 
dates,  said  envoy  had  not  heei)  reoeiv  -d  hy  the  actual  Mei- 
iean  Government,  if  indeed  he  has  not  received  his  passinrts 
nnd  left  the  Itepiihlic,  In  the  meaniiine,  I  have  lieen  onlen^d 
to  occupy  the  country  up  to  the  MX  hanl<  of  the  Hio  Gmnde, 
until  the  hourulary  sfw'.l  he  ilefinitivctii  sftttcil.  In  carryini^ 
cul  their  in.<tiriu-Jion9, 1 hnve  carefuUy'ahstaineit from  all  acii 
of  hoMlity,  ohcyinir,  in  this  regard,  not  only  the  tetter  of  mi/ 
indntdions,  hut  the  plain  dktistct  of  justice  and  humutxiiy,'^ 

But  this  adjustment  was  to  be  made  by  the 
Govei'Miiuiif  of  the  United  States,  and  I  admit  it 
was  the  duty  of  the  President,  as  the  head  of  the 
Government,  to  use  all  lawful  and  proper  means  for 
its  peaceable  adjustment.  Has  he  done  so?  Not- 
withstanding the  abrupt  and  insulting  termination 
of  General  Almonte's  mission  in  iWarch,  1845, 
immediately  after  the  passage  by  the  United  States 
of  the  annexation  resolutions,  the  President,  deep- 
ly anxious  that  the  acquisition  of  Texas  should  be 
peaceable,  proposes  to  the  Mexican  Government  to 
send  "  an  envoy  from  the  United  Slates,  intrusted 
with  full  powers  to  adjust  all  the  questions  in  dis- 
pute between  the  two  Governments."  He  was 
answered  through  .Mr.  Black,  our  consul  at  Vera 
Cruz,  on  the  15ui  of  October,  1845,  by  that  Gov- 
ernment, that  "  it  was  disposed  to  receive  the  coin- 
mi.ttioner  of  the  United  States,  who  may  come  to 
Uiis  capital,  with  full  powers  from  his  Government 


to  settle  the  prewnt  dispute  in  a  peaceful,  reasonable, 
a:.il  '  imorable  manner;"  "the  Mexican  Govern- 
ment, believing  this  invitation  to  be  made  in  good 
faith,"  &c.  The  honorable  Mr.  Slidell  was  sent, 
nnd  rejected  on  a  quibble.  It  W'  said  that  the 
Mexican  Government  agreed  to  ic^eive  a  "  com- 
missioner," und  not  an  ''  envoy,"  and  that  it  was 
only  the  present  dispute  that  they  were  willirg  io 
settle,  and  not  "  all  questions  in  dispu'e,"  as  pi-o- 
posed  by  the  United  States.  Now,  it  may  be  pos- 
sible that  their  acceptance  of  our  proposition  was  l 
mule  in  the  manner  it  was,  in  order  to  serve  as  a  { 
hole  to  creep  out  of,  should  it  be  deemed  necessary  j 
by  that  Government;  but  that  is  hardly  probable, 
nnd  could  not  for  a  moment  be  so  untlcrstood  by 
the  United  States;  for  the  Mexican  Government 
receives  our  proposition  as  "  made  in  good  faith;" 
and  in  the  communication  of  Mr.  Pefia  y  Pef5a  to 
Mr.  Black,  of  October  31st,  1845,  he  speaks  of  the 
"  pending  questions,"  as  it  was  expressed  and 
proposed  by  the  United  States.  After  asking  the 
United  States  to  withdraw  its  navy  from  Vera  Cruz 
during  the  pendency  of  the  negotiations,  he  says: 
"  It  would  bo  an  evidence  of  proceeding  in  good 
faith  and  with  sincerity  towards  the  pacific  arrange- 
ment of  the  '  pending  iiuestions'  between  Mexico 
and  the  United  Slates."  In  this  last  communica- 
tion just  quoted,  all  the  questions  are  spoken  of  ns 
matter  of  settlement  by  this  commiasioner  or 
envoy. 

That  thn  Mexican  Government  used  the  word 
"  commissioner"  as  synonymous  vith  envoy,  or 
minister,  when  they  agreed!  to  receive  "  the  com- 
missioner," (proposed  by  the  Unitet)  States,)  is 
conclusively  proven  by  tlie  correspondence  which 
took  place. 

Mr.  Pefia  y  Pefia,  in  his  communication  to  the 
(Mexicon)  council,  dated  December  11,  \Sit-i,  after 
Mr.  Slidell  presented  himself  and  credentials,  says: 
"  I  have  the  honor  lo  submit  to  the  council,  through 
'  the  medium  of  your  cxcellenojr,  the  documents 
'  relative  to  the  appointment  of  a  coinmisrioiier  of 
'  the  Government  of  the  United  Stales  of  .Imerica, 
'  for  the  peaceable  settlement  of  the  qiustions  at 
•issue  between  the  two  republics."  Now  the 
"  document"  or  letter  of  credence  of  Mr.  Slidell, 
styles  him  "envoy  extraordinary  and  minister 
ple;iipotentia.  y ,"  and  yet  he  is  styled  by  the  Mex- 
ican Secretary  as  commissioner,  &c.  In  the  same 
communication,  and  same  page,  iVIr.  Pefia  y  Pefia 
says:  "  Mr.  John  Slidell  lins  arrived  in  this 
capital  as  coHiintMioiicr  of  the  United  Stales,"  &c.; 
when  in  fact  his  commission  styled  him  an  en- 
voy, &c. 

I5ut  what  right  had  the  Mexican  Government  to 
demand  a  separate  settlement  of  the  questions  of 
dispute  between  us  and  them  ?    If,  in  their  opin- 
i  ion,  the  annexation  was  wrong,  were  not  their 
i  prcviotisspoliationsupon  ourcommerre  also  wrong? 
;  nnd  would  not  reason  nnd  Justice  say,  that  they  j 
ought  to  be  settled  together?    But  Mr.  Slidell  was 
rejected !     The  minister  of  peace  was  spurned  ! 
The  cup  of  American  forljcnrnncc  wns  drained  to 
the  very  dregs!     And  ye'  Mr.  Polk,  still  relying 
on  their  "  sober  seconci  thought,"  did  not  recom- 1 
mend  a  declaration  of  war;  but  he  immediately ; 
set  about  to  defend  thr  ."oil  of  Texas,  ns  he  was  j 
bound  to  do,  from  the  tnrcatened  invasion.    He 
had  the  army  marched  to  a  position  on  the  iVonticr,  j 
(the  place  for  nn  army,)  in  order  that  if  war  came,  ■ 
it  might  not  be  in  the  heart  of  the  settlements,  in-j 
terrupting  and  stopping  the  peaceful  and  useful 
occupations  of  the  farmer  and  husbandman. 

He  sent  the  army  to  protect  a  county  of  the  i 
State  of  Texas,  which  wns  represented  in  the  Sen- ! 
ate  of  the  Republic  of  Texas,  in  her  convention,  j 
and  in  the  present  Senate  of  the  State  of  Teas,  1 
by  that  able,  enterprising,  and  useful  pioiiv.  ,  I 
(Hon.  H.  L.  Kinney,)  who  hos  for  years  been  ' 
a  resident  citizen  in  that  portion  of  territory  lying  i 
between  the  Nueces  nnd  the  Rio  Grande;  a  portion  i 
of  country  recognised  as  independent  of  Mexico  i 
by  the  United  States  and  the  principal  Powers  of  I 
Europe.  He  believed  it  his  duty  to  protect  that 
portion  of  the  congressional  district  represented  on  ! 
this  floor  by  my  honorable  colleague,  anu  a  collec- 
tion district  unanimously  (I  believe)  established 
hy  this  Congress.  Who,  placed  under  similar 
circumsUinces  with  the  President,  could  have,  or 
would  have,  acted  dilTercntly?  Who  would  have, 
or  could  have,  declined  nn  issue  literally  forced 
upun  him?    An  adjustment  would  not  be  listened 


to  by  Mexico.  The  Pres'dent's  o.^th,  then,  bound 
him  lo  soe  that  the  law.  were  faithfully  executed 
to  protect  the  country  In  all  its  parts,  .ind  to  repel 
invasion,  if  attempt ;.i.  "And  this  e-fUint  hath 
bis  oflence — no  mr  e." 

And  here,  Mr.  Jhairmon,  I  oak  the  indulgence 
of  the  commitl-je,  in  noticing  a  remark  which  fell, 
the  other  day,  from  an  honorable  Representative 
from  Ohio,  ilSIr.  Sawter.]  He  charged  the  Texna 
Senators  v/ith  voting  to  give  away  Oregon  north 
of49°,  a.lcr  one  of  them  had  made  a  speech  in 
favor  o'  54^^40'.  As  to  the  proceedings  of  the 
Senate  in  regard  to  Oregon,  they  arc  yet  veiled  in 
secrecy,  and  I  know  not  how  any  member  voted. 
But  as  to  <he  speech  of  one  of  those  honorable  Sen- 
ators, [Gei-eral  Houston,]  I  will  say,  that  if  it  is 
in  favor  of  54°  40',  it  has  escaped  my  attention. 
But,  however  'he  Texas  Senators  may  have  voted 
or  spoken,  I  iieX  perfectly  convinced  that  they 
aclcil  in  such  a  i.ianncr  as  they  deemed  best  calcu- 
lated to  promote  the  best  interests  nnd  honor  of 
their  country.  T>cir  patriotism  is  above  suspi- 
cion or  impeachment.  Thoy  acted  a  most  distin- 
guished part  in  rei'eeming  an  emiiire  fVom  the 
dominion  of  alternate  anarchy  and  ticspotism,  and 
consecrating  it  to  the  cause  of  freedom. 

As  to  the  queslirn  of  Oregon,  I  have  not  been 
called  on  to  vole,  nnd  hnve  not  given  it  that  erificj! 
examination  which  I  certainly  should  hrvc  done  if 
required  to  exercise  that  responsibility.  But  what- 
ever may  he  the  present  decisjoii  in  rc*ard  to  Oi-e- 
gon  north  of  49°,  its  manifosi  and  till' mote  destiny 
is  incorporation  into  our  Union.  It  .8  as  certain  to 
be  ours  as  that  Texas  is  now  part  <  f  the  United 
States.  The  operation  of  "  the  American  multi- 
plication table,"  together  with  a  little  "masterly 
activity"  an  ihe  part  of  the  residents  of  the  soil  when 
the  struggle  comes,  will  do  the  work.  Indeed,  I 
feel  a  perfect  conviction  that  the  day  in  not  far  dis- 
tant when  not  one  atom  of  kingly  power  will  dis- 
grace the  North  American  continent.  May  that 
time  .spedily  arrive,  is  the  prayer  of  every  true 
republican  and  friend  of  the  rights  of  man. 

One  other  matter.  It  has  been  charged,  not  on 
this  floor,  but  by  some  of  the  press  opposed  to  the 
war,  that  the  people  of  Texas  have  been  backward 
in  rallying  to  the  standard  so  gloriously  planted 
and  defended  on  the  Rio  Grande.  This  is  false. 
They  have  pressed  to  the  field  with  an  enthusiasm 
worthy  of  the  cause  which  called  them;  and  when 
the  hour  of  battle  comes,  they  will  be  behind  none 
of  their  valiant  compeers  in  "deeds  of  noble  daring. " 
They  have  noble  pioneers  in  the  gallant  and  daring 
Walker  and  his  Spartan  band,  and  they  will  not 
prove  themselves  unworthy  to  bo  their  asaociaics. 
Texas  has  more  than  her  full  complement  oi°2,40O 
men  in  the  field,  and  some  of  them  had  to  tri.vel 
700  miles  by  land  to  reach  the  Rio  Grande. 

But  to  return  from  this  digression.  I  trust  I 
have  shown  that  the  President  nas  not  exaggerated 
when  he  declared  that  "  Amcrictm  blood  had  been 
shed  on  Jlinerican  soil,"  and  that  it  was  produced 
by  Mexico  iit  het  obstinate  awl  faithless  refMol  to 
negotiate  with  this  Government,  and  sending  her 
army  ncross  the  Rio  Gramle  lo  commetice  the  at- 
tack. She  has  chosen  the  alternative  of  war  instead 
of  peace,  and  we  have  no  choice  but  to  carry  on 
the  war,  or  basely  surrender  our  rights.  The 
wrongs  of  our  diizens  must  be  redressed,  and  the 
boundary  must  De/moKi/  settled,  or  it  will  remain 
n  never-eniling  source  of  contention  and  discontent. 
Peace  must  be  conquered  by  the  sword !  We  must 
hnve  "  indemnity  for  the  past,  and  security  for 
the  future."  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying, pain- 
ful as  is  the  reflection,  that  there  is  no  safety  but 
in  a  vigorous  and  energetic  prosecution  of  the  war. 
If  you  stop  to  negotiate,  your  humanity  will  be 
construed  into  treachery  or  cowardice.  Your 
enemy  will  have  time  to  rccruithis  broken  strength, 
and  the  resources  of  the  na'.ion  will  bt  squandered 
in  inactivity  and  inglorious  ease.  It  was  Hannibal 
who  loitered  at  Cannrc,  after  his  splendid  victory, 
and  Roine  was  saved.  Let  us  profit  by  the  warning 
voice  of  history.  If  the  Mexican  Government 
were  now  to  make  us  the  most  faithful  promises, 
what  security  Imve  you  that  they  will  be  complietl  < 
with  ?  Where  is  Mexican  faith  ?  It  sleeps  in  Go- 
liad's grave!  Let  your  army  be  disbanded,  and 
return  home,  and  you  will  find  they  will  again  have 
to  be  called  to  the  field.  You  will  thus  spend  mil- 
lions in  going  to  and  from  the  fipid  of  battle,  and 
yet  your  object  will  not  bo  accomplished.    From 


■■ 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  9, 


2^H  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


7%e  Public  Land* — Mr.  Payne. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


(he  refuml  of  tliB  Mcxicnn  Govrrnment  to  nego- 
tiate heretofore,  I  am  perfectly  unliNficd  timt  there 
can  be  no  ndjiiatment  of  the  qucRtinn  in  tllnpute 
except  nt  the  "I'nnnon'a  nimilh."     The  war  must 
if  carried  on  untit  tht  ptople  »/  Mtxieo  ue  Ihe  folly 
of  Ihtir  ruUri,  and  cmnptt  Ihtm  lo  mctmires  nf  peart. 
The  people  there  are  gronsly  dcr.eivctl  by  their 
Itodera,  and  notlting  but  pninful  evidence  tn  the  | 
contrary  will  make  them  open  their  cyea  to  the 
deception.    Would  it  be  believed,  air,  thai  nnt- 
withatnnding  the  brilliant  victories  achieved  by  { 
"  Old  Rongh  and  Ready"  on  the  ever  memorable 
fielda  cf  Palo  Alto  and  Reauca  de  la  Palnia,  that  a  ; 
Mexican  officer  at  Tampico  (A.  Pnrrode)  could  ' 
have  the  hardihood  lo  issue  a  proclamation,  in 
which  occurs  the  following  language:  | 

••Therneniy  (Americaiin)  paMcd  from  the  ftirt  (hvorrd,  | 
by  the  Aeune  ftmnkc  of  \vn«l  on  fire,  which  prorcctcd  them  | 
from  our  shot.    Tlnu  have  our  enemies  escaped .'" 

Thousands  in  Mexico, pcrlmpsto''  isday,know  i 
no  belter.    Tim  ignorance  of  ihat  people,  and  their 
inability  to  rend,  the  scarcity  of  now«papeis,  and  i 
thooe  that  are  there  bein^  under  the  control  of  cor-  i 
rupt  leadrrs,  who  blind  the  people,  to  their  real  situ-  ! 
ation  for  their  own  ftclfish  purposes,  are  the  Imncnt- 
able  causes  of  this  la.'k  of  correct  informnlion.  Be- 
sides, the  prejudices  of  the  Mexican  people  against 
the  United  Slates  hove  been  artfully  inflamed  to 
the  hiehest  pilch.     The  Adminis'-nlion  in  power 
agreed  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  Texas 
if  ahe  would  not  annex  herself  to  the  United  Stales. 


THE  PUBLIC  LANDS. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  W.  W.  PAYNE, 

OF   ALABAMA, 
In  the  Houir  or  Refreientativei, 
July  9,  1846. 
The  I3ill  fiir  Ihe  reduclion  and  sraduntion  of  the 
price  of  the  Public  Lnnds  being  under  considera- 
tion in  Conimiliee  of  the  Whole — 
Mr.  PAYNE  said: 

Mr.  CiiAiRMAv:  The  time  has  passed  wlien  an 
argument  addressed  lo  this  House  or  lo  the  conn- 
try,  should  be  made  founded  upon  ihe  nnlurnl  rijiht 
of  man  to  his  equitnMe  pnrt  of  [he  soil  upon  which 
Providence  has  oust  his  dcptlny. 

Rut  lookine  at  the  queslion  olistraclly,  I  confess, 
even  at  this  day,  I  find  great  diffiinltyin  bringing 
my  own  mind  lo  the  conclusion  that  gnvernnicnis 
have  a  Icgillmiitc  right  to  monojioliz.e  the  domain, 
and  <leny  lo  a  crcnUne  of  God — placed  upon  the 
earth  by  him,  nnd  doomed  by  him  to  draw  his 
snbsislence  from  it — so  much  thereof  n."i  may  be 
required  lo  supply  his  necessities.  My  olijecl, 
however,  is  not  lo  lechire  upon  wimt  should  be  the 
ciise,  but  lo  meet  the  question  as  it  nctunlly  exists; 
and  to  show,  if  pussiole,  that  a  chunije  of  public 
policy,  in  reference  lo  the  disposal  of  our  refuse 
lanil,  should  be  ndnpteil  nt  this  lime. 

Sir,  this  Government  has  monopolized  the  public 


It  was  not  Texas  that  she  cared  about,  but  only  'l  dnmnin;  she  Ims  interposed  her  nnlhorilv  nnd  her 

Icgishxtivc  arm  beiweeii  God  nnd  Ins  creature,  nnd 
now  denies  to  itie  latter  the  enjoyment  of  thai  in- 
heritance derivnl  from  the  furmer  willioul  price. 
Whether  this  lie  riffht  or  wrung — meek  or  nrro- 
gnnl — expedient  or  inexpedient — ;just  or  unjust — 
is  not  iieccs.s.iry  now  lo  consider.     The  fnct  exists; 
;  and  it  is  in  reference  to  llint  existinj  fiut,  we  are 
i  cnlli-d  upon  to  lpi;islnlc.     Sir,  the  title  lo  nil  of  the 
public  limd  is  ndinitt"d  to  be  in  litis  Government; 
j  and  these  lands  are  now  looked  to  as  a  permnnont 
':  -source  of  revenue.     They  are  public  properly,  and 
j  possess  an  intrinsic  value.    But  llinl  value  is  "varied 
by  two  grcTl  causes:  First,  by  the  variety  in  the 
grades  ntid  quality  of  soil;  and  second,  by  Ihelocal- 
!  icy  of  the  land. 

The  in(rin>ic  value  of  land  Is  determined  by  the 

;  rfirdi-dit  returns  for  the  labor  of  citliivntion,  inclu- 

dinjiniercsl  -pon  money  invested  in  its  purchnse; 

nnd  this  rcvnid  -lepeiids,  in  nn  eminent  dearee, 

upon  Ihe  o.inlity  and  feniliivof  the  soil  cnltivnied! 

:  It  cannot  le  pretended  that  land  capable  of  piodu- 

!  cingdcftifr/buslielsof  v.'hcnt,or  Iwentv-five  bushels 

j  of  corn,  rewards  the  lal>or  of  cititivalion  so  amply, 

orpnys  so  lartre  nn  interest  upon  capital — the  price 

of  the  land  and  markets  beins  equal — as  does  that 

land  which  produces  fnrlij  bwhels  of  trheal,  orfifhi 

;  bmhels  of  coin.     If  this  be  true,  the  tiifrinsic  value 

•  of  land  is  varied  by  all  the  difTcrenl  qualities  of  soil, 

from  Ihe  •.  ich  nnd  productive  loam,  down  lo  the  arid 

i  and  unproductive  sniul-beach. 

The  intrinsic  value  of  land  is  varied  also  by 
locality;  all  may  be  equally  fertile  and  productive, 
and  yet  this  incquelity  of  value  exist.  I,nnd  of 
equal  fertility  in  "  the'Nebrasco  territory,"  is  not 
:  inlrinsicnlly  so  valuable  as  similar  land  noon  the 
banks  of  the  Mississippi,  Why  not?  Because 
the  "  Nebrnsco  territory"  is  so  remote  from  rrn.r- 
kel  that  the  products  of  the  soil  cannot  be  convert- 
ed into  money;  whereas,  the  product  of  the  soil 
on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi  can  be  converted 
;  into  money  without  diiriculiy.  In  the  case  of  the 
"Ncbrasco'  lands,  no  reward,  for  want  of  a  mar- 
ket, could  be  yielded  for  the  labor  of  cultivation. 
But  in  ihecaseof  Ihe  Mississippi  land,  Ihe  reward, 
owing  to  its  proximity  to  n^irket,  would  be  rich 
and  abundn  t.  Hence  it  is  evident,  that  the  in- 
trinsic vahn  of  land  is  varied  not  only  by  the  dif- 
ferent qualities  of  soil,  but  by  locality  also. 

If,  Ihen,  there  can  be  no  uniform  intrinsic  value 
in  land,  regardless  of  quality  or  locality,  it  is  im- 
possible to  adopt  an  arbitrary  price  justly  applica- 
ble to  every  grade  of  soil,  and  to  all  localities.  It 
is  therefore  the  duty  of  this  Government,  in  atlont- 
ing  a  sys'em  for  the  disposd  of  the  public  lands, 
to  graduate  Ihe  price  with  reference  to  the  two  great 
causes  which  vary  its  iiidiiuic  twdif , 

Has  this  Government  adopted  her  present  sys- 
tem for  disposing  of  the  public  land  with  reftr- 
encc  to  this  principle  of  conmion  honesty  and 
justice?    Far  fVom  it.     Congress  has  adopted  an  ' 


that  the  United  States  might  not  get  it.     And  ll 
act  of  President  Herrera's  created  no  outbieak  in  | 
Mexico  against  him,  but  it  wrfs  only  after  they  : 
found  that  he  agreed  to  receive  a  mission  of  peace  ; 
(Vom  the  Government  of  the  United  Slates  that  a  , 
revolution   took   place,  and  he  was   hurled    from  i 
his  place  by  one  whose  chief  recommendation  lo  ! 
civil  power  was  his  "  eternal  and  uncompromising  , 
hostility"  to  the  United   Stales.     Although   our  j 
Government  was  the  first  to  welcome  Mexico  into  ^i 
the  sLsterhood  of  nations,  yet  that  is  all  forgotten  ''[ 
in  the  present  deadly  strife.     U  has  been  truly  |j 
said,  that  wlien  quarrels  take  place  between  neigh-  i 
bora  or  relatives,  they  are  attended  with    much 
more  bitterness  than  among  slrangcrs.     Thij  is   i 
the  lamentable  stale  of  our  relations  with  Mexico,   \ 
and  they  are  facts  which  must  be  looked  full  in  the   , 
face  and  met.     They  must  have  their  influence  in 
the  policy  that  is  pursued  in  regard  lo  this  war,     I 
would  not  indicate   what  should   bo  received  as 
aalisfoctinn  in  the  settlement  of  this  controversy,  ' 
The  people  whom  I  have  the  hoi. or  to  represent  ;: 
upon  this  floor  have  the  most  perfect  confidence  in    i 
the  integrilv,  patriotism,  and  ability  nf  the  Presi- 
dent, and  they  feel  that  the  interests  nnd  honor  of 
the  country  are  safe  in  his  hands.     He  has  "  kept 
the  faith"  with  them  and  wilh  the  people  of  the 
Union;  and  whatever  others   may  have  said  or  ''. 
done  in  s/nnifer  of  oi;r  title  to  every  inch  of  soil  / 
within  the  ancient  liinils  of  Tex.as,  they  have  met   i 
with  no  approbation  or  sympathy  from  him, 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  do  not  wish  to  be  misunder- 
stood; I  would  not  have  this  war  catried  on  a  ; 
moment  longer  than  is  necessary  lo  its  .•uccts!-fiil  i  • 
tcivtiination.  I  haveafeelingforourneighborsmnre  ': 
akin  to  sympathy  than  hatred  or  vengeance.     It  is  - 
to  prevent  further  and  greater  en[Is  between  us 
hereafter,  that  would  make  me  desire  dcinonstrn-  ■ 
tiona  of  our  power  further  in  the  iulerior.     But 
whenever  it  can  cease  wilh  some  tolerable  certainly  ^ 
of  pertnanency,  let  it  be  done.    The  President,  in  J; 
the  same  spirit  which  actuated  him  in  .sending  a  i 
minister  there,  has  said  that  he  will  be  happy  to  i 
receive  proposals  of  peace  from  that  Government 
whenever  oflered,  and  that  he  will  even  tender  Ihe  I 
olive  branch,  whenever  assured  that  it  will  be  re-  ]' 
ceived;  and  I  honor  him  for  the  declaration.    How  i 
does  this  put  to  flight  all  the  charges  of  his  having  ; 
brought  the  country  unnecessarily  and  intentionally  i' 
into  a  war?     With   that  declaration  safely,  pru-  ': 
dently,  but  not  premalurely  carried  out,  the  people 
will  rest  content. 
Although  I  fear,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  I  have  said 
•but  little  to  interest  the  committes,  and  to  repay 
them  for  their  polite  and  courteous  nttentirn,  yet 
I  can  claim  the  credit,  at  lejisl,  of  giving  variety 
to  tile  debate,  b     examining  a  question,  which, 
although  it  has    .cen  agitated  before  during  the 
progress  of  this  bill,  is  at  least  new  in  this  day's 
discussion.  I 


arbitrary  price  of  Al  25  per  acre,  applicable  lo 
all,  regardless  of  the  quality  of  soil  or  locality 
of  the  land.  Can  any  legislation  be  mo-e  abaurd 
or  unjust  than  thia?  If  the  best  unimproved 
land,  favorably  located,  is  worth  only  Al  35  per 
acre,  inferior  landa,  unfavorably  located,  cannot 
be  worth  so  much.  But  I  may  be  told  that  in-' 
ferior  land  ia  worth  $1  25  per  acre.  If  so,  good 
land  is  worth  more;  and  the  same  principle  of  jua- 
lice  requires  a  gratiuation  of  price  with  reference 
to  ia/rin«ic  valus,  whether  upon  the  ascending  or 
descendinx  'cnle.  Viev.'  this  subject  in  any  aspect, 
and  it  will  b^'  found  impossible,  upon  principles  of 
justice,  to  adopt  an  arbitinry  fixed  price  at  which 
all  the  public  domain  sh'ill  be  stdd.  If  I  am  cor- 
rect in  this  view  of  the  subject,  some  systen.  of 
grndiintion  inusl  be  adopted  by  Ihe  Government  in 
disposing  of  the  public  lands.  It  ia  not  just,  in  the 
nature  nf  things,  to  require  one  citizen  lo  pay  to 
the  Government  <ill  25  per  acre  for  the  best  land, 
nnd  another  citizen  to  pay  the  same  price  for  the 
most  inferior  land.  I  repeal,  therefore,  that  the 
price  of  the  public,  land  mu.st  be  graduated  wilh 
reference  to  its  intrinsic  value.  Good  land  must 
go  up,  or  inferior  land  must  come  down.  It  if-  not 
worth  the  same  sum  per  acre,  and  therefore  cannot 
be  sold  for  the  same  price. 

For  myself,  (and  I  speak  from  some  experience 
in  settling  a  new  counlry,)  I  verily  believe  no  land 
in  a  iiRlural  stale,  however  productive  it  may  ulti- 
mately prove,  is  intrinsically  worth  more  than 
SI  25  per  acre.  In  proof  upon  this  point,  I  con- 
lidently  appeal  to  every  man  who  has,  as  I  have 
done,  entered  the  forest,  removed  the  limber, 
ploughed  Ihe  soil,  and  reduced  it  to  cultivation. 
If  he  will  estimate  ih<--  labor  of  reducing  wild  land 
to  cultivation  at  very  moderate  prices,  liis  loss  nf 
crops  during'  the  process,  and  the  necessary  ex- 
pense attending  it,  and  then  add  the  wholn  lo  the 
51  25  per  acre,  the  miniiuum  price  of  the  Govern- 
ment, he  will  find  that  the  ictunl  cost  of  his  plan- 
tation will  be  not  lees  than  fU,  perhaps  jJ25  per 
acre. 

Sir,  these  are  facts,  which  we  who  have  experi- 
ence know.  We  are  not,  we  cannot  be  mistaken. 
No  one  will  contend,  I  apprehend,  that  a  farm  for 
agricultural  purposes  can  be  worth  more  thnu  the 
cnst  alieady  indicated.  If  not,  to  increase  the 
price  of  land  of  first  quality  would  be  grossly  un- 
just to  the  citizen;  and  this  Government  ought  to 
act  justly,  if  others  do  not.  What,  then,  is  lo  be 
done?  Reduce  the  price  of  inferior  land — that  is 
all  you  can  do;  and  something  must  be  done.  To 
remain  as  it  now  is,  is  not  to  be  thought  of. 

Sir,  the  question  occurs,  what  system  of  gr.-.du- 
alion  is  most  equitable  and  just?"  Does  this  bill 
present  the  best  system,  or  not?  I  am  wedded  to 
none,  and  will  cheerfully  vole  for  this  or  any  other 
bill,  wliich  will  enable  the  citizen  to  secure  hi,j 
home  at  its  tiilrinsic  value.  That  is  all  I  desire; 
and  ibis  I  must  attain  by  any  bill  for  which  my 
vote  is  given.  What  does  this  bill  propose?  It 
divides  the  public  land,  ■.vhicli  lia.'i  been  proclaimed, 
but  remains  unsold,  into  five  classes  or  grades. 
Those  of  the  first  class,  remaining  unsold  lor  ten 
years  or  more,  lo  be  liable  '.o  entry  at  jH  per  acre; 
those  of  the  second  cla.ss,  remaining  unsold  for 
fifleen  years  or  more,  75  cents  per  acre;  those  of  the 
liiiid  class,  remaining  unsold  for  ticeuly  years  or 
more,  50  cents  per  acre;  those  of  the  fourth  class, 
remaining  unsold  for  ttuenly-five  years  or  more,  25 
cents  per  acre;  and  those  lands  remaining  unsold 
for  thirty  years  or  more,  to  be  absolutely  ceded,  in 
full  title  and  sovereignty,  to  the  Stales  in  which 
they  lie.     These  arc  the  gradations  of  the  bill. 

Now,  sir,  are  they  just,  in  reference  to  the  in- 
trinsic value  of  the  public  domain?  How  is  that 
question  lo  be  decided  ?  I  know  of  but  one  means 
of  gelling  at  it,  and  that  is,  by  the  estimate  placed 
upon  those  lands  by  persons  wishing  to  purchase 
them,  or  to  invest  funds  in  real  estate. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  proclaims  for 
sale  the  lands  lying  in  a  particular  land  district. 
The  proclamation  is  published  all  over  the  Union 
for  three  or  six  months.  Previous  to  Ihe  day  of 
sale,  every  person  desirous  of  purchasing  said 
lands,  enter  upon,  mark,  and  value  them;  and 
when  ofteied  on  ihc  day  of  sale,-if  worth  Jl  25  per 
acre,  they  are  sold;  if  not,  they  pass  over  as  re- 
fusctl  land.  The  same  fact  applies  to  each  of  the 
gradations  contemplated  by  the  bill.  If  the  lands 
refused  at  the  public  sale  are  not  wotth  $1  per 


w'n;? 


July  9, 


(EPS. 

ionlile  lo 
lornlity 
•e  nbgiirU 
iiiprnved 
\l  as  per 
cannot 
Ihut  in- 
so,  (;no(l 
Icof  jua- 
reference 
nding  or 
y  anpert, 
iples  (if 
nl  which 
iim  cnr- 
ysten.  of 
ment  in 
9t,ii)  tlia 
pay  to 
itfl  land, 
for  the 
lliut  tha 
Hed  wiih 
ind  ninst 
It  i-  not 
cannot 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


807 


S9th  Conq IsT  Sess. 


TTke  PubKc  Landi—Mr.  Payne. 


Ho.  or  Repi. 


acre,  they  will  not  Mil  until  ftirther  reduced)  and 
■0  on  to  the  end. 

Now,  sir,  can  Cnngreaa  have  atroneer  or  more 
concluaive  evidence  that  the  public  land  ia  not 
worth  a  given  sum  than  the  fnct,  that  it  will  not 
bring  it  in  the  market  >  I  know  of  no  other  meuna 
by  which  Conitreaa  can  arrive  at  the  value  of  the 
public  land.  If  ao,  the  grudationa  of  thia  bill  fixes 
that  value  with  aa  much  accuracy  aa  any  bill  could 
dn,  and  ia,  therefore,  if  not  the  beat,  yet  a  most 
equitable  and  just  mode  of  graduating  ine  price  of 
the  public  lands,  and  of  csutbliahing  the  intrinaic 
value  thereof.  With  one  or  two  amcndnienta,  this 
bill  will  be  entirely  aatisfuclory  to  me,  and  I  think 
ought  to  bo  80  to  all  who  desire  the  pricn  of  the 
public  lands  graduated  with  reference  to  their  in- 
trinsic value. 

I  do  object,  however,  to  the  "  cession "  clause 
of  liiD  b'll.  I  am,  and  niuat  continue  to  be,  un- 
willing to  aee  thia  Government  doling  out  her 
gifts,  either  of  land  or  money,  to  the  sovereign 
members  of  thia  Confcderaoy.  It  ia  incompatible 
with  the  structure  of  our  political  system;  it  is  the 
ngent  controlling  the  principal,  and  not  the  princi- 
pal controlling  the  agent;  itia  drawing  around  this 
Government  a  centralizing  power,  which  properly 
belongs  to  the  extremities;  and  glcomy  aa  now 
seems  to  be  the  prospect,  I  still  hope  the  day  will 
come  when  each  State  of  this  Union  will  feel  the 
importance  and  dignity  of  its  own  sovereignty, 
and  reject  with  contempt  the  proflered  bounties  of 
the  Federal  Union. 

Sir,  I  respectfully  submit  to  my  esteemed  friend 
from  Illinoia,  [Mr.  McClernano,]  who  reported 
this  bill,  whether  it  will  not  be  best,  and  more  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  political  sentiments  entertained 
by  him  and  myself,  instead  of  "  ceding"  the  land 
to  the  Stales  rcmainitig  unsold  for  thirty  yenrs  and 
upwards,  to  give  it  in  limited  quantities,  witl.out 
price,  to  any  citizen  who  is  without  a  home,  and 
will  settle  upon  and  cultivate  the  same, 

Mr.  Payne  yielding  the  floor  for  the  purpose, 

[Mr.  McClernand  said,  with  the  permission  of 
his  friend  from  Alabama,  he  would  make  h  brief 
explanation.  Mr.  McC.  had  reported  the  bill  from 
the  Committee  on  Public  Landa  with  a  full  knowl- 
edge of  all  its  provisions.  The  clause  of  cession, 
as  he  conceived,  involved  no  constitutional  diffi- 
culty. The  Constitution  eviuently  contemplates 
that  the  several  States  shall  occupy  the  same  foot- 
ing of  equality  nnd  sovereignty,  under  its  provis- 
ions, in  all  respects  whatsoever.  The  oldStatcs 
claimed  and  exercised  n  jurisdictional  nnd  propri''.- 
tary  right  over  the  lunds  within  their  limits.  To 
deny  the  new  States  the  same  right,  is  to  strike  at 
their  sovereignty  in  n  vital  point.  The  power  of 
taxation  is  a  vital  nttr'bute  of  sovereignty.  The 
old  Slates  enjoy  this  power  ns  well  in  regard  to 
lands,  as  in  regard  lo  personal  property.  Tlic  new 
Stales  are  denied  this  power  in  regard  lo  the  pub- 
lic landa  before  sale,  and  in  several  cases  after  sale 
for  five  years.  The  Federal  Government  cannot 
take  power  beyond  the  pale  of  the  Constitution, 
nor  can  a  Slate  give  it,  except  in  the  manner  pre- 
scribed by  the  Constitution;  yet  by  virtue  of  com- 
pacts, otherwise  than  in  such  prescribed  mode,  the 
new  States  ore  prohibited  this  vital  power.  The 
true  and  strict  construction  of  the  Consiituiion 
would  seem  to  be,  that  the  act  of  admission  admits 
each  State  to  the  proprietary  right  of  the  soil  within 
its  limits,  and  excludes  from  tneir  limits  the  juris- 
diction of  the  General  Government,  to  prevent  the 
public  lands  from  being  entered  upon  by  the  citi- 
zen, by  civil  or  criminal  proceedings,  or  by  mili- 
tary force. 

Mr.  McC  said  that  he  was  willing,  however,  for 
the  sake  of  the  success  of  the  measure,  and  to  bring 
to  a  speedy  termination  this  invasion  of  Stale  sov- 
ereignty, to  vote  for  the  amendment  of  his  friend 
from  Virginio,  [Mr.  Dromgoole,]  which  fixes  a 
minimum  of  five  cents  per  acre  upon  the  lf>nds  re- 
maining unsold  at  the  end  of  thirty  years,  upon  the 
terms  of  'he  bill,  to  the  Stales  in  which  such  lands 
may  be  situated.] 

Mr.  Payne,  resuming:  It  ia  very  far  from  my 
intenliSn  to  reflect  upon  the  political  orthodoxy  of 
my  friend  from  Illinois.  No  member  of  this  body 
is  more  critically  accurate  and  corrciit,  upon  all  of 
the  great  questions  of  the  day  than  himseii.  Uis 
patriotic  and  enlightened  views  upon  this,  as  upon 
all  other  questions,  are  alike  honorable  to  his  heart 
and  to  his  head.  But  he  needs  no  eulogy  from  me — 


nor  does  the  loundnesa  of  hia  principlea  require 
my  endorsement.  The  great  object  of  the  honor- 
able gentleman  seems  to  be  to  invest  the  Statei  with 
full  nnd  perfect  sovereignty  to  the  soil  within  their 
limits.  I  desire  to  attain  the  same  result;  and  my 
friend  will  perceive  hia  object  will  be  effected  oi 
Ailly  by  giving  the  land  to  the  citizen  directly,  who 
may  settle  and  cidtivate  the  same,  as  if  "  ceeded" 
directly  to  the  States;  and  at  the  same  time  we 
shall  avoid  the  objections  already  urged  upon  the 
consideration  of  the  committee.  "With  the  amend- 
ment  Just  advocated,  the  bill  meets  my  most  un- 
qualified approbation. 

The  gentleman  from  New  York  [Mr.  Gordon] 
informs  us  that  the  bill  will  open  the  door  to  apecu- 
latora,  who  will  monopolize  under  it  the  whole  of 
our  public  domain.  If  this  be  true,  I  have  grossly 
misconceived  the  provisions  of  the  bill,  and  shall 
be  slow  to  advocate  its  passage. 

The  accord  section  of  the  bill  provides: 

*'  That  evcrv  pcrMn  applyiiifl;  to  cnipr  nny  of  the  arorefinid 

Inndr*  or  tliH  iJiinril  Htnti^n,  undttr  ()iu  provlMiotiN  of  thin  nri, 

Rhnll  he  rriiiiired  tUi*l  to  miikn  nffiilavlt  hefontttio  rr)[)ttter  or 

receiver  of  the  propp.  Innd  offliM'  tliil  liR  or  «lie  enteni  tlie 

HHinu  for  ttiii  or  Iut  own  uxo,  for  the  puriKwtH  ot'  ncitml  nnttlo- 

inunt  and  riiltivntjoii  by  iiiid  for  him  or  herHcIf,  or  for  the 

line  of  an  ndjnct^iit  fiirni  or  pinntiiiinn  owned  nnd  occupied 

by  hiinor  licrnclf;  nnd  thiit,  t"l"'>hi!r  with  snld  intry,  lieor 

Ktio  hnii  not  ncqiiired  from  tUv.  rnitpd  Hinton,  under  the  prn- 

vlKionB  of  thill  net,  mure  tlmn  Uiree  Imndred  nnd  twenty 

1 1  nercH  of  land,  acrordlng  to  the  ptibltc  KiirveyM  thereof;  nnd 

i  if  any  fierHon  taking  iiurh  oath,  by  nffidnvii,  NJinll  iwcnr 

Ij  IHlHcty  in  the  premlHeM,  he  or  ^he  shall  bo  ^abject  to  all  the 

I  piins  und  pennlllca  of  perjury." 

II  Sir,  with  due  respect  for  the  opinions  of  the  hon- 
orable gentleman  from  New  York,  I  must  bo  per- 
mitted to  say,  this  section  of  the  bill  absolutely 
txcludts  the  cimr/unon  to  which  he  has  brought  hia 
own  mind.  Before  an  entry  can  be  made,  under 
its  provisions,  the  applicant  ia  required  to  swear 
that  the  land  lo  be  entered  "  is  fur  hia  o'  her  own 
use,  for  actual  settlement  nnd  cultivation  by  him  or 
herself,"  and  not  for  another.  It  is  impossible  to 
conceive  bow  a  speculator — a  man  who  buys  land 
to  sell,  and  not  to  settle  tnd  cu/(itia/«^on  monopo- 
lize the  public  domain  by  virtue  of  this  bill. 

It  may  be  said  that  by  false  sAfcaring  the  object 
of  the  bill  may  hf  defeated,  and  speculators  obtain 
the  land.  The  same  argument  will  apply  with 
equal  for^o  to  all  pecuniary  or  political  trusts  under 
the  Government.  If  men  disregard  the  obligations 
of  an  oath,  you  can  exercise  no  moral  restraint 
over  them.  The  Constitution  might  be  violated — 
the  laws  corruptly  administered — the  Ircanury  rob- 
bed— and  various  other  evils  might  and  would 
occur,  if  man  was  not  bound  by  the  moral  obliga- 
!1  lion  of  an  oath.  But  is  it  fair  thus  to  reason  upon 
the  corruptions  of  mankind  ?  I  know  nothing  of 
the  binding  obligation  of  an  oath  in  nnd  about  the 
large  commercial  cities.  In  the  foetid  and  corrupted 
atmosphere  of  those  regions,  oatlis  may  impose  no 
obligation  of  veracity;  they  moy  be  regarded  as 
"obsolete  ideas."  But,  sir,  in  a  (lifrerent  section  of 
the  Union,  1  know  oaths  do  impose  an  obligation 
of  veracity;  they  are  not  regarded  aa  "obsolete 
ideas."  And  I  naznrd  nothing  in  saying,  that  in 
pure  country  air,  and  especially  in  tliat  beautiful 
region  of  tne  West  and  Southwest,  where  the 
flowers  of  nature  in  perennial  purity  lend  their 
fragrance  to  the  zephyrs  inholcd  by  man,  instilling 
virtue  in  his  heart  and  imparting  vigor  to  his  con- 
stitution, oaths  will  impose  the  moral  obligation  oj 
truth,  and  will  not  be  disregarded;  or,  if  an  occa- 
sional instance  of  false  swearing  should  occur,  the 
base  delinquent  will  prove  an  exotic,  and  claim  hia 
birthplace  in  a  difltren'  section  of  the  Union. 
But,  sir,  to  nil  such  delinquents — should  there  be 
any — the  bill  oflcrs,  ns  a  warning  admonition,  the 
pains  and  penalties  of  perjury.  Again:  no  one 
person  is  allowed,  under  the  provisions  of  this  bill, 
to  enter  more  than  ihree  liunared  and  twenty  acres 
of  land.  That  quantity  is  quite  too  limited  to  ex- 
cite the  cupidity  of  the  land  speculator. 

How  can  you  guard  more  cautiously  against  the 
monopoly  of  your  public  domain  by  the  specula- 
tor ?  You  impose  the  obligation  of  an  oath  tnat  I  he 
land  entered  is  for  settlement  and  cultivation,  and 
apply  the'^ains  nnd  penalties  of  perjury  if  violated , 
and  then  limit  the  quantity  entered  lo  one  half  sec- 
tion. You  can  do  no  more.  If  the  gentleman  from 
New  York  will  divest  himself  of  his  preconceived 
prejudice  against  ths,  measure,  and  give  to  the  bill 
that  candid  investigation  to  which  its  importance 
entitles  it,  he  will  find  that  it  rigidly  and  carefully 


guards  agiiinit  tha  monopoly  of  the  ipeculntor,  and 
nt  the  same  time  extends  with  generoui  liberality 
the  helping  hand  of  legislation  to  tl?  actual  settler 
and  cultivator  of  the  soil,  Doeu  the  gentleman 
oppose  this  object?  I  presume  he  does  not.  Let 
me  invoke  him,  then,  to  examine  the  bill  mora 
carefully  than  he  hai  done,  before  ho  casts  his  vota 
against  it. 

The  gentleman  from  New  York  has  urged,  as  a 
further  objection  to  the  bill,  that  it  will  transfer  nil 
of  the  iiublic  land  to  the  Slates  in  which  it  lies. 
How  this  is  to  be  done  he  has  not  informed  us, 
nor  have  I  been  able  to  perceive.  The  "  cession 
clause,"whichmay  originate  a  doubt,  will,  I  hope, 
be  stricken  out,  or  amended,  as  already  indicated; 
but  if  that  shouH  not  be  done,  can  it  produce  the 
result  he  anticipates  and  so  vehemently  deprecates? 
It  certainly  cannot.  No  "  cession"  is  contempla- 
ted by  the  bill,  until  the  public  land  shall  have 
been  subject  to  entry  for  Ihirly  yean,  euid  the  last 
^De  ijears  of  that  time  at  2.5  cents  per  acre.  Can 
the  gentleman  from  New  York,  or  ony  other  gen- 
tleman, persuade  himself,  that  persons  wishing  to 
purcl-.ase  a  liome  would  wait  thirty  yeors  before 
doing  30,  and  that,  too,  when  it  could  bo  obtained 
at  3,5  cents  per  acre?  Common  sense  tells  us  they 
would  not.  Such  an  objection  needs  only  to  be 
stated  to  be  refuted.     I  shall  r.jt  notice  it  further. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  now  endeavored  to  show 
that  all  of  our  publi,:  land  is  not  of  the  same  intrin- 
sic value;  that  the  best  land  in  n  state  of  nature  is 
I  not  worth  more  than  $1  25  per  acre;  that  inferior 
land  is  not  worth  that  sum;  that  it  is  unjust  to  re- 
quire one  citizen  to  pay  Al  25  per  acre  for  the  best 
land ,  and  inother  to  pay  the  same  price  for  the  most 
inferior  land;  and  hence,  that  some  bill  graduating 
the  price  of  said  land  ought  to  be  passed  by  thia 
Congress.  I  have  also  explained  and  vindicated 
the  provisions  of  this  particular  bill. 

It  now  remains  for  me  to  show  the  ai'vaiitages  to 
be  derived  by  this  Government,  immediate  and 
iirospcctive,  by  graduating  the  price  of  the  public 
lands. 

This  body  has  already  passed  a  bill  modifying 
the  tariff  bill  of  1842,  as  n  revenue  measure;  and 
although  an  increase  of  revenue  is  anticimted  under 
the  opention  of  the  new  system,  (should  the  Sen- 
ate perform  its  dutyi  and  pass  tlie  bill,)  yet  it  is 
extremely  doubtful  whether  that  measure,  under 
the  greatly  increased  expenditures  of  the  Govern- 
ment resulting  from  the  war  with  Mexico,  will 
produce  revenue  enough.  It  is  therefore  our  duty, 
as  tlie  Representatives  of  the  people,  to  direct  our 
attention  to  the  public  lands,  which,  next  to  cus- 
toms, is  our  surest  reliance  in  times  of  need,  and 
ascertain,  if  possible,  whether,  by  a  change  of 
system  in  disposing  of  our  public  lands,  we  cannot 
augment  the  revenue  from  that  source. 

Land,  like  other  properly,  will  only  bring  its 
value  in  the  market.  If  the  owner  holds  it  at  too 
high  n  price,  it  will  not  sell;  but  if  reduced  to  its 
market  value,  a  purchaser  is  usually  to  be  found. 
That  some  of  the  public  lands  have  been  priced 
above  the  market  valut;,  is  proved  by  the  fact  that 
they  have  been  liable  to  entry  for  twenty  years  at 
jll  25  per  acre,  and  no  purchaser  found,  and  prob- 
ably never  would  bo  at  that  price.  These  lands, 
under  the  operation  of  thia  bill,  will  bo  subject  to 
eniry  at  50  cents  per  acre;  that  some  of  them  will 
be  entered  at  thft  reduced  price,  no  man  can.quf-  - 
lion.  If  so,  here  is  an  immediate  intr-iaae  of  .-ov- 
enuc  to  the  Government,  from  the  sal"  of  the  re- 
fused land.  To  what  extent  an  increasf,  of  revenue 
from  this  source  may  be  relied  on,  is  impossible 
to  tell.  In  my  opinion,  it  will  be  very  considerable ; 
more  or  less,  it  will  be  something,  and  that  some- 
thing wc  need.  ,         „ 

Let  us  now  see  what  number  of  acres  oT  the 
public  domain  will  be  subject  to  the  operation  of 
this  bill-     I  find,  by  reference  to  the  statistical 
tpbics,  tie  following  facts: 
I.B-.r!o  of  the  firnt  class,  which  have  been  in  market 

for  10  years  nnd  upwards ,3cres  23,435,956 

i  Second  class,  do.  do.  15  years 10,533,067 

Third  class,   do.  do.  20  years 21,185,596 

!  I'ourth  clr.33,  do.  do.  25  years 15,178,825 

jFiiXhcluss,     do.  do.  30  years 2,625,732 

!  Mai  ing  the  grand  aggregate  of. 72,959,176 

!  ocr:s  of  land  subject  to  the  operation  of  this  bill. 
j      What  proportion  of  this  vast  amount  or  refused 
<  land  will,  in  all  human  probnbility,  be  entered 


606 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  9, 


99rH  CoN0.....1inr  Srss. 


2^  Public  LatJi—Mr.  Payne. 


Ho.  or  Rim. 


wiiliiii  Ilia  next  iwelf*  monihi,  if  ihi*  bill  , 
into  n  Inw  I    Will  il  ba  oiio-hnU',  ono-thinl,  ur  one-  I 
filUi  of  iho  wholo  ftimxiiu?    No  niie  I'liii  lull  with  I 
rerUtiiity.     All  thitt  may  be  imiil  u|iuii  thii  puiiil 
miial  Ihi  apcculntivo  only. 

8u|i|ioii«  Ihcro  hIiouIiI I>« enlrrml  of  Ihc/lril oinai  \ 
umttghth,  of  (he  accuni  cIhiu  oM-fiflk,  or  thv  iMrd  | 
rliuM  i>fl«/uwr(A,  niiU  uf  iho  fourth  clnu  onclAjnt: 
what  ihrii  will  be  tho  tiniotiiii  of  mveiiiio  derived  : 
by  the  Uoveninivni,  iiniiicdinlcly,  from  Ihoiwla  of 
Ihia  rvAmoU  land  >  U  will  be  $(*,Kk!,71i>.    Uapiiuiw 
oiw-hair  dial  mim  bo  rt'niizcd ,  you  will  then  r«u«iv«  { 
into  your  trcoiury  |4,41ti,359.    Thia  would  bo  « 
vnat  aum  of  iiioiwy  to  rucoivu  into  your  trunaury 
fWini  tho  aalo  of  nilViHcU  land  in  one  year.     1  re-  1 
|>e(ll,  lliia  ia  an  rxorrinwnti  no  mnn  cun  tell  what  i 
■uni  of  money  will  lio  l.rouchi  into  your  tniuaury 
i.nder  the  mieratioii  of  thoLill.     Uul  llio  pmaoiil  | 
cxif^nry  or  the  public,  acrvico  n)i|uiroa  tho  cx)ieri'  i 
mont  aliodid  bo  leiiltd.   That  the  aum  realized  by  ' 
the  Qovvrnnivnt  will  bo  Krcnt,  ia  uiiquratioiiabloi 
nnd  that  tho  immedialo  advantngea  iiro  important, 
ia  e<iiially  clear.     It  ia  t))r  t'lia  reiuon  that,  in  our 

fircai'nt  exigency,  1  demand  tho  paaaoge  of  tho 
lill  on  n  revenue  nuiiaure. 

We  |>na>cd  it  bill  tha  other  day  iikiilifying  Uie 
toriir  bill  of  1843  oa  n  revciiuo  iiicitaurv.  Let  uh 
pnaa  thia  bill  ulao.  Let  them  go  to  tho  country 
logetlier,  aa  two  great  meiuurva  of  reform  und  rev- 
enue— benclicial  alike  I'-i  l'  Uoverninenl  and  to 
Iho  people.  Uuccecdiiig  years  will  prove  tho  wis- 
dom of  tlic  |K)licy,  not  only  by  enabling  the  Uov- 
ernmenl,  wiiliont  resorting  to  loana,  to  posa  trium- 
iihontly  through  the  exiating  war  with  Mexico, 
imt  by  mpidly  augmenting  iJio  power  and  wealth 
of  tho  nation. 

Sir.  what  arc  Uic  proapective  advui:'.ngea,  in  ref- 
erence to  revenue,  derivable  to  tho  Governincnl 
from  tho  imasAge  of  tho  bill?  Wo  all  know  thut 
the  main  reliance  of  this  Government  for  support 
is  ciistom-liouxe  revenue.  If  the  bill  ahould  (kuh, 
nearly  the  whole  amount  of  tlie  refuaeit  land,  in  n 
short  time,  will  pnaa  into  individual  hands,  and 
become  private  prnperly,  and  n  very  larjje  pro- 
portion thereof  reduced  to  cultivation.  This  must 
inevitably  greatly  augment  our  ajcricultiirnl  pro- 
ductions, the  surplus  of  which  wiUbc  ex|>orled  to 
foreign  countries,  exchanged  IV)r  lu'ticles  of  value, 
and  brought  home  in  goods  paying  a  tux  ur  duty 
to  the  Uoverninenl.  If,  then,  the  Governmciu  ! 
should  give  away  the  public  land  without  price, 
upon  the  simple  condition  of  settlement  and  culti- 
vation, in  a  few  years  alio  would  bo  more  than 
lAricr  remunerated  by  an  increase  of  revenue  from 
customs.  Land  in  a  stnte  of  nature  produces 
nothing — it  is  dead  cap  tal— and  interest  upon  the 
invcatmont,  whatever  it  may  be,  ia  sunk  annually 
to  tho  owner.  If,  then,  land  has  been  in  iimrkci, 
luisold,  and  producing  nothing,  for  fitlcen  or 
twenty  years,  the  Uovcrnment  hns  lost  on  intere.it 
more  than  the  original  cost  of  the  land.  Con  it  . 
be  judicious  or  wise  lonj'cr  to  continue  lliis  policy?  : 
It  cnnnot  l>e.  Let  tho  l>ill  yaut^:  let  the  doinam 
go  into  the  hands  of  individuals:  let  it  bcci.;uc  I 
jirivate  property:  let  it  be  cultivated:  and  then  that 
which,  in  a  stale  of  natui'o,  produced  no  revenue, 
becomes  a  productive  source  of  revenue,  improv- 
ing and  increasing  so  long  mi  agriculture  advances, 
or  commerce  flourishcc 

Some  of  our  friends  iielievc  ihal^ie  interest  of 
the  country  consists  in  withholding  from  sale  the 
public  domain,  altliou^h  its  settlement  and  culti- 
vation may  be  prohibited,   until  it  will  bring  in 
market  $1  '25  per  acre.    How  mistaken  the  policy,  i 
The  interest  of  tlie  Government  in  the  public  lands  • 
is  wholly  a  revenue  interest;  and  if  by  settlement  | 
luid  cultivation   more   revenue  would   be  raised, 
how  short-sighted  and  blind  the  iiolicy  which  pre- 
vents that  result. 

But,  sir,  I  jKiss  t.i  another  and  more  important 
lulvHiiiagc  tli:'.n  any  founded  upon  revenue,  to  be 
derived  by  the  Government  from  the  passage  of  • 
thia  bill.     I  allude  to  that  class  of  population,  who 
are  to  be  increased,  and  protected  uy  it.     It  is  not 
my  intention  to  dia|>arBgc,  in  the  slightest  degree, 
any  of  the  employments  or  branches  of  industry  ; 
*in  our  country;  they  are  all  necessary  to  the  com- 
fort of  civilized  society,  and  constitute  as  a  whole  , 
the  glory  and  power  of  a  nation.     We  could  not 
live   comfortably  without  the  necessary  articles 
produced  by  the  mechanical  industry  of  the  coun- 
try; and  we  sometimes  owe  the  prcacrvatiun  of  : 


our  dawMl  rifhta  to  thuav  burala  of  forenaio  elo- 
quence which  awoken  n  aciiHO  of  justice,  nnd 
arnuao  the  love  of  liliorty  in  the  bi'iaimi  of  our 
lieera;  innoronco  ia  protected  by  it  ngainal  tho 
unjiiat  penattiea  of  tho  Inw  i  liberty  is  reatored  to 
the  itccuacdi  anil  character  rodormed  from  the 
precnnceivoii  prejudice  of  it  aenaorioua  world.  All 
of  thoprofraaionsandemploymentanftho  country, 
from  tho  highest  to  tho  humbleat,  i  t  uaoAil  aim 
pro|icr.  I  would  diN|iam^o  none.  Hut,  air,  thern 
ta  one  wMr.h  alanda  out  in  liohl  relief,  above  all 
the  real;  il  ia  tho  foundation  upon  which  the  au> 
|ioratnietnre  of  aneiely  ia  erected  t  without  it  tho 
whole  politiciil  fabric  would  bo  inalantly  diaaolved, 
order  changed  into  ehnoa,  and  lilo  itself  expire, 
amid  the  hornira  of  fnmiiin;  1  mean  tho  agricul- 
turiat.  Iliahim;  it  ia  thatclnsaof  aocicty  wlioure 
to  Iw  incrcaacd  and  beneAtcd  by  the  pnaaagii  of 
thia  bill.  The  farming  interest  of  this  country 
rarely  appenia  to  Government  to  protect  it.  For 
years  they  have  seen  themselve..  nnemiisly  taxed, 
not  for  revenue,  but  for  the  lirnoAt  of  other  branch- 
ea  of  induatry.  They  have  borne  it  with  .nit  Air- 
thor  reaiatance  than  quiet  rcmoiiairaiice  ngainat 
the  injuatico  and  opprcaaion  of  tho  system.  Hut 
they  (10  now  appeal  to  the  Uovernment  to  nlfoi'd 
them  that  protection  which  the  Conaiitution  war- 
rants and  tho  law  may  authorize.  What  ia  that 
firotectioni'  Tho  humble  privilege  of  buying  a 
lonie  nl  ita  intrinsic  value;  that  is  all.  What  ia 
the  a|)ectaelo  hero  prcaented  f  We  ace  the  entire 
representation  of  tlie  manufacturing  interest,  so 
long  protected  at  the  expense  uf  agriculture,  voting 
in  a  laidy  iigniiiHt  them.  Why  is  thia,  gevtiemen  i 
What  excuse cjin  you  oiler?  what  i-eason  can  you 
give?  "Oh,  tho  case  being  altered,  it  altera  the 
case.  Wo  aru  not  nnwillinj;  to  force  tho  farmer 
10  iiay  double  for  every  article  he  consumes,  in 
onlcr  to  protect  the  nmnufacturer.  Uut  it  isiiuito 
ridiculous  to  talk  of  protecting  the  farmer;  ho  ia 
tho  foundation  of  society;  the  creator  of  wealth; 
we  all  live  by  and  upon  him;  he  cannot  bo  pro- 
tected, without  giving  lutck  aomething  we  have 
taken  from  him;  anil  where  is  the  use  of  taking 
from  him,  if  it  ia  to  Ihj  returned  to  him?  it  would 
be  folly.  Besides  thia,  our  policy  is  to  'hrow  tlie 
entire  support  of  this  (jlovernment  upon  custom- 
liouao  revenue.  Wo  desire  thia,  to  keep  up  a  ne- 
cessity for  tho  continuance  of  the  Inrill'  act  of  1849. 
If  this  bill,  graduating  the  price  of  the  public  lands, 
should  |>ass,  immense  entries  of  land,  at  the  re- 
duced prree,  Will  bo  made;  large  revenues  fVom 
that  source  will  accrue  to  the  Uovernment;  and 
the  necessity  for  a  high  tariff  will  cease  to  exist. 
Again:  our  surplus  population  from  tho  old  States, 
now  employed  as  laiiorers  in  manufacturing  cs- 
inbliehnicnts,  will  emigrate  to  the  new  States  and 
turn  farmers.  The  conser|Ucnce  of  all  tliis  would 
bo,  to  diminish  the  nuanti./  of  labor  in  the  nian- 
ufhcturiii"  States.  The  ninnufacturers  would  then 
Iw  forced  competitors  for  the  remaining  labor. 
This  would  greatly  increase  the  price  of  labor 
there;  whereas,  now,  the  competition  is  with 
the  laborers  to  get  employment;  and  hence  labor 
is  cheap.  This  is  a  very  diflerent  thing.  In  fact, 
the  imssnge  of  the  graduation  bill  would  effect 
powerful  changes  in  our  wholo  system  of  polity; 
und  it  is  therefore  quite  unreasonable  in  the  farmer 
to  expect  us  to  favor  it." 

Sir,  this  is  the  answer,  mid  these  are  tho  honest 
reasons  why  llie  manufacturing  interest  opjmses 
the  passage  of  this  bill.  They  tear  its  effect  upon 
the  protective  policy,  upon  the  taritf  bill  of  1842.  Is 
that  ittfemal  measure  to  control  forever  the  leeisla- 
tion  of  this  country?  It  defeated  the  /.ill  Verein 
treaty;  it  is  arrayed  against  our  present  revenue 
system;  nnd  it  is  no 4V  opposing  with  all  ils  strength 
the  graduation  of  the  price  of  '.ho  public  lands. 
Had  the  agriculturist  a  right  to  expect  such  treat- 
ment from  the  manufacturer?  Ought  ho  longer  to 
submit  to  it  quietly?  If  ho  docs,  he  ip  -mworthy 
the  dignity  nnd  honor  of  his  employment. 

But  will  this  Governmt. It,  for  these  or  uny  other 
reasons,  refu.se  to  )4isa  tho  bill;  and  by  doing  so, 
fail  to  increase  the  number  of  agriculturists,  and 
thereby  expand  the  basis  of  political  association? 
1  ardently  linpe  not.  What  is  it  that  elevates  the 
American  masses  above  tlie  European  masses?  Is 
tliere  anything  peculiar  in  our  mental  or  physical 
organization?  jVothing.  But  there  is  something 
peculiar  in  our  l:is'.itutions  and  laws;  and  it  is  that 
peculiarity  wbicli  creates  our  superiority.    There 


it  no  pamMNd  nobility  in  our  country,  who  are 
the  hereditary  ownnra  of  the  anil.  It  ia  open  to 
the  purrhuao  of  every  ritiKcn;  and  when  ho  ones 
ancurea  u  homo,  great  or  ainnll,  ho  ia  the  undisputed 
auvereign  of  hia  little  empire.  Ilia  honee  la  hia 
caatle;  and  no  mutter  whether  it  bo  aupporleil  by 
marble  pillara,  with  interior  ducorntion  rivalling 
Kum|)can  mngniAcence,  or  thatched  with  atruw 
und  tenanted  by  poverty,  it  is  the  aanctnary  of  ita 
owner.  Over  it  the  arm  of  the  lawexleiida  ila  juai 
protection;  in  il  ho  ia  aecnred  by  the  Conatiiu'tion 
from  unreoBoiiuble  auarchca  and  aoiEiirea)  and  no 
mnn  dare  enter  therein,  unlraa  by  invitation  of  the 
owner,  or  by  authority  of  law.  Il  ia  that  aover- 
eignty  of  tho  soil  whidi  elcvatra  tho  ninaaea  of  our 
people,  and,  in  exalted  patriotiam  and  devotion  to 
the  beH>  intereaUi  of  the  cmintry,  renders  every 
ploughmuii  of  the  A>iii,  equal  to  tlie  proudoat  noble- 
man of  the  Old  World. 

If  thia  bo  true,  ia  it  not  tho  (Hilicy  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  increase,  to  the  utmost  extent  uf  its  nbil. 
ity,  tho  number  of  that  elaaa  of  our  people?  I 
have  already  aaid  that  luriculturo  is  tiio  rniindalinii 
of  political  Bocielyi  and  1  now  add,  that  to  Iho 
agriculturist,  to  the  ploughman,  in  the  hour  of 
li'ial  und  of  danger,  society  muat  look  for  ita  pro- 
tection, either  from  internal  or  external  violence. 
1  hold,  air,  without  intending  to  relloct  upon  the 
inorul  tirmneaa  of  your  city  population,  that  they 
are  phyaicully  unabio  to  dufeiid  yonr  country 
against  a  poworftil  enemy.  Cii:i»iitutiona  ener- 
vated by  luxury,  or  weakened  by  dissipation  and 
diaeuao,  ni-o  unlit  ftir  the  field  of  buttle;  and  tho 
history  of  your  country  attests  the  fact.  I  shal 
not  be  invidious  by  specifying  ejiaea;  but  aond 
when  you  may  into  the  field  an  army  recruited 
in  your  citiea,  und  if  victory  be  won,  the  "  cypreaa 
leaf"  will  bo  interwoven  in  tho  wreath  of  laurel 
which  adorns  your  hero's  brow,  Uut  when  an 
army  of  ugriculturiala  uro  aent  into  the  field, 
then  tho  field  of  battle  becomes  tho  field  of  glory. 
Tho  renown  of  the  nation  is  increased,  and  no 
"cypress  leaf  is  interwoven  with  the  laurel  which 
oncircica  your  hero's  brow." 

Sir,  1  will  here  lake  occasion  to  remark,  that  if 
in  the  decrees  of  foto  (which  Heaven  forbid)  the 
liberty  of  this  country  is  to  bo  cloven  down,  tho. 
last  weapon  raised  in  its  defence  wilt  be  wielded  by 
bunds  inured  to  the  hundica  of  the  plough.  Let 
us,  then,  |insa  this  bill;  and  to  the  fullest  extent  of 
()ur  ability  increase  this  most  useful  and  most  re- 
liablu  class  of  our  population. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I liesc  are  some  of  thondvont(^«8, 
immediate  and  prospective,  resulting  to  this  Uov- 
ernnicnt  from  the  (lossngo  of  this  bill.  My  next 
object  is,  to  inquire  what  advantages  will  accrue  to 
tho  Slates  in  which  the  public  lands  lio,  by  the 
passage  of  it. 

What  are  those  advantages?  It  is  an  object  of 
tho  utmost  importance  to  tlic  new  States  to  have 
their  waste  lands  settled  and  cultivntcd.  It  is  by 
settlement  and  cultivation  alone  that  the  full  re- 
sources of  a  State  can  be  developed;  and  certainly 
at  no  period  of  oiir  national  history  has  it  been 
more  important  that  those  resources  should  be  de- 
veloped ihan  now.  Many  of  the  new  States  are 
deeply  involved  for  works  of  improvement,  in  pro- 
gre8S,and  completion.  Mostof  tncm,by  an  oppres- 
sive system  of  taxation,  have  been  enabled,  thus 
far,  to  preserve  their  faith  nnd  credit,  whilst  oth- 
ers, less  fortunate,  have  practically  repudiated  their 
just  debts.  All  of  them  arc  dependant,  in  a  greater 
or  less  degree,  upon  tlic  tolls  collected  from  their 
respective  works  of  improvement,  for  the  ultimate 
payment  of  their  liabilities.  This,  sir,  is  known 
to  be  the  fact.  Is  it  not,  then,  of  tho  first  impor- 
tance to  these  States  that  the  millions  of  acres  of 
waste  land,  now  unproductive,  should  be  reduced 
to  tillage.  If  this  were  the  case,  ngricultiiral  pro- 
ducts would  be  doubled,  transportation  doubled, 
tolls  doubled;  and  hence  tho  means  of  liquidating 
their  habilities  doubled. 

Sir,  there  is  another  view  of  the  subject  which 
ought  not  to  be  overlooked.  It  is  this:  the  pub- 
lic domain  within  a  State  is  not  subject  to  trtxation 
until  sold,  and  for  five  years  thereafter.  Thacieccs- 
aitics  of  the  new  Slates  require,  that  they  should  be 
able  to  tax  all  tho  property  within  their  limits.  Here, 
then,  is  lui  immense  source  of  revenue  wrongfully 
withheld  from  tho  States  by  the  refusal  of  this 
Government  to  dispose  of  her  waste  land  at  its  in- 
trinsic value.     Is  this  just  to  the  States  which  are 


\  [July  9, 
tr  Kkph. 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CUNGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


atXrii  (-oNo Iht  Srii. 


37U  Mmem  Ww—Mr,  Athrnm. 


Ho.  or  Rbpi. 


F, 


iiiiw  (lo|irciwcil  liy  taxniiiin,  «nd  i.rtiiiliig  every  ' 
nerve  In  lioiiratniid  )mlri<iiieeniIeAVoriki  prnnerve 
liio  I'liitli  mill  crvdit  o(  llio  iiniioii  IViiin  public  mill 
privnlo  iliHiiuiKir'  Wo  know  it  in  ncil.  Why, 
llioiii  rnruiu  til  |iM9  tliiit  bill,  or  iomo  aiinilar  oiio, 
wliicit  i(  thn  ii(t\y  let(iliinntu  mcmm  within  iho 
pnwor  ol'thieQuvernment  to  niil  iho  8lut<:*  in  tho 
w'.coinpliihinunl  uf  thin  cotnineiidnblu  and  patriotic 
uliJHCt, 

HIr,  I  havo  llntiinHil  will)  intimao  intaraal  to  the 
cloipiunca  of  ({tiitlonicn  in  licwuilitiK  thn  ditiKritco  uf 
"  nipiidiulion."  I  hnvo  ihouitht  thcin  Niiici're,un  . 
luivii  liovn  roudy  ut  nny  nioinoiittn  unite  with  tho  n 
in  thu  Hdoptioii  (if  any  I'oiiniiiulional  mcnauro  to 
avi^rt  lliH  I'lilnmity,  Thii*  liill,  if  purnicd,  will  iic- 
ciinipliHh  the  object.  Will  they  iiiiitn  with  ine  in 
pnNtiiiiK  it?  If  not,  lot  nii!  hear  iiu  more  eighe  unil 
({roanH  itl  rrpudiatioii — no  more  pntriotic  upptiitla 
to  the  ;iPoiil(i  or  to  the  tjtnivH  (o  rvdecm  lhi:ir 
pIlKhl.a  >iiitii  and  preecrvu  Unttu'iiielicd  the  credit 
of  iliu  nation. 

Sir,  a  failuio  to  meet  tho  exigency  will  pnive 
Iheiio  luniciitulionH  and  ihoHo  up,M!ula  to  putriutiani, 
to  bo  hypocritical  political  cant,  richly  meriting 
tlie  conti-inpl  of  every  hiincat  man. 

Another  iidvaiitaKi)  to  the  Ututca  in  which  tho 
wuale  and  unoccupied  lanilM  lie,  rcniiltiiiK  from  the 
uiaHnge  of  the  bill,  will  bo  lliu  eaUiblialiinont  of 
'nil  mid  complete  aovcruignty  to  thn  noil  \vithin 
their  ni«|ieclivn  jnriadictiona.  The  C'onatitution  of 
the  United  Siatca  dodaroa,  that  "now  Stales  imiy 
be  ndniitlcd  i  in  thin  Union  upon  a  perfect  equality 
with  tho  old  SLatca."  Thia  clause  of  the  Oonali- 
tulion  ia  not  now  rcKiudcU  aa  pormiaaive  only,  but 
obligatory;  and  the  (|ueHtioii  hiui alrviuly  been  raiacd 
aa  to  the  iniposHibilily  of  "eiiuality"  of  Slates,  as 
members  of  the  Confederacy,  when  the  aovereifinly 
of  aoil  ia  ponscsaed  by  one  and  not  by  tho  other. 
It  ia  not  my  purpoae  to  re-open  that  quealioni  but 
iflhii  Qovernmunt  blindly  and  iiertiiiacioualy  re- 
fusea  to  diapoHo  of  her  public  land  uL  ita  fair  value, 
tlie  question  will  bo  re-opened;  and  le.  mo  warn 
gentlemen  who  dupoao  this  bill,  lliut  '!ie  smno  spirit 
of  "  progrcssivo  Ucmocracy,"  which  lias  led  to  the 
eorrectioii  of  so  nimiy  errors  and  corruptions,  will 
not  permit  this  tu  lemuiii  because  huory  with  years 
and  iniipiiiy. 

Sir,  n>  '  duly  i  <  discharged.  I  have  endeavored 
to  dcinoi  - -ni"  .  this  committee,  first,  that  land 
has  an  intrn.s  Vulue;  secondly,  that  tliia  vuluo  ia 
varied  by  the  locality  and  quality  of  tlie  soil; 
thirdly,  that  no  arbitrary  price,  applicable  to  landa 
of  "every  quality  and  of  all  localitiea,  can  be  just 
and  cqiii'alilc;  fiuuilily,  that  tho  bill  now  under 
considi  luion  graduates  the  price  of  the  public 
lands  upiiii  miiuiplcs  of  justice;  fifthly,  the  lulvan- 
tugcs  to  lie  ilci  Ived  by  this  Qovcriinieiit,  imniediule 
and  pnwpcctivc,  by  graduating  the  price  of  the 
public  lands;  sixthly  and  lastly,  tho  advantage  de- 
rived by  the  States  from  the  sale  and  cultivation  of 
the  waste  and  unoccupied  lands  within  their  limits. 

Sir,  here  1  might  close;  but  so  deeply  am  1  im- 
pressed with  the' necessity  of  graduating  tho  price 
of  the  public  lands,  and  of  the  advantage  to  be  de- 
rived by  tlic  Government  and  bestowed  upon  the 
riti/cn  by  tho  passage  of  this  bill,  that  1  would 
willingly  add  more,  if  1  know  what  to  urge  with 
eflcct  upon  the  members  of  this  committee.  To 
those  wlio  think  with  me  in  politics,  I  can  only 
say,  this  Congress  has  done  much;  and  it  muut 
long  be  rcmcmlicicd,  either  for  "weal  or  for  wo,"  in 
thcliistory  of  this  Republic.  Our  policy  consists  uf 
a  series  ot  measures,  conslituting  a  syaa'.-n  perfect 
as  a  whole:  will  you  sulTcr  it  to  be  defeated  by  re- 
fusing to  pass  one  of  the  most  imporUint  meiuiur(^s 
of  the  scries,  and  that  measure,  loo,  afl'ectiiig  more 
directly  the  interest  of  the  jioor  and  powerless  of 
our  constituents  than  any  other  ?  Sir,  I  hope  not; 
I  hope  tlint  the  action  of  this  body  will  prove  to 
the  houseless  child  of  poverty,  he  is  not  forgotten 
in  the  general  legislation  of  tiie  country,  and  that 
his  advocates  hero  are  as  tenacious  of  his  interests, 
and  OS  bold  in  tlie  vindictitiun  of  his  rights,  im  they 
would  be  of  the  rights  and  interests  of  nabobs,  who 
.  live  in  palaces,  "clothed  in  fine  linen,"  and  faring 
sumptuously  every  day.  Let  us  not  deceive  them. 
To  those  who  difier  with  me  in  political  senti- 
ment, may  I  not  extend  a  respectful  invitation  to 
unite  with  us  in  the  passage  uf  a  measure  fraught 
with  such  advantages  to  Uie  Government  and  the 
psople?  Party  ties  are  hard  to  dissever.  Mmiy 
01'  you,  I  know,  feel  the  force  of  their  obligation. 


In  your  b«M<a  you  approve  tho  billi  patrlotiam 
calls  you  to  ill)  aidi  will  you  not  ubevthacalP 
What  have  you  to  loan  by  obeying  itr  Tho  ru- 
aponaibility  of  this,  us  of  all  other  meoaurea,  rottn 
upon  thfl  mi\loriiy.  If  it  aliould  fail  in  iU  oliject, 
and  work  budly,  wo  are  roaponaible  for  all  of  tho 
conaoquniicea,  although  you  may  have  voted  Air 
it.  Uul  if  the  reaulta  predicted  ahould  lie  realized, 
you  will  fuel  a  patriotic  exulUition  at  having  uonaci- 
enti<iuNly  discharged  your  duty  tu  your  r^untry, 
reKHrdlcaa  uf  party  obligatioiiH.  Moroover,  you 
will  descrvn  mid  command  the  lasting  gratitude  of 
thouaanda  who  aro  now  houaoleaa,  but  will  then 
huvn  n  homo.  Could  y«o  deairu  more )  This  ia 
the  richeat  reward  of  a  |ii'  .He  servant.  1  will  nut 
anticipate  the  dcl'eulof  a  nieuauieaoubviuualy  jual 
and  proper.  l''or  twoty  years,  thia  pro|Hiaitioii, 
in  aome  form,  hiia  agituii;d  tho  country;  tho  day 
Ima  now  come  when  it  Hlionid  bo  aeltled.  Tho 
pcoplu  expect  it;  the  interuat  ( f  tho  country  re- 
quiicait;  juaticedcnmiida  it;  airl '.'  .us  noldlihonor 
uuraelvea  by  a  failure  to  ai'.(  iiinpliah  it. 

THIi  MEXICAN  WAR. 

SPEECH  OI-'  MR.  O.  ASHMUN, 

OF  MASHACilUNKTTa, 

In  the  Houiit  ur  lUritKicNTATivKi, 

July'il,  IH40. 

The  Dill  for  tho  erection  of  additional  Fnrtificationa 

being  under  consideration  in  Coinmitleo  of  the 

Whole- 
Mr.  ASHMUN  said  : 

Mr.  Ciiaiuman:  I  shall  vote  for  all  tho  provia- 
iona  in  this  bill.  Tho  iippniprialions  for  the  vari- 
ous fortifications  mo  intended  to  protect  imporljinl 
points,  which,  in  case  of  .var,  would  be  greatly 
exposed  to  the  ullackn  of  an  enemy  who  may  have 
marine  force  at  its  con Irol.  I  should  vote  for  thom 
in  the  most  profound  jicace,  us  salutary  measures 
of  timely  precaution;  but  1  shall  vole  fur  them 
more  rciidily  and  cheerfully  now,  when  our  coun- 
try ia  engaged  in  u  war,  of  which  no  man  can  see 
or  calculate  the  end. 

Uut  1  do  not  rise  now  ao  much  to  discuss  tho 
mcrita  of  the  particular  provisimisof  tho  bill  which 
is  under  immediate  consideration,  as  to  call  tho 
otleiition  of  this  House  and  the  cuumrv  to  the 
siluation  in  which,  by  recent  events  and  disclo- 
sures, our  nation  is  placed,  with  reference  to  tho 
great  ipicstion  uf  pence  and  u'(ir. 

In  order  that  the  course  of  my  remarks  may  ho 
at  once  more  clearly  indicated,  1  aeiid  to  the  Clerk's 
desk  n  letter  signeil  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  and 
addressed  tu  Jumiibaii  U.  Stevenson,  and  desire  tu 
have  it  read. 

(Tho  letter  was  read  by  the  Clerk,  as  follows:) 
VV;>K  Dei'ARrMKNT,  JimtfU,  ItJ.)!). 

Hir:  I'hf!  Prc-flulcnt  liiivoiif  <ltMfriiiiitu<l  lo  hi:iiiI  a  ri'ui- 
inijitt  of  voiuiitiMirs  urnuiid  tJit|)U  Horn  to  iUo  I'ncltlc,  to  bu 
mii]tli>yc(l  ill  iiroiii'cHtinii  liii.-nlitiutt  to  h'iiiiu  iiniviiicc  ot 
Mi:iii'i>,  iirububly  in  IJ|i|M'r  C'lililofiiiH,  liii.'i  iiuUi"ri/.cil  iiiu  ui 
Biiy,  Unit  it  ynu  will  iiri!iliii/.i^  iiiic  iia  llii'  I'liliilUioMii  lii:ic.'lll- 
ufii:r  »pixili< d,  uiiil  tiuidiT  lis  hi^tviicH,  II  wciiilil  lii!  uccipt- 
c'li.  it  IH  |ir>i|i('r  it  Hhimlil  liu  (liiiiii  witli  Uie  rdiiauiit  ot  Uio 
(idveriiiir  uf  New  York.  Tlie  rrcniileiii  iiin'cln,  uud  in- 
ili'Cil  riqulreii  III  .1  ||ri'  it  cure  xhiiiild  lie  tiikiMi  tu  hiivu  it 
cciliiiiiwi'd  lit  h.iiliililir  ,,11.  HUB— I  lucua  ol' bihhI  Imbils — M 
liir  (w  |iritt-lioalil(i  of  rariota  /itiMii;**',  and  swii  tw  u-ouid  be 
tikelji  lo  miiiiiii,  at  Ike  iml  oj  Iko  wav,  tilhcr  in  OrcjoM,  or 
ill  aiiyoIAt-T/crrUoii/  in  thai  \cj,ioi\oJ  Ike  yiotc  icrtiiA  in.ij/ 
Ihcn  he  a  vart  of  Iho  OnJid  Slain.  Tliu  uit  iit  the  lliir- 
ti'i'iitliui'May  hutiiuihiirizi'ii  ihe  accii|itiiin.T  of  vuluiiuivni 
i'ur  twulvo  iiionllia,  iir  during  Uiu  wiir  wiUi  Minicn.  Tllii 
iniidiliiia  uf  lliu  Bcccplitiice,  in  Uii'  I'lun,  laum  Im'  a  tender 
uf  tidrvicu  daillitt  Uiu  wur;  ulld  it  iiniat  Uii  exphcitly  Ulidt-r- 
Kiood,  tliiit  itiry  iiiuy  bo  discliiiriiud,  wiUiout  u  cliiiiii  I'ur  ru- 
iiiriiiiig  lioiiie, wlitTdViir  Ihiy  inuy  bu  scrtiii!; at  tliu  uriiiina- 
Unii  III  thu  wur,  priividud  It  is  in  Uio  tiicm  turrilury  ul'  Uie 
Uiiiluil  Htuten,  or  luiiy  bii  tiikiin  lii  llm  ncnruBt  or  liiiwl  con- 
viiiiiuiu  turrilury  bvliiiiriiiB  tu  tJiu  Waituil  matua,  mid  Uivre 
dlHcliiirKL'd. 

Tliu  int'ii  must  bu  npiirizud  thnt  tbuirturin  nf  Hervice  in  for 
Uio  war;  that  tliuy  luu  to  bu  iii.c>iar(;cd  nn  uluivu  8|K>citli-d ; 
und  timt  tliuy  nru  to  tiu  eiiiplnyud  on  u  iliBtniii  tiurviue.  II  ir, 
howcvcTf  very  dcBiralile  Ihat  it  should  not  lie  tntbtictii  knoum  or 
proclaimed  thai  Ihey  arc  to  po  to  ani/  |)urtitru/ur  place.  Oil 
thin  |iuint  great  Ciiiitioa  is  cMJoinud. 

Tliu  L-uiiiiitaiiiciaion  to  tliu  uiricerd  and  men  iniut  go  su 
far  ns  to  ruinovu  nil  just  grniuids  of  coiiipliiiitt,  Uiat  Uiuy 
liavu  beun  ducuivud  in  Uiu  nuturu  awl  Uie  plucu  nf  Uiu  sur- 
vicu. 

It  la  cxpcetud  th.it  Uiu  rcgiini-nt  will  be  in  ruadincsii  to 
eiiiliark  as  early  an  Ihu  lirat  uf  Auguat  next,' if  prucUuablu. 
Slups  will  bu  iiinuudlutcly  uikuii  to  provide  I'ur  uonspurta- 
tioii. 

Very  rcapcctfully,  your  obedient  Rervnnt, 

W.  L.  M Alley,  S<ii,T«(arso/H'ar. 

Culonul  J.  D.  SmveNiioN;  New  York  city. 


In  lh«  n«Bt  plRM,  I  rwui  (br  iha  InformMlon  of 
the  llouae  a*  eonnaeted  with  the  auhjecl,  the  ftij- 
lowing  cxirncts  from  the  Union  newHpa|ier,  pub- 
lished in  this  city,  end  which  ia  iidinitteil  on  all 
hniida  lo  be  the  organ  of  ihe  Adminiatration — both 
Execulive  and  Congrcaaioilal.  Un  Juno  ITth,  tho 
orrim,  in  an  editorial  article,  aayai 

"  ViMitfii,  II  will  hK  ri'mrinhfirrd,  n>ei,A«an  wta  oroa 
Manna  with  iiii  apiiruiu  h  tu  uiuiMlinliy  ai'lilnni  nxlilliUM 
un  aiirli  iiiiiKirtuiii  ik-i'iihiiimn.  Tlml  o'lMiblin  lind  Hivan 
nuUiiiiif  but  liltiiil  and  inaub'iit  ili'inuJ  tu  tbujiiat  iiiid  riiiii-lj- 
latury  iluiiiniiiti  of  tbu  AdmlMlatriitlon  i  unit,  iiliingiiig  IVuin 
fullv  llilu  wli*ki'illu>iiN,  eiiilAl  her  nafrht  and  iiilr  fiirlHtaranro 
in  llin  I'lilil  bluiMli'd  tiiuoirr  tif  our  rni/.i'n..  'I'lii-  pruiiiia  niui 
uurillal  vutuuf  ('oiigri'iia.  mill  iia  iiiipruprlnUuiia  liir  war,  alg- 
nally  ri'i-urdril  It-*  nppriilmUiiii  uf  tliu  huiiiiiI  jiiduini-iil  ottij 
iHitrlutlani  of  lliu  l-iirriitlvi'.  Muxicii  hiH  nlri-iidy  laiid  di'nri  v 
fur  liiT  ruiitiimucy  and  fully,  aiiil  mny  yut  liavu  tu  |my  iiiurn 
liiuro." 

On  another  day  the  Executive  organ  saya  oa  fol- 
lows! 

11  Th«  Oormtmenl  of  thia  country  iiavr  MAiir  WAa  opanly 
in  thtface  of  the  irorl'l.  Tbiiy  iiiuaii  tu  priiai'uulu  II  Willi  nU 
Ibiiir  viKur.  'I'tiuy  niuan  tu  fiiri'it  Muxlcu  tu  do  iim  Jnatirii  at 
ttiu  puint  nf  thu  awurd.  Tliia  tliun  la  Uiulr  ilraigii-lhla  la 
tlifir  plan;  nnil  It  ia  worthy  uf  n  IhiIiI,  lilgb-inliidud, and  en- 
urgiiUu  peuplu.u 

I'Voin  tliesn  pnpcra  it  will  be  sorn,  flrst,  thnt 
thn  Adminiairation  now  openly  proclaima  (hat 
"  CoiiKreia  Aiu  iikclarkd  wah  u/ion  J»/fj:ico," — 
that  our  Uovernment  has  maor  war  opknlt  in 
Ihe  face  nfihe  toorld  /"  It  is  no  longer  half  reluc- 
tantly asserted  that  the  war  exiala  by  the  act  of 
Mexico;  but,  boldly  and  unhesiuttingly,  it  ia  aa- 
aerUid  that  let  havo  made  the  wur — toe  have  declared 
tho  war ! 

In  tho  next  place,  it  ia  now  evident,  by  tho  official 
letter  of  Mr.  Marcy,  the  Secretary  of  War,  to  J. 
0.  Stevenson,  that  thia  war  is  now  to  bo  carried  on 
as  a  war  of  coti'/uMi,  and  subseriiient  cn/aiiiiation.  In 
a  distant  region  of  the  globe.  Look  for  a  moment 
to  the  character  and  contents  of,  this  most  extraor- 
dinary letter.  It  is  addressed — not  lo  an  otricor  of 
the  army  whoso  habits  and  education  tit  him  for 
more  military  service  of  tho  ordinary  kind — not  to 
a  man  who  has  been  distinguished  by  any  public 
service  in  tho  field — but  a  more  political  lulventu- 
rnr,  who  is  only  known  to  tho  world  as  n  partisan 
from  the  neighborhood  of  tho  Vive  Points,  and  the 
region  where  tho  Empire  Club  holds  sway,  and 
where  the  doctrine  that "  <a  f A«  viclori  betonff  Ihe 
ipoih"  is  acknowledged  and  practised.  It  requires 
that  the  men  should  lie  enlisted  "during  the  war," 
and  not  for  twelve  months;  evidently  contempla- 
ting that  tho  expedition  upon  which  they  are  to 
i  embark  is  not  expected  to  be  brought  to  a  close 
within  the  twelve  months  provided  for  in  the  net. 
It  requires,  furthermore,  that  the  men  to  be  enlist- 
ed should  bo  of  "  vsriinu  j)ur»ui(*. "  They  are  not 
to  bo  selected  with  a  view  to  their  qualificatinnaas 
soldiers  merely,  but  the  idea  of  a  colony  ia  dit- 
tinctly  foreshadowed.  This  letter  also  requires 
that  tlicy  should  be  men  who  "  would  he  likelif  lo 
reiiifliii  either  in  Oregon  or  in  any  other  TEBnirunY 
in  Ihat  region  of  the  globe  which  may  then  be  a  part 
of  the  United  Slalea."  And  the  men  arc  to  be  dis- 
tinctly warned  that  they  must  expect  to  be  dis- 
charged in  that  region,  witliout  any  claim  to  bo 
brought  home.  And  finally,  to  keep  tho  people  os 
much  as  possible  blinded  as  to  ihe  destiny  ami  pur- 

SoBo  of  this  expedition,  Mr.  Marcy  enjoins  it  upon 
levenaon  that  "  t(  should  not  be  jmblicly  Arnoitin  or 
proclaimed  that  they  art  logo  lo  any  particular  place. 
On  (/lis  point  great  caution  is  enjoined" ! 

Thus  is  clearly  and  plainly  developed  tho  aim 
and  purpose  of  the  Administration  in  carrying  on 
the  Mexican  war.  It  is  no  longer  pretended  that 
our  purpose  is  to  repel  invasion — to  strike  and  de- 
feat tho  military  organizations  which  Mexico  may 
act  on  foot  to  contend  for  the  boundaries  of  Texas. 
The  mask  is  off;  the  veil  is  lifted;  and  we  see  in 
the  clearest  clmraclers  inDiuion,  coniutU,  and  colo- 
nization, emblazoned  upon  our  banners.  We  are 
no  longer  enfrnged  in  a  defensive  war;  but  wc  be- 
liold  un  expedition  about  to  sail  from  Now  York 
to  a  distant  region  of  the  globe,  which  it  cannot 
possibly  reach  in  less  time  than  from  four  to  six 
months,  c  mimanded  by  a  mere  political  fortune- 
hunter,  of  not  the  highest  character,  and  destined 
to  accomplish  the  conquest  and  dismemberment  of 
a  sister  republic,  whose  weakness  seems  to  make 
h^r  a  ready  prey  to  men  whose  pui-suits  are  those 
of  plunder.  An4  is  it  to  be  supposed  that  we  are 
to  see  this  passing  before  our  eyes,  and  suffer  it  to 
pass  without  remark  at  remonstrance?    In  this 


mmmm 


810 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  27, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sbss. 


The  Mexican  War-'— Mr.  Athtnun. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


Kze  of  ihe  world — in  the  nineteenth  century — with 
bTI  the  earth  beiiiilea  nt  peucj,  shall  it  be  permitted 
that  n  repul)lican  government,  whose  institutions 
can  only  thrive  in  peace— whose  mission  should 
be,  whose  glory  should  be,  to  scatter  the  principles 
nnd  blejsingi  o'f  |jeace  wherever  her  flag  can  carry 
liei  name — shall  it  be  suflered,  1  ask,  that  we  should 
thus  invoke  upon  ourselves  the  severe  judgment 
of  all  mankind  by  lighting  up  the  infisrnal  tires  of 
a  war  of  conquest?  Sir,  Congress  has  not  power 
to  make  peace.  Cwigress  alone  has  power,  Sy 
the  Constitution,  to  mi'ke  war;  and  Uie  Execut  vo 
alonu  has  the  power  of  concluding  it.  But  there 
is  a  power  of  public  oninion  whi-.h  may  be  brought 
to  bear  upon  the  coiiuuct  of  the  Executive.  And 
it  is  for  that  purpose  that  I  now  make  these  re- 
marks. I  call  for  an  expression  in  this  House  of 
the  opinions  which  gentlemen  enterUiin  on  this 
subject  I  call  upon  the  people,  through  ull  their 
appropriate  means  of  expression — by  popuLr 
meetiiijjj,  and  the  newspaper  press — to  speak  out, 
and  to  tell,  in  unmistakable  tones,  how  deeply 
they  reprobate  and  condemn  this  new  attempt  to 
dismember  the  territory  of  a  weak  neighboring 
republi"'. 

This  is  the  condition  of  our  country,  in  one  as- 
pect of  our   foreign   relations.     But  the  war  i.; 
which  we  are  engaged  gives  rise  to  other  rcflecl'uns, 
nnd  demands  utteiitioii  in   many  oilier  i-cspects 
We  have  on  u.niy  now   within  the   lerrilor<'  of 
Mexico,  which  ia  daily  swelling  by  the  nr'Mui  of 
forces  from  the  United  Slates;  and,  s"  Ur  as  we 
ore  permitted  to  know  from  pub'',  ucmoiislrutions 
— for  the  President  does  no'  ueign  to  inform  the 
RepresenUitives  of  the  people  »-hat  his  designs 
are — a  march  upon  the  city  of  the  Moni-^mnas  is 
intended.     A  strong  naval  squadron  is  upon  the 
coast,  and  we  are  called  upon  to  believe  inat  our 
unfurtuntite  and  misguided  neighbor  is  about  to  be 
speedily  crushed  beneath  our  lieavy  blows.     For 
one,  I  (iu  nut  see  s     clearly  through  the  gloom. 
The  war-cloud  that  hnngs  over  those  region.'!  con- 
tains viements  which  i  re  not  so  easily  controlled.  ,1 
The  peace  of  the  woil  I  has  been  broken,  and  who  J 
can  prophesy  its  speed' '  resloiatiun  ?     The  fires  of  i 
war  have  been  lighted  up,  and  who  will  insure  , 
against  •>  general  conflogrution  ?  i ! 

This  Congress  is  now  rapidly  appit  .ching  the  :[ 
end  of  its  presen,  session.     \Ve  are  lo  go  home,    i 
and  leave  the  conduct  of  these  (nomenluus  ufVuirs 
in  the  hands  of  the  Executive  departments.     And  H 
in   what  condition?     In    what  conditio)     do   we    | 
leave  the  public  treasury  ?     1  have  made  a  diligent 
examinu'.ion   of    the    various  ap.  ropriation   bills 
■which  have  passed  this  House,  und  find  that  we 
have  already  voted  'o  raise  for  public  purposes 

over    FIFTY-ONE    MILLIONS     FIVE    HUNDitEO    THOU- 
SAND DOLLARS '.     I  hold   the  statement  of  the  va-   ; 
rious  items  in  my  hand,  nnd  have  submitted  them    ; 
to  the  chairman  of  the  Cominitiee  of  Ways  and    [ 
Means,  who  assents  to  their  correctness.     To  this 
must  be  added  about  Jive  millions  more,  which  hu\  e 
been  recommended,  and  must,  in  all  probability,  be    > 
granted.     We  have  also  authorized  the  President 
to  is^iie  treasury  notes  to   the  amount  of  ten  mil- 
lions!    And  yet — i  beg  that  those  who  hear  inc    ! 
will  remember  what  1  now  say — yet,  we  have  but 
just  begun  this  business  of  raising  money.     If  uiis    : 
war  continues  as  it  has  thus  fur  been  conduoicd,    I 
and  upon  the  seal;    vhicli  the.?e  expeditions  ii  di-   ; 
cate,  1  have  no  idea  that  tlic  Administration  I  us 
told  us  the  truth,  by  one-half,  lis  to  its  cost.     Of  j 
the  fifty-one  millions  already  raised,  about  twenty-   ! 
hrce  millions  are  cxiiressly  for  the  war,  and  based 
upi.i  estimates  which  the  Administration  has  fur-   j 
nishcU.     It  is  not  enough  to  pay  the  cost  of  this   j 
war  by  one-third! — and  so  time  will  show.     And    ; 
yet  it  IS  at  such  a  moment  that  we  are  called  upon    \ 
by  the  same  Administration  to  pass  a  bill  to  reduce 
the  duties  upon  foreign    importations,  on  which    i 
the  Government  has  always  heretofore  relied  for 
its  revenue.     We  have  a  war  by  which  all  our   | 
foreign  relations  are  disturbed,  and  at  the  saii.e 
moment  the  authors  of  it  are  muking  war  upon  all    . 
the  domestic  relations  of  business  and  industry  of  ' 
our  own  counti/. 

The  occasion  demands  an  ■nquiry  into  the  true   j 
cause  of  this  extraordinary  state  of  things.     What 
has  led  to  tliis  enormous  increase  of  experditii.-r  -f 
money .'     Why  is  it  that  we  are  thus  plunging  into    i 
a  debt  of  uncounted  millions?    Why  is  it  that  we   ] 
are  thus  galhcruig  armies,  iii\nJing  tlie  heart  c'*! 


llie  M.^ican  Republic,  and  seeking  to  makeparti- 
tion  of  her  territory  by  military  ".onqueat?  What 
inevitable  cause  has  led  to  all  this? 

The  [lebple  of  this  country  have  a  right  to  an 
answer  to  this  inquiry.  Their  representatives  not 
only  have  the  right,  but  it  is  their  duty  to  demand 
an  answer.  The  world — all  mankind — wll  sternly 
insist  upon  the  inquiry,  and  as  sternly  judge  of  tho 
answer. 

And,  sir,  I  shall  not  be  deterred  from  a  discus- 
sion of  the  subject  here,  and  at  this  time,  by  the 
nfii»  arable  cry  of  those  whose  duty  and  profit  it  is 
to  yield  a  ready  subservience  to  power,  that  the 
present  is  not  the  proper  time  to  make  this  inquiry ; 
that  we  should  wait  until  the  war  is  over  before  we 
should  presum.  to  investigate  the  conduct  of  the 
Executive !  Sir,  it  is  never  too  soon,  for  a  people 
who  desire  to  remain  free,  to  scrutinize  the  conduct 
of  ihuae  who  are  in  power.  The  time  may  come 
wnen  it  may  be  too  late — fatally  too  late.  But  it 
can  never  be  too  soon.  Eternal  vigilance,  tireless 
and  sleepless,  is  necessary,  to  watch  and  guard 
against  the  insidious  encroaclimciitf,  of  power;  and 
he  '.vho  drugs  his  conscience  with  the  reflection 
that  men  in  power  are  to  be  presumed  to  do  right, 
adopts  the  doctrine  of  u  despotism.  And  he  who 
sees  Ull  Executive  usurping  to  himself  unauthorized 
military  pow  er,  and  fails  to  proclaim  and  denounce 
il,  is  as  taisc  to  his  duly,  as  much  a  traitor  to  his 
country,  as  the  man  who  deserts  to  the  enemy's 
standard  upon  the  field  of  buttle.  Can  it  be  possi- 
ble that  in  a  government  like  ours,  war  may  be 
waged,  and  the  people  may  not  usk,  tclie'-efore  ? 
That  annies  may  be  levied — the  heart  of  a  neigh- 
boring republic  be  invaded — expeditions  of  foreign 
cennuest  under  ihe  lead  of  questionable  characters 
set  on  foot — millions  of  dolinrsexpcnded — the  blood 
of  our  gallant  soldiers  poured  out — and  that  our 
in  Vuihs  are  to  be  sealed  as  to  the  causes  or  neces- 
sity which  have  produced  such  results?  tjir,  1 
acknowledge  no  such  slavish  doctrine.  Scorn, 
conteriipi,  and  utter  loathing,  ore  all  they  deserve. 
They  belong  rightl'ully  to  the  lips  of  those  who 
livii  by  the  thrift  which  follows  fawning — those  of 
our  number  who  have  been  the  humUc  applicants 
for  the  rigadif-rships — the  paymasterships — and 
other  Ci-Uinbs  which  fall  from  the  Kxeculivo  table, 
ind  whose  patriotism  is  valorous  and  loud-mouthed 
in  proportion  to  their  chance  of  getting  ulhce  and 
emolument.  But  I  hold  that  we  should  be  false  to 
our  trust  as  representatives,  if  v.  e  fail  to  hold  lo  i< 
strict  accountability  those  who  are  temporarily  in 
office,  administering  the  Executive  departmcnta  of 
the  Uovernment.  Those  men  uie  not  the  Govern- 
ment; ihey  are  not  ihe  country.  They  are,  for  a 
brief  period,  the  instruments  of  conducting  the 
all'airs  of  the  Go\  eminent  and  the  country.  The 
power  of  the  so'.ereign  people  is  only  partially 
delegated  for  special  purposes.  How  absurd  and 
preposterous,  then,  is  the  clamor,  ihut  when  we 
venture  to  censure  these  ngenls  of  the  people,  we 
are  arraying  ourselves  against  our  country ! 

But  it  has  been  said,  aUo,  that  ii'  we  saw  fit  to 
oppose  the  course  of  the  Administration  upon  this 
suliject,  we  should  have  done  it  before  the  act  was 
passed  declaring  the  existence  of  tins  war.  Indeed ! 
There  seems  to  be  no  way  of  pleasing  these  diffi- 
cult gentlemen.  It  is  either  too  soon,  oi  loo  late  lo 
suit  their  tastes.  There  seems  lobe  no  conve- 
nient season  in  which  to  reason  with  them  on  the 
errors  of  those  in  power.  But  to  show  how  thin 
and  transparent  this  last  veil  is,  a  brief  alalement 
of  the  history  of  the  passage  of  the  wur-bill  will 
bo  enough.  It  was  on  May  11th,  that  Ihe  Presi- 
dent sent  us  his  Mexiran  war  message,  containing 
the  only  informaiion  yihicli  he  has  everueigned  to 
give  to  this  House  on  the  subject.  The  support- 
ers of  the  Precident  in  the  House,  constituting  a 
majority,  refused  to  have  the  message  and  accom- 
panying documents  read  in  the  House;  but  imme- 
diately adopted  a  resolution  liniiling  the  time  of 
debate  upon  the  subject  in  Committee  of  the  Whole, 
to  two  hours.  They  then,  went  into  committee, 
and  then  the  mes.sage  and  documents  were  read; 
nnd  three-fourths  of  the  time  allowed  for  debate 
was  tukt..  up  in  reading  the  documents.  Of  course 
they  had  never  been  printed,  and  but  a  very  im- 
perfect idea  of  them  coulU  be  galhtrcd  from  hear- 
ing them  read  at  the  Clerk's  desk.  No  time 
remained  for  discussion,  and  not  a  single  Whig 
member  had  an  opportunity  lo  express  Ills  opin- 
ions.   But  this  is  not  all.    The  bill  which  was 


presented  for  our  consideration,  was  one  which 
the  Military  Ci/mmittee  had  previously  reported 
expressly  for  the  purpose  of  repelling  invasion,  and 
for  that  alone.  It  authorized  the  raising  of  volun- 
teers, and  granted  money  for  that  purpose;  and 
for  all  the  substantial  pi  ?visionR«of  il,  I  would 
cheerfully  have  voted;  and  so  would,  as  I  think, 
nil  the  gentlemen  on  this  side  of  the  House.  We 
were  willing  lo  grant  every  supply  which  was  asked, 
or  needed,  to  extricate  our  gallant  little  army  from 
the  apparent  peril  into  which  it  had  been  plunged  by 
the  orders  of  the  Execntive.  But  mark  the  sequel. 
After  all  debate  was  closed  by  the  iron  will  of  the 
majority,  an  amendment,  in  the  form  of  n  pream- 
ble, was  oflbred  by  a  leading  member  of  tne  Ad- 
ininistration  parly,  [Mr.  Boyd,  of  Kentucky.] 
That  preamble  conbiined  the  declaratioi  that  "lear 
exists  bij  the  act  of  J^exico" — a  declaration  which  I 
conid  not  admit  to  be  true,  and  which  I  believed 
to  be  intended  as  a  cloak  to  the  real  intentions  of 
the  AdminiHi<-ation.  I  saw  then,  ns  I  see  now, 
that  our  Government  intended  to  make  war  upon 
Mexico;  but itdid  notatthat  momentdnre  to  march 
up  to  the  responsibility  of  a  frank  andiopen  declara- 
tion to  that  eflTect.  The  extracts  which  I  have 
read  from  the  official  organ  show  that  such  was 
their  intention.  Mr.  Ritchie  now  .says,  that  "Con- 
gress  declared  war  upon  ,1/fitco;"  and  that  "our 
GovemnunI  has  made  war  openly  in  Ihe  face  of  the 
tcorld."  Was  I  not  right,  then,  in  my  conviction 
that  the  preamble,  which  was  thus  suddenly 
sprung  upon  us  without  notice,  and  without  op- 
portunity for  discussion,  was  intended  as  a  covert 
declaration  of  war?  And  when  gentlemen  tell  us 
that,  now,  when  wc  are  in  a  war,  we  ought  not  to 
discuss  the  propriety  of  il,  and  that  we  should 
have  taken  the  occasion  to  do  it  when  the  subject 
was  under  discussion,  and  before  the  measure  was 
adopted,  I  point  to  this  history  of  the  transaction, 
as  a  full  and  sufficient  answer  to  the  shallow  and 
unfounded  pretence. 

But,  sir,  the  majority  determined  to  force  that 
preamble  into  the  bill.  I  could  not  and  did  not 
vole  for  it,  when  it  was  thus  burdened  with  a 
false  and  mischievous  declaration.  I  was  one  of 
the  few  who  voted  against  the  war  bill,  notwilh- 
slanding  my  great  anxiety  to  vote  for  the  supplies. 
I  will  not  say  that  the  course  of  the  majority  did 
not  make  mo  hesitate — because  such  a  stole  of 
thinm  was  well  calcula'ed  to  emborross.  But  the 
conclusion  to  which  reflection  brought  me,  left  no 
doubt  that  it  was  my  duty  io  vote  against  the 
bill,  and  subsequent  events  have  <.:;!y  'ended  to 
strengliien  my  confid<!nce.  I  have  not,  for  a  single 
moment,  seen  occasion  to  regret  that  vote,  or  doabt 
its  propriety;  and  it  is  with  a  feeling  of  both  sati^- 
faclion  and  pride  that  I  allude  to  the  approbation 
which  my  constituents  have  given  to  it.  There  is 
nowhere  on  the  face  of  the  earth  a  constituency 
more  intelligent,  more  reflecting,  or  more  patriotic 
They  allentivcly  observe  and  carefully  judgeall 
public  measures  and  public  men;  and  their  judg- 
ment upon  this  measure  has  been  most  emphalical- 
ly  pronounced.  I  know,  sir,  that  many,  and, 
indeed,  mo.st  of  the  gentlemen  on  this  side  of  the 
House,  including  two  of  my  colleagues,  voted  dif- 
ferently. I  know  the  embarrassments  under  whii'h 
t'l.'y  were  constrained  to  give  that  vole,  and  fully 
npiirecialc  the  honorable  motives  which  prompted 
it.  I  fully  concur  in  the  remark  made  by  another 
of  my  colleagues,  [Mr.  Hudson,]  that  this  was  a 
point  on  which  fair  minds  and  honorable  and  pa- 
triotic men  might  well  differ  without  being  liable  to 
any  im|mtalioii.  While  I  differed  from  them,  I 
cannot  at  all  sympathize  with  the  censure  which 
has  been  attempted  lo  be  thrown  upon  them  for 
pursuing  a  course  which  a  sense  of  duly  marked 
out  for  them;  and  before  a  hasty  condenmation  is 
pronounced  in  any  quarter,  I  would  recommend 
a  more  careful  examination,  and  a  more  impartial 
consideration,  of  the  difficulties  which  surrounded 
us  all  nt  the  moment  when  wo  were  called  upon  to 
Oct. 

I  come,  then,  Mr.  Chairman,  lo  consider  the 
causes  which  have  led  us  into  this  war.  And  after 
a  careful  examination  of  Co.  history  of  the  events 
which  are  known,  I  am  compelled  tc  sny  that  it 
has  been  brough'.  upon  us  by  the  men  who  nro 
temporarily  administering  Ihe  aflliirs  of  Govern- 
ment, in  disregard  of  the  principles  of  the  Consti- 
tution nnd  of  their  duties  to  the  people  of  the  coun- 
try. I  shall  confine  my  examination  to  theiinm(di<i(< 


f  July  27, 
OF  Reps. 


VM  one  which 
ously  i-eporied 
^  invasion,  and 
using  of  volun- 
purpose;  and 
of  it,  I  would 
d,  as  I  thinic, 
I  House.    We 
ich  was  asked, 
Itle  army  from 
cen  plunged  by 
arlc  the  sequel, 
ron  will  of  the 
m  of  n  nream- 
her  of  the  Ad- 
'(  Kentucky.] 
tioi  that  "tear 
i-ntinn  which  I 
ich  I  believed 
il  intentions  of 
as  I  see  now. 
Hike  war  upon 
dare  to  march 
Jopen  declara- 
which  I  Imva 
that  such  was 
,    ,  that  "Con- 
nil  that  "  our 
the  face  of  the 
my  conviction 
hiia   suddenly 
id  without  op- 
led  as  a  covert 
niemen  tell  us 
e  ought  not  to 
int  we  should 
en  the  subject 
e  measure  was 
ic  transaction, 
c  shallow  and 

to  force  that 

t  and  did  not 
dcned  with  a 

I  was  one  of 
•  bill,  notwith- 
r  the  supplies, 
e  majority  did 
ch  a  state  of 
•ass.  But  the 
;ht  me,  left  no 
e  against  the 
Illy  fended  to 
)t,  for  a  single 
vote,  ordo.ibt 

of  both  sati^'. 
e  approbation 

it.    There  is 

constituency 
lore  patriotic 
illy  judgeall 
id  their  judg- 
it  emphatical- 

many,  and, 
s  side  of  the 
es,  voted  dif- 

underwhii'h 
le,  and  fully 
ch  prompted 
e  by  another 
>t  this  was  a 
■able  and  pa- 
cing liable  to 
•om  them,  I 
nsure  which 
on  them  for 
luty  marked 
lenmation  is 

recommend 
ire  impartial 

surrounded 
lied  upon  to 

onsidcr  the 
And  after 
f  the  events 
■  say  that  it 
en  who  aro 
of  Udvern- 
tlie  Consti- 
)f  the  coun- 
le  immediate 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


811 


29th  Conq 1st  Sess. 


The  Mexican  War — Mr,  Ashmun. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


causes  which  kindled  the  flame.  I  shall  omit — us 
not  being  essential  to  the  view  which  I  intend  to 
take,  andfor  want  of  time — the  annexation  ofTex- 
r.a  and  its  attendant  circumsUtnccs.  That  act — 
for  good  or  evil — was  done.  Our  Constitution 
liad  been  violated  to  accomplish  it,  and  the  deed 
of  startling,  monstrous  iniquity,  was  consumma- 
ted. It  had  passed  into  hittory,  and  the  judgment 
of  the  world  was  made  up  upon  il.  The  country 
was  in  some  measure  just  recovering  from  the  shock 
which  an  act  so  sudden  and  so  violent  had  given  it, 
when  a  new  scries  of  measures  was  set  on  foot  by 
this  Administration,  which  has  brought  us  into 
our  present  condition. 

The  President  of  the  United  States,  in  his  An-  I 
nual  Message  at  the  opening  of  tho  present  session, ; 
took  occasion  to  announce  to  us  the  final  consum- 
mation of  the  annexation  of  Texas,  with  many  a  ; 
higli-soiiiidiiig  phrase  of  glorification.  Among  I 
other  things,  he  said:  '• 

**  'J'liis  ncccsnlnn  to  our  teirltory  lias  been  ft  bloodless  j 
nchiuvcniciil.    No  arm  of  force  liii8  been  riiiscd  to  produce  i 
tliu  re!»ult.    Tluisworil  ling  had  no  part  in  the  victory.    We 
biivc  not  80L--'it  to  extend  our  tcriitorial  posftSHiona  by 
coiiqiK'fit,  or  our  rupubtiean  nistitutlona  over  a  ruluctant 
people." 

And  he  added  that  it  was  "  a  bloodless  achieve-  i 
mcnt,  to  which  the  world  might  be  challenged  to 
furnish  a  parallel !"    This  was  on  the  first  iVlon-  : 
day  of  December,  and  yet,  Mr.  Chairman,  how  , 
Ones  the  flourish  sound  in  your  ears,  when  I  read 
tr  ynu  from  the  E.Kccutiv"  documents  the  orders 
which  were  given  to  General  Taylor  to  march  his 
army  into  Texas,  and  take  military  possession  of  il,  ; 
nearly  six  months  before  >    On  July  SO,  1S45,  Mr.  ; 
Secretary  Mercy  writes  to  Gtnerul  Toylor  as  fol-  ; 
ows:  "  TheUio  Grande  is  ciaimcd  to  be  the  bound-  ; 
■  ary  between  the  two  countries,  and  lip  tn  this 
'  boundary  you  will  extend  your  pmtectioii.  •  •  • 
'  It  is  expected  that  in  s.  Icciiiig  the  establishment 
'  for  your  troops  you  will  approach  as  near  the 
'  boundary  line  (the  Rio  Gianile)  as  prudence  will 
'permit.'       Again:   on   Oetnl.er   IG,  Mr.  Marcy 
writes  to  the  General;  "  You  will  approach  as  near 
'  the  veslern  boundary  of  Texas  (tiie  Rio  Grande) 
'  as  circumstances  will  permit."    And  these  letters 
were  addressed  to  General  Taylor  as  "  c(i»imnii(/ing 
llie  army  of  occupation  in  Texas."     Here  we  see  an 
army  ordered  by  the  President  to  take  niililury  oc- 
cnpaiion   of  Texas — to   march   as   near  the  Rio 
Grande  as  prudence  will  permit,  as  early  as  July, 
and   yet   the   President,  six    iiinnths  afterwards, 
gravely  informs  Congress   lliat   "  the  sword   has 
had  no  part"  in  the  business;  "  no  arm  of  force 
has  been  raised    to   produce   the   result!"    This 
movcmcnl  of  the  troops,  this  drawing  of  the  sword 
in  the  region  of  the  Rio  Grande,  was  the  first  of' 
a  series  of  measures  which  led  to  this  war;  and 
the  points  which  I  propose  to  establish  are — 

1.  That  the  war  was  caused  by  the  movement  of 
the  army  from  the  Nueces  to  the  Rio  Grande,  and 
the  miliiary  investment  of  the  city  ol  Matanioros. 

9.  That  there  was  no  necessity  for  any  such 
movement  to  repel  any  invasion. 

;).  That  if  the  object  of  the  movement  was  to 
intimidate  Mexico  Into  an  acquiescence  to  the  de- 
mands of  Mr.  Slidcll  by  hostile  demonstration; ,  it 
was  an  unaulborizcd  and  unwarrantable  act  o'l  the 
part  of  the  Executive. 

In  the  first  place,  1  do  not  believe  that  il'.ere  is  a 
man  in  the  world  who  thinks  that  we  should  have 
been  thus  embroiled  in  war  if  our  army  bad  re- 
mained at  Corpus  Cbristi.  There  would  have 
been  no  bloodshed,  no  collision.  No  P.  xicaii 
soldiers  would  have  crosied  the  great  desert  which 
stretchei  between  the  Nueces  and  Rio  Grande. 
All  was  quiet  and  peaceful.  The  silence  of  that 
vast  desert  was  unbroken  by  a  single  martial 
sound,  and  would  have  renmiiied  so  to  this  hour, 
but  for  the  unfortunate  ordeia  vhich  were  given 
under  date  of  January  13,  184(j,  jirecling  Ge.crnI 
Taylor  to  plant  the  stars  and  stripes  upon  the 
batiks  of  the  Rio  Grande.  And  after  tdose  orders 
vpve  issued,  what  other  result  could  have  been 
hoped  for  than  a  r,olli.sion  ?  The  Mexican  people 
were  already  siifliciently  irritated  by  imagined 
wrongs;  and  when  they  lound  their  city  thus  made 
the  object  of  hostile  demonstrations,  cannoi:  plant- 
ed within  point-blank  shot  of  their  dwellings,  and 
trained  to  bear  directly  upon  their  firesides,  and 
heard  the  harsh  notes  of  threats  and  defiance  ring- 
ing all  around  tlioni,  il  v/as  a  consummation  which 
a  people  more  enlightened  and  less  quarrelsome 


could  hardly  bo  expected  to  brook.  War  followed , 
as  everybody  saw  it  must.  The  glory  of  well- 
fought  battles, all  the  glory  which  skill  and  bravery 
can  earn  at  the  cannon  s  mouth,  has  clustered 
around  that  gallant  little  army,  which  the  course 
of  the  Executive  had  thus  placed  in  peril.  Theirs, 
and  theirs  alone,  is  all  the  honor.  We  all  remem- 
ber with  what  anxious  hearts  we  waited  for  the 
news;  ond  how  every  American  heart  bounded 
with  joy  when  it  finally  came  announcing  their 
brilliant  and  vriumphant  escape  tVom  imminent^ 
peril.  But  glorious  as  was  the  result,  and  brilliant 
as  was  the  achievement,  the  voice  of  mourning  and 
lamentation  is  heard  with  painful  distinctness 
amidst  the  shouts  of  victory.  The  bones  of  some 
of  the  bravest  and  best  of  otir  gallant  soldiers  lie 
bleaching  upon  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande ! 
Who  shall  bind  up  the  broken  hearts,  or  heal  the 
wounds  of  those  whom  the  loss  of  Brown,  Ring- 
gold, and  a  host  of  others,  lias  afliiclcd  !  and  who 
shall  say  that  a  whole  empire  conquered  at  the 
price  of  such  blood  is  not  too  dearly  nought! 

I  say  further,  that  there  was  no  nece.«t(i/  for  the 
march  of  the  army  upon  Matamoroa.  There  was 
no  invasion  of  Texas  by  any  Mexican  force. 
There  was  no  threat  of  invasion.  And  I  say, 
also,  that  the  documents  which  I  shall  produce, 
show,  that  there  was  no  ground  for  apirrehenrion  of 
invasion.  Great  misapprehension  has  prevailed 
on  this  point;  and  much  of  it  is  ov.ing  to  decep- 
tion. A  plain  stau  inent  of  the  history  of  events 
will  show  how  perfectly  idle  the  pretence  is,  tliat 
the  niovenient  of  the  army  was  for  the  purpose  of 
repelling  invasion.  It  will  be  recollected  ihai  the 
order  issued  by  Secretary  Marcy  to  General  Taylor, 
finally  directing  this  muvenieiit,  was  dated  January 
13,  lc4ti.  Now,  1  shall  show  by  the  documents 
which  the  President  has  sent  us,  that  down  to  that 
date  the  War  Uepanment  had  not  received  any 
inlormation  tending  to  show  that  an  inva.sion  was 
attempted,  or  even  apprchcnrted;  nay,  even  that 
more  than  n  month  after  that  date.  General  Taylor 
cautioned  Mr.  Marcy  agaiiiot  giving  any  attention 
to  any  rumors  of  invasion.  I  ask  attention  to  the 
VHrior.s  extracts  which  will  ••  read  from  General 
Taylor's  Oi}icial  despatches  to  the  War  Depart- 
ment. They  are  all  dated  at  Corpus  Cbristi,  where 
he  had  the  best  means  of  obtaining  information 
upon  the  subject. 
August  15,  1P45,  he  writes  as  follows: 
"  NuV  do  1  Iciir  tliiU  iht!  repurleri  eoneeiilrution  of  troops 
at  IVIatiiiiionM  ii  I'ui'  any  purpuju  uf  invasion." 

August  20,  he  writes: 

**  Cjuavaiis  oftiader-;  arrive  nrcaionally  from  tlie  Rio 
Gnuiil,',  bat  liiilig  no  niHti  iit  iniportanci:.  They  repri'seiit 
that  llicrc  ilri;  no  re:,'ular  trnopH  on  Uiat  n\er,  I'xeepl  i\t  Ma- 
luniintM,  and  (iu  not  >ei  ui  to  be  aware  of  any  preparuttuim 
tur  a  ileinoil^tralieii  on  Ihi.s  Imiilc  ot'  the  river/' 

September  6,  he  writes: 

o  I  liave  tile  honor  to  report  that  n  cnnfldential  aurnt,  dc- 
pp-ileln  li  some  days  t-inee  to  .Malainnrni:,  tinii  n.'liniii;(i,  ami 
r^  pnrLt  tliat  no  u.vlraordinary  p-dpaiiiUoiiB  uru^uiiig  Ibrwaid 
tllere." 

October  11,  he  says: 

"Recent  arrival-' from  the  Rio  Gmnde  brini;  no  news  of 
a  dk  Cerent  aspect  Irom  what  1  reported  iu  my  lujit." 

January  7,  1846,  he  writes: 

"A  recent  seont  of  volnnteers  frnm  Ban  Antonio  struck 
tile  liver  near  I'resiilin,  Rio  Grande,  and  the  cuinmander 
reports  cveryliiiii};  quiet  in  tlnii  quarter." 

February  16,  he  writes: 

"  Many  lep^irt-'  w  lil  doubUe!«s  rracli  the  lieparimPiil  givinu 
exa;'gtrntfil  accnniitti  of  .Mexican  preparaln.n^  lo  resist  cni 
advance,  it'  not  indeed  to  uuuinpl  an  inviibinii  ol  'IVixaii. 
Sueli  reports  have  been  eireiiiated  even  at  liii^  |iiaee,  and 
owe  Ilieir  orimn  to  personal  iiilerexb^  <  oniii  cimI  wiln  the 
stay  of  tile  ftriiiy  liere.  /  trji*(  that  thai  uiU  rccrire  i.o  inten- 
tion at  the  Wur  Deimrtmeiit." 

These  various  despatches  wern,  from  time  to 
time,  sent  by  General  Taylor  to  the  ilepartment 
here;  and  they  contained  tlie  only  nuthcniic  infor- 
mation which  exists;  and  yet  it  is  preicuiled  that 
the  army  was  ordered  to  march  to  the  Rio  Grande 
to  repel  invasion!  General  Taylor  writes  in  every 
despatch  from  Corpus  Clirisii,  that  no  such  tiling 
is  to  be  apprehended.  He  entreats  the  department 
to  pay  no  attention  to  any  rumor  to  that  ed'ect;  and 
these  despatches  were  bel'ore  the  President  when 
he  wrote  liia  message  of  May  1  lib,  and  yet  in  that 
message  he  asserts  that  "  iiinuion  tens  tlirealcned!" 
Now,  I  demand  to  know  wh-tbcr  the  President  lias 
ill  his  possession  any  evidence  on  this  point  which 
lie  has  withheld  from  our  eyes,  or  whether  be  lins 
i  thus  courageously  ventured  to  contradict  the  ofli- 


cial  despatches  of  the  General  who  was  in  com- 
mand upon  the  spot.  No,  no;  Mexico  had  no 
purpose  of  invasion;  or  if  she  had,  she  never  made 
the  slightest  public  demoniltration  of  anysuch  pur- 
pose, until  General  Taylor  was  encamped  before 
Mntamoros, 

Why,  theh — for  what  purpose,  lawful  or  unlaw- 
ful— was  our  army  sent  to  the  Rio  Grande?  No 
satisfactory  answer  has  yet  been  given  by  any  ona 
01  those  who  have  so  vociferously  applauded  the 
Executive  in  this  House.  Thfe  question  has  been 
repeatedly  asked;  and  we  are  answered,  that  tho 
President  if-rt  great  patriot !  Wc  demand  his  au- 
thority thus  to  use  our  army,  and  the  reply  is, 
"  You  now  know  who  James  K.  Polk  is  !"  And 
thus  we  are  left  to  our  own  conjectures  on  this 
point.  From  the  examination  wliich  I  have  given 
these  documents,  my  own  conclusion  is,  that  the 
movement  was  first  determined  upon  in  order  to 
intimidate  Mexico,  by  hostile  demonstrations,  to 
comply  with  the  demands  of  Mr.  Slidell,  who  had 
been  sent  out  to  that  Gover'  ;nent  in  the  character 
of  Minister  Plenipoten'' ,i\.  It  was  a  military 
demonstration  in  tt'"'  m  diplomacy;  and  as  such, 
was  an  unautho'  ..,d  exercise  of  power  on  the  part 
of  the  Executive.  It  was  an  act  in  the  nature  of 
war — leading  directly  to  war,  and  our  Constitution 
has  given  the  Presitienl  no  power  to  do  such  on 
act. 

Mr.  Slidell  was  appointed  tn  the  mission  some 
time  in  November  last,  under  circumstances  some- 
what singular.  We  all  remember  the  mystery 
which  was  wrapped  around  his  departure.  .  The 
newspapers  spoke  of  a  strange-looking  character, 
in  a  "  slouched  hat,"  going  on  board  a  vessel  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  excite  suspicion  and  gossip. 
It  is  not  the  ordinary  course  of  such  distinguished 
functionaries  as  Ministers  Plenipotentiary  and  En- 
voys Extraordinary,  to  depart  from  their  own 
country  in  so  stealthy  a  manner;  and  I  must  con- 
fess it  does  now  look  a  litile  as  if  he  had  some 
doubt  of  the  true  character  iu  which  he  expected 
to  h'-  received.  A  "Commissioner"  miitht  well  be 
supposed  to  put  on  a  disgui.se.  WhatMr.  SlidcH'a 
instrur.iions were, yet rcmainsa mystery.  Whether, 
in  addiiion  to  the  question  of  boundary  and  the 
indemnities,  there  was  not  something  about  the 
annexation  of  California,  we  are  not  permitted  to 
know.  Time  will  disclose.  But  at  all  events,  ho 
did  not  make  much  progress  in  his  attempts  nt 
'  diplomatic  iiitercour.se  with  the  Mexicans;  and 
;  wh  le  thus  in  tribulation,  he  writes,  on  December 
j  27,  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  urging  hostile  demonstrations 
upon  Mexico,  as  follows; 

"Ttie  des-irc  of  our  GoverniiiPnt  to  secure  pence,  will  bo 
mi!;tnken  for  timidity;  theinnst  extrnvnirnnt  prpten.'.lons  will 
he  inude  and  insisted  upon,  llnUI  tiie  Mexican  people  shall 
h::  cnnvinend  hy  llosTU-r:  drmonstrations  tliat  our  ttijj'er- 
cticc^  '  "t  be  setltcdpromjitliff  cither  try  nrgotiaiion  or  hyttte 
stforii. ' 

Tlii.s  is  a  plain  request  to  our  Government  to 

resort  to  the  sword  to  aid  him  in  his  plans.    "  Hos- 

1  tile  demonstrations,"  he  thought,  might  be  highly 

i  useful  in  bringing  the  obstinate  Mexicans  to  a  sense 

'  of  his  diplomatic  importance.     On  .January  13th, 

the   hostile  demonstration  was   ordered,  and   on 

bearing  of  it,  Mr.  S.  writes  to  Mr.  Buchanan  that 

it  will  probably  exerci.se  a  salutary  influence.    See 

despatch  of  February  17,  as  ftillows: 

"  The  advance  of  Generni  Taylor's  force  to  the  left  bank 
of  the  Rio  del  \orte,  and  tho  siri'nallieninix  our  sqnadron  in 
tlie  Gnlf,  aro  wii*e  mpa*ure8,  whicli  may  exercise  a  su/ii/iiri/ 
iertiiencc  upon  the  course  ot^this  (Jovernment." 

The  most  .superficial  observer  must  see  by  this 
extract  that  Mr.  Slidell  had  no  idea  that  Mexico 
was  about  to  invade  our  territory,  and  that  his 
only  view  of  the  movement  of  the  army  and  n.ivy 
was,  that  it  was  intended  to  influence  the  course 
of  the  Mexican  Government  in  relation  to  matcers 
connected  with  his  mission.     He   deemed   these 

.  measures  to  be  wi.se,  because  they  would  aid  tho 
purposes  of  his  mission,  and  not  at  all  because  ha 
anticipated  that  the  United  States  was  in  danger  of 
invasion. 

If,  then,  such  was  the  purpose;  if  it  was  intend- 
ed, by  'l.us  making  hostile  and  warlike  deinnn- 
stiations  upon  the  frontier  of  Mexico,  and  causing 
our  ships  of  war  to  gather  like  a  cloud  upon  her 
coast,  to  bully  and  alarm  that  Government  into  an 
acquiescence  with  Mr.  Slidell's  demands,  I  again 
say  that  it  was  an  act  of  usurped  iniliuvry  power. 
There  is  no  warrant  for  it  in  the  Conslitutirn,  un- 

>  less,  indeed,  the  whole  war  power  is  vested  in  the 


8IS 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GIX)BE. 


[June  30, 


29rH  CoNa......lsT  Sess. 


The  Tariff— M-.  Bayly. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


Executive,  to  be  exercised  a^  hie  diBcretion,and 
subject  to  no  control  or  limitaUon.  Tlie  President 
has  power  to  commence  and  carry  on  negotiations, 
and,  with  tlieici  ncurrence  of  the  Senate,  to  con- 
clude treatie*.  But  he  has  no  power  without  the 
concurrence  of  botli  Houses  of  Congress,  to  arm 
himself  in  the  panoply  of  war  for  tbf  purpose  of 
compeOine  n  forei,^n  Power  to  submit  to  the  de- 
■kands  of  his  negotiators. 

And  it  is  equally  true  that  he  haa  no  authority 
to  settle,  by  martial  and  warlike  demonstrations,  a 

Jiuestion  of  disputed  boundary.  Whether,  thcre- 
bre,  the  Nueces  or  the  Rio  Graijdo  ought  to  be 
adopted  as  the  southwestern  limit  of  Texas,  the 
employment  of  military  force  to  settle  the  question 
was  alike  uiijustifinble.  And  in  considering  this 
point,  1  do  not  intend  to  discuss  that  much-vexed 
question  of  boundary.  We  have  hadmuch  learned 
argument,  geographical  and  historical,  spread  be- 
fore UB  for  the  solution  of  this  difficulty.  But  it  is 
enough  for  my  purpose  to  look  at  it  as  on  ojien  q\^e^- 
tion — admitted  on  all  hands  to  be  one  for  future  ad- 
JHslmpnt  bitwcen  Mexico  and  the  United  States. 
The  riisolutions  which  consented  to  llic  annexation 
of  Texascxprcssl  y  reserved  the  question  of  bounda- 
ry, in  these  words:  "Said  State  to  be  formed,  sub- 
'  ject  to  the  adjustment  by  this  Qovernmnnt  of  ail 
'  questions  of  boundary  that  may  arise  with  other 
'  Governments. "  1  shall  therefore  pass  over  those 
considerations  which  have  so  strong  a  tendency  to 
prove  that  the  true  boundary  of  the  State  of  Texas 
was  the  river  Nueces.  Whichever  way  the  weight 
of  the  evidence  and  the  argument  on  tliis  point 
may  be,  so  long  as  it  was  a  question  of  dispute 
between  the  two  Governments,  I  assert  that  the 
President  hud  no  power  to  solve  it  by  the  sword. 
The  Constitution  has  given  him  no  authority  to 
mark  out  lines  of  our  territorial  limits  with  the 
sword.  If  such  questions  cannot  be  settled  by 
negotiation,  then,  in  the  last  resort,  Congress, and 
Congress  alone,  may  bring  the  terrible  power  of 
war  to  Iwor  upon  them.  But  I  defy  the  most  un- 
scrupulous supporter  of  the  Executive  to  put  his 
linger  upim  any  clause  in  the  Constitution  which 
gives  to  him  any  such  power. 

And  niiw,  Mr.  Chairman,  let  mo  inquire  how  it 
happened  that  Congress  was  not  consulted  by  the 
President  before  these  military  demonstrations 
were  made!  This  is  a  matter  which  demands  the 
most  serious  and  grave  consideration.  There  has 
been  a  secrecy  and  mystery  apparcntljr  attempted 
to  be  thrown  around  tlie  proceedings  of  the  Exec- 
utive in  relation  to  the  Mexican  aJairs,  from  the 
time  of  Mr.  Slidell's  disguised  departure,  down  to 
the  late  despatch  of  Mr.  Marcy  to  Mr.  Stevenson, 
in  which  caution  is  enjoined  against  letting  the 
public  know  the  aim  and  purposes  of  his  expedi- 
tion. Congress  has  been  in  daily  session  since  the 
first  Monday  of  December  last,  but  no  intimation 
was  given  to  it  that  the  military  expedition  to  the 
Kio  Grande  was  desired  or  intended.  The  order 
for  that  movement  was  given  on  the  13th  of  Jaiui- 
ary,  but  Con";ress  were  kept  in  the  dark  about  it 
until  May  lltli,  two  days  after  the  great  batUes, 
when  the  curtain  was  so  suddenly  lifle'l  upon  a 
scene  of  bloodshed,  and  the  blaze  of  actual  war! 
Vague  rumors  had  indeed  got  abroad,  but  all  otB- 
ciaf  information  was  withheld.  An  attempt  early 
made  in  this  House  to  obtain  information  was 
oppo8..d  by  the  friends  of  the  Administration. 
Having  heard  from  a  confidential,  but  reliable 
source,  that  such  orders  had  been  issued,  I,  on 
February  3d,  olTered  the  following  resolution  of 
inquiry: 

•'BtM/tfd,  Thnt  Ih"  I"rei>ldciit  of  tlic  United  Sutra  b^ 
requt-Rtt^d  tf)  roriiniiiiiii'iiti'  to  tiw.  IloU'^c  of  Krpruwiiiaiivi'S 
any  Infitrmntioii  iti  Iiin  |io:*HCfifion,  not  tiurulotbrt!  cninriiuiii- 
cnted,  whtoll  allb'-tfl  the  r«jliiUuiie  exidUiig  brtwcuu  tlio 
IJnilcd  Suues  nnd  ill"  IIf|iiiI>Iic  of  Mi'xirn,  and  i>arllcul«rly 
wlieUier  tlie  itriiiy  or  iinvy  of  tliu  UiiitiMl  t^tntoH,  or  tiny  piirt 
of  fUlier,  lian  liei'ii  ordflrc'd  to  movi;  townrdH  llmt  rcpuMic, 
and  wimt  iHTunviices  have  coim  to  the  ktinwlt:dt((^  of  tli« 
Prntid*<nt  M  reqiiirH  fucti  n  iiioveiiieiil,  provided  thn  infor- 
motion  iMin,  tii  lim  opinion,  lie  coniinimicati'd  witliout  dftri- 
niPiit  to  tlie  public  iiitercHti.'* 

This  resolution  was  objected  t.>  by  the  chair- 
man of  Uio  Committee  on  Military  AfTairs,  [Mr. 
HAaALnoN,]  and  by  the  gentleman  from  Ken- 
tucky, [Mr.  BovD,)  the  latter  of  whom  may  be 
considered  as  the  leader  of  the  Administration 
forces  upon  this  war  question;  and  it  was  defeated. 
This  silence  remained  unbroken,  until  the  iinini- 
nent  peril  into  wliitli  General  Taylor's  army  had 
been  thrust  by  the  Administration  compeltcu  it  to 


oak  for  men  and  money  on  the  ]  1th  of  May.  Why 
was  this.'  The  Constitution  has  placed  the  guar- 
dianship of  the  great  issues  of  war  and  peace  in 
the  hands  of  the  people's  representatives  in  the 
two  Houses  of  Congress.  It  is  the  duty  of  the 
President  to  give  them  alh  possible  information  to 
enable  them  to  discharge  these  responsibilities 
with  due  fidelity.  But  her^  is  a  case  in  which  the 
President  has  assumed  the  war  power  himself, 
while  Congress  was  in  session,  without  commu- 
nicating the  taxx  to  either  House !  I  maintain  that, 
in  any  view  which  can  be  taken  of  these  military 
and  naval  expeditions,  it  w£is  the  duty  of  tlie  Pres- 
ident to  have  sought  and  obtained  the  consent  of 
Congress  before  they  were  set  on  foot.  Did  he 
think  our  national  honor  had  been  wounded  in  the 
person  of  Mr.  Slidell?  he  should  call  on  Congress 
to  vindicate  it.  Did  he  think  that  hostile  demon- 
strations were  needed  to  compel  Mexico  to  pay  the 
indemnities,  or  yield  us  the  boundary  of  the  Kio 
Grande?  he  was  false  to  his  high  responsibility  if 
he  faded  to  invoke  the  aid  and  power  of  Congress 
to  make  them.  But  that  he  should  undertake  to 
make  them  himself,  upon  his  own  responsibility, 
and  without  even  informing  Congress,  is  an  act 
which  deserves  most  marked  condemnation. 

Such  is  the  manner  in  which  our  country  has 
become  involved  in  war;  nnd  such  is  the  character 
of  the  warns  manifested  by  the  expedidons  recently 
set  on  foot, — a  war  brought  upon  us  by  the  un- 
warrantable course  of  the  Executive,  and  to  be 
carried  on  as  A  war  of  coNquEST.  What  a  train 
of  reflections  arise  ujion  this  review !  I  can,  in 
the  time  to  which  I  am  limited,  advert  to  but  one 
of  the  many  which  throng  upon  the  mind. 

What  is  to  be  the  end  of  all  this .'  Our  victorious 
ormics  ore  to  plant  the  stars  oiid  stripes  upon  the 
halls  of  Montezuma  and  the  shores  of  California. 
And  what  is  to  follow  ?  Are  we  to  retoit.  Mexico.' 
or  to  carve  out  of  it  as  our  share  of  plunder  the 
province  of  California?  I  have  no  doubt  that  the 
acquisition  of  some  (Hirt,  like  that  of  San  Francisco, 
upon  llie  Pacific,  would  be  beneficial  to  our  country 
in  a  commercial  point  of  view;  but  we  oil  know 
that  a  peaceful  arrangement  could  have  accom- 
plished such  a  purpose.  A  very  small  part  of  tlie 
many  millions  of  (lollars  which  this  war  will  cost 
us  would  have  sjieedily  obtained  it.  But  the  mind 
revolts  instinctively,  and  with  horror,  at  tlic  idea  of 
attempting  it  by  military  conquest.  The  enlight- 
ened spirit  of  the  age — the  sentiment  of  all  Chris- 
tendom— will  condemn  it.  It  belonge  to  a  barba- 
rous age  and  a  barbarous  people.  And  although 
temporary  success  may  crown  the  iidventui-c,  it 
will  not,  it  cannot,  coino  to  good.  And  if  such 
schemes  are  to  be  quietly  suljci-ed — if  the  public 
voice  does  not  rebuke  them — I  see  a  portentous 
oinenof  the  early  and  premature  decay  into  which 
our  institutions  are  fast  falling. 

It  is  to  arouse  the  attention  of  the  people  of  the 
country  that  1  have  now  spoken.  The  power  of 
prevention  is  in  their  hands,  and  I  invoke  them  to 
exert  it! 


THE  TAIUFF. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  T.  H.  BAYLY, 

OF  VIRGINIA, 
In  the  House  of  RKPREsrNTATives, 
Jime  30,  1846. 
"  he  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  state  of  the  Union  on  the  bill  to  reduce  the  ■ 
duty  on  Imports,  and  for  other  purposes — 
Mr.  BAYLY  addressed  the  Committee  as  fol- 
lows; 

Mr.  Chairman:  Unlike  the  gentleman  from  Ohio, 
[Mr.  BiuNKEKHoFF,]  I  sliall  vote  with  great  pleas- 
ure lor  the  bill  reported  from  the  Committee  of 
Wayo  and  Means,  with  such  amendments  as  it  is 
understood  the  chairman  of  that  committee  will 
propose,  although  it  may  not  lie  precisely  such  a 
iiill  as  I  could  desire.  But  it  is  a  great,  a  very 
great  improvement  upon  the  tarirt'nct  of  ltl42,  and 
IS  in  every  respect  a  much  better  bill  than  I  had 
hoped  we  should  he  able  to  pass  at  Ro  early  a  date. 
It  IS  true  I  never  doubled  that  sooner  or  later  we 
would  return  to  correct  iirinciples  of  Icgislnlion  on 
this  subject.  But  I  had  hanlly  hojied  that  the  day 
of  regeneration  would  have  arrived  so  soon.  In 
!  itie  uct  of  IS43,  rcvonue  principles  the  most  uni- 


CI 


versally  recognised  were  disregarded.  I  hold  it  to 
be  an  incontrovertible  principle  that  the  burdens 
of  taxation  should  be  principally  borne  by  the 
wealthy,  and  not  by  the  poor.  Go"..-rnment  is  in- 
stituteti  for  the  joint  protection  of  persons  and 
property.  The  wealthy  enjoy  a  greater  amount  of 
protection  and  ought  to  pay  more  for  it.  Besides, 
a  tax  falls  more  easily  upon  ihem,  as  they  make  a 
smaller  sacrifice  in  paying  it.  It  is  a  kindred  prin- 
ciple, equally  well  recognised,  that  taxes  should 
rather  be  imposed  upon  luxuries  which  may  be 
dispensed  with,  than  upon  necessaries  which  can- 
not. In  the  former  case,  the  tax  is  voluntary;  in 
the  latter,  it  is  unavoidable.  Both  of  these  princi- 
ples arc  glaringly  violated  in  the  act  referred  to. 
The  highest  duties  are  placed  upon  necessaries, 
and  articles  principally  consumed  by  the  poor,  and 
the  lowest  upon  luxuries,  and  such  as  are  mostly 
consumed  by  the  rich.  This  has  been  so  fre- 
quently and  inconteslably  proven,  that  it  would  be 
supcrnuoiis  for  me  to  go  into  detail  to  establish  it 
now.  This  condemns  the  law  as  a  revenue  meas- 
ure. But  it  was  enacted  fbr  the  purposes  of  pro- 
tection. Protection  is  stamped  upon  every  feature 
of  it.  Nor  is  it  necessary  to  stop  to  prove  this.  It 
is  defended  as  a  protective  tariu;  and  so  far  from 
any  one's  denying  thnt  it  is  such,  we  are  told 
throughout  the  debate  that  a  law  framed  upon  any 
other  |)rinciple  would  be  destructive  to  the  best  in- 
terests of  the  people.  It  being  conceded  to  be  a 
tarifl'  levied  for  the  purposes  of  pi-otcction,  the  first 
question  which  suggests  itself  is,  had  the  Congress 
which  enacted  it  any  warrant  in  tlie  Constitution 
for  doing  so  ? 

I  approach,  Mr.  Chairman,  this  branch  of  the 
argument  with  reluctance.     I  know  that  there  is  a 

f;i'cat  ^nd  growing  indisposition  in  this  House  to 
isten  to  an  argument  against  any  measure  based 
upon  the  denial  of  the  constitutional  authority  of 
Congress  to  pass  it.  We  have  been  told  by  a  gen- 
tleman from  Vermont,  [Mr.  Coli.amer,]  a  jurist, 
standing  high  in  the  confidence  of  his  party,  that 
the  Constitution  is  of  no  avail  as  a  restraint  on 
Congress,  or  any  farther  than  as  it  prescribes  tho 
forms  of  government.  I  knew  that  his  party  for  a 
long  time  had  acted  upon  this  idea,  but  I  d.id  not 
expect  to  hear  it  so  soon,  and  so  authoritatively 
announced. 

[Mr.  Collamer  here  interposed,  and  said  that 
he  had  not  expressed  an  opinion  that  such  ought  to 
be  the  case,  but  only  that  such  was  the  ease.] 

Mr.  Bavlt.    That  only  makes  the  matter  worse. 
It  is  not  announced  as  the  opinion  of  a  very  intel- 
ligent and  observant  gentleman,  but  by  such  an 
one  oj  a  foci.    1  hope  he  is  mistaken.    I  hope,  at 
so  early  a  period  in  our  national  existence,  the  Con- 
stitution has  not  already  ceased  to  be,  what  its  fra- 
mers  designed  it,  a  limitation  of  power  in  Congress 
and  a  restraint  upon  it.    1  hope  the  time  has  not 
already  arrived  when  the  discretion  of  Congress, 
and  not  the  Constitution,  is  the  measure  pf  its 
power.     If  80,  a  revolution   has  already  taken 
place — stealthily  and  unobserved  by  the  people,  it 
IS  true,  hut  no  less  mighty  on  that  account.     But, 
sir,  although  I  cannot  admit  that  events  have  al- 
ready carried  us  to  this  point,  yet  I  si-e  that  they 
are  rapidly  tending  to  it.    This  imposes  upon  such 
of  us  as  value  the  Constitution  as  something  more 
than  a  book  of  forms,  who  chcrif  h  its  checks  and 
balances,  its  limitations  and  restraints,  as  the  pnlla- 
diiim  of  our  Ubertics,  the  duty  of  appealing  to  and 
proclaiming,  and,  as  far  as  we  can,  of  sustaining 
Its  supremacy.    Sir,  at  the  risk  of  ridicule,  nnd  be- 
ing pointed  at  as  n  Virginia  abstractionist,  I  mean, 
as  long  as  I  remain  in  public  life,  to  support  nnd 
j  defend  the  Constitution  as  the  fathers  of  the  Repub- 
lic made  and  construed  it,  and  as  the  administration 
of  the  Government  has  more  than  once  been  revo- 
j  lutionized  to  maintain  it.    Sir,  on  this  occasion,  I 
\  api^ul  to  the  Constitution,  not  as  a  dead  form,  but 
j  as  still  a  living  thing;  and  thus  appealing  to  it,  I 
i  desire  it  .shall  lie  shown  in  which  of  its  clauses  you 
j  find  the  power  delegated  to  enact  n  protective  tariff? 
I  Unless  this  can  be  done,  it  must  be  abandoned. 
j  Let  us  sec  if  it  can  be  done.    All  of  the  powers  of 
the  General  Government  are  derivative.     It  pos- 
sesses no  power  which  is  not  delegated.     By  an 
express  provision  of  the  Constitution  itself,  it  is 
declared  that  "  the  pr.wcrs  not  delegated  to  the 
United  States  by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited 
I  by  it  to  the  States,  are  rcscrveil  to  the  States  respec- 
I  lively,  or  to  tlic  people."    The  Constitution  not 


[June  30, 
Reps. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


813 


'HQtB  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


I%e  Tariff— Mr.  Bayly. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


only  contaiM  a  delegation  ot  powers,  but  to  a  great 
extent  of  the  means  by  which  they  are  to  be  execu- 
ted, and  the  ends  for  which  they  are  to  be  exer^ 
cised.  If,  therefore,  the  clause  cannot  be  pointed 
out  in  which  this  power  is  delegated, either  in  ex- 
press terms  or  by  necessary  Impiiaition  as  a  means 
or  on  end,  it  cannot  be  maintained.  The  power 
in  question,  is  claimed  by  some  as  conferred  in  the 
power  to  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  &c.;  and  by 
others  as  an  incident  to  the  power  to  regulate  com- 
merce. Before  I  proceed  to  examine  these  two 
clauses  in  uetail,  I  think  it  proper  to  submit  a  few 
general  remarks.  It  will  scarcely  bo  disputed  tho',, 
m  exercising  a  power  expressly  granted,  you  irmst 
not  lose  sight  of  tho  purpose  for  which  it  was 
granted.  If  you  exercise  such  a  power  for  pur- 
poses not  contemplated,  you  us  cliectually  violate 
tlie  Constitution  ns  if  you  usurp  a  power  altogether. 
And  it  is  equally  clear,  upon  every  principle  of 
construction  applicable  to  our  Constitution,  that  a 
power  claimed  us  an  incidental  one  must  nut  be  a 
distinct,  independent,  and  substantive  prerogative, 
of  equal  consequence,  and  more  especially  of  supe- 
rior consequence,  to  otlicrs  expressly  granted. 
For  you  cannot  suppose  that  when  the  framers  of 
the  Constitution  took  the  pains  to  moke  a  minute 
enumeration  of  such  powerSi^it  meant  to  confer 
others,  by  mere  implication,  of  as  great  importunce. 
Bearing  these  principles  in  mind,  which  will 
scarcely  oe  contested,  let  us  examine  the  two 
clauses  under  which  the  power  to  enact  a  protect- 
ive tariff  k  nought  to  be  derived.  The  first  is  in 
these  words. 

"The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and  col- 
'lect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises,  to  pay 
'  tho  debts  and  provide  for  the  common  defence  and 
'  general  welfare  of  the  United  States;  but  all  duties, 
'  imposts,  and  excises,  shall  be  uniform  throughout 
'the  United  States." 

Here,  it  is  said,  is  an  express  authority  to  lay  and 
collect  tuxes,  duties,  and  imposWi  and  the  tariff  of 
1842  is  nothing  more  than  a  law  doing  it.  This  in 
true.  But  it  must  not  be  foi^otten  that  the  pur- 
poses for  which  the  power  is  given  are  as  explicitly 
stated  as  the  power  itself.  The  power  is  to  raise 
money ;  and  the  purpose,  to  discharge  tlie  pecuniary 
liabilities  and  engagements  of  the  aovernmeiit. 
This  ii  the  purpose,  and  not  to  encourage  manu- 
factures. But  to  this  it  is  answered,  that  the  pur- 
pose for  which  the  power  is  delegated,  is  not  only 
to  pay  the  debts,  but  to  provide  for  the  common 
de^nce  and  general  welfare;  and  it  is  contended 
that  if  Congress  shall  be  of  opinion  that  these  ob- 
jects will  be  promoted  by  a  protective  tariff,  it  has 
the  power  expressly  given  to  enact  it  for  that  pur- 
pose. In  oilier  words,  the  power  is  claimed  under 
what  is  familiarly  called  the  "general-welfare 
doctrine."  This  doctrine  has  been  so  frequently 
exploded  that  I  feel  indisposed  to  say  much  in 
reference  to  it.  Admit  it  to  be  true,  and  you  make 
almost  every  other  clause  of  the  Constitution  sur- 
plusage. There  is  very  little  pertaining  to  Gov- 
ernment which  may  not  be  done  under  tlie  sweep- 
ing power  to  provide  for  the  general  welfare.  But 
there  is  nothing  superfluous  in  the  Constitution. 
It  is  as  remarkable  for  its  literary  execution  us  fur 
its  political  wisdom. 

Grant  this  doctrine,  and  you, subvert  the  whole 
character  of  the  Government.  In  place  of  being 
one  of  few  and  deleiratcd  powers,  it  would  be  one 
possessing  them  to  tnc  most  sweeping  and  absolute 
extent.  Consider  for  a  moment  lliat  the  Constitu- 
tion confers  upon  Congress  the  power  to  make 
all  laws  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  into 
execution  the  gmnted  powers,  and  declares  upon 
its  very  face  that  all  State  laws  and  constitutions  at 
variance  with  them  shall  bo  superseded;  and  do 
you  not  see  that  the  doctrines  contended  for,  if 
concedeil,  would  strip  tho  States  of  all  powers  and 
centre  them  in  the  General  Government? 

It  is  impossible  that  such  a  suicidal  constrtiction 
can  be  correct.  No  construction  of  a  particular 
clause  which  subverts  the  character  of  the  whole 
instrument  can  by  possibility  be  correct.  It  is 
very  clear  that  tho  terms  referred  to  are  not  de- 
signed ns  conferring  ony  distinct  power,  but  as  a 
gciiend  designation  of  the  purf  j.ds  for  which  the 
(lowers  delegated  are  to  be  executed.  The  effect 
IS  precisely  the  same  ns  if  the  words  used  had  been 
added  at  the  end  of  each  clause  of  the  section  confer- 
ring powers  u|)on  Congress,  in  place  of  beingudded 
at  the  end  uf  but  one.    This  was  the  view  taken  in 


the  State  conventions  which  adopted  the  Constitu- 
tion by  all  of  its  friends,  particularly  by  Mr.  Mad' 
ison  and  Mr.  George  Nicholas,  m  the  Virginia 
Convention.  Speaking  of  this  clause,  the  latter 
gentleman  said : 

"  He  had  endeavored  to  show  the  committee  that 
'  it  only  empowered  Congress  to  make  such  laws 
'  as  would  be  necessary  to  enable  them  to  pay  the 

*  public  debts  and  provide  for  tlie  common  deience; 

*  that  this  general  welfare  was  united  not  to  the 
'  general  power  of  legislation,  but  to  the  particular 
'  power  of  laying  and  collecting  taxes,  imposts, 
'  and  excises,  for  the  purpose  of  paying  the  debts 
'  and  providing  fur  the  common  delence — that  is, 
'  that  they  could  raise  as  much  money  as  would 
'  pay  tho  debts  and  provide  for  the  common  defence 

*  in  consequence  of  this  [rawer.  The  clause  which 
'  had  been  afl'ectcdly  called  the  nceeuing  clause, 
'  contained  no  new  grant  of  power.  To  illustrate 
'  this  position,  he  observed,  if  it  had  been  added  at 
'  the  end  of  every  one  of  the  enumerated  powers, 
'  instead  of  being  inserted  at  the  end  of  all ,  it  would 
'  bo  obvious  to  any  one  that  it  was  no  augmenta- 
'  tion  of  power.  As  it  would  grunt  no  new  power 
'  if  inserted  at  the  end  of  each  clause,  it  could  not 
'  when  subjoined  to  the  whole." 

This  is  obviously  the  correct  view.  In  fact,  the 
words  in  question,  so  far  from  being  designed  as 
an  enlargement  of  the  powers  of  Congress,  were 
designed  as  a  restriction.  Congress  not  only  may 
not  do  whatpver  it  may  fancy  will  provide  for  the 
general  welfare,  but  it  may  not  even  exercise  the 
powers  expressly  granted  for  any  other  purpose 
than  to  promote  the  generai  welfare.  The 
powers  granted  are  not  to  be  usei  for  special,  but 
general  purposes — ni  i  for  sectioni  I,  but  for  nation- 
al punrascs.  This  vi.^w  alone  is  i'ltal,  as  will  be 
hereafter  shown,  to  tht  tariff  net  of  iS42,  the  oper- 
ation of  which  is  panic  \larly  sections: 

It  is  thus  shown  that  the  terms  "gc!._.-:<l  welfUre" 
do  not  enlarge  the  purposes  for  wl.ich  du'ies  may 
be  levied;  and  that  theencouragr.mentof  nanufic- 
tures  is  not  one  of  them.  This  being  clei  r,  you 
cannot,  without  committing  a  fraud  ujjon  tho  C.  in- 
stitution, levy  uiem  for  the  purpose  of  protection, 
under  the  pretext  of  doing  it  for  revenue.  I  re- 
peat, the  object  for  which  the  pov/er  is  exercised 
must  not  be  lost  sight  of.  Under  the  clause  in 
question  you  may  tax  the  land.  But  will  any  one 
maintain  that  you  may  do  so,  constitutionally,  for 
the  purpose  of  discouraging  agriculture  an  d  driving 
people  into  other  pursuits.'  You  can  do  that  as 
iogitlmatnly  as  you  can  tax  commerce  and  agricul- 
ture for  the  benefit  of  manufactures,  and  thus  en- 
tice the  people  into  that  pursuit. 

If  these  v'  "  require  confirmation,  it  will  be 
found  in  the  proceedirgs  of  the  Federal  Conven- 
tion. On  the  28th  of  August,  near  the  close  of  the 
convention,  when  most  of  the  provisions  of  the 
Constitution  hod  been  agreed  upon— 

"  Mr.  Madison  moved  that  the  words  '  nor  lay 
'  imposts  or  duties  on  imports,'  be  transferred  from 
'  article  13,  where  the  consent  of  the  general  legisla- 
'  ture  may  license  the  act,  into  arlicle  12,  which  will 
'  make  the  prohibition  on  the  States  absolute,  lie 
'  observed,  that  ns  the  States  interested  in  this 
'  power,  by  which  they  could  tax  the  imports  of 

•  their  neighbors  passing  thro-'^h  their  markets, 
'  were  n  majority,  thev  could  give  the  consent  of 
'the  Legislature  to  the  injury  of  New  Jersey, 
'  North  Carolina,  &c. 

"  Mr.  Williamson  seconded  the  motion. 

"  Mr.  Sherman  thought  the  power  might  safely 
'  be  left  to  the  Legislature  of  the  new  United 
'  Stales. 

"  Colonel  Mason  observed  that  particular  States 
'  might  wish  to  encourage,  by  impost  duties,  ccr- 
'  tain  manufactures,  for  which  they  enjoyed  nutu- 

•  ral  advantages — as  Virginia,  the  manufacture  of 
'  hemp,  &c. 

"  Mr.  Madison.  The  cncoumgement  of  manu- 
'  fnctures  in  that  mode  requires  duties,  not  only  on 
'  imports  directly  fVoni  foreign  countries,  but  Irom 
'  the  other  States  in  the  Union,  which  would  re- 
'  vive  all  the  mischiefs  experienced  from  tho  want 
'  of  n  general  government  over  commerce." 

Mr.  Madison's  proposition  was  lost  by  a  vote 
of  four  States  to  seven. 

The  proposition  of  Mr.  Madison  to  make  tho 
prohibition  on  the  States  al)solutc  was  voted  down. 
But  to  obviate  the  objection,  that  as  the  States  in- 
tcrcs'.3d  in  tlio  power  by  which  they  could  levy 


duties  upon  the  imports  of  their  neighbors  passing 
through  their  markets  were  a  majority,  they  could 
give  the  consent  of  the  Legiskture,  and  under  the 
pretext  of  encouraging  their  manufactures,  tax  the 
others,  Mr.  Sherman  moved  to  add  after  the  word 
"  exports,"  in  the  10th  section  of  the  Ist  article  of 
the  Constitution  as  it  now  stands,  the  words  "  nor 
with  such  consent  but  for  tlie  use  of  the  United 
States."  What  was  said  in  the  convention  upon 
this  occasion  is  so  important,  I  consider  it  proper 
to  present  it  entire: 

"  Mr.  Sherman  moved  to  add  ofler  the  word 
' '  exports'  the  words  '  nor  with  such  consent  but 
'  for  the  use  of  the  United  States,'  so  as  to  carry 
•  the  proceeds  of  all  State  duties  on  imports  or  ex- 
'  porta  into  the  common  treasury. 

"  Mr.  Madison  liked  the  motion,  as  preventing 
'  nil  State  imports,  but  lamented  the  c^omplexity 
'  we  were  giving  to  the  commercial  system. 

"  Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris  thought  the  regula- 
'  tion  necessary  to  prevent  the  Atlantic  States  from 
'  endeavoring  tn  tax  the  western  States,  and  pro- 
'  mote  their  interest  by  opposing  the  navigation  of 
'  the  Mississippi,  which  would  drive  the  western 
'  people  into  the  arms  of  Great  Britain. 

"  Mr.  Clymer  thought  the  encouragement  of  the 
'western  country  was  suicide  on  the  part  of  tho 
'  old  States.  If  tlie  Slates  hme  such  difflirent  inter- 
'  ests  tluU  they  cannot  be  left  to  regulate  their  own 
'  manufuctures  without  encountering  the  iiiterests 
'  of  other  States,  it  is  proof  they  are  not  fit  to  com- 
'  pose  one  nation. 

"  Mr.  King  was  afraid  that  the  regulation  moved 
'  by  Mr.  Sherman  would  too  much  itaeifere  icith 
'  the  pnlici)  nf  the  States  respecthig  their  mamifactures, 
'  which  may  be  necessary.     Revenue,  he  reminded 

'  THE  HuOSE,  was  the  OBJECT  OP  THE  GENERAL 
'  LEGISLATURE." 

Here  we  find  that  the  motion  to  make  the  pro- 
hibition upon  tho  States  to  lay  imposts,  or  duties 
jn  imports,  absolute,  was  resisted  upon  the  ground 
that  particular  States  might  desire  to  lay  them  for 
the  encouragement  of  certain  manufactures,  for 
which  they, enjoyed  natural  advantages.  Well, 
what  was  the  reply?  Was  it  that  power  was 
already  conferred  upon  the  General  Government  to 
levy  imposts  for  that  purpose.'— that  when  levied 
by  Congress  they  would  be  much  more  efficacious, 
and  therefore  there  was  no  occasion  to  reserve  the 
power  to  the  States?  This  unquestionably  would 
nave  been  the  conclusive  reply  if  the  facts  would 
have  justified  it.  A  like  reply  was  always  a  favor- 
ite one  in  the  Convention  in  similar  rases.  Very 
many  examples  might  be  given  of  this;  the  debates 
are  full  of  them.  In  the  proceeding  which  took 
place  immediotely  before  the  one  to  which  I  am 
referring,  this  reply  was  given. 

Mr.  Madison  moved  to  insert  after  the  word 
"  reprisal,"  in  the  10th  section  of  the  1st  article  of 
the  Constitution  as  it  now  stands,  the  words  "  nor 
lay  embargoes."  "  He  insisted  that  sucli  acts  by 
the  Slates  Would  be-  unnecessary,  impolitic,  and 
unjust." 

"  Mr.  Sherman  thought  the  States  ought  to  re- 
'  tain  this  power  in  order  to  prevent  suffering  and 
'  injury  to  their  poor." 

"  Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris  considered  the  pro- 
'  vision  as  unnecessary;  the  power  of  regulating 
'  trade  between  Slate  and  State,  already  vested  in 
'  the  general  legislature  being  sufficient." 

And  in  the  cose  we  arc  considering,  if  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Convention  had  supposed  that  the  Gen- 
eral Government  [losscssed  the  power  to  levy  im- 
pOBls  for  the  purposes  of  protection,  the  reply  to 
Colonel  Mason  would  have  been,  not  only  that  tho 
power  already  conferred  upon  tho  general  legis- 
lature was  sufficient  for  that  purpose,  but  that, 
being  vested  there,  it  could  be  much  more  efficient- 
ly exercised  by  it  than  the  States — so  much  more 
so,  that  even  if  reScrved  to  the  Stales  it  would  not 
be  exerted.  But  so  far  from  this  being  the  answer, 
one  is  given  which  shows  in  the  clearest  manner 
the  inexpediency  of  conferring  upon  the  General 
Government  any  such  power;  and  that  the  power 
actually  coi-ferred  was  for  revenue  purposes,  and 
for  revenue  purposes  only. 

Mr.  Madison  knew  that  the  several  States  were 
suited  for  manufactures,  and  prepared  to  engage  in 
them  in  different  degrees.  And  he  saw  that  such  uf 
them  as  enjoyed  great  natural  ad  vantages, and  wore 
in  other  rcspecta  belter  fitted  to  commence  manu- 
facturing, would  get  the  start  of  those  who  wcra 


814 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


June  30, 


29th  Cono 1st  Bess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Bayly. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


not  ao  much  Ihvorcd;  after  which,  an^  protection 
to  the  latter  by  impoata  would  be  unavailini;  whicli 
did  not  secure  them  ns  well  against  the  competi- 
tion of  the  former  as  of  foreign  nations.  Our  suli- 
■equent  experience  has  demonstrated  the  sound- 
ness of  these  views.  Let  me  put  it  to  any  member 
wliose  constituents  have  not  yet  entered  upon 
innnnfacturin^,  if  they  desire  to  do  it,  agamst 
whom  will  they  most  require  proteclion^-other 
States  of  this  Union,  or  fiireign  nations?  If  Ohio 
desired,  to-day  to  engage  in  manufactures,  whose 
competition  would  sne  have  most  cause  to  fear — 
that  of  Old  England,  or  New  England?  As  to  my 
own  State,  and  more  (larticulurly  as  to  my  own 
district,  I  can  speak  with  confidence.  We  manu- 
factured to  a  much  gi°eaterextcnt — including  house- 
hold manufacture — before  the  era  of  protective 
tariffs  than  we  do  now;  and  the  trades  and  me- 
chanic arts  were  much  more  flourishing.  As  young 
a  man  as  I  am,  1  can  recollect  when  the  poor 
women  in  the  country  made  a  good  living  by  spin- 
ning and  weaving — the  only  way,  almost,  in  which 
they  can  be  suitably  and  comfortably  employed, 
as  long  as  they  remain  in  the  country,  where  they 
ought  to  be  permitted  to  remain;  and  there  was 
scarcely  a  family  which  was  not,  to  a  great  extent, 
clothed — and  most  neatly  and  wtH  clothed — in 
linens  and  woollens  of  household  manufacture; 
whereas  now  I  scarcely  ever  see  a  roll  of  home- 
tnade  linens  or  woollens,  and  none  in  the  stores 
foi-  sale;  v.licie  formerly  they  were  constantly 
found.  And  as  to  the  mechanics,  their  business 
is  almost  entirely  broken  up  by  Yankee  competi- 
tion. I  can  recollect  when  every  neighborhood 
had  its  ahoemaker,  its  tailor,  its  saddler,  its  hatter; 
but  now  our  shoes,  our  clothes',  our  hals,  our  sad- 
dles, our  axes,  hoes — almost  everything  made  in 
a  blacksmith's  shop,  in  fact,  almost  everything 
made  by  the  meclmnic — is  brought  from  the  North. 

Mr.  Madison  and  the  framers  of  the  Constitu- 
tion foresaw  that  protection  by  the  General  Gov-  t 
ernmcnt  would  not  operate  equally  throughout  the  I 
Union,  and  that  to  nuike  it  effectual  in  many  of  the 
Slates,  it  would  be  necessary  to  levy  duties  not 
only  upon  importations  from  foreign  nations,  but 
from  the  sister  States.     This  latter  he  was  unwil-  1 
ling  to  do,  for  the  reasons  assigned. 

From  these  proceedings,  it  nppear.s  that  Mr. 
Madison  desired  to  make  the  prohibition  on  the 
States  for  laying  imposts  absolute.     Uut  it  was 
objected  that  some  of  the  States  might  desire  to  i 
impose  them  for  the  purpose  of  encouraging  their 
manufactures.     To  tliis  it  was  not  replied — as  it 
would  have  been  if  it  could  have  been  wilh  truth — 
tliat  the  power  'o  do  that  was  vested  in  the  Gen- 
eral Government,  where  it  would  be  much  more 
eflectual.     On  the  contrary,  Mr.  King,  who  was 
friendly  to  retaining  the  power  for  the  Slates,  said 
expressly  that  revenue  was  the  object  of  the  power  , 
in  the  General  Government.     The  convention  re- 
fused to  make  the  prohibition  absolute.     But  to 
obviate  the  objection  that  some  of  the  Slate .4,  under 
the   pretext  of  «ncouraging  their  manufactures, 
would  tax  iheir  neighbors  who  imporleu  through 
their  ports — as  New  Jersey,  for  instance,  through  : 
Philadelphia,  and  North  Carolina  thiough  Nor-  ' 
folk — they  were  required  not  only  to  get  the  con-  i 
sent  of  Congress,  but  to  carry  the  proceeds  of  the 
duties  into  the  common  treasury.     And  this  was  ' 
done  in  the  teeth  of  the  argument  of  Mr.  Clynicr,  ' 
already  quoted,  and  the  objection  of  Mr.  King, 
that  it  "  would  loo  much  inlerfere  wilh  the  policy 
of  the  Slates  respecting  their  manufactures. 

Colonel  Mason,  who  was  one  of  the  grealest  men 
in  that  age  of  great  men,  and  who  was  as  remark- 
able fur  Ills  republican  simplicity  as  for  Ms  great 
polilical  sagacity  and  wisdom,  agreed  wiih  Mr. 
King.  He  knew  that  i.hc  power  lo  levy  imposts, 
delegated  to  the  General  Uovernment,  was  only 
for  revenue  purposes;  f  iid  he  thought  that  the  re- 
strictions proposed  would  so  trammel  the  Stales  as 
in  fact  to  extinguish  the  power  to  levy  dulies  on 
importa  for  ihe  encouragement  of  manufactures. 
He  had  shown  himself  Ihrnnghout  the  convcniion 
to  be  friendly  to  that  object;  and  afier  he  had 
found,  as  he  thought,  that  all  other  moile.4  had 
failed,  he  proposed, as  will  hereafier  appear, a  vol- 
untary asKOciatiun  of  members  of  the  convi  nilon 
for  the  purpose.  I'Voin  all  this,  it  is  clear  that  ibc 
power  to  levy  imposts  for  the  purposcof  prolec- 
tion  ia  not  vested  in  the  General  Government,  but 
tliat  it  WBi  reierved  to  the  States  to  enable  them  to 


encourage  their  manufactures;  and  the  restrictions 
contained  in  the  Constitution  were  designed  to  pre- 
vent the  perversion  of  the  power.  Now,  if  the 
protectioiiisia  in  this  House  are  willing  to  confine 
themselves  to  this  only  constilulional  mode,  I  am 
sure  that  we,  on  this  side,  will  iiUernose  no  obsta- 
cle. We  will  give  them  at  once  tlie  consent  of 
Congress  to  levy,  under  the  restrictions  of  the 
Constitution,  as  high  duties  in  their  own  pons  as 
thev  please.  And  as  it  is  for  the  encouragement 
of  tneir  manufactures,  and  not  ours,  they  ought  to 
regard  this  proposition  as  reasonable.  It  is  true, 
the  duties  collected  will  go  into  the  Federal  treas- 
ury; but  as  these  gentlemen  have  assured  us 
throughout  this  debate  that  these  duties  come  out 
of  the  foreigner,  and  not  the  home  consumer,  they 
will  not  object  to  this.  Of  course  not,  if  they  be- 
lieve in  the  truth  of  their  argument. 

But  they  will  object  to  it.  It  will  not  answer 
their  purpose  to  tax  solely  their  own  people  .o 
encourage  their  own  manufacturers.  No;  what 
they  desire  is,  to  tax  our  people  for  their  benefit. 
They  want  to  compel  us  lo  purchase  their  fabrics 
at  a  higher  price  than  we  can  get  them  elsewhere, 
and  if  they  can  do  that,  it  is  a  matter  of  indiffer- 
ence to  them  if  they  destroy  our  commerce,  impair 
the  value  of  our  exports,  and  injure  our  agricul- 
ture. 

The  power  to  enact  a  protective  lariff  is  also 
claimed  under  the  power  to  regulate  commerce.  1 
greatly  fear  this  clause  is  fast  becoming  what  the 
one  we  have  been  disrusslng  was  styled  in  tlie 
Federal  Convention — "the  sweeping  clause." 
Almost  every  imaginable  power  is  claimed  under 
it.  But,  thank  God,  there  is  no  "sweeping 
clause"  in  the  Constitution.  The  framers  of  it 
placed  no  such  clause  there;  and  I  hope  others 
may  not  be  permitted  to  do  it  by  construction.  I 
admit,  ot  once,'  the  power  of  Congress  to  levy 
countervailing  duties  for  the  purpose  of  regulating 
commerce.  But  I  repeat  again,  the  purpose  must 
not  be  lost  sijlit  of.  Discriminating  duties  cannot 
be  levied,  under  the  clause  in  question,  for  any 
other  purpose  than  to  regulate  commerce.  And 
when  they  are  levied  for  this  purpose,  it  is  not  to 
impose  permanent  burdens  and  reslri  ■  ions,  but 
with  the  view  of  resisting,  as  the  best  way  to  pro- 
cure the  removal  of  restrictions  and  obstructions. 
Wilh  this  view  we  consent  to  submit  to  a  tempo- 
rary inconvenience,  for  the  purpose  of  forcing  the 
concession  of  a  permanent  ffood.  And  when  ihey 
are  thus  levied,  it  is  to  resist  injustice,  the  remedy 
for  which  is  injurious  to  us,  and  which  ougiit  not 
lo  be  enforced  a  day  longer  lh,.n  the  necessity  ex- 
ists. As  soon  as  it  accomplishes  its  purpose,  it 
should  be  abandoned.  Tiiis  is  the  view  which 
Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Madison  always  look  of 
llie  subject.  In  his  celebrated  report  on  cninmer- 
cinl  privileges  and  restrictions,  made  on  the  16ih 
of  December,  1793,  after  showing  the  extent  of 
the  restrictions  on  the  commerce  and  navigation  of 
the  United  States,  Mr.  JelTorson  said  : 

"The  question  is,  in  whal  way  they  may  best 
'  be  removed,  modified,  or  counteracted. 

"  As  lo  commerce,  two  melbods  occur:  1.  By 
'  friendly  arraniremenls  wilh  the  several  nations 
'  with  whom  these  restrictions  exist;  or,  3.  By 
'  the  separate  act  of  our  own  legislatures  fo»  coun- 
'  lervailing  their  elTeols. 

"  There  can  be  no  doubt  liut  that  of  these  two, 
'  friendly  arrangement  is  the  most  eligible.  Instead 
'  of  embarrassing  commerce  under  piles  of  icgula- 
'  ting  Laws,  duties,  and  prohibitions,  could  it  be 
'  relieved  from  all  its  shackles  in  all  parl.s  of  the 
'  world;  could  every  cnunlry  be  employed  in  pro- 
'  duein^  that  which  naiuie  has  bc.^t  filled  it  lo  pro- 
'  duc'j,  and  each  be  free  to  exchange  wilh  others 
*  miilual  surpluses  for  mutual  wants,  the  greaiest 
'  mass  possible  would  then  be  piiiduced  of  ihosc 
'  things  which  coniiibnlc  to  buniiin  life  and  human 
'  happiiies,!-,  the  numbers  of  mankind  would  be  iii- 
'  creased  anil  their  condition  betleicd. 

"  H'mtlil  nen  n  single  nalion  trgiii  iri(/i Ihe  United 
'  Slates  this  system  n/./Vic  coniiiitrci ,  it  leould  be  mtvi- 
'sable  In  fcfgiiv  i(  xcilh  thai  nalion,  since  il  is  one  hi/ 
'  one  only  that  it  can  bt  extendtil  lo  nil.  Where  the 
'  circuniHtances  of  either  parly  n  nder  it  expedient 
'  to  levy  a  revenue  by  way  of  impost  on  commerce, 
'.its  freedom  might  l>e  nioililied  in  that  particular, 
'  by  mutual  ond  cquivaisnt  measures,  preserving  il 
'  entire  in  all  others." 

In  this  connexion  permit  me  to  remark,  that  one 


nation  at  leaat  has  shown  a  disposition  to  com- 
mence a  system  of  free  commerce  with  the  United 
Slates,  as  we  will  hereafter  see,  and  that  the  nation, 
too,  which  takes  nearly  one-half  of  our  entire  ex- 
ports, and  more  than  one-half  of  our  agricultural 
exports.     Shall  we  meet  her  halfway? 

Subsequently,  in  the  ^xme  report,  Mr.  Jefferson 
says: 

"  Butshould  any  nation,  Cv>nlrary  to  our  wishes, 
'  suppose  it  may  belt  ;r  find  its  advantages  by  con- 
'  liniiing  its  system  of  pruliibi;ions,  duties,  and 
'  regulations,  il  behoo'  es  us  to  pro'ecl  our  citizens, 
'  Iheir  commerce,  and  navigation,  i.y  counter  pro 
'  hibitions,  duties,  and  regulations,  .^Iso.  Free 
'  commerce  and  navigation  are  not  to  bt,  given  in 
'  exchange  for  restrictions  and  vexations;  nur  "re 
'  they  likely  to  produce  a  relaxation  of  them." 

Again :  ■ 

"  When  once  it  shall  be  perceived  that  we  are 
'  either  in  the  system  or  in  the  habit  of  giving  equal 
'  advantages  to  those  who  extinguish  ourcommerce 
'  and  navigation  by  duties  and  prohibitions,  as  to 
'  those  who  treat  both  with  Uberality  and  justice, 
•  liberality  and  justice  will  be  converted  by  all  into 
'  duties  and  prohibitions." 

On  the  4lh  of  January,  1794,  Mr.  Madison  in- 
troduced into  the  House  of  Represenlalivea  his  cel- 
ebrated resolutions  upon  the  same  subject,  designed 
to  carry  out  Mr.  Jefferson's  views,  and  in  the 
speech  which  he  made  on  the  occasion,  he  thus 
endorsed  them: 

"  He  professed  himself  to  be  a  fViend  to  the  the- 
'  ory  whicli  gives  to  industry  a  free  course,  under 
'  the  impulse  of  individual  interest,  and  the  gui- 
'  dance  of  individual  sagacity.  He  was  persuaded 
'  that  it  would  be  happy  for  all  nations,  if  the  bar- 
'  riers  erected  by  prcj>  !lice,  by  avarice,  and  by 
'  despotism,  were  broken  down,  and  a  free  inter- 
'  course  established  among  them." 

These  were  the  views  of  those  two  fathers  of 
Ihe  rcnublican  faith,  and  yet  ihey  are  soineiimes 
quoted  as  the  friends  of  levying  duties  discrimina- 
ting for  protection.  I  admit  they  conceded  the 
power  of  laying  discriminating  duties  under  the 
power  to  regulate  commerce,  but  only  for  commer- 
cial purposes.  It  is  true,  in  some  cases,  they 
went  so  far  as  to  admit,  where  any  iiarlicular  na- 
lion which  laid  onerous  restrictions  upon  our 
trade  was  extensively  engaged  in  n  particular 
branch  of  manufactures,  we  might  levy  heavy 
duties  upon  their  productions.  But  not  for  the 
purpose  of  permanently  obstructing  commeri:ial 
intercourse  with  her,  but  lo  cause  her  to  relax  her 
restrictions.  In  other  words,  for  the  purpose  in  ihe 
end  of  securing  free  trade,  and  not  for  tlie  purpose 
of  obstructing  il  permanently. 

Having  thus  seen  for  whal  purpose,  under  the 
power  to  regulate  commerce,  discriminating  duties 
may  be  laid,  let  us  inquire  if  ihe  tariff  act  of  1842 
levies  them  for  any  such  purpose.  In  that  act 
commercial  principles  are  as  distinctly  Inst  sight  of 
as  revenue  principles  are.  It  gives  comparatively 
iVee  trade,  on  our  part,  to  some  nations  in  exchange 
for  restrictions;  and  restrictions  to  others  in  ex- 
change for  comparative  free  trade.  And  this  is  done 
bytt  nation  who.ie  policy  it  should  beloeuconrage 
the  most  unrestricted  commerce  with  the  world; 
and  done,  ton,  under  the  pretext  of  regulating  com- 
merce! I  will  not  detain  the  cominillee  by  going 
ihrough  a  calculalion  us  to  all  the  nations  wilh 
whom  we  have  commercial  intercourse.  But  it 
would  prove  the  truth  of  what  I  have  asserted. 
As  an  illuslralion,  I  take  the  cuseof  Great  Britain 
and  Brazil.  We  exported  to  the  lalier  place,  of 
our  own  products,  for  the  years  1838- '3!l,  and  '40, 
SC,374,8I7.  The  duties  levied  and  enllocled  upon 
which,  in  her  ports,  were  <*!, 406,207.  Of  these 
exports,  $3,599,1.32  were  of  flour,  principally  from 
Baltiinorc  and  Richmond,  and  made  of  wheat,  to 
a  large  extent,  from  my  own  district.  The  duty 
upon  this  flour,  levied  in  the  ports  of  Brazil,  is  48^ 

rier  cent,  upon  a  fixed  minimum  value  of  JU  28  per 
larrel;  which,  ns  the  commercial  docuniciit  of  last 
year  shows,  is  near  doulile  its  real  price.  In  oilier 
words,  the  duty  levied  is  upwards  of  80  per  cent. 
Our  imports  for  the  same  lime  were  (^13,411,489, 
of  which  412,089,933  were  entirely  tree  of  duty  ! 
and  the  bnliince  bearing  a  very  light  duty.  I  have 
taken  these  three  years  because  they  were  the  last 
llirce  preceding  the  larilViict  of  1842,  for  which,  at 
that  time,  wo  had  returns;  and  they  ahow  the 
spirit  in  which  that  act  was  paased.    But  I  have 


June  30, 

Reps. 

^n  to  com- 
tlie  United 
llie  nntion, 
r  entire  ex- 
ngiicultural 

.  Jefferson 

ur  wishes, 
;e»  l)y  con- 
'iilies,  mill 
ur  citizens, 
ounter  iiro 
Iso.     Free 

t  eiven  in 
nur "re 
them." 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


815 


29tk  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Jlic  Tariff— Mr.  Bayhj. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


and  by 


exnmiiiod  the  cninnicrcinl  dncHm'jnt  or  last  year, 
and  the  trade  nf  that  year  does  not  viiry  materially 
from  that  of  tlio  three  years  referred  toj  and  the 
variation,  such  as  it  is,  makes  the  inequality  and 
want  of  reciprocity  still  greater. 

Now  let  us  turn  to  our  trade  with  Great  Britain. 
For  the  year  1840 — I  take  that  year  alone  because 
it  will  avoid  too  great  a  complication  of  calculation; 
the  others  do  not  materially  vary  the  result,  and, 
aa  far  as  they  vary  it  at  all,  it  is  in  favur  of  my  ar- 
gument— for  that  year  our  exports  to  Great  Bri- 
tain, exclusive  of  tobacco,  were  *60,624,981;  the 
duties  collected  ^,8i32,94G,  or  a  liltlo  upwards  of 
ten  per  cent.  The  rale  of  these  duties  were,  in 
many  inatancps,  reduced  before  the  enactment  of 
our  tariff  law  of  1842;  and  mostof  them  have  since 
been  entirely  removed,  or  at  any  rale  very  much 
modified. 

For  instance:  Of  the  #5,8i2a,94ri  uf  duties  collect- 
ed,  #3,247,880  29  were  from  cotton,  the  duty  upon 
which  was  removed,  even  bcfo'-e  the  late  modifi- 
cation of  her  tariff  was  proposed;  and  much  of  the 
balance  was  from  articles  upon  which  there  was  n 
reduction  before  that  time.  But  without  including 
these  last,  the  average  British  duty  upon  our  ex- 
ports, exclusive  of  tobacco,  was  about  five  per  cent. 
And  this  was  the  law  as  it  stood  before  the  late 
modification  proposed  by  the  British  Ministry. 
That  modification,  which,  before  this  tiine,  is 
doubtless  the  law  of  the  land,  abolishes,  or  very 
much  reduces,  all  the  remaining  duties,  except 
upon  tobacco;  anil,  except  as  to  that  article,  our 
trade  with  Great  Britain  is  already  as  free  aa  she 
can  make  it.  But  I  may  bo  asked  why  I  except 
that  article  ?  In  the  first  place,  the  duty  she  levies 
upon  it  is  not  to  raise  up  a  rival  production  in  her 
owri  territories,  to  exclude  ours.  It  is  not  a  pro- 
tective, but  purely  a  revenue  duly,  levied  upon 
what  she  considers  a  pernicious  luxury;  to  enable 
her  to  collect  which,  she  prohibits  its  cultivation, 
under  severe  penal  enactments,  in  the  United  King- 
dom; but  for  which  enactments  it  would  be  culti- 
vated at  homo  to  nearly,  or  quite,  a  sufficient  ex- 
tent to  supply  her  demand.  Perfectly  good  to- 
bacco can  be  inade  in  the  southern  counties  of 
England,  and  most  of  Ireland.  Indeed,  before  the 
cultivation  of  it  was  prohibited,  it  was  grown  in 
Ireland  to  a  very  large  extent.  Thus,  to  enable 
her  to  raise  a  large  revenue  from  it,  she  gives  the 
tobacco-growers  a  monopoly  of  her  market,  and 
some  of  the  best  infot.ned  merchants,  engaged  in 
the  tobacco  trade,  ore  of  opinion  this  monopoly 
more  than  compensates  the  tobacco  grower  for  the 
heavy  duly  which  is  collected. 

Lei  us  now  sec  upon  what  footing  our  trade  with 
her  American  colonies  stands.  To  tliem  our  ex- 
ports in  ]S40,  including  tobacco,  of  which  there 
was  a  considerable  export,  were  of  the  value  of 
S5,.'i37,05G.  Total  amount  of  duties  levied,  #187,- 
920 — between  three  and  four  per  cent,  only  on  their 
imports  from  us. 

Now  let  us  see  what  amount  of  duties  we  levy 
upon  our  imports  from  Great  Britain  under  the 
Diescnt  law.  The  average  rale  of  duly,  under  the 
law  of  1842,  upon  dutiable  articles,  as  calculated 
at  the  treasury,  is  35  per  cent  and  a  fraction.  [See 
Annual  Uppert,  paijc  71.]  But  the  average  duly 
imposed  upon  imports  from  Great  Britain  is  much 
hiirhcr,  as  most  of  the  articles  bearing  a  very  high 
duty  are  imported  from  that  country,  j^et  us  take 
d  few  leadhig articles: 

Imporlpd  frnm  England.    Ilnie  of  duty. 
V.iliii'.  Per  cent. 

Cloths  and  cassimeres. ,  .93,815,853  40 

Cotton  goods,  colored...  7,177,301  43} 

Cotton  goods,  uncolorcd   1,066,162  47 

Iron,<Sc 3,730,407 

Articles  in  mo,st  common  use,  viz: 

Wood  screws 60 

Spikes,  cut  or  wrought 168 

Chain  cables 87 

Other  chains 101 

Hoop  iron 115 

Hand  iron,  &c 70 

Bar,  manuftictured  by  rolling 75 

1  have  not  had  time  to  make  an  average  for  Great 
Britain;  but !  can  safely  say  it  is  much  liigher  than 
the  gcnct..l  a'cragc  of35  per  cent.  And,  in  this 
connexion,  it  is  proper  In  mention  thai  wc  take  a 
much  smaller  amount  of  our  free  articles  from 
Great  Britain  than  any  other  nation,  in  proportion 
to  our  oggregato  imports.    Wo  importei)  from 


Great  Britain  last  year  $44,687,859,  of  which  only 
1^1,631,801  were  of  free  articles;  and,  excluding 
gold,  silver,  and  copper,  only  $475,349  were  of  free 
articles,  out  of  an  "entire  import  of  $92,147,840  of 
free  articles,  or  only  a  little  above  two  per  rent. 
We  exported  ic  Great  Britain  last  var  $46,286,178, 
and  imported  from  her  $44,687,539,  ol  vvhich  but 
a  liltlo  more  than  two  per  c';it.  were  fl-ee  articles. 
I  have  already  shown  the  exports  and  imports  to 
and  from  Brazil, and  the  proportion  which  free  arti- 
cles bear  to  the  latter,  From  this  statement  the 
committee  can  see  how  everything  like  a  legitimate 
regulation  of  commerce  is  discarded  in  the  tariff  of 
1842. 

Sir,  there  is  no  disguising  or  disputing  the  fact 
that  the  tariff  of  1842  was  not  designed  as  a  com- 
mercial law.  Bui  if  so,  every  correct  principle  of 
commercial  legislation  is  lost  sight  of.  No,  sir,  it 
was  enacted  for  the  purpose  of  encouraging  manu- 
factures. And  I  deny  that  you  have  any  power 
to  do  that  under  the  power  "  to  regulate  com- 
merce." I  cannot  conceive  by  what  process  of 
reasoning  mannfnctures  are  made  an  incident  to 
commerce.  It  is  a  distinct  braijch  of  business,  as 
much  so  as  commerce  itself.  The  three  great 
brnnchesof  industry  are  ogriculturc,  manufactures, 
and  commerce.  By  an  express  provision  of  the 
Constitution,  jurisdiction  is  given  to  Congress  over 
the  last,  but  not  over  the  two  first.  And  when 
you  see  the  power  over  commerce  expressly  dele- 
gated, you  cannot  conclude  that  it  is  designed  to 
he  conferred  over  the  others  by  implication.  On 
the  contrary,  the  rules  of  construction  to  which  I 
have  adverted  are  fatal  to  any  such  conclusion. 
And,  sir,  it  was  not  by  accident  or  inadvertence  that 
the  power  over  commerce  was  delegated,  and  that 
over  agriculture  and  manufactures  was  reserved. 
It  was  by  design;  and  the  reason  is  obvious. 

In  the  division  of  powers  between  the  General 
Government  and  the  States,  all  such  as  relate  to 
the  external  relations  of  the  Stales  are  delegated  to 
the  former,  and  all  such  ns  relate  to  their  domestic 
concerns  arc  reserved  to  themselves.  Commerce 
with  foreign  nations  and  between  the  States  be- 
longing to  the  first  class,  hence  jurisdiclion  over  it 
is  delegated  to  the  General  Government.  Agri- 
culture and  manufactures  belons  to  the  last,  and 
hence  jurisdiction  over  them  is  reserved  to  the 
Slates. 

On  the  20th  of  August,  Gouverneur  Morris,  who 
wasoneof  themosteminentmen  in  the  convention 
which  framed  the  Constitution,  and  the  membrr 
who  gave  the  finish  to  the  atvle  and  arrangement 
of  it,  submitted,  seconded  by  Mr.  Pinckney, another 
cininent  member,  a  series  of  propositions,  by  which 
it  was  proposed  to  constitute  several  public  officers, 
viz: 

"2.  The  Secretary  ofDomcslic  Affairs,  who  shall 
'  be  appointed  by  the  President,  and  hold  his  office 
'  during  plea.sure.  It  shall  be  his  duty  to  attend 
'  to  mailers  of  general  police,  J/if  state  of  agriculture 
'  and  manufactures,  the  opening  of  roads  and  nni'ign- 
'  (ton,  and  the  facilitalinf;  communkalioM  through 
'  the  United  Stales;  and  he  shall  from  time  to  time 
'  recommend  such  measures  and  establishments  as 
'  may  tend  to  promote  those  objects. 

"  3.  The  Secretary  of  Commerce  and  Finance, 
'  who  shall  be  appointed  by  the  President,  during 
'  plca9»ire.  It  shall  be  his  duty  to  superintend  all 
'  matters  relating  to  the  public  finances,  to  propose 
'  and  report  plans  of  revenue,  and  for  the  regula- 
'  tion  of  expenditure,  and  also  to  recommend  such 
'  things  as  may,  in  his  juriament,  promote  the  com- 
'  mercinl  interosls  of  the  United  Stales. 

"  4.  The  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  whose 
'  duty  it  shall  he  to  correspond  with  foreign  min- 
'  isters,  prepare  plans  of  treaties,  &c. 

"  5.  The  Secretary  of  War,  whose  duly  shall 
'  be  to  superintend  everything  relating  to  the  de- 
'  partment  of  wai-,  &c. 

"6.  The  Secretary  of  ^''arinc,  whose  duty  it 
'  shall  be  to  superintend  the  ^uMio  ships,  dock- 
'  yards,  naval  stores,  &." 

These  several  propositions,  Ihusi.nposingly  sub- 
mitted, were  referred  to  the  committee  of  detail; 
and  we  find  in  the  Constitution,  as  it  came  from 
the  committee,  of  which  the  mover  of  the  propo- 
sitions was  the  leading  member,  express  power  is 
conferred  upon  Congress  over  each  of  the  subjects 
referred  to  in  them,  except  those  in  the  second. 
As  I  have  already  said,  this  omission  was  not  acci- 
dental.   The  men  who  composed  that  convention 


were  not  the  men  to  be  guilty  of  ii^advcrtenco  of 
that  sort.  It  is  true  the  Constitution  did  not  pro- 
vide for  the  organization  of  these  depariments,  but 
it  conferred  authority  upon  Congress  over  the  sub- 
eels,  and  left  it  to  Congress  to  organize  i\w  dcpart- 
raetits  to  take  charge  or  them. 

Prom  these  proceedings  it  appears  that  the  lead- 
ing members  of  the  convention  considered  the  sev- 
eral subjects  referred  to  in  these  propositions  aa 
equals  in  point  of  importance — as  subjects  "ejus- 
dem  generit" — of  the  same  clans.  And  when  it  is 
evident  mat  they  so  regarded  them,  and  conferred 
authority  upon  Congress  over  all  of  them  but  two, 
in  express  terms,  can  you,  upon  any  just  principle 
of  conslruclion,  infer  that  they  meant  to  confer  it 
over  the  others  by  mere  implication  ?  It  is  impos- 
sible. And  in  confirmation  of  this  view,  we  find 
that  when  the  first  Congress  came  to  organize  the 
departments,  they  substantially  adopted  the  sug- 
gestions of  Mr.  Morris,  with  the  exception  of  the 
second,  which  shows  that  they  did  not  suppose 
that  jurisdiction  over  the  subject  referred  to  in  it 
was  confided  to  Congress.  Otherwise  how  can 
you  account  for  the  omission  to  organize  such  a 
department  ? 

To  show  that  the  wise  men  of  the  convention  did 
not  understand  that  power  was  conferred  upon  the 
General  Government  to  protect  manufactures,  either 
expresal  y ,  under  the  power  to  lay  impost,  or  as  an 
incident  to  any  other  power,  I  refer  to  a  proceed- 
ing of  the  convention,  which  is  very  significant. 
On  the  13th  of  September,  only  three  legislative 
days  before  the  adjournment,  when  the  business  of 
the  convention  was  through,  in  convention  Colonel 
Mason  said: 

"  He  had  moved,  without  success,  for  a  power 

'  to  make  sumptuary  regulations.     Ho  had  not  yet 

i  '  lost  sight  of  nis  objects.    After  descantinj;; on  the 

!!  '  extravagance  of  our  manners,  the  excessive  con- 

I   '  sumption  of  foreign  supertluiiies,  on  the  necessity 

'  of  restricting  it,  as  well  with  economical  as  repub- 

'  lican  views,  he  moved  that  a  committee  be  ap- 

'  pointed  to  report  articles  of  association  forencour- 

'  aping,  by  the  advice,  the  influence,  and  the  example 

'  of  the  memljcrs  of  the  convention,  economy,  fru- 

'  gality,  and  .Imerican  manufacture." 

Can  anything  be  more  conclusive  than  this?  Had 
so  wise  a  man  as  Colonel  .Mason  thought  that  the 
power  was  vested  in  the  General  Government  for 
i  this  purpose,  he  would  ccrUiinly  have  looked  to 
I  legislation,  rather  than  the  voluntary  association  of 
!  gentlemen,  to  effect  it.     His  movement  was  obvi- 
I  ously  the  last  effort  of  a  gentleman  reluctant  to 
I  abandon  a  cherished  object.    To  all  this,  the  pro- 
I  tectionists  can  only  reply,  that  if  the  power  to  lay 
!  protective  duties  is  not  vested  in  the  United  States, 
i  it  is  so  trammelled  in  the  States  as  to  be  in  fact  ex- 
tinguished; and  that  the  first  revenue  bill  imposing 
duties  on  imports  recognised  in  its  preamble  the 
right  of  the  General  Government  to  levy  them  for 
the  purpose  of  protection. 

In  answer  to  this,  all  I  can  say  is,  that  I  think  I 
have  shown  that  the  power  to  levy  imposts  for  the 
purposes  of  protection  does  not  exist  anywhere  ex- 
cept in  the  States  under  the  restriction  of  the  Con- 
stitution. But  the  levying  of  imposts  is  not  the 
only  mode  by  which  manufactures  can  be  en- 
couraged. It  may  be  done  by  bounties.  It  may 
be  done  in  a  variety  of  other  ways,  all  within  the 
legislative  competency  of  the  States.  One  of  the 
first  and  most  effectual  laws  passed  in  Great  Brit- 
ain for  the  encouragement  of  the  woollen  manu- 
facture was  the  one  requiring  the  dead  to  be  buried 
in  woollens.  But  suppose  the  power  were  entirely 
extinguished,  it  wrfuld  not  be  without  many  exam- 
ples in  our  system. 
Ij  As  to  the  cotemporaneous  construction,  so  far 
from  the  tariff  of  1789  recognising  the  principle  of 
protection,  it  does  precisely  the  reverae.  It  is  true. 
In  the  preamble  of  the  act,  the  necessity  of  encour- 
aging manufactures  is  recitiid  as  one  of  its  obiecis. 
But  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  a  preamble  is 
no  part  of  a  law,  and  that  it  .is  not  legitimate  to 
refer  to,  even  as  an  aid  in  construction,  unless  the 
provisions  of  the  law  are  obscure.  Where  they 
are  clear,  you  cannot  refer  to  the  preamble  at  all. 
Before  I  refer  to  the  provisions  of  the  tariff  of  1789, 
to  show  that  it  was  anything  but  a  protective  tariff, 
I  desire  to  premise  a  few  remarks. 

If  there  ever  was  a  time  when  a  high  protective 
tariff  might  with  propriety  have  been  laid,  if  the 
power  existed,  it  waa  in  1789.    We  had  but  a 


ei6 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


'Ifte  Ihriff-^Mr.  lia^fy. 


49rHCoNO..»..lBT  Sbss. 

■hort  tlina  b«A)r«  onma  outoflho  long  Md  bloody 

witr  of  lh«  Kavoliilion.    It  hud  IxtHii  the  \w\wy  of 

lh«  inoth«r  cminlry  t>-  .liwinurnKn  nmiuifhr.lurvii  in 

Ihixutloi'.imi  lliort)  .ii\(l  «(inm«|tipiiUy  Atw  Krtiwii 

u|i  ill  Aiiu<rii^n.     During  tlio  wiir,  iiitr  |iuo|il«  liiiil 

Kuiniivil  intrnm'ly  (at  lli«  wniit  ol"  lh»ir  prtiiltinlx. 

Tlivre  wiia  v»ry  imtitrolly  nl  llint  tiiiin  n  atruiiK 

wioli  llint  ill  Kiiy  inilui«(',<i>M::  wur  wo  niii;lit  nut  1h< 

In  Iho  Mimr  Hilimlinn.     Ii.  luUlilion  tii  lliiii,  \v«  liiul 

r«nii>  out  ol'  lliv  wiir  lomlpti  witli  n  lirnvy  nNliiniiil 

ilfilit,  luiil  till)  gtvM  (liiKotilty  witli  llio  imlriotH  of 

tho  Innil  wiM  to  mi«n  n  rovvntui  lo  iiiih't  llin  «iii;n!^i- 

maiibi,  nnil  miiitniii  tliit  credit  of  tlin  Oovcrnnipnt. 

If  llirro  ever  war  n  tiinn  wlu'n  n  liiKti  liirilf  woiiUt 

lirtve  IwPii  lolcriitwl,  it  wtw  llion.     t\»  llinni  wuri' 

lint  fuw  mninilVlurcH  in  llio  roiinlry,  llni  furciun 

Arlirip*  woiilil  not  liitvo  Iukhi  hiiiu'i'npiIciI  in  tli«i  \ 

iiiArkrl  liy  ilon\i<iilic  proiliiola      A  liiiil  Inrilf  nl 

tlmt  liuio  woiilil  Imvf  piiMlin-Pil  ii  Ini-co  rcvomio, 

whirl)  wni  ao  inucli   uhuIciI.     lloniili'H,  it  woiilil  iit 

the  Hivnui  linir  hiivo  |;iv«ii  |ir«liM'li(in  to  tliv  innini- 

fin'linm  whilo  ihcy  wrw  in  Ihi'ii-  inflim-y.     Yri, 

with  nil  ilii<«t>  iniUii'iMiii-iilx  to  I'lini'l  n  hi!;li  prolrci- 

ive  InrilV,  lhi>  nvtimsw  rnloof  ilniy  in  ilui  oin'  tliry 

ilid  «niii't  wiiH  !>\  pi<r  I'cni.  only  !     Anil  thn  lii);lH'i)t 

niif!!  imjioMnl  wi'm  niwiii  liixurioH  nol  iiitiiliii-nil  nl 

nil  in  Ihm  oimniry,     Voa,  hii',  tliia  is  llii<  ohiimcmr 

of  lliB  nol  lliii  fiiilicrs  of  iho  rcimlilii'  I'liiiclcd  «i  n  j 

time  whi-ii  lln>  )H-i'nninry  wiiiils  of  tho  Oiivirii- 

liifiit  wcrt>  8iu-li  tlmt  it  wns  i-oniprllcil  lo  ivsorl  to 

di(tH-l  Inxniion  nl  thi'  ox|H'nKi'  of  donu'siu-  iliaion. 

tiMil  mill  lu'lunl  inmirivi-iion.     And  ihin  llioy  did 

mllior  thnn  ciinol  n  iniill'  wiili  an  nvi'mi^ti  IiikIici'  ' 

thmi  5)  \vt  oi'iii.    Tliif  ia  the  law,  ii  ciiHiml  rx- 

pifHai'Mi  in  llu'  |iii'ninli!o  of  wliii'h  in  «i'i/.i'd  hold  of 

iw  R  rroounition  of  tho  imwcr  of  ToiiijiTiis  to  riiiu'l 

n  pr«tecllv«  tniill"!     Hut  liem  m  n  pmoiicnl  iomi  of 

tho  ohiiraclpr  of  Ihat  Inw.     tlonlli'iiirn  wiy  it  \\ii»   |  nion>  prot»<i-tioii 

nimiiwiivc  tnrilV.     It  w«m  j^sissod  whoii  onr  inmi-  l|      |li.|'or<>Oon';n-sadrti>rniinrHtoivdhcnitolliti  juris 


[June  80, 
Ho.  or  Krpi. 


wliloh  are  nlTeatMi  by  lotl,  «llnMl«i  hitbiu,  iMtM, 
nnd  n  thnuiniul  thiti|r«  whiflli  mnko  it  fwoiilinrly 
prniwr  Ihnt  iiidividunlii  idioiild  not  Im  iiilorlVirod 
with  in  Ihnni  by  Unvurnnient.  Indivldiinl  liittmii 
htdiita.niid  inlin'mia  will  .dwnya  dinu'l  tliviii  lo  the 
piirauila  which  llioy  hnd  lirimr  foMow,  wilhmillha 
inlorOirtinr.n  of  Uovoriiiiioiit.  Anil  I  mil  in  lUvor 
of  loiivinK  every  mini  in  liia  indnalrinl  pnraiiita,  na 
in  hia  n^liJ|;illll|  lo  work  out  hia  own  anlvalion  in 
Ilia  own  way.  Unvtiniincnt  ia  inconipKliMii  to  thJM 
hiiainiiaa,  mid  It  I'ltniiot  nndorlako  it  willioiil  niia- 
chinf.  What  onx  of  my  coiialitiipnia  wonld  nlhiw 
mn  to  rr!<;nlnlK  hia  privaln  pnraiiila^  Ifliu  would 
not  allow  nio,  how  much  luorn  ivhirlniit  would  ho 
iio  III  allow  a  UnpriNoiiUitivo  from  Mainn  or  Ttixna  f 
And  llin  aanio  would  liothurnac  with  thoin.  If  no 
Olio  dialriot  would  ronaniit  that  ila  own  inomhiir, 
noqiminlod  with  thoir  waiila  mid  hnliitai  ahould 
oonlrol  llioni  in  thoir  privniii  puraiiila,  why  ahould 
thov  ho  inoro  willing  lliiil  wo  ahould  oolloolivoly 
do  il  ? 

'Tlioro  ia  no  poliov  on  oiirlh  an  faial.pnrtionlarly 
in  a  fii>o  sovoiiiinoiil,  n«  that  hy  which  ilin  pnoplo 
aro  liunhllo  lookwp  lo  nnd  loan  upon  Kovornnionl 
loo  much.  Advoraily  will  aoonoror  later  hofall  nil 
pnrxiiils.  'IVaoli  tho  pooplo,  on  aiioh  occaaionu,  to 
rolv  iipiin  ihomsolvoa,  nnd  yim  iiiako  tlioiii  ^ood 
oill/.oiix;  hut  loam  llioiii  lo"  look  up  to,  and  loan 
upon  tho  ijovorninonl,  and  whoii  dianHlor  oomoa, 
thoy  oall  upon  Iho  novoniinpiil,  which  ia  iiowcrloNa 
to  aid  without  wroiii;  lo  olhi'iH.and  yon  In-oi'd  dia- 
ooiilont  and  dis-airoiMioii.  Tliia  ia  piirticniaily  tho 
cnao  with  uiunufai'lnivN.  In  llioni  tlioio  ia  n  oon- 
;  alaiil  toiidcncy  in  prodoclion  to  oiilrun  oiuiMiunp- 
I  lion.  'I'lioro  la  n  coiiataiit  toniloncy  in  oiuliarraaa- 
mont;  and  if  jjovoriiniont  inlorlViva  at  all,  whoniivor 
it  oconra  llioni  iaa  clamor,  nnd  it  ia  npponlud  to  for 


ufiti-lurra  won>  in  tlieir  infancy,  nnd  whoii  thoy 
won>  wtytk.  Thoy  aro  now  in  llio  fiili  viijor  of 
manhood,  and  of  course  rt'nuiro  h«a  aupport  ihnn 
thoy  did  then.  Will  ;!:oiillrmou  now  lako  lor  thoir 
manufaciurea  tho  pnilivlioii  which  was  iicconlod 
thcinlhon?  Sir,  wo  all  know  thoy  will  nol.  Why, 
»ir,  if  wo  were  now  to  propose  aiioh  a  ralo  of  duty 
na  was  ndoplcd  in  I78i),  thoao  i;oiitlonian  would 
bo  ro-idy  tor  open  rolwllimi.  Thoy  ari'  not  satia- 
fied  with  a  rate  of  duiioa  on  nn  Bvcms«  live  times  ■ 


diction  of  proloclion,  I  desire  it  to  eoiiNidor  to  wlint 
il  will  load.  If  you  Ie);is1aie  al  all  upon  thia  nmtlor,  I 
yonr  lojjialalion  must,  nnd  onijlit  lo,lio  comploto.  If  | 
yon  lako  oonlrol  of  tho  anliject  of  manulactiirea, 
yon  luiial  sooner  or  lalor  paaa  all  the  laws  incidonl 
toil.  Well,  whal  aro  thoy?  More  lliaii  half  of 
thohijialalion  of  Clival  Urilain,  and  other  inanufnc- 
liirina;  naliona,  relalivo  to  iiianiifncturra,  is  in  ri"su- 
Inliiii;  tho  honra  of  liilior,  llio  ages  nl  whicli  pcraona 
ahall  eni^ist"  in  thein,i^c.,iti'.     There  ia  no  iiccoa- 


»•<  hijh.     And  yet  thoy  tell  us  nlmui   iho  nciof  jisily  for  such  loj;ial«liou   here  iia  yet,  hut  il  will 


n!*3  bring  a  protective  tarilf.     Such  n  thins  aa  n 
protective  lurid"  nrvor  was  hoard  of  until  IHIIi. 

Hut,  air,  the  (mwor  to  levy  a  protootive  tarill'  not 
only  ia  without  warrant  in  ilic  Conatituiion,  Inn  ii 
is  iiioat  iwliwhly  in  dornsaiion  of  lis  apirit.  In 
ronsiruins  the  Oonstiiution  of  the  United  Stales, 
like  all  other  instruments,  you  must  not  look  lo 
iia  lellor  only,  'nil  to  tho  spirit  in  which  it  was 
IVanud — to  the  'uischiefs  dcsisiinl  to  l>o  avoidoti 
by  it;  and  you  nuiat  so  construe  il  as  to  advance 
ila  objivt,  and  to  suppress  the  mischief.  What 
were  the  iihuaea  Oi^tinst  whicli  our  Oonstiiution 
was  desiiined  to  provide  ?  The  whole  of  thai  srraiul 
movement,  coinmenciii!;  with  tho  dawn  of  onr 
Rewilutioii,  and  eiidius;  with  the  ndopiioii  of  the 
Conslilntion  of  the  ITnr.ed  Slates,  was  sei  on  loot 
to  ffOl  clear  of  the  |«les  of  resulalions,  Irnmmels, 
rrstriclioua,  nnd  inouoivilies  with  which  the  private 
uui-suils  of  man  were  uurdened  nnd  hnmssed.  It 
is  a  wry  narrow  nnd  conlracted  view  of  that  move- 
ment to  lupiiose  thnt  it  was  against  any  |v«rticular 
staUite  of  ir.i»  Itrilish  Governmcnl.  It  was  nsuinsi 
the  aUisca  of  llto  Itrilish  syalcm — ,\i?iinst  the  relics 
of  fe»id.<l  and  dark  ai:es — anioni:  which  were  the 
l«S««lativc  claim  of  iiilerferins  with  the  rolijion, 
the  common-o,  nnd  the  priv:'.tc  pursuits  of  the  jioo- 
ple.  AM  this  our  fathers  thoiishi  wrons.  They 
were  of  opinion  thai  when  liovernmcnl  u>i)U  effe.-i- 
ual  means  to  cnoonrage  indnsiry,  by  sccnrinj  to 
il  iia  fniits,  lo  secure  property,  repress  violence, 
and  discountenance  fraud — when  il  had  taken 
elTeclu.il  means  of  securinst  man  in  the  unmolesle«l 
liberty  in  his  person  and  property,  thnl  it  had  ex- 
hausted ils  function.  Fortunaioly,  the  riaht  of 
Government  to  interfere  with  our  religion  is  taken 
away  in  the  most  eniphaiic  manner.  But  religion 
is  a  universal  truth.  It  is  unatrected  by  time .  place, 
or  circanwtances.  The  true  relisioii  for  one  mail 
is  the  true  rvh^ion  of  all.  If  it  waa  nol,  therefore, 
for  iis  tranaeendenl  importance,  conceniing  as  ii 
di>es  a  man's  eternal  happiness,  it  would  be  a  filter 
sabject  for  le;i<lation  thaii  the  purauite  of  industry , 


come.    The  lime  will  rnpiilly  appniach,  if  yon  per-  ' 
aevero  in  your  present  policy.    VVhen  it  dors, what 
will  you  do  ,>     llavo  you  any  power  lo  enlcrtnin 
any  ancli  Icsislalion  ?     No  one  will  protend  that  we 
have.     Well,  will  you  by  Icffislalion  drive  and  en- 
tice labor  into  a  iiursnit,  the  natural,  indeed  I  may 
say  Iho  inevilablo  tendeiu  v  of  which  ia  lo  mnko  I 
auch  IcKinlnlion  necrsaary,  when  you  havo  no  an-  I 
thorily  to  re.<iorl  toil.'     Oan  this  be  riithl.'     Is  il  I 
riirlil  io  le-iislale  for  iho  protection  of  tho  capital  \ 
connected  with  this  pnrauit,  when   you  have  no 
power  to  lesislnio  for  Iho    security  of  the   Inbor 
eiiinmcd  in  il .'     Will  you  say  we     ""'  Icnvo  this  to  | 
the  Slates  ?     Then  I  any,  leave  t!         .nde  Riibjoct.    i 
Thcisc  views  are  so  obviously  corn'cl,  nnd  thoy  ; 
aro  in  such  exact  kecpina;  with  onr  system  of  gov-  i 
crnnient,  that  I  do  not  believe  anyone  not  person- 
ally interested  would  controvert  tl'iem,  if  it  were  not 
fora  scries  of  ftillncici  which  the  inirenuity  lif  these 
(lersons  have  onnbled  them  to  tiialen  upon  Iho  pub- 
lic mind.     As  disa»reenblo  as  ia  the  Inak,  I  desire  i 
to  expose  some  of  lliein.     And  the  first  which  I  ' 
ahall  notice  arc  two  adviicated  by  the  genlleninn 
from  Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Wintiirop.]     I  notice 
them  first,  ns  they  are  more  immcdinlely  connected 
with  the  (iiiestion  of  conslitutinnni  power  which  I   I  tho  Kronlcsl  number.     The  truth  of  these  posilioiis 


'  into  Any  country  mny  roallni  ihAt  oonttllulM  tho 

■  inouim  nrrei'ipmeal  nnd  bonnflnlnl  exrhniij;o;  nnd 

*  thn  nmntiiit  whinh  tho  import*  will  ronlixo,  ilo- 

■  penda  entindy  on  Iho  eiinditinn  nnd  power  of  Iho 
'  eommiinily  at  laiK«  lo  cnnauniu,    Thu  primary 

*  (ilijnct  of  tli'i  aovornnientof  vvory  country  ahould 
'  hu,  to  dnvian  meniia  of  onlnrKlnR  thu  powor  nf 
'  ronaumptinn  by  nn  adoiinnta  runiunerntioii  Hir 
■labor." 

Now,  air,  I  readily  concodn  the  propnallinn  that 
"  the  produclivoneaa  of  «  rovnniio»yr?lem  deponila 
on  Ihn  nbitily  of  iho  ponphi  to  imiiort  nnd  pny  for 
wlmtovor  they  want  IVom  nbroail,"  And  I  idao 
mimit,  tlmt  Ihn  c.onran  of  policy  which  oonferalhia 
niiilily  upon  llm  );roaliiat  number  of  people  pro- 
nioina  that  prodnclivonoaa  to  tlui  Kreuloat  nxluiil. 
And  I  mninlnin  that  Iho  convorac  of  thia  prupo- 
ailioii  ia  Iriin.  About  llieaii  propoailiona  Uni  |;«li- 
tlonian  nnd  inyaolf  do  not  aooiii  to  ilifliir.  tint 
dona  ho  not  ao«,  whoii  he  aaHiiinoa  ihat  tho  prolocl- 
ivo  policy  eonfera  thia  iibility  lo  coiiMiiiini  upon 
tho  Krealost  niiiuli"r,  that  ho  boi;«  llio  iiuealion, 
and  iisaiiinoa  Iho  very  point  in  doliato  >  Now,  air, 
I  contend   thai  the  iVec-lrado  policy  oonfora  lliia 

ability  lo  llin  p'entcal  exi And  if  J  am  riKht 

in  this,  1  allow  lhat  na  iniroalriclod  ii  ayai.:;'i  iia 
poHaibic  ia  "  tho  real  rovoniio  larifl'."  I  admit 
Ihnt  a  protoclive  lurid"  will  ciealo  a  larjjer  capacity 
in  the  mannfiiclnriii);  capitaliala  lo  import  and  pay 
for  whulovor  thoy  want  from  abroad,  by  incioaa- 
ins;  their  proaperily;  and  if  they  were  thn  coiinlry, 
the  Kciilleinaii'a  aiKiimoul  would  bii  coiicliiaivo. 
Ilul  nnfortunatiilv  lor  Iho  arKumonI,  tlicv  nrn  but 
n  very  ainall  poriiim  of  thn  country.  Tho  ceiiaiia 
of  |H4((  showed,  ihiil  out  of  a  popiilalioii  of  up. 
warda  of  aovcnlcmi  milliona,  only  7!)l.74!l  worn 
oiii;ai;rd  in  mamifacliiroa  and  Irmlm;  and  iia  I 
pnived  in  my  arKiimont  on  a  former  oceaaioil, 
(on  iho  harbor  bill,)  in  reply  lo  anolhor  ijonllu- 
maii  from  Maasachnaelta,  |Mr.  llmisoN,!  moro 
than  half  of  Iho  whole  niiinbor  of  Iheao  ia  of  thia 
taller  claaa,  who  are  nol  licnofilcd  by  a  proloclivo 
taritV;  and  n  very  lar);o  portion  of  tho  other  half 
ia  componed  of  tho  oporalivea,  who,  na  has  boon 
freiiiieiitly  aliown  in  thia  ihibalo,  ROt  no  hiittor 
waijoa  under  a  protectivo  larill'  than  without  il, 
nnd  whoso  capacity  to  conaumo,  theroforo,  ia  not 
increnacd  hy  it.  1  admit  thnt  tho  ejipncily  of  thn 
capitalist  to  consume  is  aiiKmonled  by  a  proloclivo 
larifl".  Hut  thoy  aro  nn  oxcccdingly  atnall  claas, 
,  and  n  einsa,  loo,  whoao  nbilily  lo  conaumo,  oven 
i  under  small  prollla,  ia  such  as  to  enable  llieni  to 
I  aupidy  nil  ilieir  waiita.  And  nn  incronao  (ifthuan 
i  profita  rather  adds  to  thoir  dear  kk'""  *'""'  lo 
I  their  conaiimplion.  Thoy  make  more  money, 
but  they  expend  but  little  iiioi-o.  lly  a  protoc- 
live tariff,  they  aro  enabled  lo  add  to  their  cnpiml 
rallicr  than  their  conauniption.  So  tho  gonllcmaii 
must  aofl  Ihal  such  a  tarill  adda  very  inconsiderably 
to  tho  capacity,  even  of  Iho  manufacturing  claaa, 
for  consiiuiplion.  As  loall  the  rest,  who  compoao 
llio  (jrent  mass  of  tho  comnuinily,  their  cnpncity 
for  eon.wmption  is  prcatly  impaired  in  Iho  depres- 
sion of  their  ])ro8perily.  Ilul  tho  scnilcmnn  mny 
say  lhat  licrc,  too,  I  am  befi;i;inj;  iho  (piestion.  I 
will  prove  my  position  by  hia  own  ndmisaion. 
lie  maintains  ihnl  the  aystem  which  brings  with 
it  the  greatest  nmoiint  of  prosperity,  cronies  tho 
larjral  capacity  tor  consumption.  1  ndniil  tho 
truth  of  Iho  proposition.  Hut  ho  cannot  nvoid  nd- 
niituns  that  the  converso  of  it  is  true,  nnd  that  the 
aystem  under  which  tho  largest  aloady  "  ability  o 
tho  people  lo  import  nnd  pny  for  wimlcver  they 
want  from  nbroad"  has  uniformly  existed,  is  tho 
one  which  brings  with  it  the  ftrcntest  proaperily  lo 


have  been  diaciisaing.  That  gciulcmnii  mniiilains 
lhal  "  the  ival  revenue  larifl"  ia  the  reasonable  pro- 
toclive tnrirt";"  and  to  sustain  thia  position  he  as- 
signs those  reasons: 

"The  productiveness  of  a  revenue  system  do-  \ 
'  pends  not  on  any  abaimct  principles,  or  arbitrary  ; 
'  arrangement  of  duties,  but  on  the  ability  of  the 
'  people  to  im|)ort  and  |iny  for  whatever  they  want 
'  from  abroad.     The  consnining  ability  of  the  peo- 
'  pie  is  what  constitutes  or  causes  ihe  great  difler- 1 
'  once  between   the  operation  of  one  tarilT  ntjd  i 
'  another  tariff,  or  between  Ihe  operr.lion  of  the  , 
\8nme  larifTat  difTerenl  jicriods."  ! 

And  to  corroborate  them,  he  rcnd.s  the  following  \ 
extract  from  the  London  Banker's  Circular 


annol  bo  denied.  The  gentleman  virtually  admits 
them.  Now  let  us  turn  to  tho  facts, and  sceundar 
which  ayslein  this  greatest  canncily  for  consump- 
limi  has  existed.  The  recorils  prove,  thnt  from 
1789,  when  tho  first  tnrift"  wns  passed,  down  to 
this  dny,  the  imports  reUiined  for  homo  consump- 
tion havo  been  compnmtivcly  smaller  under  high 
duties,  nnd  enniparatively  larger  under  low.  How 
will  the  gentleman  account  for  this  upon  any  other 
supposition  thnn  that  tho  people  cnjoyca  more 
prosperity  nnd  hnd  n  Inrgcr  capacity  for  conaunip- 
tion under  the  latter  system  than  the  former?  Will 
he  say  thnt  the  conaumplion  was  not  less  during 
Ihe  periods  of  protection,  though  tho  imports 
were? — thnt  the  ueficiency  of  tho  Intter  was  more 


"  It  is  tlie  amount  wh.c.i  the  aggregate  imports  li  than  supplied  by  the  producta  of  our  dwn  facto- 


W-' 


1846.] 


S9tii  CoNa Imt  Srrb. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRKSSIONAL  GIX)BE. 

I'Ac  Tariff— Mr.  liaijly. 


817 


Nkw  Hi':uii!i.,..No.  69. 


ri<m,  hriiiifrht  inln  oxiiit«iii'«  liy  thn  tnrifl'?  I  In  will 
llilil  llinl  tiiA  iiii|iiirlN  Wnrn  cniiNtiiiitly  inr.riuiiiiii);, 
(IN  ilia  (liitirN  wnrfl  Koiiip;  itiiwii.  iiiiiliir  llin  (Iiimprii- 
iniHO,  nitliiiu'ch,  iix  1  kIiiiII  liitraiiri«r  hIiow,  tlin 
hiiil(lliii(  of  riii'.KirliiM  I'.niitiimral  id  |iriiKr»ii»  lit  Iho 
Niuiio  tiiiix.  Anil  lin  will  fliiil,  icm,  timt  tlin  im- 
(Mirtit  full  nlf  iinmiiilliitnly  iiflnr  ilm  imNniiKii  of  llm 
iiii'iirof  lH4!t,  mill  miinli  wiiiiii'r  tliiwi  it  wim  nnmii- 
liln  frii-  fiii'tiiriiw  t(i  liiivn  i;riiwii  up  tn  Niipply  iIih 
ili'liriiini-.y.  Nil,  nir;  llin  Iniii  rimxiin  liir  tlin  fiilliiiK 
iilf  of  iiiipiiriN  in,  tliiu  till*  pi'iinpnrily  mill  iiliility  of 
the  Krimt  iiiiihn  of  llin  iiiiniiiuiiily  liiiit  riiKiilnrly 
riHdii  or  fiillnn  UN  tliniliilinH  liiivu,  'I'lir Kriml  iniiNN 
iif  Ilia  r.oiMiiiiiiiily  nrn  iiifrli-iilttiriHlii,  luiil  tlumn 
wliiiHti  proHpnrlty  iH  ili'pi'iiilnni  upon  llmt  of  Mm 
nKriniiltiiriNi;  ruiil  lliniiiiiouiil  of  tlin  nxportiinil  tlin 
pi'ii'.H  of  IiIn  pi'iiiliictN  linvci  iT^i;ulnrly  iIhi'ii  or  fiillnll 
im  llin  (lulii'H  Imvii,  I  slmwi'il  lliiN  in  my  npnnrli 
on  tlui  Imi'liiir  lull,  ami  I  liiivn  no  illHpiwitioii  to 
rtipi'iit  now  wliiit  I  Niiiil  ilini. 

I  lirivn  tliiiH  nIiowii,  upon  llii'  ({iiillciniiii'H  own 
|Hi'miiiiM,  tliiit  llm  I'lim'lumoii,  lliiil  "  llin  mil  rnv- 
<iiiiiu  tariir  Ih  tlin  pniicciivn  liirill',"  In  not  huh- 
IniiKiil,  uiiil  tlint  tlin  rc:vnrHn  of  llio  propoNition  in 
Irnn, 

'I'lin  Knntlnninn  IVooi  Mnii«ii<'.liiiNi!ttH,  (Mr.  Win- 
Tlinui-,]  in  rnply  to  tlin  iirKiiiiiiiiit,  tliiit  tlin  tiiriir 
|iolii^y  in  piiriiiil  in  itN  opi'iiiiion,  nnil  llinrnforn  uii- 
piHl,  wiivH  llmt  llin  liuiiini'Hn  of  iniiniifiinluriiiK  is 
not  nonlliinil  to  nny  pitrliriiliir  loimlily;  nnil  lin  rn- 
fiiiN  III  It  fnw  fuulorinH  in  Vir^riiiin,  North  Ciiroliiin, 
(JiMir|;in,  nnil  cvnii  Hniilh  Oirolinn.  It  id  Iron, 
llinro-iiro  ii  fnw  HlinKnliiiK  I'nrlorinM  in  IIiohb  HihIiim; 
Imt  mill,  iloiM  lin  not  know  Ihut  it  in  n  liuxini'HH  vh- 
Hnntiiilly  loi'ul,  luiil  niiUNi'ipinntly  tliiit  llin  lulviin- 
tiixiin  of  pi-olnrliiin  nin  HiwtiiinnI?  TIiIh  I  hIiowccI 
in  11  Npnnrh  whnli  I  dnlivi'mil  in  thn  lloumi  of  Dnl- 
e(,'iilt'a  of  Virginia  on  thn  ."iili  of  March,  JHW.  «)n 
thAt  onnnitioii,  I  Hiiiil; 

"Li-t  tlinin  lin  no  iiilHtiikn  on  ihiii  point.     lio 

*  waNiuviiriithntmniiyNuppoNnil  tliiil  thiiiliHproiior- 
'  lion  linlwiwn  tliu  iiiiinlinr  of  inniinfnntnrnn  wliin.li 
'  iirn  licnnfilnil  liy  a  tarilfof  protmaioii,  in  thnSoiilh 
'  anil  thn  North,  In  not  vnry  Krniit.  Wo  linvn  in 
'  Viri;iiiin,  for  iiiiimncn,  n  fuw  i-.ntton  fiintorinH, 
'  whli'.h  arn  u  niatlurof  nurioNity  to  tlin  nimmunity, 
'  ami  for  that  roimon  arn  viHiind  hy  ulnioHt  nvnry- 
'  lioily.  It  in  very  natural,  ihninforn,  that  the  nx- 
'  li'iil  of  thiMn  I'HtiilillHhinniitH  nhoulil  lin  oviM'ratnil. 
'  lln  hill!  niailn  Nonin  raliMilalloiiH,  liaHnil  upon  thn 
'  liilu  nnimUH,  the  rnsiilt  of  wliinli  lin  wniilil  prnsniil 
'  to  the  HonHn.  In  MiiMKucliiiHeiiH  there  nre  t*7,HII7 
'  pnrHoim  niiKaKftd  iu  nRrinultiirc,  anil  8.1,17(1  in 
'  ioaiiufanluinM  anil  liailis — ijliout  an  cipial  rnini- 
'  I'cr  in  oai'.h  purniilt.  In  Rhodu  iNlund  there 
'  are  ICfiHiS  oiiKused  in  ar»ri('.iiltiire,  and  SJI.OOO  in 

*  miinufactiiroN  and  triiilcH;  lieiii);  more  than  one- 
'  fourth  more  enffiiRi'd  in  thn  hitler  purNuit  than  the 
'former.     In  VirRinia  them  are  :n8,77l  eiifjnsed  \ 

*  ill  asrieulture,  and  ai,47(i  in  itianufantiireH  and  i 
'  trades — upwardu  of  fourteen  lo  one.    And  it  niUKt 

'  he  borne  in  mind,  that  tlumo  engaged  in  ii'.inufiic- 
'  tiired  and  trades  in  Virginia  nre  not  of  tl  at  eliiHS 
'  which   urn   hnncBted    liy  a  larili'  of  protection. 
'  They  arc  principally  joinci-H,  smiths,  shoemakers, 
'ite.,  whoso  interest,  iwfarasatariir goes,  is  ideiiti- 
'  cid  with  the  agriculturist,  as  their  pursuit  is  not  iii- 
'  terfercd   with  by  foreign  enmpctition— and  they 
'  arc  themselves  the  consumers  of  llic  fubrirs  of  tlic 
'  ninnufactiircr.     That  they  arc  of  this  cInsH  is 
'  shown  by  the  fact,  that  in  eastern  Virginia,  where 
'  our  cotton  manufactures  exist,  there  are  23*3,8^7 
'  engaged  in  agriculture,  and  only  4,800  in  inanu- 
'  factiircs  and  trades — upwards  of  forty-five  to  one; 
'  whereas,  in  western  Virginia,  wiiere  there  are 
'  scarcely  any  manufacturing  cslablishmcnta,  there 
'  arc  9.'),944  engaged  in  agriculture,  and  16,676  in 
'  manuafctures  and  trades— not  quite  six  for  one. 
'  Ho  had  extended  the  calculation  to  the  entire 
'  inanufnctufing   district,  comprising   Massacliu- 
■  setts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  the  southern 
'  district  of  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and  east  Pcnn- 
'  sylvania;  and  he  found  that  there  wore  a  little 
'  upwards  of  two  engaged  in  agriculture  to  one  en- 
'  giiged  in  manufactures  and  trades;  whereas,  in  the 
'  sUiplo  Slates,  comprising  Virginia,  North  Caro- 
'  Una,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Missis- 
'  sippi,  Louisiana,  and  Arkansas,  there  are  cigh- 
'  teen  and  ninety-nine  iiundrcdlhs,or  near  nineteen, 
'  engaged  in  agriculture,  for  every  one  engaged  i.. 
'  manufactures  and  trades;  and  doubtless  those  en- 
'  gagcil  in  the  hitter  pursuits'  were  principally  of 

62 


•the  nlass  of  Joiners,  smiths,  An,,  who  arn  not 
<  Ixinnninil  by  a  lurifl'iif  proli'cliiin." 

The  genthmian  says  thai  wn  ought  not  lo  com- 
plain if  advnnlngeH  nri  confurrnd  upon  the  inunii- 
iW.turera;  that  thn  piirsuit  is  open  to  us;  and  that 
if  wn  do  not  cliuosn  In  nngiign  in  it  on  our  own  soil, 
wo  r.an  piirchasn  stonk  in  thn  norlhurn  factorins, 
Hut,  sir,  wn  cannot  do  it.  Wii  cannot  engiiKK  in 
mnnnfiM'.tiiriiig  to  ndvnnlagn,  ns  mycollnagun  |Mr. 
HkiiiionI  has  concliiNivrly  nIiowii  hi  his  ndinirubin 
speech,  llenidns,  if  wn  wnrn  to  attempt  it,  we 
would  rnipiiru  prolnciion  agniiisl  ihn  norlhnrn  maii- 
iifactiirnrN  morn  Ihiin  against  thr  foreign.  'I'hny 
havn  gilt  thn  start  of  us,  and  they  enjoy  all  Ihn  ad- 
vantiigcM  over  IIS  which  Ihey  say  Ki'igland  enpiys 
over  them.  They  are  iijreiidy  eNiiililiahnd,  and 
they  havu  morn  experinncn  and  capllnl.  Hut  Ihn 
concliiHivn  answer  is,  wn  do  not  ilrslin  lo  ilo  it. 
We  nrn  already  niigageil  in  ngrlcnllurc.  Ii  is  morn 
congenial  to  our  liisleHnnd  haliils.  And  i'"  we  ask 
is,  that  w«  shall  not  be  driven  from  the  pi, j  unit  we 
prefer,  to  ungngn  in  onn  wn  do  not. 

Was  il,  Mr.  ('hairman,  in  mockery  that  the 
gnnlleman  invited  UN  to  pnrclinsn  Htoi'.Ks  in  these 
fnelorins,  if  wn  thought  they  were  mailing  laiye 
iirofitH?  I  should  have  tlinnght  ho  if  I  did  not 
know  that  llin  gnnlleman  is  inciipabln  of  amusing 
himself  with  tlin  misfortimcH  of  iilhers.  ISiit  it 
|ool(H  very  much  liko  it.  We  comiilaln  that  oiir 
piirsiiilM  are  rindirid  unprolilnbln  by  tlin  uniliie 
advanlngcH  given  lo  iilhrrs;  and  lliey  tell  us  lo  sell 
out  and  join  Ihem !     DiifiM'tiinalily,  wn  caniint  do 


■  idle;  whilst  thii  inhnliiinnix  snioy  n  high  degras 
'  of  comfort,  eivili7.ation,  and  weiiltli)  ami  Hwii/«r- 
'  land,  with  obvious  dirmdviintages  of  elimiiin  nnil 
'  position,  carries  on  it  prontmroiis  trade,  and  boasts 

■  a  hiippy,  bruvn,  conlxinteil,  and  ind«iHindont  poo- 
•  pie." 

Dm  thn  sirangest  of  all  is,  wo  nre  nsked  to  iirii- 
laln  Kngland  in  n  system  the  exislencn  of  whirli 
!  slin  rngrels,  and  which,  for  a  long  limn,  slin  hits 
I  been  Hiriiggling  lo  throw  iid'.     Wn  nrn  luiked  lo 
imiiain  her  in  nrrors  which  she  has  herself  dis- 
carded. 
And  wn  i,<-n  nsked  to  pnrsnvnrn  in  thn  rnslrictivu 
I  syslnm  as  ihn  mnnns  of  making  us  inde|wndent  of 
!  foreign  niilio'.s.     In  thn  first  plncr,  I  Htiy  it  is  not 
i  di'Hirable,  if  praclirabin,  Ui  nwikn  one  nuliiin  eiitirel  v 
I  liidnpi'Milint  of  Ihn  rest.    It  is  wiili  nnlliuis  ns  with 
imliviiliiiilH,  a  ri'iiHonabIn  depnnilnnce  of  one  upon 
the  other  is  dnsimble.     It  was  the  wise  ordinam  e 
of  an  nil-good  Ood  lliat  man  should  not  be  eiilirely 
independent  of  his  fellow-man.     It  is  their  mutual 
dnpeiidani'.n  upon  each  other  which  keepn  socinly 
together,   and    lends    it  nil  its  valiin  and  chnrin. 
What  is  Iriin  of  individuals  is  eipmlly  so  of  nations. 
A  miiliiiil  dnpi'tidaiice  between  thn'm  in  Ihn  securily 
for  the  |ierforinaiirn  of  those  olIiceM  which   loakn 
their  inlerconrse  agreeable,  ami  Ik  iIic  most  cil'nci. 
nal  security  for  keeiiiiig  Ihn  public  pence.     Wo 
have  lalely  had  astriking  illiistralion  of  lliis.  Who 
doiiblH  ilial  bill   for  Ihn  mutual  depcndancv  to  n 
great  extent  of  Kiigliindunil  the  llniieil  States  upon 
tlier — but  for  ibn  fact  that  they  are  able  to 


...J ^, ,,     ich  iitl 

Our  capital  is  land  and  negrncN;  and  we  iisk,  Ii  do  each  oilier  so  much  good  in  pence  and  so  much 

how  are  we  to  turn  tlicin  into  faelory  slocks r  11  harm  in  war,  that  wn  would  now  be  involved  in  il 
They  tell  us,  sell  out.  lint  to  whom  are  we  losell }  1|  wiili  nil  ils  dcmilalioii  nod  all  iis  liorrorH? 
To  persons  whohnve  the  same  inducement  lo  avoiil  'j  We  are  told  of  llie  siiHering  wn  will  undergo  in 
the  pursuit  that  wn  have?  Il  was  not  ilesigiied  as  ji  a  war,  willi  Kngland  pnriiciilnrly,  for  the  want  of 
such,  but  it  looks  very  miirh  like  mocking  the  |j  ninnufaetiired  gimds.  Iliil  free  trad<' will  prevent 
enlnmilies  they  have  produced.  I!  the  war,  anil  thereby  the  siiHerinx.    ItcsideH,  what 

I  had  occasion  lo  expose  severiil  of  these  Uirifl'J  would  be  the  extent  oflhe  Hiid'eriiig,  if  the  calamity 
fallacies  in  my  speech  already  referred  lo  on  llie  I  nIioiiIiI  beHill  ns?  Our  impoils  of  miiinifiuitured 
harbor  bill,  parliciihirly  that  proteciioii  wns  iicces-  I  proiliicis  bear  a  proporlion  to  our  domestic  product 
sary  lo  secure  us  against  the  pauper  labor  of  ICii-        "    '  •     .       ..         .  .•  ..• 


ropi ,  and  lliat  inanufaclureH  iid'ord  us  onr  best 
market  for  our  iigriciilliiral  produce.  I  nhould  like 
to  elaborate  Ihesn  views  morn  fully,  but  I  have  not 
limn  lo  do  ho.  Iliil  there  are  a  few  other  of  iIichi: 
fallacies  which  have  been  pressed  promineijily  in 
this  debate,  which  1  desire  to  noli 


iif  about  one.Hixlh.'  Ho  in  time  of  war,  if  our  im- 
ports were  enlirely  cul  off,  oiii  aupiily  would  only 
be  short  one-sixth.  All  we  would  have  to  do, 
therefore,  to  remedy  the  evil,  would  be  to  enfonn 
an  eiiinomy  becoming  such  a  condition.  All  wr 
wouli!  Iiavn  lo  do  would  be  to  make  five  emits  last 
as  longns  six  ordinarily  do.     This  would  not  be  a 


1st.  We  are  told  that  no  nniion  has  ever  I'lown  \\  great  liarilship.  And  in  the  cane  of  Great  Brilniii, 
great  which  did  not  resort  lo  the  proliclive  policy,  h  wiili  tvliom  near  half  of  our  commerce  is  conduei- 
and  we  are  pointed  particularly  to  Cireat  Urilain.  |i  eil,  she  would  rathi;r  suffer  from  her  dependoncn 
On  the  contrary,  I  say  moMl  of  the  luUionM  which  I  upon  ns,  in  lime  of  war,  than  we  uiion  her.  We 
have  grown  to  wealth  and  grealnesH  have  bci'ii  ex-  ii  could  do  without  her  manufactures  during  the  war, 
tensively  commercial,  which  is  incom[Mililile  wiili  !i  as  I  have  shown,  but  how  would  she  do  without 
Ihn  rcHtriclive  system.     And  of  all  the  nations  of  !|  our '■olloii  and  provisions? 

Ihn  earth,  Knu'lnnd's  experience  is  the  beat  refiila-  Il  The  [rreateKt,  however,  of  nil  these  fallncics  is, 
tion  of  Ihe  position  taken, and  lofuslain  which  her  !!  that  iiiuii  oiitibh  makk  low  I'nicr.H.  Wc  are 
example  is  (pintcil.    Of  all  the  natioiis,  she  has  en-  ii  gravely  Uild  by  manufacturers,  that  u  proteclivH 


joyed  free  Iriide  to  the  greatest  extent.  Iler  colo' 
nicH  nre  located  in  every  hemisphere  and  in  every 
clime.  Willi  them  her  trade  is  free.  In  other 
words:  for  a  long  time  she  has  enjoyed  free  trade 


lariO'irmkes  manuf.iciurcdgoods'cheHper,  and  ogri- 
i  cultural  produce  dearer.     The  ^uiswer  lo  them  is, 
they  advocate  the  system,  and  no  man  will  advo- 
cate a  system   which   makes  nil   lie   hns  to  sell 


with  a  greater  extent  of  country,  and  with  a  larger  j|  cheaper,  and  all  he  has  to  punhnse  dearer. 


number  of  people,  limn  any  other  nation.     1  leii 

in  part,  her  greatness.  || 

Turn  from  Kngland,  with  all  her  greatness,  to  | 
Spain,  rt  country  than  which  none  is  more  blessed  j 
by  nature  or  more  cursed  by  man.  Her  picture  is  i 
drawn  so  graphically  by  Mr.  W.  Brown,  of  Liver-  | 
pool,  in  a  letter  to  J.  H.  I'atton,  Ksq.jM.C,  which 
lie  has  had  the  kindness  lo  send  me  in  a  commu-  i 
nication,  for  which  I  greatly  thank  him,  that  I 
adopt  it  in  place  of  anything  less  satisfactory  from  | 
myself,     lie  says:  ] 

"  Let  those  who  think  well  of  protection  and 


Hut  let  US  examine  for  a  moment  ihe  rcssonini^ 
by  which  gentlemen  all/;mpi  to  prove  this  strange 
paradox.  They  ttttem[it  to  culablish  it  by  corn- 
paring  the  priccH  of  articles  now  with  what  they 
were  at  some  former  period,  and  then  credit  the 
protective  policy  with  the  whole  fall.  They  allow 
noihin;;  for  the  improvement  in  m.-tchincry  anil 
Hkill— they  allow  nothiii?  for  the  fall  in  the  price 
of  Ihe  raw  material — which,  in  the  case  of  cot- 
ton, has  been  very  great — or  anything  else;  all  ia 
put  to  the  credit  of  the  tariff'.  But  there  is  siili 
ffreater  unfairness  in  the  comparison  they  make. 


prohibition,  look  to  Spain.  In  iHat  great,  but  Ii  They  do  not  compare  a  period  of  fi-cc  trade  with 
'wretchedly-governed  kingdom,  prolcciion  and  j  oneof  protection;  indeed,  with  the  exception  of  a 
'  prohibition  have  brought  inlo  existence  one  hnii-  j  few  months,  we  have  had  no  period  of  free-trade 
'  dred  thousand  armed  smugglers,  who  sometimes  ji  for  thirty  years;  but  they  compare  one  period  or 
'are  nn  overmatch  for  the  military;  the  country  |i  protection  with  another,  and  they  take  the  price 
'swarms  with  brigands;  robberies  are  frequent;  Ii  in  this  country  ns  the  criterion.  Now,  it  ia  per- 
'  and  it  appears  that  three  hundred  thousand  peo- i^  feclly  obvious  that  the  only  fair  mode  of  coni- 
■  pie  nre  dc  .nding  for  a  living  on  illicit  traffic,  li  parison  is,totake  the  samearticleatthesametirae; 


'  Custom-houses  produce  comparatively  little,  and 
'  the  nation  is  bankrupt.  From  this  picture  turn 
j  '  to  Holland,  a  country  freer  from  commercial  re- 
I '  straint  than  any  in  Luropc,  except  Switzerland, 
I  ■'  where  they  have  no  custom-liousca  at  all.  In 
I  '  Holland,  person  and  property  are  safe,  and  land 
more  valuable  than  in  England;  there  are  no  poor 


a.scertnin  the  price  of  it  in  our  market,  then  ascer- 
tain the  price  of  it  in  the  foreign  market,  and  esti- 
mate what  it  could  be  delivered  at  henS  under  a 
revenue  duty.  If  gentlemen  will  adopt  this  mode 
of  calculation,  they  will  find  that  the  fact  is  directly 
in  the  teeth  of  their  theory.  But  how  do  igenile- 
inen  attempt  to  sustain  it?    By  one  gentleman  we 


'  rates,  no  beggars,  ns  Government  employs  the  i.  are  told  that  it  is  in  consequence  of  the  domestic 


818 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  30, 


29th  CoNfo l8T  Sess. 


2%e  Tariff— Mr.  Bayly. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


competition  which  the  tariff  creates.    But  what  i« 
the  Uaniemic  comnetiiiim  which  you  raise  up  in 
cnmpnrisnn  with  tlie  foroiijn  which  you  cut  off? 
The  very  ground  upon  which  the  tariff  policy  ia 
advorated  is,  that  our  maimractiirca  cannot  stand 
th"!   foreign  competitinn,  aIlhoui;h  they  can  the 
domestic.    The  gentleman  from  Connecticut  [Mr. 
Rockwem]  argues  that  the  effect  of  the  tariff  is  to 
compel  the  foreiptner  to  sell  cheaper,  or  not  sell  lit 
all,  and  that  we  eive  no  more,  nltliough  he  c;ets  less 
for  his  Ihbrica.    If  this  wore  true,  I  do  not  sec  how 
we  would  be  benefited.  We  would  give  no  more  for 
the  articles  consumed  by  us,  and  as  n  consumer, 
might  not  be  injured;  but  as  exporters,  wc  would, 
as  our  customers  by  this  policy  would  be  impov- 
erished.   But,  sir,  is  it  possible  such  an  effect  is  j 
produced  .'    The  per  ccntnge  which  we  take  of  the 
entire  prndnction  of  foi-eisrri  nations  is  very  small — 
much  too  smai!  to  justilV  them  in  reducing  the  I 
price  upon  the  v\  hole  production  to  retain  our  mar- 
ket.   Take  the  case  of  Qrcat  Britain,  and  the  nrti 
etc  of  cotton.     In  the  1hI<>  Jebni?  in  the  English 
Parliamen.',  the  hotic  .^insumption  o.*  cotton  is  put 
at  forty  miil'C.is^  of  pounds  sterling,  ur,  in  round 
numbers,  two  h'undrcd  millions  of  didlnrs.     Her 
commercial  documents  show  that,  in  H41 — that  '..< 
the  latest  year  for  which  I  have  returns;  and  ihcy 
do  not  vary  materially  from  year  to  year — in  1841, 
her  exports  of  cotton  amounted   to  upwards  of 
twenty-three  millions  of  pounds  sterling,  or  one 
hundred  and  fifteen  millions  of  dollars.     Her  en- 
tire production,  therefore,  was  three  hundred  and 
fifteen  millions  of  dollars.     Of  this  we  imported 
in  round  numbers  nine  millions.     In  these  esti- 
mates, all  manufactures  of  ccrtton  arc  included. 
In  other  words,  our  imports  were  less  than  three 
per  cent,  of  herjentife  production.    If  the  manufur- 
turers  of  England  make  a  reduction  in  the  price  of 
their  fabrics  to  retain  our  market,  they  must  make 
equal  reduction  upon  their  entire  production.  They  , 
cannot  sell  at  the  same  time  the  same  article  in  the  { 
same  market  at  different  prices;  they  cnnnot  sell 
to  the  exporter  to  Rus.sia,  liir  instance,  at  one  price, 
of  the  exporter  to  America  at  another,  and  to  the 
thome  dealer  at  a  third.    Any  one  at  all  acquainted 
with  the  manner  in  which  business  is  done,  will 
see  the  impossibility  of  the  thing.  If,  for  instance, 
a  manufacturer  were  to  sell  to  a  merchant  engaged  | 
in  tlie  American  trade,  goods  ntn  cheaper  rale  than  j 
they  were  selling  to  the  home  merchants,  and  to  i 
other  exporters,  would  he  not  dispose  of  them  at  I 
home.'     Is  it  not  evident,  then,  that  the  British  1 
manufacturer  had  better  abandon  his  market  in  this  I 
country  altogether,  than  make  even  the  paltry  re-  i 
duction  upon   his  entire  production  of  three  per 
cent. .'  It  would  be  exactly  as  well  for  him  to  burn  '. 
his  exporu  which  hi  And  been  in  the  habit  of  send-  j 
'ng  to  this  country;  for  the  reduction  of  three  per  | 
cent,  upon  his  whole  production  would  equal  the  i 
value  of  them.     In  answer  to  this,  the  gentleman  ! 
from  Connecticut  said:  ] 

"  It  is  a  well  known  fact  that  the  market  of  this  : 
•country  is  by  far  the   best  and   largest  which 
'  Great  Britain  has  abroad.    Now,  it  was  well  and 

*  truly  said  by  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Vir- 

'  ginia,  [Mr.  Bavi.t,]  in  hjs  discussion  of  the  sub-  i 
'  ject  of  the  corn  laws,  that  the  price  of  the  article  ' 
'  of  wheal  at  home  was  affected  by  the  price  abroad ;  : 
'  and, although  oursurjdus  products  exported  bear  I 
'  but  a  small  proportion  to  the  amount  produced  ! 
'  and  coTisunied  at  home,  the  price  of  that  small  : 
'  surplus  influenced  and  often  controlled  the  price  ' 
'  of  ihe  entire  amount  raised.     This  principle  is 

•  undoubtedly  correct,  although  I  totally  differ  from 
'  him  in  the  reasoning  based  upon  it.  Now,  sir,  it 
'  Is  a  welk-nown  fact,  ihisl  country  is  by  far  the 
'  best  consumer  which  Great  Britain  has  for  her 

'  manufactures,  und  that  the  amount  exported  to  1 
'  this  country  is  quite  sufficiently  large,  if  reduced  I 
'  in  price  by  competition  here,  to  aflect  their  mar-  j 
'  ket  at  home,  and  in  other  foreign  countries."         I 

In  the  argument  to  which  the  centlemnn  refers,  ! 
I  showed  why  the  result  would  be  produced  in  the 
case  of  our  agricultural  products,  and  why  it  would 
not  in  the  case  of  manufactured.    On  that  occasion 
I  said: 

"  But  is  it  true  that  the  effect  of  the  duly  Is  to 
'  compel  the  foreigner  to  sell  lower?  In  England, 
«  for  a  long  time,  the  iiressiire  of  population  has 
'  been  so  great,  and  the  competition  so  active, 
'  that  prices  had  reached  the  lowest  limit  before 
'  Uie  enactment  of  our  tariff.     Besides,  tlie  propor- 


'  tion  which  wo  lake  of  Briiish  goods — and  we 
'  take  more  of  them  than  of  any  other  nation — in 

•  comparison  with  her  consumption  at  home,  and 

•  her  exports  to  her  colonies,  and  to  other  foreign 
'  nations  than  oursilves,  is  very  inconsiderable; 

! '  and  it  is  not  probable  that,  to  gain  access  to  our 

[  '  market,  they  would  submit  to  a  reduction  on  the 

I  '  great  mass  of  her  production.    They  would  lose 

j  '  less  by  giving  up  our  trade  altogether.     But  it 

'  may  be  said  that  I  liatre  already  proved  that  the 

:  '  price  of  the  ouantity  exported,  which  is  fixed  by 

I  •  the  price  in  the  foreign  market,  fixes  the  price  of 

j  '  the  entire  production.    In  the  case  of  the  ngricul- 

I  '  turist  of  this  country,  that  is  so;  but  in  the  case 

'  '  in  hand,  it  is  not  so.    In  the  first  place,  our  ex- 

!  '  port  of  acriculiural  produce  bears  a  much  laigcr 

'  proportion  to  our  entire  production,  than  the  ex- 

'  ports  ft-om  England  to  this  country  of  her  mnnVi- 

'  factures  does  to  the  entire  amount  of  her  prod'ic- 

'  lion,  and  of  course  exerts  a  greater  influence  on 

•  the  price.  In  addition  to  this,  the  farmer  cannot 
'  rcirulnte  his  supply  with  the  demand.    The  farm- 

•  ers  are  scattered  all  over  the  land,  and  they  can- 
'  not  by  combination  adjust  the  supply  to  the 
'  demand.  In  this  country,  where  most  of  the 
'  land  is  cultivated  by  the  labor  of  the  owner  of  the 
'  soil,  he  hasTio  other  occupation  than  its  culliva- 
'  tion,  and  he  makes  all  he  can  without  reference  to 
'  the  price.  Indeed,  when  the  price  is  low,  so  far 
'  from  making  leas,  he  tries  by  increased  produc- 
'  tion  to  make  up  for  the  smaller  price.  His  rota- 
'  lion  of  crops  is  fixed,  and  he  cnnnot  well  change 
'  them.  His  crops  are  pitched  but  once  a  year, 
'and  when  pitched,  they  must  be  saved.  The 
'quantity  of  the  crop  depends  upon  the  seasons; 
'  and  for  that  and  the  olhcr  reasons  I  have  given, 
'  the  farmer  cannot  adjust  the  supply  to  the  de- 
'  mand.  But  it  is  ollicrwise  with  tlie  manufaclu- 
'  rers,  particularly  of  England.  They  are  congre- 
'  sated  together  in  large  towns,  and  they  rnn 
'  combine.  The  amount  of  their  production  does 
'  nni  depend  upon  the  .seasons,  or  other  c.isually. 
'  They  do  not  own  the  labor,  and  nre  not  compelled 
'  to  find  for  it  emplovment.  Whenever,  at  any 
'  season  of  the  year,  tlicy  find  the  supply  is  likely 
'to  outrun  the  demand,  and  that  they  will  lose 
'  more  by  the  consequent  fall  of  prices  than  they 
'  will  gain  by  increased  production,  they  can  short- 
'  en  work,  curtail  expenses  nl  a  day's  warning,  and 
'  adjust  the  supply  to  the  demand.  This  consli- 
'  lutes  the  difference  of  the  two  cases." 

If  this  reasoning  required  confirmation,  it  would 
be  found  in  a  fact  slated  by  the  gentleman  himself. 
He  says: 

"  In  relation  to  some  articles  actual  combinations 
'  have  long  existed  in  England  to  prevent  the  snp- 
'  ply  exceeding  the  demand.  For  instance:  there 
'are  but  seven  establishments  in  England  and 
'  Wales  for  the  manufacture  of  railroad  iron.  The 
'  proprietors  of  these  establisbments,  and  of  other 
'  extensive  manufactures  of  iron,  in  the  early  stages 
'  of  its  manufacture,  amounting  in  all  to  but  Iwtnly- 
'  three,  have  their  regular  meetings  for  the  (lurpose 
'  of  preventing  what  they  call  on  excessive  supply, 
'  and  of  controlling  the  price  of  the  nriicle  in  mar- 
'  ket.     They  check  the  manufacture  when   it  is 

•  excessive,  and,  under  their  arrangement  and  di- 
'rection,  the  fires  of  just  so  many  furnaces  are 
'  quenched  as  are  necessary  to  accomplish  this 
'result." 

But  how  is  the  fact  •  The  gentleman  from  New 
Yorl:  [Mr.  Cni.i.is]  has  shown  tliRt  there  has  been 
no  reduction  of  price  in  the  foreiin  market  since  the 
enactment  of  the  act  of  1842.  The  jrentlemnn  from 
Vermont  [Mr.  Coli.amerI  accounts  for  ih  s  para- 
dox in  a  (liflerent  way.  Ho  says  that  a  piniective 
tariff  sives  the  American  manufacturer  more  com- 
plete control  of  the  home  market,  enables  him  to 
sell  more,  and  therefore  In  make  morr  money  on 
smaller  profits.  And  he  illustmted  by  a  case  of 
this  sort:  He  .says  n  maker  of  shoes,  for  instance, 
could  make  more  money  in  selling  one  hundred 
pair  of  shoes  at  six  per  cent,  profit  than  fifty  pair 
with  ten;  and  consequently  he  could  sell  cheaper 
in  ti.e  more  extensive  market.  The  illustration  is 
very  v/ell.  if  it  suited  the  case.  But  it  does  not. 
The  difference  of  our  imports  of  man.ifactured 
articles  under  a  high  and  low  tariff  has  not  been 
estimated  higher  than  10  or  li)  per  cent,,  which, 
upon  our  entire  imports  of  manufactured  articles, 
would  be  from  five  millions  to  six  millions.  This 
sum  upon  tlie  entire  amount  of  our  home  produc- 


tion would  not  be  more  than  two  per  cent,,  if  that. 
Now,  can  any  one  believe  that  such  afsmall  exten- 
sion of  the  market  would  enable  the  manufacturers 
In  make  any  perceptible  diminution  in  their  prices? 
Two  pei>  cent,  reduction  in  theii  profits  on  their 
entire  production  would  cover  the  whole  amount 
of  the  differenco  of  import.  And  the  increased 
profit  which  they  could  make  in  selling  ihe  articles 
which  would  make  up  this  difference  is  too  small 
to  calculate,  A  profit  of  ten  per  cent,  upon  these 
ten  or  fifteen  millions  would  not  bo  equal  to  one- 
third  of  one  per  cent,  on  our  entire  production. 

But  let  us  examine  this  proposition  a  little  more 
narrowly.  If  this  strange  effect  is  produced,  how 
is  it?  The  price  of  an  article  is  composed  of  three 
ingredients:  first,  the  price  of  the  raw  material; 
second,  the  wages  of  labor;  third,  the  profits  of 
the  capitalist.  For  instance:  the  price  of  the  coat 
I  have  on  is  made  up  of  the  price  of  the  wool,  the 
wages  of  the  labor  which  has  converted  it  into  its 
present  shape,  and  the  profit  which  the  capitalist 
has  made.  Now,  if  the  eflcct  of  the  tariff  is  to 
cheapen  the  price  of  cloth,  it  must  be  by  cheapen- 
ing tnc  price  of  some  one  of  these  component  parts 
of  it.  Well,  which  is  it?  Is  it  the  price  of  the  raw 
material  which  is  reduced?  They  will  not  say 
that;  for  they  tell  the  farmer  that  the  effect  of  the 
tariff  is  to  give  him  a  belter  market,  and  better 
prices.  Is  it  the  wages  of  labor  which  is  reduced  ? 
They  will  not  say  that;  for  they  argue  that  the 
effect  of  the  tariff  is  to  increase  wages,  and  keep 
them  above  Ihe  level  of  the  pauper  labor  of  Europe. 
Is  the  effect  to  lessen  the  profits  of  capital  ?  They 
cannot  say  that;  for  they  argue  that,  without  a 
protective  tariff,  the  capitalist  would  be  ruined, 
and  that  it  is  necessary  to  enable  him  to  carry  on 
his  business.  These  gentlemen  bring  themselves 
to  the  conclusion  that,  although  the  effect  of  the 
tariff  is  to  increase  the  price  of  every  ingredient 
which  constitutes  the  price  of  the  entire  fabric,  yet 
that  the  price  of  the  article  itself  is  reduced  I  la 
it  possible  for  absurdity  to  go  farther  than  this? 
Of  all  the  paradoxes  which  have  been  pahncd  upon 
Ihe  credulity  of  man,  and  passed  under  the  author- 
ity of  great  names,  for  superior  wisdom,  I  verily 
believe  this  is  the  boldest, 

I  will  examine  one  other  proposition  and  then 
conclude  this  speech,  which  has  already  been  ex- 
tended to  a  greater  length  than  1  could  have  de- 
sired , 

It  is  said,  if  we  pass  this  bill  we  destroy  the 
manufncturei-s,  and,  with  them,  the  best  market 
for  our  agricultural  produce,  1  answered  this  ar- 
gument ill  niyspeecnupnn  the  harbor  bill,  I  then 
showed  the  extent  of  th  „  ;et  for  our  ogricul- 
lund  produce,  which  the  manufacturei-s,  benefited 
by  a  protected  tariff,  afforded  us,  and  how  incon- 
siderable it  was,  I  also  showed  by  calculations, 
the  correctness  of  which  have  not  and  cannot  be 
disputed,  that  if  we  were  to  prohibit  ab-solutely 
the  importation  of  foreign  fabrics,  and  manufac- 
ture for  ourselves  everything  which  we  now  im- 
port, the  number  of  persons  whom  it  would  take 
to  do  it  would  not  consume  a  tyihe  of  the  agricul- 
tural produce  which  we  now  export;  and  in  fact 
that  they  would  not  con.sume  as  much  as  the  per- 
sona now  do  connected  with  our  commerce,  which 
would  be  destroyed  if  this  Chinese  policy  should 
prevail.  And  I  demonstrated,  by  Ihe  most  incon- 
trovertible facts,  how  baseless  is  the  (ilainor  about 
tI.e  ruin  which  the  repeal  of  the  tariff  will  bring 
upon  the  manufacturers.  I  have  no  disposition  to 
repeat  now  what  I  said  then;  but  I  know  a  panic 
will  be  attempted  to  be  got  up,  and  I  desire  to  show 
in  ndvance  now  groundlesis  it  must  be.  We  do 
not  wish  to  destroy  the  manufactures,  nor  do  we 
believe  that  the  passage  of  the  bill  before  the  com- 
mittee will  do  it.  The  average  rate  of  duty  under 
it  is  2,5  per  cent.;  upon  most  of  the  protected  arti- 
cles it  is  30  per  cent.  This  rale  of  duly  aft'ords  a 
larger  extent  of  protection  than  is  generally  sup- 
posed. The  memorial  of  the  New  York  mcrcnants, 
.^presented  to  Congress  at  the  extra  session,  s-tys: 
"  Twenty  per  cent,  duty  is  a  protection  of  no  less 
'  than  forty  per  cent,  to  domestic  niaiiufaetures, 
'  because,  in  addition  to  the  duty,  the  expenses  of 
'  importation  are  about?;,  per  cent.,  anil  the  ju-ofils 
'  of  the  importer  nre  proliubly  about  ISj  percent." 
This  statement  sbow.'s  that  the  bill  before  the  ciun- 
mittee  will  aflbrd  incidental  protection  to  the  extent 
of  from  45  to  50  per  cent, 
Will  not  this  afford  protection_enough  ?    Are 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


819 


[EPS. 


29th  Cono IsT  Sgbs. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Bayly. 


Ho.  OF  Rep8. 


there  yiy  manufhcturaa  for  which  the  country  in 
ripe,  that  cannot  proa|)cr  under  a  pre  iection  or  50 
per  cent.?  They  nourished  and  mndc  ^'«ri;er  divi- 
dcndH,  oven  during  the  latter  period  of  the  Com- 

fromlHO  act,  than  nny  other  pursuit  in  the  country, 
n  making  thio  stalement,  I  do  not  draw  my  infer- 
ences from  unautlientic  sourccn.  I  hold  in  my 
hand  a  letter  written  by  Thoniap  G.  Cary,  TrcaH- 
urer  of  the  Hamilton  Manufacturing  Company, 
addressed,  on  the  lal  of  December,  1844,  to  my 
hnnorablo  colleague,  [Mr.  Pendletov.]  It  was 
designed,  as  it  purports  on  its  face,  to  disabuse  the 
public  mind  as  to  the  extent  of  manufacturing 
profits,  and  it  is  published  by  the  mani{facturcra 
^henuehes,  for  that  puipose.  It  contains  the  fol- 
lowing table,  giving  the  average  dividends  of  the 
Lowoll  factories,  "  taken  (as  he  says)  from  their 
own  books:" 

Same  of  com-      Tiineofejtn-    Term  of      Jivtraze  of  divi- 
pany.  mcncing.         yennt.  tlcniU. 

Merrimack 1 8Q.'t 30'  yetini 19|  pi-r  cent. 

Hainilinn }Sifi 17   yuarH I0[  percent. 

Appletnn 1H39 16   yearn 9j|  percent. 

Lnwell 1831 14   yean 0   percent. 

Putrolk mT3 Hi  year 11   percent. 

Trcinniit IKB m  yearn lOJ  percent. 

Lawrence IKM II    yearn 7   percent. 

tiitntt IKJS 6J  yearn 8  percent. 

MansacluHcttfi 1641 4   years 5}  percent. 

I  have  not  included  the  allowance  for  loss  of  in- 
terest, and  for  fire  insurance,  amounting  to  a  little 
more  than  one  per  cent.,  because  these  are  charges 
which  equally  attach  to  all  other  pursuits.  My 
own  opinion  is,  that  at  this  time  the  profits  are 
generally  much  larger  than  these.  But  I  have 
selected  this  statement  because  iut  authority  can- 
not be  disputed,  and  because  the  greater  portion 
of  the  time  it  covers  was  iluring  the  operation  of 
'he  Compromise  nc'..  Well,  sir,  ought  not  tlie 
manufacturer.-)  to  iio  satisfied  with  these  profits.' 
In  what  other  pursuits  are  as  large  ones  made?  I 
can  answer  for  the  farmers.  It  is  difficult  for  us 
to  make  ends  meet,  to  say  nothing  about  profits. 
Sir,  on  an  average,  the  farmcra  in  my  State  do  not 
clear  two  per  cent,  on  their  investment.  And  in 
making  this  statement  I  answer  another  argument, 
and  that  is,  if  we  reduce  the  tarifl",  manufacturers 
will  be  thrown  out  of  employment,  and  engage  in 
agriculture,  ar.d  become  competitors  in  place  of  our 
customers.  They  will  scarcely  give  up  ten  per 
cent,  to  take  two,  and  quit  an  employment  yield- 
ing good  profits,  to  engage  in  one  which  yields 
little  or  none,  and  which,  as  those  gentlemen  tell 
us,  would  be  made  still  worse  by  the  increased 
competition  by  this  division  of  labor. 

In  answer  to  this,  the  gccitleman  from  Massa- 
chusetts [Mr.  WiNTHROp]  says  that  almost  any  of 
the  stocks  of  the  New  England  factories  may  be 
had  at  a  small  advance,  many  pf  them  at  par,  and 
not  a  few  below  it;  and  from  this  he  infers  that 
their  profits  cannot  be  so  exorbitant  as  is  repre- 
sented. 

"I'hc  facts  to  which  the  gentleman  refers  can  be 
easily  accounted  for.  I  see  from  their  own  pub- 
lications that  most  of  the  New  England  factories 
ore  owned  by  joint-stock  companies;  and  that 
most  of  Iheni  went  into  operation  without  their 
entire  capital  being  paid  up.  In  other  words,  that 
thoy  commenced  business  in  debt,  to  extinguish 
vhich  much  of  their  profits  have  to  be  applied. 
Consequently,  the  dividends  declared  were  small, 
although  the  profits  were  large.  We  all  know 
that  the  price  of  storks  in  the  market  of  the  Ex- 
change is  generally  fixed  by  the  dividends  decla- 
red. Few  persons  can  rely  upon  any  other  cri- 
terion; besides,  many  persons  desiring  to  invent 
money  must  receive  regularly  their  dividends  for 
their  support,  and  the  stocks  of  companies  making 
small  dividends  are  always  under  par,  no  matter 
how  ii.uch  money  they  are  making  and  adding  to 
their  capital.  This  I  know  to  be  particularly  the 
case  in  my  own  State,  especially  in  our  railroad 
companies.  The  fact  to  which  reference  is  made 
may  be  acconntcd  for  in  another  way.  There 
has  been  such  au  undue  encouragement  given  to 
manufactures,  that  most  of  the  capital  which  can 
be  diverted  into  them  has  already  taken  that  direc- 
tion; and  there  is  now  a  deficiency  in  the  capital 
which  can  be  so  applied.  Be  this  as  it  may,  no 
one  can  deny  that  the  actual  dividends  which  a 
pursuit  makes  is  belter  evidence  of  their  profits 
than  the  price  of  their  stocks  in  the  market.  I 
have  shown  what  these  dividends  are,  and  that  they 
are  greater  than  the  profiu  of  any  other  pursuit. 


But  there  are  facta  conclusive  to  show  that,  even 
in  the  opinion  of  the  manufacturers  themselves, 
they  can  live  and  do  a  good  business  with  a  duty 
of  20  per  cent.,  much  less  2.5  or  30. 

In  March,  1833,  the  tarifTconipromiso  was  adopt- 
ed. Wo  all  know  the  cventn  which  led  to  its  adop- 
tion. They  hove  been  most  eloquently  portrayed 
by  the  p'liifemnn  from  Indiana,  [Mr.  Oivrn.]  Un- 
der its  provisions  the  duties  were  gradually  reduced 
until  June,  1842,  after  which  the  highest  rate  of 
duty  was  to  be  20  per  cent.  When  it  was  adopted, 
and  for  years  afterwards,  it  was  regarded  as  a  sol- 
emn covenant  of  peace,  which  was  never  to  be  dis- 
turbed. Mr.  Clay,  in  advocating  the  compromise, 
when  asked  what  security  the  country  would  have 
against  the  vioiation  of  its  provisions,  soid' 


projioscd  would  ruin  them,  who  afterward*  admit- 
ted that  they  either  had  not  been  alfected  at  all,  or 
lienefleially.     And  in  this  country  I  have  no  doubt, 
from  the  better  market  at  home,  that  the  increased 
prosperity  which  wiil  result  from  a  greater  freedom 
,1  of  commerce,  wilt  more  than  compensate  them  for 
I  the  protection  which  will  be  withdrawn.    Greater 
|j  prosperity  in  the  agricultural  and  commercial  pur- 
{I  suits  always  has,  and  always  will,  add  greatly  to 
the  consumption  of  manuracturcd  articles. 

if  there  are  any  manufactures  which  cannot  exist 
with  the  rale  of  protection  which  this  bill  will  give 
them,  it  shows  that  the  country  is  not  ri[)e  for  them, 
and  it  must  be  bad  policy  to  force  them,  by  legis- 
lation, into  premature  existence. 
The  manufacturers,  even  under  the  revenue  bill 


"  What  man,  who  is  entitled  to  the  character  of  I  we  propose,  will  enjoy  advantages  which  no  other 

„     A -.  .    .  11.1  ■      1  ■     I    ■  1.  -.  .. -ii  -.  • -   i\T.   .1 . ._  .t.,:_  -i-  .!.:_ 


'  an  American  statesman,  would  stand  up  in  his 
'  place,  in  either  House  of  Congress,  and  disturb 
'  this  treaty  of  peace  and  amity?" 

Governor  Davis,  of  Massaciiuaelts,  who  voted 
against  the  compromise,  was  equally  explicit.  He 
said: 

"  Suppose  that  South  Carolina  should  abide  by 
'  the  comprnniise  while  she  supposes  it  beneficial  to 
'  the  tariflf  .States  and  injurious  to  her;  and  when 
'that  period  shall  close,  the  friends  of  protection 
'shall  then  propose  to  reestablish  the  system:; 
'  what  honorable  mnn  who  voles  for  this  bill  could 
'  sustain  such  a  measure  ?"  i 

The  South,  from  the  beginning,  showed  its  de-  ' 
termination  to*81and  by  the  compromise  in  all  its 
provisions.     From  the  first,  she  refused  to  disturb  , 
Its  provisions,  even  when  brought  forward  in  the  j 
insidious  form  of  propositions  from  the  North  to 
reduce  some  of  the  duties,  | 

In  addition  to  this,  most  of  the  State  Legislatures  ' 
at  different  times   declared  that   the  compromise 
ought  to  be  held  sacred  and  inviolate.   The  Legis- 
lature of  Virginia  so  declared,  almost  by  a  unani- 
mous vote,  the  Whigs  voting  for  it.     In  the  Presi-  ' 
dential' contests  of  1836  and  1840,  the  candidates 
on  both  sides  were  pledged  to  the  compromi.se. 
Under  these  circumstances,  the  great  mass  of  the  ' 
people,  who  could  not    conceive  of  the   perfidy  ; 
which  afterv/ards  sanctioned    its  violation,  must  i 
have  regarded  it  as  the  settled  policy  of  the  coun-  ! 
try.     Nevertheless,  with  this  apparent  moral  cer-  I 
tainty  that,  after  1842,  the  duties  were  not  to  ex-  j 
ceed  twenty  per  cent.,  manufacturing  establish-  ' 
ments  sprung  up  all  over  the  country.  The  census  ! 
returns  show  that  from  1830  to  1840  the  rate  of  I 
increase  of  manufacturing  estalilislimenis  was  very  ! 
great.   In  the  t,ible  I  have  presented  of  the  Lowell 
mills,  it  will  be  seen  that  more  than  one-half  of 
them  were  established  after  the  adoption  of  the 
compromise  act.     I  recollect  that  in  Virginia  most 
of  the  factories  were  started  after  that  time.  ' 

With  what  face,  then,  can  iiersons  engaged  in  ;| 
those  establishments  come  before  the  nation  and  i; 
insist  that  they  will  be  wronged  by  the  bill  belbre  '.\ 
the  committee,  which  gives  from  five  to  ten  per 
cent,  higher  protection  than  they  could  have  calcu- 
lated upon  when  they  went  into  the  business? 

Notwithstanding  all  this,  we  will  have  a  regular 
panic  got  up.  But  no  one  can  be  disappointed  at 
this.  When  did  privilege  ever  surrender  its  advan- 
tages without  complaint?  We  have  had  a  fine 
commentary  upon  this  subject  in  the  history  of  the 
recent  comm"rcinl  lesL-ilation  of  Great  tJritain. 
The  Right  Hon.  W.  E.  Gladstone,  in  his  late  very 
able  review  of  this  subject,  says: 

"  Nearly  one  hundred  and  fifty  questions  w^re 
'  discussed  between  the  Govcrnmciit  and  the  vari- 
'  oua  intej-esis  which  were,  and  believed  themselves 
'  to  be,  affected  by  the  chanires  proposed  in  the  law; 
'  and  twenty-six  divisions  were  taken  in  the  House 
'  of  Commons,  many  of  which,  however,  were  in 
*  favor  of  more  sweeping  propositions  than  those 
'  of  the  Government."  "  Some  (he  says)  kicked 
'and  plunged  vijjorously,  but  in  vain;  and  some 
'  made  up  their  minds  with  decent  composure. 
'  Many  who  resisted  because  they  thouirht  the 
'  sacrifice  required  of  them  too  g'eat,  and  many 
'  more  who  thought  it  their  duty,  under  the  dis- 
'  tressed  circumstances  of  the  country,  not  to  refuse 
'  it,  however  large,  must  have  been  alike  surprised 
'  to  discover,  by  subsequent  experience,  in  how 
'many  cases  the  mountain  has  simply,  as  of  old, 
'  produced  a  mouse." 

He  gives  many  instances  where  persons  proved, 
apparently  incontestably ,  on  paper,  that  the  changes 


pursuit  will  enjoy. '  We  do  not  complain  of  this. 
But  we  do  insist  that  the  undue  protection  shall  be 
withdrawn  which  burdens  every  other  interest. 
That  they  have  received  this  undue  protection  a 
simple  fact  will  prove.  Professor  Tucker,  by  a 
calculation  based  upon  the  census,  endorsed  by 
Mr.  Rives  in  his  speech  in  1844,.  shows  that  the 
average  decennial  increase  of  wealth  in  the  last  fifty 
years  in  the  various  branches  of  industry  have 
been  about  50  per  cent.,  while  the  increase  of 
manufactures  for  each  term  often  years  since  1820 
has  been  at  the  extraordinary  rate  of  284  per  cent. 
No  one  will  pretend  that  we  are  naturally  as  well 
suited  for  manufacturing  pursuits  os  we  are  for 
agricultural  and  commercial.  Our  cheap  lands, 
fertile  soil,  genial  and  healthy  climate,  all  fit  ua 
admirably  for  agriculture;  and  the  many  orlicles 
produced  in  it,  which  are  in  demand  in  every  quar- 
ter of  the  globe,  together  with  the  cheapness  with 
which  vessels  can  be  built  and  navigated,  giv6  us 
great  commercial  advantages,  and  yet  the  manu- 
factures have  greatly  out.strip|)ed  both.  How  is 
this  to  be  accounted  for  upon  any  other  suppo- 
sition ihnn  that  the  latter  pursuit  has  received  un- 
due legislative  protection?  This  is  whot  we  wish 
to  withdraw.  Wc  think  there  is  a  particular  con- 
geniality between  agricultural  and  its  sister  com- 
mercial pursuits  and  republican  institutions.  And 
we  have  seen  nothing  in  the  character  of  manufac- 
turing population  elsewhere  to  tempt  us  to  force  it 
into  premoture  existence  here.  In  the  dispersed 
population  engaged  in  agriculture  and  commerce, 
you  have  no  such  facilities  and  inducements  to 
mobs,  combinations,  and  crime,  as  you  have  in 
your  crowded  manufiicturing  towns.  They  ought 
not  to  be  sought  as  things  to  be  desired,  but  submit- 
ted to  as  a  necessity,  growing  out  of  a  dense  popu- 
lation not  otherwise  to  be  employed.  There  is  a 
simple  test,  which  every  one  can  apply  for  himself, 
to  determine  whether  it  is  desirable  to  entice  our 
people  into  mnuufacluring  pursuits,  when  they  can 
lie  so  well  employed  in  agriculture  and  commerce. 
What  father  or  mother  would  prefer  to  see  his  or 
her  son  or  daughter  put  to  work  in  a  manufac- 
turing town,  with  its  hot  and  impure  atmosphere, 
both  moral  and  physical,  to  be  employed  in  navi- 
gation, ploughing  the  majestic  ocean,  or  engaged 
in  the  peaceful  and  healthful  occupation  of  the 
farm  ?  What  is  desirable  for  one  must  be  so  for 
all. 

I  confess  my  solicitude  for  the  success  of  this 
bill  is  very  great.  Not  that  I  think  our  finid  tri- 
umph can  long  be  delayed.  Our  triumph  is  cer- 
tain; the  only  question  is  one  of  lime.  Other 
nations  are  throwing  off  the  commercial  shackles, 
the  growth  oi^  centuries,  and  we  must  follow.  It 
is  Iruc,  in  tlic  removal  of  t!;cse  restrictions  by 
other  nations,  which  when  they  existed  were 
made  pretexts  for  inventing  similar  ones,  our  tariff- 
ites  find  new  arguments  for  protection.  Before 
England  abolished  her  corn  laws,  we  were  asked, 
will  you  take  her  manufiictureu  when  she  will  not 
take  our  provisions?  Let  her  repeal  her  corn  laws, 
we  were  told,  and  v/e  will  remove  the  duties  from 
her  manufactures.  But  she  no  sooner  does  it  than 
we  are  told,  England  has  grown  rich  by  restriction, 
and  now  wishes  to  grow  richer  by  casting  it  away. 
Whether  she  relaxes  or  not,  we  ore  alike  to  be  in- 
exorable. When  she  maintains  the  restrictions 
she  finds  in  existence,  wc  use  her  conduct  as  the 
apology  for  inventing  new  ones.  When  she  re- 
moves 'such  restraints,  we  perceive  only  a  deeper 
plan  for  bringing  about  our  ruin  by  cheap  produc- 
tions, which  "requires  of  us  still  more  imperiously 
the  multiplication  pf  our  repressive  and  prohibi- 


830 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July.  89, 


99th  CoNa.....lsT  Sess." 


The  Sub-lreamry — Mr,  Benton. 


Senate. 


lorjr  enaetmrnts !  All  ihli  will  not  do;  thn  days 
of  (lie  rostrictive  policy  urn  numbered.  Ii  may 
drnjt  out  a  »iiikly  exintence  fur  n  brinf  [xjriod,  but 
it  will  pnsa  awny,  only  to  bo  remembered  for  ita 
tolly 

THE  SUB-TREASURY. 

REMARKS   OF   MR.    DENTON, 

or  Missouui, 
Im  the  Senate,  Julij  39  and  30,  184(i. 
On  thf  Itutrpmknt  Trraniry  Bill. 
SuliNtnnre  of  Mr.  Benton's  n.-mnrks  on  the  mo- 
tion to  amend  the  bill  by  ni.iertini;  n  clause  to 
authorize  disbursing  nfficcru  to  pay  out  Treasury 
Drafts. 

Mr.  BENTON  said:  I  know  nothing  of  thin  pro- 

fH)S0(l  amendment:  though  one  of  the  conimiitee 
roui  which  it  cornea,  1  know  of  no  action  upon  it 
in  the  connnillee.  I  never  heard  of  it  before,  [Mr. 
Lkwis  aaid  it  was  put  in  at  the  instance  of  the 
Sccrelary  of  the  Treasury  in  an  inl'ipri'ial  ciinimu- 
nic^tion.J  Mr.  B.  It  is  all  new  to  niP,  and  I 
cannot  a^ree  to  it.  It  changes  the  whole  character 
of  the  bill,  and  makes  the  treasury  a  bank  of  issue 
— 11  bank  to  issue  paper  money  in  the  shape  of 
drafts  or  orders,  limited  in  animint  to  the  amount 
of  the  annual  appropriation,  iiml  as  small  in  de- 
nomination as  the  Secretary  n.y  choose  to  make 
them.     He  may  issue  them  f..r  one  dollar  if  he 

E leases;  and  as  the  appropriations  of  this  year  may 
e  for  fifty  or  sixty  millions,  I  hat  may  be  the  max- 
imum of  this  year's  issue.  All  this  will  be  easily 
understood  by  reading  the  seclioji  which  is  ]>ro- 
poscd  to  be  amended.     The  section  is  this: 

Src.  91.  ,Si\d  he  it  further  eiiactcti,  Tiint  no  uxeliniuro  of 
fiind.-'  flhiill  lie  niadu  n>  any  dJHliur.-.iii({  oiticcrrf  or  iifirnti«  nf 
IhP  novcriiini'lit,  (if  any  Rnulii  or  ilcniiiiilimlion  wlint-iicviT, 
or  eiiiinorteil  with  nay  lirnnch  iif  the  public  «  nice,  oHicr 
tliaii  an  exchaiiffe  for  goltl  and  silver ;  and  every  tuch  di.-*- 
liiir,iuiK  nlticir,  wlicn  tliu  incioiii  liir  his  di>bur'<cini;iib  nri^ 
fumisllcd  Id  hiai  in  (nld  nnd  Kll>i'r,  i-liull  innke  Ids  luynicnts 
in  the  ninni^y  bo  furrdshcd  ;  or  when  lliosc  ini'nns  arc  fnr- 
■liihed  lu  him  in  ilrnfts,  «liUh  cannot  te  iliibancd  ul  par, 
•hull  cauae  those  dnifn  to  bo  prc«enlrd  iit  tlnlr  pliicc  of  (wv- 
mcnt,  and  properly  paid  nccnrdini;  to  the  Inwj  ami  ulnill 
maki!  his  iwyinents  in  the  money  no  received  for  the  dmrtii 
luriii.'ihKl,  iinlcsa  in  [either]  mwh  ease  ho  can  cichuniiH 
the  means  In  his  hands  for  gold  nnd  silver  nt  piir.  And  it 
■hnll  be.  and  is  hereby,  made  the  dnty  nf  the  head  of  the 
proper  di^partinent  injinediately  to  vu'pi'nd  from  duty  any" 
diiilMimin;  nfflcer  who  shall  vliilaic  the  prnvisiuns  of  this 
•ecUon,  nnd  tSirthwith  to  rejwt  tlli^  iinniii  nf  the  iifllccr  or 
^cnllu  Uio  President,  with  tne  fact  of  the  violalinn,  nnd  nil 
Ule  I  ircuinsUnees  ncecniipanyinii  llic  sainu  nnd  wiUiin  the 
knnwledpuoftliesaiil  Seer<^tary,tii  the  end  that  such  omcr 
or  njicnt  may  he  promptly  removed  from  olVicp,  or  resuired 
to  his  trust  nnd  llie  pvrfonnnnee  of  his  duties,  lu  to  the 
President  may  seem  ju.-<t  ami  proper. 

This  is  the  section  as  it  came  from  the  House 
of  Representatives,  with  the  exception  of  the  six 
words  in  italics,  near  the  middle  of  the  first  sen- 
tence. Leave  out  these  words,  and  the  Heciion  is 
clear  and  right,  and  such  as  it  should  !«;  in  i  hard- 
money  treasury.  As  the  act  stands,  without  these 
words,  the  disbursing  officer  is  to  carry  his  draft 
immediately  to  the  sub-treasury,  receive  the  amount 
ill  gold  and  silver,  and  then  pay  out  that  gold  and 
silver  tu  the  public  creditor.s.  In  one  case  only  is 
lie  aljowed  to  sell  his  draft,  and  that  is  for  gold 
and  silver  ot  par;  and  then  he  is  bound  to  jiay  out 
the  gold  and  silver  thus  received.  In  both  these 
cases,  the  intent  of  the  independent  treasury  is 
complied  with,  and  hard-money  payments  arc 
maintained.  All  this  is  right  and  fair;  but  insert 
the  six  words  proposed  to  be  added,  and  the  whole 
character  oCthc  institution  is  changed.  Instead  of 
collecting  the  draft  in  specie,  or  selling  it  for  specie, 
nnd  paying  that  specie  to  the  creditors  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, the  disbursing  officer  iu  to  pay  out  these 
drafts  as  money,  and  for  that  purpose  a  draft  of 
fifty  thousand  dollars  must  be  split  up  into  five  hun- 
dred drafts,  or  orders,  of  one  hundred  dollars  each: 

Drafts  given  to  disbursing  officers  are  always 
for  large  suma.  A  large  draft  is  given  to  draw  the 
•pecie  which  will  pay  hundreds  or  thousands  of 
creditors.  Such  drafts  cannot  be  used  for  current 
payments.  They  cannot  be  disbursed.  They  arc 
too  large  for  that.  They  must  be  split  up  into 
amall  sums,  fit  for  payment  from  hand  to  Imnd, 
transferable  by  delivery,  and  constituting  a  new 
■|)eciea  of  paper  currency;  and  such,  it  is  untler- 
Btood,  ia  already  the  case  between  the  treasury 
and  the  present  depoaite  banks.    So  implies  the 


question    put  by  the  Senator  from   Maine  [Mr. 
Evans]  to  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Fi- 
nance, [Mr.  Lewis,]  and  ao  seema  his  answer  to 
admit ;  and ,  in  fine,  so  ^ave  I  heard .    1  have  heard 
that,  at  ihia  time,  if  money  is  wanted,  (at  the  Rio  , 
Qrande,  for  example,)  instead  of  giving  a  paymas-  i 
ler  a  draft  for  fifty  ihousnnd  dollars  on  a  deposito  1 
bank  in  New  Orleans,  which  he  will  collect  (Vom  \ 
the  bank  in  gold,  carry  with  him  to  the  army,  anil  i 
pay  it  out— instead  of  that  old-fashioned  operation, 
the  report  U,  that  the  paymaster  is  furnished  with  1 
five  hundred  little  drnftn  or  orders,  matle  payable 
to  himself,  on  the  deposito  bank,  which  ho  carries, 
not  to  the  bank  for  collection,  but  to  the  army  for 
payment — pays   them  out  to  nil   who  will   lake  , 
them,  with  his  blank  endorsement  on  the  back;  ' 
after  which  they  are  Iransficrable  by  delivery,  like 
a  common  bank  note,  or  l)anker'a  check,  and  pass 
into  generni  circulation.     If  such  is  the  ease — nnd  , 
I  niri  induced  to  believe  it — I  have  no  hesitation  in  I 
qimlifying  the  practice  as  illegal  nnd  frBiiiliilcn', 
conflituting  a   hijh   misdemeanor  in  those  who 
have  done   it;  nnd    besides   itlaking  the   Federal  . 
treasury  an  illcial  issuer  ofpaiier currency,  nctuallv  ' 
makes  the  Federal  trensnrv  stand  security  for  all  ! 
the  deposile  banks! — for,  if  the  paper  ainvs  out  till 
the  depofiite  bank  fails,  the  treasury  will  have  to 
tnke  up  ii.i  dishonored  paper.     This  is  sniil    to 
be  the  practice  now;  and  if  it  is,  I  pronounce  it  an 
illegal,  fVnudulcnl,  and  dangerous  issue  of  paper  i 
money  by  the  Federal  trensury.     "Thn  nix  words 
now  propoHcd  to  be  inserted  in  lliisliill,  if  put  into 
it,  would  iMithorizc  nnd  leu'nlize  briwecn'the  trens- 
ury anil  tl'.p  siil>,  or  branch  Irensurics,  the  illcjal  ' 
pi-nctice  which  is  now  said  to  prevail,  nnd  to  pre- 
vail for  the  first  time  in  our  history,  bclwecii  the 
Federal  treasury  and   the  deposite  banks.     The 
words  are  these:  "  wiiirii  iaxnot  nr.  msBiinsKn 
AT  PAR."     Under  the  operation  of  these  words,  if 
they  become  law,  the  disbursing  officer,  instead  of 
collectincr  his  dnifi  from  the  bank,  nnd  payinir  nut  ' 
gold  or  silver,  would  begin  with  oflering  Ins  little 
drafts,  or  orders,  to  (he  public  creditors  io  pay- 
ment of  what  the  Government  owed.     Most  of 
them  would  have  no  option,  nnd  must  take  what  ' 
was  offered.     When  received,  he  must  sell  it,  or  ' 
trade  it,  or  give  it  in  payment  to  somebody;  and  i 
thus  it  is  thrown  into  circulation,  and  performs  a  ; 
long  circuit  before  it  gets  to  the  bnnkon  which  it  is 
drawn.  Thus.agovernment  bnnknf  issnewouldbe 
created,  issuing  a  currency  of  nrilers,  like  those  nf 
the  Bank  of  the  United  Stales  in  her  latter  nnd  most  , 
degenerate  days.     It  would  give  us  a.  government  ■ 
bank,  not  of  discount  and  deprsite,  but  nf  ciiTuIn-  | 
tion.  Of  all  kinds  of  dnnsrerouspnyier  money,  that  nf  i 
a  government  issue  is  the  most  dangerous.     From  \ 
the  time  of  John  Law's  Mississippi  scheme  to  the 
nssignats  and  mandnts  of  the  French  Revolution, 
the  character  of  such  issues  is  the  same.     Having 
no  Buperior  power  to  check  or  control  them,  the 
Government  sees  on  until  ruin  stops  it.     Much 
as  I  nm  ngninst  a  national  bank,  I  v.ould  prefer  it 
to  n   government  bank;    it  would   not  be   more 
clearly  unconstitutional,  and  by  no  means  so  dan- 
gerous. 

The  former  sub-treasury  act  had  six  fatal  words 
in  it  which  we  have  omitted  from  the  present  one; 
but  if  these  six  words  are  put  into  it,  it  will  make 
it  far  worse  than  the  former.  The  words  in  the 
twenty-first  section  which  did  the  mischief  were 
these:  "on  othkuwise  rnoMOTU  thi-;  Pt'Bt.ic  ser- 
vice." This,  like  the  general  welfare  clause  in 
the  Constitution,  was  authority  for  anything  that, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  Secretary,  would  promote  the 
public  service.  Paper  money,  nnd  broken  bank 
paper  money,  was  daily  pnid  out  under  thnt  act. 
In  the  month  after  its  passage,  some  millions  of 
the  notes  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  then 
dishonored  and  depreciated,  were  sent  to  the  West 
to  be  paid  out  to  the  Indians.  In  one  instance,  the 
plan  was  balked.  Near  three  hundred  thousand 
dollars  of  this  trash  was  scut  to  Joshua  Pilcher, 
Esq. .Supcrinlcndentof  Indian  Affairs atSt.  Louis, 
which  he  refused  to  pay  out,  and  thereby  got  hnrd 
money  for  his  Indians.  The  correspondence  on 
this  subjecl  between  the  Commissioner  of  Indian 
1  Affairs,  acting  for  the  Secretaries  of  Treasury  and 
j  War,  and  Mr.  Pilcher,  deserves  to  be  read  now,  as 
'  showing  the  manner  in  which  laws  may  be  evaded 
I  by  public  functionaries,  nnd  as  an  instance  of  an 
j  honest  man  who  wnuM  not  violate  the  laws,  or 
cheat  the  Indians.     Iltjre  are  two  of  the  letters: 


[Cniinilential.] 

•>  WASiiisiiTos,  IVh  AutMt,  IMII. 

o  r>RAn  Hia:  Thn  presenl  low  state  of  the  Iroftinry  ui'tli ; 
iriuiitl  Hlnttfs  makes  It  imisirtant,  andindoi'd  lndts|H'nMnble. 
to  u«e  all  the  nieiuiH  nt  lis  dis|Kwal  dnrliin  this  setison,  anil 
(>s|s>cially  iinw,  when  the  exin'mllinrcs  nro  Inrger  t  inn  ut 
nriy  other  p<'ri<Hl  of  the  year.  II  would  he  dlHtcult  in  ralsn 
the  means  necessary  to  thn  disehriFije  of  onrohlignllons,  nml 
keep  tin  tile  niilitnry  and  nnvtil  i  ..latdlMlunenls,  ii|sin  any 
ottier  plan  thnn  that  aitreed  on  heiween  ilin  Hi-creturlcs  of 
War  and  the  Trciisary,  which,  in  coinplianco  with  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  former,  I  iiow  coinmunlcatu. 

"'riio  llniik  of  the  I  lilted  Hiiiies  owes  thn  Oovomnnnt  a 
viTv  hirtiu  ^ilnt  of  inoni'y^  whleli  will  bn  dim  In  Hcptuniher, 
and  it  has  lieon  projsiHed  by  thnt  Instlliitlnn  to  pny  nii)  liii- 
hilltles  which  the  lioveninient  shnll  lllfree  It  nmy  dlsehitrge, 
with  the  fall  cnnsent  of  tho  creditors ;  and  il|Mni  the  receipt 
for  the  sums  duo  Is'inii  delivered  up,  Ihu  treusiiry  will  oniir 
the  snme  to  the  credit  of  Mie  hank  or  its  bond.  VVu  can 
nellhcr  liny  nnr  oHrr  nnythliiit  but  coin,  hiii  these  nntes 
heinu  «t  H  jircmlnni  in  the  We-t,  It  I-  not  iliinhted  thnt  those 
to  wlnnii  tho  tjnv<'riiment  Is  hotind  to  pay  uiopi-y  wilt  itbidly 
aecc|it  them,  lis  ihei  » ill  Ih'  Isiiiiht  up  for  remltlani'e  K.isl, 
ami  tin  advance  paid  lor  them.  In  this  way  the  trensniy 
will  be  relieved  by  ns  much  ns  the  bank  pnys  for  any  advance, 
and  will  bo  r iverinn  a  part  of  a  lanie  debt. 

»•  The  sum  iillniteil  to  your  sii|s'rlntendency,  ns  shown  by 
the  slnieiiienis  lierewiili  sent,  is  j991>4,(NI0;  of  this  sum. 
9l(in,fl:i't  u:i  are  now  sent,  loKether  with  .Jin.'lD?  ."iOi  and 
the  bank.  It  is  expected,  wiU  pay  SUI-I.IKHI.  The  arrange- 
ment I  understand  to  tM>  this:  An  ai{ent  of  tho  bank  will 
c.ill  n[>nn  you,  and  you  will  please  lo  inform  lihn  when  nnd 
where  he  mny  attend  tho  inyniont  of  annuities,  und,  with 
the  consent  of  the  Indians,  p-iy  them.  This  opemtlon, 
nlthniiuh  our  ntfleers  can  take  no  pan  in  it.  they  must  at- 
tend so  as  In  seu  that  the  ludinns  reenive  the  nmniinl  duu 
tliein  with  their  own  free  consent.  If  they  refuse,  there  is 
an  end  of  the  matter;  but  as  the  exlgeneles  nf  the  treasury 
reiptirc  this,  they  should  not  be  persiinded  to  refuse,  nor 
other  obstacle  be'interpnsod.  It  they  accept  the  notc!',  tho 
rceeipis  will  he  uiken  in  your  nniiio  hy  the  bank  ngent.  In 
Mich  forin  (to  Im  furnished  hy  you  or  the  niients)  as  lliey 
would  hnve  been  if  yon  or  they  made  (he  payment;  so  that 
they  will  serve  as  your  vouchers  on  settlement  of  your 
necoiints.  These  receipts  so  taken,  the  nuent  of  the  bnnk 
will  hnnd  to  you,  for  which  yuu  will  receipt  to  liim  ;  and 
when  vim  transmit  the  receipts  to  this  ollU-e,  a  reiiuisitlnn 
« ill  be  issued  In  your  fnvor  for  tht  Ir  niinnint,  (no  innney  of 
course  to  be  dmwn  on  it.)  with  which  you  will  be  charged, 
i-iliT 


nnd  credited  with  the  ro 

OThe  same  enurse  e 
Oirmers,  teachers,  «tc. 
these  limes  nf  extreini 
lieved  nil  maybe  eotlsfnel 


to  bnlnii 

>||^^uett  with  the  Maeksmlths, 
■  mount  iiaiiiod,  by  wliieh,  In 
ire  on  the  trensury,  it  is^lie- 

.__ _..._^  ly  adjusted.    Tho  money  sent 

ynu  wili  plenso  to  use  so  ns  to  'jmy  In  coin  those  who  refuse 
to  lake  tho  nnte^  for  *  'nch  it  will  he  nbumlantly  sullieieni 
1  presume,  the  notes  -iiif!,  strange  ns  It  seems  to  us  ea.-t, 
nt  n  preminiii  in  your  legion.  Tho  arrangement  may  nppenr 
to  be  a  Mule  at  war  with  the  p<ilicy  nf  the  Admlnlstrnlinn; 
but  it  is  n  prinmrv  object  to  secure  this  debt  from  the  bank, 
and  If  It  can  be  diini^  cimsistenily  witli  tho  Justice  we  owe 
to  others,  there  exists  no  snild  objections  lo  it,  lis  it  ia  a 
nicnns,  nnd  possibly  the  only  one,  of  securing  a  large  de- 
mand. Desldes,  it  need  nut  bo  concealed,  In  this  conllden- 
tial  cnmmnnicntinn,  that  the  trensury  really  wnnis  the 
miiiiev  tin*  hank  will  thus  turnish. 

'•  These  nri' the  views  of  the  Secretaries  of  War  and  nf 
the  Treasury,  and  they  rely  iipnn  every  proper  and  legal  net 
on  your  pnrt  tn  cnrry  out  the  nrrnngement. 

"  Very  rcsiK-ctfully,  and  trulv  yours, 

"  T.  HAn'l'LEV  CRAWFOIID. 

"Major  Joshua  riLC'HKH, 

"Sup.  Jiul.  Jiff.liri,  SI.  iouls,  JVfo." 
tConndentinl] 

"  Saint  Louis,  .^ujwf  36, 1840. 

"  Pear  Sir:  Accompanying  other  doeiinients  of  an  offlcini 
nature,  I  received  ynurconfulcntiiil  letter  of  the  lijthlnstnnt, 
developing  the  plan  of  the  Beereliiries  of  W'lxr  and  of  the 
'iVciisurynpon  the  subject  nf  payments  pmiinsed  to  be  innde 
tn  Uie  Indians  on  the  mintiers  in  notes  of  tin;  United  Stoles 
Rnnlf  of  Pennsylvania. 

"  The  plan  pm|)o.scd  by  your  letter  and  mcana  of  its  ncconi- 
plishment  have  received  from  mo  all  the  cnul  tuid  deliherale 
eonsideralion  which  its  importance  merits;  and  alter  view- 
ing it  in  nil  its  bearings,  I  have  cniiic  in  the  determination  to 
tnko  no  action  in  the  case,  until  I  make  known  to  you  snme 
of  the  nbjcctinns  to  which  the  use  of  this  imper  is  liable,  nnd 
receive  your  answer ;  when  I  shall  lie  better  able  to  decide 
upon  tho  part  I  shall  act  in  the  transaction. 

"  >'irii(,  l/ien.  The  plan  you  prn^Hwe  cannot  be  carried  out 
without  the  tlirect  action  nf  inysell  nnd  every  oUier  olRrer  of 
the  Indian  ileimrtinont  witliiii  my  |>ay  district ;  nnd,  conse- 
quinitly.  If  to  tligi>oir<t,  nnne  of  tliem  cniild  conceal  iLs  reali- 
ties for  n  inninent,  or  give  it  any  ntlier  chnrncler  thnn  that  of 
legnli/ing,  hy  the  mere /orm?,  a  transaction  in  itself  Illegal. 
This  would  never  stand  the  test  nf  tlle  investigation  tn  which 
the  transaction  would  he  subject. 

"  Secoiul.  Tho  people  to  whom  It  is  proposed  to  ijay  this 
paper  are  generally  im  ignorant  of  its  chnrnctor,  and  thnt  of 
nil  other  hank  paper,  and  of  premiums  and  the  nature  of  cx- 
clianges,as  the  animals  they  bunt ;  and,  more  thnn  nil  others, 
reipilre  the  iiroteclion  of  the  (^overnmentngainst  tho  evils  nf 
an  unsound  and  Ilticttinting  currency.  Tho  annuities  tor 
mostnf  the  tribes  nre  distributed  in  small  sums  nniong  the 
heads  of  families,  nnd  cnnsoi|UcnUy  no  premiums  would  be 
likely  to  ritsult  to  them,  even  if  they  tmsscased  intelligence 
tn  seek  its  beiielits.  They  have  heretofore  (with  the  excep- 
tion of  one  irilMj)  been  paid  in  specie;  eventhe  notes  of  the 
Dank  of  Missouri  (nlwnysa  specie-pnying  bnnk)  hnvc  been 
refused  ;  nnd,  in  my  judgment,  they  nre  the  Isst  of  all  people 
lo  whom  thi^  paper  you  mention  should  ho  otfered,  ua  ihe 
ojjir,  under  Oie  cireunistances,  would  bo  oi|uivAleiit  to  com- 
pulsion to  ri-ccive  it.  The  bank  agent  will  of  course  nsi!  all 
arguments  of  which  he  U  master  to  Induce  its  recpptinn, 
witliout  regard  to  the  ellecl  upon  tlie  character  and  credit  of 


uly.»9, 


FATE. 


tiiry  oith. 

il|M>ll)MlhUl, 

i-'uioh,  ami 

IT   t  lilll   lit 

lit  to  riilHii 
iitiniiit,  nml 
ii|x>n  iiiiy 
ri'tiiriiM  or 
ti  iht'Mniic- 


1846.) 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


eei 


39th  Cono Ibt  Skbs. 


The  Tariff—Mr.  ColHn. 


Ho.  or  Rips. 


Ihfi  aavi<rnm«iit,  while  lh«  l«|lllroi«lii  luordlniiK  or  th'!  In- 
(lliinM  imrMJ  mii/e.  Thn  liitirr  will  ciinrluili!  It  in  tliiit  rir  noUi- 
itig,  mill  r(!0('lvti  It  IM  a  niiittitr  nrr(MiriM>. 

•*  Thirtt.  lluwDVer  It  be  Irile  timt  tin*  pnpf  r  of  the  llnll''(l 
HtHtPN  Bniik  of  Pflniiitylvntiin  Ih  iim  ko(m1  m  that  ot'ntlior  fwf- 
firwlml  biiDkrt,  uriil  is  ofcitiiloiinliy  biiiiiiht  (lit  tit  n  nruinltlin 
frir  ri'iiiltluiicti  K'itl.  Itlx  liy  no  iiH>iiiii«r<)iiJit  Itir  Mill  pit  IKi^n 
to  (!(>vcrnmpiit  fuiiilM— spnclH,  or  iu  I'liutviilcnt,  Itelnff  worth 
a  pntiniiltii  of  llvfl  p*^T  emit.,  tind  ri'ijlliri'il  hy  thr  wholf  coni- 
iiiiinttj't  whiln  tho  nuti^n  In  ipii'iitinii  urn  only  Hoiiglit  lifter 
by  a  I'nw  for  tliH  |Mirp(HR  nf  remittance,  are  only  worth  two 
|it!r  cunt.,  and  are  dully  gnln^  iowii ;  for  hovvoverNonie  may 
think  the  liaiili  Bolvent,  theie  nri)  many  others,  and  I  coii- 
fexri  myiinir  one,  who  entertain  a  dillerent  bi-hef;  and,  If  I 
niKlerntand  you  correctly,  the  hittiT  opinion  lif  MtronKly  cor- 
roborated by  your  letter.  And  even  If  the  notea  were  equal 
to  ^peeln  ftir  ineri^  reinlttanee,  for  no  nther  purpose  wolilil 
they  be  bettor  than  tlionn  of  other  iiint|ieiid'>dor  broken  baiikn, 
whiNt  Cloverninent  fuiidn  are  requlri'd  for  all  purpose!*,  and 
tnorif  eKpeeially  amonii  that  eta.iH  of  people  Into  whone  IminU 
a  part  of  the  Inilian  annuities  ftill,  and  are  eaiterty  Konght  for 
the  purpose  of  enteriiiR  land,  and  diNchar^liifc  (heir  vurlouH 
olillKHtlon^  to  the  f.overnini  III. 

'*  These  are  Motne  nf  the  reaiiniifl  a^ainiit  the  iiieiu<tirn  pro- 
posed, to  liay  iioihiiiK  of  the  poliiical  coiifteiini'nceH,  wliieh 
mil  V  be  deemed  out  of  place  in  me  toinenlloniniimi^rehuHl- 
i.c<»  letter  j  but,  llcvi>rlllil(M«,  I  deem  It  a  duty  to  ■tale  It  iw 
my  dijlilperato  opinion,  that  the  people  of  iIiIh  country  will 
not  Ntaiid  it ;  and,  if  carried  out,  tlie  measure  will  hi*  riilnoiin 
to  the  Ailininiiilriiiion.  Of  this  I  im  iiiiriiiiviMv  certaiu.  For 
II  will  he  anwiiled  h)  all  partieii ;  while  no  man  can  oiler  a 
woril  in  itii  defence. 

"  'I'lieHe  view"  you  may  anlnnit  to  the  t^erretariea  if  you 
think  At,  and  alti^r  they  nliall  liave  been  eonri'lered,  make 
known  the  deeii«ion  oirtrlalhi,  and  I  will  adopt  Hieli  ineiunreH 
ni  thn  cane  may  seem  to  rei|iiire.  In  this  there  will  bo  but 
little  time  lost,  as,  from  a  letter  reci'iv.-d  from  the  aaent  of 
the  liank  thin  inarnini;,  it  appeani  he  Is  not  likely  to  be  liere 
for  ten  days. 

•*  I  am,  Bir,  truly  and  re^peetfuily,  your  most  obedlentscr- 
vant,  JOSHUA  I'lI.C'IIBIt. 

"  Hon.  T.  n  MiTl-i'V  CRAWroan, 

"  (^immiwioner  of  ludini  Jlffnln^ 

"jroMhiiislon  CU;i." 

There  ix  a  third  letter,  a  copy  of  whicli  I  hnd,  Init 
which  ia  not  now  within  my  reach,  in  whicli  the  j 
Coinmiasioner  of  Indiiin  AffnirH,  in  the  name  of  the 
SccrctaricB,  thanked  Mr.  Pilcher  for  hiu  cnndid  let-  1 
ter,  and  furnished  him  with  other  fundn  for  hix  In-  ' 
dinns.     If  it  had  not  licen  bo,  he  intended  to  rc8ii>;n  | 
rather  than  be  made  the  inslriimonl  of  violating  the  1 
lawsand  cheating  the  IndianH.    Unt  t  believe  h«  wan  i 
the  sole  example.    Others  were  finind  to  do  what  he 
would  not.     Millions  of  United  Stales  depreciated 
notes  were  paid  out  to  the  Indians  on  the  frontiers 
of  Missouri  and  Arkansas,  great  part  of  which  ftll 
upon   the   inhabitants  of  those  States.     For  the 
strange  idea  under  which  the  Secretaries  labored 
with  respect  to  these  notes,  as  being  at  a  premium 
in  the  West,  why  it  was  a  premium  against  other 
broken  bank  notes  of  less  credit  than  themselves: 
No  premium  in  specie !  and  it  was  n  strange  delu- 
Hion  to  think  so;  and,  in  fact,  a  contradiction.   For, 
if  such  had  been  the  fart,  there  would  have  been 
no  necessity  for  a  secret  and  crooked  arrangement 
to  put  them  on  the  Indians.     They  might  have 
been  exchanged  by  the  bank  agent,  the  piemium 
retained  for  himself  or  the  bank,  and  the  proceeds 
paid  to  the  United  States. 

In  fact  the  late  sub-treasury  was  «  humbug,  ex- 
cept in  a  few  instances  of  sterling  receivers  general. 
The  snb-treasurcr  in  Missouri,  Dr.  George  Penn, 
was  one  of  these  exceptions.  There  may  have 
been  more,  but  I  know  them  not;  but,  as  a  genend 

Cropusition,  it  was  a  liumbug— evaded  every  day 
rokeri  bank  paper  of  every  kind  mid  out,  anil  the 
institution  made  contemptible.  Six  words  did  the 
mischief  in  the  old  law:  we  have  left  them  out  of 
this  bill.  But  now  six  others  are  proposed  to  be 
inserted — a  larger  and  fur  more  dangerous  humbug 
than  the  former.  Tliese  six  words,  if  inserted, 
will  give  us  a  Federal  paper  money  currency. 

In  reply  to  the  argument,  that  the  Government 
had  always  given  drafts  to  creditors,  Mr.  Benton 
said.  Yes!  and  the  creditor  might  do  what  he 
pleased  with  it— cash  it,  or  burn  it,  or  lose  it  at  a  ! 
gambling  table.  It  was  his  own,  and  he  had  no 
account  of  it  to  be  given  to  anybody.  I  have  re- 
ceived many  such  for  public  creditors.  I  have  recti 
them  as  small  as  two  dollars  and  a  half,  to  close  an 
account.  But  such  drafts  cannot  be  confounded 
with  those  proposed  to  be  authorized  by  thisamend- 
inent.  The  draft  given  to  a  creditor  is  his  own; 
the  drafts  given  to  a  disbursing  officer  arc  for  col- 
lection, and  the  misuse  of  which  subjects  him  to 
be  criminally  punished  ns  an  embezzler.  There  is 
no  similitude  between  a  draft  given  to  a  creditor  in 
pajrmentof  his  debt,  and  one  given  to  a  disbursing 
officer  to  collect,  and  to  pay  out  the  proceeds.  He 
is  bound  to  collect  them,  and  to  collect  them  in  hard 
money,  and  to  pay  over  the  proceeds.   He  is  bound 


to  collect  them  promptly;  and  the  very  next  section  ] 
is  imperative  Ui  this  point,  and,  also,  that  the  drafts 
shall  not  be  thrown  into  circulation  for  a  currency. 
This  is  the  section: 

<<  8>a,  JH.  ,/?ii(<  Ae  U  /url*«'  macM,  That  it  •hall  lie  the  , 
duty  nf  the  t^eereiary  lif  the  'I'reaHiiry  to  iMsue  and  niibiish 
re}(ulations  to  enforce  the  speedy  presi  ntatiori  of  all  dovorn-  j 
meat  tUnfiH  for  nayinenl  at  the  place  where  payalde,  and  to 
prescribe  tho  time,  aeeonling  to  the  ilitTereni  distances  of  i 
the  de[ioeitori('ii  from  tlie  seat  oftjoverrimcnt,  williin  which 
all  drafu  upon  them,  respectively,  shall  be  presented  for  j 
payment ;  and,  in  default  of  such  presentation,  to  direct  any 
otiier  mode  and  place  of  payinent  which  he  may  deem 

K roper;  but,  in  all  those  reuiibitioiH  and  direetloiiM,  it  shall  < 
e  the  duty  of  the  Heerehiry  of  the  I'reasrry  to  Kuard.  as  I 
far  iw  may  be,ai[alnst  those  drafts  beinn  used  or  thrown  inio 
eireuliition  ai  a  paper  currency,  or  meditim  of  exehanffc,"    ' 

This  section  is  decisive  of  the  whiilo  cjucstinn.  ; 
First,  it  requires  tho  draft  to  liii  iiresented  for  pay- 
ment lit  tho  place  where  payable,  and  that  in  a 
brief,  limited  time,  Hy  the  six  words  proposed 
to  be  inserted,  these  drafts,  iiiHioad  of  being  thus 
presented  and  collected,  would  be  dinbursed  ns 
Imnk  notes — paid  nut  to  creditors — anil  all  control 
over  them  Inst  by  the  disbursin?  nUicer.  and  all 
lieasiiry  ivgiilations  made  unavailing;.  Ilesidca,  a 
fraudulent  evasion  would  have  to  he  opernled  in 
filling  the  drafts  for  disbursement,  by  splitting 
them  into  small  sums, and  making  ihem  negotiable 
by  delivery.  In  the  next  place,  the  sectinn  posi- 
tively requires  tho  ScLi'ctiiry  of  tho  Treasury  to 
moke  regulntiona  to  prevent  gnvernment  drafts 
from  being  thrown  into  circulation  for  a  currency; 
these  six  words  arc  exactly  for  a  contrary  pur- 
pose— precisely  fur  the  purpose  of  authorizing 
these  (Irnris  to  be  thrown  into  circulntinn  for  a 
currency!  Thus,  with  these  six  words,  if  we 
iiLsert  them,  we  not  only  destroy  Ihe  intention  oj 
the  whole  bill,  but  reverse  it.  We  make  it  ex-  , 
actly  contrary  to  what  it  is  intended  to  be — to 
what  wc  have  declared  it  to  be — anil  to  what  tho  I 
people  expect  it  to  be.  We  make  the  treasury  a 
paper-money  machine — and,  by  implication,  legal- 
ize the  present  treasury  currency  of  orders,  and 
drafts  for  circulation,  on  tlie  depusite  bank.i.  We 
legalize  the  existing  illegality,  and  authorize  it  ns 
a pirmiftient  practice. 

In  reply  to  Mr.  Lewis's  remark  that  Mr.  BrM- 
Tow  had  peculiar  notions  al)out  hard  money,  Mr. 
n.  said,  that  was  not  the  first  lime  that  he  had 
been  told  of  that  peculiarity  in  this  chamber.  The 
present  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  when  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Senate,  and  laboring  to  rescind  Presi- 
dent Jackson's  specie  circular,  had  gone  pretty 
fully  into  the  same  idea;  and  as  what  he  aaiil  then 
may  enable  us  the  better  to  understand  the  use 
which  he  will  make  of  these  six  words  which  he 
gave  to  the  chairmon  of  Finance  [Mr.  Lkwis]  to 
be  inserti^d  in  this  bill,  I  will  read  some  |His«ages 
from  a  speech  which  he  then  made.  The  pas- 
sages: 

*'  Sir,"  said  Mr.  Walker,  <'  the  S'Miator  from  Missouri  has 
thrice  repeated  the  prayer,  '  (Jod  save  the  country  from  tho 
Committee  on  Public  U.ind!^;'  hui  Mr.  Walker  fully  believed 
that  if  the  pravr.r  of  tlie  country  could  be  heard  williin  tliesc 
walls,  it  would  be,  Ood  SKve  us  from  the  wild,  vUionnry, 
riiinnu',  and  lni|)riiciieable  schemes  of  the  Henntnr  nf  Mis 
surl,  for  excluKive  pold  and  (.liver  currency;  iiiid  ciicli  is  not 
only  the  prayer  of  the  eniiiitry,  but  of  the  Henate,  with 
scarcely  n  dis'entinR  voice,  fir,  if  tlic  fenntor  from  Mis- 
souri could,  by  his  mandate,  in  direct  opposition  to  the  views 
of  the  President  heretofore  expressed,  sweep  from  exit^Ience 
all  Ihe  hanks  nf  tlie  Slates,  and  eslnblisll  liis  exclusive  con- 
stitutional ciirreney  of  sold  and  silver,  he  would  briiii,'  upon 
this  country  si'enes  of  ruin  and  distress  without  a  parallel— an 
imnieiliatebankruplcv  nf  nearly  every  debtnr,  and  of  almost 
every  creditor  to  whoiii  lariic  amounts  were  due,  a  prodieioiis 
depreciation  in  the  price  of  all  property  and  all  products,  and 
no  immediate  cessation  by  Huiles  and  Individuals  of  nearly 
every  work  of  private  enterprise  or  public  iiniirovcoieiit.  The 
country  would  he  involved  in  one  universal  bankruptcy,  am! 
near  the  arave  of  the  nation's  prosperity  would  perhaps  repose 
the  scattered  frasio^'nts  nf  those  K^eat  and  glorious  institu- 
tions which  Kive  happiness  to  millions  here,  and  hopes  to 
millions  more  of  .hsinlhrnlment  from  despotic  power.  Sir,  in 
resistance  to  the  jMiwerof  the  Bank  ofthc  Ignited  States,  in 
opposition  to  Uie  rei<stablishmcnt  of  any  similar  iiisritiition, 
the  Senator  from  Missouri  would  lind  Mr.  >Valkerwitli  him; 
Imt  lie  cor.lil  not  enlist  as  a  recruit  in  this  new  enisade 
aitainst  the  hanks  of  his  own  and  everv  other  Slate  in  tlie 
Union." 

And  again,  in  the  same  speech: 

"The  distinction  of  the  Senator  in  this  respect  was  as 
incomprcheiisihle  to  him  (Mr.  Walker)  as  lie  believed  it 
was  to  every  Senator,  aad,  indeed,  was  discernible  only  by 
the  magnifying  imwers  of  a  solar  microscope.  Tt  was  a 
poiiit-no-pn'int,  which, like  ilic  louarithinic  spiral,  or  asyni])- 
tote  of  the  hyperbolic  curve,  miitht  be  forever  approached 
wlUiout  reaching ;  an  inilnltusiniaUthegliostof  an  idea,  not 
only  without  length,  broiulth,  thickness,  slmpe,  weight,  or 
dimensions,  but  without  position— a  mere  imaginary  noth- 
ing, which  flitted  Iwforc  tlie  bewildered  \isian  of  the  bonor- 


iihle  Senstnr,  when  tmveriing,  in  his  fitflil  somnsmbiilism, 

that  I lated  paveioiiit  of  gold,  silver,  and  bullion,  which 

that  Senator  delighlrd  in  oei  u|)y.  t^ir,  tho  Senator  from 
Missouri  miglit  have  heaped  mountain  high  his  |iil«is  of 
metal  i  he  might  have  swept,  in  his  (iuixotic  tlighl,  over  the 
bunks  of  Ihe  States,  (Hituiii  to  the  sword  their  ofhcers, 
sloeklKdders,  directorv,  anif  legislative  Isidies  by  w  hjeli 
they  were  chartered  ;  lie  niiglit,ln  his  reveries,  have  ileniol- 
isliud  their  charters,  and  eonsumed  tlieirimper  liy  the  lire  of 
his  eloqueiice;  he  might  have  uaiiBacteil,  In  fancy,  witii  a 
metallic  eiirreney  of  twenty  eight  millions  in  clrciifHtlon,  an 
actual  annual  business  of  fllteen  hundred  inilhonii,  and  Mr. 
Walker  would  not  have  dlslutlwd  his  beutlde  visions,  imr 
wiitild  any  other  Senator— for  they  were  visions  only.  Mint 
eoufd  never  be  realized- hut  when,  descending  lyoni  hlH 
elbere.il  tliglils.  he  siexed  llliiili  thu  i'oinliiluee  on  Public 
lidnds  IIS  erimtniils,  arraigneil  them  as  vluialors  of  the  Ton- 
ntitntinii,  and  prtyed  ileaven  for  dellveriuiee  (Voiu  tlioiii, 
Mr.  W.  coiild  \h'  silent  no  longer." 

This  is  what  the  present  Secretary  of  the  T  eas- 
nry  thinks  of  my  notions  of  hard  money,  and  also 
what  he  himself  tliinks  of  paper  money.  The  two 
cases  nie  analomus.  In  18.10- '37,  wlicii  this  speech 
wnsdelivcrcd,  tne  question  was  between  liurd  money 
and  paper,  as  it  now  is.  Two  Scnauirs — Messrs. 
Rives  and  Tallmnd^'C — separated  from  Ihe  Demo- 
cratic parly  on  that  quesliiin;  the  present  Secreta- 
ry was  wiih  them,  add  went  fur  1  eyoiid  them  in 
his  ridiciil;!  of  specie,  and  its  then  advocate,  and 
in  delonco  of  paper.  He  went  far  beyond  thein, 
and  received  their  thanks  in  open  Senate  for  the 
very  Hpeech  from  which  I  have  quoted.  Tho 
present  proposed  amendment,  emanating  from  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  is  in  accordance  with 
that  speech.  The  inlitnation  of  the  Senator 
from  Alabama  [Mr.  Lewis]  that  I  have  peculiar 
notions  in  relation  to  hard  money,  is  a  delicate 
edition  of  tho  Secretary's  tirade  of  1836- '37.  It 
is  tho  same  thing,  delicately  and  courteously  ex- 
pressed. But  the  passages  read  from  the  Secre- 
tary's speech  arc  invaluable  on  this  occasion. 
They  are  tho  exposition  of  his  opinions  on  the 
subject  of  hard  money  and  paper,  and  even  on  the 
state  of  the  mind  of  any  man  wiio  could  entertain 
such  peculiar  opinions  in  relation  to  specie  or  paper 
ns  I  profes.scd.  They  are  a  key  to  unlock  the 
meaning  of  the  six  words  which  he  wishes  to  have 
inserted  in  this  bill.  The  Secretary's  notions  were 
all  for  paper  I  A  United  Slates  Bank  man — a  local 
bank  man — against  the  specie  circular — against 
the  removal  of  the  deposites — against  gold  and  sil- 
I  ver,  and  even  against  its  friends — ftir  taking  bank 
paper  for  lands — and  now,  for  a  federal  currency 
of  easury  orders.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury declares,  as  the  chairman  of  the  Commit- 
tee on  Finance  [Mr.  Lewis]  informs  the  Sen- 
ale,  lliat  he  cannot  possibly  administer  the  sub- 
ti-ensury  system  without  Ihe  authority  which  his 
six  words  confer.  I,  on  the  other  hand,  declare 
to  the  Senate  that  I  will  vote  against  the  whole 
bill  if  they  are  put  in.  They  were  not  in  the  former 
acts.  Tliey  have  never  been  in  any  act.  They 
will  convert  our  treasury  into  a  bank,  paying  in 
orders  upon  its  branches,  and  they  to  go  into  cir- 
culation RS  a  paper  currency — a  sjiecies  of  bank, 
and  a  species  of  currency  more  dangerous  than 
that  of  any  bank,  and  utterly  unconstitutional. 


THE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH   OF  MR.   COLLIN, 

OF  NEW  YORK, 
In  the  HouaE  of  Kefrbsentatives, 
July  28,  1846. 
Tho  Bill  to  amend  the  act  entitled  "An  act  to  re- 
iluce  the  rales  of  postage,"  <Stc.,  being  under 
consideration  in  Committee  of  tho  Whole — 
Mr.  COLLIN  addicssed  the  Committee  as  fol- 
lows, in  reply  to  Mr.  S.mith,  of  New  York: 

Mr.  Chairman:  It  has  been  with  some  embar- 
rassment and  reluctance  that  I  have  availed  myself 
of  occnsion.s  to  speak  to  this  House.  It  would 
have  been  my  desire  not  to  do  so  again  at  this  ses- 
sion. But  remarks  recently  published,  pui  porting 
to  have  been  made  here  by  my  colleague  from  th^ 
thirty-third  district,  will  hardly  justify  me  in  per- 
mitting them  to  go  forth  to  the  world  unnoticed. 
"The  gentleman  is  reported  to  have  devoted  most  of 
an  hour  in  commenting  upon  a  speech  I  had  made 
in  March  last.  He  first  joined  issue  upon  my  re? 
marks,  that  under  the  tariff  policy  of  1842,  our  agri- 
culture hod  languished  and  thousands  of  our  agri- 
cultural population   had  been  made  fugitives  to 


829 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  39, 


29rH  CoNo I»T  Sm«,' 


TK$  Tiirif-—Mr.  Collin. 


Ho.  or  Rim. 


other  elimra,    Thrae   Mntiinenti   Ihs  (gentleman 
dotii««i  and  cnltii  upon  ma  Tor  the  prciiir. 

Xh«  irciitlemmi  will  not  dpiiy  tlmt  Iwiwrni  1H40 
nd  1H4A,  in  llm  8liile  n(  New  Ynrk,  tli«   liirtlin 
nvnr  deallin  wprc  iirnrly  fi(),INHI  nriiuiiilly,  mid  lliiil 
6U,(HH)  nrtiuiilly  riuiKmlrd  In  tlir  MtiilR  during  llinl 
period.     It  cBiiiiot  1)1!  dfnicd,  llmt  from  iliMo  twii  j 
■niirrei,  Ihr  nittiirni  iiinrnKe  (if  ihr  po|iiiliitinn  of 
llm  Sinte  during  llint  priiod  would  ImvR  been  nenr  ' 
half  n  million.     Iliil,  sir,  lh«  cenmiM  of  tin:  Stiito  , 
■linwK  lliu  inerense  to  linve  been  only.Blioiil  iptl,-  ; 
000,  and  that  lo  bme;  been  conflned  nminxl  enlirely  j 
10  the  eiiips;  while  tn  ninny  of  the  bent  n^'ririiltnriil  | 
diitrictf,  the  poiniluiion  has  been  actually  dimin- 
ished.    TheHO  lac  IH  eoiild  not  hitvc  e»cii|ied  llie  I 
ntiliie  of  ihn  gciithnmn.   The  Uovrrnor.in  hi*  an-  i 
mini  niesmiee,  I'all.'d  ntlrnlion  l»  ihein.     Will  any  | 
geiiileniiin  undertake  to  wiv  that  the  ii<;ri(:ulliii'al  i 
impuhilion  of  the  Stale  of  Sew  York  would  have  j 
ueen  slopped  in  iis  onward  prn^reii.<i  if  its  intere.slH  < 
were  not  lanjuishiii;,".'     It  is  uiiiversally  adinilled 
that  in  1841,  nsrii'uliuro  wax  ihen  in  an  iiprece- 
deiiled  slate  of  ui'piT.ixicm.     It  will  Hcaicely  be  dis- 
puted that  sini-i:  thai  lime  il  das  Hiitfered  n   much 
greater  depreiision.    Our  eommeriial  rerords  show 
that  our  a^riculluial  products  have  sunk  since  that 
time  about  4.S  per  cent.     In  the  linnncial  renurl  of 
the  .Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  lui  iinne  It.l.l,  the 
price  ofajijriculiiirni  nrodnctioiia  are  sliown  lohave 
Slink,  since  1B4'J,  in  tlie  Slate  of  Rhode  Island,  about 
Dd  per  rent.;  while  at  the  same  lime  the  prii  ci  of 
iiiiinufncturera' jiiinds  have  been  cnhiiiiced.   These 
facts  will  not  be  di.'<|Hiied.     The  causes  may  be  a 
inatter  of  controversy.     Amon;;  the   rcnsoiis  as- 
aliened  by  the  correspondent  fryni  Rhode   Island 
for  the  depres.sed  prices  of  ngricullurc  there,  is  the 
condition  of  the  currency.     Amony  the  reasons 
aasii^ned  for  the  enhanced  pri«ea  of  innnnfaciurcis' 
t^oods,  is  also  the  condition  of  the  currency.     Per- 
naps  the  same  rensons  would  be  given  by  the  <;cn- 
llcman  from  New  York.     My  reason  for  the  en- 
hanced priceof  •nanuf«cturers'{roodsis,the  protec- 
tion Riven  by  the  tarilf.     My  reasons  for  the  de- 
pressed prices  of  asricultnrai  ])niduct«  are,   the 
embarrassments  thrown  in  the  wav  of  our  foreign 
market  by  the  operation  of  the  larlH'. 

Sir,  if  aE^icullurists  in  New  York  were  siiffiring 
deep  depression  in  1841;  if  since  that  liiue  they 
have  hud  to  sell  their  products  for  less,  and  have 
been  compelled  lo  pay  advanced  prii'e.H  for  the  ' 
goods  they  have  consumed,  can  it  be  a  matter  of 
surprise  that  their  population  has  diminished?  It  i 
eertainly  cannot;  and  impartial  men  cannot  long  be 
in  suspense  na  lo  the  cause.  .Sir,  agrii  ullnnd  la- 
borers, for  want  of  emphtyment;  farmers,  whose 
property  has  been  encumbered  by  debts;  persons 
wisliing  to  engage  in  agriculture,  willi  but  limited 
means — in  consequence  of  the  oppressions  under 
which  the  agriculturists  of  the  Slate  of  New  York 
have  been  laboring,  have  been  coinpelhd  to  alian- 
doii  their  native  Slate,  and  lo  seek  other  latitudes, 
where  smaller  means  would  pcociire  them  einploy- 
meiit.aliving,  orahome.  This,  sir,  is  my  opinion 
of  the  cause  of  the  diminished  agricultural  popu- 
lation of  the  State  of  New  York.  If  the  gentleman 
enlcrtuins  other  senliinent-s,  no  one  can  r|urstiiui 
his  riirht  lo  do  so.  And  if  he  is  disposed  lo  propa- 
gate his  opinions,  he  will  not  find  inu  controverting 
them  bv  billingsgate  epithets. 

Sir,  I'li  my  speech  in  March,  I  spoke  of  gentle- 
men having  expressed  a  preference  for  all  the  cmi- 
BCquences  of  a  war  with  (England,  rather  than  have 
a  modification  of  ihe  tariff  of  184'J.  The  gentle- 
man asks,  What  W^hig  member  of  the  House  had 
ever  used  language  like  that,  or  anything  resem- 
bling it?  Ill  the  first  place,  I  think  the  gcndcman 
willbc  embarrassed  to  find  the  word  Whig,  among 
the  remarks  I  made  on  that  nccasioB.  1  say,  de- 
liberately, that  sentiments  such  as  I  then  expressed 
were  uttered  here.  If  the  gentleman  was  so  inatten- 
tiveasnol  lo  have  heard  them  himsclf.nnd  he  deems 
il  material  to  have  done  so,  it  must  Ije  set  down  as 
his  misfortune,  and  not  the  fault  of  the  [lerson  ut- 
^tcring  Ihe  senlimcni.  Sir,  I  cannot  conHent,  even 
to  gratify  the  gentleman,  lo  look  over  the  ponder- 
ous speeches  upon  the  Oregon  question,  to  ascer- 
tain what  genlleinnn  was  most  logical  in  showing 
that  the  position  taken  by  the  President  upon  thai 
oueation  had  pnvliided  all  furlher  negotiation,  and 
tliat  war  would  be  the  consequence.  I  cannot  look 
to  see  what  gentleman  was  most  eloquent  in  de-  I 
scribing  the  horrors  and  calamities  of  such  war,  or  i 


I  who  expressed    himself  most  ainrmed   lest  such 
I  war  ahniild  he  overted,  by  the  President's  settling 
I  the  quf.ion  by  iiegolinling  for  ihe  whole  of  Ore- 
I  tfon,  in  exchange  fur  n  modificalinii  of  thn  tariff. 
'  It  is  sulKcient  for  me  that  such  language  was  used. 
It  is  sutHcienl  for  my  purpo>e  ilial  il  is  disiinclly 
wilhin  the  recollection  of  members  of  this  House. 
It  is  ctilindy  sulUcient  for  all  I  can  desire,  Ihat  such 
language  was  used  in  the  public  papers,  and  slaiiils 
so  charged  in  the   I'ninn  of  the  IHlh   February. 
j  The  genlleinan  siiys  he  will  be  among  the  first  to 
'  denounce  any  one  who  shall  hold  lani^uage  akin  lo 
'  such  as  he  fins  seen  fit  lo  deny.     Now,  sir,  one 
I  slinrl  week  had  only  transpired  afler  the  gentle- 
man's threatened  denunciation,  when  one  of  his 
poliliral  associates  on  this  floor,  said,  in  a  speech, 
'  ihat  lo  carry  out  certain  policy,  anuuig  which  the 
modification  of  the  tariff  stood  iireemineni,  would 
inflict  greater  evil  than  was  ever  hcfore  visited  iipiui 
this  country.     Sir,  our  cities  have  been   burned, 
our  people  have  been  oppressed  wiih  laxalinii,and 
once  driven  into  a  war  with   iMisilniid   upon  ibat 
accouiil.     Nearly  every  Slate  in  our  I'nion  has  had 
its  fii'lds  drenched  with   the   Mood  of  its  citizens. 
And  yet,  in  the  exiiressed  opinion  of  that  geiitle- 
man,  all  these  coii'd  not  equal  the  calatnity  pro- 
iluccd  by  the  repeal  of  the  tariff,  and  the  adopiiim 
!,  of  some  two  or  three   kindred    measures.     All  I 
i  have  to  say  on  that  subject  lo  the  gentleman  from 
'  Pennsylvania  is,  he  ni  iy  exptcl,  in  the  course  of 
sonic  four  imuiiliM,  a  ilcnuncialion,  expressed  in 
lerins  some  of  which  would  sound   most  familin. 
:  wilhin   llie   puvlicns  of  some  low  lippliiig-hoiise. 
,    It  lakes  alKUit  thai  time,  I  believ<',  Cor  the  genlle- 
'    innn'H    indigiialiini  lo    mature.     Al   least,  il  took 
!«l)Oiit   that  lime  to  be  developed  against  my  re- 
:    marks. 

!      Sir,  ihe  gentleman  gives  me  credit  for  political 
consistency  in  advocating  Ihe  doctrine,  that  the 
same  reasons  wonlil  jiisiify  the  destroying  Ihe  ex- 
changes  between    Ohio    and   Massacbusctls    that 
would    justify  the   destruction  of  the  exchanges 
between  (Jieiit  Rritain  and  the  United  Slates.  With 
much  of  the  politictil  cant  of  the  day,  be  altemptid 
to  controvert  that  doctrine.     Il  is  a  scniiment  in- 
culcated by  high  aulhoriiy,  that  distingui.-ihcd  acts 
and  eminent    human  qu.ilifications,  are  lull  as  a 
sounding  brass  or  a  tinklinircymb.il,  without  being 
accompanied  by  the  piinciple  of  charity,  (which,  I 
believe,  is  iindi'raiood  to  mean  universal  love  and 
good-will  to  all    mankind.)     Now,  air,  I  believe 
that  that  tzenllcman  or  slaiesmnn  who  ceases  lo  be 
actuated  by  that  u'reat  principle,  will  not  stop  in 
his  downward  progress  till  a  single  unit  in  exist- 
ence shall  enu'roHs  all  bis  desires  anil  nspiralions, 
regardless  of  llii^  interests  of  the  world  beside.     I 
believe  tlint  Ihat  statesman  who  would  deny  the 
people  of  this  eouuiry  the  participation  in  the  bless- 
ings which  Providence  has  bestowed  upon  other 
countries,  because  other  countries  may  be  benefited 
;  by  our  so  parlicipnting,  would  find  no  difficulty  in 
I  making  the  same   rule  apply  to  the    intercourse 
:    between  Ohio  and  Massacluisctis,  when  personal 
or  party  inicrests  or  policy  should  render  the  ap- 
(ilication  of  such  rule  convenient  or  necessary. 
In  Ihe  genlleman's  strictures  upon  what  I  ;<aid  in 
'  relation  lo  ihc  inlereslsof  the  wool-growers,  I'muat 
say  that  the  gentleman   either  wilfully  perverted 
my  meaning,  or  he  is  chargeable  with  a  degree  of 
,  .stupidity  for  which  I   had   not  given   him  credit. 
I  He  says,  "  his  colleague  is  for  letting  in  all  foreign 
'    wool  without  anv  lax  at  all."     I  should  like  to 
i;  be  informed  by  llie  gentleman  when  he  has  ever 
iienrd  me  iiilcr  such  a  suggestion.     It  is  true,  I 
have  spoken  of  the  repeal  of  the  tariff  act  of  1842; 
but  have  1  not  at  all  limes  advocated  the  siibslitu- 
tion  of  one  more  equal  and  jual  in  its  operations? 
Did  not  the  genlleinnn  make  his  snecch  in  opposi- 
tion lo  the  very  act  that  I  had  ueen  advocating 
I  some  two  weeks  before  he  spoke,  as  a  substitute 
I  for  me  act  of  1842?     When  the  gentleman  made 
;  this  charge,  did  he  not  know  that  1  had  advocated, 
\'  with  as  much  zeal  as  I  was  capable  of,  the  very 
;  titriff  act  against  which  he  spoke?     If  he  did,  he 
li  purposely  perverted  my  language.     If  he  has  ever 
i  inferred  from  my  speeches  that  I  was  advocating 
i  the  nlmndonment  or  tariff  duties,  he  must  have  very 
stupidly  misunderstood    the  whole  tenor  oi  my 
remarks.    No  person  in  this  House  has  advocated 

■  with  more  zeal  than  I  have,  that  wool  should  have 
I  the  incidental  proieclion  of  as  high  revenue  duties 

■  as  were  imposed  upon  any  goods  imported. 


Let  the  gentleman  look  al  his  published  speech, 
on  page  S,  and  he  will  there  read,  "  And  yet  his 
'  colleague  was  for  Idling  in  all  foreign  wool  wiih- 
'  out  any  tax  at  all."  Then  let  him  look  on  page 
9,  and  he  will  also  rend,  "  Mis  colleague  professed 
'  to  deiiro  lo  protect  the  wool-grower,  and  was  for 
'adopting  McKay 'n  bill,  pulling  nil  wool  on  a  par, 
'  under  a  duty  of  25  per  cent."  Let  the  gentleman 
look  at  those  two  paragraphs,  and  see  whether,  in 
his  vocabulary,  he  hns  not  got  some  brief  wind 
with  which  ho  might  express  suidi  a  palpable  coii- 
trnilicliiui. 

The  gentleman  professes  lo  he  thn  friend  of  Ihn 
I'iriff  of  IH43,  and  also  of  ihn  wool-grower.  It 
certainly  must  be  a  lax  upon  ihe  genlleman's  inie- 
nuity  to  reconcile  these  two  nltachnients.  Mr 
Nnllian  Applcton,  in  his  erilicism  upon  the  report 
of  Mr.  Secretary  Walker,  says:  " 'I'lie  mnniifac- 
'  lure  of  woollens  hns  always  given  rise  lo  llio 
'  most  difflcull  questions  in  the  arrangement  of  thn 
<  lariir.  owing  lo  thn  dillictiUy  of  ailjusiing  the  duly 
'  lui  Wool  lo  Ihe  salisfnclion  of  both  woolgrow- 
'ers  and  iniinufarturers."  He  nls.*  says:  "Our 
own  production  ofwrtol  was  much  below  our  con- 
sumption." Sir,  how  was  the  controversy  be- 
tween thn  wool-grow.'r  and  the  manufai^tiirer 
adjusted  by  the  act  of  1842?  To  the  manufacturer 
was  given  a  protective  duty  of  40  per  cent.;  to  the 
wmd-grower  there  was  given  no  priticti  m  at  all. 
They  were  cavalierly  told,  that  to  piot'ct  wool 
wns'iiot  protecting  labor;  it  would  cmly  be  pro- 
tecting Ihe  growth  of  sheep.  They  were  told  that 
if  they  could  not  live  by  wool-growing,  lo  go  nl 
something  else.  Sir,  according  to  Mr.  Aiiplctoii, 
luir  own  production  of  wool  wii:i  much  bnlow  our 
eonsumplion.  Now,  sir.  it  is  rfne  nfthc  arbitrary 
and  universal  laws  of  trade  that  demand  and  supply 
are  the  conlrollim;  principle  of  price.  If,  then,  our 
own  production  of  woid  was  niiicli  below  our  eon- 
sumption,  then  Ihe  demand  would  have  been 
greater  than  the  supply;  and  had  it  not  been  for 
foreign  wool,  the  pncii  would  have  been  at  il.s_ 
hi?hesl  rales.  But  under  ihe  operation  of  the  tariff 
of  1H12,  the  five  per  cent,  wool  (for  little  else  has 
been  imported)  has  been  introduced  to  the  amount 
of  so  many  millions  of  pounds,  that  Ihe  supply  hns 
exceeded  the  demand;  and,  in  consequence,  the 
price  of  our  wool  hns  sunk  to  the  lowest  rate 
known  in  our  history.  And  yet  the  gentleman  is 
the  jirofessed  friend  of  the  tariff  of  1842  and  of  tho 
wool-grower.  Sir,  tho  Congress  Ihat  passed  the 
act  of"l84a  had  before  them  the  evidence  that  tho 
manufacturers  were  Ihen  enjoying  a  net  iiri/fil  of 
over  30  per  cent.,  while  that  of  the  wool-grower 
was  less  than  two  per  cent.  That  fact  was  stated 
and  proved  in  Ihe  speech  the  gontleinan  has  seen 
fit  lo  criticise.  Thai  f:ict,  iVi  the  midsi  of  the  gen- 
tleman's criticisms,  he  hns  not  seen  fit  to  qucsiion, 
and  therefore  must  be  presumed  tn  have  admitled. 
And  yet,  in  the  f:\<-i-  of  these  injuries,  he  would 
fain  be  considered  the  friend  of  that  iiijjnsl  act, 
and  also  of  the  people  suffering  by  its  injustice. 

"The  gcnllcninn  and  his  fiienifs  are  horrified  at 
the  idea  of  ad  valorem  duties.  Nothing  but  spe- 
cifics will,  in  their  opinion,  answer  for  either  rev- 
enue or  for  protection.  Why  did  thiy  not  think 
of  that  when  passing  the  act  of  1842?  Why  vote 
down  a  number  of  nmendmenis  propo.scd  for  iiii- 
posiniT  specific  duties  ilf^on  wool,  and  finally  turn  it 
off  with  the  lowest  nd  valorem  duty  known  to  our 
stalntc  books?  Sir,  their  friendship  for  the  wool- 
grower  was  of  the  same  idiaractcr  with  that  of  this 
very  ingenious  gentlenian.  Had  Ihe  specific  duly 
proposed  by  the  gentlemen  from  Verniiuit  on  Ihe 
12th  of  July,  1842,  been  adopted,  il  would  either 
have  stopped  the  importation  of  the  24,000,000  of 
pounds  of  wool  of  the  past  year,  or,  instead  of  the 
S.'>0,000  of  revenue  received,  it  would  have  pro- 
duced to  Ihe  treasury  $2,400,000.  That  amend- 
ment would  have  beatowcij  upon  our  wool-growers 
during  the  last  year  at  least  #5,000,000.  l!ut  Ihe 
net  of  1842  did  not  allow  of  such  a  provision,  and 
yet  this  friend  of  the  wool-grower  is  an  avowed 
friend  of  that  act.  Under  the  act  of  1842,  it  is  uni- 
versally admitted,  that  on  the  imports  of  wool,  the 
greatest  frauds  have  been  committed:  in  conse- 
quence, little  revenue  has  been  received  upon  large 
importations,  and  the  wool-grower  has  received  no 
protection.  By  the  bill  lately  before  Ihe  House, 
those  frauds  would  have  been  prevented,  the  accru- 
ing revenue  would  have  been  increased  sixfold, 
and  the  wool-grower  would  have  had  the  protec- 


lyS8, 


•fifer.h, 

'  yrt  hi* 

|)(>l  Willi- 

Inn  |>ii|;o 
IrnrfHNi'il 
1  wan  (i)r 
f M  II  fiiir, 
J'lillrmnii 
I'thor,  in 

ll'f  Wutil 
Vllo  C(lll> 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


883 


29th  Cono liT  Sen. 


Printinar  of  Conffreii — Mr.  Bentnn. 


Ho.  or  Rkpi. 


Cion  of  tliirly,  limiriid  of  (Ive,  per  cant.  And  yet 
th(i  Kenilemnn  wim  the  zcalniii  oppnnnnt  nf  Ihiit  bill, 
the  profrimpd  friomi  of  the  nut  nf  1H42,  the  prnfena- 
eil  frienil  to  rcveiiuo  iinil  of  the  wonl-jfrnwer,  iind 
the  profrMcd  inemy  nf  fmiuU.  Fly  the  conxuii  of 
MniMuichimeltii,  in  184!5.  |iH,H87,47H  worth  of  wool- 
li-n  RnodN  wcrij  iiinniii.ii-lurcd;  there  were  ,'J,!K)1 
mim  end  3,471  ninmen  cmplnycMl  in  the  manuAic- 
tiire  nf  tlioTC  gnodH.  Now,  ollo\iiii)f  fSIO  nor  month 
to  enrli  mnn,  and  (jilO  per  month  to  encli  womnn, 
would  produce ll^,'ro^'ll  ninoiml  offl,. 159,760;  thirty 
per  I'ciit.  upon  ihn  L'nodH  mniiufiirlurcd  would  prn- 
diwe  the  mim  of  «'>,(l(i(i,243,  or  the  eum  of  <H,313,- 
4H.')  more  thnn  wiisi  nHpiired  to  he  expended  in  the 
Inlior  on  the  whole  nniouiit  of  the  good*,  fly  this 
enlinuile,  it  will  he  Hi>cn  that  the  duty  in  the  late 
bill  befiirc  the  Houku  would  hnvo  jriven  a  protec- 
tion to  the  Woollen  mnnulhclun'r  ol  Miii)«uenu»ella 
to  nearly  twici)  the  amount  of  the  labor  required  in 
their  buBincm.  And  yet  the  gentleman  from  New 
York  wan  for  mlding  ten  per  eent.  more  to  the  pro- 
tection of  the  niivnufliciurcr,  and  ho  waa  for  deny- 
ing to  the  wool-j^rower  nny  protection  njcftinst  that 
forciirn  wool  which  haa  been  shown  to  bo  working 
the  doHtruelion  of  that  grown  in  this  country.  In 
1845,  there  were  1,016,23()  pounds  nf  wool  rained 
in  MasaiichiisetISi  of  which,  93,318  pounda  were 
Saxony,  487 .0-W  pounda  were  merino,  nnd  43.'i,963 
pouniU  of  common  wool.  The  nverngo  prico  fof 
which  the  whole  sold  wns  32  cents  per  pound. 
The  late  Prime  Minister  of  England  Ims  told  ua 
that    Kngland    requires    nnnuallv    70,000,000   of. 

founds  of  foieign  wool  to  supply  nor  consumption, 
have  examined  their  prico  current,  and  find  that 
the  lowest  price  paid  for  any  wool  grown  in  Eu- 
rope hem  been  36  cents  per  pound,  nnd  the  highest 
j)l  36  per  pound.  The  whole  expense  of  deliver- 
ing our  wool  to  the  English  manufacturer  would 
be  less  than  4  cents  per  pound.  But,  air,  the  act 
of  1842  deprives  our  wool-growers  of  this  market, 
by  imposing  a  duty  of  from  forty  to  oiiu  hundred 
per  cent,  upon  the  goods  taken  in  exchange  for  our 
wool,  and  we  are  left  entirely  dependent  upon  the 
liome  market  for  our  sales,  and  at  tlie  mercy  of  our 
maniifiicturers  for  our  prico.  ^^ 

Those  manufacturers  have  mana^  to  have  fine 
wool  growing  introduced  into  Buenos  Ayres.  They 
have  managed  to  get  the  entire  control  of  that  mar- 
ket. Millions  of  pounds  of  a  fine  grade  of  wool 
ore  annually  imported  under  false  invoices,  cheat- 
ing our  revenue,  and  ruining  our  domestic  wool- 
grower.  The  act  of  1842  denies  us  the  power  of 
selling  our  wool  in  a  foreign  market,  and  icnvca  us 
exposed  to  fraud  nnd  management,  in  competing 
with  foreign  wool  at  home.  Sir,  the  gentleman 
from  New  York  says  the  law  is  sufficiently  strin- 
gent, and  thecustnni-house  officers  must  he  in  fault  if 
those  frauds  are  allowed.  The  customhouRC  offi- 
cers, sir,  during  the  last  year,  seized  upon  116  bales 
of  thot  wool,  fine  and  clean,  that  wns  imported  as 
costing  Icds  than  seven  ccni.<i  per  pound.  But  the 
law  was  found  powerless.  The  fraudulent  invoices 
were  too  ingeniously  got  up.  The  seizure  had  to 
be  relinquished,  und  the  officers  got  laughed  at  for 
their  pains.  And,  sir,  the  net  that  has  produced 
nil  these  consequences  is  n  favorite  law  of  the  gen- 
tleman, and  yet  he  ia  the  friend  of  the  wool-grower! 
— a  consislent  statesman — a  gentleman  well  quali- 
fied to  give  indignant  lectures  here !  But  why  this 
sudden  outbreak  of  indignation  with  the  gentleman  ? 
If  he  imagined  thit  the  offensive  words  spoken  in 
March  applied  to  him,  why  has  he  lain  festering 
under  their  influence  till  July.'  May  not  the  gen- 
tleniiui  have  taken  a  second  sober  thought  upon 
this  subject  ?  May  he  not  have  received  some  new 
conviction  in  relation  to  the  tariff  ?  He  had  listen- 
ed some  weeks  to  the  debate  upon  that  subject, 
before  his  indignant  expressions  were  promulgated. 
Ma/  not,  in  that  time,  some  change  have  come 
over  the  vision  of  his  dreams  ?  Sir,  woollen  man- 
ufacturers find  it  very  much  to  their  interest  to 
have  not  only  wool,  but  other  agricultural  produc- 
tions, at  n  low  rate  of  prices.  '  They  find  the  tariflf 
to  work  admirably  to  produce  such  a  result.  As 
one  of  the  allies  of  these  manufacturers,  the  gentle- 
man, as  a  matter  of  course,  must  be  an  advocate  of 
the  act  of  1842. 

To  my  gentlemanly  friend  and  colleague  from 
the  thirty-fourth  district,  [Mr.  W.  Hunt,]  who 
made  the  inquiry  where  the  charge  had  been  made, 
tliat  the  agriculturists  were  dupes  and  fools  for 
tolerating  tlie  protective  policy  under  certain  con- 


tinnenciei,  I  will  answer,  that  he  will  find  it  In  Iha 
Monmouth  Eniiuirer  of  Now  Jersey,  published  on 
the  I2ih  of  March  last,  and  addressed  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means,  a  copy  of  which,  I 
presume,  all  our  members  have  been  lupplied  with, 
lam  cnrefully  preserving  the  document,  that  in 
future  years,  when  men  shall  have  begun  to  grow 
incredulous  that  thia  unjuit  protective  policy  had 
everexistedf  and  politicians  under  new  name*  shall 
be  endeavoring  to  avoid  being  idenliAcd  a«  amnng 
its  advocates,  that  this  publiration  may  1)0  referred 
to,  aa  an  antiiiuily,  to  snow  what  rurioiis  doilrinca 
have  picvaileil  in  this  country,  and  by  what  extra-  j 
ordinary  argumcnia  they  have  been  supported.  i 
Toilin  honoralile  gentleman  fVoiii  IViinsylvonia,  ! 
[Mr.  EwiNn,]  who  so  good-naturedly  iuipuled  to 
me  a  want  of  charity,  in  charging  gentlenicii  with 
voting  for  expenditures,  when  ho  said  the  Whigs 
had  sii  cordially  voted  for  all  the  regular  appro- 
priations, I  will  answer,  that  had  they  voted  with 
all  that  cordiality  for  only  iho  cxpenditurca  that 
had  been  recommended  by  the  Administration,  or 
such  as  were  justified  by  sirniig  expediency,  they 
would  have  deserved  my  thanks  rather  than  my 
censure,  ilul  when  I  have  seen  them  taking  au- 
vantago  of  that  amiable  weakness,  which  I  have 
imagined  has  prevailed  a  little  on  our,  aa  well  as 
on  the  other,  side  of  the  House,  viz:  dcinogogue- 
isni — when  I  have  seen  them  associating  them- 
selves with  men  nu  our  sido  of  tho  House,  who, 
either  selfish  or  sectional,  were  disposed  to  log-roll 
it  a  little,  and  when  I  have  seen  them  turn  nssail- 
anta  themselves,  and  propose  local  expenditures 
which  they  knew  the  timidity  of  aomo  of  our  men 
would  not  permit  them  to  resist  in  the  face  of  tho 
cupidity  of  their  constiiuents — I  say,  when  I  liavo 
seen  them  resorting  to  nil  these  mciina  to  hitch  on 
local,  sectional,  and  numerous  amendments  to  all 
the  regular  appropriation  bills,  they  have  made 
themselves  oluioxioua  to  the  ubnrges  I  have  pre- 
ferred against  them,  viz:  a  desire  to  enhance  the 
expenses  of  the  Uovcrnnient,  to  creato  a  nuccssity 
for  high  duties. 

In  reply  to  another  honorable  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania,  [Mr.  Bi.ANciiAni),]  who  gave  mo  a 
riassing  notice  in  his  spejcli,  I  have  to  say,  that  if 
Pennsylvania  repudiates  in  consequence  of  tho  re- 
peal of  the  tariff,  I  have  only  to  regret  it;  but  it 
will  furnish  no  reason  for  Iho  continuance  of  nn 
unjust  law.    If  ho  thinks  New  Yorkers  arc  willing 
to  impoHo  upon  them.sclves  heavy  burdens  that 
Pennsylvania  may  impose  tonnage  duties  upon 
their  iron  and  coal,  and  thereby  tax  New  York  to 
!  pay  for  public,  works  in  Pennsylvania,  expressly 
I  built  to  rival  her  own,  he  will  find  New  Yorkers, 
j  when  understanding  the  subject,  consenting  to  no 
1  such  policy.    The  gentleman  modestly  asks  ua  to 
;  only  let  them  tax  us  for  twenty  years.     Ho  will 
'  find  us  not  consenting  to  it  for  one  hour.    The 
gentleman  charges  my  speech  with  being  n  false 
I  theory.     He  says  "  I  have  deceived  myself,  and 
i  by  my  ingenuity  will  deceive  others."   I  think  the 
gentleman  will  find  my  theories  to  bo  founded  on 
facta  not  easily  controverted.     I  will  say  to  him, 
however,  that  be  made  a  very  good  speech,  with- 
out a  fact  or  theory  in  it.    He  is  doubtless  deceived 
himself,  but  theru  is  very  little  danger  of  hi."  de- 
ceiving others. 


THE  PRINTING  OP  CONGRESS. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  C.  S.  BENTON, 

OF  NEW  YORK, 
I.w  THEHotisE  OF  Representatives, 
July  22,  1846. 
The  Joint  Resolution  "directing  the  manner  of 
procuring  the  Printing  of  the  two    Houses  of 
Congre.ss,"  being  under  cunsiderution  jn  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union — 
Mr.  BENTON  addressed  the  Committee  in  ex- 
planation of  the  joint  resolution  under  considera- 
tion, and  of  the  course  of  the  select  committee  on 
the  subject  of  the  public  printing. 

He  said  he  had  been  waiting  patiently  to  hear 
some  tangible  objection  to  the  scheme  proposed. 
None,  however,  as  he  conceived,  had  been  ad- 
vanced.   He  nevertheless  fell  it  duo  to  himself,  in 
]  view  of  his  relations  to  the  measure  of  reform 
I  under  discussion,  to  advert  to  some  of  the  con- 
'  siderations  that  seemed  to  him  to  recommend  its 


adnplinn.   If  in  lo  doinK  he  ihnuld  unhappily  trea  - 

finsa  on  the  patience  of  tho  committee,  he  pledged 
limself  not  to  occupy  more  than  a  moieiy  of  the 
lime  nllolled  tn  him  by  the  riilea  of  the  Houao. 

^otwilhHtandillg  the  fact,  that  opposition  to  the 
resolution,  was  as  yet  inaudible,  ho  thought  ho  hi.il 
diarovered  indications  of  a  desire,  in  certain  qiiar 
ten,  to  make  summary  disposition  of  It,  by  lottini; 
it  gently  and  quietly  down  into  thn  periloua  vortex 
of  unflninhftd  businesH.  He  had  only  ti>  say  in 
referenro  tn  tho  possible  fato  nf  tho  resolution,  tj^l 
he  demanded  a  vole,  in  ojien  day,  in  f\ill  view^f 
the  constituent  body.  With  that  bo  would  be 
content  for  the  prescmt.  The  majority  would,  if 
they  thought  proper,  consign  thi/i  proposition  to 
its  grave;  Imt  he  warned  gentlemen,  that  even  be- 
yond thn  grave  comes  the  judgment. 

The  (iresciit  system  of  cimgres-tionnl  printing 
(said  Mr  Jl.)  was  not  that  adoplcd  by  tho  fHther* 
of  the  Cnnltituiion.  For  morn  than  twenty  years, 
that  is  tn  say,  from  17111  to  1815,  no  legislation  on 
this  subject  had  been  necessary,  oxcopt  an  annual 
prnvisinn  in  the  appropriation  bills.  In  the  latter 
year,  for  the  first  time.  Congress  had  adopted  a 
formal  reanlntion,  embracing  the  cniilrnct  system, 
which  had  in  flirt  existed  from  the  fiist.  In  1819 
lliat  system  was  abandoned,  and  the  office  of  pub- 
lic printer  created. 

Wherefore,  he  would  ask,  had  that  olRco  been 
constituted.'  Was  it  necessarily  or  properly  a 
function  of  Government  ?  Was  it  wcemary  to  carry 
into  effect  any  of  the  powers  delegated  to  Congress  ? 
Ho  would  admit  that  printing  was  necessary.  So 
was  stationery.  If  it  was  requisite  to  create  an 
officer  to  furnish  the  one,  why  not  to  furnish  the 
other?  Ity  purity  of  reasoning,  we  should  have  a 
congressional  paper-maker  ond  cutler.  And  since 
wo  had  determined  to  retain  to  ourselves  the  priv- 
ilege of  franking,  by  whiih  we  daily  freighted  the 
mails  with  pnbli;  documenlH,  some  of  which  were 
ofns  little  use  to  tho  reailing  public  as  blank  paper, 
why  lint  create  the  office  of  paper  maker,  to  aupply 
members  with  extra  reams  to  send  to  their  con- 
stituents? Why  not  create  the  office  of  cutler,  to 
supply  knives  in  "  |jng  numbers,"  for  the  especial 
benefit  of  the  rising  generation  of  the  common 
school  ? 

Addressing  himself  to  his  political  friends,  Mr. 
B.  asked  if  they  had  not  uniformly  professed  hos- 
tility to  nil  unneccssarv  offices— to  the  augmenta- 
tion of  palr<uiago?  f"or  himself,  he  was  free  to 
nay,  that  every  officii  in  the  Government  that  wae 
notstrictlyagovernmentnlfunction.and  every  office 
that  was  not  necessary  to  an  efficient  administra- 
tion, ought  to  be  dispensed  with. 

Congress  had  practically  pronounced  the  art  of 
printing  a  function  of  the  Federal  Government. 
Why  stop  there?  The  first  stop  being  taken,  the 
next  would  not  be  difficult  when,  it  became  tho 
interest  of  power  to  create  new  places  to  reward 
subseriiencv. 

He  could'not  see  tho  propriety  of  Congress  fix- 
ing arbitrary  prices  for  its  printing.  It  implied  an 
exclusion  not  suited  to  his  taste.  It  savored  of 
motinnoly,  of  unwarrantable  restriction.  It  pro- 
v  .itc  j  umpetition.  And  how  did  this  exclusion, 
this  restriction,  square  with  proper  notions  of  un- 
trammelled industry  and  traffic?  Upon  what  prin- 
ciple of  free  trade  could  his  southern  friends  con- 
sent to  hedge  about  this  business  of  printing  with 
tt  tariff  of  prices?  Should  we  with  one  breath  pro- 
claim unlimited  competition  in  the  trades,  and  in  the 
next  assert  restriction  ?  Wius  that  the  way  we  pro- 
posed to  prove  our  allegiance  to  first  principles? 
Ho  regarded  the  resolutiori  of  1819,  constituting 
the  otHco  of  public  printer,  and  fixing  the  rates  of 
compensation,  as  an  usurpation  by  Congress  of  the 
riglits  of  the.citizen— the  offspring  of  an  era  fraught 
with  the  deadliest  mischief  to  republican  princi- 
ples—an  era  in  which  the  revolution  of  1800  was 
repealed,  and  the  misnamed  American  system  of 
national  banking,  protective  duties,  and  internal 
improvements,  substituted  in  its  place. 

Mr.  B.  advocated  this  measnre,  as  one  of  re- 
trenchment—of salutary  and  necessary  retrench* 
mcnt — as  the  first  step  of  a  series  that  should  be 
taken.  This  was  in  itself  a  small  matter.  It  was 
important  chiefly  as  initiatory  to  others  hinted  at 
by  his  friend  from  North  Carolina  [Mr.  McKatJ 
tho  other  day,  in  his  able  argument  of  the  lariflN 
The  majority  of  this  House  owed  it  to  the  country, 
this  Administration  owed  it  to  the  country  und  lo 


824 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[My  22, 


2^11  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


Printing  of  Congress — Mr.  Benton. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


ittelf,  to  advance  upon  the  great  work  of  relrench- 
nieiit  of  expenditures  in  every  department  of  the 
public  aervire  that  would  bear  it,  and  to  execute  it 
mahfully.  The  people  who,  in  1844,  sent  ua  here, 
and  placed  this  Admininstration  in  power,  had  a 
right  to  expect  it,  and  did  expect  it. 

He  would  here  allude  to  a  aingle  liict  within  his 
knowledge,  which  would  illustrate  the  manner  in 
which  those  intnii'd  with  the  administration 
might  aid  in  cuttin  down  the  expenditures,  with- 
ojtt  impairing  the  tiHcicncy  of  tht  nublic  service. 
A^cderal  officer  in  his  State,  who  i:Hd  been  ap- 
pointed by  the  present  first  Magistratt  on  enter- 
ing npor.  the  discharge  of  Irs  official  duties,  had 
first  informed  himself  of  Uie  entire  service  required 
of  his  office,  lind  satisfied  hi'^iself  ihot  the  amount 
of  service  required  could  be  performed  by  a  less 
numerical  force  than  he  found  there.  He  occord- 
ingly  abolished  six  c'lerkships,  and  n^uced  the 
amount  of  the  nnnual  salaries  of  the  office  to 
j!i6,800.  He  could  not  doubt  that  this  example 
might  be  followed,  with  more  or  less  ndvnnlAgc  to 
the  public  interest,  throughout  the  civil  and  diplo- 
matic service. 

Mr.  B.   here  adverted  to  the  progress  of  ex- 
penditure in  general.     For  ten  years,  commencing 
with  1790,  th>  average  annual  expenditure  was 
$3,700,000.     The  population  of  the  United  Slates, 
in  1790,  was  3  92<),8a7;  and  in  1800,  5,305,925. 
If  his  celculatinii  v -ns  correct,  the  increase  of  ex- 
penditure had  fnr  exceeded  in  proportion  the  in- 
crease of  population.   Tiikimj  the  average  expcndi- 
tireof  the  ten  years  alluded  to  na  the  criterion, 
the  annual  expenditure  of  the  Ff '•■ral  Govern- 
ment, with  a  population  of  a0,Q0O,l)0O, '  i  time  of  i 
peace,  ought  not  toexcecd  «|15,000,000.    But  who  ' 
would  contend  that  cxjiendiluve  must  necessarily 
increase  pro  rata  with  population  ?    He  hnd  heard 
complaints  that  llie  inrifT  bill  lately  adopted  by  this  i 
House  would  fail  to  produce  sufficient  revenue,  j 
He  believed  it  would  produce  too  much  revenue 
(IS  a  peace  measure.    And  no  tariff  tlml  we  could  ■ 
frame  would  produce  the  revenue  needed  for  a  state  I 
of  war.     He  hnd  thus  turned  out  of  his  way,  for 
the  purpose  of  calling  the  attention  of  the  commit-  j 
tee  and  the  country  to  the  inordinate  increase  of  i 
the  expenditures  of  this  Government,  which,  for 
the  last  five  years — n  period  of  nrofound  iieni-e — 


have  no  effect  on  our  action,  as  we  do  not  know 
who  will  have  a  majority  in  the  next  Congress. 
This  is  the  substance  of  what  I  said  on  this  point; 
but  as  my  seat  is  a  great  distance  fVom  the  gentle- 
man from  New  York,  it  is  not  surprising  that  I 
should  have  been  misapprehended.] 

Mr.  B.  resumed,  and  said,  that  no  had  misap- 
prehended the  tenor  of  the  gentleman's  observa- 
tions. Rut  the  gentleman  had  a  right  to  state  his 
own  position.  He  (Mr.  B.)  would  therefore  reply 
accordingly.  And  he  deemed  it  sufficient  to  say, 
that  the  joint  committee  of  1819  had  recommended 
the  abandonment  ol'  the  contract  system  for  the 
reason,  among  others,  that  it  hnd  "  produced  too 
grent  a  rrrfiirfion  of  the  prices  of  printing." 

He  would,  however,  in  this  connexion,  make  a 
general  remark  upon  the  relative  expense  of  the 
two  systems.  He  called  the  attention  of  the  com- 
mittee too  letter  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
which  he  held  in  his  hand,  giving,  as  fully  and 
perfectly  as  could  be  done,  the  annual  expenditures 
for  the  printing  of  Congress  "  from  the  commence- 
'  ment'of  the  Government  to  the  close  of  the  Inst 
'  session."  It  would  be  seen,  on  referring  to  the 
tnbles  contained  in  that  letter,  that  the  average 
annual  expenditure  for  the  printing  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  for  five  years  next  preceding 
the  year  1819,  was  *10,497  30;  nnd  for  five  next  | 
succeeding  that  year,  it  was  J191, 144  f)7;  being  nn  ; 
increase  of  more"  than  one  himdrcd  percent,  under  | 
the  nrcsent  system.  i 

Mr.  B.  pointed  to  the  statements  contained  in  ! 
the  report  of  the  select  committee,  in  reference  to  i 
the  cost  of  printing,  nnd  said  that  no  one  pretended 
to  deny  that  the  work  could  be  procured  cheaper 

!  by  contract.     He  would  call  the  witnesses,  and  let 

j  them  answer  for  themselves. 

■  In  'heir  answers  to  the  interrogatories  of  the 
committee,  the  Messrs.  Gideon  say: 

I  "  UV  ore  patipficdttintarlmiidP  from  the  pri'smt  inmlc  of 
CTcrtitinu  Ponirrcst  ionni  prinliiic  to  the  conlrarf  hvsIchi. 
would  ho  of  (frcfit  ndvantiure  to  the  public  pcrvirc  In  |ioi>it 
of  ccoiHiitiy.  \Vc  believe  that  if  the  work  Hhoiild  be  piven 
out.  In  rtrutsen^  to  the  lowest  bidder,  at  least  .'iO  per  cent. 

!  would  be  saved,  and  the  work  exeeateil  as  well  and  as 
promptly  as  it  now  is  under  the  present  syntoin." 

Speaking  of  the  contract  system,  Mr.  Towers 
says: 


s  of  the  United  Suites  at  about 


1,.^  „.,™»^,l'iVi'i  ruw.  linn •".....-  f.^;' ^        i    ii  I  believe  in  that  mode  the  prinliUKWonld  he  done  cheaper 

had  averaged  )^M,(M)0,000  annually.     He  believed  i   and  more  promptlv  than  at  present,    t  have  bid,  under  the 

that  n  most  salulary  reform  in  this  respect  was  li  contraei  system,  for  the  I. awv    " 

entirely  practicable.     Indeed,   the   Inst   Congress  |j  "i"'^'''''' "'""'"'"""'  '*""■ 
had,  at  its  first  .wsfron,  made  n  reduction  of  several 
millions  on  the  .-innuul  expenditure  authorized  by 
its  predecessors 


The  public  printing  was  n  single  item  in  the  !i 
long  catalogue  that  reiiuired  reform.  That  subject 
had  been  examined  iiy  :i  select  committee,  imd  I 
the  reform  [..opoKcil  niimutcd  from  tliiit  commit-  [; 
ICC.  Pass  tliis  inciisure,  ami  we  should  txliibit  to  i 
our  consliiuciii.s  some  proof  ihnt  we  were  disposed  \\ 
to  do  our  iliity.  r 

The  gcnilcinnu  from  Plinois    [Mr.  Donci  «55)  ■ 
ban,  in  the  eniirse  of  his  lenmrks  yectcrdiiy  nn  the 
joint  rcsolulioii  from  the  .Si  nalerc'ilucing  llic  nilis 
of  priming,  stated,  us  he  (Mr.  H.)  had  understood  i 
hiir,  that  the  coT.ir.ict  syf^lcm  had  been  more  ex 
^icnsive  than  I'jc  prescni,  i, 

[Mr.  DofiiLAss  rose  to   exp'nin.     The  gentle-  !i 
man  is  under  a  slight  misa|ipichenaion  ns  to  what  !■ 
I  snid.     I  ex|.res.sed  no  opinion  as  lo  the  relative  i 
nicriis  of  the  difi'creiit  plans  for  executing  the  pul)-   . 
He  printing.     I  referred  to  the  teller  !in(l  tesiiinoiiy  \' 
'il",,ir.  Uivcs,  nnd  staled  tlinti  lind  been  strongly  1' 
inclined  to  the  opinion  that  it  was  best  to  scpHmte  ;' 
the  public  printing  fi-om  the  nc\vspa|>cr  |iicfi>;  but   } 
that  tliC  iiasoning  of  Mr.  Uivcs  had  raised  doubts 
in  my  mind  on  the  point,  nnd  liiat  I  d-d  not  feel 
competent  lo  form  a  enncct  opinion  o':  ihr  subject, 
foi    war. I    of  tlic    re(|iiP"He    prantienl    inforinaiion. 
Mr.  Ri'  IS  had  informed  un  ilml  the  prices  paid  for 
printing   iiiKler   the    present    sysleia    were   much 
lower  than  under  the  ohl  system  prior  to  the  itdoti- 
tion  of  the  rcsolulioii  n,'  IH19.     I  regarded  Mr.  ;, 
Rivch's  opinion  as  entitled  to  fjreat  respect,  and 
Tsfcrrcd  to  it  in  that  light,  but  i  xpresscd  no  opin-  : 
ion  of  my  own.     On  the  eoiilrnry.  I  slated  Ihal  I 
was  in  favor  of  ihc  appointment  nf  ,  enniniitlcc,  lo 
be  composed  ofilie  two  great  pulitiral  parties,  who 
slioulii  be   ehargiil   with   iin  examination  of  ihe 
whole  subject, and  who  Kliould  np.irt  a  i)lnn,  to  go 
into  opcmlioii  at  llie  coninienecnient  of  the  next 
Congress.     The  polilicnl  preferences  or  bias  could 


There  can  lie  no  doubt,"  says  Mr.  Orouard,  "that  the 
contraet  system  would  be  found  the  eheiipi'st,  so  Ihr  as  the 
ccoiiomi/intt  of  a  few  tliou-iaiid  dulhirs  iniithl  InHuence." 

Mr.  Rives  says: 

"  If  the  prilitiac  shall  be  let  out  to  the  lowest  bidder,  I 
•Pink  it  prolinhle  that  it  will  be  bid  down  l.'i  or20  per  cent, 
belosv  tile  present  prices." 

The  two  gentlemen  last  rpiotcd  are  opposed  to 
the  contract  system,  for  reasons   sliitcd    in   their  ' 
answers.     He  bad  given  only  so  much  of  ilieir  re-  ■ 
spoibses  as  <vas  np[>licablc  to  the  point  iiiimcdintcly  | 
under  cnHsideriilinr,.  I 

Mr.  11.  also  replied  to  another  statement  of  Mr.  | 
Rives,  which  he  would  give  in  the  precise  Ian-  j 
guagc  of  that  f.cnilcnian:  ! 

"  I  have  been  told,  and  believe  it,  that  t'onirress  nbnn-  i 
dnned    the    eiaitra  t  or  lowest-bidder  system,  prinelpidly 
because  the  eontrictors  wiiulil  not  exert  themselves  to  print  i 
even  the  small  iiib*.  ineli  as  bills  nnd  reports  needed  for  im-  ■ 
ini'diale  lesislatioii.  in  liiiir  to  lay  them  on  the  tables  of  the 
meinliers  when  lite  rubjeets  eame  up  for  b-tiislatlve  ni'tioii.  \ 
1  will  name  one  insianci',  wliieh  I  have  heard,  where  netrleet  i 
lo  print  a  bill  eo='  or  lost  tin'  (i<ivrrnment  at  least  a  million  ' 
of  d'llbirs.     It  was  the  bill  for  the  redllelion  of  the  army  of  ■ 
the  I'mleil  States,  soon  after  thi' last  war.     A  bime  major-  i 
ily  'if  IVinitress  xvas  in  favor  of   tile   filil'Iinn,  lint   lliey  ' 
eiiulil  not  (tet  the  liill,  to  ait  iMi  it  before  the  -llli  of  Mareli, 
and   eonseqnenlly  the  whole  arniv  was  eoiiliniied  a  year  ; 
litii'ier  than  it  would  or  should  lliive  been,  for  want  of  the 
printed  bill."  j 

Mr,  n,  hit.'. I,  tsci  far  as  iliere  had  been  a  failure  nn 
ilie  part'nf  cnntraclnrs  to  supply  printing,  Hueli  iis 
liiil.s  nnd  rcpni-s,  that  v/as  'iiorc  the  fault  of  Con-  i 
gress  nnd  its  nfliecrs  tl'un  of  llie  sysicm.     If  the 
contracior-f  had  given  proper  scciiriiy,niid  had  been  . 
prompily  prosecuted  for  every  failure  to  comply  j 
.  .It,  lb.,  lei-ins  of  their  con"-  "H.  no  such  complaint  | 
ns  this  w.iiild  liavi^  ever  ■■  ,s.  It  could  nni  be  ' 

ex|iceted  that :  ny  synlen  .1  work  well  so  long 

MS  the  ollieer  inlriisied  wilii  its  exeerlion  failed  of 
his  duly.     Nnreoiilil  the  liistnrienl  liiit  adduced  by  '.■■ 
hisexcellcnl  friend  be  ndn.illed  to  haveai   •  weight 
in  the  aiL'iiinciil.     The  fhiliire  to  print  the  bill  for 
the  rcduclionof  ihe  army  in  time,  may  have  been,  . 


I  probably  was,  the  legitimate  consequence  of  the 
indifference  of  Congress  previous  to  that  time  in 
reference  to  the  execution  of  the  printing  generally. 
But  can  any  man  at  this  day  suppose  for  a  mo- 
ment, that  if  a  large  majority  of  Congress  had  been 
anxious  to  reduce  the  army,  they  would  have 
waited  for  the  printed  bill  i  It  was  a  thing  of  daily 
occurrence  with  us  Ir  adopt  most  importaiit  pro- 
visions, in  the  shape  of  amendments,  under  circum- 
stances rendering  the  printing  of  them  impossible. 
He  would  venture  to  say,  that  if  the  worthy  chair- 
man of  •!  <Vttys  and  Means  found  a  useless  stand- 
ing army  a  charge  upon  the  treasury,  ho  would 
soon  devise  means  to  abolish  it,  without  wailing 
upon  the  prin  ter.  A  dash  of  hi»pen— a  half  dozen 
manuscript  lines — would  answer  his  puipose.  It 
would  he  recollected  that  Ihe  first  war  bill  passed 
during  the  present  session  was,  in  its  most  essential 
feature,  ii  manuscript  Ijill.  He  would  not,  how- 
ever, multiply  instances.  If  the  argument  was 
good  in  1819,  every  member  of  this  House  must 
adjudge  it  worthless  now.  It  hm'.  no  :tpplication 
lo  the  present  slate  of  things.  And  whatever  of 
importance  may  have  been  attached  lo  it,  at  the 
time  referred  to,  the  fact  upon  which  the  argument 
rested  had  certainly  escaped  the  attention  of  the 
joint  committee  of  1819,  or  was  not  deemed  of  suf- 
ficient importance  to  warrant  particular  notice  at 
Sheir  hands. 

He  had  a  word  or  two  to  say  in  reference  to  the 
idea  of  keeping  up  party  newspapers  in  this  city, 
by  means  of  the  public  piinting.  He  diflered 
widely  with  some  gentlemen  on  this  point.  If 
money  was  lo  be  drawn  fVom  the  treasury  lo  sup- 
port the  metropoliian  press,  it  should  be  done 
openly,  nnd  not  clandestinely.  If  it  was  necessary 
for  Congress  to  pay  for  the  publication  of  the  de- 
bates, he  would  say,  without  hesitation,  that  it 
should  be  done  by  a  distinct  and  undisguised  ap- 
propriation for  that  purpose.  Besides,  the  sy,«tem 
had  for  years  been  the  source  of  unpleasant  divis- 
ions in  Congress — nn  element  entering  into  the 
calculations  of  partiesandsegmenlsof  parties,  strug- 
gling for  favorite  candidates  for  the  presidency; 
sometimes  pr<{voking  protracted  and  angry  debiile, 
and  laboriotti  investigations,  without  producing 
an-'  final  or  benelicittl  result.  It  was  high  lime  to 
get  rid  of  a  controversy  so  staid  and  unptoiilable. 
The  resolution  tipon  the  table  was  designed  to  etlect 
that  object.  To  this  extent  he  believed  the  meas 
ure  would  work  great  good,  in  case  it  should  be 
adopted.  He  hoped,  though  he  could  not  warrant, 
its  succesn  in  other  respects.  At  all  events,  it  wii.» 
now  the  only  alternative.  The  scheme  of  a  public 
printing  office  was  out  of  the  question,  and  never 
could  be  adopted,  unless  Congress  would  limit  its 
printing  to  the  ordinary  numbers  by  the  most  strin- 
gent provisions  of  law. 

Mr.  B.  here  sent  up  to  the  Clerk  the  supple- 
mentary report,  submitted  by  his  friend  from  Illi- 
nois \^\v.  HociF.]  and  himself,  nnd  desired  hiiii  to 
rend  the  paragraphs  marked.  The  Clerk  read  iis 
follows; 

'•Theiindersisned  will  not  discuss  the  power  of  Congress 
over  the  subject.  Itellcviltiz  ii  'national  printintt  oilier'  to 
be.  not  only  inexiiedieiit  and  unnecessary,  but  as  cs|ieeially 
olijeclioimlile,  for  the  reasons  stnleil,  we  eaiinot  liesilale  lb 
express  our  re|iiigiiaiice  lo  it,  and  our  prefereiieu  for  lite  eon 
tract  system. 

|'2d'  We  are  awnrt'  that  the  praetieability  of  tins  s>-teni 
is  coiilideitlly  and  streiiuuiislyiiuestiiined  in  uiinrters  eiitillert 
to  our  IliKllest  rrs,ieel.  While  He  eiieountiT  ulijectiona 
from  sneli  sources  with  iinfi-iitneil  iliffldence,  duty  eoiii[H'lri 
us  to  resiHtnd  faithfully  in  aeeordiuire  n  jth  our  eonviclions. 
The  ndinonilioits  of  expi'rienee  an;  not  to  Ito  disrcffanled  in 
eiinsiderinQ  tin;  propriety  of  public  measures.  Every  brnneh 
of  the  piiblie  service  is  more  or  less  >iipplied  by  eoiitrael ; 
and  that,  too,  in  some  Jnstanees,  wilh  inanufaetnrcs  rripil- 
nnit  the  hi)(hesl  order  of  nteehanlcal  skill.  Thus  the  army 
and  navy  nie  supplied  with  arms  and  tiiilnilions  of  tvar. 
The  Kxeeiitivfi  deparlitienls  are  supplied  with  prttiliiiv  by 
eotttraet,  which  coiii|mres  lavorabl>'  Willi  the  eniiurrsshiiinl 
prlnlinit,  xvithniit  nny  unusual  delays,  and  at  about  half  the 
expimse  reipiircd  Itelore  the  system  was  adopted.  The  print. 
itiK  of  (.'oiiBress  stands  a  solitary  e\i  e|i'  on  in  tile  pntetieg  of 
tile  (Joventment. 

■From  I7IH  to  IHUI,  twinly-ei|ilit  years,  llie  prinliiitf  of 
<  onsress  was  supplied  by  iMirirnct.  (liirinn  the  latter  year, 
Conirress  fixed  tin-  rates  of  pnntlns  by  joint  resolution,  and 
for  tlte  tirst  time  ereated  the  office  of  printer  to  the  two 
tfoil-e-,  The  wise  men  who  founded  and  refoniied  our 
'■^  -I'  til  tliil  not  discover  the  neeesslly  orprophely  of  siieli  nil 
nlII''  •  for  *enrryiiin  into  exeention'  any  of  the  powem  con- 
ft"  ed  by  the  C'onstltuilon  on  the  (lovernntent.  It  whs  re- 
s' rvi"  Itir  that  niemorilble  {H'riod,  sliortly  slllts(tr|iienl  to  the 
•St  war  with  (treat  (Iritain,  when  lalitudiiiariaiiisin  was  in 
ihe  nseendaitt—wileii  a  series  of  stroni;  eeiitnilir.iny  meas- 
ures found  lltvorw'tll  rejillblienn  stalesitten_|o  discover  llie 
iieecHMiy  of  ctiuiiiilnti  a  meclituiieal  art  to  u  public  function. 


[JfJiy  23, 

Repb. 

ence  of  ihe 
hat  time  in 
g  generally. 
«  for  a  mo- 
ss had  been 
vouUi  have 
ling  of  daily 
jortant  pro- 
idercirciim' 
impossible, 
orihy  clmir- 
seless  stand- 
he  wuuM 
■out  wailing 
half  dozen 
luipose.     It 
'  bill  passed 
o8t  essential 
d  not,  how- 
.ument  was 
House  must 
ipplioation 
whatever  of 
to  it,  at  the 
he  argument 
intion  of  the 
emcd  ofsuf- 
lar  notice  at 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


825 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Printing  of  Congresi — Mr.  Benton* 


Ho.  or  Reps, 


The  reason!  wlitch  are  preiiiiiied  to  have  induced  Cungreis 
tn  make  the  change  In  reftnrd  m  the  printing,  nm  detxiiltd  in 
IIm;  ro|)ort  <>r  the  Joint  committee  on  timt  nuhject,  which 
will  be  (bund  in  th^^  printed  documeiiiB  oftlie  iiftcond  xeiiiiion 
nl'tltt!  Ifith  Congreoti.  Ttiat  cuuiinittuu  regurdcd  a '  national 
priiitinif  otHco'  witli  niucli  fiivor,  liui  hnd  ni't  tinte  to  mature 
a  plan*  Tiicy  ttietotiire  recomineiidt;d  the  present  plnn, 
and  repudiated  thu  'nntract  (^y.ftem,  upon  the  ground  tliat 
fxpfrience  and  obBorvntion  hud  proved  its  lUiluru  iu  point 
of  econouiy;  that  it  hitd  disvraired  the  national  lituruturc, 
and  produced  loo  great  a  reduction  oftlie  priced  of  priming. 

(f  Wilhout  reviewing  much  in  detail  the  reaf-onH  prencnted 
in  support  of  thcAC  viewii,  it  may  be  palely  ntlirnied  tliat 
must  of  tliem  have  been  rendered  inapplieuttle  hy  tlic  vast 
iuiproverm^ntH  in  Uio  art  of  printing,  and  e.-'peciiilly  by  the 
nppliealiun  ofstenm  power  to  prir(>f)-wort(,  and  Uie  improve- 
ment of  the  quoMty  nnd  the  reduction  of  the  priee  oliMper. 

"  At  a  time  wlien  hand-pre:'Hus  were  only  in  uhl*,  tliere 
might  tiave  been  wi  ight  in  the  objection  "  timt  too  small  an 
entutdixhment,  and  too  few  workmen,"  were  "  employed  to 
execute  the  printing  with  the  neee.-<8ary  promptitude ;"  for 
the  reason  tliar  jobs  were  undertiiken  for  a  lesit  sum  thim 
they  could  ho  ulTorded  at.  Wo  admit  tliere  was  much  force 
in  Uie  argument  of  delay,  under  such  eircum»tanco.-(,  to  pro- 
ihice  a  ctinnge.  But  what  is  tlte  experience  oA  this  day  ! 
Has  delay  heen  prevented?  l>o  wo  aut  hear  the  sjime  com- 
ptaints  of  delay  now,  that  wera  so  potential  iVtr  etinnge  in 
1819?  Will  any  one  deny  Unit  frequent  and  perplexing 
delays  have  occurred  under  thu  present  plan  ?  We  impute 
no  blame  f>  the  public  printers,  past  or  present;  tiut  we 
venture  the  opinion  tliat  so  lontfUi) Congress  issues  its  orders 
lor  inunense  editions  of  put>lie  documeiiLs — orders  tliat  no 
i<ingle  csiablishinunl  can  execute  promptly  without  great 
»nertticcs  for  extra  force  and  extra  hours— tlie  Mamo  euni- 
plaint' will  rontinue  to  furni!<ii  inaterinl  fur  inanyaCon- 
grcFsionnl  speech  for  home  con^umptiun. 

While  we  must  expect  occa>ional  delays,  therefore,  under 
any  plan,  let  it  not  beforgoiten  that  a  greut  change  has  taken 
place,  as  regnrd:4  the  facilitie^i  of  printing  in  thin  i-ity  oince 
\8\\i\  l!iat  tliere  are  now  tiveor  six  printing  eshddishments, 
competent  to  employ  sulRcicnt  loree,  with  power-presnc^  in 
abuntlanee,  sonic  of  which  are  daily  turning  olf  adinirably 
cxeented  Jobs  upon  contract— John  that  will  not  di^grace  the 
literature  of  any  country,  notwitli standing  the  abtienee  of  a 
leyal  tT,;,T  of  prices. 

»'How  lar  the  change  of  IHIO  hnrt!<uccectled  in  vindicating 
till!  natinmd  literature  from  the  ^Mlisgracc  und  ridicule''  to 
which  contractors  for  the  public  priiiting  had  Bultjeeied  it 
before  that  ptiriod,  is  perhaps  diKiiult  of  demonstration.  It 
is  l>elieved  that  an  examination  of  the  public  documents 
printed  before  and  after  Unit  peiind.  will  not  prove  (^ntirt'ly 
sat' jtlictory  on  tliis  point.  Tlic  ^ugge^tiou  nniy  be  Im/arded, 
liowever,  that  tlie  character  of  our  national  literature  is  not 
entirely  c!ependent  on  the  nieehanieiil  exijcution  of  Con- 
gressional printing,  and  that  in  Uii.-s  re.-^pect  the  country  may 
be  sn;newhnt  fortunate. 

"  As  to  the  nllegatifuj  that  the  prices  of  printing  were  re- 
duced too  nucli  by  the  eontiaet  B>>leni,it  imiy  be  observed, 
that  it  is  not  reailily  Hoen  how  Congresn  could  interpotie  to 
ninintnin  arbitrary  prices  without  violating  certain  princi- 
ples of  trade,  which  wi-e  rilatijimicii  nnd  economists  have 
generally  conceded  to  he  ju^t.  If  we  admit  the  rea.-oningof 
the  men  of  l^m  as  appliciLlile  now,  the  retluclion  oftlie  eo^t 
of  paper  and  of  presH  work,  produced  by  the  impiovementof 
machinery,  is  to  go  for  nothing. 

"  AsEiuming  that  the  argument  of  delay  may  be  pointed 
with  as  much  force  against  the  present  as  agaiiii-t  the  con- 
tracr  system,  th'>  (lucslion  of  eroti'iniy  may  be  lurther  iilu^ 
trated  liy  i  reference  lo  the  reduced  prices  at  wliicli  the 
departmeii'is  have  heen  i^upplied  \^itli  iirinting  for  severni 
years  paht,  and  n  recurrence  to  tiie  tables  prepareil  by  tlie  He- 
gistcr  oftlie  Trcnmiry  during  the  pn^BCiitset^sionof  Cohgress. 

"For  five  years  preerdiiig  lhl9,  the  year  the  contract 
system  wa^*  nbaniloiicd,  the  total"  cost  of  prinlina  for  the 
House  of  Keprc.^eiitative.s  was,  earli  year,  as  follows : 

1811 $10,094  40 

lt»15 11,846  iK 

Iril6 «,ir>7  li^l 

1H17 l»,H-ii  m 

1818 ia,*25'i  4.') 

.^.VJ,4H«  51) 

'*  For  live  years  fulHequnnt  to  IHi'j,  the  expiMiditure  for 
tlie  t'amc  olijct-t  ifi  (bus  tttated  : 

18J0 )|ifi,a;w  .w 

I8JI IO,.Vi9  u;i 

IhS-J 'Jli,(i8a  aj 

le-w *>-j.:to7  11 

18i!l 9<*.97a  i;i 

^105,72;)  3t> 
hhnwing  an  exce^H  of  over  til>y-threi^  thou^and  dlllla^^<  in 
the  yeiir.^  la.-^t  stated,     fin  e-pci-jal  inip'T'anrc  in  all.Ktii-d 
to  these  faf'ts  and  litfiires.     We  give  (hem  Oir  what  the.,  are 
wnrth,  and  leave  others  lo  draw  infrreiiees. 

"  'J'herc  can  Im;  no  doubt  that  the  printing  of  Congre:«8 
can  he  supplied  atureatly  reduced  prices  liy  contrnet — prtd)a- 
lily  at  a  little  more  tlnni  lialf  (hn  present  copI  ;  and  tlicrc  is 
nsliiile  doubt  of  its  being  the  more  ceonotnieal  in  every 
respect,  iftoituiMafdclayHin  thecxeeulion  can  he  preventecl. 
In  order  to  aVoid  these  delays,  the  committee  liavi^  pre|Hired 
a  Jflvnt  re-^otiitioii  proviiling  that  the  priming  of  the  two 
Iloiiscfi  shall  be  advertised  in  rla^^c:*;  tlUH  increasing  the 
rhnnccsof  itsdistribution  among  the  several  establishments 
r*t"  this  city.  With  reaMmable  disirilmlion,  and  th"  advan- 
tage of  (Hiwcr  prettseK,  the  printing  will  be  sup[ili('d  as 
promptly  as  at  preset  ,  and  witli  a  great  saving  to  iln-  (juv- 
ernment. 

"  llelleving  it  dun  to  the  people,  on  whom  the  burdens  of 
Onveinmcnt  ftdl,  that  tUnsv  linrdens  should  lie  niade  as 
light  as  ismsit.;".  the  umlersiuned  nreWersuaded  that  a  sys- 
tem which  was  .  >  Imig  .dci|uate  t  (lie  piibln  si>rvice,  and 
Htmndoned  ftir  tranficnt  rea»i)n-«,  should  linve  a  fair  trial 
under  eireniiiKtanecB  fUr  .noru  lUvurnble  to  its  succeiis  tlian 
foniKTly." 


He  would  add  a  single  thought,  not  embraced  in 
the  report.  It  was  objected  to  tne  contract  systcnii 
that  documcntu,  rcportSi  bills,  &c.,  would  be  im- 
perfectly executed  under  it,  upon  bad  paper,  and 
without  a  proper  correction  of  the  proof-sheets. 
These  documents,  reports,  and  bills,  constituted  u 
part  of  each  prclitninury  proceeding  to  the  passage 
of  a  law.  The  law  was  thft  result  of  the  bpst  judg- 
ment of  the  representative  body,  and  ilic  highest 
cvideiicc  of  our  sovereign  functions.  Yet  wc  pub- 
lishcd  ''lis  hiw,  which  must  be  minutely  correct 
in  e^'^.y  word  and  syllabic,  figure  and  mark,  by 
contract!  It  was  not  for  him  to  reconcile  this  ap- 
parent inconsistency  in  our  practice,  and  he  need 
not  further  expose  the  futility  of  the  argument  that 
would  compel  us  to  justify  or  continue  timt  incon- 
sistency. 

Having  concluded  what  he  had  to  say  upon  the 
proposition  pending,  he  would  devote  a  tew  mo- 
mentitin  reply  lo  some  of  the  strictures  of  his  friend 
from  Virginia  [Mr.  Bayly]  upon  the  report  of  the 
select  committee.  That  gentleman  hnd  complained 
that  the  committee  had  Imd  before  them  John  C 
Rives,  also  the  foreman  of  Mes^irs.  Galea  &  ISea- 
ton,  and  Mr.  Trenholm,  foreman  of  Messrs.  Uitctiie 
&Heiss,and  hud  discarded  their  testimony  entire- 
ly, and  relied  exclusively  on  that  of  Mr.  (iideoii. 

Now,  the  fact  was,  lliut  none  of  these  geiulcinen 
were  personally  before  tlic  committee  except  Mr, 
Gideon.  The  written  responses  of  Mr.  Uives  and 
Mr.  Grouard  had  been  preset  "  '  o  the  committee, 
and  considered  by  ihcin.  iiu;  >  these  responses 
were  not  satisfactory  upon  some  points  of  the  in- 
quiry, the  committee  determined  to  invite  before 
them  two  practical  printers  of  each  political  jmrty, 
for  the  purpose  of  having  the  ciilculation«  made  m 
their  presence,  by  the  witnesses  in  the  presence  of 
each  other,  so  that  any  diilerences  in  liie  calcula- 
tions couldjbe  satisfactorily  explained.  It  was 
therefore  ordered  that  Messrs.  Rives  an.l  Trenholm 
of  one  party,  and  Messrs.  Gideon  and  Towers  of 
the  other,  should  be  requested  to  come  before  tiie 
committee  on  u  day  uppuMited.  On  that  day  Mr. 
Rives  was  prevented  from  attending,  in  coiiseiiuence 
of  being  obliged  to  leave  the  city.  Mr.  Trenholm 
did  not  attend,  for  reasons  which  he  (Mr.  B.)  did 
not  know.  He  had  supposed,  however,  that 
Messrs.  Ritchie  &  Hei.ss  had  failed  to  attend,  by 
their  foreman,  from  motives  of  delicacy,  ceruiinly 
not  discreditable  to  them.  Messrs.  Gideon  und 
Towers  did  come,  he  knew,  willi  reluctance,  under 
the  supftosition  tliat  the  committee  would  compel 
their  attendunce,  and  explained  their  calculations, 
and  answered  tlie  interrogatories  put  lo  them.  ESin- 
cereiy  anxious  that  these  calculations  should  be 
confronted,  the  coinniittee  delayed  action,  and  in- 
structed their  chairman  to  conimunicatc  the  .state- 
ments of  Alessrs.  Gideon  and  Towers  to  Messrs. 
Ritchie  (&  Heiss,  with  the  request  that  they  should 
point  out,  or  cause  to  be  pointed  out,  the  errors,  if 
any,  coiUained  in  them. 

Messrs.  Ritchie  V  Heiss  allege  that  they  could 
not  comply  with  ilie  requesiof  the  committee  willi in 
the  tinieindieated.    It  ajipeaicd,  liowever,  thiit  sub- 
!  se(|uenlly  Mr.  Trenholm,  whom  Mr.  B.  believed 
■  to  be  a  candid  gentleman,  had  prepared  a  statement 
I  ill  reply  to  the  calculatio;.s  of  Mossin.  Ciideonund 
Towers.  That  sU\teineiU  bail ,  however,  never  been 
j  seen  by  the  majority  of  the  committee  until  it  ap- 
!  peured  in  the  Union  newspaper,  ^everaldays  after 
I  the  reports  of  the  select  comimlLec  had  been  pre- 
sented to  the  House. 

Under  such  circumstances,  what  were  the  com- 
mittee to  do  ?  Were  they  to  discard  the  sworn  and 
uncontradicted  statetnenls  of  Mes.si-s.  Gideon  and 
Towers.'  Was  he  (Mr.  B.)  lo  wet  up  his  individ- 
ual wishes  agaitiHt  thmi  ?  Would  he  be  justified 
in  so  doing  by  the  statements  of  Messrs.  Rives  and 
Grouard  ?  What  had  lliose  gentlemen  said  in  their 
statements  to  confront  the  calculaticuis  o\'  MeKwrs. 
Gulenn  and  Towers,  in  reference  to  tlie  profits  of 
printinLC,  and  the  extent  of  reduction  that  might  be 
made?  lie  would  let  them  ntiswcr  for  themselves. 
After  reminding  the  Comniittee  that,  according  to 
the  Messrs.  Gideon's  calculations,  a  reduction  of 
forty-five  per  cent., and  accordingto  Mr.  Towers 's, 
a  reduction  of  thirty-three  and  one-third  per  cent, 
niiglit  be  made  on  rates  established  in  lyiU,  and 
leave  a  fair  profit  to  the  printer. 

At  page  *jl  of  the  report,  Mr.  Grouard  makes 
the  following  answer  to  question  five: 
•*  It  is  believed  that  tiie  rated  now  paid  (being  u  reduction 


of  twenty  per  cent,  from  the  priees  fixed  by  tho  Joint  reFi>- 
luthm  of  1819)  inav  be  deemed  a  fair  mid  just  compensation, 
taking  into  view  the  value  of  rnpitnl  invested,  the  wear  anrf 
tear  of  materials,  the  care,  labor,  and  n-sponsibilily,  and  tlie 
eontlUKency  of  loiifi  nuniben  nf  presi*  work  l>eing  ordered, 
fi-om  wlien'ce  nriws  ttio  principal  protlt,  und  without  whidi 
the  old  tiinnduni  of  prices  could  not  he  considered  too  liigh, 
yielding  as  they  did,  probably,  ii|Hin  reeular  numbers,  (say 
1,9»0  copies,)  a  profit  of  twenty  to  twenty  Ave  per  cent.  A 
fu<^ther  reduction,  iH^rliaps,  niielit  be  made  (without  doina 
injustice)  upon  all  extra  numl>«-rs  over  nnd  above  5,000 
copies  of  lilleen  or  twenty  per  cent.,  as  extra  long  numberii 
of  late  seoin  to  be  on  the  inerense." 

He  says  again,  nt  page  26: 

*' Extra  or  Ions  nnmhers  nrc  undoubtedly  Ihe  principal 
source  of  the  printor^s  profits.  Ileyond  a  certain  number, 
say  rijOOO  copies,  fprty  per  cent,  miifht  bo  taken  ofl',  perhaps, 
without  ihiiiidany  hijustlce.'* 

Atnai;e31,of  the  report,  Mr.  Rives  responds 
as  follows: 

<*  I  underxtJind  the  object  of  the  twenty-four  questions 
nr>w  pro|)ounded  tn  me  to  tie,  to  learn  from  me  whether  or 
not  the  printing  of  Congreps  cannot  be  still  further  reduced, 
nnd  leave  the  public  printer  a  reaMonnhte  profit.  That  de- 
pends upon  many  contingencies,  hut  mainly  upon  the  time 
given  to  tlie  printer  to  execute  tho  work,  the  kind  of  woric, 
and  the  quantity  of  mutter  ordered  to  be  printed,  [f  Con- 
gress should  order  nothing  to  he  printed  except  what  is  inti- 
mately connected  with  its  legirflntion,  order  (he  usual  num- 
ber, and  require  them  to  be  printed  quickly  on  good  paper, 
my  answer  in.  that  the  priees  now  authorised  to  Ih;  paid  are 
Tiot  hUh  cnor/fA— certainly  not  too  hinh — if  tested  hy  any  of 
Ihe  rules  known  to  me  for  calcnlatnig  the  price  which  an 
employer  or  mofter  printer  flionld  charge  for  printing.  But 
if  (he  printer  m  Congre.ts  ^hall  be  nllowed  his  own  time  to 
execute  the  printing,  todo  it  on  t^ucli  paper  ns  he  may  select, 
and  Congress  should  .  r  Jer  a  great  many  extra  miinberfi,  then 
some  printers  woul  '  iiinke  more  and  some  less  than  a  rea- 
sonable profit  on  tlie  work." 

Mr.  Rives,  it  would  be  seen,  asserted  that  the 
prices  were  not  too  hi^^h  on  the  usual  number  of 
documcntaj  that  is  to  say  on  1,333.  But  it  was 
well  known  that  Congress  would  order  extraordi- 
nary numbers — had  ordered  about  two  hundred 
thousand  extra  numbers  dnrins:  the  present  ses- 
sion. What  would  have  been  his  answer  on  that 
state  of  facts?    Again  he  says: 

i|  "It  is  my  opinion  that  there  is  from  40  iti  .'lO  per  cent. 
H  dilTereiice  betw'  t,  the  cost  of  executing  tlie  public  printing 
jl  jKusahly,  and  executing  it  well  and  promptly.  And,  more- 
over, it  is  mydeeidetl  opinion  that  theprinUng  for  Congress 
hits  never  been  done  as  promptly  as  it  should  have  heen 
done ;  and  [  may  add,  hut  rarely  upon  ns  good  pupfjr  as 
should  have  heen  Uacd." 

Had  Mr.  R.  hazarded  the  statement  in  view  of 
the  vast  amount  of  printing;;  ordered  dnrini^  the 
present  session,  that  the  printing  had  been  ore;inld 
probably  be  executed  in  any  belter  than  Rpassahlc 
injinner?  If  he  hnd,  he  (Mr.  B.)  was  not  aware 
of  it.     Read  v/hat  he  says  at  jmge  41: 

*■  Tlie  extra  copies  ordered  in  laith  House  on  the  report 
of  the  (^'oiiimitisioniT  of  Pat'-nts  alone  ivill  cnpt  the  United 
States  more  than  .*1(I0,00<»— probably  about  .*lli),00a— a^  I 
learn  that  nltoiit  1>7.(X)0  extra  copies  have  been  ordered,  and 
thnt  i-aeh  copy  inaken  about  1,400  page?,  ini-lead  of  720 pages, 
;  wliii'h  you  suppose  it  will  make. 

I  "There  were  only  10,000  copies  of  the  census  job  ordered, 
I  upon  whici)  we  made  ho  niueli  money;  and,  according  to 
I  my  n^collectiitn,  <nir  bill  for  printim:  was  about  3>'in7,000 — 
only  S^'i.OOO  more  than  th<?  re|H»tt  oftlie  Commissioner  of 
Tutents  will  nmotint  to.  We  hnd  many  detentioif^  in  print- 
ing tiie  census,  to  which  the  present  printers  to  CoTigresa 
art*  not  subjected.  We  had  to  wait  until  every  proof  hnd 
been  read,  nnd  often  revined.  at  the  State  I)e|mrtnicnt, 
wtiieh  kept  our  workmen  staiuiing,  ami  of  eniirse  diniiniFili- 
ed  our  pmiiu  very  much.  We  were,  I  think,  nboiit  a  >e»r 
printing  tin-  census.  We  cnuld  have  printed  it  in  less  than 
half  tliat  Ume,  if  the  copy  had  been  furnished  to  us  all  itt 
once,  nnd  we  had  not  been  compelled  to  wait  lor  (he  proofs. 
And,  be.^idtts,  the  paper  on  wliieli  we  printed  the  cen»us 
is  worth  more  than  .50  per  cent,  more  than  the  paper  upon 
which  Ihe  report  of  ihe  Commissioner  of  Patents  is  now 
lieing  printed.  I  will  venuirn  to  say  that  the  census  paper 
coHt  us  more  than  50  per  cent,  more  than  Messrs  Ritcfiie  &, 
ileissare  now  paying  for  Ihe  paper  wliich  thev  use  for  prini 
ing  the  congrecsionnl  doctimenls;  nnd  wo  purchiifecd  paper 
on  very  gotal  terms.'' 

At  pajre  42  he  continues: 

"  All  mv  testirnonv  niny  bi'  compressed  in  a  few  words, 
which  1  will  now  write,  "if  Ihe  printers  to  Congress  «hnll 
be  required  and  eotnpelled  tn  execute  the  printing  in  good 
time  ami  on  good  paper,  then,  on  the  neccucary  amount  of 
printing  he  raimot,  In  my  opinion,  inaki-  an  unreasouatde 
profit.  Hul  if  CnngresH  shall  order  nn  unusual  and  unneces- 
sary quantity  of  prinlina,  and  most  of  it  in  extra  copies  of 
dDcumenls,  and  shall  permit  the  printers  to  take  their  own 
lime  todo  it  In,  and  do  it  nn  thin,  llinisy,  cotton  paper,  then 
the  printers'  will  make  exorbitant  profits. 

Now,  Mr.  B.  would  submit  to  the  judgment  of 
any  candid  man  if  these  statements  did  not,  umler 
the  circumstancest  sustain  rather  than  contradict  ihe 
results  arrived  at  by  Messrs.  Gideon  and  Towers 
in  their  calculation  upon  the  seven  documents  sub- 
mitted to  them  by  the  committee,  and  the  extra 
numbers  ordered  to  the  amount  of  lt)2,000  ?  And 
yet  it  is  asserted  that  the  committee  had  disregard- 


826 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  14, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Treasury  Notes— rMr.  Giddings. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


ed  thean  siatemonis  of  Messrs.  Rives  and  Grounrd 
in  comins  to  the  conclusion  ihey  had,  nnd  Imd  re- 
lied exclusively  on  tLe  cnlculations  of  llie  Messrs. 
Gideon.  How  hud  the  commiuee  proved  their 
peculiar  confidence  in  these  calculations  ?  Was 
It  by  reporting  back  the  joint  resolution  of  the 
Senate,  and  leaving  the  rates  of  printing  as  they 
stood  o  I  all  numbers  under  five  thousand,  and  re- 
ducin:;  ihuse  rates  thirteen  and  one-third  per  cent, 
on  all  numbers  over  five  thousand  ;  when,  accord- 
ing to  the  Messrs.  Gideon,  a  reduclion  on  the 
whole  oCforly-Jive  per  cent,  might  be  made  on  the 
rates  established  in  1819  ?  Was  it  by  falling  35 
per  cent,  below  the  calculation  in  the  one  case,  and 
111  |)er  cent,  in  the  other? 

Mr.  B.  said  that  common  justice  required  that 
he  should  hei-c  state  what  he  knew  of  tnc  conduct 
of  the  Messrs.  Gideon  in  reference  to  this  matter 
of  the  printing.  He  had  never  known  these  gen- 
tlemen until  the  last  winicr.  He  hSd  heard  of 
them,  however,  as  hoi.oriible  and  worthy  citizens. 
He  remembered  that  the  lamented  Gilmer  had 
voted  for  the  father  as  public  printer,  at  tlie  open- 
ing of  the  last  Con^ircss,  from  the  place  where  he 
(Mr.  B.)  then  sluod.  He  had  had  no  intercourse 
with  these  gentlrnicn  until  after  the  appointment  of 
theselectcomniiitcp, of  which  hewasamember.  In 
frequent  conversations  with  them  since  that  time, 
they  had  uniformly  declared  to  him  the  opinion, 
which  WHS  coincident  with  liis  own,  that  any 
change,  whether  in  the  rates  or  mode  of  the  public 
printing,  should  be  prospective  in  its  operation. 

In  conclusion,  he  would  say  one  word  as  to  his 
own  course.  If  he  knew  his  own  heart,  he  had 
throughout  this  business  acted  from  a  sense  of 
what  was  due  to  those  whose  kind  confidence  had 
placed  him  here,  to  the  Suite  of  his  adoption,  and 
to  the  public  interest.  He  had  no  personal  anti- 
pathies to  indulge — it  was  his  constant  effort  to 
cast  thew  f.ir  fiom  him  in  the  disiliarge  of  every 
pultlic  duty.  If  he  had  synipathiis,  he  coiifes.=ed 
they  were  for  that  irrent  public,  whose  rights  and 
liberties  it  was  the  duty  of  the  representatives  of 
the  people  to  guard  witn  a  slei^pless  vigilance. 

Mr.  B.  then  offered  an  amendment  to  the  reso- 
lution, his  colleague  [Mr.  Jenkins)  having  kimlly 
con.sented  to  withdraw  his  ninendment,  tlien  pend- 
ing, to  enable  Mr.  B.  to  do  so  in  order. 


TRE.^.SUaY  NOTES. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  R.  GIDDINGS, 

av  OHIO,  j 

In  the  House  of  Hki'UEsentatives, 
Jtihj  14,  184(i. 
Upon  the  Bill  to  authorize  the  issue  of  Treasury 
Notes  to  supply  the  present  wants  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. 

The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole 
on  the  state  of  the  Union — 

Mr.  GIDDINGS  said,  that  he  would  avail  him- 
self of  the  usages  of  that  body,  while  in  committee, 
to  speak  of  some  matters  not  immediately  connect- 
ed with  the  bill  under  considci'aiion.  I  refer  par- 
ticularly (said  he)  to  the  appearance  in  lliiii  Hall 
of  the  Cabinet  officers,  and  oilier  persona  connect- 
ed with  the  Kxecutive,  mingling  with  the  mein- 
beis  on  this  lloor,  on  Friday  last,  while  we  were 
engaged  in  voting  upon  the  liill  to  graduate  the 
price  of  the  public  lands.  Diseusfiion  had  ceased; 
ihcy  did  ik»1  therefore  attend  to  listen  to  our  de- 
bates; yet  we  saw  the  Secretary  of  Sltue,  the  Sec- 
retary of  War,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  the  Postmaster  General, 
the  editor  of  the  Executive  organ,  and  the  Presi- 
dent's private  secretary,  busily  engaged  with  indi- 
vidual members  of  the  dominant  party,  with  every 
indication  of  exerting  their  inlluence  to  induce  gen- 
tlemen to  Vote  for  that  Executive  measure. 

(.Mr.  TiBBATTs  called  Mr.  tJiDniNKs  to  order  for 
rcllecling  upon  members  of  the  House.] 

?  Ir.  G.  resumed.  I  have  c^isl  no  reflectifms 
upon  any  member  of  this  body,  i  was  sayintr, 
sir,  that  these  Executive  officers  and  minions  ap- 
peared to  be  oxeriiiig  their  efforts  to  carry  lli.it 
measure,  known  to  be  a  favorite  plan  of  the  I'resi- 
denl;  indeed,  I  have  further  evidemu.'  that  such 
was  the  ca.se,  and  will  give  if  if  called  for — there  I 
leave  the  subject  for  the  judgm  nl  of  the  coun- 


try. Whether  gentlemen  who  changed  their  votes, 
or  who  subsequently  refused  to  vote,  did  so  in  con- 
sequence of  promises  made  to  them,  or  through 
fear  of  the  Executive  displeasure,  or  tVom  some 
sudden  convictions  of  their  own  judgment,  is  a 
matter  on  which  I  pass  no  judgment.  To  me  it 
was  a  most  humiliating  spectacle.  It  was  a  shame- 
less prostitution  of  the  Executive  character,  which 
moy  well  cause  a  blush  upon  the  cheek  of  every 
American  who  feels  an  interest  in  the  honor  of  his 
country,  or  in  the  purity  of  our  institutions.  It 
was  a  scene  never  witnessed  in  this  Hall,  I  believe, 
until  the  day  on  which  the  bill  repealing  the  tariff 
of  1842  passed  this  House,  but  was  repealed  in  a 
more  flagrant  form  on  Friday  last.  It  shows  tire 
progress  of  corruption  and  the  downward  tendency 
of  our  Government  As  a  member  of  this  body — 
as  an  American  citizen — I  denounce  the  practice, 
and  enter  my  solemn  protest  against  it. 

The  question  concerning  the  Oregon  territory 
and  the  subject  of  the  tariff  have  entered  into  all 
the  import<int  debates  of  this  body  for  some  months 
past.  I  wish  barely  to  glance  at  them  as  I  (mss 
along. 

Sir,  I  regard  it  the  duty  of  statesmen  to  fore- 
warn the  peo])le  of  approaching  danger.  Nor  is  it 
difficult,  generally,  to  foretell  great  political  events 
with  almost  perfect  accuracy.  I  was  somewhat 
surprised  to  near  my  colleagues  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  House  complain  of  the  Executive  for 
having  surrendered  to  Great  Britain  so  large  a  por- 
tion of  our  territory  in  Oregon.  Indeed,  I  think 
those  geiitlemenjhave  disrcgaded  the  instruction 
which  they  might  have  drawn  iVoni  the  past  histo- 
ry of  our  nation.  Hud  they  rtferred  to  it,  they 
would  have  found  that  the  Gov  imminent  has  been 
for  half  a  century  controlled  by  the  slave  power. 
They  and  I  have  seen  the  slaviholding  iiiHuence 
plunge  the  nation  into  the  Florida  war.  We  have 
seen  the  leading  policy  of  the  nation. changed  as 
ofieii  as  the  views  of  southeri.  men  have  altered. 
At  the  bidding  of  the  slave  pov.'cr  we  have  fostered 
banks;  and  at  the  dictation  of  the  same  inlluence 
we  have  discarded  and  opposed  them.  When 
bidden  by  the  potent  voice  if  the  South,  we  have 
imposed  heavy  duties  upon  imported  manufactures 
in  order  to  encourage  dome.aic  labor;  and  then 
again,  under  the  same  guidance,  hnsourpolicy  been 
elianged  so  as  to  approximate  free  trade.  In  short, 
sir,  tor  fifty  years  we  have  constantly  changed  and 
shifted  our  sails  upon  the  ship  of  state  in  order  to 
catch  the  changing  southern  breeze. 

Frmii  these  imiioriaiit  facts  statesmen  arc  bound 
to  draw  instrnctioii.  From  thorn  my  colleagues 
and  other  western  gertliinen  might  have  easily 
finelolil  the  result  of  the  Oregon  cirntroversy.  For 
my  own  part  I  have  never,  fur  a  moment,  regarded 
it  doiibiliil.  0:i  the  oih  of  January  last,  while  the 
resolutions  authorizing  the  President  to  give  notice 
to  the  liritish  Government  for  terminating  Uiejoint 
occupalion  of  Oregon,  were  under  discussion,  I 
felt  it  my  duly  to  assure  the  Horse  and  the  coua- 
try  that  there  was  no  ]iossible  danger  of  u  war 
with  England  in  consc<iiicnoe  of  our  elainiK  to  that 
territory.  I  was  aware  that  the  President  in  his 
Inaugural  Address  had  declared  our  title  to  the 
whole  of  Oresoii  to  be  t7f«r  and  vnijueslionable; 
that  he  had  repeated  the  same  declaration  in  his 
Animal  Mcs.sage;  that  he  had  declared  the  corre- 
spondence between  the  two  governments  closed; 
and  laid  represented  war  to  be  inevitable.  Yet, 
sir,  1  felt  eonfnieiit  that  no  damper  of  such  a  result 
need  be  apprehended.  Willi  this  conviction  rest- 
ing upon  my  mind,  I  expressed  my  views  in  the 
following  paragraph  taken  from  my  remarks  on 
that  occasion.     Speaking  of  the  Executive,  I  said: 

>*  It  it*  irinxl  i)t)vjnuij  ti)  iny  jii(l)ittient  Hint  In*  cannot  lit; 
driven  into  ii  war  with  Kn^'l  mil.  As  1  liiivu  iilr<-niiy  Atated. 
a  war  with  Unit  nalinn  iiial  prove  the  lotiil  uverUirow  of 
^lilVl'r>.  Every  refleeii Jilt (ifaleonan  iiiii'*l»iee  itiiM  an  clearly 
lis  iiiiy  event  can  lie  IWr-'Inld  liy  liuiiinn  p'-reeption.  I  do 
aol  lillnti  the  ii|!ivelloliliii|{  portion  of  llie  Deiiiocratir  piirty 
w.  re  aware,  tliiil  tllft  eiirryin-j  onl  of  tlieir  nulliniori'  refulii 
tioii."  wimldsaerinee  tlmi'iii^iiiulion.  Tley  niUer  li.jieved 
lliill,  hy  otimiiilnRTi'Xiia,  llie  price  of  liunnlll  ll.'sll  would  he 
entiihiei'd,  and  Klavery  HU|i[iorli'd.  'i'lio  eoiiieipleiicCH  01" 
Hi'iziiijf  upon  *//**•  whole  0/  Orc:>on  '  were  not  con.'idered. 
.Mr.  rolli.in  hi.s  hiuu^urai  Addreii^,  inid  in  inn  Annual  Mes- 
Me.'e,  evidently  overlooked  Itie  iieinientoiis  elleel  wllicll  IliH 
twtee-deelared  policy  would  prndilee  aiioii  the  slave  intercut, 
III  wliii'li  lie  IN  IndiHi^oliibly  wedded,  lie,  iiiid  lilK  ('iiliinet, 
anil  lii..|  party,  have  iiiiide  a  fatal  liliinder.  Tfn-y  will  kooii 
ili-enver  Ifielr  error,  niut  will  reeede  f'roni  iheir  [Kiiiitiiin. 
With  file  tiiiine  degree  oreoiillileine  thul  I  iinvt,'  ill  my  (iwn 
esi  liMiee,  1  deelnre  lllJit  thrij  iiitt,  hpfnre  thr  nulion  ntid  the 

1  world,  badt  out  J'rj'n  l/idr  avjtveJ  policvt  atil  wiU  turri^ndcr 


up  nil  that  fortion  of  Oregon  north  0/  the  4MA  farallel  oj 
lalitwte," 

Now,  sir,  I  refer  to  this  extract  to  show  my  col- 
leagues ancl  the  House,  that  ony  man  who  has 
studied  the  operations  of  the  slave  interest  upon 
this  Government,  may  foretell  its  action  whenever 
the  interests  of  the  "pecu/iar  ituliJuHon"  are  con- 
cerned .    I  was  fully  conscious  that  a  war  with 
England  must  prove  the  overthrow  of  slavery;  and 
although  the  Baltimore  Convention  and  Mr.  Polk 
had  overlooked  that  most  important  consideration, 
I  well  knew  that  a  distinguished  Senator  now  in 
the  other  end  of  this  Capitol,  would  never  be  guilty 
of  such  a  blunder.    1  was  fully  convinceif  that 
southern  statesmen  had  at  that  time  discovered 
the  error  into  which  the  Executive  had  fallen,  and 
that  the  whole  force  of  their  inlluence  would  be 
brought  to  bear  in  favor  of  peace  with  England  at 
any  sacrifice.     And  the  subject  being  within  the 
control  of  the  President,  I  then  assured  the  House 
and  the  country  that  he  would  give  up  such  por- 
tion of  Oregon  as  was  necessary  to  secure  peace, 
rather  than  subject  the  slavery  of  the  .South  to  the 
dangers  of  such  a  war.     Now,  sir,  I  think,  with 
these  warnings  from  me,  and  with  the  experience 
of  the  pa3t,.western  gentlemen  should  have  fore- 
seen the  surrender  of  our  territory  by  the  Execu- 
tive, which  has  recently  taken  place.     Why,  sir, 
so  clearly  did  I  foresee  it  myself,  that  I  designated 
the  identical  line  which  now  divides  our  territory 
from  that  of  England.     I  declared  that  the  "Presi- 
dent and  his  party  icould  surrender  all  that  part  of 
Oregon  lying  north  of  the  fortij-ninlh  parallel  of  lati- 
tude."   In  saying  this,  I  claim  for  mys-lf  no  un- 
common powers  of  perception.    Conscious  that  the 
President  wouldaccept  the  first  offer  of  i\  compro- 
mise which  the  British  Government  should  make,  I 
had  only  to  determine  what  that  offer  would  be.     I 
concludcJthattheselfi.<hiie.ssof  Great  Britain  would 
not  prompt  her  to  claim  farther  than  to  that  parallel. 
In  this,  howver,  I  was  somewhat  mistaken.     It 
seems  that  she  demanded  the  whole  of  Vancou- 
ver's Island,  and  the  free  navigation  of  the  Colum- 
bia.    My  error  here  was  in  the  estimate  I   placed 
upon  the  selfishness  of  England,  and  not  as  to  tho 
anxiety  of  Mr.  Polk  to  arrange  the  controversy. 
For  as  I  have  just  remarked,  I  was  sure  he  would 
accept  the  first  offer,  tc/inlei>er  i!  should  be.    The 
result  has  shown  the    perfect  accuracy  of   my 
opinion.     I  will  not  pretend  to  say  that'll  was  not 
Mr.  Polk's  intention  originally,  to  involve  the  coun- 
try in  n  war  with   England.     Far  fiom  it.     He 
undoubtedly  believed  that  Mexico  would  quietly 
surrender  all   her  possessions  this  side  of  the  Rio 
j  Grande,  rather  than  cognge  in  h  war  with  us;  and 
I  his  subsequent  acts  shovv  that  he  was  determined 
1  on  having  a  fight  som,  where.    I  have  no  idea  that 
:  the  President  or  his  Cabinet  at  that  time  had  con- 
;  sidered  the  effect  which  a  war  with  England  would 
;  have  upon  slavery;  and  at  the  commencement  of 
ihe  presofit  session,  1  believe  he  fully  intended  t>> 
■  bring  the  nation  into  conflict  with  England,  and 
would  have  done  so  except  for  the  advii'e  of  soiitli- 
j  cm  statesmen.   We  are  therefore  indebted  to  south- 
I  erii  anpreliensionsforour  peace  with  Great  Britain, 
which  the  President  had  most  unnecessarily  endan- 
;  gered,  as  well  as  to  southern  influence  for  our  war 
1  with  Mexico. 

I      But  our  Democratic  friends  were  not  alone  de- 
I  eeivcil  tiv  this  liixecutive  error  and  management. 
I  Many  Whig  members  of  this  body,  and  in  the 
j  other  end  of  ilie  tJapitol,  were  apprehensive  of  a 
I  war  with  England  in  consequence  of  the  Oregon 
:  controversy.     Our  AVhig  editors  became  alarmed 
at  the  indications  of  war,  and  represented  to  their 
readers  that  we  were  in  danger  of  hostilities  with 
Great  Britain.     To  allay  their  apprehensions,  my 
venerable  friend  from  Afassaehuselts  [Mr.  Adams) 
declared  his  firm  convielion  that  all  fears  of  a  war 
were  unfounded,  and  declared  that  "  he  feared  J\tr. 
Polk  u-ould  recede  from  his  posilinn."    For  this  he 
was  assailed  as  *'  an  advocate  of  war."     I  was  de- 
termined myself  to  put  such  stntenieiilH  on  the  re- 
cord, as  should  show  to  the  tloiise  and  ihe  country 
that  I  fully  understood  the  inaiiiigcment  then  going 
forward.  I  told  our  Democratic  friends,  in  explicit 
language,  that  they  had  lieen  ht'traited,  and  that  Mr. 
Pott:  eould  nut  hejiicked  into  a  tvnr  fur  Oregon.     I 
slated  my  reasons  for  these  assertions.     I  declared 
ihiit  a  war  with  England  would  not  only  destroy 
slavriry,  but  would  ruin  the  vVllanlic  sl.ive  Suites; 
that  Mr.  Polk  was  a  slaveholder,  acting  under  the 


[July  14, 
'  Reps. 

)M  foralUl  of 

how  my  col- 
an  who  has 
itcrest  upon 
on  whenever 
in  "  are  con- 
a  wnr  with 
slavery;  anil 
nd  Mr.  Polk 
anHideration, 
lator  now  in 
!ver  be  guilty 
nvinceiT  thnt 
e  discovered 
d  fallen,  and 
ice  would  bo 
I  England  at 
g' within  the 
;d  the  House 
ip  such  por- 
ccure  peace, 
South  to  the 
think,  with 
experience 
d  havi'  Ibrc!- 
Ili'-  Execu- 
Wliy,  air, 
I  designated 
our  territory 
it  the  "Prcai- 
l  llini  part  nf 
irallil  oflati- 
ys  'If  no  un- 
cious  that  the 
f  11  coinpro- 
lould  make,  I 
would  be.     I 
jrilain  would 
that  parallel, 
mistaken.     It 
i  of  Vancoii- 
f  the  Colum- 
late  I   placed 
not  as  to  the 
controversy, 
ure  he  would 
i|it(<  be.    The 
racy  of   my      , 
latjt  was  not 
live  the  coun- 
Voin  it.     He 
roi\\(l  quietly 
le  of  the  Rio 
with  us;  and 
■i  determined 
■  no  idea  that 
inie  had  con- 
ifjland  would    • 
lenccnicrit  of 
jf  intendeil  t.> 
Inpland,  and 
'Iceof  soutli- 
ited  toaoulh- 
Ireat  Britain, 
sarily  endnn- 
1  for  our  war 


1846,] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


827 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Treasury  Notes — Mr,  Oiddings. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


influence  of  the  slave  power,  and  would  do  no  act 
by  which  the  institution  of  slavery  would  be  en- 
dangercil .  I  further  stated,  "  he  wmUdfind  means  to 
give  iiji  <i  part  or  even  tlu  whok  of  Oregon,  rather  than 
subject  slavery  tn  the  sure  ileslriution  which  a  tear  toith 
England  would  fcWng'  upon  it." 

The  perfect  accuracy  of  my  prediction  is  now 
miinifest.  I  call  attention  to  it  for  the  purpose  of 
impressing  upon  those  who  hear  me,  or  who  may 
rend  my  remtrks,  the  important  fact,  thntl/its  Oov- 
emment  has  been,  and  noto  is,  controlled  (>!(  1/ie  slave- 
hnlditig  power  of  the  South.  I  therefore  say  to  my 
Pemocratic  colleagues  who  have  complained  of  the 
Executive  for  deceiving  them  in  regard  to  Oregon, 
if  you  wish  to  understand  what  the  action  of  Con- 
ere8.s  or  the  E.xccutive  will  be  on  any  given  sub- 
ject, go  and  consult  the  interests  of  the  slavehold- 
"ing  South ! — learn  the  policy  which  southern  atates- 
•nen  think  will  best  subserve  thrir  interests,  and 
then  rrat  assured  thnt  that  course  will  be  pursued. 
The  eccentric  Randolph  never  uttered  a  more  ob- 
vious truth  than  that  bitter  reflection  upon  northern 
men,  in  which  he  declared  that  the  South  could 
always  govern  the  North,  "  not  (snid  he)  hy  oiir 
black  slaves,  but  by  your  white  slaves."  And  while 
on  the  subject  of  vindicating  myself,  I  will  refer  to 
another  important  event  which  has  lately  occurred 
in  this  Hall.  I  refer  to  the  repeal  of  the  tariff  of 
1842.  While  speaking  upon  the  annexation  of 
Texas,  on  the 21st  May,  1844,  1  snid:  | 

"  Let  U8  ndinflTexufl,  nnil  we  f^linll  place  the  balnnce  of 
power  Ml  tlie  Imrulti  ot'Ili«  Ti?\ftri8  ttif;ii)f<elvr!fi.  Tliey,  with 
the  Touthcrii  States,  will  enntnil  ilm  policy  iind  the  destiny 
fit' thin  nntinii.  Uur  luritrwill  tlicii  lie  hilil  lit  the  will  of 
Tcxnii  ailvuciitct*  offri-e  tmile.  Are  niir  friends  prepnrid  to 
deliver  over  tliis  great  imtional  policy  to  the  control  of  Te.xiiii 
reprccciitiitivcs .'  Are  the  liherty-lovingDcmoerntH  of  Penii- 
Hylviiiiin  ready  to  give  up  our  tiiriti'r  To  Hlrikc  off  all  pro- 
tection from  iron  mid  coiil,  mid  other  proiiuetioiiit  of  tlint 
State,  in  ordi.'r  to  piirclia-e  a  slave  market  for  llicir  neigh- 
bors, wlio,  in  tlie  wonfs  of  Thonin.'^  Jefferson  Knndolph, 
*  breed  men  tiir  market  like  oxen  for  the  shambles  ?'  " 

Sir,  I  sa'J  much  more  at  that  time  on  this  sub- 
ject, IVeling,  as  I  then  felt,  that  the  vote  on  Texas 
was  to  determine  the  momentous  question  of  pro- 
tection to  northern  labor.  Some  of  my  personal 
friends  desired  ine  to  speak  lipon  the  tariff  while 
it  was  lately  under  di.scussion  in  this  House;  but 
1  felt  thai  the  time  for  successlnl  resistance  had 
gone  by.  I  had  endeavored  to  caution  our  friends 
ngninst  this  disastrous  result  at  a  time  when  the 
vote  of  Pennsylvania  might  have  .snvid  the  tariff 
of  184iJ,  protected  her  va.it  interest  in  iron  and 
coni,  and  saved  mnny  of  her  people  from  that  dis- 
tres  I  nnd  ruin  which  now  awnlis  them.  It  is  now 
moii  than  two  yenr.s  since  I  declared  tn  this  Hon.se 
and  the  cninitry  thnt  if  Texas  were  ndrtiitted,  "our 
tar[^'  V'outd  be  hehl  at  the  will  of  Texan  advocates  of 
free  trade."  This  declaration  was  fully  verified  on 
the  second  day  of  the  present  month.  The  fate 
of  the  bill  to  repeal  the  tariff  of  1842  was  admilled 
on  all  .sides  to  dejiend  on  the  degree  nf  protection 
extended  to  the  article  of  salt.  It  wns  well  known 
that  unless  the  importation  of  thnt  necessary  o  ' 
life  should  be  subjected  ti.  a  pretty  fair  duty,  the 
Represeiilalivrs  from  New  York  would  vote 
against  the  bill,  and  that  their  vote  would  defeat 
it.  The  friends  nf  l^-ce  trade  therefore  rallied  their 
whole  force  in  favor  nf  protecting  salt.  With  the 
aid  nf  the  Iv,  ti  llepiTsentatives  from  Texas  they 
succeeded  by  only  one  vote.  That  vote  secured  the 
passage  of  the  bill,  nnd  fully  verified  my  predlc- 
ti'iM  made  in  May,  1844.  As  I  have  alrenily  re- 
marked, I  then  felt  that  the  annexation  of  Texas 
was  tn  determine  the  fate  of  iinrthern  indusiry. 
I  regarded  that  ns  the  lime  for  the  friends  of  free 
labor  to  rally  In  behalf  of  northern  rights.  But, 
sir,  opi>nsillon  to  th.il  measure  proved  unavailing. 
The  resiihiiions  annexing  Texas  were  passed. 
Her  Ilepre.senUilives  tonk  their  seats  on  this  floor; 
nnd  the  first  important  vote  given  by  them  was  to 
strike  down  the  most  vital  inleresis  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, nf  New  Jersey,  New  Ynrk,  nnd  New  England, 
nswell  as  of  the  northwestern  Slates;  for  I  regard 
the  interest  of  those  Stales  as  much  involved  ns  I 
do  those  of  New  England.  I  do  not,  in  these  re- 
marks, charge  soulhern  men  with  inconsistency. 
I  have  no  doubt  that  the  eottnngrnwing  interept, 
separately  cnnsidered,  may  be  benefited  by  free 
trade.  In  this  resjiect  it  is  nppnsed  tn  nenrly  nil 
the  nther  great  interests  of  the  country.  And  it 
was  for  the  Identical  purjinse  of  extending  this 
cotton-»rnwlng  interest,  identified  as  it  is  with 
slave  Uibor,  that  many  southern  statcsmct  sought 


Ih  1  annexation  of  Texas.  In  order  to  strike  down 
thv-  industry  of  the  North,  they  mus*.  have  the 
numerical  force.  To  obtain  this,  they  must  ex- 
tend the  slave-holding  territory.  These  objeits 
were  foreseen ,  and ,  intlecd ,  they  were  openly  avow- 
ed. The  leading  Democratic  organ  in  our  Stale 
acknowledged  and  declared  these  to  be  the  objects 
of  annexation  ns  early  as  May,  1844.  The  Ohio 
Stiitesman,  of  May  9th  of  thdt  yeor.  in  nn  editorial 
article,  declared  that  "  the  real  objects  of  annexation 
were  the  perpetuation  of  slavery,  and  the  political  power 
of  the  slave  Slates."  Sir,  their  politicjil  power  was 
extended,  nnd  we  now  see  the  consequences.  The 
people  of  the  free  States  will  soon  feel  its  weight, 
nnd  will  realize  the  loss  they  liave  sustained  by 
their  inactivity.  This  policy  has  now  become  the 
estahlinhed  policy  nf  lite  nation,  as  declared  by  the 
organ  of  the  doniinnnt  narty  the  very  evening  on 
which  the  bill  passed  this  House.  Sir,  I  believe 
it.  I  have- no  idea  that  that  policy  is  ever  to  be 
changed  while  New  Englancl,  New  York,  nnd 
Ohio,  shall  permit  their  own  best  interest — their 
dearest  riglts  and  their  sacred  honor,  to  bo  held  at 
the  will  of  Texan  slaveholders. 

I  would  not  impugn  the  motives  or  the  judg- 
ment of  northern  Whigs  who  hold  out  to  their 
constituents  the  hope  thnt  they  may  by  their  polit- 
ical efforts  regain  the  ascendency,  and  restore  the 
lost  rights  of  ihe  free  States.  They,  sir,  ."re  as 
si'icere  as  lajii.  I  may,  however,  be  permined  tn 
say,  that  when  they  sliall  have  watched  the  or.e 


far  as  they  were  then  developed.  I  distinctly  stated 
the  object  to  be  conquest.  Not  merely  conquest 
of  the  Mexican  territory  on  this  side  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  but  conquest  beyond  that  river!  It  is  truo 
thai  wo  are  yet  without  official  information  as  to 
the  definite  extent  of  the  conquest  intended.  From 
certain  anonymous  publications  in  the  Government, 
paper,  and  from  official  whisperingjs,  however,  wo 
are  led  to  judge  that  the  present  intention  of  the 
President  is  to  obtain  all  thai,  part  of  Mexico  lying 
north  of  a  line  to  be  drawn  in.m  the  Gulf  of  Mex- 
ico west  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  near  the  twenty- 
second  degree  nf  north  latitude.  This  will  give  us 
the  port  of  Tampico  on  the  Gulf,  and  MazatUin  on 
the  Pacific.  It  will  add  to  our  territory  twenty 
degrees  of  latitude,  including  a  greater  extent  of 
country  than  that  which  now  composes  the  tv/enty- 
fourSlntea  lying  east  of  the  Mississippi,  and  will 
leave  the  Mnxicun  Government  in  possession  of 
less  territory  than  that  which  now  compoies  three 
of  those  twenty-four  States.  In  short,  s'r,  if  this 
object  be  accomplished,  it  will  be  regarded  as  the 
conqui'Mt  nf  Mexico;  for  no  gentleman  who  has 
rend  the  history  of  our  rnce  will  suppose  that, 
having  disinemliered  her  of  five-sixths  of  her  ter- 
ritory, we  shall  then  desist  from  IVirther  aggres- 
sions. That  these  are  the  real  designs  of  those 
who  now  control  the  Executive  no  one  will  doubt 
who  has  carefully  consulted  the  si^ns  of  the  limes. 
It  is  true  thnt  this  object  may  possibly  be  defeated 
by  the  nnitrd  effnrts  nf  tho;ie  wlin  really  desire  to 


tion3  of  the  slave-power  as  long  nnd  ns  carefully  ij  perpetuate  the  form  of  n  free  government;  but, 
as  1  have;  when  they  sliall  have  made  themse'ves  '\  when  I  Inok  nt  the  quiet  apathy  <  ''  the  North 
ns  familiar  with  its  influences,  it  designs,  anj  the  ]|  .ipnn  the  admission  of  the  foreign  si,. ve  State  of 
agencies  used  to  effect  its  ulterior  object.'.,  they  i  Texas,  by  which  our  rigl.ls  and  nar  influence 
will  change  their  views.  I  may  be  wholly  wrong  i  were  torn  from  us,  I  can  eiiterlain  but  little  hope, 
in  my  opinions.     God  grnnt  tlint  lime  may  show  \]  The  slave  power  has  thus  far  fniind  memis  to  ac- 


my  errnr.     But  I  should  fill  to  express  the  solemn 
convictions  of  my  heart  if  I  were  not  to  say,  in  the 
most  emphatic  terms,  that  the  rights  nnd  the  inter- 
ests of  the  free  Slates  have  been  sacrificed  past 
all  hope,  so  long  ns  they  remain  subject  to  that 
influence  which   has  ever  |)roven  so  fatal  to  our 
interests.     The  .slave  Stales  now  hivve  the  power; 
they  will  retain   it,     That  power  lias  ever  been 
inexorable  on  the  subject  of  northern   rights;  it  I 
will   remain  so.     Humbling  as  the  acknowledg-  \ 
ment   may   be,   yel,   sir,   it   is  a  solemn    truth,  i 
that  to-dny  we  nre  liternlly  the  "  hewers  of  wood  ! 
and  the  drawers  of  water"  to  the  slave-holding 
South. 

I  will  now  turn  my  attention  more  directly  to 
the  bill  before  us. 

In  calling  upon  the  people  to  contribute  a  por- 
tion nf  their  substance  to  carry  on  this  war,  it  is 
proper  that  they  should  undersinnd  its  nbjccis  nnd 
designs.     We  hear  tliis  demand  cnming  up  (o  us 
through  the  public  press  from  every  part  of  the 
nation.     Tlie  ]H-iiple  desire  to  understand  the  ben- 
efits wliic.h  they  are  to  derive  from  the  expendituie 
,  of  this  immense  nnioiint  r  "trensure.     AVhnt  good 
■  is  to  come  of  it.'    In  what  manner  is  the  happiness 
of  this  nation  or  of  Mexico  to  be  increased??    Our 
[  army  is  to  be  enlnrged  by  the  nppointment  of  some  , 
four  or  five  majnr  generals,  nnd  tnwnrds  a  score  of  i 
brigadier  generals,  and  an  indefinite  number  of  staff  j 
officers,  and  some  thirty  or  fitly  thniisnnd  rank  nnd  , 
file.     They  nre  si.iit  tn  Mexico,  not  to  defend  our 
own  territnry,  nor  to  cnnqiier  that  part  of  Mexico  I 
which  lies  east  nf  the  Rio  Grande.     Gener.al  Tny-  ; 
lor,  with  only  three  thousund   troops,  had  driven  j 
I  the  miserable  apnlmy  fnr  an  army  there  marshnllrd  ! 
I  under  the  Mexicnii  flag  beyond  the   Rin  Grande  I 
!  l)efnre  we  pn.ssed  the  law  fnr  raising  any  aildilional  ! 
troops.     He  soon  nfler  crossed  that  stream  with  i 
h!.^  forces,  and  tonk  possessinn  of  Malnnioros  and  I 
other  Mexican  towns,  and  is  now  extending  his 
j  conquest  far  Into  Mexico  by  direction  of  the  Presi- 
j  dent.     Still  the  questinn   recurs.  What  benefit  are 
the  people  of  Ihe  nation  to  derire  from  this  ennqiiefl? 
What  are  tlie  nbjccts  and  designs  nf  this  wnr.'  Sir, 
;  I  was  greatly  reiniced  the  other  day  on  reading  the 
i  report  of  the  proceedings  in  the  other  end  of  the 
Capitol,  to  find  that  a  distinguished  .'^enatnr  had, 
in  a  very  emphatic  manner,  demanded  "  IVhat  letre 
Ihe  olijeiis  of  Ibis  icnr?"     In   my  snul  I  regretted 
that  this  questinn  had  not  been  nsked  befnre  war 
wns  declared.     In  this  Hall  we  did  not  enjny 'he 
poor  privilege  nf  asking  the  question;  we  were 
literally  gagged  into  the  measure.     On  the  day  fol- 
lowing the  pnssngc  of  the  bill,  I  availed  myself  of 
an  01  _  "Munity  to  declare  the  objects  of  the  war,  so 


,  mplish  nil  its  end.s;  nnd  I  cnn  scnrcely  hope  thnt, 
with  nil  the  pnwer  of  the  Government  in  its  hands, 
It  will  be  less  successful  in  future.  I  know  that 
the  srurces  of  )iower  in  the  North  i  re  great,  and 
if  properly  eiiltivaled  and  directed,  might  over- 
come all  the  dilHcuUies  which  tann,  submission  to 
the  slave  power  has  brouL'lit  upon  it.  But  nt  the 
moment  when  our  rapidly  increaini  population  is 
flowing  into  Oregon  nnil  Cnlifo.'iln--whcn  free 
Slates  are  g.owing  up  in  the  former,  anil  the  l.-.tter 
gives  promise  of  preparation  for  annexation,  as  a 
I  ounterpart  to  Texas— this  vast  southern  country 
is  grasped  by  this  ruling  power,  for  the  purpose  of 
perpetuating  our  subservien.'y. 

It  is  expected  that  Ihe  Mexican  people  will 're- 
cede befiire  the  progress  nf  ou'-  slave-holding  pop- 
ulation, so  that  slave  Slates  nii.v  be  lln-med  as  fust 
ns  may  be  necessary  to  relnin  nolitlcnl  power  In 
the  Smith;  for,  in  the  ndmissioi  of  Texiis  ws  es- 
tablished the  principle  that  pnpulilion  is  to  be  dis- 
regarded in  ndmitting  fnreign  slnv  Stntes. 

Thismagnificentscbeme  of  exleiding  the  slave- 
holding  power  will  doubtless  .succ-ed.  In  part  at 
I  least,  if  not  fully;  and  the  free  St  ites,  although 
S  possessing  vastly  greater  pnpulatini, ,  will  be  held 
1  ill  a  miserable  minority  in  the  Sennte      Our  politi- 
cal pnwer  will  be  lost  'fnrever;  and  tl  e  free  Nnrth 
will  become  the  mere  stakes  for  whii  h  Southern 
gamblers  will  play  their  political  game. 

Here,  sir,  n  n'lost  important  quesilm  is  pro- 
pounded to  northern  members:  "  What  are  our 
constituents— -what  are  the  free  States,  to  gam  bv 
the  si.ite  of  things  In  which  I  have  jn."t  alluded  >  ' 
We  are  called  on  to  vole  the  money  of  our  people 
to  cnniiniio  this  policy  of  conquest,  rnpine,  and 
blood.shed,  which  is  to  subvert  their  rights  iiiid 
their  interests,  disgrace  our-nation,  and  subject 
millions  of  our  race  tn  degradation  and  slavery. 
Yet,  sir,  it  is  merely  carryii.g  nut  the  designs  nf 
annexing  Texas.  The  object  nf  that  act  wns  the 
same  ns  that  nf  our  present  war.  Territorial  ag- 
grandizement was  the  toy  held  up  fnr  the  Nnrth  to 
play  with,  while  the  slave  power  was  (hstening  its 
coifs  nrmmd  us  bv  extending  and  perpetuating  the 
slaveholding  interest.  Indeed,  such  was  the  avowed 
object  of  tlin.se  who  conceived  nnd  urged  torward 
that  plan  so  ftital  to  the  union  of  these  States,  nnd 
to  the  honor  of  our  nation.  It  is  true  that  the  free 
Stntes  may  submit  tn  this  policy,  sn  obviously  de- 
structive to  the  liberties  of  their  people.  Thecom- 
!  mercial  interests  of  our  Atlantic  Stales  may  induce 
them  to  submit,  though  I  do  not  believe  it.  But, 
'  sir,  as  1  hi.ve  already  remarked,  this  prnnosition 
'  befnre  us  is  merely  the  carrying  out  of  the  priri- 
i  ciples  of  annexation.    The  present  state  of  our 


« 
828 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  14, 


29mi  Cono 1st  Sess. 


JVeatury  Notes — Mr.  Giddings. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


public  affaire  wa«  oflcn  foretold  in  discussing  the 
question  of  the  annexation  of  Texaa. 

That  eminent  statesman,  Henry  Clay,  foretold 
the  war  in  wliich  we  are  now  engotjed  with  perfect 
aco-jracy.  He  said,  in  his  Ilalcigh  letter,  that 
'•  anntxalitn  and  tear  wUkMtxito  are  identical." 
He  further  described  the  etfect,  in  the  manner 
proposed,  u  fatal  to  the  Jnion.  A  discinguished 
Senator  in  ^e  other  end  of  the  Capitol  [Mr.  Bbn- 
ton]  was  so  deeply  convinced  of  that  result,  that 
he  declared  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  to  have 
been  the  object  of  attempUMK  to  annex  that  part 
of  Mexico  v/hich  lies  east  and  north  of  th«  Rio 
Grande,  and  between  that  river  and  Texas  proper. 

In  March,  A.  D.  1843,  an  address  to  the  jxiople 
of  the  free  States,  in  regard  to  the  annexation  of 
Texas,  was  published  throughout  the  northern 
portion  of  the  Union.  It  was  signed  by  twenty 
members  of  this  body,  one  of  whom  hud  been 
President  of  tlie  United  Slates,  and  four  others 
have  since  been  elected  Governors  of  their  respect- 
ive Slates,  They  belonged  to  Maine,  MaBsiiclm- 
setls,  Connecticut,  New  York,  Ohio,  and  Michi- 
gan. Speaking  of  the  prospect  of  annexing  Texas, 
they  say: 

"  We  hold  that  there  is  not  only  no  political  nicrwity  for 
it,  no  ndviintagi't*  to  be  derived  from  it,  but  ttinl  Uht*'  ii*  no 
constiiutinniU  i>oHor  drlcpiicd  tii  miy  diparnmnl  of  the 
nntional  Government  to  nuthori»o  it.  Tlint  no  nn  of  Con- 
gn.'s-i  or  treuly  Ibrniinexatioiirnn  ilntmsi;  tliel('n.-t  otiligntifin 
upon  Uic  Mvcral  Suaea  of  this  Union  to  submit  ti>Hu<'li  nn 
unwnrrantalili?  art.  or  to  rect'ivc  into  llitir  family  nnd  frater- 
nitv  such  mislii'soUeh  and  illegilinmtc  iirogtmy.  We  hcsi- 
lale  not  to  say,  that  anneiation,  flteclcd  by  any  ait  or  pro- 
ceeding of  ilie  Fedi-rnI  Governmint,  or  any  of  iu  d«porl- 
nients,  will  be  iduntifii'd  wiUi  disjolulion.  We  not  only 
assert  that  the  people  of  thi;  IVt-r  StiyeH  ought  not  to  sMbiiiit 
to  it,  but  we  say  with  confideiice  Uipy  will  notsubnul  to  it." 

The  sijnera  of  that  address  regarded  the  annex- 
ation of  Texas  merely  as  the  commencement  of  a 
system  of  territorial  aggninilizemeiit  for  the  ex- 
tension of  slavery  which  was  designed  to  swallow 
up  and  subvert  the  entire  iniiuencc  of  the  fiee 
Suites.  The  same  idea  was  expressed  in  the  letter 
of  Mr.  Clay  to  which  1  have  alluded,  and  has  been 
often  repealed  on  this  floor.  The  fact  has  now 
become  evident.  The  period  is  near  when  the 
people  of  the  northern  Stales  will  be  compelled  to 
make  on  open,  undisguised  rcsislance  to  this  sys- 
tem of  national  robbery  and  extension  of  slavci;y, 
or  to  surrender  all  pictensions  to  equal  rigliU  with 
the  .slave  Slates.  There  can  be  no  eviujion  of  this 
alternative.     The  time  for  them  to  control  or  to 

f)revent  this  policy  has  now  gone  by  forever.  The 
Blest  period  at  which  the  repr'scntativea  of  the  free 
Stiitcs  pnsscssed  the  power  to  continue  this  Gov- 
ernment and  loiiinintrtiii  the  rights  of  the  northern 
Stiiles,  wos  the  lltli  of  May  lost.  When  we  weie 
then  colled  on  to  declare  war,  to  place  an  immense 
army  and  millions  of  money  at  the  control  of  the 
Executive,  we  miijht  have  refused  that  request, 
and  required  the  President  to  withdraw  the  army 
within  our  own  territory,  and  take  measures  to 
arrange  our  diHiculties  with  Mexico.  This,  how- 
ever, could  not  have  been  dune,  cxcejit  by  the 
unitetl  action  of  the  rc|iic»cntalives  of  tlie  free 
States;  but,  uiiforiunalely,  they  were  not  united. 
The  war  was  dceiured,  the  ormy  authorized,  and 
now,  sir,  as  un  humble  men.  jer,  with  no  other 
pretensions  than  an  honest  devotion  to  my  coun- 
try, I  sav  to  the  House,  that  the  time  for  reforni- 
iiig  this  trovernnient  has  gone  by  forever.  In  this 
1  miy  be  mistaken;  i  hope  that  my  opinion  may 
prove  erroneous.  But,  sir,  judging  from  i he  past 
history  of  the  world,  il  seems  impossible  to  misun- 
dersuind  the  eviiliiicits  before  us. 

The  power  to  continue  thi-  war  is  now  in  the 
liamls  of  the  Executive.  Indeed,  no  pcarc  can  be 
negotiated  except  by  his  direclions.  That  he  is 
ambitious — that  he  has  waged  this  wur  for  the 
purimse  of  conquest — there  is  no  doul'i.  That 
with  the  almost  unlimited  patronage  which  he  pos- 
ses-ses,  he  will  be  able  to  carry  out  In."  designs, 
there  is  also  no  donbi.  It  in  true  that  he  m«y  fail 
of  a  reelection — he  may  notoliuiin  all  t:.c  leintory 
intended — but  such  udJitions  will  be  nmdc  to  the 
slave  Swtes,  thai  the  political  influen.e  of  the  free 
States  will  hereafter  ■:':  scarcely  felt  m  the  national 
Government,  should  they  continue  ui  act  with  the 
southern  portion  of  the  Confederary. 

The  people  of  the  northern  Siau  s  will  therefore 
soon  l>c  driven  to  the  alternative  of  abjectly  sur- 
rendering up  their  political  right.s  and  their  primary 
intercstii  to  llie  control  uf  thui>a  who  wore  lately. 


and  who  now  are,  citizens  of  foreign  Governments, 
or  of  resuming  their  sovereignty  as  States.  I  well 
understand  the  attachment  which  we  have  all  felt, 
and  still  feel,  for  the  Union,  which  our  fathers  of 
the  Revolution  formed  by  the  adoption  of  the  Con- 
stitution of  1787.  No  man  venerates  it  more  than 
myself.  From  my  infancy  I  was  taught  to  revere 
it.  For  more  than  thirty  years  have  I  given  pub- 
lic evidence  of  may  atuichment  to  it.  My  struggles 
on  this  floor  to  maintain  it  have  been  witnessed'by 
many  now  present.  But  it  has  ceased  to  protect 
our  righia,  our  interests,  or  our  honor.  We  shall 
soon  be  compelled  to  choose  between  unequal  and 
dishonorable  association  with  new  slavcholding 
Slates,  whose  territory  was  unknown  to  the  fra- 
mers  of  the  Constitution,  and  whose  citizens  are 
now  foreigners,  and  an  open,  manly  maintenance 
of  our  rights  under  our  compact  of  1787.  ] 

In  thus  revising  to  associate  with  new  slave- 
holding  .-Jlates,  we  shall  violate  no  part  of  our  ! 
politic^d  compact.    On  this  point  I  am  sustained  i 
uy  II. I  ananimoii.')  vote  of  the  Legislature  of  our  I 
Slate,  including  both  political  parties.   As  early  as  ; 
1838,  they  adopted  solemn  resolutions,  declaring  i 
that  Congress  possessed   no  constitulioiiid  power  1 
to  annex  a   foreign   government  to   this  Union,  j 
Indeed,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connectict,  ', 
and  Vermont,  by  solemn  resolves  of  their  several  ] 
Legislatures,  have  declared  the  same  principles. 
With  the  voice  of  these  sovereign  States  to  sup- 
port the  position  which  I  have  laid  down,  it  is 
surely  unnecessary  1(1  cite  further  authorities.     If 
it  were,  I  would  refer  to  the  eminent  suitesmen  of  ■, 
both  political  parties,  to  the  press  of  both   pur- 1 
lies,  and  to  the  united  voice  of  the  whole  Whig  ' 
party,  so  often  and   so  constantly  expressed   to 
that  elTect.     I  might  refer  to  the  admission  of  the  ; 
want  of  constitutional   power  to  unite   the   two  i 
Governments,  made  on  tliis  floor  by  the  advocates 
of  annexation.     Bui,  sir,  these  are  not  necessary 
to  sustain  the  position.     The  Constitution  of  1787 
forbids  the  admission  of  any  member  on  this  tloor 
until  he  shiill  have  been  seven  years  n  citizen  of  i 
the  United  Stales.    Here  are  members  now  present 
who,  six  months  since,  were  citizens  of  a  foreign  i 
nation — sworn  to  support  a  foreign  Government,  i 
They  are  admitted  here  by  the  terms  of  annexa- 
tion, in  the  most  palpable  violation  of  our  consti-  j 
tutional    coni|>act    of   the   Union,      Nor.  does    it 
reqiiiie  the  learning  of  the  jurist,  or  the  study  of 
the  statesman,  lo  discover  that  this  change  of  the 
law-making  power  is  nn  overthrow  of  the  Consti- ! 
lulion  in  its  most  vital  part.     It  having  been  done 
without nuthoriiy,coi)Slitute3  it arfi'odidon.    What 
I  mean  by  revolution  is,  an  unaiUhorhed  chauf^e  of 
the  essential  elements  of  (lovertiitient — 'vhelher  such 
change  be  ell'ccted  by  violence  and  bloodshed,  or 
by  peaceful  meafsurns.     The  Revolution  in  Fiance 
consisted  in  the  change  of  Oovermnent  from  a 
monarchy  to  that  of  a  republic.     The  anarchy  ond 
bloodshed  with  which   it  was  attended   resulted 
from  ihc  change  of  Government,  or  from  the  efl'orls  I 
put  forth  to  elFect  that  change;  but  they  constituted 
no  inherent  part  of  the   rcvolulioii  itself.     Hud  | 
there  been  no  rcsislance,  no  blood.4hed;  hid  the 
change  been  quiet'y  sulimitled  to,  the  revulutio.i  ' 
would  have  been  the  same:  the  laonaichy  would 
have  been  overthrown,  and    the  republic  would  i 
have  been  established.     So  in  this  revolution.     If  i 
the  people  of  the  several  States  submit  quietly  to  i 
the   overthrow   of  the   old    Union   of  1787,   and  j 
silently  come  into  the  new  Union,  with  Texas  and  ; 
other  new  slave  Slates,  the  change  of  the  Constitu-  ! 
lion  and  of  the  Union  will  be  the  same  us  though  it  j 
were  attended  with  violence  and  bloodshed.     And 
such  change  of  the  Government,  and  of  the  parties  I 
to  our  Union,  will  be  us  really  a  revolulinn  us  it  j 
would  be   if  the  people  of  the  Slates  were  forced  I 
ii!to  il  by  the  murder  of  one  half  of  their  number. 
I  therefore  characlerize  this  change  of  Government 
aHarero/ution.     By  whatauthority  has  this  change 
been  eU'ectcd  .* 

The  great  and  leading  maxim  in  all  monarchies 
is,  that  the  monat'ck  is  lite  source  of  all  power.  The 
fundamental  maxim  in  our  Goveriinient  is,  that 

"  THE    PEOPLE    AHE  THE  SOURCE  AN1>  KODNTAI.V  OF 

ALL  poLnicAL  FOWEK."  Our  Stale  constitutions 
have  been  formed  by  the  people  of  the  several 
Slates.  They  have  either  adopted  their  .State  con- 
stitution by  their  own  direct  vote,  or  by  the  vote 
of  their  agents  appointed  for  that  express  purpose. 
In  most  of  llioso  constitutions  they  have  declared 


that  "  ALL  POWERS  NOT  DELEGATED  Br  lUCH  CON- 
BTITOTION    REMAIN    WITH    THE    PEApLL  "      In    the 

.amendmeniii  to  our  Federal  Constitiuion  it  is  de- 
clared, that  "  all  powers  not  thereby  delegated  are 
reserved  to  the  Slate«*reapectively,  or  to  the  peo- 
ple." The  adoption  of  our  Federal  compact  was 
the  act  of  the  people  of  the  several  States.  Framed 
by  a  convention  of  statesmen  and  patriots,  chosen 
for  that  purpose,  it  was  then  submitted  to  the 
people  of  the  several  States  for  their  approbation : 
they,  by  their  agents,  approved  and  adopted  it. 
Hence  the  emphatic   language  by  which  it  was 

Sroclaimed,  that  "we  the  people  of  the  United 
TATKS  DO  ORDAIN  AND  ESTABLISH  THIS  CONSTITU- 
TION," &c.  Now,  sir,  it  is  surely  unnecessary 
to  show  by  argument  that  the  Constitution,  thus 
adopted  by  the  people  of  the  several  States,  can- 
not be  changed  in  its  fundamental  principles  by  us, 
who  were  sent  hero  merely  to  legislate  under  its 
existing  provisions.  We  were  not  elected  for  that 
purpose;  no  powers  were  delegated  to  us  thus  to 
change  the  fundamental  law;  the  exercise  of  such 
powers  will  be  a  usurpation  of  authority  which  we 
never  possessed.  The  constables  or  sherifls  of  the 
several  Stales  possess  as  much  right  and  as  much 
constitutional  power  lo  meet  and  admit  foreign  na- 
tions to  our  Union,  as  we  do.  Their  nets  on  this 
subject  would  be  as  binding  upon  the  people  of  the 
several  .States  as  ours.  On  this  point  I  think  there 
is  a  very  general  coincidence  of  opinion — among 
Whigs,  at  least.  All,  or  nearly  all,  believe  that 
the  resolutions  annexing  Texas  imposed  no  obli- 
gations upon  the  people  of  any  Suite  to  unite  with 
her.  I  believe  the  sentiments  expressed  by  the 
members  of  Ihis  House,  in  the  address  to  which  I 
have  referred,  met  with  very  general  approbation 
among  both  political  parlies  at  the  North.  I  then 
regarded  ihu  views  expressed  in  it  os  correct,  anri 
I  still  think  so.  Those  gentlemen  looked  upon  the 
annexation  of  Texas  as  itself  n  dissolulion  of  the 
Union.  They  regarded  the  subjecting  the  people 
of  the  several  Suites  to  the  le:xialation  of  foreign- 
ers, a  total  change  or  overtlrow  of  one  of  the 
fundnmcnlnl  elements  of  the  Government.  It  is 
ti'ue  that  the  passing  of  iW.-.  resolutions  of  annexa- 
tion was  of  itiic'f  v.iid.  They  bad  no  legal  o- con- 
stitutional ell'ecl  whatever.  They  neither  rendered 
the  admission  of  the  Texan  Representatives  into 
this  body  legal  or  illegal,  con.stitutional  or  uncon- 
stitutional. Those  resolutions  might  have  re- 
mained upon  our  stalule  book  forever  inoperative, 
and  no  one  would  have  liad  just  cause  of  couqilaint. 
It  is  the  uniting  of,  at  least,  a  portion  of  the  Slates 
with  Texas  iu  tj,c  exercise  of  that  most  iniporlar.i 
act  of  sovereignty,  lei^isletiion,  and  other  govern- 
mental powers,  which  conslilutes  the  real  over- 
throw of  the  Constitution.  Sir,  if  Congress  could 
thus  place  a  portion  of  its  sovereign  power  in  the 
hands  of  Texans,  it  could  have  placed  the  whole 
legislation  of  the  nation  at  their  disposal.  It  is  a 
question  of  principle,  and  not  of  degree.  Indeed 
we  have  already  seen  that  the  voice  of  these  for- 
eigners has  decided  the  most  important  questions 
ever  passed  upon  by  this  body,  except  those  of 
war. 

Now,  sir,  I  repeat  that  argument  is  unnecessary 
to  convini'c  the  enlightened  citizens  of  the  North 
that  they  are  under  no  moral  or  political  obligation 
thus  to  surrender  up  their  liberties,  their  honor,  or 
their  interests.  .Sir,  such  on  argument  I  would  re- 
gard as  an  iinpulntion  upon  Ihcir  iiilelligence,  and 
an  insult  to  the  patriotism  of  the  North.  No,  sir, 
if  the  Slate  of  Ohio  goes  into  this  new  union  with 
Texas,  il  will  be  under  the  conviction  that  it  will 
be  the  best  course  which  we  can  pursue  under  the 
circumstances,  and  not  bccjiuse  the  acts  of  Con- 
gress have  inipo.sed  it  upon  us  as  a  duly.  Bui, 
sir,  this  subversion  of  the  Constiiuiion  I  regard  as 
a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  which  u  as  based  solely 
upon  it.  The  Union  could  not  continue,  as  I  think, 
after  the  Constiiuiion  was  overthrown.  Congress 
may  coniinue  to  sit  here,  and  ii>  pass  '*ws — the 
Slates,  and  the  people  of  all  the  Slates,  may  obey 
them — all  the  departincnis  uf  the  Govirnmenl  miiy 
continue  to  perform  their  funciion.-i  as  formerly; 
yet,  sir,  as  tliere  af.  new  parties  to  the  Union,  it 
appears  to  mo  quilc  plain  ihal  a  is  not  the  Union 
of  17H7.  As  forei;rnors  arc  tidinticd  lo  participate 
in'  the  ciiaclmenl  of  laws,  in  direct  contrail iction 
lo  the  Constitution  of  1787,  of  cmirse  it  cannot 
be  the  saiiii'.  It  is  for  lliene  reasons  that  I  have 
choruclcrizcd  the  unnuxutiun  of  Texas  us  a  -'  dis- 


^f"#^"(r' 


l[JuIy  14, 


■  UCH  CON- 

,  "  In  tha 
lion  it  is  de- 
Blegateil  are 
to  the  peo- 
>mpact  WRg 
Is.  Framed 
jots,  choOTii 
Uuid  to  tlio 
Jpprobation : 
ludnpted  it. 
%ich  it  was 
riiE  United 

CoNSTITn- 

Jinnecessnry 

luitinn,  tliiig 

ptutea,  cnii- 

iiplca  by  us, 

fe  under  its 

:tc(l  for  that 

lis  thus  lo 

liac  of  such 

ly  which  we 

luriflsof  the 

|nd  as  much 

foreign  iia- 

ncls  on  thia 

oople  of  the 

tliink  there 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


829 


'i9TH  CoNo Ibt  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Towns. 


HO.  or  Reps. 


dolution  of  the  Unit.-  of  178T."  Whether  this 
lan°^agc  be  appropriate,  \  leave  for  those  who 
hear  mo  to  determine,  i  will  not  contend  about 
terms. 

Now,  sir,  I  do  not  urge  thut  Ohio,  or  any  other 
Slate,  r'iii,'ild  refuse  to  enter  into  this  new  union 
with  Tcxni .  That  is  not  u  question  for  ine  to  de- 
ternine.  J.a  one  of  the  people  of  Oliio,  when  it 
sliall  bo  submitted  to  me  for  discuBsion,  I  will  freely 
express  my  sentiments  in  regard  to  it.  As  the 
adoption  cf  the  Cunstilution  and  forming  the  Union 
of  17^7  nas  the  act  of  the  people  of  the  several 
States,  so  tlie  change  of  that  Union  and  of  the 
Constitution  must  be  by  them.  As  already  re- 
marked, "  Ihiy  are  the  source  of  all  poicer." 

Wc  hiive  no  power  to  form  a  new  union  for  the 
several  Slates.    I'iicir  Legislatures  possess  no  such 
jiowcr.    Tliero  is,  therefore,  no  mode  by  which  { 
i'exas  can  be  cons:itutionally  and  legitimately  con-  J 
nectcd  with  our  Suites,  except  by  amending  the 
Constitution.     When  I^ouisiana  hud   been   pur- 
chased, Mr.  Jcll'crson  was  of  opinion  that  we  could  . 
not  constilutiouully  hold  it,  and  he  advised  that  the  1 
I'onstitution  be  so  luiiondcd  as  to  meet  the  case;  I 
"  for  (suid  he)  the  Constitution  has  made  no  pro-  I 
vision  for  our  holding  foreign  territory,  still  less  I 

F0«    INCOIlPORATlNa    FuaEIGN    NATIONS    INTO    UUR  '. 

Union."  Wliat  the  greiil  apostle  of  Democracy 
said  forty  years  ago  on  this  subject  is  true  at  this 
(Iny.  1  therefore  say,  let  the  question  of  amending 
the  Constitution,  so  as  to  embrace  Texas  and  oti.or 
foreign  States,  go  to  the  people  in  the  proper  man- 
ner. Let  the  quciition  be  decided  by  them.  It  is 
their  right  to  p-ss  upon  it.  He  who  would  force 
a  Suite  into  this  new  union  without  such  amend- 
ment, adopted  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the 
Suites,  mustdisregun'  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Jeflerson, 
and  treat  his  adviio  with  contempt.  1  say  with 
him,  "toe  haee  no  right  to  hold  foreign  territory,  still 
LESS  to  incorpurate  foreign  nations  into  our 
Union." 

Uut  it  is  said  that  by  continuing  to  elect  mem- 
bers of  Congress  to  serve  in  this  Hall  with  those 
from  Texas,  and  by  uniting  with  her  in  the  elec- 
tion of  Pivsidcnt,  the  several  Stales  will  give  their 
tacit  consent  to  llie  change  of  liie  Constitution,  and 
to  the  change  of  parlies  to  the  Union,  and  will  lose 
their  right  to  dissent,  I  believe  this  doctrine  to  be 
correct,  it  is  the  only  ground  oa  which  Louisiana 
can  now  claim  to  be  u  parly  t»  the  Union.  The 
Slates  unanimously  consented  to  admit  her  as  a 
Slate,  ofier,  however,  she  had  been  many  years  a 
territory,  bolhat  lior  members  here  had,  in  truth, 
been  more  than  seven  years  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  and  were,  ihcrol'ore,  coiistitutionally  eli[;i- 
ble  to  that  office. 

They  professed  to  admit  her  upon  the  terms  of 
the  then  existing  Consiituiion,  which  the  members 
from  each  Slate  were  sworn  to  support.  So,  sir, 
it  will  bo  with  Texas.  If  all  the  Suites  shall  con- 
tinue to  send  members  of  Congres.s  here,  to  sit  and 
act  with  those  of  Texas,  and  to  elect  FrcRidenls 
with  Ihcm,  they  will  in  time  become  parties  to  the 
new  confederation.  That  time  has  not  yet  arrived, 
however;  and  I  now  iis.scrt  the  principle,  with  the 
full  conviction  that  the  free  Swtes  must,  at  no  dis- 
tant day,  fall  back  upon  it  as  their  only  ki^iiimate 
escape  from  the  ruin  now  pending  over  them. 


THE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF    .'il.  G.  W.  TOWNS, 

OF  MiORGIA, 
N  THE  Hot'sF.  OF  Representatives, 
/u/!/;>7   1846. 
The  H'  ..-iO  '^eiiig  in  Coi.imittee  of  the  Whoie  on 
tlir      I'c  1  ■■  the  Union,  on  the  Bill  reducing  the 
duiv  on  Imports,  and  for  other  purposes — 
M. .  VlJWMS  addressed  the  committee  us  fol- 
lows: 

Mr.  CiiAminAN:  !  shall  give  myself  but  little 
concern  in  relatio.  to  any  difl'crcnce  in  principle 
that  exi.sts  between  the  Democrats  and  Whigs  of 
I'lnnsylvania  oi,  the  question  now  under  roiisid- 
eraliim.  I  feel  but  lilllc  iiiiliniition  to  lake  any 
pan  in  tlm  family  quarrel  l.tetwceri  llie  two  great 
pai-iicB  in  iliai  Suite,  niiil  will  leave  iliem  tii  scltle 
Ihe  measure  of  approiialion,  u hull,  according  to 
their  own   estimale,  they    may    iliiiik   jiroper   to 


award  t.o  the  most  meritorious,  for  the  untiring 
zeal  exhibited  here  and  elsewhere  in  behalf  of  the 
protective  system,  by  all  parties  of  that  State. 
The  new-born  interest  and  deep  concern  manifest- 
ed by  the  honorable  member  [Mr.  PollockI  who 
last  addressed  the  committee,  for  his  Democratic 
colleagues,  must  liave  occurred  to  every  gentleman 
as  somewhot  remarkable.  The  dilemma  to  which 
the  action  of  Congress  on  this  question  was  likely 
to'reduco  his  Democratic  colleagues,  had,  I  pre- 
sume, for  the  first  time,  engogedliis  serious  atten- 
tion; and  from  the  general  bearing  of  his  remarks, 
it  would  be  iliHicult  to  decide  whether  it  was  the 
probable  loss  of  the  protective  system,  or  the  over- 
throw of  the  Democratic  party  of  Pennsylvania, 
that  inflicted  the  deepest  pain.  I  trust,  however, 
i  the  gentleman  will  be  able  to  survive  cither  or  both 
of  these  calamities,  if  indeed  they  arc  so  consider- 
ed by  him;  and  that  his  constituents,  as  also  the 
constituents  of  his  colleagues,  whether  Whijj  or 
Democrat,  will  understand  that,  in  laying  a  duty 
to  raise  revenue  for  the  support  of  the  Govern- 
ment, the  standard  of  justice  is  too  high,  and  the 
spirit  of  liberty  too  deeply  planted,  for  one  portion 
of  the  people  of  ''lis  wide-spreaii  Union  to  be  op- 
pressecl  for  the  benefit  of  another;  that  the  lal3or 
and  pursuits  of  one  section  have  as  high  constitu- 
tional guaranties  as  that  of  another;  and  that  pa- 
triotism, as  well  as  an  abiding  sense  of  justice, 
requires  that  all  (inrtial  legislation  for  a  class  or 
classes,  should  bo  promptly,  fully,  and  forever 
abolished. 

Mr.  Chairman,  it  has  long  been  a  matucr  of  sur- 
prise not  less  than  mortification  to  the  Democratic 
party,  that  their  friends  of  Pennsylvania  should 
nave  so  widely  diflercd  with  them  upon  this  lead- 
ing and  absorbing  question.  How  is  it  to  be  ac- 
counted for.'  For  nearly  thirty  years,  the  princi- 
ples of  the  protective  policy  have  been  the  subject 
of  deep  reflection  throughout  the  Union.  Every 
order  of  intellect,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest, 
has  devoted  more  or  less  ottenlio.i  to  the  investi- 
gation of  the  principles  involved  in  the  bill  under 
consideration,  and  it  may  be  safely  assumed  if 
there  ever  was  a  riuestion  thoroughly  ai.d  deliber- 
ately investigated  by  the  great  body  of  the  people,  it 
is  the  one  under  consideration.  And,  sir,  the  re- 
sult of  this  patient  examination  by  all  classes, 
founded  not  upon  "abstractions  or  theory,"  as 
sometimes  alleged,  but  upon  act'ial  e.xpcrience,  has 
resulted  in  the  profound  conviction  of  a  large  ma- 
jority of  the  people,  as  1  believe,  and  certainly  of 
a  vast  majority  of  the  Democratic  party,  that  a 
tariff  for  protection  is  unjust  and  oppressive  to  the 
people,  as  well  as  a  fraud  upon  the  Constitution. 
This  system,  so  universally  condemned  by  the  dc- 
t  mocracy,  has,  however,  a  few  warm,  active,  and 
;  zealous  advocates  among  the  members  of  that  party 
i  in  certain  qaarleis.  Nor  is  it  to  be  disguised,  that 
j  wherever  the  democracy  are  found  on  the  side  of 
protection  advocating  its  doctrines,  we  nt  the  same 
time,  with  few  exceptions,  find  them  within  the 
peculiar  influence  of  lar^e  manufacturing  eslablish- 
mcnls.  So  far  as  I  know,  this  is  invarialily  true. 
And  another  fact,  of  equal  notoriety,  illustrative  of 
the  general  influence  of  this  system  upon  the  judg- 
ment of  its  beneficiaries,  is,  that  those  engaged  in 
the  mjmufacturc  of  protected  articles,  especially 
under  the  act  of  1842,  believe,  or  profcts  to  believe, 
i  that  the  great  mass  of  the  people  are  benefited,  in 
I  the  exact  proportion  that  tluir  labor  is  protected. 
The  standard  by  which  they  measure  the  advan- 
tages of  this  system  to  the  community  at  large,  is 
regulated  liy  the  benefit  ihey  derive;  because  their 
interest  is  prosperous  under  the  opeiation  of  the 
existing  tariff,  it  is  gravely  insisted  all  industrial 
:  pursuits  are  equally  so. 

t  I  cjinnot  but  regard  with  s<mic  degree  of  •us- 
picion  such  assurances  of  general  prosperitN  iVom 
I  that  quarter.  And  thouth  ihe  place  and  •■  .asion, 
!  even  if  I  had  the  disposition,  would  not  istify  an 
examination  into  the  motives  of  any  iiie,  1  may 
insi.st,  without  just  cause  of  oH'cnce  to  any,  that 
the  position  of  gentlemen  having  h  ilircct  personal 
interest  in  this  iiuestion,  depiivi  s  their  opinions  of 
the  weight  to  whioli  they  would  otherwise  be  en- 
titled. Man,  sir,  has  reached  a  degree  of  perfec- 
tion of  which  we  have  but  few  examples,  if  he 
should  reason  himself  into  the  conviction  that  theic 
is  any  obligation  paianiouiit  to  self-inicresi.  And 
while  our  friends  from  Pennsylvania  enjoy  the 
comfortable  protection  of  100  per  cent,  or  more  on 


the  article  of  iron,  o  extensively  manufactured  bjr 
them,  are  we  to  e.  pect  they  are  to  discover  that 
this  system,  which  enriches  them,  is  oppressive  to 
any  other  portion  of  the  Union?  Do  you  believe, 
sir,  that  any  portion  of  tlie  people  of  this  country, 
with  such  protection  by  Government  as  is  afforded 
by  the  act  of  1843  to  the  manufacturers,  can  ever 
be  induced  to  admit  that  it  is  not  for  the  interest  of 
the  whole  people  that  such  a  system  should  be- 
come the  fixed  policy  of  the  country?  No,  sir. 
In  vain  may  you  reason,  in  vain  may  you  expos- 
tulate, with  the  manufacturer  thus  protected. 
Your  entreaties,  your  arguments,  and  your  remon- 
strances would  be  labor  thrown  jway.  You  may 
apeak  of  youv  depression;  you  may,  as  a  farmer, 
tell  them  that  the  fields  have  produced  as  abundant 
as  they  ever  did;  that  the  seasons  have  been  pro- 
pitiaus;  that  you  have  escaped  every  disaster  so 
common  to  agricultural  products;  but  yet  you  are 
still  poor,  that,  with  a  rigid  economy  and  increased 
industry,  the  proceeds  of  your  farm  have  dimin- 
ished more  than  half.  All  this  you  may  tell  the 
protectionists,  and  demand  of  them  to  explain  why 
It  is  that  they  are  prosperous;  that  ihcir  capital, 
invested  in  manulnctures  protected  by  Govern- 
ment, yields  a  large  profit;  while  your  capital,  in- 
vested in  agriculture  and  unprotected  by  Govern- 
ment, yields  but  comparatively  small  profit.  And 
the  answer  you  will  receive  is,  that  protection  to 
manufactures,  so  far  from  being  injurious  to  agri- 
culture, is  actually  beneficial;  that  it  gives  you  n 
home  market  that  you  would  not  otherwise  have, 
and  furnishes  tiie  planter  with  cheaper  and  better 
articles,  necessary  for  hia  comfort,  at  reduced 
[irie.es.  This  answer  adds  insult  to  injury;  and 
for  one,  sir,  I  despair  of  ever  seeing  correct  views 
enterUiined  by  the  manufacturing  class,  so  long  as 
Government,  by  legislation,  discnmiiiates  in  favor 
of  their  labor  and  their  capital,  against  the  labor 
and  capital  employed  in  agriculture.  .Such  is  the 
strange  influence  of  thi8delu.sive  system  of  prolec 
tion  upon  human  action,  that  one  of  its  important- 
oflices  seems  to  be  directed  to  the  preparation  of 
the  conscience  to  demand,  as  a  right  now,  what  at 
first  was  asked  us  a  favor.  A  short  experience  in 
the  business  of  manufacturing  rarely  lulls  to  en- 
lighten the  judgment,  qualify  the  heart,  and  nerve 
the  arm  for  the  imposition  by  Government  of  the 
highest  rates  of  duty;  and  therefore  we  rarely  see 
or  hear  of  an  instance  of  an  individual  engaged  in 
the  manufacture  of  protected  articles,  that  does  not 
become  stronger  in  his  convictions  of  the  vast 
utility  of  protection,  just  as  the  rate  of  duties  is 
iiii'icased.  To  levy  contribution  of  the  traveller 
on  the  wayside  for  any  purpose,  whether  wicked 
j  or  charitable,  would  not  be  tolerated  by  any;  but 
for  the  various  manufacturing  interests  of  this 
j  country  to  associate  together, for  the  purpose  of 
I  passing  a  law  through  Congress  under  the  pre- 
tence of  raising  revenue,  whereby,  1  contend,  the 
'  profit  of  one  man's  labor,  against  his  consent,  is 
j  transferred  to  another,  is  the  perfection  of  ihe  pro 
!  tective  system.  What  would  be  a  crime  in  the 
one  case,  universally  denounced,  would  be,  in  the 
other,  the  proteetion  of  "  American  labor  against 
foreign  pauper  labor. " 

But,  sir,  these  things  are  said  more  in  sorrow 
than  in  anger.  I  believe  the  whole  sy.stcm  wrong; 
its  tendency  demoralizing;  and,  if  persisted  in  as 
the  settled  policy  of  the  Government,  must  end  in 
its  entire  cli:i>igc,as  well  as  the  ruin  of  the  people. 
;  With  such  fflarful  forebodinL,s,  I  feel  it  a  duty  1 
j  owe  the  constituency  I  nune  immediately  repre- 
sent, IO  expose,  as  far  as  t  am  able,  the  fallacies 
upon  which  this  wh,>!e  system  rests,  believing,  by 
thus  discharging  ^. '■,,vt  I  consider  a  duty,  that  I 
shall  not  misr<f  sent  their  ■  linions,  and  sin- 
cerely hoping,  ,11  the  same  tiim. .  l'  do  injustice  to 
no  interest. 

Mr.  Chairm.in,  if  I  were  to  lake  conn^  I  from 
the  admonitions  of  my  own  feeling.s,  I  certainly 
could  lutt  have  been  induced  to  trespass  upon  iW,- 
lime  of  the  committee;  but  I  iVii  that  it  is  diiv  \i 
those  1  represent,  as  well  as  myself,  that  niv  views 
on  this  subject  should  be  distinctly  avowed.  The 
lime  was,  in  Georgia,  when  her  people  were  uni- 
ted in  opposition  to  a  protective  tariff,  whcihci  the 
i-ne  or  the  oilier  of  the  local  parties  of  that  State 
were  m  pov.er.  At  home  or  in  tt•l^■«  Hall,  but  one 
voice,  but  ine  feeling,  but  one  «\>>ilimviil,  was  ex- 
pressed upon  this  question  .\nd,  sir,  the  Repre- 
i  sentalives  of  Georgia,  commencing  with  the  tariff 


II 


•  I 


830 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  27, 


29th  Con*...  1st  Sess. 


jHie  Tariff— Mr.  Tovmt. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


of  1816,  and  embracing  the  tariff  of  1842,  have  uni- 
formly opposed  any  act  that  ha*  been  posNed  by 
Conu;resa,  the  object  of  which  was  the  protection 
of  wTiatia  called  "home  industry."  On  the  pas- 
sago  of  the  act  of  1843,  and  which  is  now  sought 
to  be  repealed,  every  member  in  this  House  from 
my  Stale,  present  on  that  occasion,  recorded  their 
votes  against  the  bill.  Sir,  it  hits  been  the  pride 
of  Georgia  to  feci  and  to  know,  itp  to  a  very  lute 
period,  uiut  however  widely  her  people  might  be 
sepn'-ated  upon  other  great  questions,  upon  tlie 
tariff  gre<\t  unanimity  prcviiileu.  I  hope  that  time 
is  fa»;  coming,  if  not  at  iiund,  when  her  llcpre- 
senUitives  on  this  floor  may  again  stand  side  by 
side  in  opposition  to  the  principle  of  protection. 
Be  that,  however,  as  it  may,  I  have  no  niouve  for 
concealment;  it  would  be  inexcusable  in  me,  rep- 
resenting, 08  1  do,  a  district  clainu  u  by  some  to 
differ  with  me  politically 

Mr.  Chairman,  it  was  contended  by  the  gcnllc- 
man  from  Vermont,  [Mr.  Collameb,]  in  his  re- 
marks to  the  committee,  on  the  first  of  the  week, 
lliut  the  great  nteasure  under  consideration  should 
111'  prcaiaiied  lo  the  House  and  the  nation  as  a  dis- 
tinct pro|)Osilion,  intended  as  the  iiernmnent  peace 
policy  of  the  country.  In  this  one  senlimcnt  1 
agree  with  the  gentleman.  In  what  I  may  say,  I 
propose  to  speak  lo  the  iiucstion,  as  one  ailapleil  lo 
a.  slate  of  pcoce,  having  no  necesiinry  connexion 
with  the  war  in  which  wo  are  now  engaged.  I 
believe  with  thai  gcnilemau,  that  in  presenlnig  this 
measure  ofrefoim  lo  the  |)eoplc,  the  relations  now 
existing  between  this  Government  and  Me.xico 
should  not  be  taken  inlo  consideration;  but  if  the 
treasury  should  require  an  extraordinary  supply, 
growing  out  of  the  stale  of  \W>r,  such  measures 
should  be  adopted  as  would  meet  such  denmnds, 
to  end  with  the  restoration  of  peace.  1  am  satis- 
fied that  stability  in  the  policy  of  the  Govtriiiuent 
is  itself  an  clement  of  prosperity,  not  to  be  disre- 
garded for  slight  and  trivial  causes.  Hut  while  I 
liold  this  lo  be  true,  1  also  hold  that  gross  abuse 
of  power  is  not  lo  be  endured  bicause  Unig  indulged 
in.  There  is  nothing  in  the  tyranny  of  Goxern- 
menl,  or  in  the  opjuession  of  unequal  legislation, 
that  mitigates  the  sling  of  iiijusiice  by  years  of  pa- 
t'cnt  sullering.  As  long  as  the  spirit  of  liberiy 
burns  in  the  American  bosom,  resislance,  in  all 
conslilulionul  and  piojier  forms,  will,  and  of  right 
oughl  to  be,  made  to  that  policy  of  Goycrnnieut 
by  which  one  porilon  of  ihe  people  arc  inipover- 
islicd  lo  enrich  another.  1  am,  ihereforc,  lor  scl- 
tling,  now  and  foievcr,  the  policy  of  the  Govcrn- 
nieiu  on  ihis  snijuci.  I  tia«  'URSlion  be  fairly 
prescnltd  lo  the  people,  .mi  '',«  friends  of  this 
measure  have  noihing  lo  I'car. 

A  genllcnian  frcii  Massadinsiiis  [Mr.  WiN- 
TlIROi'J  argued  lliat  ihcre  was  a  mineral  Utlusioii 
existing  here  and  eJKrivl.crc  as  regarded  ihc  jirciliis 
of  capital  inveslcd  in  iii;aiuracluics;  that  in  his  own 
Stale,  stocks  of  nianulUcuuiiig  coinpunies  were  to 
be  found  in  ihc  markci  behiw  par;  and  from  this 
fact  it  was  iiisisltd  lliut,  willi  the  piisent  jirolec- 
tion,  in  son  ■:  ilisir  i-es  ul  least,  capUai  invi.slod 
in  nianufaciurcs  was  niiproduclivc.  Thai  here  and 
there  you  may  find  an  cslablishmenl  thai  pays  no 
dividend  upon  ils  capiuil  I  ihiiik  vi'ty  probable, 
and  that  such  inii;ht  be  the  result  in  some  nislanccs, 
however  high  the  rate  of  duty,  none  will  deny. 
TheGoveninienlcan  only  give  ihe  monopoly  of  Ihe 
home  market  to  our  own  home  nianulucluris,  and 
thereliy  enable  them  lo  sell  al  such  prices  as  they 
can  obtain,  excluding  all  foreign  conipetilion;  and 
blill  with  this  advaniuge,  there  nmy  somciiiacs  be 
found  an  eslablisliineiit  m>  badly  niuiKigud  as  lo 
ma'.c  noihing  fo-  ihe  siockholdi  i>.  IJui  these  ii.- 
sluiiies  prove  nothing;  they  do  not  show  thai 
maiiuracturiijg,  as  a  separnle  and  disunct  interest 
from  ih*  other  gr'  tu  inuresls  of  llie  counlry ,  is  nut 
more  prosperous,  or  doi  s  not  riieiv  r  u  much  lari!er 
profit  upon  (lie  (:a|)iiul  iinployid,  than  the  same 
iunount invtuU^l  in  ugriculiure  or  commene.  Voii 
may  lake,  as  <  verybody  knowi,  examples  ii'/i  'jiily 
in  nianufaciurcs,  but  agririillurc  and  cuHiidircc, 
where  the  business  is  conliiiuid  under  bad  man- 
agcinenl.  Until  every  cint  of  llii-  <a(riiul  employed 
is  exhausted;  and  ycl,  if  such  examples  were  re- 
lied upini  as  indie.iiiiig  the  true  state  of  either  or 
all  of  these  pursuits,  it  would  pmvf  that,  sooner  m 
later,  all  cepilul  thus  employed  would  be  lost  to  lis 
owners.  But  the  honuialile  gentleioan  was  not 
satisfied  by  showing  in  this  manner  llial  the  manu- 


facturing interest  was  at  a  low  ebb,  but  politely 
iffered  to  his  southern  friends,  if  they  should  still 
think  tliAt  Ihe  manufactures  of  the  eastern  States 
were  profitable,  to  come  forward  and  make  invesl- 
inenls  in  their  stocks.  The  gentleman  could  well 
afford  to  make  this  offer,  as  he  must  have  known 
it  was  not  possible  for  ijouthcrn  agriculturists  to 
accept. 

Without  charging  him  with  the  intention  of  offer- 
ing only  his  unproductive  stocks,  which  would 
detract  somewhat  from  the  liberality  of  the  offer, 
he  must  have  known  that  we  of  the  South,  and 
especially  those  engaged  in  growing  cotton,  had 
nothing  to  give  in  exchange  for  ihe  manufacturing 
storks  of  his  Slate  except  our  lands  and  negroes; 
and  wo  would  not  insult  the  judgment  or  tempt  the 
humanity  of  the  gentleman's  con.stitiients,  by  an 
offer  lo  them  of  this  species  of  property.  Sir,  that 
gentleman  understanus  the  operation  of  the  act  of 
1842  on  the  interest  of  the  cotton  growers  too  well 
to  believe  there  was  any  cash  capital  in  all  tiiat  re- 
gion to  invest  in  slocks,  whether  productive  or  not; 
but  if  in  tills  I  am  misuikcn,  and  the  gentleman  is 
serious  in  his  offer  to  southern  planters,  let  me 
assure  him  that  there  are  but  few  who  would  not 
gladly  exchange  their  capital  for  the  stocks  alluded 
10,  so  far  as  the  mere  profit  is  concerned.  I  con- 
fess I  felt  as  if  the  genlieman,  in  ihe  olfer  he  made, 
j  was  trifling  wiih  our  situation;  he  must  have  known 
\  that  Ihe  capiUil  of  the  Siuilh  yields  but  liule  or  no 
i  profit,  and  can  never  recover  from  ils  depression 
I  while  the  policy  of  the  Government  is  directed 
'  against  its  pro.sjierity.  But,  sir,  gentlemen  have 
'.  asked  for  the  evidence  of  the  want  of  prosperity  in 
!  the  South.  They  demand  of  us  lo  show,  by  some 
1  visible,  tangible  proof,  that  our  labor  is  not  us  well 
I  or  belter  rewarded  now  llnin  under  a  system  of  low 
j  dulies.  They  tell  us  that  the  people  make  no  com- 
plaint; no  peiilions  are  sent  up  from  them  asking  a 
redress  of  grievances;  and,  in  the  absence  of  such 
proof  from  the  people  themselves,  the  auilalion  of 
the  aubjccl,  they  are  pleased  lo  consider,  is  the  work 
of  politicians  for  political  effect,  and  neither  asked 
for  nor  desired  on  the  part  of  the  people.  It  is  true 
ilinl  few,  if  any,  peiilions  have  been  sent  here  ask- 
ing a  modificniion  of  the  tariff.  It  is  nol  the  mode 
by  which  the  great  agriculuiial  porlions  of  this 
counlry  have  made  their  wishes  known.  They 
have  too  long  looked  on  Ihe  facility  with  which 
petitions  have  been"  goiien  up,  for  the  worst  of 
purposes,  to  attach  any  iniporlance  to  ihis  mode  of 
concentrating  public  opinion.  They  have  fell  the 
force  of  this  scheme  as  one  of  ihc  means  resorted  to 
fur  fastening  upon  the  counlry  ihe  system  noiv 
crushing  them  to  the  earth,  and  which  they  seek  to 
remedy  in  the  spirit  of  manly  independence,  nol  by 
peiiiiniis,  but  by  sending'  here  faithf.il  represenla- 
tives  of  their  views  on  this  subject.  Let  not  gen- 
tliniiii  dci-i'ivt'  themselves  by  supposing  the  public 
mind  is  Iranipiil  under  the  existing  stale  of  tilings. 
No  delusion  van  be  greate-r.  No  mistake  acted 
upon  would  lead  lo  results  more  disastrous  lo  the 
permanent  peace  of  ihe  coiii.lry.  But  the  genlle- 
nuiu  fnnii  Tennessee,  [Mr  Kiving,]  wlioad(lies.sed 
ihe  coinmilice  this  morning,  was  not  prepared  lo 
believe  the  prosperity  of  iheagiicuUural  inierest  of 
ihe  Snulli  was  not  as  great  now  as  at  any  former 
period;  and  he,  loo,  required  stronger  proof  ihan 
any  he  had  heard,  before  he  could  give  full  failh  to 
the  oppressive  tendency  of  the  piesei;l  larilV  upon 
ihc  industrial  pursuits  of  that  quarter.  If  that  gc'ii- 
lleinan  liad  not  closed  his  eyes  to  the  passing  scenes 
around  his  own  residence,  he  would,!  think,  have 
had  evidence  sulHcienl  lo  have  .saiisfied  a  reasoii- 
abl('  man.  If  be  was  familiar  wilh  ihe  aiiiiiial  profits 
of  ihe  best  planters  in  his  own  district,  1  think  he 
mu^t  have  been  satiylied  that  few,  if  any,  ever 
reached  as  high  as  10  percent,  on  I'.ie  capUal  em- 
ployed, while  Ihe  larger  number  fall  far  below  thai 
per  cent.  Anil  h-l  ine  assure  the  gentleman  that  it 
IS  no  idle  story  told  lo  produce  ctfect  here  or  else- 
wllirUi  Hheii  I  assert,  as  the  result  of  my  own 
olisellHllons,  in  'lie  section  of  country  in  which  1 
reside,  ihal  11  is  sehhun,  if  i  vi  r  of  late,  our  best 
planu-rs  reach  as  high  as  10  per  i  eiit.  on  the  capi- 
lal  ifiyeiiied  ;  and  1  feel  no  besiialioii  in  saying 
that  the  greattr  number  fall  far  below  Ihis  iiieiaee 
rale  of  profit.  Conip.'ire,  then,  the  pmlils  of  the 
niosl  favored  rcgi(Ui  fur  planting,  w  Ith  what  we 
know  to  be  the  profits  received  in  many  of  the 
niunufacturing  cslablishiiK^nts;  and  will  not  ilii: 
candid  of  all  parlies  admit  the  balance  lo  be  hugely 


in  favor  of  the  protected  interest?  Upon  the  suli- 
jcct  of  profits,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  adopt- 
ed ample  means  of  ascertaining  firom  manufiictii- 
rcrs,  making  them  witnesses  in  their  own  case,  nil 
the  information  that  was  desired  to  enlighten  the 
public  on  this  subject;  but  his  report  shows  how 
obstinately,  in  most  instances,  this  information  was 
withheld  from  the  public.  Every  plan,  so  far  as  I 
know,  adopted  by  the  Administration  to  obtain  au- 
thentic information  on  this  point  of  controversy 
between  the  advocates  and  opponents  of  protection, 
has  been  defeated  by  the  manufacturers  themselves, 
by  withholding  information  which  was  alone  to  be 
ouiaincd  through  them.  And  yet  we  see  there  are 
some  ready  to  believe  their  profits  are  moderate, 
because  wc  have  no  means  of  ascertaining  what 
they  are,  unless  through  their  own  disclosures, 
which  they  have  mainly  refused  to  give. 

Having,  sir,  replied  to  some  of  the  arguments  of 
genllemeiij  I  now  come  to  consider  the  bill  pro- 
posed by  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  as  a 
question  of  finance.  In  taking  this  view  of  the 
subject,  I  shall  assume  that  such  amendments  will 
bo  made  to  the  bill  as  will  make  it  strictly  a  rev- 
enue measure,  intending  to  supply  the  Govern- 
ment wilh  an  amount  of  income  to  meet  all  de- 
mands upon  the  treasury  in  a  lime  of  peace,  and 
nothing  beyond  this. 

Mr.  Chairman,  all  will  admit  that  the  mode  pro- 
posed of  raising  revenue  by  dulies  upon  imports 
IS  the  most  congenial  to  the  feelings  and  habits  of 
the  people,  and  should  not  be  departed  from  unless 
upon  some  great  public  emergency.  If,  then, 
this  bill  will  raise  the  requisite  amount  of  revenue 
to  meet  the  probable  demands  upon  the  treasury, 
it  strikes  me  it  comes  recommended  lo  the  consid- 
erolion  of  Ihc  coniinitlce,  and  should  receive  the 
favorable  action  of  Congress.  I  propose,  then,  to 
consider  the  bill,  1st,  as  a  measure  of  revenue;  and, 
2d,  as  abrogating  the  principle  of  protection  of  the 
,  act  of  1842. 

I  I  shall  not  detain  the  con-.millee  by  referring  at 
'\  length  to  the  bill;  nor  shall  I  attempt  to  compare 
I  the  various  items  in  the  different  schedules,  one 
\  with  the  other.  The  provisions  of  the  bill  may 
be  slated,  first,  as  regulating  all  duties,  except 
upon  brandy,  .spirits,  and  cordials,  so  as  to  range 
i  between  40  per  cent.,  the  highest,  and  5  per  cent., 
I  ih'!  lowest;  second,  it  also  subslitutea  ad  valorem 
'  duties  in  tlie  place  of  specific  and  minimum  du- 
1  lies. 

I  In  the  consideration  of  this  subject  in  reference 
to  its  cfl'ect  on  the  finances  of  the  Government, 
candor  requires  us  lo  admit  that  there  is  no  data 
upon  which*  to  base  estimalea  that  can  be  relied  on 
with  alisolule  ce  ..linly.  An  approach  lo  the  prob- 
'  able  result  of  this  bill  is  the  utmost  that  can  be 
claimed  on  the  pari  of  its  friends,  or  demanded  by 
the  opposition.  If,  then,  the  friends  of  this  reform, 
in  the  rales  of  duly  imposed  upon  foreign  imports 
under  the  new  principle  adopted  by  the  bill  of 
looking  10  revenue  as  the  primary,  and  protec- 
tion as  the  incidental  object,  can  fairly  anticipate 
an  amount  of  revenue  equal  to  the  reasonable  de- 
mands upon  the  treasury,  it  is  all  that  con  bo  re- 
qiiired.  It  is  not  pretended,  so  far  as  I  understood 
tlie  arguments  of  ihe  opposition,  that  the  bill  is 
not  framed  wilh  the  exclusive  view  of  raising  rev- 
enue. I  have  heard  no  complaint  I'nun  any  quar- 
ter i  hat  the  bill  discrimiivilesfor  one  inierest  against 
another.  rUit  it  iscmiceded,  so  far  as  I  understand 
j  the  objections  of  ^eiitleinen,  thai  it  is  because  the 
bill,  in  laying  duties  for  revenue,  does  nol  clis- 
crlniinile  in  liivor  of  nianufactures,  that  opposition 
i.s  iiiade.  In  other  words,  the  bill  fairly  presenis 
ihc  great  principles  involved  between  the  advo- 
cates of  a  free  commercial  policy  and  the  advocates 
of  the  r(!striclive  systein.  Then,  sir,  will  the  bill, 
'  as  a  revenue  measure,  meet  the  demands  on  the 
treasury?  Assmning  the  ordinary  expenses  of 
governnient  in  future  not  to  exceed  the  iwetase 
expense  of  the  last  two  years,  or  such  modcrolo 
increase  as  may  become  necessary  from  the  in- 
crease of  popnialion,  I  shall  endeavor  to  show, 
unless  from  some  unforeseen  dislurbing  cause, 
llial  little  or  no  doubt  should  exist  as  to  ihe  pres- 
ent bill  r.iisiiig  an  adequate  income  for  Govern- 
.  ment. 

Il  will,  sir,  be  (oiiceiled  by  nie,  under  the  pro- 
posed reduction  of  dulies,  unless  there  should  bo 
nil  inciease  of  imporis,  lliat  Iheaninnnl  of  revenue 
l'  will  be  diminished;  lo  what  exiciil,  I  am  nol  pre- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


831 


29th  Cong Ist  Sgss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Towns. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


eiffii  imports 
r  the  Ijiil  of 


puree!  lo  snyj  nor  is  it  importnnl  to  the  preacnl  in- 
quiry to  know.     What  I  desire  to  ealublish  is,  ihnt 
tne  increase  nf  foreign  imports,  rs  a  cnnsequencii 
of  the  reduction  of  duties  to  some  extent,  is  itGso- 
lately  certain,  if  any  reliance  can  bo  placed  upon 
the  past  experience  of  our  own  Government.    To 
wliiit  amount  the  additional  increase  of  imports 
under  the  proposed  rates  of  duty  should  reach,  to 
fiirtiish  the  Uowrnment  with  the  adequate  amount  i 
of  revenue,  m*  be  estimated  ns  between  thirteen  ! 
and  fourteen  millions.     We  were  informed  the  | 
other  day  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  csti-  I 
mated  about  fourtwn  millions  of  additional  imports  , 
under  the  proposed   modifimlinn.     And   if  that 
amount  shouhl  be  required  in  order  to  briii';  up  the  ' 
amount  of  revenue  to  the  wants  nf  Government,  lei  '< 
us  examine  into  the  nri^umenis  upon  which  that  \ 
cx))Cctution  is  based ,  ant)  see  whether  they  are  well  j 
taken  or  not.     I  am  aware  that  it  is  contended,  ns 
we  reduce  duties,  so  you  will  diminish  imports,  and 
consequently  lessen  the  amount  nf  revenue  from 
imports.     The  opposite  of  this  doctrine  I  hold  to 
be  true.     By  the  amiunl  report  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  sent  to  us  early  in  the  session,  we 
find  that  the  aKij;regnte  amount  of  imports  for  the 
fiscal  years  endiiiK  1st  July,  1843, 1844,  and  184.'>, 
was  Ji,a90,442,;ii)H;  and  for  the  years  1840,  1841, 
and  1843,  #335,249,783.     But  as  nine  months  only 
of  the  year  1843  are  taken  into  that  estimate,  we 
will  add  one-fourth  of  the  imports  of  that  year, 
which  will  make  the  n2:s;ro^'ate  imports  of  the  three 
Inst  years  $306,030,847;  which,  taken  from  the 
three  years  precedinii;,  shows  that  the  dillcrence  in  i 
favor  of  the  Miree  years  of  low  duties  over  the  three  j 
years  of  high  duties,  umler  the  present  tariff,  was  ; 
jii!8,618,936.     Comparinj!;  the  two  periods  of  three  I 
years  of  high  duties,  with  the  three  years  of  low  i 
duties  preceding,  and  the  fact  is  established,  by  the  | 
official  returns  of  the  Treasury  Department,  that  ] 
the  average   annual   receipts  of  foreign   imports 
during  the  period  of  three  years  of  low  duties,  ex-  ' 
ceeded  the  average  annual  receipts  of  the  last  three  ] 
years  of  high  duties  by  #9,53(i,312.     Here,  then, 
IS  an  important  fact  occurring  in  our  own  day, 
and  within  the  recollection  of  all,  showing,  that  i 
under  a  period  nf  low  duties  imports  exceeded  by  ' 
§98,018,936  a  like  period  of  high  duties.     But,  sir,  i 
this  is  not  all.     Tlie  same  result  is  shown  liy  a  ; 
comparison  of  the  four  ycara  under  the  taiilT  of  ■ 
1838,  when  all  admit  the  duties  were  high,  with 
the  four  first  years  of  the  Compromise  net.    The   ' 
aggregate  amount  of  imports  from  1829  to  1839,  |i 
both  inclusive,  is  $349,589,8.37;  and  from  1833  to  i' 
laiO,  both    inclusive,  8574,515,420— making   the  i 
imports   of  the  In.ft  period  exceed   those  of  the  ! 
former  by  $Q94,925,.583,  or  an  annual  increa.se  of  1 
856,a31,.395  of  imports  under  the  Compromise  act,  j 
over  the  act  of  1828.     The  same  result,  showing 
an  incifuse  of  imports  under  low  duties  over  a  high  j 
rate  of  duty ,  is  further  established  by  a  comparison  | 
of  the  imports  of  the  first  three  years  of  the  Com-  I 
promise  act,  during  which  period  duties  were  high,  i 
with  the  years  1837,  1838,  and  1839,  when  duties  ! 
were  much  rcduceil.    The  diH'ercnce  in  the  amount  I 
of  imports  in  the  two  periods  above  selected,  is  up-  | 
wards  of  thirty  millions;  establishing,  as  far  as  our  ' 
own  experience  can  be  relied  upon,  that  we  may  j 
reasonably  anticipate,  under  the  proposed  modifi-  [ 
cation  of  the  tarlliof  1842,  an  increase  of  imports  ' 
quite  equal  lo  the  amount  cslimalcd  by  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  as  being  necessary  to  supply  i 
adequate  revenue  nt  the  rales  of  duty  proposed  by 
the  liill  under  consideration.     But,  sir,  we  are  not  ', 
lift  to  rely  alone  upon  our  own  experience.     Low  J 
duties  h;ive  had  the  elVuct  of  increasing  imports  j 
wherever  tried;  and  in  England  the  experiment  has  j 
been  ao  conclusive  that  it  has  ccn,sed  to  be  a  point  ^ 
of  controversy.     Having  established  this  position  i 
according  to  the  npprm'ed  mode  of  the  protection-  | 
ist,  by  "/«f/s,"  I  might  lioru  content  myself;  but  i 
I  urn  unwilling  to  leave  this  branch  of  the  subject  j 
without  adding  further  illustrations.  ; 

Our  opponents,  Mr.  Chairman,  ns  before  re-  | 
marked,  contend  that  a  reduction  of  the  tarilF,  us  , 
proposed  by  this  bill,  will  diminish   the  imports;  \ 
and  hence,  they  say,  it  will  jinive  an  inadc  quale  [ 
revenue  luca.sure.     I  hIuiII  now  proceed  to  ort'er 
some  adtlilinnal  reasons  that  iniluce  me  to  believe  j 
that  imports  will  gicaily  increase  from  the  passage  | 
of  the  bill  under  considirntion,  nnd  that  the  meas- 
ure may  be   relied   ii|ion  in  produce  un  adrquatc 
revenue.     I  lay  down  the  proposition  os  a  general 


principle,  that  increased  imports  depend  upon  the 
increased  ability  of  the  people  to  consume;  and 
that  consumption  is  limited  mainly  by  the  ability 
of  the  consumers  to  purchase.  In  illustration  of 
this  position,  I  insist,  in  the  first  place,  that  to  in- 
crease wealth,  you  must  enlarge  the  ability  of  the 
people  to  consume;  and  that  substantial  wealth 
consists  in  their  ability  to  purchase  such  commod- 
ities as  will  permnnently  ailminister  to  their  wants. 
And  Iience,the  legitimate  office  of  individual  -.vcalth 
is,  to  enlarge  the  circle  of  man's  comforts,  that  nn 
increased  amount,  and  a  greater  variety,  of  the 
products  of  others  may  be  appropriated  lo  the  grati- 
fication of  those  enlarged  powers  of  consumption. 
By  increasing  the  ability  to  consume,  I  do  not  mean 
that  a  largely  augmented  income  produces  a  cor- 
rrsponding  increase  in  the  capacity  of  individuals 
to  consume  more  in  their  eating  and  clothing.  It 
may  in  tliis  respect  add  but  little  to  the  consump- 
tion of  the  country,  nlthough  it  will  be  conceded 
that,  OS  the  receipts  of  individuals  are  increased, 
they  are  very  apt  to  add  to  the  coat  of  living,  by 
substituting  for  the  substantial  the  more  costly  ar- 
ticles. But  what  I  mean  to  a.ssert  is,  that  all  ex- 
perience shows  the  great  mass  of  mankind  can,  and 
always  do,  find,  in  proportion  as  their  income  in- 
creases, valuable  commodities  to  purchast — some- 
thing of  intrinsic  value,  that  will  contribute  to  their 
comfort  and  convenience,  and,  at  the  .same  time, 
add  to  the  wealth  of  the  individual  nnd  the  nation. 
He  thot  expends  a  portion  of  his  annual  income  in 
the  permanent  improvement  of  his  farm,  in  that 
way  becomes  a  consumer;  and  the  proper  limit  to 
this  outlay  is,  the  excess  that  may  be  on  hand  aOer 
supplying  other  and  more  pressing  demands. 
What  is  true  in  regard  to  the  farmer  is  equally  true 
of  every  other  occupation.  And  the  experience  of 
every  gentleman  here  would  attest  the  truth  of  the 
remark,  that  consumption  increases  almost  invari- 
.ably  in  the  ratio  of  our  income.  There  can  be  no  i 
difficulty  in  seeing  the  truth  of  this  po.sition,  if  we 
keep  constantly  in  view  the  distinction  between 
wise  and  judicious  investments  of  the  pri^cceds  of 
our  labor  in  objects  of  substantial  value,  and  such 
as  arc  consumed  in  supplying  our  daily  wants, 
and  which  perish  and  disappear  with  their  use,  as 
is  the  rase  with  all  we  eat,  wear,  and  drink.  While 
the  consumption  of  the  latter  class  of  articles  will, 
in  no  small  degree,  depend  upon  the  increase  of 
population,  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  of  i.ny  other 
limit  lo  the  consumption  of  much  the  larger  class 
of  valuable  commodities  but  the  ability  of  the 
people  to  purchase. 

This  brings  me,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  consider  the 
policy  that  will   most  advance  the  interest  of  the 
people  nnd  the  Government,  by  augmenting  the 
ability  of  the  people  for  consumption;  or,  in  (.llicr 
words,  what  Congress  should  do,  to  Increinc  the  i 
wealth  and  independence  of  both.     Two  scluiiies,  i 
as  distinct  in  principle  as  they  arc  antagonisticol  1 
in  object,  arc  proposed,  and  lufvocated  by  the  two 
great  parties  into  which  this  country  is  divided,  i 
The  policy  of  the  one  may  be  said  to  consist  in  ' 
not  interfering  with  the  industry  tuid  pursuits  ofi 
the  people;  to  leave  them  free  to  employ  labor  and  | 
capital  in  whatever  way  they  may  think  most  con- 
ducive to  their  interest;  in  not  discriminating  be- 
tween labor  and  capital  employed  in  dill'erent  pur- 
suits; and  that  the  fewer  the  restrainis  impo.sed 
upon   commerce,  the  be"tr  it  is  for  the  great  ma-  j 
jority  of  the  people.*    T      other  party  holds  that  \ 


*  Mr.  Miulisoii,  in  »  spcerli  d«.li\  nrert  in  Coniiro^s  in  1789, 
on  tlie  first  rcveinii-  liill,  says  ; 

"  I  lioK  iPdvc,  tin  rcfonMo  state  tlie  urnniuls  on  wliieli  niy 

opinion,  Willi  n'>i t  to  the'  iii.-itter  iimlcr  eonsideration,  is 

folliulcft,  imniely;  whether  our  (ire  ont  t^ystein  sliouhl  bu  a 
IPlnpor.iry  or  1  permanent  one  ?  In  tlie  firi.t  place.  I  oArn 
niyfelf  tlie  friend  to  a  very  Into  system  of  coiiinierce,  nnd 
hold  it  us  n  trnlh,  that  cominereial  shackles  are  cenerally 
iininst,  oppressive,  and  impolitic;  it  is  also  ii  iriilh,  that  if 
iiuhistryaiid  lalior  are  left  to  take  their  own  course,  Uiey 
will  irenerally  he  direeicil  to  those  ohjeets  which  are  most 
prodiielive,  nnd  Ihis  in  a  more  eertain  and  direet  manner 
Ih.in  the  wisdom  of  the  ii>o..t  enli(,'1itenf>d  lejiislation  eould 
point  out.  Nor  do  I  think  that  tlie  national  interest  is  more 
proneileil  hy  sneh  reslrtetions  than  the  iiitert^stof  initiviiln- 
:ils  WMiiUl  lie  promoted  hy  leuishtlive  interference  directinB 
the  parfi<  nhir  nppliealioii  of  iti*  industry.  For  example, 
tiieri-  woiilil  he  no  advaiitnire  in  saying  that  every  man 
should  be  olilia'  i'  'o  furnish  liiniself,  hy  hi,-  own  labor,  with 
tlln>c  neeominoilalioiis  whieli  /f/pend  upon  the  mechanic 
arts,  instead  of  einployiiiH  his  neiithliMr,  who  eniild  do  it  for 
him  on  heifer  terms.  '  It  would  be  of  no  ndvantaire  to  the 
slioemiik(  r  to  in:<ke  his  own  ehitliea.  lo  save  the  expense  of 
the  tailor's  bill,  nor  for  the  tailor  to  make  Ins  own  shots,  to 
Kitve  tlie  cipenBC  of  procurlni;  lliein  from  the  shoenmker. 


"  domestic  labor  should  be  protected;"  that  it  is 
the  duty  of  Congress,  in  laying  duties  on  importa 
for  the  purpose  of  raising  revenue,  lo  discriminate, 
not  for  revenue,  but  for  the  protection  of  our  own 
manufactures;  that  Ihis  object  can  be  accomplish- 
ed, as  they  contend,  rightfully,  by  imposing  tho 
duly  so  high  on  certain  articles,  the  growth  or 
production  nf  foreign  countries,  that  they  will  be, 
in  part  or  wholly,  excluded  from  our  market;  and 
that  tho  American  manufacturers,  or  growers,  en- 
gaged in  tho  production  of  like  articles  with  the 
foreign  thus  excluded,  will  be  enabled,  by  reason 
of  the  home  market  being  secured  to  lliem,to  sub- 
stitute their  own  for  the  products  of  foreigners,  at 
such  prices  as  they  may  think  proper. 

This,  sir,  is  a  substantial  slatement  of  the  grounds 
occupied  by  the  two  parties.  The  act  of  1842  was 
intended  by  its  friends  to  ofTord  adequate  protec- 
tion to  the  manufacturers;  and  the  bill  now  under 
consideration  is  designed  for  a  revenue  measure, 
leaving  capital  and  labor  engaged  in  manufactures 
upon  the  same  fooling  with  all  othei;  capital  and 
labor,  except  the  protection  that  is  incidental  to 
laying  duties  for  revenue.  But,  Mr.  Chairman,  to 
proceed:  Which  of  these  measures  will  prove  the 
best  for  revenue.'  Which  will  increase  most 
rapidly  the,  ability  nf  the  people  to  consume,  or 
which  is  best  calculated  to  increase  the  wealth  and 
independence  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people  I  In 
order  to  understand  the  productive  capacity  of  the 
people  of  this  country,  we  must  extend  our  inves- 
ligatiim  over  the  whole  Union.  We  should  know 
the  actual  condition  of  labor  and  capital  in  the  va- 
rious puisuits  in  which  it  is  employed,  together 
with  its  location,  as  the  cost  of  production  as  much 
depends  upon  local  advantages  as  upon  the  skilful 
application  of  labor  and  capital.  In  this  view  of 
the  diversified  industrial  pursuits  of  this  country, 
the  question  actually  presented  by  the  two  antago- 
nist systems  for  this  committee  to  decide  is,  wheth- 
er Congress,  or  the  great  body  of  the  people  judg- 
ing for  lliemselves,  .are  best  qualified  to  control  and 
direct  the  application  of  labor  and  capital.  I  think, 
sir,  theie  should  be  no  difficulty  in  arriving  at  a 
just  conclusion  on  this  point.  If  it  is  desired  that 
every  portion  of  the  Union  should  be  happy  and 
prosperous,  leave  the  people  free  to  select  for  them- 
selves whatever  pursuit  may  be  most  congenial  to 
their  habits  and  feelings.  Is  it  to  be  supposed  that 
Congress  can  devise  a  .systein  of  policy  that  will 
be  suited  to  the  people  in  their  individual  capaci- 
ties.' No,  sir,  tlie  thing  is  impossible;  and  every 
effort  to  control  and  direct  capita!  and  labor  by  tho 
operation  of  law,  is  a  flagrant  fraud  upon  the  rights 
of  the  people.  They  are  the  best  judges  of  their 
own  qualification  for  any  particular  branch  of  in- 
dustry. They  best  know  in  what  pursuit  their 
citpital  and  lalior  can  be  most  profitably  employed 
by  them;  nnd,  if  left  to  themselves,  would  rarely 
fail  in  a  wise  and  judicious  application  of  both. 
But  again:  will  it  not  be  conceded  that  the  profit 
of  labor  nnd  capital,  in  every  instance,  essentially 
depends  upon  the  qualification  of  the  intiividnal 
engaged  for  that  particular  pursuit?  This  is  illus- 
trated in  a  thousand  ways.  Two  men,  with  equal 
advantages  in  every  respect,  may  embark  in  the 
manufacture  of  the  same  article;  and,  while  one 
will  thrive,  the  other  will  grow  poor.  Change  the 
pursuit,  nnd  let  each  of  them  become  farmers,  for 
example,  with  equal  lulvantagcs,  and  the  capacity 
of  the  unsuccessful  maimfiiclurer  may  gi'catly  ex- 
ceed that  of  the  more  fortunate,  for  farming.  But 
this  is  not  all:  Providence  has  wisely  adapted  the 
soil  mid  climate  of  particular  sei-tioiis  to  the  growth 
of  particular  articles,  neecssary  to  the  wants  and 
comforts  of  man,  which  cannot  be  proilueed,  or,  if 
produced  .it  all,  it  is  nt  vastly  increased  expense  in 
other  sections.  And  this  is  particularly  true  of  our 
own  country.  Why,  then,  should  Congress  ever 
attempt  to  r'esnlate  capital  and  industry.'  In  what 
consists  tlu;  wisdom  and  justice  of  legislative  in- 
terference of  any  sort.'  If  man,  left  to  himself,  is 
unqualified  to  give  such  a  direction  to  his  own 

It  would  bu  beuer  poliey  lo  fUlTvr  each  of  tlicni  to  employ 
his  talenui  in  IiIb  own  wnv.  The  case  is  llii!  same  be- 
tween the  exercise  of  the  art.s  and  aBriculliire— between  the 
eily  and  Ibc  cnnntrv— ami  between  the  city  nnd  town  ;  each 
eapahleof  makinil  partieular  articles  in  nbiimlanoi!  to  supply 
theoltier.  Thus  all  are  beni'liled  hyexeluiniie;  and  the  less 
this  rxehnn!?e  is  erampeil  by  Oovernmenl,  tlie  ureater  are 
the  proiiortlona  of  lieiipfu  to  each.  'I'lie  same  nriimiriit  holds 
jood  between  nation  and  naUoil,  and  betwucii  parm  of  the 
ianic  nation." 


832 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GIX)BE. 


[July  97, 


3^H  CoNo IsT  Sess. 


'JTie  Tariff— Mr.  Towns. 


Ho.  OF  Rrpb. 


rnpital  and  labor  as  would  make  it  prnfltable,  would 
Oovernnnent  be  more  fortunate?  But  I  nin^  be 
told,  it  is  not  the  intention  of  the  advocates  of  pro- 
tection to  domestic  manufacturer  to  inlerf«re  in  any 
way  with  Inimr  nnd  capital  employed  in  agricul- 
ture and  other  branchea  of  industry ;  that  they  pur- 
pnxe  merely  to  build  up  manufarlurea,  without 
niterfcriii^  with  other  pursuits.  My  object  is  to 
show,  giving  them  credit  for  all  candor,  that  their 
system,  if  carried  out,  must  greatly  depreciate  the 
capital  and  lessen  the  profits  of  labor  employed  in 
every  other  pursuit. 

liut,  sir,  to  return  to  the  ar^ment,  that  the  great 
body  of  tlie  people,  in  their  individual  cnpucities, 
arc  better  quiilined  to  decide  llinn  the  Govcrnmer.t 
can  be  as  to  llicir  interest,  nnd  the  means  beat 
adapted  to  their  circumstances,  to  augment  their 
income.  I  may  be  permitted  tu  insist,  that  it  is 
oiie  of  the  consequences  of  the  freedom  of  action 
I  advocate,  that  you  encouriigo  the  growth  of  a 
manly  feeling  in  the  bosom  of  all)  you  place  each 
individual  in  the  situation  to  feel  and  believe  that 
he  is  of  some  value  to  liis  fellow-nmn  as  well  ns 
himself.  And  no  policy  can  or  evci  will  so  fully 
develop  the  capacity  of  man  for  great  achieve- 
ments as  that  which  inspires  him  with  the  senti- 
ment of  frcerlnm  in  all  llint  appertains  to  his  labor, 
whether  mental  or  physical.  But  is  it  sound  poli- 
cy— admitting  I  have  not  shown  that  individuals 
understand  better  than  Government  ihcir  capacity 
for  the  various  and  diversified  industrial  pursuits 
making  the  apgrogale  labor  of  the  nation — for 
Congress  to  raise  up  llie  growth  or  munufacturo 
nf  any  commodity,  by  extending  to  labor  and 
capital  thus  employed  a  profit  which  the  business 
itself  would  not  aflord  ?  VVoufd  it,  for  example, 
be  considered  wise  statesmanship  for  Congress  to 
concentrate  the  labor  and  capital  of  the  country  in 
the  manufacture  of  cotton  and  wool,  by  aflVnding 
them  a  protection  wheriby  the  profits  would  be 
made  to  exceed  vastly  the  same  amount  of  labor 
and  capital  employed  in  any  other  pursuit?  1 
think  nothing  would  be  more  dis.tstroiiH  to  the 
country  than  such  a  state  of  things.  And  what 
but  this  is  the  tendency  of  protecliiin  to  manufac- 
tures: either  the  whole  labor  and  capital  of  the 
rountry  must  be  employed  in  the  branches  of  pro- 
tected industry,  where  adequate  remuneration  can 
be  had,  or  continue  in  the  production  of  the  un- 
protected articles  at  greatly  reduced  rates  of  profit.' 
Whenever  this  Government,  by  its  legislation, 
discriminates  between  the  labor  and  capital  of  the 
people,  by  protecting  the  growth  or  production  of 
one  class,  aiid  leaving  the  other  classes  unprovided 
for,  unless,  at  the  same  time,  an  absolute  prohibi- 
tion to  inveslnienU  beyond  a  fixed  amount  is  im- 
posed, nothing  ran  be  more  certain  than  that  Inlior 
and  capital  will  flow  from  the  unprotected  and 
losing  to  the  protected  and  more  profitable  pursuit. 
I  have  said  this  is  the  inevitable  result,  if  labor 
nnd  capital  are  not  prohiliited  from  seeking  invest- 
ments in  the  more  jiiofitable  pursuit  by  law.  This, 
however,  is  too  bold  a  measure  to  be  attempted  at 
once.  It  would  awaken  the  people  to  a  sense  nf 
their  danger,  and  a  monopoly  so  odious  would 
not  be  permitted  to  exist  for  a  twelvemonth.  But, 
sir,  let  us  see  if  this  boa.>!ted  American  system,  in 
its  operation  upon  the  great  agricultural  and  com- 
mercial interests,  is  nol  as  disastrous  as  if  the 
present  cjip'tal  and  labor  employed  iu  manufac- 
tures were  .expressly  invested  by  law  with  the 
exclusive  privilege  of  manufacturing.  Agriculture 
is  scattered  over  every  State  of  the  Union,  and  is 
much  the  largest  interest.  In  one  section  of  the 
country  wheat  is  the  great  staple,  in  another  to- 
bacco, in  another  rice  and  cotton,  and  in  a  fourth 
sugar;  and  so  there  is  scarcely  a  Slate  that  does 
not  grow  as  its  staple  one  or  more  of  the  articles 
of  prime  necessity,  without  which  no  people  can 
be  so  entirely  imlependent  within  themselves,  un- 
der every  vicissitude  to  which  a  nation  is  exposed. 
Well,  pir.  IS  it  wise,  to  say  nothingof  its  injustice, 
to  bleak  down  this  great  iiileiesi,  upon  which 
every  other  depends?  It  mailers  not  whether  the 
means  of  attack  be  insidious  or  open;  whether  by 
u  declared  monopoly  in  favor  of  other  pursuits, 
openly  assailing  this  interest,  or  by  a  course  of 
policy  that  is  constantly  draining  and  sapping  the 
■ubstance,  until  the  whole  system  is  unuerinined, 
nnd  tumbles  to  the  ground. 

The  inanuraciiirers  scout  the  idea  of  monopoly: 
Ibey  say  their  business  is  open  to  the  capital  and 


labor  of  all,  and  confined  to  no  section.  Sir,  is 
thai  tnie  f  Can  the  South  engage  in  manufactur- 
ing? Can  that  great,  agricultural  portion  of  the 
Union  convert  their  capital  into  tlie  machinery 
necessary  to  carry  on  the  (lifferent  manufactures?  If 
the  whole  South  is  doomed  to  abandon  agriculture 
and  lo  engage  in  manufacturing,  what,  think  you, 
sir,  their  real  estate  and  the  personal  property  pe- 
culiar to  the  South,  would  bo  worth?  Who  would 
purchase  it  ?  It  had  been  rninniis  to  the  present 
nolders.  Think  you  that  purchHscis  could  be  found 
for  such  capital  ?  No,  sir.  The  friends  of  protec- 
tion understand  the  operntifMi  of  their  favorite  sys- 
tem loo  well  nol  lo  know  its  effect  upon  the  capital 
of  the  farmer.  They  have  long  seen  and  known 
that  if  their  great  interest  was  once  firmly  estab- 
lished upon  the  country,  it  would  hold  in  check 
agriculture.  The  manufacluicra  ask  no  monopoly 
by  law,  in  terms  excluding  the  participation  of  those 
engaged  in  agricullnre,  because  they  were  fully 
sensible  IhnI  agricullnrists  could  not  part  with  their 
capital  for  the  want  of  purchasers;  and  unless  that 
great  interest  could  exchange  their  capital  for  man- 
ufacturing capital,  that  it  would  be  impossible  from 
this  quarter  lo  meet  with  much  competition.  Wo 
all  know  thai  the  market  value  of  capital  is  generally 
regulated  by  the  interest  it  pays  upon  the  invest- 
ment. I  admit  there  are  exceptions  to  this  rule, 
especially  when  storks  are  in  the  hands  nf  jobbers, 
speculators,  and  a  class  of  political  panic  manufac- 
turers, that  spring  up  in  this  country  at  Ihe  bid- 
dingof  interested  persons;  but  asagcnerni  principle 
the  rule  I  have  laid  down  is  true.  If,  then,  by 
protection  you  increase  the  profits  of  manufactures 
beyond  the  profits  of  agriciiltuve,  you  augment  Ihe 
vnlne  of  the  capital  employed  in  tlie  former,  in  the 
ratio  that  you  diminish  Ihe  capital  employed  in  the 
latter.  This  aucmenled  value  of  capital  in  manu- 
factures, is  nol  subjict  to  be  controlled  or  checked 
by  capital  flowing  from  other  channels  into  this, 
ns  would  ordinarily  be  the  case,  as  I  have  attempted 
to  show,  bcc.tuse  ajrirullure,  in  which  nl  least 
ninc-lenthe  of  all  the  capita!  of  the  country  is  in- 
vested, caiuiol  be  converted  into  nianufactnring 
capi'al.  The  elTcct,  then,  of  prntcction  to  manu- 
factures, is,  to  build  up  a  privileged  class,  whose 
capital  is  placed  beyond  the  competition  of  the 
agricultural  class,  and  whose  profits  must  continue 
lo  increase,  while  the  profits  of  ngricultiirc  must 
decline.  This  will  be  the  condition  of  things  until 
the  accumulated  capital  of  the  niannfa''turing  class 
seeks  new  investments,  which  by  cnnipetiiion  may 
diminish  prices,  provided  Ihe  supply  is  made  lo 
ermal  ir  exceed  the  demand;  otherwise  it  will  not 
aficci  prices.  But  if  this  should  be  Ihe  ease,  agri- 
culture will  nol  recover  from  the  extreme  stale  of 
its  depression,  in  the  same  proportion  that  Ihe  pro- 
fits of  ma'iuf.ictures  may  diminish,  for  Ihe  reason 
that  no  jiurchasers  can  be  found  for  nsricullural 
capital,  and  it  must  therefore  remain  in  the  hands 
of  the  oriirinal  owners,  comparatively  valueless. 

If  there  be  any  weight  in  Ihe  view  presented,  it 
follows  that  one  of  two  things  must  be  the  result 
of  the  protective  system:  that  capital  and  labor 
must  either  be  transferred  from  agriciiliiire  lo 
manufactures,  (which  would  be  disastrous  lo  the 
country,)  or  that  the  acricullural  interest,  with  all 
the  immense  amount  of  capital  and  labor  employed 
in  it,  must  be  sunk  to  the  lowest  point  of  depres- 
sion. That  the  latter  will  be  the  result,  for  rea- 
sons to  which  allusion  has  already  been  made,  I 
am  perfectly  satisfied.  And  in  this  view  of  the 
subject,  I  again  repeal,  can  the  ingenuity  of  man 
devise  a  more  artful  and  cerUiin  contrivance,  than 
is  the  famous  "  American  system,"  to  transfer 
wealth  from  one  class  to  another?  Nor  does  the 
disaiitrous  influence  of  this  system  upon  the  coun- 
try stop,  by  makinsr  jjrinces  of  one  class  and  beg- 
gars of  others;  but  its  elTccI  is  equally  conspicuous 
upon  the  revenue  of  the  country;  for  as  you  dimin- 
ish the  profits  of  agriculture — iliat  immense  class, 
probably  equal  lo  fourteen-fiflcenlhs  of  the  whole 
population — do  you  diminish  Ihe  consumption  of 
foreifjn  imports.  This  position  is  sound,  if  I  hnve 
been  able,  as  I  trust  I  have,  lo  show  that  consump- 
tirui  of  foreign  imports  depends  alone  U|ion  the 
ability  of  the  people  to  purchase,  nnd  that  the  freer 
the  people  are  left  iu  the  application  of  labor  and 
capital,  lli(  heller  for  them.  Bulajain:  ifthear- 
srumenl  so  often  urjed,  that  protection  increases 
Ihe  revemic,  by  creating  a  new  class  of  laborers 
with   iiicieased    ability   for   the    consumption  of 


foreign  imports,  be  sound,  is  it  not  equally  good 
to  show,  that  if  you  diminish  the  wages  of  labor  of 
fourteen  out  of  fifteen  of  the  whole  population  of 
the  Union  engaged  in  agriculture,  that  in  the  samn 
ratio  you  diminish  the  consumpticui  of  imports  and 
reduce  revenue?  It  is,  sir,  a  novel  expedient  to 
increase  revenue  by  increasing  the  consumption  of 
one  man  out  nf  fifteen,  while  at  the  same  time,  and 
by  the  same  process,  you  dimini^  the  ability  of 
fourteen  in  the  «ame  ratio  that  you  increase  tlin 
ability  of  the  one.  This  is  n  doctrine  well  worthy 
thccjiusc  in  support  of  which  it  is  employed.  But, 
sir,  does  not  tnis  argument  concedo  Ihn  whole 
ground?  Does  it  not  admit,  that  capital  employed 
in  manufactures  is  more  profitable  thon  in  agricul- 
ture? If  it  were  not  so,  now  could  labor  be  belter 
rewarded,  when  employed  in  manufactures  tlian 
in  agriculture?  Does  any  man  believe  that  copital 
engat'ed  in  manufactures  cnulil  aflbrd  to  pay  morn 
for  labor  in  that  pursuit  than  it  could  in  agricMil- 
turc,  unless  it  was  more  profilnldy  invested  in  the 
former  than  the  latter  business?  And  in  the  face 
of  these  facts,  we  are  asked  lo  continue  this  sys- 
tem. 

Mr.  Chairman,  before  I  dismiss  this  branch  of 
the  subject,  I  will  call  the  atlention  of  the  com- 
mittee io  the  speech  of  the  gentleman  from  Coii- 
neclicul,  [Mr.  Rockwell,]  delivered  yesterday, 
and  reporlcil  in  the  Union  of  this  morning.  lie 
remarked : 

«  Tlic  next  point  In  which  I  wisll  lo  cnll  tlio  nlleriljnn  of 
the  coiiiiiiilloo  in,  tlint  thi!  ciiiiitiilists  of  the  cniinlry  whu 
iiave  enibnrlo'd  in  laiuairiu'turiiiK,  liiivi!  not  l>ecii,iis  n  cIic^n, 
liiincflti'il  livltio  priiliMiive  piilicy, liy  licinKliidiii'cMl  thercliy 
to  cml>arl(  tlicir  cnpltiil  in  Hint  iiuniiicsn ;  nnil  Unit  tiie  prniliii 
hnvc  not  only  not  biien  as  liiran  ns  tliosc  Hialcd  in  tlie  Hce- 
rctnry*i4  rc[)ort,  but  iinve  not  Iteen  c(|uul  to  tlie  lowest  legnl 
rnle  nf  intcresl  in  tllin  counlry." 

This  sUiiemcnt,  I  confess,  struck  me  with  aston- 
ishment; first,  because  of  the  vast  amount  of  evi- 
dence showing  the  great  prosperity  of  this  interest 
in  difl'erent  sections  of  the  Union;  nnd,  secondly, 
under  such  circumstances,  I  was  utterly  unable  to 
understand  why  it  was  desired  by  the  manufaclii- 
rers  lo  continue  a  business  that  did  not  pay  "  equal 
to  the  lowest  legal  rale  of  interest"  in  tlic  coun- 
try. But,  sir,  this  apparent  absurdity  is  explained 
by  the  gentleman.     He  nays: 

"  Tlicrn  tinvc  been  »M'c,i>inrinI  pcrinilw  of  prnspcrily,  when 
cniiiiiitcnilili!  profu.f  Imvi;  Imm>ii  rcniizeit,  iih  dnriii;!  the  In^t 
two  ycnr:4 ;  but  Willi  liicrtc  rxccpliuim,  llle  history  of  tliesu 
inilirt  lm.i  ticcii  one  ol'  difnuter." 

1  thank  the  genllenian  for  ihis  admission.  With- 
out further  proof,  the  fact  is  now  admitted  l.y  a 
distinguished  advocate  of  protection,  whose  slute- 
mcnls  on  this  poiiil  will  not  be  questioned,  that  for 
"  the  last  two  years"  the  tariff'  of  1843  produced 
"prosperity"  with  the  maiiufnclurers,  and  that 
there  was  actually  "  realized  considerable  profits." 
And  yet  it  is  .said  by  some  that  the  act  of  1842  was 
a  wise  revenue  measure,  and  for  no  other  reason 
that  I  can  sec  but  that  ii  enables  manufacturers  to 
"  realize  considerable  profits." 

Sir,  will  any  geutleinan,  in  the  face  of  this  ad- 
mission, deny  that  high  duties  increase  prices? 
Why  should  the  "  last  two  years"  have  liecn  a 
period  of  prosperity,  but  for  the  increased  pricn 
the  manufacturers  were  enabled  to  obtain  for  all 
they  produced  under  the  highly  protective  act  of 
1842?  They  have  enjoyed  the  home  market, 
without  competition  iu  many  articles,  and  we  see 
the  result  lo  be  increased  prosperity, and  "  consid- 
erable profits"  realized  by  them.  What  other 
interest  in  this  country  can  boast  of  a  period  of 
"  prosperity  for  the  last  two  years,"  and  the  receipt 
of  "  cousidcijible  profits?"  Certainly  not  the  far- 
mer. But  I  pass  on  to  other  portions  of  the  gen- 
tleman's remarks.     He  says: 

'( If  tlie  inquiry  is  made,  wliy  men  should  embark  in  so 
unprofitable  n  bupiness,  the  answer  is  very  obvious,  ibnt 
tbry  Huppoiicd  it  would  prove  profitiible.  An  occnsinnal 
prrwpprous  ycnr  induced  numliers  to  rni»li  into  the  buHinens, 
nnd  tlie  result  is,  a  disnpiKiintriicnt  of  their  hjgh-rnised  ex- 
pcctntiiuis.  • 

"Hut  it  is  nsl<cd,  wliy  is  prntecUnn  desired  by  the  ninnu- 
fnclurcrs,  wben  tlie  result  of  its  linving  been  (riven  tins  been 
ns  I  have  stilted?  It  is  not  desired  by  thcin  in  order  to  pi!r- 
siinde  nibrrs  Ui  enibnrli  in  liic  business,  and  biiilil  miae 
mills,  and  fill  ihcni  wlili  more  nmchiiicry,  bat  ili.it.  those 
wtio  Jiiivc  eiiibarki'd  in  the  business,  whose  expenditure  for 
tiiiildiiiEis  nnd  iniicbiinTyisnlrcndy  made,  nmy  Imve  tlinl  pro- 
Icclinn  which  lliey  cmisidcr  iinportniit  for  their  iiiu-resl." 

We  have  hero,  sir,  in  the  gentleman's  own  lan- 
guage, Ihe  object  of  the  manufacturers  in  advoeii- 
tiug  protection;  nnd  what  does  it  amount  to?  That 
the  act  of  1843  must  not  be  modified,  as  it  furnishes 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLODE. 


833 


29th  Cuno laT  Sf.ss. 


T%e  Tariff— Sir.  Toums. 


Nkw  Series No.  53. 


nmple  protection  to  nil  who  nrn  now  "emlmrkcd 
in  the  uusinANS,  whose  expenditure  Tor  brjildinf;H 
nnd  mnchincry  in  uhendy  mndci"  while,  nt  llie 
(■nnio  time,  it  m  not  expected  "  or  denircd  by  the 
nmnnnicturera  to  ncmuade  others  to  embark  in  tlio 
liiisineas,  and  build  more  millH,  and  fill  them  with 
niHchiiiery,"  &.C.. 

Of  all  llie  propositions  I  have  ever  heard  advanced 
in  favor  of  protection,  tliis  iM  the  mont  remarkable. 
We  are  aukeil  not  to  interfere  willi  the  protection 
nlViirdcd  under  the  act  of  1843,  believing;  that  it  will 
not  increase  the  number  of  manufacturers,  but 
that  they  will  remain  stationary,  with  amplo  pro- 
I  'ction.  What,  sir,  under  this  view  of  the  sub- 
ject, becomes  of  the  artjuinent  so  often  made,  and 
U'ith  singular  hucccms,  I  must  admit,  that  protection 
iiiiTeases  home  competition,  and  that  competition 
would  brins;  down  manufactures  to  the  lowest 
point  of  piodui'tion?  This  result,  we  are  now  in- 
finined,  is  neither  expected  nor  "desired,"  ns  the 
experiment  miifht  prove  "a  disappointment  of  high- 
raised  expections  of  capilalists.  What  compas- 
sion and  concern  we  have  here  exhibited  for  the 
interest  of  those  capittdists,  who,  under  the  delu- 
sion we  are  informed  that  exists  on  this  subject, 
might  be  induced  to  embark  in  manufacturing!  It 
is  a  dilficult  tusk,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  treat  with 
coolness  and  moderation  such  argumenls  in  sup- 
jiort  of  a  system  that  is  to  fix  upon  this  country  a 
monopoly  and  a  privileged  class,  if  Congress  should 
fail  to  do  its  duty. 

But  again,  the  honorable  gentleman,  in  sneaking 
of  the  advantages  of  manufoclures  to  the  laborers 
employed,  alter  describing  them  n.i  "a  thriving, 
induslrious,  and  happy  |)opulation,"  says  the  "ac- 
cuniulaiions  of  labor  in  the  factory  are,  in  the  first 
l)lace,  deposited  in  the  Savingii  uank,"  and  Ihen 
furnishes  the  following  table,  showing  tlic  income 
of  the  laborers: 

"  TIio  IVilldwiii?  atiitomcnt  stiow»4lii^  ninniint  of  the  di'iiOR- 
ites  ill  the  Havings  llantof  of  Miumichu.si'it)4,  and  tiie  incuiiic 
trotii  >'t>ur  tu  year : 


Nuinlier 
Year.     ofitcpoH- 
iliirs. 


ISll.. 
ii-ia.. 

134J.. 


;);i,K13 
■11,I0> 


Aiiioniit  di:-    Inorpii^p     Increase  in 
IKisitcd.      jindi'iios   amount  dejios- 
ilora.  ilcd. 


«,8;.'i,n;8  n:, 

U,al'l,llfi4  07 


1,970 

1  a,  1,1 1 


i|ll!n,.|,'i3  0.1 
!!,5;i9,07fi  Oi 


"Similar  has  lieen  ihc  result  ininy  own  Hlmie,  with  ihe 
opiTalivi'S  of  which  I  urn  familiar,  allhniieh  I  Inive  not  in 
|)if>f-es''iun  the  iireciso  amuiint  of  iiei»(iHit);s  or  iiiniilier  of  de- 
piifiitors. 

"If  it  is  said,  nsil  is,  llial  Uln  wiigpa  nf  lahor  have  diniin- 
Isheil  sinoe  the  tarilV nf  l&lj,  I  deny  tlii'  fad.  I  knmv  piT- 
nunally,  from  tile  inaimfactnrini!  rcirinn  from  which  I  i-nnif, 
Ihiitil  i-t  mil  lini'.  'J'ili^  same  testimony  i<i  also  fiiniislii'd 
Irnm  Luwi-ll,  and  the  sume  fact  exists  in  every  part  of  tile 
coimtry." 

I'y  this  table,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  nvernM 
income  in  1841,  of  all  the  laborers  employed  in 
Massacliusclts,  in  manufacturing,  inohiiling  men, 
women,  and  children,  was  n  fraction  over  #1(!2, 
and  in  1845,  n  fraction  over  $Hu.  If  this  disclo- 
sure does  not  arouse  the  planlers  of  the  Soiiili  and 
West,  I  can  hardly  expect  any  would.  Let  any 
man  in  the  South,  enga^red  in  planting,  estimate 
the  income  from  his  laborers,  including  men, 
women,  and  children,  and  they  will  see,  that  they 
do  not  average  one-third  of  the  amount  deposited 
in  the  Savings  banks  by  the  laborers  of  Mafisachu- 
petls!  Will  they  not  inquire  into  the  cjiuse  of  this 
vast  difference  in  the  value  of  labor  in  the  South 
nnd  East?  And  if  they  should  find  that  it  results 
from  the  influence  of  the  protective  syslem,  (which 
they  are  as  certain  to  discover  as  that  they 
niaKe  the  examinalion,)  is  it  lo  bo  believed  they 
arc  to  remain  silent  and  inactive,  year  after  year, 
under  a  state  of  wrongs  paralyzing  their  energies, 
nnd  absorbing  their  siistciiunce?  No,  sir;  we 
claim  no  favoritism  from  the  Government,  we  ask 
no  protection  to  our  labor  and  our  capitol,  nor  do 
we  feel  any  ho.stility  to  the  manufactures  of  any 

section""'  ''"  "■• —  -■■<-  — ■    • 

10  see 

scorn  to  tax  the  labor  and  capital  employed  in 
nianufactures  to  sustain  ngricullure,  so  we  demand 
the  same  measure  of  justice  to  be  extended  to  us. 

Mr.  Chairman,  ha\ing  endeavored  to  show  in 
what  I  have  said  that  the  bill  under  consideration 
may  be  relied  upon  ns  a  revenue  measure,  I  will 
now  nroceed  to  the  consideration  of  the  question, 
whether  the  protective  system  should  be  continued 


.1   ..iij   ........i.ijF   I.,    vji.,    ■iit.iMiiiut.iiii,;^  ui    any  ' 

n  of  the  Union;  on  the  contrary,  we  desire 
I  (Ticm  stand  and  flourish;  but  as  we  would 


53 


or  not.    I  nm  aware  that  the  amount  of  capital  and 
I  labor  employed  in  the  growth  and  production  of 
I  the  proteclcd  articles  is  large,  nnd  it  becomes  Con- 
I  gresa  to  consider  v/eW  the  effect  of  its  legislation 
i  upon  this  interest.     The  advocates  of  protection 
1  have  charged  the  friends  of  this  bill  with  a  Settled 
'  hostility  to  manufaoturcs.     As  far  as  I  know  the 
'  opinions  of  those   with   whom  I  act,  no   charge 
1  cwuld  be  more  unfounded.    We  cnriieslly  desire  to 
j  see  Ihem  continued;  and  yet  hostility  is  constantly 
]  charged  upon  us.     If  it  were  in  Ihe  power  of  their 
I  opponents  lo  destroy  at  one  blow  the  manufac- 
I  luring  interest  of  this  country,  no  one  among  them 
i  could  be  found  willing  to  inlliet  that  blow.     Rut, 
i  sir,  in  what  does  the  hostility  to  manufactures,  on 
1  the  part  of  the  friends  of  n  revenue  tariff,  consist .' 
I  Take  their  own  slnlemcnts,  and  what  are  they? 
I  First,   the   manufacturers    desire    that   Cinigrcss 
I  should  do  a  parliculsr  thing  for  them  as  n  class. 
i  They  do  not  ask  for  the  passage  of  a  law  that  is 
;  intended  to  benefit  the  condition  of  Ihe  people  at 
I  large,  but  to  act  on  the  mass  for  the  benefit  of  u 
;  class.    They  insist  that  Congress  has  the  power  to 
iiass  such  a  law;  and  this  they  iiflect  lo  believe  can  i 
lie  done  without  injury  to  any.     At  this  point  the 
difficulty  arises  between  Ihe  agricullnrisls  nnd  the  j 
manufacturers — not  that  the  airicniturisis  object  i 
to  their  prosperity,  but  they  do  object  that  the 
profits  of  their  labor  nnd  capital  should  be  trans- 
ferred by  Government  to  mnnufactu.   "-s.    Il  is  not 
to  their  prosperity,  but  lo  the  means  by  which  it 
is  accomplished,  we  object.  We  .<iay  that  we  know, 
from  daily  experience,  that  the  wealth  of  the  mami- 
I  factnrers  is  drawn  from  the  nnprnlecled  classes, 
!  without  nn  equivalent,  nnd  Ihnt  we  desire  to  part 
'  company  wiih  their  system.    They  object,  and  tell 
!  us,  unless  adequate  prolcction  is  given  tliem,  they 
1  will  not  be  able  to  carry  on  their  business;  that 
I  the  fires  burning  in  Pennsylvania  will  go  out,  nnd 
t  the  spindles  in  the  mills  of  the  factories  will  stand 
'  slill.     lie  this  ns  it  may,  the  answer  of  the  plant 
ing  interest  is,  that  they  are  wenried,  worn  out,  by 
i  the  syslem  which  keeps  nlive  the  fires  in  llioir  fur- 
I  naces,and  in  motion  the  spindles  of  their  factories. 
;  Sti'ip  this  question  of  all  disguise;  let  the  ornaments 
and  trappings  that  have  been  thrown  around  it,  lo 
I  conceal  the  motives  and  mislead  the  jiidgmenl,  be 
;  torn  off,  and  the  system  of  jiroleclion  stands  ex- 
I  posed,  with  no  oiher  merit  to  recommend  it  In  pnb- 
'  lie  favor  except  its  cafiacilv  to  rob  one  interest  for 
!  the  benefit  of  nnolhei'.     Sir,  no  man  can  have  a 
:  stronger  disrelish  for  the  use  of  bitter  and  hnrsli 
'  expressions  than  I  have;  and  in  thnsi'linractei'izing 
the  syslem  nf  |iiolpctinii  ns  a  stunendons  engine  of 
j  oppressimt  and   fi-aud,  I  have   the   cnnsolatiou  of 
feeling  that  I  am  prompted  by  no  motive  that  I 
1  would  not  willingly  lay  open  lo  the  world. 
i      Mr.  Chairman,  when  we  look  at  the  history  of 
proteclioii  in  our  own  country — the  various  shapes 
I  in  which  its  friends  have  presented  it — the  argu- 
ments by  which  it  has  been  defended  at  difTi'rent 
periods — and  the  facility  by  which  the  principle 
Itself  has  been  shifted,  (if  I  may  be  permitted  so 
'  lo  speak  of  principle,) — have  we  not  abundant 
cause,  from    such  considerations,  to  regard   the 
whole  scheme  ns  founded  in  error  and  gross  injus- 
tice?    But,  sir,  when,  to  considcraiions  already 
noticed,  we  superadd  Ihr  right  claimed  by  themnn- 
1  nfactnrers  to  judge  for  themselves  the  measure  of 
]  "pi'oleclion  which  they  consider  important  to  their 
I  interest,"  does  it  not  behoove  every  man  who  feels 
;  that  liberty  is  worth  presri'ving,lo  lake  high  ground 
j  against  a  class  who  set  up  ancli  extraordinary  and 
dangerous  doctrines?    Give,  sir,  one  clans'  in  this 
'  country  the  power  of  taxing  another,  (I  care  not 
]  in  what  form  the  tax  is  imposed,)  by  the  operation 
'  of  which  they  "may  liave  that  protection  which 
'  they  con.sider  important  for  their  interest,"  nnd 
I  how  long  would  the  other  classes  have  left  either 
property  or  liberty?    And  jet,  sir,  this  system  of 
:  "domestic  industry,"  whose  advocates  claim  the 
right  to  judge  of  Ihe  amount  of  protection  it  needs, 
have  the  boldness  to  appeal,  in  their  extremity,  to 
the  other  inleresis  of  the  country,  aroused  to  a 
'  sense  of  their  duly,  to  save  their  system.     And 
i  why?    Because  the  spindles  of  the  factories  in 
li  some  places  would  be  slopped,  and  the  fires  of  the 
iron-makers  in  others  be  extinguished.     This  ren- 
;i  son  may  be,  and  doubtless  is,  satisfactory  to  the 
;    manufacturer;  but  the  farmer,  before  he  could  give 
;  his  assent  to  the  further  continuance  of  this  syslem, 
should  know  when  nnd  how  he  is  lo  he  benefited. 


I  do  not  propose  to  examine  the  constitutional 
nucaiion  involved  in  the  exercise  by  Congress  nf 
llie  power  of  laying  dulica  on  forcif;n  importa  with 
the  intention  of  affording  protection  to  manufac- 
turers.     All  Ihnt  X  intend  lo  Bay  on  this  branch  of 
the  subject  is,  that  1  have  lonp  regarded  the  exer- 
cise by  CiMigress  of  the  taxing  power,  with   the 
object,  and  to  the  enu,  of  protectiiif;  any  branch  of 
domestic  industry,  ns  a  fraud  upon  the  rights  of 
the  people;  but  what  I  propose  to  show,  in  addi- 
j  tionto  reasons  heretofore  given,  is,  that  this  system 
should  Ihi  abolished:   First,  because  you  cannot 
frame  an  net  of  Congress  so  ns  to  protect  oneclBsa 
of  labor  without  imnosing  a  corresponding  burden 
I  upon  somojr  all  older  ewsses.     This  is  certainly 
[  true,  unless  it  can  be  shown  that  the  Government 
I  possesses  something  distinct  from  the  people.     If 
i  It  be  true  that  the  Government  has  a  separoto  and 
distinct  existence,  and  is  capable  of  acting  through 
any  other  medium  than  upon  the  people,  then  it 
might  hold  properly  to  wnich  llic  ]  cople  would 
have  no  just  claim,  and  that  property  might  ba 
eonferrcdiiponn  class,  without  airordi;igjuBl  cause 
of  complaint  to  other  classes.     But,  on  the  other 
hand,  if  ours  is  not  a  Government  having  a  sepa- 
rate and   distinct  existence,   independent  of  the 
people,  I  apprehend  that  whatever  ihc  Government 
I  may  po.ssess  rightfully  behnigs  to  the  people. 
I      If,  then,  the  Government  is  the  inei'e  agent  of  the 
i  people,  and  holds  whalevcr  it  possesses  for  their 
I  use  and  benefit,  it  follows  that  there  is  no  power 
I  tc  protect  any  class  of  the  jieople,  except  by  dis- 
!  iribniing  the  properly  and  fun.1s  in  the  custody  of 
!  llie  Government  for  lln-  time  being,  or  by  passing 
!  a  law  compelling  cerinin  portions  of  the  people  to 
'  coutribule  a  part  of  their  am. ual  income,  to  be  paid 
;  over  to  the  protected  class.     The  Government  can 
j  only  protect  one  class  of  labor  by  acting  upon  other 
1  cl-.is'scs,  nnd  extracting  from  their  profits  whatever 
is  the  measure  of  protection  conferred  upon  the 
favored  class.     If  this  were  not  so,  the  Govern- 
i  ment  could  nofprolect  beyond  the  application  of 
!  the  means  nclunlly  in  hand;  and   though   there 
j  would  be  no  difference  in  the  principle  of  protee- 
I  lion,  between  an  act  of  Congress,  by  which  money 
wcMild  be  rnisid  by  n  direct  tax  from  the  pockeia 
!  of  the  people,  and  then  dislributed  among  the  man- 
iil'aeluriiig  class,  and  the  act  of  1842,  by  which 
every  consumer  in  this  country  is  made  lo  pay 
moie  for  the  most  of  the  nrlich  s  he  uses  than  he 
would  if  competition  were  permilted  from  abroad, 
h  and  which  dillerence  in  ihe  value  nf  the  domestic 
and  foreign   article  of  like   quality  is   Ihe   exact 
,  amount  of  burden  that  is  imposei'l  by  the  net  of 
I  1842  on  consumers,  to  sustain  and  protect  our  own 
manufactures:  yet  the  one  plan  would,  1  apprehend, 
i  receive  universal  condemnation,  whereas  the  other, 
'  by  llie  exercise  of  a  strange  influence  upon  the 
'  minds  of  many,  has  been  enabled  to  hold  its  sway 
'  from  1816  to  the  )ircsent  moment,  with  tlie  excep- 
tion of  a  few  years. 
Mr.  Chairman,  what  do  the  manufacturers  mean 
j  by  protection  ?    Why  is  this  class  (not  of  laborers, 
1  as  sonielimes  called,  but  of  capitalists)  constantly 
I  petitioning  Congress  to  ^ive  "  adequate  protection 
I  to  their  busines.-tr"    Is  it  because  tliey  expect  that 
[  their  business  will  become  more  profitable  ?  or  is  it 
!i  possible  they  ask  for  protection  to  enable  Ihem  to 
M  sell  cheaper  and  make  less  ?    This  they  could  do, 
:  I  underlake  now  lo  inform  them,  without  protec- 
'.  lion.     But  the  friends  of  this  syslem  contend  that 
.'[  the  reduction  of  duties  will  destroy  ourmanufac- 
'  lures,  by  which  means  we  jilace  ourselves  in  the 
1  power  of  foreigners,  who  will  keep  the  supply  in 
'   our  principal  markets  below  the  demand,  whereby 
they  will  beenabled  to  exact  of  us  the  highest  prices 
for'such  article's  as  we  consume.  This  argument  is 
often  advanced  to  persuade  the  grent  mass  of  the 
,  people  that  but  for  our  domestic  manufactures,  the 
I   price  of  goods  would  be  as  high  now  as  they  were 
iieforo  factories  were  established  in  this  country. 
!  That  prices  have  declined  since  the  introduction  of 
'  factories  no  one  denies,  nnd  this  is  equally  true  in 
reference  to  many  articles  that  are  not  manufactured 
in  this  country.     But  arc  we  indebted  to  the  manu- 
facluii  rs  ol^  this  country  for  the  decline  in  prices.' 
Certainly  not;  nnd  no  man  familiar  with  the  facta 
'  can  be  considered  serious  in  using  this  argument  in 
support  of  the  principle  of  protection.     In  order  to 
expose  this  fallacy  of  the  protectionists,  and  show 
I  the  want  of  candor  which  alone  it  seems  to  me  can 
f  flceount  for  its  use;  is  it  not  sufficient  to  state,  that. 


f^f 


834 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


■fprrmr 


29th  Cono 1st  Seib. 


Relationi  with  Km^lund — Mr.  Allen. 


Senate. 


however  ifcrfBt  ilie  reiluclion  in  prices  maybe  in  Ihia 
cminlryorthenrlicleHmnniiraotiirnl  here,  n  irrentcr 
reduction  in  prines  of  like  nriiclen  Imn,  within  ihn 
»amn  period,  taken  place  in  Hnslnnd,  France,  and 
other  portions  of  the  continent  of  Europe.  If  thin 
is  true — and  frotn  all  the  information  I  have  upon 
ihe  suhject  I  cannot  doiiht  it — will  it  lie  iiretcndcd 
that  our  tariff  hna  reduced  price"  over  the  world,? 
For  there  in  aa  much  reason  to  allriliute  the  decline 
in  price  of  the  manufactured  arliclca  in  Enfflnnd  and 
on  the  continent  to  the  protective  policy  of  this 
country,  as  to  claim  for  it  a  reduction  in  our 
own. 

But  a|!;ain,  why  docs  our  mannfactureH  ask  to  bo 
protected  oijainst  the  "  paiiper  lal)or"4ind  Ihe  low 
rates  ofinlercst  on  money  in  Ensland,  unless  from 
these  cjxuses,  in  coiuiexinn  with  olhci's,  prices  are 
made  low  abroad.'  If  the  coat  of  production  i.^ 
cheaper  in  England  than  this  country,  then  they 
can,  as  long  as  that  state  of  thinps  exists,  afford  to 
undersell  our  maniifaciurcrsj  and  to  build  up  in 
this  country  manufucturin"  establishments,  under 
such  circumstances,  is  a  |)lain  admission  thai  the 
consumer  here  must  pay  at  least  the  difference  in 
the  cost  of  production  in  England  and  this  coun- 
try. But  for  the  fact  (hat  the  cost  of  production 
is  less  in  En^l.md  than  here,  why  ''sk  protection 
St  all .'  The  home  market ,  so  much  desired  by  our 
manufacturers,  would  be  theirs  in  defiance  of  com- 
petition fro-n  any  quarter.  Mamtfaclurers  would 
nave  no  motive  to  nsk  for  protection  by  Oovern- 
nient  under  such  circumstances,  unless  for  the  solo 
purpose  of  extorting  large  nntl  enormous  profits, 
which  is  true  in  reference  to  the  coarse  and  heavy 
cotton  goods  manufactured  in  litis  country  at  this 
time,  in  the  nianufacluro  of  which  they  say  Ihey 
nrc  able  to  comnele  with  England  in  the  niarkels 
of  the  world.  But  we  arc  told,  if  we  break  down 
the  mnnuftctures  of  this  country,  (which  is  de.-iired 
by  no  one,)  that  we  shall  place  ourselves  in  the 
power  of  foreigners;  and  that  llicji,  knowing  that 
the  value  of  every  commodity  depends  measura- 
bly upon  the  laws  of  trade  regulating  supply  and 
demand,  will  be  enabled  so  to  direct  trade  with  us 
as  to  keep  the  supply  within  the  demand,  and 
thereby  exact  of  us  the  highest  rates  of  profit.  If 
we  had  not  n  fiictory  in  the  Union,  the  combina- 
tion between  England  and  the  manufacturing  Pow- 
ers of  the  continent  never  would  take  place,  by 
which  the  supply  in  our  market  would  be  kept 
equal  to,  or  below,  the  demand.  Each  nation,  its 
merchants  and  manulhcturers,  would  have  a  sep- 
arate and  distinct  interest  to  foster  and  preserve; 
and  each  would  be  constantly  striving  to  obtain 
our  custom;  and  we  in  turn  would  not  only  have 
choice  of  the  markets  of  the  world  in  which  to 
make  our  purchases,  but  our  products,  over  and 
above  the  home  consumption,  would  be  easjerly 
sought  by  every  commercial  nation  at  fair  and  re- 
munerating prices.  This  is  the  combination  of 
foreigners  that  our  manufacturers  affect  so  miuh 
to  apprehend  on  account  of  the  plnnterc.  But 
aj^ain:  if  the  consumers  are  in  danger  from  a  com- 
biimtion  of  foreign  manufacturers,  whereby  the 
supply  may  be  kept  within  the  demand,  and  high 
prices  exacted,  how  much  greater  is  the  danger  of 
a  combination  of  this  sort  with  our  own,  whereby 
Ihey  will  be  enabled  to  obtain  the  highest  prices.' 
There  is  no  motive  for  such  a  combination  among 
foreigners  that  does  not  equally  exist  within  our 
own  country;  and  while  Ihe  scheme  is  next  lo  im- 
possible by  foreign  combination,  it  may  be  readily 
accomplished  by  our  ov.n  manufacturers,  from  the 
peculiar  advantage  they  would  have  in  the  pro.se- 
cution  of  a  common  object,  and  knowledge  of  nil 
the  circumstances  of  the  country  necessary  to  en- 
sure success.  Not  only  are  the  consumers  of  ihia 
enunlry  imminently  exposed  lo  such  combinations, 
whereby  domestic  manufacturers  may  arrange  the 
■upply  of  their  fabrics  .so  as  to  command  the  high- 
est prices,  but  the  danger  from  this  quarter,  at  all 
times  to  be  apprehended,  is  rendered  almost  cer- 
tain under  a  system  of  protection  amounting  to  the 
prohibition  of  foreign  competition.  And  this  view 
will  appear  more  striking  when  we  remember,  that 
for  each  of  the  last  two  years  we  have  exported 
about  ten  millions  of  domestic  manufactures,  which 
no  doubt  sold  abroad  for  prices  not  exceeding  the 
cost  of  production,  if  that,  sooner  than  ihrowihem 
upon  the  "home  morkel,"  which  would  have  in- 
creased the  supply  equal  to,  if  not  beyond,  the 
demand,  and  thereby  brought  down  pncea  to  the 


consumer,  and  Icuened  the  proflu  to  the  manu-  i 
faclurer.  | 

But  again:  I  hold  iho  principle  sound,  that  if! 
protection  is  extended  by  Congress  to  one  class  of 
Ihe  people,  it  should  bo  cnually  extended  to  all.  ' 
It  cerlainly  never  was  inlenued   by  Ihe  framera  of 
Ihe  Conatuulion,  or  the  people  who  ratified  it,  that 
Congress  should  have  Ihe  power  of  discriminating 
between  the  people. of  different  sections  or  iheir 
pursuits,  and  liestowing  fnvor.4  on  one  class  to  Iho 
exclusion  of  others.     No  man  can  scrioiiNly  be- 
lieve, if  the  ucople  who  adopted  the  Conslilutiun 
had  supposctnt  vested  in  (.'ongresa  the  power  of 
directing  the  labor  and  capital  of  Ihe  country,  by 
affonling  protection   lo  one  class  not  equally  ex-  , 
tended  lo  all,  thai  it  would  have  been  adopted. 
Hut,  sir,  lo  resume:  Can  equal  protection  lie  ex- 
tended lo  all  classes  and  all  inl-:?.st8  by  ilie  opera- 
tion of  a  tariff  for  protection  .'     A  moincnl  'h  allen- 
tion  to  the  mode  in  which  protection  is  nlVurdcd  to 
mannfaclurcrs  will  show,  that  no  protection  what- 
ever can  be  given  to  agriculture.    We  will  assume, 
for  the  purpose  of  illustration,  that  the  people  of 
this  country  consume  in  the  products  of  foreign 
and  domestic  manufactures,  annually,  the  amount 
of  #;i(l(),000,(IO();  of  this  sum,  S'JOIMl'UtMlOO  are  the 
produr  Is  of  (uir  own  manufactures,  and<U()lt,0()0,0(JO 
of  foreign  manufiiclurcs.     The  domestic  manufnc- 
lurcr  is  principally  eniraged  in  producing  woollen 
and  cotton  fabrics  of  particular  qualities,  the  nianu- 
t'aclurc  of  iron,  of  glass,  cotlcni   bagging,  shoes, 
and  hats;  and  Ihey  desire  to  be  protecteil;  and  this 
is  done  by  an  act  of  Coiisre.sH,  which  imposes  a 
duty  so  high  on  woollen  and  cotton  goods,  iron,    i 
glass,  cotton   bajsing,  shoes,  and  hats,  that  the 
foreign  articles  of  like  qualilics  are  excluded  alto-    , 
gellier  from  the  markets  of  the  country.    What  is 
Ihe  consequence  ?   Why,  that  every  consumer  who   i 
wears  cotton  and  woollen  goods,  that  has  occasicm 
to  use  iron,  cotton  baiiging,  shoes,  and  hais,  is   , 
compelled  lo  purchase,  not  where  he  can  get  them    | 
chenpesi,  but  of  the  domestic  manulaclurers,  at   ; 
such  prices  ns  they  may  think   proper   lo  ask. 
This,  then,  is  what  Ihey  call  protection  to  home  ', 
industry;  and  as  Ion?  as  they  do  not  manufacture   . 
mciic  than  the  people  can  consume,  they  are  ena-   j 
bled   lo   supply   the   demand    at    such   advanced  ^1 
prices  upon   tlie   cost  of  |)roiliiction,  within  the  Ij 
rale  of  duly  impo.oeil,  by  which  foreigners   are  'j 
excluded,  as    they  think    proper.      But  how   is  I 
it   with    the    growers    of   corn,    cotton,   wheat,    j 
rice,  anil  tobac"o,  and  the  ju'oducr rs  of  pork  and  )\ 
beef?    Suppose  Congress  were  lo  impose  a  duly   I 
of  five  hundred  per  cent,  upon  each  of  these  arli-  i| 
cles  imported  from  abroad,  would   it  nirord  any  |i 
protection  to  the  farmers  engaged  in  these  produc-   i 
tioris?    Would  il  increase  the  price,  or  enable  the  I' 
farmer  to  sell  more  of  either  or  all  these  products,' 
Cerlainly  not;  and  the  reason  is  obvious:  none  of  , 
these  articles  enter  into  competition  with  like  nrti-  j 
cles  of  foreign  production;  first,  for  the  reason  that 
the  cost  of  production   is  less  here  than  abroad,  ' 
and  consequently  we  have  no  compclition  from  ' 
foreierners;  and,  secondly,  because  we  produce  an  I 
amount  of  each  of  these  article  far  exceeding  the  ^\ 
home  demand,  and  consequently  the  planters  aie  | 
forced  lo  nly  upon  forcifii  markets  for  the  sale  of 
much  the  larger  porlion  of  their  productions.   The 
same  thingwould  he  true  of  manufacturers,  if  they  I 
produced  greatly  beyond  the  home  demanil,  and  ! 
were  compelled  to  rely  upon  the  markets  abroad  | 
for  the  sale  of  moat  of  their  fabrics.     But  until  j 
this  is  the  case,  Ihey  can  be  protected;  whereas  ; 
Ihe  planting  interest  cannot.     Protection,  then,  for 
this  reason,  should  bo  abandoned.  I 

But  it  should  be  abandoned  also  for  the  reason 
that  it  operates  most  oppprcssively  upon  all  the  ; 
agricultural  products  of  this  country.      For  Ihe 
iiicrflBsed  demand,  if  any,  resulting  from  the  estali-  [ 
lislimcnt  of  faitories  for  the  products  of  the  far- 
mer, does  not  augment  Ihe  home  price:  while  the  ' 
shackles  placed  upon  commerce  by  high  duties  on 
foreien  imparls,  depreciates  Ihe  prices  abroad,  by 
abriilginglhenbilityofforeigneis to  purchase.    It  is  :| 
folly  to  expect  that  England  or  her  dependencies,  I 
France  or  any  oilier  Power,  can  lake  of  us  Ihe  vast 
ainouiil  of  our  agriciillural  products  at  remunera-  'a 
ting  prices  to  the  producer,  unless  we  will  receive 
of  ihem  in  payment  such  articles  as  we  may  re-  I 
quireof  their  growth  and  production.     Commerce 
between  any  two  nations  can  only  permanently  | 
exist  upon  the  principle  of  the  excliunje  of  com-  l! 


modities.  Whatever  [lolicy,  therefore,  renders  thii 
exchange  impossible,  or  lo  be  efficicd  nt  great  dia- 
advantage  lo  either  party,  niiiat  end  eventually  in 
breaking  down  comiuerce;  and  Ihia  is  theailuniion 
of  the  Amerii  an  planters  at  this  monirni;  the  pro- 
fits of  their  business  are  destroyed,  because  Ihey 
are  not  permitted  to  lake,  in  exchange  for  their 
produce,  finei';n  productions.  This  is  the  advan- 
tage of  the  American  aysiem  lo  the  American 
planter. 

Sir,  with  an  ability  unlimited  for  production — 
with  the  capacity  for  growing  one  or  more  of  the 
leading  articles  of  commerce,  of  a  ipiality  and 
quantity  vastly  superior  lo  any  people  on  earth — 
with  the  advantages  of  soil,  of  climate,  and  navi- 
gable sireains,  iinei|ualled  by  any  porlion  of  the 
globe,  washed  ini  either  side  by  oceans  on  which 
wo  may  waft  to  every  nation  the  vasl  variety  of 
our  agricultural  products,  and  thereby  enlarge  and 
extend  the  field  of  our  usefulness  to  the  remotest 
regions,  receiving  in  return  Ihe  rich  reward  of  our 
industry  and  enterprise  in  the  variety  and  vnlne  of 
llie  products  of  others — this  iinniense  field  of  gian- 
deur,  these  vast  sources  of  individual  wealth  and 
national  prosperity,  which  would  certainly  result 
fVoni  a  free,  liberal,  and  unrestricted  system  of 
commerce,  must,  however,  be  lost  to  us  and  our 
children,  in  order  lo  |inmpei,  cherish,  anil  protect 
manufacturers,  eonstiiuling  less  than  oue-lwcniieth 
of  the  whole  population  of  this  ciuintry.  Such  a. 
slate  of  things  cannot  and  will  not  be  i.ermilled  lo 
exist.  Ill  whatever  direction  wo  look,  the  spirit 
of  freedom  is  abroad  in  the  land,  and  that  spirit 
will  never  rest  in  this  country  until  our  capital  anil 
our  labor  shall  be  as  free  as  the  air  we  breathe. 


RELATIONS  WITH   ENGLAND. 
SPEECH    oFllR.    ALLEN, 

OF  OHIO, 
In  Senate,  February  10  nnii  11,  1846. 
The  Joint  Ilesolution  for  giving  the  notice  to  ter- 
minatethc  Convention  between  the  United  Stales 
and  Ureal  Britain,  relative  to  Ihe  Oregon  terri- 
tory, being  under  consideration — 
Mr.  ALLEN  said: 

Mr.  PnEsioENT:  It  is  now  sixty-nine  years 
since  these  .Stales  declared  themselves  to  be  "  ab- 
solved from  all  allegiance  lo  the  British  Crown," 
and  to  be  "  free  and  independent  States."  It  is 
now  sixty-three  years  since  Great  Britain,  by  n 
solemn  treaty,  acknowledged  these  Stales  "  to  bo 
free,  sovereign,  and  independent  Slates.'*  And 
yet,  sir,  at  this  very  hour,  over  a  square  of  eight 
liuiidred  milis  of  our  soil,  British  law  still  pre- 
vails— British  tribunals  are  in  session — British 
judgments  arc  rendered— British  executions  are 
enforced — British  penalties  are  indicted.  Through- 
out the  last  twenty-eight  years  our  Government 
has  sought,  by  unintermitlrd  cirorls  of  argamenl 
and  negotinlion,  by  almost  humiliating  conces- 
sions, to  induce  Great  Britain  peaceably  to  with- 
draw her  law  from  our  soil — to  withdraw  her 
ba.sclcss  pretensions  to  our  territory,  and  thus  to 
remove  tliis  great  cause  of  impendmi;  difiicultics. 
These  efforts  have  all  ended  in  the  comniuiiicntion 
of  Ihe  fad,  by  the  rresidcnt,  to  Congress,  at  the 
opening  of  our  session,  that  "  all  attempts  at  com- 
promise having  failed,  it  becomes  the  duty  of 
Congress  lo  consider  what  measures  it  may  bo 
proper  lo  adopt,  for  the  security  and  protection  of 
our  citizens,  now  inhabiting,  or  who  may  here- 
after inhabit  Oregon,  and  for  the  maintenance  of 
our  just  title  to  that  territory." 

Thus,  is  this  matter  turned  over  by  the  E.xecu- 
live  to  Congress.  It  is  now  here — it  is  in  our 
hands.  We  cannot,  therefore,  if  we  would,  evade 
Ihe  responsibility  of  action.  If  wo  adopt  the  meas- 
ures recommended  by  the  President,  we  shall  se- 
cure the  territory,  and  may  hold  forth  lo  the  world 
an  indisputable  title  in  vindication  of  imrllcis.  If 
we  refuse  lo  adopt  them,  we  shall  have  deeply 
periled  our  rights,  and  incurred  the  world's  sus- 
picion of  having  refused  to  act,  because  we  dared 
not.  For,  sir,  when  all  the  arguments  urged  for 
delay  are  duly  considered,  ihey  will  be  found  to 
resolve  themselves  into  the  single  question.  Wheth- 
er this  Government  has  Ihe  nerve,  the  energy  of 
purpose,  lo  enforce  its  rights  against  Great  Britain.' 
Aa  to  llie  fhct  of  our  lille,  it  is  now  too  late  to  treat 


1816.) 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONCiKKSSIONAL  UUJKE. 


■WT 


'29th  Cono 1st  Sees. 


RtUitions  with  Englmul — Mr.  Allen. 


Senatc. 


tlinl.  i»«  nn  oprn  qucminn.  The  InmincKs  liefore 
119  i",  the  biifiinCHH  of  aclinn,  Thii  lime  for  the 
(liHCiiiiiinn  of  (he  litlo  ie  pul|  wlicn  we  hiivc  br^iin 
«(i  ndvance  Inwdrds  the  |ioR!ii,iiNi(in  of  the  olijco.t. 
U|inn  tlir  qucaliun  of  title,  as  a  gnvcrrimciit,  and 
es  n  rmlion,  we  Hand  rominiltcd  iieforc  the  world. 
\Vc  Imve,  to  nil  iimjikind,  pniclaimod  our  title. 
To  iIiIk   poniiion,    we  etand  commillcd,  l>y  a 


series  of  Siule  p,uier»,slrit(liinj;lhrou{;h  the  fourth 
of  a  i-emiiry.  VVe  stmid  couimiilcil,  liy  a  solemn 
treaty  with   Ilussin,  of  the  sevenleniith  of  April, 


eiKliiPCii  hundred  and  twenty-four,  liy  which  we 
anxinned  exclusive  ownership,  over  the  whole  Icr- 
riiory   in  c)ueslion.     We  stand  coinmitlcd,  liy  a 
vote  of  this  liody,  at  a  former  ■cssinn,  upon  the 
piissajre  of  a  hill  which  carried  our  title  up  to  54° 
40'.     We   slaiul   commiltcd,   hy  the  vote  of  the 
House  of  ReprcaenlHtives,  at  the  very  last  session, 
upon  the  piissngc  of  a  hill  assorting  our  tillc  up  to 
the  sawic  point.     Wo   stand   committed,   liy  the 
voire  of  the  nation,  expressed  in  the  election  of  the 
present  Chief  Masiolrnte,  upon  the  issue  n)iide 
and  proclniiufd  hy  the  Daltimorc  Convention.    We 
gtnnti  comniilK  d,  liy  the  declaration  of  the  Pres- 
ident, made  froin  the  eastern  portico  of  the  Capi- 
tol, with  ihe  oaih  of  ollice  fresh  upon  his  lips. 
Wo  stand  committed,  by  his  Annual  Message,  at 
the  opeiiinj;;  of  our  present  session.     We  stand 
comniitled,  by  a  vote  of  three  to  one,  and  one  over, 
in  the  Uonse  of  Representatives,  within  the  last  i 
twenty-four  hours.     By  all  these  acts,  in  all  these  ' 
forms,  have  wi;  proclaimed  the  deep-scaled  con-  | 
viction  of  every  American  mind,  as  to  the  strict  . 
justice  of  our  claim,  and  the  absf.'ute  frivolity  of  ; 
ihe  pretensions  of  Kiif;land.     Thus,  do  we  stand  j 
in  the  presence  of  all  nations,  asserting  an  indis- 
putable ritcht  to  n  conli'^uous  territory.    And  now,  ' 
sir,  it  reniiiins  to  be  seen,  whether  this  Govern- 
ment possesses  the  force  of  will — the  firmness  of  j 
resolution — to  mniiiiain  that  claim.   This  is  really, 
the  great,  the  only  question  before  us.     It  Is  the  [ 
energy   of  our   iiislilulions — it   is   iheir   inherent; 
power  of  rising  up  to  a  great  emergency,  that  we  j 
are  aliout  to  put  to  the  lest.     Should  our  councils 
be  found  loo  limiil,  our  sysiem  too  languid,  to  [ 
offer  efficient  resistance  to  foreign  aggression,  to 
what  dan^^er  may  not  this  fatal  secret  expose  usr 
It  is  ill  this  view,  that  our  controversy  with  Eng-  1 
land  becomes  so  vitally  important.     It  is  in  this 
view,  therefore,  that  I  shall  proceed  to  consider  it,  1 
in   connexion  with  the  relations  which  the  two 
political  systems  of  Europe  and  America,  bear  to 
each  other. 

Sir,  the  great  fact,  which  gives  character  to  the 
politics  of  this  age,  is  the  conspiracy  of  five  mon- 
arclis,  who,  by  their  coalition  with  each  olher, 
linve  concenlialed  in  their  hands  alone,  the  power 
of  giving  law  to  the  whole  of  Europe;  whilst,  by 
their  arms  and  intrigues,  they  are  now  exerting 
an  influence  over  the  rest  of  the  world,  which 
threatens  to  bring  nil  its  parts  in  subjection  to  them. 
Politically,  and  as  independent  sovereignties,  nil 
the  ancient  subdivisions  of  Europe — all  the  secon- 
dary Stales,  which  formerly  balanced  each  other, 
and  by  their  union,  checked  the  ambition  of  the  j 
greater  Powers — have  ceased  to  exist.  From  the  ! 
confederated  thrones  of  England,  France,  Austria, 
Russia,  and  Prussia,  the  mandate  now  goes  forth 
which  regulates  the  whole  European  sysiem. 

This,  sir,  is  a  new  thing  in  the  world.     The 
present  century  has  brought  it  about.     The  nt- 
temnl,  and   the  failure,  ot   a  single  monarch   to 
eslablish  univeinal  dominion,  is  a  spectacle  often 
witnessed  before.     But  the  coalition  of  five  thrones  I 
to  cifect  that  object — llic  conspiracy  of  five  pow-  1 
crfiil  monarchs,  to  enforce,  by  their  united  arms,  1 
not  only  despotism  upon  their  own  subjccis,  but  I 
colonial  vassalage  upon  the  rest  of  manki'iil,  is  nn  ' 
experiment  hitherto  untried.     It  is  an  ex  leriment, 
however,  which  recent  and  current  eve  us  show 
to  be,  not  less  formidable  than  new,  to  tl  ■'.  world 
So  far  a^k^rope  is  concerned,  the  expeiji  cut  is 
already  iTOcessful.    The    dominion    of  i  c   five 
masler-monarchs  is  there  undisturbed,  eithti   by 
vassal  princes  or  sulfering  subjccis.    Two  millions 
of  bayonets  enforce   passive   obedience   to   Iheir 
will,   over   Ihe   whole   of   that  continent,   whilst 
another  million,  is  extending  their  sway  over  the 
other  quarters  of  the  globe. 

It  was  the  French  Revolution,  the  oflspring  of 
our  own,  that  first  aroused  the  European  masses 
from  the  lilcnt  torpor  of  centuries.    It  was  in 


France,,lhat  the  human  mind  first  began  lo  realize 
ils  own  debasenieni,  miller  a  social  orgaiiizaliim 
which  had  so  long  treated  nniio\i»  as  ihe  mere 
property  of  kings.  That  pouiifiil  ngenl,  <iilled 
public  opinion,  bejan  there  to  embody  ilsi  If,  and 
lo  apply  its  miglily  eneri;ies  to  the  work  of  po- 
litical reform.  Mon.irchs  and  prim  es  Ihroughoiil 
Ihe  continent,  taking  the  alarm,  conspired  ini;ellier, 
and  immcdirtlely  uriiied  to  enisli,  in  its  beL'iiiniii':, 
this  new-born  power,  which  seemed  likf  ly  to  be- 
come the  master  element,  in  a  new  oruMiiizniion. 

There  and  then  it  was,  that  the  siiil'c  began 
between  liberty  and  privilege — beiween  ihe  people 
and  ihe  kings;  and  the  French  nation,  as  biiiij  the 
first  in  Europe  lo  speak  aloud  in  behalf  of  freedom, 
was  iherelbre,  the  first  assailed,  by  ihernnreilera- 
led  ministers  of  despotism.  In  jiisiifienlion  of 
their  efPorls  lo  place,  by  force,  a  kinj  over  France 
against  the  will  of  the  luiiion,  Ihe  allied  monarchs 
openly  proclaimed  the  principle,  that  no  people 
whatever,  had  the  right  even  lo  impose  resirninis 
upon  their  sovereign,  much  less  to  displace  him, 
however  essential  lo  the  public  happiness  such 
restraints  might  be.  This  terrible  dogma,  the 
basis  of  that  system  which  has  now  given  to  the 
five  sovereigns  of  Eiiirland,  France,  Ansiriii,  Rus- 
sia, and  Prussia,  the  dielnlorship  of  Europe,  was 
first  announced  by  the  llicn  r^iupernr  of  Oeimnoy 
and  King  of  Prussia,  in  17il2,  and  repealed,  in  his  i 
manifeslo,  by  Ihe  Duke  of  Rriinswiek,  who,  as 
Ihe  leader  of  theirarniies,  in  Ihe  invainnn  of  France, 
ihrenlened,  in  ill  name  of  his  masters,  death  lo 
all  Freni  hmen,  who  should  adhere  lo  the  2'iivern- 
ment  of  their  own  choice,  in  pieferenre  lo  that  of 
a  monarch  sought  to  be  placed  over  ihem,  by  n 
foreign  enemy.  It  was  to  enforce  this  docirine  on 
Ihe  one  hand,  and  lo  resist  it  on  the  oilier,  ihni  the 
armed  masses  of  Europe  were,  for  Iweniy-three 
years,  arrayed  against  eiieh  other,  upon  the  fields 
of  a  thousand  battles.     The  re,.»iilt  is  known. 

In  that  mightiest  ofslrnigles,  thekinis  triumph- 
ed over  their  subjects,  liiil  the  hopes  of  ihe  van- 
quished and  the  fears  of  llic  viciors,  survived  Ihe 
triumph.  Those  hopes  of  fiiiiire  success  still 
entertained  by  the  masses,  and  still  ihreatenin?  to 
uproot  the  thrones  of  the  whole  swarm  of  second- 
ary princes,  nltimnlely  drove  those  princes  lo  seek 


With  this  slate  of  things  before  us — with  En?- 
Innil  and  Russia  reducing  old  Asia  'o  iheir  iiway— 
Frniue  overrunniujf  Afiica — Knglnnd  and  France 
united  to  reihice  South  America — Eiii;laiid  seeking 
to  stretch  her  empirn  over  our  own  soil  of  Ore- 
gon— France  ami  England  seizin!.'  upon  every 
isliincl  in  every  ocean — wilh  a  fiimilv  alliance  be- 
iween the  throne  of  France  and  iln  •  nly  llirone  in 
South  Aiiieriiii — with  Fraiwo  and  Ijigland  but 
lately  united  in  intrigue  to  prevent  Texas  from 
entering  our  I'nioii — with  the  oHicial  announce- 
iiieni  by  the  chief  Minister  of  Frame,  ofhis  wish 
to  apply  the  European  principle  of  Ihe  luilance  of 
power  to  the  Independent  gnvernmeni  of  Ainer- 
na, — wilh  this  state  of  things  before  lis,  where,  I 
ask,  if  the  United  States  shall  falter,  whiro  has 
ilie  world  nnolhi  r  friend  lelY,  strong  ennuf(h  to 
secure  it  a<:ainst  the  universal  dominion  of  iheae 
conspirator-kings? 

And  how,  sir,  stands  the  case  wilh  Ihe  two 
Americas  ?  This  great  continent  (for  I  shall  speak 
of  them  as  one  ronlineni)  embraces  one-third  of 
the  habitable  portion  of  the  globe.  The  whole  of 
it,  from  Cape  Horn  to  the  Arctic  Circle,  was, 
within  eighty  years  past,  and  the  ninstof  it,  within 
lliirly,  subject,  as  colonies,  lo  European  mniiarcha. 
With  the  exception  of  the  present  Rritish  depen- 
dencies on  our  north,  the  whole  of  lliese  niimcroiiH 
'  colonies,  in  both  Americas,  successfully  revolted, 
and,  except  ng  RriziUnii  the  eastern  side  of  .South 
America,  eslnblisbi  il  for  themselves  their  indepen- 
dence MS  nati'MiN,  Olid  llrpiihlicnii  forms  rf  e;o\ern- 
menl,  I'luniled  ii;ir/ii  the  mrrreignlij  of  Ihe  people,  and 
exetitiling  Ihe  prineijiU  of  hertititnry  pcwtr.  These 
colonies  having  become  thus  indepeiideiii,  though 
feeide  Republican  Stales,  and  justly  fearful  that 
Ihe  very  form  of  their  government  woiihl  be,  of 
itself,  a  siillii'ient  reason  for  Ihe  monari'lis  of  Eu- 
rope lo  combine  against  I  hem,  formed  among  them- 
selves, in  both  Americas,  such  conrcileiMiiona,  as 
their  geoi,rapliieal  proximity  permiitcd.  From 
this,  has  resulted  the  g-ent  political  liiei,  so  impor- 
tant lo  be  kept  in  mind,  that  here,  ii[>on  this  con- 
tinent, arc  lo  be  found  the  only  Republican  institu- 
tions, based  upon  the  sovereignty  of  the  people, 
and  excluding  hereditary  prwer,  that  exist  in  the 
world.  These  governments,  some  fiftieii  or  eighteen 


their  individual  safety  asainsi  popular  ouibrenka,  i|  in  number,  compose  the  popular  systeiii  of  the  two 
■       '"   '      *  "  '  ■  Americas,  and  cover  the  whole  of  their  habitablo 

t  surface,  except  Brazil  in  the  south,  and  the  colon- 
I  ics  of  England  on  the  nr.rlh.  Yet  in  all  this  sys- 
i  lem,  there  is  but  a  sinule  member — the  United 
;  Slates — which  possesses  the  power  of  successful 
j  self-defence,  again.sl  foreign  ng;;re.ssion. 

'All  the  olher  members  united,  could  oppose  no 
efficient  resislance  to  the  ambilion  of  the   allied 
!  sovereigns.     Those  monarchs  calmly  looked  on, 
'  and  beheld  wilh  pleasure,  the  dismemberment  of 
!  Ihe  old  Spanish  monarchy,  by  the  revolt  of  Mex- 
ico and  South  America,  because,  lliey  desired  to 
participate  in  the  rich  trade  of  those  regiims,  and 
hoped  that  the  confusion  and  feeblcne.-js  of  untried 


under  the  prniection  of  the  five  confederated  nion 
arclis,  by  the  total  surrender  of  their  political  inile 
pendenee.  This  concentralion  of  the  whole  sover- 
eignty of  Europe  in  five  assm  ialeil  crowns — nn 
aijirregalion  of  power  which  now  inenacis  Ihe 
freedom  of  llic  world,  anil  the  independence  of  all 
nations — was  accomplished  by  the  alliance  sicned 
at  Chaumnnt,  that  subsequently  signed  ni  London, 
the  treaties  of  Paris,  the  nsgotiations  at  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna,  and  by  Ihe  several  sncceeil ins  alli- 
ances and  compacis;  the  whole  embraced  between 
Ihe  years  1813  and  1823.  Thus  has  been  consoli- 
dated a  system,  founded  upon  the  brute  power  of 
the  sword,  against  the  social  rishts  of  men.     By 


this  system,  the  perpetuity  ofheieditary  power — of  '   popular  institutions,  would  enable  them  in  future, 

"     '        "     '  ■"  '   to  appropriate  those  vast  countries  as  colonies  to 

themselves. 

That  hope,  two  of  these  Powers  are  now  openly 
seeking  to  realize — a  hope  which  menaces  Ihe 
whole  "popular  system  ujion  this  conlinent,  and 
which  no  power  on  earth  can  defeat,  but  the  Gov- 
ernment of  this  Union,  the  natural  and  the  rightful 
guardian,  because  it  is  the  parent-power,  of  the 
system.  If,  therefore,  this  Government  shall  allow 
ilself  to  lie  intimidated  into  the  surrender  of  Ore- 
gon, to  Great  Britain — if  it  shall  allow  itself  to  be 
Thus'  belted  about,  still  more  closely,  by  the  iron 
arm  of  the  British  empire — if  it  shall  allow  that 


thrones — of  orders  of  nobility — of  polilicnl  abuses — 
of  the  wrongs  of  government — of  nil  the  sufl'erings 
of  the  pco|ile  throughout  Europe,  have  been  guar- 
antied by  five  monarchs,  who  stand  pledged  lo  each 
other,  and  ready  lo  enforce  pn.ssive  obedience,  wilh 
two  millions  of  bayonets.  By  this  sysiem  it  is, 
that  these  sovereigns  have  constilulcd  themselves 
Ihe  sole  legislaloi's  of  Europe;  have,  for  all  pur- 
poses of  stale,  parcelled  out  ainong  themselves,  ils 
whole  surface  and  population;  have  sought  to  en- 
tail everlasting  bondage  upon  the  masses;  nnd  have 
secured  themselves  against  the  ambition  of  each 
other,  by  the  adjustment  of  nil  jurisdirtionni  and 
territorial  disputes.  Thus,  having  taken  every 
precaution  against  danger  from  popular  move- 
ments, as  well  OS  against  the  ambilion  of  each 
other  at  home,  they  are  now  seeking  lo  extend 
their  system  from  Europe  to  the  ends  of  the  earth 
— to  make  iheir  edicts  stand  for  the  law  of  nations, 
nnd  to  regulate  the  intercommunications,  beiween 

nil   the  communilics  of  the  world.     Under   this      

scheme  of  universal   dominion,  what  a.  spectacle  ,   pendenee  and  freedom?    Yes,  sir,  it  is  upon  the 


i  does  the  world,  at  this  moment,  present !  With 
I  the  professions  of  peace  and  of  religion  upon  their 
I  lips,  these  Inly  allies  are,  at  this  very  hour,  waging 
:  Ihe  most  cruel  and  the  most  causeless  wars  of  spo- 
!  liationand  despotism,  against  the  remotest, the  old- 
;  est,  Ihe  youngest,  the  most  numerous,  the  most  de- 
'  fenceless,  the  most  harmless  portions  of  mankind. 


monarchy  to  extend  and  consolidate  ils  kingly  in- 
sliuitions  still  more  upon  our  borders— if  it  shall 
exliibit  tlicsc  signs  of  apparent  weakness,  will  not 
such  an  exhibition  be  the  signal  of  invitation  to 
the  allied  sovereigns,  lo  strike  down  the  Republi- 
can governments  of  the  South,  one  by  one,  until 
we  ourselves  shall  be  compelled,  nt  last,  to  arm, 
when  all  the  rest  are  lost,  to  defend  our  own  inde- 


iDOwer  of  this  nation — il  is  upon  the  readiness  of 
those  who  administer  ils  government  lo  give  full 
scope  to  the  mighty  energies  of  this  great  people, 
upon  the  first  threat  of  danger,  that  the  file  of  these 
Republics  depends.  Can  any  mf,n  doubt  il  ?  Can 
nny  man  behold  what  France,  England  and  Russia 
are  about  in  the  world — behold  what  the  two 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  VAIN  STREET 

vi<!^:aste»:, NY.  msso 

(7i6)  872-4503 


%■ 


886 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  10  8s  11, 


29tu  Cono IsT  Sess. 


Relationt  toith  England^ — Sfr.  Allen. 


Senate. 


former  are,  at  thii  very  moment,  doing  upon  this 
continent — tan  any  man  lee  these  thinga,  and  yet 
doubt  that,  but  for  the  formi(j|^ble  power  of  Jie 
United  States,  these  monarchs  would  overrun  the 
two  Americas,  and  obliterate  free  institutions  for- 
ever. ? 

With  these  facts  before  us,  does  it  become  us, 
as  the  representatives  of  a  free  and  gallant  people — 
does  it  comport  with  the  interest  and  honor,  with 
the  safety  of  this  Qovemment— does  it  become  our 
glorious  position  as  the  first  Republic  on  earth,  and 
the  safeguard  of  ell  others,  to  cringe,  and  quail, 
and  cower  to  Great  Britain,  as  often  as  she  chooses 
to  set  up  a  claim,  without  right,  to  our  soil,  and  to 
■hake  her  trident  in  our  face  i 

Theanavjsr  to  this  question,  sir,  is  the  point, 
and  the  only  one  involved  in  the  matter  liefore  us. 
For  most  c  rtain  it  is,  that  as  a  free  and  indepen- 
dent natioi  ,  we  shall  cease  to  exist,  when  we  cease 
to  be  for  lidable  to  our  enemies.  The  power 
which  alo.ie  can  secure  us  against  aggression,  and, 
with  us,  the  whole  popular  system,  is  the  belief  of 
the  MTOrld  that  we  are  ready  for  war,  and  have  the 
means  to  wage  it  with  success,  whenever  the  rights 
or  honor  of  the  nation  require  it  to  be  waged.  If, 
instead  of  a  willingness  to  stand  forth  in  a  great 
emergency,  w?  show  a  disposition  to  truckle  and 
filter  before  the  threats  of  others,  the  last  olistruc- 
tion  will  be  removed  to  the  ambition  of  confedera- 
ted kings.  For,  it  is  not  the  decrepitude  of  Asia, 
t.or  the  barbarism  of  Africa,  nor  the  feebleness  of 
Mexican,  of  Central,  or  of  South  America;  nor  is 
i'.  the  disjointed  power  of  the  islands  scattered 
.hrough  the  world,  that  can  limit  the  dominion  of 
these  kingsr  It  is  the  United  States — it  is  the  great 
I)emo<'.racy  of  the  North,  which  holds  tliat  ambi- 
tion at  bay,  that  would  otherwise  encircle  the 
world,  with  its  arms  and  its  chains. 

Shall  I  be  asked,  what  has  all  this  to  do  with 
Oregon  ?— with  the  question  before  us  ?  Shall  I  be 
asked,  "Are  you  in  favor  of  wUr  ?"  These  are 
idle  questions,  which  it  requires  no  wi--  lorn  to  put, 
and  but  little  to  answer.  Every  Sen.lor  knows 
that  our  title  is,  in  truth  and  in  justice,  clear  and 
perfect,  to  the  territory  in  question.  Every  Sena- 
tor knows  that  Great  Britain  cannot  offer  even  the 
decent  apology  of  a  mistake,  for  having  advanced 
pretensions  to  its  ownership.  Every  Senator 
knows  that  more  than  the  fourth  of  a  century  1ms 
been  wasted,  in  unavailing  cflorts  to  indisce  the 
withdrawal  of  those  pretensions.  Every  Senai 
knows  that  we  have  no  way  left,  but  to  extend  our 
laws  over  the  territory,  or  surrender  itioOreiit 
Britain.  Shall  we  extend  them  ?  if  we  do,  and 
she  arm  to  resist  their  execution,  we  must  meet 
that  resistance,  also,  by  arms.  The  question  of 
war  is,  therefore,  with  her,  not  with  us,  to  decide. 
If  we  refuse  to  extend  our  laws,  but  one  reason 
has  been,  can  be  given — the  fear  of  England.  If, 
then,  this  fear  prevails,  how  stand  we  in  the  judg- 
ment of  the  world  ?  What  will  be  the  effect  oV  this 
disclosure  of  the  inefficiency  of  our  Govern  meni, 
for  the  defence  of  its  own  soil.'  What  will  be  the 
effect,  when  it  shall  be  seen  that  this  Repulilic— 
the  only  one  which  hns  been  thought  sulRcicnlly 
■trong  to  guaranty  the  safely  of  its  neighboring 
and  kindred  Governments  against  European  mon- 
archs— what  will  be  the  effect,  when  even  we  arc 
found  willing,  for  tlie  sake  of  peace,  to  allow  Great 
Britain  to  extend  her  system  of  monarchy,  not 
only  upon  this  conttnent,  but  over  a  part  of  our 
own  soil  ?  If  we  do  this,  will  these  sovereigns 
longer  hesitate  in  their  designs?  Will  they  not, 
on  the  contrary,  lake  courage  from  our  apparent 
want  of  it.'  Will  they  not  advance  in  their  pur- 
pose of  universal  dominion?  Will  Ihcy  not  reduce 
the  Southern  Republics  of  the  continent,  and  force 
us,  at  Inst,  to  fight  in  their  defence,  as  an  indispen- 
sable preliminary,  to  the  final  defence  of  ourselves- 
These,  sir,  are  my  views  of  the  moral  involved  in 
this  controversy. 

And  now,  sir,  I  shallproceed  to  look  briefly  into 
the  motives  by  which  Great  Britain  has  ever  regu- 
lated her  conduct  towards  the  United  Suites.  This 
I  deem  necessary,  in  order  to  understand  tlie  secret 
springs  of  the  pending  difficulty. 

Sir,  it  is  in  the  social  nature  of  her  empire  that 
these  motives  are  to  be  found.  They  have  origi- 
nated, not  in  the  whims  of  this  statesman  or  of  that. 
They  are  the  product  of  no  arbitrary  theory,  of  one 
party,  or  of  the  other.  They  spring  from  those 
vital  lawE  of  her  social  h<ang,  which  prescribe  her 


legislation,  which  overbear  all  statesmen  and  all 
parties  alike,  and  bring  all  into  subjection  to  an 
overruling  political  necessity. 

The  insular  position  of  the  parent-centre  of  that 
Government,  first  gave  a  maritime  direction  to  all 
her  interests.  Those  interests  required  and  sought 
colonies,  and  by  planting  them  the  world  over,  con- 
verted an  insular  kingdom  into  an  extended  colo- 
nial empire,  based  upon  commerce,  and  uplicld  by 
(he  fi-ail  security  of  commercial  credit.  To  plant 
colonies,  it  became  necessary  for  her  to  obtain  ter- 
ritory at  remote  points,  often  pre-occupied  by 
others.  She  pnrehastd  no  such  territorjr.  To  pur- 
chase, required  the  consent  of  others — a  thing  not 
always  attainable.  She,  therefore,  simplified  her 
mode  of  acquisition,  by  reducing  it  to  a  system 
which  had  but  one  principle  in  it,  and  required  but 
one  will  to  execute  it.  That  principle  was,  to  start 
causes  of  quarrel,  to  raise  questions  about  naviga- 
tion or  commerce,  to  set  up  claims  to  rivers  or  ter- 
ritory, and  to  enforce  her  pretensions,  however 
unjust,  by  the  terror  of  her  arms  against  the  timid, 
and  by  the  use  of  them  against  the  brave.  When 
successfVil  in  one  claim,  no  matter  how,  she  hns 
instantly  started  another.  Thus,  everywhere,  has 
it  been  her  policy  to  create  nnd  keep  open  causes 
of  quarrel  with  distant  nations,  that  she  might  ever 
have  ready  some  pretext  for  seizing  upon  tlic  ter- 
ritory of  others,  as  often  as  the  spread  of  her  com- 
merce required  new  colonies.  With  us,  her  policy 
has  been,  in  principle,  the  same,  though  more  com- 
plicated in  form. 

Our  strength,  nnd  the  danger  with  which  it  men- 
aces her  adjoining  possessions  in  the  event  of  war, 
has  imparted  more  circumspection  to  her  aggres- 
sions. In  dealing  with  us,  therefore,  she  has  mixed 
up  wiih  her  system  of  terror,  all  the  subsidiary 
elements  of  tliplonmtic  duplicity.  Time,  space, 
and  persons,  are  taken  into  her  ralculatinns.  She 
raises  her  questions  of  dispute  at  different  periods; 
she  lays  her  claims  of  territory  at  different  points; 
she  employs  cunning  nnd  finesse  to  postpone  their 
settlement  to  the  auspicious  hour,  when  terrorcan 
best  promote  her  purposes,  and  then,  by  negotia- 
tion, adjusting  but  one  question  at  a  time,  she 
starts  otliers  in  its  stend,  and  holds  them  in  readi- 
ness for  the  future,  when  another  oiispicious  hour 
shall  arrive.  In  n  word,  her  policy,  ns  it  regards 
us,  has  ever  been  to  start  new  questions  of  dispute 
when  adjusting  old  ones ;  to  threaten  war  in 
every  instance  as  n  consequence  of  nur  refusal  to 
yield;  and  nt  the  same  time,  derlniiniug  about  the 
horrors  of  a  war  between  two  such  notinns,  profess 
her  deep  solicitude  for  the  maintenance  of  the  peace 
and  liarinoiiy  of  the  world.     The  success  of  this 

rinlicy  has  illustrated  alike,  the  forecnst  of  heram- 
litinn  nnd  the  Irinniph  of  her  duplicity.  Most 
profoundly  lins  she  estimated  every  local  circum- 
stance peculiar  to  our  condition — every  incident  to 
which  the  miscellaneous  interesi.  of  our  country, 
its  changing  legislaiitJU,  or  the  personal  character 
of  its  public  functionaries,  might  give  rise.  These 
things  she  has  watched  with  an  unbroken  g:i7.e, 
Never  has  she  let  the  hour  pass  unimproved,  when 
she  anw,  in  the  condition  of  our  affairs,  or  the 
choracter  of  nur  public  men,  the  piosjiect  of  press- 
ing an  old  claim  with  success,  or  of  startina:  a  new 
one,  with  profit.  But,  sir,  the  gravity  of  the  mat- 
ter before  us,  justice  to  the  two  nations  whose  in- 
terests are  involved,  require  that  I  should  reduce 
these  generalities  to  a  form  more  exact  nnd  specific. 
I  proceed,  therefore,  to  well-known  facts,  diclosed 
by  past  and  corroborated  by  current  events.  I 
allude  not  to  the  numberless  aggressions  committed 
by  England  against  us — aggressions  beginning  be- 
fore the  treaty  of  pence  of  1783  was  dry — aggres- 
sions extending  to,  and  resulting  in,  the  late  war. 
I  say  nothing  of  the  manifold  outrages  committed 
upon  our  commerce — nothing  of  the  impressment 
of  our  seamen — of  her  studied  delay  in  delivering 
certain  posM  nnd  islands,  as  by  that  treaty  she 
was  bound — of  her  protracted  refusal  to  execute 
the  boundary,  is  well  a.^  the  commercial  provisions 
of  that  treaty — of  her  constant  efforts  to  traduce 
the  character  and  outrage  the  flag  of  our  country, 
in  all  parts  of  the  world.  I  say  nothing  of  her 
horrible  practice,  during  the  lote  war,  nf  bribing 
the  pitiless  Indian  to  butcher  our  women  nnd  chil- 
dren of  the  West,  whilst  asleep,  at  night,  in  their 
cabins.  I  say  nothing  of  her  having,  within  a  few 
yearn  past,  despatched  an  armed  force,  at  mid- 
night, to  invade  our  shoreji — to  board  an  American 


steamer  moored  to  our  soli — to  cut  it  from  it* 
moorings — to  murder  a  part  of  its  crew — to  leave 
others  for  the  murder  of  tlie  flames — to  put  the 
torch  to  the  boat,  and  then  to  send  her,  freighted 
with  the  dead  bodies  of  our  countrymen,  headlong 
over  the  cataract  of  Niagara; — of  these  things! 
speak  not.  No,  I  shall  begin  with  the  treaty  signed 
at  Ghent  on  the  24lh  of  Dec-niber,  1814. 

And  now,  sir,  murk,  as  I  proceed,  the  exact 
conformity  of  the  facts,  to  the  policy  I  have  as- 
cribed to  Great  Britain. 

That  treaty  terminated  the  late  war.  Upon  its 
face,  it  professed  to  consolidate  pence  between  the 
two  countries,  by  providing  for  the  adjustment  of 
outstanding  difficulties.  From  the  acknowledg- 
ment of  our  Independence,  questions  of  boundary 
and  territorial  rigms  had  been  in  discussion;  and, 
as  it  seems  to  have  been  the  leading  object  of  the 
negotiations  at  Ghent,  to  adjust  those  questions, 
three-fourths  of  the  treaty,  were  devoted  to  that 
purpose.  The  first  of  these  questions  related  to 
the  right  to  certain  islands  in  the  bays  of  Passama- 
quoddy  and  Fundy;  the  ucond,  to  that  part  of  the 
line  of  boundary,  froni  the  point  where  the  forty- 
fifth  degree  of'  north  latitude  strikes  the  river 
Iroquois,  to  the  water  communications  between 
the  lakes  Huron  and  Superior;  the  third,  to  that 
part  of  the  line  from  the  point  I  have  last  named, 
to  the  northwestern  point  of  the  Lake-of-thc- 
Woods. 

Now,  sir,  I  desire  that  this  fact  should  be  kept 
constantly  in  mihd,  that  these  three  were,  xeilh  one 
exer;ition,  the  onlii  questions  of  territorial  right  or 
boundary  which  had  ever  been  started,  down  to  the 
metling  of  the  negotiators  nt  Ghent.  I  say,  with 
otu  excfptinn,  and.  that  was  the  question  of  bound- 
ary upon  the  line  between  the  Lake-of-the-}Vood3 and 
the  Rocky .Voimtnin^.  Let  it  be  lembered, too,  that 
this  old  question  was  left  unsettled,  unprovUted  fm, 
by  the  treaty  of  Ghent;  and  that  to  this  old  ques- 
tion, thus  car.-'fully  excluded  by  the  British  nego- 
tiators, lluij  there,  in  that  very  negotiation,  added 
n  neto  one,  also,  a  question  of  boundary.  Yes;  by 
them,  pending  that  negotiation,  a  new  claim  was, 
for  the  first  time,  set  forth  to  a  hitherto,  undisputed 
partof  our  territory — to  n  part  of  the  now  sovereign 
State  of  Maine.  And,  sir,  in  order  that  this  new 
pretension  might  take  nn  enduring  form,  and  stand 
recorded  for  future  dispute,  the  British  negotiators 
contrived  to  ossign  it  u  place  upon  the  face  of  the 
treaty.  Thus,  in  that  very  '-egotiation — a  nego- 
tiation intended  to  teimina.  existing  war,  and 
professing  to  remove  all  causes  of  war  in  future — 
the  BritisTi  negotiators  studiously  held  back  one  old, 
and  as  studiously  put  forward  one  neio  question  of 
boundary,  upon  the  very  same  line,  of  which  the 
other  questions  formed  a  part. 

You  will  observe,  sir,  tliat  in  this  connexion,  I 
have  called  not  the  name  of  Oregon.  No,  this 
question,  though  it  embraced  the  western  end  of 
the  very  same  line,  (that  between  the  Rocky'Moun- 
tnins  nnd  the  Pacific  Ocean,)  was //wn,  unheard  of— 
unheard  of,  either  before  or  during  the  negotiation 
at  Ghent.  So  far  from  having  ever  hinted  the  ex- 
isience  of  such  a  claim,  the  Uiitish  negotiators  did 
not  so  much  as  name  the  country,  wcf.wnrd  of  the 
mountains.  And  why  was  this  ?  Eocause,  by  the 
rule  of  England's  )ioi,cy,  the  occasion  was  still 
ahead,  when  she  might  hope  to  put  forth  this  claim 
with  better  prospect  of  success.  But  of  this  here- 
after. For  ilie  present  I  must  return  to  the  nego- 
tiations at  Ghent,  that  we  may  see  in  what  manner 
the  old  question  was  excluded,  and  the  new,  put 
forward.  And  first,  as  to  the  old  one — that  of  the 
line  iietwecn  the  Lnke-of-the- Woods  and  the  moun- 
tains. From  the  peace  of  1783,  that  line  had  been 
distiu'ed.  Three  times  previously  to  the  treaty  of 
Ghent,  had  it  been  the  subject  or  formal  negotia- 
tion—in 1794,  in  1803,  nnd  in  1807.  In  the  Inst  of 
these  efforts,  tlie  negotiators  on  6o//i  sides  had  tif^eed 
upon  the  forty-ninth  parallel  of  north  latitude,  as 
the  line  of  be  ndary,  but  no  convenyaj^to  that 
effect,  was  then  concluded.  That  queflV  being, 
therefore,  open,  when  the  negotiators  convened  at 
Ghent,  the  American,  proposed  to  the  British,  its 
final  ttdiuslment  with  the  other  questions  of  bound- 
ary. And  further,  in  order  that  no  excuse  might 
be  found  for  excludin"  it,  they  proposed  it  in  the 
identical  form,  upon  wnich  the  negotiators  on  both 
sides,  had  agreed,  in  1807.  But  no.  The  British 
negotiators,  having  determined  that  it  should  be 
kept  out  for  ftiture  use,  met  the  propnsition  by 


mmm 


mmmm. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


88t 


29rH  Cong 1st  Sgss. 


Rehtimt  with  Ennhnd — Mr.  Allen. 


Senate. 


proposing;  to  add  a  conditinn,  which  they  knew  the 
Amcricnn  negotiators  could  not,  as  they  did  not, 
accept.  This  condition  was,  timt  the  subjects  of 
Eii!;land  should  have,  through  the  United  States 
to  the  Mississippi,  the  free  right  orway,  and  the 
free  navigation  of  that  river. 

Such  were  the  devices  by  which  the  ndjustment 
of  the  old  question  was  then  evaded — tltiit  of  the 
line  between  the  Lake-of-the-Woods  and  the 
mountains. 

And  now,  sir,  let  it  be  seen  by  whi;t  other  de- 
vice, the  neto  question  was  then  got  up — that  of 
the  line,  forming  the  boundar/ of  Maine.  Let  it 
be  seen  by  what  devices  it  wf  s  set  down  in  the 
treaty  of  Qheiit  for  that  fu  are  negotiation,  by 
which  that  State  has  since  b  ;en  dismembered,  and 
the  mountain  chain  which  before,  we  held,  as  a 
military  barrier  against  Ei  gland,  given  to  her,  ns 
a  military  barrier,  against  us. 

These,  then,  were  the  facts:  ''Vhen  the  negotia- 
tions commenced,  the  British  nf  gotiators  proposed 
to  the  American,  that  the  United  Slates  should 
cede  to  Great  Britain  that  part  of  the  present  Slate 
of  Maine  which  formed  an  angle  between  the  two 
British  proi-inces  of  New  Brunswick  and  Canada, 
in  order  to  straighten  the  communications  between 
those  provinces.  This  they  proposed  should  be 
done,  by  a  revision  of  the  old,  and  hitherto  undis- 
puted boundary,  as  fixed  by  the  treaty  of  1782. 
By  the  very  terms  of  this  proposition  of  cession, 
the  British  negotiators  acknowledged  the  right  of 
the  United  States  to  the  territory,  which  they 
sought  then,  to  acquire.  This  territory  had  ever 
been  included  within  our  organized  limits;  Great 
Britain  had  never,  vp  to  ihal  moment,  dropped  a 
hint  impeaching  our  title  or  suggesting  any  pre- 
tension, upon  her  part,  to  an  inch  of  that  territory. 
Never  had  she  even  hinted  the  existence  of  any 
doubt  or  uncertainty,  as  to  the  old  boundary  in 
that  region.  Nor  did  her  negotiators  then,  at  the 
eoinRMncenunt  of  the  negotiations,  drop  such  a  hint. 
But  when  the  American  negotiators  treated  this 
proposition  for  a  cession  of  the  territory,  as  an 
effort  of  the  British  Government  to  dismember  the 
United  States,  stated  their  own  want  of  authority 
to  make  such  cession,  and  declared  that  they 
would  never,  therefore,  subscribe  a  stipulation  to 
thsLt  effect:  when  this  was  done,  the  British  nego- 
tiators, seeinglthat  all  prospect  of  obtaining  the 
territory  bif  cession,  was  at  an  end,  instantly  changed 


ft-om  the  Lakc-of-lhe-Woods  to  the  mountains  was 
fixed;  the  other,  through  Maine,  wo  a  left  to  a  more 
aus]iicious  hour.  But  was  this  ail?  By  no  means. 
That  would  have  been  but  half  the  fruit  of  her 
policy.  Too  wise  to  adjust  b-ih  questions  at  once, 
she  was  too  wise  also  to  adjust  even  one,  without 
being  ready  with  anolher  to  take  its  place.  Then 
it  was,  therefore,  that  her  claim  to  Oregon  was  first 
brought  forth — then  it  was,  that,  as  at  Ghent,  she 
had  caused  her  then  neto  claim  on  the  line  of  Maine 
to  be  set  down  on  the  face  of  the  treaty  for  after  ar- 
rangen^^nt;  go  here,  again,  she  caused  this  yet  newer 
claim  to  Oregon  to  be  fixed  upon  the  face  of  the 
convention,  likewise,  for  after  adjustment.  Ttfo 
questions,  therefore,  remained  to  be  settled  when 
the  convention  was  signed — the  neto  one,  of  the 
Maine  line,  fii-st  started  at  Ghent,  and  since  settled 
by  the  Ashburton  treaty;  and  the  still  newer  one  of 
Oregon,  started  in  this  lost  ncgotialion,  and  perpet- 
uated to  this  hour,  by  the  convention  of  the  6th  of 
August,  1827. 

In  the  order  of  time,  the  next  negotiation  is  that 
which  terminated  in  the  Ashburton  treaty.     And 
to  this,  the  most  important  of  all,  I  desire  the  es- 
pecial attention  of  the  Senate.    I  desire  it,  because, 
in  this  transaction,  more  than  in  nil  others,  the 
policy  of  Greot  Britain — that  policy  which  has  re- 
sulted so  profitably  to  her,  so  disastrously  to  our 
interests — is  displayed,  not  merely  in  the  results, 
but  in  every  feature  upon  the  face  of  the  corre- 
spondence.   And  here,  in  the  first  place,  let  it  be 
j  remembered,  that  when  this  negotiation  began,  not 
only  did  the  two  quest  oi-.s  of  boundary — that  of 
Maine  and  that  of  Oregon — stand  open  for  adjust- 
ment, but  olher  questions,  also,  of  the  greatest  mo- 
ment.   These  were,  the  question  of  the  "Creole," 
!  involving  the  safety  of  a  large  interest  peculiar  to 
j  Ihe  States  of  the  South;  the  question  of  the  "Car- 
!  oline,"  involving  the  integrity  of  our  soil,  and  the 
j  violated  honor  of  our  country;  the  question  of 
i  "impressment  and  the  right  of  search,"  involving 
i  the  freedom  of  the  seas,  the  independence  of  our 
flag,  and  the  security  of  our  commerce  throughout 
the  world.    These  were  the  questions,  every  one 
of  which,  as  well  as  the  two  questions  of  bound- 
I  ary,  had  been  discussed  between  the  two  Govcrn- 
j  ments,  but  remained  still  open  when  Lord  Ashbur- 
j  ton  arrived.    He  came,  in  what  character?    That 


of  a  "Plenipotentiary  of  her  Britannic  Majesty  on 
an  extraordinary  and  special  mission  to  the  United 
their  position,  and  then,  for  the  first  time,  claimed  jj  States."  He  came,  with  what  object?  With  an 
the  territory  for  Greot  Britain,  as  a  matter  of  right  j  "  unfeigned  desire  to  settle  this  (the  Maine  boiind- 
— as  a  thing  to  which  she  had  always  had  a  title.  \\  ory)  nnd  all  other  questions  of  difference  between 
Then  for  the  first  time,  did  they  set  up  the  shame-   1  us,  (the  two  Governments,)  on  principles  of  con- 


less  pretension,  that  the  true  line  of  boundary  was 
not,  where  it  had  ever  been  known  and  recognised 
to  be,  but  that  it  ran  through  that  territory,  so  as 
to  throw  to  Great  Britain,  as  a  matter  of  right,  the 
identical  angle  which,  but  a  few  weeks  bcibre, 
they  had  asked  our  negotiators  to  cede,  ns  n  thing  j 
belonging  to  the  United  States,  and  desired  by  | 
Great  Britain.    Under  these  circumstances  it  was, 
that  our  negotiators  (I  speak  not  of  ihe  wisdom  of 
their  conduct  in  this  r  rticular)  so  fur  yielded  as 
to  allow  an  orticle  to  b,  inserted  in  the  treaty,  pro-  I 
vidingfor  the  re-survey  of  the  line.   Thjs,  was  this  ; 
new  question  of  boundary  started  at  Ghent,  by  the 
British  negoti.itors,  and  together  with  the  old  ques- 
tion, of  which  I  have  spoken,  kept  in  reserve  by  ' 
them,  for  the  future  use  of  their  Government  in 
treating  with  ours. 

Here,  then,  it  is  to  bo  remembered,  that  ot  tlie 
conc/nston  of  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  two  questions  of  \ 
boundary  remoined  to  be  settled;  one  an  old  one,  | 
the  other  n  new  one;  the  first,  that  from  the  Lake- 
of-lhe-Woods  to  the  Rocky  Mountains;  the  sec-  | 
ond,  that  through  the  territory  of  Maine. 

And  now,  sir,  I  come  to  the  next  negotiation  in  '■ 
the  order  of  lime — that  which  ended  in  the  con-  ' 
■vention  of  20th  of  October,   1818.    This,   too, 
had  the  adjustment  of  boundaries  for  its  object 


ciliation  and  justice." 

Such  was  the  Minister,  such  the  objects  of  his 
mission,  os  expressly  declared  by  himself,  in  that 
part  of  the  correspondence  with  which  the  negotia- 
tion began.  And  who  was  the  man  thus  commis- 
sioned by  England  to  discharge  the.'se  important 
duties  in  her  behalf?  The  very  man,  above  all 
others,  best  suited  to  the  work  his  Government 
desired  to  be  done.  England  knew  full  well  the 
circumstances  in  which  our  Government  was 
placed.  She  knew  the  interests  she  had  at  stake. 
She  knew  the  fiuspicious  hour  had  arriv.'  to  se- 
cure those  interests.  She  knew  how  to  select  an 
agent  best  fitted  to  the  exigencies  of  the  case.  Lord 
Ashburton  had  acquired  the  disiinctinn  of  being 
the  first  merchant  nnd  banker  in  the  world.  He 
had  been  in  the  '  ited  States.  Circumstances, 
peculiarly  interesting  to  himself,  had  attracted  his 
special  attention  to  American  affairs,  and  to  the 
men  who  managed  them.  His  habils  nnd  man- 
ners hni!  been  formed  by  a  life  of  business,  and 
were  therefore  assimilateu  to  these  of  the  business 
people  of  America.  Never  was  a  Minister  more 
wisely  selected.  For,  nothing  but  n  plain,  blunt 
business  man,  ns  he  seemed  to  be,  he  was  never- 
theless, fresh  fVom  a  school,  where  nil  the  mys- 
terious  means   by  which  diplomacy  is  rendered 


And  what  was  the  result?    With  a  steadiness  of  |  successful,  had  long  been,  and  still  are  taught  by 

purpose  which  system  alone  can  give.  Great  Brit-  i  men,  who,  by  these  means,  have  curried  the  laws 

ain  again  pursued,  and  again  obtained,  the  desired  :  of  England  around  the  circle  of  tlie  earth.     Lord 

end.     7W  questions  of  boundary  lemaiiied  iiniid-  '  Ashburton  understood  his  mission.    All  the  ele- 

jiisted  when  the  negotiations  were  opened — the  old  j  nienis,  by  which  his  success  was  to  be  rendered 

one,  and  the  neto  one  of  which  I  have  spoken,  certain,  liiid  been  put  in  requisition  before  his  de 


I    SllC 

Were  both  of  them  settled?  No,  sir;  no.  Fuithl'ul 
to  herself— faithful  to  the  unbending  principles  of 
her  system.  Great  Britain  found  means  to  adjust 
the  old  one  only,  and  to  hold  the  neio  one  still  in 
rewrve  for  the  fbture.    In  that  convention,  the  line 


pnrture  from  home.  The  British  Cabinet  had 
already  prepared  the  way,  which  was  to  lend  to 
the  consummation  of  his  object.  They  had  scijt 
a  war  panic  to  the  United  States,  in  advance  of  his 
advent.    They  had  no  trouble  to  do  this,    It  was 


a  thing  they  had  often  done  before;  and  will  do 
again,  as  often  as  a  war-panic  is  found  the  cheap- 
est means,  ofextorthig  concessions  from  us.  How 
easy  was  the;  process  ?  I  will  imagine  the  scene. 
I  will  imagine  the  British  Minister,  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  to  have  invited  to  his  presence,  a  select 
few  of  the  chief  merchants  and  bankers  of  London 
and  Liverpool  engaged  in  American  trade  and 
stocks;  and,  therefore,  connected  with  commercial 
houses  and  stockbrokers  in  our  Atlantic  cities.  I 
will  imagine  him  to  address  them  thus:  "  Qentle> 
men,  it  is  the  interest  of  her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment, that  her  Majesty  should  have  a  part  of  ths 
territory  of  Maine,  in  order  to  shorten  the  route, 
nnd  facilitate  the  march,  of  her  Majesty's  armies, 
to  put  do  wn  republican  principles  in  her  Majesty  'a 
Canadian  provinces.  It  is  also  necessary  thot  her 
Majesty  should  have  another  part  of  the  territory 
of  Maine,  n  mountain  borrier  of  some  hundred 
miles  in  length,  which  a  council  of  her  Majesty's 
Generals — over  whom  B'ield  Marshal  the  Duke  of 
Wellington  presided — have  declared  would  give  to 
her  Majesty's  armies  great  advantages  over  the 
United  States  in  the  event  of  war.  To  obtain 
these  great  objects,  her  Majesty's  Government 
have  determined  to  send  n  special  Minister  to  the 
Government  of  the  United  Stotes.  Her  Majesty's 
Government  have  reason  to  know,  by  private  ad- 
vices ft-om  that  country,  that  Ihe  condition  of  affairs 
there,  is  most  auspicious  to  the  policy  of  her  Ma- 
jesty's Government.  It  is  material,  therefore,  that 
lier  Majesty's  Minister  should  depart  on  his  mis- 
sion ns  soon  as  practicable;  but  it  is  even  more 
important,  to  flie  success  of  his  mission,  that,  pre- 
viously to  liis  departure,  the  nppreAension  of  a  war 
with  England  should  be  impressed  upon  tlie  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States.  With  this  view,  steps 
have  already  been  taken,  ns  you  must  have  per- 
ceived, to  have  it  announced,  through  the  principal 
journals  of  London  and  Liverpool,  in  the  service 
of  her  Majesty's  Government,  tKat  her  Majesty's 
Government  was  making  extraordinary  prepara- 
tions for  war,  by  land' and  sea — that  great  activity 
was  observable  in  her  Majesty's  dock-yards,  in 
the  preparation  and  armament  of  ships  for  sea, 
peculiarly  adapted  to  distant  service — that  a  largo 
fleet  had  already  put  to  sea,  apparently  destined  to 
the  coast  of  America— that  the  Admiralty  Board 
had  for  weeks  held  dnily  sessions — that  several 
regiments  of  her  Majesty 's  troops  had  been  ordered 
from  the  West  Indies  to  her  Majesty's  provinces 
ill  America — that  every  precaution  had  been  taken 
to  increase  and  strengthen  her  Majesty's  fortifica- 
tions ond  garrisons  in  those  provinces — and  that 
all  these  preparations  were  understood  to  be  made 
in  consequence  of  the  threatening  aspect  which 
the  Maine  boundary  discussion  between  the  two 
countries  had  unhappily  assumed — a  stale  of  things 
which  had  already  greatly  affected  stocks  and  ex- 
change, end  increased  the  rate  of  insurance  on  all 
vessels  engaged  in  the  American  trade.  The  an- 
nouncement of  these  matters  you  have,  no  doubt, 
seen  in  these  journals;  but  as  these  journals  do  not 
circulate  in  America,  it  is  indispensable  to  the  in- 
terests of  her  Majesty's  Government,  tht._  'he  same 
matters  should  be  announced  in  the  leading  jour- 
nals of  the  principal  cities  in  that  country,  partic- 
ularly New  York  and  Boston.  It  is  likewise  of 
great  moment  to  her  Majesty's  Government,  that, 
in  addition  to  this  announcement,  those  American 
journals  should  strongly  depict  the  horrors  and 
serious  consequences  or  such  a  war.  In  a  word, 
it  is  necessary  thus  to  act  through  those  American 
"journals,  first,  upon  the  apprehensions  of  the  com- 
mercial, and  other  great  interests,  on  the  seaboard, 
and  next,  through  those  interests,  upon  the  appre- 
hensions of  the  American  Government  itself.  You 
now  understand  the  policy  of  her  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment; and  as  Lord  Ashburton,  her  Majesty's 
Minister,  will  deport  to  America  within  a  very  few 
months,  and,  also,  inasmuch  as  it  is  deemed  vitally 
important  to  the  interests  of  her  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment, that  these  effective  impressions  should 
be  mode  upon  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
prior  to  his  orrivnl  there,  it  is  the  especial  desire 
of  her  Majesty 's  Government  that  each  of  you, 
gentlemen,  should  immediately  communicate  with 
your  respective  houses,  agents,  and  business  asso- 
ciates, in  America,  and  especially  in  the  cities  of 
New  York  and  Boston,  instructing  them  to  impart 
to  all  the  public  journals  in  their  interest,  and 
within  Iheir  inluencc,  the  proper  tone,  in  accord* 


838 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIOIVAL  GLOBE. 


[Feb.  10&  11, 


2^H  C0N0....*lST  SeSB. 


Reltttiom  with  Etiglahd-r-Mr.  Alien. 


Senate. 


■nee  with  what  you  are  now  adviaed  i«  the  policy 
of  her  Majesty's  Government." 

These  were  the  means,  end  Jlhese  only,  to  which , 
it  was  necessary  for  the  British  Cabinet  to  resort, 
in  order  to  get  up  a  war-panic,  on  this  side  of  the 
Atlantic,  in  advance  of  Lord  Ashburlon'a  arrival. 
And  what,  sir,  wns  the  fact?  For  months  before 
he  reached  our  shores,  the  leading  papers  of  our 
seaboard  cities  began  to  send  forth  one  wild  shriek 
of  horror  at  Oie  idea  of  a  war  witli  England .  The 
cry  wns  instantly  repeated  by  the  presses  of  a  kin- 
dred character  throu,|i,hout  the  interior.  Many 
and  mighty  were  the  armaments  which,  we  were 
told,  England  was  preparing  against  us,  by  land 
and  sea.  Commerce,  it  wns  said,  wns  to  be  swept 
from  tlie  ocean — cities  laid  in  ashes — the  whole 
face  of  the  land  made  desolate,  and  all  the  count- 
letis  calamities  of  the  world  were  to  be  concen- 
trated upon  our  devoted  coimtry,  if  we  did  not 
yield  to  the  demands  of  England.  The  expendi- 
tures of  such  a  war,  in  money  and  in  life,  were 
footed  up  in  columns  of  frightful  figures,  and  dis- 
played to  our  people  and  Government  as  so  many 
additionil  reasons  why  we  should  surrender  to 
England  such  partsof  our  native  soil, as  shemight 
think  proper  to  exact.  To  be  sure,  it  was  known 
that  all  branches  of  the  Government,  and  the  Sen- 
ate, by  a  unanimous  vote,  had  declared  our  title 
to  be  perfect  to  the  whole  territory  in  question;  to 
be  sure,  it  wns  known  that  all  branches  of  the 
Governracnt  had  sworn  to  support  the  Constitu- 
tion; to  be  sure,  it  was  known  that  the  Constitu- 
tion forbade  the  dismemberment  of  the  Stale  of 
Maine,  by  surrender  of  a  territ«ry  which  lay 
within  her  acknowledged  limits:  no  matter  for  nil 
this — no  matter  for  rlglits,  for  honor,  for  oaths, 
for  the  Constitution — England  wanted  the  terri- 
tory, that  was  enough.  And,  therefore,  the  public 
man  who  dared  even  to  hesitate  in  the  surrender 
of  his  native  soil  to  a  foreign  monarch,  was  de- 
nounced and  reviled  by  these  presses,  as  though 
fidelity  to  one's  oath  and  country  was  a  crime, 
and  virtue  was  alone  to  be  found  in  perjury  and 
treason. 

Thus,  then,  all  thin°;s  being  ready — the  war- 
panic — the  bloody  humoug  having  been  skilfully 
conjured  up  in  the  United  Stotes,  and  so  timed  as 
to  strike  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  at  the  very 
moment  of  their  meeting — the  de[iarture  of  Lord  i 
Ashburton  for  America  wns  duly  announced  in 
the  London  and  Liverpool  papers,  and  the  an- 
nouncement duly  repeated  in  those  of  our  eastern 
cities.  England,  we  were  told — unambitious, 
just,  generous  England — influenced  solely  by  the 
pious  desire  to  maintain  the  peace  of  the  world, 
and  to  promote,  the  sacred  cauHe  of  civilization  and 
religion,  hnd  graciously  condescended  to  send  us 
a  messenger  of  peace;  and,  therefore,  that  Lord 
Ashburton  would  be  furnished  with  plenary  power.i 
to  select  such  parts  of  the  State  of  Maine  as  her 
Majesty  Victoria  the  First  desired  to  possess. 
Upon  this  announcement,  real  joy  took  the  pliice 
of  affected  terror  upon  the  Ceaiures  of  those,  who 
hod  been  the  instruments  of  the  war-panic  impos- 
ture. Their  eyes  turned  toward  the  occnn,  burn- 
ed to  catch  the  first  glimpse  of  the  honor-burdened 
!;yk,  which  had  been  despatched  to  our  shores, 
uith  this  especial  minister  of  peace,  and  gazing, 
now  in  this  direction,  now  in  that,  they  were  be- 
ginning even  to  rebuke  the  sluggard  elements, 
when  all  at  once,  thot  bark  rose  intoview.  Lord 
Ashburton  had  arrived.  They  hailed  his  advent, 
OS  that  of  one,  who  had  come  to  rescue  an  other- 
wise ruined  world.  They  followed  him  whither- 
soever he  went,  obsequious  to  his  beck.  On  his 
side,  his  lordship,  fully  understanding  this  rtirce 
of  the  war-panic  party,  and  knowing  that  the 
policy  of  his  Cabinet  required  him  to  act  out  his 
part  in  the  plot,  threw  into  his  face  the  alternating 
light  of  hope  and  gloom  of  despair.  Uiiofiending 
in  his  manners  to  any,  he  was  gay  or  grave,  gentle 
or  abrupt  by  turns,  and  concealing,  under  appa- 
rent frankness,  the  quiet  craft  of  an  old  diploma- 
tist, he  expressed  in  nis  bearing,  equally,  a  solici- 
tude for  peace  and  an  apprehension  of  war. 

At  length  the  hour  for  action  had  arrived.  Lord 
Ashburton  came  to  the  capital.  On  our  part,  the 
wise  man  of  the  East,  [Mr.  Webster,]  then  in  the 
Stcte  Department,  was  commissioned,  by  the  Pres- 
ident, to  cut  the  Stale  of  Maine  in  two,  and  to  de- 
liver over  to  her  Majesly'a  Minister  such  portion, 
a*  her  Majesty  desired.   The  proceM  and  the  form 


of  delivery  was  to  be  styled  a  negotiation,  in  order 
that  it  might  seem  to  the  world,  that  our  Secretary 
had  at  least  talked  some  little  about  the  matter, 
before  he  agreed  to  the  surrender.  'His  lordship 
and  our  Secretary  were  not  strangers.  They  had 
met  in  London  before.  "  They  knew  each  other," 
"  both  for  good  and  ill."  They  knew  each  other's 
objects,  and  dispositions,  and  had,  therefore,  no 
difficulty  in  agreeing  not  to  keep  prolocob  at  tortKcn 
mtmmimia  of  the  transaolions,  upon  which  they 
were  about  to  enter.  This  point  being  settled,  they 
proceeded. 

But,  inasmuch  as  it  had  been  the  policy  of  Eng- 
land, first  to  get  up  a  war-panie  m  the  United 
States,  that  the  mission  mijiht  come  with  the 
greater  effect,  as  being  the  only  means  of  maintain- 
ing peace,  it  wns  neccasnry  to  the  success  of  her 
duplicity  that  the  Minister  should,  at  the  ou(,uf  of 
the  negotiation ,  pro/fss  to  have/itM  pouierii  to  settle 
(jfj  the  outstanding  micstions  of  dispute,  between 
the  two  countries.  This  profession  was  necessa- 
ry, as  the  mi.ssion  was  declared  to  be  a  mission  of 
peace;  and  because,  if  a  part  only  of  the  questions 
were  settled,  equally  dangerous  causes  of  war 
might  remain  in  the  balance.  Lord  Ashburton 
(/id,  therefore,  in  his  first  note  to  Mr.  Webster, 
dated  at  Wn.ohington,  June  13,  1843,  make  this 
profession  of  full  powers,  in  the  following  clear  and 
emphatic  Inngunge: 

"TIio  very  friendly  and  rorrtlnl  reception  elven  l>yyou, 
Blr,  pa  well  a(»  by  nil  the  niitlinritles  of  your  Government,  to 
the  ft»!!urnnpe  th.it  my  inicsitm  liere,  liy  my  snvereigrn,  has 
been  determincil  by  nn  nnfeisned  dosire  lo  settle  /Ajx,  nnd  rdl 
other  qiieplionfl  of  ditTerence,  between  us  on  prinripIeA  of 
conrjiiatinn  niid  Justice,  forbid  inc  to  nnUeipnte  the  pouihil- 
ity  of  the  failure  of  our  endeavori*,  applied  witli  sincerity  to 
tliis  purpose." 

These  full  poieers,  thus  professed  by  the  British 
Minister,  were  fully  recognised  by  Mr.  Webster, 
in  his  first  note  responsive  to  that  Minister,  dated 
at  Wnshinston,  June  17,  1842,  and  which  opens 
with  the  following  words: 

"Lord  AKhbnrton  hnvitu;  been  charred  by  the  Qncen*fl 
Government  with  full  poivers  to  ne^afii-.te  nnd  settle  all  mut- 
ters in  diticuibion  between  the  United  States  and  England," 

And  here,  sir,  let  it  ngain  be  remembered,  that 
the  "  questions  of  dilTorenrn,"  these  "  mntters  in 
discussion,"  were  five  in  number:  the  "  Maine 
boundary,"  the  "Oregon,"  the  "Creole,"  the 
"Caroline,"  and  the  "impressment  and  right  of 
search;"  the  second  of  whioli  presented  a  no  less 
dnngcrous  cause  of  quarrel  tlim  the  first,  and  the 
last  one  of  all  being  tne  very  Name  question,  out  of 
which  the  for>rier  war  between  the  two  countries 
hnd  grown.  Well,  sir.  Lord  Ashburton  had  come 
■avowedly  on  a  mission  of  peace,  nnd  it  wns  to  se- 
cure that  great  object,  by  the  adjustment  of  a?(theFe 
questions,  that  he,  at  the  outset  of  the  nezotiationa, 
professed  to  hnvc  the  amplest  powers.  Were  these 
all  settled  ?  No,  sir.  But,  on  the  contrary,  every 
question  wns  evaded  nnd  thrown  out  of  the  neeo- 
tialion,  except  the  single  question  of  the  Maine 
boundary;  nnd  that,  tea,  whilst  another  matter — 
the  African  squadron — a  matter  wholly  alien  to  the 
professed  business  of  his  mission,  nnd  about  which 
there  never  had  been ,  nor  c  vcr  cou  Id  he  an  y  d  ispute, 
wns  made  a  part  of  the  treaty,  at  the  instance  of  the 
British  Minister.  Why  wns  this?  Why  was  it, 
that  this  minister  of  peace,  with  full  powers  to  settle 
all,  left  uiisef/lfd,  four  of  the  five  questions — two 
equally  pregnant  with  causes  of  war  ?  Was  it  be- 
cause our  Government  wns  unwilling  to  settle 
everything,  and  thus  'o  dispel  every  cloud  that 
overhung  the  f\iturp  r  No,  sir.  For  in  the  corre- 
spondence, it  nppeura  that  Mr.  Webster  professed 
his  readiness  to  settle  all,  because  he  knew  that  the 
American  people  were  fully  aware  that  their  inter- 
ests demanded  that  u'H,  nrnone,  of  those  difficulties 
should  be  settled  at  the  same  time.  This  was  a 
secret  known  also  to  England,  and  thereft.re  Lord 
Ashburton,  in  accordance  with  the  perfidious  pol- 
icy of  his  Government,  resolved  that,  in  the  end, 
but  one  question  should  be  settled,  whilst  profess- 
ing, in  the  fcr^nntn^,  the  power  and  readiness  to 
settle  all.  When,  therefore,  he  had  obtained  of 
Mr.  Webster  a  surrender  of  as  much  of  the  State 
of  Maine  as  England  thought  proper  to  demand, 
and  nn  agreement  that  a  large  part  of  our  navy 
should  be  withdrawn  from  the  protection  of  our 
own  shores,  and,  at  the  cost  of  half  a  million  of 
dollars  annually  to  our  people,  gent  to  rot  upon  the 
cooat  of  Africa,  he  Buddenly  stopped,  laid  down 


his  pen,  threw  hlmacirback  in  his  choir,  and  said, 
"  I  am  done." 

Done,  my  lord?  I  am  done.  My  lord,  the 
"  Creole  ?"  O,  in  regani  to  that,  on  reflection,  we 
will  let  that  stand  over.  But,  my  lord,  the  "  Caro- 
line r"  True,  true,  yes,  well,  ao,  suppose  we  just 
let  that  pass.  The  "impressment  and  right  of 
search  .>",  my  lord.  Indeed,  that  is  complicated. 
My  lord,  the  Oregon  territory  ?  Ah  !  in  regard  to 
all  these  things,  I  have  no  powera.  No  powers,  my 
lord  ?    None. 

Such,  Mr.  President,  we  may  imagine,  from  the 
correspondeneo,  to  have  been  the  scene  of  Ihik 
negotiation;  such  was  the  beginning,  progress,  and 
end  of  this  miserable  farce — this  great  mission  of 
humanity  and  peace — a  mission,  whose  professed 
object  was,  to  remove  all  cau.sea  of  that  teirible 
wiir,  which  we  were  assured  would  otherwise 
break  upon  the  world, and  put  to  hazard  the  whole 
system  of  civilization.  It  was  this  mission  that 
ended  in  the  settlement  of  one  iiuestion  by  conce- 
ding to  England  nil  she  demanded,  and  the  post- 
ponement of  at  least  (too  others,  equally  fruittul  in 
causes  of  quarrel  and  of  war.  The  treaty  was 
sent  to  the  Senate.  The  wnr-panic  here  induced 
its  ratification.  Lord  Ashburton  put  it  into  his 
portfolio,  and  hastened  to  the  presence  of  her 
Mnjesiy,  with  the  consciousness  of  having,  during 
a  single  campaign  of  si.x  months  in  our  capital, 
unaided  by  anything  that  belongs  tc  an  army, 
conquered  for  England,  more  of  our  territory,  than 
all  her  arms  could  have  conquered  in  a  century. 
The  dueen  smiled,  and  ratified  the  treaty.  She 
hnd  cut  a  piece  of  our  territory  out  of  the  side 
of  our  Constitution — not,  indeed,  by  the  sword, 
but  by  the  yet  sharper  edge  of  negotiation.  Her 
Ministers  and  statesmen,  in  full  Parliament  assem- 
bled, then  proudly  exulted  in  the  display  of  a 
map,  marked  by  the  hand  of  an  English  King,  to 
prove  that  they  had  obtained,  without  price,  with- 
out blood,  by  the  mere  means  of  a  bullying 
negotiation,  a  territory  fVom  us,  to  no  one  inch  of 
which  had  she  any  right  whatever.  The  fact 
went  forth  to  the  world.  Tlie  war-panic — the 
instrument  with  which  England  had  worked — was 
found  to  have  been  n  miserable  humbug.  The 
men  who,  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantir,  hnd  been 
her  agents  in  getting  it  up,  sought  to  excuse  their 
conduct,  by  impudently  declariiig  that  the  territory 
surrendered  was  of  lilile  or  no  value. 

Once  more,  I  desire  .he  Senate  to  remember, 
that  I  am  seeking  to  prove  England's  policy  to  be, 
tlie  settlement  of  but  one  difficulty  at  a  time,  the 
odjoumment  of  all  others  to  the  future,  and  the 
report  to  a  war-panic,  in  every  instance,  as  the 
best  means  of  extorting  concessions  fVom  us. 
With  the  same  view,  I  proceed. 

The  Ashlnirton  treaty  was  signed,  in  this  capital, 
on  the  ninth  otJiufrust,  and  ratified  in  London  on 
the  thirteenth  of  October,  eighteen  hundred  and 
forty-two.  By  that  treaty,  England  had  secured  a 
part  of  Maine.  That  object  wns  obtained — that 
work  done.  What  next?  Why,  sir,  on  the^i/ffc 
day  after  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  which  gave 
her  that  territory,  she  instructed  Mr.  Fox,  her  then 
Minister  at  Washington,  to  commence  negotiations 
with  our  Government  about  the  Oregon  territory; 
and  in  those  very  instructions.  Lord  Merdeen  telti 
Mr.  Fox  that  Lord  ,/lshbnrton  had  been  "furnished 
ti'ilh  specific  and  detailed  instructions  with  respect  to 
the  treatment  of  this  point  of  difference  between  the  tico 
Governments," — Ihat  is,  the  Origon  question.  Here, 
then,  it  seems  that  Lord  Ashburton  refused  to  set- 
tle the  Oregon  dispute  in  connexion  with  thai  of 
the  Maine  uoundary,  in  obedience  to  tlie  specific 
and  detailed  instructions  of  his  Government. 
Either  so,  or  he  violated  those  instructions  by 
excluding  that  matter.  Which  did  he  do?  This 
question  is  answered  in  the  same  despatch  to  Mr. 
Pox,  in  which  he  is  told  that.  Lord  Ashburton  had 
brought  the  "  negotiations  with  which  he  was  in- 
structed lo  asatisfMlory  issue."  Yes,  w',  he  had 
obeyed  his  instructions  in  keeping  out  tlie  Oregon 
question.  To  have  disobeyed,  would  have  been 
fatal  to  him.  For  no  culprit,  however  guilty, 
stands  less  chance  for  impunity  than  the  English 
Minister  who  disregards  the  orders  of  his  Govern- 
ment. ThatGovcrnment,  which  conquers  equally 
by  negotiation  nnd  arms,  exacts  equal  subordina- 
tion from  her  dipolomatisis  and  generals.  When, 
therefore.  Lord  Ashburton,  at  the  beginning  of  liia 
conference  with  Mr.  Webster,  declared  that  he  had 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


689 


29th  Cono 14t  Sess. 


Relatiotu  with  England — Mr.  AUen. 


Senate. 


full  power*  to  lettle  oil  the  questiona  in  dispute, 
and,  at  iht  eonctiuion,  declared  that  he  had  no 
power  to  iRttle  any  but  one,  that  of  the  Maine 
l)0undary,  he  did  but  repeat  the  dttmUd  and  fftcifie 
instructions  of  his  QoTernment.  He  did  but  carry 
out  England '3  system  of  diplomatic  duplicity  and 
trickery.  If  I  urn  asked,  what  object  England 
could  nave  had  in  refusing  to  adjust,  at  the  same 
time,  more  than  one  ditficulty  witli  us,  my  answer 
is  ready:  it  was,  to  give  enect  to  the  war-panic 
upon  our  Government.  To  illustrate  this,  let  it  be 
recollected  that  when  the  Ashburton  negotiation 
opened,  there  were,  to  say  nothing  of  the  cases  of 
"the  Creole"  and  "the  Caroline,"  thru  great 
questions  in  dispute — the  Maine  boundary,  the 
Oregon  boundary,  and  the  impressment  and  right 
of  search.  These  three  questinns,  taktn  together, 
involved  the  interests,  nnu,  therefore,  excited  the 
feelings,  of  the  ichole  American  people.  The  whole 
East,  felt  a  more  immediate  interest  in  the  question 
of  Maine,  because  it  was  more  local,  to  the  East. 
The  whole  West,  felt  a  more  immediate  interest 
in  the  question  of  Oregon,  because  it  was  more 
local,  to  the  West.  The  whole  Atlantic  front,  as 
well  as  ijie  whole  interior,  felt  a  wide-spread  na- 
tional interest  in  the  question  of  impressment  and 
search,  because  it  was  national  and  widespread  in 
its  effects.  England  knew  this;  she  knew  that  so 
nany  and  such  great  interests,  stretching  all  over 
the  Union,  and  uddrcssins  themselves  to  every 
section,  would  band  together  the  whole  mass  of 
the  people,  of  every  condition,  vocation,  and  sec- 
tion, in  their  defence.  She  knew,  that,  if,  in  a 
single  negotiation  :  nd  all  at  once,  she  undertook, 
by  one  of  her  »  .anics,  to  frighten  this  whole 
nation  into  a  surrender  of  so  m»ny  and  such  com- 
prehensive interests,  she  would  linve  war  indeed, 
and  such  a  war  as  would  eventually  lop  off  the 
North  American  limb  of  her  empire.  She  under- 
stood nil  tliit>,  and  therefore  divided  these  qvetiiona, 
by  lines  of  heal  intereiti,  in  ordr  to  divide  the  peo- 
ple, the  feelings,  and  the  energies  of  this  nation,  by 
the  same  lines;  and  thus  to  bring  her  war-panic 
*to  bear  upon  those  sections  of  the  Union,  which 
might  suppose  they  had  a  greater  interest  in  the 
preservation  of  peace,  than  m  the  one  remote  lec- 
(tonat  question  at)out  which  the  war  was  threatened. 
She  knew  that  the  Maine  territory  lay  in  one  (jor- 
Yier  of  the  Union,  and  tiiought  that  the  other  sec- 
tions might,  under  the  threat  of  war,  be  induced 
to  acquiesce  in  its  surrender,  for  the  sake  of  peace. 
Whether  she  judged  rightly  or  not,  tlie  treaty  will 
tell.  She  knew  also,  that  the  Oregon  territory  lies 
in  the  opposite  corner,  four  thousand  miles  from 
the  first.  She  expects  the  same  result,  by  the 
same  means,  in  regard  to  this.  These  are  the  rea- 
sons why  she  has,  in  her  negotiations,  separated 
these  questions,  as  she  ever  has  all  forrrer  ques- 
tions in  dispute  between  the  two  countries.  To 
divide  our  interests  by  time  and  space,  and  to  con- 
quer them  one  at  a  time,  by  the  aid  of  a  war-panic, 
in  each  case,  is  her  system.  To  unite  all  our  in- 
terests, and  by  the  Union  of  all  our  people,  to 
defend  them  ,1  (■.■  once,  should  have  been  ours. 
But  it  has  not.  The  Maine  territory  is  lost;  and 
in  five  days  after  England  obtained  it,  by  diplomatic 
duplicity  and  the  terrors  of  a  war-panic,  she  order- 
ed her  Minister  to  get  Oregon,  by  the  same  means. 
When  that  is  done,  if  done  it  shall  be,  she  may  ' 
then  take  up  the  question  of  impressment  and 
search,  should  she  have  no  other  claim  of  territory 
ready  to  put  forth. 

Sir,  in  thus  permitting  England  to  divide  our 
strength  by  lines  of  local  interests,  and  to  conquer 
those  interests,  one  by  one,  because  of  our  unwil- 
lingness to  hazard  a  war  in  their  separate  defence, 
we  shamefully  disregard  the  great  object  of  our 
Federal  Union,  and  llie  obligation  it  imposes. 

That  Union  was  formed  with  reference,  mainly, 
to  dangers  of  aggression  Irom  abroad,  and  chiefly, 
from  England  herself.  It  was  formed,  that  the 
whole  of  our  interests  might  be  succe^slVilIy  pro- 
tected, as  our  Revolution  was  achieved,  by  the 
joint  efforts  of  the  whole  people,  in  the  defence  of 
each  one  of  those  interests,  regardless  of  their  sep- 
arate locality. 

Yes,  sir,  it  was  to  guard  against  the  anticipated 
dangers  from  abroad,  and  chiefly  from  England, 
that  this  Federal  Union  was  formed.  The  Amer- 
ican colonics  were  the  first  part  of  her  empire  to 
revolt.  She  beheld,  in  their  independence,  the 
uprising  of  a  mighty  rival,  which  threatened  to 


divide,  with  her,  the  commerce  of  the  world,  and, 
by  the  example  of  its  institutions,  to  undermine 
the  whole  regal  system.  The  men  of  the  Revolu- 
tion understood  all  this.  They  saw,  in  the  new 
relations  which  these  States  must,  as  free  States, 
necessarily  bear  to  monarchal  Europe,  and  espe- 
cially to  Great  Britain,  that  she  at  least,  smarang 
under  the  humiliating  dismemberment  of  her  em- 
pire, which  she  had  warred  so  long,  and  at  such 
cost  of  Ufe  and  treasure,  to  prevent,  would  ever 
rctnain  hoilile  to  those  States,  and  therefore  seek 
every  opportunity  to  cripple  them,  when  that  might 
be  done,  with  impunity.  It  was  the  prime  object 
of  the  States,  to  meet  and  repel  these  dangers,  by 
their  union  in  the  Federal  compact.  But  of  what 
use  is  this  compact  if,  instead  of  every  tectifon 
standing  forward  to  support  the  interest  of  each, 
when  threatened  from  abroad,  all,  save  the  section 
whose  interests  are  exposed,  stand  off,  and  leave 
those  interests  to  be  sacrificed }  But,  what  is  yet 
worse  than  this,  such  an  abandonment  of  the  en- 
dangered interests  of  one  State,  by  the  others, 
leaves  those  interests  without  any  defence  what- 
ever. For,  by  the  very  terms  of  the  compact, 
which  makes  it  the  duty  of  all  the  Slates  to  guard, 
jointly,  the  interests  of  each,  against  foreign 
wrongs,  the  power  of  each  State  to  enforce  even 
its  most  sacred  rights,  separately,  by  war,  is  ex- 
pressly taken  away.  What  was  tiie  fact  with 
regard  to  Maine?  Great  Britain  first  asked  the 
Federal  Government  to  cede  to  her  a  part  of  that 
territory:  the  Government  refused.  Great  Britain 
then  claimed  it  as  a  right,  and  threatened  war;  the 
Government,  to  buy  peace,  surrendered  it.  Maine 
had  to  yield,  because  the  Government  refused  to 
defend  her  soil,  by  war,  if  necessary,  and  because 
the  Constitution  forbade  her  to  defend  it  herself, 
by  war.  Had  Maine  never  become  a  member  of 
the  Union,  she  ^nuld  have  had  the  right  of  war, 
for  the  defence  of  her  territory.  As  it  was,  she 
had  not.  And  thus,  the  very  fact,  that,  by  the 
Federal  compact,  the  other  States  had  agreed  to 
aid,  jointly,  in  lier  defence,  by  war,  if  necessary, 
upon  condition  that  she  would  surrender  the  right, 
separately,  to  defend  herself,  by  the  same  means, 
left  her,  practically,  without  any  defence  at  all. 
This  -was  not  the  fault  of  the  Constitution,  bi''  jf 
those  who  were  entrusted  with  the  administr  .non 
of  its  powers.  Great  Britain,  ever  armcj  herself, 
and  knowing  that  the  safety  of  every  country,  as 
a  whole,  depends  upon  its  readiness  to  defend  its 
smallest  and  remotest  parts,  knew,  also,  that  ours 
was  a  country  unprepared  for  war,  and  whose 
opposite  parts  were  separated  afar  from  each  other. 

By  the  threat  of  war  upon  all  the  parts,  unpre- 
pared for  it  as  they  w  'e,  she  hoped  to  make  it  the 
apparent  interest  of  most  of  them,  to  purchase 
peace,  by  surrendering  the  interests  of  the  others. 
By  separating,  for  these  reasons,  Maine  from  Ore- 
gon, in  the  negotiation.?,  she  has  obtained  the  ter- 
ritory of  the  former,  and  will,  by  the  same  diplo- 
macy and  threats,  obtain  that  of^the  latter,  if  this 
Government  shall  again  show,  that  it  feels  the  fear 
of  Englai. "  more  than  its  own  obligations  of  self- 
defence. 

But  why  this  fear  ?  Is  it  because  it  has  any 
sound  foundation  in  England's  strength,  or  our 
weakness  f  No.  If  foundation  it  has  at  all,  it 
exists  only  in  that  over-apprecioiion  of  her,  and 
under-appreciation  of  ourselves,  arising  from  a  cer- 
tain morbid  admiration  of  her  institutions,  and  a 
certain  morbid  indiflerence  to  our  own.  If,  indeed, 
she  be  so  powerful,  that  is  the  best  of  rcasonR, 
v-hy  we  should  show  that  we  fear  her  not;  for  it  is 
the  very  fact  of  our  apparent  fear  that  invites  her 
to  aggression  1 

But,  sir,  this  fear  is  groundless.  England  may 
continue  to  threaten.assheever  has,  and  ever  will, 
BO  long  as  we  continue  to  believe  her  threats,  and 
therefore,  concede  her  demands.  Yet  I  boldly  nffirm 
that  she  will  not,  bccatuie  she  dure  not,  all  olhf.r  State 
reasons  andc,  make  war,  single-handed,  against  the 
United  States,  for  the  Oregon  territory.    This  is  my 

{iropo^ition.  I  say  she  (Mre  not.  Not  that  I  suppose 
ler  people  tiinid,  for  no  man  is  braver  than  a  well- 
f->d  Englishman,  except  a  better-fed  American, 
but  I  say  she  dare  not,  because  forbidden  by  those 
prudential  reasons  which  ever  govern  her  sagacious 
councils,  as  govern  they  ever  do  the  councils  of 
the  truly  brave. 

Mercantile  in  its  objects,  and,  therefore,  in  its 
calculations,  no  government  more  than  hers,  ever 


balanced,  with  greater  care,  the  perils  to  be  met 
and  the  cost  of  the  enterprise,  against  the  chances 
of  success  and  the  value  of  the  object.  I  say  she 
dare  not,  because  of  the  naked  luselessneis  of 
her  claim,  the  perilous  condition  of  her  empire, 
and  the  hazard  to  which  it  would  be  exposed,  of 
wreck  and  ruin,  in  a  contest  with  a  government 
three  thousand  miles  remote,  and  which,  if  we  did 
but  know  it,  can,  in  such  a  cause,  by  the  single 
blast  of  a  bugle,  start  a  million  of  armed  freemen 
to  their  feet. 

These,  sir,  are  the  opinions  I  entertain;  and  I 
shall  proceed  to  make  them  good,  by  an  exhibition 
of  the  elements  of  relative  strength,  found  in  the 
condition  of  the  two  countries.  This  I  deem  ne- , 
cessary,  in  order  to  break  the  spell  of  that  feeling 
by  which  the  United  Stales,  as  a  junior  offspring, 
has  so  long  been  held  in  subordination  to  England, 
as  the  senior  aiid  parent  nation.  I  deem  it  neces- 
sary, in  order  to  present  my  country  to  herself,  aa 
she  really  is,  not  as  an  inferior  Power,  humlily 
lagging  behind  her  superiors,  bui  as  one  holding 
the  first  place  in  the  modern  system  of  the  world, 
and  by  her  institutions,  her  position  on  the  globe, 
her  immense  extent,  her  vast  resources,  material 
and  moral,  her  commerce,  the  number,  freedom, 
intelligence,  energy,  happiness,  and  glory  of  her 
people,  leading  it  on  to  that  social  regeneration, 
which  promises  the  delivery  of  mankind  from  the 
miseries  of  antiquated  monarchy.  I  deem  it  ne- 
cessary, in  order  that  my  country  men  may  Ije  made 
to  feel  who  they  are,  and  what  tiiey  are,  as  citizens 
of  the  great  Republic.  I  deem  it  necessary,  in 
order  that  they  may  feel,  as  they  have  a  right  to 
feel,  that  to  be  an  American  citizen,  is  to  enjoy  the 
proudest  privilege  thr,  world  has  to  give;  that  feel- 
ing thus,  they  may  stand  erect,  in  all  the  pride  of 
this  great  privilege,  ready,  each  man  of  them,  to 
defend  the  honor  and  glory  of  his  country,  aa 
things  sacred  to  himself. 

How  stand  we,  then,  in  the  contrast  with  Old 
England.'  The  line  which  separates  her  and  us, 
is  the  line  which  separates  the  past  from  the  pres- 
ent—the old,  from  the  new  state  of  the  world. 
The  social  principles,  which,  originating  in  our 
Revolution,  spread  through  Europe,  drew  that  line 
strongly  ond  deeply.  By  taking  the  lead  in  the 
royal  coalition  to  arrest  tliose  principles,  England 
became  the  head  of  the  ancient  system,  threatened 
by  their  progress,  as  this  Republic  became  the 
head  of  the  new,  as  being  the  source  of  their  oiigin. 
Thus,  the  two  Governments  stand  confronting 
each  other — the  one  having  the  old  decaying  sys- 
tem of  hereditary  power,  with  its  abuses,  to  de- 
fend— the  other,  the  new  and  onward  system  of 
elective  authority,  with  its  freedom'  to  protect. 
Disguise  it,  therefore,  as  we  may,  these  two  Gov- 
ernments arc,  by  the  resistless  force  of  events,  placed 
in  antagonist  relations  to  each  other  in  a  struggle, 
which  nothing  human  can  prevent — a  struggle  des- 
tined to  throw  society  baclcwards  or  forwards,  as 
the  case  may  be,  with  a  shock  that  must  unsettle 
the  foundations  of  the  one,  or  the  other  of  those 
systems.  And,  sir,  the  two  nations  are  brought 
more  immediately  into  conflict,  by  that  commercial 
rivalry  which  makes  tlie  American  shores  of  the 
Pacific,  so  desirable  to  csch,  and  which  lies  at  the 
bottomof  the  pending  difliculty  between  them.  It 
is  in  this  commercial  rivalry  of  the  two  leading 
nations  of  the  old  and  of  the  new  systems,  thnt  the 
great  contest  has  begun,  which  involves  their  po- 
litical destinies.  For,  sir,  it  is  commerce,  which 
now  regulates  the  international  relations  of  the 
world.  It  is  upon  commerce,  that  the  new  code 
of  the  law  of  nations  is  based.  It  was  upon  conj- 
merce,  that  the  British  empire  was  founded.  It  is 
by  commercial  monopoly  alone,  that  it  can  be  sus- 
tained. It  is  the  danger  ti  which  that  monopoly 
is  exposed,  from  other  n.  ns,  and  chiefly,  from 
the  ilnited  Strtes,  which  renders  the  Briush  em- 
pire more  precarious,  at  this  day,  than  ever  before, 
and  feebler,  by  far,  than  any  other  of  the  old  lead- 
ing monarchies  of  Europe.  Yes,  air,  notwith- 
standing, I  am  aware  that  in  doing  no,  I  place  my- 
self in  opposition  to  the  universal  conviction  of 
men,  in  both  Europe  and  America,  I  nevertheless, 
boldly  affirm,  that  the  British  empire  is,  at  this 
very  hour,  not  the  most  powerful,  but  the  feeblest 
and  the  least  to  be  dreaded,  of  all  those  Govern- 
ments. I  say  BO,  because  such  is  her  internal  con- 
dition, arising  from  the  shock  already  given  to  her 
commercial  monopoly,  that  she,  of  all  those  Gov- 


840 


APPfiNDIX  TO  THE  CONORESSIONAIf'GLOBE. 


[Feb.  10  b  11, 


99rH  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


SilaHoiu  tvUh  England— rMr.  Allm. 


Senate. 


ernmenUt  is  the  only  one,  to  which  ■  aingle  gnat 
rerene  of  (brtiine  at  anna,  and  eapecially  at  aea, 
moat  prove  utterly  deatruclive.    That  commercial 
monopoly  upon  which  her  empire  dependa,  haa 
been  extended  and  upheld  solely  by  commercial 
wars,  and  was  doomed,  therefore,  to  decline  with 
the  empire  ilaelf,  aa  aoon  na  the  meana  of  prose- 
cuting auch  wara,  were  diminlahed  by  internal  ex- 
hanaUoii,  or  their  auocess  obatruoted  by  the  in- 
ereaaed  meana  of  the  balance  of  the  world.    The 
French  Convention,  even  before  the  cloae  of  the 
last  century,  fully  understood  thia  secret  of  her 
Btrcngtii,  and  of  her  weakness,  and  the  great  man 
who  aoon  nfVer  aucc«eded  to  the  government  of 
,  France,  acting  upon  the  same  conviction,  attempted 
her  Overthrow,  by  closing  upon  her:  all  the  ports 
of  Europe.     He  failed,  not  because  he  had  mis- 
judged the  true  point  of  attack,  but  because  Eu- 
rope, manuActoring   nothing  Air   herself,  was, 
therefore,  in  no  condition  to  dispense  with  English 
commodities.    He  failed,  because  a  great  comlncr- 
cial  revolution,  which  carried  with  it  a  total  change 
in  the  habits  and  modes  of  life  among  men,  was  a 
thing,  not  to  be  auddenly  effected,  by  the  abrupt 
mandate  of  armed  power.    It  wan  a  thing  to  be  ac- 
complished only  by  time,  peace,  artisan-skill,  and 
maritime  enterprise.    Yet,  did  the  armed  efforts  of 
France,  by  exhausting  the  resources  of  England,  by 
entailing,  through  all  coming  time,  a  merciless  tax 
upon  her  labor,  to  meet  the  interest  on  a  debt,  that 
can  never  be  paid  or  diminished,  prepare  the  way 
for  that  "continental  system,"  which  subsequent 
peace,  with  its  arts  and  ila  instruments,  hns  been 
silently  enforcing  against  her.    The  fall  of  Napo- 
leon threw  back  into  the  masa  of  productive  labor, 
milUona  of  men,  from  the  fields  of  battle;  cleared 
the  ocean  of  commercial  obstructions;  gave  being  to 
capital,  to  manufacturea,  and  m^vigation,  through- 
^  out  Europe,  aa  means  of  repairing  the  waste,  occa- 
aioned  by  war,  and  thus  made  every  nation,  which 
had  before  been  a  consumer  of  British  products,  a 
producer  of  its  own  consumption,  and,  with  its  i 
surplus,  a  competitor  with  her,  in  ttie  open  market 
of  the  world.    Thus,  haa    peace   accomplished 
against  her,  what  war  alone,  could  not.    Thus,  are 
the  eflecta  of  the  French  Revolution,  now  found  in 
the  treasury  of  England.  They  are  seen  in  a  debt, 
the  mere  interest  on  which  imposes  upon  her  fam- 
iahing  people,  an  annual   tax   of   $130,000,000. 
They  are  hc.ird  in  the  distressful  cry  of  those  peo- 
ple, for  bread.    Thus,  too,  has  it  become  the  in- 
terest, aa  it  is  the  ability  and  disposition,  of  the 
nations  which  formerly  leapicd  with  her,  in  sus- 
taining her  commercial  monopoly  against  the  efforts 
of  France,  now  to  league  against  her,  in  breaking 
down  that  monopoly,  by  participating,  themselves, 
in  the  work  and  traffic  of  the  world,  and  by  the 
disraption  of  that  colonial  system,  on  which  her 
commercial  ascendency  depends.    Conscious  of 
this— conscious  of  her  danger,  from  domestic' con- 
vulsions, provoked  by  taxed  starvation — conscious 
of  her  danger,  in  the  remote  parts  of  hei  empire, 
from  the  ambition  of  her  rivals,  as,  also,  from  those 
instincts  which  ever  prompt  colonies   to  revolt 
against  a  declining  parent  authority, — conscious  of  | 
these,  England  sternly  resolves  to  brave  the  peril;  | 
and,  armed  against  the  world,  she  goes  forth,  with  i 
fire  and  aword,  to  open  new  highways  for  her  com- 1 
mercA  in  the  E^t,  that  she  may  postpone,  yet  { 
longer,  the  catastrophe  which  awaits  her.  For  thi^  j 
rcaaon  it  is,  that  she  turns  her  cannon  also  upon  | 
the  States  of  South  America.    For  the  same  rea-j 
aon  it  is,  that  she  now  seeks,  by  the  possession  of^ 
Oregon,  to  extend  l»er  sway  upon  tne  American  ! 
front  of  the  Pacific  Ocean;  because,  if  successful,  I 
she  not  only  adds  positive  strength  to  hersell',  but,  | 
by  our  loss  of   that    region,  subtracts    positive  ' 


aided  by  the  mighty  energies  of  thia  great  people, 
we  bid  fair  soon  to  drive  her  from  all  those  mar- 


kets, and  take  aole  poaaesaion  of  the  Atlantic  seaii. 
Yes,  air,  the  most  dangeroua  politically,  not 
only  because  powerful  ourselves — ^we  are  the  most 
secure,  by  the  absence  of  powerf\il  neighbors — but 
because  the  contiguity  of  tier  colonial  possessions, 
renders  it  easy  for  us  to  wrench  off  that  large  por- 
tion of  her  empire,  and  thus  to  give  the  aignal  to 
Russia  and  France,  to  do  the  same  with  her  East 
India  and  Asiatic  dependenciea. 

But  when,  sir,  I  am  told,  aa  I  shall  be,  thut  Eng- 
land has  a  larger  navy  than  we,  and  would,  there- 
fore, prove  the  more  powerful  in  a  conflict  with  us, 
I  admit  the  fact,  but  dispute  the  conclusion.    The 
comba'ive  power  of  a  nation  consists,  not  in  the 
number  of  its  guns  alone,  but,  also,  in  its  relation 
to  the  system  of  the  world  around  it,  and  in  its 
own  social  condition.    Nor  is  thut  power  to  be 
viewed  in  the  abstract,  as  so  much  positive  force; 
but,  on  the  contrary,  is  to  be  considered  in  com- 
parison with  the  power  of  ila  adversary,  with  the 
object  to  be  defended,  and  with  the  prpssure  of  the 
necessity  for  such  defence.     If  Qreut  Britain  has 
many  guns,  she  hpu  n!st>  to  scatter  them  around 
the  world,  for  the  defence  of  many  colonies — colo- 
nies always  threatened  by  rival  nations,  threatened 
with  colonial  revolt,  and  the  loss  of  any  consider- 
able portion  of  which,  would  contract  the  circle  of 
her  commerce,  unsettle  her  public  ond  private 
credit,  close  her  factories,  turn  out  yet  more  of  her 
laborers  to  .-.tarve,  and,  by  bankruptcy  and  famine,  | 
provoke  civil  revolution.    For,  sir,  her  whole  sys- 
tem, botli  internally  and  externally,  is  already 
stretched  to  its  utmost  tension.    It  can  bear  noth- 
ing more.     Externnlly,  it  cannot  be   relaxed  or  1 
contracted  by  the  loss  of  colonies,  without  ruin. 
Nor  can  her  internal  condition  be  xelicved  from  the 
pressure  of  taxes,  by  even  the  temporary  suspen- 
sion of  the  dividends  upon  her  debt,  because,  the 
debt  being  domestic,  the  dividends  are  the  chief 
support  of  a  million,  and  the  sole  support  of  not 
less,  perhaps,  than  two  hundred  thousand  of  her 
own  subjects,  who  have  no  alternative  between 
those  dividends  and  famine. 

And  now,  sir,  mark  the  precaiioua  condition  of 
her  colonies,  independently  of  all  danger  fVom  the 
ambition  of  her  rivals.  Those  dependencies  are 
in  number,  (I  speak  upon  British  official  authori- 
ty,) beside  the  United  Kingdoms,  no  less  than 
seventy,  embracing  an  aggregate  population  of  one 
hundred  and  thirty  millions  of  souls,  of  whom,  but 
ttno  millions  and  a  fraction  belong  to  the  white 
European  race,  and  all  the  mighty  balance  of 
whom,  having  been  subdued  by  her  arms,  and  ex- 
asperated by  oppression,  stand  ready  to  revolt, 
upon  the  first  prospect  of^  success.  Of  these  two 
millions  and  a  half  of  Euiopean  whites,  all,  savt 
six  hundred  thousand  only,  are  to  be  found  in  her 
North  American  possessions,  leaving  but  the  latler 
number,  scattered  through,  and  to  keep  in  subjec- 
tion, the  whole  residue  of  an  hundred  and  tutenly- 
eight  millions  of  human  beings,  whom  she  has  re- 
duced to  her  sway,  throughout  lier  o(A«r  colonial 
dependencies.  What  a  spectacle  is  here!  One- 
eighth  part  of  the  whole  race  of  man,  held  in  sub- 
jection oy  the  presetue  of  less  (Ann  a  million  of  stran- 
gers, and  by  the  terror  of  a  distant  Government, 
Itself  menaced  with  destruction,  both  by  civil  dis- 
cord and  ambitious  neighbors.  Can  such  a  state 
of  things  long  exist?  Impossible.  Nature  admits 
not,  of  such  disproportions. 

On  the  other  hand,  what  colonies  have  we  to 
defend .'  Not  one.  Her  empire,  composed  of  frug- 
ments  separated  afar  from  each  other,  and  oil  from 
the  parent  isle,  "environed  with  a  wilderness  of 
region,  subtracts  positive  ji  seas,"  ond  be.set  with  every  variety  of  danger,  pre- 
Btrength  from  us — the  most  dangerous  of  her  ri-  !,  sents  nothing  but  one  vast  image  of  distended  im- 
vals.commerciallyar  J  politically.  The  most  don- | '  becility.  Our  Republic,  on  the  contrary,  great  in 
gerous,  commercully,  because,  with  one-fourth  of  ji  extent,  yet  compact  by  the  contiguity  of  its  parts, 
the  world's  whole  tonnage  already  in  our  posses-  |  fi  ed  from  the  presence  of  daigerous  neighbors, 
sion,  we  promine  soon  to  hold  the  one  half  of  it;  i ,  and  covered  by  a  contented  people,  exhibits  on  this 
because,  also,  with  a  country  vast  and  various  in  '  side  of  the  north  pole,  what  Russia  does  on  the 
extent  and  resources — of  an  unlimited  seacoast,  i  i  other— n  Power,  by  its  magnitude,  formidable  to 
and  numberless  harbors — with  a  close  proximity  :'  all,  yet,  from  position,  assailable  by  none.  For 
to  Mexico,  to  the  West  Indits,  to  South  Amen-  | !  thi>  reason  it  is,  that  I  pronounce  oit  navy  greater, 
CO — with  affiliating  institutions — with  the  great  I'  relatively  to  the  necessity  for  its  use,  than  hers; 
staple  of  cotton — with  the  means  to  manufacture  !  because,  whilst  hers  must  be  scattered  wherever 
that  large  article  of  consumption,  in  the  warm  cli-  i:  she  has  a  colony  exposed,  ours  has  but  one  shore 
mates  of  those  rxiuntries— with  a  heavy  demand,  |:  to  guard,  and  i!inl  shore  lined  by  a  million  of  armed 
on  our  part,  for  their  products  in  exchange — be- ij  men,  who,  in  defending  it,  defend  their  own  homes, 
cause,  I  say,  with  these  tilings  in  our  favor,  and  li  families,  and  laws. 


So  true,  sir,  ia  this  my  conclusion,  that  when, 
by  her  reAiaal  to  evacuate  Malta,  ahe  had  violated 
the  treaty  of  Amiena,  and  provoked  a  renewal  of 
the  war  'ffith  France;  when,  in  consequence,  her 
soil,  yes,  her  very  being,  was  threatened  with  in- 
vasion, and  when,  in  this  extremity,  she  was  com- 
pelled to  cry  aloud  for  all  her  sons  to  defend  her — 
yet  even  tten,  she  was  unable  to  collect  into  her 
own  channel  a  naval  armament  equal  to  thot  which 
her  great  enemy  had  found  means  to  create  and  to 
bring  into  that  channel,  within  the  three  years  after 
the  destruction  of  the  French  navy  at  the  battle  of 
the  Nile.  It  was  then,  and  for  that  reason,  l^ng- 
land  called  buck  to  her  aid  her  war  minister,  Mr. 
Pitt.  It  was  for  that  reason  thnt  he,  immediately 
upon  his  second  accession  to  power,  demanded  of 
Parliament,  and  received,  a  grant  of  twelve  mil- 
lions of  dollars, as  a  secret-service  fund,  witli  which 
he  subsidized  the  half  of  Europe  into  a  coalition 
against  Fiance,  and  thus,  drawing  off  Napoleon 
from  the  channel  to  the  field  of  Austerlitz,  compel- 
led him  there  to  battle,  instead  of  upon  her  own 
soil,  for  the  empire  of  the  v  orld.  Nor  would  lliis 
have  saved  her  from  afier  invasion,  but  for  the 
fortune  of  her  heroic  Nelson  at  Trafalgar,  where 
he  destroyed  the  new  navy  of  her  enemy. 

But,  sir,  it  is  said  by  everybody,  and  believed  by 
the  '        ■  ■        ■    ■   ■  ^- -.!—'--: ■ 

the 


thoughtless,  that  steam  navigation  has  increased 
relauve  naval  power  of  England.  This  I  deny ; 
and  affirm,  on  the  contrary,  that  it  haa  diminished 
that  power,  first,  by  dispensing  with  one-hnlf 
the  seamen  hitherto  required  for  the  direction  of 
the  same  amount  of  maritime  force,  ond  secondly, 
by  rendering  England  herself  more  assailable  from 
the  continent  than  she  ever  was  before. 

Sir,  the  naval  power  of  a  nation  depends  upon 
the  number  of  its  seamen,  and  that,  upon  its  com- 
mercial navigation.     Conscriptions,  as  in  France, 
enlistments,  ns  in  England,  volunteer  enrolments, 
as  with  us,  may  promptly  bring  armed  men  into 
the  field,  whom  a  single  campaign  will  perfect  in 
all  the  discipline  of  veteran  soldiers.    To  do  this, 
nothing  but  money,  and  the  authority  of  regular, 
goverment,  are  required.    Not  so  with  seamen. 
They  are  to  be  created,  before  collected  together. 
No  money,  no  public  authority,  can  man  a  fleet 
upon  the  sudden  outbreak  of  war,  if  navigation  has 
not  provided  seamen  before.    The  half  of  a  lifetime 
spent  in  the  experience  of  the  winds  and  the  waves, 
is  essential  to  the  production  of  these.     If,  there- 
fore, at  the  beginning  of  war,  a  nation  has  but  a 
limited  commerce,  the  number  of  iw  seamen  must 
be  limited,  and  limited  also,  must  be  its  means  of 
manninga  navy.    Underthe  old  system,  therefore, 
the  great  superiority  of  England  over  others  in  com- 
merce and  navigotion,  gave  her  a  corresponding 
superiority  in  that  description  offeree,  which  noth- 
I  ing  but  commerce  and  navigotion  could  produce. 
If,  for  instance,  wo  suppose,  what  was  really  the 
fact,  that  at  the  commencement  of  the  war  which  ■ 
followed  the  peace  of  Amiens,  England  had  a  for- 
eign commerce  four  times  greater  than   that  of 
France,  she  was,  for  that  reason,  able  to  man  a 
navy  four  times  ns  large  as  her  enemy.    Nor,  wos 
it  in  the  power  of  France,  hod  she  possessed  four 
times  the  revenues  of  England,  to  hove  overcome 
that  disparity  of  naval  power,   because  money 
olone  could  create  no  seamen;  and  because,  in  n'l 
the  world  beside,  there  was  then  not  cnoiijh,  i  p'J 
she  enlisted  them  all,  to  give  her  a  navnl  equality 
!  with  England.    But  under  the  new  system,  this 
state  of  things  no  longer  exists.    By  the  aid  of 
I  steam  in  navigation,  one-half  the  seamen  hitherto 
!  required  to  direct  a  given  amount  of  floating  force, 
i  is  now  all-sufficient  for  the  same  object.    And  now, 
therefore,  a  nation,  having  of  her  own  but  a  limited 
I  commerce  and  number  of  seamen,  may  supply  tlio 
I  deficiency  from  the  navigation  of  other  countries. 
This  she  can  do,  because,  whilst  the  aggregate  of 
j  the  world's  commerce  alld  seamen  has  been  greatly 
;  increased,  the  aggregate  demand  of  war,  for  that 
I  description  of  men,  hos  been  diminished  at  leost 
I  one-half,  leaving  a  surplus,  above  the  requisitions 
j  of  war,  still  to  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  commercial 
navigation—a  foci,  which  must  greatly  lessen  the 
!  former  interruptions  occasioned  by  war,  to  the 
I  commercial  intercourse  of  all  notions.     It  follows, 
I  therefore,  that  England  has  lost  one-half  of  thot 
relative  advantage,  at  sea,  which  she  before  enjoy- 
ed over  other  nations,  by  her  superiority  in  that  de- 
scription of  Torce,  with  which  the  money  of  others 
could  not  then,  but  now  can,  f\itly  supply  them. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


841 


29th  Cono 1st  Sesb. 


Relations  with  England — Mr.  Allen,. 


Senate. 


But  asain,  I  have  laid  thai  atetim  navigalion  had 
^imtifUned  the  relative  naval  power  or  Englaitd, 
Vio  in  thia:  that  it  had  rendered  '.  t  more  assail- 
able at  home.  This,  too,  is  ec|uuily  applicable  to 
the  whole  other  colonies.  For  if,  as  I  have  shown, 
Igcr  relative  power  at  sea,  has  been  so  diminished, 
to  that  extent  are  diminished  her  means  of  self- 
defence,  us  it  is  uuon  that  description  offeree  alone, 
that  she  must  relv  against  the  dangeis  of  invasion. 
Yet,  this  is  not  oil,  fbr,  aide(l  by  steam,  her  enemy 
on  the  continental  Bide.of  the  chnime',  may  now 
select  his  own  hour  of  the  ni^ht  for  ths  passage — 
may  make  it  quick  and  in  silence,  regardless  of 
those  winds  and  tides  which  formerly  rendered 
such  a  passage  impossible  for  a  laxge  armament, 
without  daylight,  publicity,  and  infinite  peril. 

These  were  the  circumstances  which  compelUu 
Napoleon,  even  after  all  things  were  ready,  to  hes- 
itnt'e,  and  postpone  his  attempt,  up  to  the  moment, 
when  the  advancinfr  armies  of  Austria  and  Russia 
drew  him  off  to  the  continent.  And,  sir,  it  was 
an  incident  in  nowise  unworthy  of  remark,  that  an 
illustrious  countryman  of  our  own,  Mr.  Fulton, 
about  that  very  time,  8uggesl>'d  to  Napoleon  the 
idea  of  steam  navigation,  uii  idea  received  with  in- 
difference by  that  wonderful  man,  whose  mighty 
genius,  ranging  through  all  the  elements  of  na- 
ture to  find  the  means  of  reaching  the  shores  of  his 
enemy,  rejected  that  only  element,  which  rendered 
his  object  possible.  Had  the  genius  of  France  but 
heeded  the  invention  of  America,  the  fate  of  the 
world  mighthave  boen,  probably  would  have  been, 
different,  and  perhaps  fur  the  better.  But  fated 
was  it  otherwise. 

Still,  sir,  I  am  not  done  with  this  contrast  of  the 
two  countries.  But  here  again,  as  I  proceed,  shall 
I  find  myself  compelled  to  dispute  what  oiliers 
have  affirmed.  Many  arc  the  writers  und  the 
readers,  of  all  limes  and  of  all  nations,  who  have 
united  in  declaring  the  monarchal  to  be  the  form  of 
Government  most  powerful,  especially  in  war, 
because,  as  they  assert,  in  that  form  are  to  be 
found  the  greatest  permanency,  steadiness  and 
unity  of  action.  Ana  here,  sir,  I  should  admit  the 
reasoning  to  be  true,  if  the  assumption  whence  it 
proceeds,  was  not  utterly  false.  But  false  it  un- 
questionably is,  as  applicable  to  the  British  mon- 
archy, in  comparison  with  the  American  Repu'ilic. 
This  I  shall  proceed  to  show,  by  contrastini  the 
points  and  periods  of  stability  in  the  counr  Js  of 
the  two. 

And  first,  as  to  the  Executive  power.  7n  Eng- 
land, that  branch  of  the  public  authority  is  vested, 
nominally,  in  the  King,  but  really  in  the  prime  or 


first  minister  of  the  crown,  appointed  for  life,  if  so 

"is  policy,  by  a  coincidence 

of  opinion  on  the  part  of  the  House  of  Commons. 


long  he  is  sustained  in  his  poll 


When,  therefore,  thpr.  House  disagrees  witli  him, 
and  not  till  then,  he  retires,  and  a  change  of  min- 
isters and  councils  ensues.  In  our  Republic,  the 
Executive  Chief  has  four  years  assigned  him  by 
the  forma  of  the  Constitution,  and  never  more  than 
eight  by  the  practice  of  reelection.  Taking,  then, 
the  duration  of  the  Executive  power  in  the  same 
hands,  as  the  test  of  stability  in  the  councils  of  tlie 
two  governments,  and  how  stand  the  (acts?  They 
stand  thus:  From  1754  to  1835,  a  neriod  of  eighty- 
one  years,  England  had  no  less  than  twenty-four 
f)rime  ministers.  Of  these,  nine  held  power  each 
ess  than  a  single  year;  but  five  of  them  held  it,  ef.ch, 
oyer  four  years-,  nnd  the  aggregate  time  of  the 
eighty-one  years,  divided  by  the  aggregate  num- 
ber of  the  twenty-four  ministers,  will  prove  that 
the  average  time  of  each  minister  in  power,  was 
but  three  years,  four  months  nnd  fourteen  days. 

Our  Government  began  in  1769,  and  from  then 
to  1844,  a  period  of  fifty-six  years,  we  had  but 
nine  Presidents,  and  the  aggregate  of  the  fifty-six 
years,  divided  by  the  aggregate  of  the  nine  Presi- 
dents, will  prove  that  the  average  time  of  each 
President  in  power,  was  six  years,  two  months 
and  seventeen  days. 

From  the  Un'on  of  Ireland  with  England  in  1801, 
down  to  1835,  a  period  of  thirty-five  years,  Eng- 
land had  fourteen  prime  ministers,  and  we,  in  the 
same  period,  but  five  Presidents — her  fourteen 
ministers  having  thus  enjoyed  an  average  of  two 
years  and  six  months  in  power,  and  our  five  Pres- 
idents, an  average  of  seven  yeatj  exictly. 

And  now,  as  .o  the  popular  elective  branches  of 
the  legislative  power,  in  the  two  Governments. 
How  stand  they   in   contrast,  on  the   point   of 


stability  ?  These,  admit  of  less  accuracy  of  com- 
parison, becau«3,  in  both  countries,  in  England  the 
House  of  Commons,  and  with  us  the  House  of 
Representatives,  are  elected  for  a  fixed  period,  and 
beini^  multitudinous  assemblies,  are  affected  by  re- 
elections,  only  partially  and  in  the  persons  of  their 
individual  members.  The  House  of  Commons  iu 
elected  for  seven  years— our  House  of  Representa- 
tives for  two  years;  yet  one  circumstance  makes 
it  practicable  to  test  (ne  stuliility  of  the  former.  It 
is  this:  though  elected  for  seven  years,  the  House 
of  Commons  is,  at  all  times,  subject  to  be  diatohed 
by  the  Crown,  at  the  will  of  tljp  Prime  Minister, 
whenever,  in  his  judgment,  the  change  of  public 
opinion  since  the  election  of  the  last  House,  has 
mode  that  House  no  longer  the  exponent  of  such 
opinion.  At  each  dissolution  a  new  election  it 
ordered,  that  the  new  House,  thus  elected,  also  for 
seven  years,  may  express  the  truo  sentiments  of 
the  people,  but  be  itself  dissolved,  as  soon  as  it 
shall  cense  to  do  so,  by  a  new  change  in  the  public 
opinion.  Are,  then,  these  Houses  of  Commona 
ever  thus  dissolved  >  And  if  so,  how  often  have 
such  dissolutions  occurred,  under  the  boasted 
steady  and  stable  system  of  the  British  monarchy? 

Hero  are  the  facts.  F'rcm  the  first  Imperial  Par- 
liament in  18U1,  to  1841,  a  period  of  forty  years, 
there  have  been  no  less  than  thirteen  Houses  of 
Commons  elected,  each  for  the  term  of  seven  years, 
and  no  less  than  thirteen  dissolutions  of  those 
Houses,  within  that  period.  That  is  to  Say,  not 
one  of  the  thirteen  subsisted  through  the  seven 
years'  term  for  which  it  was  elected,  but  on  the 
contrary,  every  one  of  the  thirteen  were  dissolved 
before  its  term  expired .  And  if  the  aggregate  of 
the  forty  years  be  divided  by  the  aggregate  of  the 
thirteen  Houses,  it  will  he  seen,  that  the  average 
duration  of  each  House,  though  elected  for  seven 
years,  was  in  fact,  but  three  years  and  one  month, 
whilst  no  less  than  six,  out  of  the  thirteen  Houses, 
were  dissolved  within  two  years  after  the  date  of 
their  election,  and  two,  out  of  the  thirteen,  within 
six  months  fVom  such  date. 

Here,  sir,  are  the  stern  facts — and  the  only  de- 
scription of  facts  by  which  the  stability  or  fluctu- 
ation of  a  nation's  councils,  can  be  determined. 
Here  are  the  evidences  of  thai  solidity  and  steadi- 
ness with  which,  we  are  told,  the  British  empire 
rests  upon  its  foundations;  here,  the  evidences  of 
that  continuous  regularity  of  political  action,  which 
we  are  asked  to  look  to,  in  proof  of  the  superiority 
of  such  a  system  over  our  own.  Yes,  over  our 
own,  which  so  many  European  writers  admonish 
us  to  abandon,  as  a  thing  too  much  exposed  to  the 
dangers  of  anarchy  from  the  sudden  shocks  of  the 
popular  will. 

No,  sir,  I  boldly  af1irm.it,  and  can  clearly  prove 
it,  by  the  lieless  evidence  of  public  records,  that 
no  government  in  Europe  has,  since  the  date  of 
our  Constitution,  giv  n  as  few  evidences  of  weak- 
ness in  its  foundation  or  versatility  in  its  councils, 
as  ours,  or  as  many  such  evidences  as  that  of 
Great  Britain.  And  what  is  the  cause  of  such 
weakness  and  versatility?  Internal  discontent — 
that  ffeverish  restivcness  excited  in  the  English 
people  by  those  cravings  of  hunger,  which  drive 
them  to  seek  relief  in  the  chano;e  of  public  coun- 
cils— a  relief,  however,  not  to  be  found,  save  in 
that  change,  which  shall  restore  the  lost  equili- 
brium of  society,  by  a  reapportionment  of  the  ele- 
ments of  life  among  the  masses. 

Sir,  I  have  drawn  this  contrast  of  the  internal 
condition  of  the  two  countries,  to  show  the  con- 
tentment under  our  system — to  show  that  its 
strength  is  to  be  found  in  that  contentment — to 
show  the  discontent  under  tlie  system  of  England 
— to  show  that  in  such  discontent  consists  her 
weakness.  I  hove  done  this,  in  counteraction  of 
the  efforts,  so  laboriously  made,  to  depress  the 
feeling  of  my  country,  to  inculcate  upoii  her  a 
sense  of  subordination  to  England,  and  to  extort 
(Vom  her  people  humiliating  concession  by  the 
terror  of  England's  imaginary  power.  I  have  done 
this,  to  show  that  terror  to  be  groundless — to 
show  our  strength  to  be  sufficient  to  defy  her — and, 
with  the  like  view,  I  shall  proceed  yet  farther, 
with  this  contrast. 

I  have  said,  sir,  that  the  social  condition  of  the 
people — internal  contentment — was  the  basis  of  a 
nation's  strength,  and  the  strength  of  its  govern- 
ment; and  in  trying  the  two  countries  by  this  test, 
I  have  but  to  ask,  what  is  now  the  great,  the  all- 


disturbing  question,  in  England  ?  It  is  that  awful, 
that  lasi.  question,  which  ever  precedes  civil  butch- 
ery and  revolution, — it  is,  "  What  can  the  govern- 
ment do,  to  save  the  people  firom  stanraUon  i"  It 
is  the  question  of  bread,  or  death.  I:  har  been 
asked.  It  cannot  be  answered.  Schemes  have 
been  devised.  They  have  failed.  Others  tried, 
and  others  failed.  The  question  recurs  again  and 
a^^in,  as  often  as  Parliament  convenes.  It  occu- 
pies every  session.  It  is  the  standing  question  of 
debate.  And  the  empire  is  convulsedliy  elections , 
which  are  made  to  turn  upon  the  number  of 
crumbs  government  can  afford  to  throw  to  a  starv- 
ing people,  and  upon  the  number  of  bayonets 
necessary  to  repress  those  cravings  of  hunger,  it 
has  not  the  food  to  appease.  Between  standing 
armies  and  standing  famine,  the  naked  and  bread- 
less  masses  raving  with  des|iair,  hourly  threaten 
to  dash  against  the  constitution  itself,  and  to  bring 
all  rights  and  all  wrongs,  all  property  and  all  men, 
to  the  bloody  arbitrament  of  a  social  revolution. 

On  the  other  hand,  how  is  it  with  us  ?  What 
American  says,  "  I  have  no  bread  ?"  What  sin- 
gle man  of  them,  threatens  his  government  with 
revolution?  Who  among  them  M,  line  his  hand 
to  resist  the  execution  of  the  law  ?  What  is  the 
question  which  we  yearly,  in  this  Chamber,  dis- 
cuss ?  Is  it  the  question,  "  How  shall  we  save  the 
people  from  famine  ?"  No,  sir,  no.  Ours  is  the 
question,  "  How  shall  we  render  our  fellow-citi- 
zens, already  comfortable  and  happy,  still  richer 
and  yet  more  happy  ?"  This  is  our  question.  The 
same  instincts  which  prompt  men  to  desire  a  com- 
petency, prompt  them  also,  to  desire  a  surplus ; 
and  it  is  the  best  means  of  promoting  this  surplus, 
that  excite  our  discussions.  From  its  foundation 
to  this  moment,  therefore,  this  Government  has 
shed  no  man's  blood,  for  a  political  ofTcicc.  Wo 
have  prisons,  but  no  prisoners,  for  such  crimes. 
One  citizen  only,  for  many  years,  has  been  con- 
fined on  a  political  charge,  not  by  this,  but  by  the 
government  of  a  State,  and  in  that  case,  so  great 
has  been  the  shock  upon  the  public  feeling,  that 
the  very  men  who  imprisoned  him,  had  thrown 
open  the  door  and  asked  him  to  walk  out,  as  a 
favor  to  them.  No,  sir,  so  far  is  any  man  here 
from  resisting  the  execution  of  the  law,  that  all 
stand  ready  to  enforce  it.  Not  an  armed  man,  not 
a  single  bayonet,  is  employed  by  this  Government 
to  enforce  obedience  to  its  laws,  over  an  area,  eight 
thousand  miles  in  circumference.  In  the  populous 
cities  of  the  east — upon  the  remotest  margin  of  the 
western  wilderness — a  plain  citizen,  seated  amidst 
his  countrymen,  unguarded  by  weapims,  with  no 
protection  but  a  paper  commission,  calmly  pro- 
nounces judgment  between  man  and  man — be- 
tween the  strong  and  the  feeble — between  the  rich 
and  the  poor  alike— and  enforces  it,  by  merely 
observing,  that  "such  is  the  law."  And  why 
is  all  this  ?  It  is  because  this  very  law  sprang 
from  the  breasts  of  the* people — because  every  man 
feels  that  it  is  a  rule,  he  himself  aided  to  make — 
that  its  enforcement  is  essential  to  his  own  protec- 
tion, and  that  the  citizen  appointed  to  enforce  it, 
was  appointed  with  his  consent,  and  is,  therefore, 
responsible,  in  part,  to  him. 

In  these  things,  sir,  it  is,  that  the  strength  of 
our,  and  the  weakness  of  the  British  Government . 
consists.  Ours,  resting  upon  the  hearts — hers, 
upon  the  backs  of  the  people.  What,  then,  have 
we  to  do,  to  secure  Oregon  ?  Extend  over  it  our 
laws.  What  else  have  we  to  do,  for  its  defence  ? 
Tell  the  people  the  truth.  Tell  them  it  is  their 
soil.  Tell  them  this— prove  it  to  them-^-as  we 
have  before  told  them,  and  before  proven  it.  Tell 
them  that  arrogant  England— their  hereditary  ene- 
my, the  enemy  of  all  free  governments — is  seeking 
to  snatch  it  from  tliem,  to  fence  us  out  fVom  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  to  belt  us  about,  yet  more  closely, 
with  her  kingly  despotism.  Tell  them  these  things, 
and  then  ask  them,  if  they  will  surrender  this  largo 
part  of  their  country — surrender  it  to  that  govern  - 
ment  which,  in  two  wars,  employed  savages  to 
hack  16  pieces,  in  cold  blood,  the  women  and 
children  of  America — surrender  it  to  that  govern- 
ment which  hates  ours,  because  it  is  free — which 
envies  our  people  for  their  happiness,  in  propor- 
tion to  the  misery  of  its  own.  Tell  them  these 
things,  and  ask,  if  they  are  ready  thus  to  surrender 
this  vast  territory,  from  the  mere  dread  of  invasion 
by  a  rabble  of  armed  paupers,  threatened  to  be 
sent  by  a  bankrupt  governme'U,  whose  whole  pow- 


I 


S48 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  16, 


1646. 


99rH  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


71U  Oregon  QuMfuMir— )A&.  CriUmdtn. 


SCNATB. 


•r  of  the  •wonl'^and  (he  dungeon  ia  required  to 
■Itfle  the  eric*  of  famine  at  home,  or  to  protect  its 
own  'lift,  againat  the  uplifted  handi  or  atarving 
milliona.  Tell  them  theae  thinifa^-aak  them  if  thejr 
we  readjr  to  make  thia  minrender.  Aak  the  Amer- 
ican people  thill  and  thoy  will  Kire  you  an  answer 
whicli  ahall  make  the  Britiah  empire  tremble 
Ihrotighout  ita  whole  fVame  and  foundation. 


THE  OUEOON  ftUESTION. 
SPEECH  OP  MrTcRITTENDEN, 

OF  KENTUCKV, 

Ik  TBI  Senatk,  Jlpril  16, 1846. 

On  the  Retolution  for  terminatine  the  Convention 

for  the  joint  occupation  of  Oregon. 

Mr.  CRITTENDEN  said  he  was  very  sensible, 
notwithstanding  the  importance  of  the  subject,  that 
the  Senate  were  much  too  weary  of  this  debate  to 
take  much  interest  in  its  further  discussion.  Did 
he  consult  his  own  inclinations,  he  should  not 
obtrude  himself  for  a  single  moment  on  their  aclen- 
tion;  but,  having  had  the  honor  of  originally  intro- 
ducing the  resolution  which  is  tlie  immediate  sub- 
ject to  be  acted  upon,  it  seemed  incumbent  on  him 
to  aay  something  in  iis  support  before  the  vote  was 
token.  He  should  endeavor  to  confine  himself  to 
those  considerations  which  beemcr*.  essential  to  a 
proper  decision  of  the  policy  and  propriety  of  giv- 
ing to  Great  Britain  the  proposed  notice  for  the 
abrogation  of  the  treaty  or  convention  mnde  with 
her  by  the  United  States  for  the  joint  occupancy 
of  the  Oregon  territory.  , 

That  territory  lies  on  the  northwest  const  of  this 
continent,  between  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  and  extends  from  the  43d  de2;ree  of 
north  latitude  to  the  pamilel  of  54°  40'.  Through 
it  flow  two  la.-ge  rivers — the  Columbia  and  Pra- 
zer's  river — tlie  former  rtuptying  itself  into  tlie 
ocean  between  the  latitudes  of  46°  and  Vfi,  and  the 
latter  between  49°  and  50°. 

Thia  ia  the  territory  now  in  dispute  between  the 
United  States  and  (jreat  Britain,  and  which  has 
been  disputed  between  them  for  nearly  forty  years 
paat. 

Our  claim  is  rested  on  two  grounds — first,  prior 
tHMSMfy  of  ti.e  mouth  of  the  Columbia  river  in 
1793  by  Captain  Gray,  an  American  nnvigutor — the 
aubaequent  exploration  of  that  river  by  Lewis  and 
Clarke,  under  the  order  and  authority  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  in  1805  and  '6,  and  settlements  made  at 
or  near  ihe  mouth  of  the  some  river  by  American 
citizens  in  1809  and  1810.  This,  for  the  pur|iose 
of  distinction,  may  be  called  our  own  .^niertran 
title,  and  it  will  be  perceived  that  it  applies  only 
to  the  Columbia  river,  and  that  perltim  of  the  ter- 
ritory which  is  drained  by  it. 

The  second  ground  of  our  claim  is  the  Florida 
treaty,  made  between  the  United  States  oiid  Spain 
in  the  year  1819,  whereby  Spain  cejcd  to  the  Uni- 
ted States  nil  her  "  rights,  claims,  and  pretensions" 
to  the  territory  in  question.  Those  "  rights,  claims, 
and  pretensions,"  are  founded  on  the  diacoveries 
and  explorations  of  her  navigators,  and  these  are 
now  alleged  on  the  jtart  of  oiir  Government  as 
embracing  and  giving  us  a  title  to  the  whole  of 
Oregon. 

In  opposition  to  these  claims,  the  British  Gov- 
smroent  assert  rights  in  Oregon,  founded  also  on 
alleged  discoveries,  exphirations,  and  settlements 
of  her  navigators  and  subjects,  and  sanctioned  and 
sustained,  as  they  confind,  by  the  Nnotka  Sound 
Convention,  made  between  Great  Britain  and  Spain 
in  1790.  The  British  WCre  the  first  to  explore  and 
make  suttleraenta  on  Frazer's  river,  as  we  were 
the  first  to  explore  and  moke  settlements  on  the 
Columbia. 

The  explorations  and  discoveries  of  the  Spanish 
navigators,  in  virtue  of  which  Spain  set  up  claim 
to  the  whole  nortliwest  const  of  America,  were 
long  antecedent  to  those  made  either  by  the  Eng- 
lish or  Americans;  but  it  is  insir'.ed  by  Great  Brit- 
ain, that  Spain  did  not  follow  up  those  discoveries 
and  explorations  by  such  acta  of  occupolion  or  set- 
tUmtnt  aa  coulu  alone  confer  on  her  a  national  title 
to  the  country. 

Such  is  the  brief  and  general  outline  of  the  claims 
of  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  and  of  the 
dispute  existing  between  them  in  respect  to  the  ter- 
ritory of  Oreson.    For  a  period  of  near  forty  years 


theas  parties  have  aaaerted  their  confiieling  claims, 
and  repeatedly  endeavored,  but  without  success,  to 
settle  the  controvetsy  by  agreeing  upon  some  per- 
manent line  of  division.  In  these  nmotiationa,  the 
ablestand  most  eminent  statesmen  of  both  countries 
have  been  employed,  and  ahnosi  every  question  of 
Ihct  and  of  national  law  that  could  aflect  the  acqui- 
sition of  title  to  newly-discovered  countries  nas 
been  considered  as  involved  in  this  controversy, 
and  hoB  been  discussed  with  the  greatest  learning 
and  ability.  * 

The  first  difficulty  in  theae  discussions  was  to 
investigate  and  ascertain  the  true  state  of  the  /mU 
and  circumstances  Alleged  aa  the  grounds  of  the  re- 
spective claims.  ThiK,  to  some  exicnl,  was  to  be 
traced  by  the  doulitful  evidence  furnished  by  the 
narratives  of  early  navigators,  of  voyages  along 
ihe  north wcsl.coast,  of  occosional  landings,  setting 
up  of  crosses,  and  other  tiymbolical  and  equivocal 
acts  of  possession,  settlement,  and  ownership. 
But  when  that  difficulty  was  overcome,  ar.d  where 
the  facts  were  indisputable,  the  still  greater  difficul- 
ty remained  of  giving  to  each  of  those  facts  and 
circumstances  its  proper  appreciation  and  elTect, 
and  determining  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  terri- 
torial right  it  conferred  in  that  vast  tmd  unappro- 
priated region. 

These  difficulties  have  hitherto  prevented  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  from  agreeing 
upon  any  amicable  adjustment  of  their  claims. 

I  do  not  intend  to  eiitcr  into  any  investigation  or 
argument  of  those  conflicting  claims.  They  still 
remain  as  subjects  for  diplomatic  discussion  and 
negotiation,  and  so  long  as  that  is  the  case,  it  seems 
to  me  that  such  discussions  in  the  Senate  would  be 
somewhat  premature  and  inappropriate,  and  more 
likely  to  embarrass  than  to  aid  our  Government  in 
the  conduct  of  ita  negoriations  on  Ihe  subject.  I 
shall  therefore  rcfi-oin  ftom  pronouncing  any  opin- 
ion on  the  claims  in  question,  Airther  than  this,  that 
it  does  seem  to  mc,  that  whether  wo  consult  the  law 
of  nations,  or  the  dictates  of  our  own  reason,  the 
only  good  and  valid  grounds  of  title,  to  newly-dis- 
coveied  territory,  are  actual  occupation  and  settle- 
ment. Discovery  may  give  lb*  right  to  occupy 
and  settle,  but  occnpauon  and  settlement  only  can 
give  title.  Accortling  to  these  principles,  our  own 
proper  American  title  to  the  Columbia  river,  and 
the  country  drained  by  il,  extending  at  least  to  the 
49th  degree  of  latitude,  stand.s  on  more  clear  and 
distinct  ground  tiian  that  which  we  derive  from 
the  Spanish  claim  to  the  residue  of  the  territory  in 
question. 

Such  are  the  sources,  and  such  the  general  char- 
acter, of  the  claims  of  the  United  Slates  and  Great 
Britain  to  the  Oregon  territory.  To  ascertain  the 
state  and  present  condition  of  the  controversy,  in 
respect  to  which  we  nre-now  called  upon  to  act,  it 
will  be  proper  to  advert  for  n  moment  to  the  pro- 
"eedinea  and  negotiations  that  have  taken  place  on 
the  snliject  between  the  Governments  of  the  two 
countries. 

As  early  as  1807,  Mr.  Jeflcrson,  by  instructions 
to  our  Ministers  at  the  Court  of  St.  James,  mani- 
feslcd  his  earnest  desire  that  the  boundary  line  of 
49°  north,  which  had  been  agreed  on  as  the  line  of 
division  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Brit- 
ain on  this  side  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  should 
be  extended  across  them  to  tlie  Pacific  Ocean.  But 
this  cnulii  not  then  be  effected. 

In  1818,  a  further  attempt  was  made  to  adjust 
the  claims  of  Ihe  two  nations,  by  agreeing  upon  a 
line  of  division  between  themj  but  failing  in  this, 
the  negotiation  terminated  in  a  convention,  to  con- 
tinue in  force  for  ten  years;  by  which  it  was  agreed, 
that  the  territory  should  be  open  and  free  to  the 
citizens  and  subjects  of  both;  that,  in  effect,  there 
should  be,  for  the  stipulated  period,  a  joint  occtipa- 
tt«n  by  both  nations,  without  prejudice  to  the  righti 
of  either. 

This  convention  was  made  expressly  "  tg  pre- 
vent disputes  and  difl°erences,"  concerning  which 
the  parties  could  not  then  agree  upon  any  final 
settlement. 

In  1823,  another  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made 
by  negotiation  to  agree  upon  some  line  of  division. 

In  1837,  when  the  convention  of  joint  occupancy 
for  ten  years  was  about  to  expire,  another  negotia- 
tion was  opened,  and  a  further  attempt  made  to 
settle  Ihe  controversy  by  establishing  some  line  of 
partition  and  boundary.  But  the  parties  being 
still  unable  to  agree  on  any  such  line,  the  nego- 


tiation ended  in  an  agreement  to  continue  indefi- 
nitely the  convention  of  1818,  with  the  privilege 
reserved  to  either  party  to  abrogate  It  upon  giving 
one  year's  notice  to  the  other. 

To  settle  this  long-conlinued  dispute,  another 
negotiation  was  recently  undertaken,  in  the  course 
of  which  each  parly  proposed  a  line  of  division, 
which  was  rejected  hy  the  other.  And  upon  this 
mutual  rejection  of  tlieyirilprapomttont  of  the  par- 
ties, the  negotiation,  though  not  broken  off,  seems 
to  have  been  suspended,  without  IVirther  effort  for 
a  settlement,  except  that  tHe  British  made,  and  the 
President  rejected,  a  proposition  for  arbitration  of 
the  controversy.  Since  this  suspension,  in  the 
summer  of  ihe  last  yeor,  the  negotiators  on  the  part 
of  the  two  Governments  appear  to  have  been  stand- 
ing still,  on  snnio  ground  of  policy  or  ceremony, 
each  apparently  waiting  for  tne  other  to  take  the 
first  step. 

In  all  our  negotialions  on  this  subject,  we  have 
ennstantly  ulTered  to  adopt  the  49th  parallel  of  lat- 
itude, and  the  British  Government  as  consiantly 
offered  to  adopt  the  Columbia  river  as  the  line  of 
division;  and  so  far  neither  parly  has  been  willing 
to  accede  to  the  bonndnryvofTei'cd  by  the  other. 
The  consequence  has  been  that  the  Oregon  terri- 
tory has  remained,  as  it  now  is,  in  ihe  joint  occu- 
pation of  the  parties,  in  virtue  of  the  conventions 
of  1818  and  1837. 

I'lie  President,  in  his  message  at  the  commence- 
ment of  our  present  session,  announces  the  result 
of  Ihe  late  negotiation,  and  recommends  that  Con- 
gress sliall  make  provision  for  his  giving  notice  to 
Great  Britain  for  the  abrogation  of  the  convention 
of  joint  occupancy,  at  the  expiration  of  twelve 
months. 

The  question  now  before  us  is,  whether  we  s.  all 
make  that  provision.  1  regret  that  the  question  has 
been  agitated  now.  But  u>t  that  agitation,  and  its 
probable  consequences,  the  convention,  though  it 
could  not  long  have  remained  suitable  to  the  changed 
and  changing  condition  of  Oregon,  might,  perhaps, 
have  sufficed  for  some  time  to  coma.  And,  in  my 
judgment,  it  was  the  best  policy  of  the  United 
States  to  have  continued  it  m  force  as  long  as  it 
was  found  safe  and  practicable  so  to  do;  because 
whatever  may  have  been  the  state  of  things  in  the 
territory  in  lime  past,  it  is  certainly  true  that  re- 
cently tlie  emigmtion  to  Oregon  is  mainly  from  the 
United  States.  Under  the  silent  operation  of  this 
continued  emigration,  we  should  have  had,  when- 
ever the  question  of  title  came  to  be  settled  by 
arms,  if  that  were  unavoidable,  a  power  on  the 
spot  quite  capable  of  maintaining  their  own  rights. 
Our  settlers  would  have  spread  themselves  over  iho 
territory;  and  although  I  crant  that  (this  woidd  not 
have  increased  or  strengthened,  or  in  any  manner 
afl'ected  our  legal  right  to  the  country,  yet  it  would, 
in  fact,  have  afforded  a  strong  practical  support  to 
such  rights  as  we  had.  We  should  have  had  a 
strong  power  on  the  spot,  not  easily  cxpellcj,  and  ' 
whose  possession  would  soon  and  nuic'y  have 
settled  in  our  favor  all  questions  of  conflicting 
titles. 

But,  as  things  now  stand,  we  have  no  power  to 
choose.  The  quuitiun  iias  been  brou:;ht  into  the 
arena  of  our  parly  strifes,  and  the  attempt  has  been 
made  to  identify  it  with  them.  Who  is  it  that  haa 
thus  prematurely  agitated  this  question  i  By  what 
means  has  it  been  eflected.'  I  do  not  ask  these 
questions  in  any  spirit  or  with  any  design  of  re- 
proaching anybouy ;  I  speak  only  of  the  fact;  and 
1  again  ask,  by  whom  has  this  question  been  thus 
prematurely  introduced?  How  is  it  that,  instead 
of  being  reserved  aa  a  matter  for  diplomatic  ar- 
rangement, this  question,  so  purely  national,  has 
been  perverted  into  a  scheme  of  paWi/  agitation  for 
partij  purposes?  It  wos  done  by  the  Democratic 
Convention  which  nominated  Uie  present  Chief 
Megistrate  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 
That  assembly,  in  the  hurry  of  its  proceedings, 
and  without  other  care  or  thought  on  the  subject 
than  whether  it  might  aid  their  party  nomination, 
as  a  sounding  manifesto,  rtaolved,  that  our  title  to 
Oregon — the  whole  of  Oregon — was  clear  and  un- 
questionable, and  thus  attempted  to  make  it  tlie 
tenet  of  a  party  creed,  and  impose  it  as  such  upon 
the  country.  And  now,  sir,  we  are  told  here,  on 
the  floor  of  this  chamber,  in  this  Senate  of  the 
United  Slates,  that  the  Senators  belonging  to  the 
Democratic  parly,  and  the  whole  party  as  a  body, 
and  the  Executive  himself  as  chosen  by  them,  are 


mfm 


wmmmg- 


1646.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  ©LOBE. 


e^ 


fATB. 


99th  Cono l8T  Sess. 


The  Ortgtm  ^uatiyn—Mr.  Critttnden. 


Senate. 


bound  by  tbii  rttoluUon;  lb«t  they  wtiuU  b« 
UTMcheroua,  and  the  Prewdent  mnit  of  all,  to  tb« 
extent  that  they  dared  to  depart  from  it.  It  ii  by 
theao  means  that  ihia  Oregon  question  has  become 
matter  of  ardent  party  discussion  and  party  action 
in  both  Houses  of  Conig;rcss  and  throughout  the 
country,  I  think  it  would  have  been  better  had 
we  remnined  quiet  under  the  existing  convention 
for  some  years  to  come.  The  controversy  could 
then  have  been  reopened  with  better  means  and 
better  prospecui  on  our  part.  But  that  is  now  no 
longer  possible,  A  feeling  has  been  gotton  up, 
here  and  clsewhore,  that  will  spread  westward  till 
it  has  passed  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  taken 
possession  of  our  settlers  there.  They  are  inter- 
spersed promiscuously  with  the  suhjecls  of  Great 
Britain  in  the  territory,  and  both  wilisoon  become 
animated  by  the  feelings  which  prevail  in  their 
respective  countries.  Neighbors,  who  have  here- 
tofore lived  in  harmony  and  mutual  good  will,  will 
come  lo  regard  earh  other  with  a Itosiile  spirit, 
difficullion  will  spring  up,  and  they  will  be  pre- 
pared, on  both  sideit,  to  settle  their  quarrels  by  a 
resort  to  force;  blood  will  be  shed,  and  a  war  will 
be  forced  upon  us,  whether  we  will  or  not. 

To  prevent  such  consequences,  this  question 
must  be  dinposed  of  in  some  way.  Shall  we  dis- 
pose nf  it  by  adopting  the  measu.e  recommemled 
to  us  by  the  President?  I  believe,  under  the  cir- 
cumstances, that  peace  will  be  less  endangered  by 
giving  the  notice  he  asks,  than  by  leaving  the  mat- 
ter as  it  is.  The  reasons  for  this  are,  I  think, 
sufficiently  obvious.  The  olijection  to  giving  the 
notice  proposed  is,  that  it  will  not  facilitate  nego- 
tiation; that  it  is  a  measure  unfriendly  in  its  aspect; 
that  it  will  be  so  regarded  by  England,  and  will 
operate  to  diminliih  the  chances  of  n  peaceful  set- 
tlement of  the  difficulty.  In  itself,  the  notice  is  not 
an  unfriendly  measure;  it  is  a  conventional  pro- 
vision. We  bargained  with  Qreat  Britain  for  the 
right  to  give  such  a  notice  whenever  we  pleased, 
and  we  conceded  to  her  a  similar  right  on  her  part. 
But,  though  not-a  hostile  measure  in  itself,  it  may, 
by  the  terms  in  which  it  is  expressed,  be  made 
to  have  the  appearance  and  the  tone  of  defiance; 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  terms  in  which  it  is 
given  may  clearly  show  that  it  is  designed  only  as 
a  moans  of  amicable  settlement.  Its  hostile  char- 
acter, if  it  has  any,  must  arise  from  the  circum- 
stances thrown  around  it,  or  from  the  tone  and 
manner  in  which  it  is  conveyed.  Extraneous  cir- 
cumstanros  ulonc  can  poBsibly  expose  it  to  the  in- 
terpretation of  being  an  uufrleiidly  measure.  If, 
then,  the  measure  be  not  hostile  in  itiself,  and  if  the 
terms  in  which  it  is  given,  instead  of  menace  or 
defiance,  breathe  only  the  spirit  of  peace,  how  can 
it  be  considered  as  ofTunsive;  and  why  should  we 
suppose  beforehand  that  it  will  be  so  understood ! 
It  IS  Kiiid  that  it  will  not  facilitate  a  settlement. 
However  that  may  be,  itcertninly  will  not  increase 
the  danger  of  war.  It  is  certainly  true,  that,  after 
all,  when  we  shall  have  given  the  notice  in  the  most 
amicable  spirit  and  terms,  we  may  nevertheless 
foil  in  the  negotiation,  and  war  may  be  the  result. 
But,  if  war  does  come,  it  will  not  be  inconsequence 
of  the  notice  now  proposed:  it  will  be  the  effect  of 
the  controversy  ilselt;  it  will  be  the  result  o(  ill 
temper  on  the  one  side  or  the  other,  and  a  want  of 
wianoH  in  managing  (he  alTair. 

We  have  negotiated  from  1807  until  now,  nearly 
forty  years,  and  yet  without  any  practical  result. 
And  why?  Because,  for  a  long  time  nast— ever 
since  the  year  1818— the  subject  and  tne  parties 
have  been  under  the  shelter  and  protection  of  that 
convention  which  we  now  propose  to  annul — a 
convention  which,  during  its  continuance,  secured 
to  both  parties  equal  enjoyment  of  possession,  and 
preserved,  without  prejudice,  their  ultimate  rights. 

Ill  this  condition  of  things,  all  attempts  nt  n  defi- 
nite and  final  settlement  of  the  coiiflictlM,'>'  claims 
of  the  parties  have  been  but  empty  diplomacy, 
and  wholly  without  consequence;  because  each 
party  could  saflcly  withdraw  flrom  it,  if  it  was  not 
pleased  with  the  terms  offered. 

If  this  has  been  the  result  for  more  than  thirty 
years,  is  it  not  likely  to  continue  to  be  so,  if  the 
negotiation  is  conducted  under  the  like  circum- 
stinces?  Great  Britain  is  now  in  the  joint  occu- 
pation of  the  territory  with  us.  She  will  derive 
from  the  division  of  the  territory  less  advantage 
than  she  now  enjoys.  Will  she  not  rather  have 
the  prei^ent  state  of  things  continue?    Certainly 


she  will— it  is  natural  she  should;  and  so  long  as 
the  convention  continues,  all  negotiation  between 
us  will  be  without  consequence,  lis  it  is  without  re- 
sponsibility. Either  porty  con  safely  retire  from 
it,  and  wait  flir  a  belter  prospect  of  success.  But, 
when  the  convention  shall  nave  been  abro|;aled, 
the  subject  then  becomes  practical,  and  negotiation, 
instead  of  being  men  theory,  hypothesis,  and 
diplomatic  logic,  becomes  a  sensible,  respectable, 
eifeclual  thing;  and,  instead  of  either  party  having 
a  sbdier  to  fly  to  whenever  the  course  of  the  nego- 
tiation has  an  unfavorable  asfiect  upon  its  interests, 
both  of  them  must  look  each  other  solemnly  in  tlie 
face,  under  the  conviction  that,  unless  they  can 
agree,  the  result  may,  and  probably  must,  be  war. 
Here,  then,  they  feel  thcmsclvcu  to  be  acting  un- 
der an  awful  responsibility.  Is  it  hoping  loo  much 
to  anticipate  that,  when  the  shelter  is  token  from 
both,  and  a  practical  appeal  is  made  to  them  in  be- 
half of  peace,  by  the  sacrifices  which  must  attend 
a  M'ar — is  it,  I  say,  too  much  to  hope  that,  thus 
pressed,  th^y  may  come  to  some  amicable  urVange- 
ment?  At  all  events,  1  ask,  does  the  continuance 
of  both  parties  under  the  cover  of  this  convention 
promise  an  easier  future  to  either?  No,  sir.  Now 
that  we  have  departed  from  that  quiet  policy  under 
which  our  people,  in  the  natural  courseof  their  in- 
creasing emigration,  woiiUl  noon  have  spread  over 
and  possessed  themselves  of  the  country;  now  that 
the  agitation  and  excitement  of  the  subject  has 
been  obtruded  on  the  country,  the  sooner  we  settle 
it  the  better.  Every  day,  every  hour,  will  more 
probably  increase,  rather  tlinn  diminish,  the  diffi- 
culties of  a  settlement.  What,  then,  shall  we  giiin 
by  refusing  the  notice?  That  which  we  put  nif  to- 
day, from  the  apprehension  of  danger  at  a  dis- 
tance, we  must  "pproach  to-morrow  under  danger 
increased  by  delay.  Why,  then,  not  meet  it  at 
once  ? 

If  we  have  unwisely  precipitated  upon  ourselves 
the  necessity  of  abrogating  ihe  convention,  there 
will,  perhaps,  result  to  us  ore  advantage  from  its 
abrogation,  in  this,  that  then  tie  emigration  and 
sealement  of  our  people  in  Oregon  will  enure  ex- 
clusively to  our  benefit,  and  the  confirmation  of 
our  title.  Though  the  great  moss  of  emigrants 
must  go  from  the  United  Slates  to  that  country, 
yet,  uiider  the  operation  of  the  convention,  so  long 
as  it  continues  in  force,  the  settlement  there  of  our 
people  is  but  part  of  the  joint  occupancy  of  the 
United  States  and  England,  and  operates  to  the 
equal  benefit  of  both.  It  gives  uh  no  exchisivc 
right,  any  more  than  the  settlement  of  one  joint 
tenant  on  the  joint  estate  would  give  him  an  ex- 
clusive right.  So  long  os  that  convention  contin- 
ues, every  settler  holds  the  country  as  much  for 
England  as  for  tlic  United  States.  Every  Ameri- 
can cmigrnn'.  holds  possession  with  one  foot  only 
for  his  own  country, and  with  llic  other  for  England. 
AYhsn  the  convention  is  abolished  the  settlements 
made  by  our  people  will  be  our  solo  possession, 
and  enure  exclusively  to  our  benefit;  and  the  ad- 
vantage to  us  will  be  in  proportion  to  the  greater 
number  of  emigrants  that  will  go  from  the  United 
States  than  from  England. 

It  appears  to  me,  Mr.  President,  that  the  pros- 
pect of  an  amicable  adjustment  will  be  improved, 
not  obstructed,  by  the  notice,  if  it  be  given  in  terms 
of  amity,  and  without  circumsWnces  of  offence. 

In  the  situation  into  which  we  have  been  hur- 
ried, by  impeticnce  and  impolicy,  we  can  perhaps 
take  no  course  that  is  entirely  free  from  danger. 
The  danger  is  upon  us.  We  have  stirred  it  up. 
We  cannot  now  avert  it  by  inaction.  We  cannot 
now  stand  still.  While  we  hesiuite  and  delay,  it 
will  thicken  around  us.  The  safest  course  for  us, 
in  the  midst  of  these  difficulties,  is  tc  go  forward 
with  this  notice,  and,  confronting  boldly  and  at 
once  the  unavoidable  perils  in  our  way,  endeavor, 
)<y  a  last,  decided,  and  yet  conqjiialory  ncgotia 
tion,  to  settle,  peacefully  and  permanently,  this 
long-continued  controversy.  I  am  persuaded  that 
tlie  danger  of  putting  the  dispute  upon  that  issue 
will  be  less  than  the  danger  that  will  result  from 
leaving  the  whole  ma'ter  to  the  irritations  and  ac- 
cidents of  the  future,  and  to  the  imminent  chances 
of  collision  between  the  American  and  British  in- 
habitants of  Oregon. 

Do  gentlemen  suppose  that  our  countrymen  in 
Oregon,  Americans  by  birth,  children  of  the  Ame- 
rican soil,  and  trained  under  our  free  institutions, 
con  hear  the  fervent  voices,  the  warlike  declama- 


tion and  fierce  denunciations  #  England,  and  alt 
her  claims  to  Oregon,  that  are  uttcrea  in  this  Holl, 
without  having  all  their  sympathies  and  feelinga 
groused?  No,  sir,  that  cannot  be.  Those  apeechea 
</nd  denunciorions  will  be  read  in  Oregon,  and  wlK 
have  an  influence  upon  its  American  population, 
increased  by  all  the  enchantmenls  Ihot  distance 
and  rerollections  of  their  far-olT  native  land  can 
give.  That  influence  will,  too,  probably  lead  them 
to  look  with  jealousy  and  boalilily  upon  their 
I  British  neighbors,  iml  to  regard  them  as  intruders 
and  enemies.  Collisions  between  them  would  soon 
follow;  and  all  con  see  how  readily  a  petty,  ob- 
scure conflict  there  might  kindle  a  war  between  the 
United  Sinles  and  Great  Britain. 

This  state  of  things  will  he  guarded  against  by 
giving  the  notice  now.  When  the  people  in  the 
territory  know  that  their  joint  occupation  is  soon 
to  end,  and  that  the  subject  is  under  discussion  by 
their  respective  Qovernmenis,  they  will  be  content 
to  wait,  and  to  wait  quietly,  till  they  see  the  end 
arrived  at.  Thus  the  two  Governmenis  will  retain 
the  question  in  their  own  hands;  but,  rely  upon 
it,  if  you  cast  it  off  the  people  will  lake  it  up.  You 
may  avoid  danger  here  for  a  moment,  but  you 
create  danger  at  a  distance,  and  permit  a  state  of 
things  lo  arise  under  which  the  convention  which 
you  refuse  to  annulmust  soon  annul  itself.  That 
treaty,  when  made,  may  have  been,  and  I  think 
WHS,  wise.  I  cannot  agree  with  some  gentlemen 
who  have  expressed  an  opposiie  opinion.  The 
convention,  in  my  judgment,  was  a  wise  one  when 
made;  it  was  demnnded  by  :bc  circumstances  and 
by  the  interests  of  both  countries.  But,  however 
judicious  it  may  then  have  been,  it  is  inapplicable 
to  the  present  state  of  things.  It  whs  then  an 
almost  uninhabited  wilderness;  Now  settlements, 
both  American  and  British,  have  been  formed, 
and  arc  forming,  which  may  require  the  control 
and  protection  of  law;  and  yet,  according  to  the 
terms  of  the  convention  of  joint  occupancy,  neither 
the  United  Slates  nor  Great  Britain  con  do  more 
than  legislate  for  its  own  citizens  or  subjects.  And 
when  both  have  legislated,  to  the  utmost  of  their 
power  under  the  convention,  what  a  picture  of 
government  would  it  present  ?  English  laws  pre- 
vailing over  English  settlers,  and  American  laws 
governing  American  settlers;  and  the  two  classes 
of  settJLrs  intermingled  in  daily  intercourse  and  the 
nearest  connexion.  Instead  of  a  government  pre- 
serving peace,  protecting  rights  of  person  and  pro- 
perty, and  administering  justice,  it  will  be,  rather, 
a  legal  invitation  to  collision  and  disorder.  Ita 
very  feebleness  will  be  a  pro  location  to  violence— 
u  constant  source  of  irritation  naturally  leading  to 
outrage.  Supposing  a  dispute  arises  or  a  wron? 
is  done,  it  cannot  ue  settled  before  an  English 
judge,  becaust!  the  American  settler  will  never 
submit  to  English  jurisdiction.  It  cannot  be  set- 
tled before  an  American  judge,  because  the  English 
settler  will  make  the  like  refusal.  What  peace, 
ihen,  can  there  be  in  such  a  conflict  of  laws  and 
jurisdictions?  It  can  lead  only  to  anarchy;  it  can 
prove  only  a  source  of  "  confusion  worse  con- 
founded." The  time  has  come  when  the  territory 
is  fast  becoming  peopled — when  there  exists,  in- 
stead of  a  few  scattered  hunters,  a  social  commu- 
nity; and  law  is  becoming  necessary  to  its  safety 
and  well  being.  The  territory  has  passed  from 
thot  condition  when  the  convention  was  sufficient 
for  its  necessities  and  adapted  to  its  circumstances. 
The  time  has  arrived  when  each  portion  of  the 
community  must  take  that  which  is  its  own;  and 
must  be  subject  to  one  exclusive  jurisdiction,  Por 
these  reasons  I  am  in  favor  of  a  notice,  I  regret, 
as  I  said  at  first,  the  necessity  for  giving  it  at  this 
time,  but  it  is  now  irretrievable.  Given  it  must 
be,  in  some  form;  and  if  we  give  it  in  the  form 
now  proposed,  I  feel  a  strong  hope,  a  confident 
hope,  that  the  whole  difficulty  can  and^will  be  set- 
tled. 

When  we  shall  have  authorized  the  notice  pro- 
posed, we  shall  have  placed  the  whole  subject  at 
the  disposal  of  the  President.  It  is  his  business  to 
conduct  diplomatic  negotiations;  to  take  care  of 
our  territorial  rights  and  interests,  and  watch  for 
the  preservation  of  peace.  Clothed  with  this  au- 
thority and  these  responsibilities,  he  has  recom- 
mended that  we  authorize  him  to  give  this  notice. 
He  asks  for  it  at  our  hands  as  a  measure  calculated 
to  render  negotiations  more  effectual.  He  has  told 
us  that  his  course  will  be  directed  to  the  preserta- 


844 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


(April  16, 


99th  Cono 1st  Sum. 


The  Of^tm  Quettiotk—Mr.  CrittendtH. 


Senate. 


tion  or  the  pmeaflil  rehtioni  of  the  country.  Can 
it  then  be,  that  he  aaka  for  Ihii  meaaure  merely 
that  he  may  brlDe  on  more  apeedily  and  aurely  a 
alate  of  war?  No,  thia  cannot  ha^  been  hiv  mo- 
tive. I<ayeo,becauM,in  the  verJTiame  meaaage 
in  wnich  he  recommends  the  notice,  he  expressea 
his  hope  of  an  amicable  lettlement.  This  it  atrong 
erideiice;  but  we  have  evidence  yet  stronger  in  the 
action  of  the  Prenidenl.  I  am  conf.dent  that  he 
did  not  intend  a  war;  tor  ia  it  conceivable  if  ho 
iiad,  that  he  could  have  ao  fur  forgotlen  every  ob- 
ligation or  duty,  and  the  moat  obvious  dictalea  of 
common  aenae,  aa  nut  to  huve  recommended  to 
Congreaa  some  measures  to  provide  for  the  defence 
of  the  country? 

The  whole  course  of  the  Administration  aeems 
to  imply,  that  whatever  danger  of  war  we  may 
see,  or  think  we  see,  whether  in  the  Executive 
message  or  in  the  diplomatic  cnrreapondence,  and 
whatever  uncertainty,  apprehension,  and  excite- 
ment, may  prevail  in  the  country,  there  never  has 
been,  in  the  view  of  the  President  and  hia  r;  nfi- 
dential  advise.;.,  any  real  danger.  While  ail  is 
appiehension,  and  uncertainty,  and  iiiquiry,  and 
surprise,  out  of  doois,  the  Adiniiiistration  seem  to 
ait  in  the  recesses  of  the  White  House  in  all  the 
confident  serenity  of  assured  peace.  They  neither 
take  themselves,  nor  advise  us  to  take,  a  single 
step  which  looks  towards  n  preparation  for  war. 
I  infer,  and  the  inference  seems  tonic  irresistible, 
that  the  purpose  and  expectation  of  tiie  Executive 
is  peace.  And  it  ia  in  this  spirit  that  1  will  believe 
that  the  President  haa  asked  for  this  notice,  to 
strengthen  his  hands  in  negotiating,  by  Uiking  off 
the  covert  afforded  to  both  parties  by  \he  existing 
convention.  When  that  is  done,  the  two  nation.j 
will  come  up  to  the  question  in  the  ftill  view  of  the 
responsibilities  of  peace  and  war. 

Does  any  gentleman  think  that  great,  and  bold, 
and  fearlees,  as  both  nations  may  be,  and  are,  tliat 
such  a  posture  of  things  will  exert  no  solemn,  no 
pacific  influence  upon  them?  They  must  be  more 
or  leas  than  men  if  it  did  not.  iSut  that  this  will 
operate,  or  is  intended  to  operate  as  a  pressure, 
appealing  to  the  apprehensions  of  either  party. 
Its  appeal  is  to  motives  and  fejiinga  far  higher  and 
nobler  than  mere  personal  fear.  It  demands  no 
sacrifice  of  national  honor,  none;  it  only  summons 
their  attention  to  a  solemn  and  immediate  consid- 
eration of  the  great  queations  of  peace  and  war. 
If  Ihoae  who  conduct  a  negotiation  under  such  cir- 
cumstances deserve  the  name  of  statesmen ;  if  they 
have  one  of  the  high  qualities  which  ought  to  in- 
spire men  so  intrustetl,  they  cannot  but  feel  the 
influence  of  their  solemn  position.  They  will  then 
be  dealing  with  no  feigned  issue,  aa  they  were,  so 
long  as  the  cover  of  the  convention  was  over  the 
heads  of  both.  It  is  the  real  and  the  solemn  issue 
of  peace  or  war  between  two  great  and  powerful 
nations.  I  cannot  believe,  when  they  stand  side 
by  side  in  the  immediate  view  of  such  on  issue, 
with  a  prospect  in  the  distance  of  all  the  conse- 
quences which  must  follow — consequences  which 
are  to  be  the  immediate  work  of  their  own  hands — 
that  it  will  have  no  ennobling,  no  elevating  effect 
upon  their  thoughts,  no  purifying  influence  upon 
their  feelings  and  their  motives?  Passion,  and 
pride,  and  selfishness,  must  be  awed  and  silenced 
by  the  sense  of  such  a  solemn  responsibility.  It 
would  shame  the  wisdom  of  the  age — it  would  dis- 
grace the  morality  of  both  countries,  to  beUeve 
tliat  such  a  question  cannot  be  amicably  arranged 
between  them.  I  look  upon  the  result  of  this 
measure  to  be  peace  between  us.  I  understand  the 
notice  to  be  recommended  with  that  view.  1  give 
it  in  the  spirit  of  peace  and  of  conciliation  in  which 
it  is  askea.  It  is  the  best  measure  toward  peace 
which  ia  now  left  to  us;  and  though  there  may  be 
danger  in  it,  yet  I  think  that  the  danger  is  less  than 
woiitd  result  fVom  the  other  course.  Let  us  not 
meet  the  case  with  the  folly  of  rash  and  reckless 
men,  but  as  wise  men  should  meet  a  crisis  of  their 
country — with  moderation,  with  firmness,  and  in 
such  a  temper  that  we  mav  be  prepared  to  meet  the 
issue  before  both  God  and  man. 

If  this  dispute  between  the  United  Suites  and 
Great  Britain  be  not  settled  amicably,  tliere  must 
be  a  grievous  fault  somewhere.  With  the  Pres- 
ident will  rest  the  responsibility  of  conducting,  on 
our  part,  all  negotiations  for  the  settlement  of  that 
dispute, and  on  him  may  depend  the  issues  of  peace 
or  war.    Let  him  look  well  to  it.    If  he  shall  fail 


to  do  all  hia  duly;  if.  intrusted  aa  h)  ii  with  the 
peace  aa  well  at  Iha  righia  lot  audi  a  people,  he 
shall  omit  to  do  all  within  his  power  to  preserve 
both,  and  shall,  by  acts  of  commission  or  omis- 
sion, plunge  hit  country  into  an  unnecetsary  war, 
how  iearAiT  will  b«  hit  responsibility !  If  war  shall 
come,  let  him  tee  to  it  that  he  is  prepared  to  show 
that  he  has  oflered  all  fiiir  and  reasonable  terms  of 

(leacc,  or  let  him  be  assured  that  a  departure  from 
lis  duty  can  have,  and  will  meet  with,  no  afKilogy. 
No  parly  promise,  no  party  pledge,  no  Baltimore 
resolutions,  will  be  admitted  by  his  country  and 
the  civilized  world  as  an  excuse  for  a  needless  war. 
He  will  be  amenable  to  a  higher  tribunal  than  un 
assembly  of  party  politicians.  The  people  of  the 
United  elates  will  be  his  judges;  nay,  ifie  people 
of  the  whole  civilized  world  will  sit  upon  his  con- 
duct; it  is  before  them  he  will  have  to  sUind.  The 
page  of  history  will  record  the  sentence. 

The  President  hut  the  whole  history  of  this  case 
before  him ;  he  knows  all  that  hus  been  done.  I'he  I 
patriots,  tiie  sages,  the  pure  and  practical  statesmen  < 
of  our  own  country,  who  in  former  times  treated  ! 
of  this  subject,  have  all  agreed  upon  the  sume  line 
us  a  boundary  between  us  and  England.  Mr.  Jef-  i 
ferson  desired  the  parallel,  which  was  our  northern 
.  limit  east  of  the  Uocky  Mountains,  to  be  extended 
'  westward  to  the  sea.  Mr.  Jefferson  went  for  40°. 
In  1818,  yourUuvernment,  in  its  negotiation  with 
Englaiiil,  otfrred  her  iiP.  In  18i!3  you  otiain  offer- 
ed 4U°.  In  18;;i7  you  repeated  your  oiler  of  49°; 
and  again  in  1844  you  proposed  to  her  49°.  I'he 
British  Government  as  often  offered  you  the  Co- 
lumbia river.  The  President  has  this  in  all  its 
deuiils  before  him.  Whether  he  shall  insist  on 
extreme  pretensions,  or  shall,  with  firmness  but 
moderation,  conduct  negotiation  with  a  view  to  the 
amicable  settlement  of  our  difficulties,  he  is  amena- 
ble to  the  judgment  of  his  country.  He  has  the 
whole  field  belbre  him.  There  is  a  way  that  leads 
to  peace;  there  is  a  way  that  leads  to  war — both 
0]ien  before  him;  let  him  choose,  at  his  peril. 

The  matter  in  dispute  involves  no  question  of 
national  honor.  It  is  simply  a  question  of  bound- 
ary; and,  in  such  a  case,  an  honest  statesman,  be- 
fore proceeding  to  the  extremity  of  war,  would 
••  in  "  '-'tie  to  compare  the  value  and  importance 
ritory  in  dispute  with  the  cost  and  con  - 
s  of  that  wr.r.  *■  Greatly  to  find  a  quarrel 
ill  .AT,"  is  a  sort  of  ambition  to  whicli  tlie 

worib  no  longer  gives  countenance.  All  such 
heroics  have  passed  away,  and  have  given  place  to 
the  juster  sentiment  which  requires  of  Che  slates- 
man  and  ruler,  entrusted  with  the  interests  and  j 
happiness  of  his  country,  to  save  and  protect  it 
from  the  cala.nity  of  unnenuary  war. 

Be  the  value  of  this  territory  what  it  may,  the 
dispute  about  it  is  but  a  question  of  proptrty,  un- 
mixed with  any  point  of  honor.  It  is  as  purely  a 
question  of  property  as  a  dispute  between  two 
neighbors  about  the  line  between  their  farms.  Are 
they  recreant  to  all  sense  of  honor  if  they  do  not 
rush  into  the  court-house  and  litigate  the  matter  to 
the  end?  Is  there  any  honor  in  spending  all  they 
have  upon  a  lawsuit  ?  Who  thinks  so?  Who  will 
reproach  and  contemn  them  if  they  come  to  a  pa- 
cific adjustment  of  their  dispute?  I  say  that  this 
question  of  Oregon  is  as  purely  a  question  of  prop- 
erty as  their:.;  as  clearly  and  solely  a  question  of 
properly  as  ever  was  between  nations. 

If  there  were  any  great  question  of  principle  in- 
volved, OS  the  honorable  Senator  from  Texas  [Mr. 
Houhton]  very  justly  remarked,  if  this  was  a  clear 
question  of  the  national  honor,  then  the  cost,  even 
to  the  sacrifice  of  life  itself,  ought  not  to  be  count- 
ed. But  when  there  is  no  principle  of  honor  in 
the  matter,  where  it  is  a  mere  dispute  about 
properly,  ought  we  not — I  put  it  to  every  man 
in  his  sober  senses — ought  we  not  to  count  the 
cost?  ^ 

1  do  not  design  to  exog^rate  the  consequences 
of  war,  much  \esa  should  i  think  of  presenting 
here  affecting  pictures  of  its  horrors  and  desola- 
tions.   1  lay  no  stress  upon  these.    Let  them  all 
be  laid  out  of  the  question.    Still  war  is  an  evil,   j 
You  may  deck  it  out  in  gorgeous  colors,  glittering  'i 
dress,  aud  waving  plumes,  and  drown  its  cries  and  \\ 
its  groans  in  the  loud  blast  of  the  trumpet  and  in 
the  shouts  of  victory ;  still,  sir,  still  war  is  a  mighty 
evil.   It  breaks  up  the  relations  of  nations,  involves 
them  in  immense  and  ruinous  expenditures,  loads 
them  with  heavy  burdens  of  taxation,  checks  all 


industry  and  commerce,  and  putt  a  stop  to  all  to- 
cial  and  physical  improvemanM.  And  shall  a  con- 
sideration of  all  this  Ibmi  no  part  or  portion  of  tha 
n'otives  of  national  action  ?  If,  indeed,  war  built 
school-houses  and  meeting-houses,  and  dug  canals, 
and  siretched  out  railroads;  if  it  Ibttered  institu- 
tions for  purposes  of  education  or  charily,  and 
cherished  the  interests  of  trade,  of  commerce,  and 
of  ort,  then  it  would  be  a  thing  to  be  sought  after. 
But  aa  its  eflecl  and  operation  ia  directhr  the  re- 
verse of  this,  is  it  not  Just  and  wise  and  right  to 
avoid  it,  when  it  can  be  avoided  without  a  sacrifics 
of  honor? 

Here  is  a  territory  four  thousand  miles  off,  lying 
upon  another  ocean,  whose  commercial  connexions 
are  on  thi  other  tide  of  the  world,  for  the  moit 
part  n  barren  and  unbroken  wilriernets.  I  do  not 
speak  to  depreciate  its  value;  I  speak  but  naked 
j  truth:  the  fact  is  so.  Of  what  great  consequence 
is  the  immediate  possession  of  such  a  region  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States?  And  what  are  the 
consequences  of  going  to  wor  for  it  ?  Let  both 
qiiistions  be  looked  at?  Let  us  not  foolishly  and 
wilfully  shut  our  eyes  to  them.  I  do  not  say  we 
are  to  look  at  them  wiih  dread  and  horror— (hr 
from  it.  But,  if  danger  approaches,  let  us  not  act 
like  children,  who  hide  their  (hcet  to  get  clear  of 
seeing  what  they  fear.  Let  us  look  the  danger  in 
the  face  like  men.  He  only  is  prepared  fbr  dan- 
ger who  can  look  at  it  steadily,  with  that  compo- 
sure and  intrepidity  which  become  a  man.  Look 
at  the  consequences.  Determine  whether  you  will 
go  to  war  to  enforce  your  claim  to  the  "  whole" 
of  the  disputed  territory  of  Oregon,  rather  than 
settle  the  dispute  on  principles  of  compromise  and 
upon  terms  of  partition  like  those  which  for  near 
forty  years  past  we  ouraelvet  have  Tepeatedly 
oflered. 

It  thit  to  be  a  small  war?  Is  it  to  be  a 
war  confined  to  the  territory  of  Oregon?  Let  us 
see. 

We  are  aaid  to  be  rather  a  boastful  people,  but, 
abalinK  whatever  you  will  on  that  score,  it  it  not 
to  be  denied  that  thit  it  n  great  and  a  powerful  na- 
tion; of  vaat  moral  and  physical  energy;  and  capa- 
ble of  applying  the  whole  of  that  energy  to  any 
contest  in  which  it  may  engage.  England  also  it 
u  great  Power.  Will  a  war  between  two  such  na- 
tions be  a  small  war  ?  At  it  haa  been  proudly  said 
of  her,  that  the  sun  never  sets  upon  her  dominions, 
so  it  may  be  said  that  the  sun  will  never  set  upon 
this  wor.  Its  havoc  will  be  throughout  the  world. 
There  is  no  ocean,  or  sea,  or  shore,  where  its  echoes 
will  not  be  heard. 

Whot  debt  will  it  not  leave  behind  it?  Will  it 
be  a  war  of  short  duration— -rf  a  day  or  a  year? 
The  honorable  Senator  from  S-mth  Carolina  [Mr. 
Calhoun]  is  more  competent  than  I  am  to  hazard 
a  calculation  on  either  point.  How  long  will  it 
lost?  Our  first  wor  lasted  Sv-vcn  yeors.  If  the 
duration  of  the  war  is  to  bo  in  pr^purtion  to  tlia 
abilities  of  the  parlies,  how  long,  I  ask  again,  will 
It  last  ?  And  what  will  be  our  condition  at  the  end 
of  it?  Ought  we  tu  refuse  to  look  at  tills?  Do  we 
not,  in  all  our  acts  of  legislation,  look  at  the  conse- 
quences of  the  laws  we  make  ?  And  shall  we,  on 
one  of  the  greatest  subjects  which  can  come  before 
us,  madly  refuse  to  cast  a  glance  at  the  future? 
What  will  be  th«  war  debt?  The  Senator  from 
South  Carolina  estimated  it  at  five  hundred  millions. 
Is  this  a  trifling  burden  to  lay  upon  the  backs  of  our 
people  ?  Is  this  a  light  load  for  weary  generations 
to  groan  under  ?  Remember  that  the  poorest  and 
the  humblest  man  in  the  land  will  not  be  without 
his  share  of  this  burden,  and  must  contribute  his 
mile  and  his  labor  to  its  repayment.  Is  this  a  con- 
sideration to  be  kept  out  of  sight?  Will  the  Presi- 
dent exclude  it  from  his  view  ?  or  will  he  not  pause 
long  before  he  incura  the  fearful  responsibility  of 
casting  such  a  burden  upon  them  and  their  chil- 
dren, without  some  clear  necessity  for  it  ? 

On  the  other  hand,  while  we  look  ot  the  conse- 
quences of  war,  let  us  for  a  moment  ponder  on  the 
wonders  of  our  national  progress  and  prosperity. 
Has  there  ever  been  a  nation,  since  the  foundation 
of  the  world,  which  exhibited  such  a  spectacle  of 
process  within  the  same  length  of  time  ?  Has  the 
world  ever  seen  a  parallel  to  it  ?  It  seems  as  if  the 
powers  of  the  human  intellect  had  just  broken  loose 
flrom  the  slumber  of  ages;  as  if  the  hands  of  man 
had  acquired  the  power  of  giants  to  perform  what 
was  heretofore  deemed  to  belong  to  fable.    Look 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


840 


39rH  CoNo I  IT  Sr». 


TTu  Oregon  QuMtion — Mr.  Crittmden. 


SCNATB. 


•t  the  public  work*  or  thia  young  rapublio,  uid  lay 
where  hai  lo  much  been  done  in  the  mme  i|iace  of 
lime  upon  the  face  of  the  enrth  i  * 

It  it  a  little  more  than  two  centuriee  lince  our 
forefnlheri,  ■  feeble  hnnd,  very  ftw  and  very  Ae- 
ble,  landed  on  the  bleuk  iliorei  of  nn  unknown 
land.  And  what  do  we  now  behold  f  They  have 
eitabllihod  liberty,  and  ipread  their  empire  acroae 
thii  broad  continent,  fVom  lea  to  leaj  they  have 
overcome  the  wildemou,  and  filled  it  with  citioi; 
,  from  a  few  hundred  people  thev  have  already  mul- 
tiplied to  twenty  millumi,  and  the  child  is  born  who 
will  lee  that  number  awelled  to  one  hundred  mil- 
lioni,  all  animated  with  the  ipirit  and  energy  of 
freemen,  and  preieing  forward  in  the  great  cauie 
of  civilization  and  liberty. 

Thii  ia  our  country ! — our  inheritance ! — with  all 
iti  present  and  prospective  greatness!  Our  hearts 
burn  wilhin  us  at  the  contemplation.  Patriotism, 
ambition  itself,  can  scarcely  suggest  a  wish  that  is 
not  anticipated  by  iui  mighty  progress.  Why, 
then,  should  we  be  impatient?  Why  so  impatient 
to  get  today,  what,  by  the  mere  force  of  circum- 
■tonces,  by  a  destiny  that  cannot  be  controlled, 
will  be  yours  to-morrow  ?  Cannot  we  oflbrd  lo  be 
«  little  wise,  a  little  patient?  We  are  borne  along 
upon  the  tide  of  prosperity  with  the  speed  of  the 
wind.  Can  we  not  bo  satisfied?  Why  must  we 
be  trying  artificial  means  to  get  on  faster?  This 
ii  the  only  way  by  which  our  progress  con  be  suc- 
cessfully impeded.  We  are  the  great  first-born  of 
this  continent.  The  continent  is  ours  by  a  title 
indefeasible,  irreversible,  irresistible.  I  smile  at 
all  petty  European  endeavors  to  check  us  by  estab- 
lishing what  they  denominate  "a  balance  of 
power."  I  know  it  is  natural  on  their  part;  and 
It  provokes  no  feeling  of  resentment  in  my  breast; 
it  lathcr  excites  our  pride  of  country.  This  re- 
public is  not  seventy  years  old;  ns  a  nation  it  has 
not  yet  attained  to  the  length  of  the  lif<.  of  a  man; 
it  is  justly  and  correctly  spoken  of  as  an  '*  infant 
(•public— and  yet  we  see  it  exciting  the  alarmed 
attention  and  policy  of  the  kingdoms  of  Europe. 
But  what  can  they  effect  ?  What  can  Mons.  Gui- 
zot's  fine-drawn  policy  of  a  "  biilnnc^  of  power" 
on  this  Western  continent  accomplish  in  stopping 
the  march  of  this  advancing  people?    We  are  this 


day  twenty  millions  of  people;  we  shall  soon  be 
one  hundred  millions.  Wliere  will  he  find  liia 
"balance"  for  this? 

I  remember,  Mr.  President,  to  have  been  once 
very  much  amused  by  an  old  memoir  fnow  lo  be 
found  in  the  Congressional  Library)  addressed  to 
the  King  of  Franco  by  his  minister,  the  celebrated 
Caunt  ue  Vergennes,  in  relation  to  this  continent, 
and  the  policy  to  be  observed  in  respect  to  its  va- 
rious inhabitants.  It  was  written  something  more 
than  sixty  years  ago,  about  the  time  of  our  treaty 
of  independence  in  1783.  The  minister  there  in- 
forms the  King  of  a  powerful  and  formidable  tribe 
of  Indians  colled  the  Cherokees,  situated  near  to 
and  on  ihc  western  side  of  the  Allegany  Moun- 
tains, and  he  recommends  the  policy  of  favoring 
and  upholding  them  as  a  "6arner  against  the 
people  of  the  United  Stales" — murk  that — (much 
laughter)  "  lest  the  people  of  the  United  States," 
says  the  worthy  count,  "  more  ambitious  than 
wise,  should,  at  some  t^iture  day,  attempt  to  cross 
the  heights  of  the  Allegnny  Mountains,  and  look 
even  to  the farofi"lowcr  Mississipia  itself."  (Re- 
newed merriment  through  the  chamber  and  gal- 
leries.) 

The  Cherokees  were  to  restrain  and  confine  our 
progress.  There  is  the  Count  de  Vcrgennes's 
"balance  of  power!"  It  has  vanished  before  us; 
nor  can  Monsieur  Guizot,  at  the  present  day,  de- 
vise any  that  will  not  be  equally  fugitive  and  im- 
f>olent.  Our  march  has  outstripped  nil  their  calcu- 
ations,  and  they  do  not  know  now  to  measure  the 
progress  and  power  that  stir  within  us.  We  do 
not  realize  it  ourselves.  The  day  is  fast  coming 
when  our  posleiity  will  smile  and  wonder — if  we 
do  not  ourselves  live  lo  smile  and  wonder — at  our 
present  impatience  and  anxiety  to  get  the  "  whole 
of  Oregon ,  just  as  if  it  was  not  a  part  of  that  great 
continental  inheritance  that  must  fall  to  us,  witliout 
B  struggle,  as  soon  as  it  was  really  suitable  or  de- 
sirable to  us.  Our  power  and  progress  are  found- 
ed in  the  very  nature  of  things,  and  depend  on 
principles  of  eternal  truth.  We  cannot  avoid  the 
great  career  that  seems  to  have  been  assigned  to 
and  marked  out  for  us,  but  by  the  grossest  folly 


or  wickednesi.  Let  us  only  be  true  lo  ourselves, 
and  take  care  of  our  Union.  All  the  rest  is  cer- 
tain— is  but  a  natural  conB4>quence.  The  shadow, 
or  rather  the  radiance,  of  your  free  institutions, 
will  so  before  and  prepare  the  way  fbr  you.  Your 
neighbor*  will  seek  the  shelter  of  your  laws  or  the 
security  of  your  protection,  »nd  all  things  that  can 
gratify  a  Just  and  noble  ambition  will  be  added  lo 
you.  You  v/ill  seldom  have  occasion  to  exert  your 
mighty  power.  Without  wrong  or  violence,  with- 
out a  blnv,  and  without  a  wound,  you  may  con- 
quer more  efleclually  than  ever  did  the  Roman 
legions.  And  when  that  great  moral  power,  spring- 
ing front  your  example  and  your  principles  of 
liberty,  is  combined  with  your  vastly  increasing 
physical  strength,  what  is  there  that  can  resist  or 
stay  your  progress  and  expansion?  Yon  me  the 
embodiment  of  the  principles  of  civil  lijeriy,  and 
you  must  go  forward,  in  the  very  nature  of  things, 
with  nil  the  rapidity  that  the  moral  force  of  those 
principles,  and  your  amazing  increase  of  physical 
power,  can  give.  Beyond  In  is  there  would  seem 
lo  be  nothing  for  ambition  to  grasp  at.  Why, 
then,  should  we  be  so  impatient  to  pluck  that  fruit 
green  to-day  which  to-morrow  will  fall  ripe  into 
our  hands?' 

I  do  not  say  these  things  in  any  spirit  of  aggres- 
sion or  aggrandizement,  or  with  any  desire  In  have 
my  country  usurp  its  neighbor's  rights.  No,  sir; 
no.  It  is  a  part  of  the  elements  of  bur  conquering 
character,  a  part  of  the  an-'ury  of  our  ^jreat  career, 
that  we  shall  be  just  to  all — that  we  shall  violate 
no  ri»ht — that  wi;  shall  do  no  injury.  Not  for 
ourselves  only,  but  for  the  common  race  of  man, 
we  hold  the  sceptre  of  an  empire  such  as  never 
before  v^as  seen  upon  the  earth.  Do  not,  by 
precipitancy  and  a  childish  impatience,  mar  the 
fortune  which  nature  and  destiny  hold  out  to 
you. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  will  doubt- 
less look  at  all  this  in  the  spirit  which  becomes  his 
high  station.  No  matter  how  an  American  T'resi- 
dent  may  ascend  to  the  chair  of  State,  1  would  hope 
that  there  ia  a  purification  in  the  office  iiscif  suf- 
ficient to  redeem  the  man — to  make  him  politically 
new  born,  and  to  inspire  him  with  principles  and 
aims  worthy  of  the  place  he  fills.  Whatever  va- 
pors of  party  feeling  and  narrow  and  selfish  designs 
may  float  below,  he  is  raised  to  a  height  where  he 
may  breathe  a  purer  air.  From  that  eminence  he 
cnn  survey  his  whole  country,  and  behold  the 
mighty  progress  and  the  mighty  works  she  is  ac- 
compliBhing  under  the  auspices  of  peace,  If  he  be 
not  dull  and  perverse  in  his  nature,  he  must  con- 
template the  glorious  scene  with  pride  and  enthu- 
siasm, and  hiH  heart  must  exult  within  him  at  the 
thought  that  he  has  been  called  to  preside  over  it, 
and  to  lead  his  countrymen  on  to  still  greater  and 
happier  results.  Patriotism  could  not  so  err — 
ambition  itself  could  hardly  bo  so  blind  and 
degraded,  oa  willingly  to  exchange  such  scenes 
and  such  prospects  fur  the  hazards  of  destructive 
war. 

If,  after  this  notice  shall  be  given  into  his  hands, 
the  President  shall  use  it  as  a  weapon  of  ofience, 
of  menace,  ond  of  war,  the  responsibility  will  be 
upon  him — the  denunciations  of  a  betrayed  people, 
and  the  just  and  lasting  execrations  of  mankind, 
will  fall  upon  his  head,  and  follow  his  name  while 
its  history  endures. 

But  I  feel  persuaded,  sir,  that  he  can  have  no 
inducement  to  seek  a  war,  or  recklessly  to  bring 
it  upon  his  countfy.  Yet  war  may  come  aft.  r  he 
has  done  all  that  honor  can  approve  to  prevent  the 
evil.  I  trust  it  will  not  come.  I  want  no  war 
with  England.  It  is  unwise  and  unworthy  of  us 
to  act  from,  or  indulge  in,  any  mere  feelings  of 
national  jealousy  or  prejudice,  or  to  seek  superior- 
ity by  the  humiliation  of  others.  We  shall  achieve 
that  superiority  more  surely  and  more  honestly 
in  elevating  ourselves  by  the  proper  improvement 
and  use  of  our  own  unlimited  resources  and  means 
of  national  growth  and  prosperity.  We  can  look 
forward  with  certainty  to  that  not  distant  fUture, 
when,  with  our  hundred  millions  and  more  of  free- 
men, neither  En!;land  nor  France  can  compare 
with  us  in  political  power. 

They  are  great,  heroic,  and  enlightened  nations. 
We  do  not  repine  at  that.    We  rejoice  in  their 

frosperity.    Their  greatness  is  not  in  our  way. 
t  helps  us  on  in  our  career.    Their  wealth,  their 
improvement  in  arts,  their  ipreading  commerce,  all 


minister  to  us.  I  Ael  towanU  them  neither  env/i 
Jealousy,  nor  fear. 

I  have  felt  surprised  at  the  views  which  have 
been  expressed  by  so,.:e  Senators  in  the  couraa  of 
this  debate.  Sir,  the  higubrioua  views  taken  by 
the  honorable  Senator  IVom  New  York  oppoeite. 
[Mr.  DicKiNioN,]  of  all  the  former  treaties  and 
negoliationi  of  the  United  Stales  excite  eommia- 
seration.  The  review  appears  to  make  the  honor- 
able gentleman  quite  melancholy;  for  be  thinks 
that  in  nil,  or  if  not  all,  in  the  gieal  mass  of  them 
at  least,  the  people  of  the  United  States  have  been 
overreached.  He  is  penetrated  with  the  convic- 
tion that  our  wholo  course,  from  the  days  of  the 
Revolution  to  this  day,  has  exhibited  towards 
the  Qovernment  of  Great  Britain  Utile  else  than 
one  unbroken  series  of  abjectness  and  servility. 
And  our  whole  diplomatic  history  (not  in  respect  to 
England  only)  seems  to  have  filled  the  Senator  with 
mingled  sadness  and  indignation,  and  he  speaks  of 
it  like  a  patriot  mourning  over  the  shame  and  de- 
cline of  his  country.  I  cannot  argue  with  the 
gentleman's  sensibilities,  but  I  must  say,  that  I 
see  no  occasion  for  his  griefs,  I  look  back  with 
very  difltrent  feelings,  and  wish  we  could  be  as- 
sured that  the  fvUurt  may  do  as  well  a*  ih"  pott 
has  done  for  us. 

Since  our  war  of  independence,  we  have  neither 
gained  nor  lost  any  territory  by  negotiation  with 
England.  We  have  only  adjusted  unsettled  bound- 
aries with  her.  But  if  we  have  gained  nothing 
as  respects  her,  our  general  diplomacy  has  still 
been  neither  discreditable  nor  unsuccessful.  Let 
me,  sir,  for  the  consolation  of  the  gentleman,  re- 
mind him  that  within  little  more  than  forty  years  we 
have  acouired ,  by  the  peaceful  means  of  that  diplo- 
macy, the  States  of  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  Mis- 
souri, Florida,  and  Texas,  besides  the  vast  regions 
that  stretch  away  to  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and 
extend  beyond  them  to  the  Pacific  Orean.  'These 
acquisitions  might  satisfy  an  imperial  ambition. 
But  the  honorable  Senator's  case  seems  lo  admit 
of  no  consolation  but  the  possession  of  Oregon. 
Our  past  imaginary  sacrifices  must  be  compensa- 
ted, as  ho  sceins  to  think,  by  Oregon — "  the  whole 
of  Oregon" — a  country  four  thousand  miles  off, 
ond  BO  little  known  that  the  Senate  is  disputing 
at  this  day  what  is  its  climate,  and  what  is  its 
soil. 

We  have  been  told  that  if  tho  President  shnli 
give  up  a  single  inch  of  Oregon  south  of  54°  40', 
tlin  country  will  be  forever  disgraced.  Disgraced  I 
Why,  sir,  do  not  gentlemen  feel  that  they  do  them- 
selves wrong,  that  they  do  their  country  wrong, 
by  applying  such  inferences  as  these  to  that  which 
has  actually  been  done  over  and  over  again  ?  Did 
not  Mr.  .Tefterson,  in  1807,  express  an  earnest  wish 
that  49°  should  be  our  boundary  on  the  west  of 
the  mountains,  as  it  had  been  on  the  east  of  them? 
Did  not  President  Monroe  offer  49°  in  1818?  Did 
not  Mr.  Gallatin,  did  not  Mr.  Clay,  did  not  Mr. 
Adams,  did  not  General  Jackson  himself,  by  ac- 
quiescing in  tho  convention  of  joint  occupation,  did 
tiiey  not  all ,  in  the  Ian j^iage  of  these  gentlemen, 
"disgrace  the  country  torever?"  Certainly;  un- 
deniably. 

And,  stranger  yet,  I  understand  the  gentleman 
from  Illinois,  [Mr.  Breese,]  more  belligerent  on 
this  question  than  any  even  of  those  who  go  the 
most  resolutely  for  54°  40',  to  say,  that  he  wants 
no  more  compromises,  no  more  negotiations;  he  ia 
for  marching  at  once  and  taking  possession  of  the 
whole  territory,  regardless  of  consequences.  Ano- 
ther Senator,  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Mich- 
igan, [Mr.  Cass,]  says,  that  we  ought  to  have  the 
whole;  yet  I  was  glad  to  hear  him  add,  that  the 
President  acted  judiciously  in  offering  to  compro- 
mise on  the  parallel  of  49°.  The  Senator,, to  be 
sure,  would  rather  get  up  to  54°  40";  yet  he  is 
content,  if  he  cannot  get  that,  to  put  up  with  49°. 
There,  at  least,  we  are  together.  If  we  can  get 
Oregon  up  to  54°  40',  let  us  get  it  by  all  means, 
and  be  glad  to  do  it;  but  if  the  President  shall  say 
to  us,  I  tried  my  best  lo  get  the  whole  for  you,  but 
I  could  get  only  up  to  49°,  and  shall  send  us  a 
treaty  with  thatljoundary,  I  trust  the  Senator  from 
Michigan  will  agree  to  ratify  it.  He  says  we 
escaped  a  great  danger  by  rejecting  the  British 
offer  of  arbitration,  and  that  it  wouhl  have  led  a 
"  disgraceful  scar"  upon  us.  How  does  ho  intkn 
that  >  Arbitration  is  an  approved  mode  of  settling 
controversies  between  nations.    You  have  always 


84« 


KtVtmtX  t^  7RK  CONdRlSSlONAL  OLOBfi. 


[April  Id, 


1846.] 


S9th  Conq liT  S|:ii. 


Tke  Oregon  ^uttiioi^—lUr.  OUltndtn. 


SCNATB. 


oArad  ihia  ■«  «  modr  of  Mtd«m«nt.  It  hna  b«cn 
paeuliarly  your  own  niodturarranginedifficultlM. 
You  h«T«  offered  it  to  olh«n  over  nninwer  •(■in. 
In  tbt  caM  of  the  northeutern  bounilarvi  you  ac- 
cepted aa  an  arbiter  one  of  the  crtfWiieJ  li.'ada  of 
ihn  Old  World.  But  if  you  are  Jealoua  of  kingi, 
and  doubt  their  impartiality,  (and  there  may  M 
reffaon  fbr  that,)  there  are  otiier  arbilralora  in  the 
world  I  arb'ratora  to  whn^  award  the  proudcat 
and  the  haughlieat  nalionn  wouM  show  tlieir  own 
true  Uicnity  by  aubmilting.  1  refur  neither  to 
crowned  heada,  nor  poteiitalia,  nor  yet  to  civillana 
or  lawyera  merely,  but  generally  to  the  honeat, 
liberal,  wiae,  philnnthrnpic  and  independent  men 
that  are  to  be  luund  in  every  Chrlalian  land.  Out 
oftheae  might  eoajly  be  formed  a  tribunal  to  which 
no  nation  need  lo  bluih  in  aubmitiins;  its  claimi. 
Such  an  arbitration  ia  the  proper  emanation  of  tliia 
ace;  it  ia  the  hnmB|i{e  due  to  intelligence;  due  to 
wiadom;  due  to  experience;  due  to  virtue;  and 
every  way  worthy  of  a  Republic.  In  my  judg- 
ment, the  Adminiitratinn,  in  rejecting  the  Britian 
propoaitioii  on  this  subject,  have  not  only  lost  the 
opportunity  of  ensuring,  in  an  unexceplionalile 
manner,  the  amicnble  aettlemenl  of  tli  c  preaent  dia- 
pute,  but  have  lost  also  an  inviting  occasion  of 
giving  lo  mankind  the  noble  example  of  such  a 
mode  of  arbitration. 

And  now,  sir,  I  have  a  little  more  to  say  on 
another  aubject,  although  I  fear  I  have  detained 
the  Senate  too  lon^  already. 

Among  the  subjecta  of  grief  preaented  by  the 
'•  reaearcnea"  of  the  Senator  from  New  York, 
[Mr.  DiCKiMaON,]  la  an  alleged  inlertWrence  or 
Oeneral  Horriaon'a  Administration  with  the  courts 
of  justice  of  New  York,  in  McLend  's  cake.  Per- 
haps I  owe  it  to  that  gentleman,  to  myself,  and  to 
truth,  to  say  a  little  on  thalsubject.  It  is  somewhat 
hard  (said  Mr.  C.  withasmile)  that  1,  who  enjoyed 
for  so  brief  a  period  the  luxury  of  office,  shotiid  be 
involved  in  those  grave  and  hazardous  responsi- 
bilities to  which  the  honorable  Senator  calls  those 
who  were  a^nta  in  the  transaccions  of  that  day. 
The  charge  is,  that  there  was  an  interference  by 
the  agents  of  this  Government  with  the  regular 
course  of  iuatice  in  the  Slate  of  New  York.  Now 
let  me  tell  that  honorable  Senator  what  was  pre- 
cisely the  character  and  extent  of  the  alleged 
"interference,"  which  seems  to  have  given  him 
ao  much  offence. 

All  are  so  well  acquainted  with  McLcod's  case, 
that  I  need  only  allude  to  its  history  in  brief  and 
general  terms.  During  the  civil  war  in  Canada, 
and  while  certain  refugees  from  tliat  province, 
with  some  of  our  own  citizens  who  sympathized 
with  them,  were  preparing  and  in  the  act  of  at- 
tempting an  invasion'  of  it,  across  the  Niagara 
river  from  the  American  side,  n  body  of  armed 
men  passed  over  that  river  from  Canada,  ip  the 
night,  and  seized  and  destroyed  the  steu'.nboat 
Caroline,  then  lying  on  the  New  York  shore,  and, 
which  they  alleged  was  in  the  service  of  tlie  inva- 
ders. In  this  attAck  and  seizure  of  (he  boat,  a 
man  by  the  name,  aa  well  as  I  recollect,  of  Durfec 
was  killed. 

This  occurrence  naturoUy  proi'uccd  great  excite- 
ment along  that  whole  frontier.  Shortly  after- 
wards, a  British  subject  and  'nhabitanl  of  Canada, 
having  come  into  the  Sta'.e  of  New  York,  was 
there  arrested  and  impr'.soned  upon  charges  of 
having  been  engaged  in  th^  attack  and  destruction 
of  the  Caroline,  and  of  having  a!iot  and  killed 
Durfee.  He  was  thereupon  indicted  for  murder 
in  one  of  the  cou'is  of  the  Stole  of  New  York, 
and  his  trial  was  set  for  some  day  in  the  latter  part 
of  March,  1841.  Great  popular  prejudice  and 
excitement  prevailed  against  him,  and  it  was  ap- 

Erehended  that  public  passion  and  vengeance  would 
e  but  liltl'j  regardful  of  any  defence  he  might  be 
able  to  make.  In  this  stale  of  the  case.  General 
Harrisrn  was  inaugurated  as  President  on  the 
fourth  day  qf  the  same  month  of  March,  ISAl. 
In  a  lew  aayr.  afterwards,  the  British  Miniate.-,  by 
the  direction  of  his  Government,  renewed,  in  a 
frrmal  and  very  emphatic  manner,  a  demand  for 
'.he  release  of  McLeod,  avowing  that  the  enterprise 
which  had  resulted  in  the  destruction  of  the  Caro- 
line and  the  killing  of  Durfee,  had  been  planned 
and  executed  under  the  authority  of  his  Govern- 
ment; that  it  was  a  public  transaction,  for  which 
and  its  conaequences  the  Government  was  alone 
responsible,  and  that  tba  individtuJa  who  bad 


acted  in  it  had  but  perlbrmed  tha  duly  of  aubjecia 
in  ubeyinc  the  nrdera  of  their  Governmsnli  and 
could  not  be  made  amenable  to  our  lawa  for  what 
they  ao  done,  without  b  violation  of  the  plainest 
principles  of  national  law;  and  that,  therefore,  If 
McLeod  had  cnmniitled  the  acta  with  which  he 
wat  charged)  he  was  not  liable  to  be  prosecuted 
Ibr  it  aa  ■  criminal,  and  that  it  waa  the  bounden 
duty  of  the  British  Government  to  protect  him. 

General  Harriton  fully  recognised  the  principle 
of  national  law  relied  on  by  the  British  Minister 
as  the  basis  of  his  deinaod,  and  hii  wish  was  that 
it  should  be  fairly  applied  to  and  carried  out  in  the 
case  of  McLeod.  That  caae  had  thus  become 
blended  with  our  foreign  relations.  It  had  liernme 
n  national  concern.  Upon  its  issue  might  depend 
the  question  of  |)eace  or  war.  Aa  the  organ  of 
iiiteruuurse  with  foreign  nations,  the  President 
might  well  feel,  and  did  feel,  a  particular  solicitude 
that  the  case  should  be  disposed  of  with  a  sacred 
regard  lo  justice  and  law.  It  had  acquired  a  new 
and  important  charnclcr  as  atleciing  the  foreign 
relations  uf  the  United  States,  and  it  was  the  duty 
of  the  President,  charged  lo  take  cure  of  those 
relations,  to  look  to  it  oa  a  matter  in  which  not 
New  York  only  but  the  whole  Union  was  con- 
earned. 

Under  these  circumstances.  General  Harrison 
expressed  the  wish  that  1  (then  Attorney  General) 
would  go  and  attend  the  ti  al  of  McLeod.  It  was 
inconvenient  for  me  to  do  so,  I  expressed  my  re- 
luctance, and  suggested  the  appointment  of  another 
to  perljrin  the  duty.  But  he  insisted  that  I  should 
go,  and  I  submitted. 

My  instructions  from  President  Harrison  we:e, 
in  eflect,  that  1  should  attend  the  trial,  make  my- 
self fully  acquainted  with  the  case,  and,  ihongh 
not  required  to  ap}iear  as  counsel,  1  wus  to  lake 
care,  generally,  iliut  a  full  trial  was  h^.d — that  the 
defence  was  so  conducted  as  to  pre-^enl  all  proper 
questions,  and,  if  the  d';cision  was  against  the 
priaonei',  to  see  that  the  fitcts  were  all  so  placed  on 
record  that  the  cour'd  of  th'.  United  States  might 
revise  or  lake  cognizance  of  the  same,  if  it  should 
appear  that  tliey  had  any  judicial  power  to  do  so. 

i'liese  instructions  weie  •xftorwards  drawn  up 
(with  some  enlarge.iient  an'  ,iare  in  detail)  in  the 
form  of  a  letter  to  ine  b)r  Mr.  Webster,  (then  Sec- 
rouiry  of  Statr,)  but,  as  tliat  letter  imports  on  its 
face,  the  iii'jtructions  were  from  the  President,  I 
They  were,  received  by  me,  in  the  first  instance, 
from  the.  President  personally.  To  his  authority 
alone  did  I  consider  myself  subordinate  in  the 
mat'.er. 

As  Attorney  General  of  the  United  Slates,  I  was 
not  subordinate  to  the  Secretary  of  State.  I  knew 
this,  and  so  did  he.  The  instructions  were  the 
President's.  The  Secretary  drew  them  up  in  wri- 
I  ting,  and  1  executed  ilicm  as  fur  as  they  were  exe- 
cuted. 

Those  instructions  were  long  since  communi- 
cated to  Congress,  and  form  partof  our  public  doc- 
uments. 

The  object  of  General  Harrison,  in  all  this,  was 
but  to  discharge  his  duty,  and  to  enable  him  to 
show  that  he  had  done  so. 

Under  my  instructions  I  set  out  for  Lockport  to 
attend  the  trial  of  McLeod.     When  I  arrived  at 
Alimny  1  waited  on  Governor  Seward ,  and  submit- 
ted to  him  a  copy  of  my  instructions,  and  also  a  { 
copy  of  the  letter  of  Mr.  r'ox,  the  British  Minister,  ! 
demanding  the  release  of  McLeod.  We  conversed  ' 
fi-eely  and  fully  on  the  whole  su'bject.    Governor  j 
Seward  assured  me  that  McLeod  was  entirely  in-  j 
nocent,  and  thut  he  had  seen  or  had  the  proof  in  ! 
his  possession,  to  show  beyond  all  doubt  that  he  j 
was  not  present,  but  was  in  Canada  at  the  time  the  ! 
Caroline  was  destroyed  and  Durfee  killed.     He  \ 
further  suited  that  he  could  not  or  would  not  order  i 
a  nol.  pros.;  that  he  would  not  pardon  him  before 
trial;  but  if  tried  and  condemned,  that  he  would 
pardon  him,  and  that  he  should  not  be  executed 
or  punished.     But  he  expressed  a  perfect  assu- 
rance, that  whenever  tried,  McLeod  must  be  ac- 
quitted on  the  evidence  of  his  absence  and  inno- 
cence, and  he  said  that  would  be  the  best  mode  of 
bringing  the  mutter  to  a  close,  and  the  moat  satis- 
factory to  the  public  mind,  which  waa  greatly  ex- 
cited against  McLeod.    In  this  conclusion  of  the 
Governor's  1  acquiesced;  but  as  we  had  just  learn- 
ed at  Albany  that  the  ti-ial  would  not  take  place  at 
tha  appointed  tima  in  Morob,  and  muaii  for  soma 


cauaa  that  I  do  not  now  remember,  be  neceaaarily 
eoytinuml,  and  as  lh«  demand  of  Mr,  Fox  was  fur 
MeLeod'a  "immedials"  relaaae,  I  apprehended 
there  might  arise  some  diffleuliy  ttnm  hia  IVirther 
detention  and  imprlaoninent.  We  consulted  about 
this  dillbuliy,  und  cumo  to  the  conclusion,  that  as 
Mr,  Fox  IiikI  said,  in  the  close  of  his  letter,  if  any 
"  harm''  wua  done  to  McLeod,  Great  Britain 
would  consider  it  aa  cause  of  offence,  he  must  b« 
understood  as  having  reference  In  the  execution  of 
any  sentence  of  condemnalinn  ilmt  might  be  passed 
on  him;  and  that  no  dnnji;er  would  probably  result 
fivm  hia  detention  and  trial,  aa  in  the  event  of  hi:< 
conviction  the  Governor  waa  determined  In  paplon 
him.  Of  Ihia  determination  I  was  i\uthnri'.cd  to 
inform  the  Pre*ideiil,  The  Governor  was  inform- 
ed, by  my  letter  of  instructions,  that  thr  President 
would  be  pleased  at  hia  ordering  al  once  a  dismis- 
sion of  the  prosecution,  if  he  had  ihe  power  so  to 
do;  and  I,  no  doubt  in  furtherwice  of  the  Presi- 
dent's views,  endeavored,  bv  such  augf^eations  aa 
occurred  to  me,  lo  anatair,  the  propriety  of  the 
course  indicated  by  him.  But  as  the  Onvernnr 
declined  that  course,  snying,  I  believe,  that  he  had 
no  power  to  direct  r.  not.  inroi.,  I  acquiesced  in  tha 
course  which  he  'jiated  he  would  pursue,  and  said' 
to  him,  I  believe,  that  I  supposed  it  would  be  sat- 
isfactory lo  >.i\n  President. 

This,  I  believe,  is  the  whole  substance  of  .he 
mailer  Governor  Seward  complained  of  no  in- 
terfeience,  though  he  did  slate  Inat  he  had  heard 
it  was  contemplate  J  at  Washington  to  appoint  Mr. 
Spencer  Dii;trict  Atlornoy  of  the  United  States  for 
one  of  the  New  York  districts,  and  that  he  thought 
ilie  appointment  objectionable  because  of  hia  hav- 
ing been  employed  aa  counsel  for  McLend. 

It  is  not  true,  sir,  that  in  my  intercourse  with 
Governor  Seward  on  this  subject,  anything  waa 
snitl  or  ansgested  by  nie  for  any  purpose  of  intimi- 
dation. The  simple  object  was  to  put  him  in  pos- 
session of  nil  the  infnrinatinn  the  General  Govern- 
ment possessed,  and  of  its  viewa  in  relation  A' 
MeLeod'a  case,  and  to  obtain  such  cnttperation  on 
his  part  as  was  suitable  lo  the  occasion.  And 
notlung  was  said  on  the  subject  that  was  improper 
to  be  said  by  me,  or  improper  to  be  addresseil  to 
him. 

And  now,  sir,  I  ask  the  honorable  Senator,  [Mr. 
DicKiNioN,]  in  fiill  view  of  my  instructions,  and  my 
agency  under  them,  what  he  finds  to  condemn  na 
nn  "  interference"  with  the  courta  of  the  State  of 
New  York  ?  I  will  not  dispute  with  him  about  a 
word,  but  if  he  means  to  say  that.ihe  Administra- 
tion of  General  Harrison  was  guilty  of  ony  im- 
proper course  in  regard  to  the  judicial  authorities 
of  New  York,  or  ony  of  its  functionaries,  I  deny 
his  accusation  as  totally  unfounded.  All  that  waa 
done  by  it  in  relolion  to  MeLeod'a  case,  was  re- 
quired of  it  by  the  plainest  and  strictest  obligations 
of  duty.  If  precedents  were  necessary  to  sanction  . 
the  course  of  that  Administrolion,  in  a  matter  of 
such  obvious  duly,  they  are  amply  furnished  by 
our  past  history.  During  the  Picsidency  of  Gen- 
eral Woshinglon,  he  addressed  to  the  Governors 
of  the  Slates  a  circular  letter  admonuhing  them  oa 
to  the  performonce  of  certain  duties  of  theirs,  that 
concerned  and  were  connected  with  the  General 
Government.  In  the  Administration  of  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson, Mr.  Wirt  wos  employed  to  assist  the  dis- 
trict attorney  in  the  prosecution  of  Aaron  Burr,  nt 
Richmond,  in  Vii-p;inio;  and  Mr.  Bibb  was  in  like 
manner  cmployeiTby  the  Federal  Government  to 
assist  the  district  attorney  of  Ohio  in  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  same  individual,  when  the  prosecution 
was  transferred  from  Virginia  to  the  Slate  of  Ohio. 
.  Instances  might  easily  be  multiplied,  but  it  is  need- 
less. The  Senator  himself  [Mr.  Dickihion]  must, 
I  hope,  be  convinced  of  the  g[round1essnesa  of  his 
own  complaints  ond  accusations,  and  I  part  with 
pleasure  from  the  subject. 

The  chief  reason  wilh  mc,  sir,  for  agreeing  to 
the  measure  of  giving  notice  to  England  is  the  be- 
lief thot  the  convention  which  it  is  intended  to 
abrogate  cannot  long  continue  to  be  on  adequate 
security  fnr  the  peace  of  the  two  countries.  And 
my  object  is,  by  the  obrngation  of  that  convention, 
to  impose  on  the  parties  the  whole  weight  of  that 
moroi  obligation  or  necessity  that  will  then  rest 
upon  them  to  settle,  permanently  and  definitively, 
their  dispute  about  Oregon. 

The  suspension  of  the  negotiation  seemed  to 
hare  I'  ft  the  parties  in  no  good  humor  with  each 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONORES^ONAL  GLOBE. 


"pr 


an 


m-m 


The  TatiSF-^Mr.  Btnton. 


Ho.  or  Repi. 


other.  The  reiolution  under  coiwideration  wni, 
there'Virc,  drawn  in  .  uch  term*  m  to  meet  the 
wb^ile  exigency  of  the  caio.  nnd  not  only  to  ox- 
r'lUde  all  appenrBnce  of  dcnitiice  and  hoatility  in 
our  proceedingi  but  to  mnnirvst  that  our  object 
WM  peace  and  amicable  Meltlement,  nnd  to  indiuale, 
further,  tlint  to  that  end  we  dnairtd  to  juu  a  re- 
newal of  the  auiipended  noj;ot  \ion.  The  reao- 
iution  exprcuca  ihcae  purpoaei,  and  no  more,  in 
lun^uage  of  reapect  and  amity,  auitablo  to  tlie  uc- 
ccnian  and  to  ouraelvua. 

If  it  be  adopted,  and  the  negotiation  be  returned 
in  the  apirit  of  ttiii  reiolution,  I  cannot  doubt  iti 
aucceaanil  termination.  It  can  hardly  be  that  the 
Executive  will  bo  rn^nrdleaa  of  the  declared  will  of 
Congreat  on  iho  aubjcct.  Since  the  ausjiFnalon  of 
the  negotiation  laat  summer,  the  ncgotlatnra,  Mr. 
Buchanan  and  Mr.  Pnkenham,  aeem  to  have  been 
confVonting  each  other  in  diplomatic  dignity  and 
ailence,  each  pi^rhups  waiting  for  and  dcairing  the 
other  to  apeak  iho  first  word.  These  distinguished 
gentlemen,  for  both  of  whom  I  have  the  K;reutest 
reapect,  will  no  longer  hesitate — they  will  bo  aen- 
aibie  that  It  wilt  be  rather  better  a  good  detl  ahould 
be  abated  on  points  of  etic|uette,  than  that  their 
countrymen  should  be  required  to  alauehler  cnch 
other — they  will  bo  sensible,  sir,  that  honor  will 
be  due  to  him  who  aliall  speak  thejint  brave  word 
for  peace.  The  negotiations  will  bo  resumed, and, 
if  conducted  with  wiadoin  and  moderation,  they 
cannot  full  to  lead  to  a  peaceful  settlement  of  all  our 
diifcrences.  War  cannot  ensue  without  a  high 
degree  of  criminality  on  the  part  of  the  one  Gov- 
ernment or  the  other. 

My  IVIend  fi-om  Arkansas,  [Mr.  Sevier,]  com- 
plains of  this  resolution  because,  instead  of  enjoin- 
ing it  upon  him,  it  leavea  to  the  President  the  dis- 
cretion and  responsibility  of  giving  the  notice.  It 
acema  to  me  altogether  proper  that  it  should  be  so. 
He  has  recommended  to  us  to  authorize  the  giving 
of  notice,  and  must  bear  tho  responsibility  of  the 
'  measure,  it  is  but  suitable  to  his  high  office,  as 
the  organ  of  iiiioicuurse  with  foreign  nations,  that 
he  ahould  exercise  some  discretion,  and  take  some 
reji    nsibility  on  the  occasion. 

Tho  honorable  Senator  from  Texas,  [Mr.  Hou«- 
TOM,]  would  prefer  what  he  calls  a  naked  notice.  Ho 
docs  not  like  apologies,  and  would  not  appear  be- 
fore the  British  Premier  "with  bated  breath," 
asking  terms  of  him. 

I  trust,  sir,  tjiat  I  know  how  to  appreciate  the 
honor  and  dignity  of  my  country  too  well  to  bo 
capable  of  proposing  any  thing  derogatory  to  citl  er. 
I  muat  ask  the  honorable  Senator  whether  his  re- 
marks were  intended  to  apply  to  this  rcsolutitm.  _ 
[Mr.  Houston  explained,  and  said  that,  in  the 
remarks  referred  to,  he  had  no  reference  to  tho 
resolution  of  the  Senator  from  Kentucky — his  re- 
marks were  general  in  their  character  and  applica- 
Mon.] 

Mr.  Crittenden  resumed.  I  was  certain  the 
Sen!>',jr  could  find  nothing  in  the  tone  of  this  reso- 
lution deserving  his  animadversion,  and  wo  should 
concur  entirely  in  the  reprobation  of  everything 
like  humbleness  or  servility  in  our  intercourse  with 
foreign  nations.  I  congratulate  the  gentleman  on 
his  return  to  our  national  brotherhood,  and  I  must 
assure  him  that  he  brings  with  him  no  mure  of  the 
genuine  American  feeling,  in  iiis  abhorrence  of 
everything  mean  imd  humiliating,  than  he  will  find 
cordially  and  fully  entertained  and  reciprocated 
here.  There  are  some  in  this  country  wlio  seem 
to  think  that  our  patriotism  is  to  be  measured  by 
the  contempt  with  which  we  speak  of  othernations, 
and  that  our  iintioiial  character  is  to  be  sustained 
an''  advanced  by  holding  the  language  of  defiance 
trtw.irds  the  rest  of  the  world.  We  sliould  discard 
oltogether  such  fnlso  ideas,  and  learn  that  the  true 
hmior  of  a  nation  consists  in  its  probity,  and  the 
calm  dignity  and  courage  with  which  it  maintains 
the  right. 

Tho  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Re- 
lations, [Mr.  Allen,]  has  indulged  in  a  style  of 
remark  nnd  invective  that  seems  to  me  unsuiled  to 
tho  occasion,  or  to  any  purpose  of  reconciliation  or 
amicable  adjustment  between  this  country  and 
England.  He  speaks  of  England  and  her  power 
with  contempt,  and  describes  her  us  a  huge,  mis- 
sliEipen  "pauper,"  whose  joints  are  so  loose  and 
ill-ntted  that  she  lottcrs  to  her  fall,  and  is  incapable 
of  standing  the  shock  of  a  war  with  this  country. 
He  sees,  of  courts,  but  little  difficulty  or  danger 


in  luch  B  war.  If  luch  languagk  could  have  any 
efTeel,  and  wa  were  seeking  to  provoks  war  with 
England,  it  would  be  upfirupriate  enough  to  the 

nioae;  but  even  then  there  would  be  no  policy 
lua  underralingan  adversary,  it  deceivins  our- 
aelvaa  as  to  hia  power  and  pruweai.  It  would  be 
much  wiaor  to  overrate  the  danger  of  the  conflict, 
and  prepare  like  men  to  meet  it.  England  ii  a 
great,  powerfVil,  and  valiant  nation)  and  to  deny  it 
would  be  but  to  ahow  our  ignorance  and  fully. 
We  ouraelvea  arc  '^'.'t  part  of  the  aanie  warlike  race. 
England  feara  no  enemy,  and  w<i  fear  not  her. 
But  there  ia  in  thia  no  reaaon  why  we  should  uek 
war  with  each  other.  Our  common  origin  nnd 
common  character,  independent  of  other  oonsiilKr- 
ationa,  should  rather  operate  hs  lioiida  of  mutual 
respect  and  fricndahlp.  But  whenever  tho  conduct 
of  lireat  Britain  ahall  make  it  neceaaary  or  proper 
for  ua  to  meet  her  in  the  field,  in  the  defence  of  our 
right*  or  our  honor,  wo  ahall  be  ready  for  the  en- 
counter— and  ahame  be  to  him  who  then  atopa  to 
count  coat  or  danger. 

Mr.  Preaident,  the  Senator  (Vom  Arkansas,  [Mr. 
AsHLRY,]  as  I  recollect,  deprecatca  all  apjieala  to 
the  "  horrora  of  war."  He  inaisia  that  it  ia  nn 
unHiir  mode  of  argument,  and  aeems  to  fear  that  it 
might  agitato  our  nervea,  and  frighten  ua  from  his 
favoriteline  of  54°  40'. 

I  ahall  not,  for  myself,  say  a  word  about  those 
"horrors  of  war."  Indeed,  I  so  far  concur  with 
the  Senator  as  to  agree,  that,  when  war  becomes 
necessary,  we  ought  not  to  be  deterred  from  it  by 
tho  mere  consideration  of  its  In, '     s.  * 

To  relievo  us,  hov.  pver,  from  nil  alarm  and 
panic,  that  Senator  assures  us  that  w  n  .  with  all  its 
"  horrors,"  can  do  us  coHi;mralit'eli|  but  little  mis- 
chief, and  especially  that  it  wil'  nit  diminish  our 
population.  To  verify  this  stiuement,  he  referrred 
us  to  certain  cypherings  andculculnt>  isof  his,  by 
which  it  appeared,  nnd  no  doubt  correctly,  that 
according  to  the  natural  increase  of  our  present 
population,  four  hundred  and  eighty  odd  maloa 
per  day  attained  the  ago  of  eighteen  yeara,  and 
supposing  the  war  to  destroy  these,  and  no  niore, 
the  conclusion  is  arrived  at  that  war  will  not  dimin- 
ish our  numbers  or  impair  our  strength — that,  at 
the  end  of  it,  our  population  will  be  just  as  numer- 
ous as  it  was  at  the  beginning.  The  gentleman's 
arithmetic  seemed  to  bo  good,  and  yet  there  was 
one  little  circumstance  which  he  seemed  to  have 
overlooked,  and  which  might  yet  very  materially 
aflect  his  calculations.  It  was  this:  that  he  saved 
only  the  older  men,  and  that  it  might,  therefore, 
admit  of  serious  and  sober  doubt  how  lung  they 
could  exactly  keep  up  that  natiiial  increase  on 
which  his  tables  seemed  to  have  been  founded. 
(Great  and  continued  merriment.) 

Is  it  not  a  little  singular  that  a  gentleman  who 
deprecates  so  much  all  mention  of  the  "  horrors  of 
war,"  should  himself  have  brought  forward  or  used 
any  argument  or  calculation  thai  could  suggest  ever 
so  remotely  an  idea  so  overwholniiiig  and  extrava- 
gant as  the  destruction  and  slaughter  of  the  entire 
youth  of  the  country.  I  know  that  the  gentleman 
has  used  it  as  a  mere  hypDthesis  on  whicli  to  make 
his  calculations,  but  even  in  that  form  it  suggests 
a  more  terrible  idea  of  war  than  all  else  that  I  have 
heard.  But,  sir,  none  of  these  painted  or  imaginary 
horrors  frighten  or  move  us.  When  war  becomes 
necessary  for  the  vindication  of  our  rights  or  honor, 
we  wilt  make  it  unu  meet  it  like  men,  and  through 
all  its  horrors  we  can  look  to  the  glory  that  is 
beyond.  In  such  a  war  as  that  you  may  rely  with 
confidence  upon  the  patriotism  and  courage  of  our 
countrymen.  With  the  generous  ardor  of  their 
age,  the  whole  youth  of  tlio  country  will,  at  your 
summons,  rally  around  the  standard  of  their  coun- 
try. I  can  answer  for  those  that  I  more  particu- 
larly represent — the  youth  of  Kentucky.  They 
will  take  the  field  at  the  first  signal.  But  I  do  not 
want  to  see  their  brave  young  blood,  that  ought  to 
be  as  dear  to  me  as  my  own,  wasted  and  poured 
out  in  idle,  foolish,  or  unnecessary  war.  In  a 
good  causs.— a  proper,  patriotic  war — you  will  have 
them  all;  and  not  them  only,  but  the  youth  of  the 
whole  land.  They  will  all  come  up  to  fight  your 
battles — not  all,  I  trust  to  perish,  according  to  the 
fatal  hypothesis  of  the  Senator  from  Arkansas, 
but  to  conquer  in  the  righteous  cause  of  their 
I  country.  Those  that  peristi  in  such  a  field  will  die 
nobly,  and  Victory  will  wipe  away  the  tears  llieir 
'  country  must  shed  for  their  fall. 


THE  TAniPP. 
SPEECFTOF  MR.  C.  S.  BENTON, 

or  NEW  YORK, 
In  tiic  HouiE  or  REmiaENTATiTii, 
Jimt  30, 1846. 
Tho  Houu  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  atata  of  the  Union,  and  havint;  under  its  con- 
sideration a  bill  "  reducing  the  duties  on  iinporta 
and  fur  other  purpoaea" — 

Mr.  BENTON  obtained  the  floor.aiid  remarkedi 
thnt  ho  had  alwaya  felt  a  atrong  repugnance  to  par- 
ticipating in  tho  discussions  of  this  body,  and  thai 
feeling  was  not  relieved  by  any  circumstance  pC' 
culiar  to  the  present  occasion,  lit  had  reason  to 
feel  muth  embarraasment  from  the  conaideralion 
that  he  waa  about  to  attempt  the  diaciisfiion  of  a 
aubject  which  had  divided  Ine  first  inlelleeta  of  the 
country  for  a  long  time,  nnd  to  follow  in  thai  ;a- 
cuBsinn,  in  point  of  time,  though  not  in  the  cn'irae 
of  argument,  the  interesting,  and  he  would  add,  the 
resplendent  efTortof  the  gen ileman  from  Vermont, 
[Mr.  MAntH,]  That  gentleman  had  drawn  with 
the  hand  of  a  master  a  most  imposing  picture  of 
the  progress  of  the  mechanic  arts  nnd  practical 
sciences,  and  delineated  their  agency  in  the  devel- 
opment of  the  energy  and  enterprise  of  the  coun- 
try. He  also  attributed  that  progress  to  the  stim- 
ulating influence  of  the  protective  policy,  While 
he  (IVfr.  B.)  would  not  iliaguise  his  admiration  of 
tho  grouping,  ho  must  dissent  from  the  concluainn 
of  the  gentleman)  nnd  he  would  venture  to  lay 
that  tho  great  achievements  referred  to,  were  not 
attributable  to  legislation,  much  less  to  restrictive 
legislation,  but  to  the  union  of  liberty  and  labor* 
which  had  made  our  country  the  moat  proaperoui 
among  nations  in  spite  of  governmental  interposi- 
tion 

Mr,  B,  expressed  his  regret  that  indisposition 
had  prevented  him  (torn  attending  the  Hoiiae  on 
yeaterday  when  his  respected  colleague  [Mr. 
Hungerford]  addressed  the  committee.  Having 
great  confidence  in  the  judgment,  experience,  can- 
dor, and  sincerity  of  his  collenguc,  he  would  have 
felt  pleasure  in  listening  to  him.  He  desired  to 
sny,  that  if  his  views  were,  to  any  degree,  in  con- 
flict with  those  expressed  by  bin  colleague,  they 
were  not  d' .signed  as  a  reply;  but  his  impressions, 
freely  stated,  without  reference  to  the  course  of 
anv  individual  men{)ber  of  the  House. 

Ho  vyould  here  make  a  request,  which,  he  be- 
lieved, itwostlio  custom  of  thoHouse  to  grant  with- 
out a  division.  In  theearly  partof  the  present  ses- 
sion, and  while  the  resolution  of  notice  to  abrogate 
the  convention  of  1818  in  relation  to  the  Oregon  ter- 
ritory, was  under  consideration,  he  had  embodied 
some  views  on  that  subject,  which  he  had  failed 
to  address  w  this  body.  What  he  now  asked  was, 
permission  to  send  those  views  to  his  constituents, 
who,  upon  questions  of  public  import,  had  a  right 
to  know  even  his  unuttered  thoughts.  Having 
promised  thus  much ,  he  would  address  himself  to 
the  question  in  debate, 

Tho  legitimate  ofllce  of  taxation  is  to  supply 
adequate  revenue  to  enable  Government  to  dis- 
cliurge  the  duties  committed  to  it  by  the  Constitu- 
tion. 

As  our  own  Government  can  scarcely  claim  ex- 
emption ft'om  tlie  admitted  propensity  of  nil  Gov- 
ernments, to  anticipate  or  exhaust  their  annual 
revenues,  it  becomes  a  matter  of  public  interest,  in 
devising  measures  of  taxation,  to  limit  tho  levies 
as  near  as  may  be  to  the  necessities  of  the  exche- 
quer for  expenditures  clearly  warranted  by  the 
Constitution,  and  consi.)tent  with  a  frugal  admin- 
istration. 

If  more  revenue  is  collected  than  is  suflicient  for 
this  purpose,  it  is  history  that  Congress  will  not 
hesitate  to  exercise  even  doubtful  powers  to  dis- 
pose of  the  surplus.  The  deposite  act-Sthat  most 
disastrous  error  of  1836 — is  an  instance  strongly 
corroborative  of  this  assertion.  If  further  proof 
were  necessary,  it  could  be  found  in  a  thousand 
schemes  that  have,  from  time  to  time,  occupied 
the  attention  of  Congress,  have  triumphed  for  a 
brief  hour,  and  have  finally  fallen  into  disrepute. 
It  is  the  experience  of  this  day  that,  with  present 
or  prospective  surplusses,  locality,  by  process  of 
combination,  becomes  nationality ,  and  fifty  projects, 
rolled  together  in  one  bill,  are  irreiiitible;  when  it 


J..l.i!'BI 


848 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  30, 


29th  CoNo I  ST  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Benton. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


in  mnre  than  probable  that  anv  one  of  them,  on  ita 
individual  merits,  could  not  obtain  a  majority. 

Would  the  national  representation  dare  to  par- 
ticipate in  the  scramble  at  the  treasury  of  the  na- 
tion for  local  improvements,  if iu  responsibility 
were  perfect,  or  the  constituent  body  understood 
the  procc^is  and  its  conscfjnences  ? 

In  theory  our  Government  is  responsible.  Ii 
was  designed  by  its  framcrs  tn  be  enual,  and  the 
great  majority  of  the  people  desire  tliat  it  should 
be  cheap.  If  it  has  in  any  degree  become  irre- 
sponsible, or  unequal,  or  profbse,  it  may  be  a 
question  whether  its  delinquencies  in  these  respects 
have  not  resulted,  in  the  main,  from  the  deceptive 
form  in  which  ita  measures  of  taxation  have  ueen 
moulded. 

Without  attempting  any  particular  examination 
of  this  question,  at  this  time,  it  may  be  proper  to 
observe,  ^nerally,  that  a  tariff  in  any  form  here- 
tofore adopted,  is  \  masked  tax,  not  easily  expli- 
cable in  its  operation  by  those  who  bear  it,  and  not 
unlike  the  devices  of  hereditary  rulers  to  fleece  the 
public  without  its  knowledfi;e. 

The  taxing  powerofthis  Government  is  plenary. 
When  we  are  reminded,  that  in  1815  it  raised 
over  ft36,00U,00O  from  the  customs,  and  nearly 
919,0UO,0()O  by  direct  taxes  and  excises,  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  resist  the  conclusion,  that  ita  control  oves 
the  private  property  and  industry  of  the  nation  ir 
as  absolute  as  that  of  an  unlimited  parli.'.ment. 

Tho  only  way  to  avoid  the  evils  consequent  upon 
the  exercise  of  such  a  formidable  power  is  for  the 
people  to  compel  the  Government  to  adopt  the 
forms  of  taxation  that  may  be  easily  understood, 
and  to  hold  their  representatives  to  4  strict  account- 
ability in  expenditures. 

Even  this  precaution  may  foil.  If  the  discretion 
of  Congress  as  to  the  objects  nf  expenditure  is  the 
only  limit  of  ila  power,  it  is  quite  possible  that  the 
rights  of  property  and  labor  may  require  a  stronger 
safeguard  in  nn  amendment  of  the  Constitution. 

The  present  mode  of  taxation  is  by  a  tariflf  of 
duties  of  mixed  character;  some  protective,  some 
revenue — the  proioctive  or  restrictive  features  pre-  j: 
dominating.     It  is  proposed  by  the  Committee  r*"  " 
Ways  onn  Means  to  substitute  for  this  n  scale  of! 
duties,  looking  to  revenue  bh  the  c/iic/ object.  || 

The  main  arguments  presented  in  favor  of  the  ij 
existing  system,  as  I  have  been  able  to  gather  them  ij 
from  the  debate,  may  be  reduced  to  these  general  •■ 
propositions:  i. 

Pint.  The  protection  of  domestic  labor  against  jl 
the  competition  of  the  cheaper  labor  of  foreign  |' 
countries.  |i 

Second.  The  provision  nf  a  home  market  for  ;! 
domestic,  particularly  agricultural  productions.  ]' 
And,  i 

nird.  The  prevention  of  undue  importation  of  j 
foreign  products,  and  the  equalization  of  the  ex-  ] 
ports  and  imports.  i 

There  are  many  other  arguments  adduced  of  less  \ 
plausible  import,  bin  it  is  believed  they  are  all  more 
or  less  subsidiary  to  one  or  the  other  of  those  eiiu-  { 
meratcd.  I 

First,  as  to  the  protection  of  American  labor.  : 
The  object  naturally  commends  itself  to  favnr;  but 
does  the  measure  eftect  the  object  ?     If  it  does  not 
— if  it  can  be  shown  that  a  greater  injustice  is  in- 
flicted by  it  than  is  avoided — the  measure  must  be  . 
condemned.  Namescannotollcr  things;  nor  should  , 
they  be  permitted  to  usurp  the  office  of  reality.         | 

Besides,  this  doctrinewf  protection  hath  about  it  ! 
an  occasional  circumstance  of  suspicion.  Though,  ; 
by  way  of  distinction  and  disguise,  denominated 
American,  it  is  of  foreign  origin.  It  is  the  child  ; 
of  arbitrary  systems.  Its  achievements,  too,  as 
delineated  ny  friends,  are  too  marvellous  for  an  ' 
age  of  common  sense,  and  remind  one  of  the  cele-  ■ 
brated  heap  in  Rhodes.  "  I  don't  much  like  that  : 
white  henii  yonder,"  was  the  suggestion  of  a  pru-  I 
dence  \.  •}{  matured  by  contact  with  the  world  as  it  | 


Motfu-n  nilers,  whether  arbitrary,  legitimate, 
live,  hf      '       '  ■ 


or  electiv?,  have  found  it  convcnient,'if  not  neces- 
sary, to  disguise  their  exactions  from  their  sub- 
jects or  citizens  in  comely  habiliments.  Their 
most  oppressive  impositions  are  made  under  pre- 
text of  the  pulilic  good.  The  system  of  commer- 
cial restriction  being  one  of  their  devices,  its  trans- 
fer to  this  country,  in  spite  of  the  old  alien  law, 
and  its  rebapliam,  are  not  sufficient  to  remove  the 
laint  of  its  |»iterniiy. 
When  the  wolf  proposed  to  the  sheep  to  put  off ' 


their  tried  guardian,  the  dog,  and  substitute  him  oa 
a  more  faith  Ail  protector,  the  proposal  was  auffi- 
ciently  impudent  and  ita  object  transparent.  The 
simple  flock  could  not  be  deceived  by  the  bold 
rogue,  who  they  knew,  time  out  of  mind,  had  de- 
lighted in  mutton.  And  yet  the  offer  of  protection 
to  American  labor  by  the  advocates  of  restriction 
and  high  duties,  is  scarcely  less  audacious,  although 
their  purpos  •  is  more  efliectually  obscured  by  the 
plausible  a°  "I  reiterated  protestations  of  tlie  refined 
deciver. 

This  exclamation  for  foreign  systems — the  sub- 
tle devices  of  oppression  in  the  Old  World — has 
had  its  day  of  triumph  over  American  labor.  The 
million  begin  to  understand  its  import. 

All  governments  must  have  revenue;  and  this  is 
to  be  supplied  generally  by  taxation  in  one  form  or 
another.  An  honest  goveriinieiit,  practising  what 
Say  denominates  "  the  rarest  of  princely  virtues — 
rigid  economy,"  will  have  no  need  of  disguises 
or  indirection.  Corrupt  ministers  or  magistrates, 
having  ample  necessity  of  mcbns  to  pension  favor- 
ites, provide  gratuities  for  subserviency,  or  aggran- 
dize themselves,  would  be  very  likely  to  exact 
them  under  pretence  of  what  all  governments  con- 
fessedly owe  the  governed — protection. 

Protection  by  laxes,  protection  to  roise  revenue, 

f rates  harshly  on  the  car  of  the  uninitiated  only. 
t  is  music  to  him  who  believes  that  the  triumphs 
of  alchemy  hove  been  eclipsed  by  the  discovery  of 
a.  substitute  for  taxotion  which  benefits  everybody, 
produces  bountifully,  and  subtracts  from  none. 

It  is  said  that  the  protective  policy  was  adopted 
by  tlie  first  Congress  under  the  present  Constitu- 
tion. The  stausnien  who  set  our  Government  in 
motion  were  beset  with  vast  responsibilities.  Our 
institutions  were  just  struggling  into  life.  The 
sacred  debt  of  the  Revolution  was  impending. 
Under  such  circumstonces  they  did  odojit  a  meas- 
ure, one  of  whose  avowed  objects  was  protection 
to  our  infant  maiiufnctuics.  Uid  those  men,  who 
were  wise  in  their  generation,  and  equal  to  the  hour 
in  which  the  lot  of  their  responsibility  was  cast, 
intend  to  assert  the  doctrine  now  uitributed  to 
them?  If  they  adopted  the  name  they  did  not 
the  thing.  Wo  doubt  they  desired  to  encourage 
manufiiciures  as  ftir  as  they  could  consistently  with 
the  freedom  and  success  of  commerce;  yet  could 
they  have  supposed  that  the  bantlings  would  never 
bear  weaning? 

The  tariff  of  the  4th  of  July,  1789,  was  one  that 
left  commerce  reasonably  free;  and  since  the  ex- 
ample of  tlic  folheis  of  tlie  Republic  bus  been  in- 
voked by  the  friends  of  restriction,  they  wou  I  do 
well  to  imitate  the  moderation  of  those  I'utlicrs  in 
the  iinposilioii  of  taxes. 

If  the  early  btotesnien  did  odopt  the  protective 
policy,  the  fnctVould  be  entitled  to  but  little  weight 
as  a  reason  for  continuing  it.  They  acted  lor  llieir 
lime,  not  for  all  time. 

They  survived  many  nf  their  measures,  much  of 
their  policy.  The  alien  iind  stdiiioii  luws,  stamp 
duties,  the  carriage  tux,  gave  way  before  the  rising 
spirit  of  young  America.  Kvcii  a  Bunk  of  the 
United  States  has  become  "an  obsolete  idea." 
.Systems  once  practicable,  once  tolerable,  o.ice 
popular,  though  conceived  in  a  spirit  unlViciidly  to 
freedom,  have  fallen  and  wiilicred  under  tlie  ordeal 
of  free  thouglit  and  untramnn  lUd  debute.  In  their 
history  the  restrictive  policy  may  leiiin  its  doom. 
It  cannot  long  resist  the  mighty  power  of  ideas. 

An  obvious  tendency  of  iliis  policy  is  to  divert 
capital  from  its  acc'  tomed  chiiiinels,  and  encour- 
age its  investment  in  particular  pursuits,  by  a 
legislative  guaranty  against  foicign  competition. 
This  is  nroiection  to  associated  wealth,  not  to  la- 
bor. But  it  is  said  this  wealth  gives  cniploynicnt 
to  labor.  This  is  true  10  a  limited  extent,  and  it 
would  have  done  so  in  one  way  or  another  with- 
out the  tariff.  Capitol,  whether  diffused  in  dili'er- 
cnt  enterprises,  or  aggregated  by  volunUiry  asso- 
ciation, lias  ut  all  times  sufticieiit  advantage  over 
the  mechanics  and  tradcainen,  whoBC  chief  re- 
source is  their  skill  and  industry.  IJy  superadd- 
ing to  this  advantage  legislative  privilege,  we  not 
only  augment  iw  power  to  oppress  labor  in  its  em- 
ploy, but  we  subject  the  individual  nieclionicaond 
tradesmen  throughout  every  city,  village,  and  ham- 
let, in  the  land,  to  the  ruinous  niono|ioly  of  those 
iniineiise  establishincnis  which  fill  the  country 
with  their  pestilent  trash  known  as  sale-work. 
The  blacksmith,  the  tailor,  the  shoemaker,  and 


other  mechanics,  whose  skill  is  their  capital,  ore  of 
the  game  industrious,  untiring,  persevering  thar- 
acter  throughout  the  northern,  middle,  and  west- 
ern States.  From  early  dawn  until  late  at  night, 
they  toil  joyously  six  days  to  the  week.  But  tho 
end,  as  tho  beginning,  of  each  year  finds  them 
poor— struggling  as  if  under  the  flat  of  inevitable 
destiny  to  provide  comforts  for  their  families,  and 
to  procure  the  means  of  clothing  and  educating 
their  children,  and  soothing  the  declining  years  of 
some  aged  and  helpless  relative. 

The  monopoly  of  the  small  trades  is  not,  how- 
ever, the  only  mode  in  which  the  restrictive  policy 
affects  individual  industry.  Ita  further  diKoatrous 
operation,  though  not  direct,  is  obvious,  and  will 
be  noticed  incidentally  in  another  place. 

Privilfged  capital,  the  wlidc,  is  quite  satisfied  to 
avoid  taxation.  It  therefore  clamors  for  uirilfs  that 
shall  tax  thegenerol  industry  through  consumption , 
and  perseveres  in  pleading  its  own  infancy  and  pov- 
erty. It  vows  "  hostility  to  the  pauper  labor  of 
Europe,"  while  it  sucks  the  life-blood  of  labor  at 
home.  In  short,  so  far  as  it  is  designed  to  protect, 
or  does  in  reality  protect  domestic  labor,  the  system 
is  a  striking  exemplification  of  a  sentiment  attribu- 
ted to  a  distinguished  statesman,  but  disavowed, 
"Let  government  take  core  of  the  rich,  and  the  rich 
will  take  care  of  the  poor," 

Second.  It  is  contended  that  t!iis  policy  is  benefi- 
cial to  agriculture,  in  that  it  produces  on  increased 
I  demand  for  its  productions  at  home.    The  amount 
j  of  this  benefit  mio;lit  bo  ascertained,  with  the  proper 
data,  perhaps,  with  .satisfactory  precision  by  a  per- 
son lumiliar  with  such  calculations.     It  was  Mr. 
Gallatin's  opinion,  in  1830,  that  the  profit  to  the 
agricultural  interest  derived  from  the  cotton  and 
woollen  manufacturing  establishments  could  not 
exceed,  at  most,  two  per  cent,  on  the  annual  sales,  of 
I  which  at  least  one-half  must  be  allotted  to  the  farm- 
I  crs  In  the  immediate  vicinity,  and  the  residue  to  tho 
'  agricultural  interest  at  large  of  the  United  States. 
I  It  was  also  his  opinion  that  the  marl'et  afforded  to 
the  agricultural  interest,  by  the  increased  popula- 
tion for  a  given  period,  of  tlie  commercial  and  other 
non-manHfacturing  towns  and  villages  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  was  for  more  extensive  than  thot  derived 
from  all  the  manufacturing  establishments. 

But  whatever  may  be  the  precise  benefit,  it  must 
j  be  admitted  that  the  restrictive  bystem  renders  all 
other  markets  less  ucccisible,  by  multiplying  thu 
I  obstacles  to  a.  free  exchange  of  commodities  with 
I  foreign  nations.  In  a  word,  the  freedom  of  all 
i  markets  is  exchanged  for  the  permission  of  one — 
!  the  home  market. 

I      If,  therefore,  the  farmer  is  compelled  to  sell  liia 
products  at  home,  or  export  llicin  under  certain 
I  aisadvniita£;cs,  so  is  he  compelled  to  purcliose  at 
j  home  at  prices  which  are  guarded  by  law  against 
I  sncccsfiful  foreign  competition.     Thus,  instead  of 
j  being  )iermitlcd  to  sell  where  he  can  obtain  tho 
'  highest,  and  purchase  for  the  lowest  price,  the  case 
i  is  reversed,  and  he  is  compelled  to  sell  »t  a  lower 
'  and  purchase  at  a  higher  price  than  he  would  if  the 
i  restriction  had  not  been  imposed. 
I      A  hypothetical  cose  is  suggested  by  the  idea  of 
I  restricted  markets.     We  will  suppose  that  the  sur- 
I  plus  products  of  the  States  of  Ohio,  Michigan,  and 
1  Virginia,  will  supply  the  increased  demand  arising, 
I  not  only  from  manufacturing  pursuits,  but  the  in- 
•  creasing  population  of  the  commercial  cities  and 
villages.     1  here  must,  of  course,  remain  a  largo 
j  sur])lus  in  the  country  to  be  disposed  of  in  tbrcif;ii 
I  markets,  or  sacrifircd,  us  the  supjily  would  so  i'lir 
i  exceed  the  home  demand  as  to  cause  a  universal 
depression  of  prices.    The  process  of  reaching  tho 
I  .narket  without  the   intermediate  agency  of  tho 
1  merchant  will  exhibit  tlir  .   icaiion  of  tariff  duties 
i  on  the  interest  of  iigricultj'  -      A  number  of  farm- 
ers ill  central  New  York  enter  into  an  association 
for  the  purpose  of  sending  their  produce  to  a  for- 
1  eign  market.     One  of  their  number  is  selected  by 
I  them  to  take  charge  of  tiie  whole.     He  ships  the 
'  property  and  embarks  for  Liverpool,  where  he  ex- 
j  changes  his  cargo,  worth,  at  current  prices,  when 
I  he  left  home,  {HilO.OOO,  for  various  kind.^  of  mei- 
!  chandise  of  ICiiglish  manufacture,  worth  at  fair  val- 
;  uation  here  Jily.'i.OllO.     Ho  retuniH  to  New  York, 
and,  on  landing,  is  met  by  the  custom-house  oHicer, 
who   informs  him   that  the  duties  on   his  cargo 
amount  to  #37,600,  which  sum  he  pays,     lio  lands 
his  cargo,  turns  it  over  to  the  coiiimissiun  inrr- 
chant,  who  sells  it  at  once  for  $l.')0,00li.    fcii      r 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


849 


2^H  Cong 1st  Bess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Benton. 


New  Series No.  54. 


one  adventure  seems  to  have  done  well  on  |>apcr; 

but  the  amount  received  for  his  cargo  must  be  sub- 

lect  to  the  following  deductions: 

~'or  freight,  insurance,  md  custom  duties  on  cargo 
going  out,  with  other  incidental  charges  pUJIMO 

For  freight,  insurance,  and  duties  oi  re- 
turn cargo,  with  commissions  and  otiier 
chaiges : 38,500 


^; 


f^63,50U 


Which  sum  deducted  from  A150,000,  leaves  in 
his  hands  ^6,500,  or  A13,5U0  leMS  than  the  value 
of  the  cargo  with  which  he  sat  out. 

Now,  upon  the  case  thus  stated,  the  following 
questions  are  suggested: 

Can  any  ordinary  demand  of  foreign  market? 
result  in  a  prospcrnus  trade  tn  agriculture  ?  If  not, 
is  nnt  the  inevitable  conjequence,  first,  the  excess 
of  agricultumi  products  in  the  home  market?  and, 
serxind,  the  universal  depression  of  prices  of  those 
products? 

And  as  the  carrier  as  well  as  the  profluccr  is  licn- 
efitcd  by  active  and  profitable  markets,  ia  not  the 
inference  warmnted  that  the  restrictive  system  in- 
flicts great  injury  upon  the  internal  trade  of  thr 
country,  and  especially  upon  that  of  New  York  ? 

It  need  not  be  said  that  the  depression  of  agri- 
culture is  a  national  calamity,  affecting  the  general 
happiness,  and  that  its  prosperity  infuses  fresh- 
ness, activity,  and  vigor,  throughout  all  classes. 
And  here  let  it  be  observed,  that  this  interest  gives 
emoluyment  to  the  blacksmith,  the  tailor,  the  shoe- 
maker, the  cabinet-maker,  the  joiner,  the  carpen- 
ter, and  the  wogun-maker;  and  when  its  profits  are 
diminished  or  cut  off,  those  trades  are  leh  to  labor 
for  inndeciuatc  rewards,  or  to  a  languishing  and 
sickly  existence.  But  it  is  urged  that  too  many 
are  engaged,  or  disposed  to  engage,  in  agricultural 
pursuits.  If  this  be  true,  it  cannot,  or  ought  not, 
to  be  prevented  by  government  interposition. 
With  oar  vast  unoccupied  territory,  and  the  love 
of  cur  people  for  agriculture,  the  national  happi- 
ness will  be  better  secured  by  a  policy  that  snail 
encourage  rather  than  retard  that  branch  of  indus- 
try. Men  engaged  in  the  fields  retain  the  sen- 
timent of  individual  liberty.  They  cannot  be 
swerved  by  appeals,  that  sometimes  urge  a  ercc;a- 
rious  population  into  excesses.  From  their  Tiabits 
of  thinking,  they  will  be  the  last  to  consent  to 
schemes,  however  specious,  unfriendly  or  dan- 
gerous to  the  public  liberties;  alid  they  will  bo  the 
first  to  resist  all  such  schemes,  however  old,  when 
their  tendency  becomes  manifest. 

Third.  Protective  duties,  so  far  as  they  tend  to  j 
embarrass  or  prevent  all  trade,  may  be  admitted  to  | 
check  excessive  trade.    Tlieir  inllnenee  in  that  i 
direction  has,  at  various  periods,  been  remarkably 
modified  by  the  wedlock  of  government  and  paper- 
money  banking.    The  process  was  simple  and  I 
natural.      The  revenues  being  deposited   in  the 
banks,  the  banks  loaned  them'to  their  customers,  t 
The  currency,  thus  inflated,  depreciated;  therela- ' 
tivo  value  of  property  increased.    Then  followed  j 
increased  demand  for  property.    Means  to  pur- 
chase it  were  at  hand.     The  revenues  were  still  [ 
pouring  into  the  banks,  and  the  banks  still  pour-  ; 
mg  them  out.    The  prices  of  all  domestic  produc-  ; 
tions advanced  some  40  or 50  percent.,  nr-dueyond  j 
the  limit  of  the  protective  duty.    Away  went  the 
tarifi';  foreign  trade  received  a  new  impetus;  the 
national  treasury  was  inundated  with  imaginary 
wealth,  which  the  banks  went  on  lending  to  the 
community.      Tlumsaiids    advanced    to    sudden 
fortunes.     Fine  carrin^es,  grand  establishments, 
finncely  equiiiag-  ■   anil    furniture — all,  were   the 
order  of  t!ie  iliiy,  until,  finally,  staiiling  and  terri- 
ble ns  the  carlhqi!,\ke  shock  at  bright  noon,  came 
the  collapse,  that  spread  devastation  over  the  land. 

Such  is  overtrailiiig — the  result  of  overbanking, 
Produced  by  the  government  partnership  with 
l)nnks.  The  tarifi',  "O  fur  from  preventing  it,  could 
only  lend  n  helpiiii;  hand  to  augment  the  mischief. 
Let  this  Qovernimnt  act  within  the  sphere  of  its 
constitutional  duties,  confine  its  fiscal  operations  to 
the  uie  of  coin,  and  provide  for  the  safekeeping  of 
its  revenues,  and  leave  the  laws  of  trade  to  etjual- 
iae  the  exports  and  imports,  and  we  shall  avoid  in 
fi''  ire  the  dis'^iraceful  and  demoralizing  disasters  of 
18. J  and  1837. 

There  are  two  other  views,  subsidiary  to  those 
that  have  been  alluded  to,  which,  as  they  are  urged 

54 


with  much  pertinacity,  are  entitled  to  a  paasing 
notice. 

1.  It  is  contended  that  protective  duties,  by  di- 
verting capital  to  particular  pursuits  or  branches  of 
industry,  superinduce  competition,  which  eflfecta  a 
reduction  of  prices  of  the  protected  articles,  thus 
benefiting  the  consumer. 

If  this  proposition  is  true,  without  qualification, 
is  not  the  inference  a  fair  one,  tliat  prices  will  even- 
tually fall  to  such  an  extent  as  to  exclude  imports 
entirely,  and  thereby  defeat  revenue?  Bu'.  the  ar- 
gument, so  to  speak,  furnishes  the  meait..  of  its 
own  refutauon.  If  competition,  confined  to  a  sin- 
gle State  or  nation,  is  so  effective  to  reduce  prices, 
would  not  the  competition  of  the  world,  with  un- 
restricled  trade,  be  vastly  more  so? 

Numerous  examples  are  at  hand  to  show  that  a 
fall  of  price  has  tauen  place  since  1816  on  almost 
every  article  of  consumption  not  protected,  equal, 
or  about  equal,  to  that  of  the  protected  articles. 
Tea,  coflee,  tobacco,  and  cotton,  are  familiar  in- 
stances; but  it  is  not  necessary  to  detail  them. 

"  A  reduction  of  priri!  {9ny»  Mr.  GnllAtJn)  U,  in  no  cnso 
whatever,  <liio  to  tlic  tarilT,  so  loii^  iw  n  Hirnilnr  foreign  nr- 
ticlu  can  Htill  ho  iiiipnrtt^d,  and  UlQ  pric'<  nl' the  doiiicxUc 
coiniiiodity  is  nnt  ri^niiccd  b(-)ow  thtu  ut  \\liich  the  t'on.'iiin 
is  sold.  Uodrr  these  cireuinstnnceH^  the  riidtiction  is  detirly 
dun  to  a  rail  in  the  price  of  thu  foreign  nrticio,  uiid  is  oitii 
gcther  independent  of  Uie  tarill." 

Mr.  Dexter,  a  manufiiclurer,  examined  before 
the  Committee  on  Manufactures  in  1838,  said,  in 
relnlion  to  the  reduction  of  the  price  of  coarse  cot- 
tons: "  It  is  owing  to  the  improvement  of  mnchin- 
';Ery,  the  reduced  price  of  raw  cotton,  and  the 
'increased  skill  in  manufacture."  If  the  reduc- 
tion can  be  accounted  for  on  any  other  hypoth- 
esis, it  must  be  that  the  restrictive  system  operates 
to  reduce  "  the  wages  of  labor,  the  price  of  raw 
'  materiols,  of  provisions,  of  machinery,  or  any 
'  other  article  necessary  for  the  manufacturing  pro- 
'cess. " 

It  cannot  be  admitted,  therefore,  that  protective 
duties  reduce  the  price  of  manufactured  commodi- 
ties. Nor  is  it,  on  the  other  hand,  always  true 
that  the  price  of  those  commodities  is  enhanced  tn 
the  extent  of  the  duty  imposed.  A  writer  in  the 
Merchants'  Magazine,  of  November  last,  appears 
to  me  to  have  staled  the  rule  with  as  inucn  pre- 
cision as  may  be.    He  says: 

"1st.  A  duty  put  upon  an  nrticio  that  we  eonKumc,  but  do 
not  produce,  increaiies  its  priee  to  tlu)  consumer  an  amoutU 
eqn^l  to  the  duty ;  and, us  n  geiicrid  rule,  something  more  in 
the  sliapc  of  ft'  protit  to  the  mcrcliant  wJlo  first  pays  tlio 
duty,  on  the  udditionul  ctipital  he  rei|uires  to  conduct  ills 
business. 

"ai.  A  duty  put  upon  nn  imported  nrliele,  wlien  a  slmi- 
I.ir  article  can  he  r.nd  is  produced  at  home,  but  cannot  he 
produciMl  as  cheap  as  it  can  he  in)porte<l,  increases  the 
price  of  tlic  imported  article  and  its  donwatir  Hvat  an  amount 
eiiftat  to  the  dijjerence  in  Ute  cost  of  producing  it  at  home  and 
auroarl, 

"  :)d.  A  duty  put  on  an  article  imported,  when  a  similar 
article  can  be  produced  at  honui  clieaper  tlinu  abroail,  and 
produced  lo  nit  extent  stiUicient  to  answer  all  demand  ior  it, 
docs  not  ajfect  the  jrrkc  at  li.'i." 

And  he  adds  this  signifirAnt  illustration: 
*'  A  duty  on  tea  and  coflee  insiy  hn  considered  as  an  illus- 
tration of  the  first;  and  a  tlutyon  tile  principal  manufactures 
of  iron,  cotton,  and  wool,  of  the  sccoiul;  and  a  duty  on  raw 
cniion,  wheat,  butter,  beef,  pork,  luid  farm  productions  gen- 
erally, of  the  third  maxim." 

3.  It  is  also  contended  that  the  revenues  raised 
by  protective  duties  arc  paid  not  by  the  consumer 
here,  but  by  the  foreign  producer  of  dutiable  com- 
modities imported  into  this  country. 

In  reference  to  this  iden,  a  suggestion  is  hazard- 
ed, with  great  deference  to  those  who  are  under- 
stood to  maintain  it — and  that  is,  that  it  strikes  at 
the  foundation  of  all  protection  by  any  process 
short  of  prohibitive  duties  or  systems.  There  can 
be  no  protection  to  manufacturers  by  duties,  so 
long  ns  the  foreigner  consents  to  pay  the  iluties. 
The  able  writer  just  referred  to  exhibits  another 
con.sequence  of  this  assumption  in  a  strong  light. 
"The  principle  once  established,"  says  he,  "  and 
'  who  ilocs  not  perceive  that  the  American  people 
'  are  annually  paying  a  large  portion  of  the  ex- 
'  pcnses  of  the  British  Government  ?  If  we,  by 
'  taxing  what  we  buy  of  Great  Britain,  force  her 
'  to  pay  tiie  expenses  of  our  Government,  she,  by 
'  taxing  heavily  what  she  buys  of  us,  compeU  our 
'people  to  pay  the  expenses  of  her  Government. 
'  And  as  the  amount  requii'ed  for  the  support  of 
'  our  Government  is  less  in  proportion  to  popu- 
I '  lation  than  any  other  Government  with  whose 


■  people  we  trade,  our  people  must  be  taxed  an- 
'  nually  many  millions  of  dollars  more  to  support 
'  the  monarchies  of  Europe  than  we  draw  from 
'  them  to  support  our  Government." 

The  inference  fh>m  this  principle,  seems  legiti- 
mate to  a  degree  sufiicient  to  characterize  ita  fb- 
surdity  or  wickedness.  Whether  the  applica^Mpf 
it  is  carried  out  with  precision  is  not  matenPIo 
the  argument. 

If  the  principle  is  true,  its  practical  assertion  by 
enlightened  Governments  does  little  credit  to  their 
humanity  or  justice.  All  taxation,  direct  or  indi- 
rect, falls  ultimately  upon  labor.  If  our  protect- 
ive taxes  are  paid  by  tlia  foreigner,  labor,  and  not 
capital,  bears  the  burden.  So,  if,  reversing' the 
cose,  this  country  pays  any  portion  of  the  Uixes 
of  foreign  Governments.  Another  inference  is  ine- 
vitable—and that  is,  countervailing  duties  are  not 
merely  quasi  war  as  mointaincd  by  political  econo- 
mists, but  reprisals  upon  individual  industry  and 
private  property,  inhibited  by  the  received  rules  of 
civilized  warfare. 

But  the  people  of  Ensland  have  vindicated  them- 
selves from  the  imputation  of  participating  in  this 
internotional  plunder.  They,  by  a  mighty  effort, 
worthy  of  the  brightest  day  of  Ihe  best  age,  have 
repudiated  the  oppressions  and  injustice  of  the  re- 
strictive system,  and  compelled  n  Government  far 
less  responsible  to  the  nation  than  ours,  to  bow  to 
the  majesty  of  ideas.  And  shall  republican  Amer- 
ica still  cling  with  blind  fatuity  to  this  relic  of  feu- 
dalism ? 

A  corollary  from  the  preceding  observations  is, 
that  protective,  as  well  as  revenue  duties,  are  a  tax 
on  consumption.  Assuming  this  to  be  correct,  the 
burdens  and  the  benefite  of  the  protective  tax  may 
be  stated  as  follows: 

First,  as  to  the  burdens.  "  In  every  case,"  says 
a  distinguished  financier  and  economist,  already 
quoted,  "  the  difference  between  the  nrice  before 
'  the  duty  was  laid  and  that  at  which  the  domestic 
'  manufacture  can  be  sold  with  a  reasonable  profit, 
'  is,  to  the  whole  extent  of  that  manufacture,  a  loss 
'  to  the  community.  That  difference  ia  equal,  or 
'  nearly  equal,  on  each  yard  of  cloth,  to  the  duty 
'  laid  on  a  yard  of  the  similar  foreign  article,  wheii- 
'  over  that  duty  is  not  too  high  to  prevent  partial 
'  foreign  importations." 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  his  annual 
report,  asserts  that  the  whole  tax  imposed  upon 
the  people  by  the  present  tariff  is  not  less  than 
«8I,000,000,  of  which  $27,000,000  are  paid  to 
the  Government,  and  the  balance  to  the  protected 
classes. 

If  Ihe  national  loss  in  consequence  of  protective 
duties  did  not  exceed  the  amount  paid  to  the  Gov- 
ernment, it  would  greatly  overbalance  any  present 
or  probable  benefits  of  the  system. 

Second,  as  to  the  benefits.  By  the  census  of 
1840,  the  number  of  persons  engaged  in  manufac- 
turing pursuits  and  in  trades,  is  ascerUxined  to  be 
about  800,000.  Of  this  number,  5,54,1()8  are  esti- 
mated to  be  engaged  in  manufactures,  and  337,581 
in  the  trades,  . 

Admitting  that  the  laborers  employed  in  manu- 
factures and  mines  are  not  overworked,  that  they 
are  well  fed,  well  clothed,  and  well  paid,  direct  pro- 
tection to  that  extent  is  secured  to  the  six  hundred 
thousand.  This  is  essentially  the  encouragement, 
and  nil  the  encouragement,  that  the  sj/stem  affords  to 
labor.  And  even  in  this  case  the  greatest  benefit 
enures  to  the  capitalist.  .  ... 

But  all  labor  of  all  descriptions  is  taxed  by  it 
through  the  consumption  of  the  country,  so  that  a 
more  precise  definition  of  it  would  be,  "  taxation 
of  the  17,000,000  for  the  benefit  of  the  17,000"— 
the  first  representing  the  nation,  the  last  privileged 

capital.  ...  ■        I-  A        • 

This  is  not  protection;  it  is  oppression  of  Ameri- 
can labor.  That  such  taxation  is  unjust  and  un- 
enuid  is,  I  believe,  the  growing  conviction  of  the 
North  and  the  West.  The  farmers,  and  mechanics, 
and  laborers,  are  cjinvassing  and  will  continue  to 
canvass  this  policy.  The  army  of  fVee  labor  in 
risin"  in  its  strength;  it  is  advancing;  its  mighty 
tread"' may  be  heard  in  the  diswnce.  While  we  de- 
lay, and  doubt,  and  hesitate,  it  maybe  upon  us, 
with  fresh  representation,  demanding  with  settled 
resolution,  not  protection,  not  privilege,  not  com- 
promise, but  the  freedomof  Iraltic.anaTiiB  woRLi> 

FOR  A  MARKET. 


850 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  22, 


1846;] 


S9rH  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


Smithtonian  Jhititutipn—Mr,  Marsh. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


Entertaining  luch  views  of  the  reatrictiTe  aya- 

tem  generally,  I  cannot — it  will  not  be  expected 

that  I  can — regard  with  any  favor  the  particular 

modificallon  of  it  contained  in  the  act  of  1843. 

Whatever  of  succesa  may  have  attended  the  eiTorta 

ftlemen  to  discredit  the  calciilutiona  of  the  Sec- 
of  the  Treaaury  as  embodied  in  his  annual 
,  I  must  be  permitted  to  concur  lyith  him 
he  says  that 

"  The  pmseiit  tanlT  Is  unjust  and  unequnl,  M  well  In  ftf 
i)eMil<  09  in  the  princlplri  upon  whirli  it  ii  fniinctGd.  On 
■ome  arttclcfl  tlia  dutieAore  entirely  prohibitory^  and  un  others 
Ihero  it  a  partial  prohiliitinn.  it  discriminiites  in  I'livoror 
mftnufaeturw,  and  against  yrieulture,  by  iinpofing  many 
higher  duties  upon  the  nianufaettircd  fabric  than  upon  the 
agrlcnltuml  produet  out  of  whieh  it  is  made.  It  dlscrimi- 
natei*  in  ftivor  uf  the  manulhcturtir,  nnd  Rguinst  the  mechanic, 
by  many  blgher  dutieti  upon  the  nmnufacture  than  U|X>n  the 
article  made  out  of  it  by  the  mcchnnic.  It  dixcrimiiinteK  in 
Ihvor  of  the  mnnul;ieturer,  nnd  ngninnt  the  nierchnnt,  by  in- 
jurious restrictions  upon  tmde  nnd  cnnuuercc  ;  niul  n^inst 
the  ship-building  and  nnvignting  interest,  by  henvy  dtitii's  on 
almost  every  anJcle  ufied  in  liuildinR  or  navigating  vessels. 
It  discriminates  in  favor  of  mnnufnctures,  nnd  against  ex- 
porto,  which  are  as  truly  the  product  of  American  Inrtui^try 
as  mnnufhctures.  It  discriminates  in  favor  of  ihe  rich,  and 
against  the  poor,  by  hish  duties  upon  nearly  nil  tlie  necnssa- 
rlesof  life,  nnd  by  inininiunis  and  speciilc  duties,  rendering 
the  tax  uiion  the  real  value  much  higher  (m  tlie  chcupertJian 
upon  the  finer  article/' 

The  advocateg  of  the  present  law  look  to  it  in 
vain  as  the  practical  illustration  of  their  theories  in 
relation  to  price.  Wo  had  a  right  to  expect  that 
the  prices  of  domestic  goods,  auch  as  shirtings, 
plaids,  and  Aistians,  would  have  fallen,  and  that 
the  price  of  agricultural  productions  would  have 
advanced.  Competition  and  home  market  should 
have  produced  their  legitimate  results  before  tills. 
I  believe  they  have,  but  tliey  are  hdverse  to  the  re- 
strictive theories. 

While  the  price  of  cotton  goods  has  receded  in 
England  within  the  last  three  years,  some  cotton 
manufactures  here  hdve  held  a  considerable  ad- 
vance upon  the  prices  of  1841.  The  following 
statement  will  give  an  idea  of  the  grad>ial  decline 
of  prices  in  the  English  market.  .As  I  have  not 
space  for  each  month  of  the  year,  I  qjote  the  price 
for  the  month  of  Januair  in  1844-5,  and  for  tlie 
months  of  January  and  March  in  1846: 


The  reduction  shown  by  this  comparison  is 
about  S3  per  cent.  Making  due  allowance  for 
fluctuation  of  prices  resulting  from  temporary  or 
local  causes,  the  general  depression  of  agricultural 
products  may  be  safely  estimated  at  20  per  cent. 

The  gentleman  from  Louisiana,  [Mr.  Thibo- 
DEAcx,]  in  his  speech  to-dny,  undertook  to  contro- 
vert what  he  regarded  the  generally  received  doc- 
trine of  political  economists,  that  production  was 
the  chief  cause  of  national  prosperity.  What  these 
economists  attributed  to  production,  he  (Mr.  T.) 
attributed  to  wages. 

To  me  the  relation  of  production  and  wages 
appears  so  intimate,  that  I  am  not  able  to  Compre- 
hend the  reason  of  his  election.  In  communities 
where  industry  is  voluntary,  the  scale  of  wages 
must  depend  on  the  success  or  failure  of  produc- 
tion. Thus,  production  reqviires  labor:  the  greater 
the  effort  of  production,  the  greater  the  demand 
for  labor;  the  greater  the  demand,  the  higher  the 
wages.  But  I  do  not  design  to  discuss  this  point. 
I  have  alluded  to  it  only  for  the  purpose  of  intro- 
ducing a  "  fixed  fact,"  which,  so  far  as  it  is  en- 
tilled  to  any  weight,  will  not  certainly  benefit  the 
argument  of  restriction,  even  upon  the  assumption 
of  the  gentlcmsn. 

In  western  New  York,  the  wages  of  agricul- 
tural labor  averaged,  in  the  years  1840- '41,  jll  50 
per  month;  in  the  years  1843- '44,  $10  per  month, 
oeing  a  reduction  of  $1  .50  per  month,  or  #18  a 
year — sufficient,  in  that  State,  to  pay  the  scliooling 
of  two  or  three  children  for  a  large  portion  of  the 
year. 

One  more  illustration  of  the  effects  of  tariff  du- 
ties upon  prices,  and  I  will  dismiss  this  branch  of 
the  subject,  with  a  single  observation. 

The  following  table  shows  the  price  of  the  arti- 
cles enumerated  in  the  foreign  market,  the  amount 
of  duty  levied  by  the  existing  tariff,  and  the  present 
prices  in  this  country: 


Jnn'y 
1844. 

Jan'y 
1845. 

Jnn'y 
1846. 

March 
1646. 

1  power  loom  cloths,  ).     ..„ 
'wrecus,  iB  yards!  j'>'P"'"' 
40-inch  do.  do.,  68)     „,„ 
r»eds,38to40yMds  jP-P'" 

40-inch  do.  do.,  72  ) ,„_ 

reeds,  38  to  40  yards  jP'  P""'' 

,.d. 
66 

9  4J 

10  3 

9.  d. 
6  IJ 

9  7J 

10  4i 

«.    d. 
5    4i 

8  10i 

9  9 

>.  i. 

33 

86 
9  4J 

Although  this  decline  is  material,  averaging  15 
per  cent.,  and  should  in  the  natural  course  of  trade 
have  affected  the  price  of  cotton  goods  manufac- 
tured here,  yet  prices  of  coarse  cottons,  subject  to 
minimum  and  prohibitory  duties,  have  rather  ad- 
vanced than  receded  since  1841. 

According  to  the  calculations  of  my  colleague, 
[Mr.  Collin,!  whose  able  expositions  of  the  tariff 
do  much  credit  to  his  industry  and  talents,  the 
prices  of  brown  shirtings  have  advanced  14  per 
cent.,  blenched  shirtings  15  per  cent.,  plaids  20  per 
cent.,  and  f\istians  10  per  cent.  Add  to  those  ar- 
ticles sugar  and  molasses,  which  are  highly  pro- 
tected, nnd  which  have  risen  in  price  since  184] 
nearly  20  per  cent,  average,  and  we  have  six  ar- 
ticles entering  into  tlie  daily  consumption  of  the 
farmer,  mechanic,  and  laborer,  made  vastly  more 
expensive  to  those  classes,  under  pretence  of  laws 
to  protect  their  industry. 

If,  on  the  other  hand,  we  look  to  the  chief  sta- 
ples of  agricultural  production,  we  find  that  they 
nave  fallen  in  price.  The  following  table,  made  up 
from  the  New  York  prices  current  for  the  periods 
indicated,  will  give  the  extent  of  Ihe  reduction: 


Scotch  pigiron,  per  ton. 
English     "  " 

English  bnr,  not  rolled. . 

English  rolled , 

Bcfap  iron 

Sheet  and  hoop  iron,  |kt 

Ih 

Flannels,  per  )  nrd .... 
foltnn  hngsing,  of  hemp. 
Cotton  bagging,  other  nia- 

terial 

Brand>\  iirr  gntlnn... 
Bpiritsfrom  grnir.,(In. 
f.inseod  nil,  do. 

Molasses,  per  lb 

Loaf  sugar,  perih. . . . 


Foreign 
price. 


1590  27 
20  60 
•M  0 
36  51 
SB  84 

0  3 
0  37 
0    6 

0     4.0 
n  77 
0  43 
0  4fi 
0      1.5 
0     6.4 


Duty. 


$U    0 
<J    0 


17 
35 
10 


0     9.5 
0  14 
0    4 

0  4 

1  00 
av.  7.T 

0  05 
0     4.5 
0     6.5 


Domestic 
pritT. 


937    0 

ai  0 

75  0 
64  04 
36    0 

0  4 
0  X) 
0  11 

0  R.3 

1  29 
0  M 

n  w 

n    2.5 

0   102 


Articles. 

Jiltie, 
1840. 

Dee'r, 
1841. 

July, 
1844. 

August, 
1845. 

Ashes,  pot,  per  ewt..- 
Beef,  mess,  per  barrel.. 
Pork,     "           " 

I.ard,  per  pound 

Flour,  western  canal, 
per  barrel 

A4  SO 
14  00 
14  75 
0  10 

4  50 
0  59 

0    ' 

*a  00 
7.'i0 
9  9.1 

0  et 
6  a'l 

1  30 
0    7 

«1  00 

5  no 
8  m 

0    5J 
4  37 

oe,-> 

0    5 

If  3  75 
900 

19  87 
0    7 

4,11 
085 

0    4J 

Vvlieat,  pel  kushel 

Tobacco,     Kentucky, 

#38  87 

t30  43J 

•MWf 

»3oeoi 

It  is  believed  that  the  tables  here  presented  fur- 
nish a  practical  illustration  of  the  views  that  I  have 
attempted  to  maintain,  nnd  of  the  unequal  nnd 
oppressive  operation  of  thi!  act  of  1842.  If  they 
are  ea.senlially  correct,  and  the  application  of  them 
to  the  argument  is  proper,  every  candid  mind  must 
be  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  the  system,  so  far 
from  atlbrding  nny  protection  to  the  natioiinl  in- 
dustry, or  Kugnienting  the  national  prosperity,  is 
nothing  el.oo  than  a  device  of  intricate  contrivance 
to  transfer  the  earnings  of  that  industry  to  a  privi- 
leged class,  and  to  compel  labor  to  bear  un  undue 
priMiortiou  of  the  public  burdens. 

There  arc  several  other  features  of  the  existing 
law  particularly  objectionable,  which  I  had  intend- 
ed to  notice;  but  as  I  have  already  trunscendrd 
the  limits  prescribed  to  niy.'felf,  I  slioU  leave  thorn 
to  others,  far  more  competent,  to  expose  llieir  de- 
formity. 

Considered  in  nny  light  that  I  have  bi.cn  able  to 
view  it,  I  cannot  btit  regard  any  system  of  restric- 
tion by  protective  duties,  as  without  tlic  true  pi'ov- 
inre  fif  legislation — as  at  war  with  primary  truths 
of  political  science — as  usurping  the  rights  of  the 
citizen—  as  favoring  aggregated  wealth  at  the  ex- 
pense of  labor — and,  finally,  as  fostering  a  system 
of  profusion  and  extravagance  in  this  Oovcrnincnt, 
which  is  consUinlly  levying  recruits  to  the  army 
of  patronage. 

How  widely  have  we  dcparteit  from  the  coun- 
sels of  Mr.  Jell'erson.  That  wonderful  man,  when 
elevated  to  thfc  first  mngisirrtcy,  contemplated  with 
delight  the  great  future  of  his  country.  In  his  In- 
augural Address,  after  drawing  a  bright  picture  of 
the  peculiaradvantagcsof  our  situation,  he  inyai 


"  Willi  all  these  blessings,  what  more  Is  necessary  to 
make  us  a  hnppy  nnd  prosperous  peop'e.'  Still  one  thing 
more,  ftllow-ciiizens :  a  wise  and  frugnl  Goverameiu, 
which  shnll  restrain  men  flriun  injuring  one  another ;  shall 
leave  them  otlierwise  free  to  regulate  their  own  purauils  of 
Industry  nnd  improvement;  nnd  shall  not  take  iVom  the 
mouth  of  Inbor  die  bread  it  has  earned.'* 

And  how  have  we  responded  to  this  counsel? 
Grinding  taxation,  profuse  expenditure,  oppres- 
sive public  debts,  accumulating  patronage,  inter- 
meddling with  the  occupations  of  the  citizen — 
these,  and  such  as  these,  are  our  deeds,  more 
significant  than  any  words  of  response,  or  rather 
delinquencies,  that  should  mantle  the  cheek  of 
honest  patriotism  with  shame. 

It  is  time  to  Icok  to  our  soundings.  We  have 
diverged  far  from  the  true  constitutional  course — 
the  course  of  safety.  We  must  retrace,  or  run 
upon  breakers. 

In  reflecting  upon  possible  remedies  against  ina 

f)rnfusion  antf  centralization  of  this  Government,  I 
lave  sometimes  thought  that  our  first  duty  wns  to 
unmask  the  taxes  to  a  sufficient  extent  to  enable 
our  constituents  to  know  when,  how,  and  for  what 
purpose  t'ey  are  taxed.  I  have  feared,  and  still 
fear,  that  this  course,  and  this  course  only,  will  bo 
found  adequate  to  secure  responsibility  of  repre- 
sentation, and  to  insure  frugal  and  equal  govern- 
ment. 

These  views  will  doubtless  he  regarded  as  the 
vagaries  of  free  trade — the  effusions  of  a  destruc- 
tive radicalism.  While  they  are  sincerely  enter- 
tained, they  will  not  relieve  me  from  acting,  as 
men  are  sometimes  compelled  by  circumstances  lo 
act,  when  every  alternative  presented  has  the  ap- 
pearance of  error. 

If  I  could  control  circumstances  with  a  wish,  I 
would  demand  the  issue  of  a  less  restricted  com- 
merce than  has  been  presented  in  either  of  the 
substitutes  before  us,  for  the  existing  tariff.  "  The 
encouragement  of  agriculture,  and  of  commerce  as 
its  handmaid,"  should  be  the  paramount  object. 

If  such  an  issue  were  presented,  I  would  venture 
to  suggest,  that  even  the  free  trade  so  much  depre- 
cated by  some,  is  the  cheap  defence  of  nations;  the 
friend  of  universal  labor  in  all  climes;  the  agent  of 
promoting  usel\il  knowledge  among  men,  of  teach- 
ing humanity  its  rights  and  the  peaceful  redress  of 
iis  wrongs;  of  infusing  the  counsels  of  pence  into 
the  deliberations  of  cabinets;  and,  finally,  the 
means  of  allaying  those  prejudices  and  paiB|jions 
that  are  Ihe  harbingers  of  hostility  among  nations, 
and  of  sowing  broadcast  in  all  [andsthe  seeds  of 
truth,  peace,  and  liberty. 


SMITHSONIAN  INSTITUTION. 
SPEECH   OF  MR.   G.  P.  MARSH, 

OF  VERMONT, 
In  the  House  of  REpnEscNTATiVES, 
Jlpril  22,  1846. 
The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  and 
having  under  consideration  the  bill  for  establish- 
ing the  Smithsonian  Institution — 
Mr.  MARSH,  after  some  preliminary  observa- 
tions, said:  I  agree,  Mr.  Cliairmun,  with  those 
who  doubt  whether  it  wns  entirely  wise  in  ihe  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States  to  accept  the  munificent 
bequest  of  Mr.  Smithson.  Were  the  question  now 
first  presented,  I  should  hesitate.  Not  thnt  1  deny 
or  even  doubt  the  power  of  Congress  to  administer 
this  chnrity,  but  I  should  question  the  propriety  of 
assuming  n  trust  which  there  is  too  much  reason 
to  fear  we  shall  not  discharge  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  give  the  fullest  effect  to  the  purposes  of  the  en- 
lightened donor.  The  history  of  this  bequest  con- 
firms these  scruples.  It  is  now  nearly  ten  years 
since  Congress,  by  a  solemn  act,  nssumeii  the 
trust,  and  jplcdged  "the  fnitli  of  the  United  Stales" 
to  its  fnithful  execution.  The  money  was  soon 
after  received,  and  immediately  pa.ssed  out  of  the 
Imiids  of  the  Government,  not  irrecoverably,  it  is  to 
be  hoped,  but  it  is,  at  ell  events,  now  beyond  our 
control,  and  no  portion  of  it  hns  been  yet  applied 
to  the  noble  ends  of  Ihe  bequest.  Tlie  difficulties 
which  have  thus  far  prevented  the  application  of 
the  fund  to  its  proper  uses  still  exist,  and  are  of 
a  character  not  likely  to  be  removed.  Our  Gov- 
ernment has  no  department  which  can  be  con- 
veniently charged  with  the  administration  of  tli* 


1846;] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSICNAL  GLOBE. 


851 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Smithsonian  Institution — Mr.  Marsh. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


charity,  nnd  must,  therefore,  begin  with  the  or- 
sanizntion  of  one  for  that  speciul  purpose.  In  this 
incipient  step  we  meet  with  obslaoles  nt  every  cor- 
ner, duestiona  are  at  once  raised  that  are  not  yet 
solved,  and  are  certainly  in  thcm.selves  of  no  easy 
solution.  How  far  con,  how  fur  ovgkt.  Congress 
to  act  in  the  direct  control  of  the  charity?  How 
far  should  it  make  specific  what  the  will  of  the 
testator  has  left  general?  If  Congress  shall  direct 
the  particular  uses  to  which  the  fund  shall  be  ap- 
plied, what  shall  those  uses  be  ?  Or  shall  we,  on 
the  other  hand,  delegate  the  trust?  and,  if  so,  shall 
we  impose  its  duties  on  departments  already  too 
heavily  burdened  with  official  responsibilities,  or 
shall  we  create  a  corporation  or  other  special  agency 
for  the  purpose?  is  there  not  danger  that  the  institu- 
tion will  be  abused  for  party  ends,  and  merely  serve 
to  swell  the  already  overgrown  potronage  of  the 
Executive?  A  previous  suggestion  of  these  difficul- 
ties might  well  have  led  us  to  hesitate  before  we 
contracted,  obligations  of  so  delicate  a  character, 
nnd  I  fear  they  are  yet  destined  for  some  time 
longer  to  impede  tho  satisfactory  action  of  Con- 
gress. 

But  it  is  now  quite  time  that  we  apply  ourselves 
in  earnest  to  the  work  of  redeeming  our  country 
from  the  reproach  of  infidelity  in  ihe  discharge  of 
so  high  and  solemn  a  trust,  and  that  at  the  earliest 
practicable  period,  and  before  the  subject  shall 
become  an  elemeiit  in  our  party  dissensions,  we 
strive  to  make  available  tcour  fellow-citizens,  and 
to  all  men,  a  gift  as  splendid  as  its  purposes  are 
no1)le. 

The  delay,  long  and  unwarrantable  as  it  is,  has 
not  been  without  its  uses.  It  lins  afforded  abun- 
dant time  for  the  collection,  comparison,  and  con- 
centration of  opinion;  able  men  in  every  walk  of 
scholastic  and  professional  life  have  been  consulted ; 
many  of  the  wisest  American  statesmen  have 
brought  tho  energies  of  their  intellects  to  the  ex- 
amination of  the  subject;  it  has  been  largely  dis- 
cussed in  both  branches  of  the  National  Legisla- 
ture; numerous  studiously  considered  plans  have 
been  suggested,  providing-in  different  ways  for 
every  interest  which  can  be  supposed  to  be  em- 
braced within  the  views  of  the  testator;  and  the 
bill  now  before  us  is  a  compilation,  an  anthology, 
so  10  speak,  from  all  these,  though  possessing 
original  features — valuable  features — the  credit  oY 
which  belongs  to  the  chairman  of  the  special  com- 
mittee, [Mr.  Owen,]  by  whom  the  bill  was  re- 
ported. 

In  a  case  where  there  is  room  for  so  great  diver- 
sity of  opinion  as  in  this,  there  can  be  no  hope  of 
the  adoption  of  any  plan  not  conceived  in  a  spirit 
of  compromise;  and  on  this,  ns  on  another  larger 
question,  however  widely  apart  we  may  be  nt  firr'*, 
we  shall  probably  find  ourselves  in  the'end  obliged 
to  setile  down  upon  the  parallel  of  49°.  The  bill 
is  reported  by  the  special  committee  as  a  compro- 
mise, and  probably  no  one  of  tho  gentlemen  con- 
cerned in  its  preparation  is  quite  satisfied  with  its 
provisions;  no  one  believes  it  to  be  the  best  plan 
tl'.at  could  be  devised;  but  they  felt  the  necessity 
of  deferring  to  euch  other,  ns  well  as  to  the  prob- 
able opinion  of  Congress,  and  were  nearly  unani- 
mous in  thinking  it  more  likely  to  harmonize  dis- 
cordant views  than  any  oth»r  plan  suggested.  It 
was  in  tliis  belief,  nnd  in  consideration  of  the  im- 
portance and  Ihe  duty  of  early  action,  that  I,  as  a 
member  of  that  commiltee,  assented  to  the  report, 
regarding  tho  scheme,  however,  not  merely  as  a 
necessary  compromise,  but,  as  rather  nn  experi- 
ment, which  admitted,  and  wliiih  I  trusted  would 
hereafter  receive,  great  changes  in  its  conditions, 
than  as  a  complete  working  model. 

It  has  all  along  been  assumed  as  a  cordinal  prin- 
ciple, that  we  ought  to  follow  implicitly  the  will  of 
the  liberal  donor;  and  it  has  been  thought  unfor- 
tunate that  he  was  not  more  specific  in  the  appro- 
priation of  his  bounty.'  But  ho  has  given  a  proof 
of  a  generous  and  enlightened  spirit,  and  at  the 
same  time  has  paid  this  nation  the  highest  possible 
compliment,  by  usin^  the  largest  and  most  cnm- 
prehen'sive  language  in  his  bequest;  thus,  in  effect, 
saying,  thai  he  preferred  rather  to  entrust  the  dis- 

fioaul  of  this  great  fund  to  the  wisdom  and  intel- 
Igeiico  of  a  free  and  enlightened  )X!Ojile,  than  to 
limit  its  use  to  piinioscs  accordant  with  his  own 
peculiar  tastes.  Homo  gentlemen  have  thought, 
that  inasmuch  as  the  testator  has  not  specifiecl  the 
particular  mode  by  which  he  would  have  the  great 


ends  of  his  charity  accomplished,  we  are  bound  to 
infer  his  wishes  from  the  character  of  iiis  favorite 

Gurauits,  or.d  to  conform  to  his  supposed  views, 
y  confining  the  fund  to  the  promotion  of  objects, 
to  the  cultivation  of  which  his  own  time  and  re- 
searches were  devoted.  But  this  would  be  no  true 
conformity  to  the  enlightened  liberality  which 
prompte'!  so  munificent  a  gifl.  It  would  bo  a  dis- 
paragement to  80  generous  a  spirit  to  imagine,  that 
while  saying  so  much,  he  meant  so  little.  It  would 
be  so  wide  a  departure  from  his  large  and  wise 
purposes  as  fairly  to  defeat  his  noble  aims,  Had 
hf  been  in  fact  a  person  of  so  narrow  views  as  this 
argument  supposes,  he  would  have  guarded  against 
the  possible  misapplication  of  his  charity,  by  ex- 
press words  of  direction  or  restriction;  and  it  is  a 
proof  of  rare  generosity  in  an  enthusiastic  lover  of 
an  engrossing  pursuit,  that,  in  a  bequest  appropri- 
ating his  whole  estate  to  the  high  purpose  of  in- 
creasing and  diffusing  knowledge  among  men,  he 
made  no  special  provision  for  the  promotion  of 
those  sciences  which  were  to  him  the  most  attrac- 
tive of  studies. 

After  al',  however,  ho  was  not  a  student  of  so 
limited  a  range  of  inquiry  as  has  been  sometimes 
assumed.  He  was  a  man  of  studious  and  scholas- 
tic habits,  nnd  of  large  and  liberal  research;  spe- 
cially devoted,  indeed,  to  the  cultivation  of  certain 
branches  of  natural  knowledge,  but  excluding  no 
science,  no  philosophy,  from  his  sympathies.  Too 
enlightened  to  be  ignorant  of  the  commune  cincu- 
lum — the  common  bond  of  mutual  relation — which 
makes  all  knowledges  reciprocally  communicative 
and  receptive — each  borrowing  light  from  all,  and 
each  in  turn  reflecting  light  upon  all — he  was  too 
generous  to  confine  his  bounty  to  the  gratification 
of  tastes  entirely  similar  to  his  own.  None  of  the 
objects  embraced  in  this  bill  are  alien  from  his 
probable  views.  Books,  indeed,  he  did  not  col- 
iect.'as  we  propose  to  do,  because  to  one  who  had 
no  fixed  habitation  a  library  would  have  been  but 
nn  encumbrance;  and  he  lived  in  tho  great  cities  of 
Europe,  where  public  nnd  private  munificence  has 
collected  nnd  devoted  to  general  use  such  ample 
repositories  of  the  records  of  knowledge,  that  in- 
dividual accumulation  of  such  stores  is  almost 
superfluous.  But,  though  he  gathered  no  library, 
his  writings  show  him  to  have  been  a  man  of  some- 
what multifarious  rending;  and  it  is  quite  a  gratu- 
itous assumption  to  suppose  him  to  have  been  one 
of  those  narrow  minds,  who  think  no  path  worth 
travelling  but  that  which  they  have  trodden — no 
field  worth  cultivating  whose  fruits  they  have  never 
plucked.  Apart,  then,  from  the  liberty  which 
the  broad  words  of  the  will  give  us,  we  are  entitled 
to  believe  that  the  purposes  of  tho  testator  were  os 
romprchpnsive  as  the  language  he  has  used — that 
hj  aimed  at  promoting  all  knowledge  for  the  com- 
mon benefit  of  all  men — and  to  appropriate  to  the 
American  people  in  a  spirit  worthy  of  the  object 
and  of  ourselves,  the  compliment  he  has  paid  us, 
by  selecting  us  ns  the  dispensers  of  a  charily 
which  knows  no  limits  but  the  utmost  bounds  of 
human  knowledge,  and  claims  as  its  recipients  the 
men  of  this  nnd  nil  coming  ages. 

The  limitntion  of  the  bequest,  then,  is  to  the 
"  increase  and  diffusion  of  knowledge  among  men. " 
Here  two  objects  are  aimed  at.  Increase,  enlarge- 
ment, extension,  progress;  nnd  nitfusion,  spread, 
communication,  dissemination.  These  the  bill  seeks 
to  accomplish  by  various  means.  It  proposes  to 
increase  knowledge  by  collecting  specimens  of  the 
works  of  nature,  from  every  clime,  and  in  each  of 
her  kingdoms;  by  gathering  objects  in  every  branch 
of  industrial,  decorative,  representative,  and  imagi- 
native art;  by  nccunuilating  the  recordti  of  human 
action,  and  thought,  and  imagination,  in  every 
form  of  literature;  by  instituting  experimental  re- 
searches in  agriculture,  in  horticulture,  in  chemis- 
try, and  in  other  studies  founded  upon  observation. 
It  proposes  to  iliff'iise  the  knowledge  thus  accumu- 
lated, acquired  and  extended,  by  throwing  open 
to  public  use  the  diversified  collections  of  the  insti- 
tution in  every  branch  of  human  inquiry;  by  lec- 
tures upon  every  subject  of  liberal  interest;  by  a 
normal  school,  where  teachers  shall  become  pu- 
pils, and  the  best  modes  that  experience  has  de- 
vised foi"  impart'  ig  the  rudiments  of  knowledge 
shall  be  communicated;  by  preparing  nnd  distrib- 
uting models  of  scientific  apparatus,  and  by  the 
publication  of  lectures,  essays,  manuals,  and 
treatises. 


Of  the  variouB  instrumentalities  recommended  by 
this  nolilc  and  imposing  scheme,  the  simplest  ond 
most  efficient,  both  as  it  respects  the  increase  an4 
the  diffusion  of  knowledge,  is,  in  my  jud^ent, 
the  provision  for  collecting  for  public  use  a  library, 
a  museum,  and  a  gallery  of  art;  and  I  should  per- 
sonally much  prefer,  that  for  a  reasonable  pM0d, 
the  entire  income  of  the  fVind  should  be  expeRed 
in  carrying  out  this  branch  of  the  plan. 

But  in  expreBsin"  my  preference  for  such  a  pre- 
sent application  of  the  moneys  of  the  fund,  and 
my  belief  that  we  should  thus  best  accomplish  the 
purposes  of  tho  donor,  I  desire  not  to  be  under- 
stood as  speaking  contemptuously  of  research  and 
experiment  in  natural  knowledge  and  the  econo- 
mic arts,  I  have  too  much  both  of  interest  and  of 
feeling  staked  upon  the  prosperity  of  these  arts, 
and  they  are  to  me  subjects  too  intrinsically  attrac- 
tive, to  allow  me  to  be  indifferent  to  any  measure 
which  promises  to  promote  their  advancement,  I 
am  even  convinced  that  their  earnest  cultivation 
and  extension  are  absolutely  indispensable  to  our 
national  prosperity,  our  true  independence,  and 
almost  our  poiiticel  existence;  and  I  um  atall  times 
ready  to  maintain  their  claim  to  all  the  legislative 
favor  which  it  is  within  the  power  of  the  General 
Government  to  bestow.  1  would  not,  therefor*, 
exclude  them  from  the  plan  of  a  great  national  in- 
stitution for  the  promotion  of  oil  good  learning; 
but  I  desire  to  assign  them  their  true  place  in  the 
scale  of  human  knowledge,  but  I  must  be  permit- 
ted to  express  my  dissent  from  the  doctrine  im- 
plied by  the  bill,  a.<!  originally  framed,  nnd  referred 
to  the  special  committee,  which  confines  all  knowl- 
edge, all  science,  to  the  numerical  and  quantitative 
values  of  material  things.  Reseorches  in  such 
branches  as  were  the  favored  objects  of  that  bill, 
have  in  general  little  of  a  really  scientific  character. 
Geology,  mineralogy,  even  chemistry,  are  but 
assemblages  of  apparent  facts,  empirically  estab- 
lished; and  this  must  always  be  true,  to  a  great 
extent,  of  every  study  which  rests  upon  obaervatioii 
and  experiment  alone.  True  science  is  the  classi- 
fication and  arrangement  of  necessary  primary 
truths,  according  to' their  relations  wiili  each  other, 
and  in  reference  to  the  logical  deductions  which 
may  bo  made  from  them.  Such  science,  the  only 
absolute  knoicledfe,  is  the  highest  nnd  worthiest 
object  of  human  inquiry,  and  must  be  drawn  from 
deeper  sources  than  the  crucible  and  the  retort. 

The  hill  provides  for  the  construction  of  build- 
ings, with  suitable  apartments  for  a  library,  and 
for  collections  in  the  various  branches  of  natural 
knowledge  and  of  art,  and  directs  the  annual  ex- 
penditure of  a  sum  "  not  exceeding  an  average  of 
ten  thousand  dollars,  for  the  gradual  formation  of 
a  library  composed  of  valuable  works  pertaining 
to  all  departments  of  human  knowledge."  As! 
have  already  indicated,  I  consider  this  the  most 
valuable  feature  of  the  plan,  though  I  think  the 
amount  unwisely  restricted;  and  I  shall  confine 
the  few  observations  I  design  to  submit  respecting 
the  bill  chiefly  to  the  consideration  of  tliis  single 
provision,  I  had  originally  purposed  to  examine 
the  subject  from  quite  a  different  point  of  view, 
but  the  eloquent  remarks  of  the  chairman  of  the 
special  committee,  [Mr.  Owen,]  which  seem  to 
be  intended  as  an  argument  rather  against  this 
provision  than  in  favor  of  the  bill;  and  as  a  reply 
to  tho  able  and  brilliant  speech  of  a  distinguished 
member  of  another  branch  of  Congress,  upon  a 
former  occasion,  (Mr.  Cmoate,]  has  induced  mo 
to  take  a  somewhat  narrower  range  than  I  should 
otherwise  have  done.  I  wi.'s  sir,  that  Senator 
was  here  to  rejoin,  in  his  owii  proper  person,  to 
the  beautiful  speech  of  the  gentleman  fi-om  Indiana, 
who  seems  rather  to  admire  the  rhetoric,  than  to 
be  convinced  by  the  logic,  of  the  eloquent  orator 
to  whom  I  refer.  In  that  case,  sir,  I  think  my 
frienil  from  Indiana,  trenchant  as  are  his  own 
weapons,  would  feel,  as  many  have  fV'lt  before, 
that  the  polishetl  blade  of  the  gentleman,  who  lately 
did  such  honor  to  Massachusetts  in  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States,  is  not  the  less  keen,  because, 
like  Ilarmodius  and  Aristogiton,  he  wraps  it  in 
sprays  of  myrtle. 

It  has  been  objected  by  some,  that  the  appro- 
priation is  too  large  for  the  purpose  expressed— 
"  The  gradual  formation  of  a  library  composed  of 
valuable  works  pertaining  to  all  departments  of 
human  knowledge."  But  if  we  consider  how 
much  is  embraced  in  these  comprohensire  words, 


853 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Apri!  2«?, 


2^B  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Smithtonian  Institution — Mr.  Marsh. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


we  shall  arrive  at  a  very  difleftnt  conc'usinn. 
The  great  libraries  of  Europe  ranee  from  200,0'V' 
to  half  a  million,  or  jierlinps  even  750,000  volumes. 
That  of  the  University  of  Gottingen,  the  moat  use- 
ful of  all  for  the  purposes  of  general  scholarship, 
conttiins  about  300,000.  How  lon^  would  it  re- 
qiapto  collect  a  library  like  this,  with  an  annual 
ex^nditure  of  $10,000  ?  The  library  of  Congress 
is  said  to  have  cost  about  $3  50  per  volume;  but, 
08  a  whole,  it  hus  not  been  economically  purchas- 
ed, and  though  composed  chiefly  of  works  which 
do  not  maintain  a  permanently  high  price,  yet  as 
a  large  proportion  of  the  annual  purchases  consists 
of  miv  booKs  from  the  press  of  London,  the  dear- 
est book  market  in  the  world,  its  cost  has  been 
much  higher  than  that  of  a  great  miscellaneous 
library  ought  to  be.  The  best  public  library  in 
America,  for  its  extent,  (10,000  volumes,)  which 
I  am  happy  to  say  is  that  of  the  University  of  my 
native  Stale,  Vermont,  cost  but  #1  50  per  volume. 
It  can  hardly  he  expected  that  Government,  which 
always  pays  the  highest  price,  will  be  so  favorably 
dealt  with;  and  it  is  scarcely  to  be  hoped  that  it 
will  succeed  in  securing  the  services  of  so  faithful 
and  so  competent  an  agent  as  was  employed  by 
the  University  of  Vermont. 

I  have  myself  been,  unfortunately  for  my  purse, 
a  book-buyer,  and  have  had  occasion  to  procure 
books,  not  only  in  this  country,  but  from  all  the 
principal  book  marts  in  Western  Europe.  From 
my  own  experience,  and  some  inquiry,  1  nm  satis- 
fied  that  the  whole  cost  of  such  boo!ts  as  a  national 
lilirary  ought  to  consist  of,  including  binding  and 
all  oiner  chaises,  except  the  compensation  and 
travelling  expenses  of  an  agent,  shi^uld  not  exceed 
two  dollars  per  volume.  If  you  allow  ^9,000  fur 
the  com))ensation  and  expenses  of  an  agent,  (which 
would  not  be  increased  upon  a  considerably  larger 
expenditure,)  you  have  p,000  remaining,  which, 
at  the  average  cost  I  have  supposed,  would  pur- 
chase four  thousand  volumes  a  year.  How  long, 
I  repeat,  would  it  require  at  this  rate  to  accnmu- 
lole  a  library  equal  in  extent  to  that  of  Gottingcn  ? 
More  thai,  seventy  years.  In  some  seventy  years, 
then,  in  three  score  years  and  ten,  when  you,  sir, 
and  I,  and  all  who  hear  my  voice,  and  all  (he  pres- 
ent actors  in  this  busy  world  shall  be  numbered 
with  the  dead,  wo  may  hope  that  free,  enlightened 
America,  by  the  too  sparing  use  of  the  generous 
bounty  of  a  stranisrer,  will  possess  a  collection  of 
the  recorded  workings  of  the  human  mind  not  in- 
ferior to  that  now  enjoyed  liy  a  single  school  in 
the  miniature  kingdom  of  Hanover.  And  what 
provision  is  made  for  the  increase  of  books  mean- 
while ?  Look  at  the  activity  of  the  presses  of  Lon- 
don and  Paris — at  the  vastly  |)rolific  literature  of 
Germany — at  the  increasing  production  of  our  own 
country — to  omit  the  smaller  but  still  voluable  con- 
tributions 10  the  store  of  human  knowledge  in  the 
longuages  of  other  countries,  and  you  will  per- 
ceive that  this  appropriation,  so  fur  from  being 
extravagantly  large,  will  scarcely  even  surBce  for 
keeping  up  with  the  current  literature  of  the  dny. 
Gottingen,  meantime,  will  go  on.  Her  300,000 
volumes  will  increase  in  seventy  years  to  half  a 
million,  and  we  shall  still  lag  200,000  volumes 
behind. 

Thr  utility  of  gi-ent  libraries  has  been  question- 
ed, and  it  has  been  confidently  asserted  that  all 
truly  valuable  knowledge  is  comprised  in  a  com- 
paratively small  number  of  volumes.  It  is  Naid 
that  the  vast  collections  of  the  Vatican,  of  Paris, 
of  Munich,  and  of  Copenhagen,  are,  in  a  great  meas- 
ure, composed  of  works  originally  worthless,  or 
now  obsolete,  or  superseded  ny  new  editions,  or 
surpassed  by  later  treatises.  That  there  is  some 
foundation  for  this  opinion  I  shall  not  deny;  but 
after  every  deduction  is  made  upon  these  accounts, 
there  will  still  remain  in  any  of  these  libraries  a 
ercat  number  of  works  which,  having  orifjinally 
had  intrinsic  worth,  have  yet  their  permanent 
value.  Uccauso  a  newer,  or  better,  or  truer  book 
upon  a  given  suiijcct  now  exists,  it  does  not  neces- 
sarily follow  that  the  older  and  inferior  is  to  be 
rejected.  It  may  contain  important  tniths  or  in- 
teresting views  that  later,  and,  upon  the  whole, 
better  authors  have  overlooked — it  may  embody 
curious  anecdotes  of  forgollen-  times — it  may  be 
valuable  as  an  illiistratinn  of  the  history  of  opin- 
ion, or  as  a  model  of  composition;  or,  if  of  great 
antiquity,  it  may  possess  much  interest  aa  a  speci- 
men of  early  typography. 


Again,  becauie  any  one  individual,  even  the 
most  learned,  cannot,  in  thjs  short  life,  exhaust  all 
art,  because  he  can  thoroughly  master  but  a  few 
hundred  volumes,  read,  or  even  have  occasion  to 
consult,  but  a  l^w  thousands,  we  are  not  therefore 
authorized  to  conclude  that  nil  beyond  these  are 
superfluous.  Each  of  the  hundred  authors,  who 
have  produced  those  thousands  of  volumes,  had 
read  also  hia  thousands.  The  scholar  is  formed, 
not  by  the  books  alone  that  he  has  read ,  but  he 
receives,  at  second  hand,  the  essence  of  multitudes 
of  others;  for  every  good  book  supposes  and  im- 
plies the  previous  existence  of  numerous  otlier 
good  books. 

An  individual  even  of  moderate  means,  and  who 
is  content  to  confine  his  studies  within  somewhat 
narrow  bounds,  may  select  and  acquire  for  himself 
a  library  adequate  to  his  own  intellectual  wants 
and  tastes,  thoue:li  entirely  unsuitcd  to  the  purpo- 
ses of  one  of  di;ieient  or  larger  aims,  and  uy  the 
diligent  use  oi  this,  he  may  attain  n  high  degree  of 
mental  culture;  but  a  national  library  can  be  ac- 
commodated to  no  narrow  or  arbitrary  standar<l. 
It  must  embrace  all  science — all  history — all  lan- 
guages. It  must  be  extensive  enough,  and  diver- 
sified enough,  to  furnish  aliment  enough  for  the 
cravings  of  every  appetite.  We  need  some  great 
establishment,  that  shall  not  hoard  its  treasures 
with  the  jealous  niggardliness  which  locks  up  the 
libraries  of  Britain,  but  shall  emulate  the  generous 
munificence  which  throws  open  to  the  world  the 
boundless  stores  of  literary  wealth  of  Germany 
ond  France — some  exhaustless  fountain,  where  the 
poorest  and  humblest  aspirant  may  slake  his  thirst 
for  knowledge,  without  money  and  without  price. 

Of  all  places  in  our  territory,  this  central  heart  of 
the  nation  is  the  fittest  for  such  an  establishment. 
It  is  situated  in  the  middle  zone  of  our  system — 
easily  and  cheaply  accessible  from  every  quarter 
of  the  Union — blessed  with  a  mild,  a  salubrious, 
and  an  equable  climate — abundant  in  the  necessa- 
ries and  comforts  of  physical  life — far  removed 
from  the  din  of  commerce,  and  free  from  narrow 
and  sectional  influences. 

Let  us  here  erect  such  a  temple  of  the  muses, 
served  and  gunided  by  no  exclusive  priesthood, 
but  with  its  hundred  gates  thrown  open,  that  every 
votary  may  enter  unquestioned,  and  you  will  find 
it  thronged  with  ardent  worshi|.pers,  who,  though 
poverty  may  compel  them  to  subsist,  like  Heyne, 
on  the  pods  of  pulse  and  llie  parings  of  roots,  shall 
yet  forget  the  hunger  of  the  body  in  the  more 
craving  wants  of  the  soul. 

From  the  limited  jiowers  of  our  National  Gov- 
ernment, and  the  jealous  cnrc  with  which  their 
exercise  is  watched  and  resisted,  in  cases  where 
t!'e  interests  of  mere  humniiity — not  party — are 
concerned,  it  can  do  little  Inr  the  general  promo- 
tion of  literature  and  science.  The  present  iJn 
rare  opportunity,  the  only  one  yet  olTcrcd,  and 
never,  perhaps,  to  be  repeated ,  for  taking  our  proper 
place  omong  the  nations  of  the  earth,  not  merely 
us  a  politir^i  society,  but  as  jiatrons  of  knowledge 
and  the  liberal  oris.  The  treasures  of  our  national 
wealth  are,  perhaps,  not  at  our  command  for  this 


purpose;  and  it  is  only  by  the  discreet  use  of  this 
beriuest,  and  of  the  funds  which  private  liberality 
will  assuredly  contribute  to  extend  the  means  of 


the  institution,  that  we  can  hope  to  kindle  a  lumi 
nary,  whose  light  shall  encompass  the  cnrlh,  and 
repay  to  Europe  the  illumination  we  have  borrow- 
ed from  her. 

The  library  of  Gottingcn,  of  which  I  have 
spoken,  contains  six  times  as  many  voliiincs  ns 
the  largest  American  collections;  it  liiis  been  accu- 
mulated within  a  comparalivcly  short  period — 
scarcely  a  century — and,  having  been  selected 
upon  a  fixed  plan  by  the  aldest  scholars  in  the 
world,  it  contains  few  books  originally  without 
merit,  few  duplicates,  and  lew  whicli  the  progress 
of  science  and  literature  have  rendered  worthless. 
And  yet,  though  upon  the  whole  tlio^bcst  existing 
library,  it,  in  many  d('|rarlments,  'does  not  np- 
proacli  to  completeness,  and  the  scholars  who 
resort  to  it  are  often  obliged  to  seek  elsewhere 
sources  of  knowledge  which  Gottingen  does  not 
aff"nrd. 

We  shall  perhaps  be  best  able  to  estimate  our 
own  deficiencies  and  wants  by  comparing  the  con- 
tents of  our  Congressional  Library  with  the  actuol 
extent  of  existing  literature.  The  library  of  Con- 
gress contains  more  than  40,000  volumes,  in  gen- 


eral valuable  and  well  chosen,  with  not  many  du- 
plicates, not  many  books  that  one  would  altogether 
reject.  It  is  not  composed,  like  too  many  of  our 
public  libraries,  in  any  considerable  degree,  of 
books  which  have  been  given,  because  the  proprie- 
tor found  them  ton  worthless  to  keep,  but  it  has 
been  almost  wholly  purchased  and  selected  from 
the  best  Enropean  sale  catalogues,  and  yet  there  is 
■.10  one  branch  of  liberal  study,  even  among  those 
of  greatest  interest  to  ourselves,  in  which  it  is  not 
miserably  deficient. 

There  is,  perhaps,  no  better  general  catalogue  of 
such  books,  in  the  various  departments  of  learn- 
ing, as  are  prized  by  coljectors,  than  the  Table 
Methndique,  in  the  last  edition  of  Brunei's  Manuel 
du  Libraire.  Brunet  enumerates  more  than  30,0(10 
works,  making,  in  the  whole,  about  100,000  vol- 
umes, and  professes  to  specify  only  the  most  im- 
portant and  the  rarest.  The  list  contains,  no  doubt, 
very  many  works  of  little  intrinsic  worth,  or  even 
adventitious  interest;  but  it  is,  perhaps,  not  too 
much  to  say,  that  a  library  of  the  larger  cla.ss 
ought  to  possess  at  least  35,000  of  the  volumes  it 
specifies.  But  this  list  is  even  tolerably  complete 
in  but  few  departments.  In  French  history  and 
literature,  in  civil  and  international  law,  in  the 
history  and  literature  of  classical  antiquity  and  of 
early  typography,  in  theology,  in  medicine,  you 
will  find  it  perhaps  nearly  satisfactory;  but  in  the 
history  and  literature  of  all  other  nations,  and  in 
almost  every  other  field  of  inquiry  but  those  I  have 
mentioned,  the  learned  scholar  will  miss  the  titles 
of  many  more  valuable  works  ihan  he  will  find, 
while  many  highly  interesting  and  ininorlant  chap- 
ters are  almost  entirely  blank.  The  Congressional 
Library  does  not  probably  contain  one  fourth  even 
of  the  small  proportion  of  Brunei's  list  which  I  have 
described  ns  of  intrinsic  and  permanent  value.  But 
are  there  not  numerous  branches  of  knowledge  well 
worthy  a  place  in  every  great  literary  repository, 
and  which  are  yet  wholly  unrepresented  in  our 
alcoves.'  Let  us  devote  n  moment  to  some  dry 
statistics  concerning  the  literature  of  continental 
Europe.  The  Bibliotlieca Histoiica  Sueo-Gothica 
of  Warmholtz,  the  last  volume  of  which  appeared 
in  1817,  enumerotes  no  less  than  10,000  works 
ilhistrativo  of  the  kiatory  of  Sweden  alone;  and  the 
thirty  years  since  have  added  greatly  to  the  num- 
ber. The  Literntnr-Lcxicon  of  Nyerup,  published 
in  1820,  gives  the  titles  of  probably  an  equal  num- 
ber of  works  belonging  to  the  literature  of  the 
countries  subject  to  the  Danish  crown.  Holland, 
too,  has  nobfc  historians,  naturalists,  pneis,  and 
dramatists,  and  has  produced  many  works  of  un- 
surpassed value  upon  the  history  of  commerce  and 
navigation.  TlielistofHrunet  contains  not  one  in 
a  hundred  of  the  standard  authors  of  these  several 
countries;  and  the  librory  of  Congress,  as  far  as  I 
remember,  does  not  possess  a  volume  in  the  lan- 
guage of  cither  of  them.  Again,  consider  the  vast 
extent  and  surpassing  value  of  the  literature  of 
Germany.  Of  the  3,000,000  different  volumes  of 
printed  books  supposed  to  exist,  it  is  computed  that 
more  than  one-tliird  are  in  the  German  language. 
The  learning  of  Germany  embraces  every  field  of 
human  inipiiry,  and  the  eflTiirts  of  her  scholars 
have  done  more  to  extend  the  bounds  of  modern 
knowledge  than  the  united  labors  of  the  restof  tho 
Christian  world.  Every  scholar  familiar  with  her 
literature — let  me  not  say  familiar,  for  life  is  too 
short  for  any  man  to  count  its  boundless  treasures — 
but  every  enlightened  student  who  hus  but  dipped 
into  it,  will  readily  confess  its  infinite  superiority 
to  any  other,  1  might  almost  say  to  all  other  litera- 
tures. It  has  been  affirmed  that  more  than  one- 
half  of  our  population  is  of  recent  German  origin, 
and  German  is  the  vernacular  tongue  of  extensive 
districts  of  American  soil.  Yet  the  library  of  Con- 
gress contains  not  one  hundred,  probably  not  fifty, 
vnliimcE.  ill  that  noble  language.  You  have  none 
of  the  numerous  writers  trf  the  vast  empire  of  Rus- 
sia, or  of  Poland;  nothing  of  the  curious  literatures 
of  Hungary  and  Bohemia;  only  the  commonest 
books  in  Italian  and  Spanish;  not  a  volume  in  tho 
language  of  Portugal ,  rich  as  it  is  in  various  litera- 
ture, ami  especially  in  the  wild  yet  true  romance  of 
oriental  discovery  and  conquest,  that  comes  down 
to  us  through  the  pages  of  learned  De  Barros  and 
quaint  old  Castanhcdo,  ringing  upon  the  ear  and 
stirring  the  blood  like  the  sound  of  o  far-off"  trum- 
pet. In  the  boundless  world,  too,  of  oriental  learn- 
ing, of  which  our  increasing  commercial  relatioirs 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


853 


29tu  Cong Ist  Sess. 


Smithsonian  Institution — Mr.  Marsh. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


many  du- 
al together 
ny  of  our 
Jegree,  of 
1  proprie- 
)ut  it  has 
cted  from 
et  there  is 
ong  those 
h  it  is  not 


with  the  countries  of  the  East  render  it  highly 
desirable  that  we  should  possess  the  means  of 
acquiring  a  knowledge,  you  have  nothing  to  show 
but  a  few  translations  of  the  Bilde,  and  perhaps 
some  works  of  devotion  or  elementary  religious 
doctrilie,  which  American  missionaries  have  pre- 
sented you. 

Will  it  not  bo  admitted  that  an  American  libra- 
ry, the  national  library  of  a  neopic  descended  from 
men  of  every  clime,  and  blood,  nnd  language — a 
country  which  throws  open  its  doors  aa  an  asylum 
for  the  oppressed  of  every  race  and  every  tongue, 
should  be  somewhat  more  comprehensive  in  its 
range  ?  That  it  should  at  least  have  some  repre- 
sentatives of  every  branch  of  human  Icarnino;, 
some  memorials  of  every  written  tongue  that  is 
spoken  within  its  Ixirdcrs? 

But,  even  in  English  literature,  our  library  is 
sadly  meagre.  How  far  are  we  from  possesBing 
H  tolerably  complete  scries  of  the  English  printed 
imoks  of  the  filtcenth  nnd  sixteenth  centuries,  or 
even  of  that  best  age  of  English  learning,  that  age 
wiih  which  every  honest  American  most  truly 
sympathizes,  the  age  of  Cromwell  and  of  Milton  ? 
Would  it  not  be  well  to  have  at  our  command  the 
means  of  enabling  some  diligent  scholar  to  write, 
what  has  not  yet  been  worthily  written,  or  indeed 
scarce  even  attempted,  a  complete  history  of  the 
literature  of  our  Anglo-Saxon  motlier  tongue — or 
to  perform  that  Herculean  task,  which,  in  spite  of 
the  vaunted  but  feeble  labors  of  Webster,  remains 
still  to  be  accomplished ,  the  preparation  of  a  re- 
spectable English  dictionary  ? 

If  there  is  any  department  of  learning,  in 
which  a  library  selected  for  the  use  of  the  rep- 
resentatives of  a  democracy  should  be  complete, 
it  is  that  of  history.  But  what  have  we  of  tlie 
sources  of  historical  investigation?  Historien  in- 
deed we  have,  but  little  Aisfonf.  True,  we  have 
Robertson,  and  Hume,  and  Voltaire,  and  Gib- 
bon, and,  above  all,  Alison,  a  popular  writer  in 
these  days,  and — 

"  Like  Sir  Aijrippa,  for  prnrounil 
And  Kolid  lying,  niucli  renowned  \" 

but  of  those  materials  from  which  Inu  history  is  to 
be  drawn,  we  have  little,  very  little.  The  works 
belonging  to  the  proper  history  of  the  American 

continent  i\l .everyone  of  which  it  would  be 

highly  desirable  to  possess,  number  certainly  more 
than  20,0110  volumes,  fully  equal  to  one-half  the 
Congressional  library,  nnd  of  these  we  have,  aa 
yet,  l)uta  small  proportion. 

If  the  bounty  of  Ino  generous  foreigner,  in  spite 
of  the  broad  language  which  expresses  his  liberal 
purpose,  is  to  be  confined  to  the  narrow  uses  whicli 
some  gentlemen  propose,  the  appropriation  of 
AlOgOOO  per  annum  is  unnecessarily  large,  at  least 
for  permanent  expenditure.  A  moderate  nmount 
would  collect  nil  tiiat  is  worth  buying  in  the  ex- 
perimental sciences,  and  a  small  annual  appropri- 
ation would  keep  up  with  the  advance  of  knowl- 
edge in  this  department.  But  it  Is  due  to  our- 
selves, due  lo  our  age,  due  to  the  lofty  views  which 
inspired  a  benefaction  so  splendid — a  gift  clogged 
witn  no  narrow  conditions — that  we  act  in  a  more 
generous,  a  wider,  a  more  catholic  spirit;  that  we 
remember,  that  "  knowledge"  embracea  other  arts 
than  those  of  bread;  that  man's  economical  inter- 
ests are  not  his  highest. 

The  purpose  of  the  testator,  .vhich  we  are  to 
y  out,  was  "  the  increase  ond  diffusion  of 
knowledge  among  men."  What,  then,  is  the 
most  efficient  means  of  increasing  and  diffusing 
knowledge?  Increase,  accumulation,  must  precede 
diffusion.  Every  rill  supposes  a  founlam;  and 
knowledge  cannot  "  flow  down  our  streets  like  a 
river,"  without  there  be  first  built  and  filled  a 
capacious  reservoir,  from  which  those  streams 
shall  issue.  It  la  an  error  to  suppose  that  the  accu- 
inulntion  of  the  stores  of  existing  learning,  the 
iiniassing  of  the  records  of  intellectual  action,  does 
not  tend  also  to  increase  knowledge.  What  is  there 
new  in  the  material  world,  except  by  extraclinii  or 
combination?  How  are  new  substances  formed, 
or  the  stock  of  a  given  substance  increased,  by  the 
chemistry  of  nature  or  of  art?  By  new  coinGlna- 
tlons  or  decompositions  of  known  nnd  preexisting 
elements.  The  products  of  the  cx])erlmentul  or 
manufacturing  laboratory  ore  no  new  creotions; 
but  their  elements  are  first  extracted  by  the  decom- 
position of  old  compounds,  and  then  recomblned 
in  new  forms.    Thus  is  it  also,  in  some  degree, 


with  the  immaterial  products  of  the  human  mind; 
but  there  is  this  difference:  knowledge  grows  not 
alone  by  extraction  and  combination,  but,  unlike 
the  dead  matter  with  which  chemistry  deals,  it  is 
itself  organic,  living,  productive.  There  is,  more- 
over, as!  have  already  hinted ,  between  all  branches 
of  knowledge  and  of  liberal  art,  whether  specula- 
tive or  experimental,  such  an  indissoluble  bond, 
such  a  relation  of  interdependence,  that  you  cannot 
advance  any  one  without  at  the  same  time  pro- 
moting all  others.  The  pioneer  in  every  walk  of 
science  strikes  out  sparks,  that  not  only  guide  his 
own  researches,  but  illuminato  also  the  paths  of 
those  around  him,  though  they  may  be  laboring 
in  quite  other  directions.  Examples  of  this  kind 
might  be  multiplied  without  end,  but  I  will  con- 
tent myself  with  an  illustration  or  two  from  a  sci- 
ence which  deals  only  in  abstract  numbers  and 
imaginary  quantities,  and  utterly  rejects  experi- 
ment and  observation  as  tests  of  truth  or  as  instru- 
ments of  its  discovery.  Who  would  have  supposed 
that  the  intervals  of  the  diatonic  scale  In  music 
were  capable  of  exact  appreciation,  and  their  rela- 
tions of  precise  ascertainment,  by  numerical  quan- 
tities? Who  would  have  expected  that  pure 
mathematics  would  have  been  appealed  to  to  decide 
between  the  rival  claims  of  the  corpuscular  nnd  the 
undulatory  theories  of  light;  or  to  asccrlnin  the 
proportions  and  relations  of  elementary  bodies  not 
apiucclable  by  ony  of  the  senses,  in  chemical  com- 
binations; or,  as  my  accomplished  friend  from 
South  Carolina  (Mr.  Holmes)  suggests,  thot  the 
authenticity  of  a  disputed  text  In  ihe  Scriptures 
would  be  determined  by  an  algebraical  theorem  ? 
What  do  not  astronomy,  navigation,  civil  engi- 
neering, proctical  mechanics,  and  all  the  experi- 
mental sciences,  owe  to  this  one  science,  which  in 
Its  investigations  appeals  to  no  empiricism,  calls 
in  the  aid  of  none  oi  the  senses,  none  of  the  ma- 
chinery of  art  orof  noturc? 

But,  independent  of  this  particular  point,  the  aid 
which  the  physical  sciences  may  expect  to  derive 
from  mere  speculative  knowledge,  I  should  hope 
that  at  this  tii.ie,  and  in  this  place,  one  might 
safely  venture  a  plea  in  behalf  of  all  that  higher 
knowledge  which  serves  to  humanize,  to  refine,  to 
elevate,  to  make  men  more  deeply  wise,  better, 
less  thoughtful  of  material  interests,  and  more  re- 
gardful of  eternal  truths.  And  let  it  not  be  said 
that  our  own  brief  history  proves  that  great  libraries 
are  superfluous,  because  without  them  we  have 
produced  statesmen,  civilians,  orators,  and  juris- 
prudents, nowise  inferior  to  the  ablest  of  their 
European  conicmpornries.  Withoutdwcllingupon 
the  stimulus  of  popular  institutions,  and  the  stir- 
ring excitement  of  our  revolutionary  and  Inter  hl.s- 
tory,  which  have  tended  to  encourage  the  develop- 
ment of  tills  sjiccles  of  talent,  the  objection  is  suffi- 
ciently answered  by  saying  that,  in  the  case  of 
most  of  the  American  statesmen  of  the  Revolution, 
as  well  as  of  many  of  later  date,  private  wealth 
has  supplied  the  place  of  public  provisions  for  the 
attainment  of  knowledge.  In  the  period  of  our 
colonial  history,  the  sons  of  wenltliy  families  were 
often  educated'in  the  best  schools  of  Europe,  and 
the  franiers  of  our  Constitution  were  chiefly  men 
of  high  education  and  elegant  attainments.  Jeffer- 
son, whose  writings  are  canonical  with  the  Democ- 
racy, had  the  best  private  library  in  America,  and 
was  a  man  of  multifarious,  if  not  of  profound 
learmiu;.  The  Slate  papers  of  that  rcmorKable  era 
are,Tlfth  a  few  exceptions,  obviously  productions 
of  men  not  merely  of  inspired  genius  or  of  pnllent 
thought,  butof  laborious  acquisition;  and  they  arc 
full,  not  of  that  chen])  learning  which  is  (irovcd  liy 
pedantic  quotation,  but  of  tlint  sound  dlscqilinc 
which  is  the  unequivocal  result  of  extensive  rend- 
ing and  diligent  research.  Who  have  been  the 
men,  in  all  ages,  that  have  exercised  the  wisest  and 
most  permanent  InHuciice  both  on  the  moral  nnd 
physical  well-being  of  man  ?  The  spirit  of  the 
crusades  was  roused  by  the  preaching  ofa  thought- 
ful solitary;  Columbus  was  a  learned  scholar,  nnd 
Luther  but  a  studious  monk.  Walt,  the  great 
improver  of  the  steam  engine,  was  a  man  of  curious 
and  recondite  learning.  Bonoparic  was  carefully 
educated  at  the  school  of  Brienne,  and  was  through 
life  a  liberal  palroii  of  learning  and  the  arts.  The 
glorious  rebellion  of  1649  was  the  work  of  men 
of  the  closet;  and  Milton,  who  to  our  slinme  is  leas 
known  nmoiig  us  by  his  prose  than  by  his  poetry, 
was  its  apostle.    Our  own  independence  was  de- 


clared and  n^aintained  by  scholan,  and  all  men 
know  that  the  French  revolution  had  its  germ  in 
the  writings  of  the  Encyclopicdisla.  All  men,  in 
fact,  who  have  acted  upon  opinion,  who  have 
contributed  to  establish  principles  that  have  left 
their  impress  for  ages,  have  spent  some  part  of 
their  lives  in  scholastic  retirement.  It  is  this  very 
point — the  maintenance  of  principles  discovered 
and  defended  by  men  prepared  for  that  service  by 
severe  discipline  ond  laborious  study — that  so 
strikingly  distinguishes  the  English  rebellion  of 
1649  and  our  own  Revolution  from  most  otiier 
insurrectionary  movements,  and  particularly  from 
the  French  revolution.  The  English  and  Ameri- 
can statesmen  of  those  two  periods  were  contend- 
ing for'tmths,  the  French  othcists  and  philosophers 
for  interests;  the  former  sought  to  learn  their  ttuiies, 
the  latter  concerned  themselves  only  about  their 
rights;  the  Anglo-Saxon  v/as  inspired  by  pri»tiji<«, 
the  Qaul  was  instigated  by  )iiunan. 

The  principles  of  American  liberty,  which  edu- 
cation and  habit  have  rendered  so  familiar  to  us, 
that  we  fancy  them  intuitive  or  even  instinctive, 
are,  in  truth,  no  more  obvious  than  the  physical 
theory  of  the  universe;  and  the  study  of  tho  philo- 
sophical and  political  history  of  the  last  three 
centuries  will  convince  every  inquirer,  that  their 
development  from  their  gern.s,  as  involved  in  the 
fundamental  doctrines  of  the  Reformation,  has 
been  tlie  work,  not  of  unconscious  time  only,  but 
has  required  llic  labor  of  successive  generations  of 
philosophers  and  statesmen. 

I  look  upon  a  great  and  well-selected-  library, 
composed  of  the  monuments  of  all  knowledge,  in 
all  tongues,  as  the  most  effective  means  of  releasing 
us  from  the  slavish  deference,  which,  in  spite  of 
our  loud  and  vaporing  protestations  of  indepen- 
dence, we  habitually  pay  to  English  precedents 
and  authorities,  in  all  matters  of  opinion.  Our 
history  and  our  political  experience  are  so  brief, 
that,  in  the  multitude  of  new  cases  which  are  per- 
petually arising,  we  are  often  at  a  loss  for  domestic 
parallels,  and  find  it  cheaper  to  cite  on  English 
dictum  than  to  investlgote  a  question  upon  more 
independent  grounds.  Not  only  are  our  parlia- 
mentary law,  our  legislative  oction,  our  judicial 
proceedings,  to  a  great  extent  fashioned  after  those 
of  the  mother  country,  but  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples of  our  Government,  our  theory  of  the  po- 
litical rights  of  man,  are  often  distorted,  in  t-der 
that  they  may  be  accommodated  to  rules  and 
definitions  drawn  from  English  constitutional  law. 
Even  the  most  sacred  of  political  rights,  the  right 
of  petition,  I  have  heard  both  ottacked  and  de- 
fended upon  this  floor,  by  very  suflicient  Demo- 
crats, entirely  itpon  precedents  drawn  from  tho 
practice  of  tho  British  Parliament.  Our  commu- 
nity of  origin,  language,  and  law,  exposes  the 
younger  nation  to  the'  constant  danger  of  being 
overshadowed  by  the  authority  of  the  elder.  It 
is  a  great  evil  to  a  young  and  growing  people,  as 
well  as  to  a  youthful  and  aspiring  spirit,  to  have 
its  ejiergles cramped,  and  its  originality  smothered, 
by  a  servile  spirit  of  conformity  to  any  one  model, 
however  excellent;  and  it  is  quite  time  for  us  to 
learn  that  there  are  other  sources  of  instruction 
than  the  counsels  and  example  of  our  ancient 
mother. 

Sir,  I  make  these  remarks  in  no  narrow  feeling 
of  jealous  hostility  to  England;  still  less  at  this 
crisis,  when  some  are  seeking  to  raise  a  whirlwind 
of  popular  indignation  against  that  country,  upon 
which  they  may  themselves  float  to  power,  would 
I  join  in  any  vulvar  denunciations  of  a  people  from 
whom  we  have  borrowed  so  much.  We  owe  to 
England  much  of  our  political  principles,  many  of 
the  foundations  of  our  civil  and  religious  liberties, 
many  of  the  most  valuable  features  of  our  juris- 
prudence. Something,  indeed,  we  have  repaid. 
England,  in  common  with  all  Europe,  has  profited 
by  our  experience.  The  grasp  of^  feudal  oppres- 
sion has  been  relaxed,  the  atrocious  severity  of  the 
criminal  law  has  been  mitigated,  judicial  proceed- 
ings have  been  simplified,  the  subject  has  been  ad- 
mitted to  a  larger  participation  in  the  concerns  of 
government,  monopolies  are  becoming  obsoleie, 
and  the  responsibilities  of  rulers  are  felt  to  be  more 
stringent.  To  the  credit  of  many  of  these  ame- 
liorations we  may  fairly  lay  claim ;  while  in  science, 
and  its  application  to  the  arts,  we  have  sustain- 
ed no  disgraceful  rivalry  with  our  transatlantic 
brethren.    But  no  generous  man  tliinks  his  debt  of 


854 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  S3  b  S4, 


)846.] 


29th  Cono l8T  Sess. 


French  SpoUationt — Mr,  John  Rf.  Clm/ton. 


ScirATE. 


crnitilude  cancelled  lill  it  in  Ihriea  repaid,  and  we 
hare  ihererore  yet  much  (n  do  before  we  can  say 
that  Amenca  ii  no  longer  the  debtor  of  England. 
Let  us, then, seize  this  one  npportnnity  which  aaon 
of  her  own  has  offered  us,Bnd  build  with  itapharos, 
whnaa  light  shall  serre  as  well  to  guide  the  mari- 
ner In  the  distant  horizon,  as  to  illuminate  him  who 
easts  anchor  at  its  foot. 

but  what  are  we  offered  instead  of  the  ndvanta- 
ges  which  wc  might  hope  to  reap  from  such  a 
Ubrary  as  I  have  described  ?  We  are  promised 
experiments  and  lectures,  a  laboratory  and  nn  au- 
dience-hnll.  8ir,  a  laboratory  is  a  charnel-house; 
chemical  decomposition  begins  with  death,  and 
experiments  are  out  the  dry  bones  of  science.  It 
is  th«  thoughtful  meditation  nlnne  of  minds  trained 
and  disciplined  in  far  other  halls,  that  can  clothe 
these  with  flesh,  and  blood, and  sinews,  and  breathe 
into  them  the  breath  of  life.  Without  a  library, 
which  ainne  can  give  such  training  and  such  dis- 
cipline, both  to  teachers  and  to  pupils,  all  these  are 
but  a  masqued  pngcant,  and  the  demonstrator  is  a 
harlequin.  This  is  not  a  question  of  idle  specu- 
lation, it  is  one  that  experience  has  answered. 
There  are  no  foci  which  ar,  gathering  and  reflect- 
ing so  much  light  upon  the  arcana  of  natural  science 
as  the  schools  of  Paris  and  Germany,  and  all  schol- 
ars are  agreed  that  the  great  libraries  of  those  sem- 
inaries, and  the  mental  discipline  acquired  by  the 
use  n!  them,  arc,  if  not  the  sole  means,  at  least 
necessary  conditions,  of  their  surpassing  excel- 
lence. 

But  ire  are  told  that  these  experii.iental  re- 
searches will  guide  us  to  the  most  imporunt  of  all 
knowledge,  that,  namely,  of  common  things.  Sir, 
what  are  common  things  ?  Is  nothing  common  but 
tliese  material  frames  of  ours ;  nothing,  but  the  gar- 
ments we  wear,  the  habitations  that  shelter,  and 
;he  food  that  nourishes  us;  nothing,  but  the  air  we 
breathe,  the  fowls  of  heaven,  the  beasts  of  the  field, 
the  herbs,  the  trees,  and  the  rocks  around  <is }  Is 
nothing  common  but  the  glittering  sands  beneath 
our  feet,  and  the  glittering  stars  on  which  we  gaze  ? 
Sir,  these  are  indeed  common, and  well  it  is  to  un- 
derstand their  uses,  and,  so  far  as  our  ditn  vision 
can  pierce,  even  their  natures  also.  But  are  there 
not  thing*  even  more  common,  nearer  to  our  in- 
most selves,  harder,  indeed,  but  more  profitable  to 
be  understood;  objects  not  limited  by  the  ihree 
dimensions,  not  ponderable,  not  cognizable,  by  any 
of  the  senses,  and  yet  subjects  of  precise  definition, 
of  logical  argument,  of  pnilosophical  interest,  and 
of  overwhelming  importance.  Sir,  the  soul  of  man 
is  a  very  common  thing;  his  relations  to  his  Maker 
and  to  his  fellows,  the  laws  of  his  moral  and  intel- 
lectual being,  his  past  history  ond  his  probable  fu- 
ture destiny,  the  principles  of  government  and  the 
lows  of  political  economy — all  these  are  common 
things,  tne  commonest  indeed  of  all  things,  and 
shall  we  make  no  provision  for  instruction  in  these  ? 

But,  sir,  the  knowledge  of  what  are  called  the 
physical  sciences  is  of  far  less  imporuince,  even  in 
reference  to  the  very  objects  which  they  arc  sup- 
posed especially  to  promote,  that  is  generally  be- 
lieved. There  was  an  age — I  should  say  ages — 
brilliantand  gloriousa^es  of  philosophers, ofsiates- 
men,  of  patriots,  of  heroes,  and  of  artists,  and 
artisans  too;  when,  as  yet,  the  sciences  of  chemis- 
try, and  mineralogy,  and  metallurgy,  had  neither 
name  nor  being — when  experimental  research  was 
unknown,  and  the  raw  material  of  the  arts  was 
prepared  for  subsequent  manipulation  in  no  labor- 
atory but  the  hidden  workshops  of  nature—when 
the  profoundest  flhilosopherji  were  content  with 
resolving  all  material  things  into  the  four  elements, 
and  men  knew  nothing  of  that  subtle  analysis  and 
those  strange  powers,  whereby  the  elements  them- 
selves are  decomposed,  the  ingredients  of  the 
atmosphere  soildlncd,  and  granite,  porphyry  and 
adamant,  resolved  into  imperceptible  gases.  And 
what,  sir,  have  our  boasted  researches  taught  us 
to  accomplish  in  the  industrial  arts,  that  the  cun- 
ning worKmen  of  Egypt,  and  Tyre,  and  Greece, 
could  not  do  three  thousand  yeara  ago  i  Can  our 
machinery  rear  loftier  piles  than  the  pyramids,  or 
move  more  ponderous  masses  than  the  stones  of 
Persenolls,  or  the  monolithic  temples  of  Egypt? 
Is  a  European  princess  krrayed  in  finer  webs  than 
the  daughter  of  a  Pharaoh,  or  decked  in  colora 
more  gorgeous  than  the  Tyrean  purple  ?  Can  the 
chemistry  of  Englana  compound  more  brilliant  or 
mora  durable  pigment*  tbaia  those  which  decorate 


the  wills  of  the  catacombs  of  the  Nile  i  Can  the 
modem  artist,  with  all  the  aid  of  his  mognifiera, 
rival  the  microscopic  minuteness  of  some  ancient 
mosaics;  or  can  the  glass-wnrkera  of  cur  times 
surpass  the  counterftit  gems  of  antiquity } 

Sir,  modem  chemistry,  metallurgy,  and  machin- 
ery have  multiplied,  chenprned  and  difi'used — 
not  improved — the  products  of  industrial  art;  and 
herein  lies  our  superiority,  not  that  we  can  do  tel- 
Itr,  but,  by  bringing  to  our  aid  the  obedient  forces 
of  nature,  we  cjm  do  tnore,  than  our  predecessors. 
In  this  point  of  view,  regarding  modern  improve- 
ment in  these  arts  as  the  great  equalizere  of  the 
conditions  of  different  ranks  in  society,  no  man 
con  estimate  them  more  highly  than  I  do,  and  I 
hope  soon  to  have  an  opportunity  of  showing  that 
I  duly  appreciate  thnm.  But  I  must  protest  against 
thot  classification  of  the  objects  of  hu.nan  know- 
ledge, which,  by  giving  them  an  undue  preemi- 
nence, elevates  empiricism  nbove  true  science, 
prcfen  matter  to  mind,  and,  in  its  zeal  to  advance 
the  mcaqs,  quite  loses  sight  of  the  end. 

Sir,  these  arc  the  right  hand,  not  the  spirit,  of 
true  progressive  Democracy;  they  are  the  lever 
that  shall  move  the  world,  not  the  immaterial  mind 
that  shall  guide  it. 

Mr.  Choirmon,  at  present  I  neither  propose  nor 
expect  any  modlfir.ntion  Af  this  bill.  I  am  content 
with  it  as  an  experiment,  though  I  should  prefer 
the  appropriation  of  the  enti  !  income  of  the  fund 
for  one  generation — three  times  only  np  long  as  it 
has  now  lain  idle — to  the  purpose  of  founding  such 
a  library  as  the  world  hos  not  yet  seen.  If  I  sup- 
port the  bill,  I  shall  support  it,  I  repeal,  as  an  ex- 
periment, but  in  the  confident  hope  that  the  plan 
win  soon  be  so  changed  as  to  make  the  Smith- 
sonian Institution  a  fitter  rcpre.wntative  of  a  charily 
which  embraces  all  knowledge  as  its  object,  and 
appoints  the  whole  human  race  its  beneficiaries. 


FRENCH  SPOLIATIONS. 
SPEECH  OF  JOHN  M.  CLAYTON, 

OF  DELAWARE, 
In  the  Senate,  ^^rif  33  and  24,  18-16. 
The  bill  to  provide  for  the  sotlafaction  of  claims  of 
American  citizens  for  spoliations  on  their  pro- 
perty, committed  by  the  French,  prior  to  the 
ratification  of  the  convention  with  France  of 
September  30th,  1800,  being  under  considera- 
tion— 

Mr.  CLAYTON  'oae  and  soid: 
Mr.  President:  The  hill  now  under  considera- 
tion is  one  in  which  the  citizens  of  the  Slate  which 
I  hove  the  honor  in  part  to  represent  here  have, 
perhaps,  as  little  pecuninry  interest  as  any  equal 
number  of  their  fellow-clllzenH  in  any  part  of  the 
United  States.  No  personal  consiileration  has 
n|ieratcd  on  my  mind  to  induce  me  to  support  this 
measure;  yet  I  feel  bound,  in  justice,  to  soj  that, 
after  the  most  thorough  inveslisotion  which  I  hove 
been  able  to  bestow  on  the  claims  for  which  it  is 
now  proposed  to  oflVr  compensation,  I  hold  the 
rights  of  the  claimants  to  that  compensotion  to  be 
fully  substantiated  by  the  evidence  before  us;  and 
i  that  the  honor  of  this  Government  imperatively 
demands  at  our  hands  the  speedy  jutssage  of  the 
bill  on  your  table. 

This  bill  appropriates  a  sum,  not  exceediBg  five 
millions  of  dollars,  to  lie  paid  to  such  cltnlns  of 
the  United  States,  or  their  legal  representatives, 
OS  hod  valid  claims  to  indemnity  upon  the  French 
Government,  arising  out  of  illegal  captures  and 
confiscations  committed  prior  to  the  ratification 
of  the  convention  between  the  United  States 
and  the  French  Republic,  concluded  on  the  30tli 
September,  1800,  the  ratificnilons  of  which  were 
exchanged  on  the  31st  of  July,  1801.  It  directs 
the  appointment  of  three  commissinnera  to  decide 
the  amount  and  validity  of  these  claims,  and  that 
the  commi.isioners,  in  case  the  claims  exceed  five 
millions  of  dollars,  shall  divide  the  -jum  appro- 
priated by  the  bill  pro  rata  among  '.i:e  claimants, 
which,  when  poid,  shall  be  in  full  f.lscharge  of  all 
claims  for  compensation  for  the  class  of  cases  for 
which  provision  is  intended  to  bi  nade. 

It  will  be  perceived  that  this  is  the  same  bill, 
with  some  not  very  Importont amendments,  which 
passed  this  Senate  lr>  a  third  reading  on  the  10th 
day  of  February,  1845,  by  a  vole  of  yea*  90(  nays  ' 


IS.  A  similar  bill  passed  the  Senate  on  the  8d  dMr 
of  February,  1833,  by  a  vote  of  yeas  95,  nays  30; 
and,  sir,  I  wn*  one  of  those  33  who  had  the  honor 
to  record  their  votes,  more  than  eleven  yeora  ago, 
in  fhvor  of  that  bill.  The  bill  now  before  us,  by 
its  express  provisions,  is  exempt  from  many  of 
the  objections  which  were  taken  against  the  bill* 
reported  prior  to  1680.  The  opponents  of  the 
measura  formerly  contended  (though  I  think  their 
argument  was  completely  refuted)  that  these 
claimants  had  been  provided  for  by  the  treaty  for 
the  purchase  of  Louisiana.  This  bill  obviates  aU 
objections  of  that  character,  by  an  express  proviso 
that  It  shall  not  extend  to  such  claims  as  aresitipu- 
lated  for,  and  embraced  in,  the  convention  between 
the  United  States  and  the  French  Republic,  con- 
cluded on  the  30th  of  April,  1803,  and  for  the 
liquidation  and  payment  of  which  provision  is 
made  in  that  convention.  It  was  formerly  ob- 
jected, against  these  claims,  that  some  of  them,  at 
least,  had  been  paid  under  the  provisions  of  the 
Florida  treaty.  The  bill  on  your  table  obviates 
all  objections  of  this  character,  by  an  express  pro- 
viso that  it  shall  not  extend  to  such  claims  as  were 
allowed  and  paid,  in  whole  or  in  part,  under  the 
provisions  of  the  treaty  between  the  United  States 
and  Spain,  concluded  on  the  33d  February,  1819. 
Since  the  passage  of  the  bill  of  1835,  it  has  been 
suppposed  by  some  that  a  portion  of  these  claims 
was  allowed  under  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  of 
Paris,  negotiated  by  Mr.  Rives;  but  the  bill  on 
your  table  renders  it  unnecessary  to  enter  into  the 
inquiry,  (though  it  would  be  'aay  to  show  that  the 
supposition  is  entirely  erronrtus,)  for  it  is  ex- 
pressly provided  in  the  bill  tKat  it  shall  not  extend 
to  such  claims  os  were  allowed,  in  whole  or  in 
part,  under  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  with  Fnmce 
of  July,  1831. 

The  bill  on  your  table,  also,  by  its  express  pro- 
visions, meets  another  objection  whicli  has  often 
heretofore  been  iirj^ed  against  similar  measure* 
proposed  for  the  relief  of  these  claimants.  It  ha* 
been  supposed,  and  often  assumed,  by  the  oppo- 
nents of  these  claims,  without  the  shadow  of  foun- 
dation to  sustoin  them,  that  the  claims  have  been 
the  subject  of  extensive  speculation  and  sale  in  the 
money  markets  of  the  country;  that  they  have 
been  bought  up  fur  a  trifle  by  pereons  who  have 
speculated  on  the  distresses  of  tne  claimants,  and 
that  they  are  no  lnn{a;er  in  the  hands  of  the  original 
claimants,  or  of  their  legal  representatives.  This 
allegation,  though  it  has  been  often  made,  never 
had  any  foundation  in  truth.  It  was  demonstrated 
by  an  exhibit,  appended  to  a  report  in  the  other 
House,  in  1840,  that  the  claims  were  still  in  the 
hands  of  the  original  claimants,  or  their  legal  r<*p- 
resentatlves,  including  the  insurance  companies 
which  hud  suflercd  bv  the  spoliations,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  a  few  of  tlie  claims  which  had  under- 
gone tt  legal  transfer  by  the  operation  of  the  bank- 
rupt and  insolvent  laws  of  the  country.  But  those 
gentlemen  whose  sensibilities  ci  'ild  be  awakened 
l>y  the  supposition  that  they  art  about  to  legislate 
for  the  benefit  of  speculators,  will  find  themselves 
entirely  relieved,  and  the  Senate  will  be  spared  all 
argument  on  that  subject,  by  observing  the  express 
provision  in  the  bill,  "  that,  in  nil  cases  of  transfer 
or  assignment,  no  claimant  shall  be  entitled  to  re- 
ceive an  nmnunt  beyond  the  consideration  he  has 
actually  paid,  and  the  legal  interest  thereon." 

Before  I  proceed  to  the  discussion  of  the  main 
question  involved  in  the  measure  before  us,  indulge 
me  in  n  few  preliminary  observations,  by  way  of 
reply  to  on  objection  which  has  been  often  made 
by  honorable  gentlemen  who  have  thought  proper 
to  oppose  these  claims.  The  cirimants  have  been 
seeking  justice  from  Congress  for  more  than  forty- 
five  years,  and  it  has  long  been  a  favorite  remark 
among  those  who  have  opposed  them,  that  these 
claims  had  become  slofe,  and  that  it  is  difficult  to 
suppose,  hod  they  been  well-founded,  that  Con- 
gress would  have  been  so  long  deaf  to  the  demond* 
of  justice.  During  the  debate  on  the  motion  to 
refer  the  memorials  of  the  claimants  to  that  com- 
mittee which  has  reported  this  very  bill,  my  hon- 
oroble  friend  from  North  Carolino,  [Mr.  Manoom,] 
sarcastically  observed,  that  these  cloims  were  like 
old  south  side  Madeira,  and  seemed  to  grow  better 
as  they  grew  older.  The  honorable  Senator  was 
perhops  not  awaro  of  the  fnct  that  the  strongest 
evidence  upon  which  the  claims  rest,  slept  among 
the  files  of  the  State  Department,  without  tho 


mm 


fc84, 

ATE. 

e  8d  dnj 
lyaSOi 


J846.]   • 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


856 


29th  Cono IsT  Sess. 


French  Spolialioru — Mr,  John  M.  Clayton. 


Senate. 


knowlwlge  of  any  one,  Tor  ■  full  quarter  of  a  cen- 
tury after  the  treaty  of  1800,  ana  after  thia  Oov- 
erninent  had  become  legally  and  morally  bound  to 
discharge  them. 

On  the  5th  March,  1894,  the  Senate  adopted  a 
resolution,  for  the  6rst  time,  calling  on  the  Presi- 
dent for  "  Qvies  of  the  several  instructions  to  the 

■  Ministers  or  the  United  States  to  the  Govern- 
'  ment  of  France,  and  of  the  correspondence  be- 

■  tween  the  said  Ministers  and  Government  having 

■  reference  to  the  spoliations  committed  by  tliat 
'  power  on  the  commerce  of  the  United  fitatea  an- 
'  terior  to  the  30th  of  September,  1800,  or  so  much 

■  thereof  as  can  b<j  communicated  without  preju- 

*  dice  to  the  public  interest;  also,  how  far,  if  at  all, 

■  the  claims  of  indemnity  from  the  Govemment'of 

■  France  for  the  spoliations  aforeaaid,  were  affected 

*  by  the  convention  entered  into  between  the  Uni- 

*  ted  States  and  France,  on  the  said  30th  of  Septem- 

*  ber,  1800."  In  consequence  of  the  great  labor 
requisite  to  meet  this  call,  it  remained  unanswered 
until  the  the  20th  of  May,  1836,  when  Mr.  Clay, 
then  Secretary  of  Slate,  first  communicated  to  Con- 

fjress  the  mass  of  evidence  which  we  now  find  pub- 
uhed  in  Senate  documents,  1st  session  19th  Con- 
gress, vol.  5. 

When  the  time  requisite  for  publishing  that  great 
body  of  testimony  which  was  then  for  the  first 
time  drawn  ftrom  the  files  of  the  department  and 
submitted  to  the  inspection  of  gentlemen  in  Con- 
gress, had  passed  away,  public  attention  was  every- 
where aroused  by  the  irresistible  evidence  of  the 
justice  of  these  claims,  and  to  a  sense  of  the  enor- 
mous, and  1  must  add,  sir,  the  cruel  injustice  which 
had  been  so  long  exercised  towards  a  class  of 
claimants  tlian  whom  none  more  meritorious  have 
ever  asked  for  relief  at  the  hands  of  this  Govern- 
ment. Yet  still  the  objection  was  made,  that  the 
claims  were  "stale"  and  "antiquated."  True  it 
was,  that  the  evidence  of  their  justice,  which  the 
Government  had  so  long  retained  in  its  most  secrtt 
archives,  beyond  the  reach  of  the  claimants,  and 
unknown  to  them,  had  now  for  the  first  time  met 
light.  The  very  fact  that  the  claims  which  ought 
to  have  been,  had  not  been  paid  by  the  Govern- 
ment t\venty-five  years  before,  was  held  an  argu- 
ment against  them.  This  sufficiently  accounts  for 
the  truth  of  the  remark  of  my  flriend  from  North 
Carolina,  that  the  claims,  like  old  south  side  Ma- 
deira, have  improved  by  age. 

Sir,  I  think  his  illustration  was  even  more  apt 
than  he  supposed  it  to  have  been  when  he  made  it. 
The  justice  of  the  claims  was  originally  na  pure 
and  unadulterated  as  the  generous  old  south  side 
Madeira,  which  always  owes  so  much  of  its  value 
to  time.  Since  the  publication  of  the  documents  of 
IS26,  the  claims  have  gradually  gained  strength, 
not  only  in  the  halls  of  Congress,  but  among  the 
great  body  of  intelligent  men  of  the  nation;  and  the ' 
period  cannot  now  be  very  distant  when  public 
opinion,  reaching  this  Capitol  from  all  parts  of  the 
country,  will  demand  relief  for  these  sufferers  from 
the  injustice  of  this  Government,  in  tones  which 
can  no  longer  be  resisted  in  these  halls. 

To  confirm  the  opinion  thus  expressed ,  let  me 
invite  your  attention  to  the  single  fact  that,  since 
the  publication  of  the  documents  in  1826,  the  re- 
ports of  twenty  committees  of  the  two  Houses  of 
Congress  have  been  made,  and  every  report  has 
been  favorable  to  the  petitioners.  Since  1826,  ' 
fifteen  bills  have  been  reported  in  Congress  for  the 
relief  of  the  petitioners,  and  not  a  sint;le  committee 
of  either  House  of  Congress,  although  the  subject 
has  l>een  every  year  aeitated  in  both,  has  been 
able  to  resist  tne  overwnelming  testimony  elicited 
in  1836  from  the  State  Department  by  the  resolu- 
tion of  the  Senate. 

Since  the  ratification  of  the  convention  of  1800, 
twenty-five  committees  have  been  appointed  by 
the  Senate  and  the  House  of  Representatives  to  in- 
quire into  the  justice  of  these  claims;  twenty-five 
reports  have  been  made;  twenty-two  of  those  re- 
ports have  been  favorable  to  the  claimantri,  and 
only  three  adverse.  Of  these  adverse  reports,  one 
was  made  in  the  Senate  by  Mr.  Roberts,  from  the 
Committee  of  Claims,  of  the  3d  of  March,  1818; 
one  in  the  House  by  Mr.  Russell,  from  the  Com- 
mittee on  Foreign  Afioirs,  on  the  31st  January, 
1832;  and  one,  also  in  the  House,  by  Mr.  For- 
syth, fVom  the  same  committee,  on  the  25th  March, 
1834. 

Sir,  it  is  impouible  to  look  at  the  fact  that  all 


the  advene  reports  were  made  before  the  publica- 
tion of  the  evidence  on  which  the  claims  now  rest; 
and  that  all  the  reports  made  since  that  publication, 
being  twenty  in  number,  have  been  favorable  to 
the  petitioners,  without  feeling  that  great  injustice 
was  done  to  them  by  the  suppression  of  that  evi- 
dence for  a  quarter  of  a  century. 

To  enable  the  Senate  to  fully  understand  what 
the  effect  pf  this  evidence  has  been  on  the  commit- 
tees of  Congress,  I  will  read  a  statement  carefully 
compiled  of  all  the  reports  which  have  been  madw 
on  this  subject.    [See  Appendix,  No.  1.] 

What,  now,  was  the  character  of  the  evidence 
which  has  produced  an  uninterrupted  succession 
of  twenty  reports  since  1836  in  favor  of  the  claim- 
ants i  It  was  the  evidence  ftimished  by  the  Gov- 
ernment alone,  not  by  the  claimants;  it  is  docu- 
mentary evidence,  unimpeached  and  unimpeach- 
able. Yet,  notu'ithstanding  the  character  and  force 
of  that  testimony,  the  friends  of  these  petitioners 
have  never  been  able  to  bring  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives to  a  direct  vote  on  any  bill  for  the  pay- 
ment of  these  claims  during  a  period  of  more  than 
forty-five  years. 

At  the  very  first  session  of  Congress  sfter  the  rat- 
ification of  the  convention  of  1800 — within  eight 
months  of  the  date  of  the  ratification  of  it — yea, 
sir,  on  the  5th  of  February,  1803,  these  claimants 
presented  their  memorial  for  relief  to  Congress, 
and  the  application  was  postponed  (while  its  jus- 
tice was  admitted)  to  make  way  for  the  more  popu- 
{or  party  measure  of  the  day — the  bill  to  repeal  the 
internal  taxes. 

[Here  Mr.  C.  read  firom  the  history  of  the  de- 
bates in  1802,  page  138,  an  extract  to  prove  this.] 

Mr.  Giles,  chairman  of  the  committee  on  these 
claims,  reported  a  statement  of  fhcts  (hvoraUe  lo 
the  petitioners  on  the  33d  April,  1802,  but  the 
whole  subject  unfortunately  fell  with  the  unfin- 
ished business  of  the  session,  evidently  because 
the  parly  measure  by  which  the  internal  taxes 
were  to  be  repealed  would  deprive  the  Government 
of  the  means  of  payment.  The  debate  in  1802  was 
almost  contemporaneous  with  the  convention  of 
1800,  and  is  strongly  illustrative  of  the  meaning 
attached  to  that  convention  by  the  public  men  of 
that  day.  I  am  not  aware  that  the  House  of  Rep- 
lesentativea  has  ever,  as  a  body,  expressed  any 
opinion,  by  a  direct  vote,  either  for  or  against  these 
claimants. 

The  Senate,  as  we  have  seen,  has  twice  voted  a 
bill  for  their  relief,  and  I  have  not  been  able  to  find 
that  the  Senate  has  at  any  time  expressed  a  differ- 
ent opinion. 

Sir,  if  we  look  to  the  magnitude  of  these  claims, 
estimated  at  different  times  at  sums  varying  from 
ten  to  fifteen  millions  of  dollars,  without  interest, 
and  at  the  same  time  reflect  upon  the  condition  of 
the  treasury  of  this  nation  for  more  than  thirty 
years  after  the  31st  of  July,  1801,  as  well  as 
the  nature  and  extent  of  the  demands  upon  the 
treasury  during  all  that  period,  we  shall  find  no 
difficulty  in  accounting  for  the  neglect  of  this  Gov- 
ernment to  compensate  the  petitioners,  until  their 
opponents  had  become  enabled  to  stigmatize  the 
claims  as  anlujtiated  and  stale. 

The  policy  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration 
was  to  Keep  the  expenditures  within  the  income 
of  the  Governnftnt  ot  every  hazard.  When  the 
nation  became  bound  to  pay  the  claims,  by  the 
ratification  of  the  convention  on  the  31st  of  July, 
ISpi,  the  petitioners,  as  we  have  seen,  lost  no  time 
in  applying  to  Congress  for  relief;  and  they  have 
continued  their  application,  with  few  intermissions, 
IVom  that  day  to  thia.  They  were  met  at  the  out- 
set of  their  application  by  an  empty  treasury  and 
a  national  debt,  the  interest  on  which  was  |5,338,- 
000,  with  the  whole  debt  of  the  Revolution  incum- 
bering us  and  effectually  mortgaging  the  surplus 
revenues  of  the  nation  for  many  years  to  come. 
In  April,  1803,  the  treaty  for  the  cession  of  Loui- 
siana involved  the  Government  in  a  debt  of 
$15,000,000  to  secure  that  purchase. 

While  these  engagements  absorbed  all  the  sur- 
plus revenues  of  the  Government,  the  commerce 
of  the  nation  was  paralyzed  and  its  revenues  dimin- 
ished, by  the  embargo  and  non-intercourse  laws, 
which  were  followed  by  a  war  with  Great  Britain, 
which  involved  the  nation  in  another  debt  of  more 
than  one  hundred  millions  of  dollars.  And,  sir, 
long  before  the  national  debt  thus  contracted, 
•welled  as  it  wai  by  the  Florida  purchase  and  by 


vast  sums  expended  for  the  extinguishment  cf  In- 
dian titles,  a  sufficient  number  of  years  had  rolletl 
away  to  enable  the  enemies  of  these  claims  lo  lake 
advantage  of  their  own  wrong  by  stamping  them 
as  antiquated  and  stale.  Sir,  I  do  not  desire  to 
prolong  the  discussion  on  this  branch  of  the  sub- 
ject, and  I  will  now  dismiss  it  v;ith  this  single  re- 
mark, that  lo  any  man  at  all  acquainted  with  the 
financial  condition  of  the  Government  Ibr  the  first 
thirty  years  after  the  ratification  of  the  convention 
of  1600,  iwnust  be  ^apparent  that,  had  the  claim* 
of  the  petitioners  been  formally  recognised  by  the 
Government  on  the  very  day  of  that  ratification, 
they  could  not  have  been  paid  during  the  thirty 
years  succeeding  that  perio<l,  unless  the  Govern- 
ment hod  given  them  a  preference  by  postponing 
the  just  claim  of  other  persons  to  an  equal  amount. 

I  come  now,  sir,  to  the  discussion  of  the  main 
question  involved  in  the  consideration  of  this  bill, 
whether  this  Government  is  justly  bound  for  the 
payment  of  these  claims. 

Sixty-eight  years  have  rolled  awav  since  the 
treaties  of  alliance  and  of  amity  and  commerce 
were  entered  into  with  France,  by  which  Franca 
guarantied  to  the  United  States,  against  all  other 
Powers,  "  their  liberty,  sovereignly,  aud  indepen- 
dence, absolute  and  unlimited,  forever."  Tnese 
treaties  beor  date  on  the  6th  of  February,  1778, 
To  know  the  real  value  of  this  guaranty  we  must 
look  back  to  the  period  when  these  treaties  were 
entered  into,  which  was  the  darkest  hour  of  our 
whole  revolutionary  struggle. 

On  the  nth  of  September,  1777,  our  revolution- 
ary army  met  with  a  disastrous  defeat  at  the  bloody 
battle  of  the  Brandywine.  On  the  4th  of  October 
afier  that,  the  army  was  again  defeated  at  the  bat- 
tle of  Germantown;  and,  shortly  aPer,  Washing- 
ton led  his  distressed  troops  to  Valley  Forge, 
where  he  went  into  winter  quarters.  The  condi- 
tion of  the  American  army  may  be  judged  of  by 
his  letters  written  at  the  time  from  the  camp  at 
Valley  Forgo.  In  his  letter  to  Congress  of  33d 
December,  1777,  he  says  that,  "  unless  some  great 
'  and  capital  change  takes  place,  his  army  must 
'  inevitably  be  reduced  to  one  or  the  other  of  these 
'  three  things— starve,  dissolve,  or  disperse;  that 
'  three  or  four  days  of  bad  weather  would  prove 
'  their  destruction;  that,  out  of  his  whole  force  of 
'  11,000  men,  3,898  are  in  the  camp  unfit  forduty, 
•  because  they  are  barefoot  and  otherwise  naked, 
<  besides  a  number  confined  in  the  hospitals  for 
'  want  of  shoes,  and  others  in  farmhouses  on  the 
'  same  account;  and  for  want  of  blankets  many 
'  were  obliged  lo  sil  wp  all mght  byfire$."  In  a  let- 
ter from  General  Varnum,  written  firom  the  camp 
in  February,  1778,  he  says:  "  The  situation  of 
'  the  camp  is  such  that,  in  all  humanprobability, 
'the  army  must  shortly  dijiolee."  Washington, 
in  a  letter  written  at  the  same  time,  anticipates  a 
general  mutiny  and  desertion.  In  March,  1778, 
Washington  writes  to  Congress  that  between 
two  and  three  hundred  ofBcers  had  resigned 
their  commissions,  and  that  the  supplies  of  mee 
promised  to  him  had  entirely  failed.  In  a  letter 
dated  the  10th  of  Anril,  1778,  he  sums  up  a  most 
appalling  picture  of^  the  intolerable  distress  of  his 
army,  by  idling  Congress  that  "  no  order,  regu- 
'  larity,  or  care  of  the  men  or  of  the  public  pro- 
'  perty  prevails."  Sir,  I  shall  not  attempt  to  add 
to  his  description  of  the  horrors  of  the  winter  at 
Valley  Forge.  There  was  not  an  American  petriot 
whose  heart  did  not  sink  within  him  at  that 
gloomy  period.  The  hopes  of  the  country,  rest- 
ing entirely  on  the  army,  were  prostrated  with  it. 
Sir,  it  was  in  the  midst  of  this  universal  despond- 
ency that  the  glorious  intelligence  was  announced 
to  the  camp  at  Valley  Forge  that  the  powerful  na- 
tion of  France  had  bound  itself  by  the  most  sol- 
emn treaties  with  the  United  States  "  to  maintain 
'  and  guaranty,  against  all  other  Powers,  their  lib- 
'  erty,  sovereignty,  ond  independence,  absolute 
'  and  unlimited,  forever."  And  the  scene  was  im- 
mediately changed  from  one  of  universal  mourning 
to  one  of  universal  joy.  Shouts  of  applause  burst 
from  the  lips  of  our  distressed  soldiers  and  ranc 
through  all  the  ranks  of  the  American  army,  while 
it  is  said  thot  even  the  Father  of  his  Country 
waved  hishatin  triumph,  and  joined  in  the  strong- 
est demonstrations  of  national  gratification. 

Sir,  it  is  certain  that  these  treaties  revived  the 
sinking  spirits  of  our  countrymen,  and  secured 
the  independence  of  America.     Their  value  to  ui 


856 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  &}&  24, 


1&46.] 


89th  Cono IST  Sk88. 


French  ^^Uatiotu—^Mt.  John  M.  CUti/ton. 


Senate. 


is  not  to  be  counted  at  thii  dny  in  dollara  and 
cent*.  We  know  (hat  France  faithfUlljr  and  hon- 
ombly  complied  with  her  part  of  these  contracta. 
We  know  that  her  Minister,  Calonne,  reported  to 
the  French  Qovemmenl  that  the  wnr  in  whicli 
France  was  involved  to  secure  the  independence  of 
America  cost  B'raiice  fourteen  nundrcd  and  forty 
millions  of  francs,  or  about  two  hundred  and  eighty 
millions  ofdcMars.  We  know,  too,  that  the  price- 
less blood  of  the  gallant  1' renchmen  who  fell  fight- 
ing in  our  revolutionary  struggle  wa^profusely 
shed,  both  on  the  land  and  on  the  ocean.  But  who 
shall  undertake  to  estimule,  in  French  livres  or 
American  dollars,  the  Iohs  of  that  blood  to  France, 
or  the  value  of  that  blood  to  us  i 

The  question  next  arises,  how  did  we  discharge 
our  treaty  stipulations?  What  sums  of  money 
did  we  expend  (br  Franco?  What  blood  did  we 
shed  at  any  time  for  her  benefit?  Alas,  sir,  the 
sequel  of  this  history  will  show  that  we  failed  to 
comply  with  the  most  important  treaty  stipulations 
which  we  had  entered  into  with  her,  and  which 
were  intended  to  inure  for  her  benefit. 

To  understand  this  subject,  we  must  now  recur 
to  those  articles  in  the  treaties  of  1778,  which  were 
the  most  deeply  interesting  to  France,  as  well  as 
to  the  terms  of  the  consular  convention  of  tlie  14th 
of  November,  1788.  The  articles  to  which  1  would 
first  invite  the  attention  of  the  Senate,  are  the  llih 
and  13th  of  the  treaty  of  alliance  of  February  6, 
1778.    They  are  in  these  words: 

*<  Uth.  The  twn  partiea  giiamnty,  miiliinlly,  from  Ihc 
j>r«8Pnt  tiilio  and  forevcTt  ngitlnMt  ull  olh-T  powers,  to  wit: 
Tho  Unit'Ml  States  to  His  Moai  Chri'tian  Majesty,  the  pres- 
ent posseiiSlunB  of  t!io  Crown  orFrtinco  in  .\nie''ca,aB  well 
as  Uiose  whictl  it  uiny  ocfpiire  by  tlie  t'uUiru  treaty  of  peace. 
And  His  Most  Ctiri.-tian  Mtij'sty  (innranlies,  on  hi:«  part,  to 
tlic  Unite<l  States,  tlieir  lit>erty,  uovereigrity,  and  independ- 
ence, sljsoiute  and  unilniitod,  as  well  in  niaticr^  ot'covern- 
uieut  u  commerce,  and  ol&o  tlieir  iHMhe^^ions,  and  the  adili- 
lions  or  conquests  tliat  their  cunt'ederation  may  obtain  dnring 
the  war,  from  any  of  the  doniininns  now  or  lieretolbri;  pO:>- 
sessed  by  Great  Britain  in  Nortli  America,  eonformabie  to 
tlie  5tli  and  6th  articles  above  written  ;  the  whole  na  Uieir 
poasessioiis  shall  be  fixed  and  .insured  to  the  said  Htates  at 
tliti  niomeut  ot^liie  cessation  of  liieir  present  war  witii  Eng- 
land. 

"  19th.  In  order  to  1\x  more  precisely  the  sense  and  ap- 
plication of  the  preceding  article,  t>ie  contracting  parties 
declare,  that  in  case  ofa  rupture  between  Frunee  and  Eng- 
land, tho  reciprocal  guaninty  declared  in  tlie  said  article 
shall  have  its  t^ill  force  and  efi«.>ct  the  moiiie.it  such  war 
■hall  breakout;  and  if  such  rupture  shall  not  tike  place, 
Uie  mutual  obii^aUons  of  the  said  guaranty  shall  not  com- 
mence until  the  inoniL'iit  of  Uie  cessntion  of  tlie  present  war 
between  the  United  States  and  England  shall  have  ascer- 
tained their  possessions." 

The  possessions  of  the  Crown  of  France  in 
America,  at  the  time  of  the  mtification  of  the  trea- 
ties of  1778,  were,  I  believe,  the  Islands  of  St. 
Domingo,  Martinique,  Quadaloupe,  St.  Lucia, 
St.  Vinceiit,  Tobago,  Oeseada,  Mnriegalante,  St. 
Pierre,  Miquelon,  Grenada,  and  Uominico;  and 
Cayenne,  on  tlie  continent.  France  lost  several  of 
these  islands  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  but 
they  were  all  restored  to  her  by  the  peace  of  1783. 
By  the  article  of  guaranty  in  our  treaty  of  ulliaiice 
with  her,  we  hatf  bound  ourselves  to  maintain  her 
title  to  them  forever. 

The  17th  article  of  our  treaty  of  amity  and  com- 
merce with  France,  of  February  6,  1778,  is  in 
these  words: 

"  Article  17.  It  shall  be  lawflil  for  tlie  ships  of  war  nf 
either  (larty,  and  privateers,  Iri^ely  m  carry,  whithersoever 
they  please,  the  ships  and  goods  t-ikeii  from  their  enemies, 
witlioilt  being  obliged  to  pay  any  duty  to  the  officf  rs  of  tlie 
admiralty,  or  any  other  judges ;  nor  shall  such  prizes  be 
arrested  or  seized  when  they  come ;..  enter  the  fsirts  of  either 
p:irty  ;  nor  shall  the  seap-llers  or  otller  otiieers  of  Uiose  places 
)«cnreli  the  same,  or  make  examination  enncerning  the  law- 
f  nines  I  of  such  prii^es  ;  btit  they  may  hoist  s.ile  at  any  time, 
and  depart  and  carry  their  prizes  to  the  places  ex|)res^ed  in 
Uieir  commissions,  whieh  the  commanders  of  such  ships  of 
war  shall  lie  nliligcd  to  show.  On  the  ennlniry,  no  shelter 
or  refuge  shiUl  Im  givim  in  their  tmrts  to  t^iich  as  shall  have 
made  prizes  of  the  subjects,  people,  or  propertv  of  either  of 
Uie  parties ;  but  if  sui'h  shall  come  in,  heinif  forced  liy  stress 
of  wcatlier,  or  the  danger  of  the  sra.  all  pro[)er  means  shall 
be  vigorously  used,  that  they  go  out  and  retire  from  Uiciice 
as  soon  as  (Hissible  '* 

This  article  became  not  less  important  to  France, 
nnd  not  less  onerous  to  the  United  States,  than  the 
article  of  guaranty.  It  gave  to  French  ships  of  war 
and  privotcers  the  right  to  enter  American  ports 
with  their  prizes  during  a  war  with  any  other 
nation;  and  itdenied  to  the  ships  and  privateers  of 
a  nation  at  war  with  France  to  seeK  shelter  or 
refuge  with  their  prizes  in  our  ports.  The  22d 
article  of  this  treaty  of  omity  and  commerce,  in 
furtherance  of  the  same  objects,  denied  to  foreign 


privateers,  not  being  subjects  of  France,  but  hold- 
ing commissions  from  n  State  in  enmity  with  her, 
any  right  to  fit  their  ships  in  our  ports,  to  sell 
what  they  might  have  taken,  to  trade  in  any  man- 
ner, or  even  to  purchase  victuals,  except  barely  so 
much  as  shouM  be  necessary  for  their  going  to  the 
nearest  port  of  their  own  country. 

The  8th  article  of  the  consular  convention  of  the 
14th  of  November,  1788,  gave  to  Frenoh  consuls 
or  vi(.e  consuls  in  our  ports  f\ill  power  to  exercise 
police  over  all  French  vessels,  and  all  power  and 
jurisdiction  on  board  thr^  said  vessels  in  civil  mat- 
ters, in  all  the  disputes  which  might  there  arise, 
with  the  entire  inspection  over  such  vessels,  their 
crews,  and  the  changes  and  substitutions  there  to 
be  made. 

Such,  sir,  were  the  articles  in  our  treaties  with 
France,  which  were  most  beneficial  to  her,  and 
most  onerous  to  us.  They  were,  in  fact,  the  es- 
sential consideration  which  we  gave  to  France  for 
her  alliance  with  us  ajainstGreot  Britain,  and  for 
her  guaranty  of  our  liberties  in  the  great  struggle 
for  American  independence.  They  were  the  bonds 
we  igave  to  France,  in  return  for  her  expenditure 
of  two  hundred  and  eighty  millions  of  dollars  to 
secure  our  independence,  and  for  all  the  blood  she 
shed  in  our  defence.  By  giving  these  bonds,  we 
secured  our  liberties. 

In  February,  1793,  a  wur  broke  out  between 
Great  Britain  and  France,  for  the  first  time  de- 
manding of  us  compliance  with  these  our  sacred 
treaty  stipulations.  This  war  was  unquestionably 
proyoketl  on  the  part  of  England,  who  sought 
every  occasion  to  interfere  with  the  internal  police 
and  government  of  France.  England  studiously 
made  herself  a  party  to  the  Royalist  faction  from 
the  dawn  of  the  French  Revolution,  in  June,  1189. 
She  sought  the  restoration  of  the  King's  preroga- 
tives, and  the  partition  of  a  part  of  the  French 
territory, and  became  a  party  to  thecoalition  against 
France  by  the  treaty  of  Paviii,  of  July,  1791,  and 
the  treaty  of  Pilnitz,  of  the  27th  of  August  of  the 
same  year.  She  had  secretly  furnished  arms  and 
succors  to  the  emigrants;  she  had  detained  nil 
vessels  in  her  own  ports  which  were  bound  to 
Fiances  she  had  prohibited  the  exportation  of 
provisions  to  France;  she  had  expelled  all  French- 
1  fn  out  of  the  country;  she  had  seized  and  sent 
ici  Iter  own  ports  all  Frenrh  and  neutral  vessels 
which  had  escaped  seizure  in  1793,  when  the 
Prussians  took  possession  of  the  Hanse  Towns; 
she  had  ordered  the  French  Minister  (Chauvelin) 
to  quit  the  kingdom,  and  in  the  most  insulting 
manner — a  measure  which,  under  the  second  arti- 
cle of  the  treaty  of  178fi  between  France  and 
Great  Britain,  was,  in  effect,  a  declaration  of  war 
njainst  France  by  England;  in  return  for  all  which. 
Prance  shortly  thereafter  declared  war  against 
her  also— a  war  clearly  defensive  on  the  part  of 
France,  and  absolutely  necessary  to  vindicate  her 
own  right  to  self-government,  and  a  war  as  clearly 
agarcBsivc  on  the  part  of  England,  because  it  was 
evidently  waged  ag;iinHt  the  republican  form  of 
government  whicli  France  had  preferred,  and 
waged  with  a  view  to  compel  France  to  substitute 
for  tlint  which  she  preferred  a  government  which 
should  be  more  agreeable  to  the  wishes  of  Eng- 
land. 

We  took  no  part  in  this  strusgle;  on  the  con- 
trary, the  President  of  the  United  States,  in  Febru- 
ary, 179.1,  issued  his  proclamation  of  neutrality, 
prescribing  to  his  countrymen  the  rule  of  strict 
and  rigid  impartiality  towanis  the  belligerents. 
Early  in  April,  1793,  the  British  forces  garrisoned 
Mariinico,  and,  before  the  end  of  1794,  most  of 
the  French  possessions  in  the  West  Indies  were 
captured  by  the  British  forces.  France  was  men- 
aced with  an  inv:j(ion  of  five  armies,  of  one 
hundred  thousand  men  each.  England  had,  by 
the  aid  of  at  least  twenty-three  separate  treaties, 
formed  the  most  powerful  combination  that  the 
world  has  ever  witnes.scd.  Her  object,  to  reduce 
France  to  submission  through  the  means  of  star- 
vation, at  the  time  when  a  scarcity  of  food, 
approaching  to  a  general  famine,  existed  through- 
out France,  was  openly  avowed.  Duane,  in  his 
supplementary  volume  continuing  Giffoid's  French 
Revolution,  says: 

"These  violations  of  ihe  law  of  nntioiis,  of  treaties,  and  I 
of  neutral  rights,  were  committed  when  England  was  in  a 
j  declared  state  of  nentmlily  and  peace  with  France  j  nnd  | 
whilst  a  French  Minister  was  in  lloudon,  begging  the  Min-  I 


islry  to  remain  at  peace,  and  to  permit  the  eipn'rtntlon  of 
provisions,  to  keep  his  countrymen  fn>iii  stiirvi  ng.  Ho  atrr^- 
cioua,  indeed,  were  these  acis,  thai  the  llriUsh  Ministry 
were  eoin|Killeil  to  take  rufngo  under  an  oci  ofhtdtrnfMy,  to 
escape  Impeachment  and  punishment.*' 

In  a  debate  in  the  British  House  of  Commons, 
in  January,  1793,  Mr.  Fox  characterised  the  pro- 
hibition to  allow  the  exportation  of  provisions  to 
France  as  an  act  of  hostility  so  severe,  as  could 
have  no  excuse  or  justification  but  in  hostile  acts 
of  France,  and  then  adds,  "  that  it  was  not  even 
contended  that  such  hostile  acts  had  taken  place." 

When  the  coalition  against  France  was  perfect- 
ed, it  is  said  to  have  embraced  no  less  than  twenty- 
three  independent  powers,  including  all  the  other 
most  formidable  nations  of  Europe.  In  this  state 
of  things,  our  Government  looked  only  to  tho  tva- 
sion  of  the  guaranty  in  the  eleventh  article  of  alli- 
ance. True  it  is,  that  Mr.  Morris,  our  Minister 
in  France,  wrote  to  our  Secretary  of  State  on  the 
aistof  December,  1793,  "expressing  his  wish  that 
all  our  treaties  (however  onerous)  might  be  strictly 
fulfilled,  acconling  to  their  true  intent  and  mean- 
ing." "The  question,"  said  he,  " respecting  the 
guaranty  may  be  ogitated,"  and  ho  even  ventured 
to  add,  "  The  honest  nation  is  that  which,  like  the 
honest  man — 

'  Hath  to  its  plighted  Oiith  and  vow  forever  flrinly  stood, 
And  tho'  it  promise  to  its  loss,  yet  makes  Uiat  promise  good.' " 

But  instead  of  adopting  measures  to  carry  into 
execution  the  article  of  guaranty,  our  Government 
instructed  our  Minister  abroad  to  avoid,  if  possi- 
ble, the  discussion  of  the  subject;  and,  if  pressed 
on  that  head,  to  suggest  that  the  war  between 
France  nnd  EnglancI,  having  been  nominally  de- 
clared by  France,  did  not  present  the  cnsiu  fmleris 
which  alone  could  render  the  article  of  guaranty 
obligatory  upon  us;  that  that  article  might  be  con- 
sidered, perhaps,  as  only  binding  us  to  guaranty 
the  West  India  possessions  in  case  of  a  defensive 
War,  and  after  a  formal  demand  of  assistance  from 
us.  But  it  is  palpable  on  the  face  of  the  twelfth 
article  of  the  treaty  of  alliance,  that  tho  guaranty 
took  effect  at  the  very  date  of  the  treaty,  because 
that  was  the  moment  when  war  firat  broke  out  be- 
tween France  and  England.  And  the  guaranty 
continued  in  full  force  and  effect  so  lung  as  that 
treaty  continued  in  operation.  The  twelfth  article 
provided,  in  case  a  rupture  should  not  take  place 
between  France  and  England,  that  the  guaranty 
should  not  commence  "until  the  moment  of  the 
cessation  of  the  war  between  the  United  States 
and  England  should  have  ascertained  their  posses- 
sions." 

But,  as  the  rupture  did  take  pl.ice  as  soon  as 
the  existence  of  the  treaty  was  made  known  to 
England,  the  casus  fitderts  then  arose,  and  the 
guaranty  never  ceased  to  be  binding  upon  us  till 
Uie  treaty  which  contained  it  was  released  by  the 
ratification  of  the  convention  of  the  30th  of  Sep- 
tember, 1800. 

Viewing  these  subjects  at  this  distance  of  time, 
unclouded  by  the  inisis  of  party,  it  is  in  vain  to 
contend  that  the  guaranty  was  not  obligatory  upon 
us.  France  evidently  considered  no  formal  de- 
mand front  her  necessary  to  create  a  new  costM 
faderis  demanding  our  immediate  cooperation  with 
her;  yet  it  appears  from  the  letter  of  Mr.  Genet, 
the  French  Minister,  to  our  Secretary  of  State, 
dated  Uth  November,  1793,  that  the  demand  was 
then  made  by  France  claiming  the  fullilmcnt  of  the 
guaranty  for  the  French  colonies  in  express  words; 
and  in  the  eloquent  letter  of  Mr.  Adet,  the  French 
Minister,  to  our  Secretary  of  State,  dated  15th  No- 
vember, 1796,  the  demand  is  again  repeated;  "Ho 
'  claims,  in  the  name  of  American  honor,  in  tho 
'  name  of  the  faith  of  treaties,  the  execution  of  that 
'  contract  which  assured  to  the  United  States  their 
*  existence,  and  whicli  France  regarded  as  the 
'  pledge  of  the  most  sacred  union  between  two 
'  people,  the  freest  upon  earth." 

The  article  of  guaranty  is  not  a  mere  temporary 
defeiisive  alliance,  or  a  mere  treaty  for  subsidies  or 
succors;  it  binds  both  nations  in  eodemjlatu,  and  it 
binds  them  by  a  guaranty  which  is  to  last  forever. 
France  had  fully  performed  her  part  of  it  in  good 
faith,  though  at  the  expense  of  a  profuse  expendi- 
ture of  blood,  and  of  two  hundrcti  and  eighty  mil- 
lions of  dollars  from  her  ticnsury.  She  had  made 
no  question  with  us  whether  our  revolutionary  war 
was  offensive  or  defensive;  she  required  no  de- 
mand beyond  tlie  treaty  to  induce  her  to  rush  to 


ipi 


mm 


&24, 

ATE. 


irtntion  of 
So  airo- 
Mlnintry 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONORESSIONAI.  GLOBE. 


857 


29rR  CONO IST  Se88. 


French  Spoliaiiotu — Mr.  John  M,  Clayton. 


Srnate. 


the  rescue  of  her  ally  in  the  darkest  hour  of  our 
revolutionary  atruggle.  I  ask,  then,  were  we  at 
liberty,  by  the  law  of  nations,  to  refuse  to  recog- 
nise tlie  guaranty  in  1793,  or  to  renew  it,  if  that 
phrase  should  be  preferred  i  Vattel  says,  chap, 
13,  B.  3,  §  199: 

"  It  niUDt  be  cotifuBsed  that,  after  having  reaped  nlmottall 
the  ailvaiitaffert  of  a  treaty,  to  m(w«  to  ronnw  it.  without 
■iroiiK  and  juitt  ronxonB,  when  ho  bellovoK  hu  iihnli  have  no 
more  nu'.'il  or  it,  and  wlicn  he  iotvitv.c*  liint  tlio  time  ia  come 
fbr  iiiii  iillXj  In  \\i»  turn,  to  reap  iidvnntajtefl  I'rom  It,  tlilx  eon- 
duct  wnula  lilinw  hut  litUe  l-ioncsly ;  It  would  Im;  unworthy  of 
tlu'  ((cneroilty  which  «o  well  liccomcn  fovL'reiitnH,  and  very 
ditttant  from  tlioRe  f^ntinK'titji  of  enilitude  and  frlcndifiiip 
tiiat  are  due  lo  an  inj'i'  jd  and  fnitlif^il  ally.  Itialiut  too 
ctunnion  to  see  ffreat  I'owcrii,  on  their  elevation,  neglect 
tiiuBc  who  have  nMKiiia'd  Uieni  to  arrive  at  It." 

We  know  that,  on  the  18th  February,  1793,  Mr. 
•Teflerson,  then  Secreti\ry  of  State,  and  Mr.  Ran- 
dolph, Attorney  General,  expressed  the  opinion  to 
the  President  that  there  was  nothing  in  the  altera- 
tion of  the  French  Government  or  in  the  character 
of  the  war  which  could  impair  the  right  of  France 
to  demand,  or  lessen  the  duty  of  the  United  Slates 
to  perform,  the  engagement  she  had  soleinnly 
made. 

And  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Madison, 
dated  April  3,  1794,  published  in  3d  Memoirs, 
page  3U3,  says: 

'*  As  to  the  guaranty  of  the  French  iRlandH,  whatever  doubt 
may  be  entertained  of  Uut  moment  nt  whleli  we  ought  to 
interpose,  yet  I  hnve  no  doubt  hut  w*;  ought  to  interpose  at 
a  proptT  time,  and  declare  both  to  Enitlann  and  France  that 
the  islands  are  to  rest  with  France,  and  that  we  will  malte 
conuuon  cause  wiUt  the  latter  fur  that  ul)ject." 

The  question  arises,  then,  what  was  the  extent 
of  our  obligation  under  the  article  of  guaranty? 
Vuttel,  book  3,  chapter  6,  section  94,  says: 

"To  reAise  an  ally  the  succore  duo  to  him,  ivithouta  just 
dispensation,  is  doing  him  an  injury;  and  there  being  a 
natural  obligaUon  of  repairing  Uie  ilanioge  done  by  our  fiiult, 
and  esperialiy  by  our  Injustice,  wo  are  bound  to  indemnify 
an  ally  for  nil  the  losses  be  may  have  sustained  fioin  our 
uigusi  refusal." 

We  shall  hereafter  see  that  our  Government  was 
exceedingly  anxious  to  be  exonerated  from  the 
entangling  alliance  imposed  by  this  article,  and 
that,  in  the  negotiations  that  preceded  the  conven- 
tion of  1800,  the  very  first  oner  which  out  Minis- 
ters made  to  purchase  the  release  of  it  was  five 
millions  of  francs,  which  was  promptly  rejected 
by  the  French  plenipotentiaries.  And,  in  tne  in- 
structions to  Messrs.  Pinckney,  Marshall,  and 
Gerry,  of  the  IStli  July,  1797,  they  were  directed 
to  offer  France,  as  a  substitute  for  the  article,  two 
hundred  thousand  dollars  a  year  during  future 
wars. 

Let  us  next  turn  our  attention  to  the  17th  article 
of  the  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce,  which  be- 
came not  less  onerous,  and  even  more  embarrass- 
ing, than  the  article  of  guaranty.  Mr.  Jay's  treaty 
with  Great  Britain  of  the  19th  of  November,  1794, 
brought  us  into  conflict  with  this  article,  as  well 
Jis  with  the  22d  article  of  the  same  treaty.  The 
S3d  article  of  the  British  treaty  provided  that  the 
ships  of  war  of  each  of  the  parties  should  at  all 
timea  he  hospitably  received  in  the  ports  of  the 
other.  The  S4th  article  of  the  same  treaty  pro- 
hibited the  arming  of  foreign  privateers,  and  the 
sale  or  exchange  of  what  they  had  taken  in  the 
ports  of  either  iiation,  and  allowed  them  to  pur- 
chase only  sufficient  provisions  to  carry  them  to 
the  nearest  port  of  their  counuy.  By  the  25th 
article  of  the  British  treoty,  prizes  made  by  ships 
of  war  and  privateers  of  either  party  were  allowed 
to  enter  and  depart  from  the  ports  of  each  other 
without  examination;  while  shelter  and  refuge  in 
our  ports  were  denied  to  such  os  had  made  prize 
upon  British  subjects. 

True  it  is  that  there  was  in  this  treaty  a  saving 
clause  of  former  and  existing  treaties;  but  the 
French  were,  by  our  own  construction,  prohibited 
ft'om  fitting  out  or  selling  prizes  in  our  ports;  and 
the  17lh  article  of  the  treaty  of  amity  and  com- 
merce with  France  constantly  exposed  us  to  the 
danger  of  a  Biitish  war. 

1  here  was  no  country  on  earth  which  couM  at 
that  day  wage  a  war  so  injurious  to  us  as  Great 
Britain.  \ 

The  deep  anxiety  which  our  statesmen  naturally 
felt  to  avoid  so  great  a  calamity,  made  them  justly 
regard  our  treaty  stipulation  with  France  as  of  the 
most  onerous  ond  embarrassing  character  to  us.  ! 
We  shall,  by  and  by,  see  that  three  millions  of  ^ 
francs  wore  offered  by  our  Ministers  to  France  for  I 


the  17th  article  of  the  treaty  of  amity  and  com- 
merce; while,  at  the  same  time,  we  offered  to  place 
France  on  the  footing  of  the  moat  favored  nations 
as  to  prizes  in  our  ports,  which  offer  France 
promptly  refused  to  accept. 

Such  was  the  iharaeter  of  our  treaty  stipulations 
with  Prance  of  the  6th  of  February,  1778. 

Immediately  nfte r  the  nipture  with  Great  Britain 
in  February,  1793,  France,  by  waging  war  with 
all  Europe,  ami  while  oppressed  by  famine  and 
the  starving  policy  of  England,  commenced  her 
spoliations  on  our  commerce.  Our  ships  were 
plundered  as  well  by  the  armed  veanels  of^  France 
as  by  innumerable  privateers,  equipped  for  the 
purpose  of  supplying  France  with  provisions  from 
the  only  resource  Icfl  her,  the  commerce  of  neutral 
nations.  I  have  seen  no  report  emanating  from  a 
committee  of  either  Hoiino  of  Congress,  no  speech 
or  dictum  of  any  member  of  either  House,  which 
gives  any  just  idea  of  what  I  now  understand  was 
the  number  of  American  merchant  vessels  captured 
by  the  French  he|ween  February,  1793,  and  the 
3l8t  of  July,  1801. 

A  list  or  six  hundred  and  nineteen  American 
vessels  captured  and  plundered  by  the  French  prior 
to  1800,  is  ascertained  by  some  of  the  reports;  but 
I  understand,  upon  what  I  deem  to  be  satisfactory 
tofbrmation,  that  the  number  of  captures  made 
between  February,  1793,  and  the  ratification  of  the 
convention  of  1800,  did,  in  point  of  fact,  fhll  not 
very  far  short  of  two  thousand  vessels;  a  small 
portion  only  of  which  was,  as  wo  shall  presently 
see.  provided  for  by  the  convention  of  1800. 

It  IS  not  necessary  for  my  present  purpose  to 
enter  into  a  minute  examination  of  nil  the  various 
pretexts  for  which  American  merchant  ships  were 
confiscated  or  condemned  by  the  French  tribunals. 
One  of  the  most  extraordinary  of  these  pretexts  is 
familiar  to  all  who  ore  acquainted  with  the  history 
of  the  French  revolutionary  decrees. 

The  22d  article  of  the  treaty  of  amity  and  com- 
merce had  prescribed  the  form  of  a  passport  for 
American  merchant  vessels  which  should  exempt 
them  from  search  or  seizure  by  French  cruisers. 

The  Executive  Directory  of  France,  on  the  2d 
of  March,  1797,  being  determined  to  retaliate  on 
us  for  the  British  treaty,  directed  thatall  American 
ves.sels  should  be  lawful  prize  of  war  if  found  witl  - 
out  a  role  d'equipage,  or  passport. 

Neither  the  treaties  with  Prance  nor  the  laws  of 
nations  justified  such  a  decree;  and  as  it  went  into 
operation  without  notice  to  American  citizens,  the 
want  of  a  role  d'equipnge  furnished  a  successful 
pretext  for  the  seizure  and  condemnation  of  some 
hundreds  of  American  merchant  vessels,  with  all 
their  cargoes.  Indeed,  long  prior  to  the  decree, 
and  so  early  as  the  9th  of  May,  1793,  the  National 
Convention  had  "  authorized  the  French  vessels  of 
'  war  and  privateers  to  arrest  and  conduct  into  the 
'  ports  of  the  Hcpublic  all  neutral  vessels  which 
'  should  be  found  laden,  in  whole  or  in  part,  either 
'  with  articles  of  food,  belonging  to  neutral  Powers 
'  and  intended  for  an  enemy's  port,  or  with  mer- 
'  chandize  belonging  to  an  enemy,  which  tnerchan- 
'  dizcs  were  declared  lawful  prize."  But  this 
decree  was  avowedly  and  on  its  own  face  a  meas- 
ure adopted  by  France  tn  extremis,  and  only  for 
the  purpose  of  saving  her  people  from  starvation; 
and  the  same  decree  solemnly  pledged  the  payment 
to  the  captured  of  the  full  price  of  the  provisions 
taken  at  their  port  of  destination,  and  ample  dam- 
ages for  detention  of  the  vessels.  By  its  own 
terms,  this  decree  was  made  retrospective,  and 
"  applicable  lo  all  the  prizes  which  had  been  made 
since  the  declaration  of  war  with  Great  Britain." 
And  by  those  terms  it  was  to  cense  to  have  efl'ect 
"  as  soon  as  the  enemy  Powers  should  have  de- 
'  dared  free  and  not  sellable,  although  destined  for 
'  the  ports  of  the  Uenublic,  the  articles  of  provis- 
'  ion  belongin]»  to  neutral  nations,  and  the  mer- 
'  chttndizes  laclen  in  neutral  vessels  and  belonging 
'  to  the  Government  or  citizens  of  France." 

Under  this  decree,  great  numbers  of  our  mer- 
chant vessels  were  captured  by  French  cruisers. 
It  was  n  much  more  justifiable  measure  on  the 
part  of  France  than  the  corresponding  order  in 
council  about  the  same  time,  adopted  by  Great  Brit- 
ain, which  dirftcd  payment  for  the  provisions 
taken  at  the  \:  es  in  the  British  market,  where 
was  no  scarcity,  and  where  flour,  for  example, 
might  be  bougnt  at  from  six  to  ten  dollars  per 
barrel;  while  France,  by  her  decree,  was  bound  to 


pay  us  the  price  of  the  provisions  taken  at  (ha 
port  of  destination,  that  port  being  almost  invari- 
ably, of  course,  n  French  port,  where  provisions 
were  scarce,  and  coniequently  high,  and  whera 
the  article  of  flour,  to  which  I  have  alluded,  was 
generally  selling  at  from  thirty  to  forty  dollari  per 
barrel. 

The  French  decree,  which  promised  us  such 
ample  indemnity  for  all  captures,  (pressed  as  France 
was  at  the  time  by  the  allied  Powers  for  the  pur- 
pose of  starving  her,)  was  never  regarded  by  our 
Government  as  furnishing  cause  of  war  against 
her.  And  it  is  remarkable  that  the  French  Gov- 
ernment never  denied  iui  liability  for  indemnities, 
hut  avowed  on  all  occasions,  when  applied  to  for 
llie  purpose,  that  it  was  legally  responsible  for  all 
the  captures  and  spoliations  of  our  commerce,  from 
the  beginning  of  tne  war  of  1793  down  to  the  rati- 
fication of  the  convention,  which  put  on  end  lo 
those  spoliations,  on  the  31st  day  of  July,  1801. 

It  becomes  my  duty  now,  sir,  to  advert  to  an 
extmordinary  document,  which,  in  connexion  with 
the  other  facts,  is,  I  think,  to  be  regarded  as  of  the 
highest  importance  by  all  men  who  desire  to  de- 
cide fairly  and  impartially  between  the  Govern- 
ment aim  these  claimants.  It  is  the  proclamation 
of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  in  ihe  shape 
of  a  circular  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State  to 
the  mcrchanis  of  the  United  States,  and  is  doted 
August  27,  1793.  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  Secretary, 
thus  addresses  the  merchants: 

"GenUemen:  Coninlnint  having  been  moile  to  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  ITnlteu  States  of  some  instances  of  unjusti- 
fiable vexation  and  sfioiiatlon  committed  on  our  merrhunt 
vessels  by  tlio  privateers  o'"*-o  I'owers  at  war,  and  it  being 
possttile  that  other  instancen  may  have  happened  of  which 
noinforniatinn  has  been  given  to  the  Government,  I  have  it 
in  charge  IVom  the  President  to  assure  the  merchants  of 
the  I'nited  StJites  concerned  in  foreign  commerce  or  navi- 
gnUon,  that  due  attention  will  he  |mld  to  any  injuries  they 
may  sufler  on  the  high 'seas,  or  in  foreign  countries,  eontmry 
to  the  law  of  nations  or  lo  i^xji^ting  treaiii-s,  and  that,  on  their 
forwarding  hjUicr  well-autli''niicated  evidences  of  the  lame, 
proper  proceedings  wilt  be  adopted  for  Uieir  relief." 

It  appears  that  this  circular  was  carefVilly  dis- 
tributed among  the  merchants  in  all  the  seaports  in 
the  United  States.  It  presents  the  extraordinary 
case,  the  only  one  I  am  aware  of  in  the  history  of 
this  Government,  of  a  direct  communication  from 
the  Executive  to  till  concerne  1  ir  foreign  commerce 
or  novigotion.  Its  object,  on  its  own  face,  is  not 
merely  to  assure  them  of  indemnity  for  the  post. 
It  does  not  assure  them  that  due  attention  will  be 
paid  to  any  injuries  they  may  Aai^e  suflered,  but  it 
does,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  pledge  the  faith 
of  this  Government  lo  them  "that  due  attention 
will  be  poid  to  any  injuries  they  may  suffer  on  the 
high  seas,  or  in  foreign  countries,  contrary  to  the 
law  of  nations  or  to  existing  treaties."  And  it 
does  solemnly  further  pledge  the  faith  of  the  Gov- 
ernment to  all  those  who  may  thus  hereafter  suffer, 
that  "  on  their  forwarding  (to  the  Department  of 
State)  well-authenticated  evidence  of  the  some, 

firopcr  proceedings  will  be  adopted  for  their  re- 
icf." 

The  spoliations  on  our  commerce,  and  especially 
the  French  decree  of  the  9th  of  May,  prior  to  the 
dale  of  this  letter,  had  so  greatly  interrupted  our 
foreign  commerce  that  the  Government  saw  that 
its  important  resources  for  the  supply  of  revenue 
to  cany  on  its  necessary  operations  were  nearly  all 
cut  off.  The  state  of  things  was  such,  from  the 
rnpacily  of  Britain  and  the  necessities  of  France, 
that  an  American  vessel  sailing  from  an  American 
port  might  be  said  to  be  sure  of  making  her  way 
to  her  destined  port  only  as  a  caplun  tinrfer  Ihe  eon- 
roi/  of  a  French  or  British  cniiser.  It  could  hardly 
be  said  that  there  was  a  possible  chance  of  esca- 
ping capture. 

To  counteract  the  operation  of  this  state  of 
things,  our  own  Government  found  it  necessary, 
for  its  own  revenue,  to  do  something  which  should , 
in  some  degree,  revive  the  prostrate  commerce  of 
the  nation.  Without  some  stich  effort,  it  was  pal- 
pable that  the  treasury,  deprived  of  its  usual  ali- 
ment from  the  duties  on  foreign  importa,  would  be 
dangerously  depicted.  It  would  be  of  but  little  avail 
to  assure  those  merchanta  of  indemnity  who  had 
already  been  ruined.  The  promise  of'^indemnity 
was,  therefore,  not  extended  to  them.  It  was  only 
offered  to  such  as  could  be  induced  to  venture 
again.  True,  the  French  decree  of  the  9th  of  May, 
1793,  promised  indemnity  as  well  for  the  past  as 
for  the  future.    Our  Government  did  not  choose 


i 
I 


Pi 


ess 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  93  b  94, 


99th  Cono 1st  Sbss. 


FVench  Spoliatiotu — Mr.  John  M.  Clayton. 


Sknatk. 


to  n\y  nn  the  |iromiu  contained  in  that  decree,  to 
indemniiy  thoae  who  had  auflVred.  But  it  draw 
out  the  American  ihipa  which  were  alill  locked  up 
in  port,  or  laid  up  In  dock,  by  what  ought,  under 
all  the  circumaMneea,  to  b«  regarded  aa  a  aolemn 
promiae  by  the  Onvernmenl  to  aee  to  it  that  they 
ahouid  Ruflisr  ni>lliin)r  more  IVnm  foreign  ngi(res- 
aion4  The  coiiaeqiicnce  waa,  air,  procia«ly  what 
might  have  been  exnerted.  Lured  by  thia  nmm- 
ise  of  indemniiy,  and  the  prnapect  of  thirty  dollara 
n  barrel  for  flour  in  a  French  port,  the  merchanla 
of  the  country  a^ain  stretched  every  nerve.  Ame- 
rican ahips  from  every  aeaport  attain  spread  their 
canvass  to  the  winds,  and  furnished  a  siill  richer 
harvest  Ihan  before  for  the  plundering;  priva'scra 
and  cruisers  of  France  and  Great  Urilain, 

In  addition  to  all  the  distress  arising  from  ille- 
gal captures  n*.  sea,  one  hundred  and  llirre  sail  of 
American  vrssels  were  detained  by  an  illcf^nl  de- 
cree in  a  siuKlo  French  port.  Mr.  Morris,  in  his 
letter  to  the  Secretary  of  Slate  of  November 'ifi, 

1793,  says:  "  The  Bordeaux  embargo  hits  at  length 
'  produced  the  Krcalrst  distress;  tlie  crews  have 

'  consumed  their  provisions.  The  merchanis  will  1 
'  be  saddled  with  heavy  loss  and  cost.  The  com-  | 
'  missaries  have  insisted  on  their  meaaurcH  of  shut-  i 
'  ting  the   port;   they  have    promised    Mr.  Fen-  j 

•  wick  redress  from  day  to  day."  And  asain,  in  i 
hLi  letter  of  January,  1794,  he  writes  In  the  Sec-  : 
relnry:  "  I  am  promised  daily  that  the  embargo  i 
'  laid  on  our  ships  in  ilie  port  of  Uordenux  slinll  be 

•  taken  off,  and  an  indcmniticalion  granted  for  the 
<  losses  which  'i  has  occasioned."  Still  no  indem- 
nity wai  graiited;  and  Mr.  Morris,  referring  again 
to  the  coniinuftl  capture  of  American  mcrcliant 
ships,  in  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  6ih  March, 

1794,  snys!  "  Every  post  brings  mo  piles  of  letlera 
abi>ut  it  from  all  quarters,  and  I  see  no  remedy." 

In  his  letter  to  the  French  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs  of  the  37lh  February,  1794,  referring  to  the 
systematic  capture  of  American  merchant  ships  by 
the  French,  he  even  speaks  of  it  as  a  "  measure  in 
itself  excusable,  perhaps,  in  the  present  circum- 
■tancea  of  the  Republic."  The  French  still  con- 
tinued to  admit  their  liability  for  these  raptures. 
M.  Buchot,  French  Commissioner  of  Foreign  Re- 
lations, in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Morris,  dated  July  5, 
1794,  says:  "The  sentiments  of  the  Cnnvenlinn 
'  and  of  the  Qnvernment  towards  your  I'l  llow-ciii- 
'  zens  are  too  well  known  to  you  to  leave  a  doubt 
'  of  their  dispositions  to  make  good   tlie  losses 

•  which  the  cireumstances  inseparable  from  a  great 
'  revolution  may  have  caused  some  Ameriiim  niivi- 
'  gators  to  experience."  These  promises  of  com- 
pensation were  continued  from  lime  to  lime,  and 
all  proved  illusory.  The  letters  of  the  French 
Minister  of  Forcisjn  Affairs  to  Mr.  Morris  of  the 
14th  October,  1793,  and  that  of  Mr.  Fauchet,  the 
French  Minister,  to  the  Secretary  of  Stjilr,  of  the 
587lh  March,  1794,  both  cnuiin  excuses  and  prom- 
iaes  of  indemnity.  In  the  latter  Mr.  Fnuchet  says: 
"  If  any  of  your  merchants  have  suffered  by  the 
'  cunduc.t  of  our  privateeis,  (n  thing  which  would 
'  be  contrary  to  the  intention  and  express  order  of 
'  the  Republic,)  they  may,  with  confidence,  ad- 
'  dresB  themselves  to  the  French  Republic,  which 
'  will  never  refuse  justice  to  those  whose  claims 
'are  legal."  Similar  promises  of  reporiiliou  for 
these  spoliations  continued  to  be  made  from  year 
to  year;  the  autlienliculed  evidence  of  which  spo- 
liations was  fl-om  time  to  time  transmitted  by  the 
claimants  (o  the  Department  of  Stale,  and  yet  the 
only  proceedings  adopted  by  their  own  Govern- 
ment for  their  relief  were  remonstrances  like  that 
of  Mr.  Morris  la  the  French  Minister,  in  which 
these  outniges  were  treated  as  excusable,  (lerhaps, 
on  the  part  of  France,  "  under  the  cireumstances," 
and  demands  of  indemnity  which  were  as  often 
followed  by  promises  known  to  be  illusory. 

The  cireulsr  of  the  Secretary  had  positively  as- 
sured the  merchants  that  "  proper  proceedings 
would  be  adopted  for  iheir  relief."  Relying  on  this 
promise,  they  had  fully  engaged  in  foreign  com- 
merce; they  were  publicly  plundered  liy  France, 
and  our  Government  obtained  no  relief  for  them. 
At  length,  on  the  22d  June,  1797,  a  special  mis- 
'  lion,  con.iisting  of  Messrs.  Pinckney,  Marshall, 
and  Gerry,  was  ordered  by  our  Government  to 
negotiate  with  the  French  Republic,  and  especially 
on  the  subject  of  these  indemnities.  Our  own 
Ministers  Pieni|K>tentiary,  in  their  letter  to  Mr. 
Pickering,  our  Secretary  of  Slate,  of  22d  October, 


1797,  reflirrin^  to  the  immeni*  dais  of  captures 
for  the  want  of  a  nU  i'lqnifgi,  admit  thol,  if  we 
made  a  treaty  with  Franco  surrendering  the  l>rop-^ 
erty  lo  captured,  our  own  Qovernment  would  M 
responsible  to  o'lr  citizens  ftir  the  property  so  sur- 
rendered. And  we  have  the  express  authority  of 
John  Marehall,  in  the  extract  from  his  journal, 
transmitted  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  17ih 
of  December,  1797,  that  it  waa  his  "  conviction 
'  that,  if  the  claim  of  American  citizens  for  prop- 
'  erty  r*plured  and  condemned  for  want  .i{  a  ro/« 
'  d'tq»imgt,  was    referred    to    commissioners,  it 

■  wo  ila  be  committing  absolutely  to  chance   as 

'  COMPLCTB  A  aiOIIT  AS  ANT  INOIVIOUAL  EVER 
'  rOSKEIIED." 

In  the  letter  of  our  Envoys  of  the  3d  October, 
1797,  detailing  to  the  Secretary  of  Slate  the  pro- 
ceedings, (X  Y  Z,)  they  say,  "  We  told  him 
'  f Talleyrand)  that  France  had  taken  violently 
'  from  America  more  than  fifleen  millions  of  dol- 
<  lars."    3  vol.  Wait's  Suite  Papcra,  p.  497. 

It  is  unnecessary  lo  dwell  upon  the  facts  which 
caused  llie  failures  of  this  mission.  Our  Envoys 
refused  lo  brilie  the  French  Directory  by  paying 
them  the  " gralificaUon"  of  .^50,000  sterling  which 
they  demanded,  and  without  whicn,  negotiations 
could  not  be  openly  commenced.  The  French 
Government  refused  lo  accredit  our  Ministers,  aq|^ 
ihev  relumed  home. 

The  spoliations  on  onr  commereo  were  continu- 
ed, and  promises  to  pay  also  continued.  Mr.  Tal- 
leyrand, in  a  letter  dated  July  22,  1798,  addressed 
to  Mr.  Gerry,  soys:  "  By  inlbrmnlion  received  by 
'  this  Government,  it  indeed  learns  that  violences 
'  have  been  commilled  upon  the  commerce  and 
'  citizens  of  Ihe  United  Stales  in  the  West  Indies 
'  and  on  Iheir  coasts.  Do  it  the  justice  to  believe 
'  llmt  it  needs  only  to  know  the  facts  lo  disavow 
'  all  acts  contrary  lo  the  laws  of  the  Republic,  and 

■  its  own  decrees.  A  remedy  is  preparing  for 
'it,"&c. 

After  this,  the  French  Government  having  re- 
peatedly de.sired  to  open  negotiations,  and  having 
earneslly  pressed  our  Govenment  to  send  Ministers 
to  Paris  for  that  purpose,  with  nn  assumnre  that 
tliev  should  be  immediately  recognised  and  treated 
with,  at  length  Messrs,  Ellsworth,  Davie,  ond 
Murray,  in  1799,  were  appointed  Envoys  to  the 
Fiench  Republic,  to  make  another  effort  by  ne- 
o-otialion,  and  in  their  inslruclions  of  Ihe  22d 
October,  1799,  Ihey  were  firstof  nil  things  directed, 
"at  the  opeiiinn;  of  the  negotiation,  lo  inform  the 
'  Fiench  Ministers  that  the  United  Suites  expect 
'  from  F'rance,  as  an  imliaprnuible  rondilinn  of  the 
'  treaty,  a  stipulation  lo  make  to  the  citizens  of  the 

•  United  Slates  full  compensation  for  oil  losses  and 
'  damasres  which  they  have  sustained  by  reason  of 
'  irregular  or  illegal  cnptnrea  or  condemnations  of 
'  their  vessels  and  oilier  property,  under  color  of 
'  niilborily  or  commissions  from  Ihe  French  Re- 
'  public  or  ils  agents.  And  all  captures  and  c.on- 
'  dcmnalions  are  deemed  irregular  or  illegal  when 
'  contrary  to  the  law  of  nations,  generally  received 
'  and  acknowledged  in  Europe,  and  to  the  slipnla- 
'  lions  in  the  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  of  the 
'  6tli  of  Febnmrv,  1778,  fairly  and  ingenuously 
'  interpreted,  while  that  treaty  remained  in  force." 

At  the  close  of  these  elnbrirale  instnictions,  the 
Secretory  of  .State,  Mr.  Pickering,  ngnin  enjoins 
on  our  Envoys  lo  consider,  ns  llie  first  point  among 
the  ultimala,  "  that  an  article  be  inserted  (in  any 
'  new  treaty  to  be  made)  for  establishing  a  boarci, 
'  with  suitable  powers,  lo  heor  and  determine  the 

•  claims  of  our  citizens  for  ihe  causes  hereinbefore 
'  expressed,  and  binding  France  to  pay  or  secire 
'  payment  of  the  sums  which  shall  bo  awarded." 

Such  were  the  instructions  under  which  our  con- 
vention with  France  of  September  .30,  1800,  was 
actually  negotiated.  From  the  published  corre- 
spondence between  the  Ministers  of  the  two  Re- 
publics, which  slept  in  the  files  of  Ihe  Stale  Depart- 
ment lor  more  than  a  qunrlerof  a  century,  it  is  now 
apparent,  that  from  the  commencement  to  Ihe  close 
of  the  neeotiation,  the  French  demanded  the  ful- 
filment of  the  treaties  of  1778,  while  they  uniform- 
ly avowed  themselves  liable  for  and  willing  to  pay 
all  just  indemnities  for  their  own  spoliations  on  the 

I  commerce  of  our  citizens. 

I  Our  Ministers  endeavored  first  to  evade  the  trea- 
ties, or  to  deny  their  operation;  but  failing  in  that, 

I  and  being  compelled  to  admit  them  as  obligations 

I  upon  us,  they  made  various  propositions  to  modify 


them,  and  to  purchase  n  release  from  the  most 
onerous  atipulaiiona  contained  in  ihem.  They  of- 
fered to  buy  out  the  article  of  guaninty  for  five 
millions  of  franra,  .ind  the  article  of  prizes  (ihs 
seventeenth  article  of  the  treaty  of  amity  and  com- 
merce) for  three  millions  of  (Vnncs;  at  Ihe  same 
time  offering  lo  France  the  privilege  (as  to  prizea 
in  our  ports)  of  the  most  favored  nation. 

The  French  demanded,  in  reply,  ten  millions  of 
fi-anrs  for  lh«  article  of  guaranty,  but  refliaed  to 
sell  the  article  of  prizes.  But  at  no  period  during 
the  negotiation  did  thu  French  refuse  lo  treat  upon 
the  basis  either  of  a  fulfilment  of  all  Ircniies  and  a 
payment  of  all  indemnities  fur  spoliations,  or  that 
of  a  mutunl  extinguishment  and  release  of  both. 

Fettered  by  their  instructions,  which  demanded 
among  the  ultimata  n  release  from  the  onerous 
stipulations  of  the  treaties,  which  they  could  not 
obtain  without  selling  the  claims  of  our  citizens  for 
spoliation  as  a  consideralion  for  the  release,  and 
yet  anxious,  above  all  things,  to  obtain  safety  for 
our  future  commeree,  by  n  compact  which  should 
provide  exemption  from  all  ftilure  spoliations,  Ihey 
agreed  with  the  French  Ministers  to  reserve  all 
questions  of  liability  on  our  part  under  the  treaties, 
and  of  liability  on  their  part  for  spoliations,  as 
proper  subjccls  for  future  negotiation ;  and  with  that 
intent,  on  the  30th  of  September,  they  signed  a  con- 
vention with  the  French  Ministers. 

The  first  article  of  this  convention  provides  for 
"a  firm,  inviolable,  and  universal  peace,  and  a 
*  true  and  sincere  fi'iendship,  between  the  French 
'  Republic  and  the  United  Stales  of  Americji." 

Tlie  second  article  of  this  convtntion  is  in  the 
fbllowing  words: 

"Art.  9.  The  Minli^tera  Plenlpnientlsry  of  Ihe  two  parties 
not  bi'liii!  ntilo  tn  njiriM'  at  prex'tit  renpeilliiii  Uie  treaty  of 
nllinnce  »r  Hill  Fehriiuty,  177H,  ihn  inwty  iif  ninUy  siid 
rnmniercf  nfllie  ii|iii)e  finto,  anil  llie  cnnvcnlinn  ril']4lh  Nn- 
veinlier,  1788,  ntir  upon  ihi^  liiili'iniiiUin  iiiiilunlly  due  or 
clninifHl,  tht!  parlli'fl  will  Di'gntlntn  Airtlier  on  the«o  BUhJccIS 
nt  u  rnnvcniciii  liinc  ;  ami,  iiiilil  llicy  may  liavr  iiKrocil  upon 
thcfe  pointi,  the  niiid  Ireuiliis  ntui  cnnveiilioii  iitiall  have  no 
npcmlinn,  and  Ihe  rcliiUoiia  of  llie  two  cuuiitrles  ahall  b« 
regulated  as  fnlliiwa." 

Then  comes  the  third  article,  which  provides 
that  the  public  ships  taken  by  either  party  before 
ihe  exchange  rf  ratifications  should  oe  restored. 
And  the  fourth  article  provides  that  property  cap- 
lured  and  not  definitely  condemned,  or  which 
might  be  caplurcd  before  the  exchange  of  ratifica- 
tions, should  be  restored  on  Ihe  proof  of  a  passport, 
the  form  of  which  was  prescribed  by  the  conven- 
tion. The  fifth  article  provides  thai  Mia  contracted 
by  one  of  the  two  nations  with  individuals  of  the 
other,  or  by  ihe  indiviiln  of  one  with  the  indi- 
viduals of  Ihe  other,  shuiii.l  be  paid  or  prosecuted 
in  the  same  manner  as  if  there  had  been  no  misun- 
derstanding; but  this  clause  shovid  net  exitnd  to 
indrmnities  on  account  of  ca]ilures  or  confiscalioiu. 

When  this  convention  was  presented   lo  the 
Senate  of  the  United  Slates  for  their  advice  and 
consent,  they  struck  out  Ihe  second  article,  and 
inserted  an  additional  one,  providing  that  the  con- 
vention should  be  in  force  for  the  term  of  eight 
years  from  the  time  of  the  exchange  of  ratifica- 
tions.    And  on  the  18lh  of  February,  1801,  the 
President  (Mr.  Adams)  accepted,  confirmed,  and 
proclaimed  the  convention  as  amended  by  the 
Senate. 
I      The  object  of  expunging  the  second  article  was 
I  undoubtedly  lo  put  an  end  forever  to  the  entang- 
'  ling  treaties  of  alliance  and  commerce  wilh  i'rance. 
The  provisions  of  the  treaty  of  commerce  and  of 
the  consular  convention  of  1788,  under  which  the 
French  claimed  the  right  of  establishing  tribunals 
,  with  civil  jurisdiction  inourown  ports,  was  scarce- 
ly less  offensive  lo  the  pride  of  the  nation  than  the 
i  articles  of  guaranty  ond  prizes  were  dangerous  to 
I  ila  jwace  and  safely. 

I  The  vole  upon  the  second  article  in  the  Senate 
appears  to  have  been,  for  the  most  part,  if  not 
!  entirely,  a  parly  vote;  the  Federalists  voting  to 
;  expunge  it,  and  the  Democrats,  generally,  voting 
i  to  retain  it. 

j      That  article  recognised  the  treaties  as  in  exist- 
1  ence,  so  far  as  to  make  ihem  the  subject  of  future 
negotiations;  and  the  statesmen  who,  by  expun- 
ging the  article,  sought  to  avoid  such  an  admission 
of  their  validity,  were  of  the  same  school  wilh 
■  those  who  hod,  not  three  years  previously,  by  act 
of  Congress,  declared  the  treaties  to  be  void. 
{      They  viewed  the  stipulalious  in  those  treaties 
'  as  conflicting  with  the  construction  placed  by  the 


MP 


1646.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


859 


39rH  Cong Ibt  Scss. 


French  Spoliatiom — Mr.  John  M.  Clayton. 


Senate. 


iha  moit 

Th«.y  of. 

ly.  for  flvg 

mze»  (th« 

and  com- 

the  ronis 

■  to  prizes 


Executive  on  the  Dritiah  treaty  of  1*94,  nnil  m 
otherwise  lendiriK  to  lirinfi  on  n  rupture  with  Eng- 
lanil.  A  war  with  Qreat  Briuiin  wae,  at  that  lime, 
jtially  conaidered  hy  them  na  more  injurious  to  iia 
than  a  war  with  France,  and  half  the  Mher  conti- 
nental Powers  of  Europe;  because  England  had  it 
in  her  power  to  let  loose  the  savages  on  our  infimt 
frontier  seUlementa,  as  well  as  theahility  to  sweep 
our  commerce  from  the  ocean.  To  avoid  the 
danger  of  this  in-Ajture,  they  resolved,  cost  what 
it  might,  to  free  themselves  forever  from  the  olili- 
galions  of  these  French  treaties,  And  for  this 
purpose  they  expungnd  the  second  article.  This 
course  not  only  left  them  free,  agreeably  to  their 
own  previous  declarations,  but,  by  the  law  of  na- 
tions, it  extinguished  the  treaties  forever,  as  the 
now  convention  was  thus  made  tolully  silent  on 
the  subject  of  those  treaties.  Undoulxedly,  they 
considered  that  they  did  not  extinguish  indemni- 
ties, and  their  own  cinims  for  spoliations,  by  ex- 
punging the  second  article, 
.  They  knew  well  that  the  great  majority  of 
American  claims  for  spniintions  by  France,  arose 
before  they  began  to  arm  in  defence  of  their  righlsj 
and  before  July,  1798,  when,  by  act  of  Congress, 
tlicy  had  decliired  the  treaties  invalid.  Even 
viewing  the  stale  of  things  that  existed  between 
France  and  the  United  Slates  prior  to  the  .30lh  of 
September,  1800,  as  a  state  of  war,  still  they  knew 
"  lliat  claims  founded  on  a  debt  or  an  injury  prior 
'  to  the  war,  but  which  made  no  part  of  the  rea- 
'  sons  fur  untertaking  it,  remain  entire,  and  are 

■  not  abolished  by  the  treaty,  unless  it  be  formally 

■  extended  to  the  extinction  of  ?very  claim  what- 
'evcr." — Voltel,  book  4,  chapter  2,  section  i22, 
I  infer,  therefore,  that  the  Senate  of  1801,  by  ex- 
punging the  second  article,  meant  to  extinguish 
the  treaties,  and  still  retain  the  right  of  American 
cilirens  In  indemnity  for  apnliatioiis, 

Mr,  Murray  was  appointed  to  exchange  with 
France  the  ratifications  of  the  convention,  as  thus 
amended  by  the  Senate,  and  to  procure  her  assent 
to  the  amendments. 

The  view  I  have  presented  of  the  object  of  our 
Qovernment,  to  extinguish  treaties  and  retain  in- 
demnities by  expunging  the  second  article,  is  con- 
firmed by  Mr.  Murray's  letter  of  the  9ih  of  June, 
1801,  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  acting  Secretary  of  State. 
He  says,  ofler  alluding  to  a  conversation  he  had 
held  with  Rcederer,  one  of  the  French  envoys, 
relative  to  the  effect  of  expunging  the  second  article 
on  our  claim  to  inilemnity,  "  I  feor  that  they  will 
'  press  on  article  of  formal  abandonmcnt(ofiiHlcm- 
'  nities)  on  our  pari,  xchich  I  ahall  eraiU."  Why 
evade  it  if  our  object  in  expunging  the  article  had 
been  to  give  up  the  indemniiics?  The  French 
Ministers,  however,  did  not  permit  him  to  evaile 
it.  They  demanded  of  him  the  motives  of  interest 
which  induced  the  suppression  of  the  article.  In 
Ilia  letter  of  the  IStliof  June,  1601,  he  docs  indeed 
endeavor  to  evade  the  inquiry,  snys  he  is  abso- 
lutely uiiinstrucled  on  the  subject,  but  thinks  that 
the  object  of  the  suppression  of  the  second  article 
was  to  prevent  ulterior  discordant  negotiation,  and 
virtually  admits  that  the  indemnities  have  been 
sold,  or  were  intended  to  be  extinguished, 

Mr.  Murray  was  not  outhorizcd,  by  his  instruc- 
tions, to  abandon  tJie  indemnities,  as  be  states  in 
his  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  July  1,  1801;  but  the 
French  MiniHtcrs,  in  their  letter  of  the  3d  of  July, 
1801,  inform  him,  in  effect,  that  they  will  not  ogrcc 
to  the  convention,  unless  it  be  exfireashj  atipulaled 
that  the  reciprocal  pretensions  which  were  the 
object  of  the  second  article  (that  ft,  trcoties  and 
indemnities)  should  be  abandoned  for.:ver;  and 
that  an  article  to  this  effect  must  be  signed  by  both 

f)artlea.  In  his  letter  to  them,  of  the  .lih  of  July, 
le  informs  them  that  he  has  no  authority  to  aban 
don  indemnities.  In  his  letters  to  Mr.  Madison  of 
the  9th,  iDth,  and  33d  July,  1801,  he  informs  him 
that  the  French  will  not  ratify  without  iji  express 
release  (and  that,  too,  by  an  additional  a  tide  of 
the  convention)  of  titileinnifiM,  as  well  as  treaties. 
The  convention  was  thus  concluded,  with  the  addi- 
tion of  an  article  importing  "  that  the  convention 
'  shall  be  in  force  for  eight  yeai-s,  and  with  the  re- 
'  trenchment  of  the  second  article,  provided  that 

'  BT  THII  RETRENCHMENT  THE  TWO  STATES  RE- 
'  NOUNCE  THE  RESPECTIVE  PRETENSIONS  WHICH  ARE 

'  THE  OBJECT  OF  9AIB  ARTICLE."  The  comvcnlion 
being  thus  amended  by  this  additional  article,  which 
was  distinctly  announced  as  a  litx  qtui  non  by  the 


French  Onvernmeni,  it  was  signed  and  ratified  by 
the  First  Consul;  and  returned  to  the  United  Stiiies, 
;ind  again  submltled,  as  thus  amended.  In  the  Sen- 
ate, for  their  advice  and  consent,  by  President 
Jefferson.  On  the  19th  of  December,  1801,  the 
Senate,  by  a  vote  of  39  yeas  to  4  nays,  resolved, 
"two-thirds  concurring,  that  they  consider  this 
convention  as  fully  ratified;"  and  they  f\irlher  re- 
solved, "that  it  be  returned  to  the  President  for 
the  usual  promulfn<tion."  On  the  31al  of  Decem- 
ber, 1801,  the  President  promulgated  the  convention 
in  th''  usual  form,  with  the  additional  article  as  a 
pact  of  it,  and  enjoined  on  all  persons  faithfully  to 
observe  and  fulfil  the  same,  "  and  every  clause  and 
article  thereof." 

Such  is  the  convention  of  September  30,  1800 
and  such  is  its  history. 

Mr.  President,  T  am  now  prepared  to  state,  intel- 
ligibly, the  grounds  on  which  I  mean  to  rest  the 
rlaima  of  Ihoae  who  are  provided  for  by  this  bill  to 
the  relief  of  this  Qovernment. 

And,  first,  I  mean  to  maintain  that  their  claims, 
which  we,  as  well  as  France,  had  always  admitted 
lo  be  valid  against  France  prior  to  the  SOlh  of  Sep- 
tember, 1800,  were  renounced  or  released,  or  sold 
and  sacrificed  by  this  Qovernment,  (in  ihe  conven- 
tion of  that  dale,)  to  purchase  its  exemption  from 
tlie  treaties  of  1776  and  Ihe  consular  convention  of 
1768;  and, 

Secondly,  I  mean  to  maintain  that  these  claims 
were  so  renounced  or  released,  sold  or  sacrificed  by 
this  Qovernment,  (in  that  cnnvenlinn,)  to  purchase 
an  exemption  from  further  spoliations  on  our  com- 
merce, to  secure  to  this  nation  the  blessings  of 
peace  and  the  benefit  of  a  highly  advantageous 
traffic  with  France  and  her  dependencies,  as  well 
as  all  the  other  benefits  which  are  secured  to  this 
nation  by  that  convention,  among  which  I  enu- 
merate the  release  by  France  of  all  her  cinims  for 
captures  on  our  part,  for  damages  on  account  of 
alleged  violation  of  the  treaties  by  us,  (before  the 
period  at  which  it  is  pretended  by  the  opponents 
of  this  bill  that  any  war  existed;)  the  restoration 
of  our  ships  captured  between  the  date  and  ratifi- 
cation of  the  convention;  and  nil  the  indemnilies 
for  debts  secured  by  this  convention  and  afterwards 
paid  by  France,  in  virtue  of  lis  provisions,  amount- 
ing to  twenty  millions  of  francs. 

If  either  of  these  propositions  be  maintained, 
this  Qovernment  is  responsible  lo  the  claimants, 
not  only  by  the  law  of  nations,  but  by  that  express 
provision  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
which  provides,  that  "private  property  shall  not 
be  taken  forpubjicusc  without  just  compensation." 
The  right  of  the  complainant,  if  anything,  is  a 
constitutional  right,  and  we  are  hound  by  our 
oaths,  ns  well  as  a  due  regard  for  the  honor  of  the 
country  and  the  sacred  principles  of  justice,  to 
maintain  it. 

To  support  the  first  position  I  have  taken,  it  is 
necessary  to  show  that  the  treaties  of  1778,  and 
the  consular  convention  of  178t^,  were  valid  and 
binding  upon  us  at  the  date  of  the  convention  of 
1800;  that  the  claimants  had  demands  on  France 
for  indemnity  which  she  was  bound  to  discharge, 
and  that  she  did  discharge  them  by  the  additional 
article  annexed  to  the  convention,  by  which  aire 
renounced  tlie  treaties  and  her  claims  to  indemnity 
founded  on  them,  which  we  finally  accepted  as  an 
equivalent  for  our  release  of  ihrsc  chiims, 

I  proceed  then,  first,  to  show  that  the  treaties 
were  valid  and  binding  upon  us, 
TV  the  va 
els  of  oil; 
ceseary  to  disaiss.  They  contend,  first,  that  the 
treaties  were  abrogated  by  a  war  between  this 
country  and  France,  which  existed  at  some  period 
prior  to  the  convention  of  1800;  and,  secondly, 
that  thcv  were  annulled  by  the  act  of  Congress  of 
July  7,  1798. 

In  regard  to  the  first  of  these  objections,  those 
who  make  it  are  compelled  to  admit  that  there  was 
no  declaration  of  war  by  either  of  the  two  nations 
against  t^c  other;  and,  as  they  contend  that  the 
conveniion  of  1800  was  negotiated  flagrante  bello, 
they  are  driven  also  to  admit,  that  the  period  of 
eight  years,  during  which  that  convention  was  in 
force,  was  but  a  time  of  truce,  at  the  expiration  of 
which  the  war  was  to  be  renewed;  and,  if  their 
premises  be  correct,  we  have  been  nt  war  with 
France  ever  since  the  31st  of  July  1809,  and  are 
now  at  war  with  her  without  knowing  it.    The 


Those  who  deny  the  validity  of  these  treaties, 
rely  on  two  grouncfs  of  objection,  which  it  is  nc- 


contemporanenni  history  and  exposition  of  lh« 
convention  of  1800  show  conclusively,  that  it  was 
negotiated  by  both  |Hirlies  on  Ihe  assumed  basis 
that  there  was  peace  between  the  two  nations  li«. 
fore  it  was  made.  True  it  is,  our  plenipotentia- 
ries have  minuted  the  extraordinary  fact  in  their 
journal,  that,  at  one  single  meeting  held  between 
Ihem  and  the  French  Ministers,  on  the  19th  of 
September,  180U,  in  the  course  of  nn  informal  con« 
venation,  the  latter  being  pressed  hard  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  indemnities,  did  in  opposition  lo  iheir 
own  solemn  admissions  and  arguments,  as  exhib- 
ited in  every  wrilian  communication  by  them  to 
our  ministers  on  the  subject,  contend  that  there  had 
been  war  nn  our  part  against  them,  though  they 
did  not  admit  that  there  was  war  on  Iheir  part 
against  us.  At  Ihe  same  time,  this  palpably  ap- 
peared lo  be  a  miserable  subterfuge  nn  their  part, 
for  they  then  also  openly  nvnweil  the  true  reason 
for  not  paying  the  indemnities,  which  was,  that 
France  at  that  mtnnent  was  not  able  to  poy  them, 
as  her  coffers  were  exhausted  by  the  then  existing 
war  with  England. 

The  French  Ministers,  in  their  letter  to  ours  of 
the  lllh  of  August,  1800,  say:  "  In  ihe  first  place, 
■  they  will  insist  upon  the  principle  already  laid 
•down  in  their  former  note,  viz:  that  the  treaties 
'  which  united  France  and  ihe  United  States  are 
'  not  broken;  that  even  war  could  not  have  broken 
'them;  but  that  Ihe  state  of  misunderstHndinf; 
'  which  has  cxisied  for  some  time  between  Franca 
'  and  the  United  States,  by  the  act  of  some  agents, 
'  rather  than  by  the  will  of  ihe  respective  govcrn- 
'  menis,  has  not  been  a  state  of  war,  at  least  on 
'  the  side  of  Franec."  In  their  letter  of  Ihe  30th 
of  August,  1800,  Ihe  American  Ministers  refer  to 
the  state  of  things  which  Is  now  pretended  to  hove 
been  n  slate  of  war,  and  justly  observe,  "  that,  as 
'  the  wisdom  of  France  reconciled  it  lo  peace,  its 
'application  on  the  principle  of  tear  to  the  exlin- 
'  guishment  of  claims  would  be  inexplicable."  Tho 
French  Ministers  repenlcdiy  proposed,  during  this 
negotiation,  to  settle  with  ns  on  the  basis  that  tliers 
had  been  no  rupture  between  the  two  countries, 
which  was,  indeed,  tho  only  basis  oti  which  on 
honest  settlement  could  have  been  effected.  They 
offered  to  liquidate  the  respective  losses  of  both 
countries  in  consequence  of  spoliations,  and  they 
j  demanded  Ihe  continuance  and  confirmation  of  tha 
j  ancient  treaties,  OS  if  no  misiinder^anding  between 
the  two  coiintiie."!  had  ever  occurred.  The  Amer- 
j  Iran  Ministers  offered  to  buy  out  the  treaties,  and 
then  to  stipulate  for  the  payment  of  indemnities. 
In  Ihe  letter  already  referred  to,  of  August  30, 
1800,  they  desired  the  privilege  of  paying  three 
millions  of  froncs,  and  thereby  to  reduce  the  rights 
of  France,  as  to  privateers  and  prizes,  to  those  of 
the  most  favored  nation.  This  was  virtually  an 
offer  of  three  millions  of  francs  for  the  17lh  article 
of  the  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce.  At  the  some 
time  they  desired  the  privilege  of  paying  five  mil- 
lions of  francs  to  exonerate  us  from  the  article  of 
guaranty  in  the  treaty  of  alliance.  And,  finally, 
both  parties,  by  the  second  article,  recognised  the 
treaties,  as  well  as  the  indemnities,  op  binding,  by 
presenting  them  both  as  the  proper  subjects  of  fu- 
ture negotiation.  The  additional  article  of  the 
convention,  ns  it  was  finally  ratified,  defeated  tho 
attempt  of  the  Senate  to  deny  the  existence  of  the 
treaties,  as  they  intended  to  do,  by  expunging  the 
second  article,  because  it  compelled  this  Govern- 
ment to  exchange,  or,  in  other  words,  to  renounce, 
all  these  claims  for  indemnity  in  consideration  of  a 
release  from  French  indemnities  and  French  trea- 
ties. 

A  brief  review  of  our  legislation  will  conclusive- 
ly show  that  we  had  waged  no  war  against  France, 
Before,  however,  we  coni<ult  the  statute  book  to 
ascertain  what  measures  Congress  adopted  against 
France,  let  us  inquire  what  we  hod  the  right  to  do 
without  violating  the  existing  treaty  of  peace, 
Vattel,  book  4,  chapter  4,  section  43,  lays  down 
the  true  principle: 

"  A  Just  ncirili'fonon  ilo<"«  not  violnte  ttie  treniy  of  peace ; 
it  if*  n  natural  riglit,  liot  to  t)c  rpnounred;  nnll  in  prnmi.^inc 
to  live  in  peace,  we  promiae  no  more  than  not  to  nnark 
witiinut  cause,  and  In  atistain  rrnm  injuries  and  viole-nce. 
Btit  tlicre  ore  two  ways  of  delcndiiifi  oursclve»»  or  our  prop- 
erties; sonietimps  liie  violence  admits  of  no  ollter  rcmeily 
llian  force ;  and  then  the  use  of  it  is  entirely  iawful.  On 
oliier  oeenaions  there  are  milder  ways  of  obtainins  repara- 
tion for  tlie  damnae  and  injury ;  and  tlie  last  siiould  always 
be  pretVirred.  Sucii  is  tbe  conduct  to  be  observed  by  two 
naUons  desirous  of  inaintainlD;  peace,  wlien  tlie  subjects  of 


!«. 


mmm 


860 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  93  k  84, 


S9th  Cono I  IT  Sbii. 


Drench  S^KatUffs — Mr,  John  M.  Clayton, 


Senate. 


kolh  (lilx  h«v«  brokmi  oul  Into  loni*  vlolpiicf .  I^mcnl 
Ihrra  l»  rhorkail  uiil  rrpaithd  by  tm-ii.  Iliil,  In  |ir"m<'iillni| 
Ilia  rn|MraUuni>l'liOuiti»uiiil>  Juki  •■il«flii'Uiiii,lliuaiivuri'l«ii 
nfilie  orl^iiileM  U  tit  Im)  ii|>pllRfl  to,  Thcrt'  i»  no  lNlU>wliiif 
ttiem  liiui  hl«  ciMintry,  niid  hAving  ri'c'i>ur<«  to  arnM,  IIH 
Kftiir  aiIhiiIkI  ofJiiHUrt).  IC  theft*  bii  r«iL*oti  Ui  TKiir  Uint  Uia 
iluliiiqiioiili  will  fwnpi',  lu,  tor  InKtaiieo,  If  uiiliaowii  pnr- 
■«n«,  imtivt)*  oi'u  iieiifliborliiff  t-ountry,  havti  piiultt  iiii  liTii|>- 
tion  into  our  ti'rrttorii'n.  w«  Tiu\it  ti  ri|lit  to  piirtuu  tlti'iUt 
•word  III  hniid,  Into  tlo'lr  own  rotinlrv,  till  titfy  nnt  ■(<iii>d  t 
and,  provlilad  wo  rouiiiitt  iio  hoNUIitiaa  ngHlimt  Innovitnt 
perMoiia,  tli*t|r  vnvurelKo  can  rnnaldur  our  proci'fldiiig  only 
w  ■  Juat  and  li.*gitiumtL-  dt^l'uui'u.'* 

Willi  llicao  principlea  in  view,  I  will  procertl  lo 
tMiniitlnr  the  encct  ur  tlie  net  of  Coiigroaa  o(  3ttlh 
May,  IVJH,  which  I  will  Aral  rend: 

"  Wli'Tttaa  arint'd  vuaacla,  kalllni  under  Uir  authority  nr 
prvtonci  of  authority  rniin  tin*  Hcpiibln:  ol'  Ki'inci*,  liuvtt 
rnrnrnlttiMl  drprfdiitfona  on  III**  cnniin'-rcn  of  tlit*  ITulU'd 
Htntra,  and  havi*  n'ei'iitly  rripiiirod  the  vea-telN  and  pro|Hirty 
orcltliani*  thi'rrot',  on  or  near  tlio  I'ouat*,  In  viohiiioii  oi'tlia 
.  V  orniiliooK,  and  trt'atlea  b'-lw»en  the  l-nitud  HtalOM  and 
Iha  Freiu'li  nation :  Thfrct'orc,  he  It  enaclod,  &r.  1'liut  it 
ahall  bj  lawful  for  tho  Pri'«ldi*iit  of  thu  Uriiti*d  I4tatii>,  and 
h«  la  hfrvby  authorised,  to  inatruct  Hnddlrerttheennonand- 
«raaf  till?  aniied  vitHiieN  twlonglllft  to  the  I'nited  Hiiiiih,  to 
aelae,  taka,  iind  hriiig  iiilti  any  |iort  of  Die  Ijulted  Htiitea,  lo 
be  iinH'eeded  aitailHI  aceordins  to  *lie  luwa  of  iintiona, niiy 
aueli  nrniPd  vei«.<eltt  which  ih.-ill  have  comrniited,  or  whien 
ahail  b>.>  toiiiid  hovering  on  the  eoa^ht  of  thu  (Tnttnil  t^tatrM 
for  thu  purpoHi!  of  fuminlltroit  deprrdiitiona  on  thu  veaael^ 
belnnitinif  t>>  tJifl  citizen*  thereof;  and  nl^ni  In  retake  any 
vhlp  or  vonsel  of  any  cltlK'n  or  eitlzena  of  the  Unllt'd  Mtiite.i 
whieh  may  have  Ihu-ii  cnpliired  hy  any  huvli  armed  vcH^el.'* 

This  not,  the  title  ol'  which  is,  "  An  act  mora 
effectually  tn  protect  the  commerce  and  coobIii  of 
the  United  Stales, "  is  purely  defenaive  in  every 
linn  of  it.  It  ia  nn  net  iiir  aprcinl,  not  for  general 
repriaaU;  mid  no  writer  (,ii  the  law  of  nations  treats 
apecial  reprisals  as  equivalent  to  war,  hut  all  of 
them  present  us  with  cases  of  jiiMifiable  "  retor- 
tion," which  a  nation  may  lawfully  resort  to  with- 
out breaking  a  treaty  ol"  peace,  many  of  which  are 
much  stronger  than  that  before  us. 

The  reprfaals  directed  by  the  net  nf  38th  May, 
1798,  were  reatrictcd  lo  armed  vessels,  and  to  lliose 
only  which  sailed  under  aiitlinrity,  or  pretence  of 
authority,  from  Fmiice. 

But  this  was  not  all;  they  were  nlao  limited  to 
aiich  armed  vcssela  as  had  committed  depredations 
on  our  commerce,  and  had  recently  captured  the 
vesaela  and  property  of  our  citizens,  in  violation  of 
the  treaties  and  the  laws  of  nations,  or  should  be 
found  hovering  on  our  coaata  for  the  purpose  of 
committing  such  depredations.  Still  further,  the  | 
act  only  uuthoinea  such  reprisals  as  I  have  ile-  { 
scribed  upon  armed  vessels  which  have  recently  | 
captured  our  vessels  and  property  on  and  near  the  ! 
tnatta  of  the  United  Stntes.  So  that,  in  case  an 
American  n-igate  had  met  a  French  cruiser  with  | 
an  American  merchant  ship,  by  her  captured  in  I 
the  middle  of  the  Atlantic,  or  in  the  Went  Indies,  ' 
or  on  the  coast  of  France,  the  act  gave  her  no  au- 
thority to  make  reprisals.  Mort:over,  the  act  is 
confined  to  the  armed  vessels  belonging  to  the  Uni- 
ted States,  and  authorizes  no  letters  of  marque  or 
commissions  to  privateers.  At  this  distance  of 
lime,  it  must  appear  to  every  one  aa  one  of  the 
weakest  and  most  cautious  measures  of  protection, 
prevention,  and  dcl'encc,  ever  resorted  to  by  nn  in- 
dependent nation  under  similar  circumstnnces.  So 
lame  and  inefficient  were  the  provisions  of  this  act, 
that  our  own  judicial  tribunals  were  compelled  to 
discharge  French  cruisers  and  priveteers  captured 
by  our  ships  of  war,  which  had  notoriously  been 
engaged  in  the  plunder  of  our  commerce,  on  the 
ground  that  their  outrages  were  not  embraced  by 
the  provisions  of  this  act.  Was  this  war?  Valtcl, 
book  2,  chapter  18,  sec.  3.'54,  says,  that  "as  the  law 
'of  humanity  prescribes  to  nations,  no  less  than  to 
'  iiulividiiuls,  the  inildeiit  measures,  when  they  are 
'  sufficient  to  obtain  justice,  whenever  a  sovereign 
'  can,  by  the  way  of  reprit  ils,  procure  a  just  rec- 
'omnense  or  a  proper  satisfaction,  he  ought  to 
'  make  use  of  this  method,  which  is  leas  violent 
'  and  less  fatal  than  war." 

By  the  law  of  nations,  reprisals  arc  regarded 
nmniig  the  various  methods  practised  to  avoid  war; 
and  they  are  no  breach  of  a  treaty  of  peace  when 
levelled  against  the  ships  of  a  nation  which  has 
plundered  our  commerce,  and  refused  reparation 
for  it,  or  denied  justice,  cither  by  afl'ected  delays, 
for  which  no  pood  reasons  can  be  given,  or  by 
judgments  manifestly  unjust  and  portial.  It  would 
be  sufficient  to  show  that  this  act  of  Congress  was 
nut  considered  aa  a  measure  amounting  to  war,  to 
recur  to  the  language  of  the  first  section  of  another 
act  passed  on  the  same  day,  which  authorized  the 


Preaident  to  enlist  men  only  "  in  Ihe  event  nf  a 
derlaraiion  of  war  againat  the  United  States,  or  of 
actual  invasion  of  their  territory  by  n  foreign  IViw- 
er,  or  of  imminent  danger  of  atich  invasion."  But, 
air,  I  relv  nn  a  much  more  conclusive  fltri,  niid 
that  is,  thnt  during  the  whole  of  thia  |.rctended 
war,  and  not  only  Lelbre  but  afttr  the  passage  of 
thia  act  of  Coiigreaa,  at  all  times,  the  courts  both 
of  this  country  and  of  France  wcro  open  to  the 
citizena  of  both  nntionsj  Frenchmen  suing  in  our 
coiirta,  08  we  did  in  theira,  in  the  character  nf  men 
at  peace  with  lach  other.  No  prelcnou  was  ever 
aet  up  that  a  Frenchman  waa  an  alien  enemy,  iMid 
Iherel'oro  not  entitled  lo  sue  in  our  courts,  which 
would  have  been  done  had  there  been  a  state  of  war 
between  the  two  iiatioiia,  la  it  not  conclusive,  sir, 
that,  during  the  whole  time  of  thia  pretended  war, 
citizens  of  France,  claiming  as  such,  and  suing  in 
llieir  names  and  characters  as  aiich,  obtained  resti- 
tution of  their  properly  even  when  tiikeii  on  the 
high  aeaa,  and  yet  were  never  met  by  n  single  plea 
or  pretence  that  they  were  alien  enemies?  Ol  the 
same  general  chuiacter,  and  justifiable  us  a  iiicns- 
ui'c  of  peace  on  the  same  principles,  was  the  act 
of  25ih  of  June,  1798,  "  to  authorize  the  defence 
of  the  merchant  vejsuls  of  the  United  States  against 
French  depredations."  This  act  authorized  nier- 
chant  vessels  tn  oppose  searches,  restniints,  or 
seizures  attempted  by  the  French;  lu  repel  assaults, 
capture  the  iig<;ressors,  and  make  recaptures  of 
American  vessefs;  to  sell  and  distribute  their  prizes. 
The  act  cautiously  provided  that  security  should 
be  given  fur  good  conduct.  This  net,  which 
was  limited  in  Us  duration,  provided  nlso,  "  that 
'  whenever  the  (.iovernment  nf  France,  and  all 
'  persons  acting  by  or  under  their  authority,  shall 
'  disavow,  and  shall  cause  the  commnndeis  and 

*  crews  of  all  armed  French  vessels  to  retrain  from, 
'  tlie  lawless  dciiredationn  and  outrages  hitherto 
'  encouraged  and  authorized  by  that  Uovcrnnient 
'  against  the  merchant  vessels  of  the  United  Slates, 

*  and  shall  cause  the  laws  of  nations  to  be  observed 
'  by  the  said  armed  French  vessels,  the  President 
■of  Ihe  United  Slates  shall  be,  and  he  is  hereby, 
'  authorized  to  instruct  the  commanders  and  crews 

*  of  the  inerchant  vessels  of  the  United  Slates  to 
'  submit  to  any  regular  senrch  by  the  coinnmnders 
'or  crews  of  French  vessels,  and  to  retrain  from 
'  any  force  or  capture  to  bo  exercised  by  virtue 
'  hereof."  It  is  unnecessary  lo  obbcrve  that  this 
net  was  strictly  justifiable  and  proper  us  a  measure 
of  dereii.-'0:  "lid  in  nowise  inconsistent  with  our 
dutiee  lu  France  under  the  treaties  of  pence. 

The  act  of  Congress  of  the  (jth  ol  July,  1798, 
negatives  the  possible  inference  that  there  was  war 
between  the  two  countries.  It  provides:  "  That, 
'  whenever  there  shall  be  a  declared  war  between 
'  the  United  States  and  any  foreign  nation  or  gov- 
'  ernment,  nr  any  invasion  or  predatory  incunsion 
'  siiall  be  per|)etraled,  attempted,  or  threatened, 
'against  the  territory  of  tlie  United  States,  by  any 
'  foreign  nation  or  government,  and  the  President 
'  of  the  United  States  shall  make  public  procluma- 
'  tion  of  the  event,  nil  natives,  citizens,  denizens, 
'  or  subjects  of  the  hostile  nation  or  government, 
'  being  males  of  the  ago  of  fourteen  years  and  up- 
'  wards,  who  shall  be  within  the  United  States, 
'  and  not  actually  naturalized,  shall  be  liable  to  be 
'apprehended,  restrained,  secured,  and  removed, 
'  aa  alien  enemies."  Now,weknowthefucilliatllio 
President  did  never  issue  any  such  ]>roclaination. 
There  was,  ihcrel'oie,  no  such  war  or  inviisiun  or 
incursion  either  pcrpetiuled,  or  a(/rmp(ed,  or  even 
threatened.  The  actof  9lli  July,  1798,  was  another 
act  avowedly  to  protect  commerce.  It  imihurizcd 
our  public  ship.*,  of  war  lo  capture  armed  French 
vessels,  and  allow  the  President,  by  special  com- 
mission, to  license  private  armed  ships  to  capture 
the  same,  with  jiower  to  recapture  out  own  ships, 
on  bond  and  security  given  to  observe  llie  laws 
and  treaties  of  the  United  Suites.  This  acl  also 
was  directed  only  against  French  aniied  sliips,  and 
gave  no  authority  to  attack  French  vessels  nut 
armed.  The  restrictions  it  contains  make  it  iiicon- 
aiatent  with  n  suite  of  war.  Of  the  same  character 
is  the  evidence  furnished  by  the  act  of  the  '.3d 
March,  1799,  giving  eventual  authority  to  the 
President  to  augment  the  army;  by  which  it  was 
provided  that  it  should  be  lawful  for  the  President 
I  to  raise  twenty-four  regiments  of  infantry,  &c., 
I  "  in  case  war  should  break  out  bettceen  tlie  Unittd 
I  States  andaj'oreign  European  Power." 


We  Vnnw  the  twenty-four  rrcimenla  were  not 
rniacd,  simply  becniiHe  the  rnae  iTid  not  occur;  the 
irar  did  not  break  out.  So  the  net  of  3<l  March, 
1799,  by  which  the  proviaions  ftir  better  organizing 
the  army  wore  not  to  :nko  effect,  "  unless  war  skull 
'  break  out  between  the  United  Slates  atu<  aome  £uro- 
'  pean  I'rince,  Polenlale,  or  Slate."  These  pro- 
visions  for  bettor  organizing  the  army  did  not  go 
into  operation,  and  thnt  is  conclusive  proof  that 
the  war  did  not  break  oul.  Similar  evidence  is  also 
fhrnished  '<■■;  i\ii  act  of  SUth  February,  180(1,  to 
auapcnd  the  ift  for  augmenting  the  army,  decla- 
ring that  further  enlistments  alinll  lie  auapendeil 
until  the  fiirllicr  i>rder  of  Congress,  "  itn/M»,  i»  the 
'  recess  nf  CungrrfH,  and  during  Ihe  con/inii«iife  nfihe 
'  existing  d{ltieullies  between  the  United  Slides  and  the 
'  t)rencii  Ueiniblie,  war  should  break  oul  between  the 
'  United  Stales  and  the  tVenth  Hrpu/i/ic,  or  imiiiiiKnt 
'  danger  of  inrosioii  nf  their  lerritorij  hij  Ihe  said 
'  Ite]iublic  should  be  discovered." 

It  ia  hardly  necessary  lo  i>lmerve  that  the  enlist- 
ments were  suspended  brenuse  war  did  not  break 
out  between  the  United  States  luid  the  French  Ke- 
publie,  K(piiilly  emicUisivc  is  the  net  of  the  14lli 
of  iMay,  1800,  which  authorized  the  suspension  of 
military  nppoinlmeiila,  nnd  Ihe  discharge  q/'  (ri>o;M, 
which  Imu  been  directed  to  bo  raised  by  previous 
ai'Is.  The  troops  were  discharged;  the  military 
a|>pointmrntH  ami  enlistments  were  suapentled; 
and  nil  this  was  done  flagrante  btllo  !  Strange  that 
Congress  should  have  made  such  n  mistake;  that 
it  should  have  been  so  ignorant  of  the  existence  of 
the  war  raging  with  the  French  Uepublic  only  four 
months  before  the  negotinlinn  of  the  pretended 
Ircnty  of  pence.  Congress,  fearing  a  rupture  with 
France  or  England,  had  prepared  for  war  by  all 
the  various  acls  of  the  27th  of  March,  of  the  7tli 
April,  of  the  a7th  April,  of  the  3d  Mny,of  the  4tli 
May,  of  the  2'2dMay,ofthc28)h  May,  ofthe  laili, 
i:)tli,  22d,  25th,  28lh,  and  30th  June,  of  the  6th, 
9ih,  11th,  14th,  and  16ih  July,  1798,  us  well  aa  by 
the  acts  1  have  already  referred  lo;  and  at  length, 
finding  that  wor  woulil  not  come,  had  passed  the 
actof  May  14, 1800,  for  disbanding  the  troops  with- 
out making  priicc  .'  Sir,  the  evidence  that  Congress 
never  recognised  the  existence  of  n  war  with  France 
is  irresistible. 

The  act  ofthe  13lh  June,  1798,  nnd  the  octa  of 
1799  and  1800,  to  suspend  the  intercourse  with 
France,  to  forfeit  American  vessels  and  cargoes  if 
trading  or  touching  nta  French  port  in  Europe,  the 
West  Indies,  or  elsewhere,  ami  lo  forfeit  French 
vessels  nnd  their  cargoes  if  found  within  the  juris- 
dictional limits  of  the  United  Stntes, .after  being 
ordered  to  depart,  were  acts  which,  instead  of 
giving  evidence  of  war,  furnished  satisfactory  proof 
of  aHtatc  of  peace;  they  were  inconsistent  with  a 
stale  of  war.  Such  acts,  passed  in  time  of  war, 
when  all  intercouso  between  the  hostile  nations  ia 
suspended,  would  have  been  idle  and  ridiculous. 
They  presuppose  an  existing  state  of  peace,  arid 
never  could  have  been  passed  by  a  body  of  sensi- 
ble men,  who  supposed  their  country  at  the  lime 
at  war  with  France.  And  finally,  sir,  in  the  very 
instructions  of  our  Ministers  who  were  to  nego- 
tiate the  convention,  our  own  Executive  Govern- 
ment declares  itself  ilesirous  of  maintaining  peace, 
and  still  willing  to  leave  open  the  door  of  recon- 
ciliation with  1' ranee. 

Sir,  I  think  I  have  now  shown  that  there  was 
no  war  between  the  United  States  and  the  French 
Renublic  prior  to  the  convention  nf  1800;  but  even 
had  there  be^  such  a  casus  belli  as  would  have 
brought  up  the  principle  of  abrogating  treaties  by 
war,  wo  know  that  the  French  disavowed  that 
principle  in  the  negotiations  of  1800,  and  that  we 
then  gave  it  up;  and  we  ought  never  lo  forget  that, 
while  England  has  always  contended  for  that  prin- 
ciple, yet  the  American  doctrine  has  been,  at  least 
on  more  than  one  great  occasion,  of  a  very  dilTer- 
eiit  character.  Mr.  Hush  says,  in  his  "Memo- 
randa," that  "the  American  Ministers,  in  their 
'  negotialiona  at  London,  in  1818,  with  the  British 
'  Government,  insisted  that  the  third  article  of  the 
'  treaty  of  September,  1783,  refofiei!  (o  the  fisheries, 
'  was  a  fundamental  and  permanent  article,  aecu- 
'  ring  a  primary  right,  not  annulled,  though  theex- 
'  ercise  of  the  right  was  inlerrupteil  by  the  war  of 
'  1812;  and  that  the  right  remained  in  full  force 
'.aflerlhe  termination  ofthe  war,  notwithstanding 
'  it  was  not  noticed  in  the  treaty  of  Ghent.  The 
<  British  commiasioncra,  on  the  other  hand,  alleged 


1846.) 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


861 


39th  Cono liT  Sbm. 


jFV«mA  t^Uatiotu — Mr.  John  M.  Clayton. 


Senate. 


'  thnt  the  war  of  1819  eancellid  the  proviiion,  tnd 

•  nut  boiiiR  rcnewcil  by  tliv  •iibK(|Uciit  treaty  uf 
'  pence,  ilio  right  wna  cxtiiif;u»ho(l.    The  two  na- 

■  tioiii  lit  lait  iv;rcc(l  In  the  convention  of  the  !JUth 

•  of  Octolicr,  18 18,  motlifying  and  iielllint;  the  quea- 

■  tion  a«  lotiie  fiahcriea,  without  ylcldinK,  on  either 

■  aide,  their  cniiatruclion  of  the  inieriiliun  of  the 
'  wiir  of  1819  upon  the  treaty  of  1783." 

Hut,  admitting  that  the  doctrine  thnt  war  extin- 
guiahca  all  trenlic*  prior  to  ila  coniiiieni!enient  ii 
the  American  doctrine,  yet  it  in  certuin  thnt  the 
principle  cuiinot  ho  npniicd  to  a  cuao  where  both 

Iuirtici,  at  the  cloae  of  iiie  war,  negotiate  upon  the 
iMsia  of  the  validity  of  the  trcotiea,  and  a{;rce  to 
admit  indemnity  for  thuir  violation.  The  Minia- 
t«r»  of  botli  countries,  during  the  negotiations  of 
1600,  agreed  in  coimidvring  llio  French  treutim  oi 
not  extinguiaht'd,  and  the  I'Vcnch  Ministcra  ex- 
pressly disclnlined  the  whole  doctrine  that  such 
treatiea  could  bo  abrogated  by  war,  even  if  war 
lind  existed. 

We  come  next  to  tho  consideration  of  the  ques- 
tion whether  tho  act  of  Congress  of  July  7,  17<JH, 
lind  annulled  those  lientics.  That  net  declared 
thnt  the  Ntipulntions  of  those  treaties  should  "  not 
iiKNCEFORTii  be  regarded  as  legally  obligatory." 
It  is  in  vain  to  contend  that  a  treaty  can  bo  annul- 
led by  tlio  consent  of  only  one  of  tho  parties  to  it. 
Tho  subject  is  discussed  in  tho  54th  number  of  the 
Federalist,  and  the  conclusion  is  there  arrived  lit 
that,  as  the  consent  of  both  |>artics  was  esscntiiil  to 
the  formation  of  treaties  at  first,  so  must  it  ever 
afterwards  be  to  alter  or  cancel  them.  Tho  author 
adds,  that  the  propoHcU  constitution  of  the  United 
Suites  lias  left  the  oblignlion  of  treaties  btyunil  Ihe 
laifful  reach  of  Itgislalite  acta.  Wo  have  the  author- 
ity of  Mr.  Jcd'eison,  while  Secretary  of  State,  to 
the  same  elTcct.  He  made  a  report,  through  Gen- 
eral Washington,  to  Congress,  on  tho  IHlh  Janua- 
ry, 1791,  on  the  net  of  Congress  imposing  a  ton- 
nage duty  on  foreign  vessels,  which  hud  been 
complained  of  by  the  French.  It  will  bo  found  in 
the  lOlh  volume  of  Wait's  American  State  Papers, 
piige  73.    He  says: 

"  It  U  ilolmlilo  ill  ninny  lii»tRnco»  to  cxcliniiBO  miitiml 
lulvBiiliiKiB  by Icninliitivo  in briiilii'rtlmu  liyinniyi  liiiiuim 
tiKi  loniier, ihciunh iimlirBlndil lo  liu  in cnnmdiTuliou m  fiitli 
oilier,  nnd  therelliri!  ijreiitly  iCH)itoti'il,  yi  t.  wliir^liiiy  l>c- 
cmiio  tiHt  incuiiveiilciit,  ciiii  lir  rlruppoil  nt  tlie  will  of  either 

Smny  ;  wAiti-oi  ■fijiu/ulioiu  l/y  Irettltj  are-forevcr  irrewcttlilK, 
iu(  Lj  joint  coiisciu,  (li  a  c/wiigc  <./  tiraii/iWaiicn  rnu/w  U'cm 
ci'er'so  ftuTi/fiuoine." 

The  opinion  of  Chief  Justice  Marshall  was  to 
tho  samu  effect,  and  1  shall  close  my  remarks  on 
tliis  branch  of  liic  subject  by  referring  to  that.  It 
will  be  found  in  his  Life  ol  Washington,  iiote  to 
page  274,  volume  5.  In  note  Mo.  2,  at  the  end  of 
the  volume,  he  says: 

•'  111  the  I'orniiiildii  of  the  tri'iily  with  tliu  Crcekii,  n  f|iicB- 
llon  Clinic  on  to  lie  coniiiili.'rcd  iiiiil  di  cliluii,  wlilch  involvml 
n  principlit  Uint  nn  an  nl'ier  ficca8i<iii  nnd  in  ii  dillLTent  cuMii 
[evidcnily  rtfLrtiiiB  lo  ihi:  act  of  t'oinros  olJulyT,  ITIIH,  us 
111  tlin  ilbriiijiiliuii  III' the  Ircuticii  nl'  IT<«  with  Kiuiicc)ex<iled 
uli-rnifnt  never  to  bo  riirguttcn  by  Uio-ie  who  Inok  iiii  ai'li\c 
luirt  In  til"  iioliiics  of  tlie  iliiy.    l'rc•^illt•Ill  VViihIiiiikIxii  "•- 


of  (how  vinlationi  of  treaty  >  Whatever  they  may 
have  been,  they  nt  least.  In  any  view  of  the  »u\i- 
ject,  wero  certainly  released  by  France,  and  tho 
moneir  which  France  nckiiowledijod  was  due  to 
Ihe  claimants  won  released  by  ua  in  exchange  for 
tiicm. 

Assuming  that  the  treaties  were  valid  and  bind- 
..  g  upon  us  for  damages,  my  next  position  was, 
that  tlio  claimants  had  demands  upon  France  which 


ing  upon  us  for  damages,  my  next  ]>osition  was, 

dsiipi 
she  was  bound  to  discharge;  anil  that  she  did  dis- 
charge them  by  the  additional  article  annexed  to 
the  convention,  by  which  she  renounced  the  treaties 
and  her  claim  to  indemnity  founded  on  them,  which 
wo  flimlly  accepted  as  an  equivalent  for  our  release 
of  these  claims. 

The  demands  of  llic  claimants  for  indemnities 
from  France  were  claims  of  such  n  character  as  could 
neither  be  nlTecled  by  tho  war,  if  any  had  existed, 
nor  by  the  repeal  of  the  treaties,  in  case  the  act  of 
July,  17U8,  had  repealed  them.  If  there  was  war, 
still  no  ono  wdl  pretend  that  the  object  of  it  ever 
was  to  recover  these  claims.  If  any  ono  shall 
80  contend,  let  him  show  when  th"  war  began,  and 
point  us  to  some  document,  or  other  source  of  in- 
formation, to  show  that  that  was  its  object.  In 
the  disturbed  and  agitated  slate  of  peace,  wc  have 
seen  thnt  special  reprisals  weie  directed  against 
armtd  French  cruisers,  but  no  commission  was 
ever  given  to  any  sufferer  by  these  spoliations  to 
redress  himself  iiy  general  reprisals  on  French 
commerce.  It  is  indeed  said,  that  Franco  autho- 
rized indiscriminalo  reprisals  on  our  commerce. 
If  that  bo  true,  then  the  doctrine  of  nnlioiml  law 
miiken  our  own  Government  nnxweralile  to  our  own 
cilizeiisforthc  spoliations  caused  by  those  reprisals. 
Vattel,  B.  2,  chap.  18,  sec.  345,  says; 

"  III)  who  nmkcK  use  nf  ri'|irisnl»  ogniniit  a  nntloii,  nn  the 
gntidM  of  lla  iiii'nilieri*  ituHirrimhiiiiehjf  cannnt  be  Inxed  iviih 
iii-i/.lii|(  the  Wfiilili  nf  nn  Innncent  perhiiii  Ihr  the  debt  of  iin- 
otller  i  liir,  in  lAU  laic,  the  i-overeifjll  Im  to  reeonipense  tlliwi' 
of  lilH  liiiliJeetH  on  wimin  Ihe  repriwiN/iill.  Thi.^  If  ii  debt  of 
the  atnlfl  or  niiliun,  of  which  eucli  cllUeii  ought  only  to  iiup- 
port  his  qnnln.o 

Hut,  in  fact,  tho  French  Government  never  jus- 
tified the  captures  and  confiscations  on  the  princi- 
ple of  reprisals.  Wo  have  seen  already  that  their 
only  excuse  for  them  was  lo  bo  found  in  the  suf- 
fering condition  and  the  absolute  nccessilics  of  the 
French  people;  nnd  thnt  tlicy,  wben  applied  to  for 
redress,  admitted  their  liability,  and  promised  in- 
demnities. 

Supposing  the  treaties  to  have  been  extinguish- 
ed, the  law  of  nations  made  tho  French  Govern- 
ment fully  answerable  for  llic  indemnities,  inde- 
pendently of  ihfl  tiTOlic  H.  1  have  already  observed 
thnt  such  must  have  been  the  opinion  of  the  Senate 
when  ihcy  expunged  the  second  article  of  the  con- 
vention, and  such  was  clearly  the  opinion  of  M. 
Talleyiuiid,  expressed  in  his  letter  to  M.  Piclion, 
of  4th  August,  1801.     He  says: 

"AiiinriltiryinBWilhnutexplannlinii  tllclunCnvernnicnU 
ivniild  linve  fniiliil  llii  iiiki'Ivch  in  nn  unei|iliil  iKisition  relii- 
tivo  to  the  pretelitiioiiri  exjiresmd  in  the  mippressrd  nrlielc, 

.  .  .  (the  suppri'KKiim  of  Uii*  iirticle  relenfing  tlio  Anicrirnim 

IHireil  tlic  (ipininn  ol  lll»  eoll^tltuliolllll  iidmcrs  renpeeliiig  | .  jij^m  ^^^  pretenainna  on  our  part  relaUve  to  iincieiil  trcBliea, 
il.  The  SecietnryofBmtoiviuofnpininnlhulutrelilyliiiKle  j  nnd  nnnfllencc  respeelinil  the  fiiine  nrtielo  lenvini)  u«  ex- 
by  the  President,  Willi  the  roneiirrenee  of  twnlhiidsul  lli.i  1 1  „,|„.,,  ,„  y^,  „||„|,,  „.t,jg||[  „f  the  eventual  deiniinda  of  lllia 
Beiiiile,  wna  a  '  Inw  of  the  liind'— to  ivhiih  the  aliMiur  ndd^,  i!  (j„v,.ri,iin.iii  relallve  In  iiHleiniiltii  s,)  it  liila  bcenine  ncecs- 
'iindulnwof«iperiornrdcr,beeiiii!!e  it  not  oiilyreneula  piiitt  |j  ,„  that  a  limn  be  liitriMliieea  into  the  niiof  rniillcution,  ia 
lii\VH,//ui  cannat  iUctJ  l,e  repvulid  htifutme  otna.'    From  lllln  jl  ,|„|,.j  „,  express  the  aeiifC  in  whieh  the  OdViTnineiil  of  tlic 

' Ilepiihlie  iiiuier«tiio<l  and     ccptcd  the  abolition  of  tlie  aup- 

pr(*!4.-e(l  iirtiele." 

Robert  R.  Livingston,  our  Minister  to  Franco, 
nfler  the  latificaliou  of  the  convention  of  1800,  in 
his  letter  to  M.  Talleyrand  of  17tli  April,  1802, 
says: 

"  It  will,  Blr,  be  well  rocolleeteil  by  th«  dii.tln|!Uiiihiiil 
chnmeleia  who  hnd  the  nianngi'iiienl  nf  the  neiintialinn, 
[of  IfOO,]  thnt  tlio  payment  lor  llleEnl  caplurM,  with  dniii- 
n;^ea  nliil  Indeniliitiei),  wni4  (leinnlided  on  the  one  aide,  nnd 
tho  reliewnl  of  Ihe  treatien  of  1778  on  Ihe  iiUier;  thnt  llley 
wero  eofuidered  as  of  rqttivnleiit  vtituc;  and  that  tiloy  only 
funned  tho  subject  <ii  ihe  second  article." 


o|iiiiiiin  llicre  is*  no  renaon  lo  sUjipuMO  ihal  any  ineuiber  (if  lb 
Cabinet  diaselitid.    A  aeciel  arlii  le  priividiliR  for  the  ca^e  r 
wn-H  HUtiinilled  In  the  Heniitu,  and  it  has  never  been  uiidn-  i 
atood  Hint  ill  udvUiiig  utid  coiisuiitiiiij  to  It  thnt  body  waa  Ij 
divided." 

I  might,  indeed,  refer  to  tho  negotiations  of  our 
MiiiL'tcrs  in  1800,  who  admiltcd  iwtrciilies,  not- 
withslnnding  the  repealing  act  of  1798,  and  to  their 
offer  of  einht  millions  of  francs  to  buy  out  two  ar- 
ticles of  these  treaties;  but  1  choose  to  take  leave 
of  the  subject,  with  the  single  nddilioiml  remark, 
that,  cVen  supf  ising  the  act  of  Congress  could  re- 
peal the  ticnlies,  it  only  professed  on  tho  face  of  it 
lo  repeal  them  henceforlli — that  is,  from  the  date  of 

it nnd  therefore  the  treaties  remi^ined  in  full  force 

until  the  7th  July,  1798;  and  thcrcfoio  this  Gov- 
ernment was  answerable  to  Franco  for  indemnities 
on  account  of  captures  made  by  us  before  that  day, 
and  for  damages  sustained  by  herfor  non-perform- 
nncc  of  both  the  article  of  guaranty  and  the  orticle 
of  prizes,  liefore  that  day  France  hnd  lost  her 
Wcsl  India  possessions.  Before  that  day  we  had 
excluded  French  privateers  and  their  iirizes  from  j 
our  pons.  What  were  the  damages  which  ought ' 
injustice  to  have  been  assessed  to  he,'     m  account 


formed  tho  auliject  <ii  the 

Mr.  Livingston  having  before  that  time  made  a 
demand  under  the  convention  of  1800  for  some  of 
these  spoliations  on  our  commerce,  M.Talleyrand 
had  reminded  him  thnt  such  claims  had  been  ro- 
leiised  by  that  convention,  to  which  Mr.  Living- 
ston, in  the  letter  Inst  referred  to,  replies: 

"  I  am  rcndy,  air,  on  the  other  hand,  to  ndnilt  tho  Justice 
of  vnur  remarli,  an  far  m  relatca  to  indiiniiitiea  for  cnplures 
nml  eniidiunnntinna  which  hnd  been  liiado  previous  to  the 
siBiinture  of  ihetrcnty;  nnd  I'lnt.na  to  such  iinrta  of  my  note 
on  the  aiibject  of  prizea  aa  relate  to  Uila  nhjeei,  I  acknowl- 
edge that  my  deinoiid  cannot  be  supported  by  the  conven- 
tion." 


Mr.  Livi.igiton  regarded  the  convention  of  1800 
na  thn  result  of  an  unfbrtunate  nogotintlon  for  the 
United  Statea,  In  hia  letter  to  the  Hiicrelary  of 
Stale,  dated  13th  January,  180!!,  he  says,  "  he  haa 
always  coniidcrrd  tho  sacrifices  wo  have  made  of 
an  immense  claim,  [meaning  for  Frencli  spolia- 
tions,] to  get  rid  of  the  French  treaties,  as  a  dead 
loss,"  Again,  in  aniilher  letter  to  Ihe  Herretary, 
dated  March  33,  1809,  he  snys,  referring  to  the 
loss  of  Ihe  indemnities,  "  that  the  injuries  that  our 
country  has  received  by  tho  precipitancy  of  the 
last  ailniiniatratiiin,  the  revocation  of  the  treaty, 
and  the  abrogation  of  the  second  article  in  the  con- 
vonlion,  are  incalculable." 

Mr,  Monroe,  one  of  our  earliest  Minister*  to 
France,  while  Secretary  of  Slate,  in  a  letter  to  Mr, 
Foster,  the  Driliah  Minister,  dated  July  'J,  1811. 
rrferring  to  these  spoliations  prior  to  1800,  and 
those  of  Great  Britain  prior  to  Jay's  treaty,  sayii 
fbr  these  injuries  "it  is  known  to  you  that  Great 
Britain  and  ^Vanct  made  MininUies." 

Mr,  Pickering,  who  was  Secretary  of  Stale 
during  a  part  of  tho  period  when  the  nezntiationa 
were  progressing,  entertained  the  saino  opinion. 
I  have  been  furnished  with  a  lelier  written  by  him 
on  the  19ih  of  November,  1824,  which  is  so  fiill 
and  explicit  on  this  subject,  and,  in  my  judgment, 
so  important,  as  coming  from  ono  no  distinguished 
nnd  so  intimately  connected  with  the  ncgoiiations, 
that  the  Senate  will  pardon  mo  if  I  request  the 
Secretary  to  read  it. 

[Tho  Secretary  hero  rend  thn  letter,  which  will 
bo  found  in  the  appendix.  No  2.] 

In  accordance  with  these  opinions,  we  have  the 
authority  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte  himself,  who  waa 
First  Consul  o"  the  French  Republic,  and  signed 
the  additional  article,  which  wasdiclaicd  by  France 
and  accented  by  uh.    Goiiignud,  recording  for  his- 
tory, nndcr  the  direction  and  supervision  of  Napo- 
leon, says  that  he  referred  to  the  convention  of 
IHOO,  and  declared,  "that  the  suppression  of  the 
'  second  article  at  once  put  an  end  lo  the  privilegea 
'  which  Franco  has  possessed  by  tho  treaties  of 
'  1778,  anil  annulled  ihe  just  cloiiiu  irAicfc  JImeriea 
'  might  have  made  for  injurien  done  in  lim«  of  peace." 
I  might  multiply  tho  proofs  arising  out  of  tho 
conteirporiineous  exposition  of  the  convention  of 
1800,  by  reference  to  the  sintemenia  and  opinions 
of  oliiir  actors  in  the  scenes  of  that  day,  but  I  \yilt 
only  adduce,  by  wiiy  ofcorroboralion  of  thnt  which 
hnr  already  been  exhibited,  the  nullioriliesof  John 
Mnishall  and  James  Madison,  who  were   both 
prominent  among  the  suiteemen  who  took  part  in 
these  ncgoliiitiona.     I  linvo  nlrciidy  referred  to  tho 
opinion  of  Mr.  Marshall,  as  expressed  in  his  jour- 
nal, while  Minister  to  France,  that  the  claim  of 
American  ciiizeiis  for  property  captured  and  con- 
demned for  want  of  n  role  dei/uinnge,  wna  "  as  com- 
plete tt  right  as  nny  individual  ever  possessed.  ' 
This  is  in  accordance  with  the  opinion  of  our  first 
Ministers  to  France,  in  two  despatches  to  the  Hei- 
irlniy  of  Stale,  both  dated  "Novembers,  1797. 
No.  2,"  in  one  of  which  they  say,  "it  eunnol  ei?- 
'  cape  notice  thnt  the  role  d'eqnivage  may  involve  in 
'  it  every  vessel  taken  from  the  United  States;"  and 
in  the  other  of  which  they  say, '  we  observed  to 
'  Mr.  Bellamy  that  none  of  ou;  <easela  had  what 
'  the  French  called  a  role  d'eqnipage;  and  that,  if 
'  we  were  to  surrender  all  the  properly  which  had 
'  been  taken  from  our  citizens  in  cases  where  their 
'  vessels  were  not  furnished  with  .such  a  role,  the 
'  Government  icould  be  reapotisible  lo  Ua  citizens  for  Ihe 
'  proiterltj  ao  surrendered,  since  it  would  be  iinpos- 
'  siblo  to  undertake  to  assert  that  there  was  nny 
'  plausibility  in  the  allegation  that  our  treaty  re- 
'  quired  o  ro/«  dV(/iiij)ng«." 

It  wns  my  fortune,  on  one  occasion,  during  the 
year  1835,  to  hear  Juds;e  Marshall  express  his 
opinion  in  favor  of  the  bill  then  before  the  Senate 
for  tho  poyment  of  these  claims.  A  gentleman 
who  haa  long  been  the  agent  of  these  claimants 
has  kindly  placed  in  my  hands,  at  my  request,  the 
following  letter  from  Mr.  Pieslon,  stating  the 
opinion  of  Judge  Marshall  {elanim  tt  venerabile 


notnen.')  on  the  same  subject,  and,  as  I  suppose, 
exjiressed  about  the  same  period  to  which  1  have 
referred. 


[Here  the  Secretary  read  the  letter,  which  will 
be  found  in  the  appendix.  No,  3.] 

[After  the  reading  of  this  letter,  Mr.  Caliiodn 
rose,  but  spoke  in  a  voice  scarcely  audible  to  the 
reporter.    He  was  understood  to  say,  tliat  there 


86'2 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  23  &:  S4, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


French  Spoliations — Mr.  John  M.  Clayton. 


Senate. 


li    * 


could  not  be  a  slmdow  of  rtoulit  of  die  perfect  cor- 
rectness of  Mr.  Preston's  statement,  but  tliatowi'i" 
to  the  multiplicity  of  public  business  that  pressed 
upon  his  mind  during  the  session  of  I  "35,  and  other 
causes,  he  had  not  retained  a  distinct  recollection 
of  the  conversation  referred  to.  He  had  no  doubt 
the  recollection  of  Mr.  Preston  was  correct.] 

Mr.  Clatton  continued.  The  opinion  of  James 
Madison,  another  promirent  actor  in  the  scenes 
of  1800,  the  Secretary  of  State  at  the  very  nioinciit 
of  the  ratification  of  the  convention,  the  man  of 
oil  others  who  should  be  supposed  to  have  had  the 
most  perfect  knowledge  of  the  meaning  of  the 
additional  article  which  released  the  claims,  is  not 
less  clearly  and  unequivocally  expressed.  On  the 
6th  of  February,  1804,  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Charles 
Pinckney,  our  Minister  to  Spain,  ins;ructions  to 
demand  of  the  Spanish  Govcnnnent  indemnities 
for  injuries  committed  by  Frenrh  citizens  or  agents 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  Spain.  He  held  Spain 
accountable  to  our  citizens  for  all  spoliations  com- 
mitted by  French  cruisers  in  Spanish  ports.  The 
Spanish  Government  contended  that  we  had  ob- 
tained indemnity  from  Fiance  for  oil  those  injuries  | 
by  the  conveiiiinu  of  18U0;  to  which  Mr.  Madison,  ■ 
instructing  our  Minister  to  Spain,  says:  j 

"Tlie  pli'aoii  wliieli  it  Bp«;ms  tlmt  the  ^paiiisli  Govprn-  1 
mpiil  iKiw  priDoipillly  ri-liea,  is  llie  erasure  of  tlie  weroiul  j 
o-ticli?  of  our  late  ctiiivenlion  witii  Friinuf,  Ay  irhich  France  ■ 
tr.if  rc'ciisrrf  from  the  indemnitit't  due  for  spjtiiiliQ)i!t  commit- 
teil  uniter  her  immc-litUc  rcspjmil'i'ihi  to  the  United  Stiitit. 
Tlli.-*  pli'ft  Uitl  not  npprar  in  tin:  rarly  otljecti(niH  of  Spain  to  . 
our  riailns.  U  was  an  uftiTtliuu^ht.  reiiultintf  from  thi!  iii-  I 
sutticicni'y  of  every  olIUT  plua,  and  it*  certuinly  Hit  little  vatiil 
a^  nnyutlier.  The  injuries  tor  whieti  )n(leinnitie:4are  claiiii- 
etl  l^roin  Spain,  ttinugl)  conunined  tiy  FrenctinieUttook  plaee 
und'r  Spanish  nutliority;  S|>ain,  Iherflnre,  is  ani'wernltle  [ 
for  thPui.  To  her  we  iiave  lookefl,  and  continue  to  look, 
for  r<>drn«<i.  if  the  injuries  done  to  us  hy  her  resulted  in 
Buy  niaiiner  from  injuries  done  to  her  by  France,  she  ni.ty,  ; 
If  she  ple:i5CS,  resort  to  Fraaee,  us  wo  resort  to  iier.  But,  i 
whether  her  resort  to  Fraiic"  would  he  Just  or  unjust,  is  a  I 
question  between  tier  ami  ranee;  not  lielw,  en  either  her  ' 
and  us,  or  u*  and  Prunee.  Ve  claim  against  her,  not  against 
France,  In  releasing  FniK'  ..therefore,  we  have  not  released  , 
her.  The  elaiuis.  n},'aiii,  from  which  France  was  released,  ■ 
were  admitted  hy  Ff:nre,  and  the  release  was  roa  a  valu- 
able CONSIDERATION,  IN  A  CORREseONUENT  RELEASE  Of 
TUB    UNITED    STATES     FROM     CERTAIN     CLAIMS     ON     THEM. 

The  elainis  we  make  on  Spain  were  never  admitted  hy 
France,  nor  made  on  France  Iiy  the  United  Stateit;  they 
made,  therefore,  no  part  of  the  'mrgain  with  Aer,  and  could  \ 
not  be  iuetuded  in  the  releatc."  j 

I  now  leave  the  Senate  to  decide  whether  my  first  j 
proposition  has  not  been  maintained. 

I  next  proceed  to  sustain  my  second  general 
proposition — a  prono.sition  whirli  is  entirely  dis- 
tinct and  independent  from  'hat  which  I  have  just 
discussed.  Holding  the  clainianlsentided  to  relief, 
on  the  grounds  already  presented,  I  am  now  abovit 
to  ofler  another  view  of  the  subject,  which,  withiuil 
reference  to  the  French  treaties,  as  "orming  any 
pan  of  the  consideration  for  the  release  of  toe 
I  laims,  is  decisive  in  favor  of  the  claimants.  I 
undertake  to  maintain  that  the  claims  were  re- 
nounced or  released,  s.iorificed  or  sold,  by  this 
Government,  to  purchase  an  exemption  from  fu- 
ture spoliations  on  our  commerce,  to  secure  the 
blessings  of  peace  and  traffic  wiih  France  and  her 
dependencies,  as  well  as  nil  the  other  benefits  which 
were  secured  to  this  nation  by  the  en  .vention  of 
1800.  It  is  neither  my  purpose  nor  .ly  duly,  sir, 
to  prove  that  thc^r  ".onsidcratioiis  were  ju.'st  equiva- 
lents for  th"  sur.  jiider  of  the  inilemniiics.  The 
Senate  is  bound  to  pass  the  bill,  if  I  make  itap|>car 
to  their  satisfaction  that  we  gained  iti'cal  and  im- 
portant benefits  from  the  convention  of  1800,  which 
could  not  have  been  sicrnred  but  by  the  surrender 
of  these  clu'ic  i.  We  are  not  now  to  judge  of  the 
value  of  the  equivalenl.s  whieh  were  mutiia'ly  re- 
Ic.ised  or  bartered  away  by  the  two  nations,  '.^hosc 
who  negotiated  the  convention  of  1800,  and  whose 
duty  it  wes  to  judge  of  its  bencfiis,  have  made  a 
treaty;  and  our  business  is  not  to  inquire  whether 
they  acted  wisely,  Init  to  ascertain  precisely  what 
they  did,  what  were  their  motives  for  it,  and  what 
advantages  llicy  expected  to  derive  from  it.  On 
the  subject  of  the  other  benefits  we  expected  to  de- 
rive from  the  coiiveniion,  we  are  happily  not  now 
left  to  conjncturn.  The  preservation  of  peace  was 
the  cherished  ol)ject  of  our  Government,  at  almost 
any  sacrifice,  as  was  manifested  not  cuily  in  the 
instructions  to  our  Ministers  to  France,  on  the  two 
separate  inisainns,  but  liy  the  several  Executive 
messages  on  the  subject  from  President  Adams  to 
Congress,  during  the  whole  period  of  his  presiden- 
cy ;  and,  again,  at  a  much  later  puriod  of  hia  life, 


he  freely  avowed  it  in  a  letter  which  I  ask  the  Sec- 
retary to  read. 

[The  Secretary  read  the  letter  in  the  apnendix, 
Nf;.4.] 

In  their  journal  of  September  13, 1800,  the  Amer- 
ican Ministers  say,  that,  being  convinced  that  the 
door  was  then  perfectly  diosed  against  all  hope  cf 
obtaining  indemnities,  with  any  modificalions  (that 
is,  with  less  thi-.n  the  whole)  of  the  treaties,  it  only 
remained  to  be  determined  whether,  under  all  cir- 
cumstances, it  would  not  be  expedient  to  attempt 
a  temporory  arran'tsment,  which  would  extricate 
the  United  Slates  from  that  peculiar  state  of  hos- 
tility in  which  they  were  then  involved — save  the 
immense  property  of  our  citizens  now  depending 
before  the  council  of  prizes — and  sec.ire,  as  far  as  j 
jiojsid/e,  our  comiiirrce  agaiii.«(  the  abuses  df  captures 
during  the  jire.wn(  icor,  [between  France  and  Great 
Britain.]  Again,  in  their  journal  of  the  4th  of  Oc- 
j  tober,  1800,  they  say:  "  It  only  remained  for  the 
I  '  undersigned  to  quit  France,  leaving  the  United 
I  '  States  involved  in  a  contest,  and,  according  to 

■  'appearances,  soon  alone  in  a  contest,  which  it 
'  might  be  as  difficult  for  them  to  relinquish  with 

i  '  honor  as  to  pursue  with  a  prospect  of  advantage; 
I  '  or  else,  to  propose  a  temporary  arrangement,  re- 
j  '  jerving  for  a  definitive  adjustment,  points  which 
i  '  could  not  then  lic  satisfactorily  settled,  and  pro- 
'  'vidiiig,  in  tiie  mean  lime,againi'i  i  slate  of  things 
:  'of  which  neither  party  could  pniu.     They  elect- 

'  cd  the  latter,  and  the  result  has  been  the  signature 

'of  a  convention. 
AVe  see,  therefore,  that  the  leading  motive  fr 
j  making  this  treaty  was  a  desiie  to  avert  a  tbreat- 
i  ened  war  with  France,  which,  indeed,  would  have 

■  been  inevitable  without  the  treaty.  So  early  as 
'  the  aist  of  June,  1797,  the  day  after  the  appoiiU- 
'  menls  of  Marshall,  Pinckney,  and  Gerry  were 
I  announced  as  Ministers  to  France,  Mr.  JelTerson 
'  thus  wrote  to  Mr.  Gerry:  "  Peace  [with  France] 
i  '  is  undoubtedly  at  present  the  first  object  of  our 

'nation.     Interest  and  honor  are  also  national  con- 


ernment  or  with  individual  citizens  of  Fronce,  at 
the  same  moment  released  the  demand  of  all  the 
claimants  for  illegal  seizures  and  confiscjitions. 
Why  was  this  preference  given  ?  Were  the  cred- 
itors more  meritorious  than  the  claimants  for  seiz- 
ures and  confiscations  >  Those  creditors  were 
men  who  had  traded  for  their  own  exclusive  ben- 
efit, at  their  own  risk,  many  of  them  before  the 
war  of  1793,  and  without  the  slightest  promi.se  of 
indemnity  from  their  own  Government  against  the 
hazards  incident  to  their  speculations.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  claimants  traded  under  the  promise 
of  indemnity  from  their  own  Government,  con- 
tain! in  Mr.  JelTerson's  letter  of  the  a7th  of  Aug- 
ust, 1/J3,  to  the  merchants  of  the  United  Stales, 
and  ilislributed  among  them  in  every  seaport  of 
the  Union. 

But  it  may  be  contended  by  some,  that  the 
French  might  have  ratified  'he  convention  of  1800 
without  the  release  of  the  indemnities.  Even  if 
that  were  true,  still,  the  actual  release  of  them  be- 
ing admitted,  this  Government  would  have  become 
answerable  for  them,  because  it  stood  in  the  char- 
acter of  a  guardian  or  trustee  towards  the  claim- 
ants; and  if  it  released  the  claims  wantonly  or 
without  any  consideration  whatever,  yet,  like  a 
guardian  who  releases  the  debt  due  to  his  ward 
without  receiving  value  for  it,  or  the  trustee  who 
releases  the  claim  of  his  ccsdii  que  trust,  it  became 
as  much  responsible  for  the  indemnities  as  if  it  had 
received  full  value  for  them  all.  The  fact,  how- 
ever, is,  and  it  conclusively  appears  in  the  corre- 
spondence of  Mr.  Murray,  who  negotiated  the  rati- 
fication of  the  convention,  that  the  French  made 
tiie  renunciation  of  the  indemnities,  which  Mr. 
Murray  thought  France  could  not  pay,  a  sine  qua 
linn;  and  refused  every  solicitation  to  ratify  the 
convention,  after  the  Senate  had  expunged  the  sec- 
ond article,  without  an  express  release  of  the  in- 
demnities as  well  as  of  the  treaties  which  were  the 
objects  of  the  second  article.  In  vain  did  Mr. 
1  Murray,  with  ;he  utmost  dexterity,  exert  himself 


siderations.     But  interest,  duly  weighed,  is  in  ij  to  elude  the  vigilance  and  ingenuity  of  Talleyrand. 


'  favor  of  peace,  even  at  the  expense  of  spoliations, 
'past  and  future."  This  wes  undoubtedly  the 
principle  which  regulated  our  Ministers  in  maki;ig 

:  the  convention  in  1800. 

!      We  sec  that  in  1800,  our  Ministers  perfectly 

I  understood  that  negotiations  between  the  Powers 
of  Europe  were  rapidly  tending  towaida  that  state 

!  of  things  which  terminated,  on  the  27th  of  .larch, 
1802,  in  the  peace  of  Amiens.  They  forcL.iw  that, 
in  a  war  with  France,  we  should  be  left  without 
an  ally  in  Europe,  to  contend  single-handed  against 

I  the  gigantic  energies  of  Napolenn.  As  events 
fortunately  occurred,  we  barely  escaped  tlii.s  state 

I  of  things;  for  our  own   final   ratification   of  the 

:  treaty,  on  the  '^Ist  of  December,  1801,  took  place 


III  vain  did  Mr.  Murray  'abor  to  induce  the  French 
Ministers  to  rely  on  h.s  verbal  assurance  that  the 
Senate  meant,  by  the  suppression  ^f  the  second 
articlef  nothing  more  than  to  secure  perfect  har- 
mony between  the  two  nations,  by  extinguishing 
I  forever  ilie  subjects  of  future  contests  or  negotia- 
tions. The  French  Ministers, as  soon  as  Mr.  Mur- 
ray declared  this,  immediately  took  him  at  his  word, 
j  and  concurred  in  thatview  of  the  action  of  the  Scn- 
[  ale.  Mr.  Murray,  after  this,  on  the  l.'ilh  of  July, 
1801,  wrote  to  Mr.  Madison,  our  Secretary  of 
.State,  'hat  "  nothing  would  be  done  on  his  part  to 
■iirm  th"ie  eonstruclion  of  the  moi'ves  which  led 
tiie  Unitec'  Staus  to  the  suppression."  Yet,  al- 
though  111    would  do   nothing  to  affirm  that  con- 


only  about  three  months  before  the  treaty  of  i  struciion,  nc  dared  not  deny  it.  He  knew  that 
Amiens,  which  left  France  at  ]icace  with  all  the  i;  the  moment  he  denied  it,  or  admitted  that  the  ob- 
world.  But,  whether  war  should  follow  the  fail-  j  ject  or  ellect  of  the  suppression  of  the  second  arti- 
ure  of  the  convention  of  ISOU  or  not,  it  was  clear  ,  cle  was  to  rclain  indeninitles  and  get  rid  of  the 
that  the  siioliations  on  our  eoniinerce  would  con-  [1  treaties,  the  French  woiUd  utterly  refuse  to  ratify 
linuc,  and  that  the  conventiun  alone  could  relieve  ;|  the  convention.  He  knew  the  French  had  always 
us  from  future  deprcdiitions.  Besides  all  this,  we  li  been  willing,  from  the  commencement  to  the  close 
secured  by  the  convintion  tlie  restoration  of  all  '  of  the  negotiations,  cither  to  pay  indemnities  and 
property  eaptu'-cd  and  not  then   definitively  con- ij  acknowledge  the  treaties,  or  to  extinguish  both; 

lb" 


deiuncd,  and  all  which  might  be  captured  oefore 

the  exchange  of  ratifications.     We  also  secured 

the  payment  of  all  debts  due  to  American  citizens 

from  either  France  or  French  citizens,  though  not 

the  claims  for  captures  and  confiscations.     These 

debts  were   paid,   in    part,   by   the  reservation   of 

I  twenty  millions  of  francs  for  that  luirpo.se  'ii  the 

:  Louisiana  treaty  of  the  3llth  nf  April,  180.'>,  and 

!  the  claim   under   the   4lh   article,   amounting  to 

j  f3.3'3,C'23  IG,  was  finally  paid  under  t'le  ircaty  of 

!  i'aris  of  July  4,  1831.     All  these  debts  were  se- 

,  cured   by  the  treaty  of  1800;  the   trtaiica  of  1803 

'  anil   1831  merely  having  provided  the  mode  and 

!  means  of  pay  mg  them.     So  that,  in  fact,  the  treaty 

'  of  1800  seciiM  il   to  American  citizen.'!  about  four 

!  millions  tliiei'  hundiTd  thousand  dollars  for  debts. 

To  say  nothing,  then,  of  the  other  pnivisions  of 


and  that  a  jirominent  reason  assigned  by  the  French 
.Ministers  for  desiring  to  avoid  the  payment  of  in- 
demnilies,  wiilioiit  claiming  the  treaties,  was,  not 
merely  the  injustice  of  such  a  settlement,  but  the 
actual  deu'iaduiion  of  France,  which  would  thus 
appear  befool  the  rest  of  the  world  to  li.ave  pur- 
elia.sed  peace.  The  French  Ministers  plainly  told 
Mr.  Mum  y  that  they  would  never  exchange  rali- 
licutions  without  the  additional  article  which  re- 
nniinced  the  claim.s;  and  they  compelled  him  to 
sign  It,  and  his  Government  to  accept  it,  and  ratify 
it,  before  they  would  consent  to  grant  us  the  beiic- 
fils  of  the  convention.  I  say,  Ihercfure,  that  it  is 
clear  beyond  all  doubt,  th.U  the  rights  of  the  claim- 
ants, which  France  admitted,  were  disposed  of  or 
sacrificed  to  secure  the  benefits  of  this  convention; 
and  that  by  this  means  the  nation  bought  its  pence 


the  treaty,  we  here  sec  that  a'.l  the  indeinnilies  j|  with  Fiance,  secured  the  freedom  of  the  seas  wilh- 


duc  to  the  claimants  in  this  bill,  for  illeg.il  captures 
j  and  confiscations,  were  bartered  away  for,  and 
I  were  the  means  of  securing  fair  millions  three  hun- 
!  dred  thousand  dollars  to  o//iir  American  citizens. 
It  was  the  5th  article  of  the  convention  of  1800 


out  interruption  to  our  commerce,  and  saved  other 
]  claims  amounting  to  ."our  millions  three  hundred 
tlio'isand  doliiirs.      It  may  be  iliflieult  at  this  day 
j  to  iisiiess  the  value  to  our  country  of  this  restora- 
tion of  our  commerce;  but  in   the  letter  of  Mr. 


which,  while  it  saved  the  debts  of  all  creditors  [i  Lincoln,  acting  Secretary  of  Slate,  to  Mr.  Mur- 
who  had  been  traditig  either  with  the  French  Gov-  <i  ray,  dated  April  23,  1801,  ho  lays: 


ik'^ 


il  23  &  34, 

Sen 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


863 


ATE. 


29th  Cong 1st  Sgss. 


French  Spoliation* — Mr.  John  M.  Clayton. 


Senate. 


wnntonlj 
yet,  like  a 


of  France ,  at 
and  nf  itll  the 
o.onfiiicntionB. 
Vere  the  crfd- 
nuiits  for  seiz- 
^redilors  were 
:xclusivc  ben- 
:m  before  tlie 
est  promise  of 
entagninstthe 
nns.  On  the 
lertlie  promise 
ernment,  con- 
27th  of  ^u^. 
United  Stutes, 
ery  scnport  of 

oiTiP,  that  the 

niion  of  1800 

iiics.     Even  if 

•e  of  tliem  be- 

i  Imve  become 

)d  in  the  chnr- 

irds  the  claim- 

nly 

.  like 

to  his  wnrd 

le  trustee  wlio 

■lis/,  it  became 

liesnsif  it  had 

fhc  fact,  how 

!  in  the  corrc- 

lintcd  the  rati- 

Fiencli  mndo 

,  which   Mr. 

my,  n  sine  ^iiu 

I  to  ratify  the 

nns;cd  tlie  sec- 

pnse  of  tlie  in- 

vhidi  were  the 

vain  dill   Mr. 

,  exert  himself 

Elf  Talleyrand. 
;cc  the  French 
ranee  that  the 
^f  the  second 
re  perfect  har- 
extinsuishing 
sis  or  nefrolia- 
n  ns  Mr.  Mur- 
im  at  his  word, 
on  of  theScn- 
!  Llth  of  July, 
•  Secretary  of 
on  his  part  to 
ves  which  led 
>n."    Yet,  nl- 
(iirm  that  con- 
He  knew  that 
d  that  the  ob- 
le  second  arti- 
jet  rid  of  the 
sfu.sc  to  ratify 
;h  had  always 
It  to  the  close 
ilcmnilics  and 
in^uish  both; 
by  the  French 
lyment  of  in- 
tica,  was,  not 
mem,  but  the 
1  would  thus 
to  have  pur- 
s  plainly  told 
xcliamje  rati- 
cle  which  re- 
icllcd  him  to 
il,  and  ratify 
;  us  the  beiic- 
orc,  that  it  is 
of  theclaiin- 
isposed  of  or 
!  convention  J 
ijlit  its  pence 
he  seas  willi- 
I  saved  other 
!irce  hundred 
It  at  ihia  day 
this  reslora- 
etlcr  of  Mr. 
to  Mr.  Mur- 


"Tliu  bviicnrlal  efTccts  n(  nitiryinii  tlin  convciiilDii  with 
France  U  «xleni<ively  telt  and  generally  ackiinwItidKfd.  On 
our  part  it  U  ciirrieil  into  exueiition.  Our  uliipa  nt'  war  arc 
ciillod  into  port;  our  tniilti  is  |)a4riini{  thruugli  ctuiniiclrt 
wliich  liave  bui'n  nbilructt'd,  nnJ  Kprcadinu  over  scad  wtiicli 
liavt!  bnt-ii  infL'i«led.  Our  iihippiiig  and  prnduci;  are  in  quick 
(lutiiand;  our  li>rniar  intercour^o  witit  Fraiicit  is  rcstiu't'd, 
and  it  is  to  bo  bopml  you  have  nlrendy  <ibt:iincd  licr  coiitir- 
tnation  nf  tlio  truaty  wiiicti  lioa  in  part  produced  iticse  ud- 
vantiigos.o 

Mr.  President,  if  the  authority  of  all  the  great 
and  distinguished  men  who  have  been  in  anyway 
concerned  in  or  connected  with  this  negotiation, 
be  of  any  avail  to  enlighten  our  researches  on  this 
question — if  their  opinions,  maturely  considered 
and  deliberately  expressed,  ought  to  have  influence 
on  the  human  judgment,  even  those  who  have  been 
the  wormest  opponents  of  this  bill  must,  I  think, 
be  staggered  by  the  evrny  and  weight  of  opinion 
now  before  them.  The  claimaHls  can  rest  their 
case  on  the  judgments  of  Marshall,  and  Madison, 
and  the  elder  Adams,  and  Jefferson,  and  Pinckney, 
and  Chief  Justice  Ellsworth,  anil  Murray,  and 
Gerry,  and  Davie,  and  Monroe,  and  Livingston, 
and  Pickering,  as  well  as  of  Talleyrand,  and  nil 
the  French  ministers  engaged  in  the  negotiation, 
and  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte  himself.  They  can 
also  point  to  the  auiliorities  of  twenty-two  con- 
gressional reports  in  their  favor,  one  of  \yhich  was 
made  by  General  Marion,  the  great  partisan,  War- 
rior, hei-o,  and  patiiol,  during  our  revolnuonary 
struggle  in  the  South.  They  ct^n  also  invoke  your 
judgment  in  their  favor  by  the  expressed  opinion 
of  the  len;islaturcs  of  eight  of  the  sovereign  States 
of  this  Union.  Sir,  contemporttn'?ous  exposition 
and  history  are  worlh  nothing — the  opinion  of 
witnesses  is  worth  nothing — that  of  all  the  eye- 
witnesses to  any  tran.'iaction  is  worth  nothing,  if 
the  testimony  of  the  men  whose  names  arc  arrayed 
before  the  Senate  be  not  sufficient  to  sustain  the 
claims  provided  for  in  this  bill. 

And  then,  in  addition  to  all  this,  there  is  the 
letter  of  Thomas  Jellerson,  Secretary  of  State, 
written  by  order  of  Washington,  President  of  the 
United  Stales,  as  early  as  Auo;ust,  1793,  persuading 
J'.'  sulfercrs  by  these  spoliations  to  trust  their 
1  -.ips  again  upon  the  ocean,  so  nrcessary  to  fill  the 
coffers  of  the  nation  with  duties  on  imports — to 
scatter  their  bread  upon  the  waters,  assurnl"  them 
that  they  should  gatlic"  it  agiin  after  many  days — 
promising  that  proper  Means  should  be  adopted  for 
their  relief,  in  case  they  should  suffer  by  foreign 
spoliation.  Then,  after  all  tlii.s,  came  the  prom- 
ised relief;  and  what  was  it?  The  mcrifice  of  all 
their  claims  to  avert  war;  to  save  the  nation  from 
further  spolinlioiis;  to  secure  the  debts  of  o(/ier 
men;  to  purchase  an  exoneration  from  the  treaiy 
stipulations  wliich  were  the  prico  of  our  country  s 
lilierty  and  independence.  After  this,  conies  the 
ruined  cl  <imant  lor  these  French  spoliations,  at  the 
earliest  period,  bogging  justice  from  Congress. 
The  relief  promised  by  Mr.  JelVerson  in  1793,  was 
under  the  consideratiin  of  Congress  in  180d,  and 
was  then  postponed  fur  the  fiiirpose  of  taking  up 
the  order  of  the  day,  which  was,  not  to  paij  {klils, 
but  to  repeal  taxes.  From  year  to  year  the  un- 
Iiappy  claimants  continued  to  dance  attendance  on 
Con-ress,  still  relying  on  I  lie  justice  of  their  coun- 
try, lo  rcilccm  the  price  of  whose  independence 
their  pnvnTty  bad  been  sacrificed.  During  all 
this  time,  the  Government  wliii  h  refuses  them  jus- 
tice, conceals  all  the  evidence  against  ilsell';  and, 
secure  in  its  exemption  from  liability  to  any  human 
power,  it  continues  lo  relu:?e  justice,  till  its  victims, 
nt  Icngll  broken  down  by  that  "hope  deferred 
which  m.ikcs  the  heart  sick,"  droi)  into  the  grave, 
or  lose  the  ability  lo  complain.  Their  fricnd.s  then 
renew  the  apjiliialion.  Tlicy  are  told  the  claims 
are  stale  anil  antiipiatcd,  and  ihat  where  justice 
has  been  so  long  delayed,  that  very  delay  is  a 
good  argument  in  fuvor  of  the  continuance  of 
the  wrong.  To  all  this,  we  frcqiiciitly  hear  it 
added,  that  the  indemiiitiis  were  good  for  no- 
thing; that  Franco  was  unable  to  pay  them,  even 
had  she  agreed  to  do  so;  mid  that  the  indemnities 
were  released  by  war  or  by  the  act  of  Congress 
wliich  niinullpd  the  treaties.  We  have  seen  that 
debts  and  claims  to  the  amount  of  more  than  four 
millions  three  hundred  thousand  dollars  weie  in 
fnct  secured  by  the  conveiuion,  and  paid  to  the 
uttermost  farthing;  yet  'bey  were  in  no  sense  more 
meritorious  than  tlie  claims  provided  for  by  this 
bdl.  If  war  or  legislative  repeal  of  the  treaties  ex- 
tinguished the  iiidemiulies,  then,  by  the  same  rule, 


the  other  claims  were  also  extinguished.  Shame, 
sir,  on  such  miserable  piclcxts  for  injustice !  The 
debts  might  have  been  sacrificed  and  bartered  away 
for  the  treaties  as  well  as  the  indemnities.  In  that 
case,  llie  indemnities  being  secured  by  the  new  trea- 
ty, would  have  been  paid  to  the  uttermost  farthing, 
and  the  creditors  would  have  stood  in  the  shoes 
of  the  claimants  for  captures  and  confiscations. 
Yes,  sir,  they  would  at  this  day  stand,  like  the 
claimants,  vainly  i .  ploring  Congress  to  pay  theiti 
ten  shillings  in  the  pound.  But  equal  justice  has 
not  been  dispensed  by  this  Government;  all  other 
claimants  have  been  treated  differently  from  those 
who  are  provided  for  by  this  bill.  (Claimants  for 
similar  spoliations,  committed  by  Great  Britain, 
received  about  five  millions  of  ciollars  under  the 
British  treaty  of  1794.  By  the  treaty  with  Spain, 
of  October  20, 1795,  she  was  compelled  to  pay  our 
citizens  for  similar  spoliations  on  our  commerce, 
committed  by  Spanish  cruisers  during  her  war 
with  France.  And,  by  the  Florida  treaty  of  lot;', 
Spain  was  compelled  to  pay  for  other  spoliations 
by  her  cruisers,  ond  (o  coiiipenaate  ertnj  .4inerican 
citizen  whose  ship  or  cargo  was  plundered  by  French 
cruisers  wilhin  the  Upanish  jurisdiction.  So  that 
American  merchantmen,  captured  by  ihe  French 
in  a  Spanish  por*  iu,,-  received  indemnity,  while 


the  owners  ol  American    'ijjs  capu 


ired  elsewhere 
by  the  French  have  not  received  a  dollar.  Similar 
indemnities  for  such  spoliations  from  Naples  and 
Denmark  (and  again  from  Spain  by  the  treaty  of 
1834)  have  also  been  secured  for  our  pluniUred 
citizens.  By  the  treaty  of  Paris,  of  July  4,  1831, 
we  recovered  from  1' ranee  indemnities  to  the 
amount  of  twenty-five  millions  of  francs  for  spoli- 
ations under  the  decrees  of. Berlin  and  Milan,  of 
Kambouillet  and  Trianon.  All,  nil  have  been  pro- 
vided for,  excejit  the  unhappy  clnimanls  whose 
property  was  bartered  away  by  their  own  Govern- 
ment, or  surrendered  to  France  as  a  compensation 
to  her  for  all  the  blood  and  treasure  wliicli  she  ex- 
pended to  secure  our  liberty  and  iiidcni  ndence. 
These  debts,  which  every  American  wh"  regards 
his  country's  honor,  ought  to  consider  as  debts  of 
sacred  obligation,  depend,  sir,  upon  the  laic  of  the 
bill  on  your  table.  I  now  invoke  the  action  of 
the  Senate  in  f  ivor  of  this  measure,  for  the  purpose 
of  maintaining  unsullied  the  honor  of  our  (jiovern- 
ment,  by  removing  this  stain  from  its  character 
forever.  Having  done  this,  I  have  discharged  my 
duty,  and  1  take  leave  of  the  subject. 

Ari'ENUIX— No.  1. 
Statement  of  revoj  1$  of  commilfec^  on  l-\eiickspoti(ilion$  prior 
to  July -.n,  IMl. 
No.  1.  Ill  tlio  llotnie,  by  Mr.  Gjli-i*,  from  a  J^clcct  Com- 
miitiii',  April  '2J,  leW:  lhvi,iiilili!  sialenieiit  ol  liirt.<,  witi;out 
cuniiiig  lo  any  cunrtusiiiii. 
, '      2.  llousi',  Mr.  Marion,  Si'lcrt  Uninniiltee,  February  W, 
I]  lt^fl7:  iiu'ludini;  and  iidu|iUng  Mr.  Giles's  rvport  ul  April  2J, 
|l  Ibh!:  f;ivnrulilc. 
1 1      :i.  ScnnlL',  Mr.  Robert^,  Coininittco  on  Cliiiins,  March  3, 

18IS:  a.lv.r»i!. 
'      4.  Ilousi,  Mr.  RusBCl,  Foreign  Aflhira,  January  31, 1823. 
',  udv.'rM'. 

I      ,1.  lluu'C,  Mr.  Forsyth,  Foreign  AfTnirs,  March  25,  1821; 
'■  adverHB. 

'      0.  Senate,  Mr.  Holme.-,  Select  Comniitlee,  February  8, 
I  1(37;  liiviiralil.'. 
I      7.  Hoiiin',  Mr.  Edward  Everett,  Foreign  AITair.s,  May  21, 

1828:  I'.ivorilble. 
I     8.  Si'iintc.Mr. Cliamliers, Sidect Committee, Muy a4,'1628: 
I  fnvorable. 

I      9.  Senalc,  Mr.  Clmmbers,  Select  Commiuce,  February  11, 
I  1821);  I'll mriible— bill. 

10.  Ilonsf,  Mr.  Edward  Everett,  Foreign  AtlUiri:,  Febru- 
ary Hi,  iSii);  liiviirnl'lc. 

11.  ,ieniiie,  Mr.  Edward  Litlng-iton,  Select  Committee, 
Febrnnry  a-J,  li^JO:  lavoruble— bill. 

12.  Heiinle,  Mr.  Ednnrd  Livingston,  Select  Committee, 
Decinib.'r'JI,  li:30:  invnriible— bill. 

i:).  Hi'iiate,  Mr.  Eitwiud  LiviiniRion,  Select  Coiiiiniitee, 
,  (bv  bill)  JannaW  14,  IKIl:  fiivornlib — bill. 
;      14.  S^'iinte,  i\Ir.  Wilklns,  Select  Coniniiltee,  (by  bill)  De- 
cember iiO,  l&'ll ;  f.ivornblt— Mil. 

15.  Semite,  Mr.  Wi^bsler,  Select  Comndllec,  (by  bill)  De- 
cember 111,  I8;i4  :  I'avondile— bill.  Ami  said  bill  was  voted 
Febriinrv  ;i,  l>-i1 — yeas  25,  iiiiys  20. 

16.  IloiiHe,  Mr.  E.lwnnI  Everett,  Foreign  Affair:',  Febru- 
ary 21,  IKii:  favorable  dt.'iteinent. 

III.  iionse,  Mr.  Cambreleiig,  Foreign  Alliilrs,  (minority,) 
Felirunrv2l,  I8.'t5:  ailversi- stall lit. 

17.  lion-e,  i\lr.  Iluwani,  Foreign  Alliiirs,  January  20, 
18.'W;  ravoriible— bill. 

I      18,  lluil^e,  Mr.  Cu-biiig,  (iliilividnat,  liy  eunsent  of  tile 
'I  Iloine,)  .March  31,  li-'W:  ravoinble. 

II).  lloiiM',  Mr.  Uusbiiig,  Foreign  AtTuirs,  April  4,1840: 
I   i;iv(tinble — bill. 

';      19.  House,  Mr.  I'irkeiH,  Foreign  Affairs,  (minority,)  April 
']  4,  IH40:  adverse  Blitteineiil. 
li     20.  House,  INIr,  Cusliing,  Foreign  Atjbln,  December  39, 

'  1S41:  lavurablu— bill. 


21.  Senate,  Mr.  Choate,  Foreign  Affairs,  (by  bill)  Janu- 
ary 28,  1842 :  I'avorable— bill. 

23,  Senate,  Mr.  Choate,  Foreign  Afliiira,  (by  taUl)  Janu- 
ary 13,  1843:  lavorablB— bill. 

33.  House,  Mr.  C.  J.  Iiiger«ull,  Foreign  AfToin,  (by  bill) 
April  17,  1844:  favorublc— bill. 

34.  Bi'imte,  Mr.  Choate,  Foreign  Aflhlrf,  (by  bill)  May  99, 
1W4:  favorable— bill. 

35.  Seiiiite,  Mr.  Cboate,  Foreign  AfTairs,  (by  bill,)  .^ccem- 
lier  23, 184^1 :  favorable— bill.  And  said  bill  was  ordered  lo 
be  engroBsed  and  read  a  third  Unie  on  the  lOili  February, 
1845— yens  28,  nays  15. 

20.  Senate,  Mr.  J,  M.  Clayton,  Select  ComniiUee,  (by  bill) 
February  3, 184ti:  favorable— bill. 

.UTENDIX— No.  2. 

Sali!.vi,  flovcmhrr  19,  1834. 
Sir:  T  duly  received  your  letter  of  the  2Jd  ullitno,  wliich, 
not  requiring  an  imiiiediate  answer,  I  postponed  it  to  other 
engngenients.  1  regret  that  the  intiirmatioii  it  eoniaiiis  had 
not  b,;en  cnmniuniented  in  your  former  letter.  Having  no  per- 
sonal coiieerns  wiUi  commerce,  and  rarely  seeing  ihiy  ot  Uie 
debates  in  Congress,  1  was  igiiniant  of  the  recent  applica- 
tiOM"  i.f  merchants  to  tliat  body  for  iiideiiinities  on  ot  count 
■A  the  n  lliiquirbing  of  their  claims  on  France,  for  far 
I  spoliations  on  our  enminerce,  by  Ihe  treaty  negotiated  by 
Ell.wortli,  Davie,  and  Murray.  With  that  treaiy  you  are 
of  course  liuniliar,  as  it  is  tile  basis  r.i'  the  claims  of  the 
inercbaiits  you  reiiresent. 

When,  in  17ii7,  Pinekncy,  Mrir.-hall,  and  Gerry,  were 
iipiiuiiited  Ministers  Pieiupotunlluiy  to  negoliiito  Willi  ti.e 
Freneli  Government,  Ihcn  adniini.-tered  liy  Uiu  Director 
on  all  tlie  differences  between  Uie  Uinled  Slates  and  Fran*  • , 
tlio>e  Mii>ist:rs  were  in.-trucled  to  agree;  on  an  equilablo 
mod,;  of  cvainiiiing  nnd  deciding  <m  the  ebuins  of  our 
cilizens  in  respect  to  the  dept-i;dations  on  our  eoinmeree. 
Hut,  ailhougll  tlu-y  were  lo  pre.-s  those  claims  niih  the 
greatest  earncntness,  itiey  w.tu  not  to  ill^i>t  on  them  r<  an 
indi-peiisubte  condition  of  the  prnpo.^^ed  treaty.  They  were 
enjoined,  however,  f'lnit  to  renounce  tlicm."  But  a  n  gnrd 
to  Juiti-c  was,  of  all  tliines, llie most ri  mote  from  tlie  views 
of  the  Directory.  You  must  be  acquainted  with  the  result  ' 
of  that  inis.-ion  ;  the  Directory  would  nut  even  receive  oiir 
Ministers. 

By  the  second  article  of  the  treaty  negotint-d  by  Eilsworth, 
Davie,  anil  Murray,*   it  appears  that  our  tioveriniient  felt 
il.-elf  bound,  in  duty  lo  ils  injured  citizens,  lo  demand  of 
{|  the  Freneli  Government  cnnipenuitton  for  tlie  same  depie- 
l!  liations;  but,  as  n  set-ofl',  tlie  latter  demanded  a  tenewnl  of 
1;  the  treaiy  ot*  allianee,  &c.,  of  1778,  and  of  the  consular 
I  conveiuion   of  17r'8,  nil  of  vvliieh  Congress,  in  r98,  liad 
[{  jnslly  declared  void,  in  ciniseqiienee  of  tliejr  notorious  vio- 
'\  lations  by  the   French  Governnieiil.    The  Senate  of  the 
i  United  Stales,  unwilling  to  renew  those  treaties,  advised  the 
' '  ralifiealKm  of  the  new  treaty,  e.vpiinging  the  tecoiid  article  ; 
I  ^  thus  leaving  the  reciprocal  claims  of  the  two  Governments 
I  iiiideeiiit;d,  and  subjects  of  future  negotiation,  and  adding  a 
'  limilulion  of  the  irenty  to  eight  years.    President  Adams 
ratified  it  uecordingly.    '''lie  Freneli  Goveiinm  nt  g.ive  its 
I  assent,  with   the  proviso  tiiat,  by  the  retrenehinent  of  tiie 
2d  article,  the  two  States  renounced  the  le.^peclive  prelen- 
sinns  whleji  were  the  object  nt  itiut  artjch; ;  and  in  tins  form 
llonaparte,  then  First  Consul,  ralifled  it.    1'lic  treaty,  in 
this siuiation,  being  laid  bcliire  Ihe  Senate  by  President  Jef- 
ferson, was  returned  as  fully  ratified  without  any  furtlier  act 
of  the  Senate.    This  implied  a  reciproeai  nliandoiiment  of 
tl!*^  Old  treaties,  and  of  the  claims  lor  depredations  up  totliut 
Uine,  September  30,  ItOO. 

Tons  till'  Government  Ijnrtercd  the  just  claims  of  oiirmcr- 
chanls  on  France,  to  obl:;iii  a  reliiiqnishmeiit  of  the  French 
claim  lor  a  re.-toriilion  of  the  old  treaties,  especially  tlie  biir- 
den<onio  treaiy  of  alliance^  by  which  we  were  bound  to 
giiar.inty  the  French  territories  in  America, 

On  this  view  of  the  ease,  it  wiailil  seem  that  the  mer- 
chants have  ail  equitable  claim  fiir  indemnities  from  tlie 
Uniteil  suites.  To  avoid  tins  claim,  (i.-peeially  as  the 
nmotint  is  of  sneli  magnitude,  many  reasons,  1  doubt  not, 
will  bo  urgeii  For  iiistanee,  that  the  French  Ooverninent 
was  so  u''  .riy  repardie.-s  ol"  Justice  as  to  forbid  the  bopL'  of 
obtaining  any  redress,  if  the  elniiii  had  been  peisistcdint 
and  to  relinquish  it,  therefore,  was  really  to  relinquish  a 
nullity;  while  it  procun  d  a  formal  reniineiation  of  Ihe  old 
lriatii;B.  Tliat  if  the  United  States  had  p;;rsi.ted  in  the 
claim,  then  In  render  it  eflicaeious.  rejtrisals  iiin-t  have  been 
made:  but  France,  destitute  of  foreign  commerce,  pre.- ented 
nothing  on  wbieh  n  plan  of  repii-als  could  operali'.  Tfial  if 
the  claim  werel.ept  up,  wailing  lor  Ihe  auspielnils  period  of 
|>eacfi,  ill  whieb  to  renew  11,  the  very  magnitude  of  the  de- 
mand presented  a  formidable  olij<  etion  to  its  admission. 
That  if,  when  the  revolnliniiary  inen-ures  should  cease,  a 
new  and  regular  govi'rnnienl  should  be  esl.ihlL-bi'd- by  the 
restoration  of  tile  Uniirhon  family  for  example— this  iniglit 
exense  itself  as  not  obliged  to  neeount  for  tin;  injusUrn  and 
violenee  nf  the  usurpers;  inju-tice  nnd  violence  too  much 
eo'lnteiianecil  by  n  i.unerous  parly  of  our  citizens.  That 
Ihe  present  French  Government  fiitii  evaded  the  demand  for 
indemnities  for  still  greater  spotialions  and  injuries  roni- 
mitled  during  the  reisn  of  i)oiia|inrti>.  And,  llt-lly,  flint  to 
atleinpt  to  olilain  iiHleinnities  by  yioee,  that  is,  ifiir,  would 
Iniiig  on  our  connlry  iinniense  evils,  without  any  nope  o( 
siieeess  in  the  (dijeetof  the  war, 

Hoeli  :iri>  some  of  Ihe  objeetJons  which  you  may  have  to 
eneouuler  in  proseciitiiig  the  inerehne*s*  ebiiins  bi-iore  Con- 
i:ress.  The  ingenuity  (d'0|ipuni;nts  to  th'-  '.'luiins  will  doubt- 
lesi*  suggest  many  more. 

The  old  elaini  of  Ueaumarchnis  (wliich  has  appeared  to 
me  alike  impudent  and  niijnsl)  has,  I  have  understood,  been 
urged  by  the  present  French  Government, anil  insisted  on  as 
a  preliminary  to  the  ndmi.^sion  of  ihe  merchant''  claims  for 
the  imperial  spoliniious  on  tlieir  commerce.  But,  large  as  It 
is,  good  iioficy  may  p;<r)mps  reiiuire  its  admission  by  our 
Government,  provided  France  will  stipulate  to  eonipi;nsale 
fiir  those  spoliations ;  Ucauinurciinis'  claim  to  In;  n  dcdueiiou 

*  I  was  not  then  in  olHce— having  been  removed  iu  tlie 
May  preceding. 


■  .# 


864 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  16, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


37le  Mexican  War-^-Mr.  Haralson. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


from  Aelr  aaHHU'L    Tbe  meniiiwiuwonldUimilitraaviiiy 
large  portion  of  tLeIr  loues  r«pairad. 

I  raMm  (be  cntlHcue  of  liia  incKhmta  who  tppolnteil 
yoa  tMr  agent.  If  I  could  communicate  anything  to  aid 
your  apiaication  ti)  Cangreoa,  I  »bould  ftvely  do  it  The 
nbjeciiona  which  I  have  cni^ectofed  aa  liluly  to  be  urnd 
•gatnit  you,  though  fonnidable  In  ftui,  are  In  my  |iew  de- 
Aetoat  in  ^Incijile.  If  the  treaty  of  Septnmber  SO,  180O, 
containing  the  relinquiibment,  It  obligatory  on  the  Uniteir 
States,  and  a:*  each  to  be  instated  on  by  the  present  French 
Government,  it  amounts  to  an  admissinn  that  the  Govern- 
ment it  facta  had  a  right  to  bind  the  French  nation  as  efTec- 
tually  as  If  'iie  treaty  had  been  negotiated  witli  the  present 
InOTnmts  Uovemuient :  aud  such  aoubtlesa  is  the  principle 
ofpublic  law.  It  followK,  than,  that  if  the  relinquishment 
had  not  been  made,  tlie  prcitcnt  Krci.Lh  Government  would 
be  respomilble.  CoiiHequcnily,  ttte  relinquishment  by  our 
own  Govemiiient  having  been  made  in  connideration  tliat 
Uie  French  Governntoht  relinqntsln'd  iu,  deninnd  for  a  rc- 
:iowal  of  tlie  old  ircalleH,  tlien  it  Hct'um  clear  tlint,  as  our 
Giivornment  applied  the  merchants' pruiH-rly  ti>  buy  oft' those 
olil  treatici),  the  sums  so  npjilied  should  be  reimbursed. 

If  the  claim  now  lay  open  against  the  presi^nt  French  Gov- 
ernment, nnd  should  b.!  admitted  to  bu  subsinntiully  just, 
what  adjustment  wnuld  be  deemed  equitable.'  I  presume 
that  tlie  actual  situation  of  France  nt  tlic  time  the  spnlla- 
tinns  were  committed,  and  ever  since,  would  be  pleaded 
against  tlie  demand  of  interest ;  and  whatever  ccmld  Ihi  yield- 
ed to  th.-it  plea  fhould  be  allowed  to  our  own  G<iveriment. 
Doubtless  the  Ainrriean  merehanls  would  rejoice  if  they 
ciiuld  obtoin  the  principal  of  tlii'ir  claims.  I  saw  a  para- 
graph in  some  very  late  newspaper,  that  the  present  Fnmch 
G<)veromeitt  had  liinde  provision  for  Hritish  claims  for  inju- 
ries under  tlie  Kcvoliitionary  Government,  while,  it  was  re- 
marked, those  of  tlie  United  States  had  been  resisted. 
1  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

TIMOTHY  PICKERING. 

jAmt  B.  CADBTEa,  Esq.,  Kottimore. 

APPENDI.X— No.  3. 

Col,n»Bi*,  JanwjryW,  1644. 

BiE :  I  have  this  moment  received  your  letter  of  the  a4th 
instant,  inquiring  of  me  concerning  Jud]^  Marshall*^  opinion 
on  the  claims  for  French  spoliations  anterior  to  1800. 

When  that  subject  was  under  dlHcus«t|nn  in  the  Senate 
some  years  since,  as  n  member  of  tile  cnmmitti^c  to  which  it 
had  b^eu  given  in  charge,  I  bestowed  no  little  pains  in  the 
Investigation  of  it,  and,  as  I  bilieve  it  will  liap|>en  In  every 
one  :':at  doefv),  I  became  thoroughly  satisfied  of  tlio  just- 
ne^  of  the  claims. 

While  they  were  under  discussion  in  the  Senate,  they 
happened  to  be  the  subject  of  coiivcr<alioii  between  Mr. 
Leiyh,  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  myself,  one  evening  in  our  mess 
parlor,  when  Juilge  Marshall  stepped  in,  and  having  over- 
heard or  being  informed  of  the  subject  of  conversation,  ajiked 
.  lo  share  in  it,  sayinp,  that  having  been  connected  with  the 
events  of  that  |>eriorl,  and  converiiimt  with  the  circiuilsUineea 
under  whirli  the  claims  arose,  ho  was,  from  his  own  knowl- 
edge, satisfied  that  iht^rc  was  the  strongest  obligation  on  the 
Government  to  compensate  tlie  sufFerers  by  the  French  spo- 
liations. Ue  gave  a  succinct  statement  of  the  leading  flirts, 
and  the  principles  of  law  applicable  to  thein,  in  so  precise 
nnd  lucid  a  w^',  that  it  seemed  to  me  a  tiTininalinn  of  the 
nrgument  by  a  judicial  decision.  It  was  apparent  from  his 
manner  that  lie  ft'lt  an  interest  in  theinenleatiou  of  his  opui- 
ion,  arising  from  deep  conviction  ofits  truth. 

I  mo.«t  heartily  desire  that  the  long-delayed  and  veo'  in- 
adequate justice  now  proposed  to  tlie.-e  nnfortunate  claim- 
aoLs  will  be  made  tliis  session.  I  am,  dear  sir,  your  obedient 
servant,  WILLIAM  C.  PREtJTON. 

Jamis  II.  Caostbn,  Est  ,  iyitshington. 

APPENDIX— No.  4. 

Ueiscv,  Mm/9, 1893. 

fliR:  I  have  received  your  leder  of  the  lait'i  April.  Yon 
are  entirely  mistaken  in  supposing  that  the  secnnri  nrliele  of 
th-i  convention  of  [with]  France  was  stricken  out  at  my 
desire  or  inf.irnmtion.  On  the  contrary,  I  was  desirous  ilf 
retaining  them,  [it;]  so  much  so  thai  1  sent  a  message  to 
the  Seriate,  and  explicitly  told  lliem  it  would  have  been 
more  agreeable  to  my  inclination  to  have  ratilled  the  con- 
vention as  it  stood. 

As  to  addresses,  and  answers,  nnd  escorts,  and  parades, 
and  all  the  pomposities  '-"  that  tune,  I  wisti  trt  forget  Ihnni 
all  forever;  they  were  extteniely  disagreeable  tome  at  tliat 
time. 

To  explain  all  the  mysteries  of  that  period  never  was  and 
never  will  be  in  my  p,)iver.  It  would  require  volnnies  to 
give  a  simple  history  of  it.  All  that  I  can  say  of  it  is.  llicro 
was  war  between  Ht.  Dennis  nnd  St.  George.  Each  tind  an 
army  in  .America,  constantly  skirmishing  with  each  other, 
and  both  ofthemconslnnlly  stabbing  me  with  lancets, spikes, 
and  spears    Mv  soi.r  oajkct  w\m  to  pkesrrvk  tfe  hkack 

AMD    NKUTKAMTY    OF    THH    COONTKV  ;    AND    THAT,    I   TIlANK 

God,  I  OBTAINRO,  at  the  loss  of  my  power  and  Dime  with 
both  sides.  I  am.  sir,  respectfully ,your  most  obedient  hiiiu- 
ble  servant,  JOHN  ADAMS. 

Jamks  H.  Cavstem,  Uatttmore. 


THE  MEXICAN  WAR. 
SPEECH  OF  MrTh.  A.  HARALSON, 

OF  GEORGIA, 
Im  the  House  of  Refresentativei, 
July  16,  1840. 
Tlie  Bill  "makina;  itppropriationB  for  the  support 
of  volunteers  anil  other  trnn;is,"  beiiiff  under 
consideration  in  Committee  of  the  Whole — 
Mr.  HARALSON  aaiil: 
Mr.  Cuaibhan:  The  very  extraordinary  speech 


to  which  we  have  listened,  uid  which  is  in  char- 
acter with  many  others  made  upon  the  subject  of 
the  existin?  war  with  Mexico,  prompts  me  tg  n  ake 
a  short  reply.  The  most  charitable  construction 
which  I  can  place  upon  the  sentiments  of  the  gen- 
tleman who  has  just  taken  his  seat,  [Mr.  Foot, 
from  Vermont,]  and  reiterated  by  so  many  of  the 
Whig  presses  in  various  pans  of  the- Union,  is, 
that  party  zeal  out-burns  the  fires  of  patriotism 
with  (nose  who  utter  tutd  publish  them.  They  are 
so  much  engaged  in  manufacturing  political  capi- 
tal for  home  consumption,  tlmt  they  certainly  over- 
look the  eflecta  of  their  efforts  upon  the  cause  of 
their  country.  The  history  of  the  Inst  war  has 
had  this  gooa  effect,  that  while  many  now,  aa  then, 
entertain  sentiments  hostile  to  the  war,  condemn 
it  as  unjust  and  unconstitutional,  and  attempt  to 
show  the  world  that  their  own  Government  is  in 
the  wrong,  they  will  not  venture  to  withhold  sup- 
plies for  its  prosecution.  Is  there  any  other  dif- 
ference between  the  sentiments  and  conduct  of 
those  condemning  the  war  now,  and  those  who 
condemned  it  in  1813.'  Their  lan^age  is  almost 
the  same,  nnd  Mr.  Polk  now  must  beat  the  abuse 
which'Mr.  Madison  bore  then.  The  conduct  of 
those  who  opposed  the  war  then  and  now,  differs 
in  this,  that  the  Federalists  of  that  day  acted  con- 
sistently with  their  sentiments.  They  then  pro- 
nounced the  war  unholy  ond  unjust — brought  on 
by  the  President  .'or  the  purpose  of  conquest — nnd 
refused  to  aid  its  prosecution.  This,  at  least, 
proved  thot  they  believed  what  they  uttered.  Not 
so  with  those  who  oppose  the  present  war.  They 
make  the  same  bitter  denunciations  against  it,  and 
against  tlio  President,  and  yet  boast  that  they  vote 
men  and  money  to  carry  it  on  successfully.  They 
seek  to  escape  the  odium  cast  upon  the  Federalists 
of  the  Inst  war,  by  speaking  one  way  and  voting 
another.  Tiiey  condemn  the  war  in  their  speeches, 
and  encourage  its  vigorous  prosecution  by  their 
votes.  Let  not  gentlemen  deceive  themselves. 
They  have  to  deol  with  a  virtuous  and  patriotic 
people.  No  party  tie  is  slron";  enough  to  bind  the 
sons  of  revolutionary  sires  to  the  standard  of  those 
who  advocate  the  cause  of  Mexico  against  their 
own  country.  Virtuous  and  patriotic  men  fre- 
quently take  opposite  views  of  the  most  important 
questions.  They  may  differ  on  philosophy,  reli- 
gion, or  politics,  without  creaUng  acrimonious 
ecnsure  or  malignimt  imputation.  The  best  men, 
with  the  best  motives,  may  sometimes  err,  with- 
out deserving  the  abuse  of  distempered  prejudice, 
I  desire  to  Judge  with  candor  and  honesty  Uie  mo- 
tives and  conduct  of  those  with  whom  I  may  differ 
politically;  and  while  I  breathe  I  trust  I  shall  never 
t)e  found  arrayed  against  my  country  or  her  cause, 
with  the  hope  of  injuring  the  popularity  of  any 
political  lender.  Whenever  I  shall  be  found  so 
recreant  lo  the  interest  and  welfare  of  my  country, 
as  to  thoughtlessly  tread  down  her  character  nnii 
her  policy  for  the  purpose  of  dealing  blows  upon 
a  political  opponent,  1  shall  expect  to  meet  the  con- 
demnation and  scorn  of  every  patriotic  and  virtuous 
citizen. 

Before  I  proceed  to  make  a  few  remarks  in  vin- 
dication of  the  conduct  of  the  Executive,  I  must 
be  permitted  to  animadvert  for  a  moment  on  the 
tendency  of  the  opposition  now  made  to  tlie  war 
with  Mexico.  Tho.so  who  revile  the  President, 
by  condemning  the  war,  have  selected  an  unfor- 
tunate time  to  display  their  tactics.  Now,  when 
the  whole  American  heart  throbs  in  uni.ton — now, 
when  Whig  and  Democrat  stand  side  by  side  in 
the  Tanks  of  war,  vindicating  thcirconntry's  cause 
and  sustaining  her  honor — now,  when  tlic  bitter- 
ness of  party  slrifc  is  mellnwcd  into  fricrtlship  by 
Ihciruniled  toil.i for  victory  and  hoAr; — ai  such  a 
time,  when,  instinctively,  the  dross  and  dregs  of 
party  poison  are  rendercil  harmless  in  the  heart's 
full  ocean  of  patriotic  devotimi — at  such  a  lime,  will 
the  war-worn  velernn  or  cili/.cii-soUlicr  listen  with 
patience  to  party  cunt,  while  you  loli  victory  of  its 
wreath,  liy  heaping  infamy  and  di.igrace  upon  the 
cause  in  which  their  valor  won  the  applause  of 
their  countrymen?  No,  sir.  The  time  is  unfor- 
tunate. Can  our  little  army  enjoy  the  honors  so 
well  earned  by  the  victories  of  Palo  Alto  and 
Resaca  de  la  Palma,  when  you  prove  to  Ibein  that 
every  blow  they  struck  in  those  memorable  buttles 
were  offences  against  morality,  justice,  and  honor, 
nnd  in  viola'ionof  the  Constitution  of  the  country.' 
Oh,  no,  sir;  the  bravest  heart  would  sicken,  and 


the  laurels  bo  bravely  won  and  deservedly  worn, 
would  wither  in  the  thought,  that  all  the  blood 
spilt  upon  those  memorable  plains  was  an  offence 
against  the  miyesty  of  Heaven  and  the  Constitu- 
tinn<of  the  country.  Think  you  that  the  gallant 
Ringgold  would  have  died  in  peace,  relating  with 
pleasure  the  incidenta  of  the  battle,  if  he  had  felt 
that  he  was  panting  out  his  life  for  having  perilled 
it  in  an  unjust  and  unholy  war?  How  would 
such  speeches  and  sentiments  fall,  upon  the  eve  of 
battle,  in  the  ears  of  a  soldiery  buckling  on  their 
armor  for  the  conflict?  Sir,  1  beg  gentlemen  to 
remember  that  the  time  is  illy  employed,  while 
they  make  poignards  of  their  talents  to  stab  the 
cause  their  country's  arms  are  summoned  to  de- 
ftnd.  He  who  labors  to  taint  the  cause  of  his 
country,  by  making  it  hateful  to  the  public  eye, 
does  a  wrong,  for  which  penitence  or  punishment 
alone  can  atone.  In  oriier  to  deal  a  blow  at  the 
President,  there  are  those  who  labor  to  create  a 
consciousness  of  wrong,  which  may  han"  like  a 
palsy  upon  the  soldier's  heart,  and  shake  his  firm 
purpose  in  the  hour  of  danger  and  of  battle,  and 
which  may  detain  many  stout  hearts  from  rally- 
ing to  the  standard  of  the  country,  if  there  should 
be  need  of  more  volunteers.  Gentlemen  do  not 
reflect,  tliat  while  thus  exerting  themselves,  what- 
ever may  be  their  motives,  they  wound  and  cripple 
the  moral  energies  of  a  people  engaged  in  conflict 
with  an  insulting  foe. 

In  order  to  de^nd  this  war,  and  that  the  achieve- 
ments of  our  little  army  on  the  Rio  Grande  may 
be  permitted  to  appear  in  their  true  lustre,  I  shall 
briefly  glance  at  tne  jiiifice  and  forbearance  of  our 
Government  towards  Mexico,  and  the  utter  tm;ioj- 
>iM{i(t/ of  escaping  a  war,  sooner  or  later,  with  that 
Power,  while  any  respect  for  our  own  interests 
and  national  character  was  preserved.  The  Gov- 
ernment nnd  people  of  the  United  States  hailed 
with  joy  the  successfiil  struggles  of  Mexico  in 
shaking  off  the  yoke  of  Spanish  despotism,  and 
establishing  a  government  constructed  after  the 
model  of  our  own.  Their  independence  was  ac- 
knowledged by  us  in  advance  of  all  the  other  Pow- 
ers of  the  earth.  It  was  our  pride  to  cherish  with 
her  a  good  understanding,  and  to  cheer  heron  in 
ndvanlpnent  to  free  government.  Wo  felt  groti- 
fied  to  anticipate  the  rapid  march  of  free  institu- 
tions throughout  the  continent.  She  was  hailed 
aa  a  sister  republic,  and  many  of  our  enterprising 
citizens  found  a  home  in  her  borders;  not  doubt- 
ing but  that  their  civil  rigiits  were  as  safe  under 
the  flag  of  the  Mexican  Republic  as  under  the 
stripes  and  stars  of  the  American  Union,  I  can- 
not detain  the  committee  by  enumerating  the  per- 
fidy, the  outrages,  the  wrongs,  which  have  been 
perpetrated  by  Mexico  in  return,  upon  the  Govern- 
ment and  people  of  the  United  States,  Almost 
e^ery  page  of  her  history  is  blended  with  (ui  act 
of  atrocity  and  injustice  towards  this  country, 
which  would  have  justified  her  punishment  by  war. 
The  Government  of  the  United  Slates  have  borne 
insults  and  indignities  from  Mexico,  which  she 
would  have  borne  from  no  other  nation  in  the 
world.  She  was  a  weak  si.iler  republic.  Oflr 
sympathies  were  for  her  success,  nnd  we  bore  with 
even  unbecoming  patience  the  insolence  of  her  half- 
civilized  people.  We  have  sent  six  public  Minis- 
ters to  Mexico  lo  cultivate  a  good  understanding, 
and  to  preserve  friendship,  and  four  out  of  tlio 
number  have  been  rejected  and  expelled  from  her 
territories.  I  nsk  geii'lemen  who  arc  condc.ining 
their  own  Government  and  advocating  the  cause 
of  Mexico,  to  review  the  history  of  these  national 
insults,  ond  they  will  be  astonished  at  our  patience 
nnd  forbcnmnco.  Three  of  the  Ministers  sent  by 
Mexico  to  the  United  States  left  the  country  threaf- 
pning  us  with  war,  while  a  fourth  published  iin  in- 
flamninto.y  libel  upon  the  Government,  and  sought 
to  provoke  a  rupture  between  his  Government  and 
our  own.  These  national  insults,  wliicb  merited  a 
nation's  rebuke,  were  boine,  because  Mexico  was 
weak,  and  was  contending  with  difficulties  abroad. 
American  seamen  belonging  to  a  sloop  of  war  were 
seized  and  barbarously  treated  in  prison  by  Mex- 
ican authority.  An  American  citizen  was  shot 
for  interfering  for  them,  and  the  American  consul 
himself  threatened  with  imprisonment.  An  officer 
of  the  navy  of  the  United  Slates,  while  bearing 
despatches  in  Mexico,  and  protected  with  a  car- 
rier's passport,  was  seized,  his  despatches  taken 
from  liim,  and  he  detained,  insulted,  and  punished. 


# 


^m 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


865 


29th  Cono IsT  Sess. 


Hie  Mexican  War — Mr.  Haralson. 


New  Series No.  55. 


UtJUlUIlt   uiiu    «^ifiiitiiuu    III    iiviint    ui 

nilla^ed   and    plundered,    withnu 
justification.    This,  too,  )insscd 


The  governor  of  the  cnstle  of  Pcrote  seized  nn 
American  citizen,  who  waa  charged  with  oflicinl 
despatches,  nnd  hud  a  jiassport  of  safe  conduct 
from  the  supreme  government  of  Mexico,  and 
robbed  him  of  his  official  papers,  under  the  fUlsc 
pretence  of  giving  liim  nn  examination.  This, 
ton,  passed  without  redress.  Two  American 
scliooners,  Imliii  with  good.i,  without  the  terri- 
torial juri8(h<  lion  of  Mexico,  were  captured  by 
11  Mexican  war  squadron;  the  passengers  and 
crows,  including  women  nnd  children,  were  abused, 
beaten,  and  confined  in  irons;  and  their  cargoes 
ithout  the  slightest 
unredressed.  I 
will  not  continue  the  recital  i>f  the  many  out- 
nigcs  upon  our  national  fln<r  and  national  honor. 
The  private  claims  of  our  injured  citizens  would 
alone  have  licen  suflicinnt  to  justify  the  United 
States  in  waging  war  upi in  this  insolent  republic; 
and  yet  we  forbore  vmdicaling  successfully  our 
unquestioned  rights  by  force.  It  is  true,  we  re- 
monstratsd;  it  is  true,  wo  complained;  it  is  true, 
we  threatened;  nnd  yet  we  forbore.  Let  gentle- 
men road  the  diplonuitic  correspondence  between 
tlie  two  Governments,  from  the  days  of  Iturbidc  to 
tiinse  of  I'aredes,  and  notice  the  acts  of  the  two 
Governments  through  that  period  of  time,  and 
then  say  whether  it  can  be  denied  that  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  hns  borne  more  from 
Mexico  than  they  would  be  willing  she  should 
bear  from  any  of  the  strong  Powers  of  the  earth. 

In  Februory,  1837,  General  Jackson,  then  Pres- 
ident of  the  United  Suiu^s,  felt  that  the  accumulated 
wrongs  of  the  country  could  be  borne  no  longer, 
and  sent  a  message  to  Congress,  which  is  respect- 
fully recommended  to  the  attention  of  the  com- 
plaining politicians  of  the  present  day.  He  there 
exhibits  his  desire  for  peace,  but  recommends 
measures  of  redress,  and  aaya:  "In  the  event  of  a 
'  reftisnl  by  the  Mexican  Gti  rnment  to  come  to 
'  an  amicable  adjustment  of  the  matter  in  controver- 
'  sy  between  us,  upon  another  demand  thereof  from 
'  on  board  one  of  our  vessels  of  war  on  the  coast 
'  of  Mexico,"  &c.  I  beg  gentlemen  to  read  the 
response  made  by  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  to 
the  message,  nnd  cease  their  whining  apologies  for 
Mexico,  and  their  wanton  abuse  of  the  Executive. 
The  committees  recommended,  in  the  spirit  of  for- 
bearance, one  other  elfort  to  be  made  for  redress, 
and  declare,  "should  prompt  justice  be  refused  by 
'  the  Mexican  Government,  we  may  appeal  to  all 
'  nations,  not  only  for  the  equity  and  moderation 
'  with  which  we  have  acted  towards  a  sister  re- 
'  public,  but  for  the  necessity  which  will  then  com- 
'  pel  Us  to  seek  rpdress  by  actual  war  or  by  re- 
'  prisals."  The  resolution  accompanying  this  re- 
port was  sanctioned  unanimously  by  both  parties. 
These  injuries,  insults,  and  wrongs,  which  drew 
forth  this  report  in  1837,  remain  unredressed,  while 
their  weight  has  been  annually  increased  by  the 
perfidy  of  Mexico. 

In  1838,  the  President  again  brings  the  subject 
to  the  notice  of  Congress,  and  says,  the  length  of 
time  since  some  of  the  injuries  have  been  commit- 
ted; the  repeated  and  unavailing  applications  for 
redress;  the  wanton  character  of  some  of  the  out- 
rages upon  the  property  and  persons  of  uurcitizons, 
upon  tlic  ofliceis  and  flag  of  the  United  States, 
independent  of  recent  insults  to  this  Government 
nnd  people  by  the  late  Extraordinary  Minister — 
would  justify,  in  the  eyes  of  all  nations,  imme- 
diate war.  To  this  message  of  the  President,  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Atfairs  gave  (heir  full 
sanction.  And  still  the  Government  of  the  United 
Stales,  conscious  of  its  own  strength,  nnd  anx- 
ious to  spare  a  weak  but  blustering  and  insulting 
republic,  continued  to  remonstrate  and  forbear, 
with  the  delusive  hope  that  some  atonement  would 
lie  made  for  wrongs  she  had  committed.  Finally, 
Mexico  submitteu  a  proposition  to  settle  the  con- 
troversy by  arbitration,  and  proposed  the  arbitra- 
tor; to  botli  which,  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  acceded.  Elforts  for  settlement  were  made, 
always  aided  by  this  Government,  and  retarded 
by  Mexico.  Alter  nil  the  delay,  such  redress  as 
she  acknowledged  due  and  promised  to  pay,  she 
hns  failed  to  fulfil,  without  oilering  an  anology  for 
non-compliance.  After  Santa  Ana  had  success- 
fully overthrown  the  Constitution  of  1824,  and 
subjugated  fifteen  of  tlio  sixteen  free  States  to  a 
niil'iiury  dcspulium,  one  of  the  States  (to  wit, 
Texas)  refused  to  submit,  and  successfully  resisted 

55 


the  usurper.    She  declared  and  maintained  her 
independence,  in  despite  of  the  efiTorts  of  tyranny 
to  overcome  her.     We  acknowledged  .ler  inde- 
pendence; the  other  great  nations  of  tho  earth 
acknowledged  her  independence;  and  she  oflered 
to  become  a  member  of  our  Confederacy.     What 
was  the  conduct  of  the  United  States  ?    This  Gov- 
ernment, that  is  charged  with  a  rapacious  desire 
for  conquest  and  territorial  aggrandizement — what 
was  her  conduct?    She  rejected  the  offer;  she 
would  not  entertain  the  proposition  so  soon  after 
the  revolution.    Although  every  motive  of  sympa- 
thy, and  every  feeling  of  humanity,  moved  iis  to 
accede  to  the  wishes  of  tho  citizens  of  Texas, 
we  did  not  so  much  as  entertain  the  proposition; 
but  resolved,  with  folded  arms,  to  give  the  con- 
quered usurper  time  to  regain  bis  strength,  collect 
his  troops,  and,  if  possible,  reduce  those  sons  of 
freedom  to  slavery  nnd  vassalage.     Yes,  sir;  we 
waited  until  tho  little  band  of  patriots,  against 
fcarfiil  odds,  maintained,  for  eight  years,  their 
independence.    We  waited  until  the  interference 
of  other  nations  drove  us  to  consider  seriously  the 
subject  of  annexation.    When  this  step,  so  neces- 
sary to  the  peace,  welfare,  and  happiness  of  the 
nation,  was  the  subject  of  public  consideration, 
who  can  forget  tho  vituperation  and  abuse  that 
was  heaped  upon  James  K.  Polk  and  the  Demo- 
cratic' party  for  being  its  friends  and  advocates? 
Then,  annexation  was  first  proclaimed  a  war  mea- 
sure by  some  of  the  same  men  who  now  attribute 
the  war  to  the  net  of  the  President,  in  removing 
our  troops  from  Corpus  Chriali  to  the  Rio  Grande. 
Then  they  denounced  the  whole  measure  nn  a  i 
humbug,  that  would  stink  in  the  nostrils  of  the 
American  people.    You  have  not  forgotten,  sir,  j 
nor  have  the  American  people  forgotten,  the  abuse  i 
that  was  reiterated  in  public  speeches,  and  which  ' 
teemed  from  the  press,  to  render  odious  this  great 
national  measure.     These  unpatriotic  exertions 
were  condemned  at  the  ballot-box.    James  K. 
Polk  waa  elected  President,  nnd  the  revilcrs  of  the 
Government  were  rebuked  by  the  popular  voice. 
Policy  then  induced  many  wno  stood  opposed  to 
annexation  to  become  mute,  and  others  to  become 
open  advocates  of  n  measure  they  had  unsparingly 
denounced.     Some,   however,   more   consistent, 
continued  their  opposition  until  the  measure  was 
consu  mmatcd ,    Among  those  who  continued  their 
opposition  to  the  measure  after  the  presidential 
election,  were  the  editors  of  the  New  York  Tri- 
bune, one  of  the  lending  Whig  papers  in  the 
campaign  of  1844.    There  was  such  a  similarity 
of  language  in  the  denunciations  against  annexa- 
tion, nnd  that  now  used  against  the  Mexican  war, 
that  I  must  be  excused  for  submitting  a  couple  of 
extracts  fVom  that  paper.    It  says: 

"  War  with  Mkxicu  !— Tlie  Texna  iniquity  scorns  to  bo 
cnlinlnatinfi.  Wt>  have  long  8>>en  tliiit  Mexico  cmiltl  nnt 
avoitl  iiofug  to  wnr  Willi  us.  Ttmt  n  sciienie  so  iniquitous 
in  its  lioginiiinir,  so  tiiTciiMvo  in  its  progress, mid  sorecliJPHS 
ofnll  itreccdoiit  in  its  coiisummatioii,  siiould  end  in  bimid, 
wiiiitniily  .inil  cruelly  sllcd — not  for  iilmrty,  lillt  sluvrry — not 
for  iiiiiH'iplc,  tmt  plunder — was  to  lie  cxiwcted.  VVe  are 
not  goiuB  In  writo  ou  tliis  subject  ".■>»— we  merely  Rive  tho 
Diets  ns  we  find  Ilium.  If  liio  spread  of  tlie  nren  of  slavery 
nnd  bloodsln.'d  may  yet  lie  iiverted,  wo  sliiill  rejoice.  Tile 
prospect,  liowuver,  is  dark." 

This  was  the  lanf^age  of  a  loading  Whig  jour- 
nal before  annexation  was  consummated.  This 
view  of  the  subject  has  even  found  responses  in 
this  Hall,  and  yet  they  now  say  that  the  war  with 
Mexico  is  the  act  of  the  President,  nnd  that  the 
march  of  the  army  from  Corpus  Christi  to  the  Rio 
Grande  produced  the  war.  Shame!  shame  upon 
upon  .such  consistency!  Annexation  is  now  no 
longer  a  just  cause  of  war.  As  tho  potent  voice 
of  the  American  people  hns  sanctioned  annexa- 
tion, and  ns  some  gentlemen  who  once  condemncil 
it  have  since  sanctioned  it  by  their  votes,  the  war 
is  now  the  unauthorized  act  of  the  President !  I  call 
yoilr  attention  to  one  more  extract  from  tho  same 
journal.     It  says: 

"  Mexieo  is  iiIhiui  to  np;..'jil  from  our  mpnciiy  nnd  injus- 
tice to  tho  barhnroiis  nnd  bloody  nrbitminent  of  tlio  sword. 
lu  tills  resort  site  is  iimdly  blind  nnd  misguided;  l>ut  for  the 
blond  wliicll  shall  be  shed  in  tho  conlest  she  will  he  Rir  less 
guiUy  thnn  those  of  us  who  Imvn  noi  resisted  witii  nil  our 
.  uiiiiht  tlio  perfidinns  net  of  rnpine  wliirb  is  tho  cause  of  this 
most  unnntumi  drnmu  nf  murder.  It  is  too  late  now  In  avert 
the  BUilty  business.    The  issue  nf  tlie  wnr  is  not  doubtful. 
Mexico  is  ;>ttinbly  tho  wt'nker  |»nrty.  and  must  go  'o  tlr; 
I  wnlt.    Hoou  our  nnny  will  lie  on  the  Itio  (imnde  del  None, 
I  with  Ule  ting  of  freedom  at  their  hend,  and  nn  endless  pro- 
!  eessioli  of  st.ives  n»  llieir  roar,    'i'tte  nrmy  will  disjio^sess 
II  the  Mexieun  nuthorile's;  ihi>  eliiiiiied  ami  ^iiifetl  iiroeession 


iHdiind  will  subline  and  cultivnlo  the  soil,  dancing  to  tlin 
music  of  thi)  ovenM'er*s  whip*'  We  siinli  ultimately  'annex* 
Mexico  down  to  tho  Sierra  Mndm,  and  then  nppraprlnte 
Now  Mexieo,  Honom,  nnd  Cnlifomia,  to  pay  the  exjienseH  of 
tilc  wnr.  Those  wilt  he  conquered  hy  our  arms  mid  Ireiw- 
ura;  they  will  be  monopoHzed  by  the  land  specnlntors  and 
slnvo-drlvers,and  tho  real  ex|icnses  of  tttc  war  will  he  wrung 
from  tha  sweat  and  toil  of  our  honest,  hard-working  mil- 
lions. And  tliev  (a  good  part  of  them)  will  shout  and  nuxxn 
over  vieiorii's  which  will  till  tho  land  with  a  frw  vast  Iln- 
cnrned  fortunes,  and  send  titeir  own  ehildreii  hungry  luid 
hupeiesB  to  mhiorahlti  inirs.   euch  is  the  way  of  tlie  world." 

Do  gentlemen  suppose,  that  while  they  nre  now 
seeking  to  satisfy  the  people  of  the  United  States 
that  the  President  is  the  instigator  of  this  unjust 
nnd  unauthorized  war,  as  they  coll  it,  that  the 
obove  was  the  language  of  one  of  their  principal 
presses  but  a  few  short  months  ago  ?    The  Amer- 
ican peoi>le  remember  too  we'l  the  tone  of  the 
press  ami  the  cant  of  the  public  speakers  in  oppo- 
sition to  annexation,  to  bo  now  imposed  upon  by 
those  who,   when    annexation  was    before  the 
American  people,  told  them  that  annexation  would 
bo  the  cause  of  war,  and  who  now  toll  them  that 
it  is  the  act  of  tho  President  which  has  produced 
it.   iictus  examine,  a  moment,  the  conduct  of  our 
Government  towards  Mexico,  even  in  the  act  of 
annexation.    Texas  was  an  independent  republic, 
and  had  her  boundaries  fixed  by  her  organic  law; 
and  the  measure  of  annexation  must,  ipso/oelo,  have 
accepted  her  with  her  established  bo  ndary .    But 
so  anxious  was  the  Government  of  tho  Uni'ed 
States  to  leave  no  pretext  for  unkind  feeling  upon 
the  part  of  Mexico,  that  she  pave  notice,  by  ex- 
press stipulation  in  the  resolutions  which  annexed 
Texas,  that  we  would  negotiate  with  her  upon  the 
subject  of  bom^dary .     Did  this  have  the  semblance 
of  rapacity  or  plunder?    Texas  had  her  boundary, 
and  there  was  no  necessity  to  have  said  a  word 
about  ncgoti  tion.   But  Mexico  was  n  weak  neigh- 
bor, and  we  I'lose  to  indulge  her  pride  rather  than 
hold  by  force  "..  hat  strict  justice  gave  by  the  act  of 
annexation.    We  held  out  every  inducement  to 
peace,  we  hoped  for  peace,  we  humbled  ourselves 
for  peace — but  without  effect.    No  sooner  had  tho 
resolutions  passed  Congress  authorizing  tho  re- 
public of  Texas  to  become  one  of  the  States  of  this 
Union,  than    Almonte,  the  Mexican    Minister, 
abruptly  quitted  the  United  States,  proclaiming  the 
act  of  annexation  equivalent  to  a  decloration  of 
war.    Mexico  cut  off  all  diplomatic  intercourse 
between  the  two  Governments,  and  began  afresh 
to  stir  up  tho  minds  of  her  people  for  wnr.    The 
opposing  foctions  soon  vied  with  each  other  in 
their  thrcalenings  of  revenge  and  wrath  for  the 
recovery  of  what  they  were  pleased  to  cidl  their 
revolted  province.    While  the  United  States  took 
precautionary  steps  to  prevent  the  execution  of 
her  wild  threats,  she  still  wished  and  hoped  for 
peace.    The  Mexican  Minister  nnd  the  Mexican 
Government  were  made  to  believe,  by  the  conduct 
of  many  of  our  leading  presses  and  politicians,  that 
their  rights  were  disregarded  by  the  act  of  annex- 
ation, ami  that  she  had  ajust  cause  of  war  against 
us.    Who  can  doubt  that  such  articles  us  those 
which  I  have  read  from  the  Tribune,  in  character, 
too,  with  many  of  the  speeches  made  on  this  floor 
and  throuf^a  tho  country,  have  not  had  a  tendency 
to  inflame  the  Mexican  mind  and  fan  the  flame  of 
wnr?    Mexico,  although  she  had  not  made  the 
semblance  of  a  fight  against  Texas,  or  an  effort  to 
reconquer  it,  for  more  than  eight  yeara,  miscalcu- 
lating upon  the  result  of  our  own  political  dissen- 
sions in  regard  to  that  question,  perhaps  looking 
to  foreign  aid,  and  induced  to  believe  that  she  had 
been  despoiled  of  Texas  by  Democratic  rapacity, 
drew  the  sword  of  revenge.     I  honestly  believe 
that  but  for  such  considerations  as  these,  we  should 
have  had  no  war.    The  charge  that  the  fires  which 
'  have  been  kindled  is  the  work  of  the  President, 
!  comes  with  exceeding  bad  grace  from  those  who 
have  made  themselves,  in  no  small  degree,  instru- 
I  mental  in  producing  tho  present  state  of  things,  by 
!  branding  as  unjust  the  measure  by  which  Texas 
\  became  one  of  the  States  of  the  Union.    On  the 
19lh  of  July,  1845,  nearly  twelve  months  before 
the  lominencement   of  hostilities,   tho  Mexican 
I  Government  issued  the  following  circular  from  the 
;  office  of  War  and  Marine  of  that  republic: 
[  "  OFFICE  OP  WAR  AND  MARINE. 

"  BEC-riON  or  OrKRATIOtfS. 

!'  "CiRcriAK.— Tile  United  BInKw  have  consummated  tliu 
!  perfidy  niniinslMexieo,liy  sanctioning  the  decree  which  de- 
t1  rlares'  the  nimexallon  o'f  tht;  department  nf  Ti>xns  tu  thnt 
'  Ilepublle.    The  injustice  of  thai  nsnrpuiion  isapimren*,  and 


ii 

if 

I 


!l 


R66 

APPENDIX  TO  THE  Ct  IGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

[July  16, 

Q^rn  Cong... 

..1st  Sebs. 

2)le  Mexican  War—Mr.  Haralton.. 

Ho.  OF  Reps. 

Mciiro  cannot  tolerate  mich  a  jnTe  injury  without  makini; 
Ml  efl)>n  tn  iirove  to  the  linlteratatM  the  poaalblHiyol'  her 
ability  tocaum  tier  riglits  lu  b«  respected.  With  Ihia  object, 
the  Supreme  GovvminQiit  haa  reaolved  upon  n  declaration 
of  war  nminst  that  Power,  seeUig  that  our  Ibrhenrance,  in- 
atead  ofbcinf  received  a:<  a  pniof  Of  our  fViendly  dlnpnalUiMli 
hai  been  Intorpietod  into  an  acknowledged  ItapoHinlllty  on 
our  iNirt  to  curry  on  n  8Uccoim(\iI  war. 

"  Hiich  an  error  on  the  (mrt  or  the  United  States  will  he 
advautngnoufl  to  Mexico,  because,  suddenly  almndoning  iu 
paeilic  attitude,  it  wlli  to-morraw  comuiunicnte  to  CongrcM 
the  dcclaratinn  of  war,  and  excite  the  patriotism  of  lla  citi- 
zen!* to  flUhtntn  the  dignity  of  tlie  nation  and  the  Intc^trity  of 
ilJ4  territory,  now  trenclicrou?ly  nttnckcd,  in  utter  disregard  of 
ult  gilarnnlet'i?  ri'cogni^ed  in  (his  enligltlencd  age. 

"  You  win  readily  nppreciiiiu  tlie  iinportuncc  of  this  sub- 
ject, and  the  necessity  of  preparing  the  troops  under  your 
connnand  to  riorcii  towanln  any  imint  which  may  require 
protection  ugaini't  these  nio»i  niiju»t  nggriMslons.  I  am 
directed  by  the  provisionni  Pre^hlent  to  enjoin  you,  n.i  Gen- 
crftl-iii-Chlef  ol  your  division,  and  as  a  citizen  ot  this  Re- 
public, to  hold  yourself  in  readiness  to  repel  thos(>  wlio  seek 
tile  ruin  of  Mexico.  The  Government  is  occupied  in  cover- 
ing the  dilferent  {Miinta  on  the  nronticrs,  and  in  collecting  the 
necessary  nicans,  so  that  nothing  may  be  wanting  to  those 
whose  glory  it  will  be  tu  defend  the  sacred  rights  of  tticir 
•country. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  communicite  for  your  intelligence, 
and  to  direct  your  conduct.  (J  A  K(M  A  CONDE. 

"  God  and  Liberty !     Maiico,  Jul\i  la,  1843." 

The  followins;  circulars  me  from  tlie  same  office, 
on  the  16lh  July,  four  days  later: 
"This  Circular  to  the  Authorities  suhonlinaic  to  this  Office: 

*'  Most  excellknt  Sesor;  As  my  notes  of  the  IWth  of 
March  and  7th  of  April  of  this  year,  conceniing  tlie  desert- 
ers and  recruits  Ihr  tlie  nnny,  have  not  produced  the  ell'ects 
which  his  Excellency  the  President  ad  interim  desired,  as 
tKe  Governors  have  not  iK'cn  able  to  gather  a  number  of  men 
by  any  means  adt-cpiate  to  the  wants  of  the  army,  bis  Excel- 
lency has  onlered  your  Excellency  to  provide  the  material  W 
enable  the  diilcrent  departments  to  furnish  their  quota,  and 
coaiplete  tlic  contingent  of  irooiis  reqniri'd  by  tlie  decrees  of 
a9tli  of  Dccemlier,  IMS,  and  !id  July,  18^  >  ■»'  althoiieh  the 
Bnpreme  Government  has  not  exacted  with  punctuality  the 
complement  from  the  departments,  she  now  sees  lierself 
undtT  the  necessity  of  doing  so,  fir  the  war  which  she  wages 
against  the  United  States,  the  perddy  and  troachery  of  which 
Power  put  her  in  possession  of  a  imrt  of  this  Republic. 

"His  Excellency  the  President  ad  interim,  requires  that 
your  Excellency  inform  the  Governors  of  the  necessity  which 
exists  of  detailing  ntlmher  of  Itie  men,  so  highly  necessary 
to  fill  the  ranks  of  the  army,  and  to  excite  tlie  zeal  and  pa- 
trintjsm  of  the  authorities,  that  their  preparations  shall  be 
so  elfectiial  as  to  fulh!  the  di>sires  of  the  Gnveriiinent,  and 
;)revent  the  dignity  of  the  nation  from  being  in  any  measure 
compromised. 

"  1  have  the  honor  to  communicate  to  your  Excellency  the 
fbllowing,  to  be  used  aa  occasion  may  require. 

GARCIA  CONDE. 

<  Tod  and  Liberty !    My  16, 1845." 


Most  Excellent  Se:)or,  Minister  of  Foreign  Reliitions  and  of 

Police.    Transmit  to  the  aulhoriiiea  depending  upon  your 

Department 

"  Most  isxcellknt  Senor  ;  It  being  necessary  that  tJio 
troops  of  the  line  should  covit  the  frontiers  of  ibe  Republic, 
and  marcii  towards  Texas  to  ronquer  that  department,  now 
usurped  by  the  United  ytates,  liis  Excellency  the  l*resident 
adinterim,  has  commanded  nio  to  transmit  yon  this  note  to 
excite  the  Eeal  anil  patriotism  »i'  the  (lOviTnnrs,  that  they 
place  un'?r  .irms  in  llii'ir  resniTtive  districts  all  the 
force  which  cup  be  collectiMl  in  defence  of  the  law,  to  he 
ready  to  serve  as  a  safeguarded' their  respective  de|iartments 
according  to  the  decree  of  the  4th  of  June  of  this  year, 
and  Uie  regiilation  of  tlie  7th  instant. 

"  Your  Excellency  will  eomninnjcato  to  the  Governors 
this  supreme  lesoltiUnn,  and  will  inform  tliern  of  the  obliga- 
tions under  which  the  citizens  are  to  contrilmle  to  the  de- 
fence of  their  country,  and  to  siist^i  n  riglits  violated  by  n  na- 
tion which  refuses  to  acknowledge  them,  and  ntiliges  Mexico 
to  mninf-iin  them  by  furee,  which  it  most  nndntibtedly  will, 
or  fall  in  llie  struggle.  She  will  not  consent  to  irive  uponc- 
half  of  her  territory,  from  the  liose  fear  of  losing  the  other. 
Hoping  that  your  Excellency  ivill  furnish  me  with  informa- 
tion 03  tn  ttie  nunilKT  of  men  which  can  be  devoted  to  this 
importbiit  object,  your  Excellency  will  jileaso  to  accept  my 
most  high  consideration. 

"God  and  Liberty !    Mexico,  July  in,  IP-I.I. 

■•  i;AR(,'1A  CONHE. 

"  To  the  most  excellent  Senor,  Miei.ster  of  Foreign  Rela- 
tions and  Police." 

The  first  of  these  circulars  coiitnins  so  mntiy 
Beiitimcnl.s  like  those  which  have  -tme  from  pro- 
fessed patriots  in  the  United  Stat«#,  that  I  can 
almost  imn{i;iiie  its  mithor  catching  tiniKe  fervent 
strains.  But  what  «ay(;entlemen  to  the  circulars 
of  the  IBlh  of  July.'  Do  they  not  make  an  ofHr.ial 
call  for  soldiers  to  prosecute  a  war  whi('h  the  Mex- 
ican Secretary  of  War  says  she  (Mexico)  is  under 
the  i,ecessity  of  wnijin^  iigainst  the  United  Stales  ? 
Does  not  this  official  circular  declare  that  we  were 
already,  by  "  pcrlidv  and  treachery,  in  posse.?sion 
of  a  part  of  his  republic?"  Where,  then,  was  our 
Brmy.'  Was  it  upon  the  Uio  Urandc.'  No,  sir. 
Mr.  Polk  had  not  then  ordered  our  troops  to  tlie 
banks  of  that  river;  and  yet,  wilh  this  puhliahcd 
official  circular  before  their  eyes,  the  President  is 
charged  with  producing  the  war  by  removing  the 
troops  fVom  Corpus  Christi  to  the  Rioamnile! 


Mexico  had  cut  off  nil  diplomatic  communication 
with  the  United  States,  and  here  we  see  the  decla- 
ration of  war,  the  call  fof  soldiers,  and  the  resolu- 
tion published,  that  she  will  not  consent  "  to  give 
up  one-half  of  her  territory,  from  the  base  fear  of 
losing  the  other."  She  declares  that  she  will 
maintain  those  rights,  violated  by  a  nation  which 
refuses  to  acknowled,n;o  them,  and  to  maintain 
them  by  force,  or  fall  in  the  atrag^ln.  Were  these 
declarations  made,  were  these  resolves  published, 
were  these  circulars  issued,  because  our  troops  had 
marched  to  the  Rio  Grande?  Certainly  not.  The 
army  had  not  then  been  ordered  to  that  river. 
We  were  still  hoping  to  conciliate  Mexico.  We 
were  still  willing  to  make  sacrifices  to  preserve 
peace.  Here  was  o  declaration  of  war,  an  effort 
to  raise  troops,  not  to  defend  the  country  beyond 
the  Nueces, but  to  sustain,  as  they  say,  "  violated 
rights;"  determined  not  to  lose  "  half  their  terri- 
tory from  the  base  fear  of  losing  the  other.''  In 
the  face  of  these  facts,  who  will  again  assert,  that 
the  President  created  the  war  by  ordering  the 
troops  to  the  Rio  Grande.'  Such  a  charge  is  a 
party  blow  at  the  President,  and  must  be  harmliss. 
He  will  ever  be  sustained  by  the  American  people 
while  he  maintains  with  firmness  the  plighted  faith 
of  the  Government. 

Mr.  Chairma.i,  even  after  all  these  demonstra- 
tions upon  the  part  of  Mexico,  so  anxious  was  the 
President  to  preserve  peace — so  conscious  of  our 
bwn  strength,  and  so  sensible  of  the  weak  and  dis- 
tracted state  or'  Mexico — that  he  still  sought  to 
make  a  peaccflil  settlement  of  all  existing  difficul- 
l'ss.  Tnoiigh  Mexico  had  broken  off  all  official 
intercourse,  the  President  so  far  humbled  the  gov- 
ernment as  tn  sue  for  negotiation.  We,  who  have 
been  wronged  and  insulted  for  years — we,  who 
were  pursuing  none  other  than  a  course  of  strict 
justice  and  honor — besought  Mexico  to  receive  a 
minister  for  the  purpose  of  settling  all  difficulties 
between  the  two  countries.  Does  history  show 
such  aflother  example  of  forbearance  between  na- 
tions, whether  weak  or  strong  ?  Does  the-  world 
afforti  such  a  striking  example  of  magnanimity  ? 
Here  ianweak,  offending,  and  blustering  neighbor, 
waging  war  and  breathing  vengeance,  while  we  are 
using  efforts  to  avoid  a  conflict,  and  appealing  to 
her  in  kindness  to  propose  terms  for  negotiation 
and  settlement.  This  was  the  condtict  of  James 
K.  Polk,  who  is  now  charged  wilh  instigating  a 
war  through  rapacity  and  for  conquest  I  Can  ma- 
lignity iilvent  a  charge  mc.e  impudent  and  false  ? 
For  a  time,  the  hope  was  fondly  cherished  tiiat  his 
entreaties  would  prevail  and  peace  be  preserved. 
He  had  asked  Mexico  to  receive  a  minister  for  the 
purpose  of  negotiation.  She  consented  to  the  pro- 
position, and  a  minister  was  sent.  No  snnner 
was  it  known  in  Mexico  that  the  prnposillon  had 
been  entertained  for  a  treaty  with  the  United  States, 
than  it  was  made  the  mainspring  to  a  speedy  revo- 
lution. The  army  is  put  in  motion.  Paredes  dc- 
nounc  s  -\  treaty;  and  Heirern  pauses  in  Ins  pur- 
pose to  prolong  for  n  moment  his  expiring  Govern- 
ment. The  minister  fiom  the  United  States  can- 
not be  received;  and,  to  save  appearances  in  the 
face  of  his  promise,  he  denies  njieeina:  to  receive  a 
minister,  but  a  commissioner  only.  The  enemies 
of  the  Admini.itralion  lake  up  the  same  objection 
here;  and  for  this,  the  Administration  is  aiuised. 
Oh !  if  he  had  sent  a  commissioner,  he  would  have 
been  received,  and  all  would  have  been  well.  1 
a-ik  gentlemen  to  reflect.  Was  the  revolution  put 
in  motion  becau.se  we  sent  a  minisler  to  Mexico  ? 
Was  not  the  outcry  which  put  the  army  in  motion 
that  Ilenera  was  about  to  treat  away  Texas? 
This  was  the  offence;  and  to  excuse  himself,  and 
save  for  a  time  his  then  tottering  government, 
Herrera  then  raised  the  objection  to  receiving  a 
minister.  The  character  of  the  mission  was  hijihly 
creditable  to  Mexico,  and  no  objection  could  or 
wonid  have  been  raised  to  a  tninisler  v.ith  full 
powers  to  settle  all  difficulties,  instead  of  a  com- 
missioner with  limited  powers  to  settle  a  particular 
difficulty,  but  for  the  determination  upon  the  part 
of  Mexico  not  to  treat  at  all.  Paredes  was  borne 
into  power  upon  the  popular  tumult  which  over-  j 
run  all  the  overtures  of  peace.  He  wnsconi|iJI"d  ' 
to  prosecute  the  war,  or  stifle  the  public  voice  that !, 
placed  him  at  the  head  of  the  Government.  No  | 
man  in  his  senses  could  longerdoubt  the  certainty  j' 
of  a  war  with  Mexico.  The  Mexican  troops  are  jl 
ordered  to  Matamoros— levie*  for  troops  are  irvie  '' 


according  to  the  circulars  which  had  issued  iVom 
the  War  Department  nearly  twelve  months  before. 
All  hope  for  a  settlement  of  our  difficulties  waa 
loit,  until  that  infktuated  republic  could  be  taiight 
to  respect  our  strength  nnd  regard  our  rights.  The 
hour  when  hostilitie*  should  commence  waa  a  mere 
matter  of  time;  the  event  waa  fixed  and  certain. 
The  position  of  our  army  could  have  nothing  to 
do  with  the  certainty  of  the  event,  iio  matter  how 
much  it  might  affect  the  period  of  ila  commence- 
ment. The  army  of  the  United  States  waa  then 
ordered  to  the  Rio  Grande;  and  this  movement  is 
seized  upon  as  the  one  which  plunged  ua  into  war, 
'ind  the  President  denounced  for  the  order. 

I  have  already  shown  that  war  was  certain 
after  Paredes  came  into  power,  and  the  period  of 
ita  commencement  alone  uncertain.  Now,  let  us 
suppose  that  our  troops  had  remained  at  Corpus 
Cnriati  until  the  Mexicans  had  made  all  their  pre- 
parations, and  with  an  augmented  force,  but  at  a 
later  period,  had  entered  Texas  at  different  points, 
to  reduce  it  to  subjection.  After  much  difficulty — 
perhaps  with  heavy  losses,  may  be,  of  men  and 
proi-serty — we  should  have  driven  them  back. 
What,  then,  would  have  been  the  language  of 
those  who  now  condemn  the  President  for  moving 
the  army  forward?  Sir,  they  would  have  abused 
the  tardy  movements  of  the  Executive;  they  would 
have  pointed  out  nil  the  threatened  hostilities  and 
warlike  movements  of  Mexico ;  they  would  have 
descanted  largely  upon  the  exposed  frontier  of 
Texas;  and  would  have  insisted,  that  if  the  Pres- 
ident had  possessed  any  sagacity,  any  energy,  any 
promptness,  he  would  have  shown  his  determina- 
tion to  vindicate  American  honor,  by  throwing  a 
strong  force  on  the  Rio  Grande,  and  intimidating 
n  weak  and  distracted  foe.  Ay,  sir,  I  doubt  not 
they  would  have  demonstrated  that  such  vigorous 
conduct  upon  the  part  of  an  able  Executive  would 
have  prevented  war,  by  deterring  Mexico  from  a 
vain  and  foolish  effort  to  regain  Texas.  I  doubt 
not  they  could  have  proved  that  Mr.  Polk  had 
brought  on  the  war  by  keeping  his  little  army 
cooped  up  at  a  tistance,  and  thus  encouraging  and 
inviting  a  Mexican  invasion.  Such  speeches 
would  surely  have  been  much  more  effective  than 
those  they  now  make  in  abuse  of  the  President. 
It  may  be  pos«ilile  the  moving  of  the  troops  near 
Matnmoros  hastened  an  event,  every  man  of  any 
foresight  must  have  foreseen  must  happen  sooner 
or  later.  Looking  at  the  situation  of  our  foreign 
relations  at  that  time,-I  will  now  appeal  to  the  good 
sense  of  the  committee,  and  to  the  candor  or  the 
whole  country,  whether  prudence  and  policy  would 
not  have  suggested,  that  if  we  must  have  war  with 
Mexico,  the  .sooner  the  belter.  If  moving  the 
troops  to  the  Rio  Bravo  had  shown  our  determina- 
tion to  resist  the  very  first  step  of  Mexican  inva- 
sion, and  thereby  prevent  war,  all  was  well;  but 
if,  on  the  contrary,  it  affoi-ded  Mexico  the  earlier 
opportunity  of  ciurying  her  hostile  threats  into 
execution,  so  let  it  be,  that  the  contest  may  the 
sooner  close.  If  we  must  fight,  we'll  begin  nt  the 
threshold.  Let  itbc  remembered,  thntnt  that  tinitv 
the  Oreg.in  question  was  not  settled,  and  there  was 
a  piossibility  that  nt  the  end  of  twelve  months  wo 
might  have  war  with  Grr-at  Britain.  Indeed,  many 
excellent  men  and  .statesmen  thought  war  nt  that 
time  with  Great  Brilnin  inevitable.  Was  it  not, 
then,  wise  and  prudent  to  bring  the  Mexican  con- 
troversy to  an  end  before  the  twelve  months  should 
expire?  So,  I  think,  will  be  the  verdict  of  the 
people,  no  matter  how  much  abuse  may  be  heaped 
U]ion  the  President  by  politicians. 

There  seems  to  be  great  anxiety  to  know  when 
this  war  is  to  end,  and  what  is  to  he  accomplished 
by  it.  When  it  is  to  end,  depends  upon  Mexico 
herself;  and  those  gentlemen  who  have  made  them- 
selves champions  of  that  ill-fated  republic  should 
be  able  to  answer  with  more  certainly  than  my- 
self. The  President  has  declared  his  readiness  to 
make  peace  whenever  Mexico  shows  a  willing- 
ness to  dn  so  upon  honorable  terms.  While  we 
have  entered  into  the  war  with  a  sword  in  one 
hand,  the  olive  branch  is  borne  in  the  other.  But 
hnvin»  been  forced  into  the  contest,  I  think  I  know 
that  the  American  people  will  not  be  willing  to 
relax  their  efforts  until  a  peace,  honorable  to  the 
countrv  and  settling  our  rights,  shall  have  been 
secured.  The  hearts  of  the  people,  have  been 
wound  up  to  this  by  Mexican  insolence.  Their 
sworda  have  been  drown  from  their  acabbarda  and 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


867 


2dTH  CoNo 1st  Skss. 


The  Oregon  Treaty — Mr.  Benton. 


Senate. 


■hnrpened  by  Mexican  wrong*.  One  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  patrioti, without  diatinction  of  party, 
have  made  an  offering  of  themielves,  prepared  to 
brave  all  dangers  for  their  country.  While  I  dep- 
recate war,  and  consider  even  the  necessity  which 
forces  a  people  into  it,  in  most  coses,  a  great  mis- 
fortune, I  cannot  but  rejoice  at  the  spirit  which  this 
Mexican  war  exhibits.  While  there  are  some  who 
seek  to  dishonor  the  cause  in  which  our  arms  are 
engaged,  I  look  over  the  proud  list  of  volunteers, 
ana  find  Whig  und  Democrat  standing  side  by  side, 
nnd  with  patriot  hearts  pledging  themselves  upo'h 
their  drawn  swords  to  brave  the  danger,  endure  the 
fatigue,  and  toil  together  for  the  rights  and  honor 
of  their  country. 

There  is  much,  Mr.  Chairman,  which  my  heart 
prompts  me  to  utter,  which  my  time  and  this  late 
hour  forbids.  I  have  had  no  wish  to  wound  the  feel- 
ings of  any  man,  but  I  could  not  do  less  than  speak 
in  the  language  of  rebuke  to  those  whose  talents 
ought  to  be  better  employed  than  in  weakening 
the  hands  of  the  thousands  of  our  brave  volun- 
teers now  in  the  service  of  the  country,  by  telhng 
them  that  they  were  engaged  in  an  unjust  and  un- 
authorized war,  brought  upon  us  by  the  Execu- 
tive. For  what  we  have  said  nnd  what  we  have 
done,  as  public  servants,  we  are  accountable  to 
those  whose  feelings  and  interests  it  is  our  special 
duty  to  represent.  To  that  constituency  who  have 
honored  me  with  their  confidence,  I  cheerfully  sub- 
mit my  whole  conduct;  conscious  that  I  have  given 
the  best  service  of  which  I  was  capable.  Among 
other  public  matters,  I  have  felt  it  my  duty  to  sus- 
tain this  war,  not  only  by  voting  supplies  of  men 
nnd  of  money,  but  by  my  voice,  and  m  my  heart. 
The  feelings  and  interests  of  my  constituents  are 
ail  with  the  country.  Their  best  wishes  have 
accompanied  their  volunteer  friends  to  the  battle- 
field; and  I,  as  their  representative,  have  felt  it  my 
duty,  however  humbly,  to  defend  the  cause  in 
which  they  are  engaged.  Sir,  it  is  the  country's 
cause,  seen  by  true  patriotism  too  high  in  its  eleva- 
tion to  be  reached  by  the  short  and  puny  arms 
which  have  or  may  be  raised  against  it. 


»THE  OREGON  TREATY. 
SUBSTANCE  OP 

THE  SPEECH  OF  MR.  BENTON, 

OF  MISSOURI, 
In  the  Senate — Secret  Session, 
Jane  18,  1846. 
Debate  on  the  ratification  of  the  Oregon  Treaty. 
The  first  article  of  the  treaty — and  it  is  the  main 
one,  and  almost  the  whole  treaty — is  in  the  very 
words  which  I  myself  would  have  used  if  the  two 
Govcrnmenis  had  left  it  to  mc  to  draw  the  bound- 
ary line  between  them.  The  linn  established  liy 
that  article — the  prolongation  of  tlie  boundary  on 
tlie  cast  side  of  the  Uocky  Mountains — follows  the 
parallel  of  49°  (o  the  sea,  with  a  slight  deflection 
through  the  Straits  of  Fuca  to  avoid  cutting  the 
south  end  of  V  ancouver's  Island.  All  this  is  right, 
ill  my  opinion.  Forty-nine  is  the  line  of  right,  and 
of  mutual  convenience,  between  the  two  Powers, 
offered  by  us  since  the  lime  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  and 
wonderfully  adapted  to  the  natural  divisions  of  the 
country  and  the  actual  possessions  of  the  two  par- 
ties. It  parts  the  two  systems  of  waters  (those  of 
the  Columbia  and  of  Frazer's  river)  as  naturally 
nnd  commodiously  on  he  west  of  the  mountains, 
as  it  parts  on  the  east  of  the  same  mountains 
the  two  systems  of  waters  which  belong,  on  one 
hand,  to  tiieOulf  of  Mexico,  on  the  otiier  to  Hud- 
son's Buy;  and  on  both  sides  of  the  mountain  it 
conforms  to  the  actual  discoveries  and  settlements 
of  both  parties.  There  is  not  upon  the  face  of  tlie 
enrlh  so  long  a  line,  and  so  straight,  and  so  adapt- 
ed to  the  rignts  of  the  parties  nnd  the  features  of 
the  country.  From  the  Lake-of-the-Woods  to 
the  Pacific  Ocean  is  twenty  degrees  of  longitude, 
(fifty  miles  to  a  degree  in  that  latitude;)  and 
throughout  that  long  distance  the  line  follows  the 
high  lands  which  divide  great  rivers  and  their 
basins,  cutting  off  nothing  but  thejheods  of  streams 
of  Utile  consequence,  and  these  excisions  most 
wonderfully  balanced.  It  is  a  marvellously  proper 
line,  and  does  great  honor  to  the  discretion,  or 
illustrates  tho  good  fortune  of  the  French  and  Brit- 


ish commissaries  under  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  by 
whom  it  was  so  Ion?  ago  established.  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son offered  this  line,  id  its  whole  extent,  in  1807; 
Mr.  Monroe  made  the  same  offer  in  1818,  and 
again  in  1824;  Mr.  Adams  offered  it  in  1836; 
Mr.  Tyler  in  1842;  and  Mr.  Polk  in  1845.  For 
fortyyears,  save  one,  this  line  has  been  offered  by 
our  Government  to  the  British  Government;  and 
by  all,  except  the  last,  as  n  line  of  right,  adapted 
to  the  actual  possessions  of  the  parties  and  to  the 
natural  divisions  of  the  country.  Since  thirty 
years,  I  have  been  accustomed  to  study  the  question 
of  this  line,  and  during  all  that  time  I  have  been 
in  favor  of  49.  As  often  as  I  have  had  occasion  to 
express  my  opinions  about  it — and  these  occasions 
commenced  with  the  treaty  of  Ghent  in  1815 — I 
have  declared  uniformly  in  favor  of  that  line— but 
always  as  a  basis — never  as  an  inflexible  demarca- 
tion, yielding  to  no  accidents  of  land  or  water.  I 
never  talked  the  nonsense  of  every  inch ,  and  every 
acre,  up  to  49,  or  war.  I  knew  the  Straits  of  Fuca, 
and  that  these  straits  formed  a  natural  boundary 
for  us,  and  also  divided  the  continent  from  the 
islands,  nnd  tho  fertile  from  the  desolate  regions. 
I  knew  that  the  continental  coast  nnd  the  inhabit- 
able country  terminated  on  the  south  shore  of  those 
straits,  and  that  the  northwest  archipelago — the 
thousand  desolate  and  volcanic  islands,  derelict  of 
nil  nations — commenced  on  their  north  shore;  and 
I  wanted  to  go  no  further  than  the  good  land  and 
the'continental  const  went.  I  was  always  in  favor 
of  a  deflection  of  a  line  through  the  Straits  of  Fuca; 
but  I  said  nothing  about  it.  It  was  a  detail,  and 
I  confined  mvself  to  the  proposition  of  the  line  as 
a  basis.  I  had  expected  the  deflection  to  have 
commenced  further  fcack — on  the  continent — so  as 
to  have  kept  our  line  a  little  further  off  from  Fort 
Langley,  at  the  mouth  of  Frazer's  river,  almost  in 
sisht  of  which  it  now  passes.  If  this  had  been 
asked,  I,  for  one,  would  have  been  willing  to 
grant  it;  but  the  British  did  not  ask  it,  probably 
for  the  same  rea'son  that  I  would  have  granted  it, 
namely,  the  entire  worthlessness  of  the  desolate  | 
region  about  the  mouth  of  Frazer's  river.  | 

The  deflection  leaves  out  Vancouver's  Island, 
and  I  nm  glad  of  it.  It  is  one  of  the  most  worth- 
less of  the  thousand  worthless  islands  which  the 
northwest  archipelago  presents,  and  is  the  derelict 
of  all  nations.  The  Nootkn  Sound  quarrel  be- 
tween Great  Br'tain  and  Spain  was  not  for  the 
island,  but  for  the  insult  to  Great  Britain  in  the 
deportation  nnd  incarceration  of  her  subjects  by 
the  Viceroy  of  Mexico.  Reparation  for  that 
insult  was  the  point  of  the  quarrel;  and,  that  being 
obtained  in  a  treaty  of  restoration  and  indemnity, 
both  parties  abandoned  the  island,  and  neither 
has  since  occupied  it.  It  is  now  vacant  and 
desert,  and  I  want  none  of  it.  I  woald  not  accept 
it  ns  n  present,  nor  would  the  poorest  lord  of  the 
i.slcs  that  ever  lived  upon  the  western  coasts  of 
Scotland.  The  fictitious  importance  lately  attrib- 
uted to  this  island,  upon  the  disparagement  of  the 
mouth  of  the  Columbia,  has  vanished  upon  the 
revelation  of  tho  true  character  of  that  river.  The 
esluarv  of  the  Columbia  is  now  shown  to  be 
n  good  port;  and,  with  the  advantage  of  lights, 
buoys,  beacons,  pilots,  and  steam  tow-boats,  ready 
to  become  one  of  the  best  in  the  world.  Tin's 
knowledge  of  the  true  character  of  the  mouth  of 
the  Columbia  puts  nn  end  to  all  pretext  of  neces- 
sity to  go  north  three  hundred  miles,  to  hunt  a 
sunstitutc  port  in  the  remote  and  desolate  coasts 
of  Vancouver's  Island.  That  island  is  not  want- 
ed by  the  United  States  for  any  purpose  what- 
ever. Above  all,  the  south  end  of  it  is  not  wanted 
to  command  the  Straits  of  Fucn.  It  so  happens 
that  these  straits  are  not  liable  to  V  commanded , 
cither  in  fact  or  in  law.  They  are  from  fifteen  to 
thirty  miles  wide — rather  too  wide  for  Imttcries  to 
cross  their  shot — nnd  wide  enough,  like  all  the 
other  great  straits  of  the  world,  to  constitute  a 
part  of  the  high  seas,  and  to  be  incapable  of  ap- 
propriation by  any  nation.  We  want  nothing  of 
that  strait  but  ns  a  boundary,  and  that  the  treaty 
gives  us.  With  that  boundary  conies  all  that  we 
want  in  that  quarter,  namely,  nil  the  venters  of 
Pugct's  Sound,  and  the  fertile  Olympic  district 
which  borders  upon  them. 

When  the  line  reaches  the  channel  which  sepa- 
rates Vancouver's  Island  from  ihecontinent,  (which 
it  does  within  sight  of  the  mouth  of  Frazer's  river,) 
it  proceeds  to  the  middle  of  the  channel, and  thence 


turning  south,  through*  the  channel  Dt  Haro, 
(wrongly  written  .^rro  in  the  maps,)  to  the  Strait* 
of  Fucn;  and  then  west,  through  the  middle  of  that 
strait,  to  the  sea.  This  is  a  fair  partition  of  those 
waters,  and  gives  us  everything  that  we  want, 
namely,  all  the  waters  of  Pugel'j  Sound,  Hood'* 
Canal,  Admiralty  Inlet,  Bellingham's  Bay,  Birch 
Bay;  and  witli  tliein  the  cluster  of  islands,  proba- 
bly of  no  value,  between  Dt  Haro's  channel  and 
the  continent.  Neither  the  Spanish  discoveries, 
nor  our  own  discovery  and  settlement  of  the  Co- 
lumbia, would  have  given  us  these  waters.  Their 
British  names  indicate  their  discoverers,  and  the 
line  of  49  gives  them  to  us. 

The  proviso  to  the  article  strikes  some  Senator* 
ns  being  unequal,  and  to  tho  prejudice  of  the  Uni- 
ted States;  but  it  is  not  so:  the  proviso  is  perfectly 
fair  and  equal,  and  so  will  appear  from  the  slight- 
est examination  of  any  map  which  shows  the 
Straits  of  Fuca,  and  the  waters  connected  with 
that  itrait.  Any  map  will  show  that  the  straits 
open  from  the  sea,  and  penetrate  the  continent 
about  due  east  for  one  hundred  .'es;  and  then 
branch,  south  and  north.  The  I  ..nch,  or  rather 
branches,  (for  they  are  in  many  channels,)  which 
go  south,  also  extend  about  one  hundred  miles, 
making  Puget's  Sound,  Hood's  Canal,  Admiralty 
Inlet,  nnd  so  on;  and  these  waters  being  all  nar- 
row, ond  inland,  become  our  private  waters,  and 
are  subject  to  our  municipal  jurisdiction.  So  of 
the  waters  of  the  strait  which  so  north.  At  first 
they  open  out  largely,  behind  Vancouver's  Island, 
and  make  the  Gulf  of  Georgia;  there  they  contract 
into  narrow  ai)fi  intricate  channels,  insomuch  that 
for  a  long  time  the  island  and  continent  were  sup- 
posed to  be  united.  These  narrow  waters,  like 
those  of  Puget's  Sound,  &c.,  are  private  property, 
subject  to  the  municipal  jurisdiction  of  the  British, 
to  whom  they  belong.  I  hold  the  jiroviso  to  be 
conformable  to  the  law  of  nations,  and  fair  and 
equal  in  itself,  and  fully  approve  of  it. 

I  am  in  favor  of  the  first  article  as  it  stands,  and 
it  is  the  main  article;  and,  in  fact,  almost  the  whole 
treaty.  It  settles  the  great  point  of  controversy 
between  the  two  nations:  it  tiuiels  the  territorial 
contest  which  has  continuea  since  1807,  and 
which,  at  the  commencement  of  this  session  of  Con- 
gress, was  supposed  to  be  pregnant  with  inevitable 
war.  The  first  article  quiets  that  contest:  the  re- 
maining three  arc  subordinate  and  incidental- 
mere  accessories  to  the  first — and  designed  to  give 
it  convenient  execution.  Each  of  these  may  re- 
quire a  few  words  of  explanation,  to  avoid  unfound- 
ed apprehensions. 

The  first  of  these  remaining  articles,  being  the 
second  of  the  treaty,  is  the  most  material  of  the 
three:  it  relates  to  the  free  navigation  of  the  Co- 
lumbia, and  falls  so  far  short  of  "what  the  British 
have  heretofore  dcmandeii,  and  of  what  we  our- 
selves have  heretofore  offered,  that  it  looked  to  mo 
like  a  relinquishment  of  the  whole  pretension. 
The  British  have  heretofore  demanded,  not  merely 
the  navigation  of  the  river,  but  its  sovereignty — 
the  sovereignty  of  its  right  bank  in  its  whole  ex- 
tent— and  the  joint  use  of  the  stream.  We  offered 
the  free  navisation  of  the  river,  in  perpetuity,  to 
all  the  subjects  of  the  British  crown.  This  offer, 
made  by  Mr.  Gallatin  in  1826,  nnd  repeated  since, 
has  been  steadily  refused  by  the  British.  Instead 
of  pei-pelml  navijation  to  all  British  subjects,  the 
present  treaty  brings  down  the  privilege  to  a  tem- 
porary use  nnd  n  mere  handful  of  British  subjects. 
The  article  is  in  these  words: 

"  From  Ihn  pniiit  iit  whirh  the  43ili  p.irnllol  of  norlh  Intl- 
nid(!  Klnll  h(!  fniiiid  to  inlcrHoct  the  Brratnnnlirrn  hrnncliof 
the  Cnlinnbm  rivor,  llic  iiiiviuntinn  ol'  ilit'  said  hranrh  shall 
be  Tree  and  upon  In  tho  [Itidiioa'ti  Bay  Cnin[iaiiy  and  lo  all 
llriiHh  enhjms  tradhn  with  the  Baiiie,  In  the  point  where 
tlir  said  liraru'h  iiipoib  tlio  main  stream  nf  tlie  Ciiliimhia,  and 
tllt'lice  dnwfi  llie  said  main  stream  to  the  ocean,  with  free 
aeeess  into  nnil  llirnuBh  iho  said  river  or  rivers ;  it  Iwlnj 
iinilersinnd  that  all  the  usnal  iiorlaiics  along  (he  line  Ihna 
deseribed  shall  in  like  maimer  l>e  free  and  open.  In  navi- 
RutiiiBf  the  said  rivc^r  or  rivers,  British  subjects,  witli  their 
goods  and  pmdnre,  shall  be  treated  on  the  same  footing  as 
citizens  of  the  United  .States ;  it  being,  liowcvcr,  always  un- 
derstood that  nothinv  in  this  article  shall  be  construed  as 
I irevcntinR,  or  intended  to  prevent,  the  Government  of  the 
Tailed  States  from  making  any  regulations  respecting  the 
navl'iatinn  of  the  said  river  or  rivers,  not  iuconsisteiit  with 
tho  present  treaty." 

Bythc  terms  ofthis  article,  the  privilege  of  navi- 
gation is  confined  to  the  Hudson  Bay  Company, 
nnd  to  the  British  subjects  trading  with  them;  and 
they  are  to  be  subject  to  the  laws  and  regulation^ 


869 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  18, 


2{>rH  CoNO 1st  Srss. 


The  Oregon  Treaty-'-Mr.  Benton. 


Senate. 


J.' 


which  apply  to  oar  own  citizens.  Now,  there 
happen*  tooe  two  Hudson  Bay  Compnnies,  and 
those  who  do  not  attend  to  Hiat  little  fact  may  fall 
into  great  error.  The  first  company  hau  a  perpetual 
charter,  fVom  Charles  the  Second,  to  trade  with 
the  Indians  on  all  the  waters  emptying  into  the 
Bay  of  Hudson.  Tliis  company  has  no  rights, 
under  that  chatter,  beyond  tlie  Kocky  Mountains, 
The  second  conuiany  is  of  recent  date,  and  is 
formed  of  the  Hudson  Day  and  the  old  Northwest 
Company  united,  and  exist  under  a  license  of 
Iwenly-one  years,  granted  by  the  Crown,  under  an 
net  of  Parliament.  It  bears  the  name  of  Hudson 
Bay  Comiiany;  but  is  so  entirely  distinct  from  the 
chartered  com|mny  of  King  Charles,  that  it  can 
carry  on  no  trade  on  the  waters  of  Hudson's  Day, 
Ks  the  old  Hudson  Bay  Compiiny  cmi  curry  on 
none  on  the  waters  of  the  Pacific  Ocean.  This 
licensed  company  was  first  created  in  1H21,  and 
continued  by  a  new  license  lor  a  second  turm  of 
twenty-one  years  in  the  year  1842.  It  is,  there- 
fore, now  in  the  fourth  year  of  its  present  exist- 
once,  and  has  seventeen  ycais  to  live.  It  is  of 
this  second,  or  licensed  company,  that  the  troaty 
speaks;  and,  of  course,  all  the  privileges  grunted 
by  the  treaty  refer  to  it.  The  treaty  stipulates  for 
this  company,  as  it  is,  under  its  present  license; 
not  lis  it  may,  or  may  not  be,  under  n  new  license. 
It  stipulates  for  a  company  whose  existence  is  to 
termniatcin  1363;  and,  of  course,  that  is  the  limit, 
in  point  of  duration,  of  this  privilege  of  navigation, 
which  is  becoming  so  large  an  object  in  the  eyes 
of  some  gentlemen.  Certainly,  it  must  be  admit- 
ted to  be  a  very  different  thing  fronvthe  /wrptdinl 
navigation  olTered  in  1826,  and  Iho  iwtm^nlx)  of 
the  right  bank  of  the  river  demanded  by  ilie  liiit- 
ish  since  so  many  years.  The  year  1863  is  the 
limitation  of  tiie  navigation  now  granted ;  and  those 
who  do  not  yield  to  Uie  reading  of  the  treaty,  as  it 
now  stands,  will  only  !:iive  to  wait  till  1863,  when 
limit  will  bring  an  argument  which  no  one  can 
misunderstand.* 

Limited  as  to  time,  the  next  limitation  is  as  to 
the  number,  or  character,  of  persons  who  are  to 
enjoy  this  navigation.  This  is  rcsiricicd  to  the 
Hudson  Bay  Company,  and  the  British  subject;, 
trading  with  them.  The  company  can  only  con- 
sist of  a  few  hundred  persons,  and  as  for  British 
subjects  trading  with  them,  1  know  of  no  trade 
1/hich  any  such  subjects  now  have,  or  ever  can 
nave,  with  the  company.  The  Indian  trade  is  the 
only  trade;  and  of  that  the  company  has  the  mo- 
nopoly, importing  its  own  goods,  and  exporting 
its  own  iUrs.  If  tlicre  is  any  exception,  it  must 
be  the  Puget's  Sound  Agricultural  Company,  from 
whom  provisions  may  be  purchased;  but  this 
would  amount  to  nothing,  as  that  company  may 
be  removed  on  any  day  that  the  United  States 
please  to  take  their  possessions  at  valuation.  The 
few  hundred  persons  who  compose  the  company, 
their  servants,  and  cngag£s,  are,  then,  the  only 
persons  who  can  enjoy  this  navigation — very  dif- 
ferent from  the  twenty-five  millions  of  European 
and  American  British  subjects  (to  say  nothingof  the 
hundred  and  fifty  millions  Asiatic  quasi  Hubjecls) 
who  cor.ld  have  enjoyed  this  same  navigation  un- 
der the  offer  mdde  during  Mr.  Adams's  adminis- 
tration, and  repeated  since  !  The  number  of  these 
navigators  is  thus  reduced  to  a  handful;  and,  to 
enjoy  their  privilege,  this  handful,  in  every  instance 
of  its  use,  must  justify  their  right  to  it.  If  of  the 
company,  they  must  prove  themselves  to  be  so; 
if  not  of  the  company,  they  must  prove  themselves 
to  be  British  subjects,  and  trading  with  the  com- 
pany. And,  of  all  this  proof,  our  own  officers, 
under  the  regulations  we  shall  promulgate,  will  be 
the  judges  I  Small  is  the  chance  for  the  aliusc  of 
the  privil  ',  or  the  annoyance  of  our  citizens, 
under  S' I        istrictions. 

The  i^f  commerce  which  the  company  car- 

ries on  riother  and  a  further  '■-  '  ^.tion  upon 

the  use  nrivilege.    It  is  a  l         ..ee  in  furs 

and  goouu         le  goods  are  carried  up  the  river  in 
the  spring,  &;ia  the  furs  are  brought  down  in  the 


*  Bince  Uiis  wm  spoken,  ttte  iRtter  or  Mr.  Iluclmiinn  to 
Mr.  MeLnni',  tiefore  llift  rntificiltioi)  of  ttle  tronfv,  Iihh  been 

KdhHshcil,  in  which  oar  P'^crftnr*  inform'*  Mr.  Mel.ime  (hat 
e  had  tnvtin  notice  to  Mr.  I'akRiihuin  Uiat  th»  Henuti!  \\\u\ 
sdviKeil  tlte  )tcc«)tance  itf  the  [Iritisli  |)rfi|io«iliiin  in  thii< 
iiuiitod  itenou,  ixntl  in^itnicted  him  to  nilvitte  Ijorij  Ah'Ttiren 
acconliiiely.  No prnte^t  has  hei'O  receiveil  from  the  Itritirth 
Giivernnient  aeaiiiKiibiti  uiidenlaiidlng  uf  tliv  Uuaiy;  w>  Uiat 
the  iiucjti  in  f  i  at  an  end. 


fall;  and  thus,  two  voyages  per  annum  will  be 
about  the  maximum  of  this  formidable  navigation. 

The  kind  of  vessc^  which  iire  to  bo  used  in  this 
navigation  is  a  Airthcr  restriction  upon  it.  These 
vessels,  (and  they  have  been  going  upon  that  river 
since  the  joint  use  convention  of  1818,)  are  small 
batteaus,  ''"ht  enough  to  be  cju'ricd  on  the  shoul- 
ders over  the  portages  at  the  dilTurcnt  falls  and 
rapids,  and  shallow  enough  ofdraught  to  penetrate 
the  head  streams  of  the  river  to  their  sources  in 
the  mountains.  It  is  m  favor  of  these  little  barks 
tliat  the  privilege  of  navigation  is  granted,  and  it 
is  limited  to  them;  for  tlie  privilege  only  extends 
to  the  river  and  the  carrying  places;  so  that  when 
cnimls  are  made  around  the  falls  and  rapids,  it  is 
to  the  river,  and  the  carrying  places,  that  the  priv- 
ilege will  still  be  confinetl,  anti  of  course  restricted 
to  the  light  linttcaus  now  in  use.  Such  a  trade, 
in  such  vessels,  cannot  do  us  much  damage  during 
the  seventeen  years  it  may  bo  corried  on.  To  n 
cerlnin  extent,  all  our  rivers,  and  the  rivers  of  all 
civilized  nations,  arc  entered  by  foreign  vessels. 
All  our  seaports,  within  practicable  distance  from 
the  sea,  are  so  entered.  In  time  of  pence  they 
cnme  under  treaties,  and  it  is  a  joyful  sight  to  be- 
hold thcin.  In  time  of  war,  hostile  vessels  are 
excluded.  The  Columbia,  in'this  respect,  will  be, 
to  the  head  of  ship  navigation,  like  the  Mississippi, 
the  Potomac,  the  Delaware,  and  others;  and  proi'd 
will  he  the  day  when  the  flags  of  all  nations  shall 
be  seen  in  its  port. 

Rut  it  ia  not  to  be  expected  that  this  attenuated 
privilege  will  even  be  used  for  seventeen  years. 
The  ti-ndc  is  diminishing  now,  and  as  it  must  im- 
mediately cease  on  all  the  waters  of  the  Colninliia 
south  of  49°,  it  must  soon  become  quite  insignifi- 
cant. The  bulk  of  the  goods  brought  to  Fort  Van- 
couver, go  to  Frazcr's  river;  and  when  these  pay 
duties  at  the  mouth  cf  the  Columbia,  they  Ciinnot 
stand  a  fhnd  and  water  cjirringe  of  seven  or  eieht 
hundred  miles.  Some  other  mode  of  reaching 
Frazcr's  river,  where  alone  any  valua'ile  trade  is 
now  carried  on — some  way  shorter  in  distance  and 
j  Tree  from  duties — must  be  found ;  and  it  is  probable 
'  that  the  preparations  now  making  for  a  new  port, 
high  up  on  the  northwest  coast,  is  intended  by  the 
Hudson  Bay  Company  to  be  their  channel  of  com- 
municjilion  with  Frazcr's  river.  Simpson's  river, 
just  under  the  fmnous  line,  54°  40',  where  the 
Hudson  Bay  Company  have  built  Port  Simpson, 
and  which  the  British  Government  made  it  a  point 
to  obtain  from  Russia  in  1825,  will,  in  all  proba- 
bility, be  the  new  route  for  the  trade  which  now 
reaches  Frazcr's  river  through  the  Columbia,  the 
Oknnagan,  and  Thompson's  river.  It  will  be  a 
shorter  distance,  free  from  rluties  to  a  foreign  gov- 
ernment, and  from  foreign  port  regiilatinns. 

Thus  this  rt-cc  and  perpetual  navigation  of 
the  Columbia,  with  the  sovereignty  of  the  right 
bank  of  the  river,  which  the  capacious  mind 
of  Sir  Alexander  McKenzie  conceived,  as  the 
substitute  for  the  northwest  passage,  and  which 
has  been  the  real  point  of  contention  between 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  for  thirty 
years,  has  dwindled  down  to  a  temporary  and 
limited  privilege,  under  our  own  jurisdiction, 
and  will  probably  bo  abandoned  before  the  time 
is  out.  As  far  back  as  1801,  IVfcICenzie  proposed 
to  get  the  sovereignty  of  the  Columbia,  that, 
through  it,  and  the  rivers  and  lakes  connected  with 
Hudson's  Bay,  a  new  commercial  route  to  India 
might  be  opened.  His  Government  has  struggled 
for  it  ever  since.  It  now  yields:  and  it  will  be  for 
the  American  Government  to  make  the  Columbia 
and  the  Missouri  the  new  line  of  that  commerce 
with'lndia,  which,  since  thctimeof  thcPhcenicians, 
has  aggrandized  every  Power  that  possessed  it,  and 
enriched  every  country  through  which  it  flowed. 

The  third  article  o^  the  treaty  nroviiles  for  the 
possessory  rights  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Company, 
and  other  British  subjects  who  may  Iw  in  the  oc- 
cupation of  land  lawfully  acquired.  It  is  in  these 
words: 

"  tn  the  f>itnro  spproprintion  of  the  territory  poiith  of  the 
40th  parallel  of  north  latitude,  uh  provided  in  the  (intt  nrtiele 
of  thi9  treaty,  ihe  j)i)fwe«rtory  riKlita  of  the  IlndKon's  Hay 
CoiMimny  and  of  nil  Dritlsh  milijectii  who  may  he  already  in 
the  oceupation  of  land  or  other  proiterty,  lawfully  aequired 
within  the  8.iid  territory,  ahall  be  rctipected." 

The  limitation  of  a  lawful  ncquisitinn  to  nil  these 
rights  would  seem  to  exclude  them  all,  as  ntiilhcr 
our  own  laws  nor  those  of  Great  Britain  admit  Iho 


validity  of  Indion  sales  to  individuals;  and  as  for 
possessory  righta  under  the  joint  occupation  con- 
vention, thoy  could  only  continue  to  tho  end  of  the 
company,  (1863.)  Tlic  whole  object  of  this  article 
would  seem  to  lie  for  the  quiet  of^ho  company  and 
the  other  British  subjects,  until  they  can  remove. 
The  whole  language  of  the  article  is  technically 
precise,  and  equally  explicit  in  admitting  tho  do- 
minion of  tho  United  States  over  the  occupieil 
places,  and  the  absence  of  all  present  or  expected 
title  in  tho  possessors.  The  first  words  of  the  ar- 
ticle (future  appropriations)  admit  our  right  to 
dispose  of  these  possessions;  tho  last  words  (shall 
be  resj)ected)  stipulate  that  the  occupants  shall 
not  bo  disturbed.  At  tho  utmost,  this  undisturbed 
possession  can  only  extend  to  Hcvonteen  years;  for 
It  is  still  of  tho  new  lieensed  company,  and  not  of 
the  old  chartered  company,  that  the  article  speaks. 
I  would  wish  this  time  to  bo  shorter,  and  believe 
it  will  be;  for,  the  trade  being  stopped,  there  is  no 
earthly  inducement  to  i-cmain  upon  the  land,  with 
a  mere  possessory  right,  doomed  to  a  certain  and 
speedy  termination.  These  possesuions  are  few 
in  number  and  small  in  ti^ctcnt.  Fort  Vancouver 
exceeds  all  the  rest  put  together,  and  it  only 
amounts  to  a  few  hundred  acres.  The  fence  is  tho 
limit  of  the  possession,  for  there  is  no  fee-simple 
title  to  give  a  constructive  possession  to  what  is 
not  enclosed.  I  am  willing  to  understand  tho  ar- 
ticle liberally,  and  to  execute  it  generously;  but  in 
strictness,  there  can  be  no  lawful  possessions  in 
Oregon,  (unless  tho  defunct  treaty  would  impart 
that  characler,)  the  persons  now  there  being,  in  the 
eye  of  our  law,  intruders  and  trespassers:  certainly 
grants  of  land  will  bo  made  to  our  citizims  there, 
but,  in  le^nil  contemplation,  they  arc  trespassers. 

The  fourth  article  ajiplies  to  tho  Paget  Sound 
Agriculturid  Company,  and  stipulates  for  the  con- 
firmation of  the  lands  beloiigin"  to  them,  or  their 
transfer,  at  valuation,  to  the  United  States,  if 
deemed  of  public  or  political  importance  to  this 
country.    The  article  is  in  these  words: 

"  The  farmi«,  lands,  and  otlier  propert.v  of  every  dcseri|»- 
tinii  helonainx  to  the  Tucet^H  Sound  Agiienlturnl  Company, 
ontlie  north  eidc  of  the  t*olumbiarlvor,8l]all  be  confirmed  io 
the  said  ctnnpnny.  In  case,  however,  the  situation  of  ilie^e 
iarma  and  lands  should  be  considered  by  the  United  Slates 
to  be  of  pnl)lic  and  politieid  importance,  and  tlie  United 
Stall's  Gt>vernincnt  Hliould  signify  a  desire  to  obtiiin  posses- 
sion of  the  whole,  or  of  any  iiart  iliereof,  the  property  so 
re(|uired  ."halt  he  transferred  to  the  said  Government  nt  a 
proper  valuation,  to  be  agreed  upon  between  the  parties.'' 

The  option  of  taking  the  lands  of  this  company 
at  valuation  renders  tho  confirmatory  clause  en- 
tirely harmless.  The  valuation  can  but  little  ex- 
ceed the  improvements,  and  for  these  it  is  fair  and 
equitable  that  payment  should  be  made.  The  only 
settlement  of  this  company  is  at  Nisqually  Bay, 
on  Puget's  Sound,  which  Captain  Wilkesdescribea 
as  small  in  extent,  and  inferior  in  locality.  The 
company  can  claim  no  grants  beyond  their  pos- 
sessions. Neither  our  laws  nor  British  laws  ad- 
mit the  validity  of  Indian  grants;  and  under  the 
treaty  of  joint  occupation  neither  party  could  alien- 
ate the  soil. 

This  company  is  in  the  Olympic  district,  and  it 
will  bo  of  public  and  political  importance  that  no 
foreign  company  should  be  established  there:  it  is 
on  the  waters  of  Puget's  Sound;  and  it  is  of  the 
same  imporUxnce  no  foreign  company  should  bo 
there.  The  Olympic  district  is  detached  from  tho 
valley  of  the  Columbia — is  fertile  and  picturesque — 
a  squ.ire  of  mountains  anil  valleys  on  the  scacunst — 
and  will  make  a  fine  American  settlement  of  about 
one  hundred  miles  every  way.  Puget's  Sound, 
and  its  waters,  will  afford  select  positions  for  naval 
stations;  but  it  is  too  far  inland,  has  too  little 
country  dependant  upon  it,  and  too  long  an  ap- 
proach through  straits  and  channels,  to  be  a  com- 
mercial posititm;  and  since  the  excellence  of  the 
mouth  of  tho  Columbia  as  a  harbor  has  been  vin- 
dicated, it  is  not  needed  fur  such  n  purpose.  A 
naval  station,  especially  for  laifjc  .ships,  may  be 
established  there;  and  in  that  point  of  view  it  may 
be  of  public  and  political  importance  that  no  for- 
eign company  should  be 'there.  If  the  article  had 
been  simply  for  the  confirmation  of  their  lands  to 
the  company,  I  should  have  had  great  objections  to 
it:  but  the  option  of  taking  them  at  valuation  re- 
moves the  difficulty. 

In  my  high  and  responsible  character  of  con.sti- 
tutionnl  adviser  to  the  President,  I  c;ave  my  opinion 
in  favor  of  accepting  tho  propositions  which  con- 


■  '♦• 


[June  18, 


Ji 


Senate. 

iduaU;  and  as  for 
It  occupation  con- 
e  to  tho  end  of  the 
>jcct  of  thia  article 
thfl  company  ond 
thojr  can  remove, 
icie  is  technically 
admitting  tlio  do- 
)ver  tho  occupied 
resent  or  expected 
t  words  of  the  ar- 
Imit  our  right  to 
0  lost  words  (shall 
e  occupants  shall 
t,  this  undisturbed 
ivonleen  years;  for 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GliOBE. 


869 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


American  Settkrt  in  Oregon — Mr,  J.  R.  Ingersoll. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


npany,  and  not  of 
the  article  speaks, 
orlor,  and  believe 
lopped,  there  is  no 
1011  tho  land,  with 
■d  to  a  certain  and 
ssesoions  are  few 
Fort  Vancouver 
:her,  and  it  only 
.  The  fence  is  tho 
•c  is  no  fee-aim  pin 
lesHion  to  what  is 
understand  the  ar- 
ffoiieiouslyj  but  in 
ful  poss.'ssions  in 
Nity  wijuld  impart 
there  being,  in  the 
spnssers:  certainly 
our  citizi:ns  there, 
r  arc  trespossers. 
tho  PuE;et  Sound 
lulates  for  the  con- 
g  to  them,  or  tlieir 
United  Stoics,  if 
importance  to  thia 

0  words: 

nrt.v  nr  c'vorj'  (lcsrrl|>- 
Lgridiliiir.ll  Compniiv, 
rjSliiillbnconfirineil  to 
,  till!  Kiliinllnn  ol'llii'hc 
it  liy  the  United  SMtcs 
^nco,  niid  ilio  Unileil 
csiro  to  obtjiin  pnsses- 
crcof,  the  property  eo 
snid  Goveniment  nt  a 
olween  tlie  parlies." 

Is  of  thia  company 
matory  clause  cn- 

1  can  but  little  ex- 
theae  it  is  fair  nnd 
10  made.  The  only 
at  Nisqually  Bay, 
n  Wilkes  describes 

•  in  locality.  The 
beyond  their  poa- 
r  British  lawsad- 
ts;  and  under  tho 

•  party  could  alien- 
pic  district,  and  it 
nportnnce  that  no 
ilished  there;  it  is 
d;  and  it  is  of  the 
impany  should  bo 
detached  from  the 
and  picturesque — 
s  on  the  scacoast — 
ettlement  of  about 

Pu/;et's  Sound, 
positions  for  naval 
nd,  hna  too  little 
1  too  long  an  np- 
ncls,  to  be  a  coni- 
excellence  of  the 
bor  has  been  vin- 
ich  n  purpose.  A 
CO  .ships,  may  bo 
int  of  view  it  may 
rtancc  tliut  no  for- 
If  the  article  liad 
of  their  lands  to 
great  objcctiona  to 
n  at  valuation  re- 

laracter  of  con.sti- 
I^ave  my  opinion 
itions  which  con- 


a; 


stituto  this  treaty.  1  now  advise  its  ratification. 
The  first  article  is  in  the  very  terms  which  I  would 
have  used;  and  that  article  constitutes  the  treaty. 
With  me,  it  is  the  treaty.  The  remaining  three 
articles  are  subordinate  and  incidental,  and  only 
intended  to  facilitate  the  execution  of  the  .irst  one. 
Tho  great  question  wag  that  of  boundary.  On  that 
point  hung  the  issues  of  peace  or  war.  Tliat  being 
settled,  statesmen  do  not  permit  subordinate  and 
accessorial  matter  to  balk  the  great  conclusion.  In 
this  spirit,  tho  British  iMinistci^  have  acted.  They 
have  not  made  their  proposition  un  ultimatum: 
thoy  leave  it  open  to  our  objections,  and,  of  course, 
to  modifications.  I  have  no  doubt  the  three  minor 
articles  might  be  modified  to  my  entire  satisfaction; 
but  tho  question  with  me  is,  whether  the  dilTer- 
cnce  is  worth  the  delay  ?  And  I  nm  very  clear  tliat 
it  ia  not!  The  whole  business  of  the  coiintry  re- 
quires the  political  relations  of  Qreat  Britain  and 
the  United  States  to  be  settled.  The  country  has 
suffered  too  much  already !  Not  a  farmer  but 
what  has  suflcred  in  tho  price  of  his  produce — not 
n  merchant  but  what  bos  suffered  in  his  commcrc — 
not  a  business  man  of  any  character  that  ia  not 
now  in  doubt  luid  uncertainty  as  to  his  operations. 
Many  have  beenlirretrievalily  ruined:  many  are 
trembling  upon  the  brink  of  ruin.  Rumors  of 
war  fill  the  land:  they  have  filled  it  since  the  be- 
ginning of  tho  session;  and  although  these  rumors 
do  not  kill  men,  yet  they  kill  confidence,  enterprise, 
and  credit.  They  kill  business;  nnd  that  is n  thing 
which  we  wish  to  revive  nnd  perpetuate.  Until 
the  treaty  is  actually  concluded,  the  stagnation, 
uncertainty,  and  vicissitudes  of  bu-siness  must  con- 
tinue. The  country  must  continue  to  suffer:  and 
I  can  see  no  advantage  in  any  possible  modifica- 
tion of  the  three  minor  articles — even  in  their  total 
exclusion  from  the  treaty — which  could  compen- 
sate the  country  for  the  two  or  three  months  of 
further  suffering  which  the  delay  of  the  modifica- 
tions would  involve.  This,  of  itself,  would  be  a 
sufficient  inducemc  nlwith  mo  to  terminate  nt  once 
the  present  disaslrnus  state  of  things,  by  faking 
the  treaty  as  it  is.  This  would  be  enough  ot  itself. 
But  another  reason,  equally  strong,  comes  in  aid 
of  tho  same  conclusion.  Wo  have  a  war  with  a 
sister  Republic — tho  first  of  its  kind  in  our  his- 
tory— which  every  dictiite  of  humanity,  every  con- 
sideration of  policy,  every  calculation  of  interest, 
requires  to  bo  brought  to  the  most  speedy  termina- 
tion. The  expecUition  of  n  war  between  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain — so  long  pro- 
nounced on  this  floor  to  be  inevitable — has  already 
had  its  encouraging  influence  on  the  spirits  of  our 
neighbor.  The  continuance  of  that  expectation 
must  continue  that  encouragement;  and  nothing 
but  the  broad  fact  of  a  treaty  ro'ified,  can  dispel 
the  illusion  under  which  Mexico  i.jw  labors  with 
respect  to  our  British  difficulties.  She  expects  war 
between  us,  and  consequent  triumph  to  herself 
from  the  junction  of  co  powerful  an  ally.  Let  the 
treaty  be  ratified — let  the  nowa  of  the  ratification 
go  to  Mexico — and  the  tidings  of  that  event  will 
do  more  than  "an  ormy  with  banners"  to  turn 
her  thoughts  upon  pence  with  the  Unitcu  S  ntes. 
Peace  will  then  be  her  policy;  and  the  smallest  frac- 
tion of  time  gained  in  the  restoration  of  peace  with 
that  Republic,  will  be  worth  more  to  us  in  the  mere 
item  of  expense  saved — to  say  nothing  of  the  in- 
terests of  humanity,  policy,  and  commerce— than 
all  the  British  rights  in  Oregon,  under  the  treaty, 
can  ever  be  worth  in  money  to  them,  or  in  damage 
to  us.  Forty-five  days  is  the  shortest  time  in  which 
we  could  expect  an  answer  from  London,  in  reply 
to  proposed  modifications;  end  tho  amount  of  the 
expense  of  the  Mexican  war  for  any  one-holf  day 
of  that  time,  or,  at  the  very  outside,  three-quarters 
of  a  day,  would  bo  aullicient  to  purchase  out  all 
the  navigation  claims  of  tho  Hudson  Bay  Com- 
pany— all  the  possessory  land  clniins  of  the  com- 
pany, orof  individuals— all  the  Nisqually  claims  of 
the  Puget  Sound  Agricultural  Company — nnd  send 
the  whole  of  the  claimants,  singing  and  rejoicing, 
all  the  way  up  to  "fifty-four  forty."  For  this 
reason  again,  nnd  merely  to  shorten  the  war  with 
Mexico,  I  would  vote  for  the  treaty  as  it  stands: 
putting  all  the  reasons  together — the  settlement  of 
n  forty  year's  controversy  with  Great  Britain— the 
equity  of  the  main  article — tho  insignificance  of  the 
minor  ones-— the  relief  of  the  business  community 
from  the  evils  of  suspense  and  uncertainty — and 
the  accelerated  progress  of  peace  with  Mexico: 


putting  all  those  reasons  together,  and  I  give  my 
▼ole  for  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  with  a  mind 
elear  of  doubt,  and  a  hoort  fUll  of  hope.  The  great 
question  of  the  boundary  is  settled  !  and  if  any  diffi- 
culties occur  in  the  execution  of  the  small  articles, 
1  trust  and  believe  that  wise  men  will  be  found 
in  each  country  to  sotUe  these  trifles  amicably,  as 
wise  men  have  now  been  round  in  each  to  settle 
the  groat  point  wisely  anci  justly. 


AMERICAN  SETTLERS  IN  OREGON. 
SPEECH  OF  MRrTR.  INGERSOLL, 

OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 
In  thb  House  or  RephescntAtives, 
wJyirU  16, 1846. 
Tho  bill  to  protect  the  righta  of  American  Settlers 
in  Oregon  being  under  consideration  in  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole — 

Mr.  J.  41.  INGERSOLL  addressed  tho  Com- 
mittee as  follows: 

The  measure  now  proposed  has  in  view  an  ex- 
clusive exercise  of  power  and  nosseasion  of  land 
in  Oregon.  It  designates  the  place  which  is  to  be 
governed  and  occupied,  by  no  particular  name,  and 
it  describes-^ it  by  no  precise  limits.  It  extends 
jurisdiction,  and  tho  in"idents  of  jurisdiction  gen- 
erally, over  atl  (Ant  jiorlion  of  the  lerrilory  of  the 
Unitcil  Slates  tchieh  lies  west  nf  the  Rocky  JVfountnitu. 
I  object  (said  Mr.  I.)  to  this  language,  as  too  in- 
definite. Itl)egH  the  question  of  ownership,  which 
has  been  in  a  state  of  fruitless  controversy  for 
nearly  thirty  years;  and  it  exposes  to  oiidleas 
dispute  nnd  ever-varying  conatruction  n  law  which 
ought  to  be,  as  the  title  is  claimed  In  be,  clear  and 
unquestionable.  The  professed  object  is  to  protect 
the  rights  of  American  settlers.     Settlement  ini- 

fliea  the  existence  uf  something  to  be  occupied, 
t  is  essential  to  proper  legislation  tliat  tlio  object 
of  it  should  be  fully  asccrtoinod  and  distinctly  com- 
municated. 

The  language  which  I  have  quoted  from  tho  bill 
is  not  only  indefinite,  but  equivocal.  I  impute,  of 
course,  no  improper  desii;n  to  the  committee,  much 
less  to  the  member  of  it  who  reported  the  bill; 
but  the  terms  are  deceptive.  They  are  calculated 
to  mislead,  by  creating  a  belief  that  tho  rights  of 
settlers  will  be  measiucd  according  to  the  notion 
which  each  individual  entertains  respecting  them. 
There  are  many  opinions  as  to  the  extent  and 
position  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States  west 
of  tho  Rocky  Mountains.  No  less  than  three  very 
recent  European  publications  on  the  subject  of 
Oregon  are  now  before  mo.  Two  of  then;  arc 
from  the  English  press,  and  one  (Ciuealion  de 
rOifgon,  par  lo  Major  G.  T.  Poussin)  from  that 
of  Paris.  While  dr.  Twiss  and  Mr.  Wallace 
woidd  contest  with  us  all  territorial  rights,  strictly 
speaking,  admitting  only  a  r.oncurrent  initiate 
claim,  and  Major  Poussin  would,  with  some  of 
our  immediate  /'ricnds,  recommend  a  divided  poa- 
seMsion,  not  a  few  writers  and  speakers  among  us 
insist  upon  an  incoiUcstalilc  title  to  the  whole 
ground  from  42'->  to  54°  .40'.  The  doubtful  lan- 
guage of  the  bill  might  apply  to  any  one  of  these 
contingencies.  In  the  application  of  it,  however, 
great  confusion  would  arise,  and  with  every  new 
occasion  a  new  rule  of  interpretation  might  be  in- 
troduced. When  all  the  original  elements  of  title 
nro  combined,  nnd  discovery,  exploration,  occupa- 
tion, and  settlement,  shall  have  left  nothing  to  com- 
plete it  but  the  assertion  and  exercise  of  eminent  i 
domain,  there  will  bo  little  doubt  of  the  sufficiency 
of  the  terms  which  nro  used.  But  the  sturdiest 
friend  of  Oregon  must  admit  t'mt,  in  the  brnad 
surface  of  more  than  twelve  degrees  of  latitude, 
at  the  best,  various  stages  of  advancement  may  he 
found;  and  while  in  some  places  settlements  ai;c 
practicable  and  admit  of  protection,  by  many  times 
the  larger  part  ia  in  the  merest  state  of  unexplored 
nature,  unci  will  so  remain  for  ages.  Other  por- 
tions arc  held  by  subjects  of  another  Government, 
who  may  prefer  to  receive  protection  from  a  source 
to  which  they  acknowledge  themselves  to  owe  a 
corresponding  allegiance.  If  tho  sweeping  clause 
which  has  been  selected  be  intended  to  embrace 
the  whole  with  indiscriminating  and  impracticable 
benevolence,  it  might  find  less  favor  than  a  pro- 
vision which  should  cover  such  objects  only  as 


aro  clearly  entitled  to  our  care.  Let  them  be  dis- 
tinctly avowed,  and  there  will  at  least  be  no  voting 
in  tho  dark.  The  bill  which  was  reported  soma 
time  ago,  and  afterwards  withdrawn,  candidly 
made  known  its  pretensions  by  metes  and  bounds. 
Thia  substitute  resembles  it  in  all  respects,  except 
the  provision  for  notice,  which  has  now  become 
unnecessary,  because  it  has  met  with  independent 
support,  antl  except  that  it  conceals  the  precise 
character  of  a  purpose  which  has  heretofore  been 
manfully  proclaimed.  Legislative  Ianguas;e,  not- 
withstanding tho  utmost  care,  will  sumotimes  be 
exposed  to  iloubl  and  ditHculty  when  it  comes  to 
be  applied  to  use.  Statutes  are  often  found  to  be 
obscure  in  practice,  however  cautiously  thoy  may 
have  l)eon  prepared .  To  render  them  so  purposely 
in  their  formotion  would  bo  to  use  a  leaf  flrom  the 
precepts  of  that  veteran  diplomatist  who  said  that 
language  woa  made  to  conceal  our  thoughts;  or  to 
adopt  the  idea  of  another  master  in  tho  same 
school,  who  once  wrote  to  his  Government  from 
tho  Hague,  that  a  certain  Russian  Minister  had 
fallen  into  an  error,  common  to  men  of  weak 
undersuinding,  in  believing  that  things  were  in 
reality  what  they  seemed  to  be. 

It  has  been  suppoaed  that  tho  measure  contem- 
plated has  one  or  more  precedents  in  tho  British 
statute  book,  where  enactments  are  found  for 
n^gnlating  the  fur  trade,  and  establishing  criminal 
and  civil  jurisdiction  in  certain  parts  of  North 
America.  I  ventured  to  suggest  a  day  or  two 
since  that  there  waa  some  misuike  in  this,  and  I 
beg  leave  to  say  a  few  words  in  relation  to  it  here. 
Certain  well-known  eUmenlary  rules  for  tho  con- 
struction of  Statutes  will  show  that  these  acts  of 
Parliament  are  no  justification  for  thia  proceeding. 
The  mischief  that  existed,  and  tho  remedy  that 
was  provided,  furnish  a  guide  to  the  true  conalruc- 
tionoftheni.  In  those  wild  regions  which  skirt 
tlie  British  provinces,  agents  of  rival  British  com- 
panies found  an  arena  for  a  series  of  violent  con- 
flicts. Every  kind  of  disorder  was  practiaed  with 
impunity.  The  Indian  terriloriea,  as  they  were 
called,  became  an  abode  of  outlaws,  who  were, 
nevertheless,  British  subjects,  beyond  tho  pale  of 
British  control.  The  whole  scope  of  the  effort  of 
tho  Government  waa  to  correct  thia  evil.  It  did 
not  contemplate  an  interference  with  the  land.  It 
did  not  look  to  tho  citizens  or  subjeeta  of  any  other 
nation.  It  merely  designed  to  extend  tho  iurisdic- 
tion  of  the  realm  over  those  who  had  made  them- 
selves indepcntient  of  it,  without  becoming  subjact 
to  any  other  reatraint,  and  who  lived  in  tlie  free 
indulgence  of  unbridled  passions,  aggravated  by 
rival  interests  and  the  lust  of  gain.  During  the 
war  with  thia  country  these  feuds  were  permitted 
to  flourish.  Soon  after  peace  was  restored,  atten- 
tion was  anxiously  directed  to  them.  Sir  John 
Sherbrook,  Governor  General  of  tho  Canadas, 
issued  his  proclamation,  on  the  3d  of  May,  1817. 
This  paper  asserts  the  existence  of  breaches  of 
tho  peace,  and  ticts  of  force  aiid_  ^lence;  of  con- 
spiracies, unlawful  assemblies,  riots,  affrays,  and 
murders.  It  imputes  them  all  to  contentions  be- 
tween certain  mcrchiuits  carryuig  on  trade  in  tho 
Indian  territories  under  the  name  of  tho  Hudson's 
Bay  Company  and  Northwest  Company.  It  nii- 
iionncea  its  purpose  lo  restrain  these  oflcnces,  nnd 
to  bring  to  condign  punishment  the  perpetiiitors; 
and  it  constitutes  civil  magistrates,  and  justices  of 
the  peace,  and  special  commissioners,  to  discover 
and  apprehend  the  criminals,  to  repress  and  dis- 
courage crimes,  and  to  maintain  and  preserve  tho 
peace  and  the  laws. 

This  proclamation  was  followed  up  by  the  net 
of  Parliament  of  July  2, 1821,  which  is  tho  prin- 
cipal subject  of  objection.  Wo  have  seen  tho  mis- 
chief which  existed,  the  remedy  contemjilated,  and 
the  persons  to  whom  that  remedy  was  to  apply. 
"The  spirit  and  meaning  of  the  law  look  to  British 
subjects,  and  to  them  idonc.  The  subject-nmttcr 
is  tlieir  lawless  condition — the  effects  and  conse- 
quences are  punishments  of  a  well-known  class  of 
persons.  The  rules  tl)us  furnished  would  lend  us 
so  to  interpret  a  highly  penal  law  thot  it  will  not 
involve  a  breach  of  international  comity.  Wo 
need  not  provoke  our  own  judgments  to  an  exer- 
cise of  the  powers  of  construction.  It  hius  been 
done  to  our  hand  by  tho  most  conclusive,  I  would 
say  in  relation  to  tho  subject,  by  the  highest  au- 
thority. During  the  negotiations  of  1826^ '27,  Mr. 
Gallatin  brought  this  statute  to  tho  attention  of  the 


870 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  16, 


39rH  Cong Ist  Sess. 


American  Setthrt  in  Ortgcn-rMr.  J.  R.  IngtrioU. 


Ho.  or  Repb. 


Bntiah  Gorernment,  and  rccoived  the  moat  aiitii- 
ftcitorjr  avidence  of  the  abiulute  and  rigid  limitation 
of  it  to  the  (ubjccta  of  the  Power  which  paaud  the 
law.  In  his  deupatch  of  the  7th  AngUBt,  18^7,  he 
wriloR  thua  to  Mr.  Clay  iVom  London;  "The 
■  British  Plenipotontiarica  did  not  lulmit  that  tlio 

*  act  of  Parliament  of  July,  1831,  waa  susceptible 
'  of  the  strict  Uteral  construction  I  had  put  upon  it. 
■Tlvy  declared,  explicitly,  that  it  had  no  other 
'o1  ct  but  the  maintenance  of  order  amongst 
'  Di  Liish  subjects,  and  had  never  been  intended  to 

*  apply  to  citizens  of  the  United  States.    That  such 

*  was  not  the  intention  of  Great  Britain  waa  evi- 

*  dent  from  the  various  proposals  now  mude  on 
'  her  part,  having  all  foi  their  object  to  prevent 

*  both  partica  from  assuming  nn  exclusive  jurisdic- 

*  tion,"  They  who  would  have  been  pimtea  if 
they  were  on  the  seas,  and  subject  to  punishment 
notwithstanding  the  freedom  from  all  especial  ju- 
risdiction of  the  element  on  which  they  sailed, 
merely  ceased  to  be  outlaws  on  land  by  the  neces- 
sary restraints  and  penalties  of  legislation ,  without 
any  assertion  of  eminent  domain.  Indeed,  the 
statute  contains  a  special  reservation  in  favor  of 
American  citizens.  This  has  been  supposed  to 
apply  only  to  trade  with  the  Indians,  but  it  is  co- 
extensive with  the  purposes  of  the  act.  It  recog- 
niacN  the  treaty  as  an  existing  and  a  paramount 
law;  and  it  could  not,  without  destroying  its  ob- 
vious intent,  be  limited  except  by  the  terms  jf  the 
treaty  itself.  Were  it  otherwise,  another  treaty, 
made  half  a  dozen  years  afterwards,  anil  simply 
prolonging  indefinitely  the  operation  of  the  first, 
has  superseded  the  statute,  and  has  become  once 
more  a  supreme  law.  '     * 

To  this  moment,  and  at  all  times,  the  British 
Government  have  disclaimed  all  such  pretensions 
as  have  been  alleged  to  be  mniiifcstcd  in  their  writ- 
ten law.  The  statement  annexed  to  the  protocol 
of  the  sixth  conference  by  Mr,  Hushisson  and  Mr. 
Addington,  British  Plenipotentiarits,  in  the  nego- 
tiations of  1826-;'27,  in  reference  to  Oregon,  asserts 
that  "  Great  Britain  claims  no  exclusive  sovereign- 
ly over  any  portion  of  that  territory.  Her  present 
claim,"  it  proceeds,  "  not  in  respect  to  any  part, 
but  to  the  whole,  is  limited  to  a  right  of  joint  occu- 
pancy in  common  with  other  States,  leaving  the 
right  of  exclusive  dominion  in  abeyance."  Mr. 
Pakenham,  in  \^a  argument  of  July  29, 1845,  with- 
out asserting  anything  like  absolute  sovereignty, 
endeavors  merely  to  prove  that  "  the  position  of 
Great  Britain  in  regard  to  her  claim,  whether  to 
the  whole  or  to  any  particular  portion  of  the  Ore- 
gon territory,  is  at  least  as  goou  as  that  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.  Prudence  has  been  shown  in  the 
course  of  successive  negotiations,  by  abstaining 
from  the  assertion  oditU,  and  giving  to  the  preten- 
sions of  Great  Britain  a  lowlier  but  iiot  less  ambi- 
tious name.  They  have  been  prudently  called  her 
claims.  Title  is  too  lofiy  a  term  to  be  correcily 
used  by  either  of  the  parties  litigant.  It  implies 
what  cannot  jifslly  be  said  in  relation  to  any  holder 
of  rights  like  these.  The  object  itself  is  not  in  a 
condition  for  proprietary  ownership.  Nearly  the 
whole  of  it  is  one  broad  expante  of  wild  land,  sav- 
age rocks,  and  dreary  streams.  In  1828  on  early 
movement  was  made  towai-ds  its  occupation  by 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  who  prayed  the  aid 
of  Congress,  in  a  memorial,  in  which  they  cliarac- 
terlzed  it  all  as  wilderness.  As  to  settlements, 
which  your  bill  designs  to  protect  as  mailer  of 
right,  I  fear  we  should  stand  on  unequal  ground 
with  our  competitor,  both  in  the  priority  and  num- 
ber of  them.  From  1813  to  1823,  we  learn  from 
Mr.  Greenhow,  few,  if  any,  citizens  of  the  United 
Slates  entered  the  countries  west  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains.  (Page  356.)  The  first  of  these  colo 
nies,  he  informs  us,  was  founded  in  1834.  (Page 
360.)  Mr.  Wallace,  on  the  other  hand,  names  the 
year  1806  as  "  the  ero  of  the  commencement  of  the 
first  fixed  methodical  and  continuous  occupation  of 
the  country;  the  first  actual  use  made  of  it;  the 
first  regularly-conducted  attempt  to  develop  its 
natural  resoiuces." 

This  writer  enumerates  eighteen  diflerent  estab- 
lish ments  under  the  name  of  forts,  from  Fort  Citrille 
to  Fort  Vancouver,  some  of  which  are  headniiar- 
tcrs  for  hunting  parties  in  the  service  of  the  Hud- 
son's Bay  Company,  besides  a  village  of  fifty-three 
houses,  "and  the  Vancouver  farm,  stretching  up 
and  down  the  river — three  thousand  acres,  fenced 
into  beautiful  fields,   and   sprinkled  witli   dairy 


houses  and  herdsmen  and  ahepherd'a  cottages." 
There  are  spots  of  verdure  in  the  extended  deserts 
of  Arabia;  but  they  ara  so  thinly  scattered  over  the 
almost  immeasurable  waste,  that  the  exhausted 
traveller  often  sinks  before  he  can  reach  their  re- 
freshing atmosphere. 

I  hope  to  say  more  of  this  subject  of  title,  or 
rather  of  relative  right  of  occupation,  before  I  take 
my  sfni.  It  is  necessary  now  to  turn  to  the  par- 
ticultti  merits  of  ihe  bill  licibre  us,  and  its  co-ordi- 
nate evils.  We  ore  discussing  the  xcani  in  a  long 
list  of  disastrous  circum.itnnces,  of  which  notice  to 
terminate  the  treaty  of  joint  occupancy  was  ihe/rat. 
Thai  first  atep,  if  in  an  evil  hour  it  shall  be  ndinited, 
will  prove  the  casting  step  in  a  progression  of  iiici- 
denls  which  can  bring  with  them  nothing  but  ca- 
laniiiy.  Besides  the  innate  importance  of  the  thing 
it.ielf,  it  derives  infinite  moment  from  its  position 
in  the  front  of  a  series  of  events  that  threoten,  in 
inevitable  succession,  to  follow  it— events  that  will 
be  recollected  for  ages.  While  individual  dilfcr- 
enccs,  not  strictly  and  in  all  instances  confined  to 
parly  lines,  have  distinguished  the  coufse  of  Con- 
gressional prneccdinga  on  these  interesting  topics, 
principles  of  si'pnralion  are  not  less  marked  and 
obvious  than  porsonul  ditfcrcnces  of  opinion.  Oppo. 
site  conclusions  are  drawn  from  premises  not  seem- 
ingly dissimilar.  The  one  great  leading  measure 
which  still  hangs  in  threatening  augury  above  our 
heads  is,  in  the  declared  judgment  of"  tho.ie  who 
urge  it,  of  pressing  necessity,  and  of  no  threatening 
aspect;  while  it  is  re!>nrded  by  its  opponents  as 
quite  unnecessary  in  ilseif,  and  fraught  with  dis- 
astrous consequences.  Let  gentlemen  who  so 
wornily  insist  upon  giving  the  stern  notice  of  a  de- 
termination to  renounce  an  arrangement  which  has 
preserved  hormony  in  the  particular  rcs:ion  for 
nearly  thirty  years,  deceive  themselves  ns  to  the 
true  character  of  the  proceeding  as  they  may,  Ihey 
may  depend  upon  it  Ihey  arc  assuming  the  attitude 
without  the  armor,  and  they  are  unfurling  the  ban- 
ner without  providing  the  men  or  the  materiel  of 
war. 

The  advocates  of  "  notice"  and  its  incidents 
complain  of  what  they  are  pleased  to  call  a  war 
cry,  and  insist  thot  it  should  be  separated  from  the 
argument.     They  forget  that  it  is  part  of  the  es- 
sential question  itself.     If  the  tendency  of  n  pro- 
ceeding IS  to  provoke  or  produce  unnecessary  war, 
it  would  be  difficult  to  conceive  n  more  forcible  ob- 
jection to  it.    Deprive  the  proposition  ofthiseflcct, 
and  it  loses  half  of  its  enormity.     It  may  remoin 
idle  and    unnecessary  still,  hut  its   primary  and 
most  pernicious  attrioutes  are  taken  from  it.    For 
the  very  reason  that  notice  is  the  prelude  to  hos- 
tilities, the  casting  of  the  herald's  spear,  it  is  to  be 
avoided.    You  ore  the  master  of  your  own  ac- 
tions, but  not  of  those  of  others.     Events  that  arc 
to  react  upon  your  movements  are  beyond   the 
reach  of  your  coptrol.     You  cannot  imbue  them 
with  the  inlluence  of  desires  or  exneclniions  that 
you  may  chance  to  entertain,  by  foncifiil   predic- 
tions of  a  supposed  reluctance  from  abroad,  much 
less  by  crying  out  pence,  pence,  when  there  is  no 
pence.     When  Lord  Sudolk,  in  the  British  House 
of  Peers,  proposed  the  employment  of  Indian  allies 
in  the  war  with  our  fatliera-1-ihe  employment,  as 
Lord  Chatham  termed  it,  of  the  "  ennnib'nl  savage, 
thirsting  for  blood,  lorturinc:,  murderins,  devour- 
ing, drinking  the  blond  of  his  mangled  victims" — 
it  was  nil  in  the  name  of  reliarion  and  humanity ! 
1  Nor  is  it  by  any  standard  of  judgment  or  justice 
i  which  may  be  adopted    here  that  the  course  of 
I  conduct   of  a  foreign  nation    is  to   be   regulated. 
I  That  foreign  nation  will  probably  determine  and 
i  net  for  herself  at  her  own  plcnsnre,  and,  as  she  hns 
i  done  sometimes  heretofore,  in  strange  departure 
i  perhaps  from  our  well-founded  nrlinns  of  propri- 
!  ety.     Who  would  have  thought,  according  to  the 
I  confident  predictions  of  the  present  time,  that  she 
[.would,  in  former  days,  have  continued  to  impress 
i  seamen  and  confiscate  property  alike  protected  by 
j  the  H'gis  of  our  fiag,  for  the  purpose  of  supporting 
I  her  own  navy  and  of  retaliating  upon  another  ruth- 
;  le.'s  belligerent?    Yet  she  persisted  in   impresa- 
I  ments  and  pi;oclamations  of  blockade,  at  the  peril 
I  of  the  commission  of  injustice,  diaregardineeom- 
I  plaints  and   remonstrances,  violating  established 
I  principles  of  international  law,  and  in  the  face  of 
j  threatened  and  actual  war.     She  chose  in  prefer- 
I  ence,  and  in  pursuance  of  the  dictates  of  a  hostile 
'  spirit  towards  her  historical  enemy,  to  forego  many 


adyinlagea  of  commerce,  and  some  of  friendship 
aiu.  .  ispeot.  Let  it  be  borne  in  mind  that  the 
former  war  ended  with  the  causes  that  produced 
it.  The  contending  parties  sheathed  their  swords 
for  lack  of  argument.  If  another  is  to  ensue,  no 
length  of  continuance,  no  change  of  circumstances, 
can  chanee  the  differences  in  which  it  will  have 
originated.  These  will  remain  indelibly  marked 
upon  the  earth,  as  long  ns  the  Rocky  Mountains 
shall  rear  their  lofty  heads  above  the  clouds  in 
proud  observance  of  them. 

Your  own  historian,  the  author  of  an  authentic 
work  on  Oregon,  which  was  prepared  under  the 
auspices  of  one  branch  of  the  Government,  and  hns 
received  the  sanction  of  another,  discusses  this 
point  of  giving  notice  in  the  abstract,  and  when 
the  whole  question  was  free  from  much  of  the  irri- 
tation that  now  surrounds  it.  In  his  book  (page 
390)  he  ob  <erves  that  "  such  a  notice  can  only  bo 
regarded  as  Ihe  announcement  of  the  determina- 
tion of  the  party  giving  it  to  toko  forcible  posses- 
sion at  the  end  of  the  term."  It  was  argued  not 
long  since  on  this  floor,  that  because  the  act  of  giv- 
ing notice  was  a  war  measure  it  should  emanate 
from  Congress— with  that  body  being  deposited, 
by  the  Constitution,  the  high  rusponsioilily  of  de- 
claring war.  Even  now  there  are  two  modes  of 
attaining  the  object  professedly  aimed  at — the  ab- 
rogation of  the  convention .  The  one ,  as  it  appears , 
full  of  dire  omen  an  I  portentous  rage,  with  gaunt- 
let hurled  and  lonee  in  rest — that  is,  notice — i^.fy- 
ing,  inexorable,  force-announcing  notice  I  The 
other  bears  in  its  right  hand  gentle  pence.  It  pro- 
poses,that,  as  the  treaty  began  in  amicable  nego- 
tiation, so  in  amicable  negotiaiion  it  shall  end.  It 
is  not  intended  to  be  argued  here  that  either  course 
is  necessary  or  expedient,  unless  it  be,  by  the  latter 
expedient,  to  open  anew  the  woy  to  flnol  settle- 
ment, which  ought  never  to  hn-'e  been  closed;  the 
opening  of  which,  by  direct  and  frank  proposal, 
■eems  to  be  embarnissing  to  the  plenipotentiaries 
I  themselves.  Except  for  this,  both  had  better  be 
omitted.  But,  if  you  are  bent  upon  the  accom- 
plishment of  a  particular  end — the  abroeation  of 
the  treaty — and,  if  also  you  believe  and  declare 
that  you  design,  in  obrogating  it,  nothing  else  than 
peace,  do  it  in  a  manner  that  may  not  either  be 
misunderstood  or  misapplied:  do  it  peacefuUij,  if 
you  design  it  peaceably. 

That  treaty  has  been  well  designated  in  former 
times,  iuHt  as  it  is  now,  a  treaty  of  joint  occupa- 
tion. "1  should  be  sorry  to  relinquish  for  it  that 
character.  Give  up  that,  and  your  anuigonist 
stands  on  vantage  ground.  Ifhis  numerous  posts — 
some  of  them  strong  and  extensive — are  not  harm- 
less by  consent,  as  establishments  contemplated  by 
the  treaty,  they  are  aettlemenis  of  defiance  and  op- 
position, which  may  have  derived  strength  from 
time  and  independent  existence.  They  may  create 
new  elements  of  trouble,  which  the  provisions  of 
joint  occupancy  are  calculated  effectually  to  pre- 
vent. Mr.  Gallatin  uniformly  thus  denominated 
it;  so  does  Mr.  Buchanan.  It  was  ofl'e.red,  proto- 
collcd,  accepted,  acted  on.  and  hns  always  been 
treated  as  such.  Its  language  admits  of  no  other 
interpretation.  Good  faith  would  forbid  a  depart- 
ure now  fVom  its  long-understood  nature  and  name, 
even  if  policy  suggested  (as  it  clearly  does  not)  a 
change.  Notice  of  the  termination  of  this  agree- 
ment is  urged — uncompromising,  one-sided  no- 
tice— with  no  consultation  of  the  convenience  of 
the  other  party,  with  no  deference  for  the  ordinary 
rules  of  courtesy,  merely  because  the  treaty  pro- 
vides for  it  ns  a  dernier  resort,  in  the  possible  fail- 
ure of  other  menns,  as  furnishing  in  any  event  a 
reserved  right,  to  a  certain  extent,  in  either  party, 
if  other  opportunities  should  be  foreclosed.  Be- 
tween individuals  what  is  the  course  of  conduct  on 
occasions  of  strict  analogy  i'  The  law  gives  a  right 
to  distrain  when  rent  is  in  arrcar :  does  a  landlord, 
therefore,  seize  at  once  the  household  goods  of  a 
thriving  tenant?  Does  the  lender  of  a  sum  of 
money,  for  an  indefinite  period,  to  a  friend,  send 
the  sheriff  to  arrest  him  within  four-and-twenty 
hours  of  the  time  of  loan?  These  ore  rights — 
perfect  rights;  but  they  would  not  be  exercised  in 
a  community  that  is  fit  to  live  in.  Notice  is  of 
the  same  character.  No  principle  of  law  is  better 
established  than  this:  "  Summum  jua  fuinmn  in- 
juria." A  stipulation  for  notice  was  intended  for 
such  a  state  ol^ things  as  now  exists  with  Mexico: 
when  no  Minister  residing  at  either  court,  and  fur- 


■H 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


871 


Reps. 

'  friendihip 
id  that  the 

produceil 
heir  awonia 
o  enaue,  im 
sumatancca, 
t  will  have 
bly  marked 
Mountain!! 

clouda  in 


29th  Cong Ist  Sess. 


American  Settkri  in  Oregon — Mr.  J.  R,  IngertoU. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


mnl  negotiation  being  noceaaarily  auapended,  an 
arrangement,  aucb  a*  that  with  England  reapecting 
Oree;oni  could  be  terminated  only  by  one-aided 
nolicte.  Aa  thinga  are,  it  would  wear  a  hoatile 
aspect,  and  have  a  hoatile  aapcct,  even  if  it  atood 
alone;  for  it  would  announce  a  peremptory  deter' 
mination  (and  nothing  elae)  to  take  exciuaive  poa- 
aeaainn,  and  exerciao  exciuaive  jurisdiction,  when 
the  barriera  of  tlie  treaty  aliould  be  broken  down. 
But  coupled,  aa  it  ia  too  manifestly  intended  to  be, 
with  other  u'lerring  aigns,  cither  aimultaneoua  in 
origin  or  compoaiiig  a  acriea  of  conaecutive  acta  of 
legialation,  all  of  them  parts  of  one  conaistcnt  and 
uniform  syatem,  it  can  lead  only  to  a  belligerent 
result. 
Ask  impartial  pcraona,  who  are  not  in  the  vor 


tex  ■  of  disaenling  Judgment  into  which  we  are 
plungid;  inquire  of  the  lookera-on  here  in  Vienna, 
friendly  representatives  of  foreign  Stales;  consult 


ani/  unuiascd  minds,  and  see  if  they  will  not  pro- 
nounce your  notice  a  mcRsure  of  incipient  hostility. 
Thus,  in  the  existing  crisis,  there  are  but  two  par- 
ties to  the  Oregon  question— a  peace  party  and  n 
war  party.  All  other  points  or  diflcrence  are  at 
least  postponed.  The  measures  at  once  desired  or 
deprecated,  advocated  or  condemned,  have  one 
only  tendency — and  that  is,  downwards  towards 
war.  Like  the  dtscmnu  Jlvtrni,  it  is,  perhaps, 
the  easiest,  and,  in  its  very  excitement,  is  not  with- 
out attraction;  but  the  step  once  taken  may  be 
fatal  and  irrevocable.  To  return  from  it  will  be 
difficult,  if  not  impracticable.  Whether  the  final 
and  fatal  result  is  the  rather  to  be  dreaded  or  dc- 
apised,  is  not  the  point  of  immediate  inquiry.  Is 
that  result  fairly  and  naturally  probable?  Such  is 
the  question  we  propose,  and  which  we  desire 
should  be  met. 

The  discussion  is  supposed  to  be  unduly  embar- 
rassed by  appeals  to  the  very  tendency  to  which  I 
hove  adverted.  Such  a  tendency  is,  of  course,  re- 
luctantly admitted  by  those  who  maintain  the  aide 
of  the  argument  to  which  it  necessarily  belongs. 
The  mind  instinctively  revolts  from  consequences 
so  painful,  and  denies  that  they  are  the  corrolary 
of  a  favorite  proposition.  In  the  mere  abstract, 
few  men  avow  themselves  the  advocates  of  war. 
Sometimes  a  curse,  generally  a  crime,  and  always  a 
calamity,  they  who  defend  it  seek  for  palliation  in 
supposed  injuries  beyond  endurance,  or  palpal)le 
rights  withheld,  or  other  necessary  inducements, 
wiiM'h  are  in  the  particular  instance  deemed  too 
powerful  to  be  witlistood.  At  the  best,  it  is  a  re- 
proach to  civilized  society,  a  relic  of  barbarism,  a 
return  for  the  occasion  to  habits  of  savage  life, 
where,  unrestrained  by  disciplined  reason,  itexisls 
between  man  and  man,  as  it  does  between  the 
beasts  that  perish.  Two  of  the  bravest  men  and 
best  soldiers  known  to  history,  entertained,  more 
than  two  centuries  ngo,  an  honest  hope  that,  by  a 
general  arrangement  among  nations,  it  might  bo 
obviated.  These  gallant  spirits  wcio  Henry  IV. 
ofFraiicc,  and  his  wise  Minister,  the  Due  dc  Sully. 
The  death  of  t^uecn  Elizabeth  probably  prevented 
a  fair  experiment  from  being  made.  War  has 
sometimes,  indeed,  seemingly  redeeming  qualities, 
which  give  to  it  a  temptation,  in  spite  of  all  fis  de- 
formities. Power  and  pride,  and  glory  and  hero- 
ism, and  conquest  and  renown,  gather  together  in 
rich  and  glittering  array,  to  irown  the  head  of 
cruelty,  und  to  clothe  with  garlands  the  gory  limbs 
of  sin  and  death.  "The  battle  of  the  warrior," 
says  the  book  of  inspiration,  "  is  always  with  con- 
fused noise  and  witli  garments  dyed  in  blood." 
Calamity,  crime,  jind  curse — war  has  existed  from 
the  earliest  pefiods  of  society,  as  a  necessary  evil. 
Utopian  would  be  the  policy  that  should  hope  at 
all  times  to  dispense  with  it.  Wisdom  consists  in 
regarding  it  as  a  remedy  for  otherwise  helpless 
maladies  ulono,  as  the  (brlorniliope  of  exhausted  and 
baHled  argument — literally  at  the  uUuna  ratio  gen- 
tium. A  wanton  adoption  of  it,  or  of  measures 
which,  through  however  long  a  chain  of  connected 
and  dependant  circumstances,  lead  finally  to  the 
same  result,  would  disgrace  a  virtuous  people  and 
an  enlightened  age. 

For  what  purpose  are  this  notice  and  its  inci- 
dents designed  ?  To  accelerate  adjustment?  We 
are  told,  officially,  that  conference  is  at  an  end'. 
To  change  the  present  relations  of  the  country  as 
respects  occupation  of  the  debatable  ground  ?  They 
may  be  changed  in  a  moment  by  negotiation.  To 
give  renewed  life  to  a  slumbering  correspondence  ? 


It  may  be  done  at  once  by  answering  to  the  point 
the  leiat  letter  of  the  Britisii  Plenipotentiary,  which 
liaa  never  yet  been- done,  and  still  is  due.  The 
first  error  in  the  negotiation  was  not  on  our  aide. 
It  consisted  of  the  abrupt  rejection  by  the  British 
Plenipotentiary  of  an  offer  which,  if  not  acceptable, 
might  have  been  modified.  After  this  peremptory 
and  aomewhat  uncourteoui  refuaal,  it  might  well 
become  a  great  nation  formally  to  signify  a  deaire 
that  the  propoaition  might  bo  renewed.  It  has 
bern  manifested  from  high  places,  that  the  rejec- 
tii'  and  the  manner  of  it,  were  not  approved. 
Tlict>ovoreignherself,hasdeclarcd  from  her  throne 
that  no  effort  consistent  with  national  honor  shall 
be  wonting  on  htr  part  "  to  bring  this  question  to 
an  early  ond  peoceful  terminotion."  Iler  repre- 
sentative in  the  House  of  Commons  and  the  leader 
of  the  popular  party,  hove  united  in  cxpreasions 
of  regret  for  the  act  of  their  Minister.  Al\er  this 
virtual  discloimer,  it  mi^ht  scarcely  less  well  be- 
come another  great  notion  formolly  to  renew  the 
oflor.  Where  real  magnanimity  prevails,  no  mere 
principle  of  etiquette  should  be  allowed  to  interfere 
with  tne  high  interests  and  the  higher  duty  of  na- 
tions. Thcae  are  not  the  objects;  and  if  they  were, 
they  niight  be  without  circuity  attained.  What 
then  ?  Notice  is  designed  not  to  unfetter  negotia- 
tion— it  would  choin  it  u[) — but  simply  as  a  prelude 
to  exclusive  possession  of  territory  now  jointly 
occupied;  to  be  taken,  because  we  choose  to  take 
it,  in  our  own  way.  Notice  has  never  been  thought 
of  as  a  measure  to  stand  alone.  When  nt  the  last 
session  of  Congress  it  found  its  way  into  initiate 
legislation,  it  was  as  an  amendment  to  a  bill  for  the 
immediate  exercise  of  exclusive  jurisdiction  over 
the  whole  ground.  Twice  has  tltis  extreme  eflbrt 
of  absolute  control  made  its  way  half  through 
Congress — at  first  in  1843,  when  the  Senate  blew 
the  blast  of  war,  and  the  redeeming  spirit  of  peace 
providentially  breathed  here;  and  once  when  wc 
in  turn  adopted  the  perilous  enactment,  and  the 
onward  surge  which  it  created  was  stayed  at  the 
other  end  of  the  Capitol.  Wo  have  strangely 
changed  our  minds.  It  was  my  honored  friend 
from  Massachusetts,  now  not  reluctont  for  extreme 
measures,  who  reported  against  the  Senate  bill.  It 
was  his  successor  in  tlie  place  of  chairman  of  the 
Committee  of  Foreign  AfiViirs  who  reported  against 
a  resolution  of  similar  import,  which  was  intro- 
duced by  a  gentleman  now  before  me  from  Indiana. 

What  is  the  purport  of  the  present  bill?  It  ex- 
tends Iowa  jurisdiction  over  the  whole  territory 
which  is  in  dispute,  and  it  reserves  to  the  subjects 
of  Great  Britain  the  rights  and  privileges  secured 
by  the  third  article  of  the  treaty  of  1818  and  that 
of  1827,  only  "  until  said  treaty  stipulation  shall 
cease  by  virtue  of  the  notice  provided  for  in  the 
second  article;"  and  no  longer.  It  thus  assumes 
Oregon  for  our  own — enforces  at  once,  by  threat 
of  arms,  and  after  the  brief  period  of  a  few  short 
months,  in  rigorous  exercise,  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet,  the  laws  of  the  Republic  over  every  inch 
of  land  and  every  living  soul;  proposes  grants, 
with  unsparing  spirit,  by  hundreds  of  fair  acres,  aa 
temptations  to  settlers;  assumes  absolute  control 
ovF.r  trade  and  intercourse  with  all  the  Indian 
tribes;  organizes  and  equips  a  military  force;  and 
lays  down  a  mail  route  from  St.  Joseph's,  Mis- 
souri, to  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  river.  It  ex- 
tirpates from  the  face  of  the  Oregon  earth  the  Brit- 
ish race  and  name,  and  it  plants  the  standard  of 
liberty  and  the  Union,  in  proud  and  uncompromi- 
sing supremacy,  on  every  rocky  eminence. 

Our  question  is  not  whether  Great  Britain  ought 
to  acquiesce  in  this  high-handed  course,  but  wheth- 
er, in  the  fair  estimate  of  probabilities,  she  tcill. 
Remember,  you  hove  olrcady  offered  her  one-half, 
and  she  has  refused  it  with  disdain.  Do  you  seri- 
ously believe  that  she  will  content  herself  with 
none?  Will  her  desires,  which  even  six  belts  of 
latitude  cannot  satisfy,  be  satiated  with  less  than 
the  nicasure  of  a  grove?  The  leaves  of  the  sybil 
acquired  new  value  in  the  eye  of  the  possessor  as 
they  were  reduced  ;n  number.  You  have  by  your 
own  act  persuaded  England  to  believe  that  she 
ought  to  indulge  some  hopes — that  she  hos  more 
than  the  shodow  of  a  shade.  You  have  repeated- 
fy,  in  times  post  and  present,  proposed  to  give  her 
barely  less  than  she  was  willinc  lo  receive.  By 
what  scole  of  reoson  or  philosophy  is  her  expected 
satisfaction  in  the  future  to  be  measured  ?  She  has 
asked  you  for  bread;  you  offered  to  share  with  her 


your  loaf,  and  she  haa  caat  it  in  an  angry  ipirit 
away.  Shu  again  aaka  you  for  bread;  you  ^ive 
her  a  atone,  and  you  believe  she  will  rccttive  it,  if 
not  with  gratitude,  at  least  without  a  frown  I  It  ia 
grtkvely  argued  on  this  floor  that  your  notice  ahall 
be  given,  and  that,  at  the  expiration  of  the  term 
assigned  by  it,  forcible  possession  shall  be  taktin 
of  every  inch  of  the  disputed  ground;  and  yotthat 
there  will  be  no  war!  Apowerfbl  nation,  armed 
to  the  teeth,  her  banners  fanned  flir  agea  by  con- 
quest's crimson  wing,  not  distinguished  for  the 
Eutience  of  her  temper  or  her  tender  love  for  these 
Tnited  States,  will  stand  tamely  by  nnd  patiently 
behold  her  cherished  aettlementa  assailed  and  scat- 
tered; her  time-honored  chartera  violated  and 
trampled  in  the  dust;  her  subjects  dragged  before 
foreign  magistrates  and  condemned  by  foreign 
laws;  their  property  confiscated,  their  persons  im-  • 
prisoned,  their  lives  perhaps  sacrificed  f  If,  in  the 
wide-reaching  and  sagacious  policy  of  that  deep- 
seated  throne,  there  bo  one  circumstance  to  which 
it  clings  with  more  tenacity  than  all  the  rest,  it  is 
the  tender,  ardent  zeal,  the  moternal  aflection ,  with 
which  it  watches  over,  protects,  and  cherishes  the 
children  of  the  realm  in  every  corner  and  quarter 
of  the  globe.  This  never-ceasing  care  is  the  incen- 
tive to  patriotism  and  the  reward  of  loynlty.  Time 
cannot  enfeeble  it,  or  distonce  diminish  its  fresh- 
ness or  its  fervor,  or  circumstances  rob  it  of  a 
particle  of  its  reciprocal  attractiveness  and  charms. 
It  warms  the  lie^o  bosom  in  the  frozen  regiona  of 
Labrador,  and  it  gives  new  vigor  to  the  sinews 
under  the  burning  sun  of  cither  India,  as  well  aa 
in  the  giant  metropolis  of  the  Insular  domain.  ■■  I 
am  a  Roman  citizen!"  was  a  cry  the  neglect  of 
which  brought  on  the  ruin  of  a  powerful  Sicilian 
prrotor,  and  drove  him  into  perpetual  exile.  "  I 
am  a  Roman  citizen!"  was  an  exclamotion  which 
ascended  with  the  loftiest  flights  of  the  eloquence 
of  Cicero.  A  similar  appeal  fVom  the  liegemen  of 
England  is  not  inaudible,  if  uttered  at  the  extremi- 
ty of  the  diometer  of  the  eorth;  it  would  thrill  ond 
vibrate  in  every  pulse  and  nerve  of  the  vast  body 
politic;  it  would  be  heard  and  responded  to,  from 
the  shores  of  the  Pacific,  ot  the  heort  and  centre  of 
the  empire;  ond  all  that  accumulated  wealth  which 
is  the  wonder  of  the  world,  and  all  those  burnished 
arms  which  have  never  failed  to  glitter  whenever 
the  pride  of  the  nation  has  bidden  their  approach, 
fbr  disaster,  for  victory,  or  for  defeat,  in  tne  fens 
of  Walcheren,  or  on  the  field  cf  Waterloo,  or  on 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  or  the  frozen  hills  of 
India,  would  be  put  in  requisition  for  the  rescue. 
The  colonial  policy  of  England,  her  vital  prosper- 
ity, her  existence  as  o  nation,  are  involved  in  the 
issue,  and  it  would  be  madness  to  suppose  that 
these  essential  purposes  would  now  for  the  first 
time  be  overlooked  or  forgotten.  You  are  leading 
ofl' blindfold  a  torch-dance  in  the  midst  of  combus- 
tibles, and  trusting  to  accident  that  they  will  not 
take  fire,  when  you  act  and  argue  as  is  proposed. 

What  is  the  object  for  which  these  risks  are  to 
be  unnecessarily  run?  I  say  nothing  of  the  pros- 
pect of  easy  and  almost  imperceptible  acquisition, 
in  the  natural  course  of  things;  or  of  tlie  facility  of 
occomplishin<;nll  thot  can  be  immediately  wonted, 
by  giving  laws  to  your  own  citizens,  controlling 
the  evil  tendencies  of  sovoge  tribes,  and  rendering 
more  easy  the  occess  and  the  intercourse  of  travel- 
lers. These  ore  fair  and  uncxceptionoble  expedi- 
ents. They  are  suggested  in  the  onnuol  message 
of  the  President,  nnd  they  are  for  short  of  the 
meosures  now  pro,iosed.  But  let  us  see,  in  the 
first  ploce,  ond  during  the  progress  of  the  experi- 
ment, whether  Oregon  be  worth  the  vexation  it  i« 
giving  birth  to,  whether  this  land  of  promise  does 
indeed  flow  with  milk  ond  honey.  Of  extent  suf- 
ficient to  tempt  the  appetite  to  a  nation  like  Ire- 
land or  Switzerland,  or  Chino  or  Hindoston,  no- 
tions that  have  people  beyond  subsistence  or  ground 
for  them  to  till,  where  o  sterner  nnd  more  cruel 
infonticide  obviates  the  stem  necessity  of  emi- 
gration, or  where  emigration  supplies  a  remedy 
which  infanticide  affords  elsewhere,  more  than 
three  times  ns  large,  we  have  been  told,  as  all  the 
surface  of  the  British  islonds;  and  nearly  or  quite 
equal  to  our  thirteen  original  States  in  extent;  not, 
however,  in  extent  desirable,  because  not  needfbl 
to  n  people  yet  supplied  with  land  beyond  the 
wonts  of^  centuries;  not  colculoted  in  reason  to 
tempt  the  sober  agriculturist  from  the  prairies  of 
the  less  distant  West,  from  which  the  journey  of 


878 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRES3IONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  16, 


39rH  CoMa.....l8T  Skm. 


American  Setlbri  in  Or^gen-rMr.  J.  R.  IngertoU. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


■  ikmiljr  to  Or*|on  would  coat  the  pries  of  a  flum. 
In  evarjr  othar  particalar,  a  country  ono  would 
think  not  ao  deiirable  aa  to  fix  tha  foouiepa  of  the 
wanderar,  or  attract  the  movement  of  jkhe  atead  y  nnd 
aattled  occupant  of  a  dialont  reeion.  Nature  has 
ae«m«d  to  aaaign  barriera  ao  definite  oa  to  maric  the 

RIace  ai  one  of  peculiar  ianlation  for  iMelf,  and  to 
irbid  eaay  accem  to  it  fVt>m  the  rest  of  the  world. 
Not  one  navigable  rivpr,  if  geo^phy  i>  to  be 
credited,  intersecla  ila  rui;ged  precipicea  or  inhospi- 
table plaina. 

Recent  and  authentic  accounts  reproaont  the 
wholo  cnunury  as  so  intorsoctcd  by  ranfres  of  lofty 
mounloins  that  the  climate  is  eencrnlly  severe,  and 
only  a  small  portion  of  the  land  is  susceptible  of 
cultivation.  Your  mnlii  quarrel  in  now  about  the 
use  of  the  Columbia  river,  as  that  succession  of 
xhoots  nnd  cataracts  is  called.  "The  banks  of  the 
'  I' I 'per  Columbia,"  says  Cnptnin  Wilkes,  "arc 

*  altogether  devoid  of  any  alluvial  flats,  destitute 

*  of  even  scattered  trees;  thoro  is  no  freshness  in 

*  the  little  vegetation  on  its  borders,  the  steril  sumls 
'  reach  to  its  very  brink;  it  is  sc.ircvly  to  be  be- 

*  lievod  until  its  banks  nrc  reached  thnt  u  mighty 
'  river  is  rolling  its  waters  post  these  arid  wastes.'' 
At  its  mouth  nature  denies  an  entrance  during  eight 
months  of  the  year,  and  at  all  Huosnna  renders  it  no 
diflicult  and  don^^rous  thnt  in  one  ftitnl  nltempt 
mode  by  naval  skill  and  energy,  without  cs|>ecial 
dilficuluea  (Vom  the  elements,  n  sloop-of- war  lodged 
her  stout  timbers  on  the  shohH,  some  fifteen  miles 
it  is  believed  from  the  cnpcs.  There  they  nre  likely 
to  remain,  a  beacon  to  the  future  navic^tor.  A 
previous  etTort  (>f  Captain  Thorn,  in  the  service 
of  the  Pacific  Company,  had  succeeded,  in  March, 
tRIl.  with  great  difficulty  nnd  the  loss  of  three 
men.  The  whole  course  of  the  river  is  minutely 
described  by  Lewis  and  Clarke,  as  it  was  traversed 
by  them  forty  years  ago.  It  has  not  since  shifted 
its  rocky  bed,  orlovellcil  the  precipices  which  con- 
fine its  waters.  These  intrepid  trnvcllcrs  reached 
the  octan  by  means  of  portages  round  the  more 
difficult  places,  where  the  river  would  have  aflurd- 
ed  them  n  precarious  means  of  tran8|K>rtation. 

Such  ore  some  of  the  features  of  a  country  for 
which  you  arc  going  to  war  of  choice,  and  in  pref- 
erence to  other  means  of  acquisition.  Small  por- 
tions of  it  comparatively  arc  represented  as  fit  for 
cultivation;  its  great  durfuce  covered,  us  you  have 
been  told,  with  "  antres  vast  and  deserts  idle." 
Might  not  the  description  have  been  carried  out 
witli  "  the  cannibals  that  each  other  eat?"  Cap- 
tain Clarke  met  with  n  tribe,  ho  says,  among  the 
most  amiable  he  had  ever  seen,  called  thoChopun- 
nish,  one  of  whose  chiefs  wore  a  tippet  of  human 
scalps,  decorated  with  the  thumbs  and  fini^rs  of 
those  whom  ho  hod  slain.  One  nf  the  lasit  pub- 
li::ihed  letters  on  the  subject  of  Orcjjon  describes  a 
party  of  travellers  from  the  Wallumetto  valley  as 
having  been  robbed  by  a  band  of  Pawnees  of  a 
sum  of  money,  and  one  of  the  party  as  having 
Iwen  injured  by  their  war  clubs.  Ti)  inilemnify 
him  for  his  pecuniary  Iocs,  u  bill  has  actually  been 
re|)orted  to  the  Senate,  and  is  now  awaiting  the 
action  of  that  body.  It  is  curious  how  well  the 
description  given  in  Koch's  "Traitfe  dcs  Paix," 
in  connexion  with  the  treaty  of  the  Escuriai,  of 
28th  October,  1790,  would  fit  the  place  and  circum- 
slunces  of  the  present  day.*  Where  is  this  desired 
coast  in  relation  to  the  rest  of  the  world  .>  A  broad 
surface  of  nine  thousand  miles  of  ocean  lies  be- 
tween it  and  its  Asiatic  neiglihorj  and  nearly  in 
mid-occnn  rise  the  Sandwich  Islands,  at  the  dis- 
btnce  of  730  marine  lea-rues,  and  the  Marcjuesas 
distant  by  300  more.  With  the  aid  of  the  trade 
winds  the  outward  voyage  could  be  jicrformcd  by 
traversing  something  like  eleven  thousand  miles: 
inward,  no  such  assistnncc  would  l>e  found,  and  the 
voyage  would  be  much  longer. 

Thus  separated  from  the  rest  of  the  world,  and 
thrown  upon  its  own  resources,  Oregon  will  prob- 
ably be  found  anytiiing  but  prolific  in  the  produc- 
tion of  them.  Whatever  may  Ih;  its  future  fitness 
for  pasture  grounds,  the  animals  heretofore  sus- 
tained have  not  been  such  as  produce  their  annual 
■  — _ 

*  Unelqiiefl  hfinfE.im  cotii<truiti  siir  line  edle  inhoflpit-iliere 
eltu£«t  au  S0>;  rlncrd  Intttudc  rinni  nudcMUrf  dit  la  preMiu'ilo 
fie  CalUoriii'',  t:t  uil  niit^rtthlo  liiutUun  (16:i.'n<lii  par  dm  pier- 
lies,  nianqMenMU  iP<!voitur  uiie  {{Uern;  Diuii^liiiitf!  untru  (It'U.t 
graii'leii  puLnMaiieea  ruri)|W^(>niii!H,  ct  (Inniiertiiit  naittsaner  ft 
unc  noiinciiitiim  giii  flxa  pendant  quc;l<|Uefl  moiii  Tattention 
de  toutf^ti  luH  puiwanco  inaritimofl  dc  I'Eumpc." — (4  De 
Koch,  eta.  xilv.) 


and  ratuming  supplies  in  renewed  and  multiplied 
extent;  but  UioM  which,  fbrnishinr  (br  awhile 
tlieir  quota  of  eomfbrti  -o  civilizeiT  society  with 
their  Uvea,  must  aoon  .dti>gethor  perish,  ami  leave 
behind  them  a  more  hopeless  wildernen.  Maize 
and  com  have  not  lucoeeded  unless  in  very  limited 
spola.  Nothing  in  the  distance  firom  the  ocean  ia 
to  l>e  gratified  except  a  love  of  adventure,  and  the 
v'ld  excitomenia  of  a  prolonged  condition  of  what 
ia  usually  the  first  stage  of  society. 

After  an  arduous  atniggle,  may  not  this  battle- 
field remnin  an  inaccessible  object  to  both  contend- 
inp;  parliea  >  Or,  if  attained  throuf^h  strife  by  either, 
wiln  all  of  tho  consequences  orbitterness  that  strife 
entails,  may  it  not  De  a  possession  to  be  main- 
tained with  trouble,  as  it  will  have  been  hardly 
won  ?  Then  will  these  two  nations  of  boasted  in- 
telligence, and  kindred  language,  literaUire,  laws, 
nnd  blood,  lie  panting,  and  exhausted,  and  bleed- 
ing, from  their  abortive  eHbrts,  like  tho  two  clowns 
in  tho  fltble,  who  fbught  for  tho  stars  and  blue  sky 
OH  cattle  and  pasture,  mortified,  ashamed,  and  pun- 
ished for  the  mutual  folly  thnt  had  led  them  to 
battle. 

The  alleged  circumstances  upon  which  thij  re- 
spective claims  of  the  two  Oovcrnments  rest  nre 
sufficiently  well  understood  to  authorize  an  appli-  , 
cation  to  them  of  principleu  of  law.     In  this  appeal  i 
to  sound  legal  prmciplcs,  facts  not  al)Solutely  free  I 
from  doubt  may  saftly  be  >i.isumcil,  without  further  j 
acquiescence  in  them  thiui  may  be  necessary  for  i 
the  sake  of  the  argument.    Some  of  them  are  so  ' 
I  remote  in  their  origin  an  to  have  become  obscure 
i  from  length  of  time,  and  others  are  so  imperfectly 
proved  as  to  be  rendered  doubtful  by  tho  want  of 
evidence.     In  [iroporlion  to  the  darkness  of  our 
path  should  be  the  caution  with  which,  as  travel- 
lers, we  tioad  in  it.     Fortunately  there  is,  in  every 
controversy,  a  fair  and  honorable  means  of  settle- 
ment, either  in   the  ascertainment  of  right  nnd 
wrong,  by  the  aid  of  reason,  or,  where  tho  scjilcs 
of  justice  arc  so  nicely  poLscd  that  there  ought  to 
be  no  preponderance,  a  result  equally  satisfactory 
may  bo  found  in  mutual  forbenranco,  concession, 
and  compromise. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  enter  the  lists  prepared  for 
very  serious  conflict  with  a  claim  to  "  clenr  anil 
unquestionable  title"  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain. 
Such  pretension  has  never  been  made,  unless  it  be 
quite  recently,  and  then  in  responsive  echo  to  the 
cry  from  high  places  here.  Negotiators  on  tho 
other  side  have  cither  disavowed  or  omitted  to  as- 
sert a  claim  to  title  in  the  strict  sense  of  tho  term. 
They  have  been  contented  to  question  our  loftier 
pretensions  in  this  particular,  to  assert  for  them- 
Hclves  equal  rights,  to  measure  by  n  standard  short 
of  absolute  perfection  our  claims,  and  to  compare 
them  with  their  own.  Although  claiming  the  merit 
of  early  discoveries  by  Sir  Francis  Drake  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  they  ran  scarcely  fail  to  admit 
that  the  absence  of  cflective  settlements  for  two 
hundred  years  would  open  the  way  to  other  Gov- 
ernments to  advance  and  maintam  supervening 
rights. 

In  the  sUitcmcnt  irlrcndy  referred  to  of  MesHrs. 
HuskiNson  and  Addington,  in  the  negotiation  of 
18atJ-'37,  itia-said: 

'*  It  only  rom.iinRforCircnt  Dritnln  m  maintain  nnd  uphold 
the  f|ualit{iid  riHtilsi  wliich  slic  now  ikihsossc!)  ovur  ihn  wlioln 
of  the  territory  in  qnc'slion.    'riii?»i'  riphts  aro  ri'oordi'd  and 
dt'finud  in  lh«  coiivcnlion  of  Noolkn.    They  cinttrnre  tJlo 
ri«lil  tn  navifinlo  the  wattTH  ol'  tlln.-^i'  corintrif^^  the  right  to 
wulo  in  and  "viT nny  iwrt  of  ihcin,  and  thu  risht friiily  to 
tradi.'  witti  thu  inhattitaiits  and  occupierH  .'ifUiu  name,  Thcsu  I 
riiilttri  hnvi'  iM'Cii  peaceably  excrcitwd  ever  niiico  tiw  date  of  ! 
thnt  ponvfnUon — thiit  if,  for  a  iwriod  of  ne'ir  forty  yeare.  . 
Unifi-'r  that  convention,  valuable  ItritiRh  intcrt^sts  liavettrown  \ 
up  in  thoHC  countries.     It  i«  fuM'  adnntted  Uint  the  United  I 
Htatei'  |K)H)4eH.4  th«  Hnine  rifflltM,  nuhonsli  they  I'avu  lH;en  ex-  i 
erci.Hed  by  them  only  in  a  r>inul(!  instjince,  nnd  have  not  Rince 
th(!  yttar  iPI3been  exercised  at  all.    lint  beyjiid  these  riijlita 
they  imsBcss  none." — ((trccnhow^s  Proofs  and  /Ulitfrutiotrf, 
jKtRca  444,  44.'>.) 

The  Plenipotentiaries  might  hnveadileil,  if  it  had 
been  to  the  point  then  in  view,  a  further  assertion 
of  rights  according  to  the  Nootkn  Convention: 

«  The  huildintri  nnd  trtuU  of  land  situated  on  the  north- 
west eofwt  of  North  America,  or  on  tho  islands  ai^ja- 
cent  to  Uiat  conUnenI,  of  which  the  subjects  nf  his  llritan- 
nic  Majesty  were  AU^tontened  about  the  month  of  April,  1769, 
by  a  Hpnnish  nllieur,  shall  he  restored  to  tho  said  British 
subjects."— I ifartfcio  Trentyoflhe  Hcurial,OclobcT  28, 1790; 
GrcCTiAote's  IHoofM  ami  lUmhatioiu,  pane  467." 


Article  2d  provides,  that  "  in  case  any  of  the 
■  said  respective  subjects  shall,  since  the  same  pe- 


'  riod,  have  been  forcibly  diaposseiaed  of  their 
'  lards,  &c.,  they  shall  be  re-aalabliihed  In  thepoi- 
'  session  theroor,  or  a  just  compaiuation  ahall  be 
'  mode,"  Ac, 

These  articles,  the  application  of  which  will  be 
seen  in  a  moment,  nre  disregarded  in  our  confident 
diacusaions,  diplomatic  ano^purliamenlary.  I  am 
constrained  to  brine  them  to  a  reluctant  notice. 

In  aacerlaining  iTie  precise  character  of  British 
rights,  the  point  has  been  properly  enough  made, 
whether  that  nation  ever  had  possession  of  any 
lanil  at  Nootka  Sound.  One  would  have  thought 
that  the  acknowlcdgmenu  in  the  treaty,  of  diipoi- 
Mnion  6y  force,  and  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty 
for  n  reMMLihvMtU  in  i>o$se»iiion,  were  pregnant 
proofii  of  the  fact  of  pniiovs  posMtiion,  or  at  least 
of  acknowledgment  by  a  previous  owner,  which 
would  be  good  against  thnt  owner,  and  a(;ninst  nil 
claiming  under  him.  For  the  purpose  of  th.  argu- 
ment, it  would  matter  little  whether  that  possession 
preceded  or  followed  the  treaty — caused  the  treaty, 
or  was  caused  by  it.  Did  it  exist?  Elaboralo 
arguments  have  been  submitted  hero,  the  bent  ami 
purpose  of  which  are  to  prove  the  negative.  Au- 
thorities, some  of  them  already  well  collected  and 
introduced  in  the  some  order  by  Mr.  Oreeiihow, 
(pages  257,  858,)  are  vouched  to  susUtin  the  argu- 
ment. 

I  will  not  dwell  upon  the  insufficient  character 
and  sources  of  the  assertions  which  have  been 
vouched,  although  it  would  go  far  to  affect  the 
validity  of  them.  "A  Captain  Broughton,"  send- 
ing an  ofiic-r  into  the  cove  for  inujiligonce,  who, 
with  the  use,  perhaps,  of  his  tclesco|)o,  discovered, 
ns  ho  tho<u<lit,  that  the  former  Spanish  settlement 
wns  (j'xupicd  by  nn  Indian  village!  Rnther  im- 
perftict  vino,  as  tho  lawyers  would  term  it,  for  the 
foundation  of  title,  or  lor  the  destruction  of  title. 
Segur's  Historical  Works  arc  among  tho  most 
agreeable  productions  of  his  day,  but  they  are  not 
always  authentic  pieces  of  evidence.  Tho  "  polit- 
ical picture"  which  is  quoted,  may  be  as  mitch  of 
a  fancy  sketch  as  some  portions  of  the  Campaign  in 
Russia  are  said  to  be.  Ncitlier  Segur's  Works  nor 
Bclsham's  Partisan  History  are  satisfactory  proofs, 

Tcially  of  events  not  bearing  on  the  great  politi. 
events  which  they  profess  to  record.  The 
preparations  for  war  resounded  through  several 
kingdoms  of  Europe.  The  treaty  was  dignified 
by  n  birth  nnd  baptism  at  the  E^curial .  Noblemen 
were  its  sponsors — Lonl  Fitzherbcrt  on  the  ono 
side,  and  Count  Florida  Blunca  on  the  other.  The 
scene  and  the  persons  of  tho  drama  were  alike  dis- 
tinguished. An  obscure  act  of  redelivery  of  pos- 
session, nenrly  five  years  afterwards,  at  a  remote 
corner  of  the  globe— distant  almost  by  its  vast  cir- 
cumference— might  well  have  escaped  the  attention 
of  even  more  faithful  historians.  While  gentlemen 
have  been  engaged  in  an  unprofitable  searcii  for 
negative  testimony,  their  researches  have  not  kd 
to  nny  of  a  positive  character.  I  am  gatified  in 
being  able  to  accommodate  them;  and  they  will 
probably  admit,  as  well  from  the  appropriate  de- 
partment of  knowledge  in  which  it  is  found,  as- 
from  its  direct  and  alHrmative  nature,  tlmt  it  goes 
far  to  settle  the  particular  question.  It  will  account, 
too,  for  the  Lieutenant  Pierce,  of  the  marines, 
though  by  a  somewhat  distorted  name.  In  the 
"Tmitoa  de  Paix  enlre  Ics  Puissances  de  I'Eu- 
ropc,"  of  M.  de  Koch,  the  facts  are  distinctly  and 
fully  related  in  the  24th  chapter,  which  is  devoted 
to  the  history  of  the  "  Troite  de  I'EacuriiU  enlre 
I'Espagne  ct  In  Grande  Brctngne  du28  0clobre, 
1790:" 

"  L'e.v  ition  do  la  convention  du  88  OcUibre,  1790," 
(tints  till  ..iithor  concludes  his  history  of  an  eventful  negoti- 
aticm  ami  it«  cons'-'quences,  which  prevented  n  bloody  war 
hi!twcen  mo  great  European  I'owcrs,  nnd  lijed  for  a  iHiriisI 
tlio  aUentiim  of  all  thi!  maritime  Towers  of  EuroiM!;) 
"  cprcuiva,  an  resli',des  dillieult«8?iuila  reuirdiri-nt Jusqu'- 
au  1705.  Elles  furent  ternilnlSes  le  93  Mars  d«  celte  un- 
nte,  sur  Ins  lieux  nidmes  par  le  brisadler  F.spaKnol  AlavB 
ct  lo  lieuuinant  AubIoIb  Poura,"  (Ihis  is  thu  desired  Mr. 
fierce,)  "  qui  cnehani^eri'iit  des  iieclnnitions  dans  Ic  nr  fo 
de  Nootka  m*mc  ;  aprds  que  le  fort  Espngnol  ful  ras6,  lea 
Ibpaimol's  embarc|uercnt,  et  Ic  pavilion  Aiiglolii  y  hit  planti 
en  signc  de  [mssession." 

The  symbol  and  the  act  went  together.  They 
are  in  speeches  and  correspondence  overlooked. 
This  event,  it  will  be  observed,  took  place  in 
Mm'ch,  1795.  The  "  very  curious  original  Span- 
ish mimuscript  found  in  the  Library  of  Congress, 
and  entitled  'Confidential  Instructions  for  the  King- 
dom of  New  Spain,'  drawn  up  by  Count  €iig6- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


878 


39rii  CoNO IsT  Se8b. 


American  JSettkn  in  Oregon — Mr.  J.  R,  hgerioU. 


Ho.  or  Rbps. 


do,"  Ac.,  is  "daled  June  SO,  1794."  Yet  the 
genllemBn  from  Indiana  inyi  "  we  can  liardly  have 
anything  more  concluaive,"  ai  to  an  event  that  la 
not  tiiggcated  to  have  imcurrcd  until  inme  nine 
mnnths  nfterwnrda.  The  whole  error  of  the  argu- 
ment is  one  of  chronology.  The  convention  it- 
■elf  having  taken  place  in  the  vtnr  1790,  its  exe- 
cution, which  wns  merely  delayed  for  between 
four  and  five  years,  in  supposed  never  to  have  taken 
place.  One  of  the  passages  quoted,  however,  de- 
clares that  "a  loyal  dolcrniinntion  hna  been  re- 
'ceived  fhr  the  abandonment  of  Nootka,  to  which 
'  service  1  have,"  suys  GigCilo,  "  in  consequence 
'  of  the  death  of  the  former  commissioner,  assigned 
'  BrigaiHer  Don  Jote  Manuelde  Jllava,"&c.  Accord- 
ingly, Koch's  valuable  work  tells  us  that,  on  the 
93d  March,  1795,  the  dlinctillir.a  were  terminated 
on  the  snot  "par  le  brigmlier  fspngnei  Mam,"  the 
very  officer  appointed  (br  the  purpose  by  Count 
Oig«do  on  the  30th  June,  1794,  one  week  less  than 
nine  months  previously.  It  is  n  most  curious  cir- 
cumstance that  this  authentic  piece  of  history 
should  be  entirely  unknown  to  Mr.  nuclmnun, 
who  asserts  that  no  sufficient  evidence  has  been 
adduced  that  either  NooMia  Sound  or  any  other 
spot  upon  the  coast  was  ever  actually  surrendered 
by  Spain  to  Orcat  Oritnin.  The  "  curioua  manu- 
script" is  noticed  by  Mr.  Qreonhow,  as  presented 
by  Ucnernl  Tiiriiel. 

England  thus  shows  a  pontisiim — small,  indeed, 
and  not  perha|^>8  intended  for  ull  the  purposes  of 
permanent  residence;  still  settlement,  occupancy — 
jKilia potitio — while  It  lasted;  something  more  than 
mere  preliminary  or  inehoate  right,  founded  on 
discovery,  and  susceptible  of  being  done  away  by 
non-user  or  neglect;  in  its  history  not  unlike  that 
of  Astoria  in  relation  to  ourselves.  Uoth  were 
possessed,  dispossessed,  and  by  treaty  restored, 
and  afterwards  neglected  or  abandoned.  It  would 
not  be  easy  in  any  of  these  particulars  to  draw  a 
distinction  between  them.  In  one  respect  Nootka 
has  a  decided  ndvuntuge — that  its  rival  colony  of 
Astoria,  previously  to  the  net  of  dispossession  by 
(ho  Racoon  sloop  of  war,  1st  December,  1813,  had 
been  »oic'  with  all  its  stores  of  peltries,  to  a  char- 
tered company  of  the  capturing  nation.  Tills  cnii- 
ture  by  Uritons  of  British  property  was  like  the 

Imrchoae  from  the  coK'lemiicd  culprit  of  his  body 
ly  the  surgeon — a  bite-  -because  ho  was  to  be 
hanged  in  chains. 

The  fact  of  British  possess,  in  nt  Nootka  threat- 
ens no  such  evils  ns  have  been  iiitlmnted.  Look 
at  your  map,  Mr.  Greenhow's  lUis  not  each  sep- 
arate degree  marked,  although  the  eye  ran  suffi- 
ciently well  discriminate  its  position.  On  Mofrns's 
man  every  degree  is  numbered.  Nootka  is  about 
midway  between  49°  and  50°.  The  southern 
Straits  of  Juan  de  Puca,  the  great  entrance  to  Ad- 
miralty Inlet,  that  capacious  Inlet  itself,  and  all 
the  upi)ertainlng  waters,  are  south  of  Nootku.  An 
arrangement  upon  the  basis  of  49°  would  secure 
to  us  the  benefit  of  the  whole  of  them. 

If  a  nosHcsslon  at  Nootka  Sound  gives  n  south- 
ern inuicution  of  British  color  of  right  us  early  as 
1788  at  least,  (Greenhow,  page  SJ90,)  the  trading 
csUihlishment  of  Simon  Frazer  in  ]80fi,  on  what 
is  colled  "  Prnzer's  Lake,"  In  the  54tli  degree  of 
latitude,  and  dKTercnt  posts,  which  in  1808-rccciv- 
ed  the  name  of  New  Caledonia,  In  the  same  re- 
gion, mark  the  position  of  no  diseimllnr  claims  to 
the  north.  The  Nootka  reHtoiation  derives  addi- 
tional importance  from  the  fact  that  it  was  a  i-ccog- 
nitloii,  by  both  Governments  that  were  parties  to 
it,  of  the  original  possession  tftken  by  John  Meaics 
in  1788.  This  was  several  years  after  its  discovery 
on  the  9th  of  August,  1774,  under  the  parallel  of 
49°  40',  by  Juan  Perez,  who  gave  it  the  name  of 
Port  San  Lorenzo,  which,  four  yeors  afterwards, 
was  changed  by  Captain  Cook  to  King  George's, 
or  ^nolka  Sound.  'Tlint  original  act  ofpossession 
by  Mcares  was  at  tirst  p,crhnps  equivocal,  for  two 
reasons:  first,  because  Mcares,  though  a  British 
subject,  sailed  under  Portuguese  colors;  secondly, 
because  his  establishment  may  have  been  designed 
for  a  temporary  and  occasional  purpose.  The 
subsequent  ratification  by  his  Government  takes 
away  from  it  all  ambiguity,  identifies  upon  set- 
tled principles  the  sovereignty  with  the  first  pro- 
ceeding, and  gives  sometliing  like  permanency 
and  definite  olfect  to  the  whole.  It  is  impossible 
to  treat  with  disrespect  so  grave,  so  well  authen- 
ticated, ao  available  a  transaction. 


Connected  with  these  important  circnmstances 
ii  the  seriea  of  event*  of  which  Alexander  Mac- 
kenzie was  the  author.  Twice  did  he  traverse 
this  before  unexplored  legion  all  the  way  to  the 
ocean.  His  first  expedition  was  in  1789,  but  was 
confined  in  its  progress  to  the  now  Russian  pos- 
sessions. The  second,  in  1799-'93,  thirteen  or 
fourteen  years  before  the  parallel  exploration  of 
Lewis  and  Clarke,  went  directly  through  the  dis- 
puted territory.  "The  river  which  he  floated  down 
for  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles  (then  called  by  the 
Indians  the  Tacoulchco-Tcssee — at  present,  by 
everybody,  Frazer'a  river)  has  its  mouth  in  the 
Straits  of  Fiicii,  near  to  the  49th  degree  of  latitude, 
but  below  it  half  a  degree,  by  the  blessing  of  Prov- 
idence. 

The  two  countries,  England  and  America,  rest 
their  respective  claims,  for  the  most  part,  upon 
similar  grounds.  Each  asserts  fbr  it8elrrc-<llscov- 
ery ,  exploration ,  additional  exploration ,  and  formal 
but  partial  possession — and  each  must  admit  nt 
least  partial  abandonment. 

Nootka  Sound,  discovered  by  Junn  Perez,  Au- 
gust 9, 1774,  was  occupied  by  John  Menres  in  1788. 
His  vessels  were  seized,  and  himself,  it  would 
seem,  dispossessed  by  the  Spaniards  in  1789,  and 
possession  fully  restored  or  given  to  the  British  in 
1795. 

The  Simlts  of  Furji  were  perhaps  discovered  by 
Juan  do  Fucn  in  1.593;  rediscovered  by  Cnjitain 
Berkeley,  in  the  British  ship  Imperial  Eagle,  in 
1787;  nnil  by  John  Meares  In  the  following  year;  and 
completely  surveyed  by  Vancouver  and  Broughton 
in  1792. 

The  Columbia  river  was  discovered  by  Hecctn, 
August  15, 1775,  and  named  "  Assumption  Inlet," 
although  the  Mexican  charts  immediately  called  it 
Rio  St.  Roc.  It  was  entered  by  Captain  Gray, 
May  11, 1793,  and  was  subsequently  explored  and 
surveyed  to  u  much  more  considerable  extent  by 
Vancouver. 

Astoria  was  established  in  1811,  under  the  aus- 
pices of  Mr.  Astor,  but  with  a  company  composed 
principally  of  British  subjects.  On  the  Ifiih  of 
October,  1813,  all  its  estaLlishmcnts,  furs  and  stock 
in  hand,  were  sold  to  the  British  Northwest  Com- 
pany, for  about  fifly-cight  thousand  dollars.  Cap- 
tain Black,  of  the  Racoon,  British  sloop-of-wnr, 
took  possession  on  the  1st  of  December,  1813.  On 
the  fith  of  October,  1818,  the  joint  commissioners 
on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  in  puisaancc  of  the 
treaty  of  peace,  declared  that  they  restored,  and 
Mr.  Prevost  declared  that  he  accepted  for  the  Uni- 
ted Slates,  the  settlement  of  Port  George.  "I'liiiiirs 
were  placed,  by  this  formal  act,  in  tlic  stains  ante 
bellum. 

Lewis  and  Clarke's  ex|iloralloii8  were  long  sub- 
sequent to  those  of  Alexander  Mackenzie;  and  they 
were  so  fairly  undertaken,  with  the  kind  assist- 
ance of  the  diplomatic  representatives  of  other 
natioiiN,  that  an  advantage  over  other  nations  could 
scarcely  bo  claimed  from  them.  Mr.  Jefferson's 
instructions  to  Captain  LcwIm,  his  former  private 
secretary,  look  to  broader  and  more  philanthropic 
objects.  Such  as  they  were,  they  were  followed 
by  no  acts  of  occupation  for  about  thirty  years. 
"The  first  of  such  transactions  are  beliescd  to  have 
occurred  in  the  year  1834. 

Mr.  Buchanan  Is  not  quite  sustained  in  the  broad 
position  assumed  in  his  la.st  letter,  that  this  pro- 
ceeding was  "  preparatory  to  the  occupation  of  the 
territory  by  the  United  States;"  nor  Is  he  entirely 
nccuiato  in  the  assertion  that  Lewis  and  Clarke 
"  first  explored  the  Columbia  from  its  sources  to  its 
mouth." 

While  the  plenipotentiaries  of  Great  Britain  have 
disclaimed  title,  in  the  proper  .sense  of  the  word, 
they  have  most  pertinaciously  insisted  upon  claim 
of  right.  Once  and  again  has  the  attempt  been 
made  to  argue  and  urge  them  to  n  relinquishment 
of  that  rl^ht,  and  as  often  has  ihe  attempt  slgiially 
failed.  If  on  our  side  the  word  title  has  been  used, 
and  with  it  strong  epithets  implying  nil  absence  of 
obscurity  or  question,  the  differonco  has  arisen 
from  a  tfifTerent  apiilication  of  terms  to  precisely 
one  and  the  same  thing.  Our  claims  are  derived 
from  similar  sources.  Without  quarrelling  about 
words,  we  should  rather  look  at  the  thing,  and  sec 
how  far  these  exclusive  pretensions  can  be  main- 
tained . 

The  Spanish  title,  as  it  is  called,  might  safely 
be  left  with  what  has  been  so  well  said  by  Mr. 


Onllalin.  After  an  abandonment  of  mora  than  a 
hundred  and  seventy  ysars,  it  could  not  be  regard- 
ed as  of  great  value,  unlees  reaiiscitalml  with  an 
impulse  more  than  equal  to  that  of  its  early  vigor. 
The  riuntry  is  greatly  indebted  to  this  esperieneed 
statesman  Ibr  the  letters  he  has  recently  published. 
His  close  connexion  with  the  proceedings  of  a 
former  day,  on  Which  nearly  everything  must  rest, 
his  cloai'  intellect  and  far-reaching  intelligence, 
have  enabled  him  to  shed  valuable  light  fWim  the 
brisrht  sources  of  an  unt'iuling  mind. 

Reftira  at  last  is  taken  in  ihe  alleged  discovery 
of  the  Columbia  river  by  Captain  Gray.  Admit- 
ting, tin  the  sake  of  the  argument,  all  that  is 
claimed  in  point  of  fact  for  this  nautical  exploit,  its 
priority,  nationality,  and  design,  the  great  olmtai'le 
remains — what  is  its  txlentJ  'The  answer  Is  fiimll- 
iarly  given.  A  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  a  river 
we  are  constantly  and  confidently  told  extends  the 
right  which  that  circumstance  confers  to  the  ter- 
ritory drained  by  its  waters.  A  principle  like  this 
might  possibly  suit  some  of  the  rivers,  ns  they  are 
called,  of  the  fine  estuary  which  receives  the  wa- 
ters of  the  Susquehanna.  They  are  broad  inlets, 
half  a  dozen  miles  in  length,  and  are  merely  bor- 
rowed fiom  the  bay.  Possibly  you  might  have 
found  an  inclination  lowanis  such  a  principle  in 
some  Dutch  legend  or  Italian  romance,  where  n 
greater  prolongation  is  given  by  nature  to  the  luzy 
Scheldt  or  wandering  Po.  But  to  ascribe  to  a  mo- 
mentary hinkci'-on  of  Ihe  inhospitable  dehoucheof 
the  Mississippi,  or  even  the  cnpncious  gulf  which 
distinguishes  the  entrance  of  the  Amazon,  such 
extensive  results,  would  bo  nec.r  akin  to  positive 
absurdity.  It  would  only  full  short  of  that  Papal 
bull  which  "  de  nostra  meru  libertalt,"  drew  a  line 
from  polo  to  pole  in  favor  of  their  most  Catholic 
Majesties.  Where  would  such  ind>!finlte  exten- 
sion end?  From  the  main  river  you  winild  ascend 
all  its  tributary  streams,  thence  (,'aze  with  floating 
appetite  upon  every  mountain  rill;  and  if,  through 
the  bases  of  the  Sumy  Mountains,  some  dark  cav- 
ern sheds  a  modest  drop  from  its  obscure  and 
benighted  bed  on  tho  eiuitcrn  side  of  the  girdle  of 
the  great  West,  which  finds  its  way  to  Oregon, 
this  will  embrace,  by  tho  same  ■  nguo  hypothesis, 
the  (mid  of  the  Missouri,  the  Aiisslssippr,  and  all 
the  rivers  of  the  continent.  Lawyer  after  lawyer 
has  built  his  argument  upon  this  bold  assumption. 
As  with  the  irregular  pronunciation  of  certain  an- 
cient classical  names,  we  nii|;ht  be  bound  to  yield 
the  principle  to  authority  if  it  could  bo  found. 
Where  is  it.>    Hidden  in  the  recesses  of  the  tem- 

Ele,  with  tho  mysterious  worship  of  the  Grand 
,ama  ofThibct?  Veiled  like  the  prophet  of  Kho- 
riiRsan,  to  conceal  hissplendors  from  human  vision  ? 
Written,  like  laws  of  the  Roman  tyrant,  on  lofiy 
pillars,  beyond  the  reach  of  human  scrutiny  ? 

"  If,"  says  the  Secretary  of  State  to  the  country 
and  the  world,  "  the  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  a 
'  river,  followed  un  within  reasonable  time  by  the 
'  first  exploration  lioth  of  its  main  channels  and  its 
'  branches,  and  appropriated  by  the  first  seltlo- 
'  ments  on  its  banks,  do  not  constitute  a  title  to  the 
'  territory  drained  by  its  waters  in  the  nations  per- 
'  forming  these  acts,  then  the  principles  consecra- 
'  ted  by  the  practice  of  civilized  nations  ever  since 
'  tho  discovery  of  the  New  World,  must  have  lost 
'  their  force.  These  principles  were  necessary  to 
'  preserve  tho  peace  of  the  world." 

I  will  not  repeat  the  facts  already  smted,  or  ask 
for  an  interpretation  of  "  reasonable  time,"  "  first 
exploialion,"  and  "  first  settlements,"  or  submit 
to  you  the  dilemma  of  ilrttinini;  by  Frazer's  river, 
about  the  same  time.  In  seeking  to  support  what 
are  called  principles  consecrated  ever  since  the  dis- 
covery of  the  New  World.  If  there  exist  for  par- 
ticular objects,  and  between  particular  powers,  oc- 
casional treaties  with  new  clauses  in  tnem,  those 
arc  voluntary  acts,  the  influence  of  which  begins 
and  ends  with  the  high  contracting  parties  who 
made  them.  If  there  be  such  a  principle — a  sa- 
cred principle,  necessory  for  the  peace  of  nations, 
time-honored  by  the  lapse  of  three  hundred  and 
fil^y-four  years,  according  to  the  minute  computa- 
tion of  the  Secretary,  why  has  it  escaped  an  au- 
thentic place  in  the  records  of  a  science  which  bad 
no  existence  until  after  the  discovery  of  the  New 
World,  towards  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century  ? 
Grotius,  the  father  of  the  law  of  nations,  wrote  and 
died  in  the  seventeenth  century.  FufTendorf  was 
born  in  the  year  1631.    Barbcyroc  lived  and  died 


874 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  OLOBE. 


[Fab.  95, 


S9rH  OoNO 1st  Serb. 


JnUmal  Improtemmt*  in  Mkhigan—Mr.  ■fVooMridge. 


Sbnatb. 


in  iha  cMitamUi  century,  iind  Vsltel'*  flnt  edition 
waa  ^ublifbcd  within  leu  th«n  ninety  yeiin  fVom 
the  preaibit  d»> ,  nnd  the  Inat  in  the  year  1H44.  Hid 
work  i*  dtMrvcdIy  held  in  the  higheat  eateem.  It 
exhibita,  however,  no  trace  of  the  doctrine  naatinnad 
by  you.  On  the  conlmry,  auch  a  pretenaion,  by 
which  a  nation  would  engroaa,  na  I  innintain,  a 
wilderneaa,  or,  aa  Vattel  anya,  a  much  crentr-r  ex- 
tent of  territory  than  it  ia  nble  to  |ieo|ilo  or  culti- 
vate, would  be  "  on  abtolult  infHngemtnl  qf  Iht 
tularat  rt^kt*  0/  mmii,  ami  re).<ufnan(  (0  Ike  vlrnai  n/ 
.Vpiure."  Remember  how  exlenalve  are  the  fielda 
OTcr  which  your  aapiring;c!niina  would  run.  The 
bull'a  hide  which  waa  ninde  to  cover  the  circuin- 
Terence  of  Carthage  would  be  a  pigmy  illuatration. 
A  difHealtand  dangcroua  entrance,  almoat  im|>er- 
crptible  to  the  eye,  and  iilmoat  inucccaaible  to  the 
buldeat  keel,  givea,  it  is  anid,  initinlo  ri^hta  to  a 
"region,"  "territory,"  nn  "entire  regi(m" — in 
other  worda,  to  a  country  and  a  world.  Will  not 
auch  oxtravagant  atlempla  expoao  ua  to  iuat  com- 
plaints for  an  overwcRniiig  ambition,  and  tend  to 
sivu  aup|iort  to  charges  which  have  bet^n  alreaily 
brought  agi\in«t  us?  On« gentleman  haa  extended 
hiacollossalnrmalieyondthonrctlccircle.  Another, 
delighted  with  the  capacious  maw  of  his  flit  hero— 
the  happy  emblem  of  "  masterly  inactivity"  on  the 
plains  ol  Shrewabiiry— desires  to  swallow  up  the 
universe.  The  Scythian  ambaasadora  said  to  Alex- 
ander, "  If  your  person  were  OS  gipanlic  as  your 
'  desires,  the  world  would  not  contain  you.     With 

*  your  right  hand  you  would  touch  the  east,  and  with 
'  your  left  the  west,  at  the  same  time.  Krom  Europe 
'  you  would  lay  hold  on  Asia,  and  fmm  Asia  you 

*  would  seize  Europe;  and  v/Mn  at  last  you  niid 
'  conquered  all  mankind,  you  would  wage  war  with 

*  atones  and  traea,  with  rivers  and  wild  Deaals,  and 

*  attempt  to  subdue  Nature." 

Another  description  of  title  has  been  more  than 
once  relied  on.  Without  arrogating  niiy  great prc- 
tenaions  to  knowledge  of  llio  law,  in  any  of  its 
varied  regions,  I  coiiieas  myself  profoundly  unac- 
quainted with  the  taw  of  deilinij.  It  has  no  lawa; 
it  never  had  them.  It  was  in  the  dark  forebodings 
of  an  ancient  n.ythology  supposed  to  be  the  inex- 
plicable doom  of  tr.en  and  nations.  Blind  and  ig- 
norant at  all  times,  ita  decrees  were  fur  the  moat 
part  cruel  and  wicked.  Side  by  aide  with  the 
Furies,  Alecto  and  her  hateful  sisters,  the  Fates, 
disfiensed  git\.-i  and  sufferings  with  indiscrimina- 
ting  hand.  They  appeared  again  in  the  hnlls  of 
Odin,  adiuinislcring  urnrts  of  blood  in  cups  of  hu- 
man akulla.  They  yielded  to  the  benignant  Prov- 
idence of  a  better  fate;  and  have  been  od'aainnally 
revived  in  a  national  assembly,  under  the  assumed 
^arb  of  a  Goddess  of  Reason,  or  in  another  hem- 
isphere, seated  in  the  car'of  Juggernaut.  Never 
may  they  find  altars  or  votaries  in  the  halls  of 
American  legislation ! 

While  investigating  the  merits  of  disputed  ques- 
tions, it  should  be  our  first  endeavor  to  prevent  in- 
terest and  passion  from  inducing  us  to  deceive  our- 
aelv-.s.  We  luive  rights  in  Oregon — riglila  which, 
at  every  hazard,  must  be  upheld.  But  it  is  not  by 
giving  to  them  a  name  or  a  character  beyond  their 
true  deserts  that  in  their  integrity  they  are  to  be 
maintained. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  WOODBRIDGE, 

OF  MICHIGAN, 
In  the  Senate,  Februarti  25,  1846. 
In  support  of  the  Bill  "to  apply  certain  alternate 
sections  of  the  public  domain  towards  the  com- 
pletion of  works  of  internal  improvement  in  the 
ntate  of  Michigan,  and  for  other  purpoiics. " 
[Tills  bill  hail  bnen  r«|Hirt«l  tnllieS«nM«,aiidntnnriirly 
d.iy  it  had  been  placed  aiiiont;  tin  *' spcMMii!  nritcra;"  but  by 
ttift  praclicnl  oiM^rnlioii  of  ihn  riilen,  prrrtdcnpe  had  been 
fivcii  t«t  thn  r»'«fdtltioiiH  co..cnminK  On'ijdn.    CimiiiiiiiaiK'tis 
occurri'd  wliifli  rendered  it  vt^ry  detiiruble  ttmt  it  tihould  lie 
dtapuscd  of  witbnut  further  delay;  niid  it  wa«  pro|KMi'd  that 
it  Bliniitd  be  dinciMrted,  nn  opportunity  iniBbt  iHTinit,  during 
the  nh'irt  period  nlloued  to  the  "  iiinrning  liiifineBS."  tt  i)cin([ 
underHtnod  ttint  it  Hhould  not  be  (tennitted  to  interfeie  witll 
Ute  (tcndinft  diiiciiiwion  concerning  Oregon,  the  Senate  were 
pkn^ed  no  to  order. 

The  areumeiit  of  Mr.  W.  wim  interrupted,  as  had  been  an- 
ticipalml,  ny  the  reeurrenee  of  tlie  "apecial  orders,"  and 
W1U  delivered  on  different  lanmings.] 

The  bill  having  been  read — 
Mr.  WOODIUUDGE  said: 
Mr.  Presioent:  The  report  which  accompanies 


thia  bill  eoiilain*  an  elaborated  expoaition  of  rea* 
Boni  urged  in  support  of  it.  I  had,  in  the  begin- 
ning, indulged  the  hope,  that  such  an  exposition 
would  have  obviated  the  necessity  of  fnrtner  ex- 
planation. But  t  know  how  impoasible  it  ia  for 
Senators  to  read  all  the  voluminous  reports  to 
which  their  attention  is  railed.  I  am  admonished, 
too,  by  Henalors  of  more  experience  than  myself, 
that  a  sialcment,  however  summary ,  of  the  grounds 
upon  which  the  bill  is  sought  to  be  lustttined,  will 
be  appropriate,  if  not  indispensable, 

Benire  adverting  to  such  grounds,  I  desire,  very 
respectfully,  to  call  it  to  the  recollection  of  Sena- 
lom,  that  this  bill  has,  at  three  several  sesaions  of 
Congress,  received  the  sanction  of  the  standing 
committees  of  the  Senate  to  which  it  has  been  re- 
ferred; that  it  has  twice  passed  the  Senate,  and 
twice  has  been  reported  upon  flivorably  by  stand- 
ing committees  of  the  House,  but,  IVom  its  over- 
burdened calendar,  never  was  reached  there  for 
final  action.  It  was  in  the  winter  of  1843- *3  that  it 
wiiH  lirst  ref'^rrcd  to  the  Committee  on  Public  Lands 
of  the  Scimte.  Thert!  was,  at  that  time,  no  Sena- 
tor from  tlio  Lake  country  upon  that  committee, 
ind  none  particularly  conversant  wilh  the  wants 
or  local  inlcresia  of  thnl  region.  Its  chairman 
(Mr.  Smith)  was  from  the  interior  or  southern 
part  of  Indiana;  and  all  who  were  members  of  that 
Congress  will  recollect  his  untiring  industry — his 
fnniiliar  acquaintance  with  your  land  system — and 
;iie  respect  and  confidence  with  which  his  opinions, 
relative  to  that  system,  were  always  received  in  the 
Sciinle.  By  that  cnmmillco  the  whole  subject  was 
carefully  and  severely  examined;  and  modifying 
the  bill  into  the  shape  it  now  bears,  it  was  unani- 
mously agreed  to  by  that  committee,  and  strongly 
recommended  to  the  favor  of  the  Senate.  The 
several  commillces  of  fhe  Senate  which  have  sub- 
sequently acted  u|jon  the  same  subject  and  the 
same  bill — though  consisting  of  difloront  members 
and  under  entirely  dill'ercnt  orgnnizations--have 
concurred  in  the  same  result,  and  with  like  una- 
nimity have  recommended  the  bill  to  the  favorable 
consideration  of  the  Senate.  How  far  these  facts 
may  or  ought  to  commend  it  to  the  countenance 
of  tne  Senate  now,  gentlemen  of  more  experience 
here  than  I  possess  will  judge. 

The  first  ground  upon  which  I  desire  to  rest  the 
merits  of  this  bill,  consists  in  the  proposition  you 
have  long  ago  sanctioned,  viz:  that  tne  improve- 
ments contemplated  by  it  rcnet  upon  your  interests 
in  the  adjacent  domain;  and  impart,  to  that  which 
is  left,  a  value   it  could  never  otherwise  attain. 
This  is  but  the  application,  to  a  great  fund  of  rev- 
enue, of  a  most  plain  and  ainiplc  principle  of  do- 
mestic econrmy.     If  you  have  upon  your  estate  a 
piece  of  marshy  ground ,  or  a  mnodow  which  is  too 
wet,  you  open  ditches  through  it,  and  the  increased 
value  of  your  crops  soon  compensates  you  for  the 
expense  of  draining  it.     Do  you  own  n  large  tract 
of  land,  deeply  imbedded  in  the  forest,  which  you 
desire  to  sell;  you  o|ien  avenues  to  it,  that  it  may 
be  uncovered  to  view  j  you  construct  roads  througn 
it,  that  purchasers  may  sec — that  its  iiirpl  i.s  prod- 
ucts may  not  become  useless  and  decay  'U  'heir 
granaries.     The  principle  is  ns  fnmilinr  to  vour 
fiiinnciers  and  poliiiciana  as  it  is  to   men  ^n  the 
walks  of  private  life.     When  Ohio  wan  e.iimittcd 
into  the  Union,  some  forty  yetrs  ago  or  <  ore,  five 
per  cent.  oPthe  proceeds  of  the  wiler.  of  tlio  public 
I  domain  within  its  limits  were  appropriated  to  the 
I  opening  anil  construction  of  ronns  to  and  through 
j  it.     Mr.  Gallatin  was  greatly  dissatisfied  by  this 
;  restriction  of  the  appropriation,  and   warmly  soli- 
i  cited  that  at  least  ten   per  cent,  should  be  so  ap- 
]  plied  ;  and  this,  not  because  he  loved  Ohio,  but 
j  because,  aa  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  ho  was 
j  trustee  of  this  grer.l  fund;  and  his  desire  and  duty 
I  was  to  render  it  as  productive  os  was  practicable. 
He  very  well  knew  that  nothing  could  so  much 
enhance  its  value,  and  render  it  available  for  the 
1  purposes  of  revenue,  as  to  open  roads  and  cnnnis 
I  through  it.    His  views  on  the  subject  are  fully 
j  disclosed  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Giles,  chairman  of 
I  the  Senate  committee  to  which  the  subject  had 
I  been   referred,  and   may  be   found  in  the   State 
I  Papers.    Afterwards,  in  his  justly-celcbrnted  re- 
I  port  on  the  subject  of  roads  aiid  canals,  he  enforces 
I  the  same  views,  and  recommends  that  the  first 
!  twenty  millions  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of  the 
I  public  londs  be  applied  exclusively  to  auch  pur- 
'  pose*.    I  have  pleasure  in  referring  to  another 


authority  in  eorroborntion  of  the  loundneaa  of  the 
proposition  I  advance.  I  allude  to  the  policy  pur- 
sued by  the  State  of  Maine — a  Slate  wnoae  coun- 
sels in  all  matters  of  revenue  and  true  economy 
are  proverbially  guided  by  caution,  )(uud  senae, 
and  wisdom.  When  that  State  came  into  the 
Union,  the  wild'laiids  within  it  accrued  to  her — 
not  to  you  of  the  National  Government — and  slio 
made  enrl^  provision  for  their  sale  and  settlement. 
She  placed  her  wild  lands  in  market  at  thirty  conis 
per  acre,  and  allowed  the  purchaser  to  pay  or 
work  out  the  half  of  that  price  in  cnnHlructing 
roads  thrtnigh  the  township  in  which  they  were. 
This,  virtually,  gave  half  of  all  the  lands  sold  to 
the  purpose  of  constructing  roads.  But  she  was 
also  uwnre  that  these  very  roads  and  setllenienis 
rendon:d  the  rest  of  those  lands  more  valuable! — 
and  upon  that  assumption  she  futhor  provided 
that  after  a  coruiin  number  of  settlers  (I  believe 
fbrty)  should  have  purchased  in  any  nwnship,  the 
residue  of  her  public  domain  within  it  should  not 
be  sold  for  leas  than  at  the  rate  of  sixty  cents  per 
acre.  If  this  had  been  n  mere  fiscal  0|i<ratioii, 
she  could  not  have  adopted  n  policy  more  judi- 
cious; for  while  she  thus  accelerated  her  suits, 
and  was  confer'  Ing  a  public  benefit  upon  the  coun- 
try, she  was  at  the  same  time  reaping  a  pecuniary 
profit  more  than  equal  to  all  she  gave  I  That  pub- 
lic works  of  the  description  contemplated  in  this 
bill,  tend  to  increase  the  value  and  tlie  prosperity 
of  the  whole  country  through  which  they  pass, 
there  can  be  no  doubt.  The  ratio  of  that  increase, 
it  may  not  always  be  easy  to  dctcrniino.  The 
lateral  extent,  too,  to  which  these  beneficial  in- 
fluences may  reach,  must  dcp<'nd  upon  many  cir- 
cumstances. As  to  the  quantum  of  this  increase 
of  value,  you  assumed  in  the  case  of  Ohio,  as  long 
ago  as  in  1837-8,  that  it  amounted  to  IIX)  percent., 
if  the  land  lie  within  five  miles  of  the  line  of  com- 
munication; and  you  accurdin<;ly  raised  the  price 
of  the  land  reserved,  as  is  provided  in  this  bill,  to 
double  its  previous  price;  and  I  am  not  aware  that 
a  single  acre  of  that  land  remains  undisposed  of. 
In  Indiana  and  Illinois,  on  the  other  hand,  you  did 
not  raise  the  minimum  price  of  the  land  reeorved; 
but  seemed  rather  to  look,  its  your  sufficient  com- 
pensation, for  the  comparatively  small  proportion 
of  the  lands  you  had  granted,  to  the  greatly  accel- 
erated sales  ofthe  vast  amount  which  still  remained 
your  properi  y  throughout  those  States.  The  value 
of  your  land,  indeed,  when  considered  as  a  source 
of  rcvenur  merely,  must,  after  all,  be  deemed  to 
consist  principally  in  its  certain  and  easy  converti- 
bility into  money,  rather  than  in  the  difference  of 
n  few  dollars,  more  or  less,  which  it  may  be  made 
to  yield.  Nor  arc  the  influences  of  a  great  work, 
like  those  contemplated  by  the  bill,  at  all  limited 
by  the  arbitrary  line  which  you  may  establish, 
five  miles  distant  on  each  side  of  the  great  lines  of 
communication,  tu  aid  in  the  accomplishmeitt  of 
which,  the  bill  provides.  Lending  along  the  base 
and  through  the  very  heart  of  Michigan,  as  these 
lines  lio,  tneir  beneficial  influences  cannot  fail  to 
extend  fur  and  wide  over  the  IVrtilc  lands  which 
constitute  the  whole  of  the  interior  of  that  penin- 
sula. Their  soil  consists,  in  general,  of  a  deep 
vegetable  dcpnsite,  resting  upon  a  bed  of  clay ;  no 
permanently  good  roads  can  be  constructed  over 
them,  except  at  a  ruinous  expense.  These  lines 
of  communication,  if  completed,  will  fully  over- 
come those  difficulties,  antt  open  avenues  for  the 
transporuition  of  the  products  to  bo  obtained  fVom 
them,  scarcely  less  commodious  than  the  most 
safely  navigated  rivers. 

My  purpose  thus  far  has  been  to  show,  that  the 
appropriation  contemplated  by  this  bill — while  it 
would  confer  an  immeasurable  benefit  to  the  Slate — 
would  draw  after  it  no  pecuniary  loss  to  you. 

But  are  you  to  consider  this  widely  extended 
domain  of  yours,  lolehj  with  reference  to  the  preeUe 
amount  of  itollara  and  cents  it  may  yield  you"?    In 
ai.ttling  a  question  like  that  before  you,  are  there 
not  other  and  broader  and  more  elevated,  views 
whicli  you  will  toko  of  the  matter  >    StTTBo  people 
on  earth  were  ever  more  severely  pressed  by  pe- 
cuniary difficulties,  than  the  people  of  the  United 
Slates  were,  in  the  time  that  intervened  between 
the  peace  of  1V83,  and  the  period  of  the  adoption 
of  the  Constitution !    Men  of  less  energy  of  mind 
I  and  less  stoutness  of  heart  than  those  who  consti- 
I  tuted   the  old   Continental  Coii^u«,  would   have 
I  shrunk,  in  despair,  from  under  such  a  pressure! 


29rH  CoNO I 

They  did  no  such  thin 
pose,  and  ileadiness  oj 
the  gloom  that  surroi 
calmly  lor  the  destin 
■oine  future  time  shot 
A  reasonable  amount 
expected  to  derive  (Vo 
lands;  but  this  was  but 
with  all  their  pecunia 
thelcas  looked  forwar 
jects.    Thomcnofthi 
sir,  were  no  small  me 
wilh  sordid  views.    ' 
wooden  nutmegs;"  no 
philosophers  who  wo 
ilomain  into  an  "  exh 
might  see  how  best 
tliB  greatest  number 
was  to  "extend  the  ft 
ond  religious  liberty,  V 
llie.<in  republics,  their 
erected;  to  fix  and  e 
the  basis  of  all  laws 
which  forever  hereafl 
territory;  to  provide. 
States,"  &C.,  and  "ft 
in  the  Federal  councili 
original  Swics,"  etc.- 
pose  then  was  to  crcc 
publican  Slates:    Stai 
time,  should  bo  equal 
and  equally  prosperoi 
who,  when  admitted 
Union,  should  possci 
power  and  of  sovcr 
you,  sir,  of  the  Keys 
were   the  purposes 
avowal,  was  conibin 
the  blessings  of  edu 
knowledge,  should  b 
broad  regions  1 

It  will  not  avail  t 

tions  you  need  no 

with  all  deference,  sii 

them;  for  such  was  1 

with  all  who  should 

there.     It  was  for  su 

ecuted  her  deed  of  c 

those  new  Slates,  ar 

of  their  prosperity,  1 

cession— the  munific 

of  1787.    What  is  a  1 

its  public  works,  am 

its  people?    And  hii 

Biitt  built  up  and  1 

works  such  as  arc  C( 

you  f    But  without 

subject,  1  persuade  1 

sire  so  to  exercise 

upon  them  here,  in 

as  will  best  odvanc( 

tioiied  as  those  purr 

of  Viiginia,  and  ir 

with  the  ordinance 

Jccts  set  out  in  the  p 

lion.  To  conciliate! 

of  the  Senate  on  tlii 

ing  further  is  requis 

maps,  and  looking 

commercial  points  v 

vidcd  for  in  the  bill 

feel  persuaded  that 

estimated  in  the  rep 

and  that  if  complete 

dency  will  be  toad' 

to  which  allusion  h 

But  there  are  olh 

from  such  as  Imv 

national  character, 

ommend  this  bill. 

that  connect  Lake 

well  known,  is  nol 

ments.    The  voya 

dred  miles  round  t 

Bula  of  Michilimnc 

is  sometimes  grei 

quenlly  attended 

material  to  remarV 

an  average  period  1 

year,  that  navigali 

verity  of  the  cold 

overland  conveyoi 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  OLOBE. 


876 


S9th  Cono 1st  Sbsi. 


htemal  b^ovementi  wi  Michigan — Mr.  Woodbridge. 


Sbnati. 


Th«y  (lid  no  lucli  tliingi  but  with  flrmneu  of  pur> 
pnM,  nnil  iteBtliniin  of  eye,  they  pierced  through 
the  gidom  that  Hurrotindcd  them,  and  provided 
calmly  i»r  Ihe  deatinieM  nf  that  people,  who  at 
1011)0  IVituro  lime  iliould  inhabit  the  itrcat  West  I 
A  reaaonable  amount  of  revenue  they  doublleti 
expected  to  derive  fVom  the  aulea  of  their  public 
Inndy;  but  this  waa  but  a  aecundury  cnnaidcration — 
with  ail  Ihcir  pecuniary  perplexities,  they  never- 
tlielcu  looked  forward  In  higher  and  nobler  ob- 
JecUi.  The  men  of  that  old  CuntinentuI  Congreaa, 
air,  were  no  amnll  men,  dealcra  in  amnll  matteri, 
with  Bordid  views.  They  were  no  "  pedlara  of 
wooden  nutmegs;"  nor  were  ihcy  of  that  class  of 
philoBophera  who  would  put  your  whole  public 
(Icimain  into  np  "exhausted  receiver,"  that  they 
might  see  how  best  tlicy  could  extract  from  it 
the  grcatcat  number  of  pennies !  Tticir  purpose 
was  to  "extend  the  fundamental  principles  of  civil 
nod  religious  liberty,  which  form  tlie  bnNis  whereon 
tlieiin  republioj,  their  laws  and  constitutions,  are 
erected;  tu  fix  and  ealubliah  those  principles,  iih 
the  basis  of  all  laws,  constitutions,  governments, 
wliich  forever  hcreafler  shall  be  farmed  in  the  auid 
territory;  to  provide,  also,  for  theestabliuhmi  nt  of 
Slates,  tVc,  and  "for  their  admission  to  a  share 
in  the  Federal  councils,  on  an  equal  footing  with  the 
original  Slates,"  Ac. — Old.  n/  17d7.  Their  pur- 
pose then  waa  to  creel  and  foster  and  build  up  Re- 
publican Slates:  Slates  which,  in  the  fulness  of 
time,  should  be  equally  free,  equally  independent, 
and  equally  prosperous,  ns  the  original  States;  and 
who,  when  admiltcd  as  co-equal  niemkers  of  Ihe 
Union,  should  possess  all  the  same  attributes  of 
power  and  of  sovereignty,  mutatis  mulandii,  as 
you,  sir,  of  the  Keystone  Slate,  possessed  !  Such 
were  the  purposes  they  avowed;  and  wiih  that 
avowal,  wuM  combined  their  own  guaranty,  that 
the  bicdsings  of  education,  and  the  dilfusion  of 
knowledge,  should  be  extended  throughout  those 
broad  regions ! 

It  will  not  avail  to  say  that  to  such  considera- 
tions you  need  no  longer  pay  regard.  I  say  it 
with  all  deference,  sir,  bui  you  must  pay  regard  to 
them;  for  such  was  the  compact  you  entered  into 
with  all  who  should  co  and  buy  lands  and  settle 
there.  It  was  for  such  purposes  that  Virginia  ex- 
ecuted her  deed  of  cession  tu  you.  To  build  up 
those  new  Suites,  and  to  lay  broad  the  foundation 
of  their  prosperity,  was  the  noble  purpose  of  the 
cession — the  munificent  intention  of  the  Congress 
of  1787.  What  is  a  State  but  ils  roads  and  canals, 
ils  public  works,  and  all  its  institutions,  as  well  as 
its  people  ?  And  how  belter  can  they  be  fostered 
and  built  up  and  rendered  prosperous  than  by 
works  such  as  are  contemplated  by  the  bill  before 
you?  But  without  refining  upon  this  view  of  the 
subject,  I  persuade  myself  that  gentlemen  will  de- 
sire BO  to  exercise  the  high  funclions  bestowed 
upon  them  here,  in  respect  to  this  public  domain, 
as  will  best  advance  purposes  so  beneficent,  sanc- 
tioned as  those  purposes  are  by  the  deed  of  cession 
of  Viiginia,  and  in  conformity  as  they  are  both 
with  the  ordinance  of  1787  and  wilh  the  great  ob- 
jects set  out  in  the  preamble  of  your  own  Constitu- 
tion. To  conciliate  again,  then,  the  favorable  action 
of  the  Senate  on  this  bill,  it  seems  to  me  that  noth- 
ing further  is  requisite  than  that  by  consulting  the 
maps,  and  looking  at  the  great  geographical  and 
commercial  points  with  which  the  great  works  pro- 
vided for  in  the  bill  connect  themselves,  you  should 
feel  persuaded  that  their  importance  is  not  over- 
estimated in  the  report  which  accompanies  the  bill, 
and  that  if  completed,  their  direct  and  certain  ten- 
dency will  be  to  advance  and  secure  those  purposes 
to  wiiich  allusion  has  been  made. 

But  there  are  other  considerulions,  quite  distinct 
from  such  as  have  been  suggested,  entirely  of  a 
national  character,  and  which  go  strongly  to  rec- 
ommend this  bill.  The  navigation  of  the  straits 
that  connect  Lake  Erie  wilh  Lake  Huron,  as  is 
well  known,  is  not  free  from  very  serious  impedi- 
menls.  The  voyage  of  some  seven  or  eight  hun- 
dred miles  round  the  northern  point  of  the  penin- 
sula of  Michilimackinac  and  down  Luke  Michigan 
is  sometimes  greatly  protracted?  and  not  unfrc- 
quently  attended  by  imminent  danger.  And  it  is 
material  to  remark,  that  during  the  winter,  and  for 
an  average  period  of  more  than  five  months  in  every 
year,  that  navigation  is  entirely  closed  by  the  se- 
verity of  the  cold.  The  importance,  then,  of  an 
overland  conveyance  across  lEe  peninsula  by  steam 


will  be  at  onco  perceived.  The  "  Central  Rail- 
road,"as  it  in  called,  extending  from  Detroit  to 
St.  Joseph,  which  is  near  the  extremity  nf  Lake 
Michigan,  if  completed,  will  obviate  all  these 
evils,  and  furnish  the  means  of  conveyance  lo 
much  desired.  Nor  will  it  escape  notice,  either, 
that  this  Central  Railroad  will  not  only  furnish  an 
avrnua  lo  the  immense  domain  you  hold  in  Wis- 
consin and  lirynnd,  but  will  neaessarily  cnnstilule 
Ihe  main  lino  of  communication  through  which  the 
already  vast  and  most  rapidly-increasing  com- 
merce between  the  boundless  regions  nf  the  north- 
west and  the  Atlantic  cities  and  Slates  must  pass. 
It  conslitut'd,  indeed,  but  a  link  in  that  long  chain 
of  communication  by  steam,  passin?  through  a 
multitude  of  Suites,  and  which  extends  from  New 
York  and  Boston,  from  I'hilodelpliia  and  Balti- 
more, to  Chicago,  and  ultimately  In  the  Lower 
Mississippi,  Thus  conHtitulingn  medium  through 
which  the  commerce  between  so  many  Stales  must 
pass,  it  will  slimulnle  the  energies  and  enterprise 
of  the  country,  and  increase  that  commerce  to  an 
incalculable  amount.  Few  persons,  it  is  presumed, 
will  now  be  found  to  doubt  but  that  the  commerce 
between  the  Slates  is  peculiarly  entitled  to  the  fos- 
tering care  of  the  Qeneral  Onvcrnmenl.  Since  the 
first  institution  of  that  Government,  the  coasting 
trade,  which  is  no  other  than  the  commerce  be- 
tween the  Slates,  has  enjoyed  your  ample  protec- 
tion. The  siniute  books  of  every  session  of  Con- 
gress, from  1789  to  Ihe  present  period,  bear  ample 
testimony  of  the  truth  of  Ihe  proposition.  Ana  it 
is  not  perceived  why  the  same  princi|ilo  may  not 
be  properly  applied  to  cases  like  this  before  the 
Senate. 

But  passing  from  this  particular  topic,  which 
some  gentlemen  may  consider  debatable  ground, 
to  one  about  which  tnerc  is  probably  less  diversity 
of  opinion,  I  ask  leave  lo  say  that  the  measures 
proposed  by  the  bill,  especially  that  of  completing 
the  Central  Railway  to  Lake  Michigan,  would  seem 
eminently  called  for,  by  a  proper  regard  lolhe  mil- 
itary ilrfeneea  of  the  country.  On  a  former  occa- 
sion, gentlemen  have  said  tliat  the  defences  along 
your  Atlantic  frontiers  are  not  in  that  condition 
which  ordinary  prudence  or  sagacity,  though  it 
were  a  time  of  profound  pence,  ouffht  to  desire. 
This  probably  is  so,  sir.  I  do  not  gainsay  it.  But 
I  venture,  ncvcrlheless,  to  nay,  that  there  is  no 
part  of  your  prolonged  frontier  so  naked  of  de- 
fence, so  hopelessly  exposed  lo  terrible  destruction, 
if  war  sbnuld  suddenly  break  out,  us  that  portion 
of  it  w'liici'  extends  from  the  upper  extremity  of 
Lake  I'lii ,  ilirough  the  Straits  of  Detroit  and  Si. 
Clair,  and  along  the  shores  of  Lake  Huron  and 
Lak-j  Michigan. 

You  are  aware,  sir,  that  the  Lnltcs  Superior, 
Michican,  and  Huron,  find  their  outlet  into  Lake 
Erie  through  the  straits  1  have  named.  These 
straits  are  about  one  hundred  miles  long;  and 
through  them  all  the  commerce  of  ihc  upper  lakes 
must  pass  and  repass.  You  are  also  aware,  sir, 
that  al  Ihe  Junction  of  these  straits  wilh  Lake  Erie, 
and  for  some  miles  above,  the  only  practicable 
ship  channel  which  there  is,  appronctiea  very  near 
the  British  shore,  and  passes  between  that  shore 
and  the  Drltish  island  of  Bois-Blanc,  On  this 
small  island  there  arc  mililary  works.  Opposite 
to  it  is  Ihe  British  town  of  Amhersiburg,  where 
Fort  Maiden  is.  Between  the  two  shores  the  dis- 
tance is  but  a  few  hundred  yards,  not  more,  cer- 
tainly, than  one  quarter  of  a  mile.  And  precisely 
here,  up  and  down  this  channel,  every  larce 
steamer,  every  sail  vessel,  bound  to  or  from  llie 
upper  lakes,  must  pass,  or  relinqumh  iis  voyage! 
And  thus,  all  your  vast  comnierce  there,  to  the 
amount  of  unknown  millions  of  dollars,  is  subject 
to  the  humiiiuting  necessity  of  passing  under  the 
very  guns  of  British  batteries!  There  can  be  no 
doubt,  sir,  that  until  you  open  a  channel  along  the 
western  shore.  Fort  Maiden  does  and  will,  at  this 
point,  fully  arid  entirely  command  the  navigation 
of  the  straits! 

At  the  outlet  of  Lake  Huron,  being  the  upper 
extremity  of  these  straits,  you  have  a  stockade 
establishment  called  "  Fort  Gratiot."  This  work 
waa  constructed  towards  the  close  of  the  last  war. 
It  is  now  in  a  condition  of  great  dilapidation,  and 
never  did  constitute  a  defence,  except  against  In- 
dians and  musketry.  The  position  might  fUlly 
command  the  navigation  there.  But  immediately 
-below,  over  the  opposite  shore,  is  the  British  vil- 


lage, called  Port  Sarnla.  Hera,  rumor  ny«,  mili- 
tary works  are  about  lo  be  eonalrucled  i  and  hera 
Icrminalea  one  of  those  mililary  plank  roads,  Ilia 
locnlinn  and  conslruclion  of  which,  thrnughuul  tha 
upper  province,  have,  during  several  year*,  so 
much  occupied  the  allenlinn  of  Iha  Canadian  au- 
thorities. It  leads  about  sixty  miles,  to  the  inte- 
rior town  of  London,  which  is  on  the  direct  and 
short  route  to  the  head  of  Onlario;  and  which,  since 
Iheir  border  troubles,  ha*  constituted  Ihe  great  mili- 
lary depAt  for  the  province,  and  tlie  point  of  con- 
centration for  the  miliuiry  forces  of  the  Govern- 
menl.  From  this  point  those  admirable  plank 
roads  diverge,  and  are  extended  lo  all  the  import- 
ant and  exposed  points  of  your  frontier.  One  of 
them  leads  to  the  snore  of  Lake  Erie — one  connecis 
directly  with  Fort  Maiden — one  of  them  terminates 
at  Windsor,  opposite  the  city  of  Detroit — one,  aa 
I  have  said,  at  Port  Sarnia — and  one  at  Ihe  flourish- 
ing commercial  town  of  Goderich,  which  is  obout 
seventy  miles  up  from  Ihe  oiiilcl  of  Lake  Huron. 
And  down  cither  of  them,  any  amount  of  military 
force  might  bo  thrown  upon  your  IVontier,  almost 
wilh  the  velocity  of  sleum.  In  addition  to  this, 
and  quite  in  the  interior,  there  is  another  line  of 
communication,  Crom  Montreal,  up  the  Uliawa,  to 
Lake  Simcoe,  and  thence  lo  lliiit  deep  bay  of  Lake 
Huron,  called  Lake  Penctenguishnie — a  line  of 
communication  known  to,  -iid  practised  by,  the 
great  Fur  Company  traders,  for  nearly  two  cent'' 
ries,  and  of  which  the  enemy  made  most  signa'  ,ind 
fn'al  use  during  the  lust  war.  It  was  thro'  ^n  that 
avenue  that  forces  came  lo  Lake  Huron,  and  by  a 
sudden  coup  de  main,  surprised  and  look  your  fort 
at  Michilimackinac,  Improved,  aa  this  lino  of 
voinmunication  is,  by  the  labor  and  expenditures 
which  have  been  applied  to  it  during  lhe.se  last  few 
years,  it  can  now  be  made  available  for  Ihe  trans- 
portation of  naval  and  military  stores  to  any 
am<mnt.  Imagine  then,  sir,  if  war  should  sudden- 
ly burst  upon  us,  what  would  be  Ihe  condition  of 
the  numerous  villages,  towns,  and  cities,  which 
now  adorn  the  shores  of  Lake  Michigan  all  around. 

You  have  no  vessel  of  force  in  those  upper  seas, 
and  you  have  no  facility  for  building  ony  there. 
You  have  no  navy-yaril,  and  no  navul  depdt  in 
those  regions;  and  it  would  seem,  sir,  'hat  you  are 
not  likely  very  soon  to  have  any!  It  U'  no  longer 
ago  than  witliin  a  few  days,  that  your  Secretary 
of  the  Navy,  in  answer  to  your  resolution  retjut- 
ring  him  lo  report  to  you  such  information  as  might 
remain  in  his  department,  concerning  Ihe  fitness  of 
Grand  River,  or  any  other  place  round  the  coast  of 
Michigan,  for  a  naval  depot,  very  dryly  remirrka 
to  you,  that  he  has  no  information  on  the  subject; 
anu  that  he  cannot  recommend  Ihe  establishment  of 
a  naval  depot  there,  because,  by  an  existing  treaty 
arranijcmcnt  with  Great  Britain,  each  Governmerii 
is  limited  to  two  vessels  of  force  in  all  those  seas; 
and  therefore  n  naval  depot  there  is  not  wanted !  Is 
the  far-seeing  Secretary  ignorant  of  the  facilities 
which  the  British  establishment  at  Penelengui- 
shene  presents  for  the  building  and  fitting  out  of 
vessels  of  war;  and  that  they  already  have  wo  war 
steamers  there?  Is  he  ignorant  that  at  Kingston, 
on  another  lake,  thalGovernment  possesses  a  navy- 
yard  not  surpassed  perhaps  by  any  on  the  conti- 
nent, in  any  of  those  esscnlial  particulors,  which 
in  time  of  war  give  importance  lo  such  cslablish- 
inenls?  Sir,  I  would  commend  the  extraordinary 
prescience  and  wisdom  of  the  profound  reflections 
of  your  Secretary,  on  this  subject,  lo  the  researches 
and  admiration  of  those  more  philosophic  than  I 
am  !  You  have  no  naval  force  there,  then,  and  no 
facililics  for  buildingorcquippingany,  Thecom- 
mcrcial  marine,  whose  saiis  whiten  those  inland 
seus,  is  owned  principally  at  Detroit,  or  below,  and 
v'il!  hardly  avail  you;  and  the  more  especially,  as 
the  first  consequence  of  a  war  will  be  hermetically 
to  seal  ihe  narrow  Straits  of  Detroit  and  3l,  Clair 
against  all  navigation,  I  am  not  an  alarmist,  sir; 
I  trust  we  will  have  no  war  for  many  years.  But 
if  It  should  come,  on  what  would  you  rely,  if  St. 
Joseph,  or  Michigan  City,  or  Chicago,  were  at- 
tacked by  such  a  force,  naval  and  military,  as 
might  easily  le  concentrated  at  the  head  of  Lake 
Huron  ?  G.i  the  hardy  couroge,  you  will  say,  of 
the  gathered  citizens  of  the  neighboring  countier. 
But  hoto  and  loAen  would  they  r^  .oh  the  point 
attacked  ? 

There  arc,  perhaps,  soi  .<ixty  thousand  as 
brave  men  in  Michigan  as  will  i:e  found  elsewhere; 


m 


il 


T 


876 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess.  Internal  Improvements  in  Michigan — Mr.  Wpodbridge. 


[Feb.  25, 


Senate. 


hut  of  what  BTnil  would  they  be  to  resist  any  sud- 
den attack  ui)on  the  western,  or  nny  other  remote 
fioint  on  the  frontier  of  that  State  ?  Separated  by 
urge  tracts  of  your  public  domain,  and  with  im- 
practicoble  ronds  between,  liow  utterly  unable 
would  they  be  to  repel  a  sudden  inroad  by  a  pow- 
crftil  enemy  !  'For  the  want  of  n  road  across  the 
Rlark  Swamp,  connecting  Detroit  with  the  interior 
of  Ohio,  you  lost  an  entire  province  during  the  last 
war,  by  the  conquest  of  the  enemy,  and  besides 
the  disgrace  of  a  capitulation,  the  immense  de- 
struction of  private  property,  and  the  mr'titudcsof 
lives  sacrificed,  it  cost  you,  according  to  computa- 
tionr  I  have  seen,  from  twenty  to  thirty  millions 
of  money  to  resnin  it!  The  lessons  of  so  bitter 
experience  ought  not  to  be  disregarded.  It  can- 
not lie  doubted,  sir,  the  secret  rf  success  in  modern 
warfkre  consists  in  the  certainty  and  the  rapidity 
with  which  military  movementc  may  be  made, 
and  large  military  forces  and  stores  may  be  con- 
centrated at  particular  and  appropriate  points, 
either  for  offence  or  defence.  You  cannot  convert 
every  town  upon  the  border  into  a  garrison  town; 
and  p.s  you  cannot,  the  best  possible  defence  which 
you  can  devise,  in  addition  to  such  as -you  may 
be  pleased  to  build  along  that  exposed  frontier,  is 
to  furnish  every  aid,  every  reasonable  facility  in 
your  power,  for  the  construction  of  such  wo.-ks 
as  this  bill  provides  for.  If  this  central  railway 
were  finished,  fifty  thous.ind  men  could  be  trans- 
ported across  the  peninsula  to  the  southern  shore 
of  Luke  Michigan  in  a  very  few  hours.  If  the 
canal  were  finished  to  Grand'Rivcr,  (at  the  month 
of  which,  if  the  bar  of  sond  ;it  its  entrance  were 
removed,  the  largest  fleet  mighl  ride  in  safety,) 
heavy  ordnance,  and  all  the  most  bulky  articles  of 
supplies  ond  of  naval  construction  might  l>o  con- 
veyed rapidly,  safely,  and  cheaply.  Look,  sir. 
Hi  the  topography  of  the  connlry,  see  the  connect- 
ing of  tho.  ■  lines  of  interior  communication  with 
the  Atliuuic  Slates,  and  with  the  power  and  re- 
sources of  the  great  States  of  Ohio  nnil  of  Indiana, 
and  I  think  you  will  not  doubt  but  tlmt,  as  nn  ap- 
propriate part  of  that  "gem  ml  defenc!"  which 
this  Gencrul  Government  is  bound  to  provide  for, 
ihey  will  prove  more  cflicacious  along  that  frontier 
than  "  an  army  with  banners." 

[The  debate  having  been  interrupted,  and  the 
matter  being  again  taken  up  for  consideration  on 
Thursday,  March  .5,  amonsrlhe  ninrning  business, 
Mr.  WounBHiDfiE  resumed  his  arffiimcnu  and, 
after  a  brief  recapilnlalion  of  the  erounds  previ- 
ously taken  by  him,  ns  hereinbefore  explained, 
proceeded  ns  follows,  viz;] 

When  .this  discussion  was  broken  off  by  the 
necessity  whicii  existed  that  the  Srnnie  should 
pass  to  the  "  special  orders,"  I  was  about  to  pre- 
sent to  you,  sir,  another  nnd  the  last  distinct  pro- 
posilion  I  had  intended  to  submit.  That  propo- 
sition is,  that,  according'  to  the  spirit  jf  thn  mnipacl 
entered  into  bel\v"iii  lliis  Govei'nm  jiit  and  that  of 
th".  Stale,  will)  the  view  to  her  admission  ns  a 
menibei  of  i'.jc  Union — looking  nt  her  conililion 
then,  mid  aitcrwards — sccini;  theclmraclerand  the 
value  of  that  which,  at  ym.r  instance,  she  ga\e 
"II — and  how  far  that  whicli  she  received  from 
you  in  return  fell  sliori  of  a  fair  efpiivalcitt— that 
State  has  an  eriuitiible  and  a  just  claim  for  all  this 
bill  purports  to  grant,  .ind  more. 

I  had  staled  to  you,  that  after  much  importunity 
iind  long  waiting,  you  had  finally  ndmilted  her  in 
January,  18.'i7.  That  by  a  census  taken  llie  very 
spring  of  her  admission,  it  appeared  that  her  pop- 
ulation exceeded  )".'>,(MI(),  nnd  that  a  current  of 
cinigrnlion  v.iis  then  Betting  into  the  Stjite  nt  the 
rule  of  .omc  a(),OOU  rer  annum.  I  had  stated  to 
you  t'uit  some  three  millionsof  dollars  of  the  pub- 
lic dcposilcs  had  then  recently,  before,  been  sent 
to  moijcycd  institutions  in  the  Stole,  with  direc- 
tions to  loan  it  fret/ 7,  that  it  migiit  supply  the 
wants  of  industry,  and  stimulnle  the  enterprising 
'onimerce  of  the  country.  That  multitudes  of 
ephemend  and  sbort-livd  banks  had  sprung  up  in 
nil  directions,  inundating  the  cninitry  wilii  their 

riapcr.  1  slated  that  the  new  State  had  received 
icr  distributive  simrn  of  the  surplus  revenues  of 
the  nation— that  she  "  had  money  in  both  pockets" 
— that  nil  her  coffers  were  full — that  everybody 
waj  rich — anJ  that  y.lethma  was  'he  disease  of  the 
times!  I  made  allusion  to  iho  policy  pursued  by 
her  sister  States;  and  especially  to  the  canals  and 
railroads  which,  with  ao  great  uiil  from  you,  were 


completed,  or  in  rapid  nrogress  of  completion,  all 
about  us.  The  manacles  of  colonial  dependence 
had  been  knocked  off;  and  suddenly  invested  with 
an  amplitude  of  power,  to  which  she  was  not  ac- 
customed— and  made  giddy  by  the  prospects  all 
ab-it — tho  future  destinies  of  the  young  State 
seemed  ns  if  in  the  palm  of  her  own  hand.  Every- 
thing combined  to  allure  her  from  the  paths  of 
prudence.  Prosperity,  sir,  never  thinks  of  re- 
verses; neither  di-l  w  ~.  To  develop,  rapidly,  nil 
tho  latent  boauues,  aiA  wealth,  and  resources  of 
the  country,  had  becnmt  a  imssion.  Iloails  were 
undertaken  in  all  direclinns — school  houses  and 
churches,  and  temples  of  justice,  and  villages  nnd 
towns,  were  everywhere  commenced;  and  taxes 
were  levied,  without  measure  and  without  stint. 
Corps  of  scientific  men  were  organized  to  explore 
the  mineral  and  vegetable  wealth  of  tho  country. 
A  magnificent  plan  of  canals  and  railroads,  all 
over  the  peninsula,  was  devised — a  plan  worthy, 
perhaps,  of  the  Empire  Slate;  but  far,  very  far, 
beyond  any  means  we  could  control  for  the  pur- 
pose of  finishing  it.  And  to  meet  the  exigency, 
and  in  nn  evil  hour,  we  authori^.ed  the  loan  of  five 
millions  of  dollars.  Dut  in  a  little  more  than  one 
short  year,  all  these  bright  dreams  began  to  pass 
away.  Oiir  money  on  hand  bad  gone.  The  in- 
stalments due  on  our  loan  were  no  longer  paid 
with  punctuality,  or,  if  paid,  were  paid  in  depre- 
ciated and  depreciating  paper.  Conlmo.ls  to  a 
large  amount  had  been  entered  into  in  the  prosecu- 
tion of  our  public  works.  Those  public  works, 
as  yet,  furnished  no  revenue.  Wo  had  no  State 
fnnd.  Our  only  reliance  was  u;-^n  our  system  of 
direct  taxation;  and  that  had  already  cnnie  to  be 
mn.st  onerously  fell.  In  these  circumstances  of 
embarrassment  ard  gloom,  "  we  sat  tlown  to  rea- 
son together"  touching  the  condition  of  our  affairs; 
and  in  such  an  exigency,  we  were  very  naturally 
and  very  properly  led  to  review  our  relations  with 
you;  and  ihus  they  appeared  to  us:  When  we 
bought  your  lands,  and  moved  out  to  Michig.ui  to 
settle  upon  and  cultivate  them,  we  felt  assured,  by 
your  promises  to  us,  lliiit  in  the  fulness  of  time 
\\^e  should  be  admiticd  into  ihc  Union  "upon  nn 
equal  fooling,  in  all  respects  whatsoever,  with  the 
original  Stales."  We  looked  nt  that  deed  of  ces- 
sion under  which  you  claimed,  and  from  whiih 
you  dcrhiccd  your  title,  and  found  there  that  the 
Cnminonwealih  of  Virginia,  with  a  beneficence  nnd 
wisdom  infinitely  to  Iht  honor,  had  sccurod  to 
us  this  high  privilege,  by  making  it  a  fundamcnta 
condition  of  her  cession;  nnd  we  were  lawyers 
enough  to  know,  or  at  least  to  presume,  thai  ns  you 
had  consented  to  take  under  her  grant,  you  must 
hold  subject  to  that  condition.  lint  we  also  knew 
llinttlic  Federal  Constitution,  being  adopted,  it  con- 
trolled all  other  laws  and  contracts,  sr  far,  at  least, 
ns  cither  to  render  void  nil  such  ns  conflicted  with 
that  Conslitulinn,  or  else  so  to  restrict  or  en'arij;e  m 
their  terms,  by  construction,  as  that  they  shoul  I  j 
be  conformalilc  to,  and  consistent  wiLh  such,  the  l| 
paramount  law.  We  knew,  too,  that  you  bad 
uniformly  holdcn  that  the  provisions  of  the  3d 
section  of  the  lih  nrtiilc  of  the  Conslitniion  implied 
a  full  reco;;iiition  of  your  right  to  hold  the  propri- 
eUu'y  intrrosl  in  all  the  public  ('om'\in  witlnn  any 
new  State,  as  well  afl';r  as  before  (he  admi.ssi(Mi  of 
such  new  Slalo  into  the  Union.  And  our  people 
felt  no  disposition  to  disl'ii'b  that  constrnction,  nor 
to  bring  ii  into  doubt;  on  the  contrary,  the  con- 
vention which  formed  the  Slate  consiitutioii  ex- 
pressly conferred  upon  the  Slate  Legislature  power 
to  enter  inio  roiy  compact  with  you,  by  which  the 
Slate  shoulil  utterly  and  forever  give  up  all  right, 
or  pretence  of  right,  to  interfere  with,  or  disturb, 
any  and  every  disposition  you  might  choose  to 
make  of  ii.  Ilut  further,  that  convention  did  not 
go.  It  entered  into  no  stipulation  for  the  surren- 
der of  that  vital  incidenl  of  sovereignty,  the  power 
of  tnxalion — the  power  of  coercing  a  fiir  and  just 
contribution  towards  the  support  of  Government — 
lowai-da  the  development  ot  the  resources  of  the 
Stnl  and  especially  towards  the  ronslruction  of 
roan  ,  and  canals  through  every  part  of  it;  a  power 
which,  to  that  extent,  every  consideration  of  nat- 
UM.  j.istico  seemed  to  demand.  But  you,  sir, 
deemed  it  expedient — nnd  perhaps  you  were  right 
— to  put  this  nuiltr'  upon  a  nun'C  ccitain  basis. 
You  required,  peremptorily,  that  the  right  of  tax- 
ation, for  every  purpose,  so  far  as  regardc^d  your 
lands,  should  uc  rvlmquished  utterly.    Your  pur- 


pose was  to  make  such  relinquishment  a  condition 
of  our  ndmissio.i.  Kut  you  provided  that  "  the 
'  subject  of  tho  public  lantfs,  and  the  interests  which 
'  may  be  given  to  the  said  State  therein,  shall  be 
'regulated  by  f  re  action,  between  Congress, 
■  on  tho  part  ol  ilio  United  States,  nnd  tho  said 
'State  or  the  authorities  thereof."— (L.  L.,  542. 
U.  S.  L.,  vol.  9,  .S78,  June  15,  1836.)  And  on 
the  23d  June,  1836,  you  made  a  formal  offer  of 
propositions  to  Michigan,  for  her  acceptance  or 
rejection;  and,  if  she  should  accept  them,  you 
required  such  acceptance  to  be  manifested  by  nn 
ordinance,  irrepealable,  oxcent  by  mutual  consent. 
— (L,  L.,  546.  U.  S.  L,,  vol.  9,  395.)  You  thus 
ploced  the  whole  r.aiter  upon  the  footing  of  a  con- 
tract, for  adcqimto  consideration.  You  invited  ns 
to  tl  -ow  ourselves  upon  your  sense  of  fair  and  lib- 
eral jiijtice.  Wo  did  so.  Our  Legislature  passed 
the  ordinance  you  required.  Thcystipuluted.in  the 
terms  you  prescribed,  not  only  that  the  State  au- 
thorities should  never  interfere  with  your  "  pri- 
mary disposal"  of  all  proprietary  inlcrost  in  the 
vacant  and  waste  lands  within  the  State,  but  they 
pur|iorted  also  to  relinquish  forever  the  right,  fi)r 
any  nn'.'.  all  purposes  whatever,  to  levy  any  tux 
upon  them. 

Now,  bir,  I  do  not  seek  to  disturb  the  validity 
of  this  compact    this  surrender  of  a  great  sover- 
eign right,  made  for  your  pecuniary  advantage — 
this  bargain,  which  you  yourselves  have  placed 
I  upon  the  foolingof  a  release  for  adequate  considcr- 
[  ation.     But  I  desire  rather  to  ufiiiin  Ihc  principle 
i  of  that  compact,  i  /  imparting  to  it  that  in  which 
;  it  is  most  deficient — that  most  essential  ipiality  in 
;  all  contrncla,  adequacy  of  consideration — no,  not 
I  adequacy  of  consideration,  but  somethingnpproach- 
'  ing  to  il.     Now,  sir,  what  have  you  granted  to 
I  Michigan  ns  a  compensation  for  that  which,  at 
I  your  instance,  she  surrendered  ,' 
I  First,  there  are  fivo  sections  of  land  for  public 

buildings 3,2U0  acres. 

There  are  seventy-two  sections  for  salt 
spring  land 46,080     " 

48,280  " 
You  also  grant  5  per  cent,  of  tho  net  proceeds 
of  such  of  your  nubiic  lands  within  the  State  ns 
you  can,  or  may  please,  to  .lell.  By  Iho  "Dislri- 
mitioi  act,"  she  geta  also,  in  common  with  the 
other  new  Slates,  What  that  net  distributes;  and 
that  is  all.  The  honor  of  being  constituted  trustee 
of  lands,  reserved  for  purposes  of  education,  1 
hold  to  be  nothing.  Such  reservation  and  applica- 
tion you  slipul  lied  for,  with  every  purchaser  who 
ever  bought  of  you  within  tho  Stale;  you  entered 
into  a  covenarl  to  stand  seized  if  those  reserves — 
for  the  uses  designated — with  every  purchaser  who 
ever  bought  of  you  an  'Eighty-acre  lot  in  Michi- 
gan. That  slipnlatiou  and  covenant  constituted  a 
purl  of  every  contract  of  sale  you  ever  consumma- 
ted there. 

Nr.-.v,  sir,  what  is  all  the  State  has  received, 
compared  with  what,  to  the  Suite,  would  have 
been  the  product  of  u  fair  and  eq/nl  system  of  tax- 
ation ?  What  is  all  this  i ompar  d  even  with  the 
increased  vahic  «>■  lave  given  to  your  domain,  by 
the  construction  by  as  of  roads  and  oihor  lines  of 
communication  to  .ind  through  your  lar  '  '  Sir, 
there  is  m  adequacy  of  .msideration  in  it;  none, 
sir!  I  ask  thai  gentlemen  may  look,  for  a  mo- 
ment, at  'he  condition  in  which  we  were.  Our 
175,000  inhabitants  were  scattered  over  the  wholi! 
broad  expanse  of  our  peninsula.  You  al  that  time 
owned  three-fourths  or  four-fifths  of  all  iKe  real 
cstale  within  our  limits.  Between  r  ic  iiirm  nnd 
aiicitlier,  one  village,  one  town,  one  city  nnd  anoth- 
er, there  intervened  lar';e  tracts,  or  small  ones,  of 
your  will,  uncullivnteii  land.  It  was  useless, 
much  w(  rse  than  useless  to  us;  ftu  it  broke  tliu 
conlinuily  of  our  settlements,  nnd  we  could  have 
no  intercourse,  no  social,  commercial,  nor  poli'ical 
intercourse  with  onj  another;  or  else  wo  must  uii- 
de.lake  'lie  Herculean  job  of  making  roads  to  nnd 
iiirough  your  lands,  anil  with'.nil  any  contribution 
from  you!  W9  chose  the  latter  alternalivc;  or, 
riuhcr,  that  allernalive  forced  itself  unon  us.  Aiid 
we  were,  consequently,  borne  down  Iiy  an  amount 
of  self-inflicted  taxation,  that  is  far,  1  think,  be- 
yond preced"n*.  in  any  of  the  States  of  the  Union! 
But  i  do  not  des.ro  to  dwell  upon  such  a  picU'rc. 
I  will  then  briclly  remark,  that  olficial  evidence 
cjcista  to  show  that  in  one  county — tJic  largest 


'tmmm. 


[Feb.  25, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


877 


'i9TH  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


Jhtemal  Improvements  in  Michigan — Mr.  Woodbridge. 


Senate. 


county  in  the  StutB,  (i.  e.  the  county  in  which  the 
grcn'.est  quantity  of  land  had  become  individual 
jiropcrty) — our  lox  for  a  single  year,  and  for  the 
purnoaca  of  roads  alone,  exceeded  the  rate  of  5  per 
cent,  on  the  original  coat  of  every  eighty-acre  lot 
within  it.  There  is  official  evidence  here  to  show, 
that  after  that  pccuniory  presaure  which  had  scat- 
tered so  many  victims  all  over  the  continent  had 
been  felt  by  us,  and  when,  consequently,  every 
cflort  was  made  to  reduce  our  expenditures,  and 
to  nurse  all  our  pecuniary  means,  the  average  an- 
nual tax  over  the  whole  State,  of  every  uncultiva- 
ted eighty-acre  lot  (which,  by  purchase  from  you, 
Imd  become  individual  property)  was  $3  22  per 
i,ii — equal  to  3.22  per  cent,  upon  the  coat  paid  to 
you  for  it.*  And  I  pray  gentlemen  to  considui' 
that  if  this  rale  of  luxation  had  been  applied  to  all 
liinds  alike  throughout  the  State,  your  portion  of 
tlmt  tax  would  have  amounted  to  Jil,2U0,0UI)  j>er 
oiuium,  and  more — as  may  bo  at  once  and  arith- 
mcli'-ally  demonstrated.  Sir,  itmay  appear  to  you 
extraordinary  and  unwarrantable  thai  our  taxes 
were  so  high.  The  necessity  that  required  it  is 
soon  explained.  The  country  was  entirely  new; 
there  were  no  public  works  there;  roads,  public 
buildinga,  everything  necessary  for  the  public  con- 
venience, were  all  yet  to  be  begun,  us  well  as 
finished.  The  Government  was  to  be  sustained; 
and  the  accumulating  interest  upon  our  State  debt 
was  to  be  provided  for.  We  hud  no  source  of 
revenue  but  a  direct  tax;  and  three-lburths  of  the 
real  estate,  and  more,  was  beyond  the  reach  of 
taxation — for  it  was  yours  ! 

Sir,  such  was  'he  disproportion'  between  what 
we  surrendered,  upon  your  requisition,  and  what 
we  received  from  yoij  in  return.  And  such  was 
our  condition,  and  the  condition  to  which  we  saw 
ourselves  approaching,  within  one  short  year  after 
wc  were  admitted  into  the  Union.  In  the  review 
which  we  then  took  of  our  ad'airs,  lut  one  bright 
spot  appeared  through  the  universtil  g.  '-.ii.  That 
we  saw  in  our  relations  with  you.  tie  knew  it 
to  bo  for  your  pecuniary  interest,  that  you  should 
apjily  portions  of  your  public  domain  to  the  pur- 
pose of  constructing  roads  and  opening  canals  to 
and  through  it.  We  thought  it  necessary  for  the 
|iurposcs  of  that  general  defence  whicli  we  sup- 
posed to  be  the  duty  (■(  this  Government,  in  its 
discretion,  to  provide  for.  We  thought  it  due,  in 
common  justice,  tuut  you  should  defray  .some  small 
]iortion  of  the  expense  of  those  public  roads  and 
oilier  jiublic  w<>rks,  without  which  your  own  jirop- 
crty there  would  have  been  worth  to  you  so  very 
lillle.  And,  especially,  we  saw  t'.;o  great  dispro- 
portion, the  nianifc  t  madequacy  ;f  consideration, 
m  what  little  we  had  received  fr.im  you,  for  what 
had  been  wi'.hholden  from  us  And  we  sent  on  to 
you  an  exposition  of  our  vie  vs,  in  this  regard,  in 
1838,  and  respectfully  asked  ^f  you  that  you  should 
extend  to  us  the  same  polii  y  you  had  extended  to 
other  of  the  new  States  J  hat  e.\jiosition  is  lo  b(^ 
found  among  your  urcliives.  It  ia  too  long  lo  read 
here.t 

*  lAtterfrom  the  Jluditor  General  to  Governor  Dairy. 

AeDITOR  (lUNERAl/il  OfFICK, 

Dci^oU,  OclohL-r  to,  1842. 

8ir:  I  have  made  si'.ch  exuintimtinnH  of  the  rum  ij  fur 
l^lil-'41,  of  IiukIh  (]i;liiii|lient  I'oi  ut.\e^,  nssct'iii  In  bo  cnllod 
for  by  the  conittiuiiiontion  uf  the  hoiiuniliJL'  William  VVitoil- 
hriiluc,  siibiiillli'd  In  tliix  di'|uirinieiit.  And  Uie  avirngc  inx 
liir  aiiiiu,  ctiUMty.  ii>,viislii|i,  liiiihur.y,  mid  iiclimjl  |}ur|i(ise», 
on  cai'll  uniinpt.  veil  HO-ticre  lot,  is  tiltoiit  4:1 32.  Tliiri  Ih  a 
niucli  uitialltT  t'lX  Uitui  wiivi  a^st.'sacd  for  fiuiner  yenrri,uwji)g 
ill  imrl  tn  till'  ■iiBlrl  'lioiiHof  iIkiIuwoi'IH-IO,  luid  partly  to  the 
lower  Vftli''.iloil«  of  the  asspwKors.  If  atiytliiiit;  I'lirlhcr  is 
nuovsRnry  to  iiicet  tile  requi-Ht  tvthtrvii  tn,  it  will  bo  prniiipt- 
ly  nUi'ndod  to, 

Must  ri.'siwctl'iilly,  your  nlindicnt  Hcrvanl, 

C.  (!.  HAMMUNU,  Jludilor  General. 

IliH  Excellency  (;eoHoi£  IIarhv. 

NoTB.— It  will  riuidily  iiiipi'iir,  hy  nritliint^llcnl  rnnipnta- 
tioii,  tliut  if  all  the  landi^  ivitliiii  the  Htiitu  wen*  nitulo  sulijiict 
to  taxiltinn,  the  arnoilnt  of  tax  uecriiiiii;  upon  the  laiidd  of 
Ilic  United  HUites  williin  Ihc  Htnio,  and  uixed  aerorilliiK  tn 
the  same  ad  valorem  principle,  would  exceed  $l,'J(K),UOUper 
iinniim. 

f  It  was  intended  by  Mr.  W.  to  have  rnd  ro».o  portion  of 
the  Ic'Ki^lativf  exposiiiiin  nllinled  to  nlii.ve ;  but  beiiifi  n.>- 
Btricf'd  ill  time,  and  tlie  dociiiiium  not  Iittliit^immediiilclynt 
liaiid,  It  WOK  omitted.  Hoiii<>  ot  Un;  eoiichuliimsenteiiccti  of 
it  bring  eoiiMidi'red  npproprintc,  ar:>  tiure  inserted.  (The 
wlitile  may  btj  found  in  Hi-n  lie  Doi'.  \o.  Ufi  1,  9tl  somi.  iTilh 
CoiiiiieKs.)  y\rtor  d,vi<lliiiii  Ronn'wlini  in  di'tiiil  upon  tin'  re- 
liiiioiiH  iifUiu  HtntewUhlhi'(>eiii'ral(!ovi'rnnient,Uie  Legls- 
Intnre  Iirocueda  tn  say :  •*  I'lllccil,  uoUili  rnlmis,  l»>  the  k'lriH- 

InUon  orcniigri'riii,  in  ih«  coinlili if  joint  ti'niiiit  Willi  the 

(ieneniiaovcniineiiljliulding  in  uiK'i|iiuUhuri.'ij nil  the  landed 


I  have  thus  endeavored  to  show  to  you,  sir, 
something  of  the  embarrassment  which  surround, 
us — something  of  the  aeniimcnta  of  our  people — 
something  of  the  sacrifices  we  have  incurred.  And 
abating  something  for  the  indiscretion  of  youth 
and  inexnfcrience,  in  the  commencement  of  our 
career,  I  have  endcnvored  to  show  that  our  condi- 
tion, in  these  respects,  is  attributable  cmpliatically 
lo  the  fact,  that  some  tliree-fourths  or  more  of  all 
he  real  property  v/ithin  the  State  has  been,  by 
your  legislation,  and  our  concession,  withdrawn 
fror.i  all  fair  and  proportionate  contribution  to- 
wards the  support  of  the  Government  and  the  in- 
atitutiona  of  the  country.  I  have  shown  to  you 
idso,  very  conclusively,  1  think,  thatwhat  you  have 
accorded  to  Michigan,  in  coiisideriition  of  that  right 
which  is  withholden  from  her,  falls  immeusuiably 
short  of  a  just  equivalent.  1  am  not  now  going  to 
bring  into  question  your  power  of  depriving  us  of 
so  vital  an  element  of  sovereignty  ns  the  power, 
for  such  imrjiose,  of  taxation.  iS'oram  I  about  to 
question  the  eonipetency  of  a  State  of  this  Union 
to  8"rreiider,  at  your  iiiuumce,  any  of  ila  elements 
of  power,  the  surrender  of  wliieli  is  not  cxpreasty 
provided  for  by  the  Constitution  itself.  Uut  this  1 
say,  that  it  can  neither  be  right  in  itself,  nor  cull  i'. 
bo  in  accordance  with  i/ourjust  wishes,  thiuaState 
of  this  Union  should  surrender — even  tor  your 
pecuniary  iidvaiuagc — a  right  so  necessnry  to  its 
very  oxistunee,  without  soluething  like  an  eqiUva- 
knt,  something  received  by  way  of  comiuuuition, 
which  may  indemnify  it,  at  least  in  part,  for  the 
right  given  up,  or  prohibited  ! 

Uocs  it  not  accord,  then,  with  the  spirit  of  the 
compact  which,  upon  your  invitation,  we  entered 
into;  is  it  not  due  alike  to  our  cimdition,  and  to 
your  own  sense  of  justice  and  honor,  that  you 
should  accord  to  us  all  which  this  bill  provides 
for? 

There  is  one  other  topic,  sir,  which,  although  it 
may  seem  to  have  but  little  bearing  ujion  the  mut- 
ter before  you,  I  feel  myself  nevertheless  con- 
strained to  press,  iur  a  lew  moments,  upon  the 
attention  of  the  Senate.  I  allude,  sir,  to  that  Slate 
debt  which  weighs,  like  u  niill-sloiie,  so  lieavily 
upon  us. 

Within  a  short  time  after  Micliigan  was  admit- 
ted as  a  State  into  the  Union,  its  Legislature  passed 
an  act,  as  1  have  already  inliinuted,  authorizing  the 
Governor  of  tie  Suite  to  procure  the  loiui  of  «  sum 
not  exceeding  five  millions  of  dollars.     To  faeili- 


iiiterosts  of  the  poiiinsnta,  tltc  people  of  Michlijiin,  according 
tu  the  expretin  tcriiiii  of  that  legiKlalinii,  can  tleinaiul,  a»  a 
Htrictly  legal  right,  tin  iiroporliniiatc  conuibutinn  fur  any  did- 
burtieiiK'iit  it  may  iiiaKe  in  urdrr  tu  vnhoiiee  the  valui!  or 
iniTeiisi;  xhn  tiroductiVL'netfs  01  the  ivliolc,  nor  any  aduiiuate 
coin|HMi;<ali<iii  lor  tile  deprlvadon  of  Unit  ri|;tit.  And  now, 
witliout  any  li\L(l  jnlblie  revenue,  and  wilhuutanyreiiuurces 
but  ^llell  as  they  may  uiMik  for  ill  their  own  itit'dllgencL'  and 
industry,  iiiid  in  tliat  ><iiliunt  vigor  of  churacter  wiiieh  they 
liopc  llicy  may  jiiHtly  cbuni,  Uu^  pt'0|ile  of  Mieliigaii  fuel 
tlienn^clvi's  enllird  upon  to  decide  wheUlLTthcywilUuccumb 
tu  the  iliificnlucH  wiiieti  HiirroiHid  them,  and  biiriiikfrom  the 
lioblnt^HB  ill  tile  eilbrt ;  or  taking  euuiitii.l  fruiii  tiii-ir  nwn  en- 
ergy and  jpiril  uf  entcriirise,  einuloud  of  the  lii.!li  cliariieter 
of  their  |.i^tlT  titali>:',  adopt  a  t«ys.t(  nt  ui'  iiiti-mal  im|iruve- 
nicntij,  11  liicli,  however  uliviuuhly  indlL-abtd  by  the  peculiar 
ni.'ceiitiitieH  of  their  conditiun,  cannot  but  seem  entirely  (lis- 
proportioned  to  tlii-ir  presently  available  means!  Huch  a 
rystcm  i^  uttJiilctl.  (iriut  dl^^bumenient^  have  already  Ifv.u 
made  in  its  |iruu'ri's.-,  and  extensive  euntraets  entered  into 
for  its  prosecuuoii.  V/itb  so  11  w  resources,  with  such  ikiu- 
city  of  nieaiiH,  was  it  prudent  and  wise  to  adopt  it  f  Hut  tlie 
people  oI'Miehiijan  trusted  much,  tlieyliave  always  trusted, 
in  ilie  I'levati'd  liherulily,  in  tin'  wise  and  ei|Ual  jusiii  e,  of 
tilt!  Natioiiiil  UoiiikmIs.  They  have  looked  to  the  Iniiuense 
disbursements  which  have  bi'cn  made  by  the  nation  ujioii 
the  Cumberland  road.  What  more  Htriking  evidence  of  its 
fa' -rciehlng  policy,''  what  more  lasting  testiinuuial  uf  mag- 
l.itK'enl  liberality  towards  those  ot  the  new  Bfites  wbichare 
benetiti'd  by  it  tlian  that  grand  and  enduring  work  exbibitsi' 
And  will  that  (■uverunient  be  less  indulgent,  less  liberal,  less 
just,  to  a  young  and  feelile  Htate,strugghiicyet  with  the  dii- 
fu'idties  and  deep  embarrassincnts  wjiieli  attended  her  ad- 
mission into  the  irnion.'"  •  ***«* 
"  Will  that  Govern  aent  be  le.ss  eonseiiiusoftbejiistiee,le88 
favorable  U>  the  sliet  jss  of  the  claim  of  Miehig.in  for  fiirtlier 
aid,  than  it  has  been  tootlier  new  titatesf"  *  •  * 
*'  Htirely  it  has  not  bceoino  Uie  lixed  and  tcWal  (siliey  of  the 
nation  to  extend  to  tin;  lieb  and  puwerful  Hialo  of  ibe  West 
lieliellbJ  tlmt  art'  to  be  denied  lo  her  fei'bl..-  and  ttoriltr  sister, 
*'  Hinei!  the  new  Htales  may  not  come  into  the  blessings 
ofthe  Union  with  ail  the  same  rigbtsoverthe  public  domain, 
and  upon  an  equal  footing  in  nil  res|ieets  whatsoever  with 
the  original  Slates,  surely  that  nation  will  not  forget  that 
aiiinng  those  new  States  eiiuality  is  jiiFtiee;  and  surely  it 
will  not  b.>  forgotten  that  it  inilrh,  very  much,  coneeriis  its 
own  iioiinr  to  furnish,  by  itermiuieht  and  api-ropriale  public 
works,  to  this  remote  and  frontier  portion  of  this  great  iia- 
Uon  an  aileijuaie  and  snilleieiii  iniliiary  defence.  Ujton  u 
nview,  then,  of  this  wliole  matter,"  Sic. 


tatc  the  attainment  of  the  object,  bo.^ds  were 
directed  to  be  prepared,  and  from  time  to  'ime 
delivered,  as  the  payments  were  respectively  to  bo 
made.  But  in  advance  of  such  payments,  their 
delivery  was  not  authori'.cd.  By  the  law  itself, 
any  transfer  of  thusc  bonds,  for  less  than  their 
nominal  or  par  value,  was  expressly  inhibited;  and 
from  ihcyiiliicinn/  character  of  the  trust  thus  con- 
ferred upon  the  Governor,  it  was  presumed  that  it 
would  not  be  delegated  to  others.  An  ngrccment 
was,  nevertheless,  entered  into  by  the  Governor 
with  "  the  Morris  Canal  and  Bnnki.ig  Company" 
of  New  Jersey,  in  the  spring  of  1838,  by  which 
that  company,  in  the  charoctcr  of"  agents  of  the 
State  of  Michigan,"  upon  a  commission  or  charge 
of  2^  per  cent,,  stipulated  to  procure  the  loan,  and 
by  instalments  running  into  several  years,  to  cause 
the  money  to  be  advanced.  The  guaranty  of  the 
United  States  Bank  of  Pennsylvania  being  then 
given  for  the  sum  of  three  millions  of  dollars  or 
more,  and  that  of  the  Morris  Canal  and  IJnnking 
Company  being  taken  for  the  rest,  the  bonds  of  the 
State  were  all  most  improvidently  delivered  over. 
Sevei-al  hundred  thousand  dollars  ofthe  loan  were 
advanced  during  that  year,  and  in  the  -ecess  of  ll.c 
Legislature  ]iaid  out  upon  contracts  for  the  pros- 
ecution of  the  works  upon  Iho  lines  of  communi- 
cation directed  to  be  cnmuienced.  When  during 
the  succeeding  year  (1839)  tiie  Legislature  con- 
vened, and  these  arrangements  with  their  sundry 
modifications  were  laiil  before  that  body,  tliey  did 
notprovesalisfactory;and  if  ilhad  been  practicable, 
the  whole  of  them  would,  I  have  no  doubt,  have 
been  disaflirtned.  But  the  large  sums  of  money 
which  had,  in  the  meantime,  been  received  and  paid 
out,  the  State  had  no  funds  to  replace.  The  bonds, 
too,  were  no  longer  within  reach,  anil  could  not  be 
reclaimed.  By  far  the  greater  portion  of  them, 
especially  those  which  were  delivered  over  to  the 
United  Slates  Bank  of  Pennsylvania,  were  reputed 
to  have  been  sent  to  Europe,  and  are  supposed  lo 
have  been  hypothcciited  by  that  bank  as  security 
upon  its  own  debts  there.  The  Legislature,  theie- 
fore,  after  much  consideratio.i,  could  see  no  alter- 
native liut  silent  acquiescence.  The  .sum  of  the 
i  whole  nialter  seems  to  be,  that  by  the  refusal  or 
'  inability  cf  these  banking  institutions  to  meet  their 
engagements,  and  by  the  depreciation  of  their  pa- 
per received,  the  St;ite  will  have  incurred  the  loss 
of  some  million  and  a  half  or  more  of  dollars 
through  the  United  Slates  Bank  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  of  nearly  a  million  by  the  defalcation  of  llie 
Morris  Canal  and  Banking  Company — i.  c,  if  all 
those  bonds  should  be  found  in  the  hands  of  bona 
fide  holders,  without  notice.  And  now,  sir,  it  is 
my  mislbrlune  to  be  obliged  to  say  to  you,  that  for 
some  few  years  past  the  State  bos  been  utterly  un- 
able to  pay  the  accruing  interest  upon  those  bonds. 
The  people  of  tlio  State  ha'-'e  taxed  themselves  to 
the  uttermost  of  their  ability  to  pay;  nay,  sir,  far 
beyond  their  ability;  and  therefore  itisthatso  vast 
a  proportion  of  their  lands  has  become  liable  to  be 
sold  at  public  auction  ! 

Sir,  I  know  full  well,  and  that  people  know  full 
well,  to  what  imputations  they  subject  themselves, 
and  .iubject  you,  loo,  sir,  by  this  unhappy  defalca- 
tion I  Their  consciousness  of  this,  their  deep  aeYi- 
sibility  in  the  matter,  is  sufficiently  evinced  by 
their  own  acts.  They  have  made  the  amende  hon- 
orable; they  have  changed  their  cinstitutioii — they 
have  so  altered  their  fundamental  law,  as  that  no 
Legislature  of  ti.^  Slate  can  negotiate  another  loan 
of  !ii"iiey  without  u  nrocess  as  tardy  and  as  well 
guarded  aa  a  change  of  the  constitution  itself. 
What  more  could  they  do  ?  What  one  thing  fVir- 
ther  could  they  have  done,  whicli  they  have  not 
done,  to  vindicate  their  honor,  or  to  redeem  their 
plighted  faith  ?  Was  it  indiscreet  in  ua — wos  it 
arrogant  folly  to  pursue  the  example  set  before  us 
by  our  sister  States,  and  undertake  a  work,  which 
was  beyond  our  means  to  accomplish  ?  Lei  it  be 
Ko,  sir.  We  have  reaped  the  painful  consequences 
of  our  indiscretion.  The  truth  is  brought  home  to 
us — a  truth  wortny  of  all  remembrance,  sir,  that 
"The  gods  arc  just,  ard  nfonrlitib:  vices 
Make  instruments  to  flcour^e  us/* 

And  '  iier,  bitter  has  been  the  chastisement  that 
scourge  .ainflicted.  Achasti.>ieinent«hichbrought 
with  it  livi  redeeming  quality,  which  left  behind  it 
no  magician's  wand.  We  cannot  strike  water 
from  the  flinty  rock — we  cannot  turn  that  into 
gold,  which  may  receive  our  loueli.     What,  then. 


■w 


4( 


878 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  29, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Internal  Improvements  in  Midiigan — Mr.  Woodbridge, 


Senate. 


may  we  do?  Sir,  the  newspapers  chars^e  us  with 
a  design  to  repudiate  our  solemn  engagements.  I 
know  the  people  of  Michigan,  air,  enough  to  know, 
that  go  where  you  may  over  this  continent,  or 
over  the  other,  you  will  in  no  country  find  a  pop- 
Illation  of  agriculturists  more  intelligent,  more  in- 
tellectual even,  or  nuire  honest,  thiiii  the  great  body 
of  the  flirmers  of  Michigan.  And  I  do  not  think 
that  you  will  find  nnmng  them  all,  man,  woman, 
or  child,  who  would  dure  avow  a  sentiment  so  un- 
worthy— so  base.  Why  then  shall  it  be  imputed 
to  Michigan,  that  she  would  be  guilty  of  a  wilful 
violation  of  her  plighted  faith?  Why  shall  it  be 
charged  against  her,  an  integral  part  of  this  great 
Union,  that  she  would  intentionally  fasten  this  foul 
spot  upon  her  escutcheon  and  yours  ?  That  she, 
while  the  nations  of  the  earth  have  not  yet  ceased  to 
gaze  with  wander  and  amazement  at  the  splendor  || 
of  your  rising — that  she  would  thus  cast  your  name  ■  j 
and  her  own,  blackened  and  mutilated,  down  the  {| 
deep  precipice  of  dishonor.  Sir,  I  spurn  the  Imart-  i  j 
less  aspersioi  j  | 

But  gentlcn  :n  mAy  ask,  whrt  hove  we  to  do  || 
with  all  this.     Sir,  you  have  everything  to  do  with  i 
it.    For  good,  or  for  evil,  Michigan  is  an  integral  j 
part  of  tliis  Union — her  reputation  is  your  repuin-  li 
tion,  and  you  cannot  if  you  would,  separate  your-  jj 
self  from  the  association.     You  have  every th nig  to 
do  with  it;  for  it  is  amply  in  your  power  to  remove 
the  evils  the.  oppress  us.     Let  i'.  not  be  supposed, 
sir,  that  I  come  here  a  mendicant  to  supplicate 
your  charity;  no,  sir,, Michigan  will  acknowledge  ' 
no  agent  ra  hers,  that  should  thus  abuse  his  place.  I 
But!  cr.me  here,  with  all  the  respect  and  all  ihe 
vcneraiion  due  to  this  paternal  (government,  and 
atk  you  so  to  administer  ihut  publi'c  domain,  which 
is  in  your  hand?,  as  shall  give  cU'ect  to  the  pur- 
poses for  which  it  was  granted  to  you  by  Virgmia; 
tlie  purposes  contempUted  and  promised  by  the  or- 
dinance of  1837,  the  pur(>oses  of  the  Constitution 
itself;  and  then  you  will  pass  this:  bill.     I  ask  you, 
when  you  take  frohi  a  sovereign  State  of  this  Union 
that  eminent  domain  which  wus  prom  ised  us,  wli  icb 
the  "  original  States  "  all  have,  and  from  which  is 
deduced  the  rightof  taxation,  that  you  give  us  some 
fair  and  proportionate  equivalent  for  what  you 
take.    I  ask  you,  when  not  as  a  voluntary 

courtesy,  but  from  necesu../,  by  our  own  linrd  la-  ! 
bor,  double — treble — quadruple  the  value  of  your  I 
land,  tliat  you  make  to  us  some  small  compensa-  j 
tion  for  what  we  have  done.  And  I  say  to  you,  ' 
sir,  that  if  our  claim  npon  yon  be  a  just  one,  now — 
now  is  the  time  to  recognise  and  allow  it.  ! 

This  bill  has  been  pending  before  Congress  since  i 
tlie  winter  of  1849-'^.  Twice  it  has  passed  the 
Sjiiate,  and  twice  il  has  been  reported  favorably  ' 
U;>on  ill  the  House,  but  for  final  action  wiis  not 
reached  there.  Feeling  that  its  provisions  are  war-  | 
ruUcd  byjust.ee  and  sound  policy,  and  knowing, 
tlittt  if  ttnirnied,  ihoy  would  almost  at  once  exiri- 
Cile  the  Slate  fmni  its  deep  embavrassments,  its  ! 
final  passage  \\t.^  been  looked  for  with  great  solici-  | 
tude  Olid  earnest  hojic.  But,  sir,  i>  now  gelling  ' 
to  be  that  sort  of  "  hope  deferred  i..at  makelli  ilie 
heart  sick."  The  pecuniary  atlairs  of  the  State 
have  approac'"' '  a  crisis,  which  re(|ulren  ils  iniine- 
diifte  aclioir  juu  now,  therefore,  is  doubly  import- 
ant that  this  bill  should  puSs.  Every  board  of 
works  of  the  State,  for  tlic  four  or  five  past  years, 
howtver  constituted  v;illi  reference  to  the  party 
associations  o;'it8  members,  have  concurred  in  the 
opinion  and  in  'he  declaration,  that  if  the  grout 
work  of  the  State,  the  central  railroad,  were  fin- 
ished to  its  [wiiit  of  dcst'ned  terninalion  on  Lake 
Michigiui,  its  productive  revenue  would  certainly 
enable  the  Stale  to  meet  ils  engasicmenls,  and  pay 
its  accruing  interest.  The  utmost  efl'orts  of  the 
State,  therefore,  were  directed  towards  the  com- 
plt.ion  of  that  work;  and  although  the  revenues  of 
the  road  itself  have  been  applied  to  ils  exiciision 
und  improvement,  yet  it  has  scarcely  reached  Iwo- 
thirds  of  the  distance.  But  those  revenues  can 
now  no  longer  be  so  applied;  lor,  from  the  1st  of 
January  lust,  (hey  are  ttolemnly  pledged  to  Ihe 
bondholders.  If  ihey  were  adequate  to  the  end 
had  in  y\evi  by  the  hypothecation,  il  would  be 
well;  but  it  is  not  so — tliry  fall  immeasurably  short 
of  i:.  And  it  is  for  the  very  ree>!on  that  the  road 
is  not,  and  by  any  means  now  in  tiie  control  of  the 
State,  cannot  be,  carried  to  ils  weslern  terminus, 
that  its  revenues  will  be  of  little  avail.  But  the 
faith  of  the  State  \»  not  the  lea  pledged  to  moke 


immediate  provision  for  the  great  deficiency.  I 
have  only  further  to  remark,  sir,  that  if  this  bill 
pass  into  a  law,  I  have  warrant  for  saying,  it  will 
enable  the  State  cerlainly,  though  not  without  se- 
vere eci,i.^my  and  much  good  judgment,  to  pro- 
vide fully  for  i  .  If  it  do  not  pass  into  a  law,  I  see 
no  alternative  but  a  sale,  at  whatever  sacrifice,  of 
all  the  public  works  of  the  Slate  to  some  great 
and  wealthy  company,  having  means  to  finish  and 
extend  this  road;  thus  leaving  the  travelling  public 
to  the  tender  mercies  of  a  soulless  corporation — 
leaving  the  State  shorn  of  its  future  means,  its 
credit  fatally  impaired,  and  with  pecuniary  embar- 
rassments entailed  upon  it,  to  which  I  can  see  no 
end.  It  is  in  these  circumsUinccs,  sir,  that  our  Le- 
gislature is  now  convened.  These  circumstances 
have  been  fully  placed  before  it;  and  1  have  no 
doubt  but  that  it  is,  at  the  present  moment,  occu- 
pied in  devising  some  project,  if  that  be  possible, 
which  may  enaule  it  to  meet  this  fearful  crisis,  in 
such  manner  as  not  to  blight  forever  all  hope  of 
future  prosperity. 


REMARKS   OF  MR.  WOODBRIDGE, 

OF  MICHIGAN, 
Iw  TIIE  Senate,  Jifril  29,  184G. 
On  the  bill  "to  apply  certain  alternate  sections  of 
the  public  lands  towards  the  completion  qf  cer- 
tain works  of  internal  improvements,"  (Sec,  ii; 
Michigan. 

An  amendment  restricting  the  State  from  dispo- 
sing of  more  than  one-third  of  the  land  appropria- 
ted until  the  whole  contemplated  work  should  bf. 
finished,  being  proposed — 

Mr.  WOODBRIDGE,  in  substance,  remarked 
that  the  terns  of  the  bill  in  this  regard  were  i>re- 
cisely  t>urh  as  had  been  adopted  in  all  similar 
grants.  None  of  the  lands  described  in  the  bill 
could  enure  to  the  use  of  t'le  State,  unless  the  pro- 
jected works  were  compleicd  in  the  manner,  and 
within  the  time,  prescribed  in  the  bill'  and  that 
whatsoever  pirls  of  the  land.^  might,  in  the  interim, 
be  sold  by  tlie  Slate,  the  State  would  be  obliged  to 
pay  for  in  money  to  the  United  Slates,  if  the  works 
should  not  thus  nave  been  completed.  The  pro- 
vision, then,  as  it  stands,  without  the  proposed 
amendment,  protects  sufficiently  the  interests  of 
the  United  Stales;  it  furniuhes  all  the  guar"  tee  this 
Government  has  ever  before  required  oi  ...y  other 
Stale;  and  he  should  regrvt  extremely  that  in  the 
case  of  Michigui:,  n  distinction  so  invidious,  so 
reproachful, -should  now,  for  the  fust  time,  be  iii- 
sistcd  upon.  Besides,  il  must  appear  ninnilest  that 
the  amrndnicnt  proposed  would  greatly  lessen  the 
usefulness  of  the  proposed  gram — if,  indeed,  it  did 
not  tolttlly  defeat  ilie  whole  object  of  the  bill. 

But  passing  over  this  proposed  nmeiidmcnt,  and 
considering  tlinl  the  nieriLs  of  the  entire  bill  are 
fully  before  the  Senate,  Mr.  W.  felt  desirous  tu 
make  some  comment  upon  the  most  proiiii- 
iicnl,  at  least,  of  the  olijeclions  which  have  been 
urged  agaiii.^t  it.  On  the  two  or  three  last  occa- 
sions, when  it  was  before  the  Senate,  ils  whole 
policy  was  sought  to  be  drawn  into  question.  The 
!  relation  in  which  I  stand  to  the  bill,  ,Mr.  W.  pro- 
ceeded to  sny,)  but  more  especially  the  viuti  inllu- 
-  encc  ils  provisions  arc  caloul'Ucd  lo  exert  upon  the 
future  welfare  of  the  Stale  from  which  1  come,  im- 
pose this  duty  upon  mo,  I  think,  however  dcsiidus 
the  Senate  may  be  to  close  tlic  dis -iis.sion.  But 
'  in  performing  ihia  duly,  I  shall  endeavor  lo  re- 
member not  only  that  "' brevity  is  the  soul  of  wii," 
but  that  htre,  and  note,  it  is  tlic  soul  of  ccunnion 
sense,  loo. 

I  propose  to  confine  my  remarks  principally  to 

i  the  view.s  expressed,  especially  on  a  foinicr  occh- 

'  sirui,  by  the  honorable  Senator  from  Coniieclicut, 

[Mr.   Nii.Es.)      The   elaborated   and    systematic 

I  manner  in  which  that  gentleman   has  p.csenled 

lliosc  views,  implies,  1  fear,  afixeddi.sapprobaiioii 

;  of  the  measures  it  proposes.     Bui  1  yet  persuade 

myself,  that  when  be  looks  more  closely,  and  at 


a  former  day,  this  subject  was  in  discussion,  ob- 
jected to  the  bill,  becausCi  to  a  cert  in  extent,  its 
provisions  woulil  tend  to  tnhanu  the  price  of  your 
public  lands;  whereas  his  desire  was  to  lessen  that 
pr>e  everywhere.  How  far  it  may  consist  with 
the  general  good  and  with  true  policy  to  lower  the 
price  of  your  public  lands,  I  do  not  now  propose 
to  inquire.  Such  a  question  will  probably  be  pre- 
sented to  the  Senate  in  a  distinct  form  for  its  con- 
sideration during  the  present  session .  But  assum- 
ing, for  Ihe  purjwses  of  this  argument,  that  such  is 
your  Iruo  policy,  I  desire  to  say  that  from  lapse  of 
time  ond  a  combination  of  circumstances,  the  ob- 
jection has  ceased  to  have  weight  in  regaiu  to  this 
bill,  except  in  a  very  inconsiuemble  degree;  and, 
in  a  few  words,  I  will  tell  you  why  I  think  so. 
All  persons  conversant  with  the  process  of  setlling 
a  new  country,  know  that  emigrants  seeking  loca- 
tions for  their  new  domicils  are  influenced  princi- 
pally by  two  considerations:  first,  the  general 
aspect  of  the  country  and  the  fertility  of  its  soil; 
secondly,  the  convenient  accessibility  of  the  tracts 
they  explore  with  reference  to  the  rivers,  roads, 
and  canals  running  near  or  through  them.  So 
important  is  this  last  consideration,  that  when  any 
leading  road  is  directed  to  He  laid  out  in  a  new 
country,  it  is  r.'..rnst  sure  'o  happen  that  crowds 
of  emigrants  will  be  found  treading  almost  upoii 
the  heels  of  those  appointed  to  survey  it;  'i"d  for 
the  well-known  purpose  of  securing  to  thei...  elves 
such  locations  as  may  border  upon  it.  Keeping 
in  view  this  well-known  custom,  let  it  then  be  rc- 
mei  ibered,  sir,  (hat  this  bill  was  pending  here  in 
184.!;  that  it  passed  the  Senate  during  that  session ; 
that  every  probability  has  conlinued  to  exist  hat 
it  would  ultimately  pass  bolh  House.^  ar^  bccoi 
a  law;  and  that  this  fact  was  .iS  w.iil  !  ,,  v;n  ,. 
Michigan  as  here.  From  such  facts,  w^».  .. 
queifces  may  be  expected  to  result  ?  I  hu.-  uiaoo 
no  inquiry  on  this  subject — I  have  no  prrsonnl 
knowledge  os  to  the  facts — yet  I  have  not  the 
smallest  doubt  but  that  along  the  line  of  the  rail- 
road, at  least,  some  three-fourihs  of  those  lots 
which  adjoin  the  road  have  Ivcome  already  sold. 
I  was  as  fully  persuaded  of  tue  probability  ''f  such 
a  result  at  the  coriViVicnccincnt  of  this  session, 
when  I  introduced  this  bill,  as  I  am  now.  I  re- 
t.iincQ  he  provision  objectej  to,  however,  because 
desired  to  I'e  able  to  say  that  this  bill  is  precisely 
.ike  those  this  Senate  has  twice  before  passed 
upon;  tnd  that  ils  provisions  have  been  .-opied 
from  laws  you  long  ago  passed  in  favor  of  Ohio. 
If,  then,  a  great  part  of  the  lots  bordering  upon 
these  works  have  been  sold,  ami  have  become 
private  property,  little,  comparatively,  will  remain 
upon  which  the  proposed  increase  of  price  can 
operate.  In  some  respecis,  this  condition  of  things 
is  lo  be  rcgrelled.  If  the  bill  should  become  a 
law,  the  Slate  must  content-  elf  with  lands  a  little 
further  off.  But  this  coiv.olalory  reflection  will 
remain,  viz:  that  the  influence.^  upon  the  price  and 
;  value  of  land  of  such  lines  of  communication  across 
I  the  peninsula  will  be  restrained  within  no  narrow 
:  sp,'\ce;  no  artificial,  no  ideal  lines  five  miles  off 
'  will  limit  the  benefiLs  that  will  result  from  them. 
I  Those  benefits  will  exiend  notonly  over  the  whole 
j  broad  surface  of  the  country  through  which  they 
\  pas.'?,  but  throughout  the  wider  regions  of  public 
domain  to  which  Ihey  lead,  and  which  spread  over 
;  the  vast  leniti-riis  beyond. 

j      Lciviiig  this  oruncli  of  the  subject — which  I  ad- 
verted lo,  indeed,  no!  so  much  trom  ony  peculiar 
force  wiiicli  the  objection  ilself  might  be  presumed 
*  to  (lossess,  lis  because  the  '■••-      I  have  alluded  to 
very  slroiigly  illustrate   tbt,  ,;iice  which  such 

[  roads  and  canals  have  in  arresting  the  allemion  of 
purclia.sei-s,  and  in  inducing  the  more  certain  and 
rapid  sale  of  your  lands — I  proceed  lo  consider  the 
more  grave,  melhodi/.ed,  and  elaborated  objections 
;  of  ilie  Senalor  from  Coniieclicut. 
j  In  the  review  which  he  took  of  the  matter,  Ihe 
j  Senalnr  was  pleased,  /irs(,  to  assume  that  the  works 
■  conleiiiploled  by  Ihe  bill  were  purely  local  in  their 
:  nature  and  influences,  anil  in  nowise  tended  to  af- 
,  the  foundations  of  the  policy  they  are  designed  to  ;■  feet  the  general  inlercsls;  in  other  words,  thot  they 
1  enforce,  he  will  no  longer  feel  it  his  duty  to  con-  !  did  nol  po8.ses»  that  nalinnality  of  character  which 
;  tinue  his  boslility  to  those  measures,  |;  of  itself  might  give  you  cogni7an''e  of  the  subject. 

But  before  entering  into  any  consideration  of  |  The  correctness  or  incorrceincss  of  surft  a  proposi- 
'  the  grounds  taken  by  the  Senator  from  Connec-  .  u(.n  can  best  be  tesscil  by  a  rp^raid  to  ihe  lopogra- 
I  ticiit',  I  desire  briefly  to  allude  to  an  objection  of  a  phy  of  the  country  lo  and  ihiongii  which  Ihey  are 
,  diH'ereiit  character  which  has  been  interposed.  An  ;  designed  to  run — lo  their  connexl-in  with  the  power 
1  honorable  Senator,  not  now  in  hii  seat,  when,  on  1 1  and  resources  of  Ohio  and  India.i .  -n  the  one  lido, 


V 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


979 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Litemal  Improvements  in  Michigan — Mr.  Woodbridge, 


Senate. 


I 


niid  the  relations  they  bear  to  the  cities,  Stales,  and 
counlricB  beyond  their  western  termini  on  tho  other. 
Accurate  maps,  sir — a  knowledge  of  the  location 
of  your  people,  and  of  the  statistics  of  the  country, 
tojctlier  with  some  regard  to  the  lessons  of  expe- 
rit'iioc,  constitute  far  better  criteria  by  which  to 
form  our  judgment  on  this  point  than  any  abstract 
course  of  reasoning  about  it.  And  if  these  criteria 
do  not  evince  a  sufficient  nationality  of  character 
with  reference  to  that  commerce  between  the  States 
which  is  committed  exclusively  to  your  fostering 
cnro  to  justify  your  notion,  they  will  at  least  be 
found  quite  worthy  of  consideration  with  reference 
to  those  nolionoJ  defences  for  whicii  this  Govern- 
ment is  unquestionably  bound  to  provide.  On  tliis 
liranch  of  the  subject  it  is  not  my  desire  to  add  to 
what  I  have  already  submitted  to  the  Senate,  espe- 
cially afler  the  very  appropriate  remarks  of  my 
colleague.  But  I  venture,  nevertheless,  to  call 
back  to  your  recollection,  sir,  some  incidents  con- 
nected with  the  history  of  that  region  of  country, 
from  which  may  be  deduced,  I  think,  a  very  useful 
ndmnnilion. 

It  is  now  fifty  years  ago  that  your  power  first 
began  to  be  seen  und  felt  towards  the  borders  of 
your  upper  lakes.  It  is  now  fifty  years  ago  that 
"iho  western  posts"  (as  they  were  called  in  the 
history  of  that  period)  were  quietly  delivered  up 
to  you.  It  will  be  precisely  fifty  years  or  the  4th 
day  of  July  next,  when,  for  the  fii-st  time,  your 
bunnerof  stors  and  stripes  was  un(\irled,nnd  waved 
proudly  over  the  rompnrts  of  the  old  fort  nt  De- 
troit. But  such  a  consummation  was  not  efTected 
without  prolonged  negotiations  of  stirring  interest. 


ed  to  sleep.  It  slept  until  our  political  horizon 
became  (  vcrcast,  and  it  "'as  problematical  whether 
peace  would  be  preserved.  Then,  in  1811,  a  law 
was  passed  directing  the  appointment  of  cummis- 
sloners  to  explore  the  country,  and  to  survey  and 
open  the  roail,  and  for  tliat  purpose  making  an  ap- 
propriation of  money.  But  it  was  too  late.  The 
line  of  a  road  was  indeed  surveyed,  and  the  forests 
along  it  in  part  cleared  out;  but  Indian  hostilities — 
the  precursor  of  the  coming  war — had  cc -imenced. 
The  fUtigue  parties  of  your  slowly  advancing 
armies  afterwards  did  the  rest;  and  the  money  ap- 
propriated soonvvanished  amidst  the  vast  aggregate 
of  disbursements  for  your  northern  and  western 
campaigiik  Ani*  this,  sir,  was  the  road  which 
my  colleague  described  to  you,  as  if  it  had  been 
literally  paved  with  the  fragments  of  your  flour 
barrels  and  their  scattered  contents.  It  ha.s  been 
lon^j  since  abandoned  as  a  road,  but  its  de»(  i  tud 
site  may  yet  bo  identified,  I  think,  by  the  broken 
remnants  of  your  gun-carriages  and  baggage-wag- 
ons, scattered  thickly  along  its  course,  and  by  the 
yet  mouldering  skeletons  of  the  horrfes  and  the 
oxen  who  perished  in  your  service,  remaining,  as 
they  were  left,  just  visible  above  the  surface  of  tb.e 
mud  and  wet  which  destroyed  tlicin ! 

It  is  the  policy,  sir,  of  some  individuals  to  put  a 
lock  upon  the  stable  afler  the  horse  is  stolen  ! 
Acting  in  the  philosophy  of  that  maxim— and 
when  peace  had  once  more  snreod  her  blessings 
over  the  land,  you  remembered  the  admonition  of 
Mr.  Jeflerson — and  in  18a3,  some  fifteen  years 
ufler  it  was  laid  before  Congress  for  its  aciion,  you 
carried  into  eflcct  the  treaty  of  Brownstown  I  You 


which  terminated  in  the  British  tie. 'y  of  1794.    It  |l  gave  the  land  on  either  side  of  the  route,  from 
was  not  ctTected,  either  witliouta  severe,  desperate,  •,  Sandusky  to  the  Miami  of  the  Lake,  to  the  State 
and  prolonged  struggle — full  of  blood,  full  of. \gony.  ![  of  Ohio,  upon  the  condition  that  she  would  con 
It  was  not  brought  about  until  (iro  of  your  armies 
had  been  annihilated  with  dreadful  slaughter,  nor 


until  a  third  army,  organized  and  disciplined  under  ! 
the  eye  of  General  Wayne,  had  broken  the  force,  | 
and  humbled  the  proud  spirit,  of  the  [lowerful  In-  | 

>^an  tribes  of  tho  old  Northwertern  Territory.         I 

♦  Prior  to  that  time,  Detroit  had  been  the  commer-  | 
cial,  and  indeed  the  political  capital  of  Upper  Can-  | 
nda.  The  military  force  of  the  province  was  there;  ' 
ila  courts  for  the  whole  of  the  western  district  were  | 
liolden  there.    Always  before,  and  for  a  long  time  i 

after,  its  only  social  and  commercial  intercourse  v 

wos  with  and  through  the  Caimdaa;  and  totlmtj'  Michigan   never 
point  all  the  Canadion  roads  convero;ed. 

But  while  every  facility  existed  for  intercommu-  ' 
nication  with  the  Canadas,  none  whatever,  for  very  j 
many  years,  existed,  except  by  water,  for  any  in-  1 
tPrcourse  between  Detroit,  or  the  villages  and  set-  | 
tloment.t  of  Michigan,  and  theinleriorof  the  Union.  ; 
On  the  land  side  they  were  cut  oft'  from  you  by  im-  I 
passable  swamps,  or  by  an  almost  untrodden  and  I 
impervious  wilderness.  Even  so  lately  as  within  i 
the  last  thirty-seven  years,  your  population  in  Ohio  j 
Ii!  il  progressed  north  very  little,  if  any,  beyond  the  ' 
■lown  of  Delaware;  and  was  moving  but  slowly,  if  I 
;n  all,  from  Cleveland  west,  toward.s  Sandusky,  i 
'r  0  whole  country,  indeed,  between  Michigan  and  1 
'  lev'land  on  Ihc  cast,  and  Delaware  on  the  south,  j 
10  '.rising  the  black  swamp,  was  an  entire  wildcr- 
iv:  .ind  almost  the  whole  of  it  belonged  still  to  the  , 
I  aiiiv:  I 

')'•■  •$  isolotcd,  the  exposed  sitiiation  of  Detroit,  i 
in  ihu  event  of  any  dislurlmni-e  with  Great  Brit-  • 
ain,  did  not  escape  the  vigilance  of  Mr.  Jellerson,  j 
then  the  President  of  the  United  Slates.  He  saw  I 
the  importance,  with  a  view  to  the  mili.ary  defence  j 

of  that  r '.■  (Vontier,  of  liiiiiging  it  nracticallij  \ 

nearer  to  ircngth  and  resources  of  Ohio  by 

some  inUunI  conimuiiicalion.  With  that  forecast  | 
which  so  greatly  dislingui.-iicd  him,  he  directed  i 
negotiations  therefore  to  iio  opened  with  those  j 
tribes  of  Indians  who  still  owned  the  country.  A  ' 
treaty  was  accordingly  concliulcd  with  tlicin;  and  \ 
by  its  provisions  you  not  only  acquired  a  right  of  i 
way  for  the  permanent  road  uhich  the  treaty  pro-  i 
vidcd  for;  but  you  acquired,  too,  without  price,  a  I 
large  tract  of  land  on  each  side  of  it.  Among  the  ; 
In'  I  of  the  official  acts  of  Mr.  JcllVrsim,  in  the  win-  ; 
I'V  of  1808- '9, 1  believe,  will  b«  found  his  message,  ■ 
communicating  to  the  Ilcmse  tho  ratified  treaty,  ] 
the  purpose  ho  had  in  negotiating  il,  and  an  invo- 
cation of  legislative  action,  in  order  to  give  efl'ect 


to  its  provisions.  Unhappily,  no  inimcillnie  dis-  | 
position  was  made  of  the  suliject.  Mr.  .Tcflerson  I 
went  out  of  office.    The  whole  matter  was  permil- 


'  struct  the  road,  and  keep  it  in  repair  for  a  defined 
number  of  years.  She  has  done  so.  She  has  most 
amply  fulfilled  herengagcmenls;andyou  have  now 
there  a  ffrarelled  road,  inferior  only  to  your  mag- 
nificent Cumberland  road,  overwhich  your  armies, 
if  they  were  as  numerous  as  those  of  Xerxes, 
might  oe  transported  without  impediment  or  delay, 
and  along  which  your  mail  coaches  daily  pass  and 
repass  with  uniini .  ded  velocity. 

Now,  sir,  I  dcMrc  to  say,  that  if  this  road,  or 
one  far  inferior  to  it,  had  been  constructed  when 
Mr.  Jefferson  rcrnmmended  that  it  should  be  done, 
ever  would  have  been  in  the 
hands  of  the  eniiny  a  conquered  province!  If 
such  a  road  had  I  "cn  constructed,  the  waste  of 
private  property  which  ensued — the  humiliation  of 
defeat — the  di.sgrace  to  your  arms—  :lie  massacres 
of  the  River  Raisin — the  horrors  of  Fort  Mcig.s — 
the  conflagrations  and  the  universal  devastation 
conseq'jcnt  U|)on  the  delivery  over  of  a  whole, 
country,  and  its  disarmedjmu  defenceless  people, 
to  the  cruellies  of  a  savage" enemy,  uith  w/iom  ven- 
geance is  n  t'irdif,  would  never  have  blotted  the 
pages  of  vour  history !  But,  passing  by  all  these, 
and  lo  '  »  only  at  the  rfo/Zni -(larf-ceiit  aspect  of 
tho  mailer,  how  much,  I  dcsir.-  to  nflk,  do  you 
think  it  cost  you  lo  regain  tliiil  footnold  in  Michi- 
gan, which  was  lo.st  to  you  for  the  want  of  this 
road — whicli  was  lost  lo  you  by  this  miserable 
improvidence.'  Sir,  more  than  twenty-five  years 
ajo,  computations  were  made  by  men  high  in 
office,  by  which  the  expense  of  your  northwestern 
campaigns  was  eslimaled  at  from  twenty  lo  thirty 
millions  of  dollars  I  Now,  sir,  as  Detroit  in  1813 
was  to  the  interior  of  Ohio,  so,  in  no  small  degree, 
are  tho  towns  and  cities  on  the  shore  of  Lake 
Michigan  to  Delioit,  und  lo  Iho  eastern  region  of 
the  peninsula  tioin.'  Sir,  I  follow  the  parallel  no 
further;  but  I  desire  lo  ask,  is  there  noihing  of 
nn/ionn/i/y  in  guarding — while  it  is  yet  time,  and 
while  it  may  be  done  so  cheaply  as  with  your  un- 
sold land  there — against  the  possible  repelulon  of  a 
catastrophe  so  horrible.'  Sir,  I  dismiss  this  branch 
of  ihe  subject 

But  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Connecticut 
olijecis  to  this  bill,  as  if  it  were  introductive  of  a 
novelty;  or  else  as  if  it  sought  to  revive  some 
exploucd  doctrine;  and  considering  your  public 
domain  as  a  sonrce  of  revenue  merely,  and  nothing 
more,  lie  questions  your  constilullonal  competenrij 
to  carry  out  i's  provisions.  Now,  wi  oever  will 
trace  your  cn  .rse  through  the  statute  book — from 


one.    It  was  certainly  as  early  as  in  1796  that  this 

Collcy  was  first  adopted.  In  1802- '3,  when  Ohio 
ecume  a  Stale,  you  stipulated  that  five  per  cent, 
of  all  tho  proceeds  of  the  sales  of  your  public  lands 
should  be  applied  to  the  purposes  of  making  roads. 
A  similar  provision  has  been  made  in  regard  to  the 
other  new  States,  which  have  subsequently  been 
admitted.  Such  an  application  ofmo?!;;/ will  not  be 
deemed  <eu  obnoxious  to  objection  than  that  of  the 
land  itself.  Soon  after,  wagon  roads  were  opened 
I  in  Ohio,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
T.-easury,  Mr.  Gallatin,  through  different  parts  of 
your  domain.  Thus  early,  in  the  times  of  General 
Washington  and  Mr.  Jellerson,  was  the  principle 
adopted  and  imbedded  among  the  foundations  of 
your  system.  It  has  not  been  departed  from.  You 
have  continued  to  apply  your  land  and  money  too 
to  the  purposes  of  opening  and  constructing  roads 
and  canals  to  and  through  your  public  domain,  and 
of  making  grants  to  the  Slates,  to  be  applied  to 
similar  purposes.  The  very  provisions  conlainc' 
in  this  bill  were  carefully  copied  ..om  acts  you  had 
passed  in  favor  of  Ohio  and  Indiana,  in  1827-8, 
and  1830,  by  which  you  made  large  grants  to  those 
States.  Nor  have  you  nt  any  time  repudiated  that 
policy.  But  the  gent'onn  from  Conrieclicut  in- 
sists Ihat  all  this  is  wrong — wrong  in  theory — 
wrong  in  practice  I  The  public  domain,  he  insists, 
is  placed  in  the  hands  of  this  Government  as  a  fiind 
i  of  revenue  merely — nothing  more,  nothing  less. 
Well,  sir,  viewed  in  that  light -onfi/,  is  it  not  the 
part  of  wisdom  lo  nurse  that  fund,  and  to  resort  tj 
all  such  means  as  shall  make  it  most  productive .' 
jf  what  avail  would  it  bo  as  a  fund  of  revenoe, 
allow  me  to  nsk,  unless  t/""  make  it  conveniently 
accessible  ?  Of  what  use  is  thefertililyof  ilssoil,  if 
its  products  be  shut  out  from  market?  Of  what 
consequence  isi  it  that  your  domain  possesses  health- 
fulness  of  climate  or  beauty  of  landscape,  if  its 
approach  be  impraclicablo  or  difficult  ?  Does  the 
merchant  think  of  disposing  of  his  wares  without 
opening  his  bales?  Can  large  landed  proprietors 
like  you  expect  favorable  sales  of  his  acres  if  they 
can  neither  be  penetrated  nor  approached  ?  Cer- 
tainly not,  sir.  And  if  your  immense  public  do- 
main were  placed  in  your  hands  solely  as  a  fund 
of  revenue,  your  desire  and  your  duty  would  be  so 
10  administer  it  as  mir  most  certainly  increase  its 
value,  its  convertibiluy,  and  its  productiveness. 
Sir,  there  is  no  novelty  in  this  matter.  You  have 
always  pursued  this  policy,  and  all  experience 
affirms  its  wisdom. 

But  the  honorable  gentleman  says  that  this  bill 
contains  a  principle  by  which  you  ure  to  come  in 
and  pay  Sinte  debts,  and  that  that  doctrine  is  an 
exploded  one.     No,  sir;  such  is  not  my  reading  of 
this  bill.     That  clause  in  the  bill  to  which  the  Sen- 
ator probably  alludes,  and   tho  only  one  which 
could  be  tortured  into  the  sense  which  he  would 
give  to  il,  is  the  very  firs,    clause  in  't — "  That 
there  be  granted,"  &c.,  for  "  the  p;    ,jOse  of  aid- 
ing," &c.,  and  "for  the  reimbursement  of  ex- 
penses incurred  in   extending  and   completing," 
&c.     Now,  sir,  this  cannot  be  construed  into  an 
assumption  of  the  Ulate  debt.     It  may  be  the  pav- 
menl  of  a  debt  due  to  the  State,  if  debt  it  be;  but 
certainly  it  is  not  the  payment  of  a  debt  due  by  the 
Slate.     The  Slate  hiis  jndertaken  a  work  wliich 
she  cannot  comnlcl',  without  aid,  but  which,  if 
complelcd,  would  f  really  advance  your  interests; 
It  would   bring  t/oiir  acres  into  market;  it  would 
Il  make   them   more   sought    after — more  saleable. 
'  I  What  she  has  done  as  regards  you  is  a  mere  volun- 
!|  lary  courtesy;  il  can  give  her  no  legal  claim  upon 
H  you.     Bill  in.somnch  ns  what  she  undertook — ea- 
|[  pecially  if  it  be  completed — would  greatly  advance 
|i  your  interesis,  you  say  lo  her,  thai  if  she  will  go 
Ii  on  and  complete  the  work,  yon  will  convey  to  her 
j!  certain  of  your  lands,  whicli  she  may  sell  for  the 
I  purpose  of  enabling  her  to  complete  the  work  and 
]'  to  reimburse  her  so  far  as  it  may  go.     Rut  you 
I  make  your  whole  grant  dependent  upon  tho  finish- 


ihe  ftiuni'.iion  of  the  Government  to  the  present 
time — will  find  that  the  bill  seeks  neither  lo  intro- 
duce any  ncio  principb  ,  nor  to  revive  an  exploded  { 


Ing  of  the  work.  'The  grant  is  not  only  limited  to 
this  specific  object,  but  it  cannot  be  made  lo  enure 
lo  the  benefit  of  the  State,  unless  the  work  be 
completed  within  the  lime  you  prescribe.  Now, 
If  this  be  paying  any  liebt,  it  is  a  debt  to  the  Slate, 
note/  the  State — a  debt,  too.  for  which  yoii  will 
have  received  ample  consideration. 

But  the  great  ground  of  objection  upon  which 
the  honorable  gentleman  rests — that  wnich  mani- 
festly has  decisive  influence  with  him — seems  to 


i 


880 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  89, 


29th  C0NG....l8T   Se8S. 


hUemal  Inprovanmts  in  Michigan — Mr.  Woodhridge. 


Senate. 


be  the  notion  that  thii  bill — the  whole,  indeed,  of 
TOUr  past  legislation — evinces  n  most  reprehensi- 
ble partiality  in  faror  of  the  new  States.  His  in- 
stinctive sense  of  justice  leads  the  Senator  to  feel — 
?nd  the  sentiment  is  worthy  of  gn^vc  considera- 
tion certainly — tliat  as  between  the  Slates,  eqwixty 
is  «fUt<y.  The  basis  of  his  argument — his  major 
propoiitian — is,  that  by  the  spirit  as  well  na  the 
terms  of  your  Constitution,  alt  the  States,  as  mem- 
bers'of  the  Union,  ore  eqiuti;  and  being  equal  in 
rank,  tqual  in  right,  and  eoiiai  in  political  power, 
they  are,  in  the  eye  of  the  Constitution,  (according 
to  circumstances,)  in  equal  proportion  entitled  to 
the  aid,  the  protection,  and,  if  you  tct<(,  sir,  to  the 
favor  of  this  paternal  Oovcrnment.  Sir,  /shall  not 
contend  aguinst  a  proposition  so  fair;  but  pro- 
ceed to  inquire,  hus  tlie  principle  of  it  been  vio- 
lated ?  The  honorable  gentleman  seems  to  suppose 
timt  it  has ;  and  he  seeks  to  demonstrate  it,  and  to 
establish  his  charge  of  partiality,  first,  by  a  count 
of  your  school  sections  f  Now,  a  very  great  error 
iirevnils  on  tlii»  subject,  sir.  It  is  a  common  opin- 
ion, 1  believe,  that  the  school  lands,  amounting,  us 
the  gentleman  from  Connecticut  suys,  in  some  in- 
stances to  an  onprmous  amount,  are  gratuitously 
conveyed  to  new  States.  Sir,  I  do  not  so  read  my 
booksatall.  There  is  no  gratuity  about  it!  This 
appropriation  of  section  16  was  made  in  order  to 
secui'e  an  accelerated  sale  of  your  wild  lands.  I 
do  not  say  there  were  not  otlier  and  higher  mo- 
tives; but  this  wasone — an  operative — an  efficient 
one. 

Land  speculators,  sir,  adopt  various  expedients 
to  make  sale  of  their  acres.  For  example,  they 
sometimes  lay  out  u  new  city  or  town,  in  a  central 
part  of  some  large  tract;  they  rtiake  a  jilan  of  it; 
they  designate  on  it  the  width  and  course  of  the 
Btrecia  Bid  the  public  grounds.  Proper  sites  arc 
designated  for  a  court-house,  for  churches,  for 
school  houses,  or  for  other  public  uses.  The  whole 
looks  handsomely  on  pa(ier;  and  lliey  get  their 
plan  recorded — perhaps  engraved.  They  make 
donations  of  n  few  lota.  To  a  tavern-keeper  one, 
to  a  blacksmith,  to  other  useful  mechanics  perhaps; 
but  upon  condition  always  that  they  come  anil 
build  and  live  there.  They  then  advertise — with 
Bufficienl  flourish,  perhaps — their  city  lots  for  m  ilc 
nt  fl50,  $60,  or  (^iOU  per  lot  of  a  quarter  of  an  acre 
eacn.  The  place  becomes  a  nucleus,  about  which 
a  busy  population  soon  gathers.  If  the  site  jf  the 
new  city  l)o  judiciously  selected — if  it  be  in  the 
midst  of  a  fertile  country — if  it  possess  commercial 
or  manufacturing  advantages,  the  fortune  of  the 
proprietor  is  made,  perhaps.  Rut,  suppose,  after 
selling  his  lots,  or  part  of  ihem,^m|)ellcd  by  grasp- 
ing avarice,  he  should  attempt  to  appropriate  to  his 
own  use,  or  to  sell,  any  of  those  lots  or  grounds 
designated  on  his  plan  as  for  public  uses,  would 
he  CMe  permitted  to  do  so ?  Certainly  not,  sir.  It 
would  IM)  a  fraud  upon  every  purclmser  of  every 
lot.  He  would  be  holden  to  have  dedicated  those 
grounds  for  the  public  uses  designated.  Chancery 
would  enjoin  him;  and  would  decree  that  every 
purclmser  of  every  lot  bought  with  his  lot  the  priv- 
ilege, u  right  to  enjoy  in  perpetuity  the  advantages 
r«suli!iis;  from  such  dedication.  That  privilege — 
Ihatriglit — would  be  deemed  apnrtofthe  purchase; 
a  part  of  the  subject-niattci  of  the  contract  of  bar- 
gain and  sole.  Well,  sir,  it  is  just  so  with  those 
Hchool  lots  which  gentlemen  are  pleased  to  sup- 
pose were  gratuifoiu/i/  conveyed  by  you  to  the 
States!  How  are  the  facts,  sir?  Why,  some 
sixty  years  ago  you  were  terribly  in  tkbi;  you  were 
existing  all  about  you  for  means  to  reduce  that  debt. 
You  had  a  large  amount  of  wild  lands  in  the  old 
Northwestern  Territory,  which  you  wished  to  sell, 
the  better  to  enable  you — in  part — to  pity  it.  But, 
more  than  this;  you  wanted  to  extend  your  empire 
—you  desired  to  carry  your  flag  to  the  shores  of 
the  great  lakes — you  desired  to  plant  it  on  the 
banks  of  the  distant  Mississippi.  You  had  stipu- 
lated, also,  and  you  desired ,  to  build  up  new  States 
there — States  that  should  do  honor  to  those  prin- 
ciples of  wcll-rr^gulaled  freedom,  which  your  peo- 
ple had  struggled  so  hard  and  through  blood  to 
establish.  I3ut,  more  tlian  all,  perhaps,  you  also 
wished  to  throw  up  a  barrier  against  those  fero- 
clijus  savages  of  the  Northwest,  who  were  wont,  in 
congregated  mawies,  to  poxnue  upon  you  with  so 
fearful,  with  so  terrific  power!  Suviiges,  whoso 
incursions  so  often  brought  terror,  luid  dismay, 
and  agony,  into  the  very  heart  of  tiie  old  border 


States;  and  whose  retreat,  as  many  in  your  Key- 
stone Stale  still  live  to  remember,  was  usually 
marked  by  one  stream  of  firo  and  blood !  Sir,  ihm 
could  be  persuaded  to  buy  your  land  and  settle  in 
lueh  a  coontry  ?  What  indncement  could  you  hold 
out  sufficient  to  counterbalance  the  privations,  the 
suflcringa,  the  hazards  of  a  situation  so  fearful  >  It 
is  fit  we  should  regard  the  condition  of  that  coun- 
try and  of  your  border  States  at  that  time.  It  is 
fit  that  we  should  remember  what  you  promised, 
xchy  you  promised,  and  what  you  diii.  I  cannotgo 
into  detnil;  but  I  will  say  geneially  that,  as  early 
as  1785,  you  promised,  '>y  your  public  acts,  that  you 
would  appropriate  a  largo  amount  of  tliese  lands 
for  the  purposes  of  schools;  that,  by  the  articles  of 
compact,  contained  in  your  ordinance  of  1787,  you 
agreed  with  all  who  would  consent  to  move  out  and 
settle  there,  that  (Aey  and  their  posterity  should 
always  be  protected  in  the  blessings  of  free  repub- 
lican institutions  and  government.  You  enumer- 
ated the  great  principles  of  a  well-regulated  civil 
liberty,  and  nil  their  most  effective  safeguards,  and 
guarantied  tKcm  to  all  such  as,  udcing  you  at  your 
word,  might  be  persuaded  to  seek  their  homes 
there.  And  among  other  of  your  stipulations  you 
promised  to  tliem  that  "  schools  and  the  means  of 
education  shall  forever  be  encouraged  there."  And 
when,  a  few  years  after,  you  laid  the  broad  foun- 
dations of  your  land  system,  you  remembered  this 
your  plighted  faith.  You  published  to  the  world 
your  ter-""  of  sale.  You  pledged  your  faith  to  all 
who  all  '  'llov  land  of  you  m  oiiy  surveyed 
township,     ,1  'ty-sixth  part  of  it,  viz:  sec- 

tion No.  Ic-  irever  afterwards  be  applied 

I  towards  the  bi.  schools.    These  were  your 

I  published  and  a>^..  icuted  "conditions  of  sale." 
I  With  every  purchaser  of  every  eighty-acre  lot,  and 
I  his  posterity  after  him,  you  entered  into  a  solemn 
I  "  covenant  to  stand  seized"  forever  of  that  section 
No.  16  to  the  sole  and  only  use  indicated.  This 
usufructuary  privilege  and  right  in  section  16  con- 
stituted a  part  of  every  contract  of  sale  you  ever 
entered  into  with  every  purchaser  of  every  acre 
you  have  ever  sold  in  any  one  of  your  surveyed 
townships  there.  It  was  a  part  of  that  for  which 
every  purchaser  paid  his  money.  And  it  wos  no 
more  in  your  power  to  make  any  other  disposition 
of  that  lot  than  it  wus  to  take  from  the  purchaser 
the  very  patent  he  had  obtained  from  you.  It  is 
true,  you  afterwards  affected  to  transfer  these 
school  lands  to  the  Suites;  but  what  passed  by  that 
transfer?  Nothing,  sir,  but  the  naked  title  only, 
liubject  always  to  the  use;  and  I  am  not  prepared 
to  admit  the  competency  of  your  doing  even  that. 
According  to  the  j>rinciii/e  of  the  old  statute  of  uses, 
the  legal  title  would  follow  the  use,  and  vest  where 
the  use  vests.  But  certainly  the  transfer  could 
have  done  no  more  than  to  create  a  new  trustee^ 
no  more  than  to  coiistituto  of  the  State  a  trustee, 
instead  of  the  United  States;  but  to  the  exclusive 
benefit  always  of  the  "  cistuy  que  use." 

So  much,  sir,  I  had  to  suy  concerning  tliese 
school  lands. 

But  the  Senator  from  Connecticut  reminds  you 
that  the  new  States  have  received  some  500,000 
acres  each  of  your  lands  under  the  distribution  act. 
It  is  true,  sir;  and  some  of  them  much  more,  In- 
diana has  received  far  more.  So  has  Ohio.  To 
Michigan  has  been  assigned  by  the  distribution  act 
500,000  acres,  to  which,  sir,  may  be  added  3,200* 
acres  for  public  buildings,  a  few  sections  for  salt 
springs,  and  also  the  5  per  cent,  upon  such  sales 
as  you  may  be  pleased  to  make.  (That  5  per 
cent,  amounted,  I  think,  during  the  last  year,  to 
about  1^1,000.)  Ail  this,  and  no  more,  may  be 
fairly  set  down  to  the  debit  of  Michigan.  And 
now,  sir,  what,  at  your  insumce,  have  we  given  in 
exchange  for  what  we  have  received? 

Sir,  how  can  1  estimate  the  worth  of  all  we  have 
at  your  request  given  up  ?  Can  you  measure  the 
prosperity  of  a  countiy  by  arithmetical  rule?  Can 
you  thus  affix  a  value  upon  the  happiness  of  a 
people  in  dollars  and  cents?  Of  all  the  rights  that 
appertain  to  a  sovereign  and  independent  Slate,  I 
know  of  none  more  inuispuuible,  nor  more  viutlly 
important,  than  that  of  uncovering  and  making 


*  In  Uiu  Lund  olHce  report)  tiu^i  land  Krniitcd  fur  "  t)iil>tic 
IniildiiMia"  I"  errnncnuply  rtntid  tu  be  IXion;  10,00(1  Imd 
lii-nn  |{riuitrf1  tn  liuild  a  new  jail  and  cnnrt-hniiHu  nftvj  tlie 
old  oiirg  wiTi^  iMinifd  down  In  IHti.'i,  whi'n  ttif  old  town  of 
Di'lriiit  niu  ti>lally I'liiiKUinrd  liy  llri;.  It  wua  a  ijranl  tu  tlic 
tuwii  and  lif  tlw  county. 


useftil  the  natural  wealth  of  a  country;  of  increas- 
inir  its  commerce,  of  facilitating  tho  intercourse  of 
its  people,  and  of  encouraging  its  agriculture,  by 
the  construction  and  establishment  of  roads,  canals, 
and  railways.  Nor  du  I  know, of  any  jiolittcni 
r^hi  thot  draws  after  it  a  correlative  duty  more  im- 
perative I  To  tuch  ends  all  the  resourees  of  every 
sovereign  power  must  be  holden  subservient;  to 
nuh  ends  every  species  of  property,  and  every 
subject  of  the  Ciovernment,  inroUgh  the  sovereign 
power  of  taxation,  ought  to  be  mode  to  contribute 
in  just  proportion. 

These  wise,  just,  and  proper  purposes,  Michigan 
has  sought  to  accomplish,.  How  nas  tho  effort  re- 
sulted? In  the  exhaustion,  alas,  of  our  means — 
in  the  prostration  of  our  hopes — in  the  humiliating 
and  total  failure  of  tlio  undertaking !  And  why 
this  fhilure?  Because  more  than  three-fourths  of 
tho  real  estate  of  the  whole  country  is  vjithdrawn 
from  the  reach  of  the  /iu:ing'  power!  Because  mdre 
than  three-fourths  of  that  property  dirtetly  bene- 
fited by  these  roads  and  public  works  of  the  coun- 
try is  beyond  the  reach  of  a  fair  proportionate  and 
compulsive  conlribution !  The  expense  of  the 
whole  is  tlirown  upon  a  fourth  part,  and  that  fourth 
port  is  staggering,  sinking  under  the  pressure ! 
And  thus  it  is,  sir,  that  the  most  useful  and  legiti- 
mate of  all  the  powers  of  government  are  cAniiieit 
up.  Your  interdict  is  upon  us;  and  a  general  paral- 
ysis threatens  to  overspread  our  land  I 

It  will  here  membercd,  sir,  that  the  point  of  the 
argument  of  tho  Senator  from  Connecticut  is,  that 
the  States  of  this  Union  are  intended  to  be  co-equal 
in  all  things.    No,  sir;  not  in  alt  things.    One  im- 

Fortant  exception  to  the  general  proposition  must, 
think,  for  liio  moment,  liavc  escaped  the  vigilant 
recollection  of  the  Senator.  It  is,  I  think,  forty- 
six  years  ago,  that  you  conveyed  to  the  provident 
and  wise  State  from  which  the  Senator  comes,  some 
three  or  four  millions  of  acres  of  land  lying  within 
the  old  Northwestern  Territory.  This  large  tract 
of  land  she  received,  either  in  gross  violation  of  that 
equality  of  the  States,  of  which  the  Senator  speakt^ 
or  else,  being  tooste,  unseated  Crown  lands, sheclaiiqP) 
ed  them  as  being  within  her  original  limits.  She 
claimed  them  in  virtue  of  that  soiiereign  power  which 
all  the  ori^nal  Stales  asserted;  and  which  tume  of 
them  having  an-  such  Crown  lands  within  their 
limits,  failed  successfully  to  assert.  But  your  Con- 
stitution, sir,  while  it  sufficiently  recognised  the 
plenary  power  of  the  originoJ  States  in  this  regard, 
contains,  nevertheless,  a  provision  inhibiting  the 
exercise  of  that  sovereign  power  on  tho  part  of  tho 
n'^vr  Suites,  which  have  grown  up  within  the  old 
Northwestern  Territory;  for  to  that  effect  you  have 
always  construed  the  third  section  of  the  fourth 
article  of  your  Cuustitution.  And  in  that  construc- 
tion, I  desire  to  say,  as  I  have  already  said,  the 
people  of  Michigan  have  alwaysand  cheerfully  acqui- 
esced. In  so  far,  therefore,  and  especially  £ccnusc 
lUl  the  States,  and  the  whole  people  of  the  Uoited 
States  have  by  their  Constitution  so  decreed,  the 
new  States  of'^the  Northwestern  Territory  cannot 
be  fwrmitted  to  possess  all  the  same  rights  of  sov- 
ereignty the  ortginoJ  States  possessed.  In  thai  par- 
ticular, they  are  not,  and  cannot,  be  deemed  to  have 
been  "admitted  into  the  Union  on  the  same  footing 
with  tlie  origintd  States,  in  all  respects  whoUsoever. 
But  in  all  things  else — in  all  things  in  which  your 
Constitution  has  not,  in  the  clearest  terms,  decrcei 
otherwise — I  submit  to  you  that  the  new  States 
which  have  grown  up  within  the  old  Northwestern 
Territory,  when,  respectively,  they  come  to  be  ad- 
mitted into  the  Union,  must  oe  considered  as  entitled 
to  demand  that  they  should  be  so  admitted,  '  with 
all  the  same  rights  of  sovereigrily,  freedom,  and  inde- 
pendence as  the  othef  Slates;"  tor  such  is  not  only 
the  manifest  tenor  and  principle  of  the  Constitution, 
but  such,  also,  are  the  express  terms  of  thattleed 
of  cession  of  Virginia  from  which  you  deduce  yr  ar 
title.  You  took  under  that  deed  of  cession ;  you 
must  hold  jierybmiain  doni.  If  the  wild  and  unap- 
propriated lands  within  our  limits,  which  you  did 
not  think  proper  to  sell  before  you  suffered  us  to 
emerge  from  our  condition  of  colonial  dcpendancc 
upon  you,  were  deemed  too  valuable  a  ooon  to  be 
parted  with,  did  we  come  into  tho  Union  shorn 
also  of  the  sovereign  right  of  Uixation  ?  Did  your 
Constitution  take  that  from  us  also  ?  Where,  in 
that  hallowed  instrument,  is  to  be  found  tlio  clause 
which  takes  from  a  Suite  its  right  of  eminent  do- 
main—its iwwcr,  ■  iscparable  from  sovereignly,  of 


1846.] 


29th  CoNn 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Tariff— Mr.  Niks. 


881 


New  Series.... No.  56. 


tnxins;  llip  lands  that  arc  within  its  limits  for  the 
bcnefioeiitpiirpdHPS  of  government?  What  "origi- 
nal State"  in  this  Union — what  nation  or  people 
on  earth — huvin;;  sovereign  powers,  ever  failed  to  ! 
exercise  that  rifflit  ni  its  discrcliiin  over  every  spe- 
cies of  properly  whieh  was  within  ils  limits?  And 
if  we  of  Mieliri!:nn  do  not  possess  il,  where  is  that 
prin.  iple  of  equality  anioii<j  ihe  Slates  to  -vhieli  the 
Senator  so  projierly  alluded  ?  If  we  do  not  possess 
il,  nor  an  equivalent  for  il,  what  heromes  of  the 
]iromise  exaeted  from  yon  in  our  behalf  by  Vir- 
;;inia,as  theeondition  ofhersrani — tlii''  you  would 
build  nprepolilii'an  Stales  in  ihelerritoiy  slie  ceded 
to  you,  anil  '  those  Slates,  when  admitted  inio 
the  Union,  >ntd  possess  and  cxeioise  all  those 
rights  of  sover(M2^nty,  freedom,  and  indepentlence, 
which  the  ori2;inal  Stales  possrs>-ed  and  exercised  ? 
Hut,  sir,  it  was  not  your  pui  |ii>se  lo  briii^  us  into 
the  Union  in  so  nuitilaled  and  infirm  a  condition. 
You  looked  with  distrust,  perhaps,  lo  ihc  action  nf 
youn^  and  inexperienced  State  lci;islalors.  You 
i'earcd,  perhaps,  that  in  Ihe  exercise  of  their  sov- 
ereijrn  powers,  they  miirlil  lax  your  acres  imjuslly 
iir  camiciously.  You  have  always,  iliercfore,  pre ■ 
tVneu  to  commute  with  the  new  Slates,  and  to  en- 
ter into  oompncts  with  them  upon  the  foolins  of 
compensation,  of  ecpiivalents.  When,  in  IH.'Jfi, 
you  nfl'crcd  us  admission,  but  told  us  that  wc  must 
not  aflerwards  lax  your  land,  you  ai  ihe  same  lime 
told  us  "  that  the  subject  of  the  public  lands,  and 
the  interests  of  the  said  Slate  therein;  shall  be  rej- 
iilalcd  by  future  aclion"  between  you  and  the 
Slaie.  We  weri^  no  diplonntlisis,  sir;  we  knew 
nolhing  of  the  arts  of  dipbmiacy,  l)ut  we  thought 
you  meant  to  deal  kindly,  and  as  a  parent  towards 
us;  and  that,  in  all  fiiirness,  you  intended  to  (jrant  lo 
us  somethin;;  like  an  equivalent  for  that  of  which 
we  were  deprived.  And  when,  in  IS.'}?,  in  your 
solemn  leijislalive  act,  you  said  that  "  the  Slate  of 
Michisan  shall  be  one,  and  is  hereby  declared  to 
be  one,  of  the  United  Slates  of  America,  and  nd- 
miiied  into  the  Union  on  nn  equal  footing  wilh  the 
ori;r')'"'  Slates  in  all  rtuprcls  wliakrer,'"  wc  confi- 
dently believed  that  it  was  not  your  purpose  to 
"  nailer  wilh  us  in  a  douljle  sense,"  and  while  you 
«'  kept  tiiC  word  of  promise  to  the  ear,  to  break  it 
to  the  Iicpc." 

THETARIFP. 


SPEECH    OF    MR.  NILES, 

OF  CONNECTICUT, 
In  the  Sknatk,./!!/;/  20,  ]84fi. 
The  Rill  to  reduce  the  duties  on  Imports,  and  for 
other  purposes,  lieing  under  consideration — 
Mr.  NILES  said: 

Mr.  Puksident:  Heinq;,  sir,so  unforlunate  as  to 
difler  from  most  of  my  friends  on  this  side  of  the 
<'lianiber,  on  this  great  measure,  and,  ]>erliaps, 
from  some  of  my  friends  at  home,  it  is  due  lo  my- 
self and  to  them,  that  I  should  assiijn  some  of  the 
rcHsnnsfor  my  opinions,  and  for  the  vote  which  I 
may  feel  it  my  duty  to  give  on  this  bill. 

In  doing  this,  I  am  aware  of  Ihe  delicacy  of  my 
jiosiiion,  and  of  the  embarrassment  allcndimr  il,  as 
in  the  discussion  of  this  queslion,  wilh  that  free- 
dom which  is  required  to  do  justice  lo  my  opinions, 
I  may  be  in  danger  of  heading  im  the  toes  of  my 
friends  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  getting  into  the 
shoes  of  my  opponents  on  the  other. 

Il  will  be  my  purpose,  however,  lo  avoid  both, 
ns  r,u-  as  I  can,  is  it  is  not  my  wisii  lo  embarrass 
the  anion  of  any  one.  Opposi'd  as  I  apparently  nm 
to  many  of  my  l-iends,  ii  might  be  thought  suffi- 
cient for  me  to  'x\-e,  a  silen'  vole  nn  this  queslion; 
and  such  would  have  been  Ihe  conclusion  of  my 
own  mind,  weie  il  not  that  Ihe  bill  befiu-e  the  Sen- 
nle  is,  in  my  j  uignieni,  a  very  extreme  measure, 
containing  no\el  and  dangerous  principles,  and 
fraught,  should  it  become  n  law,  wilh  the  most 
serious  and  alarming  consequences.  1  have  a  duty 
to  discharge  to  my  consiiliienls,  whose  rights,  in 
my  judgmenl,  are  menaced  by  this  bill,  which 
<annot  be  yielded  up  to  any  personal  or  parly  con- 
siderations. 

I  had  supposed,  Mr.  President,  that  the  agita- 
tion and  di.<cussion  of  this  subject  for  thirty  years 
in  these  Halls,  and  in  almost  every  way  and'form 
elsewhere,  and  ihe  enacinient  of  mimerons  laws, 
with  the  experience  we  Imvo  Imd  of  their  opera- 

56 


lion,  had  donesometliing  towards  settling  the  prin- 
I  ciples  nf  a  tarifl"  of  revenue,  and  that  lillle  now  re- 
mained lo  be  done  except  In  arranireand  adjust  ils 
delails.     Rut  in  lliis,  it  srcnis,  I  have  bicn  mis- 
i  taken, anil  ihat  the  experience  nf  the  pa^t  is  losi, 
iPnotnpon  the  cnunlry,  at  least  iionu   ('ongnss.  ; 
Instead  of  the  princi|i!es  of  a  tarilT  being  settled, 
I  and  the  evireme  doctrines   on   ihe  subject  bciiiir 
I  narrowed  down,  it  appears  that  ihe  whole  field  of 
:  controversy    is  still  open,  and  wider    than   ever; 
lhat  new  principles  are  iniroduccd,  more  slarlling 
than  any  which  have  been  heretofore  advocated; 
lhat  the  eonlrovei'sy  is  to  be  revived  with  more 
I  fierceness,  and  in  a  manner  involving  deeper  in- 
I  teresis,  than  at  any  lime  heretofore.     Sir,  I  reiret 
I  this,  deeply  regret  it.     Hut  I  suppose  the  agilalion 
j  must  go  on,  sweeping  over  the  country,  and  be- 
i  coming  more  violent  as  ihe  inleresis  invidvfd  have 
:  become  more  exiensive  and  imporlanl.  TIow  blind 
(  to  the  les.sons  of  experience!     Have  we  not  here- 
tofore witnessed,  in  ihe  agitalions  of  this  subject, 
;  threalened  resistance  to  the  laws,  if  not  danger  to 
I  Ihe  Union  ?  When  shall  we  learn  wisdom  and  mod-  1 
i  eralion  ?     When  shall  we  become  satisfii'd  lhat  ihe 
'  wounds  of  one  exireme  measure  cannot  lie  healed 
by  another  m:  nsure  equally  exiremc  in  the  oppo- 
site direction?      My   hopes    of  reaching  a   (piict 
haven  after  so  loiiga  voyaiie  on  ihisagilaled  ocean,  i 
'.  almost  sunk   wilhin  me,  when,  at  Ihe  commen.'e- 

I  ment  of  the  present  session,  T  read  the  report  front 
the  Treasury  Deparlmenl.  Piut  even  then  I  did 
not  suppose  lhat  a  bill  so  novel  in  its  principles, 
so  alarming  in  ils  consequences,  so  lioslile  lo  all 
ihe  ixreal  iiileresis  of  ihe  country,  could  ever  have 
found  its  way  into  this  Chamber.  My  disappoint- 
ment has  Ijeen  great,  my  regrets  beyond  what  I 
can  express. 

Mr.  President,  before  '  proceed  to  examine  Ihe 

principles  and  delails  of  ihis  bill,  bolh  of  whiih  I 

inlend  to  con.-^ider,  I  must  be  indulsed  in  some 

preliminary  observations.    It  seems  to  be  supposed 

by  some,  lhat  nntwithslanding  my  disapproval  of 

'  this  bill,  I  might  srive  it  my  support,  because  I  am 

/  opposed  to  iheaclof  18")i!.     Tnis  would  depend  in 

:  part  upon  the  relative  merits  or  demeiiis  of  the  ex- 

I  isiing  and  the  proposed  law.     In  this  ctmiparison, 

:'  should  the  defects  of  the  present  and  proposed  law 

I  be  found  nearly  equal,  I  could  not  give  the  laller 

I I  my  support.  I  had  no  agency  in  passini;  Ihe  ex- 
11  isiing  law,  and  am  in  no  way  responsible  for  it; 
'  but  should  Ihis  bill  become  a  law  by  my  vole,  it 
]:  would  lieassuniinjaresponsibilily  that  lain  unwil- 
ling lo  lake  upon  me.     To  get  rid  of  one  bail  law 

[   by  another  bad  law,  is  a  |irinclple  of  legislation 
'   that  I  can  never  act  upon.     1  think  the  true  course 
is,  lo  let  the  old  law  remain,  until  it  can  be  re)ilaced 
:i  by  an  act  which  will,  in  my  juilirinent,  be  reason- 
j!  alilysaliafaciory  lolhecouniry.  I'ul,  in  my  opinion, 
;i  this  bill  is  in  every  respect  more  ol)jei:lional)lelhaii 
!  ihc  act  of  1843,  defeciive  as  ihal'maybe.    That 
act  embraces  no  new  principles,  and  is  defeciive 
only  in  its  details,  or  smne  of  its  provisions.     It  is 
loo  highly  jiroleciive  in  ils  character;  its  minimum 
i   principle  is  highly  objectionable,  and  some  of  the 
j   specific  dulies  arc  piohibilory,  others  nearly  so, 
[i  and  the  tluties  in  some  cases  are  the  same  on  a 
H  low-priced  article  as  on  one  of  much  greater  value 
I  These  are  serious  defects,  and  require  to  be  reme- 
died.    It  musi,  however,  be  admilted,  that  that  act 

I I  has  in  some  respecls  operated  well.  That  the 
I  eounlry  has  been  prosp{'rous  under  it  cannot  be 
I  denied.     As  a  revenue  measure,  it  has  succeeded 

ij  beyond  the  expcclalions  of  ils  warmest  friend*'.  It 
j  has  ftiriiished  an  ample  revenue,  yet  not  niont  ihan 
'  WHS  desirable,  in  the  condilion  of  ihe  counlrv,  wilh 
■  a  debl  of  nearly  «!,0l).(l()O,OI)O.  It  has  not  oiily  pro- 
;  duced  a  sullicient  but  a  sleaily  revenue;  for  during 
I  the  three  years  it  has  been  in  operation,  the  revenue 
;    has  varied  less  iluin  <tl, 00(1,001).     The  inqiorls  also 

havecxhiliiled  grcal  sieadinesn  and  uniformity.  .\n 
'■'  n  revenue  measure,  iberefore,  ihere  is  no  occasion 
'  lo  change  il,  and  especially  at  a  lime  when  the  con ii- 
I  Iry  is  involved  in  war.  I'lit  if  anything  was  lo  be 
i  ilonc,  the  true  course  W'.uld  have  been  a  rcason- 
{  able  and  equitable  modliicalion  nf  llie  act  of  1813. 
;,  Had  such  a  billbecn  prepared,  I  should  cheerfully 
!  have  given  it  my  support.     But  Ihis  bill  iniroduces 

new  principles,  it  revolulionizcs  llie  whole  system; 

and  should  it  become  a  1  iw,  ihe  i  fleet  of  it  no  one 
i   can  foresee.    It  is  at  best  but  an  experimeni;and  no 

one  can   tell  what  its   practical  operition  will  be, 

either  on  the  revenue,  or  the  great  interests  of  the 


country  which  will  be  brought  wiihlii  its  influ- 
ence. 

Dill  it  seems  to  be  assumed  that  Ihis  is  an  Ad- 
minislration  measure,  and  ihal,  ns  a  friend  of  ihis 
Adminisiralion  there  Is  an  oblignliim  on  me  lo 
give  il  my  support.  If  ihis  assumjilinn  is  correct, 
if  this  is  a  measure  of  the  Adinimstralioii,  I  c^n 
only  say  lhat  1  regret  it,  proliiundly  regret  it;ns  I 
fear  it  will  prove  disasirous  to  its  authors,  should 
it  become  a  law.  How  has  it  Imppened  that 
this  has  become  an  Ailministratinn  measure?  No 
Adminisiralion  beftire  ever  assumed  the  resnonsi- 
l)iliiy  of  hazarding  ils  popularity  on  a  larilV  bill. 
Neither  Gi'neral  Jackson  nor  Mr.  Van  I'uren  ven- 
tured upon  so  hazardous  a  course.  The  tarilF 
is  a  delicate  subjecl,  connerled  wilh  the  yarioun 
and  diversified  inleresis  of  the  country,  which  arc 
supposed  to  be  somewhat  in  cmiflict  in  the  difler- 
ent  sections  of  the  Union.  And  if  the  real  or  sup- 
posed interests  nf  diireient  sections  of  the  Union 
are  in  conflict,  so  far  as  they  may  be  afl'ecled  by  a 
tarifl"  law,  how  can  such  a  queslion  be  brought 
wilhin  the  province  of  ]iaity  r  Are  not  the  opin- 
ions of  the  Democrats  of  the  Norlh  and  of  the 
South  srently  at  variance  on  ihis  question  ?  Those 
of  the  West  may  vary  a  shade  from  either;  indeed, 
'bete  are  scarcely  two  Stales  in  Ihe  Union  ill 
which  the  sentiments  of  the  democracy  are  in  per- 
fect harmony  cm  the  subject  of  the  tarifl'.  How, 
then,  can  an  Adniini.sta'iion,  sufiporled  by  some 
Slates  in  every  section  of  the  Union,  undertake  to 
control  this  queslion,  without  neces.sarily  disafl'ect- 
ing  a  portion  of  ils  friends  ?  If  it  attempts  to  sus- 
tain the  views  of  one  seciinn,  will  it  not  come  in 
conflict  with  Ihose  of  anolher? 

But  if  it  was  lo  allempt  to  settle  this  great  ques- 
lion of  domestic  policy,  it  is  clear  that  it  could 
oidy  be  done  on  ihe  principle  of  a  reasonable  com- 
prnmi.=e.     Ils  policy  should  lie  national,  not  sec- 
tional; and  Ihe  measure  il  proposed  shonUI  be  mod- 
e-ale, avoidinc  the  extreme  doclrines  on  bolh  sides. 
Is  this  such  a  bill?    Kar  from  it.   On  the  contrary, 
il  is  an  extreme  measure,  based  on  new  principles, 
which,  so  far  as  I  know,  hav    never  been  recog- 
nised in  any  State  in  the  Union,  except  it  be  South 
Carolina.    The  unqualified  ficc-lrade  principles  of 
this  bill  are  subslanlially  the  same  as  thrise  set  up 
in  the  Slate  referred  to,  in  opposition  to  the  tariff 
of  1838,  and  which  produced  that  fearful  agitation 
nntl  crisis  that  was  arrcsled  by  the  Compromi.se 
act  of  18,1.").     I  have  ever  believei'  it  inexpedient 
and  wrong  to  make  the  adjustmeiit  of  the  tariffa 
party  queslicm.     It  is  making  the  gre.-it  inleresis  of 
the  country  Ihe  sport  of  political  jiarti-sans,  and  to 
rise  o-  fall  wilh  ilie  changing  fortunes  of  the  two 
great  parties  which  control  the  iinlitical  destinies  of 
the  country.     This  Administration   has  no  truer 
or  more  disinterested  friend  than  I  am;  1  have  sus- 
tained it,  and   will  continue  to  su.'staiii  it;  but  on 
this  question,  I  must  say  to  the  AdiTiinislraiion,as 
Kdmund  Hurke  did  to  bis  consliluents,  the  elector-s 
of  Ibistol:  "  I  will  mainlain  your  inleresis  against 
j  your  opinions,  wilh   a  constancy  that   becomes 
!  me."     I  will,  if  I  can,  save  you  from  the  conse- 
j  quencfs  of  a  measure,  which,  in  my  jr.dgment,  can 
I  hardly  fail  of  proving  disastrous  to  you  as  well  as 
I  the  country.     And  why  has  the  Adniinistration 
I  brou-rhi  forward  Ihis  measure?    Is  il  a.ssumed  lhat 
i  the  tarifl'  quesllni,  was  one  of  ihe  issues  in  ihc  elec- 
tion of  1814?    That  lhat  queslion  was  involved  in 
lhat  eleclioii,  lo  a  cerlain  extent,  may  be  admitted. 
But  did  lhat  conlest  involve  this  bill,  or  the  prin- 
ciples of  this  bill?     Was  that  a  question  between 
the  doclrines  nf  free  Irade  and  the  protective  policy, 
so  far  as  it  isincidenl  lo  revenue?    No  one,  I  think, 
will  haziird  ihc  as.<ertion  lhat  il  was.    At  the  North 
'  ihe  queslion  wa.<  between  an  ultra  protective  lariff 
!  and  a  modiraie  proteciive  syslem,  incidenlnl  to 
revenue.     It  was  a  queslion,  whelher  the  tarifl" of 
1843  should  sland  as  il  is,  or  be  modified  so  as  to 
correct  its  proliibiiory  and  high  :luties,nnd  render 
it  more  consistent  with  all  the  ureal  inleresis  of  the 
{  country.     Is   ihis  a  bill  of  that  character?     If  I 
I  thouiilit  it  was,  it  should  have  my  support.     But 
1  re;:ard  il  as  a  bill  lia.sed  on  the  unnualified  prin- 
ciples of  free  trade,  and  repuilialing  ihc  entire  pro- 
leclive  )ioli.'y.     That  such  is  its  real  chnmtter,  it 
is  my  purpose  lo  endeavor  loshow,  both  in  respect 
10  its  principles  and  delails. 

Having,  Mr.  PresidenI,  disposed  of  ihese  pre- 
liminary questions,  I  now  proceed  to  examine  Ihe 
bill  before  the  Senate  in  its  general  principles  and 


882 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  20, 


29x11  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


T~o  Tariff— Mr.  Niks. 


in  its  (Idiiils,  nnd  tn  stiue  my  olijcrlioiis  to  its  pas- 
iiase.  My  first  ol>j('i'tiiiii  is  in  rcspon  tn  Ihe  Hint 
in  wliicii  it  is  biouKlit  forwnid.  Is  llie  |ii'(seiit  h 
unitiible  time  In  iittcmpt  to  revise  mul  rcndjiist  the 
revenue  niiri  tiirill"  system?  Tlie  cnnniry  is  now 
invnivcil  in  n  war;  nnd  nltlinn^jh  tliis  wiir  iniiy  lie 
deemed  n  small  alTnir,  it  will,  if  it  oontlnnes,  he  n 
very  expensive  nne.  It  is  'n  lie  prosecuted  wilh- 
ijnt  the  limits  nf  the  United  Stales,  In  n  eoiiniry 
where  few  supplies  con  lie  (ililnlned;  nnd  every 
circumslnncc  nliemlina;  It  will  render  its  operntions 
very  expensive.  It  liiis  already  snlijccted  lis  tn  a 
heavy  expense,  nnd  we  are  iinw  lioirnwins  tnnney 
to  enrry  it  on.  lnstr;\d  of  providing  additionnl  rev- 
enues to  meet  this  exlraonllimry  expenditure,  we 
lire  enjled  on  to  reduc  ■  the  existiiijr  revenue  sys- 
tem. Is  this  wise — is  it  prudent?  Will  vmi  enter 
Ujion  nn  untried  system  of  revenue,  at  n  time  when 
there  is  so  henvy  n  demand  on  yoiir  treasury? 
I'ut  aside  from  the  danger  to  the  revenue,  is  this  a 
time  to  attempt  to  remnddle  tlie  revenue  laws. 
Tlii.s  should  not  lie  atlempled,  except  under  cir- 
cumstances allordinic  n  res'onalde  prospect  of  se-' 
curins  permanency  to  your  new  law;  and  to  do 
this,  the  finances  of  the  country  must  he  in  a  set- 
lleil  stale,  so  thai  the  duties  can  lie  ailinslcd  to  the 
wants  of  the  treasury.  Can  this  he  ihuic  in  lime 
of  v,-nr?  Clmiiires  in  the  revenue  laws  nre  lialjje  to 
nlfect  nil  llic  jxreat  interests  of  the  cminiry,  and 
should  not  he  nlteni|ile(l  hut  for  stronsj  reasons.  If 
such  reasons  exist  at  this  time,  pray  what  nre 
they,  nnd  why  are  ihev  not  pointed  mil?  If  they 
have  heen,  I  have  not  been  ."o  fortunate  as  to  learn 
what  they  are. 

I  pass,  Mr.  President,  to  my  second  nl'ieclion 
to  this  liill,  which  is,  Ihc  m'unner  in  which  it 
has  been  prepared.  This  is  nn  F.xecolive  or 
Treasury  scheme,  which  Con^Tcss  is  only  called 
on  to  sanclion.  A  year  ae-o,  the  Secrciary  of 
the  Treasury  sent  out  circulars,  to  obtain  infor- 
mation concerning  the  nmntificturiiif;  interests 
of  the  country,  to  the  Federal  oflicers,  who  hand- 
ed them  to  anybody  who  would  lake  them  and 
return  nn  answer  to  the  (pie.stions.      Very  few, 

I  believe,  fell  into  the  hands  of  men  at  nil  I'ompe- 
teiit  to  give  Ihe  information  required.  This  was 
the  first  movement;  nnd  at  the  connnencemen'  of 
the  se.ssion  of  Con!;rcss,  the  Secretary,  in  his  finan- 
eial  report,  ]ireseiiled  Ihe  outlines  or  principles  of 
his  scheme  of  revenue.  It  was  rather  novel  and 
Ftarllin:;;  but  beiiiff  perhaps  regarded  as  n  mere 
theory,  no  sreat  alarm  was  felt.  Soon  afier,  he 
Buininoned  a  number  of  subtu'dinale  cnstom-liouse 
oliicers,  to  aid  him  in  the  deinils  of  his  plmi,  end 
they  assembled  in  a  room  in  iheTicasury  building', 
conslitutin;^  a  sort  of  special  Conj;iess,  or  supple- 
ment to  the  C'onirress  convened  in  these  I  Tails. 
They  remained  in  sc-^sion  some  mi.iuhs,  and  finally 

II  ■/  ■  ,  -e  liansfiTred  to  the  room  of  ihe  (;oniniil- 
tee  -.A  .ys  and  Means  of  the  House.  I  will  not 
stop  K.  Infjuire  under  what  (.'rant  in  Ihe  f, institu- 
tion this  supplemental  Coneress  wascnnveiied;  but 
it  is  n  little  remarkable  that  the  most  imporlant 
measure  of  the  .session — what  has  since  bein  called 
the  "  threat  measure  of  ihe  aire" — was  confided  to 
this  Coii<;ress  of  cuslom-house  officeis,  whilst  the 
Congress  assembled  in  this  Capitol  was  einploved 
upon  private  petitions,  jirivate  claims,  nnd  other 
small  matters. 

That  in  all  this,  the  intentions  nf  the  SerieiHry 
were  ^ood,  I  have  no  doubt;  yet  it  appears  to  me, 
thai  the  whole  tliiiiff  was  misconceiicd.  I  think, 
sir,  there  is  ^'rcat  objection  to  this  whole  proceed- 
ing. The  levying  of  taxes,  in  any  way,  lias  ever 
been  considered  by  our  i3rilisli  ancestors,  nnd  by 
our  American  ancestors,  as  involvinj;  the  vital 
principles  of  liberty,  and  as  beloimiin;  exclusively 
to  the  neprescniative.sof  the  pcoph;.  So  jealously 
hns  this  riicht  been  rejarded,  that  the  Icvyiu!;  by 
the  Crown  of  a  small  tax,  called  ship-money,  occa- 
sioiied  a  revolution  nnd  civil  war  in  ICngland,  which 
cost  Ihe  Soverei^'ii  his  head;  and  the  levvinc  of  a 
fiwcenis  tax  on  ten,  cave  rise  to  ourclorioiis  Revo- 
lution, which  resulted  in  the  independence  of  this 
print  country.  And  so  cautious  were  the  fiauiers 
of  the  Consliluiioii,  that  they  confined  the  iiriiji- 
natiiis;  of  tax  bills  to  the  Hou.se  of  Representa- 
tives. To  the  Senate,  therefiire,  this  power  is  de- 
nied; yet  the  Secretiry  of  the  Treasury,  with  the 
aid  of  a  conui^il  constiliUed  by  himself,  has  pre- 
pared this  bill,  both  in  its  principles  and  detnil.i!, 
except  so  far  as  the  latter  may  have  been  modified 


1 ,  by  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  of  the  other 

I  hlousc. 

I  There  is  nnotlier  reason  why  n  tax  bill,  nnd 
especially  a  bill  imposing  duties  on  imports,  should 

i[  be  prepared   by  the  immediate  llepresenlativea  of 

I  the  pi'iipic,  which   is,  that  they  allect  all  classes 

■!  nnd  all  interests,  which  should  be  justly  and  pro- 

'!  perly  represented  by  those  who  nre  to  frame  and 
prepare  the  law.    This  could  not  'i  done  by  a  few 

.  custom-house  officers  represenliie;  none  of  the 
great  inleresis  of  the  country;  and  perhaps  erpially 
i;;norant  and  regardless  of  thein.  It  is  rather  un- 
fortunate that  a  revenue  bill,  alFcctin^  all  the  com- 
mercial, nianufacturini;,niid  navignlin^' interests  of 

'  the  North,  should  have  been  exclusively  in  the 
hanils,  in  its  preparation,  of  two  southern  planters; 
and  that  no  one,  so  far  as  I  know,  from  the  Stales 
most  interested,  should  have  been  consulled  on  the 
subject. 

I  now  proceed,  Mr.  Piesident,  to  examine  this 
bill  in  its  t;eneral  jiriiiciples  and  its  details,  and  lo 
subject  them  to  the  test  nf  those  principles  wliicli 
were  recoi;nised  by  the  fathers  of  our  political 
church,  and  all  «  ho  have  inlliered  to  the  |irimitive 
tiiitli^of  Democracy. 

I  have  already  stated  that  the  fj^ncral  principles 
of  this  bill  are  novel  and  danserous  In  their  eon- 
seipiences.  They  are  the  principles  of  free  trade, 
with  the  exclusion  of  all  discrimination,  as  inci- 
dental to  revenue,  to  fiivor  the  proibictions  or  in- 

,  iluslry  of  the  country.  .And  in  eonnexioii  with 
these,  is  the  principle  of  ml  valorem  duties,  never 

1  before  introduced  as  n  general  rule  of  nssessini; 
duties.  These  principles  are  laid  down  and  at- 
lempled to  be  defended  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  in  his  financial  report  at  the  eommence- 
iiient  of  the  session.  The  Secretary  comes  for- 
ward with  a  new  theory,  which,  it  is  said.  In  a 
certain  rpiarter,  none  of  his  predecessor.s  ever  had 
ciiurat'e  to  advance.  It  is  ceitaiuly  true,  that  none 
of  those  who  have  preceded  hiui  ever  advocated 
such  a  theory;  but  whether  for  want  of  courni;e, 
or  want  of  confidence  in  its  principles,  cannot  be 
very  doubtful.  .N'cithrr  Mr.  Gallatin,  Mr.  Dal- 
las, Mr.  Crawford,  .Mr.  !ni:liain,  or  I\Ir.  Wood- 
bury, nor  any  other  Deinocratic  Secretary,  c\er 
advocated  or  cave  cnunlcnance  lo  such  doctrines. 

This  report,  ill  imitation  of  the  ancient  nnd  lon<:- 
since  exploded  jdiilosophy,  lays  down  certain  ab- 
stract priiiciplts  or  categories,  which  are  to  control 
and  re;;ulalc  the  enliie  ri  venue  and  tiirifl'system. 
The  first  principle  is,  that  no  more  revenue  should 
be  raised  than  is  necessary  to  an  economical  ad- 
niinistration  of  the  Governinenl.  To  this  rule  all 
will  proliably  assent.  The  second  principle  is, 
that  in  all  cases  :..(■  lowest  rate  of  duty  should  be 
imposed  which  will  produce  the  largest  amount  of 
revenue;  ihal  there  may  lie  discriminations  below 
this  rate  for  revenue,  and  for  special  rca.sons  some 

I  articles  may  be  admitted  free  of  duly.  This  is  the 
^overninc  principle  of  the  whole  system,  and  it  is 
apparent  thai  it  excludes  nil  discrimination,  as 
Incident  to  revenue,  to  favor  the  pioducts  of  the 
country,  or  the  labor  of  the  country,  or  lo  coun- 
tervail the  leirislation  of  other  countries.  Vou 
are  only  to  discriminate  in  tiie  descending;  scab', 
and  that  for  revenue  only.  Tlie  maximum  rate 
is  a  revenue  duty,  and    the   lowest  point  of  rev- 

'  enue  duty;  and  to  discriminate  below  that,  i-er- 
lainly  cannot  be  for  proieclion.  it  is  but  ju.slice 
to  the  Sccretfiry  lo  state  that  he  does  not,  in 
ex]ireRs  terms,  deny  that  there  ouchi  to  be  any  dis- 
crimination for  protection;  but  he  nowhere  asserts 
that  there  should  be:  and  his  jiriiiciples  certainly 
entirely  exclude  all  discriininalioii  for  protection, 
ns  incidental  to  revenue.  To  discriminate  ill  the 
desceudiin;-  scale,  from  .he  lowest  rale  wiiich  will 
produce  the  ^'reatesl  amount  of  reverue,  is  lo  dis- 
criminate ncainst  protection.  This  is  perfectly 
clear;  for  to  i-edin'e  the  duty,  is  to  favor  and  in- 
crease iin|iorlalioiiN  lo  the  iitpiry  of  home  produc- 
tions. The  President,  if  I  mislake  not,  speaks 
alioiil  diseriininalions  within  the  revenue  standard, 
liiil  what  Is  Ihe  revenue  .stindard?  Can  any  nne 
tell?  Is  it  the  rule  laid  down  by  the  Secretary — 
the  lowest  rate  of  duty — wliich  will  produce  the 
Ki'catest  amount  of  revenue?  If  this  is  the;  revenue 
slandaril,  then,  as  I  have  shown,  there  uiu  be  no 
discrimination  for  I'rotection  within   the  rt venue 

,  Htaniiard,  us  you  can  only  discriminate  iiy  irdii- 
cin;;  the  rnle  nf  duty,  wliiih  will  increase  imporla- 

,  tiuns  at  the  cxpciise  of  the  home  production.   The 


Senate. 

true  revenue  standard  is  n  rate  of  duty  which  will 
produce  revenue,  and  n  ien.sonable  amount  of  rev- 
enue; but  by  no  means  the  larcenl  amouiil  of  reve- 
nue, as  that  winild  be  to  favor  the  largest  amount 
of  iniporlnlions.  If  there  is  any  general  principle 
lo  be  ndopled  in  arranging  a  larill'  of  duties,  it 
should  be  this:  to  ascertain  what  is  the  average 
rale  of  duly  required  to  produce  the  whole  revenue 
demanded  for  an  eennnmicnl  aili.iinistralion  of  the 
Go\ernmenl,  nnd  then  to  discriminate  above  that 
rale  for  protection,  and  also  to  throw  a  heavier 
tax  on  luxuries,  and  below  it,  to  lighten  the  bur- 
I  dens  of  taxation  and  to  favor  articles  of  general  or 
I  univer.sai  consumption.  Suppose  the  average  rate 
of  duty  for  revenue  lo  be  'M  per  cent.,  which  is 
i  said  to  be  the  case  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury in  |H4r>:  the  discrimination  for  proteeticni  must 
he  above  that  rate,  except  in  respect  to  raw  niate- 

■  rials  entering  into  the  elements  of  manufactured 
products;  and  the  discriuiinaliona  below  that  rale 
are  for  revenue,  or  to  lighten  the  burdens  of  taxa- 

'  tioii.  There  are  two  rates  of  duties  which  may  be 
I;  considered  as  protective — ihose  above  Ihc  average 
',  revenue  standard,  on  articles  interfering  with  those 

I  produced  in  the  country,  nnd  Ihose  below  the  aver- 
age i-nle,  or  ndmitled  without  duty,  on  raw  innle- 

■  rials.  This  presi'iiln  the  matter  in  a  very  simple 
light,  nnd  will  enable  us  to  decide  on  the  true 
character  of  this  bill.     This  is  no  theory,  but  is 

I  simply  taking  the  facts  of  the  case  na  the  only 
,  safe  basis  for  arranging  a  system  of  revenue  dutiea 
with  inridenial  protection.     Hut  in  regard  to  nb- 
slract  theories,  whether  of  free  trade  or  proieclion, 
,  not  origin  iling  in  the  fads  of  the  ease,  not  having 
;  their  .source  in  the  actual  condition  of  the  country, 
I  they  are  not  only  idle  nnil  profitless  speculations, 
;  but  mischievous  and  dangerous.     Sir,  I  hold  all 
;  such  theories   in  utter  eonlempl,  ns  beneath  the 
I  regard  of  stalesmi'U,  and  subversive  of 'all  sound 
]  legislation.      There   nre    no  theories,   no  general 
principles  on  this  subject,  po.s.sessing  the  authority 
of  universal   truth,  or  universal  application.     A 
system  of  revenue,  whether  on  free-trade  princi- 
ples or  protective  principles,  may  be  suitable  and 
proper  fiir  one  country,  and  very  unsuitable  for 
another.     Every  country  should  form  and  adopt  u 
revenue  system  adapted  to  the  condition,  pursuits, 
and  interests  of  its  own  peo|de.     To  adopt  a  sys- 
tem resting  on   any  other  basis,  on  any  abstract 
theory,  is  to  disregard  entirely  the  interests  of  the 
country,  and  to  expose  them  lo  be  sacrificed.     It 
is  to  sport  with  the  rights,  the  interests,  and  the 
II  labor  of  the  |ieo|ile.     This  sport,  like  the  fable  of 
the  boys  and    the  frogs,  may  be  very  "greeiible  to 
speculative  theorisls   and   speculative  politicians, 
but  it  may  be  death  Ui  the  people  \. ':-■"  interests 
nnd    eniplovments   are   crusluil  by    it.     Revenue 
laws  shoiihi  be  ndoptcd  like  all  other  laws,  not  in 
'  imrsuance  of  a  theory,  but  by  carefully  examining 
the  facta  in  every  particular  case  of  duty  inqiused, 
and  pereei,  ing,  .so  far  ns  human  .sagacity  can  do 
it,  aided  by  experience,  what  is  to  be  the  practical 
opeialinn  of  the  law,  what  are  to  be  its  cllecls  and 
eniisequences,  not  only  directly,  but  collaterally 
anil  indirectly. 

Will  you  confine  your  view  only  to  the  direct 
clli'ct  of  a  particular  duly,  which  your  law  im- 
po.scs?    This  is  merrly  lo  put  n  sum  of  money 
i  into  the  triasui-y.     Rut  the  consequences  of  getting 
this  money  may  be  very  mischievous,  as,  in  ca.se 
of  a  high  duty  on  a  raw  material,  it  may  break 
down  a  larce  branch  of  industry,  nnd  deprive  a 
I  hirce   number  of  per.sons  of  their  eniploymenl. 
ti  Will  nola  wise  and  prudent  legislator  look  at  these 
consequences  ?   Will  he  not  regard  them;  and  if  the 
injury  is  lo  be  serious,  will  he  not  inquire  whether 
the  .same  revenue  cannot  be  raised  by  a  duty  on 
some  oilier  article,  not  productive  of  such  conse- 
quences?    Will  he  not  perceive  the  folly  or  im- 
piiliry  of  such  a  lax,  viewed  in  regard  lo  rcvenun 
i  only?  because,  the  persons  thrown  out  of  emplny- 
meui  may  have  consumed  other  articles  of  impor- 
tation, on  which  n  greaier  amount  of  revenue  was 
.  collected;  so  that  what  is  gained  by  the  tax  on  the 
'  raw  nialeriel,  will  be  lost,  and  perhaps  twite  the 
amount,  on  other  importations. 

There  is  no  other  sound  principle  in  imposing 
duties  on  imports,  but  lo  make  the  burden  of  the 
lax  as  light  as  possible,  anil  the  ell'ect  and  conse- 
quences of  it  as  little  injurious,  or  ns  beneficial  as 
possible.  Thai  is,  to  do  the  least  injury  on  the 
one  hand,  and  tJie  great  consequciitit.j  benefit  on 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


883 


29th  Cong Ist  Sess. 


ne  Tnriff—Mi:  Niks. 


Senate. 


the  other,  timt  in  cnnnistent  with  the  objent, 
which  is  to  put  i\  certain  sum  of  money  into  the 
treasury.  Anil  this  ounnol  be  dclcrminc<l  by  nny 
tlieory,  but  upon  the  facts  n|)plicnblc  to  every  par- 
ticular duty  imposed.  This  will  be  to  do  the  lenst 
injury  and  the  greixtcst  good  to  the  p;re«tc»t  num- 
ber; which  1  lieliove,  sir,  is  sound  democracy. 
At  any  rale,  il  is  sound  lesislatinn.  How  far  these 
jilnin  cnnimon-sense  views  are  iii  harmony  with 
this  hill,  1  shall  endeavor  to  show.  I  have  tiuis  far 
bicn  pxnniininu;  the  theory  of  the  fiTi;-inide  princi- 
ples of  the  Secretary,  on  whicli  this  bill,  as  1  shall 
<  ndeavor  In  make  it  appear,  is  founded,  and  not  the 
bill  itself. 

There  is  one  other  e;eneral  principle  laid  down 
by  the  Secretary,  and  whicli  all  will  admit  is  car- 
rieil  out  in  the  bill.  I  allude  to  the  uniform  ad  va- 
lorem principle.  Why  is  this  principle,  for  the 
tirst  tune,  pressed  it])on  us?  Why  aro  we  called 
nil  at  a  time  like  tlii>:,  when  the  cmintry  isengaijed 
in  war,  to  chan;;c  the  whole  revenue  system,  and 
I'Uter  upon  an  unlrieil  experiment.'  In  respect  to 
the  principle  by  which  revenue  is  to  be  asses.sed, 
all  must  admit  tli'it  the  rule  which  is  the  most  cer- 
tain, steady,  and  uniform,  and  least  liable  to  eva- 
sion, IS  the  best.  And  who  can  doubt  that  specific 
duties,  where  the  article  admits  of  that  principle, 
is  the  best,  as  cointiiniug  most  of  these  advantages.' 
ft  is  best  for  revenue,  and  best  to  guard  the  home 

iiroduction;  because  the  tax  is  steady  and  uniform. 
I  does  not  vary  with  the  change  of  commercial 
markets.  The  ad  valorem  principle  is  a  mere  sli- 
ding scale;  not  like  the  Kurdish  corn  laws,  but  on 
an  inverse  princi)ile.  Hv  the  corn-law  scale,  the 
duty  diminished  as  the  price  of  the  anicle  increased 
The  duty  decreased  as  the  price  of  wh.^nt  advanced, 
and  increased  as  the  price  of  wheat  fell;  and  when 
It  reached  a  certain  point  in  the  ascending  scale, 
the  duty  ceased.  Dnt  this  sliding  scale  is  the  re- 
verse. The  duty  increases  as  the  price  of  the  arti- 
cle increases.  The  duty  is  the  highest  when  the 
price  is  the  greatest  and  the  people  least  able  to 
pay  it.  When  the  price  of  the  article  is  the  high- 
est in  foreign  ports,  the  duty  advances;  and  so  far 
OS  it  operates  as  a  protection  to  home  |iroductions, 
the  ]  roicction  is  greatest  when  it  is  least  needed. 
On  the  other  hand,  when  prices  fall  in  foreign 
countries  the  duly  is  diminished,  and  nllbrds  the 
least  protection  when  it  is  most  required.  To  illus  ■ 
Irate  this,  take  the  article  of  iron,  which  has  varied 
in  price,  in  Wales,  from  three  poimils  sterling  a 
Ion,  to  twenty  |iounds.  When  at  the  former  price, 
Che  duly  at  .10  per  cent,  would  be  twelve  .-ihillings; 
when  worth  twenty  pounds  the  duty  would  be 
sixty  shilling.s — live  times  as  much. 

In  jicriods  of  commercial  activity  and  excite- 
ment prices  advance,  and  at  these  periods  importa- 
tions increase,  and  the  rate  id"  duty  on  the  article 
will  likewise  increase,  and  you  will  have  an  over- 
llowing  treasury.  Then  comes  a  commercial  re- 
vulsion, and  prices  fall,  and  down  comes  your 
duties,  and  you  have  an  empty  treasury.  Molas- 
ses varies  in  price,  at  Havana  and  oilier  places  of 
<'vport,  from  two  cents  a  galhm  to  twenty  cents. 
Thirty  per  ceiU.,  at  two  cents  a  gallon,  makes  the 
duty  six  mills;  and  at  twenty  cents  the  duty  will 
be  six  cents  per  gallon.  A  friend  of  mine,  engaged 
in  the  West  India  trade,  recently  informed  me  that 
be  had  had  molasses  ffiven  to  bun,  without  money 
and  without  price;  he  had  been  »old  to  protlucehis 
casks,  and  they  slioiild  be  filled;  and  he  .said  he 
bad  imported  molasses  in  that  way.  How  woulil 
you  apply  your  ad  valorem  principle  to  such  a  ca.^e, 
and  what  would  the  duty  be  .'  I  think  this  would 
ilea  poser  to  the  advocates  of  the  ad  valorem  sys- 
tem. Ihit  an  article  obtaineil  so  u.ig  cheap,  could 
well  aft'ord  to  bear  a  duty.  A  ton  of  iron,  or  a  gal- 
lon of  molasses,  arc  as  valualilc  for  use  when  at  the 
low  price,  as  at  the  high;  the  one  will  make  no 
more  axes  or  hoes,  and  the  other  will  sweeten  n" 
iniue  gingerbread,  at  the  high  rate  than  at  the  low; 
yet  your  law  will  lax  it  six  times  as  much.  Sugar, 
raisins,  and  all  articles  of  merchandi.se,  vary  .50  per 
cent,  in  the  places  front  whence  they  are  exported, 
and  your  duties  musi  fluctuate  accordingly — rising 
and  falling  .'50  per  v.cni.  What  stability  can  there 
be  ill  your  fiuani:inl  system,  with  reveune  laws  rest- 
ing on  such  a  basis.'  We  have  always  had  some 
ad  valorem  duties;  there  are  some  articles  which 
do  not  admit  of  specific  duties;  but  specific  duties 
should  be  the  genera!  rule,  and  ad  valorem  duties 
the  exceptions. 


Another  objection,  Mr.  President,  to  nd  valorem 
duties  is,  tin  greater  facilities  they  alTord  tor  frauds 
upon  the  revenue,  which  arc  at  the  same  time  a 
fraud  upon  thi^  honest  importer,  and  upon  the  man- 
ufacturer. The  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Pi- 
nance  [Mr.  Lkwis]  has  told  us  ihatno  frauds  have 
been  proved,  and  that  no  one  makes  any  complaint 
of  frauds  by  false  invoices  but  the  manufactnri;rs. 
,\nd  this  slatemeiit  is  hazarded  in  the  face  of  the 
fact  that  there  is  im  our  table  a  remonstrance,  sign- 
ed by  all  the  im|)orlers  of  I'oston,  sayins  thai  if 
this  law  passes  thev  must  discontinue  their  busi- 
ness, as  no  honest  importer  could  sustain  a  rnin- 
pelition  with  dishonest  foreigners  and  the  unscrn- 
pulous  imptuiers  among  oiir  own  ciiizcns.  And 
as  to  frauds,  the  Senator  from  Maine  [Mr.  F.v.ws] 
has  shown  that  fm'ty-scven  cases  of  frcods  were 
proved  in  onr  court:',  sninc  years  since.  IJut  most 
of  these  frauds  evidently  escape  detection,  as  it  is 
extiemely  difiicult  to  obtain  the  j^roof  to  establish 
the  fact.  That  they  have  existed  extensively,  no 
commercial  man,  acr|uaiiiled  with  the  subject,  en- 
tertains a  doubt.  Ibit  1  will  not  pursue  this  objec- 
tion, as  it  was  30  fully  gone  into  by  the  Senator 
from  ^^aine. 

I  will  now  proceeil,  Mr.  President,  lo  exai-iine 
the  details  of  this  bill,  and  sec  bow  far  it  is  framed 
upon  Ihc  five-trade  principles  of  the  Serretaiv  of 
the  Treasury,  as  put  tbrth  in  his  repoit,and  which 
1  have  already  exninincd.  The  duties  are  not  ar- 
ranged upon  the  horizontal  princi)ile  of  one  circle, 
but  upon  several  ch'cles.  To  decide  whether  this 
bill  is  framed  on  the  principles  of  free  trade,  or  the 
|)riticiple  of  incidental  protection,  we  must  first 
look  at  the  extreme  rates  or  classes,  the  lii;;ii  rates, 
and  the  lowest,  and  free  rates.  The  highest  cla.vs 
are  at  a  rale  of  1(10  per  cent,  duty,  consislin?-  of 
spirits,  and  a  U'W  other  articles.  The  second  class 
are  at  the  rate  of  40  per  cent.,  anil  this  embraces 
spices,  fruits,  and  olherarticles,  all  of  which,  with 
one  exception — li'harro.  and  the  manufactures  of 
tobacco — are  articles  not  manufactured  or  proiluced 
in  this  eonnlry.  I  will  now  look  at  the  class  of 
free  articles;  and  here  we  find  bin  a  sinsle  article, 
and  that  of  little  importance,  (platina.)  which  is  a 
raw  material,  or  used  in  manuficturiiiff.  In  the 
act  of  1842,  there  is  a  large  list  of  free  articles,  em- 
bracing dye  stnll's,  raw  metals,  and  various  raw 
articles  used  by  the  mechanics  and  manufacturers 
of  the  country.  In  the  act  of  18.1!},  as  modified  by 
that  of  13.').'),  there  is  a  much  laru'cr  list  of  free  ar- 
ticles; so  larsc,  that,  under  those  acts,  one-half  of 
the  whole  imports  for  several  years  were  free  of 
dutv.  This,  of  course,  threw  almost  the  whole 
duties  upon  what  are  called  the  protected  articles, 
which  interfiled  with  home  productions.  This 
was  undoubtedly  wroiiir,and  was  carrying  the  pro- 
tective principle  to  an  extreme  lcn;;lh.  But  I  have 
heard  no  complaint  of  the  free  list  in  the  act  of  '43; 
and  I  would  ask,  why  it  is  that  so  entire  a  change 
has  been  made  in  this  respect?  Why  is  it,  that 
Ihe  raw  materials  used  in  the  arts  by  our  mechanics 
and  mamitaetvirers,  which  heretofore  have  been 
imported  free  of  ilnty,  are  now  to  be  subjected  to 
duties?  These  articles  are  admitted  freeof  duty  in 
Knirland  and  other  manufacturing  countries,  not- 
withstanding their  system  of  taxation  is  so  heavy 
and  burdensome.  In  Eniland,  it  is  said,  there  arc 
now  several  hundred  aiiicles  imported  free  of  dniv. 

It  is  the  policy  of  idl  nations,  where  the  arts 
exist,  to  iin|iort  raw  materials  free  of  duly.  This 
has  been  an  important  feature  in  the  policy  of  Sir 
Robert  Peel;  and  he  has,  within  a  few  years,  re- 
duced the  duty  on  seven  hundred  and  fifty  articles; 
and  entirely  removed  it  from  four  hundred  and 
thirty.  Is  not  a  t;ix  on  raw  materials  calculated  to 
<l'iHC()urns;p  rather  than  lo  eucmirage  mechanical  and 
manufacturing  industry  and  producis?  Is  it  not 
siibjeciing  onr  mechanics  and  artisans  to  disad- 
vantages and  burdens  lo  which  those  of  En^'land 
and  other  countries  are  iiol  subject?  Is  ii  not,  in 
fiict,  ft  lax  on  Inhnr,  and  cnlcnlaied  to  give  an  ad- 
vantage to  foreign  labor  over  American  labor  in 
our  own  markets?  Whether  this  was  the  desisn 
or  not,  certainly  such  is  the  elfect  of  the  law. 
This  is  a  very  strange  policy;  a  strange  kind  of 
protection  to  American  iiidn.?try. 

Wc  see,  then,  that  in  the  two  highest  classes  of 
duties,  and  in  the  lowest,  or  free  list,  there  is  not 
only  no  protection,  but  the  principle  is  rerer^eil. 
In  a  system  of  incidental  protectiim,  the  class 
of  the  highest  rate  of  duties  are  articles  of  the 


description  produced  in  the  country;  and  the  free 
list  consists  of  raw  materials  used  in  the  arts.  In 
this  bill,  the  two  classes  of  high''st  duties  are  not 
prodnced  m  the  country,  except  tobacco;  and  raw 
materials  are  not  in  the  free  list,  but  subject  lo 
duly.  And  why  is  tobacco  made  an  exception, 
and  proli  cted  by  a  hiijher  rate  of  duty  than  any 
other  article?  Are  tobacco  and  the  manufactures 
of  tobacco  entitled  to  special  favor?  Are  they  of 
ijrealer  importance  and  ulilily  than  iron  and  wool- 
lens? Thisbill,  sir,  has  a  stranse  southern  sipiint; 
it  is  conslanlly  squinting  at  cotton  and  tobacco. 
Perhnjis,  sir,  )  am  wrong  in  saying  Ihat  this  bill 
has  no  protective  principle  in  it;  there  arc  two  ar- 
tii'Ies  that  are  protected — tobacco  and  sardines,  n 
kind  of  fish  preserved  in  oil;  lliey  are  protected,  one 
by  a  duly  of  forty,  »nd  the  other  by  a  duly  of  one 
luimlicil  percent.  It  may  thcrefinc  bi;  supposed 
that  if  this  bill  sliould  become  a  law,  the  sardine 
biisinrss  will  hcreafier  be  llourisbiiig.  Well,  sir, 
perhaps  we  should  be  thankful  for  small  favors 
and  rejoice  that  all  the  inieresis  of  the  country  are 
not  abandoned:  tobacco  and  sardines  ai*c  certainly 
well  taken  care  of,  and  wc  may  hope  for  a  flourish- 
in;  trade  in  them,  and  that  will  be  better  than 
niithiiig. 

But,  Mr.  President,  I  maintain  that  the  true 
lest  by  which  we  are  to  determine  whether  any 
larifV  bill  contains  any  general  princi;>!e  of  inci- 
dental protection,  is  this:  if  it  contains  that  ])rin- 
ciple,  the  class  of  articles  eonuiiouly  called  prnlect- 
eJ  articles,  being  of  the  description  of  like  articles 
produced  in  the  country,  must  be  subject  to  n  rate 
of  duly  above  the  general  average  rate  of  duly 
necessary  to  produce  the  requisite  amount  of  rev- 
enue. If  they  are  not  above  that  rale,  the  duly  is 
merely  a  revenue  duty.  We  have,  then,  to  inquire 
what  is  that  average  rale;  and  here,  sir,  we  have  the 
statement  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  that  in 
li-'l,"),  it  was  0(1.1)11  jicr  cent.,  a  fraction  short  of  .SO 
percent.  The  highest  class  of  protected  articles  in 
this  bin,  with  ti»rexceplion  of  tobacco,  is  30  per 
cent.,  the  avcrase  rale  of  duties  required  f  r  rey- 
emie.  Where,  then,  is  your  discrimin,'  'U  in 
favor  of  American  productions  and  labor.-  i^-.  I 
hive  already  slated,  the  discrimination  is  c  ninst 
protection,  as  ihe  two  classes  of  tlic  liighe.-;  rales 
of  duty  are  articles  not  produced  in  the  country.  It 
is  Inic  that  under  this  bill  the  .average  rate  of  duty 
is  esiiniatcd  at  23.;  in-  34  percent.,  so  that  there 
would  be  a  .shade'of  protection  in  the  .'lO  per  cent, 
class.  But  this  iiill,  as  I  shall  attempt  to  show, 
will  not  produce  the  required  revenue  for  the  ordi- 
nary expenses  of  the  Government,  without  an  in- 
crease of  importations  of  thirty  or  forty  millions, 
which  the  counlry  can  neither  pay  for  nor  con- 
sume. Xothing  short  of  30  per  cent,  a.s  Ihe  aver- 
age rate  of  duties,  will  give  us  the  requisite  amount 
of  revenue,  as  the  importations  of  184.5  were  large, 
beyond  the  exports  of  the  year,  and  requirina  four 
millions  of  specie  to  pay  for  the  excess.  It  is 
clear,  then,  that  not  one  lif  the  class  regarded  as 
protected  articles,  except  tobacco,  has  even  one 
per  cent,  discriniinalion  in  its  favor. 

Mr.  President,  1  will  now  proceed  lo  examine, 
more  in  detail,  the  arrangement  of  the  rales  oi 
diilies  on  dillcrent  articles,  and  see  how  far.and 
in  what  way,  the  produclions  and  labor  of  the 
coiiiitry  are  'taken  care  of.  I  will  commence  with 
wool  and  woollens.  The  duly  on  wool  uiimanu- 
frtc'ured  is  30  per  cent.;  on  manufactures  of  wool, 
or  of  which  wool  is  a  component  part,  not  other- 
wise provided  for,  30  per  cent.;  on  carpeting  30 
per  cent.;  on  baizes,  bockings,  and  flannels,  9,1  per 
cent.;  on  manufactures  of  worsted,  or  of  which 
wiirsted  is  a  component  part,  2.1  per  cent.;  on 
blaiikels  of  all  kiud.<  20  per  cent.;  on  woollen  list- 
ings 20  per  cent.  The  averasc  duty  on  the  manu- 
factures of  wool  is  2.'>  per  cent.,  and  on  wool  un- 
manufactured, ;tO  per  cent.  The  discrimination 
liere  is  five  per  cent,  asainst  the  manufactured 
article.  'I'his  is  a  sort  of  Irish  principle  of  protec- 
tion, the  discrimination  to  favor  the  manufac- 
tured article,  being  an  iidvmice  one  peg  lower. 
The  wool  and  woollen  interest  is  one  of  tbc  great 
inieresis  of  tbc  country,  and  no  other  is  enti- 
tled to  more  favor  or  consideration.  There  is  a 
greater  population  now  concerned  in  the  growing  of 
wool  and  the  manufiictures  thereof  than  there  is  in 
growing  cotton.  The  States  of  Vermont,  New 
York,  and  Pennsylvania, are  the  great  wool  grow- 
ing Slates;  but   the   business   is  extending   into 


834 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


|.TuIy  20, 


99tii  Cono IsT  Skss. 

Ohio,  iinil  olIiiT  Sialr.-"  nnilliwcMl  of  llii:  (lliiii  riv(.T,  I 
wliic-li  111  no  ilistnut  day  will  In'  tl"'  (.'lonl  wool- 
priiwinc;  Sinli.s  in  (lie  Ciiiini.     As  slii'cp  can  bo  I 
wiiilcrril  willioiit  jiniisiiii;  or  iniirli  expensp,  wool  j 
cflo  be  raiNcd  in  ihose  Slalrs  hh  rlicap  us  on  tlie 
vnBt  iirairica  of  Buenos  Ayrcs,  and  at  ciiglii  or  ten 
oenls  a  pound  will  atl'iMd  a  j;""'l  prolil.     A  friend 
lately  informed  mo  of  llio  sale  of  a  liil.  of  fifiy  lliou- 
Kaud  pounds  of  wool  from  Ohio  in  ihe  town  of  my  , 
reNidenrc  to  n  carpet  inannfaeiurer,  iiein;;  the  first 
lot  ever  received  mere  from  tlial  Slate;  and  I  learn 
from  a  mcrclinnt   in  CMiieaijo   that    five    luindred 
lliouMand  pound* have  been  sent  tlie  present  season 
from  that  place  to  market.s  in  llie  eastern  tsiales,  at 
nn  expense  for  freiijlil  "f  sixty-two  cc  nls  per  hun- 
dred iiounds;  and  it  costs  (Ifly  cents  from  nnlfalo, 
or  in  tlie  western  section  of  Xew  Ym-li  on  the  lino  of 
the  :'anal.     One  iulvanla;;o  wliicli  the  wool  interest  | 
will  possess  in  those  States  over  the  ijrain  interest, 
is  in  the  greater  value  of  the  article,  accordinj;  to 
its  wci!;ht,  nud  the  coiiser|ncnt  savinj;  in  the  ex- 
pense in  cettiils  it  to  market.  I 

It  will  be  perceived  that  wool  is  both  nn  nsriciil- 
tiirnl  and  a  manufacturing;  interest,  and  that  they 
cannot  be  separated,  for  we  cannot  dipcud  o'l  for- 
eiffn  markets  for  wool.     A  small  amount  was  cx- 
]iorted  last  year,  yet  we  imported  iiearlv  twenty-  ' 
four  millions  of  pounds.     To  destroy  the  minii- 
facturesof  wool  would  be  fatal  to  the  \vool-i;ri)wirii^ 
interest,  by  taking  away  the  home  market.     .And, 
if  you  ruin  the  wool-^jrowint;  interest,  you  force 
the  nijjricultnrists  eufrased  in  it  iiuo  the  dairy  bus!-  ' 
Jie.ss,  which  will  then  sufler  fr(nn  over  production. 
In  view  of  the  vast  imnonance  ot'  the  wool  and 
woollens   interest,  sounil    policy   rci|uires    that   it 
should  be  placed  on  a  sui*c  add  safe  fomulation. 
Will  this  bill   allbrd   that  security.'    Thirty  per 
cent,  duty  niishl  be  sufficient  were  it  not  that  the  , 
duty  on  the  niw  material  is  a  countcrvailinij  duty, 
not  to  the  full  amount,  but  to  a  considerable  ex- 
tent.    1  do  not  objci;t  to  thirty  per  cent,  on  wool, 
but  there  should  certainly  he  sonic  discrimination; 
but  instead  of  that,  the  tiiscrimiiuition  on  certain  , 
manufactures  of  wool  is  the  other  way,  the  duly 
beiji^  less  on  the  manufactured  article  than  on  the 
raw  material. 

jMy  own  Stale  is  pretty  largely  concerned  in  the 
woollen  manufacture,  and  supplies  a  market  for 
the  wool  of  Vermont,  New  York,  and  other  Slates, 
there  beiii't  very  little  produced  in  the  State.  There 
are  probably  ten  millions  of  pounds  of  wool  re- 
quired for  the  woollen  and  carpet  factories  in  Con- 
necticut. How  can  the  carpet  business  stand 
under  this  bill.'  It  uses  foreit;!!  wool  chielly,  sub- 
ject to  the  .same  duty  as  the  manufactured  proiluci. 
It  would  have  no  jirolection  a;;ainst  the  liucinu 
article,  and  must  certaiidy  fall.  The  woolli'ii 
establishments  in  Connecticut,  except  those  in  the 
carpet  business,  are  all  small;  they  are  owned  by 
the  farmers  and  small  capitalists,  and  are,  in  every 
respect,  a  popular  interest;  and  this  bill,  in  my  ' 
judsjment,  will  alVord  tbeui  no  .alequate  security.     ; 

Intimately  connected  with  the  wool  and  wool- 
len interest,  is  that  of  made-up  clothiui;.  Clothinij 
ready  made,  and  wcarini^appiuel  of  every  descrip- 
tion, of  whatever  material  compo.iid,  madr  up  or 
manufactured,  in  whole  or  in  part,  by  the  tailor  or  , 
seamstress,  is  subject  to  a  duty  of  .')()  per  cent. —  I 
the  same  as  the  duty  on  the  cloth  from  whicOi  it 
is  made.  The  principle  on  which  duties  are  im- 
posed, when  there  is  any  encoui'a;;cmcnt  inteniled 
to  be  given  to  the  labor  of  the  country,  is,  to  in- 
crease the  rale  of  duly  in  a  manner  to  correspond 
with  the  increa.se  of  labor  which  has  entered  into 
the  article.  Clothing  has  the  uildiiional  labcu'  of 
making  the  cloth  into  £;arments;  and  is  not  ihis  an  ; 
employment  deservinf;  of  .some  favor?  It  is  main- 
ly confined  to  our  cities,  a::;l  all'ords  labor  and 
wa^es  to  females,  many  of  whom  have  no  other  i 
means  of  sui-sistence.  Their  earnings  are  small 
nt  best,  and  this  bill  will  cither  de|irive  them  of 
their  employment,  or  bring  their  wages  down  to  a 
level  witJi  the  half-starved  population  of  Europe.      ' 

1  pass  on,  as  I  ciumot  enlarge  on  these  \ariinis 
subjects,  to  iron,  which  is  the  great  manufacuuing  i 
interest  of  the  country.  This  interest,  great  as  it 
is,  is  more  recklessly  overlooked,  and  put  into 
grcalci' jeopardy,  than  any  olher.  The  duties  are 
arranged  as  follows;  Iron,  in  bars,  blooms,  bolls, 
loops,  pigs,  rods,  slabs,  or  other  Ibrm,  not  other- 
wise provided  for,  'M  per  cenl.;  castings  of  inm, 
vessels  u(  casl-iruii,  30  per  cent.;  old  ur  scrap  { 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Niks. 


Srnatb. 


inm,  .'to  per  cent.;  steel,  not  otherwi.se  provided 
f(U',  'JD  per  cent.;  cutlery  of  all  kinds,  .')0  per  cent.; 
steel,  shear  and  German,  1,')  p<  r  cenl.;  manufac- 
tures of  iron,  not  enumerated,  'JtJ  \v\v  cent.  Here 
we  see  the  striking  di  feels  of  ibis  bill,  in  regard  to 
its  details,  in  the  want  of  a  |'ro|ier  division  anil 
cla.ssilicalioii  of  articles  in  diiVi  rent  stages  of  niaii- 
ul'acture,  which  shoulil  besubjecl  to  dill'ennl  rales 
of  duties  according  to  the  amount  of  labiu'  bestow- 
ed upon  them.  Iron,  in  one  stage  of  manufai'ture, 
is  a  raw  material  fm'  iron  in  ii  more  improveil 
slate  of  manufaclure.  Iron  in  pigs,  the  most 
criule  form,  is  used  for  manufacturing  iron  in  bars,  \ 
haminered  or  rolled,  bolls,  sheets,  hooos,  and 
oilier  forms;  the  amount  of  labor  on  all  of  which  I 
(lill'er  very  materially,  and  have  heretofore  been 
subji'i't  to  very  dillVrent  rales  of  duties.  l!y  the 
'  act  of  184'J,  pig-iron  is  siiliject  to  a  duly  of  nine 
,  dollars  per  ton;  bar  inui,  hanuuertd,  seventeen 
dollars;  and  bar,  rolled,  twenty-live  dollars  per 
ton;  iron  in  sheets,  rods,  hoops,  Ac,  two  and  a 
half  een'.s  per  pinind,  or  fifty  six  dollars  per  Ion; 
hardware,  and  manufactures  of  iron,  fioni  .')!)  per 
cent,  to  twelve  cents  per  pound.  The  rales  are 
generally  very  high,  a, id  would  bear  a  liberal  re- 
iliiction;  but  the  proper  proportions  in  the  rales  of 
iluties  should  be  maintained.  In  the  lU'csent  law, 
there  is  a  dilVercnce  of  from  nine  dollju's  a  Imi  to 
fifty-six  dollars  a  Ion  for  I  he  dill'crent  forms  of  iron, 
which,  in  this  bill,  are  thrown  into  the  same  class, 
and  subjected  to  a  uniform  rate  of  iluly  of  yd  per 
cent.  Why  is  this?  Is  it  intended  to  destroy  all 
manufactures  of  ircui  except  the  most  crutie  and 
simple  finins?  All,  except  pig  and  hammered  bar- 
iron.'  'Whether  even  these  can  stand  under  this 
bill,  I  have  iro  means  of  deciding;  but  it  is  certain 
that  the  more  improved  forms  cannot  stand  a  re- 
duction of  duty  from  7,")  to  80  per  cent.  Let  me 
call  the  ntlemion  of  the  Senate  to  the  ellect  of  this 
bill  on  sheet-iron.  I  have  received  a  sluiemenl 
fnun  nn  importing  hou.sc  in  New  York,  from  ■ 
which  it  aiipears  that  the  sliecl-iron  this  house  has 
impiu-ted  from  the  first  of  \M^1  to  the  last  of  184.'), 
has  been  invoiced  in  Kngland  at  from  .f8  .">.?.  to 
<i)  10s.  per  ton — the  average  being  about  -f!)  per 
ton.  Nine  |iounds  tcrling,  per  ton,  at  >|;1  84  to 
the  pound,  is  s,4.')  ,')(;  per  ton,  as  the  cost  in  haig- 
land;  the  iliity  nn  which,  at , 'ill  per  cent.,  is  >il3  '11. 
The  nresent  duly  per  ton,  of  d'J40  pounds,  is  lifly-  j 
six  dollars,  making  a  dill'crence  of  <»4i  .')',),  or  a 
reduction  of  about  80  per  cent.  Can  it  be  sup- 
posed that  any  business,  depending  in  any  degree 
on  the  duty  on  the  imported  article,  can  he  sustain- 
ed with  so  large  and  sudden  a  reduction  of  ihe 
duly  as  this?  And  is  it  not  every  way  unjust,  ni>t 
only  to  the  manufacturer,  but  to  the  itnpm*ier, 
who  may  have  a  very  large  stock  on  hand  ?  Must  ■ 
it  not  suddenly,  by  the  ellect  of  your  law,  deprc-  ■ 
ciate  largely  llic  value  of  the  whole  stock  in  the 
market  ■* 

Is  Ibis  bill  intended  to  destroy  the  manufactures 
of  iron — to  cnisli  the  great  inlCrests  of  Peimsyl- 
v:mia  and  olher  .Slates,  my  own  annmg  others? 
If  it  is  not,  why  has  ibi  re  not  been  some  discrimi- 
nation between  iron  in  its  dill'ereul  forms  and 
values?  Instead  of  this,  so  far  as  iheri!  is  any  di.s- 
criminalion.  It  is  on  the  same  Irish  principle  of 
proleclion — the  highest  rate  of  duties  is  on  llie 
crude  article  or  raw  material,  and  the  lower  ran- 
on  the  more  improved  or  more  e.\pensively-inanu- 
fi\clured  article. 

Steel  is  nianuf.ictured  from  iron,  mostly  from 
Swedish  Iron,  and  yet  is  to  pay  a  duty  of  only  f.'0 
and  1.')  percent.,  whilst  llie  iron  from  which  it  is 
made  pays  .'111  per  cent.  Steel  is  maiuifactiired  in 
llie  United  States;  and  in  what  cniidition  will  lliis 
bill  place  the  .\ineriean  manufacturer  who  has  to 
compete  with  the  liritish  manufacturer  in  the 
American  market?  The  members  of  the  little 
Congress  who  were  convened  to  arrange  ihe  detjiils 
of  this  bill,  do  ni>l  seem  to  have  known  oiiite  e\cry 
thing;  and  if  they  h.ad  possessed  a  hiile  more 
knowledge  on  this  subject,  they  might  have  con- 
sented to  have  placed  ihe  American  mauiilhciurer 
of  sieel  a  little  nearer  an  ei|uahty  with  the  Urilish 

*  I  ma  pattinaril,  thai  fincc  Hie  pa-n:ii;i!  of  the  hill,  pju  , 
jriin  lins  fallen  nine  itnllitrs  per  tun,  iiiifl  liar  iron  Oneeu  (tol-  I 
l;o-.  I  Hill  al>o  iiifarineil  tlint  a  luereliiuil  in  \e\v  V<-r!<  Ims 
iiiid  a  ciTtairi  aiariber  of  liarrel«iif  siijiar  arrive  r-ince  ilie  nc-l 
piH-ril,  ilMil  thai  ilixtenil  of  piiytnif  tlie  thllirs,  he  |ti|t  llie 
HML'iir  into  the  puttlic  ^titrehiMI-ei,  t((  reliiliia  mill)  Ihe  In!  nf 
Oi'ceiiiluT,  so  ni4  to  pay  tlie  (liilien  uiider  the  new  law,  am! 
ill  Uuii  way  will  nave  lour  UiounHnd  dollurs. 


manufictuier.  How  would  they  staiiil  under  this 
law?  Steel  in  both  eoiinlries  is  made  fnun  Swi^- 
dish  iron,  subject  ton  duly  in  I'Jigland,  I  think,  of 

'  10  per  cent.,  and  in  Ihe  United  Slates  of  ;tO  per 
cent.  Tell  per  cent,  on  the  in)ii  in  Kiiglanil,  ami 
'JO  per  cent,  on  the  imported  steel,  would  snbieet 
the  Knglish  manufacture  to  11(1  per  cenl,  duly,  ihu 
same  the  American  manufacturer  has  to  pay  oii 
his  inm,  giving  the  liritish  manuliictiirer  the  lul- 
vaulage  of  cheaper  labor  and  cheaper  eapiial.  Ibit 
this  is  not  all;  the  Knglish  law  relieves  the  uiaiiii- 
fiiclurer  I'roiii   the  duly   on   the   iron   by  way   of 

'  drawback  on  the  steel  he  exports  to  this  couiiiry; 
so  that  he  will  pay  10  per  cent,  less  (inly  llian  the 
American  iiinmil'acturcr.  Sach  is  the  pniteeiioii, 
iucideula]  or  accidental,  which  this  bill  nlfords  lo 
the  American  laborer.  Cutlery  is  protected  by  a 
revenue  duly  of  lit!  per  cent.,  the  same  as  ihc  duly 
on  iron,  which  gives  no  advaiilage  to  the  American 
over  Ihe  liritish  mar.ufacturer.  Wire,  which  i.i 
made  in  the  county  in  which  I  reside,  pays  a  duty 
(It  Iroin  ,')  lo  II  cents  per  pound,  by  the  pn'sent  law', 
and  by  this  bill  falls  inlo  the  class  of  iinemimeraliil 
manuftict'iresof  inm,  and  will  pay  adniyof'JO  per 

:  cent.',  a  rediiciion  so  sweeping  as  to  ruin  the  biisi- 

;  ness.  This  manufacture  coinmeiiceii  uioic  than 
thirty  years  ago,  and  has  grown  up  under  the  pro- 
tection of  your  laws.  AV'ill  you  now  destroy  it? 
I  might  name  nails,  wood-screws,  and  other  arti- 
cles, placed  in  the  same  situalion.  In  what  con- 
dition docs  this  bill  place  the  blacksmiths,  luechan- 
ics,  and  labiu-crs  of  nil  kinds,  employed  in  the 
various  manufactures  of  iron?  Why,  sir,  it  pro- 
tects them  on  the  Irish  principle  of  a  duly  of  10 
per  cent,  against  them.  The  bill  ofiers  a  bouiily 
of  10  per  cenl.  to  British  manufiictiiresof  iron  over 
American  meciianics  and  laborers  engaged  in  tlin 
same  business.  Is  It  not  written  that  charity 
begins  at  home,  and  that  be  who  does  not  tako 
care  of  his  own  household  is  worse  than  an  infilled? 
Surely,  then,  sir,  this  bill  is  a  great  sinner  against 
the  laws  of  God  and  man.  No  wonder,  sir,  in 
view  of  these  |iroteclivc  discriminations,  that  llii.'i 
bill  has  been  called  the  "great  measure  of  tin; 
age;"  and  should  it  pass,  it  may  become  thceighib 
wonder  of  the  world. 

I  pass  oil  lo  papei,  a  business  of  which  I  have 
some  knowledge,  as  I  was  so  uiifortiinale  as  to  bo 
a  paper  manuf.iciurer  myself  some  ten  yea'"  "go. 
One  grcil  objection  to  manufacturers  j  w  seems  to 
be,  liial  they  are  becoming'  too  everlastingly  rich; 
but  1  came  very  near  being  made  e\erlasiingly 
poor.  The  duly  on  paper  in  this  bill  is  30  per 
cent.,  and  on  rags  five  percent.  By  the  present 
law,  the  duty  on  paper  is  from  17  lo  15',  cents  per 
pound,  with  some  coarse  sons  at  lower  rates;  nnil 
nigs  pay  a  duty  of  one-fourth  of  a  cenl  a  pound. 
.'V  leiun  nf  quarto  post,  or  letter  paper,  wcigbing 
five  pounds,  would  pay  a  duly  of  U")  cents.  A  ream 
of  light  letter  paper  in  I'rance  is  sold  for  7;'>  cents, 
so  that  the  duty  at  30  per  ceni.  would  be  inn  i'2'. 
cents,  a  rednciion  of  (iOJ  cents.  The  duty  under 
the  act  of  I84J  is  higher  than  is  required;  but  so 
great  a  reduction  will  injiiie  many  kinds  of  the 
paper  maniifai  lure.  In  this,  as  on  olher  arlit:les, 
there  is  no  discrimination  between   the   fine  high 

Bipers  and  the  coarsir  and  less  valuable  sorts, 
ul  perhapf  llie  most  objectionable  part  of  the  paper 
rates  is  llie  duty  on  printed  hoi'ks  and  magazines, 
which  is  but  10  per  cent.,  and  on  periodicals  liir 
republication  ^20  per  cent.;  anil  ill  percent,  on  paper 
hangings.  It  is  well  known  that  fnnn  the  Ion- 
price  of  paper  and  the  gn'at  iniprovtmeiits  in  prim- 
ing, books  can  now  be  published  extremely  clieap. 
1  am  informed  that  a  standard  lexicon,  a  largo 
volume,  which  sells  here  at  <,'>,  retail,  and  about 
S3  to  the  trade,  can  be  published  in  Kngland,  im- 
ported to  the  United  Slates  and  pay  the  duly,  at  a 
cost  not  exceeding  >1  44;  and  llial  it  ccuiid  luit  be 
published  here  short  of  ^0.  It  is  easy  to  see  that 
all  Ihe  standard  Knglish  works  will  be  likely  lo  lie 
published  in  Kngland  and  .sent  lo  the  United  Slates. 
The  publisher  will  publish  an  edition  suliicicut  lo 
supply  the  home  demand,  on  which  he  will  get  a 
fair  profit,  and  then  publish  such  additional  copies 
as  he  thinks  can  be  sold  in  the  United  States  at 
such  reduced  profit  as  he  can  get.  This  will  be 
likely  greatly  lo  injure  the  American  booksellers 
and  publishers,  and  thus,'  engaged  in  the  book- 
binding business,  and  it  will  withdraw  IVom  llie 
American  j;apcruiaker  the  markt't  for  the  paper 
used  ill  these  publications.    The  printers  will  also 


iSiO.] 


APPENDIX  TO  TIIK  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOHE. 


885 


21)th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Mies. 


Sknate. 


Iw  injiirrd  in  llicir  Imainoss — a  very  iiili:llie;cnt  cliins  ■ 
nl'nipc'linnics.    If  wi',  im|i(>i't(iiir  honks,  we  Piii'oiir- 
ii;.'!^  l)rili«li  |iii|)<rmnkrr.s,  llriliHli  iiriiUcrKaiid  Ijook- 
lilii'    I'M,  and  ISrillsli  lil<  rnlnrR  ixiil  polllica.     It  i.s 
oiii'  Inio  iKilii'y  tn  rnrriiini;;e  i\  national  litcratnre 
(if  our  own   and  aa  indfiicndent  of  that  of  England 
nR{)(iK'Hihlc.   rh{:4hill  ..'illloivetho  impcrmakcroidy 
lliat  part  of  the  market  for  nrimiii^-naper  nriHing  I 
from  nrwspiipers,  prriodicalH,  school  hooks,  Ac. 
Till'  paper  ninnufartnrc  is  an  intcresi  entitled  to  {jrcat  i 
favor;  its annnalvnlncisalioni  "lit ,OI)(l,(IIM), nearly  all  ! 
of  whii'h  is  the.  prod  net  of  lalior,  as  the  rawinalerial 
is  really  of  no  valne,  and  wonid  he  entirely  lost  i( 
not  made  into  paper.     Ila^'S  would  not  ho  worth  ' 
e\pnrtinq;  from  this  country;   we  have  imported  ■ 
rairs  larnuly,  hut  as  the  lionie  supply  increases  we 
now  inijiort  less.     The  American  paper  has  to  pay  j 
a  duty  on  f(nTii;n  rn;;s,  hesiiles  the  freight,  and 
thev  cost  SI)  or  75  per  cent,  niore  than  in  Kn^lanil 
or  (''nincc;  and  on  paper  exported   froni  Knj^land 
lliero  is  a  drawhacK  of  oin'-and-a-half  penny  the 
poiunl.     Krom  these  eircumatanees,  and  the  lower 
rale  of  wntfcs,  the  foreign  niannfaclure  must,  under 
the  rate  of  duties  in  this  hill,  monopolize  n  share  of 
the  American  market.     And  why  injure  n  pursuit 
■which  is  a  clear  rain  to  the  country  ? '  Dr.  Franklin 
said  that  every  fish  drawn  from  the  ocean  v/nn  n 
jiiece  of  silver  added  tn  the  wealth  of  the  country; 
and  th(^  same  is  true  of  every  ream  of  paper  mann- 
fai'lured,  which  co.st.s  little  or  imthins  hut  the  lalior. 
What  is  'aid  of  imported  hooks  will  apply  to  paper 
liangin2;s,  which  are  protected  hy  a  duty  of  10  per 
cent,  less  than  that  on  the  paper. 

I  pass  on,  sir,  to  notice  wood  unmanufactured, 
which  is  .snliject  to  a  duty  of  3(1  per  cent.,  and  the 
same  rate  of  duly  on  manufactures  of  wood,  or  of 
which  wood  is  a  component  part.  By  the  present 
law,  IJra/.il  wcmd  is  free,  and  rose  wood,  satin 
wood,  mahogany,  and  cedar,  are  at  a  duly  of  J5 
percent.;  the  manufactures  of  wood  nt30  percent. 
Why  is  this  discrimination  of  15  per  cent,  taken 
away  from  the  cahinet-niakcrs  anti  other  workers 
in  wood  ?  Is  it  to  encourage  the  iin|iortalion  of 
!''reiich  furniture,  and  engender  a  fastidious  taste 
for  foreign  luxuries,  to  the  injury  of  the  American 
mechanic' 

The  next  article  to  which  I  will  call  the  attention 
of  the  Senate  is  ivory  and  its  nianufactnres.  This 
is  a  husiiiess  in  my  own  Slate,  and  almost  confined 
to  it.  Ivory  is  now  imported  free;  and  hy  this  hill 
is  snhjeclcd  to  a  duty  of  5  per  cent.,  and  a  duty  of 
.'iU  jier  cent,  on  comhs  of  all  sorts.  Ivory  is  free  of 
duty  in  r.nirland,  which  virtually  reduces  the  duty 
on  comhs  5  per  cent.,  so  far  es  respects  the  Kng- 
li.sh  manufactured  arlicle  in  the  United  Slates.  But 
the  comhs  manufactured  here  ari'  exported  to  the 
AVest  indies  and  South  American  Slates,  and  in 
those  markeis  the  Knglish  manufacturers  will  have 
5  per  cent,  advantage,  aside  from  that  of  cheaper 
lahor.  Whether  this  interest  can  he  sustained 
under  this  hill,  I  cannot  'cterminc;  hut  I  have  a 
Idler  from  one  of  the  nianut'actiirers  in  my  State, 
who  .says,  if  this  hill  becomes  a  law,  the  whole 
husiness  will  have  to  be  aliaiaioned.  The  duly  on 
the  raw  malirial  is  more  burdensome  in  this  case, 
because  it  constitutes  a  large  share  of  the  value  of 
the  manufactured  prodncl.  1  understand  that  the 
ivory  constiiutes  seventeeii-twentielhs  of  the  value 
of  the  manufactured  articles.  Ivory  i.s  also  used 
for  hamllcs  in  ihe  cutlery  business  and  various 
other  articles.  The  manniactures  of  ivory  in  Con- 
neclii'iil  amount  to  something  towards  hnlfa  million 
of  dollars.  If  the  niannfactureof  ivory  is  destroyed, 
the  duly  on  the  raw  material  will  he  lost.  But  let 
il  not  he  supposed  there  will  he  no  revenue  receiveil 
if  ivory  ii  admilicd  free.  The  hands  employed  in 
its  inanulii'lure  consume  dutiable  imports,  from 
which  the  'reasury  receives  a  revenue;  besides, 
the  maiiufai  lured  articles  exported  arc  exchanged 
for  prodiids,  which  go  In  increa.se  your  imports 
and  your  revenue.  It  is  a  short-sighted  and  iin- 
slatesmanlike  view  of  a  (|ucslion  like  this,  to  sup- 
pose that  there  is  a  loss  of  revenue  to  admit  a  raw 
material  free  of  duly. 

The  next  arlicle  to  which  I  will  cnM  the  attention 
of  the  Senate  is  raw  silk,  which  tiie  bill  taxes  15 
per  cent.,  and  fixes  a  duly  of  30  per  cent,  on  sew- 
nig  silk  and  twist.  In  England,  and  I  presume  in 
Italy,  raw  silk  is  imported  from  China  fiee  of  duty. 
The  present  duty  on  raw  silk  is  fifty  cents  per 
jioiind,  and  on  sewing  silk  and  twist  two  dollars 
|ier  pound.    There  will  be  a  reduction  of  the  duty 


on  Bcwiiiff  silk  of  about  40  percent.;  and  as  this  is  i 
a  new  business,  and  can  now  barely  sustain  ilselt', 
I  fear  it  cannot  survive  if  this  bill  succeeds.     The 
product  already  amounts  to  half  a  million  of  dol-  i 
liirs,  and  is  fast  increaHing.    Why  should  you  dis-  \ 
courage,  and  perhaps  dc^stroy,  an  intlint  inanufac-  ' 
ture?     If  the  mannfnclure  fails,  Ihe  importation  of  | 
raw  silk  ceases,  and  you  lose  all  revenue.    It  is  an 
interest,  in  one  respect,  having  peculiar  claims  to  i 
favor,  as  the  hu.siness  is  carried  on  mainly  hy  the 
labor  of  females;  and  it  should  he  the  enhijhtencd  . 
policy  of  every  country  to  enlarge  the  circle  ofj 
female  industry  in  those  departments  of  labor  suit- 
able for  it.     We  know  what  the  silk  I'.iamifaelure 
has  done  for  Fiance;  and  who  can  say,  with  proper 
encouragement,  to  what  importance  it  may  nltiiin 
in  the  United  Slates?  This  manufiiciu  re  commenced  i 
in  my  State,  and  is  slill  mainly  carried  on  there. 

By  this  bill,  hats  made  of  wool  are  .<iuhjecl  to  a 
duty  of  3(1  per  cent.,  and  hat  bodies  of  wool  the  ■ 
same,  while  the  duty  on  wool  is  30  per  cent.,  and 
hats  are  mainly  maJe  of  foreign  w;nnl,  ns  our  wool 
does  not  nap  well.     Here  is  no  discrimination  for 
the  American  mnnnfacturc  of  hats.     But  this  is 
not  all.     Fur  is  a  part  of  the  stock,  the  duty  on 
which  is  tn  be  assessed  as  follows:   Furs  dressed 
on  the  skin,  20  per  cent.;  furs,  haller's,dres.sed  or 
undressed,  not  nn  the  skin,  15  per  cent.;  furs,  un- 
dressed, when  on  the  skin,  15  percent.     Dressed 
or  cut  furs  are  at  the  same  rate  of  duty  as  un- 
dressed furs  on  the  skin.     This  will  of  course  en- 
courage the  iniporlation  of  dressed  or  cut  flirs,  to 
the  exclusion  of  undressed  furs  on  the  skin,  and 
destroy  the  husiness  of  culling  furs,  which  has 
recently  comineneed  in  this  eounlry.     This,  in  all 
its  branches,  is  also  an   important  husiness  with 
my  conslituents;  and  I  can  state  a  case  which  will 
exemplify  the  operation  of  your  laws.     Previous 
to  1842,  the  duty  on  foreign  wool  was  greater  than 
}  on  hat  bodies;  and  aliat  manufacturer  of  Danbury, 
i  Connecticut,    who   manufactured   hat    bodies  by 
machinery,  removed  his  business  to  Denmark,  to 
make  hat  bndies  to  be  sent  to  this  country;  but 
the  tariff  of  1842  imposed  a  duty  of  eighteen  cents 
I  on  wool  hats  and  hat  bodies,  which  dcsiroyed  his 
!  business,  and  ho  returned  to  the  United  States,  and 
established  the  business  in  the  town  where  he  for- 
'  merly  resided.     This  bill  imposes  more  duty  on 
'  the  raw  material  than  on  the  manufactured  arlicle, 
ofl'ering  an  inducement  for  this  manufacturer  acain 
to  return  to  Europe  to  pursue  his  trade  of  making 
.  hats  and   hat   bodies  for  the  Ainerican    market. 
Such  is  the  effect  of  laws  discriminating  against 
'  the   mechanical   industry  of  the   country.     The 
gentleman  alluded   to  is  now  engaged  in  cutting 
hatter's  furs,  wliiili  this  bill  protects  by  a  duty  of 
20  and  15  per  cent,  on  fur  on  the  skin,  and  15  per 
cent,  on  cut  furs,  being  5  per  cent,  against  the  ' 
j  American  manufacturer.     Under  Ihe  present  law,  . 
three-fourths  of  the  furs  used  in  this  country  arc  ' 
imported  dressed  and  cut;  and  should  lliis  bill  pass, 
culling  furs  here  must  be  abandoned,  and  the  la- : 
bor  tr.msferrcd  to  Germany,  where  the  cutting  of 
j  ftirs  is  carried  on  extensively.  ; 

'      Type  metal  and  old  type  ar.  n       j  .same  rate  of 
i  duty  ns  types  and  stercniype  pi  .es,  which  must 
j  greatly  injure  the  making  ot^  types  and  stereotype 
plates' in  ihis  country.  i 

I      I  will  now  call  the  attention  of  the  Senate  to  lin- 
I  seed,  and  the  manufacture  of  it  into  linseed  oil. 
1  Flaxseed  is  taxed  20  percent,  in  one  schedule,  and 
I  linseed,  which  is  the  same  thing,  at  15  per  cent,  in 
I  another:  which  rate  of  duly  will   be   collected.' 
I  Hempsccd  and  rapesced  arc  also  15  tier  cent.;  and 
j  linseed  oil  is  subject  Ina  duty  nf  20pti-cenl..  Here 
i  is  ihe  same  duty  on  flax.sced  and  the  oil  made  t'rom 
it.     Should  this  '  ill  become  a  law,  the  mamifac- 
^  ture  must  be  abaiuioned,  and  foreign  oil  take  the 
place  of  American.     This  is  an  important  interest, 
not  only  as  to  the  manufacture  of  tlic  oil,  hut  as  to 
the  Iriule  and  navigation  connected  with  it. 

There  arc  single  establishments  employing  three 
hundred  men.     The  whole  product  in  the  country 
is  very  large.     Ninety  per  cent,  of  Iho  flaxseed 
'  raised  in  this  cnuntry  is  purchased  fnr  ninnufac- 
,  ture,  .so  that  the  farmer  must  lose  his  homo  mar- 
ket, and  a  reduction  in  the  value  of  his  seed.    The 
'■  tratle  in  exporting  oil-rake,  and  importing  linseed, 
'  must  also  cease.    This  trade  is  very  extensive, 
employing  17,000  tons  of  American  shipping  to 
j  Calciitln,  the  Baltic,  and    he  Mediterranean.   Lin- 
'  seed,  if  1  am  not  mistaken,  is  imported  free  in  I 


England;  which  will  enable  the  British  manufac- 
turer to  monopnlizi!  the  American  market,  to  the 
ruin  of  this  interest  in  all  its  parts  in  the  United 
Stales.  Ten  years  ago  ilieie  was  not  a  bag  of  lin- 
seed imported  from  the  F.asl  Indies;  and  in  IH45, 
there  was  imported  from  Calcutla  alone  H8,,32S! 
bags,  equal  to  nearly  !),(I00  tons.  By  the  present 
law,  linseed  pays  a  duly  of  5  per  cent.,  and  lin- 
seed oil  25  rents  per  gallon;  by  this  bill  the  duty 
on  the  raw  materi  il  is  raised  from  5  in  2(1  per  cent., 
and  at  least  M  nor  cent,  of  the  duty  on  oil  taken 
ot)'.  The  prce'iit  duty  is  high,  yet  the  increased 
competition  has  reduced  tin:  price  from  one  dollar 
or  mure  pert'allon,  to  from  sixly  to  seventy-five 
cents  per  gallon.  Why  should  this  interest — maii- 
ufacturinir,  commercial,  and  au'ricullural — be  reck- 
lessly ilcsiroyed  .'  Who  is  benefited  by  it?  No 
one  lint  the  British  manufacinrer  mid  shipowner. 
Is  not  this,  ihen,  a  Ihitish  bill? 

I  ]iass  n  ,  to  another  imjiorlant  interest  which  is 
prnlechd  in  the  same  manner.  1  allude  In  raw  cnp- 
per,  and  the  manufactures  of  copper.  This  i.i  also 
holh  a  commercial  and  manufacturing  interest. 

By  the  bill,  copper  in  pigs  and  bars  is  subject  to 
a  duly  of  5  per  cent.;  old  copper,  fit  only  to  bo 
manulactureil,  5  per  cent.;  and  copper  sheathinj; 
is  free.  By  the  present  law  copper  is  a  free  article, 
and  also  copper  sheathing,  in  aid  of  navigation. 

By  a  mcmtu-ial  now  before  Congress,  it  appeard 
that  there  is  about  thirteen  millions  of  pounds  of 
copper  used  in  the  United  States  annually.  It  is 
oliiained  from — 

Chili,  in  pigs lbs.  6,500,000 

En-land,  in  sheets 3,500,000 

KuL'laiid,  in  cakes 1 ,000,000 

Mines  in  the  United  Stales .500,1100 

Old  copper  from  various  sources 1,500,0(M) 

In  all lbs.  13,000,000 

From  this  il  appears  that  England  supplies  us  in 
refined  copper  and  copper  sheathing,  with  more 
than  one-fourth  of  all  the  cooper  consumed  in  the 
Unitetl  States.  The  trade  between  the  United 
States  and  the  west  coast  of  South  America,  Chili, 
Bolivia  'i\  Peru,  is  of  the  annual  value  of  about 
jl,500,0./0.  The  principal  articles  of  export  arc 
domestic  cottons,  of  which  12,(100.000  of  yards  aro 
sent  annual'  ,  constituting  more  than  half  of  our 
entire  exports  to  those  countries,  for  which  raw 
copper  is  received  in  return;  so  that  we  exchange 
about  12,000,0(10  yards  of  cotton  cloth  for  6  or 
7,0(10,000  pounds  of  copper.  We  have  sustained 
a  competition  in  those  countries  with  the  British 
in  exporting  our  cottons,  because  we  have  taken 
copper  in  reiurn,  whil.st  they  receive  the  precious 
luetals.  The  5  per  cent,  duty  on  the  raw  copper, 
when  we  oilmit  copper  sheathing  free,  will  he  a 
bounty  to  the  British  mnnufaclurer,  tn  enable  him 
to  tintfer.sell  in  our  own  market  the  American  man- 
ufacturer, the  cfiect  of  which  will  be  to  destroy  the 
whole  interest,  commercial  and  manufacturing. 
The  petitioners  say  truly,  "this  is  a  bounty  to 
'  foreigners,  and  a  tax  upon  our.selvcs.  What 
'  would  be  said  of  the  policy  of  England  were  she 
'  to  tax  raw  cotton  and  adniit  cotton  manufiictures 

'fi-™'"  .        ,   ■     , 

More  we  see  some  of  the  beauties  of  the  free- 
trade  doctrines  of  this  bill.  Who  can  doubt 
that  this  is  the  "  gicat  measure  of  the  age?" 
Charity  is  no  longer  to  begin  at  home,  but  among 
foreiffuers;  and  all  who  do  not  believe  in  these 
practical  principles  of  free  trade,  are  a  benighted 
set,  and  behind  the  intelligence  of  the  day  ! 

I  might  go  on,  Mr.  President,  and  refer  to  nu- 
mernu.s  otiier  articles  and  interests  which  receive 
the  same  sort  of  protection,  the  same  fostering  care 
as  those  which  I  have  noticed.  Brass  in  pigs 
and  bars,  and  old  brass,  tin  in  pigs  and  bars  or 
sheets,  old  pewlcr  and  zinc,  all  raw  materials, 
are  to  be  taxed  five  per  cent.,  most  of  which 
have  been  heretofore  free.  Tin  in  sheets  was 
always  free,  p'-vious  to  the  act  of  1S42,  which 
put  a  nominal'dutv  of  21  per  cent,  upon  it.  It  is 
now  to  be  increased  to  five.  It  is  the  raw  material 
for  making  vessels  and  wares  in  common  use  by 
nil  our  citizens.  Dye  stuffs  of  nil  kinds  are  to  be 
taxed.  Peruvian  bark,  from  which  quinine  is  pro- 
duced, and  crude  brimstone,  the  vaw  article  for 
chemical  preparations,  for  the  manufacture  of  gun- 
powder, and  other  purposes,  B:e  all  to  be  taxed, 
whilst  sulphuric  acid,  manufac.ured  from  it,  is  at 


886 

S9TII  CoNtoiiilW  ftiu. 


AI'l'ENDIX  TO  THH  COJXGRESSIONAL  GLOliE, 

rA«  rariJI—Mr.  Mies.  — — 


[July  yo, 
Sknatk. 


n  lowrr  rnto  of  duty.  Why  ii  nil  tlili?  Is  it  in-  I 
irmlcci  ti>  ilisrmirnKo  mid  dcpri'iin  our  nidirmry 
mci'lmnicn  nnd  nrli.iiiii^  ?  I«  il  friueil  iliiU  ilipy  nro 
miihiii!;  (»i>  iiiiK'h  innnry  ?  Is  ihc  ulijict  Id  iibliiin 
revenue?  WIml  aliorl-Rislilcd,  iinxlatrsiiiiiiiiikc 
policy  !  Ih  il  not  npimreiit  lliiit  imii'li  innic  rcv- 
fiiuc  wnuUI  111'  ipcriviil  I'mm  i\\e  rnMHuiii|illiin  ot" , 
otluT  diilinlde  arliilrM,  liy  ihowc  rnffii^cd  in  vvorU- 
in?  up  ihcMc  iiuv  iitni-'inlM?  Hi!<idiM,  nuwiy  cif 
(licm  ui  n  miinuI'mluiTd  .sliilc  iirc  niiiI  nliroiid,  and 
Bwcll  ymir  iinpoiis.  This  lilll  i»  n  Kirikinir  ■  \nin- 
}t\<:  of  (he  blind  Icndin;:  llir  lilind.  I  loriirnr  lo  !_'<> 
further  inio  ilHdcUiiJN.  I  have  ixaniineil  enou;:!!  of 
iheni,  to  Hhow  the  total  want  of  all  incidialal  pro- 
tection; of  i\  reckle.HH  disres:i\rd  of  diniieslic  pro- 
ductions nrni  lalior;  of  a  wanton  alianilonment  of 
the  lights  of  ihoHc  who  earn  iheir  liniid  hy  thr 
sweat  of  their  hrow,  and  oi"  the  iiileresis  of  all 
chiNweH. 

I  now  hrir  to  rail  the  attention  of  ih<^  Senate  lo  a  • 
more  {renen.l  and  ini|iorlant  einiMideralion — to  the 
gtneval  jinfjeif  nf  this  nieaxure.  And  here,  sir,  we 
ure  not  left  lo  conjecture  or  Npeeiiliiiion.  However 
reckleai!  this  hill  ?nay  be  in  ils  prinriples,  or  emi- 
fused  and  oonlradiilory  il  may  be  in  its  (IclailH,  it 
has  not  been  fmmed  willioiii  a  purpose.  It  is  I 
dcsijtned  to  effect  certain  imporlnnt  resulis.  And 
the  Secretary  has  infianied  us  what  ihese  results  i 
nre.  Il  is  intended  to  check  and  diminish  tlie  ine-  i 
chanical  and  inanufaciurin<;  industry  of  the  roun-  ' 
try,  lo  restrain  I  he  internal  trade  or  excliam;es,  and 
to  stin.ulule  and  enlarge  our  foreiifu  commerce.  It 
is  to  incriasc  our  imiMU-ls,  in  the  expectation  of 
nuginenlin;;  the  demand  in  foreign  coinilrics  for 
our  staple  exports,  parlicularlvcoltori  nnd  toliaccn. 
It  iscsiinuitedlhat  the  lowdniieson  fdreijn  faliriis 
will  increase  their  ini|>nrlali(ai  lo  the  aninunt  of 
^)5,000,{t00.  And  linw  is  this  lo  be  ac. nniplished?  ' 
A  reduction  of  the  duties  on  mnmifaclnred  arliiles 
will  not  sensibly  increase  the  amount  consumed  in 
the  ennnlry.  [jut  if  the  foreiijn  iimnufaciurer  ran 
undersell  in  oiu-  market  the  Amerioin  inannfariu- 
rcr,  then  foreistn  manufaciures  will  be  introduced, 
to  the  exclusion  nf  .\uiericnn  produclicm.s.  It  is  I 
in  this  way,  and  in  this  oidy,  that  imporlations  ' 
can  be  increased  to  any  exienl.  And  here  we  see 
that  of  the  fifleen  millions  expected  itu'rease  of  itn- 
iKirintioiis,  nearly  fimr-and-a-half  nnlliiiiis  are  to 
be  cotton  goods,  about  one  million  Isvo  huadrcd 
thousand  are  iron,  one  million  one  hundred  thou- 
sand are  woollens,  eisjht  hundred  ihcHisanil  are  to 
be  salt,  and  most  of  ihe  rest  are  nianuPaciured 
articles.  The  policy  of  this  "(rreat  measure  of 
the  a!;e,"  then,  is  to  curtiiil  home  productiiuis,  in  ! 
the  hope  to  increase  the  atnomn  and  v.ilue  of  ll;e 
exfiorts  of  the  plantini;  Stales.  The  plan  is  lo  in- 1 
crease  our  exports  of  the  products  of  the  soil,  by 
first  increasiuc;  our  imporls.  This  is  reversing:  the 
laws  of  trade.  The  imports  of  a  conniry  have 
";'}nerally  been  supposed  to  depend  ini  ils  exporis. 
If  the  exports  are  increased,  this  will  swdl  the  ' 
amount  of  the  imporls,  as  the  latter  are  purchased 
by  the  former,  and  the  proliis  of  the  IVei-ht  upon 
them.  If,  from  an  excited  siale  of  trade,  the  im- 
ports arc  increased  beyond  the  export.-*,  this  pro- 
duces an  unfavorable  balance  of  trade  anil  of 
exchange,  both  of  which  tend  to  check  importa- 
lions,  and  bring  them  down  to  the  exports,  and 
often  below,  as  the  balance  of  a  previous  year  iniisl 
be  paid.  This  every  one  is  familiar  wit'li,  having 
the  least  knowledKc  of  the  subject.  Hence  it  fol- 
lows, that  the  imports  of  the  country  cannot  per- 
manently be  au!;mented,  but  by  an  ilicrense  nf  its 
exporis,  as  there  ia  no  other  way  nf  payiiu;  for 
them.  A  reduction  of  duties  on  particuUf  articles 
of  imporls,  which  interfere  with  tiirnilar  produc- 
tions at  home,  may  increase  the  aniounl  imported; 
but  if  the  exporis  are  not  increased,  it  will  occasion 
a  corresponding  decrea.se  of  imports  in  other  art- 
cles.  The  as,'i;re{;atc  amount  of  imports  can  only 
be  increasi-d  by  the  in-rea.se  of  the  whole  amount 
or  value  of  exporis.  All,  then,  that  can  be  cfl'ected 
by  this  pohi'y  is,  lo  increase  the  imporls  which 
interfere  with  home  productions,  and  to  diminish 
the  imports  which  do  not  inicrfcre  with  our  own 
productions.  This,  then,  would  be  the  result  of 
Ihc  enlisbtened  policy  nf  this  measure,  .so  far  as  it 
ran  produce  any  chani^n  in  the  forei^;n  trade  of  the 
country.  You  ni'iy  inciease  the  imports  of  cottor 
goods  four  or  five  millions  of  dollars,  woollens  one 
niillion,  iron,  one  or  two  millions,  and  consefpicnily 
diminish  to  the  same  amount,  otlicr  imports.    But 


the  increase  nf  the  imnorta  of  these  nrticles,  will 
neces.sarily  diminish  llie  home  productionH,  to  a  ' 
correspmidiiif;  extent,  as  ihe  consumption  of  the 
coiinlry  will  not  be  increased,  tbi  the  contrary,  it 
will  be  diininiahed,  as  the  ability  of  Ihe  people  to 
cmisumc  fbrei!,'ii  imporls  will  ho  impaired,  unless 
Ihe  labor  which  would  have  been  employed  ill 
the  d<iuiiiii<'ied  manufacture,  can  be  in  some  other 
way  as  prolilably  oicupicd.  And  ill  what  way  can 
it  be  I  ijiployed  f  Shall  we  bi'  told  in  a4;i'iciillur<:  ? 
Would  not  Increased  producilon  there,  diminish 
the  prici',  by  excess,  beyond  the  demand,  perhaps 
eipial  to  the  whole  increased  laliur?  The  rcsiill  of 
this  pdlicy,  ihen,  is,  to  diminish,  to  the  amounl  of 
fifleen  millidiiH,  Aniericnn  proilurlions,  and  the 
liil'or  thus  employed.  'I'he  prospt-riiy  and  wealth 
of  llie  C(aintry  are  to  be  advanc-cd  by  iliminishiii>; 
ils  labia-,  by  siilislituliii>;  fifteen  millions  of  the 
products  i.f  I'drei^n  labor,  for  the  like  umuiiiil  of 
the  produci.s  nf  Anierican  labor. 

Surely  lliis  is  a  wise  pidicy!  And  wlin  is  to  be 
binclin-d  by  it?  Why,  it  sienis  to  be  supposed 
thai  lIuH  increase  of  nnportations,  will  raise  the 
value  of  our  exports;  that  is,  collon  and  tobacco. 
Itiit  this  by  no  niians  lidlows.  If  th(>  price  of  cot- 
ton has  been  the  bi<;hisl  in  years  of  lar;;e  importa- 
tions, the  increased  imporls  was  not  the  cause  of 
the  hiijli  price  of  that  staple,  but  the  hi;;h  price  of 
the  colldii  was  the  cause  of  the  increase  of  iin- 
porlalions,  which  were  the  proceeds  of  it.  This 
measure,  therefore,  is  an  experimenl,  lo  try  to  in- 
crease the  value  in  foreisn  markels  of  the  staple 
exporis  of  the  country;  and  this  experiment  is  to 
be  made,  by  the  sacrifice  of  fillcen  millions  of 
.\inerican  productions,  more  than  one  half  of 
wliiih  are  waj;c8  of  labor.  Those  home  interests 
are  to  be  sacrificed  for  a  mere  anticipated  advan- 
tai;e  to  the  cotton  interesl,  and  that  entirely  uncer- 
tain. The  Secrelary  complains  that  the  importa- 
tions of  protected  articles  have  decreased,  and  the 
revenue  declined,  becau.se  the  domcsiic  production 
has  taken  their  place  in  the  consumption  of  the 
couiury.  Well,  is  this  an  evil  ?  Is  it  an  evil  even 
in  respect  lo  revenue  ?  If  these  imports  have  de- 
creasi'd,  have  not  other  dutiable  ariicles  increased 
in  proportion,  as  our  entire  imports  have  exceeded 
(Hir  exporis  ? 

The  policy  of  this  measure  is,  lo  check  and  cur- 
tail American  produclions  in  the  arts  nnd  manu- 
faciures, and  lo  stimulate  and  lo  increase  the  pro-  | 
diictions  of  the  soil,  and  their  value.  It  is  an  i 
attempt  to  clian!;e  the  employment  and  industry 
of  the  cnuiitry,  to  divert  labor  from  a  more  to  a 
less  profitable  emplnymcnl;  for  the  Secrewry  says, 
in  one  of  his  numerous  reports,  that  the  profits  of 
labor  in  mamifacturiii;,',  has  been  twice  as  preat  as 
in  aKriciiliure.  Is  not  this  a  stranj;e  way  lo  in- 
crease Ihe  prosperity  and  wealth  of  a  nation?  U 
is  an  allem|it  to  arrest  the  enterprise  and  profjress 
of  the  ii^e,  to  briiur  the  counlry  back  to  ils  primi- 
tive stale,  and  confine  its  industry  to  the  cultiva- 
tion of  the  earth.  We  are  all  to  become  herdsmen 
or  tillei-s  of  the  earth.  What  can  be  more  prepos- 
terous? what  more  inconsistent  with  the  spirit 
and  ireniua  of  the  ace  ?  What  is  this  policy,  but 
an  attempt  to  briii;;  the  country  back  toils  colonial 
slate,  when  ils  whole  industry  was  employed  in 
Ihe  cultivation  of  the  soil,  anil  ils  trade  cunsisled 
in  exporting  the  |>roducts  of  agriculture,  for  the 
mamilacturesof  England?  This  is  ihe  policy  of  the 
coltoii-irrowing  States.  They  wish  to  exchange 
their  siiiplc  for  the  manufactures  of  England;  not 
only  for  their  own  consumption,  but  for  the  con- 
sumption of  the  middle  and  northern  .States.  They 
wish  to  .-ilop  the  manufaciures  of  the  North,  to 
make  the  whole  country  dependant  on  British 
maniifactures,  to  be  purchased  with  their  cotton 
and  tobacco. 

How  can  it,  then,  be  said  that  this  is  merely  a 
revenue  bill?  Is  il  not  a  bill  intended  to  protect 
or  favor  the  labor  and  products  of  the  counlry  ? 
■Jertainly  it  is.  It  is  a  men.sure  designed  to  favor 
Ihe  slave  labor  of  the  South,  at  the  expense  of  the 
free  labor  of  the  North.  Kifteen  or  twenty  mil- 
lions of  the  products  of  northern  labor  are  to  be 
.sacrificed  for  the  mere  hope  of  benefiting  the  slave 
labor  of  the  Soutli 

Is  it  right  to  do  this?  Is  il  just  to  sacrifice  the 
interests  of  one  section  of  thel/nion  to  benefit  tliosi? 
of  another  section,  if  it  was  certain  such  result  was 
to  follow?  But  as  it  is  a  mere  experiment,  as  llie 
benefit  to  one  section  ia  uncertain  and  the  sacrifice  i 


to  the  other  rerlnin,  how  prcpostcriuis  and  recklcsii 
is  the  si-henie.  Thu  justice  of  Iliis  policy  is  piitn 
eipial  to  ils  wisddin. 

I  have  said,  sir,  that  this  is  a  mrasuro  to  siimu- 
lateand  iucrra  ic  imporls,  willi  the  hope  thereiiy  i.. 
increase  and  benefit  tin-  staple  i  \purts.  This  is  it 
new  principle  in  polilical  economy.  Do  the  weallb 
and  prospi-riiy  III  a  counlry  depend  on  ii.>  imporls? 
I  had  siippiLied  the  evporls  of  a  counlry  were  li» 
be  regarded  as  a  proof  of  its  prosperity.  Are  largo 
imports  the  cause,  or  even  an  evidence,  of  iialiom,! 
wealth  and  pi-osperily  ?  Let  ilie  hislory  of  onrown 
counlry  answer.  l''or  several  years  after  Ihe  closo 
of  the  revolulionary  war,  the  counlry  was  lloodid 
with  iinjiorts  of  llrilish  goods;  aial  what  was  the 
cdiiseiiucnci!  ?  Ainidst  every  dollar  of  specie  was 
drained  from  the  Cduutry;  (urge  debts  weie  con- 
tracied  in  i'.in.dand,  and  the  incrchiuils  and  iicopli! 
were  inrolveil  in  debt  for  lirilish  goods,  whicli  ihcy 
had  no  means  to  pay  for;  and  universal  l■lnbln•r.l.^s- 
nient  and  dislress  pervaded  the  land.  .'\  similar 
period  of  prosperity  was  witnessed  at  the  (-lose  df 
the  last  war  with  Ureal  Britain,  and  iVdin  the  saniij 
cause — huge  importations.  In  IHl,"!  the  iinpiirln 
were  5li;t,()(lll,(lllll;  in  IHKi, 'M-I7,(KH),0(HI;  in  |h|7, 
»n!),(lti(l,lKIO;  in  IHIH,  Sl^>l,UO(),ll(H).  In  lt<l(i  tin: 
duties  were  over  ^llli,IMHI,UiKI.  These  imporUilioiiii 
exceeded  by  from  fifty  lo  one  hundred  percent, 
bolh  the  wants  of  the  Cdimlry  lo  consume  and  iis 
ability  to  pay.  ■\nil  what  was  the  consequence' 
An  immense  debt  aiiroml,  which  drained  all  ilie 
specie  from  the  country,  broke  llie  banks,  and  uni- 
versal debt  and  embarrassnient  a',  home.  TInu 
followed  a  period  of  total  stagnation  of  all  business, 
and  distress  not  equalled  since  the  epoch  following 
the  clo.sc  of  the  war  of  the  Ucvolulii'ii.  The  whole 
energies  of  the  nalion  were  prosli-ated,  as  well  as 
its  resources  exhausted  and  ils  ciirtency  destroyed. 
I  remember  that  period  well,  and  all  lis  uppailing 
evils.  Grass  grew  in  Ihe  streetsof  our  cities,  which 
exhibilcd  the  appearance  of  the  pall  of  death  being 
thrown  over  them.  It  was  a  paralysis  upon  the 
whole  country,  and  the  national  pulse  ahiiosl  ceased 
to  beat. 

Let  us  test  this  new  theory,  that  large  importn- 
tiniis,  and  importations  the  chief  value  of  which 
consist  in  labor,  produce  national  w-ealth,  by 
looking  at  the  cmninerce  of  the  most  prosperous, 
wealthy  and  powerful  nations  of  the  earth.  Let 
us  look  first  at  England  herself.  Uoes  her  wealth 
come  from  large  imports  or  large  exporis?  Does 
she  gel  rich  by  imiiorlingthe  laborof  other  nations, 
or  by  exporting  tlie  labor  of  her  own  citizens  ? 

Here  is  a  statement  of  her  exporis  und  imporls 
for  .1  period  of  ten  years,  from  ItlDl  lo  I84U  inclu- 
sive: 
^'cari*.  Exports.  hn|iorl'.'. 

IHSl ^7a,4'J!»,t)04    <f4!>,7i;j,88!) 

1K)2 7li,()7l,5!ll      44,.5di,7-ll 

1833 7;),M3,(IW      4.'i,>jr):>,.V.I 

1H34 K."i,3!l3,a8.7       4!I,3«-',8I  I 

183."! !M,174  ;. '>      48,!)ll,ri45 

183(i 'J7,li'JI,.  .S       57,Uy3,8tii 

18:n !)7,-'li7,8i4      ■V.,733,41'J 

1838 H5,,')3.^),."!:t8      .'i3,'W4,874 

183!) 105,170,.i4!)      (i4,-J()8,3:iO 

1840 lHl.l!)H,7l(i      (i:J,U(l4,t)l)l) 

Total 8!)1),()8,'),843    .'W7,78'J,U1J 


The  excess  of  exports  over  the  import.-,  in  ten 
years,  was  .^371,903,831.  If  this  new  tl  eory  ia 
correct,  that  large  imports  produce  national  wealth, 
then  Great  Britain  is  being  impoverished  icry  fast. 
Let  us  see  what  other  nations  import  of  the  pro- 
ducts of  British  labor. 

In  1831),  Great  Britain  exported  to  Russia,  with 
:  sixty  millions  population,  =il,743,434,  being  three 
'  pence  for  each  person;  ti.  Sweden,  with  a  popula- 
tion of  three  millions,  J'l  13,308,  which  is  nine 
pence  per  person;  to  Oenmark,  having  a  poiaila- 
.lon  of  two  millions,  4'91,30a,  which  is  eleven 
,  pence  )ier  person;  to  Prussia,  with  a  population  of 
'  fourteen  millions,  .f  160,472,  which  is  three-and-a- 
half  pence  per  head;  to  France,  with  a  populalloii 
of  thirty-two  millions,  ^1,501,381,  being  eleven 
pence  per  head;  to  Portugal,  with  a  poiinlalion  of 
i  three  millions,  .f  1,085,934,  being  one  shilling  and 
eight  pence  per  head;  to  Spain,  with  fourleen  mil- 
lions population,  .f427,000.    The  whole  exporu 
to  these  seven  principal  nations  in  Europe,  was 
;  only  cf 5,21 1,839,  possessing  a  population  of  one 


1846. 


29th  CoNd Iht  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  CONGRESSIONAL  Gl.OBE. 

The  Tariff— Mr.  Niks. 


887 


Sknatb. 


luniilred  niid  twcnty-ei);ht  millions;  whllnt  the  | 
DiiliNli  fxpnrl.'  In  llin  Unilcil  HliitcH,  llicii  Imviii!,' 
n  |.ii|mlali(in  nl'  I'ourli'cii  niillionH,  wri'c  . i' I '.',■! '.'.'•,■ 
(11)5.  ui'iiii;  Brvi'iilern  .<liillliiL,'H  Nlcrliiu';  (iifiiilv  t'niir 
ilnl'iirs)  fi>r  every  iimn,  woiniiii,  iiimI  iliilcl,  In  ilie 
lljiion — «(ir  im|ini'iH  niid  iMniMniii{iliiin  <it'  l!i'ltlNli 
nin'MiliK'liiri'H  licini;  nii>n:  llinn  l\vii'(^  ilic.  iiintmnt 
111'  ill  llie  RpiU  I'ciwpis  ol'  l'!nr'i|M',  Anil  yrl  it  is 
lliiiiiirlu  III  I'l'HHiiry  III  cnJiMvor  to  inrriasi;  tliJH 
riunnni.  'I'lii'  UritiHli  exiiin-lH  lo  lirr  Nnrtli  Ainrr- 
iniii  eolnnirtt,  willi  inie  niilllnii  tive  liiiiiilri'il  tliiin- 
^iiiid  |iii|iiiliiiiiin,  were  -itJ.THIM'.ll,  luMir^  .<'!  11». 
;ii(.  per  pi'VHiin;  llinsr  In  lior  West  Iniliii  InIiiihIh  ' 
wen:  .<;i,7H(i,'l.')d,  llii'i-e  l.eiii'^  iiinr  liniidri.d  iIkmi-  I 
mini  pn|iiiliiliiiii,  wliic'li  in  ^.'1  I'ii.  per  prrsnn; 
lliiiM'  111  liriliNli  /VnMlriiliiiii  I'lilnnirM,  hiuinir  a  pnp- 
iiliiliini  111' one  hiindnd  llinusiind,  wini'  <'1,|H||,IIUII, 
heini,' liir  earli  piTHiin-^'ll  iri".  IT  llii'  iiupiirln- 
lliiii  i\nil  I'liiisiinipliiin  iif  llriiiNli  iMiiniiriiiinrrs  Im  n 
Minri'e  nl'  priispi'niy,  tlirn  liiM'cnjiinifM  nri;  llir  iniisl 
pi-ipMprro'/.s  piiipii:  in  llir  wnlil.  And  iloi's  nnl 
ihiN  riinipiirnlivr  view  iiC  the  ex|iiirlH  of  I'riliHh 
};iiiid.s  to  dilli'iTiit  I'Dnnlrirn  oxplnlii  her  iiiloriiul 
piilii'y?  WIml  in  '  111  pnlii'Vi  lint  to  iniilii'  liirr.nl- 
uini-'N  doprndi'iU  on  her  lor  all  innnnrnniiri'd  nrli- 
elrs?  Iter  ciiliininl  niivii;nlion  Linvm  sernre  tliiN 
lnidoloher,nnd  niiilicln'rioloniiHili  pi'iideiil  on  her 
tiir  mnmiriicliireH  oliill  kindn.  And  In  eonijiensiile 
(hcni  in  sonic  ineiiRiire  for  iImh,  hIip  hiiH  diHcrimI-  [ 
liming  dntieH  in  favor  of  their  produeiiona,  when  \ 
t'X|)ort<;d  to  the  niiithor  cnnnlry. 

If  hy  lIuH  new  pulley  we  ran  he  made  n  little  . 
innre  dependent  on  Dritiiin  fur  niamifaeinnil  arli- 
(k'M,  we  iniiy  become  alninst  us  prosperous  ua  her 
eolonies,  > 

Mr.  I'rc.^idnnl,  Ihia  policy  of  ntleinpiin:;  to  re- 
dlriiu  and  confine  the  industry  of  tlii.'i  eoinitry  to 
u'.'ricnitnre,  and  iia  trade  lo  the  exporia  of  the  raw 
prinlnctioiiri  of  the  »oil»  to  he  exchanKeil  for  foreign  , 
ininuifaetiireH,  is  too  iirejuiHterous  to  reipiire  the  '■ 
I'xaiiiiimlion  I  have  i^iven  lo  it.     There  is,  how-  I 
ever,  one  oilier  consiiloratinn  bearing  on  the  rpies- 
lioii  to  whiob  I  must  call  ntlentioii;  it  in  the  lesti- 
inony  of  history.     Facln  arc  stronger  than  nrsu- 
Inenl.H.     Look  at  the  nations  of  ihe  earth.    Where  i 
do  yon  find  the  must  intelligence,  comfort,  wrallh, 
power,  and  general  prosperity.'      Is  it  in   those 
ualions  where  labor  is  confined   to  the  cnltivatinn 
of  the  Hoil,  or  those  w'hcre  the  arts  have  made  the  ! 
iiinst  prii!;rcsa?     Compare  Kngland  and  France, 
with  S|)ain,  Poland,  and  Russia.     Compare  l!cl- 
(jiuni,  Holland,  and  Germany,  with  Italy  and  Tur- 
key.   Comp.ire  the  United  Stales  with  the  Spanish 
American   republics   in    this   hemisphere,   where 
there  are  no  inanul'ucUiies,  nor  scarcely  the  rudest 
mechanic  arts.     Look  over  the  paiie  of  history,  j 
and  you  sec  in  ancient  nations  the  same  universal 
trnlh.  I 

At  this  enlijrhtened  nije,  the  avowed  policy  of  i 
this  measure  must  fill  every  intelligent  mind  with 
astiinisliment — a  policy  which  aims  to  arrest  and  I 
curtail  the  industry  of  the  country,  in  the  aris  and  j 
manufactures,  and  to  divert  it  to  the  euliivalion  of 
the  soil,  where  there  is  already  nil  over-proiluc- 
tion.  j 

Sir,  I  do  not  say  that  this  measure  will  arrest  • 
nnd  break  down  the  meclianical  and  mamifacluring  ; 
puiFuits  and  industry  of  this  country.     I  only  say  * 
that  it  is  intcniled  to  do  it  lo  a  certain  extent,  as  it 
aiin.i  lo  iiilrodnee  into  the  country  fifieen,  twenty, 
or  lliiriy  millions  of  the  products  of  foreign  lalior,  j 
to  take  the  place  of  the  same  amount  of  products 
of  American  labor.     How  fur  it  will  accomplish 
this  object — how  far  it  may  impair  or  destroy,  in 
whole  or  in  pari,  our  mechanical  nnd  manufactur-  \ 
ing  interests — no   one  can  say.     What  iiiteresis  j 
may  sustain  the  blow,  uiid  what  may  sink  under  ! 
it,  can  only  be  known  with  certainty  by  a  trial  of 
the  measure.    That  so  sudden  and  great  a  reduc-  j 
lion  of  duties  will  cripple,  if  not  destroy,  some  of 
these  interests,  no  one  can  doidit.     If  the  object  of 
the  measure  is  accomplished,  this  must  follow,    if 
you  introduce  four  or  five  millions  of  foreign  cot- 
ions,  the  same  amount  now  manufactured  in  the 
country  must  cease  to  he  manufactured.  One  thin; 
is  certain:  either  these  interests  must  be  destroyed, 
or  there  must  be  a  great  reduction  in  the  labor  they 
employ.     And,  in  either  case,  the  blow  must  fall 
or  the  laboring  classes.   The  huge  establishments, 
by  reducing  the  wages  of  labor  2.^)  or  33  per  cent., 
may  be  able  to  go^on.    But  the  small  eslablish- 
iiients  must  generally  be  broken  down.    Why  try 


how 


rh  reduelion  Mynr  l| 
In  it  necessary  to  '.': 


nn  dxperiment  t 

will   bear.     Is  labor  ton  high 

mince  ii  by  leL'islali on? 

•Sir,  if  the  views  I  have  taken  of  this  niensnro 
are  mil  enlirely  erroneous,  ii  winilil  be  diHiinli,  In 
looking  back  over  llie  page  of  hiiiiory,  to  finil  any 
art  of  rei'klessncHs  or  fatuity  lo  emnpare  wilh  il. 
The  one  which  appears  lo  nie  lo  have  the  greatest 
analogy  is  the  iTpeiil  of  llie  Ivlict  of  Naiilen.  That, 
il  is  true,  was  not  ii  revenue  nienMiire,  nor  dictated 
by  any  reference  to  the  pursuits  and  interesis  of 
the  [leople.  It  origiiialed  in  the  lilindness  of  big- 
otry, winch  is  always  reckless  of  coiiHeipieneeH. 
This  measure  has  apparently  originaled  in  the  in- 
filna'.ion  of  carrying  oiii  a  theory,  whii'h  is  a 
dilVerent  kind  of  blindness,  eiinally  reckless  of 
consei|neiiei  s.  The  revocation  of  the  Millet  of 
.\antes — a  repealing  ait  like  lliis — was  a  cruel  and 
f.iiid  tilow  al  the  mechanics  and  artisans  of  t-Vance, 
which  were  then  in  advanco  in  the  arts  of  any  iu\- 
lioii  in  iMiropi .  They  were  hunted  down,  persc- 
cnlcd,  and  driven  from  llieir  country.  And  what 
was  the  consefpienee  ?  I*'i-ance  was  checked  in  its 
pnii'i'i'ss  and  prosperity,  and  did  not  recover  from 
the  uliock  in  more  ihaii  half  a  century.  And  these 
nieehanies,  arlisan>',  and  nninnfaeturers,  driven 
from  their  native  coiiniry,  lied  lo  lielgiuin,  Hol- 
land, and  r.nglanil,  anil  in  those  countries  planted  ; 
the  first  seeds  of  their  meehanical  and  niannfactur- 
iiig  industry,  which  rendered  them  the  successful 
rivals  of  Kranee.  This  measure  is  caliuilated,  and 
appaiemly  intended,  lo  be  a  blowal  the  same  inter- 
ests and  ilie  same  class  of  men  in  this  country; 
and  should  it  be  a  permanent  policy,  (hut  this  is 
impossible,')  it  might  be  productive  of  siiniliu' con- 
seriuenei's  liere.  tine  of  two  things  would  follow: 
our  arlisans  anil  niauufaciurers  inusi  (.'itiier  aban- 
don their  piirsiiils,  or  emigrate  to  other  countries 
to  carry  them  on,  where  their  Intcresia  would  be 
heller  prolectcd  oiid  taken  care  of. 

Sir,  with  the  views  1  entertain  of  it,  I  cannot 
but  regard  ibis  hill  as  one  of  pains  and  penalties — 
as  a  measure  of  confiscation,  recklessly  sacrificing 
the  rights  of  property  and  labor.  A  measiiic  so 
extreme,  prnducingso  sudden  and  so  great  a  change 
in  the  piii'snils  of  the  people,  must  necessarily  in- 
volve great  sacrifices,  and,  1  fear,  occasion  much 
privation  and  distress.  Let  nic  stale  one  case  us 
an  example:  An  acquaintance  of  mine,  a  citizen 
of  New  York,  long  engaged  as  an  importing 
merchant  there,  but  formerly  of  my  own  Slate,  is 
now  in  this  city,  and  has  inibrmcd  me  of  the  situ- 
ation of  his  business.  He  is  a  mannl'ttctiirer  of 
sheet  iron,  some  lliiriy  miles  up  the  Hudson.  He 
has  two  hundred  and  eighty  men  in  his  employ, 
who,  with  their  families,  make  a  population  of 
fourteen  hundred  souls.  If  this  bill  pusses,  he 
says  he  must  suspeiul  his  business  entirely.  It 
may  be  thought  this  is  said  only  for  ed'ect;  but 
considering  that  this  bill  will  reduce  the  duty  on 
sheet  iron,  which  is  now  largely  imported  from 
Kngland,  from  fifty-six  dollars  per  ton  to  thirteen  j 
dollars  mill  u  half,  his  statement  can  hardly  he 
doulited.  If  his  business  is  stopped,  these  two 
hundred  ami  eighty  laborers  are  thrown  out  of 
employmenl,  and  fonriecn  hundred  persons  de- 
prived of  their  means  of  support.  And  where 
else  can  they  find  employment,  when  the  same 
cause  hus  prniluccd  the  same  result  with  other 
similar  csiablishmenls,  and  when  all  other  pur- 
suits— if  these  men  were  fitted  tor  them — are  gen- 
erally depressed  ?  But  this  is  not  all.  This  iron 
maniifacturor  consumed  two  thousand  five  hun- 
dred tons  of  pig  iron,  nnd  ten  thousand  tons  of 
coal — the  latter  costing  fifty  tliou.sand  dollars.  Ali 
engaged  in  making  the  pig  iron — which  comes  from 
dillcrent  places,  some  in  New  York,  west  of  his 
e.stuhlishmenl,  some  from  Berkshire  county,  Mns- 
sachusetls — must  lose  their  business  also;  and  the 
Peniisylvanians  must  lose  the  market  for  fifty 
thousand  dollars  worth  of  coal;  and  the  persons 
engaged  in  freia;hling,  transporting,  and  nuuling 
those  heavy  articles,  must  lose  their  employment. 
The  blow  does  not  stop  at  the  first  interest  stricken 
down,  but  pusses  on  to  otiieis,  I'arlher  than  we  can 
well  trace  it.  What  will  be  the  direct  loss  of  prop- 
!  erty  to  this  manufacturer?  what  to  others  con- 
'  nected  vv'ith  his  business  ?  and  what  to  the  labor- 
i  ers  in  his  employ?  If  these  results  are  lo  follow, 
is  it  doing  injustice  to  this  measure  lo  call  it  u  bill 
of  pains  and  penalties,  and  an  act  of  confiscation? 

There  is  one  topic  more,  to  which  I  will  call 


ntlcntlnn.  It  Krmii  tn  he  niippoied  by  nnme,  that 
thill  measure  is  in  harinoiiy  wilh  the  policy  of  Hir 
Uobeii  I'eel.  Never  was  ihci-ii  .1  giTiiler  inislakii. 
Sir  liohcrt  I'eel  hus  not  abandoned  the  prolcctivt 
policy,  much  less  is  his  policy  hostile  to  the  innii- 
iifueliiriiig  interesis.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  intended 
for  their  benefit  and  udvanlage.  He  has  proceeded 
slowly  and  cautiously  in  rediieing  diiiiiN,  nctinif 
on  each  ease  aeeording  to  the  eondilion  of  tho 
business.  He  has  rediiceil  theilulies  on  nianufae- 
tiirei  of  cotton  and  nn  other  manufactures;  but  liaM 
at  the  same  linn;  made  raw  cotton  and  all  other 
raw  iiiilerialfi  free.  This  was  u  luMiefit  lo  the  agri- 
cultural inierest,  and  all  eonsinners,  willioul  injury 
to  the  iiiannfiictnrer;  removing  the  iliiiy  I'lnin  iho 
raw  inaleriiil,  chenoencd  its  production,  and  llio 
loss  of  the  duly  on  the  manufaeiured  artii'le  wa4 
of  lillle  ronseipii'iiee,  as  llie  liriiixli  inanut'.ielurer 
makes  his  goods  for  oilier  markets,  and  does  not 
fear  eonipetiliiin  nl  home. 

Ibii  he  has  ubolislied  the  corn  laws,  the  great 
IVce-liaile  measure.  Well,  is  that  removing  pm- 
tedion  from  the  niannfai'tiirers  ?  Not  at  all;  It  i.i 
giving  Ihem  protection;  it  is  cheapening  one  of 
their  raw  materials,  or  one  of  the  elnmenls  of  e\- 
[II  nse  in  maniifacinied  producis.  The  corn  lavv:< 
were  u  protection  lo  the  landed  inleresi,  and  bene- 
fited only  the  large  landholiler:-.  'I'liey  have  been 
remnveil,  because  they  were  an  unjust  and  oiliniiM 
tax  on  food,  on  consuniplinn,  unil  on  the  bread  of 
life.  They  were  removi'd,  because  the  people  wern 
clamorous,  nnd  would  not  bear  the  tax  on  their 
stomachs  nny  longer.  And  this  is  heralded  as  ii 
great  free-trade  measure,  because  the  people  aro 
perinilted  to  have  bread  without  being  taxeil  fiir  it. 
riiis  was  ail  oppressive  and  odious  lax,  andslmulil 
have  been  abolished,  from  every  consideration  of 
humanity  and  sound  policy,  williout  uny  regard  In 
,  the  doctrines  of  free  trade. 

lint  cheapening  foml  is  a  benefil  to  themanufnc- 
Hirer,  so  that  it  is  a  ineasiirc  favorable  lo  that  in- 
terest. Sir  Robert  I'eel 's  policy  has  been  a  careful 
regard  and  vi:;ilant  watehfiilncss  over  all  the  dc- 
partinents  of  inilnstry;  there  has  been  none  Ion 
largo  for  his  comprehension,  and  none  so  small  nn 
I  to  he  beneath  his  care.  His  policy  is  to  take  cars 
of  all:  the  friends  of  this  measure  propose  lo  laka 
care  of  none,  and  yet  profess  to  be  imitating  lliu 
policy  of  Sir  llobcrt  Peel.  But  a  policy  wliieli 
would  be  suitable  to  Kngland,  might  not  be  snitubla 
for  the  United  Slates.  }|er  condition  and  ourM 
are  directly  the  reverse.  England  exporia  manu- 
factures to  all  parts  of  tho  world:  of  course,  if  she. 
can  undersell  other  nalions  in  other  markets,  slio 
reiinires  no  protection  for  her  home  markel.  .Slio 
imports  raw  mat  .rials,  and  some  breudstnirs  anil 
,  food.  The  United  States  exports  agriciillurul  pro- 
ducts,and  imports  manufactures;  conseipiently.ouf 
manufacturers  are  exposed  lo  foreign  compefition, 
nnd  the  British  are  not.  It  is  entirely  a  mistake 
o  suppose  that  the  British  have  abandoned  their 
protective  policy;  they  have  only  reduced  the  rale.1 
I  of  duties,  but  the  protective  principle  is  everywhero 
mainluiucd  where  the  inierest  is  supposed  lo  re- 
cpiire  it,  except  on  corn  or  fiimr,  nnd  that  is  given 
up  because  it  was  n  tax  on  food,  whicn  the  people 
would  not  bear,  and  ought  not  lo  bear.  Her  dis- 
criminuling  duties  in  respect  lo  hercolonies,  and  in 
all  other  respects,  are  maintained  as  much  as  ever, 
but  at  lower  rates.  They  have  only  reduced  tho 
scale  of  protection,  not  relinquished  the  principle. 
Hut  this  bill,  as  1  have  nttempled  to  show,  aban- 
dons the  principle,  and  goes  on  the  ground  llinc 
revenue  laws  should  have  no  reference  whatever  ti> 
the  inierests  of  the  country.  This  is  the  avowed 
doctrine  of  this  great  measure  of  the  age;  it  is, 
nevertheless,  true,  that  il  has  n  reference  to  some 
interes'.s,  and  is  designed,  as  I  have  before  s;ud, 
to  favor  the  planting  interest,  at  the  expense  o 
llie  mechnnicul,  nmmifacturing,  and  commercial 
inierests. 
'  It  should  not  be  forgotten  by  the  American 
Rtatesinan,  that  the  English  are  our  rivals  in  all  our 
1  interests  except  ngrieuliiire.  We  must,  therefore, 
not  lose  sight  of  ihe  relative  condition  nnd  advan- 
tage of  the  British  merchant  and  manufacliirer, 
and  the  American  merchant  and  mamifactiirer. 
And  what  has  British  legislation  done  for  the  Eng- 
lish manufacturer?  Il  has  secured  to  him  almost 
,  the  exclusive  enjoyment  of  the  home  market,  anil 
I  still  more  exclusively  the  possession  of  the  markets 
'■  of  their  colonies,  contuiniiiga  population  of  one  hull- 


888 


AI'PFi\DlX  Tv)  TirK  CONGRKSSIONAI.  Gf-OnF. 


fJiiiy  ao, 


iJOTH  CoNfl Ibt  Sks*. 


ilrril  iiiilliiini),l>y  tlieir'Hilniiinl  ronimrrrlnl  Inwa.  In 
aiiililioii  111  (lux,  ilexlriiil»  III  hiiiicMrv  |iiikki1iIi-  In- 
ciliir  mill  III!  viinliiKi^  in  llii'iiiaikrliiiirii)l<iili«i  rmiii- 
Irii'n',  liy  Kiviii;^  him  ihmth^  in  raw  iiiiirtTiaU  nn  ilii' 
clica|R'«tl«rinii,aii(lliyilrawliaiK«niii  X|ii>rlH.  'I'll in 
ciiniiirrlifiinnf  imlii'Vi  iimltail  nl' luiiii.' almniliMiiil 
liy  nir  Kiilurl  I  eri,  lm«  liiiii  ri  iiiliiiil  iiinii'  rinn- 
filfleniidi'lliini'iinix.  Hy  iciimviin;  ilir  iliiiiin  I'nini 
nil  raw  nimiriiilH  wlm  li  (i<rm  an  <  !>  imiii  in  ninnii' 

fiiriurvil  |iriiilni'iH,  anil  i-hi'a|ii'iiini;ilirii »l,aiiil  liy 

lakiii!;  ojr  llii'  ia\  III)  liiiiil,  III  ri>niii:\iini  u  iili  iliiir 
(Irawliack  Mylfiil  mi  ('\)Hiiln,  lir  li.in  I'lialilcil  llir 
lli'itlali  niainitiiiHiirt'i'  In  i'iiin|<rii'  wiili  llir  iniinii- 
I'arliii'crn  u(  iIiik  anil  iiiliir  rnuniiuN  iii  lliiir  ii\m\ 
lilai'kt'lH,  Ami  \\]\M  Iimh  nnr  ti<i\rrnin(  ut  ilnnii 
Tor  lh<!  Aint'i'i<'an  iniunitit<'liii'4'i'r  Ilr  liaNiio  roli)- 
iiial  marki'lH  HiM.iiruil  in  liiin;  In-  lia.*'  nn  ilniwIiarkH 
1)11  iiiamil'arliireil  arlii'IcH .  \|inrti(l ;  anil  all  ilii'  ail- 
vaiiin!{u  III!  liMH  nvir  hm  llniinli  rival  in  nui' nwn 
inarlal,  in  llic  ilalii.s  ailjiialed  nn  ilir  iivciiir  |iriii- 
('i|il<'.  Willi  lliis  lii^  i"  .laiisl'icil.  Hill  it  ni  now 
|irn|ini<cil  tii  ili'privi'  liini  ol' litis,  iiial  In  nn  iiuni;;r 
tliu  UritiHli  III  iniir.ii'liiicr,  iin  as  tn  i  nalilc  him  iiiiiit 
•uioi'sKl'iilJy  In  <'oni|ii.tc  with  liin  Ainn nan  riial, 
in  llii'  inarKi  tn  nl"  lii.<  nwn  cnnniiy.  f<tii'li  w  llii> 
pnlii'V  III'  llii"  ''ill.  anil  smli  is  llir  |irniirijnii 
uD'nriicil  In  Aiiiorii'an  imlnsiry  ami  i'iiii'r|iii«i'. 

iVtr.  PiTsiili'iit,  aiinllif  Tf  ami   l)\'  n<>   iitrans   llip 

Irast  inip'irt.iiit,  nliji'i-tinn  to  iIiin  liill  is,  ih itsiil. 

i-ratinn  ih:it  it  will  I'liiin-ly  tail  as  a  ri-vrinir  im  iis- 
iire.  Il  is  not  my  |>ni'|io.-ii<  in  lin  inm  h  inio  tins 
qucsliiin,  lis  't  was  nn  rally  ixaniimil,  linlli  a.i  In 
ilH  (iciicml  ri'Siill.<  anil  lis  n|n  ralimi  in  n':;aiil  In 
|iarlicnlarKiam'li("»nriiii|inils,  liy  the  Sriialor  fi-oni 
Niaint',  [Mr.  ICvans'.{  anil  I  cnnlil  iiiIil  nniliinic  in 
the  clrarni'ss  ami  fnrrit  nf  his  virws.  I  Imvc  iiiailr 
a  oaliHilalinn  ofllic  ri-vMnii',  m-rnriliiii:  to  llir  pri's- 
ciit  la\v,nn  ilic  iiii|inrlaliniis  nl'  |H|,'i,  ami  llir  Naiiii' 
i-alriilalinns  lo  show  wlial  would  hr  llir  rrvciinr 
uinlrr  lliis  hill  (HI  llir  iin|inrlaiicins  ol'lhal  yrar.  I 
liavr  taken  ,'JO  prr  rrnl.  as  tlir  avrra;;«!  rrvnnir  in 
1H4.'),  ui'conlnii;  lo  the  sialrimul  of  llir  Si  rriiiiry 
nf  llir  Trrasiiiy,  t^v  wiiirh  is  a  rrarliiin  iiiorr  ilian 
)iis  slatrini'iit.  1  liavr  rullnl  the  avrrai;r  rate  of 
ilnlv  of  llir  |irisiiit  hill  'SA',  prr  iiiil.,  wliirli  is  llir 
liiillirst  poini  at  whii'Ii  llir  riiainn  in  of  ihr  l''imiiii-r 
t'oinniillrf  |.Mr.  I.kihs|  has  rsiiioiiril  it,  or  any 
one  else.  I'pnii  lhi;sr  prinriplrs  1  have  iMlriilatuil 
the  revriiiir  on  the  imporlaiions  of  l.->-i.''j,  arroriiiirj; 
to  llir  exisliiii;  law,  anil  also  arroiilin^  to  this  hill: 
Hinl  aH  the  lii.st  prorrss  liiin:.'s  oul  a  risiili  ihltir- 
in:r  vrry  liillr  frnin  llir  artiial  rrvrnnr  rrrrivrj  in 
lH4i'i,  il  IS  prriiy  rnnrliisivr  that  Ihr  srcnml  prnrrss 
(tlinws,  Willi  a  ^jnnil  ili"_'iri  nf  i'rrlainly,wliat  woiijil 
III-  the  rrvrnnr,  shoiilii  this  hill  pa.ss,  on  llir  inijior- 
latioiiM  ot"  I.H4r».  'i'hrsr  ralrnlaliniis  prnvi^  onr  t'art 
whirli  has  hrrii  ill  ilisjiiilr,  minirly,  that  the  .ininiiiit 
of  llir  (Irawhir'k  mnsi  lir  ilriti'riril  fr.tm  thr  irrnss 
rrveniie.  'I'iiis  was  ass.Ti'i!  hy  llir  Srnatnrs  tVniii 
Maine  ami  .Mas.snrlias'  lis,  Ipui  ilmi 'd  iiy  the  chair- 
Iiiiiii  of  lln;  i  'oinniiiirr  of  l-'inamir. 

My  calrnlalinii  is  as  fnllnws.  .\ll  ihc  iirms  arc 
taken  I'rnni  the  rejinrt  of  llir  Sc.iciary  of  llir 
'I'rrasiirv: 

liiiporlsof  Irtl.'i SII7.'J.'>4.."i(!4 

Exports  of  ^ri-figii  urlicln I.'),:)I(),K)U 

Imports  rcinniiiinLr  in  the  rnnniry. . . .  1U1,'.UIT,7.'14 

CMi  wliirli  an  average  duly  nf  ,'il)  pi  r 

mil.  prodiires  a  <j;ross  rrvrnnr  of. .   fj31i,57'J,G2U 

IVducl  draw  harks ^1,7»3,2D5 

Deduct  drawhacks   nn   re- 
fined suijar "■1,371 

Drdiict  druwhackt*  on  dis- 
tilled spirits 21,740 

liouiiiirs 4,174 

AllowuncelofiBliinuvr.ssrls      2M!),fi4U 

ExpenHeH  of  collection. . . .  2,l).'i;i,4l>8 

Total  to  be  deducted 4,2a-i,888 

Net  revenue  received  into  the  treasury  ijafi,^  Ili.7.'l2 

This  is  three  or  four  hundred  thousnml  short  of 
the  actual  net  revtiiuc  of  the  year,  whirli  may 
littve  come  from  th-:  tiinnnife  duties  ami  liu'h'l 
money.  The  resull,  l.jwevrr,  is  so  nrnr  llir  actual 
ntt  revenue  of  the  year  as  to  show  thai  there  can 
be  no  errnnrouB  principles  in  thr  rahnlalion. 

Ill  addition  to  the  deductions  which  I  have  made 
from  the  i^ross  revenue,  there  were  llic  fnllowiii"- 
which  were  paid  from  the  treasury,  viz: 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Mien. 

I  Dahrnlurrriind  other clinri;rs I^'iii'.t,!)^) 

Aildilioiial  rntiipi  nsiiiinii  to  iilllcrrs  nf  the 

ciisl s l(iH,;iN() 

Dulieii  nlViiidril  iiiidrr  prolrsl ,'I'.IH,7;I0 


Tnlnl ^RWifllO 

This  sum,  ilriliirlrd  finm  S'>(;,.14(i,7.'l'J,  llm  nrl 
rrvrnnr,  hy  iiiy  calriilalioii,  Iriivcs  <»'J.'i, (IMI.'J'J'.J.  If 
lo  tins  «!•' ■■•Ill  ^;t|!l,IIOU  for  lniiiia:.'r  diilirs  iniil 
liL'ht  nioiirv,  wi  iiiakr  ihr  iivailahlr  rrvrnnr  nf 
1M4.",  o.ily  iJ'J.'i.Hj.i.O'J-.',  iiisKad  nf  Iwrinv-Hix  iml- 
liniis  .■.rvrp  .i.r'.'hl  hinnlnd  ihousiind,  which  nclii- 
allv  wriil  inin  llir  ti'msiiry, 

I  iinw  un  lliroimli  thr  sanir  procrss  of  ralcula- 

linn  on  llir  iiiipoiiaiioiis  nf  |H4,^,  coinpiiliii:;  llic 

\  avrrau'r  irvrimr  at  xillj  per  cent.,  the  lii;;lirst  rule 

pill  lipn'l  lllis  hill: 

Thr  imporlaiions  of  lH4."i,  allrr  drdiicliii'.:  I'vporlii- 

lioiiM  of  fnrri'.;ii  imports,  wrrr 5101. HO" ,".'11 

Thr  iivrraur  iliily  on  thai  amotiiit  of 
iinporls,  r.-.liiiialid  al  '.'.T,  per  mil., 

i       pi-oiluri  s  a  u'l-oss  rrvcmir  of. 2.1.n48,.11fi 

,  Drilncl   iliiiw  hack's,  exprnsiH  of  cn|- 
I       Icciinn,  allowance  In  fishin:;  vcssrl.^, 
iV.c.,  ihr  same  as  nnili^r  the  prr.'.riit 
)      law,  which  a iiiit  to 4,3'3.'i,SSS 

I  Nrl  rcvrnuc f,  19,71 '.',438 

'  And  from  this,  if  ilip  rxpniscH  and  charirs  were 
ihr  sanir  as  in  1^4.'.,  tlirie  would  hr  ihr  fiirthrr 
ilriliiciion,  afirr  the  rrvrnnr  wriil  inIn  llir  iirnsnry, 
nf  the  Hinn  of  ■(iH.-ilMKIII.  A  pari  nf  this  may  not 
arrriie.  \Vr  srr,  ihrn,  thai  ihr  iiliiinsl  nrl  rrv- 
riiiip  that  can  aicriir  iiinhr  ihis  new  sysirm,  on  llic 
lar^r  impnnaiinim  nf  |H4,"i,is  less  than  S'!lh*IIHI,(MI(); 
hrim;  ahoni  S7,0IM),IHIII  short  of  llir  rcvriini'  actii- 
ally  rccrivril  nmlrr  thr  prrsrnt  law.  Il  is  my  ilr- 
(  lihrrale  jiiil'.;nirni  that  this  is  a  Ciir  ami  lihcnil 
i  allnwaiicr,  ami  iIimI,  if  this  hill  hrrcmics  a  law,  llir 
irvrniir  will  fall  shnit  nf  v.'ll.llllll.llllll,  niilrss  the 
iitniorlalions  arr  L^rrailv  iie  rr:r^ril.  h'or  in  llin 
calroialioii  no  allowaiicr  is  inailr  for  frauds  on  tin 
rrvrmie,  in  ronsr.pinicr  of  thr  ad  valorem  prinriple 
of  iissrssiiirnl.  That  llirir  will  hr  friinds,  tn  a  cnii- 
siilrrahlr  aninnnl.  raiiiinl  hr  donhlrd.  And  what 
is  ihr  prosprc^i  of  jmrraNcd  itnpnrtalinn .'  In  ihr 
prrsriu  coMiiiiioii  ttf  the  rnnntrv,  I  think  it  is  vrry 
small.  Thr  import, uioiis  ot'  li^l.'irxci nlrd  thr  r\- 
imrts  anil  llir  frrinhts  hy  S4,blMI,ll(l(),  which  had  In 
lie  paid  in  specie.  If  the  imports  are  increased,  it 
must  hr  hy  an  incrrasr  oi'thr  rxporls,  or  by  crea- 
tiiiiia  I'orci:,'!!  ilrlil.  (iical  r\pcctal ions  arc  imliil:;ed 
of  nil  increase  of  r\porls  iVoni  llic  rrpral  of  ilie 
Ihilish  corn  laws.  In  my  jiiilu'mrnt,  this  rxprcta- 
lion  will  prnvr  a  drlusioii.  Tlirrr  miiv  he  coiisiil- 
rrahlr  increase  of  the  rxpnris  of  lnili;oi  corn  and 
meal,  nnd  possibly  sonir  of  (Iniir,  but  this  wi'l  ile- 
pcml  nn  thr  crop  in  l''.m:Ianil  and  llic  coiiiilries  in 
ihr  nnrlli  nf  h'lirnpe.  IJol  snppositrj  ilirre  should 
he  an  incrrasr  nf«i4,tlllll,OIIII  or  if..'!, I II II 1. 1 II II I  in  roni, 
wliral,  fhiiir,  and  )irovisions;  how  easily  this  may 
.  hr  balanced  by  a  sliL*"!!!  ilcprrcialioii  in  the  price  of 
enltiMi  or  Inhaccn.  As  tn  an  increase^  of  iinporta- 
linns  by  crealin;;  a  forei-jn  debl,  that  could  imt  last 
ninrr  ihaii  one  year,  ami  in  a  siimlr  yrar  it  would 
brc.ik  dnwn  ynnr  currency,  ami  briir.:  iipnii  the 
cniiiitry  a  dreadful  coininrrcial  revulsion.  A  rev- 
enue acqnited  ill  thai  way  would  he,  of  ill  others, 
.  the  most  disastrous  and  opprrssivr.  WrII,  .<?ir, 
siip)insr  yoti  find  nmlrr  tins 'irw  systrin  a  delicient 
rcvrnne  of  ■^fi.llim.llllll  or  '^".IHKMinO:  what  is  to  he 
done?  Will  ynti  raise  ihr  iliilirs^  That,  accnril- 
j  in^  In  thr  .Scrrrlary  of  the  Treasury  and  the  rhnir- 
j  man  of  the  C!nmiiiiitre  on  I-'inancc,  will  i1iiiiiiii^:|i 
the  rrvrnnr;  fnr  tliry  sa\'  low  duties  will  prodncp 
'.  more  rrvrmie  limn  liiirli  duties!  Ynii  imist,  then, 
i  rediire  slill  lower,  fnllow  up  thr  principle  of  ynnr 
i  system,  nnd  see  wlirrr  it  will  land  yon.  I  fore- 
warn irrntlrmen  llinl  iliis  hill  will  drrnm;raml  brriik 
down  the  finances  nf  the  fjnvcriimrii,-.  Are  ynu 
to  i,'o  on  hy  loans?  and  willimit  any  prnvisinn  to 
paytheinlrrrst,iniirli  Irss  fnr  their  nltinialrrrdrmii- 
linn  .'  O,  blindness  lo  llir  I'liliirr  !  Is  the  dislurh- 
iincr  and  derani;emeiil  of  the  biisinrss  of  the  rniin- 
Iry  so  <.;rrnt  a  ffooil,  that,  tn  ncconiplisli  il,  ynii  will 
expose  ynnr  revenue  to  a  deficit  of  Sf),IIIMI.III)0  or 
<l7,IIIHl,IIIMI,  to  .say  iinthiii^'abont  the  cxlraordinnry 
rlrmai.d  made  by  the  war?  And  In  the  oxlriit  llmt 
■  your  revenue  proves  deficient  have  yon  taken  away 
ihnt  protection  wliicli  is  incident  to  a  mere  revenue 
lariff. 


Sr.NATB. 

I      I  now,  sir,  dismiss  this  imrt  nf  ths  subject,  and 

'  will  rtoNC  with  Hoino  rrnvirKs  on  the  political  aspect 

and  bearm:;  nf  this  ipiesiinn.     Thai  it  has  a  pn- 

lilical  aspeci,  and  will  have  ii  pnlilicnl  Inlliiince, 

I  annnt  he  dniihlrd.     Is  this  n  Demncratic  ineaNiire  ? 

I  Is  il  based  nil  thr  rrcnirniHed  prilli'iplcs  oi'thr  l)elii- 

I  ocralic  party?     I  deny  that  it  is.     I  enter  my  solrniii 

disclaimer,  and  protest  ii^niinsl  the  a.isiimplioii,  that 

Ibis  mrasiirr   is,  in   lis  piiii<:iplrs  or  pnrposr,  in 

j  liarniony  with    llm   doclrinrs    of  the  |)eniorriiiic 

I  parly,  old  or  iirw.     Il  may  hn  in  cnnformiiy  to 

I  the  principles  nf  n  small  ininorily  of  llmt  party, 

'  snmelinies  eallnl  the  ('iirolina  school,  bin  willi  no 

oilier.     It  IS  not  in  cniiforinliy  In  ihr  principles  of 

;  .Irirrrson,    Miidisoii,   and    the    early    Drniorrnts; 

j  nor  dors  it  Inirinoni'/.n  with  llir  avowed  princi|ileN 

1  of  ('raw  fold,  I.owndes,  .lai  ksoii,  and  Van  Ibireii. 

The  old  Memocrals  wrir  frirnilly  lo  mainifaciiiirs, 

'  and  Hvrrsr  to  krrpini;  this  ronnlry  deprmlanl  on 

■  nrilani  for  its  supplies.     They  «  ishril  lo  make  llir 

I  l.tnileil  Sillies  imlepenilenl  of  (i rial  Ihiiaiii,  while 

the  I'"i'ileralisisof  llial  day  drnirid  tn  krrp  llir  conii- 

j  try  drpenilani  on  l';m,'la'ml  for  all  onr  i;niiils,  and 

I  ridiculed  llir  idea  nf  nnr  iniiinifactiiriin<  aiiylhiie; 

\  for  onrsrlvrs.     Thr  I'rdi  lal   p.iiiy  tin  n  were  the 

'  eoninieiciiil  parly,  and  desired  lo  keep  the  coiinliy 

drprmlailt  on    I'jiL'land   for  lis  niannfaclinrs,  so 

that  lliry  could  enjoy  its  inidr,  coiisislin:;  in  ex- 

i  porliii'.'  ihr  prodnctN  of  the  soil,  to  he  excliam;ci| 

fnr  Ihilish  imiinif.ictiires.     'i'lii  y  were  thr  advo- 

ratrs  for  llir  sinic  policy  which   this  hill  is  calcii- 

laled  and  ilesi'mrd  to  favor,     lint  the  h'ederal  parly 

have    since   cliaic.'rd    their   opinions  nnd  brcnimi 

friendly    In    the    nminifaciiiriii!;    interest,    owin:; 

mainly  tn  thr  fii.  I,  that  Ihr  nipilalisls  of  ihr  easl- 

rrii  and  niiihllr  Slairs  havr  invesleil  iiinch  of  their 

capital  in  il.     Iliil,  beciinsr  llirir  oppnnriils  have 

clmni'cd,  is  nn  reason  why  llie  Deinncralic  parly 

slioiilil  cliiiii:;e  their  policy;   nor  have  lliey  dnm! 

.so.     The  lleinocralic  |iarly  have  al  all  timrs  hrrn 

as  fiivorahlr  In  thr  policy  of  siislainin:;  ami    pr<i- 

Irciiin;  the  ilomisiic  proiliiclions  and  imlnslry,  as 

llirir  oppii'irnls;  but  liiivr  mil  brlirvrd  il  expedient 

to  adopt  siicli  rMremr  nirasiins  tn  secure  I'     nli- 

jrct.     Tlir  dnclrines   of  frrr  Irailr  are  (if  it 

origin,  old  do  not  now  prrviil,  rxcr|it  wi' 

'  piiraiiv'^lyl'ew  imlividnals.  In  noiirnflliei 

'  mil  llicrn  Stales  arr  llirir  nnnibrrs  such  »:  ^    , 

any  seiisihle  iniiirrssion  on  public,  npininn.     The 

free-trade  doclrinrs  of  thi'  Carolina  scliool  may 

have  hrrn  .spreiidiimal  ihr.Sonlhi  yel  it  is  iloublril 

whilhrra  majority  of  ihe  propir  hiive  embraceil 

llirm  in  many,  rvrii  of  llir  sniithern  Staira.     I'.ut 

so  f.ir  as  1  know,  the  i':vat  body  of  the  Drni'icrala 

ofihrniiildir  and  nonhrrii  Slairs  arc  friniiliy  lo 

j  ihr  policy  nfsnslaininu' inil  riicniira:,'iii'_'  the  .nr- 

chanical  and   inannfaciiiriii!:  inlrresis,  by  a  nn.il- 

erale  and   just   iliscrimiinlni:,'  sysn  in  of  rcvrnne 

iliitirs.     'I'hry  rlaiiii    lo    br  ipiilr   as    frirnilly  in 

llirsrinlrrrsi.^* as  I  li"ir  political  oppoiirnls.aml  ditl'er 

I  only  as  lo  the  dei;rer  of  protection  which  is  r''i|i>iied 

In  sustain  ihem.     If  this  bill,  llirn,  rnnlains  !lir  iin- 

cpialifiril  principles  of  free  Iraile,  and   rrpiidiatrs 

all  prntrciiiMi,  shall  we  not,  ill  :;ivin','  it  onr  supoorl, 

rrlimpiish   the  primipirs  \vr   have  ii'ways  umiti- 

laiiird?  and  prrliaps  wiiiiout  briiif  'iware  of  il, 

find  ourselves  placed  on  a  :,'roiind  where  we  cannot 

stand?       hall  we  not   find   ourselves  oc.rupyin^  a 

posilioii  on  this  1,'rial  r|ncstion  of  iloinr.«lic  policy, 

hmlili  tn  the  intrrrsts  of  onr  people?     Willi  these 

virws,  sir,  In  sii|>|>nrt  this  inrasnrr  would,  in  my 

jiidL'niriil,hr  In  abamlonllie  principlcaof  my  parly. 

And  yet  wr  are  called  on  tn  snpiiorl  this  bill  as  a 

parly  measure.     If  it  is  the  measure  of  llie  party, 

thru'  thr  parly  has  lost  si',;lil  nf  its  own  principirs 

and    policy.     Why,  sir,  are  wr   not  told    by  the 

rriilr.il  |ircss  here,  liial  this  measure  rests  on  new 

principles?  that  it  is  ii  new  theory  put  fnrlh  by  the 

.  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  llmt  none  of  his 

j  predecr.ssnrs  ever  dared  In  rrcnmmrnd  a  syslrni  of 

revenue  on  frrr-lrade  prinriplrs,  and   favnrable  lo 

the  frer-lradr  pnlicy?     This  srlllrs  ihe  ipicslinn. 

This  is  a  new  inrasiire — a  new  )inlicy  in  this  cniin- 

Iry.     Il  is  nol  a  measure  of  llie  Urinocratic  parly. 

old  or  new.     Its  principles  brlom,'  to  the  rxlremc 

portion  nf  that  parly  in  the  South.    Mow,  then,  can 

It  be  supposed,  that  this  measure  ran  be  apprnvrd 

by  the  Deniocralic  parly  of  the  West,  llie  .Middle, 

and  the  North  ?     It  is  inipnssibli::  a  m.:asure  in 

ronllict  wilh  their  lon!;-cherished  principles  and 

hnslilo  lo  iheir  iiilrresLs,  cannot  meet  wilh  favor. 

'  l-'rom   the  influence  of  the  general  expectation 


ily  «0, 


^40.1 


■J!>rii  CnN<i Iht  Srm. 


APPKNDIX  TO  THE  CONGRKSSIONAL  GLOBK. 

~       '^'^  'iVif  Tariff— Mr.  Nik». 


889 


SrNATB. 


wliicli  prevuileil,  tlist  the  taritT  ol'  |H4!)  wniilil  Ij>' 
iTvineil,  lliiiMc  wild  tmv«  mil  niri'fiilly  ixaiiiiinil 
tli(>  |it'iri('i|tlrN  iiDil  |iiilii  V  "f  tliJH  iiH'MNiirr,  liiive  Ntit- 
t'crril  ihciiiNf-tvt'N  ti>  tall  intn  llic  rnlliiciriiiH  (i)iiiiiiMii 
lli:it  tliminiinly  n  miHiiiialilc^  moiliriiuliiiiinrilii'i'x- 
INiin:;  law;  iind  availiiit;  yiairNi-lvcN  of  tliiN  roiiNiit- 
iniUiiii,  anil  liarkril  liy  llir  iiilliicrirc iifilio  Ailniln-  I 
ixlraliiiii,  lliin  iiwaHiiii:  iniiy  I'l  icivit  tin;  Nnni'liiiii  iif 
('iMiifrcHK  at  tliJN  lliiK",  liiil  it  laiiiiiit  lie  Hiinlniiiitl, 

Sir,  it  .'ii'tMiiH  In  hv.  ikIiiiIiIi'iI  llialwliiii  iIir  Dciii- 
ni'ialic  iHirly  it  in  |iinvii-,  ilii  cliiif  Nlirnijlli  \»  in 
ilic  Hiiiitli;  anil  licni'c  it  in,  llial  tin;  Hmilli  liavp 
n»snnii'il  nut  niily  tii  ilirrrt  Itj)  nii'iiHiiriH,  Inil  llicy 
Ni'i'iii  ilrli'nninril  In  drfinii  iinil  hoIiIi;  ilH  |irini'i|il('H, 
Anil  lliis  In  a  liiilil  illnrt  li>  |'alni  iipnii  tlio  Dniin- 
iTiilii'.  |iarly  nl'llir  llniiin,  llin  rxlri'inc  ilnrtrinon  i)f 
till:  niiiillarn  iliviNioii  iil'  llni  |mrly.  \Vr  i>l'  llio 
JN'ialli  arr  rallcil  iin  in  tin:  nanii:  iif  tin'  piii'ly,  mil 
iinly  In  >Mrrirn'i'  tliii  inlci'iMlN  iiC  unr  I'lniMlilui'MlH, 
lull  In  Kiirrrnilir  wliai  wr  liavn  ii'i;ai'il(il  nx  the 
prin>'i|ileH  iil'  nur  |iiiily.  In  it  Niip|>iiNril  tlial  wp 
iiin  ilo  llii«?  I)ii  iMir  Honllin'ii  IVii'mlH  wiHli  tn 
iivi'i'lhinw  anil  pniHlnilr  llm  nnrllicrn  DininiTary  ? 
Do  tliiy  think  that  llioy  iiniliTsland  lii'llrr  ilniii  wo 
ilii,  till'  inti-n'NiN  anil  iipininnx  iil'iinr  I'niiNiiinrniN? 
Wi'  luivr,  iHi  innni'i'niisiii'i'aNiiinn,  Ihmmi  iniliiriil  In 
fjn  I'm-,  pi'iliaps  ton  far,  in  siippnrt  iif  .siiuilliirn 
ini'asiirrM,  ti>  inainlaiii  tlic  iinilv  nl'nni' paity,  wliirli 
tiiiN  wraki'iii'il  nn  at  linnii'.  llm  ni'vrr  lii'l'iirc  lias 
llii'  .Smith  pri'Ninni'il  In  niakr  Hiii'h  an  extravagant 
iliMnand  nn  ntir  fiirhi'iU'anrp — nn  niir  kiuuvn  yield- 
in;;  diMposiliiiiiH  (iir  llip  K''ii''i'"'  Kiiod.  Why  have 
mil  we  hi'i'ii  cniiHiilled  in  it^ard  in  thin  ?rent  mean- 
lire,  which  Nil  vitally  iilVei'lN  nur  inlereHl.s,  and  exiilH 
HM  enniinllin;;  an  inllmin'e  nn  nnrlliern  polilics? 
We  shnnlil  have  lieen  williiur  to  snslain  a  meas- 
ure nrit^iiialim;  in  ihe  spirit  nl'  I'nmproiniNe,  a  rea- 
aniinlile  and  jiisl  innilifieatinri  <\(  the  exisiinu' 
tarill';  in  wliirli  all  seelinns  hlinnld  have  yielded 
Hniiielliiiiir  nl"  Iheir  extreme  prelensinna,  and  whieh 
shniilil  have  an'nrded  reasnnalile  prnleelinn  ami 
Heenrily  m  Ihe  imeresls  nf  all  parts  nl'lhe  eonnlry.  ' 
lint  this  is  a  liill  enmini;  I'inm  ihe  Smilh — frnin  the 
hands  nflwn  Minn  hern  planlers— either  iinarf|iiainl-  ' 
eil  willi,nr  leu'.irillessnt',  nnrthern  iiiieresls,  whether 
ennmieretal  \ir  manul'aclurin;;,  iind  aHni'ds  no  seen* 
rily  In  any  nf  tliein.  Our  .snnlliern  IViends  enm- 
pluin  that  they  are  oppreHsed  liy  Ihe  act  nf  lH4i — 
a  enniplaint  whieh  may  have  snnie  Iriilli  in  il,  hiit 
is  greatly  exai;!;eraled.  And  what  dn  ihey  pro- 
pn.se  as  a  remedy?  Why,  tn  pass  an  net  fi-aiiL'ht 
with  lenfnld  the  mjusliee  tn  ihe  prndnelinns,  Hade, 
anil  industry  nf  the  North,  itiil  this  is  not  mII; 
lliey  have  the  mndesly  In  call  nn  nnrtlwrn  men, 
in  Ihe  name  nf  the  parly.  In  assist  in  sneritleinsthe 
riu'hts  Iif  Iheir  nwn  penple;  In  aid  in  eheekinj  iheir 
iiidnslrv,  arreslini;  their  enlernrlse,  and  in  siilisli- 
tiuiii^;  llie  prndiieis  <A'  IJritish  ialinr  in  llie  plaee  nf 
the  |irniliicts  nf  Ameriean  lalmr.  Nnr  is  this  all; 
for,  at  the  same  time,  we  are  required  In  rennnnee 
nnr  nwn  prineiples,  and  aeeept  in  llieir  stead  the 
miserable  free-trade  uhslractinns  of  a  section  of 
the  .Sniitli. 

Sir,  is  it  not  lime  to  pause?  Is  it  not  lime  for 
nnrlliern  men,  in  f'nn^ress  and  out  of  il,  to  come 
tn  the  cnnelnsinn,  that  ihe  only  safe  and  hnnorahlc 
ennrse  fnr  lliem,  is.  In  lake  rare  nf  iheir  nwn  iiiier- 
esls and  Iheir  nwn  prinriples.  Tlielime  may  have 
been,  when  lliey  were  safe  in  the  hands  nf  nnr 
snulhern  friends,  bnl  ihni  time  hasgnne  past.  The 
Snnlli  is  nnt  nnw  what  it  mice  was.  In  the  early 
jierind  nf  parties,  Mr.  .lell'ersnn  and  the  great  men 
nf  the  Smith  were  the  defenders  nf  the  nnrlhern 
demneraey.then  stru^jliim;  against  pnwerfiil  odds 
anil  dreadful  prejiidiei  n  at  hnnie.  Snnlliern  repiib- 
lii'iins,  under  the  iiuidanee  and  directinn  of  Mich 
enhshlened  and  patrinlie  statesmen,  were  the  de- 
fenileis  and  prnleiMiu's  nf  the  deninemcy  nf  the 
Nnrlh;  and  il  was  from  this  cause  that  we  prnbalily 
cnnlraeted  the  habit  of  ennsliuitiv  yielding;  tn  the 
Sniilh,  and  penuittinj;  them  In  give  a  direction  to 
our  nalinnal  alVairs.  And  this  yielding  disposition 
III  the  North  has  given  rise  to  the  most  extravagant 
pretensions  nl  the  South.  Whilst  they  admit  that 
Ihey  are  ihe  weaker  section  of  the  Union,  in  num- 
bers,in  representation  in  botli  Houseaof  Congress, 
in  wealth,  in  every  way,  still  they  have  managed 
to  have  a  controlling  iiillncncc  over  the  Govern- 
ment whenever  the  Uemocratic  party  has  been  in 
)iower;  and  this  embraces  all  but  eight  years  since 
1800.  The  northern  democracy  have,  iluring  this 
long  period,  had  but  one  northern  President — a 


siaiesmnn  nf  profnund  inirncity  nnil  wisdom— «n(l 
yet  HO  ntrontf  was  tlio  pmsure  nf  snulhern  dnc-  I 
trines  and  prelensinns,  and  such  his  dispnsilinn  In 
yield  what  he  rniild  with  prnpriely  In  Ihem,  that 
lie  exposed  himself  In  the  charge  nf  Isiiig  a  "nnrlli- 
ern President  with  southern  principles."  Well, 
what  was  the  rrNiill  of  thix  yielding  tn  ihe  Snulli, 
this  dispnnilinn  tn  please  snulhern  pnliticiaiis,  and 
tn  resfiecl  their  peculiar  abstraclions  ?  Why,  sir, 
nntwilhslanding  ihe  spirit  and  dispnsitinn  in  llie 
Adininislralinn,  tn  whieh  I  have  referred,  a  lame  \ 
pnrlimi  of  southern  pnlilieans  were  disNalislieil  and 
cnmplaining  during  ihe  wlinlenf  Mr.  Van  Ituren's 
term.  And  what  mnre?  Why,  llie  pnpular  vnice 
ill  all  Ihe  Suites  had  designati  d  liini  is  the  candi- 
dale  fnr  itiinther  lerni.  Itut  the  Smith  wnuld  nnt  , 
submit  In  this;  and  intrigued  and  pinlled  nL.'ainst 
the  pnpular  will,  iinlil,  finally,  by  aid  nf  the  Texas 
ipieslinn  and  the  Iwn-thirds  rule,  they  succeeded  in 
nverniling  the  will  nf  llie  in  ijnrily  and  indefealing 
the  nnrlliern  cnmlidale.  Well,  sir,  I  suppnse  they 
expect  In  gn  nn  in  this  way — with  snuthern  Presi- 
ilenls,  and  ihe  Snnth  cnntrnlling  the  measures  and 
pnlicy  nf  Ihe  (invernmeiil,  and  taking  the  linn's 
share  nf  the  Federal  palrniiage.  These  things 
hav«  been,  and  perlialis  will  cnnlinue. 

One  nf  the  means  by  which  the  Snuth  lins  so 
longmainlaiiied  an  ascenilencv,  has  been,  the  cnn- 
trnl,  which  ulie  has  always  taken  care  to  secure,  of 
the  central  press  at  the  capital.  With  n  snulhern 
President,  and  a  sonlhern  press,  to  direct  and  form 
public  sentiment,  is  il  In  be  wniulered  al  thai  snulh- 
ern dnclrinesand  snuthern  indiienee  have  nbtained 
an  asceiidemy,  greatly  exceeding  the  real  nierils  nf 
the  nne,  nr  the  intrinsic  slrenglh  nf  the  nlher  ?  At 
all  linie.<  has  Ihe  press  here,  liavini;  the  ennfldenee 
nf  the  Adminisiralinn,  been  edited  by  sniilhern 
men.  At  snme  |ierinils  there  may  have  been  nn 
Just  cause  i\(  enniplaint — the  press  has  been  cnn- 
diicled  with  great  aliilily,  and  dime  justice  In  all 
.seelinns;  bnl.al  nihers,  the  Nnrlh  has  been  almnsl 
eulircly  ovirlnnked  by  ihe  semi-o/rcial  oriian;  and 
never  was  this  gri'  iice  greater  than  at  the  [ires- 
ciit  time. 

We  are  a  pniieni  and  forhcnring  [icople;  wo  have 
borne  these  ihings  and  have  not  complained,  and 
perhaps  shiill  cnnlinue  tn  dn  so:  bill  ynii  nin.-it  nnl 
press  us  Inn  hard  against  the  wall;  there  is  a  point 
beynnd  which  wc  caniint  gn.  1  think,  sir,  we  have 
alinnt  reached  that  pniiit.  Lei  me  say  In  my  niirtli- 
irii  friends,  that  the  time  is  cnmiiiL'',  and  nniv  is, 
when  we  must  lake  care  nf  ourselves;  when  we 
must  Innk  aOer  nnr  nwn  interests  and  nur  nun 
principles.  Whenever  the  Smith  may  think  that 
they  have  had  the  Presidency  Inng  eiinngh,  and 
fee!  willing  tn  yield  In  «  northeru  candidate,  I  sin- 
cerely hope  he  will  be  careful  not  to  expose  him- 
self even  to  the  suspicion  of  being  a  "  nnrlliern 
man  with  snulhern  principles."  We  liavea  linmely 
proverb  at  llie  North,  that  "  every  tub  nuisi  sland 
nn  its  own  bottom;"  and,  in  view  of  ibis  and  other 
measures,  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  northern 
tubs  with  snuthern  bottoms  will  not  stand  very 
steady  hereaOer. 

Mr.  President,  I  have  now  about  concluded  what 
I  have  to  say  on  this  subject.     I  have  endeavored 
tn  discharge  my  duly,  hnweverpainlul  it  has  been, 
to  my  cniisiiinenis,  to  my  parly,  and  tn  llie  eonn- 
lry.    Sir,  I  stand  here  in  defence  nf  the  riu'lils  of 
Inhnr— of  the  free  labor  of  the  Norlh.     This,  sir, 
is  n  grcal  and  sacred  interest — the  most  important 
interest  in  this  country.     Here  is  my  commission 
and  my  insiructions,  (taking  up  a  volume  contain- 
\  ing  the  slatislics  nf  Cnnneeticnl;)  I   have  sonie- 
:  times  disregarded  ihe  instruclinns  of  the  Legisla- 
!  Hire,  but  these  instruclinns  cnme  from  n  higher 
:  scMicc,  from  the  people  themselves.     Here,  sir,  is 
n  rccnrd  of  the  industry  of  my  people,  amounting 
i  to  fifiy  millions;  thirty-five  of  which  nre  mechan- 
1  ical  and  manufacturing  industry.     This  is  the  evi- 
i  deuce  of  the  interest  my  constituents  have  in  this 
measure.     It  is  a  great  interest — an  iiileirst  that 
concerns  iilmnst  every  man,  woman  and  child  in 
!  the  Slate.     To  liiin  who  has  nn  other  capital  than 
his  hands,  it  is  his  only  inlerest.     These  interests, 
sir,  I  fear,  are  to  bo  struck  down  nr  impaired  by 
this  bill.     Hnw  dare  you  invade  the  riglits  of  the 
laboring  man  ?     How  dare  you  abstract  from  the 
piitance  of  him  who  earns  his  bread  with  the  sweat 
of  his  brow?     I  beseech  you,  1  admonish  ynu  not 
to  do  it.     Do  not  rob  the  laboring  man  of  his  just 
reward.     Do  not,  I  conjure  you,  send  alarm  and 


diimay,  if  nni  iligtrcM  Mil  wnnt,  in  ihn  henrths  of 
ihousands  of  laboring  poor.  No,  sir;  Ihey  are  not 
|ionr,  lui  they  earn  a  cnmforlablo  living.  Nn; 
they  are  nnl  |innr,  unless  ynu  innkn  them  no,  by 
rubbing  them  nf  iheir  all — iheir  einplnyinenUi.  I 
have  ilnne  what  I  cniild  dn  tn  save  ihetii  frniii  tluM 
cruel  lilnw.  i  have  nnl  hesitated  an  to  my  cnumn. 
When  Iliis  bill  lirst  made  lis  appearance  in  the 
Senale,  I  raised  a  vnice  against  it;  that  voice  wim 
heard,  and  inspired  n  hnp',  that  the  cnuiilry  might 
y<  escape  the  threatened  calaniily.  Il  prnclaiineil 
one  Irulh,  that  all  nn  this  side  nf  the  (,'lianiber 
wnuld  lint  give  their  siippnrt  In  this  exiranriliniiry 
measure,  in  nbedieiice  In  ihe  behesis  nf  |tarty,aiid 
reckless  nf  its  ellecls  iiiinii   the  iniercsts  nl   their 

j  cnnslitnents.  Seeing  that  nne  dared  In  sland  up 
ngainsl  an  external  pressure,  they  bad  reasnii  to 
lin|ie  that  snme  olliers  miu'lil  fnllosv  ihe  example. 
This  imluced  llin.<e  wIiom'  imeresls  were  menaced 
tn  CMUw.  nn  here.  In  see  if  anylliing  cniild  be  dnne 
tn  ward  nirtlie  llircatcned  blow.  I  have  cnnvers- 
ed  with  many  nf  lliein,  and  heard  their  slatemenlH, 
They  feel  lliiit  their  intercsis  are  endangered;  that 
their  business  may  be  suspended  and  their  prn- 
perly  destrnycd.  They  ask  nn  favnrs,  but  iiiily 
liesecch   ynu,  nnt  unjuslly  In  break  up  iheir  pnr- 

'  suits  anil  rnnliscale  their  prnperty.  Itut  neither 
llieir  riiiinnslrances  nnr  my  exeriimis  will,  I  fear, 
avail  auylhing.  If  I  ihnughl  lliey  wnuld;  if  I 
cniild  believe  that  Illy  ediirls  wniilil  be  instrumen- 
tal in  ilefeating  this  measure,  I  slinuld  feel  that  iny 
public  life  had  nnt  been  wlinlly  iinprndiictivo  of 
liencfu  10  the  enuntry.  Tn  arrest  sn  gnat  an  evil; 
to  Mop  a  measure  siippnrleil  by  nn  necessily,  no 
i'easnii,aiiil  yet  fraught  with  the  most  alarming 
eiinsei|ueiices,  I  shnnlil  regard  as  a  service  In  the 
cniiniry,  which  I  never  expected  to  have  it  in  my 
power  In  render. 

lint  I  fear  I  have  nn  such  pnwer;  lliat  Ibis  ineas- 

'  lire  is  to  I onsiiminalcd,  and  all  ils  Iraiii  nf  evils 

brnught  n|inn  the  enuntry.  lint  how  is  this  bill 
In  pass?  Is  il  nnt  to  beenine  a  law,  if  alall,  against 
the  jiulLMiient  ofa  majnrily  nf  the  .Senate?     Such, 

j  sir,  will  be  the  case.     I  caiinnt  be  mistaken  on  this 

I  pniiit.  Ami  is  nnt  this  a  serious  liii'l,  that  a  nieas- 
lue  sn  deeply,  sn  vilally  aU'ecling  llie  iniercsts  nf 
Ihe  wlinli-  pi'iple,  shmild  be  adopted,  aL'ainst  the 
juik'mems  nf  a  majnrily  nf  the  Senale,  the  repre- 
senliilives  nf  the  '.Slates?  And  1  think  I  may 
say  Ihe  same  of  the  llnuse  of  Ilipre.sentatives:  so 
fir  as  I  can  learn,  n  majority  nf  the  Uepresenla- 
lives  nf  the  people  have  nnl  in  their  cnusciencics 
aii;irnveil  nf  this  liill,altlinie;li  ihey  have,  by  snme 
siranu'C  influence,  given  it  their  vnl'es.  What  innial 
force  can  it  be  expected  such  a  law  will  have  with 
the  penple?  An  net  which  is  In  pass,  against  the 
jndirmenls  of  n  majorily  of  both  Houses  nf  Cnn- 
"fressl  Well,  sir,  I  have  done  what  I  conid  tn 
prevc  ''•■!  result.  What  more  can  1  say,  nr  to 
whnm  rai.  .  appeal  to  come  to  the  rescue?  (,'an  I 
appeal  to  my  northern  t'riends?  I  have  ntlcmpled 
to  convince  them  that  this  measure  is  wr.nig — 
wrong  everyway;  that  ilia  hostile  to  the  interesih 
of  their  constituents,  oa  well  as  mine;  that  it  is  ii 
departure  from  the  principles  of  the  Demncralic. 
parly,  and  that  it  cannnt  fail  of  being  productive 
of  great  evil.  If  I  have  not  convinced  them  nf 
these  trulhs,  it  is  nnt  in  my  pnwer  tn  dn  it:  mid 
what  mnre  can  I  sav  ?  If  a  ri^'ard  In  the  imer- 
esls of  their  eonslilnenis  and  the  principles  of 
norlliern  llemocrary  will  nnt  prevail  with  them, 
or  if  in  their  opinion  the  support  of  this  bill 
is  not  inconsislent  with  either,  I  hardly  know  on 
what  oilier  ground  1  can  appeal  to  them  for  their 
cooperation.  Shall  1  allude  to  the  iniluenceof  this 
measure  on  ihe  parly  in   (lOWcr,  which  takes  the 

;  responsibility  of  its  adoption?  Sir,  1  have  great 
fears  that  that  influence  will  be  disastrous,  if  not 

j    fatal.     The  iiiiluence  of  this  measure  will  come 

!  iiome  to  men's  "  business  and  bosoms,"  and  can- 
not be  reaisied.  If  you  strike  a  blow  at  the  pur- 
suits and  employments  of  the  people,  they  will 
defend  themselves  as  well  as  they  can;  and,  if 
necessary,  they  will  strike  back.  If  y..,u  take  the 
"  bread  from  the  mouth  of  labor,"  you  need  nnt 

;  expect  tn  find  the  sufl'ercr  in  very  good  humor  with 
those  whom  he  will  be  tn!;!  are  the  authors  of  the 

;  evil.  Sir,  embarrassment,  ditliculty,  stoppage  of 
business,  debts,  and  distress,  will  follow  this  meas- 
ure in  a  greater  or  less  degree.     The  people  will 

j  feel  its  blighting  influence;  the  business  man  will 
feel  it;  the  laboring  man  will  feel  it;  all  will  feci 


890 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


'Jlif  Tariff— 'Mr.  Niki. 


[July  23, 
Senate. 


it;  nnd  when  tho  pcnple  Teel.  they  will  think  nnd 
act.  Sir,  I  see  ilifficuldea  en'-iiijh  to  nppal  the 
sloulrNl  licnrla.  1  Hue  breakers  tiheiid,  null  ^rcnlly 
fear  Ihnt  the  pilots  who  ure  conducting  the  Atiy,  c!" 
Stale  will  iiot  steer  her  clear  of  then'..  But  if  so, 
I  shall  have  the  eonsolation  that  I  foresaw  the 
(lander;  that  in  time  1  raised  n  warning  voire, 
whii'.h  was  not  hecdiO;  niiit  if  the  nohle  ship  shall 
be  foundered  upon  the  rocks,  I  shall  not  desert  her; 
1  will  remain,  and  go  down  with  the  rest.  This  is 
»iy  last  appeal.  Will  you  not  try  to  save  the  old 
Democratic  ship,  when  iherc  is  reason  to  fear  she 
is  in  great  danger?  Iteforc  it  is  too  late,  1  appeal 
lo  you  to  save  the  ship. 

Under  other  eircunislances,  1  could  appeal  with 
confidence  to  some  (d'li);,  southern  friends;  1  couKi 
appeal  lo  my  friend  near  nie,  [Mr.  Uaoby,]  or 
to  the  friend  who  usually  ociopies  that  seat, 
(pointing  to  the  seat  of  Mr.  Haywood;)  1  could 
appeal  lo  their  sense  of  justice  and  nia>;iiaiiiniily, 
not  to  force  upon  my  consiiiuents  a  ineasiirc  so 
unjust  and  oppressive;  and  1  am  sure  I  should  not 
appeal  in  vain.  But  how  can  1  appeal  to  my 
friends  from  the  South  to  save  my  constiiuciiis 
from  a  measui"e,  however  iinjn.st  and  oppiessive, 
when  my  norlhern  friends,  whose  consiiiuenis 
have  interests  similar  to  mine,  are  cooperating  to 
roiis'immal>>  the  work  of  ruin.'  I  see,  tin  n,  no 
one  to  whom  I  can  appeal  willi  tuiy  hope  of  suc- 
cess, bull,  sir,  1  will  not  despair;  1  will  conlinue 
to  ho|ic,  until  the  deed  is  done,  that  this  bill  will 
fail,  and.  that  in  someway  the  country  will  escape 
the  evils  which  must  follow  its  passage.  With 
my  thanks  to  the  Senate  for  iiieir  patience  nnd 
•.Mtenlion,  1  have  only  to  say  that  I  have  done. 


REAJARKS   OF    MR.   NILES, 

OP  rO.NNECTICL'T, 

In  THE  Senvte,  Jutif  28,  184G, 

•3n  the  motion  to  postpone  the  furlhcr  coiisidera 

tion  of  tlio  Tarilf  Bill  until  the  lirsl  Monday  in 

December  next. 

Mr.  N1LK8  moved  that  the  further  consider- 
ntior.  of  I  he  subject  be  postponed  until  the  lirst 
Monday  in  December  next. 

[Mr.  Coi.QiiTT  questioned  the  propriety  .I'lhis 
motion,  lie  llioiiglit  that  it  was  out  of  order;  the 
(nil  had  been  ordered  ui  a  iliird  ri'ding,  am'  iicre 
was,  therefore,  another  question  pending. 

Here  ihe  cf.ll.s  for  the  third  reading  of  the  bill 
were  renewed. 

.Mr.  Manoiim,  nnd  others:  It  is  objected  to, 
and  iherefore  must  lie  over. 

'J'lie  point  of  Older  not  having  been  disposed  of, 

Mr.  .SiMM0V!i  conleiulid  that  the  motion  liy  the 
!Seii:"iM-  from  I'onneciiciit  was  in  order.  The 
our  in  would  be,  fust,  upon  the  p)stponing  the 
turiiiiT  consideration;  and,  if  that  was  rejected, 
then  any  t'urlher  lu'iion  would  be  in  order;  but 
while  a  motioL  lo  postpone  was  pending,  no  other 
uclioii  would  be  in  order. 

'C'l"  olijciuo'    ■  "s  here  withdrawn.] 

.  ii.  Nil  •;  ;  i.iceedcd  to  say  that  lie  hoped 
(renllenieii  would  iiol  be  inipalieni;  they  would 
have  soor,  enough  of  both  the  credit  and  respunsi- 
biliiy  of  tliir  nieasiirc.  It  was  not  his  purpose  to 
dtlav  the  tu  .•'  ote,  iniu'h  less  to  harass  and  vex 
the  .Senate;  ,:<'  was  'ml  in  the  habit  of  lliat  on  a.iv 
occasion,  and  certainly  he  would  not  resort  to  siidi 
expedienis  on  one  so  solenin  as  this.  lie  could 
not  consider  thai  he  had  doni  his  wliok  duly  in 
opposing  this  cxiraordinary  nnasuie,  vitlinnt 
makini;  thin,  the  last  eH'orl,  U>  arre.st  ils  progress. 
Circuiiialaiic "S  had  llirown  upon  him  a  irrave  and 
tiijlily  respf  .iiblc  duty  in  regard  lo  this  measure, 
and  he  had  never  t'oru  moni'-nt  hesitated  in  meet- 
ing ii,  or  fallired  lit  ils  di.scliarge,  however  paiii- 
lul  It  hid  been.  He  had  fearlessly  met  this  bill 
on  its  fi-st  appearance  in  ihe  8ena:e,  and  I'  id  done 
all  thci  lie  '  elieved  it  his  duty  to  do  lo  defeat  it, 
liy  aiiempling  >  show  that  it  was  such  a  bill  as 
iiiiuht  ,-.  :l  to  recei<e  the  sanction  of  this  body. 
Having  no  loiii:,  r  any  hopes  of  succeedini;  in  tliM, 
it  now  only  remained  for  him,  as  a  last  ellorl, 
to  attempt  lo  gel  it  postponed.  His  object  was 
lo  L'ive  liis  norlhern  friends  an  opporliiniiy  to 
urrcbt  or  postpone  this  ineasiire  without  a  direct 
vote  on  Its  ineriis.  He  would,  therefore,  in  the 
most  frii'iidly  but  solemn  manner,  make  this  last 
np|ieul;  he  would  earnestly  beseech  them  to  pause. 


and  delay  the  final  action  r.i  this  oill,  no  dee  ly 
interesting  to  their  con3litu..nls  as  well  as  lo  hi  i. 
He   had   said   some   days    since,  when   iiddress- 
"  ing  the  Senate,  that  he  eould  not  appeal  to  any  of 
i\  his  northern  friends  to  vote  against  this  hill,  be- 
;  cause  ilie  inleresis  of  their  consiitncnt.i  were  sub- 
:  stjintially  the  same  as  his;  and  if  what  was  due  to 
them  and  their  inleresis  could  not  prevail,  he  could 
not  siipjiose  any  respect  for  the  rights  of  his  cor* 
slitiienls,  or  any  con.-^iderations  of  regard  for  hini- 
I  self  personally,  could  inlluence  their  action.     Bill 
now  he  did  not  appeal  to  them  in  regard  lo  the 
1  merits  of  the  bill;  he  asked  mily  for  delay.     He 
;  asked  ",M  ihe  final  decision  might  be  put  oil",  and 
\\  llii'l  Ihe  question  might  go  befine  their  eoiisliliients 
il  and  hill,   ihet   tliev  may  examine   il,  and   decide 
!^  upon  ils  merits.     If  this  is  allowed,  it  will  be  llior- 
ouijhly  discussed   in  ils  priiici|..,H  and  ils  dclails, 
.  and  its  probable  intlnenee  be  jiidired  of  on   *'ieir 
\  interests,  pursuits,   and   emplovments.     H     sin- 
cerely hofied  that   this  n-asonahle  request  would 
j  be  accorded  to  him.     He  asked  it  for  t'.icir  eon- 
;  stituentsns  well  as  his  own.     He  asked  it  for  ihe 
whole  people  of  the  North,  most  deeply  inlcrralcd 
ill  this  question.     Whal  a  sideiiin  spectacle,  (said 
Mr.  N.,)  does  this  Seiiaie  now  exhibit.     We  are 
about   to  decide  a  j;rave   qiieslion,  mo,-(!   tiecply 
allVc'tlng  Ihe  interests,  the  iiiisiiiiss,  and  eniploy- 
incnls   of  the    whole    people   of  the   middle    and 
norlhern  Stales    than  any  which    has    fur   years, 
if,  indeed,  ever  befoie,  been  subiniited  to  the  de- 
cision of  Conirress.     ,\iid  this  ixreat  measure  has 
come  as  a  siiprise  upon  the  people.     A  lew  weeks 
since  no  one   Ihouirht  such  a  measure  ccniM   liavi' 
come  under  consideration  at  this  time,     liiil  the 
moment  llie  damrer  appeared,  all  became  alarmed, 
j    and  many  have  come  on  here  to  see   if  aiiyihing 
j;  cmild  be  done  lo  arrest  il,  nnd  to  escape  so  fatal  a 
jj  blow  to  their  prosperity.     Sir,  they  are  now  here, 
:!  walcliiii;:  with  a  trembling  anxiety  the  final  issue 
of  a   measure   tVaiight,  as  they   honestly   l;elieve, 
with  Ihe  most  al -rming  consequences  to  their  in- 
terests, and  those  of  the  whole  people.     They  ask 
no  t'lvors  at  your  hands,  they  luily  desire  that  they 
may  not  lie   sacrificed    by  llieir  own  Governmeiii. 
And  who,  on  the  other  hand,  is  here  demandin.g 
this  measure  .'     What  voii'c  has  come  u|i  from  the 
people,  or  any  portion  of  the  people,  demanding 
this  sacrifice  .'    I  have  heard  no    uch  voice.  Why, 
then,  is  this  measure  pressed  on:     Why,  then,  is 
I  his  extraordinary  act,  unexampled  in  the  legislation 
of  any  country,  to  be  forced  on  a  reluctant  people.' 
And  how  is  this  lo  be  done  .=     Is  it  lo  pass  by  the 
voles  ofamnjorily  of  the  Slates'     No,  sir,  il  can- 
not so  pass;  there  is  noi  a  majorily  of  ibis  body  in 
its  favor;  it  can  only  pass  by  your  vole,  not  repre- 
senting any  State.     Diurlit  a  measure  like  this  to 
become  a  law  without  ilie  sanction  of  a   majority 
of  the  Senate  .'     Rut  tins   is  not  all;  the  .'Senator 
from  Tennessee,  [.Mr.  .UaVAiuv.l  slated  yesterday 
that  there  was  not  one-third  of  ibe  Senators  who 
approvi'd  of  this  bill.    Sir,  I  ran  endor.ie  that  state- 
ment; 1  verily  believe  that  there  is  less  than  mie- 
tliird  of  litis  lioilv  who,  in  ibcir  consciences,  can 
say  they  approve  this  bill.     The  same  I  think   1 
may  say  is  true  of  the  other   House.     This   bill, 
llieii,  is  to  pass  and  become  a  law  aijainst  the  judg- 
ineni  of  a  majority  oi  iioih  Houses  of  <*onirress. 
Wha'  force  is  il  supposed  such  a  law  can  have? 
Will  it  not  besiill-born — without  moral  life,  power, 
or  energy  ?     It  will  be  respcled  i'     he  courts  and 
the  eiistom-hoiises;  but  in  whal  oiaer  Rcnse  will  il 
be  the  law  of  the  land  r  It  will  want  thai  sanction, 
the  public  opinion  of  the  country,  without  which, 
no  law  can  have  any  moral  force.     Will  it  rest  on 
tlinlabiilini;  foundaiion,  thejnilL'menI  of  llie  nation, 
and  thai  jtidirment  not  the  result  of  speculative  or 
partisan  opinions,  but  springing  from  theco"di!ion 
of  the  country — from   the  piiisuits,  the  inieresis, 
and  the  wants  of  the  people?    And  is  not  this  bill 
admitted  by  il>    suoporlers  lo   be  full  of  defects — 
defective   in   its  principles,  de'ective   in  ils  details, 
and  in  carrying  out  its  own  principles?    And  yet  il 
has  not  been  allowed  to  be  anienilcd,  but  is  to  pass 
willi  all  ils  defects,  inconsisteiic;.  s,  nnd  inconL'riii- 
es — and  to  pass  without  bein.'  defended;  without 
any  reasons  being  given  why  it  should  pass;  with- 
out a  single  arirnmeni  in   ils  favor,  ami   withoni 
answering  a   sio;;lft  obji-i'lion  of  the  many  which 
I'lwe  been  iirijed   againsl  il.     And   is  it  supposed 
ihal   such   legislation,  upon  sn    .   •;  subject,  will 
stand  the  test  of  scrutiny  nnd  time? 


']  But  I  wish  now  to  call  the  atlention  nf  ils  friends 
"  to  another  consideration.  It  is  adniitled  by  nearly 
i  all,  that  this  is  not  such  a  law  as  can  stand  iironulit 
I  to  stand.  It  is  to  be  passed  lo  be  ii mended.  The 
qnesiion,  then,  is  this:  will  you  pass  this  bill,  to 
;  amend  il,  or  permit  the  presenl  law  to  remain,  and 
i  amend  that?  W  hich,  ilieii,  is  the  proper  eonrso 
for  slntesmen  and  honest  lerislators  to  niirsne? 
Do  you  say  that  this  is  a  less  objectionatile  law 
ili.ui  Ihe  act  of  184'J  ?  If  this  was  admitted,  which 
I  do  not  adu'.il,  it  does  not  settle  the  qiicslioii  I 
have  submitted.  The  act  of  l(J4:J,  if  a  bad  law, 
has  been  in  opernliiui  ihree  or  four  yiuirs,  and  its 
evils,  if  evils  have  ntteiiiled  il,  are  gone  by;  the 
business  of  the  country  has  become  adapted  lo  it, 
'  ai  il  is  now  setlled  anil  quiet.  Why,  then,  not  let 
tile  law  remain  until  yon  can  amend  il,  or  super- 
sede il  by  a  suitable  and  proper  law  adapted  to  llie 
coiidilion  of  the  country,  Ihe  wants  of  the  cininlrv, 
and  the  opinions  ot'the  peiqile  ?  Why  disturb  the 
business  and  piirsuils  of  the  peoph' ?  Why  in, ne- 
cessarily agitate  and  alaim  the  country  ?  Why  do 
this  to  gi't  a  mere  temporary  measure,  which  yon 
admit  you  must  eitlii'r  repeal  orainenil?  It  seems 
that  I  .-day  we  have  called  out  an  advocate  for  the 
defence  of  this  measure  in  the  honorable  Senator 
from  South  Candina,  [Mr.  McDuikie,]  and  froni 
hitu  we  have  at  least  one  reason  for  the  passage  of 
this  bill.  I  have  again  and  again  asl  c\\  tor  liie 
reasons  for  passing  this  bill  at  this  lieie,  and  could 
!  get  no  response,  no  reason.  We  ,iow  have  one, 
and  what  is  ii  ?  Why,  lo  curlail  the  prolils  of  the 
large  and  wealthy  manufacturers.  But,  sir,  the  fact 
is  assiinicd;  there  is  no  evidence  as  to  these  lar;;« 
profits,  lint  admitiin'.;  it  lo  be  so,  will  not  eoin- 
pelition  correct  the  evil  ?  Will  it  not  bring  down 
these  enormous  protiis?  With  an  eiil'-rprisiiig 
people  like  oiics,  will  there  not  be  enough  to 
rush  into  any  business  which  all'ords  enormous 
prolils?  But  is  not  this  somelhing  new?  Is  it 
not  a  strani^e  reason  ?  (^an  any  example  be  found 
in  the  history  ot*  the  world  of  a  Ijcgislalnre  pass- 
in;;  laws  lo  arrcsi  the  pros|)crily  of  the  eoiin- 
Iry,  or  to  reduce  the  profits  of  any  particular 
class  of  citizens  in  a  pursuit  open  lo  all?  Cer- 
tainly, sir,  this  must  he  the  "real  measure  of  ihe 
age,  when  we  consider  the  iri  i  ,il  good  il  is  lo  ell'eri; 
when  it  is  to  stop  individuals  fiom  gelling  rich  loo 
fast,  and  to  check  ihe  prosperity  of  llie  country. 
The  Senator  says  it  will  mil  allccl  the  laborers,  the 
mechanics,  nor  llie  small  maiiufaclnrers.  I  low 
does  he  know  litis?  I  tell  him  he  is  mistaken; 
tl.'se  ail'  the  very  men  on  whom  this  blow  will 
fall.  '\'oii  may  dimmish  llie  profits  of  the  large 
eslablishmenls  some,  but  you  cannot  crush  ihini; 
iliev  can  sir. mi,  by  war.lingotV  the  blow,  and  trans- 
ferring tin  sacrilice  to  others.  They  have  hun- 
dreds, anil  some,  thiuis;itids,  of  lalmrers  in  their 
employ,  and  'hey  will  save  themselves  by  reducing 
tin  waives  ot'  those  who  earn  their  bread  with  the 
l.il  >r  of  their  hands.  .And  will  you  rob  them  nf 
that  bread,  or  diiniitisli  llie  amoinit?  Yon  can  de- 
prive labcu-  of  ils  nivaril,  bin  yon  eaiinot  so  easily 
lake  away  the  income  nrcapital.  In  such  a  strug- 
gle, i-apital  has  an  advaiila;;e  over  labor,  '('lie 
blow,  then,  falls  diierily  on  the  laborers.  But 
how  is  it  Willi  the  mci'lianics  and  small  manufac- 
liircrs — those  who  do  ihi'ir  own  wink,  and  perlians 
enqiloy  a  few  apprentices :  They  must  sustain  the 
sacrilice  themselves.  'I'liey  will  not  be  able  to  sus- 
tain a  compelilinii  with  the  large  establishments. 
Hill  why  IS  this  ex}teriiiienl  to  be  tried — an  ex- 
periment to  see  how  much  reditclion  labor  will 
bear?  Is  il  lo  carry  out  a  theory?  Is  it  lo  test 
the  cold,  hcarll"  '.  miserable  theory  of  free  trade? 
— a  theory  wl,  no  nation  on  earth  ever  put 
in   prarti'-c — a  y   which    must   ever   remain 

a  mere  lli-ory.  .ocli  is  fit  only  for  speculative 
minds  aiiU  ihe  closet — wholly  unworthy  of  slales- 
nien  or  enlighleiied  Ic^islalors.  i^Ir.  IVesidenl, 
the  aliempt  to  pa.ss  ibis  bill,  and  by  way  of  a 
surprise  upon  tin-  ■  .iunlry,will  brinu'  up  this  great 
question  of  doTiicsi.'  policy  in  a  way  to  agitale  ihe 
whole  conn'  /,  am,  the  au'ilalion  will  not  cease 
until  it  is  SI  iiled  on  a  basis  con'-.islent  with  the  coii- 
dilion, the  inleresis,  and  Ihe  business  of  the  coun- 
try, and  the  wants  and  opinions  of  Ihe  people. 
Tlii.s,  sir,  will  truly  be  ihi;  great  question  of"  the 
age — a  question  as  to  Ihe  basis  mi  which  the  busi- 
ness nnd  the  industry  of  the  people  of  iIuh  gre.il 
country  are  to  repose.  This  great  qiieslion  has 
I'  been  at  rest  for    ome  yeius;  it  is  iioiv  brought  up, 


[July  28, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


891 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Smitltsoninn  Institution — Mr.  Utantoti. 


Ho.  OF  Rep8. 


' 


by  n  conflict  between  extreme  principles  on  onojl 
liund,  unci  what  nrc  held  to  be  extreme  on  the  ij 
other.     The  intereiilH  to  be  iilTcctcd  by  it  now  nre 
viiHlly  greater  than  nt  imy  time  licrelofDre.     Leti' 
me  Buy  to  the  lionornblo  Sunntor  from  South  ('itr- : 
olinii,  (turning  to  Mr.  Calhoun,)  tliiit  in  'he  con-  iJ 
tcHt  which  he  Iiu8  now  to  meet  on  this  fjreat  qui's-  1 
lion,  it  will  be  presented  under  very    liferent  cir-  ' 
I'lnoHtunceH  from   wliiit  it  wns  in   IH'Mi    when  it. 
srcmed  to  threutcn  tlicHtcJilily  of  the  Union.  The  ' 
iuierest.'f  now  iit  stake  luv,  compared  with  whuth 
they  were  then,  as  two  or  three  lo  one;  they  are  |1 
aiif;m(nted  two  or  tlirio  hundred  per  cent.,  and  i 
they  are  no  longer  confnied  lo  one  cu'  two  seilions 
of  the  conntry;  tliey  hiive  extended  lo  llie  South  i 
and  the  West,  and  arc  daily  increuHing  and  lakins;  [ 
('oep  root  in  those  ipinrlers.    They  are  also  Mended  '! 
wi'li  all   other   interests — commerce,   navigation, 
HOi.  agriculture.      All  the  great  ijiterests  of  the 
cciutilry  are  now  banded  Uigether,  and  i*"  you  strike 
a  blow  at  one — if  you  break  one  link,  the  whole 
fabric  of  national  industry  may  nut  full,  but  it  will 
feel,  most  sensibly  feel,  the  shock. 

Yea,  air,  this  great  (piestion  of  domeetic  policy, 
nn  which  the  prosperity  and  greatness  of  the  coun- 
Iry   so  essentially  depend,  nnist   now  be  scllled. 
There  can  be  no  peace,  no  f|ui>'t,  until  it  is  put  at 
rt'si;  and  it  will  now  be  settled  /ir  the  last  lime,  ! 
BO  farns  its  principles  are  conci:rned.    It  is  brought 
belbre  the  country  in  such  a  manner  as  to  nrousc 
the  attention  of  the  whole  people,  and  to  cull  forth 
all  iheir  energies.     And  it  will  tmt  be  a  conflict  of 
opinions  only;  there  arc  so  many,  and  so  import- 
ant interests  involved,  so  niany  de)^endant  upon  ' 
it  fur  their  daily  employment  aial  daily  subsist- 
ence, that  it  cannot  liiil  lo  awaken  the  deepest  and  , 
n.ost  imbiltcred  feelings.     Mr.  President,  I  have 
now  discharged  my  last    'I'ty  in  relation  to  this 
measure,  wlticb  I  suppo.se  ;<  to  ]mss.     My  appeal 
to  mynorlhern  friends  will  not,  1  fear,  be  heeded, 
lumuwurelhat  they  have  gone  t'ur  with  it,  too  far,  ' 
1  am  afraid,  to  slop  short  of  its  linnl  consunnnulion  ' 
at  this  time.     A  delay   of  a  few  months-  is  too 
much,  I  sujipose,  to  hopo  for.     If  so,  I  he.ve  only 
lo  say  to  the  Sauisons,  who  arc  prepared  to  com- 
plele  this  work,  come  forward  willi  your  locks 
unsliorn,  seize    upon  the  pillars  of  the  nation's 

i prosperity,  ami  overthrou'  ihe  mighly  fabric.    Hut 
must  be  pi'rinitled  toaild,  in  the  sjiirit  of  friendly  I 
warning — he  careful   that   you  are   not   yourselves  \ 
cruslted  in  the  cuinmon  ruin. 


SMITHSONIAN  INSTITUTION. 
SPEECH  OF  MkTf.  P.  STANTON, 

OF    TENNES.SEE, 

In  tiik  House  oi-  KKiutKsKST.tTivEs, 

.Ipril  2-J,  184G. 

The  House  beiiig  in  Connnittce  of  the  Whole,  and 

having  miJer  consideration  ihe  bill  furcslublish- 

iiig  ll'..-.  SmitlLsonian  Institution — 

Mr.  STANTON  said: 

Mr.  Ciiaiuman:  It  has  been  a  matter  of  very 
general  complaint,  that  ihere  bus  been  great  delay 
in  performing  the  Irnst  iinposed  ufx'n)  ihisGftvcrn- 
nient  by  ils  acceptance  of  the  Smilh.sonian  beipiest. 
Whcllier  Ihis  eoiviplaint  be  well  or  ill  founded,  all 
will  agree  that  the  time  has  now  arrived  for  deci- 
sive acl ion,  and  that  the  honin-a'  I  good  failhof  ibc 
(ioveriniumt  '.cciuire  n  speedy  ^.pplication  of  the 
funil  lo  ils  d-'stiried  purpose. 

Very  nearly  eight  years  have  elapsed  since  llie 
nnignilicent  sum  of  half  a  millioi.  ol  dollars,  sanc- 
lilled  by  the  will  of  James  Smithsim  to  the  iuimane 
purpose  "of  increasing  and  dill'nsing  knowledge 
among  men,"  has  been  received  into  the  treasury 
of  ihe  Unilcd  Stales. 

Uiil  if  this  delay  is  to  be  regrelled  on  some  ac- 
cniinls, 'U  liasi  one  great  advanlage  has  accrued: 
the  inlcrest'of  Ihe  fund  has  accinnulaled  to  siicb 
itn  amoMiit  that  every  necessary  building  for  llie 
complele  accommodation  of  aniosl  I'Xlciisive  iiisti- 
•iilion  n.\y  be  iinmedialely  ronslriicled  wllli'int 
<  y  dl:ivi'ution  of  ihe  original  sum.  That  will 
ri'ir.ain  unlouelied,  the  fruilfiil  source  of  perpelual 
Hii|iply  am'  support  for  the  benificent  establishment 
which  mi.)'  be  crealed  by  Ihe  bill. 

liesidcs,  sir,  during  this  long  period  of  delay, 
inuiiy  plans  liuvc  been  suggested  mid  discussed, 


some  learned  reports  have  been  mads  in  this  House  ' 
and  in  the  Senate,  and  the  public  utteiitiun  has   I 
been  so  engaged  upon  this  interesting  subject,  that   j 
we  are  now  diniblless  prepared  tc  dispose  of  it   ! 
inlelligently,  and  "in  a  inamier  which  will  fully    i 
meet  tile  high  and  liberal  purposes  of  Mr.  Smith-   | 
Hcni.     Theie   is  ,  o  longer  any   justification   for  l| 
delay.     Kverything  is  ready,  awuiting  our  action, 
and  the  wise  and  the  beiievolvnt  in  all  qunrters  are  I, 
anxiously  expecting  us  to  perform  our  solemn  duly 
in  reference  to  this  noble  bequest.  ' 

But  there  is,  at  this  peculiar  juncture  in  our 
alTairs,  still  another  consideration  strongly  appeal-   ' 
iiig  to  the  national  honor,  and  urging  the  iinmedi-   ! 
utc  disposiiion  of  the  fund,  according  to  the  will 
of  the  donor.     James  ,Smithson  was  an   English- 
man.    Yet  he  passed  by  his  own  powerful  and 
splendid  government — one  which  has  never  failed 
or  refused  to  ccnitribute  liberally  to  the  cause  of  i 
science — and  selected  our  plainer  and  simpler  insti- 
tutions as  the  more  appropriate  depository  of  the  1 
sacred  trust  lo  which  he  devoted  the  whole  of  his 
large  fortune.     Our  relations  with  England,  at  the 
present  moment,  are  thought  to  be  very  critical.     I  '  - 
do  not  anticipate  war.     I  have  little  fear,  that  two 
enlightened   nutions,  whose    interests  are   decjily  j 
invidved  in  the  mainleiianco  of  peace,  will,  in  the  ; 
nineteenth  century,  rush  into  a  sanguinary  and  | 
deslruciivo  war,  even  upon  so  grave  n  question  as 
that  which  now  disturbs   'hem.     Yet,  there  are  ' 
many  who  look  upon  the  p' cseiit  crisis  with  more  ' 
serious  fears;  and  all  must  acknowledge  that  war 
is  possdde — that  very  slight  mismanagement,  on 
cither  side,  might   lead   io  that   disastrous   end. 
Now,  if  war  should  take  place,  it  would  be  most 
'  dishiniorable  to  ourGoveinmeiit,  that  a  large  fund, 
given  by  a  benevolent  foreigner  to  foiinil  an  insli-  , 
tutioii  of  tbo  most  peaceful  and  benificent  charac- 
ter, should  remain  in  the  treasury  and  be  u.sed  to  : 
carry  on  war  against  the  very  nation  from  whom 
the  chariliible  gift  was  received.     1  hope,  sir,  we 
shall  avoid  the  possibility  of  such  humiliation,  by  j 
ndopling  the  inensuri.  befme  us  without  delay. 
Should  we  fail  lo  do  so,  and  bostililies  occur,  the 
omission  will  never  cease  to  be  the  frni'ful  source 
and  occasiini  of  those  bilier  attacks  upon  our  hon- 
esty and  the  moral  tendency  of  our  instilutions, 
which  have  long  filled  the  pages  of  Eiigllsb  peri- 
:  odicals,  and  the   journals  of  English   travellers. 
Their  dennncialions,  then,  would  have  a  much 
I  better  foundation  than  they  usually   have.     We 
should  be  .somewhat  al  a  loss  to  repel  them.     The  ' 
ordinary  charge  of  failhlessness  and  repudiation  of 
pecuniary  liabllllies  would  be  nolhiiig  in  compari- 
son; this  would  be  the  gross  violation  of  a  sacred 
triisl,  which  no  circumstance  could  palliate,  no 
emergency  could  jiislify. 

I  intend,  Mr.  Chairman,  lo  support  the  bill  in 
ils  present  form.  There  is,  doubtless,  a  wide  field 
I  for  the  .seleclion  of  means  lo  accomplish  the  great 
t  design  unfolded  in  the  comprehensive  words  of 
Mr.  Smithson's  will.  Any  plan  which  may  be 
;  adopleil  for  the  altainincnt  of  this  end,  must  neces- 
sarily be  the  result  of  compromise;  for  it  is  not  to 
be  experlcd  that  any  two  minds,  aciing  separately, 
would  arrive  at  the  same  conclusions  iiprni  ihis 
imporlmit  subjecl.  I  understand  this  bill  to  have 
been  thus  framed  by  the  committee  which  reported 
it.  As  a  result  of  ibe  confiicting  opinicms  of  wise 
and  experienced  men,  harmoni/.ed  by  comparismi, 
discussion,  and  m.'ual  concession,  il  is  enlillcd  lo 
very  high  respect.  But  I  think  ils  intrinsic  merits 
will  be  found  to  be  its  most  imposing  recommend- 
ation. 

Before  atlet.ipting  to  notice  the  provisions  of  Ihe 
bill,  1  will  ri'fcr  hrielly  lo  an  objcclion,  which,  if 
valiil,  would  be  paramount  lo  all  (ulier  considera- 
tions. It  was  with  .snrpr'se  and  regret,  that  I  heard 
the  objeclion  of  lOy  collnigiie,  [Mr.  Jones,)  lo  this 
bill,  oil  the  ground  of  iinconstitutioiiallty.  I  would 
have  regretted  oppojiiiion  upon  such  grounds  from 
any  qnarlcr;  but  much  more  when  it  comes  from 
my  own  Stale.  I  would  have  prcl'crred  that  Ten- 
nessee should  have  occupied  a  dill'ercnt  pnsilioii. 

My  honorable  colleague  insisls  that  the  Govern- 
ment ought  not  to  have  accepted  the  trust,  and 
thai  the  money  ought  now  lo  be  restored.  It  is 
true  the  United  Stales  were  not  bound  lo  accent 
the  liiist.  They  might  have  rejccled  Mr.  Smitli- 
1  smi's  maciiificeni  donnlion,  and  deprived  the  Amer- 
ican people  of  the  rich  blessings  which  may  now  be 
conferred  upon  them  by  ils  wise  and  faithful  use. 


But  better  counsels  prevailed;  they  did  accept  it  by 
a  law  of  Congress;  ond  in  so  doing,  they  assumed 
n  solemn  obligation  to  apply  the  fund  nci'ordiiig  to 
the  wdl  of  the  testator.  The  faith  of  the  Govern- 
ment is  pledged — it  is  doubly  pledged — lirsl,  by 
receiving  the  money  and  retaining  it  eight  years, 
with  an  express  agreement  to  apply  it  faithfully; 
and,  secondly,  by  the  very  nature  of  ihe  sucrej 
objecis  to  which  the  trust  is  directed,  o  binding 
and  obligatory  in  their  high  demand  unon  the 
honor  of  the  nation,  that  it  would  be  sacrilege  and 
barbarism  to  repudiate  the  claim. 

I  do  not  propose  t(p  enter  the  field  of  eonstilu- 
tionul  discussion.  That isu  hackneyed sulijeci, and 
I  am  sure  the  occasion  does  not  reipiire  that  line  of 
argument.  .Nothing,  sir,  more  clearly  demon- 
strales  the  utter  impracticability  and  alisurdily  of 
those  extreme  opinions  upon  crnistitutional  qnes- 
lions,  Boineliines  ndvocated  here,  than  the  opposi- 
tion, on  such  grounds,  to  the  measure  now  before 
us.  The  common  and  general  judgment  of  the 
people,  the  united  and  almost  univer.sal  concurrence 
of  poliliciiins  of  all  classes,  unbesitalingly  discard 
anil  condemn  the  narrow  and  illiberal  sentiment. 
An  insiilution  of  the  greatest  Importance,  most 
beneficial  lo  the  people  of  this  country,  founded 
not  with  funds  exacted  bv  taxation,  but  built  upon 
the  liberality  of  n  distinguished  foreigner,  who  has 
so  far  Banctioned  oiir  political  slructure  as  to  con- 
fide to  it  ibe  execution  of  a  sacred  trust  for  the 
benefit  of  the  human  race — ihis  ins'itutlon,  locnteU 
within  a  territory  over  which  Congress  has  exclu- 
sive jurisdiction,  surely  cannot  involve  the  exercise 
of  a  power  unauihorir.ed  by  the  Constitution,  or  in 
the  slightest  degree  dangerous  to  the  integrity  of 
our  political  principles.  Mr.  Smilhson  was  not 
wrong  in  supposing  this  Government  possessed 
the  power  to  convey  to  ils  people  a  gratuitous  ben- 
efit of  Ihe  first  mngiiilnde.  His  beiievoleni  design 
will  not  be  fruslraleil  by  this  imaginary  impedi- 
ment; for  I  do  not  dream  ihat  it  can  interpose  even 
a  monienlary  obstacle  lo  the  passage  of  the  bill. 

It  will  not  be  denied  that  lliis  large  fund,  prop- 
erly appliid,niay  be  made  the  instrument  of  much 
good.  The  benefit  will  be  enjoyed  primarily  and 
peculiarly,  if  not  entirely,  by  our  own  )ieople.  Ils 
indirect  influence,  it  Is  to  be  hoped,  will  hercafur 
extend  abroad;  but  it  is  chiefly  here  lb  «  ils  be- 
nign eflecls  nre  to  be  felt  as  long  as  the  institution 
shall  exist.  It  ought,  then,  to  be  nn  object  of 
great  care,  and  of  peculiar  inlerest  lo  the  Govern- 
ment. All  neces.sary  arrangements  should  be 
liberally  made,  and  with  the  wisest  possible  adiip- 
Utlion  lo  ibe  great  end  in  view. 

One  of  the  pnliminary  provisions  of  the  bill 
transfers  the  whole  fund  to  the  treasury,  and  re- 
quires the  Government  to  assume  the  perpetual 
payment  of  interest,  at  the  rate  of  six  per  cut. 
pel  annum.     This  is  certainly  a  very  slight  con- 
trihulinn,  yet  inconsiderable  ns  this  responsibility 
may  be  on  the  part  of  the  Government,  and  by  no 
means  to  be  named  as  a  donation,  or  even  as  a 
favor,  when  it  is  considered  that  the  fund  is  a  gift 
i   to  the  country,  it  is  neveriheless  a  mnilir  of  the 
1   first  importance  to  the  insiilution   itself.     It  se- 
!   cures  for  it  i\  permanent  support,  and  places  ils 
revenues  beyond  the  power  of  any  coniingency. 
I  No  one,  I  presume,  except  my  colleague,  will  ob- 
!'  ject  1,1  ,h:"  j-..ovisi(  n.     By  ailopting  il,  Ihe  United 
I  S'.ites  will   evince  a   disposiiion   to  fulfil  llie  high 
'   irui-.t  they  have  as  iiimed  in  a  spirit  of  liberality 
and  jiislicc  soniev  hi.t  worthy  of  the  great  object 
I   sought  to  be  acccmplislKMl. 

j:  But  while  the  Government  will  contribute  in 
this  small  way  to  the  insiilution,  it  will  recei  f  a 
direct  cnnipeiiialion  which  far  more  than  balaiH-es 
Ihe  sacrifice  made.  The  bill  propo.ses  lo  appro- 
priate a  portion  of  the  public  grounds  in  this  city 
for  the  buildings  and  gardens  neces.sary  for  ihe  es- 
lablishmenl.  Handsome  yet  useful  slructures  will 
lie  errrled,  and  the  cultivaiion  of  the  grounds  will 
render  them  benulifiil  und  atlractive,  while  they 
may  still  be  acce-s.-'ible  to  the  harmless  examina- 
tion and  enjoyment  of  the  public.  All  this  will 
be  done  mil  (if  the  Smithsonian  fund;  and  the  ex- 
pense which  ihe  Government  would  otherwise  in- 
cur by  cnrryin!r  out  the  original  plan  of  t'le  city 
as  designed  by  Washington,  will  be  avoided,  while 
all  ils  desirable  advantages  will  be  obtained.  The 
benefit  will  be  mutual  to  the  Government  and  to 
the  institution. 
So  also  in  regard  to  the  transfer  of  the  specimens 


S^v 


892 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  22, 


2J>rH  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Smithsonian  Imtitutim — Mr.  Stanton. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


of  nntural  history,  of  minerals,  and  other  scientific 
and  curious  olijcclsnow  in  possession  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  kept  at  the  Patent  Office.  The  ex- 
hibition and  preservation  of  these  thiiiirs  are  now 
the  source  of" some  ex)icndilure.  When  they  shall 
be  transferred,  as  proiiosed  in  this  bill,  this  expen- 
diture will  cease,  or  lie  removed  from  the  public 
treasury,  to  the  fund  of  the  institution.  They 
will  bee(|ually  subject  to  public  examination,  while 
they  will  lie  made' to  answer  «  more  useful  end,  as 
constituting  the  basis  of  instruction  for  able  and 
Bcicntitic  professors. 

My  remarks,  bo  far,  Mr.  Chairman,  relate  only 
to  some  unimportant  preliminary  arranscioents, 
not  aflectin^  the  seneral  scoiw  and  design  of  the 
]iroi)osed  nislitulion.  Tlitsc  must  now  be  exam- 
ined; and  I  propose  to  do  it  with  reference  to  the 
)irol)al)le  design  of  Mr.  Smithson,  to  be  inferred 
iVfim  his  own  pursuits  and  character  of  mind — 
from  his  selection  ot'  our  Government  to  execute 
his  will,  and  from  the  language  in  which  he  has 
expressed  his  intentions. 

I  do  not  propo.se  to  enter  upon  any  biographicjil 
sketch  of  Mr.  tSmilhson,  or  to  i;o  into  a  history  of 
his  philosophical  labors.  I  will  merely  slate  what 
has  been  truly  said  by  the  gentleman  from  Indiana, 
[Mr.  Owen,]  that  he  was  ardently  devoted  to  sci- 
ence, and  that  his  pursuits  were  emineiuly  practi- 
cal and  utilitarian  in  their  character.  The  physicjil 
sciences,  in  their  application  to  the  useful  arts — 
mineralogy,  geology,  and  chemistry,  in  its  appli- 
cation to  airiculturc,  constituted  his  chief  employ- 
ments. His  investigations  are  referred  to  ond 
quoted  with  respect  by  the  great  German  chemist, 
Leibig.  • 

It  is  more  than  probable  that  one  whose  mind 
was  constantly  occupied  with  these  Fuiijecls,  and 
filled  with  the  visions  of  rich  promise  which  nmst 
bo  realized  in  their  future  investigations,  when 
mintificeiitly  endowing  an  institution  for  increasinir 
and  did'using  knowledge  among  men,  looked  par- 
ticularly to  those  sciences  which  will  be  most  fruit- 
ful in  great  results,  and  to  which,  on  that  account, 
he  himself  was  deeply  devoted.  It  in  prcci.sely 
these  sciences,  and  these  applications  of  them, 
which  I  luxlerstand  this  bill  to  be  designed  and 
calculated  to  promote. 

Nor  was  it  striuiire,  sir,  that  with  such  senti- 
ments and  such  designs,  Mr.  Smillison  should 
have  seli'iMcd  otir  Ctovcrnuicnt  as  tli  ■  instrimient 
to  acconiplisii  his  iibjccts.  Although  it  must  be 
acknowledged  that  this  Governnu'nt  lins  'u'rct<*fore 
contributed  little  or  Uiithin^  to  the  ndviuHcn.'ent  of 
s''icnce  by  any  direct  aid  or  encouragcmcnl;  and 
although  the  points  at  which  it  even  comes  in  con- 
tact with  the  scientific  world  arc  extremely  few, 
and  it  is  fell  to  be  a  great  desideratum  tliiil  lhe.se 
connexions  should  lie  increased;  yet  Mr.  Sniilhson 
had  the  penelralion  to  discover  llmt  the  United 
Sillies  are  the  foremost  people  of  the  world  in  the 
facility  of  adapting  themselves  to  the  progressive 
improvemciils  of  the  age.  No  other  people  are 
now  makioir  such  rapid  strides  in  the  application  of 
science  lo  the  great  purposes  of  human  iniliiHtry. 
This  tendency,  so  very  marked  at  the  present  day, 
is  duiiijiless  tlie  result  of  our  free  instiiiilinns,  i.'iv- 
iiii;  untrammelleil  scope  and  powerful  inoilve  to 
the  energies  of  the  individnnl  man — no  limi^cr 
making  the  citizen  subservient  to  the  power  and 
glory  of  the  Government,  but  usinir  the  laller  as  a 
ineie  instrument  to  protect  the  riirlils  and  promote 
the  welfare,  improvement,  and  happiness  of  the 
I'oriner.  Tlie  olden  philosophers  considered  it  a 
prostitution  of  the  sacred  charaiier  of  science  to 
iliiect  it,  in  any  degree,  to  the  material  interests  of 
man.  In  modern  times  the  sentiment  is  justly 
riversid;  and  that  philosophy  which  does  not 
conlriliute  lo  the  useful  pursuits  of  life,  is  cnnsid- 
ered  of  comparatively  little  value.  In  this  age, 
anil  in  this  I'omitry,  the  new  application  of  philos- 
ophy is  exhibiting  its  most  glorious  results,  and 
irmii:.'  priinii.se  in  the  future  of  still  more  wonder- 
liil  iniproveinenls.  Uoiiblless,  it  was  this  tenden- 
cy of  cmr  iii.'.iiiuiions,  and  the  ellVct  not  olisiurely 
marked  out  in  the  amazing  energy  and  inventive 
[lower  of  our  people,  which  induced  the  wise  and 
l)ene\oleiit  Snntlison  to  select  this  Government  as 
the  »;;eni  for  accomplishing  his  will.  It  is  not 
dillicnlt  lo  discover  that  this  condition  of  the  peo- 
(ile,  the  result  of  our  peculiar  political  institutions, 
will  rellrcl  liack  its  iiilluence  upon  the  Govern- 
ment, and  inl'ucc  a  portion  of  iui  energetic  and  en- 


lightened spirit  into  nil  its  r^partments.  We  hove  m 
already  seen  some  such  result.     Some  operations  I 
of  an  important  scientific  character  have  of  late  | 
been  umlortakcn  ly  'he  direct  application  of  the 
national  power. 

First  in  importance  among  these,  has  been  the  : 
establishment  in  this  city  of  the  Observatory,  con- 
nected with  the  hydrormphical  department  of  that  | 
nondescript  fire-ond-watcr  bureau  of  ordnance  and  ' 
hydrography.  I  believe  this  interesting  establish- 
ment has  grown  up  gradually  from  the  very  neces- 
sity of  the  case,  and  without  any  direct  authority 
looking  immediately  to  such  a  result.  And,  in  the 
estimation  of  some,  it  seems  still  to  be  considered 
a  very  unimportant  concern;  for  I  have  seen  a  bill 
lately  reported  in  the  Senate,  proposing  to  detach 
the  establishment  from  the  Bureau  of  Ordnance, 
and  connect  it  with  that  of  Yards  and  Docks,  thus 
bringing  the  erection  of  ship-houses,  fiiundries, 
and  work-shops,  into  juxtaposition  and  intimate 
relation  with  the  most  delicate  and  difficult  obser- 
vations of  the  heavenly  bodies,  and  the  most  intri- 
cate calculations  of  astronomy.  This  classification 
is  probably  founded  upon  the  similarity  .supposed 
to  exist  between  the  wheels  of  a  steam  engine  and 
the  ringii  of  Saturn,  or  the  bands  of  a  lathe  and  the 
belts  of  Jupiter.  The  Naval  Committee  of  the 
House,  however,  have  not  had  the  penetration  to 
see  these  very  recondite  points  of  connexion,  and  I 
they  have  proposed  to  erect  a  separate  biiriiau  of 
hydrography,  placing  the  aslronomical  and  hydro- 
graphical  operations  of  the  Government  upon  the 
most  permanent,  usel'nl,  and  independent  basis. 
If  there  beany  bmnch  of  the  public  service  worthy 
of  Ihip  advantage,  it  is  that  which  is  now  so  well 
and  efficiently  conducted  by  Li'.uteimnt  M.  F. 
Maury. 

Heretofore,  onr  nstronon^icnl  knowledge  has 
been  chiefly  derived  fron,  foreign  nations.  We 
have  used  the  English  nautical  almanac,  and  our 
vessels  have  been  guided  upon  the  broad  ocean  by 
ob,servations  and  tables  prepared  by  our  rivals  and 
adversaries  In  all  commercial  enterprise.  We  have 
contributed  nothing  whatever  to  this  branch  of 
science,  useful  as  it  is,  and  directly  connccied  with 
I  he  great  interests  of  commerce  and  naviiration.  ' 
l'"or  onr  most  important  charts,  also,  we  have  been 
dependant  upon  other  niti.ons.  Until  recently,  if 
even  now,  we  have  had  no  esialilishinent  at  which 
our  vessels  con'il  be  siipplieil  with  maps  and  charts 
necessary  lo  enable  them  to  perform  a  criiisn  with 
convenience  and  safety,  and  we  certainly  have  not 
had  the  information  of  a  hydro'^raphical  character 
which  wcnild  enable  the  Navy  ncparlmeiit  to  plan 
an  (iilack  upon  any  foreign  port,  even  in  the  Gulf  | 
of  Mexico. 

lint,  sir,  the  eslablishmcnt  of  the  Observatory,  if  ■ 
its  important  tflijerts  l>e  liberally  secunded,  will 
r'Miiedy  these  dcrecls,  and  wine  olT  from  our  char- 
acter what  I  cannot  but  consider  a  dis.Trace  to  the 
most  enliuhteneil  people  npi>n  earth.  Its  services 
will  not  be  confined  to  the  pi-eparntinn  of  map.^  and 
charts,  the  preservalinn  of  nanlii'al  instrumenis, 
the  re-^nlation  and  correction  of  chronometers,  with 
oilier  kindred  practical  clnties:  its  operiiiions  will  be 
slill  more  extensive  ami  important.  .Mrernly  have 
iheelements  fnran  .American  iuMitir;il  almanac  been 
obtained  by  oliservMiinn.  and  the  liberal  )ialriotisia 
of  th^  Mouse  is  invoked  fur  a  small  appropriation 
lo  compute  and  print  ihem.  It  is  now  in  contem- 
plalion  too,  if  the  work  has  not  abeaily  been  com- 
menced, to  enter  iit^on  a  system  of  most  extensive 
observaliim,  inrluilinir  nil  the  inip.irtant  fixed  stars 
to  be  observed  in  onr  laliluih — a  iino'c  erimpreben- 
sive  anil  magnifieeni,  as  well  as  useful  work,  than 
has  ever  yet  been  inidertaki  ii  in  any  j>iirt  of  the 
world.  I  have  it  from  lln  liglily  ilil(lli^enl  and 
seieniifie,  snprrintendeiil  of  ihe  coast  survey,  that 
the  iininber  of  stars  noied  in  the  Naniical  AIniiinac 
is  too  limited  for  the  convenient  ci'iilucl  of  his  im- 
porlanl  observniions. 

It  will  be  found  here,  ns  well  as  in  other  impor- 
tant works  of  a  si'',,liar  kind,  llnit  the  labors  about 
to  be  enlerc'*  .ipnn  at  the  Observatory  will  prove 
to  be  hiirhlj  .'mporlant  and  valuable.  They  will 
enable  ns  to  .r.ake  some  return  to  the  science  of 
the  world  for  that  lanre  supply  which  we  have 
heretofore  illilu'rally  drawn  fioiii  it;  and  ihey  will 
contribute  'o  elevate  onr  Government  in  the  eyes 
of  other  natiors. 

I  have  said  so  much  upon  this  subject,  sir,  be-  ! 
cause  no  provision  is  msde  in  thin  bill  for  any  as- 


tronomical establishment,  and  because,  upon  former 
occasions,  it  has  been  urged  with  great  ability, and 
from  a  distinguished  fiunrter,  that  the  greater  part, 
if  not  the  whole  of  this  fund,  should  be  appropria- 
ted for  this  purpose.  The  venerable  gentleman 
from  Massachusetts  will  understand  my  allusion. 
It  has  been  with  gnat  pleasure  and  profit,  and  with 
complete  sympathy  in  the  noble  enthusiasm  of  the 
oullior,  that  1  read  the  report  of  that  gentleman, 
made  to  this  House  in  IS43,  upon  the  disposition 
of  the  Smilh.sonian  bequest.  Ho  seems  to  have 
been  imbued  with  a  most  exalted  sense  of  the  sub- 
limity of  the  great  objects  heretofore  accomplished, 
and  hereafter  to  be  attained,  by  the  ardent  and 
laborious  pursuit  of  astronomy.  Sir,  there  is  no 
mind  not  wholly  destitute  of  elevation,  and  wholly 
ignorant  of  the  stupendous  wonders  and  glories  of 
the  universe  as  revealed  to  the  gnv.e  of  "star-eyed 
science,"  who  could  read  that  able  report  and  not 
be  deeply  nlfected  by  it,  I  quote  the  following 
pas.sage : 

"The  eviiress  ohicct  of  aa  Oli..icrvntorv  is  the  incrratc  of 
kmnvleil'_»i-  hy  lie/'  tli^rovrrii.  'I'he  jilivsieiii  rclntiims  tietwenn 
tlic  Itniiaiacal  ot*  heaven  niiil  the  ulntie  iillollcil  hy  the  C'reiitor 
of  nil  to  hetlleuliiiilenraiiill  are  discoviTltlili!  only  hy  tlii'or- 
uiiiiof  tliecye.  IMiitiyiit'thcsi?  relnlinriiiarc  iiiili-|)c]i.-.tihli>  to 
Ihe  existeaeeiif  hinimn  lire,niMl,  pi'rha|H,  iifthe  eiirlh  it>eir. 
\Vlio  can  eoiiei'lvc  Ihe  iilea  iil'  the  enrtli  withiiiit  n  sun  lint 
iiiii^l  "oiiatH-t  with  it  the  exiiiiclioii  nl'  iJKlit  hikI  heat,  nt  nil 
nnjnml  life,  nl'  till  vcftetatiiiii  fiiid  t'o^iiiielioa,  leavini.'  the 
lilclcss  eloti  nl'  lanlter  to  return  to  the  priinilive  .tile  nf 
elmns,  or  to  be  cfaHUiaeil  hy  eteiiienliil  tire.  'I'he  ililliifaei! 
nt'thc  inooa — nf  Ihe  |iltuiets,  iilir  next  ilimr  aelulllinri  nl'the 
sninr  sy>tein — of  tlie  fixed  dars  seiillereii  over  tiie  hliie  ex- 
panse,'in  iiniltiniiles  excei'diiii;  llie  |iiiueri>niliiii:nii-nnipu- 
lalinn.  and  iil  distnares  ot"  which  iititiciliiition  liersclf  ciiii 
rnrill  no  distinct  eniieeptina  :  tile  intlllcnce  of  all  thejie  lipoii 
Ihe  slohe  we  iiihiihit,  and  npoii  the  eondilinii  nl'  lafili,  its 
dvini!  and  denthli's"  hihahitmit,  is  go'at  iiiid  uiyFteriniis,  anil 
ill  the  search  for  liiial  ejiti.-i*H.  to  n  creut  extent  iii^ciiitalije 
In  his  linitcaiiil  liiiiilcil  faeiilti's.  The  extent  In  which  Miey 
are  di-icdveralile  is  and  iiiiist  riinniii  iinkaown  :  hut  In  the 
vinilancenfa  sleeples-'eye,  l'»  the  tnil  ol'a  lirelcHs  hand, and 
tn  Uie  nieditaliiiiiH  of  a  ihinkinn,  ciiinhiniii)!,  and  aiialyzinu 
inirid,  secrets  are  sacees-ively  revealed,  inn  only  of  ihe 
ileepcit  import  In  Ihe  weirao-  of  man  in  his  earthly  career, 
hill  which  seem  to  lift  him  from  the  earth  lo  the  threslinid 
of  his  eternal  ahiiih: ;  tn  lead  him  hliadfnld  tip  In  the  coiiiicil 
ehamlierof  OaiaiiHilinee,  and  then,  slrippiiiii  the  hamliiee 
I'nnn  his  eyets,  hid  liiai  lank  uiidazzh'il  ut  the  throne  nf 
(Jod." 

I  quote  this  eloquent  passage  to  show,  hy  the 
testimony  of  one  who  underslaiids  the  subject  well, 
Ihe  character  of  the  results  to  be  expected  from 
the  extensive  cultivalion  of  astronomical  science. 
I  think  it  will  be  adniilled  timl  thongli  the  discov- 
eries'now  to  be  expected  ill  that  field  will  be  well 
calculated  to  elevale  the  soul  and  fill  it  with  won- 
der and  amazement,  nothing  of  a  very  practical  or 
directly  useful  nalnre  in  ils  bearing  upon  the  im- 

I  meiliate  piirsiiiis  of  lilV'  is  lo  be  expected  beyond 
the  increased  accuracy  and  extent  of  nbservalioiis 
necessary  for  naniical  and  lopogra|iliienl  purposes. 
I  am  by 'no  menus  disposed  to  iindervahie  the  ini- 
porlance  of  litis  sublime  branch  of  human  knowl- 
edire.  Nor  will  1  undertnke  lo  s\y  that  invesliga- 
lioti  of  the  heavens  may  not  produce  new  results, 

'  intinintely  connected  vvilli,  and  highly  important 
lo,  some  of  Ihe  economical  purposes  of  life.  Whi'l 
I  mean  to  say  is,  that  the  discoveries  yet  to  be 
made  |ironiise  only,  or  at  li'asi  chiefly,  to  ^'ratii"/ 
llnit  liiirli  and  laiidalile  curiosity  which  sci  k-,  to 

!  know  and  unilei'slnnd,  as  fnras  hnmaii  intelligencii 

j  may,  the  sublime  and  wonderful  wcnks  of  the  Cre- 
ator.    New  double  stars  iiniy  be  di.scovei'ci  ,  re- 

j  volving  about  each  oilier,  liy  the  o|,eralio.i  of 
sli'ango  and  unknown  laws,  tlie  investigatioi'  of 
which  may  be  a  subject  of  profoninl  interest.  Tlfir 

'  com|ien,saiinir  coho's,  slicdding  n  mixed  stellar  i  - 
lliience  upon  an  iiitiinalc  and  cniiniis  ex.iminal'oi,, 

1  may  po.ssibly  reveal  to  smne  penetniliiig  eye  v.ew 
and  impnrlanl  triilhs  coiinecled  wii';  me  theory  of 
light.  The  occiillation  of  .Iin'I.er's  salelliles  en- 
\b!e  ns  to  measure  its  veloci'y  with  nlniostabanliite 

'  exactness.  The  conlraslei'  colors  of  these  wonder- 
ful binary  stars  may  event  lally  .selile  the  qui'stion, 
if  ii  be  not  already  scltleil,  iiclween  the  iheory  of 
undnlalions,  and  that  ol  particles  einannling  in 
slrai:;lu  lines,  and  may,  in  some  linky  hour,  lo 
some  favored  son  of  genius  unfold  dislinclly  and 
forever  the  npparcnlly  iirricaic  and   now  liiddeii 

'  relations  ofli;;bl,  heat,  eleclricity,  magnetism,  and 
irriivilalion.  A  higher  niid  more  complete  gener- 
iilizalioii  of  the  great  |)lienoinena  of  the  uni  'erse 

may  be  a iinplisheil,  and  it  is  wholly  impoHs^ble 

lo  tell  bow  dii'eelly  and  immediately  such  dis 
coveri'  s  may  bear  upon  the  prnclicnl  pnrsuii.'i 
which  lontrlbute  to  the  pliysical  well-being  of 


■T«»^ 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


893 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Smithsonian  Institution — Mr,  Stanion. 


Ho.  OF  Rkps. 


I 


man.  Who,  nt  the  present  day,  can  calculate  the  ' 
influence  exerted  upon  the  happiness  of  man,  du- 
ring successive  generations,  lijr  tlie  knowledge  of 
those  three  strange  and  wonderful  laws,  discover- 
ed, not  without  long  and  laborious  investigation, 
by  the  cclehrnted  K'pler?  Who  ran  trace  their 
consequences  in  llie  subsequent  discoveries  of  that 
science,  or  rulher,  1  :<'iuuld  ask,  what  would  now 
be  our  knowledge  of  the  planetary  system,  and  I 
our  ability  to  apply  it  to  exact  nautical  purposes, 
if  those  laws,  and  all  that  results  from  them,  wtre 
at  this  day  a  blan!:  in  astronomical  science?  That 
llie  radius-vector  of  u  jilanet  describes  equal  areas 
in  equal  times!  How  simple  a  law,  yet  how  preg- 
nant of  consequences,  incalculable  in  extent  and 
value! 

Notwithstanding  these  admissions,  and  my  deep 
c^inviction  of  the  great  value  of  astronomical  truth, 
I  c.mnot  think  that  field  of  knowledge  likely  to  be 
so  jiroductive  of  useful  fruit,  that  the  Smithsonian 
fund  ought  ever  to  have  been  directed  entirely  or 
chielly  to  that  object.  But  whatever  may  have 
been  the  conflict  of  opinion  in  this  respect,  the  dis- 
pute is  put  to  rest  by  the  establishment  of  the  Ob- 
servatory. It  is  mailer  of  high  gratification  to  my 
mind  that  the  (iovcrnment  has  at  last  awakened 
to  the  impoilanre  of  the  subject,  and  has  found  a 
complete  Juslllication,  in  the  hyilrographical  and 
topographical  necessities  of  ils  service  (jy  sea  and 
land,  for  ihe  endowment  of  so  useful  an  institution. 
And  1  am  glad,  sir,  to  hear  it  announced  that  the 
distinguished  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  finds 
his  laudable  enthusiasm  for  a  noble  branch  of  sci- 
ence fully  met  and  satisfied  by  the  establishment 
ill  (|ucsliini. 

I  think,  Mr.  Chairman,  if  there  be  anything  plain 
and  obvious  in  reference  to  the  plan  to  be  ailoplt'd 
for  the  Sinilhsonian  Institution,  it  is  that  no  uni- 
versity or  college  of  an  ordinary  kind  would  come 
within  the  scope  I'f  the  teslalor's  inientiuns,  or 
would  contribute  properly  to  the  end  desired.  We 
require  sonieiliing  connected  with  the  great  practi- 
cal purpo.ses  of  life — something  in  accordance  with 
the  progressive  spirit  of  ihe  age — .something  look- 
ing iniinediately  to  the  elevation,  impiovemenl,and 
happiness  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people.  Sir,  it 
is  not  to  be  denied  that  most  of  our  best  institu- 
tions of  learning  are  not  of  this  character.  They 
look  chielly  to  the  vast,  searching  for  the  obscure 
bei'innings  of  knowledge  in  the  dead  languages, 
mm  in  tin;  writings  of  ancient  sages,  poeis,  and 
philosopher.?.  It  is  oui  'usioess  to  look  chielly  to 
the  great  riiruiiK, with  iis  glorious  fruits,  ready  to 
burst  I'rmna  teeming  soil,  warmed  and  enli>rhiened 
by  the  great  sun  of  seience,  which  now  dilliiscs  its 
energetic  rays  into  every  cornir  of  human  all'airs, 
wherever  life,  vegetable  or  animal,  and  wherever 
mental  or  physical  powe.  in  ils  icii  thousand  in- 
veniive  foiins  may  find  a  foothold  for  existence. 

In  a  Idler  of  Ur.  Thomas  Cooper,  of  South  Car- 
olina, addressed  to  Mr.  Fcnsylh,  yUih  .Tiily,  18;)8, 
in  answer  Ui  inquiries  on  the  subjci't  of  the  Sinilh- 
sonian beipiesi,  that  dislingnisheU  gentteinan  says; 

"  I  (tliji'cl  III  all  /.f//cs  li-ttns  luiil  iiliiliisupliiciil  jilcriiliiriN 
ns  eitleiihili'd  only  In  iiialie  jiicii  tikasaiil  talkers.  1  tilijeet 
to  mciliiiuc. 

"  I  iilijeet  to  l.tir,  Klhics  luiit  polUics  tiro  oj]  yet  iniBettled 
liraiieh.s  nf  kiiiiwlodjii'. 

*•  I  want  Id  sec  llnisr  i-tudii'S  eeltivated  wliieli,  in  iheir 
kiiDWii  t.'iidi'iieiei*  and  h  mUis,  alii'iUi  liinnaii  lalinr.  mid 
ini  re.iHe  and  inniliidy  t!ie  MMiiliirt^^  'tl  ■xl-teaee  id  the'tfreal 
nia^^  III'  iiiankind.*' 

Richard  Itush,  of  Philadclpliia,  writes  lo  the.^ec- 
relary  of  State  on  the  same  subject,  on  the  (lib  of 
IVovi'iiiiter,  l.H.'ls,  and  proposesa  plan  fin"  tlu^  i'lsti- 
tiilion  not  greatly  dissimilar  trom  that  proposed  by 
this  bill.     1  quote  this  short  passage; 

"  A  nriiversih  ur  rulleite  in  llie  ordinary  HcnHC,  nr  at  y 
jn.il ilnliDn  iDnkln::  in  piiiiiary  edneatiiiii,i)rlDllie  iii'lnielioi. 
Ill' the  yinini;  nierely.dni's  iii'l  -tiikc  me  as  the  kiiidnrin^ti. 
tnlitia  I'linternplateil  liy  .Mr.  SiiiiilisonVs  will ;  tleelaritiu  it  iu 
lanUliaiEi)  silli|ile  yi  I  iil'  the  \uile.l  liiijiurt.  to  lie  '  lur  the 
jiierease   and    ditVii^iuii   nl'   kiitiuleitirr   aiiiiMi:;  nii'ii,'   and 

liiakiua  the   I'niti'il  .-ifiites  the  lrn^l it  its  iideiili'iiis,  It 

l*cell)s  II)  liilliiw  that  It  iinulll  id  he  as  eDni|irelleliM<  "  as 
III.  .ahle  in  Its  iitijeeti  and  nii.-aii^,  as  it  jiilist  necesruril^  be 
iia.einal  i;>  us  iiDveniiiieiit." 

These  lelieis  are  to  be  found  in  the  report  of 
Mr.  y\i).\«s  lo  this  House  In  IMI'J.  The  passages 
(|Uiiled  s' em  lo  me  to  lie  higlilv  judicious,  anil  ciu'- 
recllj  tlescriplivu  of  ibe  true  chafiit^ler  of  the  insli- 
liilion  reipiiied.  Anil  1  lliink,  sir,  tlie  bill  under 
consiileraiiiin  eoofonns,  in  its  pro\i.siiins,  lo  the 
general  vii^ws  expressed  in  these  passages,  and  lo 
thoao  which  1  untertain.    All  the  iuburs  uf  tiio  in- 


stitution will  be  directed  to  the  more  useful  sci- 
ences a"d  arts,  nnd  ils  advantages  must  necessarily 
be  eminently  practical  and  popular.  These  arc  the 
great  leadhig  considerations,  which  should  com- 
mend this  b'll  to  the  favor  of  the  House,  and  of 
the  country. 

I  proceed  to  notice  more  particularly  the  general 
ehaiacteristies  of  the  plan.  I  pass  over  the  organi- 
zation of  the  institution  as  u  corporation,  not  re- 
garding that  as  (V  matter  of  any  importance.  As 
this  feature  is  opposed,  I  nm  very  willing  lo  .see  it 
altered.  1  approve  the  elasticity  and  freedom  of 
action,  very  wisely  conferred  upon  an  institution, 
new  and  untried  in  its  application  to  the  great  ob- 
jects in  view.  Very  considerable  latitude  of  con- 
i  trol,  as  to  the  means  lo  be  used,  is  given  to  the 
board  .'>f  managers,  and  the  ends  to  be  aimed  nt 
are  described  in  comprehensive  terms.  But  the 
most  ample  guarantee  for  the  wise  nnd  faithful  u.sc 
of  this  diserelionory  power  is  obtained  in  the  fact, 
that  the  board  will  consisi  of  the  Vice  President  of 
lite  United  Stales,  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  three  Senators,  three  niembers  of  the  House, 
and  six  others  to  be  chosen  by  joint  resolution  of 
Ihe  two  Houses,  who  arc  required  to  submit  lo 
Congress  annual  reports  of  the  operations,  expen- 
ditures and  eondiiiun  of  the  instiiution.  In  udili- 
tion  lo  all  thi.s,  there  is  reserved  the  power  toaller 
and  amend  the  charter,  as  the  results  of  experi- 
ence may  render  necessary  or  expedient.  All 
these  pi'ovisions  seem  to  be  wise,  and  make  il  al- 
most impossible  mat  any  abuse  ur  misapplication 
of  llie  fund  can  ever  take  plaice. 

Tlie  sixth  section  of  the  bill  provides  for  a  "pro- 
fessor of  agriculture,  horticulture,  and  rural  econ- 
I  oniy,"  giving  him  power  to  employ  such  Inboreis 
and  assistants  as  may  be  necessary  "to  cultivate 
the  ground  and  mainuiin  a  botanical  garden  " — "  to 
make  experiments  of  general  utility  liiroughout  the 
I  United  States" — "to  determine  the  utility  of  new 
I  modes  and  instruments  of  culture,  and  to  deler- 
I  mine  wl.'ther  new  fruits,  plants,  and  vegetables 
1  may   be   culiivated  to   iidvanlage   in   the   United 
.  States."    These  provisions  comprehend  all  which 
i  relates  to  the  great  agricultural  interest.     Xo  one, 
I  1  inesnnie,  will  qucsiion  the  probable  it.si  fulness 
(  ol  these  provisions  to  aid  anil  benefit  by  far  the 
I  largest  number  of  our  citizens  who  employ  the 
grc'iilest  amount  of  capital,  and  whose  productions 
^  are  the  very  ba.sis  of  our  prosperity,  wealth,  nnd 
I  happiness.     I  regret,  sir,  that  in  connexion  with 
!  this  arrangcmeni  there  is  no  express  provision  for 
I  a  professor  of  eheniislry;  but  as  a  chemical  labo- 
i  raiory  is  provided  for,  and  as  the  profes.ims  arc 
required  to  I"      •'  iIh  iiih.'^i  useful  .sciences  and  arts, 
I  presume  ;  .1,  .s.surship  would  be  considered 

first  in  imp'  md  would  by  no  imssibility  be 

omitted. 
I      In  some  parts  m'  ilie  e.-,i;ntry,  it  is  not  unu.sunl  to 
hear  objections  aganml  the  ap|  lleation  of  science 
I  to  agriculture,     1  h  .vc  h.  ni.l       questioned  even 
I  hens  wliel'ier  experimeiils  ami  iimsligations  con- 
t  ducted  in  Washington  cily,  can  be    f  any  u.sc  in 
other  latitudes,  soils,  and  clinuues,  iliioughout  our 
extended  country.     I  maintain,  sir,  that  science  in 
agriculture  is  pructicable,  nnd  that  ils  culiivuiion 
even  here,  nl  the  seat  of  government,  may  be  made 
to  conlribule  most  important  benifits  to  all  pari- 
'  of  the  Union.     For  let  it  be  remembered,  scieie  e 
is  but  the  classification  of  facts  expressed  in  ''le 
shape  of  general  rules  or  laws.     If  any  iinpor.    in 
fael  be  omitted  in  the  process  of  indueiion,  the  re- 
sult will  be  erroiieoiiK,  and  calculated  lo  mislead. 
.  But  conliniied   experinienl  and  investigation  will 
eventually  point  tint  the  oi  uited  or  misplaced  fact, 
and  gradually  a  true  science  will  gmw  up,  ria'tnj; 
fron.  the  first  rude  alttmpis,  ihruugli  various  i;i  > 
i!alions  of  improvonient,  up  to  its  highest  and  in<> 
perfect  form.    Uesults  pretiicted  from  certain  opt  i 
uliotis,  wilhiau  due  consideration  and  ex|ierience 
of  all  altdiding  fads  and  circumslanci  s,  changes  of 
soil  and  elimaie,  would  not  be  verifieil,  except  by 
tlie  'i'l'icst  accident.     But  is  il  not  plain  that  the 
i  experiments    here,   disseniinati'd    liiroughout   the 
eoiiiilry  by  appropriate  means,  and  illuminaled  by 
'  all  ixisling  knowledge  as  lo  thiMiidiicnce  of  varied 
liiciimslances,  will  be  seized  upon  by  the  intelli- 
gent and  skilful  agriculturist  in  all  quarters,  nnd 
siibniiiled  to  still  further  tests,  in  order  lo  eliminate 
t!ie  ultimale  truth — the  uiosi  general  law — divested 
of  all  extraneous  I'acls  ?    The  experimenls   made 
.  abruad  will  be  lellecled  back  again  lo  the  cuntrul 


inslitulion,  nnd  they  will  enable  it  to  correct  ils 
conclusions,  whenever  these  may  have  proved  to 
be  to  any  extent  erroneous.  If  this  professorship 
should  aeconijilish  nothing  more  ihnn  to  point  out 
the  mode  of  investigation  to  be  adopted,  nnd  lo 
compare  the  result.^  in  different  quarters  and  give 
information  of  them,  ihis  of  itself  would  be  an 
isscntinl  service  lo  agriculture. 

It  will  not  be  disputed,  however,  that  there  are 
some  things  in  agriculture  of  a  general  nature, 
which  science  at  any  place  can  determine  with  ab- 
solute certainty.  One  might  theorize  in  referciico 
to  processes  of  eultivalion,  nnd  the  results  would 
be  very  generally  erroneous.  It  might  be  plausibly 
argueJ,  that  to  disturb  and  break  the  rootsofaslallt 
of  corn  by  the  usual  mode  of  eultivalion  mnst  in- 
jure the  health  and  produce  of  ihe  plant.  Ijut  ex- 
perience determines  precisely  Ihe  contrary',  whether 
It  be  that  new  and  more  numerous  small  roots  aro 
put  out,  penetrating  to  every  part  of  the  soil,  and 
thereby  obtaining  abundant  nutriment,  or  whelher 
il  be  simply  tiiat  the  oxygen  and  carbonic  acid  gas  of 
the  air  and  of  llie  soil  are  rendered  more  accessible 
I  to  the  roots  of  the  plant  by  the  loosened  texture  of 
the  grimnd.  Yet,  when  the  ngricullural  chemist 
ascertains  that  the  stalk,  leaf,  or  grain  of  nny  plant 
'  contains  cet'tain  substances,  the  silicates,  phos- 
pliates,  or  carbonates,  and  that  these  are  indispen- 
sable to  their  perfection,  he  is  enabled  to  predicate 
with  absolute  cerlainty  that  these  substances  must 
be  in  the  soil,  or  that  the  plant  will  not  flourish. 
This  is  a  species  of  informalioii  of  the  utmost  im- 
portance, and  applicable  under  all  circunislances, 
and  ill  all  climates.  In  its  perfect  form,  when  sci- 
ence shall  have  expended  her  fruitful  labor  upon  il, 
it  will  enable  the  farmer  lo  control  the  growth  of 
his  crop,  and  give  it  any  desired  development,  just 
■  us  he  now  controls  the  growth  uf  hisdimiestie  ani- 
mals, raising  his  entile  for  milk  or  for  beef,  nnd  his 
sheep  for  wool  or  for  mutton,  at  his  pleasure. 

I  wimld  say,  sir,  in  reference  lo  this,  what  I 
have  stud  of  another  branch  of  science,  and,  in- 
deed, what  may  be  said  of  all  knowledge,  that  it 
.  is  impossible  to  foresee  the  great  results  lo  wliieli 
:  they  will  lead.     1  have  unbounded  failli  in  the  re- 
'  sources  of  science  in  all  her  departments;  and  I 
look  forward  with  the  expectation  of  discoveries 
and  improvements  far  more  important  and  won- 
derful than  anything  which  has  yet  been  accom- 
plished.    The  magnetic  telegraph  is  a  marvel;  but 
It  does  not  mark  the  extreme  boundary  of  human 
ingenuity. 
Another  leading  and  important  feature  in  this 
'  bill  is,  ihnl  it  proposes  "  a  professor  of  common 
school  instruction,  with  oilier  professors,  chielly 
i  of  the  more  useful  sciences  and  arts,"  and  that  it 
!  coniemplates  the  edti.Tation  of  young  persons  as 
i  teacheis  oieim     inn  schools.     It  looks  to  the  edii- 
!  cation  of  i   •  ['•  •'\>\v — lo  ihe  increase  and  difliismn 
of  know  il  I  ^c  among  the  great  mass.     Ofc   ur.sc! 
this  aid  111  Ihe  i  ivuse  of  popular  education  can  only 
:  be  of  the  most  general  kind.     iSo  direct  a|ipliea- 
ii   11  .if  the  means  of  the  institution  to  that  purpose 
'  euiild  be  expected.     But  while  this  provision  is 
j  one  of  hiiili  genernlity,  it  is,  nevertheless,  one  also 
of  eiintri'lling  efliciency,  calculalcd    In  be   highly 
bencliei.i     o  its  directory  influence.     If  a  nuinbi'r 
of  Ibe  lit  si  leni'hers,   iiubued  with  all  the  useful 
science  of  the  age,  and   thoroughly  (puilified  (or 
imparting  knowledge  to  llie  young  mind,  by  the 
most  improved   modes,  can    be  sent  abroad  to  all 
parts  of  the  country,  doubtless  a  great  point  will 
liave  been  gained.     No  Imsiness  is  so  imperfeclly 
understood,  and  so  be.dly  conduelcd,  in  some  parts 
of  '      Union  as  that  of  teaching.     An  insiliotioii 
I  will  have  the  etIVcl  of  improving  nnd  eleva- 
ibe  standard  of  instruction  generally,  will  be 
.  ^leat  national  blessing. 
Does  any  one  doubt  that  the  scheme  proposed 
;  in  this  bill  can   be  made  to  ]Moduce  thai  result? 
I  Kven  though  teachers  may  not  be  generally  fur- 
I  nished  for  all  sections,  an  immense  advantage  will 
be  oblainid  by  the  dill'usion  of  corrircl  inlorma- 
lion,  ns  to  the  prnpcr  mode  of  organi-zing  .schools, 
nnd  the  best  plans  for  inslriiclion.     The  most  im- 
portant kinds  of  knowledge  are  too  fretiuenlly  al- 
together neglecUid  in  our  primary  schools.     Let 
the  members  of  this   House   look   buck  to   iheir 
schoolboy  days,  and  compare  the  instrnclion  they 
received,  with  that  which  is  now  dispensed  in  llie 
best  publi«  schools.     We  were  fortiniale,  sir,  very 
furluiiulc,  if  we  were  taught  anything  more  limn 


394 


APPENDTX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[May  8, 


29rH  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Retrocession  of  Alexandria — Mr.  Hunter, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


worda;  if  pli^sical  science  constituted  nny  part  of 
our  early  instruction;  if  our  attention  was  directed 
for  a  moment  to  the  things  uroiind  us,  among 
which, nnd  with  which,  we  were  bound  to  accom- 
plish our  destiny.  Important  changes  have  now 
taken  pliice.  And  not  amon»  the  least  imporlant 
is  that  of  teaching  the  outlines  of  physical  science 
at  till!  very  earliest  period — to  mske  the  child  ac- 
quainted with  the  nature  of  the  ten  thousand  natu- 
ral objects  around  him — to  give  him  some  idea  of 
the  structure  of  the  clobc  he  inhabits,  and  of  the 
system  iif  which  this  nlunet  is  n  part.  This  is 
kuowledjje  which  the  cliild  can  comprehend,  and 
which  the  ni.tn  can  never  f.iil  to  use  with  advan- 
tage. It  is  properly  the  first  kmnvledire  In  lie  iin- 
parled,  lying  obviously  at  the  very  foundation  of 
all  t;ood  education. 

How  much  has  been  accomplished  of  late  in  this 
respect  may  be  inferred  froni  the  following  pas- 
sage, which  I  read  from  he  l.'M  report  of  the  trus- 
tees of  the  Public  School  .Vcicty  of  New  York:      | 

"  A  circular,  «ent  to  tin-  Ir.icliers  of  the  public  Hchooi . 
ahout  tllrt'e  vvf  pkx  since,  rc«u!!<Ml,  herorc  tli(?y  cIokpiI,  in  I  oi 
lesa  tlum  ti'ii  tlinu.'<ani)  eliMnoiiiary  cftlMtu'L.j  nt*  8c<ilo2y  f  ir 
nearly  tlli*  mma  tiinnliernt'liiiiiilios,  collrctctl.  Ial)flli'(l,*a)i<l 
a^sorttMl  liy  the  [tupils;  i^eritririg.  in  very  many  inwluncc^,  a 
licariy  int(T''st,  nnil  f:<»icniial  uici  from  their  iiarcnii*  ami 
oilier  I'rit'iuld.  I'tihlic  t-chiml  No.  I'l,  ctttlcclt'd,  prcparc^l. 
lahellcd.  anri  dititrilinlcil  not  te^s  than  four  huiidreil  su'.ll 
cahinobi  in  one  day,"  &c,  i 

These  are  interesting  facts.  They  show  that  the 
science  of  education  is  advancing  with  llu  genemi 
march  of  improvement;  and  thej  render  iio  longer 
doubtful  the  nropriety  and  importance  oi'dcvoiing 
a  portion  of  tlic  means  of  this  naiionnl  iosiliulloj), 
to  as.sist  in  carryiii-'  firward,  even  more  rapidly, 
this  great  movenuiit  ttf  the  age. 

The  bill  provides  for  the  "  preparation  of  sets 
of  illustrations,  specimens,  apparatus,  and  school 
books  suited  for  primary  schools."  I  consider 
thcjc  provisions  of  the  highest  importance.  Next 
to  the  furnishing  of  proper  teachers,  is  the  nci'cs- 
siiy  for  jiropcr  instruments  of  cducntioi).  Indeed, 
I  (fo  not  know  but  this  ^liouM  be  placed  foremost 
ill  Importance;  for,  with  the  best  iiluslratioiis,  ap- 
paratus, and  books,  the  teacher  could  scarcely 
fail  to  perform  his  part  with  the  greatest  advantage 
nod  the  best  success.  The  propriety  of  having 
"  professors  of  the  most  usel'iil  sciences  niid  arts'' 
coimecied  with  the  "normal  branch  "if  this  insti- 
tution, is  loo  obviotis  to  require  a  single  remark. 

The  bill  does  not  propose  (for  indeed  the  propo- 
sition would  be  nb.'-iiril)  to  give  to  such  school 
books  as  maybe  prepared,  nny  authority,  other 
than  that  which  the  character  of  the  institution, 
ami  tlitirown  intrinsic  worth,  would  impress  upon 
them,  iiut  it  is  very  certain,  that  able  and  ex- 
pei-ienced  nun,  directing  their  minds  particularly 
tn  .hat  object,  would  be  ]irepared  to  give  to  t!te 
v.orld  .'inmethinj  far  better  than  we  now  possess — 
something  in  the  way  of  elementary  books,  which 
would  essentially  contribute  to  the  uniforiuiiy  and 
elTiciency  of  general  education.  I  think  It  will  be 
acknowlcil^ed,  by  all  who  know  anything  of  ihe 
sulijcci,  that  such  books  for  primary  schools  arc 
at  tl.is  mc  lent  a  great  desideratum.  I  know  of 
no  means  Ivy  which  greater  benefit  could  lie  con- 
ferred upon  Ihe  |ieople  at  large,  than  by  the  jtidl- 
ci'His  jireparatloii  and  cheap  supply  of  such  books. 
They  would  be  ..qiiivaleni  to  e  great  plan  of  educa- 
tinn,  emanating  from  the  highest  and  best  aiiihor- 
ily,  causing  llio  light  of  all  modern  science  and 
modern  itnprovenient  to  converge  Into  every  coun- 
try school-house  in  the  land. 

There  are  oilier  Icatiires  In  this  bill,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, iipitn  whii'h  it  would  be  interesting  to  com- 
ment, If  the  hour  allotted  by  the  rules  of  the  House 
W'luld  permit.  The  lectures  by  able  men  of  science, 
the  ched[)  nnd  useful  publications,  and  the  Investi- 
gaiiims  tt'hicli  the  managers  have  power  to  direct, 
may  be  made,  bv  judicious  direction,  to  coiitriliute 
to  the  most  useful  and  importiint  ends.  Iltit  these 
things  will  suggest  themselves  to  the  iiiind  of  every 
ihielligeiit  man. 

I  approve  heartily  the  provision  which  forbids 
the  establlslimi'iit  of  nny  school  of  law,  or  medi- 
cine, or  divinliy,  or  any  professorship  of  ancient 
languages.  The  scope  of  my  remnrkH  lhroiic.'hout  , 
has  been  in  accordamc  with  this  view,  and,  I  hope, 
will  fully  justify  the  position.  The  number  of 
persons  who  could  be  educated  by  all  the  funds  of 
this  inslilntion  must,of  iieiessity,  be  very  limited; 
and  unless  they  be  instructed  with  n  view  to  com-  i 


municnte  the  light  nnd  difTuse  the  knowledge  re- 
ceived, the  benefits  of  the  establishment  would  not 
be  srenernl. 

The  annual  appropriation  of  ten  thousand  dol- 
lars for  the  gradual  formation  of  n  library,  might 
have  been  limited  to  a  smaller  amount,  with  a  bet- 
ter result.  But  the  managers  will  doubtless  act 
with  wisdom  and  discretion. 

By  proper  management,  this  inslilntion  may 
doulitless  lie  made  the  instrument  '*f  immense  good 
tn  the  whole  country.  To  the  (.Tovernment  it  will 
be  of  no  slight  advantage.  It  will  be  n  great  insti- 
tution. It  mav  attain  n  character  ns  high  as  that 
of  iheFi'enel  Academy;  nnd  lis  authority  will  then 
lie  decisive  in  reference  to  nnmerniis  qiieslions  of 
ascieiitifienntui  -,  fontinnnlly  presented  ;o  the  com- 
mittees of  Congress  and  the  departments  of  Gov- 
ernment, fir  determination  and  consequent  action. 
Such  an  institution  Is  greatly  needed  in  Ihe  Fed- 
eral cily.  It  is  fortunate,  not  less  for  til  public 
service  than  for  the  advantage  of  the  Inillvidiml 
citizen,  that  the  opporliinily  is  now  afl'irded  lo  ac- 
complish so  important  nii  object  I  cannot  doubt 
that  the  opportunity  will  be  seized  with  alacrity, 
and  improved  with  something  of  that  siiirit  of  lib- 
erality nnd  inlelllgenee  which  I  think  is  embodied 
in  the  bill  now  before  the  commillee. 


RETROCESSION  OF  ALEXANDRIA. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  R.  M.  T.  HUNTER, 

OF  VIIIGIMA, 

In  the  House  of  RKPnEsESTATivEs, 

Mnj  8,  1H40, 

On  the  subject  of  the  Retrocession  of  Alexandria 

to  Virginia. 

Mr.  CiiAinvAv:  The  bill  before  ns  proposes  to 
recede  rnd  relinquish  to  Vlriiinia  the  county  of 
Alexandria,  with  the  assent  of  that  Slate,  Ihe  assent 
of  this  Government,  nnd  the  assent  of  the  people 
of  Alexandria,  lo  '■:•'  Ml-eii  in  the  mode  presorilied 
by  the  bill  itself.  1  i':us,  we  shall  comprehend 
more  than  all  the  parlies  M  the  original  rompact, 
for  the  people  of  Alexandri.'.  were  not  then  con- 
sulted. The  assent  of  Virginia  has  been  already 
gi%en  in  advance,  by  the  unanimous  act  of  her 
Legislature  at  its  last  sessliui:  the  assent  of  the 
people  of  .\lcxaiidria  will  be  _'lveii,  I  doubt  not, 
most  eagerly  and  gratefully,  should  this  Govern- 
ment atford  them  an  opportunity,  as  I  trust  it  will, 
liv  expressing  its  nssen'  and  enacting  this  bill. 
The  object  of  the  clause  in  the  Cmistitution  which 
allows  Congress  to  obt.iin  by  cession  a  district  not 
exceeding  ten  miles  square,  over  whieh  they  might 
exercise  exclusive  jurisdiction,  was  to  irivc  them  a 
•seat  of  govenimeni,  which  they  might  1 ' '■!  in 
their  own  right,  and  to  put  them  in  n  p'  lui  In 
which  Ihey  might  be  independent  of  >'  hospl- 
taliiy  and  State  if  gislatlon  for  a  place  i..  nieetliig, 
and  the  means  of  securing  the  depanmetits  of  the 
government  from  lawless  violence  and  inlrusloii. 
The  I'mit  upon  this  power  was,  that  lliry  sliouM 
not  taite  more  rliaii  ten  miles  siiuare,  but  the  (|uai,- 
tlty  wllhin  this  limit  was  left  entirely  to  ihelr 
di.scretlon.  As  Mr.  Madison  sud,  they  i  iirht 
have  taken  only  one  square  mil  ,  i!'  they  had  .en 
Tirnlier  to  do  so.  This  is  ine  only  eonstitotiiii;!! 
liniltatuui  iipiin  the  power;  but  there  arc  high  erui- 
sidera'iuns  of  jioblic  prinl-  iicc  nnd  nnllcy  wiiieii 
shonlii  regulate  the  exel■e|^e  of  ibis  iliseiciion.  It 
is  obvious  that  they  onsdit  to  have  taken  or  keep 
no  more  territory  or  people  iiiider  their  exclusive 
pirisdl''tion  than  may  be  necessary  and  sunirient 
fir  nil  Ihe  jinrposes  of  a  scat  of  government, 
f'onsii'eralions  of  economy,  in  relnlion  to  the  |<ub. 
lie  time  piid  money,  obviously  suggest  the  expe- 
diency of  retaining  no  more  territoiy  than  may  be 
enough  for  such  purposes.  When  you  exceed 
this  limit,  and  increase  uiineceRsarily  tin  territory, 
people,  and  interests,  lo  be  provided  for  by  our 
legislation,  lo  that  extent  y'Ui  increase  and  waste 
the  time  and  money  which  must  be  bestowed  upon 
them. 

There  is  yet  a  higher  consideration,  which 
should  restrict  the  exercise  of  this  discrellon  with- 
in the  limits  which  I  have  mentioned — a  considera- 
tion whieh  must  weigh  deeply  with  every  Ameri- 
can slateNiiinn,  and  which  appeals  to  all  that  Is 
most  cherished  in  Anii-ricaii  sentiment:  I  mean 
the  obvious  propriety  of  depriving  no  more  of  our 


people  of  political  rights  nnd  privileges  than  may 
be  indiapen.sable  for  the  purposes  of  safety  nnd  se- 
curity in  the  seat  of  government.  To  this  extent 
the  evil  is  unavoidable,  but  there  can  be  no  higher 
obligation  than  that  which  rests  upon  American 
statesmen,  to  deprive  no  more  of  our  peojile  of 
political  rights  and  privileges  than  may  be  actually 
necessary.  We  owe  this  to  nil  that  is  most  cher- 
ished in  the  political  sentiment  of  our  country;  we 
owe  it  to  true  American  feeling,  to  the  estimate 
which  we  ourselves  place  upon  these  privileges; 
and  we  owe  it  as  an  exutupic  to  mankind.  Wo 
have  been  proud  to  believe  that  it  was  a  great  ob- 
ject in  our  mission  to  enjoy  these  rights  oursr  Ives, 
nnd  by  our  example  lo  incrcM  •■  the  value  p' .ceil 
upon  them  by  the  residue  of  naukind.  It  is  the 
great  lesson  we  were  seiil  to  tench,  that  political 
rights  nnd  privileges  are  amongst  Ihe  highest  and 
noblest  objecis  of  human  aspiration.  It  is  our 
glory,  thnt'tongreal  extent  our  example  has  taught 
it;  but  how  shall  we  answer  for  our  mission,  if 
without  necessity  we  deprive  a  portion  of  our  own 
people  of  these  very  rights,  which  in  the  face  of  the 
world  we  have  declared  to  be  inestimable.' 

But,  Mr.  Chninnan,  there  is  another  considera- 
tion which  should  induce  us  to  contract  the  sphere 
of  our  exclusive  jurisdiction,  to  fo  much  only  as 
May  be  necessary  for  'he  pitr|ioses  I  hi.  e  'iien- 
lioned.  This  arant  of  exclusive  jurisdiction  here, 
nnd  some  omissions  in  the  Constitution,  place  this 
Govornnieni  in  an  anomalous  and,  in  some  degree, 
dangerous  position  towards  the  Slates.  It  was 
oi-gani:.ed  ns  an  agent  of  the  jieoplc  of  the  Stales. 
This  is  its  grand  chnrarieristic;  nnd  yet  as  the 
local  le<:islntiire  of  this  DIstriil,  ilstanifsin  an  en- 
tirely did'erent  relation  towards  the  States — a  rela- 
tion not  only  dlirerent,  but  pos.Mbly  hostile  to  the 
great  end  of  its  instiiutioii,  if  the  district  under  its 
control  should  comprehend  large  and  various  in- 
terests. There  are  ccrlain  provisions  in  the  Con- 
stitution designed  to  secure  equal  benefits  and 
international  comity,  if  I  may  call  it  so,  nmoiiLrst 
the  States,  which  apply  lo  all  the  Stale  govern- 
ments and  yet  do  not  in  terms  apply  to  us  as  the 
Leglslaiure,  the  government  of  a  separate  people 
in  this  District.  "  The  eitizens  of  each  State  shall 
'  be  entitled  to  nil  privileges  and  immunities  of 
'eitizens  in  the  several  .Stales."  This  provision 
does  not  apply  in  terms  to  the  citizens  of  the  Dis- 
trict going  lo  the  Staus,  or  the  citizens  of  the  Stales 
removing  to  the  Distrlet.  The  provision  in  rela- 
tion to  fugitives  froiu  justice,  which  njiplies  to  tlin 
.'States,  does  tint  embrace  this  District.  The  pro- 
vision forbidding  prefurences  lo  be  given  to  the 
ports  of  one  Stale  over  those  of  another,  docs  not 
embrace  this  District  in  terms,  al'.hough  I  incline 
to  think  that  by  constriietlon  the  s:  me  pinhiliiiion 
exists  in  relation  tn  llie  District.  iSut  still  it  Is  a 
iiKiUer  of  doubt.  When  we  redcci,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, that,  as  the  govenmieiit  of  this  District,  we 
stand  in  some  respects,  though  not  in  all,  towards 
the  Stales  as  a  Stale  government,  we  can  readily 
see  how  creat  might  be  the  diflicullles  ro'lsiiig  from 
these  omissions,  if  controversies  shoul.l  ever  arise 
lietweeu  this  Goveriinient  and  that  of  any  of  the 
Slates.  But  there  is  yet  iiiunhcr  an  I  arealer  dnn- 
ger  to  the  rese;ved  rights  of  'iic  States  in  this 
power  of  exi  Iiisive  jurisdiction  in  the  District. 
Under  the  p."'":.;e  of  exercising  an  imdoubled 
power,  as  the  District  government,  how  great  is 
the  temptation  and  the  facility  for  excrri.sing 
powers  wiililii  the  States  which  the  Constiiiition 
has  denied  to  the  General  Gnvcriimeiil  I  We  are 
nil  familiar  with  inslaiices  of  the  kind.  There 
have  been  tlinse  who  believed  that  we  have  no 
jinwer  to  ili:M"tcr  a  t'liiii  il  States  Bank,  and  yet 
were  of  opicciii  that  we  niiuht  exercise  this  power 
within  Ihc  District  as  a  local  legislnlnre,  and  extend 
its  opernlinn  wllhin  llic  Stales.  So,  too,  the  sub- 
ject of  eduealion  in  the  States  has  never  been  con- 
fided to  this  Governmeiil,  and  yet  it  has  been 
mninlaliieil  iluit  an  iiislltutloii  miirlit  be  established 
here,  and  i!  't|>erntiotiH  so  eyleiided  as  lo  bring 
ihe  subjeet  .,  education  within  the  .States,  in  some 
e.umler  the  control  of  (Ningress.  In  relatinii 
iriprovcments,  ditlieullles  may  arise 
ubie  character  in  which  we  net,  which 
might  eiiiharniss  the  siraitest  si'ct  of  the  strict 
constrnetlon  school.  We  have  Ihrec  cities  in  this 
Distre  I ,  eiich  aspiring'  to  be  great,  and  all  desirirg 
lo  open  lip  conmiuiiicatlons  lo  the  sources  of  their 
irnde.     In  discharging  the  duties  of  a  local  legis- 


d. 

to  inleniJ 

out  of  till 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GL      K 


895 


29th  Cong Ist  Sess. 


Retrocession  of  Alexandria — Mr.  Hunter, 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


Idiurc  towards  their  interests,  how  seriously  might 
wc  embarrass  our  relations  with  llie  States,  and 
easily  slide  into  connexion  with  their  system  of  1 
internal  improvements.     It  is  easy  to  perceive  that  | 
ill  this  way  we  mieht  be  led  into  the  exercise  of  i 
powers  within  the  States,  which  many  ofnshclieve  j 
to  be  forbidden  by  the  Conalitulion.     To  some 
extent  these  dans^ers  must  exist  so  long  as  wo  | 
have  a  sent  of  n;oveniment  nt  nil;  but  they  nie  ; 
inai.ifcstly  diminished  ns  wn  diminish  the  populn-  I 
lion,  and  the  variety,  and  magnitude  of  the  inter-   i 
csts  for  which  wn  legislate  by  aepnrnte  laws,  and  I' 
over  which  we  have  exclusive  jurisdiction.     As  |; 
these  people  and  interests  are  diminished,  the  op- 
portunity for  these  conflicts   will   decrease,    the  ;' 
temptation  to  nliuses  will  diminish,  and  nnynt-|| 
tcinpt  nt  usurpation  of  power  within  the  Stales,   , 
llirongh    District   legislation,   will   become   more  ■ 
palpable  and  manifest  to  the  vigilant  amongst  our  , 
people.     These  evils  were  foreseen  and  feared  by  li 
Slime  of  the  wisest  men  of  their  day  at  the  time  of  I' 
tlic  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution.     In  the  ; 
Virginia    Conventiim,    Patrick    Henry,    George 
Mason,  and  Grayson,  expressed  their  apprehen- 1 
sinus  in  relation   to  llie  District  which  was  to  be  i' 
the  seat  nf  go-ernment.     These  men  had  been  ad-   , 
innnislu'd   by  •  xr,:iiencc    lo  watch    and    guard,: 
against  every '■   iliriunily  for  usurpation.     They 
were  more  fai.:.linr  with  the  evils  of  such  things,  ;l 
and  they  loo'. ed   more  eautioualy  to  the  future. 
I'lit  docs  it  not  become  all  wise  men  to  look  care-  j 
fully  ahead,  to  guard  against  every  possible  inno-  ij 
valion  upon  their  rights  and  liberties.     Have  wc  :| 
not  sonic  duties  to  peribrm  in  this  respect,  unless   ' 
our  value  fiu'  these  blessings  has  diminished  with 
the  leiiirlh  of  lime  for  which  we  have  enjoyed  lliein. 
All  parties  in  this  country  have  expressed  fears  in  : 
relation  to  the  dangers  of  usurpation.     Some  have   ! 
fcaied  that  the  General  IJovernment  would  usurp   ' 
the  rights  of  the  Sinles;  others  have  thought  that 
the  Kxcciitivc  Department  would  usurp  the  powers   , 
of  the  others,  and  llunlly  swallow  up  the  rights  of  ^ 
the  people  themselves.     All  who  have  studied  such  ; 
subjects  must  be  aware  that  the  mo.st  dangerous   ' 
and  successful  usurpations  have  been  those  which    t 
were  accomplished  by  easy  and  insensible  stages.  ;■ 
Where,  I  ask,  are  ihe.-in  easy  and  successive  gr.i-  [ 
daiions  for  usurpation,  whether  wc  look  to  the  ', 
General  Government  or  to  the  Executive  alone,  1 1 
so  readily  to  be  found  as  in  theabu.scsof  this  very 
power  over  this  District?     If  there  bo  these  dan- 
gers ill  the  right  of  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  here, 
do  we  not  owe  it  to  high  public  considerations  lo 
diminish  tliem,  by  exercising  it  over  as  few  people 
rind  intcrcsis  as  may  be  indispensable  to  the  ends 
for  which  llie  poveV  was  gianied ,' 

Mr.  CIn-.ii man,  there  i=i  yrt  nnother  considera- 
tion V.  inch  should  induce  us  to  restrict  lliis  District 
V.  illiiii  the  smallest  limits  compatilile  with  the  ends 
I'or  which  it  was  given  to  ns.  One  of  the  great 
objects  ill  giving  us  our  power  over  the  District 
in  which  the  Government  is  located,  was  to  secure 
Congress  against  violence,  and  any  attempts  to 
overawe  its  deliberations.  But  there  may  be  a 
i';iieslion  wlieilier  we  have  not  been  subjecicd  to  a 
f'iir  -nore  dangerous  bias  from  the  nature  of  the 
influence  likely  to  be  exercised  over  ns  liere,  when 
this  District  shall  have  been  increased  as  much  in 
wen  th  and  ]>opulatioii  as  may  reasonably  be  ex- 
peclcd.  When  rcgrels  have  been  expressed  nt  the 
derial  of  political  rights  to  ibis  District,  ihe  answer 
li  .s  iieeii,  thai  if  lliey  had  no  political  rights,  they 
Would  have  much  polilicnl  iiifluenre.  lint  what, 
Mr.  Chairman,  is  likely  to  be  the  nature  of  ihat  in- 
(biencc?  Will  it  be  salutary  to  us,  or  may  it  not, 
w  hen  it  extends,  prove  to  be  most  corrupting  and 
danL'crooa  10  the  purity  of  our  legislation?  The 
iiillui'iicc  of  the  people  of  a  metropolis  upon  the 
(Toveriimenl,  lias  always  been  felt  and  recognised. 
Ill  diispolic  i^ovcrnnients,  the  iiublic  opinion  of  the 
nieiropoli.i  is  almost  all  of  pulilic  opinion  which  is 
I'l  It  or  known  by  llie  rulers.  In  all  old  countries, 
wlieie  the  seat  of  Government  has  been  long  eslab- 
llslii',1,  the  inlliience  of  iis  metropniiiiin  population, 
relincd,  weallliv,  intelligent,  and  voluptuous,  has 
always  been  (fee|ily  and  ilangcroiisly  tcit  in  the 
conduct  of  the  CTOVernincnt.  Orirani/ed  from  posi- 
tion, and  skilled  from  long  tiaiiiiii;-  in  all  the  arts 
of  persuasion,  seduction,  anil  blandishmctil,  the 
influeiice  of  Much  :\  population  has  always  proved 
to  lie  exceedingly  dangerous  lo  the  purity  of  Gov- 
ernment, and  ol'ien  it  is  almost  irresistible.     It  has 


been  frequently  said  that  Paris  was  France;  nnd 
for  a  long  time,  so  far  as  the  Government  was  con- 
cerned, Paris  was  France:  for  its  public  opinion 
was  all  that  was  known  or  felt  by  the  ruling  powers. 
We  nil  know  the  influence  which  is  exercised  here 
nl  home  by  the  people  nt  the  seat  of  Government 
in  the  Slates.  It  is  true  thai  this  influence  is  much 
less  in  the  Stales  than  that  of  which  I  have  been 
speaking,  but  it  has  always  been  a  subject  of  jeal- 
ousy, even  in  the  smaller  degree  in  wliich  it  has 
been  exercised  there.  And  yet  how  miicli  purer 
must  that  influence  be  in  u  population  trained  to 
the  exercise  of  political  power,  accompanied  by 
responsibility,  than  with  such  a  people  as  ust  be 
gathered  here  in  this  District  when  it  shall  number 
one,  two,  or  three  hundred  thousand  souls,  (as 
may  not  be  impossible)  without  political  power  or 
privilege,  and  dependcntupon  secret  influence  alone 
for  the  means  of  being  felt  in  the  government  by 
which  they  are  ruled.  I  know  of  nothing  more 
purifyi  Igor  elevating  to  human  character  than  the 
exercis !  of  political  power  nnd  a  due  sense  of  re- 
spnn.^ib  lity.  I  mean  that  sort  of  responsibility 
which  it  enforced  by  the  necessity  of  sharing  him- 
self in  n  just  proportion,  in  all  tiie  consequences, 
good  or  ill,  of  his  own  political  action.  It  begets 
n  feeling  of  .ndependence  nnd  self-respect,  which  is 
the  more  rlierisheil  the  longer  it  is  enjoyed,  imd  it 
lends  to  elevate  public  sentiment  above  the  use  of 
low  arts  or  secret  influences.  On  the  other  hand, 
Mr.  Chairman,  I  know  of  nothing  belter  calculated 
to  debase  publiccharacter  than  to  train  a  jieople  to 
believe  that  they  must  depend  upon  secret  nrts  and 
indirect  influences  for  all  the  political  weight  they 
do  enjoy,  unless,  indeed,  it  might  be  Ihe  still  more 
degrading  idea  that  n  greater  share  of  the  incidental 
benefits  flowing  from  public  disbursements  could 
compensate  them  for  the  loss  of  political  rights  and 
privileges.  And  yet  these  are  the  circumstances 
under  which  the  public  sentiment  of  this  District 
is  to  be  formed;  these  are  the  views  to  whicii  its 
people  arc  to  be  trained  !  If  this  Dii  trict  .should 
be  kept  together,  and  should  become  as  populous 
as  there  is  reason  to  believe,  who  can  measure  the 
extent  of  these  debasing  causes  upon  .heir  charac- 
ter, or  who  can  estimate  the  probalile  ills  of  the  sort 
of  influence  which  they  will  exercise  over  the  Gov- 
ernment? Every  one  must  perceive  that  the  influ- 
ence will  be  great,  of  a  people,  numerous,  wealthy, 
n'ul  intelligent,  refined  and  skilled,  too,  as  they 
will  be,  in  all  the  arts  of  persuasion  and  blandish- 
ment. Numerous  and  weiillhy  nnd  refined  tliev 
must  become,  too,  not  only  from  their  natural  ad- 
vantages, but  tVom  the  Government  di.sbursemenis, 
and  that  disposition  so  natural  to  every  peo]ile,  to 
adorn,  embellish,  and  aggrandize  their  metropolis. 
This  disposition  is  us  common  to  all  nations  ns  is 
the  desire  to  improve  nnd  adorn  the  homestend  lo 
individuals.  There  would  be  yet  another  tempta- 
tion to  increase  the  public  expenditures  upon  them. 
The  power  to  do  so  is  ample,  and  there  is  n  belief 
that  lliey  ought  to  have,  in  appropriatimis  for  their 
benefit,  some  compensation,  inadequate  ns  it  may 
be,  for  the  loss  of  political  privileges.  As  we  grow 
more  wealthy  and  powerful,  and  they  become  more 
numerous,  and  perhaps  corrupt,  there  is  every 
reason  to  fear  that  they  may  liabiliially  consider 
themselves  as  dependant  upon  the  imblic  bo  nty 
and  pensioners  upon  Ihe  ^treasury.  What  must 
be  the  public  opinion  and  the  slnndard  of  public 
morals  of  a  people  thus  reareil  under  inflncncea  so 
debasing  that  they  must  be  more  than  men  if  lliey 
long  resist  their  de|)ressing  tendencies?  What, 
too,  will  be  the  nature  of  the  iiillucnce  of  public 
opinion  so  formed  iqinn  the  (fovcrnmeut  itself? 
Will  it  ni>t  be  exerted  in  favor  of  large  appropria- 
tions and  against  economy  ?  They  have  a  direct 
interest  in  large  public  cxpendilures,  fi>r  the  pro- 
portion which  they  contribute  towards  them, 
mils;  always  I'all  .short,  far  short,  of  the  greater 
share  of  the  beneflls  which  they  will  derive  from 
them. 

In  contests  between  the  General  and  Slate  Gov- 
ermncnts,  will  not  this  inllncnce  be  exerted  in 
favor  of  Ihe  General  Government,  and  against  the 
Slates?  It  is  the  Government  here  which  they 
know,  ami  none  other.  They  have  no  other  Gov- 
ernment to  claim  their  allcctions.  This  Govern- 
ment will  engross  their  respect  and  affections,  and 
to  increase  its  jiower-i,  its  I'unclions,  it.-i  revenues 
and  expel. ditnres,  would  be  the  best  mode  of  ng- 
grnndi/.ing  and  enriching  themselves,  if  they  were 


to  view  the  matter  in  o  selfish  sense,  nnd  look  to 
their  own  separate  interest  alone. 

In  what  direction  is  it  probable  that  this  influ- 
ence will  be  exercised  when  questions  arise  in 
relation  lo  popular  rights  and  privileges  ?  Is  it  not 
altogether  probable  that  it  would  be  hostile  lo  the 
people  in  all  such  contests  ?  Enjoying  none  of  these 
rights  and  privileges  themselves,  they  will  cither 
envy  their  possession  by  others,  or  else  place  no 
value  upon  them.  Education,  habit,  nnd  interest, 
would  nil  induce  ihem  to  take  sides  with  this  Gov- 
ernment, as  against  the  Slates  and  the  people. 
As  you  concenlrnle  power  in  this  Government, 
you  increase  their  control  over  public  aff'airs;  and 
as  you  remove  it  from  the  subjection  to  popular 
will  in  the  States,  you  place  it  more  and  more  un- 
der their  influence.  If  I  am  rifjht  as  to  the  direc- 
tion which  this  influence  may  hereafter  take,  is  it 
not  manifest  that  it  will  be  hostile  to  Ihe  great  ends 
of  our  institutions?  Must  it  not  become  large 
enough  to  be  formidable  when  this  District  is 
crowded  with  a  population  great  in  wealth  and 
numbers?  And  if  so,  do  wc  not  owe  it  to  our- 
selves and  to  them  to  diminish  it  ns  far  it  can  safely 
be  done  ?  !  can  conceive  of  nothing  worse  than  lo 
increase  unnecessarily  the  influence  of  a  public  opin- 
ion which  is  alien  to  the  spirit  of  our  institutions, 
to  enlarge  beyond  necessity  the  boundaries  of  its 
abiding  place,  to  increase  without  reason  the  num- 
bers who  entertain  it;  and  to  strengthen,  whilst 
you  isolate  it,  would,  ns  it  seems  to  me,  be  folly  in 
the  extreme.  If  ever  the  career  of  n"-.Mpi.'ion 
should  be  commenced,  whether  by  one  or  oil  of  the 
departments  of  this  Government,  it  is  here,  if  any 
where,  they  must  look  for  the  public  opinion  nnd 
the  separate  interest  which  are  fully  lo  tustain 
them.  And  is  there  nothing  formidable  in  ihe 
prospect  of  such  an  influence,  if  wielded  by  all  the 

'  wealth,  intelligence,  and  people  that  can  be  con- 
centrated within  these  ten  miles  squnre.^    May  it 

.  not  be  far  more  dangerous  to  the  purity  of  our 
legislation  than  the  open  outbreaks  of  lawless 
force  ?  A  Lord  Gcorire  Gordon  riot,  a  Parisian 
mob,  or  a  mutiny  as  at  Philadelphia,  are  insults 
which  arc  keenly  felt  nnd  bitterly  resented  liy  the 
people  themselves.  But  Ihe  influence  of  which  I 
have  been  speaking  is  far  more  dangerous.  It 
operates  constantly  and  invisibly;  it  steals  into  the 
citadel  whenever  it  is  unguarded,  nnd  saps  the  very 
foundation  of  public  virtue. 

Diit  it  may  be  said,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  these 
dangers  are  inevitable,  and  result  necessarily  friun 
the  establishment  of  a  sent  of  Government.    This 

i  is  true  lo  .some  extent:  the  evil  is  inevilablc,  but 
we  may  diminish  it  very  much  by  conlraciing  the 
limits  of  our  exclusive  juri.sdiclinii,  so  that  this 
District  may  comprehend  no  more  iiiteresis  .iiid 
people  than  are  indispensable  for  the  .seat  of  Gov- 
ernment. By  thus  conlracting  it,  its  people  would 
be  more  under  the  influence  of  the  sound  public 
opinion  of  the  Slates.  The  infusion  by  those  win 
come  from  the  Slates  to  fill  ofiices,  and  upon  pub- 
lic business,  would  be  proporlinn.ally  larger,  and 
the  separate  interest  being  smaller,  would  be  lea 
exclusive,  nnd  its  influence  not  only  sni;illcr  b  it 
purer.  In  making  these  remarks,  Mr.  (-'Iiairinan, 
I  trust  that  I  shall  not  be  inisundersi  lod.  I  hope 
no  one  will  consider  me  as  iniciiding,  in  the  small- 
est degree,  to  disparage  the  characii  r  of  the  peo- 
ple of  tills  District.  "Oil  the  conl'.iry,  I  believe 
that  they  will  compare  not  disadv:intiigeouslv  v.itli 
the  same  number  of  people  in  any  of  the  f^laU-i. 
I  trust  that  they  may  conliimc  to  do  so,  but  ibis 
can  only  be  done,  if  at  all,  by  confining  the  Dis- 
trict within  proper  limits,  and  liniiiing  the  lenden- 
cies  towards  an  exclusive,  a  separate  and  dant'ci- 
ous  stale  of  public  opinion  here.  Should  the 
whole  of  this  District  be  kept  tngctlier,  and  should 
it  grow  in  wenlih  nnd  population,  ns  mere  is  reason 
to~expcct,  time  must  evenl".illy  develop  tl-.ese 
effects  of  which  I  have  spoken,  upcm  the  public 
character  of  its  pcop'c,  and  the  nature  of  their  in- 
fluence upon  the  Government. 

If  lam  ri2bl,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  theviews  which 
I  have  taken  in  relation  lo  the  propriety  of  con- 
tracliug  the  area  of  this  District,  there  can  be  no 
doubt,  I  think,  ns  to  the  expediency,  so  far  as  this 

'  Giovernment  is  concerned,  of  returning  Alexan- 
dria to  Virginia.  The  county  of  Alexandria  con- 
tains but  tliirty  square  miles,  nnd  we  should  still 
retain  seventy  square  miles  on  this  side  of  the 
Potomac.  We  should  thus  have  enough,  and  per- 


896 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[May  8, 


2f)Tii  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Retrocession  of  Alexandria — Mr.  Hunter. 


Uo.  OF  Reps. 


hnns  more  Ihnn  cnoiisjli,  for  Oie  public  i;roun(la  nnd 
i)uil(liiii;i>,  niul  I'or  all  tliut  can  be  desired  ill  n  scat 
of  Gdveriimeiil. 

Unt  I  have  said  that  the  transfer  of  Alexandria 
to  Virginia  wnnlil  be  iidvantnEcoiis  Id  the  poriion 
of  llic  l>islri(t  wliieli  we  fdiould  still  retain.  Who- 
ever will  look  into  the  eanses  of  the  iiietVieient  le- 
^i^ilation  for  this  nintricl,  and  become  a('f|uainted 
with  the  divided  Kluteofpnlilic  opinion  here,ninsl, 
1  think,  arrive  at  the  same  eonclnsiiin.  It  is  not 
to  be  concealed  that  there  is,  and  always  has  been, 
a  feeliny;  of  sectional  opposition  between  the  peo- 
ple of  the  two  portions  of  the  Dis'.ric't,  divided  as 
the  Poloniac  divides  them.  Tln^y  live  under  dif- 
ferent codes  of  laws,  one  founded  on  the  Vir;,'inia, 
and  the  other  on  the  Maryland  system  of  laws,  as 
they  existed  at  the  time  of  ('essioi),and  In  addition 
to  this  cause  of  dillVrcnce,  they  have  sliareil  une- 
qually in  the  appropriations.  All  n'lempls  to  har- 
nnnii/e  ihcae  systems  with  each  other,  nave  hith- 
erto failed,  and  Coni;ress  have  not  had  the  lime  or 
means  of  establisliiii!;  n  new  code  which  misht  be 
uniform  and  satisfactory  lo  both.  Local  jealousies 
iiid  divisions  would  have  defeated  the  allempi,  if 
we  could  have  had  the  lime  and  disiuisiiioii  for  the 
work.  The  consequence  is,  tliat  tlie  slate  of  ihe 
laws  in  this  District,  is  disreputable  to  our  Gov- 
ernment. Whoever  leels  an  inleiest  in  this  sub- 
ject, may  find  in  the  report  of  Mr.  Powers  to  the 
House  of  Kepresenlalives  in  1830,  a  description  of 
the  lliiii  existing  state  of  the  laws  (and  I  am  in- 
formed that  ihey  have  been  but  little  amended 
tiiiice)  which  would  be  ludicrous  for  its  stranjje 
contrast  wilh  the  public  senliment  of  the  day,  if  it 
were  not  that  they  alVecled  lhiiij;s  so  sacred  as  the 
lives  and  property  of  our  fellow-briiiirs.  'I'he  same 
report  also  exhibits  the  diiliculty  of  eslnli|lsliiii<; 
laws  which  would  be  sjilisfactory  lo  ihose  for 
whinn  they  were  intended.  A  diffiiully  arising 
in  luirt  from  the  two  diflcrcnt  codes,  which  have 
each  their  advocates,  within  the  Uistrict,  in  a 
comparison  between  the  two.  Letteis  are  pub- 
lished in  this  report  from  many  of  the  most 
intelligent  citizens  of  the  District,  and  none  of 
them  agreed.  >Soine  thonsht  that  great  clmngcs 
ought  to  be  made  in  the  laws;  others  thoiiu'lit  the 
fewer  laws  the  belter;  some  thought  that  there 
should  be  one  uniform  coi!c  lor  the  whole  District; 
others  were  of  opinion  that  there  should  be  two 
codes,  and  that  each  required  revision.  Now,  Mr. 
Chairman,  if  Alexandria  were  relurned  loVirginia, 
we  should  have  but  cme  code  to  attend  to,  and  few- 
er people  and  interests  to  provide  for.  All  would 
be  belter  cared  for,  and,  I  believe,  that  for  the  re- 
maining portion  of  the  District,  we  might  do  all, 
or  nearly  all,  that  is  necessary  lo  be  done. 

Unt,  Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  to  the  people  of  Alex- 
andria that  ihis  measure  is  espei'ially  iinponanl. 
They  have  everything  at  stake,  upoti  it — they  have 
moral,  political,  and  pecuniary  interests,  all  in- 
volved In  it.  h'r(mi  their  connexion  with  us,  they 
have  lost  ])olitical  rights  and  privileges,  and  all  the 
soci/  r.rugress  which  the  exercise  of  these  rights 
can  i;ive.  They  have  thus  lost,  too,  as  they  and  I 
believe,  girat  results  from  the  natural  advantages 
of  their  posiiion.  It  is  commonly  sup|>osed,  I 
know,  that  they  are  compensated  by  local  appro- 
priations fur  the  loss  of  iln'ir  political  franchises. 
D(>es  any  nian  real'y  brlicvfr  thai  public  disburse- 
ments could  com;  •■n>  le  a  people  for  such  a  loss 
as  that  of  ''■^■''•inchist:.  iciU  .'  The  exercise  of  po- 
litical   ,  vhen  aci-itrnpanied  with  responsil>il- 

ily,  1.-,,  as  1  liave  .vaid  bcl'ire,  tin-  highcsi  l^isk,  aial 
the  most  elevating  occup.ition,  in  which  a  luiinaii 
bc'iiig  can  be  engaged.  Deiuivc  a  society  of  ihese 
high  and  noble  springs  (jf  human  a'-lion,  ami  it  is 
ditficult  lo  measure  ihe  cxient  of  the  depressing 
and  demoralizing  innuenci'S  of  such  a  loss.  Ihil 
in  point  of  fact,  liie  appn/prialions  for  Alexandriii 
have  been  less  than  is  ;ie!ierally  si'  pnsed.  It  may 
indeed  be  doubted,  whether  anything  m(U-e  has 
beenappropriatrul  than  she  has  com libuied, directly 
«U'  indirectly,  to  this  Government.  I  hold  in  my 
hand  a  slalenient  of  the  appropriations  to  .'\lexan- 
ilria  by  this  Governnienl,  inadi!  by  an  inleihgeiit 
oilicer  in  ihe  Senate,  who  is  familiar  wilh  such  siili- 
jeets,  by  whi<  h  it  appears,  that  the  (-iiiire  ammint 
Vroin  the  time  of  cession,  up  to  this  dale,  has  been 
f^<.)'j<l,5.'>4.  He  informs  me  that  these  arc  all  the 
iipfiropiiations  of  which  he  knows,  although  ilia 
pdssililc  that  there  may  be  more.  Now,  I  find  in 
thia  report  of  Mr.  Powers,  a  letter  signed  by  Ed. 


I,  Lee,  R.  I.  Tnylor,'and  T'hompflon  F.  Mason —  I 
men  distinguished  for  eliarnctcr  and  inlelligence —  | 
ill  which  it  is  asserted,- that  up  to  that  date,  Alex- 
andria had  contributed  to  Ihe  General  Government, 
from  the  post  office,  from  direct  taxes,  and  diilies,  i 
and  by  advances  made  by  the  banks  during  the 
war,  ft(i(>!),.'i'tO.     This  doe's  not  include  what  they  i 
have  paid  direcilyas  consumers  of  diilinble  goods,  ' 
nor  what  has  occrued  since  that  lime  from  Ihe  post  ' 
office.     But  as  these  advances  were  of  more  ancient 
dale  than  the  heaviest  of  the  Government  appro- 
priations, which   were   for  their  canal,    [   doubt 
whether  a  master  commissioner  would  liring  that 
eily  much  in  debt  to  this  Government,  if  interest 
were  allowed  upon  the  items,  on  both  sides  of  the  ; 
nccmint. 

I  have  said,  sir,  that  in  my  opinion,  she  had 
lost  by  her  connexiim  great  results  frmn  the  nat- 
ural advantages  of  her  position.  Can  any  man 
doubt  iliis,  who  will  compare  what  she  is,  with 
whal  she  miiiht  have  been.'  i  hold  in  my  hand  a 
statement  of  her  exports,  imports,  and  tonnage,  J 
from  which  it  appears  that  nil  have  been  declining 
since  181.").  Her  imports,  which  dnriiig  the  three 
years  from  'IT  lo  'lit  inclii-jive,  averaged  ^.'iliHiHdO, 
have  been  sleadily  and  rapidly  declining  until  now; 
and  in  the  five  years,  from  18-10,  they  have  aver- 
aged but  «,(>8,447. 

Her  population  has  been  nearly  statiimary  since 
18-}0.  These  results  must  have  been  produced  by 
her  separation  from  Virginia,  and  her  connexiim 
wilh  us.  She  was  not  considered  by  the  former 
in  her  system  of  improvemenla,  and  she  was  either 
neglected,  or  injured  by  our  legislation.  One  of  the 
early  arls  of  iliis  Government,  after  the  cession  of 
Alexandria,  was  lo  throw  a  mole  across  from  Ma- 
son 's  Island  to  the  south  bank  of  the  Potomac,  and 
thus  cut  ofl'  the  channel  for  boat  commtinicalion 
between  Alexandria  and  the  water  of  the  upper 
Potomac.  An  intelligent  merchant  of  Alexandria 
told  me  that  from  the  time  that  ihis  was  done,  up 
to  the  completion  of  the  canal,  scarcely  a  boat  was  . 
ever  seen  in  Alexandria  from  the  upper  Potomac. 
Her  system  of  laws  luis  been  utterly  neglected  by 
us.  A  well-informed  lawyer  of  that  place  assures 
me  that  they  are  now  living  under  English  and  V.r- 
ginia  statutes,  which  have  been  long  repealed  in  the 
countries  of  ilieir  origin.  Is  it  not  reasonable  to 
suppose  that  her  condition  would  have  been  far 
dinereiit  if  she  had  never  been  sc|iaratid  from  Vir- 
ginia? She  is  placed  at  perhaps  the  neiii-est  point 
lo  the  Alleglianies,  lo  which  sea-goiin:  ships  of  the 
largest  class  can  ap|iroach  from  llie  Ailnntii-.  If 
she  had  remained  in  Virginia  she  must  have  been 
considered  in  the  system  of  internal  improvements 
in  that  Slale,  and  by  this  lime  it  is  probable  that 
she  would  linvc  commanded  the  trade  of  a  part  of 
ihe  valley  of  northwestern  Virginia,  and  western 
Maryland.  A  large  region,  rich  in  agricultural 
and  mineral  resources,  which  is  now  locked  up,  . 
would  proltably  long  since  have  been  opened  to 
this  jilace  as  its  commercial  dejidl.  Inexliaiistihie  , 
supplies  of  coal  and  iron  destined  lo  be,  perhaps,  ! 
the  cheapest  ill  ihe  world,  and  the  products  of  an 
extensive  and  fertile  agricultural  region,  would 
probably  have  found  an  outlet  t'rom  this  place  to 
the  coast  and  the  ocean.  It  is  not  an  unreasonable 
supposition,  that  by  this  time,  she  would  have  coin- 
maiided  enough  of  this  trade,  if  she  had  not  enirross- 
eil  it,  10  have  been  a  large  and  tlonrishing  place. 
Wilh  the  conima'ul  of  coal  and  iron,  which  she 
will  have  on  the  complelion  of  the  Chesapeake^  and 
Ohio  canal,  together  with  her  fine  water-power,  her 
manufacturing  facilities  would  of  themselves  jusiilV 
the  most  cheering  expectations.  Ilir  aspiration's 
for  a  more  disiant  trade  than  that  of  which  I  have 
been  speaking,  were  not  considered  exlriviiiianl  by 
our  Virginia  statesmen  at  the  time  of  the  cessiini. 
There  is  no  doubt  but  that  General  Washington, 
and  Mr.  Madison,  and  other  distinguished  stales- 
men  of  that  day,  rCL'arded  the  Polonme  nnil  Ohio 
as  the  great  nat'u'-al  line  of  trade  and  iiitercoiirse, 
which  was  lo  coniieci  I'le  easlern  and  western  por-  ' 
lions  of  our  Conl'edera  y.  Mr.  Madison  expressly 
asserted  the  proliabilily,  that  this  was  to  be  the  line 
of  iniercour.se,  in  ihe  debale  as  to  the  place  of  ihe 
seat  of  Govermncnt,  and  advened  lo  sninc  informa- 
tion which  he  had  received  as  lo  the  close  pro'  !:.i- 
ily  of  the  headwaters  of  Ihe  PiUomac  and  Ohio.       \ 

Had  she  remained  an  integral  poriion  of  Vir- 
ginia, it  is  not  exlravaganl  to  believe  that,  by  thia 
time,  she  would  have  been  'he  flourishing  depot  ' 


of  the  commerce  of  the  western  poriion  of  that 
Stale — the  keystone  in  a  great  arch  of  eommerciul 
interests  which  would  bind  easlern  and  western 
Virginia  together — n  common  bond,  perhaps  tlio 
golden  link,  which,  to  a  great  extent,  would  have 
united  the  interests  and  healed  the  divisiona  of  th« 
two  sections  of  llint  Slate, 

If  she  has  fallen  behind  in  the  race,  is  it  sur- 
prising in  her  to  believe  that  it  is  owing,  in  part  at 
least,  to  her  separation  from  Virginia,  and  hereoii- 
iiexion  with  this  District.'  Has  she  had  the  facili- 
ties and  nssisUiiice  which  were  necessary  to  develop 
her  energies  and  resources.' 

Mr.  Chairman,  she  has  been  treated  liken  child 
separated  from  the  natural,  and  neglected  by  the 
foster  mother.  AfYer  a  long  and  hitler  experienco 
of  ihe  fruils  of  n  connexion  with  us,  she  asks  to 
retinn  to  her  ancient  allegiance.  She  asks  to  be 
restored  to  rights  and  privileges,  the  very  names 
of  which  are  sacred  to  American  feeling,  and  dear 
to  every  American  heart.  She  asks  lo  leave  you 
in  one  capacity,  to  return  to  you  in  another  and  u. 
belter.  She  asks  to  leave  you  aa  a  dependant,  and 
lo  return  to  yon  as  an  equal;  to  leave  you  as  a 
subject,  and  come  back  lo  you  as  free;  to  leave 
yini  as  a  burden,  and  return  lo  yon  as  a  siipjiort. 
.'iihe  begs  to  be  permitled  to  return  lo  her  natural 
mother,  from  whom,  in  an  evil  hour,  she  was  sep- 
arated ;  and  she  is  willing  lo  share  in  the  cares, 
the  burdens,  and  responsibilities  of  the  political 
family  to  which  she  will  belong,  if  she  can  parlakc 
also  of  their  (irivileges  and  their  blessings.  iSlie 
begs  you,  in  the  name  of  all  that  is  dear  to  Amer- 
ican feeling,  lo  put  an  end  lo  the  days  when  her 
sons  tread  their  native  soil,  not  like  Aiilntus,  lo 
gather  new  energies  from  the  touch,  but  lo  lose  the 
best  sirength  of  man,  in  losing  the  rights  and 
pi-ivileges  which  add  so  much  to  his  moral  power 
and  his  elevation  in  the  scale  of  intellectual  being. 
.\re  not  these  right  feelings  and  noble  desires? 
Are  not  these  the  aspirations  which  of  all  others 
especially  demand  American  respect  and  enlist 
American  sympathy?  If  we  have  enough  for  a 
seat  of  Goverinneiit,  without  them,  how  can  we 
justify  it  10  our  consciences  lo  refuse  their  request? 

liut  I  am  told  that  this  petition  cannot  be  grant- 
ed without  a  violation  of  llie  Constitution.  I  trust, 
.Mr.  Cliairmaii,  that  I  should  be  amongst  the  last, 
knowingly  to  violate  the  jirovisioiis  or  overstep  the 
limilalioiis  of  ihis  instruinrnt.  I  nm  bonno,  too, 
lo  respect  the  opinion  thus  pronounced,  on  account 
of  the  sources  from  which  it  has  emanated — men 
who.se  characters  and  abililii^s  challenge  all  my 
respect.  The  authorily  of  names,  too,  has  been 
given,  I  know  not  how  justly,  lo  which  I  bow 
wilh  all  the  respect  due  to  superior  inlcllecl,  but 
not  with  submission.  Kor  truth  and  candor  com- 
pel me  lo  declare,  that  I  have  never  met  wilh  a 
conslilulional  objection  which  I  wius  so  Utile  able 
tocom|)reheiid,  lo  realize,  lo  enter  into.  The  po- 
silimis  taken,  if  I  understand  them,  are,  that  the 
power  in  relation  to  selecting  the  seat  of  Govern- 
ment having  been  once  exercised,  is  executed  and 
exhausted;  and  that  even  if  it  were  not  exhausted, 
it  could  not  again  be  exercised,  because  we  have 
no  power  to  transfer  this  District,  or  any  portion 
of  it,  to  the  Suiles,  and  having  already  ten  miles 
square  al  ihis  place,  we  could  not  get  onolher  ter- 
ritory foranolher  seat  of  government,  wilhout  vio- 
lating the  limilalion  which  confines  us  to  the  ten 
miles  sc|nare.  The  provision  of  the  Coiistilulioii 
in  relation  to  Ihis  mailer  is,  Ihal  Congress  shall 
have  power  "  lo  exercise  exclusive  legislation  in 
'  all  cases  whatsoever,  over  such  District,  (not  ex- 
'  ceeding  ten  miles  square,)  as  may  by  cession  of 
'  iiaiticular  Stales, and  the  acceptance  of  Congress, 
'  oecoine  the  seat  of  Government  of  the  United 
'  Slates;  and  lo  ,-xci-cise  like  authority  over  all 
'  places  piircliascd  by  the  consent  of  the  Legisla- 
'  tiirc  ol  the  Slale  in  which  llie  same  shall  be,  for 
'Ihe  'i-eclimi  of  forls,  magazines,  arsenals,  dock 
'yards,  and  oilier  needful  buildings."  Now,  1 
am  lold  tliiit  this  power  in  relalion  lo  the  scat  of 
governmciil,  having  been  once  exercised,  is  exc- 
iiiicd  and  cxhansied.  Hut  why?  It  is  contained 
in  the  long  list  of  emuneraled  powers,  in  the  Hill 
seclinn  of  ihc  Isl  (irticle  of  the  Coiislit'.ilion.  Tliiit 
:"slramenl  docs  not  declare  in  tciins  that  this  power 
whei.  -mce  exercised,  is  execiiled  and  exhausted. 
Nor  is  .here  more  reason  to  supjiose  that  when 
once  exei  iscd  it  is  exhausted,  than  in  the  case  of 
ony  of  the  ither  powers  specified  in  thia  section  of 


I 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


897 


.eps. 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Retrocession  of  Alexandrin — Mr,  Hunter, 


New  Series No.  57. 


llic  Conditutic;'  I  miiflit  bo  told  llint  the  pnwrr 
of  declnrins;  wnr,  when  oni'u  excrcinod  wns  px- 
hnustod.  1  coiihl  not  aUow  thnt  the  Coiislitiilion 
declined  in  terms  thnt  when  onoe  exercised  it 
shoiiUI  not  1)0  considered  ns  exhmiated.  I  could 
only  show  thiit  if  there  was  nny  reiisnn  for  exer- 
cising it  once,  there  were  reasons  for  exereisinp;  it 
more  thnn  once.  So  in  relation  to  the  power  of 
selecting  n  scut  of  government,  it  may  lie  shown, 
tlmt  the  same  reasons  which  exist  for  once  exer- 
cising the  right,  exist  for  using  it  more  than  once. 
Suppose  that  through  mistake  iho  sent  first  selected 
should  have  proved  to  i)e  so  sickly  as  to  he  unsafe 
to  the  oflicers  and  niemhers  of  the  Government: 
will  nny  man  venture  to  say  that  there  ought  not 
to  he  in  Congress  a  power  to  chnngc  the  location 
to  some  more  salulirious  spot.'  Or,  suppo.se  that 
it  had  turned  out  to  he  exposed  to  foreign  invasion, 
and  from  that  cause  an  unsafe  location  for  the 
agents  of  Governmcnl;  will  it  not  licndniiltcd  that 
in  such  an  event  there  ought  lo  he  a  jinwer  In 
change  it.'  Or,  it  might  be,  thara  chanje  in  the 
centre  of  population,  and  the  right  of  the  whole 
Confederacy  to  n  due  share  in  the  facilities  of  in- 
tercourse with  the  metropolis,  would  require  a 
renioval  of  the  seat  of  government:  ought  there  not 
to  he  n  right  in  Congress  to  change  the  seat  of 
government  in  tlmt  contingency?  and  is  there  not 
reason  for  believing  tlmt  the  framers  of  the  Con- 
stitution contemplated  that  very  case?  Mr.  Mad- 
ison, in  the  debates  upon  the  proper  place  for  a 
seat  of  govcrnnieni,  advocated  the  present  location, 
upon  the  ground  that  the  centre  of  population  was 
taking  a  southwestern  direriion.  The  preamble 
to  the  Virginia  act  of  cession  declares  the  conve- 
nience of  access,  from  its  proximity  to  the  centre 
of  pniiulnlinn,  lo  he  the  great  re;\son  for  locating 
the  scatofgovenmienl  where  it  now  is.  Ourfnrc- 
faihers  could  not  and  did  not  fi>rnsee  the  w  i  Vr- 
ful  iinprovenicnls  in  the  facilities  of  inlcrc  ,ursc 
which  have  placed  the  must  distant  parts  of  our 
roufedcracy  in  near  proximity,  n-  ;i|iared  with 
w  hat  they  then  were.  The  histoiy  of  the  day 
shows  that  they  regarded  the  proximity  of  the 
centre  c''  population  as  a  consideration  which 
ought  to  allect  the  location  of  the  seal  of  covern- 
mejit,  and  if  so,  they  must  have  regarded  the  right 
10  change  this  seat  of  government  as  essential  to 


ffinia  Convcniion,  saiil  ihat  Con','iTss  might  lake 
one  sr|imre  mile  or  ten  miles  sipiarc,  ns  they  saw- 
best.     The  quantity  was  within   their  discretion, 
provided  they  diil  not  take  more  than  ten  miles 
square.     I  need  hardly  have  quoted  his  authority 
for  St)  jilain  n  position.    Now,  suppose,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, tliat  they  had  taken  at  first  only  one  sqtiare 
mile,  and  thnt  had   proved  insulfiiient:  will  any 
mnn  doubt  but  Ihnt  ihry  might  have  taken  more 
by  a  subseqttenl  cession,  provided  they  did  not 
exceed   llie  quantity  limited  by  the  Cnnslitutinn? 
If  this  be  true,  woulil  not  the  converse  itievilably 
follow,  that   if  lliey  had   taken   more   than   was 
necessary  for  Ihe  ptu'pnses  of  a  se:U  of  government, 
they  might  relinquish  to  the  ceding  State  or  States  j 
I  the  surplus,  in  accordance  with  the  hiirh  consider- 
I  alions  of  privnie  right  and  pulilic  policy,  to  which 
I  I   have  before  adverted?     If  they  had  taken  less 
than  enough  for  a  seat  of  government,  they  miirht 
acquire  more;  nnd   if  they  had  taken  too  much, 
ihey  might  relinquish  Ihe  surplus,  so  as  to  contract 
the  District  within  the  limits  proper  for  the  end 
conleinplaled  in  the  Constitution. 
i       But  it  is  said  that  this  cannot  be  done,  because 
I  there  is  no  power  in  Coniress  lo  transfer  terrilorv  i 
I  thus  acquired.     Any  assertion  may  be  made,  but  it 
must  be  >iuppnr'ed  by  reason  before  it  can  com- 
t  mand  assent.     Should  a  legilimate  reason  exist  for 
1  changing  or  diminishing  the  site  of  our  exclusive 
!  jurisdiction,  Ihe  power  lo  transfer  it,  in  whole  or 
in  part,  has  been  deriveti  from  various  clauses  in 
the  Constitution.     DifTcrent  minds  as  they  have 
been  trained  in   dilTcrent  schools  of  conslructinn, 
1  have  derived  the  power  of  transfer  from  dilTei'ent 
clauses  in  the  Constitution.     Rome  have  derived 
I  this  ri:jrht  from  the  power  to  dis[iose  of  the  terri- 
■  lory  of  the  United  States,  (2d  clause  3d  section 
4th  article.  Constitution   of  the  United   Slates;) 
'  others  from   the  power  of  exclusive  jurisdiction 
over  this  District;  ami  others  again  have  believed 
lhat  it  would  revert  lo  the  ceding  State  from  the 
i  very  tmlnre  of  ihe  cnnipaci  ns  pro^'ided  for  in  the 
\\  Consiilulion.     My  own  opinir.i  .s,  tlmt  when  the 
'  jurisdi.'lion  of  the  IT*  !    d  Stnte.s  is  removed  from 
Ihe  whole  or  nny  pari,  liml  ii.  re  eris  to  the  ceding 
;  Stale  or  States.     The   tjiiiled   Stales    have   Ihe 
power  lo   take  the   territory  by  cession,  for  the 
|i  purpose  of  a  seat  of  government.     It  is  fiu' this 
ju.stice  and   the   harmony   of  our  people.      But  |'  purpose  tlmt  the  TTnited  Slates  have  power  lo  hold 
there  are  other  considerations  which  dettionstrale  \\  it,  nnd  it  is  for  this  conai'ierntion   thnt  the  States 


this  position  still  more  clearly.  The  powers  in 
relation  to  the  scat  of  governtncnt  nnd  forts,  arsc- 
ne's,  and  dock-yards,  i;re  contained  in  the  same 
eluuse  of  the  Constitution,  nnd  couched  in  Ihesnme 
terms.  No  one  has  ever  pretended  thnt  the  power 
in  relation  to  fm-ts  nnd  nrsenal.!,  when  once  exer- 
cised, was  exhausted,  or  tlmt  there  was  no  right 
to  recede  the  site  of  a  fort  to  n  State,  when  it  hati 
been  once  taken  nnd  found  lo  he  useless.  Such 
an  idea  is  repudiated,  not  only  by  its  manifest  ab- 
surdity, but  by  the  constant  prnrlicc  of  the  Gov- 
eriiincnt.  Now,  it  is  obvious  that  the  same  rensons 
and  the  same  construction  apply  to  hothca-'ses. 

If,  then,  Cinigress  has  the  right  to  remove  the 
seat  of  govermuent  and  of  exclusive  jurisdiction, 
may  it  not,  for  considerntiojis  connected  with  the 
jiurposes  of  a  seat  of  governtncnt,  change  the 
limits  of  the  District  thus  set  apart,  ns  well  a.s 
remove  it?  If  it  can  retnovc  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment from  this  place  to  the  Mississippi,  may  it 
not  remove  the  limits  of  its  exclusive  jurisdiction 
from  tlie  southern  Ijoundary  of  Alexandria  county 
to  the  banks  of  the  I'otonmc?  If  they  have  the 
m.ajor,  the  minor  must  be  included. 

Uut,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  admit,  fornrgument's 
sake,  that  the  Constitution  had  expressly  required 
the  seat  of  government  to  be  permanent  when  once 
located — I  sny  for  argument's  sake,  because  I  be- 
lieve, ns  Mr.  Madison  must  have  believed,  when 
he  moved  to  strike  out  the  word  permanent  from 
theacteslaldishingthesent  of  government,  because 
it  was  nowhere  to  be  found  in  the  Consiilulion- 


have  ceded  it.     When  it  ceases  lo  be  Ihe  seal  of 

'  gnvernment,  the  rijht  of  the  Un.led  Stales  to  hold 

;  it  has  terminated,  and   the   consideration   of  the 

j  cession  has  failed.     Unon  any  fair  construction  of 

]  the  Constitution,  or  ol'  the  comp.act,  it  must  then 

I  revert  to  the  ceding  Stale  or  Stales.     The  right  of 

\  the  United  Stales  is  delermincd  when  it  ceases  lo 

I  lie  the  seat  of  government.     This  construction  is 

I  strengthetied  by  another  consideration.     If  Con- 

j  gress  has  the  right  lo  remove  the  seal  of  govern- 

\  meni  ns  I  have   maintained  nnd  believe,  it  was 

.  manifestly  proper  lhat  they  should  be  enabled  to 

i  exercise    this   right  without   the    consent  of  any 

\  Stale,  and   especially  of  those  which  surrounded 

Ihe  sent  of  government.     I  S|iccify  Ihosesurround- 

!  ing  the  sent  of  government,  becnuse  it  is  improba- 

i  ble  that  they  would  ever  consent  to  nny  act  neces- 

snry  for  the  removal  of  the  seat  of  irovernment, 

if  their  assent  were  indispengnble.     Their  interests 

]  would  tempt  them  to  refuse  their  nsscnt.     If  the 

I  Consiilulion  contemplated  a  recession  of  the  Dis- 

j  trict  to  the  ceding  .States,  in  the  event  of  a  removal 

;  oP  the  seal  of  government,  then   it  could  remove 

]  this  seat  wilhont  a  depemlence  upon  any  will  but 

I  their  own — a  high  consideration   of  convenience, 

]  which  must  have  been  conlemiilaled,  if  the  power 

of  retiioval  was  desi;xned  to  be  given.     Hut  if  the 

terriiory  could    onh'  be    transferred    by  cession, 

under  the  power  of  "(/isjiosifion,"  then  Ihe  assent 

of  sttme  other  government  would  be  necessary; 

and,  upon  every  principle  of  fair  construction  of 

the  compact,  the  assent  of  the  ceding  States  would 


suppose,  then,  that  the  word  permanent  had  been  j   be  requisite.     The  ceding  States  woidd  scarcely 


thus  applied   lo   the  seat  of  government  in   the 
Constitution:  I  should  still  maintain  thnt  we  had  j 
Ihe  right  to  diminish  the  limits  of  our  exclusive  1 
jurisdiction,  within  less  than  ten  miles  square,  if  i 
less  should  prove  to  be  sufficient  for  the  purposes 
of  a  sent  of  government.     The  Constitution  pro- 
vides that  the  territory  ceded  for  this  purpose  shall 
not  exceed  ten  miles  square.     Mr.  Madison,  in  the 
debates  upon  the  Federal  Consutution  in  the  Vir- 

d7 


nsseni,  nnd  the  nitempt  lo  coerce  them,  by  trans 
ferring  the  territory  to  oilier  Sinles,  not  contiguous, 
would  be  attended  with  the  most  serious  difiicnliies. 
We  ennnot  hold  more  than  ten  miles  square  for  a 
sent  of  government,  under  the  Conslilittion.  We 
now  hold  that  quantity,  nnd  we  could  not  ncquire 
anolher  inch  for  tlmt  purpose,  unless  we  could 
transfer  the  whole  or  n  portion  of  that  which  we 
now  have. 


If  we  suppose  lhat  upon  the  withdrawal  of  our 
exclusive  jurisdiction  from  nny  portion  of  this 
District,  it  reverts  to  the  ceding  State,  then  we  may 
exercise  the  power  of  removing  the  sent  of  gov- 
ernment, if  it  exists  at  all,  iiulependently  of  any 
will  but  our  own,  Imt  otherwise  we  must  he  de- 
pendant U|ion  that  of  Slate  Uovcrnmcnis,  which 
would  proiiably  refuse.  Now,  if  the  power  exists, 
ns  I  think  is  demonstrable,  it  must  iinve  been  in- 
tended thnt  lis  exercise  should  be  dependant  upon 
the  will  of  Congress  nione.  Thi.s  intention  can 
only  be  nllained  by  the  supposition,  thnt  in  the 
event  of  a  removal  of  the  seat  of  govertimcnt,  the 
District  would  levcrt  to  the  ceding  Slate.  Still, 
Mr.  Chnirmau,  I  nm  nwa.e  that  there  is  a  dilTer- 
ence  of  opinion  as  to  Ihe  clause  in  the  Constitu- 
tion, from  which  the  power  of  transfer  is  derived. 
To  meet  this  diirerence  of  opinion,  more  than  one 
term  of  conveyance  is  used  in  the  bill.  As  in  deeds 
nt  common  law,  more  than  one  word  of  convey- 
ance is  used,  so  ns  to  be  certain  of  using  that 
which  is  precise,  technical,  nnd  jiroper,  so  this  bill 
proposes  to  "  ceilc,  nnd  relinquish,"  so  ns  to  meet 
all  the  different  views  ns  to  the  power  underwhich 
we  convey. 

lint,  Mr.  Chairman,  it  has  been  said  thnt  the 
retrocession  of  Alexandria  to  Virginia,  would  be  a 
violation  of  compact.  How  can  this  be,  if  we 
have  the  assent  of  all  the  parties  to  thnt  compact? 
The  act  of  cession  was  a  compact  between  the 
United  Stales  and  Virginia.  These  were  the  only 
parlies.  Now  we  do  not  propose  to  recede  except 
with  the  assent  of  Virginia,  the  United  Stales,  nnd 
the  people  of  .llexandria  themselves.  If  then, there 
be  no  objection  to  this  bill,  arising  from  the  Con- 
stilulioni  or  the  compact  of  cession,  chn  any  man 
oppose  it  upon  considerations  of  expediency?  If 
j  Congress  holds  an  exclusive  jurisdiction  over  nny 
portion  of  the  country  which  is  not  needed,  tor  the 
1  purpose  of  a  seat  of  government,  do  they  not  owe 
I  It  to  justice,  lo  policy,  to  patriotism,  lo  every 
Ameriean  feeling,  to  !•  -lore  the  political  riglils  of 
tlio.-e,  who,  without  nccessily,  are  now  deprived 
;  of  them.  Virginia  is  ready  to  receive  those  peo- 
i  pie  back  into  her  bosom,  nnd  they  nre  ready  nnd 
1  nnximis  to  return.  They  desire  to  enjoy  the  rights 
!  of  men,  the  privileges  of  freemen.  Onn  an  Amer- 
(  icati  Congress  fail  to  respect  such  n  feeling?  Will 
!  they  not  use  every  proper  opportunity  lo  encour- 
i  age  and  gratify  it?  Do  not  our  sympathies  follow 
I  such  aspirations,  even  to  the  most  distant  lands? 
I  And  who,  sir,  nre  these,  who  now  ask  this  sacred 
!  boon  at  our  hands  ?  Arc  they  aliens  to  our  blood, 
!  or  strangers  to  our  tongue?  Or  nre  they  not  our 
'\  breihren  to  whom  we  nre  bound  by  nil  the  ties  of 
il  kindred,  of  a  common  language  nnd  descent,  of 
■  ciuiimon  nnd  kindly  associaiions,  nnd  of  common 

I  inlerests,  hopes  and  aspirations?    Nay,  more,  sir, 
are  they  not  bound  to  us  by  a  still  nearer  tie  ? 

!  Have  they  not,  like  political  orphans,  been  com- 
i  milled  to  our  peculiar  care  and  guardianship?  And 
;i  how,  sir,  have  we  discharged  the  trust?  Go  look 
jl  to  her  declining  commerce,  her  deserted  buildings, 
i  nnd  her  nlmost  forsaken  hnrbnr!  Look  to  the 
wnsle  of  natural  ndvanlngcs  nnd  opportunities  in 
!!  that  town,  sulVcring  not  frtun  the  blight  of  God, 
i|  but  the  neglect  of  man.  Look  to  her  slalule  book, 
ii  cumbered  ns  it  is  with  the  remninsof  an  nntiqunled 
i  legislation,  nowhc-o  else  to  be  found  ir  the  world: 
a  legislation  which  seems  to  have  been  -uriously 
!  contrived  to  keep  these  people  stationary  as  a  fi.xed 
i  point,  from  which  '  e  could  estimate  the  progress 
of  Ihe  residue  of  mankind.  Look,  sir,  to  her  emi- 
:  grating  sons,  shaking  the  dust  from  their  feet,  on 
j  Ihe  paternal  threshold,  not  because  the  rtiansion  is 
M  inhospiiclile,  but  because  they  camiot  enjoy  within 
.  il,  Ihe  rights  of  men  or  the  privileges  of  freemen. 
\\  Year  by  year,  nnd  day  by  day,  they  are  leaving 
il  the  home  of  their  youth,  because  it  is  a  scene  of 
l'  death  to  the  i.olilest  of  human  aspirations,  to  seek 
:  in  other  lands,  a  free  competition  for  those  prizes 
:  which  are  awiirded  to  the  uiastery  in  the  struggles 
:i  of  life.  Mr.  Chairman,  1  do  not  pretend  to  hold 
j '  this  Government  responsible  for  this  state  of  things. 

II  It  resulted  in  part  from  circumstances,  beyond  our 
ii  control;  from  her  separation  from  Virginia,  from 
ij  the  nature  of  our  exclusive  jurisdiction  with  its 
I!  nltendant  disabilities;  and  from  our  inability  to 
Ii  bestow  the  neces.sary  attention,  not  only  to  the 
i  alVairs  of  the  Confederacy,  but  to  the  various  in- 
terests of  this  District.     Still  I  fear  thnt  we  have 

II  not  done  all  that  might  have,  been  done  for  tlioae, 


898 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Aug.  10, 


29th  C":;,'j 1st  Sess. 

who  depend  upon  us  for  the  iieceuary  cnre  which 
this  Government  nUine  can  bestow.  >Irrptnfore 
wo  Imve  not  been  enljrely  to  bbinie;  but  if  wc  it- 
fuse  to  restore  Ihesc  people  to  political  rights  nnd 
the  paternal  Inws  of  a  State  Goveriunent,  we  nIkiII 
be  responsible  for  all  that  Ihey  have  miilcreil  or  are 
yet  destined  lo  endnre.  In  Bpeaking  th  's  freely. 
Mr.  Chairman,  I  speak  for  myself,  and  ni  Ubr  llie 
people  of  Ali'xnndrin.  I  have  never  heard  them 
speak  in  terms  of  cuniplaiiit  or  reproach  ns^aijist 
this  body.  They  appreciate  the  diiliciillies  under 
which  wc  are  placed,  and  they  are  gratcfnl  for 
every  kindly  disposition  which  has  been  manifest- 
ed towards  them.  I  speak  for  myself,  because  I  iim 
a  member  of  this  body,  and  I  takeandl  share  of  the 
blame  and  responsiliifity.  Ihitllic  occusii>n  has  now 
offered,  and  1  wish  to  rid  myself  of  the  sin  of  hold- 
ing them  in  their  present  condition,  by  voting  for 
this  bill.  I  say  from  the  sin,  for  it  is  a  sin,  lo  re- 
tain them  unnecessarily  in  lliis  siatcof  miasi  bond- 
Bjre.  Let  us,  then,  restore  llicm  lo  Viri;inia,  lo 
their  political  rishls  and  |>riviU£;es,  and  awaken  In 
them  ihe  enerjiies  of  freemen.  Let  us  pass  this 
bill,  and  neiihcr  you  nor  lliey  will  ever  repeal  of 
it;  but,  on  the  coplrary,  you  will  receive  for  it  the 
blessings,  not  only  of  themselves,  but  of  Ihcir  most 
distant  posterity. 

FRENCH  SPOLIATIONS. 

SPEECH   OF~MR.  BENTON, 

OF  Missotni, 

In  the  Sf.nate,  .liigmt  10,  184G. 

On  the  Message  of  the  President  reluming  the  hill 

providing  for  the  payment  of  chiims  for  French 

sjiolialions  prior  to  18U0,  with  bis  ohjeclions. 

Mr.  BENTON  said:  This  nicssase  rests  on  a 
principle  older  and  ilcepcr  than  ihe  (.'ouslilnliou  of 
the  United  Stales,  or  of  any  constitution  Ihal  ever 
existed  in  ibe  work'.,     'tresis  on  n  principle  which  , 
lies  at   the  foundalinn  . '"  the  Social  Syslenunnd 
without  which  noconnnniiiiy  could  ixisl.     Jt  resls  ' 
on  the  principle  that  every  commnuily,  while  owing 
protection  to  each  of  it  smembers,  is  the  Jue'ge  of 
the  measure  and  degree  of  proleciion  which  it  owes;  . 
and  that  in  no  ease  is  the  whole  comimniiiy  ever 
bound  to  ruin  or  sacrifice  iL-icIf  for  ihe  salie  of  a 
part.     This  is  the  principle  on  which  ibis  veto 
message  rests.     On  the  oiher  hand,  the  bill  ihus 
disapproved  by  the  President,  resls  upon  the  con-  j 
verse  of  that  principle,  and  is  botiomed  on  the 
assumption   that   the    community   owi^s  absolute 
protection  to  each  of  its  nicmbers,  and  must  obtain 
redress  for  them  for  every  foreii;n   injury,  or  pay 
the  damage  itself;  and  the  oblicalion  to  pay  llie.se 
damajres  will  descend  from  generalion  lo  genera- 
tion uniil  payment  is  iniule.     This  is  a  false  and 
ruinous  principle,  unknown  lo  any  cominunilv  in 
any  ose  of  the  world;  and  now,  for  the  first  time, 
formally  and  perseverinu-ly  prcs.sed  upon  the  bead  of 
any  government.     President  Polk  is  ihe  first  Clilef  ' 
Magistrate  of  any  nation  that  has  had  an  oppor- 
tunity to  vindicate  a  fundamenlal  principle  of  the 
Social  Compact,  thus  vitally  assailed;  and  he  has 
done  It  in  n  way  to  arrest  the  evil,  mid  to  arouse 
the  atienlion  of  the  country.     The  events  of  this 
day  will  open  a  new  chapler  in  the  science  of  gov- 
ernment,and  in  the  annals  of  leL'islation,and  open 
a  question  of  profound    depth.     Ordinary  pi-inci-  ■ 
pies  of  legislation  have  no  relation  lo  ii.     Consti- 
tutional l.w,  deep  as  it  is,  is  too  shallow  lo  'each  { 
it:  the  philosophy  of  government  is  alone  ndcipiatc  ; 
lo  ils  solution:  and   in  coming  to  ils  consideiaiion 
every  Senator  must  carry  himself  back  lo  the  origin 
of  Society — to  the  inslilulion  of  ihe  Social  .Syslem 
— and  look  deep  into  ihc  fundamenlal  principles  | 
upon  which  Society  is  formed. 

In  a  stale  of  nature,  every  man  is  the  protector  of 
his  own  person  and  property,  and  the  judge  and 
avengerofhisown  wrongs.  When  he  comes  into  so    , 
ciety,  Ihe  communily  becomes  his  protector,  judije, 
and  avenger.     For  his  protection  at  home,  they 
establish  Ufxa,  set  up  courts  of  justice,  and  appoint 
judges  and  officers.    Forhisproieclionabroad,lliey  i 
form  treaties,  send  out  minislers,  appoint  consuls,  '. 
and  distribute  ships  of  war  over  the  ocean.     In  the  | 
ease  of  a  foreign  injury,  they  demand  redres  :  in  I 
extraordinary  cases,  they  g<)  to  war.     IJut,  in  all  : 
these  cases,  the  community  becomes  the  judge,  as 
well  as  the  instrument,  of  his  redress.     Jt  judges,  ' 


French  SpoHntions — Mr.  Benton. 


Senate. 


in  the  first  place,  whether  he  in  entitled  to  any 
redress  at  all;  and,  in  the  ease  of  a  foreign  Povser, 
(for  I  come  nt  once  to  the  point,  in  order  to  avoid 
an  essay  on  the  general  principles  of  the  Social 
Compact,)  that  question  being  decided  in  his  favor, 
the  mode  and  degree  of  the  protection  or  redress 
which  Ihe  case  reipiires  becomes  the  next  consid- 
eration. A  simple  dem'  nd  for  redress  is  the  first 
step.  A  deninnd,  Imcked  by  preparations  for  war, 
where  the  injury  is  large, c.cmies  next.  Qi(n.it  war, 
that  is  to  .say,  alirogation  of  treaties,  cessation  of 
inlcrroursp,  exclusion  from  ports,  letlera  of  marque 
and  rcjirisal,  a  hostile  attitude,  is  the  next  step. 
All  these  failing,  open  and  actual  wor  takes  place. 
lint,  in  all  these  steps,  the  communily  is  the  judge, 
both  of  what  Ihe  case  requires,  and  of  what  ilscif 
will  do;  and,  in  every  slagc  of  the  process,  it  is 
compelent  for  ihc  communily  lo  slop  and  say,  we 
have  done  enough.  The  whole  communily  are 
not  bound  to  strnirgle  forever,  or  to  fight  forever, 
to  obtain  redress  for  any  of  ils  members.  They 
have  .a  riijhl  lo  their  own  jieace  and  happiness; 
and  when  they  have  done  enough,  they  may  say 
so,  and  quit.  Old  injuries  may  be  given  \ip,  with 
or  wilhout  cnnsidi ration.  Old  scores  inoy  be 
rubbed  out;  and  what  the  community  does,  is  final 
and  conclusive.  The  unredressed  members  pocket 
Iheir  loss:  the  community  al.so  pockcis  ils  loss  in 
the  Inxes  it  has  paid,  llie  debt  it  has  created,  and 
the  citizens  it  has  lost  in  war.  There  is  loss  all 
round;  and  upon  no  principle  can  ihc  community 
become  insurer  or  indcnniificr  in  any  case.  The 
iiiiured  individuals  have  bad  the  benefit  of  ihe 
social  system.  The  strong  arm  of  the  whole  com- 
munity has  been  strelchcd  forih  for  him  ;  and  it  is 
not  for  his  passions  or  .self-interest  to  snv  when 
llial  arm  should  be  withdrawn.  If  olliervvise,  an 
individual,  in  joining  a  conininnity,  becomes  ils 
master,  nol  ils  member.  If  llie  whole  are  bound 
to  siruiri'e  and  fi;;ht  fm-  one  until  be  has  oblnincd 
redress,  or  pay  ihe  damages  Ihemselves,  then  llie 
whole  cominiimly  arc  put  at  ihe  mercy  of  each 
member;  juid  interminable  wars,  or  ruinous  ns- 
siimpliniiH  of  I'amaircs  furfiireign  injuries,  become 
the  only  allcrnaiives.  Such  allernalives  would 
overload  the  communily;  they  would  break  it 
down  under  wars  and  debts;  they  would  dissolve 
it;  and,  iherefore,such  principles  have  never  been 
admilled.  To  give  proieciicni  as  far  as  is  con- 
venient and  proper;  to  surrender  and  abandon 
what  is  unallainalile;  to  make  peace  when  war  is 
unavailin?,  m  loo  burdensome;  lo  forgive  and  for- 
?ct,  and  eaeh  to  pocket  his  own  share  of  the  loss: 
these  are  llie  principles  of  the  Social  Compact;  and 
bv  these  alone  can  any  communily  exist. 

These  are  the  principles  on  vvliich  men  form 
themselves  into  communily;  they  are  the  princi- 
ples on  which  our  own  communily  rests;  and  now 
let  us  apply  ihem  lo  the  present  case,  and  see  what 
richt  these  claimants  have  lo  demand  five  millions 
of  dollars  from  the  iiresniit  generation. 

The  injuries  lo  our  conuuerce,  for  Ihe  satisfac- 
tion of  which  ihis  bill  ]irovides,  commenced  in  the 
year  1793,  with  the  commencement  of  the  war  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  France,  and  continued 
till  the  treaty  with  the  First  Consul,  siTned  on  the 
Sthh  of  Sepl'ember,  in  the  year  18(10.  Seven  years 
were  the  period  of  these  ''epredalions;  and  seven 
years  of  more  extraordinary  i-.\e.  lions  for  the  pro- 
ieclion  of  ils  citizens  were  never  made  in  any  coun- 
try. All  ihe  means  of  protection  were  re-sorled 
to — embassies — military  and  naval  preparalion-s — 
taxes — loans — letters  of  marque  and  reprisals — 
convoy  to  merchant  ship.s — exclusion  of  French 
vessels  from  our  porl.s — a  non-intercourse  with 
France — ihc  condemnation  of  her  vessels — retalia- 
tion upon  her  citizens,  &c.  And,  in  llie  monlh  of 
July,  1798,  Congress  cut  the  last  cord  of  friendly 
inlerconrsn  with  France  by  pessing  a  .solemn  aci, 
abroiraling  all  our  treaties  with  her,  and  placed 
lire  two  countries  in  a  slate  of  actual  hostilities. 
The  famous  combat  of  Caplain  Truxtnn,  in  the 
TIniled  Stales  frigate  Constellation,  with  Ihe  French 
frigate  ///asioxm/f ,  was  one  of  the  fruits  of  that 
war,  and  allhongh  the  most  signal,  was  by  no 
means  Ihe  only  instance  of  fierce  and  bloody  col- 
lision belween  the  Flench  and  Americans  of  that 
day.  Besides  the  extraordinary  embassies,  the 
military  and  naval  preparation.s — the  loans  and 
taxes — were  immense,  and  almost  incredible  for  a 
young  nation  of  five  millions  of  people.  Between 
the   year  179.1  and   the   complete   restoration  of 


friendnhip  with  France  In  the  spring  of  1801,  tho 
appropriations  for  tho  army  were  nl  ovc  twenty 
millions  of  dollar.s — those  for  Ihe  navy  exceeded 
fifteen  millions — the  authorized  loans  were  above 
twenty-five  millions  of  dollars — duties  on  imports! 
were  increased — direct  taxes  were  laid — the  stamp 
act  and  excise  made  their  appearance  among  us. 
The  slalutc  book,  from  1)3  to  March  4,  1801,  is 
thickly  sprinkled  over  with  acts  for  these  taxes, 
loans,  and  appropriations;  nor  did   they  remain 
dead  letters  upon  the  book.    The  taxes  were  col- 
lected— slii|is  of  war  were  built — the  regular  army 
was  augmented — ii  provisional  army  of  tei.  ihou- 
saiid   men  was   raised — Washington   was   called 
jl  from  his  retreat  to  lake  the  conininnd — ships  of 
I;  war  convoyed  the  merchantman.     At  home,  the 
!'  lax-galhcrer  entered  every  house — the  exciseman 
'j  was  abroad — the  siamp-niaslcr  retailed  his  Mule 
|,  bits  of  paper — no  contract  between  man  and  m:ui 
■   was  good  for  more  than  twenly  dollars,  unless  on 
j!  taxed  paper.     S§ch  were  the  burdens  which  nnr 
j;  fathers  bore  for  seven  long  years  lo  protect  these 
:i  claimanls,  or  procure  redress  for  them;  expenses 
I'  and  eiforls  almost  incredible  in  a  young  nation  of 
i   five  millions  of  people,  and  which,  to  be  equalled 
i!  by  onr  present  population,  in  any  similar  emcr- 
'  gency,  wmild  require  every  item  of  expeii.se  or 
1   exertion  to  be  multiplied  by  four!    After  all — with 
j   all  the  duties  on  imports  increased,  and  with  all 
i   the  resources  of  excise,  direct  taxes,  and  stamp 
\  act — the  expenses  of  these  extraordinary  excrlion.s 
were  not  nut!    A  large  debt  was  created,  much  of 
it  bearing  eight  per  cent,  inlcresi,  and  the  burdi  r, 
of  wbicli,  both  principal  and  interest,  fell  on  pos- 
:   tcrity ! 

[•  Nor  did  Iheir  exertions  stop  here.  From  the 
1  beginning,  diplomacy  was  at  work.  Gouverncuc 
Morris  and  Mr.  Monroe  were  the  first  Minislers. 
!  In  1797,anexlraordiiiary  luission  of  three  most  dis- 
I  tinguishcd  citizens  (Marshall,  Gerry,  and  Pinck- 
i|  ney)  was  sent  mil,  and  their  repulse  and  return 
was  Ihe  signal  for  the  formal  abrogation  of  nil  our 
I  Irenlies  with  France,  and  for  the  actual  commencc- 
i  inent  of  hostilities.  In  IHOO  another  extraordinary 
ji  mission  wasscntout,  (Kllswnrth,  navie,and  Mur- 
i'  ray:)  and  by  this  mission  the  treaty  of  September, 
i  1800,  was  formed ;  from  which  jieriod  these  parlies 
;  dale  their  claim  upon  the  Government — witn  how 
much  reason,  let  the  fads  staled,  and  those  to  be 
i  slated,  reply.  In  this  convention  of  18(X),  the  Gov- 
( riiment  exhausled  Ihc  resources  of  negciialion  to 
olilain  redress  for  ils  injured  cilizens;  and  not  wiih- 
oi.t  '  ■'  material  success.  In  the  first  place,  it 
treat>  .ilh  ihe  French  Government,  (Bnimaparlo 
being  First  Consul,)  not  on  lliebasisof  war,  which 
actually  existed,  but  on  lliebasisof  existing  peace; 
and  by  that  means  saved  all  the  captures  and  dep- 
redations from  the  year  1798,  for  scttlenienl  and 
reparation,  by  classing  them  with  the  unlawful 
acts  in  time  of  peace,  lo  be  atoned  for,  instead  of 
Ihe  lawful  operations  of  war,  which  left  no  Claim 
for  reparation  behind.  In  the  next  place,  in  saving 
from  condemnation  all  the  American  ships  then 
undercapturc,  and  uncondemned;  in  the  third  jdace, 
in  providing  fin'  the  payment  of  Frcncti  debts  to 
the  cilizens  of  the  United  Slates;  and  lastly,  above 
all,  in  procuring  a  cessation  of  the  sciz.ure  and  coii- 
deinnatioii  of  our  vessels,  and  in  giving  security  to 
our  commerce  for  the  future.  The  value  of  these 
stipalalions  for  the  relense  of  uncondemned  vessels, 
and  for  debts,  was  afterwards  computed  at  twenty 
millions  of  francs,  (about  three  and  three-ciuartcr 
millions  of  dollars,)  and  that  sum  was  actually  paid 
to  the  claimanls  under  the  Louisiana  treaty,  out  of 
the -sum  of  eighty  millions  of  francs  stipulated  for  the 
purchase  of  that  colony.  Thus,  in  addition  to  all 
the  expenses  incurred  in  military  and  naval  |lrcp- 
aralions  for  the  protection  of  these  claims,  a  sum 
of  near  fmir  millions  of  dollars  was  nctunlly  gained 
for  lliem  by  iicgolintion,  and  all  seizures  and  coii- 
demnalions  slopped.  And  this  was  the  actual  close 
of  the  whole  business;  for  a  further  sli|  nlation  in 
the  second  article  of  the  same  convention,  stipula- 
ting to  negotiate  further,  at  a  convenient  time,  apnii 
the  three  Ircaties  of  1778,  and  also  upon  the  in- 
demnities due,  or  claimed,  and  in  the  meantime 
that  the  said  treaties  of  1778  should  have  no  oper- 
ation, and  the  commerce  of  the  two  countries  should 
be  resumed:  this  stipulation  for  a  ftilure  ncgolia- 
tion,  at  a  con\enient  time,  and  in  the  mean  time  to 
consider  Ihe  three  old  treaties  as  dead,  and  com- 
merce to  begin  again  on  the  most  friendly  fooling: 


18:'6.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


899 


29th  Cong Ist  Skbs. 

I  Riy  thin  slipulatinn,  and  cotempnrary  hixtnry, 
m  wHI  n»  the  hisloiy  of  lh(!  rieniKiiiiiun  ilscIT,  and 
llio  vnirui!  «imI  inilrrtiiili!  terms  cif  the  prniiilsu  to 
ti'i'iU  I'urlhrr,  WM»  iinthiiiK  '»>(  tli"  <lipli>iimtiu  inoilfl 
nf  ilmppinsl'iireverthe  whohMifiheiewrved  items! 
Aim!  this  seiisi;  of  tho  rlituai;,  nii  iippnrent  in  ilH 
f.ire — MO  olivious  in  tho  tnnnr  of  the  ne!;ntiiitions — 
ivns  innncdiately  «fii;r,  imd  in  thu  very  fiict  of  the 
riitirii^iiri{>M  of  the  cnnvi'nlion — nin(hi  dofinilive  und 
nliDiilulc  l)y  the  two  Govenirnpnls.  Tlie  Anieri- 
c'liii  Siimic  rcl'iiscil  to  uilvisc.  iliu  raiificiitinn  of  tliin 
Bi'cond  article,  und  alnicJt  it  from  the  treitty.  Tlie 
rirst  Consnl  ni;reed  to  this  rxpnnijin;^  of  that  nrti- 
ile,  npnn  condition  thiitiilUliiiprel('nsi(ni»i  founded 
npim  the  fonr  reserved  items  slniuld  l>e  rccipro- 
ciilly  i-cnouni'cd  liy  tlic  two  rations.  The  Ameri- 
ciin  Senate  ii<<;reed  to  lliis  eondilion;  and  tlius  the 
(iriieir;  toolt,  openly  and  expressly,  in  llie  ratifica- 
tion, the  ehariieier  which  it  ohviously  possessed  in 
the  treaty  as  first  Hi;reed  upon.  Uenuiieiation  of 
nil  claims  on  either  sidi^  and  Alture  trade  and 
friendship  on  the  fooiin;;  of  the  most  favored  na- 
tion, was  the  iltsigti  of  the  arti<le  as  drawn,  ami  its 
tkcliimlion  an  ratified.  This  cojivention  was  ne^'O- 
Ijatcd  under  the  Presidency  of  Mr.  John  Adams: 
tlie  ratifications  were  concluded  under  that  of  Mr. 
Jclferson;  so  that  the  two  Administrations  were  of 
accord  in  the  termination  of  these  long-standing 
dillicultics  with  the  French  Hepuhlic. 

Tims,  tht^  Society — the  community — the  whole 
holly  of  the  citi/.et's  of  the  United  .Stjitea — Imd  ac- 
quitted themselves  of  all  their  ohlis;ations  and  duties 
Inwards  the  memliers  of  their  liody  who  h.iil  htcn 
injured  by  French  depreilaliims  upcni  their  com- 
merce. Tliev  had  done  every  thin;;  wliieli  the  prin- 
f  iplcs  of  till-  Social  Compact  rerpiired.  They  had 
pursued  their  claims  U)  the  extrtiinity  of  actual  hos- 
tilities, and  at  a  Cf>st  ten  or  twenty  tinuis  the 
amount  now  demanded.  Failing  to  oljiaiii  redress 
i)y  force,  they  tried  negotiatiim  airitin — saved  near 
four  millions  of  dollai's  to  tlie  claimants  tor  past 
losses,  slopped  the  nondi'mnations  which  were  go- 
ing on,  and  secured  themajainst future  loss.  Tlie 
convention  of  IHOI)  put  an  eiul  to  the  seizure  of  our 
ships  under  the  decree <  of  the  French  revolution- 
ary govermuenl.f,  and  again  gave  security  to  our 
commerce  from  that  ccumtry.  This  was  a  great 
ohjecl  gained  to  the  commercial  cimimunity,  und 
one  of  the  chief  ends  of  the  Social  Compact.  To 
protect  its  nicml)erM  from  injury,  is  tlie  first  duty 
of  the  .Society:  to  redress  their  Hron'^'S,  cu'  avenge 
them,  is  the  second  duty:  to  ohtaiii  security  for  the 
future,  the  third  duty.  In  each  of  these  fmms  did 
the  Society,  of  which  our  fathers  were  the  fimnd- 
ers,  acquit  themselves  of  their  oliligatinns  to  the 
inemlicrs  of  the  community  injureil  in  the  time  of 
Washington  and  Adams — injured  liy  a  foreign 
I'owor  fifty  years  ago.  Tlu^y  did  an  immensity 
for  their  protection  and  redress.  They  went  the 
length  of  actual  lioslilities.  Nothing  remained 
when  the  treaty  of  1800  was  signed,  hut  to  ri:- 
uounce  the  claims — to  renounce  all  suhjects  of  dil*- 
ference  with  France — orgo  to  war  with  liuonaparle. 
Does  any  one  helicve  that  we  could  have  made 
hiin  (lay  these  claims  by  going  to  v^ar  with  him.' 
Was  it  wiser  to  nil/  out  and  begin  again — tjike  near 
four  millio.is,  which  we  got,  and  reeonimence  trade 
in  safely  and  security — or  go  on  with  our  war  pre- 
parations of  fleets  andarmie.-<,  loans  and  taxes,  and 
take  the  elmnce  of  vunquisliiiig  Ihionaparle,  and 
compelling  him  to  pay  five  millions  more?  These 
were  questions  for  the  enmmunily  of  that  day  to 
decide,  and  decide  them  they  did.  The  adminis- 
tratius  of  the  Government  decided  they  had  done 
enough — that  they  would  do  no  more — that  they 
would  accept  the  (near)  four  millions  obtaineil, 
Willi  the  cessation  of  further  seizures  and  condem- 
nations, and  the  rccommencoment  of  trade  and  in- 
tercourse on  a  sale  and  friendly  footing.  This  was 
the  decision  of  the  Administration  of  Mr.  Adams. 
His  decision  was,  that  the  community  had  done 
enousli — had  done,  and  sulVered  enough.  And 
what  was  the  decision  of  the  community  itself.' 
For,  under  such  tasks  and  burdens  as  had  been 
put  upon  them  on  account  of  these  claimants,  it 
was  natural  that  they  should  think  a  little  on  the 
matter,  and  come  to  some  conclusion  on  the  sub- 
ject. In  fact,  they  did  think!  and  it  is  matter  of 
fact  that  they  did  come  to  a  conclusion !  And  it 
was  their  opinion  that  their  administrators  hud 
done  too  much — had  taxed,  mid  burdened,  anil 
wrought  the  community  too  much — and  that  they 


French  i^poUniions — Mr,  Benton. 

I  would  stunt]  it  no  longer!    And  accnrdiiii^ly  they 
overturned  the  Adams  Administration — disbanded 
his  army — dismantled    his   navy — abolished    his 
I  taxes — dispersed  his  tax-gatherers;  in  a  word,  they 
'  undid  all  h,      cts,  except  the  debt  he  had  create'  . 
I  That  stood  !  and  posterity  had  ti  pay  it — the  p..  no  \ 
posterity  that  is  now  callet!  upon  to  pay  again  tho  , 
claims  for  the  protection  of  which  it  was  grunted. 
I      This  was  the  decision  ofthe  communit'^ ,  as  a.'so  , 
ofthriradministratoi's,  at  the  time  these  events  toolw 
place;  and,  right  or  wronff,  llieirdcc.isioi.  stands.    It 
I  IS  not  for  nmmte  senerations,  half  n  cmlury  afier- 
wnrds,  isnorant  of  the  facts,  to  reversr  their  decis- 
ion.    Rii;hl  (u'  wronir,  it  stands:  but  it  was  right. 
Mr.  Adams  s  Adininistration  was  right  in  saying 
they  had   done  enough;  for  they  had  exliaiisterl  ' 
I  the  remedies  of  the  Social  Compact,  and  had  done 

n  great  deal,  though  not  everything,  for  the  sa.'ety  i 
!  und  indi'ninily  of  their  ciiiz,i.'.i.<.     liy  the  ship;'  of 
!  war  built,  and  the  convoys  all'orded,  many  vesst  Is 
were  saved  from  capture:  by  the  lermsof  the  treaty 
near  four  millions  of  inilemnities  were  secured:  by 
I  the  warlike  attitude  which  we  assumed,  it  was 
seen  that  declared  war  would  he  the  consequenec 
.  of  further  injuries:  by  the  conelnsion  of  the  treaty,  ' 
!  the  depredations  ceased,   and  commerce   became  i 
free  and  regular.     These  were  the  actual  advan- 
tases  gained  by  the  claimants  from  being  members 
;  of  the  Society — advantages  which  no  one  could 
I  have  gaiiieil  for  himself  in  a  slate  of  nature — and,  I 
:  therefore,  he  is  bound  to  take  them  on  the  terms 
I  on  which  Society  grants  them.     If  not,  and  the 
'  community  is  bound  at  all  events,  anil  al'icr  all  ex-  . 
crlinns,  to  pay  the  damage  itself,  cerlninly  it  would 
be  belter  lo  pay  beforehand — to  pay  llie  money  j 
;  before  you  begin  the  measures  of  protection  aniJ  ' 
:  reilress.     Five  millions  are   now   demanded:  the  i 
fifth  part  of  the  loans  made  in  Mr.  Adams's  lime  , 
would  have  met  the  demand!  lossy  nolhing  of  the 
taxes,  fleets,  armies,  and  emiiassies.     To  pay  the 
■  five  millions  now,  in  addition  to  all  the  oiiilay  for  i 
those  objects,  is  too  bad:  and,  if  the  priin'iple  is 
acknowledged,  there  is  no  end  lo  our  burdens. 
,  The  present  Mexican  claimants  will  all  he  upon 
'  us  if  Wfc  fail  in  the  war  to  secure  their  claims. 

On  this  principle — the  principle  we  now  contend 
I  for — we  have  already  .sellled  a  great  number  of 
'  cases  of  injuries  to  our  citizens,  wiih  many  foreign 
nations.     I  .s.ay  on  this  principle:  for  in  every  case 
of  indemnities  procured  for  our  citizens,  and  I  be- 
lieve there  were  not  less  than  five  or  six  instances 
during  President  Jackson's  Administration  alone, 
:  a  gross  sum  was  received, always  far  less  than  tho 
j  demand,  in  full  satisfiiclion  of  the  whole.     This 
'  comprehends  the  whole  principle:  foriftheGov- 
eriinu'iit  can  surrender  any  part  of  the  claims,  it 
;  can  surrender  more,  or  less,  or  the  whole.     In 
i  some  instances,  far  the  largc.-st  part  ciaimcd  has 
been   surrendered.     In  the  treaty  with  Spain   in 
,  1819,  five  millions  were  accepted  in  sali.sfactioii  of 
I'  twenty.     I  speak  from  memory,  but  the  precise 
;   sums  are  not  material:  the  principle  is  admitted,  if 
anythins  less  than  the  whole  denianj  was  iicceptcd 
1    in  satisfaction  of  the  whole.     The  very  bill  now 
,■  before  the  Senate  admits  the  principle:  for  it  pro- 
','  )ioses  to  take  five  millions  in  full  s.itisfaction  of 
for- or  five  times  that  amount  claimed,  and  witli- 
j    out  the  interest,  which,  in  the  fifty  years  which 
!;  elapsed  since  their  ori^^n,  would  be  three  times  the 
I   amount  of  the  principal.     The  whole  amount  of 
these  French  claims,  principal  and  interest,  would 
now  probably  be  seventy  or  eighty  millions;  yet 
i  the  claimants  oiler  to  lake  five  nillliiuis   for  the 
,  whole!  thus,  admitting  by  their  act,  while  deny- 
j:  ing  it  by  their  words,  that  the  Government  is  not 
[   bound  lo  obtain  full  indemnity,  or  pay  the  damage 
j   itself;   but  that  it  may     "inpromi.^e,  .surrender, 
i!  abate,  and  cancel   as   it  finds  it  convenient  and 
I   proper  to   do.    On  this   principle,  these  French 
j   claims  were  settled  in  1800.     Near  four  millions 
!i  in  money  was  received:  the  release  of  all  uncon- 
i  demned  vessels  was  obtained:  security  for  the  fu- 
ture was  ncriuired  in  the  immediate  cessation  of 
j  seizures,  and  in  the  immediate  recommencement  of 
I  trade  and  commerce  .m  safe  and  friendly  tciims. 

I  repeat  it:  right  or  wrong,  the  decision  of  the 

'  Administration  in  1800  was  final  and  conclusive  on 

i  these  claims.     It  was  final  either  way,  und  left  the 

claimants  without  further   recourse,  either  upon 

I  Fronce  or  on  the  United  States.     But  it  is  ea.sy  to 

Srovc  that  it  was  right,  and  that  open  war  with 
iuonaparte  for  their  payment  was  an  absurdity. 


Senate. 

wMch,  without  doing  th«m  any  good,  would  havo 
i:ivolved  the  whole  ifnion  in  a  ridiculou*  war  of 
'jvrw helming  cvpense.  It  was  right,  therefore, 
to  tuK"  what  was  got,  rub  nut  old  scores,  and  re- 
commence^ the  career  of  trude  and  friendship.  Cir- 
cumstani'es,  well  known  then,  hut  too  little  known 
now,  softened  and  justified  this  cnncliiaioii.  It  was 
well  known  that  ilie  cluiinants  vieni  into  danger, 
with  their  i^yes  open,  and  upon  a  calculation  of  im- 
mense profit.  I'lom  the  very  commencement  of 
the  war  with  Qreal  Britain — from  the  month  of 
May,  179.'l — the  French  revolutioiiarvg»vernmcnt« 
began  ii  series  of  decrees  against  the  freedom  of 
commerce,  ostensibly  directed  againfft  British  goods 
and  bottoms,  and  against  intercour.se  with  G.eat 
Britain,  but  falling  lieuvily  upon  neutrals,  and  is- 
pecially  upon  the  slii|isof  the  llnile.il  .States.  I'hesi 
decrees  were  contrary  to  the  lawn  of  nations,  ant' 
lo  the  Ireatics  of  alliance,  Ir.iile,  and  friendship,  if 
I77f<,  between  the  United  States  and  France;  hi.' 
they  were  public,  decrees,  formally  enacted  olid 
pramulguted,  first  by  the  Nnlioiial  (<<iliveiilinu,  and 
then  by  the  Dirietory;  and  a  Ciaineil  of  Prizes 
was  rsinbllKlied,  lo  judge  the  case  of  every  vessel 
which  was  caiiiured  uiid  brought  into  a  French 
port  under  these  decrees.  t3f  course,  I  now  limit 
myself  to  these  decrees;  for  nthei  clusscs  of  inju- 
ries, not  coming  wi'.liin  their  \u  '.isions,  have  here- 
tofore been  settled.  These  injurious  decrees,  under 
whii'li  so  many  captures  and  confiscations  took 
place,  were  pu'lic,  acts,  duly  proinulgaled  to  the 
world,  end  for  the  execntioii  of  which  a  public  tri- 
biiniil  s  a  in  I'e  ris.  Those  who  adventured  against 
them   knew  ,iie  ri.sk  they  ran;  but  the  (irofits  of 

'  supplying  the  i;ivat  armies  of  Kurope,  then  univer- 
sally engaged  in  war  to  the  neglect  of  agriculture, 

I  were  so  larire,  that  if  one  vessel  in  three  or  four 
went  .safe,  fortunes  were  made.  BisIiKm,  those  who 
chose  to  insure niightdo so, and  thusavoidnll  risk. 
The  men  of  fifty  years  ago  knew  all  this;  and 
they  also  knew  (what  the  Fieneh  nlUiied,  was  in 
niaiiy  instances  true,)  that  Hriii.-'h  property  vyaa 
often  concealed  in  American  ves.'^els,  and  britisli 
owners  often  covered  by  the  American  flag.  They 
knew  (ill  this,  and  more':  that  American  commerce, 
notwiihslanding  the  dangers  to  which  it  was  sub- 
ject, flourished  in  the  most  exirnordinnry  manner; 
that  it  rose,  in  the  very  period  of  these  depreda- 
tions, from  <,i2ti,l(i9,.')7:3  (which  it  was  in  17!I3)  to 
ji9.">„"i()(i,0dl,  (which  it  had  attained  in  the  y..ar 
18(11.)  The  fiireii;!)  commerce  of  llie  United.  States 
is  only  about  :*1I)0,0()0,00I)  now!  Witit  a  popula- 
tion increased  fourfold,  it  is  now  only  a  fraction 
over  wliat  it  was  then  !  Yet  the  good-natured  peo- 
ple of  the  present  generation  must  be  made  to  be- 
lieve that  foreign  commerce  "  was  swept  from  tho 
ocean;"  "that  ruin  overwhelmed  the  nierehant  in 
that  disastrous  time;"  and  that  the  present  gener- 
ation are  bound  to  make  good  the  los.ses  of  the 
poor  suiliircrH  of  that  time!  when  the  inexorable 
filiires  of  the  Custoni-House  books  prove  the  fact, 

,  that  these  ruined  people  were  about  four  times 
betler  off  in  the  midst  of  their  losses  than  wc  are 
in  the  midst  of  our  gains !  They  knew,  also, 
that  most  of  these  cases  were  insured;  and  they 
knew,  if  we  do  not,  that  the  United  States  were 

'  not  bound  to  insure  insurers!  that  is  to  .s.iy,  to  in- 
sure, without  premium,  tlio.se  who  made  their  liv- 

'  ini;  by  insuring  for  premiunis !    But  there  was  one 

'  thill!;  that  they  did  not  know,  and  could  not,  and 
which  \»e  can  and  do  know,  and  that  is,  that  the 
mass  of  these  claims  are  now  in  the  hands  of  spec- 

I  ulators,  who  have  purchased  them  at  five  cents  and 

'  ten  cents  in  the  dollar !  and  now,  (like  the  old  pur- 

,  chasers  of  revolutionary  soldiers'  certificates  at  two 
shillinirs  and  sixpence  in  the  pound,)  they  come 
to  Congress  in  the  name  of  the  widows  and  orphans 
they  have  fleeced,  to  get  their  five  and  ten  cents 
chaiiffed  into  one  liundred! 

Bill  these  chiimants  plead  a  particular  title  to  be 
eompen.saled  by  the  United  Slates.  They  plead 
that  they  were  surrendered  to  France  for  a  con- 
sideration— for  the  valuable  consideration  of  getting 

I  rid  of  the  burdensome  articles  of  the  treaties  of 
1778  with  France,  by  which  she  guarantied  our 
independence  and  possessions,  and  we  guarantied 

.  her  West  India  islands,  and  also  by  which  wo 
granted  to  France  the  exclusive  use  of  our  porLs 
for  her  commercial  and  military  marine,  and  for 
her  eruisei-s  and  their  prizes,  during  her  wars  with 

'  other  nations.  It  was' for  our  release  from  these 
burden.some  and  ruinous  stipulations,  the  claimants 


900 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Aug.  10, 


a^i»  CoNO IsT  Skss. 

■By,  Ihnt  their  rlflimn  were  (nirrrndf red  in  IWtO.  Hiit  ! 
thm  in  nn  rnlirc,  nii  uicrr  niisinkp.     Thn  Lnw  of 
NiiliniiH  Imil  rilcimrd  llicin  from  ihc  lime  it  licrnttie  , 
n  ilnriLiToiis  liiirdrn;  nml  tliia  wnn  dpclnrivl  iind  | 
KOltlod  by  Wnnliiiislnn'sprni'lmnnlionornrulinliiy 
llio  mnment  the  liinilcn  wiii  nlmiit  lo  full  upon  iih.  | 
By  the  Lows  (if  N»ll(>n.i,  ony  t'nwrr  whicli  rntrrs  i 
into  i<ti|iiili\iinn8  whicli  l«'i-ninn  niiiiiiuH  to  llirin, 
or  cvpti  involve  tlipin  in  diinirrrons  wins  in  wliicli 
tlipy  luive  no  inbrcnt — iiny  »ui'l\  I'mver  niny  piriid 
llip  fni;l,  iind  derlnrp  iisrlf  rrlcnsi'd  iVoin  the  nldi- 
piuinn;  and  tlinl  dri'lnniiiiin  itciiIih  m  miciiiim  lie-  : 
iwppn  llic  two  purlipM  iliPrnsplvpn,  willi  wliicli  no 
orto  risp  lins  n  ri^lit  to  iniorfirp.    On  this  principlp  1 
tlip  c'p|pl)rnlcd  prcii'lntnMlion  of  nrnlriilily  of  I7!).'l  , 
wn»  issued,  liy  wliirli  iHp  Unitid  SiiiIch  ivfnspd  lo  , 
join  Fiiini'pin  lirr  wni' with  CJrcnt  lliitiiiii — rpfoNcd  ' 
to  defend  her  West  Inilia  islnnds — and  refused  lo 

frnni  privilei^ea,  ineonipiililile  willi  nentnility,  to 
Veneti  shii"t  nml  ernisers  in  our  ports.  All  the 
biirdeiiHonii  nrtieles  iif  the  trealies  of  nlliimeo,  of 
commcrep  nnd  nmily,  were  then  knoeked  in  the  , 
head.  Tlin  proeliirniilion  put  an  end  lo  them;  and  ' 
the  I'Vench  Governnient  iilone  had  a  rijlii  to  ini- 
pngn  the  eorreelncs.s  of  that  pnielMnialinn;  and  if 
they  did  so,  their  course  was,  jtrsl  lo  remonstrate, 
onj  then  lo  fiihi.  Tliey  did  not  irn|Mi^n  it !  They 
ndniilted  it  to  he  riirhl;  and  during' the  seven  years 
thnt  elapsed  from  the  ilate  of  ilie  prorlaniiilion  to 
tho  eonelusion  of  the  treaty  of  IHIKI,  the  oneroiiM 
stipulations  of  these  treaties  ri'mainid  a  ileail  leller 
on  tile  hook.  Kranee  lost  all  her  West  India 
islands,  and  never  asked  ns  cither  lo  pay  for  them 
or  to  conipicr  them  for  her.  Ilndir  the  Naiioiial 
Convention,  and  under  the  Hireetory,  ar.d  while  , 
Great  nritnin  nnd  other  Powers  were  despoilini; 
France  of  nil  her  West  Inilia  islands,  nnd  thi! 
revolted  nenrnes  of  San  Dnniii;','n  were  emanci- 
jmlin?  thnt  islnnd,  no  renuisiilon  was  made  upon 
us  to  abandon  the  proelnmntion  of  neutrality,  ' 
and  comply  with  the  trealies  of  177H.  wiien  ' 
Buonaparte  came  to  the  head  of  the  Freneli  (iov- 
ernmenl,  ho  fmnkly  declared  thnt  the  stipula- 
tions of  these  treaties  were  ineompalihie  with  the 
freedom  nnd  independence  of  the  United  Slates,  ' 
nnd  in  the  treaty  of  JHUII,  as  siirned,  lurrced  that 
they  should  continue  to  remain  without  operation 
until  "o  mnriiiifiK  (iiiir"  came  to  treat  of  them 
Bijain,  which  was  perfectly  understood  to  be,  ncverl 
Aficrwnrds,  when  our  Senale  rejected  that  aitlcle, 
he  nsireed  to  it,  on  condition  that  both  p  ,iiii  s  mii- 
tiially  renounced — the  I'rench  all  prelei.sicni  to  the 
execution  of  these  old  dead  treaties-  the  United 
Slates  all  preten.sion  to  indemnity  for  that  part  of  ' 
the  claims  which  arose  under  the  decrees  of  I'rance, 
nnd  the  adjiidicalioiis  of  her  (,'ouncil  of  Frizes. 
This  was  a  final  setilenicnl  of  the  case,  and  was  a 
surrender  of  nothini;  for  noihin:;.  It  was  niirely 
cloain-j  a  dead  account  on  the  liooks.  The  trealies 
lind  been  dend  seven  years;  the  claims  nrisiii^  for 
seizures  and  condemnalioiis  under  public  decrees 
and  judicial  decisions,  hnd  always  been  dead — no 
Government  in  Kraiicc  ever  adniittinij  ihein — nor 
could  they  do  so  without  impeachinii;  the  stivcr- 
eiijnty  of  their  own  Government  and  the  justice 
of  their  own  tribunals.  Other  claims,  arisiii;;  un- 
der other  heads,  were  paid;  those  arisina:  under 
these  decrees,  and  adjudicated,  were  periininimisly 
refused.  Tjiose  cases  unndjudicaled  were  released ; 
but  the  adjudicated  cases  were  closed.  And  this 
■was  the  decided  answer  of  the  Krench  Govirn- 
ment.  The  diplomatic  evasiiMi,  to  treat  further, 
"nl  a  convenient  time,"  of  these  claims,  and  of  ihe 
old  treaties,  was  a  postponement  of  the  whole  lo 
the  day  of  judgment — the  burial  of  the  wlnde  in 
a  politiciil  crave,  from  which  there  was  to  be 
no  resurrection.  And  now  we  are  called  ii|i(ni 
to  pay  them,  as  hnvins  purchased  oil'  the  dead 
articles  of  the  treaties  of  177H.  Near  "fly  years 
have  elapsed  since  the  origin  of  these  .  laiiiis',  .ind 
noCon;jress  lias  ever  been  found  before  to  ai^sume 
them.  Reports  from  commitiees  in  their  favor  are 
nothing:  the  pnrlinnientnry  rule  ier|uire.i  siihjecis 
to  be  referred  to  friendly  commiitees;  nnd  these 
claims,  to  my  certain  knowlcdije,  have  always  had 
the  benefit  of  thnt  rule.  Hut  no  Con;;ress  has  ever 
before  sanctioned  them;  and  it  is  a  clear  impeach- 
ment of  the  justice  of  our  ancestors  for  us  to  as- 
Bume  now  what  thi  y  would  not  countenance.  The 
fact  is,  they  knew  nl!  about  these  clninis,  and  we 
know  nothing  of  them;  they  knew  the  principles 
of  the  Social  Compact  had  been  complied  wi'h. 


French  Sjmh'ntifnis — Mr.  Bevton, 

and  wp  of  this  ilay  have  forgot  those  principles; 
they  knew  they  had  vxp'nded  leu  or  twenty  tunes 
ns  much  lo  protect  or  lediess  these  rlaimnnls  ns 
the  claims  were  worth;  and  if  the  claimants  had 
called  upon  them  to  pav,  they  would  h<ive  called 
for  a  rc-imlnirsement  of  the  money  exjiended  ill 
their  pnrHuit. 

In  Mr.  .Tefl'erson's  time,  when  the  treannry  was 
overflowing,  nnd  {'miu'ress  cnllcd  upon  to  fiiul 
some  use  for  Ihe  surplus  money,  no  man  lhmi<,'ht 
of  paying  these  claims.  'I'hey  were  toi»  well  un- 
derstood then  to  be  p;>id.  Since  then,  the  treas- 
ury has  been  again  disleiided  with  a  surplus:  still 
Cnng'vss  would  not  give  any  part  of  it  to  these  old 
claims.  Now,  when  we  are  in  all  the  expenses  of 
a  foreign  war — when  loans  and  treasury  notes  are 
already  resorted  to  to  meet  rmr  daily  expenses: 
now,  for  the  first  lime,  these  claims  are  to  be  paid! 
nnd  our  nneeslors  impliedly  told  that  iliey  were 
not  honest  enough  to  pay  their  own  deliis,  even 
when  thev  had  the  inoiiey  and  knew  iml  what  to 
do  with  u!  and  that  wo' must  pay  it  for  Ihem, 
nllhiMigh  we  have  not  the  money,  nnd  know  not 
where  to  get  it! 

The  mode  of  pnvingconsliliiies  n  new  and  valid 
objcclioii  to  ihis  bill:  ihcy  are  quartered  upon  tho 
)uiblic  lands! — a  deseeralion  which  cannot  bo 
thought  of  wiiliout  the  deepest  humiliation,  inde- 
pendently of  the  great  and  positive  evils  resulting 
from  it.  'I'hcnniionnl  domain  is  a  great  and  noble 
fund,  ceded  by  the  Slates  to  the  Union  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Union,  nnd  very  properly  pledged  by 
our  nnceatoi-s  to  the  sni  red  purpose  ot' discharging 
the  del. I  of  the  Revolution.  A  pledge  for  that 
sacred  purpose  was  worthy  of  llie  national  do- 
main, nnd  consistent  with  the  object  of  the  donors; 
hut  to  pledge  it  to  private  individuals — lo  pledge 
it  to  speculators  and  insurers — to  men  who  gave 
five  cents  in  the  dollar  for  ohsolete  claims— and  to 
those  for  whose  benefit  we  bore  nil  the  burdens  of 
the  Adams  ndminislration:  this,  indeed,  is  tiHi 
had,  and  is  a  dei^iadnlion  and  desecration  of  the 
naiional  domiiii  never  before  witnessed  in  any 
country,  nnd  filliin:  the  minil  with  humiliatiini  and 
shame.  What  nation  ever  before  pledged  its  pub- 
lic lands  ti>  |ii'ivatiM'lainianisand  speculators'  But 
hnmilialion  and  shame  are  not  the  worst  conse- 
quences resulting  from  this  new  and  mortil^'ing 
pledge.  Positive  evils  lo  the  public  treasury,  nnd 
to  the  new  Stales,  inevitably  result  fiiun  it.  In 
the  first  place,  it  leads  to  the  ndinlssioii  of  unjust 
nnd  improper  claims.  Many  will  pay  in  land  that 
will  not  pay  in  money,  as  a  man  will  sometimes 
give  a  horse  in  salisf'aciion  of  an  old  and  dubimis 
debt,  towards  which  he  would  not  advance  a  dol- 
lar in  money.  This  is  the  case  now.  These  very 
claims  have  been  al)nve  forty  years  aidiciling  a 
moneyed  payment,  and  could  never  obtain  it. 
Now  they  :ret  a  bill  for  payment  in  land  !  What 
is  this  but  saying  that  bad  claims,  whicli  cannot 
be  paid  in  money,  may  be  paid  in  lanil?  And 
Aheie  is  this  to  end?  Upwards  of  ten  thousand 
old  claims  are  now  Iiefore  Congress,  and  the  iiuni- 
lier  increasing  incessantly.  Upon  the  same  ]>rin- 
ciple  tliat  you  pay  one  in  huul,  you  pay  nil  in 
laud;  and  the  national  domain  will  be  swallowed 
up  by  dubious,  or  desperate  claims,  for  which  no 
money  would  be  given.  Yet  land  brings  money; 
nnd  llie  treasury  is  as  much  stripped  of  its  means 
by  losing  the  laud  re'-.-uue  before  it  is  collected  ns 
paying  it  out  after  it  is  collecled.  The  lands  are 
the  second  branch  of  the  national  revenue:  the 
customs  stand  first — the  lands  next:  yet  this  irreat 
branch  of  the  national  revenue,  by  ihe  principle  of 
this  bill,  would  become  diverted  from  the  nation 
to  individuals;  and  all  our  vast  estnbll.shment  of 
surveyors  and  commissioners — of  reirisiers  nnd 
receivers — nnd  of  the  whole  (Jeneral  Land  Otlice 
ill  this  city — would  degenerate  into  n  species  of 
private  a:r'*nts,  paid  by  the  public,  to  administer 
the  land  system  for  the,  benefit  of  individuals! 
Great  as  this  evil  would  be,  another  of  a  dill'erent 
eharnrler  rises  up  lo  match  and  overmatch  it;  nnd 
that  is,  the  new  interest  which  would  be  raised  up 
to  consider  the  lands  ns  its  own,  and  to  control  all 
lesi.slation  in  relation  to  them,  and  thnt  with  a  , 
view  to  the  interest  of  the  new  own.^rs.  Already  i 
we  have  seen  a  fatal  instance  of  ihis  control  in  , 
Ihe  House  of  Representatives.  I  cannot  spenk  of  I 
motives,  but  I  can  name  a  fact.  The  graduation  ! 
bill — for  twenty  years  demanded  by  the  unani- 
mous voice  of  the  new  Stales,  (with  the  perma-  ' 


JFrfATE. 


Ir 


nent  prospective  prei'mpltonelBHse  in  it,)  nnd  now 
passing  trinmphnntly  along  by  the  aid  of  their  In- 
creased represcntntiini  in  the  two  llinises  of  Con- 
gress, and  urrived,  in  fiicl,  at  Ihe  very  last  slai;e  t<t 
legislation,  nnd  just  lendy  to  become  a  law, — this 
great  nnd  blessed  measure,  thus  .so  hnig  nnd  so 
ardently  desired,  and  thus  ini  the  point  of  being 
granteil,  (with  thc^  nidile  prei'nmtion  clause  in  it,) 
was  knoeked  on  the  head,  anil  thrown  under  tho 
table,  the  moment  this  infernal  bill  passed  the 
House!  This  was  the  first  fruit  of  (|iiarlering  an 
army  of  private  claimants  on  the  national  domain; 
but  unless  this  veto  message  of  Pre.^ident  Piilk 
had  come,  nnd  unless  the  people  sustain  him  in  it, 
far,  far  from  the  last  will  it  be.  The  ten  llionsnnil 
claimants  will  club  together:  ten  thousand  nnno 
will  spring  up  lo  join  them.  All  will  consider  the 
public  lands  ns  their  own  spoil;  and  while  the 
people  of  the  new  Slates  are  at  home  attinding  lo 
their  own  business,  this  myriad  of  elaiinanls  will 
be  here,  like  lliAlocusIs  of  Kirypt,  eating  up  their 
substance,  infiueneiiig  the  members,  swerving 
them  from  their  duly  to  their  consiiinenis,  anil 
devouring  the  public  lands  with  nntif(imlcd  nml 
groundless  claims,  which  could  find  no  favor  in  the 
earlier  nnd  better  days  of  the  Republic.  Thru 
farewell — not  long,  but  forever — to  all  just  Icgisla- 
timi  ill  relatl(Mi  lo  the  public  lands.  Uarewell,  not 
merely  to  the  graduatimi  bill,  and  lo  the  permanent 
rospcctive  prcl'mption  bill,  but  to  every  bill  which 
ooks  to  the  welfare  of  the  new  States,  or  to  the 
interest  of  their  inliablianls,  in  the  future  sale,  dis- 
position, or  manageinent  of  these  lands. 

One  of  the  great  objections — and  a  serious  ob- 
jection it  was — to  the  bills  fur  distributing  the 
proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  was  this  very  fact  of 
the  new  interest  it  would  create  to  I'ontrol  the  le- 

'  gislation  of  Congress  in  relation  to  these  lands,  and 
the  consequent  miitehief  which  would  accrue  to  the 
new  Stales  from  that  control.  Kvervbody  felt  that 
it  would  be  n  degradation  and  an  injury  to  these 
States:  biithow  much  less  thedegradniion.nnd  how 
much  less  the  mi.schief,  to  have  the  old  States  for 
their  ninsters,  instead  of  these  s]icculators  in  old 

I  dead  claim.'* ! 

'  Lamentable  is  the  facility  with  which  obsolete 
claims  are  now  revived  and  pas.sed.     t'lmgress  is 

i  now  daily  importuned  with  claims,  of  forty,  fifty, 

!  sixty,  nnd  seventy  yenra  old.  No  number  of  -e- 
jecticms  satisfies  any  one.     Fifty  years  rejection 

I  does  no  good.  'I'hey  are  presented,  again  nnd 
again,  and  from  year  lo  year,  with  new  nnd  nc- 

I  eumuiiited  proof  each  lime;  while,  on  the  side  of 
the  United  States,  teslimony  is  daily  iieing  lost; 

'  nnd  those  memlicrs  of  ConiTcss,  and  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, who  know  anything  about  them,  are 
either  dying  ofl",  or  retiring  from  the  public  ser- 
vice.    At  last  they  becrnne  irresistible,  from  necii- 

.  mnlnted  proof  on  one  liniid,  and  iginn'mice  on  the 

'  other;  nnd  often  it  happens  that  new  nieinbep's  be- 
come zealous  nnd  furious  advocates  for  antiquated 
claims,  which,  in  the  time  of  their  preileces.sors, 
would  not  have  borne  the  slightest  exnminalion, 

'  and  of  which  they  know  nolhing  but  iVrnu  inleresl- 
pd  nnd  tx  parte  views.     WImt  is  more,  the  aiilhor- 

,  ity  of  State  Legislatures  is  often  brought  lo  bear  in 
favor  of  claims  of  wliicdi  the  members  of  the  Le- 
gislature can  know  but  little,  and  that  little  from 
CI  jiur/f  nnd  interested  statements.     The  high  nnd 

.  .sacred  right  of  instruction,  iniended  only  for  great 
rnatter.s'of  political  interest,  is  now  ol'ten  let  down 
to  the  low  level  of  n  private  claim;  and  it  is  incon- 
testable, that  insli'uctions  have  not  only  been  ob- 

I  tained  in  favor  of  these  French  spoliation  claims, 
but  that  this  bill  was  actually  passed  by  votes  un- 
willingly :j:iven  under  such  iustriictiims.  This  was 
bad  enough  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  old  Slates; 

'  but  with  the  new  ones,  which  hnve  given  such  in- 

,  struclinn."?,  it  is  far  w  n«e.  They  not  only  pa.ssed 
the  hill  for  the  claims,  but  in  ihe  same  vole  de- 
stroyed the  graduation  bill  and  the  prremplion 
clause;  and  created  n  new  inlerest  to  control  the 
legislation  of  Congress  in  relation  to  the  public 
lands!  The  President's  veto  message  has  saved 
us  for  the  present.  It  has  given  the  people,  nnd 
especially  the  people  of  the  new  States,  a  chance 
to  save  themselves  in  future!  And  unwise  and 
unjust  to  themselves  nnd  their  posterity  they  will 
be,  if  they  do  not  nvnil  themselves  of  this  chance 
to  stop  forever  this  new  mischief. 

The  nnmes  of  widows  nnd  orphans,  and  of  mer- 
chants, ruined  by  French  depredations,  ate  con- 


H 


■♦■♦ 


1846.) 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


901 


•  I'.NATi:. 


i29TH  CoNO 1st  Semi. 


Ficiwh  Spoliation!! — Mr.  Jienton. 


Senate. 


■Innlly  invoki^J  in  uid  nfilinHei'liiiiiis.  The  niiaiftn- 
ecKt llin inaurci'H, the  puruliniK^rMHt  live nnd  ten cpiitR, 
iiri'iill  aircl'ully  kept  nut  ut' sight:  tlicir  unmet  arc 
never  nienliciiicd.  And  an  it  whh  when  the  nid 
Biildicra'  eeriilieales  were  Ciindcd  nnd  puid  in  17'J3. 
The  apeeulalnra  wlio  had  b«ni;ht  llieniiitlwunnd- 
six-pi'ii^e  in  the  pound,  were  kept  in  the  Imek 
p'dund :  the  pixir  aoldier,  who  liiid  i'nu^'lit  nnd  tiled 
lor  his  couniry,  nrni  wlioae  little  property  had  gone 
to  ruin  while  he  wn.H  ris;htin^  the  British — this 
poor  soldier  hnd  his  srurs  nnd  suH'erinKS  jinrnded 
lielore  Congress,  nnd  all  relief  was  prayed  lor  in 
his  nnnu'i  while  no  relief  wns  liruu^ht  to  him  l<y 
the  hill.  The  whole  went  to  thoae  who  hnd  houjjiil 
his  einiins  for  next  to  nothiii^r.  Tliey  reeeivcd 
twenty  Hhillin^s  in  the  pound,  and  ten  ahillin^H 
iiiteri  Ht  upon  the  back  ol  that,  for  what  coal  tlieni 
lwo.and-si\peni;e;  nnd  all  attempts  nuide  in  Con- 
;,Mess  by  Mr.  Madison,  and  other  wise  und  good 
men,  to  proieel  the  soldier  by  nnikin;;  the  bill  really 
favinable  to  him — by  mnkin;;  him  tlie  puiiee  in  the 
bill,  and  only  refunding;  to  the  spci'ulatnrnis  fmud- 
\ilent  two-nnd-six-penee, — nil  these  nttcmpta  failed. 
The  s|)eculalors  were  too  strons;  in  Congress  to  ad- 
mit a  single  jnovision  favorable  to  the  real  sull'er- 
crs',  nnd  so  it  may  be  again,  If  the  question  of 
paying  the:4e  claims  could  be  entertained  nl  nil  by 
Congress,  justice  would  require  four  distinct  ainenil-  ; 
niems:  I'irsl,  Thai  no  assignee  should  receive 
mme  than  he  paid;  neconillti,  that  no  insurer 
should  receive  anything;  lliinllij,  that  no  claim, 
standing  in  the  name  of  the  original  claimant,  should 
be  paid  to  nnv  person  but  the  /itirj-o(-/nii!  of  such 
claimant;  nnJi/oiirlA/i),  that  an  account  should  be 
slated  between  the  claiinninsand  the  Government, 
charging  thcni  with  all  expenses  incurred  under 
Mr.  Adams's  administration  in  protecting,  or 
ntlempting  to  recover  their  claims;  and  crediting 
them  with  the  Ave  millions  tlicv  demand.  On  these 

Erinciples  only,  if  justice  is  the  object,  could  the 
ill  be  cntertn'med;  but  the  fact,  and  the  truth  of 
tlio  case  is,  thnt  it  should  not  be  entertained  at  all! 
The  principles  of  the  Social  System — the  funda- 
mental principle  which  lies  nt  the  foundation  of 
Society — ullerly  forbid  it.  The  generation  of  fifty 
years  ago  did  tlieir  duty — their  whole  duty — willi 
respect  to  these  claims.  They  expended,  in  their 
defence  and  recovery,  from  ten  to  twenty  limes 
their  value — endured  grievous  intcrnni  taxation — 
incurred  a  heavy  public  debt — and  sull'ered  all  ihe 
enlamilies  of  an  actual  uiiosi  war  of  two  years  with 
the  Krench  Republic.  They  did  all  that  they  were 
bound  to  do  by  the  principles  of  the  Social  Com- 
pact, and  more  too;  and  when  they  renounced  fur- 
ther negotiation  for  the  claims,  they  ilid  nothing 
but  what  they  had  a  right  to  do,  and  what  their 
duty  to  ihe  rest  of  the  community  reciuired  them 
to  do.  They  rcnouncted  nothing!  and  ihey  re- 
ceived nothing!  The  i^laims  were  dead  !  for  every 
species  of  government  in  I'Vance — the  Convention, 
the  Directory,  the  Consninr — utterly  repudiated 
and  repulsed  them.  The  irenlies  of  1778  were  all 
dead,  nnd  had  been  so,  (in  all  that  related  to  the 
guarantees,  and  tlie  use  of  our  ports,)  since  the 
proclamation  of  neutrality  of  1793.  They  were 
jiisl  as  dead  before  the  treaty  of  1800  as  after  it. 
There  was  im  more  demand  upon  us  to  contjuer 
the  French  West  India  Islands  from  the  British, 
and  from  the  negroes  of  San  Domingo,  and  restore 
them  to  the  Krench,  before  the  treaty  of  1800,  than 
there  has  been  since;  nnd  such  a  demand  would 
have  been  just  as  idle  in  the  year  1800,  as  it  would 
be  now  in  1841!.  The  treaty  iiinde  no  manner  of 
ditference,  either  in  the  French  or  American  view, 
of  the  treaty  of  nllinnce;  and  the  idon  of  a  con- 
sideration received,  in  the  release  of  our  nllinnce 
oidigntions,  ns  nn  eqnivnient  for  renouncing  Ihe 
clninis,  is  n  mere  figment  of  the  brain,  coniradicled 
by  the  liisuiry  of  the  times,  and  only  fit  to  be  told 
to  those  who  have  not  the  means  or  the  inclina- 
tion to  study  that  history. 


APPENDIX. 

These  claims  were  well  debnlcd  in  the  Senate, 
in  the  session  of  1834-5;  nnd  as  a  supplement  to 
the  foregoing  speech,  and  as  filling  up  the  outline 
which  I  have  Bke"'l""d  of  the  expenses  and  war 
measures  for  the  protection  of  these  claims  in  Mr. 
Adams's  time;  and,  also,  as  stating  the  principle  of 
the  Social  Compact  under  which  they  were  sur- 


rendered, the  following  extract  from  the  sneccdi  of  : 
Mr.  Senator  Uibli,  of  Kentucky,  dvlivereil  at  tliut  , 
time,  ia  hero  added:  { 

"TliH  roniiilnliiu  of  tlic  Unltiiil  Hiiiim  nixinat  Frinieo  I 
ciiiioncnrMl  III  iiclicree  nl'  ilic  Kill  of  Miiy,  179:)— In  vluln- 
linii  of  Ihe  Ifnty  or  ttllllly  Hllfl  cnnilnnrce  of  177H--wlllrli  ' 
(li-rrcu  niithorj/.rd  French  KliJ|Mi  ni'  unr  anil  prlvnliie™  to  [ 
•«lo[)  mill  lirJiiK  liiln  (tie  [lorH  of  tile  Rc|Hil)lif'  neutral  vl'^'Ml•ll« 
liiili'a  Willi  iiriivlalciiii  lii'InniiInK  M  nciitriilx,  iloiiliii'<l  for  ; 
ciieiiiy  (>iirt-<,  or  witli  nierehniiitiite  lieluiiiziiiR  to  eiienileit. 
i\l<'r('liHiiilii«i'  lii'loimliifi  lu  eiii-niii'fito  li''uooil  jirl/.e  ami  con-  , 
liM'Hlcil  (or  (III-  hcTi'-ftl  of  III,,  cniitnr;'— (he  provUlnii"  h'-loiiu-  ' 
Inu  to  ni'inniN  t'l  Ih^  |t;il<l  lor.    Clil/cn  (iciict.  the  MliiUd-r 
oC  Frinicc,  Kriiiiteil  nillKnry  c^nl^ll^>'il>lll4  to  Aiiicricaii  ciil- 
/.(•iiri  ill  (lie  porlM  ol'  (he  l'iii(cil  Hliito,  tunic, I  iinil  I'ljillpiH'il 
vcfMclH  In  our  (lorti  (o  cruise  iiuuin-l  imtioiiH  nt  prm-"  uKIi 
(lie  I'lild'il  HdUiMi  I'vcri'l'i'd  lulnilriiKy  nnil  ninrillinc  Inrli-- 
ilirliiiii  ill  eoiiili'iniliiiurtipliireil  vcKHt'NIiroKifl't  il)(o  (lH>  por(^ 
ordiellnlKd  rtla(CK,   lledirend'iii'illonppenl  Iroiii  llic  I'n- 
iileiil  di  die  people,  mill  olherwiHc  hii  ili»rei.p.'clcil  (lie  |iirl<- 
ilicll.in  mill  iiiillioriili.H  ol' (lie  ITiiKeil  Hmd'»  »»  lo  [iroihici- 
liii  ri'ciill  hvde'  Kreiich  llciiiiWIc  nl  (he  reiiiieai  oi'diel'reH- 
iilciit.    Wldiniit  cniiiB  into  n  d-illniiN  ileinil  of  Fri'iieli  na- 
lireiiMionH,  it  \t  midlrlein  for  (he  preaniK  piiriuwe  to  iilliiile  (o 
dii'clnliiHor  Aincrlcnn  cill/.eni  iia  rliKnilleil  liyoiir  Mliiirlcr 
III  Fniiicc  in  I7!U;  loiil  tvinin  n-*  rcporii-il  in  17117,  In  oltc- 
(ilciicc  to  ji  rcMoliidoii  (,f  (he  H'-iiiitc,  nnd  cniioiimi'ciid-tl  by 
the  Sicr.'tnryofSdiie,  Mr.  Plckirina,  on  tlio9ith  Fehmnn, 
17!)H. 

'*  iKt.  ('npturcH  MnnctioiM'il  hy  the  ili'crce  of  179:i,  hiTore 
Btnteil. 

"  Oil.  roiiilemnnlinn^  of  ve^i^cU  mnl  rfirjoe*  under  tiinrine 
oriliiinneeH  of  Frniiee,  conlrary  In  (he  irciiiicn  hetweeii  the 
Iwo  coiiiiirieii. 

"  .td.  Hpotiadoiei  and  ciiptiitcf*  of  Aniericnn  voiitIh  nt  sea 
by  French  uliipa  of  war  liml  (irivalc'TS. 

"  -Idi.  For  the  deiendoti  of  AniMricnn  vnhcIh  by  the  anino 
cnihariEo  nt  llonleniiT. 

"r)di.  Hci/iirc  and  forced  wile;*  of  cnrnnr-*.  nnd  aiiplvinn 
tlinn  to  piihlic  iiHc,  widioiit  payitii'iit,  or  without  aitci|iia(e 
pavincnl!'. 

ofidi.  Niin-p"rfomnince  of  cnntrnctH  innde  hy  (he  iincnti' 
nf  tile  (tovernnient  for  fotpplies. 

"7|||.  jyfnn  p,iviiieMt  of  hilU  drnwri,  nnd  dent,.  <'nii(rar(ed 
by  (he  nitenlM  of  (he  Govcrnnicnl  In  tile  West  liidii-fi, 

o  ThedeprcdndonfJ  nt  nen  liyihe  public  nnd  (irlvate  armed 
ve.Hffpln  were  continued  iimli'r  die  nniietinn  of  (he  d''eret"*nf 
(he  French  Direelory ;  ami  it  appenrrt  hy  the  lettr-r  of  Mr, 
Monroe,  onr  MiniKM'r  n(  Pnrij^,  of  die  I'ltli  of  Fchriinry,  I79*J, 
to  .Mr.  PiekiTinir,  Ihe  i*ceretary  of  Htntc,  onr  (Jovernnieiit 
vviH  iiilbrnied  lhii(  (he  French  Minisler  of  Foreiun  Airnira 
bad  niinouiieed  to  lilin  (Iin(  the  Directory  nf  Frnnee  coiifid- 
ered  the  nllinnce  iih  ceasinij  to  exist  from  Ihe  moment  ftiir 
1  treatvof  I7!H,  with  Orent  BrKain,  wis  radfled.  Ami  on  (he 
1  audi  Feliriiary,l7!lfi,  the  Mine  Minister  nL'nin  repented  to  onr 
Minister,  tliiil,  hy  (he  treniy  of  1794  with  Orint  llrKuin, 
*  oiirH  with  Frnnee  wns  nnnlliilnted.'  * 

"  (In  the  7lh  Jiilv,  1798,  an  net  wn«  pnnsed  hy  the  Con- 
presa  of  the  United  SlntC!*,  nnd  npprnved  by  the  Presiileijt, 
enlided  'An  net  to  deelnre  the  (reader  heretofore  eniiehided 
with  France  no  lonccr  ohliynlnry  on  the  Tniled  Htntes.' 
[Here  Mr.  I),  rend  Hint  net,  in  die  tollowiiut  word-* :] 

'•  '  VVherens  (lie  (reade.-*  concluded  between  the  I'nited 
fllntes  and  Frnnee  hnve  been  refieatedly  violiUed  on  (he  part 
of  (he  French  Govern iiiclit,  nnd  lhejii'f'(  cIniniH  nf  tlie  roi- 
led S(a(es  for  repnriilinn  of  die  injuries  ho  enminitted  have 
i  been  reriised,  nmt  (heir  nttenipt.H  (o  ncitodate  an  ninicntde 
n(l)nstment  of  all  coinplnints  benveeii  the  two  nlKions  hiivn 
lieen  repelled  with  indianUy  :  .\nd  whereii.'*,  under  nndiority 
of  the  Freiieli  Governnient.  there  is  yet  pursued  nsninst  the 
|i|it(ed  Htiites  n  system  of  preiiatnry  violence,  Infrncdnir  the 
snid  treaties,  nnd  hostile  to  the  riahta  of  n  free  nnd  Indepea- 
deiit  nndon : 

'"fteo.  I,   Hr  it  eitnrtff  hy  the  Srnnic  atui  Jfniiic  of  Hrprc- 

nentttlivCH  oflhr  Unitril  Stutrv  nf  JImtrirn  in  C'oii£rreit  owe ,n- 

A/rd,  Tlialdterntti'd  Stales  are  of  riulK  freed  and  e\onern(ed 

from  die  sdputadoiis  of  the  (reaties,  nnd  of  (he  ennsulnr 

j  eoiiventioii,here(ofore  concluded  helween  the  riiiteri  Htali'S 

1  nnd  Frnnee ;  nml  that  the  same  shall  not  lienreforth  he  r<'. 

aarded  as  leanllv  ohiicntory  on  the  fjovernnient  nnd  eiii/.<  os 

'  of  (he  IfnKed  States.' 

"The  facts  recited  In  thnt  net,  of  repented  infrncdnns  on 

the  (Hirt  of  the  French  Government,  refn<.nl  f»f  demanded 

repnration,  the  indienilies  nlfered  to  onr  Ministers  niitho- 

rizeil  to  nesodate,  nml  of  predntorv  violence,  were  nntorion:^ 

\  nl  that  day,  nnd  nre  f-illy  sustained  by  tlie  diploninde  corre- 

!  spomlenei',  from  l"n;t  down  to  dial  time, 

I      "ronneeted  with  this  state  nf  onr  foreign  nllairs,  nhonl 

i  thirty  nets  were  passed, 

j      "Volume  lil,  paire  4(1,  rhafiier  ,Vi,    An  nc(  apprnpiindne 
eicht  linndred  tlionsnnd  dollars  lo  piirclmse  cannon,  small 
,  nrm«,  iinimnnilion,  anil  mitilnry  stores.— May  4,  I79t'. 

"  Pane  17,  chnptiT  .'"tfl.  An  net  npproprintinix  eipht  thnii- 
snml  ilollnrs  for  pnreliasins  or  hiiilrtinit  n  nnmtier  nf  smnll 
vessels,  to  be  fl(ted  out,  nnnneil  nnd  nrioed  nnd  equipped, 

for  (he  prolecdon  of  the  Uiiiled  Slates May  4,  179(1, 

"  Page  .'(0,  ehaptrr  (i4.  An  net  lo  nnthorize  (he  Prcsiden( 
to  niise  n  |irOv[sioiinl  nrmv.  not  e,xeeedine  10,000;  privntes 
to  he  enlisted  for  n  term  not  exccedini:  three  years  ;  to  be 
orcniiized  with  a  snitnbbf  number  of  ninjor  Kcni'rals;  to  nc- 
eept,  in  nddition,  nny  company  or  coinp'*.;iieso,'  volunteers, 
of  nrlillery,  cavalry,  or  infniitry,  wl.o  niny  .issocinte  nnd 
otTer  themselves  for  service;  toap|inin»  :;iieii(ennn(senernl, 
nnd  odier  officers;  (o  piirehnse  s'/ords,  caps,  sabres,  pis- 
tols, nnd  bnlslers  ;  (5200,000  npprcprinlrd.— May  28,  1798, 

"  Page  54,  chapter  r>,5.  An  net  more  etreetiially  to  protect 
the  coniinerce  of  the  United  Slates,  nilthori/.lnit  die  Presi- 
di'nt  lo  instruct  the  commnnders  ol"  nrined  vessels  of  the 
United  8tnles  to  caplnre  armed  vcsstls  of  Frnnee,  wliieh 
shall  hnve  comiiiittcd,  or  shnil  be  Con. id  hnvcrinit  nn  onr 
eo'iBtsfor  the  piirpoac  of  commitdna,  dep  -edadnns  on  Anier- 
iean  vessels;  ami  lo  retnke  any  ship  orv  ;ssel  of  nny  citizen 


wlneh  mny  linvc  btjcn  cnptnruil  by  nny  ■lull  nrined  vend.— 

,Mu\  'jfi,  niis, 

"  I'lije  ,'i|i,  clinpler  79.  .\n  act  to  suspend  Ihe  eoinnierelnl 
Intercourse  lietvveeii  the  United  l'la(e>  nnd  Frnnee,  nml  Hid 
depemleileles  (hereof.—Jlllie  l:l,  171'H, 

•  I'liiie  li  I,  ihnpier  7J,  An  net  to  liicrensu  Hie  stfeniilli  of 
revenue  cutters  (or  delcneu  n;(Uliis(  hosuliuea  neur  the  .ea 
coa..(. 

"  Pane  11.1,  cliapler  74.  Aod  snpplementnry,  nnd  lo  nnieiid 
(be  ni  (  mKhorizing  lliu  President  to  tuiae  a  pruvlslonul 
Briny. 

"Page  lir,,  clinpler  7.'.  An  ne(  coneernlnil  aliens,  nudio- 
rlzliiK  the  PresideiK  loonier  aliens,  siispi'eled  hi  be  dnnaer- 
ous  hi  (lie  p,nce  nml  «nle(y  id  (lie  Unlled  Wtutes,  lu  depart, 

Jic— June  a'.,  \VJ». 

"  Pane  lis,  iliapter  77.  .An  nel  (o  nnthorlze  die  dcfenc" 
of  till'  merc'hnni  vessels  of  till'  Uiilied  Mimes  iiitalnsl  Fri'iieh 
depreiialioiis  ;  may  oppose  and  defend  nitnlnst  swareli,  re- 
sitaliit.  or  seizure;  iiiav  repel  any  n^snnlt  or  hosdllly,  and 
siilnlne  ami  cnplnre  sinli  usaMnnl,  ami  retnke  any  vessel 

ow I  li\   n  cillzin  of  (he  I'liiled  Hiales,  whiel ly  huvn 

been  eaptlired  by  mi)  vessi  I  sailing  under  Fleneb  lohirs,  or 
niiilit  any  .indiorily  of  the  French  fioverninenl;  such  <  iip- 


I  vessels  mny  be  cornhnineil,  nml  sold  m  lawful  piize, 
1  die  prl.-oners  laki  n  in  siicli  ves  el  to  he  delivereil  over 


;       *  See  American  Stale  Papers,  by  Galea  (c  Beaton,  vol.  1, 
"  pp.  730,  731. 


Ilireil 

Dtc.i  ...    , 

10  a  eolleclor,  to  v»ni(  die  |deiuure  of  die  PrifldelH.— ,Iunu 

•r.,  I7i;rt. 

"Pane  71,  chapler  79,  An  nel  in  addidon,  nml  morn 
ellecliiiilly  lo  proleet  the  commerce  ami  coasts  of  the  Uni- 
ted Hiales.  Freneli  nrnied  vessels  eapliired,  with  puns, 
taelile,  nnd  npparel,  ijoods,  nnd  ellect-,  liiiblc  to  forfeiture 
mid  eohdemiintlon  ns  lawful  jnize,  (lllicers  nml  cri'wn  of 
captured  vifssels  may  lie  contliied  in  places  of  snleiy — Juno 
as,  I79«. 

"  Pace  7:!,  chapler  fO.  An  net  nimioprindnii  .%WI,flOfl  lor 
e.tpenses,  he.,  of  new  reginieni  of  urdllcrlsM  and  engi- 
neer  June  30,  I79S. 

"  Paae  73, !  Iiapler  HI,    An  act  niKhorizimr  no(  more  than 

'  twilve  vessels  (In  iiddldnn  lodiose  bel'ori' niilliorizod)  lo  he 
pnreha.-ed,  nrined,  nnd  eipiipped.— Jiiiin  'i>*,  I79H. 

I  "  Pnpe  74,  clinpler  H^.  (ifllXl.nou  npproprlnled  to  pnrchnao 
(hirll'  llioiisand  staiid  of  nrllis, 

'■  Pair-'  71,  chapter  Kl,    An  act  eoneernlnff  nlieii  enemies  ; 
bow  lohe  disposed  of  in  ease  of  dcelnriuion  of  war;  or  nny 
pn'dalory  Incurion  |ier|ielruted  or  altemplcil. 
"  Pape  7(1,  cliapdT  K'l.     An  nel  fnrdier  to  proieel  (bo  roni- 

rei'  of  the   I'niled  S(a(es,  nnlliorizlng  the  President  lo 

\  inslriiet  Ihe  pnhlii'  armed  vessels  of  the  Unlled  Suites  lo 
sniiiliie,  seize,  ami  lake  nny  nrined  French  vessel  whieli 

\  shall  lie  found  widiin  die  Jurlsdictinnnl  limits  of  the  Unlled 

i  Stales,  or  elsewhere,  on  the  hipli  sens,  and  such  ca|itured 
vessel,  with   her  npparel,  pniis,  nnd  nppnrlennnces,  nnd 

:  Bonds  or  elfecis,  heiiis  French  property,  mny  he  proceeded 
ngainsl  n\u\  eondeinlied  as  forfeited, 

"  Privnle  nrnied  sbi|H  nnd  vessels  nf  die  United  Stntea 
mny  he  speeiallv  cominissioned  nnd  niillioiized  to  cnplnre 

!  nnv  nrined  Preiieh  vessels,  nnd  lo  have  them  ndlndlenled 
and  ennilemiied  ns  lawful  prizes,  and  lo  retuke  Americnil 

,  vessels  capiuri'd  by  French  vessels,  'J'lie  prisoners  lo  be 
reported  to  collectors,  Sic— July  9, 1798. 

'  "  Paue  79,  chapter  87,  An  net  for  vnhialinn  of  Innds, 
ciwellina-lionses,  nml  slaves,  ijISO.UUO  nppropriutcd  to  de- 
fray expenses July  9,  I71IH, 

•'  I'ape  9'',  clmiiler  9'>.  An  act  (o  Iny  nnd  collect  a  direct 
lav  nf  two  niiilions  of  ilollnrs.— July  1-i,  1798, 

"  I'nae  107,  chapler  9:1,    .\i t  lo  aiiainent  the  army  of 

die  United  Slates,  nnd  for  oilier  purposes.  The  strength  of 
former  rcpimenis  were  increased.  In  ndilidon  to  present 
miiilarv  c.s|ablishmeii(s,   the  President  wn.s  nulliorized  lo 

raise  twelve  regi \\»  of  iiiihniry  nnd  six  repiineiits  of 

dnipnons,  to  he  euli-ted  for  nnd  during  die  conUnilnlict  of 

'  die  exisdng  diiferenees  helween  the  United  tjtalea  and 
France,  Sic— July  Hi.  17U8, 

"  Piiji'  III,  chnpler !»).  An  net  lo  ennhle the  Prcsldenl lo 
horriiw^for  the  piihiic  service  n  sum  not  exceeding  live  niil- 
ilous  of  ilollnrs,  ill  nddilion  to  die  siin.a  to  be  received  troiii 
taxes.— July  10,  179.1, 

"  Page  1 19,  chapler  IK),  An  act  niipropriating  six  hundred 
Ihousnml  ilollnrs  for  bnildiog  diree  nddilional  allips  of  not 
less  than  thinv-lwo  gnus  each.— July  1(1,  1798, 

"  Page  113,'eliapler  101.  An  act  np|iroprinling  JJ900,000 
for  defraying  the  expenses  of  the  nddltional  nriiiy,  nnd  the 
farUier  snin  of  iii!7"i,000  for  fonillenlions.  Also,  nildiori/.ing 
tlie  President  to  borrow  (wo  milliona  of  dolinrs  upon  the 
credit  nnd  in  nniieipation  of  die  direct  ln.\es.~July  IB, 
1798, 

I      "  Pnac  110,  chapter  lO.'i,    To  amend  Ihe  net  lo  suspend 

!'  the  enminercini  intercourse  bet'  ecu  the  United  Slntes  luid 
Fraiiec,  mill  the  dependencie-  .lierenf, — July  16,  1798. 

"  Pnge  118,  eli-ipler  lUV,  .Xn  net  further  lo  suspend  the 
commereinl  liilcnoiirse  between  Ihe  United  Slates  nnd 
France,  and  (lie  deiemlencics  dicreof.— February  15,  1799, 
"  Paae  109,  chai  let  119.  ..\n  act  fhr  nnglnentnlion  of  Ihe 
navy,  nnthorjzing  «ix  nddilional  ships  of  wnr  of  not  lesn 
dian  seventy-four  guns,  nnd  to  build  or  purclinso  six  sloops 
of  war,  of  eiphleen  guns  each,  lo  be  built,  procured,  nnd 
manned  for  servii'c,  ns  soon  ns  may  be.  The  sum  ol" 
one  luillinn  of  dollars  appropriated  Uierefor.— February  29, 
1799. 
"  Page  130,  chapter  lai.    An  net  to  niter  the  Bininn  duties 

'  eereinfore  liiipo.^ed,  mid  to  amend  Iho  said  act, — February 

i  28,  1799, 

1  "  Pnge  132,  ehnpter  124,  Ail  net  conccmingFrcneh  prison- 
ners  (lint  have  been,  nnd  mny  be,  captured  und  brought  into 
die  United  Slates — Fehriinry28, 1799, 

"  Page  261 ,  chapler  137.  An  nel  giving  eventual  nuthorlty 
to  the  President,  in  case  of  a  war  or  imminent  dnnger  of 
invasion,  lo  organize,  nnd  cause  lo  be  miaed,  twenty-four 
reaiments  of  infnntry,  n  regiment  nnd  batlnlion  of  riflemen,  a 
balt.ilionof  nrliilerists  nnd  engineers,  nnd  three  regimcnla  of 
cavalry,  to  he  enlisted  for  n  term  not  exceeding  three  years. 
To  organize  such  companies  n.s  hnve  been  or  shall  be  ne- 
ceiited  hv  him.  and  to  call  forlli  nnd  employ  not  exeeedini; 
75,000  men.    The  sum  of  two  millions  appropriated  for  tlie 

fiirpnsesorihis  net,  nnd  nutliorlzed  to  be  borrowed  by  tlio 
resident.— Mnrcli  3,  1799. 
"  Page  2»t,  chapler  151.    An  act  autborizing  the  FresU 


002 


ajhii  CoNci i«T  Sk«». 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Jiialiwa  irilh  Mexiro — Mr.  I'amylmckcr. 


(Mny  Vi, 


Sbnatb. 


ilrni  nl'  Ihi-  I'liHi'll  HIHIM,  In  riTliiill  mw"  "flhi'  rtciilh  nf 

IMiiiUhllirlit  »('  rltlxi'lia  nf  Ih*'  I'liilt'il  Hliil*-»  mi  ItimrtI  nC 
'VrMt'll  VI  Kit-la,  U*  rtuw  miiikI  rlllifou*  ri-IHMltn<ill  l>)  liti  htiliti! 
nil  Kri'iirti  i-illxi'iii'  ni|>liiri'il  lii  |>urMiiiiiriMil  llii*laWM  ul'llii 
I'llllril  HIiiti'D—Muri'll  '.i.  r.lKi. 

•I  INttfi'  ',V\\  t'Imiilfr  hit.     All  no  hirlhir  in  kiif|hmi<I  IIh' 
I'niiriiirrniil    (iiliTrnurii'   brlivi'i'ii    Uic  I'lillnl    HlJilfi*  mill 
KrniH!!',  »inl  111'"  ilr|M'nili-iui  *  lliiTi'(tr.  — Krlini'iry  'i". ,  If***". 
•'riM|i'UII,i'liii|ili'r  Ml.    .\ii  uri  III  I'liiillnui'  III  IliM'  uM 

llrt  In  Hllllinrl/.r  (In-  llrli'rii-i'  nl'  Ihi'  nil  Tcllillll  ^i-mlii  iif  lilt' 
I'lllll'll  Kimi'«  n(>lin>l  Krilirh  ill'|iri  illlllniii'.— (\|1C|I  */,  IN>I). 
"  lly  lliri'i'  nrilnni'  lawn  nr  llii'  I  nlli  il  Hliilf,  iiinl  Dii'  ili' 
cri'W  III  FrniH't',  ilip  iiniinl  vi-i.»i-u  nl*  iln-  rinii'il  r*iiilr'i 
wiTu  limniflil  inin  i-nlllnlnn  i\  lili  (hi-  iirinril  vi-mh-UiiI'  Kniiiri'  i 
Irilli  imlillr  iind  iirlvHIi'.  lliinl-liMiuht  linltlin  i-n-iii-il.  IMili 
III' nRil  [irivuli'  vi'piiriH  Will' piiliilnril,  hri/.nl,  lilii-llril,  Hiiil 
rnlMli'tlini'il  M  Uwl'ul  |iri/.ii   In    till*    rillllur^  i  iilinlll    rltillly 

■  riiiril  vi'bul*  iif  Fruiiiu  Hisrii  utken.    \  niivul  wiiriiiri'  »n» 

Wtl«l-ll." 

n  liln  iiitt  rnlttrnil  lliilt  iIum  wiiii  n  Ki'nrriil  wiir,  wlilrti  |iul 
nil  Ihi*  Cllut'im  nl'lllt'  Cnitril  .■^Ijllri  in  liniitllll>  Willi  fill  tllr 

(-iil'Ai>n>«  III'  llii>  l-'rriii'li  Ki'pulilii-.  II  wiH  ii  i|iiulilli  il  witr— ii 
niiirillnip  war  i  nr,  ui*  ili'rltriialt'il  in  tin*  luii)(ilfiKi'  nl  Ihr  (lu>, 
a  yuafi  wrir. 

'I  I  Imvi'  Iril I  tllrarllKll  rnttililinnnriitrnirK,  w  llll  Ihi-  |ilir- 

tirulnrly,  iml  Wllll  tlll'  lrili>llt  In  ili'lllu-f  lllc  ilhrnifininii  nl  fill! 
troHtlcl  (II*  ^7^,  hihI  iniiillliir  riil.Vriillun  III'  I7~H,  i\-i  llii>  II  ;i 
uliir  .  nHiii'i|lii'nfi>  nl'wiir,  Iml  in  iiii|iri>KN  iiinri'  rintihiilrralty 
tlir  imiitllli'  iif  thil  iwn  i-utiiiirlnn  at  tint  tinii' thr  lii'at>  ni 

IIMNI  wan  III'lXtlllHllMt. 

•I  I'lic  I'lllll'll  HlaleH  hnil  aiilril  llirir  riti/i'ti-*  in  ili'lnaiiilintl 
rrlrlliiilinn  tnr  ii|Nilialioii:i  ii|iiiii  tln-ir  I'linnnrri-r  ;  tln-y  hail 
ililisriill).  Iiiilhlull),  iiiifl  I  nrnrull)  i'iiitruvnii>il,  liv  iieniilia- 
Itnn,  tn  I'll'iTI  |ill>nir)lt  I'ltr  llljlirh-ri  lllllll-trll,  ami  rrt'llljly 
HuainNl  till'  t'litnrc.  Knilii'i' rnlllil  lint,  nr  wnlllil  not.  liniki' 
i'niii[M'l)salliin.  .All  tliat  tlui  iin)i<irlniilty  nl'tln'  (■iiM'tnilliril 
I'll'  ..'nlli  li  HInli'M,  lim-ki'ii  li)  thr  I'rriiiiralinns  lt>  m-h  anil 
(anil,  rniilil  I'lrirljnrlhclri-ilisei'nn,  wiiHthi' lii'iily  nl'tlii'  :l.  Ill 
Heptrinlicr,  IHKI.'  Tlii'ii'  I'hiiiini  iiri)|Hi)>i'il  In  lir  rniiiiii  n- 
mitril  liy  IIiIm  liill,  am  Ihi'  vi>i\  i-an«i*ii  nl'  all  Ihr  iinhn  anil 
preimnitiniH  I'nr  war,  anil  nl'tlilii  v'nui  war,  In  llii'  ^hlh  Hi-|i- 

tl'lllluT,  IHHI. 

••  rrrniili'iit  VVanhiiirlnn,  iVoiii  17!>.'ltn  l"'.it,  win  iinalili'tn 
jirni'iire  frimi  Frani'i'  any  Mitl»rai*l"fy  anaiitirnii'iit  liiiim  III*' 
mttiji'rt  III  tlii'M*  MimliatiniiH, 

>'  l*^<•^illl'lll  Ainuiiii  pucKni'il  iIh'  i>nl>Jri-t  ihlliti'Dlly  anil 
raitliflllly  Ullln  thi'  tiraly  nl'  Ihr  .':illll  t<i']iU'iiil«r,  If0  I.  Tin' 
l!>tati'  I'aiMTrt  .-liiiw  thai,  iiiiiIit  lintli  Ailiiiini-lialjnnii,  liiii 
nitKutluliiiiiM  wrru  ennilarlrit  widl  vi'ry  Krt'ut  ahilily  aiiil  rincr 
orarffUiiK'Dt. 

I*  A  ili'ci'iit  rpupiTt  I'nr  till'  riinMliliiti  il  iiiiihnriiirH  nl'  my 
roiintry,  wlin  neifiiliati'il  niiil  ralllii'il  that  tnaly,  ri.'i)niri-i«  ol' 
lite  tiiHliy  it  W'HM  thr  lirnt  that  rnnlil  Ur  nlitainril.  Thi'  hn>- 
lory  nl'tllr  iilfltr  of  airairn  in  riaiin-  at  that  ihiy,  ami  rrxnw 
of  the  ni'fintiatinn,  ii  Jii.-t  rntitiilrnii-  in  Ihr  ii.ilrintiKiii  ami 
Jllilitinrnl  of  my  rontiiryinrn  who  I'mmi-il,  a|i|irii\ril.  anil 
ratilW-il  that  trnily,  ai'i'tirr  mi'  it  w  n.s  thr  lii-r-t  attainahlr. 

Ttu'  rlinl il'allrriintivi'iwa?i  thru  iir-'M'ntrd.  tn  laKr  -ir-li 

a  trraty.  or  )ltl^ll  nn  in  thai  riiin>ir  nl'  iiiranirrN  wtnrli  m:ih 
fhitl  HWerpinn  \l*  into  till*  viirtr\  nl  Kiirn|H'an  pnlitirs.  \ 
alDKlr  proKrrsiiinn  frnm  thr  i^irnAl  t\  ar,  wniilii  liavi-  plnriffi'il 
llll  into  tlin  whirl|Hinl  of  thr  i  nnllnrnlal  war. 

oTIioifn  who  at  that  ilay  tillnl  Ihr  il-'paitinrnln  nf  mir 
((oveninirnt,  to  wliniii  thr  (.'nn.^tiltitirli  hail  rnnliitril  ihii 
IMiwrrM  to  eomliirt  nnr  fnri'iifn  iiilrri'nnriir,  anil  to  mninl.iin 
uur  ntihlM  anil  lii(i'rr:il.>i  avniiiiit  I'nrri'in  nnlimiN,  ihil  an-rdr 
to  thin  trraly.  Thry  hail  an  intinialu  knowlrilcr  nf  ihr  paiifi- 
\n%  rvrntf .  To  llirtii  it  hrlnnuril  In  proviilr  I'nr  tllr  ijirm'-ts 
and  happinoM  of  that  urnrratinn.  I  wilt  nnt  nit  in  jiiilKiiirnI 
to  cniiiieinn  tlirir  rnndm't,  n\rrhaiil  tlirir  pinrrritjiiuri,  anil 
rcvrr.-r  thitr  i|rri>inii,  alV'r  ihrlnp-r  of  a  ihiriliu'a  rrtilnry. 
!f  il  i«  nrri'^Hiiry  to  itikmI  orilrr  ami  thr  wi  II  bcinit  ol'imrtrt^ . 
that  the  Judirial  ilreisionK  of  thr  ronnlry  nhall  miiiiil,  it  in 
not  Uie  lew  io  to  have  «niiir  ^tallilily  in  thr  poliliral  ilrriii- 
iona  nf  thr  4;nvrrnmrnt  il|Hin  iniillrm  cniilr.sKi'illv  lM'lnii)!inK 
to  the  disrrrtioii  ami  pnwrrs  nf  tlierxrciitlvranil  li'tlii*lativr 
departmciiti.  Hmliitity  in  ilir  ai'tinn  of  tsovrrninrnt  is 
necessary  to  conlidencr,  Rnnil  nriirr,  ami  human  happinrti.s.'' 


RELATIONS  WITH  MEXICO. 
REMARKS  OF  IMR.  PENNYBACKER, 

OF    VinOINIA, 
Is  THE  Sen'.\te,  .Vni/  \-i,  ]e4(i. 
On  the  Bill  providiiiff  t'or  tlie  prn.scruiiiiii  of  ihc 
lixi.siiii'.:  war  lietween  the  Uiiitctl  Sijiles  iiiiii  ilie 
Republic,  of  Mexico. 

Mr.  PE\NYn.\CKF,R  ru.I,  nx  ilii'  <|„rsiliin 
WII8  one  nf  Ki'Pat  inipoiiniiM',  liu  wuiilil  ns.sigM  vei-y 
briefly  the  rcnsona  for  hi.s  vole. 

It  ia  not  nei'ossary  (said  Mr.  P.)  tolliiicxihtence 
ofn  slate  of  wnr,  thai  war  shnnlj  ho  ilerlarcd  by 
holh,  or  by  ever,  either,  of  the  coiiieniliii^'  panics. 
There  is  the  hi^'hesi  niiihorily  on  iiuiioiKil  law  for 
the  support  of  iliia  po.iilion. 

Bynkcrshoek  {HnysChainellor  Kent,  in  his  Com- 
mentaries on  Amerinin  Law)  has  devotcil  on  entire 
ehnpter  to  this  (piestion,  nnd  he  niain(iiin.>i  that  « 
deelamtion  of  war  i.s  not  requisiir,  by  the  law  of 
nutions,  nnd  that,  tlintii;li  ii  niMy  very  propiTiy  be 
made,  il  rnnnot  be  required  as  it  mailer  nf  ri"hl. 
The  practirc  rests  entirely  on  ninnner.o  and  imm-- 
naniinity,  and  il  was  borrowed  from  the  nnrienl 
Komans.  All  thai  he  contends  for  is,  thaloi/cwaiK/ 


of  what  ((•«  rnneeirt  In  ht  ilue  slioiilil  lie  ;>r(ti<i>tM(t)  | 
niiiilr.     We  lire  not  bniinil  tn  iii'ronipniiy  that  di-  i 
iiiand  with  ilireau  of  liosiiliiy,  or  to  fnllnw  it  with  I 
a  piihlie  dri'liimlinn  of  war;  nnd  he  ritis  many  in- 
stall  es  to  fliiiw,  that  within  the  l:ml  two  (■cnlnrieH 
wars  have  been  iVenuoiitlv  eoinnii'nrril  wllhniil  ii 
'  pruvinun  drrlarutioii.     Sin'rc'  the  time  of  Bynker- 
•  liofk  (enniimii'N  he)  it  lins  beionie  setiled,  liy  the  ' 
prarliic  nf  Europe,  llnil  war  iiiay  lawfully  itxiMt  by  , 
II  ilri'liualioii  whiih  Ih  loii/iild'n/ only,  or  iei(/i(/u(  ii  ' 
ilecliiriilhn  mi  rilliir  .lii/r.    It  may  be'^ni  with  muluiil 
hinlililits.     Sinee  the  prni  e  of  Veranilli  h,  in  nihl, 
fiirnial  iliilnralionN  nf  war  nf  every  kind  Heein  in 
have,  been  illxi  onliiiiied,  anil  all  llie  iiei'iNsai'V  nnd 
le>{iliniHle  eniineipienrrN  nf  war  llnw  at  oiuii  Irniiia 
slate  nf  pill  die  hnslilitioH,  duly  i'ei'ni;iuseil,iind  i  x- 
plii'illy  iinnniini'ed,by  adnmcHtii'  niaiiil'into  nr  sliili' 
papi  i\     In  the  wiir  belweeti   l';iii,'lniid  iiiiil  I'Vaine, 
ill  \Tin,  ihc  first  piiblie  ni  I  on  the  pan  of  the  Eiii;- 
lisli  liovrriinieiil  wa  i  rerallin:;  its  iniiiisler,  iiiul  lliiil 
xiii!(le  ni'f  WHS  I'oiisiilered  by  (''lanee  n,i  ti /irfiiM ';/' 
''if  I'farr  liclween  the  two  nnlions.      VVirir  irn,i  iin  i 
iilhrr  iltrlnraliou  nf  \niv,  ihnuirh  rneli  liovernnieiil 
"ff  iinirils  published  a  ninnil'eslo  in  vindiialion  id'' 
its  elaliiis  and  rondiii't.     The  same  tiling'  maybe 
said  of  the  war  wliirli  brnke  out  in  17!l.'l,  and  aijniu 
ill  l^<ll.'^;  and,  indeed,  in  tli(!  war  of  K.'ili — llinii;;h 
u  siilenin   and    lornial  dei'lnraiion  nf  war,  in  the 
nneient  slylr,  was  made  in  Juiie,  17.1(1 — ffiroviiiM 
hnxlililirf  had  been  rarried  on  between  Kiiuliiiid  and 
Eiaiiie  I'nr  a  venr  iu'ei'idiiii.'.      In  the  war  iln'lared 
by  ilie  rnileil  Stalls  n!;ain.'<l  l'!iii.'land  in  lt<l'2,  hns- 
lililii's  wne  immrdiately  inminineed  nn  our  part 
as  soon  as  the  art  nf  (.'nm^ress  was  passed,  with- 
nut  Hailiii;;  to  enmninnieale  tn  the   Eiii.dish  Gov-  ' 
ernment  ttinj  iiotiir  ii/'oitr  ja/eiifiDiM. 

To  the  Mnnie  ell'eit  (said  .Mr.  P.)  is  the  author- 
ity nf  Sir  W.  Senit,  nne  of  the  mn.<il  dislinsriiished 
jiiibres  who  ever  presided  in  the  llii;h  Court  of 
Adiuiialty  in  llie  kiiiKdnin  of  Cireat  ISriliiin.  He 
. ,  y.i;  ' 

'•  lint  it  irt  falil  that  thr  two  roiinlrirn  wrrr  not,  in  rrality,  i 
(a  II  fli'le  of  I'fir,  ln'caiifie  thr  drelnrnlinn  tva.i  iiiii/.i/iTiii 
niilv.     I  am',  liowi'vrr.  prrl'iTlly  elrnr  llliil  it  wa..i  no/  /cm  a  \ 
ti'tr  on  thai  uirouiit^/or  uur  mini  vxlnt  iiil/iout  n  ilirtitralion 
nn  rUhtr  iiiilf.     It  i-  no  laid  ifnwii  hy  the  he^t  wrilern  on  the  1 
law  nl'  naliniii.     .A  drt'lnratinn  nf  'war  liy  one  eotinlry  only 
i^i  iml.  Ill  has  bren  rrpri'.entril,  a  iiirre  rhallrnne.  to  he  ar- 
rrplril  or  rrfiiheil  nl  lilraiiitre.     It  proves  the  fiHtlcn*-v  rf'ar-  : 
liiiil  hnilitiliei  on  onr  siile  at  Irn.-t,  and  puis  tlir  ntlirr  parly 
aUo  into  a  »/ii/r  of  war,  tlinnitli  lie  may,  piTliaps,  think  (trnp- 
rr  to  art  oil  the  ilrfrmivr  onhi.'* 

Ernni  these  anihorilies  (said  Mr.  P.)  il  is  elear  [ 
that  war  may  exist,  ihouf:li  there  may  have  been  | 
nn  deelaralion  of  it.  '  \ 

Now,  if  this  be  so,  it  follows  neeessnrily  that  the  ! 
exi.stenrenf  a  war  tuny  be  (iroved  by  evidi'iu'e  oilier  j 
than  a  deelaralion  of  it.  A  deelaralion  nf  war,  Io 
Is!  sure,  is  the  best  evidenee  of  a  stale  of  war,  for  | 
il  is  I'Oiiejiisive  upon  the  subjeei,  and  leaves  nolhiiis:  ' 
to  presumption;  but  as  war  may  exist  without  siirli  : 
deilaratinn,  il  follows,  of  course,  that  it  may  be  , 
proved  by  other  evidenee. 

Wlinl  is  llll!  evidenee,  then,  before  us,  that  war  ' 
exists  belweeii  the  United  .Stales  and  Mexieo?         ; 

It  will  be  remembcrcil  by  the  Senate,  tha',  for 
yens  loiio;  past,  Mexieo  lias  enierlaineil  hostile 
feelings  towards  the  Unile d  Stales.  She  has  ehar^;-  \ 
ed  our  eitizcns  with  wrcneliins;  from  her  the  terri- 
tory ofTexas;  nay,  she  has  ehai'i^ed  our  Govern-  ' 
mcnl  wilh  connivinij  at  it,  if  not  in  ('net  instiiialin!;  | 
it.  .She  protested  n^ninsl  the  nnnexation  of  Texas 
to  llie  United  Slates,  and  fuve  formal  notiee  to  the 
Government  here,  that  if  the  joini  re.soliitions 
should  be  pas.scd  by  Coni^ress  admiitin<;  Texas 
into  the  Uuioii,  she  would  eonsider  that  aet  an  act 
of  war.  On  the  p^i.^r-aire  of  the  re.sululions,  her 
Mini.«lir  here,  by  order  nf  his  Government,  de- 
manded his  passports,  and  indii;niinlly  withdrew 
frnm  the  >  nuiilry,  bieatliiiif;  vemicame  against  the 
United  Sisie.i.  Ill  letinn,  our  Minister  at  Mexico 
was  refused  all  official  inlereour.se  wilh  that  Gov- 
ernment, and  was  in  elTect  driven  from  their  coun- 
try; thus  lern..iiatinf,',  by  ihe  acts  of  Mexieo,  all 
di|ilomntii'  intercourse  between  Ihe  two  countries. 
Afterwards  she  occupied  a  hostile  attitude  towards 
the  United  Slates,  tnarshnlling  and  organizing;  ar- 
mies, issuing  proclamnlioiiB,  and  avowing  the  in- 
j  tenlion  to  make  war  on  the  United  Slates,  cither 
by  an  open  deelaiation  of  war,  or  by  invading 
Texas.  These  are  matters  of  history,  (said  Mr.  P.) 
and  would  be  evidence  in  a  court  of  justice,  and 
much  more  are  they  so  in  a  political  body. 

JNotwithstanding  these  things  (said  Mr.  P.)  the 


President  of  the  United  Stairs,  neiiinled  by  a  mrnng 
desire  to  eslabliHli  peai c  wilh  that  loiiiitry  nn  the 
most  lihernl  and  honoiiible  leriiis,  iirliiu//!/ .toiijiryil  u 
reopening  of  iliplomalie  relalions  between  the  two 
I'oiililrns,  and  sent  a  miiiisler  there;  and  how  was 
he  treati'd.'  lie  was  refused  lo  be  received,  not 
only  otKr,  but/iricf;  and  ht^  was  thus  compelled  Io 
leave  the  eouiilry.  Tliine  aits  nf  hnrttlji'  rhaiiir. 
ler  were  fnllowi  d  up  by  a  coiiieiiiralinn  of  miliiary 
forces  on  the  ri:;lit  imiik  of  the  Kio  del  .N'orte,  in 
till)  linvii  and  vieinily  of  Matamoros,  on  the  im- 
mediate  boundary  between  ihe  two  ciiiintries. 
Our  Hoops  were  onleied  to  that  bnundiiry  to  repel 
the  Ihreateni'il  invasion,  and  tliey  poated  tlieiii- 
selves  iiiiini'iliately  opposite  the  enemy,  on  llie 
Americiiii  side  of  the  river.  The  .Vlexiciiii  general 
ill  innimand  nntllied  ihe  American  general  to  break 
up  his  lamp  within  Iwi  uly-four  hours,  or  war 
would  be  the  n  suit.  Nay,  he  nnlilied  hiin  to  re- 
lire  beyond  llin  IViieces  river;  anil  in  the  event  of 
his  mil  complying,  anus  would  ileciile  the  ipieslion. 
Why  was  this  (leinauil  made,  if  war  was  not  in 
li'iideil .'  Did  he  expect  to  inliniidate  the  .\inerii  an 
forces,  and  e.uise  them  to  iie^loriously  llee.^  Mo, 
no  oiii!  ran  iidieve  that.  Why  was  the  demand 
maile,  then  ?  Il  was  made  because  the  law  of  na- 
tions re(|tiirril  that  it  should  be  made  bef'ore  lliere 
entilil  be  lawfully  a  itsnit  Inanii.s.  I  have  already 
saiil  that  Bynkershnek  eonleiids  that  though  a 
deelamlion  nf  war  is  nnl  lacessary  to  justify  ag- 
gression, yet  "n  ilrmnnit  of  triinl  lee  cnnctirtl  lo  hi 
rfiif  should  be  ;irfrioii.i/i/ ninile."  Here  was  tin: 
ilriiiaiul  iiiiiilr:  nnd  it  was  conieivetl  to  be  due  by 
the  Mexican  general  that  our  troops  should  di  - 
camp  and  retire  beyond  the  Nueces.  In  a  short 
lime  after  litis  (only  a  few  days)  the  Mexican  geii- 
eral  was  changed  and  another  appniined  lo  his 
place — that  was  General  Arista,  the  niosl  skilful 
and  arconiplished  of  all  the  Mexiinii  general,').  lie 
ilifoi'med  Oeiieml  Taylor  "  that  he  considered  lins- 
lililies  linil  commenced,  ami  he  slionld  proseciitr 
them  accordingly."  Ou  that  day  his  forces  were 
sent  across  the  river  into  the  territory  of  the  Uniled 
.Slates,  wilh  the  avowed  purpose  of  proseculing 
the  war,  and  ni\  that  very  day  the  hostile  parlies 
met,  anil  sixty  dragoons  of  the  American  army, 
including  otficein  and  men,  weni  killed  and  taken 
nrisonei's.  Is  not  this  war.'  What  evidence  will 
lie  reipiired  nf  the  exislence  of  war .'  If  Mexico 
is  not  bound  to  make  a  declaration  of  war  before 
war  can  properly  be  said  to  exist,  whot  other  evi- 
dence can  possibly  be  expected  of  the  existence  of 
a  stale  of  war.'  To  Mr.  P. 'a  mind  Ihe  evidence 
was  complete  to  show  that  a  stale  of  war  actually 
existed. 

But  geiiilemen  say  war  can  only  be  made  by  the 
soveifign  authorities  of  the  two  nations,  and  that 
in  this  case  it  does  not  appear  that  that  portion  of 
the  two  Governmenis  which  represents  the  sm- 
erigii  power,  i/iokk/  llih  (/litig  e/'  innA'iag  tear,  has 
n.sscnted  to  the  lioslililies  existing.  Why,  how  is 
it,  so  far  as  we  me  concerned  .'  Our  territory  has 
been  invailcd,  and  we  have  been  solemnly  in- 
formed "that  the  nueslion  between  Ihe  two  nations 
can  only  be  setlletl  by  anus."  Now,  the  Consti- 
tiilion  of  the  Uniietl  Slates  dedans  that  "  the 
President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  the  rom- 
miiniler-inrhirf  of  the  nrmij  unit  narij  of  the  Uniled 
States."  If  the  country  lie  invaded,  what  is  his 
duty.'  Il  is  to  ilefend  il.  I  lis  duly  as  commander- 
in-chief  rrijinffs  him  to  defenil  it.  When  he  does 
defend  il,  iheiefore,  does  he  acl  without  aiilhorily 
from  the  sovereign  power  of  the  Stale.'  He  acis 
but  in  |)ur.suaiice  of  his  eonsliiutional  duty,  and 
when  he  so  acts  he  represents  the  sovereign  power 
of  the  Slate. 

Bui,  more  than  this,  (said  Mr.  P.,)  Ihe  Consii- 
tuiioii  empowers  Congress  "  to  provide  for  calling 
forth  the  militia  to  suppress  insurrection  and  repel 
iMra.vi*in:*' and  lliey  have  executed  this  power  by 
passing  laws  upon  the  subject.  They  have  autho- 
rized llie  President,  "  whenever  the  United  Stales 
'  shall  be  invaded,  or  in  imminent  danger  of  inva- 
'  sioii  from  any  forcii'n  nation  or  Indian  tribe,  to 
'  call  forth  such  numljcr  of  the  militia  of  the  Stata 
'  or  Stales  most  convenient  to  Ihe  place  of  danger 
'  or  scene  of  action  as  he  may  deem  necessary  lo 
'repel  such  invasion,  nnd  to  issue  his  orders  for 
'  that  purpose  to  such  officer  or  officers  of  the  mili- 
'  lia  as  he  shall  think  proper."  Now,  when  the 
country  is  invaded,  and  he  acts  under  this  law. 
does  he  not  act  by  the  authority  of  the  sovereign 


fMny  I'.', 


IKNATK. 


I*l(J.l 


Al'PKNDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAI.  GLOBE. 


003 


3i>rH  CoNo I8T  Sr.ss. 


The  Mftican  fViir — Mr.  Dousrhst, 


llo.  ov  Hi:fi. 


ii'iy  111]  iii^ 

IllllJ  MUlfht  II 

on  llif  I\v7i 
ml  hiiw  w,iM 
I't'ivi'il,  h.ii 

■"l"|H'l|ll|    III 

'lili'  rliiinii'. 
iifiiiililiny 
I  iNiirif,  III 
III!  itii'  Ihi- 
I'lMinirifn. 

iiry  to  ii|)i  I 
iliiil  iliiiii- 

•'y.  Ill)  iiiH 

ii-iiii  gcniiiil 
iiil  liilimik 
.  iir  wnr 
liini  III  I'l'- 
I'veiu  111' 

111-  l|MIHlill||. 

wii.<  inn  III 
Aiiifiiraii 
'I-?  An, 
III'  ik'niiiiiil 
l»w  of  nil- 
Kl'iire  lliiMf 
iiivi.'  Mirnidy 
I    tliiiii!;li    I, 

I  jiintify  (ij;. 
'I /ICC in/  to  hi 
•re  wiiM  lilt, 

II  Ijc  iliio  liy 
nIioiiIiI  ill.. 
Ill  u  alinri 

I'xinui  mii- 

lllPlI     lo'lllrt 

mist  HkiH'iil 
mriila.  I|i> 
siilcivil  lllis- 
il  |iriisirnli' 
fiirceB  were 
f  till)  Unlleil 
priLWdllilll; 
still-  pnrtii's 
rii'iiii  iiniiy, 
J  mill  taken 
vidcMii-o  will 
II"  Mixii-ii 
'  wnr  Ijcl'iiii- 
It  oilier  evi- 
lixiNteiK'ii  nf 
lie  cviilcnre 
I'ar  iictiially 


'i 


liiiwrr  iif  I'll  iiuliiin?  Ilim  nut  tliii  piiwiT  "ii  lo  i 
itii  liri'ii  ili'li>;;airU  In  liiiit  liy  iho  niivervlgil  puwcr  [ 
iuelf? 

So  I'ar  im  the.  United  Sinlrit  nro,  then,  rnnremfd  | 
in  ri'|ii'llin;;  iiivaniini,  llni  I'miiilrnl  nrin  hh  iIir  n'|i- 
ri'Hrntalivi^  iif  tin-  iialiiiii,  anil  lliiH  witliuiit  a  liirmal  i 
ili'i'laraliiin  of  war  liy  (^iimjri^sii  tn  riialilii  liini  In  I 
ilii  mi.  Huili  (Irclaiiitiiiii  of  war  i»  iiiiiitPi'Siinry  to  \ 
rimlilii  linn  to  ilii  no.     I  In  lian  alivaily  ihv  powrr  I 

10  do  HO,  mill  ilir  Ciiiiiiiiintliiii  iiinkiN  it  liin  duty  to 
rxiriine  it.     Iiidred,  niidir  tlic  law  of  iiatioiin,  n  ' 
ili'i'lamtloii  of  war  wait  niver  iinomiry  in  emu  of 
dil'innivt  war.     Vallil  miys;  "  lie  who  in  altark- i 
'  nl,  uiid  only  wa^'i.'s   ilinimivr   war,   iieeda   nut 

■  niiike  any  lioNtili'  lii'iliiratliin;  llic.  Hiatr  of  warfaro 
'  lieiiij;  NiiJKrii'iitly  aHi'iTliiini d  liv  ill"  iiieiiiy'H  di!- 

*  riaiiiiiiiii,  iir  iijirii  /iii.ililifiii.  In  inndiTii  tiiniN, 
'  hiiwiAfr,  tin:  anveiTiKii  wlio  Ih  Htlackrd  ni^liloni 
'  oiiiiiH  111  ilci'lai-fl  war  in  liin  inni,  wlntlnr  from 

*  ini  idi'a  nf  ili:;iiity,  or  fur  lite  dinrtiim  ff  ''•■'  ■'"'i- 
'jcclt."  It  is  only  ill  ruse  of  ofl'iii.-'ivi!  wnr,  or  tin' 
oiiniiiiriiiM'iiunil  nf  war  iin  the  |iiirl  nf  llii'  United 
MtalCH,  that  CoiicreNfi  Ih  ealleil  ii|>iin  "lo  ilrrlare 
it'iir,"  before  the  Hlale  of  war  ran  |iri)perly  exint. 

Then  how  is  il  with  Mexiiiir  (Kiiiil  Mr.  I*.)     It  j 
is  Haiil  that   it  dnen  imi  appear  lliat  the  miveieijjn 
power  of  Mcxieii  lia»  aiilhoriv.id  these  liii.itllitieH; 
that  tl..    nation  may  di»plaini  Ihe  actH  of  ihe  gone- ; 
ral;  and  ihiit  in  that  eaKe  there  wonlil  lie  no  war.  ' 
Now,  am  any  one,  in  view  nf  the  whole  conduct 
<if  .Mexico,  Huppose  fur  a  niiiinent  that  IIiIh  Ih  piw-  ; 
HJIile.'     'I'lic  (Mineral  wiih  rhan^'fd   in   the  face  nf 

*  inr  triiop.s;  and  liy  wliOHe  authority  wan  thifl  done? 
U(ien  nut  ihiK  look  like  a«  if  the  fmi;nr  of  the  Gov- 
ernment waa  in  thin  matter.'    There  in  no  need  of 

11  declarnlion  of  war  on  the  part  of  Mexico  tn  prove 
that  war  iloea  acinally  exist.     They  arc  not  linuiid  \ 
u>  furnisli  ua  with  evidence  that  the  wnr  does  ex-  : 
isi.     IIiiw,  then,   can  wu  determine  ii[ion  what  i 
they  have  resolved  to  do,  except  throni;li  the  acts 
<if  their  legally  apnoinled  oflieeis?     \Vc  are  not 
liiinnil  to  wait  i.iitil  they  furnish  us  wilh  evidence 
<if  their  inleiii  Vo  strike  heforc  we  can  .'ay  that  war 
exists.    Every  presumption  of  law  and  of  eoinmon 
sense  is  in  favor  of  the  idea  that  so  much  military 
parade  and  preparation,  and  such  fearful  resnoii- 
sihilities,  were  never  made  and  assumed  without  ' 
the  direction  of  the  proper  anlhnrilits  in  the  Re- 
public, of  Mexico.     We  must  liold  nations  hound 
for  such  acta  of  their  officers,  or  otherwise  there 
would  be  no  security  for  the  pence  of  the  world. 

War,  then,  exists; and  shall  wc  not  say  so.'  The  ' 
highest  consideralioiis  of  policy  and  jnstne  ref|iiirc 
tis  to  do  80.  It  is  necessary  that  we  should  do  so 
to  iippriac  our  own  people  at  home  and  abroad  of 
their  new  relations  and  duties  growing  out  of  ihia 
state  of  war.  It  is  necessary  that  we  should  do  so 
lo  apprise  neutral  nations  of  the  fact,  to  enable 
them  to  conform  their  conduct  to  the  rights  helong- 
iiig  to  the  new  state  of  things.  And  it  is  necessary 
that  we  should  do  so,  in  order  to  obviate  all  diffi- 
cully,  when  we  come  lo  treat  of  the  right  to  seize  | 
certain  things  which  neutral  persons  are  carrying 
to  the  enemy,  and  of  what  is  termed  conlrnhniirf  in  , 
time  of  war.  Enlerlaining  these  opinions,  Mr.  P. 
said  he  was  opposed  to  all  amendments  which 
should  be  olfcreil  to  the  bill,  having  for  their  object 
the  striking  out  of  any  portion  of  the  bill  which 
asserts,  most  truly,  that  war  does  exist;  and  lie 
should  vole  accordingly. 


THE  MEXICAN  WAR. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  S.  A.  DOUGLASS, 

OF  ILLINOIS,  I 

In  the  Housi-:  of  REpaiiSENTATivEa, 
Maij  13, 1846. 
The  Bill  making  appropriations  for  the  support  of 

the  Army,  itc,   being  under  consideration   in 

Committee  of  the  Whole — 

Mr.  DOUGLASS  rose  to  reply  to  the  speech  of 
the  gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Dei..\no]  who  had  [ 
just  Utkcn  his  seat.  Several  members  proposed 
that  the  committee  rise,  wilh  a  view  lo  adjourn-  ; 
tnent,  that  he  might  apeak  in  the  morning,  if  he  ' 
preferred  that  course.  lie  declined  to  avad  him-  j 
self  of  their  courtesy,  as  hia  remarks  would  neces-  i 
Hiu'ily  be  desultory  and  without  preparation,  and  ' 
directed  principally  to  the  points  which  had  already  I 


Ihmmi  touched  in  the  ilisi'iiaalon.     My  object  (siild 
he)  is  lo  vindicate  nnr  OovrrnniPiil  ai  d  eounlry 
from   the  iisperniiinH  and  eiilnmniis  which    have 
been  cast  upon  Ihein  by  several  geiiltemen  in  the 
conrsn  of  this  debate,  in  coiniexinn  wilh  the  causes 
which  hine  lid  In  the  exisling  wnr  with  Mexico,  i 
I  lirefer  to  meet  and  repel   Ihiise  charges  at  once,  [ 
wliile  they  are  fresh  in  our  ininilM,  and  to  demon-  ' 
stralc,  MO  far  as  my  feeble  abililies  will  enable  mc  | 
to  do  Hii,  thiit  our  (Inveriinienl  has  nut  been  in  the  ! 
wrong,  and  .Mexico  in  the  right,  in  the  origin  and  I 
progress  of  the  pending  cnnlriiveisy.     The  gentle-  ' 
innii  friiin  Ohio  has  been  ko  kind  us  tn  hi'iald   my 
expected  advent  before  my  arrival,  and  loaiiiinuiii  e 
til  a  I  was  aliiiul  to  fnlln'w  him  in   the  debate.     I  ' 
suppose  he  drew  siicli  mi  inference  from  the  fact 
that  I  enlered  the  hall  while  he  was  npeiiking,  took 
a  seat  near  him,  and  llniened  In  Ins  speech  wilh  the  > 
most  leKiieeiful  allriiliini.     lie   'erlaiuly  had  no 
other  aui'iority  for  the  annnuiiceiiienl.     Ading  on  ' 
this  Slip  I  isitiiin,  he  has  aildrexsed  a  large  pnrlinn 

of  his  remarks  to  me,  and  invited  a  s| ial  answer 

iViiin  me  In  the  main  pninls  of  his  arguineiil.  I 
iiropose  to  gratify  him  in  this  resiieii;  and,  while 
I  shall  speak  with  iVeedom  and  linldneMs  iif  his 
piisltiuns  and  argumeiilN,  I  shall  endeavor  to  uli- 
serve  thai  eiiiulesy  Inwards  hiiii,  individinilly, 
which  is  eiiiisisient  with  an  appropriate  reply  lo 
Nui-h  nil  extraordinary  s|ieeeii, 

I  I  ommeiid  the  piiiriiiiiNin,  if  not  the  mnnilily, 
of  the  senliinent  which  he  nnofed  nl  the  beginnint:, 
and  repeated  several  limes  dnrinir  the  course  of  his 
reinarkn:  "  I  (.'o  fur  my  country,  right  or  wrong." 
I  fear,  however,  that  Ibis  sentinienl,  once  so  much 
applaniled  by  our  connlrynien,  is  almut  to  be 
briiiiglil  into  ridicule  and  coiiienipl,  by  the  use 
which  that  gentleman  and  his  cnadjntors  are  now 
disjiosed  lo  iiuiku  of  it.  Tiny  tell  ii.s  thai  they  go 
for  their  country,  right  or  wrung;  but  ihey  in.iist 
that  their  country  is,  and  has  been,  all  the  limn  in 
the  wrong.  They  profess  lo  support  ihi;  war;  but 
they  vote  against  the  law  which  recngiiiiies  i's  ex-  I 
isteiice  and  proviiles  the  means — the  ininicy  and 
the  men — tn  expel  a  hosiile  army  that  has  invaded 
our  eiiiinlry  and  butchered  our  cili/ens.  They 
profess  great  anxiety  for  the  triiunph  nf  our  arms; 
out  they  denounce  the  wnr — the  cause  in  which 
our  cniintry  is  engaged — as  "  unholy,  vnrighteous, 
andihinnahlf." 

Mr.  J.  W.  TIoiBTov.     Who  made  use  of  that  ■ 
expression?     Was  it  any  gentlomau  on  thissidc 
oftheIIou.se.'  _  'I 

Mr.  Doi'di.Ass.     Yes,  sir.    The  gentleman  fioni  ' 
Ohio,  [.Mr.  Dki.ano,1  who  has  just  taken  his  seal, 
made  use  of  the  identical  words,  and  repeated  them  ; 
several  times,  with  great  emphasis,  in   the  course 
of  his  speech,  while  the  great  body  of  his  political 
friends  listened  wilh  the   most  profound  respect, 
and  gave  every  indication  of  iipprnbation  and  eii- 
couragement,  iiy  expreasiiins,  looks,  and  nods  of  i 
assent.     Even  now  1  see  the  venerable  genllenimi 
from  Massachuselta  nodding  his  approval  of  the 
sentiment. 

Mr.  J.  Q,.  Adams.     Yes,   sir.     I   approve  and  ■, 
endorse  every  word  and  syllable  of  it.  i 

Mr.  Dof  GLASS.     So  1  supposed,  from  the  mark-  ,! 
ed  indications  of  approbation  which  ihalgentlenian   | 
and  his  friends  gave  to  all  the  attacks  which  have  ' 
been  made,  during  this  di.icussioii,upoii  the  rights, 
interests,  and  honor  of  our  country.     He  is  more 
bold  and  less  politic  in  the  expression  of  his  opiii-   ! 
ions.     They,  after  a  little  reflection,  discover  the   ^ 
expediency  of  concealment;  but   the    lamenliible 
fact  is  too  palpable,  that  their  feelings  and  sympa- 
thies are  in  perfect  unison.     Since  he  has  had  the 
hardihood  tn  avow  the  sentiinenl,  I  suppose  tliiiy 
will  consider  its  prnfaniiy  and  moral  treason  per- 
fectly consistent  with  their  professions  of  Chris- 
tianity and   patriotism.     Wiial  reliance  shall   we 
place  on  the  sinccriiy  of  gentlemen's  professions, 
thai  they  are  for  their  country,  right  or  wrong, 
when  ihey  exert  all  their  power  and  influence  lo 
put   their  connlry  in    the   wrong   in  the  eves  of 
Christendom,  and  invoke  the   wrath  of  lleaven 
upon  us  for  our  manifold  national  crinn  -<  anil  ag- 
gressions.' With  professions  of  pnlriolis  i  on  their 
lips,  do  they  not  show  that  their  beans  are  with 
the  enemy.'    They  appeal  to  the  consciences  and  ; 
religious  scruples  of  our  countrymen   to  unite  in  l 
execration  of  our  Government  for  supporting  what  ,| 
they  denounce  as  an  unholy,  unrighteous,  and  n 
damnable  cause?  They  predict  that  the  vengeance 


of  trod  will  fill  upon  lis;  that  aiiknesa,  and  ear* 
iiage.aiiil  death,  will  be  our  portion;  tliat'l  I'eal  and 
disgrace  will  alleiid  our  arms  !  Is  there  i  ut  trea- 
son in  the  heart  thai  can  feel,  and  poisuii  in  ilia 
lii'i  alli  llial  can  niter,  such  sentinienis  against  their 
own  ciiniilry,  when  Inn  ed  to  take  lip  arms  in  self- 
defeiiie,  tn  repel  the  invasion  of  a  brutal  and  per- 
fidious foe'  They  for  their  i  nuiitry,  right  or 
wrong!  whn  tell  nnr  people,  it  ihey  rally  under 
their  cnnntry's  slnndaril,  th*-ir  bnnes  will  bleach 
nil  Ihe  plains  of  Mexico,  niiil  the  enemy  will  look 
down  I'liim  the  inounlniii-lop  tn  behold  Ihr  destrue- 
tinii  nf  nnr  armies  by  disease,  and  all  those  inysle- 
rinus  elements  of  death,  which  Divine  I'rovideiicB 
employs  lo  punish  a  wicked  people  liir  prnsecnting 
an  iinhnly  and  uiijiist  war!  Sir,  1  tell  lliese  geii- 
lleinen  ihat  it  reipiires  mnte  ehaiiiy  than  falls  to 
llie  hit  of  frail  man  In  believe  thai  ilie  expi'i  ssioii 
of  snch  si-'ii(imenls  is  ciinsistenl  with  ihe  sinctrily 
iif  their  tirofessiniiH — with  palriotisin,  honor,  anil 
duly  lo  their  cniinlry.  I'alrliilism  i  uianatcs  from 
the  heart;  il  tills  the  sniil;  iiivpires  the  whole  man 
with  a  devotion  to  his  country's  cause,  am!  speaks 
and  acts  the  same  language.  y\inerica  wants  no 
iVicnds,  aiknowledges  the  fidelity  of  no  eiti/.eii, 
who,  nl'ler  war  is  ilcclareil,  nnulemns  the  justice 
of  her  cause,  and  sympalhizes  with  the  enemy. 
All  such  are  triiiiorsni  ilieir  hearts,  and  it  only  re- 
nmins  for  them  to  cnmmil  snme  overt  act  for  which 
they  limy  be  di  alt  wilh  according  to  their  deserts, 
'I'lie  gentleman  fiiiiii  Ohio  has  condemned  the 
aetinii  nf  his  own  gnvennneiil,  not  only  on  account 
of  the  war  and  the  causes  which  priidnced  it,  but 
has  assailed,  with  ei|iial  virulence,  all  elforts  to  le- 
sliiie  the  aniical.'le  rchiiiniis  nf  the  iwo  countries  by 
peaceable  means.  He  has  arraigned  the  Adiniii- 
islrntion  for  ihe  appoinlinenl  of  Mr.  Slidell  as  Min- 
ister 10  Mexico  on  an  erinnd  of  pence,  and  dwells 
wilh  apparent  delight  and  triumph  on  the  fruitless 
resulis  of  the  mission.  I  le  is  dissatisfied  with 
bnili  peace  and  war;  is  willing  tn  embrace  neither 
alternative;  and  cnndeniiis  all  ellbrts  to  adjust  thn 
matters  in  dispute  by  either  means.  He  thinks  that 
iiotbiiiggnnil  CM' I  come  out  of  Nazareth,  and  seems 
determined  tn  llnil  faull  wilh  his  own  governmenl, 
whatever  ils  policy.  Not  enntcnl  wilh  assailing 
the  Adminiairalion,  and  all  its  movements — peace- 
ful and  belliu'crenl — he  has  passed  from  the  Del 
Norte  lo  M'^  4(J',  for  the  purpose  of  paying  his 
respects  to  myself  in  his  own  peculiar  way.  Ho 
has  been  pleased  lo  represenl  me  as  standing  on  an 
iceberg,  breathing  defiance  to  ihe  Uritish  lion, 
while  nbaniloned  by  n  portion  of  my  own  friends 
upon  whose  aiiiiporl  I  had  u  right  to  rely  with  con- 
fidence. If  this  be  true,  il  was  a  grievance  per- 
sonal to  myself,  which  I  had  a  right  to  avenge  in 
my  own  way,  wilhont  the  interference  of  the  gen- 
tleman frniii  Oliie.  I  will  assure  him  that  i  havo 
never  been  disappointed  in  an  expectation  that  ho 
would  stand  by  me  in  any  struggle  for  maintain- 
ing the  rights  and  hoimr  of  the  country,  whether 
in  reference  tn  Texas  or  Oregon.  In  regard  lo  that 
iortion  of  my  political  friends  to  v/hom  he  alludes, 
am  free  to  confess  thai  1  did  aincerely  regret  that 
they  did  not  lake  the  same  view  of  our  rights  and 
duties,  in  respect  to  the  Oregon  nuestion,  which  I 
entertained  and  fearlessly  expres.^ed.  I  made  no 
disguise  of  my  .sentiments  and  feelings.  Our  dis- 
agreement on  thnlquesiinn  was  open  and  uner|uiv- 
oeal.  I  did  condemn  their  refu.sal  to  take  up  their 
position  on  ,"14°  4(1',  and  stand  there,  regardless  of 
conseqiiences.  My  opinions  have  undergone  no 
change  in  ilint  respect.  Unl  it  is  due  to  them  that 
1  should  now  say,  that  I  never  questioned  their 
pairiiitism,  nor  doubled,  fora  moment,  that  the  in- 
stant war  exiaied,  they  would  rally  as  one  man  to 
their  connlry 's  standard,  merging  and  ellacing  the 
slighlest  trace  of  a  previous  dift'erence  of  opinion. 
Patriots  may  diller  as  to  the  expediency  of  a  dec- 
laration of  war,  or  the  wisdom  ofa  course  of  policy 
which  may  probably  lead  lo  such  n  result;  but 
honor  and  iluly  forbid  divided  counsels  after  our 
country  has  been  invnded,  and  American  blood  has 
been  shed  on  American  soil  by  a  treacherous  foe. 
Party  slrifc  and  political  connicts  shoulu  then 
cease.  One  sentiment  should  animate  every  he  rt; 
one  object  control  every  movement — the  triumph 
of  onr'country. 

Mr.  Chairman,  if  I  could  have  anticipated  the 
extraordinary  turn  which  has  been  given  to  this 
discussion,  i  could  have  presented  to  the  commit- 
tee and  the  country  a  mass  of  evidence,  from  offi- 


r 


SJh-H  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Mexican  War — Mr.  Douglass. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


1846.1^ 
29th 


f.  i 


ciiil  documenis,  BiifBciciit  lo  show  timt,  for  ycnni  |' 
piial,  we  linvc  liml  nm|ile  cnuso  of  wiir  n'^uiiisl 
Mi'xii'o,  imicnciidi'iU  of  llic  rccciu  Mmidy  imiia-  ' 
artions  upon  llie  Uio  del  rsOiic.     I  could  liiivr  prr- 
Sfiitcd  a  oiiluliisiie  of  a';2ie»Mioiia  and  insults;  of 
ouInvjrH  on  our  nnllonnr lliij;— on   llu;  pirsoni  and 
properly  of  our  riti/.iMis;  of  liic  violation  of  tivaty  ; 
stipulations;  and  tlic  murder,  roliliery,  and  inipris-  ■ 
onineiit  of  our  counlrynien — llio   very   rerital  of  ' 
whieli  would  sulllce  '  )  fid   llie  national  lieart  Willi  | 
indif;nHti(>M.      Well    <  o    1    rec  dleei   that    IJeniial  ' 
Jaeksou,  duriiii;  llir  last  year  of  liis  adininistiatioii,  i 
deemed  llie  sulijeel  of  siitKeient  iiiiportaiiec  at  llial 
time   to  send  a  spet'ial   inessaj^c   lo  (.lon.vveas,  in 
wliieh  lie  deilaied  "  the  wanton  eliaraeler  nf  some 
'Jof  the  oulrairen  upon  llie  perwuis  and  properly  of 
'  our  eili/.eiis,  uiion  the  ollieers  and  lla^  of  the  V'ni-  ' 
'  ted  Stales,  imieiicndent  of  rei-rnt  insults  lo  llii* 
'  Ciovernnieol  ami  people  liy  the  hie  extraordinary 
'  Mexican  Minister,  would  justify,  ill  ihe  eyes  of 
'  imtions,  ttnitin/'ii/r  lear." 

I  linvo  neilher  the  time,  nor  the  dociinieufs  lic- 
foro  uie,  to  enalile  me  to  i;n  i'llo  a  recital  of  the 
delnils  of  these  Mexieau  enorniitiis.  They  were 
siiiricient,  however,  in  llie  opinion  of  Cn  iieral  Jack- 
son, to  justity  rtu  iiniiu  ■^a:i'  resort  lo  arms.  Hut 
her  weakness  and  disiiac.ed  coiuliliipii  sofiiiietl 
our  reseiitmcnl,  and  ini'.iceil  iia  li»  endure  her  ju;- 
piessions.  It  is  clia-acieiislic  of  our  country  lo 
be  niai;naninioiis.  \,  here  fu'liearance  does  not  he- 
comc  pusillaP'-.Miy,  or  a  i',r<tss  dereliction  ol'  duly. 
I  t'tar  »'^  carried  our  nia::nauimily  loo  tar  in 
tlii--  .inlance:  certain  it  is,  that  it  produced  no  lieu- 
Lticial  results;  f"r  at  iht;  very   next  session   Mr. 

Van  Hnren  wc tier  the  iiec,essity  of  calliui;  the 

ntlenlion  of  I'onjrre.is  to  the  s,  ojecl,  and  adiliii:;  lo 
the  old  eataloi;ue  a  limu;  lis*  of  new  j^rieMinccs: 
nskinj;  for  autlioriiy  lo  issue  'cta'is  of  reprisal,  in 
case  prompt  salisl<iction  shotihl  not  he  mailc.  1  ! 
linvc  in  a  hook  liefore  me  an  extract  from  the  re-  I 
port  of  the  Secretary  of  Sialc  {Mr.  Forsyth)  to 
the  President,  to  which  I  will  invite  the  alicution 
of  those  who  have  not  exami.ied  the  suhjecl: 

•*■  Since  the  llt^l  si-.-moii  of  Ciingre-s  iia  eiiiliari;n  h;»s  tiei-n 
Iiiil  na  .\:iieri<-ini  vc«<cl  in  llic  (mrls  iif  ',  vicn.  Atilmiii.li 
riii<e<l.  no  (tall>f;iCliMn  lm.<  te-cii  ininlc  .,  ■  oilVrcd  liir  ilic 
re.4iilunc  iiijuri-  Onr  lacrcli-'iil  vcs-*  is  liuve  hccn  cup- 
llircil  lor  ^li^r^■lt  filiiic  n  pn-lcini  :ii  lilnckailc  ol 'I'c  la-* ;  \'>- 
geU   anil   cart   ■■.•*,  secrcllv  priK-ceili  il   u;:iiiii.-l    in    .MiM-rni 

InlilliiaU (Ill (I  iiiiil  ^ultl.     Till- ca|ii;iinfi,  crew-,  iind 

pn-^finier-*  of  the  c.-tpiiircil  vc«selt<  liavc  (tccn  iiiipn-uin  il 
anil  pliiiiilercd  or  tin  ir  |)ro|ii'r(v ;  nnil  al'er  eiitliiriii"  in-'iilw 
anil  nijtilieit. 'laM  iccn  ril<  a^nl,  \mi1i'MiI  reniiiiierali<Mi  nr 
apuloay.  For  Ilic-c  act>  no  niiaratii'ii  lias  liet  n  |in)iiiiM>il, 
or  f  Yptniiatiniw  Liven.  aliliDiiijli  Hiitinliictiim  wan  in  ijcncral 
terni!)  (Icni.tniieil  in  July  l.i^l."  i 

Aside  from  the  insults  lo  niir  flni;;,  the  indiinity  ', 
to  the  nation,  and  the  injury  to  our  coiiimerc(  ,  it  is 
estimated  ihat  not  less  tli.iii  ten  millions  of  dollars 
are  due  lo  our  citi/ens,  for  these  and  nianv  other 
oiilrnecs  which  Mexi''o  h;is  comniilird  williin  llie 
last  fifteen  years.  When  pressed  liy  our  (Jovein- 
nient  lor  adjustment  and  reniiineration,  she  has 
resorted  to  all  manner  of  expedients  to  pniciasti- 
nale  and  delay.  .She  has  m.iile  treaties  acknowl- 
cd'.;ini:  the  justice  of  our  claims,  nod  then  refused 
to  ratify  ihem,  on  the  most  IVivoloioi  pretcxls,  and 
even  \v}ien  ratified,  has  fiited  to  comply  with  ilieir 
stipulations.  The  T'-  mniitice  on  Foie!;.'u  licla- 
tioiis  of  the  Sena;,-  of  llie  I'nited  Stalls,  in  l-'.'IT, 
made  a  report  upon  the  suhject,  in  which  they 
sn  id : 

"  If  lite  Government  of  llic  I'nilnl  .^tnte^i  were  lo  exa.-t 
■triel  ami  pr«ini|it  r»*ilrc<s  Irnni  .Mcmco.  your  eMinnnucr 
mietil.  Willi  justice,  rceuitinieial  all  iiiinedi.ite  re.-ort  lo  war 
orn  pri.-Hlii." 

The  Committee  on  Foreicn  Alfairs  on  the  part 
of  the  House  of  nepreaentatives,  at  the  same  ses- 
sion, say: 

"The  meretinnt  ve*^rl«  of  the  rnjicil  Hl-ifro  iiavr-  been 
ftred  inln,  her  '  ili/.ciiM  nuackcit,  nnd  '-vcn  put  lo  dt  nth.  and 
her  filiips-of -war  trcat''il  with  dl-rcspei-l,  wlicti  panriRn 
friendly  visit  In  n  purl  where  tlicy  liail  a  riyht  to  expeci  tnw- 
piialiiy  •' 

And,  in  conclu.iinn,  the  committee  observe,  that 

"They  fully  cniiriir  With  Ih    I'renldcnl  lliat  ninpic  .  aii»e 

exf^t«  for  takinic  rcdfcs.<  into  itwir  mvii  hainls,  anil  liijii-ve 

we  >hniild  be  JiiHtifiert  in  die  fipiniaii  nf  nllier  iiajnii..i  for 

lakini,'  i-ucli  a  xtep.*' 

iSiicli  was  the  posture  of  ournlTairs  with  Mexico 
in  18.'t7  nnd  lH3t?,  and  the  opinion  of  the  several 
departments  of  onr  tiovernment  In  reijnril  lo  the 
character  and  enormity  of  the  outrages  eom|iIained 
C'f.  Thesctrnnsaeiioiisoll  neciirreil  years  before  ihe 
question  of  llic  annexniion  of  Texas  was  favorably 


eiitertulned  by  our  Goveninient.    We  had  been 
the  first  to  reeoijnisc  llie  iiidipendence  of  Texas, 
as  well  as  that  of  Mexico,  before  the  national  ex- 
istence of  either  hail   been   ncknowledi;ed   by  the 
parent  einintry.     In  iloin^  this  we   only  exercised 
an  undoubted  ri'.;ht,  nccor  liiur  to  Ihc  hiws  nf  na- 
tions, and  our  example  was  immediately  followed    j 
bv  rranre,  Kiurlanil,  nnd  all  the  principal  I'owers  \[ 
of  Kiirope.     Tlie  iiuestiim   of  the   annexation   of; 
Texas   to   this   eonntry    was    not    then    seriously  !' 
mooted.      The    prii|)osiiiou    had    been    made    by 
'l'exas,anil  proniplly  rejected  by  our  Governinent.  ,i 
Of  course,  there  could  lie  noihiii';  :,'rowiii!;  out  of, 
that  (luestiou  which  could  have  ^iven  the  slii^'hlest  j 
cause  ot'olfence  to  Mexico, or  can  he  ui-icd  in  pal- 
liation of  the  monstrous  outciijes  which,  for  a  loii<^ 
seric.*  of  years  previous,  she  bad  been  ci.nimitiiMi; 
upon  the  rii^hts,  interests,  and  honor  of  our  cotiii-  ' 
try.      UiU  onr  causes  of  complaint  do  not  stoji 
here.  I 

In  IS-IQ,  Mr,  Thompson,  onr  Minister  to  that 
eounlry,  I'cll  bim.self  called  upon  to  issue  nn  ad- 
dress to  Ihe  diplonialic  ecrps  at  Mexico,  in  which, 
after  recitiuK  our  ijriovaiices,  he  said; 

"\'il  only  have  we  never  done  nil  act  iif  an  iintVe'iidly 

character  li)wiri|.i  ^Ic\ic,).  Inn   I  i lidiiiUv    n-«(  rl   ttiiit. 

iV-iiii  ihc  vcr>  10 1  ol'll \i-t"ncf  i.r  ihc  H-ptililic.  «c 

liivc  allowed  tti  iKi^s  II  limiiriocd  n.i  nppiirliitiil>' nl"  d'linjT 

.M.vico  ,111  act  Ml'  lo ,,s^,     I  will  mil  nine  ciniiinTate  Ihe 

ai-1*  nf  llial  rliirai-lcr.  Iinlli  tit  Itie  i;iivi  iiuiifiil  nf  Mnjicii 
uiiil  tu  Ihc  rin/-ii-,  palilii-  mill  privati'.  [ItM...  Ilcviiimiciit 
i-hnii-c  111  llirsi-t  On  111.  I  will  md  ncall  lln'in.  While  such  . 
Ins  hi'cn  mir  cniir-f  r-t  >Ic\icn,  it  if  with  p.iiii  I  am  Inrccd 
to  >a>  .  that  Hir  o;ic:i  rioh.ti.-ut  of  Ihc  ri^hh  of  .■Ittu'iirun  lili 
.-CK.1  fti;  tin-  iiii//Mr.''o'i'.s-  (,/  .Vii  -c-j  /i,irc  hr.-ii  ';rfirlrT  f'y  Ihe  hi^t 
lil'tci-n  i/cfr.*/'ii.'ii  ll.o^rif.ll  Ihc  (!.)i<TUinciih  of  t'firi^lctt'lfiii  . 
'iiTiiVcrf;  and  yet  w-'  have  Ici'l  lln-  n  drc--;  of  all  rlii-e  iniilri- 
plirdand  accuninlalid  wnnii;^  I'lfilemilv  neaniiatinit,  iviiti- 
oiil  having  even  iiiiiinalcil  a  dispivlllMii  lo  rcsnir  lofiiree,'' 

It  should  be  borne  in  uii'ul  that  all  these  insults 
and  injuries  were  coinmitied  liefore  the  annexation  ■ 
of  Texas  to  the  United   Stntei — before  the  propo- 
sition was  ever  seriously  eiiiei  liiiiieil  even   by  this 
CJoveniincni.     Of  course,  ibe  .«iiliscipienl  eonsiini- 
inlilion  of  that  uicasiire  can  nlfoil  no  preiext  for 
tlie.se  alrociiiis  previously  eoinmiiteil.     The  same 
system  of  plunder  and  oiitraze  was  pursio-il,  only 
on  a  smi'Mer  scale,  lowards   p'rance  and  Kii^'land. 
For  olletices  of  the  same  character,  only  h  ss  ajj- 
(.•ravnlcd,  and  iioi  oiie-iinlh  as  nimierons.   Fiance 
made  her  dcinaiiil  for  repnrnlion,  and  procliiinieii 
her  ul-imaluin  from  the  deck  of  a  in.in-ol'-war  o(f 
Vera   f'rii/..     Ueilress   I'eio'j:  denied,   the    French 
fleet    opened    their  liatleries  on   the  (nslle  of  San 
.Tnnn  de  Ulloa,  and  conijielled  the  forlress  to  sur- 
render, and  the  Mexican  Governmeol  to  acccile  In 
their  demands,  and  lo  pay  two  linndrcd   thonsanil 
dollars  in  addition,  to  df  fray  the  expenses  of  en- 
fnrcmir  the  payment  of  the  claim.     The   rn^lish 
( Jovermuenl,  alsi,  presented  claims  for  remunera- 
tion to  tiei  subjects  for  similar  oiitraires.     AVearied 
of  the  ililalory  action  of  the  Mexican  f'onirress,  the 
British   .Minister  presented  Ins  uhiniainiii,  and,  at 
the  tiame  time,  informed  the  Mexican  (iovernmenl 
tlinl,  in  the  event  of  non-compliance  with   the  ile- 
inauil.  he  was  instructed  to  inrorm  the  .'\ilmiral  of 
the  .lamaica  station   of  the   fact,   who   had    been 
instrncicd   to  ncl  m  that  rase,  and  employ  force 
in  enmpellinu;   nn   nci|uie.scenee.     The  alfair  was 
speedily  nrranyed  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Ibiliil 
Ctovernnicut.     Thus,  we    find   that  remuneralioii 
nnd  satisfitction  were  made  to  Knu'lnnd  and  l-Vance 
for  the  same  injuries  of  whicu  we  romplain,  where 
their  sulijeeis  nnd  our  citizens  were  comninn  suf- 
ferers.    Still  the  wronu's  of  our  citizens  are  niire- 
dressid,  and  the  inilii,'niiy  lo  the  honor  anil  fiai:  of 
llie  cinin'ry  niiaveni,;ed.     Oiii-  wroni^s  were  tenfold 
••jreiiter    tlian    theirs    in    nnuiher,    enormity,    ami 
nmoiint.     Their   complaints   have   been    heard   in 
tones  of  thunder  from  the  months  of  their  cannon, 
and  have  been  adjusted  accorilin.;  to  Ihe  terms  dic- 
tated by  the  injui-ed   parties.     The  forlienranco  of 
our  fiovernmeni  to  enf  irce  our  rijrhls  by  the  same 
efficient  measures  which  they  employed,  has  been 
considered  ns  evidence  of  our  imbecility,  which 
trave  impunity  to  the  past,  and  license  lo  fiilnre  at;- 
fjressions.     Hence  we  find  that  while  Great  Uritain 
and  France,  by  the  eiiei  iiy  and  el'iciency  with  which 
thry  enforced  their  riu'hls,  have  commarded  the  re- 
spect of  Mexico  and  re-established  their  amicable 
relations,    the   United  Stales,  from   an   ill-advised 
mntrnanimity  and  forbearance  Inwards  n  weak  and 
imltecile  neii;hbor,  hns  forfeited  her  respect,  and 
.   lost  all  the  ndvaningca  of  that  friendly  inlcrcottrse 


to  which  our  natural  position  entitles  Ub.     Under 

the  operation  of  these  eniises,  our  ciminierce  with 
Mexico  has  dwindled  down,  by  dti;rers,  from  nine 
millions  of  dollars  per  annnin  to  a  mere  iioniinnl 
1  iim,  wliile  that  of  France  nnd  England  has  stead- 
ily inereiised,  until  they  have  secioed  a  nionnpiily 
of  the  tradi^,  and  almost  a  eonlrollin;;  inlUience  over 
the  councils  of  that  wretched  eonntry.  Such  was 
the  relative  position  of  Mexico  inwards  tlie  United 
Slates  anil  olher  eoiiiilries,  when  the  controversy 
in  regard  lo  the  annexation  of  Texas  arose.  The 
first  proposilion  fiir  annexation  had  been  proniplly 
rejected — in  my  opinion,  very  unwi.sidy — from  a 
lii'se  delicacy  "linvarils  the  fei  linss  of  Mexico. 
When  the  ipiestioii  was  a!;ain  ii!;i;aled,  she  gave 
notice  lo  this  Govcrnmeul  thai  she  would  re;;ard 
the  coiisummalion  of  the  niea  aire  as  u  declaration 

of  war.     She  made  llie  passa:;c  of  the  resolnlii f 

annexation,  by  the  Coii;,'ress  of  the  Uiiitial  Stales, 
the  preluxt  for  dissolvin:;  the  diplomalie  relations 
belween  the  two  eouniriis.  She  peremptorily  re- 
Ciillcd  her  iiiinisler  from  WtiKhiii;jlon,  and  virtually 
disniissi-d  ours  from  Mexico;  permilliu^  him,  as 
ill  the  case  of  all  his  predecessors,  to  be  robbi-d  on 
his  way  by  lii-r  banditti,  acrurding  lo  the  usages 
of  the  country. 

This  was   followed   by  the   withdrawal   of  ihe 
Mexican  consuls  froin  onr  seaporls,  and   the  sus- 
pensiiin  of  all  commercial   iiilei urse.     Our  Gov- 
ernment  sulimilled   to  these  acciimul.ited   iirailts 
and   injuries  with   paliciice  nnd   f  nliearuoce,  still 
hopiiiij    for   an    adjusimenl  of  all  our  dilliculliis 
H  iih.int  heins  coniiiilled   lo   rcsinl  to  actual  hos- 
tilities.    Impelled   liy    this    .spirit   of  moderation, 
our  Government  determined   lo  waive  all  )    vtlers 
of  eiii|nellc,  nnd   make   nnolher  effort   to  resloro 
the  .•imicable  relalimis  of  the  two  countries  by  ne- 
gotiation.    An  informal  np|)licalion  was  ihereforo 
innde   to  the   Government   of  Mexico,   lo   know 
wliether,  in  the  event  we  would  send   a  Minister 
to  that  country,  clothed  with  ample  powers,  she 
would  not  receive   him  with  a  view  to  a  satisfac- 
tory adjustment,     llavint;   received   an  iiiTuiativn 
aii.-.'wrr,   Mr.   Sliilell    was  immcdialely   np|.ninted 
and  sent  to   Mexico.     Uium   bis  arrivil,  lie  pre- 
sented his  credentials,  and  reipiesled  to  be  formally 
received.      The   Government  of  Mexico  nl   fii.-*l 
iiesitnied,  then  procraslinatcd,  and  finally  refused 
to  receive  him  in  bis  capacity  of  Minister.     Here, 
■  aciin,  the  nubeiirance  of  onr  Government  is  mart 
sil'iial'v  displnyed.     Insteid  of  rescntini;  this  re- 
uewed'insu'i,  by  the  eliastisenicnt  due  to  her  per- 
fidy,   onr    Gii\ernn.ent   at;aiii    resolved    lo    make 
anoiher  ell'ort   for   price.'  Accordin^'ly,  Mr.  Sli- 
dell   was   instructed    to   r  -main   at   some   siiilahle 
:  place  ill   the  viciiiily  of  liie  city  of  .Mexico,  niiiil 
Ihe  result  of  the  revohilion,  lli'Mi  peudiii":,  should 
'  be  known;  and,  ill  the  event  of  its  siKce.ss,  lo  make 
applicalion  to  the  new  Government  to  be  received 
as  ^iiuisler.     I'aredes  bein;,'  firmly  established   in 
powi-r,  with  bis   adniinistialion   formed,   Mr.  Sli- 
ilell  ll^•aiu   applied,  and    was  au'iiin   rejected.     In 
the  lueanliine,  w  bile   these  events  were  occiirrini,' 
at  the  capital  of  Mexico,  her  armies  were  niareh- 
in<;   from   all    parts  of   the   republic  lowarils  the 
:  bonndary  of  the  Uniied  States,  and  were  roncen- 
!  Iralini;  in  lai-;;e  mimliers  at  nnd   near  Matamorns. 
\  Ofeonnse,  our  Govcrnmenl  watched  all  these  nuli- 
'  tiiry  niin-emenls  with  inlercsl  and  vi;;ileiiice.  While 
:  we  Were  anxious  for  peace,  and  were  ;isiiiK  all  the 
means   in  onr  power,   eonsislent  with    honor,  to 
restore  friendly  relaiions,  the  ,\dminislration  was 
not  idle  in  its  pieparatious  to  meet  any  crisis  that 
mi;;lit  arise,  and,  if  necessary  in   sell-defence,  lo 
repel  force  by  fiiree,     Willi  this  view,  an  ellicient 
si|nailron  had  been   sent   lo   the  Gnlf  of  Mexico, 
and  a   portion  of  tlie  army  eoncentrateil   between 
the  . Nueces  and  Ihe  Kio   del   Norte,  wiiliposilive 
iiistruclioiis  to  commit  no  act  of  au';;ression,  nnd 
to   ncl   s  riclly  on   the  defensive,  unless   Mexico, 
unfortunnlely,  should   coinmencc  hostilities,  and 
aitempt  lo  invade  our  territory.     When  Genera! 
Taylor  pitched  his  camp  on   the  banks  of  the  Uio 
;   ilerNorle,  he  sent  Cieneral  Worth  across  the  river 
t..  explain  lo  the   Mexican  (lenerni,  and   the  civil 
authorities  of  Matamoros,  the  object.!  of  his  mis- 
sion; that  his  was  not  a  hostile  expedition;  thai 
,  il  was  not  his  iiiteiilion  lo  invade  Mexico,  or  eoiii- 
init  any  act  of  a^tKiessioii  upon  her  rishla;  thiU  he 
was  inslrueted  by  his  Ooveriimeiit  to  act  strictly 
1  on  the  defensive,  and  simply  lo  iiroteet  American 
I  soil  and    American   citizens  from  invasion  and 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


90b 


2f)TH  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Mexican  War — Mr.  Douglass. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


Tliulrr 
lorrp  wiih 
from  iiini! 

■  IDIIlijIMl 

liiis  sumiI- 
iKinopnly 
icrii'L'ovcr 

SiH'll  WIIM 

In;  Uiiiliil 

iilntvrr.sy 

Tlic 

promplly 

— f'miii  i\ 

M-xia,. 

■  giivu 

I'liinilinn 

lIlllilllHil' 

I'll  Smics, 

reliilioiiH 

(tiiiily  ri;- 

'  vliuuilly 

linn,  ii.s 

iIiIimI   (111 

le  uaajri's 


nisrcssion;  that  the  Unilcil  Sinles  dpsired  pimcn  i 
wiili  Mexico;  nnd  if  linHlilitlcB  ensued,  Mexico 
wmilil  linvc  to  strike  the  first  blow.  When  tlie 
two  nrmics  were  thus  posted  on  opposite  sides  of  | 
tlie  river,  the  pillniit  Colonel  Cross,  while  ridinf;  , 
nioiie  n  few  miles  from  the  Ameriran  eiiinp,  wns 
ciiptured,i'ol)l)ed,  murdered,  nnd  qmirtcred!  A  limit 
tlio  same  time,  the  Mexican  GenemI  sent  h  notice 
t.)  General  Taylor  that  unless  he  removed  his 
camp  nnd  retired  to  the  east  side  of  the  Nueces, 
he  slioulrl  compel  him  to  do  so.  Suliscquently, 
Oc'iieial  Arista  sent  a  messuirc  to  General  Taylor 
that  hosiilities  already  existed.  On  the  next  day, 
a  Hinal!  detachment  ol*  our  army,  while  reconnoi- 
trini;  the  country  on  ihi'  Atncricun  side  of  the  river, 
was  »iirroun<leif,  fired  upon,  and  the  greater  por- 
tion of  them  captured  or  killed!  It  was  then  dis- 
covered that  the  Mexican  army  had  crossed  the 
river,  surrotiniled  tin:  American  ciinip,  and  inler- 
piiseil  a  Inrjje  force  lietween  General  Taylor's  en- 
c  impincnt  and  Point  Isaliel,  the  depot  ol  his  pro- 
visions nnd  military  stores. 

Here  wc  have  the  causes  and  origin  of  the  ex- 
islihic  war  with  Mexico. 

The  facts  which  1  have  hriefly  recited  are  ncces- 
sihle  to,  if  not  within  the  knowlcil;;e  of,  every  !;eii- 
tlcinnn  who  fi'cls  an  inti  rest  in  exnmiuin<;  them. 
Their  aullienticitydoes  not  depend  upon  thewei'jlil 
of  niy  luithority.  They  are  to  he  found  infnl!, 
an«'  in  detail,  in  the  puhlicdcKMimi^nts  on  our  tallies 
mill  in  our  lilirnries.  With  a  knowledsje  of  the 
ficts,  or,  at  least,  professiiii;  to  know  tnem,  i;en- 
tlcmen  havt;  the  hardihood  to  tell  us  that  the  Presi- 
dent has  unwisely  and  unnecessarily  precipitated 
the  country  into  an  unjust  and  unholy  war.  They 
express  i^rent  sympathy  for  Mexico;  profess  to 
rc^'ard  her  an  injureil  and  persecuted  nation — the 
v.ctiin  of  American  injusticeandaijgression.  They 
Imve  no  sympathy  for  the  widows  and  orphans, 
whosf  liui^liands  and  fathers  Imve  been  rolilied  and 
munhied  hy  the  Mexican  authorities — no  sym- 
piithy  with  our  own  countrymen  who  have  dras^- 
ged  out  miserahle  lives  wilhii^  the  walls  of  her 
diinu'eous,  without  crime  and  without  trial — no 
indiiriiatitm  at  the  oulra<;es  upon  our  commerce 
nnd  sliippiii:;,  and  the  insults  to  our  natiotial  ftn^ — 
no  resentment  at  the  violation  of  treaties,  and  the 
invasion  of  our  tt-rritory! 

I  will  now  proceed  to  examine  the  ariumenis  by 
which  ilie  gentleman  from  Ohio,  [Mr.  Df.i.ano,] 
nnd  those  with  whom  he  acts,  prtlend  to  jiislily 
their  forei^^u  sympathies.  'I^hey  assume  that  the 
liio  del  Xorte  was  not  the  bounilioy  line  between 
Texas  and  Mexico — that  the  Kepublic  of  Texas 
never  extended  bevond  the  Nueces;  and,  conse- 
quently, that  our  Government  was  under  no  obli- 
ixation,  and  had   no  right,  to  protect  the  lives  and 

iiropcrty  of  Anierican  citizens  beyond  that  river, 
n  support  ot"  this  assuin|ition,  the  gentleman  has 
referred  to  a  dis)nite  which  he  says  once  arose 
lietween  the  provinces  of  C'liahuila  and  Texas,  and 
the  decisions  of  Almonte  and  some  other  Mexican 
geiienil  thereon,  prmr  to  the  'I'cx'in  revolution,  and 
while  those  provim-es  constitutei,  one  State  in  the 
INlexicaii  cnnfederntion  He  has  also  referred  to 
Mrs.  llollcy's  Histo'y  of  Texas,  null  perhaps 
some  other  works,  ii,  which  we  are  informed  that 
the  s;iiiie  boundary  ,\-as  assigned  to  the  Mexican 
province  of  Texas.  I  am  not  entirely  unaccpiainted 
with  the  facts  and  authorities  to  which  the  gentle- 
man has  alluded;  but  I  am  at  n  loss  to  discover 
their  bearing  on  the  rp.  stion  at  issue.  True  it  is, 
that,  in  IH'JT,  the  provinces  of  Coahuiln  and  Tex.is 
were  erected  into  (uie  State,  having  foiined  for 
themselves  a  republican  constitution,  similar,  in 
most  of  its  provisions,  to  those  of  the  several  .States 
of  our  TJiiion.  Their  constitution  provided  that 
the  State  .'f  Coahnila  and  Texas  '*  is  free  and  in- 
depenileHL  of  the  otln  r  United  Mexican  Slates, 
nnd  ot"  every  other  foreign  power  and  domieion;" 
that  "  in  all  matters  relating  to  the  Mexican  con- 
'  federatioii    the   Stale  ilelegates  its  facultiis  nnd 

*  powers  to  the  general  (Nmgress  of  the  same;  but 
'  III  all  that  properly  relates  to  the  mlmiiiislrnlion 
'  and  entire  government  of  the  State,  il  retains  its 
'liberty,  indepindi  nee,  nnd  sovereignly;"  that 
"  theieforc  belongs  exclusively  to  the  same  Slate 
'  the  light  to  establish,  by  means  of  its  reprcsenta- 
'  lives,  its   funilaniental   laws,  conformable  to  the 

*  basis  sanctioned  in  the  constitutional  act  and  the 
'  general  constilution." 

Tliis  new  Stale,  compoaed  of  a  union  of  the  two 


provinces,  wns  nilmitted  into  the  Mexican  ennfed-  , 
I  erncy  under  the  general  constitution  eslnblished  in  ij 
!  IHd4,  upon  the  conditions  which  I  have  recited.  I' 
The  Province  of  Coahuiln  lay  on  the  west  side  of  !' 
i  the  Rio  del  Norte,  and  Texas  upon  the  east.  |i 

I      An  uncertain,  undefined  bnunilarydiviiled  them;  ' 
nnd  so  long  as  they  remained  one  Slate,  there  wns   ; 
no  necessity  for  estnblishing  the  true  line.     It  is   ; 
'  immaterial,  therefore,  whether  the  Nueces  or  the  ! 
Ilin  del  Norte,  or  nn  imaginary  line  between  the 
Iwo,  was    the   boundary    between    Coahuiln    nnd 
'  Texas,  while  these  provinces  constiluled  one  State   I 
in   the   Mexican  confetlerncy.     I  do  not  deem  it 
necessary  to  go  back  lo  a  period  anterior  to  the 
Texan  revolution,  'oascerlain  ihelimits  and  bound- 
aries of  the  Utpiihlic  of  Texas.     Dut  if  the  gentle' 
.  man  has  so  great  a  reverence  for  antiquity  as  lo 
'  rejei  t  all  authorities  which  liave  not  beconie  obso- 
lete and  inapplicable,  in  consequence  of  the  changed 
relations  ol  that  country,  I  will  gratify  his  tnstc  in  ■ 
:  that  respect. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  Texas  (before  her 
'  revolution)  was  always  undei'stood  to  have  be  ■'  a  ■ 
i  portion  of  the  old  I'^'encli  province  of  Loui  nana, 
wliilst  Coahuila  was  one  of  the  Spanish  province.i 
of  Mexico.  Hy  nscrrtaining  the  western  lionndary 
[  of  Louisiana,  therefore,  prior  to  ils  transfer  by 
France  to  Spain,  we  discover  the  dividing  line  be- 
tween Texas  and  Coahuila.  1  will  not  weary  the 
patience  of  the  House  by  nn  examination  of  the 
authorities,  in  detail,  by  which  this  point  is  eluci- 
dated and  c.sUiblished.  1  will  content  myself  by 
ri'lerring  the  gentlenuin  to  n  document  in  which 
lie  will  find  them  nil  colic  cted  and  analyzed  in  n 
masterly  manner,  by  one  whose  learning  nnd 
aceui'iiey  he  will  not  question.  I  allude  to  a  de- 
sjiatcii  (perhaps  1  might  with  pi'opriiity  call  it  a 
book,  from  its  great  length,)  written  by  our  Secre- 
tary of  Slate  in  ISI!),  to  Don  Oiiis,  ilie  Spanish 
.Minister.  Thedocuiiieiit  is  to  he  Ibiind  in  theSlale 
papers  in  each  of  our  librarie;'.  He  will  there 
;  find  a  multitudinous  collection  ol  old  maps  and 
must  records,  histories  and  geografibies — Spnn- 
ish,  I'jiglisli,  and  F''i'ench — by  whii  h  it  is  clearly 
established  that  the  Rio  del  .\orlc  was  the  western 
boundary  of  Louisiana,  anil  soconsideied  by  Sjmin 
and  France  both,  when  they  owned  the  iqiposilc 
banks  of  that  river.  The  venerable  gentleman  from 
.Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Adami,]  ill  that  famous  de- 
spatch, reviews  all  the  authorities  on  either  side 
with  a  I'leariiess  and  ability  which  dely  refutation, 
and  demonsirate  the  validity  of  chi'  title  in  virtue 
of  the  purchase  of  Louisiana.  He  went  further, 
and  expressed  his  own  conviclions,  upon  a  full 
exnniinalion  of  the  wlnde  fpieslioii,  that  our  title 
as  far  as  the  Ri.i  del  Norte  was  as  clear  as  to  the 
island  of  New  Orleans.  This  wii.  he  opinion  of 
Mr.  Ad.-.nis  in  IHJi).  It  was  the  opinion  ol^Messrs. 
.Monroe  and  I'inckneyin  18(15.  It  was  the  opinion 
,  of  .Tcirerson  and  Madison — of  all  our  Presidents, 
and  of  nil  Administrations,  iVoni  its  acquisition  in 
IHII.'l,  to  its  fatal  relinquishnienl  in  If^l!). 

I  nialie  no  question  with  the  gentleman  as  to  the 
applicability  and  bearing  of  these  fads  upon  the 
l>onit  in  controversy.  1  give  them  in  opposition 
to  the  supposed  facts,  upon  which  he  seems  to  rely. 
I  give  him  the  opinions  of  these  eminent  stalesiiien, 
in  response  lo  those  of  Almonte  nnd  his  brother 
Mexican  general.  Will  the  gi'iillemnn  tell  us,  and 
his  eonslitnents,  that  lho.se  renowned  statesmen, 
including  bis  distinguished  liieiid,  [Mr.  Aoams,] 
as  well  as  Presiib  ill  Polk  and  the  American  Con- 
gress, W(  re  engiej-ed  il*  nn  unholy,  unrighteous, 
and  damnable  cause,  when  claiming  title  to  the 
Rio  del  Norte  r  I  leave  the  gentleman  tVoin  Ohio, 
and  his  venerable  tVieiid  trom  Massachusetts,  to 
■  settle  this  dispiiied  point  of  the  old  boundary  of 
Texas  between  themselves,  Irusling  that  they  may 
agree  upon  sonie  basis  of  amicable  adjustment  and 
compromise. 

Hut,  sir,  I  have  already  said  that  I  do  not  deem 
il  necessary  lo  rely  upon  those  ancient  authorities 
for  a  llill   and   complele  justification  of  our  Gov- 
ernment in  niaintaimng  possession  of  ilie  country 
on  the  lel'l  bank  ot'ilie  Rio  del  Norte.     Our  justifi- 
cnlion  rests  upon  bet.er  and  higher  evidence — upon 
'  a  firmer  basis — an  immutable  [irinciple.     The  Re- 
public of  Texas  held  the  country  by  a  more  glo- 
rious tilled  than  can  be  traced  ihriaigh  the  old  maps 
i  and  musty  records  of  Krencli  and  Spanish  com  Is. 
1  She  held  it  by  the  same  title  that  our  fathers  of  the 
I  Revolution  acquired  the  territory,  and  achieved 


the  independence,  of  this  Republic.  She  held  it 
by  vii'itie  of  n  successful  revolution — n  declnrntion 
of  independence,  setting  forth  the  inalienable  rights 
of  man — triumplmntlymaint.iinedby  tlieirr«Bi.stihle 
power  of  her  arms,  and  consecrated  by  the  pre- 
cious blooil  of  her  glorious  heroes.  These  were 
her  muniments  of  title,  liy  these  she  acquired 
the  empire  wliicli  she  has  voliinlnrily  annexed  to 
our  Union,  nnd  which  we  have  plighted  our  faith 
to  protect  nnd  defend  against  invasion  nnd  dismem- 
berment. We  received  the  Reptiblicof  Texas  into 
tho  Union,  with  her  entire  territory,  as  uii  inde- 
pendent nnd  sovereign  State,  and  have  no  right  to 
alienate  or  surrender  any  poiiimt  of  it.  This  pro- 
position our  opponents  adniii,  so  far  as  respects 
the  counti'y  on  this  side  of  the  Nueces;  but  they 
deny  both  the  obligation  and  llie  right  to  go  be- 
yond that  river.  U])ini  what  aiithcaily  they  a.ssumc 
the  Nueces  to  have  Iiei  n  the  boundary  of  the  l{e- 
jnihlir  of  Texas,  they  have  not  condescended  lo 
ie''.i  n  us.  I  am  unable  to  conceive  upon  what 
^■rounds  a  distinction  can  be  drawn  as  to  our  right 
to  the  opposite  sides  of  that  siieiim.  I  know 
nothing  in  the  iiislory  of  that  Ue|iiiblic,  from  its 
birth  to  its  trmislatioii,  that  winild  authorize  the 
assumption.  The  same  pi'incipUs  and  evidence 
vyiiich,  I  y  common  consent,  give  us  title  on  this 
side  of  the  Nueces,  esialilish  our  right  to  the  other. 
The  revolution  extended  to  either  side  of  the  river, 
and  was  alike  successful  on  both.  Upon  this  point 
I  speak  with  confidence,  for  I  have  taki-n  the  pre- 
caution, wiiliin  the  last  lew  minutes,  to  have  the 
facts  to  which  !  shill  refer  autheiiticaled  by  the 
testimony  of  the  two  most  distinguished  la'tors 
(one  of  whom  I  now  recognise  in  my  eye)  of  those 
thrilling  and  glorious  seems.  Upon  this  high  au- 
thiH'ity,  I  assume  that  the  first  revolutionary  nriiiy 
in  Texas,  in  1K)5,  enibiiieed  soldiers  nnd  ollicera 
who  were  residents  of  the  cinintry  between  the 
Nnecisand  the  Uiodi'l  .Norte.  These  same  hen-' , 
men,  or  so  many  of  thein  as  had  not  been  btitche.- 
ed  by  the  Mexican  soidiery,  were  active  partici- 
pators in  the  battle  of  Sun  Jacinto  on  the  Qlsl  of 
April,  l^.'U),  when  Santa  .-Vna  was  captured,  and 
the  Mexican  army  annihilated,  .\ltliough  few  in 
nuinber,  and  sparsely  scattered  over  a  wide  sur- 
fiee  of  country,  and  ciniseqiiently  greatly  ex- 
ptised  to  the  cruelties  a.iil  bar'-arities  of  the  enemy, 
none  were  more  fiiilhfnl  to  the  cause  of  freedom, 
and  constant  in  their  devotion  lo  the  interests  of 
the  Republic  throughoul  ils  existence.  Imme- 
diately after  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  Santa  Ana 
made  n  projiosition  lo  the  commander  of  the  Texan 
army,  (General  Houston,),  to  make  n  treaty  of 
pence,  by  which  Mexico  would  recognise  the  in- 
dependence of  Texas,  ici(/t  llie  Rio  dtt  JSorte  hh  the 
bnintildnj. 

In  May,  IH.Tfi,  such  a  Icenty  wns  made  belween 
the  Government  of  Texas  and  Santa  Ana  on  the 
part  of  the  Mexican  nation,  in  which  the  inde- 
jiendence  of  Texas  was  lic.ktiowledged,  the  Uio  tttl 
.Vec/c  reeof^nised  as  Ihr  hotindanj.  In  pursiinnce  of 
the  provisions  of  lliis  treaty,  the  reninant  of  the 
Mexican  nrniy  wns  permitted,  under  the  orders  of 
Santa  Ana,  to  retire  beyond  the  confines  of  ihu 
Republic  of  Texas,  anil  take  a  position  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Rio  del  Norte;  which  they  did 
aci'ordinglv. 

.Mr.  J.   W.    HorsTOV.     Was  that  treaty  ever 
[  ratified  by  the  Government  of  Mexico  .= 

Mr.  Dofoi.Ass.  I  am  not  awine  thai  it  wns 
'  r.'ititieil  by  anybody  on  the  part  of  ihe  Government 
i.f  Mexico,  except  .'^iiiita  .Ana  and  his  snbonlinaie 
officers,  for  the  very  good  reason  that  he  wns  liini- 
■  elf  the  goveiiimenl  at  thai  lime.  Only  one  year 
previous,  he  had  usurped  the  Government  of 
Mexico;  had  aladished  the  Coiisiitntion  of  1824^ 
and  concentrated  all  the  powers  of  government 
in  his  own  hands.  To  givesia'.ality  lo  the  jiower 
'  which  he  had  acquired  by  the  sword.  In:  called  a 
Congress  around  him,  coniposeil  of  his  followers 
and  adherents,  nnd  had  himselt't'triTinlly  proclaim- 
ed Dirldliir  of  the  Republic,  and,  as  such,  clothed 
with  ail  the  powers  of  governinent,  civil  and 
military.  From  that  moment  tlie  Government  of 
Mexico  v.-as  a  republic  in  name,  but  a  military 
despotism  in  fact.  She  had  no  constitution — no 
goveinmenl,  except  the  will  ot  the  Dictator,  and 
the  instruments  he  chose  to  seli'ci  to  execute  his 
will.  In  this  capacity,  he  marched  his  armies 
into  Texas,  for  the  purpose  of  reducing  those 
I  people  lo  Bubjectioii  to  iho  despotism  which  he 


906 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[May  13, 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


The  Mexican  War — Mr.  Douglass. 


Ho.  o?  Reps. 


i 


hnd  esiublislicci,  and  extcrminntine  the  lost  vestige  I 
of  freedom  whicli  remained  in  his  dominions.    The 
Texans  (lew  to  nrms  in  defence  of  their  liberties —  j 
in  defence  of  the  form  of  covernment  which  they  ', 
had  established  for  themselves  by  their  Slate  con-  ; 
isiitution  of  18*37,  mid  the  national  constitution  of  | 
1824;   in  pursuance   of  the  provisions  of  which  | 
they  liad  been  admitted  as  a  sovereign  State  into 
the  Mexican  Confederacy.    The  Texans  had  taken 
up  arms  in  support,  and  Santa  Ana  for  the  dc.struc-  I 
tion,  of  the  constitutional  government  in  Te.xas.  I 
While  engaged  in  this  work  of  desolation  with 
file  and  sword,  committing  butcheries  and  barbar- 
ities unknown  to  civilized  warfare,  Santa  Ana  fell 
into   tiic   hands   of  the  heroic  Houston   and    his 
jjallant  little  army,  a  captive  to  those  whom  ho  ;l 
was  striving  to  reduce  lo  captivity.    Then  it  was 
the  tyrant  became  the  suppliant — a  suppliant  for   . 
his  life  and  liberty — at  the  hands  of  those  he  had 
doomed  his  victims.     Tl'.en  the  Dictator  bent  his   ' 
knee  in   prayer  for  mercy,  and  sued  for  peace,   j 
ottering  to  recognise  the  independence  of  Texas  it'!; 
lie  could  be  permitted  lo  rescue  the  remnant  of  jl 
his  followers  from  destruction,  and  remove  them  \\ 
beyond  the  Rio  del  None.     A  treaty  to  this  clTect,   , 
as  I  have  already  staled,  was  subsequently  entered  ,f 
into  in  due  form;  and,  in  pursuance  ot  its  pro- 
visions, the  Mexicans  evacuated  Texa."!,  and  re-   ; 
tiieil  bi.yond  tile  Rio  del  Xorte.     This  treaty  was    ! 
executed  by  Santa  Ana,  aj   the  government  de  i 
fMto  for  the  lime  being,  and,  as  such,  was  binding   , 
on  the  .Mcxii'aii  nation.  ij 

Mr.  JoiiM  (itiNiv  Adams.  I  desire  to  inquire  :| 
of  the  gentlenum  from  Illinois,  if  Santa  Ann  was  h 
not  a  prisoner  of  w.ir  at  the  lime,  and  in  duress  I: 
wli'Mi  he  executed  that  treaty.'  |i 

Mr.  Dot  GLASS,  in   reply.     Santa  Ana   was   a 
prisoner,  and  in  duress,  and   so  was  the  entire 
government  of  Mexico;  for  he  was  at  that  time    ! 
the  government  df  fad'',  clothed  with  all  its  func- 
tions, civil  and  military  1    The  g  ivcrnnient  itself 
was  a  prisoner,  and  in  duress  1     But  will   it  be  .! 
contended  that  that  circumstance  rendered  the  ob-  ', 
ligati.m  less  obligatory.' 

Mr.  Adams.  It  is  a  strange  doctrine  that  the 
acts  of  a  prisoner,  while  in  duress,  are  to  be 
deemed  valid  after  he  has  recovered  his  liberty.       i 

Mr.  DutoLAss.  We  are  now  at  war  with  Mex- 
ico. Our  armies  will  somi  march  into  the  heart  of  ,i 
that  couiury.  1  trust  they  will  penetrate  a.s  far  as 
the  capital,  and  ca|)ture  not  only  the  army,  but  llie 
gi.vernnieiit  itself  in  the  halld  of  the  Monieznmas; 
tliat  we  may  make  them  all  jnisoncrs  of  war,  and 
keep  them  in  duress  until  they  shall  make  a  treaty 
of  peace  and  boundary  with  us,  by  which  llicy  shall 
recognise  not  only  the  Rio  del  Norte,  but  such  other 
line  as  we  shall  choose  to  dicttue  or  accept.  Will 
the  gentleman  from  MasMachusetts  contend  that  a 
treaty  made  with  us  under  those  circumstances 
would  not  be  binding,  because,  forsooth,  the  gov- 
crnnicnt  was  a  prisoner  at  the  time.'  How  is  a 
conquered  nation  ever  to  make  peace,  if  the  gentle- 
man's doctrine  is  to  prevail.'  Take  the  case  of  an 
absolute  monarrhy:  the  king  is  captured  in  battle, 
at  the  head  of  his  army.  Both  parlies  may  then 
be  willing  to  settle  the  dispute;  but  no  treaty  can 
l>c.made,  because  the  king  is  in  duress;  and  of 
ciuirse  the  victor  v/ould  not  release  his  royal  pris- 
oner until  a  treaty  of  peace  had  been  executed,  lest 
he  might  continue  huslililies,  and,  by  the  CTrtnnes 
of  war,  triumph  in  the  cor  est.  This  doctrine 
would  jilace  oil  unfortnimte  iclligcrcnts  in  u  most 
deplorable  condition.  They  refuse  to  make  peace 
before  defeat,  becau.se  tin  v  I. ope  for  victory.  They 
arc  inconipetenl  to  do  so  arierward.",  because  they 
are  in  duress  1  Surely  a  defeated  nation  would 
find  iiscif  in  a  lamentable  prcdicamenl.  Too  feeble 
to  icsisl:  disarmed,  conquered,  and  slill  incompe- 
tent to  make  a  iieaiy  of  peace  and  ndjusl  the  mat- 
ter ill  dispute  on  such  lair  and  cqnilalile  terms  as  a 
inagnanimous  foe  might  propose,  because  the  war 
of  aggression,  which  they  had  coinmencitd,  had  re- 
BMltciT  disastrously,  and  made  them  captives.  I 
tear,  if  the  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  surceed  in 
eslablis'iing  llieir  doctrine,  they  will  soon  find  their 
Mexican  friends  in  a  dilemma  truly  pitialile.  I'er- 
liaps,  if  General  I'aredcs  and  his  niiliiary  govern- 
ment shonl'l  be  reduced  to  captivity,  these  geiillc- 
ineii  would  require  that  our  arniies  should  retire 
within  our  own  lerrilory,  and  set  the  prisoners  at 
liberty,  before  negotiations  for  peace  should  be 
o|)cnvd.    This  may  be  their  view  of  the  subject, 


but  I  doubt  whether  it  is  Iho  view  which  the  Amer- 
ican Government  or  the  American  people  will  feel 
it  their  duty  to  act  upon.  Our  crude  notions  of 
things  might  teach  us  that  the  city  of  Mexico  was 
a  very  suitable  place  for  conducting  the  negotia- 
tions. I  must,  therefore,  be  permitted  to  atlherc 
to  my  original  position,  that  the  treaty  of  peace  and 
boundaries  between  Santa  Ana  and  the  Texan  Gov- 
ernment, in  May,  1836,  was  binding  on  the  Mexi- 
can nation,  it  having  been  executed  by  the  govern- 
ment de  facto  for  the  time  being. 

Mr.  Adams.  Has  not  that  treaty  with  Santo 
Alio  been  since  discarded  by  the  Mexican  Govern- 
ment .' 

Mr.  Douglass.  I  presume  it  has;  for  I  am  not 
aware  of  any  treaty  or  compact  which  that  Gov- 
ernment ever  entered  imo,  that  she  did  not  after- 
wards either  violate  or  repudiate.  The  history  of 
our  treaty  stipulations  wilh  her  furnishes  ample 
ground  for  this  presiinipti*)n.  1  lutve  not  decnuul 
it  necessary  to  iinpiire  what  particular  acts  of  ills- 
avowal,  if  any,  have  been  since  adopted  by  the 
Mexican  Government.  It  is  sufficient  for  my  pur- 
pose that  the  treaty  was  entered  into  by  competent 
authority  at  the  time  of  ils  execution.  The  acta 
of  a  government  de  fnclo  are  biniling  on  the  nation 
as  against  foreign  nations,  wiihoiil  reference  lo  the 
mode  by  which  that  government  was  esiahlislieil, 
whethei-  by  rcvnliiiion,  usurpation,  or  rightful  mid 
constitulional  means. 

Mr.  AnAMs.     1  deny  it.    I  deny  the  proposition. 

Mr.  DoiGi.Ass.  I  will  not  eiiier  into  an  elabn- 
rale  dis.'ussion  of  the  laws  of  nations  on  the  point 
with  the  learned  geniletnan  troin  Massacluisells. 
I  will  say,  however,  that  I  understand  viriters  on 
international  Jaw  to  lay  down  the  principle  as  I 
have  slated.  Certainly,  the  practice  and  usngcs  of 
all  civilized  naion-s  .sanction  ii,  of  which  history 
fornislies  inmiiiicr.ilile  exnmiiles.  Does  the  gen- 
tleman deny  the  validity  of  tlie  acts  of  the  British 
Government  in  the  times  of  Cromwell,  becnn.se  it 
was  a  mere  govcinment  de  facto,  establLsbed  in 
blood,  in  violation  of  the  English  conslitulion  ■' 
Many  of  the  most  important  treaties,  affecting  the 
destiny  of  Europe,  were  made  wilh  the  British 
Government  during  that  period;  and  who  ever 
heard  of  a  European  sovereign  denying  their  obli- 
gaiion,  or  failing  to  claim  the  benefits  of  them.' 
Alore  recent  and  memorable  instances  may  be  found 
in  our  claims  of  indemnities  against  France,  Ma- 
ples, and  Spain,  for  injuries  which  we  sustained 
during  the  French  Revolution.  We  did  not  per- 
mit these  countries  to  exonsrate  themselves  from 
the  obligation  to  make  us  ciinpensaiion,  upon  the 
pretext  that  Nn(ioleon,  Mural,  and  .Tosepli  Bona- 
parte were  military  despots,  who  had  ascended  the 
thrones  through  blood  and  violence.  We  recog. 
nised  them  as  ihe  heads  of  those  governments  i/e 
/iic(o,  while  seated  on  the  thrones  of  the  legitimate 
kings  of  those  countries,  and  subsequently  held  the 
nations  responsible  for  ail  their  invasions  of  our 
rights.  Spain,  Naples,  and  France  have  each  ac- 
knowledged the  <tblit;ation,  and  granted  indemni- 
ties. Will  the  gentleman  ilcny  the  validity  of  the 
purchase  of  Louisiana,  upon  the  ground  that  it  was 
made  with  a  usurper,  who  was  afterwards  taken 
prisoner  and  dethroned  .'  With  as  little  propriety 
may  he  reject  Santa  Ana's  treaty  with  Texas,  and 
our  treaties  with  the  Presidents  and  Dictators  of 
Mexico,  who  have  successively  and  alternately 
seized  the  reins  of  that  Government,  at  short  inler- 
vals,  and  banisheil  or  beheaded  their  predet^essors, 
and  changed  the  forms  of  government  lo  suit  their 
purposes.  In  these  and  all  similar  cases,  the  nsjures 
of  the  civilized  world  sancticni  the  docirine  for 
which  I  eonleiid,  that  the  government  de  facto,  far 
the  time  being,  is  to  be  recognised,  and  the  naiinn 
lii^Id  responsible  for  ils  acts,  without  inquiring  inni 
the  means  by  which  it  was  establislien,  or  nliow  - 
iiig  the  liblignlion  to  be  dissolved  iiy  »iibse(pieiit 
revolutions  or  disavowals.  1  am  not  now  disriiN- 
sing  the  question,  wlicllier  the  (liHlinclioii.s  alleinpl- 
ed  lo  be  esialiliahcd  in  England  on  ihe  Icrnunation 
of  the  War  of  the  Rises,  between  the  rival  hcnises 
of  LancHsler  and  York,  were  well  finndeil  or  not. 
I  do  no!  prelend  to  say  whether  it  is  a  stilled  prin- 
ciple of  the  laws  of  nations,  lliat  there  is  snrh  a 
distinctiiin  between  governnienls  de  facto  and  dr 
jure  as  sonic  genllemen  insist  upon.  I  wish  to 
avoid  all  immaterial  issues,  for  I  have  liiid  no  op- 
portunity for  iiiveslii;atioii  or  prepanition  on  these 
pointa.    All  I  insist  upon  in  this  discussion  isi 


'  ihat  the  nets  of  the  government  </e  ^«c/a,  for  ihe 
time  being,  are  binding  on  the  nation  in  respect  lo 
i  foreign  Stale.,.    It  is  immaterial,  therefore,  whellnr 
Mexico  has  or  has  not  disavowed  Santa  Ana's 
treaty  wilh  Texas.     It  wn«  exeenled  at  the  time 
I  by  compctcKl  authority.    She  availed  lierself  ofall 
ils  benefits.    By  virtue  of  it  she  saved  ihe  remnant 
of  her  army  from  toial  annihilation,  and  had  her 
'  captive  dictator  restored  to  his  liberty.     Under  il, 
I  she  was  perinitied  to  remove,  in  peace  and  secu- 
;  rity,all  her  soldiers,  citizens,  mid  properly,  beyond 
I  the   Rio  del  Norte.     The  question  is,  had  she  u 
moral  and  legal  right  to  repudiate  it  afler  she  had 
i  enjoyed  all  its  advantages?    The  gentleman  from 
j  .Mnssachuseits  attenipls  to  apply  the  legal  niaxims 
relative  to  civil  coiitracls  to  this  transaction.     l!c- 
1  cause  an   individual   who   enters  into  a  contract 
,  while  in  duress  has  a  right  to  disavow  il  when  re- 
'  stored   to  his  liberty,  he  can  see  no  reason  why 
;  .Santa  Ana  could  not  do  the  same  thing.     I  sluill 
,  not  go  into  an  argument  lo  prove  lliat  tlic  rights'  of 
a  iiniion,  in   time  of  war,  are   not  idcnlical  willi 
those  of  a  cilizen,  under  ihe  nuinicipal  la'>'s  of  Ins 
own  country,  in  a  state  of  peace.    Bui,  if  I  should 
admit  the  justness  of  tile   supposed  parallel,  I  a|]- 
prehend  the  gentleman  winild  not  insist  upon  the 
right  to  rescind  the  ccmiract  without  placing  the 
parties  in  sliilii  quo;  for  it  must  be  borne  in  niinil 
that  Santa  Ana  was  a  iirisoner  according  to  the 
roll  s  of  war,  and  consequently  in  lawful  custody. 
Is  the  gentleman  prepared  to  show  thai  the  Mexi- 
can Govenniiem  ever  proposed  to  rescind  the  trca- 
ly,  and  place  the  parties  in  the  same  relative  po- 
sition lliey  occupied  mi  the  day  of  ils  execiilion  ? 
'  Did  they  ever  oiler  to  .send  Saiiui  Ana  and  his  ile- 
IValed  army  back  to  San  Jacinto,  to  remain  as 
General  Honsum's  prisoners,  until  the  Texan  Gov- 
erniiienl  should  dispose  of  them  according  to  iu 
discretion,  under  the  laws  of  nations? 
!      Rut  I  must  return  from  this  digression,  to  the 
,  main   point  of  my  argument.     1  was  proceeding 
with  my   proof,   when  these  inlerruptinns  com- 
menced, lo  show  that  the  Rio  del  Norle  was  Ihe 
boundary  between  Texas  and   Mexico,  and  has 
been  so  claimed  on  the  one  side,  and  recognised  on 
Ihe  other,  ever  since  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto.     1 
have  already  referred  to  the  fact,  that  the  country 
west  of  the  Nueces  had  her  soldiers  in  the  Texan 
army  during  the  campaigns  of  1835  and  1830,  and 
that  llie  treaty  of  peace  and  ii'dependenc'  between 
Sania  .\iia  and  the  Te;:ar;  Gov/ir'  ineiit  recognised 
the  Rio  del  Norle  as  the  boni'dary.     I   have  also 
referred  lo  the  fiiet  that  the  Mexican  army  was  re- 
moved frinii  Texas,  in  pursuance  of  that  treaty,  lo 
Ihe  west  bank  of  that  stream.     I  om  informed  by 
high  authority,  that  General  Filisola  received  iii- 
siructioiis  from  llic  authorities    in   Mexico,  who 
I  were  exercising  the  functions  of  Government  in 
ISanlaAna's  absence,  to  enter  into  any  arrange- 
ment with  llie  Texan  Government  which  should 
be  necessary  to  save  the  Mexican  army  from  de- 
'  structioii,  and  secure  its  safe  retreat  from  ihatcoun- 
1  try;  and  that,  in  pursuance  of  those  instructions, 
he  did   ratify   Santa   Ana's    treaty,   previous    to 
marching  the  army  beyond  the  Rio  del  Norte.  My 
i  friend  from  MissLssinpi,  before  me,  [Mr.  Davis,] 
i  who  has  investigated  the  subject,  assures  me  thai 
I  such  is  the  fact.     My  own  recollcciion  accord.') 
i  with   his  slatement  in  this  respect.     These  fads 
,  clearly  show  that  Mexico,  at  that  time,  regarded 
!  the  revolution  as  successful  as  far  as  ihe  Rio  del 
None,  and  consenuently  that  that  river  musi  ne- 
ces.sarily  become  llie  boundary  whenever  the  iilde- 
.  pendenre  of  llu'  new   republic  should   be  firmly 
established.     Subsequent  transactions  prove  ihat 
the  two  countries  have  ever  since  acted  on  the  .same 
snppnsilioii.      Texas    immediately  proceeded    to 
form  neonstiliilion, and  eslablish  a  permanent  Gov- 
ernment.    The  eonntry  bdweeii  Ihe  Nueces  anil 
the  Rio  del  Norte  was  represented  in  the  ciniven 
lion  which  formeil  liereoiistilin.   n  in  18,'tO.  James 
Powers,  ,     ncliinl  resideiil  of  the  lerritoiy  now  in 
dispiiie,  was  circled  a  delegate  by  the  people  resi- 
ding llieie,and  )iariicipaled  in  ibe  proceedings  of 
ihe  convention  as  one  of  ils  members.     The  fir.st 
Congress  which  as.sembled  under  llie  conslitulion, 
proceeded  tn  define  the  bonnihiries  of  the  Repnlili.', 
lo  establish  conns  of  justice,  and  provide  lor  ihi^ 
extension  of  jurisdiciion,  and   the  exercise  of  all 
the  powers  of  sovereignly  over  the  whole  territory. 
f)ne  of  llu'  first  acts  of  ilint  Congress  declares  Ihe 
'  Uio  del  Norte,  from  ita  mouth  to  iis  source,  to  bo 


[May  13, 
?  Reps. 


]846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


907 


29th  Cong 1st  Stss. 


The  Mexican  War — Mr.  Douglass. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


facto,  for  I  lie 
in  respept  to 
iirc,  wlictliiT 
SniilH  Aiiii'h 
at  the  (iiiie 
kcrsolfol'iill 
llie  reiiumiit 
inj  Imd  lier 
Uiitlfi-  ii, 
and  Necu- 
rly,  lieyoiid 
i>  iiiid  sIk:  u 
Tier  she  ImJ 
Ifiniui  fniiii 
:iil  nmxiniM 
uuioii.     lie- 
a  contra':t 
it  when  ic- 
ouscHi  why 
lie;.     I  shall 
Ihc  ri;;lit.v  nf 
'ntieal  wjiii 
hf>'s  ol'hiH 
if  I  .siiouhl 
I'l,  1  a|,- 
<t  ii|ion  till! 
Iilai'inn;  the 
>ni(j  ill  mind 
rdiiijf  to  till' 
All  iiislndv. 
t  tlie  Mexi- 
ind  the  trca- 
lelative  [in. 
I  exfcMitioii  ? 
and  hia  di> 
rciiiain   ns 
Texan  Gin- 
rdiiiL'  10  its 


the  houndary  between  Texas  and  Mexico,  and  the 
(ithcis  provide  for  the  exercise  of  jurisdiction. 
Counties  were  established,  reaching  across  the 
Nueces,  and  even  to  the  RIn  del  Norte,  as  fast  as 
the  tide  of  emigration  advanced  in  that  direction. 
Ciiipus  Christi,  Point  Isabel,  and  General  Taylor's 
camp,  opposite  Matamoros,  are  all  within  the 
county  of  San  Patricio,  in  the  Slate  of  Texas,  ac- 
cording to  our  n:cent  maps.  Tliiit  same  county, 
lioni  the  day  of  its  formatinii,ciiiisiituled  a  portion 
(if  line  of  the  coiiKressiona!  disiricis,  and  also  of  a 
Btnalorial  district,  in  the  Republic  of  Texas;  it 
now  fcirnis  a  portion,  if  not  the  whole  of  a  repre- 
Buiitative  district,  and  also  a  senatorial  district,  for 
the  election  of  representatives  and  senators  to  the 
Texan  Legislature,  as  well  as  a  con2;rcs.sional  dis- 
trict, for  the  election  of  a  repre.ienlativo  to  the 
Ciaitfi-css  of  the  United  Stales.  Colonel  Kinney, 
who  emigrated  from  my  own  State,  has  resided  In 
that  county,  bclwren  the  Nueces  and  the  Rio  del 
Norte,  for  many  years— has  repreRcntcd  it  in  the 
Congress  of  the  Republic  of  Texas,  also  in  the 
convention  wliicli  formed  the  constitution  of  the 
Slate  of  Texas,  and  'now  represents  it  in  the 
Texan  Senate.  I  know  not  what  stronger  evidence 
iiiuld  be  desired  that  the  country  in  nuestion  was, 
ill  fact,  a  portion  of  the  Republic  of  Texas,  and,  as 
a  coiisccnience,  is  now  a  portion  of  the  United 
Sillies.  If  an  expres.s  acknowleilsment  by  Mexico 
of  the  Rio  del  Norte  as  the  boundary,  is  deemed 
essential,  and  the  recognition  of  thai  iiict  in  Santa 
Ana's  treaty,  and  sub.sequently  by  Filisola,  is  not 
coii.sidered  sulKcieni,  1  will  endeavor  to  furnish 
liiither  and  more  recent  evidence,  which,  I  trust, 
will  be  satisfactory  on  that  |ioiiit.  I  have  not  the 
papers  to  which  I  shall  refer  lieforc  me  at  this  mo- 
ment; but  they  are  of  such  general  notoriety,  that 
they  cannot  (ail  lo  be  within  the  recollection  of 
the  members  of  the  House  g.ncrally.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  when  we  were  discussing  the  pro- 
priety and  expediency  of  the  annexation  of  Texas 
some  two  years  ago,  much  was  said  about  an  ar- 
mistice entered  into  between  Mexico  and  T'  :as, 
for  the  suspension  of  hostilities  for  a  limited  period. 
Well,  that  armislice  was  agreed  to  by  the  two 
Governmenls;  and  In  the  proclamalion  announcing 
the  fact  by  the  Mexican  Government,  the  Mexican 
forces  were  required  to  retire  from  the  territory  of 
Texas,  to  the  v-est  side  of  the  Hio  del  Xorte.  This 
proclamalion  was  issued,  as  near  ns  I  recollect,  in 
1643  or  ia4'l,  just  before  the  treaty  of  annexation 
was  signed  by  President  Tyler,  and  at  a  period 
when  Mexico  had  had  sufficient  time  to  recover 
from  the  dizziness  of  the  shock  at  San  Jacinto,  and 
to  ascerlain  to  what  extent  the  revolution  I.  .  m  n 
successful,  and  where  tlie  true  boundary  was.  She 
vyas  not  a  prisoner  of  war,  nor  in  duress,  at  the 
tiiLC  she  issued  this  proclamation.  It  was  her  own 
deliberate  act,  (so  far  as  deliberation  evernUcnds 
her  action,)  done  of  her  own  volition.  In  that 
proclamation  she  clearly  recognises  the  Rio  ilel 
Norte  as  the  boundary,  and  that,  too,  in  view  of 
a  treaty  of  peace,  by  which  the  independence  of 
Texas  was  to  be  again  acknowledged. 

Mr.  Adams.  I  wish  to  osk  the  gentleman  from 
Illinois  if  the  last  Congress  did  not  pass  an  act 
rigulaling  trade  and  commerce  to  the  foreign  prov- 
ince of  Sanm  Fe.' 

Mr.  Uouci.ABS.  I  believe  the  last  Congress  did 
pass  an  act  upon  that  subject;  and  I  will  remind 
the  gentleman  that  \\\e prcs'i nt  Congress  haspassr.l 
an  act  extending  the  revenue  laws  of  the  United 
Slates  over  the  country  between  the  Rio  del  Norte 
and  the  Nueces,  and  providing  fo;  the  t-.ppoint- 
iiient  ofcuslimi-housc  oflicers  to  reside  there.  As 
near  as  I  recoiled,  ihe  gentleman  from  MaHsachii- 
sells  ami  myself  voted  for  both  of  tho.sc  acts.  The 
only  dill'crcnce  between  us  in  this  respect  was,  that 
111-,  being  a  Mule  more  zealous  limn  myself,  made 
a  speech  for  the  last  one — for  the  act  extending  our 
laws  over  and  taking  legal  possession  of  the  very 
country  where  General  Taylor's  army  is  now  en- 
camped, and  which  he  now  asserts  to  belong  lo 
Mexico.  That  art  pas.sed  this  Congress  unani- 
mously at  the  present  .session,  taking  legal  posses- 
sion of  the  whole  country  in  dispute,  and  of  course 
making  it  Ihe  sworn  duly  of  the  President  to  see 
its  provisions  faithfully  executed.  In  the  name  of 
truth  and  justice,  I  ask  the  gcnilenian  from  Mas- 
Bucluisetts,  and  his  followers  in  this  crusade,  how 
they  can  justify  it  to  their  conscienie.i  to  denounce 
tlie  President  for  sending  the  army  to  protect  the 


lives  of  our  citizens  there,  and  defend  the  country 
from  invasion,  after  they  Imd  voted  to  lake  legal 
possession  by  the  extension  of  our  laws .'  They 
had  asserted  our  right  to  the  country  by  a  solemn 
act  of  Congress;  had  erected  it  into  a  collection 
district;  and  the  Constitution  required  the  President 
to  appoint  the  officers,  ahd  sec  the  laws  faithfully 
executed.  Me  has  done  so,  and  for  this  simple 
discharge  nf  a  duty  enjoined  upon  him  by  a  law 
for  which  they  voted,  he  is  assailed,  in  the  coarsest 
terms  known  lo  our  language,  as  having  done  an 
act  which  is  unholy,  unrighteous,  ond  damnable! 

Rut  I  feel  it  due  to  the  venerable  gentleman  from 
Massachusetts  to  respond  more  particularly  to  his 
inquiry  in  regard  to  the  act  of  the  last  Congres.^ 
regulating  commerce  and  node  to  Santa  Fe.  I  do 
not  now  recollect  its  exact  provisions;  nor  is 
it  important,  inasmuch  as  that  act  was  passed 
before  Texas  was  annexed  to  this  Union.  Of 
course,  Santa  Pe  was  foriMgn  to  us  at  that  time, 
whether  it  belonged  to  Texas  or  Mexico.  The 
object  of  that  act  was  to  regulate  the  trade  across 
ou.  western  frontier  between  us  and  foreign  coun- 
tries. Texas  was  then  foreign  to  us,  but  is  no 
longer  so  since  her  annexation  and  admission  into 
this  Union. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  believe  I  have  now  said  all  that 
I  intended  for  the  purpose  of  showing  that  the  Rio 
del  Norte  was  the  western  boundary  of  the  Repub- 
lic of  Texas.  How  far  I  have  succeeded  in  estab- 
lishing Ihe  position,  I  leave  to  the  House  and  the 
country  li"  determine.  If  that  wa.3  the  boundary 
of  the  Heiublic  of  Texas,  It  has,  of  course,  become 
the  boundi  ry  of  the  United  States  by  virtue  of  the 
acts  of  annexation  and  admission  into  the  Union. 
I  will  not  sav  that  I  have  demonstrated  the  qiies- 
ion  as  satisti.'-lnrily  as  the  distinguished  gentle- 
man from  Mnssacliiisetts  did  in  1819,  hut  1!  will 
say  that  I  '.■ink  F  am  safe  i  i  adopting  the  senti- 
ment .chica  he  ther  expressei  :  that  our  title  lo  the 
Rio  del  Norto  is  at  clear  as  o  the  island  of  New 
Orleans. 

Mr.  Ad\ms.  I  never  said  that  our  title  was 
good  to  the  Rio  del  Norte  from  its  mouth  to  its 
source. 

Mr.  Doifii.Ass.  I  know  nothing  of  the  gentle- 
man's menial  reservations.  If  he  means,  by  his 
denial,  to  place  the  whole  emphasis  on  the  qualifi- 
cation that  he  did  .lol  claim  that  riveras  the  bound- 
ary "from  its  moulli  to  its  source,"  I  shall  not 
dispute  with  him  on  that  point.  But  if  he  wishes 
to  be  undeislood  as  denying  that  he  ever  claimed 
the  Rio  del  Norte,  in  general  terms,  as  our  bound- 
ary under  the  Louisiana  treaty,  I  can  furnish  him 
an  official  document,  over  his  own  signature, 
which  he  will  find  very  embarrassing,  and  exceed- 
ingly dillicult  to  explain.  I  allude  to  his  famous 
despatch  as  Secretary  of  Stale,  in  1819,  to  Don 
Onis,  the  Spanish  Minister.  I  am  not  certain  that 
I  can  prove  his  handwriting,  for  the  copy  I  have 
in  my  possession  I  find  printed  in  thegllinerican 
State  Papers,  published  by  the  order  of  Congress. 
In  that  paper,  he  not  only  claimed  the  Rio  del 
Norte  as  our  boundary,  but  he  demonstrated  the 
validity  of  the  cl'iim  by  a  train  of  facts  and  argu- 
ments which  rivet  conviction  on  every  impartial 
mind,  1.    1  defy  refutation. 

Mr.  Adams.  I  wrote  that  despatch  as  Secreta- 
ry of  State,  and  endeavored  to  make  out  the  best 
case  I  could  for  my  own  cimntry,  as  it  was  my 
duty.  But  I  iilterly  deny  that  I  claimed  the  Rio 
del  Norte  as  our  boundary,  in  its  full  extent.  I 
only  claimed  it  a  short  distance  up  Ihe  river,  and 
then  diverged  to  the  northward  some  distance  from 
the  stream. 

Mr.  Doroi.Ans.  Will  the  gentleman  specify  the 
point  at  which  his  line  left  the  river? 

Mr.  Adams.     I  never  designated  the  point. 

Mr.  Doi'oi.Ass.     Was  it  above  Matamoros.' 

Mr.  Adams.  1  never  specified  any  particular 
place. 

Mr.  Dnr.ii.Ass.  I  am  well  aware  that  the  gen- 
tleman never  s|iecified  any  point  of  departure  for 
his  norlliward  line,  whicii,  he  now  informs  us, 
was  to  run  a  part  of  the  way  on  the  east  side  of 
that  river;  for  he  claimed  the  river  ns  the  boundary 
in  general  terms,  without  any  qualification.  Hut 
his  present  admission  is  sufficient  for  my  purposes, 
if  he  will  only  specify  the  point  from  which  he 
then  understood,  or  now  understands,  that  his  line 
was  lo  have  diverged  from  the  river.  I  have  heard 
of  this  line  before,  itnd  know  with  reasonable  cer- 


tainty its  point  of  departure,  it  followed  the  river 
to  a  place  near  the  highlands — certainly  more  than 
one  hundred  miles  above  Matamoros;  consequent- 
ly, if  we  adopt  that  line  as  our  present  boundary, 
it  will  give  us  Point  Isabel  and  General  Taylor's 
camp  o|ipositc  Matamoros,  and  every  inch  of 
ground  upon  which  an  American  soldier  has  ever 
placed  his  foot  since  the  annexation  of  Texas  to 
the  Union.  Hence  my  solicitude  to  extract  an  an- 
swer from  the  venerable  gentleman  to  my  interrog- 
atory, whether  his  line  followed  the  river  any  dis- 
tiuice  above  Matamoros;  and  hence,  t  appichend, 
the  cause  of  my  failure  to  procure  a  response  to 
thatquestion.  If  he  had  responded  to  my  inquiry, 
his  answer  would  have  furnished  a  triumphant  ref- 
utation of  all  the  charges  which  he  and  his  friends 
have  made  against  the  President  for  ordering  the 
army  of  occupation  to  its  |iresent  iiositicm.  lam 
not  now  to  be  diverted  from  the  real  point  in  con- 
troversy by  a  discussion  of  the  question  whether 
the  Rio  del  Norte  was  the  boundary  to  its  source. 
My  present  object  is  to  repel  the  calumnies  which 
have  been  urged  against  our  Government;  to  place 
our  country  in  the  ri^ht,  and  the  enemy  in  the 
wrong,  before  the  civilized  world,  according  to  the 
truth  and  justice  of  the  case.  I  have  exposed  these 
calumnies  by  reference  to  the  acts  and  adinissi(ma  ' 
of  our  accusers,  by  which  they  hr.ve  a-i.^ened  our 
title  to  the  full  extent  that  we  have  taken  posses- 
sion. I  have  shown  that  Texas  always  claimed 
the  Rio  del  Norte  as  her  boundary  during  the  ex- 
istence of  the  Republic,  and  that  Mexico  on  seve- 
ral occasions  recognised  it  as  such  in  the  most 
direct  and  solemn  manner.  The  President  ordered 
the  army  no  further  than  Congress  had  extended 
our  laws.  In  view  of  all  these  facts,  I  leave  it  to 
the  candor  of  every  honest  man  whether  the  Ex- 
ecutive did  not  do  his  duty,  and  nothing  but  his 
duty,  when  he  ordered  the  army  to  the  Rio  del 
Norte.  Should  he  have  folded  his  arms,  and  al- 
lowed our  citizens  to  be  murdered  and  our  territo- 
ry invaded  with  impunityr  Have  we  not  forborne 
to  act — cither  ofTcnsively  or  defensively — until  our 
forbearance  isconstrutd  into  cowardice,  and  is  ex- 
citing contempt  from  tho.se  towards  whom  we  have 
exercised  our  magnanimity?  We  have  a  long  list 
of  grievances,  a  long  catalogue  of  wrongs,  to  be 
avenged.  The  war  has  commenced;  blood  has 
been  shed;  our  territory  invaded;  all  by  the  act  of 
the  enemy.  I  had  hoped  and  trusted  that  there 
would  be  no  anti-war  party  after  war  was  de- 
clared. In  this  I  have  been  sadly  disa)ipointed.  I 
have  been  particularly  mortifietl  to  see  one  with 
whom  I  have  acted  on  the  Oregon  question — who 
was  ready  to  plunge  the  country  into  immediate 
war,  if  necessary,  to  maintain  the  rights  and  honor 
of  the  country  in  that  direction — now  arraying 
himself  on  the  side  of  the  enemy,  when  our  coun- 
try is  invaded  in  another  portion  of  the  Union. 
To  me,  our  country  and  all  its  parts  are  one  ond 
indivisible.  I  would  rally  under  her  suindard  in 
the  defence  of  one  portion  as  soon  as  another;  the 
South  as  soon  as  Ihe  North;  for  Texas  as  soon  as 
Oregon.  And  I  will  here  do  my  southern  friends 
the  justice  to  say,  that  I  firmly  believe,  and  never 
doubted,  that  if  war  had  arisen  out  of  the  Oregon 
question,  when  once  declared,  they  would  have 
been  found  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  me,  as  firmly 
as  I  shall  be  with  them  in  this  Mexican  war. 

Mr.  Adams.  I  thought  I  understood  the  gen- 
tleman, some  time  ago,  while  standing  on  54°  40', 
to  tell  his  southern  friends  that  he  wanted  no  dodji- 
ing  on  the  Oregon  question. 

Mr.  DotrcLAss.  I  did  stand  on  54°  40';  I  stand 
there  now,  and  never  intend,  by  any  act  of  mine, 
to  surrender  the  position.  I  am  as  ready  and  wil- 
ling to  fight  for  54°  40',  as  for  the  Rio  ilel  Norte. 
My  patriotism  is  not  of  that  kind  which  would 
iiKUice  me  to  go  to  war  to  enlarge  one  section  of 
the  Union  out  of  mere  hatred  and  vengeance  to- 
wards the  other.  1  have  no  personal  or  political 
griefs,  resulting  from  the  past,  to  embitter  my  feel- 
ings and  inflame  my  resentments  towards  any 
section  of  our  country.  I  know  no  sections,  no 
divisions.  I  did  complain  of  a  few  of  my  souihern 
friends  on  the  Oregon  ciiiestion — did  tell  them  that 
I  wished  lo  see  no  doilging — endeavored  to  rally 
them  on  54°  40'  as  our  lighting  line,  regardless  of 
consequences,  war  or  no  war.  But  while  they 
declined  to  assume  this  position  in  a  state  of  peace, 
they  unanimously  avowed  their  determination  to 
stand  by  the  country  the  moment  war  was  declared. 


908 


aOni  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Mexican  Hnr—Mr.  'IWrntis. 


[Mny  13  fa  19, 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


Bui,  »inre  the  ccnllemnn  from  Mnnsncluispim  j 
hnH  ilrnijgpd  lln'  nri's:i)ii  quosliiiii  inin  this  (Iclmto,  • 
I  \vi«li  io  nill  Ins  niii'iiiidii  to  niip  of  liis  wiw  Riiy- 
iiiirs  on  llint  siibjci't,  niul  nee  if  l\p  is  not  williiiL;  to 
n|i|>ly  it  to  Ti'xus  iis  wrll  ns  Oriiron — to  Mi'xii'o 
lis  wi'll  111  Grial  lliiiniii.  Ili-n'riillcd  to  tlic  luiriil 
of  llio  Mouse  ilint  piissncp  of  liisiory  in  wliirli  tlip 
prent  I'Viilcrlck  look  military  possession  of  Silcsiii, 
iinil  inimeiliali'ly  |iropi>scil  to  si'ltlp  tlif  qiirstioii  of 
liilo  nnil  lioiiiuliini's  l>y  negotiation.  Diirir);;  the 
Ore:,'oii  ileliate,  lie  avoweil  hinisi'lf  in  favor  of 
Freiierick's  plan  for  the  solllenient  of  ihnt  qiifs- 
tion — **  Take  possession  first,  and  ne;;otiatc  at'ler- 
wanls.'*  1  desire  to  know  wliy  the  ixentlenian  is 
not  willini;  to  apply  this  prini-iple  to  the  eunntrv 
on  the  Uio  del  Norip  as  well  asDre'^on?  Aecon{- 
inu:  to  his  own  showin:;,  thai  is  preeirely  what 
President  Polk  has  done,  lie  has  taken  posse.s- 
sioii,  and  proposed  to  iieiCoti;ile.  In  this  respeet 
th*^  President  has  adopted  llie  adviee  of  the  (xentle- 
nian  from  Massaelmsetls,  and  lollowed  tlie  illus- 
trious example  of  tlie  i;reat  I''reilei  u-k.  Tin;  only 
dilVeiTiM'c  in  the  two  eases  is,  that  the  I'resideiU  • 
was  mainlainin'^  a  Ie'.;al  posse.ssion,  wliieh  Con- 
press  had  previously  tikeii,  hy  the  extension  of 
our  laws.  I-^or  this  he  is  also  aliased.  He  is  eon- 
deiiined  alike  for  nsiiiii^  the  swiird  and  the  olive 
hraneh.  His  enemies  ohjeet  to  his  etVnris  for 
nmieahle  adjnstniiMit,  as  well  as  to  the  movements 
of  the  army.  .\ll  is  wroii;  in  their  eyes.  Their 
eonnlry  is  always  in  the  wrnii-.:,  and  iis  enemies 
riirlll.  It  hase\er  lieeii  so.  It  was  so  in  flie  lasl 
wnrwitli  (ire.il  Britain.  Then,  it  was  iiiiheenmin^; 
n  moral  and  relii^imis  peoide  to  rejoiee  at  the  siie- 
eess  of  .Ameriean  arms.  Wo  were  wroii'.;,  in  their 
esttmntion,  in  the  Freneli  indemnity  ease — in  the 
V'lorida  war — in  all  the  Indian  wars;  and  now  .  in 
the  Mexiean  war.  1  ilespiiir  of  ever  sceiiii'  my 
country  again  in  the  right,  if  they  are  to  be  the 
oracles. 


THE  MEXUWN  W.VR. 
SPEnCII   OF  MrTj.  \V.  TIHIUTTS, 

OF  KENTITKY,  , 

In  tiik  llmsK  ok  Uki'bksk.xtatives, 
.Viii)  l-_>  iiiirf  19,  1841!. 
In  relation  to  the  pay  of  the  army,  the  war  wiili 
Mexiet>,and  ill  detenee  of  the  aetioii  of  the  Pres- 
ident of  the  rnileii  .States.  In  ( 'ommiitee  of  ilip 
Wlode  on  'he  state  of  the  I'nion  on  the  Bill 
makini:  appropriations  for  the  support  of  tlie 
Military  .\iademy. 

Mr.  TlBll.ATTS  addressed  the  eommiitcc  ns 
follow:-: 

Mr.  CiiKiKMAx:  I  do  not  rise  for  the  jmrpose  of 
disi'iissin^;  ihe  panieular  amendment  under  eon- 
sidenitioii,  nor,  mileed,  the  hill  itself  now  hefme 
the  e.nnmitlee.  iN'oi  do  1  iniend  to  .soy  anyiliini; 
in  relalinn  m  the  remarks  nf  the  metni'er  fiiaii 
Ohio  [.Mr.  liioiiisos]  ill  relation  to  the  sliooiin:r 
down  nf  the  soldiers,  itr  rather  the  men,  (for  ihev 
were  not  soldiers.^  who  deserted  their  stiiiidard  in 
the  He  e  of  their  own  nrniy,  and  ati>'inpted  to  ero 
over  to  the  eiiemv  at  Mntanioros.  I  do  not  think 
.■111  ari-'iiment  in  liet'enee  cif  sneu  persons  tieserves 
an  answer  on  this  floor.  1  think  the  only  iliinj; 
to  he  re;.'reiied  in  this  matter  is,  that  these  men, 
tVom  llie  eir-Miinsinnees  of  tlie  ease,  had  the  honor 
of  ilyiii'J  the  death  of  siddiers,  liy  lieint.'shoi  down, 
ns  ihey  eonld  not  he  ejiptiired,  anil  that  iliey  eoiild 
iini  have  hien  taken  and  punished,  as  traitors 
on;ht  to  hi-  punished,  hv  the  rope  of  the  lianininn. 
Nor  do  1  iiili  nd  to  make  :uiv  respcoise  to  tin-  ap- 
peal of  that  mrnilu-'r  for  the  veii:;eiinee  of  Henvi-n 
upon  our  ofheers  and  soldiers,  who  are  now,  or 
M-lio  hereat'ter  may  he,  railed  upon  to  defend  our 
risht.'  asainst  the  Mexioans.  1  only  express  my 
surprise  at  the  tenirrity  of  iliat  Beppseiiiative  on 
this  door  who  will  rise  in  his  plaee  and  express 
thi  asjiiration  whii-h  has  heen  uttered  h\-  ihe  mem- 
her  from  Ohio  this  niorniii!;.  I  woiiili  r  that  he 
does  not  stand  in  fear  hinisilf  lli.il  a  lliiinderholt 
from  that  (lod  whom  he  invokes  should  strike 
him  deal  on  the  floor  of  this  House  in  the  net  of 
utt#riiiu  srmiments  so  ntroeioiis. 

Mr.  <  'hairman,  I  reu'ret  thai  my  honomhle  friend 
from  Ohio,  [.Mr.  Saw-tkh.j  wlio'hns  just  laken  his 
Rent,  has  U'en  led  to  n  seeming;  rensure  of  General 
Taylor  in  the  course  of  his  renitirks.  ' 


Mr.  Sawtrr  interposed,  and  (Mr.  T.  yielding:)  I 
was  understood  to  say  that,  us  far  as  informed  nt ' 
prisent,  he  did  not  feel  altoirether  Balislieil  with  | 
(Jeneral  Taylor's  eoiidnet;  hut  uotliin!;  was  further  '■ 
from  his  mind  nt  present  tlinn  directly  to  censure 
his  eoiiilnet, 

Mr.  TiiiiiATTs  (resiiminp;.)  I  am  sniisfied,  Mr. 
rhairiiinn,  that  my  tVieiid  did  not  intend  to  do  iiny 
injnsliee  to  that  Kenlleman.  Kvery  niau  who  is 
aeiiuaiiited  with  Uenerid  Taylor  knows  that  riOe-.-e 
honest  or  n  hraver  man,ii  more  perleet  v:emleman, 
a  more  K"lhiut  ollieer,  does  not  wear  the  e|mulelle  , 
of  any  army  on  Ihe  face  of  the  filohe.  (ieueral 
Taylor  is  an  i.dieer  of  experieiice,  who  knows  his 
duties  and  responsihiliiies;  one  who  has  not  trans- 
^rressed  in  any  dei^ree  the  aiillinrity  ijiven  him  liy 
his  (Tovernmeiit,aiid  one  who  will  not  fill  short  of 
exereisins;  that  aiilliori'y  to  the  full  extent  of  the  j 
disi-retion  pliieed  r\  ins  hands.  I 

I  rise,  however,  Mr.  ('hairman,  at  the  present^ 
time,  more  with  a  view  of  nolieini;  sotue  remarks 
made  liy  a  eolleai^ue  ot'  mine,  (Mr.  Ci.  Owls,]  who 
I  reijret  is  not  now  in  his  plaee,  on  yesteidaVi  and 
some  wliieh  are  repm-te-d  to  have  heen  made  bv 
the  Senators  from  Kentin:ky.  in  the  other  brtineli 
of  this  ('ajiilol.  The  deservedly  liii,'h  standiii!^  of 
these  ixenllemeti  in  this  eountry  makes  it  proper 
that  somethiii;;  should  he  said  in  relaiioii  to  the 
positiims  they  have  as.sumed  on  this  oeeasion,  and 
that  those  positions  shall  not  ;;o  forth  to  the  eotiii-  < 
try  imeontradieted. 

t1iie  of  my  eolleaixues  [Mr.  Unynl  yesterday 
proposed  an  amendiuent  to  the  hill  wliieh  passed 
tins  House  for  the  iiierease  of  the  army,  the  pre- 
amble of  whii-li  amendinent  (wliieh  was  adopted, 
and  heivimr  n  portion  of  the  bill  which  pa.saed  this 
llonsi')  recited,  that  "  whereas,  (it/  the  act  t\f  the 
Itffuihtii'  If/"  Ahxirn,  a  .s/iifc  of'  irnr  exntn  between 
that  liovernmeiit  and  the  llniied  Slates."  ?,ow-, 
my  other  colleague,  [.Mr.  G.  Dams,]  in  reliition  to 
thnt  preanibte,  .says: 

"lint.  \Ir.  Sit.jiker.  I  liavo  nil  oliiecHon  to  llie  preninlile 
iif  tile  lull.  It  reeili-s  Unit  war  exivts  Iit-twepii  the  I'liileil 
.^lali-.-  anil  MeMriMiiul  tinil  t)H:i  Wlir  was  lieitun  tiy  .Mexieo. 
Tlliit  iiitiiniiiil  war  i'\j-ls  lietvM-eii  the  two  eoiintrifs  If  Mn- 
lieinatile  ;  lint  iha'  vlt-Mro  rnininchet'it  it.  it*  ntlerly  untrue  ; 
mill  I  iihject  til  III!'  lireanihle  ln-i-aii-e  it  i«eti  tiirtll  sii  hnlit  a 
tiilsi'liiiml.  1  inn  iti-cidrilty  strnnuly  ill  Oiviir  iil'  the  ii|i)irii- 
linaliiiii  III'  tile  iiinnex,  ami  ol  the  rai^iiiu'  nt  the  tiai-r.s  tiir 
which  the  lull  inevldeH.  I-'orlilese  [iur|i<i^e.<.  11  is  laiinrieiit 
for  ni>'  llisl  iiiir  ■  oniitry  Is  at  wnr.  he  It  |-oniial  iir  infiir- 
liial.  HlU'lher  Im'ciiii  bv  Mexien  or  onr  i.wii  tiiiveniiiieiit. 
1  teijuiro  only  tii  kniiw  *linl  niir  luiiiy  i.-i  In  iliiiiitiT;  unit 
whiMInT  il  he  III  the  Urnlory  ol'  Ihe  I'liiteii  J'lales  or  Me\- 
irn.  I  ant  really  tn  vnle  nil  II  unit  iiininy  even  In  the  miinist 
ri-siiiiri'P!*  Ill"  ihe  rnnntry  ler  the  rei»i-iie.  It  ihe  war  lie 
wriiiinrul,  nl  n  inure  ennveiiienl  i<i-nsi>ii  I  wonlil  liulil  thein 
resiiiin^ihh- Willi  tnaite  it.  Itiil  I  iiriili-fl  Milriniily  nii!iinF.t 
ih-lihiik'  Ilil-i  liie-.isiire  Willi  the  iinrmiiiiteil  slali  ineiit  that 
Mrvii-ii  he:.'nii  this  war.  'J'hal  iwt-iiina  i.i  in't  nrei'S-iiry  to 
cive  llii^  hill  nay  imHstlile  eiteei.  Il  roiilil  have  h. -en  ai  well 
inianeil,  iiiiil,  li.iil  it  tieea  riji-'Ti-il.  I  iliuihl  nut  the  lull  woliti) 
reeeixi-  t>ie  liiiaeeniinn  villi-  iit  the  Hiiiine.  Ihit  thai  wan 
nut  llie  iitijei'l  lit  iis  anthorH.  Ttirir  imrtin-e  wan  tu  make 
the  \\-1h^'^  \ole  imnii't,  or  luree  tlnni  |o  aiil  in  IhruwiiiK  n 
tihehi-r  i0i-r  tin-  .\illiiinistialinii  hy  vnniiii  Tnr,  a  lull  w-liieh 
set  liirlli  Ilia:  tins  ni-i-ilhss  itiiil  iiiie.x|H<eli'il  war  uai^ciiiii- 
ini'in-i-il  hy  .Mexi.  u. 

"Sii.  iT  llir  hill  i-iinlnini-il  any  ri-i-itation  iipiill  that  point, 
la  trnth  anil  iiulice.  il  nlinahl  tie  that  tlii"  war  Wii*  hi  una 
|i>  the  rri'.-iili-nl.  Tlie  river  \iieei-!«  is  the  true  western 
hiiniiihirs  III 'I'l'X  IS.  The  eotinuv  hi-lw-eea  lliut  t^treaill  ;iiul 
the  111  1  \urle  is  (laii  iif  Mi'.'.ico." 

An  honorable  Senator  from  Kentucky  [Mr. 
Miiiii-.iiKAii|  reuiurks: 

"  Il iilit  \i-r>  well  ennceive  n  i-nsp  where  the  nrniy  ot 

Ihe  t-|illeil  r^IiiIi  s.  Iiavint:  a^i-nnii-il  a  |i'i>iiiiiii  within  the 
ti'niliir>  lit*  Mi'\ii-i),  i-iii-h  a  iiesiliiin  as  iMiiilil  ilenianil  rnini 
>Iexi'-ii'  that  •'In-  shniilil  ripi'l  the  tiivn.iiiiii.  ami  that  the 
hietihlies  -hiinlil  arise  ln-iwc'-ii  the  two  countries:  wnulil 
that  hr  a  nlate  iil  war.'     \ii." 

The  hoiiomlile  Senator  supposes  a  case — a  case 
which  is  actually  chari^ed  Io  exist  by  the  honor- 
able l!i  pie.sentative  from  Keiitneky  on  this  floor. 
It  is  Willi  a  view  lo  these  qnesiioiis,  Whether  a 
war  exists  between  these  tw-o  eonntritsr  w-lieth"r 
the  niseriion  of  the  President  of  tlip  rniteil  Stales, 
in  his  mi-ssai;i-  to  this  House,  anil  the  assertion  in 
the  preamble  to  iliis  bill  be  true  or  not?  whether, 
if  that  war  does  exist,  it  has  Vieen  brought  on 
by  the  act  of  the  President  of  the  I'nited  Slates, 
or  the  (^iove.iiinent  of  Mexico.'  that  1  wish  to  re- 
ceive the  attention  of  this  enmmiitee. 

What  is  irnr  .'  "  War"  is  defined  by  Vnttel  as 
*'  that  slate  in  which  we  proseeuie  our  rights  by 
force."  And  further  on,  ho  tells  us  that  "  war  is 
eillier  Jifitijiv:  or  tiffhisive."  It  is  said  there  is  no 
power  111  this  Government  thnt  has  n  riti;ht  to  de- 
clare war  except  Congress.     It  is  true  that  there 


in  nn  power  in  the  Govorninent  which  has  the  rit;ht 
to  declnrn  nn  oll'eiu-ive  war,  except  ihe  Coiif^re.ss  of 
the  United  Slates.  And  the  dislinr.tinn  is  drawn 
as  to  whether  this  is  a  case  of  wiir,  or  nieielv  the 
pxislenee  of  u  stale  of  hostilities  hetueen  the  \jexi- 
Ci.n  Government  and  this.  The  power  of  (lon- 
irchS  "  to  dechn-e  war"  must  be  taUen  in  reference 
to  an  nffin.iire  war.  We  are  told  (and  such  is  the 
fnelt  no  man  can  doubt  il)  lliiit  war  is  not  only 
"ollensive,"  but  "  ilefeiisive."  If  the  (Joyei-u- 
meiit  of  N'exico  should  declare  war  uKainst  the 
Uniled  Stalls,  and  should  inviide  the  territory  of 
the  Ibiited  Sta'es,  will  the  honorable  Keiitleiiiiiii 
friiin  South  Caii.'ina,  [Mr.  Uiii;rT|— who,  I  be- 
lieve, drew  that  disinn  lion — will  he  say  that  a  de- 
fensive war  does  mil  exist?  And  will  he  say  lliat 
the  President  of  the  Piiiled  Slates  has  not  the  ri^'lit 
lo  proseentp  a  defeiiHive  war  without  the  iiilerpo- 
silion  of  Cotii;ress  ? 

Mr.  Uiit:TT  said  he  would  answer  with  clieerfi  I- 
ness,  if  the  srenll-man  ilesired;  and  (Mr.  T.  yield- 
iiu:)  he  said,  in  the  iirdinary  use  of  the  word 
"  war,"  we  eenerallv  mean  any  fnjhtiiiir — mililiny 
collisions  of  any  kind;  but  in  aciinslilntional  sense, 
miller  onr  ronslilulion,  I  say  to  the  f;i-ntleiiiaii  that 
it  is  not  in  the  power  of  a  lieneial,  of  a  Kiibordi- 
nale,  or  of  the  Presiilenl  of  the  United  Stales  liiiii- 
setf,  lo  make  "war."  Now,w-lial  islhecase  lieii-> 
Here  is  a  ease  of  mere  mililarv  commmiilers  cnin- 
iii"  in  collision.  The  ('onslilntion  of  Mexico  says 
the  CiMiK-iT"  of  Mexico  shall  dei'lare  war,  mid  the 
Ciinslilulion  of  the  IJniled  Slates  says  the  ('i)M«-ri->s 
of  the  United  Slates  shall  deelaie  war;  and  tliei-e_ 
can  be  no  mere  commander,  or  other  otlicer,  of 
lhe.se  two  nalioiiswlioean  put  every  man,  woman, 
■nd  child  in  Mexico  and  Ihe  Jlnllcd  Slates  in  a 
stale  of  "  war,"  except  bv  llie  eooiicration  of  the, 
iwo  soverei!;n  anthoriiies  of  llie  Iwo  iialioiis.  But 
Ihei-e  may  be  collisions— there  may  be  hostiliia-s, 
,  defensive'  or  airsrcssive,  re.sultiinr  from  the  aclioii 
1  of  other   Powers;   allhoiidi,  ciinslitulionally,  ac- 

■  cordinir  to  the  Consiilutions  of  Mexico  and  the 
tTniieif  Stales,  there  cannot  be  "  war"  unless  that 
"  wnr"  is  aiilliori/.pil  ami  declared  by  the  constilii- 
lionnl  power  of  one  or  other  of  the  two  countries. 

I  And   he   heKi;cd  sren'lemen   to  look  at  the  coiise- 

!  iiuences  tliat"would  result  if  this  were  not  true. 
It  puts  it  in  Ihe  power  of  any  military  8i|imd,  of 

'  any  commander  of  our  nation,  or  of  any  other  iia- 
lion,  lo  put  this  n;ition  in  a  state  of  war.  'I'lie 
killiii"-  of  peonle  is  not  war.  In  order  to  consli- 
lute  war  between  nations,  that  killin^'_  must  he. 
simctiimed  by  the  wnr-inakins  power;  if  mil  saiie- 
tioned.  il  is' collision  belw-een  military  fiirces,  he-- 
tween  ciii-'iiis;  and  in  ordinary  parlance  is  "  war," 
hilt  not  war  in  the  sen'"  in  which  that  term  is 
nindc  use  of  in  the  <!onslii|ilion. 

Mr.  TinnA-rTs  resiimeil.     Il  must  be  iierceivcil, 

I  Mr.  riiairmaii,  that  this  is  all  ail  abstnu-lion.  It 
perhaps  miu'ht  he  the  source  of  a  lillle  consolation 
lo  our  counirymen  who  have  been  killed  by  this 
invasion  of  onr  lerrilory  hy  .Mexican  aulhoriiy  if 
their  departed  spirits  couid  know  it,  or  to  tlien- 
fricnds  and  rrlntives,  to  know  this  distinction,  that 
they  have  died  by  an  act  of  hoslilily,  and  initby  ,m 

iiict'of  war.  I  am  williii!:,  however,  to  take  llie 
eenllpmaii  on  his  strict  eoiislruelion  of  the  Coiisli- 

'  tnliim,  and  1  say  war  can  exist,  and  that  war  does 

1  px-ist  at  this  tinip,  between  this  country  and  Mex- 
ico, w-iihonl  a  dei  iaration  of  war  on  Ihe  pari  of  the 
Cniiirpssof  the  llnitPil  Stales.  I  call  the  atlenlion 
of  the  ffenlleman  and  of  the  commitlee  to  the  dis 
tinclion   taken   by  Vnttel  as  In  war  "  oll'ensive," 

'  nnd  wnr  "  defensive:"  and  the  (|iiPstion  I  put  to 
theeenllcnmn  makes  the  dislinclion  itself     If  the 

■  Oovernmcnt  of  Mexico  should  declare  war  naainst 
this  country,  and  invade  our  territory  by  an  army, 
she  is  in  a  stale  of  oflensive  war;  and  if  the  Pres- 
ident of  the  ITiiiled  Stales,  in  the  pxerei.se  of  his 
consiitiiiional  duly,  should  irpel  that  invasion  hy 
the  military  pow-'er  which  is  under  his  eonlrol, 
ns  Ihe  i-ominander-in-chier  of  onr  military  and 
naval  forces,  then  this  country  is  in  n  state  of  de- 
fensive war,  without  any  decluralioii  of  war  on  the 
part  of  Consress. 

Arcordini;,  then,  to  the  Constitution  of  this  eoun- 
try, aceorciinj  lo  the  state  of  facts  cxistinj  on  the 
borders  of  Texas  at  this  moment,  there  is  a  slate 
of  wnr  existine  between  this  country  and  Mexico — 
one  thnt  is  a  defensive  war,  I  admit,  on  the  part  of 
this  Government,  which  cannot  become  oflensive 
'  without  a  declaration  of  war  by  Congress. 


2&  19, 

Mi|iPrii;lit 

ii<  ciniwii 

llclflv  llii, 

the  .\I,.xi. 

r  111'  Ciiii- 

I'll'i'ii'ni'i! 

iicli  i»  llir 

Milt  (irily 

(iiivcni- 

^airim  ilin 

■rriliiry  cil' 

Ui'iitlciiinri 

Vlld,  I  I,,.. 

lIlMl  H  (li.. 

ly  llial 

't  till'  rirht. 

iiili'r|ii)- 


1846.] 


i29TH  CoNi! 1st  Sks8. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Mexican  IVar — Mr.  Tibbatts. 


-^.jj.»;  •       »-T- 


909 


Ho.  OF  Rkps. 


Mr.  RiiCTT  inlci'poHed,  iinil  inquired  whether 
\\w  rliuiHH  of  the  (NiiiHtitiitiiin  r.iiiireriiiiK  upon  Cnii- 
piTSN  (ho  powfM'  •'  to  ilei'larn  war,  ^raiil  letters  of 
iiuir<|iie  and  reprisal,"  iVc.,  uaid  anything  ubout 
"ilclenKive"  war,  in'  "iitlenNive"  war? 

Mr.  'I'lBiiATTN  ri'plied,  there  w  niithin^  siiid  as 
III  "iitlrnNlve"  or  "dclenHive"  war  in  IhiH  partieu- 
liirrlauNe;  lint  onr  Conutilution  eHialiliNheu  ihatonr 
i'l'i'sident  i.i  the  liiail  ot'tlie  army  and  navy  iil'lliin 
rnuntry,  and  the  lawN  paNded  in  purHitane.e  of*  llnit 
('iinsliLution  ^ive  liini  (lie  power  to  call  tiie  aid  fil* 
till'  iLrniy,and  ii. ivy, and  nnlitia,  to  repel  iiivtiKion, 
mid  lariy  on  ileUiisive  war  williont  the  aid  of  an 
ml  iif  CiiiiijresH  derlaiini^  war.  Then  I  take  illhal 
pliiiiily,  ai'.riirdiii;:;  lo  the  law  of  natloDH,  the  poHt- 
liiiii  luken  iiy  the  IheNidiiit ol'lhi:  United  •Sttitex  \a 
n  Iruc  poKiliiiii,  thai  war — a  eoimtitntlonul,  del'en- 
sive  war  on  our  part — doeH  exist,  and  that  the 
ili'i'laratioii  in  the  prianilile  tii  iIii.m  lull  xa  truth. 
Wliellicr  we  will  make  an  iiU'eii-iive  war  a!;aln«t 
Jilixiio,  and  invade  hi  r  ternliini's,  leinainH  yet  to 
he  ili'iei'inlui'd.  Mot  only  ihe  I'lT.sideiil  ol'lhe  Uni- 
icil  Stale.s  haH  the  ri^ht  to  ^o  into  a  deteiiHive  war, 
hut  ihi.i  power  is  xei'ured  lu  the  btatcN  ihenisulvcii. 
TIiIh  is  tile  proviHion: 

"  \i)  I'llnli'  chilli,  williiinl  Ihe  roiiHriil  (irilif  riini{ri')<it,  lay 
iiii,\  limy  nriMiiiiiii{i>,  jiri'ji  liiiiiiH,  or  slii|i.^  Ill  \Mi|-  III  liitii  nl' 

I I-,  I'liirr  lulu  any  ii^ri'i-iiiiiil  iir  I'liiiiji.ii-l  witli  aiiiillier 

.Suili-,  III'  Willi  II  tiiirittu  riivvt-r,  ur  rli;:iiKe  lii  wur,  loi/csii 
intiiitllif  irii ui/t'i/,  ur  III  tiir/i  ifiimifii'iit  dinn,fr  ufl  will  nut  tldmil 

Then,  let  Ihe  K'-ntlemau  no  longer  ronieiul  that 
a  Hiate  ol'  war  eaiuiot  exist — a  slale  of  deleiisivu 
war — and  eonNliinlinimlly  exist,  liy  the  I'resiilent 
ol'lhe  llniled  tjliuus  repi'llni;;;  an  invasion,  or  by  a 
Slale  repelling  an  invasion,  indepelideiilly  of  any 
act  of  (Joiii;ress. 

1  now  i.oiue,  sir,  lo  the  eonsidernlion  of  the  ques- 
tion, whether  this  war  ha.i  lieen  liroiifjhton  by  the 
ail  oi"  Ihe  I'lrsiileiii  of  Ihe  Unili^d  Stales,  or  by  the 
lilt  ol'lhe  (.iini'mnii'iil  of  Mi-xico;  and  lo  aildreNS  ! 
myself  111  ihe  reinarii  of  another  hnnorahlc  .Seimlor  ; 
fiiuiiKeiiUieliy  [.\l  r.  I'iiittknuenJ  yeslerilay.  The  ! 
hiitlonible  ijemleiitilli  says; 

'•  .Mr.  ('.  li-jiri'il  lliiit  iill  li:iil  iiiil  liei-ii  liiiiie  liy  our  Rxeell-  | 
IU''lli:il  lUiKut  have  tlri'ii  iliiiic  In  lO'oiii  thai  r^^llll.  He  j 
liii|i.il  the   Si'iialur  I'roiii  .\rkiiiisiiH  [.Mr.  Hkv-o.kJ  iiilglll  li.:  ' 

ahli'  I'l  jiislily,  III  every  iiaiiieiilar,  lli iikIik  t  iil  ilie  l'rl:^i-  ; 

ili'iil ;  lull  III  jiri'M'iil  lie  (iiiilil  .•.leiiii  (jomt  leasuii  liir  iiilviiii- 
eiiiLi  iMir  (iniiy  [tiMiiiijh  a  ili^|iiili'il  lerriliiry  tii  llie  liaiik-i  ul' ' 
llir  Kill  del  Niirle,  ami  |ii>llillll;f  imr  i-illllion  ll)iiitl  llle  tiiWIl 
III' Maliiiiiiiriis.*'  I 

Now,  whether  ihis  war  has  been  brought  on  by  ! 
Ihe  aet  of  ihi.s  (jovernniint,  Mr.  ('hnirnian,  or  by  I 
the  Uovernnieiil  of  .Mexien,  ilepoiiils  on  ihe  other  ! 
i|iii'slioii,  whelher  the  ler.-ilory  liiUveen  ihe  Nueee.s  | 
mill  the  I)rl  Norle  is  lerrilory  beliini;iii^  to  Tt^xas 
or  111  .Mexii'o.     My  eollea^ne  [Mr.  Dams]  says  it 
lii'hiii!;s  lo  Mexien.     I   had  oeeasion,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, at  Ihe  lasl  si'.-isiiin  of  Compress,  in  a  speeeh 
which   I   made  iiii  Ihe  Texas  ipirslion.  In  devote 
some  of  my  lime  lo  an  exainiiialion  of  this  tpies- 
linii  of  title.     Now,  sir,  the  lower  part  of  the  Itin 
del   INiirle   has  been   claimed  a.s  the  bouiiihiry  of 
Texas,   not  only  by  tin    people  of  Texas  theni- 
.sches,  but  was  so  iisserteil  In  be  by  this  (inverii- 
mciil  before  we  i-eiii d  ihi.s  cniiiitry  tii  .Spain.    And 
wilhniitrepealin:,' those  remarks  which  I  then  made, 
I  will   send  them  lo   the  Clerk,  that  In  may  rcud 
Ihein. 

The  Clerk  then  read  the  following: 

"  .Mr.  J.  Il'i'r»nii,  ill  lil«  liller  lu  Mr.  Iliiwiliiin,  lllli  July, 
INKi,  (.Ml.  Cur.  p.  .-,!).)  >ay...: 
'"U'ilh  ri->|ii'il  In  iiiir  wc-^rcrii  liuiiiiil;iry,  yiiiir  jiiiilrue- 

*  liiilib  will  lie  >i>iirffiiiilc.  I  will  uiil>  a'lil,  as  a  cuiiiiiiiiii  lo 
'  llii'iii,  tliiil  \vi-  are  ;ittarlii'il  In  the  ri'Diniiliit  the  Hay  iil'  iSt. 

•  llcniaril.licciaisc  it  was  tiit- lir  ti'stalilHliiia  nturiti..'  iintor- 
'  liiuate  I. a  Saili'.  iivs  l!ic  cr.nllc  of  Lriuisi./iiu,  ami  more  iii- 
'  cMiilestnlily  (.uvcrcil  anil  eniiveycil  lu  tis  hy  Kiaiiee  iniili-r 
^  llial  ii.-ilni>,  llian  any  iilhi  r  fpul  in  llie  lerritpry. 

I"  Hi.  ir  rmiiilv  |ja\— liav  iiithcuiih'  m"  .Mexico,  on  the 
'  eiia«tiir'l'e\a».  lunuilmlc  !.li  ,"il)  U'.;  laliluilc  iiti  IIU  N.'—H'ur- 
reilci'i  i;,::rllrir,  ol.  IfJ.'l. 

"  liUUi^iaii;i  was  ceilcil  by  France  In  Sjiaiii  In  lTlil,Hnil 
was  ri'lKicc. It'll  liy  .-^(I'liii  li>  Kraiicc  ia  IHIlii.aiiii  iu'cii|,icil  hy 
I'laiici'.  liy  Mil'  treaty  iil  I'aris  uniii'  llil  .Vpril.  IbllJ,  it  was 
o'llcil  hy  rraiM'C  lu  the  I'liili'il  Slat's,  ami  the  puNsessiuii 
ih  liven-il  hy  ihc  Ficneli  aiilliiiiilies  ia  I^OI.  ]Mr.  ATiiilisnii, 
i'\preM*iiiU  Ills  own  \ii'ivs,  ami  llioiii  of  .Mr.  .I«  l^cr^^ll,  in  a 
h'llcriil'  till.'  :ilsinr  iMarch,  lull,  Mi>H  that  l.iiuisiaaa  ex- 
Icndi'il  weslnarilly  lu  the  lliii  lliavii,  iilln  i»im'  lallcil  Itin 
llravii  ili'l  \urtc.  Itrilcrs  were  iiccuriliiinly  uhtaineil  fmni 
till-  .'Spanish  aiilhurilies  liir  the  itcHver)  ol"  iill  the  [losls  nii 
the  went  slili-  of  the  iMississlppi." 

"  .Anil  III  a  letter  nl  Ihe  lllsl  January,  IHIM,  Mr.  Maili.snu 
Plates  that  .>!r.  l.aii>snl,  the  i'uiiiini>i*iniier  hy  wlluin  the 
Frciicli  Unvi-niuii'lit  tlrlirrrfil  thv  jhtsKCfsiott  of  Lonhiitntt  to 
t«,  imnouilTit  I  tlip  Del  N>Mp  as  l7t  true  ftoiiiirfiirii.'  lu  ft  In- 
ter of  till!  8lh  or  July,  llilM,  Mr.  SliuliFon  decliiros  the  oppo- 


iiilinn  of  Mr.  Jclfcrsnu  to  '  retiwpiiiKmint  of  aui/  fi'ntlory 
ulmteriT  ciuluiiril  of  llie  liriiio.' 

"  Mr.  Miiiirue,  In  u  h  tier  of  the  sih  of  Nnveuiher,  lFn:i, 
rrlr/o.vr.f  rloriif/iru/n,  wllieli  he  na>H  ^iTore  itHOiiUnlitllii^  that 
thu  hniniilary  of  l.uiiisiiuiu  Is  '  the  llin  llravii  In  llie  wet;* 
anil  Mr.  1*':..  ioicy  uiiileM  with  Mr.  Miinrne  in  a  hiinilar 
ih'chmitijii ;  anil  nu  the  'JUlli  April,  IMI.',,  in  a  lillir  In  Mr. 
Mii'ii  oil,  they  iisHcrt  niir  '  nile  lu  In;  iiiniueHlluiiahle.*  Mr. 
Miilirui-,  ill  IliH  leth  r  nl'  January  luili,  anil  June  null,  IhUiI, 
.iiyH,  that  iiiiiie  coiilil  ijuestlnii  •  our  litli-  to  7*i'X'i«,'  unit  ciiii- 
elirs  with  Mr.  JeH'ersnu,  auil  Mr.  Miiilisuii,  111  the  npiiiiuii, 
*//in(  our  tail'  to  lite  Del  iVuT/c,  iiiw  lU  eU'ir  us  tti  the  i\luiid 
of  New  thlfims.^ 

ii.Mr.  Jiiiis  (ieivcY  Adams,  in  a  letter  lo  Dun  Oaix  of  llie 
I'JIh  .March,  lsls,Ha.\ii; 

'I'Tlie  elaiiii  III' l''raiiee  always  ilid  exK.iiil  wcsiward  tu 
III'*  Itio  llravii.*  '.She  ut'mifi  claimi'il  the  Icrnluiy  which 
Vuiieiill  TexiiK  an  lieilii;  wiiliiii  Ihe  limits,  anil  lurinlii|E  u 
part  nl  l.olllsiaiill.'  .\ml  he  fllilher  Ha>s:  'Well  lliluht 
Messrs.  rilii'kliiyaud  Aluiiroe  write  In  M.  4;evallus,iii  l»li:i. 
Mint  'the  claim  ill' the  L'liiti  <1  t^lnli's  lu  llie  hiiuml.iry  ul'llie 
Itiii  llrnvo  was  as  rh-ar  lui  tlnir  riitlit  tu  the  islauit  ul'New 
Oilcans.'  Anil,  in  his  Icllir  ol  u.c  :i>sl  Oclnher,  IHIs.  he 
kh>h:  Mliir  nile  tn'rcxtiN  ill  cHlalilisheil  hcyuitil  llie  jiuwer 
of  fiirtlicr  cniilrovers).' 

'1  Mr.  APA.-ts,  in  his  htteror  iusnucliuiis  lo  ,Mr.  GeurKc 
(^Mih.ini  iirjiim".',  iHls, '.],>»: 

'•''I'hc  I'ri'siihnl  wi>lii's  yuu  lo  prucceil,  with  all  euii- 

•  vi'incnl  sp'-eil,  tu  that  iihi'-c,  ((*ah<  sl.ui.)  llllll•^s,  as  in  mil 
liiupruhalil'',  yuu  shniihl,  ill  tne  pruj^r'ss  iil  Ihe  juiirney, 
>tc;irii  llitil  they  have  ahaiiilulicil  or  licii  ilrivcii  I'loin  I'l. 
•Hliuillil  llicy  liav  rcinuveil  (u  Mitlunorilu,OT  tmy  utiter  fiUue 
*norlli  ql  lite  Hit  ilrui-o^  mfl  tritlnti  the  lirriloty  iLitmitl  titj 
'(Ac  tJi'iileil  Stitlea,  >ou  will  repair  ilullier,  wi'thuut,  liiiw'- 
'  c\er,  e\(i'i.-ina  ji'Iiim'M'Io  he  capliiriil  hy  any  It'paiiiKh  lail- 
I  il:ir>  hircc.     When  arrivnl,  yuu  will,  iii  a  '-inhihlc  luaii- 

•  licr,  iiiakc  known  lo  the  cliiei  ur  li'tiili  r  ol  the  e\peiliiiuu 
'yiiur  aiilliunty  fruiii  Ihc  <;iivi'riuiii  iil  ul  the  rmt'-il  Hlali  s, 
iiiiiil  e\|ircsH  the  Hiirprise  wilti  winch  the  I'rcniileiit  has 
'seen  pu.^M's.,.inu  thus  taki'ii,  VMlliuiil  anlhurily  rruiu  tlie 
I  l.'nilcil  Hlah's,  ol'  a  [ilitte  n  illiiu  their  li-rriloriul  ttiuih,  and 
'  li/iou  irhirh  110  III  fill  sitlleiueilt  enii  In- iiimle  u  itUnitt  llieir 
^  sinirlian.     \iiii  \vill  call  ii|iuii  liliii  explicitly  In  aV"W  uiiilcr 

•  what  iiatiuiial  aulhoiitv  they  princ-s  lo  ict.  ami  t.ike  larc 
'  tilllt  llie-  warililltj  III-  ijiM-li  III  llie  v\  hole  I'oily,  llml  Hii-  fdii  e 


the 


tctwe 


lid  the  Tt 


'is  iiithiii  llie  Uiiiled  Sluley,  irlio  i.ill 
tsiilleiimit  lo  lie  tnuile  there  uiidir  uiiij  i 
tlhiiroiiti.' 


I'Jjie  110  jiirinum  III 
mliorHij  ulher  lluitt 


.Clay's 


o  Mr.  ('lav,  in  his  speech  'in  the  Spaiii.~li  treaty,  April  ;i, 
If'JU,  (.Mallorv,  vol.  I,  pp.  llill  anil  -Iill,)  sats: 

"''I  he  litle  tu  the  r'nliiloiiii  till!  one  sale, anil  to  ihi-  Ilio 
<ilel  N'urlc  oil  the  oilier,  rcsteil  on  Ihc  Mniii-  piiiiciplc.  llic 
iprinrilv  of  iliscuvcry  ami  ul'  ucciipaliun  h>  l''iaii''i-  liic 
'principle  I'liscrvcil  aiaolii:  l')iirop' an  iiiitioii-  having  coii- 
'  lIUUolls  sctllcliicnls  licint!,  Itial  Itie  liiioccli|iieil  .-pnee  hc- 
'twccii  llieiii  should  he  iijually  doideil.'     '  la  Itis.'i.  he  (I, a 

'Halh')  made  an  eslahlishii I  on  tlin  Hay  ol  Sl.  Ilernaril, 

•  west  III' the  (,'ulnraiiii,eiii,it>ilic  ilit'i  it.  The  nt  arcst  Spaii- 
•isli  si-nlciiiciit  was  I'aiinc";  and  llie  lliu  del  Null'  ,aliuul 
'the  niiilw.'iy  line,  hi'i-ame  the  luminun  houmlan.' 

"  Mr.  Clay  also,  in  his  lelfrur  the  ITlh  Apnlj  ISM,  puh- 
lishcil  ill  tile  N'aliDiial  hiti  iliifeiiccr.  sa>s  ; 

"  ''I'he  I'liitcil  Stales  aei|iiir<'il  a  lilh'  lu'rcxa-,  exlcnilinc, 
'as  I  helii'Vi ,  In  the  Ilio  del  iViirlc,  li\  llii>  treaty  ul  I.ouiM- 
'ana-  Tlicy  ceded  and  relinipiislicii  thai  lille  to  Spam  hy 
'the  treaty  ol'JHI'.),  hy  wllieli  the  Sahiiie  was  suli.-tiluli<d  for 
'llie  loo  del  .Niirt.*  as  onr  wcsIitii  hnumlary."* 

1  I'enuest  the  Clerk  also  to  read  uii  exti'nrt  from 
Mr.  Clay's  speeeh  of  the  Sd  of  April,  18^0.  In 
rela'ion  lo  our  title  K;  Texas,  he  says: 

[Mr.  iSiivKiiANi  K  here  interpiiseil,  and  asked  Mr. 
T.  if  he  considered  that  ihe  treaty  of  IHVi  had  any 
hindin<;  forcer] 

Mr.  Tibbatts  replicti,  cerlninly.  But  my  oli- 
jer.t  is  In  show  what  we  elainied  to  he  Ihe  bound- 
ary of  Texas  before  that  trealy  was  made. 

riiu  Clerk  then  read  the  exiract  from  Mr. 
;  speech  refe-rred  to,  as  follnws: 

1  '•TiiiB  iiivulved  an  inijiiiry  liilu  onr  claim  lu  1'cxnB.  Il 
was  not  hi- iiitntiua  to  enter  at  lar^e  into  this  .'  i|jeet.  He 
presuincd  the  s):cclaele  w  iiiilil  mil  hi]  presciiteil,  nl  i|Ue.-tioii- 
iiiK,  ill  lliiH  hraiieh  of  the  u"Vcinii:eiil.  our  title  lu  'J'l  xas, 
wi'icli  had  hciin  euuslaiitly  iiiaiiilaih''il  hy  the  Fxcf-iittve  for 
mure  lliaii  tlfiecii  years  |i'ist.iiiiilcr  three  scvral  iiiluiiiii>tra- 

.  nuns.  He  was,  at  the  same  lime,  reiiily  .'iml  prc{iarcil  to 
liiak'-  olil  our  litlc,  if  aii>  iiiic  in  tliis  lluii.se  was  fearless 
eniiilyli  III  cunliuxerl  II.  He  wuiilil.  fur  the  pre-ciit.  lira  Hy 
shin-  thai  the  inaii  wiio  i.s  ino-l  familiar  with  llii'  Iniii.-iii'tioiiN 
of  the  gov  enimciit— who  lariiely  panicipali'il  in  ilie  lurmatinn 

;  of  llle  eonstilution,  aial  in  all  Unit  has  heeii  i'  me  und'-r  it — 
who,  li'-!-iilcs  the  eminent  scrvn-cs  thai  he  has  ri'iiilered  his 
eiiuiilry,  priinipally  euutrilinli  li  lo  tin- a''i|iii.<ilion  of  I.oiiis- 
iiiaa,  anil  u  tin  iiiu-t  he  supposed,  liuiii  Ins  \aiioiis  uppuini- 
iiilii's,  he-t  tu  kiiuw  its  I  nil  lis— ih  clan  d  liflichycar-  into  thai 
.  'ir  title  to  the  Itio  del  Norte  was  on  well  louililed  lUI  it  WB8 
lo  (  "  island  of  N''w  Orh-aiis." 

Mr.  ';heirman.  (continued  Mr.  T.,)  these  author- 
ities, 10  '.'cli  1  have  referred,  show  inconteslably 
that  by  no  |.  iiriol  of  any  party  in  this  country  was 
onr  title  to  the  Kin  del  5<nrtc  ever  doubled  prior  In 
the  eessiiin  of  ihnt  territory  to  .Spain.  I  have,  sir, 
referred  to  these  authorities  lo  siiow  what  was  the 
uucient  boundary  of  Texas;  and  that  at  that  time 
It  was  never  dispiileil,  among  Americans  at  least, 
that  the  lower  iJel  JNorle  was  the  westciu  hnund- 
ary  of  Texas.  Well,  in  addition  lo  this,  in  1h31), 
the  Tcxans  iheniselves  declared,  in  their  iirjianie 
law,  that  the  lUo  del  Kortc  wa.^  iheir  wislern 
:  boundary;  and  after  Sunta  Ana  was  captured,  in 


a^comcnt 

eminent,  it  was  conceded  liy  him  that  the  Rhi  del 

Norte  wnB  Ihe  wei  tern  boundary  of  Texan,  and 

that  the  troops  of  th;;  Mexieans  should  be  <vilh- 

I  drawn  from  tliut  country  lo  the  west  of  the  Hio  del 

1  Norte. 

Mr.  SEVF.nANCE  ajjnin  inlerpiiRod,  and  inrpiired 
if  tliut  act  of  Sunta  Ana  was  not  disr.voweil  by 
Mexico? 

Mr.  Tibbatts  replied,  jitHl  in  the  same  manner 

in  which  .Spain  diMavoweil  the  act  of  O'Donnhuc, 

the  Spanish  i;eneral,  by  which  the  independence  of 

Mexico  had  lieenaeknowledi;ed;  but  the  iMexicuna 

i  insisted  on  it,  and  claimed  thaIackiiowled<;meiit  to 

I  be  KufHcient. 

Iiy  Ihe  third  uriieleof  ihe  trealy  of  May  14,18.t(), 
(coutimied  Mr.  T.,)  between  iSania  Ana  and  the 
Texan  Government,  it  is  declared: 

!      "  AuTlel.r:  :i.  The  Mexi'-an  troops  will  evnciiale  the  Irr- 
ritory  of 'I'exiui,  jiu-s.viii^'  lo  Ihe  ollteriiileoflheHiu  (Jruiidedel 
'  Norle.^t 

And  iliey  did  evacuate  that  country,  sir,  (said 
.Mr.  T.,)  and  they  have  never  reocenpied  it;  and 
the  'I'exans  have  held  that  country  from  that  dny 
to  this. 

The  country  between  .the  Nueces  and  the  Uio 

del  Norte  eompiiHes  n  county,  or  a  part  of  a  coun- 

Jy — a  part  of  ihe  civil  oru'nni'/.ation  of  the  .State  of 

I  Texas.     It  is  a  part  of  n  senatorial  and  is  also  u 

I   part  of  u  coi'uressinn.'il  district  that  will  shortly  bo 

I    repi'eseiited  on  this  Hoot'— the  member  so  In  lep- 

I  resent  which  is  already  elecled.     The  Oiie^'ress  of 

.  the  United  Klates  have  ihi-mselves  reeoirni.sed  this 

fact  by  the  paHsage  of  an  aet  establish  iiif;  a  portof 

entry  ul  Corpus  Chrisli,  in  this  very  lerrilory,  and 

by  llie  extensinii,  by  ihis  very  CnnKre.'is,  w'illiniit 

a  disseniiiii;  voice,   of  the  revenue  laws  of  this 

Cioveriimeiit  over  llial  vi'ry  lerrilory. 

Then,  sir,  I  ask,  has  the  I'lesiileilt  of  the  United 
.Slates  broimhl  on  this  warr  Ma;f  he,  hy  Hiving 
indeis  In  Uiaieral  Taylor  to  ocenpy  the  left  bank 
of  the  Kill  del  iSorte,  li'aiiscendcil  his  ciinslilnlioiial 
duties  In  his  ciunilry  .>  And  has  hi.-,  by  this  aet, 
improperly  bi'oui;lil  a  war  iiiiori  this  cnuiilrv -' 
Or  has  ihat  war  been  In'ouulit  upon  us  by  the  iii- 
vasinii  of  this  the  lerriliiry  nf  llie  United  felales  by 
Mexican  forces.'  This  is  the  tpiestinn;  and  it 
seems  In  nie,  in  the  face  of  the.se  facts,  tin  ^'eiitle- 
maii  call  doubt  fnr  u  moment  na  to  who  has  caused 
this  war. 

What,  then,  is  the  state  of  the  c.ise  .'  We  nio 
invaded  hy  llie  Mexican  nriiiy — onr  tenilory  is 
invailed,  and  our  eitiy.ens  put  to  llie  swiird.  Is 
Mexico  in  a  slate  of  war  with  us.'  Why,  no  man 
can  donbt  il;  no  man  can  dnnbt,  from  the  deehi- 
ratiniis  of  her  Uoverinnent,  in  all  its  departiiunis, 
and  from  the  subscipient  action  of  her  army,  that 
she  is  in  a  slate  of  a^^re'^'^'^e  war  towards  us. 
And  will  Kenileinen  contend  that  a  war  can  exist 
lis  far  us  respects  Mexico,  and  that  there  is  ii'i 
war  with  us.-  This  would  be  a  strange  anomaly. 
.Mexico  is  at  war  with  us,  bul  we  are  not  ol  war 
with  her!  Sir,  the  I'resident  of  the  United  States 
had  the  constiluliiinal  power,  and  it  was  liis  eon- 
stitu'.ional  duly,  to  (;o  into  a  suiie  of  defensive 
war,  and  that  without  the  uid  of  nn  act  of  Con- 
gress. 

I'he  next  qneslion  is,  has  the  President  of  the 
United  States  done  all  he  could  do  to  avnid  war .'  It 
seems  tu  me  that  iin  man  can  doubt  this  when  he 
looks  at  the  cnrresponde:ii'e  between  this  (iovern- 
meiit  and  the  Gnvernmenl  oi'Mcxii'.o.  All  that  I 
have  to  say  is  this:  were  il  not  fnr  the  crifipled 
I  and  unforiuniile  siluulion  of  li.e  .Mexican  Govern- 
\  nieni,  the  l*re-siil<riit  of  the  Uniieil  States  has  gone 
it  gr'^at  deal  further  than  he  enuh!  have  been  justi- 
fied, or  would  have  been  justified  liy  the  people  of 
this  country  in  going,  (f  he  had  gone  as  fur  to 
avoid  war  with  Cireal  nritain  in-  I  ranee  as  he  has 
lo  avnid  war  with  Mexico,  he  Would  have  received 
the  condemiialion  of  iho  American  peojile.  lie  is 
jiislilicd  in  what  he  has  done  to  avoid  a  war  only 
by  the   fact  that  Mexico  i;)   weak,   and  we   are 

'  Sll'Ollg, 

[The  committee,  on  the  I9lh  of  .May,  lesumed 
the  consideration  of  the  bill  making  appropriations 
for  the  support  of  the  army  for  the  year  ending  on 
the  aUth  of  June,  1847,  and  the  pending  amend- 
ments.] 

Mr.  Tibbatts  wos  entitled  to  the  floor.  Ha 
sent  up  to  the  Clerk's  table  the  modified  amend- 
ment which  he  proposed  in  lieu  of  that  formerlv 


910 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Mny  12  &  19, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


ITie  Mexican  War — Mr.  Tibbaiti. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


oflbred  by  him  Biid  withdrnwn  iMt  evening.    The 
nmciidmciit  wns  read,  us  follows: 

"  Tli«l  from  mill  nlU'r  llio  iwiii»il||n  oriliia  ncl,lo  tho  rnci  «t 
the  prt'Mi'iit  wiir,  fhcrn  Mhiill  w-  ntldeil  to  the  |irt>fltitit  piiy  of 
thi>  nnn-coiiunti*t<fiiitP(l  nllU'iTM,  inuslriium,  nnil  priviitttit  of 
the  army  of  the  riiiii'd  Hiiitt'H  ihr'T  dolliira  per  iiiontli;  ami 
vhiTe  «lt)ill  t)e,  ami  heri'by  i<.  ftrniitfil  ItiO  nrrt's  of  land  to 
evory  non-coiiiiiilHDionril  otllcer,  miiaii'iaii,  anil  privati>,  who 
ntlai;  vohui(*'cr  ti>  xnrvt'  thi!  Uiiitril  Htiuen,  niul  who  hIuiII 
Burn'  ftilhl'illly  'o  III"  imkI  of  the  war.  KnA  if  niiy  kiiHi 
voluiiterr,  having  Vf»lunt«erril  to  nerve  to  the  I'nil  of  the 
war,  »\\M  lie  kllluil  in  liallle  or  in  the  >i^rvicv  of  lliu  l>'niliMl 
Staffs  hiHnrc  the  cloiii>  of  the  war,  then  \\U  heirti  I'linll  receive 
the  said  ino  aere.4  of  land  in  the  vanie  ntnnner  an  ho  would 
have  received  the  same  had  he  lived  luid  served  to  the  end 
of  the  war." 

Wo  find  ourselves,  Mr.  CliRirman,  (Mr.  T.  pro- 
ceeded to  say,)  eii!;n!;uil  ill  ft  war,  whetlior  rijilit-  | 
rully  or  WiliiiitlV.liy  I  will  eonsider  in   the  course 
of  the  rcmnrks  i  iiin  nliout  lo  make.    Hut  whether  | 
rishifiilly  or  wi'oiii;fully,  it  liecomes  us  to  put  our- 
selves in  a  ooiidilinn   to  prosecute  the  war  with  ' 
^i^or  and  cOVct.    We  owe  it  not  only  lo  economy,  I 
but  to  huninniiy,  hecause  the  longer  the  war  con- 
tinues, the  Kreater  must  be  ihe  expense,  and  the  ; 
greater  the  loss  of  life  to  both  countries.   To  com- 
mence this  war  on  n  niisardly  system,  with  a  view  ^ 
to  the  savins;  of  money,  js  a  poor  economy  anil  a 
miserable  policy.     Insioad  of  so  doin^ — as  wc  did  , 
in  the  last  war — we  outjlit  to  hold  nut  every  rea-  : 
sonalilc  inducement  to  men  lo  fco  into  the  war  for  ' 
the  purpose  of  coinpletin;;  it  as  speedily  as  possi-  ■ 
ble.     In  the  last  war,  as  I  have  understood,  such 
was  the  principle  of  pitiful,  niiriMrdly  eciuiomy 
practised  on,  that  when  the  enemy  wei-e  invadini; 
our    capital   the    llints  furnished   our    army  were 
counted  out,  for  the  purjiose'  of  keepin:;  the  iic- 
counts  precisely  correct.    It  was  no  wonder,  when 
such  had  been  our  priiici,ile  of  action,  that  our 
Capitol  was  burnt  by  an  invadin;  enemy.     I  have 
no   reference    'o    lluncmnhf,  no    popular   favor  lo  i 
court  in  the  vii'ws  which  1  express,  or  the  timend- 
ineiit  which  I  olfer.     It  is  well  known  einons;  mv 
frienils  that  I  h.tve  Ion;  since  expressed  a  delcrml- 
Iiatiou  to  retire  from  public  lite  at  the  expiration  of 
my  present  term  of  service.     I  have   no  ulterior 
views,  theiefore,  in  oU'erinir  this  amendment,  liiit 
do  it  merely  as  an  act  of  justice  to  our  cnnntrymen 
who  may  eiii^rtsre  in  this  war,  and  with  a  view  to 
economy  and  buinanily. 

It  is  argued  by  ijentlemen  on  this  floor  that  we 
flhould  I'clv  on  the  patriotism  of  our  people  to  have 
our  army  filled.  1  coriliallv  Errant  and  believe  that 
there  is  not  a  more  ardent  feelins;  of  patriotism  on 
the  face  of  the  earth  than  exists  anions;  our  people; 
hut  other  indu.'ciieiUs  should  be  held  out  to  them 
la  addition,  not  so  much  to  induce,  but  to  enable 
them,  in  obedience  to  the  proniptinijs  of  their  pa- 
triotiij  teelin^,  to  join  the  army  in  defence  of  the  | 
liijhts  and  ijlory  of  the  country.  The  creat  body 
of  the  volunteers  on  whom  we  must  rely  for  the 
successful  prosecution  and  speedy  termination  of 
the  war  will  come  from  the  laborinijand  producing; 
cla.sses — the  yeomanry  of  the  country.  We  have 
nuihorizcd  to  bo  withdiawn  from  the  laborers  of 
the  country  fifty  thousand  men.  Their  )ilaces 
must  be  su]iplied  at  home;  others  must  be  pro-  , 
cured  to  do  tlieir  work,  and  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren and  a'Zvii  fathers  and  mothers  whom  they 
leave  behind  must  be  provided  for. 

The  absli-nclion  of  so  ^leat  a  number  of  men  j 
from  the  pi-oducins; classes  will  necessarily  increase  i 
the  waires  of  labor,  and  make  it  more  ilitlicull  to  I 
supply  the  place  of  those  who  are  absent  in  the  war.  > 

The  seat  of  this  war  will  be  hundreds  of  miles  , 
from  the  homes  of  nur  citizens  who  will  embark 
in  it.  The  climate  in  which  they  will  go  is  one  to 
which  they  have  not  been  accustomed.  Other  risks 
Iiave  to  be  run,  fitlier  danircrs  enciaintered,  besides 
thestcel  of  the  foe.  Many,  very  many,  of  oiirijal- 
lant  soldiers  will  have  to  leave  behind  ihem  their 
wives  and  helpless  little  children,  who  must  be 
cared  for;  an  .iircd  fither,  or  widowed  mother,  who  ' 
must  not  b(!  left  unprotected  duriiij;  tlieir  absence. 
However  warm  the  spirit  of  patriotism  may  triow 
in  the  iKtsnin  of  the  soldier,  here  are  other  rii;hts 
which  press  upon  him — other  sacred  duties  whii'h, 
OS  an  honorable  and  brave  man,  he  must  attend  to. 
He  cammt  leave  an  ai,'ed  father,  a  helpless  mother, 
a  loved  wife  and  children,  to  depend  alone  upon  the 
cold  cluirities  of  the  world.  He  must  provide  some 
person  who  will  suptily  his  iilace,  and  provide,  for 
the  wants  of  those  who  arc  ilcpendcnt  on  his  labor 
for  support.     He  must  feel  that  he  leaves  them  in 


comfort  and  independence.  These  obligations  and 
dutii^s  cannot  be  for;;ottcii  or  disregarded. 

The  Government,  then,  indepenilent  of  tho  con- 
sideration oi  |Hilriolism,  must  place  it  in  the  power 
of  these  men  to  supply  Ihcir  places  durini;  their 
absence,  and  to  make  provision  for  their  families 
at  home.  Will  gentlemen  then  say  that  seven 
dollars  a  month  is  a  consideration  which  will  en- 
able our  soldiers  to  meet  these  responsibilities? 
Seven  dollars  is  the  pay  which  we  give  in  time  of 
peace  to  the  jirivates  in  our  army  when  lounging 
about  nur  garrisons  and  fortresses,  with  their  wives 
luid  children — if  they  have  any — near  them.  It 
will  happen  that  those  who  arc  least  able  to  bear 
lo.sse8  will  be  fust  to  enrol  themselves;  and  in  their 
zeal  and  readiness  to  serve  their  country,  they 
should  not  be  allowed  to  incur  Ioshch  and  eniliar- 
rassmenls.  We  began  the  lust  war  with  oll'ering 
a  bounty  of  only  sixteen  dollars,  and  ended  it  wil'i 
a  bounty  of  one  hundred  and  I'orly-four  dollars — 
an  extravagance  which  was  brought  upon  us  ne- 
cessarily from  the  niggardly  manner  in  which  we 
commenced  it.  We  liave  recently  passed  a  law 
authori/.ing  the  companies  in  our  army  to  be  in- 
creased to  the  number  of  one  hundied  in  each.  In 
time  of  pence,  before  this  enlargement,  when  the 
"number  was  forty-two  in  each  company,  they  were 
not  filled  while  this  low  pay  of  seven  dollars  was 
given.  How,  then,  in  the  time  of  war,  can  we  ex- 
pect lo  fill  them  without  some  addiiional  induec- 
niL-iit.'  and  that,  too,  to  one  hundieil  men  in  cadi 
company,  unless  we  make  provision  for  an  inciease 
of  pay  f  Unless,  sir,  some  such  measure  is  adojit- 
ed — some  increase  of  pay — or  some  bu.inty  isoller- 
ed  to  induce  men  to  enlist,  the  increase  which  we 
have  made  of  the  regular  or  standing  army  will  be 
but  imaginary.     It  will  only  exist  upon  |m|>ci'. 

I  fear,  .Mr.  C'hairman,  that  such  will  be  the  re- 
sult with  relerence  to  the  regular  army,  liut  this 
country  must  depend  chieHy  upon  volunteers  in 
time  of  war.  Every  inducement,  therefore,  should 
be  held  out  to  them  to  enter  the  service  and  remain 
in  service  during  the  war.  We  experienced  in  the 
last  war  the  Imd  ell'ects  of  short  terms  of  service, 
when  they  were  enrolled  for  si.x  nioiuhs,  anil  by 
the  time  they  were  fairly  drilled  and  prepared  for 
etiicient  service,  the  time  came  fur  them  to  return 
home.  To  obviate  this  tlilficulty,therefoie,  I  have 
proposed  by  ilie  amendineiit  which  I  have  oDuied 
that  IbU  acres  of  laud,  ailditioiml  to  the  increased 
pay  of  «;3  per  month  during  the  war,  shall  be  given 
to  ihise  who  volunteer  unci  serve  during  the  war, 
and  in  case  they  die,  to  their  heirs. 

1  will  now  proceed,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  notice  the 
arguinenlN  advanced,  and  the  positions  taken,  by 
my  colleagues,  [.Mr.  G.  D.^Ms  and  Mr.  UauiER.J 
Tne  news  received  last  evening  iVom  the  seat  of 
war  is  cheering  news  lo  every  American  bosom. 
It  is  no  nuce,  however,  than  1  had  expected  fium 
the  able  general  who  coiiiniands  the  American 
army,  and  the  gallant  olliceia  and  sohliers  under 
his  comu'  '.  I  embrace  this  occasion  to  con- 
gratulate .1  House  and  the  country  on  the  glo- 
rious result  of  the  engagement,  of  which  we  receiv- 
ed intelligence  by  the  last  mail.  There  is  nothing 
that  can  serve  to  dampen  the  feelings  of  any  Anier- 
can  breast  upon  this  subject,  except  the  course  this 
debute  has  taken,  and  the  arguments  and  positions 
which  some  genllenien  have  assumed  here.  I  will 
not  impugn  the  patriotism  of  my  colleagues,  both 
on  their  own  accmint,  and  on  account  of  the  con- 
stitueniy  they  represent.  They  come  from  a  State 
which  never  has  produced  u  traitor  to  his  country, 
and  I  trust  in  God  never  will.  Ihlt  I  am  surprised 
at  Ihe  coui-se  my  colleagues  have  taken  in  debate, 
and  I  can  ascribe  it  to  nothing  elsi;  than  that  they 
have  for  the  moment  allowed  the  fei'lings  and  ex- 
citements of  partisanship  to  blind  their  usually 
clear  views.  Aly  colleague  who  first  addressed 
the  committee,  [.Vlr.  G.  U.tvis,)  char^'ed  that  the 
war  was  caused  not  by  the  Mexican  Ciovernmeiit, 
but  by  the  President  of  the  United  iSlates;  by  a 
usurpation  of  power  not  delegated  to  him  by  the 
Constnution.  This  is  strange  language  for  a  gen- 
tleman who  I  know  has  as  warm  feelings  as  any 
one  towards  his  country.  Without  reference  lo 
the  truth  of  such  n  charge,  I  ask  my  colleague,  is 
this  the  time  for  such  a  lieclarationl  The  country 
is  in  a  state  of  war.  Shall  we  dampen  the  ardor 
of  our  volunteers.'  Or  shall  we  not  rather  encour- 
age them  to  buckle  on  their  armor  and  march  for 
the  defence  of  the  country .'  , 


My  colleague  [Mr.  Davis]  tells  his  constituents 
that  OS  the  country  is  engaged  in  a  war,  it  is  their 
duty  to  enrol  themselves,  and  march  at  its  call; 
that  it  is  the  duty  of  all  good  citizens  to  support 
their  country  in  lime  of  war,  but  that  this  war  is 
brought  on  not  by  the  Mexicans,  as  is  falsely  de- 
clared by  the  President  and  by  Congirss,  but  by 
Ihe  President  himself,  who  has  invaded  the  terri- 
tory of  the  Mexicans,  thus  usurping  the  war- 
making  power,  which  alone  belongs  to  Congress; 
for  whicli  act  of  usurpation  he  ari'aigns  him  belbin 
the  country.  This,  perhaps,  Mr.  Chairman,  will 
be  very  cheering  Innguitge  to  the  patriotic  cini- 
stituents  (and  I  know  them  to  be  patriotic)  of  my 
honorable  colleague.  My  other  colleague  [Mr, 
Ghider]  tells  liiHcnnstitnents  thatthey.too,  .should 
go  out  and  defend  the  lights  of  the  country  against 
the  Mexicans;  that  lie  is  not  opposed  to  the  war; 
but  that  the  war  thi  y  are  aliout  to  en^'age  in  has 
been  brought  upon  the  country  unnecessarily  anil 
unwisely  by  Ihe  Prcsiilent;  that  the  .Mexican  Gov 
ernment  was  willing  to  receive  n  special  commis- 
sioner to  settle  this  Texas  (|uesllnn,  but  that  the 
President  would  I'ot  send  one,  and  that  the  war 
was  thus  improperly  lir-^oght  on  by  him.  This 
language,  loo,  Mr.  Chairman,  may  possibly  he. 
calculated  tn  encourage  that  gentleman's  constitu- 
ents to  enter  the  service  of  the  country. 

A  meinher  from  Ohio  on  the  other  side  of  the 
House,  [.Mr.  I)t;i,A\",l  tells  his  constiliients  that 
our  country  is  notoriously  in  the  wrong;  that  this  is 
an  *' inmeeessary,  unjust,  and  ditmnnhlr  war;"  that 
the  preamble  of  tint  bill  declares  a  lie;  that  the  war 
was  not  bri<ut;ht  on  by  Mexico,  but  by  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  Stales.  And  anotliiu'  member 
on  the  same  side  of  the  House,  tVom  the  same  pa- 
triotic Slate,  [Mr.  Ginnisos,]  tills  his  consiituenis 
that  the  Mexicans  are  an  uiioni'iiding  people;  that 
this  war  is  waged  upon  them  for  the  purpose  of 
conquest;  that  if  tiny  engage  in  it,  they  will  be 
visited  with  God's  justice — they  will  sull'er  the 
certain  penalty  of  the  violation  of  his  law — that 
they  c.'umot  escape  the  penalty  of  his  retributive 
jiistiite — that  they  will  fall  by  the  sword  and  by 
pestilence — that  lliey  will  be  visited  in  the  dead 
liour  of  night  whilst  they  sleep  in  their  tents — that 
disease  will  seize  njion  their  limbs,  and  they  will 
perish  by  an  nnsei.'u  hand — that  whilst  they  are 
struck  down  by  diseise  produced  by  the  malnrin 
in  the  valleys,  ihe  brave  Atexicans  will  stand  se- 
cure in  tho  fastnesses  of  their  hills,  ■  id  "  laimli 
when  their  fear  emueth,"  anil  deride  them  as  tin  y 
sink  in  the  arms  of  death  !  This  is  the  palriolic 
language  which  is  held  out  to  thi-  brave  people  of 
tills  country  by  their  representatives.  I'his  maif 
be  patriotism,  .Mr.  Chairman,  but  I  do  not  think 
their  patriotic  constituents  will  so  adjudge  it. 

I  will  now  proceed,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  inquire 
into  the  correctness  of  the  positions  taken  by  my 
colleagues.  My  colleague  who  first  addressed  the 
commitlee  [Mr.  O.wis]  a.ssuines  that  the  territory 
between  the  .ViirrM  and  the  Dil.Vuite  rightfully 
belongs  to  Mexico,  and  not  to  Texas;  that  the  in- 
vasion of  thai  territory  w.is  made  upon  the  author- 
ity and  responsibility  of  the  President  alone,  in 
violation  of  the  constitutional  power  of  Congress 
lo  declare  war;  that  the  President  had  commeneed 
this  war,  and  not  the  Mexicans,  and  he  theriHore 
arraigns  him  for  usurping  the  war-making  power. 
The  first  question  which  preaenls  itself,  is,  whether 
the  territory  alluded  lo — that  tract  or  district  of 
country  now  occupied  by  the  army  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Taylor,  situate  bitweeu  the  Nue- 
ces and  Ihe  Uii'  del  Norte,  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 
and  the  State  of  Coahuila — belongs  to  Texas  or  to 
Mexico?  My  colleague  contends  that  this  Coun- 
try is  a  part  of  Tamaiilipas,  which  is  bonnded  by 
the  Nueces,  belnvixs  /lul/cricn,  and  never  was  a  part 
of  Texjis.  In  siqipnrt  of  his  jio.silion,  he  refers  to 
the  otiasses  of  Humboldt  and  others.  What  do 
they  prove,  sir  ?  Nothing  more  than  this:  That, 
according  to  th.  civil  division  of  that  country,  «? 
rliiimdlhy  .S'jiniii,  embracing  not  merely  the  coun- 
try between  the  Nueces  and  the  Rio  Grande,  but 
the  whole  of  Texas  lo  the  Sabine,  the  most  of  the 
Country  between  the  Nueces  and  the  Uio  Grande 
was  a.ssigned  to  Tamaulipas — not  all  of  it,  as  my 
colleague  supposes,  for  the  very  maps  he  refers  to 
do  not  make  the  Nueces  the  boundary,  but  an 
iniaginury  line  from  the  Gulf,  which  strikes  the 
Niiecca  some  distance  from  its  mouth.  These 
maps  can  have  no  weight  as  to  the  question  of  title; 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


Wr 


29th  Cono 1st  Se88. 


The  Mexican  tVar—Mr.  'Vibbatts. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


prisoners  of  wnr,  and,  l>y  the  laws  of  wnr,  the 
Texnna  hml  the  right  to  put  them  to  denth,  ns  they 
thcinNclvcH,  under  the  orders  of  Santii  Ann,  hnd 
murdered  the  Texniis,  whom  they  iind  captured  at 
the  Alamo,  und  under  Fnnnin,  devoting  them  to 
indiacriniinate  Hlau;^hter  und  murder,  hke  sheep 
nl  the  shambles.  A  large  and  honorahlu  |>arty  in 
Texas  insisted  thnt  Sunui  Ann  should  be  tried  und 

Ivuuishcd  us  u  murderer  for  the  massacres  which 
lud  been  committed  under  his  orders,  in  violation 
of  the  terms  of  capilulnlion;  but,  in  coi..'idcration 
of  this  treaty,  tliis  acknowledgment  of  tht  inde- 
pendence of  Texas,  und  this  agreement  ihii'.  tlie 
jVlexiaui  forces  should  be  withdrawn  beyoiid  ilie 
Ktstcrn  fiuiiiu/art/  of  Texas—  beyond  the  liio  Oramlt 
— Santa  Ana  and  his  army  were  released.  |: 

liy  accepting  tlie  benefits  of  ibis  treaty,  and  en-  h 
joying  the  ad%'anlug<'s  uccruing  to  ihcni  fnnn  it,  the 
authorities  of  Mexi  ,  in  cU'eci,  ratified  the  treaty,  I 
so  far  as  anything  i.m  be  elfeclcd  by  the  obligu- I 
lu>ns  of  morality  and  justice.  If  sIm  did  nut  intend  ! 
to  do  it,  she  should  iiuve  done  us  the  llonmns  did  \\ 
with  the  Uumniles — she  should  have  sent  buck  to 


Ihey  only  show  how  that  country  was  allotted  in 
civil  divisions  liy  the  Government  of  fipain,  clnini- 
ing  the  whole  of  Texas  nt  the  very  time  when  we 
claimed  Texas,  and  claimed  (liatil  extended  to  the 
Idwer  llio  del  None  as  ila  wcstiirn  boundary, 
upon  testimony  clear  and  indisputuble,  to  which  1 
made  inference  the  other  duy,  which  1  will  not  now 
ronsunie  the  lime  of  the  committee  by  repeating. 
The  Kio  del  Norte  was  the  boundary  claimed  by 
lis,  and  it  was  the  boundary  claimed  by  the  people 
of  Texas,  who  fouglil  for  the  ancient  boundary  of 
Louisiana,  and  established  it  byconi|uest;  for,  sir, 
the  people  of  Te.\as  never  did  submit  tiiemselves 
to  the  .Spanish  yoke  to  which  we  doomed  them  by 
llie  vinlttlion  of  a  solemn  treaty  made  with  France, 
by  which  Louisiana  was  ceded  to  us,  which  pro- 
Miled  lliut — 

"'I'lir  Irilmhitniits  (if  the  ceiled  IrrriMiry  «A«/.' 'ip  inronto- 
ritUA  intj  tht'  I  'iittril  Hlfilcx,  ami  (uliiiittiMl  au  Kmiii  >ik  |iii..''ititc 
ni'tMriliii;'  Ici  lli>*  |)riii('i|ili':«  ul'  llic  Fi-ilcral  Coii-litutiiiii,  to 
liti^  ctijiiyiiiriit  nt  all  till  ri.'tlilii,  iiilvaiitJi|ji>H,  iiml  iiiiiauiiiliuii 
(It'  ciu/.iiis  (it'llie  riiittd  tftuti-s." 

Though  this  Government  hnd  no  right  to  reclaim 
that  territory  after  we  had  ceded  it  to  Spain,  yet, 
SI)  far  us  the  people  of  Texas  were  concerned,  the 
act  of  this  Crovernment  was  void.     AVe  had  no  i 

I  lower  to  cede  ihcni  away.  Tliey  were  not  bound 
ly  the  cession  any  more  than  the  citi/.eiis  of  ICeii- 
tucky  would  be  bound  by  a  trenty  iniido  by  this 
Government  ceding  them  to  .Spain.  Tliey  did  not 
feci  themselves  bound  by  it.  After  the  ireuty  was 
made,  but  before  it  was  conflrmcd  by  the  Senate, 
the  people  of  Texas  at  Narogdocbes  protested 
against  it,  and  iiuiiifully  resisted  it.     They  never 

Kubmilted  to  the  jurisdiction  of  Spain,  but  declared  !   and  the  iVlexicaii  generals,  have,  at  a  still  later 
their  indcpendeiicc,  and  have  ever  niaintaiiu.d  it.     ]'  period,  udiiiitled  the  Rio  Grande  to  be  the  bnuiid- 
i  have  hiretofore  referred  to  indisputable  author-  li  nry  of  Texas.     General  Woll,  in  pursuance  of  a 
ities,  to  show  llml  the  Uio  Grande  was  the  uncient  I!  decree  of  the  Mexican  Goverimieiit  of  llie  ITtli 
iHinndaiy  of  Texas — authorities  which  cannot  he  j   June,  1843,  issued  a  piiiclumation  after  the  expi- 
overtliiiiwn  by  the  utius.scs  lo  which  my  ciilleugue    i  rulimi  of  the  armistice,  dated  at  his  heiidtiuurters 
has  referred,  nor  by  his  declaration  that  the  opin-  (   at  Mier,  June  'M,  1844,  the   third  article  of  which 
ions  of  lliose  distinguished  men,  lo  which  1  have    '  was  as  Ibllows: 
rcterred,  were  but  llie  opinions  of  advocates  who 
were  endeavoring  to  make  the  best  of  their  cuse. 
I  havi^  also  before  referred  to  the  treaty  entered 
inio  by  Saiitn  Ana,  which  was  afterwards  ratified 
by  Filisola,  the  general  in  command  of  the  Mex- 
ican forces.     1  will  again  refer  lo  it,  and  lo  other 
f Ills,  showing  the  actual  boundary  of  Texas  in 
modern  limes.     iVIy  colleague,  forgetful  of  his  own 
dcclaralion,  that  the  rejiulilic  of  Mexico  had  been 
ov(trtui'ned,  nnd  was  then  n  military  despotism,  ii 
contends  thai  ibis  treaty  had  no  iii'.iding  force  upon  ' 
the  iVlexican  nation,  and  was  in  fact  repudiated  by  i 
the  Mexican  Congress.     It  is  true  that  the  Mexi-  }■ 
can  Congress  refused  to  ratify  the  irciily,  but  that  i' 
fact  is  no  argument  airainst  its  validity.     This  is  1| 
not  the  only  treaty  with  which  they  have  refused  i 
to  comply,  after  having  enjoyed   the  benellls  re- i' 
suiting  frmn  it.     Hut  the  Alexican  people,  at  the  jj 
dale   of  this   very   'reaty  made   by  Santa  Ana,  jj 
claimed  ihcir  own   independence,   based  upon  a  ! 
treaty  of  (irecisely  ll  e  same  chaiucler.     The  inde- 
pendence of  Mexie )  was   acknowledged  by  the 
treaty  of  Ccndovu,  entered  into  on  the  :i4th  August,  | 
lH:il,  between  Iturbide,  the  general  of  the  Mexican  j 
armies,  und  Don  John  U'lJonohue,  the  lieutenant-  I 
general   of  the   armies   of  Spain.     The   Spanish 
liovernment,   by  a  decree  of  Ihe  Cortes  of  the 
l.'tlli  February,  lH'i'2,  not  only  n  fused   lo  ratify 
this  treaty,  but  protested  most  solemnly  against  | 
it;  und,  at  the  very  lime  that  Santa  Ana  entered  | 
into  the  treaty  wiih  Texas,  Mexico  liad  nothing  j 
rise  lo  rest  her  claims  to  independence  upon,  ex-  j 
cept  her  victories,  than  this  very  treaty  of  Cordova,  ' 
Willi  the  protest  of  the  Spanish Goveriimenl  against 
it,  for  Spain  did  not,  in  fact,  acknowledge  the 
indepcmh  nee  of  ivlexico  until  the  28th  of  Decem- 
ber, 18:)(i,  long  after  the  battle  of  Sun  Jacinlo,  and 
the  date  of  the  treaty  entered  into  by  Santa  .\nu. 
it  may  be,  sir,  that  there  is  no  legal  obligation  on  ; 
Mexico  in  regard  lo  this  treaty.    That  is  true  of  all  I 
treaties,  because  there  is  no  legal  tribunal  to  e'  ""orce  j 
them;  and  it  would  be  true,  if  Mexico  coulU  linve  | 
her  own  woy,  thai  this  treaty,  nor  any  other  treaty,  | 


by  a  member  of  the  Legislature,  it  composes  a 
part  of  a  senatorial,  and  a  partof  ajtidicinl  district 
in  the  State  organi7.ution,  und  is  also  n  part  of  a 
congressional  district,  to  represent  which  a  member 
is  already  elected,  nnd  who  is  shortly  expected  to 
take  his  seat  in  this  Hall, 

[Mr.  Dwis  here  called  the  attention  of  Mr.  Tib- 
DATT8  to  the  following  words  in  the  second  of  the 
"joint  resolutions  for  annexins  Texas  to  Ihe  Uni« 
ted  States:" 

"  Q.  ^nil  he  it  further  reiolrrit,  Tlint  Tim  forCRninn  cnnMnI 
of  C(lllRre^H  Ih  ';iV(Mi  ii[h>ii  tliu  rallowhin  coiiilillniKi,  and 
Willi  llie  fdlldWing  ftimraiilcpH,  to  wit:  Firsl.  Said  l^tate  lo 
be  [ormvAyiuhjcct  to  the  wljiuttnmt  hi/  this  Govmiinfnt  of  nil 
ijue\liotu  of  b,iuiiditry  thul  muij  uritie  Willi  other  Guvuni- 
iiifnlx."] 

Mr,  TiDHATTs  resumed.  Certainly,  Mr,  Chair- 
man, I  have  not  forgotten  the  resolution  to  which 
my  eidltuKUe  refers,  I  was  about  lo  refer  to  it 
myself,  and  will  presently  call  the  attention  of  the 
committee  and  of  my  colleague,  especially,  to  that 
very  subject.  As  I  was  proceeding,  however,  to 
say,  sir,  that  with  a  knowledse  that  Texas  thus 
claimed  lo  the  Rio  Grande,  and  that  it  was  thus 


Texas  her  general  and  his  uriiiy,  and  placed  them  ]   represented  in  convention,  and  in  both  Mouses  of 

again  in  cuplivily,  as  they  were  at  the  time  the   i  '       '  --'  ' -  -  ~' '  '■' "- ' 

treaty  was  made.  She  cannot  escape  the  moral  ' 
obligation  of  the  treaty  in  uiiy  other  way.  The  I 
Mexican  uulliorilies  theni.selves,  ul'ier  this,  how-  ! 
ever  they  might  deny  the  validity  of  the  treaty  with  \ 
Santa  Ana,  considered  the  Rio  Grande  the  bound-  | 
ary  of  Texas,  General  Filisolu  gave  his  assent  to  1 
the  treaty,  and,  in  obedience  to  Its  provisions,  : 
withdrew  the  Mexican  forces  to  ihe  oilier  side  of  , 
the  Rio  Grande.  The  Mexican  Government  itself,  | 


would  have  any  moral  obligation  upon  her;  but  ^  gn„ic  law  of  the  State  of  Texas.    She  wasudmilled 
that  Mexico  is  morally  bound  by  this  treaty,  upon  '   Into  this  Union  claiming  the  Rio  Grande  as  her 

the  iniinutable  principles  of  justice  and  the  laws  '         '        '  1   .:  -  -.•  -i  :-  

which  should  govern  civil'  '-d  iiulions,  there  can 
be  no  doubt. 

The  Mexicans  and  their  lender  Santa  Ann  were 
captives  in  the  hands  of  the  Texans.    Tliey  were 


her  Legislature,  we  adopted  Texas  us  a  State,  and 
with  her  all  her  rights  and  responsibilities  to  for- 
eign Governments. 

It  is  true,  sir,  that  by  the  second  rcstdnlion  for 
the  admission  of  Texas  into  the  Union,  a  reserva- 
tion was  made  that  all  questions  of  boundary  were 
to  be  subject  to  adjustment  hij  tliitt  (lovtnimnil.  I 
proposed  yesterdny  to  propound  u  (|uesiion  lo  my 
colleugoe,  [Mr.  Giuni.ii,]  which  be  declined.  I 
now  propose  to  submit  iho  cpiestion,  which  I  then 
intended  to  put,  to  the  committee,  and  pnrticulnily 
to  my  colleague,  [Mr.  Davis.]  The  rpieslion  is 
this,  sir:  is  the  I'resiiltiit  of  the  United  States  llif 
(.'oi-ernmnK  of  the  United  States?  1  ask  my  col- 
league to  answer  it: 

[.\Ir.  Davis,  (in  his  seat,)     No.l 

Mr.  TiiuiATTs  (resuming.)  Wiiat  ri^ht,  then, 
I  ask  my  cnlleague,  has  the  I'rcsiilent  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  he  not  constiluling  the  Govcrnnient  of 
the  United  States,  to  decide  where  the  boundary 
of  Texas  is.'  What  power  has  he  over  this  ques- 
tion.' None  whiitcver,  sir.  What  right  has  the 
President  lo  say  thai  he  will  order  the  American 
army  to  go  to  the  Nueces,  and  no  further,  when 
the  eonstitulion  und  the  law  of  Texas  say  that  the 
boundary  is  at  the  Uio  Grande,'  Whenever  this 
Government  says  that  the  boundary  ot*  Texas  is 
not  at  the  Rio  Grande,  he  may  not  go  there;  until 
then,  he  has  no  judgment,  no  right  in  the  mutter. 
My  colleague,  in  arguing  that  the  President  should 
assume  the  Nueces  to  be  the  boundary  of  Texas, 
argues  that  the  Presidenl  should  usurp  a  dangerous 
power,  and  presume  lo  define  the  boundary  of  n 
State,  The  President  lias  no  control  over  the 
matter;  the  Government  of  the  Stale  alone  is  en- 
tilled,  as  n  general  principle,  to  settle  the  question 
of  boundary;  but  in  this  case  the  power  is  ex- 
pressly given  to  the  United  States;  und  it  is  the 
duly  of  the  I'resident  to  defend  the  territory  as 
claimed  by  the  Stute  of  Texas  until  it  is  oilierwise 
directed  by  Tins  govebn.ment,  not  by  the  Piesi- 
denl  himself,  who,  as  my  colleague  himself  admits, 
is  »io(  the  Goveinnienl, 

As  regards  the  action  of  the  Executive  in  this 
matter,  Mr.  Chairman,  however,  the  question  is 
not  so  brnnd  as  the  question  of  the  title  or  clear 
right  of  Texas  lo  the  Rio  Grande.  My  colleugue 
admitted,  as  I  demonstrated  at  a  previous  day, 
that  a  defensive  war  may  be  niude  by  the  Presi- 
dent, or  by  a  .Slate,  wlien  necessary  lo  repel  actual 
or  threatened  invasion.  Now,  .suppose  that,  in- 
stead of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  the 
Governor  of  Texas  had  called  on  the  troops  of 
Texas  lo  repel  llie  threatened  invasion  on  this 
territory, !  presume  that  no  gentleman  will  doubt 
that  the  Governor  might  send  his  forces  into  the 
territory  between  the  Rio  Grande  and  the  Nueces; 
and  not  only  this,  but  that  it  would  have  been  his 
duty  so  to  have  done,  because  the  constitution  and 
law  under  which  he  would  he  acting,  and  which 
ho  is  bound  to  support,  makes  it  bis  duty  lo  prn- 
tcct  the  territory  of  the  Slate  as  claimed  by  her  in 
her  organic  law.  And,  so  far  as  relates  to  a  de- 
fensive war,  the  President  has  the  same  rights, 
and  the  same  duties,  nnd  obligations  to  repel  actual 
or  threatened  invasion,  us  the  Governor  ot  the  State 
'  occupied  by'the  army  under  the  command  of  Gen-  r  would  have.  The  President,  as  regards  the  mili- 
'  eral  Taylor,  is  declared  enlitled  lo  be  represented  '  lary  forces  of  the  United  Slates,  stands  in  the  shoes 


'^U,  Every  iiiilividual  wlio  may  he  rmindal  the  distance  of 
one  league  I'runi  Uiu  lill  liank  in  the  llio  Uravo,  will  lie  re- 
gardeit  m  a  lavorcr  and  aciMiiiiplice  at'  the  iisiirprrs  nt  that 
|iait  nttlic  national  tcrrit'iiy.  and  as  uiniilortn  Ids  cnuiilry ;  I 
anil,  at'ier  a  suininuiy  military  Iriai,  miall  receive  tliL'  isani  I 
|)uai>linient.''  | 

The  very  towns  of  Lareda  and  Santa  llita  de  ' 
Ampudia,  to  which  my  colleague  has  referred,  as 
well    us    all  "  the  farm    houses    beyond  the  Rio  . 
Bravo,"   were   included   in   this  order,  and   the  j 
whole  country  east  of  the  Rio  Grande — in  liicl  ull 
Texas  was  destined  to  be  the  scene  of  a  war  of  i 
extermination — nnd    the   people   and    everything 
found  in  the  territory,  from  the  Rio  Grunde  lo  the 
.Sabine,  were  devoted,  from  that  day,  lo  fire  and 
the  sword.  1 

Again:  The  Texan  Congress,  by  act  of  the  19th 
December,  1830,  u  copy  of  which  1  have  before 
me,  declare  the  Rio  Grande,  from  ils  mouth  lo  its  I 

I  source,   to   be  the  boundary    of  the    Republic  of  ; 
Texas,     Hut  my  colleague  [Mr.  Davis]  says  thai  I 

I  no  mere  act  of  the  Texan  Congress  declaring  the  | 

I  Rio  Grande  lo  be  the  boundary  of  Texas,  would  '; 
give  to  Texas  the  right  lo  the  country,     1  readily  I 

,  admit  this  position,  sir — no  person  has  contended 
that  it  would,  I  do  not  refer  lo  it  to  show  iheriglit 
ofTexns  to  the  country,  but  to  show  what  she 
claims  In  be  her  right.  1  he  district  of  country  be- 
tween the  Nueces  and  the  Rio  Grande,  composes 
u  pari  of  the  county  of  Sun  Patricio,  This  county 
was  represented  in  the  convention  of  Texiu<  by 
which  its  State  eonslilution  was  adopted,  prepara- 
tory to  its  admission  as  an  independent  Stale  into 
this  Union.  The  3d  section  of  the  .'3lh  article  of 
the  Slate  constitution  declares  that — 

"iSkc.  ;(.  All  hiusor  parts  nflaws  niaviii  fiirc(!in  tlicRc- 
pnlilic  of  Texas,  which  arc  not  ri'iuicnanl  to  the  CnnHlitu- 
linn  of  Ihe  tTniti'd  States,  Ihe  jinlit  resolnllons  tor  aniiexinif 
'fcxas  In  Ihe  I'niled  E*lalL'H,  or  lo  the  provisioim  of  this  coii- 
ftiliilinn,  sltult  cimtinni-  und  remain  in  l(irc(>  as  the  laws  nl' 
this  ^talc,  until  Iticy  expire  liv  llieirowa  lirnitatiini,  nrdhall 
lie  nllered  or  repealed  hy  the  I,c(jislnlure  tliereol'.'' 

Thus  the  declaration  of  boundary  made  by  the 
Congress  of  the  Republic  of  Texas  became  the  or 


western  boundarv  by  u  resoluliim  of  this  very 
Congress,  with  her  eonslilution  before  us,  by  which 
also  this  very  county  of  San  Patricio,  which  is  now 


912 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[May  14, 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


The  Mexican  War — Mr.  Hudion. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


oftlicQoveriiorasremnls  die  militia  of  llicStiile — 
their  consiitutinnnl  uulira,  riglils,  and  ubli^atinns 
are  (he  same — neither  nf  them  is  tlie  liovernintnl — 
neither  has  the  rigiil  to  settle  questions  uf  liouiid- 
ury — the  duly  of  both  is  to  defend  the  boundary 
ns  claimed  by  the  Stale  of  Texas  (o  its  utmost 
liniil,  unid  this  Qovernment  directs  tu  the  con- 
trary. 

But  my  other  colleague,  [Mr.  Griuer,]  seeing 
that  the  position  taken  by  my  collcixguc  [Mr. 
Davis]  is  untenable,  and  his  argument  easy  of 
refutation,  takes  another  Kiounu.  He  assumes 
that  the  war  was  brou:;ht  on  not  by  Mexieo, 
but  by  the  President,  bee«\i."e  he  did  not  send  a 
speeial  commissioner  In  Mexicu,  specially  em- 
powered to  ti-eat  of  the  Texas  question.  Tliis 
position,  sir,  is  as  untenable  as  the  other.  The 
amhoriiics  of  Mexico  agreed  to  receive  u  minister 
plenipotenliury.  Mr.  John  lilack,  in  his  letter  to 
Rlr.  Pena  y  Pena  of  the  J3tli  October,  1845,  says: 

"  At  !h''  lime  (if  the  Hii^iicn^lnn  of  the  dipltiiiintic  relniinDii 
boiw'-.Mi  the  ttvii  cninnnctf,  (iciHTal  Alaiiinte  wa.-<  nsMiiri-d 
111  till?  ties, -I'  IVIt  liy  the  rii-Hii!'-iit  to  H«ljii.<t  aiiiicalily  evi-ry 
ciilsc  (ir  I'nii.iiliiilil  ticlwi'iMi  the  fruvi-riitneiilii,  mill  In  eiilli-  ' 
viti'  llie  kilii  est  nild  iiiohI  fri' Hilly  relatJniiH  lietweeii  tlie 
Bister  Ui>)illt.li  ^».  Ho  Hiill  ce-.itiliues  m  Ih>  nniiiiuleil  by  the 
siiiie  Kontiiiiei  tu.  He  U.'si'cs  lliat  till  e.vislin;!  ilillU-ultii'S 
Hlliilllil  he  tcrii.'iimteil  e'liicilbly  ti,\'  iie^iitiutiiill,  llllil  lint  liy 
the  swiiril. 

"  Actnnleil  hy  tlle^e  iietitiiiienlfl.  the  Presiileiit  Iiiintlirec'teit 
me  Id  instruct  jnii,  in  the  uliseiiec  of  any  ill|il(inltilii'  iiitciil 
ill  .Mexico,  111  n.^erlaiii  fnilii  tlie  .Mexican  (inveriiiiicnt 
whelliiT  they  wmilil  receive  an  envoy  fioiii  the  I'liitcil 
Stales,  entru-ti'll  with  full  [Miwer  In  iiiljllst  all  the  iiutstiniis 
in  (tis|iiiie  hetWeeii  the  two  iziivernmenti*.  Hliniihl  the  an- 
Bvv-rr  he  In  the  atfiniinnvc.  such  an  envoy  will  he  iiiiine- 
iliately  ilespatchcd  to  .Mcmcii." 

iMr.  Pciia  y  Pena,  in  his  nnswer  to  Mr.  Black, 
of  the  loth  October,  lci45,  says: 

"  Rin  ;  I  have  infnrnii'il  my  Onveminent  of  tlie  private 
eniilVfcnce  whirli  took  place  hetwceii  ymi  and  niyseirnn  the 
tith  instant,  anil  have  siihniilti-il  in  it  the  ciiiiliili-iilial  leltcr 
which  yiiu.  ill  ciiiisripn'iicc  nl',  and  nyrei-ahly  In  what  was 
then  said,  adiln-ssed  in  me  ye-i-rday.  In  answer,  1  have  to 
iiav  to  ynti,  tliil.  nlthinicli  the  Mexican  iiallnn  Is  deeply  in- 
jured hy  tlie  l^iiti'd  States,  tliroimh  the  acts  coiiiniitli'il  liy 
tllelii  in  tilt-  d'-partlll«-m  iit  'I'exas,  which  h.-liitiKS  In  tins 
iialiiin.  iiiy  Ciiv.-riiiiiciit  is  disimsid  to  receive  the  cnniinis- 
sioiier  nf  the  I'liiti'd  Stales  who  may  Come  to  this  i'a|iital 
Willi  lull  (KiweiH  Ironi  his  Government  to  settle  the  preseiil 
dispute  in  n  peaceful,  reasnnulile,  and  hnnorahle  nianiii  r  ; 
thus  fiivinit  a  new  proof  tiait,  exeii  in  the  iiiiiM  of  its  inju- 
ries, and  nf  its  linn  drcisinn  to  exact  ailfipiatc  reparaiinii 
for  them,  it  does  nnl  repel  with  cniitiinicl>  the  ineasiirc  of 
reason  and  peace  to  which  it  Is  inviti'd  hy  its  adversary." 

Mr.  Slidell  was  con.sequeiitly  sent  as  a  niiiii.<!ler 
plenipoteiiliary.  He  proniplly  look  liis  ileparluie, 
mill  arrived  at  Vera  rriiz  on  the  3l)lh  November. 
The  Goveniiiiciil  of  Mexico,  which  had  just  passed 
throu<;h  one  rcviilnlioii,  mid  was  lolierin;;  iiuo 
nnotlier,  yieldiiif;  to  Ihc  jiressure  of  circunisiaiices, 
refused  to  receive  Mr.  Slidell  as  a  niiiiisler  iileiil- 
polentiary,  and  resort  to  the  siiblerfui^e  of  placing 
a  construction  upon  the  lelter  of  Mr.  Pena  y  Pciia, 
which  was  not  iiilended  at  the  time  it  was  wrilttn, 
and  assert  thai  il  was  only  iiileiiiled  by  iliem  ihni 
they  would  receive  n  special  ciiiniiiissioiii  r  upon 
the  Texas  question,  and  not  a  minister  plenipoten- 
tiary. By  seiuliiii^  a  cnmiulssioner  lo  treat  upon 
the  subject  of  Tesas  n/uiic,  we  would  ailiiiit  that 
we  had  no  ri;jhl  to  admit  Texas  iiilo  the  Union 
without  the  cunsent  of  Mexico.  This  adinisHioii 
we  never  could  make.  The  refusal,  then,  of  the 
Mexican  aulhorities  to  admit  Mr.  Slidell,  was  a 
mere  subterfuge.  Certainly  Mr.  Slidell,  in  the 
capacity  of  a  iiiinislcr  plcnipolcnliary,  had  as  full 
piiwcrs  to  ne;,'oliate  and  act  upon  the  matter  of 
Texas  as  a  special  coinniissioner  possibly  could 
have;  but  Mr.  Siidell's  mission  was  coiitiiniacious- 
ly  rejected.  All  I  am  siirpiised  at,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, IS,  that  the  PresidenI  did  not  send  in  a  ines- 
snijo  lo  Coiiirress  recoiiir. ending  a  declartilion  of 
war  a^^ainsl  Mexico  before  the  Mexican  forces  had 
crossed  the  Uio  Grande.  I  confess  I  expected 
that  he  wniild  do  so,  wiien  I  heard  that  the 
mission  of  .Mr.  Slidell  was  refused.  We  had  am- 
ple and  siillicicnl  causes  lo  justify  n  war  npiiiist 
Mexico,  without  adding'  to  them  the  murder  of 
American  ciiizens  on  American  soil.  The  whole 
course  of  Mexico  ai;ainst  this  couiUry  has  been 
one  nf  wron;  and  outni{;e.  They  liave  openly 
insulted  our  flag;  ihey  have  robbed  and  jiliuiilered 
our  citizens  of  their  pmpeity  n  the  amount  of 
millions,  and  deprived  them  of  their  liberty  in  vio- 
lation of  the  failli  of  treaties.  President  Jack.soii, 
in  his  message  as  far  back  us  the  6lh  of  February, 
1837,  nearly  ten  years  ago,  tella  Congress  lliat — 


o  1'he  length  of  lime  since  ■iiino  of  the  Injuries  have  been 
enminilied,  the  repented  and  iiiiiivnilinir  ii|i|illealinn  for  re- 

I  drew,  the  wanlnii  eliHracter  of  tiome  of  the  olllrat|eii  Itpoii 

I  the  prof -Tly  and  pi-rsoiis  of  our  ciliisens,  upon  tlie  ortieers 

and  II  le  if  itie  llniieil  c<iaiin,  Independent  nf  re< I  iiisalls 

t  I  this  <ioverMiiient  and  people,  hy   the  late  extraordinarv 

;  Mexican  .Allnisler,  u«ii'il  jmliji/,  in  tkt  cyct  of  all  nuliom, 

I  immetHitti  u'ar." 

I      Butslill,in  the  spirit  of  forbearance,  not  wish- 
1  ing  to  resort  to  the  last  cxlremity  of  war,  he  only 
j  recommended  rejirisals,  with  the  hope  of  bringiiif;  ; 
the  Mexican  authorities  to  a   sense  of  their  in- 
justice.    (;on!,'resH  would  no  doubt  have  followed 
.  out  this  recommendation,  but   for  the  ,'l4lh  article 
;  of  the  treaty  with  Mexico,  which  slipulalcd  that 
no  acts  of  reprisal,  or  declaralion  of  war,  shnuld 
be  made  by  either  Government  against  the  other 
,  on  coniplainis  of  injuries,  until  after  a  siatement  of 
j  the  injuries  should  have  been  first  presented,  and 
I  satisfaction  demanded  and  icfused,  or  unnecessarily 
I  delayed,     .\ciin;;  on  the  principles  of  the  treaty,  a 
special  messenjjer  was  despatched  tu  Mexico,  who 
J  made  a  final  demand  for  satisfaction  on  the  211th  of 
July,  1K)7.     At  length,  on  ihe  Htli  of  April,  IKill, 
'  n  convention  was  concluded  "for  the  adjiislment 
of  claims  of  ciiizens  of  the  Uiiiled  .Slates  of  .\nicr- 
ica  upon  the  Governnienl  of  the  Mexican  Uepub- 
I  lie."    This  rommisslim  finally  mi't,  and  claims 
■  were  allowed  lo  the  amount  of  «,'J,IIL'li,l.')'J  ()8.     On 
the  siatement  of  the  Governnienl  of  .Mexico  of  its 
'  inability  to  pay  these  claims  accordin;;  to  the  sii|iu- 
lations  of  tlu  treaty,  fur  the  pui|iiise  of  favorin:; 
that  Government,  further  indiil<;eiii'c  was  gninted 
to  them,  and  a  new  arrangeinent  enlercd  into  with 
J  which  Ihey  have  not  complierl;  and  how  does  our 
aecount  stand  with  them  now,  to  sum  up  the  whole? 
'■  Our  ciiizens  have  claims  against  them  as  follows; 

The  amount  finally  adjudicated  under  the  conven- 
tion of  the  lllli  April,  1H39,  (a  vcrv  small  part 
of  which  lias  been  paid,)  is 5i',0d6,13U  »G 

The  claims  referred  to  the  umpire 
upon  ;'.  disagreement  between  the 
Auierican  and  Mexican  comiuis- 
sinners,  but  which  were  not  deci- 
ded by  him 928,027  88 

Amount  of  claims  siibmiited  lo  tlie 
:•       board  too  late  lo  be  considered, 
;iccoi-ding  to  the  estimate  of  the 
claimaiiis  iliemselve.s 3,336,837  05 

Ainouiu  of  seventeen  claims  filed  in  ] 

the  Department  of  Stale  since  the 
niljoii  iiiuenl  of  the  board,  acconl- 
\      iiigtii  theestimateof  theclainianls  I 

themselves 1,147,08!)  S.'i 

!       Together  with  eleven  other  claims,  filed  since 
that  period,  on  which  the  claimants  have  placet!  no  i 
estimate.  | 

Add  to  all  this,  sir,  that  only  on  the  lalh  of  De- 
cemlicr  hisl,  since  this  Coiiijiess  commenced  its 
session.  Captain  Clay,  an  Ameiicau  citizen,  the 
owner  and  commander  of  an  .Vmerican  schnoncr, 
is  driven  into  the  port  of  Maiamoros  in  distress; 
his  vessel  is  seized,  condemned,  and  confiscated, 
ond  the  captain  himself  fined  in  a  heavy  penalty, 
and  thrown  into  a  loathsome  pri.ion  by  the  Mexi- 
can auihiirilies,  "  because  he  had  cleared  from  New 
Orleans  for  Corpus  Christi;"  and  tliey,  forsooth, 
refuse  to  receive  our  Minister,  break  olfall  diplo- 
matic relations,  insult  our  Government,  will  enter- 
tain no  negotiation  except  upon  the  Texas  qiieslion, 
and  all  our  injuries  standing  unredressed,  they  add 
lo  it  the  invasion  of  our  territory,  and  kill  Ameri- 
can citizens  on  American  soil;  and  leprcsentatives 
of  American  people,  in  an  Aniericun  Congress,  tell 
us  that  the  war  against  Mexico  is  unjust,  anil 
brought  upon  us  by  the  exercise  of  an  arbitrary 
power  not  delegated  by  the  Conslilulion,  but  usurp- 
ed by  llie  President. 

Genllemen  will  not  be  able  to  convince  the  peo- 
ple of  these  positions.  The  President  of  (he  Uiiileil 
Stales,  instead  of  usiiiping  power,  has  only  per- 
formed a  duly;  instead  of  urging  on  a  war  with 
Mexico,  he  has  done  everything  he  could  do  lo 
avoid  it.  Our  coiir.se  towards  Mexico,  becau.w  of 
the  weakness  of  that  Government,  because  of  iis 
intestine  dirficnlties,  its  revolulions,  and  counter 
revolutions,  and  because  she  happened  to  be  called 
n  "republic,"  has  been  marked  by  continued  and 
long  forbearance;  patience,  and  forbearance  have 
ceased  to  be  virtues  ns  regards  the  authorities  nf 
Mexico.  The  time  has  come  when  wc  should  do 
justice  to  our  own  citizens. 


THE  MEXICAN  WAR. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  C.  HUDSON, 

OF  MASSACHUSETTS, 

In  the  Hoi;>b  or  Repreientativeii, 

J\h'j  14,  1846. 

The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  on 

the  Army  Appropriation  Bill — 

Mr.  HUDSON,  said: 

Mr.  Cmairman:  Under  ordinary  circumstances, 
I  slioiild  not  liave  obtruded  myself  U|Kin  the  aticn- 
liou  of  the  commitiee.  lliit  wc  are  iioxv  at  war 
with  a  sister  republic;  we  are  engaged  in  a  contest 
commenced  by  the  lOxeciilive  without  just  cause, 
and  in  direct  violai  ion  of  the  fundnmenlai  principles 
of  our  (^inslitulion.  Believing  this  to  be  the  case, 
I  feel  it  my  duly  to  bear  testimony  against  this 
procedure;  and  1  am  ihe  more  inclined  to  do  this, 
because  I  was  one  of  the  few,  or,  as  genllemen  on 
the  other  side  of  the  House  have,  sneering,  said, 
one  of  the  igiieWe /oiir/f/n,  who  had  the  indepenil- 
eiice  lo  follow  their  own  sense  of  duly,  and  to  vote 
according  to  the  dictates  of  their  own  eonsciencia. 
I  bring  no  accusation  against  others.  The  sniiject 
was  presented  by  the  majority  of  the  House  in  ilic 
most  embarrassing  forni,  and  genllemen,  of  lioii- 
esly  of  purpose,  might  ditl'cr  upon  the  final  vole. 
As  I  claim  sincerily  for  myself,  I  do  not  (|ucsiioii 
the  sincerity  of  my  friends,  whose  minds  were 
brought  to  a  dirterent  result. 

But  the  gentleman  from  Illinois,  [Mr.  Dotc- 
I.AS8,]  in  reply  to  my  friend  from  Ohio,  [.Mr.  Dki.- 
AXO,|  has  tolil  the  einnmiliee  that  it  is  treason  lo 
the  country  lo  denounce  the  war  now  it  is  de- 
clared. He  seems  lo  admit  that  the  remarks  of 
the  member  from  Ohio  would  have  been  unobjec- 
lionable,  if  they  had  been  made  before  ihe  war  bill 
had  become  a  law.  But,  sir,  I  recognise  no  such 
dislinctiun  under  the  eiiciinistances  of  the  case. 
We  know  the  manner  in  xvhich  ihat  bill  was  pass- 
ed, the  hot  haste  willi  which  it  was  pressed  through 
this  Hou.se,  and  I  intend  ihal  it  shall  be  known 
elsewhere.  So  far  as  my  feeble  powers  extend,  1 
intend  the  country  shall  know  with  what  rashncs-i 
and  inderenl  hasle  all  the  evils  of  war  have  been 
brought  upon  the  country.  A  message  was  re- 
ceived from  the  President  of  tlie  United  Slates  with 
reference  to  our  relations  with  Mexico.  This 
message  was  accompanied  with  voluiuiiious  corre- 
spondence which  passed  between  our  Govcriiiiiciii 
and  Mexico,  and  also  between  the  lixeculivc  anil 
General  Taylor.  The  House  resolved  itself  iiilo 
''  .imittee  of  the  Whole  to  consider  the  subject. 
The  debate,  by  a  vole  of  the  dominant  parly,  was 
limited  lo  ihe  short  space  of  two  hours.  One  hour 
and  a  half  of  that  time  was  consumed  in  reading 
the  correspondence,  and  even  then  one-half  of  the 
papers  were  not  read.  The  chairman  of  the  Coiii- 
iniil<:e  on  Military  Afiaiis  culled  up  a  bill,  xvhich 
had  been  for  .some  time  upon  our  tables,  which 
simply  authorized  the  President  to  accept  the  sei- 
I  vices  of  volunleers,  should  they  be  necessary  to 
defend  our  own  soil,  or  repel  inv  ision  from  our  icr- 
rilory.  This  bill  was  under  di  bate  some  thirty 
miimles,  but  no  Whig  was  able  Lo  obtain  ihefioor. 
Then,  fur  the  first  lime,  a  declaration  of  war  xvas 
menlioned,  and  siiniby  ameiidmenls  to  that  ellei  t 
were  oU'ered.  When  the  time  for  discussion  ex- 
,  pired,  iheconimittee  passed  upon  the  ainendmenlH, 
and  the  bill  was  iiuincdiately  reported  to  the 
House,  and  fiassed  under  the  yircrioiis  queslioii. 
'  Thus,  sir,  was  war  declared  after  a  debate  of  some 
thirty  minutes  only,  and  that  confined  entirely  to 
a  few  brief  remarks  by  (our  members  of  the  lleiii- 
ocratic  iiariy.  Not  an  individual  of  the  minoriix' 
was  permitted  lo  say  a  xvoiii  upon  the  great  and 
absorbing  question  of  peace  and  xvar.  The  House 
knows,  and  the  country  shall  know,  the  hasty  and 
inconsiderate  iTianner  in  which  they  have  been 
involved  in  all  the  horrors  of  war.  A  grosser  i'l- 
stanceof  prccipilancyand  raslinrsscaimot  be  found 
in  Ihe  history  of  any  assembly  calling  ilself  a  de- 
liberative body. 

Thus,  sir,  xverc  the  Whig  party  in  the  House 
compelled,  by  a  tyrannic  majority,  to  pass  upon 
this  great  question  wiihoiil  a  single  xvord  of  debate 
on  their  part,  and  without  having  one-half  of  the 
documents  xvhich  xveie  submitted  by  the  President 
;  read  !  And  now  wc  are  told,  by  the  members  of 
ihe  same  dominant  party,  tlmt  it  is  treasonable  to 


1846.1   ' 


'iHyru  CoNfl 1st  Sf.ss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Mexican  ff'ar — 37    Hudson. 


913 
New  Skhiks No.  58. 


rpriik  nsainat  n  mrnNure  thus  linHtily  nnd  tyranni- 
cally forrcd  th    Miffli  llm  Ilouw,  willioiit  ilolwlc,  I 
niiiiil  sct'iicM  of  excitcinuritdiwl  coiiriiMion.     Op[Ki-  '■ 
ailimi  to  lliiM  incuKurL',  wo  iiin   IcjIiI,  woiilil   liiivci  ! 
licni  |)r(i|ii'r  Ik^I'iii'i;  it  liiij  piwMi'il;  liiif  mdw,  lieiiiiciit  i 
war,  all  (ipiioHJtion  to  llic  mciiKiire  xlidWHa  want  of 
jxilriiitixin,  am!  a  (liN|inHilliin  to  lukr  sides  wllli  tlii:  | 
I'jiciny.     Kir,  I  admit  lu)  Hindi  |irinri|il   .  I  will  siili-  ' 
mil  til  nil  hiirIi  iniii  rule.     And  lias  ii  inini;  tiitlils,  . 
that  all  ili'liair  im  tii  lin  siiiiiircKii/d  in  tliiN  Hall — 
timl  frerdiim  nf  H|in(M'.li  is  In  lir  denii'd  tii  the  Ui'.p- 
rt'seiiliUivcH  III' a  frefi  peiipli'?    A  dm'lrinu   mini' 
ilrspotii-  WHS   never  ailvaneod.     AeiMinlini;  to  tliia 
diii'lrine,  if  llic  I're.sideiii,  led  iin  liy  vain  anililtiiin, 
nr  liy  a  treiiHiinal.li;   ilfsiru  \n  raise    liimself  tii  a 
throiK!  ini  llie  inin.s  nf  our  IVei?  tiovernnient,  Ihin 
tlie  wiekednoss  tii  trample  iipnn  the  pieri)'_'ativesof 
Ccin>.'rei<s,iind  commonon  an  unjiist  war  with  a  fur- 
ei^'n  I'liwer,  we  are  tn  milnnit  in  silenee,  lieeaune 
JiiislililieH  linvc  already  cnminenieil.     We  are  lo 
NIaiid  liy  ill  meek  Niilnnissinn,  and  see  niir  ri!;ht  in-  ' 
vaded.nnd  the  pinperly  and  lives  nf  our  cili/.ciiH 
waiitiinly  saerifu'ed,  beeanse  a  drilli'il   maiiirity  of 
political  partisans  may  iiavi!  sneeeeded  in  prcHsin^c 
lliroiiich  (.'onijress,  wiihiuit  debate,  an  endorsement  ' 
i>(  Kxeemivc  iisnrpalioii.     1  say,  uir,  1  will  coun- 
tenance no  Hiieli  doi'lrliie;  I  will'siilnnit  to  no  such 
d(i;;inii.     I'nder  the  peculiar  eireiimsianees  of  the 
ease  1  will  speak,  and  speak  as  freely  this  day  as  I 
would  have  spoken  on  Alondny  lasi.     And  though 
the  f;eiitleman  from  Illiiinis  very  mndeslly  liramis 
those  aseowards  who  voted  au'ainsl  the  deelaralion 
of  war,  I  will  assure  liiin  tliiit  1  have  the  moral 
eoiir.ii,'e  to  speak  my  own  seiilimenlH;  and  neither 
liis  do!;mntieal  dcelarnlions,  .lor  ihe  awful  nods  of 
his  head,  shall  resiraiii  nie.    I  will  speak  as  1  think,  ' 
regardless  of  ilie  iViwns  or  sneers  of  thai  cenllc-  ■ 
man   or  his    friends.     1  make   no  preleiisions   lo 
liravery;    liut  it   frei|iieiilly   rer|nires  more    moral 
rouraife  to  alaiiil  alone,  or  with  a  small  minority,  ; 
than  itdoes  lo  follow  the  multitude  in  ihc  moment  | 
of  popular  exeitemcnt. 

Mr.  Clinirmiin,  I  was  one  of  the  fourteen  who 
voted  aL'ainst  the  pa,ssa!,'e  of  the  war  hill.  I  voied 
nu;aiiisi  it  for  various  reasons-,  and,  amoiie;  others, 
for  this:  I  helieve  the  preamble,  and  its  repelilion 
in  llie  fust  seelion  of  the  bill,  lo  be  unlriie.  The 
preamble  is  as  follows;  "  Wheri'iis,  by  the  net  of 
the  Repulilie  of  Mexico,  a  slate  of  wfir  exisls  be- 
tween llinl  Goverinnent  and  the  United  Stales." 

Now,  sir,  I  reu'ard  this  preamble  as  iiiierly  false 
— fal.se  as  a  whole,  and  false  in  eaeli  of  ils  rceitals. 
It  is  not  true  ihat  war  existed  before  llie  passage 
of  thai  act.  There  had  been  a  collision  between 
our  troops  and  those  of  Mexico;  bin  aeollision  of 
forces  in  a  single  instance,  and  al  a  particular  point, 
(Iocs  not  amiiiinl  lo  war,  in  ilie  leijal  and  eonslilu- 
liiiiial  sense  of  llial  lerin.  Hy  llie  Consliluiion  of 
this  country  and  of  iVlexico,  the  power  to  declare 
war  is  vested  in  Comjiess,  and  not  in  the  Presi- 
dent or  the  connnaiidiiiij  ijeneral.  We  have  no 
aiilhorily  for  saying  that  the  Mexican  Government 
had  declared  war,  and  know  thai  our  Con^'ress  had 
f.'iveii  no  ninhoniy  lo  ihe  IVesident  lo  march  his 
troops  upon  a  dispiiied  lerriiory  in  possession  of 
the  Mexicans.  'J'heie  is  also  a  manifest  disliiiclion 
beiweeii  hoildities  and  irnc.  When  war  is  iiro- 
elaimed  by  llie  consliuileil  miihorilv,  the  whole 
nalion  and'  the  world  are  bound  to  lake  couniziinee 
of  ii,  and  lo  v:oveni  ihumselves  accordiiii;  lo  llie 
roles  of  constiliilional  and  inlernaliiMial  law.  liut 
there  may  be  outbreaks  or  collisions  at  a  particu- 
lar poini,  hostilities  within  a  liiiiiicd  sphere,  ami 
even  lellersofniaii|iie  and  reprisal  maybe  i;ranled 
lo  one  or  more  iiijiireil  snlijccis,  under  cerUiin  cir- 
cniiisiaiices,  and  with  suilalile  limitiuions,  wilhoiit 
beins;  in  a  state  of  war,  in  Ihe  le;;al  sense  of  thai 
lerni.  When  war  exisis  iieulral  nations  ere  l)ouii(i 
lo  lake  nolice  ol'il;  but  llie  same  is  mil  true  in 
every  case  of  hi.siilily.  We  have  several  exam- 
ples ill  oiir  own  history  which  will  illustrate  this 
disliiiclion.  Tlie  alliirk  upon  the  Chesapeake  by 
an  l';nL;lisli  cruiser  before  tin;  late  war  with  Knj- 
land  was  an  acl  of  hostility,  but  neillier  nalion 
re:,'ardcd  it  as  war.  The  same  is  true  of  the  de- 
struction of  the  (,'aroline  on  iho  Canadian  froiilier. 
The  eaptiire  of  Monterey,  a  Mexican  town  upon 
tlie  I'ucilic,  by  Coniniudore  Jones,  in  IH  13,  is  ati- 
olhor  case  in  point.  Uaeh  of  these  eases  shows 
ihal  there  may  be  acta  of  hostility  between  the 
forces  of  two  Powers,  and  yet  tlie  relntiona  of 
peace  may  be  preserved.     The  declaration,  there- 

58 


fan,  that  war  cxiHtod  in  not  sustained  by  faciti. 
We  had  no  I'vidence  of  its  existence  al  that  time; 
on  lh«  contrary,  all  the  evidence  we  had  before  us 
went  to  sustain  the  opposite  conclusion,  1  could 
not,  therefore,  subscribe  to  llie  declaiation  that  war 
already  exisled.' 

The  preamble  stales  not  onlv  lhat  war  exists, 
bill  lhat  it  cthlH  by  Ihe  net  iif  ll>t  HtjiM'ie  n/,Ui'jici>. 
This  deelaralion  I  believe  lo  be  iinlrue.     Mexico, 
with  all  Inn'  faiills,  has  not,  in  this  case,  been  llic 
iiifirres.sor.     The  Htatement  which  ascrilied  llie  war 
to  llie  acts  of  Mexico  is  clearly  and  conclusively 
eonlradii'led  by  the  fads  in  the  case.     1  ini'^hl  e,i> 
hack   10  the  cominencemeiil  of  ihe  revolulion  in 
Texas,  and  show  thai  the  (iovernineiuof  the  Unl- 
led  Slates  have  not  inainlained  u   polii'y  siriclly 
Iieulral,  as  they  were  bound  lo  do.     lUit  in  tlie  act 
of  anni'xatinn,  we  not  only  violaied  our  own  or- 
ganic law,  but  violiiled  oiir  failli  pled:;ed  lo  Mexi- 
co by  solemn  treaty.     Pnit,  sir,  1  will  not  rely  upon 
that  acl,  iinjusl  as  1  believe  lhat  lo  have  been.     1 
will  lake  ihe  case  as  it  stood  after  the  joint  resolu- 
tion was  passed;  and  1  believe  that  our  coiidnctlo- 
I  wards   Mexico    is   entirely   indefensible.      Texas 
(  was  annexed  to  the  United  Slates;  and  on  lliesup- 
-  position  that  that  act  was  valid,  what  did  it  iiielnde' 
!  What  did  we  annex?    The  old  province  of  Texas 
was  bonniled  on  the  Hoiithwest    by  the    Nueces, 
which  does  not  approach  within  one  hundred  and  | 
fifty  miles  of  the  position  occupied  by  Gi'iieral  Tay- 
[  lor.     The  Texas  which  has  been  annexed  lo  the  ; 
I  United  States  was  llie  old  province  of  Texas;  the 
1  'I'exns  which  formed  one  of  llie  Stales  or  deparl-  j 
I  meiits  of  .Mexico;  the  Texas  which  rebelled  a'.'ainst  1 
'  the  parent  Jiovernmeni,  and  set  up  a  government  ; 
\  for  herself ;  in  a  word,  the  Texas  which  was  bound- 
ed liy  the  river  Nueces.     It  is  true  thai  Ihe  Texan  i 
(■oiii;re.ss  in  IKKi  passed  an  act  deelarins;  that  llieir 
!  republic  was  bonnded  wesierly  by  the  Rio  Grande. 
j  I'm  what  title  had  she  m  the  territory  lyiin;  west  ■ 
of  her  oriifinal  limits?    .She  could  have  none  but  ' 
that  of  eoiiqiiesl.     And  did  .slie  ever  carry  her  coii- 
fpiest  uplo  the  Uio(Jraiiih'?    Notliiiii^  like  it;  e\'ery  '. 
attempt  she  made   prn\cd  a  siirnal  failure.     I'lie 
\  population   upon  the   Ilio  Grande   never  relielled  ; 

against  Mexico,  were  never  conquered  by  Texas, 

I  or  submitted  to  Texan  law  or  nuthorily.     Texas 

!  made  several  attempts  to  |ilant  her  standard  upon 

',  Ihe  banks  of  that  river,  but  in  every  nlleinpt  her 

forces  were  either  captured  or  driven  b.tck.     With 

what  propriety,  then,  can  we  nminlain  that  llie 

I  wilderness  or  desert  eoiinlry  between  the  Nueces 

nnd  Uio  Grande  ever  belonged  lo  Texas?     A  larsfe 

'  strip  of  country  on  the  left  or  easiern  bank  of  the  , 

I  Rio  Grande  lias  ever  been  in  possession  of  Mexico,  ; 

I  and  we  have  ackiiowlcdijiid  that  possession  both  I 

j  before  and  after  annexation.     At  the  last  session  | 

of  C^insress,  an  art  was  pas.sed  ullowine  a  draw- 

!  bieic  upon  forei^in  inerchaiidi.se  imported  into  this  , 

connlry,  and  (exported  to  Canada  and  Mexico;  and  j 

i  anionj;  iIh!  places  incnlioued  in  Mexico  was  Santa  j 

I'V.    And  dnriii!:  this  session  Mr.  Secrelarv  Walk- 
i  er,  in  his  report  on  the  finances,  says;  "  The  act  of 
j  '  March  Hd,  l-'l"),  allowini;  a  drawback  on  foi'ei;;n 
I  *  imports,  exjtnrted  from  certain  of  our  ports  lo 
j  '  Canada,  and  also  to  Santa  Ve  and  Chihuahua,  in 
I  *  Mexico,  has  j^one  to  some  extent  into  eH'ect,  and 
:  '  is  beuinninu'  to  |irodiice  the  most  happy  results." 
I  lire,  sir,  we  have  ihe  most  positive  recoi;niiion 
on  the  part  of  our  Government  lhat  Santa  Fit  be- 
lou2:s  lo  .Mexico,  and  is  included  wilhin  Iier  law  fid 
territory.     Unl  everyone  knows  that  Santa  Ke  is 
o\\  the  east  side  of  the  Uio  Grande.      How  then 
■  can  it  he  pretended,  for  a  simple  mmiient,  that  the 
,  whole  connlry,  or  tiuil  any  part  of  the  country  bor- 
dering: upon  thai  river,  beloncs  to  Texas,  and  hence 
is  a  part  of  the  United  Slates.'    There  is  no  author- 
ity al  all  fur  that  plea;  not  one  particle  of  proof  that 
Ihe  Rio  Grande  is  our  true  fioiindary,  except  the 
ai't  of  the  Tt'Vati  i'oiii^ress,  and  that  we  have  eon- 
t  fessed  to  he  invalid  by  admitlinu;  Santa  Fe,  a  town 

'      *  Since  ihc  (Itlivcry  of  llic  pjnecliuc  ti.nve  recrivcii  the 

iimiiirc>-ln  of  Parcilcs.  diitcit  "  \aliiiiml  Paliicn  nf  ^tcxicn, 

A|iril  •X^.  I  SIR."  only  ntic  d.iv  licfare  tlic  collisinn  on  Iho  Ilio 

.  (iranile,  in  wllicli  lie  says  nia-'t  einpllHIicatli-,  »•  /  ^nlrmvht 

]  itntwrnnc  I'lat  I  no  siir  ih-cUirc  ifar  <ii,'(il(i.v/  //ip  Uiiilf'l  St^ttrs 

!  of.-lmcriiif  Ip.-'iii^v  !l  ncrtiihis  to  lAc.ie.'m/  f'liHsrcss  of  the 

I  ihitiniu  flint  not  lo  tlxf  K'ei--iitirc,  to  si'ttlc  ilcfiiiilively  rcpara- 

linn  wllicli  nn  iiiniiy  iic!:rc!J,.;ioiis  ilemaiHl.     lint  the  ili'tciice 

t  nf  ;\fexicaii  tcrriniry  which  Ihc  Uiiilcil  Slates  trODp.^  iiiviide 

I  is  nil   iirKciit  necessity,  iiiid   my   resiKMisiliility  wnnlil   bn 

immense  before   tlic  laiiiaii  diil  I  not   cive  eominniiils  tn 

'  repel  iIiobc  forces,  which  acl  lilte  encinit's.    I  have  ro  cnm- 

■'  inanilcd." 


on  the  cam  Hide  of  that  river,  to  bo  a  part  ot  tlio 
Mexican  trrrilory.  At  lhat  place  we  have  a  con- 
sul; there  we  have  been  payiiiK  duties  on  merchan- 
dise; and  when  the  expedition  lo  Santa  Vt  was 
captured,  our  Govcrnineiit  inlerceded  with  the 
Mexican  Governineiil  for  the  release  of  our  citi- 
zens; admittin:;  in  the  correspondence  itself  lhat 
Santa  Fe  rij;lilfully  belonjj'ed  to  the  Mexican 
Itepiiblic. 

Thoiii.'h  our  Government  had  by  public  actinc- 
kiiowledi;ed  the  connlry,  borderiii'j;  upon  the  Rio 
(iraiide  on  the  east,  to  be  apart  of  the  Uejuiblicof 
Mexico,  the  li-eaty  cot  up  by  Presideni  Tyler  nnd 
his  .Secrelarv  .if  Stale,  allcinpted  clandeslinclv  to 
ohiain  all  tlie  territory  east  of  that  river.  The 
Iaii5iia'.;e  of  the  treaty  was  general.  It  provided 
thai  the  Republic  of  Texas,  with  all  its  territory, 
should  be  ceded  to  the  United  .Slates,  lint,  sir, 
ihoiirrli  this  lan!.'nat;e  was  general,  and  seemed  lo 
iiiijily  that  the  country  ceded  was  nothing  more 
than  Texas  proper,  llie  cniinlry  bounded  wesleily 
by  the  Nueces;  yci  when  the  Presideni  was  pressed 
by  the  Senate  lo  furnish  a  limp  and  description  of 
the  country  lo  be  annexed,  he  laid  before  them  a 
map  of  the  coiinli'y  to  the  Rio  Grande,  with  the 
clause  of  llie  act  of  the  Texan  Coiifiress,  claimiu!; 
all  the  couiilry  cast  of  lhat  river.  I'.iit  Mr.  Cal- 
houn, the  Secretary  of  Slate,  thniigh  he  had  alHxcd 
his  name  lo  that  slrahhy  treaty,  and  was  the 
master-spirit  in  the  whole  transaciion,  feeling'  con- 
scious, it  would  seem,  lhat  the  act  of  the  Texan 
CoiiKiess  had  no  validity,  in  his  note  lo  Mr.  Green, 
our  eliarse  al  Mexico,  enjoined  it  upon  him  lo  as- 
sure the  Mexican  Ooveniment  that  the  boundaries 
were  not  fixed,  and  that  this  Goveriinieiit  would 
exercise  a  liberal  policy  in  relatlnii  lo  that  subject. 
His  words  are  these;  "  You  are  enjoined,  also,  by 
'  the  I'residcnl,  to  assure  the  Mexican  Government 
'  Ihal  it  his  desire  lo  settle  all  r|nC8tion3  between 
'the  two  eoiinliies  which  may  !;row  on",  of  the 
'  treaty,  or  any  other  cause,  on  the  iiio.if  liheral  and 
'  sntisfiictonj  terms,  inelmlinj;  that  nf  boumlunj;  and 
'  with  that  view  the  minister  who  has  been  recently 
'appointed  will  be  shortly  sent  with  adequate 
'  powers."  Ill  the  .same  iiole  he  directs  Mr.  Green 
lo  assure  ihe  Mexican  Government  "  lhat  tlicGov- 
'  ernmenl  of  the  United  Stales  has  lakin  every  pre- 
'  caution  to  make  the  terms  of  the  treaty  as  little 
'  objectionable  to  Mexii-o  as  possible;  and,  among; 
'  olhei-s,  has  left  the  Iwundiirij  of  Turn  without 
'  spcciiicalion,  so  that  the  boundary  inislit  be 
'an  open  iiiiistion,  to  be  fairly  nnd  fully  dis- 
'  cussed,  and  settled  accordin;;  lo  the  rights  of  each, 
'  and  the  mutual  interest  and  security  of  the  two 
'  countries." 

Now,  sir,  docs  not  Ibis  amount  to  n  full  confes- 
sion, oil  the  part  of  Mr.  Calli(aiii,  thai   the  Itio 
Gi'.inde  was  not  the  boundary  of  Texas  ?     If  he 
relied  upon  llie  acl  of  the  Texan  Congress,  why 
permit  Ihe  line  to  be  drawn  in  queslion,  and  pro- 
pose to  siibniit  it  to  ne^'oiiation  ?    The  fact  is,  that 
ac.t  of  the  Texan  Conijress  is  a  perfect  nullity.  No 
man  knows  better  lliau  Mr.  Calhoun  that  a  iuuind- 
ary  is  a  questimi  lo  be  settled  by  two  nations,  and 
any  declaration  by  one  is  enliiely  void.     Selllini; 
I  territorial  limits  is  to  be  resiarded  in  llie  li;;hl  of  a 
:  contract,  and  as  lucessarily  implies  tw  o  parties  as 
any  other  eontracl  whatever.   Hence,  it  is  the  very 
i  peifiM'tioii   of  ahsurdily,  lo  rely  upon  the  deelara- 
lion of  Texas  as  decidins  llns  queslion.     It  is, 
,  Ihei-efore,  a  mailer  of  prnlbiiiid  astonishinenl  lhat 
I  Ihc    Presideni,    in    his    late    messa;;e,   should    so 
presume  upon   the  ignorance  of  Congress,  as  to 
,  present  ihal  rx  )mrte  act  of  Texas  as  havin,;'  any 
,  bearini;  upon  this  queslion.     lUit  the  treaty  was 
rejected   Iiy  the  Senate.     And   no  olijeciion  was 
I  uf;:ed  with   more  force   limn  '.he  one  we  are  con- 
sidi  ring— that   it  attempted   to  carry  the  western 
boundary  of  Texas  lo  the  Rio  Grande,  far  beyond 
the  true 'liin.ls  of  Texas. 

The  distinguished  Senator  from  Missouri,  [Mr. 
Bkston,]  when  speaking  against  the  treaty,  said: 

"T!ie  one-half  nf  llie  (leiKirtliientnt'Ni'w  ^fexieo,  with  lis 

rajiitiil.  lii'ciimcs  die  pruperl^'nl'lhe  I'liitcd  Status  ;  nil  llliule 

nfCliiliimlaia  also  heeiinics  oiirif;  a|inrtnrille  depnrlliieiit 

:  orcoalinit.i,  net  popiiliiieil  on  the  V'ti  hunk,  which  wo  take, 

'  lint  cnniliiaiiilcd  I'nim  Ihc  riuht  by  Ihe  Mexican  nnthnritieg; 

the  siniie  of  Tainaiilipji.s,  which  covers  IhiIIi  bUIps  of  the 

river  fniiii  its  niniiih  for  some  hundred  miles  up,  nnd  nil  the 

jetY  tiaiik  of  wllicli  is  in  llie  power  ami  p'lssession  of  Mexico. 

Tlle-e.  ill  lulclilinii  in  iihl  Texas;  them'  purls  of  I'niir  Slntos  ; 

these  towns  and  villafl;i's  ;  these  pen|ile  nnd  territory ;  these 

flocks  nnd  herds;  this  hUcp  nl"  the  Repuhllc  of  Mexico,  two 

'  tiiousnad  miles  long  mid  some  hnndrcd  broad,  nil  this  our 


i    «  "mf 


914 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[May  14, 


29th  Conh 1st  Sess. 

Pn'ulilcnl  hno  rill  cilF  tirnn  IM  nioibrr  riniilri',  iiiiil  ptci-riiU  { 
10  IM,  aiiil  itt'riarc!*  it  luirti,  nil  tli«  ftiiiiiifi-  n\)i*i-H  Jl ! 

"Tlie  Irfiity,  In  itll  lliil  rcljilrn  lit  Iht-  iMiuiutaryiil'tlii-  Kin 
Ordiiit*-,  I*  tin  tn't  III'  iii»;>*ir  i/ii'/f'l  oii/ru;;*  Im  Mrjim.  If  i-* 
lliL'  f«4'i/.iiro  nf  twii  lliiiii^iiliil  tuili>«  iif'liiT  ti-mliiry,v\ltlii>iil  ii 
wiinl  iif'expliiiiiiiioM  Willi  liiT,  mill  by  viriiii'  iit'ii  irt'iily  Willi 
Ti'X'in,  In  which  hIm*  Ik  iin  pririy. 

•' IhivliiK  kIiowii  till- i-llri-lHorilif  Irrnty  nil  Ihi  IlioUrjiliili^ 
friiiilii  r,  1  MKi'  u|i  III"  ln"lly  IImIi',  iiiuI  lliuirr  nil  11-  ii-in'cl", 
Kiiil  in  it-i  \^  ll(ll<M'^l<'MI,  iinil  ri^i^iiiiii'linirpnitiltniiMMi  n-inlliili 
tu  it,  \  I/.  .' 

"  1.  'I'IliI  Ihi'  r.ilMlriltinii  ol'llic  ui'iilv  wniilil  b,',  nf  itiiir, 
IX  war  Ih  twi'i  II  till'  rniti'il  .'4t,ili'4  iiMit  Mi>\ii-ii. 

"9.  Til. II  ilwnillil  l>  ■  nil  intjiil  ir„r. 

"3.  Th:ll  11  unillil  III'  II  «;ir  iiih-nii^titiiiinii':lhl  riflrfr. 

**  •!.  Tlijit  it  wiiiilil  lir  ti  war  ii|hiii  u  ncaJt  iiiiil  r.rounJIr'n 
pl'-^fj-l." 

Tlio  Irmly  I'liliii;.',  tlic  siiliji  rt,  nt  the  iinxl  sen- 
m'liii,  wn«  liriMi.'thl  fniMiinl  in  ii  I'unii  In  oIivImIp  in 
BiiMii'  di'u'm'  lliii  oljci'iimi  nf  tin'  S'oiiMlnr  nf  Mi.s- 
sniii'i,  M'lie  jnint  i'i-.snliiiinn  nf  nnnexiitiiin  pi-nviilrM 
tlmt  "  tlio  tciTilnry  /irc/irr/i/  iufhtilnl  iri/Ziin,  nnil 
rr^htfulhjfirli.nniiig  lo,i\\v  ItrpTililn'  ofTcMiM,  nmy 
br  eiedril  inln  ii  .Slain,"  iVi'.  lint  llii"  first  rnii- 
dilinii  impnjiril  ii|inn  Ti'Xns  in  lliu  rcsninliiin  wiis 
tliia:  "Said  Stall'  In  I'p  fnrninl,  sniiirri  Id  the  nii- 
jnatmnit  Ky  lliis  tfiivcinmrnt  nf  nil  iinisliniiH  nf 
bouuihint  lliat  ni:iy  iiri.'c  irilh  iMitr  fiorfnitnrtih.'^ 

HtTC,  sir,  wo  havr  n  full  iTi'ii^iiition  nf  tin'  tin- 
RrllU'il  slate  of  llic  wrslcrn  Imnnilai'y  nf  'I'l'Xn'i. 
Tin'  !iin!:;na;^('  is  sclrrtrd  with  ranlinii — "  llic  tfrri- 
tnry  frojitrhjinchuled  within,  mill  ri'-ihlftilhi  liilnir^- 
iiisr /",  Ti'.i'(is;"  Biiil  tliis  IS  liilliiwiil  Willi  II  |irn- 
visinn  ilmi  nil  qurstimi^  fflwitnitin-j  vhich  mntj  arise 
(pi//i  "//if)'  (liircrn, iKiih,  sliall  lir  sdilcil  liy  the 
Uiiiti  (1  Stall's  aiitl  that  nihri' fioviTiinirtit.  'I'liise 
provisidiis  ran  linvo  no  siirinfn'aiii'v  mi  llir  Nn|i|.ri- 
gilinii  thai  the  iMiiimlnry  iiicnUiiiicil  liy  tlin  Ti'xnii 
('iiii'.;ri.'ss  in  valiil.  Nnt  nnly  llir  rrsnlniimi.i  nf 
Biincxnlinii  iinplii'il  tlint  ilin  limiiiilaiy  nC  'IVxas 
did  not  pxtiiid  lo  llii>  Kin  lirandf,  Inil  Mr.  C,  J. 
Ixi.KRSoM.,  tin?  rliairniaii  nf  the  (-'onnnitti'c  on 
Fonii;n  Alliiirs,  who  lirnnv'lit  tlie  siiiiji'i'l  liifnrr 
till'  llnusp,  and  n|ipni'd  Ilin  di'laii',  ^iiyr  ns  ilii- 
fullest  assiiranci'  liuit  it  did  tint  a|i|iriiai'li  wiiliin 
a  liiiiiilrcd  mill's  nf  tlial  rivrr.  His  iliii'larali'in  is 
this;  "The  tcrritnrial  liinils  (of  Tixas)  arf  niarl;- 

•  od  in   the  rniifii,'nialion  of  lliis  cfiininnil  liy  an 

•  Alniiu'lily    liaml.      The   Niii|icinlnns   (Irserts    he- 

•  twern  the  rivers  Niiei-es  iiiid  Dravo  (liiii  CJrandr) 

•  nre  the  natural  lionndariis  lietwecn  the  An<;ln- 

•  Saxon  niid  the  Maiiritanian  raees.  ThiTe  ends 
•the   valley  nf  the   West:  there   Mexien   Le^'iiiH. 

•  While  |icaee  is  eherislied,  thai  liiinndHry  will  lie 
'anercd.  Not  till  the  spirit  of  fnin/iiiW  jviifts  will 
'the   people  on  either  side  inolisl   or  mix  wilh 

•  eaeh  other."  He  virtiaillv  iidinils  thiil  we  shall 
hnvc  no  riijlit  even  up  to  tlie  ili  si  i-i  liy  virtue  of 
annexing  Texas,  for  he  speaks  of  Inryiii;,'  onr 
peace  with  Mcxieo,  and  ohtainiiii;  the  en'iiniry  up 
to  the  pre.nt  desert  liy  the  oiler  of  inniiey.  "Al- 
'  ihnn^'h  the  pnlilie  innespniidenee  lielweeii  the 
'two  North  Anierii'nn  repulilies  (.says  he)  has 
'  liecome  anjrry,  1  nin  happy  to  lie  aiilliorized  to 
'  assure  the  House,  iliat  those  liest  arqiiniiiied  with 
'  the  true  state  of  thiiiijs  apprehend  little  or  no 
'dnnjer  of  war — the  main  smew  of  war,  tii'inrv, 
'  vill  htal  the  breach  and  Iht  rdnlrorrrvj  (imiriihhi." 
Here  is  a  frank  e.onfe>sion  that  the  eiiiitciii|,|aicd 
bom  dary  was  the  i;reat  desert,  and  even  that 
cnnid  he  olitained  only  liy  the  pnyment  of  money. 
And  what  has  lieen  the  poliey  of  onr  Government 
since  the  adoption  of  that  joint  resoliiiion.'  Why, 
the  President  informed  us  in  his  Annual  .Messaire 
that  he  had  nppoiiited  a  dlHliiii^uisheit  eiii/.on  of 
Louisiana,  niiil  sent  him  to  Mexico,  "  to  niljnst 
'and  definitively  aetlle  all  pendinsj  dill'eienees  he- 
'tween  the  two  countries,  inrlndinL,' llinsc  of  ftoioi- 

•  danj  beticeen  ^Mexiro  and  the  Slate  nf  Texas.  '*  And 
in  his  recent  messa;.'e,  he  .says,  that  Mr.  Slidell 
"  was  intru.''led  with  fill  powers  to  adjust  lioih  the 
'  questions  nf  the  Texas  lumndanj  and  of  indemnifi- 

•  cation  of  onr  citizens." 

Now,  in  view  of  all  these  niimcronsconfessiinis, 
on  the  part  of  our  own  (iovernment,  is  it  not 
perfei'tly  preposleroiis  in  the  Kxecnlive  lo  main- 
tain lliat  our  title  is  "clear  and  tin(|UeHtionali|;;" 
up  to  the  Rio  Grande?  Have  we  any  heller  claim 
to  the  country  up  to  the  liank  of  Ihat  river  opposite 
Malaniorns  than  we  have  in  the  iiii;,'ldiorhiiod  of 
Santa  Fe.'  The  rrcsidcnt,  in  his  late  niessa^'c, 
Klic.s  uimii  the  act  of  the  Texan  ('on;;re.ss,  whrdi 
made  tlie  Ilio  Grande,  llirou;;li  its  whole  course,  1 
the  bimiidary,  when  In;  himself,  tliriii|||;li  his  Sec-  ,, 
reiary  of  the  Treasury,  has  told  im  that  Santa  he. 


The  Mexican  War — Mr.  Hudson. 

on  the  pnat  nf  that  river,  ia  included  in  tlio  Repub- 
lic of  Mexico. 

lint,  iir,  while  I  nnl  upon  this  Hnliject,  I  wish  to 
pay  my  respects  lo  the  grnlli  man  from  Illinois, 
i  |iVlr.  Dni'(ii.»«s,]  who  favoiTil  us  with  bin  views 
j  upon  Ibis  siibject  yeslerilay.  The  gentleman  gave 
us  ns  rare  a  sjieciinen  of  advancim;  and  relreaiing, 
of  playing  od  and  on,  as  we  often  wilinss.  In  the 
lirsl  place,  he  ntlempled  lo  siibHlantiale  onr  title  to 
the  whole  couniry  east  of  ihe  llio  Grande  by  rel'er- 
riiii;  to  the  early  biiunihiries  of  Texas.  Dm,  iil'ler 
he  had  demons'lraled  ihiit  to  his  own  satisfiilinii, 

he  fcssed  that   these  old  bmiiidarics,  and  cnn- 

Nii|uiiitly  his  argument  foiinded  upon  ihiin,  was 
nolbnig  to  his  purpose.  The  (luestinii,  he  .'-  lid, 
was  not  Iniw  the  Province  of  Texas  was  boumliil, 
but  how  the  Utimbtic  of  Texas  was  bmindeil.  In 
this  way  be  yielded  all  argumcnia  drawn  iVom  llie 
boinidaiics  prior  lo  IKlli-,  and  then,  lo  slmw  ilint 
he  had  no  selllnl  principle  upon  the  siiliiicl,  he 
relnrned  to  the  (ineslion  of  llie  early  lionnilary,  and 
referred  lo  the  argument  nf  my  veneialile  colleague, 
[Mr.  Apams,]  when  he  was  Secretary  of  Slate. 
This  vacillating  course,  this  employing  and  rejecl- 
ing  almost  every  nrjnmenl  in  succession,  has  lelt 
lint  little  which'  rnpiires  any  reply.  There  are, 
hinvi'ver,  a  few  poiiilR  which  demand  a  passing 
nolice.  Thegenllenmii  mid  us  that  there  were  some 
soldiers  in  the  levnliiiinnary  army  of  Texas  who 
came  from  the  countrv  westoftlie  iS'ueces,and  from 
Ihis  he  argued  lliat  all  lhat  country  fell  williin  llie 
llepiililic  of  Texas,  lint  dues  not  every  one  see 
the  iiilir  fallacy  nf  this  reasniiingr  I  presume 
there  iiiiL'lii  liavi'  In  en  some  snliliers  in  the  Texan 
army  IVnm  the  cnuiury  west  nf  the  iN'ueres,  but  In 
every  one  west  of  iliiil  river  there  were,  I  presume, 
ten  Irnin  the  cnunlry  ciisl  nf  the  Sabine.  And  if 
this  f.icl  prnvis  thai  llie  country  between  the  Nue- 
ces and  the  liio  Cirande  is  included  in  Texas,  the 
siinie  argumenl  would  prove  thai  a  large  section  of 
the  roiled  Slates  was  rightfully  incluilcd  in  tier 
republic.  Ibit,  sir,  the  f|uesliiin  is  not  fiimi  wli 
couiilry  or  section  of  country  the  soldiers  ciuik  , 
but  over  what  cnunlry  did  they  exlend  their  arms. 
And  I  :'ny,  williont  fear  of  contradiction,  that  liny 
never  were  able  lo  extend  their  cnnipicsts  lo  the 
Itio  Griinde.  They  have  atililVerenl  ]ieriiids  made 
aliempis  at  conipic'riiig  the  country,  but  have  al- 
ways been  lepnlsi  li  or  ciiplured. 

'I'lie  genik'inan  has  saici  thai  one  member  of  the 
Texan  Congriss  hud  resided  west  of  the  .\neces, 
and  hence  he  inferred  that  all  that  country  to  the 
Kill  Grande  belonged  lo  Texa.s.  Uul  luliuilliiig 
the  fact  lo  be  ns  be  lias  staled,  ihe  concluHhiii  does 
not  follow.  The  distance  from  the  Nueces  lo  the 
Itio  Grande  is  some  hundred  and  sixty  miles,  and 
even  if  it  should  be  ndmilted  thai  a  few  men  resi- 
ding in  the  imnuiliale  valley  of  the  Niiecea,  should 
call  ibem-'elveB  Texans,  and  consent  lo  be  gov- 
erned by  Texan  laws,  this  does  not  justify  llie  in- 
ference lhat  the  Texans  po.ssess  the  vhule  ctnititnj 
up  to  Ihe  Uin  (Irande.  It  is  also  true  that  men  re- 
siding east  of  the  llio  Grande  arc  represented  in  the 
Mexicnn  Congress,  and  that  fact  is  as  good  for 
them  as  the  other  is  for  us. 

Again,  the  gentleman  has  told  us  that  this  whole 
counlry  is  im  hided  in  one  of  ihe  Congressional 
districts  in  Texas.  The  Slate  is,  1  believe,  divided 
into  two  districts;  but  it  is  manifest  that  whnlever 
may  be  the  language  of  their  law,  il  can  include  no 
territory  but  what  is  rightfully  theirs.  Again,  llie 
gemleinan  says,  lhat  this  country  is  iecluded  with- 
in one  of  our  collection  districts,  and  is  .subject  lo 
our  revenue  laws.  This stalemenl,  borrowed  from 
the  message  of  the  President,  requires  great  qual- 
ification. It  is  true  that  a  collection  district  has 
been  eslabliahed  at  Corpus  Cliristi,  which  hap- 
pens to  be  on  the  west  side  of  the  Nueces  at  its 
mouth.  Uul  that  our  revenue  system  is  extended 
west  to  the  Rio  Grande,  is  not  true.  And  though 
the  message  seems  designed  to  give  that  impres- 
sion, the  documents  submitted  wilh  ilie  Message 
expressly  contradict  il.  General  Taylor,  in  bis 
dispalch, dated  Corpus Chiisli, February 'JG,  184(i, 
informs  the  Presideul  that  he  bad  Uikcn  every  op- 
portunity of  giving  the  impression  to  the  Mexicans 
"  thai  the  Mxicam,  living  on  this  side,  (of  the  Rio 
'  Grande,)  will  not  be  disturbed  in  any  way  by  our 
'  troops;  that  they  will  be  protected  in  all  their 
'  rights  and  u.sages;  and  that  everything  which  the 
*  army  iiiny  need  will  be  imrcliased  from  them  at 
'  fair  prices.     I  olso  stated  tliat,  until  the  mailer 


Ho.  or  Reps. 

'  ithnuld  be  finally  niljunled  between  the  iwo  Qnv- 
'eriiineiitii,  the  harbor  of  Rrn7ns  Sniilingo  would 
'  be  open  lo  ihe  free  use  of  the  Mexicans  ns  here- 
'  In/ore.  The  «ame  views  were  imprcased  upon  llie 
'.^lexiran  rustnin-hniisf  rjficer  al  Hrazns  Smilinffii  by 
'  Caplain  Hardee,  who  commaiiled  llie  eiicort 
'  w  liich  covered  the  I'CcomioiH.innce  of  Prailre 
'  Island," 

Here,  Mr.  rhairmnn,  we  have  Ihe  niilhnrily  of 
(ieneial  Taylor  for  the  fad  that  the  Mexicnin 
were  in  |io)i.»e.ssinn  on  llie  east  bank  of  the  l(io 
Grnnde,  llial  ,Wfjic«(H  icfif  /iriiiif  there,  lhat  they 
had  the  imrignfinii  of  the  harbor  of  Hrazos  Sttnliagu, 
and  had  a  nistmn-hnuse  and  ntslnm-bmne  i;ll'ircrs 
there.  How,  then,  eoiild  the  message  declare  w  jih 
projiriely,  or  even  Iriitli,  thai  our  revpiinc  laws 
were  extended  over  llie  whole  country  beuveen  ihe 
Nueces  and  ihe  Rio  Gianile  ?  General  Taylor  fiir- 
tlier  informs  us,  thai  in  aiiproaching  Point  Isabel 
he  found  it  in  flames,  and  that  on  arriving  tlmr, 
he  learned  that  the  "  port  cnptnin,  who  conimiiicd 
the  act,"  had  made  his  escape,  and  lhat  wilh  llip 
exception  of  Iwo  or  llirre  iiioHen.sive  Mexicniis, 
Ihe  rest  had  left  the  place  for  Malainoros.  This 
evidence  is  clear  and  conclusive  that  the  Mexicans 
were  in  po.ssession  of  the  country  on  the  east  bunk 
of  the  Itio  Gninde.  In  line,  the  ICxecutive  has 
long  been  in  possession  of  this  fact.  The  Secre- 
tary of  AVar,  Mr.  Marey.  in  his  order  to  General 
Taylor,  dated  .liilv  H,  IHW,  says:  "This  depart- 
'  ment  is  informed  that  Mexico  has  sonic  niiblary 
'  eslnblishmenlsnn  the  east  side  of  the  Rio  (irande, 
'  which  nre,  and  for  some  lime  have  been,  ill  the 
'  actual  occupancy  nf  her  lroop.s." 

We  have,  then,  llie  most  conclusive  evidence  ihal 
Mexico  was  in  pos.session  on  the  lel\  bank  of  the 
Rio  Ciriinde,  Inning  iMlizens  living  there,  cusloin- 
lionses  and  mililnry  posis  lliere.  What,  then,  lie- 
comes  of  the  decraratimi  of  the  genlleninn  IVoin 
Illinois,  or  the  declamlion  in  Ihe  message  from 
vhicli  he  borrowed  il,  that  we  were  in  ]i(is- 
(ssion,  nnd  thai  onr  laws  were  extended  over 
he  whole  counlry  between  the  Nueces  and  the 
Itio  Grande?  liut  the  geiillemaii  from  Illinois 
has  annllier  argument,  on  which  he  places  great 
reliance;  that  nt  n  certain  time  nn  nrmisiice  was 
concluded  between  the  Mexinins  and  Texans,  and 
one  provision  was  lhat  the  Mexican  fori  es  should 
bewilhdrawn  in  the  right  bank  of  ihe  Rio  Grnnde. 
Now,  I  would  gliiilly  ask  that  genileman,  whether 
he  has  any  confidcine  in  an  argumenl  of  ibis  sort? 
Does  not  every  one  know  that  nolhiiig  is  more 
comnion  in  sudi  cases  than  lo  agree  lhat  the  armies 
on  boih  sides  shall  be  withdrawn  from  ihe  scene 
of  action  ?  I'm  who  ever  thoiiL'hl  befnie,  that 
such  an  agreement  for  the  lime  being  would  seiile 
the  future  boundary  of  the  Iwo  connlries?  'I'he 
Mexican  might  with  more  propriely  rely  upon  the 
fact  thai  (ieneral  Taylor  took  his  first  posiiioii 
npnn  the  Nueces,  to  piovc  that  that  river,  and  nut 
the  Rio  Grnnde,  was  the  true  boundary. 

There  is.  In  my  apprehension,  one  cnpilal  de- 
fect in  all  the  argument  adduced  to  carry  the  Tex, in 
boundary  wesi  lo  the  Rio  Grande.  There  may 
be,  and  prnbal.ly  are,  a  few  persons  living  inime- 
diaUly  upon  the  west  bank  of  the  Nueces,  who 
have  acleil  with  the  Texans.  They  have  been  cut 
off  from  the  Valley  of  the  Rio  Grande  by  the  wil- 
derness and  deserts  which  lie  between  those  two 
rivers,  and  may  have  regarded  themselves  as  bo- 
longing  to  Texas.  Rut  this,  if  it  be  admitted  to 
the  fi.llest  extent,  does  not  prove  that  Texas  has 
ever  extended  her  laws  one  hundred  nnd  fifty  miles 
farlher  to  the  Rio  Grnnde,  and  over  people  of 
nnolher  race,  speaking  another  language,  and 
owing  allegiance  to  another  goveniment,  Texas 
has  no  title  to  herself  except  what  she  obiained  by 
revolution,  tlinl  is,  by  conquest  and  possession. 
I)id  she  carry  her  arms  west  to  the  Rio  Granile  ? 
She  has  made  several  attempts,  nnd  has  always 
been  di'fented — in  each  ea.se  her  forces  have  been 
driven  back  or  captured.  Does  she  hold  the  coun- 
try west  of  the  Nueces,  except  perhaps  a  very  small 
portion  inlheimmedinlevicinily  of  the  river?  There 
IS  not  a  particle  nf  evidence  th,it  she  does.  Mexico 
being  llie  original  owner,  on  every  principle  of 
law,  would  still  continue  lo  own  all  except  what 
aciiiaMy  revolted  or  was  conquered  by  Texas. 
And  n.<  Texas  never  conquered  the  country  up  lo 
the  Rio  Grande,  nnd  as  il  is  now,  or  was  on  the 
npproacii  of  GenemI  Taylor's  army,  inhabited  by 
tliti  eiibjecUi  of  Mexico  who  owed  allegiance  to 


•7^ 


"P^T" 


-HP- 


184G.1 


'HHh  Cono Ibt  Semr. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 
The  Mexican  H'ar — Mr,  lltuhuii. 


015 


Hu.  oi'  Kepr. 


llmt  aovorninnni,  nml  who  were  no  fhilliAll  lo  I 
llipir  iiwn  coiiiiiiy  n«  lo  Inirii  llicif  (IwelliiiijH  on 
ihr.  ii|>|iri>iirli  (if  ihi!  Anici'ii'nii  nniiy,  iiriil  oroHs  llin 
nviM-  (i>  ilicir  own  i'.(tnntryMi''ii,  I  i'ori(eri(t  thut  there 
in  lint  It  |iiiriirln  of  iiriiif  lliHl  tliP  wliiiln  cniiMlry 
(■list  (if  the   Hill  Ciniiiilii  licloiijjcij  to  Texas,  or  bt'- 

IlllHH  to  lllll   UllitCll   SllllCH. 

Tlin  I'rcNidcnt  liiiiiscir  Iihh  furnislipil  evidnnoc 
thill  the  Mi'xiciiiiH  wore  in  imiiHossion  in  tin-  viil- 
k'Y  lit'thii  IViiiUiiinilc',  iiimI  iIi(!  niiiHt  tliiil  run  poa- 
iilily  li'-'  si'iil  I",  tliiit  the  tcrritiiry  is  in  (lin|iutc  In 
nil  Ntirli  ruHcs,  pdHflrsHion  i:(  a  t^'i'xl  titin  iiii  iii^ainHt 
(Ml  ini|i(^rri'ct  (iii(?.  \V'«:  litid,  tlifrcfnrt*,  liy  no  priii- 
ii|il('  of  liiw  II  riu'lil  to  (lishiisKCNH  lirr  liy  Hrm», 
|ii'iiilin?  the.  I'lmtiiivcrsy,  anil  cspi'iiiiliy  hn  hIu;  wiih 
wiliiii";  t(i  rci'cive  II  H|i(:i'iiil  nijiiixli  r  to  tri'iit  v\- 
picHMly  upon  tliiK  Hiilijert  of  lionndiuv.  'Vhv  nil- 
viiiicc  (if  (inrnriiiy,  I'  'rfrnrr,  wns  jin  net  of  n^;;ri'H- 
diiiii.  \Vi;  liiivc  riii'i'oiiclird  upon  Irrritory  wtirre 
nlin  liiid  the  pn.Hsisnion,  iind  rliiiincd  lo  liiivr  ii  pi'r- 
li'i'i  iitl(\  Lit  a  ciiHii  like  lliiM  li(i  NiiliniilttMl  to  any 
ciiurt  of  jnstii'c,  nnd  the  verdict  would  bo  rendered 
nU'iiinst  IIS- 

I  will  even  £11  t'lirllier.  If  our  title  were  llio 
lii'st,  or  we  were  in  po.-:*tessi(in  iin  to  the  banks  of 
iIk^  Itio  Grande,  even  then  wn  Bniiuld  Ik.-  the  a;;- 
gressors,  ni'conliii"  to  General  Taylor's  own  nc- 
cniiiit.  Ill  liJM  (lespateli  of  the  Ifilli  of  A|)ril,  he 
feiy.M  thai  hi'  Uluri;rtt  ii/i  //ic  H'ui  (iratutf,  and  filnjtpfd 
nil  .iiiyi;i/ic.H  fm'  ^Vitltiimirm.  Thin  was  the  first  act 
of  aiririessiiin.  I'or  at  that  time  it  is  not  prelended 
thill  till!  Mexieens  hail  made  any  attack  upon  our 
troopH,  Ciiliinel  Cross  had  been  nii.ssini:  fnrnfeH' 
days,  but  the  worst  apprehension  was  llmt  he 
ininlit  have  been  nuirdcred  by  some  "  baiidilli 
known  to  be  in  the  neii^hborhood.*'  And  what 
pioviii'ation  had  General  Tm'lor  for  bloekadini; 
Klatamoros,  and  riUtini;  olV  the  supplies  for  the 
Mexican  army-  He  tells  ns  that  he  had  received  n 
deapaieh  from  General  Ampndia,  diimnionin!;  him 
to  withdraw  his  force  within  Iwenly-fonr  hours, 
nnd  to  tall  back  beyond  the  Nueces.  Was  this 
fiiiniinons  an  act  ni'  hostility?  It  was  not  so  re- 
f;aided  by  General  Taylor,  I'or  in  hia  note  ill  reply, 
he  says  the  responsiiiility  will  rest  upon  those 
"  ii'/i«  rKshlij  cnmiiKiirf  limitiHticn,"  So,  iiccordiiif 
111  his  own  confession,  before  the  INTcxieans  had 
commenced  hostilities,  he  lilockaded  their  town 
ond  cut  off  their  siiiiplies.  Does  not  this  niako  us 
the  aL'u;ressorsr  I  lavi^  we  in  time  of  peace  a  riijht 
to  blockaile  the  Mexican  ports,  and  sii  cut  iiirsup- 
jilies  from  ihcir  army?  This  is  not  ii  tlireat,  but 
an  act  of  hostiliiy.  We  were  notonlv  the  asffres- 
fiors  in  invadiiii.;  a  eoiiiitry  in  possession  of  Mex- 
ico, but  we  were  !;uilty  of  the  first  overt  act.  And 
1  should  like  to  be  told,  even  if  the  Rio  Grande 
were  the  true  boundary,  whether  the  Mexicans 
were  not  jiisiilii-d  in  crossiii?  the  river  to  cut  otf 
General  Taylnr'a  supplies,  after  he  had  blockaded 
the  port  and  cut  oil'  theirs?  The  asjrression  was 
on  our  part.     Wu  coiiiniinced  hostilities. 

[Mr  JiiNKs,  of  (ieoi;;ia.  I  wish  to  ask  thefjen- 
tleman  from  Alassachiisctts,  whether  he  has  any 
aiiihority  for  aayiiiK  that  the  Mexiciuis  cro.ssed 
the  river  siiiiplij  to  cut  olT  General  Taylor's  snp- 
plii-.] 

1  will  not  hi!rc;lc  with  the  pentleman  from  Geor- 
gia about  leniis.  I  snppo.se  that  General  Arista 
had  sent  his  troops  across  the  river  to  oppose  Gcti- 
c  lal  Taylor,  by  throwing  themselves  between  him 
and  his  supplies.  1  rc2;ard  Arista's  movement  as 
ft  hostile  one,  brouuiht  on  by  the  hostile  movement 
of  our  own  troops.  Our  forces  had  blockaded 
Matamoros,  and  ciil  otT  the  .supplies  of  the  Mex- 
ican army;  and  the  Mexicans,  in  return,  atteniiited 
to  intercept  our  supplies.  liotli  were  acts  of  lins- 
lilily.  1  know  no  JilVerence  Ik  Iween  altackiii';  the 
army  itself,  and  cntiiii;;  oil'  their  provisions  and 
munitions  of  war.  It  is  as  much  an  net  of  hostility 
to  cut  oil'  an  army  by  famine  as  by  the  sword. 
Or,  if  gentlemen  ivijard  nolhini;  as  war  but  an 
ticiual  collision  of  I'orces,  we  have  no  evidence  that 
the  Mexicans  made  the  first  attack.  GcnemI  Tay- 
lor in  his  despatch  does  not  pretend  it. 

From  the  view  I  have  takim  of  this  whole  sub- 
ject, it  appears  to  ine  that  we  have  been  the  aff- 
eressors.  We  annexed  Texas  to  this  Union. 
But  the  Texiw  we  annexed  was  limited  in  her  ter- 
ritory to  the  Nueces,  or  that  Immediate  vicinity. 
Thiiii'^h  she  had  made  several  titlenipts  to  extend 
her  territory  by  arms  to  the  Rio  Grande,  she  had 
always  been  unsuccessful.    The  whole  country 


cnst  of  the  Rio  Grande  to  the  Nueeex,  or  eerlninly 
'  to  the  desert,  reniained  in  the  hands  of  Iho  Mexi- 
cnns.  They  had  s(!tllenieiiis  in  the  leriitory;  they 
had  military  posts  tli(>re,  and  ciiKtoni-lionses, 
which  we  have  always  acknowled^'cil  as  belioii;- 
iiiu;  to  Mexico,  by  paying;  duties  there  to  the  Mexi- 
can f  iovermnent.  '1  lion!;li  Texas  had  laid  some 
claim  to  the  territory,  Mexico  was  in  piissessioii, 
and  we  hiiil  always  acknowledged  it.  And  yet 
the  Prepidentiif  the  tliiiled  .Stales,  without  aiilhoi- 
ily  of  law,  sends  our  army  In  dispossess  the  .\lrxi- 
cans  by  takini;  possessiiin  of  llie  territory,  and  j 
plantiiii^  our  standunl  on  the  banks  of  the  Rio  { 
Grande — the  very  extreme  point  to  which  the  most  ' 
i  san^'iiiiie  ever  laid  claim.  (Jcncral  Taylor  had, 
I  also,  by  ihe  direction  of  the  Kxeciilive,  creeled  a 
battery  opposite  Matamoros,  with  his  ^uiis  poinl- 
ill';  into  llin  town,  as  if  to  awi^  llieiii  into  siilimis- 
sion.  This  can  be  reL'iinled  in  no  othi  i  li'.-ht  than 
an  act  of airicressiim.  Ho  impaiiiut  was  the  Kx- 
eciilive to  disfinssesH  the  Mexicans,  and  take  piM- 
j  session  of  the  whole  country  between  thf;  Xueees 

I  nnd  Ihe  Rio  (iiande,  that  as  early  as  June,  IH.I.'i, 
before  annexation  had  been  consnmmaled,  Mr. 
nancnift,  the  aciini;  Secretary  of  War,  in  liiiiii- 
struciinns  to  General  Taylor,  iiifornieil  him  that 

^!  his  "ultimate  desliiiation"  was  the  Rio  (iraude. 
T'lis  is  followed  up  by  an  order  of  Aiii;iisi  ;>.'l, 
IHlii,  ill  which  we  find  the  following':  "  .Shiiiilil 
'  Mexico  assemble  n  lari;e  body  of  troops  on  the 
'  Rio  Grande,  and  cross  it  with  n  considerable 
'  force,  such  a  movement  must  be  resarded  as  an 
'  invasion  of  the  United  Stntes,anil  tliecommeiice- 
'  ment  of  hostilities."  In  nn  order  of  Auu'usl  .'iU, 
IH4.5,  th"!  Secretary  of  War  p;nes  further,  and  says: 
,  "  An  allempl  to  cross  the  river  with  a  laiire  force, 

I I  '  will  be  eonsidereil  by  the  President  as  liic  coiu- 
I  '  mencemeni  of  hoslililies.  There  may  be  oilier 
I  '  ncis  on  the  part  of  Mexico  which  would  |iiit  an 

J  '  end  to  the  relations  of  peace  between  that  Repiib- 
[i  'lie  mill  the  United  Slates.  In  case  of  war,  either 
'■  '  declared  or  made  manifest  by  hostile  acts,  your 

*  main  object  will  be  the  protection  of  Texas;  but 
■    *  the  pursuit  of  this  object  will  not  necessarilv  cnn- 

'  fine  your  action  within  the  territory  of  Texas. 

!|  '  Mexico  liavin;:  thus  commenced  liosiiliiies,  you 

'  may,  in  your  discretion,  should  you  have  Hiifii- 

'cieiit  force  and  be  in  a  condition  to  do  so,  cios.? 

,  '  the  Km  Cnnule,  (lisjierse  or  cnjihirr  ''  ■  forcex  iisscm- 

■  '  Mhi'^  lo  invoile  Te.t(Ui,  ikfeat  the  jiimliou  of  troops 

'  iinitiii:;  for  (/ml  jmryiaw,  ilrirr  Ihnii  frmn  lliiir  poii- 

,    *  liovs  Oil  either  niilr.  of  that   river,  atul,   if  ih-nniil 

*  jiraelii'tihle  niul  expeilient,  take  aiut  hold  ;io.«cs^io)i 
'  of  JInlamoroH  and  other  plitees  in  the  coiinlrij.  1 
'  scarcely  need  to  say  that  enterprises  of  this  kind 

!  'arc  only  to  be  ventured  on  under  circumstnncus 
II  '  prescntins  a  fair  prospect  of  success." 

Mr.  Chnirmnn,  it  seems  to  me  that  no  mnn  enn 

read  tliese  orders,  and  review  the  whole  course  of 

It  the  President,  without  perceivini;  tliat  the  Kxec.u- 

Ji  live  was  seekinu;  an  occasion  against  Mexico — 

usin<;  every  means  in  his  power,  and  means  which 

!    by  the  Constitution  he  did  not  possess,  to  brinson 

j   a  war  with  that  Republic.   And  after  these  niimer- 

'  OIKS  acts  ofa^sression,  the  President  has  thcefi'i'ont- 

ery  to  tell  na  in  his  late  messaie  thai  "  war  exi.sts, 

and  notwith.stiuidiiiK  all  our  efl'orts  to  avoid  it,  and 

:  exists  by  the  acts  of  Mexico  herself." 

Sir,  I  regard  this  declaration  na  utterly  untrue. 
And  as  it  was  incorporated  into  the  bill  and  pie- 
I  nnililc,  I  could  not  vote  for  it.     I  believed  the  pre- 
amble to  lie  false,  nnd  was  ratisficd  that  it  was 
I  connected  with  the  bill  for  the  purpose  of  shiehliiifr 
''  the  President.     I  believe  that  this  reconnition  of 
j  I  existing  war  wns  connected  with  the  supplies  for 
!  the  army,  for  the  purpose  of  committin!;  as  many 
ns  possible  to  this  base  war  of  conquest,  and  to 
this  gro.ss  encroachment  upon  the  Constitution. 
'   Refrnrdins  the  preamble  ns  false,  nnd  the  war  ine.x- 
:  pedient,andonefrot  up  for  the  purpose  of  conquest, 
'"'  I  could  not,  as  afaithlul  Represenlntive  of  the  peo- 
;   pie,  give  it  my  support.     I  believe  I  siMiild  liave 
j   been  false  to  triilli,  to  justice,  nnd  to  the  best  inter- 
esis  of  my  country,  if  I  luid  given  my  8,inctioii  to 
i  I  such  a  measure. 

I  The  geiulenian  from  Illinois  [Mr.  Douglass] 
I  has  pronounced  everyone  a  hypocrite,  n  trnitor, 
'•''  nnd  n  coward,  who  voted  ngninst  the  bill, and  who 
I  charged  the  Executive  as  the  aggressor  in  this  case. 
[I  But,  sir,  I  shall  not  be  dcterrcil  from  what  I  con- 
sider to  be  my  duty  by  any  such  intimidation.  I 
come  not  here  to  bow  to  Executive  dictation,  or  to 


ri'Kinler  Iho  edict  of  James  K.  Pidk,  or  nny  other 

PrcHideiit.  I  have  no  nmbitiuus  ends  to  nimver — 
no  pairiiiiage  to  seek — ho  high  political  asjiiruiioiiH 
to  gr.itil'y;  and  hence  shall  not  be  very  HolicitiaiM 
of  lonrling  I'.xecutive  favor,  or  fiattering  the  iiior- 
bill  Neiisibility  of  noisy  and  n^stless  deiiiagoguen. 
Hut  although  that  genileman  may  brand  iia  as  cow- 
ards, I  will  assure  biiii  lliiil  iieillK  i  ilie  strength  of 
his  voice,  nor  the  viohiicenf  his  gesiiciilatiniis,  nor 
the  siiasmodic  emotions  of  his  palriotiNm,  will  in 
the  Kli:;litesl  degieo  alarm  inc.  The  gcnlletiiaii 
inny 

'*  Hlliikll  jijii  llllilirnojiil  liicki,  lllliI  Rive  the  lldil," 
and  some  j^cnlleinen  may,  perhaps,  in  inble  in  llin 
presence;  but   I   shall   remain   uiiawcd.     Yes,   lie 
may 

"  Ai(-iiinc  iiie  add, 
Alii  el  111  mid. 
Ami  Hcciii  1(1  siinke  tic  »|ilicri  <  i" 

lint  he  will  not  shake  my  ((invielions  of  duly,  or 
my  determination  to  obey  them. 

The  genlleniiin  from  Ohio,  |  .VIr.TllinMAN,)  who 


iniltee ycsierilay,  read  miniin'ouM 
I'Vderal  |iii|icrs,  |mblislieil  during 


addressed  the 

exiiacis  friiiu  the  Keileral  pi 

the  late   war  with    Knglaiid.     lie   has   prnilucril 
these  exirac'a  with  an  air  of  triumpli,  as  if  he  hail 
deinolislied  his  (olleagiieat  a  blow  ,  because  that 
genlliMiian  had  applied  to  the  present  war  some  of 
the  epithets  which  had  been  a|iplieil  to  the  war  of 
!  IHpi.     But  trraiiling  all   that   the  ■'"■nlleman    has 
said,  what  doi'S  it  prove?     Ills  colleague  had  de- 
nounced the  presi  lit  war  and  its  authors;  and  he 
meets  it  by  saying  that  tlie  war  of  ]bl'2  was  de- 
nounced.    He  does  not  nttein|il  to  show  that  the 
present  war  is  just,  or  that  the  Kxi-ciilive  has  not 
transcended  his  powers,  but  conlenus  hiinsclf  with 
'  a  low  attempt  to  create  a  popular  prejudiceagainst 
hia  colleague.     If  he  felt  compi  u  lit  to  meet  the 
■  nrirnmeiils  of  his  colleague,  why  did  he  not  do  it? 
\  Why  depend  upon  the  old  cry  of  [•'ederalisin  ?     i 
!   do  not  know  the  .source  whence  the  genileman  ob- 
tained hia  "  eleiranl  extracts,"  but  it  is  suggested 
by  gentlemen  around  me,  that  he  might  have  ob- 
tained ihem  from  his  DeniiKUatic  friend  now  at  the 
'    head  of  one  of  the  departmenia,  who  was  formerly 
I    so  zealous  a  Federalist,  that  he  is  said  to  have  re- 
marked, that   if  he  thought  he  had  one  drop  of 
'    nemocratic  lilood  in  his  veins,  ho  would  apply  the 

lancet  and  let  it  nut. 
I  While  the  gentleman  was  denouncing  the  "  irn- 
;  mortal  fouileen,"  and  reprcsciiiiiig  them  as  eiie- 
j  mica  of  their  eountrv,  he  ought  to  have  recollected 
jj  that  two  of  them  from  his  own  Stale  had  proved 
1;  their  courage  and  their  patriotism  by  fighting  the 
I  halilis  of  their  country;  and  some  of  the  rest  of 
I  that  number  have  seen  more  of  the  tented  field,  I 
I  presuine,  than  that  gentleinan  himself. 
•;  As  to  his  attack  upon  the  Federal  party,  in  lsl3, 
:|  I  have  nothing  to  say.  They  need  no  defence 
ii  from  me.  They  numbered  in  their  ranks  some  of 
jj  the  wisest  state'smi  n  nnd  firmest  palriots  of  the 
ij  country.  If  they  erred,  I  am  not  responsible  for 
||  their  errors,  having  never  helon;;ed  to  that  jiarty. 
!'  Though  young  at  tliat|icriod,  iiiy  feelings  were 
I  enlisted  on  the  other  side  in  politics. 
1'  [.Mr.  Sims,  of  South  Carolina,  made  some  in- 
Ij  qiiiry  about  the  conduct  of  the  Federalists  at  that 
l|  ]ieri(id.] 

I  I  should  be  plea.sed  to  hear  the  gentleman,  but 
;  my  time  will  not  permit.  It  is  rare  that  we,  upon 
I'  this  side  of  the  House,  can  obtain  the  floor;  and 
I  I  have  no  time  lo  be  catechised  by  the  gentlemen 
!  on  the  other  side;  thev  will  have  their  turn  here- 
j  after.  liiit  if  the  genilcnmn  from  South  Caroliiin 
l!  is  troubled  about  threats  of  disunion,  1  will  ask 
■■  him  what  ho  thinks  of  more  modern  threats  of  nul- 
:'  lification  and  disunion  in  another  quarter.  He 
'  mnv,  perhaps,  understand  that  better. 

But  we   are  charged  with  withholding  succor 
from  our  gallant  little  army  in  the  hour  of  itsperil — 
with  being  indifferent  to  its  present  alarming  con- 
dition.    This  charge,  si. ,  is  louiide.d  upon  an  entire 
'I  Hiisrf/ircsfiifnd'nn  of  the  facta  in  the  case.     Does 
■   any  person  believe  that  nny  of  the  troops,  rnii=eil 

I  by  virtue  of  oui-  net  of  war,  can  reach  the  Rio 

I I  Grande  before  the  fate  of  our  army  will  be  decided 
:!  for  good  or  for  evil?  The  collision  between  our 
1  forces  nnd  those  of  Mexico  took  place  on  the  24th 
I  of  Aprd,  and  tlie  subject  wns  brought  before  us  on 
l!  the  Hill  of  May,  seventeen  dnys' after  the  event. 
i!  We  could  notexpectthnt  the  subject  would  bed  is- 
"  posed  of  here  under  two  or  three  days,  nnd  the 


910 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOnE. 


fMny  14, 


>«>i>ni  CoNo Irt  Sksi. 


The  Mecicnn  If'iir — Mr.  (lairrtt  f)nvl.i. 


Ho.  OK  IJki's, 


inlrlliiinm-f  ot'mii' niMinn  rniild  nnt  rrnch  Oftirml 
'J'iiyliir  lirriirc  llio  la«l  (if  MiiVi  »"nii'  lliirly  live 
ilayii  nflrr  lilt'  tiinl  iiillii<iiiii.  It  i»  i>l"i>  ninnilV.it  i 
tliat  voliiiili-tTM  rntiM  iiol  Im'  rnisril,  ni-i;:ini/.t'(l,  niul  ' 
Hill  111  llir  Bi'i'MC  111' iM'liiii)  licl'dri"  Ihi'  iniilill''  iif' 
.liinc.  Siiinc  si\iiri'iL;lil  wrikHnmul  (li>|>ii'lii-liire 
till!  IniiiiiM,  rnirti'ti  Iiy  uiir  nrl,  i-niiltl  viiirh  (ii'iii-rnl 
Tiiyliir'H  caiiii).  Hnw,  llicii,  cpii  il  lir  prrli'iiilrd 
tlmt  iiiir  ni'iiiui  nmlil  Imn'  miy  lernrnif  In  llio 
iiii'iii'id'ii/i'  riiiiiliiinn  iit'iiiii'iiniiy  ?  Kinm  llie  I'm  n, 
Niiliniiiioil  liy  (Jciirrii!  'I'liylnr,  il  a|i|'r.irH  in  ii'i  rr- 
taiii  lliat  lliu  I'alf  ol'  liiN  army  iiiiisl  lie  lii'i'iilrij  I'nr 
Wral  (ir  I'nr  wn  wiiliiii  u  NJiorl  lliiic.  Tin'  imii- 
liiiiiidlii>r  !;iMii'ral  alsn  inrnrniM  iik  iIiiiI  Ik'  liail,  in 
virliio  nraiillinrliy  riimsiil  in  linn,  I'allril  n{ii>ii  thn 
SliiltH  111'  Trxas  iiiiij  I.nnisiana  I'nr  fivr  lliniiiiiuiil 
ini'ii;  mill  lie  hail  aulliniiiy  m  I'all  ii|iiin  nrvnal 
iillii'r  Sialrs.  Till'  I'll!  I'lr  lln.ir  lrnn|i«  was  niailii 
nil  lln'  "Jliili  nf  April,  and  wniilil  nii'li  lln'  aiilliiiii. 
tirs  III'  thiiHC  Hlali's  Ini  iir  Iwrlvt'  liayn  lu'l'iirn  ilii> 
iiili'lli'^ciii'i'  nl*  lilt'  rii|Ii>;inn  ri'arlii'if  uh.  'I'licso 
Irnnps  wniild  l»r  srnl  irrrH|ii' 'live  nrniiy  nctinii  liy 
tills  linily,  mill  il  is  ii|inii  llii'Mi  mill  nlliriM,  wliirh 
In'  was  aiillini'i/.i'd  In  rail  I'nr,  llial  lii'iii'i'al  Taylnr 
nuisl  ili'iinid.  It  is  mil  inir,  llii'irrnic,  thai  tliii 
f  iii^  nl'  niir  army  ilr|irii{Ii'd  li|inii  any  iii'tinn  nl'ii  ii'n. 
Our  ai'tinii  had  rrl'iTi  iii'i',  mil  tn  ilir  tiamii/ni'r  Tale 
nl'  llii'  army,  liiil  In  llii'  fiitiDr  (./.rj-iilimi  nl'  that 
liiiliy.  It  was  tt  i|ilrslinl1  iinl  nl'iiiimrilialr  slli'i'nr 
In  niir  nwii  Irnnps,  Inn  nl'  ihc  coiiiincsl  nl'  Mi'xini. 
'I'liis  was  ill  I'arl  till'  ipn'siinn  wliioli  llie  niainrity 
jirissi'il  iipnii  ilii'  llniis'  :  and  it'  our  iiniiy  slmiild 
liavi'  «iiir,/riil  l,y  ihi' (loi'i'al  nl'llial  liill,llie  ri  spmi- 
Hiliilily  wniilil  Ii;,n' rssicd  iipiiii  tlinsi'  wlin,  Innaiti 
parly  ends,  wi'rii  pliasnl  in  iMiiiii'i't  tlin  i|m'Mtinii 
el'  siipplii's  with  srrnss  ralMlinnds,  and  a  war  nf 
('niu[iii'st  ami  aL'irraiidt/.ciiii'iir. 

lint  wi'  ari'  Inid,  liy  iriiillniii'ii  on  this  flnnr,  that 
il  is  trrasiiii  In  npimni'  ilir  Uii\  I'inmint  in  linn"'  of 
war.    Hir,  I  liavr  iin  Hynipatliy  Willi  that  ilasi  nilly 
sciitimi'iii.      What  !    lias   ii   r'niiii'  In   iliis,   that  it 
weak  iir  wirkrd  Kxi'i'iilivr  may  usurp  |iiiwi'r,  and 
involve   the  iialinn   in  an  iiiijii!.!  war,  and  an  iiii- 
S'Tiipiilniis  majnrily  may  press  llirniurli  llie  I  Iniise, 
witlidiil  di'liale,  a  hill  sain'iinniiii;  thai  iiiiipiitmi!) 
prni'eiliire,  and  ihi'ii  all  nmiitlis  iiiii«t  lie  rl.iseil  nii 
llie  siilijiet  ?     Is  this  ihe  liieriy  iiiiil  the  only  lib- 
erty i;raiiiid  tn  the  Ueiiresentaiives  of  a  free' pen- 
|ile  ?     Is  it  triMsmi  to  pniiil  nut  the  faults  of  a  eor- 
riipt  Adniinisiratinii  ■     Are  we  lo  siihniit   in  all 
tliinu's  tn    the  will  III'  the    I'resiili'iil  r     If  so,  we 
have  nniliiiii;  |i  |1  of  liherly  hiil  the  name.    We  are 
already  under  a  despoiisin.     tSneli  dni'lrnies  may 
answer  I'nr  I'orriipt   syeophanis,  who  liow  tn  the 
Kxeeiitivc   for  pluee,   lint   tl-.ey  are  iinwnrihv  nf 
freemen.     I   prolent  a^'aiiist  ail  siieli  eorriipt  am]  , 
rorriiptiii!;  sentinieiiis.     Treason  lo  .speak  acaiiisl  i 
the  nieasiire.s  of  ihe  Ailniiiiislratioii,   liei-am-e  we 
lire  at  war!    .Sir,  I  have  I'rnni  my  earliest  Imyliond    ; 
had  aprol'iiiind  veneialinn  for  the  l'',arl  of  ('hat  ham,    I 
arisiiii;  from   the  manly  eoiirse  he  pnrsiiiil  in  llie 
Kiislisli  Parliament  in  |ileailiiis  ihe  cuise  o:' Amer- 
ii'n.      He  spake  freely  of  the  inipnliey  and  the  in-    ; 
jiisiiec  of  the   mother  eoniitry  towards  the  Cnlci- 
nies.     lie  eommeneed   his  patrinlie  eniirse  hefnrc  H 
the  war  he  ran,  hut  he  did  iint  ceate  with  the  lireak- 
iiif  out  of  hostilities.       lie  plead  fur  Ameriea;  In,  \\ 
exposed    the  .Ailiniiiisiralinii ;  he  ileiionini  il  their' 
measiire.s  a.s  iii/iniiein,  v.liilc  the  war  was  in  pin- 
f;res.s.     When   opposing-   the   Adniiiiislraiion.    he 
employed    laii!;iia'ri'  like  this:  "  l>ir,  /  rf/r.ire  that 
'  Amerira  Ims  resi.-led;  llin  e  millions  of  jieople  so 

*  dead  to  all  feelings  of  liherlv,  as  vohiiiiarilv  losiili- 
'  mil  lo  h,  slaves,  would  he  lit  iiislvnnients'ln  make 
'  slaves  of  all   the  rest."      '•  The  Anierleaiis  have 

*  lieeinrreHji'i/;  lliev  have  lieen  ilri\iii  tomadnessliv 
'  injiisUrr,"  "  If  I  were  an  Ameriean,  a.s  I  am  all 
'  I-^iiL'lishinaii,  while  a  fnreiirn  troop  was  landed  in 
'  my  eniintry,  1  never  would  lavdown  my  aiiiis — 
'vKvni,  M-.iKii,  m.vkk!  1  snlemnlv  I'nil  npoii 
'  yiair  lordships,  and  upon  every  order  of  nun  in 

'  the  stale,  lo  stamp  upon  tjiis  inl'.imims  pi idiire 

'  the  itiililihir  >/i:'iiin  •/  puhlic  alihorieiiee.  "  Siieli 
was  the  l!iiiL'ii;i_'e  of  the  friends  of  lilierty  on  the 
floor  of  I'arliiinieiit;  and  Ihat  hody,  even  iniiler 
that  tyraneii'  Adiiiiiiistratioii,  had  not  the  hardi- 
hood lo  attempt  to  suppress  il.  The  last  aet  of  his 
life  was  an  ell'ort  in  helialf  of  the  Colonies.  The 
oppn.iiiion  in  Parliament  hafe  always  upoken  with 
freedom  in  peaee  and  in  war.  This  is  Kie^jlish 
liiieny.  Pill,  and  liarre,  and  IJurke,  and  all  the 
lendern  of  the  oppo.^nioii,  even  nt  tlmt  day,  were 


too  riiliL'hieiied,  had  ton  anient  a  love  of  lilievty. 
to  snliserihe  to  ihe  ili  L'nidne:  and  inwardly  seiiti- 
iiieiii  whirh  we  hear  priu'liinned  iipnii  lliia  Hour,  in 
the  I  lull  of  an  Ainerlean  foii/re"". 

I  have  no  hoasis  to  niake  of  my  drvolinn  lo  my 
I'oiniiry.  I  am  a  eili/en  of  this  eonntry.  This  is 
ihe  hull  of  my  linlli,  My  lot  is  east  in  the  I'lii- 
ti'il  .Slates,  and  my  fiirtiine  is  I'omiei'ied  wiih  hers. 
When  she  in  ri'/lil,  I  will  siisiain  her;  and  if  I  he- 
lieve  her  lo  he  in  llie  wrinii.',  I  will  mil  !;ive  her  lip, 
lint  will  point  lint  her  errors,  and  do  all  in  my 
power  111  lirim,'  her  iiilo  ihe  ri-'lit;  so  ilial,  if  war 
iiiiist  eonie,  anil  our  yoiiiiL^  men  must  Im  nlVered  nil 
the  altar  of  our  i-oiinlrv,  we  may  safely  eomiiieinl 
tliem  to  the  (old  of  haltlrs — ti'i  that  I'l  iii<_' wlin 
rules  ill  the  arniies  of  heaven  and  anion:;  the  ill- 
liahltanlH  of  the  earth.  I  desire  the  prosperity  iif 
my  eoiiniry,  and  iioihinu:  Imt  niv  devolion  in  her 
iiiii  resl,  mid  to  the  higher  piiiieiplis  of  niornl  ree- 
tiliide,  imiiii'ed  me  to  M'parati'  from  lliiise  wiili 
whom  I  have  i;eiierally  .I'led.  I  eoiild  not  eon- 
sent  to  involve  my  eonnlry  in  a  war  whii'h  I  he- 
lii've  to  he  ninieeessarv  and  iiniiiHl — n  war  of  eoti- 
i|iiesl— lininu'ht  ahoiil  liy  mnliiiions  men  In  niiswor 
persinial  and  parly  purposes. 

llel'ore  I  eoiichide  my  reniarlio,  I  must  iioliee 
anolher  Hiihjeel  elosely  eoimeeied  wiili  this,  and 
one  out  of  w  liii'h  oar  ore.-ent  ililliriilties  have 
■,'iown.  (ieiillemeii  w  illi  whom  I  have  inleil  on 
this  lloor  will  lie.ir  me  wiiiiess,  lhat  I  have  not 
lieaii  ill  Ihe  liahit  of '.'iiiii'.r  out  of  my  way  lo  allark 
the  iiisiiii.iioiis  of  the  Siiiilh.  Tlioiis;li  I  have  al- 
ways reirarded  slavery  as  nil  evil — a  pnlitieal  and 
moral  wrote^ — haviiiir  iiopowerover  il  in  the  State.-^, 
I  have  hei  II  disposed  to  leave  il  with  those  who 
have  it  in  their  keepim.;  lo  iiiaiia'_'e,  aeeorilimr  to 
iheirownseiiseof  |iiopriely.  I!iit,  when  cell  tie  men 
tlii'ow  this  Niilijeet  in  niv  patli^— when  they  lirins 
il  lip  III  re  for  aetioii,  mid  esl;  me  In  i^ive  n  vote 
upon  it,  I  will  speak  mid  aet  freely — I  will  notuive 
it  my  eoiiiitenaiii'i — il  ^llail  not  he  exieiided  hy 
me.  This  war  is  one  of  the  first  fruits  of  the  mi- 
iiexalioii  of  Texas.  .And  that  measure  wa.s  :;iit 
up  and  eoiisiinimaleil  lo  i  xleiiil  and  perpetiiale 
slavery.  Mr.  Callionn.  in  the  eorrespondi  nee 
snlimiiled  wiili  the  treai'.',  avowi  d  this  to  l.e  the 
/iriiarirjt  iihif'i't  of  aiini'Miin  n.  I  opposed  it  then, 
;iiid  I  voted  ;i?ain:.t  lhew:ir  liei-anse  lis  ohjeet  is  to 
extend,  iiol  Ihe  "area  of  I'leedoiii."  Inn  the  area  of 
hondaiie.  And  I  wish  to  eoii'mend  ifiis  Kiihjeet 
speeialiy  lo  the  L'dilleman  from  Illinois,  whose 
hos'im  iilows  with  siieli  ariii  nt  patriolisni,  that  he 
is  williii:;  to  spill  riu  rs  of  hlood  in  this  w;ir  wiili 
.Mexieo.  Tliiil  ^'I'lilliiiian  w;is  liorii  in  a  Siaie 
where  the  liIiLlit  of  shivery  \\;is  never  known,  and 
his  resideiiee  is  now  in  a  tree  State.  All  his  asso- 
eiaijoiis,  we  may  suppose,  have  lieen  in  fiver  of 
t'leedom,  aiiil  yet  he  is  williii^r  to  aid  in  liviiiie.; 
fetters  upon  olhers — now  as  free  as  hiniself.  ^'l  s, 
Mr.  < 'liairman,  thoii::li  he  prof,  sses  an  ardent  l-ive 
of  liherly,  and  would  liaveiis  helieve  that  hisliosom 
was  w.irmed  hy  the  \iry  lires  nf  pairinlism,  he  is 
ilesiroiiR  of  spreadiier  llie  i  nise  lA"  slavery  over  a 
liirire  seeiion  of  eiiiialry  where  it  is  now*  iiiiknowii. 
Me  is  so  devotetl  to  his  eoimiry,  and  so  in  love 
wiili  lier  iiistiiiilions,  tlmt  he  is  willing  to  sustain, 
wiili  lilooil  and  ireasure,  an  insiiinlion  at  w:ir  wiili 
li.e  fust  jiriiieiples  of  a  repniilii  an  'rovernnieiil — 
lilnrlll  Jilld  (iiviilllil.  I  le  lleilonilees  Mixieo  as  an 
nni'ivili/ed  iii.d  harharons  Power,  and  still  lie  as- 
pires to  he  a  leader  in  a  poliey  i|isi:;iieil  to  extend 
and  perpetuate  slavery,  and  to  piaiit  on  llie  soil  of 
Mexieo  an  instiiuiion  whieh  iJie,  harli;iriiiis  as  she 
is,  and  eorrnpl  as  the  i^enileman  would  rt'[iresriit 
her  to  he,  would  not  jierniit  lo  pollnt,'  her  soil, 
'i'his  is  the  position  nf  the  p-eiitieman  who  i!e- 
iiouiiees  all  as  traitors  who  will  not  how  lo  the 
dieiatioii  of  tile  miijorily  on  this  lloor. 

1  le  ina\'  oeeiipy  that  i'ii.=;itioii,  lail  I  eoii'i'ss  that 

I  d t  I'ovi  I  it.     I  aijieewith  the  late  Whiu' eaii- 

ilidaie  t'or  the  nresidenry,  .Mr.  I'l.iy,  "tlmt  all 
w;trs  :ire  to  he  regarded  as  irreal  ealamilies,  to  he 
avoided  if  possihle;  and  that  hoiinralile  peaee  is  the 
wisest  anil  truest  poliey  for  this  ejiiinlry."  I 
aL'iee  wiih  him,  al.'o,  that  in  a  war  for  eoin|iiest, 
and  es]iei'iallv  in  a  war  to  extend  and  perpetuate 
s/di'en/,  we  should  sliiiiil  ilisu'raenl  in  the  eyes  of 
the  eivili/.ed  World.  In  surh  a  war,  i  fear  that 
vietory  itself  would  prove  n  defeat,  and  that  a  tri- 
umph over  onr  eiiemii  s  in  forei'^ni  eountries,  would 
eventuate  in  the  destriietioii  of  our  free  institutions 
al  home.     War  under  nnv  eireumslanee  in  a  gi'cnt 


!]  enlnmily.  "nt  when  It  l«  wnired  w  iihoiii  an  ndi- 
i|iiale  I'linse — whin  il  isearrnd  on  to  maiit'y  an 
inorditiate  amliiinni,  or  an   iiiilioly  spirit  nf  con- 

.    inii'Ht,  il  in  more  than  a  ealaniily — il  i«  ri  rriiiir  e/' 

i  (/if  ilirftsi  il\{f.  And  the  Ailnitnisiralton  whieii 
shall  iiM'  the  power  reposed  in  it  for  j'ood,  for  smli 
wiikeil  |iurp"ses,  nil  Ills,  mill  jnsilv  nieriis,  ^ni/i/ir 
(.ererii/ieii.  I, el  those  in  power  looli  well  to  It  lhat 
ihiH  exeeratiiin  does  not  fall  Upon  their  heads. 
They  iiiav  think  il  a  li'.'hl  thiim,  hut  let  them  n  - 
inemher  lliat  hlood  shed  for  niinnhti  mm  pinposes 
will  ery  from  the  iriouiid  lo  linn  "who  laiiejilh 

,    the  prniees  to  iiothiii'.'',  and  who  laKelh  Uji  the  inlcs 

1 1  III  a  very  little  tliiiis^. " 


THE  MKXK'AiN  WAU. 
Sl'EfX'II  t)F  Ml{.  (J.AUUIITT  DAVIS, 

OV   KK.NTLt'KV, 
In  TIIK  lllU'lir.  UV   l(KI'IIKIIKKTtTIU;H, 

.l/i/i;  It,  IH4II. 

The  Ilill  for  the  mippint  of  the  Army  hein:;  luiih  r 

eoiisider:itioii  in  (.'ominili''e  of  the  Whole — 

Mr.  C;\UUI'.TT  UAV1.S  addresaej  lliu  cniii- 
millee  as  follows; 

Mr.  ('tmiiMAv;  I  liearlily  eelio  Ihe  Hentimnil 
wiih  whii'li  my  aiilenl  I'lieial  from  .Missouri  |Mr. 
Sims]  has  just  closed  his  .speeeli,  that  in  iliis  war 
villi  .Mexieo, 

*'  'I'lie  Mliii-  s|i;iiii!li'il  liiiiiiier  in  triiiiiiiili  liiiiy  wai  e." 
I  am  for  hriii^in:;  this  w,\r  lo  a  speedy,  and,  on  our 
part,  triumphmit  .lose,  hy  eiif.a^iiii'.;  in  it,  if  m  eil- 
fill,  willi  Uie  whole  power  of  ihe  enniilry,  :iiid  hy 
liuhiini;  .Mexieo  on  her  territory  and  on  ours,  hy 
land  and  hy  sea. 

lint  I  do  not  iiilenil  lhat  this  eonsideratinii,  or 
any  other,  shall  divert  nie  iVoui  full  and  \'ni-  iiniuiry 
how,  and  liv  what  auihorily,  ihis  war  was  lii';iiii. 
And  if  I  shiill  estahlish,  as  1  have  no  doiilit  I  will, 
that  it  was  iinderlaken  and  eomnieneed  hy  ihe 
President,  dnriii:;  the  present  session  of  ConL'i'ess, 
in  ilisri  :jard,  and  liy  the  nsurpaiion,  of  the  sole  mid 
exi'lnsive  auihorily  of  ('oie;iiss  to  iimke  war,  I 
will  speak  my  I'l  iisiire  ol'sui  11  hold  almse  of  power 
ill  the  siroiii:ist  terms  thai  I  eaii  eoiamaiiil.  In 
takiii'.;  this  eiiurse,  I  will  nianifesl  aiiylhin:;  else 
than  tiiifriindliness  to  niv  own  eoinilry,  or  sympa- 
thy for  her  eiieinies.  .laniiM  K.  Polk  is  mil  lln; 
L';i'lli.iit  army  whieh  helms  preeipiiati  d  niioiiiiil- 
less  eariiii'.'e  anil  ]ieril.  lie  is  inn  the  ( io\eriiiiieiit, 
whieh  is  till'  (.'oiistii!iiioii,  exeeuleil  ri'.,'hifully,  iiil- 
minisiered  in  till  its  powers,  hy  the  appiopriale 
ileparlmi  Ills  anil  ollieirs.  He  is  iiol  the  eonntry, 
liiit,  Piesiileiit  as  he  is,  only  a  '■mull  part,  an  uh  m 

of  il.       Clalhecl    wiih  :l  llllle    laiefailll     I'llLJitive  1111- 

thority,  if  he  has  \\!iii\  lhat  with  the  pur|iosis  of  a 
usurper,  in  sport  of  llie  lives  of  his  eoiniirymeii, 
.ijiil  111  ihe  destrnetion  of  the  peaee  of  natimis,  his 
eomlemn.ilioii  hei'omes  the  hii^hest  of  all  iluiies; 
and  that  iiieinlnr  of  ( 'oui^ress  who  "  erie-:  alinirt 
and  spines  not,''  is  miieli  to  he  preferred  lo  him 
who,  from  the  hiinil  zeal  of  a  parlisjiii,  or  the  \e 
liality  of  a  tind  of  power,  shouts  "  C';esar  eaii  do 
no  wron;;;"  or  to  him  who,  froiii  any  nioiive  wlml- 
ever,  ean  slille  the  indi^'iiant  reproliaiion  wiili 
wliie.il  every  freeman's  soul  mn.-it  heave  npoii  sueh 
an  oeeasion.  l-'.ai'h  niemlier  of  Compress  is  peeii- 
linrly  a  sentinel  ami  ilirender  of  the  (.'onsliiiilinii 
and  the  liherlies  of  the  people,  and  he  who  ean  ''■\i' 
aid,  or  even  supinely  fold  his  arms  and  see  the  one 
jeoparded,  or  liie  other  trampled  upon,  is  an  enemy 
and  a  traitor. 

The  President  has  no  power  to  make  war  in  any 
form.  When  a  foreii^ii  nation  makes  war  upon 
us,  hy  invadiii;;  our  territory,  he  has  auihorily, 
:iiiil  ii  hieonies  his  duly,  to  om'  the  lol'il  o'y  mid 
naval  power,  wiili  whiilihe  is  iiiiiiiMnl  liy  the 
Coiisiitiilion  and  lews,  as  the  eoinmaiider-in  eliief, 

,  to  repel  sill  !i  invasion,  lint  I  ehar-^e  and  arrai:;ii 
James  K.  Polk  with  haviiit;,  as  President  of  the 
I'liind  .Slates,  dnrinir  llie  present  session,  iisiir|ieil 
the  power  of  (.'on:;riss  hy  makiiii;war  upon  Mex- 
ieo, a  nation  with  whom  the  United  Stales  were 
at  peaee.  WHiether  we  had  eanse  of  eoniplaint 
aijainst  thai  Power — wheiher  there  existed  sin  h 
i:rouinls  as  we're  just  eanse  of  w;tr  on  the  part  of 
the  United  .States  ai;;ainst  her,  and  as  would  have 
indiieed  (JnnL'rcss  to  deelure  it,  form  nolhiiii;  IM 

'justification  of  Mr.  Polk.     If  lie  believed  such  a 


Kl>8, 


I  hi  1(5.1 


APPENDIX  TO  TIIK  COI\(.HrSSIONAI.  Gr.OBK. 


on 


«J>Tii  Covo 1st  Sn»g. 


The  Mcviran  H'ar — Mr.  (Inmd  Diirin. 


Ho.  OK  [Ikpb. 


INI  Mile- 
■■\<'(y  nil 

111'  I'liii- 
i-iiinr  vf 

II     Wlli.'il 

Ini-.-mll 

'.  /Ml/y/ic 

"  II  Mint 

I Ih. 

I    IT. 


ulnlc  111'  I'lirl  liicsiHt,  MJI  till!  ('iiiiHliliiiliiii  pin|iiiw- 
ciril  liMii  III  ilii  Wii»,  III  iiiv  il  lii'fnruCiiii;{reiiii,  with 
II 1 iiiiiii'iiiiiiinn  Id  ili'clari'  wiir. 

'I'll  iiwikr  ','i)iiil  my  pnHJlinn,  I  will  |iinvp  llinl 
niii'i  "I"  llii'  r'liiiiiry  mill  wliii'ii  llic  IVrniiiriil  <ii- 
iii'iTil  (ii'iin'iil  'I'livliir  111  iiiiiri'li  liin  iiniiy,  iiinl 
I'NiiililiMli  llir  jiii'iMilii'liiin  iil'llii'  Uiiili'il  HliilfH,  wiin 
mil  llirii,  iiiir  rvcr  liiiil  lii'i'ii,  any  jiiirl  nf  Ti'Xnn,  i 
tiiii  wiiM  III  llir  pfui'niltin  |HiHS(  sNi'iiii  find  iiiiitrr  llii: 
jiin:.iliiMiiiii  Mini  liiwM  111'  Alcvii'ii,  Till' I'niiililisli- 
tiiclil  111'  llir  |irii|i"siliiin  ill  null  nl'  iIiiinii  |mrliciiliiiH 
in  iml  i'ci|iiiiTi|  III  riiiivici  liii-  I'ri'Niili'iil  iif  Imviiii,' 
iiKiii'|Mil  111!'  wiir-iniikiiiL;  |m«cr.  It'  I  HJimv  lliiii 
llini'  w  iM  liTi'iiiiry  m  wliii'li  Imtli  ilw  I'liiii'ij  SimUm 
iiimI  Mfxir'i  Hi'l  lip  rliiiiii — llini  nii'li  I'liiilntvrrli'il 
ilii' riiiiii  ill"  till' iiilnr,  mill  Ihr  ,Mi\i.-MiiN  linil  ncl- 
IjiMiii'iils  ill  |inrlH  nf  il,  nvri'  vvlii'li  llicy  wrrr  III 
llic  pi'iircjililiM'xi'i'i'iHrnt'llifir  jitriNilii'tiiinniHl  Iiiw'h, 
mill  llii'  I'lrsiili'iil  Ki'iil  ,111  nriiii'ij  liin'e  In  siilivrri 
Ihf  Mi'siiMii  milliiiritv,  hi'  will  miiiuI  rnnvii'lcil  M' 
li.iviii:;  niilrii!.'i'i|  llir  ( Iniisiiliilinii,  in  li.in.si'H'  iiKi- 
kiii'^  wnr.  IJnili  tlicHi'  :,'rnct'nl  prnpuMitiniiMiire  Irnc. 
I  lii'iii'vi'  I  run  iKMiiiin^lnilr  linili  In  l/n  sn — rci'Uiiiily 
till'  I. LSI — 111  liny  iniiiliil  ininil. 

'I'lic  iTsiiliitiniis  prnviilini;  llir  llin  nilmis.''nn  of 
'I'rx'.iH  iiiiii  ihi'  Iliiinn,  wi'i'c  linsril  iipnii  Icrni'*  niiil 
riilllllliiill'*.  "  l''il'»l,  ''iiliL'ITNi  ilnlll  I'lniMl'lll  llllll 
'  ilii'  Iririlnry  pnipcrlv  ini'liiiliil  williin,  mill  rinlit- 
'  fully  111  Inii'jiiii,'  In,  idi'  lii'piil.lic  nf  'IVxiis,  iiniy  | 
'  ill'  I'lTi'lnl  inin  II  iirw  SfiUc,  In  lie  riilli'd  the  Hliili! 
'  nf  TrVMH,  wiili  II  ri'piililii'iin  fnrni  nf  linvcni- 
'  ini'iii,"  iVi'.     A;iiiii:    "Said  Sliili-  In  lie  fnrnii'd, 

*  Miltjrrt  111  llir  ailjiistini'iit  Iiy  lliin  (jinvonininit  tt^ 
'ill!    i|ii('MiiiiiiH  Inf  bniiiidiiry  lliiu  may  iinsr  witli 

*  iitlii'i'  (iiivrnmicnlH,"  iV-i*.  It  in  lliiiN  hitii  lliiit 
wIhii  Trxiis  WHS  rci'i'ivid  inIn  ihc  llnimi,  nil  rnnii- 
Iry  wliirli  slip  rliiiiind,  mid  v.'liirii  did  mil  nf  rii;ht 
I'I'Iihil:  In  licr,  wiiH  rxprissly  rxi'Inilrd.  TliiU  tliii 
I'liilcd  Slalrs  wniilil  nnt  admit  lirr  willi  the  Icri'i- 
Inry  wliirli  ri'^lilfiilhj  hijnniji'd  in  htr,  willi  any 
parlii'iilar  nr  dilinile  linniidary,  nvi'ii  fnr  thai,  hilt 
rcniiii'i'd  her  hnniidarit-H  tn  Iici'oiih'  lUiHctlled  and 
iiiililiiiitr,  mid  Ihcir  Inraltnii  In  he  siihiiiitled  nn- 
riiiulitinnally  tn  thrir  tinvcrnnirnt.  These  enndi- 
tiniiM  were  sulimitied  tn  hy 'I'rxns,  and  lire  the  law 
nf  her  nnni'Xalinii.  In  the  iiUrndnetinii  to  her 
Klale  cniiMiiliilinn,  wliii'li  was  apprnved  hy  f'nn- 
friTssi,  It  is  set  fnrlli:  "  We,  the  penple  nf  the  lie- 
'  puhlii'  nf  Texas,  aejciinwledsrins;  with  ;;rati|i|ile 
'  llie  u'raee  nf  Ond,    in  perniillini;  lis  tn  make  ii 

*  ehniee  ti'^  niir  fnrm  nf  ijnveriimeiit,  dn,  in  aeenrd- 
'  aiiee  willi  the  jniiil  rrsnhilinn  fnr  minexiiii; Texas 
'  In  the  Uiiiled  Stales,  apprnved  Mareh  fnsl,  niie 
'  thniisand  ei^lii  hiindied  mid  fnrty-five,  ordain  and 

*  cslahlisil  tills  ennstitlllinn." 

'IMie  same  iiistrninenl  clnses  in  these  words: 
"'Smv,  III  nnlir  In  manifest  Ihe  assent  nf  the  pen-  , 
'  pie  nf  ihis  repnlilii',  as  rei|mred  In  iheahnve  reei- 
'  liil  pnrlions  i<(  said  resnlniiniis,  wr,  the  depiille!i 
'  i>\'  llie  pinple  lif  Texas,  in  eniivenlinn  asseinliled, 
'  ill  ihiir  name,  and  hy  their  auihnrity,  dn  nrihiin 
'  and  declare  lliat  we  enieaait  to  and  aeeept  the  nro- 

*  pnsals,  i-niidtlinns,  and  tjnaranlies  contained  in 
'  ihe  first  and  nee.niid  seetinns  of  the  resoliilion  nf 
'Ihe  C'im.,'ress  nf  the  Ifniled  Slates  afnresaid." 
These  terms,  sn  fnriiially  aeeepted  hy  Texas,  were 
nnpiised  hy  llie  I'niieil  .Slates  pmiiculnrhj,  nnil  for 
vn  ulhi't'  /lar/iosc,  than  nnt  tn  pledii;e  lliem  tn  the  Uio 
(Jraiiile  as  ihe  western  hoiindary  of  Texas,  but  to 
leave  I'lal   line  vnL^ne  and  indeterniiiiate,  to  he  si-t- 

lleil  hy  ( iproiiiise  and  treaty  with  Mexieo;  and 

siirli  is  tlii'ir  plain  elfeet. 

Ihil  the  friends  nf  Mr.  Polk  assume  llial  Texas 
exleiidi'd  tn  the  Kin  Ciraiide;  thai  it  was  his  duly 
to  esialilisli  the  jiirisdielinn  and  laws  nf  Ihe  ITniied 
Slaies  lip  tn  it:  mill,  as  he  has  not  extended  his 
iiiiliiary  opeialinns  lieyond  il,  lliat  he  lias  tran- 
seeiiiled  iieiilier  the  l.iws  nnr  the  Cnnslitutinn.  1 
nii'.'hl  •i\\\»\  all  Ihis,  and  it  would  fall  far  sliorl  of 
his  jiisliii'"atii>n,!is  I  will  presently  attempt  to  prove; 
bill  1  ennlrnverl  the  whiile  nf  it. 

In  this  enniiexinn,  it  lieenmes  malerial  to  slate 
Ihe  arts  nf  ai;:;rrssinn  and  war  wliieh  I  cliarce  Mr. 
I'nlk,  upon  his  own  responsihilily,  to  have  directed 
a<;ainst  Mexico;  and  also  lo  inipiire  what  is  the 
territory  '^pvopiyhj  htrliutt'd  vithiii  nud  ri^hlfnUtj 
liil(ini^iii<r  tn  7'r.rff.s,"  wlien  the  resolnlinn  to  receive 
her  into  the  t'ninn  was  l)rniic;lit  before  Cons;res3. 

In  .Tiine,  IHiri,  Mr.  Polk  orders  the  American  > 
army  to  lake  post  at  Cnrpiis  fhristi,  on  the  west 
bank  nf  the  Nneees;  and  in  .Vimn.st  follnwiii?  Gen-  j 
eral  Taylur  encamped  at  the  puiiil.     He  remained 


there  with  his  nimy  nf  occnpalinn,  as  it  was 
termed,  aniil  the  |'rei<iileni,  mi  llie  l.'lili  day  nf 
.Tamiary  lasl,  lO'lired  him  In  oii'iiny  Ihe  left  bank 
nf  Ihe'ltin  (Irailde.  On  the  mil  nf  March  he 
iiinvi'd  I'rniii  the  bay  nf  CnrpiiH  Clirisli,  mid  ar- 
rived willi  a  purl  i'['  ihe  army  at  I'niiil  Isabel,  nr 
Sanlin','o,  March  (.'.'illi.  He  then  innveil  his  iirniy 
In  llie  leli  bank  nf  the  llin  (.irallde,  and  on  the  'jHlh 
nceiipieil  a  piece  nf  hiijrh  !.'ronnil  wlinli  cnmmiinited 
the  Xlexican  city  nf  MalamnrnH,  nn  the  nppiiHile 
shore,  lie  NirniiL'ly  f'lrlilied  his  ciiinp,  erected  a, 
baltery  williin  three  liiindrcd  yards  nf  ihe  niiblie. 
Mipiare  nf  .Vlatainorns,  and  niniiined  iipnii  it  lieavy 
ni'dnanie,  whii'li  linre  iipim  the  cily,  anil  lioiii 
\''hich  in  11  few  hniii-M  he  eniilil  bnlirr  it  dnwii. 
Till'  .Mexicans  have  a  town  al  nr  near  I'niiit  Isabel, 
a  pnri  nf  entry,  a  ciislnm-hoiiKe,  and  a  enllecinr. 
Her  jiirisdielinn  and  laws  nnly  prevailed  there,  and 
iiiilil  this  liivasinn  were  pacit'icallv  and  wilhniit  in- 
lerniptinii  exeiaiied.  Deiieral  Taylnr,  in  cnnferni- 
ity  lo  Mr.  I'nlk's  nrders,  ninves  with  his  army 
iipnn  the  tnwn  tn  nverlhrnw  ihe  aiillmrily  nf  Mex- 
icn,  and  lo  snbstiliitf-  in  iis  fiiead  lliat  nf  the  United 
.Srales.  The  ensienvhniiM' and  snine  nlher  hniiHes 
are  fired  by  llie  Mexii  aiM,  and  their  aiilhnrilies  lly 
upon  his  approach.  Ibi  fnrmiiur  Ins  enlrenclnd 
encanifiment  sn  as  lo  cninmaiid  .Mataiiiorns,  beiiis,' 
orderiil  by  the  Mexican  cnmmaniler  In  abaiidnii  il, 
he  direils  nnr  naval  oiiimander  In  blnckade  llie 
niniilh  nf  llie  Rin  (irande,  and  cut  nfl'  all  .'iiipplies 
and  I'nmmnnicalinn  w  itli  .M.ilamnrris  from  ihe  (Jiilf 
nf  Mexicn  by  Ihe  river.  .American  and  I'lnjllsli 
ships  are  nnt  permilled  In  I, mil,  but  are  ordered  nil'; 
a  Mexican  schooner,  loaded  with  supplies  for 
.Malamnros,  is  rapiiired.  After  these  events,  the 
Mexican  eommander  sends  a  lla:;  lo  General  Tay- 
lor lo  infirm  him  that  war  existed,  and  had  been 
coimnenced  bv  Ihe  aHlhorilies  of  ihi^  United  Sla'es, 
and  that  the  Xlexicaiis  nn  Iheir  part  wniild  cnndiiel 
it  accordihi;  lo  the  iisa-jrs  nl'  civili/ed  natinns. 
This  is  II  siinrl  but  jiisl  va-w  nf  what  Mr.  Polk, 
acliii;;  fnr  himself  and  by  himself,  has  ilnne,  and 
nrdered  to  be  done,  by  oificerH  subject  to  his  con- 
trol. 

I'pon  the  point,  of  vvlial  territory  was  ri:;htl'iilly 
n  part  of  Texas,  I  have  examined  aa  many  enllior- 
ilies  as  were  accessible  to  nie,  in  the  short  time 
since  this  bill  has  been  under  dctiate;  and,  y\ilhoiit 
exception,  ihey  esl.iblish  the  position,  thai  Texas 
did  nnt  extend  In  the  Kin  (irande,  and  iinl  nne  nf 
Ihein  represents  the  western  bnnndary  of  Texas 
to  be  fiiriher  west  than  the  river  iViieeci.  Ifiini- 
bnldt  travelled  iulo  iVew  Spain  in  1704  and  If^lll, 
mid  enllected,  frnni  his  own  nbservatini.s  and  the 
cxaminatinii  of  Ihe  rec.irds  and  antlinrilies,  the  ] 
inaleri.alM  fnr  his  map  nf  ihe  eoiiniiy.  In  his 
French  nllas,  eonstituled  of  informalinn  thus  nb- 
laiiied,  the  cililinn  piiblislied  in  \X\)1,  the  Nneees 
is  described  tn  be  the  western  bnnndary  nf  Texas. 
Tim  m:i]>  in  llie  edilinn  of  Piiikertnn's  Gen^jrajiliy 
published  in  If'll'J,  !;ives  the  same  bnnndary  as  dn 
lilack's  Universal  Atlas,  published  in  lf<H,' Harri- 
son's, published  in  181,">,  Le  Sarre's,  and  the  map 
altached  lo  General  Pike's  journal  of  his  expe- 
ililinn.  My  cnllea'^'iie,  (Mr.  Tiiiihtts,]  wlin  is  a 
man  of  research  as  well  as  lalent,  says  that  l-'rance, 
when  she  owned  Lnnisiana,  claimed  that  this 
prnvince  was  bnimded  by  the  Rio  Grande,  and 
thai,  after  the  Uniied  Slaies  purchased  from  her 
that  eniinlry,  nnr  finvernnienl  asserted  riijlit  np  to 
this  bntindary.  This  pretension  was  cerlainly  set 
lip  hy  nnr  iliplmiialisl.s  in  their  lieijoiiatinns  with 
Spain;  but  they  are  merely  advocates,  niakin;;  the 
best  and  most  iilaiisible  ara;ument  they  can  for 
their  Gnveriinieiit;  and  iliis  pu.sitiuii  was  always 
unecpiivocally  denied  by  Spain. 

liut  this  controverteil  point  does  not  loiieli  llie  i 
present  ipieslion.  noth  rrance  and  the  United 
Stales  H.ssertcil  that  I.duisiniiii  extended  to  the  I!io  j 
Grande,  and  claimed  the  country  between  the  Nne- 
ees and  that  river  as  a  I'arl,  nnt  of  Texas,  but  nf 
Louisiuna.  The  ipiestinii  i.s  nnt,  what  was  Louisi- 
ana, but  what  was  Texas  proper.  Texas  was  a 
Sp.mish  province,  laid  nlT  and  'uonnded  first  by  a 
political  ri'Siilatinn  of  Spain,  and  afterwards  of 
Mexico,  and  bearins;  a  Spanish  name.  lis  bound-  ' 
dries  were  not  the  same,  but  in  their  total  circum- 
ference widely  dilTereiit  from  those  of  Louisiana. 
The  question  between  France  first,  and  afterwards 
the  United  Slaies,  and  Spain,  was,  whether  Lou- 
isiana extended  south  and  west  of  Texas  to  the 
Rio  Grande.     Humboldt,  Pinkerton,   Lo  Sage, ' 


lllack,  and  all  the  t^en^riiphii'H  and  maps  nf  that 
day  which  I  lime  seiii,  reliresent  the  iiileiidriicy 
of  .Sanlaiider  an  ixleiidinu'  linni  the  west  nf  the  llio 
Gi'iinde  acinss  it  In  the  Niii  ces,  and  riinniii:,^  east 
nf  it  ill  a  iii.rlhwesi  iliii'cliim.  These  aulhnnilis 
all  lay  dnwii  Texas  lo  be  last  nf  the  Nueces,  and 
nf  the  linuiiilary  line  nf  .Sanlaiider,  which  diver;;es 
frnm  ils  easlern  hank,  and  repreHcnt  that  liilend- 
eiicy  and  Ti'Xas  In  luivo  thi.H  as  llio  divixioii  linn 
helwei'ii  llieiii. 

In  the  year  Ih'il,  the  Mexirnii  Slates  were  nr- 
iranized  under  her  Federal  Cnnsiitutinn,  and  Ta- 
liiiiiilipas,(  aialiiiila,  and  l)uran:;o,  were  eslablished 
from  Ihe  Gulf,  in  ihe  siii'cessinn  here  named,  and 
e\ieniliii:i;  on  both  sides  nf  the  Rin  (irande,  and 
ea.st  nf  it  up  In  Texas,  accnrdiii'.;  tn  I'i'r  am  lent 
bnimdary  nf  the  Nueces,  mid  the  line  exteiiilii"- 
lioriliwest  from  it.  She,  ton,  was  eniistili  led  niiii 
nf  ihe  Mrxican  Sinles,and  this  was  eslablished  as 
her  snnlhweslern  line.  John  M.  Niles,  al  pieseiit 
and  Iheii  11  Deiiiocraiic  meiiibi  r  nf  our  Seiinie,  in 
his  blink  nn  Texas,  page  iH\,  says,  in  treating  nl" 
the  river  Nneees; 

"TliU  river  ln«  lilllcTld  licra  rnn<lilcieil  Hie  \vc*lern 
liiiiiiiilnry  111'  'I'miis,  ilic  ilinrict  Inlw.  cii  IIih  nail  Uie  llnim 

ilel  N'orlii  liiiviiiu  t II  h.cliMlnl  in  tlii*  HIate  el'  'l'iiniaiili|ias 

Willi"  Ihe  furcii  III'  II  I'l'iliaal  lte|iulillu  niu  iiliiyeil  In  .Vlex- 

Ica." 

Wc  lire  infornied  by  the  same  author,  page  2.17, 
that— 

'.  I uniii/.iiij  till.  M.'vicaii  tcnitiiry  lain  »c|iiiriili'  Hlnii's 

leiiliT  Hie  ('iiii«liliiliiiii  Ml'  IrM,  TiMw  \\,v>  iinlleil  I'lir  liiii 
liiii.'  Ii<-iiel  ullli  (NiiCaiiln,  tiiii  |iii|iiiiiui(ili  iil  Unit  liiiie  iml 

hi'lili;  allllhh  ,itly  iiinili'niln  tu   la-lil',Vn  «C|i;irilt lllllli/.ll- 

linii.  Til  '  iiinai'  w:i-  k'.pi  ili^liiiel,  mill  It  niH  ciili.'il  llie 
HkiIi' 111' ('.iilliiiilii  iiiiirr<'Xa.i.  rniviHlna  UIII4  iimili' In  Ilia 
(■iia-liliithia  I'lir  llic  eo'i'li'ia  nr  lew  WlillcH  aal  of  ccrtllill 

|.i  riairi..-,  wliriievir  liii'\  siunilil  I iliin  Piilllcii  nlly  pii|m- 

loiis.  Willi  nil  exjirc;  I*  uniuaalj  111  I'liviir  ol'  Te-xiH." 

Thnse  Slates  ware  thus  united,  each  preservim; 
ils  ancient  and  ilislinct  name  and  bniiiidary,  but 
havimr  a  cnmmnn  local  Icijislnture.  Kennedy,  ill 
Ills  bonk  on  Texas,  volume  I,  pa;;c  6,  says: 

'•■riie  Suit.'  Ill' Caiilaiila  iiailTi'Jim,  crniijir  liendim  llio 

:'iin vf  at  of  leriitiin  wlilcli  iini^lllill.'il  tile  l'rivilici'»  mi 

cuiiiil  helijie  liii'lr  uniiiil,  H  a  nn  iniicr  iif  liie  I'eileratiiia." 

The  nr;;anizalion  existed  iinlil  IKt;').  In  Ih;I4 
.Miiiniite  was  cnmmissinned  by  the  Mexican  Gov- 
ernment tn  visit  Tcvas,  examme  the  country,  mill 
draw  lip  a  slali.ltical  report  upon  it. 

"  Ml'  was  imliriiicil  iiv  the  Mtaie  Onvrnnienl  nf  rmiliiiila 

mill 'I'e'.iis  llnil  iiisti'iiil  of  the  riviT  Niiei as  wiis  Bener- 

n;l\-  -ii|i|i'i?u.|l.  unit  us  Mien  ii|i|irarcil  an  Ihe  iiiiip,  I'uniiiiiK 

tin',  i tarvlietVM  en  ('iialiaila  mnl  Texii^,  Ihis  nHi^iaii|iMoii 

WHS  iiniaih'il  nil  a  L'i"aiapiii.  .li  error.   The  trae  liiiiit  imt'lit, 

Il  was  nlliK"il,  la  cm lice  nt  lii.i  eniliaiicliiire  at  the  river 

/Vrniisn.  anil  laliow  m  its  miirce,  i lluuliii!  liieiiee  fa  n  ili- 

ncl  line  iinlil  it  niiclnii  llie  jaiiclina  of  Hie  Meilino  nnd 
Aalniiiii  riv.  r.;,  from  wlii.  Ii  it  lae.'lil  lo  proceeil  nloiiB  llio 
ea-leia  iianl;  of  llie  Mciliini  towaril  itn  siiaree,  nail  teraiiiiiiln 
on  He'  linrilcrs  of  L'hiliualiuil."— h'cnnn'i/'i  'i'fj-iii,  coliimc  1, 
;i'i:;c  H. 

The  river  Aransas  is  east  of  the  Nueces,  ond 
if  thai  be  the  true  weslern  boundary  of  Texas, 
thai  line  is  thrown  .'Uill  further  frnm  the  Uio 
Grandi'. 

The  man  who  nnkes  any  research  cannot  po.ssi- 
bly  doubt  that  the  ancient  and  true  weslern  hnund- 
nrv  of  Texas  did  nnt  extend  west  nf  the  Nneees; 
the  position  lliatt  lie  Rio  Grande  was  such  bound- 
ary is  absurd. 

In  I S.'M  the  Mexican  Federal  f'onstilntlon  was 
violently  nverllirown  by  Santa  Ana,  and  a  central 
despntism  esla'.ilislicd  in'  its  slead;  and  against  ihis 
act  the  LeirislalurenfCnahiiila  and  Texas  protest- 
ed strnnirly  in  IK).'),  and  fnr  that  protest  were  for- 
cibly dissiilved  by  military  pnwer.  On  the  7lh  nt 
Nnveinber,  183.'),  Texas  prnmuli;cd  her  first  dec- 
lai-atinn  of  independence,  and  its  third  clause  is  in 
these  wnrds: 

o  Thnt  ilii'V  do  net  ncknwleilae  ih.nl  the  present  iiiiHiori- 
ties  nf  till'  niiaiiiiHl  -Mexicaa  Ui'|iiililic  have  Uie  rijilil  to  giiv- 
I  em  iil'.'/iiii  (.'if  'iini(»  "/  Ter:l.i."—Kilcs't  TcTiif,  ]i.  '^77. 

On  the  'Jil  day  of  March,  IHHC,  the  penple  of 
Texas,  acliuir  by  their  delesrales  in  general  con- 
vention, put  forlh  a  more  solemn  and  formal  dec- 
laration of  independence,  and  on  the  17th  of  the 
same  month  ordained  their  constitution.  In  all 
these  Instrumcnis  it  was  Texas  by  nome,  and  xvilh- 
onl  any  boundary,  and  necessarily  by  her  existing 
and  ancient  boundary,  that  was  acting:;  and  it  was 
Texas,  so  limited  and  existing,  that  became  thus 
independenl. 

How,   then,  did  Texas  become   expanded    to 

the    Rio   Grande  i'     Sama   Ana  was   captured    In 

'  the  ever-memorable  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  which 


29Tn  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


was  roiif;lit  on  Iho  91»t  of  April,  1S36)  nnil,  on  the 
I4tli  of  May,  whilst  n  prisoner,  iiimic  iin  iifirec- 
nicnl,  not  a  Irealij,  with  tlic  Kxpctilive  of  Texas. 
The  ircaly-nrnkinR  powrr  of  TixaH  waMvealeil  iiy 
hi.' I'onstiiiition  in  hir  I'rrsidoiit  and  Senate,  nnil 
ih.^  latter  lirancli  of  her  (Jovrrnnienl  never  ratified 
ill's  njjrernient:  nor  \\n«  it  ever  railed  upon  to  mt- 
ify  it,  liy  ri'a.son  of  it.s  not  bcinf,-  a  treaty.  This 
arranirenient  did  not  nuike  peaee,  or  profess  to 
make  pi  .'ee,  belween  the  two  countries,  but  alipu- 
hiied  tlial  "'  hostiiitie.s  shall  innni-diately  eease,  by 
sen  and  lam!,  belween  the  Mexiean  and  Texan 
li  io|is,"  It  did  not  purport  to  be  deliuile  and  i  i.n-  ' 
elusive,  even  upon  Ih.'  armies  ofTexasaial  IVIexi- 
ec.  but  provided:  "This  ni;rienient  ehall  be  t'or- 
'  waiileil  liy  speedy  expre.ss  lo  Vincent  f'ilisola, 
'  general  of  division,  and  lo  (ieneral  T.  J.  Rusk, 
'  coiuninnder  of  the  army  of  Texas,  that  ihey  may 
'  rripiniii  Akiiik/  us  far  us  it  aiiprrliiiiis  lo  //inn,  and 
'  beiii;;  iiiii/iin//!(  ai^reed,  may  arr.nisie  ihe  speedy 
'  and  due  exeeution  of  ilie  sii|"il.iiious."  It  |ii'o- 
vides,  also,  that  "  the  Mcxii'aii  troops  .shall  evaen- 
ate  the  territory  of  Texas,  passin:;  to  the  otherside 
of  the  Hio  Grande  del  Norte."  This  agreement 
would  have  been  avoided  and  lieconio  of  no  etleet 
liy  the  dis-'^enl  either  of  Generals  Kilisola  or  Husk; 
and  was  of  itself  irerely  a  irin'ronri  n/ion  made  be- 
tween a  vieUirions  and  a  eapii'ved  general.  To 
allenipt  to  srive  sneli  an  ni;reement  llie  elass  and 
the  ell'eet  of  n  treaty  o!  eession  anil  boundary  is 
preposterous.  Hy  lis  terms  or  seope  it  cedes  no 
eountry  lo  Texas,  nor  does  it  eslal'lish  or  reeof;- 
nise  the  V'ri  Grande  as  her  boundary.  On  the  con- 
trary, its  fair  ■onslrnction  is,  that  the  Mexican 
army  were  to  do  .soinethinn;  n.ore  than  evneuale 
the  territory  of  Texas,  and  that  \yas,  lo  pass  to  the 
west  side  of  the  ri\er.  But  if  it  had  in  the  most 
explicit  lernm  ceded  lo  Texas  ihe  terrilory  up  lo 
the  Uio  Graiule,  or  had  ackuowledired  that  sinam 
to  lie  her  western  boundary,  it  would  have  had  no 
validity  whatever,  becau.*ie  Santa  Ana  was  then  in 
dari'.-is,  being  a  prisoner  o*'  war,  and  in  the  power 
of  the  other  party.  Aixain,  actin;;  by  himself  as 
President  of  Nlexico,  if  lie  had  been  possessed  of 
freedom,  and  in  her  capital,  he  had  no  power,  with- 
init  Ihe  advice  and  eonseniof  ihe  Mexican  iSenale, 
to  nvilo-  a  treaty  of  CI  ssion  or  Mf  bouiMlaiy,  or  any 
form  nf  treaty.  And  if  he  had  siiii^Iy  possissed 
this  power,  ao  President  of  Mexico,  it,  and  every 
other  power  whicii  lie  so  jiossessed,  would  have 
reverted  to  hi.s  couturv  upon  his  becoinini;  a  pris- 
oner of  war.  The  notion  that  he,  in  ii  stale  of  cap- 
tivity, still  relaiiieil  power  ti.  cede  a  part  of  the 
Mexietui  teiritciry,  or  to  make  any  treaty  oblii:a- 
toryiipon  liertioveriuiient.is  tooabsnrd  lo  demand 
«  serious  answer.  Mr.  Mailisnn  had  wellnii;h 
been  captured  in  this  city  by  the  I'ritish  army  du- 
ring- the  last  war.  Siip|iose  such  had  been  his  fate, 
and,  whil.st  a  i'apli\e,  lie  had  made  an  ariatiL'emeiit 
orlreaty,eedin'jlol!ie  Kni;lisli  Govermm  nt  Wash- 
iniiton  city;  suppose  he  jiiu'  the  entire  Si  .;ate  h.  •! 
been  made  prisoners  nf  war,  and  I'ntli  tot^elher  nad 
uiaile  such  a  compact,  what  would  ha\e  been  its 
etTeci?  Notliiie;,  literally  nothins.  iSucl.  acta  lie- 
loiii;  to  the  political,  soveieisin  power  of  a  nation; 
and,  when  the  persons  in  wliom  are  vesled  its  ex- 
iTcise.  become  the  caclives  ol'  a  forei;;n  enetny,  it 
reverts  ifiso  farfo  to  otiicr  otlicers,  or  lo  the  I mly  of 
Ihe  naiion.  Mexico  at  that  lime  had  a  Vice  I'resi- 
dent,  Uoniez  Karias,  upon  whom  the  ollice  of  Pres- 
idetn  devolved  upon  the  eaplun'  of  Santa  Ana;  aia! 
he,  aciimj  with  the  .Mexican  Senate,  declared  this 
arriuiiiemenl  to  be  void,  and  to  create  n.)  ohiiu'aiton 
ui'ou  Me.xieo:  nnii  no  arijuinent  can  shalie  that 
position.  So  much  of  the  iinadin^  army  ol'  .Mex- 
ico a.,  iiad  no'  'ecu  takei  by  the  Texans.  and  a 
small  mini''^r,ti  the  Mexican  people  who  inh-!: 
ited  this  distant  burder,  undi  r  iheir  ali.rni,  did,  in 
eoniormity  to  this  erraiiL;!  loent,  pass  over  tiie  Hio 
Grande.  If.  iUi  lernis,  or  in  its  exeeution,  II  was 
iieM  r  reco'.oiiscd,  but  has  always  been  repudiated 
by  the  Mexiiaii  tioM'i'nmenl. 

(la  l!ic  Ullh  day  of  December,  IKKI,  the  Texan 
Oii^.c-s  jiassed  an  lot  in  tV"*"  \v":''U: 

" /(ci7  »-niirlr't.  .V.-.,  TtctI  .  roin  ami  nM'T  the  [KlHiiini!  iif 
the*  ail.  11' '  eivil  anil  [lotitiral  jiin-ilicta'ai  ol*  tlii-  lti'|iiil,lic 
he  ait.t  i<  licrcliv  iliclitrc'l  t<i  i-xhnit  la  llic  I'ollow  idu  Ixiitmi 
Hnc^.  in  wit  :  Mctriiilmic  at  Uie  iii'Mltll  ol"  Ille  .■'^al'ilie  nvrr. 
ami  oitioiiiil  west  almiL'  lie  Itiilt'  ol'  .Mcmcm,  ttin-c  leaKllcs 
frnm  laml.  In  tin-  iiiniilli  ..I'  llic  llin  llrrincic  ;  lliclice  U|i  Ille 
lirni'ip  il  "Ircaiti  ni'-nnl  rmr  In  it-  ^(iinci- ;  liienei-due  north 
In  He  inili  .e.  nml  ili'UM^c  nl  imrili  lalitiiile.  Ike.'' 

Da'  this  act  of  the  Texan  Consrcss  in  ficl  and 


ITie  Mexican  IVar — Mr,  Garrett  Davis. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


I  vnlidly  extend  the  limits  of  Texns  to  the  Rio 
Grnndei  from  its  mouth  to  ils  source,  i>  diBlance  of 
more  than  two  tlioii.shnd  miles.'    At  that  time  the 
Mexican  .Stales  of  TamaiiIipas,('oahuila,nnd  New 
Mexico,  extended  east  of  the  liio  Grande  a  con- 
siderable ilLstnnre,  nnd    lo    the   ancient   and  true 
western  boundary  of  Texas.   The  portioiiH  ofthese 
|irovinees  between    ihe   Hio   Grande  and  Texas, 
and  strelchiny:  the  whole  length  of  that  river,  eoni- 
piehenilini;  nianv  ihou.sauds  of  si|uai'e  miles,  llic  | 
capital  of  New  \lexico,  (.Sanin  K',,  ihe  lai'i;ereily  ' 
of  Taos,  many  other  s,   ,11  cities  and  towns,  and 
a  Mexican  population  'ibo.it  as  lar!;e  as  the  a!;i;re- 
jrale  of  Texas.    All  thse  cilies,  towns,  and  people  ! 
were  f;nveriied  by  the  laws  and  siibjerl  to  llie  nn- 
qiieslioned   dominion   iv,'    Mexico.     Texns    then  , 
made  no  eonipiesl  of  llieni,  no  subversion  of  ihc  ' 
laws  or  jurisdiction  of  Mexico,  not  even  an  inva- 
sion. Al*ier  the  passa!;e  if  that  act  thinus  remaiiieil 
just  as  before,  Ihe  powi  r  of  Mexico   liavins;  the  } 
same  uninlerrnpled  sway,  and  no  attempt  to  snb-  t 
vert  it  and  to  introduce  that  of  Texas.     The  posi-  ' 
lion  that  this  act  of  the  (.'on<;ress  of  Texas  brought  ', 
the  connlry  and  people  belween  her  proper  bound- 
ary and  the  L't-eat  river  of  the  north  lo  her,  and 
riirhlfnlly,  or  in  any  other  way,  made  it  and  llieni 
|iai'l  and  parcel  of  Tcxiis,  is  the  boldest  of  nil  ah-  , 
surdities.  j 

In  I8i!0,  Ihe  Iliitisli  Parliament  enarted  that  all 
Oregon  was  an   lMi'j;lish  possession,  and  atlached 
it  lo  f'anada:  and   is  any  American   prepared  to  ' 
admit  that  such  an  act  divesled  the  United  .Stales 
of  all  ()re^:onr     liy  an  ncl  of  the   Parliament  of 
New  Itrnnswick,  the  country  in  dispute  belween  ; 
that  province  and  Maine  was  declared  to  he  within  i 
New  Iiriinswick,  and  hercivil  and  iiolitieal  iii';,'ani- 
zation  exlended   over  it:  and  did  this  detach  the  ; 
eounlrv  from  the  Stale  of  Maine,  and  make  it  a 
part  of  the  Ihiiish  possession?    Who  dareassume  . 
such  a  position r     ;\iid  yet  both  of  these  cases  are  ' 
slron::er  niiainsl  us  iliaii  the  present  one  is  against  , 
Mexico.      Kngland   had  setllcineiits  and  fortilira- 
lions,  and  her  laws  and  jurisdiction  prevailed  in  | 
exclnsion  of  ours  in  jiinis  "(  those  dispuird  terri- 
tories.    Texas  herself  has  admitted,  in  edecl,  thnl 
her  law  had  no  such  eoiKseip  ciices,  and   il  would  , 
be  wholly  immaterial  whether  she  had  or  not  made 
such  admission.     In    l.-3!l,  Can.vles,  a   Mexican 
chief,  nitenipled,  with  the  aid  and  countenance  of 
Texas,  111  establish  the  Hipublie  of  Hio  Grande, 
ronslitntid  of  the  Slates  ol  Tamanlipas,  L'oaliiiila, 
and    nnrango.     ils   independiuce    was    declared, 
and   (lanales    elected    I'nsideiit.      He    lliireiipoii 
niaiched    his  army  lo    Laredo,  a   small  town  of 
Taiiiaiilipas,  on  the  east   bank  iit'  the  Hio  tiranile, 
and  held  possession  of  it  wilh  his  army  tor  more 
than  six  months.    In  .April,  IHIU,  he  was  altaeked 
and  del'ialed  by  General  Arisni,  who  eoiiimaialed 
a   strong  body   of  central   .Mexican    troops,   and 
C'anales,  with  some  of  his  fnllowers,  retii  alid  inio 
Texas.     In  tins  struggle  the  Texan  lleet  and  land 
forces  eoi'.piiated  wilh  Caiiale,",  and  llie  common 
iibii  I'l  of  ih.il  Ooveriinient  and  him  was  the  eslab- 
lislimeiit  of  the  iiiilepeiidence  of  the  Hi  iiublic  of 
Hio  (irande,  ronijiosed  of  the  .'States  of  T.iniauli-  ' 
]'as,  t'oahnila,  and  Uurant^o;  the  army  ol'Canalis 
Ol ,  iipyiii'.'a  portion  of  Tamaulipas  between  Texas  ; 
and  lliV   Hio  (Mamie.     In   the   meaniime,  he  and  , 
the  GoverninenI  of  Tex.is  had  nilereil  into  a  .secret 
a'oeemenl,  of  which  the  three  first  articles  are  as 
fnllows: 

"  l«t.  Tlie  I're^i.tcnl  nl'llie  llc|iiil.lic  nt  Hlii  (Jianile  (fjeii- 
cral  raiiati'^^  (iI-'iIl-c^  hinij'ell'  in  ili'ctare  Itie  lli<lc|ii'mleiicc 
nntic  Iti'piilihc  at  Itin  Craiiilc.  .imt  In  itf'clarc  aiitl  CNlalilisli 
the  Stale  anil  I'dliTat  rniiylitnlini:  nf  t-Jt.  -n  -nni,  riH  lie 
fihalt  lia\e  ci^tahlMicit  tit.i  licait.tiiarh  rs  wilt  n  the  tirnjt>  nt' 
the  icrrilnry  I'laiiiird  la  Itie  -ant  Ili'|nililic. 

-"iit  'riliil  Ihe  itepiihhc  nt'ltio  l^raihlc  sliall,  linliieilmli  l> 
aflcr  till'  saiil  ilcelaralinii  nt'  ilnli'iiciulciu'e.  recnjiiise  llic 
inili'lH-mfciicc  on'cMl- 

";i,l,  'nil'  ll.|Milillcnt  Ti'vas  plcilsii  herself  in  Mid  Ihe 
Fi  i|rnili-t,i  111'  Itin  (iraililc.  in  Iheir  slrlli;i:le  far  tnde|ieiiilence, 
ilirecilv  liiT  iiiiti'|M'nd  lice  iw  recnmiisetl  h>  the  Itepuhllc  nf 
RInliian.l.  .  • 

.Nearly  three  ycnrs  alter  the  act  of  the  Texan  , 
f  ■I'ors.s  defining  her  western  I'lmndary  (o  be  llio  ' 
.anile,  she  gravi'lv  and  lonnally  abandons  it 
,,  i.nowleilging  thai  'I'.inianlipas  nnd  C'oahiiila 
conslitnii'il  a  part  of  aiiollu  Hepublir;  and,  iii- 
Hlead  of.  laiming  any  part  "  tl..  m  to  be  her  terri- 
lory,  li'eilL'is  herself,  and  n'  ..mlly  by  her  army  and 
navy  aids  in  the  aliempt,  o  maintain  the  indepeii- 
denee  of  that  other  e.oiinlry,  of  wliieh  a  section 
that  she  bad  before  declared  to  be  within  her  liiints 


was  nn  integral  part;  nnd  this  is  Ihe  identical  terri- 
tory into  whieh  General  Taylor  has  marehed  liLi 
'  army  in  the  execution  of  the  orders  of  President 
Polk.  That  law  of  Texas  had  not  at  any  lime  Iho 
least  elfeet  over  any  eountry  of  which  Mexico  was 
ill  the  possession  and  eonlinned  to  hold,  or  lo  any 
over  whicli  Texas  did  not  establish  her  jurisdic- 
tion nnd  laws;  and,  after  her  arrangenieni  wiiU 
Cnnales,  there  is  not  even  a  prcU'Xi  for  the  diiim 
that  it  annexed  lo  her  any  lerritor)'  tliii.s  situated. 
The  only  lille  which  Texas  has  to  lerrilmy  is  that 
of  eonipiest.  All  iliat  she  has  .siibdiieil  by  the 
sword,  of  which  she  held  the  tiossession,and  over 
which  she  exercised  jurisdiction  at  the  lime  of  her 
annexation,  and  nothing  mure,  was  righl/ullij  i\ 
pan  of  Texas. 

The  country  between  the  Niieces  and  the  lower 
Hio  Grande  spre:ids  over  aliotil  one  degr.'c  and  a 
half  in  widlli.  Ilelweeii  lliese  two  Kire.uns,  and 
east  of  Ihe  liver  .Sal  Colonalo,  there  is  a  large  saU 
lake  an.:  an  extensive-  desert.  Texans,  and  people 
adhering  lo  Texas,  had  settled  between  the  .S'ueces 
and  ihe  desert,  and  over  a  part  of  tlii.i  .section  she 
had  extended  her  |Kililical  oi^ani/.alion.  SI.e 
might  be  said  lo  have  siibvcried  the  Mexican 
power  between  the  Nueees  and  the  deserl,  by  the 
extension  ol' her  selllemeiits  and  laws  into  il;  and, 
therefore,  it  might  lie  plansilily  coiiteialed  that  this 
territory  became  a  part  of  Texas.  .'Mthongh  the 
ipiestion  might  be  well  made,  whether  it  was  rig/i/- 
fiillij  n  part  of  Texas,  1  will  rallnr  concede  than 
make  il.  Ihil,  in  the  country  between  this  desert 
and  the  Hio  Gi';uide,  'I'exas  iic\'er  had  any  seltle- 
nienls  or  luainlained  any  anthorily.  She,  wiltiiii 
the  last  three  or  four  years,  sent  out  two  inililary 
expeditions,  one  against  l\exai',  the  other  against 
Mier;  but  both  signally  failed,  and  a  large  pari  of 
the  troops  eng,ii;ed  in  them  were  ca[ituri'i|  by  the 
Mexicans.  .'Ml  the  country  lielween  this  desert 
and  the  Hio  (irande,  the  Mexicans  have  po.i^sessed 
by  their  peofile,  and  have  e\er  luainlained  their 
jurisdiction  over  it.  In  it  they  have  the  towns  of 
Liiredo,  Dolores,  Santiago,  and  consiileiable  set- 
llemenls  and  po]iiilalion.  These  people  are  Mex- 
icans, and  ha\e  known  no  other  laws  but  those  of 
Mexico;  and  her  iinthorilies  held  undispuled  and 
peaceable  sway  until  they  wereoverihrown  by  the 
invasion  of  Cieneial  Taylor.  Thai  ihe  boundary 
of  Texas  can  be  expanded  over  this  seciioii  i.t' 
eountry  cannot  be  mainUiiiied  by  any  principle  of 
public  law  or  juslice,  by  the  usa:;es  of  eivili/.ed 
nations,  or  by  common  sense.  We  were  at  peai  e 
with  Mexico, and  yet  it  was  inloihis  portion  of  hei 
terrilory  that  ;\Ir.  Polk, /<;/ /lis (ani/iir)'fici//,oiilercil 
an  American  army  to  ma  cli,  forcibly  to  siib\eri 
the  jurisdiction  of  Mexico,  and  to  erect  upon  it.s 
overthrow  that  of  the  ('niled  .SimUs.  In  llie  exe- 
cution of  his  orders,  (_iener.'il  Taylor  t'oriiud  his 
camp  on  the  bay  of  t'nrpns  I'lirisii,  at  the  moiiih 
of  the  Nueces,  In  Aiii:ust  ot'  l.isl  year.  He  occu- 
pied that  position  until  the  I  lili  of  .March  last,  a 
period  of  about  seven  inonths,  in  which,  by  Ins 
own  reports,  he  was  never  mnlcsted  by  the  ^Ie\- 
icans.  The  reasons,  no  doubt,  were,  because  he 
was  on  the  side  of  the  di  .-ii  rt  w  here  iluy  had  no 
people,  and  made  no  alteinpts  to  enfon'e  tin  ir 
laws;  and  because  of  the  great  ilislance  of  his  camp 
from  Iheir  setilemenls,  being  about  one  linndrcd 
and  fifty  miles  from  both  Maiamoros  nnd  Lei'ilo. 

I  friely  admit  the  oliligation  nf  our  ( io\eniiiici.l  to 
|ii'otcct  Texns  from  any  attack  of  .Mexico,  and  to 
repel  any  incursions  which  .Mexican  forces  nii:;lit 
make  ujion  her.  No  eiiiidid  miin  will  deny  that 
the  position  of  General  Taylor  was  snfJii'ient  fnr 
those  ends;  nnd  it'  he  had  reinaiiied  in  il,  lliere  is 
no  reason  lo  belive  iliat  the  Me\icii,is  would  Inui 
disliirlied  liini  to  liiis  day.  Uiil  whether  that  pn 
silion  was  or  was  not  sullicienily  roniniandinu'  to 
protect  Texas,  In  the  event  of  Mexican  hostilities, 

II  did  11  n  anthorize  the  President  lo  invade  Mex- 
ico Willi  an  army;  not  even  if  Mexic.  had  eoni 
menced  lliein,  much  lesti  whilst  she  preserved  penc,- 
on  her  part.  Such  invasion,  in  cither  stale  of  tin 
ease,  is  not  defence,  but  aggressive  war;  nnd  tins 
pinver  the  Conslilulion,  in  no  case  whatever,  vests 

III  the  President,  but  .solely  and  exclusively  in  the 
Hcpicsenlatives  of  the  .Stales  and  of  ll.c  people  in 
Congress  assembled.  When  our  terrilory  is  actu- 
ally invaded,!  have  conceilcd  what  alt  men  know, 
that  the  ('onstiiuiion  and  the  laws  aiitliori/.e  him, 
and  make  it  his  duly,  to  rcpil  ii  with  the  military 
and  naval  force  of  the  country      His  power  stops 


T'TTS  W- 


[May  14, 
)p  Heps. 

idenliciil  lorri- 

iimrchcd  hia 

nl*  ri-<'Ni()riit 

itiiiiy  liiiK:  (III! 

Ii  Mfxii-o  \vi\a 

ilil,  or  111  niiy 

lii:r  jiiiisdics 

n^iniciil  Willi 

I'M-  llii'  i-lai]|i 

liii.'i  niliiiind. 

niliM-y  is  ihat 

ijdiii'd   liy  (lip 

■liiMi.aiid  curr 

iic  liiiit  nl'hcr 

iglilfiilly  a 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


919 


29th  Cono IsT  Sgss. 


The  Mexican  War — Mt.  Garrett  Davis. 


Ho.  OF  Bf.pb. 


fniiu  Uiu  War  ])o|iarlmeiil,  llic  S 

'•I  am  ilirri'iid  liy  tiif  I'ri'sidi'iii  In 

■  :ui'-<' ilinl  <ic"ii|iy,  w  ilh  tli'-  lhn.)i-i  iiiid 

I'll 


lliurc,  nntl  he  can  undertake  iin  njfnmvc  n|icmiiiiii!i  i 
wlialcvor  willioul  theantlioriiy  of  C(iii!;i('s.s.  Tliis 
liiiiitatiori  upon  the  rrcsidiiU  i«  one  of  tlic  ronsli- 
tiitlonnl  liulv.'arks  of  po{ailar  lilirrty  ;  wlwn   it  is  . 
iivi^rllirown,  llii;  fall  of  tlio  cimdd  ia  inuvitaljlc,  and 
dt'.ipotisin  rises  upon  its  rniriM. 

If  llio  eouiury  up  lo  the  Rio  Grande  wan  a  part 
iif  Texan,  and  it  was  proi^r  anil   lawful  for  the  ' 
President,  of  his  own  unthoriiy,  ;o  take  posses-  , 
sioii  of  it,  and  expel  the  tiovenoneiit  of  Mexico,  I 
why  did  nol  Mr.  I'olk  at  once  lioldly  assume  and  | 
execute  that  position  hy  ordering'  Cieneral  Taylor 
lo  occupy  the  lefl  hank  of  thai  river  whi;n  he  was 
tirstsent  upon  this  servicer     That,  no  doulil,  was 
llie  ulterior  pur[H^se  with  llic  Administration,  hut 
it  desired   the  s^allant  General  to  share  with  it  the 
respousihilily.     In   the  order  fnnn  the  War  l)c;- 
partini'iU,  dated  the  Itjth  of  OcU)be.r  last,  will  he 
found  these  passai;es: 

'■  Vou  will  fiitproitfh  as  neitrifie  irrUfrnlnHinlitrijofTi'r.in 
(Ihi?  Itic)  Uriuiili')  ll'«  i'ir<'lliiiM1:iiM-t-<  will   ji'Tihil,   liitviiiif  re- 
liTi'lire  la  li-ilsniialile  scenrily."  tti'.     "Oiejlit  yinii-  prc-eiit  ' 
ji'isitidii  VI  lie  fhtiime'l  ?    'riii'rerci'!^  wliii'li  :ir''.'ir  sonii  hIiiiII 
ill',  aK^elntlll'(l  niiiler  ytmr  r><iii)iiiiuitl  lir'  jcpl  inucllierorili-  I 
vulrii  ?    Ahit.  ir  ittvidi'il,  irkul  intitil.i'iiii'  an:  In  he  liiki'ii,  and  ! 
iDtvv  liri^   tliey  to   !)•'  ihviileij  :     'I'liesr  tue  <|lli-ljiiiis  wlliell 
iiiu-t  ill  a  meiisiire  lie  lefl  to  your  jiulixiiii'itl,''  ^e.  | 

Th?  General  would  not  net  upon  this  hint.  The 
niove  was  a  very  i,Tave  one,  mid  its  direelion  l>e- 
loii;;ed  properly  to  the  piiliiieal  Governmenl  of  the 
country.     In   the   next  order  lo  General  Taylor 

tnry  says: 
Inii-t  you  to  ml 
-ii|)y.  uilh  till'  lhii>)i-i  iiiidi-r  your  cniniiiaiid, 

uiiH  Oil  or  iii'iir  tll ^\  liioiU  nl'  tlir  Itjo  ilrl  \nrlr,  as 

a^  it  call  lie  cniivciiifnily  ilonr  with  ri-riTrnee  to  Ilii' 
weasiiii  Hii'l  the  niuIt'M  l»y  wliicli  ynur  iiiuvi'iiiriin  inu.-l  lii? 
liiailr." 

This  deed  of  usurpation  of  the  powers  of  C'on- 
;;n'ss,  of  violaiion  of  the  Conslitutioii,  of  war  upon 
a  iialioii  with  whiih  we  were  at  peaee,  is  done. 
The  Cteueral  in  eoiiiinand  would  not  sliare  il,  and 
It  took  lime  and  fi'iM|UeiU  coiiteinplalion  of  it  to 
nerve  its  authors  to  its  enaetineiit.  f'on^^ress  was 
at  the  lime  of  this  lasi  order,  ami  has  heeii  ever 
ninee,  in  session.  Why  did  not  Mr.  Polk  .send  a 
inessiii<;e  lo  the  two  Houses,  si;tting  forth  the  facts 
of  the  ease,  and  reeoinniendini;  a  declaration  of 
war  ill  form,  or  Ihe  ociupaiion  of  the  Mexican 
teri'itoiy  lietweeii  the  desert  and  the  llio  Grande 
with  an  American  army?  wdiicli  would  he  war  in  i 
fac.  l!ut  this  course  would  not  answer  the  pur-  I 
noses  of  Mr.  I'olk.  He  well  knew  that,  ihoii^li 
he  had  a  lai>;e  majority  of  friends  in  hoth  Hiaisea, 
and  though  it  luii^ht  sanction  the  occupation  of 
Corpus  diristi,  and  of  the  country  lietv/een  the 
jVueces  and  the  desert,  Concrrss  never  would  au- 
thori/.c  him  to  make  war  upon  the  uni|uestionalilo 
territory  of  Mexico,between  the  UioGraiuIeand  the  : 
desert,  and  there  subjiij^atc  and  expel  her  authority. 

Ihit  the  iiupiiry  is  not,  wlieilier  (^oimiress  would 
have  made  this  war.  Not,  whi't'aiT  Mexico  has  j 
done  lis  enough  of  wroni;  to  have  jusliled  Congress 
in  makiiui  \»ar  upon  her.  The  ipiestion  is  one  of 
far  frraver  and  more  endurioi;  importance,  and 
IVauuhl  ultimalely  with  eically  more  of  mischief 
than  this  little  war  with  \lexico.  It  involves  the  j 
usurpation,  hy  the  Presichnt,  of  one  of  the  hif^hesl  | 
and  most  daiiireroiis  of  all  sovereiu'n  political  pow- 
ers, which  our  forefathers  with  jealous  I'.are  with- 
held from  him,  and  vested  in  tlu^  Representatives 
of  the  Slates  ui  d  the  people;  and  this,  whilst  these  > 
Representatives  were  in  session  in  his  presence. 
]t  is  an  act  so  tiairitioiis,  and  of  such  evil  example, 
that  ail  iiidcpeiideiu  Congre.'-s,  faithful  lo  its  lii^'li 
trust,  and  resolved  lo  niaintain  the  constitutional 
partition  of  the  j^rcal  powers  of  i^overniueiit,  would 
impeach  its  author.  Kvery  American  freeiuan  who 
will  break  away  from  the  thrall  of  parly,  and  who 
will  speak  tin;  seiitiineiit  of  his  own  soul,  will  coii- 
deiun  it.  What  an  instructive  lesson  does  Mexico 
herself  nflord  ns  in  this  matter!  For  many  loin; 
years  she  has  known  nothing  but  convulsions  and 
desolation.  Her  Presiden'  overthrew  her  consti- 
tution and  trampled  upon  her  laws;  and  the  bloody 
and  still  rontimniij;  r oiillicts  of  her  successive  Pres- 
ident!:, and  chiefs  who  have  struck  for  the  Presi- 
dency, have  uiilienved  the  whole  fabric  of  her 
Bocial  or<;aiii/.aiiou.  Had  her  Congress  and  her 
people  possessed  the  virtue  and  the  courage  to  have 
preserved  herconstitiitiou  and  her  laws, and  to  have 
enforced  their  due  execution,  what  an  amount  of 
anarchy,  blood,  and  misery,  would  have  been 
averted  from  ihiu  unliiippy  country  I    Things  with 


us  have    the  same  tendency,   but   neetssarily  n 
slower  projiress.    Tlic  Presidency,  always  liacked 
by  a  powerful  party,  ihrcatens  to  absorb  all  the  , 
powers  of  the  Government,  and  to  break  down  ; 
every  cheek   upon  it.     The  Executive  Govern- 
nienl  is,  in  every  ai;e  and  country,  the  ijreal  foe  to 
popular  lilierty;  and  tliouf;h  its  ad  vance  here  seems 
to  many  inconsiderable,  yea,  iiopirci  plible,  yet,  if 
we  will  compare  llic  present  willi  the  era  ol  forty 
years  as^o,  the  most  careless  will  bo  struck  with  ila 
^rcal  and  iilarmini:!;Nlriih!S.    Its  advance  in  the  (Ini- 
ted  Stales  has  been  much  more  rajiid  than  in  many  t 
rejiublics  which   have  fallen  untier  its  blows,  and  i 
wliere  it  has  planted  its  iron  heel  upon  the  necks  of 
the  people.   If  we  escape  its  servitude,  thi^  American 

I pie  must  awake  from  their  letharijy,  and  learn 

and  practi.se  the  lesson,  thai  eti  rnal  vi;j:ilance  upon 
the  I'lesUliiicy,  whoever  may  fill  it,  is  ill','  price  of 
freedom.  The  rise  of  nio.-'i  usurpers  and  despotisms 
is  slow, and  step  by  step.  Open  and  bold  operalioiis 
would  alarm  and  shock  the  public  mind,  and  unite 
nil  a;;aiiist  nieasnres  and  acts  wliicli  all  would  per- 
ceive to  threaten  the  overthrow  of  llic  lilierties  of  | 
the  people,  Aiubitioii,  to  be  siiccissl'iil,  must  ' 
cloak  its  desii;iis,  and  take  iidvaiitM'j;!'  of  the  pre- 
texts of  puttini;  down  domestic  violence,  of  repel- 
lini;  foreiuii  invasion,  of  prole,  liii;;  tin;  iiaiional  ter- 
ritorc  and  viiiilicatiiii;  its  aiiiliority  within  1*  of 
rtro.*.'  v.ui  ]if  a  forei^^n  war.  Siicli  occasioi-  ■  are 
seizeil  iiiioii  by  tlio.se  who  would  ri,se  upon  their 
country's  ruin,  to  excuse,  and  ofleii  to  justify,  the 
disreijard  of  conslitulion  and  law  by  the  irii:;;ii!ar 
exercise  of  power.  Marh  instance  beconies  a  pre- 
cedent to  jnstily  a  fiiliiie  eiicniaclimciit,  and  the 
people  arc  always  liillrd  by  the  cry,  thai  the  cxis'- 
iiiijcxii^eiice  i-eiptii's  it.  In  many  lejuilili'S  which 
have  preceded  ns  it  did,  and  in  our  own  it  would, 
require  a  succession  ot"  such  usurpers,  and  a  very 
lon^  series  of  such  preccdenls,  to  solivcrl  our  in- 
stitutions. 15iit  when  sucli  an  order  of  thii'/s  com- 
mences, it  ^xenerally  procuresses  with  slow  or  accel- 
erated speed  to  its  final  (MiMsinuination;  and  one  of 
the  most  dilHcnltof  all  works  is  to  arousi!  the  peo- 
ple lo  a  clear  and  just  view'  of  the  impi'iidiiii;  dan- 
ji;er.  Those  wiio  warn  tiicni  are  too  apt,  like  Cas- 
sandra, to  go  unhcedrd,  lint  siiM,  the  hi',;hi'st 
public  virtue,  the  ;^reatest  manitcstaliiin  of  eoiira:,,'!', 
the  purest  exhibition  of  j.alriotisin,  is  to  eoniiiiiie 
without  ceasiiiL'  to  ibiinder  the  warning  into  tlic 
ears  of  oiir  cfiiintrymeii. 

Mr.  Polk  did  and  now  desires  a  re-election.  lie 
thinks  he  can  ellei't  that  by  making  war  U|ioii 
weak  and  disli'acted  .Mexico,  ami  wiiiii in:;  eclat  and 
f,'l(n'y  for  his  Administration  by  the  sure  success  of 
his  country's  arms  over  so  uneipial  a  foe.  Kut 
Mexico  continues  peaceful,  and  will  not  her.self 
make  war  upon  the  United  Slatis,  even  by  a.s,sail- 
inj:  General  Taylor's  pnsilion  at  Corpus  t'liristi, 
which  no  doubt  Mr.  I'olk  hoped  mid  expected. 
War,  then,  could  be  properly  made  only  by  Con- 
{;rcss:  but  it  would  reject  such  a  proposnioii,  and 
thus  his  desi;;iis  would  lie  balked.  At  leiiirth,  im- 
pelled by  I'is  sinistcn-  ambition,  he  decides  to  make 
war  on  bis  own  autlioriiy,  to  ehar;;i'  this  upon 
Ttlexico,  if  she  should  oiVer  any  resistance  to  his  acts 
of  atjujressioM,  and  ttmler  this  cover  to  procure  the 
adoption  of  his  war  by  CoiiL'iess. 

Mr.  Chairinan,  1  bavi'  said  that  if  General  Tay- 
lor had  remained  at  Corpus  Chrisli,  he,  in  all  prob- 
ability, would  not  have  been  disturbed  by  Ihe 
Mexicans.  After  he  had  been  posted  there  for 
twenty-five  days,  in  his  despatch  to  the  Dep.irt- 
ineiil,  dated  Ao:;ust  0(1,  IHJ,"),  he  says:  "  t'aravaiis 
'  of  traders  arrive  occasioi  nil  iy  from  the  Rio  L!-rn  tide, 
'but  briii^  no  news  of  importance.  They  repre- 
'  sent  that  there  arc  no  regular  troops  on  thai  river, 
'  except  at  Matamoros,  and  do  not  .'^eeni  to  iie 
'  aware  of  any  preparations  for  a  demiiiisiiaiiiin  on 
'  this  biiiik  of  Ine  river."  In  his  letter  ol'  .Aiuiust 
.lOth,  the  (ieneral  informs  the  Departmeni:  "  \Vc 
'  have  no  news  from  the  Rio  Grande.  Idle  stories  ' 
'  are  bron^lit  in  from  that  ipiarter,  but,  with  the 
'means  of  accurate  information  which  we  now 
'  possess,  I  ilo  not  deem  it  necessary  to  repeat 
'them."  In  the  eommeiicemcnt  of  his  despatch, 
dated  Septen.berClh,he  says:  "  I  have  the  honor  to 
'  report  that  a  confidential  ii!;ent,  despatched  some 
'  days  since  lo  Matamoros,  lias  returned,  and  re- 
'  ports  that  no  extraordinary  preparations  are  !;oiii|; 
'  forward  there;  that  the  (jarrisoii  does  not  seem  to 
'have  been  increa.sed,  and  that  our  coiis'.il  is  of 
'  opinion  llierc  will  be  no  Uoclaraliou  of  war."   In 


his  despatch  dated  Se|ileinber  l-llli,  he  says:  "  We 

*  have  no  news  of  interest  from  I  he  frontier.  Arista, 
'  at  the  last  accounls,  was  at  Mier,  without  any 
'  force;  nor  is  there  as  yet  any  eoiiceniration  of 
'  troops  on  the  river.  A  report  readied  San  An- 
'  tonio,  a  few  days  since,  that   |ii'eparations  were 

*  iiiakinj;  to  receive  troops  at  Laredo.  This  I  eoii- 
'  sider  very  diiiibifiil;  but  if  troops  arrive  there,  [ 
'  shall  cxpi'c:t  to  receive  early  information  of  thii 
'  fiu:t  from  .San  Antonio,"  On  the  11th  of  October, 
the  General  ,says  lo  the  Deparlinent:    "  Recent  ar 

'  riviils  from  the  Rio  Grande  brini;  no  news  or 
'  inl'onnation  of  a  diircrent  aspect  from  that  which 
'  I  reported  in  my  la,st.  The  view;<  expressed  in 
'  previous  comnnniiialions  relative  to  the  pacific 
'  disposition  of  the  iiorder  people  on  liolli  sides  of 
'  the  river,  are  conlimially  eonfirmcd."  Iiiaiimher 
despatch  of  Jano'iry  7th,  I84(i,  he  ^'ives  iiiforina- 
lioii  that  "  u  rec  n  scout  of  voluiueers  from  San 
'  Anloiiio  struck  ihc  river  near  Presidio,  Rio 
'  Gianile,  and  the  commander  reporl.s  evirytliins; 
'iiniei  in  that  (|iiarter."  All  these  despatches  iirB 
dated  alt'orpus  Chrisli,  where  General  Taylor's 
army  rcMiuined  diirin::;  the  whole  period.  Tho 
character  of  the  news  did  not  suit  Mr.  Polk;  it 
w;is  of  too  (lacific  a  character,  and  plainly  deinoii- 
slraled  that  the  Mexicans  did  not  intend  to  eoin- 
ineiice  liosliliiies.  jbitwar  w:is  iieces.sary  to  the 
ends  of  .\!r.  Polk;  he  was  determined  lo  have  it, 
and  on  the  l.'ltb  of  January  he  di  spatched  an  older 
10  General  Taylor  lo  make  a  forward  move  with 
his  foiri'  lo  the  liiolirande.  In  execution  of  this 
ordei',  General  T.iylor  took  up  the  line  of  inarch, 
lie  had  passed  tlii'  desert,  and  was  apiiroacliin:; 
the  r.itile  tjoliiiado,  and  I'roiii  his  headi|narlei',s, 
"  II'.)  miles  from  Corpus  Cluisli,"  he  .^eiit  a  de- 
spatch to  the  Departnanl,  dated  ISili  March,  in 
which  he  says:  "  Within  the  la,'-t  two  d:iys  our 
'advain'e  bis  met  willi  small  armed  pariies  of 
'  ,Mexi.  iins,  ivlio  seemed  dispiead  to  avoi'l  lis. 
'  They  were,  (Imiiillcss,  ihrown  out  to  !;et  iiilornia- 
'  lion  "of  our  advance."  Tin;  American  army  was 
then  in  nodoiil'ied  .Mexican  territory,  approncliiin; 
Iheir  seiilcnients,  and  alioin  to  make  an  aciiial  con- 
flict Willi  their  l.iws  ai'i!  auihorilies.  It  was  then 
that  Griieril  Taylor  encoimiercd  tho  first  cerin  of 
a  hostile  disposition  on  tin  ir  part.  In  his  next 
des|iatcli,  of  March  :l\,  he  says: 

'•'riie  .Arinjii  Ciilnriuto  is  a  >iilt  river,  or  railier  Iniriion, 
neiuU  niii'  liiiiKlri'd  viinl-.  hlii:nt,iiint  so  ilei'ii  as  liiirely  to  lie 
liirilalile,  Il  w.iiilil  iiiivc  i;,riiiril  a -i  rums  iil.«lit|.linii  looiir 
llilircll  lliiil  Ihe  ilieaiv  i'liri,.iMi  l.i  ii,  elipj  lis  iisllt  liailk,  even 
with  a  siiiall  llirce.  On  llie  llltll  tlie  leKani-i'il  eiir|is  en- 
i'iiiii|ieil  williiii  llucc  iiiilisi.rilie  inriLniiil  a  ree.iiiiicii-siinen 
was  pllslie;!  fiiiwanl  In  III"  riv.  r,  ,\  ]iarly  nl'  iriejiilar  cav- 
alry (raiiclierns)  was  iliscov.r.  li  nii  ilie  o|i|in>i|.-  Iiaiik.  lait 
Ihrewnn  nh-Iaeli'  in  llic;  way  nl  ('vaiiiiniiil!  Ihe  Innl,  'I'liey, 
Imwi'Ver.  si'ililhi'il  In  llie  oHiei  r  elianjiil  Willi  the  O'cnlilinis- 
same  thai  il  wniilil  In'  inii-i.h  r.  cl  .in  ml  nf  lin-lilily  if  wn 
all.  iii|ili'(l  lo  iiiiss  Ilil'  river,  an. I  lliiit  we  slmnlil  in  that  ease 
lie  tr'aliil  as  ciieinii's.  I'liiliT  tlii-st'  riiinni-tanecs,  iinl 
kiinwini!  Ilil'  iinininil  "f  tnn-i'  Ihal  iiiiijlil  lie  na  Ihe  oilier 
hank,  I  il.'.'ini'd  il  iirnil.iil  In  inaU"  ih-|MiMliniis  In  pa-^s  the 
river  liiidi'r  lir.',  I'nr  wlinli  pl.iise  -if  my  '  iJnhrs,'  No.  :rj. 
,'\l  an  I'arlv  liniir  na  Ihi'  'JUill  tli.' cavalry  and  Tn.-I  li'ei...h  nf 
inlanlrv  wrre  in  |i.i-ilinn  at  Ih.'  fnni,  the  liall.'nr-  nf  llihl 
arlillirv  lii'ina  sn  plaiid  as  In  sw.'.  ii  the  np|in.i|.'  hank. 
While  I  lie -e  dispn-ili-.n-- wire  in  |iriiiriess,  Ihe  p.irly  llial  '.  'd 
slKiwa  Ihi'iusi'lvi'-  Ihc  ihu  In  lim'  .ii.iin  lii.iih'  Ih.ir  ap;..    . 

nine,     I  sent   (,'aplaiii   .'Man-hi  Id  l.i  .1111111111111. ale  will 

oin.'.'r  ill  I'miiinaiiil,  whn  >aiil  he  had  |insltivc  nr.l.rs  t..  lir.' 
llpnii  as  if  we  alti'inpled  to  eriiss  111.'  river.  Anolhir  parly 
then  nia.le  its  appi'iiraine.  and  pa-  se.l  tin-  river  to  eniniiiii- 
iiii'ali'  with  nil'.  'Ine  nf  lllini  (Hlmivas  r.  pri'sinli'il  as  Iho 
.■VdiiiMliI  leniTal  nf  Ihe  M.vi.'an  Ininpsl  r.piat.  .1  silh-tali 
liaih  whalhad  lii.  n  sent  h.f.ii.',viz  ;  thai  tlnylia.l  perenip. 
Inrviinh-r,- lo  tin;  iiii.ni  n-,  and  that  ilwniih!  Iieaih  .'laMliim 
ofivnrif  HI-  pass.'d  Ih.'  riv.r.  He  pla.  rd  in  liiy  hands,  at 
the  same  tone,  a  pris'lainalinn  nf  (iiniral  Mi'jia,  isMied  at 
.Mal.minrns  a  ilav  nr  iw.i  iir.'Vinus,  whi.'h  I  iiiehise,     I  in- 

fnrmi'd  llie  nllic'r  Ih.U  I  - hi  i'lmi.  dial.  Iv  cniss  llie  riv.r, 

and  If  any  .if  Ills  parlv  show..!  III. nisi  Ives  .ni  Ihe  ntlicr  hank 

nit.r  III.' jias-nae  «a- in'i'd,  they  wmild  I'l'iivi'  the 

lirenfniir  arlilhrv,''    " 'I'll.' eriissiiiir  was  then  i'. n'ne.  d, 

nii.l  evi'.'iil.il  inliienrder  presirllii'il,  N'.il  aslml  was  liriil; 
mill  a  reeniiiini-san.'.'  nf  cavalry  suit  imnii'diiilely  inrwaid, 
di'envered  111.;  |iarlv  wlii.'li  lia.l  necii|iii'il  Ihe  hank  ri'Iri'al 

in"  in  the  diri'i'linnnf  Malaninms,"    "  1  have II u'lil  pioper 

to  iiiaki'  a.h'laihil  p  p.irl  of  llii-.  n|ii'ralinii,as  li.  iiii:  the  lir^t 
ne.'lisinii  in  wlihli  the  ^li'vi.ans  have  >hnwn  llii'in-elves  ni 
na  alliln.l.'  iheiil.  illv  hn-lile."     "  Frnlll  llii'  hesi  inhiriiialina 

I  am  ahh'  1"  nhtaiii,  Ih V  is  ani  In  fnrre  nn  this  side  of 

Ihe  III. I  liiiiiiili',  ,\  f.'W  rniii'li.'rn.s  are  fIIII  on  tiic  routo 
hei 1.1  Malainnr.is," 

General  Taylor  reached  Point  Ls.abel,  twcniv 
eijlit  miles  from  Malani(U'os,on  the  'JIM  of  Marcli, 
aiui,  in  his  despatch,  dated  the  '^'iih,  he  says: 

''  While  on  my  win  liitli.'r,  niir  cnliniiii  viiis  apprnaehpil 
hy  a  parlv  nn  ils  riilhl  'Hank,  bearilis  a  white  flair.  It  prriMil 
tii  he  a  civil  d.'pniali.in  frniii  Mataninrns,  di'slrilis  an  inter- 
view with  nil'-     I  iiifnimed   tlliiii    thai  I  uniil.l  halt  at  ihe 

lirsl  -iiilahli'  pl.i. the  r.i:i.l.  and  all'nni  llli'ln  the  desired 

interview  witUiae.    It  was,  liinvcvir,  found  aeccMiuy,  fio.'u 


ffi:,: 


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920 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  2, 


29th  CoNO 1st  Skss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Norris. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


ihi'  wiiiu  of  wttitT,  to  ronljniii!  tlie  rniitnto  this  pinco.  The 
ili'pulJitioii  hnlt'-il  \vhil«  y(>t  noriie  iiijlirx  rVoiii  PonU  funbul, 
declining  to  coiric  fiirlhor,  iiiiil  Kt-nl  iiic  ii  tiiriniil  pniU'st  ol' 
the  I'rn*'crt  <if  iitr  iioittit'rn  tlit^liici  oi'riiiiniiilip.-is  nQnirmt 
our  occiipottoii  of  111-  >'(ini)lry,  \vlu<-[i  I  i<MfloM>  lifn>\\'itli. 
At  Ilii?*  inoini'iil  IT  \VM-  .jHt-avi'Vcil  Unit  llifhuJIiliiiL')*  at  rniiil 
IsiilM'l  were  in  tlniiii-'.  I  tlnii  hilunii'it  tin'  lii-itriT  of  tlie 
pnrtpst  llmt  I  would  .inswcr  it  wlirii  op]Hi>itL'  MatHiiioruH, 
and  di>nii("'<'il  ihf  di'initutiun." 

Aftc-r  lliiH  review,  who  rnn  (loiilit  that  it  wMtho 
scttlftl  pur))ose  of  Mr.  I'nili  to  hnve  n  war  witli 
Mexico;  that  he  <X|iertc(l,  and  ilcsiiTil  it,  during 
the  occtipnlion  of'Corpu.s  C'hriali  liy  ihc  Anicriciin 
nrmy.  that  lie  ordered  tliat  nriiiy  lorvvaid  to  the 
Rio  (Jraiide,  in  a;.'2;resslve  war  ii|ion  the  territory) 
P'ople,  and  aiitliorilies  of  !\[cxi.-o,  the  more  cer- 
tainly lo  provoke  it  ?  This  he  lias  done  in  disre- 
gard ol'  ti.e  Consiiliition,  in  nsiir|.aiion  of  the  power 
of  Cnnsress.and  whilst  it  was  in  .■session.  He  ask- 
ed Cons^ress  to  sanclion  and  ralify  it,  and  at  the 
Rainc  time  lo  vole  snpjilies  to  cnriy  on  ilie  war. 
The  A'arisuiiconsiltiitiunally  I  esiin.'r'iiiil  avowed 
liy  ("onjress,  it  is  inl'ormal.  .Tames  K.  Polk  made 
it.  Hilt,  however  irreTular,  it  is  ini-essnrily  the 
war  of  our  connlry,aiid  her  army  and  lier  cilizeiis 
are  in  peril.  It  niusi  he  enlercd  npoii  ni  once, mid 
heartily  and  viijoroiisiy  proscciiied  niitil  the  lionor 
of  the  emunry  is  relrievcd,  and  peace  is  niailc.  If 
this  war  had  been  made  liy  Coiirrress,  allhoii^'h  I 
slionld  not,  under  exislini:  cin  nnisiances,  h.ive 
voted  for  it,  atill  I  wonhfliuve  snlnnitleil  to  the 
decision  of  ilie  appropriale  |io\vi'r,and  wonid  have 
made  no  inquiry  .is  to  its  jiisiice.  or  the  sulTicienry 
of  the  cau.-ii.i  whii-h  inihiccd  ils  ilechiralioii.  1  am 
willni?  so  Dir  to  adopt  it  as  lo  prosecute  it  wilh  all 
the  supplies  which  the  rresident  will  ask,  and  in 
all  the  forms  of  civili/rd  warfare.  Hut,  wliils; 
doiiiir  this,  I  would  hold  up  I'ls  author,  .Tames  [\". 
Polk,  I'cfore  the  coiinlry.aiid  denounce  his  aimse 
nnd  usurpation  of  power,  lint  he  is  to  escuic  l.v 
a  bill,  whi"h  both  asks  supplies  and  sen  ens  hiiii, 
by  declariii'.',  against  all  truth,  that  this  war  was 
hemin  by  .Mexico.  That  bill  was  fninnd  in  the 
8:ime  spirit  in  which  this  war  ua.s  mule  I'y  ^^r. 
Polk,  and  it  was  inlended  lo  place  those  who  con- 
demned  the  war  and  ils  aiillior  in  the  pri  ilicameiit 
of  juslifyiiii:  liiin,  by  fisins;  a  falsehood  upon  .Mex- 
ico, or  of  seeming'  to  williliold  ilie  necessarv  suc- 
cor to  our  beleaguered  arinv.  That  bill  proposed 
the  extraordinary  supplies,  beyond  the  cnrreul  ser- 
vice, of  leu  millions  of  money  and  tifU'  ihonsaud 
men,  for  whiili  there  was  no  immitli't'lr  ;ny.«iaj 
necil.  It  was,  in  fact,  a  declaralion  of  war,  and 
Rave  the  Uniled  Stales  the  position  of  a  belliirereul; 
and  thus  ch.imred  their  relations,  not  only  towards 
Mexico,  but  the  whole  world,  tlu'  ils  wnrsi  lea- 
tiiie  was,  tint  it  tarnished  an  act  of  CoiiL'rrs.i  by 
filsehood,  and  covertly  satictioned  by  .lames  K. 
Polk  the  usurpation  of  the  war-makiiv,'  power.  It 
was,  beyoml  nuesiion,  the  niosl  imp  iriaiit  meas- 
ure upon  wliicli  I  was  e\ir  calliil  upon  lo  vole. 
When  the  historian  of  the  conntry  records  llii.s 
passaje,  he  will  learn  with  amazement  thai  the 
majority  of  the  House  .,f  Repre.senlalives  hurried 
this  measure  ihrou'.-li  m  a  few  hours,  and  would 
not  allow  one  word  (o  be  said  in  opposition  lo  ii. 
He  may  in  sorn^w  come  to  tlie  coiiclusiou  that  its 
friends  knew  it  lo  be  a  measure  so  foul,  iliat  ii 
c  'uld  not  bear  .scruliny.  He  mi^ht  well  ri  ■  onl  it 
as  one  of  lint  mnsi  alrocious  insiances  of  lejisl,iii\e 
tyranny  mi  record,  rreedom  ofdrhale  i.<  wuarnn- 
tied  by  tile  Constitution.  It  is  of  ilu'  spirit  of  onr 
institutions,  and  necessary  to  tin  ir  preservaiion; 
and  y  I  il  is  so  sysieniatirally  and  successfully 
Bllacked  in  this  half,  as  ihat  noiliiiif.'  but  a  misera- 
ble reinnani  is  left  lo  the  miiioriiv.  Thai  minority 
nsks  nothinir  but  a  reasonable  lime  lo  debate  all 
measures:  this  is  their  ri;:ht,  the  riu'lit  of  their  con- 
Blitneuts,  the  ri^'lit  of  the  Ann  ricaii  p<'ople.  I  call 
upon  them  to  demand  it,  lo  have  il,  of  ihe  hanu'hty 
inajoriiy.  Resist  lliis  ^'rievoiis  oppies,i,in  in  ail 
the  forms  known  to  the  (Jonstitulioii,  and  in  all  the 
modes  of  doini^  business.  If,  lo  secire  the  (Vre- 
dom  of  debate,  which  i  i  ihe  essence  of  popiil,..-  hb- 
frty,  il  becomes  neces.sa.-y  lo  waste  ourselves,  or 
even  to  parish  in  protracie'd  slrinru'les  on  ihis  lloor, 
we  caimol  be  martyrs  in  a  more  fjlnrions  cause 

iSui'h,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  the  measure  to  which 
men  in  this  hall  have  oppoKe<l  iheir  voice  and  iheir 
voles.  Tluy  wi  re  for  all  ii(  cessary  supplies — .iH 
which  inniht  be  isked;  Iml  they  were  opposiil  to 
mix  tliein  np  wiili  a  jisiifnalioii  of  .Mr.  Polk. 
They  felt  it  a.s  liii;li  nnd  necessary  a  duty  lo  ctm, 
deniii  hiin    s  to  fjrant, supplies.     All  Represcnia. 


lives  who  occupy  ihis  pnnilion  have  been  dcnonnecd 
hyndherenlsof  the  President,  as  taking' part  ajaiiist 
their  owiiC(uintry,  and  the  side  of  its  enemy.  Tin  y 
are  belter  and  irner  friends  of  iheir  conniiy ,  its  lib- 
erties nnd  Constilulion,  than  their  Iradiic'ers.  All 
usurpers,  from  the  Pisisirati  and  Casars  down  to 
the  Croniwells,  the  Hoimpartes,  and  ihe  .Tames  K. 
Polka,  have  had  thrir  tools  and  their  myrmidons, 
t^at  are  used  lo  beset  the  i;ood  and  ihe  wise,  who 
may  rise  in  opposition. 

1  i;ive  no  such  classilicatien  to  the  many  who  i 
j  sustain   .Mr.  Polk  in  his  course  on  this  ocra.sion.  ' 
!  But  for  those  who  conilemn  me  and  the  other  in-  1 
!  dependent  men  wilh  whom  I  a''t  on  Ihis  inlerest- 
'n\'^  subjcc-l,  in   low  demairoirical  strains,  I  want 
words  to  express  my  scorn  and  roiiieinpt.     I  do 
not  doubt  the  palriolism  of  lint  Democracy  gener- 
ally in   this  mailer.     I    only  express  an   opinion 
lliiit  they  arc  prmupted  by  the  excess  of  |iarly  ?.(al 
lo  sustain    in    their    President    what    they  would 
promptly  condemn  as  rnormon.s   abuse  of  power 
;  if  dime  by  one  of  difl'ereni  politics.     I  do  not  inli-  , 
'  male    that   they  alone   are   conlrolled    by  such   a 
motive:  we  ;ill  act  from  il:  and  I  freely  admit  that 
■  I  do,  and  no  doubt  loo  orieit.     I.  however  assume 
'  this  position  wilh   perfect  confideii''i',  that   if  the 
President   had   broiiirht  two  w;irs  instead   t»f  one 
'  upon  the  couiiIr\',  and  Imih  w  ifli  Powers  of  eipi;il 
streiiL^fh,  auil  one  was  iiitrus;ed  to  ibeWliiu's  and 
the  oilier  to  the  Demofrais,  I  would  stake  niv  life 
that   Ihe  Whi'.;s  would   brinj;  theirs  lo  aivetpially 
'  speeey  and  j;lorions  close. 

I  d(  olore  the  exisleine  of  this  war,  because  1 
have  ill  luplit  it  abotxelhcr  unnecessary  We  were 
quietly  ind  jaaceably  in  pi>ssession  of  all  Texas, 
'  even  to  he  uimost  veri^e  of  In  r  lerriiory  and  po)iii- 
l;ition,and  i\Ie\ico  hail  uiveti  no  evidence  ihat  she 
would  disinrb  '!'e\as  or  any  pari  c-f  the  ruiied 
rf'.ales.  When  she  did  become  the  assailant,  it 
would  be  limeennu^^ll  to  meet  licr.  I  np'U'ovcd  of 
llie  lu'sslon  of  pe:ice  w  liifli  .Mr.  Polk  sen,  lo  Mex- 
ico, i  lid  aidenlly  desirnl  that  il  mi'_'ht  lia\c  the 
most  complete  sncce:i*».  I  re^rctled  win  n  Mexico 
refiiM'd  to  recei\-e  ourambass;idor;  but  we  have  no 
riirhi  to  insist  thai  a  nalioii  shall  mainlain  diplo- 
malii  relations  with  our  (loveriiiitent— her  refusal 
is  no  I  aiise  of  war  by  Conirress,  and  much  less  by 
the  President.  Mi\ico,loo,  was  in  a  state  of  ^-reat 
iiiteriiai  coimiiolion.  of  a  passim^  revolution,  and 
she  simiilied  Iut  willin:::ness  lo  receive  from  our 
Ciovernmeiit  a  commissioner  to  settle  all  tpiestions 
of  bound. u'v:  but  this  overture  w.as  rejecied.  I 
think  it  should  have  been  accepted.  AVe  had  an- 
nexed la  our  t.'ninii  Texai.  one  of  In  r  revolled 
provinces,  which  Mexico  aiill  claimed  lo  beloni,'  lo 
her,  when  there  was  a  suspended  war  between 
them,  which  it  was  competent  for  i-iilier  party  at  ' 
any  time  to  resuni''.  .''^lic  dec!. ired  beforehand  that 
il'Tevaswas  annexed  she  would  n-LMfd  it  as  an 
act  of  war  on  the  part  of  tin-  fiiitiil  Siaii  s.  Win  n 
annexalion  ioid<  place,  it  was  ilie  piivilc-je  of  Mex- 
ico lo  considtM'  her  relations  with  the  Cnited  Stales 
as  pie-ific  or  warlike,  al  her  pleasmv.  Sin-  chose 
the  toruier,  altliouiili  she  wiibdc-w  her  Minister 
iVoni  mir  Cioveriiment,  and  sn-iundeil  diiilimialic 
ril.iiions.  Vet  she  maile  no  w'ar  iipim  'J'exas  or 
the  riiiied  States,  and  both  Powirs  have  repe.-iied- 
ly  recorrniscd  the  existence  id'  peace.  Under  the 
circnmstances — Mexico,  weak,  dislracied,  con- 
vulsed, lorn  by  internal  faclions  alniosi  to  a  state 
of  social  disorirani/alioii,  and  sniarliii;,'  under  the 
recollection  of  the  annexalion  of  Texas— it  becaiin 
a  frreul  and  ma'.rn:uiiinons  Power  like  the  United 
Stales  to  be:ir  and  forbear  witli  her,  lo  make  con- 
icfisiotis  lo  In  r  thai  would  not  havi-  been  tliou^lit 
of  towards  a  Powrc  -Mir  ei|iial.  We  slionld  h,-i\e 
sent  lo  In  r  a  special  mission  of  peaci  lo  adjust 
boundary,  wliii'h  was  llicu'reat  mallc-r  bi-tween  us. 
I!ul,  inste.-ul  of  this  line  of  policy,  ihe  President 
himself  rolls  upon  her  the  tide  of  w.-ir  !  Who  says 
il  is  not  war?  If,  befori?  llie  silileuienl  of  ilie 
iiortin  1  aerii  bonudarv  (jnestion,  {'an;taiid  had  per- 
lorineil  exactly  piirallel  ids  ol*  aL;i:res,-iioii  upon 
that  disputed  territory,  or  were  she  now  lo  enaci 
ai^ainst  the  Ignited  Slates  in  Oreiion  jusi  such  war 
as  our  President  has  against  .Mexico  on  the  Hio 
'  Jrande,  every  voice  In  lln-  Uniled  Sl.iles  would 
prononuce  it  \\:ii-,jhi;;itiiilf  Inlln.  Tlui*-  wire  sev- 
eral lollisioiis,  and  ;ui  ;ii  lual  conlli''i  of  aulliorilies 
between  Maine  and  New  llrunswick;  yei  I'resiibiit 
Van  liuren  never  pr-  sunied  lo  m:o*cIi,  of  his  own 
authority,  the  American  armie:i  into  ihe  disputed 


1 

I  territory,  hut  submitted  the  whole  aubjeet  to  Cnn- 
L'ress  as   the  ("onaliluliim  require*.    The   le^^er 
wronu'  and  dait:rer  to  ihe  American  people  are  ilm 
■  injuries  which  ihey  have  received   from   Mexico; 
;  and  ihis  war,  of  itself  ihe  i,'reatcr  wrons;  and  dnii- 
,  j;er,  is  that  which  proceeds  from  Jame.i  K.  Piilk, 
j  who  has  of  his  own  mere  will  and  aulhority,  dared 
I  to  make  war.     If  il  be  actpiiesced  in  by  Cfon^ress 
!  and  Ihe  people  wilhoiil  rinesiion,  nnd  be  speedily 
j  iuid  honorably  terminaied,  which   latter  I  crdenll/ 
I  hope  for,  it  will  be  but  the  prei-nrsor  of  nnothrV 
'  presideiilial    war   in    about    twelve   monllia    wilh 
Kiislaiid.    Oregon  will  then   furnish  a  fitter  occa- 
sion to  Mr.  Polk,  fin-a  war  witli  tlint  Power,  than 
Ti'Xas  has  .■itforded  him  lo  attack  Mexico.     They 
who  would  avoiii   that    Ireuieiidons  war,  or  have 
the  power  to  make  il  repose  wilh  ils  constilutional 
depository,  Coue:ress,inust  now  curb  ouranbitions 
and  Msurpiii!,'  Presiibnl.     I  lliank  Heaven  that  we 
h.i\e  the  slreni::lh  and   rcHonn-rs  lo  disposi'  of  this 
war  wilhoiit  any  irre.U  sacrifni-  or  noional  distress, 
and,  al  the  same  lime,  lo  hold  liim  lo  a  proper  nc- 
counlabilily,  whilst   public  senliment  burns  indiL:- 
nanily  for  ihe  rereni  oulra:,'e.     No  time  so  fii  for  a 
luteal   delin(|uent.      His   friends   are  iloiin;  e\erv- 
thiiii;  to  slide  iiiijiiiry  and  lo  silence  rebuke;  bulif 
such   acis  :ire  io  be  rpiictly  submilled  lo  by  Con- 
i;iess  and  llie  people,  then  ihe  .spirit  of  liberty  is 
lied  from  us  forever.     The   forms  of  onr   'nsiiin- 
lions   m::y    remain,    but    their    administration    is 
iiothiie^  but  ui^.nieitiiin:;  mnmmcrv.     Home  rciain- 
ed   In-r  Senate,   her  tiibiines,  .-ind  all  lli<-   fornial 
or-^atiizatioii  of  her  ancient  liberty,  when  Tiberius 
t.'a'sar  wtis  <aiiliroiied    on  the  rock    of  Caprea',  a 
solitary,  i:loomy,and    bloody   tyraiil,  w  lio.>e  uill 
and  voice  daily  spoke   law  to   mipi-rial    Home   in 
characters  td'  blood.     I  le,  loo,  had  his  Kejanus  and 
other  minions,  who  sirove  to   keep  the  Senate  in 
awe,  lo  hush   the  murmurs  of  the  people,  and  lo 
keep  ihe  spirit  of  Home   bowt-d  down   by  nioral 
degradation  and  iron  dcpotisui.     Now  and  always 
is  the  lime  to  L'liard  ns  anil  cmr  system  ngainsi  any 
approxiiualion  to  such  a  destiny. 

iiul,  .Mr.  (.'hairman,  Mr.  Polk  would  make  ihis 
war.  lie  had  as  much  ri^-lit  to  iiinke  il  one  time 
asanoiher;  why  ilnii  nol  make  it  1,-isi  fall,  ili.it  we 
inii;lil  have  bron^rlit  ii  lo  a  c|os,e  diiriiiL'  the  m  iiiler's 
cainpaiiitt'  (iener:il  Taylor  says  the  conntry  is 
sickly  like  l-'lorida:  lla'  army  must  then  :;o  into 
inartirs  in  summer,  an  dfiu'hi  ils  battles  in  winier. 
This  w.ir  is  lo  be c.-i cried  on  by  Hoops  mainly  frnm 
the  sonlhwcslerii  Slates,  and  my  Stale  will  liave  i  ^ 
rtiriiisli  heri]Uoi,-i.  She  will  ilo  ii.  We  will  L'i\e 
our  sons  or  ourselvs  IVecly  to  onr  eouniry  in  ill's 
war.  We  have  no  ibiad  of  .Mexican  iriuis  Wt. 
are  ready  lo  fall  in  the  service  of  our  tamlrv 
either  by  bailie  or  disease.  On  the  ensan^niiieil 
|ilain,  siirrid  by  the  appearance  of  an  enemy  in 
full  p^.noply,  "and  all  the  pinap  and  ijlorions  cir- 
cunisiance  of  w  ar,"  wilh  a  cliencc  boili  for  hon- 
orable sur\  i\oisliip  and  In  role  death,  we  would 
have  powerful  aids  to  sustain  us  in  the  jierils  of 
bailie.  Hnl  we  have  no  lasle  for  a  summer  cam- 
paiirii  in  a  couinry  defended,  mil  by  i;s  soMiery  so 
much  as  by  its  malaria  and  livi-rs,  benealh  which 
ten  perish  where  one  falls  by  tlie  sword.  !!ul  the 
American  peo|ile  are  ready  lo  do  their  duly  to 
their  eouniry  at  all  liiins,  al  all  placi-»,  and  at  all 
seasons.  .-Vs  this  wj.r  is  upon  us.  sirike  viL'oronsly. 
Let  it  be  (piick,  sharp, anil  hoi,  lli.-ii  peace  may  |i'e 
sooner  come.  I  li:t\e  no  fears  as  lo  resulis,  eiilier 
linal  or  in  detail;  the  nation  has  none.  I  have  no 
apprehensions  for  the  gallant  Tayhir  iUid  his  little 
army,  besic'ied  as  they  are  said  lo  be.  He  will 
lie;il  oiVaiiy  force  thai  niiiy  ns.sail  his  camp,  and  if 
llie  Mi-yi<aiis  will  ipiil  llnir  biislns  and  u'ive  him 
a  fiiraml  opi  II  tiirlit,  he  w  ill  thrash  iheni  !;!orionsly. 
''ondiel  opcialions  as  ihey  may,  he  will  mainlain 
his  position  milil  he  receives  ample  reiiiforcemeiits. 


TH  K   TARIl'P 


,S  Pi:  IK   II    OF   !\IH.  M.  NOltUlS, 

OF  Nnw   IIAMPSllinR. 

Ix  Till;   HollM.  Ol     R|-.PltFSI,NrATlVF.S, 

.llllll  •-',  l.-'-lli. 

(In  Ihe  Hill  lo  reduce  the  Duties  ini  Imporls,  and 
for  other  purposes- 
Air.    NOIUUS   said,    he  sluaild   nol   follow  llio 
example  of  the  ijenlleman  from  Tcnnefsec,  [Mr. 


Reps. 

jpft  to  Coil- 
The  I,....,. 
'piK  ai-f  r|,n 

n     iVJrxil'd; 

!;•  (iiul  (Inji- 

■1  K.  Pollf, 

>iitv,  ilan-d 

'  C;ongrc.>.s 

1^  spredily 

I.iilrnily 

<>r  HJiiitlifT 

Miilia    with 

filler  ori'ii- 

'I'wer,  ih.iii 

They 

ir,  (ir  hiive 

i.-iiiiiiliiiiiiil 

lIlitillllM 

th.ii  «  p 
<i!'  Ihia 
111  tlisircss, 
iMi)|icr  111'. 

IIM    illllic.- 

fii  Cor  II 

ill;    f'VITV- 

kc;  \nn,f 
hy  Coil.. 

hill  rty  is 
iir  'ii.'.t'iiii- 
'^tr.'itiiin    i.<i 

lllf  irlllin- 

lii'  ("nniuil 
II  Tilicriii.s 
<'ti|iri.;i',  II 

illl.-C    Hill 

Knnif   in 

'■J.'iiiii.s  iiml 

Si'iiiiii'  in 

li  ,  timl  Id 

I'y  nmiMl 

'III  iilwnys 

Sninsl  niiy 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


921 


29th  Cong 1st  Se  js. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Norru. 


Ho.  OF  Reps, 


(rF.NTRY,]  who  addressetl  the  committen  in  tho 
nioniiii?,  bydlscnssint;,  nt  length,  the  piowcdiiiffs 
(it'ilin  HiiUiiiiore  Convention.  Nor  would  he,  like 
iliiit  eemlenimi,  eommcnce  his  rcmiirkN  liy  ndvisiiii^ 
ihe  comniillee  that  the  imporlimt  question  under 
ctinsiilcretion  oui^ht  not  to  he  ninde  ii  notitienl  one, 
luid  then  turn  short  upon  his  licel  luiu  di^u'liaiire  a 
viiilent  anil  liii;er  philipii-  injuin.'^t  that  iiinven- 
liiiii,  the  Pi-i'sident  ol'  the  IFiiiicd  Sintrn,  nnd  the 
Secretary  of  State.  Nor,  on  the  othn- hiind,  would 
lie  enter  into  an  iiri^iiinttnt,  as  he  properly  mii^ht, 
iiiiy  farther  tlniii  ihey  wric  eonnecled  with  the 
liirifl',  in  vindiintioii  oi'  niher  of"  the  ohjeeis  of  llie 
honorable  nieinhei's  iiiini'k. 

As  a  friend  of  llie  Ailininintrntion,  he  felt  no 
small  dejjree  of  oralifiretion,  that  the  disi'udsion  fif 
lliequestion  now  hefiiie  tin',  committee  hml  iilt'inled 
p-ntleineii  of  the  opposition  aiKilhcr  opjiorlunily 
of  ihiowiiiir  otr  from  their  overeliiirueil  stontaelis 
a  Inrire  portion  of  the  raneorous  miutrr  wliieh 
liiid  lieen  accuinulaliii'.i;  there  sinee  the  Presiden- 
tial election.  The  emis.sion  of  liile,  wlien  of  a 
iiialiv'niint  character,  generally  had  a  healthful 
iiiid  jiiirifyiiig  inlhience  upon  the  sy.sleni  sur- 
rharged  willi  it.  While  it  alforded  to  the  uuliappy 
Futlcrer  at  lea^t  a  temporary  relief,  it  atVeeteil  no 
line  lie.'^iiles.  He  was  ipiilc  sure  such  would  be 
the  result  in  the  present  instance. 

As  lo  the  acts  of  the  Uiiltiini.-'e  Convention  upon 
the  ipicsiion  of  llie  liirilf,  they  had  no  iiiflnence 
upon  his  iiiiiul,  nor  should  !i(.  rei^ard  them,  iiny 
t'.irilicr  than  they  accorded  with  his  own  views,  or 
had  liccii  sanctioned  liy  his  consiitucm.s  and  the 
country. 

Tint  convention  nssemhled  and  nomiualed  Mr. 
Polk  for  Prcsidenl.  It  ndopled  resohilious  inilica- 
live  of  ihe  poliiieid  viev.s  of  it.s  niemliers,  iiinoin^ 
H  liieh  was  ihcviM-y  iiupin-tant  one  touchiiis,'  a  inoili- 
ficalion  of  ihe  tariti'.  I'ho.sc  resoluiions  Oirnied  ihc 
poliiiciil  plalfonii  on  which  the  ciindidalts  of  that 
coiiveiilion  stood  heforc  the  coinilry.  'I'he  issue 
had  Iiem  tiiiily  UKide  up.  ^I'he  discussion  m  liolh 
sides  had  been  a''le  and  spiriied;  and  '  le  lesult 
h.ul  shown  a  triuinphani  vote  in  tiivor  o'' ilie  uoini- 
nee.s  pledged  lo  siaiid  upon  that  pi  norm.  The 
fpicsliiiii,  whelhir  llie  larilf  of  lh|2  sliould  be 
nioililied  or  not,  had  lieeii,  in  his  (Mr.  JN'.'s)  part 
of  the  country,  made  one  of  the  most  priiiniiieul. 
Ilecould  safely  say  that  it  hail  been  inoie  discussed 
(biiiiii;  the  c.iiiva.ss  than  all  olhei-s.  Ii  had,  also, 
bieii  made  a  great  and  leading  i|ueslion  lliroughoul 

llie    whole  country.      The  <[Ueslioll,  ihell,  whelher 

that  law  sill Hild  siamla|ipnivcd  or  condemiied,  had, 
so  tar  as  ihc  voice  of  the  people  was  coiicciiied, 
been  decided  in  that  eoulesl.  The  ileeision  had 
been  eiiipliaiic,  the  measure  stood  condiiinied,  and 
a  mndilieaiiou  of  it  decreed  by  that  iribiiiial  lo 
which  the  final  decision  of  all  such  i|Uc.stioiis  ulli- 
iiialily  belonged. 

However  it  miuht  be  ■•  ilh  the  gentleiunn  from 
Teniie,--si'e,  he  (Air.  X.)  atlached  much  iniport- 
aiicc  lo  that  exjiiession  of  the  public  will.  Kor 
one,  he  belicveu  in  llie  compcieiicy  of  the  people 
of  this  ciiunlry  for  sclf-Lro\enimeiii  ;  ihat  lln  y 
were  I'lilly  compeleiit  to  iindersiaiid  their  o\mi  iii- 

leresis,  and  to  judgi riectly  in  leliuioii  lo  llieiii. 

1  le  believed  fuiiher,  that  ll-c  people  had  an  uiupies- 
liooaiile  ris.'iil  to  iiislrucl  Iheii- public  agcnis,  and  lo 
hold  them  n  sponsible  lo  obey,  or  to  resign  the 
liust,  (hat  oiliers  nii::lit  be  chosen  who  would  rep- 
rc'si  111  the  public  seiitiun  in.  That  was  the  only 
diictiiue  by  which  ihc  popular  will  could  be  fully 
felt  in  legislaiive  acts.  Ii  was  the  doeiriiie  of  mas- 
ter and  serv  uit,  principal  and  ageiil — a  doctrine 
inseparable  to  liic  e.\i>icni:c  of  free  represenialive 
govcrmiienl.  The  repn  sentalive,  who  arro:;ated 
lo  himself  so  Pilicll  illfallibilily,  or  self-inilioilance, 
as  III  iissinne  the  posiliou  that  his  arm  was  not  to 
be  palsied  by  the  will  of  his  coiisiiuienls;  who 
would  liirn  upon  them,  as  soon  as  elech  d,  and  bid 
detianee  to  their  w  ill  unless  it  coiin  ided  wilh  \'.  hut 
he  luiglit  be  jthiiM'tl  Iti  siiij  were  his  own  convic- 
tions, woiiUI,  ill  some  few  iiisianccs,  it  was  true, 
be  found  ready  to  ivraimi/.e  over  the  expressed 
wishes  of  the  people  by  Ihc  exercise  of  a  despot- 
ism of  opinion  iiiii-i/i/,  but  ill  most  iiislanci  s,  as 
hislory  piined,  he  would  be  found  ready  to  chalVcr 
and  iMllle  w  ilh  poliiical  blacklegs  of  cviry  cast  and 
hue,  for  powi'r  and  place. 

He  was  aware  M'al  ihe  honorable  member  froui 
Tennessee  oiii;lii  ..  Iiiiil  all  ihal,  am.  vel  avoid  ils 
force, lu;,  indeed,  he  had  done,  by  ilie  plea  of  fraud. 


i  That  gentleman  had  told  the  committee  that  the 
'  people  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  York  had  been 
deceived — grossly,  eorruptly  deceived — ns  to  Mr. 
Polk's  real  views  upon  the  subject  of  tho  tariff, 
during  the  Presidenlial  canvass,  by  means  the  most 
;  foul,  eorrnpl,  and  detestable.     And  with  an  air  of 
ij  apparent  extiltnlinn  und  triumph,  he  had  asked, 
!  who  was  the  guilty  man.'  Who  was  it  that  had  per- 
petmted  that  detestable,  that  abominable   fraud  ' 
j  Had  the  gentleman  established  his  charge  of  ftaiid.' 
i|  Had  he  shown  who  the  guilty  parly  was.'     He 
[Mr.  O.]  had  said  iliat  he  spoke  without  preparn- 
1  tion,  and  should  bring  forward  no  proof  to  sustain 
what  he  mi^'ht  sav.    Why  not  ?    Ifhe  had  it,  why 
not  produce  it  >     Why  not  fasten  t.pon  the  Presi- 
dent and   Mr.  Puchnnnn  the  detestable  stigma  of 
corruptly  deceiving  and  cheating  the  people  in  re- 
gard to  the  real  views  .if  the  former  upon  the  cpies- 
liini  of  |irolcc.tioii-     Did  the  gentleman's  respect 
for  the  Admiuislralion,  or  his  personal  regard  for 
those  dislingnished  intlividnals,  n  strain  him  .'     If 
so,  whv  li'.il  the  charge  been  made  ^ 

But  he  (.Mr.  M."!  would  ask,  had  not  the  gen- 
tleman brought  forward  llie  very  same  proof,  and 
all  the  proof  that  had  been  aildnced  a  hundred 
limes  by  Whig  orators  to  siisiain  the  siinie  charge.' 
Surely  such  was  ihe  fact.  It  was  all  llic  proof  that 
Whig  inyenuity  had  ever  been  able  lo  trump  up. 
The  charge  was  di-^eption — corrupt,  deiestuble, 
dainnahlc  deception  The  jiroof  was  that  Mr. 
Polk,  while  a  candidal'  'or  the  Piesi.lcney,  had 
,  written  a  letter  lo  .Toho  K.  Kri:-e,  nf  Phihidelphin, 
giving  an  exposilio'i  of  his  views  uimn  the  rpics- 
tion  of  protection  in  connexion  villi  the  tariff.  He 
would  here  give  that  lellcr,  which  had,  during  the 
debate,  hren  made  the  subjeei  of  such  unsparing 
and  bitter  denunciation  in  comiexion  wilh  what 
gentlemen  said  were  the  Pi-esident's  true  seuii- 
nienls  and  the  provisions  of  the  bill  under  coiisid- 
eralion; 

'*  t'ni.CMBM.  TKNVC..---IEF,  ./'OIC  111.   |S||, 

!      o  Dp^n  „m;  I  iirn,.  r,.,.|.ivei|  ri-eeiilly  several   leiier.-  ja 

'  rclerci Ill  my  iil'iiiiaiis  on  the  snliii-ei  of  the  liirill".  anil, 

aitmii!;  iitliers.  yi>ilr>  nt  Ihe  :jlllti  iillniio.  Mv  npiiiiniis  nn 
this  sllllject  Inn  ■' lieeii  iiften  linen  In  llie  pillilii-.  They  lire 
III  tie  liiiinil  ill  no  imlilie  iiit^.  and  in  the  pulilie  <lisciis.-ioim 
ill  wliieh  I  leive  ]iinlieipilleil. 

*■  I  am  in  lavoi  iila  tarili  I'nr  rcveiiae.  siicli  an  one  ns  will 
\  ielil  II  siiirii  ielit  inil'iinil  In  llie  tr' .-l^ltrv  In  lierray  the  e\- 
(len-ics  III'  Ihe  tJiiverinnelll.  eciMlimiie.tllv  Tlllllliltistereil.      hi 

inljiHtiiii!  the  ileiail.'  iit"  a  reveiiiie  i.-iriH".  I  have  heretnfuri' 

<;uieli'iiicil  such   iiii'ilerate  iliscriiiiiiialie!.'  diilies  as  wmilil 

prtiilllre   the    iKllillUlt  III    revi'iuic    lieeileil.  illl'l   III    tile    >ailli' 

lime  ai.'.iiil  ri  :i-(ilialile  ineiilerilnl    priiteetinn   to  imr  hiiiiie 

iiiilii<lr>.    [  mil  iipj^o.-ieil  liiutiiritrriir  ;iriiteetioii  mcrc'ii,  iiml 

iioi  fur  rcveinie- 

"  .Aeliiiu' a|iiiii  tlii-c  ceiienil  piiiieiiiler;.  it  is  well  kmiwii 

I  Ilial  1  uave  no  >n|ipMrl  to  llie  p<)Iie\-  of  Ci  ipral  Jackson's 

..\llllllni.-n  lliail    nil    Ihis   slllijeel.      I  viileil    IILMillst   llie   liiriir 

ael   "C  |,s-j<.     1  viileil  liir  Ihc  act  of  !.-:«.  whiili  eoiitaiiieil 

'i   InnilllieiilMiiis  nl  Slime  ill" the  iihjei-Ii.M,;itile  prmi-idlls  of  [lie 

iiei  111'  ls-!s.  .\-  a  meiiihiT  iil'  tin  Cimmiuee  III'  \\'n\r  mill 
,,  Mi-inis  III'  ihi.  Iliiii-e  ol'  Hep:  seiilalive-^.  I  L'a\e  iii>'  assent 
I'  111  a  hill  reimiteil  li\-  IJial  entnniitlee  in  Iteei-inlier.  Is;l->, 
I  Ilia  iiint  ruilhiT  mmliriealioiis  iil'ihe  a-  t  ol'  Is-.'s.  ami  inakilin 
;  al'O  ili-eiimni.ui'ili-i   in  Ihe  imp, i-niim  nl' Ihe  ilinies  wliieh 

il  priipii-iil.      riKil  hill  iliil  mil  pis-,  hnl  iv  e   -up,  r-eileil  hv 

I  Ihe  hill  nil ilv  ealleil  the  l'iMii|iriimi-e  hill,  liir  which  I 

'    viileil. 

-'  la  iiivinilymeiit.  ir  is  the  (Inly  iirCnviTaineitt  tiiexienil. 
as  liii  ns  it  may  he  praelieiihl,.  to  ilii  sii  li>  ils  revenue  laws, 
anil  all  elher  mean-  i\  illiin  ils  p'nver.  li'.ir  niiil   jii-^t   priitee- 
lii III  III  III!  the  L'o-at  iiiliTe-|s  111' Ihe  whale  t'liioii.  cniliraeiMB 
a'.trieiiliiirc.  iruinnliH-nn'es.  the   meehanie  mis.  cinniiieree, 
I  mill   tcivi'jiilniii      1  In'iiilili'  approve    the  resnhitiims   iniiiii 
'  this  siihjiet.  iia-seit  In  Ihe  II  iii.ietalie  N'atiiitial  t'oiivenlinn 
lalelva-semlihil  at  llahiiiinre. 
"  I  iuii,willi  itreiit  respect,  ilenr  sir.  vniirnhoilient  servant, 
".lA.MKS  K.  PIII.K. 
I       o  .t'lns  K.  KanK.  I'.-^IJ.,  Phihiilrtfth'h'..*' 

The  geiitleniau  from  Tennessee  had  charged  that 

that  letter  had  been   procured   by  conirivanee,  for 

'    ihe  purpose  of  deeeplioii,  and  llial  the  cotilrivanee 

hnd  siieceeiled  llirouirli   the  iiL'^eiicy  of  Mr.  Buclia- 

1  nan.     Now,  it  was  enou;;li  f'.ir  him  to   say.  ihere 

I I  was  not  a  particle  of  proof  to  su slain  such  a  chai'ee. 
He   believed   none   existed.      Hnl   the    gcnlleman 

i  would  have  it  iut'erred  that  the  doclrines  set  tbrih 
i-  in  that  letter  were  aiitagonisi  to  liie  Prcsidenl *s  real 
i;  opinions,  and  llie  jn'ovisious  of  the  bill,  as  an  .Xd-- 
'1  niinistraiioii  measure.  irpoii  such  groimilless 
'I  inference,  assumed  contrary  to  fact,  and  without 

':  proot",  resled  the  charge  of  fr.iiul,  which  thegenlle- 
\  man  had  denonnced  wilh  sneh  liigh-wi'ouglil  cpi- 
j  thels.  What  proof  had  he  nilduced  to  show  that 
i  the  President's  views,  as  set  t'orlh  in  his  messages, 
I  or  elsewhere  expressed,  or  that  a  solitatv  provi- 
sion of  the  bill  now  proposed,  were  ill  coiiliict  with 

,    lb iiiienis   of  Ihat  letter.'     Wli.it   particiil.ir  in- 

'' consistency  hud  the  gentleman  discovered?     Had 


he  pointed  out  to  the  eommilteo  a  solitary  one  ? 
Not  one.  Did  the  gentleman  fear  to  enter  upon  a 
detailed  investigation  .'  It  was  ciough  to  say  he 
had  not  done  il.  To  what,  then,  did  such  furious 
analhemas  and  wholesale  denunci.ition  an  '  m  ? 
High-wrought,  eloquent  declamation,  trnlj  —ant 
words — mere  words — nothing  it;ore. 

I5ut,he  (Mr.  N.)  would  here  ask — he  would  sub- 
mi'.  I'  to  the  committee  and  the  country — whether 
the  discriiuinations  contained  in  the  bill  of  thirty 
dollars  on  the  hundred  in  favor  of  the  sugar  inler- 
esls  of  Louisiana — the  iron  and  coal  interests  of 
Pennsylvania  and  Virginia — the  wool  and  woollen 
maimriicliiriugiiiteresls  of  the  North — and  of  twen- 
ty five  dollars  on  the  hundred  in  favor  of  the  ent- 
lon  manufacturing  interest,  did  not  come  up— fully 
u|i — to  a  "reasonable  incidental  proleciion"  of 
those  branches  of  "our  home  industry r"  Were 
not  these  impositions  as  high  as  a  "  fnir  and  just 
piotection  lo  iiU  the  great  interests  of  the  vliole 
Union,  embraeing  agriculture,  manufactures,  tho 
mpchaiiic  arts,  commerce  and  naviu'ation,"  would 
warrant  r  For  one,  he  believed  they  were.  Putt 
the  bill  had  been  stigmatized,  by  the  advocates  of 
iliose  intei'ests,  ns  n  frte-lrnih  bill — a  lirilifih  bill. 
Why  such  wholesale  misrepresentation.'  Why 
such  systi'malii'  attenipt  lo  prejiulice  the  public 
mind  in  advaneer  yV  free-trade  bill  I  Were  e:en- 
tlemen  siiu'ere?  The  bill  contained  a  scale  of  duties 
raiiLriiig  from  .')  to  lllO  )ier  ce,,i.,  and  in  wliieh  the 
interests  aboM'  ..Inch  gentlemen  comjiluincd  that 
that  tlicv  com. I  not  survive  such  deslruclive  free- 
trade  policy — 'hilt  ils  operalion  would  extiuiiiiisli 
the  lires  of  the  tnrnaee  and  the  forire — drive  tho 
miner,  starviiiL'anil  naked,  from  his  einploynient — 
annihilate  the  lloeks  ilnil  now  bleated  upon  a  llioii- 
.sand  hills — stop  the  inniion  of  the  water-wheel,  the 
engine,  the  l^olu,  and  the  shiiltle,  and  the  liiiin  of 
thcspindleiii  yourmamifacluring  cities  and  villages 
— drive  ihe  shoeiii.'iker  IVoni  his  bench,  the  artisan 
from  hi  ■  s'liop,  and  the  blaeksmilh  from  his  anvil — 
were  allowed  a  bounty,  by  way  of  protection,  of  ^'J.'i 
to  «;ti)  on  the  liumbed  on  all  their  |ii'odiieiioiis. 
He  repeat-'d,  that  the  protective  features  of  this  bill 
came  fully  ini  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Kane  letter, 
and,  ill  his  opiu'on,  fully  up  to  the  stiuidiii'd,  if  not 
aboM-  it,  w  liii'li  was  just  to  the  other  great  inter- 
ests of  the  country. 

He  (Mr.  N.)  denied,  then,  t'  the  geneial  fea- 
tures of  the  bill  were  I'epuL'nanl  ,o  any  opiiiimi  of 
the  Picsideul,  as  avowed  at  any  time,  or  mi  any 
occasio  1.  Krom  ihose  who  niaintaiiied  the  cini- 
trarv,  h,'  called  for  proof  oilier  than  gem  lal  deniiii- 
ciation. 

Iiiit  he  voulil  ask,  were  there  not  soiiie  irentle- 
nten  here  i  ow,  who  were  also  here  in  IX-lri,  when 
the  cxistinr  taritf  law  was  enacted— u'clillemeii, 
loo,  who  wire  llieii  eipially  as  boisterous  and  bitter 
ill  denounciii ;  that  measure  as  they  now  were  the 
proposed  bill?  Sir,  (said  Mr.  N.,)  was  not  the 
iionoi'able  number  from  Teimessee  himself,  a 
inemberof  tin  t  Congress  ?  Did  he  mil  then  vole 
against  the  exi.  ling  tarilTlaw?  Yes,  not  only  did 
thai  member  vo'e  a^'ainsl  it  hiniselt',  but  six  of  his 
Whig  colleague?  from  the  State  of  Tennessee,  and 
lweiily-si\  Wings  from  other  States,  voted  with 
him.  What  was  then  so  unpalatable  to  gentle- 
men— what  was  iheii  so  repugnant  to  their  sense 
of  justice  and  cnmuion  honesiy — what  was  then 
so 'unequal  and  destructive  lo  the  gre.it  iiilercsts  of 
the  country,  that  that  geiilleiuaii,  in  company  with 
thirty-two  other  l'ooiI  and  loyal  Whigs,  of  the  very 
first  water,  in  all  other  lespeets,  bolted  oinriglit, 
and  put  themselves  al  loL'gerheads  with  their  own 
parly,  and  willi  an  .■\iliiiiiiistiMliiiii  of  their  own 
choii-e,  on  one  of  ils  most  iinporlaiit  and  vital  nic.as- 
ures,  had,  all  at  once,  for  some  reason  not  as  yet  by 
lliem  mowed,  become  ilieir  own  favm-ile  measure? 
Yes,  it  was  now  thiir  nieasui'p — Ihe  Whig  measure, 
;(io' 1.1  cc//i  lire— anil  everybody  was  ileoonneed  as 
a  siinpletoii  and  a  foe  to  Aniericnii  indiislry,  who 
proposed  ils  niodilicalion.  Why  had  sneh  achaiiiro 
come  over  "the  spirit  of  their  dreaift?"  Was  it 
because  the  sceptre  of  power  had  pa.ssed  from  l''eil- 
eral  into  olher  hands,  where  il  was  proposed  to 
modify  that  measure?  Was  il  for  the  purpose  of 
inamilacturiug  political  capital,  by  iianie  speeches, 
and  attempting  to  creiue  a  prejudice  against  the 
Adminisliatioii  by  p.-rsonal  attacks  upon  the  Pres- 
ident and  Secretary  of  Stale  ? 

Bill  the  people  of  Pcmisylvania  and  New  York 
..ad  been  basely  deceived  and  imposed  upon !     A 


4'? 

i 

I 


1^1'  ■ 


km 


922 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


*  V 


[July  2, 


29rH  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Norris. 


Ho.  OP  Reps. 


rich  compliment  truly,  paid  by  the  gentleman  from  I 
Tennesaee,  to  the  intelligence  nnd  common  sense 
oftiie  |ieo|i|e  of  those  Stains — to  taunt  tht-m  with   1 
hnvini;  been  dupeil,  cajoled,  fooled,  and  bclrnyod,   I 
by  misunderstanding  tlic  'ontenls  of  a  letter  writ- 
ten in  the  plniiiest  and  most  distinct  terms,  which    | 
the  merest  tyro  in  the  English  lansuage  was  fully   | 
com|M'tcnt  to   understand.     Surely  the  |>coplc  of 
Pennsylvania  nnd  New  York  must  feel  under  last-   i 
ing  obligations  to  that  u;ciitlemun  for  the  highly   j 
compliiTicntary  niniiner  in  which  he  had  spoken  of 
their  intelliirence  and  good  sense.     But  the  gen-   j 
tienian,  he  (Mr.  N.)  rcpealeil,  had  ofl'ered  no  proof  i| 
to  sustain  his  charges.     His  bill  of  indictment,   j 
then,  should  be  endorsed,  ignoiamm,  and  dismiss- 
ed, jj 

Mr.  N.  said  he  would  now  turn  his  attention  to   , 
the  question  immediately  before  the  committee.       | 

The  subject  of  the  tarilT,  (said  Mr.  N.,)  con- 
sidering all  the  li'reat  interests  of  the  country  as 
they  now  existed,  involved  a  (lucslion  of  no  ordi- 
nnry  importance  and  ditliculty.  Taxation,  ill 
■wlmlrver  shape  imposed,  was  a  subject  of  deep 
intcre?>  t(-  those  subjected  to  its  luu'dens.  He 
maiiitr.incti  that  siu'h  burdens  in  a  tree  govermnent, 
instimtcd  and  to  be  sustained  by  the  popular  will, 
should  be  apportioned  and  intposed,  as  far  as  hu- 
iniui  laws  could  accomplish  it,  so  that  every  sec- 
tion, interest,  and  class,  niiglit  feel  that  no  (uie  of 
them  was  culled  upon  to  contribute  any  greater 
yliar<'  of  the  proi-cmls  of  its  industry  or  of  its  cap- 
ital towards  the  support  of  governnient,  organized 
and  maintained  for  the  common  security  and  pro- 
tection, than  was  proportionate  to  its  particular 
share  of  such  protection  and  its  nliilily  to  p.iy. 
'X'lie  Goveniioent,  in  that  rcs]tect,  should  act  the 
jiart  of  a  wise  parent,  who,  while  he  gave  ctpial 
jiroteciiiin  to  all  the  mcoibers  of  hi*  family,  im- 
posed his  Imrdens  according  to  the  ability  of  each 
to  bear  tlieio. 

Siu'h  a  distribution  of  the  burdens  of  society,  as 
fares  piacticaltle,  corres[)onded  with  the  idea  of 
ctunmon  justice — was  esseiilial  to  the  prosperity 
atul  permanent  cxisience  of  po)iular  institutions, 
by  promoting  conieutment,  niul  making  all  satisfied 
with  the  justice  and  parental  care  of  the  Govern- 
nient. 

He  would  not,  however,  be  understood  as  con- 
lending  that  any  taiilf,  or  other  mode  of  l.ixatiou. 
ctnild  be  dcvisctl,  wliicli,  in  its  pra':lical  operations, 
would  bearciitircly  eipial;  nor  that  any  one  sy.steni 
of  taxation  which  appeared  mme  eipiitable  in  the- 
ory than  another,  would  always  be  more  accejit- 
alile  ti>  the  people,  nunc  conducive  to  the  general 
welfare,  or  less  burdensome  in  tact.  That  de- 
pended very  much  upon  the  mode  of  a.ssf  ssnient 
and  collection,  anil  the  condition  and  imporuince 
of  the  interests  to  be  alTected  by  it. 

The  practice  of  the  (Jovernnient,  from  its  fmin- 
datioii,  had  been,  to  collect  its  prini'ipal  revenue  by 
duties  oo  imports.  I^xcises  had  not  been  iniposctl 
except  in  ji  fcrw  instances  in  the  early  history  of 
the  (iovernmeni,  and  then  speedily  abandonetl  on 
account  of  their  odiimsness  to  the  people:  nor  had 
direct  taxation  been  resorted  to  except  on  extmor- 
dinary  ociasioiis. 

One  important  reiLson  for  the  adoption  and  con- 
tinuance ftf  the  mode  of  collectmg  the  revenues  of 
the  Government  by  duties  on  imports,  undoubtedly 
was,  that  taxation  was  more  or  less  nillous,iind  to 
a  great  extent  more  or  less  burdeONome  and  op- 
pressive, acciu'ding  to  the  mode  in  which  it  was 
imposeil  and  collected.  The  odious  as  well  as 
oppressive  character  of  the  high  farilfacts  of  lN!>S 
and  |h42,  was  undoubtedly  niodilled  somewhat  in 
proportion  as  their  depredations  were  stealthily 
made  ujion  the  poiKets  of  the  people  in  the  en- 
hanced  puce  fif  nri.jcles  of  daily  use,  and  as  their 
exactions,  though  constant,  were  made  little  by 
little. 

Wliocould  doulii,(said  Mr.N.,)  were  Congress, 
by  a  systeniof  ditvet  taxation,  to  impose  annually 
upon  the  indusiry  of  the  people  of  this  country  the 
amoiiiit  which  «is  levied  upon  it  by  the  existing 
tarilV  law,  and  paid  under  the  name  of  price,  (np- 
nortioncd  and  imposed  upon  theditferent  sections, 
interests,  and  conditions  in  life,  in  like  sums  as  that 
law  iinpoM-il  It,)  that  the  midilliiig  clas.ses  would 
resist  its  collictioii,  on  account  of  its  uiierpial,  nii- 
jnst,  and  oppressive  character? — that  the  poorer 
'classes  would  resist  it,  not  only  for  that  reason, 
bui  for  the  more  palpable  and  stringent  one,  that 


they  would  be  unable  to  meet  the  demands  of  the  |j 
direct  tax  gatherer  for  the  gross  sum  at  once  !     He 
did  not  believe  there  would  be  strength  enough  in   ' 
the  arm  of  the  Qovernment  to  collect  a  tax  ot  such 
vast  amount,  thus  apportioned  and  imposed,  for  a 
single  year,  although  such  an  amount  might  bo   ' 
neecs.sary   for  the  wants   of  Government.      Uut  || 
should  Congress  attempt  to  collect  such  an  amount  ' 
by  direct  t^ixation,for  the  purpose  of  appropriating  j] 
at  least  ime-half  or  two-  thirds  of  it  to  manuflicuring  i 
establishments,  to  enable  them  to  carry  on  their  l! 
business,  and  divide  large  profits,  which  was  the  ji 
precise  operation,  though  indirect,  of  the  existing  ;' 
tarilV  law,  its  enlleetitm  would  be  resisted  by  the 
masseii  of  the  people  at  all  hazards.     Nor  would 
such  a  result  show  any  want  of  patriotism  on  the 
pan  of  the  people;  on  thecontiary,  it  would  spring  | 
from  that  spirit  of  resistance  to  unjust  taxation  j 
which   had  ever   been  a  predominant  feature  of ' 
American  character. 

Although  he  (.\lr.  N.)  was  no  opponent  to  rais- 
ing the  revenue  by  nn  etpiitable  system  of  duties  '. 
on  imports,  nor  an  advocate  for  raising  it  by  direct 
taxation,  especially  in  the  existing  coiidilion  of  the 
country,  yet  he  had  no  doubt  that  direct  taxation 
would  have  a  strong  tendency  to  correi;t  what  he  | 
considered  great  and  alarming  evils,  in  the  shape 
of  extravagant  appropriations  and  unnecessary  ex-  ji 
peiiscs.  AVere  the  revenues  of  the  Government  to 
lie  raised  by  direct  taxatiiui,  and  paid  by  the  peo-  j 
idc  in  dollars  directly  io  the  tax-gatherer  annually, 
inslcd  of  being  contributed  in  small  sums,  almost 
daily,  to  the  retailer  behind  the  counter,  in  tiie 
shape  of  price  upcni  their  clothing,  their  sugar, 
their  sail,  their  iron,  and  a  hundred  olhir  articles 
of  consumption,  the  expenses  of  the  Government 
would  be  brought  back  at  once  to  a  standard  cor- 
responding with  its  expenditures  in  the  better  and 
more  ecimomical  davs  of  the  Ilcpublic.  A  direct 
accountability  would  be  imposed  upon  Congress, 
the  appropriating  power,  to  the  people  who  fur- 
nished the  means — an  accountability  which  Con- 
gres.-i  would  be  made  to  fnl  and  appreciate — all 
accountability  that  would  at  once  put  an  end  to  i 
yonrextravagaiit  schemesof  inienial  improvenieiit,  I 
and  your  numerous  other  unnecessary  appropria- 
tions. Congress  would  not  be  found  remaining 
here  from  the  first  of  December  till  August,  dis- 
cii.ssiiig  their  coiistilntional  power  to  enact  pro- 
hiliitorv  laws,  or  their  power  to  appropriate  money  : 
to  build  roads  and  canals,  to  excavate  and  build 
hniliors,  and  dear  out  rivers  in  the  several  States. 
.Notwithstanding  these  imporUtnl  advantages  Plight  , 
result  from  direct  taxalion,  yet,  as  he  had  bel".  i-e 
remaiked,  the  practice  of  the  Government  had  been 
to  collect  its  revenue  by  duties  on  imjiorls.  The 
business  and  indiisiry  of  the  country  had  grown 
up  under  thai  system.  To  change  it  suddenly 
would  be  disastrous,  not  only  to  interests  imiiie- 
dintely  encournged  by  such  a  system,  but  all  would 
feel  the  shock. 

It  was  not,  therefore,  the  system,  equitably  ar- 
ranged, of  raising  the  necessiiry  revenue  l-.y  duties 
on  imports,  and  thereby  aflording  incidental  eii- 
cooragcmeiil  to  certain  great  interists  of  the  coun- 
try, to  whioh  he  objected.  His  oppositiim  to  th^ 
existing  law  sprung  iVimi  no  such  feeling.  But  he 
objected  to  it  MS  an  act  of  unjust  and  partial  legis- 
lation, radically  wrong;  inasmuch  as  the  conslitii- 
tioiial  power  lif  taxation  bad  been  perverted,  by 
designedly  conferring  bounties  upon  particular  in- 
tcrcsis  at  the  expense  of  others.  He  would  not, 
however,  discuss  or  raise  the  question  of  constitii- 
lional  power.  It  was  wholly  uoneces.sary.  It  was 
enough  for  him  to  inquire,  whether,  as  a  system 
of  taxation,  the  existing  law  was,  in  its  operation, 
just  and  honest.  He  was  willing  to  meet  the  issue 
ill  that  shape.  What,  then,  was  the  operation  of 
the  tariff  of  lH4a?  Hid  it  operate  ecjunlly,  fairly, 
honestly,  upon  the  various  sections,  interests,  and 
classes,  of  the  country-  If  not,  what  was  to  be 
the  ultimate  fruit  of  such  a  system?  These  were 
questions  which  he  intended  to  examine,  in  com- 
paring the  bill  now  proposed  with  the  exislingtariH". 
He  was  ready  to  adniil  that  there  were  some 
:  provisions  of  the  bill  proposed,  which,  as  an  inili- 
vidnal,  he  would  prefer  in  a  dill'erent  shape;  yet, 
as  a  whole,  In'  believed  it  would  be  a  great  im- 
provement on  the  existing  law;  that  it  would  oper- 
ate more   justly,  more  eipially,  regarding  all  the 

great  and   vaiied   interests  of  ll oiinlry:   Moiilil 

'  approximate  much  nearer  to  the  Htuiidard  of  equal 


anil  exact  jusi'ce  to  all  classes,  and  be  more  con- 
ducive to  the  I  ermanent  prosperity  and  ultimate 
welfare  of  the  whole  taiuntry. 

He  would  now  proceed  to  compare  the  provis- 
ions of  the  bill  with  the  existing  law.  In  doing 
tliat,  he  should  contiiie  himself  to  an  examinatimi 
of  the  operations  of  each,  as  hearing  upon  liieso 
leading  interests  which  were  highly  protect  jd  [,y 
the  existing  tariff,  and  the  operation  of  each  upon 
the  consumer.  The  first  article  to  which  he  would 
ask  atleiuimi  was  brown  sugar.  There  had  been 
imported  of  this  article,  during  the  Inst  fiseid  year, 
1  H,9,')7,4(I4  pounds,  of  the  value  of  iS4,55«,39a,  or  a 
fraction  over  four  cents  a  pound.  That  was  much 
less  than  the  average  annual  amount  of  importa- 
tions of  that  article  since  1B33.  The  duty  of  two 
and  a  half  cents  a  pound,  equal  to  ()7.7M  per  cent, 
ad  valorem,  raised  a  revenue  of  8:J,7'.)S,i)3H.  and 
increased  the  value  of  the  article,  in  the  hands  of 
the  importer,  to  jl7,354,3;tO,  or  a  small  fraction  over 
six  and  a  half  cents  a  pound,  if  to  that  sum  were 
added  31)  per  cent,  for  the  profits  to  the  importer, 
jobber,  and  retailer,  the  gross  cost  to  tin:  constinicr 
would  be  S'J,'')t>tl,~~it,  or  a  small  fraction  over  eight 
and  a  half  cents  a  pound;  the  inipiu't  price  of  the 
article  was,  tlieiel'ore,  more  than  doubled  to  the 
consumer. 

Now,  how  did  the  lax  of  two  nnd  a  hal,"  cents  a 
poiiiul,  imposed  on  raw  sugar  by  ilie  act  of  184"J, 
all'ect  the  sugar-growers  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
great  consnining  masses  on  the  other?  The  sugar 
crop  of  Loiiisiiuja.  for  lH44-'45,  was:J04,!ll3  hogs- 
heads, of  l,l)IIU  pounds  each,  making  a04,'J13,IKM( 
pounds.  How  did  the  duly  alleet  the  prii  o  of  the 
article,  both  of  foreign  and  domestic  prodnc.tion  ? 
That  it  had  rai.sed  the  price  of  the  impiu'ted  article 
the  amount  of  the  duty  imposed,  was  susceptible 
of  the  clearest  proof. 

To  see,  then,  how  far  the  iltity  imposed  by  the, 
tarilV  of  1842  had  alleeted  the  price  of  the  imports, 
he  would  take  the  year  IH4"-i,  and  compare  it  with 
the  ye.irs  1843,  1844,  and  184.');  the  Ibriner  being 
the  last  year  of  the  Compromise  act,  the  three  latter 
being  the  first  three  years  under  the  existing  tarilf; 
INmnils  imported.  Viil.  per  II).    I'rndticed  in  l.'simia. 

1  f'  13 l7:i.s(i;i,-M.-i .1.7 i't.< iiii.iKKi.aiin in  is4-i-:i 

i-'Ci 7i.:i:i.i.i:il "... ..'L.'ict.-i Kin.niiiMiim in  is4;)---i 

is-ii lHi;.«(M,.-,7s :i.Sct.-< •.Hil.'Jl.'i.iwillia  IMI-Vi 

W1.-1 Ill ,!).77.-IIHt. . . .-)     ets l7.->,IXIO,non  in  IHI.^-li 

Thus  it  appeared  that  the  price  of  this  article 
had  not  been  reduced  in  the  foreign  niarket  by 
reason  of  the  high  duty,  though  the  domestic  |>:-o- 
diiction  had  largely  increased.  That  the  duly, 
and  the  suh.'seciuein  profits  upon  it,  entered  into 
and  constituted  a  part  of  the  price  to  the  consumer, 
as  regarded  the  imported  article,  no  one  in  his 
seiisi  s  would  dispute.  What  ellecl,  then,  did  the 
duty  have  upon  the  domestic  production  ?  Surely 
not^  as  some  had  c(uiteiidcd,  to  lessen  the  price, 
but,  as  certain  as  water  sought  and  obtained  a  level, 
I  the  price  would  be  swelled  to  a  corresponding 
nmoinit.  That  would  be  verified  by  recurring  to 
the  New  York  |irices  current.  The  prices  of  su- 
gar in  that  market  wouhl  be  found  to  be: 

184-3.  1843.  184.^).  1846. 
New  Orleans. .3'.n4!..4',n(l  ..  .5'.n  7;..6n7 
White  Hav,ma7:ri'.)  ..8'n9,',..lb"«l(l',..9n!); 
Brown       do     4;n-..()]«7:,..   7  «   !)   ..7u8} 

Thus  it  would  be  seen  that,  in  the  New  York 
market,  the  price  of  the  New  Orleans  sugar  1  ad 
sprung  up  from  an  average  of  four  cents  a  pound, 
in  184'J  to  Cil  in  184(1;  nnd  the  brown  Havana 
from  an  average  price  of  4*j  cents  to  7^,  cents,  al- 
though the  domestic  production  had  been  very 
mill  h  increased. 

The  price  of  the  domestic  ns  well  as  the  foreign 
production  had  been  enhanced  just  about  the 
amount  of  ihe  duty  impo.-ied.  How  did  such  a 
tax  alfiH-t  the  masses — the  consumers?  I'Voiii  the 
foregoing  ta'.ile  it  would  be  seen,  that  for  the  year 
|H4,")  til.  imports  amounted  to  Hl.O.W, 4(14  lbs.; 
audi  inn  the  lionie  oiodiiction  was  ;.)()4,9l3,0lK)lbs.; 
making  an  aggrec-ite  of  3l(i,K7(l,4()4  lbs.  Deduct 
tlieanioiiiitexpon,-d.(I  I,l!l9,()8".llbs.,)and  it  would 
1(  ave  in  the  country  3b.'i,()7l,31.'>  lbs.  for  consump- 
tion. The  tax  of  two  and  a  half  cents  a  pound 
(the  inrire.ise  of  pric,  by  means  of  'he  existing 
tariff)  iii'-tn  that  (piaioity  I'lnisiimeil,  anioiinled  to 
ji7,G4l,7-'J.  Two-tlurds  of  that  sum  was  paid  in 
the  i'nhaii<-ed  price  of  the  domesti''  sugar,  so  that 
only  iiboui  one-third,  or  «.~,.''47,'-'(ll  (the  tax  upon 


'  liii|Hirts  liir  ana*  iitonttiH. 


t  KtitiliiiiteU. 


JJuIy  2, 
Reps. 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


«m 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Norris. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


the  nmnunt  imported)  went  into  the  treasury,  while 
the  other  two-thirdH,  or  $5,094,521,  was  pnid  by 
wny  of  protection  to  the  siifjiir-grower.  If  30  per 
cert,  were  ndded  to  the  jntler  sum,  for  importers, 
j(ii)liers,  (uid  retailers'  profits,  it  would  be  swelled 
to  the  sum  of  ji,fi,Gi.>a,a77. 

He  would  take  his  own  Sinte  for  nn  example, 
with  u  population  of  about  300,000.  How  did  it 
alfecl  them,  Hupposin;^  they  consumed  their  pro- 
portion of  the  300,000,000  lbs.  ?  Tliiir  proportion 
of  the  consumption  would  be  4,.'iOO,000  lbs.,  and 
the  tix  at  two  and  a  half  rents  the  pound  amount- 
nl  tn  8112,500.  Only  p7,500  of  timl  amount 
went  into  the  treasury,  while  $72,000 — or  if  there 
bo  lul'led  'he  30  per  cent,  for  profits,  $93,600— 
were  paid  by  them  fur  the  protection  of  the  sugar- 
yjowers  of  a  sijifjle  State. 

The  production  of  molasses  was  connected  with 
thiit  of  sujjar,  and  was  incident  to  it,  consistin;;  of 
the  drainini^s  of  the  latter.  The  average  produc- 
tion was  about  one  gallon  to  every  twenty  potuids 
of  sugar.  How  had  the  larilfand  increased  pro- 
duction in  Louisiana  aflected  the  price  of  that  arti- 
cle ■  To  shew  that,  he  would  lake  the  'hrce 
years  next  preceditig  the  enactment  of  the  existing 
tariif,  and  compare  the  cost  for  those  years  with 
I  he  cost  during  the  first  three  years  of  its  opera- 
tion : 

(inllonfi  hnpnrted.    Vjihip.    Vox  ciillnn. 

1840,  19,7n3,(yO..$a,!;'.0,791..]4.7) 

1841,  19.3,i5.l)U8. .  2,G?>H,5.il.  .13.6  ^average  12.9 
IS4;.',  17,^34,927..  1,942,575.  .10,6  ^ 


!l  lliniillls. 

1843,  11,776,047. 
1M44.  •_>2,675,3,")2. 
1^45,  iy,:j01,033. 


.$1,134,820..  9.6) 

.  2,8,33, 7,-)3. .  12.4  }  aver.  13.06 

.  3,1,54,782..  17.2^ 

The  200,000,000  lbs.  of  Lruisiana  sugar  (allow- 
ing one  gallon  to  every  twenty  pounds  of  sugar) 
yielded  iO,000,()00  gallons  of  molasses.  Thai,  at 
five  cf'iils  the  gallon,  (the  duty  on  the  imported 
article,)  aniouiiied  to  $500,000.  The  proportion  of 
that  sum  to  the  peo|ile  of  his  State  was  $7,500. 
Add  10  that  the  profits  befiire  the  aiticle  reached 
the  hands  of  the  consumer,  and  the  amount  was 
$9,750;  to  which  add  the  sum  paid  upon  domestic 
BUiiar,  by  reasitn  of  the  duty,  and  it  made  the  sum 
$103,350  ccuilribiited  by  tile  little  State  of  New 
tlampshire  for  the  sake  of  protecting  American 
iiidustry  in  the  production  of  sugar  and  molasses 
in  a  single  Slate. 

The  great  body  of  the  people  wliom  he  repre- 
sented were  agnculturists  and  merhanics,  who 
tilled  their  own  fields,  and  wniught  in  llieir  own 
slioj's;  \\  ho,  while  they  scorned  the  idea  of  shirk- 
ing their  Just  proportion  of  the  ftublic  burdens, 
wou'd  not  willingly  be  plundered,  though  accord- 
iiig  to  the  forms  of  law.  ^'our  tariif  law  did  not 
grant  them  liHters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  to  make 
recapture,  by  way  of  indenniily,  of  the  suirar 
grower,  the  cotton,  the  woollen,  the  iron,  and  the 
salt  manufacturers. 

It  was  true,  (said  Mr.  N.,)  his  State  had  a  man- 
ufacturing inlerest,  principally  in  tlie  hands  of  a 
few  rich  capitalists,  and  UKist  of  whom  resided  out 
of  that  .Suite.  They,  by  means  of  hiirli  .-specifics 
and  minimums,  were  eiial)lcd  to  reraplure  a  por- 
tion of  what  was  taken  from  the  people  of  his  Slate 
by  ihc  other  favored  interests.  Hoi  ihi'  manufac- 
turer there  did  not  relurn  to,  nor  divide  the  pri^.e- 
nioncy  with,  those  from  whmu  it  h;id  been  origi- 
iiiilly  >5ei7.ed,  but  pocketed  Ihc  wiini.E,  for  the  patvi- 
^'/:r  object  of  protecting  ,\mcni'an  induslry  ! 

So  well  satisfied  were  some  of  ihe  manulacturing 
cn|.italists  of  the  Norlli  at  their  succes.s  in  making 
such  reprisals,  that  they  openly  defended  the  liigii 
dr'ies  upon  these  comlbrls  of  fife — sugar  and  mo- 

I'l-scs. 

Hear  Mr.  Appleton  upon  the  .subject.  In  his 
pamphlet,  recently  published,  page  5,  he  says: 

*•  The  nioHt  iinpitrtiuit  uriicic  in  llir  wjiolc  larilV,  is  timt  of 
ttrowii  siiKiir.  winch  |>:iyn  a  iliit>  of  fill  (mt  cent.,  prmlnciric 
tniir  unit  il  hull' iniltiortM  of  (titllur-  rcvciiilc;  in  wliii  h  liiny 
\k-  iiitdcil  MioJRtiHcs,  which  aitiN  iipwiiriN  (iriiiKilhri  inillinn, 
wilh  ;i  ihlty  iH-lwcfii  :ut  iiiul  -10  per  ci-iil.  'riit>c  tiiuh  ilillics 
»ll  Iwo  <>l  the  N>:cKsrt.vlUKH  itF  I. Il-'K,  tiTC  >7i(T(7ti//;ni'il.t  ll>' 
the  \nKTii,  liir  the  jntrjio\Fofiifff)Ti1iiis  jnvtfrtion  to" ihc  yrcat 
Htnihci'ii  siiiplc  iil'r-iiuitr,  wiilulriiwinit  ii  itrciu  niiisK  ol'  ,'l,iv(! 
liihor  lioTii  Ihc  nxi-rdntic  praitiiclion  nf  coltoii ;  and  IhiiH,  ia 
tie-l,  iirnni!ilincil\  lor  lip:  hcliclll  id"  tin;  whidc  Hlavc  repioii 
lit  111.- s.pulh." 

Now,  who  bad  authorized  Mr.  Appleton  thus  to 
B|)uak  in  behalf  of  the  whole  North  '  Who  h;ul 
authorized  him  to  pledge  them  "clHiifitllij"  to  sub- 


mit to  such  a  system  for  such  a  purpose .'  Tli,.t  he 
(Mr.  A.)  had  spoken  the  feelings  of  the  manufac- 
turers of  Lowell,  Manchester,  Dover,  and  some 
other' places — nay,  of  ihewholc  Federal  tariif  party 
— would  not,  perhaps,  be  questioned.  But,  when  he 
assumed  thus  to  speak  in  behalf  of  the  agricultural 
and  mechanic  interests,  comprising  more  than  nine- 
tenths  of  the  whole  of  his  (Mr.  N.'s)  State,  he  not 
only  denied  his  right  thus  to  speak  for  and  pledge 
them,  but  also  the  truth  of  the  declaration.  It  was 
not  true,  that  they  would  " clieerfiilly"  submit  to 
such  a  tax  for  such  a  purpose. 

How  did  the  provisions  of  the  bill  and  the  ex- 
istinglaw  compare,  touching  unmanufactured  wool 
and  woollen  manufactures  ?'  On  the  latter,  the  bill 
proposed  aduty  of  30  percent,  ad  valorem.,  instead 
of  40  per  cent,  imposed  by  the  exislin;;  law.  The 
amendment  propo.sed  to  the  bill,  and  which  he  had 
no  doubt  would  be  agreed  to,  put  a  like  duty  of  30 
per  cent,  on  all  imported  wool.  The  existing  law 
imposed  a  duty  of  30  per  cent,  ad  valorem  and 
three  cents  a  pound — equal  to  38.8  per  cent,  ad 
valorem — on  all  wool  costing  over  seven  cents  n 
pound,  and  upon  all  wool  costing  seven  cents  and 
under  a  pound,  a  duty  of  5  per  cent,  ad  valorem 
merely. 

Now,  that  arrangement  of  the  duty  on  wool  was 
avowedly  intended,  by  the  framers  of  the  act  of 

1842,  to  protect  the  American  wool-grower.  While 
such  avowal  sounded  well  to  the  ear,  was  it  not 
false  in  fact  ?     Did  it  not  operate  as  a  cheat } 

I      The'j>rice  of  the  fine  wool  was  as  high  in  iMigland 
as  here,  and  could  not  be  inijiorled,  except  in  small 
quantities,  either  at  the  present  rale  of  duty  or  at 
a  duty  of  ,30  per  cent.     Hut  how  was  it  with  the  i 
wool  invoiced  as  costing  seven  cents  and  under,  | 
,  which  was  of  a  mixed  quality — mixed  for  the  ex- 
press purpose  of  avoiding  the  higher  duty — and  a 
large  proportion  of  which,  wiieii  sorted  and  cleans- 
ed, was  of  a  good  quality,  and  came  in  direct  com-  ' 
i  petition  w'th  American  wool.' 
!      To  show,  beyond  the  power  of  cavil,  the  injnri- 
'  ous  eflect  of  the  tarifl'  of  1842  upon  llie  wool-giow- 
I  ing  interest,  in  lovying  a  duty  of  only  5  per  cent, 
ad  valorem, or  three-and-ahalf  mills  on  the  pound, 
on  all  imported  wool  costing  seven  cents  or  under,  i 
and  to  sliow  the  eoin|)eliiion  of  that  article  wilh 
the  domestic  productinn,  in  reducing  the  price  of 
the  latter,  he  would  here  submit  tables,  showing  ! 
the  increasing  amount  of  imports,  for  the  last  three 
years,  of  the  wool   invoiced  at  seven  cents  and  i 
under,  and  of  the  decreasing  prices  of  American 
wool  since  1841;  : 

Wiinl  iinpnrfcd  coslinc  7 
cents  anil  iinilcr  a  piniiid. 

1843,  9  months 3,332,644  lbs. 

1844 13,808,645  lbs. 

1845 23,382,097  lbs. 

Prices  of.lmcrican  iroof  in  the  A'eu'  York  mnrkel. 
.Inly,  l:-ll.    .Tiily.  IWI.    June,  IWIi. 
American  Siixnny ....  -18  ci  50  cts.    -lU  a  4*J  cIh.    IJo  a  ^  els. 
Aniiriciin  iniTinn,  full 

iiiiioii -ij  (1 .1.)  ci8.  as  a  '10  CIS.  aa  n  yj  cu. 

.American  merino, }  *t 
1  lilnod a^i  II  37  els.    3-1  u  :ll)  rtn.    28  a  31  cm. 

Ainer.  ineriiin,  com- 
mon In  }  hliioil ■*.'>  (1  30  el.s.     '>'.  ft  'J9  clfi.    9"}  n  24  cm. 

Snperfinc  pulled 31)  .1  40  cts.     .l,",  .i  ;«!  cLh.    S3  a  a")  ctB.  , 

Now,  US  he  lind  before  oltscrvcd,  a  ibily  of  30,  fu" 
r\vn  25  per  cent.,  would  operate  a  siilfi'-icni  pro- 
tection on  the  finer  wool,  the  price  beini;  .i.i  high 
ill  ICiigland  as  here,  ll  was  not  from  iluit  quar- 
ter that  the  farmer  hail  experienced  :ia\  injury,  or 
had  any  to  fear.  The  manufu" ;  ;iiv',\'c1l  knew 
that;  yet,  to  " pull  tht  icooC'ovi ,  ihc  farmer's  eyes, 
and  to  draw  his  attention  •'n>in  the  true  sour.-, 
whence  his  intt  rest  was  .niuriouHly  afleclcd,  ' 
wns  poinicd  to  ihe  diiU'  .d'  30  per  cent,  and  thne 
cenisa  pound  upon  wn.  1.  Nothing,  of  course, was 
said  III  regard  to  tli.  imporlaiinn  of  ihc  Smyrna, 
Unibary,  and  Sou  'i  American  wool,  at  the  mere 
nominal  duty  ol  .>  per  cent..  <<r  three  and-a-half 
nulls  the  pound,  which  wasdaily  undermining  his 
interest.  The  inioortation  of  the  latter  kind  of 
wool  had  increased  from  3,332,644  pounds,  for 
nine   moiilhs,  in    1843,  to   13,808,645  pounds,  in 

1844,  and  to  23,.382,097  pomuls  in  1845.  All  that 
kind  of  wool  was  worked  up  by  the  woollen  inan- 
ufacturor,  displacing  the  .Anurii.nn  production,  and 
depressing  the  jirice  of  the  latter,  as  would  be  seen 
by  the  table— .32  per  cent.,  from  1841  to  1846,  and 
25  iier  cent.,  rrom  1844  to  1846. 

As  the  duly  u,>on  the  great  body  of  Uic  woollen 


goods  was,  by  the  existing  law,  40  per  cent.,  and 
on  that  kind  of  wool  only  5  per  cent.,  it  g.ave  the 
manufactured  aiiicle  composed  of  it  a  protection, 
over  the  raw  material,  of  35  per  cent.  It  was  true 
that  the  woollen  manufacturer  was  gathering  a 
rich  harvest  from  such  a  system,  which,  at  the 
same  time,  was  rapidly  sapping  the  prosperity  of 
the  domestic  producer  of  the  raw  material. 

It  seemed  to  him  that  the  interests  of  the  wool- 
grower  and  woollen  manufacturer  were  well  pro- 
vided for  by  the  bill.  It  taxed  all  alike  with  n 
duty  of  thirty  dollars  on  the  hundred,  which  af- 
forded a  protection  of  at  least  fiirfy  dollars  on  the 
hundred.  Sucn  was  the  strong  protective  feature 
of  the  bill  touchiinr  wool  and  woollens.  He  woidd 
ask,  did  it  not  come  fully  up  to  such  a  standard  of 
"  moderate  discriminating  duties  as  would  afford 
reasonable  incidental  protection?" 

But  there  were  .some  important  manufactures  of 
woollen  not  embraced  in  the  ad  valorem  dulies  by 
the  act  of  1842,  tn  which  the  remarks  he  had  made 
did  not  strictly,  in  all  respects,  a|)ply:  they  were 
earpetings,  flannels,  baizes,  and  bockimrs.  The 
former  was  among  the  eoniforta,  the  latter  three 
were  among  the  necessaries,  of  life.  Upon  those 
articles,  thai  act  imposed  specific  duties,  discrimi- 
nating in  nil  odious  maimer  against  the  consumer 
of  the  cheaper  article.  0;i  the  imporlatioii  of  ear- 
petings for  the  year  ending  .Tune  30,  1845,  the 
price  per  yard  and  rate  of  duty  reduced  to  ud  val- 
lorem,  were — 

Wilton $2  74  per  yard;  duty  23,7  per  cent. 

Saxony 2  2(i  per  yard;  duly  23     per  cent. 

Turkey 1  9.")  per  yard;  duty  28     percent. 

.  Brussels 1  36  per  yard;  duty  40     per  cent. 

Treble  ingrain  89  per  yard;  duty  73  pin- cent. 
Venetian 70  per  yard;  duty  42i    perceni. 

Flannels,  baizes,  and  bucking.*,  were  taxed  by 
the  existing  law  wilh  a  duty  of  14  ccnis  the  square 
yard,  regardless  of  the  (|iialily  and  value.  The 
avcriure  value  per  yard  of  llanncls,  on  the  impoila- 
lions  for  the  year  ending  the  3lllh  of  .lune,  1845, 
was  37  cents,  and  of  baizes  and  bockings,  36  cents. 
The  former  paid  an  average  duty  of  37J  per  cent., 
and  the  latter  about  383  per  cent.  But,  as  there 
was  a  great  diirerence  in  the  (piality  of  the  article, 
so  in  the  cost,  and  consequently  in  ihe  rate  of 
duty.  While  lliat  costiim'  but  20  ccnis  the  yard 
was  taxed  with  a  duty  of  70  per  cent.,  that  costing 
5U  wns  taxed  28  per  cent. ;  that  costing  75  was  tax- 
ed only  ISi  per  cent.,  and  that  costing  $1  only  14 
per  cent. 

The  present  bill  propo.sed  a  duty  of  30  percent, 
on  all  earpetings,  and  of  25  on  llanncls,  baizes,  and 
buckings:  thus  brinaing  up  the  rale  of  duly  on  the 
more  cosily  and  rich  articles  to  those  points,  and 
reducing  it  on  the  coarser  and  cheaper  article  to 
Ihe  same  standard.  While  these  rates,  in  his  hum- 
ble belief,  afforded  ample  protection  to  the  manu- 
faciurer,  they  at  the  same  time  approximated  tho 
standard  of  equal  justice  to  all. 

He  would  ask.  In  the  name  of  all  that  was  hon- 
est and  just,  what  class  it  was  that  consumed  the 
Wilton,'  the  Saxony,  and  Turkey  carpclings — iho 
fine  and  costly  fiaimels?  Was  it  the  liandicrafls- 
nian — Ihe  shoemaker,  the  blacksniilh.  the  mechan- 
ic, or  the  fanner,  in  modeiale  circum.stances,  for 
whom  genilcmen  had  expressed  such  strong  syni- 
palheiic  felling,  and  o\er  who.se  condiiion— should 
thin  bill  become  a  law — such  biitcr  himentations 
had  bo^'n  made,  and  so  many  tears  shed  in  antici- 
pation? .Surely  not.  Why  was  it,  then,  that  these 
classes  should  be  compelled  to  pay  !»  higher  rate  of 
duly  on  articles  of  a  less  costly '« xtuii  .-  Were 
they  to  !,,■  mined  if  they  refused  lo  be  ihus  taxed? 
They  h  '.'.  in  substance,  been  told  s..'.  Did  gen- 
tlemen :  oro.ie  Ihcy  would  be  aKV,  by  their  elo- 
quence— .e'ir  sympathetic  declamation — so  far  to 
stultify  those  intelh  ent  class»'«  .<is  to  maktf  them 
believe  llmt  ihcy  were  to  be  *iiiied  because  higher 
rates  of  laxaiion  were  not  t<^  V  impo.sed  upon  what 
they  consumed,  than  wepr  imposed  upon  articles 
consunu  d  by  him  worth  his  thousands  and  hun- 
dreds of  thousands- 

The  tariff  of  1842  levied  a  duty  of  Vi  .M)  per 
pouml  on  silk  ovids,  reu-aidless  of  quolity.  value, 
or  iiiftttuiT.  The  bill  under  consideration  proposed 
a  duty  of  9,%  (na-  ccni.  ad  valorem,  thus  graduating 
the  tax  M|><«i  the  cMtsumer,  ticcording  to  the  value 
consimu^J.  The  duty  of  Vi  ,50  per  pound  on  ihe 
impoHation  of  sdk  goods  tor  the  year  ending  .Tuno 
30th,  1845,  was  equal  to  an  nd  lalorem  iluty  of 


*Tv 

''%^ 

^   n 

'  i'  V  ^ 

'    ■"'• 

i\%i.i 

i  ' 

*  1 -IH' 

;\.S 

'    !    ■  ■  W 

924 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


f  July  Q, 


2f)TH  CoNo IsrSKss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Norn's. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


244  I"''"  <^''"''  °"  ''"'  gf""  v!'!""'  ni"  W"*  ''int 
tiix  of  24)  ciiila  on  the  dollar  paiil  liy  the  ilKTfrcnt 
cliisscH  of  consumers  in  prouortion  to  tlio  viilur  of 
tlir  silks  by  tliem  res|wciivclv  [lunliascd  nnil  lon- 
snoicil?  Fnr,  vprv  fi>r  (Vom 'it.  The  cohisit  iiiul 
nioii'  iiil)stnnlinl  silks,  cenerally  worn  liy  tlip  wivi-s 
mill  (lanijhicrs  of  ilin  fiinner,  meclianii',  iinil  arti- 
san, and  rostinj;  from  Tii  cenis  to  «H  per  yard,  was 
twii'o  as  heavy  as  the  fine  Frenrh  silks,  costini^ 
from  S")  to  j4,'l  a  yard,  worn  liy  the  rieh  and  fash- 
ioiialile  only.  Tluis,  if  the  former  class  paid  a  tax 
of  >i,")  on  11  dress  eosiini;  from  Sl'3  to  <*!,'),  the  latter 
vvmild  p  ly  only  142  5(1  on  a  dress  eostini^  from  4*30 
to  "111."!;  Uecaiisc  the  tax  was  hy  wei^'ht,  nnd  not 
neeiinlin^  to  quality,  value,  or  measure.  It  was, 
Iheiefore,  more  nnpist  than  the  si|nare-yard  dntv. 
Now,  he  would  snlimit  it  to  the  eoinmittVe  and  the 
eonnlry,  whether  siii-h  a  system  of  Uixation  was 
either  re.isonalde  or  iioiie^t  ? 

It  had  lieeii  said  that  the  liill  would  operate  dis- 
astrously upon  the  iron  and  eoal  interests.  Nov.- 
he  (Mr.  N.)  admitted  that  iron  and  roal  were  im- 
poi'ianl  interests,  and  should  not  lie  disreu-aided  in 
an  ei|uitalilc  niljustmeiu  of  the  tarill";  tliat  iiiii- 
deiital  eneourai^enient  should  he  aUnrded  tliem,  so 
far  as  eonsisteiit  with  a  re^■enne  duly,  ami  not  in- 
roiisisieiil  with  the  welfare  "f  other  iiiti  rests.  Thus 
far  111-  would  iro  in  the  way  of  |inilei'tiiin,  nnd  no 
fuihrr,  Heie,  then,  two  ipieslions  arose,  first, 
"Would  not  a  tlmy  of  Mtt  ]ier  eeiil..  which  was  pro- 
posed in  the  liill,  jitTord  a  reasoimltle  ineiileiit.at  pro- 
leiiioii.aiid  sulliciciii  to  insure  the  steady,  hiMllhy, 
and  pirnianeiit  advancement  of  the  imn  and  eoal 
int- rests.'  Sccoi^dly,  Would  not  that  dutv  he  as 
hi'.;h  as  could  lie  consistenlly.iiaposed,  haviiiic  re- 
{;:ird  to  tile  other  interests  of  the  eonntry  ?  .So  far 
as  he  was  concerned,  the  answer  of  the  last  f|ue.^- 
tiiin  allirinativcly  was  sntricieiit  to  control  his 
action.  He  believed,  however,  both  should  he  so 
answered. 

The  existing;  law  imposed  a  duty  of  tf^Q,*)  a  ton 
fui  rolled  bar  iron,  ^\1  on  iKunincnd  bar  iron, 
(.'J  on  pi'.:  iron;  and  on  hoop  iron,  slicet  iron,  band 
iron,  scroll  iron,  or  casement  rods,  slit,  rolled,  or 
hammered — and  on  nail  or  spike  rods,  slit,  roMed, 
or  hammered — a  duty  of  2^.  cents  the  pound,  or 
S.")0  the  ton.  Those  duties  raised  the  price,  not 
only  of  till' imoorteil  article,  but  of  the  domestic 
manuficture,  the  full  amount  of  iht^  duty  imposed. 
To  est-ililish  that  fact,  so  ot'tcn  disputed,  aiid*to 
show  the  nnjnslifiable  nmonnt  of  protection  en- 
joyed under  the  e\isiin:rlaw  by  the  m.anufiicturer, 
at  the  expeiisi'  of  the  cnnsumer,  he  would  first 
r  ■(!  .ill  '  xtract  from  an  tirticle  wiiitcn  l-y  a  mer- 
cli  i:'  ''hi.'h  ijitelli;;cnce,  nnd  recently  published. 
lie  says: 

'•  III  n  wnfU  (Hil.li-licil  |a,'t  \-cnrli>  'Jniiic  iKtrtif^ciincfriii  d 
in  the  iron  iiii-T''-l.  ill  I'cnii-'l  l^:llli:l,  1  finif  tti'-  fVtItioviiii; 
c-'MiiIiirativ  coet  ot"  ni:iiiitt:ictiiriii«  |iiii  ioni  ill  tile  f-*liitc'il 
•Slates  anil  (.real  lintaiii: 

Cratnhmi  rml. 

'I'lili-.  cwt. 

Irnn-lniic '.i        til 

C.ilic 1         t:. 

I,iiiie«|..n.- I         III) 

WaC'- 

(■ciit-iul  diiitiff'.. 


II....  «. 

tl  [1  ti 

,«1  .".(1 

0  ;i  s 

3  :•» 

II  n  :i 

7.") 

.  ..II  Ij 

1  .-.0 

...a  a 

1  ;<i 

II 


I'liitcff  Sfiitrs  ro*r. 


I'l.liM.    »  els. 

..'Jl  a  1  ,-.il 
,,H     -1  -J  IN 

..!    a      -.r, 
a  1  ;.-, 

.'•-■I  7.'. 

"6  (10 

7,i 

1  7.-1 

11  •->  iiO 

a  m 

11   •!., 

IroimtiHK* 

C>m)  (anUi.)-- 
Liiii".'t'>n«'. .. 

IV.-yt.'ji 

Uenvtal  ctiuru< 


'■  /  lii^liiHc  tln*«<'  ('-iiiiiai*»s  an*  vcri'  m-nr  l)u-  tniiii.  I 
MibiMili".!  tliiti  ..f  tlif  fiiiii-rt  Smi.s  I'li-t  In  tin  prnprn-tir  in" 
jKi  atiiJ;i!i  i("  furii«'-.-  in  p.  nii»\l\um.T,  iiinl  It.-  .n.iiiiilt'd  pI 
iM  t.-  -Mh-i;niti.ilty  piirr'-.-t  (r.'<.ii.l  IIi--  lilH.r  -vris  K-n  ).nv. 
lull  Il.nt  Ih  ■  il--in  of  r*iT»l  W.I--  ii-i  rtiiic-li  li...  Inuli.  Up*  <-;il 
riliDtM'll  W  l-.  IImI  flil.)  WiMl'ii  liiViT  III"  nisi  Pt  hi-  liinmrc. 
'hi  Ijif  rUj.(i..illn((  IJmt  til'  ii'»'iV'-r.'i|Piii:iti-<arc  trPic,  it  ru<I.< 
.i-J    Vl  l.---  I'P  proail'  <•  piuirnii  It)  i;il'.'l;i:ii|  |lt;in  lit  Ih--  I'l  it.'d 

Sf.-ii". ;  hill  if  vv<-  niM  in  iti*'  FpibII-(i  Ijiin  tli-  .■^|l.■l|--<■  of 
fn-mlit  In  rif  rniicj  yiiir*  nf  I  "it..  01  i|  i  r-  it  briiiir    tin- 

<-...|  III'  It  n|i  l'(  ^1 1  •)■(,  ><r  At*  .',  iit<  |ti  t  li.it  lliorf  III m  Hi-- 
fit  nf  Apik'm  iiii  if'tM.  Wh.ii  III .  tl,  tin  n'f'irf.  \t\\<  tin- 
(i-.V(i   /*  of  iT'iii  iilirif'' <p|' |iri<t'<lt'ipi  •  *  .  * 

"Tl'-  iritti  tm-in'**'*  ni  (»r»-(«<Mi(  i-*  ■■*' i,- 'lif<',«tv  pnifnilili-. 
'riifH'  iin*  Itiii  fivf  roinp:un<-4  in  iln*  I  nii-  'i  ri«i'  «  i-iriinB>'4l 
I.I  (III'  iimiiiit'iirttiri'  (if  railmuil  irnn.  I'im-  vvink*  itt  iIm- 
M'.iiii!  ."'.pvaai'-  I'lmipiiny.  ni  I'uihIhtI  uid,  >T.ir>l,iiiil.  iiri-  hv 
f  tr  111'  iri"'i  »'x(nrp?'i\t'.  Tin-  '•niiiiiriii\  hiiM-  I'Mmrmi*  in 
tlliS'T  till  tlif  nilnmd  iroii  |Ii<-y  .-.'ui  ninnnfV-ltin' wiiliirt 
ttp.*  ii"M  nvn  Vf-rir^  Itt  .'^T.'i  \vr  I'ui.     If  ji^  iini  knnwn  In  tin- 


Mount  Hnvnjro  works  pfwdpnn  fnr  prnAtiililf  iiinnnfuftiin'  nrfl 
ui)i>4tiinllt>fl  hy  liny  ntltt'r  worki*  in  Ui«  world.  I  (ini  ll1^<lln'(l 
liy  nil  intfltiiicnt  KiniUuntu),  wlio  linH  rcmilly  vi-iird  Ciirii- 
IktI.imiI,  tinil  who  Idih  iiiin'ins  iiitircsln  in  the  ii'-iulilporlionil, 
thiU  .*;i."i  p'T  lot)  will  more  Mi;m  rovi-r  lln-  ro*i  n\'  nunuifnr- 
tiirr,  I  ihiiik  liiiit  lliis  rs|iiniili>  in  wilhiri  lioiinilx,  froMi  tlin 
I'lit-I  tlint  iiiiolluT  vi>iillt>niiiii,  It  |)ro|irirlur  of  tt  rnllins  mill, 
iiitoniird  iiir  llmt  it  ro>i  liini  >-l.')  nt-r  inn  to  priiilur<;  riiilroiuj 
irnn,  iiipi]i>r  tlic  iP<iiiiIvaiit!ti'i'  ot' lia\iiiL' tn  luiy  the  pis  iron 
lit  11  prnlii  of  .*lt(  per  ton  to  tho  mriniHiu'Iiin'r.  A  tav  of 
tliiH  I'lmnuM'T.  of  from  *^-'X>  »o  .*.!0  per  ton.  upon  all  tlio  niil- 
mtifl  ir.Mi  ii^cil  ill  this  i-oiiiitry,  in  tin'  hliJi|i>>  of  protlt.'<  nn  it.t 
nianiifni'tinc.  i-*  a  Imrili  ii  Hint  --I'miu-^ly  rrtunt.'*  lli<>  iirn^rcT^s 
<tt'  iiiti-rniil  iin|trovi'iiirnt<,  iiinl  tin-  iiifidriitiil  (l(\'rIopinf'nl 
of  Mil-  ni«niin''s  (if  the  eonnlry.  Tlir>  injii-*lin<'  of  -ncli  ii 
lav.  nnd  the  iliHlionPrdy  nf  Inipoona  it,  under  eolor  of  pro- 
leeiini!  Aineriran  latinr,  in  pnrticiil'irly  inaiiifot  in  the  ease 
ofilie  ^lonni  S:u  iv^i'  (_'omp;np\ .  This  i  'ituiianv  ha."  a  eapi- 
lal  of  .^'I.ritWi.lniii.  "A  pipn-id<'nltU*  luiiotint  of  tin-  stock  in 
owned  liy  Swarn\ont,  and  is  now  Inlil  liy  the  rniled  Slates 
<iovi-riini"'nr;  hiil  the  larL'e^t  part  I-*  owned  in  F.naland,  nev- 
eial  ineiiilieri  of  the  nohiiiiy  l.eiiiL'  the  print-i|ial  partie.-:. 
The  proipiliitioni..N  aileci  ureat  aip\i<  ly  to  w  ithhohl  fooi) 
from  ihe  mouth-:  of  the  '■  pauper  lalii'i"  ofKnifland;  and  yi  i 
th('\  have  no  oliieeiinn  to  the  wealth  of  the  ronntry  ijniim 
ahroini  in  larai-  dividends  to  lini>  the  pnekets  of  the  rieh. 
Three  \.'ar.-<  iv^n  tin-  imn  trade  win  \i'ry  iriiieli  (icpreffscd 
in  FaiuJaiid.  I'ailroail  iron  enuld  hav  heen  hfPiiL'ht  in  any 
cjiiaiPtit\  at  .-i-J-'i  per  ton.  I'nder  the  prc^eMt  tariff,  we  are 
pavinathe  Ktijli-h  owners  of  the  >|onnl  f'avau"  Coinpany 
.'»4')  per  inn  hnnn-j.  for  itn?  privilem;  ufiniinulaetnriny  itoiir- 
selv--  al  <i'i  p.T  Inn." 

To  sliiiw  t'iirthoi-,nn<i  hoyoiiil  tlin  power  of  cavil, 
the  etiiirninus  )iroteelioti,  ntiil  foiisffjiii'iit  [irofit.**, 
niVordetl  ihe  iron  iiKiiinfafliircrhy  tliecxistiiiir  InriH", 
Ik*  W'oilil  hrri'  snlnnit  u  l;ili!<'  In.'  had  prcimrod, 
liasrd  upon  the  artual  nveraf;i;  import  vahif  lor  the 
year,  as  hIiowii  at  tlic  trcasurv,  and  n|ion  ihr  prin  s 
nirrriii  in  th(^  city  of  \cw  V()rk.  H'*  Iiad  taken 
the  yfar.s  |»H40  and  1^41,  (diirint;  whii-h  tiim;  llic 
dntv  on  iron  was  alxmt  as  hiu^h  as  muh-r  the  tarill' 
of  184'2,  the  LTieat  redaction  of  the  duly  under  Iho 
(^iinfiroini.';eai*t  not  lakiui:  plaoe  till  December  ,'U, 
l.'^4l,  and  Jane  HO,  184'J,)  and  the  (ir.st  ihrec  years 
nnth'r  the  cxisiinii  (arid".  It  wonhl  he  .seen  at  once 
that  the  prier  had  bepii  au'^inented  in  our  market, 
Ipolh  on  the  lorei-jn  ai'-ich;  and  domestic  manufac- 
ture, unni)  an  avera'je,  y\si  alxail  tiie  amount  of 
the  duly  iuipo.sed  including  the  co.sud*  iniportalion: 
HAH  I  HON. 


,...._      ■  '  >, 

Z^'S 

y.'^l 

lii'S 

i?^    iE.;= 

=  "^  l: 

=  ^'.= 

.=  "■  - 

c  -  ■'■•    '  =  = 

1: 

tSi-- 

rl 

r=5    .=  =  !2 

:sf, . 

..  ^  ~ 

>• 

a  =  .  ^  i'  =  ^  i 

m 

>  =  ^  =  >  L*^~. 

■=>_-'^ 

'z^'-t 

■£>_-£ 

- 

ism 

.«>  on    .».•.«  (V! 

.t7->J  tiiT-i 

i!..-,    II.  lllll 

.•ijlltl    1.1  UK) 

IS|| 

:il  fi      ,■.!  ,-.:t 

ea  to  Ii,'. 

S.-.    til    KTl 

.<!       to      h',\ 

isi,-i 

.T>  J  1       .Vi  .-1  i 

—    to  ,Vi 

twj  to    TO 

117;  to    70 

l-ll 

«s  I'l        ID  -W 

ic.'i  1..  n.". 

—    to    Ml 

—     Ill    HO 

mr, 

'.n  1)4        -n  !!-: 

"i  III  m 

—   Ill    !).") 

-   to  0."i 

I'HJ  IRON. 

t 

T 

.\veriiun     linii'.rt 
(inc.',  |VT  li.n. 
(Ililty   .■ifl   |.er 
li.n.) 

Price   r.r   I'.nali.li 
[ii;!iriiii.|iert'.ii. 
.Iiilv  1,  ill   New 
V.iik. 

Price    111'   .\incri- 
eiiii  {li'^'irnii,  per 
i.'n.  Jiilv  1,  in 
N.«  York. 

isll 
|s|l 

I.-I-. 

.<-->ii  :.'i 

,'H  w 

!•!  i.l 
i:i  1 J 

IH   10 

*■:«  .Vl  I..  :c.  00 

:«  on  to  .-Vi  on 

-11  60  to  ■..  1  .10 

.■1,'j  00 

If.  00 

.*:«  ,'.0  In  .T,  0(1 

.■■11  no  I..  K  '» 
'W  .'.II  t.i  J7  .".0 
27  M  lo  :iii  no 

;i.-.  00  to  :i7  'M 

Airaiii,  lie dins:  lo  the  mo.-il  auihenlii'  data  there 

were  now  iiianuf iciiired  iinnuatU'  in  the  liiiiied 
Stales  74.'i.ll';2  tons  of  pi^'  iron,  aiid  about  .1(111,1111(1 
Ions  of  bar  iron.  The  former,  at  the  .\ew  ^'ork 
prices,  June  lr^4(i,  was  worth  in  that  miiiket  from 
<l'\  to  S'"' a  toll.  The  irniss  value,  linn,  at  the 
ineiliuni  price,  was  S'-(t,I'*.*,4'-ll.  The  .American 
bar  iron  was  w..rl!i  in  tlie  same  market  Ironi  ifj.*'* 
I'l  <<'.)()  a  ton;  ihe  jiross  valni  of  whi.li,  at  the  me- 
dium price,  was  S-4,~.'ill,(ll)l):  thus  makiioj  the 
OLii;ree;ate  value  of  pi;:  and  bur  iron  at  New  ^'ln■k 
wholesale  prices  )li.iri,2.'tl),4WI.  That  sum  went  to 
pay,  ill  the  first  place,  the  cost  of  maniifaciiirinir, 
and  the  I. .■dance  niiniineil  to  pay  the  expense  of 
liaii^iH.iialion  .itid  llie  profiis  on  .apitnl. 

Ily  ihe  census  of  1H1I),  the  nunilii  r  of  Ions  of  pi^ 
and  bar  iron,  iiiamifi.  luicd  in  the  Ilniled  Stales, 
was  4'.4,^'Ui  tons,  and  the  nuintier  of  men  iniploy- 
ed,  in. '11111111;;  ininiii^  operations,  was  .'ID,  |!17.  .-M- 
I'wiiiL,'  lb.'  number  of  men  employiil  to  have  in- 
■tiiintoi'     ■  •    -        .      . 


■i| 


iml.ll.'  |.r 


ilv  Wllill  11  c.i>l<  llll 


ei.iij|i:iiii  I.I  iir.iilii 


'  till- 


id   III 


I  prop. 


le  lininlier  woiu.l  now 


the  ill 


it'.a.     It  I'  ii.liiiilt.'.t,  li"».:\i'r.  Itcil  III.'  til.  ilili. .!  nlji.'li  III. 


l.iwiu''   52G 


if  proline 
be  (iri.KI-J.     Ni 


al- 


I  of  every  description  employed,  which  he  believed 

'■■  a  liiith  nveni^e,  nnd  it  cave.   S'3"i'>'l.'>.4l(i   paid   for 

labor.     The  lentleinan  from   I'enn^ylvania,  [Mr. 

STF.WAnT.]  who  was  lan:ely  eiiiraired  in  the  tnan- 

iifacture  of  iron,  and  who  was  violently  o)ijiosed  lo 

'  the   liill,  had   iiifornied   the   eonimiltee  that   nine. 

I  tenths  of  the  whole  cost  of  maniiliictiire  consisie.l 

'  nf  labor.     In   thai,  he  supposed  the  cenllenian  to 

be  correct.      Well,  then,  add  one-tenth  to  the  price. 

'  of  the  labor,  and  it  iriive  *i22,(i(i.5,!l."i7  for  the  Rross 

I  cost  at  the  place  fif  manuliieture.     That  let't  a  lial- 

nnce  of  422,.')7.'l,.'i2S  to  pay  the  expense  of  tian.s- 

portation  and   the  profits  on  ea[iital.     The  capital 

'  invested,  accordinir  to  the  census  of  1H4(I,  was  then 

1  52(l,4.'ta,l."t!.     If  that   had   been   in. 'leased   in  the 

'  Hanie  ratio  as  the  production,  whi.'h   he  helievi'd 

was  not  the  tact,  it  would  now  nmonnt  to  «l44.1(l,'i,- 

474.     Thus,  alter  payin?  the  whole  expen.se  uf 

'  inimnfaeiurinir,  there  was  left   aliout  one-half  the 

n;ross  vidneal  the  New  York  prices,  or  .111  per  ecu.. 

for  the  cost  of  Iransoortiilion  and  for  profiis  on  tlic 

capital   invested.     Tie  would  ask',  then,  was  not  u 

dntv  of  %)  per  cent.,  which  alfordcd  n  protecii.Mi 

of  at  least  40  |..'r  cent.,  sullicient  ?     Was  it  not  as 

nincli  as  was  eonsislenl  with  the  ri._'lils  of  the  con- 

siimiii!,'  interests.'     Would  it  not  come  fully  up  t.i 

the  doctrine  of  the  K'ln.'  letter'     Mr  thou'.'lit  so. 

On  sail,  the  bill  prop,.seil  a  duty  of  21)  per  ceni. 
ad  viiloreni.     The  existinijdnty  on  that  article  was 
a   source   of  considerable  revinue.     There   were 
imported   during'   the   Inst    fis.'al    year,   H„'i4.'),,'i:.'7 
l.u-iiels,  of  the  valneor<jH!l8,(ili:i,orof  the  avera'j" 
value  of  about  11);  cents  a  bushel.     The  tiirilf  of 
Ir^l'i  iinimsed  upon  that  necessary  ei;:ht  cents  duty 
per  bushel,  eriual  to  7(1  per  cent.     Althouiih   the 
liill  proposed  a  reduction  of  ,5(i  per  cent.,  yet   he 
was  opposed  lo  a  duly  of  20  percent,  even  on  that 
ahsolute  necessary  of  lit'e.     It  was  an  article  whi.li 
entered   into   .'  e  eonsuniplion  ot"  all   classes  and 
conditions,  but  more  espe.'ially  of  the, a^ricultnrid 
class.     It  was  that  class  that  used  a  i;reat  propor- 
tion of  the  li-i,l)(l(),IIIIO  bushels  of  salt  aniuially  con- 
.suined  in  the  country. 
■I       He  confessed  he  was  somewdiat  surprised  to  hear 
it  whispeieil  about  the  Mall,  tlnit  certain  f;emlenien 
from  the  .Slate  fif  jS'ew  York,  who  had  declared  ihiit, 
thc5' would  not  vote  tor  the  hill  if  teuiindcollee  wcte 
not  left  in   the  tree  list,  would  now  vote  ajjainst  it 
if  s.vi.T  was  taxed.   He  had  been  led  to  the  imiuiry, 
why  It  was  that   these  iremlemi  n   iniide  it  a  sim 
f/iiii  Hon  that  s.M.T  should  be  taxed. 
I      lie  had  satisfied  his  own  mind  why  it  was  so, 
hut  would  imt  trouble  the  .■ommitlee  with  it.     He 
slioiild,  however,  al  the  proper  time,  list   the  pro- 
,  t'cssioiis  of  re^'aid  which  ;;enlleincn  daily  made  l'..r 
1  the  fanner,  by  niovina;  to  place  salt  in  the  free  list. 
I       .Airoin;  Ihebill  propiis"il  -i  duly  of  2.')  per  ci  iii. 
.:  ad  valorem  on  cottons.     '1  h.it  was  a  duty  upon  the 
;  true  value,  laxin;;  each  yard  of  cloth  in  pniporlion 
■  to  its  ori;;inal  cost,  and  thus  beariii!;  ei(ually  and 
justly  ni.on    the   consumer.      If  to    that   duly   he. 
added  10  per  cent,  lor  expenses  of  importation  and 
!    importer's  profiis,  it  ainoinited   to  a  proiectioii  to 
the  domestic,  nninufacturir  of  ^11.')  on  *iIO(l.     ?S'..\\ , 
he  would  ask',  was  not  that  enough  to  satisfy  the 
most  ultra  and  iirasj.iiin'  prolectiniiisi .'     Was  iii.t 
tliat  enomrh,  al  h  ast,  to  wAi:  the  laiit;iia;;e  ot"  .Mr. 
I  I'lilk  in  the  Kane  letter,  to  -'  alJ'in'tl  mtsuutililc  iitci- 
thiitttl  protection*'  to  that  liiiuich  of  "our  linttir 
.  iiii/iiv/ri/. "     No  disinterested   man  could   donbl,  it 
s' I  iiied  to  him,  that  it  was  as  much  as  the  sieadv, 
h.'.ililiy,  and    p.iinamiit   growth  nf  tli.it  interi.-.t 
rei|uired. 

What  was  I  he  operation  of  the  exist  in;r  taritriip..ii 
the  same  arii.'le  .'     The  act  of  l'~i|2  provides  ihai  — 

"      "I  In  nil  iiciiiuiii.iiio-  'if '.'.01 c.i-  i.rHhi.li  ...IK. II  -I  ;iil 

111' It  .■imi|."iii  III  part,  ii  i  i.lll- ru  i-c  K[i»'cirn'il,  :i  'hil.i  ..I' 
Iliirlv  p'  r  .' ■iilinii  iiit  iiiLri'iii.  e\f.'|itiiiy  micIi  coll.iii  lu  i-l, 
viirii.  mill  lliri';itl.  :oi<l     icli  ..tier  anicl'S  ii..  are  lieri'iii  i.n> 

ii.l.il  l'..r;  /Vl)  I'/..'.  'I'liiil  !ill  lie liicnir.':.  .il' ciiltii .il 

uhi.  Ii .. 111.  ill  -Icill  1..'  :i..iiii|i.iii'  III  i.iiil.  ii.il  il.vcil,  ciili.iiil, 
jirililcl.  .ir  >lilili..l.  ii.it  .  x.'.'i  ilini:  in  vain.'  twenty  cciiI-.  i"r 
•i|iliir''  yiiril.  >liiill  tic  vain,  it  ill  twiiitl'  rciilH  111.'  si|iiaii' 
laril :  aint  if  <li  r.l,  .-<>l"i.'it,  jiiiiiti'il,  iir  -laiiicil,  in  uli.il.'  "i 
III  purl.  111. I  .'\.'. 'iliiii.'  Ill  1  aim  ill!  cuts  llic  .^ipiiir.'  .v. ml, 
.'vr.'liliiii!  veil. 'I-,  .'..r.K.  iii..t.'-kiii-.  fii^tiaii'.,  tiiillal..  il..|li^, 
i.r  L'..<.ili  iiiainn'a.  liiic.l  hy  ii'i|ipiiit'  or  rai-iiiL'.  .iilliie.  ..r 
^h.-ariiiu.  ii.it  i'\r.>i>iliii<:  ^r.  .-.'Ills  llll'  M|iiari' .i.ir.t.  i-liall  I..' 
Mitii.'.l  at  .'{.'.  .'.iil^  per  square  iiir.l.  anil  ii  iliily  he  pai.l 
llieri'iiii  iici'(iriliii(il>  ■ 

.Strip  thepiovision  of  its  deceptive  mystifiention; 

haiiisli  the  tl  nil  ininiimim,  so  totallv  inexplicable 
lo  ihe  )ii'o[ili   III    lai''.;e,  and  lliat   scclli'li   of  ihe  a. 'I 


I  month 


■ftl  a  day,  for  etch  hand      uf , 


i.f  |.-I2  would   riad:    All  cloilis,  the  mniniliiclnii! 


iir  uf  which  cotton  ». 


hall  I 


le  a  eompoiieiit 


1816,1 


29th  Cono 1st  Si;9s. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

TTie  Tariff— Mr.  Norris. 


925 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


|inrl,  cxri'jit   lliimn   nllirrwiac    prnviilrd    fur,    not  '] 
ilyiil,   C(il(irril,    |irinli'cl,  iir  Kiniiicd,   iif  \vliiili^vc'r 
vMiii',  nut  cxri'Ciliii!;  20  ciilM  ilic  si|niir(,'  yaid,    | 
sli;ill  |«iy  H  duty  "I"  six  (MMiI.i  tlir  K(pi:in_'  viii'il:  "i"l 
il'dvt'd,  rolnretl,  prinlrd,  orslniiii'd,  iit  wlwilt'  oi-  in 
pni't,  (ff  wlinlf'Vcr  vnhic,  not  cxccrdiiii;  HO  crnlH  tlio 
sc|ii:iiTyiivd,  hIihII  piiy  .i  iliily  i-rninr  ccmIs  on  cvnry    j 
si|Ui\re  Viird,  imd  nil  clollis  ol'  llic  f'ornicr  drsc'ri|)-    | 
liiiii  niNliit'^  over  tiO  rrius,  and  iill   t-lnth.s  of  llic  ' 
latlcr  di'scriptinn  costin'^  ovri*  HO  ccnls  the  si|iiMi"c 
Viuii,  sli:ill  I'liy  "ii/y  II  duty  of  110  pi'i-  colli,  ml  vii- 
liiicni.     Thus  llic  nilc  of  duly  wm  incn used  (Viini 
ihc  |)iiilil  wlioic  llic  iiiinimuin.s  I'lniniii'iiieil,  at  'JO 
11  Ills  in  lln^  oni'  I'uw  mid  MO  in  tlii;  ollirr,  ii:  ri'^n- 
lar  |irt>;^!f.ssioii  as  lite  iirlii-Ii*  JiTrirtTi/  ill  value. 

Fnr  illiisliviliiin;  siijipoMi'  si-viii  pcisniis  sliniild 
nialio  a  pun  lia..-ii'  "fa  il"llai-'s  worili  ca.-li  nrralicn, 

III'  (lilVci-i'iit  ipialilics,  a irdin;  li>  llirir  I'lniililion 

ami  aliilily  In  pay,  and  llio  ;;l;uiim  iiijiisiii'i!  iil'llio 
isislini;  larilV,  and  llii'  iM|uiialili'  iipiaalinii  of  llio 
Ijill,  v.-oidd  appear  in  .striking  eiintrnst.  Tlie  uc- 
riuiiit  wiiiild  stand  thus: 


lien;  tlio  one  diillar  expended  on  the  calico  cosl- 
iii','  laiu'infilly  30  eeiils  per  yard,  was  taxed  only  30 
eeiils;  ilie  dollar  expiMilid  I'li  that  eiislin^'  10 rents 
a  yard  was  taxed  MO  rents;  and  the  dipll.ir  exiK'iid- 
ed  i>n  thai  whieh  ensi  (1  cents  a  yard  was  taxed 
>.I  "jII.  And  if  upini  lliose  rales  he  added  30  per 
eiiil.  for  llic  ini|iorlers,  johhers,  and  relailer's 
pront.-:,  upiin  the  duly,  before  ihe  nrliele  reaehed 
the  eonsuiner,  Ihe  lax  ini  iheni  In  the  consuiuers 
would  si. mil  .'!'.),  117,  and  1!)")  per  cent. 

Ihil  (said  Mr.  S.)  it  had  lieeii  asserted  thai  the  ; 
ariiuneiit  aLraiiist  llic  larili'of  1843,  on  ae;'iiuiit  of 
ihe  I'olion  iiiininiuiii,  was  all  eianior,  and  "  Ihe 
nieiist  huinliu^fuiry."  Mr.  Applelun,  iu  a  pain- 
phli  I  reeenlly  pubhslied,  (,lo  wliieli  lie  hefore  re- 
I'ernd,)  and  eiirulaied  far  and  wide,  as  he  had 
iijMtirslood,    ihrouu'hoiil    New    Kii^land,    enlill'-d 

'•WllVT     IS     A    lti;\l.XIK.    Sr\NIlAllll?     AND    A     I'l.- 

vii.w  ui-  Sp.riir.rAiiv  \V'Ai.iii;ii'a  Rli'okt  ox  rm; 
'J\\iiii  r,**  says: 

■■II.'  (.Mr.  Wiilkerl  will  le:\ril  llial  ll I.iiniir  iil' eerlaiii 

li.iltir-.  like  Ihe  N-  w  '.oik  Km-IiHil:  rii-l.  i,t  I!u'  riillnii  intii- 
ii:iiliil  liciti;!  11  >e\rre  eiv  on  liir  rlolliiii^r  1,1'  III,,  pii.ir,  i^  llii> 

r''-t  h liitL"ii'rV .  illlll    Ilea  llie  illi'rt  i>t'  Ihe  lliilliinlllli  i<, 

ill  I'lii'I.  ni'^l  i''/mo.'//i'  lO'  .1  iHi'i'i'  M  ri'iKii'  ikcoiu'i',  iiiit  only 
IK  a  M'eiiiily  a-iiitol  liiinl,  liiil  ii-<  liTjiiii^  iIk'  1ii-Iii'>i  iluty 
nil  I  host'  iiioilii  -iKiii^  ul'  l.oii'> .  ulii're  il  is  iiiM.i  I't'Mility  p:iiil 
\\  ilii'  I'Miiviinier--,  whiii'hiiose  lo  hnltili?e  iheiiisi  Ivi'.s  iii.-iieh 

1,1  \i  IllKS." 

Now,  Mr.  Api'lelnn  was  n  lenlleiiian  of  hl^h 
RiniidiiiLr,  anil  very  exieiisively  eie^M^riil  j,|  |l,n  maii- 
ul'iH'linin:;  liusiiie.-;s.  Ihil  of  all  the  paradoxes  eier 
IMoiniiliraleil  hy  the  liiirh  pi'oleelioliists,  eveepi, 
peileips,  ihe  one  ihat  lieili  diilies  upon  all  arlielc 
n  ihe  I  d  ihe  |iriee  of  ii  lo  ihe  eoiisiuiier,  ihil  whieh 
ll'.al  t;i'iilleinan  had  here  proiiiulu;aieil  eapped  the 
eliiiiax  of  alisiiriiiiies.  "  .Mosi  admiraliie  as  ii 
nil  re  revenue  lueasinc!"  'I'liat  (h  peuiled  inueli 
upon  Ihe  iiiciniiMff  lo  he  allaeln  d  lo  die  phrase.  If  i 
il  WIS  mtinil  ihal  ilie  eoiloii  nnniiiiiiin  was,  as  a  1 
mere  revenue  measure,  inosi  adinirahti  ,  inasiniieh  ., 
as  il  lendeil  lo  fill  ihe  eoll'ers  of  ihe  niainilai  'iirer 
wiili  a  irri  imp,  in  tlie  shape  of  homilies,  wron^'fiilly 
exliu'led  from  llie  pi'ople  of  small  means,  lo  eiiahle 
liiiii  111  divide  l.u'iier  profits,  llieii,  iuili  e.l.  he  would 
ailinil  ih.ii  the  miniiiuun  was  a  iiioki  adiiiiialdc  . 
eniilrivanee  for  raistiiLr  and  eolleeiin:^  ^,ii-/,  ,i  ,','i'f. 
iiiif— most  adiiiirahle,  truly,  lo  ihe  I'm,  yel  greedy 
reeipienis.  If  il  was  infant  thai  it  was  niosi  ad- 
miral'le,  iiiasmneh  as  il  inllieled  upon  ihe  eofiMii- 
iiier  of  eoiloiis  a  lax  proporlioiialily  heavier  as  the 
arli"le  eoiisnnied  was  coarser  and  iis  ftrsi  cost  less, 
llieii  he  adniiiied  it  was  "  inosI  admiralde  as  u  mere 
revenue  measure,"  lo  ihose  whose  nieinsaiid  con- 
dition in  hf'-'  1  iiahled  iliiiii  to  coiisniiie  the  finer, 
nioi'e  fashionahle,  and  liirlilly  taxed  coiiiiiioility. 
If  it  was  in  truth  adniiraljlc  lu  ihcm,  v,:<>'  U  not  so 


n»  n  tnnllcr  of  self-inieresl,  inasnnieh  as  it  pinccd 
a  portion  of  laxalion  upon  others  of  smaller  nieanti  , 
and  ill  hnmhier  walks,  which,  hy  every  principle 
of  justice  and  conmioii  honcsiy,  the  more  wealthy 
ouL-'hi  lo  hear? 

Ihii  (.\Ir.  y.  said)  he  was  aw.nre  Ihnt  it  was  de- 
nied thai  such  was  llie  praclieal  ojieralioii  of  that 
deceptive  duty  upon  cotloiis.  It  had  heen  ileiiied 
here,  Mr.  Appleton  denied  it  in  his  pamphlet. 
Thai  wnlleinan  say.s  lliat  it — llip  niiiiiiniini  duly — 
"  levies  the  highest  duty  mi  lliose  prodiielioiis  of 
'fancy  where  il  is  most  readily  paid  hy  the  eon- 
'  siiniers  who  choose  lo  indiilire  ihemselves  in  srcii 
'  LrxriUKs  "  Luxuries!  to  whom  ?  iVol  f iirely  to 
llie  rich — not  to  iheir  wives  and  daiii-hlers,  who 
spent  llieir  days  in  the  parlor,  at  the  toilet,  at  the 
piano  forte,  and  llieir  eveninsrs  at  Ihe  ijuilar  and 
levee;  hut,  if  to  any  class,  lo  the  wives  and  dauirli- 
lei'si  of  the  indnslrioiis  farmer,  Imndiciaftsman, 
arli'^aii.  end  meclianic,  who  wrou!.'lil  from  niorii- 
iii;;  till  ni;;iit  in  the  kilchcni,  at  the  dislalf,  at  ihe 
loom,  and  with  the  needle.  What  class  was  it  lo 
which — it*,  indeed,  lo  any — the  prinled  roilons, 
eosline;  on  an  averaire  twenty  cents  Ihe  yard,  and 
uneolored  colions.  eosliiii;  twelve  and  a  lialf  cents 
the  yard  upon  an  averai^e,  were  luxuries?  Those 
were  the  avera're  ]iriees  of  the  two  descriptions  of 
colions  falliiur  williin  ihe  minimiimR.  And  he  re- 
peated, thai  if  they  were  luxuries  at  all,  lliey  were 
not  so  to  the  rich,  Intt  to  Ihose  of  more  limiled 
mean.s,  who  eliose  "  li  inihilgr  themselves  in  such 
/iia:ti«>s."'  Hut  (>tr.  X.  said)  he  denied  that  thai 
system  did  impose  the  hii^hesl  duly  upon  ihe  "pro- 
dnclions  of  fancy"  or  "luxuries,"  inhere  was  any 
article  enihrared  williin  the  oprralion  of  the  mini- 
mum duly  which  eonlil  properly  he  denoininnled 
11  luxury,  lie  ullerly  denied  the  correctness  of 
such  Whiir  stalemenls.  He,  in  turn,  ilenounced 
rtcDias  ihe  "mrrfsl  /ii(Hiiii(^i>Tr!;,"nnd  their  authors 
selfish  hiinihiii;ii;ers. 

Tie  would  proeeeil  lo  the  proof.  The  value  af 
colored  and  printed  cotton  itooils  irnporied  ffoin 
abroad  diiriii;,'  the  fiscal  year  eiiiliu','  the  3llili  .Tune, 
1H4'»,  and  exeeeiliii'^  in  \'alue  ihirlv  cents  the 
si|iiare  yard,  was  S3,3IIO,ll."i;  and  the  value  of 
lliose  uneolored,  and  exceeding  twenty  eetits  the 
sr|nare  yaril,  was  'it3Hl,701.  Il  would  be  perceived 
thai  thai  L'rossamounl  of  imporlatioiis — ^H.TTl.fl.'K! 
in  value— w'as  of  cotton  i^ooils  of  so  fine  a  lextiire 
and  lii;,'h  |iriec  as  not  lo  be  allecled  by  the  mini- 
mum, and  iherefore  paid  an  ad  valorem  duty  of. 30 
per  cent,  onhj,  which  was  the  very  lowest  duly  im- 
posed upon  any  kind  of  cotton  cloths.  Now,  'f 
there  were  **  fancy  prodnciious"  or  "  luxuries" 
amoii'4' colored  or  uiieoloreil  cottons,  where  were 
lliey  to  be  found  ?  Ai.i  >i*l'  those  cosiina:  over  thir- 
ty cents  the  yard  of  ilie  fiirmer  descrintion,  and 
twenty  cents  of  the  lai.'i  r.  and  which  were  taxed 
at  the  lowest  rate  of  duties?  Or  ainonu^  those  oFa 
coarser  ipiality,  and  eoslin'j;  less  than  those  sums 
per  yard,  and  taxed  liiL'hest  bv  iiK'aus  of  the  mitii- 
niuni?  Would  Mr.  Appkloii  and  the  hii;li  pro- 
leelioiiist  answer? 

Thei|iiantily  of  colored  and  prinled  cotton  i^oods 
imported  duritui'  the  same  year,  and  eostiii'^  less 
itiaii  thirty  cinis  the  sipiare  yard,  anioiuttnl  lo 
■.'.■i,0-J7,(10!i  yards,  of  the  vahie  of  S.'>,lf"-',-IOI.  and 
of  llie  averaire  price  of  'JO. 7  per  yard.  All  that 
f|ii*oililV  was  embraced  within  the  operalimi  of  tlie 
moi'iniun,  and  paid  an  iivfrntxf  tlulv  of  -I.'l'.  |ier 
ccfit.  Km  it  would  be  perceived  tlial  one-iialf  of 
the  whole  aninuni  \\  as  of  less  value  p<  r  \'aril  than 
x!0.7  ci'.ns,  and  therefore  iiaid  a  much  liiirher  duly, 
ranuin'r  froin  13';  up  lo  7.")  and  a  100  per  cent.,  as 
ihe 'tuaiiiy  of  the  iroods  ilei  reused  in  value. 

The  whole  number  of  yards  of  nncolorcd  cot- 
tons imported  diiriuL'  the  above  period,  not  exceed- 
iiiu^  twenty  cents  the  sipiare  yard,  and  llierei'ore 
coni'ie/  wnliiii  the  lulnimum,  was  1 1.'JIi'J.  1 1'"^.  val- 
ued at  Si  ,4 1 1  ,(t(iO.  The  avera'^e  price  a  yard  was 
I^.H,  and  the  average  duly  aboiil  47  per  cent.  Ihil 
here  airain  one-half  of  llie  whole  iuiportation  cost 
less  than  I'i.H  cenis  a  yard,  that  I'lni'x  the  i/ririer'' 
price,  and  therefore  paid  a  iinicli  hii'iier  tax  than 
47  percenl.;  but  lYom  thai  point  upward,  as  llie 
VHioe  per  yard  (leerens-'d. 

The  onei|iKil   and  dishonest   beaiinir  of  lliat  de- 
testable sy.siem  of  niiniinnms,    would    sirikini^ly 
appear  by  makii"_'a  brief  summary : 
Till-  value   iit  line  aii-l  littili  iiriciit  enllDii  L'nniU 

iiii|iorlci1.  ciilnri'iliiiMl  iincnlnrtil.  at  Itllpcrcciit- 

aiiil  not  allcclod  liy  the  ininiinnai .<;1.77l,H-'ft) 


Anii|llllt  of  (Inly  hnpniietj  by  the  ael  lit  Is-H,  lit  ^U) 


ppreeiii.. 


l,l.ni,.'>'W 


The  value  of  cnnrdcr  nnil  lower  iirlreil  cnitnn 
ifiiiiilH  hiipnrti'it,  cnlorcil  and  ilncnhiri-it,  within 
the  nijiiiniintni,  nail  imyinil  oi-cr  ;ia  per  cent... .  .^-0,6i3'l,OUl 

The  inaoiint  of  duly  iiiijiiiiicd  hj  Ihe  act  nl'  Isi-J, 

hy  fme  of  llir  .iiliiimioin 3,W,'J37 

Till-  innniiiil  itl'ihity  iit  .'III  (icr  cenl.,  Ilnil  hciiiu  the 
rate  jnipa-i-d  iipim  the  liner  iiinl  liiulnT-prieuii 
eiilloM  clollla l,ai?fi,'JI8 

'."he  iniioiiMI  of  the  excess  id"  duly  colleeteil  iiii 
the  courser  ei)lliiti!f,uverali(l  ulw'vc  30  percent-    .*!i'l'2.0P) 


Here  wc  had  the  irrefrngable  proof,  which  no 
•renileinan  could  overthrow,  winch  no  miphislry 
could  mystif\  ,  no  in'.'einiity  of  argument  disi,'uise, 
that,  in  the  uriicle  of  colions  alone,  about  o.m-:  .mil- 
lion OF  loiLLAiis  was  ainnially  wruiii;  from  the 
pockets  ofihe  eoiisuniers  of  the  coarser  arlicle,  orrr 
(inttnhnvp  the  amouiil  which  would  be  exacted  at  the 
rate  of  duty  imposed  upon  the  fiiierarlicle.  And  yet, 
ill  the  very  teeth  of  such  facts,  we  had  been  told, 
with  all  the  appari  nl  assuranuc  of  truth,  that  the 
elfect  of  the  cotton  ininiimim  was,  in  fact,  most  ad- 
mirable as  a  revemie  measure,  as  Icvyinj;  the  /|ij.'/i- 
c-s/  duty  on  ftinnt  jti'mlndhnis  inil  Lrximii;s.  The 
opcr.ilion  of  siieli  an  uneipial  .uid  iiiijiist  system  of 
taxation  was  at  war  with  every  principle  of  our 
inslitulions,  and  lliu  cipial  ri;,'hl.s  of  llic  citi- 
zen. 

But  how  had  the  system  of  niinimunis  nll'ecled 
the  price  of  the  domesiic  inannfactiiri^  fallin;;  withiii 
its  [trohiliilory  shield,  compared  wiih  the  price  of 
the  raw  material,  e.iid  the  diiniiiished  cost  of  niaii- 
ufai'lurin;;?  That  was  an  inicresiiii;;  impiiry.  Ue 
would  here  submit  tables,  showing'  the  prices  of 
cotton,  and  also  of  doineslics,  in  .Iidv  in  each  of 
the  years  1841,  1S43,  and  1843.  Tlii-'lablcs  were 
made  from  the  Xcw  York  Sliip|iinj  Lisi  of  Prices 
f'nrreiii.  They  would  show,  iiiosi  eonclu.sively, 
the  operation  of  the  niiniminn  in  i^reatly  enliaiiciiii; 
the  price  of  domestics,  whilst  llic  price  of  cotton,  at 
the  same  time,  had  been  much  reduced. 


Ahihimia 

I'liiinla 

I'pl.ind 

rjilanil  tidr 

\ew  drl'-aiis 

Aveniee  [irii'i- 


Jalyl,ll?ll. 

July  1,1*1 3.,  July  l.lM.'i. 

s    11  l-JJ  en. 

al  11  lOJcts-    •'■'1  "«)et«. 

s; ,.  1 1 

.'.;  It    7)            .".    n  7J- 

Si  u  1 1 

aj-  ,1    bl        i  ..;  .1 1, 

IDJ 

7    «    -li        i  7    i.ij 

8J  a  I-Ji 

.'.i  a  101        !  .".    11  ■", 

U  1-7 

7}        1           Oil  10 

Xow,  how  did  the  prices  of  Ihe  manulaelnred 
article  correspond  with  the  dei.rcased  price  of  the 
I  raw  nmterialr 


.Ill 

i 

\:.' 

Jn 
1 

yi, 

Jn 

1 

vl, 

•  r.- 

1 

L'tllls. 

C 

llU. 

C 

-llls. 

Rni\viisliirtiii5:»,3  4\vi(|i', 

1      l»'r  yard 

5 

,r    6 

■■>> 

a   M 

:> 

,1    6 

■  Ilrowii  slijrtiiiiis,  7-d  witli;. 

|nr  viiiil 

() 

,1    S 

5 

a  n 

t 

.1   u 

|(|.;i>'lir(I     ^liirtiriffs,     U-l 

\vi<lt',  piT  viinl  

7 

a    11 

4 

1.    7 

7 

u    H 

Itlrarhi'il  S.  .1.  sliirtjn;'-'. 

1      p-r  yard 

to 

11  1-3 

(■ 

«  U 

7 

11  11 

1  nrnwii       (dii'riiiiiis,      ■!  1 

\viii*'.p<T  vard 

(ii 

11    SJ 

;) 

a    1 

6, 

,1    ,i 

'  llr-nvn      NhifiiM!.'s,      .>-\ 

]       widr   pi  1  v:ifd 

l-J 

a  V> 

IU 

a  !■>; 

10. 

11  IQi 

I  niiii.-lifii    ^'i  ciinL's.    '1   1 

j       widi-.  \»r  sard 

.*< 

,1  11 

7 

n  I'J 

7 

n  !■.> 

]  llli-ai'lird    !-(i.'fiin:is,    ..  1 

\\u\r.  pir  viird 

i:t 

11  III 

1-i 

11  l.-> 

1-J 

11  1.) 

Talc'iM'-.  idiii',  ptT  \.ii'd.. 

10 

.1  11 

1 

.1  I--' 

1 

,1  l-i 

( 

n  -ill 

4 

1,  IS 

tl 

11  II 

■U) 

II  1  ■-'.-. 

'2.1 

11  Ml 

411 

tl  't'i 

H 

itll 

7 

11  111 

S 

11  \>. 

I'laids.  piT  y.iid 

~ 

11  10 

7 

11  lu 

7 

a  III 

1  Strip.'rt,  last    (Milur.-*,  pi'r 

1      yard 

' 

a  10 

' 

11  10 

7 

II  10 

l''rom  the  fore^oin;  tables  he  deiliiced  the  im- 
porlanl  ficts  that,  while  the  price  of  tin-  raw  male- 
rial,  Iroiu  ,luly,  IH41,  to  .lidy,  h-l.'.,  had  fallen 
about  3l'.4  per  cent.,  ihe  price  of  the  liiannf icliire 
had  filleii  only  10.4  per  cent. ;  and  that  whilst  iVoni 
1S43  lo  18.t."i,'tlie  cotton  had  fallen  G'.  percent., 
llic  price  of  domestics  had  advanced  28.8  per  cem.; 
sliowini:  an  advance  in  price  of  the  manufaciureil 
over  the  raw  iiiaierial,  from  1843  to  1845,  of  35-3 
pi  1-  cent. 

The  ;;ross  value  of  cotton  jjooils  inaniifactiircd 

in  the  United  Slates  in  1845,  was  esliiiialed,  from  aii- 

Ihcutic  data,  to  be  S'">5.I.">7,U48.    Now,  the  price  of 

i  iloini  slics,  which  ciinstiiuli  d  thai  value,  had  risen, 

I  oil  ail  averngi,  in  ihc  New  York  market — layin;^ 


936 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAI.  GLOBE. 


[July  2, 


29th  CoNo....l8T  Sess. 


The  Tariff^Mr.  Norru. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


i  ,t"« 

i 


i 


outof  the  account  tliefnlloffij  percent,  oncntlnn — 
88. 8  per  cciii.  «inrc  1H43,  giving  tollieculton  mnn- 
ufai'turers  of  the  country  itn  iif.'i;ri'gutc  iniTcnse  nf 
profit.^,  over  nnil  nhove  thiit  .iriri4;»,  of  SI5,88:>,i!29. 
Such  enhnnri'cl  prices  nnj  bloated  profita  were  the 
Iciriliniate  re.tult  of  the  minimum  duty.  liul,  he- 
KitifH  ttmt,  it  wa.s  a  wcll'eslabtiahed  fact,  that 
whilst  the  wages  of  labor  had  remained  about  the 
same — pcrhapa  they  had  been,  in  a  few  inataiicea, 
slightly  raised — the  amntnit  of  labor  performed  by 
the  Hanie  mimber  iif  operatives  hud,  of  late,  been 
con.siderably  irierenseii. 

To  cHtablish  that  fai^t,  he  would  submit  a  f  late- 
meiit  of  the  number  of  yards  produoeil,  i\\'{  the 
number  of  persons,  male  ami  female,  employed  in 
all  the  eotton  nulls  ut  Lowell  in  the  years  181-J, 
]H43,  and  1H4'|.  It  would  be  perceived,  while  the 
nuuihur  of  vurds  mannfarlured  in  IH45  exceeded 
that  of  ISii  by  ;J,1UII,'JIM1,  that  the  nun\ber  of 
ntales  employed  hail  been  increased  only  1-8,  and 
that  the  number  of  fenmlcs  had  actually  v.\llen 
OFF  1,110. 

SNiiinlier  of  > ar(l»  of  rinth ^.I.Tfll.OflO 
Xniuher  ol*  iiiiilc*  eiiiplo)  l>(I ".i.-J."** 

Xuiiiticr  of  IVinnle:!  eiiiiilityed 7,  KM) 

I  Nuiilher  of  ynrdaoliloth TO,aT."i,  MK) 

1843.    <  .Vuiultcr  of  iimU'H  rm|il<iycil H^'M't 

(  \iiniber  of  It'niiilcs  i-ia|iloyfil (i.J7.'» 

I  \iiiiili.T  cif  viirils  of  eliilli 7,'i.i"7:),iOil 

IS-I.I.     s  NihiilMTor'rn.iIci*  iiii|il..yiil •,),.||.'i 

(  NtniihtT  oflf  iiiatf(((>iMiil'>>i'tl G:.mt 

Now,  a.i  he  had  set  out  with  the  inquiry — what 
was  just,  what  honest?  he  would  elose  this  branch 
of  Ins  remarks  by  askinij,  was  it  just  or  Imnest 
thus  to  tax  and  i;rnid  down  tin'  nv..^ses  under  llie 
Iliad  of  ojipressive  mininuini^,  lo  luiike  the  poor 
])oorer,aiid  the  rich  richer — lo  render  the  dependant 
more  dependant — to  cn.ible  coi-p(prale  pitwer  to 
fallen  and  bloat  upon  the  niduiiiry  of  the  toiling 
millions? 

Hut  ii  had  been  said  that «  system  of  prohibitory 
duties  was  necessary  for  the  protection  of  Ameri- 
can industry;  that  without  it  the  business  of  ihe 
farmer  would  be  ruined  for  want  of  a  market;  that 
commerce  and  naviiralioii  would  Iani;ui»h;  that 
should  the  taritV  (of  184'J)  be  desiroyed,  not  one  of 
tlio.sc  who  now  lived  by  their  labor  on  the  bench  or 
at  the  anvil  could  exist  a  twclveniontli.  Now,  was 
llial  the  lai(;^uai;c  ol";)«in>,  or  of  sober /rii//i  /  Mow 
had  ihe  farmer  been  prolected  by  the  larilf  of  184'.2, 
which  was  to  yield  him  such  a  f;cdden  harvest,  in 
the  shape  of  a  home  market,  and  hii;h  prices  for 
provisions  and  labor?  Tin'  wages  of  labor  had 
not  advanced,  the  priieofahnoist  every  agricultural 
pCiiduct  had  been  reduced. 

lint  without  going  into  delail  of  the  depression 
of  prices  of  the  agriciillural  products  of  the  coun- 
try, he  would  here  submit  an  extract  from  the 
able  and  concbi.'^ive  remarks  of  his  friend  from 
New  York,  [.\Ir.  t!oi.i.lN',l  showing  the  great  de- 
preciation in  the  price  of  out  agricultural  exports: 

'•  la  ihc  ytiir  1>1I.  iicriciilnire  wn'*  salferhii;  a  iiio-t  iiii- 
p;uatlrlt'il  ilfj.rt  >siim.  » lae  oi  lln'  avowed  nltjt'cls  of  ilm  moir 
act  \\7|.i  to  r:a-f  i-i^'Ociiltiio'  riniii  lliis  d<-|ireF.ri(iii.  How  lar 
tliiit  ohjfcl  liiiH  hft'ti  oliiniiifd  liy  llie  |ir(t[iM4rd  reinrdx ,  li't 

til-  f..I|.tw.n::  l:ililedi'tii'<ll-lralf.  'in  II inT..liiinii  ispiiu'cd 

llie  :iiii'>iiiil  nt' III,'  dillcr«-Mt  |ir<i>lu>-l- i-\|H>ried  ill  t^l.'i,  and 
III  III"  iiltirr  till'  di'li<-ieiii->  I'lr  w  lilcli  Mteli  jinul.e  t  .siild  Ichs 
lliaii  it  would  lliivf  diilif  al  lie-  iirlc<->  in  1-11. 

F^l*orlff  in  If-I.*).      (rron^  loM, 

AVhc.-u  llipur .«.'i.:P.I:',.V.1,I  §-(M7.":II 

(■■•ni Ill.;il  -.s.-xu 

('i.rn  uicnl (lll,.Vr.>  li;..Vi(i 

Wh.ai .■i;iii.7;'j  ;io.:)io 

P'  Tk,  hiuiis,  and  lard a.'.lill  ,■>  I  aDH.i  |:) 

<;iiiM'n^' 177.111!  Ili,-,,7I7 

I'.il  mid  piarl  a-lie» 1.210,111(1  (iUri.ajs 

Potaloe* liJWi  7..')7.'. 

A,.|dia H\:.m  17,074 

Flaineed M.iCH  an.lioj 

1I"|W IHI.HII  .M.aoi 

Uax a;M.;ii4  7,oi:i 

Hii  I.  lallow,  and  liidcn I ,!ri(i,^<l7  4(17. ;il  1 

Until  r  and  cheese hTh, hi;,-,  ■JI,!I71 

lli.'c 3,100, 1.Vi  n-).K«i 

('"lion jl,7.'Cl.lii:i  24..'«)..'i;tO 

Tobaecu 7,4till,CIU  .'1,001,771 

»..'i.l).'i-l„'ijC      s;ia,Ki!i.K-.» 

Here  was  a  depreciation  of  over  43  per  cent.  ! 

The  capital  invested  in  the  agricultural  interest 
was  estimated  at  ?)4,IMI0,IIIHI,0I)II,  and  iliecapilal  in- 
vested in  manufactures  of  all  kinds  at  S400,I)I)I),(H)0. 
The  esiimatcil  products  of  the  former  ainoniited  lo 
«,1,-J1MI,()00,0(IO;  while  the  products  of  all  the  nian- 
ul'actnring  iiiteresis,  renlly  prolected,  niight  beset 
down  al  <iy50,00ll,000.    Upon  the  latter  producuon  ■ 


there  was  a  bounty  paid  by  the  operation  of  llio 

tarilfof  at  least  4U  percent.,  eipial  to  ^im),IIIIU,UUU, 

I  if  the  domestic  price  be  enhanced  at  the  same  rate 

of Iho  duty. 

I      Now,  he  would  suppose,  what  was  much  below 

the  true  estimate,  that  there  were  ten  persons  direct- 

I  ly  engaged  in  and  dependent  uiion  other  pursuits 

j  to  one  directly  engaged  in  oiid  dependant  upon  the 

I  protected  branches  of  manufacture.     While,  then, 

'■  a  burden  was  imposed  upon  the  consuming  iniibseH 

1  of  #100,000,(1(10  by  the  aggruvmed  value  of  pro- 

I  tccled  mamihu'.tures,  laying  aside  ihe  jirotiis  before 

thiy  reached  the  consumer,  the  price  ofthegreal 

agricultural  products  of  the  country  had  decreased 

over  40  per  cent.,  or  S4HU,000,000  since  lM4I. 

Such,  indeed,  was  the  golden  age  to  the  fanner, 

'  which  was  to  be,  and  had  been,  introduced  by  the 

high   prohibitory  law  of  184!2 !     Such   was  the 

I  home  market,  ia  iliiniiiishid  prices,  which  was  to 

be  created   for  him,  lo  fill  his  pockets  with  high 

I  prices  in  ready  cash  1   Such  was  the  sysicm  which 

was  to  protect  the  laboring  inillions,  who  grijiped 

I  the  handle  of  Ihe  plow,  the  spade,  and  the  hoe, 

a;;aiiist  the  paupia*  lalior  of  j'Zurope  !     And  now, 

(.said  .Mr.  N.,)    when  it  was  propo.sed  to  reduce 

I  the  high  prohibiUiry  duties  to  ;>.j  and  30  percent., 

I  what  i^id   we  see  and    liiar?     Why,   sir,  panic- 

I  makers,   inlcre.sled   in  the  jirofils  growing  out  of 

such  proiiibitions,  eagerly  tngagccl  to  dcliat  the 

pa.ssage  of  the  bill,  and  startling  the  coniilry  willi 

the  doleful  cry  of  ruin  I  ruin!  ruin  !  that  lho,^e  who 

lived  by  their  labor  on  the  b'lich  and  al  the  anvil 

were  not  to  exist  a  twelvemonth  ! 

Well,  he  would  not  turn  his  back  upon  those 
who  ullercd  such  doleful  forebodings,  nor  slop  his 
ears  to  their  lameiitauons.  He  would  briefly  ex- 
amine that  subject,  ilow  would  the  bill  all'cct 
i  those  who  lived  by  their  labor  at  tlie  anvil  ? 
j  Throughout  the  whoh'  length  and  breadtli  of  the 
laud,  wherever  agriciilliirul  enlerfirisc  had  broken 
the  sod,  there  the  hardy  and  enicrprising  black- 
smith  had  set  up  his  forge  and  anvil.  What  pro- 
teciiim  did  the  larilf  of  1,'<4-J  furnish  the  50,000 
hard  laboring  blacksmiths  .scaltcreil  over  the 
eonntry  in  every  town,  village,  and  neighborhood ? 
Was  It  in  the  eiihancid  price  of  irmi,  liy  means  of 
,  the  tarilViif  184:J,  which  taxed  it  fjii,'!  on  the  Ion, 
thus  culling  for  an  increased  amount  of  i'a|iilAl  lo 
I  carry  on  their  business,  and  compelling  them  to 
'  charge  higher  prices,  or  to  work  chtaprr  .'  Was  it 
in  the  aggravated  price  of  the  sugar  and  sail  that 
they  eat,  or  the  woollens  and  ihe  coiions,  and  other 
neces.sariis  and  coinforls  of  life  which  lliey,  their 
■  wivi'S  and  children,  wore  and  consinned  ?  I'o  talk 
about  one  out  of  ten,  of  all  that  class  of  u.seful  and 
indusirious  artisans,  being  proieciid  against  any 
foreign  competition,  was  noibiiig  but  arrant  non- 
sense and  tomfoolery.  There  was  no  class  of 
men  upon  svhom  the  i-xisling  larilV  bore  mm-e  un- 
justly. He  would  remind  gi  iillemen  that  their 
panic  declainatiim  might  answer  to  priKluce  a  mo- 
mentary, feverish  t^xcitciuent,  but  "  the  sober 
second  thought"  would  call  for  reasons,  argu- 
ments, facts. 

Again:  how  w-ould  the  bill  alTect  those  who 
lived  by  their  labor  on  the  bench?  Of  that  class 
were  many  of  his  coiisiiiueuts,  who  ranked  high 
for  intelligence,  industry,  and  moral  wurtli.  He 
believed  he  sliouhl  be  tpiite  safe  in  saying,  loo, 
j  that  a  large  majority  of  them  were  opposed  ui  the 
,  existing  tariir.  It  was  a  question  which  they  had 
argued  and  examined  a  hundred  times.  I'liey 
understood  it  well.  And  if  geiitlcinen  should  send 
their  ."ipreches  among  theiu,  warning  them  that  the 
bill  would  be  a  dealli-warnint  to  their  business, 
they  would  not  be  ini  lic-stricken  by  such  whole- 
sale declamation.  They  would  examine  the  subject 
for  themselves.  They  would  seek  for  the  reasons. 
the  facts,  and  from  them  wonlii  draw  their  own 
emiclusions.  They  would  look  to  the  iinporls  and 
exports  of  their  inanufaclure,  lo  ascertain  whellier 
they  received  protection  from  the  duly  imposed  on 
the  importalion.  Thiy  would  compare  the  duly 
propo.sed  in  the  bill  wiili  ihat  imposed  by  the  ex- 
isting law.  They  would  not  stop  there.  They 
would  compare  thedulics  proposed,  with  exisiiiig 
duties  upon  the  material  which  lliey  inanufaciurcd, 
and  upon  llieir  food  and  clolhing,  of  which  they 
purchased  all,  and  upon  all  the  facts,  mtil(e  up  their 
verdict. 

The  boot  and  shoe  interest  was  an  important 
ona  at  the  North.     It  wua  uo  to  his  own  Slate.  . 


Oentlemcn  might  draw  Rome  idea  of  it  frnm  iIiq 
Hict,  that  tlio  number  of  persims  emjdoyed  in  the 
j  manufacture  of  boots  and  shoes  in  New  Knglnnd, 
j  exceeded  the  aggregate  number  employed  there  in 
I  the  nianufactnre  of  cottons,  wfirsteds,  woollens, 
:  mid  enrpi^tings.  To  show  how  that  was  in  the 
I  Stale  of  Massachuseils,  he  would  Hubmit  a  short 
',  table,  eonipiled  from  the  statistics  of  that  State  of 
I  April  1,  1845: 

!  Value  of  amnu-    Pi  riona  einplnvi'd. 

i  liiCInreN. 

Roots  mid  shoes >Jil4,7i)!),MO     4.'">,8T7 

Cotlons  of  all  kinds.    rj,l|)3,44!)     1>0,7I0 

8,877,478      7,37:2 

834,;i;2-3       1,034 

(i;i4,,'),')(i         84(1 


Woollcnsof  all  kinds 

Carpelings 

Worsteds 


—     90,nf;-J 

jjyTT,-. 

Thus  it  appeared  that,  even  in  Mas.sachuseils, 
the  value  of  llie  boot  and  shoe  manufacture  exceed- 
ed the  cotton  S~,(iO'l,iiOI,  and  gave  employiueni  lo 
t2.'i,I()7  more  persons,  and  lo  Io,illj  more  than 
were  employed  in  the  coiimi,  worsted,  woollen,  and 
caritet  maiiufacliire,  conibincd. 

The  gross  amount  of  ihe  manufacture  of  boots 
and  shoes  in  the  New  MiiLrland  Stales  iniglil  br' 
safely  eslimaled  at  not  less  ihaii  y.'."i,(IOO,OOII.  A 
large  pniporlion  of  lliat  ainnunt  was  cnnsiiincd  in 
the  southern  and  siintliv\cstern  .'^Ia!cs.  Thai  inter- 
est was  also  extensive  in  some  ot'tlie  middle  Stjilcs. 
Hesides,  in  a  lari:e  jiortion  of  the  whole  counlry 
the  shoemaker,  as  well  as  the  blacksmith,  would 
be  found  in  every  neighliorhood.  'I'he  whole 
amount  of  boots  and  shoes  inannfactiired  and  con- 
siiincd  in  the  llniled  Stales  was  iiol  less  than 
^(10,000,000  annually.  That  was  a  moderate  esii- 
male,  allowing  only  >3  lo  a  person. 

The  luannfaclurcrs  of  bools  and  shoes,  then,  con- 
stitiiled  a  very  iinporl.uit  branch  of  the  inilnstrial 
iiueresls  of  the  counlry.  To  exciiit  the  pniudices 
of  those  engaged  in  il,  and  to  get  up  a  panic  aniniig 
llieni,  it  liiul  iiecn  nsserled,  but  as  In;  coiueiiiicd 
wilhoul  proof,  ihat  ihc  passage  of  lliis  bill  woiilil 
deslroy  ihaL  interest;  that  it  wiuild  In-  brok-eii 
down  by  foreign  conqielition,  and  that  the  iiidiis- 
Irioiis  handicrafistnan  would  be  driven  (Vom  hid 
employinenl  wiihoiil  clothing — without  food.  liiii 
he  (iMr.  N.)  preferred  fads  to  fancy — argumeiiH 
to  feverish,  partisan  dcctatiialion. 

What  IkuI  been  the  iimonnl  of  imporlaiioii  and 
exportalimi of  bootsend shoes  forilie  jastsix  yeio's? 
That  would  embrace  ji  period  of  the  last  three  years 
of  the  Compriimisi'  .'ict,  anil  ihe  first  iliree  of  the 
exisiing  taritV.  That  exhibit  woulil,  he  believed, 
fully  answer  the  panic  dci-lamation  of  gentlemen 
that  the  bill  would  destroy  that  interest. 

Biioh  ami  Shoes, 


Vfar-».  Iinpdrh'd. 

i-^iii *7i,r>,i3 

I84I 4!t,;)0-J 

184:.' ')I,;t04 

1843* 8,0<)4 

1814 ■->7,48:2 

184,"> 4-',AVJ 


F.V|Kirlid. 

«i2i4.;)(;o 

I!l3,.Wt 

i(;8,!)-.',-, 

1I,-),.3.V, 

S.'II4,0IM) 
3:28,001 


frj;)0,.')74  Sli2-^4>3U 
i2.'>(l„-.7l 


Excess  of  exports  over  imports S0'i3,740 

The  result,  then,  was,  that  the  exports  had  ex- 
ceeded lb.'  imports  near  jjil, 000,000,  and  the  domes- 
tic  manufacture  had  exceeded  the  lonsumplion  of 
the  country  to  that  ainiaint,  which  had  been  dis- 
posed of  in  a  foreign  market.  Thus  it  appeared 
thai  ihe  home  siipplij  was  greater  than  the  home 
(liiiiiiml,  during  the  whole  piriod  of  six  successive 
years.  Of  the  j|,3~'8,0i)l,  (tlii>  surplus  of  the  last 
year,)  $-243,,")03hud  been  exported  to  Great  Ibiliiiii 
and  her  colonies.  How  idle  it  was,  then,  to  lalk 
about  Ihe  tarill'nf  184:2  benefiting  that  class  of  in- 
dustry. Willi  just  as  nuicli  propriety  might  gcn- 
tknieii  tell  the  comniiltee,  that  the  duly  imiiosiil 
by  ihat  aci  of  three  ceiils  a  pound  on  lard,  of  wliicli 
we  ex  ported  the  l.ist  year  over  i20,000,000  of  poll  lids, 
or  of  nine  cenis  ,i  pound  on  cheese,  of  which  we 
had  exported  almost  8,000,000  of  pounds, proliclid 
and  bcnelited  ihc  farmers. 

Again;  of  the  S4:2,l!5!l,  the  value  of  bools  nnd 

•Three  qiiurttn  of  the  year. 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


927 


5j!hPH  CoNo 1st  Skss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Norrii. 


Ho.  or  Repb. 


slincs  imported  in  ]h45,  ^37,338  congiatcd  of  Ijools, 

boiiira!!,  hIkii'h,  mill  piimjM,  for  men,  wliiiili  pitiil  n  { 
duly  lit' only  ,'!()  uiid  31}  tier  cent.  VVIiiU  wiih  the  ! 
duly  iiropiiMud  liy  tlie  bill  ?  tluw  iiiiirli  wiih  it  to 
lii^  rdliiccd?  Why,  to  30  per  ccnl.  nd  valnrtm  ! 
WiiiiiliMfiil  J'nr-lratle  pnllry  — iiliinninfjly  dcHlruc- 
U\i<  to  till!  iiilcrr.sln  of  the  niinicriiiiH  uiid  powerful 
I'liisNes,  who  lived  Ijy  their  lidior  ut  the  niivil  itnd 
on  the  Ih'IicIi,  liy  Rivins  to  their  innnufaetures  n 
viry  piiihlliilory  proleelion  of  at  least  $4(1  on  the  j 
<iillHI,  while  the  lax  upon  raH'HkinH,  iinii,  clothing, 
anil  iieccsHiiiies,  were  In  he  much  reduced.  Why 
Kiiih  an  oulhreiik  iind  elainnr?  Why  ho  nuieli 
ciiiii'ern  nianiresled  for  llie  dear  inieresls  of  the 
farmer,  the  hhiekainiih,  and  Hhoeinaker  ?  Was  it 
tliiit  votes  were  iieeeHsary  lit  the  aiipioaching;  elec- 
tions to  eiiHure  Wiii}^  snccena?  Was  another 
Wlii:;)ianic  to  he<;iit  ii|ias  ihe  ii//ifria  rii/ia,  to  olitaiii 
tliein?  lie  ihoii^lit  !;eiuleinen  would  lie  wiilly  dis- 
ti)i)iointed  in  thi'irdeHi;;iiH — at  Icawt  he  hojied  ho. 

How  did  the  lariirnf  1H4'J  hear  upon  llie  interest 
of  the  shipliuilder,  and  riinKei|iienlly  upon  the 
Hl.ipwrii|;lu  and  anisiin  ?  Why,  hy  imposing  a 
tnv  upon  the  malerials  of  eonslriiclion  and  repair 
iMiirh  hii;her  than  was  imposed  in  Kimland,  it 
opcniled  fjieatly  to  lliiir  disadvantaf;e.  lie  would 
here  ^ive  llie  illU'ereni'es  on  rerlain  arlieles  u.scd  in 
eonstrueting  a  ship  of  live  hundred  tons: 


Bril.  diUy.   Jtmt. 

^m^nihhi. 

.Uml. 

Itii»-lii  irnii,  7  tons 4 1  HO  ,<;;i:i  iw  rri;  m 

,«I7.-|  IHI 

Kiiu'IiMli  iron,  l:t  tons iiniii>  

U.'i  IHI 

;i.'.",  111! 

(:;iiili'».  iiiiiiH 1  M)    1:1  ail 

(1  ■•l\>.\\i. 

•l.'iO  1:11 

Aiirliiir*,-H  Mas 4  •'0     1-J  IHI 

0  -.'JiLlli. 

ir.  (Kl 

lliMvy  iliick.  'J.llVl  jvirilH.     1)  mi  1 II  :ili 

II  7  p.lli. 

Kit  '..•J 

l.iBhl  iliic-k,  TIIU  vnriU....     0  mi     l.'i  fill 

0  7  pill. 

■Vl  -.11 

Conlai;!',  Ih.'||||i,  l:i  tiais. .  38  »i)  ai.^  HO 

0  a  li.lli. 

1  ,->IIO  00 

.W  Til 

•j.iii:i  I'j 

Haliuiei^  fiyninst  Aiiifriciin  ship  hiiilikTH, .  ..*l,Uori  A-i. 

Thus  the  Anieriinn  shipliuilder  was  Inirdencd 
with  a  tax,  in  eoiistriirtini^  a  vessel  of  live  hundred 
tons,or'5il,'JI'')43,or  53.''^!  a  ton  more  than  was  im- 
posed upon  the  British  liiiilder.  The  American 
ship  weni  forth  upon  the  ocean  to  compete  wilh  our 
jLjreat  rival  antagonist  in  commerce,  not  only  under 
this  disiulviiiitai;'e  in  the  ori^riual  coiistruciion,  hut 
a  disadvantaj;e  repealed  and  aijfrravateil  as  often  as 
repairs  were  made  renuiriiif;  these  nialerial.s.  Was 
it  a  matter  of  surprise,  then,  that  our  inerchanis, 
inslead  of  makiiif;  repair",  in  our  own  ports,  em-' 
ployiiii;  our  own  laliorers  and  artisans,  pnrchasinir 
their  cordai;e  and  oilier  materials  at  home,  and  of 
dmiicstic  j;rowtli  and  niaiiiifacliire,  S'li'^ht  to  have 
such  repairs  made  ahroail,  and  thus  not  only  diinin- 
isliin*;  tin;  ilcinand  for  these  ariich-s  iiiourown  mar- 
kets, iiul  depriving  the  artisan  and  lahoreroftheem- 
|)loyinent  and  means  of  liviii«y  to  which  they  seemed 
jiisily  cutiiled.'  Yet,  gentlemen  in  favor  of  the  tarill' 
of  l(<4d  tell  us  that  these  iinposilimis  are  necessary 
toprotiii  I  he  American  hem|)-!;rower,  the  American 
.shiplniiiilcr,  Ainerii^an  iniltistry  and  enterprise, 
a>;aiiist  foreii^ii  com)K'tition,  aj^ainst  the  pauper 
labor  of  Kurope.  The  agnresate  lonnaife  of  the 
I'liiicd  Stales  amounted  to  i!,417,IIIJd  tons.  At 
<»■'). HI  a  ton,  the  excess  of  the  tax  U|ion  the  mate- 
rials of  tunstriiction  here  over  the  tax  upon  the 
same  arltcles  in  lOn^^lanil,  made  a  diseriiniimtimi 
ai;ainst  our  shipping;  inicrest,  compared  wilh  that 
of  lMii;laiiil,  of  jii',(,dU8,777.  He  was  somewlmt 
curious  to  hear  how  the  able  gentleman  from 
Maine,  [.Mr.  Sevkuanh;,]  who  addressed  the 
cominillee  the  other  day,  would  reconcile  this 
maitcr  with  his  indiscrimmute  eulogies  of  the  ex- 
isiiiig  tariff. 

He  told  the  commilteo  that  iVIainc  was  not  only 
n  manufacturing  and  agricultural,  but  a  commercial 
Slate.  Though  the  easternmost  State  in  the  Union, 
and  comparalively  young,  yet  she  was  the  third 
Stale  ill  the  Union  in  the  amount  of  her  tonnage, 
haviiiir  .'W(),0.">'.)  tons,  and  upon  which  your  tarilt  of 
I84"J  imposed  a  tax  on  the  articles  of  construction 
alone,  over  and  aliovc  what  was  impo;-ed  in  Knghmd 
upon  a  like  amount  of  tonnage,  of  si, Slit, 434  7i). 
Alore  than  that;  during  the  fiscal  year,  ending  on 
the  ;iOth  of  .Tune,  1H4.">,  her  enterprising  citizens 
built  more  vessels  in  number,  and  of  a  greater 
aggregate  amount  of  tonnage,  than  any  other  State, 
ouistrippiiig  the  great  commercial  States  of  New 
York  and  Mas.sachiisetls.  The  amount  of  the  toii- 
niige  of  her  vessels  built  during  that  year  was 
3l,lU.'i  tons,  lint  the  gentleman  from  iMaiiie  did 
not  tell  his  constituents  that  they  were  taxed  upon 
the  articles  of  construction  by  the  existing  tarilf 


Ihfl  pretty  Rnug  mm  of  ftl  18,310  more  than  the 
Urilish  shipbuilder  was  taxed  on  the  same  amount  i 
of  materinls  used.     No,  sir,  he  did  not  exphiin  to  I 
them  how  this  tax  was  necessary  to  enable  them 
to  compete  with  foreign  eommerctal   enterprise — 
how  it  protected  thein  against  foreign  einnpetition.  ; 
Nor  did  theigeiilleman  from  MaNsachuaetts  explain 
this  matter,  although  he  found  some  fiiiilt  in  behalf 
of  Maine,  wilh  the  duty  proposed  in  the  bill  upon  I 
potatoes,  which  was  an  article  of  export  from  that 
Sinte.  Without  making  any  sickening  professions 
of  friendship  for  the  farmer,  fin'  he  coiilended  that 
all  inlerests  should  be  earefiilly  regarded,  without 
extending  favoritism  to  any  at  the  expense  of  hu-  i 
other,  he  said  he  was  ready  to  vole  for  n  duty  of  30 
per  c.eiit.,  not  only  on  potatoes,  but  on  wood;  and  i 
lie  would  do  so,  because  he  believed  .'HI  per  cent.  | 
would  raise  a  greater  amount  of  revenue  than  20  i 
per  cent.,  the  rale  proposed  in  the  bill.  j 

Thus  the  pi'oliil>ilioni.4ls,  driven  from  point  to 
point  for  a  tenable  position  on  which  to  stand  In 
defence  of  their  favorite  theory,  had  been  forced  to 
place  their  sole  reliance  upon  the  clap-nap  argu-  '• 
ment,  that  prohibitions  were  necessary  lo  protect 
American  industry — American  capital  and  labor — 
against  the  cheap  capital  and  cheap  labor  of  ICii- 
rope.  That  argument,  so  well  calculated  to  excite 
and  prejudice  the  public  mind,  had  been  seized 
upon  to  enable  the  advocates  of  the  prohibitory 
system  to  fasten  their  doi^trines  npon  the  country. 
The  policy  of  aflempting  to  protect  home  industry 
against  foreign  labor  and  capital  had  been  tested  in 
oilier  countries.  What  had  been  the  result.'  Had 
the  highly  prohibitory  system  of  !•' ranee,  Spain, 
and  Itussia,  had  a  tendency  to  raise  the  moral,  iii- 
telleclual,  or  physical  condition  of  the  operative 
and  the  laboring  masses  in  tlio.se  countries?  Had 
the  corn  laws  had  a  tendency  to  exalt  the  moral, 
intellectual,  or  physical  condition  of  the  masses  of 
peasantry  and  hiisbandmen  of  England  and  Ire- 
land f  Had  the  dependence  of  the  laboring  masses 
in  those  countries  upon  power, accumulated  wealth, 
money,  raised  or  degraded  them  in  the  scale  of 
human  beings?  Had  the  dependant  operative  in 
the  factories,  at  the  bloomery,  the  furnace,  and  the 
forge,  or  in  the  iron  and  coal  mines  of  Kngland, 
becmne  elevated,  mentally  or  physically,  by  means 
of  such  connexion  and  depcniience?  He  asked 
those  fpicstions;  he  did  not  intend  to  argue  them. 
The  effect  of  prohibitory  commercial  restrictions 
had  been  too  legibly  written  on  the  |iage  of  history 
to  rerpiire  it.  The  commercial  system  of  England 
was  remarkably  free,  when  compared  wilh  those 
of  the  other  Powers  he  had  named.  There,  ns  be 
contended,  as  n  conseipience,  the  wages  of  labor 
were  higher,  the  human  intellect  more  untram- 
melled, and  human  rights  better  appreciated  and 
more  firmly  guarded.  Go  into  the  countries  of 
Kurope,aiid  wherever  was  found  the  iron  grasp  of 
coniinereial  prohibition  firmly  clenched  upon  the 
energies  of  n  nation,  there  would  be  found  crime 
more  prcvftlent,  wretchedness  more  appalling,  the 
wages  of  labor  lower,  and  the  masses  more  de- 
graded, dependant,  and  oppressed.  And  why? 
lleciuise  such  restrictions  tend  to  airgregate  wealth 
,  ill  the  hands  of  the  few,  to  the  impoverishment  of 
the  miis.ses;  to  create  moneyed  lords  on  the  one  hand, 
niul  hungry,  starving,  dependant  vassals  on  the 
oilier.  Such,  lie  contended,  would  be  the  ultimate 
consequence  of  such  a  system,  wherever  adopted 
and  made  permanent.  It  was  not  only  true  in  re- 
gard to  the  monarchies  of  the  Old  World,  but  he 
warned  gentlemen  not  to  fasten  the  blasting  and 
withering  system  upon  our  free  institutions. 

But  England  was  our  great  commercial  and 
niamifacturing  rival.  l''roin  n  destructive  compe- 
tition with  her  cheap  labor  and  capital,  it  was  ne- 

■  cessury,  in  the  opinion  of  gentlemen,  to  protect 
ours  l-y  a  system  of  prohibitory  duties.  Now,  he 
contended  that  no  such  necessity  existed.  That 
the  jn'otection  iillbred  by  the  bill  was  ample.  He 
denied  that  the  capital  invested,  or  the  labor  em- 
ployed, was  more  expensive,  taking  all  thin";s  into 
consideration,  here  than  in  Kiiglund.    He  (Wr.  N.) 

■  was  aware  that  here  was  an  important  issue  be- 
tween himself  and  gentlemen  npon  the  other  side. 
Well,  he  would  not  blink  it — he  would  meet  it 
fairly. 

In  the  first  place,  as  bearing  upon  the  question, 

that  goods  could  be  manulactureu  as  cheap  in  the 

United  Stiitcs  as  in  England,  he  would  again  intro- 

I  duce  Mr.  Appleton's  pamphlet.    On  [lu^c  8  he 


;  snyii,  speaking  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury: 

"  III!  will  leorn,  it  In  true,  timt  tlie  nmniirartiireVia  at  thin 
nioiiiriit  in  a  Htalc  of  tfri^at  prMM|H-i  liy.  unit  tlint  Ihe  projih 
tliirr  tirrer  bfvn  t^ri-ntrr;  hilt  lie  will  It'lirii  Itiat  the  liKirtt 
priijiluhic  hruitth  of  iiiiiiiDrnctiire  in  tliiit  nl  iniililns  tiuuAit  lor 
lUi^iUjiort  fruiie, etipceiiilly  Itir  lllu  t'liiiiu  iiiiirket." 

Here  was  an  open  and  direct  avowal  that  the 
American  maimfactiirer  found  n  more  protitable 
market  abroad,  where  he  was  brought  in  direct 
competition  wilh  the  foreign  fabric,  than  nt  home — 
that  he  was  able  to  compete  with  the  world  with- 
out protection. 

Hut  it  had  been  argued  that  capital  was  cheaper 
in  I'^iigland,  and  therefore  the  Anieriian  could  not 
manufacture  as  cheap  as  his  rival.  He  would  ad- 
mit that  the  rate  of  interest  was  lower  in  lOngland 
than  here.  That  was  an  item  that  should  be  set 
down  in  favor  of  the  lirilish  manufacturer.  Uut  that 
part  of  the  case  had  anoihcr  side  to  it.  The  enor- 
mous lax  paid  by  the  Urilish  mamifhctiirer  upon 
his  capital  and  business  more  than  twice  overoal- 
anced  the  cheapness  of  capital.  During  the  year 
ending  the5tli  of  January,  l.S4(i,  the  whole  amount 
of  revenue  collei'.led  in  Ureal  lliitain,  by  direct  and 
indirect  taxation,  amnnnlcd  to  ji,'J4.'i,7(IO,7,'i.'>.  OC 
that  vast  sum  !iji34,(i87,753  (more  than  the  whole 
revenue  collected  by  this  Govcrimient  by  over 
#4,000,000)  was  eollccied  by  the  slamp  lax. 
'riiat  lax  was  levied  upon  every  note,  bill,  receipt, 
or  other  jiaper  given  or  u.sed  by  the  British  manu- 
fiictnrer  in  liis  constant  business  transactions.  Bc- 
Miles,  the  taxes  and  property  tax  ainounted  lo 
another  sum  of  «i44,HG.j,371,  which  fell  upon  his 
land,  buildings,  fixtures,  iVc. 

Again;  the  American  inanufacfurer,  especially 
in  the  large  estabtislimenis,  nsiKilly  purcbasi  il  the 
raw  materia!  of  the  producer,  thus  saving  Ct  fter 
cent,  to  tliecinnnilssioii  merchant.  It  was  frel^rlited 
to  the  norihern  cities  for  less  than  half  a  cent  on 
the  pound,  while  the  freight  lo  England  cost  about 
one  cent  a  pound.  On  100,000  bales,  or  KiO.OOO.OOO 
pounds,  the  difference  in  freight  alone  amoiinled  to 
#800,(100,  or  (ij  per  cent,  in  favor  of  the  American 
niamifactiirer  upon  the  raw  material,  beside.^  the 
5  pi^r  cent,  saved  in  the  way  of  commissions, 
making  Hi  percent,  in  nil.  Ifcotl.in  wereworlli 
8  cents  a  pound  upon  an  average,  that  would  make 
n  difrercncc  in  favor  of  the  American  manufacturer 
upon  the  raw  malerial  of  51,408,000.  Now,  these 
were  facts  which  could  not  be  overthrown,  and 
greatly  outweighed  the  circumstance  of  cheaper 
capital. 

Again:  how  was  it  in  regard  to  the  wages  of  la- 
bor? Whenever  a  wfiril  had  been  said  about  inod- 
ifying  the  tariff  of  184U,  we  had  been  constantly 
met  with  Ihe  catchwords — the  stereotyped  phrase — 
\vc  must  protect  American  industry  against  the 
pauper  labor  of  England.  Now  he  maintained 
that  the  British  factory  operative,  and  mechanic, 
and  artisan,  were  paid  nearly  or  quite  as  niiicli  for 
the  time  they  worked,  and  the  quantity  of  labor 
they  performed,  as  the  same  classes  were  paid  in 
the  United  .Slates.  He  would  here  subinil  a  table 
of  wages,  extracted  from  the  report  of  the  .\nicri- 
caii  consul  at  London,  in  answer  lo  a  resolution 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  March  3, 1843. 
By  it,  would  be  seen  the  average  amount  of  wages 
received  by  the  "  jmiiper"  arii.san  and  mechanic 
there: 

Deliver  hat  liiakirs .*.''  76  n  .f?  SO  per  week. 

Ilitnt  ttntl  sliociiiiikcr^ -I  m  «    7  SO        '* 

\\' cavers  nl' plain  silk^ S  l-s  ri    4  ;i'J        " 

Weavirs  of  I'aiicy  silks ;)  (ill  a    .'i  01        " 

Weavers  nl' Mitills,  low  (ilinlity I  fW  u    '2  40        " 

Weavers  of  saUiis,  rich  qiialily '2  fc'8  a    4  IIJ        " 

Weil  vers  of  olliorgdOilSiaveraiie HOI        " 

Weavers  of  velvets,  onliliaryipnllily  3  l.S        " 

Wi'iivcrs  nl"  velvets,  rich  c|iiallly 4*21        " 

llri.  klavcrs On  a    1  30  per  day. 

Ilarije  liiiil  boat  hiiililers 1  91  a     144        " 

I.i-allier  ilrcsstTs,  Air ISO        " 

(ila/.icrs ^40    1  'JO        " 

.Millwrights  and  iiiaeliiiiists I  SO  ii     I  (is        <« 

Masons I'SOn    1  :H        " 

l>a|ier-liail|ter.s 144        " 

Hliipwriijlils,  ship  and  house  carpen- 
ters, and  Joiners 120  a    144        (' 

Tailors IS  an  hour. 

Weavers  and  dyers 7S  a    2  40  per  day. 

In  regard  to  the  wages  of  factory  operatives  in 

England,  he  would  now  read  nn  extract  from  a 

communication  written  hy  a  gentleman  of  high 

respectability.    That  writer  says: 

"  .Aniiexi'd  is  the  rate  of  '  Eimlish  pauper  lahor,'  as  liir- 

i  iiished  liy  a  .Masiiacliuiielts  genllemaii,  who,  like  Mr.  Liw 


^ll 

1:1 

mm 

ml 


938 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[May  M, 


29th  Coso 1st  Skss. 


The  Mvxiciin  iVor — Mr,  Thurman, 


ilo.  01*  Kgph. 


rciicr,  in  ti  \Vlil0,  (iimI  will)  \v.\*  riT<  ittly  bet'ii  ill  lit*'  rnniiu- 
fn<-liirltiR  ilicirl'tH  nr'  l,;ni<','i'>litri<.     Ilr  luldn-Mcil  the  wrltrr 
Id''  liillnwififllflliT,  iimlrr  \\i\U'  'J-tti  Prhniiiry,  IN'>: 
•»  *  M>  oltJiM'l  \*  (o  put  \nii  til  iMtatTHitKiii  nt  wliiit  In  iiH  nmr 

<  lti<)  av.Tiuo  iirwiiU''''H*"|M»"nililr.     Vitu  will  ifirhy  llir  «ii-  . 

•  c-liiKi'd,  lliHt  1  Inivi-  Hbr;iiiii'il  ilii'  niti-M  ni  iiiilN,  imt  in  Mini-  I 

•  i-lh-M.>r  niitv.  Iiut  fmiii  till  <lir<  ciiiMH :  ittul,  tiikliiif  itie  iivi-r-  j 
Miuf  of  1(11  tliiir,  I  ttttiik  vt'ii  uill  tlnil  Dir  pnrtH  ih  liiuli  iih  ; 

•  Ih.'  oxruril  K<mil  Twi  t  <'<iiii|i;im)  ot  .Miiiii'lh  *\\  r,  vvliicli  I 

*  lliiit  iK'kiinu'lt'iltii'il  In  (ill  to  lti>  II  t,iir  <iirr<i:,'r  oriiiillr'.' 

*•  •  I'liM.T  ht'fir  I iihI  Hull  tiitll  tiiiiid:'  work  hiK  (HJ  tn  fit) 

'*li')tir-  [HT  wiTk,  (ilii;  latt'T  Ih'Iiiu  (In-  cMciii  llif  '  rmliiry' 
'  Ui't  iill'>v\i>;i   wliiti',   III  till'   Ni-w   Kiiuliuitl  iiiill.s  I  lii'ticvi 

*  lUrv  wc.rk  "H  luuir-'.      N  it  IH'I  mi,  ' 

•' Al  iln' s.-iiiH'  tiiiii'.  ttiiH  writfi  Mr.  UoIutI  Mnh'  Circa, 
Int*'  iiii'iiiImt  nt  PiirliiiiiM  III  r>>r  Miiiitlii  ^hr,  itiiil  an  unUiit 
Irii'iiil  oi  ihi*  WDrkiiiK  ( la-<si<>  : 

*>>l.nwfll  hilior  mill  tliiit  lit  W  AMri  (II  Inwii  v'vM  llilli'^ 
«  (rniii  .Mil'M'lli'-lrt.  inillltn'iilii   ahnill   luirr    tin*   pnptilllliiii 

*nt'l.n»r||)  itri'  alioiii  nii  a  pir,  l><>iti  lor  irioiii-y  nml  t-ili- 
t|-iciMy.     .\i   l.owrll   tilt'  i!iiN  i:i  l  l\\i>  ilnji.irM  ami  hniinl— 

*  t'lpl  ll.  piTliap-',  III  thlttrni  -llllllliKH  III  all— or   \\i<n\  to  tin, 
'  I'lir  thnc  ha.^  h i  a  ri  (Iiif-ii<>ii  ni'  waut  r<  thfir."  " 

•* ' 'I'll!' <Mit<*ry  alxiiit  paiip<T  l;il>><r  iii  tlu'  inaniifarturhii; 
dhlrirM  nl'  Kiicliinil  i^  iitl  -rh  \\  illiniii  tMuintalKHi.' 

•' Htiili'«lu'ii  111' wa:irs  in   llimlj-li  CMiioit  inilli,  l-<-M  ami 
l.-T".,  ilxmnl  llnmlTwi-t  I'.'inp  iii> ,  .M:ini'iif>li'r— Imanl  i^ 
lii>'1iiil<  il  iti  all  .'li-i'-i  wlu'ir  !'ii;:lr-li"  wai:*'!*  arc  ylvrii : 
MmIc  -iiiiiiiiii|{.    TlirnstiL'  sj'itiinii^.     Wcivcn*  nii    On  tiuir 

p  T  w.-fk.  l\v<i  luNjii^.      liiniiH. 

;h»*.  i..;ci..  lis.  to  i^.  W:.  \^t. 

ur  ?f'i  Hti  fti'ti  Wiit  .*i;(d 

'•The  lipinnlni;  timclniici*  railed  nmli-'  in  Wn*  mill  arr 
cntiplt'd  t<ik{i-lliL'i,  and  r<  i|iiirc  a  lull  inantn  work  tluni,  wliu, 
if//i-r  p:iyiii^  td^  ay^i■'lallt  •.  i  am"  a-  i-^  ^l  ilcd. 

"'I'lii'ic'xl  li*!  nt"  wau'i'-  in  rmiti  Mi— ^r-.  «;rndii*r  &  Wv/. 
ley.  nt"  MinctifHicr,  [Mr.  11.  i-i  pr- ndtut  ..t' ilif  rliitni'ii  r  ni" 
i*iiiiiiiirrc>' Hicri',)  wtio  will-'  inulir  tl.it''  nt' JJd  l-'ittriiar> , 
l^li'i:  •  \Vc  hci  to  itil'niiii  >nii  iii.it  wc  cii)p|o>  prrliap»  Up- 
uard-t  Id'  in\<L-  tlmusaiid  liatiit-.  and  pa>  wct  kl)': 
Yoiiiiij  piT-^oii,  I"*  ti)  t^'arilrr.-*.  Sliip|ii'rft.  Iland-ninli* 
'Jl  \t'(iM  (dd.  -pinii'Ts. 

in..  :U.  or  >',>:►')     ;)o-.nr.S"-r>    lij-.or  v;n-.;i    dl»*.nr>!»7(i' 

"Tlicncrf  tn  trnni  ticnriji'  llortliuick.  Il<  dloid  N'l-w  Mills. 
This  null  In-s  h.iwi'cn  Liv.-rpoid  and  Mani'lii-t^icr.  All  tlic 
p  rMiii-'  I'liiplovt'd  111  till'  niid  arc  tak>  n  into  the  n\<'ia<!c, 
iiciMiiitc  111  till'  I'niiniry  wlmlc  lainilics  tiiid  rmptnynii'iii.  {^of 
rotir^p  iiiaii\  xoiiml'  p-r-on-i  ;ii,d  intcnnr  liainl",)  uliii-li 
iiriiiL!-*  tin-  avira'jt'  liii\>-r  tliiiii  in  Maiiihrr-iiT.  or  ntiier  laruu 
tovvitn  \\  hcri' ;  i''>r'l  IruuU  ('uii  lit'  idiiaiind. 

" Weekly  \\.\2v>  lor— 
Cardinji.    *  Hinniiirn:.       Wiavne^.       I>^e».i^t^      Warping. 

,1^1  rt;i  VM  ihi  .Si  ill  ^:\  !t|  .*:t  '^1 

"  'The  ahiivr  stalenn  nl  iia-  liirn  niaili-oiit  I'rnin  ihe  umiich 
'  paid  itiirhiur*ii;lit  \\i-rk~.  i  naiiiii  ii('in::AuL'ii^l  ^.  and  initini! 
*Scpt,  Mitier'J.i,  IMIi  ThlH  p  nod  lia>  li  I'ti  ■■lin'>i  ii  a-atlnhl- 
'  iiit{  the  laire-t  avi-ri::!'.  tiriiii!  m  iih-r  in  r-iiiiiiner  ulien  the 

<  we  iviT.'  hiikf  ni'i-i.  rmr  in  winhr  wiit  ti  ilif\  make  h-a-t.' 

'■(^inf  r>jiJ(ii  H  oet-iipii  i|  )i>  uiil.->  and  hnv- imm  iwihf  to 
twenty  yeiirn  old,  Willi  two  nr  llin  *■  htit«r  liaiiil^. 

*-Sj.i.,iii'ii  are  all  nii  n.  iii<)>rl>  wiih  laniilns,  and  orteii 
their  nwn  eliil  Ireii  •  pieei'  t  n  llii-iii,  in  wliiili  ea-e  tlii-y 
wniild  eiirn  t\\  I'lilv-oiic  >hillini;:«  or  «i»  Pi)  ui/il./ioiin/.  'i'otal 
per  \vp-  k.  .*i:(  11." 

In  I  >iiM-lii.';i'H),  iipfiii  tli;U  point,  Im  (Mr.  N.) 
Wintltl  siilnnit  a  liil-le,  sIimwiih,'  tlie  pnee  of  liictury 
latior  in  Kni^lant],  |>iil)li>>)ie(i  snine  time  Hiiicti  hy 
Hon.  l^dniiinil  IJnrkt;.     Tlial  L'entliMiian  says — 

"  The  tollnwiiiff  are  the  rn'fs  nt'  wiu;---  p'r  we 'k  paid  tn 
the  n|(t'raiivi  <  in  the  Lania^liirr  mttnii  t'arinrir^in  KnL'land, 
n't  ilr.twii  lip  ItV  till'  ehamlier  ol' eiHiiinerct'  a(  .M.iiicliL'stfr, 
iiiii'iare  nearly  an  avtra^c  I'nr  tlir  wli  ili-  kiiiudum,  \i/.: 


Ocoiipalinn^. 

HpiniicrH — in**ii 

llo.       wiinii-ii 

Stri'IrlliTd 

PiiTi  iTM.  (Ii.'V*  null  airl'. 

fii  ihe  rtirit  rooiit — 
l\l,.|, 

Si  rliii 
piirri  IK 

s.  ./. 
..-Jilll  til 
..lUll  III 
..•tMl  III 
..  -17  III 

. .  11 11  III 

•i;  0 

1.-)  0 

j.i  I) 

7  0 

17  0 
'.1  11 
7  11 
!)  11 
i»  0 

If!  10 
I-i  II 

:u)  0 

II    0 
■J)  0 

-  iii.iiiiir 

r.iiuivuh 

Kril.  rill  11 

,*l  »fl  til 
•J    HI  111 

11  nil  III 

1    10  ti> 
,-)    IH  10 

■'.  Ill  111 

1    II  in 
1   -.Id  In 
I  t."  Ill 

:)  10  lo 

I  in  Kl 

II  ;•-!  In 

1  ll-.l  II 

.'i  7ii  In 
irliiifnCc 

III  111 
nln'y. 

*11  00 
11  liO 
(1  01 
1    lis 

•1  0,1 

VnililL'  WDIIIfll 

rinlih.  II,.. 

'riirii.tli*-''|lifiliiTs 

K.il.r- 

HV.iiiTi  Ui  iuif'tr— 
M  11 

..    nil  III 
..    110  111 
. .    't  II  In 
..7  0  III 

..l.'ill  III 

'->  i- 
0  111 

4  Ofi 
■J  7(1 
7  -Ml 
■4  11 1 
(i  -U 
iill-n 

Di-i-MT-i.  ini'ii 

WiiiiliT-  anil  wiiriiiT.* — 

Mi-.lm .- 

••  III  .-ill  lli.'lil.lhi  ar.iu 

..■-'■ 

.  .   ■-  0  III 
..Jl  II  III 
■  'iliil'lll 

w:iji-s  V  iry  rrniii  -'.'i  .  (,--.i)  In  H,'i..  (-^  r,J)  prr  wnki  itiitl 
w.irkmrii  111  Ilii'  i.kil|.'tl  ili-iiiirlMH-iit..  u.  I  lllv.  i,*yilil)  |IIT  \M-i-k. 
'rill-  iiiilhiiriK  nil  wlm-ii  I  ri'l>  III  liii-  'full  nt'iil  nl"  \v.'i:;f.^ 
\\'liii-li  I  liiiVi-  ifiviu  iiliiiv,-.  I,*  ."^\iiinit-s  .\il.  .iliii  ,\rri..-iiis. 
Iljl.  -J  :illll  :i.  .■^11-.  ill,*...  Willi.-'-  lllMnrv  nl  llll'  ,Ml  llli.-  llli.l 
\Vnikllil.'Clii'--.|i|l.  .'.70-ll,lllil(ri'>  riillii-n|ilij  nr.Miiim. 

faciiiri',-.  jl.  llll." 

Ai'rnrtlin;;  lo  the  "  Slatistirs  of  Lowrll  Mnnii- 
fai'liin's.  (-iMiipili'ii  iViini  luulicntii-  .soni-.-f-s,''  it  jip- 
pcari-il  llmt  llii*  iiviniL'i-  \^'  i-lily  w.-iiios  iit'llu:  tcniiilc 
opi'i-iuivfs,  ili'iir  (W  liiiiiiil,  I'm- llll  ymr.s  l."*!.'),  '44, 
and  '4.'i,  wa-,  SI  T.")!  anil  iliat  tin-  avrniiri-  daily 
wa^i'.s  iif  llll-  niali.-.-<,  i-li!iii'  iif  Imaril,  wa.s  7(1  i'(iils. 
Hi;  never  liad  heard  tiie  corieiMiie.ss  iil'llii'se  slali.s- 
tii'S  ituesiiiiiu-il. 

l-'r.iinai-iiiiiinuiiii-atiiiii  (if  .\Tr.  .-Mjlinit  Lawroni-e, 
recelilly  |iiililiNlii-il  In  tlie  linsl.in  |iaiier.s,  it  \\'jim 
sliowM    lliul   the  nveraiji;   weekly  \vage.s,  clear  nt' 


iHinrdi  in  the  Lnwr»nco  Maniirni'luriiiii;  Cnm|mny 
I  nt  Lowell,  from  Nnvemlier,  |H4'J,  lo  Kelirunry, 
I  1H4.'I,  wa»  SI  M4  |ier  weeki  and  I'riiiil  Nnveiiilier, 

184.'),  lo  Kcln-iiary,  lH4(i,  #1  H4. 
Ill  till'  JaikNiiii  ('iiiii{iaiiy,  New  IlainpHliire,  for 

four  week"  endiii!;  .Xpril  1;"),  l«4,'l,  *l  7.')  pir  wecki 
I  and    fiir   t'liiir   weeks   endinj;    I'Vliruary    I,    I84(i, 

j*l  7.').  : 

^       Weekly  wancH  for  ltl4;)l  j 

!  Weiivilii!  nil  liiiir  Inniii .**!   10 

W'i'llVlim  nil  tiiri'i-  llMilllH 1    r'll 

W'i'iiviii;'  nil  twii  liiiiiiii I  117 

Oilier  weaverit I  01 

('Hnl'ii.  Hiiiii'K.  Wi-iiv'K.  IJrinn'K.  \Vnr|i'u. 

fit   111    $1  ■J^      $1  U7     ^0  -JU      ijl  M 
.AiiiiHk.-nv  Mill.-) 

r:n';nVfd'"'  '"    '^    «"    -    i 

ll|.'lll*iVC J 

lli'illnril       New    | 
Milh.lliiuliiliil,  [    ,  ^g       R  in        9  4fl        OBI        .T  !H 

ii.<  111.   hull  III'  I 

Inn-  >llnv\ll..  ..J 

Itoartl  was  inelndetl  in  nil  caHi-H  where  HritiHti 
\vai;es  w-ere  fiiven,  and  exeliuled  iVoni  .-Vineriean. 

Now,  (»aid  iMr.  .N.,)  while  ilie  AiiH'rii'iin  man- 
iiraeliiier  |iai(l,  lor  his  eaidin^  and  weavlim^,  eon- 
Nlileralilv  lie;lier  than  ihe  Urilish  inainiliii-inrer, 
yet  the  latter  paid  tin'  his  spiniiinir,  his  dres.sini;, 
and  warpiiiix,  at  a  hii^her  rate  than  the  funnel . 

In  addition  to  all  this,  the  Anierieiin  opi-ralive 
works  oiie-iwelfili  mine  honrs  than  the  Itriiish 
operative,  and  does  imuli  more  ill  Ihe  same  len^'th 
of  tiinn.  lie  eonlended  that  prii-c  of  lahor  was  in 
favor  of  the  Ainerii-an  manufaeliirer. 

lie  would  elo.se  what  he  had  lo  .say  upon  this 
point  liy  ruadiiiiran  eMriu-l  from  a  lemr  adilies.seil 
lo  him  In  .Mari-li,  lt?4(i,  liy  a  i;eiiileniaii  of  Man- 
ehesler,  New  llampsliire,  of  imieli  intelligcnec 
and  lii;;h  respeclaliility.      He  writes: 

>«  I  w-iiillil  rtiiy  Hint  llliirte  wiirkllm  liy  llie  iliiy  iln  Ihe  Hiliiie 
wnrk  llll  lu-tiiri!  '10.  Inn  ill  a  nillii-i-ij  jiriee :  miy  liiltellliiliils 
tliiil  rii-i-ivi'il  lii'lnie  *I0  ^^*.  ilif.,  (i.  I  lull  iilinnl  iv.fii'.  (ii-r  il,iy 
linu' — tlli'\  tli-ill|Z  pillll  lllinlll  nlii'  ^hilliii:;  li-s-  iiuir,  lllllll  prinr 
''  ♦.I  '10.  \\'itll  Mil'  wi-avirs  it  i-i  ililli-n-iit ;  llii-v  wi-nvi-  li>  tlie 
|lii-ee,  mill  llll  II  tliiril  iiinn-  work  linvv  tllllll  tliev  iliil  lii-rnii. 
'10;  mill  llll  ir  jiiiy  |ii'i  |iii'i-i>  ih  reilili-i'il  iicurl)  i)iii--liiiir;  mi 
tli.it  Willi  I' l/iinl  iiinc /i/.ir  llii'i  ui-l  11  hull- "iiiiiri-  loi-riiiie 
vv.ikly  |i;iy  Ihnii  tliey  ili.l  li,  I'lire  '101  'I'liH  i- wliiit  W'iii- 
tliin|i  mill  ntliiT  Wlii'.'-  ini-iiii  wlii'ii  tlii->  |i-ll  lllinlll  Ihe  eiriH' 
III'  -|-'  riiiMii'i  till-  pill'.- nl' liihiir.  I  will  i-\plaiii.  In  If  in 
llie  \\.:<ii--  ..rtlii- n|K;r.itl\i-s  llirnli.'liniil  ,\i  \\  r.ii^l.-iiiil  \\  i-ri- 
ri-ihi(-i-(l.  'iiut  till-  per  ilii-iii  winji'-  han-  not  s/i.irArni  rijiw-i/. 
.\t  till- tiliie  lit' llie  reilil.  ti.iii.  till-  i|ii-eil  nt'  the  mill,.!  wii-s 
iiliniit  nMi.  hiiiiiln-il  anil  tliirty  llirnwH  nl'  the  Hliiittli-  pi-r 
iiiiiiiili'— the  iiin-t  iitlhi-  iiirli.  w-nrkiiiK  /'ic  luinii,  mill  wi-tiv- 
liiij  I  iiihlri-ii  ems  III'  thill>  yiiriU  pi-r  wi-i-k  nl  >ixli'i-ii  c.-litn 
p,  r  eiit  -niakinii  hr  a  w  i-i  k"'  w.irk  ,;0  HS.  'I'lii-  up.  ril  wiiti 
111. 'II  put  il'ivni  In  line  hilinln-il  Jin.l  twelvi-  [i.-r  iiiiiint.-.  i-ii(-h 
tinl  ri'iiuiri'il  in  ti-inl  /iii-i-t-  InniiiM  iii-leiiil  nr/.i-..  nt  Irnm 

I     rli-vi'll    In  IW.'IVI-  i-l-llt     |li-r  .-111  1   till' i.p.-eil    r- lllli'l-.l.  11  llinill 
■   IKtilril,  1111,1  the  piU  I  lit  ilnWII  Dili-  1,11.1, /cr ,'      'I'lirs  VVIi--  In  np- 

'  1-riili'  111  l.iviir  III  Wlieii  ry,  iis  they  i-milil  ili-i'miriji-  o.ic  ll,:,,l 
nl  tlii'ir  liiiiiils,  a. Ill  lllllll  riii.^i'  ii  pmiif-  Ihr  ' 'I'lii  ami 'r>',' 
'  Tip  mill  Ty'  i-ami'  in.  mnl  the  tiirill  111'  '10  riiiii.-nii,  hill  lin- 
ivii-ui  li  liir  lull  Mii/ir  .1,1.01111/  ..r  lalmr  iliil  iint  r'liiip  ii^i.'  It 
i-i  nimiim.'il  tliii-:  Tin-  airl- wi  rriiiii-tly  wnikincl/iii-r  liiiiir^ 
a  pii-ei-i  the  '•iire't  OJ  Ifie  uiitl-s  ii  iti  iiiitei.seil  I  iit'ttli-  tiilil  lltHi'y 
lilt  lit  siirli  11  piiiiit  llitit  llie  uirN,  hy  oi-erej-i  i-/ioii,  r./fi  ;n',i. 
ilici;  li.'Mi/u  sij-  eiita  ot  tlotfi  per  ti ee'i,  tieln'i  ei'^ht  cuts  i»i-,ri' 
tllllll  till  11  jitOilttii'il  liri'.fc  Ihe  riiiutioii  ill  MU,  wiiieli,  nt  t-liv- 
111  mill  II  nail'  .'i-iil-  p  r  i-ill.  iniiki-s  tim  wn-k's  hilinr  iiou; 
ilUinlllll  In  .^0!'!l.  Illi'  \\  linU'  nt'i'l.  Vi'll  i-i  lit-  jli T  wi-i-k  more 
tllllll  li.l'nr.-  till-  ri-.hii-tiiiii ;  Till-  l«  till-  Whi-jiin-ri-ilie  nllhe 
piii-.-H  lit' hilmr.  Th.-r.' i-i  tin  nth.  r  kiliil  iil' iliereii-e.  'I'iie 
HOiiiiinl/ ilnri'll-e  ha-  h.-i-ll  iiiilil.'  l.y  (K.riir-rl  i^.fr.l  iiriiiiiin.i 
—liy  an  iii/,'i/'.in.i/  hoin — liy  11  tliinl  more  11-,  r'.'  ot  o  reitiueit 
liriie — liy  the  .ri-'  r  nml  teiir  of  the  eno'.litiilioii  of  the  o]'i^o~ 
li.f  — all  .iru'hu-llL'ni--tii  ^'loileii  hiiuioii  /.'/t.  tn  till  Iln'eiitl'.'rs 

,    111'  II a|.ilallsl.  alri-inly  ahlllnl.     Sllili  in  tin' ri'mill  nl' the 

laritl'nt  *I0  il(ina  tin-  iipi-rali\'  ,  11,-  i-.\liiliili-il  /.irr.  at  Lnwell. 
iliiil   I    pre-iliiie  at  ail  nlln-r  liiri/i-   iinitiniit  tiiiin::  plai-.-.-  111 

.V.  w    l'..i!;lauil.     Vil  Whljiry  1,-  si tiiiL'i  'Tin-  lil. -fin!,'.< 

Ilia  tmill;'  'a  priiti-i-iivi-  laiilit'i/.  tir  lliiiii-,l  iiiilil-lrv.' 

*'  Tlli-re  IS,  nr  rntlii-r  \M|-.  w  li-ki  ilii.  -s  emnijll  111  ail  i-illl- 
s.-i.-iu-.-  in  till  Iiii-lnr>  >>i.trin.  H  itli  ttn-  lalmr  ii-  It  wii.-  Iiiliiri- 
'10,  hilt  uiiw  the  niitrii^i-nii-  svnl.iii  1-  pn-Misy  ii|inn  Iln-  \i'y 
lije  nrmir  i-iilnllllliitl>',  .Nil  pi-rsnii  ran  «-.irk  a-,  liny  wink, 
r'llrly  ami  lal,  liir  11  year,  with  .nt  iinpiiirinj  liiiiilh.  This 
all  ai-kiinwh  ilue  wlin  are  liiiii  ,-,1,  aiiii  kiiiiw  nt'  the  systi-iii." 

1  [c  would  conelu  \o  his  remarks  hy  payinsr  to 
those  who  had  niainlaiiieil  that  hinh  pnileetioii 
alliu'ded  liy  the  larilt'of  18 W  was  not  only  neces- 
sary for  llie  miiiiiil'aelni'er,  lint  lieiii -fn-ial  to  the 
t'ariiK-r  and  meehaiiie,  that  he  sinei-rely  lielievetl 
that  siieh  a  system  would  not  nltiinali-ly  be  beiie- 
fii'ial  to  eithi-r. 

Keep  up  your  hol-hed  system,  |iroiliteed  by  eon- 
feniiiL'  .5iieh  biiiiiiiies  upon  mannfaetiirin;;  eapital 
— drive  yinn-  eapiiiil  fi-iiii  other  (-mployments  into 
luaniitiii'inriiij; — tiiiiUJ  up,  as  liy  inii'.:ir,  your 
towns  and  eilii-s — fill  them  up  with  11  dense  and 
.  e.raintiii'd  piipulatinn,  drawn  toireiher  from  the 
il  Bi-aitered  abbdes  of  indcjiendencc,  eonifort,  nml 


hnppuiran  by  the  (inticipniinn  ofKitin — rciulpr  nn 
nnilue  proporlinn  of  Ihe  pnpnlntion  drprnilant  for 
Niilisisienee  iipnii  the  daily  molioii  of  ihe  waler- 
whi-el,  lilt'  Nleam-eiii;ine,  the  nplmiin^'-jenny,  the 
loom,  nnil  Ihe  xhnttle,  and  what  will  In-  the  result.' 
.\ot  nipiarter  of  a  eenlnry  would  iniss  away  lie- 
fore  wanes  would  be  ilepii-NHed  in  llinse  esiabliKh- 
lueiils — a  railii-al  ehan..^e  would  be  prodiii  i-d  in  the, 
i-hai-ai-ler  of  the  operative,  renilereil  more  and  ninro 
depeiidaiU  upon  iieenmiilaleil  weallli  and  enrpo- 
rale  power.  At  every  tiirii  of  llie  lin.in.'ial  serew — 
at  every  revulsion  in  the  moneyeil  iilfatrs  nf  ihn 
eiinnlry,  nnil  ei|ieeiiillj  at  every  levulsion  of  the 
mnnnfaelnrin;;  Inisiness,  by  over  produelinn  nr 
otherwise,  Ihe  same  painful  and  slarilini;  i-ries  of 
wnni,  vi'ieti-ln-iliiess,  and  misery  wonlil  be  expe- 
rieneed  here,  as  had  enrsiil  and  seiiin-i,'ed  other 
eouiilries  under  like  ein-iimstaiiees. 


TllK  i\H';XICAN  WAll. 
SPRECIl  OF  MR.  A.  (;.  TIILIRMAN, 

OK  Ollll), 
]«  Till'.  H(ir<K  OF  Itl.rnF.SENTATIVF.S, 

Mmj  14,  lH4i;. 
The  bill  inakinn:  appi-oprialioiiN  for  the  support  of 
the  Army  lieiii^'  under  eiiiisidei-alion  in  Coni- 
inillee  of  the  VViiole  House  on  the  Slate  of  the 
I'nioii — 

Mr.  TIlURMANsuid: 

There  have  been  seniinients,  Mr.  Chnirninn, 
e\press(-il  on  tiiis  lloor  din-iti^  the  pi-eseiit  sessinii, 
by  llepresentalives  fnini  the  Slate  of  Ohio,  win -h 
furnish  lo  any  inemliei-  from  that  Stan-,  who  risis 
lo  repel  thein,  an  ample  e.\i-nse  for  01-ettpying  ihc 
tiiiie  of  the  eommitlee.  Thei-e  have  been  seiili- 
menls  aUrilniled  to  the  people  nf  lliiit  Niiite,  by 
eeriani  of  her  own  Uepriseiilaiives  in  this  Hall, 
wliii-h  her  other  Kepre-seiitalives,  who  do  nol  be- 
lieve that  sueh  senlimeiils  are  thus  enlert, lined, 
cannol,  eonsisleiilly  with  duty,  sull'er  lo  pa.ss  uii- 

,  nolieed.  And  il  is  theiefnre,  Mr.  (Ihairmaii,  that 
while  1  do  not  assume  to  sjnak  for  the  Stale,  1  do, 
as  one  of  her  Kepresentaliv(-s,  w-lio  has  the  riiilit 
to  speuk  for  his  immediate  eonslitneiii-y  at  least, 
and  as  one  of  her  eiti/.ens  who,  as  sueh,  may  pro- 
perly express  his  belief  in  referenee  to  the  views 
of  her  entire  people,  liei;  leave  lo  say  that,  in  my 
jud:,'mr-iit,  she  has  been  greatly  niisiiiiilerstii.nl 
and  most  sli-.iiii;ely  tnisrepresenled  by  the  genlle- 
man  to  whom  1  refer. 

The  first  example  lo  wliieli  I  ask  the  nltciiti.ni 
of  Llie  eonninttia;  is  to  be  t'lnind  in  a  spi-ei-li  di-liv- 
ered  by  the  ineinber  from  the  Cieaiiira  dislrn-t  [.Mr. 
(.iiiilii><i;s|  on  llie  ,'ilh  of  .bnuiary  lasl,  when  ihe 
Oi'i'i^on  iptestinn  was  under  diseiission.  In  that 
speech  Ihe  inember  alluded  lo,  afiir  expressiiii^ 
his  opinion  that  takiii','  possc-sion  of  the  whole  nf 
()i-ei;iiii  by  the  L'nileil  Stales  woiild  be  follnweil  by 
a  war  with  Kiiulaiid — afier  sayiiii:,  that  "  under 
'these  cirennislani-es  In-  |Mr.  C(iiiiiiN(,s{  nnist 
'ehiiose  between  a  war  with  Kii'.;laiiil  on  the  one 
'  hand,  and  a  supine,  in^lnriiiiis  siibiiiissinn  to  the 
'  slavelioMn:::  |niwer  on  tin- other;"  that  lie  had 
"si-en  ennnu'h  of  war  to  liiriii  an  idea  nf  llie  snili  r- 
'  in;,' il  brings  upon  a  nalimi;"  llial  In- li.iil  "  wit- 
'  i.cssid  iis  liivasiatin;;  ell'ecis  upon  piiblie  morals, 
'and  liie  coiiseipti-nt  misery  wliieli  il  nillicis  upon 
'  those  who  are  doomed  lo  feel  its  eiirse;"  that 
"  yei.  With  all  its  lion'.ns,  n-voliin^  as  they  are  lo 
'  Mil-  l'ei-lin:;s  of  hnmatniy,  he  preli  rreil  meeiini:  it 
'  for  a  few  years  rather  than  see  the  people  of  the 
'  free  Slates  sit  down  in  (|niel  inililtit-en.-e  under 
'  the  eontrol  of  lb.'  slaveholdiii;;  power;"  that  "in 
'ea.se  of  war,  they  (the  slaves  nf  the  s.iiilhern  At- 
'  laiilie  Slates)  will  be  niore  danL;eroiis  than  I'.iiir 
'  times  their  nutnber  of  liii-eiijn  em  iiiies;"  that 
"  we  lire  all  aware  thai  in  17H!)  Sonth  (jn-oliiia 
'  sent  a  special  dele^'aiion  to  ihe  Conliiieiital  Con- 

j  '  ijress,  infnrminn;  that  body  that  il  i-i-i|iiii-ed  nil 
'  hi  r  troops  to   protect    the   people   a._'ainsl    their 

j  '  slaves,  and  that  that  chivalrous  Stale  iniisl  depend 
'  upon  her   northern  sislers  to  di-reiiil   her  n.,'ainst 

j  '  Ihe    rommiin    enemy;"    that   "  these    scenes    trill 

I  '  iii^tiin  be  ttetttt  iftveslit'ulit  eiif^iifre  in  another  tcffr;" 
that  he  (.\lr.  U.]  was  "  fully  aware  that  ilu-  sonth- 

'  '  ern  portion  of  ihe  ITnioii  must  sull'er  inns!  incase 
'of  vmr."     After  premisinir  all  tins,  ihal  member, 

;  spi-akin.;  of  the  Houlhern  dehi^ation  in  t.'oiigress, 


[May  14, 
Kk.i-h. 


-roiuliT  an 
'l"'M(lm)i  Ciii- 

'    lIlM    WMtrT- 

:ji'riiiy,  lljc. 

'  llir  ri'Niill ' 
M!<  iiwny  lie 
^<c  I'llillilisli- 
'liii  I'll  ill  llin 
"Mil  iiiiiri! 

mill  i'iir|iii- 
I'inI  Ni-rrw — 
ll'iiirM  111'  ihd 
ilHiiin  iir  iliii 
iiiliii'liiMi    Mr 

ill','  rrii'N  lit* 

li     lif    I'Xpp. 

:i'il  oilier 


iPin.i 


APPENDIX  TO  THR  COIVGRKSSIONAT.  OI^ORE. 


690 


^drn  CoNn Iht  Seas. 


The  Mcrirnn  fl'ar — Mr.  'llutrmun. 


New  SRiUEfl..MNo.  59. 


nitcrrd  iho  fitllitwing  lungiin<^R,  wliioh  I  wilt  ihnnk  ' 
tin-  r'lrrk  tn  rcml. 

Mr.  T.  hero  sfiit  tn  tlic  C'lrrk's  (U'sk  n  pnmft^.Inl 
copy  nf  i\fr.  (iiil(linir«'M  i'(ii'ri'l>,  (Vorn  wfiifli  Mm; 
(llcrk  rcml  llir  followinsj  rxlrncl;  '< 

"Tlicv  now  Hi'i>  <lifM<'iilil(-<  Itrriiri-  tin  tn  :  clnna'TK  prc-cnl 
tlKMiifflvt''*  Id  ilic  liirilHT  |iMr-Mit  iir"  iliiir  |tliin  nf  ei'rrirorlitl 
HimnuMli/.i'iiK-ht,    'V\\v\  liiivi'  »'i)ilit''iil\  <  iillcti  m  iumkI  i)it> 

ilri'lnnili'in  nf  ItritMi  -tiitrx m.  tltui   •  <r  vur  tnth  thr  f'^itv t 

Sliifr^  't'itf  '"•  ft  niir  of  rmmwlii'ttinii.'    Thfy  nee  iti  prM-in'i'i 

IIk'  IiIik  k  n-ai nt«  ni'  Iln'  Hriii-.li  Wr-t  Indiii  i-lnti(N  linil 

■  Hit  nniNiiK  Ihrtn.  find  (licjr  j-Iiivcm  tliH>kiriii  (i>  (ho  riu'tnyN 
Hdniihinl.  Hrrviji-  infiirn-riiiirH  tnniM'rit  tli<  ir  iiiiittfiii'ilJntiM  ; 
riipitH'.  Iiln'wl,  iiikI  iniinliT,  ildtirc  hifnrt'  iln-ir  nfViiiilitfil 
viiliiM-.  Tlii'V  lire  Miivv  r^c.'ti  ill  cvrry  p'irt  orthc  Hull,  cull 
liiir  on  \Vtiiif'4  mill  Drmocrnl^  to  hfivi-  llimi  from  Ilic  (Irtiiil 
fill  !MiM'-''(HH'in'<'N  nf  (lii'ir  own  jioliry.  Wrll,  i«ir,  I  rrplv  lo 
tlit'ni  -Tliix  i-*  VKir  p'tlicy,  not  nnr'i ;  Vmt  \mvv  (iirrcil  \\^ 
iiilH  it  niriiin«t  nor  \\\W  iinij  nur  tltmoHl  nppooitifiri :  yon  tnivt- 
pHpfiP''!  tlin  p'ti-KinciI  I'tmlicc,  ntn!  wv  will  picf"  It  to  ymir 
|i|)«  tiMtil  vou  HUiillnw  llic  very  ilrctfM. 

t  I  wnnl'l  itnl  Ik'  nriili>ritinni)  iim  tji'-iriiie  tt  '■orvjlr  iti«iiriri>' 
tjiin  :  liiil  I  Nuy  to  Mnitlicfn  ai'iillitiKMi  ttiiil  tlu'rt'  iiri!  Inni- 
ilri'(N  of  tli'iutinnil't  nf  hnnr<t  lunl  piilrinilc  mrn  who  *  inll 
Iniiih  lit  umtr  ri'litniilii,  nuii  ii-ill  mocfc  irhni  t/our  fr-ir 
rnritrfh.*  If  hlooil  Htnl  niii^i'nrrc  flinnld  nnrk  tin?  i-truinrlr' 
fur  lili'Tlv  of  ilMHi' »'ho  lor  wirn  hfivi'  Ill-en  oppri-riiti-tl  iiml 
rl.'uriuli'il,  my  priytT  lo  ihr  Cixt  nf  lli'iivrn  sliiill  lie,  tliiit 
iu^tlrr—^trrn  imvielfiiiir  },i\Hre~M\ny  lin  nwitrdccl  tci  Imth 
'iiin«i|pr  nnil  kIhvi'.  I  (li'-*iri»  ihitt  ovrrv  hmnnn  iM'inir  tMii>' 
t'i)|oy  III"  riirlit'i  with  whjrli  t)i)>  (ioit  of  Nanirc  Iiiim  cndnwrd 
liim.  If  thii'T  riithlA  cmi  hi-  n>L'iiin<'d  hy  tin*  down  Irnddt-n 
siMH  of  Africa  in  oiir  i<Mnlhi'rri  S|iiti'<i  liy'ipiii'l  nnd  prm-iiililf 
pH'iiii'*.  I  hope  thfy  will  piir-iiic  snrh  pcnci-fnl  nim-nri'.-. 
nnt  if  thry  I'linnnt  n'Buin  I  icir  (!od  irivcn  riuhlM  hy  pcnn-- 
ftil  tnon^iirt'"*  t  uci'frlhpte^n  hnjie  thry  wiU  rfinin  thrm  ;  nnd 
if'htnoil  If  ■ihri!,  f  "hmihl  rerf-'hiUj  hfiftr  I/ml  it  iHighl  Ir  the 
fhoil  of  thtir  ivhn  st-ttnl  ln-t'irrn  them  uwt  t'rrC'fnin,  onil  nut 
the  htoMdiif  thnvf  wliolmvc  InnL'tiiTti  rnhlird  of  Ihcir  wivi's 
nnd  chlMrt'n  inn)  nil  Ihcy  ludil  d'<ni-  in  life.  It  in  trm-  that 
when  ilm-ic  KiM'tii'-^  slniH  o.-cnr,  northiTii  frcciiii-n.  oiir  mnis 
nnd  ni'iifhhnrH,  uiii-t  niiirch  lo  'I'ctax,  iiml  )iiirf>  Ihcir  l)rcll^tH 
tn  iho«liaft<  of  hntlh'.iti  a  -nnl  iliirrfiiliimdcfciircnf  hliivcry. 
fii  "W'h  a  citwf  wfio  uviu'il  vtt  ^r  tt  r.-iwitrif  f  tliir  I'.tthrr^ 
fniisttt  for  th"  innhiMiiihIo  rishl!*  of  man  :  onr  «niii  inn^l  fan' 
III'-  rannotiN  iiioitlh  in  dcfcnccnf  ulavcry.  Should  ilic  hliick 
n  triincnt''  of  Ihc  \\'v*\  hulic-i  land  njion  niir  himiUntii  rna-i, 
onr  frccnicii  of  the  North  will  he  placed  in  n  po-ifinii  the 
contemplation  of  which  ifl  most  I'cviiltiiic  to  the  fceliiiif-*  nf 
hnni'iniU'.  V<>t  thr  proplr  nf  the  fnr  \nrth  to  mirfck  to  our 
smithrni  Sliilci,  nuii  »t>iiiif  hct'imi  t/ir  tnnitncijuitcit  xlnrv^  of 
thr  H'rst  Iiutia  nnd  snulhrrii  sl.iirhniitiTs,  ,i,id  drfrnd  than 
irhili:  th'^11  H'tii  thi'ir  fiouilinm  ittto  stthmi'^\ioii,  will  Ac  itpsrniUt- 
linn  <rithnuf  n  juini^frf,  rTi-ryt  it  hr  fonrtd  in  the  iiiiiH  suh- 
vii'i^inn  of  o\yf  firnjilc  to  ihc  pnlHii'nl  rmilrnl  nf  tfiosr  Hio  fnni 
nvit  sell  thfir  fellow  mniy  nml  wake  merchtnuUtc  of  humuu 
fiesi,. 

'*  STmnld  tlin  fcene-i  lo  whieh  I  )iave  alhnled  take  plare, 
one  rrcnt  lufvntitiijr  ifotifd  rfsiill.  l'irlia|w  no  statc^rnan 
flniihN  tlint  n  war  with  Knslnnd  fnn<t  prove  Hie  ilmiii  of 
pl-ivorv.  Tho  Jtritish  Gorrrntnfut  nnwharr  vn  slaves  in  thrir 
fl'cs/  Ttnlia  Iihiwli.  ni  in  the  lit^t  wnr,  tn  rr'.'riiin  Ihnn  front 
r"i\jt>ir  thr  ihi'  of  mwwijtrttion.  'Pile  paraly/iiii!  cnect-i 
which  that  in-litM'iini  everts  npoti  Hie  pli\>ical  eneri.'ii"«  of 
(he  nnfinn  wontd  he  e\hihiti'rl  tn  tlie  wnrlil.  Diir  penple  of 
ihe  Xorili  would  he  enn.-lrainrd  to  Innk  upon  the  e? i|  nn  il 
realh'  H. 

"The  «l:ive  power  wonid  Iohc  if^  charni— onr  riiizena  of 
the  North  would  bo  arnn^cd  from  the  Ii'tharuy  which,  for 
Iiiilf  a  eetitnrv,  ha-*  held  Ihcir  tJensiltiliticB  in  n  torpid  inar- 
tiviiy  toward  Ihf  oppressed  nf  niir  Inmi.  We  nhnnhl  then 
tind  nnaii'*  to  "(ever  the  rordw  which  have  wo  lone,  niicon- 
«liliitionallv.  l»innd  iw  |o  the  pntre-ccnt  enrcaxs  of  slavery, 
r.rrnt  Hrifnin  wi-nid  not  ho  liVelv  ayain  to  pay  southern 
slaveholilor^  t'l-rlrr  hntnlrfil  thnusinnhlnUnri  for  Ininian  cnttlo. 
ivhn  shall  Imvo  Kira\ei|  from  thoir  nwnors,  as  was  done  nt 
tho  close  of  Ihe  last  war." 

Now,  (fjnid  Mr.  TiifRMAv,)  \vi(!i  tlir  iiidividiml 
npiiiions  of  tlie  niilhor  of  ilusc  ."nitimonrs  I  have 
nntliin^  Id  ilo.  He  mny  ciitorlnin  tlioni,  atroi-iou.s 
ns  thcv  arc  He  iiiny  di'siro  to  spo  nil  llir  lion-or.s 
lie  (lopiotR  in  profrrnicc  to  wlint  \\v  rails  the  indiC- 
fiToticc  (»r  tho  Prro  Statr.s  "to  thn  oonirol  of  thr 
sinvcholdino:  pow'rr;"  in  other  wonl^^,  In  pri-fcr- 
rni'o  lo  tlm  cxisiiii'^  state  of  thiiiirs.  Mr  niay  pray 
that  in  a  sorvilo  war  tho  hlnod  of  the  wliiui  man, 
and  not  of  the  ne2:rn,  may  ho  hIiciI;  that  the  rela- 
tives or  deseoiidants  nf  WnRhinLrton  and  Sumter 
nnd  Marion,  of  .Teffer.son  nnd  Mailison  and  Lee,  of 
Motiroe  nnd  <tf  .Tarli.soii,  inav  fall  in  thn  rontest; 
fill  hy  tlie  hand  of  tlie  slave  wlio  eanie  lo  thein  hy 
inherltani'o,  witliont  ihrir  choice  and  without  ihcir 
fnnlt.  In  sudi  h  coi.-;uniination  he  ni:iy  find  canso 
for  rejoicins;.  In  dett'ncc  <  f  his  fellow  citizens  of 
the  Sonlli  lie  ni;  v  chonsc  '.o  "  he  a  coward.'*  At 
llieir '*  calamity'  he  nin y  "  lanjrh,"  and  **  mock 
when  their  ft'ar  cr >;ielh.*'  He  may  lliink  it  "  dc;^- 
radntion'Mo  repci  i'.p;ii>;h  rnnps  ii*  they  he  hiack, 
and  land  on  n  soiithein  >!inre.  Ho  may  refuse  lo 
defend  the  soil  of  his  couiilry  or  the  live.'--  of  Iier 
citizens  in  war.  All  lliis  Iio  may  do.  These  may 
ho  his  sentiments;  I  will  not  deny  thai  they  arc. 
Let  him  rcvol  in  them  if  he  can.  "I  shall  not  nn- 
dorlakc  to  disinrh  liis  enjoyment.  I  am  content 
to  lenvo  him  to  his  fate.  Unt,  sir,  if  lie  mean  to 
nsscrl  that  these  arc  tho  seniinients  of  the  people 


59 


oroiiiii,  nr  MfiMiy  cniisidrralilf  [inriion  nf  tlinf  (ifin- 
|il'';  iriic  lui'iii)  Id  nDii'iii  tlinr  tliMiiriiiMilHf  iiiiii'li  IfMjt 
"  iiiiililn  lis  nt'  tlliilis:\nilN"  ol'  lu-f  riti'/.ciiM  f  litrrtuill 
siii'li  Ml  uH,  I  liiri'  A  ■■larr  lliiit  llii^  iiH^ri'liiMi  is  an 
uiilniiiiiliil  II  Hlaiiilrr  ,is  cvr'r  Oil  fnini  lh<!  li|iH  mI' 
hum.  N'lilliiM';  riiiilil  lie  fiirlliir  fnmi  lIn'  liiilli; 
MMiliiiiir  wltiUi'ViT.  Tlici'i'  in  ijni  {\  Si, lie  in  llii: 
lt<'|iiililii'  iiion;  sinri'Vi'ly  iilliirlini  Id  tlie  /'iiiou 
lliiin  in  Ohio,  nut  niu'  in  wliiili  ilie  iilili:.'atiiiii!i  it  > 
iniiiMscs  nrii  lirlil  in  iri'ctniiT  rt'K|ii'i't;  mil  iiiii'  in  i 
wliii'li  tliny  nrr,  »nil  ivrr  will  ho,  niMro  Htn'i'i-illy 
fiiltilli'il.  ()f  hii'  |ii'(i|ili'  it  will  never  he  miid,  wild 
Iriilli,  tliiil  they  me  iiiiliireri'iu  tii  the  eihimilii'N  iif 
Miiy  |iMrtiiiii  111"  their  felldw-i'iti'/.eiw,  Niir  will  luiy 
f|iiiirler  nf  the  I'liuiitrv  ever  eiill  nil  her  fur  iiiil  in 
the  hniir  nf  clunker,  iumI  rail  in  vain. 

Passing'  fi'Miii  Ihin  lii-Nt  e\ani|ile,  Mr.  Chainiian, 
I  [tr'n'ecii  tn  the  eMiisiileralion  nt'  siniie  reinarloi 
iijaile  hy  jinntlier  memlier  CrMiii  Oliin,  my  I'ollea'^iie 
fiiini  the  Ilavenna  ili.-.triet,  |Mr.  TiiiiKV.)  The 
hill  tn  raise  twn  reiriments  of  rillemeii  for  the  |M'n- 
tei'tinii  nf  our  eiti'/.eiis  iniiirnliiis;  tn  Oi'e;;nn  heiiitr 
miller  I'Miisiileratioii  nii  the  J4rn  of  Mari'h  last, 
lliat  tfinilemaii  saiil,  that  "  if  he  ronhl  eoiivinrn 
'  himself  that  siieli  was  the  nhjei't  nr  (lesion  nf  the 
'  hill,  lie  shoiilil  undimhleilly  t'eel  hnuiiil  In  uivo  it 
'  his  sinrere  ami  hearlv  sM|i|inrt.  I'lit  he  iliil  not 
'  helieve  it;  lie  dill  nnt  Itelieve  it  had  any  siieh  nh- 
'  ject;  he  did  nnt  heliivethat  siieli  had  heen  its 
'  in'i'.;inid  desi^'ii,  mil'  h  less  that  it  was  so  at  that 
'  time;"  that  "  he  loMked  ii|inn  this  as  an  eO'nrl 
'  nn  the  jiart  nf  the  Adminislratinn  In  raise  these 

*  two  retrimeiits  of  riflenii'ii  (lo  he  ntTieerrd  aeeord- 

*  inir  to  the  views  nf  the  ijenlleiiian  tVnin  Ai'Uansas, 
'  [Mr.  Yei.i.,1  liy  western  irenilemen,  experii  neeil 
'  ill  Indian  warfare)  tn  enni'iliaie  the  ffreat  western 

*  Demncraey  for  the  disiippointinent  they  had  nn- 
'  di'ryone  liy  tlie  failure  tn  earrv  i"it  their  views 
'  in  relation  to  the  northwestern  imumlary;"  that, 
as  to  the  cmiijrants   to  Oregon,  *'  there  was  no 

*  neeessity  to  Jiislily  this  outlay  of  pnhlie  money 
'  tn  give  proteelinn  lo  tlieue  emii;raiils.  'I'liero 
'  was  snmelhin<<;  In  hinil  ihe  srenes  that  had  nnt 
'  heen  diselnsed.  The  eiiiimanls  wanted  no  pro- 
'  terlinn;  they  never  linil  asked  for  it;"  that,  "  so 

*  far  as  the  v'fulnn  t'l'ontier  was  eonrenied,  he  he- 
'  lieved  there  was  already  a  sullieient  fori'e  there;" 
that  "  he  had  nn  dieilil   that  the   President,  nnd 

*  those  whn  synipallii/ed  and  were  in  the  closest 
'  ennnexion  with  him,  were  in  earnest  in  raisin*^ 
'  these  twn  re'.'imenls;"  that  one  of  the  President's 
ohjeeis  was  '*  tn  nvixtni'nt  the  forcp  now  in  TexuH. 
'  Was  the  House  prepared  to  earry  nut  this  pnr- 
'pnse?  h'or  his  (Mr.  Tii.DKx's)  own  |iart,  he 
'ilerlared  SMieimily,  that  never,  until  the  .Slate  of 
'  t)hin,  hy  some  ai't  nf  hers  should  revnlje  the 
'  resolutions  nf  her  I.esislalurc,  passed  hy  tlie 
'  nnaninioiis  vnte  of  the  Whig  and  Demoeralic 
'  party,  dei'laring  that  ilie  annexation  nf  Texas 
'  wnsa  vinlaiion  nf  ihe  Cnnsiiinlion  nf  the  enimlrv, 
'  and  that  ns  siieh  she  wnuld  never  he  lionnd  hy  it, 
'  V'lUtltl  be  s(n>ctin}t  nr  KUiiliiin  that  purpose.  Never 
'  iiiilil  Ohio  shniihl  wipe  out  that  reeoid,  would  he 
'  ronsent  lo  this  grand  system  of  national  maraud- 
'  ing;''  that  "  if  he  (Afr.  Tii  ni-.v>  had  imdeistood 
'  I'orrertly,  il  was  intended  to  inerea>'i;  ihe  army 
'  (of  nnservation,  or  of  oeeupiition)  whieh  was 
'  this  day  oeeiipying  a  territory  lo  whieh,  aeoord- 
'  ing  to  the  liigliest  nemneratie,  authorily  at  the 
'  other  end  nf  the  Capitol,  we  had  nn  more  title 
'  than  we  had  tn  Gie.il  Urilain — a  territory  where 
'  onr  eiti/.ens  were  now  paying  duties  on  their 
'gnndstoihe  Mexivaii  CJoviriinienI — a  lerrilory 
'  to  whieh  lionnrahle  gentleman  itw  this  llnnr  hail 
'  derl.ired  that  we  had  no  title.  For  himself,  (Mr. 
'Tii.'KV,)  he  irniild  see  this  Cupilnl  m:iil  lo  its 
*fouutlation  before  he  v'nuld  rote  for  stieh  a  proeeeil- 
'  ill!!';  mil/,  ill  saijiiis;  this,  he  beliered  thai  he  spoke 
'the  Sfntiiiitnis  of  the  people  if  Ohio;"  that  "  he 
'  was  resolved  to  go  against  this  hill  in  every  form 
'in  whieh  it  eniild  he  preseiiled,  unless  the  Slate 
'  of  Ohio  shall  revoke  the  rcsohilinns  tn  whieh  he 
'  liad  referred.  Whenever  that  Stale,  hy  any  net 
'  of  hers,  slinnid  rnnviuee  liini  that  she  had  lepn- 
'  dialed  those  resolutions,  then,  and  not  before,  he 
'  iroiild  be  \n'epured  lo  f!;ii  for  «ii  nriiiii  of  oeenpiilion 
'  ill  7'i'.i'«s;"  tiuit  "  he  knew  that  as  long  as  slavery 
'  existed  in  Texas,  so  long  there  wonkl  lie  i  aiise 
'  nf  war  lietween  this  enuiitry  and  the  eontigiioiis 
'  territory;"  Ihat  "  whenever  the  people  of  his 
'  Slate  should  give  their  sanelinn  to  thia  outrage, 
'  then,  and  not  hcforc,  ho  (Mr.  Tildes)  would 


■  Vole  in  favor  of  ihln  and  ihIkt  kindred  meai- 
'  nrrs." 

.Nnw,iiir,  tsaid  Mr.  Tiiiiim*v,)  what  i»  ilie  «um 
anil  HuliMtanee  nf  these  remaikn  nf  niy  eolleagiic  ? 
Why,  llir,  that  wliil  he  was  willing  tn  vnte  for 
Iwo  regimenis  nf  Iroops  tn  pioleel  niir  e.inigrnnln 
tn  Oregon,  alilioiigli,  in  his  jiidginent,  they  needed 
nil  prntei  linn,  he  wiiH  nnwilliiig  tn  furnish  «  xinglu 
niaii  I'nr  the  lefeiii'e  nf  Texas,  linwever  ({"'"t  lli" 
daiii;er  lo  whieh  she  was  exposed;  that  while  lio 
would  raise  troops  to  he  phii'ed  on  <nir  teesltrn 
froniier,  where  "  he  lieheved  tlieie  was  already  it 
Nulliiieiit  fnree,"  "  he  wnuld  see  this  Capitol  razed 
to  ils  fnundatinn  "  heinie  he  would  vote  lo  inereasn 
nur  army  nn  the   Rio  (iraiide;  nnd  that,  "  in  Biiy- 

■  ing  ihis,  lie  heheved  that  he  spoke  the  genliiiiRlltS 
'  of  the  people  nf  Oliin." 

Ml.  Chairnum,  1  deny  thai  these  are  the  Benli- 
meiils  nf  the   penple  of  Ohio.     I  deny  thai  they 
are  views  of  eiilier  nf  tli     i  vn  great  jmrlies  in  that 
Stale.      I   deny   that   the  penple   of  Ohio  regard 
Texas  as  no   part  of  this  llepnhlie.     1  deny  that 
they  I'oiiaider   her  a   foieigM  power,  or  that  tliey 
are  any  more  unwilling  lo  provide  for  her  de-feneo 
than  lliey  are   In  defend   any   nllier  Slate  of  the_ 
Union.     Tlial  some  pnrlinn  of  the  aSolilionisIs  of 
Ohio  entertain   the  senlimenls  expressed  hy  my 
enlleagiie,    I   have  not  the  least  dinilit.     That  he 
liiis  eorreelly  represenled  their  feelings,  I  grant  lo 
he  true.     Hiil  that  he  has  represented  the  feelings 
of  the  people  of  llnit  State,  in  nf  either  nf  her  great 
pnriies,     Demonaiie    nr   \\  liig,    I    ntleily  deny. 
<  Why,  sir,  when  was  it  niv    nlhagne  addressed  to 
this  House  the  remarks   I      ave  quoted?     Il  was 
:  the  '^4111  of  Mareh   la.sl,   sir    almost  nine  montliH 
;  after  the  people  of  Texas  ha  I  aee.epled  nur  terms 
I  of  anuexatinn,  and  neiiily  I'Hir  months  after  aha 
had,  hy  nn  overwhelming  vnle  of  this  very  Coii- 
■  gress,  lieen  admitted  as  one  of  the  ,S7«(f,i  of  this 
Union.     Yes,  sir,  after  this,  anil  when  her  Stiite 
'  Legislnliire  vas  sitting  under  her  Stale  cnnsiiin- 
lion  when  her  Senalois  in  Congre.ss  were  on  their 

way  to  this  our  national    -^eat  of  Government,  to 
lake  their  plaees  in  the  f\,i-r  end  of  this  Capilnl, 
my  eolleague   has  the  hnlilness  to  nininlnin,  thnt 
]  she  is  no  (larl  of  the  United  Stales,  and  entitled  to 
I  no  support,  defence,  or  proleilinii  from  niir  arms. 
1  No  vote  nf  his,  he  says,  shall   he  given  tn  defend 
:  her,  until  Ohio  shall  have  nvnked  her  anti-annex- 
aliim  resolves.     And  dues  my  enlleaguc  really  he- 
neve  that  the  people  of  our  Stale  are  inllneneed  nt 
;  thisdiiv,  nndertlie  imw  existing  slate  of  things,  by 
'  the  resolutions  nf  their  Legislature  passed  years 
ago,  when  all  parlies  in  tliis  eountry  thought  that 
"Texas  0U5ht  not //n  ii  to  he  annexed — resolutions 
passed   nl  a  time  when,   owing  to  circnmstaneea 
1  tlinl  no  longer  exist,   it  was  ile.irlv  inexpedient  to 
!  annex  lier .'     Or,  does  he  suppose  tliat  the  resolves 
'  of  184.")— |>asacd,  notnnanunnusly,  hut  by  a  parly 
von — passed,   not   after,  hut   before,  annexatioa 
was  assented  to  by  even  the  Congress  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  does  lie  suppose  that  tho.se  resolves, 
adopted  under  those  circumslanees,  are  so  .^aered 
in   the  eyes  nf  the  penple  of  Oliin — are  nf  such 
binding  obligation   on    her  Representatives  here, 
that  now — now,  when  annexaiion  is  eniisumnialed 
— nnw,  when  Texas  has  been  tnrmally  admitted 
into  the  Union  as  a  State— now,  when  her  Senators 
are  silling  and  voting  in  the  oilier  end  nf  the  Cap- 
'  itol,  we,  of  Ohio,  ought  tn  Heal  her  as  a  foreign 
,  power— ought    to  refuse  tn   have  any  cnnnexinn 
with  her,  nnd  leave  her  a  prey  to  an  exasperated 
nnd   vindietive   foe?      Does   he   renlly  think   that 
these  nre  the  sentiments  of  those  we  represent? 
Does  he  honestly  believe  that  lliis  is  what  is  ex- 
'  peeled  of  us  on  this  llnnr-     If  he  dn,  Mr.  Chnir- 
iiiau,  there  never  was  mim  more  grossly  deceived 

never,  sir,   never.     Snoner  nr  later  will  he  find 

nut,  that  when  nnnex.itinn  was  completed,  oppo- 
sition to  il  should  have  censed;  ihal  Texas  annex- 
ed is  quite  a  dilferenl  thing  I'm. m  Texas  n  foreign 
State;  that  if  the  latter  could  claim  only  our  good 
wishes  nnd  sympathy,  the  former  is  entitled,  in 
the  eloquent  liingunge'of  another,  "  to  be  defended 
with  nil  our  hearts  nnd  by  all  our  hands." 
,      Mr.  Chairman,  it  was  yesterday  announced  to 
this  House,  in  the  usual  form,  that  the  bill  that  had 
passed  bolh  branches  nf  Congress,  recngnising  the 
exislenee  of  war  between  this  country  nnd  Mcx- 
■■  icn.  had  been  approved  and  signed  by  the  President 
of  the  United  Slates;  nnd  that,  therc'forc,  whatever 
.  doubts  had  heretofore  been  entertained  on  the  sub- 


:ir  ^-.m 


!MAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


// 


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■tiUt. 

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Photographic 

Sdences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  M.      H580 

(>    .,     872-4503 


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930 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[May  14, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Mexican  War — Mr.  Thurman. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


^'ecl,  war  did  now  exist,  both  in  contemplation  of 
aw  and  in  fact.  In  less  than  an  hour  after  this 
announcement  was  made,  a  member  from  Ohio, 
representing  the  Mount  Vernon  district,  (Mr.  Del- 
ano,) was  addressing  the  House.  The  subject 
under  consideration  was  a  bill  making  anprnpria- 
tions  for  the  support  of  the  army.  Now,  Mr. 
Chairman,  could  the  people  of  Ohio  liave  been 
aware  of  these  facts,  what  do  you  xuppose  would 
have  been  their  speculations  as  to  the  character  of 
the  speech  to  which  their  Representative  was  giv- 
ing utterance.'  I  think,  sir,  I  ran  answer  this 
question.  I  think,  sir,  I  may  imagine  ninety-nine 
ont  of  every  hundred  of  that  people  snyinj;  to  them- 
selves something  like  this:  "  So,  war  is  upon  us. 
Its  existence  cannot  be  denied.  It  exists,  beyond 
dispute,  both  in  law  and  in  fiirt.  The  blood  of  our 
citizens  has  been  shed.  Our  soldiers  have  been 
killed  or  captured  by  Mexican  troops.  Our  army 
is  assailed  by  superior  force.  All  that  men,  brave 
and  patriotic,  urn  do,  will  be  done  by  it.  I3nt  it 
needs  our  aid — our  instant  and  powerful  aid.  Vol- 
unteers must  be  raised  to  march  to  ila  asaiatnncc. 
Regular  troops  must  also  be  enlisted.  The  ener- 
gies of  the  nation  must  be  put  forth,  that  the  war 
may  be  brief,  decisive,  and  glorious;  thai  the  peace 
that  follows  it  may  be  honorable,  ad  vaiitaseous,  and 
permanent.  Difterent  opinions  may  be  entertained 
as  to  what  has  produced  this  war.  In  the  iuds;- 
menta  of  some,  our  own  Government  may  lie  to 
blame.  But  this  is  not  the  time  to  be  finding  fault 
with  it.  It  is  not  in  a  crisis  like  this  that  such  a 
judgment  should  be  pronounced.  It  is  not  in  (he 
very  beginning  of  a  contest  wilh  an  enemy  that 
we  should  lessen  our  own  moml  frtrce.  It  is  no 
time  now  to  tell  the  world  that  we  are  the  aggres- 
sors. Success  in  wor  docs  not  depend  on  arms 
alone  in  this  age  of  the  world.  We  have  other 
enemies,  and  powerful  enemies  too,  beside  the 
Mexicans — enemies  who  will  gladly  seize  on  ev- 
erything that  seems  to  put  us  in  the  wrong.  We 
must  not  furnish  them  with  arguments  against  us: 
arguments  that  would  derive  their  chief  wei  ut 
from  being  first  uttered  by  us.  Above  all,  must 
we  not  dishearten  our  own  people,  and  exalt  the 
spirits  of  our  foes.  Wo  must  encourage,  not  dis- 
courage, enlistments.  We  must  increase,  not 
repress,  the  ardor  of  our  countrymen.  Did  we 
even  know  with  certainty  that  our  Government  is 
to  blame,  this  would  yet  lie  our  duty.  How  much 
more  strongly  is  it  our  duty  when  wo  cnniint  any 
that  our  Government  is  in  the  wrong '  We  havi^ 
received  numberless  injuries  from  Mexico.  For  a 
long  series  of  years  'las  she  plundered  and  impris- 
oned our  citizens.  Year  afier  year  has  she  re- 
fused to  reimburse  them  what  she  admitted  herself 
to  owe.  Aeain  and  again  has  she  violated  her 
treaty  engagements  with  ua.  All  inicrrour.se  be- 
tween the  two  nations  has  been  broken  oil"  by  her. 
She  has  withdrawn  her  minister  from  our  country, 
and  expelled  our  ministers  from  hers.  She  has 
persisted  in  her  claim  to  Texas  after  it  had  been 
nearly  ten  years  independent  of  her  power.  .She 
has  thus  persisted  out  of  hostility  (o  ti.s-;  fur  she 
otTered  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  that 
country  if  it  would  reject  annexation  to  the  United 
States.  We  have  oflered  her  peace,  and,  in  return, 
she  has  threatened  to  invade  our  territory.  We 
have  abstained  from  declaring  war  against  her,  as 
we  might  justly  have  done,  and  the  rccoiupensc 
for  our  forbearance  has  been  llie  murder  ot'our  peo- 
ple. The  first  blood  that  was  shed  was  ihe  lilimd 
of  an  American  citizen.  The  hand  that  slird  it 
was  the  hand  of  a  Mexican  soldier.  Wilh  these 
facts  before  us,  shall  we  prematurely  pronounce 
judgment  on  ourselves?  Can  we  truly  say,  in  the  ■ 
face  of  th:isi!  facta,  that  our  Government  liaa  done 
wrong?  How  could  it  have  acted  otherwise  than  ' 
it  has,  if  it  meant  to  perform  iis  duty  of  u|iholilln:;  ' 
the  rights  and  malnlaining  the  honor  of  ilie  nalionl ' 
Will  tliere  be  found  any  among  us  seeking  to  make  ' 
a  little  paltry  parly  cainlal,  by  throwing  the  blame 
of  the  war  upon  the  President?  Will  the  scenes 
of  1812,  and  '13,  and  '14,  be  revived,  and  an  at- 
tempt 1)6  again  made  to  try,  judge  and  condemn  an 
Administration  in  the  midst  of  a  war,  on  the  charge 
that  on  it,  and  not  on  the  enemy,  reals  the  rcapon- ' 
sibility  of  proilucing  the  war?  VVc  hope  inii!  we 
believe  not.  We  iriist  that  the  lessons  of  experi- 
ence  have  not  been  taught  in  vain.  We  aei'  that 
Congress  haa  acted,  so  far,  promptly,  and  we  re- 
joice to  »t«  II,     Wo  hear  tliut  it  hiu  acted  with  ' 


almost  unanimity;  and  wc  are  gratified  to  hear  it. 
Some  few,  it  appears,  voted  as  if  their  country  was 
in  the  wrong.  Wc  are  glad  to  learn  their  number 
was  so  small.  We  trust  that  no  representative  of 
ours  was  among  them.  Ohio  was  unanimous  in 
the  late  war;  wc  would  be  grieved  and  ashamed 
were  she  divided  in  this.  One  of  our  representa- 
tives is  now  on  the  floor  addressing  the  House  of 
which  he  is  n  member.  The  bill  under  discussion 
is  to  provide  army  supplies.  The  subject  debated 
relates,  therefore,  to  the  war.  Doubtless  the  voice 
of  our  representative  is  heard  on  Ihe  side  of  his 
country.  Doublless  he  is  exerting  his  talr"'»  and 
eloquence  (and  he  is  eloquent  and  talented)  to  give 
strength,  not  only  physical  but  moral,  to  his  Gov- 
ernment in  the  strife.  Doubtless  his  nrirumenls 
will  convince  many  an  one  of  the  justice  of  our 
cause;  his  cheering  words,  of  patriotic  cncnurnge- 
ment,  induce  many  nn  one  to  volunteer  in  our 
defence.  We  are  glad,  heartily  glad,  that  he  is 
speaking  for  na  and  his  rountry  to-day." 

Such,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  believe  would  have  been 
the  language  of  the  people  of  Ohio  in  the  case  I 
have  supposed.     But,  alas,  sir,  they  would  have 
been  sadly,  sadly  mistaken.     Could  the  voice  of 
their  Representative  have  reached  their  homes,  in- 
stead of  bearing  him  vindicate  bia  country  from  j 
the  charge  of  bring  the  aggressor  in  the  eonllicl,  i 
they  would  haveheanl  him  loudly  accuse  its  Prcsi-  [ 
dent  of  having  wantonly  and  wickedly  produced  i 

'  the  war;  instead  of  hearing  him  speak  of  it  as  a  i 
contest  in  defence  of  our  rights,  they  would  have 
heard  him  denounce  it  as  a  war  of  nggrnndiwment  j 

'  and  plunder  on  our  part;  instead  of  hearing  him  '. 
treat  it  ns  a  struggle  forced  upon  us  against  our  ! 

I  will,  they  would  have  heard  him  declare  i[  a  war  i 
unconstitutionally  made  by  our  Chief  Magistrate; 
instead  of  hearing  him  maintain  that  justice  is  upon 
the  side  of  hia  own  nation,  they  would  have  heard 
him  affirm  and  repeat  that  she  is  prosecuting  an 
"  unrighteous,  unholy,  and  damnable  war;''  in- 
stead of  hearing  him  utter  words  of  encounige-  j 
ment  to  the  volunteer,  they  would  have  heard  him  I 
describe  the   scene   of  action  ns  n  vast  charnal-  . 
house  of  death;  instead  of  hearing  him  anticipate  | 
triumphant  results,  tliey  would   have  heard  him  i 
dwell  on  the  cost  of  the  war,  the  destruction  of ! 
commerce,  and  the  yet  more  deplorable  deatruc-  i 
tion  of  life.     True,  they  would   have  heard  him  | 
loudly  declare  that  he  would  support  his  country,  \ 
right  or  wrong;  but  coming  ns  the  declaration  did 
111  the  midst  of  assaults  upon  his  own  Govern-  j 
mcnt — arguments  against  his  coiiniry's  claims,  and 
forebodings  of  the  gloomiest,  .saddest  kind,  they 
would  have  stood  amazed  at  nuth  stiitport.  j 

Mr.  Cliairmnn,  I  did  sincerely  hope  when  I  .saw  I 
the  dcclarniion  of  the  existence  of  war  lulopted  by 
a  vote  of  174  to  14  in  this  House,  anil  40  to  2  in 
the  Senate,  that  we  should  be  spareil  a  recurrence 
of  the  disgraceful  scenes  of  the  late  war.  I  did 
hope  that  the  "peace-party"  men  of  that  dav 
would  have  no  imitiitors  now.  These  hopes  I  did 
most  truly  enterl:\in.  Hut,  sir,  unwilling  na  I  nm 
to  believe  it,  reluctant  as  !  am  to  ndmit  the  fact, 
passing  events  compel  nie  tn  fear  that  inv  hopes 
were  jiremalure — were  pioliably  vain.  I  fear  tliat 
the  same  ilcniincinlions  hurled  agaiii.st  the  war  of 

18lxi  are  to  bo  reiteraied  against  the  present  war 

that  the  same  vituperation  ihnt  then  nssailed  Mr. 
Mmlison  is  now  to  fall  on  Mr.  Polk.  IJctwcen  the 
language  of  Ihe  "  peace  pnity"of  that  perioil  and 
that  of  the  anti-warpnrty  of  the  present  day, there 
is  a  wonderful  similarity.  It  is  hardly  too  much  to 
say  that  they  are  almost  identical.  A  recurrence 
to  the  old  Federal  .speeches  anil  joiinmls  will  show 
the  justice  of  this  remark.  Let  ns  make  a  brief 
comparison.  It  alinll  be  a  brief  one.  What  are 
the  eliarjea  broiiuhi  by  my  cnJIengiie  aL'ainsI  the 
present  M'ar  and  the  present  Adminisiraiion  ?  .Sub- 
staiilinlly,  I  undei-.stand  them  to  bens  follows; 

1.  That  the  wnr  is  on  the  part  of  our  Govern- 
ment a  dhliiiursi  war. 

Now,  what  did  the  peace  party  of  the  late  war 
say  of  it?  An  ext'nci  fiMin  the  ifiiston  "Gazelle" 
of  1814,  n  leadim;  Federal  pnper  published  nl  Bos- 
Ion,  Mnss,nehnReits,'may  serve  to  show,  llie  ex- 
tract is  as  follows; 

'*  II  is  verynniti't'iil  t<i  firiil  ihiit  Itic  irriivcrwiil  scriliincnt  is, 
Ikiti  unit  mitn  vhrt  htnti  iiiofict/  to  Hir  d'orn'iimrnt  at  tfir  jtrn- 
riU  tiitir  t'UlfoTjfil  lilt  ttmm  to  <iintinou  /inni^tit nnit  ivinuiinu 
'•Uir/fl.j/ <(»Kiiii>  nil  ttur  frii'iiils  of  tlut  i-oiitUi-y.'  iioil  forltitt 
thiil  ,mii  rKlll'.KAr.lS'l'  ■liniiM  hoUl  iijp  Im  lu',ul  to  juni  Fnl 
eraHUtJor  monct/  lent  to  thr  prcieiil  nilcn;  nail  tiilvrutUtt  ' 


can  Judge  wlicllicr  riEMIICllATa  will  tax  tholrcoiwtltuciils 
to  pay  liitereiit  tu  nderatuU!" 

So  the  peace  party  of  the  late  wnr  aflirmcd,  it 
would  seem,  that  a  man  who  should  then  loan 
money  to  the  Government  would  "forfeit  all  eluim 
to  commnn  honesty,"  the  wnr  was  so  ilislionest ! 

My  colleague  would  not  go  thus  far  I  know. 
He  IS  wdling,  ns  I  understnnd  him,  to  vote  for 
supplies.  He  would  loan  his  money,  I  dare  say, 
to  the  Government.  He  is  doiibtleas  a  friend  to 
the  union  of  the  Stjttes.  In  these  things  he  dilfers 
from  the  Federalist  of  old.  But  theneeforth  there 
is  a  striking  analogy  between  them.  The  charges 
they  make  have  u  marvellous  resemblance.  "The 
epitheu  they  use  are  almost  always  the  same.  Thu 
tendencies  of  their  acts  ditferonly  in  degree.  I!i)tli 
tend  to  weaken  their  Government;  both  tend  to 
destroy  its  moml  force;  both  tend  to  subject  it 
to  disgrace;'  both  tend  to  put  their  country  in  the 
11  wrong;  both  tend  to  bring  upon  it  the  condeiuna- 
I'  tion  of  the  world;  both  tend  to  pniulyze  itselTorls; 
both  tend  to  inspire  the  foe. 

2.  The  second  charge  of  my  colleague  is,  tliat 
the  war  is  a  "Piesidenlial  war" — made  by  the 
President  without  warrant  of  law — unnecessarily 
,ind  unconstitutionally  made.  It  is  Mr.  Polk,  he 
thinks,  who  begun  the  war.  It  is  through  his 
misdeeds  it  occurred  at  all.  He  is  the  man  who 
brought  itnl)out.  Our  "  preamble"  tells  an  abomi- 
nable lie.  it  says  that  Mexico  began  ihe  war: 
Mexico  did  not  begin  it.  So  my  colleague  thinks 
and  declares. 

It  would  be  very  easy,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  show 
how  greatly  my  colleague  errs.  But  the  gentle- 
man from  Illinois  [Mr.  Douglass]  haa  already 
done  that.  It  would  be  useless  for  me  to  re|ieat 
liis  remarks.  I  therefore  content  myself  with 
showing  some  precedents  for  this  charge.  Among 
many  to  be  seen,  the  following  may  do.  First,  a 
resolution  of  a  Federal  convention  in  Massachu- 
setts, passed  the  14th  of  July,  1812,  in  the  fol- 
lowing words: 

"  Rewh-e'K  That  niir  rulers  [Janics  Mtiilisnn,  5tc.]  Iinvo 
prnxlraeil  our  niilinjml  clmriicicr,  sacnllci  it  iiiir  vilnl  inter- 
ests, mill  tliially  involved  us,  uiiiirepared,  in  the  calntiiitiuu 
of  wnr." 

Next,  an  address  of  nnother  Federal  convention, 
held  at  Boston,  Massachusetts,  August  U,  1812, 
from  which  I  read  as  follows: 

''  In  nn  evil  limir  Mr.  JetterHon  eained  the  presidcriliiLl 
chuir.  Our  cituiitry,  then  prnsiieruui*,  has  hccn  t{il<-viHi>ly 
(ipiircssed  liy  riiiiHiiiH  conHiieteitil  rcvlricliinis  wliicli  Tor 
iiiaiiy  years  Imvu  lirun  wiintaily  iin|s>Hi- .  Iiy  Ihetlnvernnicnt 
lit  Ihe  United  Ht'itcK;  and  Uf  measure  *.,  <uiipiU;f  i\  itotv  title't 
up  till  a  iteclitr'iiioil  of  wnr  ai^niiut  iircut  ItrUuin — a  war  imjtoti- 
tie,  imtitTCasiiri/.  atui  in\iiiiil. 

*'  la  ttiis  liw'l'ul  >l;ilc  oltliiiitis.  it  is  tlie  iti'L'ent  ihily  nf  itia 
freemen  nf  M:tM.-ncliiisetls  to  c(Hii*iilt  inuelln-r.  'rijis  duty 
has  becuiiic  the  liinre  iiiip<!riniis  by  the  coiKliniin  ot'lhetJov- 
criiinc.iit  ut'  this  ('Dinnionweiilth,  nl'  which  nnr  liriiiich  (the 
Heniite)  is  in  the  liiinils  nf  ii>tir|icrH  itL-eo/Cf/ /o  (lie  tiiii/td'/otu 
system  of  the  Naliotiat  Ooeernmrnt. 

♦•Our  towmitn  it\lere^ti,  Ithcrtif^,  ami  g<ifelit  are  now  (IHIQ) 
more  itijureil,  opitontl,  attit  eiutansin'cil  liif  the  iluiitst  of  our 
ou*n  National  UueemmeiU  titan  tttei/  were  wAcn.  is  17(.">,  we 
took  np  arm»  to  jn-otert  anil  ilefend  litem  against  the  measure* 
of  the  British  (»urcni»ifijt." 

Now,  henr  the  rectorof  Trinity  Church,  Boston, 
in  a  discourse  delivered  ,(uly  23,  1812: 

<<  As  Mr.  Miidi:ioii  has  declared  wur,  let  Mr.  Aludisnn  cirry 
]  it  on." 

I  Next,  take  a  look  nl  the  "  United  Sintes  Ga- 
;  zctte,"  of  I'hiliidulpliia,  a  leading  pa|>er  then  and 
I  now  of  the  pcace-paity  men.  1  read  from  a  iium- 
'  btr  issued  during  the  late  war: 

"The  wnr  is  purely  denincnui*'.  It  wiw  nndertdken  fnr 
ilemorrittie,  linil  not  Inr  lliltiisial  |itirp(i>es.  Let  Dcmoin.h, 
therefire,  termit:i.le  it  in  lite  lent  tnanner  thi'it  r.iii.  We  time 
I  no  /».(rtHer\Ai/i  in  the  matter.  We  sny  niliiHl,  l''t  the  Deiiio- 
I  onii->  end  llieir  riiltciiiniis  wnr  in  the  lioi  wiiy  tliey  enii ;  iind 
I  il',  in  M>  duinu,  they  stirri'hdtr  any  nf  nnr  i'!<seiitial  rit(ltt*i, 
j  tlie  nalioii  \^'ilt  eiiipluy  cniii[mteiit  men  lor  the  it'cnverytif 
I  them." 

I.tistlij,  listen  to  the  "  Worcester  (Massaehu- 
;  setts)  Spy,"  of  1814,  then  edited,  as  it  is  said, 
j  (how  truly  I  know  not,)  by  "  Honest  .lohn  Da- 
j  vis,"  (us  Ills  friends  call  him,)  now  a  Senator  front 

that  State,  and  iiin  if  Ihc  two  Senators  who  voted 
I  airaiiist  the  present  war.  In  an  "extra"  of  the 
!  "Boston  Morning  Post,"  of.\iigust,  1840,  I  find 

the  following  caption  and  extraet.s: 
j        f'*/-ir/rrlrtj7'c(im  the  Spv,  ctlitcil  Itj  John  />(irw,  in  Isll.] 
I      "  We  have  iiniloriiily  entcrcil  nnr  Koleiiin  prnlest  auainst 

ItiiH  ih'Milallin!  war,  wh'irh  (iri:;m. (/('(/  I'li  thr  witkril,  niali-nnnt 
'  passion*  nf  u  torrnpl  unit  iml>eiite  i.'11'crtimfn/." 
i       "  No  repnhlicllil  penpic  were  eviT  »n  harasM'il,  |ierpl.'.V'd, 

[  unit  ihcKmeed  hy  a  ca)iii(tus  and  ciirrnpt  ^cl  of  rati  rs,  a,i  thu 
'  people  ottliUenuntry." 


. 


cappii 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


931 


29rH  Cong 1st  Sf.ss. 


The  Memcan  War — Mr.  Tkurman. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


tiliiciibi 

ned,  it 

loan 

claim 
! 

Know, 
ite  for 
siiy, 

liifrei's 
tliore 

The 
Tliu 
Fioth 
■nil  to 
:t  it 
III  tlio 
eimia- 
:fforls; 


us  pnss 


"  Piich  «  gnVfrniitPMtii*  wor-»n  llmii  nono." 

"The  nvlJH  the  FiulvniU.-U  Imvc  Iniiu  [iriuliclcd  arc  thick- 
cnhifE  upon  U4,  iiiid  in  our  allliclinii  let  1H  nlwayif  ri'mniiibiT, 
it  U  Jamet  Mmliion  and  Am  jtarty  th'ti  h,tvc  hrou^ht  these  ca- 
lamitieton  w." 

**  ThU  9bsH»ute^  infatnatnl  nan,  pluniici  m  into  a  wanton, 
vMked  VMir — a  rringtiiti  cowinH. 

'( f iiir  rnwitrilly  (Tii|>tiijn-(ifni>ral  i;iillo)M'd  liiH  poor  bcafit 
thirty  milea  t'niin  tlio  hiittle-}[routiil." 

You  see,  Mr.  Cliairmnn,  iliot  the  Fcdcml  Con- 
vention of  18ia,  to  which  I  first  referred,  said: 
"Tluil  our  rulers  have  involved  us  unprepared  in 
the  calamities  of  war."  My  colluajjue  says  that 
the  President  has  plunged  us  into  the  existing  con- 
test. The  Boston  Convention  of  1812  said  that 
the  war  of  that  day  was  "  impol.'ic,  unnecessary, 
and  unjust."  My  collcas;ue  say  ;  that  the  present 
war  is  unrisjhieous,  uiiju.st,  am'  unconstitutional. 
The  Rector  iif  Trinity  Church  (aid  tliatMr.  Mad- 
ison had  declared  the  war.  My  colleague  says 
that  Mr.  Polk  has  made  the  v.'ar.  The  "  United 
Slates  Gazette"  said  that  the  war  of  1812  was  the 
"  Democrats' "  war.  My  colleague  thinks  the 
present  a  Democratic  President's  war.  The  "Wor- 
cester Siiy"  said  that  the  late  war  "  originated  in 
the  wicked,  malignant  passions  of  a  corrupt  and 
imbecile  government;"  that  "  it  is  James  Madison 
and  his  (larty  that  have  brought  these  calamities 
on  us."  My  colleague  says  that  the  present  war 
originated  in  the  unconstitutional  measures  of  our 
Executive  Chief  Magistrate;  that  it  is  the  Admin- 
istration of  Mr.  Polk  that  has  brought  our  calami- 
ties on  us. 

So  much  as  to  who  made  the  war.    Let 
to  another  point. 

3.  My  colleague  deems  the  present  a  di.^iu;e/u(, 
ilishonorahle  war;  so  1  understood  him  to  consider 
it.  Well,  sir,  has  he  no  precedent  for  this.'  Let 
US  sec:  The  Federal  "United  States  Gazette," 
IVmn  which  1  have  already  read,  speaking  of  the 
lii.si  war,  and  during  the  war,  expressed  itself  as 
follows: 

"  Tlip  war  Ilia  llithertn  hiii'n  tlic  war  of  a  p.irty.  Let  It 
so  enniiinie,  and  no  lie  leriiiinali'd  !  'i'lie  disgritre  will  then 
cnntiniiR  In  h(>  the  dis£r<irc  of  the  party,  and  not  rtf  the  iia- 
lion — (I  consummation  iterOHllij  to  be  itisneii.  Let  \hOitn  who 
liaVK  hitherto  ahshltiind  from  the  war  eonliiiue  to  nhslaiii, 
and  llir-rehy  preserve  the  honor,  and  .-(>  far  as  tttey  .still  re- 
main, ilo'  resoiirccrt  of  the  country  for  tlic  events  iv/iich  are  to 
follow!!" 

It  is  obvious  that  this  Federal  peace-party  editor 
■if  1812  regarded  the  war  of  that  day  as  a  disgrace- 
ful, dishonorable  war.  It  is  equidly  obvious,  from 
my  colleague's  remarks,  that  be  so  regards  the 
struggle  in  which  we  are  now  ciiguged. 

4.  Slill  rising  in  his  denunciations,  my  colleague 
next  pronounces  the  war  an  iii/iiinous  war. 

Well,  Mr.  Chairman,  this  looks  very  much  like 
cjippins;  the  oliinax,  but  you  will  sec  that  that  is 
not  done  yet.  Hard  and  expressive  as  this  word 
"  infamous"  is,  it  is  not  the  slinngest  or  severest 
word  in  my  collcairue's  vocabulary.  More  terrible 
words  are  yet  to  come.  Bui  for  the  present  we 
have  to  deal  with  llie  "inllimous."  Was  the 
word  ever  used  before  under  similar  circum- 
stances? Hear  the  following  from  the  "Boston 
Gazette"  of  1814: 

o  llv  the  maiiiiiniirnouB  r  .ir!.-e  ptiinled  onl  by  Ctovernor 
Siritn!!,  ttiat  i!(,  liy  vvilhholMiiitl  all  volnntary  aid  in  jtrosccu- 
tini:  titc  ii'iir,  and  mnnrhilly  exiirey!*ing  our  o[Hninns  as  to  its 
iniH\tire  and  ruinons  tendency,  <ic  have  urreslrit  i/»  ;(ro^e«, 
aiki  tlriren  h/u-k  il.i  anthoi-H  to  ahiwilon  t licir  iiijtimom  si-hemct, 
I  lid  to  look  niixiou^y  for  penee.  Wlial.  tiien,  if  we  now 
lend  them  money  ?  TItrii  irill  not  miit.r  jieiire—Uwy  will  Htill 
hanker  ti)r  (\iit'ttl-t;  they  will  asxemhle  foreeu,  and  nln-d 
lilood  nn  onr  frontier.  Mefc  iiriili^  it'  iiotlinnt  el>e,  vtill  du 
il.  Hnl  ^onle  siiy,  will  yon  ht  the  eonnlry  lieiDme  linnk- 
rupt?    No.  the  eonnlry  will  never  lieeome  hankrnpt.     lint 

in'iiy  flo  111)1  ;»rrren^  t/ie  ahii^cr*  of  tfirir  tm:*l  from  lemming 
iiitifintvl  a  Do  not  itreirnt  llirni  from  Itcrominti  oilious  to  the 
jiiiWfc  AND  ItEI'l.Af'KD  IIV  llKI'-rKIl  Ml'.X.  .?ni,  F,il,r- 
ali^t  u-tio  toiins  iniiieif  tn  the  tiorerumetit  mmt  no  anil  ihakc 
li.iiidt  ifilh  .IAMi:s  MAIIl:^<>N,  unit  etaim  fellowship  with 
FF.LIX  tllirVhV  !II  F.et  him  no  nion-  nftt  himself  a  Fetter- 
atiht  and  friend  to  hid  cminlry  !!I  lie  nili  lie  callcil  Inf  othnt 
in/'iiinoiei .'.'" 

.5.  The  next  charge  of  my  colleague  is,  that  we 
are  engaged  in  a  war  of  a:r'J:t"cssion  and  plunder, 
one  objict  of  which  is  the  eonrpiest  of  Calil'ornia. 
We  are  making  war  for  purposes  of  terrilnrinl  ng- 
gniiii/i:riiirn(  he  thinks.  And,  pray,  what  did  the 
peacc-piirly  nieii  of  the  late  war  sav  as  to  its  ob- 
ject? You  have  henrd,  sir,  just  now,  in  the  ex- 
tract hist  read.  "  What,  then,  if  we  now  lend 
them  money  ?  They  will  not  make  [Mace — lliey 
teill  still  linnkrr  far  Caiimla."  So  spake  the  lloslini 
Oiuelte,  referring  lo  Mr.  Madison's  Administm- 
tioii.    But  here  is  higher  authority  still;  far  higher, 


sir;  it  is  no  less  than  the  Semte  of  the  Comn^on- 
wealih  of  MaP-sachiisetls,  declaring  that  "  the  war 
'  was  founded  in  falsehood,  declared  vithotit  ne- 
'  cessity,  and  its  rent  ohjcct  teas  extent  of  tcrrilorii  by 
'  unjust  conijuesls,  and  to  aid  the  late  tyrant  of  Eu- 
'  rope  in  his  view  of  aggrandizement.'' 

The  real  object  of  the  late  war,  according  to  the 
Federal  Senate  of  Massachusetts,  was  "  extent  of 
lerrilnry  hij  unjust  cominests."  And  this,  I  undcr- 
stnnd  my  colleague  to  think,  is  precisely  the  object 
of  the  prescmt  war, 

6,  Reaching  the  higbestpointof  denunciation  at 
last,  my  colleague,  cupping  his  climax,  declares 
that  the  ^.ar  is  an  "  unholij,  unrighteous,  anil  ilam- 
nable  tfar."  Not  only  is  it  dishonest,  presiilenlial, 
uneniis(i(u(ionfi<,  disgrnr.eful,  dishonorable,  infumous, 
ag^rensive,  intended  for  conquest,  but,  worse  than 
all,  if  worse  can  be,  it  is  "  unlwly,  unrighteous,  and 
damnal)le."  And  noteontcnt  with  denouncing  the 
war  itself,  my  colleague  warns  its  authors  (who, 
according  to  his  views,  are  tho  administrators  of 
his  own  Government)  that  they  have  a  terrible 
responsibility  to  bear,  a  fearful  accountability  to 
meet. 

Well,  Mr.  Chairman,  this  is  hard  to  equal,  much 
le.ss  to  exceed.  It  is  not  every  day  such  a  can- 
nonading is  heard.  But  there  are  precedents  for 
il,  sir,  nevertheless.  Listen  to  another  extract 
from  the  "  Boston  Gazette"  of  1814: 

*'  Let  no  innn  who  wii>he.(t  lo  enntinuc  the  war  Iiy  arUee 
means,  fti/  vole  or  tciufin:;  money,  iliire  to  jrro'itrate  himself  at 
tite  iiUar'on  the  fist  ilay,  for  tlii'y  are  aetiially  as  mtlch  jmr- 
takers  in  the  war  an  liie  soldier  who  thrusts  tliu  buyonct ; 
and  the  jwti,'mcTU  of  God  itilt  await  him!!" 

Again: 

"Will   FEDERALISTS  snbserilic  to  the  loan?    Will 

they  lend  innney  to  onr  national  rulers  ?    To  what  purfHise 
1  have  Federalists  exerted  themselves  to  show  the  wieki^d- 

ness,  to  rouse  the  public  sejitimcnt  anainst  it,  and  to  show  the 
'  authors  of  it,  not  only  to  he  nntrorthy  of  pnhlie  ronjidence, 

bill  hishly  criminal,  if  they  now  eonlriliutc  the  sums,  with- 
]  out  whieh  their  rulers  must  be  coinnelled  to  stoji — must  he 

compelled  lo  return  to  the  policy  and  UM^asiires  under  which 

this  eountry  wasonee  at  peace  and  in  singular  prosperity." 

Next,  sir,  lei  me  introduce  to  yon  the  "  Boston 
Cenlinej,"  (another  Federal  paper,)  of  January 
13,  1H13;  holding  forth  as  follows,  in  order  to  pre- 
vent loans  from  being  made  to  the  Government 
with  which  to  carry  on  the  war: 

*'  My,  brother  tanners,  if  yon  have  money  to  let,  let  it  He. 
If  lliewar  continue,  .vou  w'ill  purchase  your  stock,  at  four 
years  old,  cheaper  than  you  can  raise  it.  .So  unjust  U  litis 
ojf'cnsii-e  war,  in  whiih  our  rulers  hare  plun^edtts.inthesoii'r 
I  cousiilej'ition  of  mitlions,  that  Ibeii  cannot  conscientiously  ap- 
proach the  God  of  Jli-}nics  for  his  hlessim:  upon  it." 

j  Now  listen  lo  "  Honest  John  Davis's"  paper, 
the  "  Worcester  Spy,"  in  1814: 

I       "  We  hope  and  believe  the  people  will  soon  he  eonvineed 
that  Mr.  Madison  is  totally  incompetent  to  hold  Ike  reins  of 
Government. 
'*  If  the  people  have  not  heeome  stoeks  and  stones,  so  as 

'  to  iM-ar  anylhinji,  Iliey  inust  feel  ashamed  oltheir  President, 

'.  and  tlicir  indisnitti:}n  will  nscrr  suhsiiU^  t^'l  he  is  impeached, 

:  andlfie  Goccrwiienl  commillcl  lo  otiter  hmtds. 

I  *'  This  wanton  wa-te  of  property,  this  perverse  neglect  of 
duly.  Is  sutlieieiu  to  brand  any  Administration  with  etenud 
infamy." 

You  arc  now  no  doubt  prepared,  Mr.  Chairman, 
to  hear  the  "  Merrimack  Intelligencer,"  in  the  fol- 
lowing strain: 

o  If  James  Madison  is  to  command  the  force's  that  are  to 
•M*jll;(T/c  the  Eastern  Stales,  we  «  oulil  sncgest  to  his  Excel- 
lency a  most  salutary  caution  ;  it  is,  that  he  should  [troviile 
hiniself  with  a  horse  swlDer  tiy  Itir  than  that  which  earned 
liiln  so  pallaatly  from  the  invaib'rs  of  WtuihiiiLton.  He 
niiist  he  iihle  to  escape  at  a  crcater  rate  tintn  forty  miles  a 
day,  or  the  swift  eenaea'  c  of  Sew  England  mil  uvertabe  the 
WIlETC'HEIiMltll'll.      NT  in  bis  lli«ht." 

A  Federal  pamphlet  of  the  late  war,  one  of  a 
series  entitled  "  llnad  to  Ruin,"  is  the  next  thing 
from  which  I  will  read.  The  following  brief  ex- 
tract will  suffice; 

"Adniintslration  bireliniis  mayrevile  the  Norlhern  Slates, 
and  thi>  inercliants  i{<-iicnilly,  for  this  mon-lrous  depravation 
of  morals,  this  execrable  I'ourse  of  smntiiilinit  and  fraud, 
lint  there  is  a  just  CJod,  who  knows  how  to  trace  the  causes 
of  human  eveiils,  and  he  will  assuredly  visit  upon  the  authors 
of  this  usir  all  the  iniiplittes  of  tchith  it  has  hcen  the  occasion, 
tf  the  guifty  dcserce  onr  scorn  or  our  pity,  the  tempters  and 
seducci's  ilesercc  onr  rrf'Tulioil." 

I'nt  here,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  something  having 
an  air  of  aiilhorily.  I  hold  in  uiv  hand  the  no- 
torious resolve  of  the  Ma.isacluisetls  Hou.se  of 
RepiTsentalives,  adopted  during  the  Inte  war.  A 
irsiilulion  was  iiilroduccd  into  that  House  for  a 
vole  of  thanks  to  Opiain  .lames  Lawrence,  who, 
in  the  Uniiei'  States  ship  "  Hornet,"  had  captured 
I  the  British  brig  "  Peacock,"  the  same  James  Law- 


rence who  so  heroically  died  in  the  ill-fated  Chesa- 
peake, saying,  with  his  last  breath,  "  Don't  give 
up  the  ship."  What  did  the  House  do?  Pass 
the  resolution  and  record  the  vote  of  thanks  ?  No, 
sir,  no.  But,  on  the  contrary,  it  adopted  the  fol- 
lowing nevcr-to-bc-forgotten  and  cver-to-be-infu- 
mous  resolve: 

January  !.'»,  1813. — "  Resolced,  Tttat  in  a  uvtr  like  the  preS' 
cni,  wa«ed  without  Jtistifiuhle  cawe,  it  is  not  hecomins  a  moral 
and  rclizious  people  to  eriness  any  apjiroliation  of  military  or 
naval  exploits  which  are  not  immediately  connected  icUlithe 
defence  of  our  scucoaat  arut  sott." 

Mr.  Chairman,  comment  is  unnecessary  on  such 
a  resolution  as  this.  It  speaks  for  itself  louder 
than  any  man  can  speak  of  it.  It  excites  feelings 
of  indignation  to  which  no  tongue  can  give  utter- 
ance. Let  us  pass  it  by  without  further  remark. 
Besides,  time  admonishes  me  to  proceed  with  my 
proofs.  Without  further  preface,  then,  I  read  from 
a  discourse  delivered  July  23,  1812,  (ihirty-five 
days  after  the  declnriilion  of  war,')  by  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Gardiner,  rector  of  Trinity  Church,  Boston. 
I  osk  attention  to  the  following  passages: 

**  It  is  a  war  unexampled  in  the  history  of  the  worhf; 
uiaii(on/v  proclaimed  on  the  most  frivolous  and  groundless 
jvretcnces,  afiainst  a  nation  from  whose  frieinlship  we  miuht 
derivtt  the  most  signal  advantages,  anil  from  whose  hostility 
we  have  reason  lo  dread  the  most  tremendous  losses, 

"Krcrj/  prorof«((0»  has  hcen  ojf'ercd  to  Great  Britain  on 
our  part',  aiul  our  resentmcsU  htis  risen  in  proportion  us  she 
has  shown  a  concillatiun  spirit. 

"  Let  no  considerations  wluttever,  my  lircihren,  deter  you,  at 
all  times,  and  in  all  p'arcs,  from  ercrrutin:'  the  j.reseiit  war, 
ft  is  a  war  urjust,  foolish,  arul ruinous.  Il  is  unjust,  because 
Great  Britain  has  olfered  us  every  cimeession  short  of  what 
she  conceives  would  he  her  ruin. 

"*7s  Mr.  Madison  has  declared  the  war,  let  Mr.  Madison 
cam/ 1/  oil. 

"  The  Union  hashern  lonn  since  virtually  dissolved ;  ami  it  it 
fall  lime  that  this  part  of  the  disunited  StiUcs  should  take  cure 
of  ilself." 

So  much  for  the  Rev.  Mr.  Gardiner.  Now  hear 
the  Rev.  Doctor  Osgood,  pastor  of  the  ciiurch  at 
Medford.  I  read  from  a  discourse  delivered  by 
iiim,  June  27, 1812,  just  nine  days  after  the  decla- 
ration of  war.     In  that  discourse,  he  said: 

"  If,  at  the  command  of  weak  or  wicked  rulers,  they 
tinderiakc  an  unjust  war,  eachman  who  volunteers  his  services 
in  sui:h  a  caiue,  or  loans  his  money  for  its  supjtort,  or  hy  his 
conversation,  his  writings,  or  any  other  mode  of  injluence, 
eiwouranes  its  prosecution,  that  man  is  an  accomplice  in  the 
wickedness,  loads  his  conscieyice  with  the  blacJiest  crimes,  frrtnjel 
the  guilt  of  blood  niton  his  soul,  and,  in  the  slight  of  God  and 
His  late,  w  a  murderer. 

'   "  Were  not  the  authors  of  this  war  in  charnctor  nearly 

aki.i  to  the  deists  and  atheists  of  France— were  they  not 

men  of  httrdcned  Iteitrts,  settred  consciewes,  rejrrohate  mituls, 

ttnd  desperate  HicftciiaCTs—it  seenis  utterly  inconceivable  that 

I  they  should  have  made  the  ilcelarntion." 

j      "'  One  hope  (miy  remains :  that  this  Inst  stroke  of  pcrfldy 

I  may  open  the  eyes  of  a  tiesotted  people;  that  they  may 

I  awiike,  like  a  liiant  from  his  slumbers,  and  wreak  their  ven- 

I  iicatice  on  their  bclr>oiers,  by  driving  th^m  from  their  stations, 

;  ami  phuins  at  the  helm  more skifitl  attd  taithfal  hands. 

j      o  V  ut  the  present  sivnttent,  no  stjmvioms  of  civil  war  ap- 

,  pear,  they  certainly  will  soon,  artless  the  couraga  of  the  war 

ptirtysho'iMfiilthem.  ,    ,.    .  , 

I      "Jt  civil  ictir  liccotftes  as  certain  as  the  events  that  ha}tpen 
1  accordtnn  to  the  knount  liitvs  and  established  coarse  of  nature." 
I      Such,  Mr,  Chairman,  were  the  o))inions,  and 
'  such  the  language,  of  the  Rev,  Dr,  Osgood,  public- 
ly delivered   when    his   country  was  at   war,  in 
reference  to  the  supporters  of  the  war — in  reference 
to  the  Administration  of  Madi.'ion,  the  Democratic 
'  party,  nuJ  u\\  others  who  stood  by  the  (In     of  the 
'  repu'blic.     But  even  he  was  exceeded  by  _.iolher 
pence-party  man,  the  Rev,  Dr,  Pari.sh,     My  col- 
league  has  menaced   those   whom    he  atUs   the 
authors  of  the  present  war  with  the  condemnation 
of  the  people.     The  Rev,  Dr.  Parish  assumed  to 
'  threaten  the  supporters  of  the  late  war  with  a  far 
more  terrible  judgment.     Hear  him  uii  the  8lli  of 
April,  1813: 
"  Let  cvcrv  man  who  sanctions  this  war,  by  his  suffrage 

nr  inline , 'remember  that  be  is  lidiorins  lo  cover  himself 

and  his  country  with  blood.  The  hliod  of  the  slain  will  cry 
from  the  eronn'd  asaimt  him.  .,,... 

1      '•  How  will  the  supporters  of  tins  anti  ihrtstian  warfare 
endure  their  seiilenee— ciiilure  their  own   relleetinns— cii- 
'  dure  the  fire  that  forever  hums,  the  uvrta  irhich  never  dies, 
I  the  hotaimas  of  Heaven,  tchilc  tia:  smoke  of  thttr  torsnenU 

ascends  forever  and  cvet ." 

I      Mr.  Chairman,  much  more  of  these  discourses 
I  is  in  the  same  strain,  but  we  have  had  enough  of 
Ihem.     It  is  no  pleasant  thing  to  know  that  such 
I  sentimenls  ever  fell  from  American  lips.     It  is  no 
I  welcome  thing  to  learn  that  the  nulpit  was  the 
place  of  theirutterance.     But  while  wo  say  this, 
!  let  us  not  forget  to  do  justice  to  the  church.     These 
were  not  /ler  scntimeiils.     Such  were  not  the  gen- 
eral teachings  of  her  ministry.    Out  of  the  imme- 


939 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[May  18, 


29rH  CoNCi 1st  Sess. 


Armi/  Appropriadons — flfr.  A.  D.  Hims 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


diate  influence  of  the  "peace-party"  men,  the 
voice  of  the  preacher  had  a  far  diflerent  tone.  It 
roused  his  countrymen  to  the  defence  of  his  home; 
it  nerved  his  arm  in  the  bnttle-shock;  it  soothed 
Ilia  last  moments  on  the  field  of  death. 

And  here,  Mr.  Chairman,  let  us  do  another  act 
of  justice.  1  have  shown  what  were  the  feelings  of 
the  "  peace-party"  men  in  the  late  war.  Hut  do 
not  mistake  their  sentiments  for  the  sentiments  of 
the  peoplt  al  largt.  In  no  Slate  of  the  Union  did 
a  majorHy  of  the  people  entprlnin  such  views.  The 
Democratic  party  everywhere  was  unanimous  in 
support  of  the  war.  I'he  Federal  parly  was  divi- 
ded— one  portion  of  it  stniidini;  hy  iheir  country 
and  giving  her  their  utmost  aid ;  the  other  portion, 
the  "  peace-party  men,"  Brniyed  against  her; 
many  of  them  with  traitorous  hearts,  feclin;;  as 
traitors  only  feel,  actinsj  as  traitors  alone  could 
act.  Every  one  has  hearil  of  the  Har'ford  Con- 
vention of  that  period.  Whether  that  convention 
originated  in  a  wish  to  dissolve  the  Union  is  a 
question  I  leave  for  older  men  than  myself  to  de- 
c'  'e.  Those  who  lived  at  that  day  can  better 
t  termine  it.  But  be  that  as  it  may,  one  thing  is 
certain,  and  that  is,  that  there  was  then,  in  the 
ranks  of  the  "  peace-party  Federalist.^"  of  the 
Ji'.istcrn  States,  a  body  of  men,  powerfnl  by  their 
wealth,  their  learning,  and  tlieir  talents,  who  were 
the  advocates  ol  such  a  dissolution.  And  there 
is  another  thing  equally  certain,  which  is,  that  the 
conduct  of  tliese  men  durin°;  the  entire  war  merits 
no  milder  appellation  than  lliat  of"  Ireasonnble." 

Mr.  Chairman,  my  colleague  was  not  content 
with  applying  all  kinds  of  hard  names  to  the  ex- 
isting war.  He  v.ent  further,  and,  regardless 
opparenlly  of  the  evil  tendency  of  such  a  cour.se, 
he  dwelt  upon  the  cost  of  the  war,  its  ruinous 
elfecis  upon  commerce,  and  its  tcrrilile  destruction 
of  human  life.  It  would  be  easy,  Mr.  Chairman, 
to  show  very  ample  precedents  for  oil  this.  It 
would  Im  easy  to  exhibit  similar  pictures  drawn 
by  the  peace-party  men  during  the  late  war.  But 
I  will  not  take  up  the  time  of  the  committeD  to  do 
so.  Another  of  my  colleagues,  my  friend  from 
the  Cincinnati  district,  [Mr^  Faran,]  has  already 
brought  to  the  recollection  of  the  House  the  doings 
of  that  party.  The  extracts  from  their  speeches, 
pamphlets,  discourses,  and  newspapers,  read  by 
liim  in  the  debate  on  the  Oregon  bill,  many  of 
which  I  have  now  again  read,  are  sullicicnt 
to  show  that  the  language  of  the  peace-party 
men  of  this  day  is  wonderfully  like  that  of  llicir 
inglorious  preclecessars.  I  do'  not  say  that  there 
is  any  imitation  in  the  case.  I  do  not  know,  for 
instance,  that  my  colleague  f  oni  Mount  Vernon 
ever  saw  a  single  one  of  these  extnirts.  I  do  not 
chargehim  with  having  drawn  his  fierce  wen;..  .'^^  of 
denunciation  against  Mr.  Polk  and  the  picstnl  war 
from  iht  vast  storehouse  of  Federal  alinse  liea|ied 
upon  Mr.  Madison  and  the  war  of  18Ii;  Inu  it 
must  be  apparent  to  all  that  lie  might  have  dune 
so.  The  weapons  were  tin  re;  tluie  were  they  to 
be  found;  or,  at  least,  weapons  oT  iilcniii'ally  the 
same  sort.  When  my  colleague  .shall  .-send  lus 
speech  to  Ohio,  there  will  be  plenty  of  old  and 
middle  aged  men  to  say  to  him;  "  Ah,  my  good 
sir,  we  have  heard  all  that  l)e|■or(^  Thiity-odd 
years  ago  we  heard  it.  The  only  difleioin'e  ta, 
that  you  use  the  words  '  Mexico'  and  '  Mexi- 
cans,' instead  of  '  Britain' ond  '  Uritlsli;'  and  in 
place  of '  Madi.son,'  you  say  '  Polk.'  " 

Mr.  Chairman,  in  no  Slate  of  ihe  Union  were 
the  people  more  united  during  the  late  war  than 
in  the  Stale  of  Ohio.  By  Ihe  citlr.ens  of  no  Slate 
were  the  "  peace-party  men"  of  ilmi  day  inoic 
severely  cnndemned.  Aowhrre  <lid  i)ii\  conduct 
of  the  "  anli-war  Federalists,"  of  Massacliusclls) 
esjiecittlly,  excite  a  livelier  or  more  profound  in- 
dignation. You  may  judge  from  this,  what  will 
be  the  surprise  of  the  |)eople  of  Ohio  when  they 
learn,  that  of  the  fourteen  votes  siveri  in  this  Hail 
against  the  bill  declaring  the  existence  of  the  ines- 
cnt  war,  tlieir  Stale  and  Ma.ssachiisetls  fnrni.shed 
an  equal  nuinlwr — that  five  of  the  fourteen  were 
given  by  Represenlatives  from  Mas.sachnseils,  and 
five  by  members  from  Ohio;  while  from  no  other 
Suite  could  more  than  a  single  opposition  vote  be 
obtained.  Yes,  sir,  from  no  other  Slate  could  a 
ieemil  man  be  found  to  record  his  vote  against  ihe 
bill.  Massachusetts  and  Ohio  gave  ten  of  the 
votes — the  remaining  four  votes  were  divided 
among  four  States.     And  if  this  strange  vote  shall 


astonish  the  people  of  Ohio,  how  much  will  their  ' 
su  prise  be  increased  when.lhey  learn  the  charac-  ' 
ter  of  the  speech  delivered  here  yesterday  by  one  ! 
of  their  Representatives— delivered  after  war  was 
declared.'     Mr.  Chairman,  my  colleague  has  seen 
fit  to  warn  others — men  who  are  his  countrymen, 
but  whom  he  nevertheless  denounces  oh  the  aiilAors 
of  a  war  that  he  terms  "  unholy,  unrighteous,  and 
damnable" — that  a  terrible  condemnalion  awaits  j 
them.     Yes,  sir,  he  who  has  made  a  studied  and  | 
elaborate  argument  to  disprove  the  title  of  his 
country  to  a  territory  she  claim.s — he  who  has 
held  his  own  Government  up  to  the  world  as  the 
aggressor  in  a  war — he  who  openly  accuses  it  of 
being  actuated  by  a  desire  for  Bitiirandizemcnl  and 
plunder — he  who  denies  that  Mexico  began  ihe 
war — he  •"ho  styles  the  assertion  that  she  did,  in 
the  preamble  to  our  act,  an  ahominnlile  lie — he  who 
charges  the  Chief  Mojrislrale  of  his  own  nation 
with  waging  unconstitutional  war,  and  the  Con- 
gress, of  which  he  is  himself  a  member,  with  ma- 
king a  declaration  abominably  false — he  who  loudly 
proclaims  that  we  are  prosecnling  a  war  that  is 
"  unholy,  unrighteous,  and  dnmnable" — he  who 
dwells  upon  its  cost,  and  dilates  on  its  horrors — 
in  short,  he  whose  almost  every  word  is  calculated 
to  condemn  his  own  country,  to  dishonor  and  dl.s-  ; 
grace  her  in  the  eyes  of  mankind,  to  lessen  her  ' 
moral   if  not  her  physical   force,  to  depress  the 
spirit  and  energies  of  her  people,  and  to  inspire 
her  enemies  with  courage  and  hope;  he  who,  in  a 
lean  min  nity  of  14  out  of  188  voles  in  ihi.s  House, 
of  IG  out  of  230  voles  in   both  branches  of  Con-  i 
gress,  talks  in  this  strain  and  acls  in  this  manner; 
he  who  does  all  this  after  war  has  deen  declared, 
and  while  it  is  ragnig  on  the  fronlier;  he  it  is — 
yes,  sir,  he — who  threatens  others  w  ith  the  judg- 
nienl  and  condemnalion  of  Ihe  people  !  j 

Mr.  Chairman,  many  n  time  and  oft  has  Ihe 
threatened  punishment  fallen  on  him  who  uttered  i 
the  threat,   in.stead  of  harming  the  object  of  his 
wrath.     Let  my  colleague  take  warning  by  what 
history  teaches,  and  beware. 


ARMY  APPROPRIATIONS. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.A.D.SIMS, 

OF  SOUTH  CAROI.I.VA, 

In  the  House  of  llEeaKSEXTATivES, 

Mnij  18,  18je. 

The  House  being  in  Cmnmitlee  of  ilio  Whole  on  j 

the  state  of  the  Union,  on  the  Army  Appropri-  i 

^      alion  Bill—  ' 

I      Mr.  SIMS  addressed  the  committee  as  follows: 
Mr.  CiiAiRMA.v:  Upon  occasions  like  the  pres- 
ent, when  the  country  is  pressed   with   cirium- 
Riances  <if  peril  and  emergeni'y — involved,  in  fact, 
in  mi   actual  slate  of  war — it  becomes  the  duly  of 
every  good  cilizen  to  examine,  not  only  willi  free- 
dom, but  at  the  same  time  with  perfect  candor,  the 
:  measures  of  the  (jovernnient,  and   to   lend    such 
!  efiicieiU  aid,  within  ihe  sphere  of  his  practieabili- 
,  ty,  as  may  enable  it  to  prosecute  to  a  successful 
I  resull  the  conlrovcisy  in  which   il  may  find  il.self 
1  engaged.    If  this  be  llie  duty  <»f  every  cilizen,  how  : 
inuch  more  is  il  llie  duly  of  those  whristnnd  in  the 
posliion  of  servants  of  ihe  people  and  adminislrii-  ' 
[  lots  of  the  intercslsnf  the  counlry.-  Whilst,  tliere- 
fore,  il  may  be  the  right  of  every  member  of  this 
1  body  to  iii(|uii'e  with  freedom  into  the  measures  of 
the  Cjiovernment,  and  to  seek  i .  know  the  causes 
and   circumstances  which  miy  have   placed   the 
'  country  in  such  a  ]iosiiion,  si  II  patiioti.sm  as  well 
'  as  duly  calls  upon  every  iiidiv  iduii'  connecled  wilh 
I  any  branch  of  the  Governmci.l,   o  far  as  he  may 
'  be  called  upon  lo  give  expressioii  m  his  senliuieius, 
;  to  mingle  fieedom  of  inquiry  wilh  Ihegrenlestean- 
I  dor.     All  parly  prejudicis,  to  say  noihing  of  parly 
I  rancor,  should  be  laid  aside;  and  the   interests  of 
I  Ihe  country,  umler  the  promptings  of  an  honest 
'  patriotism,  should  teach  a  cliarituble  conRtruction 
of  the  acts  «)f  our  own  (iovernmeni.    The  expres- 
sion of  opinions  advei-se  lo  llie  action  of  the  Gov- 
ernment which  may  have  jirodiiced  collision  be- 
tween this  country  and  another,  and  a  rigid  and 
e(msonous  inquiry  into  the  facts  of  the  case,  which, 
under  such  examination,  may  not  seem  to  justify 
that  action,  whilst  it  may  not  in  fact  be  treason, 
is  invested,  if  not  to  the  full  extent,  certainly  in  ' 


some  degree,  wilh  all  the  consequences  to  the  coun- 
try of  treason  itself.  It  is  contrary  lo  Ihe  interests 
of  the  counlry,  retarding  the  prosecution  of  its 
purposes,  and  giving  a  moral  force  lo  the  cause  of 
the  adversary,  by  inculpating  the  Government  as 
lo  those  cireumslances  which  led  to  the  contro- 
versy. 

I  regret  that  the  debate  has,  in  some  instances, 
been  conducted  in  a  dilferent  lemjier  by  some  of 
those  who  have  preceded  me.  I  trust  that  I  am 
prepared  lo  come  lo  the  discussion  with  those 
feelini^.1  of  candor  and  freedom  of  innuiry  which  I 
have  indicated;  and  ihol,  while  seeking  to  attain 
trulh  in  the  mailer,  I  may  at  the  same  time  be  able 
to  vindicate  Ihe  rights  and  interests  of  the  counlry, 
as  Will  as  Ihe  action  of  the  Government. 

The  question  iinmedialely  under  consideration, 
i.^  the  proposition  of  my  colleague  [Mr.  Black]  to 
equalize  tlie  pay  of  all  the  privates  called  into  the 
service  of  the  United  States,  no  matter  to  what 
branch  or  coqisof  the  army  tliey  may  be  attached. 
A  portion  of  the  privates  receive  only  seven  dol- 
lai's  per  month.  Another  class,  in  a  dilierent  corps, 
receives  eight  dollars.  Under  the  amendment  pro- 
posed by  my  colleague,  the  pay  will  be  equalized 
ala  uniform  allowance  of  eiglit  dollars  per  month. 
To  this  proposition  I  am  ready  to  give  my  zealous 
and  cordial  hupport.  It  is  inconsistent  with  Ihe 
true  luterests  of  the  service  that  i)rivates  in  the  dif- 
fiicnt  corps  should  receive  din'eicnt  ninounls  of 
compensation.  If  eight  dollars  be  not  too  much 
for  the  privates  in  one  corps,  il  is  nol  loo  much 
for  those  of  another.  Each  branch  of  the  servire 
inipo.ses  equally  arduous  duties,  and  to  make  dis- 
tinctions in  compen.salion  must  have  an  evil  infiu- 
ence  on  the  service  itself.  The  soldiers  will  be- 
come dissatisfied  when  they  find  that,  wilh  a  lower 
amount  of  pay  than  others  receive,  they  are  re- 
quired lo  perform  services  equally  burdeiisoine.  It 
is  therefore  proper,  and  consisicnt  wilh  the  true 
policy  both  of  the  .service  and  Ihe  country,  that  the 
jiay  should  be  equalized. 

Bui  whilst  I  am  willing  to  accord  my  assent  lo 
this  proposition,  I  am,  nevertheless,  ui  this  stage 
of  our  national  controversy,  opposed  to  the  allow- 
ance contemplated  by  the  gentleman  from  Ken- 
tucky, [Mr.  TinnATTs,]  who  propi;ses  to  raise  the 
pay  of  the  privates  lo  leu  dollars  per  month. 

In  Ihe  first  place,  when  we  look  lo  the  rations, 
clothing,  and  other  contingent  advantages  which 
may  be  received,  independent  of  the  regular  pay 
uncler  the  war  eslalilishment,  eight  dollars  is  ample 
conipcnsalion;  more,  in  fact,  than  tlnise  en'.:aged 
in  the  oiilinary  occupations  of  life  wmild  be  able  lo 
make.  The  siddiers  of  the  cnunlry,  when  called 
into  actual  st-rvice,  ought  lo  hr  properly  coiopen- 
sate-d;  but  soiuethitig  is  due  lo  considerations  of 
|iatriolisin,  and  ihose  rewards  of  siralilude  and 
abiding  glory  which  the  counlry  never  fails  to  be- 
stow upon  its  brave  defenders.  The  men  who  are 
willing  to  fighl  the  battles  I'f  their  country, .seldom 
jtropose,  in  limes  of  public  eniergcncy,  lo  make 
exacting  or  grinding  bai^'ains  wiili  Iheir  (ioveni- 
nient  by  selling  iheir  services  on  coiisidci'alions 
merely  pecuniary;  lliey  look  equally  lo  lliesc;  other 
rewards. 

There  is  another  considemlion  involving  nnlimial 
consequences  and  the  sucim^ssI'uI  Icrminaliuii  of  the 
controversy  in  whi<'li  we  are  engaged,  which 
should  warn  us  against  the  adoption  of  the  pro- 
position of  the  gentlehian  from  Kentucky,  [.Mr. 
I'iBBATTS.]  Il  is  probable,  or  jierhaps  1  ought 
rather  to  say,  it  is  the  hope  of  every  one  who  loves 
his  counlry,  that  our  dilliculties  wilh  Mexico  may 
have  a  speedy  termination.  But  this  may  turn 
fail  to  be  the  fipiid  delusion  of  that  hope,  which 
anxious  patriotism  and  love  of  peace  inspire  in  the 
bosom  of  the  good  cilizen,  rallier  than  any  well- 
grounded  conclusion  drawn  from  a  calm  ccnisid- 
eration  of  the  causes  wliii  h  produced,  and  lliccon- 
Bi'qnences  which  may  follow,  this  slate  of  war. 
It  is  possible  ihal  this  contest  maybe  short;  yet 
wisdom  wtmld  diclale  the  same  prudence  ill  its 
ciuiduel  which  we  would  observe  if  we  know  that 
il  would  be  protracted;  the  same  prudence,  as  if 
we  knew  ihal  other  naiicuis  would  be  drawn  into 
the  vorlex;  the  same  prudence,  as  if  we  alri'ady 
.saw  this  spark  on  lair  siMilliweslcrn  iVonliir  blown 
into  a  inighly  coiillMgralion  sweeping  over  (Christ- 
endom and  bringing  de.s<daii<ui  upon  the  civilized 
world.  If  such  conlingencies  may  happen  in  the 
progress  of  litis  war— and  who  can  say  timt  they 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


933 


29th  Cong Ist  Sess. 


Army  Appropriations — Mr.  A.  D.  Sims. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


mny  not — it  is  the  pnrt  of  wise  stntesmen  to  pro- 
vide reasdimlily  to  meet  them.  The  first  prepara- 
tion which  ought  to  be  made  is  the  providing  the 
ways  and  means  by  which  the  contest,  in  any  phase 
which  it  may  assume,  may  be  successfully  waged. 
We  have  men,  in  the  true  sense  of  the  term — we  . 
liuve  men  who  are  nerved  with  patriotic  zeal —  jj 
soldiers  of  chivalrous  hearing — an  army  capable 
and  willinor  to  fight  our  baltles.  But  that  is  not 
enough.  We  must  have  resources  to  bring  them 
in  llio  field.  Without  money,  which  is  said  to  be 
the  sinews  of  war,  it  is  impossible  that  war  can  be 
prosecuted  with  vigor  and  to  u  successful  result. 
11  would  seem,  therefore,  to  be  a  duty  to  husband 
our  resources  and  avoid  unnecessary  expendi- 
ture. 

With  an  nrmy  of  sixty-five  thousand  privates  in 
the  field,  the  did'ercnce  of  expense  in  the  pay,  as 
contemplated  in  the  two  amendments,  would  be 
more  than  a  million  and  a  half  dollars  annually.  If 
unncces.<ary,  this  surely  is  an  amount  worth  saving. 
That  it  is  unnecessary  in  the  |)resent  stage  of  the 
controversy,  I  ihink  a  moment's  reflection  will 
rnnvincc  us.  In  the  commencement  of  a  war,  the 
zeal  which  (lows  from  the  first  ebullitions  of  patri- 
otism is  at  its  highest  point,  and  easily  assembles 
iiri  efllcient-  army  for  the  service.  Afterwards, 
when  defeat  may  come  ujion  your  arms — when 
other  causes  without  the  discouragement  of  defeat 
may  damp  the  ardor  of  that  feeling  of  patriotism — 
it  may  be  more  difficult  to  enlist  men  mto  the  ser- 
vice, and  higher  wages,  as  well  as  bounty  even, 
may  be  necessary.  Bn*  .it  first,  much  ought  to  be 
misled  to  the  patriotii.      jf  the  citizens,  and  no 

I  lay  beyond  a  reasonable  compensation  allowed, 
n  this  way  the  actual  resources,  as  well  as  the 
credit  of  the  country,  will  be  preserved  to  be  made 
available  in  times  of  need  and  emergency.  For 
these  reasons,  looking  as  well  to  a  reasonable  com- 
jiensnlion  to  the  soldier  as  to  the  prudent  conduct 
of  iifl'airs  in  the  Government,  I  much  prefer  the 
jiroposition  of  my  colleague. 

Hut  Mr.  Chairman,  whilst  this  is  the  legitimate 
subject  of  inquiry  before  the  committee,  it  has,  per- 
haps, of  all  propositions  within  the  range  of  parlia- 
mentary debate,  or  of  all  toiiics  now  a^taling  the 
public  mind,  been  the  least  discussed.  The  causes 
•''  the  war — the  circunislanccs  which  brought  it 
nlioiu — the  manner  in  which  this  House  has  recog- 
nised its  existence — have  rather  been  made  the 
.■subjects  of  debate — I  had  almost  said,  of  denunci- 
ation. 

1  admire  the  feelings  of  patriotism  which  may 
find  a  resideme  in  the  bosoms  of  members  of  this 
lIiMise;  and  1  equally  admire  the  utterance  which 
has  sptiiitaneousty  been  given  to  those  feelings  on 
this  occasiun.  It  is  in  times  of  public  dilHcuUy 
peculiarly,  that  the  patriot  feels  the  love  of  coun- 
try burning  within  him.  Then  it  is  that  we  real- 
ize the  truth  of  the  sentiment  uttered  by  the  poet: 

"  Dulcn  et  dccoriiiii  est  pro  p.itrjn  niori." 

Then,  what  was  the  beautiful  dream  of  the  poet's 
fancy,  becomes  the  active  principle,  the  embodied 

Iiiirposu  of  the  patriot's  action.  He  feels  and 
[HOWS  that  he  is  ready  to  die  for  his  country. 
Under  the  influence  of  this  admiration,  excited  by 
such  noble  .selinients,  I  hailed  with  delight  the  ex- 
pression of  lofty  iratriotism  which  fell  from  the 
gentleman  from  iv' nlncky,  [Mr.  Davis.]  He  in- 
fonucd  the  Hou.se  that  he  had  an  only  son,  and 
that  if  the  exigencies  of  the  country  required  it,  he 
would  I'heerCuhy  surrender  him,  to  fall,  if  necessa- 
ry, ill  its  defence;  more,  that  the  father  of  that  son, 
with  still  greater  cheerfulness,  which  we  can  all 
renilily  understand,  would  yield  himself  a  sacrifice 
in  the  same  cause.  These  are  the  expressions  of 
a  noble  patriotism. 

lint  it  was  a  mailer  of  dfep  regret  to  me,  that 
whilst  such  lofty  sentiments  found  a  ready  ntter- 
aiKc  I'roni  the  distinguished  gentleman,  he  should 
have  allowed  himself  to  indulge  in  a  train  of  re- 
marks so  directly  in  conflict  with  them;  that, 
wliilxt  he  avowed  himself  willing  to  sustain  the 
country — to  grant  all  aids  and  supplies  that  might 
be  iieri'Hsary — he  should  have  thrown  himself  like 
a  mighty  incubus  on  the  interests  of  that  country 
by  the  remarks  which  he  made  in  relation  to  the 
causes  of  tlie  war.  In  the  course  of  his  inquiries, 
he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  war  was  brought 
ni)out,  not  by  the  action  of  Mexico,  but  by  the 
improper  and  unconstitutional  action  of  our  own 


Government;  ond  that  this  House,  in  the  manner 
and  under  the  circumstances  in  which  it  recognised 
the  existence  of  the  war,  coupled  with  the  asser- 
tion that  it  had  been  brought  on  by  Mexico,  was 
guilty  of  indecorum  and  falsehood.  It  is  in  vain, 
and  idle  for  those  who  voted  the  recognition  of  a 
state  of  war  produced  by  the  action  of  Mexico  to  shut 
their  eyes  and  pretend  not  to  see  the  full  scope  and 
efleetof  the  gentleman's  argument.  The  majority 
in  this  House,  no  less  than  the  Executive  Gov- 
ernment, are  charged  substantially  with  falsehood 
and  unconstitutional  action.  To  us  who  belong  to 
that  majority,  there  is  no  option.  The  gauntlet 
which  the  gentleman  has  thrown  down  we  may 
not  refuse  to  take  un.  The  issue  made  must  be 
met;  and  the  honorof  the  country  and  the  Qovern- 
ment  of  the  country  vindicated.  These,  then,  are 
the  questions:  Did  Mexico  begin  the  war?  And 
had  this  House  evidence  of  that  fact,  when  it  as- 
sorted  so  much  ? 

It  is  not  necessary  to  stop  now  to  review  the 
manifold  causes  of  olTence  which  this  country, 
from  time  to  time,  hos  received  from  Mexico;  to 
call  to  mind  the  maltreatment  of  our  citizens  in 
violation  of  treaty  stipulatiiins,  both  in  person  and 
property;  to  call  to  mind  her  refusal  or  neglect  to 
make  indemnity,  according  to  her  treaties,  for  such 
injuries;  nor  is  it  necessary,  on  the  other  hand,  to 
enlarge  upon  the  forbearance  which  our  Govern- 
ment for  years  has  manifested  towards  that  dis- 
tracted and  I'actious  country.  From  the  Adminis- 
traiion  of  General  Jackson  till  now,  sufficient 
causes  for  a  declaration  of  war  on  our  part  against 
her  have  existed.  All  this  we  pass  over,  and  come 
at  once  to  the  more  immediate  circumstances  and 
causes  of  the  war. 

The  committee  will  remember  that  so  soon  as 
the  joint  resolutions  by  which  Texas  became  an 
integral  part  of  this  Union  w-ne  adopted,  the  Mexi- 
can Minister  at  Washington  was  recalled,  and  that 
our  Minister  at  Mexico,  at  the  instance  of  the 
Mexican  Government,  was  ordered  home.  Thus 
all  regular  diplomatic  intercourse  between  the  two 
Governments  ceased.  Subsequently — during  last 
fall — this  intercourse  was  sought  to  be  renewed, 
and  the  matters  in  dispute  between  the  two  eonn- 
t'-ies  to  be  brought  into  friendly  negotiation.  This, 
however,  as  all  know,  was  rejected — if  not  perfi- 
diou.sly,ut  least  captiously — by  the  Mexican  Gov- 
ernment. Under  these  circumstances,  all  diplo- 
matic intercourse  having  ceased,  the  only  chan- 
nel of  official  communication  was  through  the 
orticers  of  the  resjiective  armies  which  were 
brought,  by  the  orders  of  each  Government,  into 
proximity.  Ampiidia  and  Arista  were  the  only 
agents  of  the  Mexican  Government  by  whom 
we  could  be  officially  informed  of  the  acts  and 
purposes  of  Mexico.  They  ordered  the  American 
General  to  retire  from  his  position  opposite  MatR- 
moros  in  a  given  space  of  time,  and  notified  him 
that  if  he  refused  to  do  so  war  would  be  com- 
menced. Our  General,  not  feeling  disposed  or  au- 
thorized to  obey  '!iis  haughty  demand,  the  Mcxi' 
cans  passed  the  Rio  Grande,  and  commenced  hos- 
tilities on  the  first  detachment  of  American  soldiers 
with  which  they  met.  More:  they  threw  them- 
selves into  a  position  to  cut  ofl"  our  army  from  its 
supplies  at  Point  Isabel,  and  in  all  respects  as- 
sumed and  maintained  a  belligerent  nttiluue.  1  say 
nothing  of  the  murder  of  Colonel  Cross,  than 
which  a  more  hostile  act,  or  one  calling  for  deeper 
retaliation,  could  not  have  been  perpetrated,  but  I 
refer  only  to  open  and  undisguised  war,  of  which 
notice  had  been  previously  given.  If  our  army 
was  rightfully  on  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande,  no 
fact  can  be  belter  established  than  that  war  exists 
with  Mexico,  and  by  her  own  act.  Congress  had 
notice  of  all  this  bcfiirc  the  net  recognising  the  ex- 
istence of  the  war  was  passed.  When  the  highest 
mililory  commander  of  the  Mexican  forces  an- 
nounced that  unless  a  certain  condition  should  bo 
complied  with  by  the  American  General  war  would 
he  commenced;  and  afterwards,  the  condition  being 
disreirarded,  hostilities  followed,  we  were  bound  ti 
regard  the  annunciation  and  subsequent  nets  as  the 
authorized  action  of  his  Government,  and  thatoffi- 
cer  as  the  herald  of  Mexico — as  much  so,  under 
the  circumstances,  as  if  he  had  acted  under  the 
Fecial  law  of  the  Romans. 

Hut  it  has  been  said  that  our  army  was  impru- 
dently and  unconstitutionally  ordered  to  its  posi- 
tion on  the  Rio  Grande,  and.  that  thus  war  was,  by 


the  act  of  our  Executive,  forced  upon  Mexico. 
To  maintain  this  assumption,  one  or  the  other  of 
two  propositions  have  been  urged  upon  the  con- 
sidenilion  of  the  committee. 

It  has  been  contented  that  tho  territory  lying  be- 
tween the  Nueces  and  the  Rio  del  Norte  belonged 
to  Mexico;  that  it  is  no  part  of  Texas,  and  that 
title  to  no  part  of  it  is  in  the  United  States.  If  that 
proposition  cannot  be  maintained,  it  is,  in  the  sec- 
ond place,  contended  that  this  wa&  disputed  terri- 
tory, (he  title  to  which  was  not  well  ascertained; 
(hat  the  United  States,  having  succeeded  to  the 
rights  and  duties  of  Texas,  claimed  it  as  n  part  of 
Texas,  while,  nt  the  same  time,  ond  with  equal 
sliow  of  justice,  it  was  claimed  by  Mexico.  It  is 
therefore  contended,  that  if  the  title  be  properly  in 
Mexico,  or  properly  disputable  in  point  of  fact,  tho 
Executive  branch  of  our  Government  had  no  right 
or  nnihority  to  niarcli  forces  through  the  entire 
latitude  of  llmt  region,  and  to  take  post  on  the  most 
distant  frontier,  and  th.it,  in  doing  so,  ;.e  has  un- 
constitutionally provoked  war.  This  I  understand 
to  be  the  true  and  legitimate  scope  of  the  argu- 
ment. 

It  can  he  well  demonstrated,  according  to  prin- 
ciples of  internadonal  law,  that  the  right  to  tho 
territory  between  the  Nueces  and  the  Rio  Grande 
is  pronerly  vested  in  the  United  Slates.  But  if  I 
shoulu  full  in  that  proposition,  (as  I  think  I  shall 
not.)  still,  admitting  the  country  to  be  disputed 
territory,  the  Executive  Government  had  a  right 
constitutionally,  and  was  in  fact  bound,  under  the 
high  obligations  of  dHty,  to  do  everything  which 
it  has  done. 
I  I  will  not  weary  the  committee  by  rehearsing 
'  the  ancient  boundary  of  Texas,  nor  by  going  over 
I  the  conflicting  evidence  as  drawn  from  delineations 
,  on  difltrent  maps.  I  choose  rather  to  stand  upon 
transactions,  in  (he  nature  of  negotiation  and 
treaty,  which  took  place  after  the  battle  of  San 
Jacinto.  The  Mexican  Government  had  ceased 
to  bo  administered  under  the  Constitution  at  tho 
time  of  the  Texan  revolt.  Santa  Ana  had  been 
clothed  with  the  powers  of  a  military  dictator,  and 
nil  the  executive  functions,  if  not  in  form,  were  in 
fact,  vested  in  him.  He  had  ample  authority  to 
make  treaties.  He  so  represented  himself  after 
the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  and  did  make  a  treaty 
with  President  Burnet  accordingly.  In  the  treaty, 
not  only  was  the  independence  of  Texas  recognised, 
bu(  (he  limits  were  defined.  The  Rio  Grande  was 
acknowledged  as  the  boundary  between  Mexico 
and  Texas;*  and  the  authorities  of  Texas  stipula- 
ted for  tho  release  of  the  Mexican  prisoners,  with 
theirarmsand  clothing.^  In  obedience  to  the  terms 
of  the  treaty,  the  Mexican  prisoners,  with  their 
chief,  were  permitted  to  leave  Texas  and  return  to 
Mexico;  and  Filisola,  who  was  not  a  captive,  when 
the  treaty  was  made  known  to  him,  retired  with  his 
forces  beyond  the  Rio  Grande. 

It  would  seem,  however,  that  doubts  are  enter- 
tained whether  this  trea(y  wits  binding;  because, 
as  was  iiKimated  by  the  distinguished  and  vener- 
able gentleman  from  Massachuse((s,  [Mr.  Adams,] 
Santa  Ana,  being  in  captivity,  was  under  a  spe- 
cies of  duress,  and  incapable,  therefore,  even  ad- 
mitting his  authority,  of  binding  his  Government 
by  treaty. 

It  seems  to  me  that  those  who  entertain  this 
doubt,  carry  the  doctrine  of  duress  to  an  unwar- 
rantable extent,  and  give  it  a  most  novel  applica- 
tion. The  only  question  is  ns  to  the  authority; 
captivity  or  freedom,  under  the  circumstances  in 
which  the  (renty  was  made,  amoun(8  to  nothing. 
In  the  jura  belli  are  recognised  certain  coinmercia 
belli  contracts  between  the  parties,  which  are  con- 
sidered valid  and  binding,  uotviihstanding  one 
parly  may  be  an  actual  prise;  er  war.  For  in- 
stance; ii  is  a  fundamental  p.-inciple  of  tho  laws  of 
war  that  war  suspends  all  intercourse  between  the 
citizens  of  the  belligerents,  and  (hat,  as  a  general 
rule,  no  con(ract  between  them  can  be  valid;  and 
yet  ransom  has  always  been  regarded  lis  valid, 
notwithstanding  one  party  with  his  property  was 
in  the  power  of  the  olher;J;  and  contracts  of  ransom 
have  always  been  enforced.  Besides,  Saifta  Ana, 
when  he  returned  to  Mexico,  denied  that  he  had 
acted  under  duress  when  he  made  (he  treaty  of 
which  we  speak,  but  affirmed  that  he  had  acted 

*  Uil  viil.  Footii'K  TexR«,  pane  3111,  5tli  iirt.  of  treaty. 
f  ad  vol.  FcHiie'a  IVxaa,  page  'M9, 6th  an.  of  treaty. 
1 1  Kent's  Com.  104. 


4' 


834 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[May  20, 


29th  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


Army  Apin-opriatioiu — Mr,  Hunt, 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


IVccIy  and  without  caiiiitrniiit;  anil  the  public  docii-  |l 
mcnls  suffidriilly  ntlcst  the  fnrt. 

But  there  19  another  nnd  hi^h  cnnsidcmlion  on   ' 
which  this  contract  is  hindini;.     In  enrly  tiinr.t  the   ; 
law  of  nations  permitted  prisoners  of  war  to  he 
put  to  death;  mid  nny  victor  who  took  cnptives,  ' 
according  to  his  convenience  or  to  cirnumsluiin's, 
put  them  to  death,  or  converted  them  into  bonds- 
men, or,  as  nil  oct  of  generosity,  freely  dismissed 
them.     But  in  the  proijress  of  civilization,  the  rig- 
ors of  this  law  have  been  relaxed;  still,  however,  !' 
there  exists,  as  recognised  in  the  law  of  naiinns,   I 
the  kx  Ittlionia.     Even  in  the  humane  nnd  civilized  '.' 
warfare  wa^^d  between  this  country  and  Great 
Britain  in  18112,  this  law  of  retaliation  was  recog;- 
niscd  by  Mr,  AIadisoii,and  if  theconlinsencv  had 
happened  it  would   have  been  enforced.     When 
Great  I?ritain,uiiderthcclaimof  her  doctrine  of  per- 
petual allegianie,'.thrcatciud  to  put  to  death  rcrlain  i 
American  soldiers  who  had  been  iiiaile  prisonira, 
and  who  were  claimed  as  natives  of  the  realm,  Mr.  ' 
Madison  proni]itly  answered  that  they  were  sol- 
diers of  the  American  army,  protected  by  the  Rns; 
under  which  they  fought,  and  that  for  every  Ame- 
rican prisoner  put  to  death  lie  would,  by  way  of  | 
retaliation,  see  that  ten  Uritish  prisoners  slioulil  ' 
share  the  like  fate.    The  threat  had  a  salutary  re- 
sult; and  the  barbarous  recourse  of  enforciiis  the  | 
lex  lalionia  a£:ainst  innocent  persons  who  had  no 
power  to  control  the  action  of  their  coinmaiideis  i 
was  spared.     All   writers   on   international    law, 
however,  admit  that  those  who  are  K"'''y  of  otl'eii- 
ces  and  cruelties  in  the  conduct  of  war  may  right-  \ 
flilly  be  made  the  victims  of  the  lex  lalionia.   Look, 
then,  at  the  hunmiiity  in  that  it  spared  the  guilty, 
and  also,  for  the  same  reason,  at  the  validity  of  the 
treaty  with  Santa  Ana. 

Of  all  tlieliorrorsof  war  waged  in  modern  limes,  i 
those  of  the  Te.van  revolution  on  the  part  of  Alex-  '■' 
ico  were  the  most  barbarous.     Even  Indian  war-  ' 
fare  fails  to  surpass  the  cruellies  e.KliibiK'd.     Her  i 
armies  seemed  to  study  the  refinement  of  barbarity 
in  the  conduct  of  the  war.     Who  cjin   remember 
the  Alamo;   who  can   remember  the   manner  in 
which  prisoners  were  shot  down  in  cold  blood; 
who  can  remember  the  thousand  horrors  and  alio- 
eities  committed  during  that  war,  all,  lno,  in  per- 
fect contempt  of  the  rules  of  civilized  warfare,  and 
not  say  that  Santa  Ana  nnd  his  myrmidons  who 
went  with  him  to  receive  the  visiinlion  of  God's 
vengeance  at  San  Jacinto  were  not  the  proper  sub- 
jects of  the  sternest   retribution.'    If  the  Texan 
Government  had    yielded  to   the  clamors  of  the 
Texan  people,  whose  hearts  beat  sponlnnenusly 
responsive  to  the  dictates  of  national  law,  and  had 
sacrificed  these  barbarians — these  armed  bandits, 
with  their  merciless  chieftain  at  their  head — who 
docs  not  believe  that  all  Christendom,  altlioush  it 
might  have  been  matter  of  regiei  to  have  witiussed 
such  scenes  in  the  nineteenil.  .i  ntury,  \vo-j|d,  in 
view  of  all  the  facts,  liave  said  'hat  it  was  justly    • 
done.' 

In  good  morals  and  upon  just  principles,  there- 
fore, this  treaty  is  binding,  in  that  it  mitigated  the 
horrors  of  w.ar,  and  advanced  the  great  interests  of 
humanity.  Thus  far  1  have  urged  the  validity  of 
the  treaty,  upon  the  supposition  that  Santa  Ana 
was  cloiliod  with  plenary  authority  to  bind  Mex- 
ico. There  is,  however,  another  consideration, 
even  granting  that  he  was  not  invested  with  au- 
thority to  make  a  final  treaty,  which  proves  that 
in  good  faith  and  in  morals — yea,  more,  accordin? 
to  the  law  of  nations — that  Mexico  was  bound  by 
the  treaty,  nnd  was  under  obligation  to  carry  it 
into  effect.  She  received  all  ilie  benefits  of  which 
the  treaty  stijiulaled  in  her  favor.  Her  soldiers, 
with  their  arms,  were  restored  to  her.  Her  cap- 
tive Chief  Magistrnic  .vns  spared,  and  allowed  to 
return  home.  Receiving  and  retaining  these  ben- 
efits under  the  treaty,  she  was  bound  to  respond 
to  the  other  stipulations,  and  allow  to  Texas  those 
benefits  which  were  the  correlative  of  those  which 
she  enjoyed  under  the  compact.  If  she  intended 
to  reject  the  treaty,  she  was  bound  to  return  the 
prisoners  with  their  arms  to  Texas,  and  place  mat- 
ters in  the  condition  that  they  were  befoi-e  the  con- 
clusion of  the  treaty.  She  cannot,  at  the  same  ' 
breath,  claim  llie  advantages,  and  reject  the  e(|iiiva- 
lents  unon  which  those  advantages  were  granted 
under  the  treaty. 

Mr.   Chairman,  you  remember  the   celebrated  I 
treaty  made  by  the  Roman  general  with  the  Sam-  ; 


niies,  after  the  defeat  of  the  former,  at  the  Purca 
Caudina  his  army  had  been  made  to  pass  under. 
The  Rnman  general  concluded  a  treaty  of  pcoce 
with  the  Snninitcs,  in  consideration  of  which, 
reserving  hostages  for  its  execution,  the  Samnitcs 
agreed  to  allow  the  Roman  army  to  return  home. 
The  treaty,  on  one  part,  was,  in  edect,  cxeciiled. 
The  Romans,  however,  refused  ils  execution  on 
their  part.  They  said  that  their  generals  hud  no 
authority  to  make  a  treaty  of  peace.  TheSamnil.^s, 
on  the  other  hand,  insisted  that  the  treaty  was 
valid,  and  that  it  ought  to  be  executed  on  the  part 
of  the  Romans,  or  that  the  Roman  army  should 
be  returned  to  the  stofiis  in  qiia  before  the  treaty 
was  mr.de.  1  do  not  propose  to  go  into  an  ex- 1 
aminalion  of  this  historical  point;  I  have  referred  | 
to  it  only  because  writers  on  national  law  have  i 
used  it  as  a  text  upon  which  to  comment  in  aacei-  I 
taining  the  extent  to  which  nations  arc  biuind  to 
observe  treaties  of  which  they  have  taken  the 
benefit. 

Grolius  contends,  that  if  an  individual,  without 
authority,  makes  a  treaty  with  a  foreign  nation, 
and  his  own  nation  refuse  to  ralify  it,  it  is  bound 
to  lait  the  other  parly  in  the  condilion  in  which  it 
was  before  the  treaty  was  niade.  Oilier  writers 
lake  the  same  view,  and  contend  that  if  a  nation 
takes  the  liencfit  of  a  treaty,  and  afterwards  disa- 
vow it,  and  do  not  make  return  of  all  the  benefit 
she  has  received,  she  should  be  held,  by  the  law 
of  nations,  to  the  execution  of  the  treaty;  and 
though  there  may  be  no  tribunal  by  which  it  can 
be  enforced,  yet  that  not  to  execute  the  treaty, 
under  such  ciiciimstances,  would  be  just  cause  of 
war.  Vattel  docs  not  go  exactly  to  that  extent. 
He  says: 

**  I  cimrfssi.  Iiowcvrr,  niitl  frrt-ty  ncknowlritifc,  llmt.  if  the 
cnciny  wlin  "iiircr  iin  entire  nriiiy  to  escape  (iii  the  Inilli  of 
an  nprceiiicnt  roncjiidcd  witll  ttie  gericral,  wlio  ia  iiiiprn- 
viiled  witll  siillicicnt  powers,  niiit  n  (simple  s/iomor,  1  coiitesji, 
1  t*ny^  tliiit  if  the  eiii'iiiy  Irave  IM-Iiavcil  f!CMiTini»ly — if  Ittcy 
have  not  availed  llicinwelvcs  of  their  ndvaiitaue  lo  diclale 
Rltnnicful  or  loo  severe  coiMlili<)le< — etniit.v  ri'ipiircH  tliat  tlie 
Stale  flioiitd  cither  nilify  ito'  atirccniciit.  or  cnncltidc  a  new 
Ireaiy,  on  just  and  reasonnldc  condilioiw,  ntiiitinu  even  of 
iH'r  liretcnsioiis  as  tar  as  tliu  puhlic  welfare  will  allow.'* — 
rallH,h.  ii.,«.  213,  J).  CH,i. 

?*o\v,  does  not  the  Texan  treaty  fiill  within,  and 
conform   to,  this   rcr{iiisitiim.'     ()id    the   Texans 
exact  rigid  or  imjiroper  conditions?     Was  not  re- 
taliation  forborne  to  be  executed  when   it  might  ; 
justly  have  been  enforced?     A  whole  army  res- i 
cued  and  restored  to  Us  country  I     It  does  seem  I 
proper,  when  Mexico  has  received  all  the  advan- 
tages of  the   treaty  on   her  part,  has  reruscd   to 
mako  another  treaty,  and  has  refused  to  return  to  j 
the   posses.sion    of  Texas    all   the    prisoners  who  | 
escaped  bv  means  of  the  Ireaiy;  that,  according  lo  i 
the  law  of  nations,  the  Irea.y  should  be  regarded  • 
as  valid   and  binding,  even   supposing  that  Santa 
Ana  was  not  clothed  with  authority,  as  the  head 
of  a  treaty-making  power.  i 

Hut  if  all  this  does  not  prove  a  clear  and  iinques- ' 
tionable  title  in  Texas  lo  the  country  between  the 
Nueces  and  the  Rio  Grande,  it  docs  at  least  iirove 
n  strong  eiiuitable  tide.     Say,  then,  ncciuding  to 
the  seiiind  proposition  which  has  been  contended 
for,  that  the  country  is  in  dispute;  was  the  Execu- 
tive of  our  country  justified  in  throwing  the  army  i 
forward  from  Corpus  Chrisli  lo  the  banks  of  the  ] 
RioCirande?     Rather,  I  would  ask,  could  he  be 
justified  if  he  had  not  done  so? 

The  committee  will  recollc!ct  that  in  disputed 
territory,  either  claimant  lias  a  right  to  take  pos- 
session of  such  parts  as  are  unoccupied,  and  that 
while  the  prior  posses.sion  which  one  claimant  may 
have  made,  either  by  its  citizens  or  by  its  military 
forces,  is  lo  be  respected  by  the  other,  this  prior 
possession  thus  to  bo  respected  is  not  n  conslruc- 
live,  but  an  actual,  possession — what  the  writers 
call  a  jwssrmo  pedis.  In  strict  conlbrmity  to  this 
pr'nciple,  the  army  of  occupation  were  pointedly 
and  carefully  instructed  by  the  Government  to 
respect  the  Mexican  right  of  posse.'ision,  and  forbid 
to  disturb  or  interfere  with  the  settlers.  It  was 
only  the  unoccupied  parts  of  the  country  into 
which  they  were  ordered  to  march. 

One  or  two  considerations  will  demonstrate,  not 
so  miiili  the  right,  but  the  duly  rather  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive to  have  issued  the  orders  for  the  removal 
of  the  army. 

Texas  claimed  the  Rio  Grande  as  her  soulh- 
wcRtcrn  boundary.  Until  the  question  of  limits 
was    settled    with    Mexico,   our  Executive   was 


bound  to  respect  and  defend  this  as  her  border. 
The  Execulne  had  no  authority  lo  define  the 
limits.  liy  hulling  at  Corpus  Chrisli,  it  would  in 
effect  have  been  surrendering  the  claim  of  Texas, 
and  have  been  giving  strength  lo  the  pretensions 
of  Mexico,  especially  after  the  latter  power  had 
refuseil  to  negoliate  upon  the  subject.  While 
there  was  a  prospect  of  negotiation,  prudential  con- 
siderations, such  as  a  disposition  to  avoid  circum- 
stances of  irritation,  might  well  induce  a  temporary 
delay  in  throwing  the  army  of  occupation  forward. 
Rut  after  the  chance  of  negotialion  became  hope- 
less, it  was  the  duty  of  the  Executive  to  phice  the 
army  on  the  frontier,  as  well  to  defend  the  titU  by 
occupation  as  lo  be  in  n  position  more  pronipllj  to 
repel  the  threatened  attack  of  the  Mexicans. 

Accordingly  the  army  is  thrown  tbrward.  It 
took  ils  position  quietly,  and  held  it  pencefiilly, 
insiructed  not  to  make  hostilities  In  this  position, 
taken  in  confoniiily  with  strict  right,  and  in  oljc- 
dience  to  the  clearest  duty,  it  is  wantonly  attacked 
by  the  Mexicans.  And  ye'  gentleineii  affect  lo 
tliink  that  this  war  was  nut .  ominenccd  by  Mexi- 
co. Strange  infatuation  !  How  blind  is  that  vis- 
ion which  is  dimmed  by  the  film  of  party  prejudice! 

Upon  the  whole,  I  lliiiik  I  may  say  that  the  Ex- 
ecutive had  a  right,  and  it  was  Ins  duly ,  lo  remove 
the  army  from  (l^orpus  Christi  to  the  Rio  Grande, 
whether  we  regard  the  founlry  na  ub.solutely  ouis, 
or  in  tuir  disunite.  I  regret  that  the  Mexicans  have 
been  so  unwise  as  to  force  a  war  upon  us.  I  re- 
gret it  on  their  account.  I  regret  it  more  on 
account  of  my  own  country.  The  evils  of  war, 
even  when  waged  with  an  inferior  fiie,  are  by  no 
means  inconsiderable.  But  I  have  no  fear  of  the 
result.  The  patriotism  of  our  people  at  home, 
kindled  to  the  brightest  glow  from  the  reflection 
that  the  cnntcot  is  I'orccd  upon  us,  and  that  it  is 
just,  will  nerve  the  arm  of  the  Government  with  a 
spontaneous  approbation  of  its  course,  nnd  a  ready 
supply  of  all  ihe  necessary  means  for  the  prose- 
ciiiion  of  the  war;  while  our  army  in  Mexico, 
rivalling  the  former  renown  of  our  arms  as  won 
upon  the  battle  fields  of  the  Revolution,  and  the  lust 
war  with  Great  Britain,  will  push  it  on  to  a  glo- 
rious and  speedy  termination.  With  the  enthu- 
siasm of  our  people,  and  the  chivalry  of  our  army, 
the  contest  can  be  neither  long  nor  doubtful. 


ARMY  APPROPRIATIONS. 
SPEECH   OF    MR.    W.    HUNT, 

OK  NEW  rOUK, 

In  the  IIousk  of  Rkpkesentatives, 

Miiij  20,  IHW. 

On  the  Rill  making  .Vppropriaiioiis  for  the  Army. 

Mr.  WASIIINGTCKN  HUNT  obtained  the 
floor,  and  expressed  his  readiness  to  vote  for  the 
bill  under  consideration,  and  to  support  all  pro|)t.'r 
measurcs  for  the  energetic  ]irosecntion  of  this  un- 
happy contest  with  Mexico.  Whatever  might  lie 
his  opinion  of  the  ( niises  which  piiHluced  the  colli- 
sion, whilst  till'  country  is  in  actual  war  with  a 
foreign  Power,  there  was  but  one  course  for  him 
to  pursue.  He  advocated  the  nmenduK  nt  increas- 
ing the  pay  of  private  soldiers  to  ten  dollars  per 
month,  contending  that  it  was  but  a  moderate  coni- 
peiiHation  for  the  fatigues  and  perils  they  must 
encounter. 

He  went  into  a  brief  detail  of  the  reasons  which 
had  induced  him  to  vote  against  the  annexation  of 
Texas  to  Ihe  United  Slates.  He  had  opposid  it 
upon  liiL'h  nalimial  grounds,  and  his  belief  that  it 
would  involve  this  country  in  n  war  with  Mexico 
\va»  not  among  the  least  of  his  objections. 

He  then  went  on  to  say  that  lie  still  deplored 
that  event;  but  it  was  now  consummated.  Texas 
formed  a  constituent  portion  of  the  Union,  nnd  he 
felt  ready  lo  act  toward  her  with  the  same  liber- 
ality, the  same  pairlotism  and  equal  justice,  which 
he  would  manifest  towards  any  other  of  the  States 
of  the  Confederacy.  He  should  not  now  revive  a 
topic  which  was  calculated  only  to  excite  unpleas- 
ant feeling.  He  deprecu;,''d  all  ntleiupls  lo  keep 
up  those  feelings  of  irritation  which  had  in  part 
subsided.  He  ilesired  to  seeageneral  acquiescence 
in  that  which  was  now  past,  and  conld  not  be  re- 
called. He  would  i>])peal  to  the  entire  American 
people  to  acquiesce  in  a  spirit  of  enlarged  patriot- 
ism, to  allay  sectional  animosities,  and  cultivate  a 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


m 


29tii  Cono 1st  Sess. 


!Z%e  Protective  Policy — Mr.  Stewart. 


Ho.  OF  Heps. 


J  border. 
J^finc  the 
lyoiild  ill 

'  Toxiia, 

i^tciiaiiiiiii 
|wer  liad 
.While 
litiiil  c(in- 
1  circuiii- 


foeling  of  niitionnlity,  nnd  to  glrengthcn  that  com- 
mon bniitl  which  wna  our  only  rclinnco  for  sustain- 
ing the  hininr  itnil  perpcluiiy  of  the  Uni'  .  i . 

The  chief  jmrpoae  ill  present  wus,  to  make  an 
nppcal  to  j;entlcmcn  in  the  majority  here,  that,  I 
iiisicnd  of  hurling  their  ih\inderbolis  nt  the  heads 
of  II  powerless  mmority,  wliicU  was  but  a  bootless 
niid  somewhat  ini^cnernus  task,  tlicy  would  rather 
rxerl  their  wisdom  nnd  patriotism  on  those  meas- 
ures which  were  dcmnndcd  by  the  good  of  our 
common  country  in  the  present  crisis  of  affairs. 
Instead  of  arrojiitin;;  oil  patriotism  to  themselves, 
lliey  should  i\ccord  at  leimt  some  measure  of  the 
same  feclina;  toward  those  who  were  unhappy 
enough  to  dilTir  from  them  in  opinion.     They 
seemed  to  forget  the  coiir.se  of  the  minority  in  re- 
gard to  the  whole  aeries  of  measures  connected 
with  the  reception  of  Texas  into  the  Union.    In- 
dependent of  other  objections,  their  opposition  had 
been  bused  greatly  on   the  apprehension  that  it 
would  lead  to  a  war  with  Mexico.   We  now  found 
the  war  upon  us.    The  majority  seemed  to  arro- 
gate to  themselve-i  n  great  omount  of  potriotism, 
on  the  ground  of  their  reiuliness  to  vote  supplies. 
Why,  wiie  it  not  nn  equal  evidence  on  the  part  of 
those  on  the  other  side  of  th(!  House  to  do  the 
same?    It  wns  doubtless  laudable  and  patriotic,  in 
those  who  nnusird  the  war  and  arc  responsible  for 
it,  to  give  it  their  support;  but  he  thought  it  requi- 
red an  ci]ual  shnre  of  disinterestedness  and  devo- 
tion to  country  on  the  part  of  the  minority,  who 
predicted  it  in  advance,  nnd  employed  their  utmost 
efforts  to  avert  it.     The  Whigs  saw  the  war  com- 
ing, and  raised  the  wnrning  voice  against  the  meas- 11 
ures  which  produced  it,  but  their  apprehensions,  ( 
which  are  now  realized,  were  then  denounced  us  I 
chimerical  and  unpatriotic.     The  impression,  that  1 1 
the  lul  mission  of  Texas  would  lend  to  a  Mexican  i 
war,  arose  from  no  factious  or  parly  feeling;  it  had  '} 
Ijeen  entertained  by  some  of  the  most  distinguished  Ij 
men  of  the  Democratic  party.    Mr.  Van  Buren  ,j 
luid  declared  that  annexation  was  inconsistent  with  1; 
the  rights  of  Mexico,  and  the  ovowal  of  that  sen- '' 
timent  had  driven  him  from  public  life.     Another,  • ' 
who  was  more  fortunate  in  that  respect,  had  enter- '  I 
cd  into  a  course  of  able  reasoning  to  prove  that  part  ! 
of  the  terriuiry  now  claimed  by  Texas  actually  be-   ' 
longed  to  Mexico,  and  if  it  were  annexed,  the  fact  ' 
would  create  a  just  cause  of  war  on  the  part  of  I 
Mexico.   He  had  stated  in  his  place  in  the  Senate   i 
that  that  portion  of  country  was  inhabited  by  thirty  ! 
thousand  people,  who  never  had  owned  nllegiimje  || 
to  Texas, nnd  he  liad  oflered  a  resolution  cnil)ody-  \', 
iiig  these  sentiments.    These  were  the  snine  onin-  ■ 
ions  as  were  now  avowed  by  the  minority.     Cer-  |i 
tainly  they  were  entitled  to  be  treated  with  some  .1 
degree  of  respect.     Indeed,  the  sentiment  had  nt! 
one  time  been  general  throughout  a  large  portion 
of  the  rounlry.     Congress  would  never  have  nn-  ! 
nexed  Texas  had  it  been  known  or  believed  that  .| 
onr  Executive  meant  to  claim  this  boundary;  and   : 
hence,  in  the  annexing  resolutions,  the  question  of  J 
boundary  had  been  expressly  reserved.     The  op-   1 
iioncnts  of  annexation  were  told  there  was  not  the 
least  danger  of  war,  and  to  guard  against  it,  the  1 1 
resiilntion   had  been  framed  so  as  to  cover  only  '; 
what  rightlVilly  belonged  to  Texas.     The  gentle-  ] 
man  then  and  now  at  the  head  of  the  Ccmimittee 
on  Foreign  Relations  [Mr.  C.  J.  Inoeksoi.i,]  had  ' 
assured  ilio  House  that  it  would  be  a  peaceful  nn-  ■ 
nexatiou,  and  that  money,  which  wns  commonly 
said  to  be  the  sinesvsof  war,  would  heal  all  ditn- 
culties.     Tlie  minority,  then,  had  resisted  this  war 
befoi-e  it  came — no  wonder  tlicy  could  not  approve 
of  it  now  it  had  come.     Hut  still  it  was  here,  and 
the  duty  of  every  good  citizen  wns  to  make  every 
proper  ell'ort  to  meet  the  danger  of  the  cou'ilry.       | 
Mr.  Davis,  of  Mississippi,  here  asked  some  ques- 
tion not  distinctljj  heard  by  the  reporter,  but  under- 
stood to  have  reference  to  a  proclamation  made  by 
General  Woll. 

Mr.  Hunt  thouglit  it  was  not  very  conclusive, 

nnd  did  not  eompramit  Mexico  on  the  question  of ; 

boundaries.  \ 

Mr.  D\vis  said  that  the  doctrine  maintained  in 

that  proclamaliou  had  never  been  since  repealed. 

Mr.  Ht'NT  did  not  consider  it  as  conceding  the  ' 
Rio  Grande  ns  the  bcuindary  between  Mexico  and 
Texas.  Nor  could  it  be  contended  that  a  general  I 
in  the  field  has  any  power  to  settle  the  national  ' 
boundaries  by  a  military  regulation.  When  it  I 
could  be  clearly  shown  that  \fcxico  bad  ncknowl-  ' 


edged  the  Rio  del  Norte  ns  the  western  boundary 
of  Texas,  he  should  rejoice  to  feel  that  we  had  been 
in  the  right  as  to  the  origin  of  this  war;  as  yet  no 
sufficient  evidence  of  our  title  to  that  boundary  has 
been  produced. 

But  the  minority  conceived  that  the  measures 
which  had  led  to  this  war  had  been  unconstitu- 
tional. That  opinion  was  honestly  entertained, 
and  would  not  gentlemen  exercise  some  forbear- 
ance toward  those  who  could  not  see  the  matter 
exactly  as  they  did  ?  They  were  ready  to  discharge 
their  whole  duty  in  supporting  the  war;  what  more 
had  the  majority  a  riglit  to  demand .'  Might  they 
not  express  their  own  opinions?  Must  they  sur- 
render the  dictates  of  their  conscience  nnd  forfeit 
their  self-respect  ?  No  liberal-minded  advocate  of 
the  war  would,  ho  was  sure,  require  this.  The 
war  must  be  fought  out;  and  the  controversy  ns  to 
its  origin  must  be  deferred  for  n  subsequent  day, 
when  ihe  contest  was  over.  Then  the  people  would 
hold  its  authors  to  a  strict  account. 

It  had  been  said  that  there  were  some  |)oliticians 
who  were  always  ready  to  surrender  territory  that 
was  in  dispute.  It  had  become  very  common  in 
these  days  to  cast  indiscriminate  reproach  on  those 
who  preferred  to  settle  vexed  questions  of  bound- 
ary in  a  pacific  manner.  To  claim  all  nnd  concede 
nothing  was  now  held  to  bo  the  quintescence  of 
patriotism.  But  Mr.  H.  would  recognise  no  such 
lest.  He  wanted  to  see  these  questions  discussed 
in  an  honorable  and  a  candid  spirit,  according  to 
the  moral  considerations  of  right  and  wrong.  He 
was  for  respecting  the  rights  of  others,  without 
surrendering  our  own. 

There  was  a  class  of  politicians  who  seem  dis- 
posed to  make  u.se  of  all  questions  touching  the 
foreign  relations  of  the  country  merely  as  means 
and  instruments  of  party  aggrandizement  and  the 
acquisition  of  power;  nnd  hence  they  contrive  to 
present  these  questions  in  such  a  form  ns  to  com- 
pel the  minority  to  vole  against  them.  Instead  of 
endeavoring  to  secure  unanimity  on  great  public 
measures,  undue  importance  was  given  to  particu- 
lar words  and  phrases;  and  when  these  were  ob- 
jected to,  they  uenonnced  in  the  most  unsparing 
terms  all  who  could  not  conscientiously  go  with 
ihem  in  the  precise  line  marked  out.  So  frequently 
had  this  been  done  of  late,  that  Mr.  H.  sometimes 
had  indulged  a  thought  that  the  majority  did  not 
really  wish  to  see  unanimity  of  action,  but  were 
glad  of  an  opportunity  of  denouncing  others  as 
enemies  of  their  country.  The  gentieman  from 
Virginia  [Mr.  Dromgoole]  thought  it  strange  they 
should  complain  that  they  were  compelled  to  vote 
on  a  question  of  war  and  peace  without  one  word 
of  debate.  Did  he  not  remember  that  when  they 
brought  in  their  war  bill,  no  one  pretended  to  op- 
pose or  object  to  it;  but  then  they  inserted  a  pre- 
amble, with  a  perfect  knowledge  that  it  would  bo 
queslioncd  ?  Why  was  '  lis  ?  and  why  such  te- 
nacity in  holding  on  to  it .'  '  t  could  only  have  been 
in  order  to  produce  differences  of  opinion,  so  as  to 
denounce  the  minority  with  rancor,  as  destitute  of 
patriotism,  and  enemies  of  their  country. 

This  attempt  to  present  the  minority  before  the 
country  in  the  unjiopular  light  of  a  peace  purly 
Was  wholly  without  foundation;  it  was  not  jus- 
tified by  their  acts,  neither  would  it  be.     Gen- 
tlemen seemed  to  think  that  power  and  patriot- 
ism were  identical,  and  because  they  had  nil  of  the 
[  one,  they  must,  of  course,  monopolize  the  other. 
j  But  if  it  was  glory  to  maintain  the  national  rights 
I  nnd  vindicate  the  national  flag,  lliat  wns  a  glory 
■  shared  equally  liy  both  sides  of  the  House. 

He  was  for  n  bold  and  decisive,  not  for  a  linger- 
ing war.  It  should  be  sharp  and  short.  This  was 
the  way  to  secure  an  economy  both  of  money  nnd 
of  human  life.  He  hoped  a  high  national  spirit 
would  be  found  to  prevail,  and  that  the  war  would 
be  prosecuted  till  the  rights  and  honor  of  the  coun- 
try are  fVilly  vindicated. 

I     The  gentleman  from  Virginia  [Mr.  Dromgoole] 
j  had  alluded  to  the  objects  of  the  war,  and  the  spirit 
in  which  he  would  wage  the  contest.     Whilst  he 
would  pursue  the  Mexicans  in  a  spirit  of  ven- 
geance, his   patriotism   revels  in  the   prospect  of 
large  indemnities  of  land  and  money.     National 
:  honor  is  to  be  measured  by  leagues,  nnd  all  our 
'.  wrongs,  real  or  imaginary,  will  be  healed  by  the 
I  addition  of  fresh  provinces  and  enlarged  dominion. 
j  Mr.  H.  said  he  would  pursue  the  contest  in  a 
'  different  spirit.    He  wished  to  see  it  prosecuted 


with  decisive  force  nnd  efficiency,  till  we  can  se- 
cure an  honorable  peace.  But  when  the  time  shall 
arrive  to  dictate  the  terms  of  peace  to  Mexico,  he 
hoped  to  witness  a  display  of  justice  and  generous 
magnanimity.  Ifwe  can  conquer  our  own  rapacity, 
nnd  restrain  the  lust  of  territorial  acquisition,  we 
will  achieve  a  moral  victory  more  glorious  than  the 
trophies  of  war.  In  imposing  the  conditions  of 
amity,  he  hoped  we  might  exhibit  a  spirit  of  moder- 
ation and  forbearance  becoming  a  great  Republic, 
conscious  of  its  power.  By  our  rectitude  and  gen- 
erosity in  the  hour  of  victory,  we  may  yet  do  some- 
thing to  restore  tlie  drooping  honor  of  the  country. 
When  that  hour  shall  come,  we  must  not  disguise 
it  fi-om  ourselves  that  appearances  are  against  us. 
i  Whilst  we  are  strong  and  powerful,  Mexico  is 
feeble  and  distracted;  nnd  we  are  already  in  pos- 
session of  a  vast  territory  which  was  recently 
wrested  from  her  by  our  own  people.  But  u  war  is 
upon  us;  and,  whilst  it  continues,  it  must  be  pro.s- 
ecuted  with  vigor,  and  men  of  all  parlies  must 
cooperate,  by  united  counsels  nnd  common  efforts, 
to  bring  the  struggle  to  fi  speedy  and  honorable 
termination. 


THE  PROTECTIVE  POLICY. 
REMARKS  OF  ANDREW  STEWART, 

OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 
In  the  House  op  Representatives, 

March  14  mid  Maij  27,  1846, 
In  defence  of  the  Protective  Policy. 

Mr.  STEWART  said  he  regretted  that  this 
great  question  of  national  protection,  the  most  im- 
portant that  could  possibly  occupy  Ihe  attention  of 
American  statesmen,  wns  constantly  resolved  by 
gentlemen  on  the  other  side  into  n  mere  question 
o( party.  Separated  from  the  pernicious  influences 
o(  party,  he  was  sure  there  could  be  but  one  opin- 
ion upon  the  subject.  The  contest  was  for  the 
.American  inarket.  Foreigners,  and  especially  the 
British,  were  the  parties  on  the  one  side,  nnd  the 
.Imtricam  on  the  other;  nnd  the  only  question 
was,  which  side  should  we  take?  By  adopting 
"free  trade,"  we  give  our  markets  and  our  money 
to/orfig)ifrs;  by  adhering  to  prnfcdioii,  we  secure 
both  to  our  own  people.  Disguise  it  as  you  will, 
this  is  the  true  and  only  question  to  bo  decided, 
nnd  the  f\ite  of  the  country  depends  on  the  result. 
He  tntsted  gentlemen  would  decide  in  favor  of 
their  own  country — in  favor  of  their  own  farmers, 
mechanics,  and  laboring  men — that  they  would 
protect  their  own  people  employed  in  the  fields 
nnd  in  the  workshops,  and  in  the  conversion  of  our 
own  agricultural  produce  into  ortieles  for  use,  in- 
stead of  importing  them  from  abroad;  for  it  wag 
demonstrable  that  more  than  one-half  of  tlie  hun- 
dred millions  of  dollars  annually  sent  abroad  to 
purchase  foreign  goods,  went  to  pay  for  foreign 
agricultural  produce  worked  up  in  these  goods  by 
labor  employed  nnd  fed  in  foreign  countries,  in- 
stead of  our  own. 

Mr.  S.  begged  gentlemen,  upon  this  great  Amer- 
ican question,  to  separate  tliemselves  from  party 
projuilice,  and  come  up  to  its  consideration  in  a 
true  American  spirit.  It  was  n  question  that  soared 
fhr  above  and  beyond  the  reach  of  mere  party  in- 
terests and  party  considerations.  Why,  then, 
these  parly  appeals.'  Wns  it  because  gentlemen 
were  afraid  to  meet  the  question  on  its  own  intrin- 
sic and  independent  merits.' — was  this  the  motive 
of  these  oppenls  to  the  poor,  pitiful,  and  paltry 
purposes  of  party  politics?  Was  this  a  time  or 
nn  occasion  for  such  appeals  ?  No.  Let  this  great 
question  of  protecting  American  industry  be  dis- 
cussed on  great,  broad  American  principles,  and 
it  would  be  so  discussed  by  every  one  who  had  a 
true  American  heart  in  his  bosom. 

Mr.  S.  said  lie  would  now  proceed  to  answer 
the  arguments  that  had  been  urged  against  protec- 
tion, and  in  favor  o(  free  trade,  and  then  give  his 
own  views  as  to  the  true  American  policy  to  be 
adopted  and  inaintained  by  this  country;  and  in 
doing  so  ho  would  study  clearness  and  simplicity, 
for  "  truth  needs  not  the  foreign  aid  of  ornament;" 
lie  would  state  fads — focta  which  he  was  prepared 
to  establish  by  official  or  other  conclusive  evidence, 
w  ith  the  inferences  fairly  deducible  from  them — 
nnd  he  would  submit  tliem  with  confidence  to  the 


936 


29th  Cono IsT  SE8». 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Protective  Policy — Mr.  Utewart. 


[March  14  &  May  27, 
Mo.  or  UeP8. 


cniulor  anil  good  sense  of  tliis  I^Iouae  nnd  of  the 
Amcririin  people. 

In  Iht  firnl  pincc,  llien,  he  would  nolire  sonic  of 
the  iireiiments  >ir!:<'il  n|iiiii  nil  iiicnsions  ii!;iiinHt  ! 
pmifi'iion,  and  jiiBt  now   lepcnicd  liy  ilir  irciiilo- 
iniin  from  Alabama,  [Mr.  I'avnk,]  wlio  liad  spo-  ' 
ken  last. 

THE  EFFECT  OF  rHOTECTIVE  OIITIEI  ON  PRICES. 

Tlie  first  arpnnicnt  of  the  gentleman  hail  lirrn 
the  position,  that  the  (H'crl  of  a  protective  turilV 
was  oppressive,  esnrrially  on  the  poor,  and  on  the 
interests  of  agriculture  and  lalior.  How  was  it 
oppressive  t\iion  these?  No  oilier  interest  ill  the 
conntry  was  lialf  as  nii'.cli  lienefited  hy  the  tariff 
as  the  tanners,  and  inechanics,  and  \vnrkiii!;-nieti. 
Theijentleiiiaii  said  that  it  injured  them  liy  increas- 
ing; the  price  of  niannlactured  commodities;  for 
the  i»enlleman*s  nsscrtion  wns,  tliat  proici-tinii  did 
invariably  increase  tiie  price  of  the  articles  pro- 
tected. Now,  in  re|ily,  Mr.  S.  would  ilislindly 
put  forth  this  .as-'eriioii,  to  which  he  challenged 
contradiction,  viz:  lh.it  there  never  was  a  priiteei- 
ive  duty  levied  in  this  c.Tuniry,  on  any  ariiile 
which  we  could  and  did  niiiiinfactiire  extensively, 
which  had  not  resulted  in  briiiiiinijdowii  the  price 
of  that  article;  anil  he  challcni^rd  ;;eiilleiueii  to 
point  him  to  n  siiigli-  instance  in  refner  e  in  which 
this  was  not  true.  The  prices  of  cniinoiliiics, 
instead  of  leins  raiseil  by  protection,  had  been  ] 
reduced  to  one-third,  onc-lourth,  and  even  to  one- 
tenth  and  onetwelfili  part  of  what  had  been  paid 
for  them  when  imported  IVoin  abroad.  The  l'cii- 
tleinan,  if  he  had  wallied  up  to  llii!  Fair,  ini^lit 
there  have  seen  Anierican  cotton,  such  as  had  eosi,  ' 
when  the  enornions  iniiiiiniiniH  were  first  imposed  , 
for  iN  protection  by  .Mr.  Lowndes  and  Mr.  Cal- 1 
houn,  ciffhty-fivc  cents  a  yard,  now  ready  to  be  [ 
delivcreifin  any  qiiantiiy,  nnd  of  better  quality,  at  ' 
seven  cents;  aiid  woollen  jeans,  solil  in  1(<40  at 
si.\ty-five  cents,  now  selling  of  superior  quality, 
for  thirty-five;  and  thesi'  articles  were  siibject  to 
the  very  lii^hest  duties  in  the  whole  cntalof,'ue — 
proving,  beyond  all  contestation,  the  'ruth  of  the 
jiroposition  denoiimed  as  an  absurdity  hy  the  i;eii-  ■ 
tieinan,  that  the  highest  duties  often  produce  the 
lowest  prices,  wiieii  levied  on  articles  which  we  ■ 
can  supply  to  the  extent  of  our  own  wiinls.  Here 
was  the  result  of  Ancricaii  industry,  skill,  and  j 
improvement,  when  left  (ice  to  act  out  their  own 
energieo,  nnd  occupy,  fully  and  freely,  their  own  [ 
appropriate  markeis,  without  the  disiurbin;;  and 
destructive  competiiioii  of  the  pauper  labor  of 
Europe.  Mr.  S.  had  nieniioned  the  ariiele  of  cot- 
ton, because  it  affoiiled  a  strikiiu;  illiistralion  of  the 
general  doctrine,  showin;;  iliat  the  miiiiimiins,  the 
highest  protective  duties,  had  produced  the  ;;reatest 
reduction  of  prices.  Itiit  the  same  thing  was  irue, 
to  a  greater  or  le.«s  extent,  with  respect  to  every 
protected  article  in  the  eniiic  list.  Kir.  IS.  slated 
incontrovertible  mutters  of  fact.  He  challenged 
contradiction — he  cniitrd  investigation — he  detied 
gentlemen  to  disprove  an  mom  of  what  hi'  hail  as- 
serted. And,  to  ]iiit  tills  truth  in  the  strongest 
light,  he  re[ieated  that  the  highest  nnd  most  ob. 
noxious  duties,  those  ablioried  niinimums,  against 
which  gentlemen  had  wasted  iiieh  furious  denun- 
ciations, presented  pieii.-.e|y  ihe  very  cases  where  ' 
the  reduction  of  price  hail  been  the  greatest.  Those 
duties,  it  is  said,  now  amounled  to  two  and  three 
hundred  percent,  m/rn/mfm.  And  why?  HecniLse 
they  were  fixed  specific  duties.  They  reiiiained  ' 
stationary,  however  prices  might  change;  and,  of 
course,  as  the  price  went  down,  the  duly  bore  n 
larger  and  still  larger  proportion  to  it.  At  first, 
the  duty  was,  say,  half  the  price  of  the  article;  as 
the  price  declined,  the  duly  became  equal  to  the 
price;  then  it  became  greater  than  the  price;  then 
double  the  price;  and,  at  length,  treble;  nnd  then 
gentlemen  exclaimed  in  horror,  "  What  anabom- 
iniible  duty  !  It  is  three  hundred  per  cent,  on  the 
total  value  of  the  article  !  What  horrible  profits! 
How  the  duty  must  raise  the  price!"  when,  all 
the  while,  the  duty  remained  the  same,  nnd  its 
effect  had  lieen,  not  to  increase,  but  to  bring  down 
the  price  to  one-third  of  what  it  was — from  thirty  ' 
cents  down  to  ten  cents  per  yard;  and  this  was 
robbery  and  plunder !  And  still  the  gentleman  ' 
Slid  it  was  an  absurdiiy,  which  no  man  could  swal- 
low, to  say  that  the  higher  Ihe  proteclive  duty  the 
lowerlhe  price.  Now,  .Mr.  S.  would  venture  to  say, 
that  if  the  duty  on  iron  ajiU  ita  manufactures  were  ' 


increased  lo-morrow  five  hundred  percent-,  Ihe 
rnpid  rush  of  capital  into  Ihiit  business,  nnd  Ihe 
vast  increase  of  supply  would  be  such,  and  Ihe 
cohsenuent  reiliictinn  of  price  so  great,  that  Ihe 
I'liileii  (Slates  would  soon  supply  the  world  with 
iron,  its  capacity  for  iirodnclion  being  unlimited, 
lie  had  slated  facts,  showing  that  high  duties  had 
lu'odiired  low  prices.  Can  the  gentleman  deny 
ihi'in?  There  ihey  stand  on  impregnable  founda- 
tions, firm  as  the  hills !  Let  the  gentleman  nnd  his 
friends  disprove  them  as  they  can.  That  such  is 
the  practicid  operation  of  the  system,  is  fully  es- 
tablished by  the  fact,  that  whilst  manufactures  of 
■arioiis  kinds  had  ileelineil  to  one-fourth  of  iheir 
former  price,  ffgnciifturnt  produce  and  the  irdjrfs  of 
laboi  had  iiiiderwent  little  or  no  lediiction,  ijwing 
lo  the  e  insiantly  increasing  home  demand  for  both, 
resulling  from  the  protective  policy.  He  submitted 
it  as  a  nnlter  of  fact,  known  to  every  man,  wiannii 
and  child,  in  the  conntry,  where  manufactures  ex- 
isted,'hat  they  fiiiiil  Inf  fitr  manufactured  goods, 
and  i7Cfii'C(/  tutur  fortlieir  liihoyi\iu\  /irof/ifcr, owing 
to  an  inciinseil  demnnil.  Yet,  in  the  face  of  these 
ninver..ially  admitted  fiicts,  we  are  told  every  day 
on  this  lloor,  that  the  tariff  incrwises  prices,  nnd 
robs  nnd  plunders  the  farmers  ! 

Iliit  Mr.  S.  wished  to  he  understood  correctly. 
He  did  not  say  that  the  ell'ecl  of  all  duties  was  lo 
diminish  prices;  on  the  contrary,  he  did  not  deny 
that  it  was  the  etiect  of  some  duties  to  incrense 
prices.  Iiiit  what  he  said  was  this:  that  duties 
levied  on  articles  we  coiilil  niake,  to  the  extent  of 
our  own  wants,  and  with  a  view  tr  protect  and  in- 
cM'ase  (Hir  own  manufactures,  did  in  all  cases  oper- 
aic,  in  the  end,  lo  lower  prices,  by  increasing  capital, 
ciHn)ictiiiim,  anil  supply.  Data's  Imposed  on  for- 
eign articles  which  we  coiihl  not  mnkeforoiir.sclvcs, 
would  generally  increase  the  prices,  because  ihey 
did  not  increase  the  supply  by  increasing  home 
I'oinpetilion.  His  position  was  this:  ilv4ie!i  lericil 
for  rrvniuf  an  articles  icr  riintwt  produce,  grvernthj 
inrtrasrd  pciccv;  trhilnl  pnittrliir  iluliex,  trrieil  on 
itiiirttn  vr  can  and  <lo  jirodiirr,  ahrmjs,  in  Ihe  end, 
diminhhed  jtriee.^.  The  truth  of  both  these  jiropo- 
silions  was  proved  by  undeniable  farts,  and  by  all 
experience.  And  the  reason  was  just  as  obvious 
as  the  fact.  When  the  supply  of  an  article  was 
not  equal  to  the  demand,  he  ndmilteil  the  iinine- 
dinte  efl'cct  of  a  high  duty  might  for  the  moment 
incrciso  the  price  and  profits  of  its  nianulaciure, 
but  this  very  increase  induced  capital  to  rush  into 
it,  and  the  eonipelition  and  increased  supply  result- 
ing, soon  brought  down  the  price  nnd  profits  In  the 
lowest  rales,  proving  ihe  truth  of  the  proposition, 
that  the  "  higher  the  duty,  the  lower  the  price." 
The  impositiim  of  a  duty  on  an  article  produced 
here,  gave  an  impulse  lo  American  enterprise;  the 
minhiiiery  employed  in  its  prodiielion  was  studied 
ami  improved;  an  increased  supply  was  the  natural 
conseipienee;  and  increased  sup]ily,  while  the  de- 
mand r<  iiiaineil  the  same,  must  always  diminish 
prices.  \V(nild  the  gentleman  undertake  ti)  deny 
that  Ihe  proporlinn  lietween  demand  and  supply 
regulated  puce?  Mr.  iS.  hnrilly  thought  that  he 
wiailil  go  :io  far  as  that,  lint,  as  the  gentleman 
had  a.iserted  that  duties  raised  prices,  hewns  bound 
lo  prove  the  truth  of  his  position  by  quoting  fncts. 
The  mnn  who  asserted  a  thing  lo  be  n  fact  was 
bound  to  prove  it,  in  court  or  out  of  coiirl.  As  a 
lawyer  the  gentleman  knew  this  lo  be  so.  Now, 
Mr.  S.  challenged  the  gi'ntleman  to  put  his  finger 
on  one  solitary  ca.sc  where  his  assertion  was  Irue. 
What  one  jirnlrr/rd  article,  the  product  of  .Anieri- 
inn  skill  nnd  industry,  had  been  permnnently  in- 
creased in  price,  after  the  duties,  however  high, 
had  been  first  impo.seil  for  its  protection?  Mr.  S. 
hail  challenged  gentlemen,  one  and  all,  lo  point  out 
a  .vingle  nrticle,  a  pin  or  a  needle,  the  price  nf  which 
had  been  increased  after  the  imposition  of  a  pro- 
teclive duty.  They  had  failed  lo  do  it.  He  had 
called  on  them  at  ihe  commencement  of  the  session 
lo  hunt  up  some  article.  Nearly  six  months  had 
elapsed,  yet  ihey  had  failed  In  find  one;  and  he 
now  called  on  genllenieti  lo  point  out  one  if  Ihey 
could.  He  heard  no  answer.  No  article  could  be 
found.  And  yet,  gentlemen  stood  up  in  the  face 
of  the  country  nnd  the  world,  and  advanced  the 
position  that  proteclive  duties  always  increased 
prices.  Mr.  S.  made  his  appeal  lo  facts.  Lei  ge n- 
tlinieii  meet  him  with  facts.  They  could  not;  ihey 
dealt  altogether  in  assertions  against  facis.  Now 
if,  as  Mr.  ij.  hud  proved,  protective  duties  had  not 


inerriaed,  but  reduced  prices,  what  liccnmc  of  all 
this  clamor  about  high  prices,  robbery,  oppres- 
sion, nnd  pluniler?  It  vanished  into  thin  air;  it 
had  no  foundntion  In  stand  on;  nnd  gcnilenieii 
were  bound  by  Iheir  own  princiides  lo  go  for  the 
protective  policy,  which  reduced  the  price  of  mnnii- 
faclured  goods  liy  increasing  the  supply;  whilst, 
on  Ihe  other  hand,  it  iiicrcMseil  the  price  by  in- 
creasing the  demainl  for  agricultural  produce,  nnd 
enhanced  the  wages  of  labor  by  increasing  its  em- 
ployments. 

THE    EFFECT    OF    THE    TAIIIFF    ON    LABUR    ANU   IN- 
VESTED CAPITAL. 

But  gentlemen  said,  that  while  the  InrifT  was 
oppressive  on  the  interests  of  agricullure  nnd  of 
labor,  it  was  highly  beneficial  lo  invested  caiiital, 
lo  the  rich  monopolists,  the  lorils  of  the  loom. 
Now,  Mr.  S.  said  that  just  the  reverse  of  this  was 
true.  While  protection  greatly  benefited  both  ag- 
riculture and  labor,  it  was  but  a  small  ndvaniage, 
if  any,  to  rtnlrd  capilal.  The  gentleman  and  his 
friends,  without  knowing  it,  were  in  fact  doing 
more  for  the  benefit  of  reslcdcapilid,\ty  keeping  np 
this  agitation  and  opposition  to  the  tarifl',  and 
thereby  establishing  a  monopoly  by  checking  com- 
petition, than  all  the  tarilT  men  in  that  lioiise  put 
together.  In  the  ea.se  of  vested  capital  the  tariff 
had  done  its  work;  it  had  built  the  nianufiictories 
up;  it  hail  introduced  improved  macliinery  and  in- 
creased skill;  it  had  done  nil  that  fixed  capilal  re- 
quired. Vested  capital  was  now  on  its  feet — it 
could  get  along  without  help.  They  had  exported 
during  the  last  year  between  finirand  fivi'  millions 
of  dollars  worth  of  co'loii  cloth;  they  had  beaten 
the  llritish  out  of  their  own  markets.  The  great 
manufacturers  nf  these  goods  feared  no  foreign 
competition;  Ihey  had  overcome  that,  and  Gre:il 
Britain  was  compelled  lo  impn.se  discriminating 
duties  in  her  East  India  colonies  on  American  cnt- 
lon.s — first  8,  then  10,  and  finally  1.5  and  30  per 
cent.,  to  enable  her  manufacturers  lokeep  the  pos- 
session of  her  own  colonial  markeis.  Oijr  inanii- 
fiiciurers  had  thus  beaten  down  British  competi- 
tion in  the  Chinese  nnd  oilier  foreign  mnrkels. 
What  invested  capital  now  feared,  v^as  .\nierican 
competition  at  home.  But  gentlemen  exnltingly 
say,  if  you  can  beat  the  foreigner,  what  do  you 
want  wiili  protection?  I  answer,  the  invested  cap- 
ital in  these  branches  don't  want  il.  But  I  wnnt 
it,  not  In  favor  them,  but  to  encourage  further  in- 
vestments, and  build  up  compelitinil  elsewhere. 
The  protective  Inrilf  raised  ngnuisl  them  that  very 
competition.  While  advocating,  therefore,  the 
cnntinuance  of  onr  existing  tarifi',  and  resisting  its 
reduction,  Mr.  S.  was  working  in  the  most  direct 
and  efficient  manner  for  the  interests  of  American 
labor — he  wns  resisting  fnrei;.'n;  lie  was  going  for 
the  interests  of  the  American  farmers  and  the 
American  laborers,  and  not  for  the  interests  of  large 
vested  capital;  he  went  to  dij^lroy  existing  monop- 
oly, by  increasing  inveslmenis  and  competition — 
the  only  thing  that  could  destroy  il.  Il  was  Ihe 
gentlemen,  nnd  those  who  ncieif  with  !lieni,by 
keeping  np  this  Inrilf  agitation,  who  wecniding 
vested  capital.  This  agitation  operated  to  check 
new  investnients,  and  of  coarse  to  promote  and 
secure  monopoly.  Those  who  were  contempla- 
ting the  il. vestment  nf  new  capital  would  defer  it. 
One  would  say  to  nnolher,  "Don't  build  anew 
mill  or  furnace  now  ,  Ihe  tarifl'  is  going  In  be  re- 
duced." Mr.  S.  knew  this  to  be  true.  He  hail 
lieani  of  twelve  large  cnnifninies  who  had  inlended 
to  build  furnaces  in  Pennsylvania  this  spring,  but 
had  suspended  their  pnrpo.se  till  they  should  see 
what  Congress  would  do  with  the  tarifl"  at  the 
present  session.  Did  this  hurt  those  who  already 
owned  manufaciuring  establishments?  Certainly 
not;  il  was  the  very  thing  to  aid  them.  This  gave 
New  England  a  monopoly;  it  secured  in  her  hands 
that  which  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  and  the 
people  of  thi'  South  most  wanted.  They  wanted 
prntcction — New  England  could  do  witlinul  it. 
Virginia  wanted  it,  North  Carolina  wanted  il,  so 
did  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  and  all  the  West. 
They  wanted  protection  to  build  them  up;  in  New 
England  the  laritf  had  done  its  work — it  had  ful- 
filled its  office.  New  England  might  now  say  to 
this  Govermuent,  "  Eatlier,  1  am  now  of  age;  I 
am  on  my  own  feet;  I  can  make  my  way  through 
the  world;  I  have  met  John  Bull  and  beat  him;  I 
thank  you  very  much  fur  what  you  have  dune  fur 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


937 


i29TH  Cong 1st  Sr88. 


The  Protective  Policy — Mr.  Stewart. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


)f  nil 
liroN- 
it 
'liirii 
'  (he 

IXIMI- 

sl, 
y  in- 
nnd 
I  cm- 


i.iiit 


getliiig  furly  or  fifty.  Tliia  wim  u  )(reut  error:  l>ut, 
if  iriic,  wuH  it  not  u  free  couiilry?  Wlio  gave  New 
Eni;luHd  exclusive  privilcgcH?  Why  did  not  tlio 
Sdulli  cngiiKC  in  the  siimc  forty  or  fifty  per  cent. 
iiiiaincxs,  inHlCiid  of  working  on  at  four  or  five? 
Why  did  not  ihey  comnirnoc  with  coume  fiibrica, 
miiiltt  from  their  own  cotton,  juHt  iih  New  England  j 
hud  done  before  ihcin?  But  New  li^ngland  was  ! 
now  pnNHing  from  that  Bta^'c,  iind  Koin};  into  the 
hii;hi'r  and  finer  branches.  The  South,  ho  was 
Klad  to  learn,  were  now  commencing.  True,  llicy 
were  yet  in  the  A  II  C  of  the  buHincss;  (hey  were 
in  their  infancy;  they  wanted  the  fostering  r^ire 
and  protection  of  Uovcriunent.  The  tarifl'  on  the 
coarse  fabrics  was  now  for  their  benefit.  New 
Kntfland  wanted  it  no  longer  on  the  ciiarKC,  but 
only  on  the  higher  and  finer  fabrics,  in  which  they 
were  now  strugKlni?  W'th  foreigners,  who  were 
endeavoring  to  break  them  down  by  flooding  our 
markets  with  these  articles  ut  an  under-value, 
hoping  to  indemnify  .themselves  for  temporary 
losses  by  future  exorbitant  prices,  extorted  from 
us  when  American  competition  is  put  down  and 
destroyed. 

Mr.  S.  said  he  had  been  greatly  amused  by  lis- 
tening to  the  ingenious  but  sophisticjil  reasoning 
of  gentlemen  who  hud  gone  into  extended  cidcula- 
'  tions  to  prove  that  cotton  maiuifiiclurers  were  now 
;  realizing  100  per  cent.,  clear  profits,  annually — 
I  yes,  exactly  100  per  cent.  Yet  the  fact  was  noto- 
rious— seen  in  all  the  eastern  papers — that  the 
stocks  of  those  very  manufacturing  csuiblishmcnts 
were  selling  every  day,  on  change,  often  below  par. 
i  Would  men  realizing  100  per  cent,  sell  ihcir  slock 
gentlemen  look  at  llie  Laurel  Factory,  not  fur  from  '[  under  par?  Or  would  other  capitalists  sulTer  it  to 
ihis  city.  The  proprietor  of  that  fanioiy  lately  '  be  thus  sold  ?  Besides,  if  these  calculations  of  gen- 
bought  the  ground  on  which  it  stood  for  five  (lof.  ','  ilemen  be  correct,  do  they  not  sec,  at  a  glance,  that 
lars  an  acir;  and  the  same  nrinirielnr  wa.^  now  j  all  the  capital  of  the  country  (for  capital  is  cpiick 
trying  to  purchase  land  in  llie  ncighlxuhood  at  ,  and  clear-sighted)  would  rush  at  once  into  this  100 
firty,  and  could  not  get  it.  This  was  the  cdect  of'  per  cent,  business — capital  from  England,  and  all 
givinsj  the  fanners  n  market.  Manufacturing  cs-  '  Europe,  would  soon  be  into  it,  and  what  then? 
lablislimcnts  multiplied  the  value  of  farms  in  ihcir  ]  The  business  would  soon  be  overdone— and  then 
vicinity  often  len,  twenty,  and  sometimes,  mineral  ||  wliat?     It  would  become  the  very  worst  business 


me,  and  I  will  be  a  burden  on  you  no  longer;  now 
lake  care  of  the  younger  brancnes  of  the  family." 

The  rest  of  ihc  country  wiia  comparatively 
young  in  manufactures.  They  still  needed  the 
liclping  hand  of  Government;  they  wanted  pro- 
tection in  their  infancy.  New  England  was  mag- 
nanimous and  patriotic;  she  wished  to  see  other 
portions  of  the  country  prosper  by  following  her 
example;  when  the  Soulli  and  West  supplied,  as 
they  could,  the  coarser  goods,  she  would  go  to 
work  on  the  finer  fabrics.  Did  nut  gentlemen  sec 
that  by  reducing  the  tarilTthey  were  checking  in- 
vestments in  their  own  country  and  in  mine,  in 
ihe  South  and  West,  and  thereby  securing  u  mo- 
nopoly and  high  profits  to  vested  capital,  wherever 
it  existed,  which  could  only  be  reduced  by  enlarged 
competition  nt  home?  Was  not  this  true?  Was  ! 
it  not  common  scn.se?  He  put  it  to  every  man's  i 
understanding.  It  was  not  only  common  sense, 
but,  what  was  more,  it  was  proved  by  universal 
experience.  j 

To  show  the  practical  opcrotion  of  the  protect-  i 
ivo  pidicy,  he  would  take, by  way  of  illustrttion, 
the  neighboring  iron  works  nt  Mount  Savage,  near 
Cumberland.     That  establishment  has  been  built  i 
up  within  a  few  yeors.     Some  time  before  it  w-s  \ 
commenced  land  could  be  bought  there  fc  two  and 
three  dollars  an  acre,  which  could  not  now  be  pur-  j 
cha.sed  under  twenty  or  thirty  dollars;  and  mineral 
lands  had  lately  been  sold  at  hundreds  of  dollars  per 
acre,  whii:h,  a  few  years  before  these  improve-  , 
menis  were  made,  were  comparatively  worthless.  , 
Such   were  the  cITecIs  of  the   protective  policy.  1 
Was  this  system  hurtful  to  agriculture?    Tlicn  let ; 


lands,  a  hundred  fold.  And  what  was  it.s  cfTect 
uj)on  labor?  Did  it  not  increase  the  price  of  labor?  i 
What  raised  prices,  but  an  incicased  demand?! 
What  depressed  prices  but  the  destruction  of  cm-  I 
ployinenl?  The  protective  policy,  by  increasing  ' 
•lie  number  of  niaiiufacturiiig  establisllmenl^:,  of 
course  increased  the  number  of  persons  employed 


in  the  world.  Gentlemen  must  be  very  credulous 
themselves,  or  think  others  so,  to  indulge  in  such 
absurdities.  Business  was  like  a  pendulum — if 
you  give  it  a  strong  impulse  in  one  direction,  the 
reaction  was  sure  to  carry  it  as  far  in  the  opposite 
direction.  If  any  branch  of  business,  by  protec- 
tion or  otherwise,  become  highly  profilable,  the 


in  them,  tlieicby  creating  a  Treater  demand  and     rush  of  capitjd  into  it  woulil  soon  bring  it  down  to 
higher  wages  fur  labor.     I      orersof  all  descrip-     the  very  lowest  rales  of  profit, 
tions  flock  to  the  furnaces — coal-digsers,  clioiiiiers,   [ 

teamsters,  and  a  thousand  others.     Now.  suppose   !  ^'>"''''  <"'  ''"''  """^"- 

the  gctleinan  should  quit  his  agitation,  make  no  ■  How  was  it  that  southern  gentlemen  could  shut 
more  appeals  to  party,  and  no  more  anti-tarifl'  their  eyes  to  tlie  result  of  their  own  unwise  policy? 
speeclics,  what  would  be  the  eireci-  AVould  not  Let  them  look  how  they  stood,  and  then  look  at 
others  go  to  building  up  new  establishments?  And  the  North.  The  North  applied  their  shoulder  to 
would  not  that  furnish  new  markets  for  farmers,  the  wheel;  they  went  to  work  to  belter  thci'  con- 
and  employment  for  labor  of  nil  sorts?  The  Mount  /  dition;  they  husbanded  their  own  resources;  they 
Savage  works  employed  in  various  ways,  on  the  employed  and  diversified  their  labor;  lliey  lived 
ground  and  in  the  neighborhood,  four  or  five  thou-  '  upon  their  own  means;  kept  their  money  at  homo 
sand  men.  Let  three  or  four  more  such  establish-  i  to  reward  their  own  industry,  instead  offoolishly 
ments  go  up  in  that  vicinity,  and  you  would  have  sending  it  abroad  to  purcha.se  what  they  could  so 
at  once  a  demand  for  three  or  four  times  as  many  well  and  so  profitalily  supply  at  home.  But  South 
hands,  and  fur  all  .sorUi  of  agricultural  produce  in  Carolina  and  her  southern  sisters  would  touch 
the  same  proportion.  IIow,  then,  could  gentle-  neither  hammer  nor  shuttle.  They  sent  away 
men  as."ert  that  the  protective  policy  favored  in- '  their  money  to  New  England,  or  to  old  Englnml. 
vested  cnpilat,  and  was  oppressive  to  labor  and  And  what  was  the  consequence  of  these  two  op- 
ugyicnltiiye? 

[Mr.  Holmes,  of  South  Carolina,  put  n  ques-'; 
tion   to  Mr.  Stewaiit,  whether  all  this  was  not 
done  by  taxing  the  South  for  the  benefit  of  New 
England?]  ;; 

The  gentleman  asked  whether  all  Ihis  benefit 
did    not   grow    out   of   a    tax    upon    ihc    South?  j 
Mr.  S.  would  answer  the  gentleman:  if  these  fac- 
tories were  built  by  Government,  then  this  might, 
to  some  extent,  be  true.     But  they  were  built,  not 
by  Government,  but  by  individual  enterprise;  and  ,j 
what  sort  of  a  tax  was  it  upon  the  South  to  give  , 
them  better  goods  for  one-fourth  the  price  they 
Cormerly  paid  ?     Mr.  S.   said   he  was  veiT  sorry  j 
that    Ilia   excellent    friend   from    South   Caioliiia  | 
should  feel  such  deep  regret  at  the  prosperity  of 
New  England.     If  he  thought  that  New  England  ' 
was  getting  rich  by  manufactures,  he  would  advise  / 
liim  to  go  home  and  do  likewise — to  follow  their  [] 
example,  and  grow  rich   also.     The  gentleniim  | 
said  tiiat  the  planters  of  the  South  were  working 
the  whole  year  for  a  profit  of  four  or  five  percent 


posite  systems?  South  Carolina  was  poor  and  de 
pendant,  while  New  England  was  independent 
and  prosperous.  South  Carolina,  when  the  Fed- 
eral Conslitution  was  adopted,  had  five  Represent- 
atives, North  Carolina  five,  and  Virginia  len  Rep- 
resentatives on  this  floor.  They  all  cherished  a 
deodly  hostility  to  everything  connected  with  the 
manufactures,  internal  improvements, and  progress 
of  every  kind.  They  denied  to  this  Government 
the  power  of  self-protection  ami  (■clf-improvement; 
they  went  for  the  stand-still,  lie-down,  go-lo-sleep, 
lel-us-alone,  do-nothing  policy;  they  had  Iried  to 
live  on  whip-syllabub  political  metaphysics  and 
constitutional  abstractinns,  until  it  had  nearly 
starved  them  to  death,  while  the  northern  States 
had  wisely  pursued  the  opr'osite  policy;  and  what 
had  been  the  ellcct  on  tiieir  relative  prosperity? 
New  York  began  with  six  Representatives  in  that 
Hall,  now  she  had  thirty-four.  Pennsylvanin  be- 
gan with  eight,  and  now  she  had  twenty-four. 
Virginia,  with  North  and  South  Carolina,  had 
_,  _  ,  ,  commenced  with  twenty  Representatives,  and  now 

while  the  manufacturers  of  New  England  were  ll  they  have,  altogether,  but  thirty,  and  New  York 


alone  has  thirty-four.  Such  aro  the  fruits  of  ihe 
opposite  sy»lcnis  of  policy  adopted  by  the  Norih 
and  South.  Judge  the  tree  by  its  fruits,  Will 
men  never  lenrn  wisdimi  from  expericnco?  Hfl 
would  rejoice  to  see  the  South  as  prosperoui  and 
as  hnp|>y  as  the  North.  They  had  all  the  cle- 
]  ments  of'^weullh  and  (iroapcrity  in  profusion  around 
them — the  raw  mnUjriuls  and  breudstuirs,  minerals, 
and  water-power  in  abundance,  running  to  waste. 
If  tliey  would  allow  him  to  oiler  them  advice,  it 
would  be,  to  abandon  an  exploded  and  ruinous 
policy;  follow  the  (xample  of  the  North,  and 
share  in  their  prosperity.  Instead  of  coining  here 
repining  and  complaiiiing  that  the  North  was  rich 
and  prosperous,  making  40  or  50  per  cent,  profit 
on  their  capital,  whilst  the  South  realixed  but  4  or 
I),  just  turn  round,  (iiiit  your  4  or  5  per  cent, 
profits,  and  go  to  wiulc  ut  what  you  allege  yields 
4U  or  50.  If  the  turill'  was  confined  to  the  North, 
you  might  complain;  but  it  was  free  to  ull  alike — 
North  and  South,  East  and  West.  CJo  to  the  liain- 
mer  and  the  loom,  the  furnace  and  the  forge,  and 
become  prosjieruus  in  your  turn.  All  these  bless- 
ings arc  within  your  reach,  if  you  will  but  put 
forth  your  hands  to  grasp  them;  they  are  oflcred 
freely  to  your  acceptance.  You  enjoy  great  ad- 
vaiilnges.  You  have  not  only  all  the  advantages 
enjoyed  by  the  North  for  manufacturing,  but  you 
have  others  superadded;  you  supply  the  raw  ma- 
terial, and,  above  ull,  you  have  liihor  tcUhout  iviiffii, 
perfectly  availobic  for  such  purposes;  the  hands 
of  the  young  and  old,  now  useless  fop  the  field, 
might  in  fuclories  become  highly  profitable  uiitl 
productivo  operatives.  Take  hold,  then,  on  the 
sumo  industry  which  had  made  New  England 
great,  and  especially  on  those  brunches  of  it  which 
j  New  England  now  could  and  would  spare.  Then 
1^  South  Carolina  would  be,  thus  far,  independent 
!j  both  of  New  England  and  of  all  the  world.  She 
!  could  no  longer  hope  to  compete  with  Texas  and 
II  the  rich  lands  of  the  southwest  in  the  prnductioii 
j  of  cotton.  Hei  worn  out  fields  must  sink  in  the 
I  contest  with  the  virgin  .soil  of  the  new  Slates. 

I  Then  let  her  address  herself  to  manul'actures.  The 
i  gentleman  from  South  Carolina  seemed  to  observe, 
j    with  grief  and  envy,  that  New  England  was  en- 

;  Joying  profits  of  from  40  to  50  percent.    That  was 

I I  not  true;  but  what  if  it  was?  If  she  nave  that  to 
j  South  Carolina  for  six  cents  per  yard  which  Caro- 
|j  linn  once  could  not  get  from  abroad  under  ihirty- 
|i  six,  the  question  for  Carolina  to  look  nt  was,  not 
I'  what  profits  New  England  mo(/f,  but  what  prices 
|!  she  cliaigrd  her.    Tlial  j;eiillemun  wanted  his  Slate 

j  to  go  to  old  England  for  all  she  required.  We  were 
I  all  to  depend  upon  Europe  for  our  manufactured 
I  articles.  Foreign  countries  were  to  enjoy  exclu- 
sively the  profilable  business  yielding  40  and  50 
ji  |ier  cent.,  while  we  were  all  to  turn  farmers,  and 
I  join  the  gentleman  in  working,  ns  he  said,  for  the 

I  profit  of  4  and  5  per  cent.,  (and  when  all  became 
:  farmers  it  would  be  ten  limi.s  worse.)  Compe- 
ij  tilion  having  ceased,  old  England  would  again 
.,  make  the  gentleman  pay  twenty-five  cents  a  yard 

I  for  what  New  England  now  oflcred  them  for  six. 

II  Was  not  this  patriotic?  Was  it  not  u  noble,  an 
jj  enlarged  American   policy?     England  was  to  be 

I  allowed  to  monopolize  all  the  profitable  business, 

J  the    result  of  laoor-.'.aving   machinery,  while   we 

;  were  to  content  our.selvcs  wiih  the  plough  and  the 

hoe,  and  profits  at  the  rate  of  2  or  3  percent.  Was 

that  the  policy  for  America  to  pursue?  They  might 

be  Americans  who  recommended  it,  but  they  svcie 

certainly  playing  into  the  hands  of  our  trnnsailanlic 

competitors.    If  manulMctiiriiig  wassuch  profilable 

',   business  as  these  gentlemen  represented  it  to  be, 

why  not  let  Americans  have  it  rather  than  foieigu- 

'   CIS?    Why  not  keep  our  money  and  our  profiis  to 

:'  ourselves,  instead  of  giving  both  to  the  labor  of 

1   Great  Britain?  The  profiis  of  manufaciuring  were 

:  chiefly  owing  to  an  enlarged  market,  and  to  the 

'  use  and  constant  improvement  of  labor-saving  ma- 

I   chinery.     The  .saving  of  labor  and  increase  of  hu- 

I  man  power  produced  in  this  manner  was  almost 
j    incalculable.    By  its  aid  one  feeble  woman  or  child 

I I  was  enabled  to  accomplish  more  in  a  day  than 
I   would  pay  for  the  productions  of  forty  able-bodied, 

I  hard-hundcd  men  without  it.  Did  gentlemen  de- 
li sire,  and  was  it  their  policy,  to  let  England  enjoy 

all  this  benefit,  and  keep  it  to  herself  as  a  monop- 
i]  oly?    It  was  ihis  labor-saving  machinery, and  this 

II  alone,  that  kept  the  British  Government  from 
"  bankruptcy.    This  prolific  spmce  of  wealth  and 


938 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Mnrch  14  &  May  27, 


i2i)TH  CoNfl I  SIT  Se88. 


The  Protective  Policy — Mr.  Stewart. 


Ilo.  or  Reps. 


power  ennblcd  the  British  people  to  (land  up  tin- 
der II  debt  or  (i4,U00,()0U,(HI0,  (iiid  pay  tiixen  to 
the  Unvernmcnt  nmniiiiliiig  to  more  tlinii  HSM),- 
OtH),(KK)  every  yeiir.  Thin  wn«  llio  resiill  of  her 
iiiiincniie  Inhor-Bnviiig  maohiiiery,  eslimHlcd  to  he 
eqiiiil  to  the  Inhor  of  eight  millions  of  men.  Wiia 
it  the  policy  of  {•entlcmcn  to  let  En!;lnnd  have  this 
proiltnhle  hiininens  of  nianiifaclurin;;  nil  to  herself? 
Tlidt  st'cnicd  to  he  the  policy  of  the  Secretary  of 
till)  Treasury.  Indeed,  he  had  avowed  it  in  his 
rrpori  to  he  his  fettled  policy  to  hreak  down  the 
niiinnfnctiirers  of  our  own  country,  and  derive  his 
revenue  from  British  and  other  foreign  goods.  His 
poliry  WHS,  in  his  own  words,  to  prevent  "  Ihe 
mhtitulinn  nf  domtstic  rivnl  prnihiela  for  impoilfil 
arlieUf."  This  policy  nf  sulmliliiling  .Imrririm  fiir 
/wpi^fii  (fooiii,  he  miys,  jh  iiijiiiioua  to  the  revenue, 
and  must  he  arrested  by  reducing  the  duties  ho  as 
to  let  in  thi;  productions  of  foreign  lalior,  and  thus 
break  down  American  mechanics  and  mnnufac- 
tiiiTrs,  and  put  an  end  to  this  growing  evil  of 
"siiliilidid'nR'  .7iiifricaii  rirnl  ftrmltitts  for  foreign 
i;noih."  This  scniiment  the  Secretary  has  repealed 
several  times  in  his  report.  (Sec  pages  ;i  and  C.) 
His  policy  was  to  increase  the  revenue  hy  increas- 
ing importations;  and,  as  he  would  reduce  the 
average  of  duties  to  one-third,  of  course,  to  get  the 
same  amount  of  revenue,  wo  must  add  one-third  to 
our  imports.  This  was  manifest  and  undeniahlc.  ' 
Our  present  imports  ninounted  to  $l()0,000,(HK)i  to  ^ 
carry  nut  the  ."Secretary's  iiliin  we  must  raise  them 
In  *i.'il),(MK>,(H)0.  Our  exports  were  ahout  *1IH),- 
fl(K»,0(M),  and  of  course  *5U,000,(H)0  in  specie  would  | 
be  required  annually  to  pay  the  balance.  The 
whole  specie  of  Ihe  country  Imd  never  been  esti- 
malcd  at  more  than  $80,000,000.  How,  then,  was  ! 
this  policy  to  work  ?  How  was  he  to  make  up 
this  deficit.'  Not  from  the  hanks,  for  they  would 
lie  broken  up  within  the  very  first  year  of  such  a 
system;  and  then  what  was  Mr.  Secretary  going  ' 
to  do  for  his  revenue.'  The  duty  on  forcijjn  iron,  | 
he  tells  us,  is  ^!>  per  cent.  He  was  for  reducing  it  i 
to  30  per  cent.,  less  than  one-half.  We  must,  of  | 
course,  import  more  than  double  the  amount  of  i 
forign  iron  to  get  the  present  amount  of  revenue, 
and  to  that  extent  break  up  American  supply. 
Now,  it  wa.s  impossible  to  make  our  people  double 
their  consumption,  and  so  the  result  must  neces- 
sarily be  to  get  them  to  take  foreign  goods  where 
they  now  took  domestic,  thu.s  supplying  the  de- 
mand from  abroad,  and  of  course  destroying  the 
domestic  article  to  that  extent.  Was  not  all  this 
plain?  Could  any  man  in  his  senses  deny  it?  And 
then,  besides,  where  was  the  Secretary  going  to 
get  the  money  to  pay  ("or  all  these  foreign  goods  ? 
There  was  the  rub.  The  genileninn  from  Virginia 
(Mr.  Bayi.v]  talked  about  exporting  potatoes  to 
Ireland.  Export  potatoes  to  Irelrnd!  llcwnuld 
tell  ihnt  uenileman  that  lasi  ye.ir  we  imported 
3n,3^7  bushels,  paying  a  duly  of  10  cents  per 
bushel — 15,04.5  from  Ireland,  while  Ireland  tnnk 
of  all  our  grain  only  7!(0  bushels  of  corn,  not  a 
haricl  of  Hour,  cornmcal,  or  a  bushel  of  gri.in,  or 
its  produclinns  in  any  other  form.  The  whole  nf 
our  mighty  expnrt  of  brcadstufl's  to  Kngland,  .Scot- 
land, and  Ireland,  amounted  t'l  less  than  t^'.^4,000, 
less  '.lian  one-fourth  of  a  million,  less  thnn  could 
be  furnished  by  a  ainj^le  weslern  county.  Potatoes 
were  cheaper  in  Ireland  thnn  in  the  United  States, 
yet  the  ptnplc  arc  starving,  because  they  had  no 
proleclinn  against  England,  no  money,  no  employ- 
men/.  This  was  the  effect  of  "  free  trade"  with 
Ensland,  and  it  was  precisely  the  condition  into 
which  "free  trade"  with  England  would  soon 
bring  this  country  if  it  were  adopted.  "  Free 
trade"  with  England  reminded  him  of  an  anecdote 
nf  an  Irishman,  who,  when  complaining  of  starva- 
tion in  Ireland,  was  usked  whether  poiiitocs  were 
not  very  cheap.  He  answered,  "Chape!  the  Lord 
love  ye,  they're  but  saxpenccii  bushel."  "  How  is 
it,  then,  you  are  starving?  "Just  bekase  we  have 
no  work,  and  can't  get  the  siixpence."  (A  laugh. 1 
Such  were  the  fruits  of  exchanging  agricullural 
producis  for  manufactured  goods — the  products  of 
manual  laljorforthc  products  of  machinery — work- 
ing the  hoc  against  the  loom.  Such  had  been,  and 
always  would  be,  the  result  of  this  miserable  sys- 
tem of  policy,  whenever  and  wherever  adopted. 

T.^XATION.  i 

Next,  the  gentleman  complained  of  taxation.    If 
protective  duties,  as  he  had  proved, nrfttccd  prices. 


where  wni  the  taxation  ?  BCit  auppnio  it  to  be  ad- 
mitted that  the  duties  on  foreign  goods  arc  added 
to  the  price.  Then,  I  iwk,  what  tax  did  farmers 
and  laborers  now  pay  the  United  States  ?  Nothing. 
Many  of  them  used  nothing  hut  domestics.  They 
bought  no  foreign  goods  except  tea  and  coffee,  and 
they  were  free.  Thousands  and  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  our  people  don't  pay  a  dollar  a  year  into 
the  national  triiuiury,  anil  thousands  not  a  cent. 
How  wi'Uld  it  be  under  a  syslcni  of  direct  luxa- 
tion? The  burdens  of  the  Eederal  Government 
would  fall  on  farmers  and  laborers  more  heavily 
than  the  heaviest  State  taxation.  Unilcr  a  system 
of  direct  tax  the  proportion  of  Pennsylvania  would 
be  three  millions  a  yc;ar — more  than  double  her 
present  heavy  State  taxation.  But  nil  these  bur- 
dens put  together  arc  nothing  compared  to  the 
taxes  imposed  on  us  by  the  British.  To  form  an 
idea  of  its  extent,  let  cveiy  gentleman  ascerlain 
the  number  of  stores  selling  IMtinh  goods  in  his  dis- 
trict. These  merchants  are  all  lax-?athercra  for 
England,  taking  millions  and  tens  of  millions  nf 
specie  from  our  farmers  for  British  agricultural 
produce,  wo(d,  and  everything  else  converted  into  [ 
goods,  and  sent  hero  and  sold  to  our  farmers,  who 
nave  those  very  materials  on  their  hands  rotting 
for  want  of  a  market;  and  this  is  the  ruinous  sys- 
tem recimmcnded  to  our  farmers  by  these  "  Irec 
trade"  advocates.  The  farmers  undci-sland  it,  and 
they  will  let  gentlemen  know  it  at  the  polls.  They 
will  let  gentlemen  know  what  they  think  of  this 
"huijeverythitig  and  sell-fiothing  poliey."  They 
know  that  the  tanner  who  sells  more  than  ho  buys 
gets  rich,  and  he  who  buys  more  than  he  sells  gets  . 
poor;  and  they  know  that  the  same  theory  Is  true 
with  regard  to  nations;  they  know  that  to  sell  more  | 
and  buy  less,  is  the  way  to  wealth,  and  that  the 
opposite  course  is  the  road  lo  bankruptcy  and  ruin,  i 
A  striking  illustration  of  the  truth  of  this  may  bo  ' 
found  in  the  fact  that  during  the  reduction  of  duties 
under  the  Compromise  act  our  imports  exceeded  i 
our  exports  upwards  of  three  hundred  millinn.'i,  i 
and  the  consenuenco  was  that  our  specie  was  all 
exported,  our  hanks  broken,  the  treasury  empty, 
people  impoverished,  und  two  hundred  millions  of  ' 
per  cent,  honds  sent  to  Europe  to  pay 
.>rable  balance  of  trade,  where  they  still 
r  iwing  away  our  specie  to  pay  the  inter- 

I  St-.- ..  ^nd  weight  upon  the  energies  of  the  people. 
Such  are  the  blessings  and  benefits  of  low  duties; 
and  should  this  destructive  bill  pass,  they  will  soon 
return  in  all  their  bitlcrnesa. 

The  idea  that  a  balance  of  trade  against  us  is  not 
an  unfavorable  indication,  was  a  plausible  absurd- 
ity into  which  sen.'<lblc  men  were  sometimes  se- 
duced. Theerrnr  consisted  In  the  assumption  that 
our  imports  consisted  nf  cash  or  were  converted 
into  cash;  whereas  they  were  imported  for  con- 
.sumptlon,  and  were  rnii.MiiiiF((.  Now,  was  it  not 
manifest  that  if  a  nation  sold  one  hundred  millions, 
and  bought  and  consumed  one  hundred  and  fifty 
millions  nf  ibreign  goods,  the  nation  would  be  fifty 
nulllons  in  debt  ?  Suppose  an  Individual  sells  one 
hundred  dollars  wortti  of  produce,  and  buys  and 
con.snines  one  hundred  und  fifty  dollars  worth  nf 
goods,  is  he  not  fifty  dollars  In  debt?  And  If  true 
of  an  individual.  Is  It  not  equally  true  of  a  nation? 
The  true  American  policy  was  PuorECTioN  and 
IvDKPES'OENCK.  It  Was,  to  make  America  inde- 
pendent of  all  Ihe  world.  That  was  sound  Amer- 
ican policy;  and  he  trusted  no  man  would  suffer 
himself  to  be  so  carried  away  by  mere  party  pol- 
itics as  to  advocate  "free  Inirfe"  and  starvation, 
twin-sisters,  "  one  and  inseparable."  Prnlection 
was  the  jiolicy  which  wnuhl  spread  conifnrt  and 
happiness  over  the  face  of  a  smiling  land.  Its  effect  ; 
would  penetrate  our  forests,  and  reach  to  the  re-  : 
molest  hamlet  In  the  West.  This  would  keep  our 
money  at  home,  instead  of  sending  it  across  the 
ocean  to  enrich  British  farmers  and  manufacturers,  | 
to  the  ruin  of  our  own. 

EFFECT  OF  THE  FROPOSED  BII.I.  ON  THE  REVENUE.  | 

What  was  the  theory  nf  our  learned  Secretary  ? 
We  must  reduce  duties  In  increase  our  revenue. 
yow,  iMr.  S.  said,  and  he  defierl  eonlradlctlon,  ' 
that  as  true  as  the  thermometer  indicated  the  in-  ; 
crease  or  diminution  of  heat  in  the  atmosphere, 
'..St  so  truly  did  the  increase  or  dimlniilion  of  the 
tariU'mark  the  increase  and  the  dinilnution  of  rev- 
enue.    He  ap|)ealed  to  the  record,  and  defied  his  , 
opponents  to  the  test.  ' 


This,  Mr.  8.  pronounced  n  most  extraordinary 
scheme — the  greatest  absurdity  that  ever  entered 
into  the  iniagination  of  man.  The  Secretary's 
plan  Was  to  iiirrciMi^  the  rci'ciiiie.  And  how  was  it 
to  be  accomplished  ?  By  rirrrslng  the  rule  adont- 
ed  in  this  and  every  other  country  from  the  begin- 
ning of  time.  His  plan  was,  not  to  iiicnnw,  but 
reduce,  duties,  the  source  of  revenue.  Now,  hii 
wished  to  slate  a  few  plain  facts,  derived  from  this 
very  report  of  Secrelnry  Walker  itself,  utterly 
subversive  of  his  whole  theory.  In  the  fir.il  pliu  e, 
his  voluminous  tables  showed,  at  pages  fl.'iii  and 
i).')7,  that  for  the  Inst  twenty-five  years  the  laiilf 
and  the  revenue  had  invariably  went  up  and  down 
togelher.  2d,  That,  in  IH4!J,  under  a  iiO  per  cent. 
tarllV,  the  net  revenue!  was  only  $12,780,17.1, 
while!  under  thn  present  lariH',  averaging,  he  says, 
near  40  per  cent.,  the  last  year  (1H4.5)  the  net 
revenue  was  S27,.'i28,H3,  as  given  at  page  3.1, 
more  than  double  that  of  I84d,  and  corresponding 
exactly  with  the  increase  of  the  duties.  Yet,  iii 
the  face  of  these  fticts,  he  proposes  to  reduce  the 
I  duties  to  what  they  were  in  1842,  to  increase  the 
revenue!  But  this  is  not  all;  this  report  ftirther 
shows  this  fact,  that  the  present  tariff  is  now  yield- 
ing more  revenue  than  has  ever  been  received, 
I  with  the  exception  of  a  single  year,  (IS.IC,)  since 
I  the  foundation  of  the  Oovernment.  But  what  is 
most  nstinilsbing,  the  Secretary,  at  page  47  of  his 
report,  gives  ihc  amount  of  revenue  his  favorite 
!  standard,  20  per  cent.,  wnuld  yield  on  the  whole 
imports  nf  the  last  year,  free,  dutiable,  and  all, 

,  and  he  makes  it $22,G3U,8(J4 

j  From  which    deduct  amount  on  tea 

und  coffee,  made  free 2,400,000 


I  Leaves $20,236,8(14 

{  And  from  this  deduct  the  cxpen.se  of 

collection 3,.500,000 


And  he  has  left  only $10,830,804 

And  this  was  subject  to  a  still  further 
reduction  on  $i.'),34(i,8;)0  of  goods 
re-exported 3,060,000 

$13,767,8(M 
Thirteen  itiilllona  less  thnn  the  present  tarllV. 
And  this  Is  a  war  measure,  leaving  only  $13,760,- 
864  assessed  on  the  imjiorts  of  184.">,  which  were! 
$3.'),00O,00O  more  than  the  average  imports  of  the 
last  nine  years;  und  at  nn  uverage  duty  of  25  per 
cent.,  according  to  the  same  calculnlinii,  the  rev- 
enue wnuld  be  only  $17,0!)7,330.  This  was  the 
.Secrelnry '«  own  calculation.  See  pnire  47  of  his 
report.  But  if  the  Secretary  w'll  take  $67,000,001), 
the  average  of  dutiable  linporli,  (page  3,)  his  211 
per  cent,  will  give  him  leas  than  ten  millions  net 
revenue. 

Yet  the  Secretary  recommei  ded  a  reduction  of 
duties  to  an  average  rate  of  20  i.w  cent.,  and  in 
support  of  this  re<-onimendalinn  he  had  acconipa- 
nlcii  his  report  with  a  table,  at  paje  'X)(],  showins 
the  revenue  under  different  tariffs  for  the  lust 
twenty-five  years,  viz:  four  years  immediately 
before  the  tariff  of  1824,  four  years  under  the  tariff 
of  1824,  four  years  under  the  tariff  of  1828,  ten 
years  under  the  compromise  bill,  and  three  years 
under  the  tariff  of  1842.  And  what  was  the  re- 
sult? For  Ihe  lour  years  preccdinglhe  Inriffof  1824, 
the  average  gross  revenue  was  $22,753,000.  Under 
the  tariff  of  1824,  which  its  opponents  at  the  time 
predicted  would  ruin  the  revenue  und  compel  a 
resort  to  direct  taxation,  the  average  for  the  four 
years  of  its  duration  was  $28,929,000.  Next  cnnin 
the  "  bill  of  abominations,"  the  "  black  tariff  of 
1828,"  which  It  was  said  would  bankrupt  the 
treasury  beyond  nil  question;  nnd  wlinl_wi'.s  the 
result  ?  The  average  revenue  during  the  four  years 
of  its  o|)eration  increased  to  $,'tO,,')41,000.  Then 
came  the  compromise  bill  of  1833,  which  brought 
the  tariff  down  by  biennial  reductions  to  a  hori- 
zontal duty  of  20  per  cent.;  and  what  was  it.s 
effect  upon  the  revenue?  The  revenue  declined 
jHiri  passti  with  the  tariff,  yielding  for  ton  years  an 
average  nf  $21,496,000,  nnd  the  last  year  of  its 
operation  under  the  20  per  cent,  duty  only  $16,686,- 
000  gross  revenue,  netting  $12,780,000,  while  our 
expenditures  were  more  than  double  that  amount. 
Then  came  the  present  tarifl',  which  yielded  moro 
than  $32,000,000  gross— $27,500,000  net  revenue. 
Now,  what  does  our  profound  Secretary  of  iha 
Treasury  propose  lo  do  to  improve  the  revenue  ? 


27, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  COI«Q||flnnONAL  GLOBE. 


939 


S9th  Cono 1st  Seas. 


The  Protective  Policy — Mr,  Stewart. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


Mnrk  it !  H«  propnnea  to  roiliice  IIir  tnriH'  tn  uii  < 
iiviTiige  of  bIiduI  'JO  per  cent.,  which  "  experience  \ 
priivcH,"  he  ■iiya,  will  give  the  MKhtnl  rtvmnt,  and 
yet  ihiH  very  report  iihnwa  the  t'lict  thnt  ii  3U  per  ! 
cent,  tiirlll'in  1H4>J  yieklcd  nnly  (tl!2,78U,(MH),  while 
the  prcaent  liirill"  IhhI  yenr  yiehled  j|it!7,.V,'{),(M)(».  ; 
TliiiM,  nccordinif  lo  the  Secretary,  txrelre  in  more 
//mil  /irfii/i/-»«Mn  .'  A  new  discovery  in  iirilhinclic. 
The  new  "freclrade"  ayiitem  of  fimmco  says, 
"  reduce  the  diillcH  lo  incrcnao  the  revenue,'  u 
doclrino  not  only  Mr({cd  upon  Cdngrcss  liy  the 
Hecretiiry  nnd  "  the  Union,"  hin  organ,  hiit  by 
nil  Ihe  ndvocntea  of  this  new  turilfon  this  llcior. 
"  lleducc  the  dntica  lo  inrrcnae  Iho  revenue!" 
Can  anything  lie  more  nlmurd  >  Are  not  duties 
the  miurcc  of  revenue;  nnd  would  it  not  he  jnst  iis 
Ncnailiie  to  any  "  reduce  the  revenue  lo  increiiae 
the  revenue!"  dniira  nnd  revenue  being  cnnvert- 
ililo  terms.  Suppose  you  want  twenty-five  mil- 
lliiiiH  from  the  tiirlD' — thnt  aum  must  be  ruised,  no 
iniilter  how  you  impose  Ihe  duties;  tind  why  not 
so  nrrantte  llieni  na  to  protect  nnd  aualain  your 
own  nntioniil  industry — Inus  mnkinglnxntion  itself 

Rrolific  of  hcnefils  nnd  bIcsNings  to  the  people? 
Inkint;  it  Ihe  means  of  proteclini;  nallonni  indua- 
try,  enlnrKiii!;  the  markels  forai^riculture,  increns- 
ing  Ihe  employmenis  nnd  wa(res  of  labor,  develop- 
ing your  own  nntinnni  resources,  and  securiii"; 
your  nniionni  prosperity  nnd  independence;  thus 
making  luxation  itself  a  blessing,  instead  of  a  curse 
to  your  country. 

On  the  subject  of  the  revenue,  he  would  venture 
to  predict,  that  if  the  syslcm  of  measures  recom- 
mended by  the  Seci-ctary — llie  reduction  of  the 
tnrilV,  the  change  from  specific  In  ad  valorem  duties, 
Ihe  Sublreusury,  nnd  the  warehousing  system,  were 
miopled — the  revenue  next  year  would  not  be  half 
the  amount  it  will  be  this  yenr.  Murk  the  predic- 
tion, nul  half. 

Who  could  deny  the  fact  thnt  with  the  raising 
of  Ihe  tariir  the  revenue  incrensed,  and  with  its 
diminution  the  revenue  fell  off,  till  at  Inst  under 
30  per  cent.,  which  the  Secretary  considered  the 
very  beau  iileat — the  very  perfection  of  n  revenue 
system— the  net  revenue  sunk  down  to  less  tlinn 
thirteen  millionH?  There  was  the  Secretary's 
theory — nnd  there,  alonfiaide  of  it,  stood  his  pioof; 
and  his  proof  utterly  subverted  bis  theory.  Did  it 
prove  that  reducing  duties  to  SO  per  cent,  raised 
Ihe  revenue  to  Its  highest  point  ?  Just  the  reverse. 
It  reduced  it  to  the  very  lowest  point  of  depres- 
sion. While  his  theory  said  thnt  SO  per  cent, 
would  give  the  " /ui<:'im/,"  his  proof  showed  thnt 
it  gave  the  very  "  Imiient.'' 

rOLLY    AND    EXTnAVAOANCK    OF    THIS    ADMINISTRA- 
TION. 

And  was  not  thia  n  pretty  time  lo  select  for  the 
reduction  of  duties.'    Now,  when  we  hnd  just  en-  | 
tcrcd  into  a  wnr,  whose  dnrullon  no  mail  could  i 
predict  or  ciilculale.     When  we  went  to  war  in  ! 
IHia  we  doubled  the  duties:  now  It  was  propo.icil  ] 
to  cut  thcni  down  one-lmlf !     What  a  consummate  | 
proof  of  polltlcn!  wisdom  and  financial  ability  were  I 
here  exhibiled  !     Why,  then,  destroy  the  present  1 
admirable   tarifl',  llint   liad  worked  so  well,  nnd  ! 
Hilop:  such  n  misernlilc  nnd  rickety  system  as  this.'  | 
Why  destroy  a  tiirilf  that  Imd   pnal,  since  1843,  I 
inclusive,  no  less  than  «i;U,.S07,334of  the  principni  1 
nnd  interest  of  your  public  debt,  nnd   lenving  in  { 
your  tiTnsnry,  on  Ihe  first  of  July,  1H45,  a  balance 
of  |;7,Gri8,.'l06,  which,  added  to  the  above,  gives  a 
surplus  revenue,  over  nnd  above  the  ordinary  ex- 
penditures, of  }441,y6,i,.')30,  derived  from  the  Inriff 
of  1843,  including   the   payments  of  thnt   year. 
This  he  stated  from  official  annual  treasury  re|)orls 
of  1843,  page  31;  of  1844,  page  19;  nnd  of  1845, 

Iiage  !J5.  Vet  this  taril)',  which  had  yielded  this 
urge  surplus,  is  lo  be  destroyed  in  the  midst  of 
war,  to  carry  out  on  absurd  resolution  adopted 
some  years  ago  by  an  irresponsible  political  cnbnl 
a.ssembled  at  Ualllmore;  and  this  was  their  leading 
and  ulmost  only  argument  in  its  favor.  Mr.  S. 
called  the  attention  of  the  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  nnd  Menus  to  the  fact,  and  he 
should  like  to  hear  his  explanation  of  it.  The 
estimates  made  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
before  there  was  a  word  said  about  war  or  the 
prospect  of  wnr — estimates  rendered  in  n  time  of 
profound  peace  to  meet  the  ordinary  expenses  of 
the  Government — had  been  more  by  six  millions 
and  u  half  than  tlic  expenditures  of  the  preceding 


yenr.  If  gentlemen  doubted  it,  he  would  refer  ] 
them  lo  tlie  Secretary's  report.  Ho  wished  the 
chairman  lo  explain  how  it  was  that  Ihe  pence 
estiniatrs  for  this  year  exceeded  by  more  than  six 
niillinns  the  peace  exp'ndiuires  of  the  last  yenr; 
and, besides  this,  we  had  had  a  bill  appropriating  u 
million  und  n  half  to  make  good  deficient  approprin- 
tinna.  Add  this  million  nnd  a  half  lo  the  six  mil- 
llona  nnd  a  half  he  had  just  mentioned, nnd  it  would 
make  eight  millions,  by  which  amount  our  peace 
expenditure,  for  the  present  yenr,  surpassed  those 
of  the  last.  Tliere  stood  the  fiict  In  the  Sccrelnry 's 
own  report,  and  Mr.  S,  challenged  the  chnlrman 
of  the  Comniltlee  of  Ways  and  Means,  or  any 
friend  of  the  Secretary  or  of  the  Admlnistrntlon,  to 
deny  it.  Was  this  war  brought  about  lo  conceal 
these  enormous  and  unprecedented  expenditures 
in  time  of  pence,  exceeding  by  six  or  seven  mil- 
lions the  expenditures  of  preceding  yeurs?  The 
wnr  would  sniuiher  up  nil  this  extmvagance,  nnd 
conceal  it  from  the  public  view.  All  wasteful  ex- 
penditures would  now  he  nllribuled  to  Ihe  war. 
The  war  would  be  a  blanket  wide  enough  to  cover 
all.  And  here  he  would  add  another  fact — it  was 
one  the  people  ought  to  know — it  was  this:  Thnt 
the  nppropriallons  reported  passed,  and  to  be  pnss- 
ed,  amounted  already  thia  session  to  Ihe  enormous 
sum  of  $,57)337,075;  and  would  perhaps  reach  six- 
ty millions  before  the  udjournment — nearly  three 
times  our  ordinary  appropriations.  And,  in  the 
face  of  all  this,  we  are  to  pnss  this  miserable  party 
bill  reducing  the  revenue  fully  onc-hulf. 

There  was  anolher  thing  of  which  the  larllT  was 
an  index, nnd  that  was  the  public  ;iro9;ieri/!/.    When 
the  people  are  poor  they  could  not  nlTonl  to  con- 
sume luxuries;  Imports  fcllofr,and  down  went  the 
revenue.     But  when  duties  were  high  and  dnmes- 
tlc  competition   was  excited,  agriculture   hnving 
abundant  markets,  nnd  labor  full  and  profitable 
employment,  the  people  became  prosperous;  they  i 
lived  in  comfort;  they  could  aiford  lo  pay  for  fine  | 
roods  and   luxuries — and  up  went  the  revenue,  j 
lleduce  the  tariff,  break  up  American  industry,  j 
and  you  clothed  Iho  people  in  rags,  and  your  treas- 
ury became  bankrupt.     The  national  revenue  and 
the  national  /nw/irri/i/ went  up  nnd  down  together, 
and  were  nlwuyscolncident  with  national pro/fc/ion. 
This  lie  asserted  as  an  undcnuible  fnct,  proved  by 
every  page  of  our  financial  history,  from  the  days 
j  of  Iho  Kevolullon  up  to  the  present  hour. 

A  ClIAPTEn  FUR  WORKING  MKN  TO  RKAD. 

Mr.  S.'s  system  was  thia:  Select  the  articles  you 
I  can  inanufaclui  elo  the  full  extent  of  our  own  wnnis, 
then,  in  the  Inngnngc  of  Thomas  Jcfrerson,  "  im- 
pose on  them  duties  lighter  at  first,  and  afierwnids 
licBvler  nnd  heavier  as  the  channels  of  supply  were 
opened."  This  wns  Jellerson's  plan;  the  reverse 
of  modern  democratic  "free  Irnue."  Next,  Mr. 
S.  went  for  levying  the  highest  rntcs  of  duly  on 
the  luxuries  of  tlic  rich,  and  not  on  the  necessaries 
of  the  poor.  Encourage  American  manufactures, 
nnd  while  on  the  one  hand  the  poor  man  found 
plenty  of  employment,  on  the  oilier  be  got  his 
goods  cheap,  lie  could  clothe  himself  decently 
for  a  mere  trifle.  He  wanted  no  foreign  commodi- 
ties but  his  tea  and  his  coffee,  and  they  were  free, 
and  should  remain  free.  The  poor  man  could  now 
buy  cloth  for  a  full  suit  from  head  lo  fool  for  less 
than  one  dollar  of  substantial  American  manufac- 
ture. He  had  him.self  worn  in  this  Hall  a  garment 
of  this  same  goods,  at  10  cents  per  yard,  and  it  wns 
so  much  admired  tliui  more  than  a  dozen  members 
had  applied  for  similar  garments,  and  they  had 
been  supplied  to  Senators  and  others;  yet  we  are 
told  the  tarilV  taxes  and  oppresses  the  poor.  Put 
high  revenue  duties  on  wines,  on  brandies,  on  silks, 
on  laces,  on  jewelry,  on  all  that  which  the  rich 
alone  consumed  and  which  the  poor  man  did  not 
,  want.  Take  off  the  duties  from  the  poor  man's 
necessaries,  and  give  him  high  wages  for  his  work. 
That  was  the  way  lo  difluEC  happiness  nnd  Pfos- 
perity  nmong  the  grcnl  body  of  the  people.  That 
was  good  sound  democratic  policy.  Ho  was  for 
lifting  up  Ihe  poor.  He  was  for  "  ievelling  up- 
ward;" for  Increasing  the  domestic  comfort  of  our 
own  laboring  population — the  true  /Jfinocrnci/of  the 
country.  The  rich  could  pay,  nnd  ought  to  he 
made  to  pny,  nnd  they  should  pay;  the  poor  mnn 
could  not,  and  should  not,  with  his  consent.  Mr. 
S.  went  for  the  system  which  elevated  the  poor  man 
In  the  scale  of  society;  that  promoted  equality,  that 


essential  clement  In  nil  free  Governments,  not  by 
pulling  down  the  hlgherJiut  by  lifting  up  tlir  lower 
classes  to  their  level.  The  gcnlleinun  from  Ala- 
bama and  his  friends  advocated  a  policy  which 
would  hnvc  precisely  the  oppoalle  effect.  Their 
system  would  truly  make  the  "  rich  richer  nnd  tho 
poor  poorer."  The  genllcinan  advocated  a  sys- 
tem whose  direct  and  undeniable  tendency  was  lo 
destroy  competition,  nnd  thereby  give  n  monopoly 
to  the  heavy  capitalists.  He  would  benefit  llioso 
very  "millionaii'cs"  of  whose  presence  liere  he 
cnmplnliied  so  loudly.  Free  trade  would  Inevita- 
bly uegrnde  the  wages  of  labor  In  every  di|iartuient 
of  industry,  whclher  employed  in  the  fields  or  in 
the  workshops,  to  the  level  of  wnges  in  Europe; 
this  was  as  certain  as  Ihe  ebbing  and  fiowing  of 
Ihe  tides.  What  could  be  (iluiiier.'  Take  two  co- 
terminous Stales — Kentucky  and  Ohio,  Snpposo 
in  Kentucky,  as  in  Europe,  wages  wns  13j  cents 
per  day,  and  in  Ohio,  as  in  tho  United  States,  75 
cents  per  dny .  Now  wns  it  not  perfectly  dear  that, 
unless  Ohio  protected  her  prosperous  labor,  tho 

Croducllons  of  Ihe  Uiw  price  labor  of  Kentucky, 
ools,  shoes,  hoes,  everything,  wuulil  come  In,  and 
compel  the  mechanics  und  laborers  of  Ohio  to  come 
down  to  135  cents  a  dny,  or  give  up  their  ninrkcts, 
quit  work,  uiiy  everything,  sell  nothing,  nnd  get 
rich!    And  he  subniitlcd,  would  not  this  be  liio 
effect  of  "free  trade"  with  Europe?    The  only 
difference  was  the  cost  of  trnnsporlntlon  across  the 
!  Ohio  nnd  across  Ihe  Atlanlic.     With  the  modern 
!  facilities  of  steam,  a  ton  of  iron  could  be  biouglit 
from  Eurojie  lo  this  country  for  less  than  $4;  less 
1  than  it  would  cost  lo  carl  il  twenty  miles  on  coin- 
'  mon  roads.     Such  would  be  Ihe  manifest  nnd  ruin- 
ous effects  of"  free  trade,"  on  the  wages  of  labor 
in  every  department  of  the  national  industry;  nnd 
any  reduction  of  protection  would  be  a  reduclioii 
to  the  same  extent  of  the  wages  of  labor. 

It  would  degrade  the  fici;  labor  of  this  country 
!  lo  Ihe  miserable  condilion  of  the  serf  labor  of  for- 
j  eign  lands,  where  men  were  slaves — without  tho 
means  of  educating  their  children — working  fVom 
!  Ihe  cradle  to  the  grave,  and  never  aspiring  to  any- 
thing beyond  a  scanty  and  miserable  subsistence; 
;  and  such  was  the  condition  lo  which  "  free  trade" 
I  must  inevitably  bring  the  now  protected  and  pros- 
!  perous  labor  of  this  greni  country.     Pull  down  the 
i  wnlla  built  up  by  the  tarifl"  of    43  to  protect  nnd 
I  defend  Americnn  labor — let  the  cheap  productions 
of  the  low-priced  labor  of  Europe  flow  freely  into 
your  market.^,  and  you  must  sooner  or  later  c.oine 
I  down  to  their  degraded  coii(/i7inn — morn/ and  iio/i/i- 
I  c(i(.    He,  therefore,  earnestly  appealed  lo  the  labor- 
I  ing  people  of  this  counliy — the  sovereigns  of  the 
land — who  "  made  all  and  paid  all,"  to  come  quick- 
,  ly  lo  the  rescue,  to  save  tnemselves  from  the  de- 
srrading  nnd  disastrous  etrccls  of  "free   trade." 
1  The  poieer  was  in  their  own  hands*— they  could 
protect  themselves  at  the  ballot  box,  nnd,  if  they  did 
not,  they  would  deserve  the  degradation  to  which 
I  they  would  be  doomed.     To  every  candidate  for 
1  office  propound  this  question:  "•'he  you  in  furor 
I  of  prolrcling  Jlmerican  againH  foreign  labor  hy  a  riio- 
TECTivK  TAB'Kr  f "     And  let  his  answer  be  conclu- 
sive.   This  Is  the  remedy — the  only  remedy.    Let 
it  be  adopted,  and  all  will  be  well.    Hesloud  there 
the  firm  friend  and  humble  advocate  of  the  laboring 
Minn.     He  had  been  a  laboring  man  himself ;  he 
knows  their  privation  and  had  participated  In  their 
toils;  and  toucservc  and  receive  the  approbation  of 
■  Ihe  Inboring  poor,  of  the  Mifc/iniiirs,  and  log-cabin 
men  of  this  counlry,  would  bo  more  grateful  to  his 
heart  than  all  the  praises  of  all  the  presses  of  the 
land.     It  would  be  the  crowning  nnd  cherished  re- 
ward of  all  his  efforts — Ihe  only  reward  to  which 
he  aspired. 

Labor,  productive  labor,  wns  the  great  source  of 
national  weullh.  Its  importance  wns  incalculable. 
Compared  with  this,  nil  other  intcresis  dwindled 
into  perfect  insignificnnce.  Whnt  is  nil  other  cap- 
ital combined  compared  to  the  capital  of  labor — 
hard-handed,  honest  labor — the  tolling  millions — 
the  great  fountain  of  our  national  prosperity:  look 
at  it.  Suppose  we  have  but  two  millions  of  work- 
ing-men in  the  United  .Stales,  whose  wnges  average 
JiI80  per  year:  this  is  equal  to  the  interest  of 
i  j.3,000,  at  six  per  cent.  Each  laborer's  capllnl, 
then,  is  equal  lo  #3,000  at  interest.  Multiply  this 
by  two  millions — the  number  of  laborers — and  it 
gives  you  a  capital  amounting  to  the  enormous  sum 
'■  otsix  thousand  milliom  of  dollars,  producing,  at  six 


940 


S9rH  CoNO ItT  Sbh. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

jf'Ae  Protective  Policy — Mr.  Stewart, 


[Mnrrli  14  U  May  27, 
Ho.  or  Kepb, 


jicr  >'4'iit.,  /Ar(t_Auii(<rr<<  anil  tixl^  millioiM  of  ddllnrii 
u  yrur.  TliU'woKllir  "  fuior  ciuii/iir '  liu  wialicd  in 
HiiHiiiiii  iiiid  iiiiluild.  Tliia  wiia  tliu  Ki'iat  naiim.nl  iif 
Jualry  liu  wialieil  tii  prutirl  uiitl  Jert'iiil  UKuliiat  llie 
ruiiumii  mid  di'^riidiii;;  cIIui'Ih  t<(  u  IVit  mid  uiire- 
■irk'lcdcniiiiwliiKiii  Willi  tlie  paiifHjr  liibiiriirDiri'lKii 
IhikI.1.  lie  went  In  Hfoiirc  tliu  Aiiivriraii  iiiiirkit 
fur  Aimrii'tin  liibnr,  in  llio  crviil  atruKfjIo  fur 
the  Aiiarit'iiii  iiiiirkel,  liu  liiiik  iTie  Ainuriuiii  aide. 
On  lliv  iiiliur  linndi  the  (;eiillciiiuii  fidiii  Alaluiiiiii 
and  Ilia  frii'iiilaViiil  fur  liio  Itiilish',  for  foiui^jiitTa; 
for"  I'i'iT  ti'iiili  )"  for  o|i('iiiog  our  |Mirla  to  lliv  iiiiiii- 
ufacliircia  of  all  llic  world i  for  liriiijjiiig  in  friTly 
tlic  |iaii|icr  |irodu(lioii8  of  Grcal  linuiiii,  to  over- 
whelm ihe  riaing  pionjierity  of  our  own  poor  but 
ilidiialrioiia  eili/.ena.  They  Weill  for  iriialiiiit; 
American  enlerpriae;  (jrinuilig  down  American 
labor,  and  pulliiij;;  their  cmuitrynien  on  a  fooling; 
with  ihe  very  NWiepin^'g  of  the  poor-houaea  of 
Unrope;  anil  would,  in  ilic  end,  briiiK  them  down 
lo  lliiir  jwliticttl,  an  well  na  their  j.ecuniary  and 
moral,  condiiion.  Mr.  S.  waa  for  chiriahiiiK 
American  labor;  for  giving  it  liiyh  wages;  for  bui- 
roinidin;;  il  Willi  all"  lliu  siilpKlaniiul  V.omforia  of 
life,  which  was  llic  true  friend  of  the  I'kohle? 
And  yet  tlieae  "free-trade''  ndvocaica,  from  the 
Secielary  down,  professed  to  be  the  exehinive 
friends  of  the  "  poor  innn,"  and  we  arc  denounced 
as  the  friends  of  the  "millionaires  uiid  inonopo- 
lials."  We  now  imnorled  fifty  iiiilliinia  worth  of 
liiilish  good.s  nnnuully,  and  therein  we  imported 
tweniy.live  inilliona  worth  of  liriiisli  ngriculcural 

Jiroducls — of  Kngliali  wool,  English  grain,  liiig- 
isli  beef  and  niulton,  English  flax,  Liiglish  agri- 
ciilinral  produrtiona  of  every  kind.  And  yet 
gentleman  wmild  rise  here,  and  lulk  of  u  Uriiish 
market  lor  our  brciulatuli's.  Why,  how  much  of 
this  ilid  England  lake  ?  Kot  a  quurler  of  a  million, 
in  all  its  forma! 

Here  waa  «  beautiful  reciprocity.  Here  were 
the  beauties  of  free  trade.  Here  was  our  eoiiality 
of  bencfiis.  We  took  fifty  milliona  in  liriiisli 
goods,  one  half  of  il  in  agricuUumI  produce,  while 
she  took  une-iiiiurlerofa  million  of  our  briadatull's. 
This  WHS  our  Ijoasled  British  market.  What  was 
this  Urilisli  market  to  us.'  The  American  miirkel 
eniiMinneil  niiiiiially  marly  a  tliousund  millions  of 
Ainericun  grain;  the  Uritiah  market  one-quarler  of 
one  million.  Ureal  Urilain  took  of  our  iKmr  not 
It  iwcnlielh  part  as  much  us  Mas.suchusetts;  nut  n 
tenili  part  of  the  amount  taken  by  the  East  and 
West  Indies;  not  a  Ihiid  pari  as  nmeh  as  Urazil; 
not  us  much  a.f  ihe  liule  island  of  Cuba;  and  nut 
much  mure  lliaii  half  as  much  us  lluyii.  I'oor, 
miserable,  negro  Hayii,  look  liisi  year  53,144  bar- 
rcl.s  of  our  Hour,  while  England,  .Scotland,  and 
Ireland,  logdher,  look  but  35,355  barrels  of  (lour, 
nnd  otic  barrel  of  cum  meal.  Yel  we  are  told,  in 
the  face  of  tliese  olRcial  fuels,  by  the  .Secrilary  of 
the  Treasury,  that  we  inusi  take  more  IJriliah 
goods,  otherwise  .she  will  have  to  pay  us  "cash  fur 
our  bicaJsliiJJ'i,  imil,  twi  liming  il  lu  iimrc,  she  will 
not  buy  us  much  ul'uiir  coUon."  \\  hat  an  insult 
to  Aiiieriinn  farmers  is  tliij.  As  an  liunurablc 
man,  imisl  he  not  blush  for  his  lepulalii.n  when 
he  loi]|(a  upon  ihese  fuels.'  Uut  w  lial  belter  ccaild 
we  expect  from  lliis  American  Secretary,  who, 
over  and  over,  in  his  report,  denounces  the  svbsli- 
lulion  of  .Imerican  uianufuclmes  fur  furcign  gooils, 
and  declares  llial  iHnct  liuuliun  is  More  equilable 
and  Just  than  dutifs  on  fureigti  guuds,  especially  in 
ils  opeialiuiis  on  the  poor!  lieller  levy  laxes  on 
our  own  prodiictiuns  ihuii  on  those  of  foreigners! 
Such  are  llie  doctrines  openly  avowed  by  this  . 
8ecreUiry  lo  favor  Ins  miserable  sysleni  of  "  free 
trade."  .\way  with  such  liriiisli  doctrines  as 
these  1  They  could  never  find  favor  w  illi  llic 
Ameriian  people  while  a  spurk  of  patriotism  .mi- 
mates  iheir  hearts,  or  a  drop  of  levolulionury  : 
blood  runs  in  their  veins. 

The  geiilleiiian  from  Alabama  will  no  drubl 
discover  another  terrible  absurdity,  when  Mr. 
•S.  staled  that  Cireat  Urilain  exported  and  add 
more  agricultural  produce  than  any  oilier  counlry 
in  the  wurld.  Yel  il  is  strictly  and  undeniably 
true.  Exported,  not  in  its  original  form,  but 
worked  up  and  (x)nverted  into  goods,  iron,  niolhs, 
&c.,  consisting  of  raw  niuteriuls  and  brcadatufl's. 
Great  liriuiiii  exported,  on  an  average,  more  than 
two  hundred  and  fifly  millions  of  dollars  worth  of 
niaiiiifai'lures,  onchalf  of  the  whole  value  of  which 
consisted  of  the  produce  of  the  aoil.    The  United  > 


Stale!  took  about  one-ftftli  part  of  all  the  rxpnria 
of  Qrtat  llritttin — lieiiig  more  than  all  KiiroiH!  put  ! 
togtlbtr.     In  a  ri'purlof  aroniniitlre  In  lliu  liriliHh 
Parliament,  made  aiimn  yeara  ago,  it  appeared  that 
the  lii  iliah  gooda  conaunieil  by  the  |HMiple  of  the 
,  dilfenint    coiiiilriea    nf  Kurii|ie — Krnnce,    llunaia, 
I'ruMiia,  Auatria,  Hpaiii,  Uelgiuin,  lilic. — amounled  { 
to/iiitrfrcn  crtl(.i'  worth  per  head,  while  the  jwiiple  . 
of  llin  llniti'd  Slatra,  at  the  aame  time,  roiisumril  : 
Ihrft  hundrtit  and  liflfi-fuvr  trnin'  woiMi  per  head! 
1  This  showed  the  iinnienae  imporlanci!  of  the  Amer- 
.   ican  market  lo  Ureal  Urilain,  and  accounied  for 
her  grral  Milieilnde  to  relaiii  il.     It  niao  showed 
Ihe  aiiperior  wisdom  nf  the  European  Uovernnienis 
in  exclndinK  tlrili»h  gooda  liy  high  and  prohibitory 
taritVat  thus  developing  and  relying  upon  their  own 
reaoun'es,  enronmging  and  analaining  llieir  own  | 
national  industry,  ]>romoling  Iheir  own  prosperity, 
i  and  thus  establishing,  as  we  ajionld  do,  their  own 
national  independence  on  the  most  aolid  and  lasting 
I  foiindatinna. 

Mr.  S.  invited  seruliny  into  Iho  facia  he  had 
!  slated;  he  challenged  eontnidiclion.     lie  put  them 
I  before  genlletnen,  and   begged   iheni  to  examine 
II  and   disprove   them    if  Ihey   rould.     tie   invited 
i  them  to  reflect  upon  them   in  a  spirit  of  candor; 
I  to  dlsmiaa  from  their  minds  all  party  bias;  lo  rise 
for  once  superior  lo  ihc  low  grovelling  prejudices 
of  parly;  to  wake  lip  to  llie  great  iiilerest,  and  feel 
for  the  real  alrenglh  and  true  glory  and  indepen- 
dence of  their  native  land. 

j  DKNEI'ITII  OF  THE  TAniFF   TO  FARMeRS. 

I      Gentlemen  dwelt  cnlirely  on  the  lieneflls  nf  for- 
i  eign  trade.     They  went  altogellier  in  favor  of  im- 
porting foreign  goods,  nnd  creating  a  market  for 
I  the  benefit  of  foreigners.     Would  our  own  nirri- 
I  culture  be  benefited  by  a  process  like  lliia .'     Mo- 
1  thing  could  more  eirectinilly  divert  ihe  benefit  from 
our  own  fMMiple  and  pour  it  in  a  constant  stream 
upon   foreign  labor.     No  American  interest  waa 
so  much  benefited  by  a  protective  system  as  that 
of  agriciillurt.     The  ."oreign  market  waa  nothing, 
the  home  market  waa  everyl'Mng  to  them;  il  was 
I  as  one  hundred  lo  one.     T       tarifl' gave  us  the 
great  home  market,  while  the  gentleinan's  scheme 
was  to  secure  us,  at  best,  biit  the  chance  of  a  nntr- 
ketabroad,  while  il  efieclually  destroyed  onr  secure 
nnd  invaluable  market  at  home.     Uentlemen  w'ere 
very  anxious  to  compete  wiih  the  pauper  labor  of 
Europe.     I  will  tell  them  one  fart:  With  all  the 
|irotectinn  we  now  enjoy,  Ureal  liritain  sends  into 
this  counlry  eight  dollars'  worth  ()f  her  aijricultnral 
■productiims  lo  one  dollar's  worth  of  all  our  agri- 
cultural productions  (save  cotton  and  tobacco)  that 
she  takes  from  lis. 

This  I  will  prove  by  the  returns  furnished  by 
Mr.  Walker  liiiiiself  in  support  of  the  bill  which 
he  has  laid  before  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means.  Mow,  I  assert,  and  can  prove,  that  more 
than  half  the  value  of  all  the  liriiisli  merchandise 
imported  into  this countiy  consists  of  agriiulliiral 
products,  changed  in  fornix  ciniverled  and  manu- 
factured into  goods.  And  1  invite  a  thorough 
analysis  of  the  facts.  I  cballiiige  !.'em|emeii  lo  ihe 
scrutiny.  Take  down  all  the  articles  in  a  store, 
oni:  after  nnoiher — esiimiite  the  value  of  the  raw 
material,  the  bread  and  ine-at,  and  other  agricultu- 
ral prnduels,  which  have  enured  into  their  fabri- 
cation, and  il  will  be  found  that  one-half  and  more 
of  their  value  consists  of  the  productions  of  the 
soil — agricultural  produce  in  its  strictest  sense. 

IVow,  by  reference  to  Mr.  Walker's  report,  il 
will  be  seen  that,  for  twelve  years  back,  we  have 
imported  from  Ureal  Uritainand  her  dependencies 
annually  filly-two  and  a  half  millions  of  dollar's 
worth  of  goods,  but  call  it  fifly  millions,  while  she 
took  of  all  our  agricultural  products,  save  cotton 
nnd  tobacco,  less  than  two  and  a  half  millions  of 
dollars'  worth.  Thus,  then,  a.isuming  one-half 
the  value  of  her  goods  to  be  agricultural,  it  gives 
ua  twenlyfivc  millions  of  her  agricultural  produce 
lo  two  and  half  millions  of  ours  taken  by  her, 
which  is  just  ten  to  one;  to  avoid  cavil,  i  put  it  at 
eight  lo  one.  To  test  the  truth  of  his  position,  he 
was  iircpared,  if  time  permitted,  to  refer  lo  numer- 
ous furls.  But  for  the  information  of  gentlemen 
who  are  auch  grrul  friends  to  the  poor  and  oppress- 
ed fanners,  1  will  tell  them  that  we  have  lm|iorted 
yearly,  for  twenty-six  years,  (so  says  Mr.  Walk- 
er's report,)  more  than  ten  millions  of  dollars' 
worth  of  uooUtn  goodt.    Lust  year  we  imported 


#10,666,176  worth.    Now,  one-hnlf  and  more  of 

the  value  of  tliia  riotli  wna  madr  up  of  wool,  thi^ 
aiibsiaieiice  of  labor  i.nd  other  agricultural  prodiic- 
tiiiiia.  The  ueiieriil  ealimate  is,  llial  Ihe  w  ool  alone 
ia  half.  The  univeraal  ciialoin  anionx  farinera, 
when  they  had  their  wool  nianiifactured  on  aharca, 
waa  lu  give  the  manufacturer  half  the  cloth.  Thus 
wo  import,  and  our  faiinera  have  lo  pay,  for/iiv 

.  niilliinisofdollars'worthof  foreign  wonlevery  year 
ill  the  form  of  chilh,  moally  the  priMliiction  of 
sheep  feeding  on  the  graaa  and  grain  of  Ureal 
Britain,  while  our  own  wool  ia  worthleaa  for  wain 
of  a  inarkel;  and  lliia  is  the  policy  genllemen  re- 
commend to  American  farniera.  Yea,  air;  and  not 
satiafied  with  fire,  milliona,  they  wiah  lo  inirease 

I  it  to  lin  milliona  a  year  for  foreign  wool.  Will 
gentlemen  deny  tliia^  They  dare  not.  Theyaup- 
ported  .\tr,  Walker'a  bill,  reiliicing  the  dutiiaon 
woollens  nearly  one-half,  with  a  view  lo  intrtiur 
the  revenue;  ofeourse,  the  imports  niiisi  be  doubled, 
making  the  imparl  of  cloth  twenty  milliona  inateiiil 
of  len,  and  of  wool  ten  inaleud  of  live  milliona  of 
dollnra  per  annum. 

Thia  was  the  plan  lo  favor  llie  farmers,  llrit- 

'  Lih  farniera,  by  giving  them  the  jhnerican  market. 
Their  plan  was  to  buy  everything,  aell  nothing, 
and  get  rich.  (A  laiign.)  Whal  waa  fue  as  ii 
cloth  waa  ecpially  true  as  to  cverylhing  else.  Take 
a  hat,  a  pair  of  shoes,  a  yard  ot'  ailk  or  lace,  anal- 
yze il,  reaolve  il  inti  iia  eunatituent  elemeiita,  and 
yiai  will  find  that  the  raw  material,  and  the  aub- 

I  ainnce  of  labor,  and  other  a!;i:iculliiial  products, 
rrnsiitnled  more  than  one-half  ita  entire  value. 
The  pauper  labor  of  Europe  employed  in  manu- 
facturing ailk  and  lace  got  whal  il  eat,  no  more; 
and  this  ia  what  you  pay  for  when  you  puixliaso 
their  goods.  Break  up  your  home  niamifaciures 
ind  liinne  markela,  import  everything  you  eat  and 
drink  and  wear,  for  the  binrfil  if  Iht  furmtm.  Oh, 
what  frienila  these  genllemen  are  to  llie  farmers 
and  mechanics  and  labmers  of  this  counlry — no, 
sir,  I  am  wronir,  of  Virmt  Urilain. 

Aa  a  still  stronger  illustration  of  his  argument, 
Mr.  S.  referred  to  the  article  of  iron.  Last  year, 
according  to  Mr.  Walker's  report,  w«  imported 
#!),043,3'.>fi  worth  of  foreign  iron,  and  its  maniiftic- 
tiirea,  mostly  from  Ureal  Britain,  lour-fifilis  of  the 
value  of  which,  aa  every  practical  man  knew,con- 
sialed  of  agricultural  produce — ^nothing  else.  Iron 
is  made  nf  ore  and  coal;  and  what  is  the  ore  and 
coal  buried  in  your  mountains  worth .'  Nothing — 
nothing  nt  all,  unused.  What  gives  it  value?  The 
labor  of  horses,  oxen,  mules,  nnd  men.  And  what 
.iiistained  this  labor  but  corn  nnd  oata,  hay  and 
straw,  for  the  one,  and  bread  and  meal  and  vege- 
tables of  every  kind  for  the  other.  These  agricul- 
tural procluel.s  were  |)Uichasid  and  consumed,  and 
this  made  up  nearly  Ihe  whole  price  of  llie  iron 
which  the  nmmifactuicr  received  and  paid  over  to 
the  fiiriners  again  nnd  again,  as  oflen  aa  the  process 
was  repealed.     Well,  is  not  iron  made  in  England 

i  of  ihe  same  materials  that  il  is  made  of  here.'  Or- 
tainly;  ihen  is  not  four-filths  of  the  value  of  Brit- 
ish iron  made  up  of  British  agricullural  produce.' 
And  if  we  purchase  nine  millioiiH  of  dollars'  worth 
of  British  iron  a  year,  do  we  not  pay  six  or  seven 
millions  of  this  sum  for  the  produce  of  British  farm- 
ers— crain,  hay,  grn.is,  bread,  meat,  and  other 
provisions  for  man  and  beast — sent  here  for  sale  in 
the  form  of  iron  .'  He  put  it  to  the  gentleman  fronr 
Virginia  [Mr.  Bati.v]  to  say  if  this  waa  not  true 
to  the  letter.  He  challenged  him  lo  deny  it,  or  dis- 
prove it  if  he  could.  The  gentleman's  plan  was  to 
lireak  down  these  great  and  growing  markela  for 
our  own  farmers,  nnd  give  our  markets  to  the  Brit- 
ish ;  and  yet  he  profcused  lo  be  a  friend  to  Americjin 

i  farmers!  "  Erom  such  friends  good  Lord  deliver 
llinn!"  One  remark  more  on  thia  topic.  -Secretary 
Walker  informs  ua  ihal  the  present  duly  on  iron 
is  75  per  cent.,  which  he  proposes  to  reduce  lo  30 
per  cent.,  to  increase  llie  revenue.  To  do  thia,  must 
lie  not  then  double  the  imports  of  iron.'  Clearly 
he  muai.  Then  we  must  add  ten  or  twelve  mil- 
lions per  year  lo  our  present  imports  of  iron,  and 
of  course  destroy  that  amount  of  our  domestic  sup- 
(dy  to  make  room  for  it.  Thus,  at  a  blow,  in  Iho 
single  article  of  iron,  this  bill  is  intended  to  destroy 
the  American  markets  for  at  lea.sl  eight  millions  of 
dollars'  worth  of  domestic  agricultural  produce  lo 
be  suiiplied  from  abroad;  and  this  ia  the  American 

— no!     le  Briliih — system  of  policy  which  is  iiovc 

attempted  to  be  imposed  upon  this  country  by  i'..ih 


27. 


184fl.1 


APPEIVDIX  TO  THE  COIVOHESSIONAI.  GT.OBE. 


2^H  CoNO Iht  Sp.hh, 


The  Protective  Poliry — Mr.  Strwart. 


941 


Ho.  or  RcFi. 


Urituh-hiiling  .lilminiflratinn!     Lrl  ihrin  iln  it, mill 
III  Ichk  tliiiii  twii  yearn  tlivre  will  nut  lip  ii  niici'ln-  . 
imyiii;;  Imiik  in  tliu  niiiniiy.     'I'he  |ipcipl«  iiiiil  ihe 
ti'i'iiHiirv  will  Ihi  n!;iiin  liiiiikni|>l,  iiiiil  ilin  HO^iica 
anil  milti'riiiKK  <>)'  IH4tl  will  rcliirn;  nnd  with  il,  an  ' 
n  iii'i'cnunry  i'iinii»i|UL'ncc,  the  pnliiidil  lovoluliuns  i 
ortliiit  |ii'rii>il,  I 

nKi>K\L  nr  tiik  cniiN  i.AWn — it*  kfki:('T*. 

Dili  lliR  seiillnnmn  rnnsriiliilnl'  «  the  Wfiilon  the  i 
nrnH|ici't  of  an  nirly  I'i'pi'itl  Dl'tlMi  rnrii  lawn.    Ihiti 
in  hm  npiniiin,  if  liic  rum  lawn  were  repcalvil,  tliii 
priipli^  111' the  WphI  wiiiilil  Hi'MriTly  Ki't  «  IhimIicI  of 
llinr  Ki^in  inlii  Kiiirluiiil  on  any  ti  riiin.  | 

[Mr.  IIati.v.  IJo  you  iiinm  what  you  H»y,thiit 
not  one  IiiihIiiI  will  i;o  tlii^ri".') 

Mr.  Stkwaiit.  I  will  aimwer  thoi?rntlRnmn,liy 
4;iviiii;  him  liord  Anliliurlnn's  Hppreh  in  the  IIiiiinu 
<i|'  Lordn  a  ftw  Jnys  imo.  Ho  Hlairs  ihnt  iiinii-ti'iiilia 
ciriliecruin  now  imported  inloUirat  Hritniii  in  Bnp- 
plii  il  from  the  norili  of  iMiroiir,  nllliou(;h  tlicy  pay 
a  lax  nf  fil'trpii  Nliilliii^a  iIir  ipiarler;  whilv  that 
IVoni  Canada, and  thi'  Uiiilcd  tSlnlrH  piiNHing  ihrniigh 
f'aiiiida,  payx  Imt  four  Bhillin;;H.  Kcpcal  ihiidiily 
of  fii'iien  Nhillin;;H,  and  will  ilicy  not  Nupply  thn 
whole.'  Most  clearly  ihcy  will.  The  fact  in  iioto- 
rioiiH,  tlint  nio.st  of  our  grain  and  Hour  now  gotg 
to  h'.iH.'land  through  her  colonial  portK,  nnd  at  col- 


.lAi.l.U  hnrrelH  of  flour,  equal,  in  all,  to  l7H,7K'>l'iiHh> 
rU  of  wheat — ii^t  iipial  to  the  prodnction  of  a  Kin- 
dle rnuiity  in  I'ennaylvnnia  or  Ohio,  Kn;!land 
iiii|jorlH  ahout  |H,(MHI,IMMI  of  tpimheld  n»'  w  liral  year- 
ly. I''or  Nix  yearn  prior  to  |H4.'I,  nhe  iinporled 
annually  more  than  '.Jt),U(M),(HIO,  and  n(  tliin,  only 
I7H,7H.'i  from  Ihe  United  Htaten— not  a  huniiredili 


part  of  her  foreign  aiipidy. 
market  for  our  liread.tlnfl'l 


What  an   inimeiine 
And  would  the  repeal 
of  the  corn  lawn  hei,i  yon  ?    Clearly  not.     Il  will  i 
favor  oilier  eounlriea  Jiiat  na  much  aa  i*  will  favor  ' 

:  you;  if  the  duty  ia  taken  off  of  your  grain,  il  In 
taken  off  theira,  So  il  leavea  you  jiial  where  you 
are;  nay,  worse.  Kor  we  now  pel  a  large  amount 
of  grain  Ir  Kngland  through  the  Canadian  porln  al  ' 
four  ahillinga  duly,  while  the  grain  if  Kiirope  now 
pays  oiglileen.     Uepeal  the  corn  lawa,  and  lliin  ad- 

\  vantage  is  hint  forever,  and  our  trade  through  the 
eoloiiial  porlH  ia  at  an  end.     Clearly,  then,  llie  re- 
peal of  Ihe  corn  lawa  will  lie  no  injury,  and  a  great 
injury,  to  our  farniera  on  the  (^'aiiadian  frontier,  | 
wilhoul  in  Ihe  lenat  favoring  anyhnily  elne.  ' 

L.iat  year  Oreat  Drilain  and  In iind  took  of  all 
the  gram  anil   lireailKlulVH  of  Ihc  United    StalcH, 

j  wheal,  rye,  omIh,  corn,  flour,  and  meal  of  all  kinds, 
5>~^>^''>1  worth,  not  a  rpiarlerof  a  million;  and  we 
took  fiinn  her  Jli4il,(i84,0.'i9  worth  of  her  goods, 
nearly  fifty  millions  of  dolliirs.     These  arc  oHleial 


nial  duliea.thus  evading  the  operalion  of  thecorn    I  facta;  yet  ihcSccrelary  of  the  Treasury,  who  emu 
laws,  while  the  grain  and  Hour  from  the  north  of     municaica  them,  says, if  we  don't  reduce  our  larilT, 

!-..__    ._  _  ..  _  1 .1. ..  I  ■    I .  .1...:..  .  ; -.1     .  I  *..!... I !„..:„ I.  I..     T.' 1 i  ...:H  t ... 


Kuropc  must  always  pay  the  highest  duties  impused 
hy  iho  corn  laws,     lleiicu  Lind  Ashburlon  very 
jiiMily  argues,  that  we  imist  he  overwhelmed  if  the 
corn  laws  are  repealed,  and  I  liisgrcal  ad  vantage,  now 
enjoyed  liy  Canada  and  the  Uiiiicd  Stales,  of  import- 
ing flour  and  grain  at  aliout  one-f'ourtli  of  the  duly 
paid  liy  the  imporleis  from  the  Ihillic  nnd  Itlack 
sea.     Repeal  the  corn  laws — put  them  on  an  ccpial  j 
fooling  with  us,  and  is  not  the  (|neslion  settled, and  | 
the  market  lost  to  our  grain  and  flour  in  all  linielo 
come?     Nolhin;,  can  he  clearer.     And  yet  gentle- 
UK  n  exult  in  the  pro.ipect  of  the  repeal  of  the  corn 
laws,  and  are  rcwly  to  sacrifice  the  whole  of  our  I 
mnnul'ii  'iircs  nnd  home  markets  to  liring  it  about, 
■'^ucli  will  lie  the  operalion  of  the  repeal  of  ihe  corn 
laws  on  American  ngriculliirc,  and  such  is  the  slate- : 
nieiit  nf  Lord  Ashliiirton,  wiin  perhaps  knows  aa  i 
much  aliout  ihe  mailer  as  even  the  learned  genite-  j 
•.'.lan  from   Virginia.     Hut  this  is  not  all.     This] 
opinion  of  Lord   Ashliurton  is  sustainid  by  the 
most  inlelligent  nierchants  in  Great  Urilain.   iSuch 
is  ihc  uniform  ienor  of  the  leatimniiy  recently  taken 
lielVire  a  select  coniniitue  of  the  House  of  Com-  j 
iiioiis  on  this  Huhject.    lit  ]nj  deliver  t'hafmian,  one  I 
of  the  witnes.ses,  and  one  of  the  niosl  intelligent 
men  in  the  kingdom,  says;  "Uepeal  the  corn  laws,  ' 
'  and  Ihe  growing  Hade  with  (,'anada  nnd  iheu'cs/-  i 
'  f  la  Slates  Kf.'lnierira  will  he  crushed  liy  the  cheaper 

*  produclions  of  the  [tHtti<'.  and  ihe  lllack  sea;  con-  ■ 
'  sequenlly  (he  adds)  .Imerica,  Canada,  and  ISritish 
'shipping   Would    receive  a   .severe   and    decisive 

*  Mow"  liy  the  repeal  of  the  corn  laws.     Hut  still 
Ihc  gentli'inan  from  Virginia  exults  in  ihe  prisjiecl 
of  the  repeal  of  the  corn  huvs,  and  boasts  of  the 
niiirket  it  will  open  to  our  western   fanners,  to 
whom,  however,  he  will  not  give  one  dollar  for 
llieir  rivers  and  iiiiprovenicnis — not  a  cent — but  is  . 
anxious  to  seduce  them  into  this  Dritish  (Vee-trnde  ' 
/iii/j;  but  he  would  say  to  the  Wcsi,  "  (imfo  Da- 
vaos,"  trust  your  fricnils,  and  beware  of  your  eiie-  i 
lilies.     Look  al  ihe  boasted  foreign  markci,  what  i 
is  it.'     Comparatively,   nothing.     Look  al  facts.  I 
The  ngricullural  productions  of  the  Uiiilcd  Slates,  : 
exclusive  ol'  cotton  and  tobacco,  are  estimated  at 
8,1,I)(«M)I)0,()0U  per  year.     Our  exports  to  all  the 
world  ,'niounicd  last  year  to  jJll,lU5,5l.'>.   Of  this,  [ 
Ureal  Drilaiii  took  nb'uul  {.^i.SUIhUIJU.     All  the  rest  | 
was  consumed  at  home.     So  the  fouign  markets  j 
of  the  world  aniountid   to  <filJ,(HIU,UUU,  and  the 
home  market  to  S!IC''.I,(II1U,()U0'.    Yet  the  gentleman  ; 
bad  just   pronounced  the  foreign  markets  every-  i 
ibing  to  the  farmers,  and  the  honit!  markets  com-  ' 
paiativcly  nothing.  Wearetold  by  Ihe  gentleman, 
as  well  as  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Ihat 
if  we  will  reduce  our  tariff,  li^nglnnd  will  repeal  her 
corn  laws,  and  open  her  ports  to  our  breadsluffs, 
to  enrich  our  farmers.     Now,  sir,  I  beg  farmers  to 
look  al  official  fads,  .sent  to  us  by  this  Secretary  a  i 
few  days  since.     Look  al  the  lepoil  on  conmierce  1 
and  navigation,  and  you  will  be  asloiiished  to  sec  i 
thai  England,  Scotland,  nnd  Ireland  last  year  took  | 
from  the  United  Suites  i2,UlU  bushtls!  of  wheat,  and  ' 


and  take  more  Ilritish  goods,  Kngland  will  have  to 
pay  US  specie  for  our  brettilsliiJI'f ,  What  an  ab- 
surdity. She  takes  onc-i  'urtli  ol  a  mdlion  of  our 
brcadsiufTs,  and  we  take  fifty  milll.Mi  of  her 
goods;  yet  she  must  pay  specie  for  our  bread- 
sluffs ! !  Kut  Great  Urilain  took  in  tin  same  year 
S3.'>, 1)75, S.I'J  worth  nf  cotton,  yet  ilic  foffoii-giDie- 
ing  Secretary  is  not  natisfied.  We  of  the  West 
must  break  up  our  markets,  send  our  .f/im'r  to 
Kngland  to  purchase  wool  and  other  ngricullural 
proilitcp,  converted  into  jjoods,  nnd  support  lalinr, 
fed  by  lirilish  bread  and  meat,  so  that  luigland 
may  liave  plenty  of  specie  to  pay  high  jirices  for 
.Mr.  Walker's  cotton.  Kurniers  of  thii  VVesl,  what 
say  you  lo  this. >  Will  you  submit?  If  you  do, 
you  are  slaves,  and  you  d<  .serve  il.  Bui  another 
fact.  Our  exports  of  manufactures  last  year,  in-  ; 
eluding  those  of  wool,  amounted  to  «il3  499,l(iC.  I 
Assuminp;,  as  in  the  case  of  British  manufactures, 
that  one-lialf  iheir  value  is  made  up  of  American 
ngricullurol  produce,  then  we  export  nearly  jerin 
millions  of  dollars  worili  of  agricultural  produce 
in  the  form  of  manuliicUires,  which  does  not  glut 


[Mr.  Ratlv)  wnnia  n  new  enat;  he  goes  In  a  Hril- 
ish  importer  nnd  pnya  him  tvienty  dollars,  hard 
money,  and  hard  to  get.  iMiglnnd  lakea  none  of 
your  rag  tnonev.  [A  laugh.)  Away  it  gnea,  iii 
ipiiek  time.  We  see  no  more  of  il;  aa  far  aa  eir- 
eulaiion  ia  concerned,  Ihe  gentleman  might  na  well 
have  thrown  it  into  ihe  lire.  I  want  a  coat.  I  go 
to  the  America  I  mnnufaclurer  nnd  buy  *,'H)  worth 
of  American  liloadcloth.  He  wore  no  oilier,  anil 
he  would  romparn  contn  with  genilemcii  on  Iho 
spot.  (A  laugh.)  Well,  the  manufacinrer,  Ihn 
next  day,  gave  it  to  the  farmer  for  wool;  he  save 
it  In  the  shoemaker,  the  bailer  and  iilacksmilh! 
Ihey  gave  il  back  lo  the  farmer  for  meal  and  bread; 
anil  here  il  went  from  one  to  another.  Vou  might 
perhaps  nee  bin  biiay  and  bustling  jl'JO  note  five  or 
six  timea  in  the  c.cairse  of  a  day.  'J'hin  made 
money  plenty.  Hut  where  was  llie  gentleman's 
hard  money  ?  Vanished;  gone  to  ree.'nrd  and  en- 
rich the  wool-growers  and  firnicrs,  shoeinakers, 
halters,  and  blacksmiths  of  Kngland.  Now,  I  go 
for  aupnorting  the  American  farmers  and  mechan- 
ics, mil  Ihe  genlleman  goes  for  the  lirilish — that's 
the  dilferenee.  Can  the  gentleman  deny  il?  Tliero 
are  but  two  sides  in  this  mailer,  ihe  /(liVii/i  nnd  the 
.'/iiiericnn  side;  nnd  Ihe  simple  i|ne«lion  in,  which 
side  shall  we  take  ?  The  great  struggle  is  belween 
the  Urilhh  and  .'/merirnn  farmers  .ind  mechanics 
for  the  American  markci,  and  we  muai  decide 
which  shall  bavo  il. 

BRITISII  INFLUENCE  AND  till  ROBERT  PEF.l'b  POLICY 
EXrilKEO. 


Mr.  S.  would  here  take  necnninn  to  atnlc  n  fact 
that  would  slarlle  the  Amrrienn  people. 

The  Hrilhli  maniifacliirers  have,  at  thin  moment, 
jiossession  of  ibis  Caiiilol.  Yes,  sir,  I  lell  you  and 
the  country — one  of  the  principal  commitlee-roonm 
in  this  House  is  now,  nnd  has  been  for  weeks  past, 
occupied  by  a  gentleman  formerly  residing  in  Man- 
chester, England,  who  has  a  vast  number,  perlmp.') 
Iiiindreils  of  specimens  of  goods  sent  from  Man- 
chester [priced  to  suit  the  occasion]  to  be  exhibiied 
to  members  of  Congress  lo  enlighten  iheir  jndg- 
inents,  and  in  the  language  of  his  letter  of  insirnc- 
tion  from  Manchester  of  the  3d  January,  IH4I), 
accompanying  these  specimens,  to  enable  thent 
[members  of  Congress]  "  to  arrive  at  just  conclu- 
sions in  reE;ard  to  the  proposed  alterations  in  the 
present  tariir.'"  Y'es,  eir,  agents,  specimens,  nnd 
letters  from  Great  Uritnin  instructing  us  how  lo 
make  n  tnnff  to  suit  the  Urilish. 

Speakingof  the  I'residenl'.s  Message,  this  Man- 
or injure  the  foreign   markets,  for  our  flour  and    .Chester  letter-writer  calls  Mr.  Polk  "  a  second  Dan- 


gram,  in  its  original  form.  To  use  a  familiar 
illustralion:  Western  farmers  send  their  corn,  hay, 
and  oats,  thousands  of  dollars  worth,  every  year 
to  the  eastern  market,  not  in  its  rude  nnd  original 
form,  hut  in  the  form  of  hogs  and  horses;  they 
give  their  hay-.stacks  life  nnd  legs,  and  make  them 
trol  to  market  with  the  farmer  on  their  back.  [A 
laugh.]  So  the  British  eonverted  their  produce, 
not  into  hogs  or  horses,  but  into  cloth  nnd  iron, 
and  send  it  here  for  sale.  And,  viewing  the  sub- 
ject in  this  light,  he  could  denionsiratc  that  there 
was  not  a  Slale  in  the  Union  that  did  not  now  con- 
sume^ief  dollars'  worth  of  British  agricultural  pro- 
duce to  one  dollar';i  worth  she  consumes  of  theirs. 
Time  would  not  permit  him  to  go  into  details;  but 
he  would  furnish  the  elements  from  which  anyone 
could  make  the  calculation.  Assuming  that  coii- 
sitmpHim  and  exprnlalion  are  in  proportion  to  popu- 
lation, then  we  import  fifty  millions  of  British 
goods,  and  twenty-five  millions — one-half — is  agri- 
cultural produce.  We  export  lo  England  agricul- 
tural produce  (excluding  collon  and  tobacco)  2S 
millions.  Divide  these  sums,  'JH  and  Sj  millioiiM, 
by  '223,  Ihe  number  of  Representatives,  nnd  it 
gives  |JI1:J,1(W  as  the  amount  of  British  agricul- 
tural produce  consumed  in  the  form  of  goods  in 
each  Congressional  district;  nnd  51 1, '.JIO  "s  their 
export  to  Great  Britain  of  agricultural  produce. 
This  gives  the  proportion  often  to  one.  Vet  gen- 
tlemen are  not  satisfied,  nnd  wish  still  further  to 
increase  the  import  of  British  goods,  and  still 
further  prostrate  and  destroy  Uie  American  farmer 
and  mechanic  and  laboring  man,  lo  favor  foreign- 
ers. 

EFFECT  UPON  CURRENCY. 

To  show  the  cflcct  upon  currency,  as  well  as 
Rgricultui*,  suppose  the  gentleman  from  Virginia 


iel  conic  to  judgment,  a  second  Ilicluird  Cobden;" 
and  so  delighted  were  they  in  England  with  Mr. 
Walker's  celebrated  free-lrnde  report,  that  il  was 
ordered  to  be  printed  by  the  House  of  Lords.  Af- 
ter all  this,  having  our  President  and  Secretary  on 
their  side,  they  ought  to  have  been  content,  with- 
out sending  their  letlers  of  instructions  here  lo 

I  direct  us  what  kind  ofn  taritftbey  wish  us  lopnss. 
But  if  their  chnncellor  had  sent  us  a  i-evenue  hill, 

i  he  could  not  have  furnished  one  to  suit  Great 
Britain  belter  than  the  one  furnished  by  IheSecre- 

!  tary  of  the  Treasury.  Parliament  would  pass  it 
by  acclamation.     Sir  Robert  Peel  undeisinnds  his 

'  business;  he  propo.ses  to  take  ihe  duties  oft'brcMd- 
stulfs  and  raw  materials  of  all  kinds  used  by  iheir 
inanufacturers,  and  remove  every  burden,  so  as  to 
enable  them  to  meet  us  and  bent  us  in  our  own 
markets,  and  in  the  markets  of  the  world,  where 
Yankee  competition  is  beginning  to  give  them  great 
iineiwiness.  Last  year  we  exporleu  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  dollars'  worth  of  cotlon  goods  into 
the  British  East  Indies,  niid  heat  the  British  in 
their  own  mai  keis,  after  paying  discriminaling  du- 
ties impo.sed  to  keep  us  out,  first  H,  then  10,  nnd 
finally  15  per  cent.  In  this  great  struggle.  Sir 
Robert  Peel  conies  to  the  rescue;  he  repeals  iho 
duly  on  cotton  and  wool,  and  bread  and  meat,  and 
everything  used  by  British  maiuifaeuirers,  to  en- 
able ihem  to  go  ahead  in  this  struggle  with  the 
Americans.  He  understands  the  great  interests 
of  his  country,  nnd,  like  a  great  and  true  slaies- 
inan,  he  takes  care  of  them.  He  sees  a  new  crisis, 
nnd  he  meets  il  like  a  man.  He  sees  Ihat  the 
manufactures  of  Great  Britain,  the  great  pillars  of 
her  national  prosperity,  arc  tottering  to  their  fall; 
he  sees  that  powerful  rivals  are  springing  up  in  the 

'.United  Stales  and  in   Europe,  who  are  not  only 

'   supplying  ihemiielvea,   but  threatening  to  drive 


d42 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[March  14  k  May  27, 


1846.] 


29tu  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Protective  Policy— rMr.  Stewart. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


Great  Rritoin  out  oftlie  marketa  of  the  world.  To 
meet  iliia  new  and  fearful  crJHis,  what  does  he  do  > 
lie  addresses  the  lords  niiil  Inndhuldera  of  Eng- 
land, with  whom  hn  liad  been  always  politically 
identified,  thus:  "  Ucntleineii,  stern  necessity  now 
demands  that  you  surrender  some  teiiipoiary  ad- 
vanuifjrs  to  save  your  country  luid  yourselves. 
Our  manufactures  are  Ihrenteiicd  with  destruc- 
tion; they  arc  your  great  and  only  markets;  they 
eonsume,  carry  abroad,  and  sell  one  liundml  and 
IwtHly-five  millions  of  your  agricultural  produce 
annually — thus  making  KiigUiM))  the  greatest  ag- 
ricultural exporting  country  in  the  world.  But 
if  you  sulTcr  your  manufactures  to  be  destroyed 
by  foreign  competition,  what  becomes  of  you  > 
Where  uic  your  markets.'  Can  you  curry  your 
brciid  and  moat,  your  wool  and  other  products, 
obroad  in  a  raw  and  unmaimfaciurid  form?  Our 
manufacturers  arc  giving  way;  last  year  the  Uni- 
ted Suites  sold  in  the  <°jrclgn  markets  more  than 
TiiinTKKM  MILLIONS  ot  manufactured  goods,  and 
the  question  is  now  presented,  will  you  sustain 
your  manufactures  in  this  snuggle  by  clicapening 
ilitir  living,  or  will  you  hold  on  and  break  them 
down,  and  with  tlietu  your  country  and  your- 
selves?" This  noble  anil  pauioiic  appeal  had 
its  ell'ect;  the  corn  laws  were  repealid.  Ami  what 
does  Mr.  Walker  do?    Just  the  reverse.     Ilepro- 

1  loses  to  lake  oil' all  proieciive  duties,  and  imposes 
icavy  burdens  on  the  raw  materials,  ilye-£>tuils, 
Ac,  used  by  our  manufacturers,  so  as  eli'ectually 
to  prostrate  and  break  them  down.  Sir  Robert 
I'eel  lakes  burdens  oil'  his  steed,  while  Sir  Ilobirt 
AVulker  piles  bags  of  .sand  on  his — then  crack  their 
whips— elear  the  road — a  fair  racej  [A  luugh.] 
Such  is  the  dilTercnce  between  British  and  Amer- 
ican poliiy.  Sir  Hubert  Peel 's  present  system  fur- 
nishes powerful  aigumenis  fur  adhering  to  our 
protective  system — his  object  is,  not  to  favor,  but 
to  beat  us;  and  our  cour.se  is,  nut  to  defeat,  but  to 
favor  his  purpose.  This  will  not  only  be  the  ell'ect 
oftlie  larill'proposed  by  our  Secretary,  but  it  is  its  , 
open  and  avowed  purpose  and  design.  Is  it  not 
the  ppiclaimcd  purpose  oftlie  Message  and  report 
to  increase  the  imporlation  of  British  goods,  and 
of  course,  to  that  exleni,  destroy  American  sup- 
])ly?  Does  not  the  Secretary  propo.se  to  reduce 
the  protective  duties  on  most  articles  more  than 
one-half  for  the  purpose  of  inccfn.'iiiig  revenue;  and 
if  the  revenue  is  incmistd  by  rfdiifing  dulii.s  one- 
half,  must  not  the  imports  be  more  than  doubled? 
This  is  self-evident;  and  if  you  double  your  im- 
porls  of  foreign  goods,  must  you  not  destroy,  to 
that  e::ienl,  American  supply?  Most  certainly, 
unless  the  .Secretary  can,  ill  his  wisdom,  devise  a 
plan  to  make  ^leople  eat,  drink,  loid  w'ear  double 
us  much  OS  they  now  do.  But  where  will  we  Hnd 
money  to  pay  for  tliini?  But,  startling  and  ex- 
traordinary as  it  may  appear,  our  Secretary,  for 
the  fust  time  in  tlw.  hisim-y  of  the  world,  has  bold- 
ly and  openly  avowed  it  as  the  object  of  the  Gov- 
ernment to  break  down  a.id  destroy  its  own  manu- 
factures, for  ilie  iturpose  of  making  way  for  those 
of  foreigners.  In  the  very  first  paragraph  of  his 
argumentative  repoii,  he  sets  out  wiili  stating  that 
the  revenue  of  ilie  first  ipiarter  of  this  year  is  two 
millions  less  than  (he  first  ipiartcr  of  the  last,  and 
that  this  has  been  occa.sioned  by  the  stihstitiitwn  of 
liiifhhj  prolechd  tlincricnn  niimufiicluns  for  fiinign 
ii»/i(.r/.s;  luid  ihis  evil,  this  terrible  evil,  this  ■.yiiifri- 
frt/i  SecreUiry  propo.ses  to  remedy  by  reducing  the 
protective  duties,  and  thus  breaking  up  this  abom- 
inable business  of"  itubstilittiiifi^  douirnlic  /icoi/ac /.f, " 
made  by  ./m(rtriiii  hilior  out  of  .Imtriruii  produce, 
fiU'  lliihilt  goods,  niMile  by  Hiilhh  labor  out  of 
Jliilisli  proiluc!!.  (Jli,  but  he  hales  the  llrilish. 
iS'iiw,  sir,  this  is  not  oiily  the  doctrine  of  his  teal, 
but  it  runs  inroiigh  his  MholeKurnion  of  "J.'iTjiages. 
iSo  wonder  ii  \vus|aiiucd  by  the  Mouse  of  i.ords; 
mid  ht  our  Seen  lary  carry  ihnaigh  this  bill,  and 
Uueen  Victi   la  wiaild   gladly  Irausfir  the   seals 

fr Sii  Robert  Peel  lo  Sir  Rob"rt  Walker,  for  lie 

will  have  rendered  her  a  greater  scrvic:e  than  any 
other  niaii,dit.''.d  or  living. 

But  tills  it;  not  only  the  doctrine  of  the  Treasury 
repor',  bill  of  ihe  niessiige  itself.  The  reveiuic 
standard  laid  down  in  tlii^  niessage  aims  a  death 
blow  Ml  all  Americ.in  iiiduslry.  It  suL'gesls  ukimi 
of  "  sliding  siiilt,"  Ml  ihat  wlonever  uiiy  branch  of 
American  industry  bi  gins  to  beat  Ihe  foreigner,  and 
supply  llie  murkf.l,  nral  then  by  iliiiiinish  iniporls  , 
and  revenue,  this  is  evidence  that  the  duty  is  too  , 


high,  and  ought  lo  be  reduced,  so  as  to  let  in  the 
foreign  rival  productions;   but  let  the   President  |j 
speak  for  himself.— here  is  liis  revenue  standard  in  jj 
his  own  words:  |: 

"The  precipe  point  In  the  nscciiiling  ^"n\e  of  (lutl.>4  nt  11 
wliii'h  it  iri  iiHCirtsliieil  tYtiiii  exiiericiici-  lluil  Ihe  ilvcimic  in  \, 
Krentct,  is  the  iiiiixiininii  nitc  or  duty  which  can  bo  laid  lor  'j 
1!ic  IfOiui  title  iiuriHiiii!  nl' collecting  iiltMicy  for  the  HUpitoit  ol'  |{ 
tit)vprnnictit.  'J  u  raise  Uie  duties  hJKliiT  than  that  |itiiiit,  ' 
and  tliercliy  dlniini  -'  tile  nniouiit  etdlvctcd,  is  In  levy  tlieni  I; 
for  proti'citon  iiie.  '',,,  and  not  for  revenue.  As  lonu,  I'len,  |{ 
as  Congress  niay  ffr'nilltally  increase  the  rate  ot  duty  on  a  |^ 
aiven  article,  and  the  revenue  is  increa.<ed  liyHUeli  iniTciise  j^ 
ol'dnly,  they  are  witliin  the  revenue  8t.-indnrd.  When  lliey  li 
ifn  beyond  thnl  pi  I  it,  and  tis  they  increase  the  duties  tile  . 
revenue  is  dinnnished  or  destroyed,  the  act  censes  to  linve  ;' 
lor  its  idiject  the  raising  of  inun'ey  to  sup^iort  Governnieiit,  | 
but  is  for  protection  merely."  1 1 

What  is  this  but  n  rule  to  favor  foreigners  and  ! 
break  down  Americans?    The  moment  the  Amcr-  , 
icnn  by  his  superior  industry  and  skill  begins  to  I; 
succeed,  and  by  supplying  the  market  diminish 
imports  and   revenue,  then  the  duly  must  come  ' 
down  so  as  to  increase  foreign  im|iorls  and  rt^v- 
enuc.     This  is  the  plain  and  inevitable  operation' 
of  the  rule;  and  who  would  go  into  manufacturing  || 
under  such  an  ami-American  rule  us  this,  making 
the  penally — death  by  the  law — certain  ond  inevi- 
table.     And  yet  we  are  told  that  this  system  is  to  ■ 
be  permanent — a  system  based  upon  tluctunlions  I 
and  continual  change,  is  to  be  permanent!     Under  <i 
this  K.Necutive  rule,  what  duty  could  be  perma-|' 
nent?    It  was  a  "  sliding  scale,"  working  by  Itgis-  / 
talion.    The  President  says.  Continue  to  increase  [ 
the  duty  so  long  as  it  increa-ses  revenue,  but  reduce  il 
it  when  it  is  so  high  us  to  reduce  revenue.     What  j| 
would  be  the  practical  result?    The  President  runs  ■. 
up  his  revenue  duty  on  articles  we  do  not  now 
produce;  these  duties  at  length  induce  the  invest- 
ment of  capital;  machinery  and  labor  go  to  work   ' 
and  supply  the  market;  imports  and  revenue  con- 
sequently fall  olT;  then  down  with  the  duties  till 
you  destroy   Jlmerkan  competition   and  supply.  | 
This  done,  and   again  the  President  puis  up  his  I 
revenue  duties  till  lie  again  starts  competilion;  then 
down  with  the  duties  again;  and  so  on  forever,  j; 
Such  must  be  the  practical  working  of  the  system. 
^ei  it  is  recommended  ns  u  pcniiaiu'nt  system,  to  j 
pul  at  rest  the  agnations  of  the  tarill'!    So  far  from  :j 
II,  Congress  would  have  to  remain  in  session  per- ' 
nianently   to   watch   and    adjust    this   Kxecutive 
"  sliding  scale,"  tosup|)ressaiid  keep  down  Amer- 
ican labor,  ami  secure  to  foreigners  the  undi.spuled 
pos.session  of  the  American  market; — in  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Secretary,  to  prevent  the  "iubslilution  ' 
if  •lincriaiH  rirnl  fabrics  for  foreign  goods;"  and  this 
system   was  certainly  odmirably  calculated  to  ac- 
complish this,  its  avowed,  object. 

KFFECT  Of-   AD  VALOllK.M  DUTIES.  | 

Ad  valorem  duties  hud  been  universally  rejected  i 
throughout  the  wmlil,  ni;d  'i  believer  .sjitei/ic  duties  ' 
could   be  adopted,   thei    'yuc  substituted    for  ad  | 
valorems.     And    why:      l-ei.ouie  ail    experiencti  i. 
had  proved  tli.it  they  kd  to  all  kinils  of  frauds  and  I 
evasions,  and  were  ullcrly  inadequate  to  the  pur- 
poses of  either  ret'oiiit  or  jirolcc/ioii.    They  favored  ii 
the  foreign  nmiuiricturer  and  foreign  importer  at 
till!  expense  oftlie  honest  American.    The  foreign  ' 
mnnii/iiclnnr  s^lld  his  goods  to  his  ou'n  agent,  who 
was  the  importer.      I'liey  made  on!  Miid  swore  to  \ 
their  invol'e  at  any  price  they  plea'^iil,  thus  cheat-  !' 
ing  the  ri '  eiiuc,  whilst  ihey  broke  down  our  lion-   i 
est  shippers,  mechanics,  and  manufacturers.     Vor 
tlie?;e  destructive  ell'i'ds  there  was  no  remedy.    On  ' 
the  other  hand,  speclllc  i     .ies,  levied  on  the  tiling, 
and  not  its  price,  must  be  fairly  and  honestly  paid. 

Another  pernicious  elTectofaii  valorem  duties  was 
llu.s — they  gave  proliclioH  when  it  was  not  wanted, 
and  took  ii  .iway  when  it  teas.  Thus,  when  goods 
went  down  in  price  abroad,  aiiJ  coiiHer|uenlly  run 
iiilo  our  m.iri;ets,  the  duties  went  dow  :i  with  the 
prices,  but  w  lien  the  prices  raised  .so  hig'i  abroad 
that  Ihey  could  not  be  iniportt  d,  then  the  duties  ; 
were  high  in  proporlion;  for  instance,  when  iron 
was  fkiHi  per  ton  abroad,  and  i,ould  not  be  imported, 
till  n  .'111  per  cent,  ad  valorem  would  be  JIH  per  ton; 
but  if  iron  fell  lo  what  it  was  a  few  years  ago,  ^ii.'i 
per  ton,  when  it  could  and  would  be  imported  lo  '■ 
the  ruin  of  our  manufacturers,  then  the  duty,  ,'IU 
pi  r  eenl.,  would  fall  down  from  Slf^  to  $7  51)  per 
I. Mi;  thus  making  dinr  goods  dearer,  ami  cheap 
goods  ilie;qier— giving  Aigh  prolection  when  none 
was  wanted,  and  no  protection  at  all  when  it  was.  1 
The»e  were  a  few  of  the  iiiuiiy  objections  lo  this  i 


misernble  and  ruinous  system  of  od  valorems, 
adopted  here  when  cast  oft'  and  rejected  every- 
where else;  but  this  was  in  perfect  harmony  with 
the  Secretary's  whole  scheme,  which  was  avow- 
edly to  prevent  the  "  sulisliliition  of  ,ilmerican  man- 
nfaelurea  for  Jirilisk  goods."  Its  purpose  was  to 
favor  the  British,  nnd  break  down  the  Americans, 
and  it  would  answer  its  purpose.  It  was  playing 
into  the  hands  of  Sir  Robert  Peel,  nnd  carrying 
out  the  policy  of  this  British-hating  Adminisinr- 
tion.  Giving  up  Oregon  was  nothing,  but  giving 
up  our  national  independence,  and  reducing  us 
again  to  the  condition  of  colonies,  was  too  bad. 
The  remcdjr  is  with  the  people,  nnd  they  must 
apply  it.  If  gentlemen  desired  an  appropriate  title 
for  tlieir  bill,  lie  would  furnish  one,  and  move  it 
08  an  amendment  of  the  bill  passed,  viz: 

"A  bill  to  reduce  the  duties  on  luxuries  of  the 
rich,  and  to  increase  them  on  the  necessaries  of  the 
poor;  10  bankrupt  the  Treasury,  strike  down  Ame- 
rican farmers,  mechanics  and  working-men;  to 
make  way  for  the  products  of  foreign  agriculture 
nnd  foreign  labor;  to  destroy  American  competi- 
tion, thereby  establishing  n  foreign  monopoly  in 
the  American  market;  and,  by  adopting  the  prin- 
ciples of  free-trade,  to  reduce  the  now  prosperous 
labor  of  this  country  to  the  degraded  level  of  the 
paupT  labor  of  Europe,  and  finally  destroy  the  pros- 
jieniyand  inilependence  of  these  United  States, 
and  again  reduce  them  to  the  condition  of  colonies 
and  dependencies  of  Great  Britain." 

TUP.  PRACTICAL  EFFECTS  OF  THIS  BILL. 

The  operation  of  this  bill  upon  the  national  in- 
dustry will  be  seen  from  the  following  examples, 
assuming  that  the  reduction  of  wages  will  always 
be  in  proportion  to  the  reduction  o{ protection,  and 
that  as  home  consumption  cannot  be  increased, 
home  production  niu.u  be  diminished  to  the  extent 
of  the  increased  importations: 


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The  question,  then,  is  distinctly  presented  to  nil 
these  mechanics,  manufacturers,  ami  farmers, 
whether  they  are  prepared  lo  submit  to  these  re- 
ductions in  their  prices  niid  wages,  or  give  up 
the  market  lo  foreigners?  One  or  the  other 
they  must  do — and  why?  Mr.  Walker  says,  to 
increuie  the  revenue;  but  this  is  manifestly  not 
Iriie;  for  when  you  lake  all  ihe  increase  of  imports 
Mr.  Walker  himself  eslimiites,  and  assess  on  these 
the  proposed  reduced  dunes,  there  will  be,  on  his 
own  showing,  a  loss  inslead  of  a  gain  nf  revenue. 
Then  why  the  proposed  ri  diiction  ?  To  substitute 
foreign  for  .'JiiifWciin  fabrics,  as  dei  l.ueil  in  Mr. 
Walker's  report.  To  i'livnt  foreigners,  by  breaking 
dowii.'iini'n'fimmfc/mnic.i,  mini iiriicdoris,  and /inii- 
ers;  and  this  nn(i-.'/iiifrifii»  measure  is  to  be  passed 
under  the  party  lash  of  this  Adminisiialion,  and  lo 
be  approved  by  the  people.     We  shall  see  ! 

But  gentlemen  were  in  love  with  the  scheme, 
nnd  Ihe  party  had  orilniiied  that  it  should  be  tried. 
Let  ils  nilvocntcs  go  home  and  tell  the  slii.emnker.i, 
and  carpenlers,  and  blarksmilhs,  and  tanners,  and 
hatters,  that  they  had  voted  lo  take  aO  per  cent. 
olV  those  articles  wliicli  were  the  products  of  their 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


943 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Protective  Polio/ — Mr.  Stewart, 


Ho,  OF  Reps. 


lubor.  Tell  the  slioemiik«rs  tlint  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  -projidsed  to  dnuhlo  the  import  of 
ehncs  for  the  purpiiHe  of  increasing  the  revenue, 
but  that  the  real  cllcct  wouUI  bo  to  reduce  the  rev- 
enue; and  when  these  honest  and  liard-workinc 
men  nNkcd  their  renresentalivcs  wliy  th"y  voted 
for  snch  a  scheme,  tlieir  only  answer  muit  be,  to 
break  up  your  labor.  Let  them  go  into  their  dis- 
tricts and  tell  the  halters  that  the  Secretary  intended 
to  bring  in  one  liundred  and  ten  thousand  dollars 
more  of  foreign  luits.  Tell  the  blacksmiths  that 
Mr.  Walker  intended  to  bring  in  two  liundred  thou- 
Nund  dollars  wcn'lh  of  iron  manufactures.  Go  and 
tell  the  tailors  that  he  intended,  in  like  manner,  to 
bring  in  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  worth  more 
of  ready-made  clothing,  reducing  the  protection  on 
that  article  from  fifty  down  to  thirty  per  cent.,  and 
let  them  understand  that  the  fruit  of  this  reform 
would  be  to  reduce  the  revenue  and  reduce  the 
lirice  of  Ihcir  work  twenty  per  cent,,  to  throw  mul- 
titudes of  them  out  of  employment,  and  to  supply 
the  i^ilace  of  their  labor  in  the  market  by  the  labor 
of  liiiglisb  and  French  shoemakers,  English  bat- 
ters, Engli^jh  blacksmiths,  aiid  English  tadors;  and 
liow  was  it  probable  these  men  would  be  pleased; 
and,  what  wasof  Uiore  consequence  to  certain  gen- 
llinn^n,  how  was  it  likely  they  would  vote.'  [A 
good  (leal  of  restlessness  was  here  manifested.]  Mr. 
b.  said  he  knew  it  was  a  very  unpleasant  topic  in 
cerUiin  quarters,  but  what  he  said  was  true,  and 
gentlemen  would  find  it  to  be  true.  Ho  wajrncd 
tiieni  to  remember  his  words,  that.  Just  so  sure  as 
they  passed  this  new  tariif  bill,  so  certainly  would 
they  destroy  the  revenue,  destroy  the  country,  and 
destroy  their  party;  and  if  the  last  was  the  only 
conse(|uence,  lie  would  not  rggret  it — it  would  be 
a  godsend  to  the  country.  He  told  them  before- 
hand they  would  not  have  money  to  pay  the  ordi- 
nary expenses  of  the  Government,  let  alone  the 
expenses  of  the  war. 

the:  general  operations  or  the  bill. 

Mr.  S.  said  he  had  been  considering  the  subject 
somewhat  in  detail;  he  now  wished  for  a  moment, 
in  conclusion,  to  present  the  subject  in  a  more  gen- 
eral and  comprehensive  point  of  view.  He  wished 
gentlemen  to  turn  to  the  47th  page  of  the  Secre- 
tiuy '»  report,  and  they  would  there  see  these  state- 
ments: that  the  dutiable  imports  last  year  were 
S',l.'>,lU(i,7"J4,  which  exceeds  by  twenty-five  mil- 
lions the  average  of  dutiable  imports  for  the  last 
nine  years.  (See  page  71.)  The  Secretary  further 
slates,  that  the  average  amount  of  the  duties  im- 
posed by  the  present  tarifli3  3U.40percent.;  which 
nt  first  he  proposed  to  reduce  19]  per  cent.,  but 
since  the  war,  has  raised  to  :.>2.  Ibit  to  simplify 
the  calculation,  let  us  put  the  dutiable  imports  at 
one  hundred  millions,  the  present  duties  nt  III),  and 
the  proposed  duties  :J'J  per  cent.— just  one-lhird  olf. 
if  you  reduce  the  duties  one-tliird,  you  must,  to 
get  the  same  revenue,  increase  yoivr^impcu-ls  one- 
third — that  is,  inslrad  of  one  hundred,  you  nui.sl 
have  one  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  dutiable 
imports.  Then,  is  it  not  clear  that  the  only  ellect 
of  them  easure  is  to  increase  the  foreign  imports 
fifty  millions  of  dollars.'  Without  increasing  the 
revenue  one  cent,  or  lightening  the  burdens  of  the 
]ieople  one  farthinu;,  you  get  i  xactiy  the  same  rev- 
enue. The  pcotile  pay  |uecis('ly  the  same  amount 
to  (iovernuient,l)Ut  lliey  pay  filty  millions  more  to 
liirci^'iiers,  lose  that  inneli  specie,  destroy  fil'ty 
million.-'  of  our  productions,  anil  with  it  the  hun- 
dreds elf  millions  of  capital  and  thuiisands  of  hnn- 
est  and  industrious  people  thrown  out  of  employ- 
ment. 

iS'ow  wepiy  one  hu.'Ired  millions  to  foreigners, 
and  twenty-si  veil  to  Cjoveriimeni — making  one 
hundri'd  and  twenly-sc  vcn  millions  of  dollars.  I!y 
this  bill  we  will  pay  oi.e  liundred  and  fifty  millions 
to  foreigners,  and  tw<  nty-seven  millions  to  Gov- 
ernir.ent,  maliingoiie  hundred  and  seventy-seven 
inillions— just  fifty  iiM.re  'ban  the  people  now  pay. 
And  why?  To  fiwor  foreigners  and  destroy 
Anieriian  labor.  That  was  the  ellccl,  and  the 
only  ell'ect,  of  this  measure.  It  was  to  increase 
tiie  burdc'is  of  the  peopli'  just  fil'ty  inillions  of  dcd- 
lars  a  year.  You  may  increasi:  your  imports,  but 
you  cannot  inn-ease  your  exports;  yon  cannot 
inrce  t'  "ill  upon  other  countries.  They  will  take 
w  bat  til.  v  want,  and  no  more.  And  w  hat  follows? 
I'irsl,  you  innst  send  filly  iiiillionH  in  specie  abroad, 
to  pay  for  one  year's  excess  of  iinporls.     Next 


i  year,  having  no  specie,  you  will  send  your  State 
I  and  National  bonds,  at '6  per  cent.,  as  you  did 
j  under  your  20  per  cent,  duties  and  excessive  im- 
I  ports  a  few  years  since;  and  then  again  follows 
j  repudiMion  and  bankruptcy.  Slate,  national,  and 
I  individual.  But  this  is  not  all;  there  is  another 
I  and  a  worse  consequence.  You  may  add  oiie- 
I  third  to  your  supiify  of  foreign  goods,  but  you 
I  can't  compel  the  people  to  eat,  drink, or  wear  onc- 
I  third  more;  and  if  you  could,  it  would  ruin  them. 
'.  Then,  if  you  can't  increase  consximplion,  it  tollows 
'  that  you  must  destroy  fifty  millions  of  Amcii^a'i 
'  production,  to  make  room  for  this  additional  hfty 

millions  of  foreign  goods. 
I      But  can  you,  by  reducing  duties,  increase  your 
I  imports  fifty  millions?    The  attempt  will  be  a  fail- 
ure, and  the  effect  will  be  to  reduce  your  revenue 
j  one-half,  and  to  reduce  the  wages  of  labor  here; 
just  as  you  reduce  the  duties,  your  labor  must 
continue  ,lo  work  on  at  these   reduced  rates,  or 
starve.    They  will  work  on,  and  your  imports  and 
,  your  revenue  will  be  reduced  together.     The  peo- 
ple, ground  down  and  impoverished  by  this  level- 
ling and   degmding  system,   con   purchase    and 
'  consume  nothing  from  abroad.     If  you  want  to 
I  replenish   your   treasury,   protect  your   iintioiml 
I  industry,  and  keep  it  prosperous;  and  then,  linvin]| 
\  the  ability,  they  will  purchase  foreign  goods  and 
i  enrich  your  treasury.   A  poor  people  make  a  poor 
'  treasury,  and  n  rich  people  a  rich  one.     This  re- 
'  suited  tioin  the  fact,  that  in  this  counli-y  the  revenue 
i  was  a  fo/tmlarj/ and  not  compulnon  contribution 
j  by  the  people  to  the  Government.  When  did  they 
!  contribute  by  the  purchase  and  consumption  of 
j  foreign  goods?   When  they  had  the  ability — when 
they  were  prosperous ;  and  hence  it  always  hap- 
pened that  when  the  people  were  protected  and 
prosperous,  under  high  tarifls,  we  had  a  full  treas- 
ury; and  when  the  people  were  impoverished  by 
"  free  tmde,"  the  treasury  and  the  country  always 
had  and  always  would  become  bankrupt  together. 
Such  was  our  uniform  experience-  such  the  un- 
broken evidence  of  our  financial  history,  and  no 
man  could  deny  it. 

the  consequences  of  this  policy  foretold. 

Let  gentlemen  go  on  and  pass  this  bill;  let  them 
carry  out  their  system;  let  them  involve  the  coun- 
try in  war — double  the  expenditures  of  Govern- 
ment, as  they  had  done — create  a  large  national 
debt — reduce  the  revenue  by  reducing  the  duties 
to  one-half  of  what  it  now  is — destroy  the  national 
industry — bankrupt  the  treasury  and  the  peojile 
with  your  ad  valorem  and  warehousing  system, 
your  hard  mmicrj  sub-treasury,  and  your  fuijm' 
Hionfi/  treasury  note  bills;  go  on,  gentlemen,  and 
see  where  you  will  come  out.  You  will  do  one 
good  thing,  at  least — you  will  relieve  the  country 
from  the  curse  of  this  whole  anti  American  and 
British  free-trade  system,  and  restore  the  true 
American  jiolicy  in  IHIS.  Carry  out  your  meas- 
ures; ]irostraln  all  the  walls  that  now  surround 
and  protect  the  national  industry;  break  down 
your  manuf  icturing  establishments  throughout  the 
length  and  breadth  of  the  land;  C()ni)iel  them,  as 
the  only  means  of  saving  what  they  have,  to  close 
their  doors,  and  turn  out  850,000  operatives  into 
the  streets,  without  work,  to  beg  or  starve;  let 
them  go  to  the  fiirmcr  for  employment,  and  he  will 
tell  them  his  markets  are  gone,  and  that  his  condition 
is  no  better  than  theirs.  It  will  then  be  seen  who 
the  tariif  benefits.  What  will  these  people  do? 
Go  back,  and  tell  the  manufacturers  to  go  on,  and 
they  will  work  for  half  price;  and  the  farmer  oll'cr- 
ing  his  produce  at  the  same  rale,  then  the  nianii- 
facliirer  can  resume,  when  loasof  jirotectionisniade 
up  by  the  reduction  of  prices.  Keducc  the  tariif, 
and  you  reduce  wagi-s  in  preci.sely  the  same  ratio 
— proving  clearly  that  the  operation  and  object  of 
protective  duties  is  to  enable  llie  nianufaciiiiers  to 
pay  high  prices  to  laborers  and  lo  agriculture. 
Carry  out  your  measures,  ami  you  will  soon  find 
where  the  "  shoe  pineltes" — you  will  find  out  who 
the  inritf  protects;  or,  if  you  do  not,  the  farmers 
ami  laborers  will  tell  at  the  polls. 

Gentlemen  could  not  escape  it.  The  tariif, 
after  all,  would  be  the  great  absorbing  question. 
It  was  in  its  ellects  national  and  dill'usive — felt  not 
merely  in  the  thronged  cities,  but  reaching  in  its 
con.sequences  the  remotest  hamlet  in  the  far  West. 
Texas,  Oregon,  and  other  exciting  questions  of  the 
day,  were  ephemeral,  and  would  noun  pass  away; 


but  the  larijfani  protection  lay  at  the  very  founda- 
tion of  the  national  prosperity,  and  could  never 
cease  to  interest  deeply  the  American  people. 

Sir,  pass  this  "  free-trade"  bill,  submitted  to  and 
approved,  as  he  understood,  by  the  Cabinet;  bring 
back  the  scenes  of  1840;  and  in  eighteen  months 
you  will  scarcely  have  a  .specie-paying  bank,  or  a 
specie  dollar  left  in  the  country;  and  again  will  bo 
heard  throughout  the  land  the  cry  of  "  change  I 
change  !  any  change  mnst  be  for  the  belter."  Polili- 
I  cal  revolutions  arc  the  fruits  of  popular  suflTcring 
and  discontent;  in  prosperity  tho  cry  is  "  let  will 
enough  atom," 

[A  voice.]    Then  as  a  Whig  you  ought  to  go 
for  the  new  tariff. 

Yes,  said  Mr.  S.,  if  I  was  like  some  gentlemen 

on  this  floor — if  I  loved  my  jmrfi/ more  than  my 

counfrj,  I  would;  but  as  I  love  my  country  more 

than  my  party,  I  will  not.     If  it  were  not  for  the 

lash  and  drill  of  party  dii>cipline,  this  "  Uritisk 

bill"  would  find  few  advocates  on  this  floor.     It 

was  the  bantling  of  party — the  illegitimate  ofispring 

of  the  Baltimore  Convention — that  Pandora's  box, 

whence  originated  most  of  the  troubles  that  now 

I  afiiict  this  country.     But  he  again  warned  gentle- 

I  men — pass  this  bill,  and,  in  the  strong  language  of 

1  n  Democratic  Senator  on  a  late  oecnsioii,  it  will 

sink  "  the  parly  so  low  that  the  arm  of  resurrection 

',  could  never  reach  it." 

But  this  measure,  we  are  told,  is  to  he  a  measure 
of  permanency;  it  is  to  give  peace  and  repose  to 
;  the  country.     If  so,  it  would  be  the  peace  anil  re- 
pose of  ileath.     No,  sir;  you  may  strike  down  the 
I  country,  but  the  blow  would  but  rouse  and  excite 
;  the  people  to  return  it  with  such  vigor  and  energy 
1  as  to  prostmte  the  aggres.^ors.   This  bill  a  measure 
of  peace  !     No;  it  is  a  measure  of  war — war  upon 
the  iieonle — worse,  far  worse,  than  a  war  with 
Englanu — a  war  upon  the  national  industry  in  all 
its  departments;  and   the  people  will   make  war 
upon  It — war,  unceasing  and  interminable  war — 
war  on  the  hustings,  and  war  at  the  ballot  box. 
Pass  this  destruction  bill,  mid  Mr.  S.  said  he  would 
call  on  the  people — the  honest  hard-handed  farm- 
ers, mechanics,  and  laboring  men  of  the  land,  to 
I  fling  their  banners  to  the  breeze,  with  this  inscrip- 
;  tion:  "The  British  fnt-lrade  lari£'oflH46— Repeal! 
Repeal!  !  REPEAL!!'."  and  never  lower  it  till  it 
triumphed — as  triumph  it  would  most  gloriously — 
in  the  renewal  of  the  tariif  of  1842,  ami  with  it  the 
I  restoration  of  our  national  prosperity  and  tiiife- 
I  )iendeiice. 

j  the  true  AMERICAN  POLICY. 


'  The  true  American  policy  is  just  the  reverse  of 
that  recommended  by  this  Administration.  It  is 
this: 

1st.  Protect  and  cherish  your  national  inilitslry  by 
a  wise  system  of  finance,  selecting  in  the  first 
place  those  articles  which  you  can  and  ought  to 
supply  to  the  extent  of  your  own  wants— /om/, 
clothitig,  habitation,  and  difince — and  to  these  give 
ample  and  adequate  protection,  so  ns  to  secure  at 
all  times  an  abundant  supply  at  home.  Next  se- 
lect the  LUXURIES  consumeil  by  the  rich,  and  impose 
on  them  such  duties  as  the  wants  of  the  Govern- 
ment may  require  for  revenue;  and  then  select  the 
necessaries  of  life  consumed  by  the  poor,  and  arli- 
tides  which  wc  cannot  supply  used  in  our  manu- 
factories, and  make  them  free,  or  subject  to  the 
loweit  rates  of  duty. 

2d.  Adopt  a  system  of  national  improvements, 
embracing  the  great  riveis,  lakes,  and  main  arte- 
ries of  communication,  leaving'  tlio.se  of  a  i.iitAi. 
character  to  the  care  of  the  .States;  and  on  these 
expend  the  stirpltis  rertnae  only;  thus  uniting  and 
binding  together  the  distimt  parts  of  our  cnnimoii 
coiinlry,  and  at  the  same  lime  securing  the  most 
elHcient  system  of  defence  in  war,  and  the  cheap- 
est and  best  system  of  commercial  and  social  in- 
tercourse in  peace. 

3d.  Introduce  enlightened  economy  in  every 
branch  of  public  expenditures.  Lighten  the  bur- 
dens, diversify  the  cmiiloyments,  and  secure  and 
increase  the  rewards  ot  labor  'ii  all  itsdcpartnieiits; 
and, 

4tli.  In  your  foreign  relations  follow  the  advice 
of  the  father  of  his  country — "  observe  good  faith 
and  justice  towards  all  nations — cultivate  peace 
and  (larinony  with  all."  Thereby  illustrating  the 
beauty  and  perfiTtion  of  our  Ilepulilican  institu- 
tions, holding  up  a  great  example  of  "  liberty  and 


^44 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 


[June  13, 


1846.] 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Sectional  Floatinfr  Dry-Dock — Mr.  Levin. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


independence,"  for  ihc  nntinns  of  the  enrth  to  nd- 
niire  and  imitate.  Thin  was  the  ^rent  nnd  true 
.imericanmiilem  which  he  Imped  yet  to  see  n(h>ptc'd 
nnd  enrried  nut.  We  owe  a  great  example  to  the 
world — let  it  l)c  given — this  was  the  duty,  ns  he 
trusted  it  would  be  the  destiny,  of  this,  our  great  , 
and  glorious  Republic.  ' 


SECTIONAL  FLOATING  DRY-DOCK.      \ 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  L.  C.  LEVIN,   I 

OK  PENNSYLVANIA, 
I.V   THE    HufSE    OF    RerRESENTATIVES, 

June  13,  1846. 
On  an  amendment  tu  the  Naval  Appropriation  Bill, 
directing  the  construction  of  a  Sectional  Floating 
Dry-duck,  Dasin,  nnd  Railways,  at  the  Phila- 
delphia navy  yard. 
Mr.  LEVIN  said: 

In  the  remarks  which  I  had  the  honor  to  submit 
to  the  House  the  other  day  in  committee  of  the. 
whole,  I  enlars^ed  upon  the  claims  an<l  siiowcd  the 
Bdvanla^-es  of  the  Philadelphia  navy-yard  as  a 
naval  depdt  and  dock-yaid.  Its  inland  position, 
in  the  midst  of  a  dense  population,  protects  it  from 
ntiucks  of  the  enemy,  and  iis  tVesh  water  exposes 
vessels,  whether  of  wood  or  iron,  and  especially 
the  latter,  much  less  to  injury  nnd  decay  than  when 
lynisr  in  salt  water — a  tact  of  great  moment  to  such 
as  are  laid  tip  in  ordinary,  as  many  of  them  must 
be  in  time  of  peace.  A  navy-yard,  however,  is 
incomplete  willinut  a  dry-dock,  *-hicli  may  in  fact 
be  regarded  almost  as  its  very  essence.  '1  he  chief 
busiitess  of  a  navy-yard  is  to  construct,  relit,  and 
repair  vesfcls,  for  all  of  which  purposes  a  dry-dock 
is  exceedingly  convenieni,  anil  olVn  indispensably 
necessary,  if  we  menn  to  maintain  a  navy  at  all 
respectable  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  and  r.dequale 
to  (lefend  our  rights  upon  the  ocean  where  alone 
they  are  seriously  vulnerable,  we  shoulil  improve 
our  naval  depot.s,  I'urnish  them  with  materials  for 
building  and  nrmin;;  vessels,  provide  tliein  with 
means  of  reliiting  and  repairing  them,  and  above 
all,  adopt  some  plan  which,  as  I  shall  hereafter 
show,  is  alVorded  by  the  Mctwnal  dock  for  preserv- 
ing our  vessels  of  war,  while  out  of  service,  frinii 
decay,  and  keeping  them  in  a  slate  of  readiness 
and  efficiency  when  their  services  are  reipiiied  for 
the  defence  of  the  country. 

The  dry-dock  accomplishes  this,  llieiefore,  it 
must  be  confessed,  under  the  old  sy-^teni  of  docks, 
only  in  an  inipei1ei:l  manner;  but  under  the  great 
mojlern  improveinenls  of  llic  seciitmni  docks,  basin, 
and  railways,  which  is  projioscd  in  liie  ainend- 
meiit  now  befme  the  Mouse,  in  a  maiiiiir  which 
seems  to  leave  iiothiim:  further  to  be  desired  on 
this  subject.  Kvery  navy-yard  in  the  ciuintry 
should,  as  soon  as  possilile,  be  provided  with  a  dry- 
dock;  and,  for  one,  I  sliouhl  willingly  vote  to  have 
one  at  each  as  speedily  as  jtrncticaljle. 

It  may  possibly  be,  s:iid  by  some,  that  New 
York  is  not  I'ar  from  I'liiladelpliin,  and  a  dry-dock 
has  been  estalilislied  in  llial  cily.  It  is  true,  a 
stone  dock  of  the  old  form  lias  i)cen  commenced 
there,  but  it  is  a  siruciiire  which,  with  the  iilniost 
expeililion,  it  will  reqiiiie  live  or  six  years  yet  to 
complete,  nnd  probably  much  longer,  as  such  pnb- 
In;  works  usually  go  on;  and  conseipieiilly  this 
nr'.'ument  has  no  weight.  The  impnivcd  struc- 
turis  of  modern  times  can  be  built  and  put  in  full 
operation  in  niif  iiiiir;  and  that  one  known  as  the 
seciional-ilock  will,  whin  done,  be  eipial  in  ef- 
ficiency, and  superior  ill  regard  to  the  iMwilion  in 
which  It  places  ihe  ship,  to  several  sucli  docks  as 
the  one  now  building  in  .New  York. 

It  is  clear  thai  this  improved  plan  of  dock,  which 
has  been  examined  probably  by  most  of  ilic  mein- 
beis  of  this  body,  has  niaih-  a  great  impri  .■.sioii  on 
the  House;  for  I  have  Uikeii  coiisideralile  pains 
to  lest  the  opinion  of  the  Mouse  on  the  siilijeci, 
and  have  saiislied  iiiysi  If  fully  that  an  olil-lii.-.|i- 
ioned  stnne  dock  at  tins  naval  depot  caiinoi  be  car- 
ried, and  ihe  only  ipn  slim  is  between  the  dillereiit 
plans  of  lloatin:;  dorks. 

IJefore  going  into  an  examination  of  the  relative 
merits  of  the  dillcieiit  kinds  of  dry-docks,  .\lr. 
ChairmHn,  1  trust  1  shall  be  allowed  to  explain  the 
relation  in  which  I  stand  to  my  eoiisiiliieiits,  in 
whose  district  the  navy-ynril  is  located,  and  whose  , 


instructions  I  have  sought  nnd  obtained  in  regard 
to  this  question. 

A  good  deal  of  interest  has  been  felt  for  several 
years  past  in  Philadelphia  to  have  a  dry -dock  at  our 
nuvy-yard,  and  last  winter  n  meeting  was  called 
at  the  Chinese  Museum,  nt  which  n  Inrge  numlier 
of  our  citizens  were  present.  At  this  meeting, 
resolutions  were  pnsscd  to  urge  Congress  to  order 
a  dry-dock  or  a  llonling  dry-dock  to  be  constructed 
at  oiu'c  at  our  yard.  No  particular  plan  of  dry- 
dock  was  designated  by  this  meeting,  but  n  conimit- 
tec  wns  nppninted  to  curry  out  its  objects.  One 
or  two  persmiH,wlio  formed  no  part  of  the  original 
meeting,  managed  to  be  placed  upon  one  of  the 
siib-commillees;  and  a  little  clique,  |iart  of  ihein 
doubtless  actuaicd  by  pecuniary  interest,  got  to- 
gether, and,  wiiliout  going  on  to  New  York  to 
examine  the  dill'erent  floating  docks  there,  and  all 
of  them,  but  the  interested  ones,  probably  ignorant 
that  there  was  more  than  one  plan,  decided  to 
recdinmend  the  balance  dock — a  kind  of  floating 
box,  half  of  wood  and  half  of  iron — a  mere  shell 
or  scow — for  our  naval  station.  I  must  confess, 
Mr.  Chairman,  that  I  myself,  having  never  inves- 
tigated this  subject,  or  known  anything  previously 
about  it,  was  imposed  upon  by  these  itarties,  who 
undertook  Ui  dictate  to  the  people  of  Philadel|iliia 
and  to  their  representatives  in  Congress  what  plan 
of  dock  it  should  be.  They  stealthily  and  plausi- 
bly crejit  around  me,  concealing  the  state  of  public 
opinion  ill  New  York  on  the  subject,  pre.seiilcd 
iiuinerous  statements  in  regard  to  their  own  and  to 
rival  pliuis,  since  proved  to  be  false,  and  insinuated 
themselves,  to  some  extent,  into  my  favorable  con- 
sideration. 

Ill  saying  thus  much  in  regard  to  the  operations 
of  the  sub-commitiee,  I  desire  distinctly  to  be 
understood  that  I  except  the  four  honorable  geiille- 
nieii  who  served  u)>oii  it,  and  who,  I  am  sure, 
never  had  the  merits  of  the  sectioiitd  dock  brought 
clearly  before  their  view.  The  imposition  was 
the  wink  of  a  single  man,  the  odspring  of  a  single 
mind,  and  for  a  single  |Mirpose. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  plan  of  the  sectional 
dock  was  presented  to  Congress,  backed  up  by 
the  whole  shijiping  interest  of  the  city  of  New 
York;  and,  being  so  strongly  sustained,  could  not 
fail  to  arrest  the  attention  of  the  House,  and  secure, 
what  it  sedulously  sought,  a  thoruugii  investiga- 
tion. 

The  model  was  exhibited  in  the  city  of  Phila- 
delphia, where  that  of  the  balance  dock  had  also 
been  shown,  and  it  was  seen  by  thousands  of  our 
citizens  with  one  general  burst  of  enthusiasm  and 
delight.  A  mass  imeling,  called  irrespective  of 
parly,  was  held  at  ('omnnssioners'  Hall,  in  Siaitli- 
wark,  and  recoinineiided  this  plan  without  a  dis- 
scnliii;;  voice,  and  reinoiistraled  against  the  adoption 
of  tin;  balance  dock.  A  cominittee  of  eminent 
citizens  of  Philadelphia  was  apptiinted  by  order 
of  the  meeting  to  examine  the  plan,  and,  if  they 
approved  it,  to  proceed  to  Washington  to  urge  ii.s 
adoption.  Three  of  this  c<niiniittee — J.  V.  Mer- 
rick, ICsq.,  President  of  the  I'Vanklin  Insiiiute, 
agenlleiiumof  great  practical  experience  ami  sound 
jinlgnient,  Joseph  P.  \'oi:els,  Ksip,  a  distiiigtushed 
sliifi- builder,  and  Dr.  Bryan,  a  gentleman  of  gene- 
ral intelligence  and  scientific  attainments — came  on 
to  Waslinigton;  and,  after  carefully  examining  llie 
several  plans  ot"  di'y-doeks,  gave  their  decided 
prefi'rence  to  the  seclional-dock, and  addressed  the 
Ibllowiiig  letter  to  tin;  representatives  in  Congress 
fioiii  the  cily  and  county  of  Philadelphia,  viz: 

Wamiiisoton,  June  .'i,  li^tli. 

'rile  uiKleruJi^ncfl.  Iinviiig  li  ><  ii  ri-<tuc>irtt  tiy  llie  iiltii'crs 
ol'u  jitihlic  iiiceliiif;  orrili/.t'iis  at  llie  ( '•iiiiiiiissiMiicrs*  llitll, 

riiiiniiivaik.    I>liil'i>lel|iliiu.    May  'j:i,   IMfi,  m  i>m I  m 

W'asliniiil'iii.  fur  tin-  piirjio-^c  (iteX|ire->iiiL'  m  _\nii  lln-  \irwM 

ol  llltit  I 'tiMU,  IlMll  nl'i'XiililitliMlj  nie  Hindi  \.*  IiVihe  l)ilhllice- 

iln<  k  anil  the  feelloiia)  ilork,  ie>|,i>en'iitly  Niate,  Iliat  llic 
llli-etihu  wlllili  lh('>  rejire-eiit  e.\|»rei4^e(i  (li'eiile(ll>  their 
[ifel.reie  e  i»ir  llic  -I  eni.tij!  ilnek.  11-  lieuiil  Ittc  liesl  iiilapled 
lor  the  llllipiine  ol'  re|itiliM  at  llie  IMliltlltel|llllII  slIlliiMI. 

'I'ile  iiiiilersiinM-it  wrtiilil  liirlher  •.ttite,  lliat,  tiavini>  eare- 
tilll)  I  \iiiiiiiie(l  hiilli  Ihe  pluiif  iKeseiileil.  they  oiittviiliially 
enll'Mir  01  lie-  u|Miil<iii  e\prec?teii   hy  tlli'  hieelihi;. 

.\illialllim  eijiMJ  liii'lhly  ill  vvnrklllft  the  two  liillehilie;<. 
iltiil  llial  llii>y  ar<'  hiah  tally  flalile  iiihI  -ale  Tor  rai^inu  -hijis 
III  liny  flaart,  tie-  -eellnlial  iloek  proeiils  the  iti'i-idi-it  ailvaii 
l;iUe  III  the  taejiily  ttv  wliieli  r<  laiir^  laay  he  e\eeiit<  il.  hnlli 
lit  il<(  It'  anil  the  -lll|l  llpiill  It,  w  lljih  ^lil■lll  I  he  a  -llliirieiit 
reaiiili  tiir  ili'  ailnplioii.  la  tiilililiiin  In  wllieli.  il-  I'liaaexiiin 
\Mlli  a  P'Tiiiaiieiit  htniie  liiiMii  anil  ny-teiii  nf  rilihva.vH,  hy 
whiell  It  Ilia)',  with  little  eimt  ami  ellliie  liieiljl\,  eiiiihii'  llii* 
ttiiveniiiieal  In  lay  up  their  hIii|h  In  nnlinary,  anil  In  nee 
VI  ry  inueti  Qild  toilieir  duriibllily,  give  II  a  ileeiileil  lahan- 


tnze  even  over  the  ntone  dark,  which  has  hitherto  been 
deemed  the  iiest  nppllnnce  lor  tlie  piiriinse. 

There  In  nunicient  ileptli  of  water  In  the  vicinity  orthe 
iinvy-ynrd  at  IMiiliulelphia  I'ur  the  coiiHtruction  and  use  of 
either  dock. 

Very  rvflpcctfully,  your  obedient  eervnntH, 
J.  V.  MEIIRII'K, 
JOS.  P.  VOGRl.S, 
JAMES  BitVAN,  M.  D. 
To  the  Hon.  Jns.  R.  iNnERsoLi,, 

r.  J.  iNOERflnLL, 

i;  L.  C  I.Fvis, 

j  J.  II.  CAMrnKLi., 

!  I  Jtcfraeiitativci  of  the  lily  aiut  county  of  Philadelphia. 

i|      In  nddilion  to  these  instructions  from  n  general 

I':  meeting  ofiny  constituents  in  favor  of  the  sectional 

j   dock,  the  board  of  commissioners  of  the  district  of 

t  Soiiihwork  sent  on  to  me  n  certified  copy  of  a  res- 

I  olution  unanimously  adopted  by  the  board,  spe- 

cilicnlly  pieferring  the  sectional  to  the  balance  lloat- 

',  iiigdock,and  urgingitsndoptiononCongressiii  the 

,  strongest  terms  of  commendation. 

I     The  impositions  wh  ich  were  prnctised  upon  mo  by 

I  the  advocates  of  the  balance-dock,  were,  it  seems, 

used  more  successfully  with  others.     Commodore 

Stewart  has  1  ecu  deceived  by  them.     This  is  appa- 

,  rent  on  the  face  of  the  commodore's  letter,  as  it  ap- 

■  peared  in  the  public  prints.  He  betrays  his  entire 
;  Ignorance  of  the  seclional-dock  by  one  remark,  to 
'   wit;  tliat,incaseofabombardnientoftheiiavy-yanl 

[  by  the  enemy,  the  balance-dock  could  be  removed 
and  the  sectional-dock  could  not;  whereas  the  latter, 
being  made  in  several  distinct  llonting  parcels,  is 
more  easily  moveable  than  the  former.  This  nlso 
appears  by  another  remark,  to  wit:  that  the  latter 
cannot  be  used  as  a  canifl;  whereas  its  properties 
in  this  particular  are  far  more  desiralile  than  those 

j;  of  the  former,  for  it  jlraws  considerably  less  water 

!  when  floating  a  ship  over  n  bar,  anit  its  several  sec- 
tions or  pans  can  readily  be  keyeil  nnd  wedged 
together  into  one  structure,  as  firm,  inflexible,  and 
unyielding,  us  if  originally  inade  in  one  frame. 
Commodore  Stewart  also  shows  further  his  igno- 
raiict;  of  the  firm  and  principles  of  construction  of 
the  .sectional-dock  by  tlie  as.sertion  that  the  waterat 
the  Philadelphia  yard  is  not  deep  enough  to  allow 
of  its  use,  but  thinks  there  is  enough  for  the  other 
dock.  Now,  Professor  Johnson,  in  his  report  on 
docks  in  1H42,  snys  that  the  balance-dock,  for  n 
ship-of-theliue,  requires  eight  feel  more  water  than 
llie  draught  of  the  ship.     The  sectinnal-dock  for 

i    such  a  ship,  light,  requires  but  eight  feet,  and  for 

I   one  loadetl,  but  ten  feet. 

Ill  order  to  settle  the  question  about  depth  of 
water  at  the  Philadelphia  yard,  and  the  depth  re- 
quired for  the  sectional-dock,  about  wliicli  such 
strenuous  elliirts  .cere  made  to  create  falee  im- 
pressions by  the  advocates  of  the  balance-dock,  I 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  Chief  I'.ngiiieer  of  the  llu- 

■  reau  of  Yards  and  Docks,  who  is  the  responsiblo 
adviser  of  the  Cioverinneiit  on  such  subjects,  nnd  I 

'    received  from  him  the  following  reply,  viz: 

lleuRAi'  or  Vakps  A>*n  IliirKH.  JiiFir  'i,  l^-IB. 

Siii:  I  have  had  Ihe  llnllnr  to  ree.-ivc  yiair  ennilniiniea- 
lina  or  till' '~>!ltli  iilliino,  nskini*  my  opinion  or  the  reliitivi; 
merits  nf  the  serliniial  nnil  balanee  ilock-i ;  and  nIi<o  pro- 
pninidoiiiwevenil  i)iieittiiiiii<  reliiiive  in  the  IMiiladelphlii  iiiivy- 
yilld.  The  suhjeel  or  Hnalini;  ducks  llan  been  so  oltell  e.\- 
aiiiiiied  and  di.seusseil,  and  llie  ailvatilicies  and  di-advaii- 
taixe-  ot  Ihe  kinits  ahnve  nanieil  llioe  hreii  sii  fre()llelltl>'  set 
fnitli  in  the  various  reports  ami  pamphlets  wliieli  have  iireii 
vvrilleii  upnn  theiii,  that  almost  every  one  uhn-e  anenimn 
has  been  at  all  iillraeled  to  the  snhjeet  ha-  heennie  tamihar 
with  them;  anil  it  is,  therernre,  iniiieeessary  to  enter  into 
,  any  detail,  but  siniplv  express  an  opinion,  us  voli  desire, 
"hiielly." 

Ill  irivins  nil  opinion  iipoirihis'siihiect,  I  shall  iindniibli'd- 
j  ly  pt.iee  inysell'  in  eiinltiel  with  iiersons  nt'  haib  stanilini!,  anil 
:  wlinse  npjniiins  are  entilled  to  yreal  eiin-iiliialinn.  Never- 
tbi  less,  a-  I  am  ealled  upon  hy  niie  who  ti-ets  dee|ily  inler- 
I  steil  w  nil  till-  ^llhjeel,  and  W  ho  has  the  ii;itit  to  i|lleslinll  n 
pntille  niheer  in  matters  winch  alt'iet  the  puhlie  liilerests,  I 
shall  elii'iil'iill>  eiimply  Willi  yoor  rei|uest,lrii-tiiifl  that  my 
opiniiins  will  he  talven  for  what  they  me  wnrili. 

I  -llnntil.  Ilieii,  Hive  a  clear  and  deenled  jirel'erence  to  Ilia 
seeiiomil  nver  the  tialaiiee  iloek  :  and,  in  eniinexlon  with  ihft 
hasiii  and  railways  lor  hindiiii;  ships,  I  nin  siili.-tied  llial  the 
liirmer  is  va^tl>  snpeiliir  in  the  hitler. 

llavoiL'  llins  brielly  tiiven  an  opinion,  1  will  now  endenvnr 
to  answer  ynllr  f)iii  stioiis  in  nriler. 

"  t'n^t.  What  iH  Ihe iteplli  of  water  opposite  the  navj'-ynrd 
at  the  I'orl  Warileii's  line;" 

. /Foieei'.  Ill  .May,  IKIil,  I  Kiiiimleil  in  front  of  Ihc  yard, and 
at  the  port  narilen's  line,  near  the  upper  liniiiidary  of  ihe 
yard,  fniiiid  *JI  feel  fi  liiehes.  and  n  short  distance  further 
i'rolii  the  shore.  liT  t'ei-l  li  lllibes. 

"  Sironillii.  What  llie  ilrani^htof  waterol'a  ship-ofthe  line 
without  her  ariminent  1" 

.■fits  rrr.  The  iiieiin  drail|lbl  nf  the  halt  nl'tlie  I>eniis\lvania 
with  bnlla-l  ainne  is  17  feel  II  imlies. 

"  't'hiiiliii.  What  would  be  Ihe  aildilinmil  diaiiybt  reijuircd 
I'nr  the  St  eiinnal  iloek  fur  such  a  ship:" 
■'      Jlniirer,  This  will  depend  npoii  the  plan  nf  conntruetiun  ; 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


ms 


29th  ConO 1st  Sess. 


Sectional  Floating  Dry-Dock — Mr.  Levin. 


New  Series No.  60. 


irtlie  tnnksnrc  very  wjdn,  tiicymay  boHhnltow;  but  if  they 
iiri.'  narrow,  iliu  |K>wtir  iiiuitt  be  obtained  by  greutcr  depth ;  1 
tthoulil  t»ay  not  b.'!id  Ibitn  ton  feet. 

(•  y.ntrthiy.  What  drpth  oT  .water  is  required  for  tlie  Bec- 
tloiiiil-dork  wiltl  hucU  a  Kliip  lltioii  it."* 

Jl:'n'er.  The  rteptli  of  water  will  be  equal  to  tlio  depth  of 
tht'tankti;  ten  I'uft  at  lea'«t.  ! 

"  FifMy.  WhilhiT  iIktc  is  not  forty  feet  of  water  and  i 
upwardM  near  tite  yard .'"  ' 

Wiitirn*.  There  in  nn  information  in  this  otfiee  whieh  will  I 
cruible  me  to  answer  thio  qneittion  detinitely.     The  only 
Houndihgs  in  the  uiliee  were  taken  by  nte  in  May,  1B43,  .ind 
they  extended  hut  a  t^hort  di^htnce  licyond  (he  pnrtwardf^n':)  { 
line,  where  I  found  U7  feet  9  iiiche« ;  beytnid  fhJH  point  the  : 
water  wan  eviilenlly  deeper,  but  how  ntiieh  I  eaniiot  «ay.      | 

X  Sixthly.  Wliether,  in  your  opinion,  there  would  lie  any 
<IIHieulty  or  doubt  about  u.Hius  the  seetioual-dock  at  tliat 
elation  on  aeeouut  of  the  depth  of  water  ?"  | 

.^fwirer.  My  knowledec  of  the  river  about  the  nnvy  yard 
<>>  i|uito  limiii'il,  but  I  Hhould  apprehend  no  dilfleulty  in  ob- 
(aininit  a  »alli<'ienl  di'pth. 

I  regret  not  liavtiiff  more  parlicidar  inforntatlon  about  tim  | 
river,  but  traHt  the  above  anfwerg  will  prove  paht^fueUiry  i 
to  von ;  ami  aer,  with  very  (treat  respeet,  your  obedient  cer-  I 
vant,-  W.  I'.  S.  tiANGBIt,  £n^iii«er. 

lion.  L.  C.  Levin,  Present. 

In  ndditinn  to  this  tcsliitiony  bs  tn  the  depth  of 
water,  one  nf  the  committee  appointed  nt  the  meet- 
ing ailudeU  to  iicHmlly  sntiniled  it,  nnd  foiinil  the 
depth  to  agree  with  Mr.  Snnser's  slulcmcnt,  ro  fur 
ns  it  goes;  and  aseertnined,  bcdides,  that  the  depth 
thirty  feet  beyond  the  port  warden's  line,  opposite 
the  yard,  ia  thirty-nine  feet  seven  inehes,  and  a 
short  distance  further  out  in  the  channel  ,*t  is  forty- 
three  feet  deep.  It  will  he  ohsorved,  also,  that  the 
committee  of  citizcnn  report  that  the  depth  of  water 
is  sntlicient. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  question  of  depth 
of  water  for  any  kind  of  dock  at  the  yard,  is  put 
(It  rest  forever.  The  preference  to  the  sectional 
dock  given  by  Mr.  Sanger,  occupying  the  respon- 
silile  position  that  he  does,  is  entitled  to  great 
weight,  and  ia  worthy  to  be  added  to  that  over- 
whelming mass  of  high  testimonials  to  which  I  am 
about  to  allude. 

In  regard  to  the  comparative  merits  of  tlie  two 
floating-ilncks  in  question,  I  do  not  propose  to 
trouble  the  House  with  a  minute  examination,  but 
only  to  sum  up  the  results  of  scientific  investiga- 
tion, of  evidence,  and  of  practical  experience. 

The  first  point  to  be  considered  is  the  snfehj  of 
the  vessel  on  the  floating  structure,  which  ia  in 
pi-ojiortion  to  il-s  stability.  All  the  commissions 
which  have  reported  on  the  subject  airee  that 
cither  of  the  plans  possess  sufficient  stability,  but 
they  make  no  comparison.  A  comparison,  how- 
ever, has  been  made,  and  laid  before  thia  House, 
founded  upon  scientific  principles.  It  was  pre- 
pared for  the  naval  committee  by  two  of  the  most 
distinguished  civil  engineers  in  America — John  B. 
Jervis,  Ksq.,  chief  engineer  of  that  most  remark- 
able work  of  ancient  or  modern  times,  the  Croton 
Aqueduct,  nnd  Horatio  Allen,  Esq.,  his  principal 
assistant.  The  result  is  slated  by  those  gentlemen 
distinctly  to  be,  that  the  scctionnl-dnck  has  nearly 
ihiible  the  stability  of  the  balance-dock  of  the  same 
relative  capacity.  Kither  of  them  is  considered  to 
1)0  more  stable  than  a  ship,  nnd,  of  course,  in  our 
land-locked  hnrbnrs,  either  is  perfectly  .^afe  against 
upsetting.  The  leading  filatures  of  the  two  plans 
nre,  that  the  scctioiinl-dock  rni.ses  the  ship  wliolly 
.nbove  the  surface  of  ihe  water,  free  from  surround- 
ing objects,  and  fully  exposed  to  light  and  air,  with 
abundance  of  room;  Ihe  other  encloses  the  vessel 
in  a  floating  box,  from  whieh  the  water  is  pumped 
out  from  around  the  ship,  leaving  her  enclosed  be- 
tween hiirli  narrow  walls,  with  Iklle  light,  air,  and 
room.  The  former  holds  the  ship  in  her  floating 
Khapc,  preventing  any  possible  strain;  the  othe'r 
forces  that  shape  to  conform  to  its  own  straight 
line,  nnd  lends  consequently  to  strain  the  vessel. 
The  former,  by  raising  her  entirely  clear  of  the 
water,  enables  her  to  be  drawn  nfl'  from  the  floating 
dock  upon  the  shore,  and  then  is  nt  liberty  to  raise 
another,  lo  be  drawn  olf,  and  so  on,  until  an  un- 
limited number  is  laid  up  on  the  land.  The  other 
plan,  as  it  leaves  the  botiomof  the  vessel  consider- 
ably below  the.  waler-line,  does  not  aflVird  Uiese 
great  and  important  farililiea.  These  are  the  lead- 
ingcharncteristies.  There  are  several  morescnrcely 
less  important,  but  1  shall  not  dwell  upon  them  in 
detail.  There  is  one,  however,  of  so  much  impor- 
tance, that  I  must  not  pass  it  over.  It  is  this;  that 
iheKeciional  iliK  k  presents  means  for  its  own  repair, 
by  taking  (uil  Ihe  Heeiiona  one  nt  a  time  on  others 
for  the  purpose;  whereas  no  feasible  plan  for  re- 
pairing the  balance-duck  has  been  suggested,  and 

60 


it  would  at  all  events  require,  to  do  it,  a  structure 
as  costly  as  itself. 

I  come  now  to  consider,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  tes- 
timony which  has  been  adduced  in  reference  to 
these  docks. 

The  atatemcnt  principally  relied  on  by  the  advo- 
3atea  of  the  balanoe-dock  is,  that  that  dock  has 
been  adopted  by  companies  and  govcrnmenUs 
abroad.  There  la  no  sort  of  evidence  whatever 
produced  that  any  foreign  gorernmenj  has  adopted 
It;  but  it  appears  to  have  been  built  for  commer- 
cial purposes  in  two  ports  in  Europe,  Havre  nnd 
Amsterdam.  You  will  find,  Mr.  Chairman,  that 
floating-docks  of  a  similar  construction  have  been 
in  use  in  those  countries  for  upwards  of  a  century; 
and  in  the  new  ones  recently  built,  it  is  probable 
the  improvements,  if  any,  in  the  balance-dock, 
may  have  been  adopted.  But  this  circnmstaneo 
affords  no  evidence  of  the  superiority  of  the  bal- 
ance-dock over  the  sectional,  which  I  understand, 
has  never  yet  been  presented,  nnd  ia  not  known  in 
those  countriea.  But  the  test  of  the  merits  of 
these  foreign  balance-docks  ns  co  pared  with  the 
sectional-dock  in  New  York,  was  presented  before 
the  Naval  Committee,  in  the  certificaleof  the  own- 
ers of  the  Havre  line  of  packet  ships,  Messrs. 
Pox  &  Livingston,  who  have  had  vessels  docked 
in  both  docks,  nnd  who  say  that  they  greatly  pre- 
fer the  sectional-dock.  But  a  atill  better  teat — 
evincing,  perhaps,  the  most  extraordinary  unanim- 
ity of  opinion  ever  before  exhibited  upon  any 
similar  subject— is  to  be  found  in  the  opinions  of 
the  ship-builders,  ship-wrights,  and  ship-owners 
of  the  city  of  New  ■\  ork,  (the  only  place  where 
the  two  docks  are  used  near  each  other,)  who  all 
unite,  with  scarcely  an  exception,  in  declaring,  in 
memorials  to  Congress,  that  they  clearly  and  de- 
cidedly prefer  the  sectional-dock  not  only  to  the 
balance-dock,  but  also  to  all  other  plans  of  dry- 
dock  Whatever.  I  call  the  attention  of  the  House 
mcst  especially  to  this  remarkable  fact — all  the 
persons  who  practically  use  dry-docks,  who  know 
their  good  and  bad  qualities  from  their  own  per- 
sonal practical  experience — alt,  to  a  man,  most  de- 
cidedly prefer  the  sectional-dock  to  any  other  plan 
whatever.  Is  not  this  better,  safer,  more  reliai)le 
testimony  for  this  House  to  act  upon,  than  any 
other.'  Is  it  not  just  the  kind  of  testimony  we 
want  to  guide  us  on  such  a  question  ?  Is  it  not 
more  sensible  to  rely  on  it  than  on  the  prejudices 
of  those  who  are  wedded  to  old  systems.'  Is  it 
not  safer  to  act  upon  it  than  upon  the  theoretical 
speculations,  or  the  theoretical  objections  of  those 
who,  having  some  interest  of  their  own  to  serve, 
or  some  project  to  push  forward,  beset  the  halls 
of  Congress,  persecute  the  members  with  their 
constituents,  and  make  all  their  capital  out  of  their 
slanders  and  attacks  upon  this  great  and  practi- 
cally successful  improvement?  la  it  not  wiser  to 
adopt  a  plan  like  this,  attunlly  tried  upon  the  largest 
scale  and  preferred  to  all  others  by  the  whole  com- 
munity, rather  than  to  risk  largo  sums  of  money 
upon  projects  tried  as  yet  only  on  a  small  scale, 
and  on  that  scale  declared  by  sound  practical 
judges  lo  be  greatly  inferior? 

li  ia  a  iriith,  which  I  doubt  not  will  be  readily 
acknowledged  by  a  large  portion  of  the  House, 
that  the  advocates  of  the  balanee-tlock,  abandoning 
the  presentation  of  Ihe  merits  of  their  own  plan, 
have  spent  most  of  their  cfl'orts  in  attacking  tlie 
seclional-dock,  nnd  endeavoring  to  create  distrust 
in  it;  and  it  ia  due  to  the  odvocales  of  the  latter 
plan  to  say  that  they  have  adopted  an  entirely 
diflcrent  course.  In  pursuing  this  vindictive  poli- 
cy, a  Mr.  Gilbert,  who  appears  to  ho  the  prin- 
cipal person  thrust  forward  in  this  invidious 
manner,  has  flooded  these  halls  with  his  pamphlets, 
newsiiapeis,  and  circulars,  nnd,  in  order  to  mislead 
and  iiereive  this  House  and  serve  his  own  pur- 


po.ses,  has  been  guilty  of  uttering  several  deliberate 
"      '  '  li  I    ;hall  proceed 

e  possibility  of  escape. 
Chairman,  I  have  noted  down  on  paper  the  fulsc- 


fnlsehoods,  of  wbicn  I 

convict  him  beyond  the  possibility  of  escape.  Mr 
Chairman,  I  have  noted  down  on  paper  the  false 
hoods  and  their  refutation,  so  as  to  present  thcni 
clearly  and  specifically.  '■ 

1.  The  fimt  mi^rejiresentalion  made  by  Gilbert,  I 
which  I  .shall  notice,  ia  this:  In  nn  article  published 
in  the  Washington  Ui  ion,  on  the  17th  of  March 
last,  under  bis  own  '.iniid,  he  slated  that  seven  of  ' 
the  tanks  of  the  sectional-dock  in  New  York  were 
twenty-four  feet  wide  each,  nnd  that  one  was  thir-  | 
ty-six  feet  wide — the  object  of  wliich  was  to  show  I 


a  deficiency  of  lifting  power  derived  from  th« 
tanks,  and  insists  that  they  should  be  deeper  than 
proposed ,  u  certain  amount  of  power  being  claimed 
by  the  proprietors  for  the  tanks  such  ns  they  were. 
This  falsehood  has  been  refuted  by  the  production 
of  the  certificate  of  the  Slate  measurer,  (Mr.  Rob- 
erts,) that  \\6  had  measured  Ihe  tanks,  and  that 
seven  of  ihem  were  nineteen  feet  two  inchea  wide, 
and  one  was  twenty-six  feet  eight  inchea  wide. 

3.  The  aeconil  miirepreaenltttion  which  I  shall 
notice  is  contained  in  an  article  signed  by  Gilbert, 
in  the  New  York  Globe,  of  the  dOth  of  October 
last,  republished  in  the  Union,  in  which  lie  states 
that  the  owners  of  the  sectional-dock  claimed  a 
lifting  power  of  3,1!)U  tons  in  their  publications  on 
the  subject,  whereas  the  truth  is  they  claimed 
only  St'iiiO  tons.  This  misrepiescnlalion  'wns 
nmdo  to  help  out  an  attempt  to  show  a  deficiency 
of  the  lifting  capacity  of  the  dock  in  its  practical 
operation  in  raising  the  Henry  Clay  and  steamship 
Great  Britain. 

3.  The  ilurd  misrepresentation  whieh  I  shall 
notice  is  the  assertion  that  the  ship  Henry  CIny, 
lately  raised  on  the, sectional-dock,  weighed  only 
750  tons,  and  exhausted  the  lifting  power  of  the 
dock;  whereas  that  ship  not  only  did  not  exhaust 
the  lifting  power,  buttnc  following  r«rtificate  ft-om 
Messrs.  Brown  &  Bell,  eminent  ship-builders  in 
Now  York,  shows  that  the  said  ship  weighs  1,065 
tons,  viz : 

"  Nfw  York,  Mny  11, 1(M8. 
"  To  the  Proprietors  ofllie  fU-ctionul  Ftoutin«ifock: 

"  (.ESTi.uMKN  :  In  eonipliiinee Willi  ynnrreitufj't,  wchavu 
maile  a  caleulalion  of  the  weight  of  Uie  Rliip  Henry  Clay, 
which  was  lately  on  ynur  dock. 

"  llcr  aetiial  average  tlrauilht  of  water  ns  she  left  lllc  deck , 
with(nu  mast.-',  spar.-t,  rim^inif,  or  ballast,  was  11  feet  8 
Inrhi-s,  and  her  dji<plaeenient-  of  wau^r  was  :i7,JQ0  euble 
feet  and  1  nnd  7-Uth  Inches.  Allowing  641b.s.  tn  the  cubic 
loot  of  i^alt  watiT,  she  wi-iithed  1,<IC.')  tuns,  -J  t|narters,  and 
4»0  11m.,  atd.-JIU  ilM.  to  the  tun.    Yours,  rcsiieetfnilv, 

"UltdWN  &.  IlliLL." 

4.  The  fourth  mixrepresentalion  nt  Gilbert  which 
I  shall  notice  is  his  nssertiiui  that  the  sectional- 
dock  has  up.set.  This  is  utterly  false;  Ihe  follow- 
ing extract  from  a  certificate  signed  by  all  the  New 
York  ship-builders  proves  that  no  accidents  of  any 
kiml  ever  hajipened  to  it.  They  say  as  follows, 
viz : 

"  Five  y(mrs'  prneticnl  workinu  and  rait^ins  many  lante 
ships  and  strainboats  on  tlii^  i^eetinnal-dnck,  wilhout  any 
accident  oeenrrini!  to  it  or  any  shi|'  upon  it,  clearly  denion- 
Htrale  its  snteiy  and  utillly.'* 

The  opinion  of  Messrs.  Lewis  and  Allen,  dis- 
tinguished civil  engineers,  heretofore  alluded  to,  is 
conclusive  that  the  sectional-dock  is  more  stabl* 
than  the  balance-dock. 

5.  The  fifth  misrepresentation  made  by  Gilbert 
which  1  sliall  notice  is  nn  assertion  that  the  scc- 
tional-dock  has  to  be  fiuslened  to  a  pier  to  steady 
it  and  keep  it  from  upsetting.  On  this  point  I  aif- 
dicssed  a  letter  for  iiiformation  to  the  chief  en"i- 
ncer  of  the  Bureau  of  Yards  and  Docks,  who 
rrfutcs  the  falsehood  in  the  following  letter  in  re- 
ply, viz: 

"  \~A8lllNriTnN,  June  11,  IB-lfi. 

"  Pin  :  Vour  letter  of  this  date  is  receiveil,  and  in  reply  lo 
Ihe  rpiesljiuis  euntnlnerl  therein,  I  have  lo  i.tale  that  the  see- 
tional-d(K-k  nt  New  York  is  secured  to  a  pier  by  verlieal 
posts,  aitnehed  lo  the  dock,  passiiiK  throniih  Imnns  which 
are  fastened  lo  tlie  pier.  I  have  IVi  i|uenlly  visited  this  deck, 
and  have  often  witnisseil  ilieoiieiailiin  ofrali-ins  larRc  mer- 
chant ships.  It  wns  always  my  impression  Hint  lliese  sll. 
diiiK  posW  and  Ikioius  were  ailopied  ntid  used  as  a  very  eonve- 
nii'iit  iiioile  of  moorinir  ihe  duek,  anil  iircvenliii)!  all  ehalilig 
nuainst  the  pier,  as  the  dock  rises  and  falls  wilh  the  tide, 
nliieh,  in  New  York  harbor,  ebbs  am.  flows  about  four  anil 
ahalfliM^I. 

•'  Were  the  dock  seeuri'd  tr)  the  pier  by  ropes  or  chains, 
such  llisleiilngs  wmiltl  at  limes  hccome.-l  i'  l<,  and  allow  Ihe 
iliiek  to  sn  iiiff  alioiil  upon  the  water,  ami  lliiis  iliTan^e  tho 
sialics  nnd  cansways  leadiiin  from  the  dock  to  the  pier,  t 
ni'ver  supposed,  nor  do  I  now  believe,  ilial  these  fastenings 
or  monrinits  wen'  intenileil,  or  thai  they  have  the  ollecl,  to 
increase  Ihe  slabilily  of  Uie  slnicliire. 

"On  one  oeeasluii  I  saw  a  lurije  ship, called  the  Victoria, 
upon  Ihn  seciimmldoeli.  and  while  ibc  ship  was  entirely 
above  the  water,  Ihe  dock  was  disen|;nced from  its  inooriiiia 
at  the  pier,  and  iniived  Boine  f»rty  or  hlly  feel  from  ila  pnsl- 
lion.  willioiil  aeeident  orevldenee  of  iiistahillly. 

"  Willi  creat  respect,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  W.  I'.  W.  SANOEll,  Eflcincer. 

"  Hon.  TiRWis  C.  Lkvin,  //oi«co//icj/rcsim/«lircs." 

(i.  .ilnother  misrepresenlation  of  this  unscnipulouH 
man  which  I  shall  notice,  is,  that  in  his  reply  to 
Mr.  Allen's  pamphlet  on  stability,  when  he  com- 
putes the  balancing  power  of  the  two  docks,  ho 
allows  the  whole  area  of  the  bottom  of  bis  own 
dock,  but  ingenitusly  slurs  over  and  throws  out 
the  wliolb  area  or  floor  of  the  tanks  of  the  sec- 


946 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  16, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Mexican  War — ■H'lr.  Stephens. 


Ho.  OP  Reps. 


tinnnl-docki  mid  allows  only  the  nrcn  of  the  end 
flonta,  thus  deducting  more  than  half  of  its  Rource 
of  stability.  Anyone  who  understands  the  nature 
of  the  two  structures  will  see  the  fullacy  of  such  n 
calculation,  and  the  gross  misrepresentation  on 
which  it  is  founded. 

7.  ^Iiulhtr  misslttlemtnt  worthy  of  notice  is  the 
assertion  advanced,  in  order  to  make  out  a  greater 
depth  of  water  to  be  required  than  is  really  neces- 
sary for  the  sectional  dock,  that  the  draught  of 
water  in  the  dock  in  New  Yorl.  is  fit^een  feci  more 
than  the  draught  of  the  ship,  whereas  its  draught 
of  water  is  liut  twelve  feet  more  than  the  draught 
of  the  ship.  This  fact  is  well  known  to  the  ship- 
wrights and  others  generally  in  New  York,  nn<l 
the  misrepresentation,  lilcc  the  others,  is  calcuhtted 
to  deceive  those  only  who  are  nt  a  distance. 

Tht  ltt.1t  misrenresenldtion  I  shall  notice  now, 
though  several  others  might  he  named,  is  the  asser- 
tion that  the  balance-dock  has  been  adopted  over  the 
sectional-dock  on  comvarhon  of  mcriti.  This  has 
been  repeatedly  denied,  and  not  a  particle  of  proof 
has  been  adduced  to  support  it.  So  far  from  this 
being  the  case,  the  certifirotcs  laid  before  the  House 
t'ro'mthe  whole  undivided  shipping  interest  of  New 
York,  where  the  only  practical  comparison  of  the 
merits  of  the  two  plans  has  been  had,  and  which 
forms  the  very  best  test  in  the  world,  prove  con- 
clusively that  the  decision  on  such  n  comparison 
is  decidedly  in  favor  of  a  sectional-dock.  The 
only  other  practical  test  that  has  been  made  is  be- 
tween this  dock  in  New  York  and  the  balance- 
dock  at  Havre,  above  alluded  to,  which  has  re- 
sulted also,  according  to  the  rertiftnateof  the  own- 
ers of  the  Havre  packets,  in  favor  of  the  sectional- 
dock. 

I  come  now,  Mr.  Chnirman,  to  consider  the  re- 
lative cost  of  the  two  plana  of  dork. 

The  cost  of  the  sectional-dock,  all  of  iron,  for 
shins  of  the  line,  light,  is  estimatc<l  nt  jO.IO.nOO, 
and  for  them  with  their  armament,  $444,0(IO.  The 
cost  of  a  balance-dock  for  vessels  of  that  size, 
whether  with  or  without  their  armament,  is  stated 
to  be  jl295,ti00;  6iil  one-lialf,  or  nearlti  so,  of  Ihf 
lehole  dock  is  exprrmhj  slatnl  and  fpecified  lo  he  of 
xoood.  This  is  a  gross  fraurl  on  the  Government, 
for  the  dock  is  presented  as  it  were  of  solid  iron  in 
all  the  papers  that  strike  the  public  eye;  and  the 
fiict  of  Its  being  really  only  about  halfof  iron  and 
the  rest  of  Avood  in  smothered  up  in  a  long  cata- 
logue of  specifications  and  figures  in  an  obscure  ' 
report,  not  likely  to  be  seen  by  any  body.  If 
the  sectional-dock  were  to  be  cnnstruried  even 
me-fourth  of  wood,  I  am  authorized  to  say  that 
its  cost  would  fall  below  that  of  the  bnlance-docjf. 

The  cost  of  a  sectional-dock  of  wood  is  esti- 
mated at  S24.'i,.'!60,  and  of  a  balance-dock  of  wood 
at  »244,40{),  both  for  .ships  of  the  line  loaded.  The 
dilfercnce  of  co.xt  is  therefore  trifling.  The  sec- 
tional-dock for  ships  of  the  line,  divested  of  their 
armament,  is  oflcrcd  at  SlK'i.OOO,  and  the  bnlnncc- 
dock  for  Ihcni  in  the  sione  rmidition  at  sa44,0(l(); 
showing  that  for  shins  jf  this  condition,  the  only 
condition  in  which  they  would  be  raised  as  slated 
by  the  Navy  Dctiarlinent,  the  sectional  costs  tl.'i9,400 
Um  than  the  balance-dock  of  the  same  capacity. 

I  have  thus,  Mr.  Chairman,  laid  before  ynn  and 
this  House  a  summary  view  of  the  fpicsiion  of 
dry-docks,  the  claims  of  the  Philadelphia  yard, 
the  instructions  of  my  constituents,  the  testimo- 
nials in  favor  of  the  sectional  plan,  the  great  ad- 
vantages which  it  possesses,  and  the  falsehoods  of 
which  it  has  been  the  subject.  I  have  in  vie\/only 
the  great  national  object  of  forming  a  cnniplcle 
naval  esmblishmeni,  commensurnle  with  ourffiow- 
ing  greatness  and  consistent  with  our  Republican 
economy.  The  introduction  of  the  sectional-dock, 
with  its  arrnngemenls  for  placing  vessels  on  the 
land,  would  make  each  one  of  onr  naval  dcpois  as 
eflicient  and  convenient  for  building,  rcpaii-jn^', 
launching,  and  layinir  up  vessels  as  all  of  ilirm 
combined  are  now;  and  an  improvement  which 
produces  such  important  results,  and  which  already 
IS  accomplishing  its  noble  desijns  in  our  nierchniit 
marine,  ought  not  to  be  lost  to  the  naval  service. 
In  urging  its  adoption  nt  the  naval  station  in  which 
I  lake  the  most  immediate  interest,  I  rijoice  lo  find 
that  I  shall  al  cmce  carry  out  the  wishes  of  my 
corisliliients,  cmiforni  to  the  opinions  of  iho  Iksi 
niiihoriiies  in  tlie  country  on  such  a  subiert,  and  be 
hinubly  inslrumental,  I  liusi,  in  promiiling  the  iii- 
Ir  mils,  lioiior.uiidglury  of  our  common  country. 


THE  MEXICAN  WAR. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  A.  H.  STEPHENS, 

OF  GEORGIA, 
In  THE  House  of  RErRESENTATIVGS, 

Jini«  IC,  1847. 
The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 
the  slate  of  the  Union,  (Mr.  Conn  in  the  chair,) 
and  having  under  consideration  the  bill  making 
appropriations  for  the  Indian  Department  for  the 
fiscal  year  ending  .'tOth  June,  1847 — 
Mr.  STEPHENS  siud  he  had  not  intended  to 
say  niiylhing  on  the  present  bill  until  he  found  the 
debate  taking  the  range  it  had  assumed;  and  he 
should  now,  following  the  example  of  others,  say 
not  one  word  on  the  subject  [iroperly  before  the 
comriiltce,  but  proceed  to  present  some  views  upon 
another  topic,  which  he  would  like  to  have  discuss- 
ed at  the  proper  time;  but,  as  the  opportunity  was 
not  then  nfl'orded  him,  and  as  he  still  felt  u  lively 
interest  in  regard  to  it,  he  should  avail  himself  of 
the  opportunity  now  presented. 

I  allude,  Mr.  Chairman,  (said  Mr.  S.,)  to  the 
Mexican  war;  and  I  will  slate  in  the  outset  that  I 
am  not,  as  some  gentlemen  seem  to  be,  the  advo- 
cate of  war  in  the  abstract — war,  for  war's  sake. 
I  hold  all  wars  to  be  great  national  calamities.  I 
do  not  maintain  that  war  can  or  should  always  be 
avoided.  I  do  not  belong  to  the  peace-party,  so 
called;  I  am  no  non-resistance  man;  I  am  far  from 
holding  that  all  wars  are  wrong.  But  I  do  hold 
that  they  ought  never  to  be  rushed  into  blindly  or 
rashly.  This  ultima  ratio — this  last  resort  of  na- 
tions to  settle  matters  of  diiipule  or  disagreement 
between  them,  should  always  be  avoided,  when  it 
can  he  done  without  a  sacrifice  of  national  rights 
or  honor.  And  the  greatest  responsibility  rests 
upon  those  at  the  head  of  nlVaiis,  to  whom  are 
confided  the  intcresls  and  destinies  of  a  country, 
thai  they  do  not  disregard  the  heavy  obligations 
of  this  most  important  trust. 

These  general  principles,  universally  held  in  this 
age  and  country,  and  which  I  believe  to  be  correct, 
shall  L'ovcrn  me  in  what  I  have  lo  say  upon  the 
prescm  occasion. 

Having  thus  premised,  I  shall  proceed  to  the 
subject  I  propose  to  discuss,  and  shall  first  inquire 
into  the  true  cause  or  origin  of  this  war;  and  shall 
then  speak  of  the  manner  and  spirit  with  which  \ 
it  should  be  prosecuted.     First,  as  to  its  cause: 

The  country,  Mr.  Chairman,  at  this  time  is  in 
a  strange  and  singular  condition.  We  are  at  war  i 
with  a  neighboring  Republic;  an  army  of  fifty 
thonsiind  men  has  been  authorized  to  be  raised; 
and  millions  of  money  have  been  appro|)riated  to 
prosecute  it;  and  millions  more  will  doubtless 
nave  to  be  raised  and  appropriated  for  the  same 
object.  And  yet  ihe  country  seems  to  lie  anxious- 
ly wailing  information  as  to  how  this  stale  of 
things  has  been  brought  about.  Some  seem  to 
consider  it  a  necessary  result  from  the  annexation 
of  Texas,  or,  in  other  words,  a  war  that  .Mexico 
is  waging  against  us  on  account  of  that  measure. 
Hut  I  intend  to  show,  us  I  think  I  can  most  clearly 
do,  that  the  whole  iilTuir  is  properly  chargeable  to 
ilie  imprudence,  indiscreiion,  and  mismanagement 
of  our  own  Executive;  that  the  war  has  been  lite- 
rally provoked  when  there  was  no  necessity  for  it, 
and  could  have  been  easily  avoided  williunt  any 
delriment  to  our  rights,  inlercsts,  or  liiinor  as  a 
nation.  Indeed,  sir,  I  may  be  perniilled  lo  say, 
iliiit  u  strange  infaluuliun  seems  to  have  governed 
this  Administration  ever  since  it  came  into  power 
in  reference  lo  our  foreign  alliiirs;  a  war  with 
some  Power  or  other  seems  to  have  been  its  lead- 
ing object.  The  nsserlion  of  untenable  rights  in 
Ihe  tlicL'on  territory  looked  to,  if  it  did  notseek,  a 
rupture  with  England.  Happily  for  the  country, 
by  the  interposition  of  the  wisdom  of  the  Senate, 
that  question,  if  rumor  be  coirect,  is  about  to  be 
sellled.  And  in  the  discu.'sion  of  this  (luestion  I 
wish  to  remind  gcnileinen  of  what  they  appear 
sometimes  to  forgel,  that  the  Executive  and  his 
Cabinet  are  not  the  connlry,  and  that  it  is  onile 
possible  for  him  and  them  to  be  wrong  wilfioiit 
putting  the  counlry  in  the  same  condition.  There 
IS  a  wiile  dilferenfe  betwei-ii  the  miiiiHliiH  and  the 
.sovereign.  In  this  counlry,  sovereignty  tesiiles, 
not  in  the  Ihniiie  or  the  Exeiulive,  but  in  the 
peiiple.     The  AdminiHlratiun  i.M  but  the  ministry; 


they  are  but  public  servants,  and  should  be  held  to 
strict  occouniability.  I  hope  never  to  sec  the  day 
when  the  Executive  of  this  counlry  shall  be  con- 
sidered identical  with  the  country  itself  in  its  for- 
eign relations,or  when  any  man,  for  senuning  his 
nets,  however  severely  when  justly,  shall  on  that 
account  be  charged  with  opposition  to  his  country. 
Such  is  the  case  only  where  allegiance  is  due  to  n 
crown,  where  the  people's  rulers  are  theirmasters; 
but,  thank  God,  in  this  country  we  can  yet  hold 
our  rulers  to  an  account.  How  long  wo  shall  bo 
permitted  or  be  disposetl  to  do  so  I  know  not;  but 
whenever  we  cease  to  do  it  we  shall  become  unfit 
to  be  free. 

With  these  views  and  these  feelings,  and  with 
this  spirit,  I  go  into  the  investigation  of  the  cause 
of  this  war,  the  expenditure  of  so  much  money, 
the  raising  of  so  large  and  great  a  military  ftircc, 
and  the  breaking  up  of  the  repose  of  that  general 
peace  with  which  we  have  been  so  signally  blessed 
for  the  last  quarter  of  a  century.  This  is  the  in- 
quiry upon  which  I  am  about  to  enter;  it  is  a  grave 
and  important  inquiry,  and  one  to  which  Ihe  atten- 
tion of  the  people  of  this  country  should  be  direct- 
ed; and  I  assert  in  my  place,  that  the  immediate 
cause  of  all  these  things,  and  the  present  unlooked- 
for  slate  of  ttflrair8,is  properly  cjiargcable  upon  the 
Administration;  for  tlie  advance  movement  of  our 
troops,  or*"  army  of  occupation,"  as  it  is  called, 
from  CorpusChristi,on  th^  Nueces,  to  Matamoros, 
on  the  Rio  Grande,  into  a  territory,  to  say  tlii! 
least  of  it,  well  known  lo  be  in  dispute  between 
Texas  and  Mexico ;  this,  I  say,  was  Ihe  imme- 
diate occasion  of  hostilities;  and  if  our  army  had 
been  permitted  to  remain  at  Corpus  Chrisli,  wlicro 
it  had  been  since  August  last,  there  is  no  eviiience 
or  reason  to  believe  that  there  would  have  been 
any  outbreak  between  our  jieople  and  the  Mexi- 
cans upon  the  frontier.  This  is  my  first  proposi- 
tion in  considering  the  cau.se  of  this  war.  which  1 
trust  I  shall  be  able  to  make  perfectly  clear;  and 
then  I  trust  I  shall  be  able  to  make  it  appiiar 
equally  clear  that  that  step  was  nnneces.sary  for 
any  of  the  legitimate  purposes  for  which  the  army 
was  sent  to  Texas;  also  that  it  was  improper, 
under  the  eircuinstances,  as  being  ealculateil  to 
irritate  and  provoke  hostiljiies;  and  further,  tlint 
it  was  a  step  which  llic  President  was  not  clothed 
with  the  proper  power  legally  and  rightfully  to 
take,  without  authority  from  Congress. 

My  first  proposition  is,  that  the  immediate  cause 
of  hostilities  between  our  army  and  the  Mexican 
forces  was  the  advance  movement  from  Corpus 
Chrisli,  upon  the  Nueces  river,  to  Malanioro^, 
upon  the  Rio  Grande  or  Del  Norte.  And,  to  sus- 
tain this,  I  need  but  refer  to  the  history  of  llic 
case,  given  by  the  President  himself  in  the  docu- 
ments accompanying  his  Message  to  the  House, 
when  he  askeil  us  to  recngnise  a  stale  of  war  willi 
Mexico;  a  singular  request,  liy-the-by,  for  the 
President  to  make  when  the  Constiuilion  gives 
Congress  the  sole  power  to  declare  war.  Perhaps 
some  gentlcmcu  may  suppose  that  that  clause  in 
the  Constitution  simply  means  that  when  the  Pres- 
ident gets  us  into  a  war,  it  is  the  business  of  Con- 
gress then  to  make  it  known — lo  declare  it — or 
recognise  the  fact.  This,  however,  is  not  my  un- 
derstanding of  it.  Congress  alone  has  the  right 
and  power  to  engage  in  war.  The  President  has 
the  light  to  repel  ho.stililies;  but  not  by  his  pcjlii-y 
with  other  nations  to  bring  on  and  involve  iho 
country  in  a  war  without  cunsultalion  with  Cmi- 
gress. 

Hut  to  proceed  with  the  argument  and  the  his- 
tory of  the  ca.se.  Soon  arter  the  passage  of  the 
resolution  of  annexauoii  last  year,  it  will  be  recol- 
lected that  General  Taylor,  with  a  large  porlinn  n( 
the  army,  was  ordered  to  Texas  to  protect  that 
counlry  and  its  citizens  fi'om  an  invasitni  of  Mex- 
ico, if  qiiy  shmild  be  made  or  tbrealencd.  I  le 
arrived  there  in  the  month  of  August,  and  took  a 
position  at  Corpus  Chrisli,  on  the  west  bank  nf 
the  Nueces,  one  hundred  and  filly  miles  this  side 
of  the  Rio  Grande.  In  the  mean  time,  the  ques- 
tion of  annexation  may  he  considered  as  having 
been  settled  by  the  pi'oplc  of  Texas.  Her  con- 
vention hail  been  called, and  herpcople  werealnmst 
uiianimouHin  favor  of  il.  If  Mexico  hud  intendi'd 
an  invasion  on  ai'count  of  that  act,  that  was  the 
time  Id  have  made  it.  Rut  there  was  no  invasiiui; 
and  there  is  no  eviileiiee  of  any  inleiilinn  ini  Ijer 
part  to  oiler  hostile  resistance  to  that  nlcasurl^ 


j6, 

•s. 

eld  (o 
c  clay 
con- 
Is  for- 
ig  Ills 
n  llint 
intiy. 
e  to  a 
istcrs; 
thoM 
mil  bo 
t;  but 
0  unlit 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


947 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Mexican  War — Mr.  Stephens. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


Nor  is  there  any  evidence  of  iiny  hostilities  on  hnr  i 
part  until  the  advance  movement  of  our  army  allu-  i 
dcd  to,  which  look  place  in  the  month  of  March  : 
of  Ibis  year.     Durinj*  this  interval  of  time,  a  reg- 
ular cnrrcsponilence  scenis  to  have  -heen  kept  up 
between  General  Taylor  and  the  War  Department  ! 
here,  concerning  the   Btntc  of  Mexican  feclinR.  ' 
This  correspondence  accompanies  the  President's  I 
McHsaso.     It  is  copiousj  ana  I  take  it  to  be  a  true 
exposition  of  the  real  state  of  affairs,  as  well  as  the  I 
dl-oposilion  of  llio  Mexicans  during  that  time.  \ 

On  the  15lh  of  August,  then,  in  his  first  commu-  , 
nication  oh  this  subject  after  arriving  at  Corpus 
Cbristi,  General  Taylor  writes:  "  That  General 
'  Arista  was  to  leave  Monterey  on  the  4lh  of  that 
'  month  for  Matamoros,  with  fifteen  hundred  men, 
'five  hundred  being  cavalry."  "  Nor  do  I  hear 
'  that  the  reported  conccniration  of  troops  at  Mat- 
'  amoros  is  for  nnij  ]iur])Osc  o/iiipnjion."  i 

On  Ihc  2Uth  of  August,  from  the  same  place,  he 
wrote;  "  Caravans  of  traders  arrive  occasionally  ! 
'  from  the  Rio  Grande,  but  bring  no  news  of  im-  j 
'  portancc.  Tlicy  re|)rcsont  that  there  are  no  reg-  I 
'  ular  troops  on  that  river  except  at  Matamoros;  ' 
'  and  do  not  seem  to  be  nwarc  of  any  preparation  . 
'  for  u  demonstration  on  this  side  of  the  river." 

On  the  6th  of  September  he  wrote,  that  "  a  con- 
'fiiteiitinl  agent,  despatched  some  days  since  at 
'Matamoros,  has  returned,  and  reports  that  no 
'  extraordinary  prepara'ions  are  going  forward 
'  tliere;  that  the  garrison  iloes  not  seem  to  have  , 
'  been  increased;  and  that  our  Consul  is  of  opinion 
'  there  will  be  no  declaration  of  war." 

On  the  14ih  of  September  he  wrote:  "We  have  ■ 
'  no  news  of  interest  friim  the  frontier.    Arista,  at 
'  Ihe  last  ttccounlM,  was  at  Mier,  but  without  any 
'  force;  nor  is  there  as  yet  any  concentration  of 
'  Iroops  on  the  river." 

On  the  4tb  of  October  he  wrote:  "Mexico  hav- 
'  ing  as  yet  mailc  no  po.siitive  diM-laralinn  of  war,  or 
'  committed  any  overt  act  of  hostilities,  I  do  not 
'  feel  at  liberty,  under  my  inslructionH,  particularly 
'  Ihose  of  July  8,  to  make  a  forward  movement  to 
'  the  Rio  Grande,  without  authority  from  the  War 
'  DepartmcnI."  , 

On  the  lllli  of  Ortober  he  wrote:  "Recent  nr- 
'  rivals  from  llic  Rio  Grande  bring  no  news  or  in- 
'  formation  of  u  ilill'erent  aspect  from  that  which  I 
'  reported  in  my  last.  The  views  expressed  in 
'  prcviou.s  communications  relative  to  the  paeijic 
'  disposition  of  the  border  people,  on  both  sides  of  j 
'  the  river,  are  continually  confirmed." 

All  this  time  General  Taylor  was  remainin<^  at 
Corpus  Chrisli.  The  propositions  for  annexation 
had  been  before  the  people  of  Texas,  as  I  liavc 
said,  and  it  was  clear  anil  well  understood  that 
that  measure:  would  be  speedily  consummated. 
And  yet  no  demonsiratiim  wa.<  made  by  Mexico, 
nnd  no  evidome  of  hostililies  was  evinced.  Nay, 
more,  sir;  so  liilc  as  the  7lh  of  January  last — some 
lime  after  ainiexalioM  was  enmpleic,  and  after 
Texas  hud  l>een  admitted  as  a  Slate  into  the  Union; 
after  that  "bloodless  achievement"  of  so  large  a 
territory,  of  which  the  President  spoke  in  his  An- 
niml  xMussage,  had  been  fully  accomplished,  and 
indeed  and  in  triilli  "  wilhoul  a  resort  to  the  arm 
<iflorcc" — General  Taylor  writes  iVom  the  same 
place,  where  ho  was  hIiII  slatloned,  and  where  he 
slionid  have  remained:  "General  Arisla  rests  quiet, 
'to  see,  perhaps,  what  success  allrnds  Cienerai 
'  '  s.     In  iliis  part  of  the  country,  llic  people 

'lire   111  favor  of  peace,  and  I  should  judw,"  lie 
adds,  "of  a  Irialy  with  ihe  Uuilccl  States." 

Hut  on  the  l.ltb  of  January  of  this  year,  it  will 
be  rci'ollec'led,  lie  order  was  given  by  the  Secretary 
of  War  for  the  forward  movement  of  the  army  to 
Matamoros.  .'\nd  this,  as  1  assert,  was  the  cause  ' 
of  the  oulhreak;  for,  no  sooner  was  this  known, 
and  preparatiims  were  making  for  that  purpose  in 
our  camp,  llian  Ihe  temper  of  the  people  in  that 
i|uarler  began  to  change — I  mean  the  lemperof  the 
Mexican  people  living  in  the  province  of  ramauli- 
pas,  on  this  side  of  the  Rio  Grande — and  the  tone 
of  General  Taylor's  letters  immcilialcly  changed. 
On  the  4lh  of  F-'ebruary  he  acknowledges  the  recep- 
tion of  the  order  of  the  13th  Jamuuy;  and  on  the 
Kith  of  l''eliruary  writes:  "  Many  reports^  will 
'  dimblless  reach  ihe  department,  giving  exaggcr- 
'  aled  accounis  of  Mexican  priparalions  to  resist 
'  our  mhanre,  if  not,  indeed,  to  attempt  an  invasion 
'  of  Texas." 
This  shows  Ihnt  opposition  to  that  movement 


had  commenced,  and  resistance  was  thrcaloncd;  j 
and  this  is  the  rmsT  intimation  General  Taylor  ' 
gives  of  any  hostility  in  that  quarter  on  the  part  of  , 
the  Mexicans,  from  the  time  he  first  arrived  there,  i 
in  the  summer  of  last  year — six  months  after  he  [ 
had  been  quietly  settled  at  Corpus  Christi,  without  i 
any  olTer  to  resist,  with  the  border  people  quiet,  i 
peaceable,  and  satisfied,  desirous,  as  he  thought,  i 
of  peace  and  a  treaty  with  this  country — with  no 
concentration  of  forces,  and  no  disposition  to  fight. 
On  the  8tli  of  March  General  Toylor  commenced 
his  forward  movement,  and  on  the  11th  the  whole 
army  left  Corpus  Christi  for  Matamoros.    The 
next  time  we  hear  from  him  is  on  the  I81I1  March, 
when  he  is  119  miles  on  his  route!     He  then  stales 
that  "within  the  last  two  days  our  advance  baa 
*  met  with  small  armed  parties  of  Mexicans,  who  j 
'  seemed  disposed  to  avoid  us.    They  were  doubt- 
'  less  thrown  out  to  get  information  of  our  ad-  1 
'vance." 

The  next  we  hcor  from  him  is  the  account  of  1 
the  91st  of  March  of  the  resistance  olTered  to  his 
crossing  the  Litlle  Colorado,  and  the  protest  of  the 
Mexicans  against  his  proceeding  to  Matamoros. 
Further  on,  and  just  before  getting  to  Point  Isabel, 
he  was  met  wilh  a  civil  deputation,  with  ihc  pre- 
fect of  the  district  of  Tamaulipas  at  its  head,  "  pro- 
testing against  his  occupallon  of  the  country." 
No  attention  was  paid  to  this;  his  orders  were  im- 
perative; and  soon  the  buildings  at  Point  Isabel 
were  seen  in  flames,  and  all  the  inhabitants  fled  to 
Matamoros,  cxcipt  "  two  or  three  inolTcnsivc 
Mexicans." 

The  next  we  hear  of  General  Taylor  is  on  the 
Qfllh  of  March,  at  bis  camp  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rio  Grnnile,  opposite  Matamoros.  And  now  he 
writes:  "The  attitude  of  the  Mexicans  is  so  far 
'  ikcttleiUij  hnslile.  An  interview  has  been  held,  by 
'  my  direction,  with  the  military  authorities  in 
'  Matamoros,  but  wilh  no  satisfactory  result.  Un- 
der this  stale  of  things,  I  must  again  nnd  urgently 


flit  liy  llie  Meilcnn  aiilinn,  ciiiued  liy  ihe  ITiiiteil  Suiles 
nnvernuient,  wniilij  Ito  n  lain  of  than,  and  nn  infutt  to  your 
ffond  deiine ;  1  thiTcriire  piisx  nt  oik'u  to  nuch  explanntinna 
an  I  cnnniilcr  of  nliioliiie  iieecatijly. 

Voiir  tinvfrnmciil,  In  an  iiicri'dihle  mnnner— ynu  will 

eviMt  pi-rniii  iim'  in  nay  an  extrnviiintnt  one,  if  the  iiHiiffo  or 

){i'iHTnl  riili-K  eotahliKht'll  niul  rrccivnl  itiMonn  nil  civilized 

nnliiuif  nre  reanrdnd — linn  not  nnly  InKiillril,  hnt  linii  rxas- 

lienued,  tile  Mi'xicnn  nnfinn,  henrinif  it^i  eimquerinQ  Imnnor 

In  the  left  Imnk  nf  tiic  llln  llrnvo  del  Nnrte;  nnd  in  this 

PiiJin,  by  explicit  nnd  deflniTivn  nrdiTi  of  my  GnviTliiiient, 

which  neinier  cnn,  will,  nor  otinntd  receive  new  oiitrnees, 

1  rer^iiire  yon,  )|i  all  forn),  nnd  at  Inti'Ht  in  ttio  iiereinptory 

tcrin  of  twenty-fnnr  hours,  tn  lirenlc  npyonr  ramp  nnd  retire 

ti»  tile  niher  Ifnak  nf  llin  Nopcch  rivi'r,  while  nnr  Oovcm- 

iiteiits  nre  reunhiiinx  ttio  pcndiiii;  fpicHtinn  in  rclminn  to 

I  TextiH.     If  yna  iaxiiit  in  reniailiiliK  il|Mni  llie  Mi  of  Ihn  do- 

I  p:irnaentof'']'ainniiiip.i!4,  it  will  riearty  rennit  tlint  nrm»,nnd 

:  annd  alone,  iniltit  decide  tlie  quci^inn ;  and  in  tlint  cnff!,  I 

1  aiivlHo  ynu  tiiiit  we  nceept  the  war  tn  whicit,  wilh  sn  much 

1  injustice  nn  your  pnrt,  you  provotie  iih  ;  nnd  Ihnt.  nn  our 

I  part,  thi»  ivnr  Hlinit  he  r-ondilrtod  ciint'nriniildy  to  the  prinei- 

I  pIfH  eritnhlishi'd  hy  the  iniHt  eiviii/.ed  iiiilinufi;  that  in  tn 

riny,  llmt  llie  law  of  nnlinnii  and  of  war  hIiiiII  lie  thu  i(uidi:  of 

my  operations ;  trusting  llmt  011  your  part  the  snnio  will  ho 

observed. 

"  Wilh  this  view,  I  tender  ynu  the  eonaidorationa  due  to 
your  periioa  and  ri'speetahle  oliiee. 

"(iod  ntid  I.ilierly ! 
"  IlKADqOAnTERH  AT  Matamoroh, 

a  o'clock  p.  m,  Jlpril  12,  liMfl. 

"  I'KimO  D'AMPIIDIA. 
"  Senor  Gencral-in-rhief  of  the 

llnilcd  Slates  Army,  Don  Z.  Taylor." 

In  this  communication,  it  will  be  perceived  that 
General  Ampudiadid  not  order  General  Taylor  to 
evacuate  Texas — to  go  beyond  the  Snbine,  but  to 
fall  back  beyond  the  Nueces,  to  withdraw  from 
what  he  considered  the  Mexican  district  of  Tau- 
malipas  until  the  two  Governments  .should  settle  the 
pending  question  in  relation  to  Texas.  General 
Taylor's  orders,  however,  from  the  War  Depart- 
ment were  positive:  he  was  to  hold  his  position 
opposite  Matamoros.  And  wlmt  immediately 
ensued,  is  well  known;  first,  the  capture  of  Captain 
Thornton  nnd  his  men,  and  soon  after  the  ever-to- 
be-remcmbcred  battles  of  the  8th  and  9th  of  May, 
which,  so  far  as  Ihe  braverjr  and  gallantry  of  our 


'call  your  attention  to  the  necessity  of  speedily   |  ofliccrs  and  army  arc  eonccrncd,  arc  amongst  the 
'  sending  recruits  to  this  army."  _         [ I  l)riglilest  and  most  glorious  achievements  in  our 

history.  I  have  nothing  to  say  against  that.  I 
have  every  assurance  that  our  arms  will  ever  be 
victorious,  let  them  come  in  conflict  wilh  whatever 
foe  they  may;  and  whatever  laurels  or  honors  they 
may  win,  wliclher  on  land  or  the  ocean,  when 
acting  in  obedience  to  orders,  I  shall  claim  an  in- 
terest in,  as  nn  addition  to  the  common  stock  of 
American  fiime.  Rut  I  am  now  giving  the  history 
of  the  circumstances  that  led  to  this  result.  I 
have  been  minute  in  details,  in  tracing  it  to  ils 
\  proper  source,  to  show  that  there  was  no  disposi- 
tion on  the  part  of  Mexico  evinced  to  invade  this 
couiilry^or  Texas  on  account  of  annexation;  and 
if  the  army  had  remained  out  of  the  country  upon 
the  Rio  Grande,  which  wa.s  in  dispute  between 
Texas  and  Mexico,  both  claiming  it,  there  would 
have  been  no  hostility  on  the  part  of  Mexico;  or, 
in  other  words,  that  the  cause  of  this  war  was  the 
laking  military  possession  of  the  di.-iputed  territory. 
And,  if  further  authority  is  wanted  to  establish 
this  position,  I  refer  to  the  letter  of  the  present 
Secretary  of  Foreign  Afl'airs  in  Mexico  to  Mr. 
Slidcll,  of  Ihe  12ili  of  March  Inst.  It  is  in  that 
letter  in  which  he  gave  the  reasons  of  his  Govern- 
ment for  refusing  to  receive  him  as  a  resident  J>Iin- 
isler,  but  not  as  a  c«inii«'.wii)iifi'  lo  vllle  the  qiustinn 
of  boundanj.  Speaking  of  the  views  and  feelings 
lif  the  present  Goveinment  of  Mexico  upon  this 
subject,  and  their  intended  course  towards  tlio 
United  States,  he  s.ays: 
I  "  A  lover  of  pean-,  she  would  wish  10  ward  nIT  tliifi  sad 
eniititiiti'uev ;  ami,  without  fi-artm;  war,  she  would  ilissire  lo 
avoid  so  ttri'at  a  e.ilniuilv  lor  botli  rniiiitrii's.  For  Iliis  slie 
lias  olTiTi'il  lierai'li;  and'  will  eruilinue  ii>  olfer  iiiT-eil',  open 
to  all  hoaoralile  menus  „(  loneiliiitioa,  nnd  she  nnxioii.sly 
I  desires  tlint  tlie  iirosi'ut  controvirsy  iiwy  termiaalc  in  a 
I  rensoimlde  and  di'cnrous  tnnuner. 

I     "In  tile  ni-iaiil  state  of  iliiniis.to  say  tliitt  Mexico  mnintnins 

'  a  position  ofqunsihostilit>  Willi  ris|iii'llo  llie  United  Hiates, 

'  is  to  add  n  new  oll'i-nei- 10  !n>r  [irevious  irijilrii-s.    ilernttitnile 

;  is  one  ofdeli'in'i-,  liecriiisi-  sliti  sees  Iiersi-lf  unjilslly  uuncked  ; 

i  hiMNiUscniiorliou  ol'lier  ti-rritory  is  occupied  by  tile  forces  of 

a  n:itioa,  inti'iit.wilhnul  nuyriaht  whatever,  to  possens  itself 

nf  it;  bncail^e  her  |iorts  are  threatrni'd  by  the  si|iindroiis  of 

the  same  I'nwer.    Ilrider  sneii  eireunlstiiuces,  irf  she  to  re- 

i  iniiiii  iimctivi',  without  taking  incasuies  suited  to  so  rigoromi 

an  emergency?" 

I  From  this  it  appears  that  even  up  to  the  19lh  of 
'  March  l.'ist  it  was  not  ihe  inlemion  or  wish  of 
Mexico  to  luakc  war  against  us;  and  that,  in  the 
'actual  slate  of  things,  then,  to  sny  that  Mexico 
I  inuinUiined  "  a  position  of  quasi  hostititi)  with  reaped 


II  may  be  well  here  to  call  the  attention  of  the 
I  ITouse  to  the  notes  of  the  interview  had  with  the 
Mexican  authorities  lo  which  General  Taylor  al- 
luded in  his  last  letter.     From  these  notes  I  read: 
I  "General  Vega  then  slated,  that  ho  had  been  di- 
I  '  reeled  to  receive  such  communications  as  General 
j  '  Worth  inigbl  inesent  from  his  commanding  gen- 
' '  eral,  going  on  to  say,  that  the  march  nfllie  Uniled 
I  '  >S(n(fs(rnf>;i»  through  a  part  of  the  .Vf,ri(;rtiKtrri/or)/ 
j  '  (Tnmnii/i;)n.<)  wasannctofwar."  General  Worth 
I  asked,   "Has   Mexico   declared  war  against  the 
;  '  United  States  ?"   General  Vega,  "No."   General 
'  Worth,"  Are thetwocounlriesslillatpeacer"  Gen- 
eral  Vega,  "Yes."    General  Vega  afterwards,  in 
llie  intirview,  asked,  "  Is  It  the  intention  of  Gen- 
'  eral  Taylor  to  remain  with  his  army  on  the  left 
1  '  bank   of   the   Rio   Grande"     General   Worth: 
"Most  nssureilly;  and  there  to  remain  until  di- 
'  reeled  otherwise  by  his  Government."    General 
Vega  remarked,  llmt  "we  felt  indignation  nt  seo- 
'  ing  llie  Amerienn  flag  placed  on  the  Rio  Grande, 
'  u  iiorlion  of  the  Mexican  territory." 

This  interview  took  place  on  the  28th  March 
last,  soon  after  General  Taylor's  arrival  opposite 
Malanioios;  and  it  shows  clearly  the  stale  of  feel- 
ing produced  by  this  adranred  nwremcnt,  and  which 
'  resulted  in  the  collision  which  so  soon  aficr  fol- 
lowed. For  matters  now  were  rapidly  coming  to 
n'erlsis;  nnd  the  next  we  hear  from  General  Tay- 
lor is  on  the  l.'ilh  April,  when  he  writes; 

'•  I  liiive  to  rrpiirt.  thai  011  the  1  Ith  instant  GenernI  .^mpil- 
diii  arrived  at  Mnlanioros  with  two  bnudred  eavnlry,  the  re- 
ntainiler  of  his  fori  e.  variously  estimated  from  S,IHKl  to  .'1,110(1 
men.  being  some  distance  in  rear  o»  the  route  to  Monterey. 

luir lialelv  nl'ter  assuming  llie  ehief  eommaad,  General 

Aaiiaiilin  nrderrd  all  Ani'rii'ans  to  leave  Matiimoros  within 
■  twentv-four  liours,  and  repair  to  Vietoriii.  a  town  in  the  in- 
terior of  TamnulipiLs.  Me  linil  taken  the  same  severe  inens- 
iiri's  at  lleynnsa,  on  his  way  liiliier.  1  In  the  l"}lli  I  received 
from  GrniTiil  Ain|)ndia  n  di'spaleti,  summimiiig  nii>  to  with- 
draw no-  fiiri-e  witliin  twenty  four  liniirs,  nnd  to  Dill  bark 
beyond  the  river  Nui'res  To  thisrotnniniiiration  I  replied 
iMi'tlie  l-Jlti,  snyinc  that  I  sboiild  mil  relrogrnilefr.iui  my  po- 
I  sitiim.  Copies  of  tills  enrrespontlenee  are  eni'losrd  heie- 
witil.  I  eonsidereil  the  Ii-lternf  Gem  ral  AmpudiasnUii-ieat 
to  warrant  me  in  blocking  up  tile  Rio  Grande,  and  slo]ipirig 
all*sii|iplies  for  Miitamoros;  orders  for  whieh  have  been  given 

111  II ival  eomuiander  nt  llrnsos  Santiago." 

The  communication  from  Ampudia,  to  which 
General  Taylor  refers,  is  in  the  following  words: 
I  ['rransliition.] 

I    "rni-Rl'll  MlMTARV  Oivislns,  Gc»ernlin- Chief ; 
\\     'I'o  explain  Uiyou  the  inaiiy  grounds  for  the  just  gricvoncea 


■*/iil 


948 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Juno  16, 


--^- ; — 


Sih-H  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


The  Mexican  War — A/r.  Stephens. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


lo  Ihe  United  Stales,"  uaa  "  to  add  a  new  offence  to 
htr  )>r»i(>tM  injuries."    Can  any  mnn  dnulit,  ilirn,  || 
that  if  our  army  lintl  not  been  |mshc(l  forward  lo  j 
llie  Rio  Qrandc,  llicre  would  have  been  iio  lioBtil-  |i 
ity,  ri'sisUxncc,  or  war  with  Mexivio  ?  1 

Then,  sir,  was  this  movement  necessary  for  any  j 
of  the  legitimate  mirposcs  for  which  our  army  uaa   ^ 
sent  to  Texas?   There  was  no  invimion  thrcalened,  jj 
there  was  no  violence  offered  to  the  perHons  or  ' 
property  of  the  citizens  of  Texas  that  required  this  i 
movement  to  "jive  any  additional  protection.     Be- 
yond Corpus  Chi'isti,  where  the  army  hud  been 
stationed  for  six  inonlhs,  there  were  no  citizens  of 
the  llniled  Slates  or  Texas  that  I  have  ever  heard 
of.     I  mean  by  cilizcns  of  Texas  those  who  ac- 
knowledge her  Government  and  come  within  Ihe 
iurisdiclion  of  her  laws.      Why,  I  hen,  was  the  , 
army,  at  great  cost  and  trouble,  inarohecl  over  and  i 
across  that  "stupendous  desert  between  Ihe  Nu-  • 
eres  and  tlie  r.ravo,"  (Uio  Grande,)  which  the  jj 
chairman  of  the  Commillce  on  I'Weiin   AITiiirs  ' 
slated,  when  he  oflered  ihc  resolution  for  the  an-  ; 
nexation  of  Texas,  was  the  ''natural    boundary  ;■ 
between  the  An!;lo-Saxon  -ami   Ihe   Maurilanian  1. 
races?"     Wnsllierea  man  on  the  RioGrandelhut  li 
acknowled'ied    the  jurisdiction,  much  less  tlial 
riniined    the  protection,  of  the   laws  of  Texas?  l 
Wherefore,  then,  was  there  any  ncessily  for  this  I 
move?'  Can  any  man  offer  a  j)rt/f.Tl  for  it  but  the  ! 
marked  drsi<;n  of  iirornkin/;  Mexico  lo  irar  ? 

Hut  this  move  was  not  only  unnecessarv,  but 
improper,   imprudent,  and    unwise.     For  it  was 
known  that  the  friendly  relations  between   llii.a 
country  and  Mexico  were  interiifpled;  and,  not-  j 
withslnnding  she  was  niakin?  no  show  of  hostil- 
ities— her  i)coplc  bein;  pacifically  inclined  on  the  ' 
border — yel  she  was  in  an  irritable  mood,  if  you 
please,  and  cverythinij  cjilculnted  to  excite  ciiher 
her  Government  or  her  people  by  a  wise  President 
would  have  been  avoided.     I  now  speak  without 
reference  to  the  disputed  characlcr  of  that  coiuilry.  i 
Even   if  it  were  adniitied    that  the  Uio   Grande  ■ 
was  the  established  boundary  of  Texas,  as  much  ' 
so  as  that  the  St.  Lawrence  is  the  boumhtry  be-  ' 
twecn  us  and  Canada,  it  was  improper,  under  the  i 
circnmsiances,  lo  send  an  army  upon  the  border  : 
of  R  cotintry  at  peace  with  us,  and  not  only  this, 
but    order    them   to  construct    forliP.cations  and 
mount  heavy  guns  right  oiiposite  a  peaceful  town, 
pointing  towards  the  mam  si|Uare,  luid  ready  at 
any  moment  to  "spot"  any  place  in  it.     I  say,  sir,  ii 
this  was  wrong,  and  it  was  calculated  to  provoke,  i 
to  irritate,  and  to  bring  on  u  eiMiflii^l,  if  it  iciij  iio(  | 
so  designed.     Suppose  any   nation    should   mt  so  > 
towards  us,  and  point  their  guns  towards  any  or  '. 
either  of  our  towns  or  cities;  could  anything  be  '. 
done  more  calculated  to  warm  the  blond  of  the  na- 
tion, or  more  cfl'ectunlly  "  to  piepare  the  liearts  of 
our  people fi)r  war?"   'Would  we  permit  i;n;;land 
or  trance  to  do  so  towards  us,  or  could  wo  do  so 
towards  them  without   being  involved  in  a  war? 
Did  Mr.  Jefferson  ai  I  in  tliis^^way  when  Louisiana 
was  acquired?     The   western  Imiindary  of  that 
eountnr  was  then  in  dispute  between  us  and  Spain.  '■ 
Did  Ml'.  Jefferson  semi  an  army  of  occupation  to  . 
take  pos.session  of  the  part  in  dispute,  or  did  he 
wait  for  peaceful  negotiation  to  setile  it?  , 

How  was  it  with  iHir  noriheaslecu  bonnilary?! 
(mother  ease  in  point.  For  half  a  century  and  up-  i 
wards  the  line  there  was  in  dispute  between  us 
and  Great  Hrilain,  and  a  large  extent  of  territory  ! 
was  claimed  by  each.  Diil  any  ofoilr  Presidents, 
in  iliat  long  interval  of  time,  think  it  necessary  or 
proper  to  send  an  army  of  occupation  to  take  pos- 
session of  the  disputed  section  ?  So  far  as  necessi- 
ty was  concerned,  the  argument  was  much  stronger 
in  the  northeast  than  it  was  upon  the  Rio  tiraniie, 
for  there  were  people  there  claiming  llie  jiroicction 
of  our  laws,  liut  not  only  this,  sir;  If  1  am  not 
niiiiiaken,  for  some  time,  and  even  during  Mr.  Van 
Buren's  adminislralion,  a  portion  of  that  disputed 
eountry  was  |ierniitted  In  be  occupieil  by  liritish 
troops  without  opposition  or  resistance  on  cuir  pari. 
I  do  not  say  that  tiiat  was  right,  but  it  shows  the 
f^eai  cant  ion  exerei.sed  by  former  Presidents,  when 
the  quiwtions  and  issues  of  peace  and  war  were  at 
slake;  and  it  wcaild  have  bet  n  time  enough,  at 
least,  for  our  troops  to  have  made  a  inovcinent 
when  Mexican  forces  had  allempted  to  seize  upon 
the  country.  I  venture  to  say,  if  a  tenth  part  of 
the  prudence  and  caution  and  propriety  had  been  ' 
exercised  in  the  southwest  that  was  in  tlic  north-  ' 


cast,  there  would  have  beon.no  collision  with  Mex- 
ico; and  if  a  tenth  part  of  the  foil  v  and  blunders  of 
this  Administration  in  the  soutnwest  had  been 
eoinniitied  in  the  northeast,  when  that  question 
was  open,  a  rupture  with  F.ngland  would  have 
been  ineviuible;  and  wc  might  to-day,  for  that 
small  strip  of  territory,  with  an  exhausted  treasury 
and  accumulated  debt,  be  waging  an  unfinished  war 
with  that  country. 

And  1  shall  here,  Mr.  Chairman,  though  not 
exactly  pertinent  to  the  question  I  am  discussing, 
take  occa^dion  to  refer  to  that  great  sUtlesman 
through  whose  extraordinary  talents  and  ability 
that  long-protracted  and  niucli  vexed  question  was 
so  advantageously  to  his  country  finally  settled. 
And  I  do  it  from  what  I  feel  to  be  a  sense  of  public 
duty  to  a  man  who  rendered  such  essential  sqrvice 
lo  bis  counlry,  in  such  a  critical  period  in  the  his- 
tory of  our  ffireign  affairs.  And  the  more  clieer- 
flilly  anil  willingly  I  do  it  in  consequence  of  the 
many  gross  and  foul  imputations  that  have  been 
ntlempled  to  be  ca.st  upon  his  character  for  his 
course  in  that  mailer.  So  far  from  being  a  fit  sub- 
ject for  attack  and  detraction  for  his  conduct  in 
relation  to  that  measure,  he  is  entitled  to  the  grati- 
tude of  the  nation  and  the  gratitude  of  mankind. 
Tf  a  man,  who  has  the  requisite  ability  and  patriot- 
ism for  so  noble  an  achievement,  is  to  be  denounced  i 
for  having  brought  to  an  iionoi.-bie  and  peaceful  i 
seitleinent  a  question  of  so  much  dilficuliy  as  to  '• 
have  bafllcd  the  )iowers  of  the  ablest  men  of  this  ' 
counlry  for  fifty  years  and  upwards — for  doing 
what  all  our  Presidents,  from  the  days  of  Wash- 
ington down,  bad  failed  lo  accomplish — for  saving 
this  country  from  all  the  consequences  of  a  pro- 
tracted war,  ihc  loss  of  blood  and  treasure,  that 
would  have  been  spent  therein — for  saving  man- 
kind and  the  civilized  world  from  all  Ihe  fearful 
and  disastrous  ellects  that  would  have  been  pro- 
duced by  the  shock  and  collision  of  the  two  mighti- 
est nations  on  earth,  brought  in  battle  array  and 
deadly  condici  against  each  olliex:  I  say,  if,  for 
doing  all  this,  a  man  is  to  be  denoimceil,  assailed, 
and  despoiled  of  his  good  name,  then,  indeed — 
**  Wortli  itself  iri  tint  u  charter 
To  lie  lanaliitKl'ii  (tisiji)}{int>lic<t  tuart>r." 

And  then,  indeed,  may  it  be  tru'y  said  that  "  Re- 
publics are  ungrateful."  Hut,  sir,  I  do  not  believe 
this  of  my  countrymen;  I  rely  more  upon  their 
intelligence,  their vnlue,  wisdom, and  patriotism — 
more  upon  that  liberal,  high-minded,  generous,  and 
magnanimous  spirit  by  which  they  arc  character 
ized.  There  may  be  tome  who,  with  the  wish  but 
without  the  ability  to  lake  the  lead  in  the  arduous 
asi:ent  of  fame's  proud  step,  would  fain  attain  their 
ends  by  pulling  down  lho.<ie  above  them,  rather 
than  encounter  the  labor  and  toil  of  honorable 
though  hopeless  competition;  but  I  trust  iheir  num- 
ber is  few.  They  beloiiL'  to  that  class  of  old — 
*'  U'iKi  imvc  uii  lnHc  to  ticar  tlicir  rUjns  tiuiio 
Hnt  tlic  liittca  mini'  ut  uiHillierV  iiuinc.o 

In  this  instance,  however,  iheir  object  is  beyond 
their  re.ich.  In  solitary  loneliness  he  stands  high 
ali'-.ve  them  all — with  t'ull  consciousness,  perhaps, 
of  the  truth  of  what  was  said  long  since  by  one 
well  acijuainted  with  the  passions  and  vices  of  the 

;  human  lieart,  that — 

I  <>  Hf!  will*  uscciiiU  In  inniinlain  inps  i^tinli  liiiil 

Tlie  lolliol  jicalvA  aeisl  wrnfit  in  cliind-i  luiii  hnnw; 

I  Anil  wlin  tmiiNCi-iiil.4  or  exerts  aiiiniiiiiil 

)  Masi  (joft  (/o'ni  tin  iJie /((i/c  m"  lliose //c.*07'."  • 

There  is  a  niajesiy  in  true  giT.iine.'is  which  sel- 
dom fails  lo  cnmnmnd  the  admiration  of  the  higli- 
mindeil  and  honoridile,  while  it  as  naturally  e\ciles 
the  envy  of  the  ignoble,  the  grovelling,  and  the 
mean:  just  as  there  is  a  majesty  in  virtue  which 
I  secures  the  love  and  respect  of  the  good ,  but  never 
■  fails  b)  arouse  the  hale  of  the  vik.  Tliis  is  the 
fate  of  genius,  and  this  is  the  price  of  renown; 
for— 

"  Knvy  will  merit  m  iH  Hlmtlf  luirxtte, 
Km.  u-i  tlli^  k1i;iiIi)\v  (irovi'"  Us  KiittMtance  Irile, 
Kiivjeil  W'Ttli,  lilic  lit*  hau  erti|w'(l,  aiaki-H  known 
'J'lnMi|»|K)-ilin  uttjccl's  RroHKnefrt,  am  i'wiH'M: 
And  wliea  iliiii  tum  ton  pitwcrriil  licr.iiM  iljr.[)layH, . 
lb'  tlr:iw!«  n|>  vii[»()rH  lliat  iittiM-are  lii .  rii>H;  j 

ItMl  ti'ea  thn>i!  cIoii'Ih  ,it  l.'iKt  adani  liiri  way,  j 

Itrjlfrl  iieii>  fihrici  mul  ttu^itiicnt /'    tltiy." 

So,  sir,  it  is  with  Daniel  Webster.     The  efforts  i 

of  his  enemicM  have  been  as  impotent  as  ihey  were  ; 

rrrlilcss,  and   their  attempted  aspersions  will  but  j 

arid  new  lustre  to  his  fame.     I  do  not  claim  lo  be  ; 

'  his  defender  or  his  eulogist;  that  is  a  distinction  I  ' 


do  not  aspire  to.  But  we  all  have  reason  to  be 
proud  of  him  ns  an  American.  He  has  not  only 
won  immortality  for  himself.and  taken  a  position 
amongst  the  greatest  of  the  earth,  bnt  has  added 
greatly  to  the  reputation  of  his  country;  luid,  in 
the  bright  con.stellation  of  gems  and  honors  that 
encircle  and  adorn  his  brow,  shines  not  least  con- 
spiculou.sly,  in  my  opinion,  the  glory  of  having 
effected  the  treaty  of  Washington.  Would  for 
the  country's  sake  he  filled  the  same  place  now 
that  he  did  then — we  might  not  be  in  our  present 
cmburrassmeiil! 

But,  sir,  to  return  from  this  digression,  for  which 
I  liopc  the  committee  will  excuse  me. 

I  have  endeavored  to  show  that  the  movement 
of  our  army  to  the  Rio  Grande,  the  immediate  oc- 
cjision  of  hostilities,  was  unnecessary  and  improper 
under  the  circumstances.  I  come  now  to  say,  what 
I  fearlessly  assert,  that  the  President  had  no  right, 
no  power,  legally,  lo  order  the  military  occupation 
of  tlie  disputed  territory  on  the  Rio  Qrndde  with- 
out authority  from  Congress.  He  had  no  right  or 
power  lo  send  the  army  beyond  that  country  over 
which  Texas  Iiad  established  Iier,juri3dicti(m.  The 
iKuindary  between  Texas  and  Mexico — I  mean 
Texas  as  an  independent  State  after  her  revolution 
— was  never  settled.  Before  the  revolution,  the 
river  Nueces  'was  the  southern  boundary  of  the 
department  of  Texas.  Between  that  river  and  the 
Rio  Grande  lay  the  districts  of  Tamaulipas,  Coa- 
liuiln,  and  others.  During  and  after  the  revolution, 
a  portion  of  this  counlry  oo  the  '■nuth  of  the  Nni- 
ces,  about  Corpus  Christi,  went  ■  viih  Texas,  and 
adhered  to  the  new  Government:  ihc  other  porticni, 
lying  on  the  Rio  Grande,  adhered  lo  the  old  Gov- 
ernment; and  though  Texas,  after  her  declaration, 
defined  her  boundary  lo  be  the  Rio  Grande,  yet  she 
never  successfully  established  her  jurisdiction  lr> 
thatexlent.  Between  Corpus  Chrisli  and  the  Mex- 
ican settlements  on  the  Rio  Grande  is  an  immense 
!  desert  or  waste,  where  nobody  lives.  The  first 
settlements  to  the  south  of  that  unoccupied  region 
are  on  the  Rio  Grande,  or  near  it,  and  have  con- 
tinued subject  to  the  laws  of  Mexico.  The  people 
are  Mexicans  or  Spaniards,  In  proof  of  this,  I 
need  but  refer  to  a  letter  ft'om  the  American  camp, 
published  In  most  of  our  newspjipers,  and,wliicli 
nobody,  I  presume,  will  venture  to  contradict.  The 
letter  bears  date  the  2l3t  of  April  last,  and,  speak- 
ing of  the  country  on  the  Rio  Grande,  says: 
'  "Tlic  pcnple  are  nil  IHpnaiarils,  anil  the  cnunlry  Is  unin 
:  liahiuilile,  cxcciniia,'  ilie  vnllcy  nf  Uio  Itia  Orniiili',  and  iliat 
I  rnnniins  a  pretty  ilonse  pepiilntinn ;  and  in  no  part  of  llir 
counlry  arc  the  yeop'.e  inorc  loyal  lo  the  Mexican  Otivm* 
I  »nc?i/.'* 

I  This  counlry,  it  is  true,  is  claimed  by  Texa" 
1  and  Mexico.  It  is  in  dispute,  and  was  well  known 
to  be  so  at  the  time  of  annexation.  For  proof  of 
this,  I  refer  to  Senator  Benton's  speech  in  the  other 
House  upon  the  Tyler  treaty,  in  which  he  seems 
to  decide  ibc  cliiim  in  favor  of  Mexico;  for  a  reso- 
I  lution  offered  by  him  on  that  occ  non  is  in  these 

words: 

I      "Rrtolrnl,  Tlinl  ilic  incnrpor.ition  of  ilie  left  hanh  nf  ilie 

Kio  del  None  into  ttic  .Ariirriian  I'liinn,  liy  virlilc  of  n  IrvMy 

Willi  'J'exas.  ciiaiiirclii'iiiliiiif,  ns  llif  said  iiirurpomtiiin  would 

do,  a  purl  nf  tlic  Mcvicaii  dcparltiieiits  ol'  \i'W  Mexico,  I'lii 

'  liantiiia,  CoEilniita,  and  Tiiniailli|>as,  wniild   lie  an  act  ot' 

I  direct  aEKrcsnioii  on  Mexico,  fnr  all  Ilic  consciiinni'eH  of 

I  wliicll  the  linili'd  Hlalcri  would  stand  rcsponsihle." 

I  One  of  the  strong  objections  lo  the  Tyli  r  treaty 
was,  that  it  fixed  the  boundary  at  Ihe  liio  Grande, 
whii'h  the  resobilions  that  finally  passed  did  not  do. 
I  I  refer  also  lo  the  speech  of  SenaUir  Ashley,  of 
;  Arkansas,  on  the  resolution  itself.  In  which  he  says, 
i  speaking  of  the  resolutions  subinitled  iiy  himself 
j  for  that  purpose: 

"  Tlic  third  speaks  fnr  itscit',  and  enahles  tlie  Ignited  Sfmc-i 
I  tn  scllln  the  lioiinilury  helwccn  Mexico  unit  Uie  1  United  Staler 
I  properly.  And  1  will  here  add,  thai  Uie  pretiiait  houndarie-i 
I  of 'IVxa'i,  I  Icnrn  from  Jiidiie  KIIIh,  the  rri'sident  of  the  Coh 
i  vention  that  liirmed  the  roaptiltllinii  of  Texiii,  niid  aNo  a 
'  laeinlsTof  the  first  l.i'sifilatnre  iiiid(-rthnteon!<titnti(ni,M'cre 
;  lixeij  as  they  now  are  flllat  is,  extending  to  the  Kio  (.nliahO 
'  sniely  iiad  p'rnfeiim'dly  iil//(  arinfof  hitrinnH  tnrnc  nmr;:iHiii 
I  Ihe  tiPsolitiUojt  with  Mt\lii-nj  mid  linl  with  the  expe,  lalioll  nl 

rciajriinn  ttieiii  as  iliey  now  exist  in  their  statnle-tiook." 

I  Again:  Mr.  Donelson,  our  Charge  lo  Texas,  or 
the  agent  sent  on  lo  ell'cci  annexation,  in  a'coni- 

'  muitication  on  thc23d  June,lH4.5,loMr.  lUichanan, 
upon  this  subject,  speaking  of  the  country  belweeii 
the  Nueces  and  the  Rio  Grande,  says:  "  That 
*  country,  yfui  ai'e  aware,  has  been  in  the  possi.'S- 
'  sion  of  both  parlies.  "I'exaa  has  held  in  peace 
'  Corpus  Chrisli;  Mexico  hus  held  iSanliago,  {near 


™ol6, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


949 


29tu  Cono IsT  Sess. 


nn  to  lie 

lot  only 

position 

IS  luldcj 

and,  ii) 

lors  that 

list  con- 

Imviiijj 

uld  for 

jcc  now 

■  present 

r  which 


■I 


251c  Mexican  War — Mr.  Stejiheiu. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


■  Pulnl  Isubul;]  both  partien  have  had  occHfiioniil 
"  poHsi'ssionof  Lorcdnand  otherplaceshijjhorup." 

LSiit  it  is  iiHclviiS  to  multiply  niitliority  iipoii  this 
point.  All  thia  was  well  known  at  the  time  of  the 
piiasivp;n  of  the  resolution  of  annexation;  and  hcni» 
iliu  reuulution  was  guarded  bo  as  to  cover  only  ho 
much  territory  ns  was  " /iropeWi/  tncliufeii  wWtin, 
anil  ri^lilftilly  btluti^ed  to,  the  Keiiublic  nf  Texas," 
resui'vin);  the  question  of  boundary  to  be  settled 
and  adjusted  bttwccn  this  Government  and  Mex- 
ii'o  by  tir;>'nlinfton,  and  not  Inj  amu;  and  Coii;;re39 
positively  reftised  to  pass  any  measure  of  that  sort 
which  fixed  the  boun.lary  at  the  Rio  Grande  or 
Del  Norte;  and  I  vcntiiro  to  sny  that  no  resolution 
HO  fixing;  the  boundary  could  have  passed  this  or 
the  other  House.  And  now  what  I  have  got  to 
say  is  this:  Congress  having  failed  to  establish  a 
boundary  in  that  quarter,  the  President  could  not 
iinderlako  to  do  it.  The  limits  or  boundaries  of  a 
tuuinlry  can  be  fixed  In  two  ways  only:  one  is  by 
negotiation,  and  the  other  is  by  the  sword.  The 
President  hy  himself  can  do  neither.  He  may 
make  the  initiative  in  the  loroier  case;  but  Congress 
can  alone  constitutionnUy  draw  the  sword  for  any 
purpose.  I  grant,  if  Mexico  would  not  negotiate, 
would  not  treat,  would  not  come  to  any  imiler- 
Mt.mding  In  a  ft-iendly  mainuT  where  the  dividing 
line  should  Ijc,  whci-e  their  jurisdiction  should  end 
and  ours  commence,  that  we  would  then  have  a 
right  to  make  a  limit  for  ourselves,  and  a  right  by 
force  of  arms,  to  establish  that  limit  or  line.  But, 
air,  this  is  a  right  that  Congress  only  can  constitu- 
tionally exercise.  The  President  caimol  do  it. 
That  is  what  I  assert;  and  I  defy  any  man  in  this 
House  to  gainsay  my  Iiositions.  Is  there  any 
boundary  line  established  between  Texas  and 
Mexico?  Every  body  must  say — no.  Was  it  not 
expressly  omitted  to  establish  a  line  in  the  resolu- 
tions of  annexation?  Everybody  must  say — yes. 
Can  the  President,  then,  underUike  to  say  where 
the  line  is  or  shall  be,  when  Congress  fails  to  speiik? 

[Here  Mr.  Pavnk  inlerrupted  Mr.  S.,  and  wish- 
rA  to  Inouire  whether  Texas  could  not  fix,  and  had 
not  fixed,  her  boundary  at  the  Del  Norte r] 

Mr.  Stepiibns  proceeded.  No,  sir.  She  had 
the  right,  if  she  had  the  power,  before  annexation, 
but  by  the  resolutions  of  annexation  that  question 
was  expressly  reserved  for  this  Government  to 
adjust  by  negotiation;  and,  by  ossenting  to  ihese 
resolutions,  she  consented  to  their  conditions. 
There  is,  then,  certainly  no  fixed  boundary  be- 
tween us  and  Mexico,  and  no  boundary  can  be 
established  but  by  negolialion  or  arms.  Congress 
u'one  lias  the  competent  authority  and  power  to 
resort  to  the  latter  method.  Why,  sir,  the  Presi- 
dent, at  the  opening  of  this  session,  informed  us 
that  ho  consiuercd  our  title  to  the  whole  of  the 
Oregon  territory  up  to  54°  4(1'  ns  "  clear  and  un- 
(iiiestiouable."  Suppose  he  had  ordered  the  troops 
tliere  to  take  possession — hud  an  army  of  occupa- 
tion sent  over  tliiru — and  in  this  way  hud  brought 
on  a  war  with  Ihjglaud  without  ever  consulting 
Congress,  though  we  were  here  in  siyision,  is  there 
a  man  here  who  could  have  the  face  to  stand  up 
iuid  defend  him  ?  Would  not  a  voice  of  rebuke, 
iiidignntion  and  condemnation  rise  upon  him  from 
every  quarter  of  this  country?  And  why  should 
not  the  same  be  the  ca.se  in  the  present  insUmec? 
The  principles  are  perfectly  analogous.  As  to  the 
niuttir  of  Oregon,  however,  I  lielicvc  we  me  in  no 
danger  I'rom  thai  score  now.  Notwithstanding  our 
title  was  proclaimed  to  be  so  "  clear  and  unques- 
tionable," a  large  portion  of  it,  it  is  .said,  is  about 
to  be  given  up,  and  a  permanent  line  fixed  upon 
the  4!)ili  parallel  of  latitude.  This  is  to  be  done  by 
advisement  with  the  Senate.  I,  sir,  have  no  par- 
lii'ulnr  complaint  to  make  as;ainst  the  arrangement. 
I  leave  it  f(U'  the  peculiar  friends  of  the  Executive 
to  reconcile  his  present  jiosition  with  the  position 
he  held  at  the  opening  of  this  se,s.sion.  As  for  his 
taking  the  advice  of  the  Senate  in  advance,  tliat  is 
but  a  cover  of  his  retreat.  All  I  have  to  sny  in  ref- 
erence to  it  is,  that  1  regret  that  he  was  not  equally 
cautious  and  conscientious  in  taking  the  advise- 
ment of  Congress  before  taking  miliuxry  occupation 
of  a  disputed  territory  in  another  quarter.  If  so, 
we  might  now  be  at  peace  with  Mexico,  and  all 
our  diirercnces  honorably  adjusted.  But  some  one 
asks  nie,  what  was  the  President  to  do  ?  How  was 
he  to  know  wliere  to  stop,  na  there  was  no  fixed 
line?  I  answer,  bis  duty  wus  a  plain  one.  It  was 
to  keep  the  umiy  within  tliat  portion  of  the  terri- 


tory which  "rightfully  belonged  to  Texas,"  or  j  and  with  much  less  treasure,  and  with  u  much  less 
over  which  she  had  established  her  jurisdiction   '"  bloody  achievement." 

and  supremacy,  where  her  laws  extended  anil  were  :  And,  having  shown  the  origin  of  the  war,  and 
enforced,  and  where  the  pe(q)le  acknowledged  her  i'  the  Executive  blunder  connected  with  it,  I  now 
Government.  Whether  that  was  cast  or  west  of  '\  come  to  say  something  of  its  objects,  and  llio  spirit 
the  Nueces  made  no  dilTerenee.     But  he  had  no  1' wilh  which  itshould  be  prosecuted. 

authority  to  order  them  beyoiul  such  liniitfl.     This  l!      ' 

is  a  plain  principle,  and  is  clearly  set  forth  in  Mr.  |j 
Donclson'a  letter  to  Mr.  Duchunun  of  the  lltb  of 
July,  1845.    When  writing  from  Texas  upon  this  [ 
subject,  he  says: 


"  Sir:  You  will  hnvo  ol)fiervnd  tli.nt  In  aivccrrcFipnntlcnefl 
Willi  IIiIh  (inveriiiiicnt  niiit  Tijni,  tliern  fra»  liccn  nn  ilh- 
ctMxinn  of  the  f|n''Ktioii  of  Ihiiitx  ht'tweeii  Mi^xicu  ami  Tcxiw. 
The  joint  rcFtnhiiiixi  of  niir  <?nnf;re)«fi  let)  llie  qiM'slion  nn 
open  nnts  and  thi!  prL'Mdiiniiry  prniKMiiinn  irmili^  liy  tliiH 
t.ovennncnt,  nntter  tlie  nnxpices  »!'  till!  llriii!<li  nnil  French 
(ii)vcrniiicnt?i,  nn  the  IhihIh  of  n  dellnitivc  Ircnly  wilh  Mexi- 
co, left  Unt  ipiffttinn  in  Uie  sinnie  ntnte."  *'  I  nt  nncc  (tccidcil 
that  we  Hlinnld  tiike  nn  ninh  pf»'ition,  [on  the  Itin  t.rnnile,] 
hut  shinilil  rcEnril  unly  ns  within  the  llniii»  nfnur  prntcctinn 
IhiU  iHirtiuti  of  territnry  nctniiily  p<if4:--i'rtKril  liy  TcxnM,  anil 
which  hIic  did  not  couMidcr  M  Kuhjcct  to  urKetintJnn.'* 

This,  sir,  was  right.  Thi^  i.s  what  Texas  ex- 
pected, and  this  is  all  that  she  or  her  eilizefis  ever 
asked.  This  was  also  in  substance  embodied  in  tjie 
order  from  the  Secietary  of  War  of  the  ."JOih  July, 
184.'>,  to  Gener.il  Taylor,  in  which  he  said,  speak- 
ing of  the  views  of  the  President  upon  this  subject: 

"  lie  hurt  not  the  re<)ui>it*!  informntinn  in  rcKitnl  tn  the 
cntnitry  to  enahlc  him  tn  (pve  ui.,,  {msiUvc  dircclinnf*  nx  tn 
the  po(«iiion  yon  nnaht  tn  take,  or  the  ninvciuent-*  which  it 
niny  he  cxpcilii>nt  tn.nmKc,  These  mn«t  he  ifnvcrncd  hy 
circiun«tancc«.  While  nvniillnff,nR  ynu  hnvel»ceninstrnrtctl 
tn  do,  nil  nscrci^Hivn  nn>iHnr<'H  tnward.4  Mrxicn,  iv*  Urns  ns 
j  llH!  n.'Inlionn  of  pence  cxi-t  hctween  Unit  ncpnblie  niul  the 
llniti'd  Slatcfi,  ynu  nrn  expectiMl  tn  occupy,  prntert.  and  de- 
fend the  territiiry  nf  Texna  to  the  extent  that  it  has  Iwen 
occupied  liy  the  people  of  Texan." 

With  this  view  it  was  perfectly  proper  for  the 
army  to  be  stationed  nt  Corpus  Christi,  while  it 
was  hichly  improper  to  send  it  further  south.  And 
with  this  view  it  was  perfectly  proper  for  this 
House  to  establish  a  eustom-honse  at  the  same 
place,  leaving  the  Mexicans  with  theirs  at  Santiago 
and  .Santa  Fe,  until  the  boundary  should  be  settled. 

Gentlemen  have  argued  this  question  as  if  the 
fart  of  its  being  right  for  the  army  to  be  at  Corpus 
ChrLsti,  on  the  west  of  the  Nueces,  justifies  the 
conclusion  that  therefore  it  must  be  ri;rht  for  it  to 
iro  to  any  other  place  this  aide  the  Rio  Granile. 
The  President  seems  to  take  the  same  view  in  his 
special  mes.snge  upon  the  Mexican  hostilities. 
Nothing  could  be  more  errotieniis.  And  hod  the 
principles  of  the  order  of  the  3(llh  ,Tuly  been  ad- 
hered to — hud  the  army  kept  within  the  limits 
therein  prescribed,  we  should  not  now  be  at  war 
with  Mexico. 

I  have,  thus  far,  in  this  argument,  Mr.  Chair- 


This  is  the  second  branch  of  the  subjccl  I  prom- 
ised to  notice.  What  is  'o  be  the  conduct  of  this 
war — its  ultimate  aims?  What  are  its  proposed 
ends,  what  is  to  be  its  consummation,  and  what 
course  should  be  pursued  towards  it?  I  notice  a 
very  evident  wish  on  the  part  of  those  who  defend 
the  Piesidcnt  for  getting  us  into  it  to  put  those 
who  do  iiot  approve  of  Ills  course  in  a  false  posi- 


iii«  jnini  rc»oiuiinn  oi  niir  i:nnnruK«  leii  the  qiiesunn  nn      ,■  'rii..«  w  «!.  (n  nink-i-  :i  nnncur  ibnt  we  arc 

open  one,  nnil  tlie  prellnilniiry  prniKwiiinn  irmde  hy  llii«    ■  """■      fuey  wisli  to  make  .t  appear  tliai  wo  aro 

-■  .    .    .     .!  .    ■■  '..J opposed  to  the  war — op|K)sed  to  giving  siipplies-- 

opposed  to  its  prosecution.     This  is  not  my  jiosi- 
tion; I  am  opposed  to  the  manner  in  which  it  has 
been  brought  about,  but  I  am  not  opposed  to  its 
active  prosecution  to  n  speedy  and  honorable  ter- 
mination; and  I  do  not  intend  forothera  to  assign 
me  a  position  which  I  do  not  occupy.     I  wtmid 
I  not  do  a  thing  to  check  the  ardor  of  our  gallant 
army ,  which  has  olreud  y  won  such  unfading  laurels 
on  the  battle-field,  or  of  the  patriotic  volunteers 
i  who  have  rushed  to  the  rescue  at  the  hour  of  their 
country's  call.     Their  duty  and  our  duly  is  a  very 
dificrent  thing,  tmder  present  cireumsUmces,  from 
I  what  was  tlie  President's  duty  before  the  com- 
I  mencemcnt  of  hostilities.     I  am  for  the  honor  of 
!  our  arms  while  the  conllict  Insls;  for  energutlc, 
!  vigorous  tiction,  until  an  honorable  peace  can  bn 
I  obtained.    And  whatever  of  means  or  money  sh.'ill 
bo  necessary  for  this,  I  am  forgiving,  to  the  largest 
j  extent;   not   failing,  at    the  same   time,   to   bold 
the   Executive  responsible   for  his  errors.     My 
'  course  and  feelings  are  just  as  they  would  be  if 
this  Capitol  were  on  fire.     The  cause  or  origin  of 
'  the  flames,  whether  by  accident  or  negligence,  or 
,  the  hand  of  nn  enemy,  would  have  no  influence 
i  with  inc  in  the  course  I  should  pursue  in  ellccting 
!  their  speediest    extinguishinent,    and    using    all 
j  available  and  proper  means  for  that  purjiose.     All 
hands  to  the  rescue,  would  be  my  motto.    And 
so,  sir,  now  the  fires  of  war  arc  raging  on  our 
;  frontier,  all  good'citlzens  should  render  their  willing 
1  aid,asl  most  cheerfully  do, to  putouttheconflagra- 
I  tlon;  and  he  whose  deeds  are  most  gallant  and  dffi- 
i  cient  in  eireeting  this  olyect,  whether  on  the  field 
'  or  in  the  cabinet,  will  be  entitled  to  the  most  glory. 
But,  sir,  I  wish  to  know  what  is  the  design  and 
,  object  of  the  Adininistration  as  to  the  ends  of  this 
war.     It  has  been  brought  upon  us  while  Con- 
i  giess  wus  in  session  without  our  knowledge.  And 
I  I  wish  to  know  for  what  object,  and  with  what 
spirit,  they  intend  to  proscculc  it.     I  regret  the 


,  man,   intentionally   abstained    from   arguing    the  ,,  r|,airVnan  of  the  Committee  on  Military  Alluirs  is 

I  question  of  Texan  boundary — that  is,  the  precise '•         •    ■■  '  -  —  - -■ '•:■ 

j  limits  to  which  she  had  rightfully  established  her  j 

jurisdiction  and  independence,  or  where  the  divi- i 
I  ding  line  between  us  and  Mexico  ought  by  jicgo-  j 
S  (in/ion  to  be  fixed.     It  has  nothing  to  do  with  tlie 

merits  of  this  quesllon.     My  oliject  was  to  show 


not  in  his  sent  to  answer  such  Inquiries  upon  this 
subject  us  I  intended  to  propound  to  him.  For, 
occupying  his  position,  1  presume  he  must  be  in 
the  eonfideuce  of  the  Executive.  And  1  hope,  at 
some  early  day,  he,  or  some  other  person  standing 
in  the  same  relation  to  the  "  powers  that  be,"  will 


I  that  our  boundary  in  thn  direction  is  as  yet  un-  j„f,„.,„  (,,p  ^o,,,,,™  u,,,,,,  ,l,is  subject.  Is  the  ob- 
'  settled,  and  that  the  Rio  Grande  was  not  declared  li  •  .,  ,,,  i  invasion,  to  protect  Texas,  to  establish 
to  be  the  bounilnrym  the  resolnlioii  of  annexation.  r|i„,  ui„  Grande  us  the  bonndary  ?  or  what  mhcr 


I  might  go  further,  and  show  that  it  never  was  ex- 
i  pected  to  be  by  some,  even  at  the  time  of  annexa- 
'  tion,  and  by  some  of  its  warmest  friends.  Mr.  C.  J. 
;  Inoersoi.i.,  who  inlroduced  the  resolution  of  annex- 
ation upon  this  subject,  said  upon  that  occasion: 

*' The  Hlii[iciiitnilA  deserts  tielHeeii  the  Nncees  unit  the 
nravn  fllii:  Hio  nrnnde  or  Pel  Nortel  rivers  are  the  nnlnml 
iHinndnries  iM'tween  the  Anjitn-Sjixnu  and  Manrituninn 
raced.  There  end'*  the  valley  nf  the  West.  'J'liere  Mexico 
hi'lfinB.  Thence,  lieynnd  the  Rravn,In'[!in  llie  Mnurish  pec- 
ple  and  their  Indian  ansnctateiJ.  tn  whniii  Mexico  iiroperly 
iielnnjrs,  who  wiionld  not  crn-s  that  vast  dcpert  if  llieycnulij, 
as  nn  onr  side  we  tnn  oiiiilH  tn  stop  there,  beeaiist;  inlenni- 
nnhtf  cnnflicis  must  en«ue  fmin  either  onr  goinu  (<nutli  or 
tlleir  eoniihi.'  north  o^tll.^t  piKnnliclionndary.  Wliilc  pence 
|8  chcri!*hiMl,  tliat  linimitary  will  he  snercd.  Nut  till  the 
spirit  nf  cnniinest  rnties  will  tiic  people  nn  either  Fiiie  ninlest 
nr  mix  with  eiieli  oUier;  nnil,  whenever  they  dn,  one  or  the 
other  race  ninsi  ho  couquiTcd,  if  not  extingnislKd." 

From  this  it  would  seem  that  he  did  not  even  wish 
the  boundary  ever  to  extend  to  the  Rio  Gi'unde. 
With  him,  however,  I  may  sny,  I  did  not,  then, 
nor  do  1  now  agree;  ond,  so  far  as  my  opinion  is 
concerned,  I  think  the  Rio  Grande  ouL'ht  to  be  the 
boundary,  because  it  is  a  great  natural  boundary, 
much  better  defined  than  her  stupendous  deserts. 
But  I  think,  with  wisdom  and  prudence  in  our 
councils,  the  Rio  Granile  could  have  been  got  as 
the  boundary  as  well  by  negotiation  as  by  arms, 


I  objects  are  bad  in  view?  I,  sir,  not  only  as  ii 
Representative  upon  this  floor,  but  as  a  citizen  of 
this  Republic,  having  a  common  interest  with 
otliers.  111  everything  that  pertains  to  her  inlcrests, 
her  rights,  and  her  honor,  wish  to  know  if  this  is 
to  be  a  war  forconniicsl,  and  whether  this  is  the 
object  for  which  it  is  to  be  waged.  If  so,  1  pro- 
test against  that  part  of  it.  1  would  shed  no  un- 
necessary blood;  commit  no  unnecessai)^  violence; 
allow  no  outrage  upon  the  religion  of  Mexico; 
have  no  desecration  of  temples,  or  "  revelling  In 
the  halls  of  the  Montezumas;"  but  be  ready  to 
meet  the  first  oflers  of  peace.  I  regret  that  Gen- 
eral Taylor  did  not  have  the  authority  to  accept 
the  proli'ered  armistice  when  it  was  tendered.  In 
a  word,  I  am  for  a  restoration  of  peace  ns  soon — 
yes,  at  the  earliest  day  It  can  be  honorably  cU'ect- 
ed.  1  nm  no  enemy  to  the  extension  of  our  do- 
inain,  or  the  enlargement  of  the  boundaries  of  the 
Uepublic.  Far  frotn  it.  1  trust  the  day  Is  com- 
inc,  and  not  far  distant,  when  the  whole  continent 
will  be  ours,  when  our  Institutions  shall  be  difl'us- 
ed  and  cherished,  and  republican  government  felt 
antl  cnjovcd  throughout  the  length  and  breadth 
and  width  of  this  land — ftom  the  far  south  to  the 
extreme  north,  and  from  ocean  to  ocean.    That 


m 


ip 


950 


APPKIVDIX  TO  THK  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Juno  10, 


29th  Cono IsT  Sk88. 


this  is  oiir  iillim.ilc  (li'sliny,  if  wiw  cnnnsol'^  pri'- 
viiil,  I  I'liiifiilciitly  lic'lieve.     lliit  it  Ix  not  tii  hi'  iii-  ! 
r(iiiil'"'<l<>''l  ''y   •'"'  MWiird.      Mr.  (^Iii>inimri,   it'- 
|iiililii'R  never  B|ireiiil   liy   iiriiiH.     We   emi    only 
properly   enl«r;;o   l>y   voliiiilnry   iireeKKioiiH,   and 
MlionUl    only   jilleinpt    to    net    upon    our    in'i;;li- 
borH  liy  settiii"  tliein  n  s;iwi\  example.     In  thin 
way  only  in  the  xpirit  nt  otir  iiiHiilnlionH  lo  lie  ' 
illtTiised  H8  tile  "  leaven,"  inilil  "  llie  whole  lump 
is  leavencil."    TIiIh  has  liein  the  liiBlorv  "f  imr  ; 
Bilciu  hut  rapid  proj;resH,  llinti  tar.     In  llii-*  way  i 
Louisiana,  with  its  innncnse  domain,  was  aequiri  if, 
In  tliia  way  tlie  l''liiridaH  were  ohlained.     In  ihis  ; 
way  we  got  Oregon,  eonneetinc;  iiswilh  the   I'a-  : 
eific.      Ill  this  way  Texas,  up  lo  the  Itio  (irandi', 
niii^ht  have  hreii  added;  and  ill  ihis  way  the  Call- 
foniiiis,  and  Mexiio  heisilt'  in  due  lime,  may  he 
merged  in  the  one  i;i'eal  repnhlie.     'riiere  is  iiiui'h 
said  in  ihis  eoiinlry  of  the  party  of  prou'ress.     I 
profess  to  hehm^'  lo  that  party;' hnl  nm  far  iVoni 
nilvoeatin^  that  Kind  of  pro;:ri'SS  whirh  many  of 
those  whose!  in  anxious  lo  appropriate  the  leiiii 
excluaively  lo  llii'iiiselves  ari'  iisiii;;  their  iilinosi  j 
exertions  lo  push   fowaid.     Tlieiis,  in  my  opin- 
ion, is  u  (/otr'tiirari/  proj^rf^s.     It  is  a  proi^res.*  of 
party — of  exeilciueiit — of  lust  of  power — a  spiril 
of  war — Hij'j^ressiiMi — vinleiiee  ami  tieentionsness. 
It  is  n  proi;r>'.'<s  whieh,  if  indiil^'cd  in,  would  soon 
sweep  overall  law,  all  order,  ami  ihe  Coiisliin- 
lion  itself.     It  (s  ihe  pi-oscress  of  the  Krciieh  llevo- 
hition,  when  meii*s  passions — 

o  hike  an  necaii  liiircliim  lima  ils  IidimhIi,  I 

l.oiiii  heal  in  vuin,  wcnl  liirlli  iw>htli"^lv,  I 

lli'ilrnii!  Ihe  st.nriip  :inil  ili  mkhuiiuii  Ikni  '  \ 

lir(Mt|Hihir  l'iir>,  aniirt'liy." 

It  is  tlic  |iroi,'ies3  of  that  poliliral  and  moral 
siroceo  that  passed  over  the  repiihlics  of  '*  olden  i 
time,"  willieriii;;  and  hlaslinj  everylhini;  «  ilhiii 
its  pcrnieious  and  deslniciive  raii^e!  Where  lih. 
criy  was  once  enjoyed — w  heix'  ihe  arls  and  seienei  s 
were  c.ullivated  and  lileralure  lloiniNlied — philoso- 
phers tauu'hl  and  poels  sun;: — and  where  llie  most 
majestic  inonumenis  of  refiiiemenl,  lasle,  and  tfe- 
nius  were  ererud,  "  lowers,  teiii]ile8,  palai  es,  and  ' 
sepulchres;"  hul  where  now  | 

"Ruin  iliu  II '^lnn(ll<l•lill  I'nr  Inek  iirwcirk,  1 

And  d<-..,ilaiuiii  kocp^  iiiilirnkeii  ^at)l>Iltll,'' 

Or,  to  come  iiearerhonie  fmaii  ilhisiraiioii,  il  is  the 
proijrcss  of  Mexico  ilself.  Why  is  llial  lleaven- 
layorcd  country  now  so  weak  and  impcUeni  and 
failhlcss.'  AVhy  so  divided  and  disiraeleil  and  torn 
to  pieces  in  her  inlenial  policy.-  A  few  years  a^'o 
she  set  oiil  in  ihe  career  of  rvpuhlicanism  iiiider 
auspices  quiie  as  fnvorahle  for  success  ns  this  eoiiii- 
try.  Her  pro;;rtss  has  heen  most  rapid  fnun  a 
well-rei;ulaied,  L'ood  irovenimenl,  fornad  on  our 
own  model,  to  the  most  odious  mihtary  despotism. 
We  would  do  well  to  take  a  lesson  frmn  her  his- 
tory, and  L-row  wise  hy  the  calainilie.^  of  nihers, 
without  paviim  oniselves  ihe  mehuichidy  price  of 
wisdom.  Till  y  lacked  llial  hi;.'li  oider'of  moral 
and  |X)htical  iii'lei;rily,  villiont  which  lio  repiihlii' 
call  slaiid.  And  it  is  to  prosjiess  in  (/ir»c  es.seiilial 
attributes  of  national  •;realiiess  I  would  lonk;  llie 
improvenienl  of  mind;  "llie  increase  and  ilillu- 
sion  of  knowleil;;e  amiai;rst  men;"  Ihe  erection  nf 
Bclinols.collep's,  and  temples  of  learmiii:;  the  pro- 
gress of  inielieci  over  main  r;  the  Irinmph  of  llie 
mind  over  the  animal  piopensiiii  s;  the  advaiu'i- 
meiit  of  kind  feeliii;n<  and  ;;ood  will  nmon;.'sl  ihe 
nations  of  the  earlh;  llie  ciillivalion  of  viriue  and 
the  pursuits  of  industry;  the  hriii;;ing  iiiio  siih- 
jection  and  suliscrvicncy  in  the  use  of  man  of  all 
the  elements  of  nature  ahout  and  around  ns;  in  a 
word,  the  progress  of  ci\ilizaiioii  and  eviryihui!; 
Iliat  elevates,  ennohlcs,  and  .'iijnifies  man.  'I'his, 
Mr.  (JliHirinan,  is  not  to  he  ihnie  hy  wars,  wliiilhe'- 
foreign  or  domestic.  Vields  of  hlnnd  and  carnai;e 
may  make  men  hrave  and  heroic,  hul  sildoni  lemi 
to  make  nations  either  gocal,  virtiiiiiis,  or  great. 


THK  .MEXICAN  WAR. 
REMARKS  OF  RilTw.  L.  YANCKY, 

OF  ALAD.VMA, 
In  THElIotSK  OF  HKI'RK.SENTATIVr.!!, 

June  IC,  1B46. 
On  the  Mexican  War,  and  in  reply  to  Mr,  Stb-  , 
PilEXs,  of  Oeor;;ia.  . 

Mr,  YANCEY  said;  The  »ery  hrief  liiiio  now  i, 


T/ic  Mcxicnn  ff'ar — Mr.  Yancey. 

reinainiii:;  of  ilial  nllottcd  for  this  debate,  (a  half 
hour,)  and  ihe  desire  of  his  friend  from  Missis- 
sippi, the  rliairmaii  of  llie  eominillee  who  has  re- 
ported Ihis  hill,  I^Mr,  jAcaa  Tiikmi'sun,]  lo  say  a 
iew  worils  iipim  It,  would  necessarily  compel  him 
to  eoiideii.ie  what  he  had  to  say,  and  lo  slate 
proposiliiais  lallier  than  to  nrt;ue  them,  fie  should 
therefore  lake  advaiila!;e  of  the  press  lo  present  his 
views  to  Ihe  coiiniry  in  a  more  cxiended  form  than 
he  was  now  able  io  do,  Ilcwoiihl  not,  indeed, 
have  troiihh  d  the  eomniiltee  with  any  reinarks  at 
Ihis  time  hull  it  not  been  for  wlia,  had  falli'li  t^om 
Ihe  <;eiilleiiiaii  iVtuii  Cieoriiia,  [Mr.  Sti',1'||v'.\s.]  In 
much  ihnt  t;eiillcmaii  had  said  Mr.  Y.  ndly  coii- 
I'lirred.  Our  illNlilnlions,  so  well  caliiilaled  lo 
llirive  in  peace,  are  illfilteil  lo  endure  the  shocks 
of  war.  thir  iniHsioii  is  one  of  peace — of  love  and 
good-will  lo  all  iiK'ii.  Our  Ciovernnient  holds  oiil 
riasonahle,  leinpliii'4  inilucenienls  lo  the  oppres.sed 
of  every  nalioii  to  seek  repose  beneiith  ils  protecting 
care.  Our  ITnioii,  hy  ihe  strong  example  of  jus- 
tici'  ;uid  n  piiie  adininlslralion  of  its  all'airs,  will 
givalually  and  ipiielly  enfold  within  ils  bonds  ihe 
nei'ihboriiig  Stales  that  shall  desire  Nelf-govern- 
ment.  When  we  shall  hecmiie  ilisconlenled  with 
llie  slovv  hilt  wholesoine  iirocess  hy  which  ihis 
shall  be  accomplislied,  and  shall  seek  to  extend 
our  boiindai'ies  hy  ciiiii]uesl,  we  shall  have  reached 
a  |ioiiii  ill  onr  history  ai  which  what  we  now  have 
will  beeonie  endangered,  and  onr  liberties  he  liable 
lo  beeonie  a  la'cy  lo  our  own  violence  and  licen- 
tioii.4iiess. 

Whatever  in.'iy  he,  the  rrsull  of  Ihis  war  with 
.Mexico,  I  agree  (I'ontinned  ,Mr.  Y.)  with  llic  gen- 
lleinan  fnmi  (leorgia — it  should  iiol  be  waged  as  a 
war  of  compiesl.  Wv  have  wrongs  to  be  redress- 
ed: Mexico  innsl  redress  ihein.  Our  boundary, 
which  they  ret'iiso  lo  sctlle  hy  iie>:otiation,  must  he 
sustained  bv  the  sword,  lo  which  that  iialion  has 
appealed.  'I'lie  indeiniiities  they  owe  lo  us  niiisl 
III'  paid.  And  if  niiahle  lo  pay  lliein  in  money, 
Mexico  must  secnie  llicm  to  ns  by  giving  us  pos- 
s  ssioii  of  California.  In  taking  that  province,  I 
trust  -I  w  ill  be  but  as  an  ei|uivaleiii,  and  not  as  a 
eoiii|uest.  Ill  onr  conlroversy  with  her,  I  trust  our 
(iov  rninent  will  deal  by  her  with  magnaniniitv  as 


nil  lustii'e; 
pride  of  a  i 


woiindeil  pride  of  a  nation  which  has  just  lost  ils 
tinest  province  by  revoliilion,  and  which  had  the 
spiril  to  cope  with  us  single-handed,  lliongh,  as 
we  conceive,  upon  n  fal.se  prineiple. 

I  ngrie,  loo,  with  the  genlleman  iVom  Georgia, 
that  the  aniicxation  of  Texas  was  not  a  just  cause 
of  war;  and  I  further  agree  with  him,  that  "  the 
Itio  Grande  oiigAl  to  be  our  boundary."  (The 
genlleman,  indeed,  does  not  deny  lliat  it  is  our 
boundary.]  I  eiilirely  dissent,  however,  fVoin  his 
citncltision,  that  it  recognition  of  it  as  such  could 
have  been  ohlained  of  Mexico  by  a  coiilinualion 
of  piace.  The  iSpanish  eharacler  is  distingiiislieil 
for  ils  obstinacy.  A  well-known  instance  of  their 
adherence  to  claims,  liuig  alter  thi'y  had  lost  all 
power  and  right  to  suhslaiiiiate  them,  was  the  re- 
iiisal  of  the  liovernment  of  Spain  to  recognise  the 
inilependeiiee  of  Mexico  for  fifteen  years  after  it 
had  si'paiated  itself  iVoiu  ihal  nionarcliy. 

The  Mexicans  inherit  all  the  ohsliiiacy  of  the 
old  .Spanish  race,  with  but  few  of  the  elevated  cluir- 
acteriKlics  wliii'h  distingiii.shed  it. 

The  main  proposition  of  the  gentleman  from 
Gisiigia  was,  that  this  war  was  produced  hy  the 
Kxeentivi' — hy  the  removal  of  the  army  from  the 
Nueces  to  llie  Kio  Grande,  which  move  was*'  un- 
necessary— improper — not  riglil."  I  will  examine 
this  position. 

The  annexaiion  of  Texas  lo  the  United  Stoics 
wn.s  declared  by  the  Government  of  Mexico  lo  be 
an  act  of  war,  and  would  be  so  treated.  The 
.Mexican  Minister  here  [Almonte]  at  once  suspend- 
ed ull  ollicial  iiilercont.se  with  our  Goverinnenl, 
solemnly  protesting  against  annexation.  At  the 
.'«aiiie  time  the  Government  of  Mexico  noli6ed  onr 
Minister  there  that  diiiloniati':  relations  could  no 
longer  be  eonlinned  between  the  two  republics. 
These  acts  were  eminently  unfriendly,  and,  taken 
in  connexion  with  the  declaralion  that  annexation 
would  he  viewed  ns  an  act  of  war,  they  were  lios- 
tile.  In  this  state  of  hostile  relations  between  llie 
IV.  11  countries.  General  Taylor  was  ordered,  upon 
llie  earnest  appeal  boih  of  the  Congress  anil  of  llie 
Convention  of  Texas,  to  move  forward  into  Texas 
Hu  soon  as  Texas  had  accepted  llie  terms  of  unnex- 


Ho.  or  Rep8. 

ation.  Why,  it  may  be  asked,  was  ho  not  order- 
ed lo  the  Ilio  Grande,  if  that  is  now  our  boundary  ? 
h'or  Ihe  good  reason,  1  reply,  thai  in  annexing 
Texas,  we  vohinlurily  agrei'il  to  keep  her  wi  stern 
boundary  open,  subject  lo  be  settled  on  liberal  teriiiii 
hy  negotiation  helwen  the  United  Slalesaiid  Mex- 
ico. Learning  that  Mexico  was  making  exleiisivo 
military  preparations,  (as  we  arc  inforined  by  the 
I'resiilent  in  his  message,)  in  July  General  Taylor 
was  ordered  to  Coriais  Chrisli,  on  the  west  bank 
of  the  Nueces;  in  llie  disputed  territory.  Affairs 
continuing  to  remain  in  this  hostile  altilnde,  our 
Oovernnienl,  actuated  by  the  liberal  spirit  which 
aniinaled  il  in  annexing  Texas,  prepared  lomake 
advances  lo  our  sulky  neighbor  flir  a  negotiation 
upon  matters  of  dillerence  between  us. 

As  tlii'  piiiiil  is  a  much  disputed  one  in  the  pub- 
lic, mind  at  this  lime,  and  as  upon  il  hinges  iiiiieh 
of  the  mnriilr  of  thiseonlesl,  I  will  make  riiiotation.'i 
from  o^cidf  iwjimcominimicalid  lo  ihis  I  louse,  to 
show  tlittl  tile  Govirnnieiit  of  the  United  Stales 
proposed  lo  the  Mexican  (hivernmenl  to  "ifrciic 
«»  rnroij  from  llir  fiiidi/ Wii/f?  inlniflal  trilh  full 
pmrcr  to  ailjml  all  Ihe  qutstiutin  in  i/i.«jiii(c  liclteceii  the 
l\n>  fi'oi'rniinrii/.t. " 

On  the  ITlh  of  September,  184.'),  Mr.  Bnclmnaii 
wrote  lo  Mr.  Illaek,  onr  ('oiisul  al  Mexico,  "  n> 
'  ascertain  from  llie  Mexican  Oovernmenl  whether 
'  they  would  receive  an  envoy  from  the  Uiiiled 
'  States  intrnslcd  w  ilh  full  powers  to  adjust  all  the 
'questions  in  dispute  hclwecn  the  two  Govern- 
'  ineiilR." 

On  Ihe  13th  of  October,  1845,  Mr.  niaek  com- 
miinicaled  to  Mr.  Penii  y  IVna,  Minister  of  For- 
eign All'iiis  of  Mexii'o,  llie  above,  in  the  very 
words  of  llie  despatch  as  i|iioled.  On  ihc  Ifltli  of 
October,  |M4."i,  that  Minister  replied:  ".%  GoiTin- 
'  Hii  nf  is  rfiv;>iw(/  /"  ircfirc  tiik  eoMMissioxKuof  the 
'  United  St:ites  ir/i/i  tiiiiijroiiie  In  Ihhniitilal  irilhfiill 
'  jmrnffriim  his  Unrirmiiml  lo  stillr  Ihc  prefeul  ilis- 
'  pule  ill  (I  prarrfiil,  rf(i'»iiii/i/f ,  finit  hoiwrnhh  iiK/ii- 
'  Hfr;  thus  giving  a  new  proof  that,  even  in  ihc 
'  midst  of  its  injuries,  and  of  ils  firm  decision  to 
'  exact  ailer|naic  reparation  for  llieiii,  it  does  not 
'  repel  with  coiiliiniely  the  niensure  of  reason  and 
'peace  to  which  it  is  invited  by  its  adversary;" 
and  the  minister  desires  the  consul  to  make  known 
lo  the  United  States  that  Mexico  desires,  "  as  in- 
dispensable, Ihc  previous  recall  of  the  whole  naval 
force  now  lying  in  sight  of  lair  port  of  Vera  (.'riiz." 
The  Minister  further  said  he  "  bflieved  Ihis  invi- 
tnlion  [to  receive  such  an  envoy]  to  he  made  in 
good  faith,"  Ac. 

In  accordance  w  itli  the  above  explicitly-defined 
arrangements,  redin'cd  to  writing,  and  not  siiscep- 
liblc  llicrefore  of  any  but  a  w  ilfiil  misnnderstnnd- 
iiig,  onr  naval  force' was  withdrawn  from  before 
Vera  Cniz,  and  our  envoy,  "  with  fall  powers," 
was  sent  to  Mexico.  Mow  was  be  received  .'  As 
we  had  a  riL'hl  lo  expeci.'  As  a  great  and  proud 
nation,  which  bad  used  iiiiii.''ual  means  lo  propi- 
tiate the  good  will  of  a  peevish  in  iglibor  wrong- 
fully incen.-ied  against  ii,  had  jiisl  ground  ti,  hope 
ils  iepre.<eiitalive  would  he  received.'  No,  sir. 
The  (iovernnieiit  of  Mexico,  engaged  in  (pielling 
inlesline  hriiils,  said  il  "  was  not  prepared  lo  re- 
ceive him,"  as  "his  appearance  in  the  capital  at 
this  lime  [IHlli  neceinher,  lH4^t,]  iniL'ht  prove  de- 
structive to  the  Govc.'iiiient;"  iiiat  "  it  would  en- 
danger il.s  existence,"  iHc.  Mr.  Slidell  at  that 
time  wrote  to  Mr.  Hncliaiinn  that  Ihe  opposition  lo 
Herrera's  Government  "denounced  ihc  negotia- 
tion as  treason,  and  openly  calls  upon  the  peofdc 
to  put  down  ihe  Goverinnenl  by  force.'' 

On  the  Kith  Decenihcr,  the  Mexican  Minister 
wrote  lo  Mr.  Slidell  that  ilie  reason  of  the  delay  in 
his  rei-eption  was  "  Ihe  nature  nf  those  (/lis)  crfrffti- 
'  tiah,  as  comparril  ii'i//t  Ihe  propnsilion  mailc  />;/  Ihe 
'  I'nitril  *'/o(cs,  through  their  consul,  to  treat  peacc- 
•  fully  upon  the  afl'nirs  of  Texas."  This,  it  will 
be  seen,  was  error;  because  the  United  Stales 
made  no  such  limited  proposition. 

Again:  on  the  'JIhh  December,  184,5,  the  Minis- 
ter of  Foreign  .Ml'airs  addressed  a  card  to  Mr. 
nuchannn,  giving  the  same  grounds  of  refusal  lo 
receive  Mr.  .Slidell.  Il  thus  appears  that  the  Gov- 
ernment of  Mexico  privately  assigned,  ns  tt  rea.soii 
for  its  refusal  lo  receive  our  Minister,  the  popular 
prejudice  which  such  an  act  w  ould  encounter;  and 
publicly  assigned  another — and  an  untrue  one — that 
the  Minister  was  not  such  na  the  United  Stales 
had  proposed  to  send. 


Iiirilcr- 
Itliiiy  ? 
Irxin- 
li-iUrii 
llriiiia 
I  Mcx- 

[)y  tlip 

riiyldi- 

liiiiik 

Vflllil'.S 

our 
Jwliic.li 
l>  iniiki; 
lliiitiiin 


1846.1 


TfT"'^''"!''"     "*''''    *  "'  " 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


051 


29th  Cong Ist  Sess. 

The  government  of  Her'rera  wan  overthrown, 
upon  tlio  princi|ilo  that  it  did  not  wnr  n<;nin8t  the 
ilnilcd  Sillies  on  account  of  Tcxuh.  Wur  npninot 
(he  (Jnitud  Slates  was  tlic  Rreut  popular  impulse  of 
Mexico.  TlialOovcrnmcnt,  ihouijli  wisely  dcicr- 
niining  that  it  was  heller  lo  treat  tlmn  to  fight,  was 
unable  to  make  head  a4;ain8t  the  popular  feeling, 
and  was  prostrated.  I'arcdes  came  into  power  on 
the  avowed  principle  that  no  conciliation  with  the 
United  Slates  should  ho  nmde,  hut  that  Texas 
Hliould  he  invaded  and  wrcsteil  from  us.  Accord- 
ingly, in  March,  184G,  the  Qovcrnmenlof  Parcdes 
again  finHJly  rejected  our  Minister.  ARer  alluding 
to  the  despatches  heretofore  quoted  from,  which 
were  the  cause  of  Mr.  Slidcll's  mission,  the  Mex- 
ican Minister  proceeded  lo  say:  "  From  these  ex- 
'  tracts  it  is  inanifesi  that  it  wns  the  firm  intention 
'  of  the  Mcxinm  Government  to  admit  only  a  plen- 
'  ipolenliary  from  the  United  Slates,  clothed  with 
'  powers  ailKiK — that  is  lo  sny,  special  powers  to 
'  treat  upon  themicslion  of  l\!xas,  and  upon  this 
'  alone, "&c.  The  whole  letter  is  filled  with  harsh 
strictures  upon  oiir  Government.  It  represented 
annexation  as  an  art  of  "  usurpation,"  of  "vio- 
lence ami  fraud,"  and  the  Mexican  Government 
as  being  thereby  "despoiled,  outraged,  and  con- 
demned." 

Such,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  a  brief  summary  of  the 
history  of  the  Origin  anil  rejection  of  this  mission 
to  Mexico  by  two  Administrations.     Faithfully 
did  the  Government  endeavor  to  give  cfTect  to  the 
spirit  in  which  annexation  had  been  consummnted. 
It  almost  begscd  negotiation  ot  the  hands  of  that 
haughty  and   arrogant  people.     It  respected  the 
wounded  pride  of  that  nation  so  far  as  to  keep  our 
nrmy  out  of  the  territory  of  the  llio  Grande  until 
it  received  intelliffence  of  the  final  and  insulting 
rejectionof  our  Minister,  on  the  i20th  of  December, 
1843,  appointed  by  Mexican  assent,  by  the  Gov- 
ernment which  agreed  to  receive  him !    On  the  l.'lth 
of  January,  lH4(i,  the  day  after  the  receipt  of  the 
news  by  the  Cal)inct,  General  Taylor  was  ordered 
lo  advance  to  the  Rio  Grande.     Our  naval  force 
had  been  withdrawn  from  the  high  seas  which 
waslicd  the  Mexican  shore,  so  ihata  Mexican  eye 
might  not  be  offended  by  the  sight  of  the  stars 
and  the  stripes  which  floated  from  its  flagstafls. 
Everything  generous — everything  conciliatory — 
everything  mutually  agreed  upon — had  been  done 
by  Uie  Kxecutivo  to  bring  this  vexed  matter  to  an 
nniicable  close.     But  it  was  in   vain.     Mexican 
pride  was  only  to  be  appeased  by  our  hiiNit(iii/ien; 
Mexican  vengeance  and  hatred  was  only  to  be 
sated  by  our  quietly  swallowing  the  insult  ofl'ered, 
or  by  an  appeal  to  nrm.s.     Thai  imtt  our  Executive 
tllil  not  Imiler.     Withdrawing  our  Minister,  the 
President  nuietly  prepared  to  do  his  duty.     What 
was  that  duty?    To  defend  the  territory  of  the  ] 
United  Slates  from  invasion — to  see  to  it  thM  its  ! 
laws  shall  be  executed  within  its  limits,  and  that  ; 
the  Slates  shall  be  protected  within  their  territory  i 
from   invasion  or  foreign   inteifcrence.     Kor  this 
purpose  the  navy  and  army  arc  placed  at  his  sole 
coinmand.     1  now  come  to  the  point  at  issue — the 
point  from  which  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  has 
assailed  the  Adniini.stration:  was  it  prudent  and  , 
proper  in  the  Pri'sident  to  order  the  army  from  the  I 
Nueces  to  the  Kio  Grande?    The  conclusion   to 
be  derived  from  the  events  I  have  related,  certainly 
authorized  tiie  President  to  expect  that  hostile  re-  ! 
lations  would  exist,  in  fact  did  exist,  between  the  I 
two  Governments  on  account  of  the  annexalion  | 
of  Texas.     This  was  the  original  cause  of  difler-  ' 
ence.     Mexico  had  declared  it  to  be  an  net  of  ag-  i 
gression — of  war.     On  the  account  of  it,  it  had  ' 
broken  oil' all  diplomatic  intercourse.     On  account ! 
of  it,  it  had  refused  to  renew  that  intercourse.    On 
account  of  it,  an  Administration  in  Mexico,  which 
had  temporized  in  relation  to  that  alleged  wrong  to 
the  Mexican  nation,  had  been  overthrown,  and 
nnntlier  placed   in    its  stead,   pledged  to   invade 
Texas,  and  which  had  in  fact  assembled  a  well- 
appointed  army  on  the  Rio  Grande  for  that  pur- 
pose.   When  demanding  concessions  of  the  United 
Wleles,  the  Mexican  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
did  not  consider  the  |)osition  of  our  army  on  the 
Nueces  as  oggrcsaive;  did  not  demand  its  with- 
drawal from  the  east  side  of  that  river,  but  only 
asked  the  withdrawal  of  our  navy  from  before  Vera 
Cruz.     The  occupation,  then,  of  the  country  be- 
tween the  Nueces  luid  llic  Rio  Grande  was  not  the 
cause  of  ditlerence  or  of  the  war.    That  cause  was 


The  Mexican  iVnr — Mr.  Yancey. 


Hu.  or  Reps. 


the  nnnexation  of  Texas— the  occupation  <\f  Ike 
tehole,  and  not  of  a  part,  of  the  territory  of  Texas. 
Tlio  Mexicans  complained,  not  of  our  crossing  the 
Nueces,  but  of  our  advance  west  of  the  Sabine;  not 
of  our  toking  po.sscssion  of  the  chaparrals  on  the 
Rio  Grande,  but  of  the  plains  between  the  Sabine 
and  that  river.    Unable  lo  setllo  the  lino  of  bound-  j 
ary  between  Texas  and  Mexico  by  the  negotiation  i 
he  had  so  earnestly  and  peacefully  sought  while 
our  adversary  was  armed  and  threatening,  I  nsk,  ' 
what  fVirther  duty  rested  on  the  Executive?    The  1 
answer  is  plain.     It  wns  to  guard  the  frontiers  of  | 
Texas;  to  clear  our  soil  of  a  hostile  population;  lo 
make  the  way  clear  for  a  free  exercise  of  onr  hiws  ! 
over  the  country  claimed  by  Texas.     The  bound- 
ary thus  claimed  was  the  Rio  Grande,    That  great  | 
river  was  the  boundary  claimed  by  the  Republic  of 
Texas  when  n  eonquering  power,  with  sword  in  i 
hand,  able  to  dictate  terms  of  peace,  and  to  enforce  ' 
them.  I 

The  treaty  she  then  made,  (May  14,  IS30,)  ' 
through  her  President,  (Burhet,)  with  Santa  Ann,  ' 
afterwards  ratified  and  signed  by  PilLsola,  defines 


Porter  or  Thornton?  in  nttemptii  to  cut  ofT  our 
army  from  its  depot  of  supplies?  Was  Mexico 
right  in  rcflising  to  prevent  interetnirse  between 
our  officers  and  our  consul?  If  wo  should  ever 
have  n  right  lo  traverse  the  territory  claimed  by 
Texas,  we  had  it  when  wn  had  fiiiled  to  obtain  a 
peaceful  heoring  upon  it  from  Mexico;  and  if  we 
then  had  it,  Mexico  took  all  the  responsibility  of 
war  upon  herself,  in  invading  that  territory,  and 
cutting  ofl"  our  detached  parlies.  Tlio  consequences 
that  followed  this  Mexican  aggression  all  arc  fam- 
iliar with. 

Our  small  delachmenta  of  troops  were  surpriiird 
and  cut  of.  The  blood  of  the  bravo  was  profusely 
shed,  and  our  whole  force  opposed  and  ntlacked 
by  threo  times  their  number  on  our  own  soil,  be- 
fore American  forbearance  gave  place  to  just  in- 
dignation, and  American  valor  achieved  for  itself 
lusting  glory  on  the  plains  of  Palo  Alto  and  Resacn 
de  In  Palnia. 

We  have  rumors  that  a  foreign  power,  jealous 
of  our  progress  on  this  continent,  is  ready  to  pro- 
test against  our  taking  possession  of  the  ports  of 


the  boundary  thus:  "The  line  shall  commence  at  i\  Mexico  on  the  Pacific;  and  in  this  stale  of  things. 


'  the  estuary  or  mcnilh  of  the  Rio  Grande,  on  the 
'  western  bunk  thereof,  and  shall  pursue  the  same 
'  bank  up  the  said  river  to  the  point  where  it  as- 
'  sumes  tlio  name  of  the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte,  from 
'  which  point  it  shall  proceed  on  the  said  western 
'  bank  to  the  head  waters,"  i%c. 

The  law  of  Texas  of  December,  IS.'IG,  defines 
the  same  line  to  bo  her  boundary. 

General  Woll,  a  Mexican  olhcer,  virlually  ac- 
knowledges it  to  be  a  Texan  territory  in  one  of  his 
orders,  declaring  all  found  within  that  disputed 
territory  to  bo  traitors  to  Mexico. 

In  December  last  this  body  extended  our  revenue 
laws  over  that  district,  antl  made  provision  for  a 
custom-house  within  it.  Is  not  the  Rio  Grande, 
then,  to  nil  intents  and  purposes,  the  Texan  bound- 
ary, until  it  is  altered  by  negotiation  ?  Where  is 
the  law  defining  any  other  boundary?  Sir,  there 
is  none.  The  resolutions  of  nnnexation  admit 
Texas  with  her  boundaries  subject  alone  to  adjust- 
ment by  negotiation.  Until  "negotiation  curtails 
the  limits  dcelnrod  by  Texas  to  be  hers,  where  is 
the  power  which  can  rightfully  do  so  ?  Who  made 
the  Nueces  the  Texan  boundary  line?  Can  the 
gentleman  find  any  law  so  defining  it?  It  exists 
only  in  the  distempered  and  fevered  brain  of  those 
who  can  see  no  line  for  our  country  honorably  to 


while  the  country  is  rushing  with  burning  hearts 

to  the  defence  of  our  rights  and   honor,  and  to 

\  avenge  the  repeated  insults  olltred  to  us,  the  voice 

]  of  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  is  heard  in  unison 

with  the  cnnlenipliblo  horde  of  Abolitionisla  who 

1  infest  this  Hall,  condemning  the  cause  of  his  own 

count,  y,  pronouncing  the  causes  which  led  to  the 

.  war  as  "  unnecessary,  improper,  not  right." 

Sir,  I  respect  the  chari\cter  of  the  gentleman 

from  Georgia  to  n  sulRcient  degree  to  cause  mc  to 

;  feel  unfeigned  regret  that  I     has  not  left  the  task 

;  ho  has  assumed,  of  censuring  the  position  of  his 

I  country  before  the  world,  to  those  upon  whom  it 

sits  more  naturally  than  upon  a  Geor"ian.     I  fain 

j  would  believe  my  coiuitry  right;  and  believing  so, 

can  conscientiously  invoke  upon   her  arms  the 

blessings  of  the  God  of  battles.     How  can  that 

gentleman  do  so  if  he  believes  that  the  country  has 

violated  that  code  of  morals  which  has  been  given 

to  us  both  for  national  and  individual  observance? 

I  I  cannot  placu  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  in  the 

I  position  of  those  who  once  deemed  it  "  wrong  to 

I  rejoice  over  victories  obtaiiied  over  the  enemy;" 

:  aiid  yet  if  the  Mexican  is  nr  w  engaged  in  the 

sacred  cause  of  defending  his  bene  and  institutions 

:  from  a  rulliless  Invader,  who  has  "  unnecessarily, 

improperly,  wrongfully"  invaded  his  country,  the 


rest  upon  in  that  country.    The  means  pointed  out     conclusion  is  not  to  be  so  much  condemned  that  it 
in  the  resoluticms  of  annexation  of  settling  and  I:  is  wrong  to  rejoice  at  victories  w(m  in  such  n cause. 

■■    ■  " '   If  1  believed  it  wns,  my  humble  prayer  to  Him  who 

guides  the  destinies  of  nations  would  be,  that  the 
hearts  of  our  rulers  might  be  imbued  with  a  sense 
of  justice  and  truth;  and  that,  becoming  aware  of 
their  error,  they  should  at  once  secure  pence  by  nn 
ofler  of  it  lo  the  Mexicjins,on  such  fair  and  honor- 
able terms  as  would  commend  it  to  their  favor. 

How  is  it,  sir,  that  the  name  of  Mr.  Webster 
has  been  lugged  into  this  debate  ?  Was  it  that  the 
gentleman's  thoughts  naturally  ran  into  a  channel 
congenial  to  that  once  pursued  by  that  statesman, 
when  he,  too,  saw  fit  lo  condemn  the  cause  of  his 
country  by  refusal  to  vote  supplies,  <fec.  ?  Was  it 
that,  finding  himself  in  a  sinuhir  position,  the  gen- 
tleman from  Georgia  would  endeavor  to  entrench 
it  by  upholding,  as  worthy  of  all  praise,  his  great 
predecessor  in  weakening  the  iiioiafe  of  his  coun- 


peac.eably  defining  the  limits  between  the  two  conn 
tries  failing,  the  Texan  law  is  the  law  of  the  land —  I 
recognised  by  Congress  in  its  acts  of  annexalion  i 
and  of  extension  of  the  revenue  laws  over  that ! 
Slate.     The  President  can  know  no  other  bound-  | 
ary;  and  in  ordering  the  artny,  therefore,  to  the  ; 
Ri'n  Grande,  he  did  what  he  had  a  right  to  do  as  i 
its  commander-in-chief — what  he  was  bound  to  do 
as  President  of  the  Republic.     If,  then,  the  "  Rio  j 
Grande  ought  lo  be  our  boundary,"  Iho  President  ' 
"ought  to  be"  no  subject  of  censure.     If  Mexico 
was  in  arms,  anil  in  hostile  attitude,  it  did  not  be- 
come a  prudent  Executive  to  wait  until  the  country 
wns  invaded  before  he  used  the  means  given  him  | 
by  the  nation  for  its  defence.     He  was  in  duty 
bound  to  anticipate  it  after  such  n  .series  of  hostile 
demonslrations,  and  to  place  the  ell'ictive  force  of 


the  country  in  such  position  as  would  most  easily  i    try's  position,  and  by  condemning  as  "  small  fry 
preserve  our  soil  from  an  inv,^ding  nrmy.  those  who  have  dared  to  investigate  and  reflect 

He  but  did  so,  sir.  He  ordered  the  army  to  I  upon  that  fact?  The  gentleman,  in  beautiful  style, 
take  position  upon  our  borders.  The  execution  of  j  and  with  accurate  memory,  has  repeated  hnes  of 
this  order  is  said  to  be  the  cause  of  the  war;  that  j  verse,  having  for  their  object  eulogy  of  Mr.  Web- 
without  it  the  Rio  Grande  could  have  been  peace-    '  sler  and  denunciation  of  those  who  have  ventured 


fully  obtained  as  our  boundary.  Sir,  the  eyes  that 
can  see  the  germ  of  a  pe.'xccful  disposition  in  any 
of  the  proceedings  of  Mexico  relative  to  annexa- 
tion, save  the  single  agreement  to  receive  our  Min- 
ister, are  sharper  than  mine.  The  eyes  that  cannot 
see  in  all  the  rest  of  the  proceedings  of  that  Gov- 
ernment n  settled,  fixed  enmity  and  hatred  towards 
us  OS  a  nation — n  firm  decision  to  resent  by  arms 
the  act  of  annexation — and  to  repel  all  reasonable 
advances  lo  reconciliation,  are  blind  to  whatever 
exculpates  their  own  country  from  wrong  in  this 
contest.  The  question  as  to  the  order  ol^  the  re- 
moval of  our  army  should  be,  was  it  right !  If 
right,  was  Mexico  justifiable  in  meeting  that  army 
ill  hostile  array  on  our  soil  ?  Was  Mexico  justi- 
fiable in  entrapping  and  slaying  the  commands  of 


to  express  their  belief  that  he  is  not  "God-like. 
1  nm  aware,  sir,  of  the  array  one  sets  himself 
I  against  by  fearlessly  uttering  such  a  sentiment.    I 
;  am  aware  that  the  fifty  Whig  letter  writers  who 
give  shape  lo  the  opinions  of  those  who  read  the 
Whig  press  arc  ever  ready  with  wit,  satire,  and 
I  many  even  with  misrepresentation,  to  assail  all  who 
assail  their  favorites.     I  have  endured  their  attack, 
'  and  therefore  may  not  now  quail  before  the  storm 
!  of  sonnets  with  which  the  gentleman  from  Geor- 
gia pells  those  who  speak  of  the  faults  of  Mr. 
Webster.     I  will  not  reply,  then,  to  this  gratui- 
tous attack.     [I  am  assured  by  a  mutual  friend  it 
was  not  aimed  at  me.]    I  will  only  say,  that  if  the 
countenance  of  the  "  God-like"  has,  as  the  noon- 
"  day  sun,  been  veiled  by  mists  drawn  up  by  its  own 


'Mi 


052 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  18, 


29th  Cono l8T  Sgmb. 


Tht  Mexican  War — Mr.  E,  B.  llohneM. 


Ho.  or  Rrpi. 


power,  1  Iriiat  Ihong  miala  nro  dritinrd  to  dMccnd 
again  to  enrlh  in  tlio  form  of  refrcHliin^  dewa  nnd  i 
Cdolinf;  ahowera,  rrnovatini:  thoBo  rrgiona  which  ' 
have  in  |inrt  been  rendcii-u  imrched  and  alnmat 
arid  liy  tlmt  atutcanitin 'h  biincftil  politiuni  doctrinea. 
And  a«  the  gentleman  from  GeorKiii  hiut  introduced 
the  aulijccl  of  Mr.  In^raoil'ii  clmrKea,  I  dccin  it  j 
dill'  to  HiyMitlf  tu  say,  that  my  piirt  in  the  duluitc, 
which  apnin;;  up  on  the  intrudnrtiim  of  tlinae 
charges,  hoa  been  f^roaaly  niiareprcacnlcd  by  n  |iart 
of  tile  prcHB.  1  exprcHHcd  mi  opinion  on  thoae 
chnrifos.  I  cxprcstly  maud  thnt  the  lime  for  dia- 
ruaain;;  their  rorrcctncsa  Imd  not  then  nrrivrd;  that 
I  dcaircd  to  aco  thrm  voted  upon  without  debate. 
I  volunteered  no  nttiick  upon  Mr.  Wcbeter  j  and  it 
waa  only  when  I  heard  my  ciillciiKue  [Mr.  IIil- 
LiARu]  uasociiUc  the  niimc  of  Webster  with  that  of 
the  great  and  good  WnNhin!;ton,  ua  1  conceived 
nlinoat  aacrilcgioualy — when  1  heard  him  call  upor. 
the  Whi,>^a  not  to  permit  the  nrin  of  thnirchampion  to 
be  |ittnilyzed,  and  to  nver  tlmt  the  name  of  Ameri- 
can citizen  received  honor  nnd  rcai)ect  abroad  by 
its  nsauciatlon  with  the  name  of  Wcbatcr,  tlmt  1 
conceived  it  inyduty  to  rise  and  to  contrnvcitHUch 
extravagant  culo<;y,  and,  iia  i  conceived,  uttiici< 
uimn  the  atandinfr  of  WaHhington. 

The  reports  on  these  charges  have  now  been 
made.  I  nave  read  them,  and  concur  with  both  of 
them.  With  the  majority,  I  believe  that  the  morale 
of  Mr.  Ingcraoll  'a  charges  luive  been  reliilcd,  while  ; 
there  was  sufficient  apparent  ground  for  Mr.  Inger- 
Miill  to  hiivc  enterloined  suspicion  that  nil  was  not 
right.  Will)  the  minority,  1  conceive  that  the  evi- 
dence establishes  the  fact  that  Mr.  Webster  was  a 
defaulter  to  the  Government  when  he  went  out  of 
office;  more  owing,  liowerer,  to  his  proverbial 
carelessness  in  money  matters  than  to  design;  and 
also  t)iat  ho  was  guilty  of  an  improper  use  of  the 
accret-service  fund  in  using  it  to  aflcct  the  sufl'rages 
of  the  voters  of  Maine.  In  this  1  conceive  not 
only  a  great  fault,  but  a  crime,  has  been  commit- 
ted. It  was  not  charged  by  Mr.  Ingersoll,  and  the 
committee  so  viewing  it,  refused  to  act  upon  it.  It 
involves  a  principle  of  action  on  the  part  of  the 
General  Government  dangerous  lo  the  indepen-  , 
deuce  of  the  Slates,  and  destructive  of  tlie  purity 
uf  the  ballot-box. 

I  have  thus,  Mr.  Chairman,  said  ull  in  reply  to  ' 
the   pnaiiions    assumed    by   the  gentleman    Irom  i 
Georgia  which  the  brief  time  allotted  to  nie  will 
fwrniit.     I  leave  him,  with  the  most  unalloyed  re- 
gret that  he  has  seen  fit  to  join  the  low  crew  who, 
for  several  days,  some  weeks  past,  used  their  best 
endeavors  to  stigiuatizc  the  cause  of  our  country, 
and  who  appropriately  revived  the  allark  on  yts- 
lerduy,  tlnouKh   the  mouth  of  the  iniMubcr  from 
New  Vork,  [Mr.  Cui-vkr.)     'I'lie  gentleman  from  , 
Georgia  has  thrown  cold  water  over  the  fervid  pa- 
Iriolisin  of  our  counlrymeii,  now  rushing  with  | 
most  ;u-dcnt  zeal  in  overwhelming  numbers  to  the 
various  depots  for  the  reception  of  voliinicers.    If  ■ 
the  (leople  shall  believe  what  the  geutlcinan  lias 
said,  tl^at  enthusiasm  will  not  be  of  long  duralinii; 
they  will  not  be  content  long  lo  bear  tlie  great  bur-  , 
dens  of  what  lliey  are  taught  by  him  to  believe  to 
be  an  unjust  war.     A  war  that  is  "  unnecessary, 
improper,  not  right,"  will  have  no  claims  U|«)n 
other  than  a  cold  support.     The  mischief  which 
a  general  belief  of  the  gentleman's  positions  would 
operate,  ore  almost  incalculable.    I  think,  however,  • 
that  there  will  Ije  no  general — hardly  a  partial — re- 
sponse to  the  seniinieiits  he  has  uttered.     I  am  in- 
clined rather  to  believe  that  the  jicople  will  think 
that  the  gcnileman  has  Imd  a  dip  too  niurli  of  that 
"  hasty  plale  of  soup,''  which  hiu*  ruined  one  ma- 
_)or  general  of  the  army,  and  may  prove  to  be  hot 
enough  lo  scald  the  mouth  even  of  a  inember  of 
Congress. 


quostinni  but  the  gentleman  from  the  Committee 
of  Wnya  and  Means,  who  preceded  me,  nnd  who 
commenced  the  discussion  upon  the  bill,  [Mr. 
Junes,  of  Georgia,]  saw  fit  to  devote  a  large  por- 
tion of  his  agiecim  to  the  defence  of  the  acts  of  the 
Kxeciilivo  in  relation  tu  the  Mexican  war.  Hence, 
I  shall  feel  at  liberty  to  advert  to  that  subject  at 
length,  nnd  ahull  then,  iff  have  time  in  the  brief 
siiaco  allowed  me,  speak  of  the  folly  of  disturbing 


THE  MEXICAN  WAR.  | 

SPEECH  OF  MrTe.  B.  HOLMES, 

OF  NEW  VORK, 

In  THE  HoniE  OF  RKpnESENTATIVKS, 

June  18,  laifi. 

The  House  bring  in  Cominillee  of  the  Whole  on 

the  Bill  reducing  the  duly  on  Imports,  &c. 

Mr.  HOLMES  said: 

Mr.  Chairman:  I  had  expected  the  discimainn 
on  ihia  bill  would  be  confined  to  the  merits  of  the 


ihe  present  uirifl'.  The  conatitutinnal  authorities 
have  declared  that  "war  cxista,"and  wo  are  at 
this  moment  involved  in  a  iiulionol  war.  Every 
feeling  which  patrioliam  can  inspire  will  induce 

I  me  lo  aid  fully  in  the  prosecution  of  the  same  to  a 
just  and  successful  issue.  This  feeling  should  ac- 
tuate all  hearts — at  nil  events,  it  docs  mine.     Dut, 

'  sir,  the  ininiediatn  danger  which  threatened  our 
army  has  been  dispelled;  the  public  enemy  has 
been  scattered;  our  troops  arc  at  this  moment  in 
surticient  force,  not  only  to  repel  danger,  but  to 
carry  victory  before  them  at  any  point  thnt  may 
bo  desired;  and  our  flag  now  finals  in  triumph  over 
one,  and  perhaps  more,  of  the  cities  of  a  Jiialcr 
republic.    Therefore,  it  seems  to  mo  there  is  no 

I  impropriety  in  inquiring  when  and  how  this  war 
is  lo  end,  and  tbr  what  purpose  it  is  hereafter  lo 
be  waged.  The  people  have  tlie  right  to  know  now 
whether  the  design  la  to  prosecute  this  war  further 
for  conrpiest  and  plunder,  or  only  fin  a  just  and 
nmgnaiiimous  settlement  of  national  illll'crences. 

,  They  have  the  right  to  look,  and  will  look,  at  the 
cnmes  of  this  war — the  acts  of  Executive  function- 
aries in  creating  it — the  action  of  this  House  in 
declaring  the  same — its  Bub8ei|Ucnt  nets,  and  all 
the  abuses  in  regard  to  our  internid  policy. 

To  inc  it  seems  not  only  proper,  but  my  imper- 
ative duty,  to  advert  to  them  now.  Sir,  I  have 
tried  in  vain  to  speak  upon  these  subjects,  and  liave 
been  uniformly  prevented  by  the  tyrannic  action 
of  this  House,  When  your  war  message  was 
presented,  on  the  1 1th  of  May,  I  was  not  permit- 
ted to  declare  my  willingness  lo  render  our  soldiers 
ami  our  Hag  aid  and  protection  nt  once.  I  wanted 
to  speak,  not  only  of  the  acts  of  the  Executive, 
but  of  prompt  and  speedy  action  in  regard  lo  re- 
lieving our  army  and  protecting  our  territory.  Wo 
were  told  that  ull  our  young  otficcrs,  each  fit  to  be 
a  colonel,  were  in  jeopardy — perhaps,  at  that  mo- 
ment, prisoners  of  war;  that  our  pence  establish- 
ment, with  oiricers  enough  to  ollioer  twic^;  its  pres- 
ent number  of  rank  and  file,  had  been  placed  in 
defiance  in  front  of  a  Mexican  city;  that  our  army 
had  been  ordered  from  Corpus  Christi,  at  the 
niciulh  of  the  river  Nueces,  l(iO  miles  across  the 
deserts  and  forests  to  the  river  Rio  Grande,  where 
Texas  had  no  population,  no  possession,  and  no  > 
title  except  a  mere  naked  assertion;  that  the  Prcsi-  , 
dentj  had  ordered  a  blockade  of  the  mouth  of  the  [ 
Uio  Grande,  in  a  time  of  profound  peace,  and  nil 
supplies  to  be  cut  oiT  from  the  Mexican  people 
and  Mexir^ui  uriny  nt  Matnmoros;  that  he  had 
pointed  our  guns  in  a  menacing  manner  upon  thai 
city.  We  were  asked  not  only  for  supplies  of 
men  and  money,  but  to  vote  a  declaration  of  war; 
and  yet  I  was  not,  nor  was  any  member  on  this 
fioor,  permitted  to  incpiirc  why  it  was  that  the 
President  had  sedulously  avoiifed  Congress,  and 
iissumed  these  high  responsibilities — nor  lo  make 
any  sugget^lions  wliutcver  in  reluloii  to  tliis  mai- 
ler. 

The  President,  through  the  War  Dcparuncnt,  ] 
on  the  8tli  day  of  last  July,  says: 

<'  Ttiiti  l>i-|):irlini>iit  IN  inloriiKMl  llint  Mi'Xier,  turn  wnnie 
liiijiliiry  c.-'tutjIitiliniiMils  on  Uie  eiu^l  .'•iile  (*t'  the  Itio  (Jniiiile, 
vvliieji  are,  nnil  fur  t^nme  lime  Imve  tieen,  in  ttionel.mt  (h-cii-  j 
finriey  nflier  Ireopg;"  nn<l  thnt  ''IliP  Mexieiin  t'nreeM  nt  llic  ; 
JKidli*  ill  tlietr  pOA,ieE<Hinli.  llllil  wl)i<  ll  hnvc  tieen  tin,  will  not  i 
lie  iliHliirtiei),  so  Inim  iii^  Uie  rel.iliiiiiH  of  |K!aee  Isilween  Uiu  j 
l.'liited  St'lteHuiKt  Mexico  coiiUllue."  I 

On  the  30lli  of  the  same  month,  (July,  1845,)  i 
through  the  same  channel,  he  says  to  General  Tay-  j 
lor:  I 

"  White  nvoidinir,  an  ynu  hnve  tK-en  inHlruclPd  lo  do,  all  I 
ai{|irej4sive  iiinaiiiireii  lowardu  Mexieo  ni*  lonRn."  Ilic  relations 
ofiience  exist  lieiweeii  lllal  llepiihtie  and  the  l.'nited  Hlalex,  ! 
you  lire  expi'cled  to  oeetipy.  proteet,  nnd  defi-nd  the  lerri-  ' 
lory  iif  Texiw  10  ilie  exleiit  Ihul  il  has  been  orcvjiied  Inj  the  \ 
jteopit  of  Terfis.  ' 

"The  Uio  Grande  tit  r/nimcd lo  lie  the  hotindary  hclwecn  j 
the  Iwo  roiintries,  and  up  lo  this  lionintnry  you  are  to  extend 
your  proleelinii,  only  exeeptinif  any  jHmt*  on  the  eastern  .•Ide  ! 
itiert'or  wliieh  are  in  the  neliial  orciiiitiney  of  Mexican  Inrees, 
or  Mexican  tcUlcmetits  oi-cr  vhufi  Me  Hejmlilic  of  TVj-ik  ditt 
not  rrcrcinr  juriMlictUtti  ttt  the [lerind nf  anueratinn^or sl\ortl\t  \ 
hfforP  that  Pfft\l.     It  is  expeelfil  that,  in  BeleetillK  llie  entail-  j 
Ijiihiiiuiit  tljr  your  UuupH,  you  will  approach  lu  near  thu 


hniindary  lliie— Iho  Rio  Oraiide— h  pruduncv  will  dirtnle, 
Willi  Ihiii  view,  the  Prealdeiil  dtHrn  IhnI  ynur  imaltinn,  liir 
a  iMirl  of  ytsir  rori-es,  nt  leiMl,  nIiuuI'I  hv  went  o(  thu  river 
Nui'ce«." 

"rntdcnee,"  at  Ihia  lime,  did  not  diclole  to  go 
farther  toward  the  Uio  Gmiule  than  just  west  of 
the  Nueces,  lo  wit,  at  Corpus  Chriati.  This  was 
the  farthest  [Kiinl  to  which  Teitas  |>opul>ilion  Iiiih 
extended.  According  In  the  beat  nnlhorilics  in 
your  library,  Texas  is  bounded  on  the  west  by  tlie 
river  Nuecea  from  its  inoutli  to  its  source;  thnneo 
by  a  lino  northwardly  to  the  Red  fiver;  iheneo 
easlwnrdly  along  thnt  river  Urn  point  north  of  llie 
headwaters  of  the  Sabine;  thunco  aoulhwnrilly 
down  that  river  lo  the  Gulf  of  Mexico— on  tho 
south  by  Iho  gulf;  and  contains  about  lljU,(HK) 
aquare  miles.  It  is  almost  four  times  as  large  us 
tho  Slate  of  New  York.  Thnt  portion  of  tho  four 
Mexican  provinces  of  Tamaulipas,  Coahiiiln,  Chi- 
huahua, and  New  Mexico,  lying  between  thu  Nue- 
ces and  the  entire  length  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and 
so  to  tho  42°  of  latitude,  including  Point  Isabel, 
Laredo,  Santa  Ff,  Taos,  nnd  divers  other  Mexican 
towns  and  cities,  coveted  and  claimed  by  Texas, 
contains  about  I4U,(H)()  sounre  miles. 

This  tract  has  a  aiiiall  Texan  settlement  nt  anil 
near  Corpus  Christi,  on  the  west  bank  of  tho  Nue- 
ces, in  tho  northeast  corner  of  Tainuulipns.  Be- 
tween this  settlement  nnd  the  valley  of  the  Rio 
Grande  there  are  extensive  highland  deserts,  and 
no  acttlemcnta.  in  the  valley  of  tho  Rio  Gruiule, 
nnd  upon  tho  east  side  of  the  river,  arc  extensive 
Mexican  settlements,  including  many  towns  and 
cities — among  them.  Point  Isabel  on  the  cnnal,  near 
the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  Santa  Fe,  ihecaiiilal 
of  New  Mexico,  near  its  source;  nt  both  of  wliicli 
ploces  are  Mexican  custom-houses,  nt  which  our 
people  have  paid  duties  to  Mexico  up  to  the  period 
of  this  war.  Our  own  Congress,  in  March,  1845, 
after  passing  the  annexation  resolutiinis,  passed  an 
act  allowing  u  drawback  upon  nil  goods  landed  upon 
our  coast  nnd  transportcil  through  the  country  to 
Santa  Fc,  Ihereby  admitting  that  Mexico  had  of 
right  established  a  custom-house  at  that  place,  and 
laid  u  duty  on  foreign  imports;  and  ngit|ping,  thai, 
when  any  gontlo  which  hud  been  lundei}  at  New 
Orleans,  or  elsewhere,  nnd  paid  duties  to  our  Gov- 
ernment, should  be  transported  through  the  coun- 
try to  Santa  Fc,  where  we  at  this  munieni  havp  a 
resident  consul,  and  there  nay  duties  to  Mexico, 
they  would  pay  buck  tho  duties  thus  recei^^  by 
our  cuutoni-housc  otficcrs  upon  thoae  goods.  No 
portion  of  that  country  hMil  in  any  manner  been 
occupied  by  Texas,  exei  I  i  Corpus  Christi,  in 
the  valley  where  the  army  tlien  was,  on  the  west 
bank  of  the  Nueces. 

This  little  colony  nt  Corpus  Christi,  il  is  said, 
had,  for  some  years,  voted  lor  Texas  reprcsenia- 
lives,  and  actually  voted  for  delegates  lo  the  Texas 
convention  of  annexation.  They  seemed  lo  be 
independent  of  the  balance  of  the  province  of  Tu- 
mimlipas;  ami  il  became  a  <|uesliiin  wlielher  they 
should  not  be  protecieil  uiul  nnnextd,  in  accurii- 
nnco  with  llieir  wishes.  Il  was  also  a  question 
where  the  boundary  line  should  be,  and  how  niucii 
of  the  unsettled  country  between  this  selllenienl 
nnd  the  Mexican  seltleinctits  on  the  Rio  Grande 
should  belong  to  each;  and  also,  whether  the  en- 
tiro  claim  of  Texas  to  the  whole  of  these  Mexiean 
settlements  should  be  enforced.  The  Presicleni 
decides  "lo  protect  and  defend  the  territory  of 
Texas  to  the  extent  that  il  had  been  occupied  by 
the  people  of  Texas,"  and  .fciids  the  aiiiiy  lo  tins 
setllemcnl,  or  rather,  "desires  "  lh:it  a  piulul  least 
of  General  Taylor's  forces  should  be  we.sl  of  the. 
Nueces — very  properly  leaving  llie  ipiestuins  as  to 
disturbing  these  "  Mexican  settlements,"  and  as 
10  the  boundary  between  Rlexico  nnd  the  United 
Slates,  as  one  would  natunilly  suppo.<e,  lo  be  set- 
tled by  the  two  Governments,  or  to  the  direction 
of  Congress. 

Now,  then,  who  would  suppose  thnt,  in  less 
than  six  months,  this  policy,  nnd  all  these  orders, 
would  be  reversed,  and  that,  too,  by  the  sole  fiat 
of  the  Executive  of  tlio  American  nation  ?  Yet  so 
it  is. 

On  the  13th  day  of  January,  184G,  during  ihi.f 
present  session  of  Congress,  having  himself  refused 
to  take  less  responsibilities  in  regard  lo  Oregon, 
the  President,  without  the  knowledge  or  consent 
of  Congress,  in  direct  violation  of  his  directions  lo 
General  Taylor  on  the  30th  of  the  preceding  July, 
orders  the  army  to  march  through  tlie  desert  and 


|e  19, 
n. 

Iftlrtiilr. 
Jinii,  (hr 
|i»  rWi-r 

I  til  gn 

■vcMt  llf 
llM  WIIH 
Ixi    llllM 

JicH  in 

Illy  lliL- 

IthRni'o 

Itlipni'c 

Jor  llie 

Ivnrilly 

liiii  ilin 

|GU,U(H) 

J\rge  UH 

|io  fciiir 

n,  Cl.i- 

Niin- 

No,  ami 

llHalicI, 

lexiian 

IrcxnH, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


053 


|:29'rii  CoNfl Iet  Sk8s. 


TAe  Mexican  War— Mr.  E.  U.  Holms. 


Ho.  or  Rtn. 


lake  poBHciiaioii  of  Point  luliel,  Lnroilo,  and  pointa 
npjinnilo  Mnlnmorna  and  Micr,  (he  vcrv  places 
lii'ld  and  inhaliitcd  by  llie  wmio  |)«oplc,  tfifit  were 
mil  Id  be  dintiirlicd  or  inolcated,  by  the  order  •  of 
Jiilv  Hlh  and  UUlh. 

What  Hudden  emergency,  no  iiricfcnt  tliat  Con- 
f;reNN  could  not  be  conaullrd;  what  ovcrwhelmine 
iirceaaity  had  induced  the  I'rcajdciit  to  take  aUch 
liiKh-handud  responaibililica } 

I'lio  uiiawer  wliich  the  Preaidcrtt  gives  in  his 
Mcaango  to  this  House  is  as  follows: 

"ThiM  (brcn  [ttiu  nriny  nt'  <irrii|Hiii(iiiJ  won  conccnlnitcd 
lit  l'iir)iii«  Clirii4tl,  ami  rfiimiiuiil  ilii>ri'  iiatll  I  rncflvitd  niicIi 
liiriiriiiiuitin  frdiu  Moxico  iih  rciKlcriMl  tl  iiroliiililc,  If  tint  crr- 
tain,  thnt  tlii!  Mexican  (jovcniiiivnt  would  rcruxc  tii  receive 
iiiir  ciivny. 

•'  Muuiitimn,TL>iiiii,  hy  the  flniil  notion  nf  our  (Invcranicnt, 
liiiil  Ihtuiiio  nn  liitciiml  piirt  nt' our  Union.  The  roiitfrcND 
oi  Ti'xnii,  hy  Its  net  of  IIcmcimImt  lit,  IKB,  hnil  iliclnrcit  the 
Kio  ilcl  Nnrtn  In  he  tli«  iHiuiirinry  iiniiattepuhlic.  Iik  jiirin- 
ilictlon  hud  been  eJclendlHl  nnd  exerelxed  bniotut  the  NuKica. 
'riieoiiuniry  lietwiien  that  river  nnd  the  Del'  Norte  liuil  lieen 
ri  |iri  Hinted  In  the  ('onareiw  niiillnthel'onvi^nilonnrTexnK, 
lind  IKitt  Inken  imrt  llithf^aclof  nnnexntion  ltfletr,andlri  now 
ineliided  In  one  ot'otir  ('oiiureMloinil  dli*trletM,  Our  own  f 'oii- 
lireiiH  hnd,  iiioroover,  with  iirent  uiinnlinity,  hy  the  net  np- 
pruviil  llecelnber  III,  IIH.1,  reeoiinliied  the  country  Iwyolld 
Uie  NueceH  nn  n  part  of  our  territory,  hy  liichidlng'lt  within 
our  nnii  revenue  HyHteni;  nnd  n  ri^veiiue  olllcer,  to  reside 
within  thnt  diolrlei,  hnshcen  apiiolnted,  liyniid  with  the  ncl- 
vli'e  nnd  c(uiaent  of  tht^  Senah'.  It  lieeiiine,  thercllire,  of 
urnent  neeeiwity  to  provide  for  the  defence  of  tliat  portion  of 
our  country. 

"  AccordlnBly,  on  the  Klih  of  Jnnunry  Inut,  Inilnictlonii 
were  Inrined  to  Ihe  aenernl  In  coutinHiid  of  theiie  trooiw  to 
iHciipy  the  lell  Imnk  of  Ihe  Rio  lirniiile  del  Norte." 

Now,  sir,  juHt  look  upon  the  inn|i — n  rough 
draft  of  which  1  hold  in  my  hand — nnd  sec  Corpus 
Christi  on  the  weal  bank  of  the  Nuccea,  near  the 
mouth;  bear  in  mind  thnt  tliia  is  the  only  Texaa 
HOttlenieiit  wrat  of  thnt  river;  tlint  between  that 
river  nnd  the  Rio  Grande  are  uiiinhnbited  hii;hland 
deserts;  that  in  the  valley  of  tlie  Rio  Grande,  and 
on  Ihe  caat  bank  thereof,  arc  exionaivc  Mexican 
Buttlementa,  which  ever  have  been,  nnd  at  this 
moment  are,  represented  in  the  Mexican  Consresa; 
in  fact,  that  the  capital  ilscif  of  oncof  the  Mexican 
provinces,  San  la  I'V,  with  a  Mexican  nistom-hnuse, 
sancti<in«d  by  our  own  Con{;ress,  is  locjitcd  there 
— nnd  tllln  blush  for  the  American  Executive. 
Reduce  the  President's  apnlojiy  to  plain  English, 
and  what  is  it?  Because  the  Consrcss  of  Texas, 
in  ISSH,  without  possession,  and  without  the  con- 
sult of  Mexico,  or  any  of  the  people  of  that  dis- 
trictof.country,  claimed  to  the  Rio  (iiaiulc,  instead 
of  tfie  Nueces,  the  original  boundary  of  Ti'xas — 
because  Texas  had  made  a  scttlenicnt  on  the  west 
bank  of  the  Nueces,  at  Corpus  Christi,  and  he  had 
duly  protected  tlic  sonic  by  sending  the  army  to 
that  jioiiit — because  that  scllleincnt,  comprising 
twenty-five  or  fifty  voters,  had  voted  for  tlclegalcs 
to  the  convention  of  annexation — because  East 
Texas  foriiiHone  Congressional  dislricl,and  West 
'JVxas  nnoihcr — becaui^e,  in  Uecenilier  he  had  ad- 
vised Congress  to  extend  our  revenue  laws  over 
Texas, and  without  debate, and  under  the  g«g,  they 
had  done  so;  and  because,  by  the  cnn-sfiit  of  the 
.Senate  on  the  15lli  of  January  last,  he  had  appoint- 
ed a  revenue  olHcer  to  reside  at  Corpus  Chrisli,  it 
becnnic,  on  tin'  llllli  of  the  same  monlh,  two  days 
prior  to  that  time,  of  "  urgent"  necessity — so  ur- 
gent that  he  could  not  suliiuit  the  matter  to  Con- 
gress— to  provide  for  Ihe  defence  of  that  portion  of 
the  counlry  on  the  Rio  Grande,  extending  more 
than  two  thousand  miles  from  the  .sea,  and  con- 
taining more  than  fiO,000  Mexicans,  and  therefore 
hi'  sent  the  army  to  that  point.  Why,  sir,  the 
very  thought  seems  to  sulfuse  the  face  of  the  Pre.'i- 
idenl  himself  with  crimson.  He  is  evidently  un- 
easy under  it,  and  seta  his  inventive  faculties  to 
work  tin  other  reasons  to  Justify  this  high-handed 
measure,  and  goes  on  to  say  that  other  considera- 
tions imliiced  this  inoveiuent,  and,  among  them, 
"  the  facilities  nflordcd  by  the  purls  of  lirnsos  San- 
tiago and  the  mouth  of  Ihe  Oul  Noric  fur  Ihe  recep- 
tion of  supplies  by  sea,"  and  "  the  convenience  for 
obtaining  a  ready  and  more  abundant  supply  of 
provisions."  Yes,  sir,  (said  Mr.  H.,)  he  leaves  the 
sea-coast,  and  sends  the  army  nearly  200  miles 
across  the  desert  to  another  river,  among  a  people 
of  another  language,  who  burn  their  houses  nnd 
flee  their  homes  at  our  approach,  and  sets  the  main 
body  of  the  forces  thirty  miles  up  the  river — for 
what.'  For  the  defence  of  the  citizens  of  Texas? 
No,  sir;  for  "  /M'ori.fioiia"  and  "sufflies." 

At  one  moment  the  President  would  have  you 
believe  that  tlie  whole  counlry  west  of  thu  Nueces 


WAS  roprcaented  in  the  Texaa  convention,  and  had 
cnnaentcd  to  annexation;  nnd  in  the  next  breath  he 
lella  you  that  "  the  movement  of  the  Iroopa  to  the 
Del  Norte  waa  made  by  the  commanding  general, 
under  poailivc  ordera  to  absuiin  from  all  aggressive 
acta  towards  Mexico  or  Mexican  citizaiia;"  and 
that  lie.(Qcncml  Taylor)  "  waa  apeciully  directed 
to  protect  private  property  nnd  respect  pcraoiial 
rights. "  Why  waa  this,  if  the  citizens  in  tlic  val-  | 
Icy  of  the  Rio  Urande  were  Tvxnns,  and  had  con- 
sented to  aniioxation  ?  Were  such  orders  issued 
when  Ihe  army  entered  Texas?  None,  air;  none 
whatever.  None  were  ncci  asary.  Her  people  had 
conilented  to  annexation,  spoke  the  En{;lish  lan- 
guage, and  desired  protection.  On  the  Rio  Grande 
they  had  not  consented,  did  not  speak  the  English 
language,  nor  did  they  desire  our  preaence  or  pro- 
tection. 

It  would  not  do  for  him  to  any  "  the  unsold  or 
ungranted  land  of  Texas  which  she  reserved  to 
beraelf  by  the  terma  of  annexation  to  pay  off  her 
land  acrip  holders  and  her  public  debt,  was  noi 
suincient  fur  that  purpose.     To  meet  these  de- 
mands, a  part  of  four  of  the  Mexican  provincca 
must  bo  held  by  Texas,  and  Mexico  deapoiled  of 
the  Bume.     It  waa  deairable  on  account  of  my 
friends  to  do  this,  although  Congress  had  once 
declined  it.     Mexico  broke  oiT  the  diplomatic  rela- 
tions between  her  and  the  United  Suites,  when  we 
passed  the  Texaa  reanlutions.    When  Texas  had  ' 
consented,  and  our  people  had  returned  a  majority 
in  Congress  in  favor  ot  the  same,  I  asked  Mexico 
to  receive  an  Ento\)  to  settle  all  matters  between  us. 
She  gave  for  reply  tluit  slic  wquld  receive  '  the  coin-  i 
missioner  of  the  United  States  who  may  come  to  , 
this  capital  (Mexico)  clothed  with  full  power  to  ,'. 
settle  the  present  dispute  in  a  peaceful,  reasonable,  'I 
and  honorable  manner.'    I  thereupon  sent  to  them   I 
a  resident  minister,  bearing  a  commission  almost  ' 
in  the  same  words  which  Wilson  Shannon  took  to  ' 
that  Government  when  they  also  had  a  minister  at  1 1 
ours.     Mexico  said  it  would  not  comport  with  her  ij 
dignity  ns  a  nation  to  receive  Mr.  Sliuell  as  a^en-   : 
eral  minister,  having  withdrawn  her  own  minister  i\ 
from  our  court;  but  that  they  would  receive  him  so  i| 
soon  as  he  should  receive  a  special  commission  to  :j 
treat  of  Texas.    That  being  settled,  they  would  '[ 
renew  general  diplomatic  rcTations  and  adjust  all  ji 
other  matters.    I  declined  sending  a  special  com- 
mission.    I  did  not  submit  this  matter  to  Congress, 
lest  they  might  dillir  with  me.    1  feared  my  designs 
and  tliosc  of  my  fiicnds  would  be  thwarted,  and 
that  we  should  not  be  able  to  grasp  the  additional 
territory  which  we  desired.     Again,  it  occurred  to 
mo  that  it  might  be  exceedingly  important  for  cer- 
tain interests  at  an  early  day  to  make  a  separate 
Slate  where  these  fiO.dOO  Mexicans  reside,  to  par- 
alyze Pennsylvania,  as  Texas  proper  may  now 
New  York.     And  then  again  it  occurred  to  me  that 
by  provoking  a  fight  and  getting  the  country  into  a 
war,  no  mailer  by  what  menn.s,  the  Jealous  dissat- 
isfied fiiclions  of  my  own  parly,  by  reason  of  my 
anli-tai'iir  notions  luid  my  vac  illations  about  Oregon, 
woidd  uiiilc,  and  1  should,  and  those  who  acted 
with  me  would,  be  able  to  escape  Ihe  odium  that 
might  otherwise  rest  upon  us;  and  wo  should  also   i 
be  able  to"  ucconijilish  all  we  desired  pecuniarily  ■• 
and  politically.     Hence  1  sent  the  army  to  Mnlu-   ■ 
nioros,  and  commenced  starving  thai  city, provoked    | 
Mexico, and  broughton  afight."    No, sir;  truenr   ; 
false,  it  would  not  do  for  the  President  to  say  this.  ;, 

Sir,  I  do  not  propose  to  di.scuss  the  annexation  of  t 
Texas.  That  was  discussed  at  the  last  election —  j 
its  eirect  in  extending  the  area  of  freedom,  its  po- 
litical effects,  its  coiLscquences — and  resulted  in  j 
favor  of  the  annexation  candidates,  and  the  annex-  jl 
alion  has  now  be':ome  a  kind  of /uul fact,  which  I 
do  not  propose  to  discu.s.i.  I  must  confess  it  did  J 
not,  nor  does  it  now,  look  to  me  like  political  equal-  : 
ity,  to  see  Texas  with  her  !),000  votes  have  two  i 
Representatives  in  this  House,  while  the  county  [ 
of  Monroe  in  the  State  of  New  York,  with  her  ,i 
13,000  voles,  1ms  only  one.  Still  less  does  it  look  1| 
like  equality,  to  sec  9,000  votes  exercising  enual  j 
power  in  the  United  Slates  Senate  with  the  500,-  i 
000  votes  of  the  Empire  State.  When  I  am  told  [ 
this  is  eiiuttlity,  pure,  unadulterated  democracy,  I  | 
bow  to  it  only  in  deference  to  the  will  of  the  ma-  '! 
jority.  But  I  do  object  to  that  selfishness  and  cu-  jl 
pidity  tlint  would  by  force  grasp  fiom  a  sister  \f 
Republic  her  possessions,  comprising  territory  : 
nearly  as  large,  in  fact  I  think  much  larger,  tlian  il 


the  whole  of  Now  England,  out  of  which  to  carve 
new  Suilna;  nnd  thus  to  give  ua  other  apccimena 
of  thia  "political  etiuulity."  Sir,  I  complain  of 
the  great  apathy  of  the  people  upon  thia  subject. 
Why  groan  uiuler  Texiui,  and  aluit  your  eyes  to 
thia  enormity — thia  fiagrtint  outrage  upon  treaty 
atiiiulutions  and  the  rights  of  nationa? 

I  complain  of  the  public  press.  Why  hnn  not 
the  prrsa  of  thia  city  aoundcd  the  alarm?  It  has 
been  placed  here  aa  u  beat^tni  light  for  the  whole 
country.  Where  oire  ita  raya?  What  light  has 
it  ahed  upon  thia  aubject?  Who  has  aeen  Execu- 
tive usurpation  pointed  out  nnd  condtmned?  Who 
has  seen  the  true  boundaries  of  Texas  marked  out 
and  defined?  Where  is  the  first  complaint  against 
raising  our  camp  at  Corjius  Christi,  nnd  aetting 
ourselves  down  on  tho  Rio  Grande,  our  guna  bear- 
ing upon  the  city  of  Matamoros?  When  that 
city  was  blockaded,  ita  aupniios  cut  otf,  its  com- 
merce ruined,  whoapoke  of  tlie  liigh-haiided  mena- 
urca  of  the  Executive?  Who  spoke  of  u  violated 
Constitution?  Did  thn  press  of  thia  city?  Did 
the  press  of  the  country?  Not  a  word— not  a 
whisper;  stilt  and  tame  as  death  ilaelf;  all  still,  save 
one,  andltliat,  ton,  from  n  quarter  least  lO  be  ex- 
(lected.  Yes,  sir,  an  Administration  print  of  South 
Carolina — to  my  knowledge  up  to  the  7th  of  May — 
of  all  the  press,  of  all  the  guardians  of  liberty 
upon  tho  ram|iarU  of  freedom — none  had  spoken 
out  upon  this  subject,  aaVe  this — the  Charleston 
Mercury.     Hear  ii: 

"Tub  Mexican  ArrAiR.— (f  war  cnnien,  it  will  be  IVom 
thoMC  iictty  eaeounb-r«  of  i.c(mi«.nnd  <«linKi|lerti,  of  whieli 
Hiuno  limUineeM  have  urretidy  wcurred,  nnd  whieh  can  hard- 
ly fidi  lo  inulUply  till  they  uliall  be  ■dfeniiid  and  Inken' 
lor  wlK  of  hnmllliy ;  nnd  m  i>oine  line  innrnlnn  (lenernl  Tny- 
hir  •hall  receive  ordcm  to  invndi!  Miril^n.  It-Will  he  liiird 
til  «Kenpe  hUeli  n  remiU ;  nnd  If  it  wai*  not  ciuiteniplnted  nnd 
dcHlred,  why  wiw  the  t'niled  fuiien  army  thrust  U|mn  llie 
very  lines  of  Its'  Mexican?  Another  eonneiiueiiee  has  fel- 
Imved,  equally  ilnnaerouj  In  |«'aee,  if  the  repuria  are  true. 
MatanioriM  ha»  heen  ileelnreil  In  a  ntnle  of  liloeltnde,  which 
in  not  iniieh  ulinrt  of  n  deeliirulion  of  war— at  any  rate  I4  a 
Brent  pnivoenlion  to  II.  It  niiiy  hnvo  been  nicennnry  to ee- 
eiire  (lencrnl  'J'avlnr'K  imsitlon,  and  to  weaken  Unit  of  the 
Mi;xlenn;  hut  Uils  looks  very  iiiueh  like  ili«  operntlonn  of 

wnr,  nnd  If  il  lum  e :  to  thnt,  why  iimke  war  In  so  Inetll- 

eleiit  away?  Why  diiea  tile  PreKident  ninkc  wnr  on  hU 
own  renponsibillly,  when  ('oiiere»»  in  in  khusIoii?  Tho 
Union  ban,  liowovervpromlicdthat  if  all  edllom  of  ne»»pn- 
pornwin  keepqniet.indjie  lime  Mr.  folk  will  exphiin  wlinl 
iio  iH  nlioul,  luid  why  he  is  about  it.  This  is  sonio  consola- 
tion." 

The  editor  inquires  why  il  is  that  the  President 
tlius  makes  war  upon  his  own  responsibility,  when 
Congress  is  in  session  ?  He  points  to  tlie  exercise 
of  untonslitutional  power,  to  the  motives  that  ac- 
tuate the  "jiowera  that  be,"  nnd  lo  Executive 
imbecility.  If  others  had  done  the  like — if  all, 
without  respect  lo  party,  had  spoken  oulupon  this 
subject,  as  right.  Justice,  and  patriotism  required, 
we  "should  at  this  moment  have  seen  a  diflerent 
slate  of  things.  I  complain  of  myself,  sir;  I  com- 
plain of  the  honorable  members  of  this  Hou.se, 
and  of  Ihe  Senate,  for  not  liaviii"  sounded  the 
alarm— for  sitting  tamely  by.  mid  allowing  the 
President  to  set  nt  naught  the  Conslituiion— lo  in- 
vade and  overrun  the  population  of  a  neighboring 
nation,  without  uttering  one  syllable,  until  blood, 
the  blood  of  our  brave  oflicers  and  men,  cries  froni 
llie  ground  in  Judgmciil;  not  till  we  see  onr  citi- 
zens weltering  in  their  gore,  do  we  inquire  into 
this  aggression.  True,  for  want  of  positive  in- 
formation on  this  sulijcci,  my  honorable  friend 
from  Kentucky  [Mr.  G.  Davis]  proposed  a.reso- 
lulion  of  inquiry,  which  waa  univer.sally  support- 
ed oil  this  side  of  the  Hall,  but  the  same  was 
frowned  down  by  tho  majority,  and  proved  un- 
availing. . 

Strange  ns  it  may  seem,  sir,  the  very  fact  that 
the  Whigs  were  slow  to  believe,  and  did  not  charge 
this  breach  of  the  Conslituiion  upon  the  E.xccutive 
on  the  first  rumor,  before  it  was  proved,  is  stated 
as  a  reason  why  the  Executive  should  be  sustnin- 
ed— heralded  forth  upon  thia  floor  as  a  charge 
against  the  Whigs,  and  a  triumphant  vindication 
of  the  Administration.  But,  to  my  mind,  sir,  this 
logic  is  very  much  like  thnt  of  the  inebriate  of 
Vermont,  who,  for  a  longtime,  hnd  been  indebted 
lo  a  neighboring  merchant,  and  had  uniformly 
evaded  his  importunities  for  payment;  yet,  by 
reason  of  some  family  differences,  the  inebriate 
received  u  severe  casligation  nt  the  hands  of  the 
merchnnt,  and  thereupon  he  cries  oul,  writhing  in 
Hgony,  "  I  should  have  paid  thnt  debt  I  owe  yc 
more  than  three  years  ago  if  you  hadn't  'whipped 


ii 


964 


SOth  CoNn I  NT  Sum. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONORraSIONAL  GT.OnE. 

The  Mexican  IVar—Mr.  K.  li.  Holmct. 


[Juno  IP, 
Ho,  or  Hkph. 


me;  now,  I'll  tici'ir  (niy  yoii."  Ho  with  mrmlirrii  I) 
iiflliln  Adniiniiilniliiin.  Il'  the  WIiik"  lind  lulil  iif 
viiiliiiiiiiiii  of  tli«  (.'iinMllliiliim  IwHirti  ihry  liiul 
proiif  of  llir  fiiri,  thry  would  hnvn  drninlrtf;  but, 
now  iliiit  WI1  Imvu  |m>(if,  ii  in  no  MirrilrKJcuiii  lo  I 
Irll  of  it,  wlirii  our  urmy  in  innrcliiiiK  in  triunipli 
(ivtr  till'  plain! of  n  iiei);libi>riiigiinlioii,  llicy  nevrr 
will  dt'iiiiit.  ' 

I  Imvn  Hiiid  I  wim  willin;;  to  gmni  lupplim  of, 
men  nnd  inonry — lo  |,'r»nt  full,  iirrfrj-l,  nnd  im-  ' 
mi'dinte  rcliif.     Ilul  if  otliiT  iiul<|i!rlii  wrrr  lo  Im  ' 
brouKliI  np,  mid  wv  wcru  allied  upon  to  Hinirllon 
and  di'i'lnrv  it  iiniioiml  wiir,  furtlitr  inquiry  iii'cni- 
ed  to  HIP  i'\i'ui'diiii;ly  iipproprinlr, 

Tcxnn,  in  IH44,  iiiiidu  n  irrnty  nf  mmcxnliini 
Willi  till!  ITiiiti'd  NtniiH,  iiicludint;  lliia  very  trrri- 
lory  l)rtwri-ii  llic  Nuii'i'fi  and  tlic  Itio  Orniidr,  mid 
till'  wiiiir  wiiN  Huliniilli'd  to  the  Si'imtn  of  llio  I'lii- 
U'll  (SifilcM  for  rmiliniiioii,  in  May,  1H44.  Tliini 
il  wnM  that  iIik  title  to  that  portion  of  the  roiinlry 
Willi  fully  rxiiiiiini'd  and  dixniHMi'd,  and,  upon  Aill 
di'lilierallon,  the  Senate  dei'ided  ii^aiiml  the  Irraly, 
on  the  ground  ihalTexna  had  i.o  title  to  threoun- 
try  beyond  the  Nueces;  nl  all  evenlK,  not  we»t  of 
the  (jirat  defert  lying  between  that  river  anil  the 
llio  iininde,  by  o('<'ii|mtioii  or  otherwine.  There- 
upon joint  reMoliiiiona  of  annexation  were  inlrii- 
dii'M>il,eai'etnlly  \\oriled  ho  an  not  lo  inebuleihin  ter- 
ritory! with  a  view  lo  avoid  eojliiiion  with  Mexieo, 
mill  ill  wliiih  the  fiillnwni!;  lanijnaije  in  uneil  : 
'*  (''oni;re.ss  ilotli  conrtent  Ihal  the  territory  pvop- 
'  eriy  Mielndod  in  and  rightfully  belongiii;;  to  the 
'  Uepublir  of  Texa»,  may  be  cnrled  into  a  new 
•  Stale,  lo  bo  called  the  Si«to  of  Texna."  It 
8jHak8  nigo  uf  Uio  UHwnl  uf  Uic  Ciovirniuent  and 
iwopio  of  Texnc,  nnd  sayd  expienHly:  "  tMiiil 
'Slate  111  be  formed,  Hubjeel  lo  the  iiiljuslmcnt  by 
■  Ihia  (joveriinieiil  of  all  qnestions  of  boundary 
'  that  may  arise  with  other  Uoveinnients."  The 
jnint  reHohilioii!!  imHacd ;  Texas  consented,  nnd 
was  duly  annexed. 

Now,  ilicii,  il  had  been  solemnly  ndludicaled  by 
the  Stnnte  that  Texas  did  not  extend  lo  the  ilio 
Grande;  that  I'oint  Isabel,  Laredo,  Santa  I'e.  Taos, 
nnd  that  whole  eouiilry,  was  in  the  Mcxiinn  do- 
minions, settled  by  their  people,  nnd  in  the  aelual 
poF'sessioii  of  Mexico.  This  was  not  qncsliuiied 
or  ilinied.  It  could  not  be  with  truth.  All  these 
fai'ls  were  known  lo  the  I'lesidenl.  tie  ailiiiils  il 
in  his  orders  of  .Tuly  iHtli  and  ;<Olli,  to  which  I  have 
refernil:  nnd  yet,  mi  llic  lectli  of  all  this,  without 
consiillins  (\in^re!i.i,  or  any  formal  declaration  of 
war,  he  orders  our  army  lo  the  point  of  iid  pnsciit 
location. 

In  view  of  this,  (said  Mr.  H.,)  while  I  would 
take  any  and  every  measure  necessary  to  relieve 
oor  troops,  and,  it  need  be,  pursue  and  rescue 
them,  if  taken  iirisoners,  I  would  also  inquire 
whether  a  vole  ot  censiuc  upon  the  President,  and 
niso  a  resoiulion  lo  w  itiidraw  our  troops  ft-oni  be- 
yond the  de.serl,  if  not  trom  beyond  the  Nueces,  is 
lioi  advis.ibli  .'  Who  do(  s  not  feel  humiliateil  and 
n.'^huiiicd  at  llie  coiir.ie  of  ihe  Kxeciitivt  ?  Is  not 
the  country  disi,'raced  before  ihc  world  by  this 
wanton,  imbecile,  a^r'jjressivc  movenieni  upon  a 
Mexican  population  .•  Is  it  not  so?  Wlml,  then, 
i'  our  duly  as  bonc:>t  men;  as  a  CliriHlian  nation; 
IIS  .'\mcncaii  slalcsnun?  Is  it  not  lo  say  to  Mr. 
Piilk:  Sir,  you  have  done  v.roiii:;  you  lia\e  as- 
sumed resjionsibilities  that  did  not  Lietont;;  lo  you; 
if  not  liable  to  actual  inipeaclimeni,  you  are  at 
le.ist  obnoxious  to  censure,  for  not  allowing  our 
army  to  n main  this  side  of  ilie  Nueces — ;il  least  at 
L'oipus  Chrisii;  you  should  not  have  sent  lliearmy 
iiiio  a  iCf;ion  of  couniry  where  the  |ieople  ihem- 
b(  Ives  professed  10  beloUix  to  Mexico,  and  o\er 
which  Texas  had  exercised  no  control;  you  were 
ri;;ht  on  the  30tli  of  July,  but  wron;;,  wholly,  in 
your  orders  of  ihe  lUih  of  January;  you  should 
fiavc  r.iiljniitted  all  the  facts  in  regard  lo  Mexico  to 
C'oii'.'iess. 

TheiTiipnn,  it  would  have  been  its  duty  lo  con- 
sider what  was  Ihe  true  policy  to  adopt.  Did 
ISlr.  I'olk  do  this?  No,  sir.  Oinnipolent  as  the 
li^'hl  arm  of  despotism  ils(  If,  goaded  on  by  sellish 
nnd  ambiiiiJiis  men,  he,  in  a  rash  and  imbecile 
nianiKT,  plants  less  tlinn  Jl.OOO  troops  before  the 
city  of  Alalanioros.  Yes,  sir,  in  tl'.e  be^iniiiliR  of 
summer,  when  Coimrcss  was  in  session,  wiihuut 
counst !,  direction,  or  advice,  money  or  tne:i,  ex- 
cept the  peace  establishnieni,  removes  the  army 
nearly  '.JOO  miles  across  the  desert,  points  his  guns 


nt  n  Mexicnn  city,  bl<H-kndrs  its  port,  nnd  stnpH 
its  supplies,  Is  tliis  riirlil^  If  not,  let  us  say  so. 
Let  us  sny  lo  Mexieo  that  wo  disnpprovo  of  the 

nets  of  the  I'rrsideiil,  I>el  us  protect  our  troops 
by  n  powerful  nnd  snftirieiil  force,  lo  show  to  Mex- 
ieo that  wo  do  not  ad  tVoni  fcnr  of  Wenkiiess  in  our 
sln<ii|;th,nnd  withdraw  iheni.  'I'lien,  sir, shall  we 
not  br  in  a  Hiliialioii — our  troops  withdiawn  lo  the 
Nuceps,  und  siiilnlile  iinlionnl  redress  hnvini;  been 
Kiven — 10  nsk  and  ilriiiunit  of  Mexico  a  settleniPiit 
of  llie  boiindnry  between  her  nnd  Texas,  and  nIso 
Ihe  claims  of  indeinnity  which  we  require  I 

This  refused,  then  It  will  b«  time  enoiiRh  lo 
eoene  the  same  by  a  formal  declainlion  or  wnr 
by  ('onyresH;  not  by  nil  egress  of  troops,  by  Ihe 
order  of  the  President,  into  their  possessioiis, 
aiuoiii;  their  towns  and  villat;es.  Could  wn  not 
nll'ord  lo  be  nia^'naniinoiis  towards  Mexico  >  More 
ninijnniiiiUiMls  towards  her  than  our  nalional  pride 
would  allow  IIS  to  be  lowardsUrenl  llrilain,  or  any 
other  imlion  haviiii;  an  eipial  popuhilion  willi  our 
own?  So  forcibly  nl  that  time  were  tlicKn  rellee.- 
lions  crowded  upon  my  mind,  that  I  nllired  n  reso- 
lution direclini;  the  troops  to  be  wilhdrawii  to  the 
Nueces,  and  nothiii!;  but  your  tyranny  pn'venled 
the  nllerance  of  iheni  in  support  of  the  resolution. 

The  people  already  beuin  to  iiii|iiire,  why  Mr. 
Polk  did  not  fall  in  with  the  whims  of  Mexico, 
and  send  a  special  coinmissioner  to  treat  of  Texas  ? 
They  have  a  righl  to  require,  nnd  they  will  de- 
mand, a  belter  answer  than  has  yet  been  i-iven. 
The  I'resident  says,  it  was  because  "  the  redress 
'of  the  wroncs  of  our  ciiir.ens  naturally  and  in- 
'  sepambly  blended  itself  with  the  question  of 
'boundary."     Mr.   II.  would   like   to   inquire — 

'  M At/,  sir?  What  inseparable  connexion  is  there 
between  pnyin:;  indeninilies,  nnd  defniiiij'  nnd  sel- 
tlins  n  boundary;  except  tlinl  connexion  by  which 
avarice  can  sfrasp  more  territory  ?  Ajrnin,  lie  says, 
"The  settlement  of  the  one  question,  in  any  cor- 
rect view  of  Ihe  subject,  involves  that  of^  the  other." 
Wherein?  In  what  respect  ?  Hoes  ibe  President 
mean  that,  by  pressiii);  liolli  at  the  same  lime,  he 
would  be  likely  to  acquire  more  territory  than 
rii;litfulty  bcloni:ed  to  Texas,  by  allowini*;  a  pecii- 
niaiy  eoiisiileratioii  therefor?  Aijain,  In  mya:  "I 
'  could  not  fora  moment  enlcrtnin  the  idea  that  Ihe 
'  cinims  of  our  much-iniured  and  loni;-siiflVriri!; 
'  ciii/ens,  many  of  which  bad  existed  for  more 
<  than  twenty  years,  should  be  postponed  or  sepa- 
'  rated  froi.'>  the  boundary  quesiion." 

Yes,  sir,  when  for  certain  ends  more  foreign  ter- 
ritory is  to  be  acquired,  great  .vi/iiijiriMi/  is  mani- 
I'esled  lor  "  our  much-injured  and  long-sniTcring 
citi/.ens."  lUil,  sir,  when  iicnury's  ^'rim  hand 
has  forced  tlieiii  to  Mr.  Polk's  door  for  relief — 

'  when  ncliial  sinrvatioii  has  forced  them  to  kiioik 
loudly  nt  the  door  of  thi.'i  Hall  for  simple  justice 
at  the  hands  of  Ibis  (.lovernment — when  your  table 

I  is  literally  crowded  with  their  petitions,  what  do 
you  see?  The  siimjialhij  winch  the  President 
speaks  of? — special  messiojes  sent  in  in  their  be- 
half?— prompt,  encrsjetic  action,  lui  the  oart  of  this 
House,  in  behalf  of  "  our  much-injureu  and  long- 
siill'ering  eili/.ens?"  No,  sir!  If  not  an  absolute 
denial  of  justice,  a  delay,  an  airirravalcd  delay, 
lanlimouni  to  it.  Sir,  ibis  M/ih;i(i(/ii/ seems  very) 
iniicli  like  that  which  grasping'  avarice  lias  for  its 
helpless  and  iinoirending  neighbor.  The  sijmpntlni 
llial  looks  more  to  the  extension  of  territory  than 
lo  Ihe  cliiinis  of  "our  niuch-abuseil  and  long- 
MilVerin:;  citizens,"  or  to  the  ends  of  justice.  ' 

Hut,  sir,  when  the  war  message  was  presented 
lo  ibis  Hoii.^e,  why  did  you  apply  the  "  gai;" — 
ri'fuse  debate?  Was  il  not  to  perfect  n  system  of! 
ib'mau'o:;uism,  for  political  supremacy  anil  power, 
Ihe  most  llairrant  that  ever  disgraced  the  annals  of 
an  .Aiiiericnn  Compress,  as  well  as  lo  protect  llie 
Presiilent  in  his  encroncbmcnls  upon  the  Consti- 
tution? 

.More  than  six  full  months,  said  Mr.   H.,  this 
Congress  has  been  in  session,  nnd  what  has  been 
(lone,  except  to  speak  and  act  for  yiillry  political 
capital?     Where  are  your  measures   of  reform? 
In  what  posiiicui  do  the  Democrats  of  this  Hou.sc 
stand,  who  talked  so  loud  about  peril  lo  the  coun- 
try, if  the  joint  occupation  of  Oreson  with  Great 
Britain  were  not  terminaled  ?    When  the  resolu- 
tion is  tendered  to  llieni,  they  vote  ngainst  it.    Was  , 
this  clamor  for  the  real  benefit  of  the  counlrii,  or  ' 
for  the  benefit  of  the  jmrti/'     If  for  llie  cininlry,  1 
why  desert  your  country  on  the  final  vote!    Sir,  i 


I  whnl  hns  rongrpis  done    up  to  ihis   moment? 

I'  Nothing,    eompnrallvply    nutliing,    but   to   ifrniii 

||  ^eiriir,  and  lo  deilarii  that  the  Constitution,  which 

I  says ihalCoiiKn'ss  shall  have  power  lo  declare  war, 

! ;  only  means  tlwil,wlicn  the  I'resident  sliiill  innke  wnr, 

;;  Coni;ress  shall  tell  of  it.     Vou  revised  debate  lai 

|!  Ilifl  war  bill.     Hir,  on  the  civil  nnd  diplomatic  iip- 

|i  prialion  bill,  you  spent  hours  and  hours  in  delmie, 

l'  sqiinndiring  thousands  nnd  Ihonsnnds  of  dollars, 

!    gravely  debaiiiiR  whellicr  you  should  npproprialii 

1    fi,{mt  for  the  benefit  of  science;  nnd  yet,  when 

I!  we  camu  to  that  portion  of  llio  bill  approprialini; 

,  lens  of  thousands  for  foreign  nmbnssndors,  iVc., 

l'  you  slopped  debain.    When  ihe  I  louse  liiid  reachnj 

i  ilia  poiiil  where  it  would    bu   in  order  lospeak  of 

our  foreign  relations,  nnd  the  acts  of  our  l''.xeruli»c 

||  in  reizard  to  tlieiii,  the  tyranny  of  the  House  pro. 

h  dueeil  and  aiiplied  the  seal  ol  silence.     True,  lln' 

;i  i;enllemnn  Iroin  Massachiisetls  IMr,  WiNriiiiiii'| 

i    was  allowed  lo  send  to  your  table,  as  an  nineiid 

nieni  lo  tliat  |Hirlion  of  your  bill  "  Kor  salary  and 

j!  '  outfit  for  a  special  Min'iHler  to  Mexieo,  whenever 

,    '  the  President  shall  ascertain  Mexieo  is  prepared 

'  lo  receive  one,  «|rt,()IH»."     Yet,  when  he  wiailil 

l'  speak  of  the  need  of  this  nniendnient,  nnd  of  the 

,    peculiar  fitness,  at  the  inoment  when  victory  had 

'    perched  upon  our  banner,  of  niakiii!;  this  delicate 

intimntioii   to    Mexico,    llinl  setllement   was   the 

, I  objecl  of  this  wur,iuid   not  oppression  nnd  coii- 

qu'esl — thus,   upon   the    heels   of  two   important 

;  victories,  lioldini;  mil  in  n  delicate  yet  niagnani- 

nioiis  manner  llie  olive-branch  of  peace,  his  lips 

were  closed  by  the  tyranny  of  this    House,  and 

;!  his  nmendmeiil  frowned  to  silence  by  the  mnjorily 

upon  this  lloor. 
]|      ^  on  have  not  only  refused  debate,  but  yon  have. 
il  refused  to  nlioliah  the   franking'  privih':;e.     Von 
il  have    refused    to  reduce  the    pay  and  mileage  of 
:    members  of  Consress.     You  have   refused  to  let 
'  I  out  the  public  printing  to  the  lowest  bidder.  Wlio.i 
the  War  Department  is  revelling  in  your  trensiiry, 
l'  and  scattering  its  conlenia  nl  the  rale  of  more  than 
I   MOIblHIlt  per  day,  and    your  public  printers  am 
i'  iilching  from  the  public  crib  more  llinii  !>7(MI  per 
1   day,  yon  have  n-fused,  lime  idler  lime,  to  allow 
■ !  your  iSelecl  Coinniitlee  on  Public  Printing  lo  make 
j    iheir  report — a  report  showing  Ihal,  on  only  au  of 
I    your  public  dnciimcnis  ordered  by  this  House, 
ycair  public  printers — stipendinriea  of  n  ;Kir(i(  press 
[  — make,  over  and  above  all  ex|«'iises,  the  enor- 
r  moiis  sum  of  {WII.IHMI,  you  liavo  slified  to  this  mo- 
;;  ni.Mt,  nnd  refused  to  allow  it  to  come  before  this 
i    House,  and  lo  the  knowledse  of  the  people.     Yiui 
have  refused  the  just  demands  of  private  claimants. 
'1  Yon  have  revised  lo  cl.iiinanls  lor  Krench  spolia- 
tions nnd  Mexican   indemnities  the  justice  they 
,    bad   the  ri^ht   to  demand  nt   your  bands.     Vou 
I  have  unnecessarily  involved  us  in  n  nnlioiml  wnr; 
and  you  are,  at  this  moment,  about  lo  destroy  lliu 
I    present  tarilV,     In  my  judgment,  you  liuve  turned 
i   all  the  irreat  interests  of  the  couniry  into  mrve  iliee, 
lo  be  thrown  nt  will  by  the  political  gamblers  of 
Ihe  nation;    and   ibis  whole    Administration    has 
failed,  signally  failed,  to  fulfil  the  just  expectations 
'  of  Ihe  irreat  liody  of  the  people. 

Sir,  (coniinueil  Mr.  H.,)  if  M-,-,i.'nn  Iluren,  if 
':■  Mr.  Clay,  if  lli(uisands  of  Democrats  in  the  Stale 
of  New  York  and  el.sewlicre,  if  the  Whigs  all  over 
the  Cnion  bad  been  invested  by  (Imniscience  with 
the  spirit  of  prophecv,  ihey  ciaild  not  better  have 
foretold  than  they  did  the  results  which  would 
I'  How  from  this  rash,  precipitate  annexation  of 
Texas — carried  by  an  appeal  lo  parly  prijudiccs — 
"  wilhnut  Ihe  cnnsint  of  nil  the  States,  and  with- 
out the  ns.sent  of  Mexico." 

Hut  who  for  n  moment  thought  Ihnt  this  state  of 
things  would  be  nicelcrnted,  provoked  by  the  Kx- 
eculive?  Who  supposed  the  President  would  in- 
vade Mexican  setllenients  ?  Who  supposed  he 
would  send  an  army  during  the  session  of  Con- 
gress, in  the  spring  of  Ihe  year,  to  make  n  summer 
campaign  in  n  couniry  where  the  poisoned  shal'la 
of  disease  nre  sped  with  unerring  fatality,  until 
nrresled  by  the  frosts  of  winter?  Is  tiiis  the  wis- 
dom which  n  confiding  peo|ile  expected  nt  the 
hands  of  James  K.  Polk? 

Sir,  when  all  this  was  presented  to  this  Congress, 
what  was  its  action  ?  What  the  people  had  a  right 
to  expect?  Calm,  dispiLssionnte,  nnd  enndid — the 
great  interests  of  the  n.ilioii  duly  considered  ? 

On  Ihe  1st  day  of  June,  IBIU,  the  Congress  of 
the  L^nitcd  States  received  tlie  wnr  nicssngoof  Mr 


•inn  18, 

miihiciii ' 
•<'    ilriiiii 

"li  Wliicli 

•Imii!  war, 
liikr  HHr, 

imiic  lip. 
|l  lli'hlUi., 

•liilliirN, 
"■"|iriiiiii 
'I.  whi'ii 
'liiiiiliiii,' 
r".  iVr., 
ri'iii'liiil 
"piiik  nC 

lllMf  |||'||- 

'nif,  III,. 
Nl'lllliij'l 
iiiiii'iiil 
'my  mill 
lininvrr 
i|T|iiiri'il 

Wlllllll 

III'  llir 
ry  liiiil 

ili^liriilr 
wiiH  ihr 
mil  I'nn- 
ii|Mii'lmM 
iiiiKHiiiii. 

IiIn  lijiM 
llir,  mill 
lllHJDiily 


IfliO.l 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GIX)nE. 


055 


'iOTH  CONO llIT  SeSS. 


The  Mexican  fVar—Mf.  K.  B.  IMmti. 


Ho.  or  Rcri. 


\' 


MiiiliHiiii|WilhrlimiM|i|iHiri<.    Ilwiia  Ihi'ii  rpfVrrril  In 
l|ii'llii'iiiililii<!i>iniiiilli'<'iiM  I'NirriKii  lti'liiliiiiiii,llii  ir 
rr|>iirt  wiih  ri'i'i'ivi'il  iinil  iIIni'iiiiniiiI  in  Hirnt  miHuinn, 
mill  lint  until  the  I'illi  nf  llii'  miiiiu  nnnitli,  wiin  tlin  j 
M  il  nf  mrri'cy  riilmil  tVinii  tlii'ii   prncc'iiliiiKii,  in 
ili'i'liirini;  wnr  iii;iiiiiHt  (ireitt  llrlliiin;  iinil  ytit,  Kir,  ' 
wlirii   llir  war  iliniil   Initio  in  iliirknunn  iijinn   llin 
iiiii'lliwi'Nt',   when  tnr  hix   innnllin  yiiu  liiiil  livin 
liilkiiij^iirilii'  I'lmnriiHiir  wiir  riirOrixiini  wlivn  yiiii  i 
liiiil  niiiii'i'il  iliu  iniiniiiiHu  niililaiy  |iri'|iiimliiinii  fur  { 
war  liy  (ii'i'iit   Itrilaiii',   wliiwi  wn  havii  hci'II  llin  { 
njilrit  inaiiU'i  Hti'il  In  lliii  Ki'imh'Ii  ClniinliiT  of  Deiiii-  j 
iiik;  wIii'Ii  iIic  ai'^iiH  ryiM  nr  innnari'lml  anil  ilcii- 
iiiitir  l''.iirn|ii'  an'   liil'iiril   ii|inii  UN  in   iialnilN  Tiiri'- 
Itnitini^H  at  niir  riHiiii;  •;r<'alii('HH;  at  Hiirli  a  ninntfnti  j 
wlii'il  a  nalinniil  war  in  |irn|iiiNi'il  Tnr  tirrltnriiil  rx- 
ti'iiHiiiii,  what  ilo   ynii  wv!     ('IiinciI   iIimiih,  anil  a 
lull  anil    IVit    intiirhmi^'i-  iiF  n|iiniiin  iinmnK  lln^  i 
ir|ii'nm'iitiillvi  N  III'  till'   niitiiin?     IJn   ynii  ni'ii  win- 
ilniii,  I'linlni'HN,  anil  riirliiaranci',  iliaplayrd?     I)ii 
yiiii  Nil'  tlir  iiilrri'HiH  ill'  ilip  piirUj,  and  all  prefrr- 
■  III  IN  in  i'i'(;ai'il  In  liilrniiil  piilii'y,Narriflri'il  fur  llio 
iiaiiniial  ^'iiimI  ?     Will)  will  nnt  Ntanil  ainii/.i'il  when 
III'  in  liilii  tliiil  tlii'in  WIIN  nnt  f'lirty  miniili'N  allnwril 
fnr  ilisi'iiNNinn  on  till'  lii!l  Kfanlini;  NiiliplirN,  anil  nnt 
a  HiiiKJu  ninini'nt  nil  the  war  liill,  whiih  ynii  finally 

piiNHi'il,     Why  tliiH  iiiili Ill  liiiNIc?     Dill  ynii  Ntllln 

ill  liali',  anil  rninprl  a  vnlr  in  iIiIh  Nhapn  to  Nrrrin 
a  vinlali'il  t.'niiNtilntiiin,  anil  nhli'lil  thi'  I'ri'Niili'rit  ? 
It  I'iiiKn  liki'.  il.  Ill  I'ar.t  llin  Uniiiii,  tliv  ■' nr|;an" 
III'  till'  l''<cri'iilivr,  I'liiiiiiN  iIiIh  vntti  In  lin  ii  viiiilii'.a- 
liiiii  nf  llin  rri'siili'iit !  It  i'xnltiiii;ly  Haya,  "hn  In 
jiiHiilii'il."  '■Till'  ai'tinii  ni'tliii  IfniiNo  provei  it." 
'"'I'lii;  arliiin  iirthn  SiMialn  prnvi'd  it." 

Sir,  In  my  iiiinil,  lhi:Hr  iii'.in  priivr  mnrn  nnxinty 

tn  olilaiii  pi r  tn  liiili'  II  liriiken  ('iinNliliitinii  anil 

rnilni'm'  ihn  Pri'.siilnit,  than  tn  iliHi-iiHN  anil  wi'ii;li, 
in  a  liriMiinin;;  nmiini'r,  tliii  inlrrcntN  anil  trim  linnnr 
nf  a  fri'ii  pfnple;  a  rnimrinuHni'Hi*  of*  crrnr  anil  a 
iliivotiiin  lu  party  in  nui'Ii  a  iTiNiN  murh  In  he  ili'p- 
ri'iatril;  a  (liHpnHitinn  In  ait  ipiivtiy  under  Kxitii- 
tivi'  u.HurpatiniiN,  and  tn  rr;;i8ltir,  wilhniit  murmur  i{ 
and  wilhuut  iiiipiiry,  Kxinulivo  cdicls,  mi  truly 
iilarmin^  an  tn  call  Iniidly  upon  thu  pi'iiplc  fnr  rn- 
dri'.NM.  1' 

.Sir,  our  nimy  waN  in  peril.     Thn  hist  that  wc 
hi'iiid  rriiin  tlirni  wiin,  that  a  part  of  them  wero 
prisiinciN  nf  war,  and   tin'   lialani'n  wi'io  short  of 
irnviHiiniN,  and  Hiirrnundrd  liy  10,111)0  MrxiraiiN.  ' 
iVhelhrr  till  y  hail  III  ini  relieved,  had  relieved  them-  . 
nt'lve.s,nr  at  that  mnnu-ntwere  priNnnersiirwar  on  . 
till  ir  way  In  the  rily  nfMi'xii'n,  waH  nnt  known.    1  > 
WIIH  for  iiroleelioii,  and  if  need  lie,  fnr  risiiie  at  all 
lia>;ardH.       .''>ll,OIHI   vnliinleerN   mid    111,000,000   of 
money  were  a.skeil  for   liy  llie  I'riNidenl.     In  my  " 
Jiiili^ment  this  was  nieessary  if  nurarmy  had  lieen  \. 
eapliiii'd.      I  eniild  not  liy  any  ail  nf  the  majority 
bi'  prevented  rroin  vntiiii;  fnr  these  sii[iplieH  and 
Niiei'or;  when  the  majnrily  larked  nn  the  preamlile, 
with  a  view   to  niiike   iiolllieal   I'npilal   and  Nliield 
the   Presidenl,  I   slid  ilelerinined   In   vnte   tlii!  aid 
wliirh  I  desired  In  ^'ranl,  and  eontent  myself  with 
protestins:a'4ainst  that  iinrlion  nf  the  liill,  the  plira- 
Hi'nloi;y  nf  which  I  could  not  prevent,  hut  which  I 
liill  not  approve, as  false  iiiid  deceptive.     In  {ie.Hiiite 
of  ynur  \ii\«r  I  did  .sn.     The  i;i'iilli'iiiaii  from  vir- 
(;iiiia,  who,  I  perceive,  is  not  at  this  inoiin'ni  in  his 
seal,  [Mr.  Diiiimikmu.k,]  look  oi'c.ision  nn  this  floor 
to  nlliide  In  this,  and  deelaieil  thai  the  vnte  fnr  this 
var  liill  would  live  when  the  jirulist  shall  havelieeii 
f'nr;;olli'n,  and  tiiuntini;ly  exclaimed:  "  I  envy  not 
the  man  whn  will  vote  lor  the  allirmanee  of  lidsc- 
liooil,  and  then  openly  iiroclaim  the  same  !" 

Sir,  (said  Mr.  II.,)  I  can  truly  tell  the  honor-, 
nlile  i^entlemaii  thai  he  need  not  "envy"  the  man 
who,  for  political  ell'ecl,  is  forced  tn  have  his  feel- 
ings of  mnralily  and  of  patriotism  weighed  in  the 
Imlancc — pilteil  au;  inat  each  other,     lie  need  not 
"  envy"  tlie  man  who,  in  'i  Kreat  erisi.'i,  takes  the 
pill   made  unnecessarily  hitler,  which  he   loathes,    ' 
for  the  sake  nf  the  n;ond  which  he  desires.     Nor,  ' 
sir,  need  he,  with  all  due  deference  allow  mc  to  , 
say,  "envy"  the  man  charged  with  the  duty  of , 
wrilinp;  the  secret  political  iiislnry  of  that  day. 
No  mail  need  "envy"  his  mousing  toil,  in  learn- 
ing the  names  of  pulilic  functioimries  and  their 
nllies,  holding  Texas  debts  and  Texas  scrip,  for 
land  located  and  uiilocntcd;  nor  his  midnight  care 
in  depiclin<;the  cupidity  which  cuuld  nnt  find  land  ',\ 
enough  within  the  bounds  of  Texas  proper  to  satisfy  i 
ilsdesire.s;  bu*  must  by  the  sword  subiuKate  60,000  j 
of  the  cilizeiis  of  a  neighboring  republic,  and  np-  M 


lirnprinln  thn    soil    thns  deNremlcd   with    huinnn 
liliiod,  to  rnitisfy  its  mirdid  iippetile. 

When  all  the  Necret  sprinKN  and  mnliveit  of  men 
slnill  have  liven  brnuKlit  tn  view,  when  thu  ininutn 
dclailH  of  ihii)  KroKH  iniijuity  xhall  hnvo  been  |ilai'ril 
in  letters  of  liviiiK  lii;lil  upon  llm  pa^e  of  hlslnry, 
the  wnrhl  will  bv  astohiHhed  at  the  conNiiininalinn 
of  the  SI  heme  which  wiih  ihuN  protested ;  and  if, 
perchancu,  im  the  honorublu  |{«nllcinan  miys,  Iho  ! 

firulrHt  shall  have  eacajwd  llio  liiHlorinn,  anil  lie  | 
inried  in  nbliviiiii,UH  seiireh  in  vain  la  made  there-  I 
for,  thu  uatoiiiuhnii'lit  will  bn  incrfased,  iiitiiiitiily  ^ 
increiuied,  by  the  thniixlil,  that  no  one  riiae  in  hia 
pluoe,  nf  that  whnlu  number,  tn  //rofnf  aKuiiiNt  the  I 
i,'overiiini'iital  sanctinn  of  such  iiiii|uilieN.  I 

Il  is  alle<;ed  upon  this  floor,  that  to  declare  iiiic'n 
self  fnr  the  War,  and  to  N|H'ak  against  the  present 
AdniiniHlratinn  of  this  Uoverniiienl,  is  an  aliNiird- 
ity;  that,  while  he  prelemlH  to  i;ii  fnr  il,  Im  i;ois 
airainst  it,  by  weakening  thu  niural  power  of  the  i 
Unverniueiit.  I 

I  had  Hiippoaed  the  moral  power  of 'bn  Qnvern-  ' 
meni,  an  far  as  lliise  Itinctionaries  could  wiehl  II, 
had  been  expended;  and  that  now,  ninriil  siiasinn 
prnviiiK  inetiicienl,  wn  had  delerniined  tn  try  the 
phy.sical  fnrcc  nf  Iho  country.  Il  is  termed  a  kind 
of  nini'nf  Ireamm  to  Hiieuk  ut;ain.<it  the  present  Ad- 
niiniNlration.  What!  (rrnnm  tnspeak  oftlie  man- 
ner in  which  thin  moriif  jiHincr  Iuin  been  exerted, 
and  nf  the  eniises  which  led  tn  llie  nicessily  of 
reaortin;;  In  fnrce  BKainsl  n  sister  republic.'  It  may 
be  (muiiii  In  the  party.  It  may  he  counter  to  the 
edicts  of  the  ICxeciiiive,  to  have  any  of  ils  votaries 
call  any  of  itn  acts  tn  tliR  attention  of  llie  people, 
Hiich  may  not  do  it.  Hut  shall  the  motives  of  those 
who  do  not  bend  the  pliant  knee  to  pnwer,  and 
lamely  submit  to  Kxeeiilive  usurpation,  he  called 
in  niieslion  ?  (Jliarced  with  nppnsilinn  to  the  cniin- 
Iry!  Is  this  the  freedom  of  your  bnasled  iiislilif 
liima.'  Sir,  it  is  because  I  am  ill  favor  of  the  coun- 
try, thai  I  am  eiideavoriiii;  to  show  how  ils  moral 
power  has  been  polluted,  paraly/ed,  and  perverted 
liy  the  enndiiits  lliroii!;li  which  it  has  passed.  I 
do  it  with  nn  persnnal  or  vindietive  feelin;;s,  but  in 
view  of  a  solemn  duty,  inipnsi  d  upon  me  as  a  rep- 
resentative, and  in  tiie  hope  thai  the  people  v/ill 
see  the  necessity  of  risim:  in  their  nii|i;lit,  and  ex-  ; 
erliii'.;,  with  elheiency  and  ed'ect,  the  mornf  imterr 
which  has  fallen  still-born  from  the  haiida  uf  the  ' 
lixcculive. 

Noiwithstandin;;  the  morality  of  iho  sentiment 
iillered  by  my  friend  from  Ohio,  [Mr.  Dki.ano,] 
that  in  lime  of  war  he  was  for  his  country,  rishtor 
wroni;,  has  been  i|ucstiniii'd  in  this  hall,  I  reiterate 
il.  I  hnpe  the  mural  sen.se  of  ^'enllemen  will  stand 
the  shuck,  when  I  tell  them  I  am  fnr  niy  cnnnlry, 
any  way  and  always,  i  i;f/i/  or  irrnng.  In  all  lime, 
under  ail  eireumstiiiices,  in  prosperity  or  in  adver- 
sity, in  peace  or  in  war,  in  every  aspect  which  in-  | 
ijenuily  cull  invent  nr  ima^inalioii  cull  conceive, 
I  am  for  my  cnuiilry,  rij^hl  or  wrnns;.  Sir,  I  am 
for  my  children,  ri;;lit  or  wrniii;.  Aly  duly  impels 
nie  to  chide  and  rebuke  them  when  wroiiK;  but  to 
1  e  for  them,  and  feel  for  lhein,and  to  act  fnr  their 
prosperity,  happines.i,  and  proteciinn,  whether 
riiihi  or  tccoiiR-,  is  a  feeliii};  inlerwovi  il  with  the 
very  lijfanienls  of  my  nature.  Sir,  in  this  same 
sense  I  ani  for  my  coiinlr^  ,  ri^^lit  or  wront;;  fieely 
leprnviii;;  her  public  functionaries  when  wron:;, 
and  holding;  up  their  constitutional  a^ijressinns 
and  iheir  lef^islalive  oppressions  to  the  jiisl  jud:;- 
inenl  of  the  people.  And  now,  sir,  at  this  mo- 
ment, in  view  of  my  sense  of  duly,  impelled  only 
by  that,  I  hold  up  the  IVesidcnl  of  these  United 
Stales  as  having  IrnnsKressed  the  rules  of  propriety 
and  justice,  and  violated  the  Conslitution,  in  or- 
deriiig  the  army  on  to  the  left  bank  of  Iho  llio 
Grande;  in  ousting  the  Mexican  civil  aulhnrilies 
from  the  exercise  of  their  accustomed  duties,  and 
the  collection  of  their  revenue;  in  ereclin;;  batter- 
ies, and  pointin);  our  cannon  in  solemn  defiance  at 
a  Mexican  city;  in  allowing,  without  inquiry,  sol- 
diers, in  lime  of  peace,  to  be  shot,  without  the  form  i 
of  trial;  in,  nmnng  otiier  things,  but  farther  and 
farthest,  and  least  to  be  expected,  blockad  ng,  in 
time  nf  profound  peace,  in  violation  of  solemn  | 
treaty  stipulations,  the  city  nf  a  sister  republic,  ■ 
and  cutting  olT  its  supplies,  thereby  reducing  to  ' 
famine  and  death  its  citi/.cns  and  soldiers.  I  wish  . 
I  could  ormy  in  a  mirror  of  burning  light  before  ! 
the  people  the  Constitution,  which  says  Congress 
alone  shall  have  power  to  declare  war  and  direct  ■ 


r, 


nria  of  linalililiea — ila  broken  fragmenta,  the  an- 

I  thor  of  ila  vinlaled  cnnditinn,  and  hia  abettnra.     I 

wniild   pninl  to  Iheae  Kxeciilivii  nNurpationa,  anil 

I  III  Ihe  iiiiralleil  for  iiitolcrunce  and  oppreaainn  uf 

'  this  lliiune. 

i      Mir,  Ihe  (Jonatitutinn  gunrnnlies  the   liberty  of 
speeeii  und  of  Iho  press.    Hut  on  Iho  llth  of  May, 
I  where  waa  Iho  lioasled  prerogative  of  your  f'lin- 
alilutinn  In  relulinnlotheliberiy  ofspeicli^  Wliero 
i  Ihia  iiieHtimablr|irei'o)(uiiveoffi'eanien?    Ila  death- 
I  knell  WIIN  heard  in  this  llnll.    The  lipNoflhe  fl,IXMI 
farmers,  the  4,000  mechaniia,  and  Ihe  hundreds 
'  nf  maiiufactiirurs  and  iirofesHional  men  Npeaking 
I  Ihroiigh  me  upon  Ihia  llnor,  wcremaled  in  sihiiiee, 
I  The  vivid  anil  cniiscinus  cnnvictionN  of  nn  iiiit- 
I  riigi'il  penple  wer« slilleil,  and  denied  an  iitteranie. 
i  The  minnrity  upnn  this  fliiiir,  representing,  as  ap- 
pears by  the  popular  vole,  a  majiirity  of  the  jHople, 
were  ilcnii  il  the  right  of  Hpeech.      I'lie  ^rave  and 
I  mnmentouN  iiuealinn  nf  peace  or  war,  invnlving 
the  life,  the  liberty,  of  our  [leople,  and  the  happi- 
I  ness  of  our  eommou  cnnnlry,  was  pressed  upnn  iia 
I  wilhnut  delinle.     The  impriidenl  acts  of  the  I'rea- 
I  idem,  as  well  as  the  perilous  eniidil  ion  nf  our  army, 
I  llii'ir  erica  and  their  blood  by  reason  of  this  iin- 
,  prudence,  waa  made  known  tons, and  yet  nnt  niie 
I  wnrd  cniild  be  said  upnn  the  siilijcct.      I'lie  shield 
of  secrecy  was  thrust  between  us  and  the  enimlry. 
'  The  full  mill  speedy  relief  which  we  were  willing 
to  >;rant  to  the  army  and  Ihe  country  was  eniiph  i| 
'  with  a  shield  for  the  President  and  his  advisers, 
and  a  dcchiralinii  of  war.    I  ask  whether  such  pre- 
\  cipiiancy  in  declaring  a  national  war,  in   breaking 
I  the  peace  nf  the  world,  is  becoming  in  the  Ilepie- 
I  auntiitives  of  this  people'     Is  it  wise,  nnd  does  it 

I  III me  Ihe  digiiil)  and  fnrbearance  which  slinuld 

ehariicliri/e  enlighteneil   and  benevolent  fiecmcn? 

Is  it  mai;nanimous  or  just  thus  In  stifle  debate.' 

I      The  history  of  lln'me  prndiicea  nn  rcpiililicnii 

I  despolisni  more  oppressive  nr  dangerous  to  lilierly 

llian  the  tyranny  we  have  seen  manifested  in  this 

j  Hall. 

I      I  protest  against  this  blind  infatuated  registry  nf 
I  Rxecntiveedicts;  this  despotic  leHiriclionol'iiKpiiry 
I  inloollieial  misrule;  this  iidoption  and  concealiiieiit 
I  of  the  broken  frngiiienls  nf  our  fimdamenlal  coile, 
as  siiliversivc  of  iiberly.     Sir,  I  am  cnnslruined  lo 
'  point  to  these  ennrmilies  in  defence  of  liberty  itself  I 
!      Sir,  having  spoken  nf  some  of  the  wrongs  which 
did  exist,  and  nnw  exist  in  our  internal  policy,  call- 
ing loiiilly  for  redress,  I  now  employ  the  hriei' mo- 
ment left  me  to  speak  of  the  jucseiit  siliialion  of  the 
enimlry,  and  our  national  iluly  as  inlelligeiil  free- 
men.    I  have,  as  well  as  I  cniilil,  held  up  the  mir- 
ror lo  the  inajorily  nn  this  flnnrand  Ihe  Lxeeulive, 
that  lliey  niiglil  see  themselves  ns  others  sec  them; 
not  in  a  vindictive  spirit,  hut  in  the  hone,  and  I 
trust  it  may  nnt  be  unavailing,  that  for  tlie  fiiiuie 
they  will  abandon  all  nets  for  iiiire  political  iidvaii- 
tai;e,  and  go  for  the  country,  the  whole  country, 
'  nnd  iinlhing  but  the  country.     I  cjill  upon  them  to 
unite  with  me  and  with  the  penple,  and  by  vigil- 
ance and  energy  fnr  the  future,  tn  make  amends  for 
the  follies  of  the  past.    The  present  crisis  demands 
the  wisdnin  nnd  cnneurrence  of  the  whole  peo|ile. 
We  are  at  this  moment  involved  in  n  war  with  a 
;  foe,  distracted  and  cnmnaratively  weak  and  f'eehle, 
it  is  true,  but  the  end  of  which  no  man  can  foresee. 
I'm,  sir,  this  is  not  the  only  dilemma.    It  reijiiiiea 
,  no  prnphelic  eye  In  discover  the  elenientsof  turo- 
pcaii  moiiari  by  and  despotism  rife  willi  impending 
danu'cr.     The  mnvenieiits  nf  Spain  towards  Mex- 
ii  I) — the  debales  in  the  l''reiieh  Clianiber  of  Depu- 
ties— the  general  tone  of  the  press  throughout  coii- 
lincnlnl  Kurope — should  not  he  disregarded.     We 
should  not  shut  our  eyes  to  ihc  fact,  that  the  peo- 
le  of  Great  Britain  have  a  government  debt  against 
xico  of  millions  of  dollars;  that  her  citizens  arc 
more  extensively  interested  in  the  mines  of  Mex- 
ico than  the  citizens  of  any  and  perhaps  all  other 
nations.     It  should  not  be  forgotten  that  our  com- 
merce is  now  f'our-fifths  that  of  Great  Uriiain;  and 
while  our  commerce,  in  the  short  space  of  half  a 
'  century,  has  thus  increased,  nurmnnufucturcs  have 
increiKsed  in  an  equal  ratio,  and  are  now  in  compc- 
'  tition  with  those  of  Great  liritnin  on  the  coast  of 
China,  and  in  other  parts  of  the  world.    Who  can 
fail  to  see  in  what  light  our  spirit  of  territorial  ag- 
grandizement is  viewed  by  Great  Britain  and  other 
'  Bluropcun  Powers .'    The  feeling  which  our  grow- 
i  ing  and  extended  commerce,  our  rising  greatness, 
i  our  territorial  extension ,  tends  to  engender  in  Eu- 


ple 
Me 


956 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  19, 


39th  Cong Ist  Sess. 


The  Tariff— J^r.  Young. 


Ho.  Of  Ubps. 


mpe,  should  be  palsied  by  n  ciirdial  union  or  all  j 
men  far  the  weal  of  our  <'.oinnion  counlry.  Sir,  we  ; 
are  ai  this  monici.t  aurrnundcd  by  dan'^crs  rrqui- 
r''ig  intiiiitely  more  unity,  wisdom,  and  uxorlinn,  1 
I  .an  a  mere  war  Willi  Mexiei).  The  general  feel-  I 
ins;  that  the  moral  power  of  the  nation  has  been  ] 
pervertcil,  will  strengthen  and  unite  the  people  in 
concentrating  the  moral  as  well  as  the  physiiuil 
forre  of  the  eounlry  to  sustain,  in  tlia  crisis,  its 
nalional  stnliility,  it»  honor,  it  may  be  its  very  ex- 
istence. Will  not  the  people  in  their  primary  meet- 
ings, and  in  all  constitutional  ways,  by  resolutions 
or  otherwise,  not  only  rebuke  freely,  but  advise 
and  strengthen  the  Government  ami  the  country, 
by  brhiffing  lo  bear  ils  whole  moral  nnil  physical 
fore-i .'  We  need  the  wisdom  and  intelligence  of  the 
nation  lo  carry  us  ihrough  the  present  wa',  and 
the  tlircalcued  dangers  to  our  national  fabric,  in  a 
manner  that  shall  show  not  only  our  Armncss  and 
strength,  but  our  magnanimity  and  forbearance. 
In  my  judgmenl,  our  safety  now,  sir,  is  in  a  short 
war  with  Mcxicn.  Public  opinion  should  be  eon- 
Miiiralcd,  and  brought  to  bear  upon  the  Adininis- 
tration,  in  relution  lo  ihe  propriety  and  necessity 
of  extending  the  olive  branch,  and  making  elforts 
for  a  speedy,  hononible,  and  magnanimous  peace. 
Sir,  I  need  not  say  1  was  gratified  to  notice  ihat 
two  of  the  volunteer  companies  of  llie  city  of 
Rochester,  in  the  dislrict  which  1  have  ilie  honor 
to  represent,  had  lenrlered  their  services  to  Gov- 
ernor Wright,  lo  be  brought  inlo  .service  wlienevgr 
the  public  exigencies  might  rcipiin'.  They  have 
shown  themselves  ready  and  willing  lo  sustain 
their  country  in  its  peril,  wiihoiit. reference  lo  the 
eniMM  which  produced  it.  This,  sir,  is  but  ilie 
citni'sl  of  the  feeling  of  the  entire  popiilalioii  of 
tiiat  district.  While  lliev  are  all  ready  as  one  man 
lo  susiiiin  the  honor  ol*  the  country,  ami  lo  meet 
danger  from  witlioiil,  they  \^  lil  be  cipmlly  fearless 
and  rendy  to  meet  iiUernal  iiusc  and  oppression. 
They  are  ready  to  luaiiittiiu  the  just  riglila  of  the 
eouniry  at  every  sacriliiei  but  they  arc  not  for  the 
annihilulioii  or  conquest  of  a  sister  repulilic.  1  in- 
fpiire,  sir,  and  they  will  inquire,  when  and  how 
I  his  war  is  to  tcrmiiiale.'  Whether  it  is  to  be 
pro.seculcd  only  just  for  a  and  magiianimoua  peace, 
or  for  the  purposes  of  agiressioii,  plunder,  and 
<■  inquest?  If  llic  lalter,  they  will  not  sunclion, 
but  will  fearlessly  and  freely  condemn  the  same. 
They  arc  willing  lo  leave  llie  progress  of  republi- 
can prini'iplcs  on  this  coniinenl  and  throughout 
the  world  lo  the  sure  operations  of  iriiih — to  the 
gc-ni  from  which  springs  the  tree  of  liberty —until 
all  the  niUioiis  of  the  earth  shall  rei'line  umler  the 
branches  of  that  tree,  irradiated  by  the  smiles  of 
peace;  bul  ihey  are  not  in  lav.ir  of  coercing  an  ail- 
bereiice  to  republican  institutions  by  (he  siciml .' 
Prior  republics  have  done  this;  and  by  reas«m  of 
it,  the  historian  is  relieved  from  his  task  in  regard 
to  them.  When  and  where  this  stale  of  things  is 
to  end,  (iod  only  knows.  If  our  rulers  a'e  ileter- 
mined,  as  ihiy  nov  seem,  upmi  aMiiihilation  and 
conquest,  and  the  jifiijiff  shall  sanction  it,  this  is 
bul  the  twilight  of  llie  political  darkness  that  must 
succeed  it.  'I'll  tnv  mind,  the  ihiij  when  the  ftrnjth 
of  tliLs  repulilic  shall  fully  sanction  the  si-  i|iiga- 
i)  and  conquest  of  a  liireiirn  nation,  dissimilar 
ironi  us  in  language,  li  iiits,  ami  laws,  will  be  the 
darkesi,  bv  tJir  tl.i  (InrKCst  (/hi/,  ever  witnessed  by 
this  republic. 


THE  TAUirr  aUIiSTION. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  15.  R.   YOl  N(;, 

OF   IvE.NTlCKV, 
In  riiK  Ilotrr.i;  «f  UtpUF.5tNT.\TivE5, 
June  19,  lM4i;. 
The  bill  reported  by  the  f'onimiltee  of  Ways  end 
Means,  proposing  to  reduce  the  duties  on  !tn- 
ports,   being  under  consideration  in  ronimitlee 
of  the  Whole  on  ti.e  Slate  of  the  Union — 

Mr.  II.  R.  YnUNO,  of  Kentucky,  having  obiain- 
ed  the  lliior,  it  was  llien  movcil  llial  the  comiuittee 
rise.  On  the  niecting  of  the  House  ihe  next  day, 
.Mr.  Y.  eoniinent  eil  by  ai-knowli'di^ing  his  olilii^a- 
tions  to  the  coinniiliee  for  ils  kindness  and  cimr- 
tesy  in  airreeing  so  readily  lo  rise  on  yestiTduy, 
when  he  hud  sueceeded  in  obtaining  the  tloor. 

Mr.   V.  continued  by  saying:    1  shall  conRuu 


myself  to  the  discussion  of  llic  siibjcct  under  de- 
bate, and  will  not  permit  myself  to  be  diiiwn  oil' 
into  a  wor  speech.  I  regret  tnat  some  of  my  per- 
sonal and  political  friencls  have  digressed  from  l>ic 
subject  unuer  consideration  for  the  piirjiose  of  nni- 
mauverting  upon  tlic  course  pursued  by  the  Ad- 
ministration in  relation  to  the  Mexican  war.  This 
is  not,  in  my  opinion,  the  time,  nor  is  this  House 
the  place,  for  such  .inimud  version.  Wc  arc  now 
engaged  in  a  war  with  one  of  the  nations  of  the 
earth,  and  whilst  it  continues,  let  lis  show  lo  the 
world  that  wu  can  forget  the  grovelling  feelings  of 
parly;  that  upon  this  great  question  of  wiir  wc 
will  bo  united;  and  whilst  that  war  continues,  wc 
will,  as  one  man,  with  one  iindividcd  front,  and 
with  one  solid  and  unbroken  phalanx,  rush  to  the 
rescue  of  our  common  country,  ond  prosecute  it  to 
a  successful  and  glorious  terininatimi. 

I  voted  for  the  war  and  supply  bill.  Like  most 
of  the  members  of  this  House,  1  "  went  it  blind." 
Invesligalion  and  debate  were  stilled  by  the  domi- 

[noiit  parly.     We  were  refused  the  privilege  of  in- 

'  vestigatihj;  the  causes  which  led  to  it;  and  iiotwilh- 
atanding  fwas  almost  iguilly  ignorant  and  unap- 
prised of  the  means  which  had  provoked  this  dire 
calamity,  (for,  sir,  war  is  a  calamity  under  all  ond 
every  circumsuince,)  I  voted  for  it.  It  was  suffi- 
cient for  me  lo  k"  .»•  that  American  blood  had 
been  shed,  and  I  did  not  feel  disposi  il  or  autho- 
ri/.ed  lo  slop  to  inquire  whellier  it  had  been  shed 
upon  American  or  Mexican  soil;  and,  sir,  so  far 

,  as  it  lay  in  my  power,  I  determined  to  resent  the 
insult,  and  lo  avenge  the  injury;  and  with  the  ad- 

[  diliuiiHl  lights  and  iiiformaiion  I  iiave  upon  this 

,  subject,  i  would  again  give  the  same  vole;  and  as 
a  means  of  prosecuting  this  war  vigorously  and  to 
a  successful  termination,  1  voted  to  increa.sc  the 
pay  of  the  volunteeis  from  seven  to  ten  dolhirs  a 

I  month.  I  did  this  because  I  believed  the  West, 
and  especially  Kentucky,  would  have  to  do  much 
of  the  fighting,  and  I  felt  disposed  lo  pay  them 
well  for  the  prlv:illoiis  and  disease  lo  wiiicU  they 

,  would  be  suojeclcd  in  that  tropical  cliinale. 

:  It  is  with  heartfelt  gialificalion  and  pride  I  an- 
nounce lo  this  House  and  the  eoun  ry  the  display 
of  chivalry  and  patriotism  in  Kentucky,  in  re- 
sponding to  Ihe  call  for  volunteers.     In  less  than 

I  three  days  after  the  Governor  of  that  Slate  issued 
his  proclamation,  the  requisition  fur  three  thousand 
men  was  suiinlicti,  and  upwards  of  five  thousand 

more  oirered,  wli aild  not  be  received.     Thi    is 

evidence  that  they  did  not  sloji  to  inipiire  whciner 
this  is  a  justifiable  or  unjiistilialile  war.  It  was 
siiliiciciit  only  for  them  to  know  ilml  .Viiierican 
blond  had   been   shed,  lli;it  our  little  and   galhiiil 

I  army  was  in  danger,  to  impel  them  onward  to  the 

'  rescue.  Sir,  Kentucky  cliiv.ilry  and  patriotism 
are  measured  by  a  ilisliiif^ii^lted  and  Aig/i  ilimdnnl. 
I  would  siiggesl  to  gentlemen  on  this  side  of  llic 
House  to  cease  their  aiiini.iiKer.sions,  to  say  and 
do  iiothin:.'  which  will  tcml  to  distraci  the  cmiiilry 
at  this  crisis;  but  lo  nintimic  lo  funiisli  ihi-  l*rcs- 
ideiil  with  nun  and  nioney  lor  tli  ■  siiccessl'iil  luiis- 
ecutioii  of  the  war;  and  iii'irr  our  gnllaiil  I'.iylur — 
who  has  rcreived  llic  .sigiiiliraiil  title  of  **  Rough 
and  Rrady" — shall  ha\e  conqneicil  a  peace  in 
Mcxiio,  then,  if  nc'il  be,  wiicn  llie  pcupk  of  that 
nation  shall  be  In  our  power,  by  way  of  propping 
a  f.iliin  enemy,  and  assuaging  the  tnoiiitii'aliou 
constqiicni  upon  defeat  and  discoinliture,  we  will 
apoloL;i/.e  for  llo'  \\'riuigs  we  may  have  done  her, 
il,  iiiion  invesligalion,  it  shall  be  asceriamed  he 
lia.s  broitght  upnn  us  an  unncces.sary  or  unjusti- 
fiable war,  either  ihrough  wantonness  or  imiiecil 
ity.  'I'lien,  too,  will  (-onK'  the  dny  of  rclribntioii 
— then  we  c-an  justly  liolil  .\Ir.  Polk  lo  strict  a-- 
I'ounialiility — liitii  wi;  will  make  lii'U  responsililc 
for  llie  heavy  debt  \\liic,li  the  peoiile  rtf  this  CJov- 

,  ernmenl  will  incur  in  the  proseiMitiuii  op  this  war. 
Having  said  this  much,  I  urn  done  with  the  war 
ipiestion. 

Mr.  Y.  continunl.  Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  in- 
tend to  conftiic  tiiysclf  lo  ih"  discussion  of  the 
tarilf ipiesti'in,  anl  in  atlempiing  to  discuss  this 
imporlanl  question,  I  feel  a  dillidi  ii.'c  -.vliich  is 
jieculiar  to  llie  situation  in  wlil.h  I  am  plaiMid.  I, 
sir,  have  been  bul  little  in  liie  habit  of  public 
speaking,  and  this  is  the  first  aiiie  1  hiivf:  atlempl- 
ed  to  adilrcss  this  [loii.se  upi'i)  any  subjccl  wliirh 
has  come  up  for  'is  tletiberainin  since  1  have  had 
the  honor  of  a  seal  in  this  body.     That  dillidencc 

!  in  increased  by  the  imporUuicc  uf  the  subject  under 


consideration,  for  I  consider  this  the  most  impor- 
tant subject  which  could  possibly  engage  our  div 
liberaliona,  luit,  perhaps,  cxccpling  the  subjcei  of 
war.  It  is  thus  important,  because  it  is  intimately 
and  inseparably  connected  with  every  branch  of 
iiduslry,  every  business  pursuit,  and  every  bu.ii- 
ncss  ttvocalinn  among  the  people  of  this  vusl  con- 
federacy. Then,  sir,  in  atlem|iting  lo  discn.ss 
n  subject  of  such  imnorlaiicc,  it  is  rc.-isoiiahic 
that  I  should  feel  this  dilKdcnce,  and  it  is  reason- 
able that  I  sliould  feel  the  weight  of  responsibility 
which  rests  upon  mo;  for  I  fear  that  the  energies 
and  inex'  uistible  resources  of  this  great  nation 
are  nboui  i,)  be  crippled  by  a  change — yea,  sir,  a 
miscralilc  change — in  its  nolicy.  1  would  u|meal 
to  the  dominant  parly,  niiil  would  ask  them.  Gen- 
tlemen, only  let  our  present  policy  remain  undis- 
turbed— only  pcnnit  our  mechanic  arts  to  con- 
tinue lo  receive  their  present  piolcction.  If  you 
will  coiLsent  to  do  this,  1  will  venture  lo  predict, 
yea,  I  will  venture  to  aflirni,  that  every  branch  of 
industry,  every  business  pursuil,  and  every  bn.si- 
ncss  avocttlion,  will  emiliiuie  lo  feel  a  poHciliil 
impulse,  and  every  Iiind  of  labor  lo  receive  a  rich 
reward.  The  merchant  will  thrive— the  mechanic 
will  prosper — and  the  farmers  will  grow  rich. 
This  IS  Ihe  reasor.,  sir,  why  I  am  opposed,  why 
I  lun  unchungenbly  oppo.sed,  to  what  are  so  de- 
lusively and  80  falsely  culled  the  principles  of  free 
trade. 

There  is  one  reason,  of  itself,  against  a  change 
of  the  larilV  avHtein,  which  should  slay  Ihe  folly 
and  madness  of  the  elVorls  to  deslroy  il — Ihat  is 
this,  air:  We  are  engaged  in  a  war  which  liasand 
will  contimic  to  increase  vastly  the  expeniliiures 
of  this  Governmenl.  Juat  at  the  lime  when  the 
condition  of  the  country  will  require  an  nildiiioiial 
amount  of  revenues  lo  be  paid  into  the  treasury  lo 
meet  this  increased  cxpeiidilurc,  in  order  lo  avoid 
debt,  and,  what  would  be  worse,  direct  taxatiin, 
the  (lominant  parly  of  this  House,  in  their  faiiiiiy 
and  madness,  propose,  by  the  modification  of  the 
larilT,  10  deslroy  the  only  source  of  revenue,  by 
reducing  the  amounl  of  duty  (ion  nrticles  brought 
from  abroad. 

Rut,  sir,  il  lias  been  recommended  to  this  House, 
by  a  high  functionary  of  this  Governmenl,  (viz: 
Mr.  Robert  J.  Walker,  Secretary  of  the  Treasu- 
ry,) that  we  should  reduce  the  duly  imposed  upon 
the  iinporlalion  of  foreign  goials,  for  the  purpose 
of  inci'cnaing  the  revenut  .  This  he  recouimends 
ill  his  I,  nual  report.  He  reiterated  the  same  dm  - 
trine  a  I'ew  days  since  lo  the  .SciiaK^  of  the  United 
States,  in  a  report  replying  to  a  call  of  the  Senate 
upon  the  E  icculivc^  in 'relation  lo  a  proli:ilile  defi- 
ciency in  ihe  •  -nic,  iiiid  the  means  of  .--upplying 
it;  and  this  sail  ■  docl.ine  was  again  repiaticl  by 
the  gentleman  (  out  Gior:;ia,  [Mr.  .Tosls,]  who  is 
a  member  of  the  Comioillee  of  Ways  and  .Me:iiis, 
in  his  spce-h  of  ycstciilay.  Sir,  this  doitrineciMi- 
llicis  with  ciuniiinii  SCI. SI!,  with  experience,  and 
with  Ihe  whole  history  of  our  country.  At  no 
time  have  the  ciill'irs  of  this  nation  been  replciii.sli- 
eil  exi-epl  when  we  have  li.id  a  prol(cti\e  larill', 
and,  if  yoi:  will  look  at  this  Sei-ictaiy's  aiinii.il 
ri'pni'l,  you  will  find  that  lie  conirailii'ts  liinisilf. 
In  a  l;il>le  appeiulcil  to  this  report  hr  /iim.S( //'shows 
thai,  tVoiu  the  comnicnci'Uicnl  of  the  Government 
up  to  the  present  period,  the  higher  the  tarilf 
duties  the  larucr  ihe  amoiiiil  of  revenue;  yet,  in 
the  li'icc  of  t'acis  adduced  by  hiiiisell',  he  advises  iis 
lo  rediici!  the  duties  impo.sed  by  the  larill' in  order 
lo  increase  the  re\enue. 

Thissngc  /inniiriirand  .Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
dill'iis  widely  from  the  Ri'puiilican  Congiess  of 
islll.  'I'liait'onu'iess,  which  had  coinluclcd  us 
successfully  ihiongh  a  war  waged  in  defence  of  our 
ri^'hts  and  our  lunior,  found  litis  (ioviriiiiient  in 
debt  upwards  of  one  hundri'd  and  thirty  millions 
of  dollars;  to  p;iy  which  they  acted  upon  the  prin- 
ciple that  it  was  neics.s.iry  to  increase  the  liirilf 
ilulies,  They  did  so,  and  tlierc  was  a  correspniid- 
iiig  increase  of  revenue.  In  Ih','4  Congress  found 
the  revenue  insnllicienl,  and  again  inci-eaacd  tin; 
larifTdiilies,  and  again  there  was  u  corresponding 
increasi!  of  revenue. 

In  IM'JH,  lo  meet  still  foniicr  dcfiiiencica  in  Ihe 
treasury,  and  to  pay  olf  the  enormnus  debt  cini- 
Iractcd  ini  acconnl  lif  the  war,  Ciaigrrss  found  it 
again  necessiiry  to  increase  the  larill'  ilulies;  and 
by  lliis  law  the  ilulies  were  raised  so  high  thai  it 
was  uilled  tlin  "bill  of  ubomiiiatiuns,"  and  still 


*.^ 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


957 


29*H  CoNo.....lsT  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Young. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


most  inipor- 
Jiije  our  do- 
lui  .lubjrci  of 

is  inliiiiuU'ly 
ly  lirnncli  of 
J  every  liii.-i. 
his  vusl  con- 

lO     dIsdINH 

i-ciis(>iml)le 
it  is  rciisoii- 
csponsiliility 
llie  energies 
Kmit  iialion 
-y<ii,  sir,  II 
oiiUl  umieal 
tlicin,  Gen- 

lllllill  UllJj.S- 

iirla  to  con- 
loii.     If  you 

to    piTllil'l, 

■y  branch  of 

every  lniNi- 

u  potturl'iil 

reive  a  rivh 

iiieeliiiiiic 

grow   rieh. 

i|iose(|,  why 

tt  iti-e  NO  ih'. 

i^iples  uf  flee 


ajaiii  llierc  was  a  corresponding  increase  of  reve- 
nue. With  such  historical  facts  staring  him  in 
llic  face,  should  ne  not  blush  wilh  very  shame? 
IVrli'ips  I  may  be  doing  this  high  (\inclionnry  in- 
justice. He  may  suppose  ho  has  learned,  in  sonic 
proifrmsirc  school,  that  there  is  a  dilTeience,  and 
may  suppose  it  to  be  the  case,  that  when  wo  are 
just  commencing  a  war,  anji  whilst  wo  arc  incur- 
ring debt,  reiZiiciMff  the  tariff  dvlks  may  be  the  way 
to  increme  the  revenue,  liut  after  n  war  is  closed, 
and  after  a  heavy  debt  has  been  incurred,  1  am 
sure  the  way  to  increase  revenue  is  to  increase 
lariflT duties,  as  was  attested  by  the  tariff  laws  of 
I81G,  '04,  and  '28. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  do  not  intend  to  discuss  the 
objection  to  a  protective  tarilf,  which  some  ingeni- 
ous grntlemen  have  drawn  from  the  Conslilution. 

I  iiiieiid  to  leave  that  <pieslion  to  those  who  can 
Ivvl.st  the  Con.ililulion  to  suit  their  own  purposes, 
iiiul  who  ran  maid'  it  mean  just  what  they  please. 

II  is  sullicient  for  me,  that  no  one  ever  heard  of 
such  an  oliiociion  until  a  very  recent  period  of  our 
hislory.  The  pruleclioii  of  American  industry 
and  Anurican  labor  is  a  policy  which  sprang  up 
wilh  the  Constilntion  itself.  It  had  its  origin  in 
tlie  primitive  days  of  the  Republic,  and  was  e.^tab- 
llslicd  in  the  year  1789;  and  not  one  of  the  franiers 
of  that  sacieil  instrument  ever  dreamed  of  such  an 
objection.  All  parlies,  both  then  and  afterward.-i. 
eonciirred  in  its  constitutionality.  It  was  proposed 
by  Hamilton, and  acquiesced  in  by  Jefl'erson. 

During  the  period  which  intervened  between  the 
iidoplion  of  ihe  Constitution  of  the  Unil'id  Slates 
and  the  year  IHIG,  Ihe  Congress  of  the  United 
Slates  passed  various  UirilT  laws,  the  avowed  object 
of  which  was  the  protection  of  American  industry 
and  American  labor;  and,  during  this  whole  period, 
there  were  a  number  of  the  di.-ilinguished  members 
of  the  Federal  Convenliim  either  in  the  Executive 
or  Legislative  councils  of  the  nation,  yet  not  one 
of  ihini  ever  dreamed  that  Congress  had  not  the 
constitutional  right  to  pass  a  prolecli  e  tariff.  In 
ISIG,  notwilhetanding  every  aigiunint  which  the 
iiiiic  ,ji  '  of  that  day  could  iinent  was  urged 
aga  .  -he  principle  ot  protection,  yet  no  one  con- 
ceived it  to  be  imconslilutional. 

It  was  not  until  the  year  1831,  when  theframers 
of  the  Constiluiimi  were  in  their  rraves,  that  this 
new  light  began  to  dawn  upc,  ■  the  world.  It  was 
then  whispered  that  the  .v/iiiif  of  the  Constitulicm 
might  stand  in  the  way  of  such  a  measure,  liut, 
in  1832,  this  objection  as.suined  a  firmer  lone,  and 
showed  as  bold  a  fiont  as  if  it  had  been  venemble 
for  its  age.  And  who  were  llie  authors  and  siip- 
porlers  of  this  objection?  Sir,  it  was  the  twin 
si-sliT  of  niillillcaticm  !  It  came  iVom  the  same 
quarlcr,  ami  at  the  same  time,  when  the  severani  e 
of  this  glorioin  Uniim,  togeliiir  wall  the  dcslnic- 
tion  of  ihc  C'(./is(i<iilioii  itsi'li',  was  seriously  con- 
teinplaled. 

I'assingby  this  objectioM,  then,  I  shall  prnceed 
lo  ciinsldir  llii;  ( j/in/ir/K  ynf  hi'  proir  dive  syslem. 
In  the  discu.ssion  of  this  .ili-imporl.mt  sulijed,  I 
do  not  iiilcnd  to  build  my  aiguminls  upon  any  line- 
spun  ihi'ories  or  any  lloalmg  visions.  I  iiilend  lo 
iifipial  lo|'laiii  faclK,  to  suliil  aixl  siilislaiitial  facts, 
which  no  Mipliistry  can  ririiic,  iiid  no  iii^cmiily 
can  fairly  evaili:.  K.\p(.rienc.e  is,  by  far,  our  safest 
guide. 

Our  whole  history,  sir,  is  one  coniinued  illusira- 
tion  of  the  unspeakable  iinporlance  of  the  protect- 
ive policy.  l*iior  to  the  formation  uf  the  Consii- 
liilioM  till'  doch'iuc,  of  ihcnrisls,  who  advocate  what 
ihey  call  I'nc  l.ulc,  was  rcducnl  lo  piaclioe.    Anil 


\Vi 


tluv  sucl 


1  as  appear 


whal  wcie  ils  ftuils 

in  the  glowing  dcscriptiiuis  of  frcr-tradc  llieorisls? 
I  shall  111  the  history  of  the  euumry  and  of  the 
limes  answer  this  (lucslion  ? 

Prior  lo  ilic  forniaiion  of  our  (lovernment  our 
pons  were  open.  The  Iradc  of  ollnr  nations  press- 
nig  IbrwanI  In  all  ilircclioiis  to  find  a  channel,  and 
linding  il.si'lf  dr.ninied  up  and  opposed  by  Ihe  \miII 
of  prolei  tiim  which  ibcy  had  ihiown  around  thein- 
sclvcH,  it  llowed  IVi  ily  iiilo  our  counlry.  It  had 
free. admillnnce  iiilo  no  cuiinlrybut  this;  and  hence 
Ihis  was  deluged  wilh  foreign  goods  id' every  kind 
and  every  dcscriplion.  Our  mechanic  arts  could  not 
resisi  Ihe  lorreiU;  ihey  yieldi  d  like  a  bulrush,  and 
were  borne  down  lo  the  carlh.  The  slioi  maker, the 
hatler.tlie  tailor,  the  weaver,  llie  miiIiHi  r,  the  black- 
Riiiilh — in  short,  almosi  every  man  eoLjaged  in  the 
mechanic  arts,  fell  before  such  ruinous  and  over- 


whelming compelllion.     They  were  reduced  to 
bankruptcy,  and  thrown  out  of  employment.  The 
arm  or  American  industry  was  paralyzed,  and  I 
could  not  raise  its  hands  to  reach  its  legitimate  re-  | 
wards.    Such   were   tlic  practictil   effects  of  this  i 
boasted  system   of  free  trade.     How   bright  ils  ! 
promises,  how  beautiful  ils  blo.'fsoms,  but,  alas!  | 
liow  bitter  its  fruits !   If  experience  can  teach  any-  ) 
thing,  it  seems  to  mc  that  it  ought  to  teach  us  the 
madness  and  the  folly  of  rushing  into  that  system  ' 
again.    It  is  fraught  with  danger — with  intense, 
with  incalculable  danger. 

Let  us  look,  sir,  at  the  practical  effects  of  pro- 
tection. These  were  most  strikingly  exemplified 
by  this  country  during  its  last  war  with  Great  Brit- 
ain. When  this  was  declared  the  sad  condition 
of  the  country  was  revealed  to  every  eye,  and  it 
sunk  deep  into  every  heart.  We  had  niU  the  arms 
and  munitions  of  war,  nor  had  wc  provided  our- 
selves with  the  means  of  manufiicturmg  them.  It 
was  this  wretched  condition  of  the  country  which 
induced  so  many  statesmen  lo  (!irink  from  a  con- 
flict with  Great  llritain.  But  war  came,  and  with 
it  came  protection.  Our  ports  were  sealed  against 
the  manufactures  of  Great  Brimin.  Under  such 
protection,  and  even  amid  the  horrors  of  war, 
manufactures  sprung  un  <~:'  ""ll  sides  as  if  by  magic. 
No  man,  woman,  ...  child,  .  iH'-^  .;:;'  able  to 
work,  was  without  employment. 

When  the  war  closed  the  country  was  every- 
where prosperous.     Si.xly  millions  of  dollars  at 
least  had  been  invested  in  manufacturing  eslablisb- 
meiils.    These  were  spread  over  the  I'ace  of  the 
j  counlry,  diffusing  happiness  among  thousands  of 
industrious  people.     During  the  war  the  hatter, 
I  the  milor,  the  shoemaker,  ihe  weaver,  the  black- 
I  smith,  could  not  be  broken  down  by  foreign  rom- 
'  petition,  and  hence  they  had  all  become  indu.s- 
trious,  contented,  prosperous,  and  happy.    Would 
that  these  inestimable  blessings,  these  sources  of 
,  individual  and  national  wealth,  had  been  continued 
j  to  us  by  the  policy  of  peace. 
I      But  It  was  ordered  otherwise.     The  Congress 
!  of  181G  refu.sed  to  establish  a  high  tariff  of  duties. 
The  prolcclion  given  by  that  tariff  was  weak  and 
'  insufficient  when  compared  wilh  what  ihe  counlry 
demanded ;  hence,  all  llie  great  interesls  of  the  coun- 
try began  to  languish,  and  the  distress  became 
deeper  and  deeper,  and  spread  wider  and  wider, 
until  ils  baleful  mlliience  was  felt  in  every  hamlet, 
every  collage,  and  every  domicil  in  the  hind.    None 
J  were  so  rich  as  lo  be  beyond  ihe  reach  of  the  oji- 
inessive  slate  of  circnmslanccs  produced  by  this 
pecuniary  distress,  and  none  so  poor  whose  uii- 
liappy  condition  was  not  made  doubly  miserable. 
There  were  many  llieorisls  then,  who  had  their 
eyes  opened  by  the  awful  coiiilitimi  of  the  country, 
and  who   could  .say  wilh   Mr.  Jellerson,  "  r.r;ie- 
'  rifiifc  has  taiight  me,  ihat  maniil'aclures  arc  now 
as  necc'isary  lo  our  iiidcpondcnce  as  to  our  com- 
fort."   The   people  had  learned  wisdom  by  the 
tilings  they  bad  sullVred.     Memorials  at  that  lime 
were  poured  in  from  every  direction  •'.\.:„i   Con- 
gress, giving  llie  most  ft'i^hiful  piclures  of  the  ca- 
lamiloua  conililion  of  ihe  counlry.     They  called 
Icmilly  for  prolcclion  and  relief;  ("ongres.s  heard 
llieir  call;  tile  great,  and  1  will  add,  the  benign  tarilf 
,  of  1804  was  esialilisheil. 

I'Vinii  that  lime  the  tide  of  prosperity  began  to 
reliirn;  and  il  continued  lo  How  in  with  asjeadily 
increasing  piwer.     If  any  man  would  see  the  el- 
fecls  if  I'ice  trade  on  llie  one  side,  and  those  of  pro- 
lcclion lo  American  latior  on  the   ither.  Id  liini  look 
.  at  Ihe  period  which  preceded  the  tarilf  of  '-Ji,  and 
at  Ihat  which  followed   il.     Mr.  Clay,  who  had 
I  lived  Ihroiigh  bolli  periods,  and  who  had  i  losely 
observed  Ihc^  eondiliiHi  id'  ihe  counlry,  has  most 
elonuenlly  conlrasled  the  darkness  and  dislress  of 
Ihc  oni'  wilh  ibc  light  and  orospcrily  of  the  oilier. 
He  has  declared,  wilh  perlctl  Iriilli,  ihal  llie  iieri- 
od  of  seven  yars  wliicli  iinmedialcly  preccdeil  llie 
j    larilf  of  1804,   is   llie  darkest  and    most  dismal 
j   known  to  our  history  since  the  formation  of  our 
Govermneul,  and  that  the  seven  years  which   iin- 
'    nieilialely  succeeded  Ihat  measure  is  Ihe  brightest 
and  tfie  most  prosperous.     But,  sir,  the  slalistics 
of  Ihecoiiiilry  will  present  this  subject  inaslronger 
light  than  il  can  be  made  assume  by  the  eloi[ueiiee 
of  ihc  grealest  orator  that  ever  lived. 

Only  look  at  the  scenes  of  ilislre.is  which  pre- 
!  vailed  in  Ihe  Stale  of  I'ennsylvania,  prior  lo  the 
il  tariff  of  '21.    They  were  truly  terrific  and  ajipal- 


ling.  Both  branches  of  the  Lcgislaturo  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, in  1819,  were  so  deeply  impressed  with  the 
evils  of  the  country,  tliat  they  appointed  eommit- 
Ices  to  inquire  into  the  extent  and  causes  of  such 
unparalleled  calamities.  These  committees  ascer- 
tained that  real  estate  had  fallen  in  Pennsylvania, 
since  181.5,  the  nstonishingamount  of  $115,544,629. 
A  memorial  referred  to  in  one  of  these  reports, 
states,  "  that  embarrassment  is  universal;  that  the 
sordid  and  nvarieioua  aro  acquiring  the  sacrificed 
property  of  the  liberal  and  industrious;  that  so 
much  property  is  exposed  to  sale,  under  execu- 
tion, that  buyers  cannot  be  had  to  pay  more  for  it 
than  the  officer's  fees."  The  rommiltco  of  the 
Senate,  havin»  addressed  circulars  lo  all  the  pro- 
[  thonoiaries  nnu  sheriffs  in  the  State,  collected  the 

■  following  awful  facls: 
I 

The  number  of  actions  brought  for  debt  in  the 

!      year  IHl",  were 14,537 

'  T''"  ..  .iiinerof  judgmentseonfessed, exclu- 
sive of  those  liefore  justices  of  the  pence.  10,326 

Imprisoiimeiils  for  debt  in  the  county  ond 

city  of  Philadelphia ..     1,808 

In  Lancaster  county 321 

'  In  Alleghany  county 28(> 

\  In  one  word,  debts,  judgments,  executions, 
mortgages,  bankruptcy  and  ruin,  were  the  order 
of  the  day.  The  same  state  of  things  prevailed 
everywhere;  and  if  other  Stales  had  taken  the  same 
pains  to  ascertain  fticis,  no  doubt  that  Kentucky, 
Ohio,  and  Virginia,  as  well  as  all  other  Slates  in 
this  Union,  would  have  presented  like  ."ceiies  of 
liearlrending  dislress.  It  is  no  wonder  that  iho 
peojile  cried  aloud  for  protection  and  relief. 

(Mr.  BnoniiKAn  here  interposed  to  say,  that  the 
distress  which  prevailed  in  Pennsylvania  in   1819 

j  was  owing  to  the  ravages  of  the  paper-money  sys- 
tem, and  lo  the  vast  number  of  banks  which  IimiI 
been  chartered  in  1814,  the  baleful  intluence  of 
whose  issues  was  not  fully  developed  till   the  faUil 

1  year  of  1819.] 

j      Mr.  Yoii.sii,  resuming,  .said:  I  have  long  ob- 

,  served  that  in  all  our  political  controversies,  be 

I  they  of  whatever  nature  they  may,  the  banks  arc 

i  always  made  the  scapegoat  upon  which  is  laid  all 
thc.ills  and  evils  of  the  counlry.  I  will  defy  ihe 
gcnllemim  to  point  his  finger  lo  a  single  period  in 
the  whole  hislory  of  the  country  when  the  people 

,  have  been  prosperous,  except  at  the  time  when  wo 
have  had  a  protective  tarilV. 

i  But,  sir,  to  resume.  The  prosperity  of  ihn 
nation,  wlii:li  had  grown  up  wilh  such  rapidity 

!  under  tl.e  high  tarilfs  of  24  and  '28,  was  not  des- 
tined to  last.     It  is  known  to  every  one  that  ihe 

'  South,  or  certain  portions  of  the  South,  refused  li> 

I  submit  to  the  duties  imposed  by  those  laws,  and 
the  Union  was  in  danger.  Under  the  pressure  of 
tills  awftil  emerireiicy,  the  great  slalesman  of  Ken- 
tucky, and  the  father  of  the  American  system,  dc- 
lermmed  to  sacrifice  his  own  offspring  for  the  good 
of  his  counlry.     In  plain    Rnelish,  sir,  he  intro- 

^  duced  llie  come.omise  bill,  by  which  he  coiisemcd 
lo  a  reductio.i  of  the  duties  upon  imports,  for  a 
lime,  in  oiiler  that  ihe  Union  might  be  preserved, 
and  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war  averted.  In  these 
rispecls  Ihe  coinpiiiniise  act  was  nlleiided  by  llie 
most  happy  consei|Ucnccs,  and,  under  all  circmn- 
slances,  it  was  conceived  in  a  spirit  of  sublime 
nioderalioii  which  was  worthy  of  the  (iithers  of  the 
Consliliiliiin  ihcnisclvi's.  Bui,  sir,  aslo  tlieell'ccts 
of  this  measure  on  the  prosperity  of  the  counlry, 
its  historv  has  ainaily  been  wrilten  in  tears  and 
blood.     Who  cm  now  look  back  lo  the  disasters 

■  and  siill'ding  of  1837,  wilhoiit  a  .shudder? 

By  lint  fearful  reviii.  'lUi,  the  scenes  which  had 
jircvailcd  after  the  war  were  everywhere  revived. 
Tlic  iiinnber  of  suits,  especially  in  the  weslern 
country,  was  greatly  increased,  and  co.iliiiiied  to 
increase,  until  debtors  became  so  poor  that  it  was, 
in  many  inslaiiccs,  not  worih  while  lo  sue  them, 
or  until  their  property,  both  personal  and  real,  be- 
came so  valueless  ihat  their  crediiors  .  oiild  not 
purchase  it.  Nolwilhslandiiig  the  prosperily  which 
had  prevailed  under  ihe  tariffs  of  '24  and  '28,  up 
lo  1837,  almost  everybody  was  in  debt,  and  no 
one  could  release  himself  withimt  a  gri  ,il  sacrillcn 
of  property.  Ileal  estate  would  not  bring  Iwo- 
Ihirils  of  ils  value  in  the  western  counlry,  and  the 
relief  laws,  requiring  land  to  sell  for  that  propot- 
lioii  of  ils  value  which  became  so  common  about 
llittt  time  in  the  West,  was  designed  to  protect  Ihe 


m 


958 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  19, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


7%c  Tariff— Mf,  Young. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


property  of  debtork  from  insupportable  sucrificcs. 
No  such  proUclion  would  have  been  needed,  if 
American  labor  had  kiecn  protected  in  due  time. 

But  it  is  not  nectssary  to  enter  into  a  minute 
description  of  the  sacrifices  and  sufl'ering  which 
followed  the  great  revulsion  to  which  1  liavc  allu- 
ded. It  must  be  deeply  impressed  upon  every 
man's  memory.  As  u>  1810,  so  in  1837,  debts, 
judgments,  mortgages,  executions,  creditors,  shcr- 
ifls,  were  snectrcs  which  haunted  men's  imagina- 
tions. Ana  this  state  of  things  lasted  until  after 
the  present  tarilV  became  a  law,  which  has  once 
more  brought  capital  into  the  counlrjv  and  given  a 
new  impulse  to  industry ,  and  is  gradually  restoring 
it  to  prosperity. 

Now,  sir,  I  have  given  a  rapid  sketch  of  the 
history  of  the  two  opposite  systems  of  free  trade 
and  protection,  and  of  the  strikingly  opposite 
elfects  which  have  uniformly  followed  them.  In 
the  face  of  such  facts,  what  more  can  gentlemen 
demand?  Arc  they  already  tired  of  the  benefits  of 
a  protective  policy  ?  Or  have  they  forgotten  the 
blessings  which  flowed  from  the  tarllf  of  '^4? 
Nav,  have  they  so  koou  forgotten  the  blessings 
wliich  have  flowed  from  our  present  tarill'.'  Uo 
tiicy  not  know,  fan  they  not  see,  that  lice  trade 
ims  always  brought  darkness  and  distress,  whilst 
protection  to  American  labor  has  always  brought 
pro.spcrity  and  light?  Why  is  it,  sir,  that  they 
eaiiiiot  read  those  awful  lessons  which  have  been 
so  deeply  engraved  upon  our  history?  Have  they 
heads  too  dull  to  be  instructed  by  experience,  or 
iiearts  too  hard  to  be  moved  by  sufl'ering?  No, 
sir,  but  they  are  so  devoted  to  their  blind  theories 
— so  fixed  in  their  dogged  notions— that  they  have 
no  eye  for  the  light,  and  no  ear  for  the  voice  of 
past  exixrienee. 

Sir,  their  devotion  to  theory  reminds  me  of  a 
great  philosopher  of  whom  I  have  read.  He  rea- 
soned it  nil  out,  and  came  to  the  sage  conclusion, 
that  if  two  glasses  were  constructed  in  a  certain 
mannerand  then  put  ti>geilicr,  the  point  of  conuict 
would  be  surrounded  by  rings  of  light.  Then  he 
constructed  the  glasses  and  jmt  them  together,  in 
pi  rfect  accoi-dancc  with  his  theory,  and,  lo '.  where 
lie  looked  for  light,  it  was  as  dark  as  midnight! 
lUu  did  he  give  u|)  his  theory?  No,  sir,  far  from 
it.  Just  so  is  it  with  your  free-trade  tlieorizers. 
They  have  always  predicted,  that  if  free  trade  be 
established,  lis;ht  and  prosperity  will  dawn  upon 
the  land;  whiicas,  in  point  of  fact,  darkness  and 
dismay  have  Ixtn  the  uniforni  result.  And  yet, 
like  the  philns.iphi  r,  they  still  cling  to  their  theo- 
ry. It  is  .'*aid,  sir,  that  liiets  are  stubborn  things, 
but  llicy  are  not  half  so  stubborn  as  some  of  your 
tlii-ori/.ers.  If  their  tin  oiics  merely  rehiled  to  a 
ipiistioii  in  optics,  it  Would  not  be  -so  bad;  but 
what  shall  we  say  of  ihrir  astoni.shing  peiseve- 
raiire,  when  It  relates  to  the  fortunes  and  happiness 
of  a  great  iiiUion? 

I  have  shown,  sir,  by  an  appeal  to  experience, 
that  the  prosperity  of  all  cla-sses  depends  upon  ihe 
protective  policy,  lint  as  we  are  .still  assailed  with 
IVee-iraile  diieinnes,  I  iiiienii  to  show  that  tlm.se 
doctrines  uif  as  false  in  theory  a.i  they  are  per- 
nicious ill  practice.  In  oilier  woiils,  1  iiiieiid  to 
show  how  It  is  that  free  trade  produces  tui  much 
ralaniity.aiid  how  it  is  i!..ii  orotectimi  i.s  the  source 
of  sM  niiiny  lilessinirs. 

Till-  iVci-traili  rs  allege  that  the  great  priiici|.le 
on  whlidi  lliiir  scheme  nsls  is,  liiat  legislation 
sliMJI  lie  for  the  good  of  all — of  the  tanner  as  well 
as  of  the  iiiicliaiiic;  of  the  coiisuiiK  r  as  well  as 
of  I  he  producer;  Mild  that  the  proKclivi'  policy 
"/crj<«  the  miHiifinlhclinlifU  (■/ llir  Jnr.''  Tins 
is  the  everlasli'ie;  cry  "f  our  o|ipiiiiiiiis,  ihiu  wc 
would  "  tax  the  iiiaiiy  fir  ihc'  lieiiilil  ol'  the  few;'' 
ihal  we  would  lii\  ev'cry  I'iriiier  and  ev(  ry  coiisii- 
iiH  r  in  llic  land  for  the  liciu  tit  of  ihe  iiianiil'iciiinr. 
Now,  sir,  this  asscitioii  is  ofieii  boldly  iii.ulc-,  lint 
it  has  never  been  proved;  and  if  it  can  la  prciMil, 
I  solennily  pledge  myself  In  aliaiidcin  tin'  piiiiciple 
of  proleclioii  fcirevc  r,  I'or,  sir,  I  would  scorn  In 
vole  for  any  law  wliich  I  believed  would  lie  t'cir  ilie 
biiidit  of  t'he  few  in  opposiiioii  to  ihe  iiilcn  si  of 
the  many.  And  i  acliocale  a  iiniti  cii\c  tarill',  be- 
cause I  liilien'  il  is  I'nr  ihegiicid  nf  all;  ((iii/n^ifciii/- 
/;(  for  till  giiml  of  llii  Jniinirs  iinil  consumirs.  Ilmv 
is  ihe  coiisiinier  and  firmer  taxed  by  the  larilf? 
I!y  layiiii;  a  doty  on  arlicles  iinpcirled  fur  coii- 
siiinpticiii,  we  an:  told  its  price  will  In-  increased, 
mid   ilie  consumer  will  have  to  pay  more  for  il.  j 


The  duty  is  added  to  its  former  price,  which  oddi- 
tional  sum  comes  out  of  the  pocket  of  the  consu- 
mer, and  goes  into  tlic  pocket  of  the  producer. 
Any  child,  we  arc  gravely  told,  may  see,  that  if 
an  article,  when  free  from  duty,  will  cost  only  one 
dollar,  that  a  iluty  of  fifty  cents  will  raise  its  price 
to  one  dollar  and  fifty  cents.  Such  is  the  great, 
the  everlastingly-repeated  arguinent  of  the  advo- 
cates of  the  theory  of  free  trade. 

My  reply  is  ns  follows:  It  is  true  that  any  child 
may  see  that  fifty  cents  added  to  one  dollar  makes 
one  dollar  and  fifty  cents.  But  is  this  the  great 
question  which  now  agitates  the  nation?  Have 
our  constituents  sent  us  here  merely  to  add  up 
figures,  and  then  make  known  Ihe  result?  If  so, 
then  "  any  child"  may  as  well  make  laws  for  us 
as  the  collected  wisdom  which  wo  here  behold 
assembled.  We  may  as  well  give  up  the  afl'aii-s 
of  the  country  co  a  calculating  machine,  and  go 
home  to  our  constituents.  But,  sir,  wc  have  more 
to  do  than  to  deal  with  sums  in  aildition:  we  must 
look  dce|)er  into  the  workings  of  human  afl'airs 
than  our  arithmetic  will  enable  us  to  penetrate. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  appeal  from  the  workings  of 
the  school-boy  on  his  slate,  to  the  workings  of 
human  nature  in  the  great  world  around  us.  If 
we  will  only  lay  aside  our  slates  and  pencils,  to 
take  tt  plain  and  iiractical  view  of  the  subject,  wo 
may  easily  see  haw  the  tarill',  when  it  all'ords 
sullicient  protection,  a'ways  reduces  the  price  of 
articles,  and  thereby  benefits  the  consumer.  If  wc 
will  only  take  common  sense  for  our  guide,  we 
may  easily  see  bow  things  (not  figures)  usually 
work  in  bringing  out  such  a  desirable  result. 

This  may  be  rendered  much  clearer  by  a  few 
examples  tlian  it  can  be  by  general  or  abstract  re- 
flections. We  might  select  a  hundred  articles, 
but  I  shall  rail  your  attention  to  only  a  few.  The 
price  of  window  glass  was  twelve  dollars  per  box; 
a  heavy  duty,  ranging  from  lOll  to  150  per  cent., 
was  levied  upon  it,  and  it  fell  lo  four  dollars  per 
box.  Now,  this  is  a  plain  matter  of  fact,  and,  on 
our  |)rinciples  it  may  ciisily  be  explained;  but  to 
the  advocates  of  free  trade,  it  must  appear  to  be 
one  of  the  greatest  mysteries  in  the  world.  As 
soon  as  gla.sa  was  protected  by  a  heavy  duty,  our 
citizens  went  into  the  business  of  making  it.  lAir 
in  this  country,  where  the  internal  trade  is  the 
freest  in  the  world,  any  man  can  go  into  any  busi- 
ness he  ple.ises  without  restraint.  The  great,  the 
asloiiishiiig  power  of  competition  soon  made  the 
supply  iibundant,  and  coiLsequently  the  price  fell 
as  above  slated.  Every  man  knows  tli.at  there  is 
nnihing  on  earth  like  eomnctiiion  lo  create  a  pup- 
ply;  and  that  the  more  abundaiil  the  sii|i|)ly,  the 
lower  the  price.  Now,  how  would  il  have  lieen 
if  llierc  had  liieii  no  proleclioii  ?  We  should  have 
been  icimpelleil  to  purcliasc  our  glass  fioni  Kiig- 
laiid,  when'  the  Hi«iiii,/lir(anr  /i«s  (o  ;mi/  «  lax  af  V2'> 
jitr  cntl.  (01  llif  ri'sl  if  iirviluilinti,  before  be  can  tai<e 
the  raw  material  and  jirepaie  it  for  market.  This, 
anioiij;  oiher  causes,  is  the  reason  why  «e  can 
mainiraclure  so  much  cheaper  ill  this  country  than 
they  can  in  I'^iic^laiid. 

In  the  nexl  placi',  let  us  lake  the  ease  of  coarse 
i;ottciiis.  The  price  of  tins  article  wns  o."i  cents  a 
yard;  and  after  a  duly  of  one  hiiiidnd  and  Iweiily- 
live  per  cciu.  wa.<  laid  upon  il,  it  fell  to  (i^  rents  a 
yard  !  Now,  how  will  the  thenrist  pnive  it  by  fi^'- 
iires,  thai  cvi  ry  man  who  buys  a  y.inl  of  domesiic 
coltcii  for  (ij  eeiils,  is  cnmpelled  to  pay  a  duty  of 
,'tH  eenis?  He  |iays  only  li^  cents;  and  yel,  il  wc 
may  believe  geiiileinen,  the  maiiul'aclurer  gels  .'III 
ci'iiis  out  of  this  siiiii,  and  out  of  every  oilier  11; 
ceiiis  which  llie  pour  farmer  or  coiisiiiiier  is  coiii- 
pellcd  lo  payl  It  lliey  can  make  tins  cml,  iliey  are 
certainly  i;iicid  at  fisiins.  Tlie  duty  on  e.itton 
shiriiiig  ill  l^<lfi  was  low  enoiu'h  for  .South  Caro- 
lina hersell':  and  in  \K\»,  tin  v  wen'  !JH  ceiils  per 
yanl.  In  |.'<;tl(,  al'ler  the  lii-li  tariff  of  IH'.'I-'.-*, 
ihey  wiTe  f-,'  cents.  In  I.'*:.':!,  :-aiinets  wire  '.lit 
c  c  Ills  pi  r  yard,  and  in  IKl'i,  tlic'  same  ipialiiy  was 
."ill  ceiiis.  Ii'lhe  farnier  wislii  .s  lo  Inue  '„'cicid  wiiriu 
c  lotliing  at  a  i  heap  price,  li  I  liiiii  look  at  lliese 
facts;  but  if  he  wishes  lo  be  clnilicil  wiih  limb- 
priced  iirticli  s  of  an  inferior  'pialily,  or  w'lli  fine- 
spun ilieiirii  s,  lei  him  llsieii  to  the  dreams  and  de- 
liisiiuis  cif  free -trade  thecirlsts. 

Mr.  Y.  would  be  re  slate;  to  the  gentleman  fnun 
fliciruia,  |Mr.  JeiNKS,|  who  seeine  el  to  think  lliul 
the:  duties  levied  by  the  laritVeif  IHl:i  are  onennis 
and  oppressive — 1  aver  in  my  place — that  our  citi- 


zens, who  purchase  American  manufactured  ar- 
ticles, such  ns  iron,  cottons,  calicoes,  glass,  and 
every  other  description  of  goods  and  wares,  do  not 
pay  one  cent  in  the  shape  of  duty  or  tax,  for  llio 
very  plain  reason  that  there  is  none  imposed  upon 
them.     In  point  of  fact,  no  man  pays  anything  in 
the  shape  of  turilT  duties  for  the  support  of  the 
Government,  except  those  who  purchase  foreign 
articles.    The  wealthy  men  of  the  country — those 
who  dress  themselves  in  British  broadcloths,  in 
French  doe-skin  cassimerc — those  who  dress  their 
wives  and  daughters  in  silks,  satins,  and  velvets — 
and  the  voluptuary  who  drinks  his  imported  wines 
|!  and  brandy — the.se  arc  the  individuals  who  pay  the 
'  tarifl"  duties,  who  support  the  Government;  and  I 
[!  repeal  again,  that  the  leas  wealthy  of  those  who 
'  purchase  articles  of  home  manufacture,  pay  not 
|!  one  cent  of  this  tax. 

I  [Mr.  Jones  here  interposed,  to  say  that  our  poor 
!  people  were  not  able  to  pay  for  foreign  goods,  they 
j  were  taxed  so  high.] 

Mr.  Young  replied,  that  il  is  evidenUhe  gentle- 
I  man  has  not  understood  me.     I  have*  just  stated 
I  facts,  to  prove  that  the  protective  tarifl",  instead  of 
raising  tlie  |)rices  upon  the  poor  man,  has  given 
[  him  his  cottons  at  C{  cents,  instead  of  2.'i  cents;  his 
glass  nt  (j:i,  instead  of  JilS;  ond  his  cotton  sheeting 
||  at  HJ  cents,  instead  of  1)8  cents.     All  the  articles 
1  which  the  poor  man  is  compelled  to  purchase  for 
1 1  the  use  of  his  family  have  been  reduced  in  price  in 
a  like  ratio,  under  the  influence  of  Ihe  tarifl'  sys- 
tem.    If  the  honorable  gentleman  will  only  impar- 
tially survey  the  history  of  the  tarifl'— its  influence 
upon  the  business  anil  prosperity  of  the  country, 
he  will  be  willing  to  concede  to  the  individuals  who 
conceived  the  policy,  and  the  Congress  who  enact- 
(!d  it,  the  appellation  of  benefaetors  of  their  race; 
and  he  will  be  at  once  able  to  see  that  it  is  the  poor 
man  who  is  pret'minently  benefited  and  relieveil  by 
Ihe  practical  workings  of  Ihe  sy.stem.     I  will  sny 
further  to  Ihe  genlleman,  if  anybody  has  a  right  to 
complain  of  taxes,  it  is  not  Ihe  poor  man,  but  the 
rich  and  luxurious.   Thegrcatglory  of  the  system 
is,  that  the  lax  is  voluntary.    No  iron-hearted  tax- 
gatherer  is  prowling  over  tlie  land,  and  imperiously 
elemanding  at  the  hamlet  of  the  poor  elay-laborer. 
This  system  has  prevaile'd  from  the  founilatieui  of 
I  the  Governmeiil,  and  nolhing  but  blessings  have. 
i  marked  its  course. 

The  reason  why  the  tarifl' brings  down  the  price 
of  cotton  goodsisplain.  Protiwtion  stimulates  eom- 
petition,  and  competition  produces  nbundanee;  ami 
abundance  causes  the  price  to  fall.  F.very  farnii  r 
must  see  how  this  is;  for  he  knows  when  tlie  e;rops 
are  heavy  and  abunelani  nil  over  the  country,  the 
price  is  sure  to  fidl.  The  saiiii'  may  be  said  of  cie( 
»ffi/s,  xhotf  Unit,  and  a  hiiiiilreil  etihe'r  article's;  all 
cif  which  have  been  reeliic.ed  in  price  by  the  e)prra- 
lion  of  the  tarill'.  Many  of  them  I'aii,  iiideeel,  be 
eiow  purchased  for  less  than  the  duty  imposed  upon 
them. 

Any  child  may  not  be  aide  to  Sep /inir  this  is:  but 
I  am  sine  any  sensible  farmer  can  see  il  as  plain  as 
nooiielay.  In  the  face  of  both  ri'uson  and  fads, 
gentlemen  may  raise  the  cry,  that  we  wonlil  "tax 
',  the  many  for  the'  benifil  of  the  few;"  but,  sir, 
wonlil  they  not  hiimhiij!;  Ihr  miiiiij  for  Ihe  binrl'it  nf 
lUrfur! 

In  reply  to  such  virws,  our  opponents  alw:iy^ 
ask,  if  vc>  c:ni  iiianiif  iciiin'  so  niiicli  clicapcr  thiiii 
(_in  at  l!rii:iiii,  we  do  imt  iie'eel  prolccliciii  ?  Tin' 
answe'r  to  this  epiesltoii  is  iilaiii.  We  can  lue'et 
Kiiglaiid  on  fiir  ;;niiiiiil,aiiil  on  eepial  terms;  but  it 
must  be  reMiienilie  ri'd,  ilial  her  vasi  resoiirre's  have 
been  develcipcd  iiiieler  Ilie  foslcrini:  inllueiice  of  llic 
prcileciivc  sysieiii  fur  ce  iiiunes.  I'he  niacbinerv 
which  sin'  has  iniw  in  ope'ralii'ii  can  elo  the;  wcir), 
of  two  Ininelre'd  niillnin.-.  of  Inboiers,  lliir  niaiiii- 
faciiini's  iiiipe'iiiceted,  and  in  a  sliile  of  inliiiicy, 
c.'iiiiiol  eiiier  Into  an  open  lie  Id,  and  liopc  lo  cctm- 
pele:  with  so  t,'ii;aiitic  a  power.  If  pniteciioii  wi'n: 
alicilisln  il  ami  free  tiailc:  eslalilishe'el,  her  sliipeii- 
etoiis  machinery,  set  in  niolioii  by  her  bouinlless 
capilal,  cciiilel  semii  throw  oil'  articles  eiioiii^h  to 
make  tlieni  so  cheap  in  this  country,  as  to  bre'iik 
down  all    our   maniifaciiires   ami    mi'chanie  arts. 

She iilel  easily  reali/e  the  threat  of  one  of  lier 

noble;  Lords,  that  we  shoiilil  iicii  e've'u  '*  manufac- 
tui'i'  a  hob  naiP'  in  ihis  country.  Her  iniineiise; 
iiiamil'aetiiriiig  esliiblishnn  nis  miuht  siislain  tlieiii- 
sclve's  by  selling  three-lbiirlbs  of  their  proeliictioiis 
in  the  home   market;  and  by  pouring  the  oiher 


line  19, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


959 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Young. 


Ho.  OP  Reps. 


tured  nr- 
nus,  and 


es,  do  not 
for  llio 
►simI  upon 
ytliins;  ill 
ort  of  ilic 
ic  foreign 
rv — Ihoso 

Mollis,    ill 

rciis  llicir 
velvcis — 
ted  wines 
o  pay  tli(! 
nt;  uiid  I 
lose  wlio 
pay  not 


fourth  in  this  country,  miglit  sweep  away  every- 
tbing  before  them.  The  hatter,'  the  tador,  the 
shoemaker,  the  blacksmith,  and  all  would  be  swept 
away,  as  in  former  times  when  the  same  system 
was  tried. 

And  what  would  England  then  do?  After  having 
brou;;lit  this  gigantic  power  to  bear  so  as  to  break 
ilawn  our  manufartmiiH,  and  to  overwhelm  our 
mechanic  arts,  shi:  would  then  demand  her  own 
price  for  whatever  we  mi^ht  happen  to  need.     Do 
wo  need  window  glass?    We  could  no  longer  buy 
it  for  $4  per  box.     We  should  have  to  pay — first, 
for  the  cost  of  production  in  Great  Britain ;  second- 
ly, for  the  hravij  taxes  wliieh  the  mamifiicturer  Ima 
had  to  pay  to  his  Govermnenl  upon  it;  and  thirdly, 
for  the  expense  of  transpoitation.     l>o  we  need 
coarse  cotton?    Then  we  could  not  Imy  it  for  what 
the  cost  of  the  raw  material,  adih  il  to  the  expense  I 
of  manufacturing  it,  and  the  prntit  of  the  niauufac-  j 
Inrer.     No,  we  should  have  to  |M»y — first,  for  the  1 
raw  material;  secondly,  for  the  expense  of  trans-  j 
porlation  to  (iroat  Britain;  thirdly,  for  the  cost  of , 
production  there;  fourthly,  for  the  taxes  paid  by  the 
inamifiiclurcr  to  his  Oorcmment;   fifthly,  for   the  \ 
)irofit  the  manufacturer  gets  from  the  British  mer-  | 
ilmnl;  sixthly,  for  the  expense  of  transportation  ' 
buck  to  this  country  again;  seventhly,  for  the  profit 
the  American  merchant  has  had  to  pay  the  British  : 
merchant;  and  eighthly,  the  profit  the  consumer  ■ 
has  to  pay  to  the  American  merchant,  wholesale 
or  retail.     I  have  not  spoken  of  the  advantages  1 
arising  from  the  possession  of  water  power,  and 
the  superior  skill  and  ingenuity  of  our  workmen,  ! 
because  this  may  be  set  olT  against  the  cheap  labor  | 
of  England.     Now,  after  all  these  things  are  taken 
into  the  account,  it  is  no  wonder  that  tlic  article  of  j 
coarse  cotton,  when  manufactured  in  Great  Britain 
should  cost  us  so  much;  and  that  the  price  sljould 
be  brought  down  by  protection  and  competition 
under  it.    The  same  remarks  eve'      person  will 
sec,  may  be  extended  to  other  articles,  which  our 
people  must  have. 

Now,  here  I  wish  it  to  be  marked,  and  forever 
borne  in  mind,  by  every  farmer  and  consumer  in 
the  land,  that  under  the  system  of  free  trade  he 
iiiiMl  pay  the  taxes  of  the  Ilritish  Government.  He 
must  help  ta  support  llie  grandeur  and  maj^ni/tcence  of 
Uritish  royally.  This  is  indeed  taxing  the  many, 
not  for  the  benefit  of  the  few,  but  for  the  benefit 
(if  rich  capitalists  and  foreigners.  Let  the  fiirninrs 
(if  this  country  ponder  this,  and  weigh  it  in  their 
hearts,  lest  they  shall  be  deceived  l)y  the  false 
promises  of  free  trade. 

Mr  Chairman,  the  niannerin  which  these  things 
work  may  be  renderi'd  clearer,  perhaps,  by  a  sim- 
ple illustration.  There  is  a  well-known  line  of 
Kiages  ill  Kentucky,  which  runs  between  Louis- 
ville and  Kiankfort.  The  proprietors  compel  every 
pas.seiigcr  to  pay  three  dollars.  This  lins  been 
considered  a  high  price,  and  others  have  thought 
they  could  utlord  to  carry  passengers  between  the 
same  points  for  two  dollars  each.  This  has  been 
uiidenakcn  by  opposilion  lints:  but  always  with 
one  result.  The  proprietors  of  the  old  line  are 
rich,  and  when  a  new  line  has  been  slarled,  tlioy 
reduce  the  price  to  one  dollar;  and  they  have  been 
known  111  carry  passengers  for  fifiy  cents,  anil  1 
liilieve  for  iiotliing.  Now,  the  new  line  being 
roinpai'iilively  poor  could  not  stand  this  ruinous 
toiiipelilion  lis  loiii:  i\s  the  old  one,  and  was  roiii- 
pilli  d  to  sink  iinilir  il.  And  al'iir  having  iiccom- 
pliMhcd  this  work,  lli(^  old  line  has  always  reliirni'd 
to  ils  old  cliaige  of  lliiee  dollars.  Now,  this  is 
the  way  ill  wliiili  luinian  luitiiie  always  vsorks; 
and  siii'li  is  the  ad vaiilage  which  capital  and  wriilih 
always  Imve  over  poverty  and  eiilcrprlsc.  The 
appllciitioii  is  easy:  (.irrat  Mriliiiii  willi  her  vast 
riipltiil,  and  I  had  aliiiosi  said  willi  lie:  oninipotiiit 
iiiai'hincry,  i.<  till- old  lino,  and  An.eiiiii  Is  llie  new. 
Wc  iiiiist  have  protection,  sir,  or  else  destruction 
10  out"  lii.st  iiitcrcsls. 

I  have  now  shown  that  the  farmer  is  benefited 
by  the  Airori'Mii  policy;  lieiiuise  it  reduces  the 
price  III'  sriiclcs  wiiii'li  lir  is  conipcllod  and  ncciis- 
loined  lo  coiisiinir;  and  I  have  also  sliowii  /i»ii<  it 
|iioduc(TS  ihisdi'siriililr  result.  I  have  shown  lliis, 
not  by  appealing  lo  iihslnicl  nolions  and  figures, 
lint  by  appealing  to  ilic  |iriiii'ipli'S  of  ciiininon 
M'lise,  to  Ihe  well-known  workings  of  liiininn  na- 
ture. In  the  III  lit  pi, II  I',  I  inleiid  lo  show  llint  the 
same  policy  bi'iicfils  the  farmer,  hy  providiiij!;  him  u 
gi/ii((  marlielfor  ivhat  he  hits  tu  sell. 


But  gentlemen  contend,  that  wo  ought  to  buy 
from  England  her  manufactured  articles,  ond  sell 
her  the  products  of  oxir  farms  in  return.    Grcatsti   is 
has  been  laid  upon  this  point,  since  the  contem- 
plated repeal  of  the  corn  laws  in  England.    The 
honorable  gentleman  from  Georgia  [Mr.  Jonkh] 
congrntnlnti^d  himself  and  the  country  unon  the 
repeal  of  the  corn  laws,  and  seemed  to  think,  as 
the  ports  of  England  are  opened  to  our  wheat,  our 
pork  and  beef,  we  only  have  to  send  these  articles 
there  in  great  abundance  in  order  to  reap  a  golden 
harvest.     But,  let  us  take  a  calm  and  deliberate 
view  of  this  important  subject,  and  not  suffer  oiir- 
selves  to  be  misled  by  vague  and  unsubstantial 
hopes.    In  sober  truth,  I  will  sny  to  the  gentleman 
that  the  repeal  of  the  corn  laws'in  England  can  do 
the  ftirmor  in  this  country  little  or  no  good.    Tliis 
may  be  made  perfectly  plain  to  the  most  commrin 
;  capacity.     Before  any  change  was  thought  of  in 
'  the  corn  laws,  the  gentleman  ki\pws  that  we  could 
'  carry  wheat  into  England,  by  the  way  of  Canada, 
and  only  pay  four  shillings  ilutv  on  eight  bushels, 
'  that  is,  one-half  .shilline  per  bushel.    The  duty  on  i 
i  wheat  imported  into  Enslnnd  from  the  shores  of  | 
j  the   Baltic,  was  fifteen   shillings  upon  the  same  j 
quantity,  and  yet,  with  this  great  advantage  in  our 
favor,  having  to   pay  only  four  shillings  duty,  : 
',  where  importers  from  the  Baltic  have  to  pay  fif-  ; 
'  Icen,  he  knows  we  have  not  been  able  to  compete  ^ 
I  with  them.     ^~nf-tenllis  of  all  the  trheat  imported  i 
1  into  England  is  from  the  Bailie.     Now,  sir,  sup-  I 
pose  there  were  no  duly  nt  all,  how  could  we  com-  ; 
I  pete  with  such  a  rival  ?   She  now  sends  to  England  i 
'  nine  times  as  much  wheat  as  all  the  other  nations  1 
'.  put  together;  and  she  is  so  much  nearer  to  Ens;-  j 
land,  and  her  labor  is  so  much  cheaper,  that  she  j 
I  only  wants  free  trade  to  take  that  market  entirely 
out  of  our  hands.     Sir,  we  must  have  a  homo 
i  market  for  our  produce;  it  is  vain  and  idle  to  look  ; 
to  England;  and,  besides,  there  are  several  other  i 
regions  from  which  England  c.in  buy  wheat  much  ' 
'  cheaper  than  she  can  from  this  country;  for  exam-  ! 
pie,  Holland  and  Ihe  Germanic  Slates.     This  fact 
IS  plainly  and  distinctly  announced  by  Lord  Ash-  { 
■  burton  in  one  of  his  laic  speeches;  and  if  she  can 
do  so,  of  wliii:h  there  is  no  doxiht,  we  may  depend 
'  upon  ilshe  will  follow  her  own  interest.    She  may  \ 
try  to  humbug  IIS  with  the  repeal  of  her  corn  laws.  ' 
[1  She  may  try  to  make  us  believe  it  is  all  liberality 
;  upon  her  part,  and  those  who  are  always  crying  ! 
I  nut  njninst  "  British  Whigs,"  may  help  her  lo  ; 
;  spread  this  delusion  over  the  minds  of  niir  people;  ' 
i  but  we  may  depend  upon  it  that  she  will  do  notli-  | 
t    ing  but  what  is  for  Iier  own  interest.     She  will  I 
'   give  us  clinfl',  but  she  expects  something  belter  j 
ii  than  our  wheat  in  return.     She  wants  a  free  en- 
I   trance  into  our  ports  with  her  nmnuftictures  and 
i    her  merchandises,  in  order  that  she  may  enter  in  i 
;   and  take  possession  of  our  ninrkel,  and   luxuriate 
I   amid  the  spoils  and  Ihe  riches  and  the  glories  of 
.    which  we  shall  be  deprived,  if  we  are  weak  enough 
to  listen  to  her  aiders  and  abettors  in  this  country. 
1      As  to  beef,  sir,  there  arc  roiinlries  where  this  is 
so  plenty  it  is  often  fed  lo  the  fowls  of  the  air:  we 
'    ninv  be  easily  supplanted  by  them,  or  by  persons 
I    trading  with  them.     In  the  Arirentine  IJepiiblic  it 
is  a  very  common  thing  lo  kill  beef  merely  for  the 
liiile;  and  only  let  the  ports  of  fircat  Itrilaiii  be 
thrown  open,  and  ihe  lieef  v.liicli  is  llirre  foiiiiil  in 
so  '^reiil  aliniidnnce  will  soon  find  ils  way  into  her 
market,  so  as  ell':  i-iiially  to  exihide  us  from  it. 

There  hit  t'inr  serious  objcclions  lo  a  relinnce 
upon  a  roroisn  iiiiirkrl  for  the  farmer.  In  llie  first 
I>l,.ce,  Ihe  articles  which  they  produce,  such  ;is 
will  111,  pcirk,  mid  beef,  nre  so  heavy  thai  the  Iran.s- 
porlalion  of  llicni  is  rxceedinu'ly  rxpeiisive.  Sec- 
ondly, the  rni'pi::ii  marlvct  is  loo  iiiirriViiiii.  It  can 
be  profii.ibli'  only  when  there  is  scarcity  in  olher 
parts  of  llie  worlil,  which  can  lia|ipcii  but  seldom. 
,:  Ili'iicc,  if  we  ilepeni!  ii|ioii  lliat  iiiarkit  as  ii  regular 
I'  outlet  for  onr  surplus  ngriciillural  lu'oiliice,  our 
nirmerswill  be  sadly  disap|ininled.  Thirdly,  labor 
is  generally  so  much  cbcapor  in  most  countries 
,  than  it  is  in  lliis,  llint  we  cannot  go  into  foirisn 
markets  and  ciinipele  with  others  in  such  heavy 
articles  as  lliose  above  named.  And,  fourthly,  the 
foreiiru  market  is  comiinratively  iiisiunificanl. 

I'or  the  year  begiiniinir  on  the  1st  day  of  .Inly, 
|H4I,  and  eiidins  on  the  31llli  day  of  .Tune,  IH.t5, 
I    llie  ITiiiied  .Sinirs  e\|iorleil  lo  all  llie  world — 

I   Wheat,  :is'.l.7l(!  bushels,  wiirili <;:i:tn,77!) 

'    I'lour,  l.l'AUSO  bands,  worth .'i^a'JS,.'iD3 


Pork,  including  bacon, lard,  und'hogs. .   3,091,'iei4 
Beef,  including  tallow,  hides,  and  horned 
cattle 1,926,809 


Total  amount 10,G.'i;l,4fi5 


Such  was  the  full  extent  of  the  exports  of  those 
articles  during  the  year  aforesaid.  It  is  merely  a. 
drop  in  the  bucket  when  compared  with  tlie  con- 
sumption of  our  home  market. 

It  clearly  appears,  then,  that  we  must  have  a 
home  market  to  which  the  produce  of  our  farmers 
may  be  consuintly  carried,  upon  which  a  constant 
reliance  may  be  placed,  and  which  will  consume 
largely  of  our  agricultural  products.  All  these 
thiiiga  we  need,  and  they  can  be  secured  to  the 
farmer  only  by  the  protective  policy. 

Let  us  now  look  at  the  extent  and  iriportance  of 
the  home  market.  There  are  at  least  seven  hundred 
thou.sand  persons,  nt  this  time,  in  the  nianufactoriea 
and  the  mechanic  arts  of  the  country.  Each  person 
so  engaged  supports  at  least  two  persons  besides 
hinisclf  by  his  labor.  Hence  there  are  at  least  two 
millions  anJone  hundred  thousand  persons  who  are 
directly  dependent  upon  those  branches  of  labor  for 
support.  And  if  we  add  to  these,  as  we  should  do, 
all  those  whose  labor  is  necessary  to  keep  these 
manufactories,  &c.,  in  operation — all  the  raisers  of 
wool  for  the  use  of  the  woollen  factories — all  the 
raisers  of  cotton  for  the  use  of  the  cotton  facaries — 
all  the  raisers  of  hemp  for  the  use  of  the  hemp 
factories — and  all  those  who  work  in  our  mines  for 
other  factories — in  short,  all  persons,  of  every  kind 
and  description,  who  do  not  produce  wheat,  or 

Iiork,  or  beef,  but  whose  labor  is  cm|  loyed  to 
[ccp  up  the  manufactories  and  the  mechanic  pur- 
suits, there  cannot  be  less  than  four  millions  of 
persons,  whom  tl.e  farmers  of  the  country  must 
supply  with  pork,  flour,  and  beef,  to  say  uolhing 
of  other  articles,  i  'id,  considering  the  mainicr  in 
which  the  manufiicluiers  and  the  mechanics  live 
in  this  bountiful  land,  I  would  ask,  is  it  not  a  rea- 
sonable calculation  lo  say  that  it  will  cost  for  each 
twenty-five  cents  n  day?  If  so,  then  you  have  a 
daily  expenditure  of  one  million  uk  noLLAiis,and 
in  one  year  it  amounts  to  the   enormous  sum  of 

THHEE     IIUNORED      AND      SlXTV-FIVE      MILLIONS     OF 

DOLLAUs,  paid  to  the  fanners  Ibr  the  products  of 
their  ftirms.  But  say  llint  it  will  require  only 
Iwclve-and-a-half  cenis  to  feed  each  of  these  four 
millions  of  persons  engaged  in  the  various  miiiiu- 
facluring  antl  mechanic  pursuits,  and  you  have 
then  the  daily  sum  of  five  hundred  tiioi'sand 
DOLLARS  paiil  out  10  the  farmers,  and  in  one  year 
it  amounts  to  one  iiiNnnED  and  eighty  ono  hil- 
LiiiNs  OF  DOLLARS.  Ilcncc  here  is  a  market  U'hiek 
hiihU  out  lo  Ihe  farmers  of  Ihe  country  the  round  lillle 
sum  of  near  two  ihndked  millions  of  dollars 

FOR  THEIR  FLOUR,  CORN,  PORK,  AND  BEEF.   Bc- 

ware,  ye  dreaming  free-trade  theorists,  how  you 
venture  to  pluck  this  market  from  their  hands,  lest 
the  rising  indignation  of  the  people  burst  upon  you 
in  a  resistless  storm. 

We  have  seen  that  the  manufactures  and  me- 
chanic aris,now  in  operation  tliroiighout  the  conn- 
iry,  support  four  nullions  of  human  beings:  llii.^ 
vast  miillilnde  are  clothid  and  fed  by  those  who 
are  employed  in  such  labor.  Their  food  is  pur- 
chased from  Ihe  farmer;  whereas,  if  tliiy  were 
thrown  out  of  such  einploymenl,  ihcy  would  bo 
compelled  to  produce  llieir  own  IVioil,  and  the  liiiiii- 
er  would  be  robbed  of  his  best  market — a  iiiiuket 
which  is  not  only  sreat  nt  jii(senl,  but  which  is 
fast  srowing  into  extent  and  iniporiance.  If  onr 
niaiiiifactorii's  are  only  eiicnurageil,  jui-uKiuenlly 
eiicoiiraied,  in  a  fi'W  years  il  will  be  foiuiil  ihiit 
the  millions  who  are  dependant  iijioii  them  will  be 
increased  twofold.  Il  already  liirnislies,  as  we 
have  seen,  two  hiindreil  millions  of  dollars  lo  buy 
up  the  produce  of  the  I'arnieis;  and,  under  llie  pro- 
tective policy,  il  iiuisl  continue  In  swell  llils  vast 
iinioiint  into  a  tide  of  prospeiily  which  has  never 
lilessed  the  farmers  of  this  ciiiiiitry.  Just  in  pro- 
poriion  as  mamifiiclories  shall  spi  ing  up,  and  Ihe 
meelianics  be  increiised,  so  in  proportion  will  iii- 
creii.se  the  demand  for  agriciiliiiral  products.  Ihit 
let  Ibis  policy  be  destroyed,  and  that  instant  this 
tideof  piosiieritv  will  begin  to  ebb;  and  the  liirnier 
will  soon  liiid  himself  without  a  markci  lor  his 
prodiii  e,  and  wiihout  a  reward  for  his  labor.  Who 
can  ineiisnii'  the  extent  of  the  ciilamilies  willi 
whicli  such  a  mad   policy  must  inevitably  over- 


m'^'' 


si*,' 


i 

if 

il 

V 

f>i 


960 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGHf^SlONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  24, 


29tr  Cono.....1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Gottamer. 


Ho.  OF  Reps-. 


whelm  the  great  body  of  the  people,  and  eapecially 
the  fUrmcra. 

Let  ua  look  at  this  subject  in  another  important 
lislit.  If  our  present  home  mnrket  is  prcacri'cci, 
wimt  a  consumption  of  flour,  of  pork,  and  of  beef! 
On  a  moderate  calculation,  all  those  now  depend- 
in-;  on  manufactbres  would  consume  per  annum 
ciifhtmillionsofhon^s,  eight  millions  of  beeves,  and 
ci?ht  millions  of  barrels  of  flour;  odd  to  these  the 
oilier  articles  of  food,  and  they  will  amount  to  two 
or  three  hundred  millions  of  dollars.  The  exports 
of  this  country,  including  butter,  cheese,  lanf,  ba- 
con, pork,  beef,  and  flour,  to  nil  Europe,  in  184.5, 
amounted  to  eleven  nnd  a  half  millions  of  dollars. 
Would  it  not  be  folly  and  madness  for  tlie  liu-mers 
of  this  country  to  consent  to  surrender  a  trade,  for 
their  nsricultural  productions,  amounting  to  two 
or  three  hundred  millions,  for  one  amounting  to 
but  eleven  or  twelve  millions  of  dollars?  And 
would  there  not  l>e  ns  much  wisdom,  prudence, 
nm.  management,  in  throwing  away  forty  or  fifty 
dollars  for  the  chance  of  finding  one? 

Now,  let  ns  suppose  that  the  manufactures 
should  be  no  longer  protected,  that  they  niiglil  be 
broken  down  by  a  repeal  of  the  present  tariiV,  and 
an  inllu>;  of  foreign  goods,  wares  and  merchandise; 
the  consequence  is  as  plain  as  it  is  terrific.  These 
millions  will  l)e  thrown  out  of  employ  ment.  They 
will  betake  themselves  to  the  cultivation  of  the 
soil.  The  market  will  be  gone,  the  demand  anni- 
hilated, and  the  supply  greatly  increased.  Every- 
body will  have  plenty  to  sell,  and  nobody  wishing 
to  liny.  The  produce  of  the  farmer  will  rot  in 
bis  barn,  and  his  labor  will  go  without  its  reward. 
The  price  of  labor  will  be  reduced  so  low  that  it 
will  cease  to  siimulate  industry,  and  those  awful 
scenes  of  distress  which  have  always  followed  the 
overthrow  of  the  protective  policy,  will  again  be 
witnessed,  will  again  be  felt,  and  the  deep  heavings 
of  a  resistless  and  discontented  spirit  will  again 
«!;iiale  the  foundations  of  society.  And  all  this 
will  lie  done  under  the  flimsy  pretext  that  the  war 
carried  on  against  the  tarill'  is  a  war  in  favor  of 
the  farmer,  and  agnittsl  Ihe  mamifacturtr. 

Sir,  I  protest  against  all  such  appeals  to  the 
lowest  pa-ssions  of  our  nature.  If  any  man  has 
made  himself  rich  by  industry  and  economy,  he 
should  je  welcome  to  his  riches;  and  if  he  ini-esU'j 
them  in  manufactures,  by  which  the  poor  laborer 
finds  employment,  every  honest  man  and  true  pa- 
triot should  rejoice  in  his  eiiterjirisc.  I  would 
scorn,  sir,  to  try  to  set  tbc  poor  against  the  rich, 
or  the  rich  against  the  pocir;  to  "set  the  farmer 
ajalnst  the  manufacturer,  or  the  manufaeturer 
against  the  farmer;  lo  set  any  one  class  of  citizens 
av;»inst  any  other  class:  it  is  the  dirty  work  of 
demagogues  to  do  such  tliiii;s.  In  my  humble 
opinion,  it  becomes  the  statesninn  to  seek  to  pro- 
niolo  the  imorest  of  all,  and  especially  to  make  all 
feel  that  they  have  a  coiimiou  stake  in  the  pro.s- 
jierity  of  the  country. 

If  it  be  mean;,  by  the  appeals  of  the  demagosnie, 
that  llie  niiiiiuractiin'r  will  leap  all  the  profits  of 
the  protective  policy,  and  the  poor  laborer  will 
reap  iiiilliiii'.',  it  is  not  true.  Wc  have  seen  that 
it  is  false;  tor  wc  have  seen  that,  unless  the  pro- 
lertive  policy  be  preserved,  labor  itself,  labor  of 
all  kinds,  will  be  robbed  of  its  reward.  And,  if 
tile  prt'ju'iire  to  which  drnuigogues  would  appeal, 
exists  anywhere,  it  is  as  blind  ;is  it  is  base.  Siip- 
pnse  that  we  should  encoui-aire  this  prejudice — 
Hiippose  we  slionlil  make  war  upon  *'  the  iiianu- 
faciurer,"  end  prostrate  his  uiidertakincs  in  the 
diisl;  do  we  not  see,  have  we  not  seen,  llir.t  mil- 
lions would  be  thr'iwn  out  of  emjilovnicnt  ?  Do 
wn  not  see  tiiat  inilliinis  would  be  fnrc.d  to  aban- 
don their  trades,  and  go  to  farniiiig?  iJo  we  not 
see  that  millions  would  be  ruined,  irretrievably 
ruined?  Weiiiay  ilepend  upon  it,  to  make  war  upon 
any  one  member  of  this  great  comimiiiity  in  which 
we  live,  is  to  make  war  upon  the  whole  body, 
and  that  every  other  member  will  siillVr  with  it. 

I  have  said,  sir,  that  the  prejiidire  whieii  wiaild 
make  war  upon  the  rich  manufacturer,  as  he  is 
called,  by  breaking  down  the  protective  policy,  is 
as  blind  as  it  is  base.  It  is  base,  because  it  is  a 
prejiidice  which  springs  from  the  lowest  and  vilest 
jiassioiis  of  our  nature;  and  it  Is  blind,  berause  it 
aims  at  it  knuws  not  what,  except  it  aims  at  the 
di'struction  of  its  objeit.  It  would  pull  down  the 
inaiiiifacturcr;  nnd  what  then?  It  would  till  the 
Pd liner  not  to  purchase  from  his  own  inanufaclurer, 


who  pays  the  laborer  well;   but  lo  what  end? 
Why,  »ir,  that  he  may  b*  compelled  to  buy  fl-om 
the  over/rroirn  capitalist  and  rich  mamifacturer  of 
Great  Britain,  atid  that  he  may  be  compelled  to 
pay  him  a  far  higher  price.  There  must  bo  laborers 
and  manufacturers  both,  somewhere;  and  the  only 
difierence  between  ijentlemen  and  ourselves  is,  that 
they  would  uphuUrand  support  the  laborers  and 
manufacturers  of  E^urope,  whilst  we  would  uphold 
and  support  the  laborers  and  manufacturers  of  our 
own  country,  by  whom  we  are  upheld  and  sup- 
ported.    The  protective  policy  is  the  great  cohe- 
sive attraction  which  binds  together  the  dillerent  i 
elements   of   national    greatness  and   prosperity.' 
Break  down  this,  and  you  dissolve  that  unity, 
upon  which  depends  every  branch  of  industry  and  | 
I  every  business  avocation  among  the  citizens  of  j 
I  this  vast  Confederacy,   in  view  of  all  these  things,  I 
I  why  should  the  protective  policy  be  abiuidoiied?  | 
>  Surely  the  wisdoijp,  the  unspeakable  importance,  I 
I  of  this  policy  has  been  exnibited  in   cliaracters  j 
j  which  cannot  be  mistaken;  it  has  been  deeply  en-  [ 
graven  upon  every  page  of  our  history.     But  will 
I  It  be  said,  as  usual,  that  the  prosperity  and  bless- 
ings, which   have  always  attended  the  tariff,  have 
'  not  flowed  from  it,  but  from  something  else;  and  '. 
tliut  the  poverty  nnd  distress  whi(;h  have  uniformly  ! 
j  followed  the  opposite  policy,  did  not  actually  flow  j 
:  from  free  trade,  but  from  some  other  source?     Ifj 
1  so,  1  can  only  say  that  I  infinitely  prefer  the  happy  I 
j  blunder  which  never  fails  to  bring  so  much  good  ! 
j  'n  practice,  to  the  great  and  glorious  theory  which 

would  do  so  much  good,  which  would  cause  a  . 

j  universal  smile  of  prosperity  to  beam  upon  the  j 

'  land,  IF  it  were  not  always  attended  by  some  evil  \ 

!  genius,  some  malignant  demon,  that  breathes  inil- 

1  dew  and  blasting  from  its  shrivelled  lips.     Yes,  sir, 

give  me  the  theory  which  has  always  worked  well 

ill  practice,  and  away  with  your  beautitu!  visions, 

upon  which  experience  has  stamped  the  seal  of 

condemnation. 

Again,  it  is  altogether  important  to  the  We.st, 
and  especially  the  Suite  of  Kentucky,  that  the  tariff 
system  shall  be  sustained.  Just  so  far  us  nurturing 
the  manufitcturersof  cotton  goods  will  increase  the 
culture  of  the  raw  article,  and  just  so  far  as  the 
duty  upon  sugar  will  enable  tlie  sugar  planter  to 
compete  with  foreign  sugar,  and  to  furnish  it  to 
the  consumers  in  this  country  at  n  moderate  price 
— just  so  far  will  we  be  directly  benefited;  for  it 
is  upon  this  market  wc  are  entirely  dependent  for 
the  sale  of  our  surplus  agricultural  productions, 
and  for  the  sale  of  our  stock,  incluiling  horses, 
mules,  hogs,  sheep,  and  catlle.  Now,  if  by  any 
means  you  break  down  these  ini|M>rUint  agricul- 
tural pursuits  111  the  Siaitli,  they  will  raise  their 
own  grain,  their  own  horses,  mules,  &c.  I  ask, 
where  then  will  you  have  a  mart  for  the  sale  oi 
these  artichs?  All  your  siiplus  will  lie  valueless 
upon  your  hands,  becjiuse  you  will  have  no  mar- 
ket to  send  it  to,  and  no  one  to  purchase  it. 

Mr.  VouNo's  hour  having  expired,  he  remarked 
that  there  were  other  proofs  in  support  of  the  larilV 
which  he  wished  to  prcseiil,  and  lie  also  desired  to 
diiit'iiss  the  sub-treasury  system,  but  his  tune  was 
exImuHtud. 


THE  TAIIIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  COLLAMER, 

OF  VERMONT, 
I.v  THE  IIorsK  Of  Ukpresentatives, 
Jaiit  ai,  1846. 
The  bill  reported  by  the  (!oiiiniitlec  of  Ways  and 
MeaiLS,  proposing  to  reduce  the  duties  on  liii- 
piu'ls,   being  iiitiler  consiileratioti  ill  Ciuiimiltce 
of  the  Wlicije  on  the  slate  of  the  Union — 
Mr.  CULLAMEllsaid: 

Mr.  Ciiaiiimam:  I  am  sensible  that  speeches  in 
this  1  louse,  on  the  great  siibjecis  of  national  policy, 
are  generally,  for  all  the  purposes  of  hgiliniale 
discussion,  that  is,  to  persuade  and  convince  the 
hearer,  of  little  or  no  use.  1  shall  therefore  not 
attempt  to  cinnniaild  attention  by  a  furred  eleva- 
tion of  voice,  but  so  speak  as  that  all  may  hear  me 
who  ilrsire  .so  to  do,  and  I  do  nut  expect  the  atten- 
tion of  those  who  iriti  iitit  luar. 

At  Ihe  commencement  of  this  session  the  atten- 
tion o(  Congress  was,  both   by  tliu  President's 


messagd  and  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  drawn  to  the  duty  of  remodelling  and 
changing  our  system  of  national  policy  by  an  en- 
tire new  tariff  of  dutie^i.  Whatever  of  misrejire- 
sentation  or  doubt  existed,  in  some  sections  of  Ihe 
country,  as  to  the  course  to  be  taken  by  the  new 
Administration  on  this  subject,  all  now  is  made  cer- 
tain. For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  our  Gov- 
ernment the  Executive  has  openly  nnd  uncondi- 
tionally espoused  the  doctrine  of  free  trade,  by  dis- 
carding, as  impolitic  and  uncomtilulimtal,  all  such 
discriminations  in  raising  a  revenue  ns  are  design- 
ed to  foster,  encourage,  and  protect  any  bmncli  of 
home  production  or  fabric,  however  necessary  that 
article  may  be,  even  to  our  national  independence. 
These  Executive  papers  lay  down  certain  princi- 
ples on  which  the  tariff  siiould  be  formed  anil 
moulded.  They  were  referred  to  the  Committee 
of  Ways  and  Means,  which  reported  the  bill  now 
under  consideration,  which  is  the  visible  manifes- 
tation and  embodiment  of  those  principles.  Such 
are  its  genend  principles  and  leading  characteristics. 
A  few  Items  have  been  inserted  inconsistent  with 
its  general  principles;  but  it  is  quite  obvious  that 
this  has  only  been  done  to  catch  a  few  more  voles 
to  secure  its  present  ]iassage,  and  that,  loo,  with 
the  avowed  intention  of  ultimately  destroying  those 
features  ns  soon  hereafter  ns  practicable. 

This  bill,  then,  was  reported  to  be  ridopted  as  a 
groat,  permanent,  nnd  abiding  national  policy. 
Since  it  was  formed  and  reported,  and  within  a 
few  days,  it  is  suggested  that  now  other  entire  new 
provisions  must  be  added,  in  order  to  raise  more 
revenue,  called  for  by  the  present  war. 

It  is  to  me  difficult  to  perceive  the  propriety  of 
any  such  alteration,  nnd  I  protest  against  it,  as  well 
for  the  general  cause,  as  for  ihe  sake  even  of  those 
who  arc  proposing  the  new  policy.  This  bill  was 
presented  as  a  new  modelling  of  our  whole  national 
policy,  as  an  enduring  measure  for  all  time  to 
come.  Surely,  then,  it  is  disingenuous  now  to 
attempt  to  pass  it  into  a  law  by  mere  temporary 
provisions,  adapted  only  to  a  condition  of  wiu. 
This  would  be  to  abandon  Ihe  project,  as  testing 
our  general  and  abiding  principles,  and  its  friends 
would  be  recreant  to  the  doctrines  they  profess. 
If  they  have  confidence  in  the  principles  on  which 
this  bill  was  foruM  d;  if  they  profess  any  degree 
of  fairness  and  inu;einiousnc.ss  in  argument,  ihey 
will  not  now  attempt  to  bolster  up  and  carry 
through  this  bill  by  attaching  to  it  provisions  tem- 
porary in  their  character,  however  important.  If 
the  exigencies  of  the  war  require  any  temporary 
and  peculiar  provision  of  money,  ns  no  doubt  they 
will,  let  a  bill  providing  therefor  be  presented  by 
itself;  but  let  not  this  be  mingled  with,  and  em- 
barrass the  great  question  of,  our  abiding  iialioiinl 
policy.  The  true  question  before  us  is,  whellier 
Ihe  radical  change  in  our  system,  recomniended 
by  Ihe  I'rcsidcnt  and  Secretary,  shoiihl  be  adopted 
and  carried  out  ns  a  permament  system,  sound  in 
iis  principles,  nnd  enduring  in  its  character.  Some 
gentlemen — yes,  many  gentlemen  present — no 
doubt  sincerely  enlertained  this  opinion,  however 
strnnje  it  may  appear  to  others.  The  question 
was  iietween  a  tarllV,  anioimllng,  in  ell'eci,  to  actual 
free  foreign  trade,  and  a  tarilflo  raise  the  revenue, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  dlKcriininale  for  proteciiini. 
This  is  the  dividini;  point.  It  is  a  question  wlili'h 
has  long  njitated  the  country.  Now,  lei  (reiitlemeii 
come  up  to  the  mark,  and  meet  it  mnnriilly.  If 
the  majority  ill  this  House  believe  that  a  free-trade 
lariir,  formed  as  recommended  by  the  Hxeculive, 
will  best  raise  the  revenue, and  beneficially  advance 
the  best  nnd  permanent  interest  of  the  country,  let 
them  try  it;  and,  when  tried,  if  it  works  badly, 
they  must  take  the  respoiisibllitv  of  the  cotise- 
qiiences,  and  should  have  the  fraiikiiess  to  ac- 
knowledge and  abandon  such  a  chimera',  and 
though  tile  country  and  individuals  mey  sutler 
much  In  the  ci/icrirani/,  they  will  at  h'ast  be  tem- 
porarily relieved  from  their  present  anxlelies, 
apprehensions,  and  uiueitaluties;  for,  at  present, 
nu'sl  branches  of  industry  arc,  from  the  finr  nf 
ilralli,  all  llieiv  lifilime  subject  to  honilajfc.  Now, 
let  gentlemen  do  one  thing  or  the  other,  nnd  fight 
openly  under  a  true  flag.  If  they  disgui.se  llnii 
piirpo,se;  if  ihey  run  one  system  into  the  other, 
by  amcndmciils  or  otherwise,  there  would  be  no 
trial,  no  test,  and  nothini;  will  be  settled  by  the 
experiment — all  will  remain  a  vexed  ({iiestion,  and 
no  0110  cjtii  profit  by  it  but  politicians.     I  thererore 


'Wffimm^ 


1846.] 
2ihii  CoNO 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAT.  GLOBE. 

The  Tnnjf—Mr.  Colhwier. 


961 


Np.w  Sktiiks No.  61. 


jry  of  the 
lelling  and 
hy  an  cn- 
misreprc- 
ionsof  the 
y  llio  now 
1  mnilo  cpr- 
oiir  Gov- 
uncondi- 
Ic,  by  (lis- 
(i  «ll  such 
re  (Icsijjn- 
bmnch  of 
issary  thiil 
'pendcnoe. 
nin  prinoi- 
irmrd  unit 
Commitli'i! 
ic  hill  now 
n  maniCc.i- 
Ics.     Stii'li 
apterislios. 
stent  wiih 
ivious  Ihnt 

TlOrC  VOtf.H 

,  Ion,  with 
yingtliosn 


irnst  thnt  f>vnlloniRn,  nn  nil  sidna,  may  ngree  to 
keep  separate  the  ^mnd  ipiertliini  of  a  permanent 
national  policy  from  all  teitiiwrarij  find  tranHJent 
provisions  for  the  war.  1  hope  that  the  friends  of 
the  proposeil  liill  may  have  the  inseniiousiiess  to 
fierniil  il  to  he  discn^sed  Rnd  decided  on  the  prin- 
eiplcs  on  which  it  was  hroni^lit  forward,  iindis- 
^iitsed  imd  timpiatified, 

Hnvin;;  pieniisid  llins  mncli,  let  lis  now  proceed 
to  hupiire  what  are  tho  ^winrijUfs  on  which  this 
measure  is  roiindcil',  for  liie  lime  allotted  to  me  in 
delviti' — one  hoar — enlircly  I'orliids  my  attention  to 

I  he  ((cHi.'i  and  ilf tails  of  I  he  hill.  We  have  not  licnn 
(hvored  liy  the  ('oininittec  of  Ways  and  Means 
with  any  report  of  the  priiicipleH  on  which  ihey 
framed  the  hill:  lint  there  can  be  no  mistake  on 
lliis  poial,  the  I're.-jidnnt  and  Sceretiu'v  liavin;;  i^iv- 
•  •11  a  liistinci  expiisilion  of  them.  There  is  nolhini^ 
oriitinal  in  those  vifws  and  definitions.  If  f^Mitle- 
nien  will  turn  tliiMr  atlenlion  to  the  re|>orl  made 
two  years  since  by  the  ijentlniian  from  jVortli  Car- 
'iliiia,  llien  and  now  chairman  of  the  (/omniiflce  of 
Ways  and  Means,  lliey  will  fiial  all  llicwe  defini- 
tions of  )•(  I'niiic  iliiliis,  ymniif  ^liiiiilitril,  and  all  the 
limitations  of  conslitutional  power  which  are  con- 
tained in  the  niessaire  and  treasury  report  of  this 
year.  They  are  all  there,  and  now  only  repeated 
over,  in  order  to  ;;ivn  them  the  hicjli  sanction  of 
I'Aeenlive  loiliority.  Hnmi:  of  them  arc  copied 
rrrholim  rl  hlirnliiii.  Tliey  generally  have  llie  vir- 
tue ol'  perspicuity,  because  the  report  of  the  coni- 
millee  had.  I  wish  I  could  say  as  much  for  nil 
either  ]iarts  of  the  Soere.lary's  report.  As  these 
prini'iples  anil  ih  fiiiilionsareasreealile  to  the  report 
of  the  cliairmiui  hi'iTlolbre  made,  he  lias,  proljalily, 
<m  that  account,  thou;;ht  it  unnecessary  to  make 
anv  new  report  this  year. 

That  part  of  ihe  President's  Messaje  which 
rel.ites  to  ilii..<  sulijccl,  if  not  an  exiniel,  is  but  an 
echo  of  that  committee's  report;  and  one  brief  ex- 
tract from  the  Me.s.sngo  will  fully  present  tlio  prin- 
*'iple.      He  says: 

'•Il  hcc(iMU'.j  ini|i'irl.Tiil  to  unitiTslnnil  <Ii>-tinclly  wlinl  is 
inciMit  t>y  II  rcriMii."  s7./)i/'.;r«/,  llic  ni.'ivinuuii  of  which  fitHHiiiJ 
mil  he  I  \ric(I.  il  ill  nil'  rules  111"  iliii\  iiapitscil.  It  i«  conce- 
(hil.  anil  exaerieiiee  prii\es,  that  iliaies  iiiiiy  he  Injil  so  hiiiii 
as  ID  iliimni-h  iir  imiliiliit  nllitirrllicr  llie  irn|iiirtaliiin  of  any 
jjiveii  anieie.  mttl  iheri'Iiy  li'sscn  nr  (icsnny  iIm;  revenne, 
wliielt,  .'0  Idui  r  rales,  winilil  lie  ileiiveil  iViiiii  its  iniportii- 

linn.     Siiiti  ihilii's  cv il  the  rexcniic  rales.  ;iiiil  are  imr. 

oi,|iiiseil  III  r,ii-e  niiiniy  fur  the  sii|ipiirl  of  CmiTniiicnl.  If 
Ciitmres.;  h  v\  n  iliity  fur  revenue  iii' line  per  cent,  na  a  yiven 
arti.Ie,  1 1  will  jiriiiini'e  asrivei,  aiuiiiinlnf  inniiey  in  llie  treas. 
wry.  anil  will  iiii  iili  al:ill\'  iniil  aceessarily  all'iril  prnlictiiij) 
or  iiil\aitt;ue  tn  nie  aniuinil  nf  one  peri-ent.  In  tic  lioaic 
liiiiiinlhelnrer  nf  a  -jniiiar  nr  like  iirliete  iner  Ihe  iinporler. 

I I  Ihe  iliily  lie  rai-eil  In  leii  per  cent.,  il  will  pruilnee  rmrcaler 
anil  mill  ni'lanney.  anil  iillnril  ureater  proleclinii.  If  it  hetitill 
riiseil  rn  iwealy,  uveiu>'  live,  nr  thirty  per  cent.,  anil  if,  n.s 

II  IS  rai'i'il,  llie  riMiiiie  ihTiveil  frnni  il  is  fniiinl  to  he  iii- 
<re:is,.,i.  ilii-  prnleciinti  nr  ailvjiiitaue  will  also  he  increased  ; 
hilt  ifil  he  raiseii  In  ihirly  one  per  eeiil., anil  il  i.s  fniitiillhat 

the  ri\ciiiie  pniihi I  iii  ihal  rale  i.s  Icsn  lliaii  at  Ihirly  per 

eenl..  il  I  eases  In  he  11  rrrcnlie  f/ii/i/.     The   precise  paint  in 

Itie  11 niliiiL'  scale  nf  ilalies  iit  which  it  is  a-eiiiaineil  friila  ■  ■ 

i\  perieiicf  Ihal  the  receaae  is  i-rentesl,  is  the  niiuiinnin  rati' 
4if  llalvwllieh  can  helaillfnr  the  /lOnif  lii/cpill'linsenfcnlleet-  i, 

Miu'iiiiiney  hir  Ihe  siitipial  of  liovemaicrit.  Tn  raise  Ilieila-  |] 
lie^  hiiiher  lliiiii  that  |ininl.  ami  therehy  iliininisli  llieainnnat 
enlleeicil.  i^  M  levy  lliiiii  /ir  firotf'tinn  tiicrr/i/,  anil  not  fur 
ri  veiiiie.  As  liiiic,  then. as  ("iniL'ress  niny  l'i ailnallyinercii.se 
Ihe  rale  nf  itiiiv  nil  a  irivea  article,  and  Ihe  revenue  is  in-  i 
ere.ised  liy -Hell  iiierea-e  nf  duly,  Ihey  are  williia  Ihe  rev- 
I'line  seiiiiiard.  W'lieit  Ihey  no  heynnd  Ihal  pniat.and  an 
Iliev  inirea-ellie  ilalies  ihe  revenue  is  tliniini-ted  nr  dcslrny- 
I  it.  Ihe  ael  ceases  In  have  fnr  ils  nlijecl  Ihe  raisini.'  nl'lllolliy 

III  slippnrt  tlnvenniieal,  hut  is  /nr  ;i»-o/ci7ioH  »icrc/i/."  ■' 

This  is  the  s.ame  principle  slated  and  more  elab-  i 
orated  liy  the  Seereiary,  anil  ihey  both   hold,  that 
any  duty  which  isceeils  wli.il   is   thus   delined  as 
llie  rriYiiiic  siaiidard,  is  not  only  impolitic,  but  ac-  ' 
liially  untiin^liitititiiiftL  j' 

As  the  I'resiileiil  says   it  is   imiinrlmit  (oiuirfpi--|j 
^hiiiil  ili'<l'nirllii  wli.U  is  meant  by  llic  rrrrniie  slatul- 
iiril,  wliieli  must  never  be  exceeded,  and  as  I  prob-  ' 
iil.ly  caiiiiot  lieller  ilifinr  his  meaiiiiii:  than  he  does  , 
hioiself,  I  will  now  endeavor  to  present  it  in  a  prae-  i 
tie.al  and  simple  case.     We  will   suppose  that  all  :! 
the  shoes  worn  in  this  counlrv  were  made  in  En-  !' 
Ciipe   and   impiirled   here,   and    (loie^'ress   was   tn  ! 
iiii:iiise  on  llieiii  a  duly  of  ten   eenis  per  pair,  and 
siipi'iise   this  were  (o  prodnce  one   inillioii  dollars   i 
rcM  line,  this  would  eli'arly  be  a  rcrriiiir  (/ii(;/.     If, 
neeiliu;!-  til,, re  money,  Coiieiess  were  to  impose  on 
them  a  duty  of  lifiei'ii  cents  )ur  pair,  and  as  many   i 
Were  .slill   imporled,  il  would  lirniit  into  the  Ireas-  > 
nry  one  niillioii   ami  a   half  of  revenue      This  is 
clearly  within   the   iiiYiii/r   slaiidard,   beeaiiM'   in- 
creasiii'^  the  duly  increased  the  rcvcmie.     Let  us  b 

(il 


now  siippoNe,  Rome  one  should  snidest,  thnt 
this  enurse  held  ua  entirely  dependent  on  for- 
eii^n  supply  for  shoes,  ami,  if  war  look  place,  we 
should  bo  barefooted;  and  besiile.s,  it  was  drawing 
olf  the  money  which  only  was  taken  for  the  shoes, 
and  thereline  proposed  lo  lay  a  duty  of  twenty 
cents  per  pair  on  the  imported  shoes,  to  encnuraixe 
their  mnnnliieture  here.  Suppose  tlint  duly  laid, 
and  lliereunnn  onr  people  bejan  to  make  shoes, 
and  earrieil  them  into  onr  markets,  without  duty, 
and  there  meet  the  foivi:;ner  with  his  shoes,  on 
which  he  has  jiaid  twenty  cents,  and  nndei'sell 
him.  The  fnreiirner  then  reduces  his  price,  be- 
cause he  wniild  ralher  i;ive  up  a  part  of  the  jri-eat 
prnfits  he  had  before  made  than  to  lose  the  market; 
and  sn,  between  the  Iwn,  our  peo|iIe  woulil  buy 
shoes  at  abant  a  fair  price.  iSiip|mse  that,  under 
this  law,  Ihe  American  supplies  Inilf  and  Ihe  for- 
eigner half,  what  is  the.  ellect  on  Ihe  levenner 
.Most  obviously  it  is  this:  The  revenue  reeeivrd 
is  the  r.aine  it  Wiis  under  the  duly  nf  ten  cents  per 
pair;  for  if  linlf  as  many  are  imported  at  twenty 
cents  .IS  there  wiTe  nt  ten  cents,  the  whole  amount 
received  will  be  the  same.  Ibit  it  is  also  obvious 
that  there  is  not  so  miieli  revenue  realir.cd  ns  there 
was  when  the  duly  was  fifteen  cents,  and  therefore 
the  tirrntij  rrnt  tliity  was  above  what  is  now  e:illeil 
the  iTrcniic  sinnilnrd,  for  il  diminished  the  revenue, 
and  therefore,  as  is  now  said,  it  was  nncnn<:lilii- 
liimitl,  and  it  would  be  the  immediate  duly  of  ('on- 
jress  to  repeal  it,  and  thus  put  n  stop  to  the  making 
shoes  in  America. 

This  is  n  true  and  practical  np]ilication  of  the 
princi|ili'  on  which  ihe  bill  is  formed,  and  will  ap- 
ply, with  Ihe  same  force,  to  every  American  artisan 
and  every  American  pi-odiiction.  Nor  is  it  at- 
tempted lo  be  dis;;niseil  by  the  Secretary.  It  fol- 
lows, then,  as  a  clear  corollary,  thai  anylliini; 
which  can,  by  the  poor  and  snllerim;  population  of 
Ivirope,  be  produced  or  made  at  le.^s  price  than  by 
our  own  people,  will  and  niiist  supply  niirniaikei, 
and  drain  olf  our  money,  iinlil  our  iieople  will  live 
ns  poor,  nnd  pi'odnee  as  cheap,  ami  be  reduced  to 
the  same  decree  of  degradation,  as  the  masses  in 
Kurope. 

How  can  the  President  in  truth  say,  that  when- 
ever the  rate  of  ditty  exceeds  the  jYffiiiic  xlaiidard, 
ns  now  defined — that  is,  whenever  the  rale  nf  duty 
is  so  hi;;h  that  thereby  there  is  less  revenue  than 
when  nt  a  lower  rale — then  it  becomes  a  duty/nc 
prnlcrlim)  mcrrlij!  Such  an  expression  makes  the 
impression,  that  whenever  pnile.etion  bei^iiis,  reve- 
nue ceiisrs.  This  is  not  so,  as  I  have  alre;nly  shown ; 
and  onr  present  tarilf,  which  is  a  |n'olective  larilV, 
still  raises  a  reasonable  amount  of  revenue,  Ifow. 
then,  can  it  be  in  truth  nnd  candor  said,  that  such 
n  discriminntioii  for  proteclion  destroys  the  tarilf 
ns  II  n,i'oi»f  iiiciKiirc,  and  makes  it  a  law  fnr  ]irn- 
lerlirin  mciv7i;.  That  eaii  only  be,  with  'ruth  and 
candor,  saiil  of  a  law  layin:;  a  duty  sn  hii^h  as  to 
amount  lo  entire  prohibition.  That  would  indeed 
be  for  proteetioii  merely. 

The  Seereiary,  in  his  report,  rreiiuenlly  uses  llie 
term  "  the  Imrist  amount  of  duly  which  will  pro- 
duce the  /rt/n-r.if  amount  of  revenue."  Thus  he 
says:  "i3d.  That  no  duly  be  imposed  on  any  arti- 
cle above  the  linrrxt  rate  which  will  yield  the  liirjrcsl 
amount  of  revenue."  Now,  it  iniist  he  |)erl'eet. 
ly  obvious,  on  a  moment's  rellectioii,  that  there 
cannot  be  but  one  pnint  which  can  raise  the  Ittrixtsi 
aninunt  of  revenue.  It  is  that  rale  of  duty  which 
is  the  hiL,fhcst  that  can  be  laid,  and  yet  keep  the 
whole  supply  to  be  imporled.  'J'liis  is  the  liii^lufit 
point  in  ihe  7YiYnio'  slimdnrd.  If  that  rite  is  ex- 
ceeded, it  nt  once  dimini.s'hes  the  revenue;  because 
the  American  supplies  .some,  the  importation  is 
diminished,  and  so  the  revenue  is  lessened  There- 
fore, the /n\i-/ics(  rate  nf  duly  whii'li  w'll  raise  the 
/io;i»Y.s(  amount  nt'  revenue,  and  th(^  lnwt'st  rate  nf 
duty  which  will  raise  the  liir^isl  amiinni  of  reve- 
nue, are  /dyciV/i/  l!ir  siimi-  lliiiif;;  for  it  must  be  that 
point  which  will  raise  mo.st.  Theret'nre,  the  ex- 
presssion,  ImersI  rule  nf  (/»(i/,  which  is  so  ofhni  re- 
pealed in  the  repoil,  is  a  incre  political  trick  and 
ealcliword.  ' 

The  next  feature  in  the  proposed  course  of  pol- 
icy nn  which  Ihe  bill  is  rouniled,  and  in  strict  ac- 
cordance with  its  ;;ri  at  object,  is,  that  all  duties  are 
to  be  assessed  by  n  certain  perciiii.on  the  lineiiru 
cost  of  the  article,  nran  tid  ndnn m  duly;  and  all 
.«;iiYi_/ic  i/ii/ii"i.  which  have  .>;ir  Inn.;'  been  levied  in 
our  own  country,  and  in  all  civili/.ud  nations,  are  ^ 


i  I  to  be  entirely  iibniished.  tt  \a  perfeclly  well  known 
that  every  nation  has  fnimd  that  ad  ndorcm  duties 
npeii  the  widest  door  to  fdsehood  and  fraud  on  the 

i  revenue,  on  the  home  producer,  nnd  on  the  fair 
trader,  who  hnnestly  pays  his  duties;  and  such  a 
coiii'se  has  tmiversnlly  and  Ion;;  since  been  acknowl- 
ed'ifed  lo  be  the  worst  possible  form  of  duty;  nnd 
it  has  been  everywhere,  as  far  as  possible,  nvoidral, 
either  by  a  home  viiliiHlion  nr  by  specific  duties. 
Il  is  diiricnlt  tn  see  any  nbject  tn  be  secured  by  this 
new  and  exclusive  ad  ralmm  duly  system,  iinlcsa 
il  is  In  express  a  soil  of  setllcd  malii_'iiity  to  home 
production.  It  is  certain  Ihal  ad  valorem  duties  nrn 
utterly  at  war  with  any  possible  jyrolrrlim;  for 
when  the  foreiirn  price  is  hi^li,  and  ilic  home  pro- 

,  dncer  needs  no  duly  for  his  protection,  it  i.s  then 
only  that  the  duty  will  be  lii'.rh;  ;iiid  when  the  t'or- 
ei'^ii  price  is  sn  Inw  that  the  home  producer  nclii- 
ally  needs  proteclion,  it  is  then  that  the  duty  fulls 
to  almost   nothing;  and   when  llie  importation  is 

•  largest,  both  the  duties  and  reveinie  are  least. 

j        (111  wnni  the  present   duty,  nn  such  wool  ns  is 

jiroilnceil  by  nnr  wnnI  '.^rnwers.  i:!  110  per  cent.,  mid 

a  specific  duty  of  three  cents  per  pound;  but  coarse. 

wniil,  cnsiini^   abrnad    not   over   sever    .'ents  jier 

pnunil,  has  nn  it  nn  specific  doty  by  the  pound,  bill 

only  ail  ad  valnrem  duly  of  five  per  cent.     Now  it 

is  much  insisled  ihal,  by  frimil,  much  yiiir  wool  is 

iiitrnduccd  under  this  nd  valorem  duty  of  five  per 

:    cent.     Let  the  present  law  be  faii'ly  construed  nnd 

''  fully  executed,  and   the  complainl   wnuld    cense; 

I    and  alihoiej;h  they  malje  this  eompl.iinl  of  the  pves- 

ciit  tarilf,  yet   no  mea.siire  is  prnnosed  tn  correct  it 

by  a  specific  duty  on  the  pnunil;  but,  on  the  erai- 

Ir.iry,  it  is   by  this  bill   propo.-sed  to  aelnally  take 

I   olf  the  three  per  cent,  a  pniiiid  specific  duly,  while 

'    we  nnw  have  tn  put  all  vvnol  at  an  ad  valorem  duly 

j    of  twenty-five  per  cent.,  and  so  lo  siibiecl   fiirei','ii 

wool,  of  all  ipialilies,  tn  he  imported  nmler  frandn- 

Icnl   invoices  at  a   nnniinal   duly,  and   that   duly 

placed   entirely   below   the  duty  of  niannfiictiired 

woollen  nrlicles,  and   sn  dislinclly  discriminatint}; 

njainst  the  former.     nesides,sir,  we  have  already 

tried  this. 

In  Decemlier,  IRIl,  the  ditty  on  wool  nnd  wool- 
lens, under  the  compromise  act,  came  down  to  28 
per  cent.,  and  it  slopped  the  himi  of  every  woollen 
factory  in  IVew  England,  but  one  or  two  who  were 
runiiiiurnnt  their  stock.  Of  the  dip  nf  wnol  nf 
June,  1,-11:2,  iinl  n  pound  w-as  sold  in  this  country 
iinlil  afier  the  passaire  nf  the  larilV  of  Aie;usl,  I^^la, 
which  went  into  operatinn,  and  bciiu  tn  prndnce 
.  ils  ellect  ill  the  winter  of  Hbi-'.'!.  It  re(|iiires  but 
a  short  niemnry  lo  recall  the  scenes  of  181:2.  Wo 
■   do  not  wish  them  repeated. 

Siicli    are   ihe    principles,  nnd    such    is  the   bill 
I   cmanatiii";  therefrom,  that  the  dominant  party  now 

propose  for  the  country. 
i      III   consideriin;  n   ineasnre   nf  rjcner.al    policy, 
;   c^ivins  direction  tn  the  emplnyments,  capilnl,  and 
ji  enterprise  of  the  people  nf  the  nation,  and  intendeil 
I    permanently  tn  shape  onr  destinies  as  n  peo])!e,  il 
.    lieeomes  us  to  consider  il  in  three  aspects,      h'irsi, 
to  consider  our  existing  condition,  nnd   ascertain 
whetlic;' too  Kreat  sacrifices   must  not   be  made  In 
ellect  lhe:;re,ilchaii2;c.     .Srcniid,  lo  lookal  ihe  con- 
iliiion  of  oilier  nations,  and    nnr  relationship  In 
them,  and  iivpiire  wlnil  will  pmbaldy  he  the  con- 
sei]uences  of  the   ehan:;e  in  ieu:ard  In  nnr  natinual 
ennditinn.      Third,   to   consider   whether  the.  pro- 
posed policy  will  be  best  fnr  us,  even  if  oiher  na- 
linns  wen- williim:  In  adnpl   the  s:ime  pnliey,  and 
even  if  there  were  nn  "reat  individual  sacrifices  lo 
'    be  made  in  introiliieiiie;  the  cli:inL'e. 

•  1.  First,  Hint,  haviie;  shown  th:it  the  \yliole  pl.ati 
is  utterly  iiieonsi.<tent  with  the  idea  ni'  dnmeslie. 
manufactures.  .■:nd  the  dnelriiie  of  proteclion  which 
has  pnidnceil  them, it  follows, asa  m.atterof course, 
that  most  of  ihose  eni^ai^ed  in  such  pursuits  must 
ehaii'j:i'  their  emplnyments,  and  most  of  the  ca|iilal 
iiuesied  in  inaiuitactures  and  arts  must  be  lost,  or 
very  '.'really  or  ruinously  delerinrated.  The  num- 
ber of  that  people,  with  their  families,  now  amoiiiiis 
probably  loHIIII,(l(ll)  If  any  fictoriesareopented. 
It  must  lie  by  putting  the  operatives  on  reduced 
pay.  IIow  linllnw  and  insincere  must  be  those 
pri'iensions  of  friendship  to  the  poor,  which  pur 
sues  a  policy  necessarily  leadini:  lo  siic.li  a  result, 
fan  il  be  sifppnsed  llinl  this  sacrifice  of  capital  can 
be  eh.luri  d,  and  these  people  eoinpelled  tn  clmn:,'e 
llieir  empliiymenls,  Irailis,  a'lil  iirol'issioiis.  the 
liniiie  niarki  I  desirnyed,  and  the  wlinle  funieworlc 


|il 


*w^ 


962 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


fJiine  24, 


Ho.  OP  Rkps. 


per  piuind.     Wc  liBvr.on  iinpnrleil  cliocsc,  ii  duty 
I   cif  iniip  iTiila  ppi-  pnimil.     Siimi'  rich  cpicuirs  pro- 


of sooifly  1)0  rpmndellnl,  nml  no  shook  or  oonviil- 

iiinii  fcilliiw  ?     Cnil  all  llii«  Ik' ns  qiiinly  iind  nisily ,       .  .  . 

efTi'i'loil  lis  (lie  SciTolary  cun  llinirisli  liia  pen,  i'n  '   fer  forciKu  rlif'sc,  and  last  yinr  llierr  was  inipoit' 
wriiiii'^  liis  tTtupinn  spfcnjalidiis  and  piilitiral  trail-  '   eil  CMK^  poiiiulM,  and  the  ilnty  of  nino  ccnla  per 
ticTiid.ninlisni,  in  hisriosd?    Thn  iircHpiit  law  is      pound  was  paiil.     Did  that  mid  nino  cnils  or  tvci' i 
H  larilV  for  rrvonnc,  discriniinailn^'  lor  protection,      oiip  orni  per  j'-ind  to  onr  hinnc-producpd  clKose? 


nnd  it  prodiiors  l>nlh  cIliTlsiand  under  it  a  general 
prosperity  prevaiju.     I  have  not  time  to  disi'cnd  to 
iiarih-nlarK,  lint  will  say,  in  the  distich  of  the  old  : 
Kn-lish  l.allad—  | 

"  Mi'lrv  uni-J  111'  mill  elnok,  the  slaittle  mill  the  plnlli-ll, 
Ami  hii'  lininatniini  iiiiiytlihvi' livlhe  ►w.iiiiil  lii.i  lirmv."  , 

Let  ns   now   iiK|iiiro    what   are   Ihe    prolendcd  !' 
proniiils  of  eoniplainl  of  the  exislin^  tarilV,  ealMnu' 
for  this  eliaiipe;  anil  here   I  would  reniarli,  if  they 
were  really  true,  as  they  are  mil,  they  would  only  | 
call  fur  ananicnilnient.  Mislead  of  total  destnii'tioii,  : 
lis  is  now  proposed.     I'lit  what  arc  the  inalteis  of  1 
complaint?     Ifurns  says,  with  ns  imuli  triilli  as 
pottry, 

"  For  liiiamn  lindies  are  siieh  fonl^, 
Fur  nil  llieir  cullepe-  ami  srIuioN, 
Thill  wlien  norp.i.'  i'h  perplex  theiii. 
'I'liey  mtlkfvitotich  lliemsrives  to  \i-.\  lliein." 

Sneh  is  the  nalnie  of  ilie  ills  which  the  enemies 
of  the  larilVof  Hl-J  find  with  llial  measure.  They 
nre  all  the  crealions  of  iheir  own  s|iecnlatioii!>; 
yet  to  tliein  altenlion  shall  now  he  ^'iveii. 

Il  is  liy  them  insisted  ihal  all  iliilii  s  add  Jiisl  that  ; 
Bmoiint  to  the  price,  not  only  of  ihe  im|iorle(l  arti- 
cle, hut  also //if  ««mr  nmornil  to  the  same  U\ml  (/,, 
article  uhn\  prmliieiil  here.  This  1  deny.  It  \a  a 
mere  assiimplion,  without  proof.  ,\ll  the  ariru-  ^ 
nient  hy  which  it  is  ntienipicd  lo'lie  supported  is 
theory,  lieiiilcnien  say  it  ought  In  In  so,  and  ihe 
philo.'iophy  of  ihi'  inaltcr  reipiired  it  so  to  he,  ami 
there  the  matter  ended.  Is  ihis  nalioii,  in  a  mat- 
ter of  ihisimporlaiiee,  invoUiiij  its  permanent  wi  11- 
licinu',  to  follow  a  mere  theory,  not  only  nnsii|i- 
porii'd  liy  faci,  hut  utterly  a;:aiiisi  all  the  fari.i  in 
the  ease.'  If  the  home  |inidiiciioii  and  sn|i|ily  is 
Bufficient  for  the  hniiie  demand  of  any  article,  the  ' 
duly  on  that  nrlicle.  when  iinporltd,  in  no  way  en- 
Iiances  the  price  of  the  article.  This  is  einnilly 
true,  whether  thai  full  home  supply  is  natural  and 
ordinary,  or  is  the  lesnll  of  a  eiau'se  of  iirolective 
iinlicy. '  We  have  a  duty  of  twenly-five  eenis  per 
Imsliel  on  ii.uiorted  wlir^it.  ^ViIl  any  man  jire- 
teni.  to  say  that  adds  twenty-five  cents  to  each 
liuf.hel  of  wheat  produced  and  sold  in  this  couii- 
trj  .'  It  docs  not  add  to  it  a  sini:le  cent.  I  •jranl. 
when  we  are  dependent  on  importation  for  the 
supjily  of  nny  nrlicle,  the  duty  adds  lo  iho  price,  ■ 
l*iu  not  always  the  whole  aiuoiiiii  of  the  duty;  tha! 
depends  a^jain  on  the  hiw'  of  demand  and  siij.ply; 
lint,  whenever  there  is  here  produced  a  full  siip- 

]ily,  the  duly  adds  notliin;;  to  ilie  price.  Very 
leavy  dulii  s  are,  hy  the  inininuim  principle,  ini-  ; 
posed  on  coarse  cottons,  Iiiit  they  are  not  iinw  im- 
ported, there  heini;  ii  full  home  su|i]dy,  and  lliey 
are  frciiuentiv  sold  at  less  tlian  the  duly  would  he  1 
if  imported.  'I'he  same  may  he  said  of  nails,  ^hiss,  I 
nnd  luanv  other  articles  on  which  is  a  protei'iive 
H|iecific  (liUv,  which,  when  f.r.-a  iIupo^:e(l,  was  per- 
il.ips  Cfpial  to  'i')  pe- cent.,  hilt  which  has  produ.-ed 
home  competilioi.  nnd  home  supply,  uniil  the 
whole  price  of  the  arlide  is  nduced  lielow  the  spe- 
eitlc  duty,  and  the  imporlalion  ot  it  has  ceased, 
and  no  man  pays  duty  on  it  in  any  form.  In  such 
ea.-ie,  it  is  now  ."aid,  the  duly  is  ok  r  1(1(1  per  cent., 
hnt  no  one  pays  it,  or  is  injured,  and  the  lower  the 
nrlicle  izoes  the  hii;her  the  rale  oj'diity  will  he. 

Hut  siiiue  ;reiitlenien  .say»  that  thoiu^h  it  iimy  noi 
he  true  that  the  duty  adds  so  much  to  the  price  ot' 
the  home  produced  article,  (ihoiiuli  the  ,Secreuiry*s 
report  assumes  that  irround  and  is  all  founded  on 
that  jirinclple.i  yet  it  is  true,  ihal  if  an  aitiele  still 
eoiitmues  I  .  imported  in  any  part,  and  ihecuuii- 
try  is  not  •  v  and  exclnsivi  ly  siip|ilied  hy  home 

iiroduclii.  .'  llie  duly  is  aililed  lo  ih"  price  of 

lioih,     'il  insist,  is  nnfoniide'  .ill  call 

ntlentioii  P'  irticles  which  have  ...i  iliem  hi;;h 

protective  dill;  ,  and  of  which  this  eouniry  pro- 
duces a  full  supply  and  n  surplus,  and  yei  of  which 
there  is  some  annual  iinportaitoii.  We  haveadiity 
on  poiaioi  ^  iif  ten  eeiils  per  hiishel,  sull  we  have 
nimnally  some  imporlalion.  I.a.it  year  there  were 
imported  yil,:)o7  hiishels,  and  a  duly  p.iid  of  len 


Ni 


"very  ^enilcman  liinnvs  ihal  added 


Clearly  not.  'l  nc  same  is  true  of  Imnis,  of  which 
nO.lfiH  pounds  were  imporled  last  year,  and  a  duly 
of  three  rents  a  pound  paid;  and  llie  same  of  l.'7,SGIl 
pounds  of  heef.  I")id  this  add  three  eenis  to  each 
piinnii  of  hams  nnd  heef  produced  nnd  sold  in  ihis 
eouniry.'  Kvcii  of  colloii  wool,  on  which  is  a  duty 
of  three  eenls  per  pound,  there  was  last  year  im- 
jiorlcd  l,'l,a)y,.'iH4  pounds,  and  iIioukIi  this  laiter 
may  have  heeii  reexported,  yelof  the  other  articles, 
the'whole  or  very  nearly  the  whole,  were  consumed 
ill  this  country.  Thus  it  is,  hy  thousands  of  facts, 
the  hasis  which  the  iSecrelary  has  «,i.iiiiiifi/  for  his 
liieory  is  shown  lo  he  iinlriie|  visionary,  nnd  delu- 
sive; iiiid  vet  the  whole  present  theory  nnd  pro- 
posed hill  Is  founded  ml  this  idea. 

I!nl  ihc  Secrelary  himself,  in  his  reporl,  in  effect 
ronerdes  that  the  tlulies  on  an  imporled  arlide 
di'is  not  add  that  amcuint  to  the  home  prcMluced 
arlides  of  the  same  kind,  even  while  ils  importa- 
tion continues.  He  says,  in  his  report,  (pai,'e  H, 
niid  a'so  pn"e  C>:)  "The  duties  for  the  t|uarnrend- 
'  imSeptemheran,  !.■<  11,  yielded  J;J,0|  1,K<.  more 
'  of'revenne  than  the  r|uarler  eiulins:  .'lOlh  .Sepleiu- 
'  her,  1845,  shnrhig  a  cnmhlirolili-  decline  cfthe  rer- 
'  tniie  ffi-ciciii,!r  on/  e/'ii  i(imi)ii.-/ni.'  iiiiyim/ii.'ieii  of  the 
'  hi'ihhi  protcteil  nrliclrs,  iithi  lh(  pi-es:rcssiri'  .iii^,v/i- 
'  lii'liiiiiol'the  limnetic  ririils."  Si  aMiri  Tiiix  !  The 
Secretarv  seems  to  lliink  ihal  anylhiiiu'  made  in^ 
this  con'ulry  i.s  a  mere  sid>s/i(ii/c,  mid  iiisKad  of 
hciii!,'  made'here,  it  ouL'ht  to  he  hou;;iil  in  h'-n^iland  : 
hill  fwish  10  know,  how  came  ihe  .■\iuerican  article 
lo  he  snhsliliilcil  in  our  market,  and  ihcrdiy  in  part 
to  diminish  the  imporlalion,  unless  it  was  hecause 
it  was  sohl  rhcaiiir?  Ilowcnuld  it  in  any  other 
v.av  he  snhsliliiliil,  nnd  how  could  this  selliii;;  il 
riie'aper,  and  so  sniistiliilin!:  il  for  the.  ini|.orled 
arlii'ic,  lake  idacc,  if  the  doctrine  is  Irue  that  ihe 
whole  duly  is  added  lo  ihe  price  of  hoih  the  iur 
porlcd  mid'liomc  produced  nrlicle.'  Tliissin:;lc  and 
.  repealed  seiili  nee  in  ihe  Kecrdary's  report,  is 
nlierly  al  war  willi,  and  «  linlly  dc-iroys,  the  «  hole 
as.sinncd  principle  on  which  his  ihi.ory  and  this 
hill  are  founded.  • 

The  very  common  and  popular  ohji  clion  to  the  , 
proiective  iaritVis,  thai  it  creates  n  nionojiclij.  >i'cnv, 
'  what  is  n  nieiio/m/i/ .'     It  is  the  selling'  or  seeiirim;  ' 
hy  law  lo  a  eerlain  iiiilividual  or  company  an  I'X- 
chisive  riizht  lo  trade  ill  a  eerlain  ihin::,  ■m\i\  fyrliiil-  | 
r/ia;,' nil  oiher  persons  loeiilir  into  ihal  husiiiess. 
Sudi  was  the  diaracur  of  the  odious  monopolies 
■  in    r.iurland   in   the  days  of  the    Sluaris.     Adw, 
lias  the  Inisiiuss  of  maiaifacluiin;;  any  such  char- 
ncler.'    Vil,  day  al'icr  day  in  this  House, and  we(:k 
nflcr  week  in  niosl  of  ihe  .Administralion  papers  in  ' 
the  eouniry,  a  maliL'iianl  luejudicc  is  cni;ciiilered 
a;.-ainsl   mamil'aclurcrs  and  llie  law  which  enconr-  J 
a^es  them,  hy  llie  false  iippliealir u  td'  the  odious 
'    w-"(nil  aieni^iC'/.M.     Monopoly  i     What,  in  niamifac- 
tnres.'     Is  aiivhoily  I'orhiddcn  lo  inira-.e  in  il,  hy 
'   takin>4  slock  in  llii'se  already  in  opi  laiiou,  or  hy 
ereciiii'^olhc  rs  in  nny  part  of  ihe  country .'    Is  there 
'.'  iinythiii^  in  the  nalure  of  the  hnsiness  which  shall 
'  confine  il  to  any  one  section  of  ihe  coinilry.'    (.'la- 
'(  laiiily  not.    The  proteclive  system  was  forced  upon 
New  Eni-land  aL'ainst  ils  own  i-hoice;   and  now, 
havini  invesled  its  capital  and  coiilbrmed  ils  eni- 
ployineiiis   thereto,  is  it  conimon  jnsiic'.  now  to 
reii'roach  her,  and  Inster  prejudices  against  her.' 
'  .\  lar.:e  part  of  our  farmers  in   Ihe  norlhern  and 
weslern  Htali  s  have  heeii  indueid  lo  inrii  attenlion 
Ii  lo  the  i;rowiiiu' of  sheep,  and  arc  dependeiil   for  a 
'    market  on  the  woullrii  luannfaeliiKr.     Is  that  in- 
terest to  he  now  all  frnstraled.'     Such  is  the  inevi- 
lahle  lendeiiry  of  llii-vhill. 

.A^'ini,  il  is  ohieeied  ihat  those  eiiija^id  in  nian- 
ufacli.rinir  make'mucli  [.'renter  piolils  than  men  in 
other  im|dovmeiils,  and  that  the  present  larilf  is 
'  a  tax  on  one'part  of  the  cinnniunily  for  the  henefit 
of  anciher  pari.  IS'ow\  a  full  answer  to  nil  this 
would  rei|nire  a  disi|nisilion  lai  ihe  whole  polii-y, 
which  my  limiicd  hour  will  not  permit.  I,  how- 
ever, deny  that  there  is  any  tax  on  onr  ;i«i/  (if  the 


noijiio'/  lo  the  price  of  the  home  produced  polaloes.    '  i 


eoiiimnmiy  moii!  than  on  an 


olhi 


It 


,  indeed. 


miccrsfifiil  liiisiiiesHwnH  commerce,  nnd  most  of  ihn 
(treat  eslalea  now  in  our  eilien  were  nceiiniulated 
ill  lhat  way.  I!ut  that  aiilhori'/.ed  no  man  lo  say 
that  Ihc  system  of  laws  then  exisliii^'  was  made 
only  for  the  niernhant.  Adopt  the  jiresent  hill, 
nnd  imporlinir  merchiiiils  will  a!,':iin  rise  over  ihe 
hend  of  the  rest  of  society  in  wealih;  and  lie,  nnd 
he  only,  willi  the  (oiei;;iier,  will  he  aided.  Ihit, 
sir,  I  do  not  helieve  in  these  irreat  pretended  profns 
of  ihc  manufaclurers.  If  ihis  he  so,  it  is  a  hiisi- 
ness  open  to  all,  nnd  eompelition  will  soon,  if  it 
lias  not  already,  reilnce  nil  (irofils  lo  their  proper 
level.  This  is,  however,  iiller  all,  a  very  exlniin-- 
diiinrv  ohieclion.  The  Secrelary  insisis  lliat  the 
maiiiifacli'irer  is  followinu'  a  hnsiness  which  is  very 
profilnhle,  and  lhat  is  urjed  as  a  reason  for  this 
(iovernmeiit  to  lake  .Jiich  n  course  of  policy  as  will 
destroy  this  prolilahle  hnsiness  in  ihis  comiiry, 
that  nil  may  he  compelled  lo  pursue  smile  hnsiin  .-^s 
Ihal  is  nnpiofilahle.  Is  it  lo  he  iinderslood  lhat 
lliis  hnsiness  is  so  prolilahle  that  no  American 
must  pursue  il,  hut  it  must  he  done  liy  Kiii;lish- 
meii  in  Knirlaml.and  lliaymnsl  have  all  ihe  proliis- 
Is  llie  envy  and  malimiity  of  llie  commnniiy  lo  he 
excited  nL'iiinsI  all  their  liwn  fellowciiizeiisvvhnse 
indiislrv  is  successful,  and  such  a  course  of  policy 
to  he  taken  as  will  i;ive  lhat  sncci  ss  exclusively  lo 
the  forciijiier?  Willinj  to  ^'ive  our  iiiarkel  exclu- 
sively lirilie  foreiLriicr,  and  suhniil  lo  |iay  him  any 
price  his  ciipidily  may  demand,  hiil  nnwilliii','  lhat 
our  fcllow-cili/.c'ns  should  have  any  share  in  ihe 
.same!  This  may  he  esteemed  n  jinlrin/if  feeliiiLMUid 
policy  hy  ollicrs,  hut  I  cannot  so  unilerslnnd  il. 

While  Ihe  i  xisliuir  larilf  is  a  jiroli'dive  larilV,  yet 
il  yields  the  proper  amount  of  revenue.  Il  cer- 
tainly, then,  does  not  require  lo  he  superseded  hy 
,  any  iicw  law  in  order  lo  procure  llie  necessary 
ordinary  reveiuie,  anil  all  pretence  cd'  lhat  kind  is 
hut  /iiv/iiirr.  The  Seirelary,  however,  csliiniittH 
and  reporls,  lhat,  hy  a  reiliiclion  of  diuies  we  are 
to  have  an  i/iciYinr  of  revenue,  and  seems  to  think 
this  hill,  if  mlopled,  will  furnish  the  treasury  as 
much  money  as  ihe  larilf  of  1840,  or  more.  He, 
however,  jrives  us  no  dala  on  which  his  opinion  is 
foiindcil.  There  is  in  his  reporl,  and  his  recent 
j  report  to  the  Senate,  a  (,'reat  amount  of  d./i/irriii^', 
'  and  nil  imposing' display  of  fu;nres  and  tahnlarex- 
hiliilions,  hnt  they  are  nioslly  founded  on  .siip/iesi- 
/ioii.  It  sirim^ly'reniinds  us  of  ihe  siory  <if  a  ci  r- 
Inin  staire-drivervvho  was  hiisily  eii<:iu;ed  in  chalk- 
iii!;  fii.'uri's  on  ihe  hearth,  and  whin  asked  what  he 
was  ([oiii^',  replied,  thai  he  was  riiji/ifciii?  out  how 
many  passen^ers  he  was  lo  have  hy  the  next  slaw. 
I  wish  now  to  present  certain  fads,  laken  from 
the  reiurnsof  the  past  year  in  the  Treasury  l>- 

■  |)arlmeiil,  as  lo  our  imp'orlalions,  mid  the  diilies 

■  arisin;;  iherefrom,  which  si  em  lo  me  very  coucln- 
sively  lo  show,  ihal  llie  proposed  hill  caniiot  lui- 
nish  the  ordinary  revenue  lo  the  treasury.     The 

'  present  tarilV  prorinced,  hy  duties  on  iniporlalions, 

I  n  /jniss  revenue  of  ihiriv  millions  lasi  year,  heini;_ 
S  ahoiit  twenty-seven  millions  when  ihi^  expen.scs  of 
!■  eolledinn,  Ac,  were  all  paid.     Now,  it  must  lio 

:  home  in  mind,  lhat  all  ihal  amoiinl  is  m  eiled,  and 

the  Secrelary  in  no  place  ilenie.-i  thai.     Thire  are 

six  arlicles  ill  our  larilf  from  which  more  than  two- 

'.]  thirds  of  ihe  whole   revenue  is  derived.     {This  i^ 

soil!  the  Imil'HsIi  larilf,  where  the  ;;ieat  hod y  of 

,  theirreveiine  isileriveil  from  eiifhl  arlicles.)    Those 

h  six  articles  are  woollens, colions,sn<:ars,  (iiicliiilini; 

|i  molas.ses,)  silks,  spirils,  ami  iron,  willi  ils  maiiii- 

'!  fadures.     I)f  ihesesix  arlicles  there  was  imported, 

;    lasl  year,  in  all,  llie  aL";re^iie  of  >.'il  ,t-(;(),4'.)0,  and 

■  there  was  derived  I'nnn   them  yjlhd.-^.'^d.'l.'i,  of  llie 

whole  LMuss  ruveiiue,  heiii^  over  two-thirds  of  the 

whole. 

I I  Should  the  pre."!eiit  hill  pass,  and  thercliy  n  !;reat 
I,  part  of  ihe  hnsiness  of  the  coimlry  should  he  de- 
'  raiii;ed  and  remodelled,  il  would  piohahly  not  iin- 
!    prove  the  coiidiiiou  of  llie  people  so  as  lo  i  iiahle 

llidu  lo  hiiy  nnd  use  more  lliaii  Ijefoii'  Ihit  even 
if  no  coiiviilsimi  or  depression  should  fdlow,  and 
onr  people  should  import,  and  use  the  same  aiiiimnt 
as  lasl  year,  then,  iil  llii'  rale  of  duly  provided  in 
this  hill,  there  would  he  a  fallinu'  olf  in  the  re\ -_ 
eniie,  receivahle  on  lliese  six  nriidi  s,  the  sum  of 
,'),(ili:i,4.')!l  dollars  in  every  year.  In  order,  Iheii, 
to  hrint'  up  this  ddicieiiey,  there  must  he  u  fireaily 


Viuericjin  c 


■esc  IS  here 


proilui  ed  for  a  full  supply 


■that 


I   iiiipi 


of  these   arlicles. 


At  till 


nocoiirseo 


some   men 


•vill    not   MIC 


f  polii'ycaii  he  pursued  ill  which      rales  of  duly  iiroviiled  in  ihis  hill,  in  order  lo  pr 


I 


d    hdli  r   II 


oil 


for  our  wants,  and  sells  at  Iroin  five  to  ei-^iit  cciiis  ,    Ueforc  the  esiahlisliinent  of  I'actorie.i  In  re  the  most  . 


lers.      i|iiei>  llie  rci|uireil 


I  ori/ii 


amoinii  of  revenue,  that 


IS,  thi 


ouiil   realized  lust  year,  of  woollens,  ol 


K'-Twri 


f June  24, 
OP  Heps. 

nn<l  itinHt  of  ilin 
\r('.  iicciiinuliilcil 
no  limn  In  «iy 
ilin^'  WHH  niiiili' 
|lir  )ircHcril  hill, 
in  risci  (ucr  iln^ 
|il>;  Mild  lie,  Mini 
jlii'  iiiilcd.  Kill, 
ircti'iidcd  prnliis 

NO,  it  iis  II  hllHi- 

will  Noon,  if  it 
lo  llirjr  piii|i(x 
M  M'ly  cxiiihir- 
ilisiNis  tliMt  (ho 
ss  wliirh  is  very 
iTiisim  Icir  IhiH 
ol'|icilii'y  iiM  will 
I   Ihis  coiiiiiry, 

'  SIHUP  Imi^ilKHH 

jiiniln'sliMiil    ih;it 

III  no   Anicric-iiii 
imp  hy  I'liiu'li-^h- 

Ivc  nil  ihr  |irolils,- 
[inniiiiinily  lo  he 
(v-c'ilizciiH  whoso 
of  policy 
|ss  rxi'lnsivcly  lo 

lolil'l  (.xl'lll- 

I  lo  piiy  him  liny 
ii  iiiiwiinni,'  llia'l 
my  shoii'  in  iho 
fiin//f  liTlin;.'iiiiil 
niiili  THiiiiid  it. 
ili'clivr  iiirill',  yi't 
■fvoiiiii'.     It  I'cr- 

IV  siipcrsodiil  hy 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


963 


I^Oth  Cong 1st  Sgss. 


'Hie  Tariff— Mr.  Collamr. 


Ho.  OF  Rcps. 


Ih( 


nci 


iSKliry 


"f  Ihnl  kind  ih 

Vt'MT,   fsrhiiiths 

III'  diilics  \V('  an; 

id  >i('cins  lo  Ihiiilc 

lh(;  Ircnsury  iis 

,  or  hioio.     Ill', 

h  liis  opinion  is 

1,  null  his  riTPiit 

lllll  III'  ri,;)/iri'iii;>-, 

N  iiiul  llliinllllT\- 

iniih'd  on  sii/i/iii,si- 
hr  slory  ol'n  nr- 
'n;;n;;rd  in  I'liiilli- 
tn  ii.^K'rd  wliai  lit: 
i/ji/if/iiiq-  out  how 
ly  ihc  next  slai^c. 
luc'ls,  lalvi'ti  from 
lie.  'rrnisury  |)r- 
I,  and   Ilia  (liiliis 

I  Ilia  very  ci Iii- 

d  hill  aaiinol  riir- 
!  tn  asiiry.     'I'lia 

on  inipiirlalioiis, 
3  la-il  yiar,  haiii!; 
1  Ilia  axpansc.s  of 
Vow,  ii  iiniNt  ho 
111  is  111  ailiil,  and 
that.  'I'iara  iiro 
Ii  more  ihan  Iwo- 

rived.  (TliiN  ia 
la  i^rrat  hoily  of 
liniales.)  'I'l'iosa 
iii:nrs,(iiieliidinu; 
I,  willi  ilH  rianii- 
re  was  inipoi'teil, 
>.l,f-(;(l,-l!)0,  and 
t,(l.-<.-),l);i.'),  of  ihe 
wo-lhirds  of  iha 

il  lliereliy  a  ^'rral. 
■y  hlioiild  l:a  (lu- 
jiiohahly  not  iiii- 
NO  118  lo  iiiahle 
:'lori'  Iiiit  tv(  II 
mid  fnllow,  iiiid 
liie  same  amount. 
Inly  provided  in 
ir  olf  in  liie  lev- 
ielrs,  ilia  Slim  of 
111  order,  iheii, 
iiiisl  he  n  f,M-eaily 
irlieles.  At  ilia 
in  order  lo  pro- 
of revenue,  that. 
,  of  woollen.",  of 


which  there  wns  importnl  last  yrnr  10,078,387  ! 
diillarH  worlli.  there,  iinisl  next  yenr  Im  iiii  jnipor- 
lalioii  of  ia,(;i:t,(l7.'l  dollmn  wnrlh.     Ofniiinufae- 
turi'H  of  eollon,  of  wliieh    there  wn."  la.st  year  iin- 
iiorled  l,'i,H(i:i,'J!)'J  ihillarH,  there  must  next  your  he  ' 
miporleil  !2I),.|.'1«,.')(W  dolliUH.     Of  foreign  ilislillr' 
.i/iiri/.i,    of  whieli    '.here   was  liist   year   liiiporled 
J,l!)l,l'il)dollarK,  there  iniiMl  iiexl  year  he  inilHirted 
2,lrt(),fi77  dollai-H.     Of  the  whole  six  iirlieleH,  of, 
wliieh  there  wiiH  last   year  an  iinporlalion  of  an 
iiUKi't'jjate  of  ,jl  ,H(K),'I!);J  dollar.i,  there  miiNt  lie  next 
yeiii'  (i',),(il)1,lxh.' dollars;  lieiii>;  an  iiicreii."'n  of  the 
inijiorlalioiijof  these  six  an  ii'les  only,  of  17, 74.'l, (!.'):] 
dolliirs,     Kroni  a  view  of  llie.se  faeis,  we  naturally 
iiii|uire,  how  ean   it   reasonahly  he  expected   that 
our   people  will  arliially  and  annually   hereiifier 
iniporl,  liuy,  pay  for,  iiiid  eonsimie,  year  tiy  year, 
tile  enormous  sum  of  over  sivenleeii  niillions  anil 
a  half  of  dollars,  of  lliese   six  artiele.s,  more  than 
lltey  now  do;  and  a  eorrespondiiiir  inerease  of  ail 
oiher   iniporlalions  in   t!ie  Niitiie   ratio.^     ^'et  thi.s 
seems  to  he  llie  evpeetiilioii  of  the  Serrelnry.   The 
liexl   ipii'stion    wliirh    iialunilly  iiri.se.s  is,  if  llii.s 
enoniions  addilional  amount  is  to  lie  annually  iiii- 
poiied,  /lair  Is  it  lo  liv  pniil  fur  /     Sir,  if  it  is  ever 
paid  for,  it  miisl  he  in  ,sprrif.     I'.ii;,'laiid  will  lake  | 
of  lis  none  of  our  prodinMs,  hut  to  supply  what  ' 
nIic  eannol    fiirnisli    and    eaniiot   huy   elieaper  of  1 
other.s.     'riiiil  she  diM-s  now,  and  no  more.     Our 
fipee,ie  tliu*4  drained  olV,  and  our  Imiiks  therehy  I 
sliiit,  our  whole  eiirii'iiey  heeoiiies  derani;ed  and  ' 
liaseless,  and   all  llie  iieees,-aiy  and    well-known 
dislre.sseH  follow.     Siieli    has   heretofore   heen  the 
eonscijiienee,  as  I  shall  hereafter  li.ive  oeeasion  to 
show,  and  siii'h  it  prohalily  iiiUHl  he  iis;ain. 

ISiit  il  is  said  lliat  llie  repeal  of  llie  ICnirlish  eorn 
laws  will  inenase  oiirexporlalion,  and  so  we  may  ' 
pay  for  llie  inrreased  qnaniily  of  Un^'lisli  ^'oods. 
'I'liat,  sir,  I  ihink  an  entire  dehi.sion.  1  have  not 
lime  now  fully  lo  expose  it.  I  ean  merely  say 
here,  llial  this  will  litlle  lii'l|illiat  part  of  the  eoiin- 
liy  who  huy  and  do  not  --i  il  llimr  and  provisioii.s. 
'J'lial  when  our  lioiiie  iiauket  is  ihslroyed  hy  the 
ruin  of  our  niaiiiifai;liires,  llie  wheal  and  provision 
grower  will  seek  llie  foreii^n  market,  and  there 
meet  in  l-ae,:Iaiiil  the  wheat  and  provisions  of  the 
eontiiienl  selling  al  prices  ruinnns  lo  Iiiin,  heeau.se 
raised  hy  the  liihor  of  men  and  women  working 
t'lu'ellier  in  the  lields  al  sixpeneeper  day,  and  find- 
iii',^  their  own  provisions  ofblaelc  hread  and  water. 
I  las  not  this  hi  en  fully  tried  already.^  Is  mil  our 
Hour  now  si  lliiu:  in  I'.nirlanil,  lliiiui,'li  tin;  duly  is 
oil',  and  thoii;;li  it  is  there  i\  year  of  seareiiy,  al 
|irti'es  destriirtive  lo  our  exporters,  and  wliieh  is 
now  heini:;  felt  hv  our  farmers  and  niillors  in  llie 
present  rediii'iionr  (..'an  our  liirmers,  in  fnrnish- 
iinrlieeflo  the  markets  of  the  world,  eompetewiih 
the  heef  from  llie  2:rass  plains  of  ,\Iexii  >  and  the 
Ar;;eiiiine   Kepiihlie,  and    the    I'anifias  of  South 

.■\merieii,  v.liei atlleiire  fed  and  falleiied  in  herds 

of  Ihonsands,  wilhoiit  cost,  and  now  .slaiijjhiered 
only  for  llieir  hides  and  lallow? 

Ii  is  next  lo  he  remeinhereil,  that  if  the  seven- 
teen millions  and  a  half  of  these  articles  are  nii- 
imally  imported  over  and  aliove  all  we  now  iniporl, 
lliey  must  he  consiinied  iiy  the  people,  mid  of 
eourse  displace  and  llirow  out  of  use  just  so  much 
of  any  of  these  articles  as  are  hire  proiiiiced.  Aotv 
lliey  are  all  hen'  produced  eycepl  silk,  of  wliieh 
the  required  iiicrea;;e  of  iinporlalion  would  he  hrss 
Ihan  half  a  million,  l.iwil:  «ii-l|,7.SI.  Deduct  that 
from  <*17,7.|:t,(i.'l'.',  and  il  will  siill  leave  llie  sum  of 
over  se\enlceii  millions  of  ihe  live  remaiiiini;'  arli- 
eles  which  must  he  iiiijioried,  in  addilion  lo  ihe 
lasl  year,  ill  order  lo  raise  llie  ordinary  amount  of 
vevenne;  and  thai  impurtatioii  must,  of  cours", 
throw  out  of  use  and  displace  fioin  our  market 
over  seventeen  millions  of  doll.irs  of  the.  .-Xnierican 
maiiiil'ictiires  of  ihose  articles,  is  it  not  thenipiile 
ohvioiis,  ihat  lliis  must  not  only  deeply  embarrass 
and  iillerly  destroy  a  larijeparl,  or  all,  of  lliose  who 
now-  produce  these  iirlleles  here,  hut  also  visit  hack 
on  our  a'.;riculiure  ii  depreciiilioii  of  the  price  of  all 
ils  product,^,  hy  a  destruction  of  the  home  miirket, 
and  a  conversiiiii  of  customers  and  consumers  into 
proiiui.erH  and  farmers.' 

It  may  possibly  he  iiK{nired,  why  do  wc  not 
^ireiinsr  (lairm/aifii/.s  to  this  hill,  in  order  to  roach 
and  save  parlicular  and  iniporl  iiit  liranclies  ami 
inleresls  .=  Why  do  we  iinl  all.  nil  lo  llie  details  of 
Ihe  hill.'  I  answer,  if  any  have  alleinled  lo  what 
I  have  already  said,  they  will  perceive,  tlmt  from 


'  llio  appliealion.i  of  the  principles  and  definitinn.s   ] 
slated  hy  ihe  Kxecnlive,  and  on  which  this  bill  is  [ 
foiindoil,  it  is  an  uiiavoidaiile  eonsequenci'  that  if,  |^ 
by  an  amend  inent  lo  this  hill,  or  in  any  oilier  way,  ] 
any  home  arliele  slioiild  siicci-ed  in  nnr  maket,  and  ; 
lliercliy  the   like  forei^'n  article  should  he  in  any  j 
part  or  de};ree  excluded,  which  would  make  the  I 
revenue  derivi'd  fioiii  tli.it  article  less    it  would  ho 
unconsliUitioital,  above  the  rrrrni'i'  .v/nni/iii'i/,  and    I 
immedialely,  on  that  opemlion  bein^' aHcerlained,  1' 
I  (lonv'iTss  iniisl  immediately  correct  il,  and  f;ive  the  I, 
j  preference  to  the  imporled  article.    Such  heinijlhc 
avowed  p'iiiri/i/r,  it  is  us4'le:is  to  try  lo  save  any 
particular  hrancli,  because  we  are  here  told  llial,  if  ' 
Il  now  siiereeds,  it  must  be  deslrnyed  as  soon  as  . 
that  success  is  known.     Protection  by  a  larill' is  ' 
doomed   to  death  by  llie  Prcsidenl*.s  nussai^e,  by  j 
the  Secretary,  and  llie  supporters  of  this  hill.     If  I  ,1 
,  am  distineily  told  I  am  lo  he  i/rslroi/cd  with  nrseiiie, 
I  have  no  choice  in  the  size  of  the  dose.  I 

It  is  indeed  true  that  this  is  the  first  lime  in  li 
the   liislory   nf  our  CJovernmcnt  that  those  doc-  jl 
triiies  have  received  the  Hxeculive's  sanclion;  and  | 
we  arc  in  elfect  told,  that  all   the  views  of  all  the  |i 
Kxecutives  herelnfoiT,  in  relalion  both  lo  the  hist  : 
interesiN  of  the  country,  and  even  as  to  the  line   ', 
extent  and  riijlit  consliiictioi)  and  liniilalions  of  the    ; 
(,'onstiiiiiion,  (which  ('onsliiulion  many  of  iheiii   ' 
■  assisted  to  make,)  were   by  them  oniirely  imisiiii-  ' 
'  derslood  on  ihissMbJecl;  and  that  all   ihc  various 
'  tarifl's  heretofore   passed,  have  always   heen,  and 
now  are,  really  usurnations  and  nncnn.slitiitional. 
I   have  no   lime  to  (lisciiss  tliat  point,  hut  there 
seems  to  he   a  ih'jree  of  confident  assurance  and 
reckless  temerity  in  the  piiltiiiL's  forth  of  this  new  | 
oracle  of  finance,  which  at  first  raiher  confounds 
men  of  mere  ordinarv   prolensions.      Il   should,  j 
however,  be  rec.nlliicleil  that  the  Secrolary  has  tried 
on  ihis  rominnnily  a  eerlain  experimenl,  in  pul- 
liiif;  forth  a  certain  famous  letter  on  the  subject  of 
the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  iherein,  iimon;^  other 
arf,'uments,  the  Ivisl  and  North  part  of  llie  conn-  j 
try  were  iirjjed  lo  i;o  for  the   measure,  because  it  ' 
would  ;;rfally  eiilai';;e  the  market  for  their  nianu-  | 
factiires.  Tills,  though  urired  hy  those  well  known  ; 
to  he  hostile  lo  llie  whole  system  of  home  iiiaiiii-  ; 
faclures,  and  who  weri^  conslaiiily  ihieateniiig  to 
destroy  the  sy.slein,  and  wliu  by  the  accession  of' 
Texas  would   add  lo   their  )iower  so   to  do;  niid 
while  the  Soiilli  was  openly  and  ]irofe.ssedly  desi- 
rous of  the  aiinexalioii  of  Ti'Xa.t   lo  give   lo  the 
insliuuion  of  slavery  a  iar;;er  field,  and  to  secure 
lo  il  perinaiiencv  and   |ierpeliiily,  the  free  .Stales 
were  iiriiod   lo   l.ivor  it   as  a   measure  tendin<f  to 
diminish  and  ohliterale  il.    These  views,  however 
inconsis'eiil,  yet  look  willi  those  who  lieloi|i;ed  to 
the  dominant  party  ill  llie  noilliern  and  free  Slates,  ■ 
and  hy  their  voles  Texas  was  aniiexi  d,  and   her 
Represeiitaiives   and    Siiiators    have    taken    their 
seals,  and  lliey  are  by  this  .siniie  iiirm  now  called  on 
lo  assist,  by  their  votes,  lo  put  down  all  thai  jiolicy 
by  which  the  manufaclnres  are  encouragcii;  and  ; 
probably  llicir  votes  will  determine  the  cpieslion.  1 
Now,  sir,  alter  the  successful  performance  of  such 
an  I'Xperimeiil  on  the  irnllihilily  of  ihc  parly,  he  is 
well  encoiuMircd  to  put  forth  almost  any  proposi- 
liiiii  which  his  sophislry  can  cohcoct.  I 

Ii.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  come  now,  secondly,  tn  a  ; 
brief  view  of  llie  proposed  chaiii^e  of  policy,  as  it  ' 
would  all'ecl  us  as  an  inilijirmlrnl  nalicn  anioie;  the  . 
nalioiisid' ihe  e.irlli.     IJy  an  independent  nation,  I 
mean  one  ciMiipeieiil  lo  siisUiin  ilself  without  llie 
aid  of  others,  or  llnir  supply,  in  peace  and  in  war, 
and  which  can  pnicecil  in  ihe  prie,'ress  of  imnrove- 
ineiit  willuini  heiiis  all'ecled  by  l'orei;;n  leijislation. 
.Now,  sir,  llie  principle  on  which    1  insi.st  is  this: 
that  whenever  a  nation,  and  especially  an  asjriciil- 
lural  iialion,  ne^lect.s  lo  m.ike  provision  by  law  for 
eiii'oiirac;e!iieiit  of  internal  mamifiLMures,  and  espe- 
cially for  stirU  as  are  really  necessary  comfortably  ■ 
to  sustain  human  life,  and  leaves  iliis  mailer  lo  rei,'- 
nlale  itself,  and  holds  the  doclriiie  of  always  f^oiie; 
10  buy  in  llie  cheape,st  market,  it  is  always  suhjeet  '■ 
lo  the  rec;iilaiioiis  of  oilier  nations,  and  is  the  liupe 
of  their  cupidity,  and  under  .such  a  course  never 
has  and  never  will  prosjier,  but  will  in  fact  he  but  . 
a  colonial  dependency.  ', 

This  priiiciph'  is   siislained   hy  the  history  of  i 
oilier   nalioiis,   and    the  experience   of  our  own.  l' 
Look  al   l'rirlii'.,'al,   once  ihe   proud  possessor  of  j' 
exleii.<ivp  flecis  and  valuable  easiern  and  weslern  |; 
colonies,  and  in   hi^h    prosperity.      She  formed  I' 


with  England  the  Meilmen  treaty,  by  which  she 
was  lo  lake  her  clothint;,  &<"■  "•'  Kngland,  who 
niade  thciii  clioapcst,  and  Kn^land  wan  to  take  her 
wines;  and  what  has  been  the  resiill  ?  From  llie 
pride  of  i.dory,  I'orlimal  has  re(;idiirly  deseonded 
111  the  scale  of  nalions,  and  lias  now,  for  a  UiiiK 
lime,  been  practically  a  colonial  dependence  of 
KngUnd.  Spain  followed  the  same  policy;  she, 
Inn,  took  nil  her  cloihin;;  and  mnmifae.uires  of 
Kii','lniid,  who  made  ihein  cheapest,  and  contented 
her.self  with  raisin;;  tneiino  wool,  for  that  kind  of 
.«lieep  have  been  in  Spain  from  the  lime  of  the 
Itomans.  This  wool  they  supplied  to  I''lander9 
and  lo  lMi;;liind,  and  look  llieir  iloih  of  them,  na 
some  i;eiillemen  propose  we  should  do;  and  what 
has  been  the  ell'ccl.'  Spain,  as  fine  a  country  as 
the  sunli<;lil  visils  on  this  earth,  once  prosperous 
in  the  development  of  ils  own  resources,  and  stand- 
in;;  loin;  anion;;  the  first  class  of  Kiiropoan  nalions, 
hi;;li  above  that  l",n;;!niid  whom  Spain  condescend- 
ed to  employ  (o  n-nil:  for  her,  becniise  hIio  could  do 
it  cheap:'sl,  \my  now  become  poor,  degraded,  ami 
almost  in  a  stale  of  anarchy,  subject  lo  tlnr  will 
and  dictalion  'filial  I',ii;;land  whom  she  once  de- 
spised. This  IS  the  fruit  of  the  doclriiie  lo  always 
buy  where  you  can  liny  cheapest.  I*' ranee,  Ger- 
many, and  Uii.ssia  have  all  tried  this  same  fice- 
Irade  policy,  until,  by  sad  experience,  convinced 
of  il.s  impolicy,  lliey  have  adopted  llie  policy  of 
proiociiii;;,  hy  tliscriminaliii.;;  dulie.^,  their  own 
mainifaclnres;  and  lliey  are  now  prosperous  and 


iiidepende 


lMi;;laiiii   has    loni;    jiiirsued   this 


course  of  self-protection,  and  her  artisans  arc  ill 
advance  of  the  world.  Iler  maiinfactiires  furnish 
the  nialerial  for  her  commerce,  and  the  basis  of 
her  wealth.  Kraiice,  Holland,  lieliiimi,  Germany, 
and  Hiissia,  liaviii;;  all  adopted  this  ]ioliey  in  self 
defence,  and  beiii;;  prosperous,  Kinjland  hosan  lo 
be  curlailed  of  her  marKols.  She  has  sent  com- 
missioners to  those  conlinentnl  Powers,  and  push- 
ed on  ilieni  the  doctrines  of  free  trade,  which  she 
never  followed.  I'liey  have  been  deaf  to  her  soli- 
ciialions,  and  told  her  they  could  never  n;;ain  fol- 
low those  doctrines  which  drained  from  them  all 
llicir  money,  until  they  had  imslied  their  manufac- 
tures lo  llie  same  de'.;rei!  of  perfection  as  I",n;;landf 
and  so  become  fully  able  lo  compele  witli.  her. 
Findiiv;;  herself  rapidly  hein^  limiied  in  her  mar- 
kets, Knu;land  lia.s  finally,  in  order  lo  enable  her 
mamifaclurcrs  fully  lo  avail  themselves  of  tlrcir 
advanced  skill  and  extensive  capital,  and  lo  ;;ivc 
lliein  again  llie  advanlage  of  all  others,  so  far  re- 
duced her  duties  on  ^'rain  and  provisions  us  to 
enable  her  manufacturers  lo  feed  ihemselves  and 
families  at  the  ehea|iesl  possible  rale.  This  was 
done  by  Sir  Uoberl  Peel  entirely  J'irr  llie  liniifit  of 
till:  Kii,?/is/t  iiniiii/iicdii-ci",  and,  tlinai';h  llieir  suc- 
cess, to  advance  llie  commerce  and  nalionil  pros- 
]ierily.  Now,  what  is  the  policy  recommended 
by  our  Execiilive?  'Wliy,  ihat  sucli  a  course 
should  here  be  lakcn  as  wi'll  let  in  foreign  arlicles, 
ciiliroly  and  ullerly  lo  ileilrorj  niir  maniifiicliircs, 
contrary  to  ihe  doctrine  even  of  .\dani  Smith,  that 
it  is  ever  had  policy  for  uny  nation  to  diminish  its 
artisans. 

Let  us  now  brieHy  recnl  tn  memory  a  short 
chapter  from  the  history  of  our  own  exnerience, 
on  this  point.  'While  we  were  colonies  of  Kiiu'land, 
we  were  not  permitted  lo  have  our  altenlion  di- 
verled  from  onragricnllure  and  fisheries,  not  lieina; 
permilled  by  Kntjland  to  maiiiifaclnro  eiYii  a  hob 
nail.  We  were  then  lold,  as  we  imw  arc,  very 
palriinizintjly,  llial  we  must  feed  them  and  they 
cloihe  us;  that  it  was  entirely  best  for  ns  to  buy 
all  manufactures  of  them,  because  they  niaile  them 
cheapest.  Our  irade  was  c.iiifiiiod  to  EiiL'land  for 
our  supplies,  and  what  was  lac  ell'ect  ?  The  same 
it  ever  is  on  all  colonies — we  were  kept  in  a  stale 
of  entire  dependence,  the  hewers  of  wood  niid 
bearers  of  hiirdens  lo  Kii;;land.  When  our  falhor.i 
concluded  to  strike  for  indepondene.e,  they  found 
thrm.selvcs  unable  lo  furnish  tlieniselves  even  with 
ordinary  cloihin;;;  and  the  slru;;;le  of  the  Revolit- 
liou  received  more  of  ils  im;;ravaled  siilVerin(;s  from 
the  privations  wliicli  ihis  stale  of  dependence  nil 
Kiigland,  and  want  of  Ihe  power  of  self-supply, 
created.  Tlie  retreat  of  the  army  under  Wa.snin'.;- 
toii,  llirou'.;li  New  Jersey,  in  177G,  the,  darkest 
period  of  the  slrii;;';le,  was  marked  with  the  blood 
■  of  the  soldiers'  feet  on  the  frozen  ground,  for  want 
;  of  shoes.  Why  was  this-  Il  was  enlirely  he- 
Cttuse  they  had  relied  on  fiireign  supply  of  shoes, 


i 


961 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GlJOBR. 


(Juno  '24, 


29th  Cono 1st  Se88. 


nc  Tariff— Mr.  fV.  Hunt. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


Iireav^e  tlirij  vert  clira)\r^l;  mill  llirrcfnrr,  wlii'ii  , 
Irniilile  riiiiif,  llioy  wixv  iiii-ii|iMl>li-  of  i«'ir-.iup[ity. 
Wlii'ri  till-  Idiij;  «li'n!;';lc  (if  llic  U>'V>>liiliiin  i  limed, 
fni'h  JSlnto  luiil  ihf  liirniMtinii  nf  iln  iiwii  larill';  ■ 
«omi>  iIcNirpil  H  priili'i'tivc  InrilV,  wliili'  nllirrs, 
ili'siiima  III'  scrniiii;;  llir  Milviiiiliik;p  nl'  llir  Cur- 
ei^'ii  tniili'  t'l  tlieir  own  (iiiris,  ili'i'liniil  In  l;iy 
nny  iliitir  witiilcicr.  Our  MiiiislrvM  nliruni)  rii- 
cfi'avoriil  '  ■  t'liriii  i:i>mi»rri-ial  liiatirn;  lull,  iii  llir 
Coitirri  HN  nail  iint  tlion  imwrr  Ui  i-iiliiri'i'  tlicm, 
iMiir  iimlil  lio  I'liniii'il.  'I'liis  was  a  siiilr  nl'arliial 
IVri'  iraili",  rmni  tin:  |)i'arr  nf  I7S'1  In  llii'  riiniialiiiii 
111'  ilir  Ciinsliiiilinii  In  17s-<;  anil  wliiil  wa.i  llii: 
rll'ri'l?  Wc  I'lMi-lit  niilrilv  I'l'  llinii'  who  milil 
rlu'ai>rHt,  ami  dial  cniirsi-  nf  Iradi'  liraiiKil  all  lIic 
iniini'y  IVmn  Ihr  rounlry.  Prlils  rniilil  niil  Imi  \ 
(mill,  or  {nil:;mrnl.s  cnl'ii'i'iil;  mil!  r\in  in  llii' iilil  I 
SinlLi  of  Alassni'hnsrtt.-J,  so  i^rral  wan  ilir  iii»itrrMs, 
thai  llio  iM>ii|i|n  rii-^i'  in  nyrn  ii-vnlt,  (>  allril  llir 
Sli:iy*s  rrlirilinn,)  anil  i'ori'ilily  tai']i|(ril  tin  ::iMiii::.i 
of  the  rimrls,  til  prpvi-nl  iiiili;inriitM  liriii:  rrmii'inl 
for  ilrlitH.  The  i'"iiiilry  siinii  il  I'a.^i  li  inline  In 
niiari'liy.anil  evii)  liiiii'ral  Wa.^liiii'^imi  r\|M'rsKiil 
llir  iloi;pi'.si  iVar  thai  all  llii-  rrvniiiliniiary  war,  iniil 
ils  siii'coas,  wiHilil  lie  IumI  in  lliunsull.  'J'liiH  uas 
Inn  llipillirt  of  frri'  irailo,  anil  of  buying;  wliiri' 
Wi'  ronlil  I  iiy  rlK'a|u\it. 

rriini  lK;s  wi!  i'.si'a|Mil  liy  llir  aitii|illnn  nf  ilir 
pri'Ncnt  Ciinstilultnii,  wlirrrin  tlif  |in\\ir  nl'  iln- 
Mi'\ oral  Stales  In  levy  anil  enlleel  ilniiiH  jiasMil  In 
llie  (.ieiienil  linvenniii  iit.  wliieli  nnineili.ilily  rx- 
rn-iHiil  ilia'  |niwi  r  liy  lay.n:;  iliilies  ilit^niiniiialiii;; 
for  llin  (■nrnuniireiiniil  aiul  |ii'iil|'>'tinn  of  liniiii' 
nianiifai'tiires.  It  in  Irne  ilial,  nnnii  afler  llii>',  anil 
I'lir  inanv  years,  all  Enroiir  was  iiunlveil  in  war,  ; 
mill  we  liefainr,  IIS  a  iiemra!  iKiMiin,  llie  earrieis 
fnr  ilie  wnrlil,  anil  a  full  ami  liiu'li  iliniaiiil  l■xl^lld 
fnr  all  iinr  pmiliieiinii;!,  hii  ilmt  iiiannfarliireM  wi  re 
little  aihaiii'iil  lid'nri;  \\i:  wrre  iiivnUi  il  in  iinnilier  ' 
war.  We  liail  slill  piirsiieil  the  pnliey  of  Imyin:;  i 
insicail  nf  iiiakini;  niir  arlii  lis  nf  iiiaiinl'aeline,  anil 
that  war  fnniiil  lis  Mill  in  a  enniparaiive  Male  nf 
cie|ienil('nee  nil  l-ai^'lanil.  'I'lie  Millirinus  aail  ill.-- 
tresst'H  of  llial  war  were  iini  so  niiieli  lis  lialllis, 
«s  il  was  tlie  exposure  ami  iliseiiNe  from  want  of  i 
proper  siip|ilies.  1  liave  wilnesseil  in  llial  *ar, 
mill  many  pre.veni  v.ilnesseil  it  niiii'li  ninn  ,  iinieli 
of  siillerin^',  frnin  loni;,  enlil,  sliiieriii'^  iii.'.:liis  pass- 
cil  in  Winn  of  a  lilankel',  ami  mir  (inVLniiniiil  was 
iinalile  even  to  proeiire  hlankels  In  pi  i  I'nnii  ihi  ir 
Irealies  wiili  the  Inilian  Iriiies.  This  was  the  re- 
imlt  i<(  praelieal  liee  liaile.  At  llie  ennnnenei  iiii  nl 
of  llial  war  ('nn^'re.-s,  al  a  Hiii!,'li'  hlnw,  ilniihleil  all 
onr  ilnlieu  in  im-rnise  the  revenue,  Inil  lliey  never 
neipiireil  llie  sa^miiy  tn  ilisinM  r  wliat  is  now  llie 
(Iniliille,  thai  is,  lliat  they  slioiild  lia\e  /niivifi/ llie 
ilnlie.s  to  inerease  llie  ri\riiue.  We  Nlrii;^liil 
llirniii;li  llial  will ;  and,  not  ennsideriie:  llie  elianci  d 
ennililinn  of  Kuriipe,  wliiili  had  siiiled  liael,  iiiln 
the  pursuits  of  peaei;  and  si  If-snpply,  nnr  pinple 
imiiiedialely  laninlud  fnrlh  auain  inln  the  pi.ieliee 
of  free  tniile,  iiiiil  limmlit  where  ihev  ennhl  l.iiy 
elieapi.sl;  and  what  was  the  eifuel-  'J'lie  eouniry 
was  iiinnilaled  with  inipnrlid  !,'im:iIs;  the  ninuey 
wa.s  all  aivaiii  ttraim-d  oli',  and  iiiiiversal  ilisiri  .s 
fnllnwed.  'I'liey  tried  niakiii;;  haiiKs,  lail  thai  nf 
course  failed,  as  the  speeie  was  i;OMe,  wliieli  ainiie 
ran  sustain  tlieiii.  I''riiin  this  we  were  never  I'lillv 
relieved  until  it  was  ilniie  hy  the  prnteeii\e  tarifls 
of  \fi\  and  Iris,  whieh  fnslerid  a  home  niaiinlae- 
Inrc  and  a  limne  inarliel.  In  |s.'|:>  the  friends  nf 
free  trade  prneiired  llie  pa.-sa','e  nf  ihe  (,'onlprnnll.^e 
nrl,  under  whieli  the  prnii  eiive  diiiies  were  ^'radn- 
nlly  taken  olf  and  redm  eil  iiiilil  |h|-J,  win  n  the 
whole  eainc  down  tn^Jtl  pi  reeiil.  'I'liis  was  au'aiii 
free  trade;  and  what  was  ils  eil'iet-  Il  was  pre- 
cisely the  same  il  hail  always  I.eeli  lilfnie.  We 
lion^ht  where  we  eniild  laiy  ehiapisl,  nml  as  tin.' 

(liilies  dluiinishi  il,  iniporlaliniis  nf  fnrei;.'n    :; Is 

iiiereasud,  uiilil  llieeminlry  wasairain  llnmlej  Willi 
them,  ihe  specie  was  ii^.iui  drained  nil',  the  riNe- 
iiiii  fell  helnw  ihinein  inillinii.^,  and  ;;i  neral  lunik- 
riiptey,  iiiilividiial  nnd  nalimial,  ensued.  Krinn 
this  we  Were  relieved  hy  the  present  larill'  law, 
under  whieh  we  are  prnsperin:;.  IS'nw,  it  wniilil 
Reem  as  if  we  had  lieen  siiineieiiily  mul'IiI,  hy  nur 
own  experience,  that  our  lanspirily,  thai  nur  iia- 
lional   independence,  caiinnt   he  suslained    in   the 


practice  ol  Iri 


'  trade 


What  isastiiteof  coloiiiiil  dependence,  ami  what 
ore  the  advanla;,'es  to  l''ii^laiiil,  or  niiy  other  (inv-      Iheir  pnsilii 


eflt  to  F,ii:;)nnd,  derived  from  licr  cnlonies,  is,  that 
she  coiitineii  their  trade  Ut  herself,  and  supplien 
them,  al  her  own  price,  with  all  manufacliirid  arti- 
rics,  hy  lier  own  \es.-'els,  and  sends  oil' to  them  her 
surplus  '^niiiN  and  popiiTalinn.  To  obtain  llie.se 
ailvaiitn;:es,  nlie  is  at  the  expense  ofilefenilin'.:  the 
colonii'M  a«;ainsl  other  natinns,  and  snstainini;  their 
i;overiinieiil.  iNow,  suppose  we  ailopi  the  princi- 
ples of  free  trade  now  put  I'oitli,  and  lake  all  nur 
inannfactitrcs  t'roin  l-'iiulaiid,  and,  because  tliry 
sell  cheapest,  we  :;ivo  to  them  our  entire  ninrkel; 
then  they  will  evidently  have  frnni  lis  all  the  ml- 
viintfir^in  they  have  from  any  of  their  colonies;  and 
yet,  if  we  nnlv  levy  nn  those  ;;nnds  a  duty  eiioni;li 
to  pay  the  nrilinary  e\peii-'es  nf  our  (in\eruinent, 
and  n<  there  are  In  be  no  doincstic  miniufacliires  tn 
eniupele  with  them,  oiir  people,  the  consumers, 
will  have  that  duly  tn  pay,  and  we  shall  pay  the 
expenses  nf  nur  nwu  Oliver. iment,  and  thus  relieve 
l'ati!:liii*d  from  all  burden  in  that  way;  sn  ihat  uc 
sliiill  be,  prai'lically,  lier  cnlonies,  eulirely  at  our 
own  expense — self-reduced  nL'aiii  to  colonial  ilc- 
pcmlence  for  the  iieces.sarieH  of  life,  and  incapable 
of  su.':taiiiiii;;  ourselves  in  any  tiiiie  f>f  tmnble. 
This  accninils  fnr  llie  di'li','ht  with  which  the  Sec- 
retary's ri  pnri  was  received  and  rcpiiblislied  by  the 
liritisli  I'arliamenl.  Now,  who  arc  the  .Vim  ricnii 
;>iii7if  and  who  the  Urili^h  iinrlii  in  this  connlryr 
.Are  all  llie  exertions  ami  snll'erin;;N  of  our  falhcis 
in  the  Keviihilinii,  In  rcdi  em  us  frnui  iliis  stale  of 
colonial  ilependeiice,  to  be,  in  i  ll'cci,  set  aside  and 
disri;.' aided,  and  our  nnicli-bnaslcd  independence 
be  bariered  awiiv/er  cArcji  iliilliiiii;  ntui  nmssiiriis, 
which  we  are  fully  able  nnrsilves  tn  supply? 

III.  I  iinne  nnw  to  cnn.<iii|cr  the  pmpnseil  hill, 
ailnptin'j;  n  /m/ieiiii(  yio/;';/,  as  rev  iiilr'Ki,  as  if  we 
were  nnu  ,  fm'  lilt'  lirst  Hmt ,  tn  enact  a  law  nn  the 
siil>jei*t;  as  if  wc  had  nn'liin:;  nnw  vested  in  nian- 
iil'ictnres,  and  nn  sacritices  in  endure  by  ;i  change; 
ami  as  if  we  wirf  secure  frniii  the  oppressive  nper- 
atinii  nn  us  nf  llie  re;;iilaliiiiis  of  trade  by  iitlier 
nalinns.  The  Secretary,  in  his  repnri,  says:  "It 
is  L'eiiirallv'  cniiccilid,  that  reciprocal  free  trade 
aninn;;  nalinns  wniild  best  advance  the  interest  uf 
all."  Ai.'ain,  he  Hays:  "Let  ns,  with  revenue 
duties  nnly.  npen  our  ports  to  all  the  world,  and 
nation  nfli  r  nation  will  soon  follow  our  exnni|ile." 
Il  is  ilillii  lilt  to  see  what  indncemeni  liny  could 
have  to  fnllow  our  example,  when  we  shall  have 
;riri'«  them  our  fri  e  trade  without  reipiirin^  any 
ennccssinn  from  ihciii.  I'lit  it  is  In  the  .senll- 
nil  111  11 rsi  fpinted  alinvc  I  wish  to  call  allcniinn,  :ind 
tn  express  mil  views — I  say  iiiij  views,  because  1 
am  aiiilinri/.id  to  KpeaU  nn  this  puint  only  fur 
inysi  If. 

When  two  bnilies  of  water  lie  near  each  other, 
and  eomninnicatinn  is  fnrineil  belwieii  them,  all 
the  wall  r  «  ill  find  the  Imrtsl  level.  If  the  eallle  in 
two  cniilijiiniis  p;islure.'-'  arc  sull'i  red  to  run  cniii- 
luiui  inln  both,  the  feed  will  be  reduced  In  the  eon- 
ilitinn  of  the  poorest  one,  and  all  the  r:iiile  will  be 
kept  nil  llie  feed  of  the  lowest  ill  (lisli.  If  adjarenl 
cniiniries  piirsnc  their  trade  tniresiricti  d  willi  each 
nllicr,  all  thiims  must  sell  at  the  lowest  pi'ice  of 
that  ariicle  in  i  ilher  nf  those  coiiiilries.  If  we  de- 
pend nil  a  fnrei:;n  market  fnr  supplies,  we  must 
sell  niir  produce  to  them  in  their  market  at  as  low 
a  rale  as  il  can  be  supplied  by  anybody.  To;;ciher 
with  these  .simple  trnihs,  annther  iniisl  be  renieni- 
bi  red,  and  thai  is,  th.ai,  I'nr  all  the  jmrposes  of 
trmle  ami  cnininerce,  and  the  inlcn-lianire  nf  ciim- 
inndilies,  sn  ^reat  has  been  the  iinprnveinenls  in 
n.'ivii'atiiin,  and  so  raiMitly  are"  they  advancin;;, 
that  we  are  now  brnnuhl  into  continuity  with,  and 
are  cniiiiL'Uons  In,  ICiirnpe. 

Let  il  be  rcincnibeieil  that  we  are  now  tryins, 
in  view  of  the  wnrlil,  the  ureal  experiment  whether 
niankind  can  ;aicceed  wilh  a  |inpular  system  nf 
sjnvernnienl.  Now  iniistbe  solved  the  L'leal  prnb- 
lein  in  civil  snciety,  whether  m;in  is  compeleni  to 
self-Tnvcrnmcut,  ami  it  rests  wilh  us  tn  settle  fnr 
iinr.si  Ives,  I'nr  pnsli  lity,  and  for  the  world — to  set- 
tle, ami  tlnil  probably  /iiiTivr,  this  ;;reat  ipiestion. 
Tn  ell'eet  this,  we  have  assumed  ;ill  exalled  pnsi- 
tiiiii  tnr  nur  wlidlv  pfttjili'  mnnn;;  the  nalinns  of  the 
e.irlll.  It  is  iinl  enniiudi  th;lt  nur  penple  beniilvas 
wetbcoiidiiiomd  as  those  nf  other  iialions.  Id 
order  lo  oceupv  their  places  as  freemen,  and  dis- 
i'Ii.ul;!'  the  ilnlies  as  eiiliuhlened   eiil/eiis  of  a  (n 


ye-i — our  •  'hole  penple — imiiit,  a.i  rompnreil  witli 
those  of  other  nations,  occupy  an  eteviitril  po.^itiou  , 
lihysical,  intclhclnal,  inoial,  and  social.  They 
are,  and  they  must  be,  heller  elotlieil,  better  fed, 
better  !iniiseil,anil  better  educated,  and  adorned  as 
liecomes  the  tasie  and  eonililion  of  a  free  peopli. 
Now,  whatever  branch  nf  our  production  or  indus- 
try is  broiiiihl  into  ennfacl  ami  eompelitimi  with 
the  name  in  Liirope,  it  iiinst  sink  at  once  lo  tin  ir 
level.  If  our  inannllictnieR  and  worKshops  are  in 
f-!in;lHnil,  and  we  buy  there,  liecau.se  eheapesi, 
there,  too,  must  onr  prodnetionn  be  sold  as  low  as 
the  like  call  be  fiirnisheil  by  others.  To  ilfi  this, 
our  producers  ninst  wnrk  as  cheap,  and  live  a^' 
|>oor,  and,  of  course,  descend  to  as  low  a  level  in 
the  soci:il  condition,  as  the  producers  of  tfie  same 
do  ill  Kiirope.  Now,  what  is  the  eonililion  nl 
tlinse  will)  cnllivate  llie  land,  and  now  furnish 
wheal  lo  Kii;;lanil  so  mncli  cheaper  than  nnrtielves  ■ 
It  is  true,  indeed,  as  staled  by  Lnril  Aslibiirlnn. 
lliey  wnrk  fnr  sixpence  a  day.  On  the  t'nnii 
neni,  frnni  Spain  to  ltiissia,tlie  wa;:is  of  the  peas 
aiitry  will  not  iivcraire  over  one  fr;ine  a  day,  :iiiil 
everywhere  the  woineii  ami  ehililren  niin.'le  in  the 
Inbnr.inflhe  hildiand  such  exieii.sively  isllieenn 
ditinn  even  of  Kic.;land. 

The  fnoil  of  llmse  penple  in  of  the  most  simple 
nnd  coarse  k'inil,  their  cloihiii'j:  .-iiiil  ilwclliii'js  bur 
the  most  rnilc  enverin;,'  nnd  shelter,  and  their  in 
eessant  toil  fnrbids  all  po.ssibility  i<C  intelleetiiiil 
culture.  Such  may  answer  as  milijrrfs  fnr  a  ninn- 
arehy,  but  sinli  inusMiol  be  the  enndilinn  of  thi^ 
citizens  nf  this  l,epnlilic.  Whenever  it  become.! 
so,  our  j'oliiical  experiment  will  have  failed.  No, 
sir;  nn.  We  cannot  niak'e  rinninna /e/ wilh  the  n;i- 
lioiis  of  Ihe  world.  We  are,  and  must  be,  a  (»cii 
liny  pre/i/i ;  and  sncli  i;nist  be  the  nntnre  of  onr 
policy.  Iliuini;  ahniisl  i  ntereil  on  tlie  enjoymen;. 
of  the  promised  land,  let  ns  not,  ill  llie  indiscreei 
desire  to  procure  c/n-fi/i;,''()c(/.v,  indiil^i  ;i  loni;iii^fni 
the  veijetaliles  and  lleshpnts  of  Kuypt,  and  return 
therefor  ajain  to  a  slate  of  v.iss;ila;:e  and  servitude, 
bill  hold  on  our  way.  In  fulfil  the  performance  ol 
our  itatioirs  calling,  in  actual  independence  and 
prosperity. 

It  inavbolnie  that  lh«  E^rowcrs  of  cotton,  which 
cnnnnt  lie  produced  in  luirope,  and  the  condition 
of  whose  lalinr — ..ilaves — i-aiinot  be  ileirnided  in 
sorijil  pnsitinn,  have  nnthiii!;  to  fear  in  this  expeii 
ment  of  Inrei/ii  enmpetilinn;  and  this  may  accniinl 
fnr  their  (.'Ciieial  willinuness  tlnit  this  fri  c-tr:"lr 
pnliey  slinnhl  be  pinsned;  but  even  tliey  slinuld 
I'emeniber  that  their  destiny  is  embarked  in  ihr 
same  political  esperinienl  willl  onrs,  and  nuisi 
.share  i:i  the  Kcneral  itsiiIi. 

The  sands  nf  my  liimr  ulnss  are  nearly  run  out, 
and  I  must  close.  I  choose  nnl  to  leave  the  im- 
pression thai  my  hopes  of  my  country's  lliial  lies 
liny  depend  on  this  bill,  ihonu'li  I  ihi.ibl  not,  if  Ihi-: 
policy  were  aiiopted  and  persisted  in,  it  would  ile 
strny  our  prnsperily;  bill,  sir,  there  is  an  elaslieiiy 
and  recuperative  energy  ill  the  inlclli;;ence,  enter 

.  prise,  and  resources  of  this  peojile,  by  which  they 
will  reih.-em  themselves.  If  ibis  is  ail  opted,  i  his  peo- 
ple will,  miller  il,  siill'cr  deeply  ;  but  when  siiH'er- 

,  ni;;,  they  wit!  seek  relief,  ns  they  have  lieretnfni'- 
dnne,bya;;ainabnnilnnin'^'lhe|inlicy.  And  tlioic:h 
this  pcoph;  may  be  iiL'ain  deeply  convulsed,  ami 
thnu;,'li  that  cnnvnlsion  may  not  be  a  death  sine' 
^le,  yel.  in  the  paroxysms  of  their  :e/ony,  they 
will  criisli   the  parly  and   authors  of  Iheir  snll'er 


TIIL  TAKI  I'l'. 


lublic 


all 


rill''  Inrwar 


d    Ihi 


ernnii  111,  in  the  iios.se.ssii 


id'eol 


I'he  III 


on  il 
id  da 


le  plallnrm 


.fe 


chihlr 
nalil 


SPEECH    OF    MR.  W.  II  C. N'T 

or  NF.W    VORK. 

In  the  IIiiL'sE  or  l!Ei'r.i;sKNT.\TiM.s, 

./uiir  U'l,  1H4(I. 

The    bill    reported    by   the    Cnminittee   of    'vVay 

and  Means,  prnposiic.^  lo  reduce  the  duties  m 

imports,  belief  niider  eons  id  er.'i  lion  in  (loniiniiti  i 

of  the  Wholi llie  slate  of  the  Union — 

Mr.   HUNT  addressed   the  cnnimiilec  as  fnl 
lows: 

Mr.  rnviiiMw:  The  practical  nperalioii  of  llii 


n  lo  lake  ,    lariff of  li^bi  fm-iii: 


dies  the  niosi 


y  WI 


Ihlh. 


tisfactnry  ar^'ii- 


;hli  i:;  of  the  I. mil,  our  people 


nil 


lit  in  favor  of  its  contiiniance.     Ils  actual  ellei  i 


11 


le  varied   iiiU  rests  of  the 


amiilry  pre.-ieiiis 


piino  '2'f, 

ItlOPS. 


Jiiiiiil  M-irfi 
ll  pii.^illiiii, 
111.  TImv 
lillor  (■(■((. 
I\ili>nii'(l  :iA 

leC|.CMI,l,: 

liiir  miliis. 
fitioii  Willi 
ce  to  lh(  ii- 

|"[1H  HIT  Id 

iJirnpcNi , 

IIH   \nW  flH 

(in   iIiIm, 
IikI   live  lis' 
1 II  li'vrl   ill 
(he  H.inii- 
liiililioii    |>f 
\v   riii'liisli 
[illrnrlvcs  ' 
i.sfilinrliin, 
Jllir  <'(niii 
If  (lie  \>i'i\\ 
(liiy.  ■■iiiii 
i.'lr''iii  ih, 
I  iM  the  roil- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  TllK  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOHE. 


9C5 


SSh'ii  Ci)N(j 1st  Skss. 

iliii  iiiiiHt  triuin|ihiiiit  iuirwit  Ik  iIu'  iirummciitii  mid  | 
i;ciiiMal  (JcniiiicinUdim  wliii'li  lire  ('iii|i!iiyi'(l  nf^iiiiiHt 
il.  Till!  Ir<<;  JM  til  lit'  jiid'j;iil  liy  Mh  iViiit.  Oil  it 
fii-ui'tii'iil  rjiii'sliiiii  of  tliiw  niilnri'^iilTfi'tin:;'  tliiMVcry 
ilay  I'liiifiTiiM  of  iiiilivitliijilH  mid  uf  iimssis,  MWiirp- 
(iii;  iiNwrliiiiiH,  liii;'i:iiii)iiH  lliciinr;!,  miil  liypnilicti- 
<  III  h|Ki'uliilioii)<,  immt  ho.  loslcil  liy  tlio  rcsultii  nf  ', 
<X|K'i'ii'iii'('.  Mcasiiritl  liy  iIiIh,  IIii;  only  tiiil'o 
Kliiiiil.ii'il,  it  will  liii  roiiiiil  ilinl  iiiiiKl  nf  tlie  nlijcr- 
timiH  iiiuril  ii;;aiiist  llin  prnlcciivf  pnlii'.y  art;  nuiru 
i-i|irriiiiiK  ilinii  niilid,  inniT  plausililr  lliaii  rrul,  anil 
wliiilly  iiii'iMmirid'iit  wiili  Iviinwn  lio'is,  witii'li,  il' 
iiiit  iiiiili:<piiiril,  ari'  iiiijii-piilalili'.  Niilliiii;;  run  lir 
iii'iri'  niiii-lu.sivi:  itr  KafisCai'tory  tii  uiiprtjiidicril 
iiiiiid:!,  ilinii  a  I'liiilrasi  nf  llii;  siale  iif  llm  rouiilry 
prmiiMiH  III  llic  ai'l  (iT  H4'.!  willi  llir  Hiilmcqiii'iit 
■  'iiiiilitiiin  111'  iiU'airs.  Vnr  minir  yi'ar.i,  tin:  raliH  of 
duty  nil  impiiriM  liad  I'alli'ii  fiiiiii  yrar  tii  yiar,  till 
\Kt'.  riai'lit'd  till-  tVriMraili!  ri'viMiiic  Hiaiidai'd  (»f 
iwriiiy  piT  I'ciu.  Tin'  icvriiuis  of  llii^  Giivcni- 
iniiiil  and  lliii  iiiliTi'si  of  llic  riiiiiiliy  IcrpI  an  iviMi 
ilinviiwiird  pacf  willi  IIiIk  nvliiriinn  iil'iair  tarilKiil' 
iinpoHlH.  Trailn  and  inilusiry  were  rnliinil  In  tlir 
liiwi'st  till)  (if  di'pii'spiiin.  lCiiiliairasj<iiii.'nl  and 
iiaiiKriipiry  pvrvinii'd  I'u;  land.  t>iir  nMinil'arliirini; 
inlcii'.-il.s  wiiru  liniiiijlil  to  a  Niaiid,  and  niin|>i  lli'il 
(II  su.spt-nd  o|ii>ra(iiins,  iir  ui  piT.-;i'Vfrt'  in  di'S|icralo 
itliiil.';  iiividvih',' a  if.iiaiii  fai-iifii'c.  Ai'lisaiiH  and 
incrlianirx,  in  iiiMily  all  iirriipadnns,  ruiiiid  llinn- 
licKus,  if  nut  di'pi'lM'd  iif  all  i  niplnyiiuiil,  rediiccd 
to  llii'  alliTiiativc  nf  daily  (nil  in  tlni  prndin-liDii  nf 
tii':iclt-8  wliicli  the  cniiMinii-r  N^as  iinahle  tn  piir- 
rlia.sc,  and  pay  for  at  rcmniirraliii;^  prircs.  Lalinr, 
in  many  hrnni'lir.-i,  wan  wiihniit  uinpliiynuiil,  and 
ihnn.'i.iiid.s  who  rely  nil  rniiiilaiil  \v:iu;i.s  fnr  ihi'ir 
daily  hixhd,  wi:rr  rrdm^cd  tn  the  oxlieniily  nf  .-iiif- 
I'liiii;;  and  opprclioiiKiiiii.  Tim  n^riailtiiral  intir- 
I'stH  were  jiaraly/.L'd.  Tin;  farnaa'  wa.s  forcfd  tn 
m;II  many  nf  Iii8  pnidiictinns  I'nr  iiniiiiiial  liiiucs, 
anil  many  of  tlii'  staple  hulky  iirodncis  of  tlie  .soil 
wile  left  on  his  liand.i  wiilimit  a  niarlut.  At  no 
lime  siiici;  the  i.'inliar;;o  and  the  war  Iia«  conunorce 
lieeii  so  enlii-ely  eiiiliarra.ssiil  and  crippled.  The 
vaiit  iinportatiniisof  foivi;;n  falirirs  had  drained  the 
hpeeie  from  the  eoiiniry,  and  involved  u.s  in  an 
4-iinriiiou.s  fnreiijn  di.'ht.  Our  currency  wuh  de- 
laiif^iil,  and  to  a  larje  extent  c.\liaiiKled;  as  the 
means  nf  payment  disaii|icarcd,  ercdit  in  all  it.s 
I'nriiis  wa.s  pro.straled,  and  ennlidence  lietween  men, 
ill  the  coneirns  of  business,  was  virtually  deslrny- 
ed.  A  feeling  of  t;loom  and  disconraireniint,  like 
;i  ilarii  elouil,  overspread  tlie  country;  and  after  a 
viiiii  stru^'u'le  aijainsl  present  diHiiailties  and  iin- 
pindiii^  ilan^ers,  thnii.sands  of  the  most  meritnri- 
iiiis,  eiitt;rpriKiiif,',  and  ui:eful  of  nnr  ciiizen.s,  yield- 
ed to  despair.  Hueli,  sir,  was  the  true  eundition  nf 
the  eouiitry.  And  what,  ilininu-  that  ini  ninr.ilile  \ 
period,  was  the  posture  of  the  Treasiiryr  ^'nur 
leveiuies  had  declined  from  thirty  niillinns  to  less 
ilian  (il'teeii  milliuiis — the  receipts  were  wholly  in- 
.iile(|uale  tn  Uie  nrdinary  expenditures — and  the 
Ijnverinneiit,  tin  less  than  the  penple,  was  in  a  state 
nf  haiikruptey.  TixMsury  notes  were  eniplnyed 
(or  some  years  as  a  temporary  facility,  till  a  resort 
to  direet  and  permaiieiil  loans  was  fnuud  iieees- 
.sary. 

A  national  .stock  was  created  and  nlTered  in  nitir- 
kel,  hut  such  was  the  exhaiisiion  of  our  resources, 
(he  money  could  not  lie  nlitained  in  our  own  mar- 
kets; and  so  conipieie  was  the  prnslratloii  nf  Aiiiiri 
eanc.reditin  liiurnpe.niira'^enusaliroiu!  wercei|ually 
unsuccessful.  Our  Uoveriimeni  was  exhilnled  to 
the  world  in  the  nnMtifyiiiy  attitude  of  a  needy  sup- 
pliant, alike  dcslitulu  of  nieun.s  at  home  and  of, 
credit  abroad. 

It  was  this  crisis  of  embarrassment  and  disaster 
wliicli  irave  birth  tn  the  tarillnf  IS4:i.  'I'he  iieees- 
Kllies  nf  an  impnvcrislied  penple,  and  an  empty 
triasury,  demandeil  a  return  to  increased  dimes, 
w  itii  proper  discriminations  fnr  revenue  and  pro- 
lection.  'I'll  It  measure  was  wisely  and  skilfully 
IVained  to  yield  an  adeipiate  revenue  to  the  tiov- 
1  riinieiit,aiid  to  sustain  the  industry  of  the  country. 
How  coiispiciinnsly  has  it  fulfilled  its  object  and 
accomplished  thc-e  i;rcat  purposes ! 

The  inemnry  of  every  };eiillcnian  (said  Mr.  II.) 
iiuist  carry  linn  hack  tn  the  condition  of  things 
which  he  had  attempted  to  describe,  and  bear  wit- 
ness tn  the  truth  of  the  picture.  He  would  also 
rccal  their  recollection  to  the  almost  instantaneous 
eliaiij;e  which  followed  the  reesUiblislimeiit  of  the 
proteelivc  |)olicy.     From  one  end  of  the  country 


Tlw  T(t,!jl—Mi:  IV.  Hunt. 

to  the  ntlicr,  it  was  hailed  luingTent  national  ilcliv-  | 
oranec.     It  was  receivnl  as  a  ;;unr.iiily  that  the  ' 
powers  of  the  Onvermneiit  were  once  mote  to  be 
exerci.5ed  for  the  pioil  of  the  people;  iliut  our  na- 
tional interesiH  and  our  labnriie;  cla.-iseM  were  tn  be 
shielded  from  the  cheap  labnr  and    nverreacliiie; 
policy  of  the  older  nations  nf  I'Airnpe.     The  liopcs 
thus  ins|iiri'il,  wei-e  iimncdiately  reali/.i'd;  and  such 
a  chaise  wiis  prniliiccd  ill  the  wlinle  dnmestic  cnii- 
ditioii  of  the  cniiiitry  as  had  mner  before  been  wit-  , 
iicKsed  in  the  same  brief  space  nl'time.     'J'he  iiiaii-  ' 
ilt'acturitiL'       tablishmenls  of  llie  cninilry,  which 
had   been    nUnj^ctlier  closed  or  kept  ill  operation 
under  ;;ical  disadvaiilaneH,  and  ill  some  ea.-es  niily 
from  an  imwiiliiii::neas  tn  cut  nil' the  suppnrt  nf  de- 
pendoiit  families,  at  once  fell  the  vivifying  iiiliii- 
eiice.     The  Slime  aiiiniation  was  imiiarted  tn  all 
nllicr    braiichcH  nf  industry.     Tlic  daily   kiborer 
once  mnri:  found    ste.tdy  emplnyment  and    i^nnd 
wiii;es,  nf  which  lie  had  been  lon^  deprived;  the 
meclianic    trades  nf  every    sort  speedily  revived;  | 
and,  notwitlisiaiidimr  what  had  bei  n  saiifaiiiuit  the  i 
np|)ressiiiii  and  persecution  of  tlie  f.irmiie,;  classi  s  | 
for  the  benefit  of  a  few  rich  maimfar Hirers,  Mr.  II. 
wiMild  as.serl,  that  the  a'.;riciiltiire  of  llie  country 
had  felt  anion  iinmediale  benefit  lioiii  tlie  resloiu 
tion  of  the    larilP,  than    from   any  nilier  nu:asiire  , 
which  had   been  iidnptcil  by  the  (jovernmeiit  fnr  ! 
many  yeais.     It  secured  to  nnr  rarmers  an  iiicreas-  i 
ed  market  fnr  their  prodine  in  the  maniif.iciinini<  j 
communities.     iSor  was  this  la-iiefitconlhied  to  the  i 
northern  and  eastern  States  alntie,  where  thi  man-  i 
ufactiiriic:  classes  are  most  niinn  runs.     The  wt  :^t-  ' 
erii  States  iiarlicipatcd  in  the  advaiita:;e,  and  only 
ill  a  less  (lenree   because  of  the   fjrealer   distance 
between  the    producer  and    the   coiisiinier.     The 
commerce  of  the    cminlry  revived;  credit,  piiblii' 
and   |irivale,  at    home  and  abroad,  was   ri  stored. 
The  currency  of  the  roniitry  gradually  reliinicd  to 
a  sound  and  healthful  enndition,  itnd  the  means  of 
the  peii|ile  lo  pay  for  coinl'orls,  and  losiipjily  llinse  ' 
various  secondary  wants  «  hicli  deiioie,  and  in  part  j 
proceed   from,  a  prnsperniis    cnndilinn  nf  tilings. 
were  auu'nienled.     Inn  brief  period,  the  balance  nf  j 
trade,  which  had  been  more  and  more  aiiaiiist  lis  | 
from  year  tn  year,  turia  d  in  our  f.ivnr,  and  a  ;,'i  n-  I 
end  state  nf  public  prosperity  exiiiiplilied  the  prac-  i 
tieal  wisiloni  nf  the  system  we  are  now  called  upon  ' 
lo  overthrow.     Under  its  beiii';ii   inlliiences,  our 
pm:;ress  in  the  useful  arts,  and  in  the  imprnvemeiit 
nf  the  country,  has  surpassed  all  fnriner  example. 
The  treasury,  in  a  remirkable  manner,  was  iniine- 
diately  aifecieil  by  the  clia.ii:*'.     lis  impty  vaults 
were  replcnishid,  ami  llie  (jovcrnmeiit  en.iblcd, 
aflir  nieilinu;  all  its  current  expciidilure.-,  lo  reduci^ 
rapidly  the  public  debt  which  had  been  ucciinnila- 
tiie^  for  three  or  four  previous  years,  under  the 
system  of  free  trade  and  low  diilii  s.  , 

Such  have   been   the  psulls  nf  that  great  and  ; 
beiieliceiit  niea.-iiire.     It  is    no  iivcr-wrnii;;lit   de-  j 
scription,  but  a  caialid  eximsiiinn  of  the  real  coii- 
seipienccs  of  prntetioii,   placed  in  eonlrast  with  f 
the  bliv;htiie_'(  tl'ectsof  the  .•uilim:nnisl  policy.     Is  it  1 
denied  by  any  one  here .-   I  .ippeal  to  plain  iiii(|ues-  ! 
lionable  facts,  which   meet  us  on  every  sale,  and 
ai(^  palpable   In   the  vision   nf  all.     This   slate  nf 
!,'eiicral   happiness,  imiler  the  taritl' of  I^J:.',  eon- 
tinni'd  without  interruption  lill  the  cnimiiencement  i 
nf  the  present  session  of  (.'nn'.;ress  in  December.  ' 
When  we  asscmlihil   here,  the  American  [lenple 
were  in  a  stale  of  iiIiiiosl  iiiiexaiii|ileil  prosperity, 
as  well   in.  (heir  commercial  and   airri'ultinal,  as 
their   maiml'iclurini;'  and    mechanic  interests,  and  j 
the  ijcneral  condition  nlilie  labnriie;  clas.ses.     'J'he 
wdiole  eouiitry  exhiliind   a  s|i<'i  laclc  of  nalional 
felicity,  such  as   was  In  be   t'oniid  nowhere  else 
upon  the  ylobc.     The  only  drawback  on  the,  gene- 
ral coiiieiitiiiciit,  arose   from  the  a|  prcln  nsiniis, 
enterlaincd  by  many,  of  the  action  of  (he  present 
('onurcss.     'I'lie  t'nreii;ii  and  domestic  policy  of  the 
tiovcrnnient  prndnccd   the  niily  dillici.lty  which 
was  fill,  and  excited  more  alarm  and  disiriist  than 
all  other  causes  combined.     Could  the  people  but 
have  a  well-nioundcd  assurance  that  they  arc  to 
be  let  alone  in  their  pnrsuils,  and   that  (he  preseiil 
liuppy  condition  id'  their  all'airs  is  not  lo  l>e  dis- 
lurbed  for  the  sake  of  plausible  ihcorii  s,  or  (he  in- 
terests of  jiarty,  ilicy  would  contiiuie  to   be  the 
most  favored   nation   on   earth.     Unfiirlnnately, 
there  is  but  loo  much  reason  to  believe  the  wor.st  , 
apprehensions  of  the  iieople  are  to  be  realized,  j 
This  House  has  alreaJy  passed  the  sub-treasury  i 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


hill — n  measure  peculiarly  culeiiliitnd,  ifiiot  hilciiil- 
ed,  lo  piinilv/e  the  credit  mid  eiili'r|irian  of  llie 
conntry.  A  ini;,'lily  elViirl  is  now  toU'  made, aided 
by  the  >,  hole  power  and  inlhience  nf  ihe  Ivxeiai 
live,  to  break  down  niir  indiislry,  by  willidriuvin;: 
thai  proteilion  under  which  we  have  iidniiiced  and 
prospered.  If  this  eli'ort  sueeeeda,  the  work  of 
deslriictinii  will  be  eniiiplete.  The  coiiiilry  will 
return  to  that  state  of  einbarrassnient  nnil  proslra- 
lioii  from  which  it  ho  recently  emcr;,'ed,  and  we. 
Must  pii  jKiri^  to  travel  anew  ihroiiLdi  the  dark  and 
trniibled  scene:!  which  marked  our  history  from 
IH.iT  In  \M:l.  Such,  Mr.  Chairniani  is  the  |iros- 
pect  plac.ed  bcfon*  u-'.- — such  is  the  future  lo  which 
we  are  iiniled  by  the  friends  nf  the  bill  uiioii  your 
l.ibk'. 

Mr.  II.  went  on  to  remark,  that  niiv  speech 
which  professes  In  enmmcnt  upon  the  nlijeiiiona 
which  are  iiru'i'd  luiiinsl  the  larifl'liolicy,  mil.st  ne- 
cessarily be  sonievsliat  discnrsi\e,  as  the  subject 
cnibr.ices  a  ;:reiii  vari.  ty  nf  details,  and  the  nbjec- 
tiniis  brnitulii  furward  are  nf  the  mnsl  iiicnn;;ruou.i 
and  coiilradicloBy  nature.  Most  of  the  positions 
assiiiiK'd  by  the  nppnncntn  of  protection  are  con- 
trary to  fact  and  eX|ierii  nee;  wiiilsi  many  of  ihem 
are  widely  incoiisisleiil  with  each  other.  There 
was  one  ^'cneral  i|Uisiioii  wlii>di  he  dcsinsl  to  jait 

10  all  objcctiirs,  and  he  pal  it  lo  them  in  eond  faith, 
linpin:;  that  the  reply  wniilil  le  a  slalemeiitof  fads, 
and  not  a  reileraiion  of  abstract  prnpiiiitions  end 
visionary  theories.  Who  li.is  bei  n  injured  by  tliK 
(  xisliii,'  taiill'.'  |Se\crid  voices  replied^  "Tlieafrri- 
cultuiisls."!  'I'be  iiL'rii  idlurisis!  There  is  no 
class  nf  men  in  llie  wlinle  cniinlry  wdin  have  been 
ninre  diredly  benefitid  by  the  larilf  nf  IH-I'J,  or 
wlin  arc  more  deeply  iniensled  in  its  preservation. 

11  has  npei.uedtnkecpa  lart;eand  increased  porlimi 
nf  nnr  penple  eni;a'.'id  in  maiiufaclnrinir,  uiid,  nf 
cniirse,  kept  theiiial  the  same  lime  fioiii  beiiiijcom- 
pelilnrs  wilh  the  fuinei-s.  Instead  nf  beiin;  ci>- 
prndiicers;  they  are  ennsumers,  and  llie  increased 
cniisuinptioii  skives  the  firmer  d  more  ample  market 
at  liniiie.  There  is  no  class  to  whom  the  ri'iKal 
of  the  tarifl'  would  ultimalilv  prove  more  ruinous 
llein  111  the  a'.'ricullural.  It  would  work  like  a 
two  ed;;ed  sword.  While  it  must  deprive  the 
farm,  r  nf  i\  dniiieslie  market  on  the  one  hand,  it 
will  create  rival  pi-nducers  mi  the  ntlier,  and  swell 
our  a^;ricultura!  prndiicls,  fnr  which  there  will  be 
tin  adei|iiale  foreign  diinand. 

The  committee  has  been  told  by  the  ;,'cntlcm«n 
from  Lnnisiana,  [Mr.  1 1  aum.vnsos,)  ihdt  a  eniitin- 
uaiice  of  the  protective  policy  must  utterly  destroy 
theeoiinn  interest,  bi ise,  by  preventing;  importa- 
tions, itdisabled  foreigners  from  buying ouriaillon. 
The  theory  is,  that,  if  we  supply  our  own  wauls 
from  our  own  resources,  the  uiaiiiifacturersof  \'M\X- 
laiid  and  France  will  ceasi'  their  purchases  of 
American  cotton,  because  they  will  have  no  means 
In  pay  for  it,  and  the  result  must  be  the  destruction 
of  coiiimeree.  This  ni.iy  .seem  plausible  in  ariju- 
iiieiit,  but  f.ids  prove  diredly  the  contrary.  Fx|ie- 
rii'iice  has  shown  that,  since  the  adnptinn  nf  llie 
larilV  nf  bs4:J,  ihe  eoinnicrce  of  llie  country  is  far 
more  prosperous  lliaii  bet'ore.  What  do  j;eiille- 
men  desiirr  Are  noi  our  importations  from  abroad 
lar^'e  CI10114I1  tn  .satisfy  lliem  .'  Our  imporls  the 
last  year  exceeded  niie  hundred  and  .se\eiilieii  mil- 
linns  of  dnllars,  and  of  this  upwards  of  fifty  mil- 
lions are  iinpnrled  from  Kn-land.  (hir  exports  of 
eolloii  coiitiniie  lo  increase,  and,  in  fad,  the  Urit 
ish  market  for  that  Maple  is  not  measured  by  our 
coiismnptioii  of  Drili.'-li  cotton  goods.  They  have 
their  own  people  and  their  inimeiise  depi  iidencie.s 
to  siip|ily,  mid  in  nnr  o\,ii,  as  well  as  other  mar- 
kets of  the  world,  they  will  continue  to  .--ell  large 
i|uaiitiiies  of  the  finer  cotton  fabrics.  T'lie  coii- 
siiniplinii  of  entlnnthroie;lioiit  the  world  is  rapidly 
increasing,  and  the  demand  must  be  supplied  main- 
ly t'roin  ihis  eoiintry.  Mr.  II.  sincerely  believed 
that  the  cotton  inlerict,  insiiad  of  being  injured, 
was  i,'ie,itly  beneliinl  by  the.  mnwth  nf  Anurican 
maiml'aciiiies.  If  il  diniiiiislics  the  export,  it  in- 
creases the  consumption  at  home.  The  sale  of 
cotton  ill  our  own  markets,  fnr  domestic  manufac- 
ture, has  been  more  than  doubled  in  the  last  five 
years.  The  home  demand  is  steadily  increasing, 
and  il  tends  to  give  stability  to  ihe  market  both  at 
home  and  abroad. 

i!ul  genilemeii  complain  that  too  much  money  is 
made  by  the  iiiaimfacliirers,  and  insist  that  the 
Ciovcriimenl  ought  not  to  conlimic  a  system  which 


!)fiO 


iiJ^ni  CoNo Ikt  Sksh. 


AF'PKIVDIX  TO  TFIK  rONORKSSIONAF.  OLOnF. 
The  rnrlf—Mr.  H.  Hunt. 


Il< 


[Jiiiic  3<l, 


riinlilfK  ilii'iii  Id  iiiiiki'  Kiii'li  liii^'c  iiiuliiH.  Tlic  yrn- 
rrnl  |iritni.-«<>t'ilir  niiiiMtriirtiiriiii:  liiMiti*  >«n  \\i\\v  Itt-rn 
vii.Hily  n\rr  rstini;if(-(l.  Wlicn  In  km  lur  ii  KcricH  ot* 
y<'Mi'r<i  il  li!!.^  yit  lili'il  an  ninitll  it  irlnrii  itn  tillirr  iti- 
vrslinrntK  iil'  ('])|tili(l.  Ill  sunir  lii'Miirtirs,  anil  in 
I'lirlii'uhir  inmaiiriK,  llii'  iinilils  liaM'  luiii  liir::f  Inr 
II  litiH',  l>iil  litis  is  HiMiii  rnlni-i'il  anil  n|niili/ril  l>y 
tl'Miiriilii*  i't)nt|it-lilion.  Tlir  >  Mniptainls  niiitlc  on 
Ihis  point  liavr  In  rii  I'oiirlnMMl)' niiswi'icil  liy  (lit* 
(tcnilrman  iVmn  Vrriiunil,  |.Mi .  Cm  i  \Mi.li;|  yii 
ImiiI)  till'  uciiiti'iiici)  will)  I'lilliiwt'il  liini  liii\i' i't')Mal- 
I'll  llir  olijt  I'liiMi,  unit  I'nnlinnnl  I'*  I'ln:;  llii'  rliaii;;rN 
ti|i<iii  II,  as  It' il  wrii'  iinaiiHrtriMlilr.  'I'lii'  niiiiin- 
liii'luiTrs  tur  ili-niiiiMi'ril  as  innliiipiiii-^lH,  and  lliiil 
<t|t|iriiliriiius  inin  is  |nr|triiiii|Iv  a|i|»lii  il  to  rsi'ilr 
n  iio|iiila"  iircjinlh  r  ai^aniHI  llinu.  Wliiti  a  slriiii  'y 
iilra  i;riii  rniin  imisl  Iki\c  oI"  a  nioin.|ioly  ■  Wlio 
r\ri-  Itiloi-r  lit, nil  ot'  a  niMlio[iiily  lliill  Was  im<i  ii 
anil  iVcr  1.  .11.  wiihoiil  liinil  oi  ilMiiin'lion  ■  I'oi- 
iiirily,  a  iintnojmly  v\iis  an  I'xriiisivr  |ii'i\  iU'^rr, 
iVoiu  wliiili  all  wrrr  |>rii|iil'ili'it  I'MrpI  a  favomi 
fi  vv.  Dill  wliii  ill  liars  any  ol'llir  .\ninicaii  |ho|i|i' 
iVoni  nilniiii:  iiilo  Ilii'  Iinsiiir>s  'if  Muiiinl'iriiii  iii",, 
Jnsl  aK  soi'li  ami  as  Iali;rly  as  lliiy  plrisr  •  ll  is 
till-  law  oriiaili',  lliiii  wliali'M'r|irii(liin  sniiisl  |>i"ni 
will  ilriw  ra|iiial  lo  it:  anil  il'  ilir  \iu\\v  jiroliis  nl' 
la.'niiit'ai'liiriiiu'  inakr  il  lor  llu'  inlirisl  i\(  any  lo 
>  lU-airi'  in  It,  lliry  air  mil  |iri'Viiiliil  liy  llii'  laVlll'. 
I'll  llic  lonirary,  il  is  onr  oCilu'  li.ulin^  oljn'is  oi' 
priili'i'lioo  liM  iii'oiii.iui'iapilalanil  iiiiUislry  lo  KrcK 
thai  iMnmli  of  niiplovnirni. 

[.Mr.  Si>is,  ot*  Sonili  Carolina,  innninil  ol*  Mr. 
IIivT  wliiiliir  till'  pi'opli'  III'  Ni'w'  Vork  or  .\iw 
I'ln^'laiul  niiilil  t'liitr  iiilii  tht'  iiiaimrai'tiirt*  of  hii- 
gm) 

Mr.  Hint  npliril,  tlnit  tin  y  wcir  not  pri'\riili'il 
liy  the  tarilV,  I'lii  liy  llii' i-liin'aii'  anil  llii'  ia«  s  ol' 
iialiiri-.  Ill'  iliil  iKil  inn  nil  to  nason  I'loni  iin- 
prai'lii'aliiliias  or  rMri  iiii'  i.isrs.  1 1,,  was  .sprak- 
iii^  of  iiianiilji  lures  wliii'li  lut'  piarli.  aMr,  and  lo 
wliiidi  tlii'ciriiiin''lainM  s  iifihi'i'iinniry  an  inlapliil, 
mid  not  (irany  ipiiMilir  )iidt'a\or  lo  \iiilalc  iialmal 
luMs. 

(Ili're  n  inonilKr  staled  "  \ew  York  docs  ninkc 
suu'ar.] 

'I'lial  is  very  Irni'.  Nrw  ^  ork  ilocs  niakr  a  liiri;i' 
nniinint  of  sn'.'ar  I'M'ry  yi  ar,  I'lil  it  is  not  a  siap'f 
prudiictiiin,  as  in  t.ottisiana  Tlir  pri  sent  ipirs- 
tion,  liowiM'r,  rrl.iii's  lo  monopoly,  and  not  to  cli- 
iiialf.  The  iiiipiny  is,  win  llii  r  ilir  larill'  di'luirs 
mill  from  any  Inain-li  of  I'iimiiiss  wliiili  is  not 
iMMi'liralili',  anil  inikis  thai  laisinrss  a  nionopnlv. 
Ill'  ilcniid  ihal  il  Ii.'mI  any  sm'li  nnilrni'v.  .No 
man  was  cvcludid  liy  it;  and  w  liy,  tlnn,  should 
those  who  ilo  noi  elioose  lo  i  UL'a^e  ill  niannfar- 
taiin^  piii.iuils  roniplaiii  ho  loudly  of  those  who 
dill  = 

r,i'I  ii.s  suppose  thai  iho  «  isln  s  of  srnllenun  an- 
fulfilled — iliai  the  tarill'  is  oterlhrown,  mir  manii- 
faeiims  proslraliil,  unil  the  eoiinlry  \r\\  wholly 
di'pcndeiii  on  the  fiirii:;ii  supply.  i^\\M  wr  have 
no  nionopiily,  then  .-  We  mav  pripan- our.schi  s 
for  a  inoiiop,.ly  of  the  iiumI  lorniiilalile  kiial— mil 
of  inaniifietiirers,  lait  of  wi-.ililiy  iui|iiMiers.  The 
iinporlers  of  firrii;ii  irnoils  will  llien  have  the  peo- 
ple ill  ilii  ir  po«  er  am!  at  thiir  ineiey.  That  was 
the  si.-ite  of  ihini's  liel'ore  our  sysleni  y^i  nianiil'iie* 
tuns  lieiran.  Who  were  ihe  wealthy  arisioeraey, 
thin?  "Who  was  it  that  aeniutulateil  vast  forliines, 
laeaiiie  tai//ii)Mfit'rr'.<,  ami  imitaled  the  splendor  of 
orieiiliil  niacin itiocine.'  It  w,isiiurntereliaiii  pi  inees, 
our  Girards,  nnr  .•Vslor.s,  our  Cira\s.  l^liey  im- 
ported the  ("al'fies  of  otlur  eonntrns,  fixed  iheir 
own  )iriei  .•^,  .-Hid  ::riu!unied  iheirown  profns.  Sin-h 
was  the  n.iiur.d  lend^ii'-y  i'^^  eoinnieree  in  a  i  min- 
try  es>eni!ally  nu'i  leiiliiiral,  dfpemlenl  upon  llic 
skill  and  enlerprise  of  foreiun  emintries  for  nialiit* 
firtiired  iii'ods.  In  a  vast  eoniniuniiy  of  t'arniers 
weallh  and  power  will  nalurally  roneenlraie  in  the 
hands  of  a  i'vw  ;,'ieat  enierprisin;  eapiialisis,  hav- 
ing every  means  of  eoni'ert  and  enmhinalion.  Il 
is  very  dill'ercnt  in  re;:ard  to  doineslie  nianiifae- 
tiires.  These  are  u.«ually  eoninii  need  in  the  tirsi 
plaec  on  n  niodernte  scale,  by  men  of  small  means, 
who,  iiy  thi'ir  ow  n  enerijy  and  pe rseveraiiee,  make 
llieir  way  up  from  poverty  to  eomfort  ami  iiiile- 
pendenee.  Tiny  ronihine  and  nniie  iheir  re.'^our- 
fcn  that  they  may  upernle  lo  greater  advaiit.'i^'e. 
As  sueeessful  skill  and  laljor  aUL'ineiit  their  means, 
llicy  enlari;"'  their  linsiness;  others  are  indnecd  lo 
enirace  in  the  same  liraiiclies,  and  every  fabric  is 
improved  and  cheapened  by  nctivc  competition. 


When  we  had  no  manufaelun  s  at   home,  and  all  . 
the  <;iiodM  of  ihe  eoimlry  were  iinported,  uiir  pen- 
jile  hail   no  nieaiiH  nf  jinowiii!;   the  ori^-iiial  eosl. 
riiat   wax  a  mailer   the   impmler.i   kept  In  iheni'  ! 
selves.    They  e. in  fully  measured  Ihe  demand,  and 
anmd  to  brne;  no  larger  Hiipphes  Ihnii  were  mees- 
s.iry  to  meet  II.     I>i'siiiiv   lionie  nianiifai-liirrs,  and  j 
let   ihese   men  Kn<iw  anil  I'ei  I  ihal  iliey  have  abso-  i 
lull' possession  of  Ihe   imirkel.and   the  i  Hi  et   will  i 
soon  be  fell  by  the  iiiiiiiliy  in  a  nipid   ineniise  of' 
prices,     thie  '^•I'lnmd  oreoiislanl  coniplaml  le^tainsi  ' 
I  lie  present  I  in  ill   is  ihe  s.-.tle  of  MiiniaMoiiv  and   ilie 
spi-i'ifie  itulii  1,  vvlih'h  are  said  lo  amount  lo  a  pro- 
hiliiiinn  on  Ihe  ehi  aperehiss  of  fabrii's. 

'I'his  IS  eN.'lainied  iiL'ainsI  as  an  enoriiiily  im'I  lo  j 
be  endured.     I!ui  the  true  mode  to  test  ihe  jiisiice  , 
of  ihiie  complainis  is,  lo  i AamJHe   the   I'icIm,  ami 
as.  eilaiii  ihe  inllileiiee  of  llie  duly  oil  prieiJ.      Tin 

I  (hit  has  111  en  to  proilme  such  a  ehe.ipni  '<s  of  the 
mannf.ii'liired  miiele  as  the  eounlrv  never  before 
wituesMil.  The  Very  iiriichs  nn  vvliicli  llie  duties 
are  promuinceil  ino.sl  exoiluianl  and  op|inssive, 
exhibit  llie  mi  a|i'-l  ri  iluilion  of  pih'e.  SVIiilsl  il 
IS  seriouslv  eunlemli  d  that  llie  duly  is  invariably 
aildid  lo  the  pine,  co.'use  eolioiis,  and  some  other 
ill  ins,  nre  aciually  sold  for  less  iliaii  the  ilmv;  and 

II  is  the  elieapm  ss  of  the  ailnle  wliieli  cau.'i  s  the 
duly  lo  appi'.'ii'  dispiopoi  iioneil  and  i'\iniva'.:anl. 
When  the  opponents  of  llie  liiillf  liml  Ihemselves 
eolnpelled  to  llibml  the  rellllillun  of  prieis,  Ihey 
eliani,'!'  iVoiil  vviili  .idmiiMble  diMerily,  and  insist 
lhat,ifiinr  in.iimficiiin'rs  can  make  ;;ooils  at  these 
cheap  r.iii  s,  llii  re  can  be  no  mcissity  for  pnitec- 
lion.  They  semi  M  l'iu','el  Ihal  our  imiiiiilacluri  s 
have  been  linmi'hl  lo  ihe  pri^i  nl  slau'e  of  improve- 
meiil  by  the  aid  of  that  proleciioii  which  M.iires 
ihe  lioiiie  iniirket  lo  onr  ow  ii  iiianiifaeiiin'rs  a:;aiiisi 
l'oreii;ii  rivalry.  .And  vvhilsi  llic  domeslic  eonipe-  ■ 
liii.in  proiluiiil  by  ihe  l.iillV  policy  has  ciiiised 
chiapei-  prn  cs  lliaii  were  known  bel'ore,  who  is 
injuri  d  by  the  diilv,  ami  v.  leu  i;oiid  reason  can  be 
Uivcn  for  ils  n  dm  tiou  r  1 1  is  well  know  n  that  Ibr- 
eil^ll  capil.llisis  would  liol  111  silale  lo  make  lar^e 
saeritiees  to  re:;ain  pos.session  of  the  ,'\merican 
markels;  .uiil  llie  cliaiu;e  now  proposed  vvill  en- 
ciuirai:e  tliem  lo  i-eiiewitl  i  Il'oris,  and  place  our 
own  eslabli.slimeiils  on  a  precarious  t'oundalion. 

Specific  dtllii  s  and  aiiaiMHiai  v  ali.alions  ale  not 
mure  necesMiry  to  proii  et  labor  than  lo  secure 
revenue.  The  eoiinlry  has  bein  told,  by  tin'  Sec- 
retary  of  the  Tre.isnry,  thai  experience  had  sliovvn 
ihal  an  averai^e  iliily  of  'Jll  per  ceni.  mi  vfiliniin 
yielded  the  ;;reatest  amoiinl  of  revenue.  The 
j;n'Htesl  amount  I  When  and  where  was  lliis  ilis- 
covery  made.-  Kxperience  pnived  direcily  ihc  re- 
verse. The  old  iiaiional  debl  w.is  paid  olfliy  hi^h 
speeilic  iluliis,  laid  for  llie  double  pm■|Ml^e  of  rev- 
enue ami  proleciion.  .\fier  llie  roinproniise  of 
lf.'i;t,  Ihe  revenue  n  ;;ularly  fell  oil' wilh  Ihe  decline 
of  (lull's,  and  II  eoiiiiuui  d  lo  fall  till  the  treasury 
had  neillnr  money  nor  creilil;  iind  il  was  llie  iin- 
posilion  of  specific  ilulies  by  the  preseni  law  ihal 
pnidiicid  revenue  In  pav  oil' ihe  newdelil  and  carry 
on  ihe  (iineriiment.  'I'he  nasons  are  sullieienlly 
obvious.  Under  the  ntt  rii/enia  sy.'^lem,  frauds  nre 
encoul■a^^d  by  faciliiy,  and  il  is  impossible  lo 
secure  an  adeijuale  revenue.  The  introilnc.lion  of 
coarsi' vvonl  illusiialis  the  principle.  The  coarsi' 
wool  of  Soulli  .\ini  rica,  cosiin-  seven  eenisor  less, 
is  admilled  at  an  ad  valorem  iliily  of  live  per  cent., 
whilst  onr  ordinary  Wool  is  pnileilcil  by  a  lii;,'h 
specific  duly.  Heavy  pinaliies  and  all  possible 
:;iianls  were  insi  Hid  in  lIu-  law  in  prevenl  frauds, 
yel  wool  of  llic  finer  :;i'adi  s  is  brouKliI  in  under 
iicliliiius  invoices  al  llie  lowest  ile  of  duly.  Il  is 
entered  frauilnlenily  in  ihe  I'aceof  the  law  as  seven 
rent  wool,  and  afiervvarils  sold  at  .'III  or  -Id  cents. 
If  onr  ri'venue  officers  eaiinoi  be  irusied  lo  disi  riin- 
inate  between  llie  cheap  wool  of  Soiiili  .America, 
costin:;  from  five  in  seven  ceiils  per  pound,  and  the 
liner  ^'lailes  w  liicli  are  four  or  five  times  more  val- 
uable, wlial  can  be  expecied  in  re:;nid  lo  iiiami- 
fai  lured  labrics,  of  which  lliey  are  cninparalively 
i^jiU'ranl,  and  ihe  value  of  which  is  far  more  diHi- 
ciill  of  ascertainment .' 

I'lider  an  ail  valmiin  duty,  insert  what  };miids 
yon  please,  and  still  llie  Ireasury  w'll  be  robbed. 
Uiiscrupnloiis  im  n  n':.'ardini:  iheir  inleresl  alone, 
v.-ill  pet  rinind  the  law  by  perjury  and  fraud.  Il  is 
a  eoninion  sayiin;,  if  iiol  a  praeiical  fact,  all  over 
the  roninienial  world,  that  nisloin-hoiiso  oalhs 
have  but  little  or  no  binding  force,  and  whatever 


niiiililicalii  nn  may  be  adinitled,  all  iiinsi  allow  that 
tliey  do  not  eiiiiHiiiule  any  safe  or  proper  i;niiiml 
of  n  liiinee.  The  iinport.itions  of  ('oieii."ii  irooils 
are  now  in  the  hands  of  fiirei;;ners  lo  a  lari:e  ami 
iuin'asni'-:  exieiii,  In  Ihe  ciiyof  New  'N'ork  nearly 
lliree  foiirlhs  of  Ihe  im|iiirlaliiins  are  on  foniirii 
aceounl.  They  come  here  and  <  sliiblisti  eomnier- 
cial  hoiisi  s  for  piir|ioses  of  ;jani,  imiiiy  nf  wliieli 
are  owned  abroad  hy  ;.'real  iiinimf.iciinni<;  fsiab- 
lishinnils.  They  send  out  an  a^enl  to  open  a 
I  onniinn-hoiisc  in  our  eominercial  eilies,  mid  by 
p.issiu'.;  Ins  :,'ooils  ilinin;;li  ihe  custom  lioiisi' iniiler 
I'.itse  involee.s,  iilid  al  lloniinal  prices,  the  iiit  re/ii- 
ri lasvsiem  will  enalile  them  iioi  only  lo  ili  Irand 
the  reviiine,  bnl  lo  pnisirale  Ihe  honest  imp  irler, 
by  ileslroyini,'  his  proliis,  ami  driviie,'  him  out  of 
llie  nun  Ivel.  (n'liilinieii  have  said  ihal  appniisers 
are  apjionileil  pnipo.M  |y  lo  previ  iil  tins.    Ves,  an.'. 

vvliai  dues  ll  aiu'iiml  In'     The  '4 Is  am  inspect- 

isl,  but  by  whom  ,'  l.onk  at  the  ehaiacler  of  many 
nf  your   eiisiMiu-hon.ie   oilieei.s,    upon    whoiii   ap 

poinlnieiils   aie  it'erred   as   a   reward   for  parly 

services;  and  lake  .-ioioe  of  ihi<  notorious  seleciions 
iiiaile  lasl  v'  ."tr  as  a  specimen.  I  In  L'enilemen  sup- 
pose ihal  an  impiirler,nilerini;  broods  to  the amoniit 
of  a  million  a  year,  would  meet  with  any  irreal 
dilticnlly  in  inanaLiinu'  such  men  ?  Mr.  II.  said  lin 
mil  iiiteil  lo  ni.'iKe  no  imliscrimimile  aceusaiion. 
Ile  knew  lln-ic  were  hiinesi  men  in  such  Irnsis, 
bill  tlieie  an-  llm-e  in  whose  eoinpi  I -licy  lir  fallll- 
fnlncss  no  eoiiliilence  can  be  reposed,  whose  expe- 
neiice  has  !;ivi"..  Iheiii  no  pnidical  kniivvleilf;e  of 
values,  ami  ihe  mlr^jriiy  of  your  ollicera  iiuf;hl  not 
to  be  expo-id  I  1  lliiise  i;real  lempliilions. 

Ill  defiance  111  experience  we  aie  consianlly  liilil, 
that  prolectivc  ilmies  are  iiieompalible  wilh  rev- 
enue, and  It  is  laid  down  lis  a  seitled  ilorlrme  that 
where  pniteilioii  liei;iiis  icvemie  nmsl  end.  U 
mallers  not  ihal  hisiorical  f e  Is  have  Iriiuiiphaiilly 
refilled  lliis  assumpiion;  all  tficl.-i  vv  liii  li  an' eon 
trary  to  a  eherislied  tlieorv  are  sei  aside  as  ab- 
surd nr  of  no  accoitnf.  \\'iili  eipnd  reason  we 
mi','lil  rejeel  the  pArnniiirtiii  of  llie  naliind  world, 
in  our  zeal  for  some  f'avririle  dociiine  of  abslracl 
philoNophy.  The  presrul  lanir  all'onls  pmleciion 
liidoimsiic  iiilcnsis;  will  any  one  deny  that  il  has 
yielded  .'ill  incn'ii.sci!  ami  ample  revenue.'  Tins 
n'snii  is  easily  nxplained,  if  :;enllemrn  will  but 
ennsidcr  llie  conn,  i  liou  between  ihi'  revenues  nf  a 
eoiinlry  and  ils  uilermil  pnisperily.  The  saini' 
policy    which    siisiains    indiislry    and    enlerprisc, 

I  reali  a  an  iiicreasi  d  abiiily  lo  pay  reveime.  Tile 
sleady  employmeiii  and  enhanceif  wai:es  of  labor, 
add  largely  to  the  consiiinplion  of  various  iirliele.s 
of  comfort  and  luxury  which  are  imponeil  from 
abroad,  ll  \y  llie  nnprov-il  condiiion  of  onr  ]>eo- 
plc,  iiuilcr  ihe  larilf  of  l^\'J,  which  lias  incre.isid 
our  iinporliilions  and  doubled  the  revenue.  Willi- 
ilr,ivv  proieelioii  by  a  rediiciion  of  diiiies,  and 
tliou!;li  il  may  increase  imporlalioiiN  for  n  brief 
p(  lii.d,  labor  vvill  soon  be  dejtressed,  the  eonnlry 
will  be  inipovi  rishell,  ami  the  Ire.isiny  will  imaiil 
lie  rediiceil  lo  a  sMie  of  liankriipicy. 

The  lime  sel'cii  d  for  ii  sweepin:;  eliaii!.'n  in  onr 
nveniie  syslem  is  nmsl  exlraonlimiiy.  The  eonn- 
lry is  eiiira'^eil  ill  a  war  w  liicli  h.is  cost  alreiidy  not 
lisailnin  Ivvenly  millions  of  ilollar.s  and  mi  oiii! 
c.in  foresee  the  exicnl  of  onr  fnrlher  expeiidiinrcs. 

II  is  a  war  which  om^ht  lo  be  bronu'lil  lo  a  speedy 
lerniinaimn,  bill  he  feared  il  was  lo  be  prolon^-eil 
till  we  are  involved  ill  a  debt  of  many  millions. 
The  means  in  your  Ireasury  are  already  exhaust- 
ed, and  fiirilier  ex|ieiidilin'es  are  to  be  sii|ipliid 
fmm  new  i  'lines.  I  reilil  must  be  employiil, 
and  insle.el  ,1' ailopiim,'  a  new  experimenl  whiili 
ii'iist  ilimiiiish  the  ordinary  receipis,  llie  einerj:en- 
cy  rei|nires  snilable  nieasmes  lo  replenish  the,  pub- 
lic codi  IS.  r.y  ihe  passa^-e  of  this  bill  you  will 
leave  ihe  Ciovernmenl — without  means,  without 
credit— involved  in  ruinous  emltarrassnienl. 

Mr.  1  ll  N'T  said  he  had  intended  to  discii.is  the 
elli.'ct  of  the  pniteciive  policy  nn  labor  and  capital, 
bill  time  would  mil  perinil  him  lo  enlar^'e  on  that 
branch  of  ihe  siili|ei'i  as  fully  as  he  desired.  In 
this  land  of  poliiieal  eijnality,  the  laborin;^  class 
staiirls  on  a  iHisiuon  widely  dill'erin^  frnm  thai  of 
Ihe  np)iresseil  millions  of  Kiirope.  Here  iliose 
distinclions,  which  in  olher  eounlries  divide  soci- 
ety itilo  vaiioiis  orders  of  men,  and  which  have 
made  hnmaii  [.'overnments  a.i  enu'ine  lo  depnss  lliii 
many  nnd  exalt  the  I'vw,  an'  lia|ipily  iniknown. 
The  Amencaii  people  arc  emphatically  a  working 


'T 


iflie.] 


•MvM  CoNo Iht  Skhi, 


APPKNDIX  TO  THK  COINCiUKSSlONAL  ClAniV.. 

-  The  T„rijl—Mr.  tV.  Hunt. 


iM)-; 


lid, or  Uki'h. 


|ii.i|ili',  unci  llii^  fiiiiiM  of  iniliiHlry  HIT  ilinliiliiitnl  tni'ia  nl'  kni>wl(ili,'i'  rini  (p|ii'mMl,  miil  inli'lli^'iMiii! 
VMili  iiri  inHiilily  wlilili  inwilni'Mmil  In  no  iillicr  ir<  irmrn  widely  (iJfrMMCil;  ii  ln;;lMT  I'iviliziiliun  in 
|M<i'il(iii   111    \\w.  wiirlil.     Il   niiiy  III-  Hiiid  llnil  iinr  |    riaiOicd; r.iriMiiri'ii|Midi/.cd'iiiniin^'m  tlm  nniMH- 


iiiiii'  I" 


idiii 


JM    di'VlllCll     III    |l|>Mll|i'live  InllUN- 


Iry,  nnd  W  nIhhiIiI  iitil  lie   rmuniri  n   lli.il  wliri 

\\i  of  tiir  *'liilnirrii^i'lnMHcH,"  wv  fn)|ilny  u  Irrni 


"I"  .      . 

wliicli  cnilirniTN  in   iIh   Ih 

liiiiin  liiidy  nf  tlir  Anicrii'ini  )ii 


\' 


Ih  nut  M  VMii'i 


i-i  ihc  lilV-s 


I  nl'dr 


III' nil 


I'M;  mill  in  tlii!  divrrNilii'd  iiliji'i'lN  iif  I'lniilnyniint, 
indnxiry  hci'iiiin  I'liiiMtiint.  iiiiil  inrrnim'ii  iiwarilH. 
V II  Icini  II  Ih  It  (jii'iil  iliiiiliniliim  ill  cvi'iy  i'nliu;liti'iird  iniin- 
cnw  llic  Iry  In  xcruii.  |iiiirniilili:  and  fiill  ciiiiiliiyininl  liir 
IIH  IhImii-  I  ihf  wlinlii  111'  ilH  iiidiiHiiy,  In  a  iialinn  jMiridy 
Imry,  it  1  iij;iirnliiinil,  tliiH  I'lininit  lic!  aii.iini'il.  Kur  want  nf 
|ii-iiH|Hiily,  Mi'iill  lii'iii'lli'ial  I    iirni|iiiiiciiiH  III  whiidi  ihiy  nrr  I'liird,  liii;,'i' nninliiTM 


idiilii 


Viih 


On  Mil 


ii^iicH,  'Hid   Mil'  iiiily  linr  nimihii  iif  iiidiviiliiiil      I 


hIi  la  riiiii|iiir,ilivn  iilli'iirMH  and  nNiilrNHiirNH, 


iii|i|nniHs  and  niili'|irndriiri'.     I IhiiihI  tnil  I'niriiH  ■,  'I'lir  di'iiianil  I'm'  iiilmr  in  liiinii'd 


III  liiidixii  III'  lininiliiilii 


di'il  I 


I  Mir  Im'sI  mil'  I 


iiiririiirily,  hill  Ih  jiiHlly      nl' Ihr  ynir,  mid  llii:  I'liiiijinisH  iil'Cnni 


II  I'I'I'iMIII  HI-IIHIIIIH  I 


lllill' 


ind  II 


II 


ill'  rNliiniiliiin.     Il  IH  Mil'  iiiii;liiv  jimvi'i'liy  wliii'li 


iiiniir-  !    irilii 


wai^i'M   III 


Mil 


iill'.r  |il'iiili|i:tN 


'  niiiHsi-H  ail' 


I'li'viiii'd,  mil  iiiily  In  II 


iilir  III' 


iilirl'iil   I'lii 


liiwi'Hl   Hliiiiihiid.      lint    a 


tilrndiii-iiiii 


liiiidiiri'd  liy  Mm  nm 


hI'iiI 


idiy-ii'al  1 rm-l   mid    iiidi|iniili'niT,  Imt   in  llirir  i,  hiIh.      IiIIi'iiihh  ilii 


I  III  iiiminliirtni'i-H   an 


I    Mil 


rliiini 


III,  mid   inli'lli'i'liiiil  riiiiiliiiiiii,      Wliiil-  ;i  ill 


i|i|ii'mH  iViini  till'  liind.     In  llii 


'  Ii'iiiIh  III  siiinnlMtr  lal'iir  liy  iniTitiHin;;   lis  it- 


M'l-^iiy  111'  ii|ii  riiiiiiiiH,  iliirr   m  I'limilanl  mid  in'- 


ilalil' 


i;  uii'ii|iiiliiiii  fill'  nil — I'lir  iiirn  mid 


wanlH,  riinlrilinliH  in  ilir  advaniTnirnl  iil'llir  |ii'ii.  ,,  fur  ynnn^  anil  nlil,  lin-  llm  Hlriinii;  and   Mil'  weak 


|ili'  III    vii'liii',   inlrlli:;i'iiri',  a 
iiti'i'iinii'iil.     WImli'vr 


ml 


I'linirMriiic. 


Mil 


iirily  fur  hi 
III 


I   niiliiHlry, 


\v 


Till'  IT 


iiill  Ik  hi'imi  ill  a  nijiid  i 


|iid  ai-r.iiiiiiiliitiiiii  111*  rarn- 


iiii;H,  mirjiii'liliii!;  iiatiiniiil  m:il   indivldiiid 


rii|ii'  III"  i'ni|iliiyimiil,  mid    hiiIi-  ,    in  mi  I'Xlinl  aliniiHt  iiii-.rcilil.jr 


(railin;:  I'linn  iis  jiint  itwiii-iIh,  IiiicIn,  with  ini'viia- 
lili' 


rri-laimv,  In  ili'iriMilii  Mil'   ina.s.iiH,  tii  dcHfi-ny  |,  wiih  Mir  miii'il  nl' 
I    ;..a I I    ...1  i:  .     ..  •   ■ 1    /    ,    .  ..I 


III   ind 


i-|iriidt'iii 


Nil  |irriilim'lv  M 


'  |ii  ii|ili'  111'  MiMl  jii^li  and  ;;liii'iiiiiN  i 


I   pnlilii'  H|iii'il,  and    in  '    liem  liiH  iiiiiMn;:Ml   all   ria 


,llii 


liHliny, 


]ii-iiiliiirH   llii'Ni'  riHiillH   IH  iniiiini 

"  IVra  illMliliilinllH. 

Ill 


ally 


idih 
h'liii'li 


III  h 
luliD'i 


iniiniiy 

"iNI'H  iiH 


In 


III- 


irir  invii,  wliirli  wc-,iMiir  r<'|iri'si'iil 
iiliviH,  mr  liiiiind  lii)j;iiai'd  willi  |iali'iiiliu  viKilaiii'ii 
ami  liili'liiy. 

'I'lirNi'  1,'rtii'rnl  rnnKidiTiilinnH,  fi'nni  wliii'li  iIiito 
will  111-  tin  iUhni-iiI,  iiitninnt.sli  lis  tn  lirwari'  nf  rash 
and  nnnrrrsHary  rliaii;;i  M  in  ii  HyNlriii  nf  pnliry 
wliii'li  Kii  ilii'|ily  invnlvi'H  Mil-  |iriis|ii'iily  nf  all  in- 
li'i'i'sls  and  Mii-  wi'll'ai'P  nf  nil  rlaysr-i. 

DiNi^iiiNi'  il  iiH  ynii  may,  ilir  iariirc|iiiHiinn  in  lliii 
fji'ral  (|iir.Hliiiii  nf  Ainrrirmi  lalmi-.     iSliall  il  lir  fiiH-   ' 
Ii'ri'il,i'iiriiiira^ril,  and  HiiHlaincil  liy  niir  Ifi^iHlatinn?  i 
'riiin   i|iii'.stinn   "  rniin-H  linnir  In  itir  liiiHiinss  and 
liiiHiinis"  nf  all   Mm   liilinrini;  nii'ii  in  ihi'  Uniinl 
iSlalrM.      Il  in  nf  vilal  inlrnst  tn  tlll'in,  wIli'llllT  rr-  ' 
f.'arilid  in  irfi  ri'iirr  In  llnir  milward  I'liinfiiil,  lliiir  ■ 
iiinnil  riinililiiin,iir  llici'dni'alinn  nf  llirir  I'liildrrn. 
If  llir  (invirnmi'nt  willidraWH  ilH  |iriili'c'tiii:,'  rare, 
and  ailii|ilM   ilii'  fii'i'-lraili'  |iiilii'y,  wi'  mr.  al  niii'P 
('\|inM'd  In  a  riiiiiiiiiH  riini|i('lilinii  with  llic  rlii'ii|i  i 
liilini'  and  i'a)iilid  nf  liir  nld  and  |iii|iiiIoiih  naliniiH. 
Il  i.s  a  |irntri'livr  larilf  w  Mi'li  L'ivr.i  In  Ainciican  I 
indiiHiry  lln-  niily  iirii'liuil  iji'-Manly  llial  it  will  nut  ' 
111'  In'iiiii'lil  iliiwn  111  a  Irvrl  wiln  llii'  dr;;radril  laliiir 
nf  I'l.iiniii'.     It  fiii'iiislii'H  Mm  ciiily  si'rurity  that  niir 
.■ilandai'il  nf  wmiji'h  is  nut  In   lii'  ii."a.siiri.d  liy  Mm 
I'nsI  cil'|iniiliirliiiii  in  iliiiim:  rnnntrii's  vlirri'  tlir  lili' 
of  llir  laiiiiri-i'  in  Imt  mi  ini'cs.-ianl  siiii:,'^!"  fur  lirrail. 

Ill  Hlia|iinL!:  till'  iiiilii'v  nf  a  cnnnlry  ike  oiirs, 
tliiTi'  Im  Hiimi'tliini;  iiinn'  in  lir  I'liiiHidi'i'c'd  liy  a 
slaliHiiian  lliaii  Ihi'  iiiii'i'  iiiii'slinii  wlirrn  wi;  ran 
liny  i'lira|iCHl.  IJiilil  maniilarliiiiH  are  sn  fiiinly 
and  rMi'iisivrly  I'NlaliliHlird  as  In  iriliiri'  prircs  liy 
iliiini'siii'  riiiiipi?lilinn,  it  is  iin  dniilii  inn;  Mial  iiinst 
fiilirirs  run  In'  piiiTliiisi'il  rliriipii' alirnad  lliaii  al 
liiinii',  if  wi'  rr;.'aril  niily  Mm  iinininal  ninnry  priri:. 
IJiil  tlm  prnspcriiy  nf  tin'  I'oiinliy  diipeiuts  iipnii 
llir  full  and  pinfilaliln  rniplnvniriil  of  its  indiislry: 
nml  Mil'  L'li'iit  iineHlinn  in  diloiniiiio  is,  liy  wlial 
Hysli'in  can  wr  iiiaki'  niir  liiljnr  nm.st  rllii-iint  anil 
pi'niliii  livr  ?  What  will  sii'iiiii  In  Mil!  niiinliy 
Mil'  laii;rst  aii^nii'iilalinn  nf  mitinnal  wi'iillli,  and 
tn  Mio  iiidiisniniis  man  tlio  lai^-csi  R'tiirn  fur  Ins 
rirnits?  it  iiiiisi  liu  a  sysli'iii  wliirli  |iriiviili:s  I'nr 
lalmr  siii'li  variniis  pni-siiiis  and  I'lia 'Is  as  shall 


ly  indiiHiriniis  c 
III  I 


iiKsiH,   ami    nialilis   rver 


Iliii'l 


H,  111  inipriivi 
lllldr 


his 


III! 


Inn  anil  sci'iiri'  a  rnmpi'li'iiry.      Ilndi-i'  Mil'  lirni;;n 

■  iiilliiiiirii   nf  Hiirli  a   pnliry,  tlm  Aniciirmi  lahnri  r 

mid  arliNaii  mi-  rlfvaird  In  a  prniiil  pii.iiiinii.     Ah 

he  pr -(.'lis,  hy  uiiiilnal  Hlcps,  In  pi'i'iiniaiy  imlr- 

,  pi'inli'iii'r,  111'  fi'i'ls  a  jnslri'  sriise  nl'  his  li^^hlH  and 
I  iTsponsiliililirs  lis  a  rilizrn  and  a  fri'i'inan.  Cnii- 
'  IriiHt  Mil'  I'nndilinii  nf  a  rnniiliy  w  lieri'  piiisiiils 
I  ai'ii  iiinlliplii'd,  willi  llinsi'  I'liiinii'ii's  wliiii.'  liilini'  is 
j  rnnliniil  In  a'^i'ii'iilliire  aliini'.  Wliil.il  ihn  niir 
'  iidvani'fs  rapidly  in  physical,  iiinral,  mid  miiial  ' 
'  ili'Vrlnpinent,  lliu  iillii:r  I'c'tnains  cnnipiirativcly  sla- 
tinnary.  I 

in  I'Niiiiiiuin^  the  inipnrtani'f'  of  ilnniontlc  maiiii-  i 
fiirUirrs,  many  i;<'iill''im'ii  einilina  llirir  viinvs  in 
Mil!  nninlirr  nf  npi'iaiiviH  cniplnyi'd   in  llii'  liir:;ir 
1  I  slalilislimriils.     'I'hiy  scrni   In  l.avi!  iiii  iilia  nf 
.  the  vast  niimliiT  of  ini'i'hanics,  arlisans,  nnd  per- 
Hiiiis  lai^'.iniil   III  till!   Ii;,'liiir  arts  of  limnlirrari.  ] 
'I'hi'  iniinhi'rH  who  mi!  drpunih'iit  fur  n  livelihnnii 
nil  tlii'rniiliimani'anf  prnlei'linii,  is  I'art'i'i'ali'r  ihmi 
has  liccn  I'sliinali'il   in  any  nf  iiiir  mallicnialii  al  ' 
rali'iilalinnD.     In  all  niir  towns,  lar<;f!  and  small, 
in  till'  (;iral  I'iiii's  wliii'h  ari!  iliciimd  cNsenlially 
1  I'.nnimi'reial,  a  lai'iio  f-hare  nf  tlm  pnpiilaliiin  is  in- 
i;a;;ed    III    niirhmiii'iil    Iraili'S   and    niamifiii'tiiri's, 
whii'li   niiist  sniiii   III!  pi'iislrati'd,  if  May  arc  lint  j 
siislaiiiiMl  ii;,'aiiist  tin'  rhi'iiper  lalinr  nf  I'Vunce  and 
;    KiiKland  liy  an  ad('i|imli'  larill'nf  iliiiii's. 

It  has  licrii  cniilrnili'il  ilial  Mm  rrii'linn  of  niaii- 
,,  iifai-hirinu'  I'slalilisliiiiriils,  rnpiiriii:;  a  lariri!  rap- 
.  ilal,  is  iinf.ivnralili'  In  llin  iiit'i'lmiiir,  and  to  all  who 
an;  ilrpunili'iil  nil  lalinr  alnim.  A  sli;;lil  cxainiini- 
'  linn  iiuiMl  satisfy  rvrrynni:  lliat  lliis  arijnnmnt  is  ' 
;|  iittrrly  nnsiislainrd  liy  fae.t.  Tn  say  nntliiliij  nfi 
I  Mio  nporalivrs  rniplnyi'd  in  niir  fai'lnries,  lliii  t'ii;i',- 
,'  linn  nf  iirw  rslalilishmniils  riratcs  nil  ailditiniial  ' 

drniand   fnr  alinnsl  every  variety  nl'  niei'hanii'al 
I    lalinr.     1'ho  liiiildin^  niiisL  lie  reared  by  mee.hanies  I 
and  Inhnrers;  smiths,  wlu!ehvri:;hts,  and  nrii.sanH 
must  iiiake  tlm  maehiiiery  and  pnl  it  in  nperatinii;  ' 
every  leneniPiit  anil  every  win  el  makes  a  new  rail 
fnr  iiieehanieal  skill,  fur  hilmrin;;  men,  mul  fnr 
\   a^'rienllural  prndin'liniis.     Under  our  present  sys- 
tem the  interests  nf  all  limiiehes  nf  industry  are 
ensure  n  mnrc  steady  and  universal  cmiilnymeiit   ■  harmoiiions  and    idenlieal— mutually  uidiii-   and 


of  its  power; 

fieiitleiiien  have  said  llialnsricnllure  is  Mic  nntii- 
ral  I'liipliiynienl  of  man.  'I'lie  i-iiliivatioii  nf  ilic 
soil  i.i,  in  all  eoiiiilries,  the  i;ri"at  and  primary 
pursuit;  and  he  eirtainlv  rcLrai'ded  il  as  pHiamniini 


to  all  other  interests. 


tint 


Miistainiiii;  earli  iitlier — .-iiid   the  allenipt  tn  array 

line  pursuit  ii;^ainsl  annlher  is  alike   ali.'^nril  unit 

suii'idal.     Tlii-y  iiui.it  stand  or  perish  ln;;eilier. 

Kipially  fallaeions  is  the  a.sfuniptloii   thai  the 

'  iiilvaiita;j:eH  of  protection   are   reaped    hy  cafiital 


iiy  111  he  seniied  hy  a  sysleni  which  aims  In  eiinfi 
iiiir  whole  popnlalinii  In  Miatsiii;;le  occupaliniii'  So 
far  from  il,  the  fariniii;;  classes  shniild  he  the  first 
In  desire  a  niuhiplication  of  piirsiiii.'*,  hy  which 
hihor  may  he  divided  into  variniis  occiipation.s. 
AVhilst  a  majority  of  nu'ii  naturally  adapt  them- 
selves to  a;,'riciiliuie,  there  aio  many  whose  incli- 
liatiiiiis  mill  eapai'ilies  mc  lietlor  suited  to  other 
eiii|ilnyments.     I'roleetion  opens  a  ilnor  for  all, 


s  ap-ifiilliiral  piospei-    '  nlone,  and  not  hy  lahor.     Capital,  sn  far  as  il  ex- 

I   Wnicll  flinl.j  1(1  i.imriiin  :..:....     .  j;i'  i     i'    ._   l     .    _         -l        .  _     ..  l 


isl.s  ill  a  convertible  form,  may  lie  easily  iransfurred 
from  one  investment  In  aiintlier,  and  it  lias  the 
power  to  protect  il.self  from  vici.isitiide;  Imt  fixed 
capital  cnnmit  so  readily  cliani;c  its  form.  Il  is  of 
Steal  moment  to  the  indnstrious  cla.sses  that  cap- 
ilnl  shall  be  invested  in  tlio.si;  enterprises  which 
fjive  the  larstest  employment  to  lahor.  Il  is  iiii- 
douliledly  true,  thai  many  of  our  nianiifacUirin^ 
eslahlishiiicnls,  in  those  branches  wliicli  have  caiii- 


and  pre.seiit.s  a  wide  scope  Inr  every  vnricly  of  i  cd  a  firm  footing',  will  he  enabled  to  cotitinim  their 
disposition  and  Inleni,  tor  enterprise,  skill,  and  .  operations  even  under  low  duties;  Imtit  is  etnially 
invention.  IJy  Mils  division  of  lahor,  nations  ad-  'I  certain  Mint  forei-n  competition  will  compel  llicm, 
vance  to  perfeclion  in  Mm  arts;  the  ener-ies  of  a  „,  sclf-prcscrvalion,  to  reduce  the  rale  of  waijcs. 
people  lue  brought  uito  active  exertion;  new  foim-  '  When  you  linvc  opened  your  ports  to  the  produc- 


liniw  nf  elieap  lahor  from  ahrnad,  our  indiiHlry 
miiHl  eillier  111!  meiiNiired  liy  the  Hniiie  Ntandiinl  or 
driven  frnni  emplnyiiienl.  'I'liis  iU'ect  is  inevilii- 
lile.  f'apilal  will  Hiill'er  In  Hniiie  exieiil,  eMpecially 
in  llnwi!  Hinaller  eslablisliiiieiilM  wlinse  mriiiis  iiro 
liinited;  Inn  the  propoMcd  cli.in^re  will  fall  witlillio 
i;ri'aii'Ht  Neverily  oil  ilii*  indiiHlrioiiH  millioiiH. 
liiihor  miiHl  bear  the  heaviei;t  IIIh  and  peniiltieH  of 
mis.;;nvi'riinii'iil;  thii  rediii'tiiin  of  wa!,'i'H  in  maim- 
facliiriii;;  hiisiiiess,  nnd  Ihe  Irmnfer  of  indiiHiry 
fioni  ni'iiiHloined  einiilnynienls,  ninsl  dcpri'H.n  lliu 
wii'.Tes  of  iir.^riciilliiral  hihnr  in  a  nimiliir  de;;rei'. 

Mr.  II.  s.iiil  he  imiHi  a:.'aiii  refer  In  an  nhjeelinn 
Nil  fi'iipieiilly  meed  ajjiiiiisl  eni-onrafnini'iil  In  iiiaii- 
iiriicliiris,as  IndiNervemnri'lhmi  a  pasHina;  niilico. 
Till  rapid  incrcaKi;  nf  wealth  in  iiianiificlnrini,'  pur- 
Hiiils  is  madeaeniisliiiil  llii  'iie  of  deiinncialiiin.anil 
seeniH  to  he  ri  lii  d  on  a;i  the  ■iiOHlcoiii'hisive  ri'iiHoii 
for  withlinldiiiu'  the  aid  and  prolietinii  which  are 
lieceKsary  to  siiHlaiii  llnni  in  this  conntry.  I''ar 
from  ileiiyiii;;,  .\lr.  II.  said  he  iidii'iiti d,  that  they 
pnidni'id  a  iialiinil,a  i'l'ailiiMl,  and,  in  siuiie  eases, 
a  rapid  inciTasi'  nf  wi  .illli.  Indeeil  lie  elainn  d  Mm 
fad,  mill  insisliil  thai  llie  Iiiidency  nf  nianiifaelu- 
riii'.;  iinprnveniiiits  In  aii'.;iiiiiil  tin'  eapilid  of  the 
ciiinitry  was  iiiii!  of  the  iiniiiy  sntlicieiil  reasoiiH  ill 
favor  of  a  eniilinnmice  nf  Ihe  prnlei'live  pnlicy. 
The  wealth  which  is  eiealed  by  this  sysleni  is  not 
drawn  I'lnm  nllier  braiirhcs  of  prodiii'lion.  It  liiw 
been  i|eiiioiisti':ited— it  is  a  f.n't  kiinwii  t'l  tliei'iiiin- 
Iry— that  iiinst  iiianuf n'lui'id  arlidis  have  been 
cheapened  in  price  by  the  nperalinn  nf  Mm  lariir. 
The  ineieiised  proilneliveness  of  hilmr  under  .he 
niannfiietiirin;;  sysleni,  to  which  be  had  already 
advertid,  i!ni>i  I''"'  '"  account  for  the  rapid  ace.u- 
imdalinn  nf  wealth  in  tlinse  seclinns  which  avail 
I  thein.si  Ives  of  ils  ailvaiita:j;es.  lint,  added  In  tliiH 
I  laiise,  there  Ih  anntln  r  acliii','  in  eninliinatinii  W'ith 
I  il,  and,  when  Imtli  are  cniisiileri  d,  Ihe  fact  is  cx- 
plaiind,  ami  the  appaicnt  mvslery  is  .siilved. 

The  biiiiiity  of  tin:  ficator's  band  has  lie.stowcU 
on  IIS  in  ihis  cnunlry  a  creal  variely  of  resourced. 
jN'nt  only  is  our  soil  prmlnctivi!  in  the  hiu'hest  do- 
I'l'ie,  Imt  nur  bills  are  slnn  d  willi  the  richesl  mines. 

\Vi;  have  ir nnii'^'li  tnsupiily  the  wnrlil;  we  linvc 

fuel  in  iiiexliniistible  abundain'e;  we  have  wuler- 
piiwir  In  any  extent;  we  possess  Ihe  elements  of  a 
niamifaitiniii';  riainlry,  and  ibat  „  the  riidicst 
abundance.  When  a  mine  of  had,  nf  copper,  or 
iron,  or  coal,  is  thrown  open,  which  had  slept  fnr 
a"es  iiniinliced  and  imkiiown,  it  becomes  at  once 
a'inass  of  prndiictive  capital.  A.i  snnn  as  a  wntcr- 
iinwer  is  iniprnvi  d,  it  becnnies  a  perennial  siiurce 
nf  wealth.  The  very  frniind  mi  which  a  factory 
is  built  is  increased  in  value  perhaps  a  hundred 
fold;  .'itid  Ihe  value  of  all  eiiiili;niiHis  real  estate, 
whe'lher  vacant  soil  nr  cuUivateil  farms,  is  prnpni- 
tionably  enhanced.  A  new  inipi  lus  is  i;iveii  In  the 
national  eiier-ies,  latent  treasures  are  briiii','lit  forth 
to  ciiiiti'ibute  111  Mm  hiippine;is  nf  man,  and  a  mighty 
1  transl'ormalinn  is  wmii^ht  in  the  sncial  eiiiiditinil 
nf  Mil-  iienple.  'J'lm  power  of  human  labor,  when 
re-'iilated  liy  iiitelli-ciice  and  skill,  may  be  likened 
(Tspeak  it  with  reverence)  to  llie  mil  nf  Mnses,  nt 
whiMC  touch  living  waters  pushed  forth  Irum  the 
;  rock  of  Horeli. 

Is  the  increase  of  Ihe  national  wealth  from  our 
own  enterprise  and  national  re.iources  a  matter  n. 
be  denlnred?  .Shame  upmi  the  man  whnse  envi- 
ous siiirit  nr  perverted  .selfishness  can  think  .vo;  to 
Mm  man  whn  Inves  bis  cnunlry,  and  wishes  itn 
lirnsjierilv,  it  is  a  snnrce  nf  the  bi-hest  exultntion. 
Ait  there  any  ^'enllelr.|•ll  here  whn  have  no  desire 
Mail  caiiital  .shall  he  muliipli.d  liy  the  improveineiil 
nf  Mm.  ciiunlrv.'  Wmdd  they  adnpt  it  as  their 
pnlicy  to  keepoiir  nalimial  resnurces  useless,  and 
In  fasten  iipmi  our  |ienple  a  state  nf  dependence  on 
iiilier  cnuntriis,  which  are  wise  enough  In  improve 
advanlaL'es  in  many  respccis  infcrmr  to  ours  f 

r>V  fnsieriiiij  our  dnmestic,  manufactures,  nnd 
siipplyin"  our  wants  hy  our  own  industry  nnd 
means,  w7' shall  preserve  our  prosperity .  and  render 
ourselveslruly  independent.  Cy  the  opposite  policy, 
we  will  be  made  dependent,  to  a  lar^e  extent,  upmi 
Ihe  superior  enterprise  nnd  capit.al  of  other  nations. 
Let  us  listen  to  the  counsels  of  Washinnlon,  and 
Jell'eison,  and  the  falliers  of  the  Republic;  they 
did  not  fail  to  see  and  to  ndmnnish  the  people  of 
the  necessity  of  .s'lstninin?  manufactures  at  home, 
ns  the  only  basis  of  prosperity  in  pence,  of  strcngtli 
nnd  independence  in  war.  It  is  well  to  look  at  the 
condition  of  those  coantrics  wliich  neglect  mnnu- 


f)68 


SIh'ii  CoNii litT  Skms. 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  rnNOHESSIONAf.  OliOHE. 

Thr  TarlJI—Mr.  /»'.  lliml. 


fJirrio  Qi, 


III),  oi'  Ur.pH. 


rutiirin;;  iiriH,  iiiiil  rely  tin  nurii'iilnirr  iitcine. 
Till  re  arc  xivrnil  iialiniin  iin  llir  miiillH  in  |hiiIiiiiiii 
III'  lliia  I'lUilini'liI,  mill  in  iilliir  imitn  xf  llir  umlil, 
wliii  li  nniit'it  11  mrlkini;  illti.'ilritlKiri,  Sunn'iif  tlinit 
|iiiiiN('!4N  niiiii'H  lit*  iii'M'iiinN  ini't.tlri|  a  riiu:  cliniali',  a 
riili  miilj  iiiiil  |ini|ilir  niiliiriil  irnniirirni  yi'l  linw 
iiii|M(rii{i|iFil  iliiir  ■'oiiililliiii.  MaUin.;  (vrry  nl- 
liiwaiii'ii  Tor  piilitii'a!  niiil  iillirr  I'anxtH,  mi  kiiiiiII 
MJiniT  iif  llii'ir  iiiini  ry  anil  ilriililnliiin  may  lie 
allriliiiti'U  til  ihcir  I'nniiiK  irial  |iiiliiH'.  'I'liry  liuvc 
U'ivdi  IK)  riici>iii'ii;;i'nirnl  Ici  iiiaMiili'.i'inri  «,  in  llic 
.irtM,  nr  In  nurliMiiiral  |iiirniiiln,  wliirli  wiiiilil  Ikui^ 
Hlinitilali'il  tlir  i  iili  iiirisT  iiiiij  iiiiliiHlry  nl'  llii'ir 
|M'ii|ilr.  On  llir  rniiiiMry,  tliry  liavr  iiiliiiiil  llir 
I'lrt'-liailr  llirnry  In  pi  w  liir:  tlii'V  liiivr  ki  |il  llirir 
|Kirl.i  n|iiii  III  ihi'  iiri  |itiiiii  III'  Inrui;:;!!  L-nniln  at 
"llir  Inwfst  iTvi'iiiic  iliily."  'I'li  a  lar;,'"'  iMrni 
l-jii:Liiiil  liaH  Mipplii'il  lliirn  with  iiianntactiiris,  i 
anil  lakin  llicir  iialni'al  prmliirlN  In  rrlnrii.  Wlijinl 
liny  liiui!  aillni't'il  In  a  Nprrir  ciirrniry  willi  iiinre 
tliaii  l)i-iiini'ratir  (nn.sisU'ncy,  liavi'  liiiit;',lit  wlirru 
liny  riiiilil  Iniy  oliniprsi,  ami  kuIiI  v.  Iuh'  liny 
nailil  sell  lll•al^^l•,  llic  ii.^iill  Im  «ii  ii  In  llic  iinvi'ily  , 
anil  iiii.M  ry  of  lliiir  pi-iplr.  Will  iliieriiil  iniliiH- 
ii'y,iinilrrapi'i<pirMy^ti'innri'iii'nnniu'i'nii'nl,wi»ilil  , 
liavn  niailu  llniii  I'nii.paralivi'ly  priMpirnnN  anil 
pip\M.il\il,  iiniwiilisianiiin:;  ilic  nils  anil  nppri  k- 
niiiiiii  iif  niia-i_'(ivcnnnriit.  Nnw  tin-  lirli  kII'is 
wliii'li  iialiirc  laviulii'il  iipmi  llimi  neoni  IncnniriL- 
iili'  lilllr  to  llirii-  linppitiiHs  iir  iiiilrpi-nilcni'c, 

Mr.  U.  Naiil  In'  ilal  lint  iiiliial  tci  tako  up  llic 
linn;  nl'  tin.'  IlnuHr  liy  n  lirrin;;  to  pariii'nlar 
liniiM  Ins  III'  inaniil'ii'lnii'  in  ili^lail;  l|nl  lir  wished 
In  call  thi'ir  allrniinn  tn  nin:  nl'  niir  ilninrsiic  ii> 
Kiniivi.s,  ill  wliiili  liiM  nwii  Slair  hail  a  piriiliiir 
iimrmt,  anil  in  n  .ipnt  m  w  liiili  tlinv  liail  I'xintuil 
an  iiiiiiMial  ilii,'rLi;  nf  |irrjinlici' anil  niisapprilien- 
.siiiii  in  etrlain  ipiinlrr».  111'  ii'l'miil  to  tliu  man- 
iiraclniii  nl"  Miill.  I'lrluipH  tlir  iliily  nil  lliis  aviii'le 
lia.-i  ;;ivi-ii  risi-  In  ninro  nnrniimlcil  ilainnr  anil  riini- 
jilaini,  than  any  ill  in  in  tlii'  priHiiil  larill'.  It  Iiils 
iacii  (k'linniii'dl  as  a  lax  iipnii  a  ni  c  rs-^ary  nl'  lil'r, 

II  srinilin;,'  nppnMsinn  nl"  Ihr  piHir.aiiil  llir  vniwih- 
ularv  lia«  lum  i  slian.nil  in  siliiliii'^  li'riiiM  nf 
runiiriiinaliiiM  anil  iipprnliii'.ini.  I'lit  he  prnpuscil  . 
(1  siilnnil  !(iiiiii'  lii'lM,  III  slmw  hnw  link'  I'aniilMlKin 
ill!  ri:  i.4  I'nr  ihc  iiicssant  I'ninplaiiits  that  iru  inailf 
nil  ihiM  siilijii'i.  It  will  In'  riniiiil  ilial  llii-  artii-lr 
•  ifsall,  liku  iiiiiKl  iillii'rs  nl'  wliii  h  llit  prnilnrliijii  at 
liniin:  hiiM  liicii  t'o;<lLiiil  liy  Ihr  larill',  has  hi  in 
ijiially  iiiiprmril  n;  i|iiality,  ainl  riiliidil  in  priir. 
I  iiilir  llic  (.'iiniprnni,  r  art,  it  was  pmliiinl  hy  a 
ilnly  vvliiili  iJi.-irii.itil  frniii  tin  ri  iils  tn  mm'ii 
rents  i-i\  mills  i^ir  l.iislirl,  anil  liiKilly  t"  ','()  p.  r 
niil.  nil  valnrrlii,  at  wlllc'll  lair  it  Hlniiil  Tor  a  tlinrl 
prrind  hul'iiri;  tin  pa.-siim'  nl'  th 
ihat  an,  a  spenlii:  duty  is  laid 

liUMlitl.     To  .■■liiiw  till-  I  H'rilnr  Ihi   iloinistir   liiuii- 
iilacturr   iin   priiis,   I    ri  .id   thr   hilhiwim;  rxtrart  , 
li'iiii  thr  aniinal  n  pnri  nl'  llic  Ntiprriiilindr  ill  urilir 
.\cw  Vnik  .-'.lit  springs,  made  in  If-lH: 

'•  'I'lu-  i|u.aii.i>  c.r  -.ill  m, Mi'iiiii'il  111  II. I'  I  'iiiii  il  .-<iiii,.- 

III  I -III.  (Iii'iiii.'<i,ll!l.lll  liii-hi  N.,  :i.li|,.,|  luth.'  ,|ii;niliu  m,. 
{"Th-il  III  lliitl  \r;ir.  \Milllil    hi.ikr  nil  ;u'l'll';j:ili-  I'll  l.itli-J.iliT 

hil-li'  Ik.  will,  h  lull  iiivi   III  I  Mill  111. Ill,  u nil,  anil  rliil.l  in 

IN.'  liMli  il  .-^l.ili',-.  a  iiniiiMitiiiii  ,>l  111  ai  :r\t'ii-iiulillii,  i.l  a 
l.ii-liil  ..l.-iill. 

•■'I'lii'.'iu llliif'iliilyiiMniill  iiii|ii.rliil  111  l>|a. aiiiUi.(.|iri.,| 

I'l  h.'  laiil  |ii  liir  I'laliil  .•^liirn  llinl  yiiir.  «a.,  .jlil'i jlU'J, 
wtiirli  i>  ||.  ..s  III. Ill  iiiiir  I'lMit-  liT  I  ;i'  Il  iiilMhiiaiil. 

••  I  lni\i'  ciri'Tiilt}  I  xaiiiiiii  il  III.    \ii\'  \',.ik  |.rM'r.i  niirrnl 

f  1 1. Ill   1-:.'.'  l.i  :H||jt,..i!i  yiiir-  ill''lil-iv.',li..-|-.|.rl;iin  Ihi'  |,rlr,. 

iT'l'iiik'-  l-l,iiiil  Mill  111  llir  Nrw  Viirl,  iii.iikil  iliinni!  llii'i.r 
>.  .ir-.  I  ►ilni.il  111.  iiioiiiiis  OI  .April  iiinl  Urlnliir  111  I'lu'li 
.W'.ir.  ii^.'illiir.lni:;  u  nar  .-.iiiiiili  .  Tjii:  iMlliaiiii^  i.-  llir  lt^utt 
111  iii>  iMlliiiii.ilii.il : 

I^>-' .'.llrriif 

IKCI I-J     .. 

K.'-l il)     •• 

I'-Xi ;i)    " 

IKT-; .'CI    1. 

IKi: |:l    " 

1MB .'«    •• 

I^CI II     •• 

!i^W .'fl    " 

l"l .-Il     •' 

'•  .'\  Mull  lu'd  tiniiH  III  ilii'  iiiM'J:;ii  mill  liii|iiiiii.||  nuii  ihc 
IHirlTilNi  \v  Viiik  ill  I-  H,  ».i-  'I'.iik'K  l-l.iiiil  >.iii. 

••].  Mill  111:  -I  111  ili-.i  Mil-  ri'ilialiiiii  Ml  i:ir  iin.i'  nri'iirriijii 
f.'lll,  rilil~iil  hy  Ihr  i'..'ii|ii  liliiiii  or  Ihr  .Aiir  i  ,,:iii  s-ill,  |uH 
lllill  ni«lll'il  Ihr  prirr  ..llhr  ron'lUII  arllrli  ,  ihll  liii;  Ih.ll  IB.fliul, 

I'l  1 11.'  ron-aiiiir.  tMriiii  -i,v  r  ni-  p.-r  hii.-hi  I,  mIihIi  h  a 
i-av. 111!  Il)  I'll,  h  niliiiliiiiiii  I.l  iiii'  I  Mim:  .'^mi. ■».  im  ihi  iira. 
p.. .111111  iilliiii.'il  Una.  h,  ..|  ..h.iiii  Mvii.ii  iiiiis.  'I'lii,  i-s- 
r  i"l-  l.'ii  ir  |ii"|i'ifli..ii  I  iiIm.  iliiu  Mv  Ivr  i  uuli.    Tliii.<L'nrh 

Clillrlllll.r  1..I  a  L'.IIIIIT  hv  liir  iltiiv.*' 


'  art  III'  lf|-J.      liy 
III'  .'i'.ilil  ri'iiis  ptr 


(Ul 

jIh- 

.VU-riil.. 

itr 

liiisli 

^7     •• 

III) 

It     ■• 

ilii 

11     " 

ilii 

II     '• 

ilii 

.'11    '• 

ilii 

la     ■■ 

ilii 

X    •' 

il.i 

•.'7     •' 

ill) 

Imvr  Ikiii  iiKiilr  in  rr^anl  fo  tlir  ((imlily  of  ilm 
iliMiM'Nlir  artit'tr: 

••Till- li»m(n  til' ihi' Ni^v  V"»rk  riHlnii(-hrHi»i'  h\u>k\  (hnl 
ili'Ti' wt'ri- 'J7l.!t*J  Im-lii  In  nl*  !<ivrr|ttM.|  hiiit  iiti|>'>ri<  il  Ihio 
ilitit  i-ilv  tn  llii-  riHiritlMorJmd-.Jiily,  iiml  «Viuir.^i  ni  ilm  \m^l 
M'iir.  Itr<tiii-iiiiu  ilii>  viiliii'  ui  iliti  HtK'kn  tn  u  III!  It  ilui  fiklt 
\\^\*  <'iMi(.iin*'il,  Il  uiiri  mtlil  itl  jn  ii^i  iuk)-  |triri-  ol  ii(  Incl 
(liiily  •  riiM  |ii  r  IhI'ImI  ;  vvhih',  nl  Ihr  "tunr  limr,  ttin  nrniii 
rii'Mtri'rx  wtiMliI  I'oriMiilt  r  it  u  |>fiHit.il>lr  ltri'>itu»'  luilHivir 
lint    villi  III   N*w  \  nrK  (i>r  '■tultrn  nr  i  lulili-i-n  riiiH  \t<-t 

Ii||-llt  I,  IIIhI  Vi'l    Hit)   jlllU'    ll(-t«ll  linilllll'    llMllM)h»Sf  nl' lull  u 

«iiiull  t|tii)iilri)  HI  Iti.il  iiiiirl^i't. 

■•Till-  iliHiii-iH'r.  lumrvcr.  in  tin-  prli-i'  in  nni  iilt<»iirtlM'r 
■  iwiiiil  in  llii>ilitt>'r<'iH'r  ttriiiitilHt ;  nil  inntiii'  |tri>,|tHlii'i>  vsMm 

IIL'lHIlht  niir  Hiill,  Willi  II  i-*  |irn)MlUIltri|  Ml  Iht'  I'ltV  ll\  illtiTrrl 

I'll  |tfr.<«nM'«,    'Iht-  ^iiiiK'  mi-)ihlii )'  iMi^l.-t  iiuuiii.'l  inir  Mtliir 

riilif-f  Mtll,  lliiiii  u  llirh  til'  If  IH  |irnhj||t|y  lint  n  I"  tliT  lUtifh' 
(irnilih'nl  (iii>  hIiit-'  ft  lia^  Ih'iii  iill-'ui'il  itiinna  tin'  \m*f 
\t'i'(',  in  re  i<t"-ct;il  If  |nil'h"'  imtiii»i-  mi  Mum  itynl  Nvw  \'iirk, 
fliiil  '  ltn  rr  n»  ti<t  ■  nil  litiiii-  tur  TiirKV  l->lan>l  Mdt  iniiimlar*- 
'  lunil  ill  iliiN  t-iMiiitry,  i-itli<  r  nii  iln;  inltnri  n  i»l'  dii'  Atl.iiilir, 

•  nr  truiii  llir  HjiiMiSH  nf  llir   MiliTlnr.       Nnhl-  nj    ||ll'  llniiK'^ril' 

•^iiUivill  pri'MiTM' [•mviNhiiij*  Winn  i'\(itirlt'il.    Tlir  Milt  nf 

•  till-  inliri'ir  h  I'liil'irirht  In  krt-jt  l>i>i  rniiil  |Hirk  hui  »t  iiiiiil 

•  llir\  rt  iirli  tlii'  M-alio.inl ;  litil  ll  Ilii)  lin-  In  l>t-  -Im|i|i<  il,  llin 
'  li;iiii  If*  liiil^l  1*1   ri-|Hirl  I'll  Jinil  rn|iinu.I>  )-ll|i|i)itil  »llll  l!ii.- 


Mri^irli  nl'  mII  iimnuftirtiirctl. 

rtii-'. 

i-.m iJii'j.M.'^ 

iN'i;' -ijiiLVK? 

IKIH 'J/.T-VKH 

IKKI J.HII,7M 

iMiii •j,(i'Ji,;«i.» 


lllMlli-liinl'r'iill  liintlllf.lirtlllft ' 

l»tlll'. 

I«M 

IM-J 

IHCt 

tH(( 

(H.'i 


('!*.<  nC  rrjiiukim:  pnik, 
»/(fiiii.'  I'lili  tt\'  'I'ink'f 


linnw  ^;iU  iii'l'tirk'H  l-liitul. 

•'  Wi'  iiM'  hili'mMil  iliiir  (III."  tiiMii 
.-Mill  .■■iiiipl) Jiiu  II  iniiiftiislii  with  Itii 
(•liiiiil,  M  vi-iv  iirniMiilitu  fi.4  cniiiliicird  in  Ihc  riiy  nl  Ni  w 

*•  It  h/i<  nNnliMfii-tiilril  tnthl'^nlll('  jnnrnnlt,  (iiii-vhl'iiri' 
lllill  llnri'  JH  nn  \iiii-rir.'in  ^all  III  l<>  hi  tfM  ft,)  thai  the  tlnv 
irniiM-iit  irl'  ilii-  I'hili-il  Stuti-^'  nj'-i  I  il.  ami  miiiin'  llitii  nil 
pMiMt'His  inr  lln-  armv  ami  navv  xliall  Ih>  iiiil-UciI  hiHi 
TitrkVs  I.-lntnl.  I.lc  nf  ,M(ty,  nr  Ht.  I  In  >  >ali. 

*M-'nr  the  |itir|i<isi'  nl  iiif|iiiriiiif  mm  itini  liirl,  an  .'Uft'iit 
vi'^iii-d  \Va>liiii(:(t)n  tloriiiK  III*-  [»il^t  Ki'ai>nii,  uln-n  il  apinar- 
rit  Hint  till'  lirtvi'miiMiii  nnirrr-<  ha. I  tnltnu cil  a  rt-i'Mlaimn 
with  II  liail  till  II  •■•ttililHlii'il  .11  an  riiil\  ilay,  tviilmtil  m^llll^ 
tmu  any  ni'imrv  i  'iitf-t  mini.'  I  lie  i  liaiin  iirnnjiiahiy  m'  .\ini- 
fiian  >iilt,  t'M'i'pliuK  in  it  s-inylr  m-lain'i-.  tln-\  hait  lirin  ail< 
\i<i-i|  tiv  n  t'l'iitlrinan.  n-'iilinij  in  IlK-rily  nl  Ni.  w  Vutk,(liiil 
Il  tvultl  III. I  III-  Kill*  to  wr  II. 

••  'I'lii-y.  Inmivn.  In  i. inn*  sn  wi  II  satl>lliil  with  lln-  i|u:il- 
it\  nl  ittiM  inniiilaL'i  .-nhiri  narM-.^alt,l>niii  a^ainph-  prr-i'iilrd 
t>>r  ilM-ir  rxaiiitnatinn,  aiiit  t'mni  toiimniiiats  i-niiiiTiiinK  tli 
ilUi'liiy  fmiii  hii-hh  ii--|Hrti(h|i-  pnrkir>  nl"  )irtni>lnn««,  hIhi 
had  ii>i'il  ll  in  lln*  priip'ri  nlinn  nl  llirir  hiiT-ino^.  thai  (hi-y  Jit 
njicr,  (fur  lln-  piir|Hi<4r  nt  iimrr  I'lilly  ti>lMiL'  il^*  i)linhl\.)  i-n- 
|(-rnl  itil'i  rnntnri  I't  alinnii  d  (|iiaiiijiynl  l>-i'|"aiidp'nrk.  tn 
he  pat-ki-il  wJIti  ilUHkiiid  uri<alt,  Inr  llic  (im-  nl'tlif  army  and 
navy. 

'•  [n  is;7,  Or.  I.rwl.-  ('.  Iti'ik  iina|y/(-d(*('v-iraI  fpi-nnirirw 

nl  iMii  ^alt,  l<rL'<  ttiiT  with  •^ftcclnMii^nl  liiM'r|»nid  and  'I'lirk'd 

'   I -I, mil,  linin  ulnrli  rc'iill  it  npiH-aml  that  mir  ndar  .Mill  wan 

)iM>n- purr  III. in  tin-  itIiIimiImI  :  iitt  nt' 'I'ltrk^   |^lnnll.  and 

^.■\iral  h|  irinuii'*  m"  our  lim?  i-till  htm-  |uin-r   than  the 

I.mipnnl." 

'I'lu;  rnllowiiii;  t-xtrtict  is  taken  iVotn  llic  annual 
r(|inrt  of  l?:<4r»: 

"Tiirk'<  llimd  and  l.ivi-r|innl  .'•nit  liiivn.  IntlnTtn,  hrfii  ; 
cnn.-idi'ii  it    pun-  ami    i>alt-   lu    In-    n<'<<l   liir  nny    p)ir|HiM'; 
;iml  ^atl  \^  lin.^c   .-laiidaid  nl' |iMiity  wdl  ri-liipitn    Willi  tlirni 

i-.ii I  !»■  i|ni'stiniii-d.     Th-  n-  Inui-  t>  ■  n  m\i  lalaiinU.M-*  nl" 

III"   •  nnnmliii;.!  ...aiM'  >,ilt.' iinil  itn    ■TiirkV  l-lami'  kind  [ 
iif  -ill  ii-cd  Ihr  p.ii-kiiiL'  'iir.it.  and   m  i'\ir\    in-ianrr   ili*    j 
-  I  inniidaL'a  Mdai   patt'  lii:-i  fxhihili  il  a  larL'ir  .miniint  ii|  puK-  ' 
t'ldnrnlcnj  .-ndiUHi  III  in  Ihr  ' 'I'uikM-l.md.   and  \i  •'  hiiirvr 
tlif  liii-r  i,-  wi'll  i--intdi).h:'d.  iltat  iin  pnriT  nalt  i.-*  imw  ii.Md 
Itnni  tin-  'Oi I;iya  i-t>ar.-i- .-nil.' " 

Till-  r-ilinwilij.'  rxirai'lN  an  taKt'ii  fioni  iIk;  annual 
rrjiiirl  nt'  llic  .sn[H:i'inti  iMtciit,  niailc  in  .laiiiiary  last: 

*''Mh' iHmlitv.d' Onniiila-iii  .-alt  i-  i  nti-i;inlh  iiiipr..\iiiL'. 
Tlii<  i>  mia^ilfiihly  tn  Ik-  atlnhiiti-d  In  Itir  l;indjilil<  >pifir  l'<>r 
I  nnlMi'ial  iinprn\i  iiH-iil  uhit  ll  I-*  inaiiih  >ti  ll  "u  Mir  part  <d 
iiin-i  111  llic   niantil'artnrcr-.     An  initniiMihd  prcjiidni-  liii^ 

nl<l:iim'd  III  .-niiir  p.it  1- nl  llic  CMllKlrv  .lyaill^l  Itic  mm  oI'UIi 
''iid;ii;a  ;;i!t.    'I'ln,-  prvi'idiii-.  H  i-  I"  lie  v  id.  lia.-  rnaml>  ari-r/i 

iiiinilti  tni-M.-d'-mi  iiis I  imtniimhd  n  pnri.-*  indn-irinir^Si 

iiniil.ticd  l.y  dcalcr-i  anil  pi-r-nnn  micrc-hd  in  the  -ijc  nl 
tniri'jii  s;i|t.  Ml  rci-aril  In  thctpiiility  ni'Um  t^allmanulaciui  d 
Mi  till-  tnwn. 

'■  Tn  a  Imiitid  c\t'  nl.  tin-  (Jiiicr.d  tinvi'mnu-nl  Ims  tct^l.il 
tin-  (|nality  nl  i  Mmmtaiia  s.dt  in  pri-«rrvin«  In  c|  and  pnrk  I'nr 
ilir  n.i\y.  l"nninii'"ary  ti'-iicral  (iihsnn  slalt-!*,  in\ii-\"nr 
Ihi   ii>iiit-.  that  'tmkV.viuk.vi  k  iiii  iH  kaii  Minwri  tiik  no-  i 

>U  -111      (ON.ty'>A«iA)    SALT   "Ml   UK    Ki^rAL   TO    TIIK    TuRK'H    ! 

J-I.ASn  SAJ  I.'  '' 

Tltn  saiMt'  ri'iiurt  i-dnlain.s  an  apixMiilix.  uiviii'j; 
tin;  CdiTt'.'^pntMlnnc*'  lictwccii  lln- luMMualili;  llnrarfr 
Win  a ti Hi,  ('()nin!i.'--s:iry  ticm  til!  tjil).son,iin(I  <'(tni- 
nin(iin-c  \V.  11.  SIniliiirk,  ''liid'  nf  tin;  !Jiifcmi  of 
i'l-nvi.sinii  Mini  ('Iiitliinir  f»'r  the  navy,  on  tlii.s  snli- 
jnrl;  Io;m  tlirr  willi  (-crtiliratcN  from  sivnal  cMcn- 
i*l\v  )iiirlv(-r.s  anti  ticalcrs  in  ['fovisitni.'^,  alt  i^oiin,'  to 
cstal'Ii.-'ili  licyoiid  (lis|>n(u'  tliiit  tin.-  (jnality  nf  the 
ilniiicsiir.  arlicic  is  fully  fiiual  to  the  best  Turk '.s 
Islaial  salt.  ; 

Tlic  fDlIowin::  Mtatcmrnt  <xhil)its  ilip  ^ji-adnal 
increase  of  tln^  i|nantity  niannfai'iurcil  at  tlic  Oiion- 
da;:a  K|irin;.'H  fni'  u  Ktrit-s  ofyeuYs: 
nn-li(-Norsaltiiumuracturnl.  Miif-hcls  of  f^all  manufactured. 


Dan-. 
I  ".11. 
\>T7. 


.UKf.lIU 


Tl.( 


nIK.wi 


an  ujiawtr  to    ilic  in 


!;_'■  *  xtra*  t  from  thr  »i\mf  rt'port,  is  ' 


iiy  aiibR'prcbcntationa  that  i-  iwu I,iyj,llti 


lillr. 

IKII    

L.-il'MKi: 

1  r:« 

1  .iw.ii.-.- 

II-:!:! 

1.>:k-.i.ii 

Ii-.'H 

I.|ii:i.rj.v. 

IfM 

Si.-IJU.Wi; 

:i.:ii(i.T(i!» 

•••/I|,!IW 

;i,i'i7..*i(N> 

I.'IIKI.V,! 

;i,;(W,i.v 

Till'  i'n('onniy:t'n»'til  t»ivi-n  l»y  an  art  (»f  tin-  Wrw 
Voi'k  l<«'i:iNlattirr  in  IHJI  in  the  c\|>nttatioiMif  xnll 
hy  till!  Mialc  (aiialH  to  tin*  wcmh  rn  SiMtm  and  iln 
NcaljonI,  Iiai4  can>i(-d  a  i*a|iKl  iiictTaxr  nf  iht*  i[ii<in 
litv  inannfiicturrd  mat  crnt^nincd. 

'riir  followin'^'  I'Mrai'l  of  a  h-ltcr  fmni  a  t^viuU.. 

man  of  lii:,Hu'hararti  rand  inlflliirc at  Svrai-iiKc, 

rxhll'it?*  Ilio  |n'ii'(-.-<  for  a  mriiHof  yrMi-rt,and  hIhhvh 
the  hcmfn-ial  tlli'i-l  of  the  inanujat  liirr  in  lln-  de- 
mand created  for  lubor  nnil  ti^ricuUtiral   |>ioilia 
tioDH: 

"'IIm'  »iilui'nf  (im-  Kilt.nf  ihl^  fdin-.piT  In-'liclni.^i  Ihw.. 
niih(cct  In  iltit\,  Inr  Hc^iral  \mii-  pu»t.  wan  n-  itilii.ws;  In 
l'*|-,», -iOcciii-.   'f.-l,  Is  cmi-.'ll.   Il>  c,  III-;  and.  in  I' I..,  I.> 

i-'i'l"'.    t'niir r  Miliir  ^nli  tur  il."-  mine  \t  ar-  \m\h  a-  iid 

hiHi.  hi  t'^II.O'Jci  111.-;  'l•.^•.•(^eenl^;  ■■IM,' If  .-.tilii;  Ml.  IH 
eenlf*;  and  iti  IH.'>.  I.'»  renin.  Till.*  Mdt.  Imnrver,  ii4  the 
hi'M.-urril  tiH-hi  I.  ui-iiihina  iH  [hn.  Tin  re  an-,  inline  liavii, 
l^nhiiit  \Mirk-',artlieav»-rai;et  1*1  nf  ."-.'.IHHI.  'I'ln  >  aici-apa 
Me  nl  ni.ikm^-  '.ftMI.OIHI  hii-ht-t-  y.iAy.  Lnt.  Inr'waiit  id  ii 
innre  rxit-nniM'  inarki-l.  imw  m.-ike  i.nly  nlmnt  'l.irtftl.ima, 
niie  fmirth  nl  will'  h  nnw  iil.Im  ll-  v^.iv  |M  the  llud-oM  HVi  r. 
Ki'iliici'  the  larill  In  UO  p<-r  cent,  ••n  \t\r  inn  ijn  ihImIc,  umt 

llii-t  nm-  luiirili  fH  umiHiilatrit.     Al>nntt;tHiiH<  n  a mplnvi  <t 

HI  llie  nail  witrkH.  Alinni  liHlincchanirr<,  m  t.inid  mid  repaa 
Ihi  workH,  fiim  cooper-,  I'Mt  {•'iiiur'.  and  cai  li  a  Irmn-ler,  timl 
rinptouih  ni  tn  lln-  h  irril  d<  |i:iriiii<'iii.  .'iimoiHi  yaidNnl  cnl- 
|i>it  hIici  tlim  l»>  early  made  inin  l>au-<  lor  d:iit>  iiiid  li'ihl>-Nill. 

wtiieh  makiH  wntk  lor  l.'tO  u i  o.     I-Ji.um  roidHi.l  wnnd, 

al  V-*  tt ni,  I"  lumiwllv  cmi;  uimil;  in  ilcliur  uhii-li  n 

t.-ikcx  ;«i(li'huppi'r<'.  lao  t  rmi^  and  nun,  Ml  ImaiH,  nilh  -I 
men  In  ii  ttnit'.and  in  iriiiMpfirl  the  h.-di  l.lHin  nicn  itioic  tire 
iN-clipird.  Tn  III  dallthe-e.  and  Itn  n  laimlii'-.  a  maiki'l  i> 
made  Inr  >:inn,lJaaiifiii:rhittinial  pindmi-.  rn  all  llii-i-nai 
i-Npi-mlllUli-  ilenn  hi  .-anl.almn-li-n  ly  d'ltln  i'-  pard  nut  Ini 
hilHtr.  Korciuii  and  dnuM^lieeompi-iiiiun  plc^H  r^nlmid  ttiiii 
till-  pneu  Mi'ldnui  iiiort'  Uiaii  i-iiviTft  Uic  ciNit  ot  Itiu  ucluiil 
la'or." 

Next  in  inipoi'tanrcniMN-xtrnt  air  thn  cclfhniicd 
Kanawha  NalincH  in  Vii'<^nnia.  'I'lie  .-^alt  (MMrinlae- 
lured  at  ihunr  tmnu^n  Ima  hci-n  irnatly  ini{>ro\cd 
in  ((iiahly;  and  Air.  M.Haid  lit  Ik  lieved  the  state- 
inenl.H  alirady  made  on  that  snliji ct  are  a|>|ilii-ah|i: 
a.s  well  to  the  Viriiinia  iix  the  PsVw  Vork  wi)rl<N. 
The  M|Mi-inir-n  (tf  Kanawha  »n\i,  cxliilnnd  at  tin: 
leceiit  National  Fair,  waH  of  hcuniliil  ijualily  ,aiut 
cxciled  nnirli  adnniatinn.  'I'lir  <|i(antity  inann- 
faetnrrd  at  Kanawha  fur  iht^  laxl  live  yearn  in  a.i 
tbiluws: 


1H4I 

!M.]-.» 

IH|:» , 

|p<4l 

1^45 


i.*U!).:w> 

....'i.I!i7.Nh7 

'-Mim.x 


tinNhel.s. 


I  am  indchted  ton  htu'hiy  rc>prc!id   and  imclli 
::ent  friend  in  Kanawha  i-nuniv  fur  a  \;ili>ahh'  statt 

mcnl  nf  till'  prou'i'  hm  and  cnmliti f  the  mamifia- 

till-.',  amt  1  nrtke  no  apid-ii-y  fnr  pi'e.scnliii<3Mlie.-si' 
lnt('re^fin•,'  faciei  and  (U-t.iilH  at  lctii;th: 

-  Till'  atiinnnt  prndiind  llir  la.-t  >rar  u  ■!«  ^•..'■iTH,)''£H(ii-h 
eh.  '('tie  hiiiiihcr  nf  hiii.i  N  ri -I'lrn  d  |m  cnntiiin  iln»  >all 
mav  he  c:-iiiiiai''d  at  'tiii>,(itKi,  which,  ai  Iwenlv-live  i  ciit.s 
<ai-li,cn>i  snKf.nuM. 

•*  The  mindii-r  ni  tlat  hnal^  iisi  d  in  cnii\i'\inr.'  tlii!i  x.ilt  in 
ip.'uKet  may  !..■>.  I  iluunai  nitniil  tiv.'  hiiiidi«  d,  Ttic.-i*  hnati* 
'  list  i.hdiil  -rl  III  each,  amt  carry  uhniii  .'.nil  lunrcls,  when  ||n- 
riviTh  urc  in  a  unml  nuvifatiti'  i-nitc.  Tlii'  a;>i;ii-i;ate  coni  ol 
the  lioiits  1."  Itiii-*  H'cii  In  he  S'lO.lHia,  iuid  ^arr^  iin*  niily  -.'.'la, 
IHHI  (Mil  of  Ihc  MHi.tHii)  |>arr<  1.^  mannim-tno  d  a'-  ahnvr.  Tlm 
rcinamm'!  l.'il).(tlK)  haiti-l.-^  would  Ihilf  he  h  t'l  in  tie  ^litppi  li 
Ml  sicamlinatK. 

'''I'lte  iiiaiilier  nf  hands  I'uiplnyed  m  ihc  manufm'niie  ni 
hall.  di^i;i1iu'  dial,  .'mil  nllni  w  t.<i  en|Ea<!.  d  in  and  alnnii  the 
rmnarc-.  are  l<clic\cd  m  t">  ahmit  t.-!(iii;  lua  nmre  ihan  a 
like  ninnlicr  :irc  cnzaL'i'd  in  prmuniiL'  iimil'ir.  liiiildini:  tmni!'. 
niakinL'  tiarn  U.  and  in  sliip|iiriL'  ^:il1  In  Hn  diflen-ni  uitirkeis. 
The  uhnh-  nnintii  r  tine*  dirc.-ny  nml  mdiiccilv  eir;',t:;uil 
WMUld  pfohahly  cm  it  d  Hin  c  lliims.ind. 

'•'I'hc  Jivira:'!'  w.-mr-  paid  I'nr  liaiidr  iimnnUiitclii  rn-j,ii^ti( 
ill  l/ic  viuinilitihirv  o/' .III//,  imimlnij  Im.'ird,  cMccdh  ."t-jlHI 
eacli  per  niinmri.  Tlie  \aliii'  nf  iiii'^  latmr,  mm  liidiii^  tinai't 
and  elnihini',  i^  al  h-a.-i  .■.'J.'^Mon  per  anmim. 

■•  There  aie  ahnul  >i-T  milhnji..:  nf  liti.'-hel!'  of  enal  aimuallv 
ron<^nnicd.  wtiii-ti.  in  the  i  oal  ti.ink>,  I.ef.irc  n  is  diiL'.  i-* 
wiirlli  In  the  propnetnrri  nliniii  nair  renl  p<  r  hn.-liel,  xny  m\ 
ly  thousand  dollfux  per  annum. 

'  •'iJiinii^  ihe  eventl'iit  and  di-asirnnN  period  of  IMl  nml 
l^-l'J,  the  prin-  of  Kaiiawhii  halt  was  r\trfui(-fy  (Icpre.-i.-cd. 
Tlie  avenii-'i'  halcH  in  market  diiriHL'  Ilicsc  year.-,  and  ii  part 
of  the  year  t'ollowiiif!,  did  not  yii  Id  to  tlie  nuiaiif.icturei 
more  tlinii  ten  nr  eleven  ci^iiti*  per  hiislicl,  in  hi(rri-l.-«,  at  Iho 
.-.-dim-M.  .^iiice  Ihe  lanori'nd  of  tin-  jear  |!^i;{.  tlie  price  ha^ 
heeii  eiiuivalent  to  11  ccnt^  per  lm:*lie|.  While  (he  liirmer 
price  wan  nlnio«'t  ruiiioiH  to  the  nianutactorer,  llie  laiicr 
(after  dcdttetinir  loKses  tiy  ^hl|mlcllls,  draimi'!--,  niid  divers 
ea^nallien  anendiuK  Ilie  hn-irhs.-i  harel\  rcmtnieratcd  him 
the   cost  nf  prnduitiiui.  havoii;   little  nr  nn  prnlii   upon  the 


ra(iilal  invewted.    ll  i:*  flierelnrc  otnoMis,  lh:it  aoy  n  dm  tin 
in  priL-e  below  Ihf  present  rafe  would  yrtatly  impair,  U'liul 


USyrti  Cong IbtS 


I  ninrlv  |ini-iniii',  Uir  liii'liirw  i 

,.,„llii'\l II  lliiulll  hr  »i'll   In  m 

llir   iirirr  111   r 1 Ill  IliI"   I"''' 

liii.lii'll  III  l.iiin'iilli'  iiliiiill  till' 
Inuhirs  111  Miirhvillii  nllii  III  Hi.  I> 
llir  liil-hrl. 
..Ill'  Ihr  uri'iil  III  inllliil  llli'^i 

II  H  II Ilr-Bln  riihil'ir.     'I'hi')  II 

.llillllillllll  »ll|l|ilV  llllllH  llirr.»lir 

III  Hhli'll  II  run   III-  liniilili'i'il,  I'l 

.11, I  III  ll urinllliniil  priiili 

Hill  iiiiiiiKriii|ilii>iiii  III  III  iinli  ll 

II (  Ihr  riiri'iidi  iirlii'lr  7Vi'i'  I 

mpiilv  I'liillil  nil  liillljri'  lir  I'uriil- 

lli'inlim  llir iMIIlirf  ili'prllili'll 

III      r ipli  llir    willllil  -mill    ll' 

11.1  iii'jhiiiil  111 uiilri." 

Mr.  II.  I limii'il.     It  Ih 

ihr  i/iihi  III  wliii'h  I  liavr  I'd 
ihr  ahility  In  niaiinrai'liiri' 
.aipply  III' llir  wlliilr  rnlllllr 
lii'-;li  ilnlirs  nil   thr  l'nrri;;ii 

ihlir    ihr    plirr  nl'  hlilh    I'm 

riiiiipi'tiliiin;  that  ilir  i|iiali 

I  Ir  has  hrrii  '^nally  iiiiprm 
i'i|lial  In  llli!  Iicst  fiilriirn  sa 
aliir.;  as  a  lax  np'ni  thr  p 
raliiinal  ilnnlil  lliiil  ihr  riin 
iiwii  works  has  i  hi  ipriird 

iiiii'ilrii  ii| Ihr  rnnsnnirr 

and  I'nr  a'.;rii  iillni'iil  prnilii 
niaiuirartnrr,  is  a  hriirlil  ti 
liiiikril,  riiinridillL',  as  it  ih 

II  iTNis  nl'llic  riiiiiilry.  Ki 
•^I'liilrnini  ih'sire  that  hh 
Miiirrr  shall  lie  iiiailr  iisilr 
iiiiiviili'H  a  duly  nl'  Iwclit 
riiis  ri'iUirtinn  must  srrii 
mil  arrrsl,  llir  prn^'irss  nl' 
111  I'.ir  fnnii  di  riviii;;  an  nd' 
Mi'rinns  injury  nnisi  risiill 
I'sts  w'liii  ll  depend  mi  llic 
line,  lint  In  tin;  1,'reat  lii 
iiiiw  uiijny  tlic  udvunlagt 
liliiiii. 

Mr.  n.  then  proceeded 
di'dnri'd  from  the  repeal 
111  r.mir  111' the  aliaiidniinii 
iri'iinn.  'I'lic  anion  id"  i 
iii';;ril  iipnii  lis,  iml  only  i 
niir  iniiialion,  hut  as  rini; 
•.•rasoii  for  the  irpral  ol'  ll 
riU'el'iil  exaininalinn  ol'  t 
liini  lhat  lliiiiidvaiila;;es  I 
try  rrniii  llic  recent  rlmn; 
had  hreii  >aslly  exasji;. 
.iileipiale  i^roiind  for  niir 
which  is  idcnlilied  wilh 
ily.  Our  riliann;  iipnii 
our  imnii  nsu  ii;;ririiltiin 
only  delusive,  lint  rniniii 
paiinii.-'eiiti  rtained  hy  mi 
linn.  It  seems  In  lie  fi 
ir,'riciiluiral  as  well  as  Ai 
iiiiiinly  npiin  her  own  s 
her  pi'iiplr.  In  favnral 
ri'op  will 


hr  Sllllirii'lll,  I 
liniiic  consninplinn.  W 
(;rain-i;rowinf;  rminiries 
lie  alilr  to  supply  the 
whii'li  SVC  eainiiil  sum 
hrrii  shown,  heynml  il 
»lirat  in  thr  markilsi  " 
Ihr  iiiarket.s  of  this  conn 
|.'or  a  series  of  years, 
ihr  lily  nf  'New  York 
avrra^'i;  prire  at  llaiilz 
/\rehaii!;i'l,  Ui-a,aiiil  Si 
liciii^  nearer  to  the  Kn;: 
ridrd  uilvaiita;;r  ovrr  ii: 
lion,  ll  is  well  known 
iinrlhof  Europe  are  ra|i: 
demand  of  Lnslmnl  " 
iirarrily. 

OntliispoinI  ihcri.llii 
ih'livercd  l>v  Lord  Ash 
liament  ill  .lainuiry  lasi 
•■lliil  Ihe  Mipply  iiiusi  ir 
noriMilil  mil  Irivr  II  hi'iii'i 
III  llii-i  iiiiiiiirnl  Aiiirrii'iiii 
raiiiiihi  lit  ailiiiy  iir/i)«i' 
wrrr  r.vinililliil.  ''  I'OiiM  ''i' 
Cl'ifii  ii'/ini/  in  /jiiit/iliiW  I'  ir 
on  ii'Ac.'l  frnm  il»  s/iori'-   i' 
Thin  wnii  riiilnly  iiwin:; 
liiirili  ot  Kiiiii|ir." 
Thus  will  it  he  sect 


ifl'ir.. 


Al'PKINDIX  TO  TMK  CONCKESSIONAL  GI/)nK. 


!)(;{) 


'iih-H  CuNn i  HT  Sk88. 


The  Turin— Mr.  ninthrop. 


\\i 


).  or 


Kr.i'i 


<  iillri'ly  prmlriitt'.  ttii*  liii«>ini-iirt  oC  lilt'****  ffillni'ii.  In  llili 
('■tiiM'iMiri,  It  iiHuiit  !•<■  »''ll  l<i  fiiiiii*.  Hint,  lor  tlir  tn-*l  yi'iiFi 

lllr   |trli-i-  Ml   I'll Illltl  11:1-4   hr>'ll  t'lniil  'il   ti)  'I'.l  rnitN  |M'r 

liii<li>'l;  lit    LuiiimmIIi'   iiIiuiiI   till'  HiiiiH',  (ir   |M-rhiil>M  II  "tlllllll     ' 
lnuli'T',  III  Nurlivlllii  mill  lllHl.  l,iiiil«,illl'r<iMi'J><  UiXli'i'llU    ' 

|r>r  iMI-hil. 

■•Ill' till'  ifri>[lt  Ih  IM'llt  of  tlli'-ii'  unikrt  t'l  till'  fliliri'  U'rPt 

II  I  •  II Ili'-M  III  riiiiir^i'.    'I'lir)  iitliiril  a  roiiMtiiiit  unit  niqii-r 

.iiiiiiiiliiiit  iiiiiijilv  ni'tlii^  iiiTi-x>'iir>  iil'liii'  at  till'  Inwi'Nt  |iri('i't*  , 
lit  HliK'li  It  i-iiii  III'  iiriiiliiri'il,  i-rriillHU  u  iiiiirki't  fur  II  iiiiiii'  m 

lint  III   til--  iiunrilltillill   liriiiliirtni  III' lllr  lliljiiri'llt  Hlilti'rt, 

.Hilt  uiuiiii  I  iii|ilii>iiii  lit  III  iiiiii'li  liiiiiir.     ir.  I>v  till-  liitriiiliH' 
tiiiii  III'  III)-  tiii-rlKii  iirtlrli- Y'ri'i'  of  lUiJii,  lliii  uniil  iiitfriiiil 
Mijililv  I'liiilil  till  liinitrr  III' riiriil-lii  i),  llii' \Mirk<«  iiliiiiiiliiiii'il,  ' 
(li'iivlliu  till'  i-iiiii'lllili-r  ili'pi'iiilriil  mIiiih'  i||iiiii  till'  l'iii)if>rf''r.) 
Ill'     i-li|l^i'i|lli  nil'    Wiilllil  ^iiiill   III'  Il  Itillllll  i1l''|)I>' l|i'|l|iirril, 

llir'iiitlliiiiil  till'  I'liiiiitrx.** 

!Mr.  11.  I'liMiiiiiiril.  It  IH  cli'iii'ly  I  Niiililiulii'il,  liy 
till'  i/ii/ii  III  wliii'li  I  Imvr  rffiri'iil,  lliiil  wr  |iiimsi  hm 
till'   iilillily   III  iiiiiiiiirarliii'i'  Kill  Hiiiririnit   fur  llio 

.ii|i|ily  111'  till'  wliiili'  I'liiiiiliy;  tliiit  tin'  cllii'l  iil'  llir 
lir.;li  iliitii'rt  nil  llir  ('iii'i'i;;li  iiilli'li'  Iiiim  licni  In  rii- 
iliiri'  till'  |llirriir  liiilll  liil'l'li^ll  mill  lliillll  Hlli'  liy 
riiiii|M'tilliiii',  Mint  llii'  i|imlity  nl'  llir  ilmiicNlii'.  iii'li- 
I  II'  liiiM  iiii'ii  '^fi'iilly  iiii|ir(ivi'il  ill  |iiirity,iinil  iiiiiilc 
1  iliiiil  (11  lliii  lirsi  full  iirii  salt;  ami  sn  liir  I'r  mi  ii|ii'i'- 

iiliii','  us  a  lax  ii|i'in   llir  | |ili'i   llii'fi'  ran  liii  iin 

laiiiiiial  iliiiilil  Itial  till!  I'liriiiir.iuiiiiriil  ;;ivcii  In  mil' 
nwii  wni'kH  liiiH  rill  a|ii'iii'(l  )ii'irrH  mill  nilih'i'il  llir 
liiiiilcii  ii|inii  llir  I'niisiinicr.  TIh'  ili'iimiiil  Cm'  lalinr 
anil  I'lir  iii;rii  iillilial  |iriiiliii'lr',  I'l'Miilliii'^'  ri'niii  lliis 
iiiaiiiirai'liiri',  in  ii  liriii'lil  Inn  liii|ini'iaiil  In  In:  inrr- 
liinlinl,  I'liiiiiiiiliiii;,  aa  il  ilni-^i,  willi  llir  unirial  in- 
li  ri'NiM  nl'llir  rniiiitiy.  I''(ii'  winil  ;,'iinil  iiaxnii  ran 
Vi'iillriiii'ii  ilrali'O  lliiil  Nil  iiii|ini'liiiil  a  iiallniial  rr- 
;-iiiin'r  aliall  lir  limili'  ii.iilcn.s?  'I'lir  liill  Ixliire  lis 
iniiviili's  (I  iliilynl'  Iwriily  |iri'  mil.  ml  viilornii. 
'I'liia  ri'iliii'linii  iiiiiNl  Mcriiiiisly  I'liiliarriiHH,  il'il  (In 
mil  arirst,  llir  |ii'ii:;i'i  mm  iirniir  rNlalili.iliiiiriilH;  anil 

.11  r.ii-  finm  (Il  riviliy  an  nilvanlaL'r  IVnm  llir  rliiin:;r, 
.^rriiniM  injury  niii«l  crsiill,  inn  imly  In  llniMi  iiilrr- 
r.ils  wliii  II  (lr|irnil  iin  llir  biii'i'('.'<m  nl'  llii;  niamifai- 
liiir,  lull  tn  tin;  i,'i(iU  Imdy  nl'  rnnMiiinrrH,  wliii 
iinw  fiijny  llic  (lUvaiilagcs  ill' n  licalllil'iil  cnin|ie- 
(llinll. 

Mr.  II.  ilicn  proceeded  tn  notice  tlio  nrgumcut 
ili'diii'rd   frniii   lliu  n  |iri(l  nl'  (In;  lirilisli  riini  laws 

III  I'lMir  111' (lie  aliaiidntinirnl  nrniir  m\mIi'iii  (irprii- 
li'i'liiili.  'I'lir  ai'linn  nl'  lllr  llritisli  I'arlimiiriit  ia 
iii'^'ril  iipnii  IIM,  mil  niily  aa  an  cxaniplr  wnrlliy  nf 
mil'  iniiuitinii,  Inn  aa  rniiMtilKtin^  an  nll-MuHii'ieiK 
'•ra.'foii  I'nr  (lie  irpral  nl'  (In:  larill'  nl"  lH\'i.  IJnt  ii 
nirrl'iil  rxaiiiiiia(inii  nl"  (lie  'iKliiri'l  had  tialislird 
liiiii  lliut  (lioadvaiilu^i'M  In  be  (li-riNid  In  tliia  eiiiiii- 
Iry  rrniii  (lie  roi'rnl  cliaiii.'C  nf  pnliiy  in  Kii^'lmid 
had  liirn  tasdy  i'Xau;i;.  ralrd,  anil  riiriiiMlird  lii> 
,nli'i|iialr  •;riiiiiiil  fnr  niir  drpailiirr  I'iniii  a  HyNlriii 
wliii'li  Im  iduiilil'nd  with  niii  f;rnwlli  and  pinspii- 
iiy.  (llir  rrliani'r  npnii  I'jinlanil  as  a  niarkrl  I'nr 
niir  iiiiiiii  use  au'iii'iilliiral  miii'|iIiim  will  pnive  lint 
iiiily  ilelnsivr,  Inil  niinnii.i,  it'  wr  kuH'i  r  tin-  anljei- 
liainin.-'rnlrnaineil  liy  many  (n  cnnlri'l  niir  li';;isln- 
limi.  Il  srriiiM  In  he  liii';;iill/'n  llial  Kns^lmid  m 
,i-:i'ii'iil(iiral  iim  well  as  America,  and  llial  sin;  relies^ 
iii.iiiily  iipnii  her  nwn  snil  In  supply  llie  wanls  ni' 
lirr  pcnplr.  Ill  faviirahle  MeiiMiiiiM  lirr  dumeslir. 
1  rii|i  w  ill  hr  sullii'irni,  nr  iii'iirly  xiillieieiit,  Cnr  lirr 
hiniir  innsiiinplinii.  Wlirii  a  si'iirrily  nreiirM,  the 
:;raitii;riiwiiii;  I'iniiilrieM  nri'iinliiii'iilal  iMirnjie  will 
Ir  alilr  In  supply  llie  drl'ii-irm'y  nil  (ernis  willi 
wl.H'li  wr  raiinnl  sni'rr.ssriilly  rninprle.  Il  lias 
hciii  slinwii,  heyninl  dispiilr,  ili.il  llie  prii-iM  nl' 
»  Ileal  ill  llir  iiiarki'ls  nf  the  I'allic  ale  luS'S  lliaii  ill 
tin:  mai-Krla  nrihiMrniintry' 

t'nra  mi  rirM  ol'yriiiM,  wliilsl  llir  iivfrase  price  in 
(lir  ci(y  nl'  Mew  Vin'k  was  n\rr  niie  dnllar,  (lie 
avriM^r  prire  III  Dani/.ic  was  Inil  M  ceiilM,  and  al 
Archair.'.rl,  lli:;a,  anil  St.  I'driMhinu'.  1ml  77  ernlM. 
I'leiii;;  iir:iirr  In  tlir  lai^lisli  pnrls,  liny  have  a  de- 
riilrd  ailvaiilai;r  nur  ns  in  llir  eii'-st  nl'  traiispnrla- 
liiiii.  Il  is  Will  kiniwii  that  llie  rniiiilrirs  ill  the 
ma-ili  nt  Eiirniieaie  rapahlrnf  supply  in;;  (he  wlinio 
ih  iiiaiid  ol'  Ln^laiid  in  seasnns  nl'  ihe  grealest 
wari'ily. 

On  (liispiiinl  lliefnllowingpassaije  from  n  speech 
ill  livrrrd  liy  Iji'nl  Aslilmiinii  in  the  lirilisli  Par- 
liainriK  in  ,1aiiuary  lasl  is  cnm-ln.sive: 

"  lint  llie  ^lipiily  liaist  nut  lir  rxpri'Iiil  rmlll  Ainl'rir;i,iinil 
wo  I'oiilil  iinl  Inivr  II  lirtliT  iiM"!  'it  tlii»  tlilill  tin'  lint.  lliiK 
lit  llii-i  mniiii'iit  Aini'rii'ail  wlii'iit  riiiilil  criin-  linr  (liriinali 
Ciliiailu  111  iiihllv  iil/uiir  .i/ii.'liii;i;  anil  .M'l.  if  tin'  ri'lilrns 
wiTi'  I'.vniiiiliiit,  il  I'ditlil  lir  foimd  Unit  i.hir  Inilk-i  ol  Ihc  Jor- 
tifn  iihnil  ill  /J.isliiiiil  was  from  Ihr  llallh  .  Ihoiiji  Ihc  lUilif 
111!  ii'Ai'i.'f  from  ily  shorci  ii'iii  nrrrKM  .iiiii.i.iNim  n  i/'oirlrr. 
'I'hia  Hiis  riilln'ly  iiwiliK  lu  (lie  low  jiiU'r  iif  liilior  in  tlle 
lifirtli  111  KliMi|ii'''' 
Thua  will  it  be  seen,  tlint  il"  wc  intend  to  rely 


nil  fnrciltil  niitrki'tn  I'nr  the  xiiln  nl'  inir  iiitricullurnl  '  I 
Hurpldx,  we  iiiiint  flrn(  rediirr  llir  hiii;i  x  nf  liihiir  to 
llii:  iMirnpiaii  hlanilaiil,  wliirli  is  Irss  lliaii  a  sliil- 
liii!!  prr  day  I'nr  ni;ni'nltiii'iil  lahnirrs.  I''ar  hr  It 
t'rnm  inr  In  dcHire,  lliat  iiiir  iniliiHlriniiH  yrnniiiiii-y 
nliall  he  redined  In  lliat  I'niidilinii.  'I'li  llir  wlirut- 
irriiwiiii;  irt'iim  iHirdrriir;  mi  the  I'lral  lakrs, 
which  dividr  niir  rninilry  rrnni  Ciinada,  i(  is  he- 
Iil  \  I'll  llir  |r|iiill  nl'lhr  lirilisli  cnrll  laws  will  pl'n- 
diiie  iiinre  iii|i(ry  (liaii  lirnilil.  I  Ivrrlnriirr,  llir 
disi'riiniiialinn  in  I'avnr  nl'  cnlniilal  iiriidin'e  Iiiih 
rnalili'il  iiM  In  Mill  rmiHidiralilr  inianlillen  nf  ^'l"iiii, 
winch  aflrrwai'ds  Weill  In  Knirlaiid  in  the  iiiaiiK- 
I'ai'lurril  Nlair,  payir;;  a  nirre  nnniinal  duly;  Inil 
tliiN  linliii'cl  iivemir  will  iinw  hr  ilnfieil,  and  wr 
must  iiiret  (he  wliriit-^'cnweri)  of  the  Dallii  nil 
I'ipiiil  (rriii.i. 

'I'lieie  iH  It  (lislinctinn  lictweon  linnvy  ni;rlnd'- 
tnrid  pi'ndi(r(H  iiiid  inaimfaciiinil  I'ahricn,  wlinli 
){rii(lrinrii  have  Hnnnd  to  nvrrlnnk.  WInlslllie 
Ininsjinrliitinn  nf  llir  liiKrr  tiidiMta(i(  niarkrts  cnsls 
hiK  a  Irillr  in  I'nniparlNnti  with  the  valiii  ,  the  fnniirr 
is  siihirri  tn  lari;i!  liiirdriiH  fnr  (hr  i  ns(  nf  fi('i'.:li(; 
the  I'.xpriisr  nf  (laiispiirdiii;  niir  ^'I'ain  and  pi'nvis- 
inns,  I'riini  (he  place  nf  prndin'tnni  in  tliiH  cinnilry 
In  l.ivrrpniil,  is  ri|iiiil  In  an  avei'ii',;i'  duly  nf  IVnni 
^'.'i  In  ^110  per  rriit.  Thin  nf  i(.Hrlf  will  alhird  lili- 
rral  prntei'linii  In  Ihe  ai;riciil(nreiif  ljii,'laiiil.   That 

,  cnnntry,  frnin  llie  ahninlancr  nf  lirr  capiial,  and 
(he  chcapiirss  nf  her  lalmr,  may  clialliiiue  the  cnni- 

:  pelilimi   nf  the   wnrlil;  lail   nur   piisllinii   in  llicsc 

'  rcMpeclM  is  an  widely  dill'erciit,  (lni(  an  adhcrriice 
III  llie  prn(rctive  pnllcy  nn  niir  part  is  diilalid  hy 
Mduiiil  priiicipleH  nf  pnlltiral  eciinniny,  and  hy  (he 
piiniiniiiiiK  law  nf  Nclf-prt.'''rrva(inii.  If  we  iinw 
ncccpl  llir  prnll'er  nf  frrr-lrailr  I'rniii  I'iimland,  if  wc 
cniiNcnl  In  lirrak  diiwii  nur  liniiic  markrlN  in  hlind 
nliaiice  upnii  a  prerariiiiis  ilrinaiid  fnr  hrrailHliiH' 
ahrnail,  and  xliape  nur  cnni'sr  In  harmniii/.e  with 
the  pnlicy  and  dciii^'iiM  nf  (he  llridHli  Unverinnenl, 
It  will  he  fniiiiil,whrii  (III)  la(r,  (lia(  we  have  ^Iveii 

I  Huhslaiicr  i'nr  a  Hliadnw,  and  have  accep(ed  I'rnni 
nur  ^leat  rival  llir  iiiumI  fatal  linnii  which  she  call 
lieslnw,  nr  ii  ynuiii;,  vi^nriiuii,  free  iitttiuii  hku  uui'M 
can  reieivc. 

liiMlead  nf  yirlilin;;  (u  the  Irniplatiiiii,  I  linpc  wc 
may  he  true  In  inirsrlves,  and  In  llie  lii^'li  dcNliny 
which  the  Ainericaii  prnple  are  ealleil  tn  I'nllil',  ihiil 
wisihini  may  ^'iiidr  (Kir  enUlicilM,  and  Icinl  us  nn- 
ward  ill  11  Ini^^lil  carerr  nf  Ireednni,  prus|ieri(y, 
and  miliuiiiil  Iniliprndeiice.  . 

Tl'  !•:   TAUll'F.  ■ 

Sl>Ef:Cll  Oh  MliTii.  C.  WINTHROP, 

1  ur  WASSAfllUSETTS, 

In  rliK  llui  si;  ni-  Uni'iiKsiiNTATivKs, 

Juiiv  '^'t,  IH'III. 

The  lliiuse  liriii;;  in  cnininidir  nf  the  Wliiile  nn 

(he  Stan:  nf  the  Uiiinii,  and   liavin'4  undirrnii- 

sidrratinn  the  hill  In  rcdiicr  the  duties  nn  itii]iiirls, 

and  fnr  nllicr  purpnscs — 

Mr.  WUNTIIIU)!'  said  (hat,  if  he  had  sncceed- 
ed  ill  u;eltin^  the  Ihinral  lui  earlier  liniir  yeNlrrilay, 
he  Khnuld  have  hern  (eniplcd  In  nply  al  siiniu 
lciii;tli  In  Ihe  honnrahle  nienilier  fruiii  Loiiisiuna, 
(Mr.  II.Mi.MANsiiN,!  whn  addrrssed  the  cninniillee 
III  the  cniir.M:  nf  the  mnriiin^'.  I  eniifehM  (said  Mr. 
W.)  thai  I  was  a  f;nnd  deal  nstniiishrd  (n  hear  .■"■ 
wlinlrMiilr  an  iiUack  iipnii  llir  exisiiii'^  tarilf  frniii 
thai  parliciilar  iiiiarler.  I  hail  thnii^'hl  that,  if 
there  were  any  prnilinl  of  our  rniinlry  which  re- 
ipiireil  and  rcc'eived  llir  hi^'hesl  nieaMUro  nf  prntec- 
linii,  it  was  the  .-;taple  pindiicl  nf  the  hnmiruhle 
niemher's  nwn  Klate.  I  had  llinu;;lil  llial  if  there 
was  any  pnrl  In  the  IJiiinn  which  had  prnliled 
iiinre  than  annllnr,  nf  the  vast  inlrriial  liaile  wlii''h 
the  existiii'^  larill'  lias  aiilcd  in  huiiding  up,  it  was 
the  pnrl  ol'  lii.s  nwn  prnud  mediipulis, 

liu(  (he  honnralilo  ineinhi  r  fnunded  his  olijce- 
linils  to  the  cxistiiip;  larill",  very  prudently,  nil 
cerlaiii  iillrned  injunnus  inllueiiceM  in  ntliir  parls 
nf  the  cniinlry,  and  not  nil  any  which  had  cnnie 
williin  the  siihere  of  his  own  ohservalinn  and  ex- 
perience. And  one  of  the  tnpics  nf  his  severest 
aninmdvcrsinn  was  ihe  eiiorniuus  dividends  of  the 
eastern  niaiiul'actureis. 

Now,  I  will  not  weary  the  eommiltcc  with  de- 
tails, which  have  often  heeii   recited.  In  prove  that 
I  the  uvcniijc  profits  of  the  eai.terii  iiiaiml'acturers 


liova  Imkii  n*  Inw  nn  tlinM  of  pciwiiiM  t'ni|iliiyiil 

III  any  oilier  line  of  huHinixH,  and  prnlnhly  u  ttmnl 
deal  liiAir  (hail  (Iiiini!  nf  (lie  l.niiisiami  Hiinm- 
pliiiKir,  liiK  I  dndiNirti  in  pir.tenl  (n  (liiiNr  who 
are  eniKinually  liarpiii);  nn  iIiIm  ntriii;; — lint  ex- 
cepdiiit  the  Werrrlary  of  (he  TiciiHiny,  who  liim 
louchril  it  Nninrwhal  iinh  ty  in  Ins  aiiniial  n  pint — 
a  plain,  prarKcal  (rat  of  the  (lulli  and  jiiNliie  nf 
(his  charirr. 

The  iiiaimracliire  nf  cn((nn  is  nni,  like  (he  cid- 
tiirenf  ciillnii.  III  i  cMxai  liy  a  Incal  Iiiisiiiikm.  Tin  rii 
il  excellent  wali  r-pmver,  and  an  alnindaiice  nf 
hnimiii  lahnr,  all  nver  (he  innntry.  ISinnirrniis 
cnliiiii  mills  have  aliiady  hern  esl.ihlishi  d  in  (he 
Snnihern  .States,  In  Vii'u'iiiia,  in  Ninlli  ('ainliiM, 
in  Uriii';;ia,  llir  liinii  of  llir  spinilji'  is  liii;iiiiiin:;  In 
he  a  liimiliiir  hoiiiiiI.  I'ivrii  in  >Snnlli  ('arnlina,  I 
hrlieve,  it  is  iinl  ullii:;etlier  iiiiheard.  My  linniii- 
ahle  friend  frniii  Sniilli  I'arnlina  |.Mr.  IIiiI.mk:<| 
sinilrs.  rSir,  I  I'etiirinlicr  heeiii;;  ill  a  iiewM|iiipcr, 
Inr  which  I  was  inilrliiril  in  Ins  nwn  pnliii  in  sn, 
a  rail  I'nr  a  inrrlini;,  tn  he  linhlen  nn  the  |7(li  nf 
.liiiie,  in  one  nf  the  dislrirls  nf  .Sinilh  Oarnlina,  last 
yeiii,  fnr  till' diiiihlepiir|"ise  of  crlrhriitiii'.'  the  hat  I  In 
of  Ihiiiki  r  Hill,  and  lakin;;  mriiMinrM  I'm'  hinliliii;; 
a  collnii  mill !  The  pi  rsniiH  whn  inlltd  lliat  iiiirl- 
iii^',  it  Mi'i'iiiM,  undrrntnnd  Ihr  iiati  intlMin,  as  w  ill 
as  the  pnliry,  of  eHdihhshiii;,'  dnine.'tic  nnniiil'ai'- 
tiires.  They  had  mil  fiir'.;iilli'ii  thr  ri  Miiliitiiiiis 
which  piissrd  thr  I'rilish  i'arliaiiiriK  a  few  yi  ar.s 
hrl'nre  thr  halllr  nf  Ihiiikrr  Hill  was  fiiiii;lil  — 
*' That  the  t.'rcrtinn  nf  mannl'actnrics  in  the  cnhi- 
'  iiies  dnlh  tend  In  diminish  tin  ir  drpeiidence  r  , 
'  the  mnllirr  cniinlry."  I  licarlily  hope  that  IIiin 
spirit  will  hpread.  I  helieve  it  is  Hpirailiii'.;,  ami 
thai,  half  n  reiilnry  hence,  niir  cniinlry  will  hr  as 
iiniarkahle  as  a  ooilon-spinnini;  cniimry  as  i(  i.s 
nnw  as  a  ciilloii-i;iiiH  ill:;  rininlry. 

iliK  what  I  w  islicil  parliciilin-ly  In  say  was  this, 
thai,  if  it  lie  lint  ijiiilr  cniivi  iiiiiil,  jast  yrl,  fnr  niir 
Miinllierii  friends  In  try  the  cxpeiiinent  nf  llieso 
etinrinniis  iliviilrnils  nn  their  nwn  ;;i'iitiiiil,  they  can 
easily  have  an  nppnriunily  el.-iewlieie.  The  HinckH 
nf  lliesr  New  Kic;laiiil  faclnries,  which  are  sn  iinicli 
cnniplained  of  for  dniii^  sn  u;nnd  ii  hnsinesM,  can  he 
had  nil  the  !lnHlniirxelimii;e  every  day  in  the  week. 
They  may  he  purchased,  either  at  pnhlic  aiiciimi 
nr  al  priviile  sale,  hy  niiy  niie  whn  wislies  In  luy. 
And,  what  is  mure  remarkahle,  sir,  mil  a  few  of 
llieiii  may  lie  hnu'^ht  hilow  jiiir.  I  have  here  a  price 
1  eiiri'ciil  nf  II  few  weckH  a;;n,  which  £,'iveM  the  ratea 
1  of  the  actual  sales  nf  thr  day,  and  frniii  which  it 
,'ipprars  that  alninsl  any  nf  throe  slncks  may  lie 
had  al  a  Ninall  advance,  many  nf  llietn  at  ;iiii',  and 
mil  a  few  hrlnw  il,  llrrr  liny  arr;  the  Applelnri 
iiiIIIm,  the  Lawrence  mills,  ihe Thnrndiki'  nulls,  llio 
Liiwell  iiiills;  ynii  may  lake  shares  In  suit  yiiur- 
Mi  Ives,  and  cniue  ii(  for  Kcot  and  lot  in  all  (heir 
rMnhitanl  eaniiii;,'s. 

I'll  fine   yiin  dclerniinc  to  do  sn,  however,  you 

■  will,  perliap.s,  he  disposed  to   proiioniid   to  yoiir- 

sehrM   siiiiie  such   i|ueslinim  us   tliese:  Can  it  he 

true,  that  slncks  which  can  he  pnicliased  at   Niich 

raie.-i  i  an  yield,  nnifininly  and  crrlainly.divii'nnU 

sn  ennrmnusr     The   Vaiikers  are  sharp  r ','li, 

Heaven  knows,  al  a  hariiain;  wniild  lliry  he  likely 
111  sell,  I'nr  ii  llinii.sand  dnlli.rs,  that  which  woulil 
1,'ivc  llieiii  a  ree;(iliir  and  rrhahle  iii(ei'es(  nn  (wn  nr 
lliiee  thnU'Sand  .'  Must  it  lint  he,  nn  llie  ntlier  hand, 
that  llie  ^real  pinfils  which  are  sn  nnicli  harped 
iipnii,  are  nnly  the  exceptions  lu  the  general  rule; 
and  thai  the  aver.iu'e  earnings  are,  iil'ler  all,  nnly  a 
fair  interest  on  llie  iiivcMlineiil .-  Ami  i.s  there,  loo, 
any  real  monnpoly  ahonl  a  hnsiness  wliidi  any  one 
:  ran  lake  n  share  ill  who  plrasis  r  Can  we',  while 
il  is  in  our  pnwrr  In  linilil  cntlnii  ir  ills  fnr  nuisulve», 
nr  to  hiiy  into  those  which  are  already  esiahlislied, 
cnniplaiii  of  the  sysieni  which  priilccls  tlieiii  I'iniii 
a  ruinnuM  l'nicii;n  cnnifieiitinn,  as  so  very  grievous 
and  frrindiii;;  an  o|ipreKsion  .' 

If  the  linnnialile  ineiiiher  from  Loui.siana  wnuld 
ponder  a  little  uiioii  these  inlerrn^alnrieM,  1  am  sure 
he  wniild  he  less  vinlent  in  his  deiiunciulion uf  these 
enormniis  dividends. 

liui  I  have  not  come  here  this  mornin;;  to  reply 
In  the  lionnrahle  'i.  mher  from  Lmiisiana,  or  any 
one  else,  Imt  rail.,  r  to  say  somelhiii!;  on  my  own 
accoiinl.  Il  is  well  underslond,  that  the  hill  under 
consideralion  was  ordered  to  he  rcpnrlei'  lo  the 
lloii.sr  liy  a  vote  of  live  lo  four  in  the  *'  iiimitiec 
of  Ways  and  Means.  As  the  niaj''  '  nflhceoni- 
niilteu  did  not  think  lit  to  iiccompuiiy  !he  bill  with 


070 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGKESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29th  Cong. ...1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Wlnthrop. 


[Juno  25, 
Ho.  or  Uki's. 


niiy  written  rxjilcnatioiiH  of  the  views  with  which  i 
it  was  proparou,  ll  wiiuhl,  of  cour.se,  have  bron  in- 
i\|i|u-opnair  tor  the  niiniiriiy  lo  iniil<('  any  report. 
Itiit,  iiH  ont'  of  lliat  nniiDi'JIy,  1  (IrMire  (o  tnive  ihiN 
oLt-asion  lo  give  my  reaMoMH  fitr  t>pposini^  the  hill 
in  I'linnnillce,  and  for  continuni{;  that  opposition 
in  Ihc  I  lonsc. 

I'nihni'ilrilly,  Mr.  Chairman,  t!io  first  jrent  oh- 
jert  ol'ali  our  tarills  slioni'l  lie,  to  jiyovUtc  reremte  > 
for  the  S(i;»/K»r/  of  Ihc  iionrutntiit.  There  arc  no 
terms  in  which  ihis  prineiple  ran  he  asserted,  no 
ahsolute  niut  ton  inKjnalilied  tr>  nieel  niv  reiuiv  and 
eordial  assent.  I  a;;ree  to  ihe  pretposidon  in  llie 
form  in  whieh  it  has  heen  sinied  liy  the  Seerelary 
of  .l.'i  Trea.snry  m  hi.s  animal  repori,  *'l!ial  no 
nntre  money  shonld  he  etilleeled  fnnn  duties  on 
impoiis  than  i.sneeessarv  for  tiie  wants  of  the  Gtn"- 
eniment.eeoniimieally administered."  Aiidlai;ree, 
also,  lo  the,  I'onversi!  of  the  proposition,  ns  nnn*e 
eui[ihatieally  nressi'd  upon  our  eonsideratioii  hy 
liie  exi.stint:  eiriMimstanres  of  the  eoniiiry,  that  as 
nmi'h  money  as  mav  lie  neeessary  tor  llntso  wants 
iMisht,  if  possihle,  to  he  thus  eolleeled. 

In  a  time  of  war  liki'  the  piesejit,  nnn'O  espeeiidly, 
an  ample  reveiitie  shiaiUl  I.e  the  primary  ain,  ...  d 
eial  of  all  otir  f  usioni-liouse  duties.  To  replenish 
the  national  trensurv,  to  sustain  the  pnhlie,  eredit, 
and  to  make  sea.souahle  and  sulfieient  lu'nvision  for 
meitinu:  ilie  manifold  expenses  wlii  h  are  iiieident 
to  a  stale  of  war,  is  as  essen'ial  lo  the  viiinroiis  and 
siieeesstul  (iroseention  of  that  war,  as  the  niusti.'r- 
iii'T  of  deets  and  in'mie...  And  that  Administration 
will  have  done hni  half  itRiluly  totlit' eoniitrv,inthe 
present  eondilion  of  its  foreiirn  alfairs,  whielt,  look- 

^ only  lo  men  and  mimilions,  shall  tail  toadvise>^ 
»■  llnw  war  riiiiy,  lii-st  illilii'Iil, 
Mov--  li\  tier  tiMi  iiiaiii  la'lve.-(,  iron  iniil  poltl,  \ 

111  all  Itrr  '-iiiniiaue  " 

I  need  not  .say,  that  I  deeply  deplore  the  orenr- 
rence  of  the  war  in  which  the  country  is  iuMilved. 
I  nave  had  neither  jiart  nor  lot  in  the  policy  which 
has  oreasioneil  it,  hut  have  opposed  that  p..liey, 
from  lieiiiimintr  to  end,  to  the  he.sl  of  my  aliility. 
1  vol'  d  for  the  hill  recoi_'nisiii!;  the  existence  of  the 
war,  and  anlhori/.inir  the  employment  of  men  and 
money  for  its  prosecution,  with  nnfeigned  relue- 
lanee  and  pain.  The  day  can  never  he,  when  1 
eiin  vote,  without  reluctance  jind  without  pain,  for 
any  hill,  under  any  eirenmstarices,  which  looks  to 
an  issue  of  hattle  and  of  blnod.  1  feel  deeplv  that 
such  eonfiicts  are  uuheconiiiiir  eivili/.ed  ann  t.'hris- 
liau  men.  Not  even  the  hrilliiiHt  exploi's  of  our 
troops  at  Palo  .\llo  and  the  Itesaca  lie  la  Palma, 
thoU'.;h  they  may  li!l  me  with  admiration  for  the 
bravery  of  those  who  achieved  them,  can  dazzle 
me  for  an  instant,  into  the  (':.liision,  that  sncli 
scenes  are  \\orih\'  of  the  a^e  in  \vhi"h  Wi   live. 

There  wiis  plirasiolo^'y,  Ion,  in  the  hi'l  whiidi  I  ' 
would  [:ladlv  lia\e  stricken  mtt.  Indeet',  the ijues- 
tion  w.is  om*  on  whi.h  it  was  iinjiossi'ile  lo  cive 
nn  nllO};i'tln  -  sati- r,i.-lory  vole,  and  I  have  iiotiiinu; 
hm  respect  for  .lie'  motives,  and  sympathy  in  the 
general  views  of  those  who  did'ered  from  me  on 
the  oee.ision. 

lii.l  1  believed  when  that  bill  was  before  us, and  I 
belit;ve  siill,  that  the  policy  of  the  Atltnimstratiou 
liad  already  involved  ns  in  a  state  of  thiiiirs  whieh 
eoiild  not  he  iiiade  beiti'r,  which  eoiilil  not  heeiilur 
remedied  or  relieved,  by  williholdinu'  supplies  or 
disi^nisiie;  iis  vvul  eharacter.  And  I  will  .s.i\'  fiir- 
iher,  that  while  I  eondeiniied  that  pohc\'  as  fu'iirl- 
iiy  as  any  of  niv  friends — while  1  eoudennied  bolli 
the  (inliey  of  anne\.ition  as  a  whole,  ami  the  niove- 
mi-nts  ot'  oe,  army  tVoin  t'orpus  Chrisii  ns  a  most 
nnnec,  ss;  iv  part — I  w.is  not  one  of  those  who 
considered  .Mexico  us  entirely  wilhoiil  laidl. 

.Sir,  I  will  (In  the  Adininisir.ition  (he  ju.-liee  to 
say,  that,  in  my  judu'i  'iit,  it  adopted  a  highly 
honorable  and  enneihaloi,' course,  in  proposimr  in 
send,  and  in  actimlly  .s-euiliiiL^,  a  minister  to  .Mex- 
ico. I  said  this  privatclv,  when  the  fact  was  first 
amiouui-e.l  in  the  Presidenl's  Annual  Mess..j;e, 
and  I  will  not  hesitate  to  say  so  publicly  now. 
And  I  do  not  think  that  Mixien  stands  justified 
tipon  the  record,  for  ili.'^  re|ection  of  that  minister. 
'I'liere  IS  much  m  the  jinhlislied  correspondence  to 
wiirri'ul  the  iileii,  that  her  distinclion  between  a 
nhnisler  and  a  eommissioiier,  wuh  a  mere  after- 
thoiiL'ht,  intdided  only  lo  cover  n  'irlual  retreat 
from  her  nmiement  lo  inter  upon  in  soliiilious; 
ami  while  I  am  reudy  to  make  lart^e  nllowanceH 
for  her  cunduct,  in  conaidcrnliun  both  of  the  prov- 


ocation which  she  had  received,  nnd  of  the  dis- 
tmcled  slate  of  her  domestic  alliiirs,  nnd  while  I 
wiiuld  by  nn  ineaiiN  be  understood  to  vindicate  the 
;"«iiee  of  ihe  declaration,  that  **  vttr  exists  Inj  th*- 
ltd  of  .yfiuieu^^*  1  cannot,  yet,  hold  her  disehari^ed 
from  some  share  of  the  risponsibility  for  the  rup- 
ture which  han  ensued.  Still  less  can  she  he  ac- 
quitted of  all  1  sponsibilitv  for  the  (Mnitiimance  of 
the  war,  in  case  she  si  .ill  persist  in  deeliinii<j  the 
nverliirea  which  have  uguiii  boeii  distinctly  held 
out  lo  her. 

Mr.  Cliairinan,  I  )ileml  guilty  to  somethinir  of 
an  extreme  jealousy  iii  reu'ard  to  the  faith,  and 
even  the  forms,  of  diplomatic  intercourse.  i\Iis- 
siniis,  mediations,  arliilralions,  iiej;otialioiis  of  eve- 
ry sort,  are  the  select  and  sacred  inslruinents  of 
|ieiice.  They  are  the  inily  iiistriimenls  upon  which 
we  can  rely  for  the  amicable  ;iiljustment  of  inter- 
national disputes.  And,  as  a  tVieiid  of  peace,  I  am 
for  holdiin;  to  a  strict  aceouni.ibiliiy  every  nation 
which  shall  tritle  lu"  sport  with  lliose  iiistrumcnts; 
nuich  more,  which  sli.dl  discard  tlicin  allo;,'i  ilier. 
1  will  hold  my  own  country  to  that  nccountabiliiy 
as  stunt  as  'UioiIum'.  I  do  not  f  trivet  the  bad  ex- 
aiiiple  she  has  recenllv  exliibiied  to  the  world,  in 
rejectiiii;  ihe  projiositlon  ol'  CJreat  Ilritain  for  an 
a  ■iiilralion  upon  the  Orejon  (luestion.  Kven  Ihe 
sincere  joy  %,-|iich  I  fecial  the  lioiiorable  and  peace- 
able setileinent  of  that  quesiion,  is  alloyed  hy  die 
remoiubrance,  that  ihis  unrea.-sonable  rejection  of 
arbitration  must  reiuain,  an  indelilile  fact,  on  the 
liases  of  our  history.  It  was  somewhere  said,  not 
loni;  nj;o,  that  (tie<;on  was  the  last  sp,'i  on  the  face 
of  the  t;liilie,  of  wiiieh  the  ori;.onjil  discovery  and 
proprietorship  was  in  dispute.  Tin'  map  of  the 
world  is  now  filled  np.  And  would  ii  not  have 
been  a  cheerini;  circtunstauee  to  the  t'rieiids  ot  ju- 
inanity  and  peace,  il',  on  Ihe  deed  ot'  ]iar:ilinn  of 
that  one  last  spoi  of  disputed  territory,  there  could 
have  been  inscrihed,  in  characters  which  the  world 
niiirht  read  forever,  the  eoiic.nrrent  and  cordial  tes- 
timony of  two  of  the  most  powerful  and  civilized 
nations  of  the  earth,  in  favor  of  a  mode  of  seliliii!; 
inlernalioiial  disputes,  so  reasonable  and  so  risili- 
t(  ous  as  arbitralioii.^  There  is  mil  the  sli^liti'st 
reason  :o  ima'.rine  that  the  lesnlt  of  such  a  course 
would  have  been  less  favorable  to  our  pretensions 
than  that  which  has  now  been  acconiplislied  Ihil 
even  ifil  had  been  so,  the  ililfeience  of  a  few  acres 
of  land  would,  in  myjudiriucnl,  have  been  imwoi- 
thy  of  conslderaiioii,  in  comparison  with  the  liounr 
ot'such  a  procLcdiiii;  to  ourselves,  and  the  priceless 
iiilhn  nee  of  such  an  exanipl-  upon  the  world. 

lb  It  eniini;h  of  (lri"j;on,  and  ciionL'"li  of  ihe  causes 
of  the  Ml  xicati  war.  The  war  exists.  Il  is  lo 
be  prosecnud,  as  the  President  has  assured  ns,  for 
no  purpose  of  a'.'L'ressionor  I'ompicsl.  I'e  slaiids 
sidemiily  pled'.'ul  to  the  country  ami  to  iln,  vvrld 
by  reiterated  declarations,  that  he  will  be  '*  pre- 
pared to  renew  ne^otiaiinns  whenever  .Mexico 
shi'.ll  he  ready  lo  reci'ive  proposilions,  or  lo  make 
pronnsiiions  of  her  own;"  and  that  he  will  he  **  at 
all  times  rcadv  to  conclude  an  honorable  peace, 
w  henever  the  Nlexicui  (iuveriiineoi  shall  manifeiil 
a  I  ike  disposition."  The  honor  of  the  (•'.xeci.iive,and 
i!i(^  honor  of  the  nation,  is  rinumilied  lo  the  lullil- 
inentof  theseph  di;es;  ain!asloi);ras  1  shall  perceive 
I  Ml  til  111^  in  the  coitduei  of  the  Administration  iiicon- 
sisteui  with  their  I'lilfdmeiil.  I  shall  not  withhold 
my  vote  from  any  ri'asoiinble  snoplies  which  miiy 
he  called  for.  1  shall  vote  for  them,  not  for  any 
purpose  of  plunder  or  asLrre.^'sion — not  lo  entilile 
our  llei-ls  ti<  coiiipier  ( 'alifornia,  or  our  armies  "  to 
revel  ill  the  halls  of  the  .^lonlczumas,"  but  lo  en- 
alile  the  I^resiileiil  lo  achieve  that  honorable  pe;ice 
wiridi  he  lies  solemnly  proim.sed  to  briii^'  about  at 
the  earlii'st  [lossilile  monieiil.  ATy  motto  will  thns 
be  that  of  my  own  honored  Coiiimonweallh — 
"  Kii.'.r — (;Mif(f,ii." 

I'm  niiiil  this  result  shall  he  nccomplislieil,  Mr. 
rhainnau,  as  (iod  ^'raiil  it  s.icedily  may  he,  il  is 
the  boi'iiden  ditlv'  i^f  the  Atlininistraliou  and  its 
(Vieiids  'o  arrange  a  system  of  taxation  counncn- 
snrale  \*'ilh  the  exitreucies  they  have  created.  And 
if  this  bill  were  really  adapted  to  sncli  an  end;  if 
it  held  out  a  reasonable  assurance  nf  iucreasini:  th'? 
reveunes  and  Nuslaining  the  eredit  of  ihe  ;ouutry; 
if,  more  especially,  il  '  resented  the  only,  or  even 
the  cisiisl  and  most  otpvious,  moiie  of  siinplyiii(i; 
the  wants  of  the  Govermuent,  1  shonld  liesilate 
much  and  long  before  interposini^  any  objection  lo 
iw  paB»a;;e. 


The  bill  before  ns,  however,  was  prepared  for 

;  no  such  purpose,  nnd  will  produce  no  such  result. 

I  II  was  prepared,  as  everybody  know.s.  Ions  before 

I  any  warwilh  Mexico  w  heard  of,  nmi  while  Ihe 
President  was  still  ciui_  i  oiilaliiis  Ihe  country  that 

I  ihe  annexation  of  Texas  had  been  *' a  bloodless 
acliicveiuent."  il  was  prepared  originally,  1  fear, 
with  nn  lusher  purpose  than  lo  conform  to  those 

I  parly  pledses,  to  whicli  my  lionoralile  friend  fvoin 
(ieoi'sia,  [Mr.  SiiAiiuiix' .Iii.vns,]  who  opened  the 
debate,  so  directly  and  so  frankly  appealed  in  ns 
behalf.  Il  will  be  carried  ihroush,  if  at  all,  by  the 
mere  I'orce  of  party  cohesion  and  allesiaia-e.  And 
its  result,  if  it  ever  sues  i  ...»  operation,  will  he,  as 
I  firmly  believe,  lo  deprive  the  IJovernment  of  no 
iucniislder,  blc^  pari  of  the  revenues  which  il  is  now 
enjoyiiis.  ;  declare  lo  yon,  sir,  that  if  I  desired 
lo  I'ripple  the  .\diniiiislralion;  if  I  saw  reason  lo 
lliiiik    that   all   its  solemn    profi'ssions  of  nioder- 

.  alioii  in  rekilion  to  Mexico  were  li}'pocrilieat 
and  IiolKiw,  and  thai  it  wa.^  benl  on  n  eanipaisn  of 
ruthless  assressiou  and  assraiidizenient;  and   if  I 

,  desired,  as  1  should  in  such  a  case  most  hearlily 

1  desire,  lo  srvr,  at  a  bhiw,  the  very  sinews  of  so 

i  alihorrcnl  and  monstro.is  a  movement,  I  w.iiild  do 

'  all  in   my  powi  r  to  sliced    the  pa.s.sase  of  such  a 

I  rrffiiiif  bill  like  this. 

i  My  first  and  Icadins  objection  to  thi.s  bill,  there- 
fore, is,  that  it  will  he  destructive  to  the  revenue. 
My  first  and  slroiisesl  complaint  asainst  the  pre.senl 
financial  ruovemcnl  is,  that  at  a  lime  of  war — at  a 

I  lime  when  eonsideralioi     of  patriolism  call  for  llie 

\  amplcsi  provision  for  repleiiishiiis  the  treasury — 
at  a  linn!  when  il  is  peculiarly  inciimbeut  on  the 

■  parly,  by  whose  assressive   policy  war  has  heen 

I  hroiishl  upon  us,  to  make  e.rrauseineiils,  at  any 
sacrifice  of  mere  parly  expediency,  formeeiins  it.s 

i  expenses;  that  il  is  proposcil,  al  such  a  time,  to 
break  nii  a  syslem  of  duties  upon  imporis,  which 
has  yielded,  and  is  yieldiiis,  a  rich  nnd  reliable 
income  to  ihe   Ireasiiry,  in  order  lo  snhsiiliite  a 

merely  expin'imnit.il  larill',  framed  in  defiance  of 
all  tlii^  best  exaiuple  of  other  countries,  and  all  the 
best  experience  of  our  own;  and  which,  in  the 
judsment  of  not  e,  (v.w  of  cnir  inosl  sasacions  and 
pr.ictical  finauc-crs,  will  depress  our  industry,  de- 
..mse  our  currency,  cut  oil  the  revenues,  and  so 
nish  towa'ds  involvins  bolh  the  Governmeui  and 

!  the  people  in  baukruptcy  within  eiyhleeii  monilis 
from  Ihe  lime  il  takes  ell'ecl. 

Let  me  not  be  niisniderslood  or  misrepresenled. 
I  am  not  here  lo  ma.ntain,  thai  the  exisiins  larilf 
is  yieldins  euoush  'or  all  the  present  wants  of  the 

'  country.  1  do  not  forsel  that  we  have  a  debt  of 
seventeen  millions  already  incurred,  and  that  there 
is  nn  estimated  deficiency  of  inneteen  millions  more 
for  the  service  of  llie  approachius  fisc;d  year.  I 
am  quite  ready  to  adiuit,  thi.l  il  is  iueumbeut  nn 
ihe  parly  in  powir,to  make  some  provision  for 
■'icreasins  ii-s  resources.  And  upon  thein  iniisf 
ri'st  the  le-' 'onsihility  for  orisinalins  such  a  pro- 

i  vision.  I5ul  any  iiraclical  ecoiioml.'<l  would  tell 
you  ill  ten  words  what  that  provi.^ion  should  be. 
.\n  issue  of  eislit  or  I  n  niillioiisof  ir  usury  notes, 

ami  a  moder.ile  :j i  ',.  duty  upon  tea  and  eolVee, 

would  answer  the  whol  ■  purpose;  and  tin  y  are  llie 
only  measures  which  cen  do  so.  Not  a  ^'U (ii r  'iiit. 
lid  ritlori'iti  doty  on  tea  and  i  Ifee,  to  be  put  oi,  .old 
t  don  oil'  ni  the  ilisrreiion  of  ihi'  I'resideiil,  or  lo 
lie  leviei'  diir'iis  the  micertiiin  period  of  ihe  war. 
Notliiiis  could  he  more  absurd  or  I'rivoloiis.  'I'he 
lime  at  which  the  duty  sliouiil  hesin  and  end  .sdunild 
be  fixed,  and  the  term  of  its  diir.ilion  should  be 
Ions  *noii'.:li  to  outlast  the  stock  of  the?  :  arlicle.s 
now  oil  hand,  or  the  duty  will  he  a  me  e  nullity. 
.\  term  of  less  than  1  .,o  years,  cmiimencius  on 
the  first  of  .Seplember,  would  mil  be  sullicienl  lo 
make  llie  m  asioT  rlliclive.  The  duly,  too,  must 
be  specific,  or  il  will  hardly  be  worth  layiiis.  An 
ml  riiliirdii  duty  of  Iii)  per  ceiil.  upon  boih  arliclcH 

,  w  oiild  scarcely  yield  Ivo  niiilions  of  dollars  a  year, 
while  a  sp.cific  duly  of  four  ceiils  a  pound  upon 
I .  IV.  e,  Iweniy  cents  a  pound  upon  i;reen  tea,  and 
fifteen  cents  n  pound  iipi  n  black  lea,  (rates  less 
than  those  which  lormed  a  pari  of  our  perma- 
nent revenue  syslem  n  few  years  nso,)  would 
insure  yon  a  round  sum  of  seven  or  eislii  niillionH 
a  year.  .'Id  mliirem  duties  upon  teas,  as  indeed 
upon  most  of  me  eiher  ■Hiiclcs  lo  wliiih  they  aie 
,'ipplied  in  this  bill,  \^  ill  he  atlended  with  all  niainier 

'  of  iiiei|ualilies  and  frauds  in  their  eiilleetiiin,  ami 
will  b"  injurious  alike  lo  the  inlerests  of  the  (Jov- 


i 


NpiJIIIIIIliU 


ifiiiv 'ifi'i   '■    I'  i«im"  i.iiJ'-i""'"»*5Pi«i«w.«\'«F"P  W.. 


le  2, 


o, 


184G.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


971 


:i's. 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


The 


Tariff- 


-Mr,  Winthrop, 


Ho.  OF   Kf.ps. 


red  for 

ITSlllt. 

Iit't'orc 
iil(^  \\\v. 
Iry  lliiu 

IICSH 

,  I  li:ir, 
)  llinst! 
Ill  ('mm 

■ll    111.! 

il  ill  lis 
.liVlllr 

Ami 

I"',  lis 

nl"  no 

■<  HUM 

rsu,  ,1 

:(ill    III 

inmlir- 

1-iilii-al 

|'aii:ii  111' 

mil   if  I 

lirarlily 

nf  Ml 

.mid  ilii 

'  .siudi  a 


* 


ornintiiliiml  llic  houcsl  im|i(irli;r.    'I'lic  cxperiunco  '! 
(if  llii;  wlinle  iMimmi  ir.liil  wmlil  coiidi'iims  llufiii. 
'I'Ik!  I'limmerre  of  our  own  c.iiimli'y,  willi  one  voii:!', 
d(|iiTi'iiti'.s  ilic'in.     Evun  lli'j  lili;lii.si  fice-tmde  all-  , 
Ilimiiy  of  Kiiirliiiiil  iiwiifu^s  a!;aiii!ii  ilicm.     Turn 
III   lliu   culi^ljiali'd    I'arliainenlary  lluport  of  Air.  ' 
iliiiiii'  in  18J(),  and  read  wlial  i.s  said  of  lliem  by 
two  of  tlie  )inn(:i|)al  \vitiiC'>ycH:  | 

Dr.  Bowrnisi;  stales,  (lirliisli  Ucport,  p.  Gl,)  that   i 
the    lii'rm.ui   Commcniai    Loasjuu    or    Custmiis  i 
LIiiiim"levy  all  diilii'S  liy  wuif;lit,  I'Xi-cjit  on  four 
arlii'k's:  corn,  KccdSf  wool,  and  sloiir.     lie  says 
the  prini'ipal  di.sacUanlani:  of  llii:  sysltni  is,  lliat  it 
impii.-i's  ttie  liravicsi  dunes  on  tlieeoarsesl  nrlieles. 
I>iu  wlii-n  uslvi'il,  wheltirr  lie  would  aliiimlon  the  ' 
sy.'^tem  on   lliis  aeeoniit,  lie  says  *'  iNo;  it  is  the 
*. simplest  and  most  (>fii(-acions,  hecause  there  is  no 
'  iillii'er,  however  umiislrufled,  who  cannot  easily  \ 

*  apply  the  system;  and  beeause  it  is  least  liable  J 

*  to  evasion.''  \ 

Jiiliii  Uilliiii  .says,  (p.  "JrilO  "The  fairest  mode 
'  of  levyiii;^  u  duty,  llittinlktilhj^  is  upon  the  value; 

*  Init  to  that,  \ery  j^^reat  priiclieal  iilijections  lie.    It  , 

*  is  e.\posed  to  e\asiiiii,  and  is  c.onsiantly  evaded. 
'  It  is  admitted  almost  by  all,  and  lew  miempt  to 
'  deny,  that  when  lliey  make  returns  of  value, 
'  they  make  false  reiurns;  it  is  done  in  the  most 
'open  and  uiidis;;iii»ed  manner." 

,1(1  iitlonin  dunes  involve,  moreover,  this  hard- 
ship tjotji  on  the  impoi'ler  and  on  the  consumer  of 
the  articles  on  which  they  are  le\ied,  that  they 
iiiciease  as  the  price  increases,  and  thus  render 
dear  articles  dearer.  In  'his  Hay,  too,  they  ajjifru-  , 
vale  the  c.uises  which  may  at  any  time  lie  in  oper- 
i.iioii  to  dimmish  impiiri.iuon  and  revenue,  while 
specific  duties  cuiitiiiue  the  same  in  tdljluctuutiuns 
of  price. 

'i'he  Siecrelary  of  the  Treasury  lays  great  stress 
on  the  fict  that  more  than  half  the  revenue  was 
colh-cled  last  year  from  ml  fuliirnii  ilulies.  IV.jH, 
sir,  I  suppose  that  if  this  bill  lakes  elltVi,  llie 
whole  revenue  of  next  year  will  be  collected  Irom 
aU  vnttnfni  duties,  and  for  the  cmiclusive  reason, 
iluil  there  will  be  im  specific  duties  in  operalieii. 
IJiit  neither  the  one  fact  nor  tiie  other  can  prove  i 
anythin;.;  to  the  Secretary's  purpose,  lie  slates, 
Willi  an  air  of  Iriuinpli,  that  .he  revenue  from  ad 
v.ilorem  dulics  exceeds  that  realii'.ed  from  specilic  . 
diilies,  allhoiiuh  the  avera;;e  of  the  ad  valorem 
was  only  "Jit.ii?  per  cent.,  while  the  averin;e  of  the 
specilic,  was  .11. .'iU  per  cent.  From  ihesi;  premises 
he  draws  two  cimclusion:  1st,  that  ad  valorem  I 
duties  ii-e  belter  than  specilic;  and,  :id,  ihat  lower 
diitus  iiiciease  llie  re\i.ine.  rs'olhiii;  could  Is^ 
more  absiiid  than  these  inferences.  K\'ai  tiie  prem- 
ises are  not  coriecl.  The  yecrelar;,  lias  included 
aiiiniiir  the  ml  riiliinm  duties  the  cc  .ton  miiiimuins, 
winch  are  virlually  specific  duties  He  has  omit- 
tiil,  too,  all  allowance  for  the  specilic  duty  on 
wtiiil.  Transfer  the  dittie.'-'  reireived  on  coiloii 
^nods  and  half  ih<^  (ttilii>s  tm  wool  to  the  other  side 
of  the  account,  and  the  revenue  from  specilic  duties 
will  exceed  tli.it  from  ;id  valorem  dulics.  llul 
e\eii  it' the  ]u-einises  were  correct,  the  conchisions 
woitld  be  pre|i(i.sier(Mis.  The  whole  amount  of  tin; 
inatter  is,  tijiii,  diirinu:  the  last  yea.,  llie  imporia- 
lions  of  articles  subp-cttd  to  a'!  v;'.loreiii  tlnties 
were  nearly  twice  as  hirite  as  of  lliose  subjected 
to  specilic.  dulii'S.  .\icoidini;  to  the  .Secretary's 
tal.lcs  tin;  value  (^''in'  forilli  ■  was  'fii(iO,l'JI  ,isiix!, 
luid  of  the  killer  *..(l,!tU,f(W.  Ami  the  I'.ict  that 
as  niiieli  reveii  lU  \.  us  derived  from  the  latter 
amount  of  iiii  rorlalioiis  iiiider  lii;,'li  specilic  duties, 
as  from  the  former  under  low  ad  valorem  duties, 
mslead  of  provini;  ihaliid  val.irein  duties  are  betler 
tlian  specilic,  or  liiat  low  duties  increase  revenue, 
would  siein,  to  common  apprehensions,  to  prove 
precisely  llie  reverse.  Certainly,  sir,  everybody 
must  admit  that  the  duly  which  produces  a  riMenne 
ol'  alioiit  lll'teen  millmis  on  an  iiiipori  of  about 
lliirly  live  millions,  is  more  ell'iclive  than  the 
diiiv  ivliich  reipiires  an  import  of  sixty  millions 
to  liroduce  the  Slime  result.  ! 

Il.it  let  me  ri'lurn  from  this  disressioi,.  1  have 
said  that  mi  issue  of  Ireasurv  notes,  and  a  inoder 
Hie  siiecilii'  duly  on  tea  anif  ciill'ei',  are  the  only 
iiieiiHiiies  which  can  be  relied  on  for  snpplyiny  the 
exiue  cii's  of  the  ptesent  moment.  Sir,  1  have  no 
fiiicy  for  these  measures  in  the  nbsiracl.  A  tax 
upon  tea  and  ciill'i^e,  I  know,  will  be  odious.  Uul 
1  (greatly  prefer  such  a  duly  to  that  scheme  of  direct 
taxation  which  has  been  proposed  by  one  of  ihu 


friends  of  the  Administration  from  Tennessee,  (Mr. 
Aniiukw  JdiixsuN.J  1  f;reallypiefer  such  a  meas- 
ure, too,  either  to  sacrilicin^  the  public  c.redit,  or  to 
plungin;;  the  country  deeper  and  deeper  into  debt. 
And  if  the  tax  be  odious,  sir,  upon  whom  should 
the  odium  rest,  but  upon  those  who  have  jcca!.ion- 
ed  (he  necessity  for  its  imposition.' 

At  nil  events,  bclieviiiif,  as  I  do,  that  no  other 
incus  s  iideipialc  to  the  exi^'cncy  can  be  devised, 
1  am  Vvillintr  to  say,  that  if  the  fi  tends  of  the  Ad- 
niinistratu'ii  will  take  the  responsibility  of  brin^'iiig 
forward  such  measures  us  the.se,  to  be  of  limiled 
duration,  and  for  the  sin^'le  iiurpose  of  defrayins; 
the  expenses  of  the  war,  iinu  if  the  taiilf  in  other 
respects  shall  be  left  umlistiirbeil,  I,  ('or  one,  am 
ready  to  vole  for  llieiii;  but  not  otherwise.  In 
other  words,  1  will  vote  for  a  duly  on  lea  and  cof- 
('ee  (o  supply  the  waiils  of  the  Cjovernment,  but 
not  to  eke  out  (he  iiisullicieiicies  of  an  experimen- 
tal ad  viiUirem  tarilf.  1  will  vote  for  such  u  duly  to 
emilile  tin:  Uovernnient  to  prosecute  to  an  honor- 
able conclusion  a  war  upon  u  fori;i;;ii  enemy,  but 
not  to  enable  it  to  carry  ini,  i.:deliiiitely  and  wan- 
tonly, a  war  U[)oii  our  domestic  industry.  1  will 
vole  I'or  such  a  duly  to  sustain  the  doctrines  td'^ rrc 
trmii:  in  that  old,  original,  genuine,  patriotic  sense, 
in  which  it  was  associated  with  "  miluis'  rifilila;" 
but  not  to  sustain  that  spurious  free  trade  o(  mod- 
ern years,  which  is  never  desitned  (o  be  associa- 
ted with  uiiything  but  the  laboring  landsmen's 
wrongs  ! 

Llut,  while  I  thus  admit  that  some  additioniil 
provision  for  supplying  (he  wants  ol  ilie  Uovern- 
ment  at  the  present  iiKmieiit  is  necessary,  1  do,  at 
the  same  time,  deny  that  there  is  any  shadow  id' 
reason  for  changing  the  existing  dunes,  mi  articles 
now  dutiable,  for  that  |iurpose;  or  llint  this  purpose 
can  possibly  be  so  elfecU'd.  1  mamtain,  on  the 
contrary,  that  the  present  tarilV  has  yielded,  and  is 
yielding,  as  much  as  any  tarilf  can  be  made  to 
yield,  wliicli  does  not  include  a  duty  on  tea  and 
colfee,  or  imfiose  higher  duties;  and  thai,  especial- 
ly, it  yields  far  more  than  the  bill  before  ns  is 
likely  to  do  in  the  long  run,  even  with  the  M  per 
cent,  ad  valorem  on  tea  and  eollee  which  it  already 
contains. 

Mr.  (.'liairniaii,  the  tarifl'  of  184:2  has  proved 
itself  to  be  what  ils  Cramers  and  friends  originally 
declared  that  it  was.  Whatever  else  may  be  truly 
or  falsely  said  ill  relation  to  that  act,  it  ciuniot  be 
denied  that  it  was  passed  in  the  year  1B42  as  a 
revenue  measure,  and  that  it  has  practical  I  yfiiliil  ted, 
from  the  tune  when  it  had  got  fairly  iiUo  opera- 
tion to  the  present  muinent,  this  great  original  end 
of  its  enactiiient. 

Aobody  can  have  forgotten  the  circumstances 
under  which  il  was  lulrpted.  'I'he  net  re\eimes 
of  the  country,  dining  the  yeareiiding  the  IIUlli  of 
fc'cplembtr,  lb-12,  derived  (rum  the  duties  on  im- 
ports, as  ariaiigcd  previously  to  the  pass.ige  of  the 
existing  tarilf,  were  only  ationt  twelve  and  a  half 
millions.  Tins  sum  was,  by  all  confession,  utlerly 
iiiadcipiate  to  defray  even  the  current  e\pi  u.-es  of 
the  (joverimieiil.  \  considerable  public  debt  was 
already  incurred.  The  credit  of  ihe  nation  was 
seriously  iinpaire-d.  Tre.'siiry  notes  were  at  a  dis- 
count, and  loans  could  iieitlier  be  negotiated  at 
home  nor  aliroad. 

Under  these  circinnstaiices,  a  general  sense  of 
the  necessity  of  ado[iiing  a  new  system  of  duties 
('or  rrti,siii,if  rcri  aitf  pervaded  (he  I'ountry,  and  the 
tarilf  of  Ibi'J,  was  the  result,  it  was  I'ranied,  cer- 
tainly, not  without  disimct  relerence  to  (he  eii- 
couragi  nieiit  id'  domestic  industry.  Mobody  will 
deny  .hat.  If  the  early  c,usiom  ol'  predxing  to  (lie 
acUs^of  the  Malional  Legislaline,  in-tamlitiSf  setting 
forth  the  object  and  occasion  of  their  eiiactmeiu, 
had  not  passed  away,  the  tarid'id"  lH4:i  might  justly 
have  been  introduc*  d  to  the  country  by  the  same 
memorable  preamble  .'.hicli  is  I'ouiid  at  the  head  of 
the  lirst  revenue  law  on  our  slatute  book.  Like 
the  tarilf  of  I7rtl,  it  looked  (o  the  liiiwUn  iitciisiUis 
ill'  *'  supporting  liie  (JovermnenI,  distdiargmg  the 
'debts  of  the  IJiined  Slates,  and  encouraging  and 
*  protecting  inanut'aclures." 

Ils  primary  puipo.se,  however,  was  revenue.  It 
was  arranged  by  the  ftiecretary  of  the  Treasury 
and  the  (^^ommiitee  of  Ways  and  Means  id'  the 
time  being,  with  that  particular  vii'W.  Many  of 
the  duties  which  have  been  most  coniinoiily  carped 
at,  were  adopted  with  no  other  view.  The  duties 
I  on  silk  guuds,  fur  instance,  were  fixeil  in  confurin- 


ily  with  the  wishes  of  the  importing  iiicrchan.«. 
HO  as  to  produce  the  largest  revenue  with  the  le.ist 
liability  to  fraud.  The  duties  on  cotton  mannfac- 
(iiies,  also,  were  raised  above  the  slandiird  wliicii 
was  demanded  by  the  mannfaetmers  for  (heir  pro- 
tection, with  the  single  view  of  increasing  the 
levemie. 

And  now,  sir,  I  repeat,  (hut  this  niuch-abu.^ed 
Inrilf  of  lSi'2  has  nccomplished  its  great  revemin 
purp.is's  with  (he  most  signal  success  and  certain- 
ty. Like  all  other  new  systems  of  the  sort,  it 
reiiiiired  some  lillle  time  for  gelling'  fairiy  into 
opeiali  in,and  for  develiiping  ils  real  characler  and 
tendencies.  And  within  lli(^  lirst  twelve  months 
of  its  operation,  its  op]ion(:iits  were  not  without 
color  for  llieir  coiilidcnt  predictions,  (hat  il  woidil 
fail  of  its  end  as  a  revenuiMiieasiire.  llut  Ciirther 
expf;rieiice  confouniletl  all  such  nredictioiis;  and 
those  who  had  at  lirst  denounced  it  on  the  ground 
thai  it  would  produce  too  little  revenue,  were  somi 
heard  comleinning  il,  willi  eipiil  eonlideiice  and 
incre,i.<ed  violence,  on  the  ground  thai  it  was  pro- 
ducing too  much.  This  last  apprehension,  how- 
ever, soon  shared  the  fortune  id'  the  lirst.  and  the 
act  has  gone  on,  fulfilling  every  promise  of  ils 
friends,  and  ftilsil'yiiig  every  foreboding  of  ils  foes, 
and  yielding  unii'orinly  just  about  enough,  ami 
neither  more  nor  less  iliaii  enough,  for  the  ordinary 
purposes  of  a  slate  of  peace. 

'1  he  net  revenue  which  it  produced  for  the  year 
ending  June  30,  1^44,  was<j,-J(i,lti;t„'i7l)  '.14:  and  for 
the  year  ending  June  ;i().  1845,  >a7,MC,ll'2  70. 

'I'he  Secretary  id'llie  Treasury,  whose  wish  lias 
evidently  been  the  father  of  his  esliinafs,  has  in- 
deed predicted,  ill  his  annual  report,  H  large  falling 
olf  ill  the  revenues  of  the  present  year,  llut  the 
result  thus  far  has  shown  that  his  predii  lions 
were  uiil'niiiided.  Insiead  of  «:.'4,r)00,000  for  the 
whole  Year,  we  have  an  ascertained  receipt  of 
>j:JII,4ll,ilI.")  4 J  for  the  lirst  three  r|iiarlers,  with  ail 
estimate  of  >j(i,x!UO,OIHI  for  the  last  cpiarter,  ending 
on  the  ftpproaching  .'Kith  of  .lime,  making  an  ag- 
gregate of  !»;2(),(ilI,!'I;'i  4:2  for  (he  whole  year,  being 
more  than  two  imllions  more  than  was  estimated 
by  the  Secretary. 

And  here  I  cannot  but  remark  on  two  circum- 
stances, wliiidi  speak  volumes  in  favor  of  the  skill 
with  which  this  larilf  was  I'ramcd,  and  of  the  suc- 
cess of  its  practical  operation.  Tiie  tme,  the  nni- 
formily  of  its  resiills  for  three  years  in  succession; 
the  other,  ils  almost  exact  accoinplisliment  of  the 
calculations  of  its  friends.  It  was  estimated  by 
Mr.  Appleton  in  this  House,  and  by  Mr.  Lvans 
in  the  .Si'iiate, — nenlleinen  to  whom  the  country 
has  often  since  been  indebted  for  the  clearest  ex- 
position and  vinilicalion  of  the  principles  on  which 
It  was  framed, — that  it  would  yield  an  average  an- 
nual revenue  of  from  tweniy-six  to  twenty-seven 
millions.      Its  actual  yield  has  bi  cii — 

111  1S44 i,0(;,18.1,.'i70  94 

1S4,-. -^7,5:28,11:2  70 

l,■^4(i •2i;,(iH,!»l5  4:2 

And  no'V,  who  shall  imderlake  to  say  ihat  (his 
was  not  a  revenue  ineasuier  What  oilier  diliiii- 
tion  is  there  of  a  revenue  measnie,  than  "  one 
wdiich  shall  yield,  uniformly  and  certainly,  'he 
revenue  rei|iiircd  .-"  May  we  not  demand  froie  the 
oppoiirnts  of  (his  nKasine,  hcnrel'orih,  llie  I'r.ink 
ackiiowlcdgment,  that  il  was  in  its  naliirc,  as  \\c 
all  know  it  was  in  ils  design,  a  revenue  (iirilf?  Must 
not  the  whole  people  of  the  connlry  hereafter  ad- 
mit, that  protection  ..ml  nvenue,  inslend  of  the 
"one  In ;;imiiie;' where,  llie  other  iiid;;" — instead 

of  being  in   a  stale  of  irii ncileable  and  eternal 

coidlict  willi  each  oilier,  may  go  along  hand  in 
hand  together,  scalteriiig  benefiis  and  blessinirs  at 
once  upon  till'  toivermneiK  and  iipim  the  people,* 

Mr.  Chairman,  they  not  niily  may,  but  (hey 
mi(,s(  go  (i/ong  /egf//i(r,  or  no  such  beiieliciiil  re- 
siil(  can  be  produced.  I  have  proved  that  the 
tarilf  .if  I84*.2  was  emphatically  a  revenue  meas- 
ure. I  have  admitted,  also,  that  it  was  a  protect- 
I  ivc  Inrilf.  And  now  I  inaintain  further,  that  it  was 
a  revenue  larilf,  for  the  very  reason  that  it  was  a 
prolective  larilf.  You  may  Idk  ns  niuch  as  you 
please  about  I'onr  revenue  sinndan!  Yon  may 
construct  yi'  ingenious  theories  lo  vour  liearrs 
content,  abo  ihe  abstr-icl  incompaiibthty  between 
revenue  and  protection.  Such  (liiiigs  may  sound 
,  well  ill  a  sprecli.  They  may  read  well  in  a  report. 
They  may  even  receive  some  shadow  of  aupporl, 
or  color  of  coiifirmtttion,  from  llie  operittton  of 


mi 


9T2 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  ^5, 


flOrn  Cong 1st  Skss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  mnthroi). 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


(liiiii's  n|ii)n  win^li'  unci  Heltcli'il  iirliclos  nf  inipoit; 
or  (Voni  tiir  i'X|i('rit'ni*e  ol*  utlitT  nnintrifs  dillVr- 
i-nllv  sitiialctl.  Hut  IJK.'  nioDirnt  vdu  |>iit  tluMti  in 
(iriu'licc  in  till-  cnn.sirni'tidii  iil"  an  cnlii-o  syHtcm — 
llie  iniinienl  ymi  "|>|iiy  iIkmh  in  full  tn  tin;  a^'iire- 
frali:  ini|>(irt.s  of  this  ycnini;  Amcrii'ii  cit'  dmin,  ilicy 
will  pi'iivc  to  lie  iiiurly  t'.ill.ii'iouM  i\ii(l  liinrirul. 
Tin;  wlinle  rxpci-it'iii'i'  ut"  lln*  "ounlry  shows  tli;il 
;i  rfvinut'  larili",  in  llie  IVci'-iiaile  sunsc  ot'  ilint 
ii-nn.  i.s  alHinl  as  (itiy  nanifil  as  /r/rifs  a  non  lucnulo. 
It  will  yii'lil  nninvi'nn(',oininn'ioi'l«inly,citliiriid- 
<i|nalc  10  llu',  wants  ol'  the  Ciovcrniupni,  iii'  c?orri's-  ; 
|>ini(lcnt  to  tlu'  ''ali'iilations  ot'  its  iVinuls.  The 
rrtil  m'liitit'  t^intf  in  lltp  trtisniiubte  prnUctirv  titrij}'. 
Ami  ilu!  caiisc  i.s  a.s  obvious  ii.s  the  fact  is  undo 
niai'lt'. 

.Sir,  lli(i  |irnductivcni'ss  of  a  rovonuc  systr.ii  de- 
pends not  on  any  alwlraet  |irinci|ileH,  or  arlnlrary 
arrauL'enient  ot' duties,  hut  on  tlie  ai-ilit  v  ot' the 
jMjople  to  inijiort  and  pay  I'tu*  whatever  they  want 
from  ainoad.  The  eonsuniin:;  aliility  of  the  peo- 
|i|e  is  what  e(Misiilute.>  (tr  causes  the  irreat  dili'rr- 
4  Hte  iielweeti  the  operation  ol'oia'  laritl'aiid  ant)ther 
tarilf,  or  lielweeu  the  operation  of  the  same  lanlf 
ill  ililferent  periods.  And  those  wlio  sinmid  un- 
ilerlalie,  liceause  the  tarilf  of  Ifi4v.',  « ith  hi^'h 
prohetive  dutie..,  yields  an  avera^'tj  ineonn:  of 
^■J<i,IMIII.IIIIII,  to  lowi  r  those,  duties  and  (iiininisli 
thai  proreetion  lor  the  purpose  of  eli'eetiui:  lar^i'r 
import  ituuis  and  a  larger  i.'\eime,  helotej;  to  the 
s.ini('  si'hcioi  of  finaiieial  wisdom  with  the  lad  in 
the  faille,  who  rip|ied  open  the  :;oosc  that  was 
l.iyini;  the  i^'dden  eit^s.  '  • 

l.<t  nu?  fortil'v  this  position  liy  an  aullnn-ily  from 
a  soiu'i'c  wliiofi  the  freelradc  einllemen  of  the 
House  oii^'lii  to  lie  the  lust  to  uiidi  rvalue.  They 
are  aeeuslotiled  to  derive  lilost  of  (heir  ar;;iimriils 
.•iiMJ  ilhistr.ilioiis  t'rom  ihe  mother  eounlry.  What- 
eier  jialousy  they  may  inleriain  of  liritisli  exam- 
ple or  I'.riiish  doiiriiM\  .111  oHier  points,  on  the  suh- 
jei'i  of  the  laritf  they  l"iw  inipln-itly  anil  deferen- 
tially In  holh.  ICveii  the  American  Seeretary  of  the 
TreiMiry's  report  se.ins  to  la.rk  i...)  essential  au- 
theniii'aiion  and  eiiclor.sem'nt  uiless  it  ha.s  Ijeen 
primed  :md  praised  (like  tin  .  Mr.  Walker)  in 
1  le  iwo  Houses  of  the  Imperial  I'arliamenl. 

N.iw,  sir,  I  have  liere  an  extrail  from  the  l.on- 
'loii  li.i,ik.'rs'  Ciiviilur  of  llie  year  1~<1(I,  wliiili 
e\pre..si-s  the  doitiine  I  have  asseric  d  in  the  hesi 
possilik'  phrasi'olo'^y,  and  I  eoimiKuid  it  to  the 
iilienlive  hearing;  of  the  frienils  of  the  jire.sent  hill; 

*■  The  pri-v;ulii)s  il.lii.-i.iii  iiihI  iiM-t:il..'  ..I' .ill  iilik.'  is  ,t 
,|,--ire  tiifVli-iKl  eV(Miil.-.  ..\'ri'n.kMi:'..'r;i|»|iireiill>  i.;ii.ir;nit 
f.l  III.'  til. -I.  Ili;il  \vli<-Ti.'\.-r  III.'  ..viit.rt  e.v.'.'.ijs   til.'  value  ' 
wlii.'ll  11). '  iih|Hirl  will  r.';ih/..',  Ule  .'\.'.'>.-..il  the  e.\|H)rl  tiiii>l 
n.  1  i->iin'I\  T.^.il\.'  il>.  irinl..  mtiniA  ill  ^.nlle  \\n\  or  ..tin  r. 

"  I' i..lli.' niiii.init  ulit.'h  tlii'  asu'r.  ril'  liil|Mir(s  into  :iiiv 
e.iilntiy  iiiit>  r.vili/.-  tiril  .'iieliliu.--  III.;  im.  ;«ii:^  oI'i.'.iih.i.mI 
.in.i  Ix'iii'li.  j;il  .  \.-l.ai>'  ;  [iiiit  the  ilin.nnil  v\  lii.-li  llie  nii|i.irls 
will  r..ili/..-  ili-|.>'iii|..  eiinnly  on  tlic  ton-Hlion  miii  fio'icr  ol' 
I'll"  <t>>iiirirnii/i/  itt  Ittr^c  lo  .-jiiMiii.e.  VVie  j.r'  ,(/  o''jrit  nf 
/A.' :;'*r.'MtiM.'i(/  n/'.-mi/ .(iHtilji/  ^lunilil  In-  li)  .•(-.»■  Ini\ht<>  ttf 
fiitiiniii',  llif  jHtivvr  oj  .  oiniaii^.f  lull  l-tjitn  tuUipnitcrcnnincru- 
lion  fur  Ui'/vt.'^ 

Here  is  emit  ,1  as  in  a  nutshell,  the  sum  anil 
tailisian.'e  ol'  hi.;  wind.'  mailer.  Iler.'  is  ton. -lied, 
as  w  ah  a  .leedle,  **  the  jMev.iiiiii;rdrlusi«in  and  mis- 
lake"  of  li.e  cronmnisis  whose  views  me  repre- 
1  lined  hy  iln;  present  .Seeretary  rd'  Ihe  Treasury. 
Hi'ie  are  eoiiirasted,  as  in  a  pi.  line,  the  miuihI 
prniiiple  on  »  liieli  the  t.irilf  of  l."<4'.'  v  us  eonsirin'l- 
4'd,  .Old  lo  vvhi.-h  It  owes  ils  Mieeess — the  prillriple 
4it' "  enlar'.!iii'r  the  povM;r  ol' eoiesumpiion  hy  an 
adtipiaie  lemniM'ration  of  lalior,"  mid  the  fillaey 
oil  whieh  the  hid  heliiri;  UH  is  founded — "  lliu  de- 
..tie  lo  I  xiiiui  exports. '' 

Tl  IS  hill  h  iiasid,  in.leeil,  upon  n  series  of  de- 
lusi.ins — a  perteet  straliliealion  of  tjillaeies.  The 
t'o'iudalioti  I'allai'V  (d'ihe  series  is  that  whieh  I  have 
alie.idy  named—th.a  the  Lariat  and  mily  di'sideta- 
luiii  for  the  prosperity  ot'  the  eoiiiury  is  to  increase 
iis  exports.  An  if  doniesiie  eonsiimplioii  and  do- 
1111  siii;  .■xchan::es  were  not  vv.iiih  thmktii';:  ahimtl 
As  It'  llie  home  Irade  of  every  .■oiniiry  was  not 
inciimparahly  more  importaiii  than  its  foruii^ii 
trade! 

'I'lie  s.rond  fallacy  in  the  asceiiilin:^  s^nle  is, 
lleil  m  irdir  lo  increase  the  exports  ot' the  coiin- 
iry,  It  is  onlv  necessary  to  in. ■lease  its  imporla- 
lioiis.  As  It  ihe  chaiicli  ristic.  feature  of  AmeriiMii 
Iradi',  from  171HI  to  llin  pre.sent  day,  had  not  heeii 
an  iniiriliiiale  excess  of  im ports — an  exi  ess  ainoutit- 
iiit;  lo  iniiic  than  'iUU  iiiilliiMis  uf  dollars  in  a  teim 


of  fifty  years! — makini;  nil'  averatro  of  more  ihan 
lifteen  mill::.  ■  '»  year!  As  il'olher  nations  would 
always  he  willuii;  t.»  take  their  pay  for  tlie.se.  iin- 
|iorlalions  in  corn  iitid  coiton  at  renuineralini; 
prices,  anil  vvoiihl  iiuver  call  upon  us  for  a  hahincc 
in  specie! 

]      Th^  third  mid  foiii-ih  fiilliu'ies  In  tho  scries  nro, 

I  that  the  only  tiling  neeiled  to  Keciire  an  increase  of 
im|<ortaiioiis  at  any  time,  is  a  reduction  id'  iluiiis; 
and  tl'.at  the  eonseiim-nt  increase  of  import. itioiis 
will  lie  ..^o  certain  and  so  ;;reat,  that  the  reduetioii 

,  of  the  diilies  will  iTsnl'.  in  a  ]uisitivo  eiilari;eniciit 
ol'  the  revenue. 

.Mr.  Chairman,  in  this  wlnde  concatenation  of 
assiiinplions,  the  irreat  livws  of  supply  and  demand, 
and  ihe  cssenii.-il  idiMthat  the  eimsiimiu'.,' iihdiiy  of 
other  ciMinlries  and  our  own  imist  ultimately  he 
the  measure  of  what  tliev  can  reci^ive  from  iis  and 
of  what  we  can  lake  t'loin  them,  arc  lel'i  wholly 
out  of  view.  And  a  systi  iii  ot'  this  sort,  instead  of 
**  eiilarLMii::^  the  power  of  cousiimptioii  hv  mi  adc- 
(piate  renuiiicraiion  ot'  labor,"  must  inevitably  di- 
minish that  power  of  eoiLsuniptioii  by  depriving 
labor  of  its  just  rewards. 

I-ook.  f.ir  a  moment,  at  the  details  of  tho  very 

bill   uiidei iisideratimi,  an.t  si .'  if  it   he  not  S'l. 

The.  hill  aims  at  an  incieiise  of  iniporlations,  and 
tin:  printed  eslim.iics  of  .\lr.  Walker  lo.di  lo  an 
aT'Trei^aie  increase  lo  the  aimiimi  of  about  fil'ieeii 
millions  of  dollars.  Now,  iiobodv  can  imaiiinc 
that  We  are  to  collsiimc  flfleeii  millions  of  dol- 
lars' worth  more  than  we  did  last  year  and  the 

■  year  hel'ore.  'I'hose  were  years  ol'tlie  i!:i'*!alest 
|iroSpi'rity  and  of  the  lari^ost  eonsiimplioii,  and 
we  shall  do  w'll  if  we  aiv  able  lo  eonsunie 
as  iinnli  for  m my  yeais  to  come.  This  in- 
creased imporlalion,  tlnret'ore,  can  only  find  a 
imiiKet  by  ii'ii'it'eriie^;  wiih  our  own  proiin.  tio.'is, 
and  lakini;  !  le  pla.-e  of  similar  fabrics  of  ilomcsiic 
industry.  This,  indeed,  is  the  very  view  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  'l'rea.,.iry.  He  i;ives  as  a  re  'son, 
ill  his  lumnal  report,  for  reducin;  the  duties,  that 
llie  revenue  has  declined,  owiiii;  to  *' the  dimm- 
islied  importation  of  many  |ii:;lily  protected  arti- 
cles, and  the  proi^ressive  ,sii/i,s7(tiWioti  e/'/Zic  ttviucstic 
riruh."  He  is  now  for  reversinu' '.iussiihslitulion. 
I  le  is  for  siipplantitnc  these  d.iuu  slic  rivals  in  our 
own  market  hy  the  rc-iiiirodiiction  of  the  f  ■  i^'ii 
fabrics.  And  what  imist  be  the  ri'siili  =  .  hy, 
clearly,  sir,  that  the  eapiial  if.vesied  in  ih.-ni  must 
he  rendered  iinprodin-live,  .'uid  the  labor  einploycd 
in  them  thrown  out  of  work.  .\imI  just  to  the 
ex'ent  that  this  is  accomplished,  the  cem  ral  pros- 
pt  rily  ol'  ihe  couiitrv  must  he  checked,  and  its  can- 
miii'nvj;  ttliUilij  diminished. 

ISni  let  us  examine  some  of  the  items  of  vvhi.-h 
this  (u';^rei;.ite  increase  ol'  imporlaiionsis  made  up, 
and  see  what  hram-hes  of  labor  are  to  be  tiiiis 
supplanled.  I  read  from  lln^  iirinled  e.-iimates 
prepared  by  Mr.  Walker  liimsi  If.  In  the  hisi 
place,  we  are  to  have,  niidiM'  llii;  bill  as  it  now 
stands,  till  increased  iinporlation  of  hraiidic";, 
spirits,  and  cordials  of  all  s.irts,  lo  the  amount  of 
A;iri,'i,IUHIa  year,  beini:  > 1 ,111111  wmih  for  every  day 
in  ihe  year.  .Since  the  bill  w.is  fiamed,  liowevi  r, 
the  Se.'ielary  seems  to  h.ue  discovered  that  n 
rednelion  of  duties  will  not  always  increase  the 
revenue,  mid  lie  has  proposed  to  increase  the  duties 
on  braiiily  iind  sj.ii  its,  to  pro\  ide  means  I'm  carry- 
iie;  oil  the  w.ir.  He  thus  fust  lowers  and  then 
raises  the  duties  on  the  same  articles,  and  all  for 
increasing'  liie  revenue!  He  havis  lluin  still, 
however,  niiiidi  lower  than  llie  tarilf  of  |H|'.',  and 
estimates  an  iin'riiisi'd  i.nport.ilion  of  >.:tlll),IIIH' 
worth  of  brandy  and  .ipirits.  rnit  he  has  pro- 
posed, al  the  same  lime,  to  redii.c.  the  diilie.s  on 
.'ordials;  and  after  eslintalin;;  an  iiicreasi  d  impor- 
lalion of  llieiii  to  the  amount  of  S-.'i-IHHI.  »'  I'le 
r.sull  of  idi.iiiiy  the  duly  fr.im  11  to  I'l  pm'  .enl., 
he  now  eshmatcs  an  increaseil  inip..rtatton  to  the 
ainount  .d'  *|IHI,(HIII,  as  the  result  of  iTi/iiciii,!,'  the 
duties  to  411  per  ei  III. !  A  chaic'c  of  one  per  cent. 
is  thus  to   prodii.-e   an    increased    ini|ioriali.in  of 

I  eordials  to  the  ninnunt  id'  <«IIII;.IM1I)! !  Thus,  if 
his  war  siladnli'  sli.ill  be  inserted  in  the  hill,  we 
are  to  look  for  an  increased  imporiaiioii  of  ah 
these  nrii.des  to  llie  amniiiit  of  slllll.lllMI  pci  ini- 
iiniii.  ;\dd  lo  this  Mil  eslimaied  iucri'asi'  of  iiiipor- 
t  I  loll  of  wines  of  all  sorts,  to  till!  amoiinl  of 
•Cillll,llllll,  under  the  aliHiird  system  nf  ml  valoreni 
duties,  (ill  ver  more  absurd  than  when  iippheil  to 

•  tulielcs  like  wines,)  and   the  '(iiiynnmci   vilw  of 


this  new  deuioeralic  larifTis  eonipletp,  1  ei  mmeiiil 
this  to  the  Washiiiutonians. 

Let  us  look,  howi^ver,  at  the  items  wliicli  nllecl 
the  labor  of  the  coiimry  more  dircclly. 

Here  is  an  esMinai.Ml  increase  of  importiitioii  of 
:J1,1.'^.'>,(1IH1  worth  of  iron,  in  pigs,  sheels,  bars, 
hands,  rods,  and  hoops. 

Here  is  an  increased  imporliUinn  of  siiirar  ;uid 
ninla'~ses  aril  syrup  of  midasse.s  of  illli.'lll.lllll). 

Here  i.^  an  e:iiinaled  increase  of  importation  of 
^2,1)1)11,00(1  of  the  various  maiiufaetiires  of  wool 
and  worsh'd,  and  of  «,'JOII,OIIO  of  raw  wool. 

llvvv.  is  an  estimated  increase  of  iiiip-u-nuion  of 
eolloii  iiianufacliires  to  the  amount  ol'  «i,'i,ir)i),l)OI)  I 

Here  is  im  estimated  increase  of  importation  of 
IJlri.'i.llOO  worth  of  coal  and  coke. 

Here  is  an  istini.iled  increase  of  im|iortation  of 
cordau'e  of  i,17l).(lllO,  and  of  various  kinds  of  un- 
maiiiifaclnred   hemp  of  >;IO.'i,lll)l). 

Ill  re  is  an  incii  as.ii  iniporlulioil  of  salt  to  the 
ainoiint  of  )«I.IHII),()Otl  1 

l]vrr.  is  ail  estim.Ueil  increase  of  the  dill'erent 
kinds  of  cotton  b,,^:;iie^r  of  s.'tlill.lHH);  of  leather  of 

all  sorts,  i;ll)l),l)l)ll:  ol'nnun'ifaeliires  ...'I ^liOO,- 

01)0,  inclndiii'.;  anvils  und  black  .mitli's  hammers 
and  sled;;e3,and  s.iil  irons, and  spikes, and  vvioie;lil 
nails. 

Then  we  have  <,l()0,Ol)0  of  earthen  nml   s'oi 
w.ire;    j;IOO.tll)l)  of    piinei    lian.,'in','s;  S.'id.OOO   of 
paper;  <^.'ll).l)ilt)  of  pins;  <«H0,()00  of  bnltons;  <.ll)0, 
Olio  of  window  !;lass;  sioo,0tll)  of  ,'^lass  tmnbleis; 
Si  10,01)0  of  straw  lialsand  hoiinels;  S4.'i,0l)ll  of  silk 
a  III  leather  boots  and  shoes;  ^lOII.DOl)  of  liiisci  .| 
o.l;  >i!iOO,0(l(l  of  voTATiiK';  ;A',(M)()  of  cheese;  ami  an 
incre.i-ieil   iinporlatiiiu  of  rftiilii-nuuli'  i-li*h'»^  :   .1 
weariii;;  apparel,   luaile  u;.   or   i.iaimfaclere.i. 
wdioie  or  in  part,  by  the  tailor,  semp.Ur.  ss,  or  ) 
ufaciiircr;  and  of  arliclcs  worn    by  men,  vconii  '. 
and  children,  made  whole  or  in  iiart  by  hand,  of 
^!JOO,000. 

Is  it  not  plain,  that  if  lliesc  csliina'es  are  to  he 
reali/cd,  the  Ainerican  labor  wliidi  is  now  em- 
ployed  in  these  various  branelie.i  ot'  maniifacture 
and  of  the  inechunic  arts  is  to  '.e  deprived  of  no 
inecmsiderable  part  of  i.s  work  end  its  waives,'  Is 
it  no  plal  that,  to  lliis  ■■xlent,  at  least,  it  is  to  be 
sacr  filed  lo  fori  i'.'ii  hilmr.-  'les,  sir;  .siipphinic  il 
as  ..  1  uiiworlhy  ririi/;  llial's  the  .Secretary's  w.nd. 
And  who  is  to  pay  for  these  increased  iiiip,irtati.:'is. 
under  these  eirc-iiiiHlanccs.^  This  very  Ainericvn 
labor,  which  yon  propose  to  roh  of  its  birthriirhl, 
contiibiiles  lo  the  revenue  of  the  (.iovernment  bv 
consuminus  aceordinc;  to  its  ability,  some  |ntrIioii 
.  of  the  l'orii:;n  i^ooils  now  iiupor;:  d.  These  very 
halters,  and  shoemakers,  and  tailors,  and  semp- 
stresses, and  iron  makers,  and  eotion  spinners,  and 
?.'hiss  makers,  and  all  ihe  ri  si,  w'  an  yon  inienil  to 
depriveofa  p;ii  t  of  their  work',  .c.d  of  the  ir  waues. 
are  now  able  i.i  purchase,  with  their  surplus  earn 
iii;;s,  some  humble  ,--liaie  of  the  forei'.:ii  luxuries 
from  which  your  revenue  is  mainly  derived  Itiil 
they  will  he  .dde  to  do  so  no  loin;er.  How,  then, 
is  yccur  revemie  lo  he  increasc'd  .>  How  is  It  even 
lo  be  kept  lip  at  the  point  vvliich  it  has  now  reach 
c-d  ?  Tile  expel  ieiiee  of  the  second  and  third  years, 
if  not  of  the  lirsl,  will  prove  llial  the  tliin^'  is  iiii- 
possible.  Ueveime  and  protection  must  stand  or 
fall  tocetln.'!'.  The  interests  of  the  Governmeiii 
caiinot  he  separ.iled  from  the  Interesis  of  the  peo- 
]ile;  and  depend  iipoii  il,  .-.ir,  the.  party  which  at 
teiiipls  such  a  thill:',  will  liiid  that  il  has  only  scp 
araled  Iwelf  from  ihc  people  and  the  Uuveniinent 
holh. 

And  yet  this  proceeding'  Is  |.,i  .i.icd  on  the  idc  c 
of  li'_'hleiiiii','  Ihe  hiirdens  of  tin  poor,  and  reilneiie; 
the  jirice  of  the  necessaries  of  lil'e  lo  the  lahoriii^ 
classes! 

Mr.  (.'Iniirmaii,  If  there  be  iinytlilm^  ni;iiinst 
which  the  /Vmerican  laborer  oit^lii  to  be  on  ins 
;:iiard,  al  lliis  inomcnl,  Il  is  the  false  sytnpaihy, 
till  hollow  friendship,  the  killinii;  kindness  of  men 
who  arc  hiisyin'4  theinsclves  about  llie  cost  of  what 
he  conMimcs,  while  they  are  eiiiiin;;  down  tin- 
value  cd'  what  he  earns;  of  men  who  amuses  liiiii 
with  delusive  schemes  for  reduciiie  his  expendi- 
tures, while!  lliey  are  employ.'d  in  diniinishiii;;  his 
receipls;  of  men  who  daiiLrle  the  visi.ni  of  cdiea|icr 
food  and  idieaper  el  jiliiiii;  before  liis  eyes,  while 
they  are  In  .!ie  vi  ly  ;ict  of  riiliii;;  his  j.cieket-book. 
Till!  whole  art  and  purl  id'ec  rlalu  t^eritleuien  sceins 
to  be,  to  convince  llic!  workiiif.'m  ii  -.1  'M  the  price! 
of  this  or  lliiit  (irliclu  ol  lii.s  cuiidUinption  in  lui.sed 


in 
I  ha. 

nf  wa:j 
NewH 
.d'rj!),  I 
d  uii'i; 
f 'lueiiii 
III  .1' 
'  "f. 


1846.J 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGFESSTONAT.  GLOBE. 


073 


'29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  mnthroy. 


Ho.  OF  Heps. 


Iiiiiini(| 


(l.lll  <>l 

.   U.n:, 

11-  ,'iii(| 
III. 

IKM)  nl 

r    WlK.I 

to   tll( 


i 


nfi'\v  ceiiiH  liy  llic  protccliii^  system.  As  if  tliu 
Hilly  Kiilijcil  (if  mixiniy  wiili  tin;  free  Aiiiericiiii 
l;ili(irnr  wa.s,  "  Wliiit  sl\iill  I  eat,  or  wiiiit  slwill 
1  ilriiili,  111-  wlierewitlml  simll  1  Ijc  c.lotlieU  r"  As 
if  wayes  ill  this  cminliy  weio  to  be  lir(iUf;lit  down 
III  tlii^  sliindavil  of  a  lime  iiiid  seaiily  .sulisistente! 
As  if  iiotliiiii;  wa.s  wanted  hy  tin;  lalioi-er  lor  tlie 
eiliicatidii  iif  liis  children;  nothing- for  paylii;j  liis 
share  of  llie  support  of  relji;ioiis  worship;  iiolliiiij; 
to  lay  up,  I  do  not  say  merely  a^aiii.st  a  rainy  day, 
lint  au'ainst  that  siinsliiny  day,  wliieh,  liy  the  bless- 
inu'  of  God  and  a  sound  proteetiii^  tin-ill,  is  sure  to 
liiani  on  every  lionesi,  iiidiiNtrions  man  anion;;  us, 
.vlien  he  may  enjoy  the  fruil.s  of  his  toil  in  u  eon- 
dilioii  of  eoniparalive  rest  and  reereation  ! 

Keduce  the  WHU'es  of  Inhor  to  the  standard  of 
iiieir  snlisisleiic'c.and  the  laborer  nmsl  be  a  labifrer 
always.  The  noble  speelae.lu  wliieh  is  so  often 
eviiibileil  in  this  ennnlry,  and  so  rarely  in  any 
olher,  and  wliieli,  let  nie  say  to  the  honorable 
iiirinlier  from  Ijonisiana.  is  (pule  as  often  eshiliiled 
in  the  rrjjion  of  the  Kaslern  nianuliicturers  as  in 
liny  other  part  of  the  Union,  of  what  are  railed 
.-( iV-madc  men,  the  printer's  boys,  or  plouirh  boys, 
or  mill  lioysofii  few  years  baek,  elevaiin'^  ihein- 
selves  III  ihe  lii;;hc  st  sialions  of  social  or  of  public 
life,  will  lie  seen  no  more.  You  have  cut  olf  that 
hope,  of  lielierni;,'  his  condition,  wliii'li  is  Mie 
sweetest  cordial  lo  the  heart  of  man,  and  the  surest 
sliinidns  to  industry,  economy,  and  virtue.  The 
one  thiiiu;  iieedful  to  the  wellare  of  tlie  laboring; 
man  (leniporally  speaknii;,  yet  not  wiihout  an  in- 
i-idenial  reference  lo  lliiims  eli  rnal)  is,  tlial  he 
shinild  lie  able  In  Idtj  up  i,(iiiiilhhi!;.     Ask  any  hi 


land,  and  sec  wdint  they  .say  as  to  the  rondilion  of 
the  ijreat  mass  of  Hritish  Ojieralives.  Listen  lo 
diaries  Uuller,  in  his  udnurabtc  speech  on  sys- 
tematic eniii^ration  as  the  only  relief  liir  the  pauper 
hiborof  his  connlry,  while  he  tells  you  "  of  liunmn 
'  lieliii.'S  lindilled  tou;elher  in  defiance  of  comfort,  of 
'  shame,  and  of  lualih,  in  ijnrrets  and  in  cellars, 
'  and  in  ihc  s-atne  hovels  with  their  jiips;  of  work- 
'  liouses crowded;  of  even  the  jail  reported  to  for 
'  shelter  and  maintenance;  of  linninn  beings  prc- 
'  vented  from  actually  dying  of  starvation  in  the 

*  open  streets,  or  of  others  allowed  to  expire  from 
'  inanition  in  the  obsciuity  of  liieir  own  dwelling 
'places."  Li::  "11  to  him,  again,  while  lie  gives 
you  an  account  "  of  tiiousands  of  men,  women, 

*  and  ehildren.  congregated  together  wilhont  any 
'  regard  to  decency  or  comfort  in  imisonie  sites 
'  and  wri.  .died  hovels — of  those  who  wear  out  their 

*  lives  in  the  darknessof  coal  and  iron  inini;s,  doing 
'  what  is  commonly  i^onsiilerial  the  work  of  brutes, 
'  in  a  moral  and  intellectual  stale  hardly  raised 

*  above  that  of  the  mere  animal — of  the  shirtinn- 
'  kers,  who  gi't  tenpence  for  making  a  do;'.en 
'  shirts — and  of  the  1;'>,(1U(I   milliners  ni   this  iiie- 

*  tropolis,  (London,)  habilnnlly  working  for  the 

*  scantiest  wages  ill  close  rooms,  nlways  for  ]li  or 

*  14  hours  a  day,  somctiines  for  (lays  and  nights 
'  logciher;  nine  outof  ten  losing  Iheirhealili  in  the 
'  oeinpalioii,  and  .scores  of  them  lallim;  viclims  to 
'  consnmplioii,  or  rendered  incurably  blind  vvlien- 

*  ever  a  court  niourning,  or  any  festivity  of  partic- 
'ular  magmtiide,  tusks  their  powers  more  than 
'  usual." 

Listen  to  Samuel  Laing,  in  his  prize  essay  on 


borer  wliiit  he  ihink.s'alionl  the  inaiter,and  he  will  I  the  can.ses  and  remedies  of  the  niilional  distress, 
tell  ymi  that  he  cares  not  whether  he  pay.s  a  lillle 
more  or  a  little  less  for  his  clothes;  that  he  is  (piitc 
willing,  if  need  be,  lo  pay  Ins  brolher  laborer  or 
bis  sisler  laborer  a  lillle  more  for  making  his 
shoes  or  making  his  sliirl,  if  you  will  secure  to 
them  boih,  not  merely  ihe  means  of  paying  for 
smli  things,  but  the  means  of  nia':iiig  a  little  de- 
posiie,  once  in  a  week,  or  once  in  anionib,  or  once 
III  a  ipi.nMer,  in  that  most  excellent  of  all  institu- 
tions— the  Savings  Hank. 

.\ow,  this  is  w  hat  ilie  jiroteclivc  policy  aims  at; 
and  this,  too,  in  spite  of  all  assertions  to  the  eon- 
Irary,  is  what  il  acconiplislns.  Louk  at  this  table 
of  the  amoniit  of 'leposites  in  the  Savings  bank  at 
Lowell: 

In  IMII f,l48,l!10 

1H4-.' 47h,:t(i,'i 

liSl.t 4(;-J,ti.-.0 

1^44 ri'.ll.'JII) 

li54r> ".'Ul.MIII 

I  have  here  similar  tables,  showing  an  increase 
nf  wages  in  the  inannfaciurnig'i  siablislimcnis  of 

:\ev.*  Uampsliireand  J\tassaclnisciis,to  the  amount 
idt!ll,  lUI,  411,  and  even  (ill  per  cent,  in  some  ca.scs, 
'I  11  in;;  thi'  last  llirii'  years.  1  have  aiithenlic  in- 
i'.cnniiriii,ioo,lliat  there  lias  been  asiiiiilarincrea.se 
III  -r  \ii'.  of  the  Alarylaml  mills.     And  I   have  no 

'  '^  '  I'lat  other  gentlemen  will  fnrni.sli  similar 
1  i  'ir'ony  from  olher  parls  of  the  Union.  Anil  yet 
■1'  •  S«  reiary  of  ilie  'I'riasnry  has  diclareil,  that 
'■■•. T'-  1.'  been  no  incriase  of  wages  at  all,  but 
..  ■!■   r  a  ii'ininnlion,  iiiidi  r  the  tarilf  of  l.'^pi! 

Tni^  Mr.  I'hairman,  1  repeal,  is  what  the  pol- 
icy of  protection  aims  at.  It  looks  at  the  work- 
iiiLr-inan,  not  in  his  mere  brnto  capacity  of  a  eon- 
sniner,  but  in  bis  lii:;lier  nature  ofa  producer.     It 

looks  not  lo  ri'iliicing  the  price  of  what  be  eats  or 

what  he  \\i  •       I  111  to  keeping  up  the  price  of  his 

own   labor,     n    locdis,   in   shun,  to  wages  fust, 

wages  last,  wages  altogether.     SIkiU  the  ici/s.'.s  <)/' 

tin'  irhnlr  rU'tl'iziil  cfiniiit  trial  v'tntU  be  {qtuilhtd  ti:id 

Itrtlliil  iijj'f  This  is  the  bricfesi,  truest,  most  con- 
cise, anil   most  eomprehensive   statement   of  the 

(|nesiion  between  free  trade  anil  proleclion.     The 

winjes  of  labor — by  which  is  lo  be  nndersiond  not 

ineiely  the  wages  which  ate  paid  by  the  capilalist 

lo  the  hired  hand,  lint  the  wag*  s  also  which  are 

earned  by  labor  of  any  kind  working  on  lis  own 

iicco.int — are  now  liighe-r  in  this  counliy  than  in 

any  other  beneath   Ihe  sun.     If  anyboiiy  doubis 

this,  let  him  stop  the  first  emigrant  \\  bom  lie  nieels 

in  Iheslreci,  and  asK  liini  why  he  came  ovi  r  here, 

what  coiidition   he  hit  behind  liini,  and  ill  what 

I'licinnstani  es  he  finds  himself  williin  six  inonilis 

iiflcr  his  arrival.'     If  anybody  ihnibls  this,  Id  him 

turn  lo  the  Parliainentary  dcbalers,  the  economical 

essayi,^.ls,  or  even  the  corn-law  rhymers  of  Liig- 


vvliile  he  describes  to  you  those  «,(I(MI  inliabiled  | 
cellars  in  Liverpool,  wlio.se  oecnpaiitsurcestiniuted  , 
at  from  :),'>,(IU(I  to  4l),nU0  persons: 

"  Till  sc  crliiirn  an;  ihvcllil.t'.-  lliHlcryrniinil.  in  iniiiiycii-eH 
liiivini:  n'>  u  iiHlav.-i,  iiiiil  nil  cniniiinnli  aiinii  \\  illi  llir  cxicr- 

'  mil  ilir.  1  \cr|iniii;  li.v  Ilii'ilnnr,  llir  l<>|i  <>l' vvIim'Ii  is  siiiiu'liiiies 
lint  llli:ll<'r  llliMl  nic'icvel  <ir  the  .-iriel.     W'lleil   lllc  ilniir  nl 

I  ^llcll  il  e<  lliir  IS  cl'>scil,  llicrcioi-i',  liuhi  iiiul  iilr  arc  Imiti  r.\- 

i   Clielcd.      The   111 >S    lo   llic    il.i.ir    1«    nl'lill   ,-ri  low  II-  mil  in 

\  iiiliiiil  lira  [irrsDii  111  iiiiiili  riiic  lii'i:!lit  si:iiiiiiii<:  iipriiilii,  iiiiil 
I  there  H  liei|ueiitly  liu  Wm.t  ul'  iiii,\  kiiid,  e.\ec|il  um  tjtire 
uartli."  j 

Gowilh  liini  from  ilie  commercial  to  the  mnmi- 
;  facluring  lowiis — to  M  inchesler,  ihrniingbam,  and 
Lceds^and  follow  bun  from  thence  through  the 
iigriciihural  districts,  and  hear  him  conelnile,  as  the  i 
sum  of  Ihe  whole  snrny,  "  that  there  is  a  large 
'  proportion  of  the  laiiorii.g  class  who  are  unable  to 

•  secure  a  tolerably  com  for  taiile  and  stab!  existenci' 
'in  rcinrn  for  their  laboi ,  and  are  appioximaiing 
'  towards  the  gulf  of  pauperism." 

Il  may  be,  .sar,  Ihat  the  wages  of  the  skilled  labor 
of  KiiL'land  will  be  found  toapproaeli  pretty  nearly 
to  those  of  the  same  i  lass  of  labor  in  our  o\\  n  conn- 
try;  thonuli  1  rememlier  finding  an  anecdote  111  the 
speech  of  a  iiieniber  of  Parliament,  not  long  ago, 
which  col.  il  d  even  with  this  idea.  In  ii  debate 
on  the  corn  mIWh,  a  year  or  two  since,  Mr.  1'. 
fScrope  is  leporlcd  to  have  said,  "  liiat  he  had  thai 
'  evening  met  a  nianulacturer,  who  told  him  that  ho 
'had  List  year  discharged  his  I'orcman,  in  coiise- 
'  (pic  I  ICC  of  not  I  iciiig  able  to  pay  hinisullicientwagcs 
'  lor  the  support  of  his  lainily.  That  foreman  had 
'  gone  to  America,  and  bad  wrillen  over  to  say  that 

*  he  was  ]iros|ierons,  Unit  he  vns  riii  iriag  tloitbk  Ihi: 
'ie(igi.v//r  IimI  hud  ill  /■•'iig/diii',  while  Ins  exinndi- 
'  lines  and  the  price  of  (novisions  were  two-tliirds 
'less." 

ftlr.  Chairman,  the  fact  is  indispnlable.  The 
low  price  of  land  and  its  vast  extent  coin)iared  iviili 
Ihe  population,  ihe  vast  amount  of  work  to  be 
done,  compared  with  the  iiuinlu  r  of  hands  which 
call  be  conimaiided  on  onrown  soil  to  perform  it — 
these,  and  other  mlliiences,  .secure  now  lo  Ameri- 
ca:i  labor  n  remuneration  which  no  other  in  the 
worid  receives.  Hliall  this  state  of  things,  sofrnit- 
fiil  of  tlie  trrealist  good  to  the  greatest  number,  be 
conlinncd;  or  shall  we,  in  a  lit  of  universal  benev- 
olence, go  in  for  II  horizonlal  scale  of  wages,  and 
an  average  condilion  id'  labor,  the  witle-world  overr 
I'.ipialily  of  earnings,  eipiality  of  encouragenienls, 
ei[iiality  of  opporiiinilies,  privileges,  and  wages, 
thronghout  ihc  len  ;lh  and  breadth  ofonr  o'.n  land, 
no  man  wonhl  I'.sturb.  AVe  desire  ibe  i;  .alilish- 
inciil  of  no  sv  em  wliieh  shall  benefit  or  build  lip 
one  I  la  ofonr  indiislry,  or  one  siciion  ofonr 
connlry,  at  the  e\pen-e  ol  ..ni.iher.  llul  cannot 
our  Uemocraey  bo  content  with  eipialily  at  home.' 


Is  it  nnti-republienn  or  niili-Aiiicriean,  to  nininlain 
and  protect  the  superior  condilion  of  onr  own 
peojilc?  Cannot  the  phrensy  of  our  philanthropy 
be  appeased  nntil  it  has  accoinplislied  that  univer- 
I  sal  level  of  labor,  which  can  only  be  reached  by 
the  prostration  of  onrown  !  Free-trade  say.s — iin, 
to  this  question.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
.say.s — MO.  The  bill  before  ns  says — iin.  (.>r  if 
they  do  not  dare  to  say  so  in  terms,  they  propose 
and  pursue  a  policy  which  leivls  lo  such  a  ri  suit, 
with  the  speed  and  tl;e  directness  of  a  railroad. 
The  policy  of  ]iroteciioii,  on  the  other  hand,  says 
"lycs',  yes;  it  shall  not  be  in  vain  to  the  working- 
,  men  of  America,  that  their  fathers  threw  olV  llie 
colonial  yoke,  and  secured  for  them  a  connlry  and 
n  governincnt  of  their  own.  Miher  nalions  may 
well  alford  to  enter  into  a  free-trade  copartnership 
with  ns,  for  liieir  labor  has  already  reaelnd  that 
lowest  depth  lo  which  th(;re  is  no  lower  deep,  and 
from  which  every  idiange  must  bi;  for  Ibe  bclar. 
Other  Uovernments  may  aH'oid  to  insliiiiie  a  f n  c 
trade  experiment  on  their  own  accoii.  ,,  for  lliey 
look  to  the  intelligenre,  the  education,  and  the  in- 
dependence of  the  fiit\  l»ut  our  instilulions  rist 
on  the  ii I Icl I ii;cnco, education,  and  independence,  of 
llie  iiiiniij.  Onr  insiiinlions  r,  !y  on  a  condilicn  of 
.  society,  which  iiolliingbiit  a  high  rale  of  wages 
can  maiiilnin.  If  our  labor  be  levelled  oil'  to  the 
grade  of  r.nropean  labor,  our  liberly  must  be  'hen 
cut  ilown  to  the  .-iiainlard  of  hairopean  libi  rty. 
The  Uovernment  which  looks  to  the  laboring 
masses  for  Bup|iort,  inusl  sniniort  the  laboring 
masses." 

I  may  seem  to  have  admilted,  iNTr.rhairnian,  in 
this  view,   that  a  protective   larilf  may  raise  the 
value  of  other  tilings  beside  lalior.     Indeed,  I  ex- 
pressly mainliiin,  that   it   tends  In  sccnri' a  belli  r 
price  for  agrienlt'iral   jiriKlnce,  and   that  it  is  the 
only  syslein  vvliich,  in  this  country,  can  seciiri^  to 
that  jirodncc  any  price  or  market   whatever.     If 
genllemen  have  any  objection  to  this,  let  lliem  tell 
It  lo  the  farmers.     I!nl  as  to  the  idea  that  it  raises 
the  price  of  the  laboring  man 's  cloi  lies — it  isiilierly 
untrue.     It  lias  licen  proved  again  and  a!;ain,  by  a 
liundred  iirice-cnrrenis,  that   the  filed  of  Ihe  |iro- 
.  teclingsystein  has  been  to  reduce,  a  liinaln.'d  fold, 
the  cost  of  the   coarse   articles  of  coniinoii  wear. 
This  whidc   hue-and-cry       out   higher  duties  on 
coarse  goods  is  theoretic.     It  leaves  out  of  consid 
eration    that   domeslic    proilnction    which    is    not 
merely  supplying  onr  own  market,  bni  is  sending 
tiiousands  of  bales  of  cotton  clolli  to  Calcutta,  in 
the  face  of  n  diseriminalini;  duty  in   favor  of  iis 
liritisli   rival,  and  is  exhibiiing  liie  truly  Orienlal 
spectacle  of  I  irilish  di-i//s  in  American  drillings  !    1 1 
is  11  fact,  that  the    lroo[is  of  llie    e-reaiesl  colton 
mannfactnriiig   eiinnlry  in  the  world  arc  wearing, 
on  the  plains  of  what  was  once  the  greatesi  cotton 
growing  country  of  ihe  world,  panlaioonsand  Jack 
els  made  of  American   cotton,    iiid   in    Ae'iricaii 
mills!     Indeed,  it  is  the  e.X[iorli.tioii  of  I'    ..e  arli 
dcs  to  Calcutta  and  China  which  has  rnaoled  some 
of  the  manulaeturers  to  make  those  great  diviih  lids 
nf  which  we  have  heard  so  niiicli.     Aow,  e\cry 
schoolboy  must  nndei-siand,  that  this  export  Iraile 
could  not  go  on  for  all  instant,  unless  the  Anieri 
can  drillings  were  cheaper  and  better  than  the  liril- 
isli. 
I      (Jcntlemrn  on  the  other  side  rest  all  liieir  arirn- 
'  menis  on  the  liypoihes  s  that  our  laborin:;  classes 
adually    wear    lorei^'ii    iloihin;,'.     They  sei  in  In 
'  enlertain  the  idea  lliiii  the  .American    laliorer  goes 
'  out  lo  his  work   in   the  morning  in  a  ManclKster 
I  shirt,  a  London  hat,  and  a  Paris  boot!     And  if  be. 
;  does  not  now,  they  arc  for  linking  him  do  so  at 
the  earliest  nionieiit.     AVhiit  a  iiidnre  I     Why,  an 
American  workingman  would  not  know  liim.silf  in 
a  look'ini^-^lass,  in  such    an    allire.      I'ivetybody 
knows  ihat  we  supply  these  IhiiiLis  ourselves,  and 
snp]ily  lliemat  a  cheaper  ra'e,  and  of  ii  better  (pial- 
ily,  than  olliers  would  supply  llieiii  if  there  was 
no  duly.     And  we  i  an  eoiiliniie  lo  do  so,  if  we  eiiii 
only  keep  our  own  market  loonrselveH.    IJut  even  if 
il  were  not  so,  even  if  ihe  foreiun  fabrics  of  this  soit 
could  be  proiaired  a  fewccnls  cheapei-,  I  behe\e  in 
my  soul  that  the  Aiiiericaii   laborer  would  scorn 
such  economy.      The    iiiih  pendent   yeonuinry  of 
this   eountry  will  iK.'ver   ii;;aiii   be  eonlent   to   be 
dependent  on  any  other  country  for  ihi;  nianufae- 
liue  and  making  npof  llieir  daily  dress.     Tliey  ibi 
'  not  understand  the  democracy,  llie  .Americanism, 
of  siicli  wear.    T'he  farmers  and  nieclianics  are 


i 


974 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  24, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Baghy, 


Senate. 


vel  lo  cloolnie  llicmsi'lves,  who  wniilij  not  be  wil- 
lirifflo  |iny  ncpiil  r.r  two  morr,eillK'r  for  their  week- 
flay  j.itkiis,  or  tlicir  Sunday  soils,  for  the  sake  of 
liaviui;  them  hiimt  matte.  Siioh  rlotlies,  if  Ijioy 
were  dearer  at  all,  wouhl  he  (tuii'fy  in  more  sensen 
of  ilie  word  limn  one.  They  would  he  associated 
Willi  ihal  Nalioniil  Pride,  of  which,  even  the  eold- 
ent  alisirai'iionist  in  these  halls  could  not  fail  to 
have  felt  some  touches,  as  he  visited  the  late  Nn- 
tional  Fair;  and  which,  thon^-h  it  may  he  derided 
hy  politicians  and  economists,  is  to  (he  common 
licarl  above  nil  cidculaiions  of  moneyed  value, 
'riajy  wouhl  be  associated,  loo,  with  that  Naiional 
Inilependence,  which  wasbnl  half  achieved  by  the 
nuns  of  our  fallieis,  and  which  remains  lo  becoii- 
summalcd  \<y  ihe  arls  of  iheir  sons.  The  work- 
in^'inen  of  this  country,  1  verily  believe,  if  inlerro- 
i^aled  upon  such  a  point,  would  answer,  as  llenjii- 
nun  rrankliii  answered  at  Ihe  bnr  of  llie  ISriii.^li 
House  of  Commons  in  ihe  days  of  ihe  Stamp  Act: 

'*  What  used  lo  he  the  pride  of  America?'* 

"  T  1  iiidulire  in  the  fasiiiuns  and  mamifaclurcs 
of  Great  lirilain." 

"  NV'hat  is  now  their  pride.'" 

"  To  treiir  llirir  <itil  dollies  orer  again,  until  tliey 
C(ui  mtike  ticic  ones  for  Ihemselres.*^ 

Mr.  Cliairman,  lliero  are  many  oilier  points 
which  1  had  proposed  to  much,  but  I  have  only 
lime  to  concluih^  with  the  following;  propositions, 
which  brielly  einliody  nil  Ihat  1  have  said,  and 
iniicli  that  1  would  liuvc  said. 

I  mainiain,  then, 

1.  Thai  provision  oushi  promptly  to  be  made 
for  furnishing  the  Uovcriiment  with  whaKtver  ad- 
ditional revenues  and  resources  may  be  necessary 
for  bringing  the  e.\isuin;  war  wilii  Mexico  to  u 
just  and  speedy  euiiclusion,  und  cstublishing  mi 
hoiioralilc  peace. 

^.  That  no  additional  revenue  can  be  relied  on 
from  ihe  bill  now  under  ciiiisider.ilioii,  either  as 
ori:;inally  reported ,  or  willi  the  modificalions  wljich 
have  been  proposed  by  the  Secrelury  of  llie  Treas- 
ury, bul  Ihat,  on  the  contrary,  the  whole  experi- 
ence of  the  country  shows  ihat  ihe  operallon  of 
such  a  bill  would  bu  materially  to  diminish  the 
revenue. 

3.  That  this  bill  is,  at  best,  a  mere  expcrinient, 
anit  one  which,  there  is  i;rcat  reason  lo  (ear,  would 
rrsult  in  both  curlailim;  the  resources  of  the  (jov- 
erninent,  and  cripplin:;  ihc  induslry  of  llie  peo- 
ple; and  ihai,  in  adoptini;  an  eiilire  system  of  ad 
rriliireiii  dulies,  it  would  open  the  door  lo  all 
manner  of  itieijualities  and  trauds,  and  would  be 
especially  oppressive  to  ilic  honest  Ancricaii  mer- 
cliniit. 

4.  Thai  the  InrilF  of  li?l3  has  proved  itself  for 
three  years  past  einpliMlically  ii  revenue  larill'; 
yielilins,  Willi  signal  uml'ormiiy,  iiiiil  in  precise 
lor.espondeiice  willi  the  calculalioiis  of  ils  frHinci'S, 
a  iiel  avera^'e  niimial  revenue  of  nearly  twenty- 
seven  millions  of  dollars,  and  iil  once  proiecliii!; 
the  iabi^r  and  enriching;  the  treasury  of  the  nation; 
and  ihal  no  suhsiaiiiial  nnidilicuiioii — cerl.iiiily  no 
inaleii.il  red  lion — of  llie  dimes  which  iiiinposi:s, 
would  be  Ilk.  ly  lo  yield  aiiylb.iiiL;  like  un  eipial 
nnioiint  lo  the  •joverniiient. 

5.  'I'liat  an  issue  of  eii;hl  or  ten  millions  of  treas- 
111  y  nolo,  and  the  iiiipi).'<ilioii  of  nioderale  specific 
iliilies  on  lea  and  cnllee,  for  a  shorl  term  of  years, 
and  for  the  single  purpo.sc!  of  defraying  llie  ex- 
peii.sis  of  llie  war,  are  ihc  mily  measures  for 
nicrcasiii^'  llie  rcscairces  and  revenues  of  ihe  nalion 
wiiii-h  can  be  adopted  willi  any  reasonable  pros- 
peel  of  success;  anil  iliai,  unless  ihe  Admiiiislralion 
Mild  its  friends  inliml  to  take  ihe  n  sponsibilily  of 
rcsiirlin:;  lo  direct  laxallon,  or  of  incurring'  a  hir;;e 
iiaiional  debt,  lln.sc  measures  ou^hl  lo  be  adopted 
by  iheni  wilhout  delay. 


'i'Mes  to  nUiik  rtfirenee  is  made  <il>nre  slioieine;  the 
tiiriviuf  (./'  iriiffii  in   some   of  Ihc  .Niic   Kvifland 
ColluH  Mitts. 
.Ifi-rtitir  uu.es  jKiiA  Ihe oprnilirfK in  the  ilinn^leii^  \p:i-  Mill, 
111  t/tentuntliuf  Jonitirii.  in  nuh  tn'iir  Mtur^l.ulijui  n},: 
t.'tirit'a.     SjiiiiV.     Wrai  ■({.    Ilr^'^.■*'g, 

I  ;i:i  

I  II 
1  Xi 
I :«! 

ill! 


Jivcragc  wages  of  Ihe  female  otieraliveit^  for  the  faur  ueeks 

■.'iiiliiii:  .iiiril  l.'i,  imil 

MILL  NO.  I. 


Mill\ii.l.J.in.,l"t-.'.  I  .-,1 

•■      IM:t,  I  :u 

•■       l^ll,  I  ti'J 

"     it'i.-i,  I  -r 

■•       IMfi.  1  r'l 


1  I'll 

1  •! 

•J  Jil 

!!l>> 
•Jill) 
UIW 

>       4r. 

■d 

5 
3v 

Kill  pit  tv- 

i^ 

st.S 

'i 

i-  't 

Avernjje  tliroiiijh 

UK  lit. 

=  1 

-=s 

c 
a 
c 

\\ 

llie  mill. 

c 

c  1*  *:= 

■f. 

'<.'" 

<; 

< 

Cimlin!! ... 

liWI.7.-i 

•i.-.:« 

*IOI  1.7 

i>li  4.'l 

.'$1  41. 

Hpiiiiijnjf.. 

111!  .'lU 

.•|7.!1S 

;m7 17 

1:1; 

Weavaiff. 

Wcnvinu.. 

i,;!:iiio 

71.79 

7:11)  11 

1  •£>  :lloiiiiiii....iSil  at) 

Wiirpiiia .. 

1.V...-J1 

li.-IH 

7-.>  K7 

i.vi,  4  iiii ai-j 

Dn'Miiing  . . 

lt«..-|0 

7.I1!) 

IIIH  Ul 

•J  at)  •->     ilii.  Hiilc.l  l>7 
1  Oilier.,  per 

Dm wj  11^  ill 

9S..',0 

4.11 

4II0S 

1  7;l       week 101 

Ml  LI 

.  NO.  IL 

('aniiMK ... 

.1:0.7.1 

34.03 

iSU.711  !i;(|.«l  4.-.I        SI  47. 

S|)iiuiiiiii.. 

V^f.T.-i 

:w.8- 

.■M«  !!•, 

1 ;«) 

Wcavinu.. 

i,.-:«i.7.-i 

(H.ltl 

GSII  IK 

1  411  Winviiig. 

W  ar|iirii.' . . 

110.7.-. 

1.1,1 

(i  1  17 

a:iu  :iii i»....»ir,T 

nrt:.-Mnj{.. 

l.'ill.lHl 

li.A'i 

W41    -Jlli  4    llii •->  10 

Oilier*  per 

Drawini!  in 

a-Lai 

;i.a'i 

:»a:i  1 7-     week 1 :« 

JAMKS  A.  Dl'I'EK,  I 

Far  i;1).MI;MJ  PARKER,  .tacnl. 
Jack-sos  Co.,  N.  II.,  .1/d.v  '->  le4:l. 

ieertioc  iiagei  of  Ihe  Female  Ojieri.lirr^,  for  lite  four  icfffrs 
eiulint:  fV7/rtiur;/ ','1,  It^il-. 


MIL 

L  No.  1. 

~     \      •      \t 

Employ. 

5  . 

A           li 

Avrrniic  tlirougli 

III!.- lit. 

C   \Z 

-•  i 

the  mill. 

i 

v,'- 

\<- 

('ar(lit)<; . ,. 

CC,  l.Oll 

•J7.llf' 

,f:tiss(i.ti  7U 

Spiiiiiiit:.'... 

Lllll.'.lll 

4i;.ii:i 

.7 1.-,  oil     1  (i7 

$ao3 

Wt'avmi,'. . 

i.7iii.r. 

7->.7li 

1 .0.711 .70    a  ;ili 

\Varp:n:! .. 

1.7 1. -J.-, 

li.i-i 

s7  :i;t  a  1.7 

l>n'>'ii(L'-.. 

■j()."i.."iii 

ll.lXi 

1 17  4:ii  a  OS 

UnawiiiK  in 

1III1.7.7 

4. -JO 

IKI-JO    a  51 

MILL  No.  II. 


('  inliiig  . . . 

.1.78,110 

1U.08 

.»2;ia  (ki 

■ilWI 

.-^liMlllllli.'.. 

l,l..,-.-J.7 

Hi.  18 

.')1:mi 

1  .Ml 

ijaoa 

U.   lm;il.. 

l,lil.7J., 

();.;ia 

iii.>  u:. 

a  .'1.7 

W  lll|,II.U  .. 

1  |n..-,0 

li.lO 

•■7  nil 

a  :i.7 

I)r<  s-iiiu. .. 

aii7i7 

8.ii;i 

laoDi 

a  .71 

Ilrawiiitr  ill 

llXi7 

4.7a 

.'.a  w 

1  !U 

GEIIIKiK  r.  IIEIK, 

K.ir  1:.  I'AUKER,  .JgciU. 
Jackson  Cocstv,  N.  II.,  Feb.  a9,  IMii. 


(^nin  111  r.air  veiir.*, 


alp.rl.    '.»ln.  cl.     Ii.7p,rl.     Ildp.et. 
W.  A.>IORV. 


11  HAUnouS  AND  UIVERS. 

,  REMARKS   OF   HON.  A.  P.  BAGJJV, 

J!  OF  ALABAMA, 

li  In  tiik  Senate,  Jnltj  34,  184fi.  ! 

On  the  pas.<a:,'C  of  the  bill  inakin;;  apiiropriations 

for  the    iniprovenienl  of  cerium    ilarbois  and 

Hiver.s — 

Mr.  BAG IJY  said: 

Mr.  1'hksiiiknt:  It  will  hardly  be  expected,  even 

at  this  advanced   period  of  ihe  session,  when  so 
iiiiiny  important  mailers  are  piessinj;;  on  our  lime 
and  atlenlion,  lliiil  I  slionld  sil  in  silence  and  siill'ir 
a  measure,  involving',  in  my  iiid;;iiieiil,  such  mo- 
menioiis  tind  iniporliuil  {irinciplcs  to  pass  wilhout 
expressiiii;  my  decided  opposilion  loll.    Indeed,  If 
I  had   but  one  hour  loii^i'r  to  remain  in  public,  I 
could  mil,  in  my  o[iinion,  spend  ihat  hour  more 
properly,  and,  il  my  views  in   regard  lo  il  could 
prevail,  iiiorl'  profiiubly  lo  the  coiiiilry,  than  in  op- 
posing and  deiiouiicing  a  ineasure  so  fiiiiilainen- 
,    lally  wroiin   in   principle,  and  fraught  willi   such 
'    disnsirous  conseijiiences  to  ihe  liiture  prosperity  of 
'    the  coiiiiiry,  as  llie  one  now  under  eoiisiileraiion. 
And  allhoiigh  llie  iiidicaliutis  around  me,  admon- 
ish me  that  all  opposilion  to  It  will  prine  iiilerly 
iiiiavailing;  that  it  is  desiincil  lo  pass  by  an  over- 
w  helniing  ninjoriiy,  ami  llial  any  remarks  of  mine 
111  opposilion  lo  il  will  "  fall  like  a  ihrice-tolil  talc 
upon  the  dull  ear  of  a  drowsy  man,"  il  presenls 
ilself  in  such  it  <[iiesliiiiiable.  shape  that  1  wilt  at 
Iciuit  speak  to  il.     I'roni  the  origin  of  llie  Liovern- 
nieiil   under   which    we  lue,   Mr.    I'risidenI,    ihe 
I    slalesmen  and  llie  poliliciaiis,  iiiiil  to  some  exieiil 
;    llie  people  of  llie  coiinlry,  have  been  divided  in 
I   opinion  wilh  respect  to  the  proper  rules  by  which 


Ihe  federal  Con.stiiulion  was  inlended  by  ils  illiis- 
trioiis  aioL.irs  lo  be  conslrned,  as  well  as  lo  lliu 
cxteiil  of  the  jiowem  eonferreil  by  that  iiislrii- 
meiit,  upon  the  Onvcriiment  of  the  tJiiiled  Slales. 
This  diversily  of  ojiinion  upon  these  jioinls  hail, 
long  before  ihe  close  of  General  Washinguin's  ail- 
miiiislration,  (■llectiially  divided  public  men,  and 
through  their  inlhiencc  to  some  exient  the  people 
of  the  coiiiilry,  inio  two  parties:  one  in  favor  of  n 
strict  and  rigid  conmriiclioii  of  the  Coiisiiliiiion; 
the  other  in  favor  of  h  liberal  niid  latiludinous  cmi- 
slruclioii  of  that  instrument.  Considering  this 
dillcrencc  of  opinion,  not  doubling  the  sinceriiv 
with  which  it  is  enterlained,  nnd  seeing,  as  all 
must  admit,  that  it  has  maiked  nnd  characieri/ed 
the  public  aclion  of  these  Ivvo  great  parlies  lor 

'  iniw-e  than  lifiy  years,  I  shall  not  allempt  lo  show 
that  it  is  n  deparlure  from  the  [irineiples  or  the. 
policy  of  Senators  on  the  other  side  lo  ndvocalc 
and  sustain  this  and  other  measures  of  a  kindred 
character;    bul  i  shall  atlimpl  to  show  that  il  is  11 

i  fearful  violalion  of  llic  Ciinillilulion,  as  (hat  inslni- 
nienl  was  understood  by  the  Uepublican  parly  in  Ihn 

I  heller  days  of  the  Kepublic,  and  a  woful  dcparluie 
from  some  of  llie  established  canons  of  conslrnc- 
lion,  by  which  the  extent  of  the  powers  of  lliis 
Government  was  lo  be  ascerlained  and  delermined. 
The  legislative  powers  iif  llie  Govermueiit  are 
vested  ill  the  Congress  of  the  United  Slates,  and 
are  exclusive,  except  in  so  fir  as  ils  action  is  sub- 
jected to  the  approvnl  of  the  Kxeculive,  as  pro- 
vided for  ill  the  seventh  section  of  the  tirst  article  of 
the  C'onslilulion.  All  the  powers  of  (Congress  are 
reducible  10  Iwo  distinct  heads,  and  cannot  be  car- 
ried beyond  them,  wilhout  n  violation  of  the  Coii- 
siiiution.  First,  such  as  are  granted  in  express 
terms;  and  second,  such  as  are  necessary  and 
proper  for  carrying  the  express  powers  into  exe- 
cution. This  IS  the  extent  and  iiliiiost  limit  of  llie 
powers  of  Congress,  under  the  Keiieral  Conslilii- 
lioii.  Cut  loose  from  ihese  moorings,  and  you 
lire  at  sea,  wilhout  rudder  or  compass ;  or,  lo 
use  the  emphatic  laiiiruage  of  Mr.  Jellcrson,  in 
relerence  lo  this  very  subjecl,  you  enler  a  bound- 
less Held,  no  longer  susceplible  of  limit  or  ilefmi- 
tion.  Assiiining,  ihcn,  that  I  cannot  be  misiakcn 
in  snp|iosiiig  thai  all  the  powers  of  Congress  are 
to  be  found  unih  r  01  of  llie  heads  above  laid 
down,  lluit  is,  under  ihe  ex|)ressly  granted  powers 
in  tliehrst  place;  or  under  the  aiilhiu-ily  given  in  llie 
Constiliilion  lo  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  ni'ccs- 
saryund  proper  for  carrying  ihc  expressly  granled 
powers  inIo  excciilion,  in  the  second  place;  1  pro- 
ceed to  impure,  iiiidcr  which  of  these  two  heads, 
if  either,  llie  consliliilional  power  is  lobe  found  lo 
pass  the  bill  now  under  consiilenition.  And  I  think 
I  may  allirm,  positively,  wilhout  subjecling  myself 
lo  the  imputation  of  arrogance  or  prcsiimplioii, 
that  it  is  not  to  be  found  under  either  of  them,  or 
to  be  fairly,  and  by  any  legilimale  rule  of  con- 
slruction,  dediiceil  from  eillicr  o('  lliem.  Let  us, 
then,  first,  adveri  10  llie  liile  and  ihe  objccis  of  Ihe, 
bill.  Il  is  "a  bill  making  approprialions  for  Ihe 
improvement  ol'oerlain  harbors  and  rivers."  That 
is  nil. 

Now,  I  do  not  rpicslion  the  power  of  Congress 
lo  make  appropriations  for  all  conslilulional  pur- 
]ioses;  beranse,  one  of  the  grealesl  safeguards  of 
ihe  public  lreasiiry,as  well  as  of  ihe  public  liberly, 
is  Ihat  wise  and  saliilary  provision  of  llie  Consil- 
lulion,  which  declares  iliiit  *'  no  uioiicy  sluill  be 
'  drawn  froiii  Ihe  treasury,  but  in  coiiseipience  of 
'approprialions  made  by  law;"  and,  as  I  have 
already  shown,  Congress  is  llie  law-making  power. 
Hut  what  i  conlend  for  is,  Ihat  (Congress  have  no 
power  10  appropriate  money  for  any  other  pur- 
poses than  lliose  specified  in  the  Conslilulion,  01 
such  as  are  iieeessartj  and  pni/icr  to  carry  llie 
granled  powers  iiilo  execution.  To  ilhislrale; 
(Congress  have  power  to  make  war;  and  alllioiigli 
lliere  is  no  ei'jinss  power  lo  appropriate  money  10 
carry  on  war,  yet,  as  llie  war  power  is  expressly 
granted,  I  hey  Inue  ihe  power  loappmpriaU^  money 
lo  carry  on  ihe  war,  under  llie  grant  of  power  lo 
pass  all  laws  which  may  be  necessary  lo  carry  llio 
granled  powers  iiilo  exceulion,  and  llie  power  to 
make  war  is  one  of  lliein. 

There  is  no  )ireleiice  Ihal  the  aiilliorily  lo  pas.s 
lliis  bill  is  lo  be  found  ill  any  of  the  express  grams 
of  llie  Ciinsliliilion.  There  can  be  no  such  pre- 
teiue.  It  is  a  bill  making  approprialions  for  llie 
inipruvenient  of  certiii.  iiarbors  unil  rivers,  and 


uly  24, 

ATE. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


9  75 


29th  Cono IsT  Sess. 


Harbors  and  Rivers — Mr.  Baghy. 


Senate. 


niiilicir  tlm  word  "  iniprnvcniciit,"  nor  tlio  word  ||  llin  Stales.  So  jenlnuH  were  the  Slates  upon  this  i 
"  hiirlinrs,"  nor  the  word  "  rivers,"  is  to  be  found  •{  subject,  that  tliey  would  not  cede  to  tlie  General  j 
in  the  Constilutioi\.  jNeither  ini|irovenicntM,  nur  ;  Unvernnieiit  the  power  to  consiruet  ginst  roiids  in  ^ 
rivers,  nor  hurliors.  ■xrv.  m(!ntioned  in  tiiat  in.slru-  H  the  Slates  for  the  transpinliition  of  the  mail.  l!ut , 
menl.  They  arc  not  releried  to  by  name,  or  by  i  it  is  said  that  the  prineiple  in  this  l>ill  is  necessarily 
the  remotest  allusion.  1  lake  it  lor  granted,  then,  i>  Incident  to  ftlic  power  "  lo  re^'uluU;  eominerer 
it  will  not  be  contended,  even  in  this  era  of  lati-  |i  nnioii;^  the  several  Slates."  Ol'all  the  perversions  , 
tiiilinous   eonslrnelion,   and    leu;islativc   lapiicity,  r  of  the  lan^'unne,  and  meaning',  and  spirit  of  the 


thai  this  power  lo  appropriate  money  by  inillluns 
lo  improve  harlioiH  iiiul  rivers  is  to  be  found  in 


Constitution,  this  is,  to  my  mind,  one  of  the  most  i 
glnriiii!;.  The  power  is  to  refjuliilc  a  thins  iilready  | 
suppo.^ed  to  be  in  exisieiu'c,  not  to  crrale  the  tiling  ] 
itself.  Is  there  no  dilferenco  in  erealin:^  or  eon-  \ 
struclin^  or  mtikin^  a  machine,  and  re;;nlutii]K  the  j 

d  powers  into  execution,  |i  machine  after  it   is   made?     If  it   had   been  the; 

and  propir  for  that  pur-  |l  meaninij^  or  iniention  of  the  franiers  of  the  Con-  ] 

slitiition    to   confer    upon    this   Government    this' 

enormous  power,  how  easy  would  it  have  been  j 
to  emf>loy  the  appropriate  lani;uu«j;c  t'or  that  jnir-  ; 
poser     How  easy  for  them  to  liiive  suid,  lis  they 


any  of  the  express   f^runls  of  the   Constitution. 
'I'liis  belli;;  settled,  it  ri'inains  for  the  udvucaUs  of 
this  bill   to  show  ihai  it  ou;;ht  to  pass,  in  orib  i  to 
e;irry  some  of  the  v       'i 
and  that  it  is  nn<        il  .     . 

pose.  Let  it  be  boioi;  in  mind  that  the  friends  of 
this  system  are  divided  into  two  classes — one  in 
fiivor  of  miiliins:  appropriations  to  improve  har- 
bors, and  th(!  oilier  in  favor  of  appropriations  for 


rivers;  ami  perhaps  there  may  be  a  small   third  i.  did  in   regard  to  the   luivypower,  that  Congress 


class,  who,  under  the  inllueiax'  of  an  unbridtcit 
consiruclioii  of  the;  Constitution,  have  no  objection 
to  volin;;  money  for  both  harbors  and  rivers.  1 
do  not  include,  in  eiiher  of  these  chisscs,  the  dis- 
coverers of  iii/«)i(i  seas,  and  ihe  gigantic  system  in 
embryo  for  their  iniprovenient.  When  that  ays- 
teiii  is  brnuiiht  forward,  1  shall  be  prepared,  I 
niisl,  to  show  that  it  involves  principles  more  enor- 
naais  and  more  repuq;nant  lo  ihu  Constitulioii, 
and  the  cenius  of  our  Govirimient,  if  ]iossible, 
than  the  bill  now  iindercoiihideration.  "  SulUcieiit 
unto  the  day  is  (he  evil  thereof."  ']  merce  between  the  Slates,  or  pnrcliHse 

It  is  curious  to  olisene  how  the  advocates  of  for  the  purpi).se  of  carrying  on  that  commerce,  as 
this  bill  are  divided  in  o]iininn  umonj;  iheniselvcs  |;  you  have  to  cut  canals,  construct  roads,  or  improve 
as  to  the  true  ijronnd  on  which  to  rest  it,  and  the  ',,  the  niivinaiion  of  rivers,  for  that  purpose.  Ttie 
dexterity  with   which   some   of  my   Democratic   |  last  liidinu;-plaoe  in  whicli  this  insidious  power  has 


should  have  power  to  create  or  provide  tile  means 

.  of  j))-ofi(/iiii'  and  mniiifniiiiK/;  coinmerce  among  the  i 
several  Slates.     ISut  they  said  no  siicli  thing,  be-  ! 

!  cause  they  meant  no  such  tiling.  All  .they  nieaiil 
was,  to   leave  the   Stales  to  eslnblisli,  create,  or' 

'  moke  commerce  among  themselves,  and  only  dcl- 
esulcd  to  Congress  the  power  to  regulate  it  when 

,  established.  The  power  to  pass  this  bill,  there- 
fore, is  not  uerived  from  the  im'wer  to  regulate 
commerce  among  the  Slates.     And  ymi  have  just 


the  same  power  to  build  vessels,  to  carry  on  cmii- 

'       ;  the  articles 


Vieiids  endeavor  to  avoid  the  odium  of  Ihe  old 
I'eileial  doctrine  of  making  internal  iinprovenienis 
in  ibe  Slales.  Some  attempt  lo  derive  it  from  the 
war  power,  and  say  that  it  is  necessary  to  the  de- 
fence of  the  country;  others  conleiid  that  it  is  inci- 
dent lo  the  power  to  regulate  commerce  among  the  i 
several  Slales,  anil  that  it  is  perfectly  compeieiit 
lor  ('ongress  to  drain  the  treasury  and  bankrupt 
the  country  by  the  eonjngalion  of  the  verb  "to 
regiilale"  commerce;  others  lake  slill  broader 
f;r(Hiiid,  and  contend,  that  where  the  object  is  iia- 
lioiial — that  is,  where  it  is  for  general  in  conlra- 
dislincliini  lo  local  or  sectional  objecLs — it  falls  , 
within  the  ronstilntional  powers  of  tlongress,  for- 
giiiing,  us  they  seem  to  do,  iliat  this  is  a  fcikitil 
and  not  a  natiuiuil  Govirmnent,  and  withal  a  Gov-  ] 
ernmeni  of  i/f/c;,'!!;!:!/ and  limilid  powers.  jSot  sat-  i 
isfied  with  any  or  all  llie.se  grounds,  a  new  idea 
has  been  recemly  slarleil — a  sort  of  Tiojaii  horse  . 
has  been  inlroduced,  which  is  to  put  the  matler 
beyond  all  doubl,  cavil,  or  controversy — and  that 
is,  that  it  is  lo  be  found  in  the  power  given  to  Con- 
gii'ss  lo  make  .dl  needful  rules  and  legnlations  lor 
the  disposal  of  the  public  lands,  and  that  by  im-  , 
provinir  the  rivers  and  harbors  yoti  enhance  the 
value  of  Uie  land,  Ac.  Such  is  the  hydra-headed 
auiboniy'by  whii-h  ihe  bill  under  consideration  is 
allempled  lo  be  suslained.  I  propose  lo  examine 
some  of  these  grounds,  before  I  proceed,  how- 
ever, 1  wish  iny  own  views  to  be  distinctly  under- 
stood. I  admit  ihe  power  of  this  Government  to  ap- 
propriate any  necessary  amount  of  money  to  im- 
prove harbiU's  which  are  uecessary  for  the  prolec- 
tion  ol'ilie  navy  of  the  United  Slales.  This  power  is  . 
iiiM'cssary,  indispiinsably  necessary, and  proper,  lo 
carry  into  execution  the  jiower  exju-essly  granted 
"to  laovide  and  inainlani  a  navy."  i!ut  I  deny 
that  there  is  any  power  in  the  Conslimtion  lo 
iiiipro\e  the  nuvigal  on  of  rivers,  whether  they 
(low  throniih  one  Sla  e  or  twenty  Stales.  If  tlii.<  - 
(iovermnent  has  the  power  lo  improve  the  navi 
gallon  of  rivers,  in  ouier  lo  facililaie  the  transpor- 
lalioii  of  troops  an  I  nunrilions  of  war,  they  have 
Ibe  powir  lo  ccnislr.ict  railroads  throiigli  the  Stairs 
for  Ihe  same  piirpos  •.  What  would  bconie  of  llie 
Niivereignly  and  I  he  security  of  the  Slates,  if,  in  ad-  i 
dilion  lo  Ihe  war  and  the  money  power,  yon  add 
the  power  of  making  roads  and  canals  penelratin; 


taken  refuge  is  that  provision  of  the  Coiislllution 
t  which  gives  the  power  to  dispose  of,  and  make  all 
\  needful  rules  and  regulations  respecting,  the  terri- 
,  lory  and  other  projierty  belonging  lo  the  United 

Slales. 
'  Does  not  everybody  at  once  perceive  that  lliis 
,  provision  was  only  inieiakd  In  vest  in  Cmigress 
the  same  control  over  the  Icnilorij,  ilial  it  did  over 
the  olher  jn'opniij  belonging  to  the  United  Slales, 
and  not  to  trench  upon  the  sovereignty  and  juris- 
diction of  the  Slates ,'  And  yet  it  has  been  used 
for'llic  purpose  ofenabling  Congress  to  appropriate 
money  lo  improve  linrbors  and  rivers;  to  make 
iinprovenienis  in  llic  .Slates;  and  not  only  the  ini- 
provemenls  of  tlie  rivers,  but  at  this  very  session 
bills  have  passed  this  body  giving allernate  sections 
to  a  very  large  amount  of  the  public  lands  in  several 
of  the  Slates  to  make  or  to  finish  railroads.  This 
is  the  doiUrine  upon  this  point  held  by  Congress  to 
tlie  Slates;  "  We  own  ihe  land,  but  cannot,  under 
the  doctrines  thatoiicf  pievailed,  make  internal  im- 
nrovemciils  in  the  Stales;  but  if  you  will  take  the 
land  and  make  a  railroad  or  a  canal,  you  may 
have  it." 

rs'ow,  I  do  not  (lue.stion  the  power  of  Congress 
to  make  all  needful  rules  and  regulations  respect- 
in:;  ihu  Icrrilonj  ma\  oilier  ymiyicWi/ belonging  lo 
the  United  Slates;  it  is  granted  for  that  purpose  in 
express  terms.  Hut  1  do  deny  that  Congress 
have  the  power,  under  this  grant,  to  dispose  of  pro|i- 
erly  for  the  purpose  of  violating  ilie  Constitution. 
And  in  ihe  case  of  those  allernate  sections,  it  is 
corrupting  to  the  giver  and  to  the  receiver.  It  is 
a  glaring  sirelcli  of  power  on  the  iiart  of  this  Gov- 
ernment to  grant  the  land  for  sucii  a  purpose,  and 
an  act  of  downright  nieaiiness  on  the  pari  of  the 
Stales  10  accept  them  for  such  a  pmjiose.  I  look 
iipon  the  public  land  belonging  to  the  United  Slates, 
as  the  IVamev.i  of  ihe  Conslilutiini  loidted  upon  it, 
that  is,  lis  ;n'(;/i(')7i/  belonging  lo  the  United  Slates. 
And,  as  I  .said  on  a  Ibriner  occasion,  Congriss 
lane  no  more  right  or  power  to  give  two  millions 
of  dollars' wiulh  of  land  to  make  a  railroad  in  Illi- 
nois or  Alichigan,  thereby  withlioldiiigthat  amount 
ot'  money  from  the  treasury,  than  they  have  to 
appropriate  two  millions  of  dollars  direclly  from 
the  treasury  to  make  a  railroad  in  Maine  or  AIiis- 
sachnsells.    The  public  land  and  the  money  in  the 


evirv  porlimi  mid  .section  of  the  Union,  and  lo  en-  .    treasury  belimg,  eoually,  lo  the  United  Stales;  and 
■'.'..  .....  :      .■  .•  .1.1    I  .1.;..!.  :.  ...Ill  ,t'.i; :...;.,...: 


•ai:e  ill  the  improvement  of  the  navigation  of  th 

lakes  and  rivers  for  federal  purpoM's  r     II  would 

proiliire  at  once  tin  conllictof  juri.siliilion  between 

Ihe    Slate    and    I'ederal    Govern ill,    lo    guard 

imainsl  which,  was  a  fundamenliil  olijccl  wilh  the 
IVamei'S  of  the  Cimslilntiini,  and  wilhoiit  which, 
Ihiil  insiriinicnt  never  would  have  been  adopted  by 


I  think  il  will  reipiire  powers  of  di.^ci'nninaiioii  not 
often  met  wilh,  lo  poinl  out  the  iliO'erence  betwieii 
them.  The  Senator  from  Mississippi  |Mr.  Sri;i(iirr] 
had  ihe  solnlion  of  ilie  \iliole  problem  at  his  lin- 
gers' end,  when  he  was  about  to  whip  through  his 
ahernate  scclioii  I'earl  river  bill;  but  he  has  not 
yet  favored  us  with  it.    The  Irulli  is,  his  bill  was 


bum  feeler,  the  advnncc-guard  of  this  system;  nntl 
I  iiave  no  idea  that  my  honorable  friend  from  Mis- 
si.ssippi  had  the  least  ideii  that  his  gallantry  wni) 
about  lo  lend  him  lo  l.illle  fori — a  sort  of  liog 
leiilldic — where  there  is  neither  traler  nor  eom- 
merce,  and  which,  by  the  courtesy  of  lliis  bill,  in 
ycleped  a  harbor.  There  is  niiolher  curious  feii- 
ture  in  this  proceeding.  I  do  not  believe  ihal  there 
is  a  solitary  item  in  this  bill  that  would  pass,  if  it 
stood  alone;  and  yet  the  whole  bill  coninining  a 
hinidred  items,  nmonnting  to  nearly  a  million  and 
a  liidf  of  dollars,  is  lo  pass  by  a  large  majority; 
because,  as  the  Senator  from  Indiana  .s.iys,  il  is  ii 

■  bill  of  concessions.  That  is  to  say,  one  million 
three  hundred  and  odd  thousand  dollars  are  to  bo 
appropriated    tor  internal    improvemenis    in    the 

'  Slales,  and  the  Senators  and  Kepre.senlativea  of 
the  Stales  in  which  the  appropriations  are  lo  ho 
expended,  vote  for  the   bill,  in  order  to  gel  their 

[  respective  distributive  shares  of  the  appropriations. 
And  this,  1  suppose,  is  what  we  are  lo  understand 
by  cojiccMioH.    That  is,  they  coiirci/c  nearly  a  mil- 

'  lion  and  n  half  from  the  treasury  and  divide  among 
the  Slales    they  represent  I     And   that,  too,  at  a 

i  lime  when  the  country  is  involved  in  a  foreign 
war,  and  borrowing  money  and  issuing  treasury 
notes  to  carry  il  on. 

'  What,  I  ask,  would  be  thought  of  tlie  temerity 
and  hardihood  of  any  member  of  this  body  who 
would,  in  the  present  condition  of  the  country  and 
of  Ihe  treasury,  bring  forward  a  jiroposition  lo 
borrow  u  million  and  a  half  of  dollars  to  accom- 
plish the  objects  contemplated  by  this  bill;  And 
yet  it  amout'ils  lo  the  very  same  thing.  T.ike  tliia 
amount  from  the  treasury,  and  you  will  have  to 
supply  il  in  treasury  notes,  by  a  loan,  or  by  direct 
taxes.  I  was  gratified  that  the  Senator  from 
Tennessee  oU'ered  an  amendment  to  appropriate 
*>1I)I),U0U  fiH'  the  improvement  of  the  Tennessee 
river,  which  runs  through  a  part  of  my  own  Slale, 
because  il  afforded  nic  the  op|iorluiniy  of  indicating 
my  decided  ojiposition  to,  and  utter  dclcstalion  of, 
the  whole  system,  as  unconstiiiitioiiiil,  unwise, 
inexpedient,  unjust,  corrupting  in  iis  tendency, 
and  destructive  of  all  morality  in  leg!  'atioii:  a  sys- 
tem of  broadcast,  undisgiii.sed  log-r,,iling,  which, 
if  not  arrested,  is  to  infu.-ie  itself  into,  and  pcison, 

,  the  whole cuiTcnlofyoiirlegislation.  Sir,  I  would 
not  vole  for  this  bill  if  every  dollar  appropriated 
by  it,  and  ten  limes  as  much,  was  to  be  i:xpended 
in  Alabama.  The  peo|ile  of  that  proud-spirited 
and  palriotii^  State  do  not  desire  iniprov  nents  lo 
be  made  within  her  limits  upon  the  nuns  of  a 
violated  ('oiistitulion,  and  at  the  expense  of  any 
pintion  of  her  sovereignly.  They  do  not  sell 
tli-.ir  birthright  for  a  mess  of  pottage,  or  a  paltry 
appropriation.  They  learned  their  political  lessons 
in  other  schools.     We  are  gravely  reiniiided,  liow- 

,    ever,  that  the  |>rinciple  contained  in  this  bill  has  been 

i|  practised  upon  by  every  Adminislralion  from  the 

r  foundation  of  the  Government  down  to  the  present 
day.    Mr.  President,  no  one  cherishes  more  respect 

!   for  the  opinions,  entertains  more  veneration   for 

.  the  memories,  feels  more  gralilude  for  the  services, 
'  or  Bilmiralion  for  the  talents,  virtue,  and  palriotisni 

,  of  the  great  and  eminent  men  who  have  gone  be- 
fore us  ill  the  Irack  of  public  alt'airs,  and  especially 
the  frnmers  of  the  Consiitntioii,  than  1  do.  Hut 
in  delermining  llie  solemn  question,  what  powers 
,  this  Government  may  or  may  not  exercise,  I  look 
lo  the  Constilntion  itself.  That  was  the  gieat 
chart  furnished  and  left  to  us  by  our  ancestors, 
to  guide  us  throuL'h  the  intricate  mazes  of  Icirisln- 

,  lion  through  all  future  time.  And  I  frankly  admit 
that  precedents   have  but   little   weiuhl  w'ith  mo 

■  where  ihc  langniige  of  the  Conslimtion  is  plain 
i    against  the  exercise  of  a  power,  or  where  it  is  silent 

hi  support  of,  it.  I  take  the  obvious  meaning  of  the 
1  words  in  the  one  case,  and  I  forbear  lo  iicl  in  the 
olher.  I  cannot  go  eoiuitcr  to  the  Conslitiiiion, 
where  ils  nauidiites  areclearand  unrpieslionable;  I 
cannot  iissnine  the  exercise  of  power  :,  where  that 
venerated  inslriunenl  is  silent.  The  powers  not 
granted  by  the  Conslilulion  are  not  to  he  assumed 
iiy  Congress;  they  are  reserved  to  llie  Stales  respect- 
ivcly,  or  lo  the  people,  and  to  ihe  Stales  ami  the 
neople,  they  shall  ever  be  maintained  and  defendeil 
liy  me.  .Sir,  this  has  not  only  been  the  ackiiowl- 
edired  creed  of  ihe  parly  to  which  you  and  I 
belon;,  since  the  tneniorable  revolulion  nceom- 
plished  by  Mr.  .Tefl'erson  and  his  political  nssociatnq 
Ii  in  IHOI;  but  it  hua  Hlao  been  a  fundanienial  article 


ft 
ill 


976 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  COIVGRESSIONAI.  GLOnE. 


2}>rH  CoNo 1st  Sbss. 


Tlie  TariJf—Mr.JiTodhcad. 


Ho. 


i)K 


fJnnc  25, 
Kkhh. 


r^ 


in  iho  creed  of  tlio  Uepuliliran  party,  lo  nlisuiiii 
from  tlic  cxnrrisc  oC  ildulilliil  powers.  If  tlie 
powers  of  the  Kcdornl  Uo\M'rninciil  are  ton  aliort, 
do  not  nltnnpt  to  slicloli  iliciii  liy  inipllciilioii,  Imt 
apply  to  tin-  people  :<ml  the  States,  who  reserved  lo 
Iheiiiselves  the  re.sidiiary  power,  to  enho':5(!  them. 
This  Government  has  no  constittitioinil  power  to 
eiit  a  lihide  of  j;rass,  loueh  a  fool  of  earth,  or  use 
a  drop  of  water,  in  th(^  Mmits  of  one  of  the  States 
of  this  I'nion,  unless  it  is  "  pnrehased  hy  the  eon-  | 
'  .sent  of  the  Lejislatnre  of  the  Slate  in  whieh  the  : 
'  Sana'  shall  lie,  f,.r  the  ercrijon  of  forls,  iiia;;a-  i 
'  ziiies,  arsenals,  doel<-yards,  anil  other  neeill'iil  ; 
'  Iniildinu's." — (Hth  seelioii  Isi  artirle  of  the  Con- 
stitution.) This  is  the  '^t^M  harrier  which  the  ; 
fniniers  of  the  ('onslilntion  eieelid  lielween  thi^ 
State  and  federal  jnrisdietion  up(tn  the  siiitjfct  of 
iiiaK'iii';  improvements  of  any  kind,  ninler  any 
pi('icNt,or  for  any  purpose,  in  the  limilsof  aStjile. 
And  they  are  exprissly  Inniled  to  plaeis  to  lie 
pnrehased  liy  the  ronseut  oi  the  Leirisiatmv  of  the 
Stale  in  whieh  the  same  may  he — '*  and  Wtr  the 
'  eieetion  nl'loi-ts,  mai.'a/ines,  arsenals,  doi-k-yai'ds, 
'  aial  other  iii'iill'nl  laiildin^s."  Wlirii  I  examine 
the  mounds  and  dikes  of  the  Consiiliiticm;  when 
I  look  al  those  ;;reat  partition  walls  intended  to 
divide  and  ki  ep  M'parale  .mil  apart  the  powers,  tin' 
rights,  and  the  duties  id"  the  Slate  and  l''cdeial 
<iov(  nimenl.s;  when  1  reeur  to  the  doetrines  whie.h 
linvailed  when  the  ehampions  of  the  rights  of  the 
.Slates  were  alive  and  aw. ike,  and  sianliii';  iipnii 
the  waleh-lovi'er  of  Slate  rights  and  popular  lilicrly, 
and  see  how  they  liavt;  all,  all  yielded  to  the  tide 
of  eniroaehment,  of  impliealioi»,  of  construction, 
and  of  innovation,  which  iverand  anon  has  lashed 
a:;ainsl  iliein,  and  which,  like  a  rude  resistless 
torrent,  is  sweepinir  everythmi:;  lieaiitil'ul  in  the  I 
tluory,  or  valualde  in  the  praciice,  of  onr  free  and 
ijlorions  insiiiniioiis,  into  the  yawning'  sjiilf  of 
ionsolidniion,  I  shudder  for  the  jitrpeluity  of 
iMir  federative  system.  ! 

What  hasliec'cnne  of  the  ;;real  fundamental  truth, 
thai  this  IS  a  t  iovernnient  of  limited  powers?  What 
has  heeome  of  the  axiimi  that  the  powers  not  n;iant- 
ed  lo  this  tioverinui'iit  are  reseived  lo  the  .Stales 
respectively  or  to  the  pe'oph:  r  What  has  heeome 
of  ihe  riudii-s  of  the  .Stales,  to  secure  which,  in  their 
plinilude  and  purity,  the  aspirations  of  the  purest 

iMtrioLs  were  (elevated,  and  the  liesl  liloodofthe 
Sevolntion  was  spilt.- — lo  secure  which,  the  elo- 
i|uence  of  III  nry  ihiiiideiTil  and  the  life-hlooi!  of 
Warren  was  ponrcil  outr  What  has  In  coine  of 
that  <;reat  admonitory  and  cardinal  maxim  in  the 
Itepiiltlieun  creed,  to  aijstain  from  the  exereijic  of 
doiiiitfid  priwi'rs.'  What  has  heeome  of  that  oiii  e 
beautiful  and  ijlorious  I'ederalive  sysU'in,  formed  in 
wise  I'al  revennlial  imitaiion  of  the.  ureal  system 
of  ih.  r,\.  sc,  with  a  Federal  Govermiuni,  like 
the  sun,  .  .  ihe  ci-nlre,  imparlini.'  Iii;ht  and  heat  to 
llie  eircnmfi  reiice,  and  the  so\ereii:n,  independent 
Stales,  revolviii'j;  like  plaiieis,  haruioniously  and  ' 
happily,  III  traiii|nillily  anil  order,  in  their  iesi)eel-  ' 
i\e  spheres-    ,Slr,  they  are  einie — all  {;'""'■  I 

"ti.ili'  ■jtiaiiiterniL'  lliii>iii*ti  lllc  nii>l  al  Iiitii'.'-  llint  wen' —  ; 
A  mImimI  I»h'.<  liitc,  tlic!  ivuiKliT  1)1  101  linur." 
If,  instead  of  conliiiiiii;  ilie  action  ot'  this  Govern- 
ment williin  Ihe  limits  priscrilied  for  it  hy  a  writ- 
ten Coiisliinlioii:  if,  instead  of  tin'  l.indmarks  tixi  d 
hy  the  fathers  of  the  IJemocratic  eliuri  h,  you  aie 
to   resort  to  eontiniporaneons   eonsiruciioiis  and 

riolilii  al  precedents,  your  Constiliiiioii  is  a  dead 
ettcr,  and  ihr  Itepnldican  creed  is  a  farce.  Lei  lis 
look  into  these  contemporaneous  exposilions  iind 
political  precedenis,  and  .see  how  far  liny  onu'lu 
to  he  liindiii','  and  (dj|ii.'alory  U[ion  us  in  prac- 
tice. Aecnrdinir  to  his  irii  at  eoieniporary  and 
siiceessful  rival,  [.\li.  ,Ielleison,|  the  elder  Adams 
was  chief  anion:.-  the  iniulity  Imnd  that  set  the 
hill  of  the  llevoliiiion  III  iiiotioii.  Thron;;hoiil 
ihe  Kevolmion,  he  wa>  **a  pillar  of  ciniid  hy 
day,  and  a  pillar  of  lire  hy  niL'lit."  ^'et  he 
approved  and  executed  the  alien  and  seditimi 
laws.  Mr.  .Miidisou,  llie  chief  architi  ct  in  ihe  for- 
mation of  the  (.'onsiiiiilion,  approved  and  signed 
the  chart!  r  of  llie  IJaiik  of  the  riiileil  .Slales — all 
insiiiiitioii  which  Inis  exisiid  for  forty  years  in  the 
histoi'V  ot  the  ( lovt  iniiK  III,  and  h.nl  Us  origin  un- 
der the,  adiiiinistnilioii  of  one,  who,  in  the  laii'.,'iinu'e 
of  a  "lent  Ih'itish  stalesniaii,  "  liunisheil,  more  than 
any  other  hiiinan  Iiiiiil-,  the  idea  of  n  peiiici  man." 
it*,  then,  wf'  are  hoiiiid  hy  contemporaiieons  evpo- 
silionii  of  Ihe  Coiislitiition  and  political  precedenis. 


Ihe  alien  and  sedition  laws  itnd  the  Uank  uf  the 
Unihd  Stales  ought  still  lo  he  in  existence.  I'or 
they  had  llieir  orifjin  with  men  as  pure,  as  patriolie, 
and  eiilii;hlencil,  as  humanity  is  capahle  ofliein:^. 

I  itdvert,  sir,  to  lhe.se  points  in  our  political  histo- 
ry, not  to  casi  11  shade  of  censure  on  the  vi'iierated, 
illustrioiiH,  and  patriotic  deail,  hut  for  the  piirpo.se 
of  showiiii;  they  were  liul  men,  and  lh;ii  it  is  safer 
to  look  lo  the  Constitution  ilself,  than  in  rely  on 
any  exposition,  although  sanctioned  hy  lime,  and 
approved  in  some  instances  liy  the  hijjhest  oiderof 
virtue,  iiUelli;;enee,  and  patnolism.  And,  aliove 
all,  I  do  it  for  the  purposeof  reminding;  the  .Si  iiate 
thai  this  is  not  a  Ciovernmenl  of  precedents  iii.d 
preKcriplioii,  hut  ihat  our  forefathers  rested  the 
lilessiiiL's  which  they  intended  to  secure  to  theni- 
.M'lves  and  llieir  poslcriiy  on  ihe  iniiniilahle  Ijasis 
of  a  written  eoiiiiliiution.  Show  me  Ihi:  gi'aiil,aiid 
I  will  ;;ive  you  the  power;  or  show  me  tliiit  the 
lliiiii;  piopo.sed  to  he  done  is  necessary  and  proper 
lo  carry  some  i;raiited  power  into  I'Xeciition. 

.Mr.  I'ri'siden;,  never  more  clearly  than  at  the 
present  moment,  and  m  reference  to  the  liiil  now 
under  coirsiileration,  have  1  la  en  made  to  rea!i/e 
tile  i:ri'ai  and  hitter  truth,  that  the  last  eonditioii  of 
human  life  and  human  all'aii's  imiiixciI,  and  ih  epiy 
liii:;eil,  with  e\il',  and  that  when  poor  tVail  iiiaii 
"  would  ilo  irood,  evil  wa.'-  continually  hifoie  him." 
h'rom  the  i  oiniiii;  inlo  power  ot'  llie  present  Ad- 
niini.stiiiiioii  tlieeyes,  not  only  of  the  people  of  this 
country,  lait  ot'  Cnristeinlom,  have  heeii  lookiii'4  to 
the  action  of  the  piesent  t-oni;ress.  h'tir  the  lirst 
time  in  many  years,  the  I'ixecutive  and  Icijislative 
hranches  of  the  Governmenl  were  in  perfcci  pnluical 

liai ny — the  I'resident  had  heeii  elecied  hy  adem- 

ociaiie  majority,  and  m  hotli  Houses  of  (;onu:ress 
there  were  clear  and  decided  deinocr  ilic  luajorities. 
Ill  this  slate  of  thin^-s,  eeriain  pled^jes  had  to  he 
redeemed,  and  ceriain  ^ri'al  principles  hail  to  he 
carried  out.  One  of  the  pleili;es  to  he  rideemed, 
and  one  ot'  llie  ^-leal  principles  to  he  canied  out, 
was  the  repeal  ot  the  tarilf  of  '1:.',  and  the  eslaidlsh- 
ment  of  tint  revenue  standaril  in  Ihe  colleciion  of 
duties  on  impoits.  At  the  end  of  lime  ti'dious 
monihs  tliu  Dciiiocratic  parly  are  ahoiit  to  triiiinph 
in  the  passaiju  of  an  act  reiieahni;  tlii'  tarilf  of  '-IrJ, 
and,  to  some  extent,  iii  liie  esiahlishmeiil  of  the 
principle  for  wliicli  we  had  so  Ion;;  contendeil. 
We  sliall  prolialily  triumph,  not  without  some  loss 
and  in  ii|ipositioii  to  a  pariy  wliicli,  for -/.cd,  lalenis, 
and  dcMiiion  lo  llieir  cause  and  their  principles, 
would  do  honor  to  any  party  in  any  a^e  or  coun- 
try. The  lime  fir  which,  not  kin^s  and  propliit.:, 
hut  I'or  which  patriots  and  statesnien  had  loie,'  look- 
ed, when  the  sliackl. .  of  commerce  and  the  niijust 
restrictions  of  the.  proiei'tive  system  were  alioiit  to 
he  broke  loo.'<e,  and  when  Ihe  pi'ople  of  the  <  oim- 
try  were  alioiit  to  he  taxed,  not  lor  the  heiieiii  of  a 
loni;  hu'lily-liuoied  class,  hut  for  the  siipporl  of  the 
l;ovi  riiiiii  lit  of  their  choice,  econoniically  adminis- 
tered, seems  to  hedawnini,'  In  upon  us.  Ihit  hi'f  ni! 
we  have  time  to  raise  the  slioiu  of  victory,  mtn  h 
less  to  reah'/e  and  enjoy  iis  li'iumjdis,  we  are  dis- 
tiirhed  anil  ama/.ed  hy  the  shucks  of  ihe  ravenous 
liirds  of  prey,  who  lineer  arouinl  llic  hatlle-liild 
where  vie.iory  and  ,i;loi'y  are  won,  to  pounce  upon 
the  wounded,  and  t;liit  tiieir  liiiiii;ry  maws  upon  the 
I'alleu  and  the  slaiir,  and  this  hill  uf  ciiii('c.«ioii.?  has 
made  its  appearance. 

Sir,  it  is  vain  that  the  ^reat  haltle  of  principle  has 
heen  loii^ht  U{  on  the  larilf  and  is  alioiil  to  he  won; 
it  IS  yam  llial  the  I'residenlhanreih'i  nieil  the  pled;;e 
he  111. llie  to  the  coiintiy;  it  is  vain  that  the  Secretary 
of  the  Tre.ismy  has,  for  the  (irsl  lime  in  the  lu.s- 
tiiry  of  the  country,  presi  nti'd  the  trne  ihietrines 
of  the  Constitution  m  his  annual  report;  it  is 
vain  that  the  Deinocriiiic  ini'inhers,  alino.st  with 
entire  unammily,  m  the  two  Houses  of  ( 'oiiL,'ress, 
where  they  were  not  tianiiia  lied  liy  instriiciions, 
have  sum  ndered  all  minor  ihtlerences  of  opinion 
upon  the  altar  of  their  country,  for  the  purpose  of 
aliro;;;ilin^'  11  system  under  which  the  people  have 
too  loni:  and  too  patiently  siilfe red;  it  is  utterly  in 
vain  that  all  or  any  of  these  lhm::s  have  heen  done, 
if  Moi'decai,  the  .lew',  or  JManmion,  ihe  ^lant,  is  lo 
piisent  himself  upon  llie  very  heels  of  the  ripeal 
of  the  larilf,  in  the  I'orin  of  this  odious  nieasme  t  i 
improve  certain  harhors  and  rivers.  We  lane  hut 
"  I'xchaie^ed  a  plii'j:ne  for  the  leprosy."  We  are 
ahout  III  di'i\e  away  ihe  inannt'ai  tiiicrs,  already 
iiiarly  i;liitii'd  hy  a  loin;  comse  of  f.ivoiitisni  and 
proteeliiiii,and  lo  unite  a  new  and  hungry  .-iwarin. 


j  whose  name  is  lef;ion,  in  the  form  of  interiml  iin- 
;  provement  and  liarhois  and  rivers,  who  will  sni'k 
!  out  the  vitals  of  your  treasury,  and  hriiiK^realanil 
I  lastiiiLT,  and,  I   Icar,  insiipportahle  evils  upon  the. 
country — to  reali'/.e,  w  ilh  fearful  reality,  the  fahl.' 
of  the  fox  and  the  llica.    I  am  determined  lo  aci|ui( 
myself,  ri'oiii  fust  to  last, of  all  participation  in  ilii  i 
I  monstrous  system.     And  I   here  declare,  lli.it  if  I 
had  lo  decide  this  day  lielween  the  principle  in 
volved  in  this  hill  and  the  jiroteclive  system — and 
I  speak  of  the  proiecivi'  system  in  its  niosl  odioiiM 
land   oppressive  form,  and  not  that  haslnrd  lliiiL; 
'  called  iiiriilrnliil  protection,  (for  if  I  had  the  power 
I  would  expuii;;elhe  word  iiiiiilnilnt  from  the  Ian 
!;iia;;e,)  hut  downri';lil,  direct  protection — protic. 
lion  for  llie  sakeof  prolcetion — I  would  choose  tip' 
latter.     V'or  while  |  eoiisider  them  cipially  viola 
I  live   of  the    Constitiiliou    and  (leslruelive  of  the 
'  i;rneral   interest  of  the  country — while  the    pi'o- 
ieiiivc  policy  is  uiijiisl,  uneipial,  and  oppressive 
lo  some  sections,  it  at  lea:^t  has  the  uiiworlhy  nicni 
of  conferrini;  comfort,  and  compelcncy,  and  pros- 
perity upon  thousands  in  other  sections.     Not  so 
withthe  system  emhraced  hy  this  hill.     I  see  in 
it  the  exh.u'istion  of  the  treasury,  the  ruin  of  the 
Constitution,  and  the  deslriiclion  of  all   moraliiv 
in  the   pnhlic   lci;islatiim.     I  look  forward  to  the 

■  lime  when  this  ;;iiranlie  nionsicr  will  he  seen 
slretchin'_'  its  llriarean  liaiiils  into  ihe  Ireasiuy 
from  a  hiuiili'ed  finarters;  when  it  is  to  trinmpii 
over  the  piinciples  of  the  Conslilulion  and  the 
ri';lils  of  the  .Slates,  and  the  whole  system  of  your 

■  legislation  IS  lo  he  sulijecied  to  its  controlling'  and 
'  corriiplin;;  inlluciice.  jNolliiui;  lull  an  earnest  de- 
sire to  avert  from  my  country  these  i;i'eat  evil.s, 
could  have  induced  me  at  a  time  like  this,  and  un- 
der such  disconrau-inir  eircunistances,  to  ih'tain  the 
Senate  lonu;euouL'li  to  express  my  deep  alihorrence 

:  and  utter  detestation  of  the  whole  system. 

.MInsion   has  heen   made — perhaps   improperly 

'  made — to  Ihe  fate  this  hill  is  likely  to  meel  in  an 

,  other  cpiartcr. 

It  is  iuipossihie  for  ine  to  know  what  are  the 
views  of  the  K.xecntive  upon  this  siiliji'ct.  As  it 
has  heen  alluded  to,  however,  I  will  only  .say,  thai 
if  he  should  he  aide  to  raise  himself  to  that  hi:;li 
moral  elevation  from  which  he  could  look  to  the 
interest  of  the  wieile  country,  uniidliienced  hy  loc;d 
considerations  lor  the  paltry  hopes  of  seel ional  lien- 

'  efits,  and  preserve  from  ihrcaleiied  violation  and 
daiiL'i  r  the  true  princiiiles  of  llie  ( 'onstitntion,  hy 
piitinii;  the  seal  of  eonilemnalion  upon  this  hill,  he 
will  he  siipei'MildiiiL;  fresh  claims  to  the  pnhlic  eon 

'  fiilence,  of  which  his  aide,  e<insistenl,  and  patriotic, 
pnhlic  services  have  already  entitled  hiiu  to  a  larye 

'  share. 


Tilt:   TAUlh'F. 

SI'HKCIl  Ol'  MR.  U.  JilJODHKAD 

or  PE.\.\SV1,V.\NIA, 
In  rtiK  lIuesK.  or  Iti;fUi;sKxr.VTiVKs, 
./iiiicL'."!,  IKKi. 
The  T.u'iir  hill  hi'iii',' under  consideraiion  In  Coni- 
niiilee  of  the  Whole  on  the  stale  of  the  Union, 
Mr.  <.;onii,  of  Gcori;ia,  in  the  chair — 
Mr.  liliODIIl'lAUohlained  the  door.nnd  com 
nienced   hy  olisei'vini;  that  the  House  would   hiar 
him  witness  that  since  he  had  been  a  memlier  he 
had  constantly  .sought  lo  render  himself  useful  ns 
11   working-man,   rather  than  conspicuous  In  the 
way  of.s|ieech-makin:;.     I'oliiical  discnssion.s,  per 

sonal ti'ovei'sies  and  explanations,  and  disput'  s 

ahoni  points  of  oi'diM',  (he  said,)  were  ^eiierailv 
miprolii.ihle  to  the  memhers  and  the  cmuilry,  and 
miintia'estiiii;  to  those  who  rend  onr  proeeedini;.-'. 
As  he  had  studiously  avoided  all  ihese,  he  chiimed 
the  indiil'.;etice  of  the  coumiittee  with  some  conll 
dciice,  for  the  rca.sons  which  would  appear  durin  ", 
the  eoiu'se  of  his  remarks,  while  he  expressed  sonh' 
of  the  motives  which  would  inllueiice  hi.-'  eonr.  e 
upon  Ihe  p'cat  siihject  now  under  consideration. 

Two  measures  (said  .Mr.  11.)  liavini;  refirenee 
lo  the  revenue  and  protective  policy  of  tlic  (oiverti 
nieni  are  now  under  consideiation — tne  act  of  llie 
;tlltli  of  Au:;iist,  l.-s'l'.>,  and  the  hill  now  upon  the 
table  reported  by  a  in.'ijia'ity  of  the  Committee  ot' 
Ways  and  Means,  and  imendcd  as  a  snhstitute  for 
it.  The  old  l.iw,  the  e\  ils,  and  the  riinedy,  are 
subjectH  for  deliberation  and  debate.     The  powi  r 


•fiino  y5, 
Uei'h. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSTONAT.  GTX)BE. 


J)77 


i29TH  CoNo IsT  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  lirodhcnd. 


Nkw  Skries....No.  62. 


of  lefriMliitinii  ix  Kiiil  In  lie  ttic  mint  important  trtist 
wliiili  mull  run  confide  to  liiii  fcllnw  niiin.  In  cxc- 
•■iiiiim  i>f  iliis  triiHi,  1  inn  culled  ii|i(in  to  cIiohhk  be- 
tween tliesc  two  niiiwiiiTs,  iieitlicr  of  wliicli,  in  all 
tlieir  ilclnils,  ia  iilcft.-ilns;  li>  me.  It  ia,  ilirroforc,  n 
chiiicd  of  f\\\s\  Imt  iif  ttiia  I  dii  iiiit  conipJHin,  for 
till'  lives  iifllie  lii'Ml  (ifiiH  niTsiicMt  in  cliooaing  bc- 
IwiuMi  pvila.  1 1  IS  the  w«y  we  (irc  olilijvd  to  gux 
nloiis;  in  lejjislntinn,  mid  it  ia  llio  wiiy  wc  get 
tliriuiijli  tills  nicm'ii  mul  pervorsi:  world. 

The  lionoralile  miitlemnn  fi'iim  Indiann,  [Mr. 
'•wKN,]  ill  Ilia  «|iei'eli  II  few  daya  «aci,  iinnoniiced 
liiinseK  in  favnr  of  coiiiproniise  anil  coiicilinlioii, 
iiiid  invoked  iia  to  mecl  liini  anil  tlic  ollifr  iidvo- 
eiilcK  of  tlir  bill  iif  ilie  f^oiiimitU'P  of  Ways  an  I 
Meaim  in  that  s|)int.  Sir,  I  most  coiilially  accept 
Ilia  iiivitnlion,  and  ask  liiiii,  if  lie  is  );ov(Tiied  by 
tlial  apiril,  why  it  ia  ilinl  lie  dcairea  to  ehaii<j:o  and 
upturn  tlie  entiiti  rcveiiiin  policv  of  tliia  Oovern- 
iiicnl  in  one  acl  ? — why  it  ia  lliat  lie  sccka  to  repeal, 
(Voni  llic  lio','inniin  lo  tlic  end,  the  net  of  1842, 
which  wna  itself  diif  o/ fmn;»'omisT?  That  it  was 
forined  by  a  yieldin;;  of  iiili  rcala  and  a  sacrifice  of 
)i(oly  fcciin;;,  cannot  bn  denied,  and  hence  it  has 
inei'lla,  al  any  rale,  in  my  estinialioii,  for  I  nni  a 
ronipromiaer  (except  where  honor  and  principh: 
lire  com  enied)  iia  well  in  mallrra  which  ivlate  to 
invself  aa  those  which  pertain  to  fro*'<'>'i'i'l''"'i>' 
nll'iiirs.  It  was  in  this  way  that  our  Conslilulion 
Mas  formed — that  !;rcnl  charier  of  our  liberties, 
under  which  the  |  eople  of  this  country  have 
f,'rowii  and  prospered  beyond  precedent  in  tl;o 
arinala  of  nationa.  I,ei  any  man  look  at  the  his- 
tory of  iia  fornialion  and  adoption,  r.nd  he  will 
tind  ihal  polincal  nninioailiea,  local  inleresin,  pri- 
vate ^rievancea,  Siale  coiiacipiencea,  favorite  sya- 
teina — ill  full',  all  the  most  powerfnl  anil  obalinnte 
(las'^iona  of  llie  Ininian  heart  were  all  sacrificed 
.•la  llie  price  of  iia  iiiirchase.  The  "  old  thirteen" 
became  a  naiioii  by  a  coiuproniiae  of  conHictinir 
interesls.  In  a  eonnlry  of  sndi  vast  extent,  of 
such  divei'RJfied  i-liinale,  yiri  dnctions,  inlere.sts,  and 
pnraiiiis,  no  rcventie  law.s  can  be  framed  except  in 
the  moat  liberal  spirit  of  coiii]tromise;  for,  in 
nilopiiim-  lawa  for  the  good  of  the  whole,  some 
lillh^  injury  niiist,  of  tieceasity,  be  done  to  the 
parla.  I'lcsident  I'olk  said,  in  his  Tiiain;iiral  Ad- 
dress on  ihe  4ili  of  March,  1845;  "  It  ia  a  subject 

*  upon  wliii'h  conlbciiii!^  intercua  of  sectiona  and 

•  occupations  are  siippoaeil  lo  exist;  and  a  spirit  i<f 

♦  miilmil  raitrrssioti  and  rom/iromisf  in  (i(ljii$tiiii;  ils 

*  dettiih  shinilti  Iif  rlitrhhfd  hij  rvrnt  part  ([four  v'nh- 
'  siirmd  ciiiinlni,  i\f.  the  only  iiieana  of  preservipn; 
'  hariuouy  and  a  cheerful  aciiuieacenre  of  nil  in  the 
'operalicuia  of  the  revenue  lawa."     In  lliia  aciili- 
iiient   I   inosi  rheerfiilly  concur,     lint  thoiisli  the 
«-\lenl  of  our  coiinlry,  and  its  diverailicd  interesla, 
may  render  Kcaeral' revenue  laws  dillicnlt  of  nd-  ' 
jualment  and  exei'iilion,  ycl,  thanks  to  the  wise  ! 
Iranicrs  of  the  Conatitiilion,  a  vast  internal  and 
eoastins;  trade  is  allowable,  willi  which,  in  nmoiint  ' 
and  value,  our  loreign  comineicc  ia  not  to  be  com-  ' 
pared      Thia  ia  llie  kinil  of  free  trade — .Jiiicnnin 
t'irflradr—\  advoi'ale,aiid  wiali  In  exieiid,  between  i 
a  people  whose  hnMis,  (lorrmmrul,  and  riiri'fiic!/  i 
are  aimitar.     It  aeeina  to  be  very  much  overlooked  | 
and  undervalued  lately,  but  that  should  not  excite  i 
wonder,  for  ihe  ^miivI  we  aeldoni  miss  we  rarely] 
nri/.e.     Our  foreif.'n  commerce  ia  but  a  drop  in  llic  ! 
fiucket  when  coin|iared  with  llie  value  of  our  in- 
ternal free  trade.     The  productiona  of  the  industry  I 
of  my  own  nalive  Slate  far  exceed  in  value  our 
entire    t'oreign    commerce.     The    trade   upon    the  i 
main  line  of  llie  Pennsylvania  Slate  iniprovemenls 
will  shortly  exceed  it.     The  trade  upon  our  lakea,  t 
lo  say  notliiiiL'of  till' Miaaissippiani'  its  bninehea,  j 
now  exceeds  it.     The  Secretary  of  War,  in   his 
report,  says:  "With  tlie  Rclllement  and  {growth 

*  of  the  weatcrn  country,  the  commerce  upon  these 
'  inland  seas  (the  lakes)  has  ra]iidly  increased,  and 

*  lis  eatimiited   annual   anionnt   now  exceeds,  in 

*  value,  the  entire  I'xporia  of  the  products  and  | 
'  nianufai  Inrea  of  the  United  .Stales  to  all  foreipi  i 
'  eonntries."  IJiit  lo  rclurn  from  thia  little  ili- ' 
ftreasion,  in  which  I  have  indnlu:ed  for  the  purpose  j 
of  ahowini;  the  value  of  our  home  iiuirkets,  and  i 
that  onr  iii/cniii/  a[yiih'H  tmd  (/eiiics/ic  in(/i(s/n/  xlnntld  -. 
nnl  hr  nrirlitiil.rd.  I  have  said  thai  the  act  of  184^ 
waa  one  of  coinproniise,  and,  aa  I  always  like  to  i 
follow  an  asaerlion  with  the  evidence  of  its  cor-  j 
rcclnesa,  I  now  proceed  Willi  the  proofs. 

In  lti4'Jihedutiea,iiiiilerMr.Chiy'aComproinise 


net  of  IKO,  came  down  to  30  per  cent,  nd  valorem  i 
upon  all  arliclea,  wilhont  reference  t^i  their  nature  ' 
or  kind — upon  the  luxuries,  as  well  ns  ilic  neccs-  j 
snriea  of  life.     The  whole  amount  of  Tvemic  pro- 
duced waa  lesa  than  aevenleen  millions.    The  flitni 
reipiired  lo  piy  the  expenaea  of  the  Ooveinment , 
vyiia  about  thirty  millions.     A  lar^  debt,  in  nddi- 
tiini  to  the  one  cnnlracled  lo  carry  on  the  Florida  i 
war,  was  fast  accuniiilalin!:,  anil  a  reviaioti  of  the  ' 
revenue   lawa  llieiT'fore  became   neceasarv.     The 
Wliisr  C(in!;rc.qa  which  came  into  powe' with  Oen- 
ernl  llarriaon  went  to  work  to  do  it.     They  pasa- 
cd,  in  Jmiio,  |H4r},  a  bill  raisinL'  the  d'llies  nliovi'  2(1  ! 
per  cent,  on  aoiiie  arlirlea,  and  conllniiin2:  Ihe  dis-  ' 
Iribution  nnionj;  the  States  of  the  proreeda  of  the 
sales  of  the  public  lands,  in  pursuance  of  the  act  of 
IH'U.     The  nctof  1H4I  coniained  a  provision  that, 
if  the  diitiea  were  raised  above '.M)  tier  cent,  lliedla- 
iribnlion  should  not   be  ninde.     PieaiOent  Tyler 
veined   the  bill,  on  the  tjronnd  that  it  violated  llie 
spirit  of  Ihe  (Compromise  acl,  and  continued  the 
diatribnlion  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands  to 
the  Slalea.     IJy  this  lime  the  Whiffa  discovered  : 
that  they  had  fallen  into  a  ^reat  error  in   making  '' 
no  ileclaration  of  principles  for  the  ])iiblic  eye  in 
the  canvass  of  1840;   and  that,  not withslanilinjr 
they  had  succeeded  in  elecliiii;  "Tippecanoe  and  i 
Tyler  too,"  they  were  moat  masnificcnily  liiini- 
biiKired  and  bainbno/.led — "  cahoirled,"  lo  iiae  the  ! 
word  of  Ihe  honorable  gentleman  from  Kentucky, 
(Mr.  Dwis] — thi'inselves,  in  electing  .Tolin  Tyler. 
Mr.  Tyler  liirned  Democrat,  refused  lo  sioin  ilieir  j 
bank  eliai'tera,  and   Ilia  friends  and   ofHcc-lioldera 
asked  that  Justice  miiht  be  done  him.     In  Ihe  be- 
{;innin<;of  Aiiijual,  in  I  he  same  summer,  ihey  passed 
another  bill,  inipoainp;  a  duty  on  tea  and  enifee,  and  j 
eontaininn:  a  clause  conlinnin!;  the  diatribnlion  pol-  , 
icy.    Mr.  Tyler  again  vetoed  it,  principally  for  the  i 
reasons  before  staled.     The  Pemocratic  meml'ers  | 
of  Congress  anstnined  him,  and  Rlrenuoiislv  object- 
ed lo  the  distribution  and  Ihe  duty  on  tiaand  eo'flee. 
It  was  now  evident  that  some  compromise  niiist 
lake  place,  or  the  wheels  of  (Tovcrnnient  would 
stop.     The  rank  and  file  of  both  parlies  in  Con- 
grcs.s — those  who  care  more  for  the  eonnlry  than 
they  do  for  party — united  their  counsels,  and  llie 
existinirnct  waa  the  result.     The  leaders  of  I  nth 
parlies  voted  against  it.aa  the  .Tournnla  will  show. 
The  Whigs  yielded  the  distriimtion  clause,  besides 
making  aonie  other  modificaliona,  thereby  retain- 
ing  in   the  treasury  for  orilinary  purposes  about 
S'J-.'ilKl.OIK)  per  annum,  and  agreed  to  place  lea  and 
cod'ee,  on  which   it  was   proposed   lo  rai.'^e  near 
■SS.dOtVdOO,  in  the  free  list.     I  nm,  therefore.  Justi- 
fied in  saying  that  the  act  of  1843  was  the  result  of 
considerable  eonipromiae.    I'lit  the  honorable  gen- 
tleman from  Indiana  says  that  it  was  passed  by 
but  a  single  vote;  that  it  struggled  into  existence, 
and  that  it  was  not  satisfactory  to  the  men  who 
passed  it,  and  therefore  it  ought  to  he  repealed. 

The  fact  that  it  passed  by  but  one  vote  ia  no  i-ea- 
son  why  il  should  be  repealed,  provided  iia  prac- 
tical operation  liaa  been  beneficial;  but,  on  the 
contrary,  if  precedents  arc  entitled  to  any  weight, 
il  is  an  argument  in  its  favor.  A  single  vote  has 
determined  some  very  important  meaanres.  The 
great  English  Uevohnion  of  lfiH8  waa  determined 
by  one  or  two  majority  in  Parliament.  .Tefler.son 
wna  elected  in  the  place  of  Hiirr,  nfler  thirlyseven 
trials,  by  one  vote.  Most  of  the  acts  of  Congresa 
in  the  memorable  session  of  1704  were  carried  by 
the  casting  vote  of  the  Vice  Preaident.  The  vote 
of  New  York,  which  finally  led  to  the  convention 
for  framing  the  ]iresent  Constitution,  after  the  fail- 
ure of  the  Annapidis  allempt,  waa  carried  by  one 
vole.  A  bill  ehnrlering  n  Pank  of  the  irnitcd 
States  once  failed  by  the  casting  vole  of  Clinton, 
the  then  Vice  I'residenl.  And  last,  ihongli  not 
least,  Ihe  resolnlions  providing  for  the  admission 
of  Texas  into  the  United  Slates  were  carried  in 
the  Senate  by  one  vote.     I  well  recollect  the  night 

icy  passed,  and  the  deep  anxiety,  the  mingled 
11  ipea  and  fears  which  were  expressed  upon  that 
eventful  occasion.  lint  it  is  denounced  aa  a  Whig 
measure  by  soiiihern  gentlemen.  Sir,  these  gen- 
tlemen ought  to  recollect  that  the  Texas  reaoln- 
lions  were  siibmilled  by  a  Whig  from  Tenneasee, 
(.Mr.  KnowN,]  and  that  the  reaoliilion  of  notice  to 
Gnat  Uritnin,  which  lliev  supported  with  aa  much 
7.eal,  waa  drafted  by  a  Whig;  Senator  from  Ken- 
tucky, (Mr.  CniTTEsnF.N.(  I  speak  of  the  body 
and  main  fculurca  of  the  resolutions.     I  beg  leave 


to  say  to  these  t^nilomcn,  aonio  of  whnm  seemed 
to  rise  KO  nineli  above  party  consiilerations  noon 
Ihe  Oregon  question,  lliat  upon  a  subject  like  lliis, 
alTecting  the  living  and  the  Iniainesa  oCihe  people, 
I  leave  my  parly  Hag  at  the  door.  I  cannot  forget 
that  I  have  a  "  country  to  serve  aa  well  as  a  parly 
to  obey." 

The  art  of  1843,  on  n  rtvemtf  inonsiire,  haK  hfrn  a 
fynnd  one.  At  the  time  of  ils  passage  the  (govern- 
ment waa  largely  in  debt.  Treasury  notes  were 
iasiied,  and  loans  were  resorted  to.  We  liecanie 
borrowers  of  ihe  brokers  in  New  V'ork  and  Lon- 
don, lo  carry  on  ihrGovernmeMl.  Under  tlii.'*  net, 
and  the  proceeds  rf  the  land  salea,  we  have  obtain- 
ed revenue  enough  not  only  lo  pay  th'^  oxrwnsi  s 
of  the  (iovernnient,  but  to  pay  oil'  a  eonaiilerabln 
porlion  of  the  public  debt,  wliicli,  on  ihe  1st  of 
(Jetober  last,  nnionnlid  to  !J,I7,(I7."),4K'>  M.  During 
the  last  fiscal  year,  the  President  inlorms  us, 
in  Ilia  Measage',  that  over  eight  millions  of  the 
public  debt  was  paid;  anil  he  adds,  "  further  pay- 
'  merits  of  the  public  debt  would  have  been  made, 
'  in  anticipation  of  the  jieriod  of  its  reimbursement, 
'  under  the  anlhority  conferred  upon  the  Secretary 
'  of  the.  Treasury  by  llic  acts  of  .luly  'JI,  1841, 
'April  l.";,  1842,  and  March  :i,  184:i,  "had  not  the 
'  iinaeltleil  staler  of  our  relations  with  Mexico  nien- 
'  aced  hostile  eolliaioii  with  that  jiowcr."  The 
Secretary  of  theT'reasury  infornia  us,  in  his  report, 
that  the  receipts  and  exnenditiires  for  the  fiscal 
^ear,  ending  llie  30lli  of  June,  1k45,  stood  ns  fol- 


year,  en 
lows: 


RKCKlcra  ASn  MKAHS. 

I''rnni  cii^lniiis .iyV.WH.lia  70 

I'loiii  siili'sol-piililie  I.iikIk B.OVT.OW  :«) 

l-'r'Mii  iiij>celt;iiii>oii.-i  simrccs Ifia.ItliH  r.G 

Tnlill  rcceipl-- •l!l.7ll!l,f.i;t  .'<> 

Ailil  haliniee  in  tlie  treasury  1st  July,  IHII...      7.s.-,;,:i79  IM 

Tnial  menus ;)7,fiiJli,.'>13  'iO 

'  Tlie  exiicmlinirrs  ilnriniz  thesniiie  tl-eal  jeiir 

niuaaiiteil  lo  tile  sum  of Sy.Wia.-ain  1)8 

Ijcnviiiir  a  balance  ia  the  treasury  on  the  1st 
Jiiiy,i*ia,nr .'j-.ti-.f  .:ior.  aa 

This  certainly  exhibits  a  (irosporous  coiiditi''i 

of  the  treasury.     And,  air,  this  balnnce  hna  coi.- 

'  tinned   to  increase;  and  we  were  lately  informi :; 

.  that  we  had  over  Urtlve.  millimis  in  the  treasury,  lo 

■  begin  and  carry  on  the  war  with  Mexico,  in  order 
to  oDtain  indemnity  for  the  jiaat  and  security  for 

!  the  future.  .Sir, suppose  this  money  bad  not  been 
I  in  Ihe  treasury,  ami  we  had  been  obliged  to  raise 

the  ten  milliona  by  direct  taxation:  Pennsylvania, 
[  already  taxed  to  the  ultimatum  of  financial  device, 

would  have  been  obliged  to  pay  over  one  million 
,  thereof;  and    how   would    Indiana,    Illinois,  and 

Michigan,  wlieae  Representatives  are  so  loud  in 
I  their  denunciations  of  the  present  larilT,  have  paid 
,  their  quota?    Cut  it  is  said  the  money  so  necessary 

to  sustain  the  rights  and  honor  of  the  nation  could 
'  have  been  obtained  by  loans.     I  admit  il;  but  it 

would  have  been  by  paying  a  most  exorbitant 
I  rate  of  interest,  and  to  the  great  deprecintioii  of 
:  Stale  stocks,  and  by  passing  a  tax  bill  to  provide 
I  for  the  payment  of  tlie  interest,  and  the  creation  of 
!  the  sinking  ftiiid.  In  the  then  stale  of  our  foreign 
/  relaiiona,  loans  could  not  have  been  obtained  upon 

favorable  terms;  and  liesidea,  just  nt  that  time,  it 

■  would  not  have  looked  very  well  to  have  had  Ihe 
i  agents  of  the  GoverHinciit  begging  for  loans  in  New- 
York  or  London. 

Dm,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury argues,  in  his  report,  that  the  present  duties 
on  many  articles  are  proliibilory,  and  hence  there 
I  will  aliodly  be  a  deficiency  of  revenue.     Sir,  this 
!  ia  not  a  new  poaition;  and  it  is  as  incorrect  and 
j  nnlenable  iioic  as  it  was  two  years  ago,  when  taken 
;  by  the  honorable  gentleman  t'lom  North  Carolina, 
[Mr.  McICav.(     And   here  permit  nic,  idtlioiigli 
'  n  little  out  of  the  line  of  my  argument,  to  consider 
j  this  point.     Why  is  it  that  the  gentleman  from 
!  North  Carolina,  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means,  did  not  submit  a  report  with  his 
bill,  nov/  under  con.sideration,  in  conformity  with 
the  uniform  practice  of  the  Ilonac,  shov/iiig  the 
reasona  in  detail,  why  the  liill  shoulil  be  passed, 
and  placing  iheni  on  record  to  guide  the  future 
aciiiin  of  Congresa.'     A  bill  granting  an  <dd  sol- 
dier a  pension,  regularly  reported  by  a  standing 
eommitiee  of  this  Ilouse,  would  not  be  considered 
for  a  moment  without  a  written  report:  and   the 
gentleman  from  North  Orolinn  would  be  the  firat 


■■i 


978 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

_  ^^_^^^  Tariff— Mr.  lirodhead. 


[June  iio, 


Ho.  OP  Reps. 


to  cull  for  the  reaOlirg  of  the  rciiort,  iiiiil  (ilijtit  tii 
the  psasnijc'  if  il  wii:i  niit  fuiliiioiiiiii!;.  Yil  Wii 
an' s™*'''y  "^l"'''  '"  I'l"*''*  "  I'ill  I'hiiiinin^'ii  rcvi'iiiii' 
jiolicy  which  in  cinviil  willi  niiil  huH  liitri  m'ttil 
U|)i>n  since  ihc  (irijiiiilzaliini  (if  the  IJiiveniiiii'iil, 
widuitit  linvini;  niiy  I'Ciisciiis  irpiiii  llie  recoiil.  TIiIh 
great  Ci)ininitlee  (if  Wnys  ,im(1  Me:inH,  witli  the 
experiencej  KOiillenKiii  Ironi  North  llaiuliiiiv  lit  ilH 
heiul,  has  Imil  tliis  siilijeci  iimlir  cmisiihTaiiiiii  fur 
four  niiiinhM,  aided  hy'lhe  iSecrelaiy  nf  the  TreiiN- 
ury,  and  this  liill  is  ihe  icsidl;  a  pour  liuhl  eoiicerii, 
without  reason  to  siisluiii  it,  or  a  h'^  loslaiid  upon. 
Hill  then  is  a  rciisun  for  iml  ncceinyiniii/iiij,'  Ihe  liill 
iri//i  II  ri'/iiiW;  hocinisc  a  report,  In  siislain  it,  iiiiisl 
of  necessity  cut  llie  ihroal  of  a  iiport  made  liy  the 
same  f^eiitleiuan  Iwo  years  ai;i».  Two  ycarH  ami 
we  were  iisKed  to  iiKiilil'y  and  ehanife  llic  present 
rates  of  duties,  in  orih'r  [o  cihtain  more  revenue. 
It  waa  then  gravely  armied  that  the  present  larilf 
of  duties  WHS  loo  hi^'h  lo  prodnee  siillieient  revenue. 
The  gciitlenian  from  iN'orlli  L'arolina,  in  hi.s  report 
then,  cslimatec'  the  deficiene'y  to  meet  ihe  eurrent 
rxnenscs  for  the  fiscal  year  184-1  and  lf45,  at  Iwo 
luillions.     He  says: 


tempt  tn  rcHtrnin  its  cxreascs.  The  commercini 
and  financiul  hislory  of  ihis  eoiintry  nIuiwh,  that 
whenever  we  have  an  inllaled  currency,  imporla- 
lions,  wheiher  the  i'at(H  of  duly  are  high  or  low, 


are  excessive,  and  of  cunrse  llu;  American  maiiu-    ! 
faeturer  and   iiiechaiiic  are  suhjectcd  to  the  most   i 


ruinous  compi^ilion 


"  Till'  cnriinilttcc  Kii|ipftii(',ilirrornre,  tliiit  to  nei  iwldc  fniiii  , 
the  ti|i(iro|iriiiliiMi.(  Inr  the  li^(':ll  yiiir  IMl  tiiiil  IH-l.'i.  in-d 
iiiilli(ili'(  tiiid  a  hair  (lllc  >niiic  .mi'tuiil  wtiicli  the  Si'i-n-liin 
set  aside  troni  the  a|i|ir('|irliilioiis  liir  tiir  tl^cill  >riir  Is-iDiukI 
1S44)  lor  tlie.^e  tiiic.v[H-ii(l>'(l  luihnii'C'',wlll  hriiiii  Ihe  ciilciihi-  ' 
tioii  fiiiltlU'ienlly  near  IVir  nil  iiructu'iil  |Hir|i(i>('.4.  ThU  irill 
shottt  l/ir  iu-lniit  ileth-ieiu-ii  hi  tfif  it;rritil  rcicitiici.  lo  iin'i'l  /Ac 
cfirmi/  eTi'ntxCi  of  /Ac  iicjt  ti^<ill  tfttr,  (ttifOrJiiin  In  /Ac  liil- 
/icl'jia/itrw  of  Ihe  Sccri-I'ini,' lliits  'ijiiiilifitil.)  lo  hi\  in  routut 
»;ifii/;(Ti,  t\V(i  nilliitiii..4  (if  (Inlhirs.  wilhiiut  any  iilhiwrincc  ki 
iiicel  luiy  i.|i('cial  iinti  niisecllancmi!*  iiiipriijirialiMiH  wtiiiti 
the  iiresenl  Cdliaii'ss  ni:i\  liiakcdiirinii  ihc  jircwcm  urrfccnml 
session,  tn  he  atlcr  tin-  lirsl  (la\  nt  July  itcM,  and  lieldre  tile 
Isl  (lay  ul'Juli,  l.*4.",.'' 

Now,  sir,  experience  has  .'^howii  that  these  poiit-  , 
icnl  philosoplier.s  and  finaiuiers  were  all  wrong 
two  years  ago;  and  that  so  far  tVoni  there  heiiig  a 
deficiency  in  the  revenues,  a  consideralile  porlion 
of  the  puhlie  delit  has  heen  paid,  and  very  form- 
nately  tliere  was  lately  in  llie  treiisiiry  alioul  iwelve  • 
millions,  to  meet  the  exmeiicies  of  the  coiiiilry; 
so  that  if  the  cliairniaii  of  ihe  Commillee  of  Ways 
and  Means  had  umlerlaken  lo  have  ixiveii  nasnmi 
for  the  passage  of  the  hill  now  under  eoiisideralion, 
he  would  have  heen  obliged  to  unsay  what  he  so 
confidently  advanced  two  years  airo,  and  upon 
which  he  then  invoked  ihe  aelioii  of  ('ongress. 

Having  thu.s  shown,  Mr.  ('hairnian,  thai  llie 
treasury  lias  hc(?ii  repleni.xhed,  and  tlie  failli  of  the 
nation  maintained,  under  Ihe  praciical  operalioiis 
of  the  existing  tarilV,  wiiat  lias  heen  the  eoiiililion 
o?  the  pcoj)le  r  1  have  no  hesiialion  ill  savinir'hat 
it  has  been  generally  prosperous.  The  producliir  s 
of  agriculture  and  the  meclianic  arts  have  been 
much  greater  than  nt  any  former  period  of  our  his- 
tory. The  lahorinir  classes  have  been  furnished 
wilh  employment,  the  most  imporlanl  of  all  means 
of  benefiting  them.  The  greatest  good  which  can 
be  conferred  upon  the  poor,  is  to  fu,  'lish  llieiii  wilh 
useful  and  prolitablo  lai)or.  It  is  honest  induslry 
which  malas  the  man.  The  inleresis  of  ihe  lalinr- 
ing  classes  should  lie  an  oliject  of  primary  regard. 
We  are  here  the  n^preseniatives  of  laiior,  and 
should  never  for  a  moment  be  immindful  of  our 
solemn  duty  to  aid  and  advance  its  iiiKresl.  Kvery 
member  upon  this  floor,  from  the  nonhern  and 
western  States,  owes  his  scat  In  the  nicii  wlu^  la- 
bor, and  to  them  is  his  highest  respnnsiiiilily.  ' 
Labor  is  the  great  source  of  wi'allh;  and  llial  policy 
which  slinuilates  industry,  and  L'ivestolhe  laborer 
the  reward  of  his  toil,  is  besi  adaplcd  to  proinole 
the  prosperity  of  the  eoiiiury.  Labor,  under  llie 
existing  laiill',  has  been  much  beller  rewaiiled  than 
under  a  horizontal  scilc  of  ad  valorem  diilies.  Hut 
the  present  .state  of  iriMiernI  prosperity  is  not  suhhj  • 
(as  It  is  claimed  by  the  WIiil's)  to  be  allributed  to 
the  saluiary  openuinns  of  ihe  larilV  of  IHI'J.  Il  is 
to  llie  virtue,  induslry,  ecoiiomy,  and  IVii'/iiIily  of 
the  people,  and  particularly  to  a  lu-iilthv  coiiduinii 
of  the  currency;  for,  after  all,  (|tiesthnis  about 
tarifls  resolve  themselves,  in  a  great  measure,  into 
ipieslions  of  currency,  li  is  [he  currency  of  every 
country,  be  it  what  it  may,  which  represenis  and 
regulates  the  value  of  the  property  and  llie  price  of 
labor.  If  the  Whigs  were  permilled  lo  carry  out 
their  notions  about  currency,  the  present  larilf  of 
duties  would  he  lotally  iiiaih  (piale  as  a  inensiire  of 
protection.  Trade  would  be  llucluaiinu',  and  llie 
value  of  properly  and  labor  uncerlain.  They  never 
guard  the  operations  of  the  money  power,  or  al- 


lle 


le  Mub-trcMsury  wi 


I  Haliilary  ell'ecl.     Whatevc  r  may  have 


have  a  niiis 

been  the  rea.soua  which  induced  the  passage  of  tin 

act  in  queslioii. 

lii'iii;hViii( — cerlaiiily 


ils  nsiilh  liai'r,  in  Ilir  miiin,hren 
Sliue  which  I  have 


the  lioiior  in  |iart  lo  repieseiit,  as  I  will  have  occ 


sioii  to  show  tud'ore  1 


Aiiglo-.S;ixo 


conclude  my  rem 


The 


ide  of  lestini;  the  correctness  of 


tilings  wna  by  their  results,  and  we  should  not  de- 
part iVoin  it.  We  cannot  wilh  propriety  at  this 
period  of  our  hislory,  he  called  upon  to  suliMliiule 


liiith  f 


ir  experience, and  theory  for  fads 


Wc 


emineiillya  praciical  people.   Hence  it  is  that  I 


less  1  am  in  favor  of  adopliiig  the 
terly  iiuiclivil 


<h( 


am  in  lavor  ot  adopi 

iiuiclivily"  policy  upi 

policy  recommciuled  by 


lid  nias- 


ihis  question, 
our  democratic  sou 


It  is 
th- 


ru friends  upmi  llie  subject  of  Oicgoii;  and  I  adopt 
I,  it,  and    I    hope   my  western  friends  v^'ill    adopt   it 
upon  ihe  siibiect  of  the   lariO'.     Let  well  enough 
ixim.    The  business  of 


is  an  old  and  tn 
le  counlry  sull'i  i-s  by  ihe   conslant  a 


s  ipieslioii. 


I  do 


iitde 


L'iialion   of 
are  to  recognise  a  slate 


'  or  **  liosiiliiii  s'*  upon  this  subject. 

Hut   this  act  of  lr(4:J  is   assailed  upon  many 

ohjectionahle  in 

■  ■      wil- 

I  the 


grounds,  and   1  admit  that  it  is 


nine  of  its  ilelails 


Till 


delails  I  ( 


Id  hi 


ling  10  correct,  but  I  will  not  a!;rec  to  uplu 
whole  sysu  ni.  It  is  denied  by  ihe  iSecrelary  of 
the  'I'reasiiry,  and  by  other  geiillemen  ill  iiiijh 
places  here,  that  Conu'ress  has  the  consliUilionnl 
power  to  impose  discriniinaling  duiies  in  favor  of 
Anieiicnn  industry  and  prodiicl.-,  (long  arguiiienl.s 
are  ri  sorled  to  in  order  to  suslain  llie  position,)  ; 
and  if  it  has,  llial  it  is  inexpedient  and  unjust  to 
exercise  it  ill  the  manner  authorized  in  tlie  act  ^ 
under  consideration. 

.■Vside  fi-oni  eoiistitiuional  provisions,  I  allirni 
thai  upon  well-known  principles  of  national  law, 
well  underslood  at  the  lini"  of  the  adoption  of  ihe 
Conslilutioii,  each  nation  is  the  sole  judge  of  the 
propriety  of  commerce  upon  her  own  pari,  and 
(ai'^'lit  lo  decline  a  coniiuerce  which  is  disadvanla- 
geoiis  or  danjenais.  1  find  ihis  rule  laid  down 
liy  an  (eminent  writer  (Mr.  Valtel)  upon  national 
law : 

"  'I'tic  cinnhicKir  (if  a  nalinn  nimlil  In  take  parti(-iilar  care 
In  elicniiraiic  it  coiilliicli-c  Ihal  is  aiivaillaiicnlls  in  his  |tt-n|ilc. 
iiiid  I"  >ii|iprt  ss  or  lay  ri-.-,lraints  itiinii  tliat  uliicli  iy  tti  their 
disiidvalilaiie." 

It  never  could  have  been  llie  intention  of  the 
fiamers  of  ihe  f'o'.istiliilion  to  repeal  this  rule  of 
inlcrnalioiKil  law.  It  is  founded  in  reason,  and 
sanctioned  by  the  experience  of  a^'cs. 

The  want  of  a  ]iower  to  "  rcmdaie  trade"  with 
foi*eiv,ii  nations  and  among  the  States,  was  one  of 
the  principal  dcfeci.-i  in  the  Artich-s  of  Confedera- 
tion, uiiil  was  one  of  llie  main  n  iisons  for  adopting 
the  present  Constitution,  l-'.ach  State  rei^ulated  its 
own  coniiuerce,  and  diflcreiit  rates  of  duty  were 
imposed  in  ditlVrent  pm-ts.  A  iiiomeiit*s  reflection 
will  show  to  what  confusion  and  irritation  the  ex- 
ercise of  that  kind  of  State  sovert-ignty  would  lead. 
Ill  l7H."i,  two  years  prior  lo  the  as.senililing  of  the 
Ciiiueiition  which  fVanied  our  present  Cm islilulion, 
Ihe  tieneial  Assembly  of  I'cnnsylvania  passed  an 
"  act  to  encourage  and  protect  the  manulactuii-s  of 
this  Slate."  In  iatifyiii\'  the  iM-esent  (,'onsliui- 
tioii,  Pennsylvania  surrendered  llii  power,  but  not 
the  will,  to  protect  her  own  indiisliy.  The  power 
w.ns  coiifded  for  the  genera!  good  to  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States,  as  I  will  now  (irncced  to 
show. 

I  do  not,  Mr.  Chairnmn,  belong  i.i  the  "general 
welfare"  and  latiludinariiin  school  of  conslruction- 
isis.  To  do  so  would  be  to  contend  that  Congress 
wa?  as  omnipoient  as  the  I'liiisli  Parlianienl,  and 
could  control  and  oveiride  Slate  sovereignly,  char- 
ier banks,  and  carry  on  internal  iinprovemenls 
without  limil.  I  hold  ihat  the  (ieiieral  Govern- 
ineiil  is  one  of  spcciiied   and    limited  jk 


'dcd 

all  till 
plieati 
nece 
loin 


pow( 

I" 
on  giv 


s — of 
Mild  Ihat   lln^  Slat' s  have   retained 


CIS  not  expressly  or  by 


11  lo   the  Federal  Gn 


ry  tin 
1.     13t 


ilicat 
'il 


ion, 


I 


till 


power  proper 


ryiiig  into  ell'ecl  a  power  ex- 
pressly granted.     The  rule  of  construction  is  prop- 


erly Btated  liy  the  Supremo  Court  of  llin  Unilcd 
Slates,  in  llie  ca.so  of  McCulloh,  4  Wlienton's 
Ucporis,  page  .'llli: 

n  ir  the  CTi(/  he  Iruitiniillc,  iind  witliin  llie  Bcnpe  of  the 
('iinstiliiunn,  all  Itie  ii>ciim  vvhteli  are  ii|i]ir(i|iriali'.  wliieh  am 
)ilainly  ada)itcd  til  that  end,  iiiid  wlilch  an- nut  jirnhil'ilcd, 
liiuy  cniislilliliunally  I in|itnyed  tn  cany  it  inin  (-licet. " 

All  the  nicfiii.s,  therefore,  lo  *'  regulate  com- 
merce," for  the  benefit  of  the  people,  are  given  to  • 
Congress.  The  power  to  lay  and  collect  taxes, 
duiies,  imposts,  and  excises,  is  expressly  confer- 
red upon  CungresH  by  the  Hih  ."ei  lion  of  the  1st 
article,  wilh  one  liinitalion — and  that  is,  that  "  all 
duties,  imposts,  and  excisis,  shall  be  uniform 
throughout  the  United  Stales;"  and  llie  10. Il  sec- 
tion of  the  saiuo  article  deprives  the  Stales  of  the 
power.  It  says,  "  no  Slate  shall,  wilhout  the  con- 
sent of  Congress,  lay  any  imposts  or  duties  on 
imports  or  exports,"  &c.  The  States  having  thus 
deprived  Iheiuselves  of  control  over  the  commerce 
of  the  counlry,  expressly,  in  the  following  specilic 
grant,  conferred  it  upon  Congress;  "The  Congress 
shall  have  power  lo  r/gii/a/c  fomtnercv  with  funif^n 
iialiuiis,  anil  wiwng  Ihe  strtral  Uliiks,  imil  uilh  Ihe 
Iniliun  Irihrx." 

Now,  what  is  the  significalion  of  the  word  rcg- 
i(/(i(f,  and  what  is  the  common  as  well  as  the  lech- 
nical  meaning  of  the  word  comnwirc,  and  in  what 
;  sen.se  did  the  friimers  of  the  Constitiiiioii  intend 
Ihey  .should  he  underslocal  .*  Noah  Webster,  in 
his  Dictionary,  says  thai  rcgii/ii/c  means  "  lo  ad- 
just by  rule,  method,  or  established  mode — as  to 
rrguliilc  weights  and  measures;  to  put  in  i;ood 
mder — as  to  ngiilule  the  disordered  stale  of  the 
nalioii  or  its  finances;  lo  subject  to  rules  or  rislric- 
lions — lis  lo  ngu/d/c  trade,  io  rtjj;uUilt  diet."  So 
thai  the  word  reguliile  is  undeislood  to  mean  lo 
restrain,  as  well  as  to  adjust,  by  rule.  The  v>ord 
riirulali:  is  well  underslood  by  every  person.  Now, 
what  is  njiiiiHcrcc  >  1  undersUind  it  lo  be  the  ex- 
I  change  of  the  surplus  jiKidiicls  of  one  counlry  or 
nation  for  those  of  another.  Crahh,  in  the  first 
volume  of  his  Teclinologicid  Dictionary,  lliiis  de- 
fines the  word:  "Commerce,  an  exchange  of 
coni2nodities;  a  Irairicking  or  dealing  with  foreign 
countries  by  means  of  exftorls  and  iinyior/.s,  iirciird- 
ing  to  spcciftt'  /dies."  All  import  duty  is,  therefore, 
strictly  and  literally  a  regulation  of  commerce  with 
foreign  nations. 

The  framcrs  of  the  Constitution  well  umii-i.-^tood 
the  meaning  of  the  phrase  "  lo  regulate  commerce." 
They  inleiided  thereby  to  confer  upon  Congress 
the  power  to  jirotect  our  own  ('(miiiKU'ce  and  the 
industry  of  our  |)eo|ile  against  the  policy  of  other 
nations.  Tliey  intended  thai  our  Iriule  with  for- 
eii;n  nations  should  be  adjusted  by  rule  by  hpe- 
cific  laws.  Government  is  said  to  be  instituted  for 
the  good  of  the  people;  and  if  so,  we  lamht  lo  have 
the  power  to  protect  onr  people  as  well  against 
foreign  soldiers  operating  in  the  field  aa  foreign 
commercial  restriclions.  We  have  the  power  lo 
meet  restriction  with  reslrii-lion.  The  power  lo 
impose  discriminniing  duties  in  llivor  of  our  navi- 
gating interests  under  this  clause  of  the  Constitii- 
tioii  has  never  been  disputed,  yet  no  grealer  reason 
exists  for  the  exercise  of  such  a  power  than  to  dis- 
i  criminate  in  favor  of  our  mechamcal  and  inanuliic- 
.  turiuL'  induslry.  Why  should  our  own  commer- 
cial marine  haven  monopoly  of  the  coasting  trade, 
.  and  no  protection  lu^afloided  lo  our  mechanics  anil 
manufacturers.-  The  first  Congress  which  asseiii- 
liled  iinuer  our  present  Constiiulion,  in  the  spring 
of  17WU,(aiid  ill  it  were  many  meinbers  who  aided 
in  framing  that  instriimenl,)  made  |ii'(ivision  in  llic 
second  and  third  acts  which  it  passed  for  the  |iro- 
,  lection  of  the  maiiiifiicluring  as  well  as  the  navi- 
I  gating  interests.  The  second  act  which  it  passed 
-  was  to  "provide  revenuo  for  the  support  of  the 
Government,  the  payment  of  the  debts  of  the  Uni- 
lcd Slates,  and  the  I'liroKragfiiipa/  ifilomcslic  iiKiiiii- 
^!/c(iiris. "  The  next  act  which  was  pas.sed  im- 
posed a  duly  of  t'O  cents  per  Inn  upon  foreign 
vessels  trading  with  the  United  States,  and  they 
were  ahsolulely  prohibited  from  engaging  in  the 
coasliinr  Irade,  und  such  has  been  the  law  from 
that  period  to  the  present  day.  Our  immense, 
coasting  iradc  is  wholly  in  the  liands  of  our  own 
•  citizens,  using  Aniericiin  lioats  and  vessels. 

Upon  this  point  of  constitulioiml  jiower,  Mr. 
Chairman,  I  cimld  cite  many  authorities  if  lime 
were  aiforded  me.  I  assert,  without  the  fear  of 
succcsbIuI  contradiclion,thatevcryAmcricaii  Pica- 


Ine  ys, 

|KP8. 

Unilnl 
lli>'nti>ir» 

It"'  nf  ilin 
vhicti  (iri) 
Inilliliiti'il, 
lir.ol.i 

Jle  rom- 
■Kivcn  lo  ■ 
It  tiixrs, 
r'nlil't'i- 
Ihi^  l.st 
liiu  "  all 
liiiiifnriii 
iD.li  set'- 
J'-i  I'f  tho 
Jllic  t'dn- 
lulirH  (III 
Jill!!  lliim 
liiiiiiicri'o 
Kjiccific, 

\vilh  the 

"I'll  rtg- 
|tlie  ictli- 
in  wliiu 
I    iriicjiil 
'nlvr,  ill 
"  Id  iiil- 
I  — IIH  to 
in  t;n(i(l 
•  III'  i|,e 
!■  rrsirlc- 
I."     So 
iiiFiin  to 
lie  Vviiril 
Nmv, 
lie  ex- 
iiiiiliy  c»r 
till'  Jirst 
lliii»  dc- 
imiu'o   of 
li  rorciirii 
',  aecimt- 
licririiic, 
erco  with 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  Gr.OnE. 


979 


iJOTH  CoNO IsT  Seas. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Jirodheml. 


Ho.  or  Rrp8. 


idinl  nnil  cvrry  Piin-irrss  thiit  lin.s  cvit  nripil  upon  ' 
Ihc  siiiijrrl  lias  alliinied  tlint  llic  pnwcr  I'nr  wliii'li 
I  ciiiiti'iiil  wiiN  ;^'iv(Mi.     I  ciiiilil  K'vc  llii:  qiiiitnlioiiH 
iVoiii  thi'  nil    ji^rs  nCcv«ry  Pre.siilciii,  Iml  ns  llioy 
liavc  Ihtii  fr.von  hcfore,  I  will  iinl  ilo  it.    Hiit  there 
is  Olio  autlioi'ity  lo  wliicli  I  tlcHire  Kpceially  to  eall  i 
flie  iiltenlion  ol'llie  coiiiiiiillue.    Il  in  the  opinion  of  | 
JaincH  iMailison,  one  of  the  liistiiit^uiNJietl  fmniei'8  I 
anil  expoimilei-H  of  the  Cnnsliiutioir,  not  fiiveii  in 
iiriler  III  olilain  iiower  anil  place,  lint  from  the  ealin  i 
philiisiiphy  of  liis  n'tiiTini'iit  fmni  the  turmoil  of 
I  he  woi'lil,     III  18127  I'liiistiliitional  siTiiples,  for  the 
first  time,  lie^'aii  to  he  expressid,  and   Mr.  Mnd- 
isoii  was  appialed  to,  and  liis  opinion  nsked  upon 
the   point,  and  lie  ijave  it  in  a  litter  to  Josepli  (j. 
Caliill,  Ksi|.,oii  the  18lh  of  Soplemlier,  IHr.'H,  to 
lie  fnnid  in  Nile.s's  [leii;isnr.     The  disiiimnislud 
philosopliir  and   statesman,  wlio  took   notes   of, 
rverythiiiu'  that  was  said  and  dune  dnrins  the  for- 
mation of  the  Ciinsiiuitiiin,  who  took  part  in  nil  the 
di.sriissions  in  reijard  to  it,  who  wan  ft  nieinlier  of 
the  furit  ('oi|i;res.s  inider  it,  who  was  Biiliseiniently 
President  of  the  Uiiiled  Stales,  after  nr^ninf;  the 
r|nestion  nt  length,  sums  up  in  eight  gciieml  propo- 
.silions.     He  says; 

^1  II  i<i  a  flJiiijUe  i|u«iiiiiin  iin'lor  IIim  CMiisiliiiMnn  or  the  i 
Ciiit.'il  States,  wlietlirr  '  lhi>  jiiiwer  ill  reiniliile  tr(ul>'  witti  ' 
tnrri<in  tlll11oll^.*  iiH  n  (llsllnrl  ninl  Hiilistiiiiti\e  iteiii  ill  llie  ' 
fiiiiiiiiriui'il  iMpvvi'is,  i-iiilir;ii-i's  llie  nliject  nf  eiii'iiiirniaiiif, 
liyilinles,  ri'i.4rii-tiiiiiTi,  iiiid  iiriihilHIlniis,  Hie  liiaiiiit'ai-liirt-!4  I 
ami  |hwiliii-ts  ill' till' eiiiiMtry.  Anil  Itir  nlliriimliiiii  iiiiit.t  tie  ; 
iiili'oril  rrniii  the  t'oltiiwiiiif  (•(iM^iil'riiliiiiis;  i 

'•1.  'J'lii-  Hit  aiioifi  III'  the  (iliritM-  'III  ri  uulate  trlii1iiMnil.1t  ' 
ti  >  Miiiulil  ill  llie  L'clii  ral  ll-i>  111  It;  in  iillier  wiinls,  in  the 
iitiji-i'ts  til  whii'll  Mil'  jiDwiT  wa-.  tfi'lleriilly  unili'i'stiinil  In  he  i 
iqiphi'iililr,  wlii-ii  the  phriise  wii^  iaittTteil  in  the  ( ■iiiisltluliiili.  1 

"•-'.  The  ixmer  iKW  Ih'i'ii  uaiti-rrtnoil  inn]  used  by  all  riiiii- 
iiierciiil  anil  iiiaian'iieniriiiu  iiiitiniii  n-s  eintirai-iiii!  ilie  object 
oi'dii-iiurairiiiu  iiiiiiiiifttrliires.  It  in  hilieveil  lliut  not  a  Hhi- 
Kle  (-\(-i'|Ui'in  eiiH  111'  naineil.  i 

".'i.  'i'liis  hull  lii'i'll  [laitieillftrly  the  riiKe  Willi  tfri'iit  llrit-  l 
;jiii.  wlnise  e'liiinieri'ial  viieiihulary  l.<  the  |i:irriil  iiriinr.H.    A 
|iriiiiiiry  iitij-'it  urili'f  ('(iiiiiiiercliil  rrmilaliiiiis  is  well  klinvvil  j 
t(i  liiive  hei'ii  the  prnti'eliiiii  and  eiieuiir;igrineiit  oilier  luiiii- 
uriu'lur-'s. 

"■I.  .''iiK'li  iv.ns  iiiaji.'r.slniiil  to  hetlie  pnilHT  u«e  of  tlie  pow- 
er h\'  tlie  Slate.,  nni-t  pri|iiireil  I'm'  niiiiiuriteniriii^  industry, 
|\  liiisi  rftiiiniiiL'  Mil'  [iiiuer  iiver  tln-ir  lilreiixii  trade. 

".'..  Hiii'h  a  use  iil  power  li>   f 'iinttri'ss  iieeiird.-*  willi  the 
iiiti'iitiiiii  and  exjiiTtaliiiii  nt'  the  Stiili's  in  transferriiiii  the  ; 
power  liver  trnde  rinni  theinMHM's  tii  the  (inverniiient  iirilie 
I'liili  d  Hiale.s.     Tills  was  eiii|iliiilirall>  tin-  case  in  the  east- 
ern, the  inure  nmiint'aeliirin:;,  mi'iiiliiTs  of  the  t'niifejrraey.  | 

[Ill-re  he  eiles  the  iipiiihiiis  m'  Kereral  dlsliin;lliHhed  nieti,  ' 
WHO  iiiili-il  ill  the  liirinalioi)  ol'llie  Ciinstilulinn.l  i 

•'ti.  //'  Congress  hits  not  t/tc p:incry  it  is  uimihiUiteil  for  the  I 
ui.t/on— a  iKiiiey  wilhinit  exaiiiphi  in  any  other  iialiiin,  mid 
lint  williin  the  ri'tt^na  of  the  sniitary  nne  in  nilr  own.    I'he  : 
exaiiipte  tillinird  lo  i.s  the  prnlhliilinii  iil' ,7  ta.v  nii  e.Ypiirtu,  ; 
Willi  h  re^lljl<  il  rrniii  the  appareiit  iinpiisr-ililllty  nf  raisiiiff,  in  | 
lliat  iiinde,  a  ri'vi.'iiue  finin  Itie  States  prnpiiVtinni'd  tii  the  I 
ahllily  tn  pay  it — the  iiliilily  of  mihk;  hcini!:  iliriveil,  in  a  great  | 
nil  iisiire,  ant  I'rniii  their  expntt.s,  but  frniii  their  fi.sheries, 
Irntn  tlieir  I'li'lulit:!,  and  I'rniji  their  enninieree  at  hiri;(',  in 
.snine  ul'ILihraiichi'sallni^i'tlnT  e.vti-riiul  10  the  (Jaiti-ilStati'H;  | 
the  prnliti  rriiiii  all  of  which.  Iiclnit  iiivi.>ihle  and  iiitaiipilile, 
wnnlil  e.-eapc  a  tax  nii  rijtnrts,    A  ta.\'  nn  im/wi/s,  on  the 
littler  hand,  liciiii;  a  lax  on  eiiiisninplinn,  which  is  in  priipnr-  , 
linn  In  the  ability  of  the  cnnsnincrs,  wlieucesuever  derived, 
was  Irre  Irian  thai  iniijuallty. 

"7.  If  revenue  In'  tin  snif  nhjci .  if  a  leijiliniate  iinpost, 
and  Ihe  encullrilylni-llt  nt'  linaii'stic  arlieleii  be  iiiil  within 
till'  pnwcr  In  rceiilatc  trade,  It  wnllld  liilliiw  that  an  llinnnp- 
0II21111!  lir  UIK'iltJal  rcL'iiliiliniis  nf  fnrelLMl  lllltilllis  cnllld  he 
eiiiintcracted;  that  nellhcr  the  st:iplcsnl' biiliii--<tcnce,  nnrtlie 
e-scatial  iniplenieiits  Ihr  the  pilhlie  safety,  could,  under  any 
cireiiin<tanei'S,  be  ileured  and  fnstcrcd  lit  luiini' by  reunla-  ' 
linii>  nf  1  ninmerec,  the  usual  and  ninstennvcniiiiit'iiinde  of  i 
prnviiiini^  I'nr  hnth  ;  and  that  the  American  iiaviiiatinn.  Ilinii<fh 
llic  sntirce  nf  aa\nl  dcfriiee,  nf  a  cheapeiiini;  eoiiipctitjnn  in 
eairi  in:.' niir  valuable  and  bulky  articled  in  iniirkct,  iliiil  of 
an  iiiilepenilent  earriiiKc  ot'  thuiii  ilnriiift  fnrei^n  wars,  when 

a  I'nreiun  iiaviL'atiiiii  niiizht  be  Mithilrawii,  must  heat c 

iihtiiulniicil  nr speedily  ili  stroycil ;  it  bi  ini;  evident  thni  a  tnn- 
liacc  duly  in  fnreign  purls  aitaiiist  our  vc>se|s.  and  tin  exeinp. 
tinii  nf  Hueh  a  duty  in  niir  purls  in  fnvnr  nf  fnreixn  vesscl.s, 
innsl  have  the  inevitahle  eH'cct  itf  banislliii^  iilirs  I'rnni  the 
mean. 

"1^.  Tlmt  the  eacoiiraseinenl  (ifinanilfaclnres  was  an  ob- 
ject In  regulate  1,  idc,  is  (irnveil  by  the  use  made  nf  Unit  {lower 
liir  that  object  in  .'he  lirst  scssinii  nf  the  lirst  i,'iiii(iress  under 
the  ('.iiislitutinn,  I'lieii  annum  the  nicuilicrs  present  were  so 
many  wlin  liiid  in  'ii  uicinhcis  of  the  Tedcral  t'nnventinn 
uliicli  framed  the  ^lllstilntlnll,  and  nl'ihe  Stale eouvenlinas 
wlilcli  rati  lied  il ;  each  nf  these  classes  cnnsistiiii!  nf  mi'inbers 
\\  hn  had  nppnscd  iiuil  wlin  had  e.^pnuM'il  the  ('nnslitntinn  in 
its  aetuiit  I'nnn.  It  lines  iint  appear  fi'nin  tlie  piiuleit  prncecd- 
llil!-  nl'l'nnurcss  nil  that  oecaMnii  that  the  pnwcr  Was  denied 
bv  nnv  nl'lhem.  Ami  it  may  be  remarked,  that  the  meiiibcrA 
iriiiii  Vlritinia  in  parlienhir,  as  welt  nf  the  nnli-redci'al  as  Hie 
I-'eilcral  party — the  iiaincH  then  distiieiuisliinittho-c  who  had 
nppnsed  and  Ihnse  wlin  had  apprnved  the  ("nr  -  .itiilion — .-lid 
nnl  hesitate  tn  prn[inse  ilntics,  and  tiMi(j:::rs/  crci:  ^trohihitiotK 
in  favor  iil  several  articles  nf  tier  jirnductinn.  Hy  nne.  a  duly 
WHS  prnpnsed  nil  inluertil  dial, ill  fiivnrnf  \'iri,'iaiaenal-piLs; 
hy  auiither,  a  duly  nn  hemp  was  )irnpnscil  tn  elieiinrilL'e  the 
iirnwlli  nf  Hint  arlK-le  ;  and  by  a  third,  a  |inilllliilinii  nf  even 
fnrciL'ii  beef  wa*Hiijrg,'sled  asu  incii.-urc  ufsniinil  iKiliey," — 
Sue  UmjPs  Debalit. 


I  linve  oeenpied  nineli  more  time,  Mr.  f 'Imirnian, 
npon  this  piiiiil  of  eoiisiitiiiiiiniil  power  than  per- 
haps T  iiieiht,  fur  it  lins  iieeii  considered  seltlial  fur 
years  past;  lint  siieli  was  the,  respeelaliitily  nnd 
elevation  of  Ihr  places  from  whence  il  wii.s  assailed, 
lliiit  I  lliiiii:;ht  it  my  duly  to  make  the  iir:.'iinient  I 
linvo.  I  clone  my  remarks  on  this  pint  nf  the  ease 
liy  siiyiii'.;  llial,  whenever  the  .Seereliiry  "f  the 
'I  reasiiry  and  ncntlemen  upon  this  tloor  shall  siie- 
ce*isriilly  nier  t  nnd  refute  the  pnsiliniis  of  JnmfS 
,Hii(/i.wn,  the  p;reat  hiijhpriest  of  iho  ( 'oiistilnlion, 
it  will  lie  lime  (:non'.;li  for  tlieni  10  eive  tis  yiuiiii; 
tnen  in  Conjress  lessons  upon  ihe  siilijeel  of  our 
constitutional  oliliirntions. 

I  come  now,  Mr.  Cliaiitnnn,  to  con.iider  Konie 
/j:riirrn/;iriiiri/i/r.snjuiii  wliieli  the  doctrine  forwliicli 
I  iMinleiid  is  liaseil.  The  fonndalion  of  the  Kyslem 
is  iiiilional  independence.  Its  oliject  is  to  give  , 
PmiiliiymenI,  sti'einirn,  nnd  liapniiiess  to  our  own 
people,  which  cannot  lie  etreelei.,  in  wnr  or  peace, 
lliron!;h  frmid  (irdesi!,'ii.  Americans  iinijlil  to  feel 
hnd  lo  know  that  tlioy  liiive  government,  eotimry, 
nnd  destiny  of  their  own.  If  we  would  lie  free, 
.sovoreiijn,  nnd  independent.  Slates,  in  fact — if  wo 
would  preserve  otir  Fnioii,  we  most  not  depend 
upon  other  mitions  for  our  supplies  nf  iniiiuifac- 
ttired  nrlicles.  On  the  iWd  of  April,  IH|(i,  Mr. 
('nihinin,  in  n  speech  in  this  House  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  inntion  of  Mr.  KMiiilulpli  to  strike  lait 
the  tninimiims  on  cotton  goods,  very  justly  re-  1 
marked: 

"  ft  (the  prnleetivc  piilicy)  prndileed  nn  interest  strictly 
Ami-rii-an,  an  niilch  sn  as  azriciillnre,  in  wliieli  it  had  tlie 
decided  nilviiiitai.'e  nf  eoinineree  nr  navlLMtian.  The  cnmi- 
try  will  fVnni  thin  [.\iiicrienii  fecliuc]  derive  milch  advnii 
taue.  Altiiin  :  il  is  ritlnil<itr<l  to  iiiiid  tosFttirr  more  closel\i 
OUT  iiidc  spread  ttriittl'Iir,  It  uill  :ireti1hi  inrreasc  our  inii- 
/ii<(/  i/r/iniif(*ii(-c  and  interennrse,  nnd  will,  as  a  necessary 
cnnscnuenee,  e.xcile  nn  increased  attentliiii  to  internal 
iinprnviiiiient." 

Tlicso  nrc  sound  Rialesmiin-like  view.s,  tn  which 
I  most  heartily  sithserilie.  Ii  is  true,  their  distin- 
jritislicd  nntliov  does  not  nininiain  them  now,  nor 
till  the  represcnliuivcs  of  South  CiM'olina,  but  that 
dues  not  render  them  less  eoriTel. 

The  hi.slory  of  eoinmevee  and  Irndc  nninnu;  na- 
tions, Mr.  Chnirinan,  clearly  proves  that  tho  nation 
which  supplies  the  raw  nnucrinl  or  tjraiii  always 
becomes  indelited  to,  mid  de|)eiiileiit  npon,  the 
iintion  which  supplies  the  manufieliired  faliries. 
Tho  srrentest  wealth  and  prosperity  i.s  fiiiind  wlieic 
there  is  a  division  of  lalior.  The  balance  of  Irnde 
is  always  in  favor  of  the  niannt'aciiirin  "  nation. 
That  which  is  "  lar-fclehed  is  deir  lioucht,"  is  nn 
old  and  true  maxim.  l''of  example:  an  Eneli.sh 
manufacturer  ran  send  his  maimfueiiu'ed  nrtiele  to 
Ohio  for  ."i  per  cent,  freieht  upon  the  first  cost,  but 
Rii  Ohio  farmer  must  pay  '-JHO  per  cent,  on  his  crnin 
for  its  exportation  to  Eii;;lish  consumeis.  Why 
should  wo  send  across  the  broad  Atlantic  for  our 
Imts,  our  coats,  our  slioed,  uiid  oiir  iron,  in  nil  its 
forms?  Would  it  not  be  belter  for  us  to  employ 
our  own  peojdo  to  make  them,  and  thus  nlwnys  be 
in  a  condition  to  elothe  a.s  well  as  to  feed  ourselves? 
We  are  willing;  to  send  for  such  articles  of  luxury 
as  our  rich  people  trill  liitre,  and  such  articles  of 
ncccs.sity  as  we  do  not  or  enniio'  grov  ov  fabricate 
on  account  of  our  climate,  want  01  s'  ,.  ,  ..tc,  nnd 
that  will  be  sutlicient  to  su.<itain  out  commercial 
intcresls.  There  are  a  sulKcient  number  of  articles 
of  necessitv  ftiid  hi.Miry  which  we  cannot  produce 
in  this  country,  to  render  oiir  foreif^n  coninierec 
important.  To  slate  more  distinctly  the  rule,  I 
would  disei'iininnle  lietween  ortiele.s  of  ncecssily 
nnd  luxuiios,  and  make  luxuries  pay  a  duly  which  ■ 
would  produce  the  most  revenue.  I  would  discrim- 
iiiale  between  ai'licles  made  at  home  and  abroail, 
and  place  sncli  a  duly  upon  the  foreiirn  .'iviiLs  as 
would  enable  the  Airericaiis  fairly  and  with  re.isnn- 
nble  profits  to  compe.  ■  with  foreign  p"ndncls.  In 
other  words,  I  would  make  a  competition  tai'ilf — 
one  which  would  always  give  the  American  me- 
clianic  and  manufaclnrcr  a  little  the  advantage  in 
tho  Amerieoii  markets.  1  would  raise  the  thirty 
millions  per  annum,  which  we  require  to  carry  on 
the  (Jovernmenl,  in  this  way,  that  is  what  I  call  n 
revenue  tariif,  with  incidental  protection.  The 
proposed  revenue  larilV  of  the  Si^crelary  of  the 
Treasury  will  be  noticed  presently.  Two  years 
ngo,  sir,  when  this  subject  was  before  Congress,  I 
snmnioii  up  my  views  in  n  speech,  which  I  Ihen  , 
had  the  honor  to  make  in  this  House,  as  follows. 
Subsequent  rellection  Ims  strengthened  me  in  the   . 


conviction  that  thry  were  right,  bikI  I  therefore  re 

H.ssert  and  rcallirni  them: 

I' 1.  The  n!veiines  necessary  to  nn  rcnnoinicnl  nnd  effl- 
eiei;t  iiilniiill  iraljiiu  nf  the  tlnvcrumriil,  it  Is  cniistitutionill, 
CKpedli-nt.  and  just  la  prnvide  hy  iinjinil  iIuiIcm  U|inli  foreign 

llll|inrl^ 

"  •-'.  The  ('niislitiilinii,  by  it.s  terms,  (befnre  l|tllited,)  the 
reasnils  xvhirli  indiiccil  the  ciill  ot  the  cnnveutinn  tn  aiNipt 
It,  its  cniempnrancnus  etpnsitinn,  liud  the  uiiifnrin  practice 
nf  the  (;-iveriiiiieiii  nmlcr  11,  luhnitsof  the  inipositinii  ul'dis- 
eriininaijiut  duticH, 

"II.  In  Ihe  iiiljii^tincnl  nf  inritVIaws,  T  wniild  impose  such 
(inties  upnii  till  iliipnrMlinli  of  luxuries  as  wnuld  pnidueu 
till  lansl  rcM'iine,  iliereh)  ca.tiim  as  much  nf  tJic  bimtcii  nf 
S'lppnrllnu  tile  (■nvernineal  iipnn  Hie  rich  ns  piissilile. 

"-I.  Tile  prime  neces.-aries  nt'  litl'  (which  we  iln  nut  prn- 
diice  ill  this  eiiniilry,  siich  a-lea  and  enll''c)  shnuld  be  ad- 
mitted free  nf  duty.  'J'lle  frci.-  list  in  tills  regard  slliiuhl  lie 
as  hirye  as  [ins.^inle. 

II  .'1.  r[ina  fiu'i  iitii  piiiduels  mill  inannfiirtnrcs,  which  are 
rivals  nf,  and  enini  in  enuipelinnu  with,  our  nwn,  I  wiiuld 
Impiise  such  dillies  as  wnald  best  prntcet  .Amcrieiin  Inbnr 
and  |il-iidiiet.i  au'iiitist  fnreli>n  lalinrnnd  prnilnets. 

''  G.  IJpnn  rii-ul  prniliici.s  nl'iiiir  nwn,  wlui'li  are  indisiicn- 

sahlc  in  till I'war,  I  wnuld  iiii|insc  a  duly  with  a  view  to 

proteHftri  tiloiir,  wilhnilt  ri'lllird  tn  revenue. 

"'/.  \n  tiiriiriiiw  an  he  ell'ective,  either  Ihr  the  piirimse 
nf  siipplviiii;  the  i..oerii]nciit  Willi  reveniii!  nr  prntectinf 
.'\merieiin  iiidii-lry.  with  1111  nnsiiiinil,  inniiteil  pani-r  cnr- 
reiicv.  The  hi-tnrv  itt'  prices,  impnrts,  and  biiiiKing,  in 
Isllil'IT.'lH,  anil  is:t.%-'3ii'-';)T,  clearly  prnven  tills  jiosl- 
tiiin." 

To  these  sentiments  I  never  heard  nny  objec- 
tions upon  the  jinrt  of  my  ennslituenls;  and  tliey 
.  did  me  the  honor  lo  return  me  to  this  Congress  by 
n  larger  Demoeralic  majority  than  that  given  to 
any  tnemlicr  now  upon  this  floor.  I  do  not  say 
-  that  it  wau  on  iiecounl  of  my  tnrirt'  opinions  alone 
that  caused  lliem  to  do  so;  ii  may  have  been  a  gen- 
erous confidence,  which  it  shall  always  lie  my  duty 
and  pleasure  to  tleserve;  for  next  to  the  iipfiroba- 
tion  of  my  nwn  conscience,  I  prize  the  good  will 
nnd  approbation  nf  my  constiluents.  All  that  I 
have  been,  all  that  I  am,  politically,  or  ill  the  way 
of  olficial  (slalion,  I  owe  to  tlieir  generous  eoiin- 
dence  and  steady  siippoil.  I  know,  sir,  that  my 
tariif  noiioiis  may  not  accord  with  those  expressed 
by  gentlemen  upon  this  floor  and  elsewhere  who 
claim  to  be  Deinocralie  leaders;  but  ns  I  obtained 
this  place  by  no  unworthy  means,  I  would  scorn 
lo  hold  it  by  the  sacrifice  of  that  independence  of 
thought  anil  neiion  which  should  ever  disliiigiiish 
the  represent;itive  of  n  free  people.  A  public  man, 
who  has  mil  nness  enough  to  act  nnd  speak  as 
he  thinks  rig.it,  has  Imrdly  virtue  enough  to  de- 
.^erve  a  friend,  nnd  certainly  not  a  seat  in  this  great 
rcjirescnlative  bo  'v. 

I  come  now,  ?.ir.  Chnirinnn,  to  notice  the  posi- 
tions of  till'  Secretary  of  the  'J'reasury,  upon  which 
the  bill  now  under  consideration  is  based.  He 
first  states  that  no  more  money  should  be  collected 
than  is  necessary  for  the  wants  nf  the  Government, 
economicidlv  administered.  In  this  .sentiment  I 
most  cheerfully  concur.  To  levy  import  duties, 
with  a  view  to  di.stribtite  them  among  the  States, 
would  be  ill  contnivention  of  the  spirit  of  the  Con- 
stitution. I  do  not  think  that  it  would  be  expe- 
dient for  Congress  to  "  regulate  commerce"  with 
that  view.  Nor  wotdd  it  be  proper  to  distribute 
the  proceeds  of  the  public  land  sales  iimong  the 
Slates,  because  it  would  Ic.td  to  heart-biirnings 
among  oiir  southern  brethren,  who  think  it  iincon- 
sliiuiional,  and  with  much  show  of  reason;  iind 
besides,  it  might  lead  to  the  necessity  of  imposing 
duties  upon  nrtieles  of  necessity,  which  we  do  not 
produce  in  this  country.  The  I'lext  position  which 
lie  advances  is  one  from  which  I  entirely  dis.sent. 
It  is  one  which  is  in  viohiMin  of  the  revcmie  poli- 
cy of  this  Government  from  its  organization  to  the 
present  day,  and  which,  if  enriied  out,  will  pro- 
duce a  eonijilete  revoliilion  in  the  business  nf  this 
country.  I  underlake  to  say  here,  in  my  place, 
that  if  a  direct  tax  of  'H,'>00,(10l)  was  annually  im- 
pn.seil  npon  the  people  of  Penn.-iylvnnia  for  the 
purposes  of  the  (general  Government,  it  would  not 
lie  so  much  or  so  injuriously  felt  ns  to  have  the 
dncirine  laid  down  by  Mr.  Walker  acted  upon. 
He  says  that  it  is  revemie  alone  which  we  arc  to 
look  lo  in  the  imposition  of  duties;  that  specific 
duties  should  be  abandoned;  and  that  no  discrimi- 
nation for  proleciiiin  should  beall.-.wed.  All  idea 
nf  protection  to  nny  or  till  classes  of  our  people  by 
means  of  commercial  regulalinns  is  to  be  abandon- 
ed, it  makes  no  dillerence  what  foreign  restrictions 
are  imposed  upon  us;  and  the  same  diity  must  be 
imposed  upon  articles  of  luxury,  such  as  winea 
and  sdks,  ns  are  imposed  upon  lials,  clothing,  or 
shoes.     It  is  revenue  alone  which  is  10  be  looked 


980 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSroIVAIi  GF.OBE. 


{June  yr), 


a9TH  CoNO 1st  Sk»». 


The  Tnrijj'—Mr.  Ihmlhvnd. 


Ho.  or  Hkp!i. 


1 1 


lo,  cvi'ii  lh()iii;li  our  nmrki'ln  nn>  to  Im  eivcn  In 
fciri  iL'iirrH,  Mild  iHir  iiiri'liiiiiicK  drprivcd  iiC  |inifil- 
nlili'  hilMir.     IfuHl  per  cnii.  iin  iiri  iirlu  li-  will  yii'ld 
an  luiicli  nn'fiim-  iim  10  |irr  rent.,  the  trn  iirr  rt'iit. 
in  111  he  |iii  fiirrd.    I  i\ni  I'nr  tlir  sy"!!''"  wliicli  will 
|ir<Hli)i  (>  HiilHi'imt  n'Vi'Diif't  uiid  iilliii'd  iinitrclion. 
All  ad  \  iloK'iii  duly  in  In  Iir  iid<i|ilrd,  wlilili  will   ' 
Ifivc  cri^Hl  pri>ii'cMioti  wiicii  il   in  imt  wunli'd,  iiiiil 
Iloin'   when   il   is.      Knr  cvuinilc:  if  Ihr  priic  i\( 
iron,  from  niiy  niiisr,  ix  r;ii:'i  d  iii  Kiiiiliiiiil,  iiiril  .'til 
iiiT  (M'lit,  upon  ilH  Vidiir  in  iinpost'd  wImmi  liroii</lil 
into  iIiIh  roinitrVi  lln'  pri<i'  of  iIm>  iiriii  \p  is  ciiliaii- 
I't'd  to  ilir  ciiriHiiinfr;  wliorrns,  il'ti  spi'i-Kii"  duty  of 
NO  nuirli  prr  Ion  wiis  iiiipoKtd,  il  would  ncilii'  no 
dilfi'rciici'  wlml  llir  price  of  ilic  foiciu'ii  iron  iiiiiiiil 
lir,  llie  duly  wonid   lie  llic  smiiH'.     'I'lii'  roti.sninrr 
nnd  the  niannfii'innr  in  lliii  niiiiitry  woiiM,  ihiie- 
fon",  Imlli  tie  tienefttt  d,  the  revnine  woiilil  lie  more 
eerlaiii,  anil  llie   niamifii'liirer  would  he  pmleclrd 
from  nil  excesHive   im|N>i'iiitiiin  when   the  forei;,'n 
nriiile  is  very  rlieap.     No  nmniiereiMl  ikiiIoii  hns 
ever  yet  adopted  an  entire  s\-stem  of  nd  vnlonMii 
iliities.     But   I   have  not  time  to  no   into  detail. 
The   Urilish  Ooverniiient,  w  hieli   is   governed  liy 
interest  and   poliey  alone,  knows  very  well  wh;il 
Will    lie    ihe  elVei'l  of  Mr.   Walker's  opliiions,   if 
Consn'HH  should  nilopt   llieni;  and   lunre   il   was 
that  Parliament  ontered  his  n'|>ort  lo  lie  published. 
Great  Kriuiiii  haviie.;  Iieeii  deprived  of  ii  market  in 
•he  UcrinBii  Slates  hy  iheliennaii  leaL'iie,  or '/oil-  \ 
Vereiii,   Imiis,   with   anxious    soliriiHile,    lo    this  ■ 
roiinlry,  nnd  asks  to  he  {Hriiiilled,  in  the  laii!;uat;K 
of  Loiil  Jtihn  lliissell.  Ill  his   late  ( irr!,'nn  speech, 
lo  "  eliithe  the  .\nierieiiii  people."    iSir,  ihe  people 
whom  I  have  the  honor  to  renre.senl  have  a  little  loo 
nmi'h  pride  lo  suH'erlliai.     'i'weniy-si\  millions  of 
people  iiniled,  unchr  what  is  ealled  llie'/.oll-V'ereni, 
to  impose  eouniervailini;  duties  cm  lliitish  iroods, 
and  liins  prolcet   tlieir  own   maiiulailiires;  and   it 
is,  liierefore,  no  wonder  that  markets  me  soll^ht 
in  America.   What  other  siiitesmaii  in  this  eoiinlry 
lias  ever  lieen    honoreil   hy  having  liis   reports  or 
Bpeechea  oich  red  lo  he   printed  liy  the   I'lirliameiil 
repie.senlini;  the  fjreat    rohlier   nation,  which  iias 
nlway.s  looked  upon  the  risini;  i^reainess  and  in- . 
creasing  commerce  of  this  country  with  a   jealous 
eye?     Has   the   Hritish   Parliiiinenl  ever  heeii  so 
much  pleased   with  our  lleclaiMiioii  of  Imiepeii- 
(leiicc,  the  Constitution  of  the  United  Slale.s,  llie 
Farewell  Addre.s.s  of  Wasliin!,'ioii  or  .Iiekson,  or 
the  Texas  letter  of  ^^r.  Walker  him.'^i  If,  ns  lo  oidir 
them  lo  he  republished,  and  thereby  L'ive  the  doc- 
trines which  they  contain  its  saiicllon.;     i>iit,(^ir, 
this  is  not  thu   only  notice  which   is   take  n  of  mir 
Secr<lary's  report,     fiir  Itoliert  I'ecl,  iiou-  al   the 
head  of  the  IirilishGovermiieiit,  in  his  i;reat  speech 
on  Ihe  corn  bill,  in  the  llimsc  of  foniinciiis,  on  the 
2(>lli  of  January,  Iflli,  afii  r  speakiii^  in  the  his;|i- 
e.st  terms  of  the  re|Hirt,  says;  **  1  see  .snnie  syinp- 
'  toms  already  of  an  ailhnenrc  lo  Ihe  priiiciph's  by 
'  w  hich  ice  have  been  {;iiideil.      Look  at  the  report 
'  of  the  American  Secretary  of  llie  'I'leasiiry,  Mr. 
'  Walker.    ThnI  shmrs  lliut  our  i  Jimi/i/c  bus  nut  been 
'  uiKiemtinif."     So  that  it  .seems  our  Secretary  fol- 
lows the  example  of  the  liritish  statesmen,  instead 
of  looking  to  the  fathers  of  our  Republic.     Mr. 
Jefl'ersoii   once  exclaimed,  "  What  have  1  done, 
that   my  enemies  prai.se   me.-"     Our  Seeretary 
ini<,'ht  well  paiiine,  and  make   the  same  inipiiry. 
We  are  then,  it  seems,  to  follow  the  example  of 
the   British  Governinenl.     Tiiat  is  not  the  lead   1 
follow.     If  Ihe  fathers  of  oil    Itepiiblic  had   been 
guided  by  the  principles  of  our  cruel  stepmolher 
ueros.s  the  water,  we  would   have  bii  n  compelled 
lo  piirclinse  our  maiiiifactured  articles  from  liir  ut 
the  present  day.      British   .iriiis   have  twice  been 
"  iinavailiii!,'"  Hi;ninst  this  country,  and  I  trust  in 
God  that  we  nrt:  not  now  lo  be  seduced  by  the  force 
of  examjili'.      It'  we  are  to  become  cohmics  a^aill 
of  Great  Briiain,  let  it  be  done  by  force  of  arms, 
not  by  the  seductive  influence  of  example.     If  we 
are  to  be  shorn  of  our  locks,   lei  it  not  be  done  in 
ihe  lap  of  IVliliih.     Bui  let  us  look  a  liulc  further 
into  lliis   biisines.').     We  are   to  be  ijoverned   by 
Eiiiflish  principles  in  Icijislalini;  in  rei;ard  to  com- 
mercial regulations  and  public  revenues;  that  is  to 
say,  the  same  hiw.s  which  would  be  beiielicin|  in 
Kiii;laiid  would   be  beiieliciul   here.     Sir,   1  deny 
the  fact.     England   is  old,  her  population  dense, 
the   laborers  inerc  maehims,  capital  is  cheap,  her 
inanufaeliiriiii;  iiileresi  the  leadinj;  one.     America 
18  young,  her  territory  large,  her  population  hciU- 


1  terrd,  her  (iovermnent  repiibhcaii,  and  iiL'ricullnre 
the  principal  employnienl.  In  Kii^land,  the  nmii- 
iifaclnrer  and  mechanic  ask  for  fice  trade;  not  mi 
here.  We  diU'cr  in  everythiii!;  except  our  laii- 
U'liaL'e.  How,  then,  can  wc  follow  the  example  of  i 
KiiLdaiid  in  our  le:;islalion? 

Tiiit  the  hoiioiiilile^eiitleiiian  fromOenririn,  [Mr.  ' 
,IoNK«.|  who  opened  Ihisdeliale,  says  that  Sir  Itub-  ' 
eri  I'eei  has  .ibaiidoiied  the  laiiileil,  ami  i;oiie  nver 
111  the  niaiiiifactiniii;  iiiteicsl;  ihal  he  now  lev'is-  \ 
lates  for  the  masses,  and  I'lOl  for  a  particular  class.  i| 
1  ailinil  that  he  has  ehauL'ed  his  )iosition,  liiil  I 
allirin  that  il  was  from  no  love  of  principle,  ficiin 
nil  love  of  this  country;  il  was  to  maintain  the 
iiianufaclnrin,!;  and  cnminercial  siipiemacy  uf  his 
Ciovernmenl.  The  member  fi. nil  (-ieorixm  asks, 
"Can  we  expect  thai  Kiiuland  will  irive  a  niinket 
for  our  nrain  wilhoni  we  will  lake  in  return  her 
products"'  In  answer  I  have  In  say,  thai  if  Klie 
will  lake  brendslulls  I'lion^'h  to  pi\y  for  one-fiflh  or 
one-sixth  of  the  nianiilaciiired  articles  which  she 
sr'iids  IIS,  I  will  ie;iee  to  relax  niir  revenue  sys-" 
'  teiii.  We  look  near  I(MI,(I(MI,IMHI  dollars'  worth 
of  her  inaniiliictiired  articles  the  last  year,  anil  she 
'  did  not  take  lll.OIMI.IMHI  dollars' worlli  of  our  eraiii 
and  mMiniliictures.  .As  t'lr  back  as  IKJI,  ( ieneral 
'  .lackson  aiiswerf  d  all  such  tpieslions  in  a  letter  to 

Dr.  Coleman,  of  North  Carolitin.     lie  says: 
I      of  Hill  !t,\i,  Wliiil  i«  llie  rent  Mniiiliiin  ur  mir  leiriciilliir- 

l>tH.'     Wlicrc  liiirt  tlic  .Niiirrietiii  liiriacr  II  iicirkcl  liir  his  'j 
!l  (iiir|iliis  iiniiltict-.'     Kvcrpi  liir  cdtinii.  lie  Iuh  iii'ltlicr  n  for- 
cljll  lliir  Jllielic  llllirkcl.      Ilii.-iinl  lliiHi-lciirjy  jnnve.  «  line 
tlicre  is  iin  niiirkct  iitlicr  iit  liniiie  or  ntininil.  Iliiil  there  i^ 

IiMi  iiiiicti  Ititirir  ciiipliiv  I  il  111  ituriciiltiiri',  anil  Itiiil  II hnie 

llrls  tor  Intier  :-ll<)lllil  tie  iiMilli|illcil .'  I  ViiiillKill  s^elliie  [iiinilK 
nut  ill  micf  ihc  miieilv.  jlnnv  rniiii  iiiirii'liltiiii-  llii-'  fiijirr- 
;iliiiiiiliinl  Intior,  eiiipliiylt  in  iiiccliiiiiisni  iiiiil  iiiaiiiieiciiirrs. 
Ilii  ri'tiv  erciilililf  n  Imhi'ic  iiinrkct  tor  >iilir  t.rctiiUliilf-.  illiil  i 
ili-lriliillinu  liitiiir  Id  tile  iiiniil  pnitiliititc  ncriiiiiil.  iiiiil  liciie-  | 
lil4  Ml  till'  iniiiitr)' nil)  result.  'rnk«-  rrolii  iiurieiitnire  ill 
Itlc  I  'lilti'il  .s^rili'v'  .i  \  liiinitr'  ll  Itlnlls.'lllll  men,  wnllien.  Iind 
i-llllilretl.  Ilh'l  yiill  \Mll  ill  'Mice  L'oe  II  liollie  IMlirK-  It'lir  llinre 
tire:ul>liiH»*  itiiili  III!  Ktirnpi'  iiiiw  Oiiiiislii-s  lis.  tn  sAoW.mV, 
in' h(ti-r  Ill-en  ton  I'm::  vil'icil  f<i  llir  nrili<h  uirritimiti.  Il  is 
lime  u-e  shiiiilil  ticcoiiie  a  tillle  iiinre  Amen -iiiit/.eil ;  unit 
ia-tiail  of  teeililiL'  tlic  p;iil|iers  ni'  Miiirliiiiit.  leeit  niiriivcii; 
iir  ctse.  in  n  ftinrt  lime.  Ii\  (■nnliiiiiiiiL'  eiir  |irc.«eiit  policy, 
\\t'  sliiill  all  tic  reiideri'il  piHipers  mirselves."' 

But.  sir,  althnu'_'h  I  admit  that  there  is  n  srar- 
ciiy  of  iiraiii    in    Kimland;  that  she   wains  about 
I.'>;nnil.(mil  luislnls  ammnllylo  supply  the  delieien-  : 
cv,  she  does   nut   lonk   III  this  eoiintry  for  such 
'iipfilv,  and   would    not,   if  we   permiited   her  lo  n 
I'liriiish  all  oiir  niainitactured  articles  free  of  duty.  ' 
It  is  idle  to  sny  thnt    the   repeal   of  her  corn  l.iws  : 
will  ijreally  benelit  the  a'.'riciiltiirist  of  this  enunlrj. 
I  sincirelv  wish  it  would;  for  I  would  rather  lei^is- 
late  for  llie  lienefn  of  the  farmeis  than  any  other 
classof  neiiple.     They  cdnstitiite  the  main  strength 
of  the  nation.      It  is  their  biisiiiess  n|ioii  which  nil  . 
others  depend;  it    is  the  most  dignified  as  well  as  , 
useful  pursuit,  and  I  believe   it  is  the  iiaturnl  em-  ! 
ploynicni  of  nrin.     We  are  told  by  Divine  aiilhnr-  ; 
ity,  that  "ihe  hiislinndinan   that  liibnreth  shall  be 
tlie  first  partaker  of  the  IVnit."     But,  sir,  is  this  . 
the   only   urain-^'rowinL'  conntry  r      In    IHOfi,   the, 
liritish    flovernment    nppoinleil    a  rnmmissinner, 
(Mr.  Jacobs.)   nnd  directed   him  to  proceed  to  the 
ennnlry  npnn  the  Baltic,  &e.,  in  iisccrtam  whether 
a  supply  of  ffrain  eonld  be  oiitaineil   from  there, 
and  for  what  |irire,iXc.     Here  is  his  report,  which 
I    have   obtained    from   the    library,   luakinir  o;,() 
fintres.     He  was  tint  sent  lo  the  viilley  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, which   we   hear  of  so  nuicli.     In   IH40, 
the  British  (iovernmenl  instructed  liir  roiisuls,  in  i 
all   the   marls   of  Iraile,  lo   report  upon   llie  irrain  ' 
trade;  nnd  they  did  sn,  their  reports  niakiii^  a  lar^e  ' 
book,  by  which  il  can  he  seen  that  other  cniintries  i 
can  snppiv  Kii'-'lanil  with  nearly  as  iimcli  irrnin  as  ! 
.she    wants,  cheaper   ihan    we   can.     Mcf.'ollocli, 
an   npproml   h'.iiL'li.sh  writer,  in   his  (^oinmercial 
Dictionary,  after  speakiii'.;  of  ilie  nvcra^i  ]:r|ee  nf 
srain   in   New  York  and   Philadelphia,  which   he  i 
says  is  from  SI   12  to  «tl  2(t  per  bushel,  says: 

I      '■  Il  oiiclit  I'l  tie  reinnrtieil  tliiit  itic  prices  in  Anieriea  nre  ' 
ii-iiall\  lintier  llMin  in  the  llatlie;  nil  Hull  hilt  liltle  cini  tie 
tiriiiiillit  t'niiii  Itie  liiriner,  (Anicricii.j  e\ce[it  wtien  the  ilc- 
inaliil  is  snlliciciit  [ireviiiii.sly  lo  take  olflliu  elieiiper  wlieiitl 
III  liie  iinrllii-rii  piirtc." 

I  have  iiol  time  to  s;o  into  the  stitisties  to  show 
tlic  reason  of  the  low  price  of  ^raiii  on  the  Baltic 
or  Black  sea;  but  as  eoiichisive  anlliorily  upon  llie 
point  I  am  now  discuBsiiiir,  I  cite  a  porlioti  of  the 
speech  of  Lord  A.Hliburton,  that  clearsi;;lited  and  ; 
sa;;acioiis  statesman,  in   the   lloii.se  of  Lords  in 

i  i-'ebruury  lust.     After  (saying  that  the  products  of  i 


the  noil  ef  Fiiijland  wn,i  ifreally  i>ni;iiieiileil,  lin 
nlwervnl  in  n:,'aril  to  the  deficiency  of  supply  in 
the  Kn;;lisli  market: 

'*  lint  Itie  siipiily  iiiilsl  not  hei'ijiei-liil  rreiii  Amerien  :  nm? 
we  cnlllil  mil  lime  a  heller  priiiiriit  ItllM  lllllll  tic  tael  llitil  iil 
tills  nil  line  III  Ameiieiineiini  cntlhl  cnine  lieie,  lliriiiii;li  I'liii- 
nihi.  Ill  a  limy  ef  tmir  •liitlniits,  ( per  (piiirler  iit'eiitlil  hn-hels;) 
mill  , vet  It'  liie  ri  liinis  uere  eviiinimil,  il  winilil  lie  liniiiil 
that  Iliac  t'-iitlisiii  Ihe  liireiun  uritiii  hniiitflit  in  I>'iiir1iiiiil  vv  ts 
rniiil  Itie  fliihle.  thiiimti  Ihe  iliitv  isi  Rraiii  t'naii  lU  Nlinn  s 
vya*  lllteeii  stiilliiii,'s  n  i|nnrler. " 

And  yet,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  the  face  of  these  nil 
nnsweralde  facts  and  in'i;iniieiils,  we  are  ciinslaiiily 
asked  to  open  our  porl.i  lo  British  fabrics  brciinse 
she  will  lake  our  L'lain  lo  pay  for  ihein.  I  liiivi, 
shown  that  she  will  nnl  iln  il,  except  In  a  limiicil 
ixielil,  and  that  only  frnin  ncce.ssiiy.  She  wniilil 
nnl  taken  Inisln  1  if  she  had  .MiiHicii  nt  land  to  .sup 
ply  her  own  wants.  If  she  is  really  in  fwnr  of  a 
liberal  cnminercial  system,  why  dues  she  mil  lake 
oil  the  duty  of  I'JtHI  per  ecni.  which  she  impiises 
upon  tobacco  of  our  sniithern  .Slates,  and  thereby 
raiscH  near  seventeen  millions  of  dollars  isr  niimiin' 
111  answer  to  this  demand  of  Kn;;laiiil  iiiion  the 
nations  of  the  earth  fnr  a  liberal  commerciid  sysleni 
and  t'irv  trade,  the  f''ii  in  h  .Ministrr  of  Comineroe, 
M.  Ciinin  tJridain,  in  l''elirimrv  last,  in  the  Clinm- 
bir  of  Deputies,  made  the  follnwini,'  apprnpriate 
reply — one  which  we  might  i.mkc,liir  the  mime  anil 
ulron^er  reasons: 

"  I  hey  vvlin  lielinlcl  in  Ihe  rernnn  propnueil  lo  Ihe  Knolisli 
r'arhiiiiii'nl  a  tiniiiiii.n'  pail  intlic  lliriirv  iirain'iilnte  emniiier 
cial  liherly.are  qnilc  nilslakcn.  |  Hear,  heiir.l  'I'hcy  who 
lliiiiK  ttiat"Kiii:Iuiiil  itives  ns  in  tins  an  ctiimptc  vvlueli  we 
iiiiiitil  to  I  n'ieilv  liiltiivv.  have  rnrnicil  nil  npinmr  vvliicti  we 
ciiiisiiler  iilni'.'eitier  priniiilnrc.     [Near,   liear.j      F.ntitnnit, 

when  slie  h'Bislah's  Uir  her iierce vrr  listens  m  any 

vvliisperiiii*s  lint  tlinse  which  her  interests  ^llL'Ccst ;  In  licit 
He  iiiiiiht  In  iniilalir  tier,  flu-  ilnes  nnl  nllmv  lierselt  In  lie 
liinveil  hv  llnsirles-  -lie  hiiiks  etilellytii  tilrts.  Nimhcie 
u.is  the  iirnlnliillve  i-y-tein  )ir.iriiseit  liir  a  IiiiiL'cr  nine  *ir 
ninrc  cniii|,lelely  than"  Willi  tier,  anil  stie  ilcpinteil  rinlll  II 
Hilly  when  stie'fiivv  thai  an  .ihsnlnlc  ncressity  e\tsleil  for 
her  lo  liiiil  new  iinnlvels.  IVliiit  itoes  Itie  rctiirni  linvv  beliirt- 
ParlinliienI  propo-e  In  iln?  It  iiinitith's  ttlc  eiirii  Iiivvs,  itiiil 
sliifts  In  niaiinl'.ii  tiirnni  vvcallli  tlie  |ire|Minili'rniiee  which 
has  iiiihcnn  tieloineil  tn  territorial  power.  It  reihiees  tin- 
lllllies  on  several  nt"  Ihe  necehsliries  ol  life,  mill  on  otijeets 
la  wliieh  riii>l.iiiil  lines  lint  fear  any  enmpelitmn ;  hut  il  lias 
mnst  carelillty  pre-ervcil  ttiein  ini  ntliers  which  ileiiniliil 
prnleelinii.  It  is  rerlani  llliil  Kllitlainl  hnpes  In  iinhiee  oilier 
itrcllt  rowers  tn  foUovv  her  cuampte;  lint  will  she  siieeeeil 
ill  (Inini!  sn.^  Ill  iirilcr  In  iniiiate  tier,  ill  my  opiiiinii,nm' 
oiiulil  to  tie  III  Itie  same  siliialiiHi  as  Kniiliiiiil;  she  onclit  to 
he  r'oiii(S'teil  will)  I'll  ei)iiiil  li-niis.  lint  llmt  is  mil  an  easy 
imiller  ;  t'lr  whiil  nattnii  has  as  nnieli  iiiaeliiti''r>-,  as  |iovver 
fill  a  navy,  nml  .is  tiiaiiy  colonies  ^  |  Hear,  hciir.]  Kiiulainl 
has  only  ileciili'tl  hi  Is-  lils-rnl  in  roimii'-rei.al  iiintlcrs,  wlien 
►he  lOiinil  tier  ailvaiit.'lli''  in  iHaiil!  so  ;  let  us  ilo  litn'  Inr— li'l 
IIS  reiietall  atiriipt  IralisilioiiH.  Hiiiee  ISII  all  our  eiiMoms* 
I  I'-itisJiitioii  has  hail  lor  its  olijcpt  llie  protia  linn  of  our  iiinn- 
iilactnri'fl  iiinl  the  ilcvelnpnieiil  of  onr  fhippiii!;  inleresl;  let 
IIS  reinain  vviltiin  the  Inn'  so  ilravvii  until  such  lime  ns,  tike 
Kimtamt,  we  stiiitl  have  no  lomrer  iieeil  of  such  preeantion. 

I'niitlral  inoinists  may,  nl  their  ease,  ihchire  nnniselvcH 

iianisnns  of  free  Iraile.  hat  n  |irnilent  t'overiiincat  nimlil  lo 
act  nlher\vise— lamht  to  carcfnily  iveiL'h  iiioTcsts  nf  every 
kimi,  ami  prolccl  lliciii  sh'aihty.  IVohiliiiion  has  run  its 
nice ;  irc  onirtil  to  enter  on  a  conr«e  of  nilv.incenient  iiint  of 
wisely  iiimlenite  iiroleelion ;  tint  lieynnil  thai  we  oiiclil  not 
In  en."  I  Hear. J  I.el  lis  re-erve  In  otirselves  ttie  home  iiiiir- 
ket,  for  II  will  iilvviiys  h"  liaiml  to  tie  hcsl.  'Vhen  niir  pro 
,  iliielive  power  stiall  tie  ns  ureal  lis  tlial  of  Ti  ;:1  nil,  we  may 
act  ns  she  is  iin-.y  itniiiL';  hilt  snecess  In  wtlllt  e  is  attempt 
ill!.'  is  nnty  p'issihle  where  an  Iniinense  nianiifm-tnrtnti  ilcvel- 
npnn'iil  enists.  We,  hniv'ver.  pr"|iiise  hi  presenl  iietl  ses 
sinn  a  hill  whicli  wilt  make  very  '■onsiiteralile  moililientinns 
I  III  our  pri'seiit  lllllies;  tint  we  shall  act  with  raiitiini.  iiiiri 
Hhalt  enileavnr  In  cniieiliaf  all  inleresti*.     f  Hear,  henr.J" 

(  have  thus  shown  thnt  the  ;ifn;)/f  of  the  <;rniii- 
jrrowins:  and  mamiliictnrinp:,  if  not  the  entton- 
j,-rowiii;;  Stales,  would  !;ain  nnlhinj,  and  woiihj 
have  their  home  market  injured,  by  following  tie 
i  "example"  of,  or  adopling  n  more  liberal  eoni- 
!  mercial  policy  with  England.  How  far  supposed 
eonimereial  ailvantngea  on  either  side  led  to  the 
seltlenienl  of  the  Oregon  question  ill  the  maniiei 
mated  in  the  newspapers,  I  am  not  prepared  now 
to  .say;  when  the  injunction  of  seereey  shall  be 
taken  olf,  the  treaty  |iroclair,,eil,  and  the  lindget 
which  the  President  senl  lo  the  Sinale  with  il  shall 
be  opened,  and  ils  eontenlamade  known,  I  will  be 
prepand  lo  ael  nnd  speak  in  the  premises.      I  will 

not  conde the   President,  or  any  other  person, 

in  advance  and  without  a  hearing.  But  I  confess 
that  I  have  my  ftars.  I  fear  that  England  has  got 
more  than  she  ought  lo  have,  and,  above  all,  I 
fear  that  in  our  legi.dation  she  is  about  t'l  obtain 
commercial  ndvtttitiigcs  which  will  be  more  valuable 
lo  her  Ihan  the  whole  of  Oregon,  and  which  will 
prove  destructive  to  the  interests  of  the  great  State 
I  linvc  the  honor  in  part  lo  reiiiesenl.  I  voted  for 
the  notice  lecommcnded  by  llie  President;  and  if 


.ta&i' 


lie  '^1 


tpa. 


IiimI,   hr 

I'l'iy  111 


I  rhtit  III 
|>i:l>  ('jiri- 
Jii-Ipi'Ih;) 
l">  llMlitii 
llllllll  \\:m 


tfnf  iin- 

I  Iniv<. 
iriilicil 
wiiiiM 

III  Nllll 

i>r  III  II 

III   llll<C 

ilftnirM 
lirirliy 
iinnni^ 
on  tliL- 
y»icin 
■  iiiirrrr, 
1  <'linin 

'Iprillfr 

Inn;  mill 


2ttTH  CoNO Iht  Skss. 


ArPKNDlX  TO  THK  CONGUFSSIO\AI<  GT-OIIE. 


981 


Tfie  Tariff— Mr.  Sirohm. 


H 


<»,  OK 


IKr.vn. 


In 


wiTiiiilil  Imvc  piiHHi'il  il  ntnni'C,  willmntnix  wp«ki'  \\ 
iiilk  iilioni  llii'  srrcal  hiiviilmIi  of  iliin  iiniinn,  Ihc  ' 
(iiirrni'M  iiT  wnr,  iniil  llin  lii>iinhi'H  of  pon'T,  I  Iwiipvi' 
n  Miiirc  ail\Milii<;iMiuH  Hrnli-nifiit  rmitil  Iiiivp  Ihtm 
iilitaihcil.     'vtiirn  »(icorlit'«  writ:  niiuli*  upon    tho 
Niilijrit  \\w.\   wire  iiiiiiIp  in    tin'    nlil    ('nnliiK'iilal 
("iinjirrtfi  fi- itn   1774  In  l7M:t.     itiKJly,  I  fear  llmt 
lirral  lliihi  n  will  lliink  n  iialinii  wlmKi'  rcpruKcnl-  , 
MiivcM  (ii(it  nil   niiirli,  will   mil  nrl  in   a   inainiRr  i 
oill.'T  In  p.nintain  ilN  riiflilH  or  Inirl  Mnylnxly.    Itnt  i 
I  (III  iinl  wihIi  Id  ronHiiniriny  linuMifinn  lliiH  point.  ' 
As   I  find   my  linn;  in  nenrlv  cxfiirril,  (   must 
liniry  my  remarks  In  n  cloHr.    The  n  |nTS(mtiitivcH 
iVmn  till'  Sniill),  anil  sinnc  from  tin*  Wrsi,  roinplain 
of  till'  oppri'HSinn  umlcr  wliirli  thi'V  liilmrin  cnnHi'- 
(lurni'c  iif  till-  prrsiMit  Hysirni,  anil  iIimiI  in  ijrncrnl  I 
ili'minriatiims  alioiit  nionopnlirs — atioiit  oiii'  por-  ' 
lion   nf  llif  pi'iipli!  liciiii;  laxi'il  for  ilxOirnrtil  ofi 
Miiollirr,  tVc,     'I  In-ir  iMiti^iiat:^  ia  that  ol*riinipltiiiit  I 
anil  niniai'C.   Mow,  piiilli'inrn,  (•onii'  fnrwaril  willi 
your  spciMfii'alionn,     Yon  any  lliiil  tli<^  lil'.'li  iliilira  ; 
iniiirr  llir  nil  of  IHfJ  ni'iki,'  hii:li  priri's;  llial  yinir  ' 
I'lnnmcrrr  is  di'stroyril,  t\-r.    .Shinv  lis  wiml  arlii'lr 
«»f  nrri'Hsity  or  rnnvrnioni'r  has  Imi'ii  inni'aHi-il  in 
prii'i".    Do  yon  pi\y  mor.  for  coiion  !;ooi|s  -  Why, 
MO,  yiin  CfCt  tlipin  rlirapir  than  over.     Oo  yon  |iay 
onv  morn  f\^\'  hats,  rlnthini;,  nr  sliites,  than  ynii 
(liil  lii'fnrc?     Ci'rlainly  not;  yini  i,'rl  iln'm  rhcaper 
tliaii  cvor,  and  maili'  fiy  niir  own  mri'lianii's.     I)ii  ' 
von  pay  niiirn  for  coal  tlinii  yon  did  liiforr?     Noi  ' 
hrransa  11  ran  Im'  olil.iini'd  I'lnuiprr  than  cvrr,  iiot- 
wilhsiandin'^  X\w  (Inly  was  iiii-rcascd  friin  U^  riMita 
III  <tl  7,'i  per  ton.     And  I  lliink  1  ran  show  tliat  if 
It  had  mil  lic(  n  for  the  pasaasjii  nf  thi;  act  of  IH4!i, 
yon  wonlil  hnvi-  liccn  olili^:d  to  pay  1,'>  or  'M  per 
rnit.  more  for  iron  than  you  do  now.     Assonii  as 
t  he  act  of  |M4'J  was  passed,  with  kiinwin:;  that  l\ivw 
uai-  siiin^'  111  111!  so  ;;rcnl  a  demand  for  the  artlele  ill 
l'!ii;lanil,  maiiv  eiiL'Hi;rd  in  its  miimil'actiire,  in  this 
country,  anil  thn.s  supplied  the  market;  whereas, 
if  we  had  depended,  as  lM;l'oie,oii  the  Knirlish  xnp- 
ply,  the  prien  must  mices.sarily  have  ijreally  in- 
ori'iised,  luM'tuine  Knirland  einilit  not  furnish  a  snt*- 
tieieiit  i|uantity  for  the  eon.snmption  of  both  eoun-  ' 
tries.  And  yet  almost  every  speaker  from  a  certain 
qnarlcr  of  ilic  Uaiitn  lias  wimethin<;  to  any  a<;aiiist  ' 
IViiiisylvania  aliont  this  duty  on   coal  and   Iron, 
Good  iron  orn  is  to  lie  fnniid  in  nearly  every  State 
of  this  Union;  and  if  there  is  so  much  mnney  to 
he  made  in   its  inanufnctiire,  why  is  it  that  othur 
Slates  do  not   imiinlc  our  exaniplfl?     The   iron 
rstahlishminls  which  liave  hecn  eieiled  ill  I'eiin- 
i-ylvania  since  IH42,  pay  near  ^ I ,''>l),IH)0  per  annum 
in  the  sha|)e  of  tolls  to  that  Slate.     Tluise  erected 
in  lhe(;oiinly  in  which  I  Imvc  the  honor  to  reside, 
paid  the  Slate  for  the  transportation  of  the  manu- 
ilirliired  article  alone,  the  last  year,  over  seven  , 
thousand  dollars,  as  I  am  informed.    I  say  nothing 
of  the  !,'rain  they  consume,  the  lalior  they  employ, 
and  the  money  ihey  cireulate.    This!;ix'at  ineriase 
in  the  iron  husiness  has  injured  no  eluss  fif  people;  . 
and  yet  it  wonhl  really  seem  that  it  is  to  he  made  I 
the  Buhject  of  complaint  against  iny  native  Stale. 
Sir,  it  is  now  hecomn  an  axiom,  that  the  decree  of 
eivili/.alinn  attained  by  any  nation  or  people,  may 
he  tested  hy  the  quantity  of  iron  they  mamifaiture 
tmd  consume.     It  is  one  of  the  ;xreat  necessaries  of 
life,  nnd  is  the  jreal  arlielo  with  which  we  defend  i 
ourselves  in  lime  of  war;  nnd  therefore  we  iniirht  1 
to  do  n.s  all  other  civilized  nations  have  done — pro- 
tect its  manufacture.     It  is  more   vahinhle   than 
mines  of  ifold  or  silver,  which  only  serve  to  urnlil'y 
avarice,  and  liniiisli  imlnslry.     It  has  heen  heauti- 
fiilly  said,  that  it  "accommodates  il.self  to  all  our 
'  wants,  our  desires,  and  oven  our  caprices;  il  is, 
*  eipiallv  stM'viceable  to  the  arl.s,  the  sciences,  to  i 
'  a','ricuhure,  and  war;  the  same  ore  furnishes  the  \ 
'sword,  the  ploiishsliarc,  the  scythe,  the  pi'unin<^ 
'hook,  the  needle,  the  .sprin;;  of  the  watch  or  a 
'  carria;;e,   the  chisel,  the  chain,  the  anchor,  the 
■  compiiss,  the  eaiinon,  and  the  bomb;  it  is  a  meili-  \ 
'  cine  of  much  virtue,  and  the  only  met;il  friendly  ! 
'  to  the  human  frame."     I  also  deny  thatoiircom-  ' 
ineice  Inis  been  injured;  the  commercial  tables  do 
not  show  it.     I!ut  even  thouijh  our  foreij;n  trade  | 
should  lUll  ofl'  a  little,  our  internal  nnd  eoastiiij;  j 
trade  has  greatly  increased,  which  is  much  moro  i 
profitable,  ami  employs  more  of  our  people.    Gen- 
tlemen ou!;ht  not  to  uomplnin  thnt  certain  portions 
of  the  Union  ennnscd  in  mnmifacuires  arc  enter- 
prisinc;,  nnd  thereby  prosper.     I  recommend  them 
to  go  and  do  likewise;  to  do  na  we  do — 


«  Tn  ■rnrii  limnMii  mac,  niiil  live  liilKirlnui  iliiya  I" 

Hilt  il  i"  said  thnt  we  must  reduce  the  diitiPH,  in  1 
order  to  induce  lari^er  iiiiportalions.and  llms  obtain  i 
mil  e  ipveniie  to  carry  on  the  war  willi  Mexico.  I  I 
do  not  think  thai  this  lillle  mailer  of  wur  llmt  we  | 
have  i;ot  on  hand,  with  llinl  feeble  nnd  distraclid 
imlioii,  should  cause  a  chaivjre  in  our  revenin'  «ys- 
lein;  but  even  if  it  did,  a  rediiclion  of  the  dunes, 
experience  proves,  reduces  the  revenue.  At  the 
commencement  of  the  hist  war  the  duties  were 
doubled,  in  order  to  increase  the  reveniii',  and  now 
il  is  proposed  to  reduce  ihem.  iJuriiiir  the  last 
year  our  exports  were  about  ninety  niillioiis,  and 
the  imjiiirls  about  the  same.  If  impnrls  are  ^really 
increased,  w  hat  will  we  pay  for  ibein  with  ?  Ac- 
cording; to  my  cnlculiiiion,  under  ilie  reduced  scale 
of  duties  proposed  by  the  hill  riosv  under  cunsidir- 
ation,  we  would  have  to  import  froin  fifty  to  ei;;Iily 
millions  more  than  we  did  liinl  year  in  order  to  ^'d 
revenue  eiiou'.jh  to  carry  on  the  (jo\eriiinent,  if  wc 
had  no  war  expenses.  That  would  ciiiise  too 
heavy  n  drain  upon  our  specie.  I  am  willing'  to 
impose  diilies  upon  articles  that  are  now  in  the 
free  list,  to  binrow  money,  or  issue  treasury  iiiilcs, 
in  order  to  push  this  war  to  a  siiccessriil  termina- 
tion; but  I  do  not  believe  it  will  be  so  prolracteil  as 
to  call  for  any  L'real  chan'.;e  in  our  revenue  laws. 
I  would  never  consent  to  make  it  a  warof  coiupie.-Jt. 
I  would  moke  il  a  vi'^'orniis  war,  to  force  a  peace, 
and  obtain  our  just  ritthts;  but  I  would  he,  very 
careful  how  I  annex  territory  won  liy  the  sworil, 
or  incorporale  a  comiuered  people,  nnacipiiiinled 
with  our  insliiulions,  into  our  Union.  Neillier 
rrpnblic.in  iior  relii;ious  principles  are  to  be  propa- 
gated at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  I  believe  it  is 
n  part  of  the  deslinv  of  this  nation  to  give  free 
institutions  to  this  whole  conlincni;  but  it  must  be 
done  by  de-^^rees,  and  by  moral  Hunsiou.  ("^Iiris- 
lianity  and  repuhlicani.~:ni  must  go  Iianil  in  hand. 

In  comdusiiin,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  desire  to  make 
n  few  observations  in  reply  to  the  nnliind  illusions 
which  have  heen  made  to  my  iiaiive  State.  Sir, 
nearly  every  speaker  has  had  something  sneeringly 
to  Siiy  about  the  position  which  the  democracy  of 
that  .Slate  has  always  herelofnre,  and  now  occu- 
pies, upon  this  i-|nestion  of  the  larilV.  That  good 
old  Comnioiiwealtli  seems  to  be,  in  this  debate,  a 
lillle  like  the  man  in  the  frontispieiMi  of  the  alnm- 
iiac — all  are  poinling  at  him. 

The  honorable  geiitleman  from  Tennessee  [Mr. 
JoHvsoMJ  gravelyasked  usioe.oine  upon  the  Dem- 
ocratic plalform.  Sir,  I  would  like  to  know  when 
Pennsylvania  has  heen  off  that  platform;  and  with 
what  propriety  n  geiitleman  calling  himself  n  Dem- 
ocral,  from  'remiessee,  which  was  Whig  in  lH;t(!, 
Whig  in  1840,  and  Whig  in  the  great  contest  of 
|H44,cnu  give  such  all  invitation  !  Charily  bi'giiis 
at  home;  and  I  therefore  siii'gcst  to  him  the  prii- 
jiriety  of  gelling  his  own  St.i'e  into  democratic  line, 
in  some  of  the  great  conlests  for  political  )>iiwer, 
and  then  wc  will  lisleii  to  him  with  some  degree  of 
attention.  Why,  At,  the.se  Stales  of  Tennessee 
and  North  Carolina,  from  whence  ihedistinguishi'd 
chairman  of  the  CViminittee  of  Ways  and  Means, 
[^!r.  MeK»v,|  who  has  submilted  the  hill  now 
upon  the  tiiiile,  comes,  are  only  in  our  viny  when 
we  come  loelccl  n  Deniocrnlic  President.  And  yet 
these  gentlemen  now  claim  to  lav  down  the  plat- 
form which  the  deinoeracv  of  other  States  mu.«t 
occupy.  Hut  it  is  said  wc  do  tint,  in  Pennsylvania, 
belong  to  the  iii'ogirv.vii'c  democracy.  1  do  not  know 
what  kind  ol  progress  is  meant,  without  it  is  the 
kind  which  we  witness  in  Tennessee,  which  is  sure 
to  gel  on  the  Whiirside;  nkind  of  crab  demoeraey, 
that  learns  "downward  to  climb  and  backward  io 
adviince."  Sir,  Peiliisylvania  is  always  moder.iie 
ill  pretence,  but  greatly  in  demand  about  election 
times:  then,  there  is  a  great  deal  of  lip-service:  her 
ileinocriicy  is  not  questioned  then:  but  as  soon 
as  the  smoke  of  the  eontliet  has  evapnrated,  we 
see  these  Democrats  from  Whig  Slates  about 
Washington,  thick  ns  blackberries,  to  claim  llic 
spoils  of  victory.  I  would  like  to  ask  these  gen- 
tlemen, who  gel  wise  beyond  what  is  written,  and 
claim  to  belong  to  the  progres.^ive  democracy, 
whether  they  nre  prepared  to  do  without  the  old- 
fashioned  .felTcrson'nn,  slone-fenee,  hee-linc  de- 
mocracy of  Pcnnsylvanin?  "  Can  the  eye  sny  to 
ihe  hand,  1  have  no  need  of  thee?" 

Sir,  we  occupy  the  same  position  on  this  ques- 
tioii  of  the  tarilT  which  was  occupied  by  Jefl'erson, 
Madison,  Monroe,  nnd  Jnckson,  the  same  position 


which  wn  hnve  nernpied  •lne«  lh«  orifiinizntiiin  of 
Ihe  Uovernmenl,  and  we  are  not  now  to  he  drivrn 
from  it;  nnd  I  advise  thouMvlio  desire  to  oblainor 
retain  political  power,  to  lake  herd  how  lliey  IriHn 
with  tile  nidiHIrial  piirsuilM  of  the  people  of  that 
greal  Slate.  Iliil  we  hear  n  great  deal  about  ino- 
no|iolies,  end  it  i-i  said  thai  we  plunder  the  people 
of  the  Siinlli  under  these  revenue  laws.  The  only 
kind  of  monopnly  that  I  know  of  is  in  the  piiblir. 
ollices  under  the  (ieiieral  (Jiivernmenl.  We  very 
si'ldom  gel  a  PreMiilent,a  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Heprcseiiialivcs,  or  a  chirrman  of  the  f  !oiiimitti-e 
of  Ways  and  Means,  or  any  oilier  ollii  er,  from  one 
of  the  greal  iiiirlln'.'ii  Siales.  And  yet  we  do  nearly 
all  the  voiiiig,  and  consume  thric-fourths  of  the 
goods  subject  to  duty,  ami  therefore  pay  three- 
foiirtliM  ol*  Ihe  taxes,  if  gentlemen  ple.i.se  to  cnll 
euslom-hoiise  duties  taxes.  Look  at  this  I  [iMise 
as  now  organized;  the  ehairtnan  of  the  C'onnnillee 
of  Ways  and  Means  from  a  lA-deral  State;  Nemf 
York,  with  tliirly-foiir  Itepresinlatives,  has  llireo 
chalrnieii  of  iiniinpnrtant  commillees;  niiil  lllinoiil, 
with  six  Itepreseulatives,  has  four  chairmen  of  im- 
portant ciMiimitlees.  Pi'iiiisylvania  is  Ireated  with 
Ihe  same  neglect.  Why,  sir,  there  has  not  been  a 
greal  debate,  even  in  the  Committee  of  the  Wliola 
on  the  stale  nf  the  Union,  for  the  last  three  yean, 
in  which  a  member  north  of  Mason  and  Dixon'd 
line  has  occupied  the  chair.  The  Iriuh  is,  the  time 
has  arrived  when  il  has  become  nc-essary  for  the 
Democracy  oftheirreal  Slalesof  New  York,  Penii- 
sylvMiiia,  and  Ohio,  Io  stand  togeth.-r  by  way  of 
Helf-defeiice.  The  only  reason  which  is  assigned 
for  treating  tlii!  llepresenlalives  from  these  great 
.States  with  so  much  neglect  is,  llmt  they  nre  not 
kept  here  long  enough  to  obtain  the  rcipiiaile  expe- 
rience to  lake  a  prominent  part  In  the  business  nf 
le^'islatioii;  but  that,  ill  my  judgment,  \a  not  a 
suirnient  reason. 

A  few  more  words,  Mr.  (^hainnnn,  in  reply  to 
the  HUggcsiion,  by  way  of  ihreni,  made  hy  thegen- 
lleman  from  ( ieoiL'ia,  j  .Mr.,)osK.s,]lliat  the v  would 
impose  exci,<e  duties  upon  our  producis  if  tlic  [ires- 
eiit  system  of  iTveinie  laws  was  continued.  Sir, 
that,  in  my  judgmcnl,  is  the  worst  form  of  nidlifi- 
ealioii.  If  we  are  to  have  nullification,  lei  it  he 
done  with  a  bold  and  manly  front,  such  as  we  wil- 
ne.s.ved  in  iSoiilh  Carolina  some  years  since — not 
by  taxing  producis  sent  from  one  Stale  to  another. 
The  Cniistliution  provides  for  free  trade  between 
the  Slates,  and  to  prevent  il  by  exci.se  duties  would 
be  the  most  certain  way  of  destroying  onv  Union, 
lint  I  have  no  fears  of  that,  notwithslunding  theso 
threats,  which  are  as  harmless  as  they  nre  uncalled 
for;  and  the  only  evil  we  wish  those  who  make 
ihem  is,  to  know  how  little  we  enre  for  them.  Sir, 
0'.;r  tinion  is  the  nrk  of  sali  ly  for  our  snutlierii 
friends  as  well  ns  fi..  us.  We  can  live  ns  well  out 
of  it  as  they  can,  nnd  they  know  it  very  well.  It 
was  the  swaddling  clothes  of  our  national  infancy, 
and  it  is  the  coat  of  mail  which  envelopes  the  giant 
limbs  of  nntionnl  manhood.  It  has  "grown  with 
our  grinvtii,  nnd  slrengthened  with  our  strength." 
With  the  recent  ndmi.ssion  of  new  Suites,  Ihe  great 
extension  of  our  territory,  nnd  the  great  increase 
of  our  population,  thank  God,  the  Conslitulion  of 
our  fathers  is  still  solid  and  entire. 

[Here  Mr.  Brophkah's  hour  expired,  and  lie 
wns  obliged  to  conclude  his  remnrks.] 


THE   TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  STROIIM, 

OV  I'liNNSYI.VANIA, 

I.V  Tin;  lloi'SK  OF   UKIKtSENTATlVKS, 

Jimc  ->."i,  1840. 
The  Hill  reported  by  the  ('ommittce  of  Ways  :iud 
Means,  proposing  to  reduce  the  duties  on  Im- 
ports, being  under  consideration  in  Cominiltce 
of  the  Whole- 
Mr.  STllDUMsnid: 

Mr.  CiiAinMAN:  if  I  could  have  had  the  selec- 
tion of  my  own  time  (o  address  this  eomniittee,  I 
should  not  have  chosen,  nt  this  moment,  to  occupy 
vour  ntlcntiiin,  iiinsmueli  as  the  gentleman  [Mr. 
ICwiNul  who  hns  just  taken  his  sent,  is  u  collengue 
of  mine;  another  Colleague  [Mr.  Broiiiik.M)')  linv- 
iiig  niso  addressed  the  committee  to-dny,  it  might 
seem  as  though  we  from  Pcvnsv'vnnia  were  diB- 


TT.    '^T' 


935 


AI'ri:M)IX  TO  TIIK  COiNGKKSSIONAL  GI^OHK. 


SJDth  Cono 1st  Sehh. 

pnged  to  enijrii""  l'"'  iinn  li  "f  il"'  mm"  "•'  llii"  I'otn- 
inillrp.  (till  UN  it  iM  II  Hiilijt'rt  lit'  |tiii-aniiiiiiit  inirr- 
rsl  In  mil'  I'oiiKliliii'iilH,  mill  iis  lliiic  in  iVi  i|iirlitly 
HiMiii'  ilillii'iilly  ill  I'liliiiiiiii:;  lliv   llonr,   I   tiiint   I 

»!i,ill  lir   |iiiiil il  I'lir  niiluii-'iiii,'  ilir  i>|i|iiiriiiiiiiy 

llint  in  iimw  illViirili'il  iiir,  iilllnni;^)!  il   limy  m  i  i)i 
lu  \ir  n  liltir  out  iif  |i|iii'i'. 
Sir,  till' ili'i'|i  mill  iilmnrliinj;  iiilcrr.'t  wlili'li  my 

iinilll'lllillF    IMMimilllrnH,  MN  will    ll!1   till'   aIiiiIc  pill- 

[ill!  iif  till  Stiiic  111'  Priiiisylviinii,  I'i'i  I  ill  llif  ini|i"i- 
tiinl  nuhjijct  ihiit  t'li^ii  ,'i'S  lltr  iilit-iilii>ii  111*  ihr  i  iMii- 
IiiitliT,  iiiiiit  lie  my  ii|iiili>;;y  I'm  nlilriiiliii:;  miy 
nfMttiiichln  wliitfi  I  iiijy  Miti'i'lniii  in  rt'1'crnii.'r  ti  it 
III  this  liiiii'. 

In  viiiMiriiii;  to  do  wp,  il  i»  not  my  iiitPiitioii  to 
fill'T  iiilii  Ihr  |irolixiiv  III'  till'  ili'.iil.*  of  iliin  liill  — 

10  ilwill  ii|i<>M  its  III  .iiiii'_'  mill  1  llii  I  ii|ioii  i':iili  |iiir- 
tii'ul.'ir  lllln'i  .It  lliri'cni  rililiunMli  il,  'i'llilt  linn  lirrli 
HO  iiIVmi  iliiiir  tiy  iIimh*'  who  iirr  iiiin'li  li*-iiir  f|ii.ili- 
firil  fur  the  liink  ilimi  I  am,  ill, it  nil  lliiisr  ivlm  li,i\c 
liad  liny  tli'Min-  to  iiiiilri«Iiitul  il,  or  have  |>aiil  any 
nitonliiiii  to  till'  iiri,'iiiiiriili<  that  liaxc  I'ci'ii  inliliii'ril 
fi'oin  lime  lo  tinir  hy  tlii'  I'ra-tiiln  ot*  llir  jiiotri'tivc 
HVHIPUI,  rniiiiiil  I'ail  to  It  rully  iiironiiiil  in  ri'^-anl 
to  it,  ^'l't  It  limy  lip,  that  lifliirf  I  rnnrhiilr,  I  iiiiiy 
ndvLTt  to  mil'  or  two  iii'inn  ni  ilii<  lii!l,  I'nr  tiir  |>iii'- 
piisi-  ornlllillL'  till'  alli'liliini  urtlir  i  nMiiiiitlii'  lilorr 
(larliriilarly  lo  iliriii.  My  ihmii'iiiiiI  uliji'it  in  In 
takr  n  ;,'i'iii'ral  \  iiw  ol'  llie  |iroti'i'tivr  nynli'iii,  an  a 
wlioU',  an  a|i|>lii-.i.p|i'  lo  till' |iiii|ili' of  ilip  I'liiKd 
8ialrn,  itn  ii|ii'ralinii  ninl  iiiiliiv  m  (lilVi'i'i'iil  iii  I'lioiii 
of  the  I'oimtry,  ami  ihr  Ikih  II'ImiI  inlliirii>'i'  it  i\- 
eri'inen  ii|imi  tlir  iiilirenia  of  ihi'  wln.li'  I'oininiiiiily. 

I  am  aware,  Mr.  l 'liairniaii,  llial  men,  wln'ii 
ni'tiiii;  ill  II  ri'|>r('yiiiiMiivr  oapa'  ily,  linivevi  r  wi.«i', 
niid    li'ariii'il,  ami   |>atriolii'   tin  y  in  ly  la-,  air  niili 

Imt  iiii'ii — li'ilili'  to  Im'  Liincrni'il  anil  i irnlliil  liy 

the  naiiio  iiitlni'iii'i'n,  anil  ai-hialril  hy  the  N;<ni('  nni- 
lin'M,  that  iialiMihialn  ari';  ii,ili!i.  to  tic  inlliii'in'i'd 
by  tlifir  pa.inioiin,  hy  'hnr  fciiin^'i,  liy  ihiir  iii- 
Irri'Htn,  anil  nnl  nnl'iiipnniiy,  I  I'cir,  liv  llirir  pri- 
jiidinn,  raihur  than  hy  ihr  inaxiiiin  of  Moiind  w  in- 
dciin  anil  irm-  philosriihy — siisiaimil  an  llmsi'  may 
lio  hy  till'  Biliilary  hiKiiiin  of  prai'iii'a!  r\|icririirr. 
And  it',  m  thr  I'lW  rfiiinrlis  wlia-li  it  in  mv  iiiii'ii- 
liiiii  til  nnhniil  lo  thin  riMniiiiin.i',  I  sh.ill  I'ail  to 
coiiviii  e  llionr  who  will  lii  i;;n  lo  Irwil  mo  tin  ir  at- 
lenlioii  I'm'  ii  fi  «•  inimili'n,  ih.il  llii'  pmiii'iin.  ny..i- 
loin  in  iiintiially  liriiilirliil  lo  all  ,iiid  »-\i  ry  pari  of 
the  roiiiiiry,  it  iiiiisi  in-  nlinhiili  il  lo  lln'  'siivn;;ih 
and  iiivi'li  ra.'ynf  ilnir  pri|ii(liiis,  or  of  niyiiialiiiily 
to  do  jiimii'i;  totlimihji'c'i,  railii'r  lliaii  loniiy  waiit 
ofiiiiriiiiic  ini'iil  in  lln'  nnhji'ii  ii.silf. 

Sir,  ihi'  i|iiiKiioii  iiiiw  nmli  r  loiiiiilrralioii  rclatrn 
to  thi;  leiyiiii;  nrdnliri  upon  I'liriu'ii  impnrl",  I'on- 
nef  "d  Willi  lilt'  inrann  of  raiiiii'/  ri'vcniir  ami  ^iv- 
inr.  ^irnti'ciliiii  III  .\mi  riiaii  iinliisiry.  'ii  ii  I'onii- 
try  so  wiili'ly  ixlrnili  d  as  ihal  w  Imh  i;  i.'  onr  ^'ooil 
forlimr  to  iiilialni,  rinhrai'iiiL'  no  ^rl•al  a  .liManiiv 
of  cliinali',  ami  .Mii'h  an  alninst  infiniln  variriy  lif 
noil,  and  oilirr  natural  mlvaiiia'ji'n,  it  ran  liarillv 
be  i-xpooli'd  that  any  .syniiin  of  pnhlii'  pcilav.  ''ai- 
culnlpd  Id  opiTale  upon  tin'  iiiiirisln  of  ihi'  M  holi' 
coiiiilry,  liowi'ViT  wiwiy  it  may  \<r  di-ni^'iiiil,  or 
rari'fuliy  and  jiuliriniiHly  arrnn:"il,  ran  hi:  inailr 
siihscrvlent  lo  thi'  sjii-iinl  inti'irs.  ivfihi'  pi'opli- of 
fiirh  loi'alily,  so  as  to  di'vrlop  all  their  ri'sonrri'n, 
nnd  fostnr  and  I'hi'rish  each  imitvidiial  inhri'Mi,  in- 
I'idi'iit  lo  tliiir  loration.  I!iil,an  in  tin- lirsi  for- 
nintion  of  civilizr-d  noiiely,  iniluiiliialn  hail  lo  yn  Id 

11  |iortioM  of  lli.it  iinriniruiiiid  lilicily  wliii'li  liny 
had  previously  injnyi'd,  I'm-  the  pinposi'  of  i  .^i.ih- 
lishiiijj  sei'iirily  and  prolpriion  lo  ihiir  pii.sons  .nnl 
iheir  property;  so  in  f.sliilili.ihiiiL'  niul  piolii'iin:,' 
the  varii'd  ami  iliver.sifiid  inliTi-siM  of  this  lti-iiI 
roinnmnity  of  iialimis,  fif  I  may  lie  pi  riiiilleil  lo 
u.HC  the  i'xpren.>ioii,)  i  ucli  miisi  he  i-milijil  in  sntl'er 
some  little  al'riil::eiiiL-nt  of  privili'i^en  hereinloie  en- 
joyed, to  endure  some  sli^rlil  im'onveiiiini'e,  to 
make  sonu' .saerifirc  for  the  pnrpo.ic  of  proinrin',' 
a  {greater  and  moi-e  iiiiiver.^al  irooil. 

Since  the  first  or^aniz.atlnii  of  thin  Ooverninenl, 
the  mniieyn  neeesnary  to  defray  llie  ordinary  ex- 
penditure thereof  have  been  derived  priiielpally 
from  the  duiieson  imports.  So  firmly  lias  ihia  he- 
come  eatnhlislieil  as  the  settled  policy  of  the  coun- 
try, that  none  would  now  ihink  of  ahainlnniii!;  it. 
Bnl  whilat  the  I'oiisiiliitional  [lower,  ns  well  an  the 
ex|>edieiicy,of  raisiii'j;  revenue  hy  iinposiii:,' ilniien 
on  foreij^n  iiiipnriationn  in  adiiiilled,  an  aitenipl  ,.■■ 
now  made  to  withdraw  the  fosteiin?  cnre  of  (iov- 
ernment  from  the  protection  of  our  infant  manii- 


Viv  TanJI—Mr.  Strolm. 

•  Aipliinia,  liy  i'rf»»ini;  lo  make  any  dimriminnlinn 
in  favor  of  llnwe  Inien  ntn  in  the  inipnnitiiiil  of  dii- 

tiew  on  fnrei'^n  imporln, 

,'\  yysieni  of  hoii/onl.al  iliilieri,  iinponiii;(  an  riiiiiil 
lunonnl  upon  all  an  ii-h  s  111  proportion  to  I  heir  vafnr, 
was  t'or  a  iiiiie  advocated  and  iiiMintetl  on  ii.h  the 
only  cnnsiiiiitiniial  mode  of  niisiiii:  revenue.  I'liiit 
Ni'einn,  lioweier,  to  he  nearly  ahandoniil,  anil  we 
he.ir  hill  htllr  ni'.iil  a'an;!  it  now,  IH'triniealal  an 
Niii'li  a  conr-ie  of  policy  i  mwt  have  lieen  to  many 
bninc|i|.<  of  I  iir  iImucoc  iiidiislry.  il  wan  Hiin- 
tained  by  an   appearaiici!  of  Nimerity,  lliat  com- 

maiideil  nniiie  n  .;| I,  even  from  tlinse  who  imiler- 

Mliioil  the  I'lilai'v  of  the  ai'ifiinieiil,  and  foresaw  the 
desirii'-liveiicsH  I'''  iin  lendeni'y ;  bnl  il  vvan  renerveil 
Inr  the  pre.sinl  .\iliniiii.<ti'aiioii  lo  propow  and  ad- 
voeaie  a  lariirnf  dulien,  in  whn  li  llie  prim  iplen  of 
disiriininntion  in  mil  only  folly  n  cnijnincil,  but 
.  I'rcely  ,.>^,.|.ciseil,  i.iil,  hn« e\er,  as  lias  herelofoie 
imilornily  been  the  case  where  iliscriiiiiiialion  wan 
'■xi'rcjseil  at  all,  for  ihe  purpose  of  iiirmilim;  pro- 
"'''linii  to   Aniirii'an   iminslrv,  lo  ameliorati'   the 

idilimi  of  llie  .American  lahoier,  to  !;ive  a  nliiii- 

"Itm  and  an  iinpnlse  to  the  iiii;eiiiiiiy  anil  enier- 
Prise  nfonr  own  cilizenn;  but  «illi  a  stnilieil  eirori, 
and  a  perm  uraiice  worthy  of  a  heller  cause,  dis- 
criininaliiin  in  ahiin.*!  every  insi.ince  in  the  bill 
now  under  cmisiileralinn  in  cali'i.latcd  to  operate 
a;;aiiinl  the  inlerenin  of  mir  own  cmmlrymeii,  and 
has  a  lendcm-v  In  ileprenn  ihe  .Ameriian  laborer, 
'  and  reilnce  liini  lo  a  level  wiili  the  la\-;;ioim(l  vic- 
liins  of  Kiiropean  inmiarchv  and  tyranny,  wlmare 
cmnpelleil  to  l.ibnr  ill  ess.mily  for  the  pnrpose  of 
proi'iirin;,'  ti  bare  Niilllcieni'v  of  coar.st  Ibod  lo  sus- 
tain llieir  aliii'isl  fainishini:  families. 

The  denial  of  the  consiiinlional  ri^'bl  I"  make 
disi'riininatimi  in  fivor  of  the  .Aineriian  m.iiinl'ii'- 
tiirern,  in  Icvvni'/  diiiies  ii|imi  forei/ii  imporln, 
iiiii;lit  be  tiileriieil  an  the  iinmitiLMted  eiror  of  a 
piTverled  jnd^nienl — asa  policy  calculated  lo  favor 
the  inleresin  of  some  Hcciimis  of  lln  conniry — an  a 
policy  that  has  always  been  coiilemlcd  for  by  one 
class  of  nor  pnlllieiaiis;  but  lo  exercise  the  power 
of  dincriminalion  for  ihe  purpose  n\'  opprcs,-*inn — 
to  produce  einharrassment  and  distress  ainoni.'Nl 
those  wlicise  tot  it  in  to  *'eai'n  their  bread  in  the 
nwent  of  their  brow" — for  (.ioveriiinent  to  line  the 
power  which  a  cmifidinir  peojile  have  enlrnsted  into 
iiM  hands,  I'm-  ihc  purpose  of  iiijiiiinLr  those  whom 
11  is  in  iliilv  biiimil  to  |irnleci,  is  apppmachin',' a 
depth  of— (I  had  almost  said  infamy,  .\lr.  ('hair- 
man,  hut  I  shall  ret'rain  from  iisiiit;  a  term  that 
ini'jlit  be  consiilered  harsh;)  bin  niicli  an  exercise 
ot'  the  poivcis  of  (ioMTnnieiil,  to  say  the  least  of 
It,  is  apiiroachin:;  a  deplli  nl'  ini:raliliide  that  no 
L'eiicrous  miml  would  be  williiif,'  m  eiicoiinlcr,  and 
which  the  prisent  .Adniinisiialion  will  have  the 
lioiior  of  bf  im^  the  first  lo  faihoni,  if  it  pernisis  in 
the  measures  that  have  been  recommended. 

I  have  said,  sir,  that  m  ihe  ailjiislnieiit  of  any 
system  of  duties  on  iinporls,  whether  upon  ihe 
principle  of  proleciion  to  our  dmneslic  maniifac- 
tiires,  for  revenue  only,  or  for  destrnelioii  tn  the 
iuteresin  of  the  connlrv,  as  in  the  |iresenl  bill,  in- 
ei|ii:itiiies  will  always  be  experienced, and  Niiciilie.en 
imisl  lie  made;  and  the  bill  now  on  your  table  is.  by 
no  means  free  from  lliose  olijci  lions.  It  heconics 
our  duly,  then,  to  ascertain  which  of  those  sy.s.enis 
makes  the  neaiesi  ap|>roaeli  to  perfection,  and  in 
prodiielive  of  the  least  inconvenience  in  those 
whose  iiileresls  are  to  be  thereby  all'ected,  or,  in 
other  words,  which  will  produce  "the  !;ieatent 
■.'Olid  to  the  irieatest  nuniher."  Thai,  I  believe,  in 
the  fashionable  and  deniocratie  mode  of  exprensini; 
the  scnument. 

Let  us  firsi  examine  the  probable  ed'eels  of  tliis 
bill,  in  case  il  should  be  passed  into  a  law,  which 
I  trust  It  never  will,  fbil,  for  the  sake  of  ar:,'ii- 
ineiit,  let  lis  sn|ifiose  it  possible  that  aiich  a  bill 
coulil  receive  the  sanction  of  a  majmily  of  this 
ITouse,  and  a  majority  in  the  oilier  bram  h  of  llie 
Le;;islalnre,  for  llieii,  1  lake  il,  there  would  be  no 
doubt  bill  it  would  receive  ihe  sitjnature  of  the 
I'ixecuiive;  there  is  no  hope  of  iln  prnirress  tiein*; 
arrested  there.  Suppose,  then,  il  should  become 
a  law:  what  would  be  its  ed'ect.'  Sir,  first  in  the 
train  of  (!vils  which  inevitably  would  follow,  we 
should  have  the  jirostration  of  our  domestic  inan- 
nfactiircs;  thousandn  of  tlmne  who  arc  eii',;ai;ed  in 
that  branch  of  biisine.ss  would  be  thrown  out  of 
eiii|iloy;  want  of  employment  on  the  pari  of  the 
husbaiid  would  soon  lead  lo  a  want  of  comfort  in 


Ho. 


(June  25, 
h'  Ukpii. 


iHiO 


Ihi)  fainily;  nnd,  finally,  not  mily  the  eomfortx 
iilid  I'onienlences,  but  the  neeessarlen,  of  life  woiihl 
Im'  found  to  be  lackin:;.  Sad  experieme  mouIiI 
then  leach  llie  poor  laborer  lhal  allliiiii<;li,  nniler 
lliis  much-lauded  free  trade  nynlem,  he  would  be 
exinipl  from  the  payment,  mi  niune  nrliclen,  of 
I'roiii  a  hiindrid  to  n  tiundreil  and  fil^y  or  two 
linmlreil  per  ceiii.  duly,  acMirdiUi:;  lo  the  theory  of 
Sir  Unbelt  Walker,  the  prices  on  the  am;re^alij 
would  he  hull',  if  any,  diinininlied,  whilst  ilir 
ilidicnllv  of  iiblaiuiii:;  the  wherewithal  to  purchase 
would  lie  lucre. iscd  in  n  I'ourfild  ratio;  and  Inn 
eonililion,  altogether,  would  he  much  wor.se  than 
It  was  before. 

In  the  next  place,  we  shmild  have  Ihe  loss  of 
inillioiin  of  capilal  now  invesliil  tn  tiianiifiictiirr's. 
That  description  of  propM'ly  would  be  i;ieally  de- 
preciated, much  of  It  renileiid  entirely  iinilenn, 
anil  many  pnhlic-spinled,  indiinlrioun,  and  eoter- 
jinsinir  men,  who  liave  invcsicd  thiir  all,  even 
their  I  redil.  Ill  the  eslalili.iliiiii'nl  of  tho.ne  highly- 
useful  improveiueiits,  and,  llionuh  aoinewhat  in- 
vnlvnl,are  miw  in  a  fair  way  In  pay  their  ilel.la, 
and  make  snme  prnvisinn  I'nr  ediicalim;  and  main- 
tain!.'','' their  families,  wniild  he  rcdiieed  In  bank- 
rn|iley,  their  luisniess  ruined,  and  llieir  prospecin 
bli:;lit'i'i|  forever.  Well,  nir,  how  linen  the  ai;riciil- 
inrint — the  farmer — under  this  new  order  of  thinen  • 
.'Vbiint  lo  inlrintiice  a  syslem  so  injuiinun  lo  llm 
ottier  i;reat  clasnes  n(  the  I'nmmuniiy — the  iiianii- 
f.iclurer,  the  mechanic,  and  the  lihore r— perhapn 
it  will  roininend  ii.ielf  by  llie  superioi  advaiilai.'en 
which  il  cxlemls  lo  lliin  mimeioiin  and  renpcctabh, 
elans  of  the  commimily — llie  a^'iiculiiirinls.  Thin, 
indeed,  in  Ihe  main  ar'_'itmeiil  on  w  Inch  the  frieiiil« 
of  ihis  bill  seem  lo  rely.  They  tell  yon  that  the 
l.irilt'  of  'I'i  L"ives  tn  the  mnnnl'actnrer  innie  prii- 
teclion  than  he  is  eniiileil  In,  while  il  oiieralea  to 
the  di.sailvanlaire  of  Ihe  farmer;  and  lliey  wish  ti> 
reneal  it  for  the  purpose  of  ei|uali/.iii,:  the  burdeiin. 
An  1  in  iinderlakiii','  lo  iiivesli:;ate  this  pari  of  the 
null, eel,  we  are  met  upon  ihe  threnhnid  by  the 
exiilliiii;  cry  of  a  repeal  of  the  corn  laws  I  A  free 
market  lor  our  siirplun  prodiicel  And  lliin,  sir. 
in  reiterated  \  illi  siirli  a  triuinphaiit  air,  that  \ 
are  alinoni  compelled  lo  believe  that  llicre  is  tea 
noinethins  in  il,  A  moment's  reltection,  liowev 
reminds  iis,  that  the  l!rilish  market,  if  n|H'iied  at 
all,  will  be  open  tn  all  the  world  as  well  as  to  in; 
and,  asa  imrlion  of  the  finest  wlieal-i.'rowin^' coun- 
tries on  the  1,'lohe  is  more  eonvenient  '■>  Ki"'laiid 
than  we  are,  the  .\meriean  fiiriner  '.ill  liiid  that,  by 
the  time  he  kiis  liin  wheal  or  hi..  Hour  to  t;ii;,'laiid, 
llieinhabilaiilsiif  tliecnasts  of  :heli|ack  sea  and  llie 
Iialtic  will  have  been  there  hefi  re  him;  the  mer- 
chants of  nanlzic,  Odessa,  ami  Il'iinlmr^',  will  have 
anlicipaied  him;  and,  under  ihe  superior  ailvaii- 
la'jes  of  etiea)>lless  of  labor  and  coiivenieni'e  to 
market,  will  li.ive  supplied  the  deinami  before 
he  arrives,  at  prices,  too,  lhal  be  cniild  iiol  alt'ord 
lo  sill  for;  ani  In'  will  then   ili.scnver  that,  as  my 

fri I  from  N'enuont  |Mr.  Cui.i.amkii)  sUiled  ye<- 

lerday,  "there  is  somethiii!;  else  than  the,  duty 
that  re',riitalen  the  price  of  a  cniunindity"— il  in 
the  dcinami  for  the  article  that  tjoverns  the  price; 
and  when  the  ileiuand  is  supplied,  he  will  i'lnd  no 
sale  for  his  pn,  bice,  duly  or  no  duly,  lint  !  will 
not  expali.ile  on  this  pari  of  the  niibject;  iliin  has 
been  fully  explained  liy  some  of  Ihose  who  have 
preceded  me, 

Iiut,  .Mr,  Chairman,  siippo.sc  we  admit  that  Iho 
price  of  ;,'raiii  will  be  somewhal  enhanrcd,  the 
bi'iiefil  ihusarcruniL'  to  ihe  farmer  will,  in  the  eyen 
of  the  imparlial  leu'islalnr,  be  more  lliaii  overbal- 
anced by  the  iniposiiion  of  f;realer  burdens  upon 
the  laborer;  liaviii!;  I'w.st  cut  oil'  h in  employment, 
y.ai  next  increase  his  expenses  by  raisimr  ihe 
orice  of  his  bread,  ISnl  I  eonlend  that  the  firmer 
IS  not  benefiled  by  such  a  cnniliiion  of  tliin;;n. 
And  why?  ISecau.se,  by  destroying'  the  mannfai- 
liirer,  yon  deprive  the  farmer  oi"  his  best,  inilccil 
his  only  inarkel,  for  much  of  the  production  of  his 
farm.  The  American  farmer  does  not  live  by 
wheat  and  corn  only.  Me  wants  a  market  for  his 
barley,  bin  oats,  his  hay,  his  wool,  his  poultry, 
his  potatoes,  his  fruit,  his  veffetabtes,  his  butler, 
his  wood,  bark,  hides,  nnd  a  hundred  other  lliiiii;s 
that  luislit  la  enumerated,  if  lime  would  permit, 
and  for  which,  unless  he  finds  a  market  in  his  own 
immediate  vicinity — a  home  market — he  can  real- 
ize little  or  iintliiii!;  nl  all.  Nay,  more:  in  the 
employmcnl  he  finds  for  his  Icum,  in  llie  neigh- 


irii'  'jr,, 

i:i'M. 

|<iinriii'iH 

'  Hlllllll 
»IMj|c| 

Jl  lllhlll- 
loiilcl  Ihi 

liclt-N,  l)f 

liir  twi> 
|mry  of 

lilxl      till' 

liiri'linMi,' 

I'lllll    llIM 

!»<'  iIjiiii 

I'lnn  of 

filly  ili- 

I  iiiicr- 
II,  evm 

l.l^llly- 

linl  III. 
|r  ili'l.iii, 

I  liiiiiii. 

>  liiiiik- 
l'ii>i|iri'ls 
MU'riciil- 

iliiii::^) 
u>  the 

IIIIIIMI- 

|t<-rlia|)>f 
aiiliii:i'i« 

Pli'lllllll; 
'I'lllH, 

riiiiidx 

llMl    llll! 
ill:  |il-i,. 
I'jiIrM  to 
WI.HJi  111 
llllills. 
'l  (if  Ihu 
I.V    Ihr 
A  Tne 
IiIm,  nil', 
ilmi  \ 
|iH  ri'ii 

IIWUV 

wriiil  1(1 
iM  In  im; 
i;,'i'"iiii- 
"J'"Ihiii1 
llial,l,y 
ii;,'liiiiil, 
anil  llll! 


184« 


AIU'EINDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


98a 


Uiiilt  OONfl. 


.1st  Smb. 


ITic  Tnriff—Mr.  Strohm. 


Ho.  or  Rbps. 


hiirliiioil  111'  i\  fiiniitd',  i\  IViriri',  "r  n  ftrtory,  nt 
liiiii'H  will  n  III!  liiiH  lull  lillli!  I'm'  lim  riiillo  tii  ili>  nt 
IliMiir,  111'  inrri'[{in  iilly  rniililril  tin'iirn  innrc  niniiuy 
in  nni'  wrrk  lliiii)  iitl  tlio  iliity  Im  |)iiyM,  unilur  your 
lii'.'li  iiriili  rlivc  Inriir,  will  niiiiiiiiil  in  in  ii  yimr. 

Willi,  tlii'ii,  is  til  III-  licni'liicil  liy  iIiIn  iikw  ayii- 
lini  III'  |M>iii'y?  I  liavc.  hIiiiwii  llml  nrillnr  ilie 
liirtiu'r,  till'  iimniifmniri'r,  llio  inirliHiiir,  nr  till' 
liiliiiri'r,  will  iliirivr  any  ailvaiilau'n  I'riini  it;  liiil,  on 
till'  contrary,  ciu'li  anil  all  nl'  ilicin  will  lie  vrry 
niiiiiriallv  anil  mrioiiBlv  injiiiril  liy  iho  ailoiiiioii 
(>r  II.  Who,  ilii'ii,  I  iik1{  airain,  ia  to  bo  licncfilcil 
liy  it'  Allow  nil' to  nil  yon,  Hir.  Tlio  imporiinti; 
niirclianlH,niaiiyiif  wlioni  arn  rorpiijncrii.anil  liavii 
no  nynipatliy  willi  our  riliz('iii<,('Xi'('|il  for  llip  piir- 
|iiiM«  of  oliiainiii!;  llicir  monry;  no  alTcclioii  for  ' 
your  (iovoriinicnl,  c\n'|il  to  court  ilH  favorH,  with 
iliii  view  of  pninioiiiii;  llicir  own  Hclfinh  vicwH. 
'J'lic  tiiin  who,  if  I  niiniakc  not,  Imvii  Ihcir  hircil 
pininsarics  at  the  wat  of  your  Government;  ny, 
williin  the  walls  nf  your  Cajiilol;  exhihilini;  lluiir 
panily  anil  lliniHy  falirics;  and,  iiy  ini8reprc«enlii. 
lion  mill  (Icreptioii,  enileavorih!;  to  niisleail  the 
juilnnienl  of  ihoHR  upon  whom  llio  decision  of  this 
preal  tpieslioii  devolves. 

Sir,  if,  in  the  exiilierance  of  onr  philanllirnpy, 
we  extend  onr  synipailiy  heyiind  the  rollinj  hil- 
lows  of  the  liroail  Allaiili'c,  ni'iil  sirk  to  aniejiornle 
the  eondilinii  of  the  lie;.'n  snlijeets  of  her  Ilrilannie 
IMiijcHly  Uuecn  Victoria,  at  the  expense  of  onr 
own  eitizciis,  we  sliiill  flml  some  excuse  for  the 
exlranrdinary  eliaiacter  of  this  hill.  Yet,  even 
tlien,a»liu;hl  examination  will  convince  us  timl  our 
charity  is  niisaiiplied,  and  that  tlioHc  who  most 
need  it  will  he  llie  last  to  receive  the  henefit  of  il. 
'i'lie  poor  operalivcs  in  Knijland  have,  liy  n  Inns 
Keries  of  opprension,  hoeii  reduced  to  the  lowest 
depth  of  nii.sery  which  human  nature  can  endure. 
They  arc  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  the  rich  cnjiitnl- 
ists,  who  allow  them  just  such  waives  as  will  eii- 
uhle  them  In  sustain  their  families  in  n  mode  of 
livino;— far  inferior  to  anythina;  that  people  in  this 
country  are  accustomed  to— liarely  to  keep  them 
out  of  Ihc  parish  workhouse,  anil  prevent  them 
from  heciimiiii;  a  charije  on  the  parish.  And  so 
dense  is  the  population,  so  numerous  that  class  of 
people  there,  that  almosl  any  number  ofworkmen 
can  be  nbtaiiied,  by  givins  them  rejulnr  and  con- 
stant employment,  willinul  any  material  increase 
of  wnj,'es;  and  ninc-lenllis  of  the  nclnal  benefit 
which  you  are  about  to  confer  on  Iho  English,  as 
a  imlion,  by  the  passage  of  this  bill,  (anifit  is  no 
tnlliiiK  boon,)  instead  of  enurinc;  to  the  advanin^c 
of  the  poor,  will  be  conferred  on  those  whose 
wealth  is  already  immense,  and  whose  enpilat  is 
employed  to  our  injury;  and  thus  you  are  opprcs- 
sin;;  the  honest  laborers  In  your  own  country,  to 
iiu^'uient  the  overgrown  foriunes  of  the  Knslish 
aristocracy.  Such  an  exercise  of  philanthropy 
will,  I  fancy,  meet  but  little  response  in  American 
bosoms,  and  redound  but  sliijhtly  to  the  honor  and 
the  fame  of  the  projectors  and  libcttors  of  this  sui- 
cidal ami-American  policy. 

Mr.  Chairman,  haviiiij  thus  planccd  nt  the  per- 
nicious and  injurious  tendency  of  the  hill  now  be- 
fore us,  I  shall  proceed,  briefly,  to  point  out  some 
of  the  benefits  and  advantages  of  Ihe  protective 
sysiem.  Next  to  providiu'.;  security  for  the  per- 
sons and  property  of  its  citizens,  and  cimranlyin!; 
to  each  individuttl  that  libertv,  both  civil  and  reli- 
gious, which  was  purchased  by  the  valor  and  llie 
treasure,  and  the  blood  of  our  ancestors,  and  be- 
ipieathcil  to  us  us  an  inalienable  birthrljhl,  il  is 
the  duly  of  Government  to  foster  and  cherish,  by 
every  means  in  its  power,  those  ereat  lendinij  in- 
terests that  arc  calculated  to  render  us  entirely  in- 
depenilent  of  other  nntions,  and  particularly  such 
as  arc  essential  to  the  national  defence. 

The  snniiinem,  that  iicacc  is  the  time  in  which 
to  prepare  for  war,  has  lieen  so  frequently  advert- 
ed to  here,  and  the  coriecincss  of  that  sentiment  is 
HO  iiniver.sally  admitted,  that  it  requires  no  justifi- 
cation  at  my  hands.  But  thouijh  all  admit  the 
truth  and  force  of  the  sentiment,  n  urcat  diversity 
of  opinion  may  obtain  in  rc<;nrd  to  the  proper  np- 
jilication  of  it.  A  nation,  in  order  to  prosecute  a 
war  with  vifjor  and  ell'ect,  will  be  under  the  neces- 
sity of  briiiging  into  requisition  agreat  many  thinffs 
besides  the  active  physical  force  that  inarches  into 
the  battle-field,  or  the  foriific^itions  that  are  erected 
to  defend  narticulnr  situations,  and  check  the  on- 
ward marcn  of  a  hostile  foe.    Money  is  said  to  be 


thr  linnwii  of  war,  and  wilhoiil  a  copinin  supply 
of  this  necessary  iii'.'rcdieni,  nocivili/.ed  niilioucan 
wane  war  loiii;.  Vet  no  one  will  recomnieiid  the 
hiianlini;  of  vast  treasures  in  time  iif  peace,  to  be 
kept  in  reailineHS  for  the  enu'r^'ency  of  wii:'.  It  \h 
coiilniry  to  the  i^eniiis  of  nur  (Jovernmeiit  to  collect 
money  from  its  cili/.ens,  by  either  direct  or  indirect 
laxalion,  for  the  purpose  of  acciiiilulatiiiK  lar;;e 
sums  of  money  that  are  to  lie  idle  and  useless  in 
llie  treasury  iiiilil  the  exij,'eiicy  of  war  bIiiiiiIiI  call 
it  into  active  cii'ciilalioii,  Thecorrupliii!;  inlluenco 
of  such  a  treasure  woiihl  be  inoro  dan'.;erous  lo  the 
morals,  and  prejudicial  lo  the  Inlirests,  of  the  cjiun- 
try,  than  even  war  ilsclf.  Ileiicu  it  is  not  the  pol- 
icy of  this  country  lo  prepare  for  war  by  layiiif;  up 
larije  ainouiils  of  inoney  in  time  of  peace. 

In  the  next  place,  iroopsare  indispeii.sably  neces- 
sary in  lliii  pi'osnciilion  of  a  war,  yet  no  one  will 
admit  the  propriety  of  miiiiiiiiinin^  a  lar^'nstaiidin!; 
army  in  lime  of  peace.  War  between  civili'/.ed 
nalions  is  an  event  of  such  rare  occurrence  in  our 

'  day,  that  it  would  be  consiiinmali!  folly  to  incur 
the  expense  of  keeping  up  a  large  army,  when 
lliere  is  no  earthly  prospect  of  their  services  being 
required.     The  intervals  of  peace  are  so  exiendeil, 

!  that  your  soldiers  might  become  old,  inliriii,  siiper- 
ainmaled,  and  helpless,  without  being  called  upon 
lo  face  the  enemy  in  batile  array. 

To  say  nothing  of  the  danger  to  the  repulilin 
from  the  constant  presence  of  a  large  armed  force, 
ihe  mass  of  whom  would  be  accustomed  to  yield 
implicit  nbedienre  to  their  superiors,  iinil  in  lime 
rendered  willing  slaves  to  imperative  coniinanders, 
and,  finally,  might  become  subservient  iiiHlrumeiils 
in  the  hands  of  designing  men  to  subvert  those  lib- 
erties they  were  designed  to  protect;  to  say  no- 
thing of  those  ciinsideratians,  which  sagacious 
sialcainen  ought  not  to  nverh  ok — the  expense 
alone  of  mainlaining  a  large  slanding  army  would 
be  an  insuperable  objei'iion  lo  this  mode  of  provid- 
ing for  war  in  lime  of  peace. 

How,  then,  ought  this  maxim  of  providing  for 
war  ill  time  of  pence  to  1"  complied  with? 

j  Sir,  by  ))ursuiiig  n  en  se  of  policy  in  time  of 
peace  that  will  fully  dl'^'  Inpall  the  resources  of  the 

,  cnunlry,  nnd  nt  the  same  time  promote  the  prns' 

'  perity  nnd  well-being  nf  its  citizens.  Encourage 
and  prnlcct  your  domestic  mnnufaclures,  so  that 
in  cimo  war  should  become  inevitable,  and  our 
communicntioii  with  other  countries  be  interrupted 
or  entirely  cut  oil',  your  citizens  can  be  furnished 
with  everything  ihnt  they  have  been  accustomed 
to  enjoy,  by  the  enterprise  and  industry  of  their 
own  countrymen.  It  is  not  only  the  soldier,  who 
buckles  on  his  nrmorand  perils  his  life  in  the  battle- 
field, ihatsufl'ers  during  a  lime  of  war;  the  privn- 
ilons  which  he  sulTors,  the  dangers  which  he  en- 
counters, the  hardshifis  he  undergo! s,  the  faliguc 
he  endures,  and  the  sacrifices  he  mnkes,  are  infi- 

I  iiitely  greater  than  those  of  any  other,  I  ndmit; 
but  every  man,  ny,  and  every  woman,  too,  how- 
ever exalted  their  station,  or  humble  their  condi- 
tion, will  experience  its  desolating  cITects:  some 
in  the  derangemenl  of  their  business,  others  in  the 
deprivation  of  luxuries  long  accustomed  to;  some 
in  the  onerous  burdens  which  it  imposes,  others 
iii'ihe  enhancement  of  the  prices  of  the  neces.saries 
of  life.  All,  nil,  are  all'ecteil  by  it,  and,  not  unfre- 
queiilly,each  fancies  himself  the  greatest  sull'erer. 
Under  a  Government  like  ours,  where  public 
opinion  exercises  so  potent  an  influence  in  the 
councils  of  the  nation,  it  becomes  peculiarly  neces- 
sary to  consult  the  iiilcrests  and  provide  for  the 
comforts  of  the  whole  people;  and  if  they  find 
those  interests  disregarded  or  neglected  bv  those 

!  who  have  the  administrnlion  of  the  Govern- 
ment In  their  hands,  they  will  not  fail,  by  the  just 
exercise  of  those  rights  which  arc  guarantied  to 
them  by  our  Con;  litulion  nnd   laws,  to  displace 

I  those  noiv  in  power, and  fill  their  places  with  those 
who  will  execute  the  trust  with  giea.er  fidelity. 
Our  country,  more  than  that  of  any  oilier  in  the 
world,  has  all  the  elements  of  true  independence 
within  it.self;  and  if  Government  will  only  pursue 

i,  a  proper  policy,  so  as  to  improve  all  our  advan- 
tages, ami  keep  us  a  contented  and  united  people, 
we  may  bid  defiance  lo  the  united  efforts  of  all 
the  Powers  of  the  world  combined  against  us.  By 
making  your  people  prosperous  and  happy  in  time 
of  peace,  you  place  them  in  a  proper  condition  to 
endure  the   burdens  which  a  state  of  hostilities 

I'  necessarily  inflicts.    By  enabling  tlic  Slates  to  pay 


thrlr  indrhtrdness  to  foreign  coiinlricn,  you  will 
reistahliHh  your  credit  in  those  loiintries,  nnd  llieii 
you  can  coinmnnd  nmney  whenever  you  wnni  il; 
and  this  Is  the  only  way  in  which  you  ought  In 
make  provision  in  lime  of  pence  fur  iiioncy  to  carry 
on  a  war:  that  is,  by  iihii'ing  your  citizens  in  such 
clri'iimstances  as  will  ennlile  them  to  eonlributo 
liberally  and  punctually  in  the  Hha|>n  of  taxes, 
when  necessary,  and  by  establishing  the  credit  of 
Ihe  nailonal  f  Joverninent,  so  that  you  can  obtain 
the  aid  of  other  nations  by  the  ncgitialion  of 
loans. 

Tlicrii  is,  sir,  nnother  mode  of  carrying  nut  thin 
maxim,  of  providing  for  war  in  limn  of  pencn, 
which  I  will  advert  to  in  n  few  words,  though  it 
has  been  referred  to  by  other  gentlemen;  It  Is  this, 
the  resources  of  the  Governinent  ought,  in  lime  of 
peace,  lo  be  employed  in  the  conslruclloii  of  im- 
provements that  would  be  beneficial  to  its  cilizens, 
during  llio  conliiiuaiice  of  that  happy  conditum 
which  it  ought  lo  be  the  pride  and  ambition  of  all 
rulers  to  secure  for  ihls  country.  'I'his  coiilil  bn 
ilone  by  facilitating  the  means  of  intercourse,  nnd 
strengthening  and  exlending  the  commercial  rela- 
tions belween  dlffen  nt  and  remote  seclloiis  of  the 
country;  thus  binding  them  together  hy  the 
strong  ligaments  nf  niulunl  interest,  soi^lal  har- 
mony, and  svmpntlielic  feeling,  and  securing  them 
from  the  baleful  influence  of  selfishness,  envy,  and 
lenlnusy  of  encli  other's  power  and  prosperity. 
The  improvemenis  which  I  nlliide  to,  arc  Macad- 
amized roads,  railroads,  cnnals,  initirovcment  of 
rivers  nnd  hiirbors,  bridges  over  Inrge  streams, 
convenient  mail  routes,  and  such-like  things, — any 
imfirovement,  Ihe  iililily  of  which  will  be  worth 
to  the  people  in  lime  of  peace  the  interest  upon 
the  coat,  and  he  subservient  to  the  national  diifeiic.e 
In  time  of  war.  In  expending  the  resources  of  the 
Onvcrnment  in  this  way,  you  secure  a  two-fold 
advantage:  Finl.  Your  money  is  invested  in  im- 
provements that  confer  immense  and  almost  incal- 
culable ndvnnlnges  upon  your  citizens,  and  at  the 
same  lime  yields  a  revenue  adequate  to  the  annual 
repairs,  aniJ  thus  keeps  ilself  always  in  proper 
condition.  Stcnndlii.  In  Ihe  facilities  which  those 
improvemenis  afforil  lo  the  Government  in  time  of 
war,  in  the  transportation  of  troops,  ordnance, 
provisions,  mililary  stores,  and  camp  equipage, 
from  one  point  to  another,  you  will  save  more  in 
many  instances  than  the  original  cost  of  the  work, 
independent  nf  the  consideration,  that  by  the  aid 
of  those  facilities  of  intercommunicnlion  one  thou- 
sand men  will  be  able  to  defend  your  seaboard 
more  efTcctually  than  three  times  the  number  could 
have  done  forlv  years  ago. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  how  nro  all  tho.se  desira- 
ble objects  lo  bo  attained.'  Sir,  by  rejecting  the 
bill  oil  yniir  table,  nnd  leaving  the  tariff  of  '42 
stand  as  It  is;  and  that  is  the  only  way  in  which 
this  can  I'      Tecled. 

This  is,  1  nately  for  my  argument,  no  new 
theory,  no  untried  visionary  scheme.  The  expe- 
rience of  the  past  exhibits  o  prosperity  under  our 
protective  system  unexampled  in  the  history  cf 
Iho  world.  What  has  been  the  situation  c'  the 
country  when  the  duties  were  so  low  as  to  alford 
inadequate  protection  to  nur  domestic  manufac- 
tures,' What  was  the  condition  of  the  country 
five  years  ago,  before  the  passage  of  the  tariff  of 
1843,  which  is  now  sought  to  be  repealed.'  Who 
does  not  recollect  it.'  There  is  not  a  man  within 
Ihe  sound  of  my  voice,  who  has  pnid  any  attention 
to  what  was  going  on  around  him,  that  don't  re- 
member the  gloom  that  pervaded  the  whole  com- 
munity at  that  time.  Was  not  the  country  sufTcr- 
ing  and  laboring  under  all  the  disadvantages  and 
difficulties  thnt  I  have  been  endeavoring  to  describe, 
and  which  were  so  eloquenllv  portrayed  by  my 
friend  from  Kentucky,  [Dr.  Yoitno,]  a  few  days 
ago.'  Your  furnaces,  forges,  bloomerics,  and  fac- 
tories, were  then  standing  still;  nnd  Iho  thousands 
of  active  nnd  industrious  operatives,  that  arc  now 
so  happily  and  sedulously  engaged  in  attending  to 
those  establishments,  were  then  destitute  of  em- 
ployment, rSusiness  was  paralyzed;  produce,  not 
only  low  in  price,  but  in  many  places  alr.iosi.  t<n- 
snlcable  at  any  price,  Th"-  value  >)f  real  estate 
depreciated,  and  pecuniary  em'^arrassment,  dis- 
tru.st,  and  wretchedness,  pervading  the  whole  com- 
munity; nnd  not  only  individunis,  but  States,  re- 
duced to  the  verge  of  hopeless  bankruptcy.  Con- 
'  traat  the  condition  of  the  country  then  with  that 


'I' 

"  ,¥' 

,  J,'  iK 


i 


■**' 


w 


984 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  15, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


wliii'h  it  exiiibits  now,  niid  fco  wlictlic  you  don't  , 
find  the  cnnfinnntioii  of  wlint  I  hnvK  staled.  ' 

Soon  iifler  tlio  (rassaao  of  ilic  Inrirt'  bill  ot   184", 
busipPHS  bo*^n  to  revive.    The  Bound  of  the  anvil 
iind  the  slinllk"  iijtain  rcvciliemics  llnonKh  what 
bad  been  tcniinlk'HH  nnd  dcsolntn  babiinlion.s.   The 
hum  of  businrsa,  ihu  <:liui;;or  of  iiidnNlrV)  »nd  the  i 
clnnkin!;  of  nmcbincrVi  wiis  evcvywhprc   heard,  ! 
like  tlic  carollinifof  the  fcalhered  sonKMers  wH-  I 
coming  the  {reiiial  renirn  of  sprins;  nflcr  n  severe 
and  dreary  winter;  enliveninj  nnd  iinimntin!;  the  [ 
whole  face  of  nnturr,  and  difliisinc:  contentment  i 
and  hnppiness  throu^luuit  Ihe  whole  exieni  of  your 
wide-S|)rciid  territory,     linililiiip')  spnini;  up  as  if  . 
by  mnpc;  the  wildenimu  wn-,  literally  made  to  | 
blossom  as  liic  rose.     Mine. ah  that  had  lain  dor- 
mant in  the  bowels  of  the  earth  since  the  time  of  i 
ihe  creation  were  hoisleil  from  ihe  dark  caverns  in  I 
which   nature  bad  deposited  them,  taken  to  your ' 
laboratories,  and  converted  into  cold,  or,  what  is  i 
better,  into  bitiul;  not  by  the  fancied  process  of  I 
the  drcamins  alcbymi.sl,  but  by  the  nmrc  certain 
and  elfeclnal  development  of  art,  of  science,  and  of  ' 
protected  industry. 

But  our  brethren  of  ihe  Sinilli  innrsine  that  the  j 
blessings  thus  ci>nl*erred  on  our  prosperous  eoini-  1 
try  are  pur-hased  ;\t  their  e\|>eniie.     Sir,  I  appre-  j 
li.:id  that  they  have  not  taken  a  correct  and  impar- 
tial view  of  this  interesting  subject.    They  are  ; 
laboring  uniler  some  straMi:cdelu.tion,  sonii^  capti- 
vating erroneous  theory,  llint  prevenl.s  them  from 
ttiking   that  calm,   philosophic,   and   enliuhtcncd 
view  of  this  8ulij<!Ct,  which  they  so  i.iolornily  ex- 
ercise iipon  every  lUber.     Let  iliei'n  invcsliL'alc  it  ' 
fully  and  fairly  ;  let  tlieni  briiis  (o  the  aiil  of  their 
jiulgment  the  rcculiecrions  of  llie  past,  and  exam- 
ine Ihi'  condilioj,  of  the  present,  and  they  camnit 
avoid  Ihe  conihision,  for  it  is  sostamed  by  incon- 
trovertible facts,  that  every  article  which  they  pur- 
chase, and  wliiili  has  been  proleded  for  a  nunil>er 
of  years,  conies  to  them  cheaper  now  than  it  did 
before  the  protective  system   wa.s  adopted.     liut 
even  if  this  were  not  the  ca.se    we  mii;lil  appeal  to 
their  palrioiism,  njid   ask  whdber  they  are   not 
willing  to  O'ulnre  some  incnnvenienci',  fiir  the  pur- 
po.se  of  eslalihshiug  the  true  independence  of  their 
country  upon  a  sine  and  permanent  basis. 

Permit  nic  now,  sir,  to  .siw  n  fi'w  words  in  re)ily 
10  some  of  the  ari;unierits  o.  L'cntlemer,  on  the  op 
positc  side  of  this  ipieslion.  Tbey  charge  us  wilh 
mc<uisislciicy,  and  ellorLs  are  nniile  to  invaiidaie 
our  ursrumeiits,  because  we  advocaie  a  cause  that 
gentlemen  suppose  would  operate  a^airisl  ourown 
interest;  as  if  i:eiuleun'ii  acliiig  in  the  hi^'h  and 
honcualile  capaciiy  of  legislators,  could  uol  rise 
above  the  irrovelliu^  motives  of  sonlid  interest  and 
silfish  virvvs.  Do  those  i;enilciu(ii  wish  us  to  es- 
timate til'  .  palnoii.sm  aral  llnir  disinlen  siiilucss 
by  the  same  measure  which  ihry  meie  iiiilo  us,= 
We  do  not  claim  "re.ucr  perfection  than  u.sually 
falls  to  the  lot  of  I'n.il  humiiMUy,  ami  ui.ikc  no  pro- 
fessions ol's.uuiu"!  s  inc.iiMsisIeni  wilh  a  ica.^oualile 
regard  o.  <iur  own  '  i' rests,  tientleincu,  how- 
ever, la.  ■!  iiudci  a  .■..I'iit  nusa|iprehension,  when 
they  set  down  a.s  nlauufaciurers,  and  llir  advocates 
of  the  excliis've  mauulai'lnrinL' luliresi,  all  those 
who  are  in  favor  of  the  prnieitive  system;  this 
mistake  in  the  inr  n  sis  leads  to  still  greater  errors 
in  Ihe  ciiaclusiij,.. ;  aiul  heii'-e  lliey  lue  unable  to 
see  how  it  is  that  the  niaiiulacturers,  as  iliey  call 
them,  ari'  such  sircnuous  .idvocati's  of  a  policy 
wbieh  they  ul|i'.;i.  is  calculated  to  diminish  li.eir 
own  profiu.  .S.r,  many  ol' those  who  are  theieiHt 
nntlinchiin;  ncUi'.ales  of  ilu'  pmiectixe  polii'y,  are 
not  particularly  ibiuitied  wiili  the  inaiiafaciiirers, 
except  so  fir  as  •  .e  prosperity  of  tliosi-  establish- 
ments  e. induce  to  the  geueial  prosperity  of  the 
w  h'lle  <Tanrry. 

The  distiici  which  has  given  me  Ihe  honor  of 
holding  n  SI  at  upon  this  lloor,  is  eiuphaiicallv  an 
Bgrieiiltun  1  ui..  riel.  and  raises  more  a"i'if'iiliiiral 

fifodiirlio  IS  than  ai  othir  in  Ihe  .Stale  win  rem  it  is 
ocuted.  III,. I  :.;,  periiapr,  not  inferior  to  any  of  ilie 
sume  extent  in  llie  (."nned  Stales.  It  is  our  iiili  r- 
PBl,  then,  thill  ihe  iiiamifacluied  article  ■<  should  bo 
reduced  to  the  ImwcsI  pri.'c  lor  which  they  can  be 
made  in  tills  I'oiiiiiry.  Wi.  have  no  desire  to  s(  e 
the  iiianuliuiiio  IS  realizing  a  prolit  of  ihiriv,  or 
lweniy-!iw.  or  ewu  lifu  ,  a  pi.|-  .col.,  whilst  we,  as 
Hgriciiliiinsts,  laiiniii  by  ilic  riiltivaii  >ii  of  nur  lauds 
realiz.e  mure  than  lour  or  five  pi  r  cent,  on  the  e.a|ii- 
lal  inveHUid,  and  very  uUcn  not  ilmt  umdi:  nor  do 


Sicam  Mail  Tru.ajjortation — Mr.  Nilcs. 

we  believe  that  the  mamifoeturim,  bnsiness  is  so 
profitable  as  those  who  ndvnejite  this  bill  assert  it 
•"  be.  If  we  coulil  be  persuaded  that  those  enl- 
enlationa  of  the  anii-protectionisis  are  correct,  we 
should  not  hesitate  to  sell  our  lands,  nnd  embark 
in  those  hii;ldy  profitable  pursuits. 

The  calciilnlinns  which  prodnee  the  results  on 
which  gentlemen  place  so  much  reliance  here,  are 
founded  iipim  eimnemis  data.  Many  of  the  man- 
nfnUtiring  e.siablishmentM  that  ore  now  doing  a  fair, 
perhaps  a  profitable  business,  have  been  purchased 
during  some  of  llinse  revulsions  which  your  unsta- 
ble, fluctuating  policy  has  so  firqnently  produced, 
at  irreat  sacrifices — in  many  instances  for  less  than 
oni  liiiirtli  of  Ihe  original  value.  I  know,  sir,  an 
instance,  in  the  county  in  whjch  I  reside,  where  a 
factiuy  was  creeled  by  a  company,  wl  '"h,  lofelher 
with  the  nachinery  nnd  the  buildinirs  necessary 
for  Ihe  workmen,  cost  some  fiAv  or  sixty  thousand 
dollar." — perhaps  more.  In  a  few  years  the  com- 
|iany  failed,  and  Ihe  whole  investment  was  almo  . 
a  total  loss.  It  was  piirchasetl,  at  a  very  redi.ced 
price,  by  an  individual,  who,  after  carryim:  it  n 
for  n  nmnber  of  years,  also  failed,  leaviuL'  his  cred- 
itors to  pay  for  hisexperience  in  this  enviably  profil- 
alile  business  of  manufactiirini.  Within  the  last 
three  years,  this  same  property  was  sold  for  some 
$7,(10(1,  if  n\y  recolleetion  serves  me  riiiht:  nnd  the 
last  putrliaser  has  since  been  od'ered  'fi.t.dllO  profit, 
making  more  than  forlv  )ier  cent,  on  bis  iiivesl- 
mem,  nnd  refused  lo  take  it.  (s  it  fiiir,  then,  to 
arirue,  that,  because  ibis  man  refused  an  advan- 
laseous  oOer,  under  ptciiliar  ciiciimslances,  thai 
may  not  oecnr  n^'ain  in  an  nje  to  come — is  it  liiir, 
!  ask  nsain.  lo  infer  from  that  llmt  the  biisinei'S  is 
lli^^llly  profitable,  when  tho.>ie  who  preceded  him 
have  failed  eiiiircly,  and  when  from  S(i(l,()ll()  to 
<««IMIO()  have  been  sunk  and  sacrificed  in  this  very 
eslabli.sbmeiu.'  This  is  the  way,  sir,  in  which 
ihire  enormous  profits  are  enlciilnled,  when  ihe 
lieople  ill  the  vicinity  of  those  eslablishnients.  who 
have  had  an  opporliiiiity  of  formin!;aeeiiralc  jiid^:- 
menis  on  iliose  iniereslin;  cas  s,  know  them  lo  be 
false  and  di  lusive  in  the  extreme. 

."^ir,  those  stronc  cases  make  bad  precedents; 
and,  if  any  one  would  lake  the  Irouble  lo  search 
for  them,  cases  ei|unlly  strnni:,  nnd  )>erliaps  equ.-illy 
delusive,  niiglil  be  tbiiiid  in  a;rriciiltural  pursuits. 
I  have  lieen  told  of  a  farmer  who  weiii  lo  the  west- 
ern prairies  and  look  up  a  hundred  acres  of  land, 
at  the  Government  price,  a  didlar  and  a  cpiarler 
per  acre.  He  went  l.i  work,  hml  the  whole  broken 
up  with  the  plnimh,  anil  seeded  with  wheat:  and 
the  crop  thus  |irodiieed,  not  oiilv  paid  for  all  the 
labor  and  exoense,  Iml  runbled  him  lo  )iav  for  his 
land,  and  had  a  I'oiisiilerable  sum  left;  wliile  at  tlii^ 
same  lone  his  land  was  worth  lliree  times  as  much  as 
when  he  comiuenred.  Here,  then,  was  a  |n'ofit  of 
.'((Id  pereeiil.  in  the  depressed  and  over-taxed  piir- 
snit  of  nL'riciiliure:  and  yet  «  e  are  ri:Keil  by  l'cii- 
llemen  from  the  Wist  tn  relieve  lliciii  frn'in  tin- 
onerous  burdens  iiillictid  on  iheiii  by  this  bl.'irk 
larid'.  I  have  oiilv  adverted  to  this  tn  show  that 
isolated  ca..ii  s,  mtilcr  peculiar  eircuinst.ui'es,  form 
very  fallaiioiis  preeedeiiis  iipuii  which  to  found 
L'cneral  principles.  The  calciilalioiis  which  gen- 
tlemen rely  upon  to  siistn.i,  tlii'ir  argiimenls  n-e 
iVeipieiitlv  nade  by  persons  iiol  fully  aci|ii«inleil 
\,iih  all  the  facts  couiiei'led  with  llie  ca..;.',  and  in 
thin  way  re.iulls  are  obtained  that  liave  •  i  founda- 
tion in  facts. 

The  lionorablr  gentleman  from  Nnrlh  Carolina, 
[Mr.  I'll, OS,)  who  addressed  the  eommiltee  on 
ycsiiadMy,  told  us  thai  "  iiioi.eiMie  and  pirniaiient 
proteiiion  is  all  thai  iinnufacturers  oierlil  lo  ask, 
and  thai  is  what  i\  revenue  land' L'ives."  I  .■is^rce, 
sir,  thai  iiiiiilerate  and  pi'nuaiient  protection  is  all 
tii.it  niaiiiifactiirers  oiii-lit  lo  ask;  bul  he  niid  I 
ilill'er  III  opinion  in  renaid  lo  what  kind  of  a  tarilf 
will  best  I  It'ei-i  the  olijeci  which  we  liolli  have  in 
view.  I  believe  llii.t  llie  present  tarilf  alVonls  sinh 
proierii*m  as  :.nvi-s  proper  etirmirri:;eireiit  to  nian- 
iil'acturer-<,  without  alibrdios  iheui  more  llinn  a 
reasonable  profit,  ('nlculalions  of  profit,  made  by 
inen  nni  ilnmselves  etii:a<red  in  tin  business,  and 
who  have  no  praciiial  kiiowled;;e  of  ihedilliculiies 
whi'-li  bad  lo  be  encountered,  are  at  once  arlopted 
as  beinu'  undeniiibly  true,  nnd  relied  on  as  argii- 
ineius  in  favor  of  reibe'ing  the  tarifl'.  This,  sir,  is 
a  L'real  mistake;  the  immense  profit'-  si'pposed  lo 
be  realized  by  the  maniifnelnrers  ":,■  only  to  lie 
found  in  the  erroneous  calculations  niiide  by  mis- 


Senate. 


I  glided  theorists.    The  mannfacliircrs,  on  an  nver- 
'  ngc,  realize  no  greater   profit   than   is  generally 
I  enjoyed  by  othera  of  our  citizens  who  are  engnseil 
j  in  other  brunches  of  business.    The  tarilf,  ns  it  is, 
I  nffordsa  reasonable  nroteciion.aml  ensures  to  the 
1  inamifactnrcr  a  mourrnte  reipiinerati.in,  and    no 
;  moie.     Do  gentlemen  expeci  lo  islablisji  pennn- 
!  rent  protection  by  a  revenue  larill?    The  amount 
o[    CTeimc  is  regulated  by  the  wants  of  the  (rrnj- 
;  !»'!/,  and  is  subject  lo  dimimitinn  or  increase,  ac- 
cording ns  the  action  of  the  (jovenimeiil  is  profuso 
I  or  erononiical;  and,  con.sei|ueiilly,  there  is  no  sta- 
;  Mlity  rtiunil  it.     We  now  find  nurselves  in  a  stale 
of  war.  nnd   the  expenses  of  Governlnt^lt  during 
,  the  ens  ling  year  must  necessarily  be  increased; 
I  ,ind,  iber'fiirc,  the  tarifl'  must  be  changed  to  meet 
I  those  addilional  expenses.      Next  year,  if  peace 
.should  be  restored,  as  I  hi)[ie  it  may  be,  we  must 
.lave  another  chaiiije,  to  ncconimodate  the  tarifl' to 
the  wantsof  the  treasury.    It  is  expected  by  many 
I  that  the  war  will  soon  lie  brou!.'lit  to  a  close;  the 
'  I'lxecutive,  I  understand,  has  expressed  ii  belief 
thai  peace  would  be  eonclmh-d  before  the  ex[>ira- 
tion  of  si.xty  days;  1  shall  be  pleased  lo  see  it;  but 
'  if  pence  were  declared    to-morrow,  we  shall  have 
'  incurred  a  great  expense  in  the  prosecution  of  the 
war,  nnd  will  find  it  necessary  lo  provide  for  those 
I  ex|ieii8es.     No,  sir,  an  ever-eliaii;;iiiK,  micerlaiu, 
!  shifting  revcmie  tarilf,  will  be  more  pernicim.  <  to 
the  niaiiufa'.'turinir  interest  than  any  oilu  r.     Men 
I  who  were  about  lo  abandon  llicir  usual  pursiiil.i 
j  and  Ciller  iiilo  new,  nnd,  lo  them,  untried  brauche.s 
;  of  business,  if  possessed  of  an  ordinary  degree  of 
'  prudence,  would  like  lo  make  somecalculaiioiis  aa 
regarils  their  prospecls  of  success.     IJtil  wilh  your 
unsettled,  vacillating  [lolii-y,  what  data  had  liny  to 
.depend   on?     None  whatever.     A  policy  that  so 
vitally  afl'ecis  the  inlen-sls  of  the  whole  coinmiuiiiy 
should  not  be  chnngi.d  hastily  or  iiiconsidcrniely. 
The  people  haveari^'hl  lo  expeci,  and  willdeniaml 
at  your  hands,  that  a  policy  that  has  workid  .so 
well,  and  been  productive  of  .so  much  i;ood,  shall 
!  be  left  uialislurbed.     "  Let  well  enoin-h  alone,"  is 
i  Ihcold  maxiiii,  and  will  bold  good  forUovcriimenl 
!  ns  well  as  for  individnuls. 

'  Gentlemen  possess  a  very  stroirv  sympathy  for 
Ihe  operatives  in  our  faclories,  w  ieun  ibey  seem  lr> 
consider  ns  objiM'ls  of  their  pioloiiiid  compassion, 
I  the  innocent  victims  of  avarice  and  oppression. 
Hut  let  them  go  to  the  spot  where  those  fancied 
oppressions  are  exercised;  let  tlieni  visit  nnd  ex- 
amine those  men  at  their  homes,  and  look  into 
thoir  condition,  nnd  witness  the  ncnlnessBiid  com- 
fort of  their  dwellings,  luid  the  order  that  prevails 
around  tl'eui,aiiil  they  will  discover  that  a  more 
imclligent,  more  ;liecifiil,  betler  fed,  belter  clothed, 

anil  1 e  coiiiented  class  of  men  is  not  to  be  fouiitl 

in  this  country. 
'  Mr.  (Miairmnn,  ihe  State  repnsenleil  by  iiiyself 
•  and  coll;  jguessiui  this  tloor,i.i,pcrliiip«,iiioi-e  deep- 
ly iiiler..sted  in  this  (piesiion  than  an)  other,  for, 
though  our  uianul'acturcs  aie  fewr  in  proporiioii 
lo  the  whole  population  ihaii  some  others,  yet  llinse 
iiianiifactures  arc  very  impiiitant,  and  more  de- 
pendcnl  on  prolcrlion  then  most  others.  Several 
of  her  repi-eseiitaiiv(S  ha\e  alicady  spoken,  others 
arc  desirous  of  iidilreHsing  the  ciiimiiitl''e,  and,  I 
hope,  may  have  the  oppoMmiity  of  doin;;  so. 
Haiiiis;  brielly  siaicd  inv  vn  ws,  I  shall  no  longer 
occupy  the  allenliou  of  tin-  i  onmiiltee. 


STIiAM  MAIL  TRANSPORTATION. 

REMARKS    'TTmR.   NILES, 
<iF  c     ''i-uricir, 

Iv  iukSe:  ..  June  1.1,  IH-li;. 
(in  the  Hill  niaitiiiir  nppropriallons  fcu- the  service 
of  the  I'o.st  (blice  I  )eparlmeiil. 
rir.  NILKS  said  In  could  answer  the  ini)iiiri"s 
of  the  Senator  I'roiii  .Mississippi,  |.\1r.  .SeKiuiir.l 
but  iniisl  first  not' 'e  tb,  oliservalioiis  which  had 
preceded  Ibein,  t  .1  wliieli  he  had  beard  wilh  no 
small  decree  of  siir)ui.se.  The  Scnnlor  has  de- 
nounced the  net  of  the  last  session  of  CoU'^resM 
reduciiiir  the  ri'tcHof  posiau'e,aiid  iiilrodiicing  other 
reforms  into  our  mail  sysleiu,  in  tlii^  imi.s|  sweep- 
ing' nnd  uni|naldied  terms.  I  le  says  it  has  deranged 
the  whole  n;ail  service  ill  his  section  of  the  ciMm.- 
try,  driven  poslniasli  is  to  resign,  broken  down 
ponl-i'uutea  and  post  jlKcva,  nnd  every  way  dimiu- 


|ne  15, 

ATE. 

laii  iivcr- 
Iwicrally 

IciifjiureJ 
1  ns  it  is, 
Ic8  10  llio 
I  and   no 
pcnna- 
ninciunt 
lie  /rcf«- 
iisp,  iir,- 
profuiio 
ni)  stii- 
In  n  aiiile 
|l  timing 
KTcaBcd; 
to  meet 
it'  peace 
|we  must 
Iniifl'lo 
IV  iiimiy 
liiMB;  tlir 
a  belief 
ex|iiia- 
PC  It;  Init 
mil  have 
|>n  iif  the 
for  llidae 
jni'ertaiii, 
ieiiic .(  to 
r.     Men 
lairsnM.i 
l»'anehe.s 
le^Toe  lit' 
ifuMiH  na 
iili  your 
1  ilicy  to 
llmt  so 
niniinity 
lerateiv. 
Iilemand 
liked  so 
"Jil,  uliall 
l'iiie,"is 
Kcrnment 


1946] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


985 


29th  Cong Ist  Skss. 


Steam  Mail  TraitsjMrtation — Mr.  Niles. 


Senatk. 


ished  the  mail  nccommodntinns  of  thn  people,  and 
in  addition  to  all  this,  has  deprived  them  of  thi^ir 
sln^e  I'  ss,  which  were  almost  an  indispensable 
ennvcnicnce  to  the  public.  All  these  evils,  he 
say  nave  been  produced  without  any  acomnatiy- 
inj;  iidvaniages  or  benefits  to  the  people  at  lurgc; 
ilint  the  chanijc  has  been  productive  of  no  pood 
except  to  the  jieopic  of  the  commercial  cities,  w'lo 
alone  .".omplained  of  the  old  law,  and  to  gral.iy 
ihem  the  whole  country  had  beer  subjected  to 
f^roat  inconvenience  and  injury,  'ilese  are  serious 
charges,  and  if  they  have  any  foundation  in  truth, 
tliey  certainly  deserve  the  attention  and  earnest 
consideration  of  Coniriessj  but  in  his  judgment, 
iHvc'r  were  charges  made  more  at  random,  or  more 
entirely  iinsustained  by  Uie  facts  of  the  case,  or  by 
the  opcrn'ion  of  the  old  and  new  system.  Is  it  I 
tine,  sir,  that  the  system  of  low  postage  i.s  bene-  ' 
ficial  to  the  wople  of  our  cities  only.'  Never  was 
there  a  greater  error.  It  is  the  peculiar  recon!- 
niendation  of  that  law  that  its  benefits  have  bdn 
enjoyed  by  all,  and  by  all  equally,  so  far  ns  they 
mav  have  occasion  to  make  use  of  the  public 
malls.  That  law  is  not  partial  in  its  provisions  or 
111  its  operations;  it  does  not  confer  benefits  on  one 
class  or  on"  section  of  the  Union  at  the  expense  of 
another,  but  it  is  beneficial  to  all,  and  t  ■  all  alike. 
II'  the  commercial  portion  of  the  cominunity  are 
most  benefited,  it  is  only  because  they  liave  the 
mo.st  occasion  to  avail  themselves  of  mail  accoin- 
niodatioii;  and  this  only  proves  that  they  sufl'ered 
the  greatest  injustice  under  the  old  system,  which, 
III  falsificaiion  of  its  professed  principle — which 
was,  that  the  mail  establishment  should  sustain 
itselt' — taxed  private  correspoialenci;  double,  yes, 
fourfold  the  actual  expense  attending  it.  Niinier- 
(Kis  burdens  and  charges,  the  public  correspond- 
ence, the  free  letters,  the  little  more  than  nominal 
postage  on  newspapers,  and  thedi  ct  aid  niVorded 
to  stage  lines  antl  railroads,  were  tli  rown  upon  llint 
d'  narlment,  and  the  expen.ses  attinding  them  were 
not  paid  from  the  general  treasury,  but  by  an  in- 
creased tax  on  correspondence.  Was  there  any 
justice,  any  equality  m  this.'  And  it  is  Ijccnuse 
these  unjust  burdens  have  been  in  part  removed 
that  the' Senator  now  complains.  This  law  lias 
broken  up  the  stage  lines  in  Mississippi.  How  so.' 
Is  there  anything  in  the  law  for  inierrupting  or  em- 
barrassing ftage  lines  >  Has  the  Postmaster  Gen- 
eml  iMierfcred  with  and  stopped  them.'  Oh,  no; 
but  he  does  not  support  them  at  the  expense  of  the 
department  when  it  is  found  of  no  use  to  tlie  mail 
service.  The  law  no  longer  levies  a  tax  on  the 
people  of  my  Slate  and  other  States  in  the  north- 
ern and  iniildle  sections  of  the  Union  to  support 
stage  lines  in  Mississippi.  Is  mu  this  a  crying 
injustice.'  Are  not  the  consliiuenis  of  the  Senator 
(o  be  accommodated  with  stage  lines  at  the  expense 
of  the  people  of  another  section  of  the  Union.'  If 
not — it  tills  gross  injustice  is  in  part  removed — 
sorely  the  Senator  has  just  cause  of  complaint. 
I!ut  the  mail  accommndations  of  the  Senator  s  eon- 
Kiiiiienls  are  still  .supported  in  part  at  the  I'harge  of 
the  people,  ill  other  Slates,  as  the  posla^'es  in  that 
Stale  fall  shiu't  of  the  expenses  more  ilian  twenty- 
five  per  cent.,  wliii'h  is  a  charixe  on  the  people  "of 
other  Slates  where  the  revenue  is  more  tliaii  suffi- 
cient to  pay  the  charges  of  the  entablishmeut.  Hut 
the  Senalor  iti  not  sali.sfied  with  this;  he  wants 
that  the  people  iif  other  Slates  should  support  the 
siage  lilies  in  iSlississ.ppi  and  their  raib-oails.  Do 
liie  people  of  the  ciliv's  of  the  A'orlli  C(uiiplain  at 
beim;  uixi^d  on  thci;  corres|ion(lence  ir  an  object 
like  this.'  If  tliev  do,  the  Scimlnr  thinks  they'are 
most  unreasonable,  and  that  the  act  which  has 
relieved  tlicni  IS  a  most  unjust  law. 

The  Senator  was  not  here  last  session  when  the 
n''t  lel'erred  to  was  passed,  and  peihiips  is  not  well 
a"[|iiaiuled  with  tin:  consideralloiis  which  led  to  a 
reform  in  the  olil  sysleiu.  'J'hcre  were  three  ob- 
lects  ei'deavored  to  Is;  secured  liylhatact — the  first 
and  principal  one  to  secure  to  the  people  the  ndvaii- 
ta^'cs  of  low  postage.  The  oilier  two  were  in  aid 
of  this;  one  to  relieve  the  department  from  unne- 
cessary chara's  not  properly  belonging  to  the  mail 
service;  and  he  third  to  break  up  the  private  cx- 
preis'  whicK  so  materially  injured  the  mail  ser- 
vice. To  rem  ive  those  unnecesRary  charges,  the 
six:"ei'.ili  aectiou  of  the  act  provided  that  in  future 
all  eoniracis  .or  the  trunsportntioii  of  the  mail  : 
should  be  inadt  on  the  lowest  teriiiH,  without  lef-  j 
crcnoe  lu  tlic  mudu  iu  which  the  mail  slioulU  be 


conveyed,  otherwise  than  in  respect  to  its  celerity  ' 
and  safety.    This  is  the  provision  of  which  the  ' 
Senator  complains  as  having  broken  down  the  stage  ! 
lines.     Bilt  does  he  complain  that  the  mail  is  not  i 
IS  expeditiously  and  safely  conveyed  ?    I  hear  no  i 
such  complaint.     Many  of  the  stage  lines  were 
thrown  as  a  charge  on  to  the  Post  Office  Department, 
which  were  in  no  way  n'l  >ssary  for  the  convey- 
ance of  the  mail,  as  that  could  be  transported  in 
some  other  and  cheaper  mode  as  safely  and  with 
nioreexpedition.  The  stage  lineswere  only  wanted 
to  accnmniodate  travellers;  and  where  they  were 
not  numerous  enough  to  support  them,  they  were 
thrown  as  a  charge  on  to  tlie  department.     We 
]  have  seen  the  operation  of  this  provision  in  the  law  ' 
in  the  lettings  in  two  sections  of  the  Union,  which 
1  have  since  taken  place;  it  has  protluced  a  saving 
of  more  than  thirty  per  cent.,  amounting  in  one- 
half  of  the  Union  to  something  more  than  half  a 
i  million  of  dollars;  and  if  as  successful  in  the  other  ; 
;  two  sections,  will  reduce  the  expense  of  mail  trans- 
i  porliition  inore  than  one  million   of  dollars — or 
I  from  three  millions  to  two. 

I      But  the  Senator  says  t  he  Post  Office  Department 
is,  by  this  law,  to  be  throwni  as  n  charge  on  the  ■ 
iieasury,  and  wishes  to  know  if  the  Post  Office 
Committee  arc  not  intending  to  report  a  bill  to  re-  , 
establish  the  old  law.    He  is  in  grea*  error  as  to  the 
department  becoming  a  charge  upon  the  treasury; 
it  is,  in  all  probability,  in  a  much  better  condition 
than  it  would  have  been  had  the  old  law  remained 
in  force;  as  for  several  years  there  had  been  a  de- 
ficiency in  its  revenues  of  something  like  a  quarter  ' 
of  a  million,  mid  this  deficit  was  ra|>idly  increasing. 
And  taking  the  first  quarter,  under  the  new  sys- 
tem, the  only  one  in  which  the  accounts  have  been 
made  up,  aiid  the  deficiency  tor  the  year  will  be 
but  aboutseven hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars.  ', 
Rut  the  fii-st  quarter  is  not  to  be  retrarded  as  a  fair 
average  of  the  year.     The  new  system  must  have 
time  to  develop  its  energies;  it  will  rcqi  ire  several 
years  to  know  fully  what  it  will  do;  the  revenues 
will  <in  on  increasing,  whilst  the  expenses  are  di- 
minishing, so  that  there  is  every  reason  to  believe 
that  the  department  with  cheap  postage  will  sus- 
tain itself,  whilst  it  is  certain  that  it  could  not  un-  i 
iler  the  old  sv-stem  of  high  postage  and  unnecessary  ' 
charges.     The  Postmaster  GeiiemI  was  in  great  ^ 
error  when  he  stated  that  the  fallingoff  of  revenue  | 
[  for  the  first  quarter  would  be  about  45  per  cent.; 
j  instead  of  that,  sir,  it  is  less  than  18  per  cent.   The  ; 
I  system  of  low  postage,  so  far  as  it  has  been  tried, 
!  has  been  siiccessAil  beyond  the  expectations  of  its  i 
\armest  friends;  its  success  is  greatly  beyond  my 
expectations.     I  had  supposed  the  cleficiency  the 
first  year  would  be  about  one  million,  and,  instead  ' 
I  of  that,  it  will  not  jirobably  much  exceed  half  a 
\  million. 

;  And  now,  sir,  I  can  give  a  more  specific  answer 
i  to  the  Senator's  inquiry.  The  committee  consider 
I  the  law  of  last  session  as  having  answered  the  liigh- 
,  est  expectations  indulged;  and  instead  of  intending 
'  to  report  a  bill  to  repeal  the  act  and  revive  the  old 
law,  thev  have  fell  it  n  duty  to  carry  (Mil  the  prin- 
ciple still  farther,  and  to  propose  either  as  an 
nmeiidment  to  this,  cu-  in  u  distinct  bill,  to  reduce 
the  piistau'C  to  a  uniform  rale  of  five  cents.  So 
sirons  V as  his  confidence  in  the  principle  of  low 
postage  that  he  was  fully  convinced  that  it  may 
safely  and  ndviiiilageously  be  eariieil  farther;  and 
he  was  almost  prepareil  to  believe  that  the  lower 
the  rate  of  postage,  tbf  'rreater  would  be  the  rev- 
enue produced.  It  wn.s  -ol  his  intention,  then,  to 
go  into  a  discussion  cf  that  ipieslion;  but  when  that 
question  was  disciii-ieil,  it  would  he  shown  that 
(luring  the  (luarter  for  which  we  have  returns,  the 
increase  of  ielteis  of  the  five-cent  rale  has  bct^n 
nearly  as  three  to  one  over  those  of  the  ten-cent 
rale: "the  first  beinir  eighty-three  percent.,  and  the 
lalti;r  but  ihirlv-tliree  per  cent.  These  were  strmig 
lads,  which  show  the  working  of  the  principle  of 
low  postage  in  respect  to  revenue,  whilst  its  ben- 
eficial inrtuence  in  other  respects  must  be  propor- 
tionably  great,  airecling  all  cla.saes  and  all  intere.sts 
in  the  conimiinily.  i 

Mr.  N.  had  but  a  few  words  to  say  in  explana- 1 
tion  of  the  aniendmeiit  he  had  offered.  It  provided  j 
for  taking  away  all  discretion  from  the  Postmaster  , 
tieneral  in  increasing  the  compensation  of  poslnins- , 
ters  beyond  their  commissions,  which  is  all  the  law 
allows  them.  He  could  iioi  approve  of  the  con- 
struction given  to  the  act  of  last  session  by  the 


Po.iimaster  General,  based  on  the  opinion  of  the 
Attorney  General,  which  in  his  judgment  was  a 
very  extrnorilinary  one. 

The  necessity  of  the  case  may  have  been  urgent, 
but  it  will  not  do  to  permit  Kxecutive  officers  to 
interpolate  important  provisions  into  a  law  by  way 
of  a  liberal  construction,  which  does  violence  both 
to  the  letter  and  the  spirit  of  the  law.  The  com- 
pensation of  all  officers  should  be  fixed  by  law, 
and  not  be  left  to  Executive  regulation  or  discretion. 
It  was  no  doubi  truo,  llmt  the  law  did  not  give  'i 
some  of  the  postmasters,  and  partii  iilnrly  those  i  f 
the  distributing  oflices,  an  adequate  compensation 
for  defraying  the  necessary  charges  of  their  offices, 
and  for  their  own  services.  The  amendment  pro- 
vides for  increasing  their  commi.<sioii3  five  percent, 
on  the  postages  collected,  and  three  percent,  on  the 
amount  of  mails  distributed.  It  will  also  restore  to 
postmasters  their  commissions  on  new.spapers  con- 
veyed less  than  thirty  miles,  which  now  arc  free 
from  postage.  There  was  no  sound  principle  on 
which  this  discrimination  can  be  made  between 
newspaper-i  conveyed  more  or  less  than  thirty 
miles:  and  it  is  imposing  a  burden  on  postnmslcra 
for  which  they  receive  no  comiwnsa'.ion  whatever. 
This  is  iminsl,  and  lakes  away  from  the  small  offi- 
ces a  considerable  share  of  the  income  they  yield 
to  the  postmaster,  as  his  commission  on  news- 
papers arc  half  of  the  postage  chargeable.  The 
provision  was  intended  to  favor  the  small  newspa- 
per establishments,  but,  so  far  as  he  was  informed, 
lias  had  a  cnniniry  eil'ect,  and  the  publishers  of 
newspapers  are  generally  opposed  to  it.  l''"rmerly 
the  postmasters  were  iheir  agents,  and  exerted 
themselves  to  procure  subscribers  and  increase  the 
circulation  of  newspapei-s,  and  the  iiileresi  they 
had,  served  usasliniiiliis  for  so  doing.  iS'ow  their 
interest  lies  the  oilier  way,  as  the  less  niiniber  of 
papers  not  subject  to  postage  received  at  their 
offices,  the  less  gratuitous  labor  they  have  to  per- 
form . 

Besides  the  sending  newspapers  in  the  mail  free 
of  pnsla:;e,  has  interfered  with,  and  broken  up 
many  post-riders,  who  had  been  employed  in  dis- 
tributing newspapers;  for  as  a  |ioriion  of  their 
subscribers  can  get  their  papers  more  conveniently 
through  the  mail,  their  receiving  them  ill  that  way 
rendered  the  business  not  worth  ]iursuing.  Nor 
is  there  any  general  convenience  to  the  public,  for 
it  is  only  those  living  near  post  offices  who  can 
obtain  their  papers  through  the  mail  as  conve- 
niently ns  from  post- riders,  and  other  modes  of 
convevnnce. 

In  regiii-d,  Mr.  Pi-esident,  to  the  amendment 
od'ered  by  the  honorable  .Senator  from  Rhode  Isl- 
and, [Mr.  .Simmons,)  providing  for  a  uniform 
postage  of  five  cents,  I  do  not  propose  to  discuss 
it  at  this  lime,  more  especially  after  the  full  siiU 
able  examination  of  the  question  by  that  Senator. 
I  will  only  say  that  1  concur  generally,  if  not  en- 
tirely, in  the  correctness  of  the  facts  and  views 
presented  by  him,  and  the  conclusions  to  which 
they  lead.  I  have  great  confidence  in  the  principle 
of  low  postage,  ami  do  not  think  anyone  can  now 
say  to  what  extent  that  principle  can  be  safely 
carried.  So  far  iiswecjui  judge  from  the  expe- 
rience of  a  single  quarlcf,  it'  seems  nearly  certain 
thai  the  uniform  rale  of  five  cents  for  a  single  let- 
ter would  increase,  rather  than  diminish  theagi;re- 
L'ate  revenues  of  the  d-imrlmenl.  The  strong  fact 
that  llie  i-.ici,...:.  .11  feli-rs  within  three  hundred 
mile.-<  s.il'ject  to  \\\c  cent.''  imstage,  has  been  as  two 
and  a  half  to  one  over  I'lC  increase  of  those  sent 
over  three  hundred  mi'cs  and  paying  ten  cents 
[lostaire,  would  seen'  to  be  conclusive  on  this 
point,  lint  ii  may  be  thought — and  perhaps  with 
much  propriety— ^that  it  would  be  prudent  and 
wise  to  give  the  present  law  the  trial  of  one  y.ai', 
before  disiurbing  any  of  its  material  provisions,  as 
we  can  then  act  upon  it  wilh  the  lightof  better  ex- 
perience. He  had  no  objection  to  ihiseonrse,  and 
yet  was  himself  prepared  at  this  time  to  eslablish 
a  uniform  rale  of  five-cent  postage,  which  will 
give  the  principle  of  cheap  postage  n  more  satis- 
factory and  fair  trial. 

It  being  iiilimated  by  several  Senators  that  these 
amendments  did  not  properly  belong  to  an  appro- 
priation bill,  they  were  both  withdrawn;  and  Mr. 
N.  then  olTered  an  amendment  appropriating 
twenty-five  thousand  dollars  for  a  line  of  mail 
steamers  to  Liverpool,  and  a  like  sum  fur  a  line  to 
Cowcu  and  Bremen. 


if^ 


986 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  15, 


1846.] 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Steam  Mail  Transportation — Mr.  Niks. 


Senate. 


Mr.  N.  said  the  'queetion  presented  by  this  ■ 
nmciulment  whs  one  nf  im|inrliiiice,  and  deserved 
the  aeriims  cnnsiilcriilinn  of  the  Senitle;  uml  ho 
hoped  he  mi);hi  have  the  attention  of  Senators 
whilst  he  presented  the  facts  and  considemlions  on 
whieh  the  friends  of  the  measure  relied,  as  entitling; 
it  to  a  favorable  judgment.  During  the  hist  ses- 
sion of  Congress,  a  hiw  was  passed  authorizing 
tlie  Posiniaster  General  to  enter  into  contracts  for 
conveying  a  mail  from  the  United  Slates  to  foreign 
countries;  and,  in  pursuance  of  that  law,  the  Post- 
master General  had  made  a  coniiact  with  Mr. 
Mills,  of  New  York,  fur  transporting  «  mail  from 
the  city  of  New  York  to  Bremen,  slopping  at 
Cowes,  and  every  alternate  itip  at  Havre.  As 
the  8U'amshi|>s  were  to  he  (mill,  ihe  service  would 
not  commence  until  another  year,  and  the  appro- 
priation would  not  he  required,  but  was  asked 
for  lo  ol)iain  ihe  sanction  of  Congress  to  the  con- 
tract which  had  been  entered  into,  sulijcci  to  the 
approval  of  Congress,  in  making  an  appropriation 
for  the  expense.  The  terms  of  a  contract  for 
another  line  of  mail  steamers  betwi^en  New  York 
and  Liverpool  have  been  agreed  on  bi'twcen  the 
the  Postmaster  Generi.l  anil  Mr.  Collins,  a  very 
enterprising  merchant  of  New  York,  which  would 
be  eonduded  if  it  met  the  approbation  and  sanction 
of  Congress;  and  he  had  nhtved  the  appropriation 
for  that  service  to  obtain  the  action  and  decision 
of  Congress  on  the  question. 

[Mr.  Davis  inquired  what  were  the  terms  of  the 
contracts.] 

Mr.  N.  said  they  hail  been  laiij  before  the  Sen- 
ate in  a  full  report  of  the  Postmaster  General. 
The  contrai!t  tor  IJrcmen  is  for  four  steamships  of 
not  less  than  fourteen  hundred  tons  each,  lo  make 
twenty  trips  a  year,  two  ench  month  lor  eii;lu 
nmnilis,  and  one  a  month  for  four  months,  each 
trip  stopping  at  Cowes.  I*'or  this  service,  three 
liundred  and  titty  lhon.sand  dollars  annually  was 
to  be  paid.  The  ships  were  to  be  strong,  and 
well  fitted  for  warsleamcrs;  and  the  Government 
bail  the  right  of  purchasing  them  for  the  public 
service,  should  they  be  wanted  in  the  event  of 
war.  The  line  to  Liverpool  was  to  consist  of  live 
steamships,  of  a  tonnage  int  less  than  two  thou- 
sand tons,  (and  would  prol'alily  exceed  ihat,)  to 
maki'  Iwenty  trips  a  year,  for  a  compensation  of 
three  huinlred  and  eighty-five  thousand  c'ollars  per 
annum.  The  appropriation  for  the  Bremen  hue 
was  ill  the  bill  as  it  came  from  the  House,  I'ld  hnd 
been  stricken  out  as  a  pari  of  the  amendment  of 
the  .Senator  fnini  Ithoili^  I.*liind,  [Mr.  Simmons,] 
but  without  his  (.Mr.  .N.'s)  notice  at  the  time,  and 
be  presiiincd  uimoliced  by  most  of  the  Senators. 
So  far  as  respected  that  part  of  his  ameiulineiil, 
it  weni  only  to  restore  the  bill  to  what  it  was  when 
it  came  to  ilie  .Senate. 

The  general  question  of  the  policy  of  establish- 
ing toi'eigii  mails  ill  I'onnexion  with  steamships 
would  seem  lo  have  been  dcr-.ided  last  session  in 
the  passiiL'C  of  a  law  aiilliori/.ing  this  service;  but 
lie  was  aware  thai  bill  had  passed  willioiit  much 
debate,  and,  perhaps,  without  that  full  consiilera- 
lion  which  the  importance  of  thesiibject  demanded. 
It  may  not,  therelore,  be  improper  to  consider  the 
general  i|iiesliun  of  the  jiolii-y  of  tiiis  measure  ns 
still  open  for  eoii.sideiation.  What  are  the  advan- 
tages lo  be  expected  from  it?  These  relate,  lirsi, 
to  the  mall  ser\  iee — to  ils  connexion  willi,  and 
influence  upon,  the  commerce  of  the  eiamtry,  and 
ils  sdvantaL'es  for  naval  defence  in  the  event  of 
war.  To  decide  on  ils  imporiance  in  any  or  all 
these  respects,  it  is  necessary  to  look  at  the  pres- 
ent eoiiditioii  of  llii;  intercourse  between  the  United 
Slates  and  foreign  countries.  'I'his  intercoiir.se  is 
now  extensive,  and  rapidly  increasing.  TlieesUib- 
lishnienl  of  oi-ean  steam  iiavigalioii  Inis  brought  im 
nearer  lo  Kiirope,  and  greatly  iiii'reased  the  iiiti'r- 
courae  of  every  kuicl:  and  Ihe  iiilercnmmiinicalion 
between  this  coimtrv  and  Kurope  is  cronsequenily 
greatly  increased.  There  arc  no  means  of^  ascer- 
tainiiig  the  extent  of  this  correspondence,  but  ii 
probably  anKumts  to  several  millions  of  letters  an- 
nually. Those  conveyed  in  Ihe  British  line  of 
Ntcamers  are  supposed  to  exceed  twenty  lhon.sand 
letters  a  trip,  amounting  lo  nearly  n  million  of  let- 
ters a  year,  and  a  larL'c  portion  of  litem  double 
letters.  And  this  extensive  corresponilence  is  en- 
tirely rarrieil  on  by  the  British  mail  line,  except 
the  IcIlerB  conveyed  in  private  ships,  and  is  subject 
to  British  laws  and  rexulations.    It  becomes  neces- 


sary to  look  a  little  more  into  the  actual  stale  of 
ibis  intercourse,  and  see  bow  far  it  is  subject  to  any 
reciprocity  in  the  law.'  "nd  regulations  of  this 
country  and  those  of  Great  li.  I..i'n,  from  which 
country  most  of  our  letters,  evm  from  the  other 
Powers  of  lilnrope,  are  despatched  to  the  United 
States.  What  are  our  laws  to  regulate  it,  or  derive  ' 
any  postage  from  it.'  Wc  have  no  laws  on  the  : 
subject,  except  the  act  of  lost  session  for  establish- 
ing mails  witli  foreign  countries;  and  if  that  is  not 
executed,  the  subject  is  wholly  abandoned  to  a 
rival  nation,  who  i.H  deriving  a  considerable  revenue 
from  this  international  correspondence,  besides 
making  it  subservient  to  the  advancement  of  her 
commercial  inleresis.  We  have  no  laws  regnia-  : 
ting  Ihe  conveyance  nf  letters  from  the  United 
Slates  to  foreign  countries,  or  from  such  countries 
to  the  United  States,  and  no  autliority  for  charging  ' 
any  postage  either  on  letters  going  lo  foreign  coun- 
tries, or  coming  fiom  them  into  the  United  Stales. 
We  have  nliaiidoned  the  whole  subject  to  a  foreign 
rival  Power,  and  all  the  advantages  nllending  it.  ' 
Cliir  citizens  ari^  subjected  to  a  heavy  posiasre  on 
all  letters  gnii  g  from  the  United  States  to  Great 
Britain,  or  to  any  country  in  Knrope,  which  pass 
through  that  country,  ns  most  of  them  do.  The 
British  laws  take  cognizance  nf  the  entire  corre- 
i  spondence,  mid  subject  all  lelli  rslojioslnge, whether 
Iransmillcd  from  Great  Britain  to  the  United  Slates, 
or  from  the  United  .States  to  Great  Britain.  Those 
conveyed  in  the  British  mail  lo  or  from  the  United 
Slates,  pay  one  shilling  sterling  postage — about 
iwenty-lwo  cents;  and  all  Iclters  not  conveyed  in 
their  mail  pay  eight  pence,  about  sixteen  cents,  on 
being  received  into  a  British  postoilice,  or  on  being 
sent  from  one  lo  the  United  States.  The  British 
Government,  therefore,  is  exacii'.g  a  high  rate  of 
:  postage  on  the  entire  corresp.,nilence  between  the 
two  countries,  and  we  are  exacting  nolhinu'.  Not 
a  letter  can  be  sent  by  a  citizen  of  the  United  Stales 
lo  Great  Britain,  or  one  n>ceived  from  there,  wiih- 
onl  his  paying  a  postage  of  sixteen  cents  to  the 
British  Government.  But  British  subjects  can 
send,  and  receive,  letters  to  the  ITniied  Slates  with- 
out paying  any  postage,  except  what  is  exacied 
by  their  Government.  Is  there  any  reciprocity, 
any  equality  in  this?  Thit  aibject  has  been  too 
long  neglected,  and  requires  legislation  on  our  part. 
We  should  bring  all  letters  that  go  from  the  Uni- 
ted Stales  to  foreign  countries,  and  all  coming  from 
such  countries  into  the  United  Slates,  under  the 
regulation  of  our  laws,  and  subject  them  lo  a 
reasonable  postage.  Tlie  attention  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  the  Post  Office  and  Post  Roads  having 
been  directed  to  this  siiiiject,  they  have  reported  a 
bill  to  regulate  and  subject  to  postaL'c  all  foreign 
correspondence.  They  have  provided  a  certain 
'  raleof  postage  generally  on  letters  sent,  or  received 
\  from  aluoad,  and  orovided  that  when  letters  arc 
brought  iiilo  the  Uiiiled  Stales,  in  the  vessels  of 
any  foreign  counlrv.Ihe  postage  shall  be  the  same 
as  is  required  by  the  laws  of  such  foreit'ti  coiinlry 
on  letters  conveyed  into  the  same  by  vessels  be- 
longing In  the  United  Stales.  This  would  estab- 
lish equably,  and  place  the  citizens  of  the  United 
Stales  and  ilntse  of  olher  foreign  countries  on  an 
equal  fooling. 

This  law  is  demanded  \\  liellier  these  mail  lines 
are  established  or  not.  But  these  are  strong  con- 
siderations in  favor  of  esl'iblishiiig  these  mail  lines. 
If  We  are  lo  have  but  one,  I  agree  with  the  .Sena- 
tor from  Massachusetts,  [.Mr.  Davis,]  that  the 
lini'  to  Bremen  is  the  most  important.  That  will 
give  great  f iciiity  and  advantage  to  our  citizens 
having  eorrespoiidence  aoroad,  .  nd  imrlicularly  to 
the  countries  on  the  coiiliii'  -.  The  objections 
which  have  been  urged  ngali  -i  this  line,  as  com- 
pared with  that  to  Livi'rpool.  apply  lo  the  freights, 
and  not  to  the  mail  received.  But  the  Govern- 
ment has  no  interest  in  the  freiL'hts.  In  regard  lo 
the  mail  .service,  it  has  the  advantage,  as  il  will  con- 
vey letters  to  and  fr'-;,i  the  continent,  while  pos- 
sessing perhap"  .  oual  advantages  in  trnnsinilling 
letliMS  lo  and  'Vom  Great  Britain,  by  touching  ot 
Cowes.  And  '  le  coiiveynnre  of  letters  to  and 
from  Ihe  continental  couniries  will  be  direct,  expe- 
ditions, and  a  great  saving  in  the  postage.  The 
lowest  rate  of  postage  of  a  single  letter  received 
from  the  conlinenl  ihrongh  Kngland,  is  nboul  fu'ty- 
ihree  cents;  whereas,  by  our  mail,  it  would  be  but 
i  iwenly-lwo  c  eiilH.  A  single  newspaper  from  the 
I  continent,  received  through  England,  is  clmrgcil 


with  a.  postage  of  more  than  sixty  cents.  The 
convenience  and  saving  to  nur  citizens  in  their  cor- 
respondence with  the  cnnlinenlal  countries  will  be 
very  great,  and  will  no  doubt  greatly  contribute  to 
increase  that  correspordencc,  which  is  now  very 
considerable.  This  correspondence  is  not  only 
commercial,  but  miscclUneous  and  social,  arising 
from  the  extensive  cmigi..'ion  from  tlie  Stales  of 
Germany  and  other  couniries  to  the  United  Slates; 
and  this  emigration  is  undergoing  a  rapid  increase. 
Is  nothing  due  to  Ibis  portion  of  our  population  in 
securing  to  ihcm  a  more  convenient  and  cheap 
communication  with  their  friends  in  the  countries 
they  have  left  to  become  citizens  of  the  United 
Stales.'  Letters  from  the  continental  couniries, 
coming  through  England,  arc  subjected  to  a  high 
postage  there;  tbo.sctVom  France,  the  mostftivorcd, 
pay  five  pence  on  coming  into  the  country,  and 
eight  pence  on  leaving  il  for  the  United  Slates. 

But,  Mr.  President,  the  eommercial  advantages 
connected  with  this  line  of  steamers  will  be  very 
important  in  every  respect, as  the  British  line  now 
is  the  channel  of  shipping  to  the  United  Slates,  a 
considerable  share  of  the  light  and  valuable  goods 
which  arc  imported  from  Kngland.  It  is  fast 
changing  the  course  of  trade,  and  freighls  are 
taking  that  direction.  This  is  throwing  the  import 
trade  into  the  bands  of  a  rival  nation;  and  hence  il 
is  that  every  year  the  projiorlion  of  our  importa- 
tions in  foreign  vessels  is  increasing.  This  direct 
mail  line  lo  Bremen  will  have  a  favorable  influence 
on  the  trade  between  the  United  Slates  and  Ger- 
many, as  our  staples  exported  to  Bremen  are  ad- 
mitted from  thence  into  ibe  other  Stales  of  Ger- 
many, into  Prussia,  Hanover,  and  other  countries, 
with  little  or  no  charges,  and  transporlalion  facili- 
tated by  numerous  railroads.  And  the  duties  at 
Bremen  have  been  reduced  very  low  on  tobacco, 
rice,  and  all  our  staples,  so  that  our  Irodc  there 
has  nearly  doubled  within  the  last  two  years. 

Cfreat  interest  is  taken  in  the  establisliment  of 
this  line,  not  only  'ii  Bremen,  but  in  Prussia,  the 
former  having  sent  out  a  special  agent — one  of 
their  Senators — lo  promote  il;  and  the  Minister  of 
the  latter  manifests  the  deepest  inlereat  in  ils  suc- 
cess. And  after  what  has  been  done — after  a  con- 
tract has  been  made,  and  the  highest  expectations 
raised — shall  we  disappoint  them?  Shall  we  check 
the  rapidly  growing  trade  between  the  United  Slates 
and  those  countries  which  niVord  the  best  markets 
we  have  for  our  tobacco  and  some  other  staples? 
Already  the  tobacco  exported  to  Bremen  exceeds 
that  exported  to  Kngland.  The  facility  and  en- 
couragement which  would  be  allbrded  to  emigra- 
tion was  a  cotisidenilion  not  to  be  overlooked.  He 
would  notice  one  olher  consideration;  it  \va.s  of 
some  importance  to  establish  a  direct  communica- 
tion between  the  Uniteil  Slates  and  the  conlincnt 
of  Knrope.  At  present,  all  commnnicalion,  nil  in- 
telligence from  Ibis  eoiintry,  reaches  ihc  continent 
lb  rough  Kngland,  and  has  a  British  taint  or  odor 
given  10  it.  The  people  on  ihe  continent  know 
'  nothing  nlioul  Ibis  country,  except  what  paeses 
through  Kns;lish  channels;  and,  as  a  rival  nation, 
jealous  nf  our  growing  prosperity  and  greatness, 
there  exists  o  natural  disposition  to  pervert  m  mi  .- 
'■  represent  everything  concerning  our  inslitulio.is 
and  the  characler  of  our  people,  and  the  rising 
'  prosperity  of  this  coimiry. 

Il  was  hardly  necessary  10  call  the  allenlinn  if 
the  Senate  to  the  im|iorlance  of  establishing  lhes» 
steam  lines  as  a  resource  for  the  defence  of  the. 
country;  they  would  give  us  nine  or  len  steanieis, 
equal,  and  some  of  them  superior,  to  the  Missis- 
sippi, In  the  event  of  war;  and  in  the  most  econi<M- 
ieiil  way,  as  they  will  not  cost  more  '.liaii  live  hun- 
dred thousand  dollars  each,  vliilst  the  Missis- 
sippi cost  seven  hundred  nrd  fifty  iboiisand  dol- 
lars. And  until  they  are  wanted  in  llie  naval  ser- 
vice, lliey  cost  nothing,  ex 'epl  what  is  paid  lor 
the  mail  service,  which  wil  probably  be  remuner- 
ated by  the  postagi's,  or  nearly  so;  whilst  the 
annual  expense  of  stenmerf  of  that  class,  ifbuili 
by  the  Government,  includi  ig  the  interest  nil  llie 
.  capital,  has  been  estimaleii  at  seventy  thousand 
'  dollars,  being  nearly  equal,  on  the  five  steamers 
composing  a  line,  lo  the  sum  proposed  to  be  paid 
i  for  the  mail  si^rvice. 

Il  appeared  lo  him  (said  Mr.  N.)  that  ;liis  w.'S 

an  enterprise  worthy  of  the  allenlion  of  Congress; 

and  tluu  now  was  the  lime  lo  engage  in  il.     If  we 

'  neglect  il  now,  the  object  may  begone  beyond  our 


care  of 
rilatiin 
as  lar: 
Here  ( 
ter  of  i 
her  mi 
eiirn  co 
lishcd 
oihi 
rcL'ulat 
well  a 
tions. 
mercia 
of  our 
posed 
that  til 


Ine  15, 


1846.] 

APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

987 

29th  Cong.. 

,.lsT  Sess. 

The  Tariff— Mr.  E.  H.  Ewing. 

Ho.  OF  Reps. 

Ihcir  c 


The 


rciich,  lis  the  Cunard  line  is  about  being  duplica- 1 
ltd;  and,  in  llmt  case,  the  whole  ground  will  be  I 
ocinipied.     If  we  catiiblish   these  lines,  or  one  ofi 
them,  the  project  of  doubling  the  Ciinurd  line  will  1 
|)robnbly  be  Rimndoncd.     He  might  reply  to  the 
olijeclions  which   have   beeii   urged,   but   hardly 
decincil  it  neccssiiry.     There  was  nothing  in  the 
conslitutionul  objections.     Tl.c  jurisdiction  of  the 
Uiiilcd  Stales  extends  over  the  ocean,  as  well  as 
within  the  limits  of  the  Union;  it  is  the  common 
highway  of  nations,  and  wo  may,  with  the  same 
propriety,  convey  our  mails  over  it,  so  as  to  con-  ^ 
nect  them  with  the  mails  of  other  countries  bnr- ; 
dcring  on  the  Atlantic,  as  to  connect  them  with  the  j 
mails  of  the  nritish  provinces  on  our  northern  and  ! 
wi'stern  borders,  which  has  been  done  for  years,  j 
There  would  be  no  objection,  except  on  the  score  i 
of  expense,  and  liu  thought  that  of  little  import-  1 
nnce  compared  wilh  the  advantages  to  be  secured.  ! 
The  receipts  for  postages  will  probably  equal,  or  j 
marly  so,  the  sum  to  be  paid  for  the  mail  service. 
It  is  believed  that  the  Cunard  line  yields  n  profit. 
If  it  did  not,  he  hardly  thought  it  would  be  con- 
templated to  double  it.     But  should  there  be  a  de- 
ficiency, the  convenience  and  saving  of  postage  to 
our  citizens,  aiul  the  great  commercial  advantages, 
would  most  amply  compensate  for  the  dillerence. 

We  arc!  now  paying  a  large  sum  annually  in  ' 
suppcnt  of  ihe  lirilish  line  of  steamers  in  freights  i 
ajid  poslaue,  esliinated  at  nearly  a  million  and  a 
half  of  dollars;  and,  in  addition  to  this,  we  are 
paying  sixteen  cents  on  every  letter  going  to  or 
coming  from  Great  Britain  in  private  ships.  She 
is  now  deriving  the  whole  advantage  of  the  inter- 
conmitinicaticni  between  the  two  countries;  she 
has  enjoyed  this  monopoly  long  enough,  anil  it  is 
time  this  country  claimed  its  sliare  in  this  field  of 
enterprise.  If  her  policy  is  worthy  of  imitation, 
then  this  is  an  object  denamding  our  attention,  ami 
requiring  further  legislation.  But  v.e  arc  told  that 
the  example  of  England  should  not  indiience  us; 
that  this  may  be  good  policy  for  her  and  not  for 
UH.  And  wily  not?  If  she  is  a  commercial  na- 
tion, so  are  we,  and  only  inferior  to  her.  If  it  is 
n  wi.se  policy  for  her,  why  not  for  ns.'  Can  we 
not  safely  follow  her  example,  in  matters  of  trade? 
Is  there  any  nation  more  sagacious,  more  vigilant, 
and  more  airei'ul  to  secure  every  advantage  in 
cmnmerce?  Is  there  any  nation  that  takes  belter 
care  of  all  her  interests,  connected  with  her  foreign 
ri'lations,  or  uiiderstaruls  them  belter,  small  as  well 
as  lari^e,  (U'  that  turns  then  to  better  account? 
Here  (said  Mr.  N.)  [holding  up  the  Brilisli  Regis- 
ter of  Mails]  is  an  account  of  the  arrangement  of 
her  mails  for  one  hundred  and  fifty  places  in  for- 
eitrn  countries,  with  the  postages  inv  each  estab- 
lished by  law,  some  supplied  by  public  mails, 
others  by  private  ships,  bill  all  orouglit  under  the 
rcL'ulation  of  law,  and  all  yielding  a  revenue  as 
will  as  atl'oriliiig  facilities  for  commercial  transac- 
tions. Such  has  been  the  action  of  a  great  com- 
mercial nation  on  this  subject.  Is  it  not  worthy 
of  our  imitation  ?  If  the  Senate  should  not  be  dis- 
posed at  this  time  to  establish  both  lines,  he  hoped 
that  the  line  to  lireinen  would  be  sustained. 


TIIK   TARI  l'l\ 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  E.  If.  EWING, 

OK  TENNESSEE, 

In  the  Hoi'se  of  Uki'iiesentatives, 

Jiiiii  •i~,  IHtti. 

The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on 

the  stale  of  the  Union,  mi  ihe  bill  reducing  the 

duly  nil  Iniporls,  and  for  other  purposes — 

Mr.  i;\Vl.\(i  said; 

.\lr.  Cihmim\n:  I  cannot  say  Ihat  I  regret  that 
the  question  now  under  debate  is  one  upon  which 
the  two  (jreiu  parlies  into  which  this  nation  is  di- 
vided disagree.  It  is  inevitable,  in  a  tree  Govern- 
mii.;  <h:\\  every  great  question  of  domestic  policy 
sl.nnid  lie  niiele  the  subject  of  parly  ddlcrence,  and 
we  may  coiigratulale  ourselves  if  these  disagree- 
ments III  o)iiiiion  do  not  enter  also  into  our  foreign 
relations.  It  is  to  be  regretled,  however,  that  a 
subject  of  such  importance  as  the  one  now  In  hand, 
involving  in  its  raniificalions  and  in  its  train  in  so 
great  a  degree  liumnn  progress  and  liiiman  liappi- 
iiess,  should  have  enlisted  on  the  one  side  and  the 
other  10  much  of  fierce  pride,  detemiincd  obstinacy, 


malevolent  feeling,  and  bigoted  prejudice.  It  is  to  I  j 
be  regretted  that  a  subject  requiring  perhaps  more  ' 
of  comprehensivv  ,calm,  and  philosophical  investi-  ' 
gallon  for  iui  proper  apprehension  than  any  other,  \: 
should  be  influenced,  and  perhajis  irrevocably  set-  | 
tied  by  foregone  conclusions  and  party  pledges,  • 
made  without  reference  to  circumstances,  or  any  !; 
subsequent  developments.  I  would  fain  say  to-  i; 
day,  with  the  gentleman  from  Indiana,  [Mr.  i 
OwBN,]  "Come  now,  and  let  us  reason  together,"  / 
could  I  think  that  the  "still  small  voice"  of  reason  ;; 
would  be  heard  against  ihc  inexorable  decrees  of  a  i 
predetermined  party.  At  all  events,  it  is  perhaps  ,; 
a  duty  which  I,  wilh  others,  owe  to  our  common  ! 
country  to  give  place  to  such  seiitinients  and  opin- 
ions at.  i  eiMcrtuin  on  this  much-vexed  question,  I 
\yith  a  hone  h'^ver  to  be  entirely  abandoned,  that, 
like  bread  cast  upon  the  waters,  they  may  return 
uller  many  days.  Willi  this  view,  I  shall  proceed,  | 
as  fur  as  may  be,  (under  your  rules,)  to  express  j 
llic  result  of  my  e.xaminaiion  of,  and  reflection  ! 
upon,  the  question  now  under  consideration.  I 

Revenue  is  necessary  to  the  administration  of ! 
Government,  and  at  one  lime  it  might  have  been  a  ! 
proper  subject  of  debale  how  revenue  should  be  : 
raised  for  the  support  of  the  Government  to  which 
we  belong;  whether  by  duties  upon  imports,  or  by 
direct  taxes.     It  is  scarcely  worth  while  now,  how- 
ever, to  present  the  relative  fiiiriiess  of  those  two 
modes  of  taxation,  or  to  attempt  to  exhibit  the  dif-  j 
ficulties  which  might  have  arisen  under  our  Coii- 
sliiutinn,  01  so  dislributi  ig  direct  taxes  as  at  ilic 
same  lime  to  satisfy  its  demunds  and  the  demumis  i 
ofjiislice. 

Taxation  by  duties  upon  imports  was  adopted 
in  the  inception  of  the  present  Government  as  the 
mode  of  raising  revenue,  and  has  never  since  been 
(except  ill  war  time)  in  any  degree  departed  from. 
In  the  aduplion  of  this  mode  of  raising  reveimc 
certain  consequences  were  foreseen,  and,  so  far 
from  beinu;  depreciated,  it  was  not  only  expected, 
but  desired  thai  they  should  follow.     These  colla- 
teral consequences,  in  all  their  extent,  were  per- 
haps but  dimly  present  to  the  view  of  the  lathers 
of  our  institutions,  yet  we  have  no  reason  to  sup-  i 
'  pose  that  they  would  have  been  startled  by  a  full  I 
presentalion  of  them  in  all  their  bearings.     By  the  | 
first  act  for  raising  revenue  under  the  new  Govern-  i 
nieiil,  as  appears  by  its  title,  it  was  expected  and  j 
desired  that  encouragement  should  be  given  to  do-  j 
mestic  mnnufacturcs.     In  wliaic:ver  form,  and  by  | 
whatever  titles,  and  with  wli.ii   \(  r  pnambks,  our 
various  acts  for  raising  reveiau'  have  been  pascsed 
since  that  time,  either  direct  cir  incidental  prcUei:ti'Hi 
to  home  industry  Iuin  i-nieii  cI  into  the  coiisideratiipii 
of  the  legislator-         !  bus  been  regaiclcd  iiy  them 
wilh  a  favorable-  \  hcI  nil  this  was  right  to  a  | 

certain  extent  in  ila  tyi  ^  "f  all  men  of  all  parties^  \ 
as  is  demonstralcd  by  the  fact  iliat  no  om  can  be 
f Hind  even  now,  with  all  In^  bittenics:.  ngainst 
direct  |)ioteclicm,  hardy  enough  to  w  i  !i  us  only  at 
the  starling  point  in  the  great  pro.  -  .  of  domestic 
manufacture.  Modified  wishes  on  iliis  siiljett  may 
exist,  but  I  will  not  suppose  any  one  ^  ■  utterly 
derelict  to  every  feeling  of  patriotism  anci  iialioii.il 
pride  as  to  concc:ive  the  wish,  not  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  this  fair  fabric  of  home  industry,  diif  Ihat  i( 
hiiil  vetcr  been.  The  collaleral  result  of  our  system 
of  revenue,  proicction  to  domestic  industry,  may 
in  some!  insumces  have  been  too  much  regarded  in 
our  legislation,  and  partial  evils  may  have  grown 
out  of  this;  indeed  it  would  be  idle  U)  deny  that 
such  has  been  lln;  fact.  Before  to-day  piu'ly  par- 
tialities and  scllisli  greed  have  been  at  work  wilh 
the  systiiii,  and  in  some  deg  ee  marred  its  fair 
proportions.  \Ve  are,  liowe'*.r,  to  recollect  that 
whateve'-  legislation  has  existed  on  the  subject,  and 
Ir.om  ■.vliatever  parly  it  may  have  come,  and  what- 
ever may  have  been  its  coiisec|ueiiccs,  the  people 
of  the  country,  exercising  ordinary  foresight  and 
sag.icity,  bad  a  right  to  conlorni  their  actions  lo 
that  legislation,  and  to  regard  the  action  of  Con- 
gi-c'ss  not  as  the  usurpalimi  of  a  party,  but  as  a 
legitiinate  result  of  our  form  of  Govc^inment.  I  do 
not  mean  by  this,  though,  Ihat  we  are  never  to 
change  a  policy  once  adopted,  or  that  an  accidental 
and  temporary  majority  possesses  the  right  or  the 

I  power  of  settling  forever  questions  of  political 
economy.  Nor  do  I  believe  the  Government  to 
be  under  any  implied  obligation  to  regard  Ihc  con- 
duct of  those  who  heedlessly  and  recklessly  thrust 

I I  themselves  forward  in  a  career  of  speculation,  as- 


suming the  risk  of  being  sustained  thereafter  in 
their  eccentric  action,  and  as  it  were  laying  wagers 
upon  future  legislation.  Much  less  do  1  believe 
the  Government  bound  in  any  degree  to  regard 
those  who,  with  cold  and  deliberate  selfishness, 
enter  a  career  of  business  which  they  know  to  be 
in  advance  of  fair  legislation,  and  expect  by  im- 
portunity and  bad  influences  lo  have  themselves 
sustained  to  the  general  detriment  of  the  country. 
But  when  I  demand  from  the  Government  a  re- 
spectful consideration  of  the  bona  Jhit  enterprises 
of  u  respectable  portion  of  its  people  under  previous 
legislation,  I  certainly  demand  nothing  either  new 
or  strange.  In  tins  1  demand  merely  that  one 
i)arty  shall  act,  in  reference  to  the  policy  and  legis- 
laticm  of  the  other,  with  moderation  and  common 
sense;  that  they  shall  regard  the  existing  slate  of 
things.  Upon  this  principle  was  our  Government 
founded;  upon  this  princuple  all  legislation  should 
be  founded.  No  opinicuis  of  the  abstract  rights  of 
men,  no  general  vagaries  of  unlic^eiised  freedom, 
were  allowed  to  intcrpo.'cc  their  baneful  influence 
by  tliceie  wise  and  thoughtful  men  who  framed  our 
cimstiiulioiis  and  adopied  the  inslitution.s  of  their 
fiithers.  France,  in  her  revolution,  afforded  a 
melancholy  instance  of  the  disregard  of  this  greut 
principle,  rushingal  once  from  tyranny  to  licentious 
liberty — to  anarchy — and  back  lo  tyranny  again. 

My  object,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  calling  atlentinn 
to  the  important  principle  just  mentioned,  has  re- 
spect to  the  relative  position  now  occupied  by  the 
two  great  pariiesof  the  country — one  of  them,  and 
that  ihe  dominant  one,  favoring  the  docliine  of  free 
^  trade,  and  the  other  thai  yf  protection,  either  direct 
or  incidental.  Without  pausing  now  to  assume 
the  correctness  of  either  of  these  doctrines,  1  shall 
assume  what  is  daily  becoming  more  ninnifc-sl, 
that  the  dominant  party  will  in  sonio  form,  either 
by  a  slow  and  gradual  proccs.-i,  or  fiercely  and 
hastily,  and  with  the  strong  aim,  atlenipt  lo  bring 
about  their  favorite  policy.  There  arc  some  evils, 
to  he  sure,  of  such  magnitude  and  of  so  ihrcaicn- 
ing  an  aspect  as  thai  none  but  sharp,  and  speedy, 
and  desperate  remedies,  can  be  apjilied  to  them. 
There  are  some  diseases  so  malignant  and  deep- 
seated,  that  nothing  but  steel  and  cautery  can 
eradicate  them. 

But  when  we  look  at  the  existing  stale  of  things 
in  our  country,  do  we  find  the  evil  of  protection,  if 
evil  it  be,  requiring  a  re.sort  lo  such  iiarsli  Irncta- 
tion  ?  Has  it  brought  disire.^s  and  starvation  iipcni 
any  (lortion  of  the  country?  Will  any  man  say 
Ihat  food  and  clothinu:  are  actually  lacking  in  any 
section  of  the  land  ?  Will  any  one  pre  lend  that  wc 
have  not  in  all  rcgicuis  of  the  counlry  not  only  what 
are  called  the  necessaries,  br.t  all  the  sulislanlial 
comforts  of  life?  Is  it  a  question  bclwecn  ihe 
j  South  and   the  West   on   the  one  hand,  and  the 

I  Norlli  and  iln-  Kiisi     n  the  other,  whether  we  or 
Ihcy  shall  p"^-'      ili-  single  plank  which  is  to  save 

,  Ihe  one  or  tin  •  n-r  tVnm  the  gulf  of  ruin  ?  Really, 
I  had  "iippnsc-il  that  this  was  a  land  I'lir  and  smi- 
ling ill  all  ii.i  bnrdeis.  Tli-il,  like  .Icsliiinin  of  old, 
we  h  I  '  ail  waved  fat,  and  tlial  the  tiin.  was  siill 
fiir  clisi.iiit  when  any  of  us  would  call  on  oin  niollicr 
earth  for  bread  ancI  she  would  ^ive  us  a  nIhhc  . 
I  will  not  I     '-siic-  iliis  fiirlhcr,  liowcvc  r,  but  do 

•i-nllemfii  tin  isii.i-  to  suppose,  that,  in  llicir  va- 
"iiscomplaiiiisMLjainsI  the  protective  systciii,  they 
liiive  rcfc-rciice  nici-i'ly  to  its  final  lendcincies,  and 
not  to  ils  immcdiale  practical  clVects.  These  tcn- 
clcncics,  then,  they  should  seek  lo  check,  not  by  a 
mc.-isuii:  which  would  inflict  ruin  upon  oiheis, 
hav  iiig  no  immediate  danger  impcndinir  over  them- 
selves, bill  by  a  measure,  or  by  a  series  of  meas- 
ures, cc  t  '  V  corrective  ill  their  c-liaracter,  and  lencl- 
II,:    '■        c  to  restore  the  equilibrium  of  our  sysiem. 

\  >s,  wilh  all  duo  deference  lo  the  dominant 

{  ..  i\ ,  IS  all  that  the  Governmeni  can  do  with  any 
sciiiblance  of  equity  or  any  regard  lo  its  previous 
course.  If  protection  has  been  given  for  protec- 
tion's sake  even,  and  thereby  industry  has  been 
involved  in  particular  pinsiiils,  hima  Jide,  and  in 
suflicient  amount  to  demand  Government  regard, 
that  protection  maybe  diminished;  it  may  begrnd- 
ually  wholly  withdrawn;  but  neither  good  policy 
nor  justice  will  sustain  a  diflcrent  course  of  legis- 
lation. Upon  any  hypothesis,  the  losses  we  are 
sustaining  in  the  Soulli  and  West  by  the  operation 
of  the  protective  system,  bear  no  proportion  to  the 
l'  sudden  and  utter  prostration  and  conflision  that 

I I  would  follow  its  hasty  and  total  repeal  in  the  North 


k  ij;-: 

'■'■Tl 


« 


988 


APPENDIX  10  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GIX)BE. 


[June  27, 


ii9TH  CoNO 1st  Skss. 

nnd  Etist.  The  j;reat  capitalist,  the  cnperinl  object 
of  envy  Biiil  ntmrk,  would  probably  weiither  the 
atoriii,  wliilsl  till  those  his  cuni|>etltor!i,  who  are 
now  uidini;  to  rciluce  the  price  of  niiiniifuctiircs; 
llic  new-l>i!;intier,  the  man  of  moderate  means, 
with  the  operative,  and  all  those  within  their  inHu- 
eiircs,  woidd  «o  down  in  one  common  rnin,con- 
fuaioji;  and  disilnrliini;  all  the  irlntions  of  aocjety. 

It  may  be  said,  however,  that  the  evil  of  pro- 
tection lienii;  oMie  ailmilied,  what  belter  conrae 
can  be  adopted  for  its  alialenient  than  tlic  one  pro- 
posed; iS'ow,  1  object  to  the  bill  reported,  that  it 
does  not  propose  to  amend,  to  n.odify,  or  alter  the 
exi.stins  leRislation;  but  sets  out  as  an  original 
Kclienu",  as  if  now  for  the  first  time  taxes  were  to 
be  levied  for  the  support  of  (iovernment.  Krom 
the  tuloplioM  of  such  a  course,  it  becomes  exceed- 
injlly  dilliciilt  to  compare  the  'wo  systems  for  rais- 
ins revenue.  Mv  mode  of  ane.idina;  the  act  of 
lh42,  (and  that  It  may  be  ameiKlcd  I  have  no 
doubt,)  should  have  btcn,  to  lake  it  up  in  iis  order, 
I'l  examine  in  re!;ard  to  each  arlicle  llie  course  of 
Inide,  the  protcclion  allordcd,  if  any,  the  revenue 
ilerivcd,  and  by  all  these  to  detcrnniie  wheiher  t»> 
modify  the  mte  of  duly,  or  permit  it  to  remain  as 
already  fixed.  Should  it  have  been  found  neces- 
sary to  make  an  alleralion,  because  too  liltle  reve- 
nue was  raised,  or  too  nuicli  proleclioii  aD'orileit,  i 
should  have  made  lln^  reiUnnon,  lookiii!;  liolli  lo 
l,.i'  revenue  and  proieclion,  and  fornishmi,'  in  eery 
<ase  ami  upon  each  item,  the  ilula  upon  wl.icli  I 
proceeded.  I  should,  ceriainly,  as  at  preseiii  ad- 
vised, not  have  chan^'cil,  iu  general,  specjlii  and 
miiiiuuini  duties  into  dulus  ad  Vidorem,  ci:her 
eipiivalcnt  or  otherwise;  the  reasons  for  which  1 
may  );lve  more  at  large  lierearicr.  iSucli  a  bill, 
wilb  explaiialory  data,  lonvenieiuly  ariangid, 
would  at  least  have  !;iven  to  the  law-niakiiia:  |iower 
ail  Intelli^'cnt  option  beuveen  the,  act  uf  )t<J:J  and 
that  oriered  as  an  aincndmeiil.  It  would,  lusides, 
in  many  of  ius  details,  wilhoiit  doubt,  liave  met 
Willi  I'avor  from  many  of  both  political  parlies;  for 
llieie  are  lew  \Vlii;;s  in  the  Smith  and  West  who 
ilo  not  lliiiik  that  siinie  niodificaiion  of  ihe  act  of 
Jf<4"J  is  necessary  and  proper.  In  the  very  nalnre 
of  lliin!,'s,  a  lariir  of  duties,  afli'iMed  as  it  must  be 
by  the  iniiialious  of  trade,  and  the  increased  or  de- 
creased production  nl  home  and  aliroad,  cannot, 
with  jiroprieiy,  remain  the  same  tor  any  great 
number  of  consecutive  years,  eilber  for  [Purposes 
of  revenue  or  protection.  Why,  then,  it  may  be 
askeil,  if  1  am  not  satisfied  wilh  the  presint  rate 
of  duties  upon  impiuls,  have  I  not  proposed  an 
amendineni  lo  the  ad  of  l^i'i:  1  answer,  firsi, 
thai  the  probabi.itiesof  success  of  a  measure  iiilro- 
duiecl  by  a  Wliii.',  on  this  parly  snbject,  were  not 
suc'i  as  to  juslify  tn;  expenditure  (d'eitlier  the  time 
or  ial>or  necessary  for  sieh  a  purpose;  and,  sec- 
ondly, that  I  possess  nciilier  the  information  nor 
means  of  information  sutlicicnl  to  have  drawn  up 
an  lut  properlv  anieiidatm-y  of  that  which  is  now 
the  law  of  the  land.  I  think  1  may  say,  loo,  wilh- 
oiit disparngi  .lent  to  others,  that  no  menil.a-r  of 
this  House,  liooi  llic  very  nature  of  his  other  en- 
gagenienis,  and  without  assislaiice  from  ihe  head 
of  the  'IVeasnry  Departinnit,  could  have  drawn  up 
n  satisfactory  bill.  I'uit  what  excuse  is  there  for 
those  who  have  had  all  llii'  aid  oi'this  department.' 
What  excuse  is  there  for  the  diparlineiu  ilself,  that 
we  are  presented  with  a  bill  like  that  iiciw  b«*fore 
the  Mouse,  wilh  a  repiut  from  that  deparlincnt 
di'aling  111  nothing  but  va^'ue  generalities  and  spec- 
iilaiui-  poliliral  pliiliisopliy.'  I  dei'lare,  in  all  can- 
ilor,  and  without  the  slifhlest  allVcialiou,  thai  I 
shinilil  lefiise  lo  vote  for  the  bill  reported,  if  upon 
no  belter  '.:r<Minds,  for  the  reasons  thai  no  sulli<'ii-iit 
data  are  t'urinshed  lo  show  that  it  will  protluce  rev- 
enue adci|ual<'  to  I  he  exiMitsrs  of  :,ntveriinieiil;  that 
MO  data  ate  furuisheil  to  show  lis  oprrnlion  on  the 
domeslic  induslr\'  of  ihe  country;  and  liecause,  by 
n  siie^le  leap,  without  observalion,  experience,  or 
even  experiment,  here  or  elaewluTc,  it  projMisi.'s  at 
once  to  abandon  ihe  long-used  and  well-estalihsli(  d 
mode  of  collecting  revenue  by  Sjiecific  duties. 
Upon  those  who  seek  to  change  the  law  lies  the 
burileii,  not  imly  of  showing  its  defects,  but  also 
of  demonslrating  iJie  adeouacy  of  the  propcised 
remedy.  It  will  be  seen,  Mr.  (■hairinan,  in  what 
I  have  already  said,  that  1  have  not  adverted  to 
the  miserable  fenli  which  Mr.  Walker  lalls  a  con- 
stitutional objection  to  the  i-xisiing  ri-venue  law. 
i  nicntiuii  It  now,  merely  to  show  Uial  it  is  nut  for- 


The  Tariff— Mr.  E.  U.  Ewing. 


Wo.  OF  Reps. 


gotten  or  overlooked;  certainly  not  to  attempt  to 
answer  it.  1  leave  it  to  stond,  if  it  can,  upon  its 
own  merits. 

So  (iir  I  have  proceeded  on  Ihe  assumption  that 
it  is  proper  to  get  rid  <d'  protection  as  speedily  us 
ma^  be  cnnsiaicnt  with  the  implied  ubligalioiis  of 
the  Government.  1  have  assumed  that  free  trade 
with  all  natiiuis,  except  so  far  as  our  necessities 
for  revenue  restrain  it,  is  deaimble.  l!"i,  sir,  it  is 
better,  perhaps,  to  examine  ibis  tliaii  to  assume  it. 
Trade  must  be  sha<:kled  by  duties  for  revenue;  and 
this  perplexes  not  a  little  the  argument  lo  be  made 
on  the  one  side  aid  the  oilier  upon  the  question. 
If  .he  revenue  shou'd  be  made  up  by  direct  taxa- 
tion, then  no  proieeti  in  being  eiveii,  no  manufac- 
tures would  be  eomnienccd  in  a  ciaintry  thinly 
populated,  almost  destitute  of  capital,  and  with  a 
iiiniied  supply  of  labor;  and  we  should  have  the 
stark  naked  ipicslion  of  giving  bounties  to  incrr  '  e 
or  modify  domestic  producis  and  domestic  iiidus-  j 
I*-/.  Hut,  so  .^oiui  as  duties  are  laid,  proieclion  | 
oegiiis,  despiie,  if  you  please,  the  intenlion  of  the 
legislator;  and  llicn,  having  begun,  its  lesulls  will  [ 
force thenuelvus upon  our  attention;  and  they  must  , 
and  will  be  regarded. 

If  free-lrade  among  nations,  however,  be,  as  it  is  j 
contended,  a  naliiral  right,  eerlaiidy  no  shackles, 
not  demanded  by  ihe  absolute  necessities  of  Liov-  \ 
ernmenl,  slimild  be  imposed  on  iv.     How   then  is  1 
this.'     Isita  natural  riL'lit?     IS'ow  I  apprehend,! 
that    if  there  be  any  groiiiui  for   the   dislinctioii 
usually  taken   belwcii   rights  and   their  division  ■ 
into  natural  and  positive,  ihe  rig!:t  of  trade  belongs  i 
lo  the   latter  cuicgoiy.     It  is  entirely  dependent 
upon  social  union  and  legislative  provisaai.     It  is, 
like  all  our  rights,  to  acquire  tiiid  dispuse  of  jirop- 
erty.     There  are  certain  personal  nunls  which  no 
legislation  can,  with  propriety,  disiurb,  alter,  or 
modify;  and   these  may  lie  called  iiatuiul   rights; 
such  Is  the  riijht  of  scll'-defence.     Ueyoiid   these, 
legislation  may  inierpose:  and  the  only  question 
for  Ihe  legislator  is  tli^:  of  the  largest  expediency; 
or,  as  the  iientliamites  s.iy,  of  the  greatest  laqipi- 
ness  to  the  greatest  number,  ;iidudiiig  the  future 
as  well  as  the  present.     To  be  sure,  injustice  may 
be  dime  in  the  ilisiribution  and  limitation  of  posi- 
tive rights;  but  the  iiijuslice  does  not  consist  in  the 
mere  fact  of  limilatiuii,  but  in  the  iriamii'rin  which 
the  power  IS  exercised.   Uiidersomt  circiimslances, 
and  ill  some  states  of  the  world,  monopolies  were 
properly  granted,  acts  of  jiicor|ioratioii  ami  privi-  | 
leges  to  particular  indiviibniis  were  allowed,  niuiii- 
ci|ial  charters  and  s|>ecial  imniuniliis  guarantied; 
many  of  these,  atid   the  necessity  for  thtan,  have 
now,  however,  passed  away,  ami    we  nave  I'alicn 
uiion  belter  davs;  and  the  tune  may  cmue  when 
all  earth's  children  shall  he  a  band  of  luoth'is, 
wilhoiil  the  letters  of  law,  either  social  or  b"  ■    ..- 
live.     That  time  has  not  yet  come.     I'd        ism  i 
has  not  ceased   to  be  a  virtui',  narrow  ',    ,igh  it 
may  be.     'A'lie  days  of  universal  philanthropy  are 
still  posl{H)iied;  and  in  our  day  and  generaiion  we 
must  lie     our  condition  as  we  find  it,  and  practise 
upon  It  as  we  may. 

1  am  not  pnrpaicd  to  say  that,  if  the  fiithers  of 
nations  were  just  now  dep^irling  l^-oiii  lOilen,  \\  I'ti 

"  all  the  world  before;  them  where  toe} st;,"  sowe 

compact  for  free  trade,  never  to  be  infringed  lio- 
leinporary  caii.ses,  might  not  biMidvisalile;  thou^ih 
even  the  1,  what  changes  mi  lit  take  plai'e  laaie 
could  pretend  to  predict,  'i'liiie  and  climate  and 
sod,  wars  and  eonqucsl,  and  aecideiii,  the  advance 
and  decline  of  nalions,  would  at  last,  and  of  neces- 
sity, perhaps,  disrupt  the  compact.  It  is  idle, 
howevei,  to  speculate  on  tlie.se  visionary  hypothe- 
ses. W  '  must  regard  things  as  they  ure  and  as 
lliey  have  i  •en.  Williin  the  recolleciioii  of  living 
men  we  were  ushered  into  the  soi-iety  of  the  na- 
tions— the  youngest  child.  It  was  as  if  a  feeble 
iiifaiit  had  been  thrown  out  ammig  a  crowd  of 
bearded  men,  \iho,  hostile  t-i  ils  safety  or  careless 
of  its  fate,  would  have  either  tiampled  it  under  foot 
or  kept  It  of  siuiiled  growth,  ready  l(>  minister  to  ' 
their  appetites  and  obey  their  caprices.  The  gov- 
erimienls,  the  laws,  the  usages  of  oilier  nalions 
were  such  as  time  and  chance  bad  made  them, 
eminently  telfisli  and  exclusive  in  most  of  their  , 
eharaelerisucs.  These  nations  stood  ready,  ac-  ' 
(Voiding  to  their  views,  however  false,  of  iheir  own 
interests,  tu  avail  themselv  is  fully  of  their  several 
positions.  Uistaiice  gave  im  some  aid  at  first,  and  \ 
tliv  rivalry  of  thuso  aiiiuiig  Ikem  wliu  wcru  iicigli-  i 


bors  tp  each  other  ncciired  to  us  some  ndvuntngcs. 
Tiicae  eireiimslanees  were  not  sufficient,  however, 
to  secure  either  our  moral  or  economical  indepen- 
deni'e.     Nominally,  it  is  true,  we  were  no  longer 
llritish  colonies,  and  we  were  pbysienlly  free  to 
carry  im  with  Hritnin  neither  trade  nor  intercourse 
-—our  memorable    Ucelaratioii  had   settled   these 
points;   yet  what  was  our  substantial  position  ■> 
We  did  not  possi-ss,  except  in  the  single  article  of 
food,  any  of  tlmwe  things  which  in  the  great  econ- 
omy of  civilized  man  are  rated  as  of  jnime  im/ioil- 
ancr.     We  possessed  neither  capital  nor  labor  to 
produce  them  unaided;  the  foreign  innrkets  were 
nil  absolute  necessity  to  us,  our  niiu'lvet  was  to 
them  only  a  conveiiieiiee.     lo  )»eae'    n-  in  war  wo 
were  at  the  mercy  of  their  wliiin.s,  iiicir  selfish  or 
j  I  capricious  legislation  or  eoinbinalioiis.     Had  wo 
been  sure  that  they  would  always  have  taken  en- 
lightened views  ot' their  own  interest,  in  trade  and 
j    legislation,  the  evil  might  have  been  borne,     lint 
I    receni  and  melancholy  experience  had  shown  us 
that  iirilish  legislation, at  least,  could  be  griamded 
I   on  principles  the  most  narrow  and  anti-social,  and 
'  continiietl  wilh  the  most  perseveriiiir  and  even  fatal 
obsliiirtcy.     I  am  not  unaware,  Mr.  Chairman, 
!;  of  the  doctrines  of  Adam  Smith,  and  Say,  and 
lliearii;,  and  many  oilier  able  men,  on  thegcii''    ' 
j    subj'ct  o.*  free  trade,  aiul  especially  of  their  a  .<■- 
1    trim,  of  thu  advantage  of  the  inulual  dependence  of 
i    nalions.     Without  tlisaentmg  from  many  of  their 
general  |)roposiiioiis  on  llii'.se  mailers,  I  beg  leave 
'   to  ..cny  Ilia-  this  niiituality  would  huve  existed  at 
i    first  between  us  and  other  nations,  especially  Cireat 
lirilain;  and,  did  time  permit,  should  be  glad  to 
show  the  special  reasons  why  ours  slimild  be  an 
excepted  case,  even  if  the  general  rule  were  a  good 
one.     Under  all  the  circumstances,  we  did  com- 
;    inence  a  sysicin  of  protection,  ami  it  has  already 
produced  some  grand  results,  wlieilier  for  irood  or 
'    for  evil.     It  has  produced  a  distribution  of  labor 
through  all  of  its  three  great  deparbmnis.     Itdoes 
I   find  us,  at  this  present  speaking,  a  nation  eminent- 
ly great  and  prosperous.     .\ml,  I  repeat,  does  any 
one  regret  that  we  have  proceeded  thus  I'ar  in  ilic 
I   great  highroad  of  nutional  independence?     Does 
any  one  believe  that  we  should  now  have  possess- 
ed, and  had  secure  a>;aiiist  war  and  aceiiieiii,  the 
comforts  and  eoiivenieiices  of  peace,  the  munilions 
and  eqnipnicntsand  hariiessof  battle,  without  tins 
system  of  prolcctimi  .■ — a  system  which,  thoui.'li 
I    in   some  instances  pushed  too  far,  though  some- 
i    times  productive  of  excrescences,  and  prostituted 
to  selfish  purposes,  has  been  tri'eal  and  glorious  in 
its  results,  and  will  be,  if  jiruileutly  managed,  one 
of  Ihe  best  safeguards  of  the  Union. 

I  know  it  is  objected  that  on  this  si  bjpci,  as  on 
others,  we  are  governed  loo  much;  and  this  seems 
j  to  be  all  excuse  with  some  for  not  bein;  !;overned 
I  at  all;  yet  this  question,  like  every  other  with 
■  which  governments  have  iiilerfercd,at  last  resolves 
'  ilself  lull'  this:  upon  loiiking  over  the  wlnde 
ground,  the  laws  of  trade,  our  pecnli.'r  «'ircuiii- 
j  stances,  our  future  destiny,  can  legislation  advance 
or  will  it  retard  the  prosperily  of  our  peoplci' 
Whin  I  have  spoken  of  prolei  I  on,  iiowever,  and 
the  piiiprieiy  of  Uo-.eriii.ienl  iiili  •('■re  ice,  1  have 
not  nieaiii,  nor  '  >  't  le  an,  that  proieclion  shall 
now  be  given  lu  voiid  ,vliat  may  arise  from  duties 
imposed  for  revenue;  but  I  can  see  no  reason  why 
ilicse  duties  may  not  be  so  imposed,  as  well  above 
.IS  below  llie  revenue  standard  tor  parlicular  arli- 
iles,ns  lo  atVord  protection,  (hir  Sccrelary  of  llie 
Treasury  adiiiils  tlii'  right  of  Giiveninieni  lo  dis- 
criminate belovv  the  revenoe  si.'ind.ird  for  protec- 
tion, and  why  mil  abnve  il.-  In  ihe  one  ca.se  as  in 
the  other,  im  qiiiililv  is  produced,  and  even  ill  the 
exempiiiin  of  eerlalii  arlicles  Irom  duly  di.-ii'riiiii- 
iiatiou  lakes  |il,ii  e,  Il  is,  then,  only  a  (iiiestion  of 
the  amoiiiil  of  protection  between  us.  Wow  1  be- 
lieve that,  al  present,  too  much  proieclion  is  afibrd- 
td  to  some  arlicles,  anil  thai  tlierebv,  with  some 


who  stand   u 
lapil.il,  iniMil 
engaged  in  ihi 
lliaii  a  syslein 
Why  not  I 


the  vantage  ground  with  lar:: 
■   proiiis  are  made;  while,  to  alt 


laisiness,  more  of  profit  is  givi  ii 
of  proti;ciioii  should  contemplate, 
up,  ilicn,  kindly,  and  examine  into 
these  abuses,  and  aliale  them,  instead  of  standing 
olf  sullenly  and  angrily,  and  aluunpting  to  lialter 
down  by  i'orce  the  whole  siiperatrudure.'  None 
of  us  li.ive  the  right  lo  wrap  ourselves  up  ill  our 
dignity  and  hurl  defiance  at  those  who  have  only 
acted  under  previous  legislation,  and  arc,  unyhow, 


piililic 
the  settle 
your  CI 
nnd  bei 
lal  follii 
tial  bcii 
tal  Mies 
iiluiks  I 
The, 
ttllempi 
laws  o 
be  bo* 
laiiih 
vvlii  h 
ils  legil 
n  boy, 
r-ason  I 
d.ag 
bor.scs. 
systi'in 
ii'iir  il  I 
lint, 
f*o  nine 
lions 
dons  I 
the  m 
oilier 
round 
best 
T'he 
her.  111 
devoii 
viles  1 
puny. 


h27. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


989 


tP8. 


ntnpos. 
Iwcvfr, 
Idcpen- 
J  loiitrer 
I  free  lo 
('noiii'Me 
tli(.'8e 
■Miitinn? 
Itii  le  of 
It  ecnii- 
Uimporl- 
pljor  to 
were 
Iwaa  to 
^vitr  \VB 
■ill  i)r 
lad  wo 
ken  en- 
le  iirid 
lint 
linvn  im 
JiiniHled 
linl,  iind 
Jen  tiitnl 
■ainmin, 
liy,  am) 
sen'     I 
eir  li  ..  - 
ili'iii'eiir 
<if  llicir 
i-s:  leave 

iNllll    HI 

y  (-ire;il 


39th  Cono Isi  Sess. 


The  Tariff—Mr.  E.  H.  Ewing. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


n:  Mil 


entitled  Ij  be  gently  handled  in  their  removal  from 
pursuits  embraced  in  good  fath  and  under  at  least 
partial  (;unranlei'S.  I  fear  mo  much,  however,  that 
not  n  little  nt'the  bitterness  of  that  oppoailion  man- 
ifesti'd  toward  the  protective  systi^n  is  the  result 
ol'  envy  and  malignity  on  the  part  of  those  who 
were  too  inert  to  avail  tiienisclvos  of  its  common 
privilei;eH,aiid  who  would  rejoice  to  see  the  down- 
mil  of  those  whose  enterprise,  if  nutliiiiji;  else, 
should  entiilc  them  to  a  better  fnlc.  Upon  this 
siibjert  of  profits,  too  iniich  mi^bt  be  said  to  show 
llini  they  "are  not  what  they  appear."  The  long 
delays,  the  disastrous  years,  the  unlucky  experi- 
iiieiilK,  are  all  kept  out  of  view  by  the  jaundiced 
and  Jealniis  eye  of  him  who  means  and  meditates 
llie  tall  of  men,  his  self-<^onslilul<'d  opponents.  It 
isrrrliiinly  undeniable  that  in  iiny  general  system 
of  laws  aliectiii!;  industry,  some  will  be  fojud  more 
I'ladv  lliaii  others  to  pliicj<  iisudvanUv^es.  liut  if 
this  be  an  evil  to  be  guarded  against  at  every  liaz- 
aiil,  and  before  all  olliers,  we  could  have  no  banks, 
no  corporations,  no  turnpike  roads,  no  railroads, 
no  public  olliccs,  from  the  miserable  fear  that  some 
individual  or  indivhiuals  would  derive  the  prolitof 
them.  Indeed,  1  hope  it  has  not  come  to  this, 
that  great  public  bei.elits  are  to  be  denied  by  the 
law-making  petwer  to  "iiKurc  tba.  all  the  cili/eiis 
of  this  magnanimous  ''.wiiblic  shall  stand  ujion  a 
eominon  level  of  ig.ijrnncc,  ignominy,  and  pov- 
erty- 

We  have  from  a  gentleman  from  Indiana  [Mr. 
OwF.v]  an  «rguHirn/i(ia  mi  odium  against  the  protect- 
tlive  system.  An  advocate  for  free  trade  liini.self, 
he  tells  us  that  we  iiie  obstructing  the  great  laws 
of  progress,  and  thai  we  arc  keeping  up  in  a  moil- 
ili"d  form  ilie  ancient  monopolies  of  Great  lirilain 
and  Continental  lOurojic.  Now  the  gentleman  cer- 
tainly tloes  not  nieaii  to  say  that  then!  is  any  anal* 
ogy  between  the  forms  of  our  tarilT  laws  and  the 
grants  of  these  old  monopolies  —one  being  general 
and  opening  its  arms  to  all,  the  other  special,  and 
for  iiioui'd  indiviiluals.  ISlill,  it  is  .said  capital 
seizes  upim  the  provisions  of  the  law  and  turns 
lliem  to  its  own  account.  Now  you  may  pass  any 
laws  you  like,  iir  you  may  pass  no  laws,  and  cii])- 
iial  will  not  be  idle.  If  you  pass  laws  to  .sell  your 
public  lauds,  the  capitalist  buys  them,  and  grinds 
the  selllcr  lo  powder;  if  yiui  pass  laws  to  protect 
your  coastwise  commerce, capital  seizes  your  ships, 
and  becomes  your  carrier;  if  you  go  to  war,  capi- 
tal follows  your  armies,  and  secures  ihe  substan- 
tial benefits  of  victory;  if  you  make  treaties,  capi- 
tal Hies  to  the  uttermost  parts  of  (he  eurlli,und 
pjii'ks  their  earliest  anil  richest  fruits, 

'I'licse  are  the  laws  of  capital,  and  it  is  vain  to 
Hitciu|it  to  get  up  i\  conllict  between  them  and  the 
laws  of  pro<.:res^,  l*rogresR--if  proiri"'.r,s  indeed  it 
be  for  wliicii  the  gentleman  is  conluiiding — is  cer- 
laiiili  the  especial  characteristic  of  the  times  in 
will  h  we  live,  and  far  be  it  from  me  to  obstruct 
its  Icgiliniale  cliaiinels.  1  learned,  however,  when 
n  boy,  ail  old  Ijaiiii  maxim,  which  I  find  now  no 
r'-asoii  lo  disrcf^ard:  Ft'sliua  li.nti:.  Keep  on  the 
d:'ig  cliiiin,  lest  the  carriage  may  run  over  the 
bor.scs.  If  ii  lie  prnf^nss  to  abanduii  the  protective 
system,  siippo.se  we  let  it  wear  out  instead  of  tear- 
ing it  to  pieces. 

Ibil,  sir,  further  of  this  progress;  I  should  not 
fill  much  oppose  it  if  we  w'to  sure  that  other  na- 
tions Mould  keep  pace  with  us.  lMiu;land  abaii- 
floiis  |icr  restriciioiis  in  despair,  because  she  needs 
till'  markets  of  the  world  for  her  manufactures;  the 
o'lier  lOuropean  nations  are  walling  themselves 
round  lo  keep  out  the  llond,aiid  attempting,  as 
best  tliey  may,  to  sleni  the  Kn^lish  progress. 
'rile  old  liariot — now  lliiit  years  have  come  upon 
bcr,  and  sin  is  no  longer  a  pleasure — lias  become 
devout,  and  sits  upon  lier  island  throne,  and  in- 
vites the  young  world  to  come  and  keep  her  com- 
pauy.  She  is  virtuous  u|>on  conipiilsiou,  and  her 
eoiir.se  is  perhaps  like  thai  of  one  in  the  oltl  song: 
*'  The  devil  was  sick,"  Ac. 

To  be  serious,  however,  can  we  ex|iect  anything 
like  uiiaiiimily  of  a-'tioii  among  nations  iipini  this 
siilijeet,  even  if  it  Were  desirable?  Imernatlonal 
law  is  but  the  law  of  the  strongest;  treaties  are 
made  to  be  broken,  or  evaded  when  convenience 
or  all  overrulinu;  motive  demands  such  a  course; 
and  the  nsull  of  any  alleinp,  at  unanimity,  of  so- 
cial and  economical  freedom  among  nations,  with- 
out a  correspiuKlenl  political  cciiiiiol,  wiailil  be 
utterly   futile,  if  nut  eminently  disastrous.     The 


States  of  this  Union  stand  upon  a  ground  sui  geiu- 
ris.  Their  original  equality,  their  political  reci- 
procity enables  them  to  sustain  a  system  of  free 
trade,  which  is  not  predicabic  of  independent  for- 
eign nations;  and  it  is  little  better  than  a  fraud  to 
introduce  them  as  an  example  uf  its  practicability 
and  propriety. 

The  bill  before  the  House, Mr.  Chairman,  comes 
from  the  committee  without  a  report,  and  we  might 
bo  at  some  loss,  perhaps,  to  undersland  the 
grounila  upon  which  it  proceeds,  but  for  the  fact 
that  a  bill  somewhat  similar  is  understood  to  have 
emanated  from  the  head  of  the  Treasury  Depart- 
ment, and  to  have  bceiivmadc  the  basis  of  the  oiii 
now  under  discussion.  The  annual  report  of  tin 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  may  fairly  be  taken 
as  the  all  "ullicient  exponent  of  the  bill  so  furnish- 
ed llie  committee,  l-'roui  the  bill  it.self  and  this 
report  we  discover  two  objects:  fir.sl,  a  reduclioii 
and  exchange  of  duties;  and,  second,  a  change  in 
the  mode  of  laying  certain  duties,  substituting  ad 
valorem  for  s|  ecilic  and  minimum  duties.  I^ow, 
this  report  has  been  most  profusely  extolled  here 
and  elsewhere  as  one  of  the  ablest  productions  of 
human  intcllec;  and  it  has  become,  like  Mr.  Bu- 
chanan's letter  o  i  Oregon,  almost  authority  per  se. 
It  has  been  eiido.sed  by  the  Ilritish  I'rcniicr  and 
republished  by  tlio  British  Parliament.  But,  sir, 
as  i  do  not  believe  in  its  opinions  and  do  not  yield 
to  its  autliority,  neither  prime  nor  paladin  shall 
exempt  it  from  such  fair  critiiusm  as  its  true  char- 
acter merits.  Time  was,  sir,  when  a  Democrat 
would  have  received  British  laudation  with  a 
"quickiiuid  ill  est  limeo  ])muws,"  But  those  days 
have  |>assed.  I'"rec-trade  makes  strange  bedfel- 
lows. Now,  it  may  be  that  all  this  British  com- 
mendation is  not  honest.  Sir  Robert  Peel  is  a  cool 
fellow;  he  may  have  gauged  the  caliber  of  tho.se 
with  whom  he  had  to  deal,  and  may  have  thought 
a  little  flattery  n  cheap  |)rice  for  the  great  desidera- 
tum of  an  Americ^ui  market.  However  tli  s  may 
be,  the  rejiort  is  neither  the  better  nor  the  vorse  I 
suppose  for  the  praise.  This  report,  though  on 
some  occasions  it  professes  to  recur  for  it:  slale- 
nicnts  to  experience,  is  lull  of  vague  and  s  lecula- 
tive  theories,  some  of  which  have  been  lo.ig  ago 
exploded,  and  others  of  which  are  flatly  contradict- 
ed by  existing  facts,  which  ought  to  have  been 
within  the  writer's  knowledge.  Some  portions  of 
the  report  are  directly  contradictory  to  others. 
Some  of  its  eor.rhisiona  are  most  ludicrously  ut 
variance  with  its  facts;  and  some  of  its  sentences 
are  mere  strings  of  verbiage,  without  any  meaning, 
good  or  bad.  Time  would  fail  me  to  give  full 
illustrations  of  the  aliove  statements,  yet  there  are 
a  lev/  tilings  that  I  cannot  jniss  ove,  entirely  with- 
out coi-unent.  In  the  second  sentence  of  his  re- 
port Mr.  Walker  says:  "Among  the  cau.scs  of 
'  tlecreasc  [of  the  revenue]  is  the  progressive  dimi- 
'  uulioii  of  the  importation  of  many  highly  prn- 
*  lected  articles  and  the  substitution  of  rival  domcs- 
'  tic  product.s."  Oil  page  9  of  the  report  he  says: 
"  'I'his  estimate  is  based  upon  the  position  that  the 
'  duly  is  added  to  the  price  of  the  import,  and  also 
'  of  its  domestic  rival.  Now,  how  did  it  happen 
that  the  dmiiesiic  article  was  substituted  lor  the 
foreign,  unless  it  was  as  cheap  or  cheaper  than  the 
foreign  article?  And  yet,  says  Mr.  Walker,  the 
duly  IS  added  to  the  price  of  each,  and  he  admits 
that  foreign  labor  is  cheaper  Ihanourowii.  Again, 
on  the  f'ourlb  page  of  his  report  he  tells  us,  '•  The 
'  revenue  from  iid  valorem  duties  last  year  exceed- 
'  ed  thi't  realized  from  specific  duties,  although  the 
'average  of  the  tut  vatoretii  duties  was  only  ^11.57 
'  per  cent.,  and  the  average  of  the  specific  duties 
'41.30,  preseiuing  another  strong  proof  that  the 
'  lower  duties  incriiase  the  revenue.  "  Wonderful ! 
And  pray  which  ikiml  of  duties  was  laid  on  ihe 
most  articles  and  tlie  most  productive  ones  ?  l-'roni 
the  report  uoii  comlal.  Ills  second  fiindanutntal 
rule  for  raising  revenue  is:  "That  no  duty  be  im- 
posed on  any  article  aliove  the  lowest  rate  which 
will  yield  the  largest  amount  of  ^;cveiuie."  Will 
any  kind  pcr.son  tell  me  what  is  the  highest  rate 
which  will  raisi'.  the  liirij;r!<t  amount  of  revenue? 
Oil  the  s!une  page  he  tells  us  "  there  is  no  instance 
i  of  any  horizontal  uiriiVrver  having  been  iiinc/ti/  by 
any  nation  of  the  world."  And  did  he  ever  hear 
of  the  (iKirlairiil  of  a  tarilVby  any  nation  without 
'  specific  duties?  On  the  fifth  page,  speaking  of  the 
I  revenue  standard,  that  Ji^'ed-vtiriiihU't  he  says: 
'  "  And  the  only  true  maxinuim  is  thai  which  ex- 


•p. 

'  la 


ericnee  demonstrates  will  bring  in  each  ease  the 
'  largest  revenue  at  the  lowest  rate  of  duty."  Put 
this  into  Knglish,and  it  reads,  "llie  only  true  rate 
of  duty  which  will  bring  the  highest  revenue  in 
that  wnich  experience  demoiistriites  will  bring  in 
each  ease  the  largest  revenue  at  the  lowest  mlc  of 
duty."  On  the  same  page  he  tells  ns  that,  as  a 
general  rule,  20  per  cent,  will  bring  the  largest 
revenue.  Where  be  found  out  this  general  rule  it 
would  be  hard  to  say — certainly  not  in  his  tables. 
On  the  same  page,  speaking  of  duties  on  iron, 
sugar,  lie,  he  says:  "  But  if  Congress  desires  lo 
'  obtain  tlio  larj^est  revenue  from  dtilies  on  these 
'  articles,  those  duties,  at  the  lowest  rate  for  rev- 
'  enuc,  would  exceed  SiO  per  cent,  ad  valorem." 
Then  2(1  per  cent,  is  not  a  rale  for  revenue,  as  the. 
lowest  rate  would  exceed  llial.  <3ii  the  same  pa^e 
he  says  he  has  made  certain  lablesof  ihe  duties  on 
iron,  sugar,  iSic.,  and  then  says:  "  l''roin  which 
'  tables  Congress  will  be  eimbleil  to  judge  how  far 
'  the  present  rates  exceed  the  lowest  revenue  duties, 
'  and  bow  much  they  must  be  reduced  so  as  to  yiehi 
'  a  revenue  emml  to  that  now  obtained  fnnti  these 
'articles."  We  should  need  no  tables,  it  seems  to 
me,  to  inform  us  how  far  the  present  rates  exceed 
the  lowest  revenue  duties.  What  is  the  lowest 
revenue  duly?  One  per  cent,  is  a  revenue  duty, 
but  not  the  lowest,  nor  can  I  state  what  would  be 
the  lowest,  though  how  ii  table  would  help  1  am  at 
a  loss  to  know.  On  the  same  page  Mr.  Walker 
says:  "  It  is  believed  that  siitHcient  means  can  be 
'  obtained  at  the  lowest  revenue  diiliesoii  the  iirti- 
'  cles  nowsulijected  to  duly;  but  if  Congress  desire 
'  n  larger  revenue  it  should  be  procured  by  taxi;..; 
'  the  free  articles  rather  than  trnn.scend  in  any  case 
'the  lowest  revenue  duties."  I  will  not  pau.in 
on  the  words  "lowest  revenue  duties,"  but  sup- 
pose him  to  mean  by  them  the  revenue  standard, 
riieii  he  says  in  siilistancc,  if  Congress  desire  a 
larger  revenue  than  that  which  can  be  rai.sed  at 
the  revenue  slanilard,  free  articles  should  be  tax- 
ed rather  than  transcend  the  revenue  standard. 
What!  and  can  a  larger  revenue  be  raised  by 
duties  than  that  which  could  be  raised  by  llie  rale 
of  the  revenue  standard?  This  is  nbandonim::  bis 
whole  ground.  But  enoii'^h  of  this  (|uolalion. 
I  have,  as  yet,  passed  over  but  two  pages,  and 
expended  more  lime  than  the  same,  perlia|is,  i.s 
worth.  I  ouslit  not  to  omit  bis  remarks  about 
salt,  on  the  same  page;  but  I  believe  I  must.  In- 
deed, I  have  taken  this  trouble  only  lacanse  I 
thought  Mr.  Walker  had  got  himself  into  all  these 
dilliciilties  by  nil  ml  cnplutidiim  altcmpl  to  hold  out, 
in  any  event,  that  he  was  for  the  lowest  possible 
duties  that  would  raise  siilllcient  revenue  for  Ciov- 
ernment  purposes.  As  1  iinlerstuiid  it,  there  is 
but  one  rale  of  duties  which  will  rai.se  the  larcesl 
amount  of  revenue;  there  are  two  polnis,  one 
above  and  one  below  this,  which  will  raisi;  ei|ual 
amounts,  but  neither  of  them  the  laif;esl  amoiinl. 
Verbal  criticisms  of  this  descriptiim  would  not 
have  been  made  either,  had  this  been  the  writing 
of  an  ordinary  man,  or  if  the  document  bad  luen 
written  under  ordinary  circumstances.  I'lil  I  con- 
ceive it  to  be  important  to  show  lliat  both  the 
modes  of  tbinking  and  of  writing  of  this  ijenileniiin 
are  loose  and  vague,  to  the  end  lliat  bis  iheories 
may  at  least  be  '!xamined,  and  noi  received  ns 
oracles  with  iiiiqueslioning  subinissio.i.  Mr. 
Walker  is  the  propoiinder  of  new  thei  ries,  and 
of  a  m^w  system,  which,  if  put  in  praeli  'e,  are  to 
have  an  iiufiortant  iiiduence  on  the  .:oiiiilry  m 
which  we  live,  and  we  must  sec,  at  ieasi,  that  he 
does  not  carry  his  points  by  mere  authority  and 
ejt:  cathedra  assertion.  I'idiciile  is,  I  K'liow,  not 
always  a  test  of  truth,  nor  do  1  mean,  in  any  de- 
gree, lo  rely  on  that;  but  in  a  further  exaininalion 
of  his  propositions,  to  ijive  him  entire  fair  pliy; 
remarking,  merely,  that  I  look  with  utter  disap- 
probation upon  his  appeals  to  the  poo'-  against  the 
rich,  and  to  one  sec.tion  of  the  couutiy  against 
another. 

The  views  and  opinions  of  Mr.  AValker,  ns  pro- 
pounded ill  his  report,  are,  in  a  L:ood  dciiree, 
carried  out  in  the  biil  of  the  committee.  Preter- 
mitting for  the  present  the  delicacy  of  our  situation 
— the  war  with  Mexico,  the  coiise({iient  incrense 
of  expendilures,  the  impropriety  of  mukin>;  ex- 
periments ill  a  tune  of  danger,  there  beini;  no  urgrtif 
call  for  a  chaii;^e  of  pidicy,  no  desperate  oppres- 
sion inciting  to  it — I  shall  proceed  to  discuss  the 
changes  proposed   in   this  bill  as  if  we  were  at 


W 


i 


990 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  27, 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


2%e  Tariff— Mr.  E.  H.  Ewinsr. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


prnce,  iind  so  likely  to  be,  with  all  the  world.  | 
The  contomplBted  nbniiiion  of  spcoific  and  iiiini-  j 
mum  ilutics,  in  fiiiiiidcd  upon  thrir  supposed 
ini'qimlity  and  injostirc,  i(  beinj;  their  tendency  to 
nli\ce  in  the  same  rale;ory  of  diilicH  nrlleles  large- 
ly dilTerinff  in  value,  and  thereby  (o  discriminate 
in  favor  of  the  fine  asninst  the  coarse  ariiele. 
Cninlor  compels  ns  to  admit  llint  this  is,  in  many 
instances,  under  the  present  cyslem,  true,  and  that 
it  does  form  a  valid  olijection  to  this  mode  of 
levyin;;  revenue.  It  is  certainly  not  true,  how- 
ever, to  tlie  rxlenl  conlendid  for  by  Mr.  Walker, 
who  seems  fond  of  takinij  extreme  cases  ujion  ■ 
which  10  found  ;;en('ral  roles.  The  cases  cited  by 
him  of  oppression  under  the  minimum  syHtem 
have  lieen  ho  often  and  so  ell'ectnaliy  refuted  by 
others  that  1  shall  not  pause  to  show  their  inappli- 
raliilily.  Havinj  admitted,  in  some  degree,  the 
validilv*  of  the  objection,  what  have  we  to  urge,  on  ■ 
the  older  hanil,  to  Hustain  the  present  system? 
1st.  The  practice  of  all  civilized  nstions,  including  . 
our  own,  to  the  present  lime,  has  been  to  rely 
innch,  if  not  mainly,  on  specific  duiies  (minimunis 
arc  only  another  name  tor  these)  tor  revenue.  To 
abandon  them  totnlly,  in  the  face  of  this  expe- 
rience, should  retinire  something  in  their  charac- 
ter grossly  and  nai;ranlly  oppressive  and  unjust. 
The  practice  of  many  ages,  and  of  all  nations, 
upon  a  siil'jit  purely  economical — of  nations  with 
limiteil  as  well  as  alisolute  governinenls — is  hi^li, 
if  not  the  highest,  evidence  in  'is  lavor,  and  strong 
proof  of  iis  neetssilii.  Questions  of  this  kind  are 
not  ordinarily  under  the  inlbieiice  of  pride  and 
poliiical  ambition,  which  might  either  warp  the 
judgment  and  the  conscience  of  the  lawgiver,  or 
produce  in  him  a  loial  disregard  of  their  dictates. 
2d.  The  ci'rtainty  of  obtaining  the  expected  rev- 
enue under  this  system  is  in  its  favor.  It  is  depeiid- 
enl  for  its  collection  alone  upon  the  weij^lils  and 
nicnsnres  of  the  Government,  which  notbing  can 
evade.  The  vexed  question  of  value  is  not  inter- 
poped,  ni  would  lie  the  case  upon  an  exchange  of 
these  for  ad  valorem  dnlies.  The  importer  is  cer- 
tain as  to  what  he  has  to  pay,  and  that  he  can  pay  ■ 
wilhonl  inconvenience,  complexity,  ordi'lay.  He 
has  iiothinsto  fear  from  theconseciuencesof  a  home 
valuation,  iiitlueiiced,  in  many  cases,  by  ignorance, 
dishonesty,  or  natiimiil  dislike;  he  can  have  the 
full  beneht  of  his  (idigniii.*  at  home  without  fpies- 
tion  and  without  suspicion  of  unfairness  or  perjury. 
3.1.  The  present  system  avoids  fnuidnlent  valua- 
tions by  the  inipf>rler,  contrived  to  cheat  the  reve- 
nue. And  1  believe,  whatever  may  be  the  s'it\'- 
giiards  of  the  preseni  lull,  or  of  any  amendments 
io  ihem,  that  they  will  aiiKomt  to  little  au'ainsl  the 
ingenuity  of  individual  selfishness.  Where  the 
diMir  to  fraud  is  once  opened,  it  is  idle  for  Ciovern- 
ment  to  attt>mpt,  by  either  penal  or  preventive 
legislation,  to  secure  itself  against  ihe  devicea  of 
the  cuiinin;  anil  the  unscrupulous.  It  would  be 
vain  for  (ui  honest  man  to  resort  even  to  his  iinngi-  . 
nation  to  conceive  the  inventions  which  snrina; 
sponuineously  in  the  hreast  of  the  knave.  In  all 
such  struggles  hereiolore,  the  battle  has  gone 
against  the  Government,  and  we  have  ii(>  reason  to 
suppose  that  this  will  be  reversed  in  the  present 
instance.  I'raudulciu  iiivoic  ,  could  be,  and  wmild 
be  imposed  to  a  great  ext'  nt  ipon  tlie  revenue 
eoihclor,  without  a  resort,  in  t  -erv  instance,  to  a 

home  valiialion    "'     cts  of  which  must  be  emi- 

ncnilv  disasti...is.  ^.h.  IJy  the  substitution  of 
n//  vn'tnremH  for  specifics,  the  amount  of  duty  being 
dependent  upon  the  price  in  the  foreign  market, 
we  should  have  hi^li  duties  upon  hiixh  cost,  pro- 
tecting, to  an  unreasonable  extent,  home  manufac- 
tures, giving  more  rivenue  ihiin  the  (-'overnmeiu 
might  need,  oppressing' the  consumer,  by  increasing 
th  :  price,  already  too  hi'.'h,iind  resulting,  p  rlia|)s, 
in  an  immediate  corres]iondeiit  depression  of  eon- 
siimplion,  rediirlion  of  torcign  price,  reduciioii  of 
duty  when  most  needed,  redui'tion  of  proleclion 
when  most  needed,  iiitd  i-etUictmn  of  price  to 
the  consumer,  by  the  lowness  of  the  duty,  when 
least  needed  by  him.  In  addition  to  this,  small 
importatiim  is  fre(|nently  the  concomitant  of  low 
ft'reii^n  prices.  Now,  all  this  vacilljition  could  not 
cjilainly  be  otherwi.se  than  dctrinieiilnl  to  the 
Government,  to  the  niunufucturer,  and  to  the  coii- 
iiiimer. 

Probably  enough  s^mieof  the  specifics  nnil  min- 
imunis of  the  act  of  I>'4'J  are  not  proiierly  Kriidua- 
led-,  certainly  some  of  them  might  be  totally  re- 


pealed without  much  injury; .and  to  propositions 
of  amendment  in  these  respects  I  should  give  n 
most  attentive  and  respectful  consideration.  It  is 
lint  of  amendment,  though,  that  Mr.  Walker 
speaks;  total  demolition  will  alone  satisfy  his  in- 
dignant spirit.  He  seizes  upon  a  single  olijection, 
and  jumps  from  it  to  the  most  aiinguiiiary  coiiclu' 
sions.  Should  this  be  the  course  of  a  slalesmnn? 
Sliouhl  his  experiment  be  upon  so  broad  and  ven- 
turous a  scale'  If  the  system  be  wrong,  should  it 
not  be  eased  down  and  gradually  worn  out?  Such 
a  course  would  at  least,  without  ha/.ard,  bring  us 
to  correct  conclusions  upon  the  policy;  and  we 
should  not,  for  a  whole  year,  anti  especially  the 
year  now  before  us,  put  at  risk  a  great  decline  in 
the  revenue. 

Mr.  Walker  is,  however,  not  satisfied  with  a 
change  of  the  mode  of  levying  duties,  but  insists 
also  upon  n  great  reduction  of  them  atl  rnhrem; 
and  this  view  is  also  ciu-ried  oat  in  the  bill  of  the  | 
committee.  Two  questions  arise  under  this  prop- 
osition: l.st.  Will  the  duties  suggested  produce 
suHicient  revenue  for  Government  expenses?  and, 
2il.  What  will  the  elTeci  of  the  reduction  be  upon 
domestic  industry  ?  As  to  this  latter  question  the 
Secretary  seems  to  be  totally  iiidifTerent.  As, 
however,  the  people  may  feel  some  interest  in  it, 
it  shall  receive  some  nttcnlinn  nt  my  hands.  ^ 

First,  then,  will  the  eoniniitiee's  bill  yield  the 
proper  revenue?  As  a  question  of  mere  politics 
the  dominant  party  are  deeply  interested  in  this 
inquiry.  They  will  certainly  be  held  responsible 
for  results,  and  blame,  if  blame  there  be,  will  cer- 
tainly attach  to  them,  and  to  them  alone.  I  must 
believe,  then,  that  they  have  faiih  in  the  bill  as  a 
revenue  measure.  I  cannot  say  that  I  have,  nor 
has  anything  that  Mr,  Walker  has  shown  been 
calculaied  to  give  nic  confidence.  His  report,  so 
often  referred  to,  contains  no  specilic  estimates 
upon  which  an  opinion  could  be  iinsed.  He  has, 
however,  lately  furnished  the  Sciinte  with  some 
tables  and  esiimatcs  which  may  furnish  .some  aid 
in  coming  to  correct  conclusions  on  this  point. 
The  tables  acconipaiiying  his  original  report,  niatle 
up,  as  they  have  been,  upon  ex  ;i«r/c  testimony,  ; 
and  with  a  view  to  the  establishment  of  a  particu- 
lar theory,  still  will  in  no  degree  susialn  him.  The 
general  rule  laid  down  in  his  report  is,  that  a  duly 
of  2()  per  cent,  ml  ralm'em  will  yield  the  Inrsest 
revenue.  Whose  fault  it  may  be  I  know  not,  but 
this  opinion  is  totnlly  disreirarded  by  Ibecommitlee  ' 
ill  their  bill,  the  articles  excepted  fnmi  the  rule, 
and  those  too  mostly  above  its  rate,  being  more  , 
numerous  than  those  classed  under  it.  Mr.  Walk- 
er himself,  too,  I  think,  lias  pome  misgivings  in 
leirard  to  the  correctness  of  the  rule,  if  we  should 
judge  from  the  tables  recently  furnished  the  Sen-  ' 
ale.  Now,  was  not  this  assumption  of  a  duty  of 
30  per  cent,  as  the  best  maximum  a  mere  guess  ? 
Take  the  tarifl's  from  1H21  to  the  present  time,  and 
i.^  there  anything  in  tliein  to  justify  this  opinion  ■ 
It  is  impossible,  of  course,  now  and  here,  to  i;o 
into  all  tlie  statistics  on  this  subject,  but  I  must  be 
permitted  to  say,  that,  from  some  examination  of 
the  statistics  furnished  by  .Mr.  Walker,  and  other 
statistics,  I  am  not  able  to  come  to  his  coiictiision; 
nor  can  I  see  how  he  came  to  it.  Can  niiy  t^cne-  ' 
ral  rule  lie  laitl  down  on  this  subject?  That  no 
universal  rule  can  be  laid  down,  Mr.  Walker  him- 
self asserts,  and  this  is  too  obvious  to  be  denied. 
My  deduciions  from  the  tables,  and  especially  ta- 
ble r.l".  is,  that,  in  the  absence  of  extraordiniiry 
disturbing  causes,  the  revenue  has  been  high  when 
the  duties  were  hiih.and  that  the  revenue  declined 
wilh  llie  decline  in  the  rate  id'  duty.  Now,  we 
know  liy  experiment  iliat  we  have  a  tnrifV  which 
will  produce  revinue  sufficient  for  llie  indinnry 
expeiees  of  the  Government;  and  wo  know  fur- 
ther, by  ncliinl  previous  experience,  that  it  may  be 
so  amended  as  to  produce  additional  revenue,  if 
necessary. 

The  proposition  before  us  is  however,  to  abol- 
ish specifics  and  minimunis,  the  ellect  of  which 
must  be  at  best  unknown,  and  to  reduce  the  duties 
liy  a  very  lar^e  per  cent.  To  make  up  for  the  re- 
duction on  llie  rale,  it  is  supposed  that  there  will 
be  a  lar(.'e  increased  importation;  and  this,  indeed, 
is  the  cardinal  princijile  of  the  report  so  far  as  reve- 
nue is  concerned.  And  yet  when  you  look  nt  his 
tables  for  the  Senate,  you  will  find  that  he  utterly 
ilisre^'aiils  this  principle,  anil  seems,  ill  his  eslf- 
matcn,  to  be  governed  by  nothing  but  a  desire  to 


make  up  the  sum  total.  Indeed,  the  whole  of  these 
tables  seem  to  bo  little  better  than  a  collection  of 
rniidum  guesses.  As  a  sjiccimeii  of  his  disregard 
of  the  nrlnciple  just  mentioned,  I  will  take  the  case 
of  coruiala,<sc.  in  those  tables.  The  existing  rale 
of  duty  reduced  to  an  ad  valorem  equivalent,  as 
stated  by  hiin,  is  41  per  cent.  The  committee's 
bill  propo.ses  to  raise  this  to  75  per  cent.;  and  there- 
by Mr.  Walker  would  have  an  increase  of  imports 
in  value  of  ^'J."*,!)')!);  that  is,  raising  the  per  cent, 
would  increase  the  import.  Well,  he  is  not  satis- 
fied wilh  this  contradiction  of  his  principle,  but  hfi 
proceeds  now  to  put  on  a  new  estimate  nnd  a  new 
percent,  for  war  time;  his  new  per  cent,  is  4U,  just 
one  percent,  below  the  existing  rate;  anil  he  makes 
an  increase  upon  this  diU'ereiice  of  one  percent,  on 
the  imports  of  1HJ.5  of  #]IH),IM)0.  In  the  cjise  of 
cut-glass,  the  existing  rate  is  (id  percent.;  the  com- 
mittee juits  it  down  to  ,10,  and  Mr.  Walker  siip- 


loses  an  increased  importation  of  ■Jil.'iOiOOO.     Mr 

lilts  it  up  1 
nil  he  has,  viz:  t'le  jil,'iO,(^IOO;  he  could  not  snare 


rValker  himself  puts  it  up  again  to  411,  but  keeps 


any,  or  his  sum  would  not  have  been  right.  No 
this  patch-work  and  guess-work  should  make  us 
pause  nnd  consider  whether  this  new  scheme  has 
iiecii  so  matured  as  to  justify  our  abandoning  the 
line  of  precedent.  The  increased  importation  must 
of  course  be  \ery  large  to  meet  the  great  reduction 
ad  valorem  in  the  duly.  Now,  what  the  means  of 
the  Treasury  nep'irtment  may  be  of  ascertaining 
the  relative  amount  of  finer  nnd  coarser  articles 
imported  under  specific  and  minimum  duties,  I  do 
not  know.  The  system  did  not  require  tables  of 
these  relative  quantities  to  be  kept,  no  vnliuition 
being  necessary;  and,  if  made  at  all,  made  proba- 
bly with  great  carelessness.  Yet,  as  everything 
now  is  to  be  taxed  by  the  quality,  and  not  by  the 
quantity,  if  this  bill  should  pass,  it  would  .seem  to 
me  that  guesses  from  the  onii  system  to  the  other 
of  the  luiioiint  of  imports  and  of  the  kind  of  im- 
ports, nnd  of  the  value  of  imports,  would  be  most 
vague  and  unsatisfactory.  Smne  gentlemen  have 
atteiv,|ited  averages  per  cent,  upon  our  whole  prob- 
able import,  with  a  view  to  give  us  assurance  of  n 
revenue.  Now,  our  whole  firobable  import  con- 
sists of  all  its  pr{d)al)le  parts;  and  so  we  shall  have 
to  come  back  nt  last  to  the  point  of  guessini:  in 
detail.  Some  ijentlemen,  ai^ain,  seem  to  feel  and 
think  as  the  Irislmian  said  about  his  religion,  "  that 
was  the  priest's  business."  This  is  Mr.  Walker's 
business,  and  let  him  loidj  to  it,  think  they. 

I  coiirlude,  then,  Mr.  Chairinan,  that  there  is  no 
just  ground  to  believe  that  the  measure  now  before 
the  House  will  produce,  sutlicieiit  revenue  to  sup- 
port ibis  Government  in  time  of  peace.     And  be- 

'.  fore  I  quit  this  point,  ns  I  have  not  yet  made  a 
speech  about  the  Mexican  war,  I  will  .say  this 
imirli  of  it,  that  it  is  a  lucky  little  war  for  Mr. 
Walker;  for  under  its  smoke  and  disthewill  have 
lunged  into  this  bill  tea  and  coffee  and  other  free 
nrtich's,  with  war  taxes  on  them,  and  the  percent, 
on  articles  already  in  the  bill  will  be  raiseu,  and  at 
last  the  war  will  he  loo  much  for  the  rev.nue,  and 
we  shall  be  L'really  in  debt,  and  thingf  will  be 
nii^htily  confused,  and  nobody  will  ever  be  able  to 
cipher  out  whellier  the  bill  failed  for  want  of  prin- 
cijile, or  because  it  did  not  have  a  fair  chance. 

2d.  What  will  the  elTect  of  the  reduction  of  du- 
ties be  n; on  domestic  imluslryr  It  is  admilicd 
and  insisted  on  by  Mr.  Walker  that  the  immediate 

i  effect   of  the  chanire  will   be  to  produce  a  greatly 

'  increased  imporlalion  of  foreiirn  goods.  Now, 
this  importatiim  will  not  take  place  uotess  it  be  to 
till  a  demand  for  Iheni  on  the  part  of  the  comilry; 
and  that  dcunuid  cannot  exist  for  articles  inaiiii- 

I  tac.tured  by  ii:.,  to  any  i;reat  extent,  unless  it  be 
by  displacing  the  domes;ic  articles.  True,  in  lime, 
if  the  domesiic  arlic!,-  should  cotitiuue  to  be  niiuiu- 

'  faclured,  the   w*.ole  niiijht   bccoiius  cheaper,  and 

;  coiisiim|iliim  be  thereby  increased.  Unt  the  in- 
creiise  of  I'onsuinplioii  is  a  thin;  of  lime,  iiiiil  to 
pr.iduce  the  revenue  llie  importation  must  be  sud- 
den, t'onld  the  domestic  niaimfiicinrer  stand  the 
shock?  Would  it  not  be  the  iiiteiest  of  the  Kii- 
ropeaii  impoiter,  even  at  the  linzard  of  some  leni- 
pon.i."  I..SS,  to  flood  the  country  wilh  his  wares. 
Will  a  view  to  overwhelm  o'lr  rlimieslic  labor,  and 
thereby  in  the  ei,  I  get  exclusive  possessiim  of  our 
triuie?  Would  in  *  the  opening  of  our  ports  of 
it.self  have   this  tem'ency,  withoui  any  design  or 

!  combination  on  the  ^^nrt  of  l*!iiropeans,  ready  to 
burst  with  mntiufaetL'-ed  products,  nnd  knocking 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


091 


i2})TH  CoNO 1st  Skss. 


The  Tariff-^Mr.  E.H.  Ewing. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


lit  the  (loois  of  nil  imtioiis  for  n  nmrkct?    Now, 
Mr.  VViilkcrsnys  lie  iimkoM  no  war  on  niaiiufao- 
liMTH,  niiU  IiIh  su|)|)orterB  any  llicy  do  not  ilcBiru  to 
Bcu  \\\t'.m  ileHtrovcil.     Tlien  lli«y  must  believe  the 
niiu'kel  of  tlie  Oiiitcd  .Stnlea  fiiilllc.ienl  for  Ixitli  the 
fiiri'ij;!)  iintl  donicHllc.  produelH,  mid  tlint,  with  the  \ 
|iriiliclion  given  by  tliin  hill,  the  Anierii'iiii  can  sell  1 
(18  chenoly  ns  the  turopciin.     Now,  the  hnie  state-   . 
nienl  ot  this  |)ro|iojition,  it  would  sciiii  to  ine,  with 
men  of  iiilcllij{eiK.e,  Mliould  he  Niilllcient  for  ils  refu-  , 
tation.     liut,  in  these  days,  cveryihinf;  must  he 
reasoned  out.     "Time  was  that  when  the  braina 
were  out  the  man  would  die,"  and  so  it  used  to  be  ■ 
with  arsuineiitsi  but  it  is  not  so  now.    Let  us  look 
at  ti.e  stale  of  the  ease,  then,  and  sec  whether  the 
proposition  just  mentioned  ean  be  true.     From 
18'J4,  when  the  first  bill  of  a  slrongly  protective 
character  was  passed,  till  the  tarilV  of  184a,  we  had  ' 
n  constant  scene  of  aijilation  on  lliis  subject,  some- 
times  fji'i^S   backward    and   smiieiimes   forward 
in  aiding  domestic  industry.     None  but  the  large 
capitalist  <M-   the  ndveiiHirous  projector  chirtd  to  ' 
eiilcr  the  lists,  not  knowing  when  the  Government 
might  withdraw  iis  support,  and  leave  them  to  be 
nigiilfcd  in  sudden  anu  overwhelming  ruin.     Few 
or  none  of  the  great  arliclea  of  trade  had  acquired 
a  deep  and  firm  foothold.     Trial  had  been  made  of 
the  principles  of  the  C'oirpromise  act,  and  it  had 
been  found  wanting;  reveimo  failed  under  it,  and 
manufacturing    industry    lunguishtd;  when    once 
more  it  was  thought  proper  io  return  to  the  jiro-  , 
lectivc  principle.     Now,  it  was  thought  that  do- 
mestic industry  stood    upon   safe   grounds;  that 
e\eiylliiiig  else  had  been  tried,  and  that  a  reasoii- 
alj|e  policy  of  priilcction  was  finally  determined 
on.    Under  tlii-  bill  maimraclures  have  everywhere 
spniiig  up;  they  arc  taking  hold  in  the  new  iSlates 
a.s  well  ns  the  old;  and  they  aic  in  all  conditions, 
fripm  the  infant  project  to  the  full-grown  factory — 
some  dependent  on  borrowed  capital  for  n  bare  ex- 
istence, and  others  at  last,  after  hope  long  del'i  i  red, 
jiiM  begiMiiing  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  their  eiiier- 
prise  Olid  per.severnnce.     Upon  this  sliile  of  afl'airs 
i.s  to  come  a  bill  reducing  ihe  duties  upon  all  aver- 
age one-third,  and  in  particular  iiistaiicis  to  a  vastly 
more  ruinous  e.xtcnl,  and  further  deslroyiiig  pro- 
lection  lo  an  unknown  amouni,  by  changing  the 
nature  of  the  duties  and  the  mode  of  their  collec- 
••■•iii.     Now,  he  that  believes  that  ihe  domestic 
manufacturer  can  keep  his  market,  and  can  persist 
in  ils  supply,  has  fuiih  beyond  anything  lliat  1  pro- 
fess.   It  is  "laiiilcst  that  Ihe  great  bulk  of  those  en- 
gaged in  protected  einploymeiils  must  give  way  or 
be  brcpUeii  down,  and  with  the  factories  must  go  the 
hiborers  employed  by  them,  and  w  illi  the  laborers 
and  ilie  factories  the  luiiiic  market  for  agricultural 
products  must  be  lost.    And  what  are  we  togetfoi 
all  this  disaster?    A  foreign  debt,  willioul  money 
or  exports  to  pay  with,  coiiseiiueiit  pecuniary  eni- 
liurraissuiinl,  revulsimis,  an  impatient  and  di.^satis- 
ficd  people.     These  may  be  slow,  but  will  be  sure 
lo  charge  ihc  evils  upon  their  true  authors,  and 
t'lnally  bring  about  a  leiurn  to  a  reasonable  proleel- 
ive   pcdicy.     I'or  o;ie,   1  am  tired  of  this  eternal 
round  of  change,  of  this  eveilasling  agitation  and 
vacillation  and  confusion,  and  could  almost  be  con- 
lent  to  Nit  down  willi  free  trade,  if  1  thought  there 
was  a  chance  of  lis  permuneiit  endurance  as  the 
policy  of  the  counlry. 

1  might  here  lernilnale  my  argument  of  tlii.'i  ques- 
tion, but  it  may  not  be  improper  to  specify  more 
parlicularly  some  of  the  advaiilages  of  the  protect- 
ive system,  and  lo  answer  some  of  the  tu'dinary 
iiliiei'liiiii,s  urged  ii^aiiist  it.  It  tends,  then,  lo  a 
l^i'iiirnl  dlhlriliulioi:  and  an  enlarged  consuinplioii 
I'f  the  cum  el  I  iei  ices  and  comforts  of  life  at  a  cheap 
nile.  This  risiilt,  with  .some,  I  know,  is  consid- 
eii'd  of  \erv  doulilful  value.  Tliey  are  of  opmiini 
lliat  It  would  be  belter  liir  us  to  remain  a  simple 
ajiiiculdiral  pi  opie,  wilh  few  wains  and  appetite.-?, 
and  wilh  fewer  of  the  luxuries  and  appliances 
which  liav(!  become  coninioii  lo  ihe  rest  of  the 
wiirld.  Wilhoiit  .speculating  on  the  abslract  pro- 
priety of  this  opinion,  1  iiiighl  summarily  dispose 
of  It  by  saying  at  once,  that,  surrounded  as  we  are 
by  nalioiis  far  advanced  in  civilization  and  reline- 
nii'iii,  brought  into  immedia'cconlact  wilh  llieiii  by 
frequent  and  conslant  iiitercommuiiicalion,  it  is  no 
longer  a  mailer  of  choice  whether  we  shall  have 
these  wants  and  appetites  or  not;  the  only  (jueslion 
is,  whether  we  shall  have  the  means  of  their  grati- 
fication upon  tcrmsof  equality  with  uur  neighbors. 


But  I  choose  to  Hiiy  further,  that  it  is  not  desirable  I 
that  we  should  be  destitute  of  these  wants,  nor  I 
lacking  in  the  nieaiis  of  their  gratification.     Ilonii-  I 
lies  may  be  read  about  the  evils  of  luxury,  about  i 
the  decline  and  fall  of  people  and  of  empires  through 
ils  baneful  iiifiuence,  about  their  overthrow  by  the 
simple,  and  hardy, and  barbarous  people  upon  their 
borders.   Cincinnalua  and  Cato,  Lycurgus  and  So- 
lon, may  be  held  up  to  our  view  as  splendid  exem- 
plars of  the  good  old  times  when  man  was  in  his 
prime,  and  indulgence  was  held  little  belter  than 
an  otVencc  iigainsl  the  just  laws  of  his  nature.     To 
all  this  iimuy  be  answered,  that,  among  th&niiciciit 
nations,  civilizalion,  refinement,  and  n  general  dif- 
fusion of  intelligence,  had  no  real  existence;  that 
there  existed  few,  if  any,  of  the  cheeks  and  bal- 
ances of  modern  society;  that  with  luxury  neces- 
sarily came  vice,  and,  with  indulgence,  not  unfrc- 
quently  the  grossest  sensuality.     The  complicated 
web  of  modern  civil  society  has  no  exemplar  in 
oncicnt  times,  nor  can  any  fair  comparison  be  in- 
\  sliiuted  between  the  slates  of  the  people  in  these 
distant  periods.     Upon  the  proper  cultivation  of 
the  body  and  tho  mind,  and  the  proper  supply  of 
their  enlarged  demands,  in  my  opinion,  depends 
'  the  advance  of  human  enjoyment  and  the  increase 
of  the  sum  of  human  happiness. 

Does  protection,  then,  tend  to  the  ultimate  in- 
crease, perfection,  and  cheapness  of  the  protected 
article  .'  It  certainly  tends  lo  increose  ils  supply 
in  the  whole  world;  it  certainly  brings  about  com- 
petition between  the  Inmie  and  the  foreign  work- 
man; and,  if  the  work  be  profitable,  it  brings  about 


by  loss  of  vessels,  damage  of  goods,  &c.    2d.  The 
[  want  of  readiness  at  all  times  to  lake  advantage  of 
the  market  here,  from  distance,  Ihe  want  of  ready 
sales,  <tc.,  are  against  him.    Hd.  The  cost  in  many 
instances  to  the  foreigner  of  importation  of  his  raw 
material.     4lh,  Heavier  domestic  taxes  upon  busi- 
I  ness  of  all  descriptions,     rith.  The  greater  cost  or 
I  rent  of  the  real  estate  upon  which  factories  are 
erected.     Glh.  The  greater  amount  of  capital  laid 
,  out  in  the  erection  of  factories.     7ih.  The  superior 
physical  power,  general  intelligence,  and  ingenuity 
,  of  our   maniifaciurirg   population,    enabling  the 
single  individiml  to  turn  out  a  larger  product  than 
the  liuropean. 
''      In  assigning  these  causes,  however,  for  nn  elTerf, 
1  do  not  place  myself  upon  them  wilh  the  utmost 
confidence.    I  have  seen  too  much  of  the  iioii  raiisii 
!  pro  CMi««  fallacy  in  the  world  to  place  entire  re- 
liance upon  any  abstract  reasoning  upon  cause  and 
ellect.     Tlic  facts,  however,  of  the  protection,  of 
the  actual  cheapness  of  the  commodity,  and  of  the 
higher  price  of  wages  here,  do  nil  exist  and  con- 
sist, and  will  not  be  denied  by  any  one  however 
I  prejudiced.     This  cheapness  would  by  this  lime 
have  exisled  in  regard  to  many  other  articles,  be- 
sides those  enumerated,  in  all  probability,  had  the 
system  been  pursued  from  its  commencetnent  wilh 
moderation  and  firmness,  inslead  of  being  made, 
as  it  has  been  and  as  it  is  lo  he  again,  the  subject 
of  agitation  and  miserable  parly  legislation.    Com- 
petilion  can  never  folly  do  ils  oHicc  except  under 
slabli!  laws  and  elKcicnt  guaraiilces. 

Wilh  this  increased  cheapness  would  nl.so  come 


competition  by  iiitrodncing  new   laborers  in  the     Ihe  superior  convenience  and  cerlainiy  of  a  home 


home-production;  it  cerlainiy  brings  about,  nsthe 
genuine  oll'spring  of  coinpclilion,  new  invention 
and  greater  perfection  in  the  manufacture,  iiifluen- 
I  g  both  the  quality  and  quantity  of  the  article; 
II .111,  all  these  things  being  true,  it  would,  ceteris 
jjarilitis,  greatly  reduce  the  jiricc.  in  other  words, 
if  all  these  could  take  place  without  the  duly, 
(which  it  is  alleged  lorms  a  wall  nrou  al  us,  and 
excludes  us  fro. a  tho  foreign  p'  •  a,'.,)  cerlainiy  the 
article  in  question  would  be  grepily  inc. cased  in 
supply,  and,  according  lo  the  universal  laws  of 
trade,  greatly  reduced  in  price.  Now,  let  us  see 
whether  the  principles  of  increase  referred  to  are  not 
too  strong  to  regard  the  barrier,  whether  they  do 
not,  in  the  end,  break  it  down  or  overpass  it,  and 
bring  the  article,  if  not  lo  the  minimum  of  profits  to 
the  manuf  icturer,  at  least  lo  ihe  minimum  of  cheap- 
ness lo  the  consumer.  The  best  mode  of  settling 
this  question  is  pcrliajis  to  refer  to  particular  arti- 
cles which  have  been  the  subjects  of  protection, 
but  in  regard  lo  which  duties  are  now  nearly  nu- 
gatory. Of  this  kind  are  coarse  coiloiis,  which  are 
certainly  sold  cheaper  here  than  elsewhere,  n/iiqiie 
^'I'lifiiiiii,'  and  these  are  even  actually  exported  to 
points  where  not  only  they  have  no  prolection,  but 
where  they  have  to  contend  against  proleclnm 
given  by  others;  another  instance  is  thai  of  nails, 
which  now  need  no  protceiion  ;  another  that  of 
pins,  I  believe,  which  can  well  suslain  thcni.selves 
111  our  mnrkcls  without  the  aid  of  Government. 
And  the  same  is  true  of  every  article  proteded  by 
our  diilies,  where  prolection  has  been  fairly  tested, 
and  where  the  article  was  such  as  was  suited  to 
our  situation  and  circumstances.  Sonic  cases,  in- 
deed, have  occurred  of  proteded  articles  which  do 
not  suslain  the  rule;  it  is,  however,  because  the 
eommodity  in  each  case  was  one,  like  beel-siigur 
in  France,  alleinpled  lo  be  forced  against  the  laws 
of  nature,  and  against  the  proper  scope  of  the  sys- 
tem. iSuch  excrescences  will  grow  upon  any  sy.s- 
tem  intended  in  any  shape  to  foster  liuman  in- 
dustry. 

Still  it  is  asi<cd,  how  can  these  things  he  in  the 
face  of  the  facts  that  capital  is  scarce  and  labor 
dearer  in  this  counlry  than  in  Europe?  How  they 
ean  be  so  is  not  material  to  the  consumer,  if  ihey 
be  so  in  fact.  However,  let  us  see  if  they  may 
not  be  so  in  theory  as  well  as  in  fact.  The  dith- 
cully  is  not  that  the  article  (being  increased  in  its 
sujiply  to  the  extent  of  our  production  in  the  mar- 
kets in  the  world)  should  be  cheaper  upon  Ihe 
whole,  bul  it  is  how  our  production  of  any  article 
can  be  continued,  after  the  duly  is  taken  oil',  or 
after  it  has  become  nugatory,  and  that  portion  of 
.  the  supply  which  consists  of  our  proilucis  be  kept 
nil.  Some  of  the  reasons  for  this  1  can  give.  1st. 
'1  he  cost  of  exportation  is  always  against  the 
foreigner,  with  the  contingent  losses  of  tlie  transit. 


npnly,  and  the  more  direct  and  available  respon- 
sibiiily  of  the  home  producer.  Upon  these,  how- 
ever, 1  shall  not  detain  the  commillen.  Clfmany 
other  ndvaiilagcs  to  be  derived  from  the  system,  in 
the  division  of  labor,  in  the  n?;; regale  increase  of 
wealth,  in  the  increase  of  pci|Milatioii  and  power, 
in  the  general  advancement  of  society,  in  refine- 
ment, intelligence,  learning,  the  diliusion  of  know- 
lodge,  all  the  arts  and  sciences,  jiraclical  as  well  as 
speculative,  lime  would  fiiil  me  to  speak;  and  per- 
haps, after  all,  they  would  only  be  in  Ihc  gross  and 
flatly  denied,  and  my  time  might  be  more  profita- 
bly spent  in  meeting  objections  to  the  system. 

It  is  objected,  then,  that  nil  the  advantages  con- 
tended for  are  hypotheiical,  doubtful,  and  in  any 
cn.s-e  would  require  much  time  to  develop  them- 
selves, and  thai,  in  the  mrantime,  the  evils  of  the 
system  are  gross,  oppressive,  and  palpable.  It  is 
insisted  that  the  duly  is  added  lo  the  cost  of  the 
imported  article,  and  also  of  its  domestic  rival,  and 
ihat  the  price  of  the  whole  is  lluis  enhanced  to  the 
consumer  to  Ihe  nninunt  of  the  duly.  That  Ihe 
domestic  exporter  is  deprived  of  ihe  foreign  market, 
ihe  foreigner  not  being  able  or  willing  to  buy  in 
our  market  where  he  is  unable  to  sell.  Thai  the 
evils  fall  on  one  section  of  the  cnunlrv  and  the  ad- 
vantages enure  to  nnolher.  Now,  1  cannot  sup- 
po.so  any  one  so  hardy  as  to  n.ssert  that,  where  a 
duly  acts  ns  a  prolection  to  a  domestic  article,  the 
duly  is  not  only  added  to  the  cost  of  the  foreign 
article  and  ils  domestic  rival  in  the  first  iiislnnce, 
but  that  it  continues  to  be  so  added  so  long  ns  ihe 
importation  of  the  foreign  article  is  kept  up.  This 
is  so  clearly  contradicted  in  a  hiindretl  inslnnces  a.: 
to  make  the  assertion  prepo.sterous.  Take  Ihe 
case  of  coarse  cottons.  Say  at  first  ihe  duty  was 
added  to  the  price — its  manitracture  commenced 
here;  atler  a  while  half  the  supply  was  made  here, 
but  importation  siill  continued:  say  the  duly  was 
still  added  lo  the  price;  finally  the  wlnde  supply  is 
made  here  and  importation  has  ceased.  Is  the 
duly  now  added  to  the  juice?  The  duty  is  not 
prohibitory,  it  is  siiuply  inoperative.  We  can  soil 
the  cotton  goods  mer'ioned,  and  do  sell  them 
cheaper  in  our  market  than  the  foreigner  can,  duly 
or  no  duly.  Now,  when  ihe  last  importation  of 
conrse  collmis  wns  ninile,  was  the  duty  still  added 
10  the  cost  of  both  the  foreign  and  domestic  article, 
and  did  the  domestic  producer,  when  he  snw  that 
Ihe  last  shipment  had  been  made  and  that  the  for- 
eigner was  out  of  his  market,  suddenly,  and  ns  n 
matlerof  grace,  take  the  duly  iVom  the  price  of  his 
products?  Iltmlltj.  Hut  Mr.  Walker  lias  said,  in 
general  terms  and  without  qualification,  that  "  the 
duly  is  added  to  the  price  of  the  import  and  also  of 
ils  domeslic  rival," and  thereby  (the  domestic  pro- 
diiclion  being  as  two  to  one  against  the  importation, 
and  the  revenue  last  year  being  twenty -seven  mil- 


m 

m 


998 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Juno  27, 


29th  Cong....  !  t  Skss. 


'ITie  Tariff— Mr.  E.H.Ewing. 


llo.  OP  Rrps. 


lioiia)  he  cicdiiees  tlic  cunsi'qiiciiee  llml  tlio  |ien|ili" 
paid  II  utx  oruii^lily-KK)'  inlllioiiN  iiiiilcr  llic  pii'Mcnl 
Hyniviii.  I  tliiiik  Mr.  Wiilkcr  oui;lil  l»  Ihll  ii  liillc 
ill  iIiIh  I'siimiilp  ulicii  lir  rrllpcw  ihul  ii  iMiii.Niilti- 
nlili'  iimiiiint  iit'  (he  iwpnly-iii'vrM  niilliiiiiH  wiin 
lovicd  ii|>i>ii  iiiiiclcs  not  prndiiiTil  in  iiiir  ciiiimry, 
nnd  llml  lliire  wore  in  lliose  oiiiii'm  "  no  dnnicHl" 
rivnia.'  He  in,  liowcver,  n  will'ul  mun,un(l  per 
ImpH  he  will  not  fall. 

On  lliis  siilijpct  of  llio  duties  Wing  ndded  lo  llip 

Rricc,  I  ailinil  extrcnip  virwM  iilc  hrld  on  iiii'li  siijc. 
li'.  \Vnllier'.s  view  is  criiainly  liilliiiMoiis  in  ilH 
iiii(|ualiticd  state.  It  in  n|iially  IlilHe,  in  my  opin- 
lon,  to  say  that  in  no  ram  i<(  a  prolerliil  iiilirle  in 
■  III'  duty  ill  the  lii'Mt  iimtance  mldi'il  In  lln;  price. 
With  comnioilities  wliieli  eannol  ho  prodiM'ed  in 
our  'uniniry  the  duly  in  soinemne.'*  added  in  the 
whole,  soiiietinie  in  part,  anil  .ioinelinie.s  iiolnt  all, 
uceordins  lo  the  supply  in  the  loieii;n  market,  and 
the  demand  ill  our  own.  With  ilenis  of  the  Innl 
description,  however,  ihe  protei'live  Nysteni  has 
noihiii^'  to  do.  The  only  general  oliHcrvalion  tliirt 
can  be  niude,  I  ap|irehend,  with  trnlli,  in  regard  lo 
the  siihji'ct  of  duty  and  cost,  is,  ihal,  in  tJio  firm 
instance,  the  duly  lends  to  iiicieuNC  the  price  of  ilie 
im|iorled  article;  and,  so  soon  as  prodin  lion  hcNiis 
here,  that  the  price  of  Ihe  doineslic  article  will  he 
efpial  to  that  of  the  imiiorled  uriiele,  increased  in 
price,  as  just  stated.  It  sonielinies  happen'^,  cer- 
uiinly,  from  ilic  stale  of  the  su|i|ily  in  the  I'oreiyn 
market  and  llie  stale  of  the  demand  lure,  that  llie 
duty  does  not  enhance  the  price  for  a  Imie.  Ihit 
for  lliullime  I  cannot  well  see  how  any  proleclioii 
will  lie  alforded  to  llie  home  inaiiiijacturer  on  his 
(lutiahle  eonimodily;  fur  if  the  price  remain  the 
Banic  after  Ihe  duly  as  hefiue,  niid  he  could  not 
work  at  that  price  l.efoie  the  duly,  neiilicr  can  he 
tifier  it.  The  result  of  the  whole  mailer  is,  tlieii, 
perhaps,  Ihis;  U|iiiii  tile  lay  inf;  of  llie  duly  ihe  price 
t.1  Ihe  consumer  is  increased;  home  produciion 
begins;  the  sup|ily  in  the  whole  world  is  inciiased; 
Ihe  price  in  both  llie  foivi:,'  '  ard  domestic  niarkel 
bei;iiis  to  i;o  down.  On  acco.  -it  of  our  peculiar 
iidvaiilai;cs  alnady  stated,  it  fjocs  down  in  our 
niarkel  lo  our  consumer  more  rapidly  than  in  the 
forei;;n  inaikel  wuh  retereiice  to  our  coiiNumer. 
l''orci:juers  heirin  lo  wilhdiaw  from  our  niarkel; 
llie  more  adventurous  or  niiire  wealthy  ainoni^ 
them  slill  continue  to  mipoi'l;  our  produciion  still 
increases,  and  its  cost  hecomes  less,  till  ni  last  we, 
by  llie  cheapness  of  our  products,  set  exclusive 
possession  of  onr  market,  and  Ihe  duly  liecmnes 
complelely  iunperative.  Now,  in  this  view  of  the 
ca.se,  there  is  upparcnily  a  lempnrary  and  parlial 
t>vil,  lhou;^h  even  this  is  not  cerlain,  as  m  the 
aliseiicc  of  any  Ic^islaliiui  on  our  part,  circuin- 
utalices  nii^hl  so  change  ill  l*orcij;n  countries,  or 
foreii:ii  legislation  become  such,  as  to  allecl  the 
price  more  than  our  duly.  Krom  llie  vasl  accii- 
liiiilalious  of  capital  in  ihe  hands  of  a  few  individ- 
uals, a  power  is  soinctiiiics  possessed  of  crealiii:; 
scarcities  and  moiiopoli/.iin  the  market  for  luirlic- 
iilar  producis,  especially  in  liriiiiin,  beyond  wliiil 
is  ordinarily  conceived  po.^.^ible;  and  as  lo  unwise 
lefrislalion,  we  can  cerLiinly  have  no  securiiy 
aj^ainst  this  in  the  iiiterisis  of  iliose  eoiicerned, 
as  wi'  sec  ii  coiisi.uitly  practised  and  persislcd  in, 
not  inily  there,  but  elsevkhere,  with  an  obstinacy 
almost  suicidal. 

Take  it,  however,  that  this  temporary  and  par- 
tial evil  would  exist  and  does  exist  in  iis  full 
force;  that  ]irofus  are  made  in  one  poiiion  of 
the  Union  lo  the  ih  U'imcnt  of  another  for  a  lim- 
ited lime;  and  that  manul'acinrers,  as  u  class, 
are  more  favored  than  any  oilier  i:lass  of  liie  peo- 
ple; I,  for  one,  would  cheiufully  siibniit  to  this, 
provided  the  f;iiieial  resulls  wcie  of  urial  nnd 
lasliiii;  benefit  lo  the  whole  ciinniry.  I  should 
ebeeifully  siibiiiit  to  it  if  I  felt  sure,  ns  I  do  feel 
eonlidciii,  that  by  so  doiii;;  I  .should  secure  to  my- 
self and  my  positiiiy  a  cheaper,  a  more  convi'tii- 
eiil,  a  more  certain  niarkel,  for  the  articles  of  prime 
iniiiorlatice  in  the  ^reat  economy  of  man.  I  should 
eiiuurc  it  wilhuuta  miirniiir,  if  by  so  iloiii^;  I  fell 
Kure  of  seeuriiii^  forever  the  moral,  as  wi:  ha\*^ 
already  .secured  the  physical  independence  of  onr 
country.  IJy  this  I  do  not  mean,  nor  do  I  expect, 
thai  we  are  to  have  no  dealiii;,'s  with  our  Hans- 
utlaniic  or  cisatlanlic  neu'hbors;  but  t  lio  mean 
that  we  are  lo  deal  uilli  them  upon  such  terms  as 
to  be  able,  W  necessary,  to  retire  wilhiii  ourselves, 
and  as  tu  (jrevenl  ihcir  liuviii^  u  euntrulling  power 


in  our  nronomical  nrrangeinents.  I  mean  that  we 
arc  lo  have  n  reasonable  divixion  between  the  Ihiec 
jfreat  dcpiirtmeiits  of  labor;  and  lhal  we  are  not  lo 
lie  exclnsivtdy  an  a;;ricultui'al  nnd  commercial  peo- 
ple: I  mean  to  have  n  middleman  to  protect  the 
agriculturist  iu;iiiiist  llio  inerchaiit. 

All  the  dillicullies  of  onr  opponents,  it  secma  tn 
ino,  arise  from  their  haikin^  at  n  8in>;le  point  of 
lime  in  the  o|ieralion  of  a  tarilf  of  duties.  In  a 
particular  year,  they  find  the  profiis  of  some  one 
species  of  nianiifucture  especially  ^ood,  in  the 
liaiids  of  some  of  ils  chief  producers;  they  forget 
their  previims  years  of  delay  and  disasier,  and 
the  certain  rllecis  of  e.onipeniion  on  snbseipienl 
years;  suppose  that  they,  as  eoiiHumers,  must  of 

II 'ssity  be  robbed,  or  bu  paying  tribute  to  these 

"  hirds  of  the  loom  and  the  spiniile,"  and  straight- 
way commence  ii;;ilalion  to  re;;ulate  a  system  which, 
belore  hin^',  in  the  nature  of  lliings  would  regulate 
itself.  i 

I  procceil  now,  Mr.  Chnirninn,  to  answer  the 
objeciion,  that  the  a^'ricultural  producer  and  ex- 
porter, lliroiii;li  the  opei-atiun  of  lliis  system,  loses 
the  market  fur  his  supplies,  foreigiierH  having  iio- 
tliini;  but  specie  to  exchange  fur  his  products,  our 
niarkel  being  cut  oil'  from  llieir  numufacinres. 
Now,  this  error  arises  in  part  from  the  literal  iiii- 
derstanding  of  the  |iroposilioii,  thai  exports  pay 
for  imports;  ill  pari  from  waul  of  attention  lo  the 
lad,  that  foreigners  ilo  not  trade  alone  Willi  us; 
and  in  part  froin  the  luck  of  pro|)cr  appiecialioii  of 
Ihe  home  market  furnished  by  our  munufailurers. 
The  general  ability  of  the  foreigner  to  buy  may 
he  diiiiinislied  by  the  loss  of  our  market--if  he 
should  lind  no  other  market  for  his  wares — ^^just  us 
our  iibilily  lo  buy  is  coulracted  by  the  refusal  of 
the  foreigner  lo  take  our  breailsiiilVs,  we  having  no 
oilier  sullicieiit  niarkel.  And  just  so  far  a«  tins 
nbilily  of  ihe  foreigner  is  diniimshc.d,  we  will  lose 
his  niarket,  nnd  no  I'urllier.  And  precisely  to  this 
same  extent  will  we  furnish  a  home  niarket  for  the 
agric.iilturat  product  which  the  foreigner  is  unable 
to  buy.  Take  cotton  as  the  ino.st  comnion,  and 
perhaps  the  inosi  ap'H'opriale,  illustriilioii.  8ay 
we  export  to  the  foreigner  !i,r)tlO,UOI)  bales  of  cot- 
Ion,  nnd  have  no  duties.  These  bales  are  pur- 
chased by  llie  eolton  manufaetuier  or  the  eoilon 
jobber;  in  either  ease  they  are  not  paid  for  in  kind; 
no  barter  takes  plai'e,  but  our  exporter  receives 
for  his  cari^ocs,  at  his  option,  lither  coin  or  bills 
of  exchange,  which  he  may  convert  into  coin;  this 
he  is  free  to  bring  home  or  to  invest  in  merchaii- 
disa,  as  lie  may  deem  besl.  Ihit  there  is  n  de- 
mand for  foreign  manufaciurea  in  our  niarkel,  and 
he  Iheiefore  applies  Ui  the  various  IHctorica,  and 
brings  to  us  cargo,!s  of  these  productions;  and  thus 
our  trade  wlih  the  foreigner  is  balaneed  witliuut 
the  transit  of  specie. 

.Again:  duties  are  imposed  by  us,  and  ofler  a 
tune  we  consume  of  this  cotton  .')(H),IIIK)  bah  s  in 
domestic  maiuilacliire;  besides,  we  engage  in  oilier 
ni.iuufactnrcs,  and  so  not  only  supply  our  market 
Willi  collons,  bill  also  with  various  other  producis 
of  mamifaeturing  industry.  When  all  this  has 
taken  place,  another  cargo  of  cotton  goes  out  lo  the 
foreigner,  but  this  time  there  is  only  y,UUO,0()U  of; 
bales,  Ihe  other  .')UII,IIUO  being  reserved  lor  home 
consumption.  .Now,  the  foreign  coiioii-dealer  is  ' 
by  this  time  totally  deprived  of  oui  ;:.:.. I  el  for  his 
coiloii  goods,  yel  he  reluiiis  all  his  other  markets, 
and  he  is  now  just  as  able  lo  buy  the  •2,0Utl,l)IM) 
hales  as  he.  was  iiefoie  the  :2,rillO,()l)t);  and  if  lie  has 
in  Ihe  meanlime  acipiired  another  marki't,  he  is 
able  to  boy  more,  iiiid  this  would  slimulale  and 
increase  llii'  produciion  of  cotton  with  lis.  lie 
buys,  thonu'li,  the  ^>,IHHI,0(l(»  bales  of  our  exporter, 
and  as  before  pays  him  in  com  or  bins  of  exchange. 
liiit  now  our  exporler  buys  no  collons,  nor  is  this 
mau  rial,  as  llii^  foreign  maiiuf.iclurer  would,  in  the 
case  supposed,  have  no  supply  for  liiin;  but,  in 
addilion  lo  this,  our  exporler  buys  fewer  of  many  i 
other  articles  than  he  did  bi  fore,  in  eonseiiuence  | 
of  onr  ilomeslic  supply.  What  is  the  eonseiiuence  ? 
lie  brings  home  purt'of  the  proceeds  of  his  cotlon 
in  specie,  or  goes  to  some  otiier  market  than  thai 
where  he  has  sold  his  eotlMii,  and  lays  in  a  cargo 
suited  lo  our  market;  and  thus  Ihe  country  to 
wliii'h  the  cotton  was  s<dd  loses  a  partof  its  S|ieei(!.  , 
The  ability  of  the  cotton  dealer  lo  buy,  it  will  be 
recollected  ill  nil  lliis,  is  in  no  degree  dinhiiislied,  ; 
his  supply  being  in  exacl  proportion  to  ihe  deniaiul 
upon  mm  from  other  murkeiH  than  uur  own,  and 


his  means  of  buy  ing  being  derived  from  these  mar- 
kets, and  ill  no  degien  dependent  upon  the  ge.ieral 
balance  of  trade  with  our  country.    True,  some  of 
those  em|iloycd  ill  the  manufacture  of  cotlon,  as 
well  as  o(  those  employed  in  other  business  in  the 
foreign  country,  may  he  thrown  out  of  employ- 
nienl,  and  some  distress  and  eonfiision  may  be  tlie 
result  there,  in  the  case  supposed;  hut  it  must  not 
I  be  ftirgolioii  lhal  onr  nmnnfacturea  are  not  the 
j  growth  of  a  day,  and  lhal,  while  they  are  in  pro- 
j  ccssof  hecomingiivalsof  Ihe  foreign mnniifiicturer, 
i  eonsiimplion  is  everywhere  increasing,  and  new 
!  markets  are  conslaiitly  iipeiiing  and   developing 
!  themselves;  ho  lhal,  really,  neither  the  want  of  a 
J  market,  nor  eonfusion   in  business,  nor  a  loss  of 
.  s|>ecie,  may  lake  place  in  the  countries  partially 
j  deprived  of  our  custom.     However  this   may  be, 
j  it  concerns  us  but  little;  the  purchaser  of  our  coi- 
I  ton  will  never  im|uire  either  liow  Ihe  general  biil- 
niice  of  trade  is  with  his  nation,  nor  how  the  balance 
of  trade  is  belwei^n  our  nation  and  his,  so  long  as 
I  he  has  the  markets  that  he  beforn  [lossessed,  and 
j  of  course  the  means  of  buying  our  more  limiteil 
;  siijinly. 

!  1  he  same  process  of  reasoning  might  be  adopt,  rl 
ill  regard  to  our  bre;\dstuirs  and  provisions  of  all 
I  sorts  when  the  I'rilisli  marknls  shall  be  opened  lo 
them.  I  shall  not  stop  to  inc]iiirc  whether,  in  tiiiili, 
j  we  shall  ever  be  able  to  compete,  to  any  great  ex- 
tent, with  other  nations  in  these  products  In  the 
I  British  markets.  I  shall  take  it  for  granted  llinl 
we  shall.  Then,  if  our  provisions  shonlil  In- 
I  cheaper  than  those  of  oilier  nations,  they  will  be 
'  bought  without  reference  to  the  balance  of  traile, 
'  anil  the  balance  of  trade,  if  againsllhe  lirilish,  will 
he  made  up  somewhere  else.  l*oes  any  one  sup- 
pose that  the  Itritish  dealer  in  Daiilzic  orOdiwa 
wheal  slops  lo  inriiiire  how  the  balance  of  trade  is 
between  his  own  and  the  counlrie.s  lo  which  these 
I  places  belong,  when  he  can  buy  from  them  cheap, 
and  sell  to  his  own  eoiiiilrynien  at  a  dearer  rale  • 
Hut  let  nie  ilhistrale  a  little  by  wheal,  as  I  have 
:  done  by  cotlon.  Suppose  ns  lo  be  ivady,  then,  lo 
supply  foreigners  willi  100,(K)0,(K)0  bushels  of  llii ; 
!  article,  and  ihat  we  have  nodutiesnii  foreiu'ii  iiii- 
porl.s:  our  first  sales  would  be  reinvested  in  foreign 
products.  Then  suppose  duties  lo  he  laid:  our 
supply  for  the  foreiicncr  would  be  diminished, 
pan  of  it  gciing  into  the  eonsiimplion  of  the  domes 
tic  ninniifacturer.  ThiM'oreigner's  ability  lo  buy 
would  be  diminished  by  the  loss  of  onr  market  for 
his  niamifaciures;  and  these  two — the  diminution 
of  our  siippi  'Mil  the  loss  of  his  ability — would 
ex  telly  eori\  ml;  for  the  foreigner  would  retain 
his  markets,  and  our  supply  would  have  taken 
from  it  just  so  much  ns  liaviin;  gone  before  to  sat- 
isfy foreign  slomachs,  would  now  fill  a  void  in  those 
of  our  own  people,  and  so  on  the  same  or  like 
things  would  happen  as  in  ihc  case  of  cotton. 
Now,  these  theories  are  introduced,  not  because  I 
have  faith  in  this  mode  of  reducing  the  economical 
arrangements  and  iniiM-coniinnnicatioiia  of  the 
world  lo  the  srpinre  and  the  rule,  but  to  meet  coiiii- 
ter  theories  on  lln;  oilier  side  of  the  (jiiestion;  and 
to  this  end  they  seem  to  inc  lo  be  jusliHablc.  Cer- 
tainly, such  theories  are  in  no  degree  to  be  com- 
pared to  a  .series  of  facts,  well  ascertained ,  properly 
coimecled,  and  justly  applied;  and  yel  even  fails 
are  greatly  abused,  slatislica  are  misunderslood 
and  misapplied,  and  to  such  an  extent  has  this 
gone  in  the  present  debale,  tlint  1  have  ulmost  to- 
tally avoided  their  intioduelion. 

Did  lime  allow,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  shniihl  like 
much  10  discuss  lliis  whole  doctrine  of  exfiorls 
paying  for  imports;  Ihe  true  principles  of  the  bal 
nnce  of  trade,  and  ils  operation  on  the  currency: 
the  ollice  of  money  or  specie  as  a  medium  of  e\- 
cluinge,  ami  ils  true  nature  as  one  of  Ihe  compo 
nciils  of  wealth;  the  boiindari(>s  of  eoiisum)ition 
and  the  limit  of  markets;  the  cllect  of  protection  on 
the  wages  of  labor,  inimcdiatc  and  prospective;  the 
subject  of  duties  regarded  as  coiiiilervailing  ;  ilie 
iietiial  jirotectioii  now  given  to  commerce  and  lo 
agriciiliure,  direct  and  indirect;  the  inseparable 
connexion  of  Ihe  lliree  i;reat  departments  of  labor, 
and  their  beneficial  iiilluence,  the  one  upon  the 
other;  the  home  market  for  the  proiluciions  of 
agriciikiire;  the  forty-bale  theory;  and  the  propri- 
ety of  reciprocity  tt-eaties  involving  the  taxing 
power  of  our  (JovernmenI:  but  a  sinu'le  speech 
c;iiiiiol  he  expected  to  embrace  all  of  these  siiiijecis 
in  addilion  lu  llioso  olready  diauussed.     t^unie  of 


1S4G.1 


'iih-H  CoNo I  ST  Sf:»k. 


APPKNDIX  TO  THE  CONGRKSSFONAIi  GT.OBK. 

The  'Jarif—lMr.  Ynncey. 


993 


Nkw  Skiuks No.  63. 


llican  m'.lijriitH  li:\vp  lic'cn  nli'cnijy  inoiilciitiilly  nicn- 
lloiii'd,  nriil  m>ni''  iiliiiM  llii'nwn  mit  with  rcijiiril  Id 
iIh'iii,  I  Nliiill  ilisiiiiiiH  tliimi  iiuw  with  a  dcKiiltciry 
rt'iimrk  or  Iw".  J 

It  hns  Ihmmi  nllo'^tMl  tlint  ihn  nxpnrter  prxys  thn 
ilniy  iipiiii  iinpoiiM.  Thin  fall.icy  iiris<M  rmm  lh(! 
(iii'l  thnt  tile  prudnrr  iit'  (•\pnrl'<  \h  niadi*  ttic  iito- 
iliiiii)  of  payitiL'"  lor  inipoi-tN.  Tlic  i-xportcr  pivys 
his  Hlmri'  nx  i\  c'(in«iimcT  iif  ihiit  which  in  not  lost  j 
liy  iIk'  liirtisiiKT  nr  llip  nicrcliiiiil,  iiiul  ho  ilocs 
rviry  oihc;i-  I'.iiiiminicr,  iiiclmliiii;  llio  inuiiuriic-  j 
tiiirr. 

Ticitiofi  for  liiirirr  nnil  rocipi'iicHl  lfi,'isli\ti(iii 
luwf  hi'i'ii  liiiili-d  Ml.  I  riiuld  iii;V(T  f;in'  my  coii- 
sciit  lit  a  (ri'Hty  or  iiiU'riiatioiiiii  iiiMk'r.siiuKlii)!; 
iiTiii'hin^.;  upon  ilin  li'iriH|iiliv(>  ilepnrtmPiU  iif  diii' 
(idvcniiiM'iil,  mill  which  mij;ht  I'lintli'iiiii  lis  In 
<imi>-c.s  iiflriKlc  ill  iierpcliin  totally  iit  variiincr  with 
•  Mil-  inlciTsI  mill  iMir  ciiriitii«'iiiccs.  | 

'I'lip  (ippiiiiciilH  nl'ii  tarlH'for  pmloi-linn,  iiilheir 
^Til  and  fury,  srcin  M  fiir;;ct  that  aiiylhinj:  has  i 
lici'ii  dniic  or  in  doiiiLr  Iiy  Govi'riiinciit  for  mricnl- 
liirc  and  coniincrcc.  l-'iir  what,  thin,  is  onr  navy 
lirpi  up,  wiili  nil  llic  imniriisc  cxpcnxcs  of  its  con- 
strnction  unil  snslcnlalion  ?  What  is  the  effect  nf 
our  navi;;ation  nit — of  many  of  our  Irnalics— of 
our  fishiii;;  hounlicK — of  our  iniuinc  liospilals — of  | 
our  inlcriiMl  ini|'rovinii'iil.s  in  rivirs  and  harlioi'M? 

Art!  noi  wool  and  hoiup  niiil  llax  and  Mu.^ar  and 
iron  and  coal  and  hides  and  Kill<,  and  many  other 
ni;riculturil  articles  of  si  iller  iniportaiiee,  under 
the  fosteriii;^  wiie^  of  protection?  Ami  is  there 
really  noihiiiir  lu  the  home  market  of  iulvnntap;e  lo 
the  fanner  r  Is  llieie  iioihiiii;  in  the  division  of 
liilior  preveniiinr  competition  with  liiiu. 

lint  enoiiirh  of  this.     I  am  sick  of  the  sliinp;  of  ' 
theories  attempted  to  he  nrrayed  iit^aiost  ii  ayHteiu  , 
miller  which   the  peojile  are  prosperotis,  and,  hut 
lor  the  si'lli-dmess  of  tlenut;;iij;nes,  wutild  be  con- 
leiiicd  and  happy. 

lint  I  will  not  say  tliat  I  have  not  some  fenr  and 
oceasional  misi;iviii23  in  reijard  to  the  yiniif  ten-  , 
deiicies  of  the  sy-item.  I  have  no  fear  of  the  want 
of  a  market  for  all  the  airricaltnral  products  of 
the  country,  actual  or  prospecllvo.  The frreat innr- 
kel  of  the  IJritisli  at;ricultural  prodiu'er  is  amon^ 
his  felliiw-sMliJects  ;  and  it  is  so  with  many  of 
the  ciinlineiilal  powers  whose  resources  hove  heen 
lUiich  developed;  and  so  it  will  ho  with  us.  My 
fear  is  (hat  oiu"  niaiket  may  at  last  not  he  sop-  . 
ii!ied — that  we  shall  force  liroduetion  and  popu- 
lation lieyond  their  proper  iiounilaries.  There  is  ' 
a  limit  to  earth's  prnilnclions — there  is  none  to 
their  eoiuhinations  hy  in^'cnniiy  and  inilnslry. 
There  is  a  limit  In  the  means  of  subsistence — there 
is  none  In  the  principle  of  population.  The  time 
may  come  when  eountless  millions  shall  swarm  ' 
upon  our  wiilesmead  territories  in  nil  their  bor- 
ders— when  the  liarassed  earth  slinll  no  lon<jrr  re- 
spond lotlie  eriesof  itseajjer  and  exacting;  ehihiren 
—when  hopeless  poverty  shall  become  an  excuse 
for  crime,  and  over-crowded  thousands  shall  I'or- 
1,'et  the  principles  of  freedom  under  the  i;rinilin; 
pressure  of  immeiliate  and  physical  want.  I  would 
fain  hope,  however,  that  these  are  but  idle  visions; 
tlial  resources  exisi  in  onr  lionndless  country  be- 
yond any  present  hninan  calculations;  that  in  the 
womb  of  the  fiiinre  there  lie  utiiliscovered  princi- 
ples whicli  may  counteract  the  usual  tendencies  of  , 
population,  and  that  we  may  ri main,  as  we  have 
be','1111,  ever  a  free,  a  noble,  and  a  a;lorious  people.  ' 


r 


THE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  IMR.  W.  L.  YANCEY, 

OF  AI.AHAMA, 

Iv  TIIK  IIoiSE  OP   Kl.lMlKSI.NTATlVKS, 

,/iiMc  ;«i,  181(1.  I 

The  Tarifl'  I'ill  licin;;  under  considenilion  in  Com- 
millee  of  the  Whole —  ! 

Mr.  YAXCF.Ysaid: 

Mr.  (IiiAiHMAv:  The  ehiiractep  of  this  debate, 
thus  far,  has  bei  n  in  unison  with  that  which  lias  \ 
iliHlinunisheil  all  Ici'islation  on  the  tariff  ({ueslion  i 
since  the  war  of  IHpJ,  with  the  sinirle  exception  of 
the  tariff  net  of  March  l'2,  IKH,').  The  lesjislalion 
which  has  eliaracteri/.ed  this  {^reat  ipieslioii  has 
been  had  more  with  ret'ereiice  to  its  etiecl  upon 
particular  local  interests  tiimi  Willi  ii  desire  to  eon- 

63 


form  to  the  eonslitiitionni  powers  of  ContrreHS. 
The  passiiue  of  the  tarilV  act  of  1S|(!  is  an  eniiuenl 
inslaiie.e  of  the  truth  of  this  remark.  (And  I  will 
here  pnssinu'ly  oliserve  that  the  gentleman  from 
Kentucky,  [i]r.  ,  IIk.niiv.I  who  has  just  prece- 
ded ine.  Is  ill  error  ill  his  assertion  that  the  "iniiii- 
niiiiii  Kysleiii"  has  ever  been  an  iiifredieiit  of  legis- 
lation liii  this  Hiib;ecl,  for  it  was  first  ineorporalei! 
ill  a  nriff  act  in  IHKI.)  Soon  followed  the  siipph- 
menlary  act.-,  nf  IHIH  and  IHli),  nil  of  which  were 
strenuously  resisted  on  eonsiiiiitional  c-roiinih  liy 
that  seclioii  of  the  eniuilry  now  most  teuacin  is  in 
its  adhesion  to  the  principle  upon  whieli  those  iiclM 
were  frameil — proleeilon  to  certain  classes  of  in- 
cinstry.  It  has  been  repeatedly  iiri;eil,  in  answ  'r 
to  this  liict,  that  New  haij^laud  at  thai  day  had  her  ' 
capital  invested  in  commercial,  and  ollii'r  pnisiiit;! 
different  from  that  of  manut'.icturiii:;,  and  therefore 
opposed  a  system  which  would  forci  liir  lo  elian(;c 
that  investment. 

I  have  no  doubt  of  the  triilli  of  this  evplanntion, 
nor  of  the  force  and  propriety  of  it  as  an  oiijcclion 
to  an  interference  liy  (^'oni^ress  with  the  i^reat  in- 
dnstriiil  pursuits  of  the  country — an  interference 
which  should  eompcl  capital  lo  seek  channels  not 
pointed  out  by  the  wants  and  coiirsn  of  trade,  but 
bv  liolilical  leu'islation.  It  is  the  very  i;ronnil  we 
of  llie  Sontli,'aiiil  of  those  ollirr  sections  which  are 
opposed  lo  protective  tariffs,  assume  in  this  dia- 
eiissioii.  Attacked,  then,  iis  Mew  Knu'laiid  found 
herself  to  be  in  ISKi,  IrtlH,  and  l,-il'.l,  by  re- 
strictive tariff  laws,  she,  as  we  do  now,  Hou^ht 
nroleelioii  apiinst  an  unjust  system  of  leL'islalioii 
lienealh  the  siiield  of  the  Coilsliiiition.  To  that 
sacred  chart,  which  contained  an  eiinmeralioii  of 
the  (lowers  and  duties  of  Coie.'rcss,  she  nppealed, 
not  as  1  liav(>  inadvertently  sai^d  for  protection,  but 
for  the  ))rivile!;e  of  beini;  let  alone  in  her  domestic 
pursuits.  I  hold  in  my  hands,  sir,  the  proceediiurs 
of  II  meetiiii;  held  in  Faneiiil  Hall,  on  the  ITllidf 
Aiinusl,  \6ii).  0»  one  of  its  most  iinporlantcom- 
uiitleej4  are  found  the  nanirs  of  Daniel  Webster, 
iVallian  Appletoii,niidy\blioU  Lawrence,  now  lead- 
ins;  and  ilistinsrnished  advocates  of  "  protection." 
Havim;  appointed  a  siib-eoauuillee  to  prepare  and 
publish  an  address,  the  objeot  nf  which  was  "  lo 
avert  the  ealamily  which  must  eventually  llow 
from  the  passage  of  the  tarilf  bill."  Occ,  the  ineet- 
iiiii;  adjourned  to  meet  iijrain  at  the  same  place  on 
the  :ti'l  of  flclnber,  IH2().  Mr.  Webster  liaviii',' 
been  the  lirst-iianied  upon  the  conuuitlei^  appointed 
to  "  prepare  and  publish  an  address,"  is  uiiiler- 
slooil  lo  liave  been  the  aiilhor  of  llie  address,  which 
may  be  found  in  the  papers  of  the  day,  and  also 
of  the  followina;  resolutions: 

I'Viilu  llic  N.  I-;.  I'allailiiliii  and  riiinnicrcial  Ailvertl.-cr. 
OciiMiEli  :i,  is'i).— (;K\l',ltAl.  MKl'.'I'ING. 

Ycslcnliiy  an  niljniirticd  iiie'MiiiL'  "ii  ttie  Mllijcct  of  IIic 
!  [irnpn-icil  t;iriItw:H' liclil  ai  l-'aiiciiil  Hall.     Una.  Wjlliiiiii 
<;r;iv.  cliairiiciii.  anil  William  I-'nstcr,  Ir.,  sccrclary. 

A  liiiiu  mill  liitiMc^liim  ri-iiiirl  wa-t  read  IVnai  Itic  rcspcct- 
ntilc  cniiiiMitli'i  a|i|iiiiiitc<l  at  a  t'nriiicr  iiiei'liii^,  which  cnti- 
chiilcd  with  the  rolliaviiii:  rciilvcs: 

lit.  RrstihfJ.  Tti.'il  wc  have  rcaarilcil  witti  pleasure  the 
colalih-iliiiiciil  anil  success  iil' iiiaiiiifai-nircH  aiiioiis;  ils.  anil 
ciilit'iiler  Ihi'ir  tiniwlll,  when  natural  anil  spiiiilaticiiils,  iillil 
liiil  the  cDccI  1)1'  a  Hyslciii  nl'  hiiinilics  iiiiil  priilcctinii,  u^  an 
eviileiicc  "»'  general  wealth  am!  iinwpiTily. 

'ill.  Tlial.  ..'I.xiiii:  im  the  incciiiiity,  eiiti  rprise,  nml  ikill 
of  onr  li'lliiw  I'ili/i'iis,  we  ht'licvc  tlial  all  niaiiiitacliirc.-i 
ailapteil  In  niir  characters  ami  ciiciim>taiiccs  will  lie  iiilrn- 

iliici-il  ami  evtemlril  as  sunn  nml  as  last  as  will  pm tc  Die 

piililic  interest,  wilhiiitt  any  I'lirtlierprolccliiiii  than  they  now 
receive. 

;iil.  'I'llat  nn  nhiceliiin  niicht  ever  In  lie  iiiaile  In  any 
iniiiMint  nl"  laxi's  cipially  appiirli'iiii'il.  ami  iinpiiscil  litr  the 

I  pnrpitse  nf  rai-illl!   reveiinc    I <sary  liir   the   Slipjiiirt  of 

(jnvenniiclit;  lint  llial  taxes  iinpnscil  nn  the  pioph'  Inrtlie 
j  sole  liciii'lit  of  any  iiiie  class  nf  mrii  an?  eiiiially  iiiceieist- 
'  cut  u-ilh  Ihc  priiic'iplis  nl*  oar  ('onslitiilian  aiiil  wilh  siuiail 
piilicy. 

■llli.  That  the  siippnsiliiiii  that,  iiiilil  1.  prnposei!  tariirnr 
sunn  similar  aicasiire  he  ailnpleil,  we  are,  anil  shall  lie. 
ilcpcmli'lil  1111  liircix'ticr-'  tor  the  means  ef  siilisi-lcncc  iiml 
ili'lcnci'.  is,  in  niir  iipininn.  alliiL'i'lhi'r  lallaci'iiis  ami  land- 
fill,  ami  iliTtimiliiry  In  the  clitiracler  nf  tlie  natinn. 

.''llli.  Tlial  hititi  'liiiiinlics  nn  such  ilniiicslic  iiiatnifacliircs 
as  arc  principally  lieiiefilcil  hy  iliat  larilf  lavnr  L'real  capitiil- 
ists  rallier  than  pi  r-niial  iiithisiry  or  Ihc  nv,  iicrs  nf  small 
eapilals.  anil  lliiTclnre  thai  we  dii  iint  perceive  its  tciiilcncy 
tn  iirniiiiilc  iialiiiiial  imhisiry. 

lilli.  That  we  are  cipially  ineapalilcnfilii'iivcriiii.'  ils  hciie- 
tii'ial  etlccts  nil  auricnlliire,  sim-c  ihc  nlninns  c(iiisci|iii'iicc 
nf  ils  nil'i|iliim  wniilil  lie  lliat  Ihc  farmer  iiiiist  uive  iiinrc 
than  he  iiinv  ilncs  for  all  lie  linvs,  ami  receive  less  fur  all  he 
sells. 

Till.  Thai  llic  impnsilion  nf  duties  which  arc  ennrniniis, 
and  ilccmiil  hv  a  lanic  pnrlinn  nf  the  pcnplc  t<i  lie  inieipial 
and  iininsl.  is  danycrna-.  as  il  ciiciniraiii's  the  practice  nf 
siniiti^tinu. 

Hill.  That,  in  nnr  opinion,  the  proposed  tnrill',  and  the 


prliieilili'uniwliich  it  Is  avnweillv  Ininilleff,  »  nlllil,  ifadopl- 
'  eil,  have  II  Irndi'iicy,  linMcver  ililfcri-nr  may  tie  the  nnliiiiiH 
I  nf  tlin.ic  nhn  rccni'ninciid  liicin,  tn  diniildsli  the  iiidiistry, 
i  i  iiped  ii.i'  |..-'Hpcriiy,  and  enrriipt  llli;  iiinnil-t  nf  the  pen 
'  pi". 

I      J-  nil'-  T.  Aiisliii,  IVii  ,  mill  the  li<imirfili|e  Diinlel  Wch- 
I  hi'  1-  aildnmi'd  ilicir  fillnw  citb.cns  in  I'avnr  nf  ihc  lepnri  nml 

r- -nlvi'-,  111  spi'ri  Ill's  wliieti  weri'di'tiimnishedfiirehHeiiesi* 

n  fir^iniii'iit,  varii  u  nf  tlliislriilinnii,  null  nhiniilnne**  nf  I'ael. 
The  ri  P'lrl  w:i  1  lilC'i  ncceptcd,  inid  llie  riwlilvcn  leeiHll- 

III  'lldl'll  tir  111!'  enmiiiilt nilll|illinll-lv  )ia«-^cil. 

,x  nun  nflhiniks  II  the  hnniiralil"  Mr.  I  His,  nf  tile  l».-nale, 

anil  iliiMi'  iniinhcr-i  fmiii  lliis  Slalc  in  lln-  IIdiisc  nf  Itcpie- 

sinlaiivi's  nf  iiin  I'nili'd  Hialcs  who  eppnsi'd  the  new  larlll, 

was  niiiiniliinii>ty  iiKtecd  In. 

In  nildresaiin.,'  that  ineelliis  Mr.  Wel).ster  tlnm 
I  nrsned; 
I      "  Tlicrc  is  a  power  in  imiiics;  and  tlinsc  wlin  had  pressed 

j  llie  linlirnii  CniiL'ri'ss.  aiiil  nil  111.'  I- ir>.  had  ri  pri>eii(ei| 

'  il  as  Jniinriliaiely,  anil  aliiiiisl  ev  lii-i\i  iy.  i  niiiicclcil  Willi 
innh'-li"  indnstiy  and  nalinnal  intlcpi-lnlcncr.     In  Aiv  i>;.iii 

,    I'll,   III    llll'IVIOC  I  Oll/ll    /irOI  c  IIIOIC  illOII  ilJCV  to  t/,r  lll*ilH/ll/ tl/' 

/.'."ciioitn/,  and  nnlliiiiL'  was  mnri'  fanciful  llani  lie'  npiinnn 

III:  t  naliniiiil  Inilip'-nili'iii'i'  r Iired  such  a  ini  asilreneei'K- 

s'ln       III-  .Tr/rMii(i(  llfmslil  il  mithi  In'  iliulliil  ulirllnr  ('on 

<rcv,  't*i,n''l  nnt  lir'inlin ',  xni'i'irhnl  t/i.<ii»o(  tlic  spirit  lolit  o. 

Inilinr  m  Ihr  Cnil'li'ulini  in   rici-ihic;   n  ;i<lr'TV  In   ri.lilrol 

'  itsfcjificl'i;  Mil'    p'ir'niils  ami   ncenpatintis  nf  inilivilllials   ill 

I  their  p.ivaie  I'niiii  riis;  a  pnwcr  In  (nice  iio'iil  anil  siiilihni 

e'laimc-,  Imlh  nf  ncciijiatinii  iiiiil  pnipiTIy,  iipiin  Individuals, 

tint  (15  tiirhli-nlnl  1 1   Ihc  ciiTfinc  0/'<illif  olliilr  pOTC,  ,  fcii(  ii.t  tl 

Huh.lnnl'j'l  nrt-l ilirri-l  jnfrr.     If  such  chances  icr  c  in-niiiilit 

I  tiu-iilcnl'tl!von'ti,  i.ie'  ircrc //ic  iicccsmirii  ceiwfi/Hi'.we  o/  %urij 

I  imiinti  iM  l\miti-f^i,  Inr  lln*  Ifml'.t'i  j.iir/it.i'i'  ti,'^'"'  rinifl,  sA&iiw 

cii.W.  Ihm  lltniioulit  not  le  cjmi'l'iiiwit  of.     hnt  he  ilnuhttfd 

I  vtflhrt-  ('.ni'i-ci^  /'riirVi/ iinfiscit  the  poller  r.ftnThinii  tin-  in- 

j  c/ili'iit  ill/ 1  Ihf  j.riii">'i/,'  111  d,  hislciiil  nf  Iraviini  iimiiilfne- 

liiri's  in  111"   prnli  1  linn  ii''  •■iich  huvs  nn  slinnhl  li"  |iiis«i'il 

Willi  a  princirv  reiurd  In  '.Mniiie,  ofcnaclini;  laws  with  the 

I  avnwcd  nlijcni  nf  aivhi'j  n  prefireiici'  inparli  iilar  iiiainifiie- 

I  Hires,  with  na  entire  disn  .larit  lo  nl!  liic  c.'ii.-iileraliniis  nf 

!  r.  veinii',  and.  insvii.l  1.1  laviiii;  siieli  iiiipii-|i  ii.  wrailil  lust 

answer  the  pllr|in-i'  nf  rai-inu  iivenne,  Willi  lI'C  least  lilir 

'   lleii  nn  Ihe  pilllli.-.  carnill't  llie    ilii|in-t  ml  eerlilill  arlielei  III 

'  II  hiirdcMS'iiiii' eves-,  null  n  full  knnwledi;!'  Ilial  tlie  ni 
crease  nfiliry  will  ilililini-h  ttie  an I  nf  ri'vclinc  faiscd." 

Mr.  C'liairmaii,  ihese  are  sound  view.*.     The  res- 

'  nhuiiins  iiilo)iled  by  llint  nnetinti;  of  men  who  ar;( 

now  the  srent  ndvocnles  of  the  reslrictive  policy  of 

Ihe  coiintrv,  mi'.'lil  well  Iiml  a  place  in  the  procei  d- 

iiiL'sof  a  rialliiiiore  nemiicrnticCoiivontion.    They 

properly  say  lliat  the  sole  obicit  of  the  tnxju'f 

power  is  to  raise  revenue,  and  llial  if  taxes  nre  im- 

1  pnsnil  fur  the  sole  benefit  of  niiy  one  class  of  men, 

:  llievare  iuipolilic  and  uncnnsliiutioiial.     They  re- 

:  leidiaie  in  maiilv  terms  the  idea  now  advanced  l.y 

the  aitvocales  of  proteelinii,  that  unless  we  do  thus 

'  enciMirau'e  our  own   maniifacUires  we  slinll   lie  de 

'  pendent  oil  foreii;iicr9  for  siibsisleiiee  and  d' f  lice. 

A  luiniiritv  at   that  ilav,  they  ri;;litfiilly  liiriicd  f  n- 

ilefencc  of  their   riu'lits  to  the  Coiislinitioi'.  wiiicli 

was  made  to  be  a  i;iiide  111  maiorilii  s   ivuii   prolec- 

jj  lion  to  luinorities.     lint  of  a'i  tlii.',  the  interest  nf 

■    New  Kni.'land  was  ihe  movinc;  cause.     She  sirove 

lo  "  avert  l!if  ru/ii,»i/i(  which  must  eventually  (low 

:  from  the   inissae-e  of  the   tariff  bill"   referred   lo. 

TTer  peculiar  local  iiileresls  would   be  iiijiirioiislv 

nffecied  by  il.     "  Oreat  mid  sudden  chouses,  botli 

,  of  ncciipaiinn  and  property"  wonld  be  forced;  and 

;  eonseqiiently  herWebslers,  her  Appletnns,niiil  her 

i  Lawrences — then,   ns    now,   champions   of  those 

1  pursuits,  whatever  they  were  nnd   now  may  be, 

desired  oiilv  such  legislation  ns  should  favor  those 

1  pursuits.     In   the  hour  of  their  "  calamity,''  they 

cried  out  tlint  "taxes   imposed  on   ihe  people  for 

:  the  sole  benefit  of  anyone  cinss  of  men  aree(|imlly 

!  inconsistent  with  the  ]ii-iiiciples  of  our  Constitution 

and  with  soiiinl  policy.'' 

lint  the  policy  of  protection  w^s  not  yielded  to 
!  her  remoiistrnnce.     New  I'jitr'and,  with  an  energy 
I  nml  capability  of  adaplini  her  pursuits  to  Ihc  exi- 
t  Kcncici  of  ihe  limes  worthy  of  all  admiration,  .soon 
liecniiie,  under  the  oiieration  of  that  law,  a  manii- 
facturiii'j  portion  of  llie  riiunlry.     She  (leterminnil, 
lis  she  could  not  sweep  away  "  the  taxes  imposed 
on   the   people  for  the  sole  benelit  of  one  class  of 
.  men,"  to  become  a  part  of  that  "  one  class,"  anil 
lo    rea])  the   lienelils  of  proteclion.     She  did  so. 
The   larilT  of  1^24    was   inlrodiiied,   raisinc;   still 
hiu'lier  "  the  taxes   imposed   on   the  people  for  the 
sole   benelit  of  one  class  of  men,"  and  New  Kn;;- 
I  land,  who,  ill  1830,  when  not  of  that  class,  thoiigjit 
'  them  lobe  "eipially  ineoiisisient  with  the  princi- 
ples of  our  Constitution  nnd  with  sound  |)olicy," 
!  now  that  she  had  Joined  that  "  one  class,"  no  loii- 
i  i;er  thoiisht  so,  nnd  {rave   her  support  to  taxes  so 
uiiennslitiiiionally  imp"*"'''''  "i"  if  shedid  alill  think 
'  so,  said  iiolhini;  about  "  such  South  Carolina  nb- 
;  slractioiiK  !" 

In  1^2f<  the  lariO'  was  attain  altered,  nnd  nn  in- 
crease of  live  per  centum,  ns  an  nvernge,  made  on 


11 

mm 


% 


994 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


fJimo  .10, 


•29t\i  Cosh Ist  Skb8. 

"ilic  laxra  iinpined  on  llio  prnnln  for.  the  iole  I 
liciipfit  iif  diU'  rliisH  (if  nii'ii."  WliiTP  llini  aliiin- 
lirri'd  lln^  ciiiiMtitiilioiml  .sciiiiilcs  iil"  WcIimIit,  A|i- 
plctnii,  1111(1  I.iwniu'i'.'  Why  wmh  the  Miirc  cif 
Nt'W  Rn'^liinirii  pcni  "  I'Xpmindir  nf  iho  Cnnmi 
liiiiiin"  Kili'iii  im  iliis  lliiid  \iiilaiiiin  "f  llir  "  prill-  , 
ri|ilrsof  imrConxtituliKri:"  IIiiil  llii'  ('(insllliilicin 
rhnnii'd  ?  Hud  Un  iriwit  niiil  inilli:  inilliH,  mn- 
liciilird  llicrt'  liy  as  pure  iiiid  mm  inn  llictiud  ii  sii  nf 
men  iiMcvcnisai'niUliil  idi'iiln'i'jMc  ii  iilicicd.'  .Mr. 
('hnirniiin,ineii  rn:iv  i'liiiiii;<',inliriHiM  may  iliiiiii;t', 
linl  irnlli  iniil  {>rini'i|>l('  arc  ilii'  nmmk'  now  ns  in  lli.i 
l>i:!;innin<;.  'I  lii-  liilii'HIs  iiC  llir  CiiiiHliliili'Hi  were 
ns  hiiidin:;  in  llSJH  and  IS'JI  a.<  in  ISvMI,  wlirn  pro- 
tvi'tioii  was  »o  lunilily  dtniniin'od  liy  lliu  men  I 
have  refrrrrd  to.  No,  Hir,  "  tin'  priniipli's  nf  our 
ConHlilnliim"  had  IMI  (  han'.'i'd;  lini  the  ^-rral  pnr- 
NtiiiM  of  New  Knuland  having  chimLri'd,  licr  vii'w.s 
of  ihc  Conaiiuition  chujiu'til  wiili  ilicni.  t'hanii-.- ' 
Icon-Mkc,  hor  pi>lir;  itci  ivi'd  ils  lonfi  and  color 
from  the  course  of  cvrnLs!  Hut  I  prticcrd  lo  ri'ace 
thi;i  view  siill  fiirtlicr.  The  larilV  of  .Inly,  IKIO, 
was  rimeled  wilh  i-iniilar  reference  lo  ihcse  local 
intcre.ils;  or,  in  olhir  worils,  "  lo  llic  M(de,  lienctil 
of  one  class  of  men,"  to  wii:  llie  niannfai'nn-ersi. 
And  what  waji  llie  re. lull  of  lliis  syslcjn  of  |r;;iNl;i- 
'-ion .-  Wliy.sir,  llie  spirit  which  iiidiiceil  .New 
Knijland  in  IH-.*I)  to  pass  sucfi  re.sr.hilion»,  and  lo 
pill  forth  such  seiitinieiils,  in  opposition  lo  a  policy 
mvolvini:  protection  to  locnl  intiM'est.s  liy  it  UiK  on 
other  fjreiit  intei-ests,  had  spread  over  the  whole 
Union.  The  true  friends  iif  the  f'on.-titiilion, 
knowing  that  it  could  iiiily  he  preserved  liy  a  .strict 
adherence  to  its  provisi.ais,  everywhere  rose  iipaiid 
demanded  an  ahaiidoninenl  of  the  policy,  which, 
however  prolitahle  to  the  lew  who  niarhs  was  on- 
erous upon  the  many  who  consumed.  The  .Sdiilh 
ill  particular,  whose  inlercsis  were  attacked  and 
injured  hy  this  policy,  demanded  ils  repeal.  I'rom 
all  ipiarler.s  of  the  Union  ciinie  up  memorials  and 
petitions,  year  al^cr  year,  praying'  ('oiiirrcss  !■!  re- 
trace its  stejis  in  tiiis  mailer.  'I'hese  petitions 
were  heedlessly  received,  and  coiilemiituoiitdy 
thrown  beneath  your  tallies.  Kxaspera'eil  heyoiid 
endurance  at  the  insults  which  wen'  heaped  upon 
the  injuries  she  had  siitrered,  the  Stale  of  South 
C'arohiiR  resolved  no  loiijjer  to  jierinit  duties,  so 
iinconslitiitioiially  laid,  to  he  collected  within  her 
limits.  The  enlorceineiil  of  the  law,  therefire, 
which  New  Eiiixland  li.'id  suleniiily  declared  lo  lie 
*'  equally  inconsistent  with  the  Conslitiitioii  aial 
with  sound  policy,"  was  about  to  endaiiL^er  'Jie 
peace  and  the  integrity  of  the  Union.  The  soh  inn 
uild  momentous  i-es|MinsiliiIities  of  that  inoiiient, 
and  the  conscfiuences  of  a  coiilinii.iiice  of  the  pm- 
leclive  policy,  have  lieeii  well  mid  eloi|iuiitly 
drawn  by  my  friend  from  Indiana,  [.\Ir.  ()wi-.\.l 
I  will  not  tou'h  the  picture  which  his  master-hand 
has  produced.  It  exhibits  in  their  true  I'olors  llie 
ruinous  consequences  which  must  ever  result  from 
lesjislalin^  in  a  peculiar  government,  such  as  oiii-s 
is,  upon  it.s  local  interests,  without  reference  lo  the 
reslnotions  of  the  CoMsmiiliou.  The  !;reat  project- 
ors and  wisest  friends  of  that  famoiii"  sysleni  were 
made  to  pause  in  their  career,  and  to  I  mk  about 
for  even  but  a  temporary  shelier  iVom  the  storm 
of  public  indii:iuition  wliich  was  about  to  burst 
upon  it.  Tile  fallacy  of  llie  i;rouiid  upon  which  it 
then  siooil  was  proven — a  union  of  iiilen  si  wilh 
interest,  e.ich  compromising' sullicieni  lo  insure  the 
sefcly  of  the  v*  li  de.  Mv  friend  from  Kentucky 
I  Vfr.  Tinii  VTTs]  has  saitl  "you  c:itinot  lei;islaie 
with  refirencf,  to  such  varie-d  inlcrests  wiMioiit 
compromise."  The  remark  is  true  as  long  as  you 
undertake  to  legislate  at  all  for  siicli  interests.  If 
ours  were  a  consolidated  government,  having  lull 
one  Iaw-inakiii;r  power,  and  eoni. lining  within 
itself  till  the  jmwers  and  eleniints  of  sovereiiini', 
the  power  lo  leirislate  wilh  ril'ereni'e  to  all  ils  var'cd 
industrial  pursuits  wmild   unibiiibleilly  exist  in  it. 

Hut  we  have  no  siich  system  of  gipiernment.  It 
is  an  entirely  difTereiit  one.  It  is  a  fedemlive  sys- 
tem for  certain  .specified  general  purposes.  Ii  is  a 
cluster  of  Govenimenis,  each  of  which  has  yielded 
cerliiin  powers  1 1  u  federal  head  for  pur|ioses  w\n<  h 
are  designated  in  the  chart  of  union.  I'or  these 
general  purposes  the  powers  given  .ire  ample.  For 
all  other  piirpo.ses  of  guvernineiit  the  separate  and 

idepcndeiit  Leijislulures  of  the  Suites  are  lo  be 

uoked  to. 

But  even  in  n  consoliualed  Government,  cover- 
ing so  vast  a  space  and  .such  variety  of  climate,  soil, 


7%c  Tariff— Mr.  Yavcey. 


Ho.  OK   UkPM. 


nml  pnidiirtinn  nn  our-H,  «ueh  n  nvHtiMii  of  leifiHln*  I 
lion  rnuhl  not  Inni^  rtxliirr,  iuiIphn  itidrril  Niifttiuncd 
liy  powerful  Hlmnlirii;  uriiii*^ — Iiy  «  i!eH|»olihm 
wlioMt'  forff,  like  that  of  ilu'  hunii'iuiP  wliicli  tiat- 
IcriM  th«  wulPfH  ot'  the  nrcnn  to  i\  p(»iter.l  level, 
would  keep  down  any  varifily  of  senlimont  wliicli  , 
itM  iiijiiMtiro  niiifht  produce.  | 

How  l)eamiiully  eajeulatcd,  however,  iiourayi-  i 
lein  to  eover  every  vaiirty  ot'niioaie,  soil,  inul  pro-  ' 
dui'Cion,  wilh'H't  pnuhifiii:;  a  Hiii;;Ie  <liHi'ordaii(  jar  ' 
in  llic  lemsliUioii  of  ihe  cnniitry.     We  have  Hlaics 
whoMc  leiiislatures  have  the  eair  and  HOperviNion 
ot*  the  peculiar  oharai'terH  and  interrstH  of  the  peo- 
ple eonipoHini;   them — all    niovini^   hnnuonir>UHly  i 
wilhiii  tiieir  apiiropriain  orliiiH  around  a  eoninion 
renlre  whti'h  (liirusen  li^'ht  and  jrenial  WMrinili  to 
«at'h,  and  hy  its  adrarlive  power  keeps  each  with- 
in iiM  spheri-  and  prcveiuini:  eollirtiiin.     Admini.sier 
sneh  a  irovernmcot  edrreeily  upon  the  Stale-riifhtH 
prini'iple,  which   is  the  k' ysiina:  o('  the  eoiiHiilu- 
lional  andi,  and  y«>n  may  r-vi  ntually  Kiirres.Hrully 
ahsorU  williin  ils  limits  the  whole  eontinent  from 
ihe  isthiuua  to  the  fro/Lii   re^'icjiia  of  Hudson 'u 
Hav. 

The  wants  of  a  tropiml  State  W(aild  lie  eared 
for  hy  a  le^'islature  sittini:  Ijeiieath  a  tro|)i<'id  sun. 
The  necessities  of  llie  Stati  s  under  the  temperate  ; 
v'niu'  would  he  wutehed  aial  [irovided  for  hy  asiem- 
hlins  composed  of  m*'u  drawn  froni  llniNe  rcjjions, 
whose opininns and  inieriMlswouId  notclash;  while 
the  wishui'of  the  people  of  a  olih-r  elime  wouhl  he 
met  and  appre-'iated  hy  "  the  cold  in  Mood."  One 
frDVcrnnient  tliat  slionhl  uiidrrlake  to  U;;ih!ate  tor 
the  pi'oteciioii  of  .-iueli  varied  and  immense  inler- 
esis  would  inevilahlvt  "■■♦  "m"-"*  l"i^  done,  prodnre 
sectional  divisions,  jralousios,  and  liaiivils.  .Sad 
experience  demonstrated  the  truth  of  this  position 
in  the  operation  of  tho  proiee.tivn  tarilV  laws  up  lo 
IkTI;  when,  to  settle  f()r  all  future  lime  the  true 
principle  ot'  Icijislation  on  the  tpiestion  of  dutien 
u)>on  imports,  Mr.  Clay  introdueed  the  relelirati-d 
f'ompromise  act.  The  very  conrepliim,  the  scope, 
the  desiirn  of  llmi  act  was  to  place  upon  record  n 
*'  principle  of  nnitnal  aeconimo<lation  to  satisfy  aM 
far  as  praclicahle  hoth  parties — in  increase  the  sta- 
liilifV  of  ittirleiiislatioii."  Mr.  Clay  and  the  (tlher 
leudini;  friemis  of  the  protective  system  tuul  heen 
tauirlit  hy  the  constant  opposition  it  had  met  wiili 
fVom  the  intcrest.s  wliich  liis  system  lived  upon, 
that  Ifijislatinn  with  retVrence  lo  those  inleresis 
never  cr)uUl  he  stahle,  and  that  he  niustahandon  it  . 
altogether,  or  save  it  liy  a  comproini.se.  lie  wisely 
made  the  hest  terms  he  could;  and  enihotlyin!;  the 
views  of  Mr.  Calhoun  and  CJeneral  Haynr  in  the 
ai i  known  as  the  Coinpr<imise  act,  he  suhmilted  it 
Mil  liehalf  of  the  manut'ucliuini;  iiiteresls.  It  was 
acei  ]*ted  on  hehalf  of  the  fn  (  -n  Mile  and  anli  i>ro- 
tectivu  interests,  and  hr-'anie  a  law  under  ail  ihuse 
solemn  iraaniniecH,  which  all  parties  weri;  aide  lo 
tlirow  arf»und  it. 

Cnder  it  all  duties  on  HOili  June,  1HI2,  were  not 
to  (  x<  red  ;*l)  pt  r  ecni.,  and  were  Uj  he  us.<4eiised  on 
the  ad  valoiem  prinei)>le. 

Its  third  sc'-tinti  provided  that — 

*'  Siicit  ilutics  shall  ill!  liiiil  for  Uie  |iiir|to«e  rif  r:tl  •iiiQ  fiicli 
revriiiir  ii.«i  iti!i>  lir  iii-i-c.->;iry  In  ail  ecoriuiihciil  inliiiiiiJBtra- 
tini)  ol'  lliii  (iiiveruiiH'hI." 

'       Its  sixth  section  provided — 

"TliJitsM  MMK-li  "ftlie  actorihf  I  li!i  July,  I-.'r-J.nr  nfany 
iillicr  net.  a- i^;  iiirnn-i.-.ri'ijMvilli  ■.ur  |irMVt.-ioiis  oi  ilii-  lu-i, 
■hall  tif.aml  Mi'- suie- J- IK  r.-hy.  P-p.'atnj :  /'rorhr-.f,  Thai 
H'tltiiti'.'  Itcrcii)  (iiiit.uiK'il  -hall  In-  so  rtiii-<lriii'il  a-  to  jin  vnit 
I  hi'  |)  i-*.-!u.'e.  priiir  nr  snltsrqiicui  tu  the  ;(iKh  ol' June,  In1',».  ol* 
any  sut  nr  aeiH,  Irnra  liiii'-  to  lime,  ih.it  may  he  iicrf>.-<ary  to 
il»i«'('t,  iircvciil.  or  [tiirii-h  .'va^mns  (ti"  the  iliilif-  "ii  iuipoiiM 
iiii|M».-e(t  hy  law,  ii'ir  In  prrvni  Ilu-  pas-aijr  iil  aay  act,  [irior 
id   till'  ;i(Hh  Jiiiii',  IHI'J,  111  the  (•niitini'.'iH'y  eiiliiT  of  vxfvy>t 

.  iir  ih-fli  ii-iicy  cif  rcvenm-.alii'imy  ihr  rali-^*  nfihiii*  s  on  arll- 
1-1. •;*  ulili-li,  liy  Ihe  afnre-aiil  ad  nf  t  Uh  July,  if'.i-i,  are  siih- 
ifpl  to  a  h'ss  rate  ol'  duly  than  -J'!  pirri-nt.  ad  valiirt>ni,  in 
sn<-h  iriariner  as  nm  to  .vci'td  th  a  rat'-,  ami  ko  ni*  lo  iulju»t 
tlie  revt-ntie  tti  latln  r  oi'saiil  i-(iiiiiii:;fiii  \r^." 

0\}  the  introduclioii  of  this  hill  in  the  Senate,  on 
the  Ii*ih  Keluuary,  IKU,  Mr.  (^lay  made  an  aide 
and  well-dii^ested  speech,  fioni  which  I  shall  make 
the  lollowini;  extracts,  lo  prove  the  eircumstaiices 
iindi-r  wliirli  the  hill  was  enaeied  as  a  law,  and  the 
desimi  which  he  had  In  view: 

'•(iwina,  liKWi'Vcr.  ('^aiil  Mr.  <'Iay.)  fn  a  vaiiily  of  roa- 
<  iirreiil  eau--r.s.  tlif  larill",  as  it  mov  r\i>tr<,  i-*  in  iintiiim-m 
ilitiL"  r ;  and  ititi-  -y-n-ni  can  I"*  pn--rrvi  d  \n  yiml  ilf  iii-st 
soKiitii,  it  tiiunt  III-  by  siriiK!  aican.->  imt  ixov  triihiii  the  nueli 
orhiiiiian  saL'ai'itv. 

'•  And  what !«  Ihe  ju.'t  cotn|)laiiiUit*tliOf.('  who -iiiipiirt  t)ii> 
tarill?  It  is  that  iIm-  finlicy  ul  iIm'  c;uverjiinent  i-*  \arillatiiii{ 
Hill)  aiircrtniii,  niitl  lliiu  ihcr*   i»  no  Midiilily  in  uiir  lc:^it;la- 


tlnn.**  *  *  *  "I  nm  AnxInuDlnrlndntilfmiie  prlmlpln 
of  iiiiilunt  nci'mntiKNlafinii  to  itnll-'ry,  n-'  IliriH  pracileaMi', 
jinih  partiM^f ;  to  liicreii<e  iht*  r*ialiillly  id'oiir  IctdKliitlon  ;  iiimI 
lit  ^Miit)-  ill-tnht  day,  lint  iml  loo  distant,  wlicit  ive  lake  in 
\i<  w  Ihe  nMU'Miliidc  of  tin-  JnlrrotM  uhieli  are  invohed,  to 
hniiK  iltOMi  the  rtUi*  ol' tliines  to  thai  r'vt  iiiic  ftaiiitanl  li'T 
hIn.  h  oiir  opp  iin  niH  have  fo  jun^  c<iiitrtiihil.'' 

Havin;^  next  read  the  thud  xcciiun  of  tho  hill, 
Mr.  C.  said: 

»*  At1ir  Ihi'  e\|ijnuioii  oTn  term  of  yeiir-i.  thin  «'i'llan  laiil 
down  a  nil''  '•>  which  the  ilalhrt  h  ire  in  he  rrdin-rd  lo  thu 

rt'M'iiiie  standaiil,  which  liiul  I a  no  jnn^  and  ko  i-arnc-tly 

i'oii|iMid<-d  hir. 

'■  W'liai  w.H  III!'  priii'iple  whirji  had  iilwa)"  hcfii  coa- 
lenih'd  for  in  llii.'^  iiiid  tin-  idhi-r  Itoii.^c'  'rimt  al\er  Itie  iie- 
cMianlaliun  of  camlai  and  nkill.  thi>  iinnulai  tiinrH  m'oiiIiI 
Miami  alone,  uiialdi'd  hy  (invcrniacnl,  In  I'miipi'miori  mill 
iin|i)trtcil  nrlich'-*  trnnt  nay  iiuarler.  N'nw,  yivc  un  iirn<' ; 
ci'iHe  nil  lliicliiitliniH  and  HKiIalioiiK  lor  nine  umtm,  niid  llin 
inaniifactanrH  in  evt-ry   hnineli   will    Mi-tain    tlnni-^rlM-'i 

iniahi-l  liiri  l«n  c(nn(»  tiiifiii.     If  we  can  cr nr  wa\  ch  arly 

lor  nine  year-*  lociniie,  we  can  Mihly  liuvc  to  |mh|i  ntv  lo 
piMVide  the  ri'..t. 

"  Hill  if  Ihc  uii'a»*are'j|i"nlit  hecarrlctlhycninmon  con-^'iii 
nf  li'titi  parii<  i>,  wc  Hhall  liavi'  all  Mceiiiilv.  Ilihtmy  will 
faitlil'nily  reeonl  the  iran-aeiion,  narral*-  amrer  witai  rirciini- 
-Miircn'tlif  lull  u  :iM  pa-si  d  ;  ili.it  it  wan  a  picil\  iiiff  iiica-- 
iire ;  llial  it  w<i-i  ml  iHiured  frmn  the  vi<<>hcI  of  Ihe  rninn  to 
roiore  peace  and  Inirniiniy  to  Hie  cninilry.  When  all  Ihin 
wax  known,  wluU  ('iMiitre!*!«,  what  la';ri>lalnrc,  would  mar 
III'*  iriinrauti'f,''  What  man,  who  Im  eiiiithd  to  dewirvi*  Ihe 
cli.iiiirtrr  nf  an  Ain^'riran  "tatf-inan.  wimld  -laml  np  in  hi.4 
place,  in  either  llnti-iii  uf  I'onijreriH,  iiml  ilistntti  thi^i  treaty  of 
p<  ace  luidiiniiiy  ?'' 

SucJi,  then,  were  the  viewH  of  the  danirer  whicli 
then  Hiirrounded  the  tnrilV  system,  and  of  ihe  prin- 
ciple upini  which  il  mi?ht  he  allowed  to  exist  for 
nine  years,  enlcrtaim-d  hy  Mr.  Clay.  Such  wan 
the  final  aliaiidoninent  of  ihe  system  of  leijislatin-j; 
with  relVrence  to  certain  local  interests;  and  such  tho 
Koh'inn  pled'^e,  that,  for  the  future,  duties  Mlnnild  ho 
laid  for  the  sole  purpose  of  raising;  such  revenue  as 
miirhl  he  needed  for  an  economical  aihninisiratinii  of 
the  Goveriiinent.  Did  all  jtarlies  i;i\e  in  t heir  adhe- 
sion to  ihatcompronuser  Not  oidy  does  llie  hislnry 
of  that  time,  which  Mr.  Clay  ihen  appealed  to, 
chronicle  ihe  circumstances  under  wliteh  the  act 
passed,  and  tell  us  thalall  parties  united  in  its  sup- 
port, Imt  Mr.  Clay  himself,  on  the  ISth  of  Kehriiary, 
IH-I^,  after  his  party  had  :;ained  the  ascendency, 
.•-aid,  in  the  Senate  (d' the  Cnited  Slates:  *' Thi3 
'  compromise  act  had  the  sanction  of  all  (lie  manu- 
'  facturers,  except,  as  he  had  ohserved  at  that  lime, 
*  qt'tfir  polUicul  unniufiidvrers/* 

And  who  were  the '*  political  ninnufactnrera'* 
who  refused  sanction  lo  this  measure  of  "  peace 
andaniityr"  Perhap.n  the  following  lesolntions, 
(ilfered  on  the  day  after  the  inlroduclion  of  ihe 
4-oinpromise  bill,  may  shed  s(mielii;ht  on  tlie  ({Uea- 
tiim. 

On  the  13th  of  February,  1833,  Mr.  Weijstf.r, 
in  pursuatii »'  n['  notice  ;,^iven  on  the  I2lli,  sent  U) 
the  taide  the  Iiillowini^  resolutions; 

oRr-:;/!*'!/,   Thar   Ihi     aiinnal    ri'vciinc-f    nC   Ihe    ronnlry 

nii[»ht  noi  lo  he  allow' d  to  ixi*e«d   n  just  r,-iimat»'  nt' the 

'  waiilM  of  the  (!<ivi  rnne-nt:  and  that,  a.-  num  uh  it  shall  hir 

a-rertaoi<-d.  \\  iih  ii'a<in;iiih-  crrliuniv,  thai  IJir  rah-  of  dii- 

tw-i  tai  inipori-,  as  I'mahh-^hi-il  hy  the  art  nf  July.  lr^^J.  u  ill 

>iciil   an  exfcsn  over  Iho.^e  \vanl^,  prnvj^inn  inri;|i(   t<i  he 

j  iiiiulu  lor  ihcirrediK  tiuii ;  and  that,  in  niakiiiulht.'^  rcdiicteni, 

'  iiHt  rc::urd  Hlimihl  hi-  had  to  the  vatioiiri  inten-ts  and  opm- 

ion*  of  dilfrrcnl  |v>rtuuis  uf  ttu*  cuunlry,  ^o  a.s  nioitl  f'lli  r- 

I  tnally  to  |>r<"'<''^^'''  tti>'  inti  irrit>  and  harmony  of  ih<>  ('ni<>n, 

I  and  i<i  pro\iil<-  tor  Ihe  (-ninmtui  difence  uiid  pnam'tc  ihu 

I  general  wtlliio'  iti'  the  uh'dc. 

I  "Hut  wlii'rea:<  ii  h  Krlain  that  tin-  dirniniHion  ot' thn 
ratcH  of  ilutii'H  nn  m'Ikc  arli'le^  would  iiicr<a-e  i.i-i  ad  nf 
rciliK  JUL'  llic  niryicsaic  anmioit  of  nvemie  nn  m-h  artufH, 
and  wheiras,  la  rcirard  to  -iirh  aruch's  as  it  lian  l>«v  n  tho 
till' pnliey  ol  tiic  ccniritrii  t<>  iind- it,  a  sliaht  ri'diKiinn  ea 
niic  niiidit  prndncc  is  iidial  injury,  ami  >vrii  ili-^in -^  to 
larue  ('ln.-!ics  of  tin-  <-<iminitnity.  weilc  anoilirr  mii^tii  iicar 
a  larger  o'lliielli'ii  \\i:iiont  any  muIi  iihi'I'iH' imt- ;  and 
wheiias,  aU'i.  tlirre  an'  iiianj  aiiiflc-j  tlir  iluMt-j  mi  uhicli 
iniulit  lie  reihn  r<|.  (>r  alt'-unher  iiIimIi^Im  d.  Wilhuni  pimli!- 
einti  iniy  oUicr  eitii-t  than  tin.'  rchicuoii  of  ruvcnau — ilitre- 
fore, 

'  ltr^'>licil.  That  in  ri'diirina  ihe  rates  of  iliitii-s  iinfdsi  d 
on  iin|>ort->  hy  lhi>  art  ot  I  lili  .Inly  alun-aid,  it  i<  not  u  i-.'  or 
jiidu  naisiopnii'i  I'd  hy  waj  ol  an  e.,iid  r'^din-ii'in  pt'i  ciniani 
(HI  all  ariK-h-s;  hat  that  a.-^  well  tin-  ani'iimi  a>  the  ttiiir' of 
o'llijiiiMii  iiiiu'i't  I"  I'e  lived,  in  re.spi'i  t  lu  Iln-  s*  vi-ral  aitn  I<'h 
ili-iint-ily,  ha\in>:  clue  r<  lmiiI,  in  i  a<-h  ca.-c,  in  the  tpirsiina!* 
«ll' Ihti'tlie  prnpnscd  rt-diiclii'ii  «  Ml  lltVt-cl  r<\rnMi'  ah>iii', 
nr  huw  far  ll  will  cip-rale  injiirJnii-;|y  on  tli"-c  i[imiic>Iic 
inannfarinrci*  hilherio  prutecri'd,  esp'cially  sii'-h  as  are 
<  >-t'ntial  III  time  nf  war.  and  such  alsH  us  have  hi'tii  t  smU- 
hsnt-d  on  (lie  fairh  (»f  •■vi-Uni!  laws;  and  alKA'e  all.  !i'>w  far 
sMi-h  prn|)nM-d  ri'dnciinn  will  ailcci  the  ratcsi  uf  wayi-n  ami 
lht>  earniiit|!.sof  Ainoii<  aa  maaiial  hilior." 

" /icfo/errf.  That  since  the  pinplr  of  the  l.'niled  Hlales 
Iiuvr  deprivt-d  ihr  Stati-  4;<i\frnnn'ni;i  of  all  power  of  fnx- 
Itrinii  inaniifainm',  Imwivi  r  imli-pi-a.-ahle  in  pi-ai-i*  or  ja 
\var,  or  hnwvcr  inipnrtatii  lo  natii'md  indepi'iHh'm'e,  hy 
coinnif-Ti'iid  n-unlatiniiH,  ni  hy  la>inii  duMei^  on  ini|H)rl.-,  anil 
liiive  traintl'Tred  llie  wh«<lc  HUiliority  tn  maka  Kucb  rugulii- 


IIIM-l|tlA 
IlC'lllll', 

•  Ml ;  liriil 
l.'iki'  til 
ilviil.  In 
itiiril  li>r 

loliill, 


Inn  hii.l 

III 

1  lIlM 

in 

i-lly 

•  ■11 

cnii. 

III 

'  IK* 

v\ 

lllllll 

III 

IMIll 

»  1 

III'' ; 

nil 

1  IIIK 

it« 

Iws 

rl 

1  rl 

;iilv 
>  I'l 

.11  >   will 


afh-H  CoNO In  Sk89. 

ili'iH,  iiiiil  111  luy  i-iirli  liiitti'..  Ill  ihH  rmigri'iiii  of  till-  lliilli'il 
Hl.iti'a,  CiiiUfi-o'  <'iiiiii"l  Hiirii'iiili  r  or  iiliniiikiii  mrh  |miwit 
■'iiiii|iiilllily  Willi  111  I'liiinliliilliiMiil  iliilv  ■■  iilnl  llMTrliiru 

"  Kiiu/ivil,  'I'lial  nil  law  inmlii  m  hi.  |iii-^ij,|  ,,|,  n,,.  .iii>j,.,.| 
III' liii|iii<tH  niMiHintiiff  liny  Hlipnliitiiin,  i'\|iri->'M  iir  tnipln-il, 
<ir  iiivliiit  iiiiy  |ili'il|io  iir  ii»iiriiiii'i',  ilirwi  ..r  iniliri'ii,  wliicli 
•liiill  ii  nil  111  rr<lriiiii  Ciiiiiirriis,  HI  nil  iiiii»  liiTriillir,  111'  nil 

>l«  I "Illiillniiiil  |)ii»i'r<,  III  nil  nil!  iinMiiniilili'  iiriiliTlnni  In 

Ann  rii'iin  liiiliir>tr> ,  f-iiniir'r\'iiiliinj  llii'  |i<ilii<y  or  Inn-lKH  lin- 

liiiii",  iiiiil  inuliilainliig  tli«  Hiilinliinll  il  inilipi'inh-ni I  llic  , 

I'lllliMl  Hl;lH'i.'i  i 

Till!  iilnivc  ri'Hiiliiliiiii!!,  Mr.  rimirniuii,  ilumirh 
Inn;;,  will  well  icpny  (•iinniiliTnliiiii.     When  liikcii 
in  I'liiiiii'xinn  Willi  tin'  rrmiliiliiiiiH  iif  the  Niirm' ijin-  | 
tirmiiii  in   IS'il),  lUvy  will  |irnv(!  Iiiiii  to  hnvr  hcon  ' 
oiir  111'  "(ftf  jio/((irn/ niannracliirriH"  iilludcd  In  liy  i 
Mr.  CIny.     ('nniinirn  llio  iirini'ipli'ii  (•niilninrd  in  | 
llir  Uyii  N'Ms,  Mir,  nnil  it  will   lio  sicn  tliiil  llic  nni- 
Wiliuional  views  (if  iliin  (rrrai  "  oxiiiiniiiler  of  the  ' 
("iinj|iluliiiii"clinii!;r(liis  llic  piirsnilHiif  Ni-w  Kn;;- 
liiiul  cliiiii'.'fili  ilmi  in  iH-iil,  when  New  F'.ii^'liiml  , 
liad  Inn  fi'W  niaiinrminricn.liciliilarcd  lliat"luxrs  ' 
'  ini|iiiscil  I'.ir  iho  hiiIo  liciiifil  iif  any  cme  r\i\nn  nf  ' 
'  men  WPi-eriinally  iiiciinnislriit  with  the  prinripIcK 
'  nf  (iiir  ('onstiliitiiin.anil  with  sniiad  poliey;"  and 
thai  in  IKi:i,  M-hen  New  KiiL'laiid  had  heennie  a  irreal 
inannfai'liinns  eniinliy,   he   expresNcd    liin   helief 
lli.il  "  Ciinu'iTss  rnnnut  enrrendir  nr  nlinndiin  sneh 
("uver  [nf  fnsleriliu  ninnnfai-tiires"  liy  "  layin?  (In- 
lii'.s  nil  nnnnrls,]  eninpalilily  with  ils'eoiiHlitiituiiial 
duly!"     In    |K-)(),  he  spnke  nf  the   pretence  that, 
"  until  the  prnpnsed   larilV,  nr  some  .similar  meas-  i 
'me  lie  adnpied,  we  are,  and  shall   lie,  dependent  I 
'on   fiirei^iieia   fur  fnli.si.sieiire   and   defenee,"  an' 
"  fall.ii'inii.x  and  fancil'iil;"  while  in  I8:).1  hcile.sircd 
diitie.s  III  he  impiiseil  "  Imvin^'  due  regard,  in  eneh 
ease,  tn  the  (|iieNliiiii.i,"  "  how  far  it  would  operate 
'  iiijnrionsly  on  tliiiMe  ilnnvfttie  irianiifaeliires  liilh- 
'  erin  prnteeied,  and  expueiallij  mieh  ns  are  essential 
'  in  lime  nf  war;"  deelarinij;   Iheni   tn  he  "  indi.i-  ' 
peiisalile  in  peaec  or  war,"  and  In  he  "  important 
til  naiinnal  independence."     In  ISrH)  he  deemed 
"  lii;;h  liniinlies  on  smli  domestie  ninniifaeturesas 
'  are  priiieipiilly   hcncfiled   liy  that  inrilF  to  fiivor 
'  sreat  oapilalisls  rather  than   pergonal  industry:" 
and    III    |H.'):t  declared   the   principle  thai  the  tariff 
lieiieficially  all'ei-ted   "  the  rates  of  wai;eN  and   the 
cariiinL'.s  of  American  manual  lalior."     In  ]H'J)  he  ' 
niaiiilained  that  "the  tarilf,  and  the  principles  on  ' 
'  which  it  is  avowedly  fnnnded,  wonld,  if  adopted, 
'  have  a  tendency  tn  liiininish  the  indn.'<try,  impede 
'  the   nrosperily,  and   corni|il  tlie   moiuls  of  the 
'  people;"  and  in  IKi;),  in   his  place  in  the  Senate, 
tivowed   that   "a  Nlii;lit  rednctioii"  of  literate  of 
duty  "  npnn   nne  ini^'lu  pnnltice  essential  injury, 
'  and  even  distress,  on  lar^'c  classes  of  the  eommii- 
'  iiiiy;"  and  that  the  policy  was  necessary  "  lofjivc 
'  reasnnahle  protcclinn  to  .American industry, eoun- 
'  lervail  the  policy  of  forei';ii  nations,  and  maintain 
'ihesiilisiantialindcpcndeiiceoftlietlniti'd  States."  i 
Mow  slran^c'ly  at  variance  the  dilVeront  views  cn- 
lerlaiiicd   of  the  "  constitittional    duty"   of  Con- i 
{;it.ss,  and  of  the  policy  of  piiiiiciinn,'at  these  two 
p(;rio(l.s  of  lime  liy  ihis  "  expounder  nf  the  Con- 
Htitiitinn'"— at  nne  period  earnestly  adhering;  tn  that 
.s.icrii|inutruiiieMl,iindal  the  ntlier  ^'riissly  inmiind- 
I'lil  nf  its  stern  nlili^'atinn.";  at  the  nne  fieriod  rep- 
resenting no  iiiierest  which   iTipiired  action  "  in- - 
ennsistentwith  the  principles  nfnnr  t.'nnslitutini.:" 
at  the  nther  advnialui^'  an  inti  rest  which  demand-    \ 
ed  and  received  an  "aliandonment"  of  his  "eonsli- 
Intional  duty." 

There  is  one  principle,  however,  Mr.  riinirman, 
which  I  wish  the  fnllowers  of  .Mr.  Wclister  to  ob- 
serve particularly  in  these  two  sets  of  resolulinns.  'i 
It  is  coinmiin   tn  linth,  and  the  only  nne  nn  which 
lie  had  iiiitchan:,'ed.     In  IHrill  he  d'eclared  ihat  the 
iidiiplinii  nf  the  larilf  impnsnii;  diniis  fnr  proicc- 
lion,  wniild  enmnci  the  farmer  to  "<;ive  more  than 
'  lie  now  lines  for  all  he  laiys,  and  receive  less  fnr   ' 
'  all  he  sells."    In  lKi;i  he  likewise  says  that  "  the 
'  iliniiniitinn  of  the  rales  of  (lutn«  on  some  articles  j 
•  would  increase   instead  of  reduce  the   nj!;re<;ale  ' 
'  aniiiuiit  of  revenue  nn  such  articles."    The  arjii-  r 
nient  now  iirited  tn  ihis  cnmmittee  in  favor  of  pm-  '\ 
tection   is   the  very  reverse— it  is  that   proteeiion    ; 
will  enable  the  farmer  to  "  ^ive  (cm  than  he  would 
wiihoul  protection   for  what  he   Iniys,  and   to  re- 
ceive HKirc  fnr  what  he  sells;"  also,  tliat  the  "dirn- 
inulioii  of  rates  oi'duty"  umii.  .iplated  liy  this  hill    \ 
will  iltnrase  instead  of  increase  the  revenue.     On  ,' 
this  point,  I  will  also  here  (luiiie  Mr.  Clay,  in  18;t3, 
wlin  saiil,  "it  maybe  taken  as  n  rule,  that  the  (iuty 
upon  nn  article  forms  a  portion  of  its  price."     I 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Ynnny. 


lio.  ur  Kf.pr, 


wiili  c'tillpmen  who  derm  MpMnrn.  Cliiy  nnd  Wcli- 
ster to  be  the  wisest  slalesmeli  nf  the  a-re,  In  enni- 
pai'i'  thcHe  npiiiiniis  willi  the  fiinlish  dn;.rnia  that 
,  "  liii;li  iliilieH  inakeehenp  prices." 

•Such,  then,  Mr.  Cliaiiinaii,  was  the  posiilnn 
nMsiimeil  by  Mr.  Webster  in  |h;I3.  Itiit  in  ihal  he 
represented  "the  political  inaniil'iicliirerH"  of  thy 
day,  and  found  no  diinciilly,  therefore,  in  iiuikin^; 
his  poliiical  views  cont'orni  In  his  pnsitinn. 

The  cnmprniniHe  bill  passed  by  a  lary;!'  inajnrity, 
and  it  is  iinderstnnd  that  all  parlies  f.'ave  in  their 
adhesion  to  ii.  I'pon  one  pari  it  has  been  faith- 
fully observed.  No  efl'nrt  has  ever  been  made  by 
the  free-trade  men  to  disturb  it.  The  Democratic 
p.irly  has  ever  plcdi;ed  il.self  to  its  observance. 
The  Wliii;  party  did  the  same  up  In  the  passai;e 
of  the  "black  tarilf  nflH4'3."  (ieneral  Ilarrisnn, 
II  Whi:;  candii'ate  fnr  the  I'residencv  in  IKIfi,  and 
lilt  Whiu'  candidate  for  the  nllicc  in  1840,  snieninly 
plcdi.'eil  him:<elf  to  the  same  act.  In  a  letter  writ- 
ten In  the  lion.  J.  M.  Berrien,  of  Cieor^ia,  Novem- 
ber 4,  IH.'Ki,  and  republished  by  .Mr.  lierrien  in 
JH40,  and  endorsed  by  General  Harrison  during' 
that  eventful  canvass,  he  said:  "Good  faith  and 
'  the  peace  and  harmony  nf  the  Union  do,  in  my 

*  npininn,  reipiire  that  the  compromise  of  the  tnrili*, 
'  known  as  Mr.  Clay's  bill,  should  be  carried  out 
'  nceorilins  In  its  spirit  and  intent." 

(ieneral  Harrison  and  the  Whiir  parly  came  into 
power  in  1840,  and  had  therefore  the  execution  of 
the  Compromise  ni't,  at  the  date  when  all  dntii's 
were  to  be  broujtiil  down,  so  as  "  nol  to  exceed  'JO 
per  centum,"  In  he  assessed  on  the  ad  valorem 
principle.  Ill  wit:  the  ,10ih  June,  I84i.  In  n'tici- 
palioii  of  that  event,  and  just  before  he  left  Con- 
i;reNs,  M».  Clay,  on  the  Ifith  of  Kebrnary,  IH4^!, 
intrndnced  into  the  Senate  n  series  of  resnlntions. 
I  will  read  the  second,  third,  and  fourth,  as  appli- 
cable to  the  issue: 

"  -Jil.  UcHOlreil,  That  hiicIi  nn  nilPfiimte  revenue  ennnoi  he 
nlilaincit  liy  (liiticf*  na  Inrclitii  liiipnrts,  wiltiniit  nitnpliau  n 
liialicr  rule  of  duty  tlinii  -JO  per  eeat.,  lu-^  prnviiled  ibr  hi  the 
('niii|iniinise  act,  which,  iil  the  time  of'lts  piiMHiine,  wii.isnii- 
piiseil  anil  aHcaiiicil  iim  a  nitni  tlilil  woiili)  Mipply  a  »iaflicii-nt 
revenue  liir  an  ccuiiiiinical  lulaiiaislrulioii  of  tiie  (joverii- 
uicni. 

";tii.  TIml  the  rale  of  ihiliefi  on  f^irciiai  ini|iort.i  nncht  to 
tic  iiuuineiitcil  heyoinl  QO  nnrcclit.,  i^ii  lis  to  prodiiee  a  net 
reviaiiiu  of  twenty  »ix  iniliioiii4  ordollnrK,  &e. 

'•■IMl.  Tliiit  in  tlic  niljiHlineiil  nf  iln>  larilf  to  raise  an 
anioiiat  of  Iweaty-six  aiilliniiH  of  revenue,  tlie  princitiIcK  of 
tile  ('iilnpriinii^e 'net  liciierillly  1.11011111  lie  nillicreil  to;  iiiid 
lhal  e.-iieeially  a  ainxiinnin  niie  of  nil  vnlnrMii  (liitic<i  -lioiild 
In:  cstniihilii'il,  fruiii  wliirti  llicre  oiiulit  In  he  il^  little  ilrpiiit- 
llre  ail  |in>silile." 

Here,  then,  was  another  solemn  recosnition  of 
the  biiidini;  force  of  the  Compromise  act;  and  it 
was  not  only  that,  .\lr.  Clialrnnm,  but  it  Vy'as  an 
in^jiinction  to  establish  "  a  rate  of  ad  valorem  duties 
friim  which  th"re  should  be  ns  little  departure  as 
possible." 

In  traciiis;  legialntion  on  Ihis  question  up  to  1842, 
we  have  found  two  i;ieat  fiee-trade  principles  to 
have  been  acl\nowleil:;eil  and  a^n'eed  upon  as  the 
"  principle  of  mutual  accommndatinn,  to  satisfy  as 
far  as  practicable  linili  parties,  and  to  increase  the 
sialiility  of  le^islaiinn,"  lowii:  1st.  that  "duties 

*  shall  lie  hull  for  Ihr  purjwsc  e/'n;I.staif  such  revt  iii/r 
'  as  may  be  necessary  to  an  economical  mlmiiiis- 
'  nation  of  tiiivernmenl :"  and,  'Jd.  "Ihat  such 
'  dnties  shall  be  assessed  on  the  ad  valorem  priiiei- 
'  |ile."  Wc  have  the  opinion  and  evidence,  loo, 
of  the  e;ieal  aullior  of  this  system  of  proleeiion, 
(Mr.  Clay,)  and  of  its  ^rcat  attorney  and  advo- 
cate, (Mr.  Webster,)  that  u  duty  upon  an  article 
becomes  u  part  of  il.s  price;  that  ili  crease  of  diiliis  ; 
inere;ises  "  the  a^ji^reu'iUe  Hinoiint  nf  revenue  on 
such  articles;"  and  that,  under  the  system,  the 
farmer  is  forced  to  ei\e  more  for  what  he  buys, 
and  to  receive  less  lor  what  he  sells.  One  would 
nauirally  su]ipose  that,   iiDer  thirty  years  of  such 

experiei ,  and  after  the  solemn  compact  of  ]^X1, 

the  system  would  have  been  !,'racefii!!y  yiel.leil, 
and  the  Cniistilulion  more  striclly  adhe-: ,!  10  in  all 
afier  imposiiion  of  duties.  Not  so.  however,  sir, 
was  the  re.-iilt.  That  infant  which  .Mr.  Chiy  .said 
he  laid  found,  was  about  to  be  stran;;Ied  in  its  cra- 
dle, and  which  he  had  snalclicd  from  damper  and 
placed  upon  a  bed  of  repose,  where  it  was  agreed  ' 
It  slinidd  have  nine  years  to  rest,  and  rei  riiit,  and  , 
•;rnw  in  slreii;;th,  in  order  to  enable  it  tn  stand 
thereafter,  "unaided  by  Government,  i;i  competi- 
tion willi  foreis;n  imports,"  had,  indc.d,  r,rnwn  to 
such  eiant  size  upon  the  bed  wtiicii  free-traders  as 
well  as  prutectionista  hail  smoothed  for  it,  and  had 


irunrded  Oniii  nil  (lan^pr,  that  at  the  elnxn  nf  ihn 
nine  ye.irs  no  pnwer  could  piivi  nl  its  iii;aiii  fn.d- 
i  iiiiiu'  iiself  npnn  the  h'eileriil  tieiisnry.  The  act  of 
IHI'J  passed  iiitn  law,  viiilniini;  in  its  pais  i^e  every 
inproniiNe  act  —  Hpiirniiif^  aNiue 


pnneiple  of  the  ( 

every  pledffe  which  had  bicn  made  by  its  frain 
Iraiiiplin^'  upon  every  iiriiiciple  held  vulnable  III 
political  eoimiHleni  y  and  political  faith!  And  yet 
we  are  lohl,  that  if  we  rc|ieal  it  now,  we  shall  bo 
but  (.'ivin:;  the  vioild  ;iniiiher  evidence  of  loeo-foco 
love  nf  deslruclion,  and  hatred  of  Americiin  labor! 
Mr.  Chairman,  the  act  of  lH.|i>,  w  as  passed  by  the 
proteclionisis,  aided  by  the  en  at  and  unlooked-for 
necessities  of  the  .Slate  at  llial  lime.  The  treasury 
was  eniply.  The  laws  for  the  cnllectinii  of  rev- 
enue were  eX[iiriii^'.  The  day  of  final  ndjoiirn- 
nient  agreed  iipnii  by  Con;;rcss  was  at  hand.  A 
:;reat  eonllicl  about,  llie  laiiil-dislrilniiioii  clause  had 
prevenled  the  passni;e  of  the  larilV  law  at  an  earlier 
dale.  Parties  had  bi:cnnie  deeply  exasperated. 
To  save  the  eonntry  iVniii  Intal  bankniptcy,  and 
the  evils  of  beiin;  llnnded  with  goods  paymt;  no 
duty,  that  act  was  finally  passed.  It  passed  llio 
Senate  by  onr  majnrity.  It  received  I  iit  iwn  Ito- 
nincratie  vnles.  If  either  had  refused  In  viile  for 
it,  it  would  not  have  become  11  law.  Their  opin- 
ions, therefore,  in  voliii;;  for  that  bill,  are  the  licst 
sources  to  apply  to  10  know  w  hither  it  was  de.-if;ncd 
to  be  the  permanent,  fixed  policy  of  the  (iovern- 
nieiit,  or  whether  it  was  not  expressly  avowed 
thai  it  should  be  repealed,  and  iinlicc  ihus  given 
lo  all  concerned  that  it  was  ii  temporary  iiieasiire. 
I  read  11  few  extracts  from  the  remarks  of  Mr. 
Uiiehanan  on  the  larilf  act  of  1843,  made  in  llio 
Senate  on  the  iJTili  of  August,  1843; 
"I  mlaiii  most  clicerrnllv  Unit  ilie  lull  Ih  eilravnitnnt  In 

llie  prnliennn  Hlllcll  it  lliliinlri,  liial,  ill  Home  illf'lancci'.  IH 
llltniicllier  prnliitill>>r>'.  It  ii  a  hlil  of  wlliell  I  llo  not  a)l 
pnae,  anil  liir  wlinii  I  unlllil  not  vnle,  uere  it  lint  fnr  the 
pre-ent  anpiirntleti  il  euniiilinn  of  tlie  e.\ir.tin|j  taw,  llie  tn  un- 
ary, mill  tlie  eollalry. 

"  I  hIihII  ill |ii  tlri-*  now,  as  much  the  leniii  of  two  evilii ; 

and  look  forwiiril  with  Imp-  to  tii'lier  tiiiKiH,  I'nr  nil  iiiljiii't- 
nu-nt  of  the  larilf  on  a  fi-iiti'  iiiore  eon...oimiit  with  all  the 
yreiit  anil  various  iiilere-tH  of  llie  Union,  willlout  Heelion!*." 

Honorable  Mr.  Wright  said,  on  the  same  day: 
<i'I'he  altcrnativr   |>ie-ciiteil,  llicii,  Is  tliiii  liill  or  mine. 

.Anil  the  ill  ep  and  ilelili>-riit iioietinn  nl  Ins  mind  wan, 

licit  Ihis  hill  ^hnlllll  pu.-».  liiid  mid  loailcd  Willi  deli  ei.s  n»  he 
b:-licvi-d  It  In  he,  riilher  than  lhal  none  ithnnld  |iiiio<.'* 

Tlie.se  extracts  show  that  nothing  but  the  extra- 
ordinai-y  exigencies  of  the  treasury,  at  that  parlic- 
iilar  period,  induced  those  two  disiiiiguished  Sen- 
aloia  to  vole  for  that  bill.  They  show  that  those 
Senators — the  saviours  of  the  bill — iloenud  itio  be 
abominable  in  its  dehiils  and  principles;  that  it 
was  "  Inadeil  wilii  del'i  cts;"  that  "  it  was  cxtrav- 
iigaiit  in  the  prntcctinn  it  alTnrded;"  and  that  it 
was,  "  in  some  instances, altogether  prohibitory." 
They  show  that  both,  in  giving  the  vntes  that 
passed  the  measure,  looked  "  forward  with  hope 
tn  better  times  for  an  ailjiistment  of  the  laritf"  on 
dilferenl[irineijiles.  Passed,  ihcn,in  acknowledged 
vi'ilaiion  of  the  compromise,  which  pledged  all 
p.irties  lo  revenue  duties,  and  against  "  prohibito- 
ry" nnd  "  exlravagant  proleeiion"  dniies,  and 
which  pledged  all  parlies  10  "  ml  viiliirrm"  duties, 
and  against  the  specifics  and  miniimims  with  which 
that  act  is  full,  sliall  we  be  now  accused  nf  an  al- 
tempt  to  destrov  the  industry  of  Me  country,  and 
to  prostrate  the  labor  of  the  com  ry — of  annttenipt 
to  legislate  upon  "abstractions,"  if  we  now  repeal 
lliat  aboiniiiable  law— if  now,  thai  "the  better 
times"  have  arrived  w'un  a  )iarty  is  in  pnwer  sol- 
emnly pledged  tn  "ai.jiisl  the  tarilV  on  a  scalo 
mnre  consonaiii  w  iih  all  ihe  great  nnd  various  in- 
terests of  the  country,  without  sections,"  wc  pro- 
ceed to  do  so  ? 

I  think  lint,  sir.  The  coin. try  expects  this  at 
onr  hands.  l'\ir  the  first  time  siiice  the  passage  of 
the  act  of  1^^4•.^,  we  ;ire  in  condition  to  redeem  our 
promises.  AVe  have  a  President  who  is  sound  on 
this  issue;  we  have  n  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
who  is  engaged  heart  nnd  soul  in  the  great  eniiso 
of  iVee  trade;  we  have  a  majnrity  in  the  Senate,  and 
a  Democratic  m.ajiirity  nf  about  sixty  votes  in  this 
House.     It   is  now  .seven   nionihs  since   we  met 

[  here.     A  bill  has  liecn  reporled  liy  the  Commitleo 

I  of  Ways  and  Means  on  the  ad  valorem  principle, 
with  rates  of  diilies  calculaled  tn  raise  such  revenue 

,  as  may  be  needed  by  the  Government.  What 
have  been  the  demonstrations  made  upon  it,  thus 
far?    Why,  sir,  Ueinesentatives  from  Pennsylva- 

•  nia,electe(l  as  Democrats,  styling  themselves  mem- 


.J 


i 


91W5 


iJ})TH  CoNO I»T  SeHS. 


AIM'KNDIX  TO  TIIK  CONCJUFSSFONAIi  OT,()RK. 

'  Uc  TariJI—Mr.  Ymrii/. 


fJiino  30, 


ilo.  OF  Ukps. 


twill  4>(' llii' ?rint  MiniiM'riiiii'  |"«riy,  Imvr  immiimI, 
Willi  lino  (iiii^li^  mill  liiillmnt('xi'('|iiiiiii,  |Mr.  W'li.- 
«iiiT,)  ni;iiiiinl  niiy  iiMililiiiiliiin iil'llii'  lnnll'nl'  IH4".'. 
'riiiiii';li  lliii  f;riMt  Iknih'  wlii'li  ilivjilrH  |iiiriii':«  Im 
tliKt  iirinxMliiiii  mill  I'xpi'iiiliiiiri' — IWi'  im  i|iii'Kiiiiii 
iiliniil  our  Ciiri'ii.'ii  ii'hiliiin.'i  I'liii  lir  rniwiiU'iril  iif<  a 

p:irly  IMSllC' — ll|>ill|  ll  we  I'lllll  llir  lllllliinl  nilil'l' lr{l- 
rcHriiUlltiiii  iii'dfiiiornillr  I'riiilNylvitlliil  iilfiiiilNl  liH  ! 
'riiMii!.'li  ihcir  m'l'iit  mill  >'l>ii|iii'iii  Niiiii'Kiiiiiii  I  Mr. 
Hii('tiMiiMi)|  |iriiiiiiiiiii'ril  till!  iii'l  III  l>r  H'l  uliici-iinti- 
nMi,  mill  viiti'il  liir  il  uiili  llii' iiviiwrij  li'i|>i'  ihiil 
"  III  Hit  tiiitrn'*  wiHilil  ^<uv\  nrnvf  in  wlii'-li  In  it- 
nili'ir't  II,  1111(1  iliri'w  lii^  liM|M'.-i  ;iim|  liJHrli:ir*ii'tiT  Tor 
jinltlit'ill  roli^lNlcili'V  II|"HI  lIll'  .■irliull  w  llirli  lii>  mill 
inn  iViniiln  iinilii  |iiirsiii'  in  iIiuhc  "liiinr  iimrN," 
yi'l  Htill  itir  llnnoi-nii-y  <il' l*t'nMsylv:iiii'!  rot'iisi'^  to 
niil  ill  iiN  rrmliiiHliiinit,  miil  IiuMh  out  liir  ilH  **  tx- 
li'.niiL;mil  |in>lr.'lii>n" — ii.h  "  lUMliiliiliiry "  iliiliis! 
Am  I  wroi):;  wlifii  I  say  tlial,  in  my  liniiililr  ii|tiM-  ' 
inn,  nurd  n  I'lnirwi'  i^  iiinri'  i'niii|Kiiilili'  wiili  ilir 
WhiL',  llimi  v.lli  till'  llrmni'iiiiic.  iliii-lriiii'.'  Anil 
wniilil  II  mil  l<i'  I'll'  iirlli'i'  I'm'  liiiMi  iiarlii  K  tliiil  llii'sr 
'rcii'lrincii  NlMiniii  rmii:!'  tlicniTlvrN  wilh  llmsr  , 
Willi  uliinn  llii'y  iliiiik  mi  iIicm  ;.'i'nii  mii'siinpy,  ' 
r.iiliiT  llimi  I'l'iimin  in  in'ii  Htinnliliii'.'-lilni'li  in  ilmsr 
who  liill'ir  Willi  llicni  nllci','iil'iT  r  'I'lir  liiiiiK'  (|iii  s- 
limi  IH  nil  liineiT  II  |ii'mniiii'iil  isKiic  IwUviiii  llii' 
iHii  |iiirt!cs.  'I'lic  hallli'  n|ii>ii  il  lia.i  ln'i'ii  rmi^'lil 
mid  won.  ',  ih'  'I'i'Xmi  Mini  Hrfi^mi  (|iirNUotiH  mr 
iHi  Iniiu'iT  iini'.ilimi.s  •il'ililVi  ri'iii'i'  liriwiiii  ux.  'I'licy 
li.uc  lirrii  Mf'tijt'il.  'I'lir  iiiilv  ifal  r.nliral  |iriin'i[ili'N 
ot'ilill'i'i'i'tin'  ri'iniiiniiii:  In  iriviilr  tin'  iH'opU'  nf  llic 
roiiniry  is  tlial  nl'ilii'  cxi  iciw  nl'ilic  laxiii','  |uiw('r, 
wliii'li  inrliiilcN  tliiU  iiriliHlmi'si'iiiriifH.  Ami  iipim  ' 
thai.  I'rinisylvania  llii'nws  Iweiily-llu'i'o  lo  dkc 
n'raiii8t  mi  ! 

Mr.  ('Iiiiirmnn,  it  cannot  lie  itiNirni'i'il  llint  niir 
pi'iMi'i|ili'H  arc  ili.'i.'*iiiiilai' — niir  IcicisL-iiinn  ih  iIis- 
siiiiiliir— .'iiiil  that  »c  m'c  iiiily  In^'illicr  in  a  syNlini 
I'f  parly  iii'u'amzaiinii.  Anil  wliat  liiivi' wc  In  aril 
llii-i  niin'miii;  ('mm  Oiiin.' — a  lU^'laralinii,  Ity  mi- 
lli'iniy,  I'rcMii  one  nf  iia  Diniiiii' iiic  (N'lr'_-iitinn, 
dial  il'icy  ran  ilcl'cal  lliis  iiill.  anil  iliai  ilu'y  will  ilc- 
fcai  lli.s  liili: — tliat  llicy  mill. I  iini,aiiil  wmilil  nnt 

Vnir  I'nr   11  laX    nil    lia    mill    I'nd'rc,  licrail^c    il  Was 

"  I'll'  iinnr  niair."!  rcl'rcsliincrl  when  lie  caiiu'  linmc 
ri'nm  lii.4  inil."  .\iid  yri  tlii'sr  same  ^'I'lilliincii 
liiur  aiinnnni'cd  lli.ii  liny  li'id  irjri'i  d  In  "  snppnrt 
llii'  miii'iiilnii'iit  ninnd  liy  ilm  ;;i'iuli'inaii  I'mm 
Ni w    Vnrk,"  (.Mr.  Ill  \nMiriiiM>.|     Alilandyii 

liny  wniilil  mil  t:'.x  "  lln  | r  man's  rcfrcsliincni !" 

Why,  sir,  till'  anii'iiilminl  llnv  say  ilicy  will  sup-  | 
pint  iiirriii.M«  llic  la.x  nn  wnniji'ii  ^nmls,  mnl  <  nl- 
tnii  ^ninls,  and  irnii  L'nnds,  I'lnm  I'lvf.  In  (en  pir 
•'cmum  !  What  dn  the  pnnr  clnlln:  ilicinsiKis 
Willi  In  cmiiilrracl  llir  iii.lcnu'iii  cnlils  id'  Oliin 
winli'i's.'     Arc  nnt  wmilli  n  ami  I'niinn  ^mids  iisi  il  ■ 

liy   iliciii?     And  nf  wliai   inaicrnil  mi'    llic    | r 

man's  axe,  and  line,  mid  spade,  and  sryllic, 
and  tracc-i'liain,  anil  innis,  in  ()liin.=  Are  tlic'y  nni 
iifirnn.-  .Viidyit  tlic  linllnw  prelencc  i.f  set  up 
Inie  that  it  is  nn  "  ihc  pnnr  man's"  accmint  that 
thisDhin  dcmoriaey  have  this  mnrniii;;  risnlved 
lo  opp.Me  the  hill  III'  the  cnminiilee,  when  iit  the 
(mine  lime  llicy  are  ready  In  lax  tin  se  arlielia  of 
prime  iieceHsily,  from  live  In  ten  perccntiini  higher 
than  wc  desire  todn.'  Sir,  ihe  Inie  reason — the 
.strnnier  rensmiN,  at  liast,fnr  ihis  move  on  t!ic 
part  of  ihe  speaker,  in  my  hnmlile  opinion,  are  tn 
lie  fniind  in  llint  ntlier  portinii  of  llic  ^'enilem.m's 
Kpeeeli  which  cnnsiiiiilcd  ihe  huidcn  of  his  laineiii; 
"  Ohio  i.i  the  third  .Stale  in  lliis  Union;  and  yet 
'  what  has  she  sjni  from  tins  Adininisliatinn  •     lias 

*  she  a   fnrcii^n  minister ?      Nnt  cin.'.     \  char'/c.'    i 
'  >int  line.      A  cniisulship  of  the  first  clii.'-s-      .\ol 

*  one,"  tV''.  "  Onr  citi/i  ns  have  hecn  stuiliniisly 
'  excluded  I'rnni  .dninsi  a!l  piihlic  ndiccs.''  "  If  onr 
'  people  cjinnnt  have  ihiirsiiare  of  olil.e  and  iiidn- 
'  ince,  ihey  shall  have  il,  at  h-a-^t,  of  ilie  cnmfnris  nf 
'  life."  Aiel  ihls  is  what  the  ^enileinan  finni  iHiin 
[.Mr.  r.nixKKiiiiiifi]  called  •'  a  plain  I. ilk."  \Vi  II, 
sir,  I  think  it  "plain"  myself!  Il  is  easily  nn- 
dir.slnnd.  It  says.  Give  us  "  ollice,"aiid  wc  are  for 
y.ai.  Ilifiise,  and  he  leil.'i  ns  that  "there  i.s  n 
pniiil  where  neglect  will  he  reinembered,  mid  , 
while  insult  will  mil  he  fm",'niicn!"  j 

Mr.  C'liairman,  il  is  cxiremi  Iv  imliiral   in   such  ■ 


men  to  Iialc  a  "  t 
nothiii'.'  in  eoinnun 
ucliin;  on  such   pri 


Iflhi 


inutile 
1  lielw 
ii'iplc 
1  .Stale 


cliival 


airy  I 


Ther 


Inli',  it  Ih  Alahanni.  Of  llir,  nlUcers  In  ihu  newly 
iiinnntcd  rillc  n'U'imeiil,Mlii' did  imnrt'li'iip.     fMiiii, 

I  lielieve,  i;nt  Ihice.  Of  llie  icieiit  iiriny  appoint- 
mciils,  Alaliiima  has  received  hut  two  Niihonlinaie 
oiieH;  while  Oliin,  I  lielieve,  ha»  received  nine,  and 
sonic  of  ihcin  of  a  lich  ni'iidc.  At  Ihi.i  city, 
thoiiuh  the  hluc  lumk  puis  ilnwii  four  clerks,  I  lie- 
lieve, lis  from  .'Malimiiii,  yet  1  am  Inlil  hy  ihcoldist  ; 
incnihers  of  mir  di  h'l'.iitmn,  that  hiiliniu  Is  in  Iriilli 
all  Aliiliaina  aiiponilnit  nl. 

lint,  inr,  if  .Vlahama  hud  not  one,  the  fact,  how- 
soever disaiji'ceahlc,  wniilil  lint  chaicje  an  iota  of  ' 
her  principlcH — would  not  iiillneine  her  course  on 
le;;iHl;aion  here — would  iiol  ciuisn  her  In  alimidim, 
mid  not  only  In  aliiindnii,  liiit  tn  ntlack',  the  .'\ilnnii- 
isiratinii,  HO  lnii<4  as  it  Was  eondiictcil  in  cnrdiii;^  lo 
ihe  Nlandai'd  nf  !;iTal  principles,  liy  which  il  w.is 
ell  I'lcd.  Hut  wlitit  parlicidar  claim  has  Ohio  on 
itic  Adininistrntion,  that  her  lii  lci,'iiies  here  should  . 

II  ireup.liecaiisc  "olliee"  was  iml  doled  out  lo  lierr 
When  liMS  she  Hiippnrted  the  dcmoci'iilic  parly  in 
IlH  prcsidciiiiiil  I'lciiion  .'  I'crlainly  not  of  laic. 
In  IHIII  she  vnlcd  iii;aim<t  ns.  In  \M{  hIic  viiled 
a:;aiiisi  ns.  I'ulk  did  imt  receive  an  i  hctoriil  vole 
IVniil  Oliin!  .And  ycl  ii  niemher  I'lnin  Ohin  clmnses 
In  dictalc  tn  him  who  he  shall  appnint  for  nllicc  ! 
and  if  lie  aclH  nidepeiideiiily  of  that  prnllcrcd  ad- 
vice,Ohio. fnrHniiili,ilei'liuis,llii'nii:;h  him,  lliatslie 
will  not  "lick  ihe  haiiil  thai  MnilcHlicr!" 

.Sir,  ill  what  iv  Ohio  dcmnci'iitic,  (hat  she  slinnld  . 
even  advise  wilh  iih  as  In  Dinincnilic  lei,'isIaliou 
hero.'  Oi\  the  hank  i|Uesiioii,  dead  as  lliat  issue  in 
elsewhere,  he  people  are  divided  at  home!  On 
(he  ipii  slinu  of  liixalinll,  her  ilelcuMlinll  here  refuse 
(o  i;o  wilh  IIS,  Ian  ilei'lare.  thai  llicy  will  :;n  I'nr  a 
hill  nil  llini'oii'.:hly  nl'jei'linnahlc  In  priinip!''  ax  in 
lln;  act  nf  lf;l'J.  On  the  ipasiioii  of  rxpeiidilure, 
nn  Slate — nn  parly  aiiywlicre — is  mnru  iiiisiiund, 
more  e\lra\.ii.Mnl  ihaii  llic  Ohio  Dcinncracy ! 
Sniiic  of  her  ri  presenlalivcH  have  di  clartil  here 
that  tliev  want  not  a  cent  to  he  f'Xpeuded  in  defence 
of  their  coiisi— liiii  ihey  want  harliois  diiu'  out 
where  iialurc  has  made  iioiii — l-ers  removed,  rivers 
cleared,  and  caiiak  dii'.;,  and  roads  liiiill,  wilh  the 
Fciliial  funds!  The  dncirine  of  iiiterni  i  iin|irove- 
nil  lit  hy  llic  (ieiieial  CJovernnienl,  avowed  liy  Mr. 
Clay,  had  a  limit  — it  was  hiiimded  hy  the  aiiinniit 
of  one  insialnieiii  nf  the  surplus  revemie.  'I'lic 
dnclriiie  nf  llic  Ohio  Democracy  in  as  unlimited  iiH 
llie  ahilily  of  ihe  connlry  to  pay  1  Witness  tlicir 
vvliolc  eimise,  diiriii;;  this  session,  on  the  liarlior 
and  river  liill,  and  mi  all  nlln  r  hills  of  iiiti  rind  Im- 
provement. In  what  then,  I  a^'iiiii  iisk,  are  they 
Ucmncral.''.  ?  \ 

They  are  asainst  ii.s  on  taxation,  if  llie  member  ■ 
has  spoken  her  posiiuni  truly  to-day.  They  arc 
ii'iaiiist  us  on  dishniscmi  111.  r^ow,  if  this  is  l)e- 
niocracy,  I  am  im  I)eiiini'ral.  If  ihiH  is  Oeniuc- 
raey,  ihe  people  of  .'Maliam.i  are  not  Dcmocrals. 
The  ynnih  has  In  relnforc  im  (  these  s;cnllenieii  I'rnni 
Oliin  and  Pennsylvania  in  coinmnii  cnimcil,  lio 
lieviiii;  that  (hey,  in  cnunnmi  wilh  ns,  enteriaiiied 
kindrid  principles.  Iliil  we  are  vvroii::.  We  en- 
terlain  no  oriiuiplc  in  cnmmnii  Willi  lli<  in.  i 

Our  views  nf  cniisiiiiiiional  duly  are  dissimilar;  | 
and  a.s  a  walcliiiian,  set   here  hy  a  jiorlioii  nf  ihe  ; 

I pic  of  the  South,  to  warn  llieni  ol  the  true  slate  : 

of  tliin','s,  I  iufnrm  (hem  (hat  ihey  me  Imt  as 
sheep  in  the  hands  of  (hi:  shearers.  A  laru'e  por- 
(ioll  of  llie  wislcrll  Ue|iresell(alives  me  snlllld'.  liIll 
as  a  whole,  they,  in  (heir  exlravai;aii(  sysdni  of 
expendiliire  for  wnrk.s  of  local  iiiK  rnal  improve- 
ineiil,  act  hiirmoniously  with  the  iniihlle  .Slaien 
and  Kasi,  which  desire  Ini^'li  laxes.  The  maiiii- 
f.icInrei'H  say  lo  these  internal  iinprnvement  men; 
"  ^'nii  want  iiinne^  to  liiiild  liarlioiH,  t\t^  (iinats, 
and  clean  out  riiers.  We  will  vote  it  to  yim,  if 
yon  will  aid  ns  in  collcclini,'  il  olf  of  imports." 
^^lrall  praclical  piiipnsis  llie  harjjain  is  struck! 
TlieSnuih.exporiiiiLjsiviyiiutofevery  oiicliiindrcd 
inilliniiH  of  exiioris,  cniiseipiciiily  pays  sixiy  out  of 
every  hniidriildnllarsof  laX'  lliiis  raised;  a  nil,  as  I 
have  elsewlici'i:  shown, sine  171)1,  Ohio  alone  has 
received  nf  this  Niiin  >\\i<  millions  seven  hundred 
and  iiinely-iiiiie  ihoiisaiid  dollars  for  piirpnscs  of 
inleriial  improvi'ineiii,  while  (lie  enure  .Snnili,  in- 
cliidin'-  .M.iryland  and  Keiiliickv,  has  received  lait 


who,  iiiHiriiil  of  synipallii/ini;  Willi  us  in  principle, 
mill  eiiijeavorin;;  lo  aid  im  ill  ailininialeriii!;  (he 
( jnvrrnniciil  accnrdiii:;  to  Moiind  eiirislidilioiiiil  doc' 
triiieH.iIo  Imt  eomhine  with  iih  lo  ori^mii/c  a  parly, 

wliicli  Hindi  enahlc  llieiii  ( nilrol  (he  olllce.i,  anil 

which  keeps  Ihe  Sniiih  merely  In fiml  llir  hill  nf  ir- 
/Ifll.iri/  Il  is  n  i|nes(lnll  Hnlelnldy  put  In  Ihe  pen- 
pie  I  represeiil.  I  am  nn  candidale  for  pnlilic 
l^ivorH.  I  have  resi 'in  d  llie  enminiHHinii  I  hold, 
mid  do  mil  expect  a'.,'aiii  to  he  in  puldie  life,  mil  at 
least  for  II  Inn;;  series  ol'  years.  I  »ipeiik,  ihere 
fore,  as  a  diaimeresled  iiiaii,  to  my  cDiiHliliieiils, 
null  for  (hem;  and  if  I  knnw  llicir  fi  elin^and  sinril, 
I  now  (ell  (hrsc  yinllcmen  lliiit  we  of  the  .Sniuli 
Ii.ive  deterinined  no  Iniii^cr  (o  ineel  in  friendly  con  - 
veiitnin,  I'nr  party  piirpnses,  men  who  will  lax  ns 
I'nr  proteclion,  and  expend  onr  iiinney  fnr  wild 
and  cxliiivn'.^aul  si'liemes  of  inleriial  improveini  nl . 
When  we  meei  a;:aiii,  it  must  he,  not  tn  puss  rcs- 
ohilions,  eloiheil  in  words  wlihli  hide  and  do  not 
convey  nieannn;,  and  which  civn  he  used  as  a 
Hcreeii  for  everv'  pnlilical  viiijary,  Imt  tn  delliie 
prineiple.i  of  aciioii,  which  we  shall  iiiiilimlly  I'ccl 
nn  ardent  desire  lo  proiuote.  I  want  (and  I  may 
ihns  fir  speak  for  iheSonlh)  principles  innie  clear - 
ly  delineil  and  heller  acled  up  (n,  hefore  ever  I  can 
iiLrain  hold  poliii<al  coininuiiioil  with  iiieii  who 
now  sccni  to  lie  of  every  political  hue!  We  make 
no  deinanil  of  olliccs.  We  do  not  deem  llint  llic 
(invernmeiil  was  made  lo  disirihiile  olliccs.  All 
wc  demand  is  a  sound  and  slricl  adminisd'iuion  of 
il  upon  cniistiinlinnal  views.  We  will  hercafler 
meet  ill  convention  willi  none  wlin  will  not  aid  ii>i 
in  tins.  We  say  lo  you  all,  if  we  can  hut  reieivi' 
yniir  voles  lo  iimrart  irreal  principles  upon  (he  ad  ■ 
ininisiralioii  of  llie  alliiirs  of  (he  lliiinn,  you  may 
receive  nil  i(s  nllii'l'S.  As  I'nr  inyscll',  1  have  llevcv 
nskcil  for  one,  and  am  williii;;,  uii  (hese  terms,  In 
endoise  an  applii'iilioii  for  every  niun  north  nf  Ma- 
tion  and  Uixoii  's  line. 

Willi  these  senlinK  Ills  we  liiivo  come  here, 
liopiic;  that  out  of  sixly  Deniocralie  miijorily  in 
thi.'i  House  we  should  he  aide  tn  anther  np  at  least 
a  mainriiy  nfniie  in  favnrof  die  repeal  of  ihe  (arilV 
of  lM|o.  It  is  said,  liiuvever,that  we  are  looslrail' 
laced — loo  iniconipi'omisini;.  Not  so;  for  we  ai*- 
ready  lo  incel  ;;ciilleineii  in  sMp|ior(  of  (he  hill  o(' 
(he  (.'ominillee  of  Ways  and  Alciins,  \v  hicli  lays 
nn  aveiML'e  duly  of  (wcnty-live  per  cent,  upon  iiii- 
porls,  and  wliii  h '.:ivi  s  lo  iron  an  iidvanln;,'e  of  a 
duty  of  lliirly  per  ccnl.  This  is  in  ilsclf  a  com- 
promise, and  failher  we  cannot  :;o.  We  iiiln  in  h 
ourselves  on  the  liasis  ot'die  (.'ompromise  ai'l,aiid 
(he  known  iiriiiciples  of  <nir  parly,  mid  demand  of 
penilemen  their  support  of  (lie  hill.  We  are  infiivor 
of  it  as  a  ;;reat  move  inwards  relieviii!;  the  cniinlry 
from  (In  odious  disi'riminalions  and  iiieipndiiies 
produced  hy  die  ad  of  InI'J. 

That  .ict  is  "  extrava:;aiilly  prnlecdvc"  in  lis 
rale  of  duties  mid  ill  the  inuiiiier  of  colleclin;^ 
them. 

It  remits  duties  on  o)if-/iii(r(/iof  die  impnrlations 
made.  I'mm  July  I,  IMi,  to  July  I,  1H4,'),  iui- 
|)or(sp.iyiii;,'iliiliesanioiinled  lo >!;;),■),  10(1, 7'J4,  while 
imports  free  of  duly  ainounled  (o  «j;.''3,I47,H4l). 
Most  of  lliese  free  arlicles  are  articles  used  hy,  and 
necessary  for,  (he  inanufacliirers;  such  as  dye- 
woods,  wood  nmnanufacliired,  uiiwroii;;lit  hurr- 
stoiies,  uimiaiiiifacliircd  cork,  iinwi'otu;lit  clay,  old 
pewter,  lir.'iss,  copper,  adhesive  felt  for  shealhilii^ 
ships,  &<•.  Depriving;  the  treasury  of  (he  revenue 
which  would  accrue  frnin  a  liiir  (ax  on  these nrli' 
clcs,  as  well  as  on  lea  and  colVce,  of  cniirKe  creates 
a  demand  I'nr  hitjher  revenue  duly  on  oilier  arli- 
ell  s,  wliicli  llius  ^ivcH  u  designed  and  unjust  pro- 
teclion. 

Tlniincl  collects  onr-lhiril  of  nil  the  revemie  fmiii 
hut  llirre  arlicles,  and  those  arlicles  of  ahsolnie 
inccssiiy,  (o  wit:  Ir  <m  dulics  on  irim,  iewf(cii,aiid 
ciiltim  i;oods. 

From  July  I,  1H44,  lo  July  1,  lM4.5,din 
duties  collecled  on  various  kinds  of  iron 
iniporls  were $,'l,7.'i(i,143 

On  iiiipoi(s  of  woiillcii  t;(iods .'),.'i,'i(i,III!) 

'hi  imports  of  cotton  ^uods 4,II4,.'I.'II) 


id 


U'l-e  inllilnns  a 


,  and 


I  enlertamm; 

'  a  snuthern  chiv- 


lli 
piirpi 


and  I 


III! 


wciity  I 


Sum  tolal  on  these  (liree  arliclis. . .  .«.I  I,(l4(i,.').-'i 
111  dolfai'S  for  that  And  ycl  the  hsi  of  dulinhle  articles  occupy  many 


lon'4  arc  ire  to  hear  this  odious,    '  elnsely  jiriuled  jiau'es  in  (he  rcpinl  of  (ho  Secrela 


iinh  I 


Ull| 


iijiisl,  and   ruinous  discriiniunlion.'     And   ahovi 


i>f  ihi 


if;: 


i;t^  suhif!  t^nMiiiUH 


II,  lidW  liiii;;  arr  wc  of  tlio  Sniuli  lo  jjo  liarnioni-      Irctt-d  liuriiiir  ilii»l  pfriful 


iMiry.     Tilt'  wlintc  nnimint  ufdiitus  cr 


I 


'iillini 

Wiinllial.... 

trill 

Ili'iiip 

■'iiil  iriniillli 
Hllk 


for  eumplaiiil  ahuul  the  diatrihutuni  of  ullices  of  '  ously   into  eonvciilion   lo^'etlicr  Willi   tin 


1  *i:f<l.><lH,K'i4. 


Thai 


'  piuhihitury"  III  its  leiidcm 


.>  no. 


';  III.' 

lIlllH'. 

inily, 
:•,  ni'hl 
I'f  ir- 

I""- 
iiililir. 

I I. 

mil  lit 

llinv 

III  iil.-i, 

I'll, 

N'imiIIi 

y 

lt\   IIS 

will) 

'1111  III. 

«s  n  M- 
II  lint 
Mi    It 

lll'lilll' 

iv  r..i 

111, IV 


IfllH.l 


t^i>TH  Casn I  (IT  Sk.hi. 


APPRNDIX  TO  THK  CONrmKSSIONAIi  GI,OnE. 

The  Tarilf—Mr.  Ilmhou. 


997 


lio.  w  I{ki>i 


Mr.  Ilni'linnnii  ilrrlniril  wlifii  hi?  viilril  fur  ii,  ami 
:\t  till'  Si  rri'liiry  iil"  llir  'rriiiNiiry  iiit'nniis  iik  in  hin 

HllllKlil'lll     ri'vil'W    llf  ilH     ll|IIT.ll|illlH.  Wllilll     tllll 

iiiiiiiiliit  I'liiieil  rriiin  il  Im  iininiiilly  iliTrt'iiiiInu',  nn 
rviry  yciir  nl'  Jin  o|ii'rittiiiii  linn  nImiwii,  llin  avi'mt'"' 
I'lili'  llf  limy  in  (In  rriiKillE;.  In  IH4,'I,  liiiii  iinrni;)! 
\i'ii«  .'17  [ic'r  I'riil.,  (Iciiviiu;  iill'I'iiii'iiiiiis:)  in  |H4'1,  it 

\\M  X\  |MT  irllt.;    lUllI    ill    184.5,    il    WITH  •«>  [IIT  I'l'MI. 

'I'liit  |iiiivc«  ri'iinliirly  ilii  huni'iI  iiii|iiii'iiiiiiiiiN  of 
nrlii'li's  U'liriiis;  lii^li  cliitii'N,  iinil  nil  iiicrriiae  of 
lliii.1t'  lii'iiriii!;  iiiwi'i-  ilutiin. 

The  fiijlon  iiii;  liililii  iinivrn  n  iji'ciil  fulling  ofl'  of 
im|iiirliiliiiiin  (if  cciliiiii  li'iiliiii;  iirlnlcH  iiiiil(!r  llir 
ni'i  (if  IMl'J,  im  i'iini|iiiriil  willi  iiii|iMrlK  of  minic 
.irlii'l(i«  ill  cciiHiii  ycnrs  under  llio  Com|ironii«i; 
rti'l; 

.'/fit'iiliif  of  impnrttiUiyiM  of  (roil,  vonlrn,  (■n/^)l»,  /H'in;i,  iiud 
»(".'  ij.iiWji,  'iiM/ii/iu<(ir  ttml  mo.'inmi,  in  nrlt'iii  tiniri, 

ijikIi'i  I' iiriiiiiiKt'  uiiiiiTiii'iiirimd. 

net. 


('llllllll 

W.iiilli.ii 

(fill 

lll'lllp 

.''ilU'irillKlllliilllni 
HM 


ll,i)-!(l,l-iti;  ll..'ili(i,flH)','l,;ii.-..'.>'in,iH,:i;i(i 
..11  1,-M  )..V.II  I II ,  I  MM-,  .1,7:!  .,l.ll.V.I,.Vi(i,  I IHI 

..  li.oi.viiin|  ;,iii;,iii;'j,i'.>ii,;f!,iH,i •,•>,.-, M 
..  K,:iiil,H!fj.  ■..ii.ei.'.'iii'!. i-;,,iHi.-i,rii,ii','j 
«.|i'!.i-.i!i,n'.w'  !i, i.rii.  i.i;  M.ii.i:, ciM-,-  uiivw 
.  .|I7,'.'I  l.iHi,i:i.'M,.-i:ii,;i.ii:i.-,,4  i.-i, 

'I'lml  lilt  lays  a  Inr^e  jmrlinii  of  iliiliiH  on  falnc 
|ii'iiii'i|il('s— I1.1SIIII11  s  fiil.ic  viiliics  for  inirpiiscH  of 
iiixiiiidii.  .S|ii'i'iiii'.s  anil  ininlnninis  arc  rcKiirli'il  In 
11  ciiviT  up  its  iiiii|iiitii;.M  iViMii  llii'i;a/.ii  llf  ihr  |icii- 
|il(\  Mr.  Walker  says  llwl  diirini;  ilic  liml  ynir, 
ili"iiu;li  Mil'  a^('|■l\^(■  r.ilc  of  ail  viiliirnii  diilir.s  wim 
'inly  '.'.'I, ,17,  and  llial  of  siici'ilii'.  diilicN  was  41. ,'1(1, 
till'  rcvi'iiiii' iiri.siii;;  friiin  llii'  fiirmrr  cxi'i'cdrd  dial 
tViiin  the  liuirrl — Hhiiwiii';  llic  ciiiirinniiM  iirnliilii- 
li'iii  ('oiiMi'i{ni'n(  n|iiin  ilii'  lii'^licr  N{ii'i'ifii' dniics. 
jMiiiiiiinniM  ari'  ilin.s  dcHi'riliid  liy  Mr.  WnlUir: 

"  Miiiiiiiiiiii^  lire  11  fii'tl  III  Ills  viiliii',  HM'iiiiii'il  liv  law.  iiiHli'iiil 
"Till  ■  ri'il  >alii.-;  iiml  ilii'  (nn'riiliiii  nl'  nil  iiiiiiiiiiiiinn  miij 
11'  illiKiriicil  hy  II  niiiulo  c  .inii|ili'.  Tllll',  liv  ilii-  inrilV  ii|' 
' '  I'J.  II  duly  nl'.'HI  piT  >■'';'..  ml  miiiri'lii  m  It'yinl  nil  all  iniui. 
■IIik'Hiii'i  nrciiUnli;  1:111  llii'  l.ivy  riiilliiT  lniivlilii.    llMilcut 

I'lll   y.iiiil',  *iiiit  ityi'il,  cnlnri'il,  [iNiili'il,  nr  >l.i I,  lidl  c.s 

iliiiK  III  mliir  IH  I'lll}  ci'iil-  pi'i  'iiiiiiri'  yiiril.  »hiill  li^  uiliii'.l 

nl  t«  liny  I'l  nli  p  r  Kiiiliirc  yiml.'  II',  tlnn,  ihi.  rcnl  yiilui'  nl' 
i!i('  ('lii..i)Hi't  (-iitiiiii  umiil..,  i^  lull  t'nur  ci'iiN  a  7.i|imn'  yard,  il 
I-  |il:a'i'il  ti>'  Itli'  \ii\v  ill  till'  liilM'  yalili'  nl'  (ivi  my  ( I'lil.s  prr 
1  I'liii'  yiinl,  iiiiil  111..  ilNly  li'M'il  nii  llii' ii<  nium' miIiii'— 
iii'i  It  livi- limi'!*  Iilirlicr  nil  ttii'  I'limp  uriicti.  I'liii'iiini'il 
hy  ilii'  piinr,  ihiiii  npiiii  tin;  liiii'  nrlirlc  piircliiuscil  hy  tlai  iiiori' 
«' 'lillliy." 

Tlnit  ni'i  alsndiNcriininnlrH  miwt  odiously  for  llie 
inaniil'ni'lnr('ra:.'ainst  tlio  liirincr,  iIk;  nici'lianii-,  llie 
iiU'ri'lmnt.  And  yd  lli<^  sjciillcnian  fioin  Maasa- 
clnisnlls,  |Mr.  WiNTiiiioi',)  who  nddicssi'd  the 
coininiilt'o  siiinc  (lays  sini'c,  in  n  viry  iinri'nliiu.i 
i'lll  cell,  and  whom  I  nlwnys  li.-ilcn  to  with  intiTt'st 
and  pliNiHurc.  would  warn  the  Ainirioan  laliorcr 
<ii;aiiist  ihu  liiilliiwIiiMirtcd  syinpalliii'N  of  lliij  l)t'- 
inoi'i-acy  !  What  (•.(iurs(T  i.i  lie  pnisiiiim,  sir.  who 
Mounds  this  warning;.'  In  he  for  tlirowin;;  oU'  the 
Hliai'kh'S  fiiiin  the  liinlis  of  labor,  which  Iniye  lieen 
Iriuisinilted  upon  il  thronnh  centuries,'  Is  he  fur 
ihiiiii;  away  restrii'lions,  and  for  openini;  the  field 
forlaliiir?  Is  he  for  invitiin,'  tin-  coininorce  of  u 
leeinini;  world  to  our  Nliores,  and  opening  here,  a 
marki  t  where  the  iTroadisieiininetillon  shall  exist 
— \yhereeycryRrtiel(;  of  luxury  and  necessity  shall 
lie  liriiii;;lit  to  adorn  the  inaiisinn  of  the  rieli,  and 
(o  render  conifmUilile  the  haliilatiiiii  of  the  poor.' 
(s  ho  for  lirenkiin^  down  the  linrrier.-i  which  lei^ishi- 
tion  has  oii^c.ted  to  turn  ihe  tide  of  lalior  into  liiil  a 
few  channels,  where,  ch.ikiMl,  and  einliarrassed, 
and  distressed,  it  Miieconibs  to  neccs.siiy,  and  lie- 
eoinns  a  pr(7  to  capital .'  Is  he  for  iiuitln!;  the 
|iiniii'4  seeker  for  enijiloyinent  to  the  liroad  and 
almost hounille.ss  piililicdoinainof  ihe  West,  wheie 
want  dies,  and  (;oinfiirl  and  iinlcpendencii  sprim; 
from  iis  ^'lavc.-  IMo,  sir;  none  of  this  is  to  he 
found  ill  the  syslein  the  ;;i'iulenniii  adyocales.  The 
old  Kn^lish  system,  which  lias  iiisidioiisiy  crept 
into  l\»:  country  sine*',  wi^  forinally  (luclared  onr- 
sehes  free  from  unjust  Knijli.-ili  leslriclions,  is  the 
sysleni  hern  advoailed  hy  the  j;enllenmii  iiiiil  iiis  i 
friends,  and  wliicli  they  have  improperly  diihlied  : 
"  the  American  syalein."  As  in  liiiif^laiid,  iis  pol- 
icy is  to  keep  i«ii(/,i  nl  /liijh  value,  so  as  lo  keep 
them  out  of  ihe  hands  of  the  laborer.  Hence  wc 
find  these  hifjh-tarill'  men  ever  opposed  to  a  reduc-  , 
lion  of  the  price  of  the  |uildic  lands  and  to  ine- 
Pinptions.  An  eminent  insinnce  of  this  was  Mr.  i 
Clay,  the  nnthor  of  this  misiMlled  "  American  sys-  | 
icm,"  wlio  spoke  of  tlicbe  prutiniptioii  cluiinaiilJi  m  1 


"  liind  pilules."  I,nndM  heiiia;  In  Id  nl  mnh  eiinr- 
miins  ciiNi  in  Kn^'lnnd,  and  their  rent  rorrespoiid- 
inirly  hi'.'li,  hilt  few  can  niroril  lo  he  farmerH,  and 
the  i;reat  iinisH  (if  labor  is  conHeipienily  ihrown 
upon  oilier  eniploymenlH.  Ilenci!,  the  iivciiiics  of 
industry  beiin^  few,  and  lalior  lienii;  piciily,  iis  , 
i^reiii  conipeiitioii  briin^s  down  waives  ton  low  point 
filial  of  mere  exisleinc.  'I'liis  is  wli.it  is  needed 
and  deiiirnl  by  the  miiniifictiireiH,  llreail  linn:; 
hi<;h,  land  owners  are  beiielilid.  Ilread  beini; 
liii^ll  and  Inbor  Nn)ieriibnniliuil,  labor  is  compelh  tl,  i 
I"  support  life,  to  work  nl  niamifacliirers'  prices. 
'I'lio  wliii'i-  policy  of  the  sysleni  in  in  piiidin-e  the 
.name  slun  .if  Ihiiius  here.  If  the  hi^'li-lai.ir  men 
can  snei'ecd  in  I'el.iriliii!,'  emiu'ralion  lo  the  West, 
by  keepm:;  m  i  he^li  as  possible  oiir  public  lands, 
and  pai'ticiil  iiy  our  poorer,  and,  therefore,  iniriii- 
siciilly  cheaper  lands,  they  w  ill  lo  thai  d('i:r('e  throw 
a  ureiitcr  iiiniMiiil  i.f  laborers  baitk  upon  the  ah'rady 
crowd' il  aveiHi  1  if  iiidiisivy  in  ihe  mannfactiinnu 
!  Hiales.  This  slate  of  thiiiLjs,  of  course,  will  pro- 
diice  a  {jrciiter  demand  for  employmeiil  by  ilii  se 
poor  laborers.  Thisdeniand  the  niiniiil'icinrer  lakes 
advanta^re  of,  iinil  by  il  ;;els  his  work  ihiiie  at  cheap- 
er rales  tlniii  he  inlierwise  would  be  able  In  do.  i 

Now,  sir,  mark  the  wide  dill'erenci'  belwecn  such 
a  sysleni  and  llie  true  American  sysiem  advoiiilixl  , 
by  lh(^  llemocracy.      In  the   first   place,  we  desire 
tii  furnish  a  cnrrenry  willi  which  llie  laborer  sliiill 
be  paid,  which  sliiill  notde|ieinl  upon  iho  snlvency  . 
ainl  blinking  skill  of  any  set  of  eapilali.'-l.s — a  cur-  1 
reiicy  which  shall   pii.is  the  \yorld  over — t;nl(l  and  , 
silver — iiiion  wliirli  there  shall  be  no  loss — no  de-  , 
prreialion,  and  which  no  broker  call  nIiiuc! 

In  the  next  place,  we  desire   to  break  down  a  | 
sysleni  which  has  used  iIk!  immense  laxiii;;  power  ( 
nf  this  Oovernmeiit  lo  enable  the  inaiiufaclnierH  of 
iron,  wool,  (otlon,  siil:ju',  and  other  iicccssarie'S  of 
life,  to  sell  those  arlicies  to  lis  iit   a  {.'rciiier  prolil 
than  ihey  would  be  able  to  do  wiihonl  bein;;  pro- 
lecled.      We  desiiT  lo   do  iiwiiy  with   this  nninst 
inlerference  of  the  (biyernminl,  and  so  to  admin-  ■ 
isler  il   that  all  shall  liid  eipially  iis  benelius,  iiial 
none  shall  be  exeinpled  by  fnyoriiisni  mid  protei;-  . 
lion  from  lieiii'iiij.r  iheir  sliiiru  of  iis  lairdcns. 

In   the   next   place,  we  desire  so   to  !;i'iide  ihe 
prices  of  our  public  lands  I  hat  the  laborer  can  oli- 
lain   them   at   llieir  true  value,  and   ihcy  be  thus 
hr(ini;ht  within  llie  reach  of  ihe  pooresi  man  in  our 
cnninninily.     We  would   open,  by  this   process,  } 
oiir  almost  boundless  pulilic  domain,  (wliii.se  vir;;ln 
bosom   invites   honest  labor   lo   its  embrace,  and 
which  is  destined  to  becnnie  tin;  niolher  of  iiunier- 
(iiis   powerful   Slates,)  lo  llie   poor   of  llie  whole 
world.     We  olVcr  homes  lo  tlui  oppris.-<eil  surplus 
workmen  of  I  he  over-crowded  manufacliiriiiu' marls 
in  our  forest  wilds,  where  oiic-foiirtli  of  the  exer- 
tion of  thews  and  sinews  will  briiij;,  as  a  reward,  1 
double   the   rcniiinerali  ni   the   maiiufiicliirers   can  , 
possibly    0VV.    them,    as    well    as    independence, 
iniirally  and  physically.     Wc  nU'er  lo  ihein,  when 
llius  situated,  markets   lo  sell  in,  where  llie  mer- 
ehaiilH  of  the  world  an;  all  biiyers;  and  markels  to 
buy  in,  where  the  inerchants  of  the  world  shall  i 
eonipetn  to  buy  of  them.  . 

lly  incrcasini;  the  abilily  lo  ronsinne  of  these  ; 
teeniin:;  millions,  who  shall  thus  settle  up  a  cheap 
and  valiiuble  public  domain,  we  Would  llius  !;ive  a 
sprinu:  lo  every  species  tf  produciion. 

Such,  Mr.  Chairniiin,  is  a  jiisl  conipari.von  of 
tin;  two  systems  loin;  advocated  in  tlii.s  lliill — llie 
one  rndeaviirin:;  to  use  the  nioncyed  and  laxin;; 
power  of  this  Cjovernment  lo  subject  the  workiiij; 
classes  to  the  capilalisisof  ihe  country — a  cold,  cal- 
cuhilin^',  arillimelie.il  machine,  trrnidiii';  up  thews, 
and  sinews,  and  life  ilself,  by  iis  labor-savini; 
macliines,  and  rclailiii^  lliem  out  to  llic  coninoi- 
nily  by  wciijhls  and  nicasiin  s;  the  oilier,  securiiij,' 
freedom  to  imiiislnj,  ami  iiii/i/iciii/i  iiei;  to  lubvr.  , 


nnliiirriissni(;nl  in  addressni^  the  ll(inN(',ilian  It'. 
at  this  time  on  this  Niibjict,  lint  my  embanaari- 
nii'iil  iiriNen  not  ho  i  .  icli  IVoin  llie  imviliy  of  ihn 
Hub{ecl,  as  from  the  novelty  of  tin;  bill,  and  tlifl 
aritnincnts  by  wliicli  n  isalti  nipied  lo  be  snslaimij. 
In  fornicr  days  when  thi.'i  Niihject  came  ondcr  dia- 
ciiHsiini,  (eriiiiii  principles  appeared  to  be  settled. 
Il  wan  adniilled,  as  a  Keiieini  truth,  that  iiicreaaiiiK 
llie  duiics  would  increase  the  revenue,  and  redticinff 
till'  diiiies  would  reduce  the  reveiini.  lint  now 
llii'  Ki'eat  principle  is  not  only  called  in  (|UrHiiiiii, 
but  the  oppiisiie  IS  Mill  f.irlh  as  n  nclllcd  truth  by 
the  luhocali  H  of  this  bill. 

In  his  nil  ssiu'e  In  \ftiU,  Mr.  Jefferson  iipoko 
fully  upon  the  siibiccl,  and  his  ai't;miienl  was 
fniiiiili(l  upon  thef.ii'i,  well  kiiovi'ii  and  acknowl- 
edi^cil,  tliat  ihe  rcuinie  uiiuld  fall  olf  if  ihe  ilutieH 
were  reilucdl.  Mr.  Madison 'n  adiuinistralioiii 
dining'  the  late  war  uilli  (treat  Ihilani,  doiiblei] 
Ihe  diiliis  for  the  inirpoKe  of  inereasin;,'  the  reve- 
ime.  Ueiieral  ,Fiic|(soii,  iliriiiii;h  his  whole  iidniin- 
isiriitioii,  looked  fonyiiid  to  llie  lime  when  ihe  iia- 
lioiiiil  debt  yyoiild  be  paid  oil',  and  the  lute  of  diilii  H 
iiii'.;lil  be  reduced.  'I'lie  I 'ompronilse  iici  was  ad- 
vociiicd  on  the  Hume  Kroiind;  and  in  |h.'l7,  when 
Mr.  ('iinibri  lent;  iiilroiliiced  his  I'ainous  bill  boiil 
ihc  t'ommiliee  of  Ways  inid  Mt.'ans  to  reduce  ilin 
revenue  to  llie  wiinls  of  the  (■overnmenl,  he  pro- 
posed to  do  it  by  inakin:,'  iimlerial  rediiciions  in 
the  rales  of  diilies  on  imports.  IJiil  it  is  niineces- 
sary  to  parliciiliiri/e;  eyery  ['resident  and  ev(ry 
.Si'crcliiry  of  ihe  Treasury,  from  ('eiieriil  Wnsli- 
iiiKI'iii  iind  Alixaiiilcr  llaniillon  downward,  has 
advocaied   the  same  :;eiirral   truth;  and   thai  has 


'i|iiie.scei|   in   by  every  enlii;lileiicd  HUlttH- 


j:  THE    TAIUPF.  I 

'speech  of  mIT,  c.  n  u d s o n, ' 

OP  MAS.SACIIUSi:Tr.S,  ' 

In  riiE  HoiTsK  hf  I!k.i'Hi;si;ntativi;5, 

June  tin,  184G.  ' 

The  House  beinj  in  Connnillec  of  Ihc  Whole  on 
the  bill  reducing  the  duties  on  Imports —  , 

Mr.  ininSON  said: 
Mr.  Chaikman:  I  never,  I  confess,  fcit  more 


li('( 

mini,  till  wilhin  a  short  period. 

lint  now  llial  docirilie  is  repiidiiited  by  the  Ad- 
niiiiislration.  'I'hc  I'lisident  of  ihe  Kiiiled  iSlaies, 
his  .Secrelary  of  the  Treasury,  and  the  Commillec 
of  Ways  and  Mc.ins,  have  made  the  financial  dis- 
covery that  a  reibiclion  of  the  tarilf  will  :,'really 
enhance  the  aniinnil  of  revenue  frnm  imporls.  It 
IS  true,  that  they  have  the  o|iei'atinn  of  the  faminis 
t'omproini.se  acl  slarinu;  llieni  in  the  face,  and  coii- 
tiadii  tin:;  their  posiiimi.  'I'Ik  y  know  that  in  |rl4:;J, 
when  Ihe  duly  came  down  lo^ll  per  cc|il.,  the  rev- 
enue was  reduced  to  >i,IJ,70IJ,IHH);  and  that  by  the 
eomniencement  of  cash  diilies  within  that  yetir,  tliii 
year  lf<4'J  was  practically  a  year  of  five  (|narlei's; 
having'  all  the  levcnne  of  ihat  year,  and  the  pay- 
ment of  bonds  ^iven  for  ^'oods  imported  the  hisl 
i|iiarleruf  the  preceding:  year;  and,  also,  llial  this 
revenue  would  have  fallen  oil'  still  more,  had  not 
Con^'i'iss  early  in  1H4I  inipi  sed  additional  diilies 
upon  silks,  wines,  and  Kiveral  other  arlicies.  All 
iliis  must  be  known  to  the  Adminislraliun;  nor 
can  they  have  foi'L^oiien  the  embarrassed  state  of 
Ihc  treasury,  and  the  alinosi  perfect  prostration  of 
every  brain  li  of  industry  at  that  lime.  They  must 
also  know,  that  the  tari'lf  acl  of  18'W,  relieved  the 
li'casury,  niid  K"ve  ;;(  ncial  prn*perity  to  the  coun- 
Iry.  All  this  iiinsl  be  wilhin  their  knowledi;e; 
and  ycl,  blind  to  the  past,  and  deaf  to  the  vtiice  of 
experience,  they  come  forward,  and  ask  us  to  aban- 
don Ihe  policy  under  which  we  have  enjoyed  such 
unexampled  prosiierily,  and  lo  follow  out  a  mere 
alistraclion — the  nriaiii  of  some  visionary  speciila- 
lors.  And  can  they  :;ive  us  any  assurance  lhat 
their  system  will  work  wt'll.'  (.'an  the  Conimiltee 
of  Ways  and  Means  tell  us  what  amoiinl  of  reve- 
nue llicir  bill  will  yield  .'  They  have  furnished  us 
wiih  no  such  estimate.  And  1  presume,  if  inter- 
ro:;aicd,  the  honorable  ehairinan  will  tell  us  now, 
as  he  did  two  years  a^o,  that  he  knew  iiolhin;; 
about  il,  and  could  form  no  eonjccUire  satisfactory 
to  himself.  In  his  reporl  of  1M44,  which  neeoiii- 
p.niicd  bis  tarilf  liill,  we  find  this  frank  confession: 
"  Il  may  be  ixpecled  of  the  committee  that  they 
'  will  make  nil  i  stiniate  of  the  revenue  lo  be  real- 
'  i/.ed  under  ihe  rales  of  duty  they  propose  to  es- 
'  labli.sh;  bill  ihcy  feel  themselves  wholly  tiieniii/ic- 
'lent  to  (III  sii,  In  any  iisifiil  purpose."  lie  then 
goes  on  lo  say,  lhat  all  the  calculations  which  have 
been  made  by  the  diU'erenl  Seeielariea  of  the  Treas- 
ury arc  mere  valine  conjecture,  not  to  be  relied 
upon.  This  was  the  giosiiion  of  that  committee  at 
that  time,  ;ind  1  will  venture  lo  say  that  the  chair- 
man will  not  imparl  any  more  inlornmlion  at  this 
day. 

Can  he  give  us  any  n.ssuroncc  that  his  bill  will  yield 
even  $-JO,()llU,UOO  of  revenue.'  He  cannot.  1  am 
aware  of  ihc  dililculiy  of  inukiiit;  tuiylliiiij;  like  au 


m 


993 


APPENDIX  TO  TF1E  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  39, 


29th  Con<3 IsT  Sess, 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Uwhon. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


srciiratp  I'Hiimnle  on  lliia  mibjocl;  Imt  from  llie  bfsl 
iiitDrninUiin  I  >'m>  olnnin,  I  (In  nol  lirlipvc  ihiit  llii' 
{oiiMiiitlri's  lull  wllliiml  irii  imd  ciiH'ii',  will  yield 
ninie  (lidri  Ji-.HI.OIKMHIII  at  f'arilii'.<t,  iiiiil  wilii  ton 
Biid  I'olire  nol  niiMi"  ilinn  aliniil  S"J1  ,(H'll,(Klll  of  m  t 
rt'voiiiir.  Wo  hit  llicn  I'lillcJ  iiiniii,  I'm' llii' |iui-- 
ptisr  of  incroasinir  llic  rrvi*init',  lo  Iry  «n  ('X|m'|'1- 
nienl,  on  the  surcrss  of  wlin'li  the  ei)nniiitle<i 
tbrnis»'lve«  dure  nr.i  oven  li.  fA\ri\  a  -itiijeeinre. 
We  know  llio  operation  of  ihe  present  law.  W'e 
liavo  »rin  llml  it  will  yield  fr.nn  >-J(i,IHIII,tm(l  to 
j!i:if< .000,(11  HI  ol'  not  rou'inie:  and  still  we  are  aslied 
to^nvo  iipiliisoerliiiniy  lor  an  nnceriaiiiiy,  or  rather 
a  eorinimv  ot'  sneors}*  I'or  a  >  ertaintv  of  deleal. 

lint  wc  are  told  tliat  we  ninsi  jHh)pt  the  rerruitc 
ftmutaftl f  and  hrini;  all  de.iies  down  to  the  revnutt 
-I'fltf.  Sir,  Itet'oie  exainliiiiii;  tins  lioasleil  revenue 
sumdRrd,  I  rainioi  torliour  reniai-kiie^  upon  the  [le- 
onliarity  oI'iIiin  Inntriiaee,  or  rather  the  u'reai  stress 
whieli  IS  laid  upon  il.  We  hear  of  rr'-fiiiie,  irrniiif , 
BKvF.si  K — MS  It'  the  i;reat  olid  (or  whn'h  the  (iov- 
eininem  was  inslitiite.l  was  to  (ill  its  own  eofii  rs. 
Kroin  lani^iiap'  whteh  irentleinennnnloy,  weshonld 
think  that  the  (.iovertniieni  had  :i  .  mieiesl  disiniet 
from  the  people,  and  that  the  .liplia  and  oniei^a, 
the  bcniniitii!;  and  the  ind,  the  o'rp'et  anil  ilie  aim 
of  all  le^'islation  was  to  eolleet  ,noney  for  the  liov- 
ernment  to  pxpoiid.  Our  'atneis  inairtained  tliat 
Uovoninivnt  was  msiif  id  for  the  ^'ood  of  ilie  peo- 
ple; but  this  oht-r.-^tiiotifd  niaxim  seems  to  lie  in- 
verted, and  t'le  judiey  now  is,  il'  I  misiake  not  the 
si'.rna  ot'  the  limes,  to  look  at  th*'  wnnls  of  the 
(.Tovornnieiil  alone.  1-;  .  ,  .ir,  I  repudiate  this  now 
doeirine.  It  is  moimrehial  in  its  eh  i-aeter;  it  is 
Iho  ossenee  of  despotism.  The  inlertst  of  the 
people  should  he  the  i:real  ohjcet  in  '■i'-.v,  and  the 
interesi  of  the  ("Tovermnont,  when  it  eonie.i  in  eom- 
pci'iton  with  the  iniorosl  of  the  people,  should  niH 
Btanil  for  a  iiionient. 

H,  i  what  IS  the  lioaslod  "rovcimo  standard"  of 
whidi  we  hoar  so  imn  li  ■  We  are  t  dd  that  it  i.s 
that  riteofdiity  wliieh  ivill:.'ive  thi'  jieati  st  ninonnt 
of  reveiM'i',  and  ihat  ai.v  rate  tiltovo  that  i^  'iieoii- 
stitKtioiial,  US  it  innsi  be  for  proterlion,  and  i  ot  t'or 
reveinie.  That  there  nay  be,  in  th  abstraet,  sneh 
x  mlo,  I  sliall  ni>t  al.Miipt  .it  this  time  looontroverl. 
Hilt,  .sir,  in  praetico  such  a  priifiple  does  not  exist. 
There  aie  a  thousand  eonsiileralions  wliieh  alfeet 
the  eotirse  of  trade,  am'  so  rcdiieo  or  swell  the  im- 
portation of  a  2:iven  arinde.  I'lider  these  eireuni- 
Btaii' OS.  it  is  i' i|MiNsili|e  ever  to  haviMi  eonsiitu- 
tioiKil  tariff.  If  we  liad  the  iieeessary  information, 
Biid  should  adopt  the  exaet  standard  to-day,  the 
fhietualions  of  trade  tiuu-ht  render  it  iineonstitii- 
tional  to-morrow.  It'  the  fmistitntion  is  violaiod 
by  inipo.siii'.;  a  duly  wlii'h  is  I'liove  this  revenue 
stniidani,  it  would  be  viohiiotl  bv  permitlm:;  a  iliitv 
to  romain  above  that  siaii'laril.  .Aecordiin:  lo  this 
modorn  rotitiement,  il  would  be  neeossary  for  C'tni- 
gress  to  liold  a  perpetual  session,  so  as  to  bo  ready 
lit  all  tmii's  to  ineroase  ordinmiisb  the  duties,  iie- 
eoi'ditiL'-  to  ihe  ovor-vnriablo  eourse  of  trade.  Ami 
even  then,  we  should  l>e  one  rpiarter  nl  least  behind 
the  n-quiieinoiiis  of  the  Constitution;  for  woshonld 
not  be  in  possession  of  the  .ai-essary  f-iets,  niitil 
the  cinarlPily  reiiirns  were  "lade  from  the  euslom- 
'  ■  use.  On  this  fetiind  the  >ry,  W'  shoiihl  bo  in 
oonstaiit  pursuit  of  this  i^jiiv  fiiluus,  i-alled  the  rev- 
pnuo  sttindnr'l,  withoill  ever  mritaKin;;  it.  lint 
there  is  anoihi  r  fiiiidaniemal  olijoetion  to  this  the- 
ory—it  disi-riminaies  in  faviir  of  hixiirios,  ami 
acaiiist  the  neeoss.iiios  of  life.  .An  aitii'lc  wliieh 
is  Iieeessary,  will  be.ir  the  lii;:hesi  rate  of  dmirs, 
heiMiise  It  is  «  no.  fs-"ai-y.  If  it  be  an  artielo  which 
is  absolutely  indispeiisalile,  il  will  bear  almost  any 
rate  of  duty  which  can  be  impo.sod  upon  it.  liiii 
luxuries  iniy  bo  ilispoiiscil  with,  and  if  their  price 
is  oiihancfd  by  a  b','li  ilutv,  the  importation  will 
fall  ofl",  and  the  i-ovemii-  will  siillor.  Take  salt  f  u' 
exnniide.  It  is  nbsolnuly  necessary — it  is  iiidi,s- 
pensalilo,  and  will  bo  used  at  all  ovonis,  whether 
the  price  be  high  or  low  Von  may  iin|ioso  -J  per 
cen'.,  or  9<1),  ami  it  will  be  [uin  hnsisl  In  ncri  ly  the 
Batne  qtian'-ly.  The  same  is  siilisfaniially  irno  of 
irtui.  It  enters  into  ireneral  i  inisnmpiioii.Vnd  .  an- 
not  be  dispensed  wiih.  Ilm  nili-"  ihi'  luxuries,  the 
tropical  fruits  for  exai;)pl'-;  n  duty  of 'JIHI  per  com. 


would  make  a  mniernd  diirereine  m  thun 


'onHnm|)- 


tion.  These  extimplis  w  ill  sh-w  that  this  fainnns 
levcmie  principle  would  operate  unjustly,  niid 
throw  the  wei;;ht  of  taxnliun  niion  those  lea.si  nblc 
to  be-nr  it — the  [loor  and  the  laboring  claues. 


This  revenue  prinoipio,  na  it  is  onlird,  does  imt 
overlook  the  intore..i  of  the  trtvat  industrial  piir- 
sitiis  of  the  people,  but  il  iliscrimiiiato.s  ni^iiinsit 
them.  Let  us  look  for  a  moment  at  the  operation 
of  this  boasii'd  principle.  We  will  take  the  arti- 
cles of  salt  jiiiil  iron  as  an  illustration.  We  will 
suppose  that  iteilher  are  now  mnmifactitred  in  the 
country.  The  revenue  principle  wonld  rorpiiro  ns, 
at  this  time  moreos)ieciatly,  to  inipose  the  lii<:hest 
iMteof  lb  :y — say  SIM)  per  cent.  This  liif.':li  dnty 
would  indiieo  our  t'riend.s  in  I'eiinsylvaiiia  and 
\cw  York  lo  v:o  into  the  mamifactiire  of  iron  mid 
salt.  The  duty  xvould  be  highly  protective;  and 
the  Go\ernineiit,  by  this  policy,  would  invite  in- 
vestments ill  tln-se  lirancheH  of  iiidiistrx-,  IJnt  as 
soon  -IS  they  ;iot  into  successful  operation,  so  as 
to  supply  a  porlimi  of  the  homo  market,  and  there- 
by choi'.k  the  importation  of  these  articles,  the  '-ev- 
oinie  would  fall  olf,  which  would  be  proof  denioii- 
stralivo  that  the  ra'o  was  above  the  rovemie  staiid- 
.ird.  What  tli'Mi  would  be  the  duly  of  ( 'one;rosa 
on  this  newl'aiiL.'leii  theory.'  Wliy,  they  must 
reduce  the  rate  ,d'  duty  so  as  to  increase  the  ini- 
porlation  ot'  these  artiidos,  and  thus  destroy  the 
cajiiial  invested  in  their  manul'acliire.  'I'his  is  the 
truly  paternal  character  which  contlomen  would 
have  mir  (iovornment  assiooel  Site  must  iiiviie 
investments  in  mamificluros,  piistnin  them  in  their 
infincy,  and  smile  upon  their  early  youth;  but  the 
niomeiit  they  arrived  at  manhood,  so  ns  to  supply 

'  to  niiy  considerable  extonl  the  wants  of  the  people, 
they  must  be  crushed  at  a  blow,   that   fcu'eii^ners 

*  may  enjoy  the  monopidy  of  our  market. 

I'lit,  sir,  althoii'.'h  I  do  not  allow  an,  definite 
rcvcimo  slaiid.ir'l.  such  as  is  contoiideil  for,  I  be- 
lieve that  no  oiilii;htened  statesin,,n  could  sit  down 
to  devise  a  system  of  tinaiico,  without  takiiii: 
into  view  the  condilion,  siiuatioii,  and  interest  of 
those  upon  whom  the  burdens  lu'e  to  fill.  True 
wisdom  will  nol  only  consult  Ihe  present,  but  the 
prospective,  abiilly  of  the  people  to  meet  the  do- 
nriiids  of  the  ("Jovornment.  That  systiiii  of  linanee 
which  should  destroy  the  capital  of  the  "oiinlry, 
or  throw  imiiodiioeiits  in  the  way  of  the  i.dustry 
of  ilio  people,  ;ind  so  dry  up  the  soniros  of  rovemie 
for  times  to  come,  could  not  bo  roL'ardid  as  a  wise 
rovemie  system.  If  we  had  an  ihielli>;ont  financier 
nt  the  head  of  t'lo  Treasury  lleparimonl,  he  w  inihl, 
as  a  paramount  ot»jocl,  seek  to  increase  the  wealth, 
and  develop  the  pecuniary  rosonrcos  of  the  people, 
so  that  they  may  be  .iblo,  from  yi'ar  lo  year,  to 
make  those  contiiliulious  wlindi  ihe  Government 
may  rerjiiiro,  and  lo  do  it  with  the  least  possibh' 
'sacrifice.  It  is  not  enon'.'h  lhat  yi>u  impose  a 
single  t.ix,  and  collecl  a  revemto  sntiicienl  for  a 
solitary  year;  you  must  look  to  the  prosperity  ol' 
the  iioople,  and  take  care  that  you  do  not,  in  oh- 
lantin;;  one  assessment,  impair  the  taxable  prop- 
erty in  fninro.  Il  is  wiih  a  nation  as  it  is  with  an 
indivi'lnal — to  senire  the  prealost  air!;re'.;alo  of  in- 
terest for  a  eoiirse  of  yi  ai-s,  you  must,  as  far  as 
possible,  inc;-oase  the  ]n-incipiil.  A  wise  revenue 
iiill,  iberofirc,  must  bo  discriminatini,'  in  its  cliar- 
ai;ler;  il  must  foster  every  interest,  and  stinmtalo 
indtislry  in  every  di'ptirtmeni  of  human  enterprise; 
it  must  render  the  nation  prosperous,  th;it  the  - 
peoph*  may  have  the  ability  lo  moot  every  draft  of 
the  fjovcniment. 

I  Willi  till  so  '_'enoral  romnik.',  I  iio.v  propose  for 
a  luomont  lo  examine  the  bill  suimiiltetl  for  fair 
action.  It  is  based  upon  lite  report  of  the  Hecre- 
tary  of  the  T  roasiiry,  and  beiico  isfoniidiil  upon 
no  fixed  in'iiiciple,  but  .i  variety  of  conllictiii'r  ele- 
ments. It  professes  tr,  aim  at  rovemie  ainni',  niid 
yet  has  its  list  nffrir  nrlirlis.  Now,  I  sluaild  like 
io  bo  infirmcd  by  the  chairman  of  the  ('oininiitoo 
of  Ways  and  Means  on  what  priuciph'  ho  ndinils 
any  ariiclo  free  of  duly,  when  he  miinlains  that 
we  mnft  discriminate  for  rev'omie  alotip  !  l-'.vory 
frtr-  article  creates  a  necessiiy  t'tn-  iinpo:jin'.r  a  hi::her 
rale  of  diiiies  upon  other  articles,  and  is  totally 
iiiciinsisteiit  with  this  tiimons  rfvemie  prinoipio. 
Me  proposes  to  impose  ilniics  m  siii'h  a  miinner  ns 
to  lake  the  bnnlens  as  much  as  possible  from  the 
poor  and  lav  llnin  npnii  the  rich;  and  yet  he  pro- 
poses to  impose  a  tax  upon  tea  and  ootree,  which 
wonld  be  omphatieallv  «  tax  upon  pir.suiis,  ami 
not  ufioii  )U'oporty.  ^I'lie  chairman  desires  to  dis- 
criminale  in  hivm- id'nicessariea  and  airaiiist  luxu- 
ries, in  flivor  id'tlio  po'irarid  nirainst  the  rich.  And 
yet,  in  carryiin  nut  hia  principles,  In^  imposes  n 
duly  of  75  per  cent,  upon  all  diBtillcd  spirits,  which 


I  are  used  by  llic  poor  laborers,  and  aulTerH  wines, 
which  are  drank  by  tliey'(n/iiOTinl)(f,«,  to  omne  in  oil 
a  duly  of  311  per  cent.  1  .slioiiUI  like  to  know  tbu 
principle  <  II  which  llii.s  discriniiiialiini  is  limiuied. 
lie  lediicoH  the  duly  on  pimeiilo  from  l'3l  pe;  cent, 
lo  ;it),  and  on  cut-iihi.ss  chandeliers  from  ilO  lO  30 — 
for  the  special  benefit  of  the  poor,  I  presii'ue.  But 
the  i^realost  in't  of  kindness,  the  most  strikine;  in- 
terposition in  favor  of  the  iiocossnrie.s  o''  life,  is  a 
rodiielion  o('7,'»  percent,  cm  the  imporlalion  of  that 
indispensable  nilicle  of  life,  ptayiiif;  ear'is  !  Ihit  the 
hoiiurable  Secretary  Itdls  us  that  we  mio't  discrim- 
iiiato  in  favor  of  the  at^ricnlturists;  anil  yet  the 
committee  propose  to  reduce  the  dnty  on  clieeae 
I'roiii  (il)  per  cent,  to  3il,  on  butter  from  .')•<  to  'JO,  on 
beef  and  pmk  frimi  .il  lo  3),  and  on  po  aloes  from 
3(i  to  'JO.  How  will  ihe  funiers  of  the  wi'si  like 
such  prolec.iioii  on  'heir  beef  and  pork,  or  the  peo- 
ple of  >iew  York  on  their  butter  and  cheese.'  I  low 
much  will  the  !,'ood  people  of  Maine  be  profited 
by  this  reductioii  of  duties  on  potat'ie.s,  an  arliele 
which  is  now  impm'ied  to  the  amount  id'  <^;")H,^l(IO 
worth,  mill,  on   the  fii'eiTlary '.f  esliiuate,  will  be 

:  increased  to  J;o.'iH.IMIII  worth  .' 

I'he  nniondiuciit,  or  rather  subsliliile  proposed 
by  the  irenth'iuan  iVom  New  York,  [.Mr.  iltxoKR- 
M>nn,l  is  «ub|e('t  lo  iiearlv  all  the  objei  lions  which 

■  can  be  iir;;od  a^'ainsl  the  liill  of  the  eommitlee.  Ir, 
is  true  that  ho  provides  n  apecifio  duly  for  llic  snlt 
of  .M'tc  York  and  the  iron  of  Ptnusiilvartifi;  but 
most  of  the  other  interists  are  left  to  their  fate.  I 
ask  no  special  iiroteclion  for  any  intoiTst  in  my 
own  State.  New  Kii:;Iaiid  wishes  I.,  slaiiil  or  fall 
with  Iho  rest  of  the  country,  so  far  a.i  protection 
is  concerned.  1  h:ive  as  much  sympathy  for  the 
sail  of  New  York  .and  the  iron  of  Pemisylvania  as 
I  have  for  llio  cottons  anil  woidlens  of  Massachu- 
setts. Bill  if  the  Keiiilcnian  frinn  .N'ew  York  in- 
tends to  sustain  cerlaiii  iiilerests  at  the  oxpc  use  of 
the  rest — if  there  is  lo  be  niiythin;  like  bar;;aiii 
and  corniption  to  save  the  iron  and  the  demoi'racy 
of  those  two  .Stales — I  ithall  fei  1  justified  in  ein- 
ployinn  their  own  weapons,  and  tiiruiiif;  them 
ai;ain.ft  themselves.  I  will  unite  with  the  Soulli, 
and  reduce  the  duty  on  iron  down  lo  the  lowest 
point.  Let  gentlemen  beware  of  Imrgnin  and  in- 
tritrne. 

I      Cut,  Mr.  Chairinnn,  as  litis  bill  profes.ses  lo  be 

I  founded  tipon  the  revenue  principle,  and  is  iiri;od 
up'ni  our  cons!:'eratioii  on  the  i^round  that  il  will 
increase  the  revenue,  1  propose  to  examine  it  wiih 
referenee  to  its  revenue  t'cati'fcs.  I  have  niaile  n 
calculation  on  a  list  of  ai'tichs  which,  unilor  ibo 
present  law,  paid  «*I7,(MI0,(MH)  ,-f  the  ■li;iO,()00.(IOO 
of  iiross  rovemie  I'or  the  past  year;  and  I  find  that, 
nccordiiis'  lo  the  bill  under  eonsidor.i'ioii,  those 
same  articles  would  pay  about  4,!).aOU,(l(ltl,  .-.liow- 
iiiir  a  falling'  olf  of  abon't  c,7,;">0(l,(HI0.     Now,  sir,  I 

•  would  ifladly  nupiiie  bow  this  hiss  of  seven  and  n 
half  miniums  is  to  be  made  njir  I  shall  be  told  that 
it  will  be  thme  by  increased  importations,  'i'hort- 
in.iy  bo  some  increase  on  these  imiHU'taiions,  but  I 
will  venture  to  say  that  the  ineroase  w  ill  not  be 
siiHicienI  to  make  up  this  lai;re  sinii  of  seven  and  a 
half  millions.     The  rale  which  the  einnmiiloo  im- 

,  poses  upon  these  articles  will  avera;;e  about  •J.'i  per 
cent.;  anil  in  order  to  briiij;  the  rovoimo  up  to  the 
pro.soni    staiiilard,  on    these   articles   iilono,   there 

'  must  b.-'an  increased  importation  of  some  ^.Itl.tltlO,- 

j  out) — an    incioase    far   sri-enlor  than   we  have  any 

1  re.-ison  lo  believe  will  lake  place.  Hnl  this  is  not 
all.  These  diilies  are  now  mostly  specific,  and 
lienco  there  cjin  be  no  fr.and  Ufion  the  reveni'o. 
Hill  the  oommttlee  propose  to  convert  them  all  into 
ad  valon  111  duties,  ami  hence  the  franils  which 
would   be  conimitted  upon  the  revenue  will   brlIl^■ 

.  the  aL'ijroirato  down  bi  low  that  sum,  even  if  *Mt),- 

i  0110,1100  wore  added  to  the  iniporis  of  iliese  articles. 
But  there  is  another  imporlant  drawback  upon  the 
revenue  oonicmplaled  in  this  bill.  It  is  proposed 
to  raise  the  duty  on  one  part  of  the  iinptul.aiions, 
as  will  as  lo  reduce  il  on  the  other;  and  il  is  per- 
fectly eviilenl,  lhat  if  roducini;  the  nee  on  niic-half 
of  tlie  articles  Incioases  the  importation  of  those 
articles,  nicrcasin;;  tiie  rale  on  the  other  will  ri'dnce 
the  iinportiitioiis  on  them.  So  tliat  wdial  is  caiiieil 
by  imports  on  one  part  of  the  list  is  lost  on  the 
oilier. 

I  Bill,  sir,  there  is  another  dilfictilty  i;realor  than 
this.  We  are  not  able  to  ineroase  oiir  imports  lo 
llic  extent  that  i.s  conteinplatdd.  Oiir  imporls  for 
tlie  la«t  fnur  years  will  avernf^e  a  little  ovor  #1UU,- 


z: 


me  29, 

KPS, 


■meg, 
III'  ill  III) 
imw  llio 
'lUiikiiid. 
U';  I'liil, 

.11  3(1  — 
If.  liiit 
liin^  in- 
lif'i',  is  n 
I  lit' that 

lint  ilie 
di"criiii- 
yct  tiic 

clici'He 
I"  "JO,  (III 

H'.'*   tVdlll 

iikn 

iIm-   piT  ■ 

■  How 

[irnfiird 

Mlliric 

•>.')H,()(IU 
will  be 


lfi46.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


999 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Hudson. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


0()t),()00.     T(i  illiiMlmte  the  principle  we  will  cnll  ' 

mil- iinpdil.s  ^1()0,OI)0,()00,  iiiid  the  present  rale  of! 
duly  no  per  cent.;  ihi.s  will  f;ive  d  jrriis.'i  revenue  of  j 
$;)l),(t(ll),0()0.     Wr  will  .suppose  Ihiit  the  hill  re- 1 
duces  the  rate  tn  20  per  cciil.     Now,  to  nbtnin  the  ' 
siuiic  amount  of  revciiiio,  we  must  import  filoO,- 
(M)((,()0(>  of  i;oods.     To  ^ive  the  s.nnie  revenue  lis 
we  lime  nl  present,  the  impnrt.s  rnnst  increiuse  'it  i 
n  jrinter  percent.  iIiiTIi  the  riUe  is  reduced,  because  ' 
the  ad  valnrems  are  le.s.s  productive  ihnn  the  spc-  j 
cilics.     lint  the  iinporlanii|Ucsiion  is,  how  arc  wo  i 
to  pay  for  this  increased   importation — this  addi- j 
tiiiniil   )S»')0,UI)U,(lt)l)  of  uoods?     It  i.s  perfectly  ob- j 
villus,  that  our  iniporis  and  exports  must  siib.stnn-  \ 
tially  balance  encli   other.     We   import   now  as 
nnch  as  we  can  pay  for.     If  we  slionld  attempt  to  1 
import  «ji.50,0(H),(l()()  more  than  we  do  nt  jiresent, 
the  balance  of  trade  will  soon  be  n:;ninst  lis,  and  i 
we  should  be  compelled  nt  once  to  desist.     For  the 
first  six  months  we  nii^lit  have  lar^e  importations, 
but  when  the  pay  day  approached,  wc  should  find 
t  iinpoKsible  to  .send  forward  enouijli  of  our  prod- 
,icts  to  meet  our  indebtedness;  and  the  consequence  ■ 
would  be  that  specie  would  be  sent  abroad.     Every  j 
man  acoiiaiiiteil  wiih  business  Itnows  the  effect  of 
this.     When  specie  is  demaiuled  for  export,  the 
b.inlts  are  compelled  to  curtail  their  discounts,  and 
the  whole  luonetarv  system  of  the  country  is  at ' 
once  del    niijed;  business  receives  a  check,  and  an 
inability  to  purchase  ensues.     This  of  course,  will 
check  imjtortatioiis,  and  hence  the  revenue  will  ' 
decline.     This  slasnation  of  business  will  at  first  be 
felt  in  the  Ailantic  cities,  Imt  it  will  soon  reach  the 
extreme  Wesl;  and  the  scarcity  of  money,  and  the 
reduced  price  of  their  fffat  staples,  will  soon  re- 
iiiind  them  that  over-trHilini^  is  as  great  an  evil  as 
General  Jackson  represented  it  to  be;  and  they  will 
be  inclined  to  say  with  him  and  his  friends,  nt  that 
period — "  perish   ci-cdit,  perish  commerce — those 
who  trade  on  borrowed  capital  ought  to  fail."  ' 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  spoken,  thus  far,  of  the 
efTccl  of  the  proposed  reduction  of  the  tariff;  but 
that  measure  ou,i:ht  not  to  be  viewed  alone.  Wc  ' 
have  alre;iily  passed  through  this  body  the  Sub-  ' 
treasury  bill,  which  requires  that  the  money  of  the 
Goveriiinent  shall  be  collected  in  ^'old  and  silver, 
and  wiicii  collected  must  be  locked  up  in  the  vaults 
of  the  (Jovernnipiit.  The  necessary  effect  of  this  ■ 
will  bo  to  diminish  the  amount  of  circiilatiiijj  nie-  ; 
diiini,  and  to  curtail  bank  accomnioilations.  For 
the  last  year  tlieie  li.is  been  from  six  to  ten  mil- 
linns  eonsiniiily  in  the  treasury,  and  the  Secretary 
of  tlie  Treasury,  in  his  late  communication,  has 
told  us,  that  this  lialance  in  the  Treasury  should 
not  be  permiited  to  fill  below  four  millions.  Su|i- 
pose  we  call  the  averai;e  six  millions.  Here  we 
nave,  say,  six  millions  of  specie  ahsirncted  from 
circulation  at  all  times,  and  locked  up  in  our  iron 
safes.  Merchanls  and  olliers,  who  are,  or  expect 
to  lie,  debtors  to  ihe  Government,  kiiowins;  that  no- 
tliiii;;  will  be  received  in  oaymciit  but  specie,  rnnsl 
at  all  times  be  lioardinit  up  coin  n^'nin  t  the  day  of 
Iiayment.  The  sum  thus  lid.l  in  suspi  ise  cannot 
be  less  than  iv,  i-  millions,  'jii  this  way  ei^ht  mil- 
Imns  fif  llie  specie  of  the  Ciiuiitry,  bciii:;  about  10 
pi-r  cent,  of  the  whole,  will  be  kept  out  of  circula- 
tion, and  as  useless  tVir  all  purposes  of  business  as 
tluiii^'h  it  were  ihniwii  into  the  sea.  Ily  the  last 
bank  reiiiriis,  it  appeals,  that  at  the  present  time, 
>'.-tien  our  liatil;s  are  siippo'  mI  to  be  in  a  lieahhy 
eiindilion,  there  are  in  circiil.uion  about  three  dol- 
lars of  jiaper  to  every  dollar  of  specie;  every  dollar 
of  specie,  therefori  ,  which  is  sent  abroad  or  locked 
lip  in  the  vaiills  of  ihe  Governmeiit,  miisl  reduce 
llie  eirciiliitiiii;  medium  some  three  dollars.  The 
ei'^lit  mil  lions  'loarded.  either  dii  cell  y  or  indirectly, 
by  Ihe  (ioveniiicni,  would  diminish  the  circulation 
some  twenty  c  thirty  niillloi  s.  The  effect  of  tliis 
upon  business  must  be  perleeily  ob\ioiis.  Itesides, 
these  liirire  iio|>orls  would,  by  brcakinic  down  our 
own  niechanics  anil  miiiiiitariurers,  who  are  now 
t!ie  greatest  consumers  of  imported  articles,  i^reatly  1 
dinitnisli  their  ability  to  purchase;  and  hence  there 
would  beairreater  fiilliiiixotV  of  imports.  How  does 
the  hoMornble  Seen  tary  (iropose  to  dispose  of  this 
isiiiniUcd  increase  of  iinpnitsr  With  very  few  ex- 
ceptions, he  makes  room  tor  them  by  displaciiifrthe 
s;ime  amount  of  domestic  fabrics.  As  liir  as  1 
have  been  able  lo  oblaiii  a  glance  at  his  esliniates — 
for,  Ihoufrh  he  has  caused  them  to  be  |n'intcd,  he 
lies  put  Iheni  only  into  the  hands  of  a  few  of  his 
fi'ce-lrade  friends;  mid  the  Conimittec  of  Ways  and 


Means  linvo  also  cautiously  withheld  all  informa-  ' 
tinn  from  the  Honse — t  say,  as  far  I  have  been  I 
alile  to  obtain  a  glance  nt  his  estininte.s,  he  obtains  I 
his  greatest  increase  upon  nrlielcs  which  are  man-  | 
ufactiircd  in  this  country;  and  he  makes  room  for  i 
the  foreign  manufacturer  by  destroying  the  domes-  | 
tic.  One  of  the  principal  grievances  comnlained  i] 
of  by  the  Secretary  in  liis  nnnunl  report  is,  tiiat,  by  i 
the  success  of  our  manufactures,  many  (lireign  arli-  1 
clcs  have  been  displaced;  and  he  now  proposes  to  ; 
break  down  oiir  mechanics  and  nrlisans,  our  man-  | 
ufaclurers  and  laborer,  that  we  may  be  dependent 
upon  the  Old  World.  This  must  of  necessity  pro-  |' 
(luce  a  stagnation  in  business,  and  distress  among  i 
our  people.  And  in  this  state  of  pecuniary  em- 
barrassment, with  means  crippled  and  resources  |i 
exhausted,  he  e::pects  that  we  shall  purchase  an  ' 
increased  amount  of  foreign  fabrics.  This  slndied  I 
hostility  to  n  great  and  growing  interest  of  the  [i 
country  is  exceeded  by  nothing  but  the  consuni- (! 
mate  folly  of  expecting  to  increase  the  revenue  by  |! 
such  means.  Under  all  these  circumstances,  it 
would  be  impossible  to  import  to  the  extent  re 
quired  to  give  the  eslimnled  revenue.  i 

The  great  industrial  interests  of  the  country  are  ! 
so  blended,  so  dependent  upon  each  other,  that  ' 
ilir-  prosperity  of  nil  is  required  to  give  full  success  'j 
111  either.  When  the  country  is  generally  prosper-  - 
ous  in  other  pursuits,  there  will,  for  the  most  part,  |' 
be  large  importations  from  abroad,  and  hence  an  h 
abundant  revenue;  but  whenever  there  is  n  stag-  l! 
nation  in  businessnl  home,ouiiinporisarechecked.  !| 
It  is  not  the  rate  of  duty,  so  much  as  the  ability  to  j 
purchase,  which  governs  this  matter.  This  posi-  '' 
tioii  is  strikingly  illustrated  by  the  fact,  that  in  ! 
184i),  when  the  duties  were  much  less  ilinii  they  I 
had  111  en  for  more  than  twenty  years,  our  imports  ! 
were  1,'ss  than  they  had  been  for  twelve  years.  ■ 
There  was  at  that  lime  a  great  teinptalion  to  im- 
port. The  duties  were  low,  and  every  merchant 
believed  lh.it  a  revision  of  the  tarill",  which  must, 
at  that  tin;  take  place,  would  increase  the  duties  ■ 
in  a  greater  or  less  deirree.  And  yet  the  imports 
for  that  year  fell  off,  from  the  obvious  reason,  that  ■ 
the  slairnation  of  all  business  destroyed  the  ability  < 
to  purchase.  :; 

Thus,  sir,  from  every  view  of  the  subject,  we  ' 
are  constrained  to  believe  that  the  Admini.stration   ■ 
will  be  wofully  disap]<ointed,  if  they  expect  such 
an  inereaseof  imports  as  will  give  them  the  needed 
revenue.     The  country  is  not  able  to  niei.l  such  a   ' 
il'-ain  as  these  excessive  imports  will  iiuike  upon    ' 
their  resources.     Iniporiations  will  not  materially  1^ 
increase,  and  hence  tiie  revenue  must,  of  necessity,  !■ 
fall  off.     The  prnpo.s,:d  bill,  instead  of  gi\  iiig  more  ■■ 
revenue,  will,   1    am   persuaded,  give  si  i.ral  mil- 
lions less,  than  the  present  law;  and  will  bring  on 
that  geii'M-al  commercial  and  governmental  cmbar-  . 
rassnienl,  which    would    be   felt   throughout   the  i| 
length  and  breadth  of  the  land.  j! 

And,  Mr.  t'hairnian,  it  must  be  remeiTibered,  ] 
that  while  we  are  thus  tampering  with  the  revenue,    ' 
our  expenses  are,  at  least,  to  be  doubled.     The    ■ 
estimates  sent  in    in   the  early  Jiart  of  the  session 
aniomitcd    to   <l,-J.'i..")|H,H7.'j;  but   a  recent  estimate 
from  the  Treasury  Oepariment  has  added  lo  this  ■ 
sum  Sy'f,!'.">~,'.tll-1  more — making  the  gross  sum  of 
jll),471,777;  and   those  who  nri'  best  acqiiainied  ' 
with  the  subject  are  salislied  that  these  i  stimales 
are  too  low.     i-'rom  the  tacts  which  are  developing    ' 
themselves  from  day  to  day — the  marching  and  i 
connter-niarching  of  viihint  ers,    the   calling  out  ', 
and  disinissing  of  the  militia — 1  have  no  doubt  but 
that  the  expeiidiliiris,  slionld  the  war  continue  to  i 
the  eiiil  of  Ihe  year,  will  exceed  the  estimates  by    I 
some  niiliions.     .\nil  bow  is  this  expenditure  to  be  !i 
provided  for?     1  have  examined,  with  a  good  de-  l! 
gree  (if  attention,  a  report  of  the  Secrclary,  trnii.s-  '' 
milted   by  the   I'resiileiil   lo  the  Senate,  June  Ki, '' 
|H4(i;  and   I   must   be   permitted  to  say,  that  it  is  i' 
one    of  the    most   exiiMorilinary  documents   that  ,' 
ever  emanated   from   the   Kxecntive  Department,  jl 
The  Secretary  estimates  ihe  detlciency  at  tiie  close  j| 
of  Ihe  coming  year,  as  we  liave  already  seen,  nt  I' 
yj;!,!).")!!,!!!!!.     And  how  does  he  provide  for  this?  ij 
VV'liVi  he   tells  us  that,  accoriling  to  his   former  |' 
cstimaie,  there  will  be  in  the  treasury,  at  the  close  |' 
of  the  year,  ^4„'t,'t2,'141,  and   this  will   reduce  the' 
balance  to  «il!l,(i'-iO,4(i.').     1  Ic  next  informs  us  that, 
in  his  animal  report,  wlieii  be  was  laboring  I''  show  '' 
that  the  prcseiil  tnritf  was  tro  bit'li  t'or  revenue,  ] 
he  under-cstinmtcd  the  revenue ''roni  the  present' 


law  »|i4 ,01)0,01 10,  which  sum  will  reduce  the  deficit 
to  f^l.5,(WO,4():i.  But  in  the  very  next  brcatli,  he 
informs  lis  that  at  least  j(i4,0(IO.OOO  should  always 
remain  in  the  treasury;  und  hence  tlint  the  deficit 
should  bo  carried  up  again  lo  ■|«MI,G:J0,4(i,').  The 
.Secretary  next  makes  the cxlriiiinlinary  statement, 
that  the  bill  reported  by  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means  will  produce  fjiaG,(M)(l,t)0O  of  net  rev- 
enue, and  tlint  the  changes  which  he  proposed  to 
that  bill  will  yield  i«i4,o:U,0,'J7  more,  making  a  net 
revenue  of  «,;i0,034,0'>7,  a  sum  «,;'),534,0,'>7  more 
than  the  existing  law  would  yield,  and  so  would 
reduce  the  deficiency  lo  14.(iM),406.  He  relies 
upon  the  warehousing  system  fir  another  million, 
'and  expects  half  a  million  of  increase  from  the 
reduction  and  graduation  of  the  ]n'ice.)f  the  public 
lands.  These'resources  will  bringdown  the  deficit 
toS13,.'iffi,4(lli. 

This  is  'he  strange  financial  scheme  of  the  hon- 
orable '..■  retary !  The  proposed  tarilT  bill  docs 
ne'   go   into  operation  till   the    1st   of  December, 

■f4fi,  and  how  the  warehousing  system,  then  to 
lake  effect,  can  increase  the  revenue,  is  more  than 
!  can  comprehend.  He  proposes  in  his  report  that 
the  iioods  warehoused  should  remain  without  pay- 
ing duties,  till  ilicy  are  taken  out  for  use.  IJut  his 
principal  argument  for  the  warehousing  system  is, 
that  under  that  system  larw  amounts  of  foreign 
goods  would  be  brought  to  this  country,  and  then 
rc-exiio;-ted  when  they  were  wanted  tor  this  foreign 
trade,  in  which  ease  no  duties  would  be  paid,  but 
only  the  expense  of  storage.  And  yet  the  Secre- 
tary proposes  lo  increase  the  revenue  one  million 
of  dollars  in  Ihe  first  seven  months  of  its  ope- 
ration. It  is  true,  that  he  admits  that  "  the  in- 
'  trndiiction  of  Ihe  warehousing  system  might  di- 
'  niinisb  the  revenue  during  a  portion  of  the  fii-st 
'  year  succeeding  its  adoption,  but  that  it  would 
'and  S1.0IHI,0I)0  per  niiiium  to  Ihe  permanent  an- 
'  niial  revenue  tVoin  the  customs  is  not  doubted." 
This  is  the  stalcmeni  of  the  Secretary  in  his  own 
laiigua<re.  He  admits  that  for  the  nr.st  year,  or 
pnrt  of  th(^  first  year,  it  would  diminish  tlie  reve- 
nue; and  because  he,  thinks  it  will  ultimately  in- 
crease it,  he  feels  justified  in  taking $1, 000,000 int 
his  first  year's  account.  Nor  am  1  able  to  per- 
ceive bow  gradimtingand  reducing  the  price  of  the 
public  lands  will  increase  the  revenue.  The  lands 
are  now  ofl'ered  at  Si  -•''  per  acre.  It  is  proposed 
to  reduce  tliem  to  5I,  then  lo  "i")  cents,  then  lo  50 
cents,  then  lo  95  cents;  and  if  they  are  not  taken 
at  that,  to  give  them  to  the  States  or  to  settlers. 
Now,  is  it  at  all  probable  that  there  will  be  any 
srreat  rush  for  laiuls  at  *il  per  acre  when  the  pur- 
chaser knows  that  waitiii;;  a  short  time  he  can  ob- 
tain the  .same  lands  at  7.">  i-eiits,  or  !>()  cents,  or 
even  25  cents  per  acre  ?  In  fact,  the  idea  of  increas- 
ing the  revenue  from  the  warehousing  system,  or 
the  graduation  svslem,  is  loo  ridiculous  for  belief; 
and  I  doubt  wlieiher  any  other  Secretaiy  could  be 
found  who  would  riskhis  reputation  on  such  a 
eonjeciiiie.  Nay,  1  do  not  believe  that  any  mem- 
ber of  this  House  can  be  found,  who  will  endorse 
such  wild  extravagance.  Hut  the  crowning  glory 
of  his  scheme,  and  that  which  sets  his  financial 
skill  in  the  clearest  light,  is  bis  schedule  A,  ap- 
pended to  his  letter.  This  is  truly  a  fiscal  eurins- 
tty.  The  liouorable  Secretary,  ill  his  unnnal  re- 
port, has  assured  us  that  "  experience  proves  that, 
as  a  L'eneral  rule,  a  duty  of  20  percent,  ad  valorem 
will  yield  the  larL'cst  amount  of  revenue."  But 
this  .statement  is  not  only  rontradictcd  hy  the  cx- 
perieiH-e  of  our  own  cinintry,  but  the  schedule 
wliicii  he  submits  gives  the  lie' to  bis  declaration. 

The  first  ariicle  in  his  list  is  ilislillril  .v/iin'/.i.  He 
sets  dowi  the  present  import  at  ii;i,0(i."),.'i75,  under 
a  (b.ily  of  IMI  per  cent.  The  eommiiiee  propose  11 
liiitv  of  75  per  cent.;  but  the  Secretary  lliinks  this 
too'low  for  revenue,  and  hence  carries  il  up  to  125 
per  cent.,  and  so  gains,  by  some  means  or  other, 
S7'02,I!H7  of  revenue  more  than  the  eoinmitlee, 
iliougli  in  fact,  according  lo  his  own  tigiircs,  ho 
loses  «,210,H5(i  from  the  present  revenue.  He  sup- 
poses that  the  commillce  by  reducing  ilie  duty  from 
180  per  rent,  to  75  per  cent,  will  increase  the  im- 
portation <«:t40,000;  and  that  he,  by  redurini  the 
rate  from  JHtl  to  125  per  cent.,  will  increase  iho 
importation  f.,')(IO,000.  Now  I  desire  to  know  by 
what  rule  this  increased  importation  is  cnlculntcd  ? 
The  commillce  reduce  Ihe  ra;e  .5'.)  per  cent.,  and 
thereby  increase  the  imi.ortalion  HI  percent.;  but 
tiie  Secretary  reduces  the  rnto  only  31  per  cent.,  and 


'^Jl^ 


1000 


APPENDIX  TO  TME  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  29, 


29tii  Cong 1st  Srss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Hudson. 


Ho.  OF  Reps, 


t  *  111  t'l  LIU-  iiiiiiiKiii.  HI  ^o.»,tiui'.  t  in;  iirr^ci:'.  inn  V 
ix  •,>()  ["r  rem.,  Imt  llie  .Sn-rt  liiry  (IouIiIck  it,  anil 
nmkes  it  4U,  witliniit  irilucini,'  ilic  im|iiiri  ipn«  |i:ir- 
cii-lf,  nntl  ;,'uiii3  >i!t,^!lti  in 


increases  the  impnrUitioii '38  per  crnt.   Isaylslinuld  i 
like  to  be  intinini'il  l>y  wliiit  rule  in  inntheniiiti''R 
iliis  result  in  oblaincil.      Uy  iIlc  nld-rHBliioned  rule  j 
nr|iro|i(ii'tioii,  tliu  ciise  wnnlil  Kinnil  tliuii:  As  ;~i9  is 
to  ill, 911  is  31  ti'  1(1.     lint  iiccKrdinir  ii>  tlie  linnnr- 
alili'  Si'cri'Uii y's  arillnnetii:,  it  wnulil  kIiuiiI  tlnis;  ; 
Am  50  is  ti>  HI,  »ii  is  31  ti>  'M — lifinj;  an   error  of  \ 
i'i'i  iiuri'cnt.     This  exani|ile  shows  that  there  is  : 
til)  iirinriplo  adopted  by  rln;  Secretary,  but  tliat  he  , 
8ctM  down  nninbcrs  just  to  .'<uit  his  own  I'aney .    Hut  I 
the  next  Brtirle  shows  tiiis  siill  more  nkarly.     lie 
sets  down  the  iinporlation  ol'  cMili<d.i  lor  the  hist  ' 
yuu-al  Ji'J!t,7M8,  payni;;a  dniv  or4l  peri-enl.    The  I 
I'oininittee  raise  the  duty  to  ■;.)  per  cent.,  and  l)y  so 
doiiiir,  lu-cordinf,'  to  the  Seen  inry's  estimate,  in-  j 
creiise  the  importation    iVoni  S-1',788  to  it.")4,"88. 
Here  we  have  n  striking  exam|ilc  of  inathematieal 
and  tinaniial  enliMdalion.     The  f;rnat  ar^:umcnl  for 
the  reduelion  of  duties  is,  that  it  will  increase  ini- 
portHtinns;  but    lure  we    have    the   iniportalioiis 
nearly  donhh-d  by  earryim;  the  duly  np  from  41 
toTi'i  perrcni.    This  is  siiilicionlly  ridiculous,     lint 
it  is.sjiid  I"  be  a  pour  nile  which  will  iioi  work  lioili 
ways.     The  rule  of  the  Secretary  has  this  recom- 
mendation.    The  ciiniimllcc,  as  we  have  already 
.■<aMl,  by  raisini^   the  duly  from  41  to  7ri  per  rent, 
increase  the  impoils  from  ij:2:»,UII()  lo  <;.')|,()(H);  but 
the  honorable  Seciet,iry,  l)y  r(duciii<;  the  rate  iVnni 
41  per   cent.   To    41),  iiicrca.^es    ihe   imoorts   from' 
S,:>;),IM)0  to  ^li>!>,()UU:  and   by  this  opii-niion  adds 
Al(l,.y.24  lo  the  revenue!     Acccirdini,'  to  his  table,  , 
there  wen'  imported  last  yi^ai ,  sweetnieals,  Ac.,  lo 
the  amount  of  s44,Ul)0;  these  paid- a  il lily  of  •,>."> 
per  cent.     The  Secretary  carries  the  duly  up  lo  40 
percent,  v^ithimi  ehcckm;;  the  imporlaiion  in  the 
iea.-!l,and   so  i;ainK  >54,371   in   levemie.     Varieus 
kinds  of  fi.sli   preserved  in  oil   v,  "re  imporled  last 
yi  ar  to  the  amount  of  <ai83,(IO(l.     'Che  present  dm  v 

■-•"'  ■•■-  - '■■■  ''^ -• -'ubles  ii,anil 

uporl  one  | 
.  ,  -  --  revenue.  I5ul  on  ihe 
Hiticle  of  potatoes,  which  were  imporled  to  the 
Hinimiitof  5,'>8,(KHI,  he  proposes  to  reduce  the  duly  ' 
from  3(iper  cenl.  lo  .'III per  cent.,  and  iheieby  swells 
the  import  from  So»,IIOI)  lo  j^-JI)? ,111111;  and  caius 
more  Ihan  >1|(),I)IHI  to  ihc  treasury.  On  raw  hubs 
and  skins,  and  ipiicksdver,  ihe' duly  is  now  live  il 
per  cent.;  ihe  Secretiu-y  donljlos  il,  and  obtains 
^ly-'ijOIK)  of  reveime,  wiihout  checkni:;  ihe  im|)oii- 
ation  Htidl.  On  tea  and  coll'ee,  which  are  now  free, 
he  imposes  a  duly  of  -Ht  ]»-v  cenl,,  hut  dots  not 
dimini.'^h  the  qnaniity  in  the  least.  The  same  is 
true  of  almosi  every  other  free  ariide  which  he 
proposes  to  la.x.  liut  ilie  moment  he  rednres  the  ' 
duly  upon  one  article,  he  increa.sis  the  imporialion 
immensely.  Cut  j;lass  was  iniporli  d  last  year  lo  . 
Ihe  amount  of  jl.'),!,')!!,  at  a  duly  of  d'li  per  iiul. 
Mr.  Walker  reduces  the  duly  to  411  pine  ill.,  and  ihe 
import  immediately  uues  up  lo  >l  j.l,  j.'i;),  and  he 
secures  ni^arly  <jl(;,i)(MI  in  revenue  by  llie  operalion. 
On  ylass  Inmljlers,  iiv  reduciie.'  the  dulii  s  he  earrie 
an  import  of  Slilll  np  to  iJjIMl.T'.HI:  but 
poultry,  Ac,  he  raises  ihe  duly  IVoni  : 
In  ill,  and  upon  maniificiiired  loliacco  from  ;2s  m 
40,  wiiliout  diminishiiii;  the  iinporls  lo  ihe  amount 
of  a  siiujle  mill.  The  Si  en  lary  sils  down  souu' 
tlurly  aplieles  where  ihe  duly  was  n'duci  d  by  llie 
ronnniliee,  and  where  he  reslori  s  llie  'nie  lo  wlia, 

II  is  in  the  exisiin;;  law;  and  slid  is  so  ,v lerfully 

skilful,  that  he  increases  in  every  (iislaiice  the 
•iniouiit  of  revenue.  What  I  have'  ,'iveii  is  a  fair 
specimen  of  this  exiraonlinary  iloci.nnnl.  I  wish 
to  speik  respecil'ully  of  whatever  emanates  from 
the  Kxecuiive  IJeparlmenI,  but  I  do  not  bi  here 
that  Ihere  is  u  cliairrnan  ot"  a  coaniiitlee  in  this 
House  who  would  risk  Ins  re|iiiiaiioii  in  puiine^' 
forth  sucha  jiafier.  I  ve'iiun  to  piediel  iIlii  tlnn' 
is  not  a  ^'inilemnn  upon  this  doin'  who  w  ill  nnder- 
lake  to  ilefeiid  ihis  eMr.ionbnary  docnmenl.  .\o 
■nan  who  is  acr|uainled  w  nh  the  Mibjeci,  vv  ill  pliu  e 
Ihe  least  nliaice  u[ion  llie  <  ali  nlaiions  it  coii- 
lains.  It  isf  iiiieled  upon  no  p.nii'iple,  is  susuiiiied 
by  no  experience,  and  m  fact  deserves  no  eonsid-  ; 
trntion. 

Ihit  still  Ihis  report  of  the  Secretary  is  val- 
luilile  in  oiii:  respect.  Il  shows  the  exlreiiHs 
to  which  he  is  driven,  and  the  uller  folly  of  dis- 
eanlini;  all  experience,  nnd  subsiiiutin;;  mere  ab- 


opi 

1  arr 
111   miMls, 
per  cent. 


Kiractions. 
id    I 


proved  by  every  preceding  President,  nnd  sanc- 
tioned by  every  Congress  since  iho  establishment 
of  the  Oovernmenl. 

l!ut  the  Seeielary  labors  in  lii.i  iinmial  report  lo 
show,  that  the  present  tiirilV  is  injurioiia  to  the 
commereial  interest.  "  The  tarilV,"  he  says,  "  dis- 
'  e'iminates  ill  I'avor  of  the  manufacturer,  and 
'  airainat  the  merchant,  by  injiiriou.'i  restriclions 
'  upon  trade  nnd  rommerre;  and  against  the  alii|)- 
'  biiildin;;  and  imvip:alini;  interest,  by  heavy  duties 
'  on  alnioat  every  article  used  in  building  and  navi- 
'  irmim;  vessels.  It  discriminates  in  favor  of  the 
'  mamifaciuier,  nnd  ai^aiust  exports,  which  nre  as 
'  truly  the  products  of  Americiui  indiistry  as  niami- 
•  factures." 

An  nil  the  srrenl  indiiKtriul  pursuits  of  the  coun- 
try nre  important  to  ils  prosperity,  no  one  interest 
should  be  fostered  at  the  expense  of  another.  Con- 
.sei|ueiitly,  if  the  Secretary's  stalemeiit  is  sustttincd 
by  facis,  it  all'onls  a  strong  m-;^umem  against  our 
present  iirolec.tive  system. 

Uiit  is  il  true  that  eommeive  is  injured  by  the 
priwiit  policy  of  the  couulryr  This  is  not  ihe 
opinion  of  our  commereial  men.  Mas.sarhusetls, 
taking'  her  ra|iilal.  shippiiur,  and  the  fisheries  iiiio 
the  accoupi,  may  be  considered  as  among  the  fust 
eommercial  Slafes  in  ihe  Union.  And  yet  her 
merchants,  not  wantiiu;  in  inteHi^enre,  are  |iei- 
fei'tly  satisned  with  the  operalion  of  mir  tariH'. 
The  same,  I  believe,  is  'rue  of  the  merchaiils  ^'en- 
erally  in  oiir  country.  It  is  true  thai,  in  the  city  of 
New  York,  whin-e  ihe  imporliii!:  is  to  a  laifxe  ex- 
lenl  in  llie  hands  of  fmeigners,  there  is  something 
of  a  free-trade  iiiHuence,  but  the  .American  iiier- 
chnnts  do  not  sympathize  in  il.  It  is  a  matter  of  a 
litlle  surprise  that  most  of  this  sympathy  for  eoni- 
mercc  and  the  imvigatin;  interest,  comes  from  that 
|)art  of  the  country  which  has  the  least  commerce. 
New  Eiiirland  alone  owns  nearly  twice  lis  much 
tonnage  as  all  the  Stales  .south  of  Mason  nnd  Dix- 
on's line;  and  the  single  Slate  of  Massaclm.setis 
owiLf  abiail  eiijlit  limes  as  much  as  South  Cani- 
lina,  GeorL;in,  Florida,  Alabama,  and  Mississippi 
iiniied.  Now,  sij',  is  il  not  singular  ihai  the 
Viinkees,  noted  for  their  shrewdness,  should  mis- 
take their  Iriie  iiilensl,  and  thai  Mississippi, which  ' 
has  scan'c  a  ship  adoat,  should  lie  ihe  great  advo- 
cale  for  Ihe  shipping  inleiest,  and  understand  bet- 
ter what  IS  the  true  policyon  this  subject  than  any 
oilier  Siile.'  If  Ibe  larilf  act  of  lf<i'2  is  so  deslrue- 
tive  to  Ihe  shippini;  inleresi,  would  net  the  owners 
of  that  shipping  bi'  likely  lo  disco.er  it.-  lint 
what  are  the  facis  in  ihis  case  .'  lias  ihe  toiina'_'e 
of  the  country  fallen  oil' under  the  inllneiice  of  this 
law?  The  very  reverse  of  this  is  the  I'.ict.  In 
1840,  the  total  timna^'e  of  the  country  amonnled  lo 
•..MMI,7(i4  tons:  in  !f'41,  lo  J,i;iO,744;  and  in  184^', 
to  ;.',0!l'J,:(ll(),Khiiwini,'  a  falling  oil',  in  lime  yeais 
before  ihe  passau'e  of  the  pnselit  law,  of  8H,4(i4 
Ions,  in  is'.pt,  the  loima-e  rose  to  :J,|;„s.(;ili  ions; 
in  1844,  Io-J,OMU,0'.C)  tons;  and  in  ih4.''i,  to '>,4l7,t)OJ 
Ions,  lieiuL'  a  u'aiii,  in  llu-ee  years  after  the  pas.saa:e 

of  the  larilf.  of  U.'i.-^. 401  tons.    The  li lu'e  m  l.>4.') 

was  4'J4,70"J  ions  L'l'i-iler  than  il  was  in  l--i4:J,w  lieu 
every  iiileiest  was  pmslraled  by  llie  riiinons  eli'ecis 
of  ihe  coiupnmii.-'e  ml.  Anoiber  view  of  thiasub- 
ji  ct  leads  to  the  same  coiichision.  The  tonnage  of 
ihe  ships  built  in  the  United  Stales  in  1^4;")  was 
[,'reati  r  by  ^J",!!!!!!  Ions  tiiaii  the  average  of  the 
tliri  e  precediii'.:  years. 

.Now,  sir,  do  not  these  fads,  taken  from  the 
oUioial  n-conls  of  the  Ciovernnieiil,  provi;  most 
conclusively  that  the  larilf  ol  ln\i>  has  pronioled 
the  iiiien  SI  of  navi..Mtion  -  During'  ihe  ihree  years 
preceilin;;  ihe  year  |H4'.',  the  balance  of  iiade  was 
S'-J'-i,-'l"-',OI).'la;;aiii.-il  ns;  but,  during  llie  ihree  years 
follow  iiiif  Ihe  larilf,  Ihe  balance  of  Irade  was  Wi,- 
!l(t,'),(!40  in  our  favor.  And  the  excess  of  specie 
brought  inio  the  eonniry,  over  thai  which  was 
Mill  abroad,  was  ji„i,(l(14,'jr>ri  more  dmiiii;  the  latler 
period  Ihan  the  fonner,  .\  view  of  the  tonnage 
which  emend  and  cleared  in  llie  pnrlsof  llie  Uni- 
ted Sillies,  before  and  aflir  llie  passa^je  of  the  larilf 
nf  iH4->,  eldirly  shows  the  beuelicial  etl'ecls  of  iliat 
law  upon  llie  trade  of  the  coiiiilrv.  In  1H41,  the 
toniiaiie  which  mlered  and  clean  d  was  4,l>;i!l,4.'iH 
Ions,  and  ill  184i',  when  the  diilies  were  down  In 
the  loweM   ebb,   4,r)IO,H41:    but   in    |H44,  it   was 


^o    man,   ns    it   si  ems    lo    me,   can      ,'>,8  J,ltif<  Ions,  and  m 


rend    Ills   various  reports  wi 


that  the 


III 


iholll    bein. 


g   sensible 


184;-! 


nnd  cleared  in  1845  wnn  1,410,463  tons  more  than 
in  1842. 

Now,  sir,  in  view  of  these  facts,  what  becomes 
of  the  Secretary's  rcprc.^enlatioiis  that  eomniercc 
is  languishing  under  theell'ects  of  the  lariirof  1841!? 
If  facts  jinive  anylliing — if  there  is  any  reliance 
upon  otficiul  documents — we  have  the  dearest  evi- 
dence that  commerce  and  navigation,  which  were 
fading  away  under  the  blighting  curse  of  the  Coiu- 
proiiiise  net,  have  been  revived  and  promoted  by 
our  present  levemie  law. 

Since  the  cxisliiig  law  has  been  in  operation, 
there  has  been  a  better  and  more  healthy  stale  of 
trade  than  there  was  before.  Under  the  declining 
scale  of  the  act  of  l."^3D,  foreigners  had  almost  ino- 
iiopoii/.ed  the  Irnde  in  our  larire  eilies.  In  i84'i, 
of  the  iiniiorts  into  the  city  of  New  York  from  this 
side  of  tlie  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  74  jier  cent. 
was  on  foreign  aceuiml,  and  of  Ihe  imporis  inio 
lloslon  10  per  cenl.  was  on  foreign  acconni;  bul  in 
I84r>,  the  same  class  of  imporUs  inio  New  York 
was  but  44  per  cenl.  on  fon-ign  account,  and  into 
lloslon  but  "J  per  cent,  on  foreign  account.  These 
facts,  which  are  oblained  from  olili  iai  .sounes, 
show  incontrovertilily  that  our  pusenl  law  has 
exerted  a  beneficial  indnence  upon  our  Hade  in  a 
great  variety  of  lespecis;  that  it  iias  increased  the 
ainouni,  turned  Ihe  balance  in  our  favor,  and  given 
the  business,  in  iv  much  greater  ile;:n  e  than  for- 
merly, into  tlie  iianils  of  oar  own  ciiizeiis. 

It  is  objected  lo  the  ))reseiit  law,  thai,  by  elier- 
ishiiig  manufaclures,  we  reduce  the  imporialions, 
and  so  impair  the  navigating  iiitei-esl.  liiil,  sir,  1 
believe  this  objection  to  be  more  specious  than 
sound.  A  considerable  portion  ofllie  raw  male 
rials  used  in  maiml'acliireij  are  of  I'on-ign  gnnvili, 
and  as  the  raw  materials  are  of  greiiler  bulk  and 
weiirht  than  the  manufactured  articles,  bringing 
llieiii  into  the  counlry  gives  mine  employment  to 
our  shipping  than  would  bo  given  by  the  inaiiu- 
factun'd  articles  themselves.  This  is  illustinled 
by  tlic  article  of  shoes.  Wo  now  maiinfaclme 
most  of  our  boots  and  shoes;  this  gives  rise  to  a 
larje  import  of  hides,  which  amonnled  last  year 
to  nearly  four  millions  of  dollars,  and  these  were 
impoi'Icii  almost  exclusively  in  .■Vmericjui  v*'ssels; 
besides,  -some  >ii.'l.'lt),IMI0  worlli  of  bonis  and  shoes 
were  exporitd,  lliiis  givuiL:  double  eiiipbiyinenl  to 
our  shipping.  Uut  if  the  duly  on  boots  and  shoe;, 
were  taken  olf,  and  we  wen!  lo  cbiain  ihei.  from 
nbmad,  a  large  share  of  them  wmdd  coiiio  in  in 
forei:;ii  vessels.  Tlie  same  is  true  ofsu^ar.  We 
now  import  a  larje  i)uantily  of  bniwii  sugar,  which 
is  refined  hen;,  and  then  st'-iit  aliroail,  which  gives 
our  shipping  two  freishls  instead  of  oiii  .  liesides, 
we  sent  abroail  li;  <1  year  some  !Sl'.',(100,00l»  of  luaii- 

ufaciured  articles,  beiu;;  more   ihan   i teiiili  of 

our  dome.slic  exporls,  nearly  all  of  which  would 
be  cut  olf  if  On  pnsent  pnueitive  policy  were 
abandoned.  Our  shipping,  like  every  oilier  inlei-- 
csl,  is  dependinl  upon  the  general  coiidiiion  of  lie- 
counlry.  When  tin  re  is  gem  lal  pmsperily,  our 
slii|is  are  employed;  but  when  peenniary  embai - 
r.issnienl  is  abroad  in  the  land,  they  are  left  rotting 
at  our  wharves. 

Some  gentleiiien  speak  of  ourshippingas  ihoie'li 
it  wen;  i  niployed  exilusively  in  our  I'on  ign  Ir.nle. 
But  this  is  a  i.'riat  niisiake.  tinr  coastini;  Iraih 
and  inlernal  coininuce  is  not  only  much  gn-aler, 
but  inoie  iiiiporl:uil  lo  the  counlry  ihan  our  for- 
eign trade.  I  regnt  that  il  is  not  in  my  power  lo 
give  n  full  and  correct  view  of  this  imporiant 
branch  of  our  Hade,  Onr  tioveriniii  nl  have  been 
sirangely  ni  liss  on  this  subjeei.  They  have  loo 
loic;  net'lecied  lo  ink''  ineasun  s  lo  obiaiii  correct 
sinlislics  of  mir  coasling  Hade  and  inland  coin- 
meree. 

The  esiiiuale  I  shall  present  iNUs!  be  very  mi- 
perfect,  and  rel.iie  to  only  a  few  poin  •  It  will 
be  seen,  by  the  conimercial  dociiinc  nl,  hal  tin 
tonnage  <  nii'loyed  ill  the  eoasiinc;  trade  ainoun's 
lo  about  half  lif  the  tomiii;.'e  of  the  counlry,  ,'\s 
mosi  of  these  vessels  perform  short  voya^'es,  the 
amount  of  goods,  Ac,,  Iransporled  in  iheiii  is  niiicli 
grealer  than  wliiil  is  Ininsporled  in  legislind  Ion- 

ii.iL'e  einploved   in   fonii;!!  i imen'e.     The  innii- 

ber  of  vessels  which  enlered  llie  port  of  lloslon 
alone,  in  llie  year  184.'i,  fnuii  oilier  purls  oiil  ojllif 


nil'. 


al   leasl — ihe  danger  e 


have  a  falliiiu'  oil',  fnmi    1>'4I  to  1H4'J,  of  'JIlMli: 
tons;  bul  from  1844  to  |t<4i'i,  there  was  an  increa 


,ii;i0.30,'),     ilcie  we      ,S'M,  n/ .Wn.!.«iWiti,vf(/s,  excludiiiL;  also  (isliing  vc 


eh  and  the  wood,  lumber,  am 


I  hay  I 


iiMlers  from 


view  etpi 
poi'ls. 


mice  1 
•<'"1'1" 


Maine,  was  f), 481,  Willi  nu  atrgn'giile  toiiiiag 


deiiartmg  from   princiides  which   have   been  ap- ;,  of  118,135  tons;  nnd  the  lonnage  which  emend  ,   9;i0,lia6  tons,  being  e(|ual  to  nine-tunths  of  all  tin 


e29, 


B  tliaii 

(■(linos 
incrcc 
■184'J' 
'liiinc(j 

N[  C'Vi- 

\  WCI(^ 
Cdlll- 

tud  Ly 

(lion, 
llU('  (if 
inir);;; 
I  iiiii- 
I.SJ:>, 
1  iIiIh 
(■(■III. 

llllo 
lilt  ill 
Viiilt 

into 
■lli.sc 


•r 

Mlicr 


1846.J 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1001 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


Harbors  and  Rivera- — Mr.  Speight. 


Senate. 


ro:.;istprcil  tonnage  of  llin  country.     Of  tins  niinibrr  I 
iif  vcN.scIs  17l)  v,ric  finm  New  Orleiiiis,  39  friiin 
Miiliilo,  anil  .'!">  from   Klorliln — ninkiiio;  2-J4  from 
the   Uiilf  of  Mexico.     Tlirae  Sll  vcsisds,  with  ft  j 
i.uiiiiii^L'  of  IIH.GOO  toii.s,  l)riiui;lil  into  the  city  of  i 
liiislon,  from  till!  |ilncra  nicntioiu'd,  cottiin,  flour,  | 
iiini,  h(;inp,  hidis,  foiitliers,  lt'iid,l)i"ef,  |iurl(,huni, 
hud,  (iiipir,  niolns.ics,  slnvrs,  tiillow,  wool,  niid  i 
loliacc.o,  to  the  uinouiit  of  ^lOi-IOtliOOU;  lo  Huy  no-  I 
tliiiif^  of  (;m»a  seed,  ca.slor  oil,  liiisccJ  oil,  liecswax, 
fiira,  jiuilry,  licaiin,  jiras,  whc.'.;,  coninicul,  whis- 
key, IjiiHido   rolics,  co|i|.er,   irini,  Itntlier,  liultur,  i 
and  a  groat  Viirioly  uf  oihor  arliclcs,  all  of  domes-  i 
till  growth.     This  iiicludis  only  ilie  freight  from  ; 
till!  Gulf  to  IJosloii.ttiid  if  W(!  add  the  fieiiihl  f.oin  ', 
liiwlon  to  the  Gulf,  and  all  the  foroisn  |iidduclg 
which  wore  lran.i|iiirtcd  Imtli  ways,  which  are  not  ' 
iiichidod  ill  the  al/ovc  cstiinalo,  it  would  amount  to  \ 
iiioio  Ihan  one  fourth  of  our  whole  export  loall 
l(iioi;,-ii  iialioiis.     The  coasting  toniume  which  en-  i 
lor.M  and  clears  fi'iim  Dosliin  aloiio  is  more  than 
iwico  as  much  as  all  the  American  tonnaije  wiiich  ' 
oiilir.i  and  clears  from  all   our  porls  to  Great  Cril- 
ain  and  Ireland  for  lliesanie  period.     'I'lie  lominL'je 
liotwoon  IJiwton  and  the  ports  in  h'iorida,  Moliilo,  . 
and   New  Orleans,   is  greater  than  the  American 
loiinago  between   the  United  .States  and  European  '. 
iiaiions,  exee|it  Great  Britain  and  Kraiice,  and  falls 
lait  1^  per  cent.  Iielow  our  loiiiiai;e  wilh  the  latter 
power.     The  imporls  of  doiiieslic  articles  from  the 
|.orls  of  riorida,  Moliile,  and  New  (Irleaiis,  inio 
liiistoii,  in  IHJ.'i,  vcas  o(pial  in  value  lo  our  entire 
import    from    all    Mumpo,  wiili    ilic   oxcejition  of 
Great  liriialii  and  l''iancr.     These  facts  show  the 
i;reat  iiiipiolaiice  of  our  coasling  trade  at  Ijiiston;  , 
and  I  regret  that  it   is  not  in  my  power   to  give  a 
view  ecpially  full  of  the  oiiastm^  trade  at  other 
ports. 

The    inlcriial    Irndo  which   finds   the  Allanlic 
ihroiigh  the  Hudson  river  is  e(|iial  (o  nearly  half 
of  our  foreign  cominerce.     The  froight  hrouglit  lo 
llie  Hudson  in  184;"),  from  ilie  Krie  and  C'hamplaiii  , 
caiiaU,  was  valued  at  |J45,4.W,l)UO,  and  the  amount  ' 
which  entered  these  canals  from  Allianv  aiid  Troy, 
the  same  year,  anKiimtod  to'j>j,'i,454,(;ii();  showing 
a  total  of  >*1(K),!<()«,0U0,  which  is  a  l.i/le  more  ihnn 
the  eiiliie  exporls  U)  foreign  naiioiis,  for  ihe  same 
year.of  arlicles  the  growth  or  produce  of  the  TJiii- 
led  Xinles.     The  traiisportalion  on  llie  New  York 
canals  in  1845  was  l,!)'.)7,.'i(ir)  Ions,  lieiiig  hut  !t  |ier 
cent,  less  ihan  the  whole  amuaiit  of  American  !on- 
naje  which  oiUered  our  porls  llie  same  year  from  i 
all  foreign  iialioiis.     Troni  this  ;;liiiiee  at  the  liusi-  j 
iiess  upon  llie  Erie  and  ('haiiiplain  canals,  the  in 
porlance  of  llic  Hade  of  the  Hudson  will  he  si  en  at 
once.     We  have  no  means  of  know  iiig  the  ainoiiiit 
of  commerci;  on  the  lakes,  luil,  as  ihc  tonnage  rc- 
pi^rlcd   ill   the  commercial  dipcunient  is  more  lliaii 
lUd.OOl)  tons,  being  about  ei|ual  to  iluil  of  Virginia, 
Ninlh  Carolina,  and  Soiilli  Carolina,  we  prcsuine 
ihal  the  coasling  trade  iiiiisl  he  very  consideralile. 

The  Irade  of  llie  Mississippi  anil  its  Irihularies 
is  immense.  Uiii  here  wo  aie  desliuilo  of  any  iiii- 
ilicnlic  infiM'iiialioii.  The  tonnage  ol'  sleanilioals, 
lis  shown  by  anllieiitic  dociiineiils,  on  ili(>  Mis«iis- 
si|ipi  and  iis  Irihiilanos,  amounls  lo  l(;i),l)(l(l  Ions, 
being  more  ihan  lliree  linns  as  much  as  llie  tnn- 
iiage  of  Virginia.  From  e>iiiiiiiies  on  which  nli- 
ioice  may  be  placed,  ihe  downward  I'ri  iglil,  which 
soippiil  at  .\ew  Orleans  in  1S4.",,  aiiiounled  lo 
«,ll(l,U(l(l,ll(ill;  and  if  Ihe  upward  rrciirlil  be  oslima- 
liil  at  llie  .-anie,  which  caniiui  be  far  from  ihe  irnih, 
II  would  ani<aiiil  lo  <,1'JI),(KII),(MI(),  l.einu  more,  I'v 
sO||,(IOll,tll)ll,  than  our  oxpori  of  Aniuican  pmil- 
iids  to  all  loreign  iialions  for  llie  sanie  year.  We 
liaie  no  nieaiis  of  knowing  ihe  eiilire'aiiioiiiii  of 
prodm  Is  borne  upon  ibe.  Mi.-sissippi  and  its  mi- 
nierons  branches,  Init  prosiinie  we  may  safely  add 
411  pi  r  ci  III.  10  ihe  amoiini  which  arrives  ai,  and 
ilipails  from,  iNcw  (bleaiis,  which  would  niiikelhe 
vasi  Slim  of  (>l(iS,IIU(l,(l(ltl.  If  to  all  this  we  add 
ilic  prodiicls  which  find  llirir  «ay  lo  llie  Allanlic 
lliroiigh  Ihe  public  works  in  IVimsyKaiiin,  lliroiiuli 
the  Delaware  and  Chesapeake  bays,  and  the  mi- 
nieroiis  oilier  sironms  and  railroads  w  iiicli  coniniu- 
iiicale  wilh  llie  ocean,  and  add  iherclolhe  coasting 
Made  of  New  York,  IMiiladi  Ipliia,  and  IVillimoro, 
and  oilier  porls  "too  mimeroiis  to  menlion,"  we 
shall  find  ibat  our  home  coimnerco  is  smiio  live  or 
NIX  times  gri'alor  ihan  our  foreign,  and  ll„.l  in  this 
Irade  our  vessels  lime  the  iiioiio|ioly;  whereas, 
ill  our  foreijjn  commeiee,  nearly  oiie-tliird  of  the 


carrying  is  performed  by  foreigners  in  llieir  own 

ships. 

Now,  sir,  in  view  of  all  these  facts,  I  hope  lo 
hear  no  more  sneering  lit  the  mention  of  the  coast- 
ing trade  and  inlornid  commerce  of  the  country,  as 
tlinu"h  it  were  hardly  worthy  of  being  taken  into 
llie  iiceownl.     This  home  trade  is  rapidly  increas- 
ing, mid  notliing  contributes  so  much  to  iis  pros-  ■ 
perily  as  the  present  prosperous  slate  of  the  comi-  ' 
try,  brought  about,  in  no  small  degree,  by  liie  tariff  ! 
of  1843.     As  fur  as  we  have  any  regular  returns,  \ 
an  insucction  of  them  will  show  llie  fad,  that  from 
18,'i8  llie  business  of  coasting  and  inland  transport-  i 
iiliuii  declined  till  184.'),  when  an  improvement  com-  j 
inenced,  which  has  gone  on  successfully  to  this 
day.     This  is  true  of  our  coasling  trade,  as  shown 
by  the  increiise  of  tonnage;  and  the  tolls  and  traiis- 
portution  upon  Ihc  Erie  and  Chainplain  canals,  in 
lHvw  Yoik,  show  ihe.saine  fact.    Who,  then,  from 
a  full  survey  of  ihis  -whole  subject,  will  repeat  the  ; 
unfounded  declaralion  ofthe  Secretary  of  the  Treas-  i 
urv,  that  Ihc  larilf  is  injurious  lo  the  commercial  : 
and   navigating  iiiloresls.'     Who  will  reiieralo.  Ihe  ' 
stale  charge,  thai  the  inamifacluriiig  interest  is  de- 
pressing every  oilier  interest  in  the  coiinlry  .'    No 
man,  as  it  seems  to  me,  whose  mind  is  capable  of 
taking  a  broad  view  of  the  iiidusirial   piirsuiis  of 
our  whole  people,  and  of  eomprolionding  the  iiiu- 
tiuil   depciidoiice  of  one  upon   aiiolher,  can  fail  to 
perceive  the  folly  of  arraying  one  calling  or  pursuit 
against  llie  oilier,  as  though  they  were  naliiral  ene- 
mies.    ManufacUircs  lire  dependent  upon  agricul- 
ture Old  oomiiier  e;  but  the  depoiidenee  is  niuliial, 
and  \  halever  bei,';fits  either  will  confer  a  blessing 
upon  each. 

But  i'' it  were  not  si;  if  our  present  tariff  system, 
by  giving  ciirouragoniciit  to  •■;;.Miir;'ctiiros,  and  by 
providing  ii  home  i.iaiivet  for  llie  p  odiicis  of  the 
soil,  did  throw  s  mic  impcdinieiils  n  ihc  way  of 
comi.ierce,  thai  iiiteiesl  would  liavi  no  reason  lo 
complain.  No  inlenst  in  the  coip  try  is  more  in- 
debted to  the  fostering  care  ol  li.e  Uovermnrnt  ihan 
coimnerce,  and  no  one  has  cost  llie  American  peo- 
ple one-tcnlh  juirt  as  niindi.  Our  e.xlensive  liglit- 
lioiise  sysleni,  our  harbor  and  ri\er  iniprovomonls, 
ill  which  arecxpeiidid,aiid  wisely  oxpended,  large 
sums  annually,  are  for  the  benefit  of  commerce. 
Our  navy,  too — that  ir.portant  arm  of  national 
defence — is  devoted  prim  ipally  to  llie  i)rotcction  of 
our  Hade.  Our  tonnage  duties  arc  a  direcl  protec- 
tion of  our  own  shipping.  In  the  first  C'oligro.ss 
afler  liie  adoption  I. f  the  Consliliuioii  an  act  was 
passed  giving  a  priority  lo  Aincrican  bolloms;  and 
'at  law,  wilh  some  few  alleialioiis,  remains  in 
force  l.i  this  day.  t)iir  ship-builders  enjoy  a  mo- 
nopoly. In  Older  lo  i  njoy  llie  privileges  of  Ameri- 
can shipping,  ihe  vessel  iiiiisl  be  built  and  owned 
ill  llie  Ciiiled  l;lales.  Our  own  .^hipping  pays  a 
lomiiige  duly  of  ti  coiils  per  ton,  while  ships  not 
biiill  and  owned  in  llio  I'niled  Slaies  are  siibji  did 
lo  ."ill  cools  per  lull.  These  rcgiihilions,  v\  iih  ihe 
pavmoiit  on  foreign  shipping  of  ,")l(  eenlsper  Ion  of 
liglil  money,  excliiih  s  foreign  ships  from  ourcoasl- 
iiig  trade,  and  gives  our  slii|iping  a  porfecl  iiionop- 
oly.  Ihil  this  is  not  ah.  Our  present  larilf  law, 
wiiicli  is  thnii  'it  lo  injure  our  iiavi^'alion,coiiUiiiis 
I  an  express  provi.sion  that  ihore  shall  be  added  lo 
the  rales  of  diilies  iin|piisod  ihereiii,  an  addilion  of 
/ill  inr  fiiilviii  if  llie  goods  are  imported  in  foreign 
vessel.',  and  hrtnlij  ;ii  r  cc iidoii  if  in  foreign  vessels 
bringing  iiicrcliandise  from  every  idace  oast  of  the 
Cape  of  Cioiid  Hope.  Here  is  a  diseriminalion  of 
from  foiirieeii  lo  twenty  per  cent,  in  favor  of  our 
own  shipping. 

From  a  full  view  of  ilu  whole  subject,  our  roiii- 
mercial  and  navigating  inli-'rcsls  liavi;  no  reason  lo 
complain.  And,  sir,  ihey  do  noi  coniplain.  Tiny 
are  fully  salisfn  d  wilh  the  pre.-ioiil  policy  of  the 
coiiiiliv  in  this  respoci.  The  coniplainls  which 
are  iiuide,  and  ihe  imirnmrs  which  we  hear,  come 
oillier  from  forcigeers  who  have  an  inleresl  adverse 
to  our  own,  or  from  roslless  jioliiicians  who  have 
but  lillle  knowle.lge  on  the  nibjed,  and  who  kii|i 
up  this  cliimor  for  mere  parly  purposes. 

Ihii,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  mast  bring  my  remarks 
lo  a  close.  I  am  O)iposeil  lo  the  bill  under  con- 
sidernlion  on  miineroiis  gromids.  I  am  opposed 
lo  it,  because  it  is  based  upon  the  principle  llial  the 
highest  olijeci  of  legislalion  on  ibis  subjeci  is  !o 
provide  for  the  Government  and  not  for  llio  peo- 
'  pie.  1  am  opposed  lo  il,  because  it  would  check 
\  the  progress  of  inunuftictuios  in  the  counlry,  and. 


by  breaking  down  the  small  esloblishnienls,  and 
especially  in  the  .Moiilhorn  and  western  part  of  ilie 
counlry,  would  give  a  monopoly  to  the  old  and 
wealthy  cstublishmenls.  I  am  opposed  toil,  be- 
cause it  would  impair  commerce  and  navigation, 
by  destroying  the  general  prosjirrily  of  ihe  people. 
I  am  opposed  to  it,  because  it  would  injure  the 
hardy  tillers  of  llie  soil  by  desiroying  their  home 
market.  I  am  opjiosed  lo  ihe  bill,  becau.ic  it  would 
lend  to  increase  miporlaiions,  lurii  the  balance  of 
trade  against  us,  draw  specie  from  the  country, 
and  so  prostrate  business  by  deranging  ihe  curren- 
cy of  the  counlry.  I  am  opposi  d  to  il,  because, 
as  a  financial  measure,  il  would  fail  of  iis  oniecl, 
and  inslead  of  increasing  would  diminish  the  rcve- 
mie,  and  so  ombarrass  :lio  operations  of  the  Gov- 
ernmeiil.  rinally,  I  am  opposed  lo  il,  bi  cause  il 
is  an  allack  upon  the  industry  ofthe  counlry,  and 
would,  by  paralyzing  business,  put  the  poor  at  the 
mercy  of  ihe  rich;  and  by  iiarroasing  llie  weallli  of 
llie  lalter,  would  deprive  the  former  of  the  due 
reward  of  his  labor. 

Our  counlry  was  never  more  prosperous  in  her 
indiisliial  pursiiils  than  she  is  at  presenl.  The 
busy  liimi  of  indiislry  is  heard  in  every  part  ol  ihc 
land,  and  the  "  gains  of  gold"  which  llie  diversi- 
fied employmonis  yield,  show  lliat  our  Inbor  bus 
boon  well  direcled.  Oomoslic  peace  covers  iho 
land,  and  pros|>erily  ihe  people.  The  present 
lariif  is  well  suited  lo  our  coniliiioii,  yielding  am- 
ple revenue  lo  ihe  Govurinnenl,  and  giving  gcneinl 
prosperily  llirou!;lioiit  the  land.  This  law  it  is 
[  proposed  lo  repeal.  The  roveiiue  of  llie  Govern- 
ment is  to  be  reduced,  and  the  prospoiiiy  of  ihc 
people  stricken  down.  Foreign  fabrics  are  lo  be 
subslituted  for  our  own,  and  our  labor  is  lo  be 
binughl  into  direcl  compclition  wilh  ihe  piiniier 
Kibor  of  Enrol. e.  Atnl  why  is  lliis  change  songhi  ? 
Is  il  demanded  by  llie  people,  for  whose  beiielll 
the  Government  was  insiiliiled,  and  lo  proinolo 
whose  inlcrcst  all  laws  should  beenaeled?  The 
people  have  made  no  such  demand.  Not  a  piti- 
lioii  has  been  addressed  lo  us  asking  any  snch 
chanue.  AVliy,lhen,  this  elVort  lo  repeal  a  law 
wliieli,iii  a  few  short  years,  has  leMorecl  the  finan- 
ces of  the  Governmoiit,  and  iniproveil  iho  eoiidi 
lion  of  llie  cnmmuiiity .'  1  feel  iinpellcd  to  say, 
thai  Ihe  efl'ort  is  a  mere  efi'ort  of  party.  The  Ilal- 
^  limorc  Convention,  that  tiimiilinmis  assembly 
which  nominalcd  Mr.  Folk  for  ihc  Prosideiiiy, 
adopted  a  lesoliilioii  ilial  the  larilf  of  184:2  iiiiisl  be 
repealed.  The  leaders  of  the  party  bocaine  com- 
;  muted  lo  that  doctrine,  and,  coming  inlo  power 
wilh  those plidges,lhoy  now  allemptlo  carry  them 
oiil,  regardless  of  the  best  inloresis  of  the  comiiiu- 
iiily.  And,  even  on  this  Hour  I  hoy  have  ihe  elfroiil- 
ery  lo  appeal  lo  lliosc  I'allimore  rosohitions,  as 
llioiii;li  lliey  had  the  force  of  law,  and  were  nioio 
conlrolling  llinii  the  wants  of  ihe  people. 

I  am  siilisfied,  sir,  ihat  if  llie  members  of  this 
'  House  eoiild  throw  oil'  their  party  lies,  and  ap- 
proach this  subjeci  in  the  spirit  of  candor,  we 
should  have  nolhing  lo  fear,  ihit  ihe  lash  nf 
I'lirly  will  be  applied,  and  the  patronage  of  the 
Governmonl  may  be  held  oiil  lo  crush  ihc  pro.-- 
perily  of  the  people.  I  treiiible  for  ihe  rcsiill. 
Fiiil,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  this  eoiisolation,  that, 
if  our  present  sysleni  be  ovorllirown  by  the  ropial 
ofthe  act  ol'  I84'J,  and  distress  does  oiiMie,  as  I 
believe  it  will,  the  people  will  liaco  llioir  siifi'erings 
lollieirlriiecau.se.  I  have  confidence  lo  believe 
ilial,  when  all  empty  lieasury  deslrnys  public  crc- 
dil,aiid  pecuniary  eiiiljarra,s.-.iiiem  impairsonr  pros- 
perily, the  |i(  opio  will  rise  in  llie  majesly  of  their 
strenglh,  and  hurl  from  llieir  placi  s  iliose  who,  lo 
gain  mere  parly  ends,  liave  dared  lo  Irifie  wil'i 
llieir  inlerisl,  and  will  fill  iheir  phii  es  wilh  llin.'-e 
who  will  bettor  f,uard  ihcir  righlsand  promote  their 
well  being. 


HARBOU.S  AND  KIVEIiS. 
REMARKS  oFaIR.  SPEIGHT, 

OF  MISSIS,SIPPI, 

In-  tiik  Sk.vatk,  ,/ii/i(  24,  1H4(). 

On  Ihe  Harbor  and  Itivcr  Appropriation  Bill. 

Mr.  SPEIGHT  said  he  had  ri.sen  to  give  lo  the 

Senate,  in  Ihc  fewest  words,  the  voasons  which  would 

induce  him  lo  voto  for  this  bill.     He  had  always 

believed,  and  he  expecleil  to  die  with  that  opinion, 


1002 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  30, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Independent  Treasury — Mr.  Speight, 


lluit  Conirrtiss  pnssoHycd  llm  rniistitutionnl  pow(!i'  (o 
niiikt^  n|)[ii'0|>riiilii)na  fur  the  imiirovonirnt  of  our 
rivers  and  harlinrs,  wliric  llinne  WDiks  were  of  a 
naiional  rlmractrr.  Iji  (lr(crminiii<;  ihc  iiatiDiialiiy 
iif  all  olijtet,  III'  had  ]ircmTilicd  a  iul«  of  aciion  for 
his  own  oiiiiduct  wliicli  had  ever  satisfied  his  con- 
science, and  he  left  it  to  others  to  do  tlie  same. 
Tlie  Coiistiliilion  of  the  United  .Stales  a;ave  to 
Congress  the  |iower  "  to  re^idatc  connnerce  with 
forei;.'!)  nations,  and  nntoiiir  the  several  States  and 
with  the  Indian  tiilies."  Under  this  itritnt,  (con- 
tinued Mr.  .S.,1  my  opinion  (with  fjreat  deference) 
is,  that  we  can  improve  our  rivers  and  harbors, 
and  cxerci.su  litis  power  in  any  form  yon  may 
please  to  jilace  it.  If  we  have  not  the  right  tinder 
the  Constitution  to  protci'l  the  lives  and  properly 
of  our  citizens,  your  tioverninent  deserves  not  the 
name.  The  exercise  of  lliis  power  was  set  up 
under  the  adinitiistnuion  of  Mr.  Monroe,  in  the 
year  18^M,  l)y  a  direct  appropriation  from  the  treas- 
ury, to  improve  tlie  iitirhor  of  Pre.stpie  Isle,  and 
al.Mi  l)y  iipprnprialions  for  surveys.  ^Vas  James 
Monroe  ii;iioraiil  of  ilie  true  principles  of  the  Con- 
stiliilion.'  I  presume  not.  And  as  to  the  honesty 
and  siiiccriiy  of  his  inienlioiis,  all  who  knew  liim 
will  I'lieerl'nily  bear  testimony  iii  his  favor. 

Mr.  S.  then  went  on  to  say  thai  when  he  took 
his  .seat  ill  Congress  in  the  year  IHoil,  lie  foiiiul  a 
similar  lull  to  tins  among  the  busiiics.'<  of  the  ses- 
sion. Il  was  then  u  Jaikson  lueasitre,  and  was 
supported  by  his  strmigest  friends.  It  jmssed 
without  any  formal  opposition.  Ho  then  gave  it 
liis  supiiori,  and  Oeiieial  .lacksoij  approved  the 
bill,  as  lie  (lid  one  of  a  similar  nature  every  year 
of  his  administration.  He  had  often  heard  Cten- 
Cf  'I  .lackson  express  his  opinion  that  such  bills 
wrri'  fill!  from  ronsiiliitional  objection.  He  in- 
vited Senators  to  examine  this  bill,  and  conipaie  it 
with  those  which  were  passi'd  by  llie  sanction  of 
General  .Tacksim.  In  pomi  of  inagiiilude  as  lo 
the  »arioiis  items  and  amount  of  money,  it  fell  far 
short  of  tho.se. 

Iliil  (continued  Mr.  S.)  it  is  said  that  this  bill 
violates  the  Conslitiiliori.  May  I  be  permitted 
revereiitlv  to  ask,  wli.it  clause  is  violated  by  il  ' 
Does  it  iutVinge  on  the  right.>  of  I  hi;  Slates?  1  n|i- 
prehend  not.  I  canni.1  conceive  how  it  is  possible 
to  construe  into  a  violation  of  rights  that  which  the 
States  are  willing  lo  accept.  Il  is  in  the  power  of 
the  Slates  lo  refuse  to  ai'ce|H  thi.^  aid,  ami  in  tha' 
ease  I  cannot  Itelieve  that  the  (jcncral  (.ioveriimeiit 
would  pirce  it  oil  tliein.  Hut  it  has  been  said  that 
the  bill  uiiili  rconsideralion  isparlial  in  itsoperalion, 
and  that  it  couiains  appropriations  liii'al  in  their 
character.  It  is  line  that  there  are  in  it  a  U}\v  object < 
that  I  eoiilil  wish  were  omitled.  Ibit  on  a  c.iri  fol  e\- 
nininatiini  of  ils  features,  I  cannot  bring  lu^-self  to 
vote  against  the  whole  bill.  Sir,  oiie-lliirii  of  the 
aiiioiini  of  expenilitiires  in  th"  bill  under  consiilera-  ■ 
lion  i^ocs  to  the  i;reat  v.illi  y  ot  the  .Mis.sissippi,  to 
be  expended  on  the  Mississippi  river  and  its  iiiaiii 
tribui;irii:s'.  and  if  it  fills  o  liecnme  a  I.iw,  of  the 
vast  aiuniiiit  of  taxes  iliiuvn  from  the  labor  of  that  j 
re;;ioii  of  country  not  one  dollar  is  returned  to  them  I 
ill  the  expi  ndiluies  of  this  (joveriiiiient.  Sir,  one  | 
of  the  principal,  and  I  nniy  .say  primary,  evils  of 
the  iniipijions  system  of  taxation  under  which  wr 
of  the  .Siailli  and  West  labor  is,  the  draw  ing  of 
money  frruii  us  and  cxjiending  it  on  the  maritime 
frontier. 

Sir,  the  Mississippi  river  is  to  ns  of  the  West 
whiu  the  Athuitic  ocean  is  lo  the  extensive  reirioii 
of  ciniiiiry  which  consijintis  its  crcisi.  It  in  an 
inland  si-.i,  niiil  our  main  channel  of  comnmiiic.-i- 
tinu  will,  each  other,  iniil  the  Stales  bordiriiiL:  on 
il.  1  W'll  not  undertake  to  speak  with  any  de::ree 
r-f  acciir.tcy  as  to  the  amount  of  capital  invcsied  in 
eoinmercc  annually  cjirrieil  on  upon  iliis  gre.-ii 
father  ot'  waters,  as  il  has  been  liily  feriiird.  It 
would  be  a  pleasilc.^  llicnie  to  recaplllilale  il  to  the 
.Seniiii'.  nut.  pleasinir  tis  this  inurlit  be.  there  is  ' 
another  and  very  app.illing  view  to  lie  t.ikeii  of  the 
niclure,  and  that  relates  to  the  vast  di  stitictinii  of 
lives  .■Old  property  which  aniiUiilly  o.-i-nrs  oii  this 
rivtr  anil  its  main  tribulnrics.    There  is  s'.-ircely  a 


noiiih  rolls  iner  onr  loads  tlmt  we  do  lint  In 


the  loss  of  a  sU'amer  on  those  rivi'r; 


,  accoinpHtiiei 


with  the  total  destruction  of  all  on  board,     .\iiil  all 


INDEPENDENT  TRE.VStlRY. 
.REMARKS   OF  MR.  SPEIGHT, 

OF  MISSISSIPPI, 
'  In  tiik  Sr.vATi:,./i(/!/  .'(11,  lt^4G. 

On  the  Kill  for  the  bitter  organization  of  the 
Treasury,  Ac. 
Mr.  SrElfillT  said  he  was  hapjiy  lo  hear  the 
disclaimer  of  llie  Senator  from  (Ihio  [,\1r.  .Ai.i.r.S'l 
of  any  intention  to  ehari,'e  the  Secreinry  of  llie 
Treasury,  or  llie  Conmiiltee  on  l'"iiiaiice,  with  a 
ilesiLiii  to  i'ive  to  the  coiiniry  a  piiper  currency, 
under  the  operation  of  the  iiidepi mli  in  Inasiiry. 
i'el'ore  proceeding;  to  ili.scuss  the  iirriis  of  the  iin- 
mrdiale  tjueslion  under  eoiisidiTation,  he  would, 
Willi  the  periiiission  of  the  Senate,  make  one  or 
two  remarks  of  a  i:eiicral  nature.  He.  Imil  always 
been  the  friend  and  advocate  of  an  inilepeiidenl, 
constitiiiional  treasury — an  insliiiiiion  entirely  free 
from  and  ilisconincled  with  banks  of  any  kind, 
but  particiilailv  Suite  banks,  over  which  the  I-'eil- 
eral  (.ioM'rmiieiit  had  no  control.  I'his  was  an 
opinion  which  tiad  leen  formed  at  an  early  period 
of  his  polilical  life,  and  he  now  fell  crrlain  that  it 
would   iieviT  be  ehaiiL'cd.     riiiriiiir  his 


Senate. 


j  by  withholding  the  proper . means,  before  this  lime 
i  all  these  dilliculiies  might  have  been  obviated. 
1  The  next  object  of  this  bill  is,  the  eonstnietion 
'  and  improvement  of  harbors  on  the  lakes.  I  in- 
.  tend  to  say  but  lillle  on  this  branch  of  the  sub- 
ject. Ample  justice  has  been  done  it  by  my  friend 
iiumedintely  on  my  right,  [Governor  Cahs.]  I  can 
add  nothing  lo  wlint  lie  has  said,  that  will  lend 
either  to  set  it  in  a  clearer  light,  or  in  the  reiunlest 
degree  enforce  the  imporlance  of  those  lake  im- 
provements on  the  minds  of  Senators.  It  will  be 
sufficient  to  remark,  that  if  any  tloitbi  remained  on 
my  minil  ns  to  the  consiiluiioiialiiy  of  these  works, 
I  should  be  disposed  rather  to  give  the  preference 
to  the  lakes  than  the  rivers.  They  me  literally 
inland  seas,  and  over  which  the  United  Slates  has 
extended  its  maritime  jurisdiction.  Onr  rivers 
need  no  harbors  to  protect  them  from  storms. 
There  is  scarcely  n  hundred  yards  of  shore  which 
does  not  all'onl  a  shelter  or  a  landing.  Not  so  with 
the  lakes.  There  i.i  ran  ly  to  be  found  a  point  on 
any  of  them  In  which  a  shelter  or  Innding-place  is 
adorded  by  nainre.  All  the  facilities  wliicli  they 
alVord  to  the  mariner  are  the  result  of  artificial  enter- 
prise. The  nractieability  and  utility  of  improve- 
ments have  lieen  amply  tested;  and  where,  ten 
years  airo,  tlit/e  was  a  sand  beach,  now  a  good 
iiarbor  presents  itself',  affording  a  place  of  retreat 
and  safety  lo  vessels  in  lime  of  storm.  j 

Mr.  S.  went  on  to  remark,  that  all  he  had  said  in  ' 
reference  to  the  western  rivers  and  the  lakes,  would 
apply  with  ei|iial  force  and  truth  to  the  northern 
rivers  ami  harbors  on  tlic  seaboard.  There  were 
the  Delaware,  I  Inilson,  mid  other  rivers,  the  ini- 
provenient  of  which  was  of  the  ulniosl  consequence 
to  the  .Stales  bordering  on  litem.  And  last,  thonirh 
not  least,  there  was  the  breakwater  at  the  month 
of  the  Delaware,  which  had  .saved  from  destruction 
tliousaiiils  of  lives  and  millions  of  jiroperfy. 

Tliese  were  some  of  the  reasons  which  would 
induce  him  to   give   Ins  cordial    support   to  this 
bill.      He   could   not  see  in  it  that  miirhty  bug- 
bear  which   some   (and    lie    did    not    doubt   the 
honesty  of  their  opinion-'.'  had  espied.     As  he  had  I 
said  in  the  oiilset,  he  did   not   prescribe  a  rule  of' 
constnictiofi  for  others,  but  only  for  himself     He 
had  not  been  able  lo  find  any  clause  in  the  Consti- 
tution which  this  bill  would  come  in  conflict  with, 
and  therefore  he  should  vole  for  it;  and,  in  doing 
this,    he    should    only   ]treserve    that   consistency  ' 
which  had  ever  characterized,  and   he  trusted  ever 
would  characterize,  his  political  ads.    His  convic- 
tions, when  formed,  (never  hastily, ^  were  not  to  ; 
be  changed   by  a  chiinge   of  circ.umstiiuci  s    that 
nii'.'ht  hap|>en  lo  exist  at  any  time.     He  went  for 
what  he  conceived  to  be  the  ^ood  of  his  country,  ! 
regardless  whom  it  might  iiulividu.illy  atl'ecl. 


!  equally  true  of  his  future.     He  would  never,  under 

I  any  cireumslanccs,  lend  his  aid  to  the  cslablish- 

'  ment  of  banks. 

^  In  voting  for  llii.^  bill,  bs  he  should  most  oor- 
ilially  do,  he  did  not  go  to  the  Ballimore  Conven- 
tion to  gel  li's  authority,  or  to  the  message  of  the 
('resident  of  .'he  United  States.     Much  as  he  ad- 

'  mired  that  (loi  itmen',  he  must  appeal  to  his  own 
conscience,  whir!'  told  him  that  the  ^iresent  lull 
was  ii  measure  of  deliverance  imperatively  cilleil 
for  by  the  exi'.'encies  of  the  country,  .is  most  likely 
to  promote  the  best  Inirresls  and  happiness  of  lis 
rilizeiis.  In  framing  ih.-  details  of  the  bill,  he 
should  keep  his  eye  on  the  Constittitioii,  and  can- 
lionsly  avoni  the  itdoption  of  any  i.'."asiire  which 
in  the  remotest  degree  might  conflict  with  ils  nieaii- 

'  ing  or  intent.  Mr.  S.  .said  he  was  aware  of  the 
many  objections  which  were  urged  against  this 
great  miasitre  of  reform — such  as,  one  currency 
for  the  Government  and  another  for  the  people — 
the  Government  taking  care  of  itself,  anil  leaving 
the  p(;ople  lo  take  care  of  themselves — war  on  the 
bank's  and  the  currency  of  the  country;  and  inanv 
others  of  a  kindred  nature,  too  tedious  lo  ineiitioii, 
but  equally  imposing  and  deceptive:   objections, 

j  Senators  would  pardon  him  for  s.iying,  much  bet- 
ter suited  for  a  display  on  the  hustings  than  the, 
gravity   which  usually  cliaraeterizctl    this  ilistiti- 

'  giiishod  body.  These  obj.'clioiis,  poleiit  as  they 
appeared,  would  not  on  the  present  occasion  receive 
any  notice  from  him.  And  now,  Mr.  President, 
(continued  Mr.  S.,)  lo  the  immediate  question 
under  consideralion. 

It  is  proposed,  by  the  Committee  on  Finance,  so 
to  ame|-  I  the  bill  as  lo  authorize  the  disbursing 
agents  ni  the  several  places  of  deposile,  to  transfer 

:  lo  the  creditors  of  the  Goveriimeiii  llie  ilraft.s  due 
llieiii — if  they  ilesire  such  transfer — insicail  of  com- 
|ielling  Kucli  agent  to  pay  the  aiuonnl  in  gold  and 
silver.  Or,  In  other  words, and  to  make  it  plain  ami 
more  intilligible:  if  the  (■Jovcrnment  owes  me  any 
given  nnioitni,  say  $5,(11)1),  and  issues  ila  draft  in 
Illy  favor,  oayable  in  New  Orleans  by  the  disburs- 
ing agent,  lie  shall,  if  I  desire  if ,  transfer  to  me  llie 
drall,  rather  than  pay  iro  in  gold  and  silver. 

Now,  .Mr.  President.  I  have  examined  this  pro- 
posed amendment  with  no  little  attention,  and  1 
confess  my  total  inability  to  discover  that  il  eslab- 
lishe.sn  Ginernmeiit  paper  currency,  or  anything 
approximating  to  it.  Kel  me  remark,  that  the  bill, 
as  il  came  from  the  House  of  llepresentalives,  au- 
thorizes the  Treasurer  of  the  TTiiited  .States,  in  the 
first  instance,  to  issue  his  drafi  directly  to  me,  as 
the  creditor  of  the  Goveruinenl,  and  this  would 
leave  me  al  |'erfect  liberty  to  dispose  of  It  as  I 
pleased.  Yet  if  the  United  .'Slates  Treasurer  choo.si  s 
to  issue  his  draft  lo  nie  through  the  disbursing 
ngeut  at  New  Orleans,  il  ceases  to  be  transferablt  ; 
and  I,  who  am  a  resident  mar  Columbus,  Missis- 
sippi, must  incur  the  ex|ieiise  of  a  journey  to  New 
Orleans  in  order  to  receive  the  specie.  Suppo.se, 
sir,  when  I  arrive  in  that  city,  the  ilisbursing  agent 
tells  me  that  he  his  no  irold  or  silver  on  hand  to 
cash  my  dr.if'i.  What  follows-  Either  the  Gov- 
ernment draft  must  beprotesled.  or  1  must  remain, 
al  my  own  expense,  iiiilil  the  disbursing  agent  has 
iibi.'iiiied  f'resli  supplies  of  .specie  iVoni  some  oilier 
point  ofdeposile.  Could  anylliing  have  been  bel- 
ter conceived  to  cripple  tin  oper.itions  of  the  indc- 
iiendeiu  treasury,  and  prejudice  the  peo]»le  against 
it.' 

Now,  Mr.  Presideni,  lo  my  mind  this  is  a  plain 
and  simple  (|iiesiion.  Adopt  the  anienilnii  lit  ri - 
ciimiiniided  by  the  eimimillee,  and  you  al  once 
remove  ihe  evil.  It  is  ailmitted  on  all  sides  iliat 
treasury  drafis  are  essential  to  the  sticcess  of  an 
ii.depeiiilenl  treasury.  In  conferring  the  power,  we 
should  so  order  ils  exercise  as  to  iifford  the  great- 
est facility  to  ihe  practical  operation  of  the  law, 
witlioui  infringing  on  the  t'oiistitntion.  It  is  said, 
in  opposition  to  the  anu-ndmeiit,  that  these  ilrar's 
will  be  i.ssiieil  in  small  amounts,  and  will  supply 
the  place  of  gold  and  silver.  I  apprehend  lli.ii, 
there  is  no  danger  of  this,  and  if  Senator;-;  really 
imagine  such  imminent  iliiii'_'cr  from  the  .idoptm 


iif  th 


e  amendmeii 


iipl 
It,   il  may  be  easily  avoided  by 


public,  will  h  was  not  of  very  recent  origin,  he  had      restricting  the  amoiinl  of  drafts  to  jjailO,  jJIKH),  nr 


Ih 


IR  IS  OWllUT  to  a  w 


lint  of  the  apptic.'iiion  o 


leiiily 


idled 


pi-o| 


afl'eciiug  the  ciirreury,  anil 


upon  lo  vote  on  questions 


A,')IKI. 


I  it  Wll 


consolation 


Sir,  if  Ibis  bill   is  lo  bi 


1  a  law, 


I  I  I: 


lope  il 


means  In  lemove  the  obslruclions  from  ihecjiaiinel      id  bnri  to  be  able  lo  say,  thai  he  never  voted  for  a      will,  let  us  not  be  so  jri'iissly  improvident  ns  to 


rif  ihe 


e  river.    1  will  venture  to  say,  (continiiei 


1  Mr 


bank,  of  any  si 


lorin,or  size. 


Wh 


al  was  Irne      strip 


il  of  ils    most    vital    features — features 


S.,)  that  but  for  the  delay  which  liBs  been  produced     of  his  past  conduct,  lie  was  confident  would   be      seiuial   tu   the   practical  and   beneficial  operation 


Iy30, 


TE. 

',  iindir 
lablisli- 

isl  por- 

'onvcii- 

(if  (he 

he  iiil- 

is  "Wil 

'111  lllil 

calliil 
likely 

»  of  ii>i 
liill,  lie 
III  I'liii- 
Wllicli 
niraii- 
of  111,. 
'I  ihJH 
iTi'iicy 
il.lr— 
'living' 
nil  llio 

lllilMV 
lllinii, 
■llnli-j, 
•h  I'.l- 

iin  ilif! 

ilisiiri- 
>K  tiny 
ii'icivi; 
'siilenl, 
iiesiioii 


wv. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1003 


2{h'H  Cong 1st  Sbss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Blanchard. 


Ho.  OF  Reps, 


ol'llin  inilppcnili'iit  trcamiry.  It  linn  liron  rpmniUcd, 
on  Ihc  miliidrily  nf  llic  Seorelnry  of  llie  Trcnsiiry, 
timl  willioul  this  frnttiri^  in  the  law,  it  will  he  (llfti- 
ciill  lo  carry  it  into  efTrctiinl  npcriition.  The  niil 
ol'llin  IrPaRury  iimIcb  is  Ihn  only  means  lift  to  the 
tiovprnuienl  to  parry  this  hlow  aitiieil  n\  ihc  ex- 
inlenee  of  the  inntilution,  I  contenil  llmt  if  the 
Government  owes  me  a  delil,anil  I  desire  tlir  nbli- 
galinn  to  pay  inalead  of  an  «r(iin/  jiayment,  Ihnt,  as 
»  niiillcr  of  eiinvenienee,  I  shonid  he  allowed  the 
privilege.  No  denuif;emenl  to  the  currency  can 
ensue,  while  the  Oovernnienl  confines  its  drafts  to 
Ihc  Hpecie  actiiidly  in  ils  trensiiry. 

As  lo  the  oliiiiL'e  that  the  Government  intends 
ifsnins;   small   drnfis   at    this   lime,   I   have    au- 
thority for  sayinij  that  such  a  report  has  no  jiiHt 
foundalion.      The    department   has    issued    none 
lint  wlial  conform  in  the  iisnueof  iheOoveinnienl, 
from  ils  fonnilalion  to   the  present  time.     In  say- | 
in;;  this  mneli,  Mr.  President,  I  desire  not  lo  be  i 
undei'stood  as  wishinu;,  in  Ihc  remoleat  decree,  lo 
lend  nty  sanclion  lo  the  issue  of  a  paper  enrreney, 
in  the  form  of  jjoverninent  checks  or  drafts.     I  i 
only  wish  lo  uive  the  department  the   necessary 
powers  lo  carry  the  independent  Irenaury  into  sue- ' 
ecssfiil   operation.     I  am  opposed   to  all   hanks, 
and    desire    iheir   speedy   exierminnlion,   not  hy 
force  or  nioh|law,  hot  hy  the  legitimate  inlliience  ' 
of  le'^islation,  and  ihus  rid  the  conntry  of  an  evil 
which  lias  always  more  or  less  injured  its  pros- 
perity. ] 

Hefoni  resiimina:  my  seat,  Mr.  President,  I  will  i 
allnde  to  a  kiiiilicd  siil  ject,  frequently  mentioned  ■ 
in  this  (lehatc.  I  refer  lo  the  recent  law  passed  by 
the  Semite,  for  the  issue  of  Irensury  notes.  I  voted 
against  that  measure,  hecanse  I  believed  it  to  he 
linconstilulional;  and  I  will,  in  the  fewest  possible 
words,  here  adduce  some  of  my  reasons.  It  has 
ever  heen  my  opinion,  that  where  any  of  the  dele- 
pated  ]n>wers  can  be  effectually  and  practically 
earrieil  into  operation,  according  to  the  letter,  it  is 
the  duty  of  Congress  lo  do  it  faitlifiilly,  and  by  no 
means  in  resort  to  implied  or  constriiclive  powers. 
Thus,  in  illustration,  among  the  delezated  pott-el's 
is  the  following  chinse:  Congress  "  shall  have  the  ; 
pnwi'r  III  bfirrtir  mmicy  on  llie  credit  of  the  United 
Slates."  Under  this  very  clause,  strange  as  it 
may  appear,  Ihe  jiinrrr  in  cimmrd  In  issue  lrc(minj 
nvU's!  iXow,  he  would  ask,  if,  lo  enable  Congress 
to  Imrrow  money,  it  was  at  all  necessiiry  to  issue 
treasury  notes?  Why  not  follow  (Uit  the  letter  of 
the  ('onstilulion,  and  let  the  Government  go,  like 
an  individual,  into  the  market,  and  Imrrow  what 
money  it  wants.  The  credit  of  the  Goveriinienl 
is  always  good.  I  will  vole  for  a  Injm  of  l^i.'iO,- 
(K)0,t)il(i,  if  necessaiy.  IJorrow  the  gold  and  silver, 
and  pill  it  in  circiiiation  by  paying  off  our  debts. 
There  is  a  vast  dillerence  heiween  treasury  notes 
mill  govermnent  checks  or  drafts.  In  the  one  in- 
stance, you  issue  for  the  sole  and  exclusive  purpose 
of  putting  paper  into  circulation,  instead  of  gold 
and  silver.  In  the  other,  yon  issue  in  (oder  to  es- 
tablish an  indispensable  auxiliary  in  aid  of  the 
exercise  of  a  power  ennfern'd  ii|ion  llie  Govern- 
ment by  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United 
iSlates. 


THKTAKIFK. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  BLANCHARD, 

OF   PENNSYLVANIA, 
In  the  IIoisK  of   KECnESENTATIVES, 

./iiiif  L".),  18J6. 
The  Tbll  reducing  duties  on  Imports  and  for  other 
purposes  In  iii:i  under  consideration  in  (.'otnmit- 
tee  of  the  Wliiile  on  the  slate  of  the  Union — 
Mr.  Itl.AjNCIlAKD  uddiesscd  ihe  committee 
as  follows  : 

Mr.  CiiMBMw:  I  lavingsnt  si  lent  duriiiga  greater 
]init  i>f  the  session,  I  am  inibiced,  by  an  impcialive 
Hcii.'ie  of  duty,  to  make  a  few  ob.servalions  upon 
the  bill  before  us,  and  iiiine  piirlicularly  for  the 
rciison  that  if  this  bill  pass,  the  district  which  I 
have  the  honcu-  lo  represeiil  will  snil'cr  more  in  its 
business,  both  niaiuifactiiring  and  agricultural, 
than  any  other  in  the  Slate,  and  perhaps  In  ihe 
Uiiiied  .sinies.  And  I  earneHily  and  solemnly  ask 
gentlemen  lo  pause  and  relleel  before  ihey  come  to 
H  final  derision  on  a  aubjeet  so  important  and  in- 


teresting to  the  American  people.     It  is  no  less  n  ' 
question   than  an  entire  change  of  the  domestic  j 
policy  of  this  nation.     The  principle  of  protection  IJ 
to  domestic  industry  and  manufactures  is  coeval  ['' 
with  Ihe  Conslitutitpii  itstlf,  and  has  been  steadily 
pursued,  with  little  variation,  for  upwards  of  sev- 
enty years.    And  what  has  been  done,'    How  have  : 
we  progressed  under  this  nroleclive  policy — this  | 
American  system.'    Wc  hail  ocular  demmistrntion 
of  what  we  had  done  at  the  late  exhibition  of  the  1 
National  Fair.     Il  must  have  astonished  the  rep-  i 
resentative  of  foreign  nations,  residing  at  our  cajii-   ' 
lal,  to  ^ee  thai  we,  n  nation  yet  in  llie  "  grizzle, 
and  not  hardened  into  manhood,"  should  a:com- 
ptisli  more  in  the  mechanic  arts  ami  manufacturing   , 
itiduslry  in  .so  short  a  lime,  than  I'.uropean  Gov-  i 
enimeiils  had  performed  in  many  hunilied  years. 
They  must  have  seen  the  impri'ss  office  instilu-  i 
lions   in   the  specimens  exhibited,  and  fell,  yes,  | 
deeply  felt,  how  much  mind  and  intellect  would  ! 
acconi(dish,  when  left  free  lo  act,  unreslniiiied  by    i 
Ihe  shackhs  of  arbitrary  power.     Every  genuine  ' 
American   liosom  throbbed  with  feelings  of  pride 
and  exultation  while  gazing  (Ui   the  specimens  of 
the  invention  and  ingenuity  of  their  countrymen — 
those  true  emijiems  of  social  independence — and 
saw  ill  tho.sc  tilings  that  the  ilay  was  fist  approach- 
ing when  we  shonid    be  indebted   lo  no  iialiou  on 
earth  for  the  necessaries  of  life,  but  be  as  independ- 
ent in  social  life  as  in  political  power. 

The  objects  of  the   Revolution   were,  first,   to 
sever    the   political    bonds    that    liound  us  lo  the 
mother  conntry,  and,  second,  to  li.ivc  the  full  eon- 
;  trol  and   maniigement  of  the  bles.sings  which  the 
Almighty  had  bestowed  upon  our  land  for  the  ben- 
!  (lit  of  human  existence  and  human  comfort.     In 
i  short,  that  we  might  in  reality  be,  as  we  declared 
in   177fi,  "  a  free  and  inilqtmdrnl  nation."    The 
first  throwing  off  of  the  power  of  Great  Ibitainour 
fathers  perlbrmcd   by  the  blooil  and  siiU'erings  in 
the  Revolution.  The  second  object  was  the  work  of 
'  lime,  and  so  our  early  slatcsnicn  thought  it.     They 
pursued  the  ]irinci)ile  of  protection  to  American 
I  industry  with  prudence,  wi.sdom,  caution,  and,  by 
I  the   exiraordinary  enterprise   and  energy  of  the  ' 
'American  peo|ile,  and   the  fostering  care  of  Gov- 
j  eminent,  with  rewards  held  out  to  the  labor  of  the 
1  toiling  millions,  so  much  has  been  accomplished 
I  in    so   short  a  time,  we  all   liopeil,  if  no  sudden 
chanffc  was  made  in  our  proteclivi  policy,  soon  lo 
'  rival  Knirland  in  all  those  maniilin  lures  to  which 
!  our  country  was  lulaptcil.     AVe  expectcil,  also,  to 
1]  establish  a  li.ime  market   for  our  grain,  as  perma- 
nent anil  liistiiig  n.s  the  industry  and  enteifu-ise  of 
our  countrvinen.     "This  was  a  coiisninmalion  dc- 
I  vcHilly  lo  lie  wished."     Hut,  as  human  expecta- 
Itions'arc  often    disa]ipoinied,  and    hiim.in   hopes 
I  often  blasted,  we  must  prepare  ourselves  for  pei'ii- 
!  niary  embarrassments,  public  re|indintioii,  and  all 
the  evils  that  follow  in  their  train;  for  the  present 
Chief  M.igislrate,  his  Cabinet,  ami  his  supporters, 
are  determined  to  destroy  the  whole  protective  nol- 
iey,  and  ihangc  ilie  industrial  pursuits  and  habits 
of'  (Uir  people.     This  comes  upon  us  like  a  clap  of 
thunder  in  a  clear  sky,  for  we  ex|iecred  something 
]  better  than  a  total  annihikition  of  the  proteiti    ' 
i  pidicy,  even  from  James  K.  Polk.    'J'he  errorsand 
incqiialiliesof  the  inrifl'of  lH4t2  were  lo  be  modified 
'  mill  correcled.    That  was  all  that  his  piirlisaiis  pre- 
tended In  want.  We  are  deceived,  hnsely  deceived. 
.Ml  this  disappointment  is  to  be  attrilnitcd  to  the 
proceedings  ol^  that  most  remarkable  of  all  political 
I  nspcmbliiucs,  the  I'allimore  Convention.    The  first 
I  thins;  llii'v  did  was  Co  pass  the  two-thirds  rule,  to 
col  up  the  prospects  of  lhe./'ricWr;i  President,  Mar- 
tin Van  I'nren,  for  a  rc-noniination.     lie  was  loo 
non-comniiital  toanswcrlheir  purpose.  He  had  too 
much  pi'iciple  to  violate  the  Con.stitution,  and  too 
iiiMch  kno\,Vd;;e  to  believe  the  area  of  freedom 
would  be  exti  .'di  1  by  annexing  ii  slave  country  to 
'  the  Confederacy.     He  was  rijeclcd,  and  .lames  K. 
P(dk  was  nominateil  for  the  Presidency  I  This  sur- 
prised everybody  but  the  convention  themselves, 
'.  and  those  who  had  the  control  of  the  coiiventinn. 
I  No  one  had  spoken  of  .lames  Fv.  Polk;  no  one  had 
thoimht  of  him  in  connexion  with  that  liiu'h  ollice. 
'  He  was  the  grrnt  iiii//ioi/g/i(  e/' until  his  nomination 
was  announced    to  the  people.     The  convention 
did  not  stop  here,  but  they  threw  into   the  elec- 
tion, to  be  decided  at  Ihe  ballot-box,  the  Oregon 
qucslion,  although    the   Constitution    h.ts   placed 
■  oiir  foreign  negotiations  exclusively  in  the  hands 


of  the  Executive  and  thi  Senate  of  the  United 

Slates. 

The  Texas  annexation  wi;8  another  great  object 
lo  be  ellecled  by  the  election  of  James  K.  Polk. 
The  tariff  and  the  tariff  polic)' were  more  perplex- 
ing, and  Mr.  Polk's  scntimtnls  on  this  were  ju- 
diciovshi  set  forth  in  very  g'-neral  terms,  with  vari- 
ous moditiealions.  He  was  for  protection  to  e.il 
interests  alike,  without  any  preference  for  any. 
Thus  eipiippeil  and  accoutred,  he  was  put  forth  by 
the  lialtimore  convention  to  heat  down  the  great 
statesman  of  the  West  in  the  coming  election;  and 
a  more  fmmidable  cnrnpeiitor  could  not  have  been 
selected,  as  the  result  has  shown. 

It  has  been  said  by  wi.ser  men  than  myself,  that 
the  serpent  can  climb  as  high  as  the  eagle  can  .soar, 
and  Ihey  both  may  arrive  at  the  same  height;  bin 
by  very  dill'erent  means;  and  nisn,  that  Ihe  insect 
that  lights  upon  the  body  of  the  lion  may  sting  that 
noble  animal  to  death. 

P.ut  James  K.  Polk  is  ihe  tenant  of  ihe  AVIiite 
House.  He  is  now  the  President  of  the  Unili  il 
Slates.  By  the  firmness  and  intelligence  of  the 
Senate,  the  Oregon  question  is  seltled  at  4'.l°,  willi- 
oiit  war  or  bloodshed,  and  no  thanks  to  .lames  Iv. 
Polk  fcu'  lliat.  Texas  is  annexed.  Texas  is  ad, 
milted  into  the  Union  with  a  clause  in  favor  of 
perpetual  slavery  in  her  conslilnlion;  and  this  act- 
so  important  in  its  nature,  and  so  vast  in  ils  eoii.se- 
quenccs,  uirecling  the  principles  of  our  com[>act  of 
Union,  was  forced  upon  the  nation  in  the  juestncf, 
but  not  btj  the  consent^  of  the  representatives  of  all 
Ihe  parties  trt  the  compaci,  without  consideration 
and  \vithont  debate,  liy  the  force  of  party  voles. 
Cut  a  voice  of  protestation  has  been  heard  frimt 
the  graniie  hills  of  New  Hampshire,  where  free- 
men are  allowed  to  speak  their  thoughts — and  that 
voice  will  not  stop.  It  will  mingle  with  every 
wind  from  the  Norili  and  from  the  East,  until  it 
shakes  the  faindalions  of  Ibis  Government  to  its 
centre.  And  1  tell  the  reckless  party  men  of  this 
counlry,  who  are  driving  the  nalion  to  'destruc- 
tion, your  cars  will  tingle  and  your  faces  be- 
come ]ialo  at  the  consequences  of  your  rashness 
and  folly. 

As  other  gentlemen,  of  much  more  ability  ihaii 
I  po.ssess,  liave  shown  the  ell'ecl  of  the  bill  now 
before  us  upon  all  the  various  interests  of  the 
whole  country,  I  will  endeavor  to  show  ils  ell'ecl 
iip"n  the  interests  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  upon  the  district  I  have  the  lunior  to  repre- 
seiil. I  cannot  be  belter  understood  limn  by  giv- 
ing a.  plain  descripiion  of  the  district  which  I  rep- 
resent. The  district  consists  of  five  counties:  .Tu- 
niata,  (which  is  chiefiy  agricultural,)  the  oilier 
four,  Milllin,  Centre,  Ilunliiigdon,  and  L51air,  are 
agricullural  and  manufacturing  cmuilies.  In  iho 
f.iur  latter  counties,  there  arc  thirty  or  thirty-five 
blast  furnaces  engaged  in  making  pig  iron;  thirty 
or  thirty-five  forges,  which  make  bloom  and  bar 
iron;  about  fi\vn\  or  eight  rolling  mills;  six  or 
.seven  axe  fai-lorii-s;  and  from  fificdi  to  Iweiiiy 
foundries,  which  mannfaclure  stoves,  mill  irons, 
and  other  hardware.  These  mamifaclnriiit'  tslab- 
lisliments  are  moslly  carried  on  by  men  of  mod- 
erate capital.  Many  of  the  lu  have  lieeii  fmmdeis, 
foriremen,  woodciitteis,  and  cidliers  in  the  coni- 
meneemenl;  but  by  industry,  pei-.scveniiiee,  and 
eciuicuuy,  had  graiuially  risen  to  be  proprietors  of 
works  of  their  own.  The  farmers  in  the  neighlioi- 
hood  find  a  home  market  at  ll-.e:*e  iron  estalilish- 
nienls  for  their  coarse  grains,  ami  potatoes,  and 
hay,  w-hicli  w-oiild  not  beiu'  carri;igc  to  a  distant 
market.  Thus  the  agricultural  and  niamifactiiring 
interests  mnlunlly  supfiorl  each  other;  ind  at  this 
time  all  is  happiness,  prosperity,  and  coolenlmeiil. 
P>ul  if  the  bill  before  us  becomes  the  l.iw  of  lie 
hind,  the  hum  of  business  will  cea.-ie,  the  noise  of 
Ihe  fm-ge  hammer  will  bo  silent,  and  ihe  ihundi  r 
of  the  rolling  mill  will  no  longer  be  hcuid — all  will 
be  desidatc  and  still. 

We  Pi'iinsylvaniaiis  have  reason  lo  complain 
that  this  Adminislralinn  are  about  sacrificing  our 
iiiteiesl:!  by  the  passage  of  'his  new  tarirt"  bill,  for 
Ihe  vole  of'  the  Stale  Wius  obtained  for  Mr.  Polk  by 
the  fraud  of  his  fummis  letter  to  John  K.  Kane; 
and  in  support  of  my  stalement,  I  must  send  u  copy 
of  the  letter  to  the  Clerk,  to  be  read  for  the  infor- 
,  mation  of  members: 

Cnl.CMBIA,  Tennesiee,  June  19,  1844. 
I  have  received,  reci-taly,  several  leiiers  in  relVreaco  to 
^  iny  ojilaions  un  tltu  tariff,  nnil,  among  utlico*,  >uurs  of  tlm 


^     1 


1 


m 

4 


1004 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


f  Juno  2'>. 


29th  Cong Ist  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  lilanclinrd. 


Ho.  OF  Rkfs. 


Z^llli.  ''>  i>|iiniiiiis  nil  lliiH  MiitijiTt  luivoiiAi'ii  lirt>ii  Kivf'ii  lo 
the  ',iii)ili<'.  'I'hfy  ari'  In  \v  fitiind  in  my  public  net-,  mid  In  \ 
llif  jiiilillr  <li>rii^>if>nri  III  U'lilt'h  I  hiivc  p:irlici|iill<'<l>  I  inn  ' 
ill  liiviii  ul'ii  tjiiill  Uir  Irvi'lini',  NIK-Il  il  niif  iitt  will  Mmi>  niiI- 
()<  it'iil  rf\t'iiiu>  III  III)'  iicnMiry  In  iltl'riiy  tin-  rx|ii<n(>('it  nl' 
Giivrniiiir'-'  I  (-iiiMMiiH-ally  iiiliiiiiii^lrrnl.  In  ailjii^liii}i  llic 
lti'l:iils  nt'ii  .••Vi'imi'lariir,  I  Imvi-  llrninlnn' I'aiH'lintirdi'ilrll 
iiiiiiN'rutt'  iliiti'*.4  a?4  wiitilij  |iioilu('i>  Mil'  Hinnnnl  liiu'i'miiicnt 
li<-''(iril.  ami  al  lliir  rtaiiir  Iiiiif>  allbnl  rrasnnalilu  llifuli-iilll] 
lirnrrtiitii  III  iilir  iii>iiM>  jiiilii^lrv . 

I  inn  iipp'»*fll  In  a  lilritlTiir  jiinltM-linn  IliCl<'l>'.  anil  linl  Hir 
n'M-niii'.  Arliiig  ii|Mni  llir^f  yfiiiTRl  |iriiiri|ili>s,  il  i8  well 
KiM'U'n  I  pivc  III)  hn|t|iiirt  In  llic  |inlii-yol  (iriifral  Jark>nii*8 
Aitiiiiiiii«ti.iTnin.  i>n  lUi-  Hiiliji-ct,  1  viilnl  lor  lln'  acl  ni'l-vW, 
ivliicli  i'Miilaiin!(l  iinKliiii-,ili<iiif  ntMnne  nt'tlin  nIrJt'riininlMi! 
jtriiM^iuii^  01  till-  acl  nl"  \^'i-<.     A-  ii  ini'iiila'f  uf  111'-  rninniil- 

I r  \Va>s  mill  Mi'illi-t  111  llir   Hniii*!'  nl'  Krpri>i-lil.i1ivi-«.  I 

i:avi>  iii\  ii^Tiil  II  a  liill  ri.'imrteil  In'  Unit  ('niniiiilli'i-  in  1>>-- 
i'i-nili<T,  IKi'J,  niakini;  I'lirlln-r  inixlllli-atinnK  nl'  llii>  lull  nl' 
1-*.'H:  and  alMi  ina'Kiiii!  iii.-iTiiiiiiialinii>  in  lln^  iiiiini-iijims  i.r 
ilntif'^  wlncli  il  iiii|M<t(i'd.  'J'lial  liilt  did  iint  iiii.^^,  lint  wax 
tiii|MT  di'it  liy  tiK'  riiiii|iriiinl-'t*  tail,  t'nr  wlni'ti  I  miipiI.  In 
my  jililmin-lil.  it  it*  tin-  duty  nl  ItirlJnvvrniirnt  In  r\ti-iid.  iiM 
l.ir  a-  It  iii:i\  lif  )ira<-li(-alilr  In  dn  t>y  it*  rfvi'inn  I  ih  ,  ami  alt 
ntliiT  ini'aii^  III  1I-'  |»nwiT.  lair  and  jii-t  prnii  rlinii  id  all  tin' 
liri'al  ininrrHi.-  nl' tin- winili*  rnmii,  I'mhrai'iiii;  aiim-iiltiin-, 
liiniiut'a-tiirc.'i,  till'  iiiiT'litiniL'  iirt-t  nniiaiirrcn  aiul  na\i;>'i- 
linn. 

I  lii'arltly  ap|iinv<-  tlm  ri'SMlniiniiw  nn  ilip  snltjcfl  nassi-d  , 
In  ill''  Ili'inia-ratic  IVatiniial  t:nii\riitinii.Iatrlv  a-r*'inhlnd  at 
ll.illiinnri'.  J.  K.  I'llMv. 

'I'lii.s  is  n  ia|iilal  Irllcr — ii  «i'll  wriltin  Iclirr— n 
iinMi'  It'ilir — mill,  ns  tlin  IriKliiiiiiii  sniil  iil'  liis 
rriiinl,  Ml  iiiililr  that  il  is  ij^nclili .  I  never  icail 
liny  li  iiir  liKi-  il.  1  Innn  liixiil  my  imiinny,  anil 
iiinMilli'il  liisiniy,  anil  I  liu\c  Wvu  mialiln  to  liinl 
any  li-itir  wi'ilirn  liv  any  trrtat  man  in  minlri'n  nr 
nni'irnl  linn  s  liiai  la  ars  any  unaln^y  lo  it,  imlf.^s 
it  l:r  inn'  ill  till'  Holy  liililn,  wlinin  fM'iyllim^  that 
shows  the  wii'kiilniss  of  iiiiin  is  to  liu  tiiuiiil.  It  \ 
is  till'  Icitir  l)a\iil  uroic  to  Joali,  notn'cniiii^  Uriali  | 
till'  I  liltiti,  at'n  r  lii<  liail  violalttl  lii.s  iiiarriaL;!' Ind, 
wlic'ii  Uriali  was  alisfiil  fii;liliiii;  liis  liatiirs  in  his  \ 
nriiiy,  ''^^  nnitt'iits  wcrn  as  follows:  ".Set  yc  ■ 
I'liah  ill  the  1011 -rroilt  ol'  the  holiest  liatlle,  .inil 
leiire  ye  I'loiii  him  that  he  may  be  Kiiiiltiii  anil 
ilie.''  Ami  D.iviil  i;aM'  this  letler  lo  Uriah,  atnl 
ho  i-anieil  nnil  deliieieil  it  to  Joal).  lint  Uriah 
iliil  not  know  that  dratlT  was  in  that  leller. 
^eiilnr,  witeii  the  |uo|ile  of  reiiiisylvaiiia  reeeiv- 
nl  Mr.  I'olK's  Kane  leili  r,  iliil  tiny  think  that 
iltiuli  lo  lln  ir  iiiu  rests  was  roniaiiieil  in  that  h.l- 
ter.  The  Deniocratic  orators,  when  the  leller 
ranip,  .saiil  lo  the  people,  "  there  is  his  own  loiter. 
Kow  you  SCO  nil  we  tolil  yon  is  true.  Here  Mr. 
I'olk  say.s  he  is  for  |iroiiclinn — he  i.s  lor  pint  ee'iini; 
all  llie  iiiteri  stsof  the  loiiiiiry  alike — no  prefereiiee 
I  1  any  I'lass— no  nionopolie.-i — no  exclusive  privi- 
le;;es— ei|ual  proteetioii  lo  all.  Volt  may  safely 
tnifilhini.  'I'lie  lanlf  will  he  safe  in  his  hanils:  ' 
Anil  then  lliey  applieil  Cieneial  Jaiksmi's  rule 
.if  ooiislruclioii,  that  any  one  was  to  leail  llie  leller 
ii.N  In-  uiiilin-loiid  il.  Aeeoriliii^'  lo  tins  .laekson 
rule  of  eonstrinlioii,  ami  the  explanaiioii  of  the 
lleinoeralie  orniors,  ihe  leller  snileil  remisylvaiiia 
e\aeily.  The  letter  was  iinilerslood  m  he  a  elear, 
explint  leller,  in  favor  of  proieet ion — iiuieli  st rout- 
er iluiii  any  one  .\lr.  Clay  hail  written.  Then  the 
whole  party  i  rieil  out— Air.  I'olk  is  a  larilf  man, 
the  I'rienil  rd"e(|nal  anil  iusi  pi-oteelion  to  all  Ainer- 
iran  inlere'ii.i — the  tarill  will  he  safe  in  his  h.inils — 
anil  smne  went  so  far  as  to  lieeiare,  as  iheir  solemn 
coin  il  lion,  that  it  woiilil  he  safi  r  in  Mr.  I'olk 's 
liainl.i  ill  111  Air.  Clay's;  that  he  would  tint  siill'i  r 
llie  lariir  of  If-'J-J  to  he  repealed,  hut  eorieet  some 
iif  iis  errors,  and  modify  .sonie  of  iis  iia'i|nalities. 
These  ns.sorlions  were  ri-pi-ateil  over  and  over 
nu'ain,  until  the  hoiiesl  men  of  the  parly  helieved 
tlieni  lo  he  infallilily  Iriie. 

To  add  to  ihi>,  Jahies  Ihnhanan — I'oinisylva- 
liia's  favorile  ,-aiii — ll■a^er.^ed  many  pans  of  the 
Slate,  and  told  the  people  (as  my  frii  nil  and  lol- 
lea.oie  I  Mr.  I'ln.i.ni  hj  slated  a  few  days  siia-e  on 

this  lloor)    lllill    he   was  well    aii|Ulintell   Willi    Mr. 

I'olk  and  Mr.  Clay  hoih,  and  I'loni  their  wniiiu's 
and  voles,  and  opinions  expressed,  he  would  its- 
jiiire  iheni  the  tarilf  of  ISpj  wa.s  as  safe  in  Mr. 
Tolk's  hands  as  Mr.  Clay'.,!!  Ami,  Mr.  Clinir- 
inan,  you  and  the  mi mhers  of  this  House  musl 
know,  Ihiit   the   .s.iyiii^rs  of  James   liinhanan  are 

oraeiilar  Willi  the   I'eiinsylvania  iJi  n raey,  ever 

i-iiiee  the  Ui  deial  hl.eid  III  his  veins  has  heen  drawn 
off  ami  expiiie.'iil.  They  aie  as  implii  illy  I  iliev- 
f(\  iiiiil  relied  on  hy  llie  IJi  inoeralie  party  in  our 
Stale,  MS  the  rispoiisis  of  the  lielphii  orinde  wiie 
liy  the  aneienl  (iieeians.  Ko  ii  wnsv  ith  us,  at'ler 
these  de'-laralions  in  eonfiiinalion  of  the  letler. 
Faith  wus  added  tc  conviction.    Then  weroiaiaiid 


the  l>niiiiiM'8,  "  I'olk  und  L>nlla8,  and  the  tanlV  of 
IriJ^;"  and  1  liavt  seen  with  iiiy  own  v.yn,  iiitcl- 
liijent  men,  yea,  t'lirisliuit  men  of  the  Demoeratic 
nariy,  inarching  to  politienl  iiieetni^M  under  thii.iu 
lyiti^  bannuiH  iloatin^  to  the  wind,  with  as  iinicli 
palriotiir  devotion  an  tiiu  ernsadei-s  nituvdied  to  ,lo- 
rusaloni  under  tile  banners  of  lliu  cross.  And 
many  of  thu  iJeiinicratic  p.iriy,  as  late  as  last  fall, 
ihunght  that  Mr.  I'olk  w  is  ittarilVmaii;  for  when 
I  slarled  rroin  home  for  this  eily,  and  was  lakins; 
leave  of  some  of  my  Ueinoeralic  eoiisiitneiits,  the 
very  la«t  words  they  said  lo  nie,  were — sliek  in  the 
lanlf.  When  1  unswered  them,  that  I  fe.irtd  it 
would  bo  repealed,  their  reply  wua — Nu,  NtVKii, 
"  it  will  never  he  imiched." 

1  bo.^  ^enlleinen  from  other  Stales  to  ccusc  lo  , 
fnieor  at  our  ii;noranee,  and  laii^li  at  our  oaluniity,  ' 
in  this  our  day  ol*  trihulatioti — lo  show  some  char- 
ily and  euinpas-iion  for  us.  We  Wlii4;s  are  not  in 
fault  that  llie  vole  of  I'limsyivania  was  east  for 
Mr.  I'elk,  instead  of  Air.  Clay.  We  fou!,'lit  Inave- 
ly  and  nianfully,  holh  t'rom  a  sen.se  of  duty  to  onr 
eiiiiiitry,and  ihe  miei-ests  of  our  ^SlaU:.  .^tiimil.iied 
by  a  deep  feelini;  of  adiiiiralion  and  i;raliun!e  lo 
the  f,'riat  slaiesman  of  the  Wot,  who  had  been 
our  imliriiit;  friend  lor  it  Ion:;  )iolilical  life,  we  coii- 
lendi'd,  yea,  we  conlended  even  inito  ihe  death, 
until  we  were  eoni|uei'ed  liy  a  i-onsliluttonal  iii.i  jor- 
ity.  Sir,  you  iiii;;lil  as  well  slop  ihe  waves  m  liie 
sea  with  a  iiidnish, or  whistle  lo  the  wind  l.iarresl 
the  lornado  in  it.s  progress,  as  lo  i-esisl  I'eimsylva- 
Ilia  Demoerai  y  in  a  conlesi  for  the  loave.s  and  lishes 
of  olilee.  And  even  the  l.>eiiiiieiaey  may  he  ex • 
eased,  (I  mean  the  tank  and  file;)  i'lir  ihey  weie 
deceived,  basely  deeeiveil,  by  men  in  lii',h  plaies. 
Do  not  men  generally  look  upon  the  vieiiins  of  be- 
trayed eonliLJenci  and  broken  tailli  Willi  eonipas- 
sioti,  and  upon  their  betriiyers  with  deli  station  and 
scorn.'  These  ohsei'vntions  do  not  apply  lo  lln; 
leaders  of  the  Jlemocralie  parly  who  joined  in  this 
deeeption;  for  then-'  is  iiol  a  niche  in  llie  lemple  of 
inlaniy  suliicieiilly  inlanions  for  them.  There  is 
no  new  and  iniheard-of  punishnieiitcoiiimeii»ui*ate 
With  their  erinie. 

I  have  heard  iiiueli  .said  nboiit  incorpuialed,  as- 
.sociated  we;ilili,  and  a  rich  inanufHcturiii^  arisloc- 
raey,  and  about  laborini;  men  lieni^  oppres.ied  by 
the  lords  of  llie  furnace,  the  for;;e,  and  the  loom 
'I'liose  who  talk  in  this  w.iy  have  never  bieii  in 
IVnnsylvania.  'I'liese  works  L  have  described  are 
earrieil  on  by  men  w  ho  have  .mule  their  own  capi- 
tal Willi  loll  ;ind  labor — by  iiieii,  who,  w  iili  as  few 
exeeption.s  as  other  occupations,  despise  and  hate 
an  arisloeralic  sjiiril. 

The  :;eiilleiiian  from  Vu'^inia,  on  ihe  other  side 
of  the  House,  talked  about  llie  maiinfaeinieis  tread- 
in;:  on  IJrussels  carpels,  and  wearin;;  l-'rein  h  silks, 
and  rollim:  in  ililjioileil  con  Ins.  1  am'ee  ihaUhere 
are  some  men  in  i'eimsyhania,  and  even  in  my  dis- 
trict, who,  lifter  a  lon'4  life  of  industry  and  loll  and 
can  fill  iiiaiiaL;ein'  villi  inany  "  liau'-breadlli  es- 

capes" from  impiiniin;,'  rum,  I'roiii  llie  llncUiaiin;,' 
policy  of  our  le;;l.ilallun,  have  accumulated  wealth; 
will!  have  lioiisi  s  built  in  the  modern  style,  and 
fashioiiiibly  furnished  with  appropriate  fiirnitiiie; 
and  now,  when  their  siieii;;ili  is  lailin;;,  and  iheii 
activity  j:oiie,  are  ilisposed  lo  enjoy  ihe  fruits  of 
their  own  laiior,  like  as  other  men  of  property  en- 
joy theirs.  .'\nd  why  should  lliis  be  an  armiment 
aK»iiisl  the  pioleclive  system.-  Why  has  not  the 
I'icli  iron-tnasler  of  I'ennsylvania  as  Kood  a  rieht 
lo  enjoy  Ins  wiallli,  earned  by  himself,  ns  ihe 
weallhy  plaiiler  of  lln'  Soiuli  his  |il:inlaiinn  and  his 
iie;:rots,  which  he  received  by  iiilieriiaine  .'  Which 
is  the  most  re|iiiblii'aii  and  consisti  nl  with  our  free 
instiliitions,  1  leave  with  the  IXinoi  racy  to  decide. 
Hill  ihese  men  are  exiepiioiis  to  the  ;;eiieial  rule, 
and  few  in  tniniber;  and  if  the  trentleimm  fiom  Vir- 
i^ini'i  will  come  into  my  dislnct,  or  ainoiu;  the  iron 
woiks  in  I'emisylvaiiia,  he  ni.iy  see  some  of  those 
bloaud  iirislocialic  iron-masters  coining  in  t'rom 
ihi  ir  mine-hank  and  eoaliii^-<;ronnd  at  iii;;hl,  their 
shoes  heavy  with  the  clay  ami  their  clothes  cover- 
ed with  the  dust  of  the  coaling' -;;i'oiiiid,  their  faces 
as  black  as  the  coal  of  ihoir  furiiaii  ,  willi  a  pick 
on  ilieir  slioiilder  or  a  spade  in  lln  ir  hand,  and 
tiothin;^  to  disini^uish  lliem  fioni  one  of  Ihiir 
hands,  except  that  the  hands  in  iheir  employ  can 
iro  to  their  rest,  and  the  proprielor  must  see  ilial 
all  is  rit;lit  about  the  works,  nnil  lay  his  plans  fur 
the  btisiiieHs  of  tii-inorrow.  Talk  of  these  men  as 
.  ariHtocialH!     Il  U  iionncii.ic.     Whciu  iihuuld  ihey 


gel  their  ariHlocr.icy  ?  Tliey  were  very  much  like 
their  hnnds;  ihcy  all  vtorked  toi;eiher;  anil  iIiim 
showed  the  real  Jemoeraiic  slain  of  the  people.  It 
pi'ovod  that,  in  the  manuf  icturiii;;  distriels  in  I'etm- 
sylvaiiia,  a  poor  man's  .son  mi(;ht!;i>  into  the  mine- 
bank,  or  to  the  t'or;;e  fire,  or  to  tliecoalinu'-;;rouiid, 
anil,  al\er  laboriii','  for  a  conrse  of  years,  ininht 
come  out  a  proprielor.  This  is  the  very  beauty  of 
our  insiiiniions.  A  youii!;  man  who  was  left  wiili- 
oul  any  inheriumce,  could,  by  iniliislry  and  pei'se- 
vcraiiee.so  better  his  condition,  as  at  len.:;li  loearii 
work.i  of  his  own.  Men  who  heeoine  iiidcpiinli'iit 
by  palieni  indiisiry  had  no  tlioiii;ht  of  lording  it 
over  their  workmen.  All  lived  very  imicli  alike. 
Tliey  were  not  lilled  up  one  iihove  another.  Inn 
live  ill  a  slate  of  repiihln.nii  ei|iiiility.  I  have  ofleti 
redecled  on  it,  and  fell  lejoic.al  to  see  llie  children 
of  poor  iiion  Ihrivin;;  by  ilie.r  own  exertions,  and 
^radnnlly  heconiin;;  rich.  Snch  men,  instead  of 
diiiiiineerin;;  over  those  ihey  einployed,  t'elt  a  sym- 
pathy willi  iheiii.  Tlie|-e  was  no'  knockiin;  the 
iiien  about  like  ilouis  ill  the  iron-works  in  I'ennsyl- 
vania. And  lo  one  who  lived  there,  il  soimiled 
very  alisuid  to  hear  such  repi. /"iiintions  made  in 
speeches  lioiT,  and  to  see  iienlleinen  liy  into  a  pas- 
sion about  it.  .•Vnli-repiiblican  !  They  were  tin' 
inosl  lepiililican  people  in  the  coiinlry. 

And  as  lo  the  lioinirahle  L'l  iilleman  irom  Loiiisiana 
[Air.  HAitMAS'soNl  representing  these  men  who 
winked  in  our  inannfactories  as  i;:noranl  and  de- 
;:raded,  there  never  was  a  (;realer  inlsiake.  They 
aie  ipiiie  .IS  iiiieili!.'eiil  as  some  of  those  who  talkeil 
so  foolishly  about  llieni.  Many,  very  many  of 
llieiii,  ai-e  as  intelh^ent  as  any  other  ii'iember's  of 
till' s.iiiie  comnmnity;  mid  they  have  nmcli  heller 
advaiilai;es,  in  some  respects,  than  others  have  for 
.n'linirini;  knowlcdui'-for  many  live  .sechideil.anil 
do  mil  mix  much  with  lln;  world;  bin  these  men 
have  the  ailvanlaL-e  of  imich  coin ers.ilion  with  very 
inle^lineni  men  of  bitsiness.  They  rend  the  nows- 
|iapers  end  political  dociiineiits,atiil  converse  niiieli 
lopther  about  what  they  read  in  them.  .'\t  every 
iron  works  there  is  an  otlice  where  the  hooks  are 
kepi  ,iiid  the  business  of  the  eslaldisliment  trans- 
acU'd.  Here  very  shiewd  and  iiitellii;enl  men  of 
business  assemble,  and  they  talk  IVeely  of  what 
relates  to  inaiiufacltireM  and  business  in  i^enoial; 
and  the  propiielors,  instead  of  hiniif;  such  awful 
tyrants  and  iron-hearled  oppressors,  are  in  the 
lialiil  of  silliiii;  down  and  lalkiii'.,'  willi  iheir  men 
as  men  of  underslandni;;;  and  of  readin;;  lo  iheni, 
and  explainin;';  wlnil  tliey  read,  so  thai  it  winihl 
beiiefti  ihciii.  .\ll  was  harmony  and  nooil  fellow- 
ship anion;;  ilnin.     They  lived  in  uiiily  and  n I 

Will;  niid  so  they  would  have  conliiiiied  to  the  end 
of  lime,  liiit  t'or  certain  politicians,  who  came 
aiiion^'  Ihe  ineii,  pi-ofessiin;  jireai  syinpatliy  with 
them — tryinu:  to  make  iheiii  believe  they  wei'o 
txroamni;  tinder  oppression.  It  was  much  like 
.Satan  enieriin;  into  Pai'adise.  Tliey  whispered  in 
the  ears  of  the  workmcii-— "  ^'mi  won't  vole  with 
lliat  m.in.  Ui  cares  iioiliin;;  fur  yon.  .Ue  makes 
all  Ins  money  out  of  yon.  See  how  pronil  he  is 
L'ellin};.  I  would  not  vote  as  he  pleasi  s.  He  will 
snnii  make  a  slave  of  you.  Show  youiself  inde- 
penilenl.  ^VIlcll  lie  voles  one  way,  yon  vole  llie 
other.  The  same  l.iw's  iliiii  w  ill  proii  ci  him  will 
destroy  you."  This  son  of  talk  went  on  for 
aw  bile,  and  the  wnrkinen  made  it  a  ri  le  lo  vote  on 
the  ii[tpo.^ite  side  to  Ilieir  employer.  As  lon-j;  as 
(iovernmenl  let  tliem  and  tin  ir  eoiicerns  alone, 
they  did  not  care  nini'h  nbnni  iinesiions  of  party 
poliiics;  bill  when  Ihey  fonnd  the  (iovenimeiii 
fdlini;  foul  of  Ihe  ureal  interests  of  the  ''oimlry, 
anil    business  and    politics   mixeil  up  loi^ethei ,  .mil 

that  tin  deiinii;o;;iies  who  caiin axiii'.'  tl.em  for 

their  votes  were  like  lo  starve  llieni  lo  ilealli  lln  ir 
eyes  by  de-rees  became  fully  iipened  to  the  lia.-.e 
ness of  their  di  niie.,'o;.'iiieal  deceivei's;  and  llien  ihey 
were  wilhii!;  lo  listen  to  their  emiiloyers,  who 
wonid  set  down  and  leason  the  mailer  with  theiii, 
and  show  them  how  the  thiiif;  worked  in  pracihe 
on  Ilieir  business,  and  how  th.'ir  inleresis,  iinil  the 
interest  of  their  eniployir,  iiulead  of  In  in^  al  war 
Willi  each  other,  were,  one  and  the  same;  and 
llniin.di  these  nil  11  had  sweaty  faces  and  dust  on 
llnir  clothes  from  Ihe  mine  liaiik  and  the  coalini; 
Kioiind,  yel,  when  ii  cnme  lo  ii  piaclii-nl,  cnnnnon- 
seiiso  nr;;nnient,  1  would  pit  llieni  ai;iiinst  many  of 
the  gentlemen  who  have  maile  such  tine  anii-lnrilf 
speeches  in  this  House,  niid  they  would  meet  with 
,,  llieir  mulch.    They  know  nothing  about  ihcoricS) 


no  29, 

•IPS. 

I'll  liho 

ml  iliiH 

pie.    It 

IViin- 

I  lllilK  - 

n'oiiiid, 

,  Ihi^lll 
■amy  "I" 

I'l  Wllll- 

|ii'rsc- 

llMlllll 
H'llllcill 

iiliii:;  ii 

iiliKi'. 

itr,  lull 

il'ini 

liihin.'ii 

NX,  llllii 

■imI  „( 
«yhi- 
-  ilii'. 
iilisyl- 
piinilccl 

ll.'    Mi 

en:  llit^ 


^!>rii  CoNO IsT  Skss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Blanchard. 


Ho.  OF  Heps. 


lull  //if  j/  Aiioii'  how  the  (/liiiif  H'orAvi/.  As  for  these 
l!iii>i<|»iii  llii'iiricH  iiliiiiU  fnc  linilc  iiiiil  poliiicul 
tfiiiKiniy,  I  Imve  a  tircnli'iiiiliiiipl  Cor  thciii. 

Anil  1  lief;  nf  llm  linnnnilili;  frmtli'iiiaM  from 
r.oiiisiinm,  who  npiiijh  to  liu  ho  ilistrcsscil  about 
hoiilirrii  liiliorrrM  in  our  ininiiifiirliirics,  lo  reserve 
liis  syiii|iiilliy  lor  the  Niilli'riii;;s  iil'  the  pliives  of  his 
own  Siiile,  whioli  are  said  to  lie  ko  nevijre  that 
M'ven  years  of  tiilinr  ii|iiin  the  [iliinlation  relieves 
iheiii  fioiii  their  niiserii'H  liy  ih  alli.  1  say  thin  not 
ill  Ihe  way  of  re|iroaeh  lo  any  one,  lint  lo  eorrcet 
Ihi'  niislake  of  the  i;eiilleinan  as  to  the  inannfaelu- 
riiii;  lalior  of  the  Noilh;  for  1  am  |ieisia\ileil,  no 
siiiilliern  nian  eiin  reali/e  the  liappiness,  the  indo- 
111  iiileiiee,  anil  the  eoinforl, eiiioyeil  liy  llic  free  la- 
liurer  of  the  Moiih,  wiihoiil  lie  has  liten  nniong 
lliein. 

The  honiirahlejreiitleman  from  New  York  [Mr. 
•  oil  in)  riuid  a  loiii;  s|ieei'li  the  olher  day  afraiiist 
|iioiiClion,  in  which  he  said,  iiniler  the  larilV  of 
ISl'J,  liie  fanners  of  this  i-oinitry  paid  eii;!ily-oiie 
liiillioiis  of  ihillais  aninuilly  for  Ihe  pioleetion  of 
(he  niMiHifarlnrers;  that  the  money  artniilly  rame 
mil  of  ihe  fiirineis*  poekels,  ant!  was  put  into  the 
poeliets  of  the  nianufaclurers,  IMiis,  he  said,  he 
would  prove  hy  what  he  railed  i/n/is/iis.  lie  had 
the  lliite;  all  lo  himself.  1  le  assumed  whalever  he 
liked,  made  his  own  theory,  look  wiml  he  plea.sed 
for  his  premises,  drew  Ins  own  inferences,  and 
proved  everylliiie;  iiiiite  snioollily.  Men  loved 
their  Iheiiriesas  they  did  their  chihiren.  'I'o  iheni 
ihey  .seemed  all  heanliful.  'I'licre  was  no  fault  in 
them,  liiit,  wlieii  such  ih'-ories  are  applied  lo  the 
prai'tieal  linsiness  of  life,  they  are  as  alisnrd  as  the 
mind  of  man  can  eimceive.  The  yenlleniaii's 
speech  ii'miiiils  me  of  ohi  slorylellers,  who  make 
anil  li  II  liieirown  stories,  and  lliey  ijenernlly  li  II 
well;  hut  they  have  one  defect — liiere  is  no  truth 
in  them.  So  with  the  frciillemairs  theoielical  free 
Iniile  speech;  it  reads  well,  very  well,  iitdcdl;  but 
it  has  no  trnih  in  it.  lie  has  deceived  himself, 
and  liy  his  iii^eniiily  will  deceive  others. 

If  Ihe  fjenllcman  would  lake  his  speech  into  any 
of  the  inanufaclnriii;;  districts  of  I'eiinsylvaiiia, 
and  lead  to  the  Ihrmers  that  part  of  it  which  as- 
sens  that  the  farmiiiu;  inlercst  in  the  United  Stales 
pays  ei:,'hly-oiii'  millions  of  dollars  lo  the  niami- 
facliuers,  wilhout  an  ei|uivalint  under  the  tarilVof 
l.'j'lx.',  Ihey  would  lell  him  that  it  could  not  be; 
that  ihey  knew  heller;  that  the  Iiuilf  was  as  beiie- 
lirial  lo  iheni  as  to  the  iioii-niasler  liiinsi  If;  that  to 
make  a  ton  of  iron  rei|iiired  about  tweinv-live  dol- 
lars'woilh  of  !;i-ain — rye,  buckwheal,  oats,  and 
corn — ihat  would  not  bear  carriai;e  to  a  distant 
luarkei;  Ihal  the  iron  works  were  a  benefit  instead 
of  an  injury  lo  ilieni,  and  lliat  the  farmers  and 
niaiinfacinrers'  inlercsls  were  niiiteally  tulvanla- 
fjeous  lo  each  olher.  They  would  lell  him  fnrllier, 
lhat  the  mechanics  were  benefned  by  ihe  prolec- 
tiiiii;.Mveii  the  iron  manufacl'irer.  They  ninsl  have 
harness  for  ihe  horses  from  the  saddler;  work  from 
the  carpenter  lo  build  and  r  'pair  the  various  biiild- 
iiiL;s  about  llie  works;  slims  from  the  shoemaker 
tor  the  liaiids  to  wear;  and  shoes  from  the  black- 
flmilh  for  the  horses'  feel.  Thus  the  duty  on  iron 
proiecis  all  inleresis  alike,  wiihoiil  preference  lo 
any,  in  exact  accordance  wilh  Mr.  J'olk's  famous 
Iclier  lo  John  Iv.  Kane.  If  ihere  is  any  ilill'ereiice, 
the  owner  ;;els  ihe  least  wiujes  I'or  his  capital,  his 
risk,  and  supervision  of  the  eslalilishmenl.  They 
iciuld  not  believe  lhat  th(Mroii-niaslers  wore  plun- 
derers, as  the  f^'i'iillenian  has  said  in  his  speech.  If, 
by  such  fads  as  lliese,  they  could  mil  drive  this 
wild  frie-traile  theory  out  of  his  head,  tlii!y  niiylil 
pill  him  under  jndicioiis  restraint,  lest  he  inii;lit  do 
iiimself  and  oihers  some  harm. 

What  1  have  .said  concerning  iny  nv,n  district  is 
applicalile  lo  most  of  ihe  iron  and  coal  districts  in 
reniisyhania.  I  will  now  endeavor  lo  show  how 
lhat  Stale  will  be  all'ecled  as  a  Stale  by  the  passasje 
of  I  ii  is  bill.  She  is  now  ii  p  wards  of  I'nrly  millions  ni 
delil  for  her  public  works;  and  this  debt  is  as  much 
a  lien  on  onr  real  properly  as  a  specific  mortgage. 
It  iniisl  be  paid  by  us,  or  onr  children  innst  pay 
It.  We  arc  now  taxed  as  high  as  we  can  bear  to 
pay  Ihis  very  debt,  and  we  have  dilliculiy  in  pay- 
mi;  llie  iiiteresi  semi-anmially.  Hut  we  are  going 
on  prosperously  under  the  larilf  of  i^J'i.  We 
have  paid  oil'  ihe  iM-bruary  inleres:,  .>iiil  haven  fair 
prospeil  of  paying  ihe  .August  iii8lalini'iil.  I'lUI 
pasv  iliis  bill,  and  we  mnsi  slop  and  n/itfi/iif/c,  from 
iieeessiiy.     Uiir   good    old    holiest  ciniiker  Com- 


mniiwcalth  must  be  disgraced  by  repudiatinn  and    I 
breach  of  faith,  which  we  earnestly  desire  to  keep 
Riiereil,  as   we  always   have   done.     Yes,  public  | 
repudiation    and    private    iiiNiilvency    niust    lake  . 
place  if  this   bill    licciimes   the   law  of  the  land.  { 
And  how  was  this  debt  ennlracied.'     I  agree  we  ' 
made  too  many  iinproveincnls.     We  were  imprii-  i 
denl.     Ilnl  iiftecn  millions  of  this  debt  were  eon-  ; 
traded  for  the  construelion  of  llin  main  line — the 
great  thornuglifare  through  the  StJile  to  the  West,  ; 
which  is  more  u  national  work  than  u  Stale  i,.>-  ; 
provenient,  under  the  strictest  iJeniocratic  construc- 
tion of  Ihe  Constitution.     Tliis  iil'teeii  millions  of  i 
our  public,  debt  the  national  treasury  ought  to  pay, 
nr  at  least  let  us  have   our  share  of  the  proceeds 
of  ihe  public  lands  lo  pay  it  wilh;  for  it  raises  ilie 
price  of  those  very  lands  lo  more  than  the  amount 
of  that   part  of  liur  pnhlic  debt.      It  beiielits  the 
iialiim  generally.     And  in      ar  it  would  save  mil- 
lions III  ihe  nation,  ill  traiisporling  troops,  cannon, 
and  mililary  stores  for  the  army,      liiit  this  appro-  ; 
nriale  fund — the  proceeds  of  the  public  laiiils — you  i 
liave  taken  from  us,  and,  as  we  are  now  engaged  i 
in  the  war,  we  cannot,  at  present,  ask  you  tu  give  , 
it  lo  us.     Let  that  pass.     We  don't  ask  it  at  this 
lime.      Hut  we  do  ask   that  you  should  let   your  • 
tariff  law  remain  as  it  is.     We  are  willing  lo  pay 
tie:  debt  eontracled  for   the   benefit  of  the  iialiun. 
We   will    pay    the   debt,   principal   and   interest, 
wilhin  twenty  years.     Only  let  us  have  the  liberty 
of  making  the  most  out  of  our  mineral  wealth — 
our  coal  and  our  iron.     iJut  we  cannot  pay  if  the 
present  larilf  is  stricken  down. 

(3iir  Slate  lax  generally  exceeds  the  tax  for 
counly  purposes,  and  in  many  instances  doubles 
ii;  and  our  school  tax  is  as  high,  or  higher,  llnin  ' 
the  .Slate  lax.  Ihit  of  this  we  do  not  compluin. 
The  people  are  deiermined  to  have  iiiforniaiion,  so 
lhat  no  more  I'olk  letters  shall  deceive  them. 
They  are  resolved  to  have  light.  They  will  go 
i'o/Aiiig  about  in  the  dark  no  longer.  If  I  had  no 
higher  motive  Ihau  the  exaltation  of  the  Whig 
parly  lo  power,  regardless  of  the  inlerest  of  my 
State  and  country,  1  might  be  willing  to  see  tins 
bill  pass;  t'or,  so  sure  as  it  passes,  i'eiiiisylvi";ia 
must,  from  necessity,  repudiale  her  pubb,;  debt; 
and  she  would  ot  the  samu  time  voUuitarily  repu- 
diate her  party  democracy.  It  will  operate  as  one 
universal  emetic  throughout  the  Stale;  and  all 
locofocoisni,  and  I'titkism,  and  every  other  t.siii  con- 
iiecicd  with  this  weak  and  corrupt  Adminislration, 
will  be  vomited  up,  and  the  stomach  of  the  Demo-  j 
eralic  party  will  be  in  a  more  sound  and  healthy 
slate  than  it  v/un  in  1844.  I  would  ask  genilemen 
to  look  at  iho  signs  of  the  limes.  IJid  they  ever  * 
see  Pennsylvania  Deniocrals  and  Pennsylvania  : 
Whigs  marching  up  side  hy  side  ill  united  eohmiii 
before?  Did  this  betokeu  nothing.'  The  two  par- 
ties, until  now,  have  never  tomdied  each  olher 
politically;  but  now  they  have  come  together, 
shoulder  to  shoulder,  in  defence  of  llie  interesis  of  i 
onr  good  old  Comnioiiwcallli.  This  isiis  it  should 
be.  h'.nough  has  been  sacrificed  to  party;  but  1 
am  afraid  it  is  loo  late;  I  greatly  fear  it  is  too  late. 
Pennsylvania  elected  Polk,  and  dreadfully  has  he 
Viilkril  her.  Pennsylvania  has  been  called  "  the 
Keystone  Slate,"  and  she  is  a  noble  State — true 
to  the  country,  patriotic,  and  brave.  Although 
she  does  not  boast  of  so  much  chivalry  as  some 
other  Slates  prelend  to  have,  yet,  from  1775  down 
to  Ihis  day,  when  hard  blows  were  to  be  given  and 
received,  she  has  borne  her  full  share;  and  she  is 
willing  now  lo  do  her  duty,  and  her  whole  duty. 
Why,  li.eii,  me  her  vilal  interesis  disregarded  in 
the  councils  of  the  nation-  Is  Pennsylvania  so 
unimporiaiit  a  part  of  this  Union  as  lo  have  nn 
claims  upon  the  h'ederal  (Jovernment  I'or  the  pro- 
teciioii  of  her  interesis?  The  President  and  the 
nemoeratic  parly  should  remember  what  she  has 
done  for  them  as  a  parly.  Her  merils  are  mani- 
fold, and  as  great,  or  greater,  than  any  other  .Slate 
in  the  Union.  .She  liiis  ilrawn  steadily  in  the  . 
DemcH'ratic  team,  from  llie,  days  of  .lelli  rson  down 
to  the  present  lime;  and,  \\  bile  other  .Slates  were 
restive  and  refused  to  inill,  making  trouble  in  ihe 
team,  she  never  put  her  leg  over  ihe  traces  but 
once,  and  then  she  put  it  back  again  the  next  pull, 
wilhout  any  injury  to  \\\z  harness.  .She  was  llic 
great  preserver  and  regulator  id'  the  party;  and 
without  Iwr  the  Uemocralic  parly  could  nol  have  , 
kepi  soul  and  body  togelher.  Have  gentlemen  for. 
gotieii,  on  great  and  exciting  elections,  and  the  ' 


great  overwhelming  majorities  of  Pcnnaylvnnia 
iJemocnicy,  how,  in  the  voice  of  rejoicing  I'or  vic- 
tory, she  caused  the  air  to  ring  with  Iliizzat 
liu/.za!  fnr  the  old  Keystone  Slate;  ilhintft'esti^il 
I'ninaylrimitt  !  Democrnlic  Pennsylvania!  true  lo 
Democracy  ns  the  needle  to  the  pole!  firm  in  her 
principles  as  her  own  Alleglmnies!"  Do  nol  •ren- 
tlcmen  remember?  Once  she  was  u  great  t'avorite 
— a  prime  favorite,  tn  that  fhiij  liir  Dtinnmit'ii 
"  mig/i/ /kmt  xliml  iii;niilst  llir  vortil."  lint  now, 
since  she  has  been  deceived  by  the  false  and  hypo- 
critical Idlers  of  Kane  nnd  T'olk,  "  there  is  iioiio 
so  poor  as  to  do  her  reverence," 

Did  not  the  genlleman  hear  my  friend  anil  col- 
league, Mr.  liiiiiniiKAn?  He  tohl  you  Penns\'Ka- 
iiia  might  be  slialiied  now,  but  about  the  lime  of 
nnolhcr  election  you  would  want  her  aid.  He 
told  it  very  reliidanlly,  but  when  he  did  do  ii,  he 
did  it  manfully.  He  had  swallowed  and  swallow- 
ed, again  and  a;:ain,  your  doses  of  progressive  I  le- 
nioeracy,  but  when  this  bill  came  up  it  ehokcil 
him.  And,  Mr.  (.'Imirman,  Pennsylvania  Demo- 
crats call  swallow  as  much  as  any  Denincrals  in 
the  land,  and  when  they  choke,  it  must  be  a  biller 
pill  indeed  lhat  ihey  can't  swallow.  The  Denio- 
crals never  can  keep  jiossession  of  the  (fo\erii- 
meiit  by  breaking  down  Pennsylvania.  As  to  ihe 
Soiiih,  I  know  ihey  hoiieslly  ihiiik  they  are  injured 
by  this  protective  system.  I  think  they  iirc  mis- 
taken;  but  they  are  sincere  in  their  opposition. 
The  misforlune  is,  they  dare  not  look  llie  real 
cause  of  their  di'pressiou  in  ihe  face— tliey  dare  not 
meet  it.  It  is  iheir  slave  inslilniions;  for  it  can- 
not be  lint  men  in  bondage  can  have  ihe.sione  en- 
terprise, imiustrv,  and  perseverance,  as  freemen. 
The  one  has  hope  that  some  day  his  toil  will  be 
lessened  or  ended,  and  part  of  his  days  will  be 
spent  in  compar.itive  ease  and  happiniss;  the 
other  has  no  hope  that  his  toil  will  end  Inn  in  death. 
And  I  say  lo  the  South,  as  their  friend,  yon  must 
abolish  your  peculiar  inslilulions,  or  so  modil'y 
them,  that  tliis  .American  sysieni  will  operale  morn 
justly  11(11111  your  iialuslry,  if  ils  operations  be  un- 
just; for  you  cannot  expect  lhat  the  Seiles  will 
much  longer  sutler  llieir  free  labor  and  enlerprise 
to  be  crippled  or  destroyed,  I'or  the  preseriation 
of  the  slave  inslilutions  of  the  Siiulli.  They  can- 
not, and  they  will  not  do  it.  We  cannot  meddle 
with  your  instilntions;  you  must  do  il,  and  do  it 
ill  your  way.  I  say  nothing  of  the  moral  sin  of 
slavery.  As  a  legislator,  I  iiave  iiolhing  lo  do  willi 
that,  but  only  as  slavery  afi'ecis  our  poliiical  sys- 
tem, and  the  great  indiislrial  inleresis  of  the  nation. 

But  what  surprises  nie  most  is,  ihe  conduct  if 
the  West.  Western  men  complain  that  new  EnL'- 
land  sells  her  muslins  and  calicoes  loo  dear;  and 
Pennsylvania,  her  iron  at  loo  high  a  price;  that 
upon  tlie  repeal  of  the  lariif  of  184^,  and  the  pa- - 
sage  of  this  bill,  ihey  will  pay  less  for  Hrilisli 
goods  and  inanul'aclui'cs  than  they  now  do  for 
American,  and  receive  in  return  a  higher  |irice  for 
their  grain.  In  this  they  are  clearly  niislnkee. 
They  ought  to  know  that  the  only  possible  a.I- 
vnntage  we  can  liave  in  the  Uriiish  market  for  onr 
breadslull's,  consists  in  the  trade  through  I'anad.i, 
and  that  the  repeal  of  the  lirilish  corn  laws,  (wiili 
which  this  is  urged  as  a  reciprocal  measure,)  will 
dleclually  deslioy  that  market  by  placing  ns  upon 
the  same  level  with  the  conntries  upon  llie  Ualiic, 
which  can  furnish  wheat  imicli  cheaper  ihan  we 
can.  IJiit  do  ;iiey  not  feel  some  iiilerest  in  build 
ing  ii]i  this  great  prolrciive  American  sysieni  ?  It 
is  the  only  way  the  West  will  arrive  at  the  great- 
ness for  which  she  is  destined  by  nature — she  is 
our  great  Egypt  of  production.  The  Yankees 
possess  unrivelled  indusiryand  ingeiiuily  to  maiie- 
i'adure  whalever  they  would  want  or  desire.  It 
seemed  as  if  llie  Almighty  had  made  one  fertile, 
and  Ihe,  other  sterile,  on  purptise  tlnit  ihey  iiiigbt 
play  into  each  oiher's  hands.  The  hjist  was  just 
niiiile  for  the  West,  and  the 'NVesi  for  ihe  Kasi. 
Tile  western  men  are  men  of  strong  minds,  but 
Ihey  have  not  turned  their  atlenlion  to  this  sub- 
ject, or  they  would  understanil  it  lietU'r.  They 
must  lay  aside  their  riltes,  and  aliale  some  of  their 
ferocity,  and  quit  ",/i//i(-/iiiie-;/i/)7;/,"  and  seitled 
down  to  the  dull  pursiiils  of  civil  life  upon  ",/io-/i(- 
itiiir,"  and  calmly  and  coolly  examine  this  pro- 
teclive  syslem.  They  will  change  tier  views 
of  iiuiiiy  things,  and  among  the  rest,  upon  the 
larilf.  'i'hey  w  ill  see  lhal  very  soon  the  whole  .Mis- 
sissippi valley  will  be  covered  wilh  farmers  cul- 


1006 


29th  CoNO l8T  SB88. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  C0NGRESS10NAI.  GLOBE. 

The  Taritf—Mr.  Rlnnchnrd. 


[June  20, 


Mo.  or  Rf.ps. 


tivaliii!;  Ilie  soil;  ilicii  the  iiidiiHiry  nnil  iii!;p- 
iiniiy  (if  ilip  YiinkiiH  will  lii'  inTVlliiin;  In  llicin. 
Tlif  Wi'sl  will  linvc  the  tnii'ii  luiil  tlio  K.iikI  llir 
I'liciiirie!!;  tlieir  iiiii:rfsin  will  Im  iinili'cl  liii;rlliiT  , 
like  nmii  iiiul  wilV,  'I'lii-y  will  llii'ii  jnin  li.inilM 
will)  their  cisli'i'ii  liK'llirrii  tn  I'Htniili.Hli  niiil  ki'i'i" 
the  liotnt*  innrkt'lf  1111(1  to  prt't'cr  the  iiitcri'slti  ot'iMir 
own  ciHintryiiH'H  In  the  intcrt-Ni  nt*  rori'ii^mM-H,  lint 
till  at  nniM'  we  sciMlird  to  ll;l\f  Itllll'lt  Wnli(li'|-rillly  \\\ 
love  wiili  Sir  lliilii'i'I  Peel!  Wn  liavc  •;iil  oitr'Sir 
Uolii'it  of  onr  own,  lint  wr  wcit.  iioi  route  hi  willi 
tlinl;  wc  must  liavi'  iin  I'.nu'li^h  iVrr-tiiulc  man  inin 
titi>  liai'i^Miii.  Pt'Mii!4vlv:ini(i  Ii.ih  luaili*  a  \i\M  miin- 
Wr  t»f  lailrnaiU  ami  caiialH,  antl  what  wrro  ihry 
for?  It  scontcti  that  tin-  Srcrclary  of  thr  Treafnirv 
was  willini;  In  traiisfir  ilirni  tn  ihf  use  of  (.iri'al 
l*ritLiin,  to  t'lialik'  hi-r  to  ti-anN|iorl  hrr  ^moiIm  anil 
laannl'icmrcs  to  ihi-  far  Wrsi,  in  snih  i|naiiiitii's 
f.s  will  iiii'r«-ar4(>  the  rrvfiuir  lt>  tntct  thi*)  Mcxavni 
war,  anil  at  the  same  liiiu-  to  iianxpori  her  interior 
iron,  to  .indersell  onr  iron  niainifaelnrert  at  iheir 
..wn  wori»(4.  Sir  Uiii.*  rl  Peel  wniihl  l-e  well  pleased 
to  have  all  nniions  at  in  this  way,  and  |inl  their 
niVairs  urali'r  his  niair\s;enu'iit. 

Ni>  donlii  he  wouUi  soon  he  nine  ({uili'  fond  of 
onr  free  iiMliinlions  \\  her  lie  toiind  that  all  the 
ell'eet  of  llieiii  was  to  iinlnee  ns  in  iiiaki'  railroads 
nnd  canals,  tn  transport  his  floods  and  niannfaetiireH 
at  theeheapest  pnssihle  rate  mm  the  interior,  where 
thev  would  sell  lo  the  hest  possilile  ad\  iinta:;e,  and 
ni  the  same  time  enahle  iheni  to  hreak  up  onr  risini^ 
mannfaemrcs.  This  is  n  |>(diey  after  Sir  Itnhert 
Peel's  own  heart.  K..iher  than  .*ee  mir  pnhlie 
works  used  in  this  wav,  I  would  tear  n|>  e\er\' 
railroad,  and  break  linwn  every  canal  in  Peiinsyl- 
vaiiia.  Yet  1  lieloiii'  to  the  '•  liritish  Wliiirs." 
Ye?,  ire  are  all  "nrilisli  Whim's  who  will  not  hreak 
down  the  tarill'  to  raise  revenue,  (as  Sir  Uoherl 
Walker  says,)  and  phase  Kn:;laiid  I  And  ihis 
from  the  mouths  of  men  who  are  openly  playiiiij 
iiiio  ihc  hands  of  tireat  l!ntaiii. 

This  Administration  have  made  ii  irreat  noise 
hIumiI  the  Oreiron  (luesiion;  yet  al'terall  il  was  set- 
tled Just  as  Kii^'laiid  waiiud  il:  so  il  will  he  with 
iiurtarilV.  Why  i'aiirlainl  would  airree  to  i^ive  up 
the  Canadas  also,  rather  than  lose  this  new  llem- 
oeraiic  tarill*  hill;  and  well  she  mii:lil.  It  is  a  vol- 
untary surrender  of  our  independence  to  colonial 
vasHalaire  to  (:Jreat  Britain.  It  made  all  the  fri*e 
in-'tituiions  wc  had  huill  up  with  so  much  toil  and 
labor  enure  to  Inr  sole  advantau'e.  Yet  all  were 
'•  I'.rilisli  Wlii;;s"  who  would  vole  nu'aiiist  this 
"Wrilis^  hill!"  I  am  aniayed  and  asionisluil  i,, 
see  such  a  nwasiire  advocated  hv  men  on  the  Mem- 
oi'ralie  siile  of  this  House.  I'niess  men  had  trot 
their  heads  cra/ed  with  dwelliii'r  on  wild  iheones, 
they  never  would  have  fallen  into  such  a  bliindi'r. 
Could  ihey  not  hear,  ay,  could  they  not  see,  what 
llieflouse'of  Lords  lhoii_'hi  of  Sir  Robert  Walker's 
report?  Did  they  eoinplain  of  it  as  unfriendly  lo 
the  inter:  si  of  K.nv'laiid  ?  .No;  not  at  all,  not  at  all. 
I  think.  I  can  see  tin?  old  fellows  h  eriir;  from  under 
their  powdered  wi::s,  and  from  behind  their  i^ohl 
spectacles,  and  savii'ir  'o  e;irh  other  with  a  '•huckle, 
**wliy,  w  liai  has  i  lOin  over  llrother  .Itaiitilian  -  [It: 
is  not  as  wise  as  lie  used  lo  be.  lie  is  becoming 
romantic — n  universal  pliilanlhropisi — a  synipa- 
tiii/er.  He  is  willing  to  feed  our  slarvinij  millions 
Willi  hist^rain,  »m\  we  in  return  mii*  to  clothe  hiiii 
Willi  our  mannfactiires^p.tyiii;;  Ins  duties  to  ena- 
ble him  to  extend  the  urea  of  freedom  into  Mexico 
Hiiil  Californiil  .Airreed.  We  will  cloihe  him  up 
lis  fine  as  a  fiddle — ilica|i,  very  cheap,  ai  lirsi,  iiiiiil 
his  maiiufacliiri  s  are  Inokeii  down,  and  llieil  we 
will  lay  tliii  tarilVoii  heavy  I !  Sir  I'oIhmi's  report 
just  suits  us.  If  the  priiii'iples  of  this  repent  an.' 
carried  out,  il  is  worth  more  In  ns  lliaii  b  illi  the 
(^anaihis.  To  m.iiiilain  the  ('aninlas  i  o^ts  ns  a 
heavy  sum;  but  here  all  is  done  lo  our  hands  for 
noihiiu,'.  I  |c  proooMs  enciMir.iu'iiiL'  our  own  lalior 
ut  tin-  sacrilice  of  hi-j  own  people.  We  will  honor 
this  report  of  Sir  Itobert  u  itli  all  honor,  and  havi' 
it  reprinted  for  our  own  use — the  fust  I'oiiiplimeiit 
of  lliis  kind  wn  ever  paid  «  foreiu'ii  repoii.  Pro- 
frrcssive  Democracy  i.i  not  so  bad  afu'rall.  Pretty 
clever;  ves,  very  ciever,  inilec  d  '.  '■'' 

WU:\i  wa.s  it  our  f.uhers  wanted  to  sis'urr  by 
the  Uevolntion  ?  Independence  in  their  bnsinesH. 
They  knew  that  this,  and  this  alone,  would  se- 
euf'-  tlieni  iriie  indejiendi'iice.  'I'lits  report  ol"  our 
Sccreinry  strikes  at  the  iron  of  PeiinNvlvania, 
which  IH  to  strike  ttlour  own  mtuicsi  both  In  pettcu 


nnd  ill  war.  How  will  wo  appear  before  the  world 
in  passini;  niii  h  n  cruel  bill  ns  this  nirniiist  Peiin-  | 
sylvaiiii";  and  she  in  debt — niixioiis  nnd  Klrii;;!;liii!j  ; 
to  pay  her  debt;  Rtniidin<;  with  lier  hands  tied, 
ira/.m^' upon  her  resources  on  the  one  hand,  nnd 
her  public  debt  on  the  other,  bound  fiisl  by  tlieac- 
liiiii  of  our  Dovernment?  i 

When  I  ii'iiuned  homo,  in  April  last,  lo  visit 
tin*  family,  and  hrfrnn  to  explain  to  my  ronstitit- 
eiiis  the  true  slate  of  the  Orei^on  question,  and  ' 
wIm'  I  had  voted  for  iriviiii;  the  notice  to  lircat 
Itrilain,  llwy  would  not  listen  to  lieiir  me  out,  but 
anxioiislv  incpiired,  what  will  be  done  with  the 
tarill?  We  care  tmlliin;;  nhoiit  Oregon;  we  don't 
need  any  more  territory;  the  dilVerence  beiweeii 
lifiy-fourforty  and  forty-nine  is  not  worth  fisjhiiii!; 
for;  we  hope  it  will  be  settled.  Hut  when  I  nieii- 
tioiicd  In  iheiii  that  I  fejired  we  would  have  war 
with  Mexico,  they  replied,  they  hoped  not;  but  if 
it  did  I'oiiie,  let  it  come.  We  will  assist  the  Ad- 
ministration to  carry  it  on  vifroroiisly,  and  eoii- 
cpier  lhi>  enemy,  and  obtain  an  honorable  jicace — 
but  this  repeal  of  the  Inrilf — litis  war  upon  onr  in- 
dustry and  means  of  livin;; — this  comes  home  lo 
us  all:  this  is  what  we  tear;  this  is  what  we  dread. 
Wretched,  supremely  wretched,  is  that  country 
where  men  fear  the  actimi  of  their  own  Govern- 
ment more  than  they  do  the  bayonets  o(  a  forei;;!! 
enemy.  In  the  one  ease,  love  of  country,  and 
every  noble  feelini;  of  the  heart,  iirffes  hini  on  to 
victory.  In  ilie  oilier  ease,  where  the  destroyer 
is  ho  who  on2;lit  to  he  the  bonel'actor,  the  bolde'd  ' 
lieiirt  is  subdued — the  stroii;resl  arm  is  eiifeehled. 
It  is  like  the  fiarent  iinfeelini^ly  striking  ilowii  his 
innoi'cnl  child,  who  loves  nnd  reveres  him,  I  be;; 
of  the  Democratic  :;eiilleineii  in  this  House  to  re- 
member Democratic  Pennsylvania.  She  hns  done 
yon  i^ood  service.  She  has  been  to  you  n  liewer  of 
wood  and  a  drnwer  of  water.  You  cannot  do 
wilhiuit  her.  She  is  the  keystone  of  the  tfrenl 
Democratic  inch.  Break  her  down,  nnd  the  nrch 
will  crumble  tn  du.st,  nnd  vntiish,  like  n  vision  of 
the  iii^'ht. 

,laik  Downing  has  snid  in  one  of  his  leters,  that 
when  a  narrow-minded  eoiitracted  Yankee  eini- 
!;raled  to  the  We.si,  and  looked  at  your  threat 
streams  llowini;  in  mi:;lit\*  toiTents  to  the  ocean — 
when  he  surveyed  your  immense  prairie.s  spread- 
inir  their  vast  ex]iaiise  lo  the  sun — when  he  exaiii- 
ineil  the  spot  where  the  mameiolh  laid  his  bones, 
he  swellf  d  up  and  exp:inded  so  lar;;e  that  he  would 
talk  of  noihin:;  but  thousands  and  millions  of  dol- 
lars, and  could  never  i;et  down  to  ninepencesaiTiiiii 
ill  his  life;  (and  Major  Downiii;,'  was  always  con- 
sidr'red  the  most  iudicious  statesman  in  ("Jenrral 
.lackson's  Kiiclien  ('abiiiet.)  I  call  upon  llie  west- 
em  ::<'iillemen  to  ennie  to  the  rescue  of  Pennsyl- 
vania nnd  the  nation.  Don't  .stand  oH'  from  us 
chaireriiiir  nbont  dollars  nnd  cents,  when  n  preat 
I  ipiestioii  of  nniioiial  policy  is  to  be  decided.  Von 
are  soon  to  rule  ns  all.  Nature  hns  determined  it, 
and  man  cannot  prevent  it.  Act  up  lo  your  liiuli 
"  inaiiifesl  destiny."  Help  US  to  carry  out  the 
coiicepiious  of  the  <;rent  western  sfatesman— the 
f.illier  of  this  Anierii'an  system.  Rule  us  not  by 
niimeric.-il  slrii':;lh  and  brute  force,  but  by  supe- 
rior mind  and  views,  correspondiie.:  with  ihei^reat- 
iiess  of  your  cimnlry.  tluit  these  lilile  party  cou- 
(licis,  and  do  not  "  i;ivo  up  lo  parly  what  you  owe 
to  mankind."  lie  no  lon<;er  wliipjiers-in  for  a 
weak  and  corrupt  ii;irlv  Adiiiinistratioii.  Il  don't 
become  the  ;;reat  West'.  Rhode  Island  nnd  little 
r)eliiware  would  scorn  to  do  it. 

There  is  one  subject  that  has  an  immedialc  lienr- 
iii','  on  the  bill  before  us,  tli;it  is,  the  encro;ieli- 
meiiis  of  Kxeciiiive  power  upon  the  riu'hts  of  the 
Kepreseiitalives  of  the  people.  .Sin'e  the  forma- 
tion of  our  ('onsiiinlioii  there  has  been  a  jealousy 
on  the  part  of  our  cmmtryiuen  a2;aiiisl  Kxci'iitive 
po\\'er — the  one-mau  jiower.  The  early  Demo- 
crats were  jealous  of  Wasliiti'j'ton,  and  calleil  his 
Procliuuation  of  ."Veutralily  (which  saved  the  ii  i- 
tioii  fri>iii  min;;liiu'  in  the  wars  of  Kiirope)  an  act 
of  nsiirpaiion.  They  opposed  with  a  atroier  vote 
the  raiificnliou  of  the  .lay  trealv.  and  accused  the 
I'aihi'r  of  his  ('ouiitry  with  Mritish  freliii;;s,  and 
ii;;rratiluile  lo  France;  and  the  elder  .Adams  was 
defeated  of  his  second  election  because  Deinocracy 
thon^'ht  he  had  overstepped  his  constilutioiial  pre- 
ni;;;ilues  in  tin-  exerci.se  of  lOxeiaititc  power. 
Such  wns  the  jealousy  with  which  early  Denioc- 
r«oy  looked  ujion  the  encroaehmtnt  of  the  E.xecii- 


tive.  Cieiiernl  .Tnekson  was  an  exception  lo  nil 
■jeneml  rules.  In  his  rei;;n,  whatever  he  decreed 
was  law — whatever  he  did  met  with  popular  ap- 
probation. He  oonsliued  the  Conslitiition  ns  he 
rhose  to  tinilei'stnnd  it,  and  wo  to  the  polilicnl 
mail  of  his  party  that  said  aught  ntjainst  it.  His 
fate  wns  sealed — his  polilicnl  career  was  ended,  and 
he  was  heard  of  no  more.  Itiil  what  has  been  the 
course  of  the  present  Kxeeutive — the  odsprinj,'  of 
the  Rallimore  Coiiveiitiim .'  He  has  made  war 
upon  the  Mexican  Itepublie,  which  men  belter  ac- 
oiiainled  with  diploniney  than  I  nin  think  iniglil. 
have  been  nvoided  nnd  peace  preserved  willioiit 
bloodshed. 

Rut  theiuoslnlnrming  of  nil  Executive  eneronch- 
meiits  upon  the  rights  of  ihe  peo|ile  and  the  Itep- 
resentalives  of  tin'  people  has  been  exhibited  upon 
the  bill  before  us.  It  has  been  brought  forward 
nnd  pressed  upon  this  House  by  Kxeeutive  iiillu- 
eiiee  nnd  F.xociitive  power.  Not  n  memorinl  has 
been  road  from  any  Suite  Logislaliire,  nor  the  peo- 
ple of  any  State  in'  the  tliiion,  asking  for  the  repeal 
or  nlleralioti  of  the  tarilV  of  IHtxi.  Not  n  petition 
hns  been  prrsented  to  this  House  complaining  of 
its  operation  and  asking  relief.  Not  n  voice  has 
been  lieurd  against  it  from  any  nssemblages  of  the 
peoide! 

When  tlie  Mexienn  war  wns  eommenred  nil  sup- 
posed that  the  present  tarilV  would  romain  uii- 
touched,  ns  nil  the  revenue  it  raised  would  be. 
needed  by  the  Oovermnenl;  but  the  pnrty  bugle 
wns  soiin'ded  by  the  orgnn  of  the  Adininistralimi, 
nnd  the  party  leaders  move  ns  implicitly  nt  its 
sound  as  the  liii^hland  elans  at  the  shrill  whistle  of 
their  chieftain.  An  extraordinary  interest  seems 
to  be  fell  in  the  |wssage  of  ihis  new  tarilV  bill  by 
the  Pabinet  of  Mr.  Polk,  (including  the  organ.) 
They  hover  round  this  t'apilol  like  bii/.7.ards  in 
search  nf  carrion.  Il  is  amusing,  a.s  well  as  pain- 
ful, to  observe  the  operation  nf  lliiir  presence  upon 
the  movements  of  tuen  in  this  House  aspiring  to 
Presidential  favor,  and  to  witness  their  convulsive 
throes  nnd  infuriated  spasms  in  the  last  ngoniea  of 
'  siirreiidering  U|i  their  legislntive  indepeiideiice  for 
the  b.ase  rewnrds  of  Executive  subserviency.  As 
seiilinel.s  on  the  watchtowe-  of  liberty,  as  guar- 
dians of  the  jieople's  rights,  wc  should  not  be  iiii- 
miiidfiil  of  the  immense  iiierense  of  Kxeeutive 
patronage  by  this  Mexienn  wnr.  By  railing  vol- 
tmleers  into  service,  niiicli  power  of  doubtful 
consiiiiiliiuiality  is  thrown  upon  the  President, 
which  has  lieim  alrindy  juiliciinislij  exercised  lo 
strengtliee  •'  Executive  department  of  the  Oov- 
eriinienl. 

If  ihis  wnr  oontinues,  we  will  soon  have  n  luul- 
titude  of  n[lirers,  n^fii/.i,  (in<l  rnntiarlots,  for  the 
army,  that'  will  cover  the  land,  liki:  the  locusts  of 
Kgy'pl,  "In  rat  nut  Ihe  suhlanec  nf  lite  proplr."  1 
voted  for  men  and  money  to  carry  on  this  Mexi- 
can war,  and  will  still  vote  for  granting  incaiis  to 
prosecute  it  vigorously,  nnd  bring  it  to  a  speedy 
conclusion,  and  obtain'  an  honorable  peace.  I!ul 
if  the  object  is  to  conquer  .Mexico,  -"id  annex  it  lo 
our  Coiifcderney,  I  will  no  longer  give  i.  my  sup- 
port; I  will  never  ngree  thiM  the  hard  erriiingsof 
.\mericaii  citizens  shall  be  wrung  from  them,  to 
enable  our  generals  to  play  Alexander,  and  Osar, 
and  l!oiiiparte,  in  the  " lliills  nt'lhr  .^Innliziimns." 
It  does  not  become  tlieni,  nor  us.  Let  this  game 
be  played  by  the  ephemeral  military  chietlains 
who  rise  up,  "  (/irniig/i  hlnml  miil  riinui^e,"  nnd  net 
the  ivraiit  "r/ifir  f)n'i//ioiir,"  and  vanish  like  the 
ilisiM'ts  of  a  dnv. 

1  say  now,  Mr.  CInirmnn,  il  is  our  boitndcu 
duly,  as  the  repre.senlatives  of  n  free  people,  before 
we  leave  this  (.'apilol,  lo  know  oliicially  I'lom  the 
Kxeeutive  what  are  his  tiltimale  objects  in  eoiitin- 
tiiiig  this  Mexienn  war.  Ifhisobjeit  is  eoiii|iiest 
nnd  extension  of  territory,  we  ought  to  arrest  his 
progress,  if  consislent  with  the  s:ifcly  of  the  coun- 
try, by  eeery  ccuistiiulioiml  ineiuis  111  our  |iower. 
If  we  sit  here  much  longer  as  the  tame  registers  of 
the  decrees  of  the,  Kxeeutive,  then  is  the  vitality  of 
our  (lovernment  gone — then  is  the  last  rampart 
of  freedom  broken  down,  and  the  last  vestige  of 
.American  liberty  extinguished  forever. 

We  shonlil  alarm  the  people  to  ;;  sense  of  their 
danger;  and  liimible  and  insignific;ml  as  I  nm— of 
little  pliysii-al  strength,  I  do  hope  I  have  heart 
(iiotigli  and  soul  enoiigli  to  resi:.l  I'.xeciitive  en- 
rronchmeiits,  nnd  assist  in  defending  the  Conslitu- 
lion  of  my  country  frotn  peril  and  destruction. 


iinf  20, 

KPS. 

"11  In  nil 
I'  (lerrrrd 
Hilar  ii|i- 

"11    MM    III! 

luililicnl 
il.  HiM 
mIciI,  1111(1 
lii'cii  ihii 
Hprinj,'  (if 
iii'lc  xvnr 
lieilri-  iir- 
iiiiu'iit 

WilllDIlt 

'iirnincli- 
llic  l!(|i. 
led  ii|i(>ii 
fiinviird 
iiillii- 
ini'ial  liaH 
'  llif!  pen- 
ile rp|iciil 
prlilinii 
iiiiiiir  (if 
oicr  lias 
;ea  of  ihe 


'^DtiiCono 1st  Skhs. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  tkaman. 


Ho.  OF  Kep8. 


THETAUIPP. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  H.  I.  SEAMAN, 

OK  NEW  YOIIK, 
Iv  TiiK  HoisE  or  IIf,piik9kntativE9, 

,/iiiif ;.".),  iH4(i. 

The  l)ill  rcport(!cl  liyllic  ('nniiiiilli'e  nfWayH  and 
Mi'aiia,  pr()|ici.sirii;  In  rcdiico  lliu  (Uuic.-(  nil  Ini- 
pnilx,  Ih'IIi^  iiiidi'i'  cniiNidiMnlinii  in  (Jniiiiiiiltce 
iif  llir  Wlidlu  (HI  llic  male  (if  lliu  Union — 
Mr.  SKAM.\N  addressed  the  cuiiimiUec  as  fol- 
low.s: 

Mr.  CiiAinMAN,  if  I  consulted  my  own  feelings, 
I  slinuld  mil  have  lr(^'(passed  lit  all  upon  the  time 
of  the  ('oniiniiter  l>y  t.iliiii!;  part  in  llic  (Ichale  upon 
llii\  hill  now  under  ciiiiHitJeialion.  Itip.  I  have  n 
cniiMlilnency  dee|ily  liilen  sled  in  this  (piestinn,  anil 
I  eaniint  eonsenl  lo  record  my  vole  witliout  lirst 
a.><Ni;^niiii;  the  reasons  which  >;nvi:rii  il.  I  should 
not  dare  1(1  rclurn  to  my  cohnIiIik  ills  without  lirst 
laisiiii;  my  fechle  voice  in  defence  of  u  system 
which  I  honestly  helievu  is  giiurdnig  tlicir  best 
interest. 

Il  is  not  my  design,  sir,  to  enter  upon  the  dis- 
russinii  of  this  i|Ucsti(in  ill  a  captious  or  partisan 
spirit.  1  regard  II  as  a  :,'rcrtt  Aincricaii  ipiestinn, 
involvini;  cominnii  ri;;hls  and  coiniiion  interests. 
In  the  remarks  which  I  will  venture  to  make,  I 
shall  not  he  governed  liy  ihe  theory  of  any  man, 
or  yield  lo  any  pnr.y  do^'ina.  1  am  nol  bound  by 
niiy.  I  will  endeavor  to  lake  n  commun-ueiise 
view  of  the  (lueslion,  and  will  brins;  lo  my  aid  Ihe 
experience  ol  over  twenty  years  of  active,  commer- 
cial p'.rsuils,  and  the  experience  of  men  now  en- 
^Mi^cd  ill  the  foreii^n  coininerce  of  the  country. 

S'liiie  seven  months  of  ihe  session  are  now  gone, 
and  we  are  just  enleriiiir  upon  some  of  the  most 
important  measures.  \Ve  are  to  be  kepi  from  our 
licunis  to  le(;islatu  "  under  the  burning  rays  of  a 
iiiidNiimnier's  sun."  The  eyesofoureonsiituenls 
ai('  tis'cd  upon  us.  From  the  centre  of  this  Union 
111  its  remote  border  an  intense  inlerest  is  felt  in 
our  action. 

I  object  to  the  bill  and  the  amendment  now  be- 
fore tlic^  comniitleeoii  variou.s  grounds,  but  mainly 
that  ills  an  entire  abandoinnent  of  the  protective 
Molicy.  It  proposes  a  system  of  "('  viilonm  duties 
111  the  place  of  specific  dunes,  and  is  not,  wliut  it 
purports  to  be,  a  lardffor  revenue. 

It  is  not  my  purpose,  sii,  lo  travel  far  back  and 
trace  out  tlu^  several  revenue  laws,  and  their  tifects 
upon  the  country.  The  tariff  acts  of  181ti,  lti;i4, 
l^'JH,  and  IKi'J,  and  the  inlliieiic'j  lliey  exerted 
upon  the  coiiimcrce,a^'ricultuie,aiid  maniilactures 
(if  the  country,  an^  mailers  of  history.  They  are 
part  of  tlie  annals  of  our  day  and  ^'eneration,  and 
ihtir  monitory  vnii^e  bids  us  bewi.re  of  the  errors 
of  siiiiie,  and  to  profit  by  ihe  wise  provisions  of 
others. 

Let  us  take  a  glance,  Mr.  Chairman,  at  the  con- 
dilion  of  the  country  during  the  few  years  which 
picceded  llie  pa.ssage  of  the  tarilf  act  of  lH4'J.  And 
what  was  ils  conditinn.'  Commerce  almost  de- 
.--iroyeil,  our  Bhi[is  lying  at  our  wharves  without 
employment,  our  niaiiufacturing  interesls  pro.s- 
tiaiiil,and  our  agricultural  productions  worth  lillle 
or  iiotliiiig;  no  market,  eillier  at  home  or  abroad; 
Ihe  labor  of  the  country  fast  ruiming  down  to  n 
l(  vcl  with  ihe  ]iau[icr  labor  of  Kuropc;  in  short, 
ruin  sei'incd  to  have  fixed  ils  iron  grasp  upon  the 
ciicrgicsof  the  coiuury.  The  couniry  was  largely 
in  debt,  and  the  Governnient  was  forced  to  llie  iie- 
cissily  of  borrowing  many  millions  of  dollars. 
The  large  surplus  in  the  treasury  when  Mr.  Van 
lluren  came  into  power  was  "used  up."  The 
duties  on  imporls  had  been  iinJergoing  a  slow  but 
'jiiidual  rednciion,  and  with  it  the  revenue  of  the 
cnuiilry  was  (liiiiiiii.'<hing  with  increased  niuinen- 
liiiii.  In  short,  the  country  was  in  a  sad  coiidi- 
iinn.     1  point  to  the  record  lo  prove  it. 

Whal,  sir,  is  the  stale  nf  things  with  us  now? 
Look  around  us.  Whence  (Mimes  all  this  pios- 
piriiyi'  'I'lie  country  leeming  with  wealilr,  cuin- 
iiiercc,  niaiiiifacuires,  and  agriculture,  all  priis|ier- 
ous,  and  each  conlribiiling  us  ipiola  to  the  iiatuinal 
good;  labor  receiving  high  wages.  Whence  comes 
all  this.'  it  is  nol  caused  by  an  unusual  demand 
from  abroad  for  our  productions;  nol  by  an  iiilla- 
led  paper  ciirrency,  inllaling  lirices,  wliicli  our 
friends  on  the  other  side  of  llic  Mouse  talk  so 


iniieh  nbniit;  nn,  sir,  it  is  caused  by  the  blessed 
inthieiicea  of  llie  protective  policy,  fostering  and 
pi'olecling  the  industry  of  our  people.  Will  you 
disturb  this  stale  of  things'  Will  yon  experiuieiit 
upon  a  iiaiion'u  prosperity.'  It  is  an  old  maxim 
(and  all  common  sayings  iiru  founded  in  experi- 
ence and  truth)  to  leave  good  enough  atone.  The 
lliiiii;  works  will,  and  my  vote  shall  not  be  given 
to  disturb  it. 

The  genlleinan  from  Georgia  [Mr.  Jones]  told 
IIS  tliallu!  would  judge  the  tree  by  its  fruit;  so  will 
I.  The  tree  planted  in  IHi'i  by  a  wise  Congress 
has  been  a  most  iirolilic.  bearer.  Il  has  yielded 
abuiidaiil  fruit.  Then  do  not  let  us  cut  it  down. 
If  I  mislakc  nol,  it  has  struck  its  roots  deep  into 
the  hearts  of  the  American  people,  and  wo  be  to 
that  man  who  lays  an  axe  at  its  root. 

The  i|uislion  is  ofieii  asked  of  myself  and  my 
honored  colleagues,  how  it  is  that  we,  who  repre- 
sent the  greatest  conimereial  interests  of  the  coun- 
try, are  found  ainniig  the  supporters  of  the  protect- 
ive policy?  Why,  sir,  go  to  iIiilso  luerchants 
whose  ships  whiten  every  sea,  and  ask  iheni  what 
they  have  to  .say  in  relation  to  this  question. 
Have  they  asked  you  to  change  this  policy — to 
repeal  the  tarili?  iSo,  sir;  they  are  inielhgent  men, 
ol  practical  knowledge,  worth  more  in  deciding 
this  i|uestioii  than  volumes  of  such  finc-spun  theo- 
ry as  the  .Secretary  of  the  Treasury  has  given. 
They  know  well  thai  llie  sun  never  yet  shone  upon 
a  people  who  became  distinguished  for  their  com- 
merce, that  did  nut  pruleel  and  foster  their  home 
industry. 

Cast  your  eye,  sir,  over  the  civilized  world, 
"and,  without  a  solitary  uxcepllnn,  you  will  find 
those  imlions  whose  industry  is  protected  and 
nourished  occupying  an  elevated  position,  and  cx- 
enusing  a  controlling  influence  over  neighboring 
nations;"  and,  on  the  other  hand,  in  those  eoiin- 
Iries  where  their  peculiar  institutions  operalc  to 
paraly7.c  industry,  you  will  lind  the  people  in  a 
nii.serable  and  abject  state,  without  commerce  and 
wiihont  any  of  the  conslilueiiLs  of  national  wealth. 

The  merchants  1  have  the  honor  to  represent 
understand  this  maUer,  sir.  If  il  is  for  ilieiii  you 
are  legislating,  wait  until  they  ask  you  to  do  it. 
Uring  ihe  war  wilh  Mexico,  in  which  we  are  now 
nnforlunately  and  unnecessarily  engaged,  lo  a 
speedy  lerniination,  and  preserve  our  present  ami- 
cable relations  with  other  countries,  and  the  coni- 
niercc  of  the  couniry,  so  far  us  our  present  action 
is  concerned,  can  talie  care  of  itself. 

It  is  said  that  the  protective  duties  cheapen 
prices.  Wl'.y,  sir,  il  reipiires  no  argument  to  de- 
monstiale  this.  Wc  may  reason  about  the  inaiter, 
but  the  fiict  remains  uncontrudieled,  that  the  impo- 
sition of  protective  duties  is  invariably  followed 
by  reduced  prices  of  the  articles  protected,  whether 
it  be  the  coal  and  iron  dug  from  the  bowels  of  tlui 
earili,  or  the  productions  of  the  loom,  or  any  other 
branch  of  manufactures.  With  these  lights  before 
us,  Mr.  Chairman,  for  one,  1  am  not  disposed  lo 
grope  ill  the  dark  mazes  of  theory.  1  know  that  the 
doctrine  i.^  ridiculed;  but  what  are  the  fads?  The 
first  package  of  domestic  calicoes  I  ever  saw  for 
sale  111  the  city  of  iS'ew  Vork  was  in  the  year  i&M; 
il  was  a  conimoii  blue  print,  was  sold  tor  some- 
thing like  thirty  cents  per  yard;  and  at  the  same 
tune  a  better  article  in  every  respect  (except  in  the 
thickness  of  the  cloth)  could  be  purchased  of  Eng- 
lish luanuf'acture  at  less  price,  Aow,  sir,  you  can 
buy  an  article  of  our  own  inamifacture,  superior, 
in  every  respect,  for  twelve  and  a  half  cents  per 
yard.  It  is  a  little  singular,  but  1  recollect  it  very 
well,  that  inv  friend  and  colleague,  [.\Ir.  HrNOF.R- 
I'uKti,]  who'nilruduced  the  amendment  now  before 
the  commiltee,  purchased  some  of  these  very  goods; 
and  I  would  have  listened  to  him  with  great  pleas- 
ure, when  he  look  the  floor,  if  he  had  lold  us  what 
produced  this  great  dimiiiulioii  in  price.  1  claim 
II  lo  be  hoinecompetilioii,  induced  and  fostered  by 
protection. 

1  will  take  another  article,  sir — that  of  Kentucky 
jeans — which  enters  largely  into  the  constimpilon 
of  the  country.  What  has  been  the  eflect  of  prn- 
teclion  upon  that  article?  In  1834  they  weri^  worth 
one  dollar  per  yard;  in  ItttG,  eighty  ceiils  per  yard; 
in  1H3H  and  1839,  sixly-live  cent's  per  yard.  A 
heller  arlicle  was  exhibited  at  the  I'air  in  this  city 
at  thirly-scvon  and  a  half  cents  per  yaid.  1  could 
go  on  and  enumerate  a  variety  of  other  articles,  the 
munufautut'iug  of  which  has  been  eummenced  in 


(hid  cnunfry  within  the  ln«t  twenty  years;  but  I 
refer  to  these  as  illuslrnlivc  of  all  the  other  vari- 
eties. 

I  lake  now  another  liranih  of  our  nmnufacfures, 
and  oiK^  which  is  becoiniiig  of  very  great  import- 
ance to  us.  I  allude  to  Hint  gla.ss.  Sir,  no  oiin 
could  have  visiled  Ihe  fair  without  being  struck 
with  ihe  richness  and  variety  of  the  specimens 
there  exhibited.  I  hold  ill  my  liaiiil  a  memorial 
of  five  hundred  operatives  in  ilint  gl.iss,  praying 
(Joiigress  that  the  duty  imposed  on  flint  glass  by 
the  Uirid'of  ly4Si  may  remain  unaltered,  or  if  al- 
tered, to  be  sjiecific. 

Wlien  the  tariff  went  into  operation  in  lS4d,  wo 
had  only  four  of  these  istablishiiients  in  all  ihn 
country.  They  were  just  gasping  for  breath,  bnrnu 
down  by  foixi;,'n  compclilion.  The  cniiiilry  was 
Hooded  wilh  an  indiU'erenl  article  nf  liernian, 
l''riaicli,  and  Kiii:lish  miinufactiire.  Another  year, 
and  not  one  of  these  establislinicnts  wiuild  liavo 
been  left  in  lli(.  couniry.  Now,  sir,  what  is  their 
condition,  under  the  I'nstering  influences  of  this 
iniich  abused  and  niisiinderslood  prolection?  Why, 
ihey  have  iiicrpa.4ed  fivefold  in  ditrereiit  parts  of  the 
couniry,  prnduciiig  annually  six  millions  of  dol- 
lars, emiiloying  over  six  thousand  fiersons;  their 
wa:,'cs  one-lliird  higher  than  in  |H4:J;  and  furnish- 
ing all  the  varieties  of  the  article,  from  the  cian- 
moiiest  tumbler  n*  the  riidiest  cut  class,  at  3U  per 
cent,  less  than  they  could  be  purchased  in  184U 
and  1K4I,  consuming  ihree-fourtlis  of  all  the  iVlis- 
Nouri  lead  and  thousands  of  pounds  of  potash. 
Kvery  arlicle  used  in  the  manufacturing  of  glass  is 
of  American  production. 

There  is  one  olliia-  brunch  of  manufactures  lo 
which  I  wish  In  revert,  and  il  is  one  but  litilo 
known,  although  no  one  could  havi;  visited  the 
l''air  without  noticing  the  beautif'ul  spei'iinens  ihero 
exiiibiled.  The  arlicle  I  allude  lo  is  the  inanufac- 
tiiring  of  ostrich  feathers  inlo  brushes.  It  is  only 
some  ten  years  since  ihis  article  was  first  iiilro' 
iluced  into  this  couniry,  and  we  are  indebted  to 
the  "  niechanicnl  conirivance"  of  nn  American  citi- 
zen for  the  perfection  which  the  nianuliicture  of  this 
article  has  reached. 

The  feather  nf  which  these  brushes  are  made  is 
not  the  f'eaiher  of  the  African  ostrich,  which  is  an 
article  of  ornanieiit,  but  of  the  South  American 
bird,  and  which  is  used  only  for  the  inamifacture 
of  brushes  and  articles  of  that  kind.  If  ihe  bill 
before  us  becomes  a  law,  it  will  impose  the  same 
duty  on  the  feather  as  on  the  brush,  and  ihe  Anici- 
ican  article  will  be  driven  nut  of  market.  The  Oa- 
zctte  and  Times,  published  in  the  city  of  iVew 
York,  has  been  sent  to  nie,nnd  it  conlains  an  arli- 
cle on  the  inanuliiciure  of  these  brushes.  I  will 
send  il  to  the  Clerk's  table  that  he  may  read  a  part 
of  it: 

"  Wliiilcvcr  prnij-e  amy  liavc  licrctnfarc  tieca  nwnnfcd  to 

Jimeriniii  iiiu'cioiily  aiid  ('(iliT|iri-c,  lliosc  iiri;  now  coni- 

)flcti  ]y  iiliscineit  liy  tiiiciu'ii  i^ltiN  (Uid  iiiTliiiacily ;  at  Icitst 

siicfi  'woald  he  llie  iiamral  ».a))[i<i>ili<iii,  Jadttiiitj  foiiii  IIk; 

coiiililit  (ir..(iiii('  oi'diir  lcyi>liili)rs  at  Wiipliiiiylnn.     FDrii-ra 

lacri'JiHiidii'c  and  tur('ii;ii  iidciit-^  hnvc  laid  rrir...niiii;  time  Oce 

oii^rcsn  lo  iIk;  ronniri  nrilii.  Cnniiiiiltcc  of  Wiiyn  and  .Mi  aiis, 

while  v^facric'iii  limllilt'ilcnir(TJ.aiid  ^.ttnuiiarn  iirodlicli*  liiivc 

llcL'll  ns  carcl'ully  excluded.     The  desire  would  M-clll  to  ill! 

to  care  lor  Hiiil  pnilcct  lorciiia  iiilcrr  Is  riuin-r  llian  iIiim'  of 

.iiiir  invii  ciiinitry.     Tin.'  iinjuM'tcd   Ii';ilhiT-lirii.-li  is  a  vciy 

i  liilii<:iin<i,  iiiiHiili-liiMliai,  iiiid  cDtiipanitivi'ly  as.  l-.-s  aliiiir, 

j  and,  tn'iial  iiiisalr;i))t<'.  d'lrs  nor  i  nicr  :il  nil  iiil'>  riMiiiicniioii 

'  Willi  liic  .\iiicric;iii  article.    'I'tic  diil>  on  llir  raw  iiiiilciiiii, 

j  llicrciiirc.  is.  ill  ili'.'d.  so  aiiirli  ^  j-  on  .Mr.  Sic  |i's  iniiiiii- 

riK-niri',  and.  coiisi'(|ii(nil.\'.  on  all  il.s  consuincrs;  luid  it  i^ 

llic  more  iiiiju>l  liccaii..  il  dies  not  (liscriinliiali'  lii;iwc»-ii 

llic  Al'rican  iMlricit  ti'juhir,  wiiirli  i.s  an  unit  I  ■  uriii.viir\  — 

■  and  vrr.\'  ti'W  of  which  arc  iisi-d  in  llic  niiiniiliicnitc  nf  ihe 

hrii..|i— and  llic  ;.'r<'iitly  ninrc  coiiiinon,  itiiraldc,  and  clic.ipi  r 

fcHlliir  of  llic  (I  iricliof  liic  soalhi'mcontiacnl,  \vliicti  forms 

llic  |iriiici|i:il  seiph'  of  Mr.  Sicclc',*  hiisinc-M. 

"  In  ord.  r  to  set  Ihis  in  llic  slnamcst  lialil  lieforc  tlicL'oni- 
laittco  of  \\'a\  I*  and  .Means,  .Mr.  S.  iitiidc  a  vi>it  some  wcclis 
.since  to  Wasliiiaiton.  wilh  a  view  of  I'Xhihilili::  l-i  lliciii 
some  s|icciiiiciis  of  Ills  i\-orli.  tliiit  the  ditii'rchci-s  la  the  iiia- 
Icrial  laid  Ih--  iinjnsl  i  iicratioa  of  the  duly  laiiiiil  at  once 
hccoiiic  vi.il. Ic  lo  ilic  c\,  a- u'cll  as  to  Ihe  iMiilcrslaadiiiK. 
lie  was.  Iiow.  VI  r.  nidrl.v  ii  [iiilsid  hy  Ihc  cliairnian  of  llie 
coiamincc,  wild  would  not  ilcimi  lo  look  at  thcsr  spcciiiiciiH 
ol -Vmcjicrin  imliisliy  and  Mkill,  nor  hear  n  word  of  jirr.rninl 
exphiniitioa  in  relation  ti>  thciii.  and  this,  loo,  as  la  lore 
slalcil,  while  the  aucnts  nf  foicitin  iiiaiiiifacliin  is  wciii 
allow. 'd  to  cxhihtl  Ihcir  wares  in  ;iiiy  ipiaiilily,  and  to  tell 
such  siorjf.s  it!,  iiiiiihl  advance  llic  iiitcrcstii  iticy  rcprcsciili'il. 
'.  fliil  the  case  of  Mr.  Steele  h  hy  an  liiciias  a  liiiiutilnr 
.  one.  Iliindred.s  of  similar  instances  have  occurred  hiiice 
Ihc  cotiiini'licciacnt  of  tin-  prcsi.iit  scsdioa  ori'oiijjrcss."' 

Of  course,  Mr.  Cliairnian,  I  cannot  vouch  for 

the  correctness  nf  the  arlicle  which  has  just  been 

'  read.     Mr.  .Steele  is  a  gentleman  of  vcracitv,  and 


1003 


HihH  CoNa.„.l8T    Sk88. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOOE. 

The  Tariff— Mr.  Smman. 


[June  99, 
llo.  ()!■'  Ur.i's. 


niiilled  In  tin-  rp«iifct  of  rvrry  iiii'inlier  of  thin 
llniifir.  I  will  iiiily  lulil,  Kir,  llial  it  airriri  mil>- 
Ntaiiiially  with  whul  Mr.  Stcoli;  luld  nic  bufiirc  lie 
Irfi  the  c'ily. 

I  will  rinrt  In  one  nlh»>r  hrniirh,  niiil  by  no 
inrnitM  (in  niiiiitporliirit  niic,  I  iillihlr  to  hiKtci'N' 
I'lirn  whiii  (Ml  ihi'  iiklii.  Uiidcr  llii'  Inrilf  ol'  \'*\'i 
(hey  Mir  iuImiiiIi  il  at  n  duly  of  r>  |>iT  ri'iil.,  anil  llii' 
iiiaiiiifii  iMi'i'd  arlii'lii  is  |iriii('i'ii'd  liy  ii  duty  of  'Ji'i 
|K'r  i'rrii.  TIm'  ImII  lirlorr  ns  |trit|>oMi'H  to  imjMuIi/c 
ilkc  duly  at  ID  [mt  ri'iil.,  tlii'ii'liv  r'niovini;  all  pni- 
t.'cii.Mi  to  ilii!  iiiiiMiilM.'iiir.'d  ailh-lc.  'I'Im:  i  di'i-l 
ii|'on  tliiH  Immmi'Ii  nl'  oMt*  inaiKillii'tMn-R  rarinni  Init 
lir  dimiNtt'oiiH, 

Mr.  ( 'liairMiaii,  I  liavi'  said  that  I  would  liria:;  to 
my  aid,  in  (lie  diM'UNsliin  of  iIun  ijut  siiini,  thr  t'\- 
|M.'ririirr  of  nM-rclianis  now  (.'ni;ai:'d  in  llu-  fori  iL'ii 

■  oiiiiiii  I' if  ihi'  ronntry.     I   liMvr  had  iHrNiuad 

lolnni'WH  with  many  ^'cnth'nii'n  liiL'aL'rd  in  llir 
liii{>orlalioii  of  yoods  of  all  kinili,  iiid  from  nil 
foiiMinr^;  and,  su',  I  find  liiil  oia-  o|MMion  in  ri-la- 
lion  to  tlic  lull  Ik  full'  till'  I  oinnnlii'i ',  il  is  I'on- 
(Iciniii'd  liy  all  of  iIkhi,  \'.\t\\  tliosr  who  do  not 
<i|i|iosi'  II  moilill  iiion  of  ihi'  ail  of  |S4'.',  arr  op- 
liiiird  to  any  iinriMsi'  of  duly  n|ioii  ihi'  raw  niaii'- 
rial  iim'il  liy  onr  inaniifai'liiri  r.'<,  and  to  ihr  NyNiciii 
of  ad  valoi'ini  iliMii's,  whirh  thr  lull  now  lii:foi'0  ii.h 
|ii'o|>os('S  III  cstaliliNli. 

I  hnvi'  111  lore-  rnr,  Mr.  Chairman,  a  lariri"  niim- 
U'r  ol'Ipitcrs  iViim  i.'('ntlrni(Mi  rni;a;;i'il  in  i'imiiimitit, 
ronianiinu'  inioriiiation  on  llic  dilVriint  lirani'hrs  of 
IManntiirlMi'  -,  us  roinii'i  lid  willi  tlir  coinnu'ri  o  of 

till- ronniry.      I  ild  niaki' valii.ililc  i Mriu'is  frnin 

all  of  ihciii,  I'Ut  il  \\  imlil  he  riniHinMiiii^  moi'i'  o("  my 
tiiiip  tlian  I  ton  ili»|>iii4i-d  to  itrvoic  to  thrni.  jhii, 
Hir,  Mnmr  of  tlie.M*  k'ttcrs  cntilain  iiifortnatlon  no 
iin|iiiriaMl  to  us,  at  the  prrsi-nt  monu'iit,  I  will  ask 
the  atiininin  of  tlii' romniitli'c  tONinni;  fuwcxtracla 
iVoni  thiMu. 

I  do  inili'icl  «  ish,  sir,  that  the  Sirrclary  of  ihr 
Treasury  had  had  a  few  of  ilnni  liil'ine  loin  when 
he  compiled  the  "  valiialile  doi  nineiii"  he  lias  piili- 
lished  to  the  world.  I  must  take  this  oeenfiioii  to 
Hay  lliat,  in  my  opinion,  and  I  lielieve  il  is  the 
opinion  of  most  prie'iieal  na  ii,  there  never  issued 
from  the  preB.s  in  Ihi.s  eoiiniry  a  work  so  fall  of 
trior,  Miore  puerile  or  fallaiious;  and,  sir,  I  am 
nsUiniHlied  that  il  should  have  enianated  tVoin  suili 
a  high  quarter.  Why,  .Mr.  Clialrman,  a  serond- 
mle  Fearl  -ireel  clerk  can  point  out  iis  I'.illai'ies. 

1  Imve  here  nn  e\i'i'eilni:;ly  well-writlen  letter 
from  an  iniporltr  of  Kremh  and  Italian  coods  in 
the  eiiy  of  New  York.  I  will  nail  a  pani^'iaph 
from  It.  The  writer  says  thai  in  early  life  he 
"  liecame  a  conveit  to  IVee  irade,  hut  niin'r  mature 
'  ielleclioii,auled  liv  obMrMiiion  and  experii  nee  of 

*  the  progress  of  aliairs  in  our  country,  liroii'^dit  me 

*  to  the  cntii'lusion  that,  t!ion;;h  iVi  e  trade  is  lieauti- 
'  ful  in  theory,  the  pion  ctive  policy  is  the  tine  one 
'  lo  (le\elop  the  re.sonrcis  niid  prosperiiy  of  the 
'  country;  and  tins  has  been  my  opinion  for  the  last 

*  ttniii-J'tfleen  i/iio-x,dMriiij^ which periial  I  havebcen 

*  t'nj.'a^ed  iu  the  iin]Mirtiii^  business,  and  have  had 
'  Mu  interest  in  any  nianutticturing  esiablLsliineiit 
<  or  product.     My  belief  is,  that  a  lari;e  majority 

*  itl'  importing  mtri-hantx  in   this  cit'j  prefer  to  have 

*  till'  toi'itr  remain  as  it  is,  rather  than  have  it  much 
'  reduced,  especially  if  ilie  specific  |iniiciple  i.s  to 

*  be  nbaiidoned." 

The  w  riter  then  goes  on,  and  sayn  that  n  reduc- 
tion of  the  diilii  s  w  oiild  canst*  n  lar;;e  increasi;  of 
imports.  Our  markets  would  be  overstocked,  and 
till-  biisinesrt  of  the  iMiuni.i'y  would  bedislurlied  by 
tin  exp'irt  of  specie.  It  may  be  said  that  our  ex- 
ports will  incieiuic  in  proportion.  Here  is  the 
iiiisluke.  iMii'ope  will  only  Lake  of  our  produc- 
tioiL-i  whul  they  med,  and  that  withoiii  any  refer- 
#'iice  to  our  taiill'.  If  the  supply  is  excessive, 
prices  L'o  down.  Would  it  tin  ii  be  lo  liie  iliti  rest 
of  the  I'arniers,  think  von,  sir,  to  have  the  prici  s 
of  llieir  produce  fixed  by  the  export  rates?  Will 
it  iiol  be  belier  tor  them  lo  have  the  various 
branches  of  onr  maniitacturcs  protected  and  tlonr- 
isliiii;;  nl  lioioe,  and  thus  tjive  them  a  market  for 
iheir  bri  adstull's  and  prioisions.'  1,'eitainly,  su', 
the  home  market  is  the  best  for  the  farim  r.  If 
wi'  look  to  forci^'n  cnuniricH  to  consume  onr  ai,'ri- 
eiiliunil  prodiiciions,  they  can  only  lie  hcnl  there 
when  janes  are  low  at  home,  ;iii(|  tlui  compaia-  , 
lively  siiiiill  aiiionnt  which  is  sent  abroad  will,  in 
u  ureal  nil  asiire,  deteriiinie  the  prices  uf  the  iiii- 
iiiciiiie  amount  conuumcd  at  home. 


Mr.  (hairinan,  n  few  days  since  I  received  a 
ciininiiinicaiion  I'roman  inielli;;rnl  mcrchnnt  in  the 
city  of  New  York,  inviiin;;  my  aiicniion  lo  the 
carpeiini;  manufactured  anniiafly  in  ;lie  United 
Slates.  I  had  no  cnnception  of  ilie  extent  of  this 
mnnuliiriiire.  Tlieia  are  some  iiiiensiiiii,'  lacis 
comiecii'd  H'ilh  it,lo  which  I  would  call  llie  alteii- 
lioii  of  the  commitiee.  'i"he  esliinaled  miniber  ol' 
yards  of  cariieiin^  now  iiiaiiiifaclurid  per  aiinnin 
III  the  llnilril  Stales  in  ll),.'irtll,(W,"..  The  value  of 
tins  is  <ili„>;i,*'!l().  Wai;es  paid  per  aniniin, 
:i*.'),l74,','."i7.  ('onsnmption  ofSoiiih  Anierican  and 
Smyrna  wool  per  annum,  ','4,li«7,II.'t|  pounds; 
eipial  to  full  cai-iroes  for  eiu'hiy  t u'  hundred  ves- 
sels. Till'  I'lei'jlil  and  jirinia:;e,  at  I  |  cent  per 
ponnd,  is  *.V.'.|,i|o-|  |.|.  The  nnnilicr  of  peisoiis 
cinpliiyi  d  or  ile|i.'iidaiil  upon  this  branch  of  niiiiin- 
failures  is  ;t"i,IMIii  The  number  of  sm.ill  iiianu- 
I'lclories,  with  iiiii  more  ihan  two  lo  ten  looiiis 
each,  t!,')!!.  Should  CiMj'.'ress  alter  the  exislin^ 
tarilf,  it  IS  all  iioporlani  to  ihe  carpel  mnliiifacin- 
lers  to  have  the  duly  spi.'ilic;  indeed,  ii  is  ipiile  as 
iiineli  NO  as  lo  tjie  i^rowerii  of  migar  and  nmniifac-  ' 
liirerM  of  iron. 

The  ainendnient  nllercd  by  my  enllcairue  will 
break  up,  root  and  braiich,  i  Very' manufactory  of 
carpels  in  the  Ilniled  Stales,      lie  in'oposes  to  le- 

di the  duly  one. half  on  ihe  niannlacliired  nrlicle, 

and  lo  ini'icise  the  duly 'Jo  pi  r  cent,  upon  the  raw 
inalerial.  Why.  sir,  ihis  is  nn  alarminir  feature 
in  the  bill.  Is  tills  Coiieress  ready  lo  cast  npnii 
the  wide  world  ibirly-liM'  ihonsand  persons,  whose 
iiiiiii'il  wa;;i !,  anioioit  lo  mar  thru  niillioiis  and  a 
ipiarK  r  annnally,  and  many  of  llii  se  |.ersons  with 
lannhes  depenilant  n|ion  them?  Ami,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, wIkmi  yon  shall  have  done  this,  yon  will 
only  liiiM'  louchi'd  n  very  small  fiaction  of  the 
niannfacniriiii;  inieiesls  of  the  country. 

I  have  also  111  fore  me  n  leilcr  from  a  lii^lily 
respecialile  constiliieiil ,  calliii!,'  my  Mileiilion  to 
another  important  branch  of  our  niniiul'acliires; 
and  one,  sir,  ihe  importance  of  which  is  but  little 
understood.  I  refer  to  articles  made  of  bone,  horn, 
Mini  horn  lips,  torloise  shell,  mother  of  pearl,  ivory, 
and  ihe  dilhrent  varieties  of  I'aiicv  wood.  V'l  ry 
\'f\v  of  these  articles  are  produced  in  this  eonnti'v, 
and  of  those  prinlnced  here  the  (pianlily  falls  fjreatly 
below  the  consnmplion.  The  bill  bifore  us  dis- 
cnininates  between  the  raw  mat.  rial  and  the  man- 
nfaclnrcd  article.  I!ut,  sir,  the  duty  on  the  first  is  ■ 
too  hich,  and  loo  low  on  the  latter.  The  ellei  t  of 
this  will  be  111  Liive  the  foiciirn  inarket  to  the  niaii- 
uficliirers  of  other  countries,  who  receive  the  raw 
maierial  free  of  duty. 

Allow  tlie.se  articles  to  come  to  iis  free  of  duty, 
MS  the  most  of  them  now  do,  and  yon  enable  iis  lo 
■Jive  enipliiynieni  to  many  ilion.'iands  of  our  people, 
and  lo  compcle  with  the  maiinfacinri'rs  of  other 
countries  all  over  the  world.  Why, sir,  this  House 
i.s  not  aware,  and  the  eonnlry  is  iiol  MHare,  of  the 
^'lowin:;  iniportniice  of  ihis  trade,  fjiir^e  ainounis 
are  annually  exported  lo  Mexico,  South  Ainerii  a, 
and  the  more  distant  legions  of  the  L'lobe.  The 
eHect  of  the  bill  before  lis  could  liiil  have  been  1111- 
dei'sioiid  by  my  colleamie;  shiuild  it  become  a  law, 
it  will  break  up  a  valuable  branch  of  onr  industry, 
and  which  has  been  many  yeiir.s  giowiii!;  into  ini- 
portance. 

I  have,  sir,  a  letter  from  one  of  the  Iar2;est  im- 
porters in  the  city  of  \ew  Yoi  k,  in  \»liich  he  says, 
"thai  nine-ii  nilis  of  the  Ameriitan  importers  are 
'  ill  favor  of  specific  duties — they  are  a  i^reat  pro- 
'  tcetion  ai:aiitst  frauds.  To  honest  imporlers  it  is 
'  not  so  materi'il  what  the  duties  are,  provnhd  they 
'are  collected  of  all  alike;  llial  ninler  an  ad  valo- 
'  rem  systein  I  see  not  hut  that  honest  men  must 
'  ijive  up  the  business;  they  c.-iiinot  contend  with 
'  the  iVauds  wlii'li  will  be  pracii.-ed."  The  wriier 
then  drscriius  a  rase  wherein  an  altenipt  was 
made  to  delVaiid  the  revenue,  iluriii;;  Ihe  past  win- 
ter, of  eii^hteeu  thousand  francs  in  one  invoice. 
Such  facts  as  these  are  worthy  of  consider.'ition, 
and  Hhould  lead  us  to  he  uiulioua  III  our  legisla- 
tion. 

I  will  ask  the  alieiilion  of  the  eomniiltee  In  one 
nioi-i'  of  ihi'.-ie  leiiers,  and  will  pass  by  the  others, 
iilihoiieh  I  am  coiifaleiit,  .Mr.  (;liairiiian,  lliat  the 
information  tin  y  contain  in  valuable.  'I'lic  wriier 
says: 

'1  The  aiiiil  iiii|HirMiil  cliiinuf  w-liidl  i"  |irn|ioseil,   m  tile 
ail  viiliiri'tii  iliilii'i'  1111   liUat,  nl^ll'llll  oC  i.(w'citii'.     Ttiis  Inj  ntl  ' 
nicunf  ihiuld  bv  oyi>u*tdj  at  Hd  valorem  duties  would  u^uia 


cii.'ini  r.ini-  /Viiiiitv  ni  Ihe  Khiipc  of  iliidi'r\'allllllliillH.  anil  ivhicll 
I  wiailil  ili'lV  Ihe  liincriiiai'iil  in  iirevcnl.     Hlace  \vc  litoe 

liiiil  the  i|ii'cihi'  Mvi'li'iii,  lilt'  Mil I  i:iitiili  iMiiiiircuiilliiiiii, 

nail  the  liiiinl  liclietici.'tl  ri'Niili^  havt'  lulliiHt'tl." 

This,  sir,  is  Ihe  opininn  of  one  of  the  larL'cst 
imporlers  of  silks  in  the  l.^inted  Statis;  the  senior 
member  lit' ihe  linn  is  a  l''reiicli  ^enllemaii  of  llie 
first  ri'siii'i'iabiliiy. 

•■'I'll!'  i-l.'ittli-liaietit  iif  iimaatilcliires  in  n  eniiiilr>'  jiuh- 
si'.<iiniu  the  iiiinir.il  lutvaiiliini'^  cKsfalliil  la  Hitcfi-H?.,  l<'ii>|.t 

tlirt'.  Ih  111  -liiiiiiliiti'  liitlii-liy  iir  Ilic  1 1  aii'fiil,  iis  will  ■.\^ 

Ihe  iiiii>l  |irinli|..n\e  klliil.  Hclcliif  ih  elii'iitlrill.'t  tl  In  It'inl 
IH  mil  I'l  lilt'  arl^:  nii|iriivi'iiii'iiN  in  iii:ii']iait'r\'  It'iiils  in 
iiliruti:!'  Iiiliiir,  iiiitl  rt'ililce  lli i-l  iil' priiiliii'lliiii.*' 

I  noticed  in  a  late  miniber  of  the  tTiiion,  jaib- 
lisheil  in  ihis  city,  tin  article  taken  fnim  the  [.mi 
lion  .Siandaid.  in  which  il  is  adnutied  that  "iiearlv 
all  llie  ricciit  mechanical  contiivances  inirodiind 
into  factm'ies  are  of  Yankee  invention."  'i'his, 
"Ir,  is  certainly  true:  and  wlial  was  il  that  stimu- 
lated  the  iiiirenuity  of  the   American  people,   but 

the   proii  cliiin   airordcd   ai;aiiist  ciiiiipeiiiiou   ("i i 

other  eoinilnes.  The  ii'iiions  of  the  Old  World 
had  (he  siart  of  ns  in  time;  they  possessed  nnliiii- 
iled  ia|ii(iil,  and  had  (he  inarkcls  of  the  whole 
world,  incliiilin;:  our  ow'n,  at  their  comniaiid. 
The  proli'ciive  policy,  so  wisely  inloplcd  by  us, 
invited  capital  into  iliisile|iarliiir  nl  of  our  indnslry, 
and  the  "  mrrlntninil  ciMi/iiri/iicci,*'  diminisliinLr  the 
cost  of  priiduction,  is  (he  cause  of  (he  diminishi  it 
price  of  all  prolecdd  arlicles;  nnd  it  is  this,  air, 
which  enahlcN  (he  "  pmir  iiinil"  lo  clothe  himself 
and  family  so  cheaply. 

Mr.  Chairmnn,  we  have  heard  miii'h  diirini;  tlin 
preseni  Cmiu'ress  about  the  iinr/iHiiici  and  l\iv  liilwr- 
iiii^  ponr;  nnd  it  is  this  inerilorions  class  of  our  cit- 
izens that  iMr,  Sei'i'etary  Walker  would  induce  lo 
believe  he  has  liken  under  his  fatherly  care,  and 
one  of  the  nlli'^'alions  he  makes  atiaiiisi  the  exisl- 
iiil^  larilV  is,  (hat  it  "discriminates  in  favor  of  (he 
inaiiiil  ciurer  and  airainsi  (he  inechaiiic,  by  hii^her 
dm  pun  (he  niamifacinri^  Ihiiii  iipini  the  arlicle 

nil  It  of  il  by  the  mecliinic."     Why,  sir,  any 

Kcliiii.i  hoy  can  turn  lo  the  larilV  of  lH|o,  nnd  con- 
vict the  Sccrelarv  of  downnulit  misrepresenlalioii; 
nnd  I  am  satisfied  the  nlle^'alion  was  made  more 
for  the  purpose  of  ciinlrolliii!,'  the  vole  of  the  me 
ehniiic,  than  a  desire  lo  eoiitribule  lo  his  Imppinesa 
or  prosperity. 

What  are  the  fici>,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  re'_'nril  to 
the  proleciiiin  atVoriliil  to  our  mechaniis  by  the 
present  tarilf-  \Vliy,.<ir,  they  are  aliinal  iiilly  pro- 
lecled  in  evi'rv  arlicle  they  make,  and  they  have 
loo  much  inlellim'iiee  not  to  niiilersland  this.  They 
li.ive  the  whole  of  onr  markets  to  ihemselves,  and 
nre  eiitiri  ly  protected  icaiiist  f iniun  coiniieiiiinn. 
liiil,  sir,  when  you  shall  have  passed  the  bill  now 
before  the  cnminiltee,  and  its  i  Heels  upon  the  me- 
rhanic  and  laborer  of  the  eouniry  shall  have  been 
realized,  then,  sir,  they  will  have  learneil  by  dear- 
bon^hl  experience  which  all'orded  theiii  the  pro- 
tection they  niosf  needed — the  l.irilf  of  Iwl'J,  or 
Mr.  Walker's  (lolicv. 

I  mil  well  salisfieil,  sir,  that  the  more  yon  pro- 
led  and  develop  ilie  home  industry  of  the  coimlry, 
the  more  you  coniribule  to  the  wealth  and  happi- 
ness of  the  people.  ;\  few  days  since  I  niel  with 
an  adili'i'ss  ilelivercd  at  ('iiliimliia,.Siinth  Carolina, 
on  the  iiG\h  November,  Iflll,  by  a  disliiejuislii  d 
member  of  the  other  end  of  the  Capitol,  [Senaim 
McDrpriK,]  in  which  I  lind  n  pnssau'e  so  niuch  lo 
my  jnii']iose,  1  will  read  it.      He  says: 

"  'I'lie  LTfiilfsI.  iiio.-t  iiri'Viiilini:.  nail  luii^l  iii'riiicniu.anfiitl 
till-  iirai'lli'c.i'  wlilcti  (ii-niiL'iash  anil  di't'iioi)  Ihe  aurK'iilnii'c 
111  ihH  anil  Iht'  ntliir  iiiliuii  |ihuiini|'  Sl.'ili-,  i<  tin' ulam-l 
i'\i  liliivc  iliri'diiiii  iil'tht-  whnle  iiviiiliilid-  hilinr  olltie  |tl:iii 
liinoa  111  Die  iiriiilat'lioM  nl  oar  uniiti'sl  iiiiirtii'l  sliililc,  iilnl 
Ihe  I'liMiictini'iit  lit'i!lt'Ct  111'  all  Itie  iilhrr  I'liiiitiiuililii  -  (\  liicti 
till'  siitl  M  cnpalilc  III  pMnlu('iiii»iir  >ii-t:iiiiiiiL'.  ,iinl  w  hull  arc 

•  S.eMltlll     til    -llppty    tilt'     \M1I1IS     III    lllf     C'^eilltl-llMli'lll.       \ii 

sche.Mt'  111'  ri'lfina  iir  iiiipinvi'iiieiit  eini  pniiliice  aii>'  LTfiil 
itiiil  siiliiniri  re.'iill  \^  hicli  ilnfs  nnl  lay  llic  nu-  at  Ilif  niiit  iil 
llijii  railiciil  vii'i'  III  iiiir  lia-hainlry.  il'  I  ciiiiltl  iinvv  rcvi  ill  a 
priii'i'-s  (hf  I'liiilntili"!)  la  which  tnir  ciiiiiiiiini  iniil  eiiiilil  dc 
aiailc  til  pnitliii'i'  n\ii  halt's  nl  entlna  In  llic  acn',  I  >titiutil 
have  itrt'.il  il'iiilinvlii'lliiT  Ihc  revijaliiill  wiilllil  lie  u  lilcs.aiiit 
or  n  eiirsi.  in  Hint  [tri'in  iatcre.'ii." 

1  le  then  nn.'es  upon  the  planters  of  the  Sonlli  lo 
raise  their  own  corn,  pork,  bacon,  horses,  mules, 
iVe.;  and,  I'liiin  Ins  own  experience,  tells  llieni  how 
it  can  he  done. 

Why,  Mr.  Chairman,  Ihis  is  orthodox,  nnd  i.s 
just  the  ilocii'ine  we  laibscribe  to,  and  i^oes  as  far 
in  siippiiit  of  home  industry  as  I  coiild  wish  any 
man  to  sjo.  Should  the  bill  now  befnri  ns  ever 
1-encli  the  .Senate,  I  hope  lh«  disliiifjiiishod  Senulor 


[me  '2!), 
Ir.fs. 

|:illl|<\|l|r|| 

■  Hc  hiivi' 
I'UMilliriii, 

Jc   Inp'L'I'Ht 
Bjl'  M'lliiiP 

Til  (if  ihii 


iiinirv  ptH- 

I'r».,'l.-Cl.l-. 
llIM  Ul'il    Il-I 

III  I"  li'iiil 

Iv   ll'llltrl  l>> 

iin,  pull- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1 000 


•Ji)TH  CoN« 1»T  SfSB. 

will  urge  the  pcnpla  of  hiii  Slnl»  lo  ihm"  their  wiiler 
powur  iiriil  Uliiir  in  niiinuriirtnrins;  tlicir  own  rni- 
l.in.  Sir,  whrii  llinl  ilny  i^omcn,  Biicl  I'Dtne  it  will, 
wi' nlinil  liriir  li'NHoriliiH  clninor  nirniiiHl  pnitertinii. 
The  "  lonls  iirilii'N|iiiiilloi\ii<l  llii-  lii(iii\"will  hiive 
foiiml  11  liiimr,  yrs,  iinil  «  snfp  iiiii',  loo,  in  Smith 
i'lirolinn.  I  nin  iiifninicit  thnt  iilrcinly  Boino  few 
r.illoh  lai'lnricB  nri-  in  n|i('i'iitiini  in  tlmt  Sliito,  iiml 
llmt  oiliciiinii'MliiMittn  lii'  errrtiil.  'I'lip  iiUrntinii 
of  ihr  pi'iiplf  iH  iimv  lirinc;  ijiri'i'Kil  to  the  milijoct. 
(  liiive  hrnid  llii'  pmliilmn  nllrn  (I,  mill  I  l)i;lii>vi' 
III  tlic  sminilniBM  of  ii,  ihni  the  day  wiih  not  far 
(limant  wluMi  mIh^  «iiiiM  rilnrn  In  lux  first  lovi', 
(In  fiinn- orproiii  iicin,)  anil  lirrohn'  a  niaiinfaciii- 
rinir  Sialr.  Tin'  iTnnnnii'iiilmion  nf  liiir  iliMtin- 
triiixJuMl  Kiali'Hinan  lias  nnUiiim  iiiiiiii'iliil,  anil  the 
n\c  will  he  laid  at  the  "  radical  virc  in  Ih-i  Iiiih- 
liandry,"  then  the  "nirwi"  will  lie  removi.l,  and 
till-  "  hil'KHini;"  nali/rd.  | 

1  (iImim'I  to  till'  hill  and  the  nmendnient  on  the 
c.ioiinil  llmt  it  prnpoHeM  a  symein  of  nil  rn/orfu  in  ' 
the  plarc  or»prcifi<- dnliea.  I  know.Hir.it  is  eon- 
tended  hy  some  that  lul  rnMrriiiiliiiirK  are  theninsl 
jiiil.  Ill  theory  it  would  neeni  no;  hiit  experience 
i3  ihe  hesttenchir.anil  it  in  found  tlmt  this  Hyslem 
U'ailH  tM  the  niosl  datmerons  results.  I  hnvc  had 
some  expeiicnce  in  ilii>:  matter,  and  I  know  the 
ilancrr  ofthe  sy.stein.  I  In  lieve,  sir,  that  on  the  . 
whole  cnntinent  of  Knrope  cpecifiir  dnticH  prevail 
lo  the  iilinoai  inliie  exchisioii  of  ad  ralornn.  In 
the  taiillnf  Sir  IJ.iliiri  I'lel,  of  Hoven  hundred  and 
Coiirteeii  enunicmicd  articles,  six  linndreil  and  ei^'lit 
fire  Hpecilic,  and  only  one  hundred  nnd  six  od  rn- 
lorrm. 

'rill!  npiiiionii  of  nil  pi^elienl  men,' familiixf  with 
Ihe  siiliject,  ore  in  favor  of  specific  duties  when- 
evir  it  is  priicticahle.  ,iil  %-alnrrms  lead  to  great 
iiricertainly  in  your  revenue.  Prices  al  home  and 
nliroad  are  continually  eliaii?in;;.  The  qnnntily 
ronsumcd  varies  liiil  little  from  year  to  year.  Make 
your  duties  specific,  and  you  liave  no  ditficulty  in 
••siiinalini;  your  pnilmhlc  revenue.  , 

(Jenllimiii  olijcci,  sir,  to  specific  duties,  on  the 
Cronnil  that  liny  ininoae  Ihe  same  duty  on  tlie 
poorer  article  as  on  the  srood,  and  thus  t'irow  the 
lienviiHttax  n|'iMithcworkiiis classes.  Kven  if  tliis 
wn.s  true,  tin.  icndeiicy  of  the  system  would  work 
ui  favor  of  the  poiner  classes,  as  it  would  exclude 
inferior  i|iialities,  and  reduce,  hy  competition,  the  ' 
value  of  the  lieiier  finalities,  which  arc  cdwaya 
cheapest  in  the  end.  ' 

Mr.  (Chairman,  let  this  Coniresa  repeal  the 
present  taritV,  nnd  eslalilish  n  system  of  nd  valo- 
rem diiiics  hv  the  passa^'u  of  this  hill,  nnd,  my 
W'oril  for  it,  sir,  the  cmintry  will  lie  Hooded  with 
iMiropciin  falincs;  the  i-ejecteil  piillerns  "nnd  apii- 
'  rioiis  iniitalions,  with  false  fua:itive  colors,  will 
'  lie  thrown  into  our  mnrkcis  in  r|imnlitiea  lo  hreak 
'  down  the  most  skilful  maiuifactiirer,"  especially 
diirim;  a  period  of  depression  in'  the  markets  (if 
Kiirope,  and  the  eonntrv  will  he  drninetl  of  her 
coin  to  pay  for  thai  wliieh  she  does  not  want, 
liiit  this  is  not  all:  you  strike  a  dcnth-hlow  at  the 
mechaiii.  s  of  the  rinintry,  you  take  from  them 
the  pnilc.iion  that  lliey  now  "have:  yon  reduce  the 
duty  on  the  articles  they  miinnfaciure;  nnd  you 
greatly  increase  the  duly  on  almost  everything; 
they  use  in  inannf.ictnrins:  them.  Sir,  the  tr.nner^ 
hatlcr,  tailor,  sliocmaker,  lilacksmilh,  nnd  all  other 
rnechamcs,  will  find  themselves  undersold  hy  arti- 
cles (if  foreiijii  production.  I  fear  it  will  shut  up 
the  iron  and  conl  mines  of  Pennsvlvanin,  nnd  the 
salt  works  nf  my  own  Slate.  'I'lie  tanners  nnd 
Clns.i  works  ennnnt  he  sustained  aijainst  the  for- 
eign competition  which  will  pour  in  upon  them. 
We  now  import  hides  nt  a  duty  nf  five  per  cent., 
and,  when  made  into  leather,  export  it  loaeon- 
sideiahle  extent;  hut  make  the  duty  the  same  on 
the  hides  nnd  leather,  (or  n  ililfeience  of  only  1(1 
percent.,)  and  the  tanners  will  stop  their  works; 
they  ciuinot  derive  any  profit  from  them,  nnd  we 
will  hecome  importers  of  leather  instead  of  ship- 
pers. 

(jenllemcn  arc  anticipntins  trrcat  ndvantnscs  to 
our  commerce  and  a;;riculturii  from  the  repeal  of 
the  corn  laws  and  openinsi  of  the  ports  of  Eng- 
hind.  Well,  air,  1  trust  it  may  all  he  realized.  I 
am  fjlitil  the  ports  are  opened,  and  [  have  no  doiiht 
the  enterprise  of  our  merclinnts  will  make  the 
most  out  of  it  which  our  peculiar  situation  will 
allow.  But  we  must  not  forj^et  that  we  arc  to 
have  coinpctitors  for  this  trade,  nnd  from  regions  : 

64 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Mnnk. 


New  SKniE9...,No.  64. 


of  the  woilil  posHessini  creat  ndvantasen,  whern 
hrendstiilVs  are  produced  in  irrent  ahtiiidiince,  nnd 
where  the  wnires  of  lahor  are  coiniiarativelv  iioth- 
ine.  The  wlieiit  of  the  Italiic  and  the  Miililerrn- 
neancan  he  carried  to  Knu'lnnd  cheaper  than  we  can 
carry  it  from  our  Western  Sintes.  I  am  told  hy  a 
merchant  eiurajied  in  the  purchase  and  shipment 
of  flour,  (and  the  Ticl  has  also  lieen  staled  in  the 
newsp!ipers,)  thnt  wheat  has  heen  landed  in  I'".ii2:- 
land,  (I  think  at  Urislol,)  from  either  Moldavia  or 
Wallnchla,  U'hich  cost  only  twenty-ci'.rhl  cents  per 
hiishel  ill  thnt  country.  I  do  not  kiinw  whal  the 
frei^chls  are  worth,  hut  I  suppose  firircti  cents  the 
hiish'l  will  land  it  ill  any  part  of  KntrliiMil.  Sir, 
1  have  no  doiilit  this  stnlrment  is  cnn'cct. 

Mr.  Chaimiaii,  I  was  very  mucli  «trnck  hy  the 
remiiiVs  nf  ihc  lioiionihle  t'entleinnn  from  Vi  inniit 
[Mr.  ('iil!l.\Mr.iil  in  relitlmi  to  heef.  Mexico  and 
the  whole  continent  of  Smith  America  alioiiniU 
with  heef  cnlllc:  and  larire  quantities  of  lieef  will 
find  its  wny  to  I'.ii'xland  from  (hose  ronntrii's.  It 
cost  iiotliin<;  to  produce  it.  r'attle  aie  only  valued 
for  iheir  skins,  tallow,  and  horns.  Itiit  when  a 
market  is  opened  for  the  heef,  it  will  he  furnished 
to  any  extent,  nnd  at  prices  cheaper  than  from  any 
part  of  Ihe  world. 

If  wheal  can  he  lnndcit  In  Rii^-lnnil  nt  the  price  I 
have  named,  and  should  the  heef  of  Sniilli  America 
and  M ex. CO  find  its  way  to  her  markets,  how  are  we 
to  he  henefiled  hy  the  repeal  of  the  corn  laws?  If  it 
is  to  he  of  henefit  to  us.  Is  it  not  time,  sir,  that  we 
hegan  to  realize  something  fioiii  it.-  It  is  knovi'n 
that  there  was  a  short  crop  in  Kiiilanij  last  year, 
and  that  she  has  had  to  look  In  Other  countries  fi»r 
a  supply  of  some  of  the  necessaries  of  lite.  lUtt, 
sir,  I  have  net  heard  of  any  lar^e  shipment  of 
Hour  or  provisions.  Prices  nre  now  low  in  this 
country,  nnd  if  it  is  not  safe  to  make  shinnients 
now,  I  ask  ePiitlemen  In  tell  me  wlnii  it  will  he. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  nni  satisfied  that  ni  this  very 
moment  we  nre  testinj;  the  eft'(Ct  iipnn  oor  markets 
of  the  repeal  of  the  corn  laws,  and  thai  If  we  do 
not  derive  ndvantanes  from  it  now  we  never  will, 
except  when  the  crops  in  riiiijland  are  cut  olT.  I 
rejard  this  measure  as  a  iTiiisteilystrnkeof  I'ritlsli 
policy,  and  developing'  that  principles  of  protection 
whicli  has  nlwnysilistlngiiished  her  nsn  nation.  Sir 
llohert  Peel  knew  perfedly  well,  that  hy  fiirnish- 
iin;  necessary  food  at  the  lowest  pnssihle  rate,  he 
was  just  as  en'ectually  prnteetiii»  the  nr"nilactu- 
rinjj  interests  of  the  country,  as  he  was  In  keepliur 
the  duty  od"  of  the  raw  materials;  for  the  food 
which  the  manufiirtnrer  consumes  enters  just  as 
much  into  the  cost  of  the  article  he  manufiictnrcs 
as  does  the  raw  material  which  he  makes  use  of  in 
manufacturini;  them. 

I  have  said  thai  Knijland  has  adopted  n  system 
ofspecific,  duties.  Allhouirh  I  a;ii  notdispo.sed  to 
adopt  her  whole  commercial  |iiilicy,  in  this  she  has 
shown  her  wisdom.     '*  Why  was  this  dime  hy  so 

*  wise,  experienced,  nnd  cautious  a  nation  ?  (I  use 
'  thelansua^e  of  ndisliniuished  citizen  of  my  own 
'  State,  Mr.  Kilmore.)     ni'caiise,  in  imposini;  an 

*  ad  valorem  duty,  regard  is  always  had  lo  the  cost 
'  of  the  arlii  le  alproad,  and  imt  where  the  dn(y  is 
'  paid.  It  may  he  asked  why  is  this,'  Why  not 
'  calciilnle  the  duly  on  the  value  of  the  article 
'  whence  imported.'     Hecniise  it  is  found  imprncti- 

*  ealile.  There  are  (lilVerenl  (|ualitics  nf  the  same 
'article,  and  men's  opinions  ns  to  these  qualities 
'  nre  always  found  to  ditfer.      Hence  nd  valorem 

*  duties  cannot  he  made  uniform.  Thus,  a  (ralloii 
'  of  wine  imported  into  New  York  may  there  have 

*  one  value;  n  iiallon  of  the  same  article  imported 
'  into  (Jharlestoii  or  New  Orleans  may  have  there 
'  n  hisrhor  or  a  lower  value.  It  is  a  matter  nf  opin- 
'  ion;  and,  if  the  duties  nre  to  he  levied  on  the  home 
'  vahmtioii,  as  it  is  called,  the  duties  will  not  ho 
'  uniform." 

Ohji'ctions  are  also  made  to  the  principle  of  min- 
imunis.  Why,  nre  gentlemen  from  the  South, 
who  oppose  minimum  duties,  aware  that  the  min- 
imum of  six-anil-a-qiiarter  cents  the  squaic  vard 
on  cottons  was  introduced  hi  IKK!  hy  Mr. 
Lowndes,  of  .South  Carolina,  and  carried  hy  the 
vole  of  that  Slate.'  Put  I  will  not  remiiul  that 
nohlc  State  of  her /»(ir/.'.s/i(/ini;*.s,"  ns  I  have  already 
said,  she  will  soon  hecome  n  innnufacturlim:  Slate, 
and  will  ngain  stand  where  she  did  in  1R16 — in 
favor  of  protection. 

Mr.  Clmirman,  it  is  for  the  fanner,  also,  tlmt  I 
would  advotutte  protection  to  our  labor;  because, 


I  ilri  I  li«liev«  It  will  KJvn  him  n  hnmr  market  for 

his  produce — the  only  market  ution  which  he  can 
rely.  I  have  nliTiidy  shown  now  he  is  to  he 
art'ecied  hy  lookiuLT  I"  a  forelmi  market  lo  fix  the 
price  for  his  produc.tionfl.  If  you  throw  out  nf 
em|iloy  the  mechanic  n\n\  the  iiianufnclurer,  nnd 
convert  them  into  farmers,  you  increase  tlie  pro. 
diietion  nf  the  soil,  nnd  diminish  the  ronsimiption. 
If  you  do  this,  does  it  not  t'nlliiw,  as  a  iieci  nsary 
consequence,  that  the  tiirinliM;  inlcrcNt  Is  lo  lie 
in)iirioiisly  atVei-ied? 

Hut,  sir,  I  will  not  pursue  this  siihject  further. 
I  conlil  ;;o  on  and  j.'i\e  oilier  reasons  than  thoan 
which  I  lime  already  nssii;iied,  why  my  vote  will 
he  recordi'd  nLnilnsi  the  measure  hi'lhre  ns.  .Sir, 
I  have  an  nhidinj  ronfidcnee  in  llie  "  suher  second 
ihoii'^ht  of  the  pioiile,"  and  I  appeal  to  ihciii — lo 
the  farmer,  mechanic,  and  the  Iniion'r  of  the  einin- 
Iry,  If  lliey  nre  williii'-T  to  have  the  wnsres  of  lahor 
hroii'.;litdowii  loa  level  with  the  lahor  nf  Europe — 
Irujtriirc  ii  tlitii,  mul  tiifat  oner  n  V'ttlc  .* 

In  conclusliin,  I  would  uri;e  upon  Ihe  mnjorlly 
of  ihls  Cnn';riss  In  ponder  in  their  course — the 
people  will  hold  them  to  a  strict  account.  It  in 
Piy  firm  cniiviction  that  the  measures  proposed  nre 
al  v.'Mi'  with  Ihe  best  interest  of  tin-  conotry,  and 
retribution  will  sooner  or  later  full  uj  on  those  who 
carry  them  out.  When  I  look,  sir,  al  the  present 
prfisperoiis  cnndition  of  the  country,  blessed  hy  n 
neneficeiit  Provideiii'e  licyond  nil  the  oilier  nntinns 
I  of  the  e;irlh,  I  tremble  at  the  thnni;lit  lest  "  w« 
mi?lil  be  fdiiiid  fiLihtinu'iiiiainst  llliii." 


TUP,  TARll'T. 


S  P  E  E  ni  OF  M  R.  G.  P.  MARSH, 

OI-  VKHMO.NT, 
In  TtiK  House  of  tlF,rREaENTATlVK«i 
Jiiiid  .'10.  184(!. 
The  bill  reported  hy  the  Commiltec  of  Ways  nnd 
i\feans,  proposin:;  to  reduce  the  duties  on  Im- 
ports, beins  under  considcralinn  In  Cnmniitlec  of 
Ihe  Whole  on  the  slate  of  ihe  Union — 
Mr.  MAltStI  said: 

Mr.  CiimhmNn!  The  reduction  of  the  existintj 
tariU'nf  duties  is  iirtrcd  upon  grounds  of  both  pub- 
lic nnd  juivaie  economy.  The  peculiar  frientJs  of 
Ihe  measure  rejaril  it  as  a  panacea  for  all  financial 
evils.  If,  ns  al  present,  tlie  treasury  is  nllcclert 
with  ntrophy,  a  reduction  of  duties  will,  it  is  said, 
replenish  it,  by  inducing  a  great  increase  of  impor- 
tations; if  Ii  i.s  swollen  with  plethora,  a  further  re- 
diiclion  will  serve  to  deplete  il,  by  ilinilnishing  Ihe 

'  reci'ipts  of  llie  eustoni-li(m.se.  Kor  both  these  ill 
eondilinn-i  of  the  iintionnl  exchcnuer  we  liave, 
then,  but  one  remedy,  one  infallilile  nostrum,  and 
that  always  to  he  applied  lo  a  single  class  of  citi- 
zens, a  single  member  of  the  body  piditic,  which, 
it  seems,  has  monopolized  not  only  all  the  nulri- 
eiit  fiiiiils,  but  all  the  peccant  humors  of  the  sys- 
tem. If  too  thin  a  hlnml  flow  through  ihe  jiiiblic 
veins,  quoth  Dr.  Walker,  bleed  the  mechanic,  the 
manufacturer,  and  all  inlerested  In  the  prosperity 
of  the  iinbistrinl  arts;  phleliolnmize  Ihe  right  arm 
of  the  lepuhllc:  if  the  nalinniil  arteries  llirnb  with 
too  full  a  pulse,  then,  .says  annlher  Onlen  of  tho 
same  school,  the  chairman    of  the  Committee   of 

'  Ways  and  Means,  you  have  nothing  lo  do  but  lo 

.  bleed  it  again. 

Hut  the  peo]ile,  we  are  told,  demand  the  pro-^ 
posed  change  In  our  revenue  system,  ns  a  mea.'iire 
of  private  economy,  because  it  will  enable  Ihem  lo 

!  procure  their  supply  of  all  mniiufiictured  articles  at 
a  reduction  of  price  etiual  to  the  amount  of  duty 
taken  oft';  nnd  will,  at  the  same  lime,  secure  to 
them  a  steady  foreign  outlet  for  their  agricultural 
surplus,  instead  nf  an  iiidift'ercnt  domestic  market. 
Il  will  be  readily  admilled  by  every  pers.in  ac- 
quainted with  the  extreme  uiicerlniiity  of  all  spec- 
ulations ill  political  economy,  that  the  results  of 
the  intendeil  great  revolution  in  our  syatem  of  pub- 
lic finance  do  not  admit  ol  rigorous  calculation, 
nnd  that  it  is  in  a  considerable  ilegree  purely  ex- 
perimental. As  nn  experiment,  therefore,  it  is 
liable  to  the  general  objection  against  all  unneces- 
sary, stiddin,  and  abrupt  transitions  in  affairs  in- 
volving great  and  complex  iniercsts;  and  il  is 
iitcumbeiit  on  those  who  advocate  this  change,  in 
the  face  of  the  undeniable  general  prosperity  of  all 

1  great  public  and  private  American  interests,  to 


lUlO 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONORESSIONAIi  GLOBE. 


[Juno  30, 


'J^H  Coso I  ST  Skis. 

•  Iiiiw  iii>i'(|iiiv(ic'iilly,  llril  tlin  nyiteni  now  in  fnrcc 
in  iiKinilly  iiiliiuiloiin,  llril  il!i  oprrntinii  in  pnrlini 
mill  iipiMiHulvi',  liuyniid  iIhikp  iiidiIitiKc  IiiiiIih  nl' 
individinl  Nncrifiic  for  (ho  t'oinniiMi  wnl  wlii<'ti 
wirft'  rntrrn  tuIn-Mli'  i«h  uimviiul.iUle  rontlitiimH  nl' 
ii\iTy  "ytrin  "I"  hniniin  :;i>vi'riiiiii'iil,  nr  m  iprnn" 
Ui  iIk'  r(Miiitn;il)|(i  witiMltii  li'tn  ot'iill  wIidmh  inli'iTMis 
the  i'liaii<:f^  lliniiii'MK  In  all'i'ii,  tlial  It  will  niii.'iiii'iit 
t'inmill  liiiliiT  liiTiriT  llic  !;encml  |>i'iispurlly  wc 
iiiiw  I'lii.iy. 

Tint  KK  arr  III  Hii't  Mi'S'<i'il  wllli  an  rxliiKinll- 
nary  Jc^ren  (if  mich  |ii'iiN|i<'rilyi  wliiiliviT  |iMrlial 
eviU  may  lit-re  anil  llirrorxiMt,  t  nupimsn  ii'i  ititrl- 
li'^i'iit  man  will  ill.i|>iiii'.  Il  Ih  irin.',  nn  ilnnlii,  lliut 
the  ai'i|nlHliiiiii  i.f  wiallli  in  iniiii:  illHi'iill  lliiin 
lorniorly;  lliat  it  ri-fi'iirrM  trriMtcr  fruirality,  iiikI 
IniiKiT  ciintliiiii'il  mill  nniri'  liiliiiriiinx  liiiluMiry;  liiii 
thin  very  fact  is  ilsi  Ifaii  cviili  me  nl'  a  ^ii'alcr  illT- 
ftiHinn  anil  a  inoir  t'(|iial  disliUnitinn  fit'  tin'  clr- 
iiKiiln  of  tliril'l.  Laliiir,  I'l'iiiioiny,  ami  skill,  iiii' 
8lill  Hiiin  of  tlicir  rrwaril  •.  lait  tliiTr  hit  two  na- 
■ona  why  Iniva  ai'i'iimnlatlnn  in  no  liin<;rr  no  easy 
or  io  rretiucnt.  Tin-  mii!  is,  that  ilif  smwili  nl' 
oar  |Hipulalii>n,  which  Is  mnrn  ranlil  tliaii  iho  in- 
Civiinenf  our  rainlal,  IhIiil's  Iiiim  Ihr  liilil  nrwinin- 
P"titor»  in  tlir  pursuit  nl"  wimIiIij  the  niliir  Is  tin" 

groat  iinpriivi'mi'iit  in  ihc  IimImih  and  i iiimn  nt' 

thf!  priidiictive  and  m.iniil'nriniin^  lalmii  r,  hv 
which  he,  tno,  panli'ipali's  In  tlir  nijnyinrnt  nl' tlir 
wealth  he  crBBlm.  Under  the  npi'i-iilinn  nf  lie 
proleriive  ayslfni,  and  ilie  innipaialivr  slaliilily  il 
itisiiri's  111  all  iiiiliiHirlal  pmsiiits,  ilie  i-crlainly  I'f 
riiiistnnt  riMplnyinnit  and  pniiriiial  paynirnl,  Iims 
made  llio  laborer  tiinrr  n'lrnlar  In  his  Iwilnis  of  iii- 
duslry,  oi'i'iipations  more  varieil  in  Miarai'ler,  re- 
cinlnnt;  the  excniso  nl'  hii;hcr  and  mine  ai.live 
families  than  llie  old  riiniini  of  riiial  lalmr,  and 
conslanlly  linrrDwhij;  from  ihe  |iri>u'ress  of  kninvl- 
cilu-e  improvements  in  both  pmeessis  and  resnlis, 
have  rendered  liini  more  o'. serving,  lhoii:;hll'nl, 
nnd  lnlelli^'i'nl,iind  lemoeranre  has  liesiowi'd  upon 
him  frugality  and  thrill.  He  is,  llierefore.  In  n 
less  degree  the  mere  inttlruinent  of  Ins  emjiloyer, 
less  frequently  iihindered  luid  stripped  hy  those 
who  prey  upon  tlie  vires  or  the  weaknesses  of  their 
fellows,  nnd  n  larger  propnrlinn  of  the  riilirs  drawn 
from  the  bosom  of  the  earth,  or  ir»itliereil  liy  the 
lolls  of  the  anvil  nnd  the  limm,  reinalns  with  liiin, 
the  twent  of  whosi;  brow  has  eariail  them.  Thus, 
with  few  instances  of  the  suilden  arenmnlatlon  of 
wealth,  or  even  of  Hiieh  n  eonipelenie  ns  rilievcs 
iig  noascssnr  from  the  necessity  of  labor,  we  nnde- 
niauly  enjoy  a  more  (.'eneral  and  erpial  prosperity 
than  this  or  uny  other  eouiilry  has  ever  before 
known. 

There  is  an  error,  once  very  p:enernl  with  ns  of 
the  North,  and  now  ipiile  prevalent  nt  the  .South 
nnd 'West.  Il  is  that  of  prefiriiiis  Iratfie,  lo  Indus- 
try, commerce  to  manufactures,  exc|inni;<;  to  pro- 
dncllon.  The  error  orl^'inaicd,  I  admit,  with  ns, 
hut  we  have  renounced  If,  while  the  .Smiih  and 
■\Vc8t,  in  ridiculiiiKniul  reiLsmiln:;  nsoutof  II,  have 
themselves  contracted  il,  and  we  have  exhibiied 
the  rare  spccUicle  of  opposite  parties  convening' 
each  other.  The  Connecticut  peddler  has  become 
a  culler  nnd  weaver.  The  lliile  Yankee  sloop,  that 
used  lu  double  the  great  capes,  now  carries  liro- 
giins  and  negro  cloths  to  Charleston  and  .Savan- 
nah, nnd  brliiizR  hack  cotloii  bales  fur  iho  looms  of 
Lowell.  The  southern  planter,  on  the  other  hand, 
liaa  turned  jobber  in  Texas  scrip  and  bonds  of 
Slates  of  doubU'iil  solvencv,  or  speculates  as  n 
cotton  broker,  and  l.s  enriched  to-ilny  and  imiiov- 
erlshed  to-morrow,  by  n  rise  or  fall  of  a  farinini,' 
nn  the  pound  of  Sen  Island's  In  the  market  of  Liv- 
erpool. 

There  can  be  no  greater  fallacy  than  to  suppose 
that  the  proper  vocation  of  man  is  to  buy,  sell,  and 
get  gain,  or  that  trade,  the  mere  exchange  of  coni- 
inodilies  for  each  other  or  for  the  precious  nieials, 
can  jiermnnently  enrich  n  nation.  A  peculiar  cri- 
sis in  alfairs,  which  shall  secure  to  n  parliciilar 
people  nn  extensive  carrying  trade,  may  confer 
profit  for  a  while,  but  this  is  too  nncertnin  and  con- 
tingent to  be  long  relied  on  ns  n  source  of  nniional 
wealth.  The  great  business  of  man,  considered 
ns  an  industrial  animal,  is  production — not  Indeeil 
ere.nliiin,  but  the  nrlilieinl  conversion  of  the  crude 
materials  which  tlin  elements  supply,  into  forms 
suited  to  the  nourishment,  the  clnlhing,  or  other 
uses  of  ciTlllicd  man.  The  true  busisof  all  wealth, 
public  or  private,  is  not  accumulation,  by  drniiiing 


The  Tariff— Mr,  Marsh. 

•  hundred  purses  in  nwell  a  slnitls  nnr,  but  ncluni 
iiddllliin  III  the  i;ciicral  slock  of  useful  llilngs,  by  | 
drawing  new  supplies  from  the  jnexliauslible  store-  i 
liousu  and   reposilory  of  our  coniinoii   mother —  ; 
nature.  I 

Another  popular  error,  and  perhaps  the  greatest 
of  all  eiinnei'led  w  llli  this  subject.  Is  the  siipposi- 

'  liiiii  lliat  protective  duties  are  needed  only  I'ur  lliij 
security,  and  asked  only  for  the  advantage,  of  the 
maiiiifacliircr.     The  nunilicr  of  persons  iliiectly 

I  engie^ed  In  the  varlniis  prm  esses  of  induslrial  eoii- 
versiiin  Is  not  very  laige,  and  thoiiirh  the  ainouiil 
of  caplial  liivesteil  in  riianul'aclures  is  gre.il,  yet  as 
eapilal  Is  enlilled  In  negalive  prolecllnii  oiilv,  and 
Is  nut  a  legiliiiiale  otijecl  of  the  fosieriiig  care  of 
the  (icMcral  (foveriitiieiil,  the  inaniifaelurers  are 
enlilled  to  special  favor,  neillier  for  their  ninnbers 
nnr  I'nr  the  aiiiouni  of  their  iiivisitnenlH.  Itnt  prn- 
lecllnii  Is  asked  for  inaiu'f  icliiics,  not  I'nr  the  s.iki' 
of  thnse  alone  who  are  liiiniedialely  employed  in 
their  I'abrii'allon,  but  because  prolecllnii  lo  the 
mainil'ucliired  ware  Is  also  prnlection  to  all  who 
loiilriliule,  however  remotely,  to  lis  producllon. 
The  blacksiuilh  who  foii.Msa  horstslioe,  dnos  not 

,  mnnnphli/e  the  whole  prniU  uihiii  the  sale  of  the 
arlicle.  Il  is  sImiiiI  also  by  tlie  cliari  o:il  ImMier 
who  supplius  his  fire,  the  currier  who  has  trans- 
ported the  Iron,  the  ironmasler  who  smelti  d  and 
the  niiner  who  exca\aled  the  ore,  iiikI  the  farmer 
who  has  furnished  all  these  with  provisions.  The 
conihinaiice  of  a  syslem,  which  shall  secure  lo 
lliiise  eiii^nged  ill  the  conversion  of  the  raw  male- 
riid  a  reasonable  proiecliori  against  foreie-n  cnmpe- 
lillon,  is  demanded,  then,  not  I'or  their  benelil  alone, 

,  but  lor  the  inleresl  of  ihe  vastly  greater  number 
who  are  employed  in  the  prodiicilnii  of  that  raw 
material,  and  of  the  food  which  tlii^  mcchanleal 
artisan  consumes.  The  maiiufactiirer  niiisl  have 
promise  of  a  I'aircbmpensatlon  for  the  labor  In;  be- 
stows on  the  raw  material,  or  he  can  have  no  lii- 
diicenieni  lo  buy,  nnd  the  producer  no  opportunity 
to  sell.  I  select,  I'nr  Ihe  ilhisiriilion  of  these  posi- 
tions, the  liisian f  wool,  both  because  It  Is  one 

inielligible  mid  fimlllar  to  my  eonsiilueiiis,  and 
because  the  low  price  of  that  great  staple  has  been 
a  favorite  theme  nl'  dei-lamnliini  and  niisrepresenla- 
lion  with  northern  .Iema!;ogues.  The  larilfof  ltl4-' 
imposed  oil  wooN,  cnslingsevn  ceiils  or  under  per 
pound  at  the  p'  ic<  of  exporlalioii,  an  ad  \.iloieni 
duty  of  .l  per  cent.;  on  all  other  wools  a  specific 
duty  of  three  cints  ner  pnund,  nnd  an  nddilinnal 

,  nd  vnlnrein  duly  of. 'Ml  per  cent.  The  average  value 
of  iiupnrteil  w mil,  costing  over  seven  cents,  is  prob- 
ably lint  far  frnin  thirty  cents  a  pound,  and  the  duly 
on  such  wool  is  consei|uently  about  411  perci;nl., 
or  the  sunie  as  the  duly  on  woollens,  which  is  ilU 
per  eenl.  ad  vaUircm.  Now,  llie  provi-sioiis  of  the 
tiiritV  nf  lH4'i,  in  respect  lo  wool,  are  said,  by  thnse 
of  ilK  euemie.s  who  |iriifesH  lo  he  friemlly  to  the 
wiiol-!;rowint'  Interest,  lo  he  faulty  In  two  particu- 
lars— the  imposiiinn  of  an  ad  valorein  duly  on 
cheap  wools,  ami  of  too  low  n  duty  on  those  «if 
higher  cost;  and  il  is  said  that  the  frauds  upon  the 
ad  valorem  duty  on  coarse,  and  the  low  rale  im- 
posed on  fine  wools,  are  the  causes  of  the  leiliiced 
prices  of  the  clip  of  1.^4.'i.  If  the  t*rait.ds  upon  the 
re\tiiue  are,  as  I  incline  to  think,  a  valid  objection 
to  the  ad  valorem  duly  on  cheap  wool,  they  are,  a 
Jiirlii'ri,  n  decisive  argument  asrainst  the  whole  bill 
now  propii.sed,  which  Idles  alt  diiiies  uium  the  ad 
valorem  principle;  and  no  I)eiiiiicrat,  who  has  con- 
demned the  tariirof  184;]  for  this  feature,  can  hon- 
estly sustain  the  bill  of  the  commiliee.  As  lo  the 
duly  on  finer  wool,  while  I  admit  thai  it  oiiirht  to 
have  been  higher,  yet  I  insist  it  la  slill  relatively 
miieli  nliiM'e  that  nn  woollens,  and  that  ihe  wool- 
irrnwer  would  be  more  benefited  Uy  nn  addilional 
duly  of  1(1  or  20  per  cent,  on  cloths,  than  by  a  like 
increase  of  the  duly  on  the  raw  material.  Il  is 
iioloriniis  thai,  with  the  present  arransfement,  the 
woollen  t'licliiries  In  general  are  barely  Nusiaiiied. 
All  increased  duty  on  cloths  would  exclude  more 
elVecinally  fnreign  competition,  and  by  securing  to 
the  mamifaciiirer  more  certain  profits,  would  en- 
able him  to  jmy  better  prices  for  wool.  A  higher 
duly  on  wool,  on  the  other  hand,  If  the  manufac- 
turer Is  le(\  to  compete  with  the  iorci'^n  capitalist, 
might  compel  him  to  suspend  his  oiieratlons,  and 
deprive  him  both  of  the  ability  nnd  the  inducement 
to  purchase  altogether.  The  exclusion  or  increased 
cost  of  t'oreign  wools  avails  the  wool-grower  no- 
thing, unless  he  is  secured  n  market  for  his  own; 


Hu.  or  Repi. 


184(5.1 
a{)Tii 


and  thin  ran  only  he  done  hy  nlTordlng  ihe  innnu- 
facliirer  such  encoiuni'emeiit  as  will  Induce  him  lo 
buy.  Indeed,  the  doty  on  woollens,  though  appn- 
rcntly  high,  Is  ii.  t'aci  balancrd,  or  neiilrali/,ed  as  it 
prole,  lion,  by  cniiniervailing  duties  nn  the  niw 
miili'riiil  and  oilier  articles  necessary  I'nr  the  maii- 
iifac.lnrer's  use.  If  ynii  cniiipiiir  the  duly  nn 
brnailclnth  nt  411  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  and  calcu- 
late the  amount  nf  the  duty  on  the  wool,  the  dyc- 
slull's,  llie  oil,thechemii  nl  prcniirallons  used  in  ihe 
process  of  inanufaclnre,  and  the  other  articles  con- 
sumed by  the  laborer,  and  paid  for  lu  niignieiiled 
wages  by    his  emplnyrr,    ynii   will    find   llial   llm 

mamifnciurer,  wlm  Is'  protected  by  a  duly  of 

dnllar  Iwenly  cents  on  a  yard  of  liroadeloih  worth 
three  dollars,  has  consumed  in  the  fubricalioii  of 
lliat  yard  oiher  articles  siibjeci  lo  ns  great  an 
amount  of  duly  asllie  cloth  he  has  produred.  All 
piotecllon  In  ihewniillen  weaver,  which  eticonraL'is 
and  enables  him  lo  buy  wool,  is  a  |irolecllnii  alio 

In  the  woolgrowcr;  and,  in  eeneral,  proteclio 

llnne  who  convert  the  raw  malerial  enures  lo  lliii 
benefit  of  tlnwe  who  proiliice  il.  We  ask,  tin  ro- 
I'nre,  prnlection  I'm  maiiufaeliires,  not  as  manufac- 
turers, but  as  wnnl-grnwers,  as  dealers  in  dye- 
stiill's,  as  priuliicers  nf  the  fnnil,  the  raw  malerial, 
and  the  other  necessaries  which  the  inunufaciurmg 
artlsHU  consumes. 

However  strnlig  may  be  thr  speculative  rnnvlc- 
lioiis  nf  eenilcnien,  lliai  ndlll'crenl  system  nf  liiiiiu- 
ciid  policy  would  be  lulter  than  that  now  hi  force, 
Ihey  shoiilil  neverlheless  remember  ihnt  we  liavii 
nnt'tn  decide  the  mere  abstract  ipieslinn,  whiil  hi- 
teriiatiniial  arranu'emenls  are  siiiiible  to  riu'lil  ren- 
son— what  iTintual  aysletn  of  supply  would,  upon 
the  whole,  be  best  for  all — but  a  i|Ucslion  coiiill- 
tlonrd  by  the  circumstances  nnd  insiiiullons  of  our 
own  eounlry;  by  Its  phy-iical  or  nccldental  adnpia- 
lion  to  particular  modes  of  industry;  bv  the  policy 
of  other  nations  whom  we  rival  or  with  whom  wo 
trade;  by  the  existing  interests  which  have  grown 
up  under  our  past  leglshvtlon,  and  arc  dependent 
upon  our  present  and  future  action.  In  all  great 
ipiestions  of  State  polity  the  fortunes  of  thousands 
are  at  slake,  and  the  bread  of  the  citizen,  the  food 
of  labor,  Is  the  subject  of  the  nnalysis  nnd  eonibi- 
naiinii  of  the  pobiical  iilchymist.  Tlie  true  iii- 
(|iiiry,  therefore  is,  tiol  wlial  uniform  policy  would 
be  III  St  for  all  nntions,  but  what  particular  policy, 
all  things  considered,  Is  the  best  for  that  people 
which  has  inlriistcd  lis  welfare  to  our  liniids, 
which  our  ligislation  only  can  directly  reach,  and 
111  which  alone  we,  as  lei;islalors,  nre'responsilile. 
Hut  before  any  great  cliaiiire  is  ndveiiiiired  upon 
we  nre  bound'  lo  see  that  II  is  recommended  by 
the  clearest  reasons  of  juslli  e  or  expediency;  and 
nothing  can  justify  revoluiions  in  pnlicy  fur  the 
s.'ike  of  mere  i!X|iei'linenl  until  the  evils  of  existing 

systems  are  la im-  intolerable. 

I  stated  in  the  out.sel  that  the  reduction  of  tic 
tarlfl'was  asked  at  our  hands  ns  ii  measure  bene- 
ficial to  public  finance  niid  to  private  economy. 
This,  nrgunieni,  in  both  Its  phases,  though  olU-ii 
used  liy  persons  professedly  friendly  to  the  manii- 
faciurlngnnd  mechanical  interests.  Is  fniinded  iipini 
the  expectation  of  a  stale  of  things  iillerly  iiTecon- 
cllable  wlili  the  pinsperiiy  nf  tho.se  Inleresis,  ns 
well  ns  Willi  the  coiiinion  weal  in  oilier  relations; 
and  It  needs  but  a  word  lo  show  that,  if  the  finan- 
cial results  predicted  fnini  the  reduclion  of  the 
larid'arc  obtained  at  all,  it  can  only  be  by  the  utter 
prosiration  of  the  industry  of  the  country,  and  all 
,  the  vast  moral  nnd  physical  interests  which  de- 
pend upon  it. 

The    fin.iiicial    nrgument,    the    principle    long 
smothered,  but  now  avowed,  that  ilulies  .are  to  be 
not  only  imposed,  but  arranged  solely  with  n  view 
to  iTveiiiie — the  duly  on  every  arlicle  being  fixed 
nt  just  that  rate  wliicli  will  yield  the  largest  retirn 
to  the  treasury — suppo.ses  a  per|ieuial  llucliiation. 
The  duties  are  lo  be  variid  from  lime  to  tiinc  lo 
meetlhe  wants  of  the  Ginernineiit  and  the  demands 
of  trade  for  particular  articles  of  foreign  fabrication ; 
i  but,  according  to  the  famous  taiitV  report  o;'  the 
Committee  of  Ways  nnd  Menus  of  the  2Slh  Con- 
gress, which  is  iindertilood  lo  be  still  the  exponent 
:  of  the  views  of  the  coinniitlee  reporting  this  bill, 
1  the  variation  Is  nlwavs  to  be  In  one  direction.     A 
I  few  months  since,  when  there  was  an  nnprehen- 
j  slon  of  an  excess  of  revenue,  we  were  tohl  that  the 
'  threatened  evil  must  be  prevented  by  n  r'diictlon 
'  of  the  duties  exacted  by  Government.   Now,  when 


.'iO, 


ninnii- 

llilll  to 

iifipn- 
'il  iiH  n 
ni«r 
■  niiiii- 
iiy   (in 

alcii- 
r'  ilyi-- 

III  ilii' 
■f*  niii- 
iii'iilnl 
ml   Ihii 

(Mil 

(iitli 

Kill    nf 

eiit  nil 
All 
iiniircN 
n  iilsi) 
iiiiii  1(1 

lIlK 
lU- 

iiiii;ii'. 

(lyr- 

■lilll, 
tiiiiii:; 


1840.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAIi  GLOBE. 


1011 


tfCrii  CoNn 1st  Skss. 


The 


Tarif- 


■Mr.  Minnli. 


Ho.  or  Rrpi. 


ii.( 


dm  iiiidiwnril  Mexiran  war  li  likely  to  oeoaalon  n 

ilifli  II,  llid  I'remdinl,  hli  Hcrrciory,  »nil  the  rom-  ! 

niiiU'R  call  liir  n  ri'iliictiiin,  I uhhi',  ilicy  mty,  ji 

will  mill  Hiiiiir  iil\  iiilllKinii  til  the  ri  vi'iiiii'iiiiid  iiiiiit 
III  rurillntcly,  iIkmikIi  'licy  ili>  not  .iiiy  it,  itii  rpiimi 
niir  iin|>i>rtiiiiiiiii<,  nntl  i'i>iiMii(|iiriitly  lliu  I'ori^iKn 
ili'lit  (>r  niir  ciilii'im,  |inrliii|M  hihiu'  lil'ty  iiiilliiuiH  ' 
'I'lii^  niiiilii  iiil  plan  (if  lliR  AdliiliiiNlialiiiii  Ihii  HiiiliiiK 
Hculi;,  t'rivdiiMlcd  only  iliiwiiwiirdK,  an  I'XrniiilirK'ii-  , 
tidii  III  iIki  linllidH,  or  art  of  Niiikiiii;,  ii|i|ilti'd  tii 
|i(ilitii'iil  (iciiiiiiiiiy,  a  liiitliiinli'Kn  pll,  in  wliime 

'•  IdWfft  (Icf  jl,  11  lower  (licp, 

Hull  tlirc.'itciiliitf  lo  iltfVdiir  ii-,  (i|i(  iii  wiitt*,'* 

N(iw,  ilifrn  n™  two  imidi'H  in  wliiidi  mii  li  r  iiyd- 
li'iii  must  iiijiiriiiUFly  ulVcct  iln^  an."  iif  iiini'liaiiical 
|>r(iduiiiiiii,  and  tliii  varioiiN  itiixiliary  briinrhcH  iit' 
iiiiliiHtry,  Tlip  mil!  Ih  tlii;  lliiiliiaiitiii  iif  duty  (in 
llic  liii'iiKn  iirticln  wiili  wliii  li  iIkv  conipili'.  Tii 
all  indiiNtrial  imrNuitN,  Ktiiliiliiy  [h  iiiiiinrlanti  tii 
tlidHi!  which,  likn  limniiiiictiirdi,  Kqiiirr.  ii  lar^^e 
I'apilal  iiiid  a  Imi;;  pcridil  I'nr  oi^aiili'.nlimi  and 
pinparaiion  licCdru  any  iHuriiH  can  liu  rii^iMvcd, 
wliiili  I'liipldy  iiumcniiia  laliiircix,  and  wlinsi' rci;- 
nlar  neriuM  of  npcrtiiimiM  extends  tlirdu!;h  a  cdn- 
aidrr.ibli;  time,  it  is  alisiiliiii'ly  iiidiMpijimalilo. 
Many  inmillia  nhviiyx,  sdiiRiiinis  rvrii  ycaiH, 
flan*  lietwecii  the  pniThiisii  nl'  lliu  raw  material 
niiu  tin:  Huli;  dftlii!  (■htliiirHl(;d  priiduct,  Tliu  price 
(if  the  material  iiiiyhl  to  he  re^nlati  d  by  the  price 
td  111!  realized  Irniii  the  sale  iit'  the  I'lilirie.  This, 
Willi  II  perinanenily  H.xed  larilV,  can  liv  calculated 
Willi  an  appriixiinnliim  tiieerlainty;  with  nuinkini; 
"iciile,  it  III  iiuitter  id'  blind  cdiijertiire.  1*lit3  pro- 
du'  er  will  iiisiiit  mi  ii  price  wtirrnnted  by  existing 
rates;  the  iniuiulaclurcr,  I'carliil  (if  il  reduction  be- 
fure  be  cuii  ell'ect  his  NiilrH,  will  seek  tn  buy  with 
red  reiico  to  that  coiitinsteiicy;  but  the  hopes  of 
eiierKclic  men  usually  piednniiiiatc  over  their 
t'earrf,  and  evtsa  their  pid^nieiil,  and  the  chances 
are  that  ilie  iiiiinufactiircr  will  take  the  whnle  risk, 
and  pay  ii  lusiiiy;  jiriee.  Thii*  tendency  was  ro- 
niarkaldy  cxemplined  in  the  wnollen  manufacture 
under  the  ediiiprotnise  act.  Kvery  reduction  of 
duly  nccasiiiiied  a  ^really  increased  importation  of 
eldlliN,  iiiiU  wiiull(!iiH  fell  mni'h  liisler  than  wuol. 
The  wool  was,  us  it  usually  must  be,  purchased 
ill  the  summer,  Uefore  it  was  inanufactiired  and 
eiinveyed  tnmarkil,  the  January  redintion  of  duty 
produced  a  fall  in  woullens,  and  the  inanufiicturcr 
was  often  obliged  lo  sell  his  broadclnlhs  for  even 
less  than  the  \vo"l  lad  c'lst  him.  This  state  of 
things  continued  during  llie  whole  sinking  process, 
and  the  confieipience  was,  t!ie  hiss  of  the  entire 
eapitiiluf  all  the  woollen  fin'toriesin  IS'cw  England,  ' 
Willi  u  very  few  exceptions. 

The  oilier  ruinous  ell'ect  of  the  proposed  redun- 
tioii    is    the  encouragement   of  iinportatiuns,   un 
which  the  .Secretary's  lU'giimi  lit  is  founded.   Every 
uddiliiinal  fdre|!;ii  Hitide  imported  excludes  from 
use  one  of  domestic  prodnciiiin.     Iiicrea.sed  rev- 
enue, with  reduced  rales  of  duty,  can  only  be  oli- 
laiiiLd    by   vasily    luii^menled    iniporlatioiis;    and  i 
whenever  they  tall  olf  so  as  to  diminish  the  rev- 
enue,  they  are  to  be  stimulated  and   invited  by  a 
new  rediiclion  of  the  larill'.     The  principle  of  en- 
courut;iiit;  the  greatest  amount  of  imports  is  broad-  | 
ly  avowed;  or,  in  other  words,  the  .Secretary  vir-  i 
tuully  declares,  that  so  far  us  the  power  o(  the  ] 
Uoverninent  extends,  the  foreign  shall  be  enabled 
to  undersell  the  domestic  producer.     He  is  to  be 
aided   not  only  by  low  dutici,  but  by  the  ware-  i 
liousiiig  syslLiii,  which  authorizes  him  to  ae.cumu-  I 
late  his  wares  in  our  seaports  for  a  succession  of 
years,  and  then,  at  his  option,  to  withdraw  them 
without  paying  duties,  or,  by  lloodingthe  market, 
to  crush  at  once  any  Americiiii  manufacture  which 
may  threaten  competiiion.     It  is  idle  to  hojie  that 
tiny  brunch  of  domestic  industry  can  siistnin  itself 
against  this  unholy  combination  betweiMi  our  owtl 
Ciovernnient  and  the  "apitulists  of  Europe. 

There  is  u  studied  and  insidious  (^iVort  lo  scpn-  ! 
rate  the  interest  of  the  manufacturers  from  that  of 
the  producers;  to  represent  the  former  as  a  class 
too  insignificant,  in  point  of  numbers,  to  be  re- 
garded in  the  broad  scheme  of  national  iiolily,  and 
especially  to  treat  the  subject  as  an  adversary  \ 
question,  between  the  pcopli^  on  one  hand,  and  the 
cotton  luid  woollen  spinner  on  the  other.  The 
fact  that  every  mechanic  is  eipially  the  object  of 
free-trade  proscription  is  kept  out  of  sight,  liut 
the  reasoning  of  the  Secretiiry,  and  the  proviaiona 
uf  this  bill,  are  just  tw  fatal  to  the  humble  mechanic, 


who  il  too  noor  lo  hire  a  jdinnevmuii,  us  to  the 
c.nplialiiit  wno  employs  a  liiinilnd  wravcis.     The  [ 
blo'V  is  to  be  Nlriick,  not  at  the  weiivir  iiiiil  Hpiiiner  ■ 
nlime,  lint  nt  the  iniiier,  Ihn  lilncksinilh,  llii  slide- 
maker,  the  talliir,  the  wlirelwriubl,  the  lialler,  the 
(.ibmeiinaker,  and  foreign  ciinipelition  is  to  be  en-  < 
I'iniraged  in   evcryihing  liiit   mere   I'diiil  and   raw  < 
materiiil.     The  best  ol'iill  prollts,  iliat  of  ilii!  labor 
of  eoiiversion,  is  to  lie   thrown  into  the  hands  (if 
sti'iini;erN,  and  the  griMi    lidiiie  niitrket  of  .Maasa- 
I'linsi'ils,   and    the    iillier    iiiiiniificliiring   Nliites, 
which  cdiiyiime  annually  pi'diliice  of  their  HisK^r  [ 
Htates  to  the  viihiii  of  one  IiiiiiiIkmI  miiliniis  of  dol- 
lars is  to  bodesiroyed,  by  driving  every  manufar- 
lureriiiid  every  mechaiiic  toabniuloii  his  worlwhop 
and  u'l'iiw  his  own  bread.  , 

And  liiiw  are  ihese  eimrmons  evils,  the  riilii  of 
the  millions   who  depend  upon  niechimiciil  iiidiiK- 
uy,  and  the  loss  of  this  great  miirkt't  for  western 
firiitluee,  to  lie  eompetisaled  ?     "The  iniirketN  of 
the  world,  conlniniiig  a  )iiipiiliilion   of  eight  liiiii- 
ilreil  millions,  disaliled   from   purcliasiiii;  inir  oni- 
iliiets  by  our  lii^h  duties  mi  all  they  would  sell  in 
exelmnge,"  all!  lo   be   lliriiwii  open  lo  us!     VVIml 
a  siililime  prnspert!      Uepiililicun  America    is   tn 
turn  musing  mother  to  niyal  l''.iiro|ie  and  bnrlia- 
riius  A«ia,  and   our   'JII,IIOII,ll(lll  ot   people  are  to 
feed,  from  the  surplus  of  their  ^;arners,  the  fam- 
ishing 7H0,0I)»,(I(MI,  who  ore  siretchin!;  out  tlieir  , 
hands  to  ns,  bolh  from  the  firm  eoiituients  and  the 
isles  of  the  ocean  !     Hitherto  the   l.inll'  has  been 
II  wall  of  adamanl  between  ns  and   the  counlless 
myriiids  that  are  waiting  tn  pour  into  our  laps  the 
gold  of  (^phir  and    the  iliamonds  of  Ciolcondii,  in 
exchajige  for  the  food  that  wastes  in  our  stoir- 
lionse,  because  there  is  none  to  coiisnmu  il.     [iiit 
this  barrier  is  now  to  bo  removed;  our  people  are 
to  return  to  tho   pristtiie  simplicity  of  Arcadian  , 
life;  the  riidi!  clang  of  llie  foigenian  s  hanmier,  the  j 
hum  of  th(!  spindle,  and  llie  creaking  of  the  poii-  I 
ilerous  engine,  shall  no  longiM'  grate  harsh  thunder 
upon  Democratic  ears,  and  we  shall  know  no  ne-  < 
I'lipnlion  but  the  care  of  penile  herds,  and  thei|iiiet 
laliors  of  llie  plough.     The  (Jhinese  will  bring  the 
silks  and  leas  of  the  celestial  empire;  the  Hindoo 
the  muslins  of  Dacca;  the  swarthy  Arab  the  eolfec 
of  Mocha;  the  Malay  ihespicesof  liaiiila  and  Ain- 
lioynn,  of  Ternatc  niid  Tidore;  the  JCnglislmiai)  the 
broadcloths  and  cutlery  of  Leeds,  and  .Maneliester, 
and   Itirmingham;  the  rrenchiiiaii  the  silks  and  , 
ribbons  of  I'mveiice;  the  I'orliiL'uesc  the  generous 
wiiiPM  of  Oporto  and  IVlndeira,  and  gladly  exchange 
them  all  for  the  turnips  and  polalues  of  Maine,  tlie 
cotton  of  Sjnnlh  ('arolina,  and  the  Indian  corn  of  I 
the  valley  of  llie  Mississippi.  Then  the  indigenous  i 
luxuries  of  Ami  ricu  will  gradually  win  iheir  way 
to  foreign  favor,  until  they  shall  everywhere  sup-  ' 
plant  whatever  choice  viands  and  luscious  fruits  . 
iiountenns  nature   has  bestowed  on  nlher  climes.  ' 
The    feriile    fields  of  England  and    Holland  iiiul  i 
Germany   and    Prance  shall  be   tilled   no  longer;  I 
and  the  rich  luxuriance  of  the  tropics  shall  vainly  | 
tempt  the  hand  that  scorns  lo  pluck  it.     The  Cht-  ] 
ni'se  will  abandon  his  birds'  nests  iind  his  opium 
for  sau.sages,  dried  herring,  and  tobacco;  the  hog  ' 
and    hominy  of  the   westiirn  siiuiiller  will  expel  : 
the  roast-licef  and  plum-puihling  of  old  England;  j 
the   NeapoliUtii  luzziironc  will  loathe  his  ntaccii- 
roiii,  anil  all'ect  luKecake;  the  [''renchnian  turn  from 
garlic  and  t'rogs  and  soupe-maigre,   and  cry    for 
Weatherslield  oniuiis  ant)  Vaitkee-liiiked  pork  and  I 
beans;  the  West  Indian  will  reject   the  ethereal 
juices  of  the  plantain,  the  pineapple,  the  bread- 
fruit, the  durion,  and  the  chirinioya,  and  feed  on 
gross  codl'iNh  and  potatoes;  llie  Russian  will  cea.se 
to  guzzle  the  insipid  quass,  and  henceforth  sip  no 
b(!verage  but   the    pure    Monongahela!     This  is, 
indeed,  a  smnewliat  poetical  version  iif  the  Secre-  , 
taiy's  vaticinations,  but  it  is  every  whit  as  sane 
unil  lis  proliablc.     Truly,  Mr.  Chairiuan — 
(!TtiR  enrth  lintli  liiitilil(>i<,  ns  tlie  wutor  Imtli, 
Anil  tlii-iiu  are  nf  tlieiii."  | 

Bui  there  are  some  matter-of-fact  statistics  in  the  i 
same  paper,  which,  with  the  conscfiuences  deduced 
from  them,  are  not  less  remarkable.  That  inoat  ; 
worthless  and  unreliable  of  documents,  the  census 
of  1840,  slates  the  number  of  "men  employed"  in 
those  departments  of  nicchanicnl  art  which  are 
more  or  less  protected  by  the  tarifl'  of  1842  at  be- 
tween three  and  four  hundred  thousand.  Every 
man  who  has  nttenilcd  lo  the  subject  knows  that 
this  number,  which  is  but  two  per  cent,  of  our 


pnpulalioni  is  entirely  too  inmll.  The  Hccrrinr/, 
prnhnbly  iipnn  the  niilhority  nfthis  ceimus.nHlnna 
thai  "  the  whole  iiiiinlii  r  ( nicliiding  the  woikiiif; 

*  cliissea  eiiuai^ed  in  oiir  iiiainif.icliires)  dfciriti^f  (tuy 
'  hniifil  from  tlir  iiirilVdoes  iidt  exciTll  40(1,00(1,  of 

*  whom  not  innre  than  40,000  have  berii  (jr(iii;:ht 
'  into  this  piirHiiit  by  the  last  tiiriH'. "  In  (he  opin- 
ion (if  the  ,S,'c.relary,  (hen,  nopeison  "  derives  any 
benefit "  from  the  pi'osperiiy  of  ii  piirliciilar  briincn 
of  iiidiinlry,  Hull  ss  he  actually  lalairs  nt  il.  Itut 
if  this  reasoning  correct.'  Do  not  the  ddcrepit 
jiiirenls  and  the  helpless  chililren;  do  not  the  lius- 
Uiiids  and  the  uive.s;  do  not  the  olliiT  dependent 
nliilives  of  these  laborers  *'  derive  benefil,"  iVoni 
lliai  priiieciion  which  furnishes  eniplnyment  tn 
llmse  who  lied  them.'  Does  not  the  farmer,  who 
supplies  llie  food  til  lliH-^a  laborers  and  their  fam- 
ilies; does  not  the  prodticer,  who  grows  the  raw 
iniilerial,  and  the  carrier,  who  Iraiisporls  both 
llie  niaierial  and  tlie  fabric,  also  "derive  benelit" 
I'rnm  llie  system  which  einplnys  them?  Is  not  the 
airnciiliiinst  beiiefiled  by  ihe  withdrawnl  of  ilieae 
400,00(1  Mtoiit  hands  froin  the  tillage  of  till!  soil? 
The  same  census  slates  the  leiiiiber  of  **mcn  em- 
ployed" in  comiuerce  and  llie  fisheries  at  D.^.OOU. 
According'  to  mil  isierial  l(iui(!,  therefore,  there  arc 
but  it.'i.OOO  peisons  who  "derive  any  benefit"  from 
eonimerceiind  the  (islieriis,  and  yet  the  riicoiirage- 
iiieiil  of  marllime  cnininercc,  which  employs,  and 
of  coio'se,  according' III  llie  Secretary's  sliowiiig, 
"  beiK  fiis"  only  ;o;,(IOO  nil  11,  is  one  of  the  great 
objects  111  be  atiaiiied  by  the  ruin  of  all  the  niiinit- 
facliirers  and  mechanics,  with  tho  millions  who 
depend  on  lliiin  for  bread.  The  census  dnea  not 
stall!  till!  iiiiiiilier  of  "inen  employed"  in  agricnl- 
tiiie,  bill  I  siimaliiiL'  il  as  laborers  in  other  depart- 

.ineiils  iii-e  isiimiiled,  it  could  not  exceed  tliree,  or 
a!  most  four,  mil'ions.  Of  course  the  Secreiary 
must  holil,  ihat  n.iiie  but  these  three  or  four  luil- 
lioiis  "derive  any  benefit"  from  agriciillnie;  and  as 
not  more  than  oiie-fourth  of  our  population  appear 
to  be  "employed"  at  all,  the  necessary  conso- 
rpiencc  is,  that  not  more  than  oiie-fonrth  of  them 
"derive  benefit"  from  iiidiislry  of  niiy  sort.  So 
preposterous  arc  the  s|ieciilations  of  free  trade  po- 
litical eiviiioniists ! 

There  is  but  one  other  point  in  the  Secretary's 
repot  t  that  1  desire  to  notiie.  It  is  the  great  pfiice 
argument  on  page  six  of  that  docuinent.  Cotton 
is  a  "bond  of  peace  with  foreign  nations,"  because 
it  furnishes  "  profita  abiioau  to  thousands  of  eiipi- 
'  tiilisis,  and  wau:es  lo  hundreds  of  ihousaiids  of  the 
'  working-classes;  nil  of  whom  would  lie  dee|ily 
'  injured  by  any  distiivbance  growing  out  of  a  state 
'  of  war,  to  ihe  direct  and  ailequale  supjilv  of  the 
'  raw  material."  The  Sccrelury  estimates  tlio  value 
of  the  eoilon  crop  at  <j7',',000,UOO,  anil  the  value  of 
the  inanufiictureil  cotton  fabric  nt  )(i504,00U,O0O  an- 
nually, and  states  that  fiee-sixlhs  of  the  cotton 
grown  is  exported  abroad.  In  order,  therefore,  to 
propitiate  the  good  will  of  these  foreign  "  capital- 
isls"aiid  "working-classes,"  who  now  enjoy  five- 
aixths  of  this  enormous  profit,  and  to  interest  them 
still  further  in  the  preservation  of  peace,  the  Sec- 
retary argues  that  tlie  American  cotton  iniinufaclu- 
rer  ought  lo  be  sncritieed,  and  ihe  profit  on  the  rc- 
mainins  sixlli,  which  he  now  enjoys,  tiansferied 
tn  the  European  capitalist  and  laborer.  The  sanio 
argument  would  prove  that  we  ought  to  surrender 
the  entire  piofiis  of  our  trade,  our  fisheries,  and 
even  our  agriculinre,  to  European  merchanta,  and 
fishermen,"  and  farmers.  Sir,  peace  is  wortli  no 
such  sacrifice;  and  he  has  little  of  an  American 
heart  who  is  inlluenccd  by  such  craven  arguments 
as  this. 

The  wholi!  argument  of  those  who  have  framed 
and  who  advocate  this  bill  is  ao  polpably  founded 
on  the  ruin  of  the  manufacturing  and  mechanical 
classes,  that  I  may  spate  myself  the  labor  of  at- 
tempting lo  refute  the  idle  fallacy  that  those  inttjr- 
esis,  which  have  just  li(!guii  lo  thrive  under  legis- 
lative protection,  are  now  otile  to  thrive  without 
it,  or  of  exposing  the  hollowncsa  and  insincerity  of 
those  who  profess  lo  be  friendly  to  those  interests 
while  laboring  to  uphold  a  party  pledged  to  over- 
throw them. '  for  my  own  part,  1  prefer  to  this 
hypocritical  friendship  the  open  hostility  which 
denounces  us  as  legalized  plunderers;  or  even  the 
jealousy  which,  in  a  fit  of  sickly  spleen,  professed 
"to  find  greater  amiafaction  in  the  proaperity  of  Man- 
chester antl  Liverpool  than  in  iV.e  welfare  of  Lowell 

*  and  Boston. 


1:1 

I 


101 '2 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  30, 


29th  Cong 1st  Skss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Marah. 


Ho.  OF  Kkps. 


I  shall,  thru,  ossumo,  or  Irnve  it  to  olh^rR  to  j 
prove,  that  the  hnpositinn  ofiJutifa  ?iot  lower  than  ; 
ihosc  of  lH4i?  ifl  iicfCHsary  Cm*  iho  fupport  of  our 
rrdwinij  inar;ifarlnres,mui  th:it  ihp  jmsfflicr  of  ihr  ! 
hill  now  un(t*r  consitU'ratinn  jh  th'si-rntMl  for,  ami  i 
will  ^i't'i'i  iip'i.sh,  thr  proslmlion  of  that  imrrrsl;  i 
mil  !  shall  foiifitir  thr  rtiiiaiiuh'r  of  my  roinarks  ; 
fo  ome  illustrations  of  »ho  valuR  auit  in>portaurr  : 
of  nmntifarturi's  n.s  t  nu  ans  of  ntlaiiiin^  tho  irroat 
ends  of  civil  society,  *'u  eleip.rut  of  i)atio?taI  well-  ; 
lu'in^  ami  projxress,  and  as  i-spcrially  roniuirudrd  [ 
(o  u^»  hy  our  pliysit-al  comlition  and  our  social  in-  j 
jiliiutionH.  ! 

IN'riinps  t''R  most  strikini^  (Jistrnrtivo  ami  ohnr- 
nrierisli)'  nialcrial  feature  of  tlio  niodrni  soi-ial  , 
life  of  Chrislemlom  is  ihc  ijrently  iiirrcascd  farih-  i 
lit'<<  for  supplyiujT  ilio  physiiMl  wants  (»f  man,  and  l 
rsperi^dly  those  irreat  primary  nerd-^,  food  and 
flothiniT.  Tlie  industiial  rnrrnicM  of  reeoni  (inieH 
nre  rhiefly  direeted  to  lliiti  puih  and  ill"  inerely 
dei-orativenrta — those  which  aim  onlv  loondiellish 
lift- — liavo  1»(  en  slatiounry,  if  not  relroii^railr:  while 
the  eeomunieal,  (U-  those  wliirh  nre  nnpliatieally 
rnlUd  the  useful  arts.  Iiave  extended  (heir  .h phi  re 
of  actioi.',  and  n>uhiphed  and  inipnui-d  iheir  pro- 
cesses, In  a  de'.;rre  whieh  promises  to  hnnish  hun- 
ger and  nakedness  tVori  the  t'aee  of  ihe  hahilalde 
^doho.  Ornnniein  is  no  liHiL^e/ divorced  from  u(il- 
iiy,  and  eruhellishment  is  iton-ht  r.ilhrr  in  the 
praeeful  form  ntnl  henutiful  ir-xiiue  of  the  nwn- 
niouest  articles  of  dress  or  person. il  use,  than  in  , 
f\w  hrilliaucy  of  ^^f;r"  -,  or  the  flitter  of  the  jireeituis 
TiiefM?s,  Thepe  results  i\r  strikinirly  in  aecordanee 
with  the  social  and  political  reiidene,y  of  the  a:;*'.  ' 
The  claims  of  the  massis  are  recoirnisrd,  :uid  the 
irrejit  aim  of  every  artisan  is,  so  to  iTihi'-e  the  cost 
of  his  wjiri's  as  to  make  them  aecessihle  to  tiir* 
lUiiriy  insteail  of  the  \\'\v.  (_faiiis  are  caleuhued 
n'M-ordiii^-  to  ihe  niiinhers  supplied  at  low  rMcs  of  \ 
prr^fit.  The  true  patrons  of  the  manufacturer  are 
tfiepoor;  and  the  weaver,  who  can  secure  to  himself 
the  supply  of  tin'  huuiMesi  i,'armei>i  of  the  lowest 
cla*;-; — hy  thai  host  of  monopolies,  the  cheapest 
pri'-e — travels  a  surer  roiid  to  wealth  than  the 
lapidary  who  fiirnishes  tlie  jewels  foracroM-n.  A 
f  miliar  chaHLje  has  taken  phu-e  in  the  character 
and  ol.jeets  in  coumurcial  enterprise.  Ani  ieni 
eommeti-e  served  only  to  sujtply  the  lahlcs  and 
deck  ih:?  loih'ts  of  the  rich.  The  o!d  navii^ators 
son-^ht  new  and  nnu*e  accessihie  routes  |i>  tlic 
ma  IS  of  ihe  jjfU'iri'ous  products  of  the  Kast,  and  . 
hrMiii,di!  from  ihe  oiii'Ut.J  world  ':o!d,  end  i^ems, 
mid  pearls,  and  spices,  and  the  eostlnst  (issues, 
which  they  rctaih-d  at  nrices  heyfuid  ihe  nn'ans 
of  any  Iml  the  wealthiest  classes;  i.ni  now  everv 
Rhip  thai  'Hisses  the  ocean  is  freiiifited  cliiedy  with 
njerchanili-'*|nr  thr  use  ei'  the  nnlliou. 

There  is  also  u  i^rcat  (liHereiice  in  the  funda- 
ti  cntai  oi\'ani/iUion  of  muiufaelui mi,''  iuduslry. 
It  liu:i  now  Itecome.  eminently  jt  social  pnrsuii, 
instead  of  lieiiiij  the  [irivale  occupaliou  of  isolaleil 
iudivnluals  or  families.  This  is  partly  the  restdl 
of  the  air^Mi'i^ative  spirit  ..t*  umihrn  tiaies,  whii-h 
hi's  coni'ived  lo  rectu>cile  .■mnmunity  of  aim  and 
Purpose  with  indi\idual  freedom  of  actum  ami 
opinion,  and  partly  due  t.-  ihr  iuiroduction  of  pow- 
erful and  eom|)hcated  m n  h.nery. 

In  ireiieral.  ilie  emm  rst.ni  of  the  raw  nuMerial 
inio  forms  smt.  d  to  human  use  is  etfeeied  hy  a 
Beries  of  dii'tmct  process,  s,  some  of  wlu'  li  may  i'c 
perfiU-mrd  hy  imichinery,  while  others  re'[uire  the 
aid  of  the  lii.ud.  A  maelnae,  whose  action  is  cop-  '■ 
fined  ti»  a  siiii:!e  process,  tifie,  possesses  ihe  power 
nnd  perlorms  ilie  work  of  a  irreal  munlier  of  men. 
The  next  step  n^iy  he  one  of  mere  naiiiptdalion, 
whi'h    reipures    the    ;..'•«      of  n    hiunlrcd   hands. 

The  -hird  jipieess  ai,n,iu  iu,»y  heiiceoinpli*<lied  l»v 
n  siji;!e  m.ichi'ie,  ami  the  fourth  in  turn  -^nve  eiu- 
ployment  lo  a  hundred  aihhiional  lahorcrs.  Thus 
a  tVw  nrt'duue.i,  driven  hv  one  water-wheel  nr 
steam  ei,:'ine,  nnd  "W!cupied  in  «iue  Inaiich  of  nian- 
iifuture.  may  hnmr  im^eihern  ihouwind  vorlcmen; 
nnd  operntmns,  'hat  formerly  ttcupied  an  eviiu- 

Five    district,  are    now    ac* iphstjed   wii.m   (ne 

walls  of  a  sinirle  huildnnr.  \^y  this  system  you 
have  the  eneru'V.  efficieiii-y,  hitrnn.nyi  eiMuouiy, 
and  luiily  "f  puriMise  and  of  action  that  Hprni'j 
from  conceriirMiionand  mtelli'.'eni  divismn  id' lahm-; 
white  the  snhstitution  of  machinery  for  lo  man 
hands  eiiahti  a  a  huiulred  men  to  perform  the  work  [ 
often  thousand 
The  modern  invei.tion  and  use  of  complicated  "■ 


mncb'wery  is  one  of  tlie  most  remnrkahlfi  and  im-  I 
portnnl  facts  in  the  historv  of  tmr  race — renmrk-  , 
nhle  and  important  iioth  in  im  rcotnunical  and  a 
psycholoijieni  jioint  of  view,  as  nhiiost  the  onjy  !: 
i'ai't  which  iri'es  any  countenance  to  the  visionary  ■ 
theory  of  the  perfeciihility  of  tiie  species.  Inven- 
tion and  eontriMuice.  the  eousci<nts  adaptation  of  ' 
means  to  ends,  as  dJstiuL'uisheil  from  hlind  instinct, 
are  essential  powers  and  ehnrncterisiics  of  men  in 
all  a>u-H  nnd  all  funis  of  social  existence;  h  .  the 
modern  talent  of  mechanical  eond)iuation,  if  not 
the  i!:'veh>pmeut  of  a  new  faculty,  is  at  least  the  ' 
nwakeniiiifof  a  dormant  power  in  the  human  miml. 
The  fundamental  principle  of  all  proper  meehan- 
ic^d  contrivances  iH  the  suliiui;atioii  of  the  nmte 
uncnns'ious  I'orces  of  inanimate  nature  to  the  eon 
trol  of  hmuan  will.  iManV  researches  into  the  , 
hiws  of  imirL'anic  nature  ha\e  tauirht  him  to  com- 
mand tlioseforcen:  forhere  *' knowledire  is  power,"  , 
and  he  may  itow  hoast  villimit  profanity,  that, 
since  the  iuvisilde  iiowers  which  ^-lecp  in  the  thin  : 
air,  neii!rali/.ed  and  halanced  hy  each  (Uher,  or  lie 
quiescent  in  the  (loatinij;  vapor,  have  heeii  evolved 
and  comiuered  hy  him,  the  winds  and  the  waters 
obey  him;  that  he  has  nowfultilled  the  irreal  V(*m- 
maiid  to  *'  suhiliic  the  earth,''  iiiasumch  as  he  has 
learned  lo  control  lliose  forces  of  inririiauic  nature 
hv  whose  ministry  Almiiihty  power  huill  up  and 
still  sM'^lains  it.  Althouu'h  what  are  technically 
called  the  mcclinircal  /(cicrcs— the  lever,  the  wheel  . 
and  a\i-J,  the  inclined  pl-mc,  the  screw,  'he  wrdii:e,  '• 
ami  the  rope  .and  pulley — have  hern  hmir  known, 
it  is  onlv  in  very  recent  times  lliat  any  of  the  /Jirr,  s 
of  inanimate  nature  have  heeu  made  availahle 
for  mcijianical  purposes,  except  in  such  simple 
applications  as  that  of  wind  to  propel  ships,  of  the 
current  of  runiiiti-;  water  to  ttn-n  wheels,  of  the 
elasticity  of  the  how,  an. I  jierhaps  that  also  ofme- 
I  iMic  sprin'j:s,  to  pri>iecf  missiti-s  of  war.  The 
eiuph>yiuent  of  the  wcii'Iit  of  fnlliui;-  water,  of  the 
nliernat''  eh'i  ami  (low  oi"  the  tiih's,  and  nf  the  wind 
for  drivin::  mi'Is — of  that  imion  of  ri'pulsion  ami 
attmctimi  which  cnnslitutes  elasticity,  and  irive*; 
alike  to  the  vaptn'of  water  and  to  coiled  sprimzs  of 
h:\rd  metal  the  power  of  pnidncini;  eonlinuous  or 
recipnic,i(in:r  motion — of  the  forces  ol'irravily  nnd 
electro-inai^iietism  as  motive  powers — all  these,  and 
many  other  like  instances,  are  wh'>llv  morleru. 
The  manuficttiri"*,  as  well  as  all  other  hnmches  of 
the  industry  of  the  ancients,  were  carried  on  hy 
oriranic  forces — the  unassisted  streuirth  of  mmi  ' 
and  heast;  hut  it  is  the  triumph  of  ..ur  era,  almost 
of  our  ixeneratiiui.  that  man  is  no  lon/cr  the  super- 
siifions  slave  of  tlie  irresislihie  elements,  iuit  that 
even  deaf  nature  luis  jiearii  his  imperious  voice, 
snhtniited  her  miirhty  energies  to  his  sway,  nnd 
allowed  Inm  to  employ  at  Ins  pleasure,  whetlur 
for  fishioniuir  a  pin  or  for  rearin?!:  a  pnlace,  the 
same  force  with  which  she  shakes  a  cmuiuent  or 
uphc^.:^  a  mountain.  The  snhjuc:aliou  of  the 
eerl  iin  and  ealcnlahle  forces  of  nature  to  human 
uses  is  so  heiu'fnial  in  its  results,  that  the  des^ree 
in  which  it  has  heeu  accomplished  is  the  surest 
measure  of  the  prosperity  of  a  jvople,  and  the 
increase  of  proper  mechanical  skill  is  an  infalHlde 
token  of  advau' enu'iit  in  the  i;reat  ends  ami  objects 
of  sM[-ia|  or:raui7.a!ion. 

Tliese  proud  triumphs  are  the  results  of  modern 
improvenienis  in  the  physical  sciences,  ami  are  in 
a  L'ceal  meisun'  the  tVuit-inf  the  eni-ourai^ement 
which  those  studies  have  efijoyed  from  the  manu- 
facturinij  and  nu'chanical  arts.  The  dier,  the 
hleaclier,  nnd  the  suL'ar  refiner  have  stimulated 
curious  researches  into  the  laws  of  eheiuicnl  etmi- 
liinaliou,  and  proved  the  m"sf  mumtlcent  patrons 
of  the  Mnalvti'"al  chemist;  the  miner  has  rewarded 
and  pronnued  the  labors  of  tin-  minendoirisi  nnd 
the  ir''olo^ist;  the  furnace  of  the  -^lass-ldoA'er  has 
fnrmshed  thr  optician  with  t!  "  means  of  experi- 
menlmi'  on  the  lefractive  nnd  mspersive  powers  of 
the  :.''ass  from  which  nre  fabricated  I  le  lenses  of 
his  micreseopes  and  telescopes;  the  ^fttchmaker 
(nis  eonstro  'ted  the  timepiece  by  which  the  nnvi- 
srator  (let.  the  position  of  his  slop,  ..f  un- 

known  ^•  .   mil   of  newly  discoxereit    shores; 

nnd  the  ui  ith«  malical-instrument  nial-  r  has  in- 
vented eoutrivanrr  •,  hy  whose  aid  the  asf;  monier 
mayobser«^e  and  measuri'  ihe  miive  rents  of  the 
heHveidy  bodies,  mid  calculate  their  ev(dnlir>us  to 
th"  fraction  of  a  second,  m  spite  of  Ihe  iiilricncy 
of  their  oerturhntions. 

There  iH  another  idiariicteri.stic  of  these  nr.s. 


which  cv,on  now,  when  wc  nre  indulirin;;  in  wild 
fancies  of  national  airj;randi/.emcnt  nnd  compicst 
and  martial  renown,  ntay  well  recnmmend  them  to 
the  favor  of  n  sober  American  .stnte.'jmim.  They 
are  emphatically  arts  (d'  pence.  They  draw  their 
nouritshnient  from  peace,  and  in  turn  Iney  promote 
peace.  Pence  is  necessary  lo  the  nnnmfac.turer, 
that  he  nmy  safety  draw  from  diaiunt  eouniries- 
the  raw  materials  whieh  he  reipiires  for  the  fabri  - 
cation  of  his  wares;  peace,  that  the  priwlucts  of  his 
loom,  hirt  fory;e,  or  his  latlie,  may  find  llnur  way 
lo  the  foreii^n  consumer;  |H.'ace,  that  the  mnrketrt 
in  which  he  buys  and  sells  may  not  b'.  afl'ected  by 
the  Ihictiiation.^  of  air  unstable  tiirrency.  IN  ace  i^ 
necessary  lo  the  mariner,  that  he  may  freely  prolit 
by  the  conveyance  of  iiotli  the  material  and  tho 
elaborated  prcrduct.  Pence  is  nec<'ssary  to  tho 
aijricidtm-ist,  who  supplies  to  the  maiiufacinrer  his 
colton,  his  wool,  (u-  liis  hreadstulfs,  and  who,  hi 
ihc  f.uhire  (d'  llit  niccbmr>ical  artisan,  would  lose 
his  best  enstiuner. 

The  present  aidmowletl^d  pencefnl  teml^ney  of 
the  maniifacttirin;;  system  is  a  nr-w  feature  of  tho 
mechanic  arts.  It  was  once  the  function  of  war  \f> 
develop  tiie  internal  resmin'csof  hellin;erent  eonu- 
tries,  to  i^ive  a  sprinii;  to  every  hnmch  of  industry, 
to  call  out  the  hii^hrst  exerci^c  of  niecliaiiieal  iui^e- 
nuity.  The  armorer,  the  cutler,  ami  the  howyec, 
were  ihc  most  important  of  arti.sans.  AM  thi* 
known  resoun-es  of  u^echntncs  were  t  xhansted  in 
en^'ines  of  aiiack  and  dett'iice,  and  tlie  piincipal 
early  improvenu-nls  in  the  eastinir  and  leniperini.'; 
of  metals,  in  ship  buildin;?,  in  mmiuir»  in  the  con- 
struction of  roads  and  canals,  in  pyroleclmicat 
chemistry,  nnd  in  complii'ated  and  nowerful  me 
ehaiiical  contrivances,  were  devised  for  military 
purpo.scK.  P.iit  since  the  era  (d' the  practical  appli- 
cation of  science  to  the  arts,  war  is  become  ihf: 
piijiil  of  lu'Hce.  The  mamilhclurin^  chenusi  ha:-* 
laiiLrht  the  soldier  how  to  refine  and  mim^te  the 
im^reilients  of  i,'unpowder;  the  studious  natural 
philo.sopher  hns-:  discovered  the  laws  whicli  re^n 
late  the  diiiht  of  n>ililary  projectiles;  the  maker  of 
razors  nnd  penknives  has  i;iven  to  the  common 
sword  hhuie  the  rare  temper  of  Daimweus  and  To- 
ledo; the  hnihter  of  steam  engines  has  invented 
improved  nioiles  of  castim;  and  lnuMni;  heavy  (ud 
tyance.  riuil,  hy  the  applicatimi  of  steam  as  a  pio- 
pelliii:;  power,  independent  id'  wind  nnd  current, 
has  iriveii  new  ethcieijcy  fo  naval  warfare. 

Il  in  in  these  pui-suils,  so  peaceful  in  llieinselves, 
that  the  wisest  modern  nations  have  found  the  sm- 
ews ot'  war.  They  have  chau'^ed  the  balauiii,  of 
|>ower,  hy  the  cmition  of  new  elein  -msof  finaii 
e.ial  as  well  as  of  physii-al  strength.  "  Vliere  is  m»w 
the  power  of  commercial  Spain,  that  in  tlie  six- 
teenth centm-y  made  the  world  treudde?  Wheie 
is  that  of  tradni^'  Holland,  which  after  hnvinir  i-x- 
torted  from  Spain  the  a<d\Uowlcdi,'menl  i>t'  her 
independence,  set  Knsitand  at  ilefiaiiee  in  the  sev- 
enteenth r  Whei-e  that  of  ai^ricultural  I'tdand, 
which  in  the  days  of  .Iidm  Scdneski  was  the  only 
barrier  of  ( 'liri.*iriidt>m  ai;ainst  the  coiwpiisls  of 
the  Olloniaii  power!  It  was  front  her  mamifie- 
tiirin?  industry  that  Ku'^land  drew  the  reHonrccs 
which  euabliMl  her,  sin^'le  handed,  to  cope  with 
almost  the  whole  civili/ed  world,  and  fimdly  to 
o\erthrow  the  colossal  jiower  of  Napfileon.  Iler 
mines,  her  collieries,  her  vast  accumulation  of  me- 
chanical power,  are  inexluuistible  fnimiains  of 
nnlional  stnmrth.  She  has  disciivend  the  Inu' 
interpretatiim  of  the  maxim,  *'  III  peace  j.repare  for 
war;  '  she  has  learned  that  the  most  lorinidahle 
annus  are  th"--'-  which  create,  not  those  winch 
destroy;  and  that  the  child  whieh  i;uiiles  the  power 
loom  is  miudilier  than  the  kuiudit  in  armor. 

In  modern  warfare,  when  men  no  loimi'r  fi;^h» 
hand  to  hnnd,  ihe  mittn'itl  of  war  has  become  of 
paramount  impc  .tarice.  The  soldier  formerly 
e(|uipped  himselr  with  such  armor,  and  smdi  muni- 
tions nnd  supplies,  as  his  means,  convenience,  oi 
taste  allowed:  but  ihe  increase  of  niechanical  facil- 
ities has  enabled  the  (lovernmenls  of  Kurojie  to 
turn  maiMifacturers  of  the  iiistrmuent.-i  of  war,  and 
to  lit  out  armies  wifft  an  expeilition  and  an  etlt- 
eiency  which  haveutifold  in-'rcased  their  nowe  ■ 
Tims  the  triumplisof  war  have  been  purchased  by 
the  toils  of  pence,  ami  A rkwrii,'ht  and  Walt  lia\o 
piived  till'  way  for  Welliu'rton  and  .Nelson. 

in  ihe  present  emidition  of  the  physical  sciences 
and  of  mechanical  kmtwled^e,  it  may  he  safely 
afhnned, ihatnollur^ but  those  GXleiisive  mduutrial 


[Juno  30, 
OF  Reps. 


iiliilifiiii;  in  wild 

I  niid  ('oiiqiicst 
minond  ilicm  to 
(I'ariimi.  'I'hey 
'lii-y  ilrnw  iheir 
n  lli(>y  priiiiiotR 

niiiiiuractiircr, 
imiint  eniiniriiiM 
''N  for  tlio  fiiliri- 
piiitlurls  .if  |ii» 
'  find  ilirir  wiiy 
ill  I  111!  iiiiirketM 
li'.  ulli'i-ii.d  liy 
Piiry,  I'lni'c  JH 
my  fiTi'ly  iHiilii 
iiilerini  and  t\n: 
■rissai-y  In  tin- 
iiimil',icliiii?i-lii,s 
and  Willi,  ifi 
';iii,  wiiiild  liise 

il  Iriidniry  oC 

li'llllll-l'  111'  tin; 

lion  111' war  Ir. 
il^iTrnt  ''oun  • 

II  oCimliisirv, 
liaiiiral  inu'i-- 

nil  llii!  liiiH-yor, 
«'iiis.      All  Mm 
■«'  I  xliansii'il  ill 
d   tlir  |iriin-i|ial 
and  lriii|ir>riii^; 
iit'i  in  till'  I'lJii- 
pyroiei-hniciil 
iiowi'ifiil  mc 
"  tor  military 
pmi-ti.-al  np|ili- 
is  lirrnnie  tlic 
yj;  I'lii'iiimi  Iihm 
I'd  mingle  tin; 
iidiiMis  natiiiiil 
vs  wliiili  roi,'u 
i;  the  maker  of 
the  rnnininii 
nnsnis  nnd  To- 
■s   liaM  Invi'iili'd 
nil;;  liiavy  onl 
Ntiani  a.i  a  jno- 
il   i'lal  current, 
■arfaie. 

in  llieiiisi  Ives, 
1"  ("oiind  llie  siii- 
I'le  lialanm  of 
I"  •iilHiif  finaii 
'  Vliere  is  now 
lat  ill  ilie  six- 
nlile?  Wheiv 
'fer  liiivini^  ex- 
irniiiit  of  her 
lee  ill  the  sev- 
tiiral    I'olanil, 

i  Mas  llie  iiiily 
I'   roll(|lle.>i|s  lit' 

lor  niaiinfie- 
tlie  reMoiiri'i's 
til   eope  \iiih 

•  lid   finally   to 

poleoii.      (lei- 

nl.iiion  iif  iiie- 
t'ouniaiiiH    of 

end   the    line 

ee  prepare  Cor 

Kt  forinidalile 
those   whieli 

des  the  power 

riiior. 

I  loncrer  fi;;lii 

as   I.eeoiiie  of 

ier    formerly 

III  siieli  iniiiii- 

livenieiiee,  m 

haiiieal  fieil- 

iif  l'airii|ie  lo 

<  111"  war,  anil 
and   an   eili- 

iheir    llowe  ■ 

MiieliaKi  d  liv 
I  Wall  luno 
"Isoii, 

deal  si'ioiieefi 
ly  he  Hafely 
ve  mdusiriiil 


18461 
29tii  Cong 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 

The  Tariff— Mr.  Marsh. 


1013 


Ho.  OK  Reps. 


cslabiialimentK,  which  exist  only  ii.s  n  part  of  a 
{;reiU  i)iaiuifm'.liirini^.systeni,eaii  enalile  a  nulion  to 
.iiake  ndei|iiiiie  |iiTpariUiun  for  wur;  and  while  for- 
eij^ii  ciinimerec  i.s  interrupted  by  lio.siilitioa,  na  it 
ot'len  must  lie,  they  are  equally  iiidispciiHalile  fur 
the  supply  of  thiise  necessaries,  which  hniidicrntl 
and  houHehnId  lulmr  have!,  sinro  (he  inii'uductioil 
of  inaehinery,  foitjolteii  how  to  |irepiiiT. 

Tliero  are  numerous  eousidenitions,  |!!iysicHl, 
iiinral,  und  pnlili^'jil,  specilicuHy  applicalile  to  our 
own  country,  which  seem  to  recoiiiiiicnd,  with  ir- 
lesistildii  force,  the  nmiiilennnce  of  liie  system  I  Hill 
del'endinf!;'  but  to  these  1  can  but  allude.  Atnons 
them  I  mav  mention  its  coiifi^uraliini,  soil,  clinmte, 
mill  iiatiiiai  prndiielions.  llsi.'eiilly  swcllinjirans''" 
(if  mountains,  of  iiinderale  height,  furnish  uiilimil- 
ed  wnter  power,  subject  neither  to  bo  loikcd  up  by 
fio.it.s  nor  exhuusied  by  ilruuf^lit,  and  siliialcd  in 
regions  easily  accessible  by  common  roads,  and 
neither  too  clevnlecl  nor  too  nbrupt  to  be  traver,s(<l 
by  railways  und  canals.  lis  wide  variety  of  soil 
iinJ  clinialii  enables  il  to  conipele  with  llie  world 
in  producing;  every  known  raw  mateiial  for  iiidii.s- 
tiial  elabornlion.  Every  iMuoiican  domeslic  ani- 
iiial  thrives,  and  even  improves  liy  nii^ratioii,  and 
(here  is  no  i-aiise  to  doubt  that  llic  alpaca,  the 'I'lii- 
liet  soat,  and  |X'rliaps  even  ihe,  camel,  may  find 
localities  well  suited  to  their  peculiar  hahil.s.  (Jiir 
silk,  cotton,  hemp,  and  (lax  are  not  inferior  to  the 
best  lliat  iMirope  or  the  Ivisl  produces;  our  hills 
abouiiil  in  excellenl  ores  of  the  ino.st  Inily  vahialde 
metals;  und  our  iiileriiiiiialile  foresis,  and  iiiex- 
hanstilile  coal  mines,  yield  cheap  fuel  for  melallur- 
pical  u.^es.  liut  while  natuii'  has  supplied  us  thus 
aliunilaiilly  with  the  means  and  the  malerials  for 
the  exereisj  of  mixliauical  iiidusiry,  she  has  eared 
also  for  lie;  sustenance  of  the  mechanical  laborer. 
The  portions  of  our  country  which  nboiind  in 
waterfalls,  and  those  which  chiefly  fiirni.sh  the 
wool  and  o.ollon,  the  coal,  the  wood  and  Ihe  inelals, 
are  comparatively  iinsuited  for  the  (growth  of  bread- 
aliilVs:  while  the  residue  of  our  donmiii  is  blessed 
with  the  most  bounteous  harvests,  both  of  our  own 
indigenous  maize,  and  of  all  the  cereal  ;;iaiiis  of 
(he  old  world.  Here,  then,  is  aliiindanl  domestic 
room  for  that  inlerchaiijje  of  food  and  clotliiii'.,' 
which  Ihe  advocates  of  cominen  e  would  make  a 
bond  of  union  iK'iweeii  us  and  Kurope,  and  lliere 
iS  cveiy  ilesiiablo  opportunity  for  the  iinliiniled 
increase  and  extension  of  that  internal  trade,  which 
even  now  quite  easts  our  foiei;;n  coninieice  into 
Ihe  shade.  Such,  then,  air  the  relative  wants  of 
inir  pco|ile,  and  such  the  means  of  ineciinj;  iliein, 
in  a  ciiunlry  which  exuuds  almoslfroin  Ihe  tropics 
to  ihe  realms  of  iierpcliial  fiiisl;  a  country  at  once 
divided  and  bound  lo;;ellier  by  an  uii|  aralleled  web 


of  channels  of  natural  iiavisjatioii,  and  susceptible, 
in  an  exiiaordinary  deiriee,  of  iin'ieased  facilities 
of  eoiiiinunica'ion;  a  country  where  political  re- 
Hlriniis  impose  no  barrier  to  llie  fi-eesl  inienour.se 
and  cnmiiieice,  and  where  passporii"  and  i  usloni- 
lionscs  are  known  only  upon  the  exlrcnie  fronliiT; 
a  couniry  whose  I'ree  lystem  iecoi;iiises  no  f^ov- 
erimieiiial  monopolies,  und  restricts  iiu  man  in  ihe 
choice  of  his  calliiif;;  ,i  couiuiy,  in  .slioil,  where 
nature  and  the  iiisiili  (ions  of  man  conspire  lo 
cieaie  n  i;realer  variety  c.i'  deinanil,  and  a  greatei 
I'acilitv  of  supply,  than  the  widest  commerce  has 
elsewhere  known. 

The  innmifacturinLr  system  is  the  trrcat  patent 
of  internal  iinproveinent.  'I'lii'  facilities  of  Iraiis- 
poriatioii  it  demai'ils  and  rewards,  the  encouia;,'e- 
iiient  it  gives  lo  the  exeici.se  of  mechanical  talent, 
to  improveiiieiil.s  in  niel,ilhiii!:y  and  the  working  of 
metals,  llie  cMinsive  hydraulic  works  it  requires, 
seem  lo  ]ioiiit  lo  it  as  one  of  the  most  inqiorlant 
agencies  in  the  process  which  we  have  just  U'gun 
of  dcvelopinix  our  internal  resources.  Nor  is  il 
less  vahiaole,  or  less  suiled  lo  the  prailiar  charac- 
ter of  American  inslitulions,  in  its  political  rela- 
tions. Il  is  a  policy  eminently  popular,  eininenlly 
Memocratic.  It  tends  to  levtd  up,  to  hnmiUK/.c 
ai  1  refine,  by  dilfusing,  clieapening,  and  iiii|n'ov- 
ing  in  qualily  the  necessaries,  the  comforts,  the  ; 
convenienccH,  and  the  elegances  of  social  lil'e.  liy 
bringing  within  the  reach  of  the  poor  the  same 
pliy.^ical  enjoyments  and  advantai^es  which  are 
iitiainable  by  the  rich,  it  breaks  down  that  difl'er- 
ence  111  exterior,  which  consiitutes  the  only  artifi- 
cial dislinciion  that  can  exist  nuder  a  sysleni  of 
equal  laws  and  privileges,  and  makes  all  nun 
Kiem,  what  in  ihe  eye  of  the  law  they  are,  (acli 


other's  peers.     The  European  world  is  now  exhib- 
iting abundant  exemplifications  of  the  Democratic 
teiideiieii  s  of  the  manufacturing  syslem,  and  of  the 
reci|irocal    influence   of  [lopular   insiiiiitions   and 
the  progress  of  the  inechanii'  arts.      II.  )iroportioii 
as  llie  lower  cla.ises  ure  em  iiicipaled  and  admitted 
to  a  participation    in   the  legal   privileges  of  their 
siiperiorH,  they  aim  to  rise  loan  equaiiiy  in  social 
condition,  in  exterior  appearance,  in  menial  culti- 
vation, and  ill  physical  enjoyments.      Every  step, 
therefore,  in  the  elevation  of  the  humbler  ranks 
brings  new  patronage   lo   llio.sc  whose  business   it 
is   to  supply  the  comforts  and   elegain  cs  of  life. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Miechanical  arts,  by  i  iieiqi- 
eiiing  and   disseminating   these  comt'orts  and  ele- 
];  gaiices,   and   bringing   Iheiii   williiii   the   leaeli  of 
j    every  class  alike,  inspire  the  inl'erior  ranks  with 
'}■  an  ardent  desire  to  equal  in  privilege  those  whom 
I'  they    rival  in   the  meaiiN  of  material  eiijoyiiieni. 
I'  These  arts,  therefore,  are  the  great  propagators  of 
d(!iuocracy.     Make  men  alike   in  exlernals,   give 
j;  tlieiu  Ihc  Kanie  physical  elegances  and  refiiiemeius, 
I    abolish   visible  diU'erences,  and   artificial   ilislinc- 
ii  lions  cannot  long  stand   I  heir  ground.     These  mis 
jl  are  moreover  the  great  di.spensers  of  that  best   of 
■\  charities — the   opporluuiiy  of  labor.     They    fur- 
;  iiish  direct  eni.iloymeiil  lo  the   poor,  in   the   ciiii- 
(.  siruction  oft'  i     .  lildings,  the  hydraulic  works,  or 
'  llie  engines   ilu  j  require,  and   of  tlii!   inaehinery 
jl  they  drive,  in  the  various  processes  they  use,  and 
the   naviixaiion   or  oilier  carriage  they  encourage. 
j!  They  benefit  the  poor  indirectly,  by  withdrawing 
\'  rival  labor  from  rural  i  iiiploymenls;  by  i  reaiing  a 
i^  demand    f'or  agricultural   pnulncis  and   raw  male- 
'    rial-s;   by  clieapening  in  price,  and   improving   in 
convenience,  dnraliilily,  and  finish,  the  iinplenienis 
of  rural  and  domestic  toil,  and   even  by  leading  to 
iniporlant  improvements  in   the   processes   of  the 
linsliandman.     Agrieullural   eheinisiiy,  of'  which 
we  hear  eo  much,  had  ils  genu  in  the  shop  of  the 
chemical    inaiiiifarturer;  and  one  such   l.iboralory 
as  the  chemical  works  at  lioxbury  is  worlh  more, 
both  to  science  and  to  all  useful  arts,  ilian  a  score 
of  professors,   iliniigh   maim, lined  by  llie   miinifi- 
ceiice  of  a  Sniillison.     Thi!  impiovnl   quility  of 
Ainerican  inanufaciures,  and  the  increa.seti  deinand 
they  occasion  for  the  raw  niaierial,   have  iioi  Ix-en 
so   much   iiisisleil  on   as  lie  ir  imporlance   nierils. 
The  iinprovement  cMiiiils  lo  alinosi  every  article 
which  has  been  fiibricaleil  in  this  couniry,  but  it  is 
most  conspicuous  in  ciillciy  and  the  nielallic  wares 
in  common  use.      It  is  a  eonseqnence  rit'Ihc  appii- 
lalion  of  mai  liiiiery  to  ihe  perfonncnce  of  miicli  of 
the   labor  which    in   Europe   is  slill   execiiieil   by 
liatiil.     The  subsliiulion  of  inacliinery  f'or  liiiman 
lalior,  of  .111  engine  I'nr  a  tool,  by  redncing  the  cost 
of  some  of  the  processes  lo  the  niamifiicliirer,  en- 
ables him  to  expend  more  upon  others,  and  thus 
to    _'ivc   his   fabrics  a  finish    or   a  leinper  which 
would   otherwise   prove   too  expensive.      Uul  the 
principal  cause    is,  perhaps,  that   property  of  ma- 
chinery, consi.sliiiu'  in  precise  repiliiion  of  action, 
which  has  been   called  iilnilidj  nf  inoihiclinii.     liy 
means  of  this,  all  the  ariicles  |iroduccil  by  a  given 
machine  are  exactly  alike  each  other,  and  siriclly 
conformable   to  thai   pre.-ciilieil   modi  1  which  ex- 
perience  has  appro\ed.      If  the  aiiic.Ie   is  a  coiii- 
[dex  one,  then  all   ils  several   members  are  by  the 
same  means  made  e.<acily  alike,  each  lo  i  ai  li,  and 
the  danger  of  iuconuniiiiy  of  parts  is  ea.sily  avoided. 
Whenever,  as  has  been  the  case  with  t-ri  rif  Ame- 
rican niaiinfaclure,  the  price  is   lediiced,  the  eon- 
siiiii|itioii  of  the  article,  and  of  coui.se  llie  demand 
for  law  mateiial,  is  increased;  but,  iiideiiciideiil  of 
this,  improved   inacliinery  has  led   lo  the  ap|dica- 
tion  of  old  malerial  lo  new  uses,   lo  an  incieiiil.le 
eMeiit;  and  I  am  not   speaking'  at   randiMii,  win  o 
1  atllrni,  that  one-half  lln'  raw  coitoti   wroiii^ht  in 
this  country,   is  eiiiplo\eil    for   wholly  new   pur- 
poses, which   have   been   suggested   by  American 
mventors,  and  to  which,  but  for  .American  iiiimu- 
faclures,  it  would  probably  never  have  been  ap- 
plied. 

These  arts,  too,  are  the  princi)inl  material  means 
by  wlioso  aid  the  great  end  of  enlighlening  the 
niasses  and  popiilari/iiig  knowledge,  is  lo  be  at- 
tained. Themselves  the  ciiations  of  knowledi;e, 
and  often  based  upon  the  principles  of  abstruse 
scienie,  they  require  and  develop  intelligence,  in 
all  who  pursue  them.  A  man  trained  to  a  simple 
liandii  rail,  or  even  to  the  rouliiie  of  agriiiillure, 
which,  as  too  often  practised,  is  but  a  series  of 


!  o[icrations  repealed  unvaryingly  from  generation 
to  generation,  until  the  reasons  of  them  have  been 

I  forgotten,  sometimes  degenerates  (o  a  mere  ma- 
chine; but  the  coni|dicated  engines  which  fill  our 
factories  can  neither  be  constriicled  nor  operated 
without  some  knowledge  of  their  (irinciples.  The 
laborers  in  these  eslablishmenlH  ari',  therefore,  to 
some  extent,  obliged  to  be  acqiiainli'd  with  ncien- 
tific  truth.  They  find  the  means  and  the  induce- 
nieiita  of  acquiring  this  knowledge  in  their  daily 
oecnpalions;  and   the   very  children   in  a  factory 

J  often  show  a  readiness  ill  comprehending  mecliani- 
cal  combiiialions,  that  might  put  to  Hlianie  many 
a  scientific  leclurer.  llul,  as  I  said,  the  mechani- 
cal arts  are  a  lending  ineaiiH  of  dilTuHing  knowl- 
edge. How  had  the  cheap  literature  and  popular 
science  of  our  day  been  possible  williont  the  ;iid  of 
the  power  [ircus-  How  had  lliiil  pow<:r  prei-s  it- 
silf,  the  steam  engine  which  drives  il,  the  cunning 
coinbinalion  of  inoveiuenls  of  which  il  is  compo- 
sed, the  improvements  in  castingthe  type,  the  paper 
machine  which  hiw  reduced  the  cost  of  paper  by 
one-half,  the  new  modes  of  applying  the  ink,  and 
Ihe  bellcr  processes  of  preparing  il,  how  had  any 
of  these  been  possible,  except  as  the  results  of  loiifj 
series  of  researches  and  experiments  ill  mechanics 
aci!  chemislry,  which  bad  their  motive  and  their 
'■:  'aid  in  ihe  wiint-s  of  the  miimifacturcr--  Munu- 
taciures  and  the  mechanic  arts  possess  a  strong 
recomiucndalion  in  their  adaptedness  to  the  taales 
mid  character  of  the  American  people.  Wiihout 
designinir  invidious  comparisons,  1  suppose  1  mi;y 
safely  .iiiy,  we  are  coiispieuou.f  among  the  nations 
of  llie  eiirlli,  as  a  progressive  and  an  invenlivo 
people.  To  the  genius  of  such,  tliof.e  arts  which 
are  prou'ressive  in  their  character,  and  which  re- 
(piire  the  exerci.se  of  the  faculties  of  invenlioii  and 
coinbinatioii,  are  eminently  suited.  So  strongly 
ilevelippeil  are  ilie.se  I'lcult'ics  aiiiong  US,  that  ihe 
ineclianical  conlrivaiices  of  the  whole  world,  from 
ihe  earliest  ages  to  the  Ainerican  Itevolnlion,  arc 
not,  in  point  of  ingemiiiy  or  etiiciency,  to  be  i-nm- 
paied  wilh  lho.se  described  in  the  leconls  of  the 
American  ralent  dtlice.  What  induceinenl  but 
I  he  demands  of  maiiufac  luring  industry  has  prompt- 
ed the  study,  ibe.  paiieut  and  oi'iui  di.sappoimed 
experimenliil  labor,  the  expeiidiiure  of  time,  the 
mental  effort,  which  these  iriii.iiplis  of  mind  over 
inaller,  of  man  over  lialnie,  have  imposed  on  those 
who  have  achieved  them.'  To  what  palrnii  but 
the  manufaclurer  did  the  inventoi-s  of  the  coiioii- 
;riii,  the  card  machine,  the  lathe  for  turning  irregu- 
lar forms,  Ihe  numerous  iinpnued  contrivances  for 
the  f.ibricalion  of  tissues,  look  ibr  renmneralion; 
and  where  will  be  the  stinmlus  I'or  the  future  exer- 
cise of  lln  se  crealive  faculties,  when  yon  shall  luivo 
destroyed  the  system  which  first  developed  ihem, 
and  which  still  iiieiles  them  lo  new  achieveiin  nis? 
Sir,  we  are  legislalin:.'  for  an  age,  a  couniry,  a 

'  people,  whose  i;reat  chaiacii  rislie,  is  inoveinenl — 
onward  when  wisely  direcied,  backward  when  led 
astray.  In  our  time  and  land  nothing  is  st.iblc,  all 
things  are  afloat.  It  is  not  given  to  us  to  know  the 
iillimale  lemlencies  of  this  spirit  of  iiinesi,  bill  we 
are  responsible  for  the  direction  it  shall  uike,  so 
fiir  as  our  action  h.is  p.pwer  lo  ;ruidc  it.  Man's 
roused  energies  are  now  exjiending  ihemaelvcs  in 
the  coni|Uest  of  iiutme.  This  is  at  least  a  .safe  field 
of  exertion;  the  Irnimphs  of  this  campaign  are  the 
victories  of  peace;  its  iiophics  .ire  richer  lieasiire.s 
than  ihe  gi  ins  of  llrazil,  or  llie  ingots  of  Mexico 
and  I'ern.  Why  should  we  check  this  larecrof 
proud  .achieveiiient !  Why  pause  in  that  warfare 
which  ihe  Creator  commilted  lo  us,  when  be  eoni- 
maiiihd  man  to  siiliilue  Pie  cailli  ?  Why  reslr.iiii 
ihe  dcvelopmeiil  of  that  liitherlo  dornianl  fiicnlty 
w  hich,  as  1  said,  is  just  awakenin;;  to  vigorous  lile 
and  conscionsness  vviihin  us  r  There  are  many  of" 
the  powers  of  nainre,  many  of  the  faculties  of 
man,  which  we  can  cunlrol,  none  which  we  can 
siipin-csa.  You  may  cliange  llie.  course  of  the 
miglitiist  river,  bni  you  cannot  choke  up  llic 
snmllcsl  spring.  Man  has  accomplished  greater 
works  than  lo  turn  the  current  of  the  St.  Lavy- 
reiice  into  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  but  his 
utmost  art  cannot  set  liniiis  lo  the  explosive  fiirce 
of  a  single  grain  of  minpovvder.  The  active 
powers,  vvliicli  are  now  so  busily  engaged  in  ap- 
piopriaiing  to  man's  use  .ill  the  good  gifts  of  ma- 
terial nature,  caniiol  be  |nit  asleep.  Pursue  iho 
s.ige  policy  of  your  fathers,  encourage  lliese  great 
efl'orls  of  enlightened  humanity,  and  you  will  con- 


i 


1014 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  30, 


29th  Con«i 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  McTIennj. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


fbr  unspcnkahle  blwaini:''  on  llio»e  whn  have  cnWnX 
V'Hi  in  r\.\e  over  them:  Imt  it  yon  alrive  In  wilh- 
I'linw  its  ai'distomcd  Hliniciil  f;-.ini  lliia  siidns;  spirit, 
which  is  just  now  i-mis-nl  In  a  ^onRrionsnrsH  nT  its 
powers;  if  you  oltstriu't  ilie  whrrlsnnti  sprin;;s  (iC 
indiistrv;  if  voii  say  to  thnsf  whn  have  snlidnrd 
the  i^tijjhlirst  forres  nt'  nainrc — *'  vp  shall  nsp  thpso 
rncrsics  for  gooil  nn  Innii  r,"  ynii  will  snoii  lini! 
them  all  lipcniiiP  iiisirumriits  oi'  ovil,  weapons  of 
destruetinii  in  the  Imnil.Hof  a  iriaiit.  I  mean  nni  in 
utter  what  I  shnuld  sinni  tVnm  mi  oi'imsilo  quar- 
ter— imiinlcnt  threats  of  popular  resistaiiee  to  sii- 
Iircmc  law,  lait  it  is  ttto  inueli  to  e\[>eet,  that  the 
'usy  arui.H  niul  tlif.  thiiiKini;  brains,  wliieh  now 
finil  scope  anil  ei.iploynienl  in  industrial  |iursuils 
sliiill  resign  iheuiselves  to  indoli  nl  npose,  ami  ilml 
the  whole  framework  of  Aineriean  soc'iely  enn  !■(■ 
Unietly  remodelled  in  harmony  with  lhe\iewsof 
T^Iopi'in  theorists.  It  was  the  Ii'adini;  aim  of  ilir 
fourtdrr:*  of  this  Reimhlie  to  niakt*  it  a  polil'cal 
floeiety,  enniplete  within  itself,  :ind  ioilepeinlent, 
wherein  the  most  honornhle  citndition  should  he 
that  which  Providcitie  has  iniposi  il  on  ;iil  na  u — 
the  cunditiuu,  namely,  of  labor.  'I'hus  far  it  has 
fip|->roximated  to  the  fiofiltrunt  of  this  enlii;hten(d 
purpose.  All  lahor,  whether  of  the  hand  or  of  the 
licad,  whether  of  the  laynian  or  of  the  rierk,  has 
been  hitherto  h'^nru-ed,  and  (lovernment  has  soin.;ht 
to  oncnura^c  alike  every  oet-upation  necessary  to 
the  well-being  of  sncli  ty.  The  alunipt  is  now  fm' 
the  first  lime  formally  made  to  re\erse  tliis  stale  of 
things.  GovernniPUt  is  to  lav  aside  its  ( haraiMer 
fts  a  jirotfi'tin:;  influence,  and  while  vtro|V.,Jsinir  nn- 
boundi'd  friendship  for  airricultnre,  is  to  h-vy  war 
on  those  occupations,  without  whi-'h  n^rierdlnre 
cannot  subsist.  Thes\'stem  of  donie.sfic  exchauire 
of  products,  so  necessar\'  for  new  countries  with- 
out nn  adequate  circulatini:  medium,  is  to  be  cut 
up  by  the  roots,  and  the  .American  farunr  is  lo  de- 
pend on  forei'.;n  industry  f>r  every  article  of  neces- 
sary use,  eX'  epi  such  vci^etable  products  as  his 
own  acres  will  vield,  ami  such  rude  implements  as 
his  own  hands  can  fashion.  This  can  only  Ije 
effected  by  a  sin  ck  \\  hich  will  ilisori;;mi7.e  your 
iosiiiutions;  au'l  wheinner  vuir  idle  dreams  shall 
be  realized,  society  w  iM  relroirrade  low.-irds  barln- 
rism,  brute  force  will  isup  the  place  of  law,  and 
the  sceptre  will  be  wresied  IVom  ynnr  hands  by 
8omc  ambitious  despot  or  foreign  iiivadei . 


THE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  11.  McIIEXRY, 
OF  KEvrrrKV. 

I.S'    THE    IIoiSF.    OF    UKI'nESENT.VTIVES, 

June  .in,  )p:4G. 
The  bill  reported  bv  the  <'ominiltee  of  Ways 
Hiid  Means,  proposuiu  lo  reduce  the  duiie.s  on 
Import.s,  bcin^  under  «'fuisid  era  lion  in  Coinmiuee 
of  Ihe  Whole  on  the  stale  of  the  b'uicni — 
Mr.  MellF.NRY  addressed  the  eommitti  e  suli- 
Rtnnlially  as  folh)ws: 

Mr.  t'UAiRM^N':  The  importance  of  ihe  subjeci 
now  under  consideraiiiui  musi  be  my  apoloiry  for 
tronldiii!;  the  riuiiinillee  wiih  the  n marks  I  slial! 
offer:  it  is  a  subject  wbi'-h  has  been  so  ofien  and 
BO  fully  discnsNcd  here  and  elsi  winre,  lli.'it  ii  seems 
tu  me  iio  newar;;unieni  can  be  adduced  on  the  one 
siilc  or  the  other;  and  yet  I  have  fell  it  a  duty 
which  I  owe  10  mv.^elf  and  In  my  eonsliluenis,  to 
give  a  brief  exposiiicin  of  my  own  views  upon  it. 
The  quesiifui,  m  wlnitt\er  form  i;  may  assume,  is 
neither  more  nor  less  than  a  (|iiestion  of  taxation. 
To  support  our  Government  we  must  have  money, 
and  Ihtre  are  but  two  modes  of  ralsiuu'  it,  the  one 
by  iliieci,  the  other  by  indirect  taxaiimi;  we  all 
prol'e.s.i  In  be  ill  faV'ir  of  the  1. liter  mode,  and  yet 
Cenilenien  in  ariiuiu:^  in  support  of  tlu'U'  free-trade 
theories,  Kometimes  run  into  exlri'iues  that  to  me 
at  least  seem  to  lead  to  direct  laxaiioii.  1  will, 
therefore,  ofTer  a  few  reasons  wtiy  i  think  inilireet 
preferable  to  direct  laMition. 

Isi.  ft  is  by  fir  the  cheapest  n^ide  of  layin;;  and 
e.olleclini;  taxes.  Ily  a  n  port  made  bv  Mr.  Galla- 
tin, tu  the  second  Hesuion  of  the  l()i)i  fondness, 
(hci:  Uoe.  No.  aW),)  it  appiars  that  llu'  aveniL'e 
expense  of  colti;cin;;  ciisioins  from  17111  to  lw)i 
inclusive,  did  not  dinounl  to  four  per  (em.;  while 
an  ulliciai  report  tu  the  \'i\\\  Congress,  lal  session, 


'  (see  Doc.  No.  3(ifi,)  estimHirs  the  expenses  of 
nsseasmenl,  enlleelinn,  and  losses,  upon  direct 
I  I.TXes  at  1,1  per  cent.;  and  Couirreas  in  laying;  n  [ 
direct  tax  and  nppnrtinnius  it  anions  llie  several  | 
Stales,  nfl'ered  to  enidi  State  that  wniild  assume  and  j 
pay  its  i|uolu  by  ihe  Isl  nf  February,  a  discmint  of 
l;*)  per  e.cnl  This  shows  a  ditference  ill  the  ex-  | 
peiises  of  collerliiij;  nf  about  ten  per  cent. — an  1 
objeei  well  worthy  nf  atteiilion.  i 

Secmidly.  It  is  n  vnlunlary  tax, and  the  amount 
that  each  individual  p.iys  is'  left,  in  a  rreat  mens- ! 
lire,  In  his  own  di.screiion,  and  depends  upon  his  1 
own  opinion  of  his  ability  to  ]>ay;  lie  sees  no  fax- 
i;alherrr,   is  trmibled   with    no  "tax   receipts,  and  | 
scarcely  feels  the  tax   he  pays;  while  the  other  is 
involuntary,  he  has   no  discretion   about   it,  and 
often  has  to  underi;o   the  niortifiealioii   of  having  . 
his  properly  sacrilii'ed,  mid  perhaps  his  very  liuiiie 
endani;eriil  by  the  odious  lax-i:athcrer. 

Thirdly.  It  is  a  lax  upon  iho  income  of  the 
cnunirv,  while  the  other  is  a  lax  upim  its  capital, 
and  is  levied  in  eipial  portions  upon  the  productive 
and  the  uuproiUictive.  Let  us  lo(d(  round  for  a 
111  imeiil,  and  we  can  eaih  call  to  mind  some  old 
friend,  who,  in  the  downhill  of  life,  is  situated 
upon  a  small  tract  of  land  worth  some  tew  hiui- 
dr.  d  dollars,  who,  by  industry  and  frii;:alitv. 
makes  a  ciniifortabh-  liviiif:,  wilhnul  handliin.;  fifty 
dollars  in  nioriy  in  t'le  whole  year,  and  who,  after 
elosiiiL'  his  acr  mills  at  the  end  of  the  year,  .mil 
payiiij;  his  blacksmith,  bis  shoemaker,  and  his 
merchniit,  has  n  uliin;.'  left:  upon  him  a  dipei  lax 
of  ten,  or  evim  ive  dollars,  would  be  a  heavy 
burden,  and  won  d  de|uive  him  and  the  (;ood  old 
lady  of  some  of  the  coniforrs,  if  not  the  nece.*isa- 
rie.s,  of  iilV.  We  can  also  <'all  lo  mind  some  one 
who  is  en^aiii  d  in  a  proliiable  business,  liandiiui!: 
hundreds  of  do'lars  in  ihe  coift-se  id*  ihe  year,  and 
from  whom  ,i  ('ire'llax  wmild  not  cnlleci  one  cent 
bee.iuse  he  h:is  nothiiif^  upon  which  it  can  be 
levied,  unless  ,1  be  a  pidl  lax,  which,  for  pnr|iopes 
of  the  Geiierjl  Government,  would  be  too  odious 
even  lo  name. 

For  these,  nmonL'sl  other  reasons,  I  am  in  favor 
of  laisini,'  our  revenue  by  indirect  taxation  in 
preference  to  direct:  and  cU'  the  various  kinds  of 
indirect  i.'ixatinu.  1  am  in  Ia\or  of  that  which  lias 
been  unifbrinly  pursued  by  "iir  own  (Jovernnient 
in  time  of  peace — that  of  duties  or  imposts  laid 
upiui  fnrei:;u  articles  inqmrted  into  this  couniry 
for  s;ite.  In  lime  of  peace,  as  nnich  money  as  will 
be  "necessary  for  the  wants  of  the  (iovernmeul, 
econninically  adminisiered,'' (Mil  I'e  raised  in  this 
way,  \vith(Uii  iniposini  unreas((iial(le  burdens  up(ui 
any,  and  I  am  for  raisinjnn  more.  The  bill  now 
uiiiler  eonsiilcrali(Ui  was  recomnieii'led  and  ie|i(ul- 
ed  as  a  peace  measure,  and  iniended  to  be  pei  nia- 
iient,  and  sinmld  be  discussed  as  such.  When  i 
eenllemeu,  whn  ha\(  ihe  charL'e  nf  such  matters,  \ 
brio;  on  their  temporary  nnasures  for  supporlin^r  ' 
the  war,  it  will  be  time  eiiouL'h  to  examine  iliem. 
1  shall  emifine  my  ar:;umeul,  upnn  the  present 
occi.siiui,  to  this  bill  as  ii  permanent  nnasnre. 

Tile  Sr en  i.irv,  III  his  annoal  report,  has  fivorcd 
us  with  his  fundamental  princi|il(s  by  which  our 
leienue  laws  are  lo  be  improved — the  lirsl  of  which 
is  in  these  words,  "That  no  more  money  should 
'  be  collected  llian  is  iK-ces'-'ar\'  for  the  wants  of  the 
'  (biveninicnl  eciuiomically  administered.  "  In  iliis 
principle  I  most  lieartily  concur  wiih  iiini;  but  1  fn 
further,  and  say,  lliat  tis  miirh  money  ouilit  lo  be 
collected  III  this' way  as  is  "necessary  for  the  wants 
of  Goverupient,  econoiiiically  adtiiinisteicd."  Mo 
very  careful,  however,  has  'the  woriliy  Secretary 
belli  in  Ills  recominendaiioiis,  :oid  the  enmmiiiee 
in  earrvini;  them  out,  that  this  fust  rardinil  princi- 
ple of  liis  should  not  be  violated,  that  lliev  have 
reported,  and  ask  us  to  |iass  a  bill  that  will  not 
yield  revenue  enmiu'li  lor  the  siippml  of  the  fbn- 
•rniuenl  by  one  fourlh.  Mis  estimates  I'nr  the 
fiscal  year  endiii-.;  Willi  .liiiie,  1H17,  am'Uint  lo 
S!3.">,.')1H,H13,  and  he  says,  "  Tliry  are  fnunded 
'  upon  dal.i  fiirnisin  (I  by  the  several  (b  parluients, 
'  and  are  less  by  <*l,l(IH,'j:iH,  ihnll  those  nf  the  pre- 
'  cediiis;  year."'  And  I  have  myself  no  doubt  that 
they  are  made  out  more  w  illi  a  view  In  this  appa- 
rent reduction  and  show  of  economy,  than  lo  the 
public  service,  and  will  be  found  loo  low  by  at  least 
that  sum.  Can  any  one  believe,  that  with  our  iii- 
crca.si'd  territory,  and  necessary  ((bjei  Is  of  expendi- 
ture, our  expenses  will  nctually  decrease?  If  he 
can,  he  is  more  disposed  lo  nccoiiimodate  than  I 


am.     My  opinion  Is,  sir,  that  for  the  next  fiscal 

I  year,  snyinf;  nolhini;  about  the  expenses  of  the  war, 
the  Secretary  will  require  neercr  ihirty  than  Iwenty- 

I  five  millions  of  dollars;  beyond  the  proceeds  of  the 
public  lands,  he  will  require  twenty-seven  millions. 
What  will  his  bill  produce  ?  One  of  Ihe  committee 
who  reported  the  bill,  and  who  addressed  us  on 

I  yesterday,  a  polilictil  friend  of  the  Secretary,  [Mr. 
niSGERPniiD,  of  iXew  York,]  is  of  opinion,  and  I 
think  proved   beyond  doubt,  that  it  will  not  pro- 

,  dure  more  than  seventeen  and  one-half  millions  of 
didlnrs.  The  additions  recomnieiided  by  the  Sec- 
retary, he  says,  may  po.ssibly  carry  it  up  to  tweiiiy, 
but  hethinks  not  above.cishleen  millions  of  dollars, 
and  the  Hiibslltute  olTired  by  him.self  would  yielj 
perhap.i   three  millions  more  than   the  bill;  pass 

:  either  Ihe  bill,  or  the  substitute,  and  tliere  is  a  liiru'e 
deficit.  A  liill,  it  seems  lo  me,  lo  eoine  up  m  ihe 
revenue  standard,  must  raise  revenue  eiiouffh  for 
the  suppnrt  nf  the  Gnvitrnmeiit;  but  in  this  the  bill 
and  the  siibslitiile  are  both  wnfully  difieienf. 

The  residue  of  his  cardinal  principles  are  in  these 
words: 

"  Second.  Thai  no  duly  be  imposed  on  any  arii- 
'ele  above  the  |ow(  si  rate  which  will  yield  the 
'  largest  amount  of  reveiiuf . 

"Third.  That  below  such    rale  diseriminntion 

*  may  be   niade,  deseendintr  ill  the  scale  of  duties; 

*  or  for  imper;itive  reasiuis  the  article  may  be  placed 
'  ill  the  list  of  those  free  from  till  duty. 

"  Fourth.    That   the   maximum   revenue   duty 

*  should  be  imposed  on  luxuries. 
"  Fifth.    That   all    minimums,  and    all   specific 

'  duties,  should  be  abolished,  and  ad  valorem  du- 
'  ties  snbslitnted  in  their  place. 

"  Sixth.  That  the  duly  should  he  so  imposed  as 

*  to  operate  as  e(jiial!y  as  possible  thi'ou'^lKUit  the 
'  Fnioii,  discriminiiling  neilher  for  nor  against  any 

*  class  or  sei  lion." 
Theseare  his  princinles,  staled  inhisown  words; 

In  nie  ihey  appear  cnnlradicKuy  and  incoinpre- 
hensible.  You  are  in  no  instance  to  ^o  above  the 
.  tnwr^t  rale  that  will  yield  tlie  largesl  levenue. 
.And  yet  luxuries  .ire  In  have  the  maximum  rev- 
enue duly,  finw  do  you  find  the  lowest  rate  of 
duly  thai  will  brinu' the  most  revenue.-  Kvidenlly 
by  commeiK  in::  above  the  scale.  For  exiunple, 
yiiii  will  bejin  with  a  duty  'tf  filly  per  cenl.,  and 
after  IryiiiL'  it  awhile  ynu  beennie  satisfied  thai  if 
you  lowered  the  duly,  more  of  the  article  would  be 
Imported,  and  to  such  an  exti  nt  th.it  more  re\(  iiie 
would  accrue  at  a  lower  rate.  Ynu  then  try  forly 
per  cent.,  and  find  that,  aliloai^'h  the  imparls  have 
increased,  the  ri  venue  will  iini  aninunl  In  as  much 
as  al  fifty;  this  is  eviih  ine  that  ynu  are  below  the 
revenue  standard,  and  thai  the  true  revemie  stand- 
ard is  betwien  forty  and  fit'ly  pereeni.;  and,  by  ti 
vaiieiy  of  rxp(Mini'enis,  ynu  nscerlain  iliat  fnrly- 
five  pi  r  cent,  is  the  precise  poinl  llial  will  yield 
the  lari^est  revenue,  and  of  enurse  is  "  the  Inut-st 
rate  of  duly  that  irill  yield  the  laruesi  amount  of 
revenue."  .\nw,  how  do  ynu  find  the  maxinniiu 
revenue  diiiv,  whii  h  the  Secretary  proposes  In  lay 
uonn  bixuries  r  Y((ii  commence  with  a  lower  duty 
and  work  up — the  object  beinir  lo  ase(  rtaiii  the  pniiil 
in  the  scale  ihal  will  yield  lln^  {greatest  amount  of 
levenue — and  you  take  the  same  article,  and  be-.;in 
at  f(Miy  per  eeiif.:  frinu  experience  you  become 
s:itisfieil  that  it  Will  bear  a  heavier  duly,  and  you 
try  fifty  per  cent.;  the  iniporlatinns  decrease,  and 
you  find  that  ymi  do  not  iret  as  much  revenue  as 
you  did  at  forty  percent.;  this  is  evidence  llnif  you 
are  above  the  maximum,  nelermined,  however, 
to  find  Ihe  true  p(nnt,  you  cniitinue  your  experi- 
iiienis,andaj;aiii  land  atforty-five;  this,  ihen,isilie 
inaxinium.  There  is  but  luie  point  that  Hill  yield 
the  lar:;(  St  jinuMint  of  revenue,  and  if  you  want  lo 
call  it  the  lo\\(  >|  you  must  be'.;iii  tibnve  and  work 
doun  to  find  il;  iiiid  if  voii  want  tocall  it  the  max- 
imum, ynu  must  be^iii  belnw,  and  work  up  lo 
find  il;  and  this  seems  In  me  to  be  the  nnly  dif 
ference.  llelnw  this  rate,  hnwever,  he  says  that 
discriiuin;itiniis  may  be  made,  "  descendiii'.:  in  the 
Slide  of  duties."  Why,  let  me  ask,  may  they  nnt 
he  made  ascendiuK  in  llie  scale  nr  abnve  the  scale 
nfdulies.'  I  see  none,  except  it  be  that  il  would 
have  a  lendeney  In  prnteel  dnmesdc  industry,  and 
incideiilally  tn  eiienuraiie  dniueslic  ninniif'acliire;i. 
One  cent  nf  duly  laid  with  this  view  is,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  Secieiary,  a  palpable  infraction  of 
Ihe  Constitution.  Ili^  says;  "  If  the  revenue 
■  Htaiidurd  be  exceeded  uiic  per  cent.,  it  may  be 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1015 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  McUenry. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


It  fini-nl 
lie  war, 
■  wcnty- 

imiilce 
lis  un 
/,[Mr. 
Ji,  iinil  I 
lot  pro- 
|lini>fit>r 
Ifie  Spc- 
Iwdiiy, 
llollars. 
Id  yield 
fl;  puss 
I  a  lar:;i> 
li  to  the 
IikIi  for 
llli'-liill 


'  exceedetl  one  hundred  per  cciu.    If  it  may  be  |1  conduce  lo  the  common  defence  and  general  wel- 
'  exceeded  upon  any  one  article,  it  may  be  exceed-  I   fare.     In  time  of  pence  wo  have  certainly  the  right 


upon  any  one  article,  it  may 
'  rd  on  nil;  and  there  is  no  escape  from  this  con 
'  elusion  but  in  conlcndinp;  that  Congress  may  lay 
'  duties  on  all  articles  so  \\'\"\\  as  to  collect  no  rev- 


pence  wo  have  cerlanily  the  right 
to  prepare  for  our  defence  in  time  of  war;  and 
nothini;  prepares  ua  belter  than  to  make  within 
ourselves  all  that  is  necessary  to  our  defence — our 


'cnue,  and  operate  as  a  total  prohibilion."    And  :;  own  guns,  our  own  powder  and  shot,  the  neces- 

here  let  us,  tor  a.  short  time,  examine  this  ques-  h  aary  clothina;  for  our  soldiers  and  sailors,  our  own  j 

lion  of  the  constitutional  power  of  Congress  to  '   vessels,  and  everything,  in  short,  that  will  tend  in  ! 

'  I  the  slightest  degree  to  render  us  independent  of ; 
every  other  nation  upon  the  face  of  the  whole  j 
earth.  Does  it  not  tend  to  thf;  general  welfare  of! 
I  the  country  to  diversify  labor,  that  it  may  be  in  ! 
greater  deniniMl,  and  thus  with  more  certainty 
meet  its  just  rewaid  '    That  the  taxing  power,  by  ^ 


Iirolect  ibe  domestic  industry  of  the  country.  I 
ind  considered  this  question  as  settled.  I  knew 
it  had  been  recommended  by  almost  all  of  our 
Presidents — by  Washington,  by  Jefferson,  by 
Madison,  and  Monroe,  lo  say  nothing  of  the 
others;  and  wherever  these  concurred  in  one  doc- 
trine, I  had  thought  the  whole  country,  as  if  by  proper  application,  may  be  made  in  some  measure 
common  consent;  looked  upon  it  as  no  longer  a     at  le.ist  to  produce  these  results,  I  trust  I  shall  be 


mooted  question.  But  it  stems  that  I  was  mis- 
taken, and  that,  with  the  progressive  Democracy 
of  tha  present  day,  nothing  is  to  be  considered  as 
settled,  but  everything  is  to  be  made  to  yield  to 
their  speculations  and  fine-spun  theories,  and  the  , 
whole  policy  of  the  country  is  to  be  nothing  but  a 
series  of  experiments — the  last  still  more  ruinous 
thaii  that  which  immediately  preceded  it.  The 
power  of  Congress  is  derived  from  the  following 
clauses: 

Article  ] ,  section  8,  says.  Congress  shall  have  ' 
power  to  "  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts, 
'  and  excises,  to  pay  the  debts,  nn<l  lo  provide  for 
'  the  common  defence  and  general  welfare  of  the 
'  United  Slates;  but  all  duties,  imposts,  and  ex- 
'  cises  shall  be  uniform  throughout  the  United 
'  Stales." 

"3.  To  regulate  comiuerce  with  foreign  nations, 
'  and  among  ilie  several  Suites,  and  with  the  Indian 
'tribes." 

The  4lh  clause  of  the  9ih  section  of  the  same 
article  says,  that  "  no  cnpilation  or  other  direct  tax 
'  shall  be  laid,  unless  in  jiroportion  to  the  census 
'  or  enumeration  hirinbefore  directed  to  be  taken." 

The  5th  clause  of  seclion  9  .says,  "  no  tax  or 
'  other  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  exported  from 
'  any  Stjile.  No  pioference  shall  be  given,  by  any 
'  regulation  of  coinnieree  or  revenue,  to  the  ports 

*  of  one  Slate  over  those  of  another;  nor  shall  ves- 
'  sils  bound  to  or  from  one  Suite  be  obliged  to  en- 

'  ter,  clear,  or  pay  duties  in  nnoiher. "  i 

The  framcrs  of  the  Coiistitutiiui,  fearing  that 
some  power  had  not  been  granted  to  Congress  in 
terms  FuHiciently  explicit,  close  their  grant  of 
powers  by  giving  lo  Congress  power  "  to  make  all 

*  laws  which  shall  be  neccssjiry  and  proper  forcar- 

*  rving  inio  execulion  the  foregoing  powers,  and 
'  all  other  powers  veMed  by  this  Consiilution  in 
'  the  Government  of  ibe  United  Slates,  or  in  any 
'  department  or  officer  thereof."  Were  it  not  for 
the  seeming  earnestness  with  which  genlleinen 
deny  and  argue  against  the  power  of  Ciuigress  to 
give  incidental  protection  to  domestic  industry,  I 
could  not  be  persuaded  that  it  v  as  fiC'-ioiisly  doubt- 
ed. My  own  opinion  is,  ibnl  u  is  neces.'iarily  in- 
eludcd  in  the  grant  of  the  taxing  power  and  In  that 
of  the  power  10  regulate  commerce.  And,  lirsl,  of 
the  taxing  power:  Some  ronlend  that  this  power 
is  granted  wilhoiit  any  other  limilntion  than  that 
ttiiitl  tuxes  should,  like  reprc.'^entntion,  be  appor- 
tioned among  the  States  in  propoilioii  lo  the  cen.'^us; 
and  that  all  *N/iUtc.s,  ifH/>o.s/.«,  and  crri.sr.T,"  should 
be  iniil'orni  throughout  the  United  Slates.  Others 
conlend  that  the  words  "  lo  |iay  the  debts  and  pro- 
vide for  the  common  defence  and  general  welfare 
of  ihe  Uniled  Stales"  should  be  eonstrued  as  a 
liinilalion  upon  the  grant  of  the  power  to  tax;  and 


able  lo  show  in  another  part  of  my  argument.     It  I 
has  been  used  by  all  nations  for  the  proteciinii  and 
encouragement  of  domestic  industry,  and  cBpccinlly 
by  Great  I3ritain,  from  whom  we  borrow  most  of 
our  general  principles  and  terms.     The  framers  of  Ji 
our  Conslitiition  well  knew  the  meaning  aMnched  ' 
lo  the  terms  they  useil,  and  must  be  understood  as 
using  terms  with  ihcir  then  received  conslruclion: 

,  and  when  they  granted  the  taxing  power,  or  any 
other  power,  knowing  the  uses  to  v.  I.icli  it  was  put    , 
by  the  iialion  from  whom  it  was  borrowed,  tiiey  i 
must  be  understood  as   in'ending  that  Congress 
should  use  it  as  other  nntiois  had,  subject  only  to 

'  such  limitations  or  reslric'ions  as  they  chose  lo 

'.  apply. 

The  power  to  regulate  ccnmirce  is  unlimited, 

'end   includes  all  our  trading  with   foreign  nations; 
and  in  the  use  of  the  necessary  means  lo  regiilale 
cmnmerce  with  foreign  np.tions,Congrcssis  wholly  ,, 
iinresiricted,  except  that  "  no  lax  or  duty  shall  be 
laid  (HI  any  articles  fjjior(«(  from  any  Slate."  Con- 

;  cress  has  "the  right  to  encourage  or  discourage  the 
importation  of  any  particular  article,  or  from  any 
pnrtirnlnr  place.  As  to  the  reasons  which  will 
justify  the  exercise  of  the  power,  Congress  alone 

'  can  judge.     Various  reasons  may  be  given  why  it 
should  be  done  in  pnrliiular  cases,  but  we  are  now  i; 
di.=cussing  n  question  of  conslitutional  right,  not  of  i 

'  policy — llie  policy  will  be  discussed  hereafter.  i 

j      The  genllemnn  from  Virginia  who  has  just  taken 

!  his  seal,  [Mr.  Bayly,]  atlempted  lo  draw  n  con-  ; 
elusive  argument  against  this  power  in  Congress, 
from  the  fact  that,  in  forming  the  Coiisiitntion, 
there  was  iin  unsuccessful  attempt  made  to  Ir.ans- 
fer  Ihe  provision  that  "  no  Slate  shall,  wilhont  the 
*  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any  imposts  or  duties 
'  on  imports,  except  what  may  be  absolutely  ne-  ' 
'  ccs.sary  for  executing  its  inspeciion  laws,"  from  ; 
the  clause  which  prohibiis   the  Stales  from  doing  ' 
certain  things  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  to 
that  clause   which   prohibits  them  absolutely.    I 
think  the  argument,  if  any  can  lie  drawn  iVoni  this 
fact,  is  against  him.     In  the  alisolule  prohibitions 

I  lo  the  f-lates,  there  is  no  power  which  had    not 
been  expressly  granted  to  Cmigress,  or  from  the  ' 
exercise    of  wbi.  h   Congress   had   not   been  ex-  ; 
piessly  prohibited.     Some  of  them  it  was  thought  ' 
shiuild   not  exist  at  all,  and  others  should  exist  ; 
o:ily  in  Congress;  but  there  was  a  third  class  of 
cases  in   which  il  was  believed  the  power  might 
He  left  with  the  Slates  to  a  certain  extent ;  and  to 
this  class  of  cases  did  the  framers  of  our  Constilu- 
lion  believe  this  power  belonged;  but  to  prevent 
collision,  the  Stales  are  required  first  to  obinin  the 
consent  of  Congress.     The  fair  inference,  then,  is, 
not  that  the  no>ver  should  not  be  granted  lo  Con- 
gress— this    liad   been   done  in  express  lernis,  as 
thai  Ihey  mean  pivcis.'ly  what  they  would  mean  if     before  qiioled— but  that  some  ihoughl  il  should  be 
.■  -  ,i._  _  _   _.  I       ,  ,  ,      |^|j,,„  (•,.,, „|  ilio  Slates  entirely;  a  inajoriiy,  how 


wntleii  "  for  Ihe  purpose  of  paying  ihe  debis  and 
pioviding  for  ihe  comunm  defence  and  gem  lal  wel- 
fare of  the  Umlcd  Stales."  So  fur  as  tjie  question 
now  under  consideration  is  concerned,  it  makes  no 
ditVereii(-c  which  of  these  two  conslnictio:.s  we 
adopt,  'I'lie  first  ninnil'eslly  includes  the  power, 
unless  evcliided  by  ihe  restrictions,  for  tliere  is 
nolhing  heller  seitled  than  that  an  unliniiled  grant 
of  any  power  give.s  everything  which  it  was  in  the 


er,  were  of  opinion  that  a  portion  of  it  niighl  be 
left  with  the  Stales,  subject  to  the  consent  anil  eon- 
trolling  power  of  Congri'ss;  and  hence  it  was  left 
where  it  is,  but  is  likelo  be  as  prohibitory  on  the 
States  as  if  Iransl'erred,  The  cnnseni  of  Congress 
has,  I  believe,  never  been  asked,  and  would  be 
very  dilliciilt  to  obtain, 

Let  us  now,  sir,  examine  whether  these  powers, 


power  of  Ihe  grantor  U)  give;  and  that  when  there     granted  to  Conirress  for  the  common  good,  mav 

. i:.. .;,...; 1.;.,,.    ;„    „,. ,„,l    ....l _ i  _     ...    :__  i  .._  ,  _    ._.__.  i  -  ^ 


are  limitations,  nolhing  is  e:;ccpted  unless  eon 
lained  in  tin'  limitations,  or  some  of  them.  Take 
liie  sritMid  cojistruclion,  and  it  sr-ems  lo  me  Ui  be 
equally  I'lear.  What  are  ihe  oli|ccls  for  which 
duties  may  be  laid  ?  "  To  pay  llie  debts  and  pro- 
vide for  the  common  defence  and  gi'ucral  welfare 
of  the  Uniled  Stales."  We  have  onl\  '.o  show 
that  the  encouriigemciit  of  domestic  industry  will 


nt  be  so  exerci.scd  as  to  protect  ond  encourage 
ihunestic  industry,  williout  being  perverted  or  dis- 
torted. By  piusiilng  the  following  general  rules, 
I  Ihink  we  can  do  so: 

Isi.  To  raise  na  much  money,  by  duties  on  im- 
ports, ns  will  be  necessary  for  Ihe  wants  of  the 
General  Government,  ccouoinically  ndniinislercd, 
and  no  more. 


2d.  In  adjusting  the  details  of  a  tariff  for  this 
purpose,  to  discriminate  in  favor  of  such  articles  of 
domestic  production  and  manufaclurc  e?  are  ne- 
cessary to  our  defence  ns  a  nation,  and  those  that 
are  moat  nccc.s.sary  should  have  the  highest  pro- 
tection; and,  if  the  public  good  require  il,  exceed 
the  point  that  would  yield  the  greatest  amount  of 
revenue,  and  lay  such  a  duty  ns  will  encourage 
the  production  at  home  of  such  articles  as  we  modt 
need. 

3d.  If  an  article  is  of  prime  necessity,  and  can- 
not be  profitably  raised  or  manufactureii  within  the 
United  States,  then  impose  a  low  rate  of  duty;  or, 
if  the  liiianees  of  the  country  will  permit,  let  it 
come  in  entirely  free  of  duty:  of  such  arc  tea, 
coffee,  d'C.  . 

4th.  Upon  mere  luxuries,  impose  the  highest 
duly  they  will  bear. 

By  attending  to  these  rules,  you  will  perceive 
that  I  do  not  contend  for  the  doctrine  that  the 
higher  the  duty  is  laid,  the  lower  the  price  wdl  be 
to  ihe  consumer.  I  expressly  admit,  that  the  ten- 
dency of  duties  is  to  enlianco  the  price  to  the  con- 
sumer, and  someiimca  it  is  enhanced  to  the  full 
amount  of  the  duty, 

1  admit,  al-io,  the  doctrine,  that,  where  any  arti- 
cle is  acuially  im|iorled,  and  the  duty  paid,  it  is 
finally  paid  by  the  consumer;  but  it  by  no  means 
follows  that  the  price  is  always  incrciised  to  the 
extent  of  the  amount  of  the  duly;  indeed,  it  often 
happens  that  other  closes  operate  to  counteract 
that  tendency,  and  li  price,  instead  of  increasing, 
actually  din.inishca,  lid  becomes  lower  than  it 
was  before  the  duty  was  laid,  and  even  lower  than 
the  duty  ilsr  If.  Experience  proves  this  to  be  true; 
duty  is'an  element  of  price,  but  is  not  always  the 
controlling  eleineiit;  llie  cost  of  production,  the 
cost  of  transportation,  anil  the  piofiisof  merchants, 
are  all  eiements  of  the  price  lo  the  consumer;  and, 
after  all  that  can  be  said  upon  the  subject,  demand 
and  supply  regulate  the  |irice  of  every  article  that 
is  boiiglit  and  sold.  It  is  true,  that,  where  an  arti- 
cle has  borne  a  iinrticular  price  in  any  market  for 
a  series  of  yeais,  if  a  duty  be  laid  upon  it,  the 
meivhiinl  always  endeavors  to  persuade  his  custo- 
mers that  he  ought  to  have  just  that  much  more 
for  it,  because  he  has  to  pay  more.  Now,  if  he 
Jiavs  Ihe  same  price,  is  nt  the  same  cost  in  trans- 
polling,  makes  the  same  profit,  and  I'-'u  adds  the 
duly,  it  is  i  vident  that  the  price  is  lanced  the 
fuiramounl  of  llie  duly.  But  is  this  always  the 
case?  By  no  means.  Merchants,  in  making  their 
purchase's,  ari  in  Ihe  lialnt  of  looking  lo  the  stale 
of  the  market  in  whicli  they  expect  to  .sell,  and 
asking  themsehes  what  prolil  this  or  that  article 
will  bear;  or,  in  other  wiu'ds,  what  is  the  den-.and 
'  for  il,  and  how  i,uieli  ran  I  sell  it  for;  what  will  it 
cost  nic  to  get  it  'o  nrukel,  and  how  much  can  I 
>  all'ord  lo  give  for  i  ;  if  be  thinks  it  will  yield  him 
'  a  sufficient  profit,  I  e  will  buy;  if  not,  he  will  not. 
\  Further  to  illustrate  this  point,  we  will  suppose 
'  that  a  merchant  ha.:  been  iii  the  habit  of  selling  a 
particular  kind  of  cc'.lon  cloih  at  fifteen  cents  per 
yard,  that  he  gave  Un  cents  per  yard  for  il,  and 
.'iilded  five  tor  costs  i  f  transportation  and  profit; 
and  there  was  a  inaiiafiielunng  eslnblislnnent  in 
the  saine  neighborhood  that  could  make  and  sell 
'  llie  same  article  nt  fifiecn  cents,  and  could  innkc 
'  enough  to  supply  the  market  by  a  small  increase  of 
■  business;  and  m'this  slate  of  aiVairs  we  levy  a  duly 
on  the  imporled  article  of  two  cents  per  yard. 
Now,  the  merchant,  when  he  goes  to  purchase  a 
new  stork,  will  say  to  the  manufacturei  abroad,  "1 
cannot  afford  to  give  you  ten  cents  per  yard  as  1 
have  been  li.iing,  because  I  ran  only  gel  lifleen  for 
il;  it  is  made  there,  and  sold  at  that  price,  and 
ennngli  ciiii  be  made  lo  supply  the  demand  alto- 
gcthe^-,  and  mil  be,  if  I  attempt  to  roise  my  price. 
Now,  I  have  been  making  a  handsome  |)rofii,  and 
I  ran  all'oid  to  give  you  nine  cents,  pay  the  duly, 
and  still  make  a  profit  that  I  am  willing  to  put  up 
with;  will  you  take  it.'"  The  manufacturer  rea- 
sons thus:  "  I  have  been  in  the  iiabit  of  selling  to 
this  man;  he  is  a  good  customer;  and  if  I  don't 
sell  to  him,  I  must  keep  the  article  mi  hand,  or 
force  a  sale  at  home;  I  had  better  take  nine  cents, 
though  ihe  prolil  is  very  small,  than  keep  it  on 
hand,  or  glut  the  market  at  home,  and  perhaps 
injure  the  .sale  of  the  balance;"  and  he  replies, 
"  1  will;"  Ihe  bargain  is  made,  the  article  is  still 
sold  ni  fifteen  ccnln,  and  the  consumer,  though  he 
'  pays     le  duly,  gets  the  article  at  the  same  price; 


■    m 


1016 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  30, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  McHenr;/. 


the  oriffinni  maker  fulls  oiif  cent,  mid  llio  merchniit 
puis  n|i  willi  one  cunt  less  profit,  mid  the  coiiau- 
nier  is  not  injured.  Wlun  dulles  nrc  first  luid, 
llie  prices  usually  raise;  lliis  cncourHitos  our  own 
citizens  to  undertake  the  iiiukiii^  of  tlic  aitielo 
Rtlionie;  they  invest  llieir  rapiial,  commence  llie 
business,  and  at  first  diau-  mi  lieavil;,';  liy  expe- 
Tieiiee,  lliiy  increase  in  nkill,  niid  liy  increased 
Hkill,  they  make  move  of  llie  arlicle  with  (he 
Brtme  umimnt  I'f  Kii'iiri  and,  of  einirse,  ni;(ke  it 
ch  "(per,  and  ran  alVind  to  sell  it  ilioaper.  The 
eneeess  of  one  inanufai'turln;;  i'sli\l>lislinient  causes 
ethers  to  enter  inio  the  same  business,  the  supply 
inereawes,  competition  brings  down  tlie  prices  to 
the  very  lowest  point  at  which  the  article  can  lie 
made  and  sold  Miihoui  loss,  the  market  becomes 
overstocked,  and  they  lane  lo  seeV  olher  iniirkels, 
and  thus  commerce  is  ericcmiasicd  and  extended, 
tieeini;  the  success  of  llii  si,  other  maimfacturiiig 
eslahlisliinenls  sprinp;  up  ill  other  parts  of  the 
country,  and  in  other  articles;  and  in  this  way,  by 
II  wise  use  of  this  power  by  Con;;iess,  have  iiianii- 
faclurcs  of  iron,  of  coilon,  of  wnol,  of  hinip,  and 
of  everything  else  which  is  calculiued  to  render  us 
It  happy,  a  united,  and  lUi  independent  people, 
sprung  up  as  if  by  masic;  and  I  pray  Gud  they 
niny  coiitimic  until  we  shall  b"  deiieiidciil  on  no 
other  nation  for  our  sup)ilics,  but  nave  Ihe  proud 
satisfaction  of  knowing  ilial  our  .soldiers  and  s;iil- 
ors  are  defended  from  the  cold  by  ilie  niamilUc- 
tures  of  our  own  country;  that  our  sails,  which 
whiten  every  sea,  are  made  of  Aniericnn  hemp; 
and  thai,  in  limes  of  war,  our  camnui  may  pni- 
claim  t.)  our  enemies,  in  the  deulh-warraiitH  they 
send  tlieni,  that  American  arms  are  made  of  iron 
fiom  ore  taken  from  the  "iicrnal  hills'' of  our 
own  native  land. 

yir,  njiriculture,  eoninierce,  and  manufneiures 
lire  so  connected  toirelher,  ilial  anything  which 
promotes  the  prnsperily  of  one  proinotes  the  pros- 
perity of  all,  and  any  policy  which  injures  one,  to 
some  extent  at  least,  injures  all.  liy  commerce,  1 
mean  our  domestic,  as  well  as  our  foreiirn.  tSome 
gentlemen,  however,  arj^iie  this  (piestioii  as  if  we 
liad  no  ci>mmei'ee  exi-epl  t'nreit;ii  commn'ce,  and 
that  the  whole  power  of  t  ou^it-ss  to  rcirulate  ctmi- 
niei'ce  slionlil  be  exercised  with  a  view  lo  encour- 
atte  the  importalion  of  foieii;ii  articlis,imd  ali'ord 
to  foreiiTiii  rs  a  fair  price,  w  itliout  rc<rard  lo  the 
ability  of  our  own  people  to  pay.  The  poli»y 
which  1  ad\ocaie  looks  lo  the  abiliiy  of  llie  con- 
sumer to  p:iy,  to  ihe  tlisltibiilion  of  lalair,  and 
lo  llie  increase  of  llie  deitiaiid  for  labor,  as  the 
only  me.ins  of  riisiirin::  a  for  reward;  by  douii; 
this,  we  increase  the  demand  for  e\ery  article 
of  consumption  lor  ihe  iicfissancs  of  hlc — fust, 
l)ien,  fin-  its  comlnrls,  and  ocM  for  its  luxu- 
ries. We  arc  in  ihi-  lialut  ot"  liviiiir  just  as  well  as 
our  means  will  enable  us  lo  live;  the  man  v\  In) 
makes  but  five  hundred  dollars  a  year,  if  he  be  a 
prudent  man,  will  no'  allenipt  to  live  in  the  same 
siyle  with  one  who  makis  five  ihousand — and 
many  men,  we  know,  only  !iiiill  llicir  i  xpenses 
by  their  means  of  payiueiit,  and  hardly  by  that, 
sir. 

Uy  encouraging  domeslii-  manulacturcs,  a  pm'- 
lion  of  labor  is  wiihdniwn  from  aj^ricul'urc,  and, 
instead  of  proUmers,  become  consumers:  and  iluis 
the  tarnier  finds  a  market  lor  his  surplus  produce, 
which  otherwise  fell  upon  ins  bands,  bi  cause  the 
expense  of  takiii:,'  it  lo  market  would  more  than 
swallow  u|)  the  whole  of  it.  Let  us  sei>  w  hat  is 
the  etlect  upon  a  m  t::liborhiio(i  ol'ilu-  rreciioii  of 
an  establislinii  o  for  iiiakin:'  iron:  al  its  eery  coin- 
menccmcoi  it  all'ords  the  f.uioer  a  market  for  bis 
surplus  produce;  workin:^nien  are  coiurretralcd 
iIk re,  leanis  are  required,  and  they  must  all  be  fed; 
he  laii  thus  .sell  Ills  meal,  his 'j:i'aiii,  and  his  hay, 
which  he  has  had  wasii.ii-  (ipoii  his  hands  for  years 
for  want  of  a  lioiiie  mark.t.  .Now,  having;  a  mar- 
ket at  his  own  door,  he  .  -^comes  more  economir-al. 
and  sa\' s  t!iiM'.;s  thai  h-  .ised  to  throw  away;  and 
the  vvai:es  of  all  the  V'  .m;;  men  in  the  iieiirhbor- 
hood  IS  raised  lo  ibr  si.uidard  I'lven  nt  the  iron 
works,  lakiii;;  the  description  of  labor  into  con- 
sideration. 

.•\fier  the  works  i>'t  into  operation,  the  effect  is 
euually  beneficial  lo  the  faruKr.  A  sreat  iiuniher 
of  hands  is  emplovi  d — ihe  market  is  increased  and 
becomes  pcrnianint— labor  is  in  demand — teams 
are  requirfd--;iiid  the  I'aiincr,  who  keeps  a  wai^oii 
and  team,  can  find  cniployineiit  fur  it  niuiiy  times 


when  lie  would  oiheiwisc  have  none;  mid  by  haul-  |i 
in^  ore  or  coal,  when  he  would  otherwise  be  doin"; 
nothing,  can  make  iron  enou£;li  lo  pay  his  hlack- 
siiiith's  bill — a  very  imporlant llein  with  the  fiirmer. 
This  is  the  opeialloii  in  the  immediate  vicinity;  hut 
ils  :;ood  ell'ects  extend  even  farther.  At  the  dis- 
tance of  filty  miles  or  more,  fanners  loud  their  wsf;- 
ons  with  meal  and  bacon,  and  takelhem  tollieliron- 
W'orks,aiiil  excliaime  for  iron  and  castini;s.  If  one 
has  not  ii  load  hiiusilf,  he  makes  it  up  by  buyini; 
from  his  iieifj'libors  in  small  lots,  and  paytiiir  them 
on  his  return  in  such  articles  of  castini^s  as  they  may 
need  for  family  use,  and  which  perhaps  they  have 
no  other  means  of  oblainin:,'.  I  leave  it  lo  every 
unprejudiced  mind  whether  this  will  not  he  the  : 
operation,  and  whether  it  will  notaddlotlie  geiiend 
welfare,  if  not  to  tlir  I'oiumon  defence,  of  the  coiin- 
Iry.  All  other  inanuliiclnrinj;  cstahlishnicnis  op- 
erate lo  n  greater  or  less  extent  in  the  same  way. 
And  by  increasiiii^  their  nuniber,  we  increase  the 
wa^'cs  of  labor  by  incriasin;;  llie  demand  for  labor. 
Uy  iiicreasiii!;  the  profits  of  muiiiifnclurers,  they 
laii  ali'ord  to  ^'ive  more  for  labiu',  and  will  do  il,and 
the  hi:;hest  prices  for  the  most  skilful.  They  ^ive 
more  for  labor,  not  because  they  are  more  kind  ih.aii  j 
other  people,  or  more  benevolent,  but  simply  be-  j 
cause  their  interest  requires  that  they  should  at  all 
limes  be  able  to  i-tuiinmnd  llie  necessary  amount  of 
labor  lo  carry  on  their  business;  and  the  more  e\- 
leiisive  it  is,  the  mine  necessary  that  they  should 
always  have  a  full  supply;  and  not  be  I'ompelled 
lo  slop  anv  branch  t'or  want  id'  laborers  lo  carry  it 
on.  h'or  iliis  reason  it  is,  and  not  for  any  peculiai' 
love  they  have  for  the  hihorer,  that  ihey  fi.\  the 
price  of  labor  liii;li  enoimli  always  lo  command  a 
sudicient  siqiply.  The  efi'ect  to  llie  laborer  is  the 
same,  and  doci  not  depend  upon  the  motive  of  the 
employer.  The  laborer  sets  employnienl,  and  is 
)>aid  a  t'air  coiupcnsation;  anil  this  is  what  he  de- 
sires, lie  has  then  the  means  of  livini;  in  com- 
fort—be  has  the  means  of  payiii:;.  What  i.<  it  to 
the  laborin-;  niaii  if  you  brinn  down  the  prices  of 
everythin::  to  the  very  lowest  slandard,  and  he  is 
thrown  otil  of  eniploymenl,  and  has  nothing  lo 
boy  with?  ^"ou  are  merely  tantaliziiif;  him  by 
iHiillnj;  comforts  of  life  almost  williin  his  reach. 
lli^  sees  otlieiK  enjoy  them,  but  is  himself  deprived 
of  the  means  to  procure  lliem.  An  anecdote  will 
sometimes  llhislrale  a  posilion  as  well  as  an  arfiu- 
siimnni;  and  one  I  saw  someiiine  since  in  a  news- 
paper, will  apply  liiTc,  An  Irishman  in  the  niar- 
ket  of  ibc  ciiy  of  New  Ym-k,  beiii^:  about  to  buy 
some  chickens,  vcas  told  that  the  price  was  iwii 
shilliuirs  apiece.  "V.'hy,"  .said  he,  "in  my 
country  I  could  frel  sii'di  for  sexpence."  '*  Wi'll,'* 
s;iiil  the  markcl-niaii, '*  why  didn't  you  stay  in  j 
yonr  own  lountrv,  i.'unr"  "Faith,"  said  he, 
"  I'rii  lid,  1  coiildu'l  L^el  the  stxpntfi-  .'*' 

Hut  we  are  told  that  iiieii  shoiilil  he  pfrmittid  lo 
buy  where  ihey  can  buy  cheapi'si,  and  sell  where 
they  can  '.•f\  llie  best  price.  'I'his  is  the  doctrine 
for  which  you  will  always  hear  :diiivers  and  usii-  , 
rers  contend,  and  oieii  that  always  have  money  lo 
buy  with  Olid  lo  spare.  It  increases  the  value  of: 
iiiohev,  which  they  consider  the  most  valuable  of 
all  ihiiiirs,  and  enables  them  luoro  etl'ci  iiiaily  lo 
^riiid  the  ficesof  the  poor.  And  while  they  preach 
this  doctrine,  they,  like  all  others,  practise  one 
enlirely  dill'ci-eiit;  that  is,  lo  buy  where  yon  can 
pay  the  easu  si.  Upon  this  principle  all  men  arl, 
hriliem  t.ilk  as  they  may;  and  I  appeal  to  all 
practical  men  for  the  irulh  of  this  assertion. 

'I'liis  system  is  i-allcd,  by  fjentlemen  who  pride 
iliemsiUis  upon  their  elevated  siandin^' and  tlie'r 
'lecoriim  in  debate,  a  syslem  c.f  fraud,  of  robbery, 
and  of  pluiHler.  Do  ^eiilleinen  iinderstiuid  the  full 
extent  of  these  terms  when  they  use  theiii,  and  to 
whom  they  apply  these  iiii/d  terms  of  reproach? 
Do  t'lev  remember  ihat  this  syslem  was  recom- 
mended by  WasliuiKlon,  by  .lell'erson,  by  Madi- 
son, and  .Sloitroo,  ami  many  of  the  wisest  men  of 
ourcoiiulryr  I  ain  sure,  if  they  did,  that  llieir 
own  sense  of  propriety  would  make  iheni  a  lilile 
more  s'  bet  in  the  lerms  Ihey  use.  If  the  people 
are  [ilundered,  it  can  only  be  in  one  of  two  ways — 
by  heinj  eouipelhd  to  pay  hij;lier  for  the  article  to 
the  iinportei-  from  abroad,  or  to  llie  manufaclnrer 
at  home.  The  irenllemaii  I'loni  Vii;;iiiia,  (Mr. 
Bavi.v.I  if  I  nnderslood  him  riijhlly,  conlendul 
that  the  duty  always  increased  the  price,  until,  by 
compeliiioii  at  home,  the  price  was  brnu/^lit  down 
so  low  that  llie  foreign  article  was  excluded  alto-  ' 


Ho.  OF  Rbps. 

ijcthcr,  and  then  it  had  no  efl'eci.  Now,  if  this  bo 
true,  who  Is  injured  by  it.'  Is  the  consumer.'  No. 
lie  f;et.s  the  article  lower  than  he  ever  got  it  be- 
fore. The  home  supply  is  ubundanl,  and  every 
man  can  get  just  as  much  as  he  wants  al  a  fair 
[nice;  but  the  foieij:iicr  is  driven  out  of  the  niui- 
Kel.  Me,  then,  is  the  one  that  is  injured;  and  all 
this  cry  of  robbery,  plunder,  and  fraud,  is  only  li> 
opernlc  in  favor  or  forcij;ners,  and  especially  Great 
Mritain;  and  yet  we,  who  oppose  her,  are  called 
Ijrilish  Whigs.  ISir,  I  am  an  Ariericau  by  hirlh, 
by  educulioii,  and  in  feeling.  I  am  proud  of  ii, 
and  I  hope  never  to  see  the  day  wlii;ii  the  all'ec- 
tions  of  Anierleans  are  lo  be  wiihdiawn  from  the 
cities  of  our  own  country,  nnd  placed  upon  lliose 
of  ICuiope;  and  wdien  they  will  rejoice  more  in  the 
prosperity  of  Leeds,  and  Liverpool,  and  London, 
and  Manchester,  than  they  will  in  thai  of  IJosion, 
ami  Lowell,  and  rhiladelpliia,  and  .New  York. 
For,  if  ever  that  lime  shall  come,  which  liod  for- 
bid, ju.st  so  sure  as  it  is  true,  that  "  w  here  a  iiian's 
treasure  is,  there  will  his  heart  be  also,"  just  so 
sure  will  lea:;ues  be  fiirmed  that  will  endanger  the 
perpetuity  of  our  Union. 

Rut  some  Kenlleinen  go  «n  far  as  lo  contend  that 
the  duty  always  enhances  the  price  to  ilic  eon- 
siinier  just  lo  the  extent  of  the  duly,  whether  the 
arlicle  is  ini|iorled  or  not;  if  ibis  docliiiie  bo  true, 
our  friends  of  the  .Siaitli  me  ihe  very  last  that 
oiurht  to  complain  of  it.  Then:  is  a  duty  of 
three  cents  a  pound  upon  eolloii;  and  if  this  doc- 
Iriiie  be  true,  then  lliey  get  three  ci  ills  more  per 
pound  for  iheir  cotton  lliaii  lliey  would  get  if  there 
were  no  duty.  There  is  a  duly  of  ten  cents  per 
bushel  on  |voialoes;  now, does  this  enable  the  farm- 
ers to  gel  ten  ci'nts  a  bushel  more  than  they  other 
wise  would  gel?  Let  them  answer  ihe  question 
now,  if  it  is  not  Iriic  us  to  cotton  and  potatoes,  how- 
is  it  rendered  so  us  lo  eoltoii  cloth.  Is  there  any 
magic  In  spinning  and  weaving  that  will  lake  coi- 
Imi  cloth  out  of  Ihe  ordinary  rules  of  trade  which 
aoply  to  everything  else?  Theory  is  one  thing — 
facts' another;  if  you  let  a  man  make  his  fads,  am! 
llieii  build  his  theory  upon  them,  he  will  have  a 
very  handsome  theory,  and  one  that  is  hard  to 
ove'rthrow;  but  in  all  "such  cases,  the  facts  will  bo 
contradicled,  and  then  ihe  theory  will  fall  as  mat- 
ter of  course.  A  ca.se  of  this  kimi  occurred  in 
I'itlsbui;.';  a  farmer,  w  ho  had  made  his  theory  that 
the  duly  was  paid  lo  the  maker  as  well  as  Ic  llie 
iniporte'r  of  an  arlicle,  look  some  cheese  lo  I'ilisbur:!; 
lo  sell;  not  finding  a  ready  sale  for  cash,  and  waul- 
ing a  pair  of  shoes  for  his  w  il'e,  he  went  lo  a  shoe- 
maker  and  sold  him  the  c|i,  e.se,aiid  agreed  to  lake  a 
pair  of  shiMsfor  bis  wife  in  p;iii  pay;  they  rciulily 
a>,'reed  upon  the  prices;  he  asked  six  ceols  a  pound 
for  his  cheese,  the  shoemaker  agie-d  lo  give  it;  Ihe 
shocmakeraskedouedidlaraud  a  half  tortile  shoes, 
and  he  asrecd  to  give  it;  but  after  he  had  made  the 
bargain,  his  favorite  theory  came  into  bis  head; 
said  he  lo  the  shoemaker — I  am  paying  you  a  duly 
of  fifty  cenls  a  pair,  and  I  don't  liKi-  to  do  it.  y.iid 
the  sboemakir,  that  can'l  be  possible,  for  I  don't 
make  that  much  on  the  shoes;  and  he  lold  him  how 
much  the  materials  cost,  and  how  much  he  paid 
the  jouriieymaii  for  making  them:  shewing  thai  he 
only  made  a  profit  of  about  twenty  cents.  1  don't 
care  for  that,  said  the  olher,  for  there  is  a  duty  cd' 
fifty  cents  ii  pair  on  such  shoe  s,  and  if  it  were  not 
for  thai,  1  would  get  them  fil'ly  ceins  cheaper;  so 
It's  the  same  thing  lo  ine.  Well,  said  the  shoe- 
luakc-r,  I'll  tell  you  how  we  can  setlle  ii_you  pay 
me  the  duly  on  your  1  licese  and  I'll  pay  you  the 
duty  on  the  shoes — agreed,  .said  the  cither;  so  lliey 
got  the  law ,  and  fiMiiid  thai  ihe  lax  on  cheese  was 
nine  cents,  and  he  was  only  lo  get  six;  .so  he  lost  his 
cheese  altogether,  .titd  had  lo  p.iy  three  cents  a 
pound  beside,  and  only  unl  fifty  cents  taken  olV  ibe 
price  of  the  shoes.  S H  still  be  swore  that  his 
theory  was  true  as  to  shoes,  ilicuigh,  as  lif  cheese, 
he  did  nol  believe  it  work"!  right;  but  he'd  gel  llie 
schoolmaster  lo  slate  the  smii  as  lo  cheese,  like  iic 
did  as  to  shoes,  snd  se,  if  it  would  come  out  m 
the  same  way;  and,  if  il  didn't,  he'd  never  sell 
cheese  by  that  nde  any  more,  and  he  didn't  be- 
lieve il  was  B  good  rule  to  sell  by,  no  way  it  could 
be  fixed. 

Mr.  Chairmar'.  there  is  in  oiir  (fovernmenl  a 
[leciiliar  fiine.ss  iij  raising  llie  whole  amount  of  rev- 
enue, which  IS  nreilfd  fiir  the  use  ol'  the  (.reneral 
•  i.ivcrnmeni,  by  B  lax  or  duty  on  imports.  To 
the  Oc/icral  Government  is  given,  as  we  have  seen, 


30 


is  bo 
No. 
lit  lic- 
]ev«'ry 

1  mil- 
J  mui - 
lid  all 
lily  i.> 
Ureal 
h>ll<-cl 

liilli, 

Jol*  II, 

laH't'i'. 
ill  llic 
lliiiwu 
III  lliu 
Jiidoii, 
|»<ion, 
li'nik . 
I'or- 
Jiiaii's 

list    Nit 

It'i-  llic 
that 

Cdll' 

;i-  Ihn 

Iriif, 

ih.u 

ly  or 

il...-. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1017 


39tm  Cong 1st  Sess. 

the  pover  to  regulate  commpire  nnil  our  intercourse  \< 
with  fiirri^n  iintioiia;  anil  rmir-riftha  of  all  the  ex-  j 
pciiscs  of  the  Ucncial  Oovci  nnienl  arc  for  the  pro- 
tci'Jiiiii  of  commerie,  cither  ilirectly  or  indirectly,  i 
and  the  fStales  are  forbidden  to  exercise  any  control  ■ 
over  it.     All  who   parlicipiitc  in  the   benefits  of 
commerce  should  bear  a  part  nf  its  burdens.     And  ;, 
by  duties  on  imports  these  burdens  can   be  more 
iquaily  distributed  than  in  any  other  mode.     The  \ 
Slates  being  prohibited  from  layiiif?  any  of  these  ; 
indirei't  taxes,  usually  lay  taxes  for  the  support  of  ', 
the  8lale  Governments  upon  the  ad  valorem  prin- 
ciple; thus  the  external  tax  supports  the  Ooverii- 
inent  for  our  external  intercourse,  and  the  internal 
tax  supports  the  Siale  Govcrmnents,  which  have  \ 
in  cliiiij^c  the  internal  re(,'uliilions  of  the  States.     It  i 
\n  manifcBi,  then,  that  whatever  tends  to  increase 
the  iniernni  wealth  of  the  several  States,  increases 
the  subjects  of  taxation,  and  tends  to  lighten  the  [ 
Suite  lax  of  every  individual.     We  should  be  "cry  i 
cautious,  then,  not  to  pursue  any  course  by  our  | 
legislation  that  will  tend  to  reduce  the  value  of, 
properly  in  any  of  the  Slates,  lest  we  should  drive 
some  of  them  into  repudiation.  i 

Uut  we  arc  told  we  ought  to  reduce  the  duties  on  ; 
our  imports  because  Great  Britain  is  about  to  re-  I 
pciil  hereon!  laws, and  permit  grain  and  provisions  i 
of  every  kind  to  come  in  at  creaily  rniliiced  rates  , 
of  duties,  or  perhaps  free.  If  she  did  tliis  fcr  our  1 
beiiclii,  il  might  be  an  nrguniei:t  .vhy  wc  should  I 
acconiiiiodale  her;  hut  it  is  evident  that  she  does  | 
it  for  her  own  benefit  and  not  for  ours.  Her  pop- 
ulation is  crowded,  and  labor  is  reduced  to  the  very 
lowest  point  at  which  human  iialiiie  can  be  sus- 
tainel.  To  enable  her  starving  populalinii  to  pro- 
cu' J  food,  they  are  willing  it  should  come  in  at  a 
low  i'aiu,and  thus  their  manufacturers  can  procure 
ItthoiiM's  at  lower  wages;  it  is,  after  all,  a  measure 
inleniled  to  btncfit  her  manufacturers.  That  it 
will  hniefit  us  to  some  extent,  I  am  willing  to  ad- 
mil;  but  its  benefits  are  grenlly  overrated.  They 
liiiilic  a  large  i]Uiiiitity  of  provisions  lliemselvcs; 
'hill,  of  course,  must  be  consiimrd  there;  and  then 
we  have  to  compelc  with  the  b:Jnnce  of  ihe  world; 
we  lia\e  no  assurance  that  they  will  trade  with  us 
ill  prefi'ieiice  to  any  one  else,  and  we  can't  expect 
their  market  unless  we  can  sell  as  low  as  others, 
nor  to  monopolize  it,  unless  we  uiulersell  all  others. 
Griiin  of  all  kinds,  except  corn,  can  be  produced 
on  the  shores  of  llie  Haliic,  and  in  other  places,  as 
cheap  as  we  can  prodiicn  it  here,  if  not  cheaper. 
And,  as  it  will  cost  less  to  carry  it  to  Ureal  Brilain 
fniiii  llio.so  places  lliaii  from  here,  ilicy  will  have 
some  advantage  of  us  in  that  market.  The  only 
incrdiscd  benefit  this  will  be  of  lo  us,  will  be  in 
years  of  cxiraoriliiiary  production;  when  our  siir- 
|)lus  will  be  iiiiiommonly  large,  and  it  will  be  our  ' 
inleiTst  to  .sell  low  rather  than  not  sell  at  all.  Un- 
der such  cin  iimslaiices,  our  exporlalioiis  lo  that 
eounirv  will  be  considerably  increased  beyond 
wlial  llicy  are  now.  To  inaKle  us  lo  judge  as  to 
the  I'fiiiiparative  cost  at  which  grain  ciin  be  pro- 
duced ill  other  countries,  let  iis  exniiiiiie  as  to  the 
wages  of  labor.  The  report  of  ilir  roinniissioner 
of  l'ak'iils,iiiadcat  the  present  session  of  Coii:;irss, 
on  p:ige  ll,");t,  gives  a  condensed  account  of  these 
wages;  he  says; 

•'  III  I'lmliinil  till'  iiviT.TKc  rale  f)riii.'rieiiliiirnhvni;0!i  for  iin 
nlile  iiiiiii  Willi  II  ruiiiily  Is  *.)  ^hlllimts  nr  >I  its  p,.r  ^veck  ; 
friiiii  till.-  !•!  tohciti-diirirflciitlni,"-  r.'iit  Jil  .'Ci'crnls  per  wei  k. 
Iiaviim  fl  ii:l  per  wrrk,  lo  prnnil,.  him.,  Iiwilli  llie  nercH- 
^;  '  •  '»!  III!'.  In  Fnilicc,  a  luli.in'r  in  ili,.  >4|iiih>  KJIliiitliiii 
I  I-  ,~l  01  piT  «i.k.     Ill   I'lii-Mii,  liii.iiii,.     In  Hit 

III..      -1  ifj  pir  Hirh.     in  llolhinil  iiml  llrlKiuni,.^!  ail, 
111  ."  il\ .  ;iihI  till-  Aiislriiin  Smin,  .*■!   l,">." 

Let  every  one  for  hiinsilf  compare  ilicsc  with  llie 
wage-.  '0  his  own  iieigliborliooil,aii(l  ilr.iw  his  own 
coinlosions. 

At  llie  commencement  of  the  Inst  war  we  were 
nlniiisi  entirely  wiiluiut  nniiiiifiu'lmes  of  woollen; 
the  ciiiisemiences  were,  llml  tn  piireliiising  blankets 
and  other  woollen  goods  for  the  use  of  our  navy  in 

IHl.'l,  the  w  hull  aiuouiil  was ^129,487  77 

"f  this  sum  lliire  were,  of  donieslic 

inaiiufaclures 8,926  34 


The  Tariff— Mr.  McHcnry. 


this  account  is  taken  from  Ihe  documents,  publish- 
ed us  authentic,  in  the  American  State  Papers. 
Sir,  I  well  recollect  that,  when  the  account  of  the 
sud'erings  of  our  northwestern  army  came  lo  Ken- 
lucky,  my  native  .Suite,  the  women,  (God  bless 
llicin,  I  love  the  word  better  than  the  word  ladies,) 
took  blankets  off  their  own  beds  and  sent  them  to 
protect,  <tgaiiist  the  chilling  blasts  of  the  north,  the 
soldiers  who  were  fighting  for  their  country,  say- 
ing that  "  they  and  their  children  were  in  houses, 
and  could  keep  warm  by  the  fire."  Let  any  one 
contrast  this  with  our  present  situation,  and  any  if 
he  can  "  that  our  woollen  manufacturors  have 
done  nothing  to  provide  for  the  common  defence 
and  general  welfu#."  But  I  have  permitted  my- 
self in  some  measure  to  wander  from  the  subject. 
1  must  spend  the  balance  of  the  time  whicli  is 
allotted  to  me  in  examining  the  bill,  and  compa- 
ring it  with  Mr.  Walker's  principles  and  his  recent 
recomiiiendalions,  and  see,  if  I  cfln,  whether  it  is 
based  upon  his  principles,  or  whether  it  is  not 
wholly  without  principle.  The  Secretary,  in  his 
recent  report,  sent  with  the  President's  message 
of  the  IGth  June  to  the  Senate,  says: 

*'  Al>er  It  very-  eareful  exHiiiiimiinn  of  tin:  atldltinnnl  diillt 
which  il  litis  bcrii  in  iiiy  jHivvcr  lo  obtain  Hiiice  the  iiioiilh 
of  February  last,  it  ia  niy  cniivietion  that  the  hill  of  the  cnin- 
niittce  will  priidace  a  act  revciiiic  "f  at  least  ^k9ll,Otlfl,IIOO. 
If  to  thiH  hi!  added  Uienddiliolinl  duties  prnimfipd  to  be  levied 
oi  nehcdule  '\,  the  bill  of  the  coniiiiitlce,  Willi  Uie  niodi- 
llciiUoliti  cinliraciMl  in  thai  schedilli',  wniild  prndiice  ii  iii>t 
ri'veniie  nl'  .yi0,03'l,0.'>7.  This  would  nmke  nil  nddilinn  of 
i|^.5,.'kI4,I)o7  to  the  rfveiiiie  that  would  he  produced  under 
Uie  act  of  Ihe  .'lOth  AliausI,  IfW.'' 

By  his  annual  report  it  appears  that  the  articles 
imported  into  the  United  Slates  during  the  year 
ending  the  30th  June,  1845,  and  paying  duties, 

nmnunled  to !J95,106,7:24 

And  the  free  articles,  for  the  same  year, 

to 23,147,840 


Leaving  a  balance  of sl'Jl  ,2(il)  04 


This  sum  we  paid  lo  foreigners  for  woollen 
gonitc  used  in  our  navy,  and  perhaps  a  part  of  it 
to  liie  very  enemy  we  were  fighling. 

Ainoii;;st  the  nrlicles  punliiised  were  4,147  blaii- 
kcis,  of  which  40  were  of  domestic  inanufactuix'; 


Making  a  total  of  imports  of.  .S117,2;"i4,5fi4 

At  the  existing  rate  of  duty,  this  |iroduced  a 
revenue  of <i30,818,Si)4;  at  20  percent,  the  whole 
amount  imported,  including  the  free  list,  will  only 
produce  a  revenue  of  !iii2U,4.')0,912.  To  produce  a 
revenue  of  ^30,818,854,  at  20  per  cent.,  we  must 
import  $154,094,270  worth,  and  have  no  free  list. 
All  this  must  be  paid  for  in  some  way.  The  con- 
sequences of  .inch  increased  importation  will  lie  an 
immense  foreign  debt,  whicli  will  cause  a  drain  of 
specie  to  pay  it;  but  lea  and  collee,  aiuountiiig  to  ' 
over  eight  millions  of  dollars,  will  lie  reliiincd  in 
ihe  free  list,  and  this  amount  must  iherel'ore  lie 
added,  increasing  the  importations  lo  over  $16;J,- 
000,000,  if  20  per  cent,  is  to  be  the  average  on  duty 
paying  articles. 

This  siliediile  A,  Mr.  Cliairman,  is  a  real  curi- 
osity. Ill  making  esliniates  for  raising  llic  reve- 
nue, wherever  he  adds  lo  the  duty  contiiined  in  ihe 
bill  llie  iinporlalions  never  fall  olV,  and  he  has  cer- 
tain data  by  which  lo  ascertain  the  amoiiiil  of  ihe 
increase  of  revenue— the  increased  rale  of  duty 
being  the  unvarying  standard;  while,  if  he  choose 
to  reduce  the  rale  of  duty,  at  once  the  amount  of 
iinporlalions  runs  up  in  a  double  ratio,  ble  seems 
to  have  uiiliinilcd  control  over  the  importations  of 
llie  country.  At  his  command  they  stand  at  what 
they  are,  or  iiierea.se  just  as  he  may  want  revenue; 
anil  he  litis  only  to  say  how  much  reveniic  he 
wants  from  any  iinrticutar  article,  and  fix  his  rjue 
of  duty,  and  siraightway  the  iniportalion  comes 
up  to  that  standard.  If  loi  article  eon.s  in  free, 
and  he  chooses  to  lay  a  duly  of  20  i<r  .vut.,  it 
i  niiikes  no  dill'crrni'e,  the  iinporlii'  n  does  not  fall 
olf  a  dollar.  Wilnessthc  arlici'  ■  'f  lea  and  eoirce. 
I  have  not  i  \;<niiiied  every  tit  trie  taken  from  ihc 
free  list,  bin  believe  they  ■•■<■  till  wo -ked  by  ih<- 
same  rule,  and  of  course  ■  Mid  upon  the  piiiiciplr 
lliat  iienpic  will  u.ie  as  ••■luli  wIicm  tliey  are  taxed 
IIS  wiicn  ihey  are  free  md  that  the  jiricc  of  an  ar- 
ticle makes  no  din'ei  ;n'e  in  its  conMiiuption.  My 
experience  has  bn  ii  dilferenl.  In  schedule  A  he 
says,  of  brandy  and  other  spirits  di.iiillcd  from 
grain  or  oiliei  materials,  there  were  consumed  aiKl 
on  hand  iVoni  imports,  in  the  yi  ar  ending  30lh 
June,  1S45,  "il, ()«.'), ^75  worili:  raifs  ad  valorem, 
under  act  of  1842,  180  per  cenl.;  the  bill  propo.?cs 
7.1  per  cent.;  schedule  A,  125;  an  iicrea.sc  of  ,")0  per 
rent,  over  the  l:>ill.  The  columns,  then,  stand 
thus:  "  .\moniit  of  revenue  from  increased  rates," 
^532,088;  "cslmuteil  iiicrcn.se  in  estimales,  under 
committee's  bill,"  J340,000;  "  estimated  increase 


Ho.  OF  Heps. 

under  proposed  rales,"  }J300,000;  amount  of  reve- 
nue from  "estimated  amoiint  of  imports,  "j(702,ti87. 
Now,  if  this  means  anything,  il  is  thai  at  the  rate 
recommended  in  ihe  schedule  A,  the  amount  which 
will   be    imported    and    consumed   v/ill    produce 
jJ708,687  more  revenue  than  the  amount  now  real- 
ized, beauiae  it  is  in  proof  of  that  assertion  that 
this  schedule  is  brought  forward.     Let  us  see  how 
stands  the  fact:  jJl,0C.'i,375  worth,  at  180  per  cent., 
(Ihe  present  rale,  as  stated  by  him,)  will  produce 
»1,907,675  of  revenue.     While  »1,365,375,  which 
he  estimates  will  be  used  at  125  per  cent.,  the  rate 
of  fluty  recommended  by  him,  will  yield  of  reve- 
nue  the   sum  of  $l,70(j,719,   making  a   loss  of 
iJ200,95fi,  instead  of  a  gain  of  Ji702,()87,  us  estima- 
ted liy  him.     So  much  for  the  first  item  in  this 
much-lirtjQrcd  Bcliednle.     The  second,  if  possible, 
in  still  wotso.     Recollect  he  goes  upon  the  princi- 
ple that  to  lower  the  duties  will  iiiiso  the  revenue, 
ny  increasing  llje  iinporlalions.     Of  cordials,  &i:., 
he  says  Uiere  are  used  #29,788;  present  duly  41 
per  cent.;  the  bill  proposes  75  per  cent.    This,  in 
the  estimation  of  the  Secretary,  will  increase  the 
importations  #2.5,000.     He  propo.ses  bringing  tlio 
duty  down  to  40  per  cent.,  taking 35 ofl' the  rale  in 
the  bill;  and  this  lie  estimates  will  increase  the  im- 
porlations  ftlOO,000,  and  yield  a  revenue,  above 
what  is  at  present  realized,  of  #10,82'1.    Thus,  by 
the  simple  process  of  reducing  the  rate  of  duly  one 
per  cent,  below  what  il  is  at  present  on  cordials, 
&c.,  of  which  only  iJ29,788  worth  are  used  annu- 
ally, a  net  revenue  is  realized  of  ftlO,824.     Was 
ever  such  skill  exhibited  before  .'     Again,  upon  six 
articles — almonds,  currants,    prunes,   dates,  figs, 
and  raisins,  upon  which  there  is  an  average  duty 
of  45'  per  cenl. — he  proposes  lo  riiiae  an  increased 
revenue  of  ^105,515,   simply   by  having  a  hori- 
zontal scale  of  duty  of  40  per  cent.,  instead  of  hav- 
ing some  above  and  some  below,  averaging  45'. 
r.et  us  see  how  this  will  stand  the  le.st  of  figures: 
Sl,034,045,  ihe  whole  amount  now  n.scd,  according 
to   his  slalement,  at  45-  per  cent,  will  give  us  a 
revenue   of  <i472,207.     At   40  per  ceiii.  he  says 
»80,000  more 'will  be  used,  making  in  all  -iil, 114,045. 
This,  at  40  per  cent.,  the  proposed  rate,  will  give 
us  only  the  sum  of  $445,618;  mnkiiig  a  loss  of 
$26,.589,  instead  of  again  of  Sl05,5!5,as  esiiniaicd 
by  him.     Oh,  the  beauty  and  etficiency  of  horizon- 
tal duties!     I   have  not  examined  the  whole  of 
these  eMimatea  in  schedule  A,  but  if  the  others  are 
a.<  bad  as  those  1  have  examined,  it  jirovcs  nothing, 
except  the  fallacy  of  conclusions  drawn  from  siip- 
.  positions,  instead  of  fiuis.    Indeed,  the  conclusions 
conlrnilict  the  suppositions  from  which  they  are 
drawn,  and  the  suppnsilions  appear  manifesily  lo 
be  the  result  of  desire  ralher  than  the  convictions 
of  Jiidtrnieiit,  and  the  estiiiiiitcs  wholly  arbiiiiiry 
and  wiilioiitany  just  or  even  colorable  loiindniion. 
Let  us  for  a  nioment  see  whether  the  Sei-reiary 
liaii  in  the  bill  (for  I  consider  it  his,  though  reported 
by  a  coiniiiiticc)  carried  out  the  printiph'S  rccoin- 
I  mended  in  his  annual   report,  or  whether  lu'  has 
not  been  pulling  in  a  few  dulii  .  by  way  of  piotcit- 
ing  certain    interests,  that  ii    few  voles    mislit  be 
retained.    In  his  annual  report,  he  says:  "  S:ili  is  a 
'necessary    of  life,  and    should  be  as   five   from 
'laxnsniror  wai.r."     At'.iin:  "The  salt   made 
'  abroad   by  solar  evnpoiaiion   i.-i  also  most  puit 
'  and   wholcsoiue,  end,  as  conservative  of  health, 
'should  be  exempt  from  taxaiion."     Now,  who 
would  hav"  thouLrht   that,  after  such  strong  lan- 
guage, a  duty  of  iwiiity  percent,  would  have  been 
laid  upon  s;\ll  .=     No  man,  unless  he  li!»d  known 
tb.o  ihc  great  Slate  of  New  York  had  ihiriyfour 
\  -xt's  to  give  u|»on  the  passage  of  the  Kill,  aiul  w  ilh- 
..it  .somerof  il.-se  votes  the  bill  could  not  be  -arried, 
and  that  Ne  .    York  was  deeply  intere.siN-d  in  the 
salt-making  I   i  li.css;  but  if  he  had  known  these 
facts,  the   iiiyso  ry  woi,  1    have  lie<a    expiaiiioi. 
As  unconstitutional  as  a  duly  fiv  protection  was 
said  lo  be,  here  is  twenty  per  :vnt.  laid  with  no 
<»ther    view,    because    it    is   Uxl    'ipon    an    article 
w  liirli  Ihe  Srcrelary  says  otjghl  to  be  "  as  free  as 
air  or  water."     He  .-eems  to  tcel  very  much  for 
the  poor,  but  not  so  much  for  the  poor  of  his  c«  n 
country  as  for  foreigners.     Mnnufacturing  is  i<v> 
good  a  business,  and  too  high  per  cenl.  is  mndie  at 
it,  and  theivfoiv  our  ptople  must  not  engage  in  it. 
All  the  profiial>!e  lalior  must  be  given  to  foreiirn- 
ers,  anil  our  (vople  must  be  hewers  of  wood  and 
drawers  'i  water  for  them.     We  are  only  to  make 
the  raw  material,  and  send  it  abroad  for  others  to 


'M 


'%::;fV 


1018 


AFPKNDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  I, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


ITle  Tariff— Mr.  Tibbatts. 


Ho,  or  Heps. 


work  up  «nd  Uiiii?  buck  lo  n»  with  incrciiwil 
I'lmr;;™  for  ihcir  liilior.  Iln  seems  lo  rrgrel  timt 
niiyitrliolc  nt'oiirown  (lomestic  inHiiiirni'tiiracnmr* 
in  i'iim|w(ilion  witli  slinilnr  nrliclcH  flroin  ubrniiil. 
Hi:tr  hill'.  After  slating  n  i'.erl;iiii  amount  nit  linv- 
inj;  lieeii  impoiiecj,  he  miys:  "  Sho\vinc«  very  eoii- 
'  niili'ralile  tiedine  of  the  revenue,  Rrow  inj;  on*  "f  n 
'  diminiahtid  impiirlulioii  of  the  hii;hly-protacteil 
'  nriirles,  and  prostresaive  auliHtitiition  of  the  do- 
'  ineaiiu  rivaln."  Thin  ia  truly  nliiriiiine;,  air,  ihnt 
any  douiealic,  nrtirlo  ahouhl  he  aiibtitiiteU  for  the 
foreign.  Why,  air,  it  etin  only  Ik  done  with  the 
Hs.'ionI  of  the  piirehaacr,  and  with  an  ar^jele 
deenu'd  by  hiiu  of  M  hunt  eipial  vnhic.  Here  is  n 
euac,  then,  where  llic  Conalilulion  is  hke  to  be 
broken,  not  by  iayini;  CM'ea.sive  duties  at  first,  but 
because  ilic  (huiiestic  manufaeliircr,  wded  by  a 
duly  liiiil  at  lir.tt  for  revenue,  muke.i  kim  Sells  the  I 
ai'tu'lc  lower  tlmn  iho  foreij;;n  nrticle,  a|id  thus  i 
^rudiiitlly  aulistilutea  the  domeattc  and  cxelude.') 
the  I'orcisn.  .\i  cnnlin!;  to  thia  view  of  the  Secre- 
Luy,  C'oimrras  shall  take  cine  lo  brin^ down  the 
duly,  for  tear  the  L'onsiilution  abouid  ho  broken.  | 
Ai;alii,  he  .saya:  "  A  inirlial  and  a  total  prohihi-  ; 
'  lion  are  alike  in  violaliou  of  the  ohjeel  of  the  lax- 
'  in;,"  power."  Now,  1  deny  thia  principle  nllo- 
(Tfilier.  If  t'oiii;iT.ss  have  ihe.  risjht  In  any  how 
nni'h  revenue  shall  be  raised  from  nil  imporlid 
articles  eollcetivclv,  they  have  a  risrhl  to  say  how 
il  shall  be.  apponloned,  and  how  much  the  public 
interest  requiics  ^hall  be  raised  from  each  article 
separately,  ile  says  no  hori/.nnial  scale  \a  recoin- 
meiulcd,  and  niuic  should  be  adopted ;  of  course, 
then,  acconlini;  lo  his  own  doctrine^Oon^ress  has 
nrishi  "o  .say  how  much  ouiihl  to  be  raised  iipim 
each  article.  If  ilie  greatest  amount  of  levenue 
ouiilu  not  lo  b('  collectetl,  and  hcexprcsslv  admila 
tiiat  in  some  cases  ii  shoiilil  not,  then  ('onjre.ss 
lias  a  rit.-hi  to  adopt  any  scale  of  duly  that  will 
briii^  the  amount  fi.xed  upon  as  proper  io  he  raised 
oil  any  one  parlicular  article.  Aiaiii,  if  il  be  true, 
ns  he  conlcnds,  iliai  there  is  a  point  thai  will  yield 
the  i;rc,\ltst  amount  uf  riieiiuc;  and  if  il  be  also 
irue,  ilial  increasing;  the  duliis  makes  the  imporia- 
tioiis  I'.ill  oil',  and  ill  the  same  ratio  as  you  reduce 
tile  dunes  iniportalions  inciense,  then  is  it  also 
true,  that  aliove  and  below  ihis  revenue  standard 
there  is  a  |ioiiil  tlial  will  proiluci'  ilie  .sami'  aniounl; 
and  Congress  bavins;  lir.st  si-iiled  how  niiicli  sluuild 
beiai.sed  from  any  article,  have  surely  iheri^'ht  to 
scleci  wliicli  ol'ihese  two  scales  shall  be  ailoiui'il — 
the  hi^bcsl  di'.iv  with  the  lowe.^it  imporiaiion.  or 
the  lowe.-i  ilw'v  Willi  ill,:  jiii-lu.si  impuri.'iiiim.  ! 
More  ttiliy  '"  :  ;  sit.iir  ibis  polni,  sir.  we  will  sup- 
pis-  C'onjrresj  had  fixed  upon  S-Jfl,(Kil)  as  the 
aiiiount  111"  revenue  i>  be  rolhcied  upon  soni,.  nrii- 
cle  of  inipori;  if  10  per  ciiu.  duty  were  laid,  an 
inipor^.'iMii  ot' ij'J(IO,liUt  would  pi.iduce  theainoiiiii 
desired;  but  t'oiisricss,  for  some  cause,  iiii!;lii  pir- 
ferihai.s.i  much  of  the  artich-  should  iioi  b,-  n,,- 
P'lri.il.  and,  by  way  ol'  chckinj;  imporialions, 
Should  raise  the  duly  to  lo  per  ciniuin,  and  by 
so  1  iioi  the  imporiaiiniis  shnuld  be  reduced  to 
j.|.'>ll,IHIl»;  this,  at  1.',  pi  r  ccni.,  would  pioduce 
vJJ.oilil,  beini;  more  rcvi  iiue  than  <.'oii:.'iess  di- 
siied  lo  nose  from  thai  ariicle;  and  the  duly  is 
rai.scd  to  •Jtl  p,  r  cnii.,  this  brings  tin;  importations 
down  to  slIIU.Ullil,  which.  111  ■20  per  cent.,  pro- 
diires  ilii  sum  o(  jOy  (),||,,  Thus  It!  pi'r  criii.  and 
•JJ  per  cent.  W'luld  produce  the  same  revenue — 
one  beiiiK  above  and  ilir  other  below  the  famou." 
revenue  standard;  and  who  shall  say  f'onL'resa  has 
n  It  a  richl  to  select  whicliever  raie  of  duly  will 
most  conduce  to  ihe  jenenil  wellare  of  the  conn- 
try.  and.  in  the  opinion  of  Coneress,  produce  the 
greait-s'  ijood  to  the  greatest  number? 

J'lie  .S'creiary,  in  his  niiniml  rep'ui  sayi;;  "  At 
'  learn  'wo-thirds  of  lie  taxes  impnsnl  by  ihepre.s- 
'  ent  laritf  are  paid,  noi  into  the  treasury,  but  lo  the 
'protected  clasws.  The  revenue  from  inipons 
'  last  year  exceeded  twenty  -even  niillioiiH  nj'  dol- 
'  laf».  Tins,  in  ii.self,  is  .i  heavy  laxi  but  the 
'  whole  tnx  imposed  upmi  llo-  people  by  ihc  prea- 
'  put  larilF  i»  not  less  than  eif(liiy-iiiie  mi'' ons  of 
•dollHra;  of  which  twenty-neveo  mitlioni  .u<  lod 
'  to  the 'government  upon  the  imports,  and  nfiy- 
•  four  millions  to  ihe  protected  cL-isses,  in  eiihanceil 
'  pitccaof  siimlard'aneaiiearticles."'  Mail  lliissiate- 
ment  been  made,  sir,  at  the  commcucemrni  of  his 
report,  it  would  have  asioiiished  me;  tail  I  fcaind 
so  many  atmnje  iliiu_'s  bri'ore  I  rei'-hed  this,  ibal 
1  w.ts  prepared  ;'or  anythin'/,  and  determined  to  be 


nstiAiiahed  at  nnthin;he  cnuhtsny.  He  has  hated 
his  whole  ar!;iiment  upon  the  aaatimption,  that 
every  tax  which  ia  laid  on  any  article  that  is  made 
at  homo  ineroasea  the  price  of  Iho  nrticio  lo  the 
extent  of  the  lax;  but  this  aaaertion  aeeina  lo  carry 
the  doetrhin  still  farther,  and  sny,  that,  fm-  every 
dollar  we  levy  for  the  Government,  we  levy  two 
for  Ihe  mnnufaelurer;  and  yet  he  has  anid,  that 
upon  many  articles  the  duty  ia  an  hi;;h  that  im- 
portation liaa  eeaaed.  How  waa  this  brought 
about .>  Competition  amons:at  manufaeliirera  in- 
duced them  to  reduce  the  jirico  so  low  lo  the  eon- 
anmer  that  the  foreien  article  cannot  pay  the  duty 
and  compeie  with  the  domealie,  and  conseiiuenily 
ia  excluded.  In  some  inslaiiA  Ihe  price  of  Ihc 
dimieatic  article  ia  I'cdnrcd  even  below  the  duly; 
and  yet  he  very  gravely  asserts  that  Ihe  mamifac- 
tiirer  collects  double  the  amount  of  duly.  Let  ns 
carry  this  out  aa  applied  to  poiatoes.  There  were 
imported  lasi  year  i211,3'J7  hu.sliels  of  potatoes,  at 
a  tjutv  of  ten  cents  per  bushel,  makii";;  a  revenue 
of  j>«iH,!)4!>.  This  siini  went  to  the  Government, 
and,  accordiiiir  to  the  Secretary's  iloclrine,  <ill7,- 
Hlt."*,  beini;  twice  the  amount  received  by  the  Gov- 
ernment, went  to  the  potato  j,'rowers;  and  t  would 
like  (oi  some  man  who  raises  potatoes  to  tell  me 
how  much  fell  lo  his  share.  I  emild  carry  it  out 
as  to  every  article,  and  show  its  entire  fallacy,  tint 
this  will  siiow  how  it  works.  Surely  we  are'iuuch 
indcbled  to  our  worthy  Secretary  forshowiui;  how 
much  we  were  oppressed.  Many  of  us  would 
have  u:one  down  to  our  graves  wllliout  knowins 
orl'cehnu'  n,  but  now  it  is  too  horrible  lobe  borne; 
and  still  worse,  sir,  C'lUiiiress  can  lay  no  tax  on 
imjiorls  that  will  not  work  il.  the  same  way.  Sic, 
this  reminds  me  somewhat  of  a  tcllow  who  once 
bioimhi  a  suit  of  assault  and  battery,  and  while 
his  lawyer  was  layio'^  his  case  betore  the.  jury, 
broke  out  crvinir,  and  on  bcinir  asked  what  was 
the  matter — "  dh,"  replied  be,  "1  never  knew 
that  I  had  been  treated  half  a-^  badly  before.'* 

Mr.  Walker  has  siri'at  advanlai^es  in  this  aririt- 
meiit.  He  makes  his  facts  and  his  arirumenls 
ImiiIi,  and  most  men  in  Ihis  siiiiaiion  would  make 
them  harmonize;  but  his  facts  disprove  his  ar;;u- 
menls,  and  his  arsumcnts  contradict  his  facts;  and 
here  I  will  leave  him. 

The  irenilemau  from  Georiiia,  who  opened  thia 
debate,  (Mr.  SK^aoB^J  ,1onk.s,|  calls  loudly  upon 
the  West  to  come  up  and  aid  in  pa.ssin;;  this 
bill  as  a  measure  peculiarly  calculated  lo  benefit 
ilieni.  Sir,  till'  West  ni-e  of  a  diirereni  opinion. 
Tlii'V  believe  ihiir  prosneriiy  deoends  upon  the 
orospcrity  of  the  whole  Union.  They  do  not  be- 
lieve they  are  oppressed  by  the  present  laritV;  that 
it  has  defects,  llicy  are  williii;;  lo  admit;  but  its 
very  defects  arc  virtues  when  ecmipared  to  the 
present  bill.  They  know  thai,  lo  support  llieGen- 
(  ral  tio\eriimenl,  they  have  to  jiay  llieir  portion  of 
the  taxc.s  in  some  way.  They  are  willini;  to  do 
so.  The  pre^i'iit  taritV.  ilicy  believe,  is  not  m,>re 
burib  iisome  on  them  than  this  bill  will  be.  It 
brioirs  alioiit  as  much  revenue  as  in  peace  we  need; 
and  now,  when  we  arc  like  to  want  more  money, 
ihey  arc  oppi'scd  |,»  upr  loiinir  old  sysiems  and 
ovcrturuins;  the  ancient  lai.dniai  ks,  and  adoptim;  a 
new  policy,  which  may,  anil  iliey  believe  will,  uii- 
seiilc  the  whole  bosine.s.s  of  itie  coiinlry,  ami  per- 
haps cause  capital  to  abandon  many  of  iis  present 
invtstiucnts  and  scik  new  modes  of  ein|iloyineiii. 
This,  always  fir  a  'ime,  at  Itast  oi'casions  distress 
ill  the  coiiiiirv,  and  throws  hundreds  out  of  em- 
ployment. The  siiiiar  planii  rs  in  :he  .Soiiih  are 
our  best  customers.  They  take  our  horses,  our 
mules,  and  our  jirovisions  of  every  kiiul.  We  i;et 
from  tlicm,  in  e\cbaii:;c,  their  suu-'ir  at  a  f.iir  price. 
We  arc  willint;  to  live  and  let  live;  and  we  cimnoi 
consetii  lo  join  ill  any  policy  that  will  irjure  iliem. 
I1ur  li-.idewiih  them  is  a  mere  neiubborlioiul  all'air. 
We  ihm't  care  about  liaviii;;  il  all  iliiown  into  the 
hands  of  a  few  individuals,  that  we  mayi;o  farther 
Ml"!  fare  worse.  We  are  conient  'o  lei  well  enough 
iilone.  The  W'ict  caiinol  come  u|i,  therefore,  to 
the  ifeutlcmairs  aid,  because  they  believe  that,  ill 
so  doini;,  they  would  prove  recreant  lo  their  own 
best  iiiteri'sts.  IiifaiP  inanufaciuieHaie  jusl  sprini;- 
im;  into  life  in  our  own  section  of  the  couiiiry;  we 
rejoice  at  it.  We  desire  lo  encournt;e  iheni,  and 
see  them  arow  and  prosper.  The  prospei  ily  of 
nur  brethren  {rives  ns  no  pain  We  rijuice  in 
iheir  success,  and  will  cndca\or  to  rival  them. 
We  do  not  believe  the  South  is  oppressed  by  the 


larifF,  The  evils  of  which  they  complain  have 
their  foundation  in  other  entiaea — Ihe  e.ottun  crop 
has  grontly  increased,  even  faster  than  thctiemand. 
New  and  richer  lands  have  lieen  broni;ht  into  cul- 
tivation, and  na  the  aame  amount  of  labor  will  pro- 
Jueon  {jreater  quantity  of  cotton,  it  iaaohl  cheapir, 
and  of  course  aireeialhe  price  of  all.  Hut  the  laritf 
is  thn  seaneiront,  which  has  to  bear  tlie  sin  (if  all 
the  evils  tltey  endure. 

One  word  lo  my  Denioernlic  friends,  and  I  have 
done.  You  are  in  a  larj;e  majority,  and  have 
pledged  yourselves  to  the  country  that  your  policy 
shall  be  carried  out.  It  isexneticd  at  your  h  nds. 
All  I  ask  of  you  in  to  build  up  your  bill  upon 
your  own  principles.  If  they  will  be  better  for 
the  people,  it  is  rii^ht  they  should  he  carried  out; 
bill  do  iiol  quail,  ih)  not  enilcnvor  to  have  the  name 
of  yours  with  the  benelila  of  ours.  You  avow 
discriminnliona  oiifii  for  revenue.  Make  no  others, 
and  if  this  be  the  principle  best  calculated  to  render 
us  as  a  people  great,  prosperous,  and  liappy,  the 
people  have  a  right  lo  tho  benefit  of  it.  lii  God'.f 
name,  then,  carry  il  out;  and  if,  when  you  have 
done  so,  it  proves  to  hethebesi,  I  hope  I  have  sense 
enough  to  see,  and  honesty  enough  lo  acknowledge 
it.  Itut  if,  upon  a  fair  experiuieni,  it  shall,  as  I 
verily  believo  it  will,  prove  a  total  t'oihire,  lliiu  I 
ask  you,  as  honest  men,  having  the  gooil  of  our 
whole  country  as  much  at  heart  as  myself,  to  ac- 
knowledge the  t^iilure,  and  return  to  the  principles 
of  our  fathe.s,  where  I  shall  still  reniain,  waiting 
to  unite  with  you;  whin,  in  a  spirit  of  brotherly 
love,  we  will  counsel  together,  and,  a(;knowledging 
and  avoiding  the  errors  on  both  sides  into  which 
oiirzeal  may  have  driven  us,  agree  upon  such  H 
sysiem  na  will  render  lis  a  united  people,  making 
as  il  were  but  one  lamily — the  greatest,  the  moat 
powerful,  just,  and  free,  upon  tho  face  of  the 
whole  earth. 


THE   TARIFF. 


i 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  W.  TIBBATTS, 

OF  KKNTUCItV, 
In  TIIK  IIutSK  OF   llKPnESENTATIVES, 

July  1,  184(i. 
The  Bill  to  reduce  the  duties  on  Imports,  and  for 

other    purposes,   being  under  consideration   in 

('ommiltee  of  the    Whole  on  the   atule  of  the 

ITiiion — 

Mr.  TII5BATTS  addressed  the  committee  as 
follows: 

Mr.  CintuMvv:  I  am  no  iiliraist,  unless  I  may 
be  so  considered  in  regard  to  the  relations  of  (liiH 
f  roverniueiit  with  foreign  nations.  1  was,  and  am, 
a  fil'lyfoiir-forly  man  as  to  our  norlhwestei-ii 
boundary,  as  well  as  a  Uio  Grande  man  aa  lo  our 
soiiihwcsierii  boundary.  I  believe  that  our  title  to 
the  one  is  as  clear  as  to  the  other.  I  would  not  havo 
sacrilii'cd  ilie  one  any  sooner  than  ihe  other.  I 
would  have  gone  lo  war  tor  the  one  as  soon  as  for 
the  other;  and  I  bclievi'  that  our  brave  and  gallant 
army,  and  our  patriotic  people,  pariiciilarly  of  ihc 
West,  would  have  vindicated  our  title  lo  ihe  one 
as  easily  as  they  have  done  lo  the  other.  I  do  not, 
therefore,  shrink  from  the  posiliiui  which  I  and 
others  have  taken  upon  this  Oregon  question,  nor 
do  I  regard  the  sneers  iliat  arc  cast  at  us  on  that 
iiccniini.  I  am  told  lliai  it  is  said  by  some  that 
the  I'lisidenI  has  displayed  a  high  degree  of  iliplo- 
maiie  skill  upon  this  subject,  by  using  us  of  the 
fifiv-four-forlies  as  slnol-pigemis  lo  decoy  Whigs 
and  doubtful  Democrats  iiilo  the  trap  of  /'")(i(-niiip 
— using  us  like  a  skilful  (islierman  uses  bait  to 
catch  suckers.  This  coinpliiuent  lo  the  President 
is  no  douiil  highly  lo  the  credit  of  liolli  the  tbrty- 
niiies  and  the  lifiyfoui-furties.  Which  of  us  is 
the  most  highly  honored  by  the  position  assigned 
to  us,  I  will  not  pretend  to  say.  A  day  of  rcck- 
"inng  will  come,  sir,  however,  after  the  smoke  of 
tills  .Mexican  war  shall  have  been  dissipated,  wlu  ii 
those  who  have  been  concerned  in  Ilie  ahandon- 
nienl  of  our  territory  will  be  called  to  a  just  ac- 
countability. Ill  that  day.  sir,  "  let  the  gall 'd  jailo 
wince;"  we,  who  have  sustained  the  right  "f  ilie 
ciniiilry  to  iVI"  40',  will  have  nothing  to  answer 
for.  VV'e  can  tl'en  say  thai  "  our  withers  are  uii- 
wrung." 

When  I  think  of  the  manner  in  which  il  is  tniit 
thai  this  llregiin  question  has  been  settled,  1  can- 


fPS. 

hnve 
In  ornn 
fcnrinil. 
Jilfi  cul- 
lill  pro- 
jiciipcr, 
Jic  inritK 
li  of  all 


1846. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1019 


29th  Cong Ist  Sksb. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Tibbatts. 


Ho.  OK  RrP8. 


lint  but  font  liiimilintcil — I  cannot  but  think  that 
the  proHil  Ainrriinn 

*'  Kncic,  iiiwrrlnir  In  lirr  priiln  orplanCt 

Hum  lirt'ii  ItHwki'il  lit  hy  n  iiiniiaing  owl, 

Ami  kilkil." 

Whilm  we  bliintrrnnil  boast  over  imbcrilcMex-  ; 
irn,  we  pri'ni'nt  tile  riiliciilnua  nttiliiil«  of  yielding  ; 
tn  Kri^land  wlnU  wo  have 'asncrlrd  lo  be  our  jiiNt 
ri«;hl,  **  I'learnnd  inditipntable/'  and  find  oiirBelvea  ' 
ill  the  buiiilliiitin;;  poxitiiin  of  a  whipped  hniind, 
Hiicakiii;r  lo  hin  kennel  at  the  roar  of  the  Hriliah  : 
liiiii.     We  are  told  lliat — 

"There  wiiM  n  nriiniH  niire,  who  wntilil  hnve  hrnok*(! 
The  ehriinl  ih'vll  hlnisell',  tu  hnvo  held  hla  ttnle  in  Rome  j 
Ah  cii^iily  im  ;i  kinff,'* 

niiieli  morn  a  queen,  HJr;  and  we  know  that  we  had  ] 
a  I'reaident  oiiee   (Jackson)  who  would  not  have 
yieldid  what  he  ronsiilrred  Ihc  just  till,    of  this 
liincriinicnl  lo  iiiiy  nation  on  earlli,  however  pow- 
erful.    Ilo  was  a  man  who  would 
o  iti'iiiil  (he  linn  III  hill  ileii, 

Aiifl  riiuhlhini  Iherc,  1111(1  iiinke  liiin 

Treiiilili-  llirff." 

Thid  Orc;:on  mieRtlon  wnsoiieof  the  urent  Issues 
in  the  lasl  presiilentinl  iiiid  (  oii;;i(ssioiiiil  eleetloiis. 
Tlie  siirreil  iiivioliiliilily  of  pledges  iiiaile  by  a  ean- 
diiliiii'  to  I  he  people,  iieibie  liis  elei'tioii,  and  a  striel 

111 iiiilaliiliiy  lo  the  iieople  for  any  violation  of 

siiili  pleil!;(is,  is  the  only  sali'<;iiard  to  our  repiibli- 
eaii  liiNliliiiloim.  I  hope  timt  the  I'resideiit  will  be 
able  to  aeroiiiit  lor  bis  ponilion  in  a  manner  salis- 
fhilory  111  llie  emintry.  1  do  not  desi;;ii  to  eoii- 
denin  him  ill  iidvaiiei';  I  wish  that  the  veil  of  se- 
erei-y  had  lireu  torn  from  llie  proeeediiii^s  in  rela- 
lion  lo  this  siilijei'l,  llial  the  roniilry  ini'^lit  see  the 
true  po.siiloii  of  ailiiii'H.  I  will  nut  aiiiiripale;  I 
may  reli'r  to  this  siibjiet  wnun  when  llie  veil  of 
seen  ey  is  removed.  I  have  deemed  il  iieeesHary 
to  M.iy  thus  miiih  in  defeuee  of  myself  uiiil  tin  so 
who  oeetipy  ilie  same  position  willi  ine;  and  1  now 
leave  lliis  ilii;iesHioii,  repeating;  the  sincere  hope 
that  when  llie  veil  is  removed,  the  President  may 
find  a  jiisliliciitiiin  for  lii.s  coiii-se. 

1  have  said  llmt  I  am  no  ullraisi,  at  least  in  re- 
gard to  the  domestic  and  iiilei'iml  reliilions  of  this 
eounlry.  1  approach  all  such  '[ueslion.s  in  a  spirit 
of  concession  and  compromise.  Onr  (jovernment 
is  one  of  concession  and  compromise.  Il  would 
be  iiiipossilile  wiihout  such  a  spirit  lo  i;et  aloiejr  at 
all;  and  more  parlienliirly  upon  aipieslion  like  liiat 
of  the  tiiriir,  which  involves  probalily  more  than 
any  other  llie  conflicliiii^  inieiesis  of  the  ilill'eienl 
occiipaiioiisimd  llie  dilferenl  sections  of  this  wide- 
sjiriad  ('oiil'ciliMacy, 

'I'liere  arc  two  rxircme  parties  on  ihe  subject  of 
the  tariiron  llus  lliior,  anil  in  this  coiiniry.'  The 
one,  which  is  denomiiiatrd  the  frce-trailo  parlv, 
who  iuivocale  a  Ijirilf  tor  rrecNKf  ft/eiic,  discriminu- 
tiiu^  fornrniKc  alone,  and  mil  for  proledioii  or  tor 
any  other  |iur|iose,  and  who  deny  tli:il  (.'oiiirress 
possesses  llie  consliinliotial  power  to  discriininale 
for  the  protection  of  American  inibisiry  in  adjiisl- 
iii.:  a  tarilf.  'I'lie  oilier  puny,  who  are  for  a  liii;li 
and  exorliilaiil  larilf,  haviiis;  proieclion  for  its  oli- 
jicl,  ami  making  the  subject  of  revenue  merely 
incidenial. 

AVhiil  1  may  have  to  say  may  not  be  very  pleas- 
iim  lo  eiiher  of  lliese  piirties.  I  diller  from  bolh  of 
these  exiremes.     I  think  they  are  both  wroii!.'. 

Ill  mil/ill  tiilhsimiis  ihis.  I  approach  this  question 
Willi  t'eeliinis  of  the  inmost  kiniliie.ss  in  bolh  of 
these  parlies.  I  snv  lo  both — "  (.'onie,  breiliren, 
let  us  leiison  loijeiher."  I  be;;  the  atlenlion  of 
bolh.  let  ns  ('(insider  this  qneslion,  as  we  have  to 
do  all  oihers,  inn  spirit  of  compromise  and  conces- 
sion. Let  ns  see  if  we  cannot  find  some  eonimnn 
{iroiind  on  which  yon  can  both  stand.  Unless  ibis 
fpie^lion  issitileii  in  ihis  way  il  never  will  be  selllcd 
in  a  nuiinier  .saiisfaclory  to  ihe  country.  'I'lie  peo- 
ph;  of  ihis  country  will  never  be  salislied  wiib  a 
larilf  based  exclusively  npo  n  the  doctrines  of  eiiher 
Ihe  hi^li  proirciionisls,  or  the  freelraih  is.  Holli, 
then,  iihif:  yield  someihini;.  If  both  will  ail  in 
tins  spirit,  il  stems  to  me  thai  there  would  f-xist 
no  dillicnliy  in  arraniriiiij  a  tarilf  which  would  f;ive 
gi  neial  salisfaclion  lo  Ihe  cniinlry. 

.\o  mini  is  more  opposed  to  the  principles  of  the 
acl  of  IH.pj  than  1  mil,  and  no  one  would  go  more 
readily  for  its  modification,  or  amendment,  or  ili- 
ilced  iis  repeal,  and  the  substtmtion  of  a  new  larilf 
lull  which  would  adopt  a  more  satisfactory  system 
of  taxation. 


I  look  upon  Ihe  net  nf  1843  ns,  In  Its  operation, 
hichly  nniiistand  oppressive  lo  the  laboring  elasses 
everywhere,  and  to  the  southern  and  western  sec- 
lions  of  the  eoiintry  parlieiilarly. 

liiit  I  dilTer  from  my  friends  of  the  free-trade 
parly — not  in  their  opposition  to  the  act  of  1842,  for 
I  will  go  heart  and  hand  with  them  in  repealing 
its  unjust  and  oppressive  pitn'islnna,  but  in  this — 
beeaiise  Ihot  they,  in  endejivnring  to  relievo  lliem- 
.selves  from  the  burdens  ufaii  unjust  tnxatinn  under 
the  nneratinn  nf  the  net  of  1849,  are  not  only  dis- 
posed lo  give  np,  but  do  aetually  deny,  the  exist- 
ence of  u  power  which  I  eaiididly  and  limiestly 
believe  eonstitiilionally  exists  in  this  Government, 
and  which,  in  my  opinion,  is  essential  tn  lis  safely 
and  iiidc|iendence  as  regards  foreign  nations. 

The  t'onstitiilion  expressly  eonfers  i.pon  Con- 
gress the  power  "  to  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties, 
imposts,  and  excises,"  and  the  power  "  to  regulate 
commerce.'* 

The  power  to  "  regulate  commeren"  is  to  pro- 
scribe a  rule  by  which  eoinmerre  Is  to  be  govern- 
ed. The  term  commerce  is  not  to  be  limited  lo 
IrafTic,  or  the  biiyin;:  and  selling  or  interchange  of 
enmmodilirs,  but  comprehends  both  navigation 
and  inlerconrse.  To  limit  the  meauiiii;  of  the  term 
eomnieiee  to  that  of  traffic  merely,  would  reslrict 
a  general  term  comprehendiiig  many  objecls  to 
only  one  of  its  significalioiis. 

Then  foreign  eoinineree  Is  regulated  by  prescri- 
bing rules  for  carrying  on  the  intercourse  with  for- 
eign nations. 

It  is  under  this  inlerpreniion  alone  that  we  can 
find  the  power  lo  prescribe  what  shall  eoosliiiile 
.Vmerican  vessels,  or  lliat  they  shall  be  navigated 
by  American  seamen. 

Has  Congress  llie  right  toexereise  the  power  to 
legiilale  eoinmen  e  for  the  purpose  of  )n-oleelliig 
American  indiisMy  of  any  kind,  not  simply  of 
maniifactiires,  but  also  of  agriculture,  commerce, 
and  Ihc  mechanic  arls.' 

■Vo  one  can  doubt  but  that  the  power  to  regulate 
eommerec  or  trade  necessarily  includes  the  power 
to  tax  il.  And  the  ipiestion  then  resolves  itself 
into  this,  whellier  the  power  lo  tax  trade,  which  Is 
involved  in  the  power  to  regulate  trade,  can  he 
I'ousliiulionally  exercised  by  levyiiis:  ibilies,  and 
imposhv^  prohibitions  and  reslrielions,  willi  the 
olijrci  of  encouraging  the  prodiiciions  of  American 
inilnstry? 

As  our  Constiliilion  is  not  a  code  of  definllions, 
we  must  seek  llie  meaning  of  llie  phrase  "  lo  reiru- 
late  eonimeree*'  in  the  objecls  to  wiiicli  the  powei 
was  generally  thought  to  be  applicable  at  the  time 
of  its  I'ornialion. 

The  power  nf  resnlalii.L'  cnninierce  has  always 
bi^en  exercised  by  all  cominercial  nations  wiih  a 
view  lo  the  enconrniemenlol'  home  inilnslry.  This 
has  Iteen  piirtienlarly  the  case  with  Great  Hritaiii, 
from  which  we  derive  our  cu.^tonis,  laws,  language, 
and  our  commercial  voealiiiliiry. 

The  Sillies  so  nnilersiood  and  exercised  this 
power  whilst  ihey  retained  the  power  over  their 
foreii;n  commerce. 

The  want  of  ihis  power  was  one  of  the  ffreatesi 
defects  ill  the  ('oofedcration,  and  was  one  of  the 
|irliic'piil  causes  wliich  led  to  lb",  adoption  of  llie 
present  Consliliition.  Indeed,  such  a  power  is 
necess-«il','  inhereni  in  all  independent  sovereign- 
ties, R  '*  sticb  an  exercise  of  it  by  Compress  was 
experrii  iiv  the  Slates  when  ihey  transferred  to 
the  (ieneiiil  GovermneiU  the  power  of  regulaling 
onr  foreign  cnninierce. 

If  the  free-uade  doctrine  be  true  that  revenu  Ise 
the  sole  objecl  of  the  eonstilntional  exercise  of  the 
power  io  "  lay  imposts,*'  and  lliat  the  power  "  to 
regulate  rnmmeree"  cannot  be  exercised  for  the 
fiiir[iose  of  encouraging  and  protectlni^  home  iii- 
diislry,  then  this  great  nation  would  scarcely 
deserve  the  name;  il  would  be  but  a  weak  infant 
among  the  siani  nations  of  the  earth,  unable  lo 
coiinlcract  iheir  monopolies  and  niieqiial  commer- 
cial regulaliini.-i — unable  lo  foster  at  home  the  pro- 
dnciion  of  lii(^  stiqtie  articles  of  subsistence,  or  the 
firodiictions  necessary  tin*  the  national  detenec  and 
nalioiMil  independence — and  American  navigation 
itself,  ill  foster  and  protect  which  is  important  to 
the  national  secnrily  and  national  inile|iendence, 
as  a  cri'lle  to  our  naval  defence,  would  have  to  be 
abandoned  to  ih'i  mercies  of  foreign  eonipetitlon 
and  imposiiions,  anil  siieeilily  meet  with  inev- 
itable destruction.     Without  such  a   power,  the 


Qovernment  would  be  utterly  incapable  of  self- 
prolection  or  self-support,  subservient  to  the  policy 
of  foreign  nations,  and  absolutely  worthless. 

If  Congress  does  not  possess  this  power,  so 
essential  to  the  sovereignly  of  every  nation,  so 
necessary  to  its  seir-proteclinn  and  independence, 
the  power  is  annihiloted;  for  the  Stales  certainly 
dn  not  possess  it;  and  to  this  eonelnsion  arc  the 
oiipniienls  of  this  power  bronirht — a  cnnchision  so 
ansurd  that  it  is  of  itself  u  full  and  siifHcient  an- 
swer to  everything  which  can  be  said  upon  the 
subject. 

That  it  was  the  understanding  of  the  framers  of 
the  Constitution  that  Congre.'<s  did  posses.4  this 
power,  and  ought  to  exercise  It,  (of  course  judi- 
ciously and  ftlirly,)  is  proved  by  the  use  maile  of 
ihe  powert  "  to  regulate  commeri-e"  and  to  "  lay 
imposts,"  for  that  expressly  declared  object.  In  iho 
first  .session  of  the  very  first  Congress  held  under 
the  Conslilution— very  many  of  whose  ineinberM 
had  been  fliembers  of  the  convention  which  fnimeil 
the  Constitution,  and  of  the  Slate  cnnvenlinns  by 
which  II  had  been  ratified. 

The  preamble  of  the  net  of  the  4tb  July,  1789, 
Is  in  these  words: 

'•  Whereas  jl  is  iiecciinnry  for  the  (iiip^inrt  of  the  Goverii- 

I I,  tor  the  ilMchlirite  iif'tlie  (lehts  nl  Ihe   rnili'il   SliilcH, 

mill  Ihe  enrniiriiiiemeiit  nml  jirole'linii  of  tiiiitiiil'iiihtre^,\htii 
duties  he  liiiil  (Nl  ijoixls,  wtiro^,  ami  inercliiuiilisij ;  lie  U 
cmic/t'(/,"  8tc. 

At  thai  day,  ro  man  denied  the  power  or  the 
duly  here  asserted — not  a  voii'e  was  raised  in  (Con- 
gress or  In  the  country  against  it. 

\  uniform  and  practical  sanction  has  been  i;iven 
to  this  power,  from  the  commencement  of  ihc  (iov- 
erninent  to  the  present  lime,  in  many  acis  of  (.'on- 
irress,  upon  an  Infinite  variety  of  subjects,  ant!  In 
all  the  larilT  bilLs  which  have  been  passed,  all  of 
which  iiilmlland  saiicllon  It;  Indeed,  It  is  fully  ad- 
miilcd  by  the  bill  now  iiiider  coiisiderallon. 

This  noc'.rinc  may  appear  sirange  lo  some  gen- 
llemeii,  Mr.  Chairman,  bin  1  cannot  help  that.  It 
is  my  duly  lo  give  my  own  sentinients  and  opin- 
innsVairly  and  frankly.  This  1  have  done, and  in 
doing  so,  I  am  happy  lo  say  lliat  I  am  simply  re- 
pealing the  seniimeuis  expie.s.sed  by  Mr.  MailLson 
in  his  letter  to  .Tosepli  i'.  (Jabell,  lisip,  of  ihe  18lh 
Sejiteinber,  18i.'8,  which  may  be  found  in  the  .')5th 
volume  of  Niles'a  Itegisler,  page  285,  and  to  which 
I  refer  genllenien  for  a  much  more  lucid  view  of 
this  qneslion  limn  I  have  been  able  to  give  it  In  tlio 
short  lime  I  have  allotted  to  il,  or  llinii  I  could  do 
were  1  lo  speak  upon  it  for  a  week.  The  opinions 
of  Mr.  Madison,  who  was  one  of  the  fiameis,  if 
not  the  jinlhor,  of  live  C'oiistilnlion,  on  ([iieslions 
all'ccting  the  constitutional  |iowers  of  this  Gov- 
eriiment,  are,  in  my  esiimalion,  eiilillcil  lo  i;reat 
wel'.:lit.  At  all  events,  I  will  always  feel  sale  when 
standing  side  by  side  with  him;  and  more  parlieii- 
larly when  there  stand  along  v.'illi  me  such  iiieii  as 
Ihiclianiin,  Cass,  .lohnsoii.  Van  Unreii,  Polk,  and 
a  host  of  others,  who  have  slood  prominent  ill  the 
ranks  of  the  Democratic  parly. 
I  The  ipiestioii  as  to  pow  r  being  then  settled,  an- 
other question  arLses,  whether  such  a  power  onsht 
to  be  exircised  ?  and  if  so,  to  what  extern,  and  in 
what  manner  should  il  be  done.' 

I  do  not  doubt  the  propriely  of  the  exercise  of 
this  power  on  all  suiiable  occasions,  '-so  a.-i  to 
give  a  fair  and  just  pion clioii,"  to  ii.se  the  words 
of  the  President  himself,  in  his  Idler  to  .loliii  IC. 
Kane,  Es(|.,  "  lo  all  the  great  inlerests  of  the  wliolo 
IJiiion,  embraeiiig  agriculture,  mannfaeluri'S,  the 
mechanic  arls,  commetee,  and  navigation."  This 
I  consider  lo  be  the  true  Demoeralic,  doctrine,  and 
in  this  I  am  fully  suslaiiicd,  not  only  by  Mr.  iVIad- 
ison,  but  by  those  tried  and  uiuleviatinir  Demo- 
crats, Jackson,  Johnson,  Kuchanan,  Cass,  Van 
Ihiren,  Polk,  and  many  oilier  great  li;;hls  of  the 
Demoeralie  school,  and  leaders  of  the  Democratic 
parly. 

I  will  call  your  allentinn  to  the  following  opin- 
ions expressed  by  u  few  of  the  eminent  men  of  llie 
nemocratic  party.  A I  Washinglon  city,  in  1824, 
General  Jackson  wrote  ns  follows: 

;  o  Heiiveil  smiled  upon  iind  cnve  lis  libfrlij  and  iiidepciid- 
'  nice.  Thill  iiaine  I'toviileiiecha^  liles.<ed  ii.s  Willi  the  laeaiia 
nrimtiniitil  iiidcpi  iifteiice  unit  iialiotinl  dclciice.  irweiaiiit 
or  ritli-c  III  ii-^e  Ihe  uill^  wliich  he  Iifi8  e.xti'ialcd  to  us,  we 
ileserv(>  not  llie  eoiiliioiiinee  nf  his  hicssiiifi.  lie  lias  filled 
iiiir  m'lmiliiiiis  and  our  pitiuis  witti  minerals— with  lend, 
trail,  niid  copper — nml  iiivea  ns  a  iliin>:tc  ond  foil  for  llie 
jxniwiiiK  of  hemp  ami  wool.  These  lieiiijj  Ihe  areiit  iiiale- 
rials  of  our  naUoaal  defence,  they  ought  to  have  extended 


■  ■fSiiij 


1020 


iidTU  CoNo 1st  Sks8, 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Tanff—Mr.  IWmtts. 


[July  I, 


llo.  or  Kki*8. 


lit  iliiMii  iiifrifiuilf  <ittt  t'liir  jnot*itii*nt  lluil  mir  inuniiDn'liiniii 
anil  InltoriTn  iitay  Iv-  jitiii-<-il  in  ii  Our  riiiii|H'litiiiit  willt  liii»»i< 
ftl  KiiMi|>i>.  Aiiil  ilint  \vi'  Inivr  uilhiii  our  i'<Miiitr>  it  nttpiily  nr 
iliosf-  ItMtliiix  mid  itit|turiiiiii  jiriiclnt  Nt>  t'oMiMtlittt  in  wtir." 
**  ll  I',  (lii'miiri*.  iity  i)|)iitioii.  tlittt  u  iKtr/iiJ  »h<I  njwtUiottM 
hirilfi*  wmiletl  |o  fMif  our  iuaion.it  >U-ht,  iirid  In  ullitul  um  lhi< 
mfiiim  ot'tlnil  ildi  lire  wilhlii  otirirlvrii  nii  ultli'h  |lu<  ^(1lV|y 
o(  iMir  roiiiitry  <1i-|h>iiiIn  ;  nnd  \r\*\,  ihoiiuli  imi  IfiiHt.  In  yivo 
H  pr<>|i  r  ih'tnliiilioii  In  uiir  liibnrN  wliit'h  iiiiiid  |tritvi'  Itrnr- 
lii'iiil  lo  Ihu  liiipp'iiUMi,  indr)i(-iMlriioi',  (iml  \v«  iilih  ul  i)ie 
roiiiiiiiiiiii>.  ANItur.W  J.\rKSt>N." 

The  Ocindornlio  SliUr  rtinvinintii  of  lixtitini;,  in 
IKlCi,  niUlri'HSPil  li)  larh  of  tlic  Dnnocratic  raiidj- 
ilatfft  till' till'  l*rt'Hulniry  I't  ri*>iii  iiiltTi*»»i:tU!»iirrt,iimi 
nnioiiu;  thnn  tin:  Inllowinir:  '*  Aic  yt'U  in  ftkvor  ot\  i 

JohiKNiiDf  tilt'  favoiirntf  till'  Kmturky  ilcmocrnoyi  I 
n*|ili('8  In  llir  alMi\r  iiiit'n'<i*<:t\t(iry  tliim:  I 

♦'Tnxt't*  i-nll>rifit  hiilirccily  liy  untiimriTi' nre  h'wl  ft-lt, 
and  ini>i)t  t-h<Trriilly  paid  i  uiid  It'  tht-y  I'uiild  Im'  mt  rtnuliiii'd 
as  III  rriidiT  srciii  iitiii<>iiiil  rfNimrrcit,  unit  rrur  it/(  »KHiui 
<ir(iyiV«-i«  tiriJ  iii.iriiif..i(iiri-n,  (III*  )Hitiait'))  Iio|h<  wmilit  Im' 
<*iMi>uinni:ii<'il.  It  1-4  till'  fritr  rfrnuMTuf iV  ^octrliir,  iih  Ihr  iin 
I  uiidiTsiiiiid  II,  M  tlivi'  till)*  niiid«-itlid  iirnli'ctinn  In  .ictirit/- 
/uic  iirirf  tiHtnuUutufei,\\\n\  ||iu<*  uivc  univrr)Kti  «<|h^^l•/'■'M  to 
ti'i  tih<'r.il  ntfuh-il  mm  Uy  i-xh'iidiitK  u  K>>ni>riil  iid\iiiilnt-i', 
tgiuilly  nuiirdiiin  i^try  iiiuttM  niid  cvi'ry  Mtiiun  nl  ihix 
grvtii  l'tniicdi'r;u'>'." 

Mr.  IJ'iiliaiiaii,  in  liia  answer  to  ilio  same  inter- 
ixii;aiory»  say^: 

«'I\%iilild  iiwl  iii)|Ht<t' oii«  diillnr  ol' dlllli'M  nil  nlir  liift  lull 
initMifl>,  ll- ymid  u-liut  may  Ih' iii'<'i>>i>ar>  In  jiut  i  micIi  icn 
liniiiit'.il  i>\|M'iidilurr.  (III!  Inwrsl  Htnoiitil  nrTr-vriiin*  ('i))i.>tF<t- 
«>iu  Willi  ih.'  iiiiiiiiiiiil  KiU-ly.)  Ill  iid|ii>niiti  tlM-c  diiliiH,  I 
Bltnll  uder  tttoituhn  thr  pmuiylf  (•/'  ilitciiiiirtiu/ioti.  in  iHvnr 
(d' >uotl  ttrniKlirM  nl' Aiiifir  inthtAtru  »!*  iiiii\  Ih-  iin  i>«i>iir\  in 
scviiii- a  >ii|i|dv  nt' ttiniii'  (iflit'l<-A  nl'  iiiKiiMlurlnic,  t^v-«'liliill 
tn  ilie  iiiiiiuiiHJ  iiiil'  p  'iidt'iu'c  and  >un  ly  in  linir  nl  w  .r.  mid 
ilh>  iimri'  ittp'-ciHlly  itlti  r  muU  iiiaiiulit<'tAM'^  bti\«'  tH-cn 
■■-t:it)li^ht>d  ul  uii  iiiiiiK'ifi'  i'X|tt'ii'<i-,(in  ttx-  liiiih  nt'  >niir  tit\SN. 
1  WnuM  >ll\t'  III*  111  liolii  flliklllil  liiln  iiilli  li>  Nlh-il  It  lllti'  iif 
itiuinnifi  itiou  a«  iniiy  In*  ii(ve%siiii//(>  /trisfirc  thtm.  I  ii'iii'iil 
rial  till!*  i>  ni>  i-n  rtj.  and  il  linit  Hl\va>s  ht'cn  llir  I'li'i'd  nr 
liif  lUiIu'i^n!  idc  |)i  iiio  Talicidiiiri'li.*^ 

.Mr.  Cas.i  i'e|>ti('s: 

'•  1  t*iiiik.  tin  I),  iliat  itir  n-t  t>nui<  nt'tlii-  (invfrniiii'iil  nimlit 
1.1  lif  lirnuiilit  ilniMi  tn  111!  lowf.l  imiiit  »'n|ii|iaMltlr  Willi  llic 
|t<  rinnnaiK  •■  ni  it<  <-nii-lttiiti<>i)iil  liiiii-lh  n  ;  and  Ihiil,  in  llii> 
ini^)<>-aiun  nl  dnlit-^t  ii>'i'i-or>,ir>'  \\  illi  llir  |tinri'i'd>  nt  tin'  |>il!>- 
ItO  laiid^  In  jirnMili'  Ihl>  lt-\riiu<  .  nnuli  ri/n'  .>Mif<  r/imi  \\ovtil 
h'  n^jfilcti  In  Mii'li  tiraiit'lit  it  (ir>7"iri  j'lifi  iiuiuttni  m  mnyj  rc- 
vulrr  it.  'I'lii4  Jipi'ciirN  In  hh'  tint  nid,\  i«iriifi/ii/u>titil,'  hit 
cMlle { torhiftfiv sTfii/  illtrrr^t^o^'t^*  r„nntni ; iiiid  ii  a itiolttlire 
t.trijf' uitou  Ihu"  pniit'i|i|i'  tvi'ii-  wisi  I)  and  nmdi  rah  l>  ■"•lat>~ 
listieil.iirb/  Mm  tvH  to  ilt  oun  oyr.iti  <ii,jit*  l)i:tl  Ihr  I'nininii- 
iiitv  ci.iilil  cah-iilali'  U|Hin  ii.-4  ri-ar<niiidili'  duratmii.  iiinl  thu" 
av.iid  Miiii<iui,rf^i<rii'i/i  nis,  wi  imuht  Innk  tnr  no  ^rnrial  ,«' 
qiiu"«  -I'lii'i'  in  itu-  iirraiiufini'iil  ti.-.  we  tan  f\|Utl  in  mir-ti.-n.'* 
nt  ilii.'«  cnnii'lh  :U<  d  kllid.wlii'rr  loi-itl  lt'i';iii^<t  Iium'  t>r<  a 
mlisird." 

And  Mr.  Van  liuren  nnswers: 

'■  My  vii'ws  in  ri'Inthmin  |lii-  jfroteititf  itrtrm  wi'ri' *Mllt'd 
(>^r  ll)  llii'  sihn-  ^•^^  r^jinnii^  iiM'i  iini;  III  ISftJ.and  IhtIs  hi**!!. 
A  *'nii\i  Moll  tluil  Itii'  t  !tial>liiihnii-iil  u|  t  >i>iiiiit<it-ial  n  ;:tilii 
fhm«.  »  I'll  a  VM'w  tn  Ihi-  t-iii<ii(i.J:-iiiifiif  vf  <MiMii->/ir  iiifrit  -t^, 
I)  u-'fAiM  rhf  fOii'^lituti  tihil  ^tmtT  «7  rii.^n.i,  \v .»,-  nn  Dial 
tx~ra-inn  ilHtiii.-tl>  Nvnwid.  Itiil  Imlilinu  ilnx  i.|Mninii,  /  •,/ 
tHf  ».;«!(■  tiuii  ilfnit'it  tSe  jnof-rte's  of  tin-  l>iit;;  Inti  ihjic.i  hi 
Ii  in.iHii'T  f.  I  '.  ■tCii  f.<  Oj'jTiM  .iM7  fMifi  >ii  of  fit)  lit  aw  ,  iti 
rCTH,  or  (5  <i</p(»;«-i*  Mr  illi.  rr*/ n/Oiir  *c.  fiiXi  >t  Ihf  (  ii.ni  uf 
tieerprnse  Of  >:notkti.  I.  oil  llif  rnnttaiv.  allliiinil  ll  In  |ir 
th'-  dutv  ni'tlio!*'-  wlin  ate  iiitni'dd  wiiti  tin-  adnnii'itaiinii 
oriJj'-  Pi-drrrtl  ii.'ViriiMiriil.  In  diTMl  lU  npt'ialmiis  iii  llif 
itrMiinT  bc^l  cnli'llhiti-d  tn  <li>iriliitti-  a->  t-</ii.j/  u  :s  |HU^it^ir,  ||< 
t>iirit'ii(i  .-liiil  lli'-siiiffit  ainniiit  lln  si\.rnl  St.ih'"  and  Itic 
p'  <')i|.'  ihi  r<-nt'.  Ill  aildilini)  lii  ilic  diclarninm  nl  ih(>>M  it<  n 
tT.il  \|t\\«,  I  -UifL'i-'ti'd  iiiiiir  -|iriilic  iiilix  Tor  Itif  lUMinii  nt 
eiip  linw  rniin-ni  m  thitt  parta'Ular,  li\  il»>  nl)A(>r\ani-i-  nf 
wliHMi  I  tit  1  uVf  tlin>»:  vii-Wit  would  It*- iiinHt  hki-ly  lo  Im'  rar 
ru'«l  intn  I'an  « irmt. 

■*  .Mnrf  iliKii  ll  II  yi'«rn  hiwi-  finporti  -in<  »•  iliat  mnnniini- 
catinii  witf'  iiiMili- ;  and  <liirini{  llial  I'lnirt'  [Kiintl  t)if  nt-np[<> 
»'  t'H'  Ciiilfd  Slah--^  lia\i*  paid  I  iritr  iiiii'>itni.«  nl  dillii"<, 
«\t.w,Mlly  iinj-isfd  I'm  Ihi-  iiicniirrn!t>rn«  ill  and  prnti fiinii  ni' 
rtoni'-atio  niiinu!'a<Miirf*.  uitti  tftailnal  iiilin-iinn'^  iioi-nnlnnt 
tn  111*'  pnivi^ii'ii-^  nt  III-  ruiniirnini"!-  a'l  ni  Wi;i.  Tin-  tin- 
biafi*d  -Piiiiinfnl  nl  ilif  in,niir>  in  hji|m-iM  |n  u  Juti  i-.  iiinlfr 
>ii.-li  nmini-'I.^iH'ft*.  tin-  pri>|M-r  rnli  itir  lt-i:i~|ati\i' at  Imii 
npnn  tlii^  »ulij«-('l.  Iia>i.  I  think,  li\  tin-  inniM  ni  I'Vi'iiiii  and 
(tin  (ir<isr<'>-i  or  npinmn.  In'in  hrniii:lii  in  ilii>  t-niii-ii|oinii 
tirifliy  fxpre^wd  in  nm-  nt  ih<*  n-Miliitinn-*  nl  \niir  rnnvtri 
vt  iiiiun.  \17. :  ^^  di-^'Tiiiiiiiatin;:  lariij'  tni  ifM-nnr  piitpn-tM 
..iiU.  and  wnit'll  will  liii'iili'iiliillv  prottwl  ,1mrni.in  in 
rfwfM* 

*-0t' Ihf  (OTUttiti\tu>tutl fioii-rr  (■■  fn-iAi-dnrrimiHtilnMii.  f  httrf 
no  ii>ni'-t.  K<|il<dh  I'll  ar  it  ir*  that  tin-  |iiui-li>i-  ni  inakiiiti 
ilirin  liaji  i'xi>l»-(1  Irnin  thr  i-nin'Mimi'int-ni  nt  iht-  <;ii\iTn 
menl,  and  «Miii(imiit«'-  a  h-niun'  in  i\ir>  prinri|ml  lanll'  lull 
wtii-h  is  to  bp  f'Hiiid  nn  niir  htatiilf  br>uk<  " 

Sltnilnropinii.'nH.t'Xpressed  hy  iiunierou«  others 
of  the  enimciit  nun  of  the  l^'nm.'DMie  p.irty.  I 
rould  rite  \im  tn,  but  I  iniHu'ine  ihat  the  alunr  will 
be  sufficient  to  (ustify  nie  in  the  opinions  1  have 
expnsspii.  Idoiitirjil  w  iih  these  opinions  iu  the 
opini'tn  of  Mr.  I*olk,aswill  lie  seen  hy  the  foj- 
lowini^  letter,  dated 

*•  Cot.'  MHiA,  Ttiin.,  Junr  l;t.  1*1 1. 

"Dci-KBta:  I  luvt  rvccivcU  rtcuiiUy  si'Vuial  Uiuii*  ui 


ri'lfn-iHT  In  aiy  npjrdniifi  nii  tilt*   mibJiTl  of  Dm  tnrill',  nnd 
iitnmiff  nlkfrN  vniirit  of  ili«!  •'NMIi  iitlfmu.     My  npinlniM  nn  Ihlii  ' 
->iilij«>t'l  liiivf  iHMMi  i>t'i<'n  tiivm  Id  tln^  ptitdic.    Thry  an*  ta 
bt'  Iniiiul  in  my  public  nrlx,  and  in  thr  piihllt'  (liNriHP'innii  la 
w  Inch  I  linvi'  parlit'i|HtliMl. 

'*  I  inn  In  Ihvnr  nl  a  tiuilV  tor  rrvi'inti',  mirh  nii  nni'  at  will 
yii'ld  It  falHcienl  iiainaiit  tn  ilit>  in'aHiiry  in  def^ny  tlie  rx 
pi'itM'fi  nl'  lilt'  (■nvi>riiiiii-nt  •■i-niiiiiiiti'ally  iKlmliiiiM  rt'd.  In 
iidJiiKlliiH  Ibr  di'tail!*  nt' a  ir\i>iiiic  tarifl.  I  liiivr  hiTrlnlnip  I 
xuiii'lmniil  (tm-h  mndiTiilt'  d-^t-iiminaiiiiK  diilit'H  n-t  wniitil 
prntliM'i'  the  aiiMMiiit  nf  rcvi-iinc  m>i'd<-il,  and  al  iIk'  •iitin- 
iiiiii'  ittl'nnl  rra-niialili'  iiiridi'iilal  pnili'i'lmii  In  nnr  tmnn- 
imliiolry.  I  nut  nppn:<tt<d  Inaiurtirinr  prntf-ciinn  Tanrjy,  and 
lint  lot  n'Vfiiui'. 

"  .VciliiK  dpi  n  IIk'ki'  |{>'iH'nil  pilni-iph'M.  It  Im  wi-ll  kiinwn 
Mint  I  ttiivi'  my  Kiippmi  |n  tlii<  pnlu'y  nl'  (■rniTid  Jnckhnn'n  ' 
.\dinlid>tr.ilinn  mi  thiH  Midvicri.  I  vniml  nuaiii.Hi  the  tiirltl' 
itrl  nl'  |K->H.  |  vnicd  tnr  lhi>  iii-t  nt'  IKhi,  whi<di  rnntainrd 
Hindi Ih'iiiiniiri  nrxiimi'  ol'  lh<-  tdmrunniililf  pnivittioni  nl'iln- 
nri  nl  iH-iH,  Ah  a  mcmtH-r  nl'  llic  Cninimlh'i'  nt'  W'ajn  and 
Mfuiin  nf  till-  Hnii-i'  nf  Ki'pn-.riilalivi-*,  1  uavr  my  arHrni 
In  It  bill  n-pniti'il  bv  that  t-nniinilt'r  in  Pci'i'intu'r,  IH;^J, 
nmkiiitf  innlifi  mndilV-aiinnH  nf  ilir  art  nf  |H>.>H,  nnd  inakinii 
ahn  discriminiilinni*  in  tin-  impn>iiinii  ni'  the  dntH'N  wbnli 
11  prtipiwi'tt.  Tliiit  hill  dhl  imi  pa-H,  Iml  wa>4  Kniii-r-Tdcil  by 
lln- bill  i-nmiiinidy  ciilU-d  thi'  t'nmprmni^i'  bill,  tnr  wliiidi  1 
vnli'd. 

••  In  iu>  piiliiimtii.il  is  till'  duly  nf  (•iivi'rmm'Dl  In  i<\ti>nd, 
i\s  tar  n<«  ii  iiia>  hi-  pniriicahli'  In  lUt  sn  by  iIh  ri'\<>niii*  laws, 
nnd  all  nllnr  ini-ani  \Milim  Ms  |Htwi'r,l)nr  and  Just  pinii-i-nmi 
In  all  thi'  tiri'al  lldl'^l•^l  >  nf  itir  t\linb>  I 'limn,  rnihracinK 
aiiririittnrt',  maiiiifai-iiirrs,  ibi-  im-i-liami>  art--',  rninnit'rfr, 
and  imviuntinn.  I  In-arnlv  ap|irnvi>  lln-  rr-inltiinini'  iipnii  ' 
ihi4  «nti|i'i-i.  |i:io<«rd  b\  ihr  Ib'inni-ralK'  Nalmnal  ('niivciitinii 
lalt'ly  i>n.i-iMM.-il  at  iUlnnmn-. 

'■  i  nm,wilhiiri'nt  n  tipct't,  dear  tiir,  \niir  ribi'i|ii>nl  Hi'rvaiil,  ' 
"J A.MKrt  K.  POI.K.      I 

"JniiH  K.  K^NK.  K-M].,  I'hiliuh-li>hia."  I 

Mr.  Polk,  in  his  inaui^iiral  address,  reilerntes 
the  opiniiiii.s  expressed  in  his  letter  lo  Mr.  Kane, 
and  adds: 

"Tht'  |w»wi'r  'In  lay  and  t-nlli-tt  Inxf",  diilii  i,  iini»n'f>', 
and  t  Ml  I-,' Ma-i  an  imli-pi-n-ahlf  ttiu' In  Im' inniirnd  nn 
lln-  I'l-tti-ral  «;n\i-rmni'nl.  whu'h,  wiilmni  it,  wnujd  p.i*.i-,.!t 
III)  mi'aiis  (if  prnviiliin;  liir  iim  nwii  ^llp|Hlrl.  In  cxi-ruiintt 
IliM  pnt\i'r  li\  lt\>iiiL'  a  taniV  nf  diitii'd  Inr  iIh'  !<iip|inrl  nf 
*in\finnitiit,  Ihf  tai-mu'  nf  ,»'irii»c  >liniltil  hr  the  ulijat.  nnd 
ftrot'itioti  Mil'  on  f</crt^  Tn  ri'\iT>i'  Hiis  primipli',  ami  tnaki' 
^trofi-rfioti  Mil'  oljiit.  ami  k-fcimm' Ihr  mk  ii/<ii/.  wniiUt  In- to 
iiiltli't  llmnllr^I  iiijii!tii(-i>  nihiii  till  nihil  than  Mn-  pmit-rii d 
intrrt-.-ts.  In  Ifwniu  iIuik's  inr  ii'\t-mu'.  il  i-^  dnnhilrss 
pinpi'r  In  maki-  ^iirh  iliM-iinutiatinn^  \Miliiii  the  n'tcxruc 
;»ii(i  t;.'r,  n>  will  ;itt(trii  ttii-iil<  iilal  pmit  clinn  tn  tmr  hnnif 
inlrH'^l-i,  Wilbiii  tin-  iru'iiiif  Inn  it,  thrrr  is  a  ilisi-o-tinn  tn  j 
ili^t-nininati- ;  hi'\nnii  that  hmii.  ihr  ritiblint  t'xrn  i->r  ui  tin'  I 
(ht\M-r  l>  nnl  .niiiiilnl.  'I'llf  iiiriih'nial  pmt.rlinn  nll'milid 
tn  nnr  Imnn-  iMtiTi'>l'  hy  iliMTiniMiiilinii'*  w  ilhiii  tin*  rt'Viiine 
laiiue.  ll  1-  iii-li<'\<  ll  will  III'  anipli'.      In  iiiakin^  ili-^i'mnina- 

Imn-.  all  mtr  hi ■  init'ir>t>  .-hniilil,  ils  lar  lu  prai'tu-ahh',  bi' 

1  ipialt)  prnii'cii  d" 

ll  WM-^  on  this  dooirine  ni'  disi-rimination  tor  the 
prolcfiion  oC  Aineriean  luhor,  wiiliin  the   rfvennc 
sfniMJ.iril,  that  .Mr.  I*nlk  was  eitrh'd    the  I'risuhnl 
of'  ihf    rnitcd    Stall's.      He   emild   nut    haxc   hti'ii 
flfi'ted  upon  any  other.     A  doelriiie  whii-h  1  will  < 
not  suppose  hnn  to  have  nhandoiud,  until  he  shall  j 
have   \(  idcd  a   lull  toninh  d  iipon  ilnsi-  principtrs,  ' 
or   iinlil    he   shall    have   ili-arly  ami  iine<|uivo(:ally 
disavownt  iIkmii  in  soiiii'  nthtr  niaiiiirr. 

I  do  not  doutii,  theictim',  the  eoiisiinition-il 
powrr,  nor  the  polity  am!  propririy  and  duly  in 
Ctin-^tTss,  in  liiyin;;  a  tarilV  for  revi  iiue,  to  dis- 
i-nniiiiale  within  the  K'veniie  stamlard  or  llinii  tnr 
tht'  pridi'fiiiin  of  .\iiuriean  imhisiry.  ^*o  us  to  plaee 
It  in  fair  i-oinpi  tiiion  with  firtii^ri  liibor;  and  in 
this  1  ditVer  frtnn  my  friends  of  the  free-trade 
parly. 

lint  I  dilViT  froin  the  proteeiion  (uirty,  hecan.sc  I 
think  tliev  aliusf  an  essential  eon.stttutional  power, 
liy  snsltiinin;tr  the  net  of  lf^4i!,  and  lesistini;  any 
modifp'aiion  of  it,  however  unjust  are  some  of  its 
prineiph's,  and  however  oppressive  it  is  in  it.s  oper- 
ation upon  the  Soiiih  and  West  partieularly,  and 
upon  the  lahorinu  <'las.se.'^  ;rencrally  thrnuirhout  the 
I'nioii — beeause  they  oppose  any ''lutUije  orameml- 
nnni  to  it,  as  if  it  were  perfeet  in  itself,  and  to  be 
hijtl,  like  the  laws  of  the  Mcdeunnd  Persians,  uii- 
allerai>le. 

'I'axation  sliouhl  be  made  lo  npproxiinnte  as 
nearly  as  possible  to  iliat  point  whieh  woiilil  im- 
post- itsbiirdeiis  upon  individiuds  in  proportion  lo 
their  ability  to  p'»y,  luid  to  the  arnomit  of  protee- 
iion whieh  (hey  derive  frfmi  the  fJovernment. 

In  levynii:  and  rollectini;  a  tax  by  mi'aiis  of  n 
tanll",  I  wouhl  then  Imve  for  the  ol.jcr'  the  raisin:>; 
of  revenue,  and  the  raisim;  of  ;,o  m  ire  revemie 
than  wou'd  be  neiessiiry,  in  aihiition  I',  the  prn- 
eeed.M  of  the  .nates  of  the  puhlie  latul:  .  anil  the  other 
resoiirees  of  the  Clovernment,  to  the  payment  of 
lis  debt.s,  ami  an  eeonomiral  administration  of  its 
alVnii;'.  Tlien  t  W'onld  disrriminrtte  between  ar- 
tielts  of  neeessity  and  artieles  of  luxury.  I  would 
discruunuic  between  the  produclioni:!  of  Aiiiericun 


nnd  foreign  labor,  ho  iih  tn  plaee  the  Ameriean  in 
fair  ennipetiiinn  with  the  forei;;n — lookinir,  in  the 
excreise  of  that  diseriimtialitMi,  to  ihe  interests  of 
the  whtde  eoiintry,  ho  nn  to  impose  the  burdetm 
of  taxation  as  fairly  t\H  poHHiblr  upon  (he  whole 
eouiKry,  and  no(  uiipisijy  oppreHN  one  portion  for 
the  Itenefil  of  another. 

Uoverned  by  (jiese  prineiplen,  I  eotild  not  bill 
be  opposed  to  many  of  the  prineiples  of  tht;  ael  of 
bS-i:*. 

he!  UH  exninine  a  little  into  some  of  tlie  provis- 
ioiiH  of  the  net  of  |H4^,  and  nee  how  they  ojierale. 
What  kind  <d'diseriiniiiation  does  i(  tnake.^  Whom 
does  it  prodH't  P  Almost  all  id'  itH  diHerimiiiiUioii.s 
for  proleetioii  are  in  favor  of  (be  inaiiitfaeturer,  lo 
the  iie:;liTi  and  injury  of  the  an;rifuliural  eJasMeM. 
.^lnl  instead  of  diseriininalim;  in  favor  i^i'  the  ne- 
les.saries  of  lite,  and  iIm;  arlielcH  eonsnmed  by  the 
liiborin;^  ela.ssrs,  and  ai^ainsl  luxuries  and  ihe  juii- 
eles  eonsiiined  by  ihe  wealthier  elasscs,  whieb 
would  he  the  (rue  and  just  diserimination,  so  as  to 
brini;  (he  burden  nf  taxation  upon  (he  slnnilders 
of  those  tm>st  able  lo  bear  them,  Ms  diseriniiniilioiiH 
are  preeisely  of  ihe  opposite  eharaeter,  and  the 
liiirdriis  of  taxation  are  thrown  hy  it  upon  the 
laboring:  and  prodnein:;  classes  of  all  deseriptionN. 

The  first  ariicle  wliieh  presents  i(Helf  in  the  liHt 
of  (he  ai  t  of  \^A'2  is  that  of  wool,  ota!  of  the  u;reat 
a'^rii'iilinral  staples.  The  law  provide.s  that  on 
wool  eostnij;  in  the  foreign  market  seven  eeiils  per 
pound  and  under,  there  shall  be  a  duty  of  five  ;>ei- 
mU,  IHI  the  value,  and  on  all  other  wool  a  duty  of 
'JU  jur  ctul.  upon  the  value,  and  thtee  rents  per 
pound  speeifir. 

This  woii|,fostin;;  under  seven  eents  per  pound, 
IS  the  Snivrna,  M();;aih)re,  Texas,  Smith  Amtri- 
ean,  and  other  wools  tVom  whiili  ihe  jeans,  lin- 
seys.rassinets, coarse  ehuhH,iVe.,  whirh  are  worn 
by  the  laborini;  elat'ses,  are  niannlactnred,  and 
whiiii  eoiut  s  in  direct,  eonipetilion  with  the  wool- 
;;towers  in  this  eoiiiilry.  On  this  wmil  a  duty  is 
laid  of  five  per  cent,  lor  (he  protectimi  of  the  lar- 
iiier,  and  on  the  article  niamifactured  from  it  a 
iluty  of  'Id  per  cent,  is  laid  for  the  benefit  of  the 
niiiiuifactiner;  thus  atrordiii<:  to  (lie  maiiutacturiiii; 
eii!;lit  times  ibu  proteilion  which  is  j;iven  to  the 
arrienllural  interest.  In  fact  tin?  (ax  is  not  a  pro- 
tection to  the  iloinesiic  wool  at  all;  on  the  eon- 
irary,  the  niaiiu!':icturers,  insleat!  of  piircliasini;  the 
tliinieslic  wool,  resort  ti>  the  I'oiei^n  producers  for 
ilieir  snjiplit  s,  and  since  the  act  of  jH-l::*,  have  im- 
ported iinnnnsc  tpiantitie.s.  The  iiiipiu'tation  of 
tilts  kirnl  ot' wool  in  the  year  IH|;*-M4  was  lU.KOH,- 
(il.'>  pmniils,  at  an  avi'rai;e  ei»->t  of  abiait  five  and 
a  half  eents  per  pound  in  the  foreign  market;  the 
conseipience  of  which  was  ilisastrmis  upon  the 
tanners.  There  wjis  a  reilundain-y  of  domestie 
wool  in  the  market,  prices  fell,  ami  the  L'rowers 
!iad  to  seek  the  foreiirn  instead  of  the  dmnestic 
market.  At  the  same  time,  the  attempt  is  made  to 
Idimi  the  eyes  of  the  wool-i^rmvers,  by  placiui^  a 
duty  of  ;J0  percent,  ad  valorem,  and  three  cents 
per  pfunid  specilie,  upon  wool  cosiinn;  rtver  seven 
cents,  of  which  but  small  ini,iortaiions  were  made, 
tinly  |ll'.l,7(ilJponnils  in  the  year  lh'4.V4-l — it  being 
tlie  finest  kiiiit  of  Saximy  and  olli.-r  fort'i«;n  v/ool; 
some  costini,',  in  the  !oreii;n  market,  as  liiirh  as  (15 
cents  per  pound,  and  all  on  an  average  of  4i)  eents 
per  pound  in  the  t'oreii^n  market,  and  not  eomin*; 
111  competition  with  the  domestic  production. 

On  the  other  band,  the  lax  on  (he  articles 
of  necc.'jsnry  eonsninpiion  (o  the  farmer  a'P  enor- 
mous. On  salt,  ei^lit  rents  per  bushel,  or  about 
V2{)  piT  cent,  tm  ils  value;  on  irlass.from  94  to  l.'iO 
per  cent.;  chains,  (Voiu  .'10  lo  I7."»  per  cent.;  pUaii^h 
iines  and  l)ed  cords,  from  KJ  to  1,'il)  per  cent.;  eol- 
ton  (.i;oods,  tVont  il.j  to  UiO  per  cent. 

Take  (his  m'tich-  of  cotton  jjoods,  to  show  oiip 
of  the  iintst  unjust  provisions  of  this  act  of  I84:i, 
and  the  onerous  buideiis  which  it  imposes  upon  the 
laborinj;  classes.  The  net  contains  what  is  called 
a  fiiniiintna  duty>  wliah  I  will  explain.  The  lawr 
declares  tliiit  i^oiton  n;,MMls  shall  pay  duty  of  30  per 
cent,  on  their  value.  This  appt^ars  fair  enoiii^'h — 
;,'iviiii;  ample  protedimi  to  the  manufiuturer,  and 
imposinca  fair  revenue  duty.  I'Ut  the  law  does  not 
stop  here.  It  ^oes  on  (n  provide  that  cottons,  cost" 
im;  in  the  forei^rn  marki't  not  exeredim;  !:*0  eents 
per  siinare  yard,  shall  be  valued  at  )}{)  eents  and 
taxed  at  (hai  value.  I  low  does  this  operate  .'  The 
cotl'in  worn  by  Mie  ;;reat  mass  of  the  peojde  in 
this  eountry — the  laboring  classes  of  all  descrip- 


ll'S. 

|<'iin  in 
ill  llin 

J'llM     l)f 

Inrili'iiN 

1  wlioln 

on  t'or 

iiKl  lull 
1  act  ol' 

pnivin- 

liiriilc. 

IVIioin 
liiiiiiins 
IriT,  Id 
|lnHat*H. 
Mil'  lic- 
|l>y  lli« 
|ii'  iii'il- 

wliicli 

(H  lo 

lllllllrlH 

lllllUIII.S 

|nil  till' 
III   llic 

|ltl(ll|H. 

llll'  list 
1'  ITli'llI 
ml    iiji 

lis  |IIT 

ivi'/iei 
Illy  111" 

llM     |1(1- 


1846.] 


SOtii  Cono Ibt  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

Treaiury  Note  Bill— Mr.  Tibbuth. 


1031 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


tinns— <Mi«l«,  in  Ihn  foreign  mnrkcl,  nlinnt  nix  c«ntfi 
per  yiiid  nil  llie  im'rnt;e.     Wliiil  duly  i"  |"'i'l  ii|"iii 
u?    Till'  law  HnyH  you  miiMl  viilnii  k  at  'joints,: 
iiiiii  fixcH  tlio  iliity  III  ;(li  per  cimiI.,  or  six  cintH  per 
yaril — oiif  Inintlreit  jirr  crvl.  upon  tlitr  roHl. 

till  tin-  otlii'i'  liiinil,  tlio  roilnim  worn  liy  till' 
wi'allliii'i'  claNNi's,  roslinii;  nvrr  "JO  i'cuIh  nlirniiil, 
pay  lint  .'10  pi'r  I'int,  'J'Iiun,  ilir  artii-lr  ciiiiHUinrii  ; 
iiy  tini  laltoriny:  cIuhhi'm — hy  tliii  faniirrH  anil  me- 
rfiaiiii'M — JH  taxril  Iwicc  or  ilim!  liiiirB  a»  miirli  iih 
(hat  niiiHiiini'il  liy  the  wrallliirr  rliiHscM — if  not  cn- 
tiri'ly  pi'olillijli'il  anil  I'Xi'liiiliil  from  the  inarkil, 
nnil  a  monopoly  ^jvi'ii  lo  llii'  inaniifaclurrr. 

IMii-i),  in  ri'lalion  to  the  priiilH,  or  calirofH,  as 
llicy  aia  usually  ralli'il,  The  law  Haya  llinl  tlicy 
sliall  ill!  lasi'il  at  .'III  piT  I'cnt.  upon  llii'lr  valiir, 
Mliii'li  Kci'ins  fairi'iiou<;li.  lint  licri^  tliiH  miiiimiini 
prinriple  is  applii'J  ii;;ain  to  llirow  llii' Imiili'ii  of 
taxiiliiin  upon  lliii  laliorin;{  I'laHm'H.  If  tlin  prinlM  i 
roNt  in  till!  torci^n  niarkrt  not  rxiTi'iiiiii;  .'ID  crnts 
pi'r  siiiiaii'  yard,  tlni  law  niivm  llial  tliry  nlmll  la'  , 
valnrif  at  JKt  I'rnIN,  and  laxcd  ill  lliirly  pir  I't'iil. 
uiHin  tliin  arliilniry  and  not  upon  tlia  rriil  value.  I 
llou' iloi'H  tills  opi'i'iLli!  >  'I'lir  |iriiils  nsid  liy  tin' 
lalioriii^  cliissi'.')  HIT  lliosa  whirli  would  cosl  In  tlin 
foiij'.;n  inarki't,  on  the  iivcraijc,  from  I'.!  lo  Hi 
t'i'iilN;  and  iIuh  Iiiih  to  )iay  as  iniirli  lax  an  the 
nrlii'li'  iiHi'd  liy  llir  wrallliirr  rliLsHcs,  wliii'h  vuats  , 
in  llll' lin'iiu'n  iimrkri  ovrr.'ltl  ci'IiIn.  Tims,  liy  tlir 
opi'ralimi  of  lliis  iiiiiiimiiiii  duly,  ai'R  llni  lidiorini; 
I'InsHfs  ronipi'lli'd  to  pay  two  or  tlirco  liiiii's  tlia 
tax  on  llll'  iirtlrle  consimird  liy  llirm  mom  than 
lliii  wi'iillliirr  cliiKsi'H  are  mnde  to  pay  upon  tlie 
val.ie  ot'  tlie  arliile  of  tlieir  coiiHiitiiption. 

Many  inslaiu'e.s  of  tliis   kind  eoiild   lie  pointed 
out  in  the  art  of  |H4x!;  lint  I  will  not  detain   the  i 
couiinittee    wiih    ihein.      There   are    some   other  j 
lliiii:;s  in  llii.s  art  whieh  have  the  Name  openilion. 
A  ijreat  niiuiv  of  the  ditliesare  wliiit  areeiilli  d  !<]if- 
cil'ir  iliiliis — ilnlies  haviiif;  no  rejjard  to  the  value  of 
the  artiele,  but  depindln!;  upon  the  wei:;lil,or  laid 
ii|ioii  ihe  .square  yard,  or  the  pair,  iSiC.     Let  me. 
make  an  ilhislralioii  or  two  ol   the  way  in  whieli 
this  is  made  to  o|iei-ate  by  the  aet  of    |H-I'J.     Silks 
lire,  for  iii.staiiee,  taxed  nl  i^'-i  M)  on   the  pound. 
The  strong,  fnni.  heavy  artiele  of  lilaek  silk,  is  i 
iiMiially  worn  liy  the  wives  and  ilai|e;liIerH  of  the  . 
farmer  and   the  ineehanic,  who  are  alile  lo  allord  ■ 
Ihi'.se  luxuries,  wliiili  are  very  de.^iriilile  anil  eoin- 
forlalile  lo  Iheni,  when  they  ean  alloiil  il.     A  yard 
ot'  this  kind  of  silk  will  weij^li  iiljoiit  twiee  ns  iniieli 
as  a  yard  of  Ihe  line  fiL;iiii(l   {''reiieli   silks,  wlili'h 
are  worn  liy  the  wealthier  classes,  wliie.h  east  two 
or   three   times  as    niueli    in  the  lorei;;n  market. 
They  lioth  pay  VJ  .lO  per  |)oiind;  Ihe  operation  nf 
whii'li  is  to  lax  the  laliorins  ela.sres  two,  ihree,  and 
fiiin'  limes  as  niiieli   as  liie  weallhler  classes  are 
taxed  upon  ihis  artiele  of  roiisiimpllon. 

Attain,  lakr-  laces,  an  article  of  very  t^eiieral  enn- 
sniiiplion.  Kvery  family  ihron^liout  the  eoniitry 
use  more  or  less  of  this  artiele.  The  silk  lares  are 
expensive,  and  used  ehielly — almost  enlirely — hy 
the  wealthier  elas.ses.  Theioltoii  laces  are  cheap, 
and  used  ehii'lly  hy  the  lahorini^  classes.  On  the 
silk  laces  the  duly  is  *i,^  fiO  per  pound.  An  invoice 
winlli  f|.l,(IIH),  weighing' twenty  pounds,  woiilil  pay 
$M,  or  5  per  cent.  lax.  An  invoice  of  cotton  lace 
of  <iil,()IMI  value,  pays  a  duly  of  Ji'Jdd,  or  iil)  per 
cent. — the  lahorini;  classes  heiiiij  made  to  pay  four 
limes  the  tax  paid  liy  the  wealthier  cla.s.ses  on  the 
value  of  Ihe  articles  eonsiiined  liy  them.  Thus  are 
liiuh  ilulies  imposed  on  iieeessnries,  or  luxuries,  if 
you  please,  of  popular  eonsumptiou;  and  low  ones 
on  articles  which  find  their  miirkel  only  iimongtlie 
wealthier  classes. 

Aijain,  take  the  article  of  I'ools,  which  are  tnxed 
at  SI  Ui'i  per  pair;  the  hoots  worn  liy  the  laliorins; 
ejas.ies  would  cost,  say  <ji3  per  pair,  and  Ihose  by 
the  wealthier  cliLs.ses,  say  $(i  per  pair,  on  llie  nver- 
a;;e.  Thus  the  lalioriiii^  elassea  are  compelled  to 
pay  l«  ice  as  much  as  the  wealthier  classes  on  the 
value  of  this  article  of  consumption. 

Take  Ihe  article  of  lii|uors,  which  I  ndmil  oughl 
to  be  sulijecled  lo  a  liii;li  duty;  but  see  thcincnual- 
iiy.  Oil  spiriluous  liipiors,  mostly  eonsumcil  hy 
the  laliorin<;  classes,  the  lax  is  sjiecilic,  rant^inj; 
iVoiii  sixty  cents  to  one  dollar  per  gallon,  accord- 
iiii;  to  till!  proof,  and  amouutin<;  lo  from  lll3lo2(il 
per  cent.  U|ion  the  value. 

The  highest  duly  on  wine  is  sixty  renis  per  gal- 
lon, and  the  highest,  when  reduced  to  an  ad  valo- 
rem, is  G7  percent.;  and  ihc  cimnipagiie, on arliclc 


I  of  treatcHt  coiiMumption  among  the  wealthier  c)ai0,  I 
pays  a  duty  of  only  forty  ceiim  per  gnlloii,  which  . 
I  IS  enual  lo  hut  (irr/re  prr  rrnt.  on  the  value. 
I      Tliongli  llie  bill  now  under  roiiHldernlion  reme- 
dies many  of  the  evils  miller  ihe  existing  law,  yet 
it  inlroduccN  others  et|iially  objectionable  and  nnore 
,  oppresHivc  lo  tliii  western  country;  and  I  am  op- 
j  posed  to  it  as  it  now  stiiuds.     If  the  West  i.H  eoni- 
jielled  lo  choose  belweeii  the  act  of  IH43  and  the 
liill  reported  by  the  eoinmitlee,  the  fate  of  tlie  West 
is  clear.    She  is  lo  be  taxed  in  every  branch  of  her 
industry  for  the  benefil  of  llie  .North,  if  llie  ncl  of 
1H4'i  slaiids;  and   for  the  benefit  of  the  South,  if 
this  hill  passes.     In  endeavoring  to  avoid  IScylla, 
she  is  drawn  into  Chiirybdis.     Let  western  men 
look  to  it  that  ill  this  coiilenlion  between  the  Norlh 
and  the  South,  the  VVesl  is  not  sacrificed  and  ground 
lo  dust  between  the  upper  and  nether  millstones, 
!  This  bill  proposes  to  tax  hemp  and  wool  at  only 
iiO  per  cent.     Are  the  great  agricultural  staplcH  of 
I  ihe  West  to  be  put  down,  lo  favor  the  Soiilli,  be- 
low what  is  clearly  a  revenue  Htandard  ?     Is  Ihe 
West  to  be  a  prey  to  bolli  of  lliise  confliciiiig  piu- 
lies?     Ih  she  to  come  here  to  aid  in  relieving  llie 
'  South  from  the  oppressive  exacliona  of  the  iNorlli, 
1  only  to  have  her  own  great  interests  sacrificed  and 
Iier  own  burdens  increased  .'   Anil  are  wcsterii  men 

ex| ted  lo  be  the  priests  by  whom  the  fatal  stroke 

is  to  be  given  to  the  victim  at  the  iillar } 
j  Mill  wliat  is  worse  than  all  is,  that  you  propone 
to  lax  tea  and  colliie,  now  ill  fact  a  necessary  of 
life,  under  pretence  that  il  is  iieces.sary  to  aid  in 
defraying  the  expeuHPS  of  the  war.  Whilst,  on 
the  one  haiiil,  you  refuse  to  increase  the  pay  of  the 
gallant  soldiers  who  have  gone  lo  fmht  ihe  liatllcN 
I  of  the  country,  and  endure  the  toil,  and  hardships, 
I  and  privalioiiH,  and  dangers  of  war,  and  have  left 
their  wives  and  children  at  home  willioiit  the  aid 
of  their  support,  you  propose  lo  cut  down  the 
comlbrls  of  their  famiiies,  and  lax  the  products  of 
the  industry  of  the  women  and  children,  which  is 
usually  expended  for  these  comforls,  and,  in  fact, 
iiecessaricH  of  life,  by  levying  a  duty  upon  lea  and 
coU'ee.  1  will  not  vole  for  this  lax.  I  will  not  call 
upon  the  men  to  go  and  fight  the  bailies  of  the 
country  on  the  tiititut  and  niggardly  wages  iheyare 
receiving,  and  tlieii  impose  a  lax  upon  the  iiiilusiry 
of  their  wives  and  daughtciH  lo  pay  the  expenses 
of  the  war. 

Instead  of  proposing  a  tax  upon  ihfi  necessaries 
of  life  of  ihe  laboriii''  classes,  il  would  appear  mure 
just  to  impost!  a  tax  upon  the  plate  of  the  rich.  A 
Uix  on  gold  and  siUer  ware  would  .sound  betler 
than  a  tax  upon  tea  and  coll'ee.  Such  a  tax  would 
read  better  iii  history. 

It  is  no  excuse  for  ihis  lax  lo  say  that  il  is 
1,  needed  to  support  the  war.     It  is,  in  fact,  idle  and 
j    preposterous  to  expect  to  support  the  war  hy  any 
'    larilV  which  can  he  devised.    The  most  that  you 
can  do  is  to  provide  for  the  ordinary  expenses  of 
I    the  Uoverimienl,  and  provide  a  fund  which  shall 
!    pay  the  inliaesl  and  gradually  e.xliiiguish  the  prin- 
cipal of  a  war  debt. 
I       NoTK. — The  duty  proposed  by  the  bill  on  hemp 
and  wool  was  aflerwariis  increased  lo  thirty  per 
cenl.,  and   the    proposed    tax  on   tea   and   (roller 
stricken  oiil,  anil  various  other  ameudnicnts  made 
opcralmg  favorably  to  the  western  country,  and 
Mr.  TiniiATTS  voted  for  the  passage  of  the  bill. 


ii 


TREASURY  NOTE  UILL. 
SPEECH    OF  MR   J.  W.  TIBBATTS. 

OF  KENTUCKV, 

In  the  House  of  Rephesentativus, 

July  15,  184(>. 

The  bill  to  niilhorize  an  issue  of  trenaury  noteRantl 

n  loan,  being  muler  cunNidi'iatioii  in  Connniltce 

of  the  Whole  en  tlie  slate  of  the  Union — 

Mr.TlDRATTS  nddresscd  the  committee  an 
follows: 

Mr.  CiiAinMAv:  I  do  not  rise  for  the  purpose  of 
disi'usaing  the  bill  now  under  considemiion.  I 
\vi\\o.  that  to  the  ablo  ehairnian  of  iho  Committee 
of  Ways  and  iMean.«,  [iVIr.  MoKav;]  lieims  shown 
bis  ability  lo  be  sutlicicnt  to  support  the  measures 
proposed  by  his  oonunittee,  and  I  lake  this  ocen- 
sion  lo  say,  that  the  country  is  ji;reat!y  indebted  to 
him  for  the  energy  und  industry  with  whicli  he  has 


mnnnged  the  intereuls  committed  to  bin  rhnfj^e. 
Neither  do  I  intend  to  reply  to  the  sprech  of  ilie 
^cnllemnn  from  Ohio,  [Mr.  Tildkn,|  in  which  ho 
allacked  the  President  in  nlalion  to  the  Mexican 
war.  The  poHJtion  of  the  I'lesident  in  relatinn  to 
that  war  in  perfectly  impref^nablc,  and  I  will  not 
repeat  what  I  Haid  un  u  fi)rmer  occasion  in  hiti 
defence. 

One  of  llic  objecln  of  my  rising  is  to  correct  a 

!  Hialement  made  by  the  f;ein!r;iniui  fr(»m  Indiana, 
[^Mr.  WicK.j  (if  my  opinioiison  (he  tnritf  qucMtion, 
in  hisHpeeeh  as  wrilten  out  by  himself  and  report- 
ed in  the  Union.     He  says: 
''  Mr.  Wkk.  1  iir(«Hiiiii«  tliiii,  nwlii<(  to  my  t'vi-hU'  hi-nllh, 

■■  1  Mlicpiild  not  havti  nhtruili'd  iriy.-*<!ll'u|Hiii  ilif  iiu<>iiri(iri  iiltlK* 

'  r'i|iiiiiitl<-t',  wtri^  it  iti't  lliut  one  li)»hnriiltlr  iii4>tnlnT  Irom  tli*- 

■  Wihl,  |.Mr.  TiiiUAiT**,  nf  Kcntiiek},)  iii  (nl(lrf>-.ini!  tin- 
eniiirniUtT  a  |i  w  tltiy.^  ii(r>s  iiiiult*  on  mlvncticy  ot  Unit  (iriit 
(■ipli>.  tiilsi  ly  nilleil  proti  ciinii,  luiil,  ui  no  ilulnu.  vuvr  it  m 
ti)'  iiiiiterr^iDixt  Ihnt  Hiuh  iipiiiiniiri  jirrvialcil,  lu  n  tjnuij  vx- 
ti'rtl,  iiinonu  ttie  W('>t(^rii  it'  niuirticy. 

**  Hir,  ill  llml  imrt  ol'  the  \\%>l  iii  which  I  hve  ami  move 
mill  liiivi'  my  heuiK.  (hit  ilnctrlm-H  hi>r<'  innmiiliffil  hy  Ihe 

\  hoiinriililc  niciiiliiT  t'inm  Ki'iitiicky  [iMr. 'I'liiHArrHj  Itiive 
miiiiy  wnriu  ami  (iblt-  inlvnratf^.  Ilia  Ihi-y  nn-  imi  lh>mo- 
erat-.     Thi'y  iiru  WliiUf'.     With  ii-,  iii  ri'iilr.il  lailiiinii,  und 

'  I  lii'lh'vc  ilimuuhoiit  iln>  Himr,  our  s\-(rm  ol' o|niin>ii.-i  on 
thi>  Hiilijrci  ol'iiii  i.iriirin  idti'i'mi.'|y  Kiiii[ilf.  In  one  wnnl, 
with  IIH  "ihf  turill' irt  taxiilioii.''  Th*-  iiinmnihlf  iiM-mhir 
from  Kcniiii'ky  |.\Ir.  Tibbatt.s]  n-ciiKiiinPH  llir  ith-u  oi* 
iinikiiiK  lh<'  liiriD'  iinrillary  lo  lauiiurnclnn-.'',  A)/(>,r/i'iii/oi-,'f/n' 
rnlin  of  luJ-ntion  hiyttul  Iho  Jl^urv  iuTi\suiif  to  j'toiluift  rvvr- 

<  TOO-,  tliiTfliy  cnnhlinii  etTinhi    hriim-JicH  lil'  ll1l-jne^M  lo  be 
protiiiilily  |irose<>ii|i-il,  wliich  wilhoitt  huch  h-^ul  itroiiTlioii 
(ax  ho  nillH  il)  WMiilil  not  eviht. 
•*  Hir,  litis  i-*  iIh-  VVIiin  ihictrine  in  mv  wi-'Hicrn  rmiire.   'I'hc 

'  ili'iiMM-nt'  \  of  my  dij^tnct,  ninl»  t  hrliVvi',  of  Imliiuiii,  cull 
(llii  f:i\ini.' not  titr  tlic  |)iir|MiKi'  of  ri'vemir,  hul  to  )«ii|iport  a 
inon')jiii|\  which  cannot  r-iiiml  itlonc.  Tlicy  eiill  it  lavinit 
the  mam  lor  llic  hi-nclil  of  iliefew— Icul^liiliiii;  for  ilic  licnc 
111  of  riii>Hcrt;  iiiiil  whcti  they  arc  jitHi  ii  liulc  c.xnk'il  hy  |io- 
liiical  coiiirovcrDy,  ihey  will  eall  iL  bWimlliiiK  uecurdiii^  to 
law.     And  w»  it  ia." 

How  the  gentleman  could  have  fallen  into  so 
mvvnt  an  ermr,  I  cannot  imagine.  If  he  hiid  lis- 
tened attentively  to  my  remarks  or  had  read  ihem 
as  published  in  the  Uninn,  he  Wiuild  have  found 
them  precisdy  the  opiwsite  lo  those  attrilnited  by 
iiitn  to  me.  The  opinions  expressed  by  me  were 
the  fotlnwing: 

"  I  llll  not  doalit,  therefore^  the  coiistiluiinihtl  powt-r,  nor 

(he  policy  mill   |ir(iprit'iy  and  ihity  in  Conyrcs-,  in  /.ny/in;  ,i 

t  irijf  fur  rrrciiio',  l-i  liis.  riiitUinlc  v  ithiti  the  rcrt  ntii:  ■<liniiUir<l 

Of  Until  for  the  protcvtinnof  ^Imeiicitn  iiulustrij.  so  an  In  place 

:  it  in  lair  coinpctilion  wiili  fon'ifin  liihor;  nin'l  in  tliiH  I  dillcr 

,  from  my  fricnd>  of  tin*  free  trade  pnrly. 

>'  Itul  I  dit}'Tfiom  tlie  protection  parly,  hernuKc  I  think 
Ihcy  ahie-e  mi  e>*,-eniiul  conHlitniimml  puwi  r.  hv  Kii>laiiiiiin 
the  act  i>f  I**-l-.'.  ami  rcwinliiiu  any  moditicntiNii  of  it.  howevi  r 
1111)11^1  are  smiie  of  it.s  pniicipleH,  anil  however  oppie<sivc  u 
is  111  ii>  operaiifm  upon  Ihe  Hnulh  atul  Wcct  pailiciilarly, 
anil  ti|ion  the  lahDrini;  clfm<>e.H  Hcnenilty  tlirmmtioui  Uio 
riiioii— heean-^e  iliey  nppi).-:e  any  chaii<.'c  or  aniciiiliiunt  to 
!  it,  as  if  it  were  pcrlcct  in  ii-jcif,  and  to  he  held,  lil.c  tin-  laws 
:  of  the  Medcs  and  rirsinii^,  iinallerahlc. 

"Ta.xatioii  .•ilmiild  he  made  to  appio\imale  .m  nearly  iih 

po.-i:'ihl(>  to  that  point  which  uunlil  imp  -c  ii~  hurdeiiF'  upon 

;  iniJiviilnaN  in  pniponi'in  to  iheir  'hihty  to  pny.  and  to  ilic 

I  aiiionnt  of  priftcciion  whi^-li  they  .iiiivc  from  ihe  Govern 

\  inciil. 

"  In  levyiiiK  niid  enllecliaa  a  tax  hy  inean-j  of  a  laiifl".  I 

would,  then,  fiuvc  fur  t(i<-  ohjed  the  r-iij-itii;  of  rnvnitr,  and 

,  Ihe  raifiinu  of  no  more  revi  nuc  tlian  wmihl  he  iiccc-snry,  in 

I  adilition  to  (he  prMcei>d.'<  of  *he  mW>*  of  the  puhtic  land'^.  and 

tlie  other  resruirccH  ol'  the  Uovernmciii.  io  the  p.iMn('iit  of 

its  dehtti,  ami  an  eeonomiciil  ailimiiisiraitou  of  its  allair.'i. 

Then  I  would  diM-rinnnatc  hetucin  ariiele.s  of  necessity 

and  articlet)  of  hixiir>.     I  would  di-criminatc   hclwcen  \u'r 

prrMluctioris  of  Ainericaii  and  I'orcieu  lahor,  f^n  ns  to  place 

I    the  Auiericaii  in  lair  couipeiitiou  with  tlie  forciun— looking, 

I    in  till!  e.\ercise  of  tIiatdi>crininiation,  to  the  Intcretitif  of  the 

ii  wholi'  c(Hintry,  .^o  it,s  to  iiiipo«i>  the  hunlens  of  taxalinn  as 

I    tHirly  II.S  |Ki!>>ilile  upon  the  whidc  coiMilry,  and  not  ui)jii>|ly 

I    oppreKS  cuie  portion  ffir  the  benefit  of  another. 

I       "(Joverneil  h>'  iluwi!   jirinciplcs,   I  could   not  hut  bo  op- 

po.-icd  to  many  of  tht-  principles  ot  Uie  act  of  li^42.'' 

I      So  much  for  the  gcnlleninn  from  Indiana;  and 
as  I  am  somewhat  fund  of  appcudicefi,  1  will  request 
the  cenileman  to  make  my  present  reinarks  an  a]>- 
neniiix  to  his  speech,  before  he  circulates  it  among 
ills  coiiNtituents. 
'•■      Iiut  the  principal  object  I  have  in  view  is  to  pay 
■  some  attention   to  some  remarks  made  the  other 
day  by  the  gentleman  from  Tennessee,  [Mr.  Stan- 
tow] 
;      On  the  evening  of  the  day  on  which  the  gentle- 
man addressed  the  committee,  I  was  infurmed  by 
a  friend  that  the  gentleman  from  Tennessee  had 
,  made  some  allusion  to  me,  and   to  some  reinarks 
j  which  I  had  made  in  relation  to  the  President  on 
I  the  Oregon  question.     Owing  to  indisposition,  I 
i  was  al)sent  fmm  the  House  at  the  time  that  gen- 
i  tlcnmn  occupied  tlie  floor.  1  looked  into  the  papers 
1  the  next  morning  to  inform  myself  as  to  what  was 
the  nature  of  the  rcmai'ks  alluded  to,  but  found  no 


■ '  M 


m 


10Q3 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONOMMIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  15, 


99rM  Cose I8T  Scst. 


IVwury  Not0  Bill— Mr.  Tibbatts. 


Ho.  or  Rcpi. 


rt'port  of  thi^m  in  eiilier  of  the  city  paprra,  or  any 
staieineiit  llml  aity  ullusiou  had  Iwen  innde  to  mc 
wlmlevor.  Ct)iiiieqHKmIy,  on  my  arrival  nt  the 
Houso,  1  imnicdiati'Iy  addrcMHt'd  a  mxe  to  the  hoii- 
ornlih'  K<'i)(luiniui,  HtHtiiii;  what  infnriniUinii  liad 
retu-hod  me, and  expreHHin^;  a  dcnire  that  \\n  wouhl 
furiiiHh  me  with  tlic  NuhHltiiice  of  thr  reniurkN  made 
l)y  liim  on  the  tonnrrduyf  ho  lai'  as  lie  liad  alluded 
to  me.  Thia  request  waN  promptly  complied  with, 
and  i  received  the  following;  note: 

lloriR  OP  KKliRKRBNTtTIVEll,  Julll  %  If^tO- 

DiurSir:  Ynur  mipIi- oi  tliirt  innriiintf  U  nnw  Ut-ihn^  run. 
Ill  rrjily,  1  tilntr  tlir  iiilMriiiif*  iiC  my  n-iinirka  a»  f<illuwii : 

I  rrivTtt  il  to  yoiir  criniliiiiiiaiinii  of  lliu  rrexiili-nt  Tor  hU  ' 
Ort-Koii  puiii  y.  iiiid  n'Rrem'il  il.  I  thoutflit  that  wliilc  yon 
(uthl  vnii  woiilit  iimI  i-oiiiti'iiii)  liiiii  in  ndraiit't>,  ytiiir  reiMiirk^ 
wtiv  i;iI.'|||iUm)  nui-t  <  11' cliiiilly  tii  il>'  <"*•  1  ""ill  lli:U  I 
WHtilil  Hill  iirifiiiiii  tn  tt-sijii  niDtivt'H— ilini  it  hml  htfn 
htimitly  lu^uiiiiUi'il  ilini  the  frt'tjilfitt'it  rt'liiMiil  tn  apiHiirit 
ynii  cnliiiirl,  &!'.,  Iiiitl  JiirtiirnfiMl  \oiir  roiiMr. 

Mr.  Mc-DiiwRi  I.  Ih-re  iiiliTli'mi,  unit  flnid  you  weri>  iiic.v 
pnlilr  niHiii'li  riMiiivt'-,  Jkc. 

I  ^Ilhl  I  iliil  hut  inl'iid  in  nttriliiitf  them  in  ynii ;  tint  1 
tlminilit  it  utitnittniiui^  ilml  you  lint)  not  rcniTVoil  ytnir  ^iric 
Iiiri's  until  ttif  ii'il  "(■  fi'cM'fy  Ind  hern  rcmovi'd  Inim  the 
l*r>->Mh'nt'M  netinn,  when  I  kmvv  the  enn>l»ilenry  iitid  putri- 
4iti!«iiMir  the  Pre.->iili-nt  wtinhl  be  lully  vlndiciiled,  rveit  in 
your  nwn  eye-i. 

I  i:ikr  'H'lM^itin  to  xtiite  nntv  that  *«'>  I'nr  ii.^  ymt  nrc  run- 
eiTued.  1  do  tint  hclM've.  and  did  nni  inlrinl  |i>  ihiirKi'.  any 
uii»i>rth>  t'i-i-l)ii;i  iL-'thf  Mioiive  iil'yonrai'iiun  :  liiK  1  llimuhl 
Ih.-K  <-ircnini«t.ini'ei«  were  eiiU'iilnieil  t<i  exeiie  i«ni'h  ttii:<|ii- 
riini«,  and  r>nch  had  aeeordiiiifly  hi>cii  iiiKiniidled  iipnn  the 
Hniir  nt'  the  lliMise  of  ItetireMentaiive*. 

I  out,  very  reniM-'Oilully,  your  ntiedient  «ervint, 

KUi:i>.  1'.  STANTON. 

linn.  Jno.  W.  TinnATT*. 

On  fliP  rereptinii  of  this  note,  on  consultation 
Willi  frieuils  whose  opininns  coii«iih.d  with  niy 
own,  I  wna  MaiiHfied  to  let  the  niatler  rest  there, as 
the  :;t'nlleni:ni  distiurtly  disavowed  on  hin  pari  llie 
imputation  of  any  improper  motive  to  me. 

I  th<in:;lit  tlh're  wns  no  nerusHJty  that  iinyihiM>r 
forihrr  shiiulil  he  Kuid  upon  tlie  Nuhjeci,  (tinimh  I 
rii^tetted  that  the  i^eiilh man  had  deemed  it  eiiher 
necessary  or  proper  to  make  allui^ion  to  the  insiiui- 
nliiuis  to  wliirh  lie  refV'rs,  whieh  1  then  heard  ot' 
fir  the  first  time.  I  did  not  wisli,  nmiercssarily, 
to  hreitk  the  friendly  relations  whidi  had  existed 
hetweeii  the  uenllemnn  and  my.self,  as  well  on 
nei'ount  of  the  value  at  which  I  prized  tho.se  rela- 
tions ihcniselvea  as  of  tlie  still  more  friendly  aial 
intimate  relations  e^iI^till;;  at  Imtne  lietweeii  a 
hi'oiher  of  the  •;eiillemati  and  myself,  who  is  <uie 
of  my  c.onsiitueiits  whom  I  hold  in  the  hi^jhest  lo 
pard,  to  whom  !  feel  under  many  oblij,nitioiis,  and 
who  stands  amoiif;  the  foremost  ot'  my  very  hesl 
ami  warmest  triends,  political  and  perynnai, 

I  was  somewhat  s-urprised, however,  sir,  at  rond- 
itii::  the  remarks  of  the  <;entleman,  written  out  hy 
JiimMelf,  and  reported  in  the  Union,  to  whuh  my 
nlterititui  has  hecrn  culled,  and  to  whi<  h  I  will  tiow 
call  the  attention  of  the  Hou.se  so  far  as  they  re- 
L'nrd  myself  persoiudly.     The  i;enllcman  fays: 

'■  What  I  dt'.«iifii  |iartic*nlnrly  tn  nnUee.  i-«  tlie  ^(Merli  nlilie 
liiirinr.ililt-  tf-  iitl>  man  t'r'im  Ki-nmi-kv,  [.Mr.  Timh  \'1  in.]  and 
tliiu  <ii  ihi- 1:<  nih man  from  Oh<<i,  [Mr.  itKiNKtHuoir,]  htdh 
re|i<>ru>d  ni  tix'  citi.  paper-  nt  tlii>  niurmtiii. 

"  Kaeli  ot  tlm-*)' i!<-iulrnnn  lia>*  ciiinmenicd  severely  upon 
the  cnnri^e  of  ttie  AihrniiifttruiiuTi  in  the  adju?>tiiH-ni  nf  the 
Oreutin  alt'aii.  I  do  ma  kiiuw  why  tliiK  fiiilije<'t  hIhiiiUI  have 
beHii  HitrrHliict-d  uito  ihj-i  iliden-'ihiii ;  a  eerUunly  han  mi 
propfT  enntiexinn  With  it;  and  iii<  uiiinitiiral  inlrudnetinii, 
iindi-r  f-urh  rirciinntianeeii,  unnid  ceem  tn  imply  that  the- 
di^>:iti^l.ieiioii  (>r  the  ueiilhim-n  al  tlie  eiiiirttc  nt'  Hit!  l^xeeu- 
tive  miutit  have  nome  indm-nieon  their  (ipiniung  and  aetinn 
iiiKin  the  Huhjeet  iiiid^T  (-nnHid.Tatii>ii,  lurei^ii  a-i  it  itt  Imm 
the  eaiice  ot'iheirn.itMitmrai-liini. 

•'  ."^ir,  il  was  with  prnilMind  reuret  that  I  liearfl  the  remarkn 
of  iht'  U'-ntlemen  alhidi  il  to.  It  i-*  iriie,  the  uentlennin  Innn 
K'-ntii<-ky  Hays  he  will  unt  (omieinn  the  l're?^Hh-iit  in  ad- 
v.'uirt' :  yet  I  mihmit  tn  tin-  jiidxmeni  of  every  eaiidhl  man 
uinilMr  the  exact  lunifuidie  nl  the  uentJeiiian  dors  iinl  eini- 
^nlnl<•  tin*  ni(i4  ed'.M  lual  Inrm  of  enmh  niiiatinn,  uidy  Uie 
inure  iiii^idioii.-'  and  nnst-neroiis  tor  tin' weak  diaclaimer  with 
wh.eh  It  18  acemnpiiiU'-d.  1  <tunie  tin-  liniijiia^e.  I  preAiiim-, 
aK  wriiiun  nut  hy  Ilie  t'ciillennin  hini^ell': 

"  '  Whil-t  we  hhiJ-trr  and  hr»a-t  nvrr  imhccile  Mexirri.  we 
'  pD-M-nt  the  ndi'-iilun-i  allitii  N-  o|')i<  liliiiii  In  I-'ii^laiid  wlial 
'  wr-  Imve  a«sert''d  to  Ih-  niir  jn«t  ncht.  'ihar  arul  Indispnin- 

<  hie,*  and  find  nnrselvi-K  in  the  hninihntins  (K)-itn>n  nt'  n 
'  vvlnp|it>d  h')uml.  xiieakini!  lu  hi:*  kennel  at  the  roar  ni'  the 
'  Bnli.-h  liim.     We  are  mid  that 

*•  *  Theri^  wa"  a  llrntii''  niiee.  uhn  vvniild  have  hrook'd 
The  eierrml  di-vil  hinn*L-ir,tolmve  tieldhiti  mate  in  Home 
As  ea-ily  as  a  kinif;' 

'  muehmnre  n  queen. fir;  and  we  know  that  we  had  a  Prejij. 

'flfiit  onee  (Jackjion)  wlio  wonid  not  have  yii-ldiit  wliat  he 

<  i-oiiKidi  reil  the  Just  tilh-  ol  tins  fitivernmeiit  to  any  nation 
>  on  earth,  howfvrr  jMiwirl'ut.     Ih*  wum  u  man  who  would 

" '  Itinrd  the  linn  in  his  drn. 
And  fritiht  him  there  and  iiiuki!  tiiin 
Tremhh'  there.' 
"  Tho  allusion  to  General  Jackion,  and  the  figure  of  the 


I  '  V'KiyftfH  homid  F.n«<iA^ii«  to  hit  kentiel  at  Vtt  ronr  of  the  Urit- 
I  m/i  Mm,'  I'ttinmi  he  niinnnderHlmMJ.  It  nlinVvM  a  xlrimtt  feel- 
I  lnt{  aifiunHt  ttie  I'n-^ident,  ntid  a  dl.>«|)ONltinn  to  rtituli'iim  and 
diniMime  linn.  And  the  point  of  IIiIk  alluiinn  ii*  iimdeDtlll 
I  lunri'  direct  and  fetnkuiit  Ity  the  «ueeeeding  ■vitteaci-s,  in 
;  which  he  DiiyR : 

■' '  ThlnOri'iinn  ipiesilnn  wan  one  of  the  Kreat  lustn-n  in  the 

*  laM  prentdt'iiiiat  and  ennvreH-ional  etectimiK.  The  miciid  , 
'  liiviohilnlity  of  ph-dtfiw  ni;ul<>  hy  ti  eaiHlldate  lo  ihi*  people  ' 

'  *  hefoip  IiIn  eh'Ciioii.iuid  n  iilriri  areoiitiialiility  lo  Hie  |M-o)tle 
'  for  any  violatinn  id  r^iieh  pledgi-f,  in  the  only  *>alesuard  in 
*oiir  npiihlieaii  in-litntioiH.  I  hope  thai  (he  Pre«id''ut  wdl 
'  he  alile  hi  ai'cmnit  for  hi'*  pn-ition  in  a  manner  »aiisfiielory 
■in  the  eotinlry.  I  do  md  deMign  to  condemn  him  in  a*! 
t  VMK'f' ;  I  \vi-.|i  that  the  vi-il  of  Kcere-y  had  liem  Inrii  from  ' 

*  the  prnreedimis  in  ri  latmn  In  thiMt<iiliject,lhai  the  country 

j  'iniiilil  ^ee  the  true  |to<>iiioii  <if  alVairx.*  , 

■  "  I  repeat,  t*lr,  thai  lliene  Henii>nceH  betray  an  unkitnt  and 
I  mmry  fi-elimi  on  the  pail  ol'ilie  Bi-nlhunan  lowardtt  the  Pre'< 
{  ideiii.  iind  a  di-piHiiion  to  i-ondeinn  him  in  adviinee,  aixl 
pn'imtiee  him  in  the  e>eNofiln>  pinphMiotwithfliindinstlK' 
dH«-lmmer  |i»  the  eontrary.  The  Prenhh-nt  in  nut  oiil)  ler- 
rilied  at  till-  '  roar  of  tin-  llriiiNh  hoti,'  but  be  li  a  Mvliitiped 
hotind,' I'lieitkirni  lo  hli*  k<-niiel !  Sir,  the  i{enlb-nian  Inn 
rair*  d  hi-*  puii)  la-h.  and  atn-mptr-d  lo  add  lo  tin  ineiuiiifd 
I'rarr*  mid  dititriiltn-x  of  ilie  |-'\iM-ittivi- ;  and  linn  I  Hiippii;>«'  m 
iiUi>nd(-d  in  be  tin-  fiiltilinnii  id  lii<i  dclii  ah-  and  re-pi  i-lhil 
Kiniih-.  Tin-  lionnd  i-<  not  only  t'nulili-ii'-il,  but  \\hi|ip<'d  and 
lathed  into  bi-4  kcniii  I.  Mm,  nir.  I  l<  ||  ihe  dintlemaii  t)iat 
III-*  hifli  ban  no  -liiiu— 11  eiinrioi  reach  Ihe  f'ri>Hideni— it  will 
have  an  hllle  rtlrei  upon  lum  a^  the  eipially  luiriiib-«R  roar 
iiiu  of  till'  Itriti-'h  Inni. 

"  .'^ir,  U'ibe  ui-nibniaii  liar)  enli-rtiimd  no  dlspo?4iiion  lo 
<'nmh-nin  th<'  I'rt'^nb'iit,  In-  would  have  indnlued  in  tio  >iit-h 
|ini-iiia:.'e  ;  he- wniibl  have  de^cemh-il  to  no  sim'Ii  d<  craduiir 
iiLMirt--*.  A  roii^i-U'iii  trii'iiil  of  the  rre-idi  nt,  not  honred  hy 
[  iliHap|ioinim<'iil.  would  ai  li'a?>t  have  fhned  biH  la^h  until 
he  i-oidil  >ho\v  the  uroimiN  of  hi^i  ilrnnnciitiion,  and  fully 
.  jiirttifv  the  alti'inpled  inlli<-tion,  I  nmh-rlake  now,  fir,  to 
say,  ui  my  phu-f,  upon  my  rt'-[Min^ibdity  ai*  a  Krpreseiitative 
ot'  tin-  p'opb'.  thai  when  ttir  vi  il  of  neerccy  in>w  reslint* 
II [ion  llie  eonr-e  of  the  lAtciiio  e  in  llie  Ihei'im  m-KoiNilion 
>hall  be  Withdrawn,  and  Ins  leeonuiK'nilnlionH  and  inea.-t- 
iiri'.^  fully  made  known  and  undcr.-'to'H),  the  enii'>l-leiicy  and 
propru'ty  of  that  eoiirt*e — ofthnne  inea^iureK  and  r'-einnmeii- 
ilatinn>— will  be  fully  vimlieatcd,  and  the  President  will  , 
stand  bt-iort'  ihe  rouiilr>  upon  hiuh  ami  bonoodde  uroiind, 
tar  li<'>oiiil  tin-  narli  of  i  itbi  r  of  ihe  liomiratde  gt'iitlemen 
who  have  iimhnaki-n  In  i  basti>e  Inm. 

'•  I  will  ntit  undertake  tn  a.>»<iini  mi)iive«  tor  the  cmtr^e  of 
the  si'iith-maii  from  Ki'iilu«-ky.allhoiu[li  it  luiihren  liroadty 

nisniti:iti  ilthat  his  Cubire  to  n ivi'  an  apiiointmeiu  known 

t<i  b.-O)'  betn  hoimbt  t'l^r  liiin,  han  contributed  to  excite  hix 
aiiLTv  attack  u|Hin  iln-  I're-^idi-nl. 

"Mr.  MclhuvKi  1,,  fjf  <  ihio,  anwc  and  disclaimed  imy 
HII4-II  motives  I'or  the  gcnth-inun  Ifoni  Kentucky,  who  was 
not  in  his  neat. 

'■  Mr.  ;*r\NTns  conlimied.  I  do  nnt  intend  lo  attriltutc 
fticii  niotivi-n  to  tiM-  i[»'ntlcinan.  I  merely  d'Mre  to  Miy 
that  the  ucnllcmaiiN  coiiriic  is  in  ni>  jud^fincni  imfortunnfe, 
calcnlaii'd  to  proihicf  t-mU  Mi-picions.  and  that  twU  .-iis- 
pii'lojis  b:i\c  lii'i-ii  o|i<'ii)y  in^inualid  lure  I  rc{:rct  the 
,  coiirsf>  nf  tin-  (lentb'man.  at  much  on  nceonnt  nt'  the  Uii\\ 
rvt^\i'  I't  I  bav<'  lor  bun.  as  tor  the  tiroMM  iniiisnce  I  think  be 
has  dime  to  Ihe  I'n  -ideiit  of  (he  ('iiilid  S|atc^.'* 

The  iientlrman  nutkes  very  hlicral  extracts  ft-om 
my  I'emurks,  Ijui  he  does  n'lt  miike  quite  (-noii::li. 
1  will  i^ive  the  Pinainder  inysell';  tlity  are  as  lol- 
lows; 

t' Mr.  TiBHATrs   obtained  the  flonr,  mid  addrp»od  the 

eoimiiillei-  u.s  IoIIowk  : 

■>Mi.  ('U/.1I1MAN:  1  iiin  no  uliraist,  nnlenM  I  may  be  no 

'  (-oiisKlt  led  in  re(!atd  lo  Ihe  relattnns  of  iliiti  (jovcriiincril 
with  foreiun  nations.  I  was,  and  am.  a  lil'ty  fniir-forty  man 
a>i  to  tmr  iioiihvve.-ieni  boundary,  ax  well  an  a  Itio  (iiamlc 

;  man  as  to  our  r-oiithwc»lcrii  boundary.  1  lielicvc  that  oiir 
title  to  the  oitt-  is  as  ch'ar  a^  t>>i|ic  other.  I  would  not  ba\e 
sficritU'iMl  the  one  an>  ^o()m-^  iban  tin-  oiln-r.  I  \\  oiild  ha\  e 
Ijone  to  vviir  for  the  one  an  hoon  na  lor  the  otin-r :  niul  I  be- 
lieve that  our   brave  ami  ualhmt   army,  and  onr  patriotic 

,  iK'opli-,  particiibiriy  of  the  \Ve>i,  wonbl  have  viinln-.itcd  our 
nth;  lo  tile  one  a-  easily  as  tlicy  have  done  In  the  oilier.  I 
do  not,  thcrcior<',  shrink  from  Ihe  position  whik-h  I  and 
other-'  have  lakt-n  npnn  lliiit  Ori'^fon  ip(i-(<lioii ;  nor  ilo  I  re- 
card  till'  Mii-crs  that  are  cast  at  ii!«  on  that  acemini.  I  iini 
lohl  that  It  I.'  siud  liy  .<-onie  Oiat  tin-  |>p-«ideiit  has  dii^pla))  d 
a  Intih  decree  ot  (li|itomatic  skill  upon  Ibis  fubjeet,  by  usiia; 
us  oi  the  hfi>tonr-linlies  as  pIooI  pi^eonii  U>  decoy  Whu^s 

;  iind  doubnni  l»einocrals  nito  the  traji  of/jr/t/iioie— u.-ing  u.-< 
like  a  ^klllnl  ti.-hermaii  u^vs  bail  tn  eaieli  Hiickers.  'i'lini 
<-oinplimeiit  In  the  I'n^lderit  in  no  doiibt  highly  to  iln-  credit 
of  both  the  lorty-nines  and  the  fitly  hiiir  bHiies.  Which  of 
lis  Is  the  inosl  hi::hly  honored  by  Uie  pn>iiioii  assii^ucd  to 
US.  I  will  not  iireicnd  tnfay.  A  day  of  reckonin^  will  conie, 
sir,  however,  alter  the  tiinoke  ol  thi"  Mexiian  war  nhall  bnve 
been  ilis^ipated,  when  tbn.-e  who  have  b-i-n  eoncerned  ia 
Ibc  aliamh leiii  oi  mir  territory  will  tie  calb-d  t<i  a  Ju-t  ac- 
count.ibrliiy.  In  that  day,  sir, '  let  the  tjuil'd  Jade  wince;' 
we,  who  tiave  siistaiin  d  the  ri:rbt  of  the  eoiintry  lo  51"  Kl', 
will  have  imthiiiK  to  answer  lor.  We  can  llien  hay  that 
*  <tur  »  illierw  are  iinwriuii;.' 

"  When  I  think  oi  the  manner  in  which  U  it  innithat  tbifl 
Ore|{oni)iier<n<>n  lia>>  been  settled,  I  (-niinnt  hut  feil  humili- 
ated—1  euniiul  but  llniik  that  the  proud  American 

I  '• '  Kasle,  Kmerina  in  her  pride  nf  place, 

Has  been  ha\\k<'d  at  hy  u  innu.Hin^uwl, 
And  killed.'" 

I  cannot  sufVer  the  remarks  of  the  gentleman  from 

Tennessee  to  :,'o  to  the  world,  sir,  without  some 

conunent.     I  feel  that  it  is  due  to  myself  that  I 

should  correct  the   (lagrant  errors  into  wliich  the 

i  gentleman  han  fallen,  aa  well  oa  to  make  a  state- 


ment of  «ome  frtctH  relntim!:  to  the  suhirr.t  nuilter 
to  which  the  honorable  <j;ciittoman  from  reimcflseo 
re  fern. 

Comin?,  na  the  ffciitlemnn  doea,  from  the  StatB 
of  Tenm-MSHe,  and  hciiiir,  ns  I  presiimflfUpon  ternin 
of  intimate  relations  with  the  IVesident,  1  Hunposu 
that  I  must  consider  his  restrictimiH  ai«  ex  calhnliay 
or  at  least  .irinin//ici'i/.  If  no,  the  L^xecutive  has 
in  this  inMlunce  hcen  unfortunate  in  hin  selection  nf 
an  advocate,  asimdouldedly  the  Judt;menl  and  crit- 
ical power*  of  the  i^enllcman  have  heen  hiimled  hy 
his  /enl  in  the  nnderlakini!:.  My  lan^iia^e  has 
heen  wholly  misinterpreted  hy  the  honoralile  i;eii- 
tleman,  'riiere  is  no  nde  of  the  En;;linli  lane;imL;e 
hy  which  my  remarks  can  he  made  to  hear  the  con- 
Nlrnction  which  he  has  placed  upon  them.  It 
imi:-<l  be  perfectly  u|  parent  tn  evcryhoti y,  that  in 
speakini;  of  the  morlifn-ation  which  I  fell  at  the 
position  in  which  wk  were  iilaccil  hy  the  Irealy 
said  to  have  been  mnde,  I  conlu  not  have  hud  any 
special  ulhiNion  to  the  President,  aia)  that  my  lan- 
^niatre  could  not  In;  made  to  apply  to  him,  any  more 
than  t(t  myself,  or  any  other  Jittti't'intr-fintn  man, 
who  had  assumed  the  pnsition  lietore  the  woild 
lliat  our  title  was  dear  and  nmpicstidnrtl.le  to  .^4*^ 
4IK.  This  is  a  proposition  nn  plain — the  Ian;;iia::e 
is  so  clear — that  I  will  nnt  trouble  tht;  comniiilee 
with  any  further  remarks,  but  leave  the  Hubject. 

The  irentleman  speaks  of  insimuttunis — with 
what  object  or  pnr|»08e  1  cannot  imiii^ine.  He  dis- 
avows any  sneh  opiniomi  liimsclf;  why,  then, 
should  he  have  referred  to  them  at  all.'  I  thank 
my  honorable  friend  from  Ohio  [Mr.  McDowkli.] 
for  hif  prompt  inlerfeience  on  this  occasion. 

1  was  not  apprised,  sir,  that  such  hi.«niuri/iof)9 
had  been  made,  until  I  received  the  letter  fnuii  the 
honorable  L'^eiilJemnn  iVnm  Tennessee  to  winch  I 
have  referred.  I  will  not  stop  imw  to  inquire  into 
the  forrectnos  of  ihe  shitemeiil,  or  for  the  nnmes 
of  the  tii.vinita/nr^,  if  any  there  he;  alnait  them  ami 
their  insimiatioius  I  feel  perfectly  indilVerent.  Sir, 
I  feel  myself  as  hilih  aliove  the  suapicion  of  itil 
honoralile  men  who  know  me,  of  beiii;;  actuated 
by  motives  nf  such  a  character,  as  1  hold  llio.se 
who  entertain  sncli  suspicions  beiu-alh  my  cou- 
templ,  and  that  Is  so  low  that  there  is  no  lan^ua^e 
of  indiirnation  which  1  c<uild  use  in  whit-h  to  ex- 
press my  detestation  and  scorn,  and  at  the  .same 
time  preserve  my  self-respect,  and  the  respect 
which  i.sdue  from  me  to  this  Ilnuse.  A  man  who 
would  iiidnlire  in  dishonorable  suspii  ions,  and 
make  ifLHtnuij/toiM  fnr  the  nnrfiose  of  injurini!:  the 
standinir  or  cbai-acter  of  his  neiifhbor  is,  in  my 
estinialinn,  on  a  pur  with  an  anonymmis  letter- 
writer.  Such  a  man  would  be  a  robl)er,  but  for 
the  want  nf  eouriii^e — a  thief,  but  for  the  tear  of  the 
punishment  of  the  law. 

I  will  dismiss  this  subject  with  this  remark,  that 
persons  who  are  so  forward  in  their  zeal  toascribt; 
nad  motives  to  those  who  may  express  dissatisfac- 
tion with  the  President  should  take  can.'  that  they 
be  not  measured,  and  measured  justly,  by  their 
nwn  measuri!.  I  would  say  to  tiiem,  in  the  lati- 
^'uai;ce  ni'  the  Holy  Book,  "  judjre  not,  lest  ye  be 
judi^ed." 

I  would  ask  the  ijentleman  from  Tennessee  if  Im 
ever  heard  me  advocate,  nr  of  my  advfn-atiii;:,  any 
doctrine  on  the  subject  of  the  tarilf  Uilferent  from 
that  expressed  by  me  in  the  remarks  he  has  allu- 
ded to.'  Is  he  not  aware  that  mouths  ai;o  a  bill 
was  amended  itn  my  motion,  and  passed  this 
House,  as  Iniii!;  iii^o  as  the  fiili  of  May,  makiiiij  cof- 
fee free  from  duty  imported  in  Anu;riean  vessel-^ 
from  any  part  of  the  world — more  free  than  it  is 
made  in  the  tarilf  bill  which  has  passed.'  Tlie 
honorable  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means,  and  fil'ty  other  ^entlcui(-n,  will  tell  the 
ll^entleman  fnun  'j'eimcssee  that  1  aiinouiu-cd  freely 
and  repeatedly  my  opposition  to  any  bill  which 
contained  a  tax  on  tea  and  eolfoe  as  soon  as  t  knew 
thatBuch  a  tax  was  contemplated,  and  that  I  made 
it  a  sine  (fua  non  as  to  niy  support  of  the  hilt  that 
the  clause  imposition  tax  on  tea  and  coflee  should 
be  strieken  out.  Does  the  gentleman  draw  his 
concluaion  from  the  fact  that  1  insisted  that  the  du- 
ties impo.sed  on  hemp  and  wool,  the  fjreat  ai^ricul- 
tural  staples  of  the  West,  should  be  hi<,'her  than 
ihey  were  proposed  hy  the  bill?  When  did  the 
gentleman,  since  I  have  had  the  honor  of  a  seat 
upon  this  floor,  know  me  not  to  advocate  the  m- 
teresta  of  the  West?  The  duties  on  hemp  and 
wool  were  incretued,  and  that  on  tea  and  coU'ee 


■iiiiM«iw«w^iiirpp*w"i  •mmx'^r'^mwiw 


y_i5, 

J  tnnllnr 
■incast'O 

In  Stntn 

11  ttTMIfl 

jiinpriNo 
Jnnlia, 

■IVt'    llMH 

rlidn  (if 
ml  Piii- 
|ili'd  Uy 

IlllH 

il<!  urii- 

\\u'.  ritn- 
I'rii.  It 
|tliut  in 
III  llio 
If  lifiily 
liiiil  liny 
Jiiy  Inii- 
jiy  mnro 
|(i/  tiiiiii, 

Wdllll 

In   :,iO 

tiiiiiiileu 
Jlijecl. 

.1 — wiih 

lie  (llH- 
lIlI'M, 

i  llimik 

IWKI.I,| 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GI.OBE. 


1098 


iifhn  CoifOwMtlR  Seii. 

■iricken  out)  according  to  the  vicwii  I  Imd  cx- 
prcHxed. 

Sir,  wliilnt  I  wniilil  niit  sliiink  fniin  Iho  rrsiinn- 
siliiliiy  of  hiililii)!;  llic  I'roKiilenl  up  In  llii:  I'.oi.ilrin-  i 
iiiiiion  nf  llii!  iiiililii',  if  I  iIiiiukIiI  liini  in  llic  wrmi!;,  ' 
lit'  wnitlil  And  IM>  man,  wlml<;vi*r  nnr  prrHfinid  rflii- 
(iiniH  ini^lil  III;,  innru  rriidy  ti>  ilcfiNid  him  wliiii  in 
iriy  npinliin  hr  wns  in  iho  ii!,'lil.     lliivr  I  nolKivHii  j 
nnipli'  priMif  iif  iImh  *     Diil  I  nnl  do  hh  in  regard  In  i 
till'  iincHlidii  of  llin  Mexinni  war  linlli  licfori;  mill  I 
iifirr  my  fliln  was  I'li'arly  known  in  rrlalion  lo  llie 
riLjiinpnl  iilliiilrd  lo?  I 

lUit  II  word  or  two  ill  rcliitinn  lo  tliln  ri'!;iment.  I 
Sir,  I  am  no  ollirc-srcker,  and  hIihuIiI  ri'itri'l  to  ] 
appear  in  that  liijlit  lufoir  llic  oonniry.  I  iiovit 
opfiii'd  my  lipH  lo  ilio  PrfNiilenl.or  lo  any  mcnil'ir 
of  liis  (^iliiiii't,  ill  reu'iiril  lo  mywlf  aa  rnniKM'.tril 
with  that  rO','inirnl,(-illurli('fiire  or  i-ini-c  tin- iiasHajn 
of  llii'  Ijlll,  lip  lo  llie  priarnl  hour.  Tliis  linn;,  nir, 
did  not  oricinnii'  willi  nir;  lint  viilnniiirily  wiili  my 
t;encrnns  fririiilii  of  llir  Ohio  drli'!;iition,  to  whom, 
HH  will  as  III  thoKi'  other  gi  nllcnien  who  ho  iinan- 
inioiiHly  came  lo  their  aid,  I  lake  ihiHooranion  piili- 
lielv  to  make  niy  rekiiowkMlu'meiilH.  I  will  ever 
feef  myself  under  iililii;aliiiiis  lo  them  for  lliereeoni' 
nienduiions  bo  i!;eiicroimly  fjiveii,  which  of  itself 
waH  snrticieiitly  coinpliiiicnlary,  even  with  iho  Ions 
of  the  appoiiiimt'iit. 

1  will  not  enncral  llip  fad,  sir,  (hat  I  fell  anxious 
that  my  frienilH  Hhiiiild  Miiceeed  in  my  heliulf,  and 
lluit  I  fell  elmu'iiiieil  and  inorlineil  at  the  falliiri!. 
Was  this  iinnaiiiral  or  improtiiir,  sir?  I  was  desi- 
rous of  oblainiiii;  a  position  in  this  war  In  whii  li  I 
eoiild  liava  had  at  Irast  n  rlianec  of  distinction. 
AVas  there  any  impropriety  in  this?  1  knew  that 
this  resiment  was  my  only  elianee,  ns  I  was  well 
satisfied  that  the  liovernor  of  Kenlneky  could  not 
lie  suaper.tod  of  that  kind  of  ma^'naiiiinity  which, 
ill  an  endeavor  to  propitiate  his  political  enemies, 
would  sacrifice  Ins  nolilical  iVieiiils.  Was  there 
iiiiyihin<;  wrone;  in  lliis?  How  staml  I  here,  sir? 
Ill  the  shoes  of  two  of  the  most  !;allant  soldiers 
now  livinj; — my  predecessors.  Colonel  Johnson 
iind  Colonel  IJiiller.  Men  who  have  not  only 
iiroved  their  paliiotism,  Inil  their  cxalled  cniiniKi', 
liy  personal  feats  of  dariiii;  liravery.  Was  it  wroiisf 
in  me  to  desii-e  to  do  iliat  in  which  Colonel  .lolin- 
Hon  had  set  inc  the  example — of  Icaviiis);  these  halls 
of  peaceful  le'^islatioii,  and  scekinj  the  hardships  of 
war  at  the  head  of  my  liravo  constiiiients?  Was 
it  wron:;  in  me  toirive  way  lo  the  darling  nmliilion 
of  a  Kenlnckiaii  for  military  dislinition — I,  who 
sland  here  the  representative  of  a  people  peculiarly 
and  proverliially  warlike  in  their  chiiracter?  Look 
at  my  district,  which,  at  the  hliist  of  the  trnmpci, 
on  ihelatecallof  the  Cjovernor,  turned  out  jiroiiiptly 
and  without  exertion  more  than  tuo  thousand 
volunteers — one  county  (Kenton)  of  only  sixteen 
hundred  voters  offerini;  over  six  hundred  brave 
warriors,  and  would  have  doulilid  the  mimher  if 
iii'cessary.  Sir,  I  feel  proud  of  such  constituents. 
Was  I  wroni^  to  wish  lo  place  myself  in  u  position 
in  which  ihey  mi^'ht  feel  proud  (if  me? 

liiil,  sir,  enough  of  this  siilijecl.  I  have  de- 
tained the  1  louse  Inii^'er  limn  I  intended.  I  have 
no  complaint  lo  make  of  the  Pre  sideiit  hecanse  he 
did  not  confer  upon  me  this  appoinlnienl.  I 
have  never  made  any  on  that  score.  1  did  think 
that,  lo  prevent  niortificatiiui  and  clia;j:riii  to  my 
friends  and  myself,  he  ahould  have  frankly  told  us 
in  the  la  1,'inninj;  that  he  could  not  appoint  a  mcm- 
her  of  Coni;re.ss  lo  thai  regiment.  I  think  so  yet. 
lUit  this,  sir,  is  hut  a  point  of  etiquelie — importanl, 
it  is  true,  lo  he  at  all  limes  observed  among  gentle- 
men, and  demanded  on  the  present  occasion  by  the 
position  of  all  parlies;  but  the  most  ihiit  could  be 
made  of  it  was,  that  either  the  rresidenl  had  not 
studied  my  Lord  Cheslcrlii  Id  at  nil,  (a  great  mis- 
fortune to  any  genllci  lan.j  iw  if  he  had,  that,  ill 
the  hurry  of  business  u-  had  f'oi  gotten  the  precepts 
of  that  ifislinguishedg  '  iiUinan-'-n  fault,  it  is  true, 
in  any  gentleinan,  but   lot  an  •..i.iiardonable  one. 

I  will  cnnclude,  sir,  w  ..  I'Mh'.^  mutter  began.  It 
must  be  apparent  to  all  i!:;.!  tin'  I'residenl  and  the 
lirty-foiir-lorty  men,  in  rcgaid  to  this  Oregon  ques- 
linii,  stand  in  a  false  position  before  the  country. 
1  have  sought  the  earliest  opportunity  of  vindica- 
ting myself  on  this  subject.  I  hope  that  the  Pres- 
ident will  be  able  to  vindicate  himself  with  the 
[leople.  No  one  will  bo  more  willing  than  I  will 
lie  to  defend  him  if  the  facts  shall  justify  it;  none 
will  more  surely  condemn  him  if  lie  deserve  it. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  llunfrerford. 

'  Agnin,  air,  I  repent  thnt  I  will  not  inlicipnle,  liut  ' 
wail  the  rending  of  the  veil  of  mystery  which  now 
hangs  over  the  subject. 

If,  sir,  it  shiili  at  any  tiiiii'  fall  lo  my  lot  to  ren- 
sure  Ihii  Presiileiil,  or  any  other  person — \yliicli 
(iod  forbid,  as  it  would  be  ii  task  which  I  would 

I  not  covet,  for  I  had  always  rallier  speak  in  praise 

I  llinn  in  blame  of  others — the  President,  oi  i  he  per- 
son whoinsoevtfr  it  may  coniKnii,  will  have  no  lie- 

'  ceMsity  to  place  ii  forced  or  false  construction  nnon 
my  laiigimire,  or  violate  any  rule  of  the  Knglish 
grammar  to  nscerluiu  my  meaning.     In  such  iin 

\  event,  sir,  I  will  endeavor  so  distinctly  and  clearly 

;  to  Hei  forth  the  r-ase  that  there  can  be  no  mistake, 
I  will  endeavor  to  iiao  an  instrument  so  well  tem- 
pered, with  an  edge  so  keen,  with  a  hand  so 
steady,  and  strike  with  so  good  a  will,  that  no 

:  search  will  be  necessary  lo  find  the  wound,  nor  no 
iipininn  entertained  that  it  is  a  "puny  eflnrl," 
(to  use  the  language  of  the  gentleman  from  'I'en- 
nessee,)  or  the  work  of  a  bungler.  .Nor,  sir,  if  my 
jndsment  dictnled  to  me  the  propriety  of  such  a 
course,  and  it  would  seem  lo  ine  jusiified  by  the 
action  of  the  President,  his  exalled  station  would 
not  shield  him,  but  winild,  with  me,  constitute  an 
tulditional  reason  why  I  should  do  what  I  deemed 
to  be  my  duly;  in  ihc  performance  of  which,  I' 
would  benrd  him,  ihinigh  he  sal  enlhruilcd  un  ad- 
nmaiit,  and  surrounded  by  (laiiorers. 


Ho.  or  Hkpi. 


THE  TAIUP^F. 


'  leelipn."    Ifpon  thin  pUli\irm  I  ■lahh-  WttytMrt 

Chairmnn,  1  have  freipiently  witneised  Woniimlila 
genllemeii  of  this  House  ndvocnin  and  vote  for 
incidontnl  protection  in  nil  indirect  way  who  scnnl 
at  Ihe  idea  of  aiding  manufactures.  U  is,  sir,  by 
admitting  duty  free,  or  at  very  low  dulieii,  all  nrli* 
cles  used  by  the  manufacturers,  thus  saiiciioiiiiif( 
the  principle;  and  hik  h,  air,  is  the  characler  of  the 
bill  now  before  the  oniinittee.  1  am  not  one  of 
those  MTho  liDliuve  lli.ti  high  diilies  make  low  priceH) 
ihoii*li  it  is  nndoiibi.  lily  true  thai  high  diilie«  era- 
all,  com|i<lilion,  wlui'h  lends  lo  reilui'c  prices;  niiri 
on  the  other  hand,  do  I  believe  that  low  diities  in* 
sure  low  prices,  for  whin  duties  are  reduced,  gooda 
invariably  rise  in  foreii;u  countries  that  are  intend- 
ed for  this  niarkcit  but  1»>  ihis  as  it  may,  I  only 
ibsire  n  liirill'  that  will  raise  snilicient  revenue  to 
support  the  Uovernmi  nt;  but  it  must  be  without  a 
duly  upon  lea  and  i-nllce,  for  I  ciimiot  vole  for  any 
duly  upon  those  articles  uiilil  there  isaKieater  ne- 
cessity for  it  than  there  is  at  present;  nor  ran  1  voia 

,  for  any  bill  that  will  produce  so  little  revenue  as  to 
compel  a  resort  to  a  lax  u|ioii  these  articles. 

!  I  now  propose  to  show  by  the  folluwing  table, 
(which  einbiacesa  period  of  nine  and  a  hiilf  years,) 
that  the  current  expen.ses  of  the  Clovi  ininrni  ciiii- 

-"Tiot  be  estinialed  at  less  than  l*venly-livf  luilliona 
of  dollars  per  annum.  The  table  also  idinws  the 
amount  of  goods  inijiorted  anil  consumed  in  each 
year,  ami  the  expense  of  collecting  the  revenue 
during  the  same  period;  both  of  which  subjects  I 
may  have  occasion  to  refer  to  hereafter: 


SPEECH  OF  jMR.  HUNGERFORD, 

OF  NEW  YORK, 

In  the  IlnlSK  OF   Rl.l'BKSEMTATIVES, 

./iiiif  yi»,  lr!4(i. 
The  Bill  reducing  the  duties  on  Imports,  and  for 

other   purposes,    being   under  consideration  in 

Committee  of  the  Whole — 

Mr.  HUNCJKIlKOUDsaid: 

Mr.  Cii.\inMAN:  Having  presented  an  nmend- 
ment  to  the  bill  now  under  consideration  by  the 
committee,  I  propose  to  make  a  few  remarks  in 
support  of  il,  or  rather  against  the  bill,  as  entirely 
insullicii^iit  for  the  purposes  of  the  Governmeiil. 
The  iiliject  I  had  in  oll'ering  the  amendnicnt  was 
lo  present  such  a  bill  ns  would  not  matin'ialty  in- 
jure any  of  the  great  interests  of  the  country,  and 
which  would,  probably,  with  the  aid  of  the  public 
liiiids,  defray  the  expenses  of  the  Government. 
Snb.serpient  invcstigatimi  lias  fully  convinced  me 
that  the  duties  proposed  in  the  amendnienl  ere  in 
no  respect  too  high,  and  I  much  fear  will  come 
short  of  the  object  inleniled. 

I  have  proposed  but  few  specific  duties,  not 
because  I  believe  ml  valorem  duties  besi,  but  to 
nccominodatc  the  bill  lo  the  views  of  others  who 
think  difl'erently  ft-om  me  upon  this  subject.  Ad 
valorem  duties  are  )dansible  in  theory,  but  luive 
been  found  bad  in  practice,  in  idl  ages,  and  in  all 
countries;  and  1  entertain  very  little  doubt  that,  if 
ailopied  in  ihis  ciuinlry,  frauds  will  be  cominitted 
to  such  an  extent  that  the  system  will  have  to  be 
nbnndoned.  But  I  am  willing  the  experiment 
shtaild  be  tried  to  a  cerlaiii  exient.  There  are, 
however,  some  articles  upon  which  specific  duties 
cannot  be  abandoned  withcait  ruin  to  the  manufac- 
turers. Iron  is  one  of  those  articles.  The  effect 
of  an  ad  valorem  duly  is  to  give  the  highest  duty 
when  it  is  not  needed,  and  to  give  the  lowest  duty 
when  the  highest  is  needed.  Let  ine  illustrate: 
suppose  ail  ad  valorem  duty  of  30  per  cent,  is  laid 
upon  pig  iron;  when  the  iron  costs  twenty  dollars 
per  ton,  the  duty  will  be  si.x  dollars,  and  when  the 
iron  costs  twelve  dollars  per  ton,  the  duty  will  be 
only  three  dollars  and  si.xty  cents  per  ton.  Now, 
suppose  there  be  u  specific  duty  of^  six  dollars  per 
ton:  when  iron  is  worth  tweniy  dollars,  the  duly 
will  be  30  per  cent.;  but  when  iron  falls  to  twelve  j 
dollars,  the  duty  will  be  .")0  per  cent,  nd  valorem,  i 
Thus  it  operates  as  a  regulator  to  equalize  tlie  price,  | 
which  is  indispensably  necessary  to  ilie  manufac- 
turer. The  same  reasoning  will  apply  to  all  other  1 
branches  of  maiiulacture;  but  perhaps  it  is  not  so 
essential  to  any  other  as  lo  iron.  j 

I  am  aware  that  there  are  gentlemen   in  this 
House  who  siart  at  anything  that  looks  like  pro- 
tection to  manufactures.     I  am  not  one  of  those.  , 
The  Democratic  doctrine  of  New  York  has  been, 
and  Blill  ia,  "  a  revenue  tarilf  with  incidental  pro- ' 


F.ffU'll-'CtJnrrtlo 

fliltiillile  Itiind-' 

M\|tchsi'!»  of  Cdl- 

\  ears. 

(lovcninieiit. 

iiMIMirted  iinil 
I'laihUiui'd. 

SW.fi9a,(lH7 

ll:cti(>n. 

IKin 

.tJu.tiVi.a-M  -ifl 

.4|,:'.»7,Hill  10 

isy? 

.'il,.iss,ii>n  IS 

o-j.:h;i,ii.i 

l,II^MI47  M 

Is;h 

si.-iTs,?*.'!  u:) 

4s.:i<ii,oi.-, 

\.rA\.Ka  'M 

is:« 

'>.i,-iaff,4a»  44 

Wl.ti*i,H44 

1.7-i|..-,lll  MJ 

IS'lll 

a.i,:i-n,77a  as 

44.i.'iii..mi 

l..'.|-',.ll!l  -M 

IKIl 

a,-.,HS-3.i!T3  H-3 

.IT.Ii'.ls.'.ll-, 

l,is:i,ir.o  lis 

|s.l-> 

ij4,ii')a.4:tH  II 

fi-l.lttll.ll7 

l,47li,!W  (13 

lHi:i« 

lll.il.'M.Kll  11 

a'i,7i-.|.')  i:i 

n(>l.4110  17 

IS44 

911,10 i.r.s  .!■' 

7D.7(i,"i,i;  i-l 

l.«i7..".n(i  81 

18-13 

ai,;iaii.tfs.-i  -ja 

8<j,9:n.;««i 

',i.(iiiii.ii:i:i  (13 

eil4,01'i,4U5  38 

fie4l,(MS,«89 

iSl.-.,17l),841  7a 

*  lliiir.vcar. 
Avern'ic  nnniitil  current  e\|H'iiscs  forthcBiip- 

liiirt  oi'thc  (Jcivernaiciil ^■..ns.l.na.)  8S 

,\vcriltfc  iliiti.ililc  (,'iiriils  liiiportiul  mill  cmi- 

» .1 R7,,":),.'-.  Ifi  ai 

AviTlujc  -  \pcii!!i-'  nl'cnllcctiii;{  the  revenue. .       l.;VJ(I,H:HI  71 

Il  has  been  asserted,  by  men   whose  ojiininna 
are  entitled  lo  great  rcspecl,  that  a  low  larilV  will 
produce  more  revenue  than  a  high  one;  and  among 
others,  I  believe  my  hnnorabli!  friend  who  sits 
next  to  me  [.Mr.  Se.vhohn  Jome»|  has  advocated 
this  doctrine;  but  I   was  happy  the  other  day  lo 
find    that  he  was  convinced   of  his  error,  as  he 
intimated  that  an  increase  of  duty  on  many  arli- 
j  cles  wmild   be  proposed,  with  a  view  to  increase 
'  the  revenue.     But  notwilhstanding  this  admission, 
]  1  will  now  attempt  to  show  that  tlic  bill  proposed 
by  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  will  pro- 
duce far  less  revenue  than  the  existing  law  produces, 
1  and  far  less  than  will  be  required  for  the  support 
i  of  the  Government. 
I  The  Ernsa  roveaiie  rccfivcil  in  184j,  incliulnic  toiinrc."'  and 

!      liijllt  llinney,  wa« .^rj0,8!«,-jtij  aO 

i  Frniii  nliicli  dcilucl  ilrnwlMck 

nil  rnrciifii  iiiiTclmiuliae ,»1 ,78'3,'?9.5  40 

[  Ito.  on  rcllned  suuur 74.1171  81 

rio.  on  distilled  >|iirit!< 21,7111  28 

I  nniiaiic. 4,174  ao 

'  AlloWHllcpntu  rtshina  ve.-.i*els. ..  98M.8I0  07 

!  K.vnunsps  of  collcctiiill 2,0.'i:),4(is  98 

neiiciinircs  and  oilier  iliarins  . .  asyi-IUOO  00 
Additi()ii;il  i>oiiip<-iis:tti<in  In  nlTl- 

ccrsoftlio  custom l(H.3Pn  79 

Duties  rnl'uiidid  under  prolcHt..  yys,7.lo  :I0 

5,076,.'")01  89 

Lenviiic  tlic  nrl  revenue  in  184.") S*3'^)'^tj,7f>it  41 

I      The  three  l.-ifl  ileiiis  were  imid  from  Ilii- 

;  trenmirv,  nmniniting  tn  .«'.-l'')0,i>ll  09,  and  iint 

I  deducted  in  the  e.xhihit  nl'  ni-l  revcinic. 

I      Now,  Mr.  Clminiian,  I  luivi?  hcthre  ine  nn 

'■  ncctinitc  calciiliilinn,  iiiiule  upon  each  class 

I  of  arliclesini|inrtpd  in  184'>,e\ccpl  upon  non- 

eiiiimcnited  arliclesi,  on  which  J  cslimnle  a 

rcductiiui  of  duly  of  iine-linii,  while  tlir-  ceu- 

eriil  nMluction  is  nlinitt  niie  liiurtli ;  iiiid  the 

result  is,  thnt  the  '.ill  re|iorti;d  hy  Ihc  rom- 

niitli^c  will   produce  less  than   the  existing 

law 7,969,11(1  47 

Mnkinn  the  net  revenue,  bv  new  hill,  nn  im- 
I      portatioiisof  1843 $l7.e4fl.fi-16  94 


Ml 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


'v. 


/. 


(/ 


/. 


1.0 


I.I 


11.25 


■^  1^    1 2.2 

li:  1^  12.0 


1.8 


U    ill  1.6 


V] 


<^ 


/A 


^l 


^  %  s 


/A 


'/ 


Photographic 

Sdences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(7!6)  872-4S03 


iv 


1024 

APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

[June  29, 

29th  Cong.. 

..IsT  Sesb. 

The  Tariff— Mr.  Huvgerford. 

Ho.  OF  Reps. 

1846.1 


I  have  shown,  by  n  foregoing  table,  that  the  duti- 
able goods  ransiimed  and  on  hand  in  1845, amount- 
ed to  $89,934,993,  while  the  average  for  the  last 
nine  and  a  half  years  was  only  $67,573,546  21; 
therefore,  without  taking  into  calculation  the  re- 
duction in  value  that  will  be  produced  bychai1${iig 
from  specific  to  ad  valorem  duties,  it  ia  hardly  to 
be  expected  that  there  will  be  any  increase  over 
1845  for  some  years  to  come.  But  should  newly 
acquired  territory,  nnd  consequent  increaae'^f  pop- 
ulation, increase  the  amount  of  importation^,  the 
expenses  of  the  Government  will  increase  in  a 
much  greater  ratio.  If  the  imports  should  only 
average  with  the  last  nine  and  a  half  years,  the 
revenue  would  be  only  about  S13,4(X),000. 

I  perceive  the  views  of  till  Secretary  of  the  ;; 
Treasury  are  somewhat  different  from  mine.  I  ■; 
propose,  therefore,  briefly  to  exaiftbie  his  cacula-  ■ 
lions.  i 

The  Treasury  Department  estimates  an  increase  ; 
of  importation  tor  consumption,  in  consequence  of 
the  reduction  of  duties  proposed  by  the  bill  re- 
ported by  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  as  j 
follows:  i 

Incrcme , Sl5,orj,500  ; 

Pfduct  for  dfcrcast-  ofitlipnrts  \wt  treasury  eiui- 
mate 79O;5U0  I 


Brandy.  &c 

Alnirimfd 

ArUi-'lt'S  wnn\  by  men,  &c . 
Capg,  hats,  itiuftd,  &e 


Clici'tie 

I'lOVL'S 

fual 

I  Ciirnuit^ 

:  Iron 

:  t'ii»tiiif;s 

Vessels  of  iron,  S^e... 

Mact* 

Maiiiirai-turex  of  wool . 
)  Nutinejzii 

Piinotitn 

Kui-i 


Leaving  an  increaiie  of l-1,:ittJ,000 

Prom  wtiirti  I  dtriluot  for  i-rronootis  t'Ktiinatri*, 
being  on  arlicjes  wliicU  the  hill  reptntGd  pro- 
I>ri903  10  inc  reasc  tilt*  ilnty,  or  the  rt'ducUon  U 
so  iritltng  o-s  not  lo  afft-'ctimpurlationi* : 


II. 


Capi,  gloves,  mils, 


III  lllMM 

741, S'M  -      30       1,000 

Fig^ '.      lavva  23.61    30  .  18,0J0 

*''|\VVi^,'rS'."'.'.!''S            703  31.98   30'    Sjm 

*''braM '  fc"!."     "  \  ■'.391>»33  S-^W    30  959,000 

M.muft.'ctnro»  kn'.  I      „^  ^„  ^ ^^   ^    ^^,^ 

Molasses..'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'..  ;i,0TS,09l  29.09    ;«  aiO.OOO 

Muskets,  8iC HI,Hia  ;)U.(IO    30      2,000 

Win.K l.^ll,i)67  -JLOi    :I0  .'lOO.OOO 

BnHons 107,716  2.).W>    23     ;iO,000 

'^'j;];;'"';'"";"      °''|lO,-)69,013  20.37    a.5  80O,0iJO 

"'tn)id".".'"I'.'!"!';  S  ''•"■'"'«•"  '■'»  '^'  *«•»<'"' 

ni.inkel" .."...      !Wl..Vi2  21.»1    20  li  0,000 

Pish •,Ml.tM4  17.12    20    MO.OOO 

Unills U.:fe!7  21.7J    2J       1.0(10 

Steil 75i,li23  12.94    15     lU.llOi) 

Pimy M  8.82   2il          2.1O 

Conliala 99,7B8  41.29    75    i'l.OOO 


Thus  reducing  his  e.^tiniatcd  increase  to, . . . 


a,.104,230 
.ll.!l7c',730 


Leaving. 


It  may  be  said  of  wines,  that  some  are  charged 
with  high  duties  and  others  with  low;  therefore 
thr-ro  may  be  an  increase,  but  it  will  be  rt)und  on 
cxamiiiaiioii  that  tlio.se  most  In  use  pay  very  low 
duties,  while  only  a  very  small  quantity  pays  over 
30  per  cent. 

I  w  ill  imw  unjcrlake  to  show  the  fallacy  of  the 
Secrcuiry's  oalculiiiiim.s  u|Min  his  own  csllniaica. 
The  first  table  will  exhibit  such  articles  as  he  esti- 
mates an  increase  of  imports  in  consequence  of  a 
reduction  of  duties,  and  will  show,  in  every  In- 
stance, a  falling  oil'  of  revenue,  including  his  csli- 
inaied  increase  of  imports,  calculated  upon  the 
imports  of  le<45,  and  in  the  aggrei;atc  will  show  a 
dnnlniitlon  of  revenue  of  S4,(IHl,654  ('5, 

The  sernnd  tolile  will  cxiillilt  such  articles  as  will 
afford  an  Increase  of  revenue  ujion  his  estimates 

of lia!a,555  70 

Trom  which  deduct  a  loss  of  revenue 
Mil  such  nriicleN  us  he  estimates  a  de- 
ciTUse  uf  iinpurts 67,.'i50  70 


Now  deduct  this  sum  from  llie  decrease  in  the  firsi 
tablr,  and  It  will  show  n  dlininulion  of  revenue  nf 
$3,ll'J.'>,ftl9  0,')  on  such  articles  alone  as  he  calcii- 
laii's  on  HI)  Incrrase  of  imports,  and  including  the 
esliniaird  Increase. 

'i'hese  taldes  rnibracr  very  near  one-half  of  the 
iinjoirls  consumed,  nnd  as  no  calculation  is  made 
for  an  increase  upcui  the  otlur  half,  the  reduction 
of  duly  must  be  much  greater. 


Hnitar 

Itai/.cs,  flaniH'ls,  &c 

Manufactured  cuuon 

Corks 

r.arthpn  elii  na,  &ic 

Ilaireh.lh,  die 

FI0.SS  silk 

(iiii'.'er  root 

Ill  ninety,  &c 

Hi'inp,  uniiianufacnireil 

Linseed  oil,  &e 

Jute,  urass,  &c.,  nniiianufaetured.. 
1.1 


Manul'aclures  of  llax 

Matting,  &c 

Nuls 

tlehres 

Olive  oil 

Salt •, 

iSkins  (tunned) 

Hnlplmte  harytes 

Velvet 

Wliiiina 

Furs  oiot  on  skins) 

Woail  or  iinstel 

Itleaelling  powders 

\on  ciminerated  articles.. 
Uo 


Carpeting 

Iteady  inaite  clothing 

Dales 

.Manufaetnres  glass 

(Iililolh 

Paper 

Playing  cards 

Prunes 

Sirup 

.Mai.darrure-s  worsted 

Wo.illeii  itnd  H  orsled  yarn 

I'pper  liallier 

Litharge 

Manufactures  hemp 

i  i|iinin 

Paper  hangings,  ike 

Potatoes 

Hewing  silk 

White  and  red  lead 

Window  glass 

.s>ui:ar  lead 

Oiiiiny  elotli 

Tallow 


H 


H 


Sl,0!i5,3<3 

144,707 

1,071,702 

lK,4i:i 

b'3.4:<l 

7,1W) 

12,.i53 

lHt<,.')2o 

.i^iao 

3,5'i  1,701 

«i,ll70 

,12. 1. W 

12,137 

6,14;i,323 

174,910 

7l,3;ii 

6t5,aN5 

4,019.708 

172,010 

1  l,;iS(i,ltJ3 

^11,(^8 

a,4ii),«n 

U0,!il3 
40,8a3 
2."i,tt)'j 

732,:in 

140,3:2 

Hi,Ol<0 

;i.i3,i,>o 

4,l.'i',l,3l  I 
iio:i.Oi>H 
i-j:i,v:i7 

6.1,178 
21,9sll 
4 1,liil2 

tWi,:i.V.) 
73,113 
10,020 

649,<|20 
3113 

46.'i,7:e 

3,104 

72,b8.'i 

1.17,700 

2li0,b;)9 


46:i,030 

lil„Vl 

LUKI 

S42,III9 

3>,li2U 

41,4S8 

141 

3-i,.-,a7 

3 

1,840,1)99 

|f2,9J7 

511,910 

OS 

80H,9,'>U 

If,',  10 

4ii,-i«."i 

,'-|f,4l3 

4:iO,lli4 

13,839 

2.'>9 
7.,S72 
1,410 


144.49 
3.'i.l4 
40.02 
•■15 

61.20 
UU.41 
62.43 
69.30 

oa.'jB 

6014 
40.90 
40.09 
59.93 
40 

42„')9 
1J0„'k1 
41,31 
63.30 
3H.6-> 
»;.84 
30 
30 
2,', 

a-i 

.3:1.22 

33 

;«i.ao 

.'i7.79 

34..^2 

U.'i 

21.98 

a  1. 99 

;)2.li2 

9ii.37 

;l,->.12 

76.76 

33.76 

liti.22 

31.2> 

B7,2I 

ill 

:i;i.87 

a.3.73 

a.> 

30 


3R..')0 

30 

»1 

;i!i.a:i 

40,29 

:iii.34 

123..I3 

:m.^9 

101 

30 

30 

38.94 

69.38 

21.70 

29.71 

;c> 
:i,->.96 

;t8 

1)2.60 
.■iti,44 
1 13.02 
12:111 
37.99 


$1,5:19,409 

50,879 

428,959 

5,745 

;)8,825 

4,98A 

7,839 

131,131 

30,016 

2,148,088 

a-.,013 

20,908 

7,276 

3.4.")7,40U 

■  74,02:1 

80,034 

284,:  .57 

a,,')H7.312 

06,^27 

4,30ri,l8.| 

28,0fi« 

72),011 

22.0SI 

to,*!! 

i:t,.3->3 
a30,:i:)o 

.Vi,122 
49,747 

1I8.,'->.S2 
1  ,ll39,82.s 

l.'iO,9IO 
30,931 
21,203 
21,182 
13.699 

678,009 
33.:iOI 
6,n37 

20.>,8;i.i 

2tiii 
llfl,4:i3 
1,082 
18.774 
3l,4ai 
78,4.2 


17,770,811 

1G!:,4.">7 

30,79 1 

8.S8 

212,(307 

1.1,113 

10.170 

177 

13,022 

:i 

552,210 

.34,578 

19,827 

OS 

I99,:t82 

3,,W1 

10,200 

21. Oil) 

163,.-.90 

8,(i7ii 

14.,'kll 

:I72 

9,:w 

,3:18 


C   ■     '^ 

■".a  i) 

1  =  1 

■5.= a 


S'SIO.OOO 
18,000 
73,000 
2,1100 

a,ooo 

2.000 

:i,ooo 
12.5.000 

12,000 

1,18.3,IK10 

30,000 

10,000 

4,1100 
1,100,000 

4,0(» 

4,000 

30,000 

a30,000 

60,000 

4,;i30,000 

10,000 

120.000 

10.000 

lO.OOi) 

3.0;  10 

110.000 
.50.0,10 

100.00!) 

.Vi,OI)0 

1 ,000,000 

10l),0.)0 
13,1100 
5.000 
80,000 
2.3,000 

eOO,0(HI 
,511,1100 

ao,(KHi 

300.IH10 
.'illO 

.50,000 

3,0UI) 
10,000 

:io,oo) 

30,0J0 


1.50,000 
13>1,0  .0 

10.1100 
22.,0.« 

,50,1100 

2.'i.ll00 
1,IX)0 

1  Ml  ;0 

31.001 
.5011,1100 
120,1100 

2.3,1 100 

•i« 

a"iO,IKK) 

23,(100 
100,01X1 
ao.l.iinO 

OHI.OOI 
1(10,(HKI 
12i,(100 

lO.OOil 
100,().KI 

10,I1(HI 


30 
30 

:» 

30 
30 
30 
30 
30 
30 
30 
30 

:w 
:« 

30 
.10 

;io 

30 

2.5 

23 
20 

ao 

20 
20 
20 
20 
2(1 
20 
,20 
20 

ao 

2) 
20 
20 
20 
20 
20 
20 
2(1 

ao 

10 
lU 
5 
.  13 
20 


30 
30 

:io 

,'10 

,10 
:io 
:io 
:io 
:iu 

23 

as 

20 
20 
20 
20 
20 
20 
20 
20 
20 
20 
10 
10 


■a  o  « '5  §■ 

"  *'=  il 

&)         s.  ^  r 


91,0,54,031  23 
48,830  10 
ai4,010  00 
6,32:1  BO 
19,029  :» 
2,7.VI  00 
4,i;iili  fiO 
94,037  fO 

21.0:19  :)ii 

1.427,011  20 
31.^01  00 
lf,(l  13  SiO 
4.X41   10 

a,l7:l.0.-Hi  9^1 

5:i,(;9i  oj 

22.0 1  ■>  fO 

9 1 4. ".93  30 

1,319.01-1  .10 

,58.100  Oil 

3,9:11,2:13  -ii 

in.:i7r  i.o 
,50;  .;«;■!  80 

'iU,V>*  (ill 

io,r,8  GO 

o,o9;i  -M 

ir.s,i;4  * 

:)e,o:4  111 

;)T,210  (to 

79,«'..0  00 

1,0:11,812  00 

110,73:)  20 

•  27,747  40 

I  i,o:«  00 
iiii,:i:iii  00 
i:i.938  40 

330,071  80 

S3.021  00 

6,0,14  00 

Ir9,il2l  (10 

nil  00 

51„573  9.1 

'819  -10 

4.1 14  .53 

2.3,133  00 

,5t:,lo;  t'O 


13,689,1.56  93 

ie3,909  00 

63,474  .'lO 

3.:HI  90 

a:to.i()3  70 
21, 'i^;  80 

aO,8M)  40 

:H2  :io 
1.5,1.5s  10 

900  90 

583,174  73 

73,731  73 

20,|s3  20 

09  00 

21I.:i9l  80 

8,7i:)  20 

a9,2.'.7  00 

41,088  60 

lr«,0'.»2  80 

aj.7;i  80 

:<0,II3  20 
2.0-.1   80 

10.737  20 
..111  00 


*l,5(i,00.')  (KJ 


NoTi:. — Cables  antl  cordage  neeidciitally  oniined. 
The  foregoing  cilculatlons  are  based  upon  the 
supposition  that  the  Secretary's  estimates  of  iii- 
cieaae  are  coirect,  which  I  by  no  means  admit. 
Clin  any  man  suppose  a  trifling  redinllnii  on  al- 
monds, rnlHins,  prunes,  dates,  iiiita,  cnrmnts,  cas- 
sia, cloves,  mace,  nutmegs,  pimento,  cheese,  corks, 
ginger  root,  or  oniuni,  will  ca'isc  any  increase  of 
ciiiisuniptiiin  .'  Will  the  dram-drinker  drink  any 
more  or  less,  whether  it  costs  five  or  six  cei.ls  per 
glass  r 

The  f3ecrrtnry  estimates  an  increase  of  411,100,000 
on  linens  and  maiiiifnclures  of  flax,  win  11  the  11- 
diteilon  proposed  is  only  five  per  cent.,  and  very 
near  the  whole  of  these  articles  consumed  are  now 
imported;  therefore,  should  there  be  any  (consid- 
erable incrense,  it  will  operate  tn  diminish  the  use 
of  other  arlleles.  A  large  increase  of  imports  is 
eiilciilnted  uiion  gunny  eloili;  tins  may  be  so,  but 
the  ell'ect  will  lie  to  reduce  the  use  of  hemp  and 
cniion.  There  is  scarcely  an  article  in  which  an 
increase  of  imports  is  not  overrated,  and,  in  my 
judgment,  there  would  not  lie  an  increase  of  over 
five  or  six  millions  of  dollars  at  furthest;  and  in  no 
.  event  would  the  revenue  exceed  twenty  millions 


I     ltl,3J4,4U2     '  (8I,74,'',017  70 

upon  whieli  the  Heeretary  estimates  an  increase. 
!  of  dollars,  and  probably  would  not  exceed  eighteen 
I  millions.  The  .Secretary  estimates  the  expense  of 
collecting  Ihe  revenue  at  one  million  five  liiiiidred 
thousand  dollars,  while  the  expense  last  year  was 
over  two  millions;  and,  if  the  system  of  paying 
revenue  ollicers  is  not  changed,  the  expense  will 
probably  increase  ralher  than  lessen.  The  Ciin- 
stitutlon  provides  that  "no  iip.incy  shall  be  diawo 
from  the  treasury  but  in  conseiiuence  of  nppnipri- 
ationsby  law;"  yel.  In  defiance  of  this,  all  (■\penses 
attending  the  collection  of  the  revenue  nie  paid  liy 
the  Treasury  Department  without  any  accouiitu- 
bility  whatever. 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  detract  a  tittle  from  the 
i  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,    I  appreciate  lii.s  laleiils 
I  and  his  industry;  but  in  the  nuiltipllcity  of  his  en- 
gagements, noiloubt  he  has  had  to  rely  u[miii  oiliers 
for  the  estimates  furnished. 

i  Mr.  Chairman,  I  should  rejoice  If  the  expenses 
I  of  the  Government  could  be  brought  dou  11 10  what 
the  bill  before  ihecommitleewoulil  produce.  Tliey 
I  ought  to  be.  But  while  the  practice  is  cniiliiiued 
j  of  appointing  members  of  Coiigiess,  and  tlielrsoiis 
I  and  relatives,  to  office,  I  oin  satisfied  wc  shall  have 


1S46,] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1025 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Hunter. 


New  Series No.  65. 


no  reform.  No  useless  officer  will  be  dischnri^cd, 
nor  extrQvn;ji\nt  salary  reduced.  The  practire  is 
wrong  ill  principle,  and  pernicious  in  its  eflects. 
There  is  annllier  inconaiRlcncy  nhnnst  daily  wit- 
nessed in  this  House.  We  see  members  who  are 
advocatins;  low  duties,  and  yet  constantly  voting 
for  extravagant  expenditures.  The  amendment  I 
have  presented  will  yield  near  three  millions  of  dol- 
lars more  revenue  than  the  original  bill,  and  it  is 
liO  more  conservative  in  its  character  than  the  best 
interests  of  the  country  require. 

Mr.  Cliairmnii,  my  friend  from  Georgia  made  a 
stirring  appeal  the  other  day  to  the  North  and  the 
Kast  to  come  up  to  the  help  of  the  South  in  sup- 
port of  this  bill.  Now,  sir,  I  wis',  to  reciprocate; 
and  1  invite  my  friend  from  Georp.a,  and  my  friend 
from  North  Carolina;  I  invite  th  a  whole  South  to 
unite  with  us  in  a  bill  that  will  not  be  destructive 
to  Pennsylvania,  and  that  will  not  seriously  injure 
any  great  interest  in  the  nation.  If  it  is  not  cx- 
ficily  what  you  desire,  it  is  nearly  so;  it  is  at  all 
I'venis  a  great  improvement  upon  the  existing  law. 
Need  I  remind  our  southern  friends  that  the  East, 
and  the  West,  and  the  North  came  up  to  their 
aid  in  obiainin?  Texas?  Why,  sir,  Texas  was  a 
gre.iter  pill  for  the  North  to  swallow  than  the  ex- 
isting law  is  for  the  South;  and  yet  we  swallowed 
It  notwithstanding.  It  is  true,  Mr.  Chairman,  we 
did  believe,  and  we  had  good  reason  to  believe, 
that  the  aliemativo  provided  for  in  the  joint  reso- 
lution wniilil  have  been  adopted,  and  that  negotia- 
tion would  have  been  entered  upon;  in  which  case 
we  should  now  be  in  a  very  diflerent  position  from  ' 
what  we  are.     lint  we  were  disappointed. 

May  I  be  pardoned  for  alluding  to  the  fact,  that 
for  the  sake  of  harmony  the  North  gave  up  their 
afvnrite  candidate  for  the  Presidency — a  man  who 
certainly  would  have  made  a  President  of  which 
the  whole  nation  would  have  been  proud,  and 
whose  opinions  upon  the  subject  which  set  him 
aside  will  cause  him  to  shine  brighter  and  brighter 
in  the  political  firmament  in  all  future  time.  Mr. 
Chairman,  our  western  friends  have  complained 
that  the  South  disappointed  their  expectations  in 
relation  to  Oregon;  others  have  had  tlie  hardihood 
to  charge  them  with  being  a  very  selfish  people, 
always  asking,  but  never  giving.  Now,  sir,  if 
this  appeal  is  resisted,  I  maybe  forced  to  believe 
that  the  charges  ore  well-founded.  But,  sir,  I 
again  appeal  in  all  kindness  to  the  magnanimity 
of  the  .South,  and  beseech  them  to  consider  that 
the  North,  too,  have  rights,  and  that  there  is  a 
limit  beyond  which  we  cannot  go. 


THE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  R.  M.  T.  HUNTER, 

OF   VIRGINIA, 
In  the  HotrsK  of  REraEsEXTATivEs, 
July  1,  184G. 
The  Bill  reported  by  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means,  proposing  to  r  .luce  the  duties  on  Im- 
poris,  being  under  coii.iideration  in  Committee 
oflheWholi'— 

Mr.  HUNTER  addressed  the  committee  as 
fo  lows: 

Mr.  CimnMAN;  I  am  aware  of  the  many  practi- 
cal ditficullies  in  the  way  of  legislation  upon  asub- 
ject  so  coinpliealed  ns  that  of  a  tarill',  wliether  im- 
posed for  revenue  or  protection.  There  arc  so 
many  conflicting  opinions  and  inleresis  to  be  rec- 
onciled, and  CO  many  subjects  to  be  embraced  in 
such  a  bill,  that  it  would  be  as  unreasonable  to 
expect  it  to  satisfy  all,  as  it  would  be  impossible 
to  I'ortell  v/ilh  precision  the  entire  results  of  so  com- 
plicated a  system.  If  every  man  in  the  House 
concurred  in  opinion  as  to  the  end  to  be  sought, 
whether  of  reveiuie  or  proteiMion,  it  is  scarcely  pos- 
iible  but  thai  tliev  would  difler  as  to  the  best  mode 
oraituiiiing  it.  With  this  view  of  the  difficulties 
to  be  encountered  by  those  who  were  to  frame  this 
bill,  I  have  never  eniertalncd  the  hope  that  it  woiilil 
be  entirely  satisfactory  to  myself,  ilut  although 
it  is  iiy  no  nieniis  such  as  I  would  have  made  it 
had  iliPie  bciai  mi  opinions  but  mine  to  consult,  1 
am  still  prepared  tn  sustain  it,  ns  being,  in  my  esti- 
mation, a  giral  iinpiovement  upon  the  act  of  1843. 
I  lesiard  as  a  relief  and  a  blessing  every  approach 
to  a  system  of  imposts  laid  for  revenue  merely,  and 
1  will  move  iinward,  whether  fast  or  slow,  towards 

6r) 


such  an  object,  in  preference  to  sianding  still. 
Each  step  of  progress  which  we  make  to  vards  re- 
moving all  the  restrictions  upon  trade,  exi  ept  those 
which  may  be  required  for  revenue,  is,  in  my 
opinion,  a  blessing  to  ourselves  ^nd  mankind.  It 
is  to  the  principles  of  the  free-trade  school  that  we 
are  to  look  for  the  lessons  which  are  to  teach  us 
best  how  to  lay  the  deep  foundations  of  internal 
prosperity,  and  promote  the  general  peace  of  the 
world.  With  these  opinions  of  their  importance, 
1  should  be  recreant  to  the  highest  duties  which  I 
owe,  not  on'7  to  my  country,  but  to  humanity,  if 
I  were  to  neglect  any  of  the  means  of  vindicating 
and  asserting  them  in  our  domestic  legislation. 

The  day  has  past  when  these  doctrines  could 
be  treated  as  the  dreams  of  the  visionary.  They 
no  longer  find  an  exclusive  abode  in  the  closet  of 
the  philosopher;  they  have  entered  into  the  cabi-  ■ 
net  of  the  statesman,  into  the  halls  of  legislation, 
into  the  hearts  and  minds  of  the  masses,  and  every 
step  in  their  progress  has  been  marked  by  benefi- 
cence and  reform.  It  is  nearly  four  centuries  since 
one  of  the  wisest  of  English  monarchs  declared  in 
his  instructions  to  a  commissioner  sent  to  negotiate 
a  commercial  treaty  with  Naples,  that  "  the  earth 
'  being  the  common  mother  of  us  all,  what  can  be  i 
'  more  desirable  or  praiseworthy  than,  by  means 
'  of  commerce,  to  communicate  her  various  pio- 
'  diictions  to  all  her  children." — .')iutrev<s,  p.  31.'). 

This,  sir,  is  ihe  first  official  document  in  which 
is  to  be  found  the  germ  of  the  grand  conception  of 
a  republic  of  commerce  ns  universal  as  that  of  let- 
ters, claiming  the  world  for  its  empire,  and  gov- 
erned by  the  self-executing  laws  of  equality  and 
justice,  which  are  founded  in  nature,  and  expound- 
ed by  experience.  But  it  was  not  until  after  cen- 
turies of  error  and  hard-earned  experience  that 
this  theory  has  been  reduced  to  practice  in  the 
country  of  its  origin.  It  was  reserved  for  the  pres- 
ent day,  and  Enjland's  master  statesman  since 
the  days  of  Chatham,  to  intioduee  these  principles 
into  the  legislation  of  his  counlry  in  opposition  to 
most  powerful  vested  interests,  and  at  the  s,acrifice 
of  his  preconceived  opinions,  of  long-cherished 
party  attachments,  and,  it  may  be,  of  power  and 
place  itself. 

This  wonderful  revolution  in  the  British  com- 
mercial system  is  a  triumph  achieved  by  experi- 
ence after  reason  had  failed.  The  great  minister 
rested  his  justification  of  the  change,  not  on  theo- 
retical reasoning,  but  upon  the  experience  of  his 
own  country,  and  the  practical  results  of  his  own 
system  ns  far  as  it  had  been  developeil.  To  this 
he  might  well  have  added  the  experience  of  this 
country,  and  of  others.  If  any  man  in  iliisTIouse 
were  called  upon  to  point  nut  the  provision  in  our 
Constitution  which,  next  to  the  impulse  given  by 
free  institutions,  had  ministered  most  to  our  growth 
and  prosperity,  he  would  doubtless  select  that 
which  establishes  a  perfect  freedom  of  intercourse 
and  trade  between  the  States  of  this  Confederacy. 
Here,  sir,  are  to  be  found  the  indissoluble  bonds 
of  our  confederacy,  and  the  true  secret  of  our  won- 
derful progress.  Suppose  the  case  that  each  State 
had  remained  free,  separate,  and  independent,  en- 
joying peace  at  home  and  abroad,  and  hedged 
around  by  a  restrictive  or  protective  sy.-'tem,  and 
ask  the  question  of  any  man  present,  whether,  in 
his  opinion,  the  sum  total  of  tlie  wealth  of  all  the 
Slates  would  have  been  as  great  as  it  now  is?  I 
think,  sir,  I  hazard  11  'c  in  venturinsr  the  assertion, 
that  no  one  would  answer  in  the  affirmative.  If 
this  be  so,  what  is  it  but  experience  of  the  most 
positive  character  in  favor  of  the  vast  and  inesti- 
mable blessings  of  freetrnde?  Our  own  experience 
in  this  respect  is  by  no  means  an  isolated  instance. 
We  see  in  the  Customs'  Union  of  Germany  a  con- 
federacy, formed  for  no  other  end  than  that  of  se- 
curing the  benefils  of  free  trade  amongst  them- 
selves. Its  results  have  already  been  such  ns  to 
excite  admiration  and  expectation  in  the  minds  of 
nil  Eurojie.  With  the  disappearance  of  tllecu^v 
tom-hoiiRC  barriers  we  see  fast  pa^JsIni  away  the 
rivalries  and  jealousies  which  have -jo  lomrdisiract- 
ed  northern  Germany,  and  have  arisen  from  lis 
separation  into  small  communities,  and  the  dllTcr- 
euce  of  races  amongst  those  who  inhabit  it.  The 
great  work  of  tmtionalizin;  Germany  has  already 
commenced  under  n  federative  system,  first  found- 
ed for  commercial  purposes.  More  distant  and 
magnificent  prospects  are  opening  to  the  view  in 
each  step  in  the  development  of  ihe  grand  experi- 


ment, and  the  confederacy  is  already  lookins  far 
beyond  the  ends  for  which  it  was  created.  But  it 
may  be  said  that  this  union,  like  our  own,  ha.s 
adopted  a  restrictive  policy  towards  the  residue  of 
the  world.  This  may  be  proof  that  neither  we  nor 
they  have  understood  the  whole  lesson  taught  by 
experience,  but  it  by  no  means  impairs  the  force 
of  the  evidence  to  lie  derived  from  the  happy  re- 
sults of  the  partial  experiment  which  these  Slates 
have  already  made. 

As  far  as'these  Stales  have  tried  the  experiment 
amongst  each  other,  it  has  operated  well — wonder- 
fully well;  and  apart  from  the  march  of  truth  and 
the  force  of  reason,  there  are  natural  and  physical 
causes  at  work  which  must  extend  their  principles 
still  farther.  Freedom  of  trade  must  follow  us  a 
natural  consequence  upon  freedom  and  increased 
facilities  of  human  intercourse.  Steam  power  is 
destined  to  work  as  wonderful  revolutions  in  the 
moral  as  the  physical  world.  Its  path  is  not  ter- 
minated bv  the  boundaries  between  nations.  It 
traverses  the  ocean  and  the  plain;  it  spans  the  val- 
leys; it  pierces  the  mountains, and  conducts  the  tide 
of  human  intercourse  and  trade  tVom  clime  to 
clime,  and  land  to  land,  in  despite  of  the  oijsuicles 
interposed  by  the  prejudices  of  race,  the  divisions 
of  nations,  and  sectional  lesislation.  Steam-routes 
in  Europe  are  already  regarded  not  in  a  .sectional 
but  acontlnenttU  point  of  view.  States  may  fur- 
nish the  dlfi'erent  links,  but  each  forms  a  part  of  one 
great  whole,  and  national  boundaries  will  not  be 
allowed  to  break  the  conlinuily  of  the  endless  chain 
of  travel  and  of  trade.  We  already  hear  of  five 
great  lines  which  are  to  traverse  the  continent  of 
Europe  from  north  to  south  and  west  to  east,  in 
transverse  directions — one  from  Edinlnirg,  through 
London,  Dover,  Calais,  Paris,  Lyons, and  Avignon, 
to  Marseilles ;  another  from  Hamburg  through 
Berlin,  Dresden,  Bremen,  and  Gralz,  to  Trieste; 
another  from  Hanover,  through  Paris,  Valenci- 
ennes, Cologne,  and  Hanover,  to  Stettin;  another 
from  Naiitcs,  tlirough  Paris,  Strasbourg,  Carls- 
ruhe,  Ratisbon,  Vienna,  Prcsliourg,  and  Pesth,  to 
the  Black  sea;  and  a  fifth  from  Teste,  through 
Bordeaux,  Cette,  Marseilles,  and  Rome,  to  Na- 
ples. Most  of  the  links  in  some  of  these  routes 
are  already  in  execution,  and  the  completion  of  the 
whole  is  spoken  of— I  know  not  how  justly — with 
the  utmost  confidence  Can  any  man  doubt  but 
that  these  facilities  for  intercourse  must  bring  na- 
tions nearer  together,  and  in  n  kindlier  spirit — a 
spirit  wlilch  will  promote  free  interchanges  not  only 
of  trade,  but  of  thought  and  opinion?  Sir,  sooner 
or  later  nature  will  enforce  her  laws,  and  in  despite 
of  human  legislation,  dispense  blessings  to  man, 
to  which  his  reason  ought  to  have  direcled  him,  if 
his  prejudices  had  not  forbidden  him  to  use  them. 
When  the  selfish  instinct  promnts  nations  to  grasp 
at  more  than  their  share  of  the  commerce  of  the 
world,  nature  has  so  arranged  it  that  experience 
will  teach  them  that  the  consequence  of  the  attempt 
is  to  olitain  less  even  than  they  are  fairly  entitled 
to.  It  was  upon  no  theory  that  powerful  and  self- 
ish interests  in  Great  Britain  have  yielded  their 
tardy  assent  to  the  principles  of  free  trade.  Tliev 
yielded  to  the  lessons  of  experience,  w'liich  npeal- 
ed  to  theii  .selfishness,  and  pointed  them  )  still 
greater  sources  of  prosperity  in  a  jiister,  a  more 
liberal,  and  generous  policy.  Whoever  will  look 
to  the  history  of  the  change  in  the  British  com- 
merrlnl  system,  will  find  that  it  has  been  the  re- 
sult of  experiments,  cautiously  tried,  and  so  con- 
vliiclni  in  ihelracmal  operation,  as  to  have  over- 
come Ihe  opposition  of  hereditary  prejudice  and 
of  a  selfishness  which  had  been  fiistcred  and  some- 
what excused  by  o  huig  course  of  class  legislation. 
Nothing  can  be'  clearer  than  the  proofs  adduced 
by  Sir  Robert  Peel,  from  evperience,  that  the  re- 
sult of  every  removal  or  mitigation  of  the  restric- 
tions nnon  commerce,  had  been  to  increase  the 
produci'ioii  and  weallli,  and  to  enlarge  the  sources 
of  taxation  of  the  country.  From  which  proposi- 
tion there  mentally  flows  the  corollary  that  every 
increase  of  duty  beyond  the  revenue  standard  for 
protection  dimiiiishes  not  only  the  wealth,  but  the 
revenue  of  a  nation. 

I  have  been  thus  particular,  Mr.  Chairman,  in 
referring  to  the  experience  of  Great  Britain  and  the 
great  truth  which  it  has  demonstrated,  because  I 
intend  to  maintain  its  existence  here  as  well  as 
there,  and  reason  can  never  cotne  so  strongly 
backed  as  when  It  is  sustained  by  experience.     If 


'I 


'# 


f 


1026 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29rH  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


[July  I, 


1846.] 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Hunter. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


it  cnn  be  proved  thnt  the  effect  of  duties  for  protec- 
tion nnd  beyond  the  revenue  stnndnrd  Is  to  dimin- 
ish the  sum  of  the  wealth  of  the  nation  as  well  as 
the  revenue  of  the  Government,  no  one  could  bo  j 
fbund  selfish  enough  to  advise  us  to  interfere  with  ] 
the  natural  course  of  inOuslry  and  trade  to  benefit  j 
a  portion  of  our  people  at  such  an  expense  to  the  j 
whole.    I  have  never  heard  any  maintain  so  mon-  j 
strous  a  proposition;  but  all  who  have  supimrtcd  | 
the  restrictive  policy  have  urged  that  its  ultimate  ; 
effects  would  be  to  increase  the  wealih  of  the  pco-  , 
pie  and  the  sources  of  revenue  to  the  Government. 
This,  then, Mr.Chairman,  is  the  great  proposition 
upon  which  the  friends  a;id  opponents  of  the  pro-  | 
tectivc  system  are  at  issue.     Does  it  increase  or 
dimlnl&h  the  entire  wealth  of  the  whole  people  and  ' 
the  sources  of  revenue  to  the  Government  ?    If  I  , 
can  prove  that  \U  tendency  is  to  diminish  them,  \\ 
then  any  bill  like  the  present,  which  removes  som.; 
of  the  existing  restrictions  on  commerce,  ought  lo  ' 
1     satisfactory  to  nil.    But  if,  In  addition  to  this,  I 
c.in  show  that  a  mere  revenue  tariff  would  be  bet- 
ter for  the  manufacturers    themselves,   this  bill 
ought  to  be  not  only  satisfactory,  Imt  grntifying 
even  to  them,     i  believe  myself  that  both  of  these  ; 
propositions  are  t-.iie,  but  that  the  first  is  especially 
and   incontrovertlbly  so.    What   is  it  that  first 
creates  the  necessity  for  protection  to  manufactures 
but  the  fact  that  other  orcupations  arc  more  profit-  i 
able  so  long  as  the  legislature  does  not  Interfere.  < 
If  foreign  manufacturers  are  allowed  to  enter  into  ' 
free  competition  with  them,  they  would  be  under- 
sold in  our  own  markets,  and  would  find- their  oc- 
cupation less  profitable  than  others  already  exist-  | 
ing  in  the  country.     But  the  Gnvcrnment  interferes  ' 
toenhance  the  cost  of  the  foreign  article  by  im-  j 
posing  a  duty  on  it, and  the  domestic  manufacturer 
IS  thus  enabled  to  undersell  him,  but  at  a  higher  ' 
price  than  would  have  existed  under  a  lower  rate  of ' 
duty.    The  consequence  is,  that  the  other  industrial 
classes  exchange  their  productions  for  fewer  man- 
ufactured articles,  and  thus  work  at  n  lower  rate  of 
profit.     The  manufacturer  may  get  n  larger  profit 
thnn  his  proportional  rate  for  a  while,  but  capital 
and  labor  will  leave  other  pursuits  for  manufer- 
turing,  until  all  are  reduced  so  near  the  same  level 
as  to  be  equally  desirable  as  pecuniary  investments.  I 
But   wlien    the   manufacturer    reaches   this   level  i 
through  stages  of  declining  profits,  he  is  still  in  , 
need  of  protection  to  secure  and  monopolize  the  ; 
home  market.     He  is  silll  ns  importunate  as  ever  I 
for  protection,  as  shown  by  our  own  experience; 
and  if  his  necessities  be  stated  truly,  he  is  still  un-  ; 
able  to  drive  the  forciirncr  from  ilie  market  without  j 
a  duty  to  enhance  the  price  of  the  products  of  the 
latter.     Now,  if  this  be  the  case,  the  other  employ- 
ments are  still  getting  leas  for  their  nroducis  than 
they  would  have  done  but  for  the  ^uty,  and  are 
therefore   gaining  a  less  rate   of  profit,     Ihu  the 
manufacturer  gets  the  same  or  but  little  more,  nnd 
thus  all  classes  are  producing  at  a  less  rate  of  profit  ! 
than  they  would  have  enjoyed  but  for  Govern-  , 
ment  interference — a  state  of  things  which   must 
continue  until  the  relative  cheapness  of  the  agents  ' 
in  manufaclurlngproduction  nt  home, a-s  compared  I 
with  those  abroad,  become  such  as.  In  ndililion  to  ; 
the  natural  advantages  in  the  home   market,  will  ■ 
enable  us  lo  undersell  the  foret'n  competitor  with-  ' 
out  the  n.saislance  of  a  duty.     Tills  is  the  precise 
point  at  which  manufacturing  becomes  profitable 
to  a  nation  and  ousht  to  commence.     Before  this 
period  they  can  only  exist  by  diminishing  the  rate 
of  profit  at  which  the  whole  nation  produces.     Of 
course  It  follows  that  a  nation  must  increase  ils 
wealth  less  rapidly  under  such  circumstances  than 
if  left  to  the  natural  course  of  events.     Could  any- 
thing be  more  altsurd   and   unjust   than  thus  to 
diminish  the  profits  on  the  production  of  a  whole 
people.     The  farmer,  the  sailor,  the  merchant,  the 
artisan,  the  day-laborer,  are  all  making  less  upon 
their  cipital  nnd   industry  than  they  would  have 
made   but  for  a  law   of  their  own  Government. 
The  manufacturer  escapes  the  general  depi-eaaion 
ft)r  a  time,  but  ultimately  his  turn  also  must  come, 
and   his  profit  falls  to  nearly  the  same  level.     I 
know  that  these  conclusions  nave  been  sought  to 
be  avoided  by  maintaining  that  the  exclusion  of 
the  foreign  competition  enables  the  domestic  man- 
ufacturer to  sell  cheaper  than  the  foreigner  could 
have  done  if  no  duly  existed.     But  this  proposi- 
tion is  so  manifestly  absurd  that  I  need  nut  repeat 
the  arguments  against  it.     It  rcsta  upon  the  ab- 


surdity that  there  will  be  more  competition  among 
our  own  manufacturers  if  we  confine  the  home 
market  to  them,  than  there  would  be  if  all  the 
manufacturera  of  the  world  hud  access  to  it.  In 
other  words,  that  a  part  is  greater  than  the  whole. 
It  rests  on  the  absurdity  that  although  the  agencies 
of  production,  capital,  labor,  machinery,  the  natu- 
ral agents  and  the  command  of  the  raw  material 
upon  a  combined  view  may  bo  cheaper  elsewhere 
than  here;  thnt  yet  a  mere  legislative  provision  may 
give  us  the  faculty  of  cheaper  production  at  home. 
It  rests,  too,  upon  the  absurdity  that  protection  is 
necessary  to  them,  although  they  have  the  ability 
'o  sell  cheaper  here  than  foreigners  could  possibly 
Uo  if  iJiey  had  access  t>  the  market.  They  say 
that  if  we  will  give  them  the  home  market,  they 
can  sell  cheaper  than  foreigners  could  possil)ly  do; 
as  if  the  reply  were  not  ready:  If  you  can  under- 
.scll  the  foreicner  in  the  home  market,  do  it,  and 
you  will  certainly  not  only  take  it,  but  keep  it. 
Facts,  too,  have  been  maintained  to  exists  which 
prove  the  proposition;  nnd  yet  when  these  have 
been  examined,  and  met  by  those  competent  and 
disposed  to  the  work  of  detail,  they  have  always 
been  shown  to  lead  to  far  different  conclusions.  It 
is  remarkable  th.it  in  all  the  lists  which  I  have  seen 
exhibited  to  prove  this  proposition,  the  price  of 
the  American  fabric,  after  the  duty  was  laid,  was 
compared  only  with  the  price  before  protection 
was  eiv.n.  For  fairness,  .i  further  comparison 
was  necessary  between  the  price  of  the  protected 
American  fabric  nnd  the  similar  foreign  article. 
Whenever  this  comparison  has  been  carried  out, 
the  comparison  was  as  much  In  favor  of  the  rela- 
tive cheapness  of  the  foreign  article  in  manufac- 
tures, which  really  required  protection  after  the 
duly  as  before;  and  this  because  the  fall  In  price 
was  clearly  traced  to  reductions  of  the  currency, 
improvements  in  machinery,  or  other  causes  oper- 
ating abroad  as  well  as  at  home.  I  should  not  have 
alluded  to  the  sophistry,  except  that  It  is  the  only 

firclext  for  avoiding  the  conclusions  to  which  I 
lave  atlempted  to  lead  the  committee. 

Mr.  Chairman,  It  is  dltlicult  to  mei\sure  the 
effects  of  the  depressing  Inlluence  upon  a  country 
of  any  legislation  which  diminiilies  the  profit  upon 
the  entire  mass  of  ils  productions.  A  very  .small 
diminution  of  the  rate  of  profit  upon  such  a  mass 
would  amount  to  a  vast  sum.  When  we  retlect, 
too,  that  most  of  the  profit  thus  Inst  would  have 
taken  the  shape  of  accumulated  ipilal,  and  that 
the  capital  of  such  a  country  as  ours  accumulates 
alnio.Ht  upon  the  ratio  of  compound  interest,  we 
may  form  some  conce|ition  of  the  vast  amount  of 
national  wealth  which  is  Inst  by  the  restrictive  sys- 
tem. But  wc  are  told  that  these  are  mere  theo.et- 
icnl  conclusions,  and  facts  are  demanded  to  aus-  I 
tain  them.  To  this  It  might  be  replied,  that  those 
who  seek  to  change  the  natural  order  of  tliinsrs, 
when  reason  and  theory  are  inanifeativ  against  i 
them,  are  bound  lo  produce  the  facts  which  are  to 
establish  the  propriety  of  this  chanjc.  None  such 
have  been,  or  can  be  produced,  as  has  been  shown 
In  every  Instance  when  they  have  been  accurately 
examined.  But  allhou!iii  the  burden  of  jiroof,  so 
far  as  facts  are  concerned,  iamanifcslly  on  the  other 
side,  yet  we  may  .lately  assume  it  for  experience 
baa  decided  In  our  favor  as  far  as  It  has  decided 
anything  in  relation  lo  the  matter.  Sir  Robert 
Peel,  in  his  speech  in  January  Inst,  has  |iresentcd 
us  with  a  body  of  evidence  on  "!"is  subject  which 
is  almost  conclusive,  so  fiw  as  the  experience  of 
Great  Britain  cnn  decide  it: 

"  Thai  is  the  tntjil  niixMint  of  mr  (orciaa  ex|inrtj«,  which, 
from  the  ycnr  HI'J.  when  the  (jwiU  hivasion  upon  the  pro- 
I'-clion  ofoiir  (|(nn''Hlic  iriilastrv  wan  mnde  hy  lh<'  tariif,  nwe 
I'niiii  i:47,anl,OiHI  la  IKIJ.  in  JO.OIKI.UflO  in  irtt-l.  It  iriny 
he  Hdid  th.1t  the  t'hina  Itiliti!  Inu  (hnic  thi^.  I  e:(pr>'ssly  vx- 
(linht  limt  Inttti!.  In  ll^l--},  nfmrt  Trotn  tllr  China  trade,  the 
c.YpnrH  In  nil  fiiher  enunlni'n,  eYct'pt  t'liiita,  nniniititcd  tn 
i'-IC.-lll.OlKI:  in  I*^ll  lh»'y  increased  ten  inilliniin,  nnd 
nniininli'd  u>  £.Vi.(NKl.(KN),  nnd  thiStHM  I  ttiiid  Imture,  drdnct- 
uiu  (In- t^liina  trade  alteu<-llli'r.  In  the  year  IH-l'i,  we  can 
(iiilv  have  Ih"'  accfainl  for  the  eifvi-n  nnMillm  MlcccedinR 
PcccnthiT,  la-M.  The  ex|K)rt«  ol"  the  [trincfpal  nrilrlcH  of 
inntinractnre  l'>  all  pariM  of  the  ivorhl  were,  in  iH4;l,  £41,- 
(MXI.OIIO!  in  Irtl,  i;i7,;)M.(IIK):  in  l*ia,  47,764,000;  Unix 
Khowinif  nnolhtT  increase  in  IHt.'i. 

'•  I.ct  nie  taki'  the  rcwnlls  nf  ihi-  revenue  an  hrarinc  upon 
lhiH')ii"Hlifin.  In  I'M'J,  the  H<n(!*ewill  rceollcrt,  I  proimwd 
rfducli'UH  nn  the  rnrftniilP  (Inlti'H  In  Itic  ani'Mint  ni^  (Ui  ertti- 

jiiaied  h»H  nf  £I,i:ih,iki(Ii  and  in  \A\\,  I  propi I  a  furUicr 

ri'dii'liiai  in  tlie  cn'^loin-i  ihiliis  lo  llii'  aiii'iuiit  nf  £'J7.'l,IK)n ; 
and  in  isil.  I"  the  inuncn«e  anmnnt  nf  £n,4IB,nn(l.  I  esil- 
inat'-d  that  Ihetfttal  hm«froin  ttii»«e  ii-vcml  rednclitms  wonid 
lif  .i  l.l-^.IMKI ;  and  h-l  it  he  rcmeinhcrcd,  I  (liMCard  the  riw- 


enue  frnm  corn  from  both  aides.  Havo  mv  expectntiona 
heen  realized .'  Hnvu  four  niilllona  heen  lo»t?  No.  The 
total  niiinunt  of  Iho  Ions  hna  liceii  £  I  ,.1(10,000.  I  dealt  Willi 
the  cxidiMj  laat  year,  and  made  n  reduction  of  n  inilllnn  in 
tlmt  department.  I  tntiic  off  the  whol.>  of  tlie  Rlaaa  daiiea. 
I  look  off  tliu  auction  dutlca.  But  obscrvu,  what  haa  Iwen 
the  effect  t"  "I  beilevi;  that,  nntwithalandiiiR  tln^  tiilal  ru- 
duction,  the  nhaolnte  Inasindced  of  one  tnillinn  ia  the  excise 
th«  revenue  from  that  ilepnrlinent  will  he  mnie  ihiui  ever' 
fur  there  hna  heen  a  pidient  spring  of  pruijperity  whieli  lata 
inure  than  supplied  tlie  delicjeiicy." 

Ho  also  informs  us  thnt  the  duties  were  chiefly 
removed  from  fmir  principal  articles — flax,  foreign 
cattle,  lard,  wool.  The  price  of  (lax  at  Belfast, 
was  in  1843,  from  6oj.  to  67s.  j.cr  ton;  in  1844,  63.?. 
to  ()8s.;  in  1845,  64s.  to  68s.;  in  1846,  70s.  to  80s. 
Price  of  provisions  has  also  risen.  In  1840,  only 
97  cwt.  of  foreign  lard  brought  in  the  country;  iu 
1843,  48,212  cwt.;  in  1844,  76,000  cwt.;  in  1845, 
80,000  cwt.;  in  1844,  from  48s.  per  cwt.;  1845,  67.s. 
and  1846, 62s.  In  1842,  there  were  45,800,000  lbs. 
foreign  wool  imported;  iu  1844,  65,790,000;  and 
in  ten  months  of  last  year,  there  has  been  no  less 
than  65,216,000  lbs.  In  1842,  price  of  Souib 
Oown  wool,  when  there  was  a  duty  upon  foielgn, 
was  lid.;  of  long  wool,  lOi/.;  in  1843,  of  South 
Down,  lljd.;  of  long  wool,  lid.;  In  1844,  the 
price  of  South  Down  was  Is.  3d.;  of  long  wool. 
Is.  2d.;  in  December,  1845,  ciirhteen  months 
after  the  total  reduction  of  llic  duly,  the  price  of 
South  Down  wool  rose  from  lli/.,  the  price  ir.  1843, 
to  It.  4Srf.  The  average  price  in  December,  m45, 
of  South  Down,  was  Is.  4d.,  and  of  long  wool.  Is. 
2d.— (See  Union,  February  23,  for  Sir  Robert 
Peel's  speech.) 

We  thus  see  that  the  reduction  of  duties  to  llio 
amount  of  .f  4, 129,000,  has  diminished  the  revenue 
but  "f  1,500,000,  and  led  to  acimstsnt  increase  from 
exports,  until  in  the  last  year  It  nmonnted  to  a  liltle 
more  than  <f  10,000,000,  or  about  }|i50,OOI),IIOO. 
Could  there  be  more  striking;  evideiiee  of  the  slim- 
ulus  given  to  the  productive  power  of  a  eouulry  by 
the  removal  of  restrictions  upon  commerce  ihnii 
such  an  increase  in  the  exports  as  lias  been  pro- 
duced by  so  small  a  loss  to  the  revenue?  Our  own 
experience  is  almost  equally  conclusive  ns  to  tliu 
loss  of  national  wealth  which  Is  occasioned  by  un- 
necessary reslriclions  upon  commerce.  In  looking 
to  the  history  of  the  cfl'ects  of  the  restrictive  policy 
upon  the  produclive  industry,  I  turn  first  to  tlio 
exposition  of  evidence  in  support  of  the  memorial 
prepared  by  the  "permanent  comniltli;e  oftliclVee- 
traile  convention  assembled  at  Philadelphia" — an 
exposition  of  which  Mr.  Ileii'y  Lee,  of  Boston, 
was  the  author.  I  could  not  appeal  to  any  docu- 
ment iniue  dlstliigiiished  lor  research,  ability,  and 
iniparllnllly.  In  that  exposition  I  fiml  the  I'ollow- 
ing  statement  in  relation  to  a  comparative  view  of 
our  tonnage  during  two  periods  of  tliirtcen  years 
each — the  one  ficim  1804  to  iMKi,  and  the  oilier 
from  1817  to  1839:  "We  apprehciiil,  however, 
'  there  can  hardly  be  a  doubt  on  any  uinii's  iiiiiici 
'  who  has  relleclcd  upon  the  subject,  that  from 
'  lH04to  1816 our  commerce  nnd  navicniion  sulFer- 
'  ed  more  Injury  than  they  derived  benefit  from  the 
'  wars  if  Europe,  especially  if  we  lake  in  view  tlin 
■  losses  incident  to  our  own  measures  of  defence 
'  consequent  upon  tho.se  wars.  Yet,  as  we  have 
'  shown,  our  foreign  navigation  dining  that  inter- 
'  val  incrciwed  at  the  rale  of  19  per  ci  lU.,  and  mir 
'  coasting  navigation  at  the  still  gre;ilcr  rale  of  ,"i."i 
i  '  per  cent.,  while  In  the  8ubsei(ueiit  tliirtcen  years 
I  '  of  profound  peace  and  general  prosperity  our 
'coasting  tonnage  increased  only  .'IJ  per  cent., 
'  '  while  our  foreign  naviirntion  dccrea.sed  19  per 
'  '  cent. — exhibitiiis  thl^  mortifying  fad  of  a  reduc- 
,  '  lion  from  809,734  to  6:)0,143  Icpiis,  which,  how- 
*  ever,  is  more  than  can  be  profitably  einplnyed 
■'while  taxed  nnd  oppressed  by  a  protecting  uys- 
'  lem."  (Exposition  of  Evidence,  No.  8,  p.  18.) 
Upon  the  same  auihorily  wc  arc  assured,  that 
"  from  1799  to  1807,  inclusive — nine  years,  during 
'  four  of  which  our  commerce  was  interrupted  by 
'  an  embargo — our  exports  avcinged  JJS3,909,0lJ9. 
'  For  the  last  nine  years,  including  1830,  the  ovcr- 
'  age  is  but  1^77,81 7,374."  (Exposition  of  Evidence, 
No.  5, p.  21.)  The  fiist  periods  taken  in  these  com- 
parisons were  periods  of  low  revenue  dnlicM;  llie 
others  were  pcrioils  of  conipai-atively  high  proiei't- 
ive  duties.  Of  «a4,341,6a4  imported  in  1789- '90, 
'  jai,742,29l  paid  five  in  r  eenl.  duty;  *2,.")9 1 ,7.52 
paid  71  to  10  percent,  duly;  #7,581  paid  laj  to  15 
per  eenl.  duly;  aveiairing  about  5^  per  cent." 
(Boston  Memorial  of  1727,  p.  80.) 


I 


Beef.  nlCH^ 
l.'ullnn.  !>' 
Fish,  end. 
Kve.... 
Indian  c 
Hurley  . 
Oats  . .. 
Tohacci 
\Vnnl,eui 
Pork. . 


ry'f'wj"^ 


T    Tw^  ^^ 


». 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1027 


•rm 

riii! 

■ith 

I  III 

Itt), 

oeil 

ro- 

se, 

■cr, 

hiw 

ifly 

ign 

1st, 

i3s. 

IU». 

nly 

III 

M5, 

I7.V. 

IH. 

una 

C8H 

imli 

IS". 

null 

the 

ool, 

IlIlN 

-y. 

■  of 

'43, 

M.|5, 

T 

,1,,. 

f 

bei-t 

■t 

*^ 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Hunter. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


For  other  per(nd8,nnd  for  a  more  extended  view 
of  the  compamtivc  cfTects  of  high  nnd  low  duties 
upon  our  commerce,  I  turn  now  to  n  table  compiled 
liy  Mr.  Cnlhnun,  of  South  Ciirolinn,  from  official 
reports,  and  published  in  a  speech  delivered  by  him 
in  March,  1842.  In  comparing  the  ctrects  of  high 
and  low  duties  upon  exports  and  tonnage,  he  took 


"  From  the  New  Vnrk  nrjccM  is  to  be  deducted  Uic  dis- 
rouiil  on  biuik  billti,  ait  tiiu  imiiki}  l>iwl  not  then  resumed 
spueio  payinentii.  TliiH  dueuiint,  ill  April,  1816,  was  |(J|ht 
cent. ;  but  ill  July  llii?  (licrmiiil  fi-II  toa  piT  cent.  To  equul- 
i/e  tlie  prices  of  1816  with  the  specie  value,  hii  almti-nieut 
<>r8to  10  per  cent.  HhiHild  be  niitde  fraiii  Uie  prices  ut'lHlU." 
[dlKifitiiiu  Nu.  U,p.:it}.J  ^ 

In  the  same  document,  we  find  a  comparative 


a  period  of  eight  years,  from  1825  to  1832,  of  high  'I  statement  ofihe  prices  of  Hour  in  the  Philudelphm 
duties,  and  another,  1833  to  1840,  under  the  lower  i  market  during  periods  of  five  years,  from  1813 
duties  of  the  Compromise  net.  In  the  first  period,  I' '"  l^H,  it  averaged  $9  54  per  barrel;  from  1818  to 
the  sum  of  the  domestic  exports  wiiN*469,198,.')fi4-,  !!  1822,  it  ixveraged  ««  6.3  per  barrel;  and  from  1834 
in  the  second,  »768,3.52,3fi5.  In  the  year  1825,  '•\°  ^^<  leveraged  <(5  24  per  barrel.  To  this  I 
they  amounted  to  W(),941,74(;;  in  1832  they  had  '  ^S  '^I've  to  add  a  table  compiled  at  the  lieasury 
declined  to  #63,137,5«4.  But  in  the  year  1833  they  I :  P«|>n>-tment  under  the  supervision  of  my  colleague, 
amounted  to  $70,317,698,  and  in  1840,  under  tlieitlM'-.  HuBAno.]  tacts  had  been  called  for,  and 
low  duties  of  the  Compromise  act,  they  had  in-  !:  he  has  produced  them,  to  the  utter  discomfiture  of 


Vears. 


Exported  under  low 
dulieal'roMilHjlto 
18'j4 

Annunl  avernge. 


creased  to  fll3,762,617.  In  the  first  period,  the 
American  tonnage  increased  from  1,423,111  tons  in 
1825,  only  to  tl,439,450  in  1832;  bin,  in  the  sec- 
ond period  of  lower  duties,  it  iiici-ea.sed  from 
1,606,149,  in  1833.  to  3,180,763  in  1840.  During 
the  whole  of  the  first  period,  the  export  of  domes- 
tic manufactures  was  but  1^43,180,765;  whilst  in 
the  last,  it  amounted  to  $65,917,018.  They  de- 
clined from  ^^,729,797,  in  1825,  to  ft5,050,6a3  in 
1832;  but  they  rose  from  56,5.''>7,080,  in  1833,  to 

^12,848,840  in  1840.     In  comparing  the  exports  of  |,  r>.i„. ,^,,.^.: 

cotton  and  tobacco,  three  periods  were  taken:  from  i  Exporti'd  under  liiBli 

1820  to  1826;  from  1827  to  1833;  and  from  1834        -'•'"•"•»■'■.•" 

to  1840.  The  exports  of  cotton  amounted  to 
$170,765,993  in  the  first,  to  $201,302,247  in  the 
second,  and  to  $435,300,a31  in  the  third.  The  ex- 
ports of  tobacco  amou'"ed  to  $43,441,469  in  the 
first,  to  p9,963,460  in  second, and  to $57,809,- 
098  in  the  third.  The  average  price  of  cotton  was 
ISJ  cents  per  pound  in  the  fii-st,  10  cents  per  pound 
in  the  second,  and  ISJ  cents  in  the  third;  and  this 
whilst  the  quantity  produced  was  rapidly  iiioreas- 
ing.  In  order  tn  complete  the  statistical  view  of 
the  operation  of  high  and  low  duties,  so  as  to  em- 
brace the  tarilf  of  1842,  I  must  now  refer  to  some 
tables  prepared  by  myself  from  'he  last  annual 
report  of  the  Secretarv  of  the  Treasury.  I  have 
taken  a  period  of  the  three  years  before  tlie  tarift' 
of  1842,  and  compare  it  with  a  period  of  three  years 
since.  The  sum  of  our  exports  during  the  fii-st 
period  of  low  duties  was  $374,960,165;  in  the  lat- 
ter period  it  was  but  $310,193, 1.32,  being  a  loss  of 
about  $20,000,000*  per  annum.  The  sum  of  our 
imports  during  the  first  period  was  $397,179,828; 
in  the  second  "it  was  $390,44.3,398.  '  In  the  first 
period,  our  reexportation  of  foreign  merchandise 
was  $51,1,53,918;  in  the  second,  it  amounted  to 
$.33,3S4,394;  thus  losing  the  profit.s  on  the  reex- 
[lorlalion  of  nearly  $6,000,000  worth  of  foreign 
merchandise  per  annum.     Our  exports  of  cotton 


those  who  made  the  demand. 

Shttemcnt^  exhUiUiii^  the  avcrnzt  annual  quaiitUtu  I'n/iie,  and 
jn-ice  of  eoiton  exported  ut  stated  jteriodtfrom  'IBS I  to  1845, 
ttir/Uilre.  i 


dniiearrniii  16-2Jto 

lB3i: 
Annunl  averaae. 
Expnrtitd  iiniler  low 

dutietirroni  1S3J  to 

lo4!: 

AiNiual  nvcniiin 

Expitrti^d  uiirler  hish 

dnti'-Nlrimi  1843  to' 

184.-1 :  I 

Annual  average 


146,415,358 


338,647,136 


480,30.5,703 


76,978,833 


Value. 


Av'ije  price. 


CtK. 


91,646,366 


28,372,876 


.57,371,374 


51,640,983 


Mllla. 


8  per Ih. 


per  lb. 


8  per  lb. 


6  per  lb. 


Statement  exbiftilinn  the  avcriip,e  annual  quantittj^  vutucj  and 
fnice  of  Jtoar  exiiorted  at  stated  [icriodsj/rom  1821  to  18-15, 


Avcroce 

Year.-*. 

Barrels. 

Value. 

price  per 
barrel. 

Et|»irl*'d  uiiiti-r  low  du- 

licslroiM  IS-'l  10  1824— 

annual  nvi'rna 

1)09,370 

5,030,718 

S53 

E\|H)rted  under  liiuli  du- 

tii-Brrornl8-3:itol8;«- 

annual  nveraue 

1,017,102 

5,467,412 

538 

E.vportcil  under  Ion-  dii- 

ti.-i'rronilK).1tol842— 

annliiit  uveraue 

948,287 

5,689,552 

6  01 

Exporti'd  ilnd<>r  hiuli  du- 

ties from  l84:llol844— 

annual  average  

l,l.'.8,4-!fi 

.1,307,051 

4  58 

\oTE — As  llieoltjiel  in  preparing  these  tallies  was  iimiiily 
to  rxliiliii  the  jiriivs,  it  was  not  ■  liotmlu  necessary  to  drop  the 
amounted  to  SI 79,4.39,6.30  in  the  first  period,  and  i  j  >""'  "*"'^'  "'"^^"  "  '■''""«'' '™'  """''' '"  ""-'  '''«^'''  >«'"■• 


to  only  $154,922,9.50  in  the  second.  The  exports 
of  tobacco  amounted  to  $.32,293,603  in  the  first, 
and  to  $20,518,0.53  in  the  second.  Our  exports  of 
flour  amounted  lo  $24,828,431  in  the  first  period,  ! 
and  to  $15,921,154  in  the  second;  and  our  trade  to 
Krance  and  her  dependencies  liiw  declined  from 
$63, .509, 142  worth  of  exports  in  the  first  period,  to  ' 
S44,749,883  in  the  latter.  Our  exports  to  .Spain 
and  herdcpendeneies  has  declined  from  $22,513,185, 
in  the  first  period,  to  $18,495,947  iu  the  .second.      ; 

Hut  it  may  be  said,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  view 
of  the  comparative  operation  of  high  and  low  duties 
upon  our  prod.tctive  industry  is  still  incomplete, 
without  a  reference  to  their  .rtecla  upon  prices.  I  | 
turn,  Iherefore,  to  that  luanrli  of  the  siiliject,  and 
ciminience  again  with  the  exposition  of  evidence  j 
prepared  by  Mr.  Lee,  of  liosion,  in  1832.  I 

I  select  some  of  the  leading  articles,  whose  prices 
were  from  the  New  York  price  cuirent  of  .January, 
1831,  and  April,  1816.  The  prices  of  1816  are 
chanicleri/.ed  by  him  as  free  liaile prices,  and  those 
of  1831  as  American-.systeni  prices; 
Free  trad)' 

Ui'ei;  mess,  to  caruo. .  j*('H  .'lO  to  ^V.l 

(^ounn,  |>i>r  N 0 -.iMo 

Fisll,  cud.  perqililltal. .    3  (Kl  lo 

Hve 1  110 

Indhin  corn 0  ]t4 

llarlcy I  12 

<  lals 0  .'i7 

'I'.ibai-io.  mollis 10  00  lo 

\Voiil,i'onniion(piHltl*N    0  50  to 
I'ork IU  Oil  to 


Statement  rxliihitiuii  tlie  average  annual  tjuantitii,  ridac,  and 
lirice  (iftol-acc.<^  e-Tjiorted  at  stated  pcriodsfrom  1821  to  I84.», 
inclusive. 


lees. 

Aniericaii-svtt.'in 

prices,  IKtI. 

13  -'.O 

|J4  '■■0  111  iifR  (12 

(1  2!l 

II    9  111    0  11 

.'i  UO 

1  75  to  2  rn) 

TO 

.'i7 

78 

27 

20  110 

3  ofl  to  10  no 

1  (Kl 

0  :i3  lo  0  70 

2;i  (K) 

10  00  lo  13  (IU 

Years. 

Hogsheads 

Value. 

Average 
price. 

Exported  unili-r  low  du- 

liesfriini  J821tol821— 

per  hlid. 

nnnniil  aveni|;i- 

81,730 

5,752,509 

§70 

Evporti-d  under  lligli  du- 

ties IVoni  lH-iitol832— 

nniiual  uvi-mee 

e6,a-i6 

5,.')90,420 

65 

Exporli'd  llndi-r  low  ilii- 

tii-sfroni  18.i;ilo  im2— 

nnniial  average 

108,037 

8,368,252 

79 

ExiHirted  under  iiiuli  du- 

li.sfroni  lsl3tol(:45— 

annual  average 

134,8."8 

0,«)!I,35I 

60  70 

*  The  sei'ond  p{>rioil  etnliriices  tlir  yitar  18-13,  in  whii-h  re 
turns  are  given  for  only  iiini>  months;  an  ilildiliua  of  1-1  It 
to  till}  i>uin  of  exports  or  imports  lor  this  (M-riod  is  necessary  * 


I  have  now  presented,  iVIr.  Chairman,  a  com- 
parative view  of  our  exports,  tonnage,  and  of  the  , 
prices  of  agricultural  articles,  during  high  or  low 
duties;  and  liave  extended  the  statistical  account  so 
as  to  embrace  nearly  the  whole  period  since  the 
adoption  of  the  present  Coiistituiion.     This  may 
not  be  complete,  yet  it  is  nearly  enough  so  to  jus-  ' 
lifyus  in  uttributing  the  relation  of  cause  and  eil'ect  ' 
to  certain  results  which  they  invariably  point  out 
!  us  a  consequence  upon  high  dudes.     Whenever 
the  duties  on  imports  are  increased,  we  find,  not- 
wiihstaiuling  our  increasing  population  and  grow- 
ing advantages,   that    our  exports  and   tonnage 
either  remain  nearly  stationary  or  absolutely  de- 
cline, and  that  the  prices  of  agricultural  produc- 

to  make  proportional  view  jiisi,  Tliis  will  iiiiike  the  loni- 
pAiisnn  somewhat  ii-ss  uimiviirnble  for  that  period.  The 
n-niler  may  thus  correct  the  result. 


tions  fall.  We  find  when  these  duties  are  dimin- 
ished that  our  exporls  and  tonnage  increase  most 
rapidly,  and  that  the  prices  of  agricultural  pro- 
duce rise  notv^'ithstanding  the  increased  miantities 
thrown  into  market.  The  inference  is,  tlierefore, 
irresistible  that  the  effect  of  reducing  the  duties  is 
to  elevate  the  agricultural  and  navigating  interestu 
by  increasing  not  only  the  quantity  of  their  pro- 
ductions, but  the  profit  upon  tliem.  Now,  accord- 
ing to  a  statement  of  Mr.  Woodbury,  which  seems 
to  have  been  carefully  prepared  and  entirely  reli- 
able, out  of  17,000,000  of  our  people  about  14,000,- 

000  ilepend  upon  these  employments  for  support. 
But,  Aifr.  Chairman,  when  this  picture  is  presented 
of  a  decline  in  our  agricultural  exports,  of  a  gen- 
eral fall  of  price  in  agricultural  productions,  and  of 
a  declining  or  stationary  tonno^e  in  a  growing 
population  and  with  increasing  natural  advantages, 
and  when  i;  is  shown  to  be  tne  inevitable  conse- 
quenci-  of  high  duties,  wc  are  told  that  this  is  com- 
pensated by  the  increased  consumption  of  the  home 
market. 

It  requires  but  little  reflection  to  detect  i.ie  flillacy 
of  this  pretence.  Before  the  tariff  of  1842,  we  ftir- 
nised  all  the  tobacco,  rice,  flour,  and  cotton  con- 
sumed at  home,  and  exported  a  larger  value  abroad 
than  since  the  enactment  of  thai  bill.  Now  if  these 
exports,  which  are  no  longer  sent  abroad,  have  not. 
been  entirely  lost,  but  found  a  market  at  home  for 
a  portion  of*^  them,  they  have  been  exchanged  for 
such  articles  as  could  only  be  maniifactureil  under 
a  protective  duty,  and  have  therefore  obtained  in 
return  fewer  of  them.  The  eficct  of  this  system 
upon  the  whole  industry  of  the  country,  therefore, 
is  to  diminish  not  only  the  returns  for  agricultural 
production,  but  to  decrease  the  quantity  of  manu- 
factured articles  furnished  for  its  consumption.  Its 
abilities  both  for  production  and  consumption,  are 
thus  diminished.  Mr.  Dixon  H.  Lewis,  in  a  table 
compiled  from  the  census  returns  of  1840,  esti- 
mates the  persons  engaged  in  manufactures  at 
791,545,  and  their  productions  at  $395,882,615. 
In  that  year  the  total  amimnt  of  dutiable  imporUs 
retained  in  the  country  for  consumption  was  $44,- 
139,.506,  or  less  than  one-ninth  of  the  value  of 
manufactures  produced  at  home.  A  proportional 
estimate  would  give  less  than  87,949  persona  as 
the  additional  number  necessary  to  produce  the 
entire  amount  of  dutiable  imports.  Allowing  thren 
others  to  depend  for  sunpoit  upon  each  of  these 
laborers,  we  should  have,  as  an  extravagant  allow- 
ance, 351,796  consumers.  Supposingeach  to  con- 
sume $25  worth  of  food,  the  produce  of  agricul- 
ture, which  is  a  very  extravagant  allowance  for 
fiimilies  consisling  of  men,  women,  and  children, 
and  the  entire  amount  consumed  would  be  $8,794,- 
900.  The  estimate  for  the  raw  material  necessary 
for  the  manufacture  of  all  the  cotton  fabrics  im- 
ported tliat  year  from  abroad  was  estimated  by 
none  above  50,000  bales,  which,  at  $40  a  bale, 
would  have  been  about  $2,000,000— making  thus, 
in  food  and  cotton,  a  sum  less  than  $11,000,000. 
Now  the  tallies  show  a  loss  of  five  cents  a  pound 
on  776,278,852  pounds  cotton,  the  average  annual 
export  from  1843  to  184,5— thus  making  a  loss  on 
that  article  alone  of  more  than  $38,000,000.  They 
also  show  a  loss  on  the  average  annual  export  of 
flour  for  the  same  years  cf  $1  43  per  barrel  on 
1.1.58.426  barrels,  uiul  of  $28  30  a  hog.shead  on 
134,888  hog.'iheads  of  todacco— making  in  nil 
$5,451,729  upon  the  articles  of  flour  and  tobacco 
w'liioh  were  exported;  thus  showing  a  loss  of  more 
than  $43,000,000  upon  the  mere  exports  of  cotton, 
flour,  and  tobacco,  without  considering  the  loss 
upon  the  larsc  amount  consumed  at  home.  But 
appeals  have  Iieen  made  to  the  selfish  feelings  of 
the  grain-growing  Stales,  upon  the  ground  that 
they  at  least  were  benefiied,  as  they  did  not  export 
HO  largely  as  the  planters,  by'  yhiw  which  would 
increase  the  home  consumjili  jf  their  provisions. 
Nothing  ciuild  be  more  llillacious  than  such  n  pre- 
text. The  capital  and  labor  required  to  produce  a 
given  value  in  cotton,  tobacco,  and  rice,  are  both 
far  greater  than  would  be  required  for  t'ae  produc- 
tion of  the  same  value  in  manufactures.  Our  ex- 
porls, exclusive  of  the  amount  of  foreign  merchan- 
dise reexported,  will  be  increased  about  $14,000,- 
000  annually  by  the  proposed  reduction  of  the 
tarifi"  of  1842,  according  to  the  estimate  of  the  Sec- 
ri'tary  of  the  Treasury.  The  tables  compiled  by 
Mr.  Lewis,  to  which  I  have  before  referred,  show 

1  that  the  proportion  of  manufticturing  production 


■■'•*5 


jn- 


1028 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  1, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Hunter. 


Ho.  OF  RbP8. 


was  as  $500.14  to  rncli  person  cnga{;ed  in  that 
8|jo  i".!  of  labor,  whilst  the  proportion  of  ngrirul- 
tur^.l  production  to  labor  was  im  j('213.71  to  each 
p«-.  .00  engaged.  The  proportion  of  cnpitnl  em- 
ploycJ  to  produce  a  given  vnUic  in  a;jrieukure  is  as 
$100  to  $53.'£2  of  production,  whilst  in  nianufuc- 
luics  it  is  on  $100  to  U7.8(i, according  to  the  same 
table.  Upon  the  estimate  here  fjiven,  $14,000,000 
of  nianufacturinc;  production  would  employ  28,000 
pers4)ns,  whilst  the  same  amount  produced  by  agri- 
culture would  employ  65,4:30  persons.  The  capi- 
tal employed  by  this  amount  of  af^ricultural  pro- 
duction would  be,  according  to  this  estimate,  about 
$:ji),900,UOO,  whilst  the  same  value  in  manufac- 
tures would  require  a  capital  of  about  $9,500,000. 
This  estimate,  too,  throws  out  of  consideration 
the  value  of  the  lanil  engaged  in  production,  which 
ought  to  be  estimated,  and  woiilu  increase  still  fur- 
ther the  amount  of  capital  required  for  this  value 
ill  agricultural  production.  I  know  that  the  tables 
taken  from  the  census  returns  cannot  be  relied 
upon  for  entile  accuracy,  b\ii  they  may  be  used 
for  an  approximation  close  enough  for  sound  gen- 
eral results.  But  the  same  pioposition  luny  be 
demonstmted  in  another  way.  We  all  know  that 
the  profits  of  capital  are  far  greater,  and  the  num- 
ber of  laborers  employed  for  a  given  value  in  pro- 
duction are  fewer  ni  manufactures  in  this  country 
than  in  agriculture.  Tlii.s  is -so  well  known,  that 
1  need  not  refer  to  documentary  evidence  to  prove 
it.  Now,  if  this  be  so,  it  is  evident  that  414,000,1100 
produced  in  cotton,  tobacco,  and  rice  wonlil  divert 
far  more  capital  and  lalim-  from  the  production  of 
other  agricultural  8ta|iles  than  the  same  value  pro- 
duced in  miinufuctures.  More  than  twice  the 
number  of  person.'",  and  nearly  three  times  as  nincli 
capital  would  be  diverted  in  the  former  than  in  the 
latter  cjise.  But  for  the  interference  of  restrictive 
legislation,  wc  should  give  a  desirable  employment 
to  many  more  persons, and  facilitate  the  impiove- 
ment  of  the  old  lands,  and  the  settlement  of  the 
new — a  consideration  which  is  of  vast  importance 
to  the  new  Slates. 

But  I  have  been  treating  this  subject,  sir,  as  if 
the  provision-growing  States  were  not  inimedialely 
interested  in  the  export  trade  of  the  country,  when 
the  reverse  is  the  fact.  They  are  already  export- 
ing provisions  largely,  and  the  change  in  the  Brit- 
ish commercial  policy  opens  to  them  a  vast  pros- 
pect for  the  future.  I  know  it  is  allfired  that  the 
repeal  of  the  EnL'lish  corn  laws  can  be  of  no  ser- 
vice to  us.  Foriiicrly  it  wa.i  urged  that  wc  ought 
to  lay  restrictive  duties  upon  their  manufactures  in 
retaliation  for  their  corn  laws;  but  now  we  are  in- 
formed that  what  we  were  called  upon  to  revenge 
was  no  injury.  The  admission  of  Indian  corn  free 
of  duty,  the  low  duties  upon  provisions  of  all  sons, 
including  wheat,  must  open  a  new  and  great  de- 
mand for  our  agricultural  products,  if  we  act  wise- 
ly ourselves.  The  (picsiion  lias  been  argued  as 
one  to  be  determined  by  the  relative  cheapness  and 
quantities  of  grain  in  this  country,  and  in  the  north 
of  Europe,  and  about  the  Black  Sea.  On  the  one 
side  it  lias  been  urged  that  the  countries  around 
the  Baltic  and  the  Black  Sea  can  furnish  more  than 
will  be  wanted  for  British  consumption,  and  at 
chca|5er  rales  than  wc  can  afl'ord  it;  on  the  other, 
attempts  have  been  made  to  show  the  inability  of 
those  countries  to  furnish  the  requisite  supply.  I 
have  no  doubt  myself,  Mr.  Chairman,  of  the  c,v 
pacity  of  either  source  to  furnish  the  grain  neces- 
«ary  for  British  consuniption,  provided  thai  litig- 
lish  manufactures  are  talcen  in  return  lor  it.  lii- 
crea.se  the  demand,  elevate  the  profits  of  producing 
grain,  and  either  this  country  or  the  regions  around 
the  Baliii'.  and  the  Black  Sea,  can  produce  a  sur- 
plus which  would  more  than  satisfy  the  wnnls  of 
British  con-siiinption.  The  question  as  to  which 
country  shall  furnish  it  will  depend  upon  a  combi- 
nation of  cheapness  of  production  and  facility  for 
receiving  the  manufactures  of  Ureal  Britain  in  re- 
turn. Suppose  that  one  country  could  place  a 
biiNliel  of  wheat  at  Liverpool  for  fifty  rents,  and 
another  could  send  it  there  for  not  less  than  a  dol- 
lar, but  thai  the  country  furnishing  the  cheap  wheat 
pruhiljiled  British  manufactures,  whilst  the  other 
received  them  at  moderate  duties:  can  any  man 
doubt  ae  to  the  country  from  u  liicli  In  r  .-iupplics 
of  grain  would  be  derived  ?  She  would  have  no 
capacity  to  buy  the  wheat  nt  filly  cents,  if  she 
could  sell  nothing  in  return;  but  she  coiiM  inid 
would  buy  IVnm  that  which  furnished  wheat  at 


one  dollar  n  bushel,  and  look  gondi  in  exchange. 
If  Bueh  a  proposition  could  need  evidence  beyond 
the  general  experience  of  the  world,  we  may  find 
it  in  the  history  of  our  trade  with  France  before 
and  since  the  taritrof  1843.  In  the  three  yeors 
before  that  tariff  we  exported  to  Prance  anil  her 
depenileneics  $<>3,3Utf,143.  In  three  years  since 
that  period  we  have  exported  to  the  same  but 
$44,749,88.'). •  Our  iinporia  from  those  places  have 
fallen  oH"  in  rather  n  greater  mtio.  Now,  why  is 
this?  She  required  our  cotton  and  tobacco  as 
much  or  more  since  than  before  the  tariff  of  1842. 
The  prices  of  both  have  fallen,  cotton  nearly  one- 
half,  and  tobacco  more  than  one-third;  and  yet, 
with  this  great  diminution  in  price,  she  takes  less 
from  us.  The  only  reply  that  can  be  given  is, 
that  she  can  no  longer,  since  1842,  exchange  her 
silks  null  wines,  either  free,  or  at  low  rates  of  du- 
ties. Wc  have  diminished  her  capacity  to  sell  to 
us,  and  she  can  no  longer  buy  as  much  of  us,  even 
nt  greatly  iliminished  prices. 

Ifwc  wish,  then,  to  furnish  the  supplies  of  grain 
to  the  English  market  in  preference  over  our  rivals 
in  Northern  Europe,  wc  miLot  reduce  our  duties 
on  foreign  manufactures  to  secuic  the  opportunity. 
With  this  advantage  we  may  readily  secure  the 
larger  share  of  the  British  market  for  foreign  grain. 
Our  lands  areascheap.orcheaper,  our  facilities  for 
internal  intercourse,  iitid  our  skill  are  far  greater. 
If  they  have  any  advantage  over  us  in  frieight, 
even  that  wnulil  be  removed,  or  greatly  diminish- 
ed, by  facilities  for  an  excliinige  of  commodities, 
which  would  give  a  cargo  both  ways,  whilst  the 
iiiesent  commercial  system  in  Northern  Europe, 
being  HO  restrictive  as  it  is,  would  diininish  the 
ability  to  send  cargoes  of  goods  in  return.  Here, , 
sir,  is  the  point  to  which  the  attention  of  the  grain 
growers  in  this  country  ought  to  be  turned.  Tliey 
will  rest  on  n  fallacious  hope  if  they  suppose  that 
the  vast  and  fertile  grain  growing  region  with 
which  we  must  cfinie  into  compeiiiion,  cannot  sup- 1 
ply  the  British  marlict,  jtrovided  there  is  an  in- ' 
creased  demand  feu-  it,  and  an  increased  profit  upon 
its  production.  The  quantity  now  produced  there 
uniler  the  past  demand  and  past  ]>rofits  is  no  lest 
by  which  to  estimate  that  which  might  be  grown 
under  better  prices  and  a  larger  demand  in  a  country  , 
in  a  vast  portion  of  which  there  is  so  little  agri- 
cultural skill  and  artificial  improvement.  We  are  i 
infiirnicd  by  Pcntcr,  in  his  Progress  of  the  British  | 
Nation,  that  "  from  IfOl  to  181)5  the  avernffe  an- 
'  nual  iinpnrtatiini  of  wheat  into  Great  Britain  hud 
'  fallen  from  more  than  a  peck  to  one  gallon  to 
'  each  consumer;  and  that  while  the  total  number 
'of  families  in  Great  Britain  had  increased  at  the 
'  rate  of  ,')4  per  cm'..,  the  number  of  families  cm- 
'  ployed  in  agriculture  had  incren.sed  only  at  the 
'  rale  of  7^  |.er  cent." — Vol.  1,  pages  14(1,  147, 
148.  lie  says  that  "  everywhere  the  condition  of 
'  ncriciilmral  lalifu'crs  is  siaiiil  to  be  visibly  amend- , 
'  ed,"  and  that  "  with  scan  ely  any  exception  the  | 
'  revenue  drawn  in  the  form  of  rent  fron>  the  own- 
*  ershij)  of  the  soil  has  been  at  least  doubled  in  i 
'  every  pari  of  Great  liritaiii  since  1790." — Vol.  1, 
pa<;e  1G4.  Now  this  vast  increase  of  production  i 
with  a  proportionably  less  amount  of  labor  liiis  | 
been  the  result  of  aiiricultural  skill  and  science, 
stimulated  by  increased  ilenmnd  and  growing 
profits  in  that  branch  of  industry.  Can  it  be  sup- 
posed thai  like  causes  might  not  produce  as  great 
flVects  in  countries  portions  of  which  are  (hr  be- 
hind what  Great  Britain  was  in  17!)U  in  point  of 
agricultural  skill  and  improvement?  But  it  may 
be  .said,  how  can  wc  hope  to  supply  the  British 
market  in  view  of  this  picture  of  their  agriculture 
before  us?  It  will  be  reciilli.cled,  however,  thai 
the  demand  and  the  prices  which  encouraged  this 
high  state  of  pioduclion  was  brought  about  by 
their  corn  laws,  which  gave  an  artificial  profit, 
whilst  it  diminished  the  capaci.y  of  other  and 
larger  classes  to  consume.  Ilemove  these  restric- 
tions, and  the  manufacturer,  if  he  can  exchange 
his  goods  for  it,  may  furnish,  not  entirely,  but  to 
n  great  extent,  cheaper  corn  than  can  be  raised  at 
home.  The  capacity  of  the  whole  i-alion  to  con- 
sume will  be  vastly  increased,  as  has  already  been 
shown  by  the  (-xperience  under  Sir  Robert  I'cel's 
measures  of  la4'J.  Large  quantities  of  lard,  nieot, 
<lax,  and  wool  have  been  imported  since  that  time. 


*  \Vt.  must  here  iide  I  Dili  tii  tlie  imports  of  tlie  Hccund 
period  to  iiinke  t))e  loiapuriMOii  Jiut. 


and  yet  the  domestic  priceii  have  increased,  be- 
cause the  demand  grew  even  beyond  the  greater 
supply,  under  a  rise  in  the  profit  of  production 
ihroughnut  tlie  kingdom,  and  a  consequent  increase 
of  capacity  to  consume  these  articles.  View  this 
question,  then,  Mr.  iMiairman,  as  we  may,  wheth- 
er upon  generol  principles  founded  upon  the  long- 
settled  and  universal  experience  of  mankintl,  or 
upon  the  particular  experience  of  our  own  country, 

1 1  wc  find  the  result  the  same.  In  either  way  the 
great  truth  is  demonstrated  that  the  result  of  re- 
strictions upon  our  foreign  commerce  is  to  diininish 
the  amount  and  the  profit  of  the  iiroductions  of  the 
country  which  adopts  them. 

.      But,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  asserted  that  the  efTccl 

II  of  removing  these  restrictions  has  been  to  increase 
the  sources  of  taxation  and  the  capacity  of  a  coun- 

;  try  to  bear  its  burdens.     If  it  be  true  that  the  effect 

,  of^  such  n  removal  is  to  increase  the  wealth  of  a 
eountry,  it  follows,  as  n  necessary  coi.sequence, 
that  it  can  bear  an  increased  taxotion.  But  here, 
too,  facts  may  be  produced  to  srstnin  this  theoret- 
ical conclusion.  I  have  already  adverted  to  the 
effect  of  Sir  Robert  Peel's  experiment  in  reducing 
and  removing  duties  ond  excises  in  Great  Britain 
since  1842.  We  find  that  the  removal  of  4'4,129,- 
000  on  duties  led  to  a  reduction  of  only  .i'l, 500,0110 
in  the  revenue,  whilst  it  increnacd  the  foreign  ex- 
ports alone  about  $.50,000,000.  The  reason  was, 
that  these  reductions  diminished  the  expenses  and 
increased  the  amount  and  profits  of  production, 
wliich  brought,  as  n  consequence,  a  greater  capaci- 
ty to  consume  the  articles  upon  which  duties  were 
imposed.  The  duty,  whilst  high  enough  to  be 
protective,  imposed  a  tax,  in  the  shape  of  enhanced 
prices  at  home,  for  private  as  well  as  public  benefit. 
In  proportion,  then,  as  the  consumer  was  relieved 
from  the  burden  of  private  taxation  for  the  tloines- 
tic  producer,  he  was  enabled  to  contribute  more  to 
the  goyernmcnt.  Whatever  reduces  the  tax  upon 
an  article  reduces  its  price;  and  as  the  price  de- 
scends, the  article  makes  a  larger  and  larger  circle 
of  consumers,  who  are  thus  stimulated  to  increased 
production,  and  ad<l  more  and  more  to  the  wealth 
of  the  nation.  For  some  time  past  so  much  atten- 
tion has  been  directed  towards  English  statistics, 
that  we  have  been  enabled  to  trace  the  practical 
effect  of  a  reduction  of  taxation  upon  the  con- 
sumption of  the  country.  We  are  Informed  "  that 
'  between  1821  and  1831  taxes  were  repealed  be- 
'  yond  what  were  imposed,  amounting  to.i'17,321,- 
'  404,  and  the  effect  of  the  reduction  was  immcdi- 
'nlclysecn  in  the  proportionally  greater  consump- 
'  lion  of  articles  upon  which  the  old  or  modified 
'  duties  were  continued.  The  amount  received  into 
'  the  exchequer  in  1831  wasgreater  than  the  amount 
'  by  computation  to  the  extent  of  =f  14,705,782, 
'and  was  within  .(550,325,  which  it  should  have 
'  reached  considering  the  increased  number  by 
'  whom  it  was  contributed.  It  will  further  he  seen 
'  that  in  1836,  when  the  public  burdens  hud  been 
'  siill  further  reduced  by  .f 4,981, 261,  the  amount 
'  of  duties  and  taxes  received  was  greater  than  it 
'  shoiiU  have  been  by  computation  to  the  extent 
'  of  4'22,072,804,  and  greater,  also,  by  <f6,320,399 
'  ilian  the  remaining  tuxes  would  have  yielded  at 
'  the  same  rate  of  consumption  by  increased  num- 
'  bers  of  the  people."  (Porter's  Progress,  vol.  2, 
p.  .')()9.)  From  1801  to  1811,  vhen  the  taxes  were 
higher,  ns  we  are  a.ssured  upon  the  same  authority, 
the  consumpliiMi  diminished  as  compared  with  the 
population.  When  we  consider  the  immense  du- 
ties imposed  by  our  present  tariff,  wc  can  readily 
imagine  the  immense  increase  of  consumption 
which  a  reduction  of  these  duties  would  ])i'oiuice. 
Six  articles,  "  wool  manufactured,"  "  worsted  and 
sluffgojds,"  "colored  cottons  exceeding  30  cents 
per  sipiare  yard,"  "  colored  cottons  not  exceeding 
20  cenis  per  square  yard,"  and  "brown  sugar," 
imported  last  year  to  the  amount  of  $21,6.30,558, 

'  and  actually  paid  a  duty  of  $9,450,387,  or  more 
than  40  per  cent.  A  larger  amount  of  similar  arti- 
cles o:' domestic  produce  arc  sold  here  at  the  same 
firice,  with  the  foreign  commodity  thus  enhanced 
ly  the  duties  actually  paid.  The  precise  amount 
of  the  increase  of  consuniption,  of  iinportotion, 
and,  consequently,  of  exportation,  which  would  be 
occasioned  by  the  reduction  of  this  rate  of  duly  to 
20  per  cent.,  cannot  be  slated  in  figures,  but  all 
must  see  tlia'  it  wouh'  be  enormous.  The  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  has  estimated  the  probable 

:  loss  of  revenue,  upon  the  bill  under  consiiJeration, 


at  $1,500,000,  and  I 
anJ  consequently  o 
this  amount  nf  agt 
the  principle  of  c 
alTbrd  employmeni 
pcndenlly  of  the  \ 
persons  in  agriciill 
ter  to   give  a  dea 
capital  and  labor  r 
lion  and  a  half  of 
sake  of  that  compt 
this  large  field  for 
la  it  not  probnblf 
crease  of  consun 
population,  the  « 
lion  to  our  aiiim 
of  the  country  wi 
the  people  to  con 
more  than  repay 
all  the  revenue  u 
ductioii  of  duties 
would  long  hesi 
ihe  affirmative. 
Chairman,  a  rcdi 
lies  would,  in  Ih 
wealth  of  our  wh 
even  the  revenue 
ft  still  bolder  pro 
nue  system  of  i 
luring  interest  iu 
strictivc  policy. 
uf\tcturea  in  the 
market  for  supp 
vantages  than  eh 
the  consumer,  ni 
for  freight,  insu 
revenue  duties  i 
subjected.     Wl 
Btlvantages,  to  f 
foreign  competi 
period  has  arri 
should  commei 
der  increased  t 
pursuits,  and  'i 
competition  wh 
profit  than  the) 
pursuits,  had  t 
But  at  the  pel 
commence  not 
and  to  add  to  t 
riod,  as  I  hav 
duties,  becaus 
other  pursuits 
capital  accum 
pacity  to  cons 
Manufactures 
ploymcntof  (1 
to  the  positio 
nierce, includ 
precede  it. 
other  s|iecic8 
of  populatio- 
ihatmanul'af 
in  their  prod 
their  iHisitio 
of  natural  i 
most  rapidly 
upouprodui:" 
upon  them, 
period  atwl 
nience,  by  ' 
and  labor,  a 
the  home  mi 
n  preference 
fac.'.uring  in 
to  itself,  an 
springs  int 
exhaust  tli 
clings,  but 
inetry  to  llv 
the  same  ro 
fruit.     Wh 
which  cap 
cheap  enoi 
so  much  ar 
aid  of  his 
to  secure  it 
to  the  rest 
can  be  of 
upon  impo 
into  comp 
as  true  of 


ion 


111 


I'flWW'W? 


TT 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1029 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


t't 


i 


»l  81 ,500,000,  nnd  ihc  probable  inrrcnne  of  importx, 
and  consequently  of  exports,  nt»|iM,0OO,0OO.  Now, 
this  nrnount  of  ngricultuml  products,  nccoi  i.i.ir  to 
the  principle  of  computation  heretofore  Bflopted, 
airoril  employment  to  ^26,900,000  of  cnpiial,  inde- 
pendently of  the  value  of  the  land,  and  to  65,4^ 
persons  in  apriculturni  pursuits.  Is  it  not  far  bet- 
ter to  give  a  desirable  employment  to  all  this 
capital  and  labor  at  the  loss  of  a  million  or  a  mil-  j 
lion  and  a  half  of  dollars  in  revenue,  than  for  the 
siiko  of  that  comparatively  small  amount  to  destroy 
this  large  field  for  productive  imiustry  and  capital? 
Is  it  not  probable,  too,  that  independently  of  in- 
crease of  consumption  from  the  growth  of  our 
population,  the  wealth  accumulated  by  this  addi-  ■ 
tion  to  our  animal  productions,  and  tlie  industry  i 
of  the  country  would  so  incrca.ie  the  capacity  of  ■ 
the  people  to  connunic  the  dutiable  articles,  na  to  j 
more  than  repay  the  Government  wiili  inlerest  for 
all  the  revenue  tcmponirily  lost  by  the  present  re- 
duction of  duties-  I  thinlc  that  no  impartial  mind 
would  long  heaitnle  to  decide  these  questions  in 
the  affirmative.  If  I  am  right  in  those  views,  Mr. 
Chairman,  a  reduction  of  the  existing  nilcs  of  du- 
ties would,  in  the  long  run,  not  only  add  to  the 
wealth  of  our  whole  people,  but  ullimi'itely  increase 
even  the  revenue.  I  have  undertaken  to  maintain 
n  still  bolder  proposition.  I  hold,  sir,  that  a  reve- 
nue system  of  imports  is  better  for  the  tnanufac- 
turinj?  interest  itself  than  the  higher  rates  of  a  re- 
strictive policy.  It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  man- 
ufactures in  their  infancy  depend  upon  the  home 
market  for  sujiport.  They  have  here  greater  ad- 
vantages than  elsewhere  in  their  facility  of  access  to 
the  consumer,  and  in  the  absence  of  certain  charges 
for  freight,  in.surance,  and  commission,  and  of  the 
revenue  duties  to  which  the  foreign  competitor  is 
subjected.  Whenever  they  arc  able,  with  these 
advantages,  to  sell  as  cheap  or  cheaper  than  the 
foreign  competitor  in  the  home  market,  the  true 
period  has  arrived  when  manufacturing  industry 
should  commence.  If  it  is  attempted  before,  un- 1 
der  increased  duties,  they  injure  more  profitable 
pursuits,  and  'ultimately  expose  themselves  to  a 
competition  which  reduces  them  to  a  lower  rate  of 
profit  than  they  would  have  enjoyed  in  those  other  ! 
pursuits,  had  they  been  content  to  bide  their  time. ' 
But  at  the  period  of  which  1  have  spoken,  they  ' 
commence  not  to  injure,  but  to  aid  other  pursuits, 
and  to  add  to  the  wealth  of  the  nation.  This  pe- 
riod, as  1  have  shown,  is  reciirdcd  by  restrictive 
duties,  because  the  profits  of  those  engaged  in 
other  pursuits  are  diminished,  and  coiisequenlly 
capital  accumulates  more  slowly,  and  their  ca- 
pacity to  consume  increa.ses  in  a  diminished  ratio. 
Manufactures  can  never  constitute  the  chief  em 
ploymentof  a  people  in  their  infancy.  According 
to  the  position  of  the  country,  agriculture  or  com- 
merce, including  n.ivigation,  must  eiiher  or  both 
precede  it.  It  is  the  capital  accumulated  from 
other  species  of  production,  nnd  from  the  growlli 
of  population,  increased  by  their  greater  profils, 
that  manufactures  are  to  find  one  of  the  chief  agents 
in  their  production,  and  the  consumers,  over  whom 
their  position  must  sooner  or  later  give  them  a  sort 
of  natural  monopoly.  Now,  whatever  iiicroa.'!es 
most  rapidly  the  capital  of  the  nation,  its  profits 
upon  production,  its  numbers,  and,  as  a  consequence 
upon  them,  its  capacity  to  cori.sume,  accelerates  the 
period  at  which  manufactures  may  profitably  com- 
mence, by  cheapening  more  rapidly  both  capital 
and  labor,  and  increasing  the  value  and  extent  of 
the  home  market,  in  which  nature  has  given  them 
a  preference.  When  this  period  arrives,  manu- 
facturing industry  may  commence  with  security 
to  itself,  and  advantage  to  the  people.  It  thus 
springs  into  existence,  not  as  a  parasiie  plant  to 
exhaust  the  sap  and  stunt  the  tree  to  which  it 
clings,  but  as  a  branch  of  its  growlli,  giving  sym- 
metry to  the  whole, drawing  nourishment  through 
the  same  root,  and  maturing  a  just  proportion  of  the 
fruit.  When  a  country  has  reached  the  point  at 
which  capital  and  labor  have  become  relatively 
cheap  enough  to  diminish  the  cost  of  production 
HO  much  as  to  enable  the  nianufaclurer,  with  the 
aid  of  his  natural  advantages  in  the  home  market 
to  secure  it,  his  interest,  like  all  olhers.  Is  opposed 
to  the  restrictive  system.  Legislativr,  prolectlmi 
cim  be  of  no  use  to  him  at  home,  and  rslrlctions 
upon  importations  will  diminish  his  ability  to  enter 
inio  competition  for  the  foreign  markets.  It  is 
lu  true  of  the  manufuctuier  as  of  the  agricultu- 1 


ITie  Tariff— Mr.  Hunter. 

rist,  that  he  cannot  export  unless  he  can  import 
in  return.  This  view,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  no  fancy 
picture.  It  is  no  mere  theory  unattested  by  ex- 
perience. History  vouches  for  its  truth.  I  might 
adduce  the  experience,  not  only  of  our  own,  but 
of  other  countries,  in  support  of  the  proposition 
which  I  have  maintained.  But  I  pass  over  the 
wonderful  increase  of  the  English  manufiiciures  of 
silk  immediately  consequent  upon  a  large  reduction 
of  the  duties  upon  similar  foreign  articles.  I  pass 
over  the  immense  increase  of  the  expiirtalion  of 
Urilish  woollen  manufitctures  consequent  upon  a 
removal  of  the  prohibition  upon  the  export  of  the 
raw  material,  which  had  long  existed  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  manuCactured  article.  I  pass  over, 
too,  the  French  prohibiiion  of  the  iniportatinn  of 
raw  wool,  and  their  bounty  uptm  the  nianul'actured 
article — asystem'nnilerwhich  the  price  of  raw  wool 
fell  at  home,  whilst  the  manufacturers  themselves 
declined.  I  pass  over  a  large  body  of  foreigri  evi- 
dence, which  serves  to  prove  that  these  restrictions 
have  always  ended  in  inipiiiriiig  the  value  of  the 
home  market,  by  diminishing  the  profils  of  domes- 
tic production  generally,  and  consequently  the 
capacity  for  home  consumption.  Nor  will  I  refer 
to  those  other  fiu'ts,  which,  in  the  opinion  of  such 
careful  observers  as  McCuUoch  and  Porter,  prove 
that  the  freer  competition  caused  by  a  removal  of 
restrictions  has  invariably  had  the  eii"  't  to  stimu- 
late the  discoveries  of  cheaper  processej  and  im- 
provements in  machinery,  which  have  reduced  the 
cost  of  production  at  home.  I  pass  over  these 
things,  becjiuse  our  own  experience  seems  to  nie 
to  be  striking  and  convincing.  Mr.  Tench  Coxe, 
in  his  report  of  June,  1813,  estimales  the  popula- 
tion of  the  United  States  at  8,000,000,  and  that 
within  the  year  they  would  make  manufactured 
goods  (exclusively  of  the  doubtful)  to  ihe  full  vidue 
of  ^200,000,000.  In  the  same  report,  he  states 
theaverasre  value  of  manufactures  in  England  alone 
at  $266,000,000,  with  a  population  of  8,5(10,000. 
Of  American  manufactures  he  speaks  in  the  follow- 
ing terms:  "  The  facility  of  retaining  and  sieadily 
'  extending  this  valuable  branch  of  national  indus- 
'  try  is  manifested  by  its  early  and  .spontaneous 
'  commencement  in  every  county  and  township, 
'  and  by  its  nearly  spontaneous  anil  costless  growth, 
'  with  such  aids  only  as  have  not  occasioned  any 
'  material  expense  or  sacrifice  to  agrir  ulture  or  coin- 
'  merce,  since  they  are  chiefly  incidental  to  neccf- 
'  sary  revenue,  or  resulted  from  our  distnnce  from 
'  the  foreign  consumers  of  our  productions  and 
'  manufacturers  of  our  sup|)lics."  Now,  all  lliis 
took  place  under  low  duties,  and  this  rapid  growth 
of  manufactures  was  accompanied,  not  by  the  de- 
cline of  the  agricultural  and  comnierci.il  interests, 
but  by  a  great  and  steady  extension  of  both,  as  I 
have  shown  by  reference  to  tables  of  exports  nnd 
tonnage  during  those  periods.  Can  anything  like 
this  be  exhibiled  since  the  ra  of  the  pioteclivc  sys- 
tem.' This  statement,  it  w  M  be  remembered,  was 
made  by  the  zealous  and  dislinguishcd  advocate  of 
American  manufactures  at  that  day,  who  was  so 
well  informed  upon  the  subject  iis  to  have  been 
employed  by  the  Treasury  Depiiitnient  to  compile 
and  prepare  the  report.  Our  history  since  that 
period  exhibits  the  same  results.  I  have  already 
referred  to  tables  prepared  l)y  Mr.  Calhoun,  which 
show,  that  from  18'25  to  1832,  a  period  of  high 
protection,  the  export  of  domestic  maiiuracunes 
declined  from  »5,7a<).7;)7,  in  1825,  to  >»5,0,'i(),ti3;i  in 
1832:  whilst  from  1833  to  1840,  a  period  of  lower 
duties,  they  increased  from  86,.'>57,()8(),  in  IH.'JS, 
to  512,848,840  III  1840.  Now,  these  lesulis  can- 
not be  accidental,  they  must  flow  from  the  changis 
in  our  commercial  system,  with  which  they  seem, 
through  a  long  period  of  years,  In  h.ive  vibrated 
in  almost  perfect  unison.  The  cen.=iis  reliirns  of 
1840  show  that  the  value  of  domestic  maiiufai-tures, 
as  compared  with  the  dutiable  imports  of  tliiil  pe- 
riod, were  more  than  as  nine  to  one  under  the  Ci  m- 
promise  act.  It  is  also  proved,  that  during  that 
period  thesi'  exports  abroad  had  almost  doubled  in 
comparing  the  la.st  wilh  the  first  year  of  the  series.  | 
Wiin  these  facts,  it  was  manifest  that  they  ought  i 
to  have  been  content  wilh  the  very  large  share  of; 
the  home  market  which  they  possessed,  and  lo 
have  looked  abroad  to  their  extending  prospects  in 
Ihe  foreign  markets.  They  ought  lo  have  looked 
to  the  means  of  diminishing  the  cost  of  their  own 
production,  nnd  of  increasing  the  profits  of  other 
branches  of  industry,  which  furnished  the  custom- 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


ers  in  the  market  of  which  they  had  by  far  Ihe 
larger  share,  and  who  would  consume  more  as 
their  wealth  incietised.  The  means  of  effecting 
these  ends  would  have  been  low  revenue  duties. 
They  would  have  diminished  the  co.it  of  manufactu- 
ring production,  by  diminishing  the  cost  of  much 
that  llie  laborer  consumed,  by  increusing  the  accu- 
mulatiir.i  of  capital,  and  thus  lessening  the  cost  of 
its  use;  and  they  would,  at  the  sjimc  time,  have  in- 
creased the  h(n'ne  demand  for  their  supplies,  by 
increasing  the  number  and  wealth  of  their  custom- 
ers. 

Looking,  then,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  the  effccls  of 
the  icsirictive  policy  upon  the  entire  industry  of 
the  counlry,  whether  viewed  as  a  whole  or  in  parts, 
it  would  seem  lo  be  clear  that  it  is  eminently  pre- 
judicial, so  far  as  the  production  of  wealth  is  con- 
cerned. Ill  other  words,  experience  leaches  us, 
what  reason  affirms  to  be  true,  that  it  is  injurious 
to  a  people  to  divert  its  Industry  from  occupationa 
in  wiiich  profits  arc  hich  and  llic  coiit  of  produc- 
tion low,  to  those  in  which  the  natural  rale  of 
profit  is  low  and  the  cost  of  production  high.  But 
other  iiiducemenis  have  been  held  out  to  inveigle 
our  people  into  the  support  of  this  cruel  and  per- 
nicious system.  The  old  pretence  of  retaliation  is 
removed  to  a  great  extent  since  our  largest  cus- 
tomer has  proved  her  disposition  to  liberalize  her 
policy.  But  we  still  hear  much  of  the  necessity 
for  nurturing  the  system,  that  we  may  be  inde- 
pendent of  the  residue  of  the  world.  Now,  if  this 
means  the  possession  of  all  the  means  of  comfort, 
independently  of  the  will  of  other  nations,  it  is  ob- 
vious that  we  secure  these  means  by  the  syslem 
which  most  increases  our  wealth  and  population. 
Tliat  system  is  evidently  one  of  revenue  duties. 

This  argument,  if  it  ever  was  true,  is  nionifcstly 
absurd  now.  1  have  shown  by  the  census  returns, 
that  tlic  value  of  our  manufactures  in  1840  was 
more  than  nine  times  that  of  the  dutiable  articles 
imported.  Everything  serves  to  prove,  loo,  that 
at  this  time  our  manufacturing  interest  is  entering 
into  competiiion  for  the  markets  of  the  world:  a 
slate  of  things  which  precludes  the  idea  that  fur- 
ther protection  can  be  necessary  to  secure  us  from 
a  slate  of  dependence  for  necessary  supplies.  But 
experience  has  shown,  that  all  this  fear  is  delusive. 
Dependence  between  nations  in  matter  of  trade  is 
mutual,  and  is  a  conservator  of  peace  rather  than 
a  source  of  relative  superiority  in  war.  Nor  has  it 
ever  been  shown  thai  even  in  a  slate  of  war  nationa 
might  not  command  even  foreign  commodities,  if 
they  had  the  means  lo  pay  for  them.  The  largest 
impra-lation  of  wheat  into  Great  Britain  from  18U0 
to  1829,  with  one  exception,  and  the  very  largest 
in  proportion  to  its  population,  was  in  1810;  and 
Porter  well  remarks  in  commenting  upon  this  fact, 
that  '•  a  large  proportion  of  the  foreign  grain  at 
'  tliat  time  brought  for  consumption  to  this  coun- 
'  try  (Great  Britain)  was  the  produce  of  the  soil 
'  of  our  bitterest  enemy;  and  it  surely  would  be 
'  sufficient  fin-  us  to  call  to  mind  this  fact,  coii- 
'  pled  with  the  remembrance  of  ihe  deadly  charac- 
'  ter  then  assumed  by  the  contest  between  France 
1  'and  En^'lnnd,  to  be  convinced  that  so  long  as  we 
j  '  possess  the  means  of  paying  for  the  food  which 
'  oihcr  countries  can  spare,  we  never  shall  be  vyitli- 
'  out  an  ndequatesupply  of  the  necessaries  of  life." 
I  (Porter's  Prng-ress.  vol.  1,  /).  l.'iS.)  Much  stress 
I  has  been  laid  in  this  country  since  1824,  upon  the 
want  of  S6,000  wmth  of  blankets  in  the  last  war 
'  with  Great  BiitiMii— a  want  which  in  a  great 
measure  proceeded  tVom  embargoes  nnd  non-iiiter- 
,  course  laws.  But  in  reply  to  this,  it  was  very  per- 
'  tinently  asked,  by  the  committee  of  the  free-trade 
convciilion  in  1833,  "  if  a  nation  which  at  that  time 
I  '  was  engaged  in  the  niaiiufactnre  of  woollens  to 
'the  extent  of  at  least  S40,OUO,000  in  value  could 
'  be  put  in  ieopardy  by  the  want  of  2,000  or  3,000 
'  blankets-"  (Fximsition  of  Evidence,  No.  11,  p. 
20.)  But,  Mr.  Chairman,  this  mutual  dependenco 
between  nations  for  trade,  so  far  from  being  an  in- 
jury to  any  one,  is  a  common  benefit  to  all.  The 
dependence  of  foreign  nalions  upon  us  for  cotton 
is  worth  perhaps  more  to  us  asa  prolcction  against 
foreign  liostility  than  the  amount  of  our  exports 
of  that  article  would  be  lo  us  if  expended  in  Heels 
nnd  armies.  As  nations  grow  in  wisdom  and  in 
wealth,  it  is  this  very  mutual  dependence  for  trade 
which  is  to  prove  the  great  conservator  of  the  peace 
of  the  world.  In  looking  back  lo  the  operation  of 
the  restrictive  principles,  which  to  a  great  extent 


:.i-}k 


m 


$1 


1030 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  1, 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


7%e  Tariff—Mr.  Toombs. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


hnve  governed  the  commercial  policy  of  the  world, 
■U'hiit  a  pii.ture  do  we  see  I  A  Harrifice  of  iiiilivid-  ■ 
unl  liberly  I"  the.  <liiiri|iliiic  deemed  iiccessury  to 
incrense  the  ofTensive  power  of  the  sociiil  mnchiiie, 
nn  isnlniion  Imiweeii  nntioiis,  nwiisin  of  Ihe  inc.tiin 
of  growth  ill  deadly  cfiorts  iit  inuliml  injury,  iiiid 
domestic  fends  which  aru  never  quiet  except  under 
the  apprehension  or  the  existence  of  forcim  war. 
With  now  much  pleasure  should  the  philanthro- 
pist and  the  stntcsman  turn  from  this  revollint; 
picture  to  the  i^lorious  promise  of  the  do)!trines  of  ^ 
the  iVec-trnde  school!  If  there  lie  one  hope  for  the 
profjress  of  tlie  human  race  which  is  liriirliier  than 
nil  others,  so  far  as  the  action  of  c:overnmenl  is  con- 
cerned, it  rests  upon  Ihe  consummation  of  these 
principles.  It  is  thus  that  wc  may  most  eiilar:;e 
the  lilierty  of  individual  action  liy  siinplifyiii!;  and 
diminishing^  the  necessary  operations  of  govern-  I 
ment.  It  is  thus  that  we  may  best  cultivate  a 
spirit  of  peace  and  s;ood  will  amongst  men,  liy 
teaching  tnem  that  the  interest  of  all  is  coiinecled 
with  the  prosperity  of  each.  It  is  ihus,  too,  that 
wc  may  place  man  in  Ihe  fullest  possession  of  the 
means  of  perfcctiiij;  his  nature,  liy  alTordins  a  iVco  \ 
intcrchaiiETC  of  thoufjht  and  opinion,  and  all  the  i 
benefits  of  a  common  and  kindly  intercourse  be- 
tween the  nations  of  the  earth. 

Our  application  of  the  federative  principle  has 
done  more  to  imprtive  the  science  of  2;ovci"nnient 
than  any  event  of  modern  times.  It  lias  enlarged 
the  capacity  for  union  anioii<;st  men,  and  ilircniirh 
it  wc  have  solved  the  most  wonderful  of  proli- 
lenis  in  discovering  the  means  of  increasiiiL'  social 
strength  without  diminishing  individual  liberty. 
The  free-trade  policy,  between  its  members  at 
least,  is  a  necessary  element  in  its  existence. 
It  is  throusb  this  pcdicy  that  the  federative  sys- 
tem increases  its  capacity  to  comprehenil  more 
people  and  interests  under  the  same  social  bonds,  i 
It  is,  perhaps,  not  venturing  too  ruuch  to  say 
that  they  must  go  together.  It  is  .ot  for  me 
to  undertake  to  measure  the  extent  of  this  joint  in- 
fluence upon  human  aliairs.  Kut  none  can  doubt 
as  to  its  nature.  The  mighty  impulse  which  it 
must  give  to  civilization,  general  prosperity,  and 
the  growth  of  peaceful  relations  amongst  men  can- 
not fail  to  strike  every  reflecting  mind.  Mutual 
interest  must  thus  spring  up  between  nations  which 
depend  upon  peace  for  their  existence,  and  a  kind- 
lier spirit  v»ill  be  cherished  not  merely  by  the  in- 
terests, but  the  affections  which  arise  from  a  free 
and  familiar  intercourse.  That  these  twin-sisters 
of  reform,  these  two  great  .systems  of  social  union 
•would  continue  to  advance,  I  have  never  perniitied 
myself  to  doubt.  The  laws  of  nature  and  the  im- 
provements in  the  arts  arc  all  ministering  to  their  i 
progress.  Without  them,  man  loses  the  full  use  i 
of  these  wonderful  discoveries  in  the  transmission  I 
of  thought  and  the  facilitiis  of  inlevcor.ise  which  i 
have  added  so  much  to  his  physical  and  intellcc-  i 
tual  power,  and  which  have  already  taken  him  be- 
yond the  biuindaries  which  centuries  seemed  to  i 
have  established  as  the  limit  to  human  achieve-  I 
ment.  The  whole  course  of  modern  discovery, 
whether  in  government  or  in  the  arts,  seems  to 
have  tended  towards  a  closer  and  kindlier  intir- 
coursc  amongst  men,  and  an  increase  not  only  of 
social  power,  but  of  individual  liberty.  Half  a 
century  of  free  trade,  with  the  facilities  for  inter-  ' 
course  already  within  our  reach,  would  probably 
make  it  more  difficult  to  disturb  the  peace  of  the 
world  than  it  has  hitherto  been  to  preserve  it.  The 
arts  of  civilization  would  probably  effect  more 
revolutions  in  human  affairs  than  force  lias  ever  j 
achieved  by  arms.  The  eyes  of  souihern  and 
western  Europe  are  no  longer  turned  to  the  passes 
of  the  Caucasus  for  the  mighty  tide  of  change  and 
war  which  was  to  plant  strange  races  within  their 
borders,  and  infuse  new  elements  into  their  exist- 
ence. The  day  for  armed  migrations,  for  forced 
admixtures  of  races,  tor  those  mairiages  of  the 
Roman  and  the  Sabine,  are  over.  The  tide  of 
change  sets  from  western  to  eastern  Kurope.  The 
iron  horse  is  on  bin  path;  more  powerful  than  Nor- 
man charger,  fleeter  than  Scythian  steed  or.Seljouk 
courner,  he  is  bearing  rivilizmion  to  more  distjuit 
and  durable  connuesis  than  were  ever  achieved  by 
bow  or  lance.  When  commerce  shall  bear  the 
scales  of  justice  in  her  hand,  she  may  yet  achieve 
the  conquests  in  which  the  armed  crusader  failed. 
Thus  armed,  she  may  fix  the  banner  of  the  cross  '■ 
where  once  she  plants  it,  and  repay  the  debt  which  ' 


the  western  owes  the  eastern  world.  She  may  yet 
adorn  the  earlier  abodes  in  which  the  human  race 
was  cradled,  and  revive  the  exhausted  fires  of  an 
oilier  civilization  IVcun  the  ashes  in  which  they 
smoulder.  She  may  relume  the  expiring  lights  of 
an  older  life,  and  reanimate  the  dry  bones  of  social 
forms,  respectable  even  in  decay,  and  venerable  in 
the  hoar  of  immeimu'ial  ages  past.  It  is  not  too 
much  to  expeei,  that  if  commerce  were  once  free, 
the  day  would  soon  follow  when  the  duties  which 
we  owe  (as  Henry  VII  declared)  lo  our  common 
mother,  would  be  discharged  by  all  her  children. 

When  wc  look,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  the  causes 
which  are  operating  together  to  bring  men  into 
closer  and  kindlier  intercourse  with  each  other,  the 
aniicipnt'  n  is  not  extravagant,  that  the  public 
opinion  of  the  world  will  proiKuuice  its  verdict  in 
favor  of  tilt  free-trade  policy.  If  ihis  country  and 
Kn"land  were  now  to  set  the  example,  it  would 
be  difhct  It  for  the  residue  ot  the  civilized  world  to 
resist  it.  I  could  wish,  Mr.  Chairman,  not  only 
for  the  prosperity  which  it  would  give  us,  but  for 
the  reputation  of  the  country,  that  we  should  now 
consummate  the  policy  which  wc  have  initia,  (for 
the  recomniendaiions  of  our  Executive  preceded 
those  of  the  English  Minister,)  so  as  to  secure  the 
credit  of  the  first  movement  in  this  reform.  It  is 
due  to  the  character  of  our  instilulions  and  the 
atfection  which  wc  cherish  for  liberty  in  all  its 
forms,  that  the  e.\ample  should  proceed  fiom  us.  i 
I)ut,  although  we  may  lose  the  tiiumph  for  the 
present,  I  do  not  doubt  of  Ihe  ultimate  victory  of 
Ihe  free-trade  principles  in  this  Government,  I 
believe  I  am  not  mistaken  in  the  opinion  that  the 
public  sentiment  of  ibis  country  is  in  favor  of  ihe.se 
principles.  This  Congress  may  disappoint  our 
people  for  a  while,  but  if  it  should  do  .so,  another 
will  succeed  it,  in  which  the  manufacturing  inter- 
est may  find  it  more  difficult  to  make  terms  than 
in  the  present.  But,  Mr.  Chairman,  1  will  not 
anticipate  the  failure  of  the  bill.  I  believe  that  a 
m.ajority  of  the  House  are  in  favor  of  the  Execu- 
tive recommendation,  and  I  will  not  suppose  that 
they  will  permit  a  difl'erencc  as  to  details  to  pre- 
vent them  from  achieving  such  a  triumph  in  prin- 
ciple. Thelariff  of  184SJ  was  fixed  upon  iis  in  part 
by  the  votes  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  in 
llie  Senate.  We  were  then  encouraged  to  indulge 
the  hope  that  at  some  more  propitious  season  they 
would  aid  us  lo  obtain  relief.  What  .season  more 
propitious  than  the  present  ?  Wc  have  a  President 
and  a  large  parly  majoriiy  here  elected  upon  this 
amongst  other  issues.  The  recommendations  of 
the  Executive  are  all  that  we  could  desire.  Can 
we  doubt  the  disposition  of  the  majority  lo  carry 
out  the  wishes  of  the  people  by  consummating 
these  reforms?  I  trust,  sir,  that  we  are  not  thus 
to  be  disappointed.  I  express  this  hope,  not  fi-om 
any  fears  of  the  uliimale  result  of  another  appeal 
to  the  people,  but  for  the  sake  of  the  parly  and  the 
country.  Upon  such  a  question  as  this,  a  minor- 
ity positiim  can  have  no  terrors  for  me;  if  Ihe  issue 
be  tendered,  a  majority  of  the  Democratic  party, 
in  my  npiniiui,  will  meet  it,  and  I,  as  they,  will  be 
willing  lo  bide  the  teat  of  time  and  the  scrutiny  of 
truth,  without  any  apprehension  as  to  the  verdict 
which  is  to  be  pronounced  by  a  just  and  intelligent 
people.  The  princijiles  of  free  trade  must  triumph 
sooner  or  later.  They  w  ill  triumph  here,  sir,  in 
this  Hall,  in  this  Government;  and  they  are  des- 
tined to  enjoy,  if  they  have  not  already  found  it,  a 
fixed  place  in  the  affections  of  our  people. 


THE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF    MR.  R.  TOOMBS, 

or  GEORGIA, 
In  the  House  or  REpnESENT.\TivEs, 
July  1,  1846. 
The  bill  reported  by  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means,  proposing  to  reduce  the  duties  on  Im- 
ports being  under  consideration  in  Committee  of 
the  Whole  on  Ihe  stale  of  the  Union,  Mr.  Cobb, 
of  Georgia,  being  in  the  chair — 

Mr.  TOOMIiSsaid; 

Mr.  Chairman:  The  bill  now  under  considera- 
tion by  the  committee  proposes  great  and  radical 
changes  in  your  system  of  duties  upon  imports. 
It  professes  to  reduce  those  duties;  while  its  ilelails 
are  not  uniformly  consistent  with  that  profession; 


!  it  will  nndnubtcdiy  reduce  your  revenue.     In  my 
j  judgment,  the  time  is  not  propitious  forsuch  a  reiliic- 
lion  as  this  bill  will  probably  eft'cict.    The  wants 
of  your  treasury  and  tlio  condition  of  your  country 
foriiid  it;  but  the  mode  and  manner  by  which  that 
object  is  |iroposcd  lo  be  eH'ecteil,  is  liable  to  graver 
objections  even   than    the   reduction    itself.     The 
policy  pursued  by  the  present  dominant  party,  du- 
j  ling  the  disastrous  administration  of  Mr.  Van  Bu- 
reii,  it  seems,  in  niter  oblivion  of  the  past,  is  to  be 
j  again  adopted.     That  Adminislrntioii,  with  a  con- 
stantly decreasing  revenue,  annually  increased  the 
public  expenditures.    The  average  annual  excess 
of  the  expenditures  of  that   Admiiiiatiation  above 
the  accruing  revenue  was  about  eight  millions  of 
dollars;  and  when  it  was  driven  from  power  by  the 
'  people,  it  left  the  natiotml  treasury  banknipt',  Ihe 
nalional   credit    shaken    to    its    very  foundations, 
trade  and  commerce  lingering  upon  the  verge  of 
annihilation,  a  discoutenied   people  overwlicbned 
with  pecuniary  embarrassments,  anil  a  tarilDiill, 
I  which  thev  refused  to  remotlel,  yielding  less  than 
thirteen  millions  of  dollars  per  annum  to  the  public 
treasury. 
When  the  Whig  party  came  into  (lowerin  1841, 
'  thev  found  that  the  public  necessities  were  inex- 
oiahle;  labor  was  clamorous  for  employment  and 
wages;  bm  the  great  multitude  who  hud  risen  u)> 
all  over  the  Republic  to  change  their  rulers,  ani- 
mated by  a  common  feeling  of  ho,stility  to  those 
practices  and  that  policy  under  which  they  had 
i  sufl'ered  so  much,  li.td  not  agreed  among  them- 
selves upon  the  measures  which  were  to  be  adopt- 
ed for  relief.     There  was  discord— there  was  a 
conflict  of  opinion  upon  some  of  these  questions. 
The  tariffquestion  was  the  most  prominent  among 
them,  and  it  was  under  these  circumstances  thai 
the  tariff  of  1842  was  passed,  and,  taking  them  into 
consideration,  it  furnishes  as  few  causes  for  just 
complaint  as  cimld  reasonnlily  be  expected.    The 
best  of  human  laws,  especially  tax  laws,  are  but 
approximations  to  political  justice.      It  was  c<!r- 
tainly  much  better  understood  by  its  friends  than  its 
op|)onents.     Its  friends  declared  that  it  was  a  tariff 
for  revenue,  discriminating  for  proiection;  theycsti- 
'  mated  that  it  would  bring  twenty-seven  millions  of 
didlars  annually  into  the  public  treasury.     Expe- 
rience has  proven  the  accuracy  of  their  calcula- 
tions.    It  has  amply  supplied  the  utmo.st  wants  of 
llie  treasury,  restored   public  credit,  contributed 
largely  to  llie  reanimalinn  of  our  industry,  and  to 
the  restoration  of  the  public  prosperity;  and  seven 
'  months  ago,  when  this  democratic  majority  took 
their  seals  in  ihis  Hall,  they  found  upwards  often 
milliojis  surtilus  money  in  the  treasury  ready  to 
be  appropriated  to  a  pu'blic  debt  created  by  demo- 
cratic extravagance,  and  the  country,  in  their  opin- 
ion, strong  enough  fora  new  series  <ifex|ieiimenls. 
In  this  brief  seven  monllis  such  has  been  yoiirex- 
liavagance  and  disregard  of  those  professions  of 
"economy,    retrenchment,  and   reform,"  which 
'  coniribuled  largely  to  your  .success,  that  this  ten 
millions  surplus,  lind  all  the  revenue  you  estimate 
from  the  b.li  upon  your  table,  will,  by  youc  own 
confessions,  be  wholly  inadequati!  to  meet  your 
appropriations  for  the  year,  and  you  are  at  this 
lime  asking  us  a  loan  of  ten  millions  of  dollars. 
This  loan  will  be  voted — voted  in  the  most  odious 
'  form.     Before  ihis  Congress  shall  have  adjourned,^ 
'■':  Government  credits,  not  redeemable  at  the  will  of 
:  the  holder,  in  violation  of  all  sound  principles  of 
.  currency,  will  have  entered  into  the  channels  of 
circulation,  and  formed  a  part  of  the  currency  of 
1|  the  country.     Now,  ihis  will  be  done  by  the  pro- 
I  fessed  advoralesof  "  hard  money."    Let  thecoun- 
•  \  try  look  well  to  it;  all  such  shifis  and  devices  for 
1   raising  money  are  usually  declared  to  be  but  tem- 
'   porary.     It  !■-   but  the  ''beginning  of  the  end." 
■   Such  is  the  actual  condilioii  of  the  country;  such 
j  are  the  circumstances  under  which  we  are  called 
upon  to  sanction  the  proposed  changes  in  the  finan- 
'   cial  policy  of  the  Government.      And  this  change 
is  proposed  to  be  effected  by  this  hybrid  bill,  which 
'  asserts  and  maintaiiiRno  principles — which  neither 
harmoni/.es  with  the  principles  of  free  trade  nor 
j   protection — but  which  mixes  up  so  unskilftilly  the 
principles  of  each  as  to  neutralize  both.     It  is  a 
burlesque  upon  flee  trade;  a  caricature  upoii  pro- 
tection; begotten  in  the  vain  effort  to  reconcile  the 
\  irreconcilable  and  discordant  positions  which  your 
\'  majority  found  it  neces.sary  to  success  to  ajsumc  in 
li  different  sections  of  the  Union,  its  barrenness  will 


^:\ 


', 


1346.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1U31 


29th  Cono;....1st  Sess. 


JTic  Tariff— Mr.  Toombs. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


my 
iluc- 

aiiiM 

iiiry 
tliaf. 

liver 
'I'ho 
(1.1- 
Bu- 
ll be 

con  - 
1  the 

fflMS 

lOVC 

'  llic 

h' 

Ihn 

OILS, 

riifd 
liill, 

tlinii 
iblic 

fi 

I 


^:i 


vindicnte  im  unnatural  pnternily.  Such  being  its 
character,  it  can  surpriso  nobody  that  it  should  re- 
ceive no  cordial  support  from  any  quarter  in  this 
Hoiisp;  that  it  should  be  disowned  and  condemned 
even  by  those  who  are  yet  to  be  broiiijht  to  its  sup- 
port; that  extraordinary  means  should  be  necessary 
to  force  it  into  the  unwilling  embraces  of  its  reluc- 
tant piurdiana.  Yet  it  will  pass  this  body.  We 
no  longer  sit  here  as  a  deliberative  assembly,  but  to 
reelster,  to  give  vitality,  under  the  forms  of  our 
Conalitiition,  lo  edicts  originatinn;  in  party  neces- 
sity. Every  department  of  your  Government  is 
beroming  its  slaves,  and  the  people  its  victims. 

Oreat  principles  divide  the  American  people  upon 
this  question.  The  Democratic  parly,  at  least  in 
the  S(uitli,  hold  it  to  be  n  sound  principle  in  polit- 
ical economy,  that  duties  should  be  levied  without 
any  discrinutialioiis  whatever,  except  for  revenue. 
On  the  contrary,  the  Wlii^s  hold  that,  while  no 
more  revciuu;  should  be  raised  than  is  absolutely 
necessary  for  an  economical  admimalrntion  of  the 
Ooveruinent,  yet  that,  in  adjustinp;  duties  on  im- 
ports for  raining  so  much  of  that  revenue  as  is 
jiropei'  to  be  drawn  from  customs,  discriminations 
should  be  made  in  favor  of  our  own  industry. 
The  country  liad  a  right  to  expect,  and  did  expect, 
that  their  Representatives  here  would  give  prac- 
tical efficiency  to  the  onn  principle  or  the  other. 
The  bill  upon  your  table  rioes  neither.  Hence  the 
best  mode  of  discussing  it  seems  to  be  a  question 
of  painful  embarrassment  to  those  who  have  un- 
dertaken the  task.  Even  my  honorable  colleague, 
[Mr.  Jones,]  whose  abilities  and  long  ami  varied 
experience  in  defending  all  sorts  of  causes,  make 
him  equal  to  almost  any  emergency,  seemed  lo 
come  reluctantly  lo  its  consideration.  In  his 
speech,  opening  the  budget,  no  inconsiderable 
portion  of  the  short  time  he  could  spare  from  de- 
fending the  conduct  of  the  Administration  in  rela- 
tion to  the  Mexican  war,  was  devoted  to  suggest- 
ing amendments  intended  to  be  offered,  and  rally- 
ing "the  party."  Vague  generalities  supplied 
the  place  of  the  usual  statements  in  detail  of  the 
waius  of  the  Government,  and  estimates  of  the 
expected  receipts  into  the  treasury  from  the  pro- 
posed measure.  We  were  much  indebted  to  the 
industry  and  ability  of  the  gentleman  from  Indiana, 
[Mr.  Owen,]  for  an  interesting  and  instructing 
historical  sketch  of  striking  follies  and  absurdities 
in  restraint  of  trade,  which,  in  -ast  ages,  the  igno- 
rance or  wickedness  of  one  neration  enac^ted, 
and  which  the  wisdom  of  subsequent  generations 
abolished;  but  he  gave  none  of  that  industry  or 
ability  to  the  investigation  and  defence  of  your 
liill.  My  honorable  friend  from  Virginia  [Mr. 
Hunter]  entertained  us  with  a  beautiful  and  earn- 
est eulogy  upon  free  trade— free  trade  as  defined  , 
and  expounded  by  its  ablest  and  most  approved  i 
champions  in  both  hemispheres.  But  that  fiiir- 1 
ness  and  candor,  for  which  he  is  so  justly  distin- 1 
guished,  forbid  his  oflering  us  any  other  defence  i 
of  thi.s  bill,  but  apologizes  for  its  defects,  iLs  de-  : 
fnrmities,  and  its  irreconcilability  with  his  prin-  j 
eiples  and  his  speech,  its  defence,  by  the  com- 
inini  consent  of  its  supporters,  seems  to  be  entrust- 
ed with  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  It  was, ' 
perhaiis,  wisely  done.  i 

In  iMr.  Walker's  report,  that  rare  collection  of 
obsolete  errors,  discarded  "odds  and  ends,"  and 
"  disjecla  meinhrn"  of  every  theory  and  all  systems 
of  piditical  cronomy,  1  admit  positions  may  be 
found  to  Husiain  this  bill,  or  any  other  but  a  good 
one.  His  sysleni  laughs  at  reason,  and  scorns 
experience;  it  is  independent  of  all  fixed  laws  of 
action,  except  to  obey  the  will  of  its  author.  Our 
highest  larills  have  uniformly  brought  the  most 
money  into  llic  exchequer;  this  has  been  the  in- 
variable result  from  1789  till  now,  and  this  will 
continue  to  be  tlie  case,  until  a  Congress  can  be 
found  to  adjust  the  duties  with  so  litlle  wisdom, 
luul  fix  them  at  such  exorbitant  rates,  as  to  raise 
the  price  of  duliablc  commodities  above  the  ordi- 
nary ability  to  purchase  of  the  great  mass  of  con- 
sumers of  such  commodities.  Hut,  in  suggestin" 
alterations  in  your  tarill'  laws  with  the  view  of  in- 
crt^asing  the  revenue,  utterly  disregarding  this 
sound  princiiile,  whether  he  raises  duties  or  re- 
duces tlieni,  he  figures  out  an  increase  of  revenue. 
He  works  out  this  result,  even  in  despite  of  his 
own  "  revenue  standard;"  his  "  lowest  rate  which 
will  yield  the  largestamount  of  revenue."  Though 
it  must  be  admitted  by  his  own  account  of  it,  that 


this  "itandariV'  is  no  standard  after  all  for  nny 

practicjtl  purpose,  it  seems  to  answer  his  purpose  ; 
very  well  to  write  reports  by;  but  it  will  not  answer  j 
any  valuable  purpose  in  adjusting  tarifls.    This  is  , 
his  description  of  it,  to  wit;  "  But,  whilst  it  is  im-  j 
■  possible  to  adopt  any  horizontal  scale  of  duties,  or  j 
'  even  any  arbitrary  maximum,  experience  proves 
'  that,  as  a  general  rule,  a  duty  of  20  per  cent,  ad  i 
'  valorem  will  yield  the  largest  revenue."    It  would  | 
seem  to  he  the  part  of  wisdom,  if  experience  had  I 
proven  this  position,  that  Mr.  Walker  should  ' 
adopt  that  rale  as  a  general  rule  In  making  n  rev-  ! 
cnue  tariff,  hut  the  bill  before  you  has  l>eon  oflficially 
approved  by  him,  and   he  has  suggested    such  I 
amendments  as  he  supposes  are  necessary  lo  in-  I 
crease  the  revenue;  yet,  schedules  A,  It,  C,  and  D,  , 
embrace  fully  five-ei'ghths  of  the  dutiable  imports 
of  the  country,  and  the  nrticles  embraced  in  them  | 
arc  all  above  20  per  cent.,  and  therefore  violate  this 
general  rule  which  has  been  "  proven  by  experi- 
ence." 

As  I  have  already  stated,  my  chief  objection  to 
this  bill  does  not  arise  from  the  principles  which  , 
it  sustains.     It  proposes  lo  raise  revenue,  and  it 
discriminates  for  protection,  which  ought  to  be  the 
objects  of  every  tariff  bill;  but  such  are  the  defects 
of  its  details,  that  it  will  effect  neither  object.     It 
is  not  contended  by  any  one  that  it  will  supply  the 
ordinary  wants  of  the'  treasury,  even  in  lime  of 
peace,  upon  the  scale  of  expenillture  adopted  by 
this  Congress;  and  it  makes  no  provision  for  the  i 
stale  of  war  in  which  we  are  now  engaged.     The  i 
estimates  of  the  amount  which  it  will  bring  into  | 
the  treasury  vary  fVotn  eighteen  to  twenty-four  i 
millions.    The  higher  sum  is  many  millions  less 
than  the  appropriations  already  made  by  this  House 
for  the  present  fiscal   year.     Some  of  its  friends 
upon  this  floor,  while  admiting  that  fact,  urge  in  ^ 
its  support  that  it  will  produce  as  much  money  as 
the  Government  ought  to  spend.     It  is  my  own 
opinion,  that  if  the  1)111  did  elfectunlly  secure  the 
rate  of  duty  upon  imports  which  it  ostensibly  im- 
poses, that,  at  Ihe  jyrese^it  prices  of  commalilies,  it 
would  raise  a  sufficiency  of  revenue  for  the  just  i 
and  proper  wants  of  the  Government  in  time  of ' 
peace,  and  give  fair  and  Just  protection  to  our  own  [ 
Industry.     13ut  the  question  now  is,  not  wh.U  you 
ought  to  spend,  but  to  provide  for  what  you  have 
already  appropriated.     We  have  heard  but  little, 
and  seen  less,of  economyand  retrenchment, during 
the  present  session  of  Congress.     Economy  is  a  ' 
disease  which  afflicts  Democracy  periodically.     It 
is  chiefly  a  country  fever;  it  is  ffenerally  taken  just 
before  elections;  and  it  is  usually  over  before  the 
active  duties  of  voting  supplies  begin.    Your  ap- 
propriation bills  arc  the  true  tests,  and  the  only  , 
true  tests,  of  your  economy.    There  you  must  ' 
begin  to  retrench;  and,  whenever  you  intend  seri- 
ously a^d  in  good  f  \ith  to  redeem  your  pledges  to 
the  country,  you  will  begin  there.     Light  taxation  [ 
in  the  face  of  heavy  appropriation  bills  is  a  delu- ! 
sion  and  a  fraud  upon  the  people.     It  aggravates 
the  evils  of  extravagance;  it  brings  national  debt 
and   increased  taxation  in  the  future;  it  is  the  pa- 
rent of  repudiation;  and  however  opposed  I  may  ' 
be  to  the  character  of  your  appropriation   bills, 
when   passed,  I  deem  it  my  duly  to  provide  lor 
their  payment.      This  reason  of  itself  would  be 
sufficient  to  control  my  vote  against  this  bill.     But 
my  chief  objection  to  it  is  based  upon  my  oppo- 
sition to  ad  valorem  duties  upon  ini|iorta,  when- 
ever they  can  be  consistently  avoided.     The  un- 
certainty of  their  results  is  a  eanlinal  objection  to 
such  duties.     The  ordinary  annual  expenses  of  a 
well-governed  State  are  ascertiiincd  by  law;  they 
are  fixed  with  certainty.     To  pay  those  expenses, 
thus  oscertaincd  and    fixed,  is  the  true  and  legiti- 
mate object  of  taxation;  and  It  is  a  matter  of  great  ; 
consequence  to  the  cnunlry  that  both  excesses  and  ■ 
deficlences  in  the  ordinary  revenue  should  be  cnrc-  ' 
fully  avoldc'l.  Absolute  certainty,  as  to  the  amount  ' 
of  receipt",  io  unattainable  in  nny  sysleni  of  laxa-  ' 
tion.     This  is  more  especially  true  of  indirect 
taxation.     But  it  is  our  du'v  to  approximate  to 
lliat  point  as  near  as  possible.     The  ad  valorem 
principle  contained  in  this  bill  violates  this  impor- 
tant principle.    It  is  the  most   uncertain  of  all 
modes  of  levying  revenue;  the  reasons  for  this 
uncertainty  are  obvious.    The  wise  and  experi- 
enced statesman,  who  Ls  familiar  with  the  commer- 
cial statistics  of  his  country,  with  her  social  wants 
and  her  ability  to  consume,  guided  by  the  lights  of 


the  past,  may  compute,  with  an  acx;uracy  sufficient 
for  all  practical  purposea,  the  fuaiUUyand  descrip- 
tion of  goods  which  will  l>c  consumed  in  the  coun- 
try the  next  year.  Therefore  a  duty  levied  upon 
quantity  and  description  can  be  calculated  upon 
with  sufficient  certainty.  But  when  your  duties 
are  levied  upon  value,  your  estimates  are  subject 
to  all  the  fluctuations  of  the  price  of  commodities. 
For  instance,  the  price  of  some  descriptions  of  iron 
in  England,  in  184.5,  was  more  than  double  its 
price  III  1843.  Therefore,  the  same  ad  valorem 
duty  which  would  have  yielded  to  the  treasury,  on 
that  article,  <§1, 000,000  in  184  j,  would  have  raised 
but  half  that  sum  in  1843,  although  the  same 
amo;int  of  pounds  and  description  of  iron  might 
have  been  imported  in  each  yearspecified.  There- 
fore, every  commercial  revulsion,  every  improve- 
ment in  machinery,  and  all  other  causes  which 
tend  to  reduce  the  prices  of  the  commodities  from 
which  you  collect  revenue  in  the  country  where 
made,  although  the  price  may  be  the  same  and  the 
consumption  the  same  in  your  own  country,  will 
reduce  your  revenue;  and  nn  increase  of  price, 
under  similar  circumstances,  will  increase  your 
revenue.  Hence  your  system  must  bo  unstable. 
Excess  or  deficiency  W'll  compel  you  frequently  to 
chiuige  it.  Your  deficiencies  will  be  apt  to  occur 
in  times  of  general  commercial  distress,  when  it 
will  be  difficult  to  supply  your  temporary  wants 
by  loans,  and  when  such  loans  are  most  injurious 
to  the  public.  Your  system  is  against  the  experi- 
ence of  all  countries.  Our  own  Government,  un- 
der the  recommendation  of  Mr.  Crawford  and  Mr. 
Gallatin,  when  Secretaries  of  the  Treasury,  and 
other  distinguished  statesmen,  has  constantly  en- 
deavored to  lessen  Ihe  nd  valorem  and  extend  the 
specific  lists  to  all  commodities,  where  it  was  prac- 
ticable. 

The  present  lime  is  a  jieriod  of  very  general 
ciimmercini  and  manufacturing  prosperity.  The 
prices  of  those  articles  from  which  you  derive  the 
greatest  part  of  your  revenue  arc  now  high.  If 
those  pricessliould  be  generally  maintained  through 
the  year,  your  gross  revenue  would  not  probably 
be  less  than  twenty-three  and  a  half  mllUons,  at 
which  it  is  estimated  by  your  chairman  of  the 
Ciimmltlec  of  Ways  and  Means.  But  it  is  impor- 
ttuit  to  remember  that  near  four-fifths  of  your  reve- 
nue have  heretofore  been,  and  will  under  this  bill  be, 
collected  from  nine  articles  of  consumption;  should 
there  be  nny  considerable  decline  in  the  price  of 
these  leading  articles  during  the  year,  the  Govern- 
ment finances  would  be  plunged  into  great  con- 
fusion and  embarrassment.  "^Thc  facility  with 
which  frauds  can  be  committed  under  them  is 
another  objection  to  ad  valorem  duties.  The  in- 
jury to  the  revenue  arising  from  this  law  may  not 
be,  and  I  elo  not  think  will  be,  as  great  as  is  feared 
by  very  nuiiiy  practical  and  judicious  men;  but 
judging  from  the  experience  of  the  past,  those 
frauds  will  be  sufficiently  extensive  seriously  to 
aflect  your  commercial  classes,  and  to  drive  many 
of  our  own  people  out  of  the  importing  trade.  A 
comparatively  small  amount  of  goods  fraudulently 
imported  may  very  injuriously  aflect  a  large  stock 
of  imported  goods  in  the  hands  of  the  honest  tra- 
der who  has  paid  the  duty.  But  besides  Ihe  advan- 
tage which  this  system  gives  the  fraudulent  dealer 
over  the  fair  one,  it  gives  un  advantage  to  the  foreign 
manufacturer  over  the  American  fnerchant,  even 
without  fraud.  The  American  merchant  buys  his 
goods  in  the  foreign  market,  and  pays  the  miu-ket 
price  for  them  there;  he  may  buy  them,  and  usu- 
ally does,  in  the  course  of  trade,  one  or  two  pur- 
cliases  removed  from  the  producer;  he  pays  tlieir 
profits  ns  well  as  the  producer's  profits;  these  prof- 
its enhance  the  price  to  him;  duty  is  levied  upon 
the  whole  price  thus  enhanced,  but  the  products 
of  the  manufacturer,  or  other  producer,  who  ships 
them  to  this  country  forn  market,  are  not  enhanced 
In  value  by  the  addition  of  these  profits,  and,  there- 
fore, ho  pays  less  duty  than  the  American  mei^ 
chant.  To  endeavor  to  prevent  these  evils  to  their 
trade  and  business,  a  large  numl)er  of  American 
merchants,  wholly  disconnected  with  your  manu- 
facturing interest,  have  protested,  by  their  memo- 
rials now  upon  your  table,  against  the  adoption  of 
ad  valorem  duties.  Ad  valorem  duties  work  equally 
bad  for  protection  as  revenue;  they  give  the  great- 
est protection  when  the  least  or  none  is  necessary, 
i  and  the  least  when  most  is  required.  Rolled  iron 
■  is  now  worth  from  ten  to  twelve  pounds  per  ton 


■4  J 


1089 


Sfh-H  Cong Ibt  Sebi. 


APPEIVUIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 

TAt  Tariff— Mr.  Toombi. 


^^^  [July  I, 
Ho.  OF  Rrps. 


in  Englnnd;  ri°('i>;lit  itnd  <'linr!;rii  me  ndilcd  (n  ilie  j 
price,  niid   dutie:<  levied   iipriii  the  n:^!;re:;iile  un- | 
der  your  hill.     The.  duly  on  Bunli  ircin  nl  .'M)  per  ' 
cenl.iid  valorem  would  iimnuiil  tolictwecneiKlmen  i 
and  twcnly  dolliirs  per  ton,  a  liiifh  duly,  (llie  iirea- 
<>nt  duly  1.1  niucli  lou  high,)  whrilier  ronsiuered  I 
fur  revenue  nr  protct'tion.     It  in  douLitfid  wheilier  ! 
nt  present  priteH  in  Kn»;liind  niiy  c.iuimdemlilo  ad- 1 
ditioi.al  miiuitity  of  iron  ovei  the  inipcirtii  of  liiat  ji 
year  would  this  year  he  iniportid,  even  if  free  from  i 
duty.     Uut  iron  ia  n  very  unHliiidy  eommudity  in  { 
price;  th(^  railnmd  nianiii  which  has  prevailed  in  | 
Eni;land  for  the  laat  two  or  three  yeai»  has  more  ' 
than  doubled  its  price  during  that  time.     Let  thin 
lempnrary  cuusc  pasHuway,  and  let  iron  i;o  back  ,| 
to  four  pounds  per  ton,  where  it  has  been,  and   I 
your  duly  would  amount  to  but  about  six  diilhus  ' 
per  lonj  in  this  event,  it  would  need  the  nmst  pr(p-  i 
tcction,  and  it  would  ^et  the  leaHt.     The  dutien 
also  encourage  the  iniporUition  of  ii]ferior  ami  spu- 
rious commodities.    1  he  refuse  goods  of  the  Kuro- 
pean  auction  rooms  would  erowd  into  your  portH, 
from  thence  he  distributed  ihroughoiit  the  eoumry, 
and  imposed  upon  the  people.     Specific  duties,  on 
the  contrary,  encouratre  the  importation  of  ijood 
marketable  commodities.     There   arc   no  advan- 
tages in  this  ad  valorem  system  to  cmnnensale  for 
these  solid  objections.    An  ad  valorem,  ba.scd  uiioii  ! 
the  home  valuation,  su('h  as  was  adopted   in  the 
Compromise  bill,  would  obviate  the  most  of  these  , 
objections.  This  was  the  ad  valorem  systtni  which  ' 
Mr.  Clay  supported,  and   not,  as  the  f  entlcmarj   ! 
from  Alabama  (Mr.  Yancey]  seems  to  suppose,  the 
description  of  ad  valorem  projiosed  in  tins  till. 

The  only  argument  which  I  have  heard  attempt- 
ed on  this  floor,  in  favor  of  this  mode  of  levying 
duties,  is  based  upon  the  assumption  that  the  con-  i 
sumeris  thereby  better  enabled  to  know  what  duty  I 
he  docs  pay  upon  his  piiichases.  This  idea  is 
wholly  fallacious  in  point  of  fact,  nor  is  it  of  much 
consequence,  even  if  true.  It  is  the  most  cfl'cctual 
scheme  for  defeating  that  object.  If  you  levy  a 
sum  certain,  upon  eicry  yard  of  cloth  or  pounil  of 
sugar  iniporleil,  each  consumer  of  those  commod- 
ities produced  abroad  Knows  how  much  money  the 
public  treasury  recuivcH  from  the  .nipcirtalion  of 
each  yard  or  pound  he  consumes.  But  put  an  nd 
valorem  duty  upon  the  same  commodities,  then  the  | 
eonsuhier  must  know  the  market  value  in  the  coun- 
try in  which  they  are  produced,  and  ihe  freijht  and 
charges  upon  lliem,  before  he  can  arrive  at  that 
fact.  These  facts  arc  rarely  within  the  knowledge 
of  any  consumer,  and  are  never  known  by  the  great 
body  of  consumers.  One  of  the  tlivorite  theories 
of  the  Democracy,  when  out  of  oflire,  was,  ilmt 
those  cominodilies  which  are  consumed  by  the  poor 
should  be  either  wholly  exempt  from  laxaiion,  or, 
if  uixed  at  all,  should  be  taxed  nun!'  lijrhier  than 
the  commodities  consumed  by  Ihe  ri  h.  It  had  the 
appearance  of  large  philanthropy.  It  wasansel'ul 
pretension  in  a  ronteslrd  election;  hence,  it  beiame  . 
a  standard  of  Democratic  orthodoxy.  Fierce  were 
the  denunciations  against  the  act  of  184a,  fm- alleged 
violations  of  this  tenei.  Manv,and  long,  and  loud,  • 
were  the  lamentations  of  the  tirniocratic  press,  and 
popular  orator.s,  over  the  line  of  the  prudent  house- 
wife, who  was  compelled  to  season  the  daily  food 
of  the  family  with  n  daily  tax  in  the  shapetvfa 
salt  duty  J  that  useful  cidinary  insirumenl,  ilie  din- 
ner pot,  was  avowedly  taken  under  Democratic 
protection!  Democracy  triumphed;  butlhedimier 
pot  is  still  the  daily  recipient  of  taxtd  salt.  I  .shall 
give  my  vote  f.ir  its  total  emancipation;  bnl  the 
supporters  of  this  bill,  since  the  election,. seem  con- 
tent with  an  abatement,  rather  than  the  extirpaliori 
of  the  grievance.  The  humble  instnimenlsof  bus-  I 
bandry  are  by  your  bill  still  subjected  to  the  same 
duty  as  many  of  the  luxuries  of  lite.  The  plouL'h 
and  the  hoe,  the  trace  chain  and  the  axe,  are  sub- 
ject to  the  same  duty  as  "purple  and  fine  linen," 
and  ornaments  of  gold  and  precious  stones.  I  refer 
to  these  things,  not  to  condeni;.  ihem,  for  there  are 
.sound  reasons  for  them,  Inn  to  direct  the  attention  j 
of  the  people  to  the  unworthy  acts  by  which  thev  :' 
have  been  deceived.  The  inclusion  of  tea  and  cof- 
fee in  the  free  list,  while  sugar  and  ssit  are  exclu- 
ded from  it,  is  justifiable  upon  no  principle  but  that 
of  discriminations  fir  proteciiDn,  and  that  rea.son 
ceases  in  the  present  stale  of  ihe  country  and  the 
treasury.  It  now  stands  solely  upon  well-under- 
stood reason  here,  that  the  Democratic  party  hav- 
ing raised  a  popular  clamor  and  prijuJice  against  '■ 


the  elforis  of  their  adversaries  to  put  a  duly  upon 
those  arlides,  have  not  the  patriotism  and  firmness 
to  resist  crroi^s  which  ihey  created.  We  behold, 
in  this  great  country,  a  powerfiil  nnd  victorious 
party,  whose  vicious  arts  in  ihe  ncipilsiiion  of 
power  have  disabled  it  from  adopting  a  system  of 
finance  which  its  judgment  approves,  and  which 
Ihe  public  interest  and  the  public  neeemuties  de- 
mand. 

I  pass  from  the  consideration  of  my  objections 
to  the  bill  before  the  committee  to  the  inquiry  into 
the  genual  principles  which  should  govern  the  im- 
position of  linties  upon  imports,     This  branch  of 
the  subject  has  if  ceived   the  almost  cxilusive  at- 
tention of  those  who  have  preceded  me  in  this  de- 
bate.   The  right  to  discriminate  for  Ihe  cnconrage- 
meiit  of  doniestic  industry,  in  the  adjustment  of 
revenue  tnrill's,  being  inseparably  connected  with 
the  exercise  of  the  express  powers  graiuetl  by  the 
Cnnsiitulioii  to  Congress,  and  being  sustained  by 
the  cot(.inpornnc(ms  exposition  of  that  instrument 
by  its  frainers,  and   the  uniform   practice  of  the 
Government,  I  shall  not  trespass  upon  the  lime  of , 
tlie  committee  to  discuss  it.     To  foster  nnd  en- 
courage the  arts  and  industry  of  our  own  people 
by  legislative  discriminations  in  their  favor,  in  lay-  < 
ing  duties  upon  imports  for  the  support  of  Gov-  ! 
ernmeni,  to  protect  them  against  the  hostile  legis- 
lation of  other  countries  by  countervailing  legisla-  j 
tion,  began  with  your  first  Congress,   has   been  I 
steadily  pursued,  as  occasion  required,  by  all  of  ils 
successors,  nnd  will  receive  the  sanction  of  this  , 
House  in  the  siippmt  of  the  bill  upon  your  table,  | 
The  dilTiculties  in  the  way  of  attaining  these  great  ■ 
(d)jecis,    under    the    Ciuifederntion,    contributed 
largely  to  the  adoption  of  our  present  Constitution, 
I  shall  leave  this  point  af^er  a  brief  notice  of  the 
new  position  assumed  by  the  President  and  his 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury;  this  new   position  is 
entitled  to  consideration  only  from  the  position  of 
tho.se  who  have  adopted  and  promulgated  it.  That 
unknown  nnd  ever-varying  rate  of  duty,  which 
will  produce  the  greatest  revenue  from  each  atticle 
of  fmr  commerce,   is  assumed   as   the    "revenue' 
stand irih"  all  rates  of  duty  at  or  below  that  point 
ar.  constitutional,  all  above  it  are  declared  i 

tin  onal.     The  public  si^rvant,  before  he  ^ 

call  .1  bill  to  raise  money  to  support  his 

Govei.i..  .lit,  must  find  out  this  point  upon  every 
article,  upon  which  he  imposes  a  duly, at  the  peril 
of  a  violated  cmiscience,  and  a  broken  Constitu- 
tion; this  of  itself  would  bens  dillicultof  asccrtain- 
inent  as  the  quadrature  of  the  circle.  This  knowl- 
eil;re  miiiht  enable  you  to  make  a  constitutional 
tarilV,  but,  to  keep  it  constitutional,  you  must  learn 
the  law  of  mutations  of  this  standard  upon  each 
conimndity,  nnd  discover  a  mode  of  making  your 
law  adjust  itself  to  them.  Mr.  Walker  admits,  in 
that  portion  of  his  report  which  1  have  heretofore 
quoted,  that  "  it  is  impossible  to  adopt  any  arbi- 
trary maximum"  lor  this  new  "revenue  stand- 
ard." ^  et  tliesi!  new  expounders  of  constitutional 
law  make  it  a  limilalinn  upon  the  constitutional 
power  "  to  lay  and  collect"  imposts.  Under  this 
construction  of  the  Constitution,  it  would  take  the 
power  which  brought  light  out  of  ilnrkness  either 
to  make  a  constitutional  tariff,  or  to  keep  it  consti- 
tutional when  made  so,  three  weeks  together. 

The  real  difficulty  in  this  question  does  not  arise 
from  any  doubt  as  to  the  extent  of  the  pnwersof  Con- 
gress over  the  subject,  but  as  to  the  best  mode  of 
exercising  them  for  the  true  inlercs's  of  the  Repub- 
lic, This  question  concerns  the  highest  interest  of 
Ihe  collective  body  of  the  people,  and  demands  our 
earnest  and  best  consideintion.  In  the  brief  time 
allowed  me,  I  can  only  hope  to  stale  the  conclu- 
sions of  my  own  mind  upon  the  general  question, 
and  some  of  the  reasons  which  have  controlled  my 
judzmeni.  It  is  ditiicnit,  if  not  impossible,  to  geii- 
ernlize  the  subject.  The  clenienis  of  diversity  as 
nfien  confuse  as  elucidnie  the  general  rules  which 
govern  the  question.  That  nianufnciure.s  are  im- 
portant to  national  weallh  and  independence  is  very 
generally  conceded.  To  proniou'.  them  by  proper 
means  is  admitted  to  he  desirable.  Ourwholediffi- 
culty  liesiii  the as.sumed  fact, that legislativeencour- 
agement  'o  any  particular  branch  of  industry  is  no 
cessarily  injurious  to  some  or  all  others.  This  result 
ma ,  nnd  will  be  produced  when  legislative  encour- 
aeement  is  injudiciously  applied;  but  it  is  equally 
true  that  it  may  be  applied  with  great  national  advan- 
tage, imd  witliout  injury,  nnd  still  move  frequently 


witlmut  pernnnent  injury,  to  any  ila.s.s  of  sociciy. 
An  injudicioi'.Biipplicaiion  of  this  principle  of  Iroin- 
Intivo  cncouragemcnl  ufdomestic  industry,  while  it 
is  generally  injurious  to  the  community  in  the  ag- 
gregate, is  not  equally  so  to  nil  parts  of  ihecounlry. 
Those  persons  living  in  the   iininediate  vicinity  nf 
such  inipro)H)rly  favored  inteiisis  may,  nnd  ofien 
do,  derive  an  advantage  from  iheni  more  than  ciiui- 
inensurate   with   the  injury   which   falls  to  their 
portion.     The  farmer,  m  the  vicinity  of  extensive 
mamifucturing  establishmcnu,   by  the    incica»cU 
I  value  of  Ihe  produce  of  his  fields  and  his  forests, 
I  and  the  diversion  of  labor  nnd  competition  from 
'  his  pursuits,  and  the  mechanic  and  laborer,  in  the 
I  imiltiplicution  (d' markets  fur  their  skill  and  Inbur, 
1  may  derive  advanlu„'es  far  exceeding  any  injury 
which  they  may  receive  from  the  increased  coals 
of  injudiciously  protected  commodities  which  lliey 
may   consume.     It  is  for   this   reason    that  that 
which  is  truly  u  national  queslion  has  become,  in 
n  great  degreCf  a  sectional  one.    This  reason,  iVom 
the  fact  tliiit  protected  employments  are  gencrnlly 
j  in  the  Northern  nnd  Middle  Stales,  is  strong  why 
we  of  the  South  should  watch,  with  especial  jcaf- 
I  ousy,  the  application  of  the  princi|>le.     Hence  the 
I  prejudice  against  it  in  the  South.     This  prejudice 
'  lias  been  seized  upon  to  control  public  opinion  at 
the  South,  not  only  by  artful  demagogues,  who, 
unmindful  of  political  truth,  sought  party  success, 
but  by  able,  honest,  and  earnest  men,  whose  opin- 
ions arc  entitled  to  the  greatest  respect.     Sirango 
errors  in  political  economy  has  this  prejudice  pro- 
duced I     It  has  been  ably  taught  and  extensively 
believed  at  the  South,  that  duties  on  imports  wein 
equal  to  like  duties  on  exports,  and  that  therefore 
the  producers  of  those  agricultural    productions 
which  formed   the  chief  exports  of  the  country, 
bore  the  real  burden  of  such  duties.    This  extreme 
opinion  has  graduidly  yielded  to  experience,  if  not 
to  reason.     My   honoraldc  friend   from  Virginia 
[Mr.  Hunter]  seems  to  be  its  sole  defender  in  this 
debate;  and,  unmindful  of  the  experience  of  his 
illustrious   predecessors,   he   even  ventures  upon 
fuels,  and  figures,  and  statistictd  tables,  to  sustain 
■  it.     He  refers  to  tables  showing  lliat  the  price  of 
cotton,  during  the  ten  years  of  the  cxi.slenceof  the 
Compromise  net,  was,  upon  ihe  average,  about  five 
cents  higher  than  since  the  net  of  184i2.     The  fact 
might  be  so  without,  in  any  degree,  sustaining  his 
theory;  but  there  is  a  stale  of  fads  disclnsetl  by  his 
tables  utterly  inconsistent  and  at  war  with  it.  The 
i  same  tables  to  which  the  gendenian  refers,  if  they 
are  accurate,  will  show  him  that,  during  the  fuKt 
;  five  years  of  the  Compromise  act,  when  the  duties 
'  upon  imports  were  highest,  the  average   price  of 
i  cotton  was  fully  five  cents  higher  than  during  the 
j  last  five  years.     If  his  tlieiny  wcs  true,  the  result 
I  would   have  been  just  the  rcve  so.     A  compari- 
,  son  of  the  first  three  and  the  list  three  years  of 
i  the  operation  of  that  bill    will    slinw    ilie  same 
I  results.     It  is  also  true,  unfortunately  lor  the  geii- 
I  tlemans   theory,  that  cotton   was   lower  during 
1  the  last  year  of  the  Compromise,  when  the  duty 
was  lowest,  than  nt  any  other  jicriod  during  the 
;  existence  of  that  act.     Perhaps  no  period  o?  the 
cotton  trade  could  have  been  selecled  when  the  re- 
sults would  have  been  less  sntisfuclory  to  ihe  fiee- 
tradc   theory.     I   am  answering  the  gentleman '.s 
argument.     I  do  not  intend  to  asserl  tli  it  the  high 
price  of  cotton  from  183.3  to  1K17  was  produced  by 
the  high  duties  which  then  existed.     That  position 
would  be  equally  fallacious  willi  his;  It  could  not 
I  well  be  more  so.    The  price  of  cotion,  though  aub. 
;l  ject  to  fluctuations,  has  been  generally  belter,  since 
1842,  than  during  that  year,  in  our  southern  mar- 
kets.   That  it  has  not  improved  in  a  corresponding 
degree  wi'h  ninny  other  productions  of  luunan  in- 
dustry in  this   country  is   explainable  upon   ihe 
simplest  and   best  settled    principles   of  political 
economy.     The  crop  of  1842,  I  think,  was  the 
largest  ever  grown  in  the  United  States;  the  crops 
.  of  1843  nnd   1844  were  greater  than  the  consump- 
tion of  those  years;  this  will  probably  be  true  of 
,  the  crop  of  184.'),     We  have,  therefore,  for  the  last 
four  years,  been  growing  cotton  in  the  face  of  a 
!  glutted  market;  the  surplus  on  hand,  above  the 
consumption,  it  is  believed  has  at  no  time,  since 
1842,  been  less  than  five  hundred  thousand  bales. 
;  Yet,  in  the  face  of  this  state  of  facts,  the  price  has 
;  not  only  maintained  itself,  but  improved.     Besides 
I  this,  Inm  well  satisfied  that  the  profits  on  the  prn- 
I  ditction  of  cotton  in  the  United  States  ia  decidedly 


184G.] 

29th  Cono 

better  than  the  a' 

tion,  if  we  cxce 

lion  of  sugar. 

as  such  by  the  i 

that  policy  may 

dutiable  product 

mniiitenancc  ot 

now  employ*  ol 

iuil,  which  wo 

went— to  the  pi 

was  desuuycd. 

the  already  red 

quc«lioiia\)ly  b( 

lal  and  labor  ni 

the  production 

iho  inlerest  of 

continue.     Le| 

extended,  and 

factories  in  ou 

four  hundred 

to  about  oiie-fi 

Bin  not  unaw 

anco  .if  this  h' 

cd  by  the  as: 

markets— tha 

of  cotton  wcr 

be  in  EngUin 

but,  admiuin 

swered.     It  i 

that  it  shouli 

land,  especia 

lion.    Tho  I 

cotton  crop 

market,  and 

faclurer  to  c 

its  price,  hi 

hurtful  and 

concenlratio 

at  one  place 

of  buyers, 

against  the 

any  politica 

cy  or  comi 

only  of  tha 

factures  foi; 

which  sh 

Every  el 

ested  in  I 


Id46.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


■icty. 


20th  Cono tsT  Skss. 

better  llinri  the  avera°re  prnliia  prcnpilnl  in  llic  nn- 
tion,  if  we  except  nmimfiicturca,  and  i|je  pinduo 
tion  or  sugar.     Tlic  cutlon  planter  in  nut  injured 
an  •ucli  by  the  prnlectivo  policy,  whatever  injury 
tiiut  policy  inuy  inflict  upon  him  aa  n  consunicr  nf 
dutiable  products.     He  is  greatly  benefited  by  the 
mniiitemince  of  the  su^ar  interem.     Tlint  interest 
now  cm|i)loya  above  seventy-seven  millions  of  cap- 
iutl,  which  would  return  from  whence  most  of  it 
went — to  the  production  of  cotton — if  tlint  interest 
was  dtslidycd.     The  clfect  of  such  a  return  upon  j 
the  already  rudundunt  crop  of  cotton,  would  un- 
(|ueatioiial>ly  be  further  lo  reduce  the  price.    Capl-  \ 
lal  and  labor  arc  at  this  time  rapidly  changing  from 
the  production  of  cotton  to  that  ol  sugar,     ft  is  to  | 
the  interest  of  the  cotton  planter  that  Ibis  should  I 
continue.     Legislative  eiicouini,'emenl  has  greatly  j 
extended,  and  given  stability  to  the  cotton  manu- 
faciorics  in  our  country;  they  now  consume  about  \ 
four  hundred  thousana  bales  of  our  cotton,  equal  ' 
to  about  one-fifth  of  the  whole  crop  of  last  year.    I  i 
am  not  unaware  of  the  fact  that  the  great  import-  ' 
Kiico  .if  this  home  market  is  attempted  to  be  lessoii- , 
ed  by  the  assertion  that  it  is  a  mere  change  nf 
markets — that  if  these  four  hundred  thousand Tiales 
of  cotton  were  not  manufartured  here  they  would 
be  in  England.     That  may  c  may  not  be  true;  ! 
but,  admitting  its  truth,  the  argument  is  not  aii- 
Hwered.     It  is  more  beneficial  to  the  cotton  grower 
that  it  .should  be  manufactured  here  than  in  Eng- 
land, especially  to  the  extent  of  our  own  consump- 
tion.    The  concentration  of  three-fourths  of  the 
cotton  crop  of  the  United  Stales  in  the  Liverpool 
market,  and  thereby  enabling  the  English  manu- 
facturer to  exercise  a  conlrolling  influence  in  fixing 
its  price,  has,  in  my  judgment,  been  eminently 
hurtful  ai'd  injurious  to  the  cotton  planter.     The 
concentration  of  the  commodity  and  tne  purchasers 
at  one  place,  with  identity  of*^  interest  on  the  part 
of  buyers,  enables  them  more  readily  to  con:bine 
against  the  seller,  and  control  the  price.     Besides, 
any  political  convulsion,  or  derangement  of  curren- 
cy or  commerce  in  England,  affecls  the  price,  not 
only  of  that  portion  of  the  crop  which  she  manu- 
factures for  her  own  consumption,  but  also  of  that 
which  she  buys  to  manufacture  for  other  nations. 
Every  cinsa  in  England  consider  themselves  inter- 
ested in  keeping  down  the  price  of  cotton,  and  are 
conti"ually  struggling  for  that  end.     The  Bank  of 
England  can,  at  any  time,  by  discrediting  the  pa- 
per of  the  commercial  houses   in   the  American 
trade,  force  sales  faster  than  the  regular  demand, 
glut  the  market,  and  reduce  the  price.     Such  has 
been  her  conduct  and  policy,  and  will  be  again 
when  she  deems  it  necessary. 

■t  would  be  folly,  instead  of  wisdom,  in  us,  to 
tiiuiw  the  fit'ih  of  the  crop  which  we  munufaclure 
under  these  disastrous  influences.  As  a  cotton 
planter,  I  have  watched,  with  interest  and  satisfac- 
tion, the  determination  generally  manifested  by  the 
continenuil  Powers  to  increase  their  restrictions 
upon  British  cotton  manufactures  for  the  protec- 
tion of  their  own.  When  they  shall  manufacture 
all  the  cotton  goods  which  they  consume,  the 
southern  planter  may  no  longer  tremble  at  the 
news  of  a  Manchester  "strike,"  or  the  failure  of 
the  English  corn  crop.  It  is  often  much  more 
iinporiant  to  the  seller  to  have  numerous  bidders 
for  dilferent  portions  of  his  commodity,  (allliough 
the  demand  in  the  aggregate  may  lui  no  greater 
thon  the  whole,)  than  that  he  should  have  Iml  one 
customer  for  the  whole  commodity.  And,  upon 
similar  principles,  it  is  belter  for  us  to  have  the 
Englishman,  the  Frenchman,  and  the  German, 
each  bidding  for  that  portion  of  the  crop  he  may 
want,  than  thai  the  Englishman  should  buy  the 
whole,  and  sell  to  them  in  a  manufactured  stale. 
Besides,  when  a  nation  manufactures  coiton,  or 
any  other  thing,  fur  her  own  oonsumpiion,  that 
con.sumption  generally  increases.  This  will  be 
invariably  true  when  the  kind  of  manufacturing 
adopted  is  suitable  to  the  condiio-.i  of  the  country 
adopting  it.  Our  own  country  !,as  nliundanlly 
illustrated  the  truth  of  this  position.  The  truest 
interest  of  the  South,  in  my  opinion,  would  be  to 
manufacture  every  bale  of  cotton  which  this  coun- 
try consumes.  I  trust  the  day  is  not  far  distant 
wlieu  Georgia  will  do  her  part  of  it.  Until  weare 
prepared  to  do  this,  it  is  our  interest  that  as  mony 
iitttioiis  as  possible  shall  engage  in  its  manufacture, 
and  to  foster,  and  encourage,  and  extend  its  man- 
ufacture evcrywliere  in  our  own  country.    The 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Toombi. 

apprehension  expressed  by  the  gentlemen  who  dis- 
agree with  me,  that  this  system  will  destroy  com- 
merce, is  groundless.     That  commerce  wliich  is 
founded  upon  the  principle  that  each  nation  shall 
buy  where  it  can  buy  cheapest,  such  commoditien 
as  it  cannot,  within  u  reasonable  time,  make  as 
cheap  and  as  advantageously  for  itself  as  it  can 
'•  buy,  will  be  mutually  beneficial  to  the  nations  en- 
gaged it.     Every  oilier  description  of  commerce  is  1 
injurious  to  one  side  or  the  other.     And  such  are  | 
the  diversities  nf  soil  and  climate,  and  condition  of  i 
nations,  thai  upon  this  principle  there  will  be  no 
I  lark  of  commoiiiiies  for  legilimnte  commerce.  i 

I  It  is  the  settled  policy  of  this  Government  to 
!  raise  its  ordinary  revenues  by  duties  on  imports. 
j  This  policy  seems  to  be  universally  actiuicsced  in; 
I  at  least,  its  propriety  is  not  direclly  disputed  by 
;  any  body  of  men  sufficiently  numerous  to  have 
I  iittracled  any  general  atlention.  The  manner  of 
ailjusling  these  duties  has  been  the  "  apple  of  dis- 
i  cord."     It  is  contended  by  many  of  tliose  who  j 

oppose  such  an  adjustment  of  them  as  regards  dis- 
i  criminations  for  ilie  proleclion  of  domestic  indus- 
;  try:  Ist.  That  nil  duties  upon  imports  raise  the 
I  price  of  the  imported  commodity,  and  of  all  sim-  ', 
I  ilar  articles  produced  at  home,  to  the  whole  extent 
I  of  the  duty,  and  that  therefore,  to  the  extent  of 


iipply, 
for  the 


j  upon  the  consumers  for  the  benefit  of  the  domestic 
I  producer;  and.Sd.  That  such  duties  as  discrimi- 
i  iittte  for  protection  diminish  the  national  wealth, 
by  diverting  the  labor  and  capital  of  the  commu- 
nity from  a  more  profitable  to  a  less  profitable  pur- 
suit.    If  these  propositions  be  true,  your  tariff  of 
1842  ought  not  to  siand  another  day  upon  your 
statute  book,  and  the  bill  upon  your  table  should 
never  be  permitted  to  become  a  law.     If  the  Dem- 
ocratic party  upon  this  floor  believe  them  to  be 
1 1  true,  I  do  not  understand  how  they  can  vole  for 
j  the  tarifl"  bill  before  the  committee,  which  abates 
I  less  than  six  per  cent,  on  the  average  of  duties 
j    levied  by  the  present  oct.     I  believe  neither  prop- 
;|  osition  to  be  true. 

1 1      It  is  possible  that  a  tariff  bill  might  be  so  framed 
i  us  to  produce  these  results,  but  it  is  not  probable 
i  that  such  a  one  will  ever  be  adopted  by  any  civil- 
I  ized  people.     And  this  is  the  great  practical  dilfi- 
I  culty  in  this  question.     The  friends  of  free  trade 
I  lake  an  example  (such  as  growing  oranges  in  the 
I  frigid  zone)  which  proves  their  theory,  but  it  has 
no  application  to  the  measure  which  they  oppose, 
;  and  lends  only  to  mislead  and  deceive.     In  select- 
I  ing  objecls  for  this  species  of  legislation,  strict  care 
t  and  prudence  is  necessary  to  prevent  mischief. 
1  Those  things  necessary  for  the  public  defence  in 
j  time  of  war  should  have  our  first  care  and  alleii- 
I  lion;  we  should  then  select  those  ariicles  which, 
1  from  the  condition  of  our  country  and  its  advan- 
i  tages,  with  reference  to  oilier  countries,  for  their 
'  cheap  production,  can  be  speedily  produced  in  suf- 
I  ficient  quantities  for  the  supply  of  the  domestic 
demand  ns  cheaply  as  they  can  be  made  elsewhere; 
and  it  is  oftentimes  wise  to  embrace  such  coinmod- 
I  ities  us  we  can  produce  and  sell  as  cheap  as  for- 
eigners are  likely  to  supfily  us  with, although  they 
!  may  be  able  to  produce  them  at  a  less  cost  than  we 
i  can.     A  tariff  discriminating  upon  these  principles 
'  will  advance  the  general  prosperity.     It  is  true 
that  duty  is  an  element  of  price,  and  that  the  im- 
position of  duties  tends  to  rai.so  the  price  of  com- 
modiliea  upon  which  they  arc  placed,  and  that  this 
is  one  (but  not  the  only  one)  of  the   reasons  why 
:  the  producers  of  protected  articles  desire  the  ini- 
I  position  of  duties;  but  home   production    brings 
I  into  operation  causes  which  always  modify,  and 
I  very  frequently  totolly  annihilate,  this  tendency  of 
:  diilics  to  increase  prices.     There  are  a  great  variety 
•  ofthc.se  causes:  I  shall  only  be  able  to  advert  to  a 
few  of  the  most  prominent  in  this  argument.     So 
I  great  and  powerful  are  these  causes,  that,  as  is 
proven  by  our  own  experience,  notwilhstanding 
the  fact  thai,  by  superior  skill,  abundance  of  copi- 
lal,  and  cheapness  of  labor,  foreign  nations  may  be 
able  to  produce  many  commodities  at  a  less  cost 
.  than  we  can,  and  therefore  their  natural  price  is 
i  less;  yet  similar  domestic  products,  whose  natural 
;  price  is  greater,  are  generally  sold  in  our  markets 
at  a  less  price  than  when  the  foreigner  had  the 
monopoly  of  our  supply.     This  natural  price  is 
defined  by  Adam  Smith  to  be  a  price  "sufficient  to 
'  pay  the  rent  of  land,  the  wages  of  labor,  and  the 
i  '  profits  of  the  stock  employed  in  raising,  preparing, 


Ho.  or  Kepi. 

'  and  bringing  the  eonimodilv  to  market  according 
■to  their  natural  rates,"  The  advocates  nf  free 
trade  base  their  theory  upon  this  natural  price, 
thus  defined,  in  uller  disregard  iif  the  market  prii'u 
and  the  causes  which  control  it.  Hence,  wo  sn 
often  see  experience  defeating  their  calculations; 
hence  their  uniform  abhorrence  of  facts  and  reaulls 
tested  by  oxporieiice,  and  perlinacions  adherence 
to  mere  abstract  specnialiini.  In  spile  of  their 
;  theories  to  the  contrary,  it  is  a  universal  truth, 
which  has  shaken  ihe  coiilidcnce  of  sinnn  of  their 
ablest  followers,  that  ihune  nations  which  have 
sought  not  to  force  the  production  of  commndilics 
within  their  own  bounuaries  which  were  opposed 
by  natural  or  controlling  artificial  causes,  but  to 
fidlow  their  capital  and  iiiduslry  by  legislative  pro- 
tection, have  uniformly  been  supplied  with  such 
fabrics,  thus  produced,  cheaper  than  any  nntinii 
which  has  relied  upon  a  foreign  supply.  The  his- 
tory of  the  trade  in  cotton  bagging  in  the  South  for 
the  last  four  years,  1ms  demonstiuted  the  niter 
wnrlhli'Nsness  of  calculations  based  upon  the  theo- 
ries of  ihe  friends  nf  free  trade.  This  is  an  article 
of  almost  universal  loiisumpiion  in  the  South.  It 
was  therefore  selected  to  illustrate  how  much  the 
cotton  planters,  in  the  intemperate  language  of  the 
friends  of  free  trade,  were  "robbed  and  plundered" 
by  your  tariff  policy.  Time  has  destroyed  its  etfi- 
I  ciency  for  popular  delusion.  The  results  have 
satisfied  many,  even  of  the  most  prejudiced,  that, 
whatever  may  be  the  abstract  trutn  (if  the  theory 
of  free  trade,  the  trade  in  cutlon  bagging  is  an  ex- 
, .  ceplion  to  the  rule. 

I  To  this  class  there  are  some  exceptions.  The 
;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  has  the  unscrupulou* 
'  boldness  to  assert,  in  the  face  of  the  most  over- 
l|  whelming  facts  demonstrating  the  fallacy  of  his 
I  opinion,  that  "the  duty  on  coltim  bagging  iseqni\- 
;  'alent  to  55.20  per  cent,  ad  valorem  on  Scotch  liag- 
!  'ging,  and  to  123.11  per  cent,  on  the  gunny  lug; 
'.  '  and  yet  the  whole  revenue  from  these  duties  has 
■  fallen  to  $66,U64  5U.  iS'early  the  entire  amount, 
I  '  therefore,  of  this  enormous  tax  makes  no  addi- 
ii  '  tion  to  the  revenue,  but  inures  to  the  benefit  of 
.  'about  thirty  manulUclurers."     Mr.  Walker  in- 

I  tends,  in  the  above  extract  from  his  report,  to  in- 
i    duce  the  coiton  planters  of  ihe  South  to  believe 

that  these  assumed  duties  of  55.2U  and  123.11  per 
\'  cent,  ad  valorem  (neither  of  which  are  true  in  point 
'  of  fact)  operate  as  taxes  to  their  full  amount,  both 
upon  the  foreign  and  domestic  Iwtgging,  and  ac- 
cordingly raise  the  prices  of  both  the  foreign  and 
'  domestic  bagging  to  the  amount  of  these  duties; 
[■  and  that,  with  the  exception  of  the  small  amount 

II  of  revenue  collected  upon  the  foreign  article,  "the 
'  entire  amount  of  this  enormous  tax  inures  to  the 

'    '  benefit  of  about  thirty  manufacturers."    Asdifl'er- 
ent  amounts  nf  duty  are  levied  upon  diflerent  foreign 
competitors  with  ihe  domestic  article,  it  might  have 
thrown  new  light  upon  this  peculiar  system  nf  poll- 
[i  tical  economy  to  have  informed  the  country  whellicr 
1 1  the  Kentucky  bagging  ought  to  rise  55.20  percent. 
!   or  123.11  per  cent,  by  the  imposiiion  of  these  du- 
j:  ties.     We  are  unable  to  get  any  key  to  iliis  mys- 
I    tery  from  the  actual  prices  of  the  commodity  since 
the  duties  were  imposed;  for  ever/  descripiinn  of 
the  article,  both  foreign  and  domesi  c,  has  declined 
■    in  price  since  the  passage  of  the  act  *:if  1S42.   Since 
the  introduclion  of  the  business  of  making  coiton 
bagging  in  Kentucky— since  our  own  countrymen 
have   come   into    compciiiion  with   the  foreigner 
'   in  producing  it — ihe  price  of  bugging  has  fallen  to 
I    less  than  onelhird  of  its  average  price  before  that 
period.      It  is  at  this  moment  manufactured  in  the 
.    United  Stales  and  sold  to  the  consumer  for  less 
:   money  than  it  cost  in  Dundee  when  the  tarifl'  of 
1842  was  passed,  and   less  than  its  present  cost 
there,  according  to  the  price  fixed  by  Mr.  Walker 
for  estimating  the  ad  valorem  duty  upon  it.     The 
!   last  position  is  a  mere  matter  of  calculation  upon 
Mr.  Walker'scstimate  of  thcduty;  the  first  I  shall 
proceed    to   prove   by  conclusive  evidence.     Mr. 
Calhoun  believed,  ill  1842,  that  the  present  duly 
on  coiton  bagging  would  raise  the  price  to  the  ex- 
lent  of  the  highest  duty,  and  thus  greatly  injure  the 
cotton  planter.     He  therefore  vehemently  opposed 
j  it.     It  IS  due  to  candor  to  state,  that  it  was  the  pre- 
!  vailing  opinion,  at  that  time,  among  gentlemen  of 
1;  both  political  parties  at  the  South,  that  this  duty 
I  would  injuriously  affect  the  cotton  planter;  hence 
it  met  with  general  opposition  then  from  both  par- 
"  ties.    Testing  this  duty  by  his  principles  of  politi- 


loa-l APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAIy  GLOBE^ f''"'y  '- 

«9rH  CoNo I8T  Skbb.  The  Tariff— Mr.  Toombt.  Ho.  or  Rem. 

Mil  fcomimy,  Mr.  Onllioiin  wnrked  oul,  with  in»-  I  nfter  reviewinn  theio  ililTnrdnt  iiBliiinenln,  in  llio  thp  price  of  ihe  cnmmnclity  to  tho  cnnnumrr.    Hut 

Ihematiriil  yerlniiity,  iih  lie  iiu|ipoicd,  iho  preciRe  |i  gamo  dKlmir,  »«y»— "  Alimit  thirlern  nr  fiiiirlcen  ifymi  no  nrmni;i!  your  Inrifl'lnwii  m  tii  fiiiililt!  iho 

nmoiint  of  injury  wliicli  klie  coiloii  plniiierii  wrre  '    '  cenM  may  lie  HHiiiimnd  iih  tlm  avpmii[(!  (ir  iimml  ddiiicKlii'  prndiicerH  of  «i.cli  (•oniiniidilii^H  ah  iim 

t  >  aiisuiiii  l>v  thiN  duty.     DiirinK  tlic  debato  on  the      •  coHt  of  tlio  ariirln   in    UiindRe   and    Invcrni'iia,  niiiutlilr  In  iIki  roiinlry  lo  rnniprli^  fttirly  willi  llm 
lirid'  of  1m2  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  Hiatca,      '  whence  it  comcn."     A  compariinn  of  the  prra-  ■   forei(»n  prodncrr  of  likeconimodilira.theinnidinirr 

l!ic  duty  on  cotton  bat;)(in(;  Iwing  under  conHidera-   !  ent  price*  of  donicatic  hnsifinff  in  this  country,  at  i  will  ijenernlly  Rct  the  chief  iidvanla);:!!  from  the  re- 

tion,  it  appear*  from  the  re|H)rt  coniuined  in  the  i    the  factoriea,  with  theae  hcotch  pricea,  nhow  that     riuction  of  price  procli d  l>y  conipetilion  in  hotli 

Congroumcumj   Ulolic   and  Appendix,   piiijc   80S,  !i  we  now  make  (jood  liaeginjf  in  Kentucky  more'   counlriea.     All  tlieae  cauiiCH,  loj;<Mlirr  with  many 

that  "  Mr.  Calhmui  ohscrvcd  that  this  was  a  »ub-  ji  than  five  ceni«  per  yanl  Iihh  than  it  Ciwl  in  Dun-  olhcra  which  I  cannot  now  comment  \ipon,  coun- 

•ject  in  which  those  whom  he  represented,  and  the  i   dee  in  lrt4!i,«nd  forlhreoorfinir  cents  per /ard  less  teriict  this  tendency  of  duties  to  eiduuice  priccN, 

'whole  soullicrn  rei;ioii,  were  deeply  interested,      than  the  prcsentpricc  in  Hcoiland,  asccrlaininffllic  and  overturn   this  assumplioii,  upon   which  the 

'  He  submitted  the  foJlowiiiR:                                      \   price  nrcordins;  to  Mr.  Walker's  estimate  of  it  for  '  theory  of  free  trade  in  buill. 

"  Jl  ilaltmtnl  vflht  aditiiiuntil  ro»t  an  the  coUonerup  ^.  fixinc;  the  ad  valorem  duty.     It  is  now  Renerally  The  second  proposition  of  the  advocates  of  free 

oflhr  ijtar  (riliu»itt(<  nt  'i,U<IU,UU<)  hngi)  in  cotise-     itnld  in  the  lar^'cr  niarkels  for  distrilmtioii  at  Iihs  trade  is  so  intiinalely  connected  with,  and  depend- 

fi»iicei>/'(/ic/iro/i«9cddii(i(  on  coUon  bugging,  rope,  l    than  the  Scotch  price  in  IH^fJ,  when  the  tnrifl'  bill  i  ant  upon,  the  first,  that  much  of  the  aii;unieiit  upon 

and  Itritu.                                                                 j;  was  passed.     It  is  also  a  well-known  fact,  to  every  the  first  is  npplicnblo  to  the  second  proposiiinn.    I 

The  cost  on  a  bair,  tHlinmtcd  at  400  |>ouiidM,  five  ,   cotton  planter,  that,  notwilhslandinp  Ihe  duty  and  I  shall,  thereiore,  examine  it  but  briefly.     I   shall 

and  a  hilf  yards  liauniiiK,  at  i  cents  the  scpiarc      the   cheapness  of  its  production,  llie  ifunny  bai;  1  omit  to  discuss  the  proposition,  which  I  consiihr 

yard,  equal  Ui  G   1-9  cents  the  runnini,'  yard,  '    has    continued    to   fall    in   almost   exact   nroixir-  '  well  founded,  that  it  is  oftentimes  oxisdient  and 

and  equal  to  (W  jier  cent,  ad  valorem  on  the  in-      tioii  with  other  descriptions  of  l)n(ti;ins,  sliowinc  '  necessary  for  the  national  safely,  and  ihciTfoic 

voice CIS.  33  11-18      how  little  inlliicnce  thi;  cost  of  |iroducti(in  may  sound  policy,  In  produce  coinmocfities  nccessiuy  to 

Six  pounds  of  rope,  at  {ic«nis|ier  pound,                      have  over  the  market  price  of  a  cnmmodiiy  in  a  the  puldic  defence,  even  at  a  national  Ihns.     It  Ih 
aii<l  about  eqiml  to    110  per  cent,  ad                   ;>  country  remote  from  the  place  of  iis  production,  j  assumed  thai  IcgislaliveenccuiraKcment  lonny  par- 
vi.lorcm 36                These  facts  have  wholly  denKdished  the  hempen  ticiilar  branch  of  industry,  necessarily  diverts  cup- 
Quarter  of  a  |nMind  of  twine,  at  «  cents                   ,    pillar  of  this  free-trade  theory.     Mr.  Walker  may  '  lial  and  labor  fromemploymenis  iinliirallynnprofil- 
duty  per  pound,  and  about  equal  to  30                      lament  over  the  disiruciion  of  revenue  upon  these  able  lo  the  Slate  and  the  jicople,  to  others  less  prof- 

or  40  per  cent,  ad  vnlorein OIJ               articles,  resulting  from  the  skill,  industry,  and  en-  liable,  but  for  this  legislation.     This  posiiic.ii  is 

i                                                                    I  lerprise,  of  our  western  countrymen.     They  have  I  never  true  when  applied  lo  a  wise  system  of  legis- 

•  Cost  per  bag 71   1-9         "  subsliuited,"  as  he  terms  ic,  cheaper  and  l)etter  ;  lativo  encouragement.     It  is  never  true  when  it 

'                                                                       articles  of  domestic  produclion  for  the  foreign  pro-  i  cannot  be  shown  thai  Ih  ;  elTcct  of  such  legiHJaliou 

"  Two  million  of  bags,  at  71  1-9  cents  per  liag,    ,  ducts.     I  rejoice  in  every  reduction  of  your  revenue  is  to  raise  the  price  of  tno  protected  commodiiieH 

•  is  equal  to  ^l,4±j,2:^.i.  The  gross  value  of  the  from  imports  which  is  produced  by  this  sort  of  '  to  tho  consumer,  and  we  can  cimfideiuly  appeal  to 
'  crop,  rstinuucd  at  7}  cents  per  pound,  woi;ld  be  ,,  "substitution."  It  is  an  unerring  index  of  the  our  own  exjierience  for  its  refutation.  One  great 
'  |Jlill,000,(KXI.  And  the  additional  cost,  in  conac-  i  upward  progress  of  the  nation.  1  have  lUelt  thus  erroi  in  this  proposition  is,  the  asKumplion  lh"t 
'  quence  of  the  duty  on  these  articleH,  would  be  |  long  upon  cotton  bagging,  because  it  was  selected  :  the  employments  thus  encouraged  are,  and  will 
'ccpinltoiij  percent.— that  is,  aj  bags  in  Ihe  bun-  I  by  the  southern  ndvucatcs  of  free  trade  lo  te.st  continue,  at\er  temporary  ditficullies  are  removed, 
'died,  or  I  hag  in  37,  and  S4,000bag8in  Iho  crop;  i  iheir  principles  in  lti4s!,  and  because  the  whole  to  be  the  least  profilnble  without  the  aid  of  tin; 
'and  e.><limuliiig  the  number  offacloriea  for  bagging  history  of  this  trade  is  familiar  to  my  own  con-  i  duty.  It  also  assumes  as  true,  thai  the  people  of 
'at  L'l  in  the  United  Swies,  it  would  be  equal  to  i  stituents.  There  arc  many  other  articles  protected  '  every  country  are  always  employed  moat  advaii- 
'  a,.i71  to  each.  The  reduction  of  the  duty  to  35  hy  the  tariff  of  184'^  which  furnish  similar  results,  '  togeously  for  themselves  and  the  Slate— than  which 
'  ceiita  per  yard  would  reduc«  coal  on  the  crop  to  i  but  my  time  will  not  n'iow  me  to  dwell  longer  no  proposition  can  be  more  fanciful  and  fallacious, 
•about  #1,200,000."                                                        upon  particular  and  detailed  illustrations.  A  diversity  of  pursuits  and  the  division  of  labor  in 

The  liill  was  passed;  the  duty  was  imposed;  The  friends  of  free  trade,  to  sustain  their  theory,  most  favorable  to  the  development  of  the  naiional 
the  lest  of  experience  was  applied  to  this  calcula-  i  nre  comiwlled  to  assume  the  fact  'hat  all  commodi-  wealth,  and  the  increase  of  the  wages  of  labor, 
tlou,  and  found  it  to  be  wholly  erroneous.  Uag-  ties  will,  necessarily  and  inva  oly,  and  in  all  '  The  idenof  Mr.  Walker, that  the  increase  of  inan- 
ging,  rope,  and  twine,  instead  of  rising  in  proiior-  markets,  sell  for  their  nntund  price.  This  propo-  nfacturing  establishinenis  does  not  improve,  but 
tioii  to  the  duty,  did  not  rise  at  all  in  price,  hut  siliim,  so  far  from  being  geneially  true,  is  almost  injures,  the  wages  of  labor,  is  neither  aujiporled 
fell.  In.stcud  of  laying  an  additional  price  upon  universally  untrue.  The  niaiket'price  is  seldom,  by  facts  nor  reason.  Manufactories  do  not  increase 
their  Imgging,  rope,  and  twine,  equal  to  Ihc  duty,  in  „ny  market,  the  same  as  the  natural  price;  and  '  i  wages  in  proportion  to  their  profits.  They  act  up- 
and  thereby  levying  up(m  us  a  lax  of  two  bales  i  even  this  natural  price,  from  the  very  nature  of  its  nn  the  same  principle  that  Mr.  Walker  and  every- 
uiid  a  halt  of  our  cotton  in  the  hundred,  as  Mr.  eonstituent  elements,  is  subject  to  an  infinite  vnri- ,  I  body  else  does.  They  go  into  ihc  market,  and  biro 
Calhoun  supposed,  the  Kentucky  mninifactureis  cly  of  di^'turbillg causes,  ami,  hke  the  market  price,  inhnr  as  cheap  as  they  ciui  get  it.  The  price  of 
of  ihcse  articles  were  compelled,  by  the  workings  |  ;„  as  variable  as  the  winds.  Voii  can  scHrcely  ■  Inbor  is  controlled  like  other  things,  by  the  demand 
of  the  inevitable  laws  of  trade,  to  sell  them  for  in.|cet  a  single  item  of  material  wealth  which  will  «nd  supply.  Every  new  manufactory  which  is 
much  less  than  they  did  before.  Instead  of  get-  not  demonstrate  the  truth  of  this  positiim.  One  Iniill,  creates  a  new  demand  for  labor.  It  is  a  new 
ting  71  1-9  cents  ailditional  price  for  the  ipiantiiy  grower  of  corn  in  a  particular  neighborhood,  who  nmrket,  where  labor  can  be  sold  at,  and  increases 
of  baijgiiiL',  rope,  and  twine,  necessary  to  prepare  a  i^  favored  by  propitious  seasons,  may  grow  an  the  competition  among  the  nurcliasers  of  labor.  If 
bag  of  coiton  for  market,  they  are  compelled  to  abundant  crop  m  a  year  of  great  scarcity— it  may  every  cotton  mill  in  Gant  Britain  should  be  burnt 
sell  that  quantity  for  less  than  the  estimated  addi-  f„r  exceed  his  averoge  product  in  ordinary  years;  down  to-day,  does  Mr.  Walker  suppose  that  tin 
(ioiin(  price  which  Mr.  Calhoun  thought  the  duly  ,:  yet  in  the  sale  of  this  corn,  in  his  immediate  vicin-  i  wages  of  labor  would  rise  in  that  couiilry?  The 
would  give  them,  which  is  shown  by  the  following  ■  i,™e,  or  elsewhere,  he  does  not,  in  the  slightest  de-  i  eflect  would  be  lo  throw  the  thousands  of  cotton 
table,  based  U|ion  actual  prices  at  the  Kentucky  grce,  regard  the  usual  rent  of  land,  nor  Wages  of  !  spinners  into  the  other  already  over-crowded  em- 
niaiiufactories,  to  wit:  labor,  nor  average  profits  of  stock  in  bis  neighbor-  i  ploy ments,  reduce  ihe  rale  of  wages  in  all  of  them, 

Kne  and  a  half  yards  of  good  bagging,  at  8^  cents      hood,  in  fixing  its  price.     Your  necessity  is  tho  '  and  increase,  lo  nn  incalculable  extent,  the  misery 

p(5r  yard Is.  46J        usual  mea-sure  of  his  price.     The  foreign  nmnufac-     of  the  laboring  classes. 

Six  pounds   of  good  rope,  at  3^  cents  per  |,  turer  does  not  concern  himself  about  how  cheap   ■      The  diversion  of  labor,  especially  in  a  country 

pound 21    I    he  can  afford  to  sell  you  his  wares.     >Ie  avails     where  the  people  genernlly  aW  pursuing  agricul- 

Ciuurler  of  a   pound   of  twine,  at  8  cents  |i  himself  of^ every  ciicumslunce  which  aireclsudvan-     ture,  even  from  a  less  lo  a  more  profitable  employ- 

per  pound 02       lageously  for  him  the  market  price,  and  sells  for  ;  ment,  is  a  slow  and  difficiill  process,     .^gricullul■e 

,  the  best  price  he  can  gel.     He  will  nm  be  apt  to   |  is  the  most  natural  and  agreeable  of  nil  pursuii.«. 

6*9}    jj  neglect  to  avail  himself  of  advantages  which  re-     Men  pursue  it  from  generation  logcnemtion,  even 

il  moicncss  from  the  market  of  supply  gives  him.    '  in  countries  where  it  yields  but  a  bare  subsistence, 

These  prices  of  bagging,  rope,  ond  twine,  are  |  When  the  market  nf  supply  is  remote  from  the  i  nnd  therefore  adds  nothing  to  the  wealth  of  the  na- 
Uiken  from  the  quotaliiuis  of  their  prices  at  Louis-  ,  n|„ce  of  consumption,  the  trade  in  the  commodity  lion  The  force  of  hiibii,  the  aversion  lo  change 
ville  for  ih(!  last  three  months.  I  believe  they  are  I  lieiomes  n  quasi  mi)nopoly;  competilion  is  usually  ':  of  pursuits,  the  want  of  knowledge  and  skill  in 
not  lower  ihan  the  average  for  the  lust  twelve  ;  ipsa;  combinations  lo  raise  [iric.es  nre  more  readily  other  pursuits,  the  necessary  loss  and  risk,  and 
niooths.  That  they  are  accurate  I  know  by  acr.ial  i  cdecled,  and  consequenlly  prifits  arc  larger.  The  '  danger  of  embarking  in  a  new  business,  with  these 
puichiises  (d' those  articles  ui  that  market,  within  ,  history  of  the  trade  between  India  and  western  risks  nnd  dangers  greatly  increased  by  the  skill 
a  few  days  past,  for  my  own  use.  These  prices  Europe,  from  its  early  beginning,  nnd  more  espe-  nnd  experience  of  other  nations,  often  retard,  and 
hIiow  that  bagging  now  sells  for  within  less  than  two  ,  cially  at  that  time,  abundantly  proves  the  truth  of  frequently  altogether  deter  men  from  entering  inio 
and  a  half  eeiiLs  of  Mr.  Cnlhoun's  estimate  of  tiie  ^  this  position.  The  eslablishnient  of  domestic  man-  a  new  business,  though  it  may  be  obviously  ad- 
duty,  and  lluu  ro|)e  now  sells  fijr  but  a  little  )  ufactories  brings  our  market  of  supply  nearer  our  vanlageniis  to  them  nnd  the  nation.  It  is  the  true 
more  than  half  of  hiseutimale  of  the  duly.  It  also  j  markets  of  consumplion,  which  diminishes  these  policy  of  Government,  by  wise  and  judicious  regii- 
appeara  that  cotton  bagging  is  now  sold  by  the  i  dilRcultira,  and  uniformly  lends  to  lessen  the  mar-  iations,  to  encourage  such  changes  of  employment, 
nmnufaciurera  in  this  couutry  for  less  than  the  i  ket  price  of  commodities.  It  produces  competilion  and  especially  to  protect  the  labor  of  our  own  pen- 
cost  of  Uundce  bagging  in  Dundee,  during  the  i,  between  domestic  producers,  and  between  the  pie  engaged  in  them  from  the  mere  temporary  ad- 
year  1842.  In  the  report  of  the  same  debate  it  is  j  foreign  and  domestic  producers,  and  between  do-  vantages  derived  from  that  skill  and  experience  of 
staled,  "  Mr.  Calhoun  read  a  letter,  from  one  of  i  mcslic  traders  and  foreign  and  domestic  traders,  other  nations,  which  we  may  readily  and  speedily 
'the  first  merchants  in  South  Carolina,  quoting  i,  nil  of  which  arc  usually  beneficial  lo  the  consumer,  acquire.  Thus  we  may  biuld  up  new  and  profit- 
'  the  price  of  Scotch  bagging,  fit  for  the  cotton  |[  The  diminution  of  price  produced  by  competition  able  branches  of  industry  at  home,  greatly  ndvan- 
'  planters,  at  five  pence  per  yard."  Oilier  gentle- Ij  between  foreign  producers  alone,  usually  swells  i  tagcouf  instead  of  injurious,  to  nalional  and  indi- 
mcn  submitted  dilTcrent  statements.    Mr.  Benton,  Jl  the  profits  of  the  merchant  more  than  il  reduces  li  vidual  prosperity.     In  mere  speculative  pursuii? 


a9rH  CoNo.... 

cpilal  ami  labor  y. 

II,  a  more  prnfilabi 

when  the  new  pnrsi 

gain;  but  in  those  p 

Ir   and    the  nation 

years  of  ynwn}  1" 

failure,  to  acquire  j 

creased  profits  on  t 

more  slow  and  dill 

ersied  to  the  advat 

try  by  wi"'  '•"K"''" 

nicnt  from  agricult 

necessary  for  the 

the  United  Stales. 

culiurnl  products, 

we  produce  beyon 

„nd  for  many  m 

reliable,  and  profi 

cultyand  cost  ol 

able  nature  of  th 

distant    foreign    ' 

oppose*  a  bnrriei 

municipal  rcgub 

this  nniural  ditli 

shut  oul  by  Iheir 

staples  of  wheal 

liusiness  of  man 

Bity  for  Ihc  inle 

country.     It  w.i 

our  fanners,  wl 

might  be  Ihe  pri 

when  they  roul 

which  they  coi 

and  these  proil 

money-price  at 

(luce  the  same 

intensity.    Eni 

giraints  upon  l 

to  the  opinion 

men,  that  this 

teriiilly  bcnefir 

this  new  mar 

which  I  have 

in  more  coove 

e<piaie  to  ouri 

be  still  greale 

our  manufac 

I  do  not  say 

duced    by     ■' 

severe  slru 

competition  I 

porarily  red- 

and  exper--  ■ 

they  will, 

of  Ihe  strugl 

preserve  yo 

reaping  the 

the  llrilish 

other  arli 

lions  more 

will  ordiiu 

demand  lo 

will  there 

of  scarciiy 

Atlantic,  a 

side,  our  b 

liilion  froi 

porlant    p 

ninre  valu 

wheat,  ill 

warrant  s 

For  the 

eommcrci 

laxalion 

wist'  ■  d 

of  the  col 

open  yov 

for  their 

ndmissin 

generoiu 

England 

her  poll! 

Uirics  pi 

manufa' 

the  woi 

her  so  1 

enabled 

density 

labor  ti 

thercfo 

rcccnilj 

lion  of 


■lell 

y 


■I 


;Tr 


\9M.] 


'i^TH  CoNO IhT  SkHI. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  C0NGRESSI()NAL:GL0BE. 

"Hte  Tariff— Mr.  Clarke.  ^ 


1035 


Ho.  or  Kepr. 


I 


rnpiial  nnil  liilinr  viry  renilily  chiingc  from  n  imn 
Id  n  iiicirr  pinfiliililo  piirniiil,  «ii(l  mnrc  renilily 
wlirii  tlip  new  piirmiit  prnniinpn  grfnl  niid  ■iiiIiIpd 
l^nlir,  liiit  in  llinni!  piirmiilfl  irinnt  iim-riil  to  the  riili- 
lir  nnil  Ihn  iiiilinii,  wliirh  imunlly  roqiiirc  Inni; 
ynirn  (if  |>ntir>nt  Inlior,  nccKinpnriii'd  willi  lini.  of 
il\iliirp,  111  ini|iiiri'  mifficient  nkill  for  modi  r  ^  .'ly  in- 
cmiHcil  profilN  on  Inlior  mill  I'npiliil,  ihp  priicpim  id 
liiorp  "low  nnil  difflrnlt,  nnil  nmy  l)e  i»rriilly  nrrcl- 
iTHlpd  lo  ihi!  ndvnnlnjjo  of  nil  fliic«oii  of  llip  rnun- 
try  liy  wise  IritlHliitioii.  This  clmnRi!  of  i-inploy- 
inr  nl  from  nKriciilliirB  lo  innniifiirliirpH  is  nlwoliiti'ly 
iiroeHnnry  for  Ihr  Biipporl  of  (ij;riiMilliirP  ilHelf  in 
llif  Unilod  Sinlpn.  For  Iwo  of  onr  iniporlnnt  n-tri- 
niilliiriil  procliirls,  wlipnt  nnd  Indian  corn,  which 
we  produce  beyond  our  conmimption,  wc  hnve  not, 
iiiid  for  mnny  rennooN  cnii  never  hnve,  n  nlcndy, 
relinlile,  nnd  profiinhle  foreign  innrkel.  Thn  diln- 
ciilly  mill  cost  of  IrniiNpoiintion,  nnd  the  pcrinh- 
iililc  niihire  of  ihene  cnnimoditieH,  unfit  Ihem  for 
diHiniit  foicign  conimerre.  The  Urond  Atlnnlie, 
opposes  ft  linrrier  to  the  Kiirnpeiin  denmiid.  Tlio 
iniinicipnl  reRiiliitions  of  the  Old  World  increnae 
this  iiiMnrnI  ilitliriilly.  So  ion:;  nn  other  nnlionn 
shut  out  by  their  leciHlnlion  yoiirgreiitnErienltnrnl 
BtnplcH  of  whent,  corn,  nnd  other  providions,  the 
biidinesH  of  inaiiiifiicturinif  wuh  nn  Hbiioliiie  neces- 
sity for  the  inleri'Hls  of  the  larifer  portion  of  our 
country.  It  whs  n  nintter  of  but  smnll  concern  to 
our  fnrinerH,  whose  products  were  excluded,  whnt 
niicbl  be  the  price  offoreiijn  mnnufiictured  goods, 
when  they  could  not  exchnns^e  the  only  prodiicis 
which  they  could  ndvnntiureously  mnke  for  them, 
and  theae  products,  by  their  nbiindnncr,  hnd  no 
inoney-priie  nt  home.  Nftlioniil  impediments  pro- 
duce the  same  results  just  in  proportion  lo  tneir 
intensity.  Kn>;laiid  has  recently  relaxed  her  re- 
straints upon  these  products.  I  believe,  contntry 
to  the  opinion  of  ninny  able  nnd  well-informed 
men,  that  this  policy  of  Ensrlnnd  will  prove  ma- 
terially licnelicial  tii  on.  e!jriculturnl  interest;  but 
this  new  market,  from  the  natural  difficulties  to 
which  I  li.ive  referred,  and  the  cheapness  of  wheat 
in  more  convenient  markets,  must  be  totally  iiind- 
eipiale  to  our  necessities.  This  inadequacy  would 
be  still  greater  were  we  unwise  enough  to  abandon 
our  maiiufactureB  to  iinei|ual  foreign  competition. 
I  do  not  say  that  prices  might  not  for  a  time  be  re- 
duced by  such  ft  luensiire.  There  would  be  n 
severe  struggle  between  the  American  and  foreign 
competition  for  supplying  you,  which  would  tem- 
porarily reduce  prices.  But  when  Engli.sh  eapilal 
and  experience  shall  have  triumphed,  as  triumph 
they  will,  you  will  then  hnve  to  pny  the  expenses 
of  the  struggle  in  ruining  your  own  industry.  To 
preserve  your  present  system  is  the  hem  mode  of 
reaping  the  greatest  advanlngcs  from  the  repeal  of 
the  IJritish  corn  laws,  and  her  free  ndmis.sion  of 
oilier  articles  of  subsistence.  Though  other  na- 
tions more  conveniently  located  for  thia  purpose 
will  oiilinarily  supply  the  greater  portion  of  her 
deniand  for  these  things,  occaHionally  our  Carmeis 
will  there  find  an  advantageous  market.  In  years 
of  .scarcity  and  high  prices  on  the  other  .side  of  the 
Atlantic,  and  of  abundance  and  low  prices  on  this 
side,  our  home  market  will  be  relieved  by  impor- 
tation from  excessive  abundance,  and  some  im- 
portant products  of  our  agriculture,  which  arc 
more  valuable  in  proportion  to  bulk  than  maize  or 
wheat,  may  find  a  market  sufficiently  regular  to 
warrant  steady  importations. 

For  these  reasons,  the  relaxation  of  the  British 
commercial  system  would  justify  the  judicious  re- 
laxation of  our  own,  but  it  must  be  carefully  and  , 
wise'  ■  done.  It  ought  to  be  done  with  a  full  view 
of  the  condition  of  our  own  country.  Throwing 
open  your  ports  because  other  nations  may  choose, 
for  their  own  inleresls,  to  lessen  the  difficulties  of 
iidniissinn  into  theirs,  may  turn  out  to  be  more 
generous  to  foreigners  than  ju.st  to  our  country. 
England  has  well,  and  I  think  wisely,  considered 
her  policy.  By  hersystem  of  protection,  forcen- 
turics  past,  she  has  acquired  unrivalled  skill  in  the 
manufacture  of  the  leading  articles  consumed  by 
the  world;  the  policy  of  other  nations  in  permitting 
her  so  long  to  be  the  workshop  of  the  world,  has 
enabled  her  to  accumulate  boundless  capital;  her 
density  of  population  has  reduced  the  wages  of 
labor  to  the  lowest  point  of  subsistence;  she  can, 
therefore,  as  her  late  distinguished  prime  minister 
recently  avowed  in  Parliament,  defy  the  competi- 
tion of  the  world.    She  is,  therefore,  prtipered  for 


that  necessity  for  this  new  policy  which  the  pres- 
ent condition  of  the  world  has  forced  upon  her. 
Tiiight  by  her  example,  all  the  civilized  nations  of 
Kunipe  nnd  Americn,  who  were  the  great  r.onsu- 1' 
mers  of  her  mnnufiirlures,  hnve  each  built  n  wall  ^ 
against  the  ailmission  of  her  productn,  ./hich 
neither  her  power,  nor  her  cnpiial,  nor  her  skill,  i 
nor  her  cheap  labor,  cnn  sunnount;  her  present  i 
policy  is  to  persuade  those  nations  to  pull  them 
down  themselves.  Hho  now  finds  it  will  nn  longer 
succeed  to  prench  free  trai'e  to  other  nations,  and 
build  up  nnd  maintain  her  own  industry  by  pro- 
tection. As  her  Inst  means  of  regaining  her  hist 
markets,  she  must  rely  upon  this  skill,  and  expe- 
rience, and  capital,  and  cheap  labor,  in  free  com- 
petition with  till,  world;  and  her  last  great  national 
struggle,  which  has  just  terminated  in  th"  triumph 
of  her  nianiifartiires  over  her  ngriciiliure,  was  in- 
tended to  strengthen  her  nmnutiuluring  industry 
for  the  coming  contest.  I  earnestly  desire,  that 
whatever  may  be  her  success  elsewhere,  we  shall 
be  wise  enough  not  to  siibiiiit  ;)ur  own  manufac- 
turing interest  to  the  unequal  contest.  Let  us 
wisely  revise  our  present  system,  correct  its  er- 
rors, make  it  conform  to  sound  iirinciplea  of  dis- 
crimination when  it  dejinrts  from  lliein,  and  steadi- 
ly maintain  it.  This  is  our  interest  and  our  duly; 
and  I  doiilit  not  but  that,  whatever  may  be  the 
temporary  triumphs  of  faction,  the  policy  which 
has  been  steadily  pursued  by  the  fathera  of  the 
Republic,  from  the  formation  of  our  Constitution 
till  this  time,  wisely  adapting  itself  to  changes  of 
times  and  circumstances,  will  be  maintained  by  the 
people,  and  will  continue  to  p.ninote  ti.t '  ,ipincs9, 
the  wealth,  the  prosperity,  and  the  indepeiidmcu  of 
our  country.  I 

THE  TARIFF.  I 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  H.  S.  CLARKE, 

OF  NORTH  CAROLINA, 
In  the  Housk  of  IIepreoentatives,  i 

/un«  30,  IB46.  j 

The  Tariff  bill  being  under  consideration  in  Com- ' 
niittee  of  the  Whole —  i 

Mr.  CLARKE  said:  When  we  entered  upon  I 
the  discussion  of  the  subject  of  the  taritf,  I  felt  that 
we  had  reached  the  great  question  of  the  session.  , 
I  regard  all  others  which  have  come  before  us,  and 
which  can  come  before  us,  as  inferior  in  inipor-  j 
taiic.e  to  it.  The  possession  of  Oregon,  the  acqui- 
sition of  Texas,  are  secondary  in  comparison  with 
it;  for  whilst  those  two  subjects  look  to  the  exten- 
sion of  the  area  of  freedom,  in  the  question  or  the 
taritf  is  intimately  involved  the  liberly  of  action, 
the  freedom  of  trade,  of  those  already  included 
within  that  area.  What  boots  it  that  we  should 
engage  in  a  crusade  over  the  world  in  order  to 
make  proselytes  to  our  political  faith,  if,  when 
made,  they  are  to  become  tenfold  more,  the  chil- 
dren of  oppression  and  exaction  than  they  were  be- 
fore? Tlie  question  of  war  is  almost  interior  to  it. 
War  must  have  a  Icrniination — its  ravages  may  bo 
repaired  by  time;  glory  nnd  ..^ifcty  ollcn  follow  in 
its  footsteps.  Hut,  sir,  if  with  the  overwhelming, 
the  all-powerful  majority  of  the  Democratic  party 
in  this  Congress — a  party  pledged  to  the  repeal  of 
the  tarilf  of  1842 — that  act  is  allowed  to  survive 
the  present  Congress,  our  doom  for  all  lime  to 
come  is  sealed.  Not  a  ray  of  hope  is  suft'ered  to 
gild  the  dark  future.  For  all  time  to  come  the  sys- 
of  unequal  nnd  unjust  taxation  is  destined  to  im- 
poverish nnd  oppress  the  masses  of  the  people,  iii 
cu'der  to  enrich  nnd  aggrandize  a  fortunate  few. 
Privilege  and  monopoly  are  henceforth  to  hold 
their  undisputed  sway,  levying  contributions  upon 
the  honest  gains  of  labor  to  swell  the  cotTeis  of  the 
lordly  capitalist.  Such,  sir,  is  the  imporlant  light 
in  which  this  subject  addresses  itself  to  my  mind; 
and,  with  this  impression  of  its  magnitude,  I  couhl 
not  do  less  than  raise  my  humble  voice  in  favor  of 
the  reform  which  this  bill  proposes  in  the  manner 
of  raising  the  revenues  of  the  country.  What, 
then,  is  a  tariff .'  At  first  blush  this  would  seem 
to  be  an  idle  nnd  unnec:wsary  inquiry.  But  so 
crude  are  the  notions  that  arc  nt  times  advanced 
about  it,  and  so  various  are  the  lights  in  which  it 
is  exhibited  to  the  people,  that  it  is  not  entirely 
without  profit  lo  determine  this  preliminary  ques- 
lion.    The  tariff  has  been  bo  often  held  up  as 


something  by  which  American  labor  is  to  be  pro- 
lecled,  American  industry  to  be  pronioled,  ami 
American  /lory  and  iiide|)endenco  to  lie  secured, 
that  it  is  by  no  means  wonderful  that  it  hIioiiIiI 
have  enlisted  the  peculiar  regnrd  nnd  veneraiioii 
of  those  who  look  only  to  nnines  nnd  to  empty 
professions.  Why,  sir,  a  tariff  is  nothing  mora 
nor  less  than  a  lia,  or  rather  a  list  of  tuxes.  The 
taxes  with  which  the  people  are  most  familiar  are 
such  as  are  imposed  upon  their  own  bends,  and 
upon  their  land  and  boiim's.  The  objc'-ta  of  thia 
ordinary  nnd  familiar  lax  are  hiii  few  in  mimlwr, 
whilst  the  tariff  is  n  tax  upon  almost  everyUiiiiK 
wilh  whii'li  we  ant  surroiiniliMl.  It  is  a  lax  on  the 
clothes  which  we  wear — iipiiii  ihe  sugar  and  nw- 
laNses,aiid  salt,  which  we  daily  consume — upon  ll  e 
iron,  ihe  hoe, the  plough;  iiiilrcd,nll  tin  imploments 
of  the  farni  and  the  wnrkslnip.  In  IK4II,  the  old 
women  of  the  country  were  alarnieij  at  the  idea  that 
llieir  chickens  nnd  other  poiilliy  were  to  be  taxed. 
That  was  all  humbug,  goiieii  up  for  iiolliicnl  pui- 
poses,aiid  it  answered  too  well  tlie  end  to  be  accom- 
plished. The  tariff,  however,  docs,  in  truth  and 
in  fart,  lax  their  pins,  their  needles,  their  thi..ibli's, 
ihe  cotloii  with  which  they  sew,  their  silk,  iheir 
shovelsand  tongs,  nnd  andirons;  ii  taxes  the  locks 
and  keys  of  their  dairies;  and,  if  it  does  not  tax 
their  chickens,  ii  tuxes  the  pot  in  which  thechick- 
eiu-  are  cooked. 

There  is  also  another  way  in  which  our  worthy 
cniinlrywouien,  parliciilarly  of  the  South,  have 
been  materially  injured  by  the  high  protective 
tariffs  which  we  have  had  for  several  yearn.  For- 
merly the  wives  and  daughters  of  our  honest  and 
industrious  farmers  used  lo  make  large  quantities  of 
homespun.  1  well  remember,  when  a  boy, of  see- 
ing the  count'Ts  of  our  country  stores  groaning 
under  the  weight  of  their  accumulation.  With 
these  were  pun^hased  the  sugar  and  colfce  used  by 
the  fiimily,  and  occasionally  a  .Sunday  dress  for  all 
the  children.  Now,  however,  the  large  manufac- 
turing establislimenis,  built  up  by  our  high  and 
unjust  tnrifl's,  have  flooded  Ihe  country  with  in- 
ferior goods,  nnd  have  driven  these  worthy  and 
industrious  females  out  of  the  maik.^t.  And  what 
is  the  consequence  ?  Formerly  they  were  the  wil- 
ling helpmates  to  their  hi'slmnds  and  fathers  in  the 
all-important  business  of  living.  Abie,  without 
encouragement  to  labor  at  their  appropriate  occu- 
pations, they  are  necessarily  drones,  feeding  on  the 
labor  of  others.  This  tiirilf  operates  as  a  lax  upon 
every  bushel  of  corn  nnd  pens,  or  bane!  of  flour, 
or  any  other  pniducc  of  the  farm  which  is  ex- 
changed for  the  products  of  the  nianufacuiry.  This 
operation  of  the  tarilT  is  susceptible  of  the  very 
clearest  dcmon.stration.  We  will  suppose  that  be- 
fore any  tariff  is  laid,  the  farmer  cnn  take  his 
bushel  of  corn,  worth  foriy  cents,  and  exchange  it 
for  a  bushel  of  salt,  valued  at  the  same  price.  We 
will  then  suppose  that  a  tarifl' of  ten  cents  is  put 
upon  the  salt,  which  increases  its  price  to  fifiy 
cents  a  bushel.  The  farmer's  bushel  of  corn  will 
not  then  pay  for  the  bushel  of  .salt.  He  must  now 
give  a  bushel  and  a  peck.  This  peck  is  llie  lax 
which  the  tariff  levies  out  of  him  for  the  benetil  of 
the  manufacturers. 

So  far  as  this  tarifl'  tax  is  needed  for  the  purpose 
of  paying  the  expenses  of  IheGeneral  Govcrimieiit, 
economically  administered,  it  is  just  and  proper 
enough;  and  no  portion  of  the  people  will  complain, 
becau.se  it  is  perhaps  a  more  economical  and  salis- 
faetory  mode  of  raising  revenue  than  direct  taxes 
or  excise  duties,  or  any  other  way  that  has  been 
yet  devised.  But  when  money  enough  has  been 
raised  out  of  the  peojile  lo  pny  the  expenses  of  the 
Government,  I  am  opposed  to  imposing  any  fur- 
ther taxes  on  them  for  any  purpose  whatsoever. 
For,  sir,  if  in  the  imposition  of  taxes  we  depart 
from  the  plain  and  simple  rule  furnished  by  the 
necessities  of  the  General  Government,  and  say 
that  taxes  may  be  raised  for  the  purpose  of  en- 
couraging manufactories  or  commerce,  or  any  other 
pursuit,  there  ceases  to  be  any  rule  or  limit  of  tax- 
ation, except  the  will  of  an  interested  majority. 
And  I  hall  supposed  that  the  minority  in  this 
country  en  joyeil  their  rights  and  held  their  property 
by  something  more  stable,  something  more  per- 
manent, than  the  mere  will  and  caprice  of  a  ma- 
jority. I  thought  they  were  held  by  the  puaran- 
lies  of  the  Constitution,  and  by  the  principles  of 
equality  nnd  justice — older  than  all  cnnBtitutions, 

The  ingenious  advocates  of  a  protective  tariff 


yf-^i 


1036 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  30, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Clarice. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


have  succecdi'd,  to  a  very  considernlile  extent,  in 
crentins  llie  impression  on  the  public  min(l,thnt 
the  Hilvocntos  i\(  «  revenue  ittrilT  nre  inimical  lo 
mnnnf«rturc8;  iliiit  their  purpose  is  to  proHtrnte 
and  dcslroy  tliern  unceremoniously  and  unjustly. 
Tliis  wns  very  much  ihe  burden  of  the  speech  of 
the  hononilile  member  from  Vermont,  [Mr, 
MAnsii.{  This  is  a  false  iniprcssioti.  The  advo- 
cates of  a  revenue  tarilfarc  not  inimical  lo  man- 
ufacturers; and,  as  the  best  evidence  in  the  world 
nf  our  sincerity,  we  fiTcly  consent  to  have  imposed  1 
on  all  iinporleil  ;;oods  a  tax  of  from  20  to  30  per 
cent,,  which  will  yield  about  the  amount  necessary 
to  pay  the  oxpenses  of  the  Government,  and  which 
giieu,  to  that  amount,  to  protect  and  encourage  onr 
own  manufuciories.  And  as  far  as  I  am  concerned, 
I  will  go  fnrilicr,  and  suy,  ;hat  if  an  averajje  Ijix 
in  favor  of  the  miuiiifacturers  of  ^M>  per  cent,  upon 
all  such  articles  as  come  in  competition  with  tnem 
will  not  suslaiu  the  ni,  they  ought  lo  go  down. 
The  hicliesi  bnun(y  you  can  give  will  but  sustain 
H  puny,  sickly  existence,  which  cjtn  only  sustain 
itself  so  long  as  the  bounty  is  conlinueij.  Nor, 
sir,  do  they  really  need  more  than  '20  or  30  per 
rent,  for  a  healthy  and  prosjierous  existence. 
When  they  ask  for  a  higher  per  cent.,  it  is  only 
to  enable  tlicm  to  make  large  and  exorbiiant  sinns 
of  money  by  maiuifictiiring.  Let  ns  look  a  little 
more  in  detail  into  this  matter.  What,  a  bounty 
of  20  or  31)  per  cent,  not  enough  to  satisfy  the  cra- 
vings of  these  insatiate  monopolists  !  Twenty  or 
thirty  cents  in  the  dollar!  Why,  sir, yon  take  the 
poorest  man  that  you  can  6nd,  and  give  him  n'loney 
enough  to  buy  oiie  note — I  will  not  say  at  20  or  30 
per  cent.,  but  even  at  10  per  cent, — and  he  soon 
becomes  the  richest  man  amongst  us.  The  coun- 
try everywhere  furnishes  evidence  of  this  truth. 
And  vet  the  manufacturers  would  fain  persuade 
you  that  a  tariff  in  iheirfavor  of  SOor  30  per  cent., 
is  not  enough.  Can  you  believe  ii.'  VVill  you 
allow  yourselves  to  be  so  far  deluded  as  to  give 
them  more.'  When  iliey  ask  for  more,  can  you 
rid  yourself  of  the  suspicion  that  they  seek  to  im- 
pose taxes  on  those  engaged  in  agriculture  and 
commerce,  in  order  to  feather  their  own  pockets, 
Hiid  not  to  maintain  a  mere  e.xistence,  as  they 
would  have  you  believe.' 

Again,  air;  the  advocates  of  a  hi^h  protective 
tariff  are  very  fond  of  relying  upon  the  opiniim.s  of 
those  who  were  earliest  connected  with  the  ad- 
iniiiislration  of  the  Cicnernl  Government.  Talk  to 
them  of  the  unoonslituticnalily  of  a  protective  ta- 
riff, and  they  forthwith  refer  you  lo  that  famous 
act  of  Congress  of  1789,  passed  a  year  or  so  aficr 
the  finualion  of  the  Constitution,  and  framed  liy 
those  men  who  bore  an  important  part  in  the  work 
of  its  formation.  Anil  what,  I  would  a^k,  did  the 
good  and  patriotic  men  of  those  days  consider  am- 
ple protection  to  the  mani'facturing  interest.'  Look 
at  that  first  act,  the  act  of  17t!i),  and  you  find  ihe 
tariff  ranging  from  5  to  10  per  cent.  In  the  iiiftm- 
ri(  of  maiui factories,  then — when  they  were  first 
struggling  into  (xistencc;  when,  it  is  natural  and 
r.uional  to  suppose,  they  would  require  the  largest 
bounty  and  the  most  ample  protection — the  wise 
and  good  men  of  those  times  thought  that  a  tax  in 
their  favor  of  10  percent,  was  abundanily  liberal. 
But,  afier  being  nursed  for  more  than  fil^y  years; 
aOer  having  acquired,  if  they  ever  will,  tlie  vigiu- 
iif  manhood,  they  are  not  satisfied  with  three  limes 
10  per  rent.  At  that  period,  it  was  openly  pro- 
claimed by  their  special  friends,  that  it  was  only 
in  their  infancy  that  they  would  require  any  sort 
of  protection.  Our  opponents  on  this  question 
behave  with  a  great  want  of  candor  in  their  com- 
inentaiie.s  upon  this  act  of  1780.  Talk  to  them  of 
the  unconstitutionality  of  a  protective  tariff,  and 
they  iinined.  ttiv  lug  in  this  fannnis  act  of  C'on- 
gre.is,  in  the  preainblc  of  which  it  is  stoted  that 
one  of  the  oiijects  of  il.s  passage  was  the  protection 
of  inaiiufactiues;  but  when  you  .seek  to  deleriuiiie 
the  proper  ainounl  of  protection,  and  refer  to  this 
very  s.in'e  act,  in  which  its  frann'rs  thought  ID  per 
cent,  was  sufficient,  iliey  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  all  you 
can  Kay.  .Vow,  if  this  early  act  of  Congress  be 
aulliorily  for  any  one  position  or  principle,  it  is 
equally  good  aulliority  for  eviry  |)riuciple  contain- 
ed in  it.  If  it  be  aulliority  to  .settle  the  question 
that  C'ongriss  has  a  right  lo  lay  taxes  for  the  pro- 
tection of  manufactures,  it  is  eriually  as  good  tm- 
thorily  that  those  Uixes  should  never  be  liigher 
than    10  per  cent.     So  well  cunvinced  were  the 


patriotic  men  of  those  times  that  n  lax  less  than  30  I 
;  per  cent,   was  sufficient  protection   to  manufac- 
I  lures,  even  in  their  infancy,  that,  when  i:  became 
necessary  to  raise  more  money  in  order  to  defray 
I  the  increasing  expenses  of  the  Government,  rather 
!  than  increase  the  farlff  higher  than  17  per  cent., 
they  proposed  to  rcr     t  for  the  remainder,  if  more 
should  be  needed,  to  land  tax  and  excise  duties,  i 
And  upon  adverting  lo  their  arguments  against  a  ; 
;  further  increase  of  the  tarilT,  at  that  lime,  than  17 
'  per  cent.,  one  cannot  fail  lo  be  struck  with  the  re- : 
mnrkable  coincidence  of  the  reasoning  of  those 
men   with   that  of  the  Democratic  parly  of  the 
i  present  day.     They  argued   "  that   high   duties 
:  serve  to  beget  a  general  spirit  of  smuggling."    So 
we  say.  "They  tend  to  render,"  said  they,  "other 
clas.sesof  ihe  community  tribnfary  in  an  improper 
degree  to  the  manufacturing  classes."    So  Ihe  Pe- 
inocratic  parly  now  argues.     "They  sometimes 
fiUTe  industry  out  of  its  most  natural  channels, 
into  others,  in  which  it  flows  with  less  case  and 
advantage."    So  onr  party  now  contends.  "They 
oppress  and  injure  the  navigating  interest,"     The 
very  language  of  the  Democracy  of  fo-dnv.     As 
a  party,  we  but  preach  the  political  doctrines  on 
,  this  snbjeri  which  we  derived  from  the  primitive 
political  fathers — which  we  drew  forth  from  those  , 
fountain-heads  of  wisdom  and  purity.     Stand  by 
their  opinions  and  iheir  practice,  and  wo  are  con- 
tent.    These  are  the  old  landmarks. 

But  there  is  another  authority — a  more  modern 
one,  but  certainly  not  an  inferior  one  with  those 
who  are  the  warmest  advocates  of  the  pioleclive 
I  system — for  saying  that  even  20  percent,  is  ample 
j  for  all  the  purposes  of  fair  and  wholesome  protec- 
:  lion.  That  nii;horily  is  Mr.  Clay,  the  father  of 
the  whole  American  system,  of  which  this  scheme 
ofprolecting  manufactures  is  a  prominent  part.  No 
one  understood  belter  than  Mr.  Clay  Ihe  operation 
I  of  the  protective  tariff.  He  was  its  author — its 
.  friend — its  ablest  advocate;  he  had  watched  with 
anxious  solicitude  its  operation  ever  since  the  year  | 
18lfi.  From  that  year  until  1828  and  1832,"  the 
burdens  of  the  tariff  became  so  intolerable  to  the 
southern  portion  of  the  Union,  that  South  Carolina 
determined  to  refuse  at  oil  hazards  to  pay  its  op- 
pressive exactions.  General  Jackson,  who  was 
1  then  President  of  the  United  States,  seemed  equally 
determined  in  the  resolution  lo  force,  at  the  point 
of  the  bayonet,  if  necessary,  their  paymenl.  Mr. 
Clay,  actuated  either  by  hatred  of  General  Jack- 
son, or  perhaps  by  the  more  noble  impulse  of  de- 1 
votion  to  the  Union,  interposed  his  kind  offices,  ' 
and  elTected  a  compromise  between  the  manufac- 
turing and  planting  inleresis  on  the  one  side,  and 
the  agricultural  and  commercial  interests  on  the 
other  side.  By  this  compromise,  the  high  and 
exorbitant  taxes  which  had  been  imposed  for  the 
advantage  of  manufactures,  by  the  tariff  of  1828 
and  1832,  were  to  be  gradually  reduced  until  the 
'  year  1812,  when  20  per  cent,  was  to  be  the  amount 
of  future  bounty  lo  them.  Whenever  Mr.  Clay 
had  occasion  to  speak  or  lo  write  about  the  elfect 
of  this  reduction,  he  iilv.ays  spoke  and  wrote,  so 
far  as  I  am  aware,  that  the  20  per  cent.,  lo  which 
the  duties  were  eveninally  lo  be  iMluced,  would 
afl'ord  ample  prfttection;  and  what,  in  his  estima- 
tion, recommended  it.self  lo  their  most  favornble 
consideration,  was  the  stability  and  permanency 
which  it  promised.  IMiis  want  of  periuaneiicy, 
prodnccil  by  constant  ch  -igcs  in  llie  tariff,  he  rep- 
resented (and  no  doubt  iT(iresenled  honestly  and 
correctly)  lo  be  deeply  injurious  to  all  the  varied 
interests  nf  the  country,  but  to  no*ie  more  so  than 
to  the  miuiufaciiiring  interest.  He  predicted,  wliiii 
Ihe  events  of  the  last  year  or  iwo  have  proved  to 
be  prophecy,  that  if  the  duties  were  ever  I'aiscd 
higher  than  20  per  cent.,  it  was  impossibli^  for  them 
ever  lo  remain  so.  Murnniring  and  dissatisfaction 
would  ensu*',  and  its  result  would  be  the  certain 
reduction  of  the  taxes;  thus  producing  those  ruin- 
ous fiiicliialions,  so  faUd  to  every  fair,  healthful 
business  pursuit.  This  continued  to  be  the  opin- 
ion of  Mr.  (.'lay  until  1841,  when  the  prospect  nf 
the  Presidency  opening  upon  his  vision,  let  in  new 
'  lights  on  ihis  imporlaiil  subject.  His  disinterested 
and  .lubiassed  judgment  was,  thai  211  per  cent,  pro- 
tection Wiis  all  thiit  was  needed,  and  was  more 
desirable  than  a  higher  duty,  because  of  the  prob- 
ability iliiii  it  would  be  rcndi'rcd  permanent  by  the 
iiei-essilies  of  the  (ioverninent. 
I       Another  reiuion,  operating  still  more  powerfully. 


inducing  me  to  believe  that  a  tax  in  favor  of  the 
manufaiturera  of  20  per  cent,  even  will  afford  suf. 
ficient  proleclion,  and  is  all  that  honealy  and  fair- 
ness ought  to  demand,  is  the  huge  profits  realized 
by  those  who  arc  engaged  in  them.  The  income 
upon  capital  invested  in  manufactures  is  said  in 
some  cases  lo  be  as  high  as  40  per  cent.;  that  is, 
for  every  one  hundred  dollars  employed  in  manu- 
facturing, an  annual  profit  of  forty  dollars  is  ob- 
tained; whilst  the  average  profit  of  iiiveslmenis  in 
agriculture  cannot  be  more  than  4  or  5  per  cent. 
The  average  profit  IVom  the  labor  of  a  hand  in 
agriculture  is  computed  at  sixty  dollars;  whilst  tim 
average  of  a  hand  employed  in  manufacturing  is 
said  to  be  one  hundred  and  sixty — nearly  three 
times  as  much.  When  there  is  such  a  vast  differ- 
ence in  the  profits  of  the  two  employments,  is  it 
not  reversing  the  order  of  things  lo  insist  that  the 
least  profilaiilc  occupation  should  be  taxed,  in 
order  to  swell  the  income  and  receipts  of  the  most 
profitable .' 

Again:  the  advocates  of  a  high  tariff  tell  us  that 
it  is  necessary,  in  order  lo  prevent  the  importation 
of  freign  goods  into  this  country.  They  tell  iia 
that  they  cannot  compete  with  the  foreigner,  if  he 
is  allowed  lo  bring  his  manulaclurcs  into  ihis  coun- 
try. The  foreigner,  it  is  allegeil,  will  undersell 
and  ruin  him.  It  is  by  such  appeals  to  the  patri- 
otism and  pride  of  the  people,  that  heavy  protect- 
ive Uirills  are  enacted,  in  order  to  keep  the  foreign 
manuf.icturer  out  of  the  country.  But  these  same 
men,  who  complain  that  they  cannot  come  in  com- 
petition with  Ihe  foreigner,  unless  the  heaviest  duty 
is  imposed  upon  his  importations,  will  carry  their 
manufactures  to  many  parts  of  the  civilized  world 
— to  China,  to  Brazil,  and  to  the  British  American 
colonies,  for  instance — and  will  there  successfully 
compete  with  and  undersell  the  Knglish  manufac- 
turers, where  they  have  to  pay  freight  and  insu- 
rance, and  commissiims  for  selling,  and  where, 
instead  of  having  a  loriff  in  their  jMor,  they  are 
compelled  to  pay  a  tarilV.  And  yet  they  would 
fain  endeavor  to  persuade  ua  that  they  cannot, 
without  almost  a  prohibitive  tariff,  compete  with 
the  foreign  manufacturer  here  at  home,  in  their 
own  country,  where  they  have  no  freight,  no  in- 
surance, nor  commissions  to  pay;  and  where  we 
are  willing,  because  it  requires  as  much  to  pay  the 
expenses  of  the  OovernmenI,  to  give  them  20  or 
30  percent,  [iroleclion. 

Again:  a  Inrilfofcven  2;')  per  cent.,  which  is  this 
..vernge  of  the  revenue  tariff  which  we  propose,  is 
virtually  and  practically  a  duty  of  45  or  50  per 
cent,  in  favor  of  our  own  manufacturers.  Every 
importing  merchani,  when  his  goods  reach  the 
custom-house  i  this  country,  under  the  revenue 
tariff  which  we  propose,  must  pay  a  tax  of  25  per 
cent.  His  freight  and  insurance,  and  expenses  of 
purchasing  and  dilfiTeuce  in  exchange,  have  cost 
him  ".;  or  8  percent.;  and,  lo  enable  him  lo  live  and 
ccuitinne  his  business,  he  must  put  on  a  per  cent, 
to  pay  for  his  own  trouble.  He  cannot  well  do 
with  le.ss  than  12  <ir  i'2h  per  cent.  All  these  sev- 
eral suir.s  make  up  about  45  per  cent.  If  the  suij- 
tieasuiy  bill,  which  pn.ssed  this  Hon.«e  during  the 
present  session,  shall  become  a  law,  the  tariff 
duties  will  be  collected  in  gold  and  silver.  The 
dilfcreuce  between  gold  and  silver,  in  ordinary 
times,  and  in  large  quantities,  must  be  a  cent  or 
so;  and  in  times  of  revulsions  and  mercantile  dis- 
tress, which  the  banks  of  the  country  know  so  well 
how  lo  produce,  ihis  dirt'crfuce  rises  as  high  as  8 
or  10  cents.  Before  the  importer  of  foreign  goods 
is  prepared,  therefore,  to  enter  the  market  of  our 
own  country  in  competiiion  with  the  domeslic 
maniirariiircr,  his  goods  have  cost  him  45  or  .50 
cpiilN  ill  .lie  dollar  over  and  above  '*'  i  original 
cost,  even  under  llif-  very  lowest  ib''y  e  propose, 
r'ei'tainly  this  is  in  all  conscience  g-^  h.::  advantoge 
enough  to  our  own  niaiiufacturcrs,  Certainly, 
when  lliey  ask  for  n  liiglur  lax — for  slill  greater 
advantages — they  cannot  ask  it  because  their  own 
existence  and  w<-ll-bcing  demand  ii,  but  ill  order 
that  they  may  make  large  and  exorbiiant  profils, 
and  (iccnmulate  lordly  cstjites.  With  what  Iruili, 
then,  can  it  be  said  thai  the  advocates  of  a  revenue 
Inriff  are  the  sworn  enemies  of  our  inanufaclnring 
establishments — thai  llieir  whole  purpose  is  lo 
destroy  lliem  .'  There  is  no  truth  nor  shadow  of 
foiindnlinn  for  any  such  charge.  It  is  luily  their 
cormorant  and  insatiate  appetite  f'or  exorbilan' 
prutila — for  excessive  dividends — wliicli  we  resist. 


ally  of  1 

being  SI 

esty,nnd  I 

imporUi 

said  tha 

people, 

the  rcli| 

not  as 

polilictti 

facturer, 

he,  too, 

posed  to  { 

Is  condii 

responds 

Do  not  c 

that,  in 

make  tli 

highest 

The  hoii 

I.AMF.n] 

tariff  in 

and  pla 

Bunpos 

allay, 

the  elVei 

foreifjn 

three 

each. 

of  ten 

ehenpc 

to  havi 

this 

busine 

ments 

engage 

inciea 

lo  a 

seeing 

whid 

comu 

th., 

the 

his  p 

sitioi 


1946.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1037 


29th  Cong 1st  Sesf. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Clarke. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


lb. 

Jin 
111. 
I  ill 


It 

the 


But,  sir,  the  nJvocnipg  of  a  high  protective  tniifT 
addreds  to  us  two  considerations  which  they  think 
should  induce  us  to  favor  high  taxation  for  the  en- 
cnurngcmciitof  our  own  manufacf>rics;  and  I  must 
confess  that,  if  either  consideration  is  founded  in 
truth,  we  should  not  only  be  reconciled  to  the  very 
hi^'hcat  tarifl' which  could  be  imposed,  but  our  own 
interest  would  prompt  us  to  liei omc  its  warm  and 
most  zealous  advocates.  The  first  of  these  con- 
siderations is  the  one  that  a  hij^li  tarifl'  lessens  the 
price  of  the  articles  on  which  it  is  imposed.  The 
other  part  of  the  doctrine  teaches  that,  however 
high  a  tariff  may  be  imposed,  we  .lo  not  pay  it,  but 
that  the  foreign  manufacturer,  whose  goods  areim- 

})orted  into  tliis  country,  pays  it.  Now,  as  to  the 
irst  consideration  or  argument,  to  wit,  that  high 
taxes  lessen  the  prices  of  the  articles  on  which  they 
are  imposed.  Is  this  really  true  .'  If  it  be  true, 
the  first  and  irresistible  emotion  excited  in  the  mind 
of  R  rational  creature  is  that  of  surprise  and  aston- 
ishment that  the  miinufacturers  themselves  should 
be  found  arrayed  on  the  side  of  a  high  tax.  If  it 
were  really  true  that  a  high  protective  tariff  lessen- 
ed the  price,  and  the  manufacturers  were  in  trmh 
advocating  it  with  that  impression  and  for  that 
reason,  they  would  certainly  exceed  any  other 
people  or  class  of  people  in  the  known  world  for 
charity,  for  liberality,  and  magnanimiiy.  Whilst 
all  the  rest  of  the  world  are  disposed  loget  all  they 
CAn  for  what  they  have  to  sell,  the  good  and  chari- 
table men  who  are  engaged  in  manufacturing  would 
have  us  believe  tiiat  they  are  distressed  with  Ihe 
idea  of  getting  too  much  for  the  fruits  of  their 
labor.  And,  as  if  afraid,  lest,  in  the  end,  tempta- 
tion might  make  them  as  bad  as  their  neighbors — 
as  grasping  as  the  rest  of  their  fcllow-cilizens — they 
are  consiaiitly,  and  earnestly,  and  beseechingly 
praying  Congress  to  have  laws  passed  which  will 
prevent  them  from  obtaining  too  high  a  price  for 
what  they  may  have  to  sell.  My  little  acquaint- 
ance with  the  ordinary  every-day  transactions  of 
life  had  i  iduced  me  to  believe  that  any  person 
could  sell  whatever  he  desired  at  as  low  a  price  as 
he  could  well  wish,  without  the  benefit  of  any  law 
to  that  elVecl;  but  those  unfortunate  men,  neing 
pressed  by  their  neighbors  to  take  a  higher  price  I 
for  their  manufacluri'S  than  they  conscientiously 
believe  they  ought  to  U\ke,are  driven  to  the  ncces-  ! 
sity  of  an  appeal  to  Congress  to  prevent  them  from  1 
being  seduced  from  the  path  of  liberality,  and  lion-  i 
e8ty,and  fair-dealing,  by  the  continued  and  repealed  \ 
impni'tiinilies  of  their  neigliljnrs.  Well  may  it  be 
said  that  there  are  Pharisees  among  all  cins.ses  of 
people,  in  politics  as  well  as  in  religion;  and  whilst  i 
the  religious  Pharisee  thanks  his  God  that  he  is 
not  as  other  men,  unjust,  extortioners,  &c.,  the 
political  Phari.see,  or  rather  the  pharisaical  manu- 
facturer, thanks  the  author  of  his  existence  that 
he,  too,  is  unlike  the  rest  of  liis  fellow-men — dis- 
po.sed  to  get  all  they  can  for  the  iVuils  of  their  labor. 
Is  conduct  like  this  reasonable  ?  Is  it  such  as  cor- 
responds with  our  knowledge  of  human  nature.' 
Do  not  our  experience  and  observation  teach  us 
that,  in  all  situations  in  life,  all  are  disposed  to 
make  the  best  bargains  they  can — lo  obtain  the 
highest  price  po.ssible  for  what  they  have  to  sell? 
The  lionoralile  member  from  Vermont  [Mr.  Coi- 
i.AMF.n]  seems  to  think  that  the  operation  of  llie 
tariff  ill  leducing  llic  price  of  goods  is  the  simplest 
and  plainest  of  oil  things.  Before  the  tarifl",  lie 
aunposes  the  shneniakrr  to  sell  one  pair  of  shoes 
a  (lay,  at  a  clear  profit  of  ten  cents.  Afler  the  tariff, 
the  cIVects  of  which,  lie  admits,  is  to  keep  out  the 
foieigii  shoes,  the  slioomaker  is  enabled  to  spil 
ihiff:  pair  a  day  at  the  .ianie  profit  of  ten  cents 
each.  He  now  niiil.is  thirty  cciiis  a  day,  insiead 
of  ten  cents;  and  liierefore  can  afford  to  sell  them 
oheaper.  The  honi  rable  member  does  not  appear 
to  have  advened  in  tips  connexion  to  the  fact  that 
this  sudden  increase  of  profits  in  that  particular 
business  would  divert  capital  from  other  employ- 
ments where  it  is  less  profitably  invested,  to  be 
engaged  in  the  shoeinaking  business,  and  that  this 
increase  of  shoemakers  will  soon  diminish  the  sale 
to  a  pair  of  shoes  a  day,  instead  of  three.  He 
seems  lo  have  attended  still  less  lo  the  admission 
which  he  makes  in  staling  his  propiisiiion,  that  the 
commerce — the  navigating  interi.'st — which,  before 
th-  iriff,  was  engaged  in  bringing  foreign  shoes  intn 
the  country,  is  destroyed  or  greatly  crippled  by 
his  prohibiloni  tariff,  for  it  is  only  upon  the  suppo- 
sition that   foreign   shoes  are  entirely  prohibited 


that  his  theory  is  founded.  And  the  inquiry  might 
very  properly  be  made  of  him  to  know  what  right 
this  Government  has  to  destroy  one  interest  in 
order  to  build  up  another  on  its  ruins — to  destroy 
the  navigating  interest,  for  instance,  to  build  up 
and  increase  the  profits  of  the  manufacturing  inter- 
est, whether  that  manufacture  be  the  making  of 
shoes  or  any  other  commodity. 

Again,  if  a  high  tariff  lessened  the  price  of  articles 
of  merchandise,  one  would  very  naturally  suppose 
that  the  manufacturers  and  their  friends  would  favor 
the  very  highest  tax  upon  all  the  materials  they 
use  in  their  operations;  that  they  would,  for  in- 
stance, beseech  Congress,  in  order  that  they  might 
be  cheapened,  to  impose  the  very  highest  tax  on 
the  wool  oi  New  Holland,  or  of  Morocco,  which 
is  now  brought  into  the  country  on  a  tariflTof  only 
five  per  cent.;  on  the  hemp  of  Russia,  and  on  the 
indigo  of  India,  which  are  now  subject  to  a  very 
inconsiderable  tax;  or  on  thedyewood  of  Prussia,  j 
which  is  now  imported  into  our  counlry  free  of 
duty.  [ 

lint  the  manufacturing  interest  is  opposed  to  all  j 
duty  upon  these  articles,  which  they  would  not 
and  could  not  be  if  the  effect  of  a  high  duly  was 
to  enable  them  to  be  bought  at  a  lower  priie.  A 
most  wonderfnl  people  these  manitfactuiei  are — 
wonderful  in  their  sagacity  to  see  benefits  where 
no  one  else  ran  see  them:  wonderful  in  their  hon- 
esty, wonderful  in  their  liberality,  and  most  won- 
derful in  their  magnanimity.  They  arc  not  only 
willing  to  sell  what  they  have  to  spare  at  the  very 
lowest  price,  hut  they  are  also  willing  that  the  laws 
under  which  they  live  should  be  so  framed  us  to 
compel  them  to  give  the  very  hiihest  prices  for 
everything  they  have  to  buy.  They  have  found 
out  that  the  world  has  been  laboring  under  a  delu- 
sion for  the  last  four  thousand  years  or  longer, 
whilst  it  has  taught,  as  a  lesson  of  wholesome  pru- 
dence, that  you  should  liny  where  you  can  buy 
cheapest,  and  sell  where  you  can  sell  for  the  most. 
Their  motto  now  is.  Buy  where  you  have  to  pay 
the  highest  prices,  and  sell  to  those  who  will  give 
yon  the  least:  that  is,  if  you  have  a  hundred  bar- 
rels of  corn  to  spare,  carry  it  to  market,  and  there 
sell  it  to  the  man  who  offers  you  the  least;  and  if 
you  then  wish  to  purchase  any  goods,  go  to  that 
store  that  will  charge  you  the  highest  prices.  In 
this  way  you  arc  taught  lo  believe  that  you  will 
encourage  liie  merchants  and  benefit  yourself. 
That  the  interest  of  the  merchants  will  be  pro- 
moted by  such  a  traffic,  is  not  ditticiilt  to  he  under- 
stood; but  Ihe  peculiar  process  by  which  the  farmer 
is  to  be  benefited  by  such  a  trade  has,  I  venture  lo 
say,  eluded  the  perception  of  all,  save  the  keen- 
sighted  mnimfaclurer.  This  is  but  a  fair  applico- 
lion  of  their  doctrines  to  the  every-day  transactions 
of  life.  Can  anything  be  more  delusive — can  any- 
thing he  more  false?  Is  it  possiiile  that  human 
reason  can  be  brought  to  believe  it.'  It  has  nut 
even  Ihe  appearance  of  plausibility  to  rccooimencl 
it.  They  wish  to  sell  their  goods  ol  Imrer  prices; 
hence  they  support  a  high  tariff.  They  wish  lo 
buy  their  hemp  and  wool  nt  the  h'r^hpst  prices; 
hence  they  resist  every  attempt  in  tax  them  at  all. 
But  the  prolectionisis  say  they  can  afford  lo  sell 
cheaper,  because  a  high  larilV  gives  them  the  mo- 
nopoly of  the  home  market;  that  is  to  say,  you 
lessen  prices  by  excliiiliiig  competition.  Here  is 
another  new  doctrine  reserved  for  the  sagacity  and 
penetration  of  these  modern  wiseacres  in  politics. 
The  rule  has  always  lierclofore  been  that  coinpe- 
iilion  diminished  the  price  of  goods.  Oiir  oppo- 
nents, however,  strive  now  to  persuade  us  lo  be- 
lieve that,  contrary  to  all  experience,  conipelilion 
increases  prices.  Les.sen,  say  they,  the  number 
of  sellers,  by  shulling  out  by  high  laxniion  the 
'  foreign  trader,  and  the  single  market  furnished  by 
■  this  country  will  be  aJile  and  willing  to  sell  you 
goods  as  cheap  af:ain.  The  saying  is,  "  live  and 
lenrn;"  and  most  truly  do  they  seek  to  learn  us 
wonderful  and  strange  lessons  loiicliing  ihe  every- 
day concerns  of  life.  But  is  it  even  true  that  the 
manufacturers  have  enjoyed  the  home  market,  to 
the  total  or  even  partial  exclusion  of  the  foreign 
trader.'  for,  if  there  be  not  a  monopoly  of  the 
market  at  home,  then  does  the  argument  founded 
on  such  assumption,  by  which  lliey  ntlenipt  to 
account  for  Ihe  cheapening  of  goods,  fall  to  the 
ground.  The  contr.idictory  slatements  of  their 
own  friends  furnish  Ihe  most  conclusive  testimony 
•  upon  this  point.     During  the  last  Congress,  an 


honorable  Senator  from  Maine,  [Mr.  Evans,] 
who  WHS  at  that  time  chairman  of  the  Committee 

!  on  Finance,  maintained  in  a  most  elaborate  speech 
that  the  importation  of  foreign  goods  into  this 
country,  so  far  from  being  diminished  under  the 
operation  of  the  tariff  of  1843,  was  actually  in- 
creased.    If  this  he  true,  what,  then,  becomes  of 

I  this  monopoly  of  the  home  market,  which  is  to 
work  such  wonders  in  lessening  prices  ?  Such  are 
the  inconsistencies  into  which  error  is  sure  to  in- 
volve itself.  Ask  a  high-tariff  man  to  point  out 
to  you  how  it  is  that  such  a  tax  is  to  diminish 
prices,  and  he  tells  you  that  it  excludes,  to  a  great- 
er or  less  extent,  foreign  goods;  oiid  by  thus  giv- 
ing the  domestic  manufacluifv  the  monopoly  of 
the  home  market,  he  is  able  to  sell  his  goods  at 
grea'ly  reduced  prices.  Tell  him  that,  if  this  state- 
ment be  true,  it  proves  that,  at  least,  a  high  lariif 
injures  and  destroys  commerce;  and  he  immedi- 
ately sets  to  work  to  satisfy  you  that,  since  ilic 
high  tarilfof  1842,  the  iinporlation  of  foreign  goods, 
upon  which  this  commerce  dcpciids,  has  increased 
in  value  and  quantity.  In  one  breath,  and  lo  sup- 
port one  theory,  foreign  importations  are  said  to 
be  greatly  diminished,  if  not  excluded.  In  another 
breath,  and  for  the  support  of  another  ilieory,  it 
is  alleged  with  equal  confidence  that  these  import- 
ations have  actually  increased  in  a  very  cnnsidcr- 
uIjIc  amount.  In  the  language  of  a  ilislinrLiished 
gentleman,  [Mr.  Woodbury,]  it  is  very  foininate 
for  the  independence  and  present  prospciiiy  of 
our  counlry,  that  our  forefathers  did  not  possess 

I  the  sagacity  to  discover  this  new  doctrine  in  polit- 

!  ical  economy;  for,  if  they  had  been  so  unfortunate 
as  to  find  out  that  the  tax  on  tea,  which  wa.s  tlic 

'  main  cause  of  the  Revolution,  reduced  iia  price, 
we  might  still  have  been  provinces  of  the  British 
crown.     How  forliinale  would  it  be  for  the  mil- 

;  lers  throughout  Ihe  country,  as  well  as  for  their 
customers,  if  they  could  be  brought  to  undeisiand 

'  and  believe  it.  The  more  toll  the  miller  lakes, 
the  belter  it  is  for  him:  this  is  a  posiliiui  which  we 
can  all  see  and  understand.  And  if  our  oppo- 
nents be  correct  in  their  new  doctrine,  it  is  equally 
true  the  more  toll  that  is  taken  out  of  the  groin, 

■  the  more  meal  would  be  given  to  the  farmer. 
Magic  and  mesmerism  must  be  put  lo  the  bhisli, 
whenever  mentioned  in  cimnexiou  with  this  polit- 

I  ical  leiierdemain,  which  confers  benefits  as  well 
where  it  takes  os  where  it  gives. 

Our  ears  are  constonlly  saluted  with  the  decla- 
ration that  goods  are  cheaper;  and  we  are  called 
on  to  explain  this  with  a  confidence,  on  the  p.irl  of 
those  who  make  the  call,  which  plainly  shows  a 
persuasion,  on  their  pari,  that  it  can  only  be  ac- 
counted for  by  the  tarilT.  But  before  we  proceed 
to  allempl  to  do  so,  let  us  learn  what  we  are  lo 
understand  by  this  oft-repented  declaration.  Is  it 
only  intended  lo  be  asserted  that  they  are  cheaper 
now  than  they  were  some  forty  or  fifty  years  ago.' 
If  this  is  all  that  is  meant,  this  fall  in  prices  can 

'  be  accounted  for  on  principles  much  more  rational 
and  much  more  consonant  v/ilhour  experience,  as 
I  sholl  attempt  toshow  before  I  take  my  seal,  than 
upon  the  supposition  that  it  has  been  eifectcd  by  a 
high  tariff.  Do  its  advocates  mean  to  be  iinder- 
stood  as  asserting  that  the  manufacturers  of  ihis 
country  can  sell  goods  of  the  same  quality  cheaper 
than  they  can  be  boiiirlit  in  foreign  countries.'  If 
Ihey  answer  in  the  nejralive,  then  our  reply  to 
thcin  is,  that  they  have  no  rialit  lo  insist  upfiii  the 
passaic  of  laws  which  will  prevent  us  from  buy- 
ing where  we  can  buy  the  cheapest;  nor  lo  com|]fl 
us"  by  tiie  operation  of  the  tarilf,  lo  buy  at  higher 
prices  at  home  than  we  can  purchase  for  abroad. 
If  they  answer  in  the  affirmalivn— if  ihcy  admit  that 

'  they  can  s^ll  their  goods  as  cheap  as  iliey  can  lie 
bought  in  foreign  countries — our  answer  is,  that 
they  then  need  no  protection.  If  Ihey  can  sell  as 
cheapastlirycanat  home.lhey  call  mosi  assuredly 

'compete  with  them  in  this  country,  after  the  im- 
porter has  encountered  the  additional  charges  of 
freight,  insurance,  and  commission,  in  bringing 
them  here.  In  the  beginning  of  this  session, 
goods  of  Enslish  manufacture  were  exhibited  in 
this  city,  and  wc  were  all  astonished  to  Icurn  the 
very  low  prices  at  which  ihey  could  be  sold,  if 
llieiV  was  but  a  revenue  tariff  imposed  upon  them. 
No  sooner  did  the  manufaclureis  of  ourcouiitiy 
licar  of  this  exhibition,  than  they  nosted  off  to  this 
place  samples  of  their  goods,  proclaiming  as  ihey 
came,  and  after  they  got  here,  that  they  could  af' 


m 


1038 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  30, 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Clarke. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


ford  to  sell  (heir  goods  as  cheap,  if  not  cheaper, 
than  the  foreign  goods;  forgeMing  all  the  wnile 
that  this  admission  wits  the  strongest  argument 
ngainst  the  necessity  of  any  tariff  for  protection; 
forgetting  nil  the  while  that  this  admission  proved, 
when  they  asked  for  a  higher  than  a  revenue  tariff, 
Ihat  they  asked  it  not  for  protection,  but  that  they 
might  realize  large  and  exorbitant  sums  of  money. 
Out  it  is  said  goods  have  fallen  in  price,  and  the 
inquiry  is  thrown  back  on  us.  What  has  produced 
it,  if  the  tariff  has  not }  We  think  this  fhll  in 
prices  can  be  accounted  for  upon  principles  which 
evei  /  man  will  sny  are  adequate  to  produce  such 
a  result — principle's  which  are  rational,  too,  and 
which  do  not  contrailict  the  common  sense,  the 
eoMmon  nuison,  and  exwricnce  of  mankind.  The 
first  cause  to  which  I  shall  advert,  as  operating 
constantly  la  diminish  the  price  of  manufactured 
goods,  is  tlie  improvement  of  old  and  the  inven- 
tion of  new  machinery.  This  improvement  in 
machinery  is  constantly  going  on,  as  can  be  seen 
by  any  one  who  will  consult  the  reports  of  the 
Commissioner  of  Patents,  which  are  annually 
printed  at  this  place,  and  circuliucd  by  the  niem- 
oers  of  Congres.i  throughout  the  country.  It  re- 
quires no  extraordinary  keenness  of  intellect  to  sec, 
no  long  and  intricate  train  of  reasoning  to  prove, 
how  this  cause  operates  in  the  reduction  of  prices. 
Wc  can  all  understand  iiow  it  is  that,  if  n  person 
can  only  weave  six  yards  of  cloth  a  day,  and  after- 
wards an  invention  is  made,  by  which  he  cbji,  in 
the  same  time,  weave  a  thousand  yards,  he  can 
afford  to  sell  it  cheaper.  This  is  somethiiig'which 
addrcs.ses  itself  to  our  every-day  experience  ond  ob- 
servation. In  the  second  plnce,  inferiority  in  the 
articles  manufactured  will  account  for  the  reduction 
of  prices.  In  former  times,  when  I  can  first  re 
member,  goods  were  nmdc  to  last,  and  not  mere'y 
to  sell;  they  were  made  for  hardy  service,  and  not 
merely  for  fashion.  When  I  was  but  a  buy  1  well 
remember  of  occiiBionully  meeting  in  the  wardrobe 
of  some  venerable  old  lady,  with  an  old  fashioned 
silk  gown,  made  of  the  silk  which  was  nmnuftic- 
tiired  in  olden  times  for  service.  And  it  was  inter- 
eating  lo  sit  down  and  hear  its  venen\lile  owner 
relate  the  history  of  that  gown;  to  hear  her  tell  of 
its  having  been  the  pride  of  her  mother,  and  the 
ndmirnlioii  of  her  less  fortunate  neighbors;  that, 
like  the  mantle  of  Elislin,  it  had  fallen  upon  her, 
mid  how  often  in  its  gay  uttire  she  had  sported  the 
belle  of  some  country  churchyard;  lo  liear  her  in- 
dulge in  the  gratifying  anticipation  of  the  time 
when  her  daughter  would  be  large  enough  lo  pnt 
it  on;  and  how  her  countenance  would  litum  wiJi 
plea.'<urr  as  she  .still  followed  it  in  the  long  vista 
of  futurity,  when  it  wnuld  serve  to  make  neal 
little  aprons  for  all  her  gruiidchildren.  Abie,  if  a 
fiinner  buys  a  silk  dress  for  his  wife,  unless  she  is 
very  careful  to  wear  it  only  on  Sundiy,  il  will 
hardly  last  long  enough  for  him  lo  niiike  money 
wherewith  to  buy  another.  When  this  latter  dres.s 
does  not  cost  one-fourth  part  of  the  cost  of  the 
first,  no  one  wants  to  be  told  that  the  tariff  has 
ellected  it.  The  inferiority  in  the  quality  of  the 
two  articles  is  sullicient  to  explain  it.  Mot  many 
years  ago,  when  a  person  bought  a  pair  of  shots, 
they  were  expected  to  last  some  three  or  four 
inonlhs.  Now,  let  the  farmer  buy  a  pair,  and  if, 
rui  his  way  home,  he  ventures  to  jump  across  a 
fence  or  ditch,  the  chances  are  ten  to  one  that  tin; 
c|iiarl(iHund  vamps  will  biirRt  iiport;  affording  him 
an  opporluniiy  of  ireatins  himself  with  a  new  pun- 
on  his  next  vi-sit  to  town.  These  are  mliunal 
cnuscH,  which  we  all  acknowledge  to  be  adcquaiu 
to  produce  the  ellict,  and  which  liave  operated  to 
lessen  the  price  of  the  unprotected  ns  well  as  the 
]ii(iteited  Hriicle!<.  Ves,  sir,  the  free  articles — lliosc 
wliiili  have  had  no  tariff  imposed  on  ihein — Imvo 
flit  the  opci'ati(jii  of  these  causes,  and  have  declined 
ill  price. 

The  prices  of  nil  goods  have,  for  ilie  last  twenty 
years,  experienced  a  gradual  decline  in  England', 
although  they  have  no  |iri)lcctioii  in  favor  ot  their 
manufactories,  and  need  none.  And  yet,  in  the 
fare  of  nil  these  facts,  and  in  despite  of  all  the  ub- 
KiirditicK  to  which  I  ha\e  adverted,  there  are  tlinsn 
who  would  persuade  us  that  the  reiiuction  in  prnes 
is  brought  alioul  by  the  tarilf.  But,  ns  if  suspi- 
cions ilint  lliey  shall  not  Kucceed  in  gulling  ns  many 
an  might  be  deHimblc  with  tiiis  new  theory,  that 
hii;l'.  ilulicR  make  low  prices,  they  throw  out  uiio- 
lliur  hook  with  which  lo  catch  gulls,  and  upon  tiiat 


I  they  hang  the  assertion,  that  however  high  the 
i  duty  or  tax,  we  don't  pay  it;  it  is,  say  they,  the 
I  producer,  the  man  who  makes  the  goods  in  foreign 
'  countries,  that  pays  it.     Let  us  sec  how  this  dnc- 
I  trine  is  to  operate  in  practitM.    We  will,  in  the 
j  first  place,  take  it  for  granted  that  the  foreigner 
who  produce<i  or  manufactures  the  goods,  pays  the 
'  tariff  which  we  may  levy  upon  them.     It  then  ap- 
I  pears  to  me,  that  if  he  pays  it,  the  tariff,  however 
nigh,  affords  no  protection  to  the  manufacturer  in 
{  this  country.    Let  us  exemplify  a  little,  that  wc 
I  may  the  more  plainly  communicate  our  notion. 
We  will  suppose  that  one  of  our  merchants  goes 
to  England  to  buy  goods  when  there  is  no  tax  or 
1  tariff.    We  will  suppose  that  he  there  buys  one 
hundred  dollars'  worth:  he  brings  them  to  this 
country,  puts  on  his  profit  of  35  per  cent.,  and 
i  sells  the  whole  stock  for  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
]  five  dollars.     He  then  goes  to  England  for  another 
'  cargo.     But,  before  he  goes  on  this  second  time, 
\  his  government  has  imposed  a  tariff  of  35  percent., 
we  will  say,  on  such  goods  ns  he  wishes  to  import. 
^  He  now  tells  the  English  producer  that,  owing  to 
I  n  tariff  of  95  per  cent,  which  has  been  put,  since 
'  his  first  purchase,  on  such  goods  as  he  wants,  he 
can  now  afi'ord  to  give  him  only  seventy-five  dol- 
lars for  the  same  quality  and  the  same  ((uaniity  of 
goods  for  which  before  he  gave  him  one  hundred. 
Well,  the  English  merchant  finally  agrees  lo  de- 
duct the  amount  of  the  tariff  from  the  price  of  his 
goods;  or,  in  other  words,  he  pays  it,  according 
to  the  view  which  we  are  now  taking  of  it.    Our 
merchant  brings  the  goods  to  this  country,  which 
have  cost  him  seventy-five  dollars;  he  goes  to  the 
customhouse,  and  pays  the  tariff'  of  35  per  cent. 
They  are  now  ready  for  sale  in  this  country;  and, 
pray,  what  have  they  cost  him?    Why,  on  nc- 
j  count  of  the  payment  of  the  tariff  by  the  English 
merchant,  his  goods,  when  ready  lor  sale,  have 
cost  him  no  more  than  they  did  when  tliere  wos 
no  tariff;  that  is  to  say,  they  have  cost  him  only 
one  hundred  dollars.     He  can  now  afford  to  sell 
them  ut  the  same  price  he  did  his  first  cargo,  and 
for  the  same  profit,  to  wit,  one  hundred  and  twen- 
ty-five dollars.   Here,  then,  is  no  protection  to  the 
home   manufacturer;  fur  in  this  case   the  same 
quantity  will  be  imported,  and  can  be  sold  without 
any  increase  of  price.    Now,  upon  the  supposition 
that  the  consumer  pays  the  t;irift",  I  rjin  very  read- 
ily understand  how  it  is  that  a  high  tariff  protects 
manufacturers.    We  will,  according  to  this  notion, 
'  suppose  that  when  our  merchant  goes  to  England 
for  his  second  cargo,  he  pays  the  producer  one  hun- 
dred dollars  for  Ins  cargo.    When  he  arrives  in  this 
country  he  pays  the  tariff  of  95  [ler  cent.;  he  then 
addshispriifitof35  percent.  Now  that  his  imported 
goods  are  ready  for  sale,  they  have  cost  him  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  dollars.   The  domestic  manufacturer 
has  no  Uirill  lo  pay;  he  can  afford  to  sell  the  same 
quality  and  quantity  of  goods  for  one  hundred  and 
forty  dollars.     The  consequence  is,  that  the  im- 
porting merchant  finds  no  market  for  his  :;ooils, 
when,  in  consequence  of  the  taritl",  he  is  coinpelled 
to  ask  one  huiidied  and  fifty  dollars  in  order  lo 
make  any  profit,  and  when  they  can  be  bought  of 
the  home  manufacturer  for  one  hundred  and  forty 
dollars.     The  consequence  of  all  this  is,  the  im- 
porter ceases  to  import;  the  inuiiufacturer  in  this 
country  has  the  market  to  himself,  and  gets  one 
hundred  and  forty  dollars  out  of  the  consumer  for 
goods  whii  h,  without  the  tariff',  might  be  bought 
for  one  hniiilred  mid  twenty-five.     I  can  now  see 
how  it  all  works  for  his  encouragement,  upon  the 
supposition   that  the  consumer  pays   the  tax,  but 
for  the  life  of  ine  I  cannot  see  how  the  tariff'  is  to 
operate  as  the  least  protection,  upon  the  suppo- 
sition that  the  foreign  producer  pays  it.     But,  sir, 
is  it  ■•easoiiahle  to  expect  that  the  English  trader 
or  prodiK'ci-  will  sell  to  us  at  a  reduced  price  cor- 
responding III  the  amount  of  tariff'  wliicli  wc  may 
happen  to  impose  upon  the  products  of  their  labor.' 
The  documents  show  that  of  cotton  goods  she  sells 
to  us  some  thiiiy-eight  millions  in  value   every 
year.     The  same  returns  show  lliat  she  sells  to  all 
other  coiintriis,  taken  together,  like  goods  to  the 
amount  of  twelve  hundred  and   sixty  niilliona  a 
year.     If  she  reduces  ihc  price  to  us,  she  must 
also  reduce  it  in  her  trade  with  the  other  nations 
of  the  earth  in  an  equal  degree.     If  our  duty  be  30 
per  cent.,  and  she  ctuisents  Ui  strike  that  much  from 
the  customary  price  of  her  manufactures  when 
dealing  with  ua,  she  must  ulsu  strike  the  same  sum 


from  her  other  rustomers.    Thirty  per  cent,  struck 
\  from   twelve  hundred   and   sixty   millions,  (the 
^  amount  of  her  sale  of  cotton  goods  to  other  nations 
:  than  the  United  States,)  would  be  a  loss  to  her  of 
I  some  thirty-eight  millions  of  dollars— a  loss  equal 
I  to  the  whole  amount  of  her  sales  to  us.    Is  it, 
t  therefore,  reasonable  ?    Does  it  not,  on  the  Ciher 
I  hand,  do  violence  to  all  the  commonest  dictates  of 
I  prudence  to  believe  for  a  moment  that,  in  order  to 
secure  our  trade,  she  will  submit  to  a  loss  on  her 
I  trade  with  the  balance  of  the  world  of  an  amount 
equal  to  every  cent  which  we  pay  ner?    The  idea 
>  seems  to  me  to  be  absurd.    It  needs  only  to  be 
stated  in  order  to  carry  its  own  refutation  with  it. 
j  Moreover,  I  would  ask  most  rcspeciflilly  if  it  can 
be  possible  that  one  nation  has  the  power  thus  to 
I  impose  burdens  and  taxes  upon   the  citizens  of 
another  nation?    If,  indeed,  it  were  true  that  we 
possessed  this  unaccountable  power,  the  Demo- 
crats are  the  persons  who  should  be  in  favor  of  a 
high  tariff.     They  are  called  the   British  haters, 
and  by  this  new  engine  of  taxation  their  most  in- 
veterate prejudices  might  be  indulged  to  the  ftillest 
extent.    Our  western  friends  should,  upon  that 
supposition,  be  its  warm  and  devoted  advocates. 
[  'What  splendid  schemes  of  internal  improvements 
might  they  not  construct — how  cheaply  might  we 
educatt  all  our  children — at  the  expense  of  other 
countries,  and  have  money  to  distribute  to  boot ! 
But,  sir,  unfortunately  for  the  operation  of  such  a 
theory,  it  is  a  game  at  which    two  may  play. 
Whilst  we  were  levying  such  contributions  from 
Great  Britain  she  might  find  out  the  secret,  and  it 
is  greatly  to  be  feared   that  we  would  come  oft' 
losers  in  such  a  contest.     She  has  a  debt  so  large 
that  figures  can  hardly  state  its  amount,  and  she 
has  an  aristocracy  to  support;  and  if  she  possessed 
tlie  wonderful  power  of  taxing  us  to  pay  them  all, 
our  situation  would  be  a  deplorable  one.     Perhaps 
the  least  we  say  about  this  new  way  of  raising 
money  the  belter  it  will  be  for  us.     'We  may,  pcr- 
adventure,  by  the  exercise  of  a  little  caution,  get 
all  the  money  we  want  out  of  the  British  producers 
before  they  find  out  the  secret. 

But,  that  the  absurdity  of  this  new  doctrine 
may,  if  possible,  be  the  more  apparent,  let  us 
stale  an  example.  The  lax  which  Great  Britain 
imposes  on  our  tobacco  is  some  1200  per  cent. 
We  will  suppose  that  one  of  our  tobacco  fann- 
ers carries  his  tobacco  to  the  borough  of  Nor- 
folk. He  there  sells  it  for  one  hundred  dollars 
per  hogshead.  Now,  according  to  the  theory 
that  the  producer  payT  the  foreign  tax,  the  to- 
bacco fanner  will  have  lo  pay  twelve  hundred 
dollars  for  c\ery  hogshead  of  tobacco  which  ho 
may  sell;  that  is,  he  gels  one  hundred,  and  forth- 
with pays  out  twelve  hundred  dollars.  A  most 
woiulerl'ul  operaliini  in  the  way  of  trade;  more 
wi>iiderfiil  still  that  any  person  is  to  be  found  ship- 
iiing  tobacco  to  other  countries.  But  it  may  not 
be  impertinent  to  inquire  why  it  is  that  the  manu- 
facturer is  to  be  supported  at  the  expense  of  those 
engaged  in  agriculture  and  commerce,  and  all  the 
other  varied  pursuit'i  of  life.  Why  is  il  that  they 
are  to  be  exempted  from  taxation,  whilst  the 
heaviest  burdens  are  imposed  on  the  rest  of  the 
community?  In  this  connexion,  it  may  not  be 
amiss  to  look  into  and  examine  some  of  the  argu- 
ments and  reasons  by  which  it  is  attempted  to 
reconcile  the  rest  of  the  community  to  this  prnlec- 
linn,  as  it  is  called  by  its  friends — to  this  tribute, 
this  munificent  bounty  to  the  manufacturers,  ns  I 
should  term  it.  In  the  first  plnce,  it  is  said  that, 
by  making  our  pi^oplu  a  manufacturing  people, 
ihey  become  the  more  entirely  independent.  But 
is  this  true?  Is  such  a  result  practicable?  and,  if 
]irnnticalile,  is  it  to  be  at  all  desired?  It  appears 
to  nie,  sir,  that  this  fanciful  independence  is  nut  to 
be  utlained,  ut  least  by  such  a  tariff'  as  our  oppo- 
nents propose;  or,  if  ulUiinable,  that  it  is  by  no 
means  ilcsirablc.  They  propose  to  lax  the  manu- 
factured articles,  whilst  the  materials  of  which  they 
are  composed  and  of  which  they  are  made  are  left 
to  be  imported  free  of  tax,  or  they  have  a  very  mo- 
derate lax  immisedon  them.  ItwillnotihitotaxtliK 
materials  willi  which  the  nianuflu'liirer  operates,  for 
that  would  interfere  with  his  profits.  Now,  with 
llie  exception  of  cotton,  the  nmnufuctiirers  are  de- 
pendant on  foreign  countries  for  a  very  great  por- 
tion of  their  tow  material.  So  far  as  our  inde- 
pendence is  concerned,  I  cannot  discover  any  dif- 
ference between  being  dependant  on  foreign  coun- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1039 


'29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Clarke. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


tries  for  the  raw  material  and  beiiie  dependant  upon 
them  fur  the  munulUcttired  gooda.    It  is  evident 
that  if,  on  account  of  war,  or  from  any  other  cause, 
the  raw  material  fails,  the  manufaeturioa  must  stop. 
The  truth  is,  a  purely  manufaciurine  people  are 
the  most  dependant  people  in  the  world.    Look  to 
En;;land,  for  example.   Let  her  fail  to  get  her  cua- 
tomary  supply  of  cotton  from  this  country — cut 
lier  off  from  the  markets  of  the  world — and  misery 
and  ruin  await  her.     Threaten  to  close  our  ports 
against  her,  and  she  forthwith  becomes  alarmed. 
Close  them,  and  n  great  portion  of  her  population 
are  thrown  out  of  employment  and  reduced  to  beg- 
gary and  starvation.     How  is  it  with  an  agricul- 
tural nation  >     If  it  comes  to  the  worst  with  them 
in  times  of  war  and  desolation,  its  people  can 
clothe  themselves  for  a  while  with  the  spinning- 
wheel  and  the  common  loom.    Other  nations  are, 
in  a  great  measure,  dependant  on  an  agricultural 
people  for  food.    They  may  dispense  with  your 
silka,  and  satins,  and  cloths,  and  fine  carpets;  but 
bread  they  must  have.    The  present  condition  of 
England  forcibly  and  painfully  exemplifies  this 
dependence.    And  even  when  the  foreign  trade  of 
an  agricultural  people  is  crippled  or  destroyed  by 
war,  that  very  circumstance  operotes  beneficially 
to  the  poorer  classes,  for  they  are  then  enabled  to 
obtmn  the  necessaries  of  life  in  gi-eater  abundance 
and  on  better  and  cheapef  terms.    So  that  if  the 
real  purpose  of  our  opponents  be  to  make  us  en- 
tirely independent,  they  should  strive  to  keep  us 
as  we  are — an  agricultural  people.     In  peace  or  in 
war,  there  is  nothing  like  the  independence  of  a 
farming  country.     This  idea  of  complete  commer- 
cial independence  never  can  be  curried  out  in  prac- 
tice, because  it  oims  to  subvert  the  ordinances  of 
Heaven  itself.    Man  is  dependant  on  man,  and 
nation   on   nation.     As   man   owes  some  of  the 
choicest  blessings  which  he  can  enjoy  in  this  life 
to  his  dependence  on  his  fellow-man;  as  he  o\yes 
to  it  the  establishment  of  government,  by  which 
protection  and  security  are  thrown  around  him;  so 
does  the  dependence  of  nation  upon  nation  foster 
and  extend  the  arts  and  sciences  of  civilized  hfe. 
Suppose  every  nation  in  the  world  should  adopt 
this   notion   o'"  commercial   independence;    what 
would  shortly  become  the  condition  of  the  world? 
As  a  specimen  of  the  workings  of  this  commercial 
independence,  look  to  China.    See  a  nation  dating 
its  origm  from  the  Flood — older  than  any  other 
Government  in  existence,  and  with  a  denser  pop- 
ulation than  any  other;  yet  how  far  is  it  behind  all 
of  them  in  literature,  and  in  all  those  arts  and  sci- 
eni-es  which  improve  and  elevate  the  human  race  ! 
And  what  did  some  of  the  most  prominent  advo- 
cates of  the  exclusive  policy  for  their  own  country 
soy,  when  England  set  to  work  and  succeeded  in 
breaking  up  tlii«  commercial  independenceof  China  ? 
They  said  it  was  right.     They  said,  that  in  the 
present  stale  of  civilization  no  nation  had  a  right 
to  say  that  she  would  hold  no  commerce  wilh  the 
rest  of  the  world.   And  yet,  in  the  fhce  of  all  these 
things,  there  are  those  amongst  us  who  desire  that 
our  country  should  depend  on  others  for  nothing, 
but  make  everything  we  have  to  use.   What  a  ret- 
rograde movement  in  the  march  to  all  that  makes 
a  people  great,  and  useful,  and  respected  !    Take 
nn  individual  of  your  acquaintance,  who  has  labored 
all  his  life  lu  secure  for  hiinself  this  commercial 
indupendcnce:  he  i)uy.s  nothing  of  his  neighbors; 
makes  all  within  himself;  sells  nothing  but  at  the 
very  highest  price.     It  is  irue,  he  is  independent; 
but  <»n  he  compare  in  usefulness  and  respect  with 
the  individual,  who,  considering  himself  as  but  a 


out  high  rewards.  Again,  if  we  succeed  in  making 
everything  within  ourselves,  nothing  will  be  im- 
ported from  foreign  countries;  and,  in  that  event, 
how  ore  the  taxes  for  the  support  of  Qovernment 
to  be  obtained  i  In  such  an  event,  a  resort  to  direct 
taxes  is  inevitable.  Our  opponents  seem  to  regard 
with  especial  horror  the  system  of  direct  taxation; 
at  the  tame  time  that  the  measures  which  they  ad- 
vocate, and  which  thv.y  desire  to  see  accomplished, 
must  inevitably  and  directly  lead  to  such  a  result. 
I  have  been  thus  extended  in  my  observations 
upon  this  point,  because  this  idea  of  independence 
is  the  lever  by  which  the  high  protectionists  ex- 
pect to  lift  their  system  into  favor  with  the  people. 
They  know  the  charm  which  tlto  word  carries 
with  it  to  the  bosom  of  our  people,  and  they  seek 
to  operate  upon  our  innocent  and  praiseworthy 
prejudices  to  promote  and  advance  a  most  odious 
and  detestable  system.  They  confound  political 
with  commercial  independence.  We  ore  all  the 
advocates  of  political  independence;  by  which  is 
meant  the  right  to  establish  our  own  form  of  gov- 
ernment, and  to  take  part  in  the  enactment  of  the 
laws  by  which  we  are  to  bo  governed.  But  com- 
mercial independence  is  what  we  should  not  covet, 
and  which  we  ought  not  to  have.  Englond  would 
not  allow  China  to  retain  it,  and  the  rest  of  the 
nations  of  the  earth  seem  to  applaud  the  result  of 
her  effort;  and  already  has  this  country  experienced 
the  benefits  of  such  intercourse  in  the  new  spirit 
infused  into  her  cotton  trade  with  that  country. 

Another  ground  upon  which  the  friends  of  pro- 
tection place  their  advocacy  of  high  duties  is,  that 
they  are  necessary  in  order  to  countervail  and 
counteract  the  policy  of  other  nations  towards  our 
country.  To  heor  them  talk,  you  would  suppose 
that  the  sole  occupation  of  foreign  countries  con- 
'  sisted  in  cdbrls  to  injure  our  commerce  and  to 
burden  our  exports.  But  what  is  the  truth  on 
this  point?  Animated  declamation  and  vehement 
invective  do  not  make  things  true.  Let  us  appeal 
to  facta.  Wiiat  is  really  The  amount  of  the  tariff 
of  those  countries  which  are  represented  to  bo  con- 
tinually employed  in  ell'orls  to  oppress  and  ruin 
us?  In  Prussia,  Germany,  and  Switzerland,  the 
average  of  their  tariff'  is  said  to  be  only  20  per 
cent.  And  in  England,  who  is  represented  as  our 
greatest  enemy,  excluding  tobacco,  the  average  of 
her  tariff  upon  ihe  products  of  our  industry  is  not 
over  ID  per  cent.,  if  it  is  even  so  large  as  that; 
whilst  the  average  of  our  tariff  is  said  to  be  nearly 
40  per  cent.  So  much  for  ilie  tariff  of  some  of  the 
countries  with  which  we  trade.  How  do  the  im- 
porUitions  from   England  to  our  country  compare 


sity — nf  daily  use  and  enjoyment  by  the  poorest 
as  well  as  the  richest  of  the  land.    Sugar,  silks, 
spirits,  woollens,  iron,  cotton  goods,  linens,  mo- 
lasses, and  iron  manufactures,  make  up  this  doom- 
ed list.     But  the  sincerity  of  our  opiionenls  may 
well  be  questioned  when  they  assert  lliat  one  great 
reason  why  we  should  put  high  taxes  upon  mer- 
chandise imported  from  foreign  countries  is,  be- 
cause they  tax  what  we  export  to  them.    I  say 
we  may  well  question  the  sincerity  of  such  a  dec- 
laration; for,  during  the  administration  of  John 
Tyler,  a  treaty,  called  the  Zol  Verein  treaty,  was 
made  by  the  President  with  the  German  States, 
the  most  important  provision  of  which  was,  that 
if  the  United  States  would  reduce  their  tariff  on 
certain  articles  of  mercbandi.se  brought  from  the 
German  States,  they  would  reduce  their  tariff  in  n 
corresponding  ratio  upon  certain  articles  exported 
from  our  country  to  those  Slates.    This   treaty 
was  sent  to  the  Senate  for  ratification — the  Senate 
being  ot  that  time  composed  of  a  mnjoriiy  of  those 
who  were  only  anxious  to  have  a  high  tariff  here, 
in  this  country,  because  other  countries  had  put 
high  taxes  on  such  of  our  products  as  were  ex- 
ported to  them.    Here  was  nn  occasion  for  con- 
cession and    mutual   arrangement,  calculaled   to 
arrest  and   remove  the  very  grievance  of  which 
they  had  all  along  complained.    And  how  was  it 
used'    Why,  sir,  Ihc  treaty  was  rejected.     Let 
our  opponents  talk  no  more  of  reciprocity  of  trade, 
and  of  the  necessity  of  effecting  it  by  high  tariffs. 
It  is  Irue  that  constitutional  difficulties  were  urged 
as  their  excuse  for  its  rejection.    It  is  true,  it  was 
urged  tha*.  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  would  be 
transferring  to  the  President  and  Senate  the  power 
of  imposing  taxes;  a  power  which,  under  our  Con- 
stitution, they  contended   belonged  to  Congress. 
But  it  is  a  little  unfortunate  that,  with  a  certain 
class  of  politicians,  constitutional  scruples  only  in- 
terpose when  the  farmers  are  to  be  relieved.  They 
are  never  in  the  way  when  the  manufaclurers  are 
to  be  pampered  and  bloated  by  exactions  on  the 
other  pursuits  of  life. 

Great  Britain  has  lately  reduced  her  tariff  on 
our  grain,  and  repealed  it  entirely  on  our  naval 
stores.  At  such  an  event,  one  would  expect  lo 
see  the  liveliest  maiiifeatctions  of  joy  on  the  part  of 
those  who  have  heretofore  reluctantly  taxed  their 
own  citizens  because  oilier  countries  would  lax 
theirs.  But,  sir,  our  opiionenls  are  pained  at  the 
very  consummation  of  their  wishes.  They  have 
very  suddenly  made  the  nRtonishing  discovery  that 
we  are  to  derive  no  benefit  whatever,  but  rather 
experience  injury  from  their  repeal.     They  all  at 


in  amount  with  our  cxportations  to  that  country?  I!  once  affect  lo  fear  that  the  European  fanners  will 
r.-....i-_.i  :„  _„:.i   .„  ..1,.,  r. —  ..„  „: „;..i,.  „,;i_  ii  u|„|grgei|  ^^g  jj,  ,i,e  English  market, and  who  allege 


England  is  said  to  take  from  us  six  or  eight  mil 
lions  more  than  we  take  from  licr.  She  furnishes 
a  Market  for  more  than  one-half  of  what  we  have  to 
spore;  she  takes  of  our  raw  colton  over  thirty  mil- 
lions dollars' worth,  without  any  tariff  at  all;  she 
takes  six-sevenths  of  our  naval  stores;  she  lakes 
two-thirds  of  our  groin  crops,  formerly  on  n  tariff 
of  about  30  per  cent.;  now  that  her  tariff  on  grain 
has  been  reduced,  she  will  take  nine-tenths,  if  not 
more,  of  what  we  have  to  spare. 

And,  in  placing  a  tax  of  twelve  huiidred  per 
cent,  on  tobacco,  England  pursues  a  much  more 
commendable  policy  than  we  do  in  the  imposilion 
of  our  tuxes.  She  taxes  highest,  articles  of  use- 
less and  nauseous  luxury;  and,  in  so  doing,  the 
taxes  full  heaviest  on  those  who  are  most  able  lo 
bear  them — they  fall  upon  the  rich.  A  late  noble- 
man died  in  that  country  whose  property  was  vol 


ucd  at  twenty  millions  of  dollars;  and  his  stock  of 
link  in  the  g.i.at  chain  of  human  dependence,  and  i;  seuars  alone  sold  for  ten  ;linu.'!and  dollars.  Her 
exercising  at  home  a  duo  share  of  prudence  and  ii  luiiff  on  tobacco  is  so  arranged,  that  the  greatest 
economy,  does  not  forget  that  he  has  a  further  duly  j|  amount  of  taxes  is  raised  from  her  wenllhiesi  riti- 
to  perform  in  contributing,  as  far  as  he  can,  to  the  j  zciis.  Now,  sir,  what  is  the  character  of  our  tariff 
I'onifnrt  and  happiness  of  tho,He  wilh  whom  he  |:  as  compared  with  that  of  Great  Brilain,^hich  our 


finds  himself  associated  in  his  pilgrimage  througli 
life  ?  As  wilh  individuals,  .so  it  is  with  the  nations 
iif  the  earth;  there  is  a  mutiiHl  dependence  among 
them.  Nature  has  written  this  truth  in  characters 
which  cannot  l)e  misunderstood.  Over  one  por- 
tion of  the  globe  the  seasons  are  genial  and  mild, 
and  the  earth  pours  forlh  ils  most  abundant  pro- 
ductions: over  another  portion,  winter  mainlaina 
its  icy  reign.  One  produces  cotton  anil  brcudsluffs, 
whilst  another  is  inmibited  only  by  gru/.iers.  Would 
you,  to  make  Khode  Island  inuepcndent  of  Mis- 
sissippi, undertake  there  the  culture  of  col  Ion  ?  Vet 
this  might  be  done  by  hot-beds,  and  by  holding 


opponents  are  so  ready  lo  denounce?    The  result 
j  of  this  com|iarison  will  show,  1  think,  that  the  nd- 
;  voeotes  of  our  tariff  are  Ml  the  some  category  wilh 
j  him  who  sees  moles  in  the  eyes  orotheis,  when 
he  fails  to  see  the  beam  in  his  own  eye.     In  1840, 
Ihc  leading  Whigs  conlended  that  the  expenses  of 
the    General   Government    should    never  exceed 
twenty  millions.     With  this  dcrlaralion   in  their 
mouth,  they  actually  raised  by  the  tariff  of  1H43  '■ 
some  sixteen   inillio  <s   (within   four  millions   of  j 
what  they  said  tin  y  would  rei|uiie  to  carry  on  the  I 
Govcrnincnl)  by  luxes  on  eight  urliclcs  alone,  and  | 
nio.it,  if  not  all  of  llieiii,  articles  of  prime  necei- ! 


that  our  grain  formerly  passed  through  Canada, 
and  thus  found  its  way  into  England,  whilst  the 
grain  of  other  countries  was  excluded  by  her  high 
tariff. 

But,  sir,  the  honorable  member  from  Virginia 
[Mr.  Bayi.t]  has  conclusively  shown,  by  facts, 
that  the  grain-growing  countries  of  Europe  cannt  t 
afford  to  raise  grain  as  cheap  as  we  can;  and  if 
Ihey  could,  he  has  shown  that  what  they  now  pro- 
duce, or  ciui  produce,  will  not  come  any  way  near 
i  satisfying  the  demands  of  the  British  market.     If, 
;  indeed,  I  could  feel  surprise  at  ■inythinsr,  it  would 
most  certainly  be  excited  by  the  disingeniious  and 
j  very  remarkable  sliiltB  to  which  the  advocates  of 
!  a  protective  tariff  rcHuit  in  order  to  support  their 
I  tottering  system.     A'  n:ie  time  the  pride  of  our 
'  nature  is  appealed  lo,  and  wc  ore  asked  to  impose 
!  a  tax  on  the  importations  from  foreijn  countries, 
because  they  lax  exorbitantly  the  products  of  oiir 
skill  and  industry.   No  sooner  do  fiufl^n  countries 
repeal  their  tax  on  much  that  \v<    produce,  and 
reduce  it  greatly  on  much  more,  than  these  Name 
i  friends  of  high  taxes  disco\er  that  the  tax  which 
i  other  countries  have  all  along  imposed  (and,  as  on 
i  offset  to  which,  they  had  been  urging  counteract- 
ing duties  on  our  part)  was  really  on  advantage  to 
1  us,  instcod  of  an  injury.     No  sooner  is  the  foreign 
'  lax  taken  off  of  oiir  grain  and  our  meats,  than  the 
'  most  zealous  efforts  are  made  to  induce  us  to  be- 
lieve that,  in  Ihe  free  rompclllion  which  i.s  to  fol- 
low, the  Americans  will  be  undersold  and  driven 
from  the  markets  of  the  world.     Do  they  thus  ex- 
pect to  practise  upon  our  crpdulily  ?    Is  it  by  such 
disingenuous  and  incniiHistent  shifls  that  they  hope 
lo  perpetuate  their  exactions  ?   OriBliinling  In  false 
principles,  is  it  by  deception  and  delusion  only  that 


IP 


1040 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  1, 


29th  Cong....  1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Wick. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


the  system  ran  be  prolon|;ed .'    Such  inconsisten- 
cies are  sufficient  to  throw  suspicion  upon  a  theory 
the  most  fair  niid   honest.     It  ought  to  condemn,  | 
without  the  power  of  redemption,  a  system  which,  \ 
on   its  very  face,  carries   the  design   to  pamper  • 
already  liloated  capital  at  tlie  expense  of  humulj 
labor. 

Another  argument  urged  why  wc  should  en-  j 
courage  manutactures  by  extravagant  bounties  is, 
tliat  in  time  of  war  we  may  not  be  dependent  on 
other  countries,  perhaps  on  our  enemies,  fur  tlie  . 
necessaries  of  life  and  the  munitions  of  war.     But,  { 
sir,  our  country  can  now,  in  time  of  the  most  pro- 
tracted war,  and  without  any  larilT  whatever,  nian- 
ufacture  everything  needful  in  time  of  war.     How 
much  more  certiiinly  and  abundantly  can  this  be 
done  under  the  advantages  of  a  mere  revenue  tariff. 
What  arc  the  articles  iiidispensaljle  for  the  prose-  \ 
cution  of  B  war?    They  are,  air,  powder,  shot, 
muskets,  rifles,  and  cannons,  and  swords,  and  the  ' 
coarser  articles  of  cotton  and  woollen  goods.     The 
richer  broadcloths,  and  silks,  and  satins,  are  un-  ' 
fitted  for  the  rough  usage  of  the  camp.     Well,  sir, 
this  country  cm  ninnni'acture  all  these  things  most 
nbundanlly,   and    without    any   tariff   whatever. 
Powder  is  made  in  quantities,  not  only  to  supply 
our  own  wants,  but  large  quantities  are  exported  to 
other  couittries;  so  also  of  lead,  and  of  the  coarser 
cotton  and  woollen  goods.  Andasforarnis,  for  can- 
nons, and  muskels.and  rifles,  and  the  other  imple- 
ments of  war,  Pennsylvania  will  contract  to  furnish 
this  country ,  in  two  years,  with  what  she  will  require 
for  the  next  century.  But,  sir,  the  advocatesof  this  , 
doctrine  are  also  the  professed  friends  of  peace. 
And  I  would  most  respectfully  inquire,  if  it  would 
not  better  comport  with  the  sincerity  of  their  pro- 
fessions to  be  found  in  the  advocacy  of  that  sys- 
tem which,  more  than  all   other  human  contri-  . 
vances,  will  do  away  with  the  necessity  of  war,  \ 
and  make  it  unknown  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth.     I  will  put  it  to  them  to  decide  whether,   , 
instead  of  subjecting  their  fellow-citizens  to  an  end- 
le.'<s  sysleni  of  high  taxation,  in  order  to  prepare 
our  country  for  witrs  which  may  never  come,  it  be 
not  far  more  praiseworthy  to  be  uniting  their  ex- 
ertions in  elTorts  to  extend  and  perpetuate  a  sys-  i 
tem  which,  next  to  our  holy  religion,  will  do  more 
than  anything  else  to  tame  the  savage  breast  of, 
man,  and  to  beat  the  sword  into  the  ploughshare  ] 
and  the  pruning-hook.     And  what  more  likely  to 
accomplish  this  than  unfettered  and  unrestricted 
trade  amongst  the  nations  of  the  earth }    The  crip- 
pled and  fettered  system   now  in  existence   has 
worked  wonders,  in  this  respect,  amongst  the  na- 
tions of  the  civilized  world.     Nation  is  found  no 
longer  vying  with  nation  in  the  number  of  their  . 
bloody  trophies,  but  the  honor  of  the  peace-maker 
is  now  the  more  becoming  prize  of  their  ambition. 
Disputes   which   but   yesterday  would   have   en- 
gaged the  world  in  arms,  are  now  settled  in  the  ' 
council  chamber,  or  in  the  clo.set  of  the  diploma- 
tist.    But  yesterday  l!ie  grim  visage  of  war  with 
the  most  powerful  nation'of  the  earth  threatened  ,, 
us  with  the  mildew  of  its  dcsoloiing  ravages.     At  j| 
once  il  c  voice  ofall  Christendom  was  raised  to  dep-  '| 
rccate  its  awful  calamities.     The  voice  of  war  was 
hushed  amidst  •he  almost  universal  deprecations 
of  the  world,  and  the  sweet  tones  of  peace,  with  a 
single  discordant  note,  now  sweep  over  liie  lond 
and  cheer  every  hamlet  of  the  valley.     This,  sir, 
is  the  aihievcnient  of  commerce.     By  it  the  in- 
terests of  nations  become  so  identified,  that  what 
mars  one  mars  all.     Let  it  be  untrammelled — let 
II  be  free  as  the  air  we  breathe,  consistent  with  the 
necessary  revenues  of  our  country — and  the  harsh 
and  grating  sounds  of  war  will  be  no  longer  heard, 
it  is  a.vain  said   that,  by  high  tariff  duties  we 
provide  o  home  market  for  our  farmers.     I  must 
confess  that  I  am  at  a  loss  to  understand  the  cor- 
recmess  or  the  bearing  of  this  argument.     If,  by 
II,  it  IS  intended  to  as.sert  that  the  hinne  market 
furnished  by  a  high  tarifl"  is  to  enalile  the  farmer 
to  obtain  higher  prices  for  the  products  of  his  in- 
dustry, then  1  am  at  a  loss  to  see  the  operation  of 
it.     It  seems  to  me,  that  if  the  manufacturer  of 
Lowell  was  to  go  to  -New  York  or  Boston  to  lay   ' 
ill  Ilia  supply  of  Hour,  he  would  not  offer  a  higher 
price  than  others  were  giving.     The  price  which    j 
he  would  give  would  be  the  same  tliat  wus  given 
by  the  humble  mechanic  or  the  retired  merchant. 
The  price  to  e:\rh  would   be   the  price  which  ii 
would  command  in  the  foreign  country  to  which  || 


it  was  to  be  exported,  after  deducting  freight,  in- 
surance, and  commissions.     It  is  not,'  then,  seen 
how  the  benefit  of  this  home  market  can  consist  in 
the  advanced  price  which  it  would  enable  us  to 
obtain  fur  the  products  of  our  industry.     Nor  do 
I  the  returns  show,  for  the  several  years  in  which 
\  high  tnrifl's  have  been  in  operation  in  our  country, 
:  that  the  home  market  which  they  were  to  furnish 
has  lessened  the  quantity  of  our  surplus  produce. 
^  On  the  other  hand,  whilst  this  surplus  has  been 
{  quite  steadily  increasing  at  the  rate  of  from  10  to 
\  13  per  cent,  a  year,  the  number  of  those  employed 
i  in  manufactures  scarcely  increases  at  the  rate  of  5 
per  cent.     Certainly  here  is  a  h.ipeless  chance  of 
our  profiting  by  this  wonderful  home  market,  in 
the  building  up  of  which  the  manufacturers  of  the 
country  have  been  busily  engaged   for  the    last 
!  twenty  years.     Nor  can  1  well  see  how  this  home 
market  is  to  he  in  ndditior.  to  the  foreign  market. 
I  The  high  taxes  which  f.rc  relied  upon  to  build  up 
this  home  market,  will  prevent  us  from  purchasing 
\  from  foreign  countries,  except  in  limited  quantities. 
They  certainly  will  not  buy  of  ua  unless  we  do  of 
them;  at  nil  events  they  will  not  buy  of  us  so  lib- 
i  erally.     The  market  for  our  grain,  our  meats,  our 
butter  and  our  cheese,  in  foreign  countries,  by  this 
unjust  system  of  a  high  tariff,  will  be  diminished 
in  a  fourfold  greater  proportion  than   the  home 
market  will  be  increased;  because  the  population, 
the  demand,  would  be  fourfold  greater,  did  we  en- 
joy the  unrestricted  commerce  of  the  world,  than 
if  our  dependence  was  mainly  even  upon  our  own 
limited  home  market.     1  am  unable,  therefore,  to 
see  how  it  is  that  we  are  to  be  at  all  benefited  by  this 
home  market,  to  which  so  much  importance  has 
been    aaached.     It   does  not  appear  to   leave  a 
smaller  surplus  on  our  hands,  nor  does  it  increase 
the  price  ol  what  it  does  take;  and  that  is  the  only 
imaginable  way  in  which  it  is  to  benefit  us. 

The  history  of  the  tarifl'  of  1842  is  rather  a 
strange  one.  The  offspring  of  necessity,  neither 
of  the  parties  of  the  country  would  consent  to  fa- 
ther it.  iVIr.  Buchanan  ancl  Mr.  Wright  voted  for 
it,  as  they  alleged  at  the  lime,  because  no  better 
could  then  he  obtained,  and  according  to  the  show- 
ing of  the  geiiileman  from  Indiana,  [Mr.  Owen,] 
Mr.  Webster  denounced  in  strong  terms  the  impu- 
tation that  it  was  a  Whig  measure.  Thus  the  off- 
spring of  necessity,  and  in  its  turn  the  mother  of 
oppression  and  injustice,  like  some  heathen  deity,  it 
has  all  at  once  become  too  sacred  to  be  touched. 
For  my  part,  sir,  after  so  much  has  been  said  of 
its  exactions,  and  after  so  many  promises  have 
been  made  by  the  Democratic  party,  I  shall  feel 
greatly  mortified  and  hurt  if  we  should  odjourn 
without  having  made  essential  and  material  altera- 
tions. The  ij'ulh  is,  I  should  be  ashamed  to  go  , 
home  and  tell  my  conslituenls  that  we  had  done  ' 
nothing  with  the  tarifl'  of  1842.  The  people  expect 
it,  and  wo  to  the  Democratic  party  if  it  be  not  done 
this  Congress.  The  people  will  very  justly  lose 
all  confidence  in  political  professions. , 


THE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  W.  W.  WICK, 

OF  INDIANA, 
In  the  House  or  IlErRESENTATivF.s, 
Jm(!/1,  1846. 
The  Bill  reducing  duties  on  Imports  and  for  other 
purposes  being  under  consideration  in  Commit- 
tee of  the  Whole  on  the  suite  of  the  Union —      , 
Mr.  WICK  said:  I 

Mr.  Chairman:  I  have  not  obtained  the  floor  | 
wiili  a  view  to  discuss  ilie  subject  before  the  e.oni- 
mitlee — the  tariff — aicumentntively.     Such  a  task, 
at  this  late  hour — only  one  day  before  we  proceed 
to  vote  upon  the  subject — would  be  bootless.     Be-  | 
sides  this,  the  task  would  tax  rny  physical  powers 
beyond  their  capacity  to  pay.     hor  more  than  a  j 
week  I  have  been  suflering  under  an  nilnck  of  Po- 
tomac chill  and  fever;  and  if  my  endorsement  of 
the  perfection  of  the  ariiole  be  needful,  I  nm  ready 
to  certify  that  here  at  Washington,  on  the  Atlantic 
coast,  ihey  raise  a  taller  specimen  of  that  sinple 
than  can  be  made  to  grow  in   the  great  valley  in  ■ 
which  I  reside.  j 

Mr.  Mii.TON  Brown.     Here  is  another  will  en- 
dorse. I 


Mr.  Wick.  I  presume  that,  owing  to  my  feeble 
health,  I  should  not  have  obtruded  myself  upon 
the  attention  of  the  committee,  were  it  not  that  one 
honorable  member  from  the  West,  [Mr.  Tidbatts, 
of  Kentucky,]  in  addressing  the  committee  a  few 
days  ago,  made  an  advocacy  of  that  principle, 
falsely  called  protection,  and,  in  so  doing,  gave  it 
to  be  undc-fltood  that  such  opinions  prevailed,  to  a 
good  extent,  among  the  wealern  Democracy;  and 
that  on  yesterday  an  honorable  member  from  Ohio, 
[Mr.  Brinkeriioff,]  speaking  professedly  as  the 
organ  of  the  Democratic  portion  of  the  Ohio  dele- 
gation, pronounced  (as  they  say  in  Mexico)  against 
the  views  of  the  great  mass  of  the  Democratic 
party  on  this  floor,  in  a  short  speech,  very  partic- 
ularly ad  piiticluin,  and  uttered  with  the  character- 
istic energy  usually  indicative  of  the  badness  of 
the  cause  of  a  speaker.  Honesty  and  truth  need 
no  bluster. 

Sir,  in  that  part  of  the  West  in  which  I  live  and 
move  and  have  my  being,  the  doctrines  here  pro- 
mnlged  by  the  honorable  member  from  Kentucky 
[Mr.  Tibbatts]  have  many  warm  and  able  advo- 
cates. But  they  are  not  Democrats;  they  are 
Whigs.  With  us  in  central  Indiana,  and  I  believe 
throughout  the  State,  our  system  of  opinions  on 
the  subject  of  the  tarifl"  is  extremely  simple.  In 
one  word,  with  us  "  the  tariff  is  taxation."  The 
honorablememberfromlCentucky  [Mr.  Tibbatts] 
recognises  the  idea  of  making  the  tariff'  ancillary 
to  manufactures  by  extending  the  ratio  of  taxation 
beyond  the  figure  necessary  to  produce  revenue, 
thereby  enabling  certain  branches  of  business  to 
be  profitably  proseculed,  which,  without  such  legal 
protection,  (as  he  calls  it,)  would  not  exist. 

Sir,  this  is  the  Whig  doctrine  in  my  western 
range.  The  Detiocracy  of  my  district,  and,  I  be- 
lieve, of  Indiana,  cill  this  taxing  not  for  the  pur- 
pose of  revenue,  but  to  support  a  monopoly  which 
cannot  stand  alone.  They  call  it  taxing  the  many 
for  the  benefit  of  the  few — legislating  for  the  ben- 
efit of  classes;  and  when  they  are  just  a  little 
excited  by  political  controversy,  they  will  call  it 
swindling  according  to  law.     And  so  it  is. 

And,  sir,  to  day,  nn  honorable  member  from  the 
Slate  of  Pennsylvania,  (she  must  drop  the  proud 
cognomen  of  Commonwealth  till  she  abandons  her 
notion  of  legislating  to  support  interests  and  classes, 
and  asks  legislation  alone  for  the  common  weal) — 
I  mean  Mr.  Thompson — has  come  forward  wiih 
his  endorsement  and  extension  of  this  doctrine  of 
the  honorable  member  from  Kentucky,  [.Mr.  Tib- 
batts.] He  has  shown  the  fact,  which  all  admit, 
since  the  operation  of  the  tariff' of  1842,  the  prices 
of  axes  and  some  other  articles  of  ironmongery 
have  fallen. 

Sir,  this  is  the  old  story  of  the  tariff  being  the 
sole  or  chief  operating  cause  affecting  the  enhance- 
ment or  reduction  of  [iricc.  I  have  heard  it,  and 
been  compelled  to  keep  on  hearing  it  ever  since 
1824.  I  have  heard  honest,  grave  gentlemen  ex- 
pound the  tariff  till  one  would  fancy  they  imagined 
that  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars  rise,  revolve,  and  set 
in  this  same  Liriff,  and  that  man,  the  puny  creature, 
is  capable  of  modifying  by  his  legislation  the  laws 
of  the  Most  Hiah.  I  read,  or  heard,  many  years 
ago,  that  Humbug  was  a  prince,  and  that  he  never 
lacked  subjects;  and  the  truth  of  the  saying  has 
constantly  since  been  undergoing  the  illustration 
which  fact  gives  to  theory. 

The  honorable  member  [Mr.  Thompson]  says 
that  Indiana  has  nothing  to  protect.  He  nullifies 
Honsierdom  by  a  single  sentence.  The  honorable 
member  is  in  error.  The  hard-handed  ploughmen 
and  axemen  of  Indiana  do  demand  protection.  I 
demand  it  in  their  name.  I  demand  of  the  legisla- 
tive power  of  the  naticm  that  they  be  protected 
against  any  and  all  measures  of  taxation  for  the 
benefit  of  classes.  To  support  the  Government, 
prudently  and  economically  administered,  to  carry 
on  the  present,  or  any  other  just  war,  or  any  just 
and  profitable  national  enterprise,  I  and  my  Dem- 
ocratic colleagues  are  ready  to  yield  to  any  fair  and 
equal  taxation.  But  to  drag  the  hard  earnings 
from  the  pockets  of  our  constituents  to  enable  the 
lords  of  the  ahutlle,  the  loom,  tlie  jenny,  the  fur- 
nace, or  the  foundry  to  follow  occupations  which 
without  such  exactions  must  be  thriftlcFS,  is  ask- 
ing what  we  are  not  instructed  to  grant.  Nor  do 
we  believe  the  story  that  Pennsylvania  cannot 
make  pig  metal  and  manufacture  it  into  iron  wiih- 
out  fleecing  us  in  the  way  of  taxed  ploughshares. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1041 


29th  Cono 1st  Srss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Wick. 


New  Series No.  66. 


kettles,  phts,  mill  irniifi,  &c.     \Vc  understand  our 
Pennsylvania  friends  about  thus:    If  we  will  so 
nrrnnge  the  tariO'  us  that  wc  sliall  pny  them  such 
prices   fur  ironmongery  as  that  a  Pennsylvanian 
can  buy  or  build  a  rurnncc,  and  from  the  profits 
pny  fur  it  in  two   years,  and  in  five  or  ten  years 
more  make  a  fortune,  rcII  out,  and  retire  from  busi- 
ness, wc  suppoHe  you  would  call  it  about  fair. 
Well,  it  may  be  fuir  for  you;  but  for  us  it  is  foul.  ^ 
The  nmnufucturera  of  cotton  and  woollen  goods  j 
have  sucked  our  blood  in  past  times,  and  now  wc 
arc  uskcd  to  submit  to  the  infliction  till  the  iron- 
monger sluiU  fill  his  mnw  from  our  veins.     If  we  ' 
submit  to  it,  it  will  be  with  no  good  will.  . 

In  Indiana,  protection,  ns  it  is  falsely  called,  has 
its  advocates.  Let  me  tell  the  honorable  member  ' 
from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Thompson]  how  we  man- 
age them.  Wc  appoint  political  meetings  as  near  \ 
them  ns  wo  ciin  find  n  place  ftec  for  a  Democratic 
gathering.  '  V'e  Inkc  up  the  doctrines  of  these  gen-  ' 
tiemen,  and  handle  thein  without  mittens,  answer- 
ing the  stereotyped  ml  caplanila  which  we  know 
they  utter  in  the  ears  of  the  dwellers  in  the  vicinity, 
anu  expose  the  selfishness  of  their  objects.  They 
get  80  angry  nt  us,  and  abuse  ua  so  soundly,  {after 
we  are  gone  gencraUii,)  that  the  people  begin  to  see 
how  the  land  lies.  They  will  threaten.  They  will 
even  turn  off  hands  who  talk  of  voting  for  Demo- 
crats The  wolf,  stripped  of  his  lamb-akin,  walks 
forth  in  his  hairy  hide,  and  all  see  his  fiery  eye, 
long  worus,  and  his  felon  leer.  He  throws  off  the 
mask,  ceases  to  bleat,  and  howls  as  his  lupine  na- 
ture dictates. 

Let  the  talented  Democracy  of  Pennsylvania  do 
so  likewise.     The  result  would  be  the  same. 

Sir,  I  nm  a  native  of  Pennsylvania.     I  love  her 

()eo|ilc.  11  .r  hills  arc  the  jny  of  mv  memory.  She 
las  bccji  faithful  in  many  things.  l3ut  she  has  gone 
a  whoring  after  false  gods — gods  not  of  silver  or 
gold,  but  of  iron.  Her  Democracy  must  redeem 
itself  from  idolatry,  and  divorce  itself  from  an  adul- 
levoiis  connexion  with  the  lords  of  the  furnace  and 
the  rolling  mill,  and  look  to  the  tillers  of  the  soil 
fir  voices  and  votes,  or  she  will  soon  cease  to  be  ' 
the  keystone  of  the  Democratic  arch. 

Mr.  Chairman,  1  was  sent  here  by  my  constitu- 
ents to  think  a  great  diiil,  and  speak  a  little.  I  was 
instructed  to  complete  ilic  annexation  of  Texas,  to 
second  the  Admmislraiion  in  making  good  our 
claim  to  Oregon,  and  to  repeal  the  tariff  of  1842,  or 
niodify  the  same  in  accordance  with  principle,  i 
The  first  object  is  achieved.  The  "  lone  star"  has 
been  transferred  to  the  American  galaxy.  Texas 
is  a  State.  Her  voice  is  heard  in  this  Hall,  as  well 
ns  in  that  at  the  other  end  of  the  Capitol. 

Sir,  I  am  not  addicted  to  the  melting  mood.  I 
am  called  phlegmatic.  Yet,  when  I  saw  the  dele- 
gate from  Texas,  who  first  nrrivctl  in  this  Hall,  at 
the  Clerk's  desk,  taking  the  oath  to  support  the 
Con.stitution  of  the  Union,  I  bowed  my  head  upon 
my  desk,  and  wept  my  thankfulness  to  the  Provi- 
dence which  watches  over  the  destinies  of  the  indi- 
viduals and  communities  of  his  rational  creation, 
and  whose  workings,  in  reference  to  the  Texan 
people,  have  mocked  the  pseudo  moral  bickerings 
of  those  sclf-slyled  philanthropists,  who,  in  their 
zeal  to  amejid  the  moral  destinies  of  God's  order- 
ing, daily  decry  the  events  induced  by  his  magnifi- 
cent plans.  Of  Oregon,  and  the  adjustment  of  our 
boundo'"  therein,  I  will  speak  nnon.  lor  the 
present  ^  c  it  to  say,  that  all  questions  in  ref- 
erence thereto  linve  now  become  res  acta,  and  arc 
among  the  things  that  were.     Our  Oregon  is  ours. 

But  the  tariff  "f  1843  is  yet  unrepealed  and  un- 
modified. 

To  achieve  its  total  alteration  is  the  olijcclof  the 
legislative  effort  now  being  made  in  this  Hall.  AVill 
the  effort  lie  successful?  If  it  fail,  it  will  be  my 
duty  to  inform  my  constituents  as  to  the  causes  of 
the  failure.  This  may  as  well  be  done  now,  hy- 
polhetically,  as  after  the  fact  in  the  positive.  It 
will,  in  any  event,  shadow  forth  facts  concerning 
men  and  tliingi  here  which  ought  to  be  developed. 
It  will  but  add  to  the  proofs,  of  which  the  moral 
world  is  full,  establishing  the  imperfection  ofhu- 
man.nction,  as  the  result  of  selfishness  and  passion. 

Sir,  before  I  came  here,  and  since,  I  have  been 
told  that  the  tariff  of  1842  would  not  be  changed 
by  this  Congress,  notwithstanding  the  presence  of 
a  large  democratic  majority  in  ciilier  branch  of  the 
National  Legislature;' and  the  reasons  of  this  fail- 
ure were  given  meat  follows: 

66 


First,  it  was  said  that  a  distinguished  Senator 
from  South  Carolina,  and  his  peculiar  personal 
ami  political  friends,  were  not  desirous  to  adjust  ; 
this  vexed  question  just  al  llih  time;  but,  on  the  ' 
contrary,  would,  by  insisting  on  ultraisms,  en- 
deavor to  defeat  such  adjustment,  thereby  preserv-  ■ 
ing  the  tariff  question  in  its  present  vexed  stote, 
with  n  view  to  some  political  result,  which  they  j 
are  supposed  to  hope  may  be  induced  by  the  con-  I 
tinned  agitation  of  propositions  concerning  Uixa-  I 
tion.  .  ! 

Secondly,  I  was  told  that  the  great  State  of  New 
York — the  Empire,  Swte  by  claim  and  by.com-- 
tesy — from  whose  democracy  American  R'epubli-  ! 
cans  have  learned  the  mode  of  producing  efficient 
unity,  having  been  discontented  by  the  action  of 
lastNational  Democratic  Convention,  would,  in  the 
persons  and  by  the  votes  of  her  sons  in  the  national 
councils,  be  found  ready  by  action,  direct  or  indi 
rect,  to  defeat  the  reform  upon  the  subject  of  the 
tariff,  to  which   the  Democratic  party  is  pledged.  ' 
Sir,  I  was  told  that  the  Democracy  of  that  State 
was  not  a  unit — that  the  sons  of  St.  Tammany  had 
degenerated  into  old  hunkers,   barnburners,  and 
office-seekers. 

Thirdly,  I  was  told  that  the  democratic  mem- 
bers of  Congress  from  the  State  of  Pennsylvania 
were  pledged  to  oppose  any  modification  of  the 
tariff  of  1842. 

Thus  far,  sir,  I  have  seen  no  evidence  of  the 
truth  of  the  ollegation  against  the  Senator  named,  ■ 
either  in  his  own  action  or  in  that  of  his  peculiar 
friends,  and  I  am  prepared  to  find  them  fair  and 
reasonable  in  their  action  upon  the  subject  of  the 
tariff. 

I  am  the  more  inclined  to  expect  this  from  the 
fact  that  another  prophecy  concerning  this  Senator 
and  his  friends  lias,  during  the  present  session, 
been  most  signally  nailed  to  the  counter.  I  nllude  ] 
to  the  prc-assertion  of  politicians  of  the  self-siyled 
liberty  party,  commonly  called  abolitionists.  AVhen 
that  Senator  and  his  friends  took  ground  in  favor 
of  nn  adjustment  of  the  Oregon  question  by  a  di- 
vision of  the  territory  upon  the  basis  of  latitude 
49°,  it  was  asserted  by  these  people  (the  abolition- 
ists) that  the  said  Senator  and  his  friends  would 
be  found  very  ready  to  assert  our  title  to  the  terri- 
tory between  the  Niteces  and  the  Rio  Grande,  and  , 
that  he  and  they  would  be  anxious  to  bring  on  a 
war  in  that  quarter,  with  a  view  to  a  further  acqui-  ' 
siiion  of  territory  beyond  the  Uio  Grande,  so  ns 
thereby  to  extend  the  area  of  the  "  peculiar  insti- 
tution'' of  the  South.  I  thought  at  the  time  that 
this  opinion  would  turn  out  to  be  as  incorrect  as  it 
was  uncharitable.  I  presumed  that  these  people 
judged  of  others  by  themselves.  Having  but  one 
idea  themselves,  it  seemed  natural  that  they  would 
suspect  others  of  the  same  contraction  of  political 
vision.  Events  have  proved  that  I  was  right,  and 
I  consider  it  most  fortunate,  in  one  respect,  that  it 
should  be  so.  It  is,  I  believe,  well  known  now 
that  the  Senator  alluded  to  and  his  friends  advised, 
if  they  did  not  remonslri;te,  against  the  marching 
of  ournrmyundcrGcneralTaj'lorfrom  the  Nueces 
to  the  Rio  Grande.  And  the  polili.a!  records  of 
the  country  disclose  the  fact  that  the  Senator  allu- 
ded to,  opposed  to  the  last  the  dcelarr.lion  of  the 
existence  of  a  state  of  war  with  Mexico,  recom- 
mended by  the  Executive  and  sanctioned  by  each 
branch  of  Congress  with  singular  unanimity;  and 
that  in  this  course  he  was  sustained,  to  a  good  ex- 
lent,  by  those  called  his  peculiar  friends.  It  is  a 
fact  of  great  notoriety  that,  in  reference  to  the  ad- 
justment wi:h  Mexico  of  the  boundary,  and  other 
questions  in  controversy,  the  Senator  alluded  to 
was  as  much  an  advocate  of  a  "  masterly  inac- 
tivity" as  he  was  in  reference  to  the  Oregon  sub- 
ject; ond  that  he  was  just  ns  much  the  advocate  of 
peace  with  Mexico  as  with  Great  Rritain,  and 
manifested  just  as  much  respect  for  the  tattered 
ensign  of  the  Mexican  anomaly  as  for  the  British 
lion.  Our  country  being  involved  in  a  war  with 
Mexico,  which  he  opposed,  he  supports  the  pro- 
secution of  that  war;  and  the  inference  is  logical 
that  if,  by  insisting  upon  our  claim  to  Oregon  up 
to  54°  40',  a  war  with  England  had  ensued,  lie 
would  have  been  equally  ready  to  render  bis  aid 
in  carrying  it  on.  My  present  eoncliision  is  that, 
in  reference  to  congressional  nctron  upon  the  tariff, 
the  Senator  alluded  to,  and  his  peculiar  friends, 
will  be  found  rendering  their  aid  in  good  faith 
towards  a  modification  of  the  tariff  of  1842;  and 


that,  to  effect  this  object,  they  will  be  found  ready 
to  compromise  upon  points  of  expediency  not  in- 
volving grand  principles.  But  I  will  continue  to 
"  keep  a  red  eye  out,"  and  if  I  find  them  "  fraud- 
ulently intending,  and  craftily  luul  subtlely  con- 
triving," to  defeat  action  upon  the  subject  of  the 
tariff,  I  shall  believe  in  the  existence  of  the  bad 
motive  alleged,  and  shall  not  be  backward  to  speak 
my  mind  upon  the  occasion. 

The  Allegation  against  the  political  condition  of 
the  State  of  New  York  is,  I  apprehend,  likely  to 
he  very  successfully  disproved,  as  to  the  great  ma- 
jority of  her  democratic  sons  in  Congress.  The 
very  best  elucidations  of  the  df.niocralic  tariff  faith 
which  have  been  delivered  on  this  floor  during  the 
present  session,  are  to  be  found  in  the  speechis  of 
New  York  Democrats.  I'arnburiieis  and  Old 
Hunkers  have  alike  distinguished  themselves  du- 
ring this  discussion.  If  1  were  rich,  and  it  wer« 
lawful  to  frank  by  an  amanuensis,  I  would  scatter 
their  well-considered  and  most  orthodox  speeches 
with  a  liberal  hand  among  my  cnnsliluents.  But 
it  may  turn  out  that  a  few  of  the  New  York  demo- 
cratic representatives  have  "  gone  a  whoring  after 
strange  gods;"  that  they  are  under  the  infiuencB  of 
the  iron  huntl  of  monopoly;  that  they  have  com- 
promised with  mnnopoiy,  and  are  here  the  ndyo- 
eatcs  of  leiisliition  for  classes.  Their  position  is  a 
false  one,  deplorably  so.  They  are  in  the  predic- 
ament of  luie  aiming  to  "serve  God  and  mammon;" 
a  task  beyond  an  angel's  power. 

What  has  been  meant  by  any  New  Yorker  here 
calling  himself  n  Democrat,  who  has  consistently 
voted  with  the  opporntion,  whenever  he  could  do  so 
wiihoiit  having  his  name  recorded;  who  has  time 
and  again  joined  with  the  opposition  in  defeating 
democratic' action  in  this  House,  and  in  delaying 
the  transaction  of  business,  and  whose  cacliination 
at  democratic  defeat  has,  on  n  thousand  occasions, 
mingled  with  the  laugh  of  derision  fro.ii  the  olhcr 
side  of  the  House — a  laugh  which  the  opposition 
lind  n  perfect  right  to  indulge  in — was  at  first  to 
me  a  problem  not  soluble  by  anything  written  in 
my  philosophy.  I  have  heard  something  of  clerk- 
ships refused,  and  pageships  vetoed.  [If  that  hits 
it  will  gall.] 

I  have  a  word  for  my  native  State,  (Pennsylva- 
nia.) I  love  her  to  my  soul.  But  it  is  mournfully 
true  that  her  dcmocraiie  sons  in  lliis  Hall,  with  one 
or  two  illustrious  exceptions,  arc  pledged  to  vote 
against  any  modifiation  of  the  tariff  of  1842.  In 
oiher  words,  they  are  pledged  to  sustain  that 
which  the  great  riiass  of  the  democratic  parly  is 
pledged  to  reform.  Inn  special  manner  they  insist 
on  retainins  specific  duties  upon  iron  and  steel,  and 
articles  nmnufacturcd  thereof.  Now,  sir,  specific 
and  minimum  duties  are  the  chief  abuses  which  it 
is  our  boiinden  duty  to  obliterate  from  our  siamie 
book.  Minimnnis  are  what  Mr.  Secretary  Walker 
has  aptly  called  ihem— a  mode  of  taxing  according 
to  a  false  valuation.  But  the  cxicnt  to  which  they 
arc  a  fraud  is  limited.  Specific  duties,  in  this 
respect,  are  more  objectionable  than  minimnnis; 
for  the  extent  to  which  tlicy  operate  as  false  valu- 
ations is  indefinite.  Minimums  and  specifies  are 
looked  upon  by  those  I  represent  with  no  kind  of 
indulgence.  If  I  were  to  vole  for  a  bill  into  which 
llicy  are  admitted,  it  would  be  with  n_  view  to 
relieve  mv  true  democralic  friends  in  New  York 
and  Pennsylvania;  and  I  might  do  so.  provided 
the  evient  to  wliicli  so  false  a  principle  might  be 
admitted,  should  be  very  limited,  and  'provided 
that  thereby  the  friends  I  have  mentioned  could 
vote  with  me.  and  not  otherwise. 

T  have  enumerated  the  obstacles  in  the  way  of 
democratic  tariff  reform,  of  which  I  have  for  somo 
time  past  had  a  prescience,  and  I  proceed  to  con- 
sider, or  rather  inventory,  another  which  has  been 
sprung  upon  us  most  suddeiilv  and  unexpectedly. 
An  honorable  member  fi-om  Ohio  [Mr.  Brin'kf.r- 
iiorr]  addressed  the  House  on  yesterday,  and  in 
the  name  of  the  Democralic  delegation  from  his 
Slate,  with  much  earnestness  and  excitement,  as 
if  he  desired  to  wake  us  up,  gave  us  to  know  that 
neither  he  nor  his  colleagues  could  or  would  vote 
for  the  bill  as  reported  by  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means.  The  honorable  member  [Mr.  Brivk- 
F.niioFF)  enumerated  the  objections  of  the  Ohio 
delcffntion  to  the  bill  reported  by  the  Committee 
of  Ways  and  Means,  and  it  was  somewhat  com- 
ical that  with  one  insignificant  exception,  and  one 
'  by  no  means  important,  they  were  exactly  the 


m 


:i«fe-: 


I'lti^? 


m 


1042 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  1, 


29rH  CoNo ItiT  Srss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Wick. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


objections   which    it   wua   very    well   understood  , 
would  l>e  lemovrd  by  the  votes  of  nil  on  thia  side  \ 
of  the  House.    One  of  those  objections — the  duty  \ 
on  tea  nnd  coffee — every  one  on  this  side  of  the  I 
House  know  tlio  chnirman  of  the  Committee  of  { 
Ways  and  Mciins  had  announced  his  intention  of ; 
rcniovin<;,  by  himself  moving  to  strike  it  out.  j 
What  tlie  oujcel  of  nil  the  honorable  member's  | 
extreme  vehemence  on  this  point  was,  is,,  there-  i 
fore  a  matter  of  wonder.    If  it  was  his  object  to  ] 
Bunconibize  a  little,  by  showing  himuelf  up  as  the 
special  defender  of  the  old  Indies'  tea  anil  coffee 
pots,  why  the  thing  is  innocent  enough,  though  < 
rather  funny,  to  be^surc.     His  velieinence  remijiil- 
ed  me  of  the 

"  Ocean  into  tf'nipfnt  Inst, 
To  wftft  a  t'oatjicr,  or  to  drown  a  fly.' 

It  was  perfectly  apparent  that  the  tax  u:\  ten  and 
coffee  was  to  be  stricKcn  out.  Perhaps  the  honor- 
able member  thought  it  politic  to  be  the  first  in  at 
the  death,  and  to  figure  as  chief  huntsman  on  the 
occasion.  Very  good.  The  honorable  member, 
■peaking  for  hini.^elf  and  his  collearues,  said: 
"  We  can  defeat  your  bill,  and  we  will  >  efcat  your 
bill."  There  was  an  air  of  hostile  and  angry  tri- 
umph in  the  hoiioinble  member's  manner  which 
told  me  that  there  must  be  some  strong  nnd  jier- 
sonal  fitting  prompting  his  most  sudden  and  re- 
markable anniincintion.  To  be  sure,  he  informed 
us  that  he  spoke  more  in  sorrow  than  in  anger. 
Well,  that  maybe  so.  Yet  I  could  not  see  his 
"  sorry."  His  "  mad"  sliipk  ont  "  n  frtl  aytil  xif- 
trordj." 

In  connexion  with  the  threatening  and  vfry 
alarming  annunciation  which  I  have  alluded  to, 
the  honorable  member  made  mention  of  two  griev- 
ances of  which  he  snid  his  State  complains,  and 
which,  in  no  very  decorous  language,  he  charged 
against  the  present  Administration.  The  manner 
and  connexion  in  which  he  made  his  allegation  of 
these  grievances,  were  such  ns  to  leave  the  im- 
pression upon  the  mind  of  the  hearer,  that  they 
were  the  exciting  and  immediate  causes  of  the 
threatened  defection  of  the  Ohio  Democratic  dele- 
gation in  this  hour  of  severe  trial.  Otherwise, 
nnd  if  they  were  not  the  causes,  as  1  have  predica- 
ted, why  mention  them  in  connexion  with  the 
threatened  defection  r 

These  grievances  were  two:  First,  ("  tell  it  not 
in  Gath;  publish  it  not  in  Askalon,")  that,  in  dis- 
tributing offices,  the  present  Administration  had 
neglected  the  State  of  Ohio.  I  quote  the  honor- 
able member's  words: 

"  Ohio  u  the  third  State  in  the  Union;  and  \^et  what  hn$  $he 
liot  from  tkia  .^itminUiratun  ?  Hat  the  a  foireifn  minister  1 
Soi  one,  Ji  rhargf  f  Not  one.  .$  conmlship  of  the  first 
clast  1  Not  one.  Ji  comulship  o/ the'^econd  clasa  I  Not  oJic." 

Hear  him !  How  he  goes  it  n  la  .Teremiah  ! 
"Not  one."  "Not  one."  And  echo  from  her 
solemn  taverns  answers,  "  Not  one."  The  sub- 
ject being  poetical,  the  honorable  member  quotes 
verse.     Said  he: 

"  Cnn  ttiosc  tliinfis  I>p, 
And  overcome  ua  like  a  t^utiinier  rinud. 
Witliout  our  i>i>ocial  WftadiT  ?" 

In  whose  person  has  the  gmnt  State  of  Ohio  been 
thus  insultingly  neglected  >  Is  it  true  that  the  hon- 
orable member  himself  has  recently  been  a  sup- 
pliant at  the  White  House.' — that  he  demanded 
tlie  post  of  paymaster  in  the  army,  and  that  he 
was  refused  Ijccause  of  his  being  a  member  of 
Congress  ?  Is  it  for  this  that  a  complaint  is  to  be 
entered  against  the  present  Administration,  before 
the  people  of  Ohio.'  And  is  it  for  this  that  they 
arc  expected  to  go  into  mourning?  Is  it  for  this 
time  the  Ohio  dilesration  nre,  on  the  important 
question  of  the  Inrilf,  to  desert  the  great  body  of 
the  Democrnlic  party  ?  Do  our  TOiistituenIs  send 
us  bore  to  solicit  offics  for  niirselves'  And  is  it 
written  in  our  instructions  llint  ifwc  fail  to  ol>lain 
the  siunc  I  y  dece  It  solicitation,  wc  may  take  nd- 
vantace  of  the  Administration,  and,  to  force  a  com- 
pliance with  our  selfish  demands,  we  may  by  en- 
tire dilcgations  withhold  our  voles  from  niensures 
matured,  and  recommended  by  the  President, 
necessary  to  the  success  of  his  Adminislmtion, 
nnd  constituting  in  part  the  honor  of  the  Demo- 
cratic |)arty  ?  And  shall  such  things  be  done,  or 
attempted,  in  the  face  of  the  Democracy  of  the 
country,  of  the  opposition,  and  of  the  world,  nnd 
no  tongue  be  found  here  to  proclaim  the  //litig  us 
it  is } — to  develop  motive,  and  its  meanness } 

One  would  suppose  that  this  complaint  came 


from  a  State  whose  electoral  vote  lind  contributed 

'■  to  the  election  of  the  present  Chief  Magistrate-— to 

;  the  establishment  of  the  existing  Administration. 

But  when,  after  the  manner  of  the  honorable  mem- 

'  her  from  Ohio,  we  ask,  How  many  electoral  votes 

(lid  Ohio  contribute  to  the  Democratic  victory  of 

1.-I44?  the  answer,  a  la  BaiNKEniioFr,  is,  "not 

;  one" — "  not  one" — "  not  one." 

So,  too,  one  would  naturally  imagine  that  this 
complaint  came  from  the  month  of  one  who  him- 
I  self  had  lieen  a  consistent  siipporter  of  the  grand 
and  leading  measures  of  the  Democratic  party.    Is 
this  the  case  ?    Is  he  not  the  same  Mr.  Bbinker- 
iioFF  who,  in  the  last  Congress,  made  a  flaming 
speech  against  the  annexation  of  Texas.'    And  to 
'  that  extent,  at  least,  did  not  the  honorable  mem- 
ber consummate  nn  adulterous  connexion  with 
;  Whigery .'  or  with  .\bolitioniam  ? 

Sir,  we  all   remember  it  well.     The  honorable 
member  pronounced  a  philippic  against  the  annex- 
ation, which,  in  manner,  is  elder  brother  to  his 
:  speech  of  yesterday.    The  honorable  member  then 
voted  for  annexation.     Did  he  represent  his  con- 
stituents in  his  speech  .'  or  by  his  vote .'  or  both .' 
And  Is  it  not  true,  al.so,  that  since  the  commence- 
I  ment  of  the  (irescnt  session,  tho  vast  majority  of 
'  the  Democratic  party  in  each  House  of  Congress 
expressed,  by  acts  the  most  decided,  their  desire 
for  the  adjustment  of  the  Oregon  cont    ivcrsy  by 
amicable  negotiation .'     And  is   it  not  true  that 
such   adjustment   has  been  made   by  the' moans 
aforesaid'?     And  is  it  not  true  that  such  adjustment 
has  met  the  cxpres.scd  approval  of  a  majority  of 
Democratic  Senators,  nnd  the  implied  approval  of 
a  great  majority  of  the   Democrats  on  this  floor  ? 
And  is  it  not  true  that  so  far  as  the  action  of  the 
,  President  in  the  premises  is  concerned,  he  was  but 
:  the  agent  of  the  great  majority  of  his  party,  (sus- 
■  taincd  by  other  parties  generally,)  and  executed 
1  that  which   was  dictated  lo  him  '    And  is  it  not 
;  true  that  the  President  concluded  no  such  adjust- 
ment until  he  was  advised  thereto  by  more  than 
the  constitutional  majority  of  the  Senate?    And 
I  yet  is  it  not  true  that  the  honorable  member,  in  his 
!  speech  on  yesterday,  denounced  this  action  of  his 
party  as  "a  most  disgraceful  surrender?"    Is  it  not 
true  that  this  denunciation  was  uttered  after  the 
fact,  when  the  adjustment  could  not  he  recjilled, 
and  when  the  faithful  pen  of  history  is  writing  it 
down  as  an  ai;t  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  of  a 
Democratic  Administraiion?    And  the  honorable 
member  insists  on  iiiserting  on  the  page  a  declara- 
tion that  this  Democralic  act  k  a  "  disgraceftil  sur- 
render"— "  base  bird,"  &e, '. 

And  is  it  not  tme  that  the  honorable  member,  in 
his  speech  on  yesterday,  snid  to  the  vast  majority 
of  the  Democratic  party  on  this  floor,  in  the  most 
insultingly  triumphant  manner,  "  We  can  defeat 
your  bill,  and  wc  will  defeat  your  bill  "?  Did  he 
not  make  the  declaration  in  that  manner  which  in- 
dicated, in  nature's  strong  Innguacc,  that  it  would 
do  his  soul  good  to  defeat  the  tariflf  action  desired 
by  the  mass  of  the  Democratic  party  here? 

And  in  Cue,  do  not  these  facts  prove  that  on 
these  great  nnd  leading  questions — Tex.as,  Oregon, 
and  the  tariff" — the  honorable  member  was  prepared 
to   vote  against  his   party,   denounced  il.s   grand 
measures,  nnd  has  pronounced  ajainst  the  action 
of  that  party,  when  no  practicable  result  can  fol- 
low the  denunciation,  except  the  disgrace,  so  far 
as  in  him  lies,  of  that  party,  and  the  .Administra- 
tion ?     And  is  it  not  true  that  on  each  of  these  enu-  I 
mcrated  questions,  his   dissent  from   Democratic  I 
action,  instead  of  being  expressed  in  such  modest  i 
phrase  and  modest  manner  as  becomes  dissenlera  j 
from  the  mass  of  their  associates,  has  been  belched  1 
forth  in  language  nnd  manner  most  particularly 
uproareons  nnd  vehemently  ultra  ?    Anil  do  these  ' 
thinsa  make  the  honorable  member  a  meritorious 
Democrat  of  the  first  water;     Do  they  entitle  him 
lo  demand,  knife  in  hand,  nn  office  of  the  Admin- 
istration?    Do  they  strip  of  enormity  (he  "  strike 
for  higher  wages,''  which  the  honorable  member 
made  in   this  Hall,  on   yesterday,  openly,  i).id  in 
the  manner  of  an  injured  man  ? 

And,  finally,  has  it  conic  to  this,  that  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  are  to  use  their  ,  isitiona 
here  lo  get  a  suck  of  treasury  pap,  by  either  whi- 
ning, coaxinir, 'Wheedling,  nnd  solicitation,  or, 
those  mcniiH  falling,  by  boldly  deserting  their  prin- 
ciples, nnd  thrir  duly  to  their  constituents,  nnd, 
'•  putting  llie  screws"  to  the  President,  chosen  by 


the  people  not  to  pet  members  of  Congress  into  a 
faithful  discharge  of  their  duty  by  gilln  of  office 
and  place,  but  to  administer  the  Government,  and 
execute  the  In ws  ? 

Sir,  how  do  our  constituents  undcrstiind  the  duty 
of  a  partisan  statesman  ?  They  do  not  undeistniid 
that  It  ia  his  privilege  to  use  a  public  positifiii, 
given  him  by  them,  for  his  own  pcrsonni  benefit. 
They  do  understnnd  that  his  time,  talents,  and 

CcrsonnI  services  and  influence  are,  fur  the  time 
cine,  theirs,  wholly  theirs.  They  do  not  uniler- 
stand  that  he  is  to  support  nn  Administration  for 
the  sake  of  the  mm  composing  it,  but  for  the  sake 
of  his  party,  nnd  they  understnnd  it  to  be  his  duty 
to  Support  his  party,  not  foi  its  sake,  hnt  for  the 
anke  of  hia  country.  And  they  do  not  understnnd 
that  the  private  griefs  of  a  public  man  can  exoner- 
ate him  from  a  faithful  discharge  of  these  duties. 

Sir,  this  Administration  has  refused  me  a  gnnt 
pcrsonni  flivor.     When  ymi  jiassed  the  law  nii- 
thoiizing  the  President  to  call  into  service  general 
officere,  holding  commissions  from  the  States,  to 
command  the  volunteers,  I  tendered  my  services 
as  a  brigadier  of  Indiana.     I   have  no  mcins  of 
knowing,  except  inferentially,  whether  or  not  the 
tender  would  have  been  accepted,  as,  in  a  day  or 
two  thereafter,  you  changed  the  law,  nnd  directed 
the  general  officers  to  be  appointed  by  the  Presi- 
dent, with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate. 
Upon  the  passage  of  this  last-named  law,  a  Sena- 
tor from  Indiana  presented  my  name  (at  my  re- 
qiiest)  for  nomination  to  the  command  of 'i  brigade. 
The  President  promptly  answered  that  he  could 
not  appoint  members  of  Congress  to  cop.mands  in 
the  army.     I  never  addressed  myself  personally 
to  the  President  or  lo  any  member  of  the  Ailmin- 
istration  on  the  subject,  thinking  such  a  course  in- 
delicate.    Do  you  suppose,  sir,  that   this  disap- 
pointment would  be  nny  justification,  or  any  ex- 
cuse for  me,  before  my  constituency,  or  the  tridunal 
of  honor,  or  conscience,  were  I  now  to  change  the 
character  of  my  action,  on  any  given  subject  or 
measure— -or  even  the  ninnner  of  that  action?    Sir, 
the  idea  ia  an  abominable  one.     The  Democratic 
statesman  who  will  use  his  position  to  bully  a 
Democratic  Administration  into  grants  of  offices, 
;  especially  to  himself  or  relatives,  is  such  a  man  as 
I  God  hates,  the  Whigs  despise,  and  ns  all  honest 
I  and  honorable  men  w-ill  understand  and  avoid. 
And,  to  be  done  with  this  painful  topic,  I  sny 
here  in  my  plnce,  deliberately,  that  if  the  honor- 
able Democratic  delegates  from  Ohio  have  made  up 
;  their  minds  to  change  the  character  of  their  action, 
on  the  subject  of  the  tariff",  even  to  the  millionth 
I  part  of  a  hair's  breadth,  because  of  any  actual,  or 
supposed  neglect  of  their  State  in  reference  to  the 
,  distribution  of  Executive  patronage,  the  sooner  they 
.  go  over  to  the  other  side  of  the  House,  and  become 
Whigs  in  name,  the  belter  will  it  be  for  the  Ad- 
ministration nnd  the  Democratic  party.     But,  sir, 
I  cannot  believe  this  of  my  Mends  from  Ohio.     I 
rather  believe  that  what  was  said  by  their    illeaguo 
,  [Mr.  Brikkgrhuff]  was  an  ebullition  of  personal 
'  grief,  with  which  they  will  not  sympathiz*  so  far 
i  ns  to  chnnge  their  votes  on  nny  question. 

But,  sir,  the  honorable  member  from  Ohio  [Mr. 
Brinkeriioff]  took  occa.sion  to  rend  us  a  tirade 
upon  the  subject  of  the  Oregon  adjustment,  leaving 
it  to  be  nlainly  inferred  that  in  thiit  he  and  his  col- 
leagues nave  found  another  reason  for  withholding 
their  voles  from  tlie  revenue  system  adjusted  and 
recommended  by  the  Executive.  It  is  true,  he 
connected  what  he  said  on  this  point  with  the  prop- 
osition to  levy  a  duty  upon  tea  nnd  coff'ee.  But 
innsinuch  as  for  many  days,  not  to  say  weeks,  pie- 
I  viously,  everybody  understood  that  that  proposition 
would' be  stricken  out  of  the  hill,  by  common  con- 
sent, whenever  it  should  be  in  order  for  the  cliair- 
;  man  of  the  committee  which  reported  the  bill  to 
make  that  motion,  the  inference  is  that  this  junc- 
tion of  themes  was  the  result  of  a  wish  to  draw  a 
factitious  support  to  his  views  of  the  Oregon  settle- 
ment. That  measure  must,  in  all  fairness,  stand 
alone. 

How  it  may  be  with  the  American  people  at 

'  large,  I  know  not;  but  it  is  very  npimrent  that  there 

ia  here  in  Congress — and  especially  with  some  of 

the  Democratic  delegation  from  Ohio — adispositimi 

to  agonize  and  hefillfied — a  tendency  lo  spasms,  in 

■  reference  to  the  Oregon  ndjiiNtmcnt.     Wherefore? 

'  Cui  bono?  let  me  ask.    Why  continue  to  be  ngiln- 

'  ted,  and  lo  seek  to  excite  the  public  mind  concern- 


29th  Con( 

ingaquestionnol 

done,  past,  and  g 

Is  the  object  to 

cratic  party  will 

ceived  the  sane 

Most  unworthy 

democratic  objei 

Sir,  I  was  opv 

settlement  of  ih 

were  cast  with  i 

it  ia  aetlled,  I  d( 

for  my  parly,  fl 

about  it  whenev 

sir,  that  we  54°  I 

but  for  our  ene 

nil  of  Orcjjon,  \ 

able  an  adjustni 

rigiit? 

Mr.  Steono. 

Mr.  Wick:  ' 

ling  down  and 

AiTministration 

anotlier  Dcnioi 

prepusteroiis. 

this  whining, 

thing  done  nnd 

rymaids  and  f 

prove  the  phili 

iur  proverbs; 

milk." 

Sir,  iTlliept 
tain  the  aaceiid 
by  a  resort  to, 
ular  impulses 
ernling  upon  | 
reason  of  the  ] 
ocratic  ascend 
as  the  theme 
exialenec. 

The  princi) 
proposed  tnril 
luring  monop 
in  the  States 
in  Maryland 
States  I  have 
the  pas.snge  c 
of  those  Stat 
been  broughl 
god.     A:v>I] 
duced  by  fe 
witnesses,  p 
defeat  the  p( 
out  getting 
by  pinciiig  I 
the  popular 
never  see  it 
it,  nnd  God 
But,  sir, 
lievc  that  tl 
the  extent 
Committee 
prepared  to 
though  I m 
the  countrv 
of  the  blac' 
The   Pi' 
snniU  nmo 
cles  in  tin 
made  soim 
is  now  vir 
continue  i 
met  the  a| 
out  a  resi 
else  left  ui 
Many  lett 
words,  vii 
necessary 
to  avoid  1 
cofft-e,  if  I 
cratic  pni 
them,  mil 
I  love  till 
live  here 
My  ho 

BATTs]     i 

somethiii 
rendy  to 
voted  ngi 
Sir,  1 
of  the  pt 
not  vole 
eral  vcas 


■1 


•  mnitf!fi^„i  ffJ  i!iiu«wwv«iiuimuj   mwrfimmD 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1043 


29tii  Cong 1st  Skss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Wick, 


Ho.  or  Reps 


ingaqueRtion  no  longer  practicable — n  thing  settled, 
(lone,  poat,  nnd  gone,  und  which  ciinnnt  be  recalled  I 
la  the  object  to  disgust  a  niinuiily  of  the  Dcino- 
crntic  party  with  acts  and  doings  which  have  re- 
ceived the  sanction  of  a  miijority  of  that  party  ? 
Most  unworthy,  most  unpatriotic,  and  most  un- 
democratic object ! 

Sir,  I  was  opposed  to  conceding  anything  on  the 
settlement  of  the  Oregon  controversy.  My  votes 
were  cast  with  uiy  54°  40*  friends.  But  now  iimt 
it  is  settled,  I  do  not  see  that  I  cnn  gnin  anything 
for  my  party,  or  my  country,  by  going  in'o  fits 
aliout  it  whenever  the  fjubject  ij  named.  1  think, 
sir,  that  wc  54°  40'  men  would  do  well  to  claim  that, 
but  for  our  energetic  insisting  upon  our  right  to 
all  of  Orejjfon,  we  should  not  have  had  aa  favor- 
able un  adjustment  as  we  have,  is  that  not  about 
right.' 

IVlr.  Strong,  of  New  York:  "Yes,  that's  it." 

Mr.  Wick:  Yes,  that  is  it.  But  the  idea  of  pul- 
ling down  and  disgracing  the  present  Democratic 
Administration  and  party,  with  a  view  to  build  up 
another  Democratic  Administration  and  |wrty,  is 
preposterous.  Besides,  sir,  what  is  the  use  of  all 
this  whining,  raving,  and  comiilaining  about  a 
thing  done  and  irretrievable?  Why,  sir,  the  dai- 
rymaids and  good  old  ladies  of  the  land  will  re- 
f)rovc  the  philosophers  of  Ohio  in  one  of  our  popu- 
ur  proverbs;  " //  w  of  no  um  to  gritue  after  s})iU 
milk." 

Sir,  \i  the  politicians  of  any  State  expect  to  main- 
lain  the  ascendency  of  the  Democratic  party  therein 
by  a fcsort  to,  and  dependence  upon,  passing  pop- 
ular impulses  and  ephemeral  qucsticms,  or  by  op- 
erating upon  popular  passions,  instead  of  the  calm 
reason  of  the  people,  they  will  be  mistaken.  Dem- 
ocratic ascenaency  in  such  States  will  be  as  fitful 
as  the  themes  and  causes  giving  it  a  momentary 
existence. 

The  principal  operating  cau.'ies,  then,  against  the 
proposed  tariff  reform  is  the  influence  of  manufac- 
turing monopoly  o|x;rating  upon  popular  elections 
in  the  States  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  York,  and 
in  Maryland  and  New  Jersey,  which  two  latter 
States  I  have  not  mentioned  before.  The  vote  on 
the  nas.sagc  of  the  bill  will  show  in  what  portions 
of  tliose  Slates  the  proud  crest  of  Democracy  has 
been  brought  to  bow  at  the  shrine  of  the  money 
god.  A:;;!  besides  this,  there  is  here  disgust,  pro- 
duced by  favors  refused,  which  is  seen  by  eye- 
witnesses, plain  as  the  sun  at  noonday,  seeking  to 
defeat  the  popular  will  whenever  it  can  do  so  with- 
out getting  into  a  false  position  upon  the  record, 
by  placing  there  a  vole  m  breach  of  vows  made  at 
the  popular  altar.  The  constituency  at  home  ma^r 
never  see  it;  but  the  members  of  this  House  see 
it,  and  God  sees  it. 

But,  sir,  1  hope  better  things.  I  hope  and  be 
lieve  that  this  bill  will  pass  after  being  amended  tc 
the  extent  that  wc  all  know  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  .Means  is  instructed  and 
prepared  to  move.  I  prefer  the  bill  in  that  shape, 
though  I  might  compromise  a  little  rather  than  .see 
the  country  longer  consigned  to  the  tender  mercies 
of  the  black  tariir  of  1842! 

The  President  has  recommended  a  duty  to  a 
small  amount  on  leu,  cofToc,  and  some  other  arti- 
cles in  ihc  free  list.  This  recommendation  was 
made  some  time  ago.  It  was  proposed  here,  but 
is  now  virtually  withdrawn.  It  was  proposed  to 
continue  only  during  the  war.  As  a  war  lax,  it 
met  the  approval  of  my  judgment,  because,  with- 
out a  resort  to  direct  taxation,  there  is  nothing 
cl.se  left  untaxed.  I  wrote  home  for  instructions. 
Many  letters  came,  saying  (o  me  in  substance  these 
words,  viz:  "  If  the  war  with  Mexico  has  made  it 
necessary,  in  order  to  avoid  a  large  public  debt,  and 
to  avoid  direct  taxation,  to  levy  a  duty  on  tea  and 
coffee,  if  the  President  has  asked  it,  and  the  Demo- 
cratic party  gave  it  their  votes,  do  you  go  with 
them,  niul  fear  not."  Glorious  Democrats!  How 
I  love  them!  Proud  am  I  to  be  their  Representa- 
tive here! 

My  honorable  friend  flom  Kentucky  [Mr.  Tib- 
D\TTs]  in  his  speech  the  other  day,  threw  out 
sumelhiiig  like  n  taunt  against  ihoHc  who  were 
ready  to  vole  the  duty  on  tea  ai\il  coffee,  and  yet 
voted  against  raising  the  pay  of  the  volunteers. 

Sir,  1  take  this  to  myself.  In  the  [ircsent  state 
of  the  public  treasury,  and  of  the  country,  I  could 
not  vole  to  raise  the  pay  of  the  volunteers  for  sev- 
eral reasons,  some  of  which  I  will  name. 


1,  The  voluntcera  w^re  not  asking  it.    On  the 
contrary,  ihopsunds  were  rushing  to,the  standard 
of  their  country,  more  than  could  be  accepted.     In- 
stead of  "  striking  for  higher  wages,"  the  glorious  ' 
fellows   were  coniing    forward,   without    asking 
whether  the  pay  had  been  raised  since  the  days  of  i 
Woshington,  when  it  was  three  dollars  pet  month.  ' 
They  knew  that   their  country  would  feed  and  i 
clothe  them,  lake  care  of  them  if  sick,  and  pension  | 
them  if  wounded.     And  they  knew  that  if  they 
ihould  foil    in  the  service,   their  memory  would  j 
dwell  with  the  survivors,  and  ihat  patriots  would 
be  kind  to,  and  God  take  care  of,  their  widows, 
orphans,  or  dependent  brothers  and  sisters,  if  such  i 
they  had.     They  knew  they  would  have  some  little  i 
mutt  r  of  pay.     They  asked  no  more.  j 

3.  The  companies  of  the  regular  army  were  not  ^ 
half  full.     We  have  a  full  corps  of  regular  officers,  i 
Without  wc  raise  men  for  them  to  lead  to  battle, 
we  are  paving  half  these  officers  for  services  not  | 
needed.     If  we  had  raised  the  pay  of  the  volun-  I 
leers,  and  not  of  the  regular  soliliers,  all  would  ; 
volunteer,  and  none  enlist.     This  would  be  bad,  ! 
not  only  for  the  reason  I  have  staled,  but  also  be-  ' 
cause  wc  should  thus  be  destitute  of  artillerists 
when  the  half  companies,  now  enlisted,  should  be  , 
reduced  by  the  casualties  of  war.     In  this  war  ar- 
tillery is  the  strong  arm  of  the  service.     If  we  had 
raised  the  pay  of  the  volunteers,  "'e  would  have  i 
lieeii  bound,  also,  to  raise  the  pay  of  the  regular 
forces.     That  would  have  exhausted  the  treasury  , 
too  rapidly,  in  my  opinion,  early  in  a  war,  whicn 
may  probably  be  u  prolracted  one. 

3.  Many  of  the  volunteers  from  my  region  are 

landless;  others  have  sons,  and  no  inheritance  for 

them.     I  therefore  thought  a  grant  of  land  would 

be   more  acceptable  than  a  paltry  raise  of  pay, 

amounting  in  all  to  twenty-four  dollai'S,  if  they 

I  serve  a  year.     I  also  believed  that  a  grant  of  land 

;  would  stimulate  the  much-needed  enlistments  in 

the  regulor  army.     In  pursuance  of  this  idea  I  in- , 

troduced,  on  yesterday,  a  resolution,  in  substance  \ 

as  follows:  j 

!      "  Rfrtolved,  That  the  tXtmmitlcc  on  Mililirni  XfJ'aira  he  in- 

i  itnictcd  to  iittjuire  into  the  cxjteilirneti  of  i^uvltna  to  cuch 

olPrcfy  non-commissioned  ojfircr,   and  prwnte  of  t'Oluntecn 

entering  tite  serrirc,  a  traet  of  /i/n/f,  iiiwi  of  alimulatinn  enlist- 

ments  in  the  rct^ulitr  army  Ini  n  timilur  t^itnt  to  non-rommia- 

sioned  offu-era  and  privates  enliiting  Ijetwecn  June  a}id  Novem~ 

her  in  the  present  ifear." 

This  resolution  w.is  adopted  unanimously.  In 
due  lime  the  bill  will  be  reported;  and  some  day 
during  the  present  or  (perhaps  for  want  of  time 
now)  in  the  next  session  it  will  come  before  us. 
I  shall  then  ex|icrtmy  much-esteemed  friend  from 
Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Stew.viit]  to  give  me  his  aid, 
unless,  indeed,  his  oliject  in  introducing  his  reso- 
lution for  raising  the  pay  of  the  volunteers  was 
merely  to  create,  by  profuse  expenditure,  a  neces- 
sity for  increased  taxation,  to  f  ivor  his  all-nbsorb- 
ing  idea  of  a  protective  UirilT.  1  doubt  not  that  the 
brave  volunteers  will  then  find  friends  on  both 
sides  of  the  House. 

Mr.  Brown,  of  Tennessee:  "  Wc  will  all  help 
you  on  this  (the  Whig)  side  of  the  House." 

Mr.  Wick.  I  knew  you  would.  If  you  differ 
with  ua  upon  the  grand  principles  of  government, 
you  also  arc  pat.iots;  and  you  love  the  patriot  who 
supports  his  country's  rights  in  the  tented  field, 
and  are  willing  that  those  who  defend  our  coun- 
try's soil  should  obtain  n  home  of  that  soil  as  the 
reward  of  his  devotion.  God  bless  you,  my  Whig 
friends;  I  differ  with  yon,  but  regard  you  ns  honest 
men.  I  wns  on  your  side  myself  twelve  years  ngo, 
and  I  was  perfectly  honest  then,  ns  I  am  also 
now. 

[Cheers  and  laughter  on  the  Whig  side  of  the 
House.] 

Mr.  Wick,  nt  the  top  of  his  voice.  But  not  so 
well  informed.  [Great  cheering  on  the  Democraiic 
side.] 

So,  too,  I  doubt  not,  the  land  grant  to  the  sol- 
dier, and  to  the  volunteer  and  his  officers,  will 
receive  almost,  if  not  quite,  a  unanimous  support 
from  the  Democraiic  side  of  the  House,  (many 
voices:  "  Ay,  ay,")  and  from  my  honored  friend 
from  Kentucky,  [Mr.  Tibbatts.I 

Mr.  TiBBATTs:  "Yes,  indeed. 

Mr.  Wick.  The  quantity  granted  to  each  will 
not  be  le.<s  than  a  quarter  section.  Who,  now,  is 
the  liest  friend  of  the  l)rave  volunteers? 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  know  not  whether  this  bill  will 
pass.     It  has  yet  to  run  the  gauntlet  uf  votes  un 


the  amendments  in  Committee  of  the  Whole, 
which  votes  not  Iwing  recorded,  arc  given  solely 
under  the  responsibililiesof  honor  and  conscience. 
Oiir  friends  on  the  other  side  of  the  House,  in 
defence  of  llihr  principles,  will  risk  much.  They 
will  be  as  one  man.  They  will  not  hesitate  to 
vote  for  amendments  obnoxious,  or  against  amend- 
ments acceptable  to  their  respective  constituencies, 
in  hopes  thereby  to  make  the  bll'  such  ns  to  give 
Nome  of  us  on  tills  side  of  the  House  a  fair  reason 
for  voting  against  it  on  its  passage.  I  respect  them 
for  so  doing.  They  act  like  Whig  statesmen, 
who  believe  their  principles  lo  be  right,  and  are 
intent  on  defeating  a  Deniocrutic  larilf,  for  which 
purpose  they  will  risk  and  meet  the  necessity  of 
explaining  their  obnoxious  votes  by  giving  as  a 
reason  tliut  they  were  necessary  to  (feU'al  the  pas- 
sage of  the  bill,  and  lo  save  the  Whig  tariff  of 

Hut  will  Democrats  do  so  likewise  ?  Will  they 
unite  in  voting  down  specious  amendments,  having 
for  their  object  the  defeat  of  the  Democratic  tariff? 
Or  will  they  scatter,  like  sheep  without  a  shepherd, 
and  dodge  the  responsibilily  necessary  to  the  suc- 
cess of  every  great  measure?  Or  will  any  one  be 
found  "  unlawfully  intending,  and  craftily  cuii- 
Iriviiig  how  he  may  wickedly,  feloniously,  and  of 
Ills  malice  afoielhoughi,  the  said  Democratic  tariff 
kill,  murder  and  destroy?"  A  picture  of  the 
modun  oftramli  of  the  two  sides  of  the  House  is 
mortifying.  Let  a  veil  bo  drawn  over  it.  1  am 
reminded  by  the  state  of  things  here  of  a  quota- 
tion from  the  Psalmist — Rouse's  version: 


"  The  trnuliltw  tliat  afflict  Uie  just 
111  nuinlH-r  iiiiiny  he  ; 
Dut  oiil  of  ul)  III'  tlieiii  at  la't 
Tliey  simil  dtlivcri  (1  lie." 


>. 


The  troubles  of  the  fuiihfui  Democracy  on  this 
flour  are  many  and  great.     Let  us  fear  not.     God 
will  help  us,  and  wc  shall  reap  the  reward  offaith- 
fuliuss.     Faithfulness,  fuitlifulncss,  faithfulness  I 
I      Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  a  few  more  words,  and  I 
I  will  be  done.     Persons,  desirous  of  defeating  this 
:  bill,  have  been  busy  whispering  in  the  ears  of 
j  northern  and  western  men  the  puerile  suggestion 
;  that  the  bill  before  us  is  a  southern  bill.     Sir,  it  is 
emphatically  a  western  bill.    We  in  the  West  have 
our  agricultural  staples.     They  are  homely,  to  be 
sure,  but  they  are  such  ns  the  world  cannot  do 
without.    Trade  unshackled  by  aught  but  revenue 
duties  is  of  more  importance  lo  us  than  to  the 
South.     Wc  want  the  world's  wide  market  lo  buy 
i  and  sell  in.     With  thai,  and  with  freedom  from 
j  war,  and  public  debt,  we  expect  to  prosper  as 
1  those  who  may  have  God's  promise  that  "  in  the 
!  sweat  of  their  brow  they  shall  eat  bread,  all  the 
days  of  their  lives."    From  the  passage  of  this 
bill,  and  the  repeal  of  the  English  corn  laws,  (no 
thanks  to  the  liritish  Government  for  that — they 
had  to  repeal  them,  or  see  the  British  Constitution 
!  overturned,)  we  hope  lo  find  advantage.     But  wo 
1  have  no  expectation  of  becoming  able  to  buy  a 
j  farm  on  credit,  pay  for  it  in  Iwo  years,  and  get 
rich  in  five  more,  as  the  manufacturers  have  been 
\  doing.     We  look  not  for  the  glorious  times  of 
i  18.17,  or  whatsoever  was  the  date  of  the  last  paper- 
]  money  expansion.     We  desire  no  return  of  such 
-,  times.     They  have  a  bad  farewell  to  them.     Wo 
■  simply  expect  that  we  shall  be  able  lo  make  good 
i  livings,  raise  and  educate  our  children,  and  send 
them  fiirllier  West,  to  begin  the  world,  ns  wc  do, 
on  small  means.     Is  this  asking  too  much  of  our 
manulucturing  friends?     We  think  not, 
I      In  connexion  with  this  siibjcci,  I  will  be  permit- 
!  ted  to  say  that,  possibly  to  lessen  the  force  of  my 
{  opinions,  I   have  been  represented  as  a  man  of 
I  southern  origin.     Such  is  not  the  fact.     My  father 
]  was  tt  New  Yorker,' and  my  mother  from  the  old 
,  Hay  State.     I  was  born  ir.  western  Pennsylvania — 
j  from  infancy  nearly  lo  manhood   I  resided  in  the 
:  most  obscure  township  in  that  district  in  Ohio, 
represented  on  this  floor  by  Mr.  Giddings.    Then, 
fur  two  or  three  years,  my  home  wns  in  Warren 
county,  Ohio — and  that  time  till  now  in  Indiana. 
!  My  associations  have  been  anything  but  southern. 
But  it  has  been  my  delight  to  study  the  Conslitu- 
:  lion  of  my  country,  to  rccogni.se,  and  sustain  every 
right  secured  thereby,  and  to  come  to  the  under- 
standing of  the  best  mode  by  which  to  promote 
the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  the  tillers  of  the 
I  soil;  for  I  know  that  when  Ihcij  prosper,  all  others 
are  sure  to  do  well. 


:m 


J 


1044 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


fJuly  I, 


29tii  Cong 1st  Sess. 


I%e  Tariff— Mr.  CnrroU. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


1846.1 

SOth  Cong.. 


THE  TARIFF. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  C.  H.  CARROI L, 

OF  NEW  YORK, 

In  the  House  or  Rr.pnEaENTATivEi, 

Juhj  1, 184G. 

On  the  Bill  reUucin?  iIir  duty  on  Im|iurl9i  iitid  for 
oilier  purposesi. 

Mr.  CARROLL  said  : 

Mr.  Chairman;  I  liuve  lislenrd  witli  much  ol- 
tention  and  plenHiire  lo  tliu  abin,  eloquent,  and  , 
lcnrn«|  disoussion  of  the  measure  |iro|i(ised  for  our 
adoption  by  the  bill  under  connidcrntion;  nnd  I 
■hould  not  have  trespassed  upon  your  attention 
but  for  the  Rrcat  nnd  paranioiuit  importance  of  the 
subject,  n'ld  the  intense  anxiety  with  which  the 
constituents  whom  I  have  the  honor  of  represent- 
ing; on  this  door  are  looking  for  our  decision;  nei- 
ther will  I  digress  from  the  subject  in  the  remarks 
which  I  propose  to  make,  feeling'  my  incompetency 
to  do  it  justice  with  the  appropriation  of  the  whole 
time  allowed  by  the  hour  rule. 

When  a  Qovermnent  IS  supported,  as  ours  is, 
exclusively,  or  nearly  so,  by  duties  upon  imports, 
the  adjustment  and  griiduatiim  of  those  duties  so 
as  to  bear  as  equally  as  possible  upon  all,  and  to 
be  burdensome  upon  none;  lo  make  luxuries  pay 
heavier  than  the  necessaries  (if  life;  loiriveto  labor 
full  employment  and  compensation;  to  protect  the 
productions,  industry,  nnd  ingenuity  of  the  coun- 
try, and  to  develop  its  resources,  arc  queslii^ns 
requiring  much  reflection  nnd  deliberatiim.  All 
the  pursuits  of  life,  whether  agricultural,  mnnufac- 
tural,  mechanical,  commercial,  professinnal,  or 
otherwise,  are  inlinialely  connected  wiili  the  proper 
adjustment  nnd  settlement  of  this  irreat  qoesfinn. 
That  it  shoulii  be  settled  is  equally  important  with 
the  mode  of  settlement.  The  a;;ititinn  alone  of 
the  subject  deranges  business  plans  and  opcraiiona, 
locks  up  and  prevents  the  investment  of  capital, 
interferes  with  the  supply  nnd  demand,  causes 
properly  and  labor  to  fluctuate  in  price,  deranires 
currency  and  credit,  and  frequently  produces  bank- 
ruptcy and  ruin. 

The  present  tariff  of  duties,  like  all  other  sys- 
tems devised  by  man,  has  undoubtedly  its  defects. 
If  all  would  tafte  hoUl  of  the  subject  in  a  concilia- 
tory and  yielding  spirit,  discarding  party  feeling 
and  prejudice,  and  .vting  solely  for  the  good  of  the 
whole  country,  the  duties  might  no  doubt  in  some 
respects,  be  increasi-d,  and  in  others  diminished, 
advantageously.     Yet,  as  n  sytem,  it  has  nccom- 


Flishcd  the  wise  purposes  ilesigned  by  its  franiers. 
t  has  yielded  ,i  revenue  adrnuate  lo  the  expendi- 
tures of  the  Government,  and  to  the  payment,  in 


a  short  period,  of  the  national  debt.  It  lias  revived 
the  crcnit  of  the  Government  and  of  individuals; 
has  given  additional  employment  to  labor  nnd  to 
capital;  and,  without  being  oppressive  to  any,  has 
given  jirosperiiy  to  all  the  varied  interests  of  the 
country.  \Vhere,  then,  the  policy  or  necessity  of 
discartfing  a  system  that  has  proiluced  such  re- 
sults, that  has  been  so  successfully  and  iiiuniph- 
nnily  tried,  and  of  mak  ng  the  radical  changes  and 
cxnerimenU)  contemplated  liy  this  bill.' 

The  President  of  the  United  States,  however,  in 
his  mess-Tire  at  the  cmnmencement  of  the  present 
session,  nl^er  "congratulating  us  on  the  continued 
prosperity  of  our  country,"  and  "our  unexampled 
advancement  in  all  the  elements  of  national  great- 
ness," invites  the  attention  of  Congress  "  to  the 
importance  of  making  suitable  modifications  and 
reductionsof  therates  of  duty  imposeJ  by  our  pres- 
ent tarilT."  I  would  here  remark  that  the  Presi- 
dent has  taken  a  inost  singular  mode  ofiTHrodueing 
his  recommendation  of  the  pns.sagc  of  laws  .ntirely 
and  radically  changing  the  long-established  policy 
and  settled  business  relations  of  the,  country,  by 
first  congratulating  us  "on  the  contiimed  prosper- 
ity of  our  country,"  nnd  its  "inicxampled  ad- 
vancement in  all  the  elements  of  national  great- 
ness." It  appears  to  me  that  this  would  have  been 
a  more  suitable  introduction  to  a  message  caution- 
ing us  against  any  material  change  of  the  estab- 
lished policy  and  laws  under  which  all  the  ele- 
ments of  our  national  greatness  had  nrosiiered  and 
advanced  in  n  manner  so  unparalleleil.  Tliis  would 
seem  to  be  ilie  first  and  strongest  arirument  that  a 
Htatesnuin  woidd  advance  against  any  ma:'^fial  al- 
teration of  a   policy  so  long  established,  Mid  that 


had  worked  so  well.  Were  even  our  tables  groan- 
ing under  the  weight  of  petitions  and  complaints 
from  the  various  classes  whom  the  President  and 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  represent  as  being  un- 
justly taxed  anil  opprcsed  by  the  present  Hystem, 
It  would  generally  bo  considered  a  sufficient  answer 
to  their  petitions  to  point  them  to  the  unexampled 
advancement  nnd  prosperity  of  the  whole  country, 
ill  nil  its  elemcnlH  of  national  greatness,  to  show 
them  that  the  evils  of  which  they  complained  were 
imaginary.  Or,  even  if  there  were  plausib'e  ground 
of  complaint  that  the  present  system  of  duties  bore 
in  some  respects  unequally  upon  the  different  i 
classes  of  population,  or  upon  different  sections  of 
the  country,  the  reciprocal  and  corresponding  ben- 
efits which  so  iiiiiver.sally  pervade  every  class  of 
society,  and  every  branch  of  business,  would  be  a 
sufficient  reason  for  declining  and  hesiuiling  to 
make  even  slight  nltcrntions  of  a  system  working 
so  well  and  producing  results  so  unparalleled. 

The  Pre.siilent,  however,  notwiliistnndiiig  this 
eulogiuin  upon  the  jnosperily  of  the  country,  has 
recommended  and  urged  changes  more  radical, 
anil  more  thoroughly  changing  the  vital  and  im- 

fiortaut  business  relations  of  the  country,  than  has 
)een  recommended  by  any  of  his  predecessors. 
He  reeommeuils  the  idiolition  of  the  "minimum" 
principle,  nnd  of  "specific  duties,"  and  the  substi- 
tution in  all  cases  of  "ad  valorem  duties."  He  says 
that  "  the  tarilfof  1842  imposes  heavy  and  unjust 
'  burdens  on  the  farmer,  the  planter,  the  comnier- 

•  cial  man,  and  tho.se  of  ell  other  pursuits,  except 
'  the  capitalist  who  has  made  his  investment  in 
'  manufactures;"  that,  "  while  it  protects  the  cnpi- 
'  lalof  the  wealthy  manufacturer,  and  increases  his 
'  profits,  it  does  not  protect  the  operatives  or  labor- 
'eis  in  his  employment;"  that  "it  bears  most 
'  heavily  upon  articles  of  common  necessity,  nnd 
'  but  lichtly  on  articles  of  luxury;"  that  "a  sys- 

•  tem  of  ad  valorem  revenue  duties,  with  projier 
'  discriminations,  will  afford  ample  incidental  ad- 
'  vanlasreT  to  the  manufacturers."  The  Secretary 
of  the  Treasrry  bus  labored  in  his  annual  report,  ■ 
nnd  swelled  his  statements  and  statistics,  by  pub- 
lishing circnliirs  and  answers  thereto,  into  a  volume 
ofneara  tbioisand  pages,  lo  sustain  these  views  of 
the  President.  He  has  labored  long,  nnd  with 
much  ingenuity,  to  convince  the  farmer  nnd  the 
planter  that  the  mamifacturing  interests  add  little 
to  the  home  market,  nnd  that  the  markets  of  the  ; 
worlil  are  sacrificed  therefor.  He  has  held  out  to 
them  an  increased  demand  in  the  foreign  market 
for  their  surplus,  by  the  contemplated  repeal  of  the 
British  corn  laws.     He  says:  "No  American  pti- 

•  triot  can  de.'-'irc  to  arrest  our  onward  career  in 
'  peace  and  prosperity;  but  if,  unhappily,  such 
'  should  be  the  result,  it  would  create  an  increased 
'  necessity  for  rerfiiciiig  our  pnsfnl  Aigh  duties,  in 
'  order  to  obtain  sufficient  revenue  to  meet  in- 
'  creased  expenditures;"  or  that  the  duties  must  he 
reduced  tn  incrrnse  the  rerenue.     He  snvs  that  "  the 

•  whole  tax  imposed  upon  the  peo|ilft  i)y  the  pres- 
:  •  ent  tariff  is  not  less  than  8Sl,(»OI),nOO,  of  which 
I  '  >»d7 ,000,0(10  are  jmiil  lo  the  Government  upon 

'  the  imports,  and  $.') 4, 000,000  to  the  protected 
'  '  classes  in  enhanced  jirices  of  similar  domestic  ar- 
,  'tides;"  or,  in  other  words,  that  the  duty  is  added 
!  to  the  price  of  the  import  and  also  of  its  domestic 

rival;  that  "  tiie  present  taritf  protects  the  manu- 

•  facturing  capitahHt  at  the  expense  of  all  other 
i  '  classes,  and  |>articularly  the  (loorer  classes." 

;      I  propose,   .Mr.  Chairman,  lo  occupy  the  time 

;  allotted  me  by  the  rules  of  the  House,  in  com- 
menting upon  some  of  the  views  of  the  President 

,  and  his  Secretary,  in  their  various  messages  and 
rep.irta  upon  this  .';iibjec,t,  at  and  since  the  cnm- 
niencemeiii  of  the  session,  and  lo  give  some  of  tiie 
reasons  which  influence  me  in  oppo<^ing  Ihe  pas- 
Bige  of  the  bill  reported  by  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means,  or  any  alteration,  at  this  time, 
of  the  law  of  1842  fixing  the  duties  upon  imports. 
And  1  will  first  notice  the  relative  vidue  of  the 
"home"  and  of  the  "foreign"  market  for  the 
consumption  of  the  agricultural  products  of  the 
country. 

I  have  the  honor,  Mr.  Chairman,  of  represent- 
ing one  of  the  finest  agricultural  districts  in  this 
Union.     The  eye  of  the  traveller,  no  matter  how 

■  exti'iided  his  tiair  of  our  wide-spread  country, 
always  il wells  with  delijiht  on  Ihe  fertility  and 
beauty  of  the  counties  of  Livingston  and  Ontario. 

,  Those  two  counties  alone  grew  in  1840,  according 


to  the  census,  one  million  six  hundred  thousand 
bushels  of  wheat,  over  one  million  four  hundred 
thousand  bushels  of  other  grains,  and  seven  hun- 
dred nnd  forty-four  thousand  bushels  of  poUitoes. 
They,  at  the  saine  time,  numbered  three  hundred 
and  thirty-five  thousand  sheep,  sixty-four  thou- 
sond  head  of  neat  entile,  twcniy-tliree  lliousnnd 
horses,  nnd  eiphty-four  thousand  swine.  The 
wheal  grown  in  my  district  alone,  after  deduct- 
ing five  bushels  per  head  for  the  consumption  of 
its  own  popnialinn,  and  one-tenth  of  the  amount 
raised  for  reproduction,  would  leave  a  surplus  of 
over  a  million  of  bushels.  There  is  also  a  surplus 
of  six  hundred  thousand  pounds  of  wool,  a  very 
large  amount  of  beef  nnd  pork,  nnd  various  other 
agricultural  products  of  great  and  increasing  aii- 
niinl  value.  If,  then,  the  repeal  of  the  English 
corn  laws  is  lo  open  the  cxU  nded  market  for  these 
great  American  stajiles,  which  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  considered  so  important  as  to  send 
the  copy  of  his  report  to  England  with  such  de- 
spatch that  it  was  printed  and  laid  upon  the  tables 
of  members  of  the  British  Parliament  before  it 
was  printed  for  the  members  of  the  Americon 
Congress,  the  farmers  of  these  counties  will  look 
with  mucli  interest  to  the  extent  and  advantages 
which  this  new  mart  is  lo  open  to  them. 

The  average  export  of  wheat  and  flour  from  this 
country  to  all  others,  for  fifteen  years  preceding 
the  present  fiscal  year,  has  been  about  5,500,000 
bushels;  of  which  we  have  sent  to  Great  Britain 
direct  944,.'>3G  bushels,  and  indirecl,  by  way  of  the 
Canadas,  l,lfi6,000  bushels,  (most  of  which  ia 
prcHumed  to  have  been  shipped  to  England,)  in  all 
about  2.100,000  bushels  per  annum;  and  the  whole 
value  of  breadstufl's  sent  to  Great  Britain  during 
the  year  ending  July  1st,  184.'>,  according  to  the 
report  of  the  Register  of  the  Treasury,  was  only 
$224,000. 

But  it  is  said  that,  after  Ihe  repeal  of  the  corn 
laws.  Great  Britain  will  open  lo  us  a  much  more 
extended  and  valuable  market  for  our  wheat.  How- 
does  Ihe  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  arrive  at  this 
conclusion  .'  Does  he  suppose  that  the  repeal  of 
the  corn  laws  will  bring  down  the  price  of  wheat, 
so  as  lo  substitute  it  for  the  potnlncs,  soup,  and 
meager  diet  of  the  paupers  of  England  and  Ireland  ? 
Or  docs  he  suppose  thai  the  laborera  of  that  coun- 
try, who  only  receive  $1  611  for  the  purchase  of 
everything  necessary  lo  sustain  their  families  torn 
week,  will  be  enabled  to  discard  any  of  their  pres- 
ent coarse  and  scant  fare,  and  substitute  wheat 
bread  as  an  article  of  daily  food  ?  He  knows  too 
well  the  degradation  and  mean  fare  of  the  poor, 
aflii  the  low  wages  of  the  laborers  of  that  country, 
to  indulge  such  an  idea.  He  cannot  suppose  that 
the  mere  repeal  of  the  duties,  and  diminution  of  the 
price  in  consequence  thereof,  will  very  materially 
increase  the  numlier  of  the  consumers  of  wheat  in 
Great  IJritain.  1  will  admit,  however,  thai  more 
bushels  of  wheat  will  be  consumed  there,  if  the 
price  is  less,  and  that  such  increase  may  be  in  pro- 
1  portion  to  the  ability  of  the  consumers  to  pay.  To 
ascertain,  as  near  as  may  be,  the  amount  of  wheat 
Great  Britain  may  hereafter  take  from  this  coun- 
try, I  can  only  judge  from  her  avemge  yearly  for- 
eign supply  for  a  series  of  years,  and  the  probable 
increase  ol  that  siinply  from  the  probable  increased 
demand.  I  am  indebted  lo  Ihe  printed  report  of  a 
I  speech,  delivered  in  this  House  by  the  honorable 
Charles  Ilud.son,  of  Massachusetts,  (in  which  lie 
has,  with  great  ability,  inibodicd  much  valuable 
information  on  the  wheat  trade  of  the  country,) 
for  the  average  annual  import  of  wheat  into  Great 
Britain  for  fifteen  years  prior  lo  1844.  From  that 
source,  I  find  il  was  about  11,000,000  bushels,  and 
exceedingly  variable — sometimes  exporting,  one 
year  luniiing  down  lo  300,000  bushels,  another 
year  running  up  to  24,000,000  bushels;  and  that 
■  the  price  was  as  variable  as  the  amount  imported, 
ranging  from  «ll  07  to  ftl  92  per  bushel;  showing 
it  to  be  n  very  fluctuating  and  precarious  market. 
Of  this  1 1,000,000,  as  1  before  observed,  the  Unittd 
States  furnished  an  average  of  about  2,100,000,  iiiid 
the  residue  was  furnished  by  many  othercounlries, 
mostly  from  the  Baltic,  whence  she  can  ahvaj  s 
obtain  her  supjilies  cheaper  nnd  wiili  more  facility 
than  from  the  United  Stales.  Bui  suppose  the  con- 
sumption of  wheat  in  Great  Britain,  from  the  re- 
duction of  duties,  may  increase  her  importation 
I  annually  about  one-half,  (which  would  ben  greater 
I  quantity  than  the  decrease  of  price  would  pay  for,) 


\ 


and  that  the  ptopo 

ted  Slates  may  incr 

then  only  take  froi 

the  surplus  of  my 

millions  of  bushels 

wo  should  then  e 

B»  we  now  have  i 

per  quarter  over 

Europe,  from  seiu 

uiitler  reduced  dul 

nnd  operating  in 

corn  laws  will  In 

ahsll  then  have 

world;  nnd,  bein^ 

very  much  wheth 

than  wcdonowili 

equal  to  the  suip 

and  Ontario. 

But  when  it  is 
in  the  whole  Utii 
last  report  of  the 
hundred  and  six 
cessary  for  lioni 
tition  for  this  fi 
the  rapidly  align 
ns  the  billion  of 
bo  brought  unde 
ing  and  enterprii 
migrating  popul 
inense  increase, 
surpluo,  from  tli 
by  the  blow  tho 
rers,  mechanics, 
numbers  who  v 
mechanical,  an 
should  this  pol 
when  we  consit 
zic,  Hamburg, 
live  of  the  prir 
Europe,  only  a 
1830  to   1843 
bushel,  and  th 
markets  can  be 
all  as  cheap  as 
is  c^msidered  tl 
of  wheat  growl 
kels  of  the  wo 
an  average  of 
ofiinpurto,  an 
tenth  which 
must  find  a 
quire,  who  j 
exchange  o 
are  engaged 
pursuits  othe 
sumed,  from 
who  have  si 
our  populatr 
ber  lour  mill 
the  whole  po 
for  the  slave 
there  are  17 
this  countr) 
over  five  bu 
then,  of  oui 
others  than 
great  staple 

000,000  -if  ■ 

we  export  It 

as  much  as 

My  remai 

designed  lo 

over  the  fort 

now  10  till) 

greater  in  fii 

lion  of  thos 

number  of 

Kus  of  184 

6.25  times 

bushels  of 

the  nunibe 

an  aggreg 

value  of  « 

wheat  cro| 

grains,  mi 

slock,  am 

The  slave 

entirely  fo 

at  3,000,1 

per  nnnu 

would  be 

1)   much 


m 

L'i' 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1045 


29*111  Cong Ist  Scss. 


The  Tariff—Mr.  Carroll. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


anil  that  the  prnportioii  furnished  her  by  the  Uni- 
ted SialC!)  may  iiicrenso  in  the  enmc  rniio,  xhc  would 
then  only  lake  from  the  United  8lntea  three  times 
the  Burpfna  of  my  Congrcssionnl  distrii't,  or  three 
milhons  ofhuaherd.  Ihit  it  ih  very  doubtful  whether 
we  should  then  send  her  as  much  us  we  do  now; 
Hs  we  now  hiivc  un  ndvantngc  of  eleven  shillings 
per  quiirtcr  over  the  wheot-growinj;  countries  of 
Europe,  from  sending  through  the  British  colonies, 
under  reduced  duties,  passed  for  their  protection, 
and  operaliii";  in  our  fuvor.  The  repeal  of  the 
corn  laws  will  take  nwny  this  ndvantn^e,  and  we 
■hall  then  huve  to  compote  in  price  witli  all  the 
world;  and,  being  further  removed;  it  is  iliubted 
very  much  whcllier  we  should  then  sci  il  her  more 
than  we  do  imw  ilh-rlhj — which  amount  is  not  riuito 
equal  to  the  kuijiIus  of  the  counties  of  Livingston 
anil  Ontario. 

But  when  it  is  coni<idercd  that  the  wheat  grown 
in  the  whole  Union,  amounting,  according  to  the 
last  report  of  the  Connnissioncr  of  Patents,  to  one 
hundred  and  six  millions,  deducting  what  is  ne- 
cessary for  home  cnnsumplioji,  comes  in  com|ic- 
lition  for  this  foreign  market;  when  we  consider 
the  rapidly  augmenting  production  of  our  country, 
ns  the  billion  of  acres  of  the  public  domain  shall 
bo  brought  under  cultivation  by  our  own  increas- 
ing and  enterprising,  as  well  as  our  continued  im- 
migrating population;  when  we  consider  the  im- 
mense increase,  not  only  of  the  growth,  but  of  the 
•urpluB,  from  the  curtailment  of  the  home  market, 
by  the  blow  that  will  be  given  to  the  manufactu- 
rers, mechanics,  and  laborers  of  our  couniry — the 
numbers  who  will  be  turned  from  manufacturing, 
mechanical,  and  other,  to  agricultural  pursuits, 
should  this  policy  of  the  President  be  adopted; 
when  we  consider  that  the  prices  of  wheat  at  Dant- 
zic,  Hamburg,  Amsterdam,  Antwerp,  and  Odessa, 
five  of  the  principal  markets  on  the  continent  of 
Europe,  only  averaged,  for  fourteen  years,  (from 
1830  to  1843  inclusive,)  eighty-eight  cents  per 
bushel,  and  that  the  wheat  from  most  of  these 
markets  can  be  sent  to  England  cheaper,  and  from 
nil  as  cheap  as  from  America;  when,  moreover,  it 
is  c^insidered  that  of  the  whole  106,000,000  bushels 
of  wheat  grown  in  our  country,  the  l\)rcign  mar- 
kets of  the  world  have  taken  from  us  a  liiilc  over 
an  average  of  five  millions  per  annum,  exclusive 
ofimporlB,  and  that  all  the  residue,  except  one- 
tenth  which  is  required  for  seed,  is  consumed  and 
must  find  a  market  at  home, — it  becomes  us  to  in- 
quire, who  gives  us  this  home  market?  before  we 
exchange  or  impair  it.  It  is  clearly  those  who 
are  engaged  in  manufacturing,  mechanical,  and  all 
pursuits  other  than  agricultural.  It  has  been  as- 
sumed, from  data  furnished  by  various  gentlemen 
who  have  spoken  in  this  debate,  that  this  class  of 
our  population  and  those  dependant  on  them,  num- 
ber four  millions  of  souls.  Now,  deducting  from 
the  whole  popidution  of  20,000,000,  three  millions 
for  the  slave  population  who  use  corn  for  bread, 
there  are  17,000,000  who  consume  the  wheat  of 
this  country,  and  whose  average  consumption  is 
over  five  bushels  per  head.  The  home  market, 
then,  of  our  manulacturers,  mechanics,  and  all 
others  than  ajricullurisls,  for  the  surplus  of  this 
great  staple  of  American  production,  is  over  20,- 
000,000  if  bushels,  being  four  times  as  mucli  us 
we  export  to  n\\  foreign  markets,  and  twenty  times 
as  much  as  we  export  to  England. 

My  remarks,  thus  far,  Mr.  Chairman,  have  been 
designed  to  show  the  great  importance  of  the  home 
over  the  foreign  market  for  wheat  alone.  1  propose 
now  to  show  that  this  relative  importance  is  still 
greater  in  favor  of  the  coarser  grains.  If  the  produc- 
tion of  those  grains  bear  the  same  proportion  to  the 
number  of  bushels  of  wheat  that  it  did  at  the  cen- 
619  of  1840,  there  were  grown  in  the  year  1845 
6.25  times  the  numlier,  or  tour  times  a-s  many 
bushels  of  corn  as  of  wheat,  and  more  than  double 
the  number  of  bushels  of  nil  other  grains,  making 
an  aggregate  of  about  602,000,000  bushels,  the 
value  of  which  was  more  than  double  that  of  the 
wheat  crop.  Of  this  immense  production  of  cereal 
grains,  nuich  the  larger  part  is  used  as  food  for 
stock,  and  for  fattening  neat  cattle  and  hor.ses. 
The  slaves  of  the  South,  however,  use  corn  almost 
entirely  for  bretd.  Estimating  that  population  now 
at  3,000,000,  and  that  they  consume  ten  bushels 
per  annum  per  head,  their  consumplion  of  corn 
would  be  30,000,000  bushels.  This  grain  being 
1  >  much  used  at  the  South  and  West,  and  par- 


tially all  over  the  country  by  the  free  population,  ij 

theirconsumptionof  it  may  be  estimated  at  as  much  \' 

more,  which  would  take  for  bread  60,000,000  of  | 

I  bushels.     But,  whether  used  for  bread  or  other-  |j 

wise,  with  the  exception  of  the  value  of  j)l,I144,-  ; 

I  154  of  these  difl'erent  kinds  of  grain  exported,  ac-  , 

I  cording  to  the  tables  accompanying  the  report  of 

!  the  Register  of  the  Treasury,  the  entire  balance  of  | 

j  lhe.se  662,000,000  bushels  of  grain  are  consumed  j' 

I  and  used  at  home,  and  their  value  depends  entirely   I 

I  upon  the  home  market.    What  proportion  of  them   i 

I  is  used  by  those  engaged  in  manufacturing  and 

'  inechanicalintrsuils  must,  in  some  degree,  be  con-  l^ 

I  jectural.     The  four  millions,   however,  who  are  j 

,  engaged  in  those  puinuils,  being  oiie-fifih  of  the   I 

'  whole  population,  have  of  course  a  large  amount  I' 

of  horses  to  carry  on  their  business  operaiions,  M 

■  and  a  large  number  of  neat  cuttle  to  be  sustained  [' 
and  fattened  bv  grains  which  they  do  not  grow  ;i 

■  themselves.     The  average  of  these  coarse  grains  ■' 
per  head  to  our  whole  population  is  about  thirty- 
three  busheU;  now,  if  we  estimate  oiic-half  for 

;  those  engaged  in  manutlicturea  and  niwlumical  ;' 
I  operations,  they  would  consninc  68,000,000  of 
I  bushels  of  coarse  grains,  which,  nt  25  cents  per  > 
I  bushel,  would  be  nixleen  and  a  half  niillions  of  | 
'  dollars,  twelve  times  as  iniioli  us  we  send  of  these  , 
grains  to  all  the  markets  of  the  world,  and  eight 
times  as  much  na  our  whole  export  of  wheat. 

The  census  does  not  enable  me  to  stale  with 

precision  the  aggregate  nnnunl  value  or  product  of  j 

the  horses  and  mules,  nent  cattle,  sheep  nnd  hogs; 

but  writers  who  have  endeavored  to  approximate 

their  value,  from  the  numbers  given  in  the  census,  : 

I  compute  it  in   1840  nt  about  ^110,000,000.    The  , 

'  nuinljer  of  sheep,  according  to  the  census  of  1840,  i 

'  was  between  19,000,000  and  20,000,000,  nnd  from 

'  the  rapidity  of  their  natural  increase  and  the  dc- 

;  sire  of  western  farmers  to  propagate  them  for  grn- 

!  zing  their  waste  lands,  they  probably  numbered, 

I  in  1845,  40,000,000,  the  clip  of  wool  from  which  \ 

\  was  not  less  than  80,000,000  pounds,  worth,  at  25 

j  cents,  $20,000,000,  of  which  only  $23,948  worth 

was  exported.     Although  the  annual  incrense  of 

!  the  other  descriptions  of  the  stock  above  named 

I  was  not  so  great  ns  that  of  sheen,  $150,000,000 

,  would  be  a  moderate  estimate  of  the  value  of  the  i 

;  whole  for  the  year  1845,  of  which  only  $6,206,394  ' 

j  waa  exported,  and  all  the  residue  depended  on  the  | 

:  home  market. 

j      Sir,  I  will  not  detain   this  commiilee  with  an 
'  enumeration  of  the  immense  value  of  other  ariiclus 
of  agricultural  production  consumed  at  home,  and 
;  sold  in  our  own  country,  and  the  com|mrntivcly  : 
trilling  amount  of  the  same  articles  exported  to  • 
j  other  parts  of  the  world,  to  prove  the  infinite  su- 
periority of  the  home   over  the  foreign   tnnrket.  : 
Sulfice  It  to  say,  that  under  our  present  system  four  ' 
j  millions  of  our  population,  who  are  now  either  ! 
I  engaged  in  manufacturing,  commercial,  and  me-  I 
i  chanical  pursuits,  or  dependent  upon  those  who  | 
'.  are,  constitute  the  only  relialde  market  for  the  con-  j 
j  sumption  of  our  surplus  grain,  pork,  beef,  mutton,  ; 
I  and  all  the  necessaries  nnd  luxuries  of  life — if  you 
;  choose  to  call  bread,  meat,  vegetables,  fruits,  and 
'  agricultural  products  luxuries.     The  value  of  this 
daily  supply  has  been  variously  estimated  in  this 
Hall.     It  ennnot  be  short  of  n  million  of  dollars 
'  per  dny,  which  the  manufiictnrers  and  mcclmnics 
;  are  daily  paying  to,  or  receiving  in  cxchniige  from, 
I  the  fanners  and  planters  in  brend,  ment,and  veget- ! 
i  ables,  for  their  cottons,  woollens,  linens,  and  every 
'  description  of  manufactured  nnd  mechanical  labor. 
Would  that  the  fanners  throughout  the  land  could 
be  heord  upon  this  floor  on  the  question  whether 
they  would   exchange   this  home   market  for  the 
;  market  of  England  !     Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  one  of 
them — my  n'lsociations  are   with    them — I   have 
talked  with  them  upon  this  subject,  and  I  think  I 
know  their  sentiments.     They  I'lave  loo  long  paid 
high  nnd  exorbitant  duties  upon  the  small  qtianii- 
ties  of  bread  nnd  meat  that  Great  Biiiain  deigned 
I  to  receive  from  them,  when  her  people  were  slnr- 
j  ving,  to  be  lured  by  the  bait  now  held  out  by  the 
;  invitntion  to  send  them  grain  dutyfree.     But  why 
is  il  Ihnt  the  bill  to  repeal  the  corn  Inws  is  so  long 
'  suspended  in  the  Briliah  Parliament?    Are  they! 
waiting  for  the  news  of  the  fate  of  this  bill  in  the  i 
American  Congress  for  their  final  action?    Their  , 
'.  delay   looks   much  as   if  they  were.     They  can  i 
well  afford  to  pass  their  bill  should  the  next  steamer  ! 
'  take  them  the  news  of  the  passage  of  this.     But ' 


whether  this  bill  passes,  or  that,  or  both,  the  farm- 
ers  of  this  country  are  too  intelligent  to  consent  to 
auih  nil  exchange  of  markets.  They  know  the 
mouths  they  feed;  and  the  manufaciurers,  com- 
mercial men,  meclianics,  and  laborers  know  the 
hand  that  feeds  them. 

Sir,  when  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  recom- 
mends to  Congress  the  adopt  imi  of  mensurea  of 
such  immense  iinportnnce  as  the  exchange  of  the 
home  for  the  foreign  nuirkel,  for  the  consumption 
of  the  surplus  agricultural  products  of  the  country, 
1  should  consider  myself  derelict  in  duty,  nnd  par- 
ticularly usnrrpreseiitativeofagrirultuml  inureals, 
if  I  did  not  raise  my  voice  against  the  ndoplioil)  of 
measures  so  ruinous  and  disastrous,  and  nttempt 
to  expose  the  fullacy  of  an  exchange  so  deceptive 
nnd  disproportionate.  The  foreign  market  for 
the  whole  agricultural  products  of  the  country, 
exclusive  of  cotton  and  tobacco,  bears  only  the 
nroporlicm  to  the  home  market  of  one  to  fil'iy,  and 
inclusive  of  cotton  and  tobacco,  of  one  to  eleven. 
At  the  lost  census  the  whole  of  the  agricultural  pro- 
ducts of  the  country ,  inclusive  of  cnUon  and  tobacco, 
were  valued  at  $654,387,597;  now,  if  we  only  es- 
timate an  increase  of  one-fourth  of  the  same  pro- 
ducts for  the  increase  in  population  nnd  cultiva- 
tion, for  the  year  1845,  (wliich  is  a  lower  estimate 
than  that  of  some  of  our  best  financiers,  who  make 
the  value  exceed  $1,000,000,000,)  the  aggregate 
value  of  the  ngriculiurnl  products  for  that  year 
would  be  $817,984,500,  of  which  amount  all  that 
was  exported,  nccording  to  the  oflicini  report  of 
the  register  of  the  trensiiry,  for  the  same  year,  in- 
cluding cotton  and  tobacco,  was  ^75,226,364,  or 
about  the  eleventh  part.  And  the  -vholc  amount 
of  agricultural  products,  exclusive  of  cotton  and 
tobacco,  sent  to  nil  parts  of  the  world  the  same 
year,  was  only  $16,016,902,  or  less  than  the  fif- 
tieth part.  The  farmer,  then,  living  in  one  of  the 
States  not  engnsed  in  planting  cotton  and  tobacco, 
who  raises  $1,000  worth  of  agricultural  products 
over  nnd  above  the  consumption  of  hia  own  family, 
depends  upon  the  home  market  for  the  sale  of 
$980,  and  upon' the  foreign  market  for  the  sale  of 
$20  worth  of  his  produce.  This  is  no  fancied  pic- 
:  ture,  Mr.  Chairman;  it  npivenrs  upon  the  face  of 
the  tables  and  documents,  published  at  govern- 
mental expense,  to  guide  us  in  our  legislative  du- 
.  ties,  to  instruct  the  Executive  and  heads  o'  depnrt- 
ments  in  theirs,  nnd,  above  all,  to  ;iiform  the 
people  of  this  nation  of  their  true  interests  nnd 
i-csonrces.  With  this  information  spread  before 
us,  it  behooves  the  members  of  this  coinmitiec  and 
of  this  House  to  deliberate  well  before  passing  the 
bill  reported  by  the  Cominitteeof  Ways  and  Means, 
under  the  recommendation  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Trensury,  whether  it  will  hnve  the  elTeot  of  im- 
impairing  or  lessening  in  any  degree  this  great 
home  market,  in  comparison  with  which  nil  others 
dwindle  into  insignificnnce. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  his  nnnunl 
report,  page  6,  expresses  much  sympathy  for  the 
'  foreign  rnpitalisis  nnd  operatives.  lie  says;  "At 
'  present  prices  our  cotton  crop  will  yield  an  nnnunl 
■■  '  product  of  (,72,000,000,  nnd  the  manufactured 
'  '  fabrics  $.504,000,000,  furnishing  profits  abroad  to 
•  thousands  of  capitalists,  nnd  wages  to  hundreds 
'  of  thousands  of  the  working  classes,  all  of  whom 
'  would  be  deeply  injured  by  any  disturbance 
'  growing  out  of  n  state  of  wnr,  to  the  direct  nnd 
'  ndequnu;  supply  of  the  raw  mnterinl.  If  our  man- 
'  ufncturers  consume  400,000  bales,  it  would  cost 
'  $12,000,000,  while  selling  the  mnnufnclurcd  fabric 
'  for  $84,000,000,  nnd  they  should  be  the  last  to 
'  unite  in  imposing  henvy  taxes  upcni  that  great 
'  interest  which  supplies  them  with  the  raw  molc- 
'  rial  out  of  which  they  realize  such  large  profits." 
I  do  not  suppose  the  feecielary  intentionally  over- 
rated the  cotton  crop,  or  intentionally  underrated 
the  nmount  consumed  at  home.  By  the  tables, 
'  iiowever,  nccompanyins  his  report,  the  nmount 
exported  in  1845  was  only  $51,731,643;  and  if  the 
whole  crop  was  $72,1100,000,  then  five-eighteenths 
;  of  the  wiiole  were  manufactured  nt  home,  and 
worth  when  manufactured  $140,000,000.  The 
worth  of  the  clip  of  wool,  when  worked  np  in  fac- 
tories and  private  families,  in  1845,  exceeded  the 
value  of  cotton  manufactured.  The  manufhctures 
of  iron  throughout  the  United  Slates  were  worth 
nearly  ns  miich.  And  the  ctmgre^atcd  annual 
value  of  all  American  manufactures  for  thnt  year, 
'  are  variously  estimated,  at  from  $500,000,000  to 


m 


1040 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONORESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


fJuly  I, 


99tii  Conii 1st  Skss. 


Tie  Tariff— Mr.  Carroll. 


Ho.  OP  Rkps. 


tl  ,0<lfl.0flO,0nO,  npimilin;;  mill  iirnrrr  iiiid  »lriiiic;cr  I 
ti>  the  Scortliiry's  «yni|iiillii''«  Air  llic  tlioiimiiclH  ofj 


f 


Amcrioan  rnpiialiiilii  uiiil  liiuwlrid!! of  iliiiiiMfinds  nT 
Aiiieiiran  lalMircin  who  Hrc  ilnily  <nL'ii!;<'il  in  'lie 
ronv^TNini)  of  tliene  raw  iiinl(*ri:)lA  into  inanufiH'- 
lured  tnljri(  s — an  amoniitniillii'iciilly  Inr^r  to  nwill 
the  Anicriciin  boHnm  with  |iiiliii)lic  piiilr,  frnrn  ilif 
conviction  that,  in  raw  any  ilimnrlmiire  nlKiiild 
divrrl  Ihia  snpply  of  rolinn  tioin  nrilinh  rjipilaliMla 
and  Uritish  uperativrK,  it  would  mi  a  few  yenia 
he  all  inaniilHrlui'cd  liy  Anicriran  (Vipitalial!!  and 
Anwrican  laliorcrs.and  i>erhapn  Li(>  the  very  mi'anH  | 
of  bWdingup  a  mtiuly  home  market  for  all  tlic  ; 
coltori  that  rjin  he  i;rown  at  the  South.  '■. 

The  annual  im'ruase  in  the  conauinplion  of  raw  | 
cotton  by  our  home  uiiinurarturers  ha^  surpaxHed  \ 
the  most  aaimuinc  expeciationji.and  will,  if  uiulis- 
turlicd  in  thiir  onward  muirh,  at  the  next  reiiHus,  , 
probiibly  equal    the  amount  ex|HM'te(l.     The  time  | 
18  faat  appro:i''hiii^'  when  the  interests  nf  the  Smith  ' 
will  be  stronncr  than  any  other  portion  of  the 
Union  in  cnoourasing  and  protecting  inuniifaclurin;;  i 
eNtablialiinentSinot  only  at  the  East,  but  tliroui;li- 
(Hil  every  pan  of  our  country.     1  wonder  ihiil  it  : 
did  not  occur  to  the  Scerctaiy ,  while  sympaihizin!; 
with  the  foiei;;n  capitalistH  and  fmcign  laboier.s,  in 

, .  the  sacrifices  they  would  sufler  from  beini;  depriv-  ; 

ll'  '%  ed  of  this  raw  material  to  convert  into  nmniirac-  i 

lured  fabrics,  worth  onc-lialf  of  all  iheajxriciiltural 
products  of  our  soil,  what  an   immense   field  it  1 
would  open  for  Aniericun  laborers,  and  what  an  p 
immense  marUet  it  would  open  to  Amcriean  I'mm- ,; 
tn  and  planieis,  by  swclliiit;  the  mimbers  to  be  ;j 
fed,  who  woOld  necessarily  be  eniragid  in  these 
multiplied   e.siablishments,  nhoiild   all    the   riJtioii   i 
rown  in  this  country  be  manufactured  at  lionic.  I   ' 
now  of  nothing,  Mr.  Chairman,  which  would  tend 
more  rapidly  to  swell  the  a;;s;reijale  wealth  of  this 
nation,  than  n  settled  policy  of  this  Government, 
as  far  and  as  rapidly  as  it  can  be  done  in  ju.iti<'e  tn 
other  claiisrs,  to  make  it  the  interest  of  the  cotton  ■ 
and  tobacco,  os  well  os  of  the  wool  grower.'',  to  '\ 
liavc  all  the  raw  m.iterial  manufactured  in  the  coun- 
try.    The  foreign  market  for  American  cotton  is  ' 
annually  dicreasin^,  and  often  does  not  bear  as 
liij.'hapriceasin>rew York  or  Boston.  Thccotinn, 
the  tohueco,  the  wheat  growers,  all  aiifler  now  from 
the  supply  being  ^'reatcr  than  the  demand.     Pmn.s 
this  bill,  destroy  our  factories,  and  the  cnpitniisis 
and  laborers  who  will  than  be  thrown  out  of  rni- 
ployment  will  part  go  to  the  cultivation  of  cotton, 
jiiirl  to  the  cultivation  of  tobacco,  and  part  to  the 
cultivation  of  wheat.    They  will  thus  be  brnn^ht 
into  direct  competition  with   the  growers  of  these 
greot  American   staples.     Rut  the  coliivatinn  of 
wheat  and  the  coarse  grains  being  less  profitable, 
more  of  them  will  probably  goto  the  cnliivalion  ol" 
cotton  and  tobac.i^o.     'J'he  number  of  producers  will 
be  increa.^ed  and  the  number  of  consumers  diniiii- 
ished    by   the   mi.<snge  of  this  bill;  and,  so  far  as 
cnmpetilion  anil  market  arc  concerned,  it  appears   ' 
to  mo  that  the  cotton  and  tobacco  planters  misliike  \ 
their  inlerc.ft  in  odvocating  it.s   passage.     Variety 
and  multiplication  of  employments,  in  the  inmie- 1 
diate  vicinity  of  all  these  producers,  is  their  true  in-  i 
terest.     The  j;iealer  variety  is  given  to  occupation  i 
and  labor,  in  the  dcvelopnient  of  all  the  resniirrea 
of  our  highly-favored  country,  the  sooner  will  our 
unreclaimed    luxuriant    prairies    and    forests    be ! 
brought  under  the  plough  and  harrow;  dense  set- 1 
tlements,  nourishing  villages,  towns,    and   cities  ; 
extend  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific;  and  talent,  \ 
enterprise,  labor,  and  indu.slry,  receive  everywhere  ' 
that  compeiLsatiim  and  encouragement  which  alone 
coo  perpetuate  the  jire.sent  elevated  condition  of 
our  people  over  the  population  of  the  rest  of  the  I 
worhf. 

Ucforc  leaving  this  part  of  the  subject  I  will  no- 
tice the  remark  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  '• 
"  that  the  whole  tax  imposed  upon  the  people  by 
'  the  present  tarilT  is  not  less  than  $31,000,0(10,  of; 
•  which  827,0lll),()00  are  paid  to  the  Government , 
'  upon  the  imports,  and  $.54,000,000  tn  the  protect-  j 
'  ci  classes  in  enhanced  prices  upon  similar  domes- 
'  tic,  articles."    This  charge  that  the  duly  in  all' 
cases  is  added  to  the  price  of  the  imported  article 
and  jiaid  by  the  consumer,  has  so  often  been  made  1 
and  refuted,  that  I  did   not  expect  it  would  find  a 
place  in  a  treasury  report,  and  in  a  form  still  more 
objectionable,  ami,  in  my  ojiinion,  more  erroneous. 
1  will  oilmit  iluit  there  may  be  instances  where  the  | 
entire  duty  forms  a  part  of  the  price  paid  by  the  i 


consumer — as  where  the  corresponding  article  is 
not  produced  or  manufactured  at  home,  and  where 
the  imported  snnply  is  very  inadequate  to  the  home 
demand;  but  where  the  article  is  niamifartured  at 
home,  and  the  home  supply  sufficient  for  the  home  ]! 
demand,  to  suppose  that  the  entire  duty  is  added   j 
In  and  forms  a  part  of  the  price  paid  by  the  con-  P 
suiner,  as  well  ns  of  the  imiioried  article  as  of  iis  jl 
dnmcsiic  rival,  is  ah.siird.     The  very  circumstance  ij 
of  the  one  being  n  rival  of  the  other  brings  the 
home  and  foreign  supply  of  the  same  article  in 
competition  fir  the  same  demand;  ond  the  price 
will  be  legal  ited   bv  the  amount  of  such  supply 
and  demand,  and  all  the  other  elements  of  price. 
The  challenge   has  ficqnenlly  been  given,  on  this 
llonr,  to  produce  a  single  instance  of  an  article  of 
which   a  Kullicient  quantity  was  mannl'actiiied  in 
this  ccnmiry  to  supplv  the  demand  ihal  was  in- 
crcaspd  in  price  by  high  duties;  and  that  challenge 
has  not  been  accepted.     Innumerable  instances, 
however,  have  been  produced  to  show  that  high 
duties  have  had  the  eflect  of  lowering  the  price  to 
the  consumers ;   and  eases  have  been   produced 
where  the  articles  manufactured  at  home  have  fall- 
en in  [irice  below  the  eniire  diilv.     But  the  Secre- 
tary makes  the  sweeping  assertion  that  double  the 
entire  amount  of  duties  collected   is  paid  to  the 
protci'ted  clnss(\s  in  enhanced  prices  upon  similar 
domestic  articles,  and  is  a  lax  upon  the  rest  of  the 
people.     Now,  the   proieeted  classes  themselves, 
and  those  dependant  on  them,  constituting  one-fifth  i 
of  the  eniire  populaiion,  consume  a  very  large  pro-  j 
portion  of  the  imported  goods,  whether  propor- 
tionate to  their  population  or  not  I  am  unable  to 
Fay;  but  I  presume  nol,  because  they  are  too  well 
acquainted  Willi  the  inferiority  of  the  foreign  arti- 
cle to  use  it  where  they  can   procure  its  domealic 
rival.      It  is  cerininly.  however,  unfair  to  say  that 
the  other  classes  pay  the  duties  upon  the  imported 
article.*  which  the  proteded  classes  con.sume,  and 
still   more  unfair   lo  say  Ihot  others  pay  double 
these  duties  for  them.     So,  a  very  liirge  amount  of  ■ 
the  articles  imported  and   payinff  duly,  and  per- 
haps one-third,  have  no  domestic  rival;  similar   ; 
articles  are  not  produced  or  inamifaetnied  in  the  | 
country.     And  surely  the  price  upon  this  proper-  ; 
lion  of  our  imports  cannot,  by  any  fair  mode  of  i 
argument,  be  considered  a  greater  tax  than  the  ' 
amount    of  duties,    or    that   thcv    are    iinrqiially  ■ 
paid.     Neither  will  any  unprejudiced   mind  say  ; 
that  the  duty  of  lliree  cenis  per  pound  upon  raw   - 
cotton  by  the  larilTof  lfi43  is  added  to  the  price  of  ' 
all  the  cotton;  or  that  twenty-five  cents  a  bushel  is 
added  to  all  the  wheat;  or  that  two  cents  a  pound  ' 
is  added  to  nil   the   beef  and   pork  grown  in  this 
country;  or  thai  the  duty  of  %\  7.S  cents  per  Ion  is  ! 
added  to  the  price  of  all  the  domestic  coal;  or  that  ' 
three  cents  a  (inund  is  added  to  all  the  cut  iron  i 
nails;  or  six  cents  a  yard  to  all  the  cotton  shirtings  j 
maimficlured   in   the  country;  or  that  the  duties  I 
affixed  to  these  and  a  large  portion  of  llie  articles 
eniimemted   in  the  tarifl' of  1842  form  any  iiiiiie- I 
dient  or  element  of  the  price  of  these  articles.   This 
position  of  till!  .Secretary  is,  in  mv  opinion,  unten- 
able and  ditTicull  to  reconcile  willi  that  portion  of 
the  mes.sagc  of  the  President,  in  which  he  says:  ' 
"I  am  far  from  enlcrtaining  opinions  nnrriendly 
'  to  the  manufaclurers;  on  the  coiiirary,  I  desire  to 
'  sec  them  prosperous  as  far  a.i  tlicy  can  be  so  with- 
'  out  imposing  unequal  burdens  on  other  interests;" 
and  I  would  not,  after  this  disclaimer,  charge  either 
the  President  or  the  Secretary  with  prejudice  against 
any  of  the  great  interests  of  the  nation,  where  it  is  '. 
so  manifest  they  would  be  the  very  last  to  per- 
ceive it.  I 
One  of  the  cardinal  features  of  the  bill  before  ns  ' 
is,  "that  no  duty  be  imposed  [upon  any  artii-le 
above  the  lowest  rate  which  will  yield  the  largest 
amount  of  revenue."    This  is  the  maximum  rate  j 
of  duly  to  which  the  President  and  Secretary  think  ' 
\  it  constitutional  to  go,  and  they  consider  it  uneon-  ] 
stitulional  to  pass  beyond,  "  although  discrimina-  ; 
tion  may  be  constitutionally  made  below,  descend-  ■ 
ingthe  scale  of  duties,"  or  "  from  imperative  rea-  , 
sons  the  article  may  be  placed  on  the  free  list."  ! 
It  is  difficult  to  understand,  if  it  is  constitutional  j 
to  discriminate  in  the  scale  of  duties  htlow  the  low-  j 
est  rale  which  will  produce  the  largest  amount  of 
revenue,  and  for  imperative  reasons   to   exempt 
certain  articles  entirely  from  duty,  why  it  is  not 
!  equally   constitutional,   for    reasons  equally   im- 
'  perative,  to  discriminate  in  the  scale  of  duties  oiooe 


the  lowest  rale  which  will  prndueo  the  largest 
amount  of  revenue.  And  if  it  Is  constitutional  to 
depart  from  iha  revenue  standani  lo  impose  tlio 
maximum  revenue  duty  Ufsin  hixuriea,  herause 
they  are  paid  by  the  rich,  why  is  it  not  equally 
ronstitiitional,  for  imnerntive  reasons,  to  ilepart 
IVom  the  revenue  staniliird  to  impose  the  mininmiu 
revenue  duty  upon  necessaries  because  they  are 
paid  by  the  poor?  And  if,  for  imperative  reasons, 
It  is  constitutional  to  discriminate  in  the  iiiipositioii 
of  duties  between  the  luxuries  and  necessaries  of 
life,  it  is  also  difficult  to  understand  why,  for  rea- 
sons c<innlly  imperilive,  discriminniion  may  nol 
be  made  in  the  imposition  of  duties  upon  articles 
which  are,  and  those  which  are  nol,  manufactured 
in  the  country.  The  rnnstitution  is  ns  explicit  in 
the  one  case  as  in  the  other,  and  as  silent  upon  the 
ime  ns  upon  the  other.  Unt  I  have  neither  time 
nor  disposition  to  argue  the  (piesiion  of  the  eonsii 
lutionality  of  our  right  so  to  impose  revenue  duties 
ns  to  protect  nny  one  or  all  of  the  great  iniercstsof 
the  cotinlrv,  when  the  general  welfiire  is  the  ob- 
ject. Sutlicc  it  to  say,  this  was  the  conslructinn 
placed  upon  the  Con.stitution  by  the  sages  and  pa- 
triots who  fnimed  it,  and  hy  the  first  Congress 
that  silt  under  it.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  that  inein- 
ornble  Congress  commences:  "  Whereas  il  is  ne- 
'  eesiiiry,  for  the  support  of  the  Government,  for 
'  the  discharge  of  llie  debts  of  the  United  Slates, 
'  ami  the  tncouriigtmtnt  and  jtroltctinn  ofmanufiie- 
'  turea,  that  duties  be  laid  on  goods,  wares,  and 
'merchandises:  Beit  enacted,"  iSc.  There  have 
been  lo  this  time  thirty  dilTerenl  tnrifT  acts  passed 
hy  Congress,  in  all  of  which  this  principle  is  be- 
lieved to  be  recognised.  The  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  himself,  in  page  19  of  his  report  lo  Con- 
gress, says:  "The  first  Inrifl"  was  based  in  part 
upon  the  principle  of  very  moderate  protection  to 
domestic  manufactures."  Our  Presidents,  although 
differing  in  the  amount  of  protection  to  be  given  to 
our  own  mannl^ictures  anti  our  own  industry,  have 
all  recognised  the  principle  itself.  The  glory  or 
shame  of  first  urging  the  tineonstitutinnality,  and 
of  first  recommendii  _,  to  Congress  the  abandon- 
ment  of  a  policy  coeval  with  ourGovfrnmBnt,and 
sanctioned  by  the  wi.^ilom  of  every  precedent  Ad- 
ministration and  of  every  preceding  Congress,  will 
either  emblazon  or  darken  ihe  history  of*  the  acta 
of  Ihe  present  Executive.  It  is  one  of  those  mem- 
orable measures,  if  adopted,  that  will  long  mark, 
for  good  or  for  evil,  the  page  of  our  country's  his- 
tory. Tlie  capital  of  our  maiiii  ;urers  ond  mi - 
chanica,  invested  under  the  solemn  pledge  and 
encouragement  of  former  larifTcnactments,  droop- 
ing for  n  while  ns  the  benefits  of  the  |>rotectivc 
system  lessened  under  the  compromise  net,  revived 
and  augmented  under  the  larifTof  1849,  upholds  at 
this  moment  hundreds  of  thou.";ands  of  men,  wo- 
men, and  children,  whose  employment  and  living 
depend  upon  the  poasagc  or  rejection  of  the.  bill 
on  our  taole.  Pass  this  liill,  and  the  inciiltnlii' pra- 
ttclinn  ntToided  by  it  will  not  slilitrrate  the  recol- 
lection of  the  innileni,  or  Ihe  authors,  aiders,  and 
alienors  of  the  inrideni,  from  the  memory  of  those 
whose  labor  and  daily  bread  will  be  taken  from 
Ihem  to  givcemploymeiii  to  and  food  for  the  labor-- 
era  of  other  countries.  They  will  be  slow  lo  forget 
thelendersensibility  of  the  Secretary,  lest  the  for- 
eign capitalists  and  laborers  should  be  cut  ofl'  fi-om 
any  portion  of  their  occustomed  supply  of  Ameri- 
can cotton,  while  he  has  no  sensibility  for  Ameri- 
can capitalists  or  American  laborers  in  their  em- 
ployment. 

Another  of  Ihe  prominent  features  oflhis  bill  is 
the  substitution  of^  the  "nd  valorem"  for  "specific 
duties"  and  "minimums."  Specific  duties  and 
minimiims  have  long  been  adopted  in  this  and 
other  eoiintries,  for  the  express  purpose  of  pre- 
venting frauds  and  placing  Ihe  home  importer  on 
a  fooling  with  the  foreign.  Specific  duties  were 
incnrpomled  in  Ihe  first  tariff  of  1789,  and  have 
been  extended  to  various  articles,  ns  far  ns  practi- 
cable, in  Ihe  various  larilTs  from  that  period  to  the 
present.  They  have  been  a.inctioned  and  recom- 
mended by  dilTcrent  Administrations,  and  by  holh 
I  politicid  parlies,  as  shutting  the  door  to  fraud  and 
perjury  by  uacrupulous  foreigners,  over  whom  the 
'i  Government  can  exercise  no  control.  They  have 
been  adopted  to  produce  uniformity  in  the  revenue; 
to  place  our  own  citizens  on  nn  equal  footing  with 
foreigners;  lo  shut  out  worthless  and  refuse  goods 
I  which  could  not  otiierwise  be  imported  at  all;  and 


paying 

was  4!).' 


184^.] 


29th  Cono Iht  Se8i. 


aPpe^Oix  to  the  congressional  dfLOBE. 

TTic  Tanff—Mr.  Carroll. 


it^rt 


Ho.  or  mi 


II  III 


'  Iho 


liiijli 


for  vnrifiin  olher  rensnns,  which  have  beoii  »o  oftnn 
and  »o  alily  Rtlvnnced  n^ninat  thia  raah  innnvatinn 
upon  exiicrience,  tried  and  approved,  that  I  will 
nut  dwpll  loiiKcrupnn  it, 

1  wish  time  pcrinitlcd  me  to  compare  the  claaoi- 
ficnlinii  of  the  vnrioiin  itema  of  thin  bill,  and  the 
iiniondmenta  mow  prn|m8cd  to  be  added  to  itji(iindor 
the  recommcndntion  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasu- 
ry, to  adapt  il  from  a  alaloof  peac^e  toa  atnteof  war,) 
with  thoan  of  iho  tariff  of  1H42  and  the  auhstilule 
proponed  by  my  friend  from  the  nineteenth  Con- 
Krc9Hionnl  diatrict  of  the  State  of  New  York,  [Mr. 
IIuNuenpnRD.I  One  of  the  Icodinc:  objectiona  to 
the  larilV  of  1H42,  by  iUopponcnta,  is,  that  luxuries 
are  not  taxed  proportionately  high  with  other  arti- 
rlcs,  and  that  it  is  oppressive  to  the  poor.  Now, 
the  bill  on  your  table  proposes  seven  different  "ad 
valorem"  rales  of  duly:  75  per  cent.,  30,  25,  2U, 
J5,  10,  and  5,  and  a  free  list.  Tlio  first  list  of  75 
per  cent.,  cmliracea  only  brandy,  cordials,  and 
other  spiiituouH  liipiors,  but  not  wines.  Sound 
fiolicy  and  the  morality  and  good  order  of  society 
require  tliat  spirits  should  pay  a  heavy  rale  of  duty, 
hiu'lior  than  any  other  article  imported.  But  it 
would  seem  llml  those  who  are  so  active  in  ex- 
citing thn  prejudices  of  the  poor  against  the  rich 
woulil  make  the  rich  man  pay  as  high  a  duty  upon 
the  wines  he  drinks  as  the  poor  man  has  to  pay 
upon  the  spirit  he  drinks.  I  should  have  expected 
that  the  next  acj\le  of  duties  would  have  embraced 
exclusively  articles  of  luxury.  Instead  of  that,  I 
find  it  embracing  more  than  one  hundred  various 
articles,  comprehending  some  descriptions  of  man- 
ufactures, and  leaving  out  others;  taxing  the  man- 
ufactured articles  in  some  cases  higher  than  the  raw 
material,  and  in  others  the  raw  material  higher 
than  the  manufactured  article-,  putting  the  same 
rale  of  duties  upon  luxuries  that  arc  imposed  upon 
articles  in  more  common  use;  and,  following  the 
bill  through  its  various  gradations  of  duties,  at  the 
same  lime  that  the  general  range  is  so  low  as  to 
afford  little  or  no  protection  to  oiir  manufacturers, 
who  are  now  struggling  against  the  heavy  capital 
and  low  wages  of  oilier  countries,  is  obnoxious  to 
many  of  thii  charges  which  its  advocates  make 
against  the  act  of  1842.  The  many  alterations  in 
the  plans  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  for  the 
arrangement  of  the  details  of  this  bill,  since  the 
commencement  of  the  session,  are,  to  say  the  least, 
calculated  to  excite  distrust  of  his  stability,  and  to 
make  us  more  hesitating  in  tlie  adoption  of  his 
recommendations. 

1  have  given  some  examination  to  the  details  of 
this  bill,  and  to  the  alterations  and  additions  pro- 
posed to  he  made  therein,  since  it  was  proposed  to 
be  converted  from  a  peace  to  a  war  measure,  and 
I  cannot  perauado  myself  that  it  will  produce  the 
revenue  which  the  Secretary  calculates  will  be  re- 
alized therefrom.  The  amount  of  imported  goods 
paying  duty  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1845, 
was  $95,106,724;  the  gross  duties  on  which  were 
$30,'J.')2,416,  and  the  net  revenue,  after  deducting 
all  expen.ses  of  collection  and  drawbacks,  was 
$afi,653,809.  Now,  the  average  duty  paid  last 
year  upon  all  dutiable  imports,  according  to  the  4th 
page  of  the  Secretary's  report,  was  29.90  per  cent. 
Hi'd  it  been  an  average  of  20  per  cent,  instead  of 
30,  which  the  Secretary  says  it  was,  (within  a 
mere  fraction,)  and  the  expenses  of  collection  and 
contingencies  diminished  proportionably  with  the 
average  of  the  duties,  then  the  net  revenue  would 
only  have  been  $17,789,206.  Or,  if  $95,106,724 
of  imported  goods,  at  30  per  cent,  duty,  yielded  a 
revenue  of  ■Ha6,6,')3,809,  it  would  require  $142,660,- 
086  of  imported  goods  to  yield  the  same  amount 
of  revenue,  or  an  increase  of  imports  to  the  amount 
of  47,5,'J3,3fi2.  What  the  average  rate  of^  duty 
will  be  undpr  the  new  system,  if  adopted,  cannot 
be  estimated  with  perfect  accuracy.  Exclusive  of 
spiiiu  and  cordials,  if  an  equal  amou.it  of  duties 
should  be  realized  under  the  various  rates,  from  5 
to  30,  the  average  would  be  171  per  cent.  But 
ft-om  the  amount  of  imports  of  the  various  articles 
last  year,  the  average  of  the  whole  cannot  exceed 
20  per  cent.  This  rate  being  "  ad  valorem,"  and 
of  course  subject  to  great  frauds,  the  imports  must 
be  increased  to  the  amount  above  mentioned  to 
realize  the  same  revenue.  Does  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  desire  to  realize  the  same  amount  of 
revenue,  and  is  it  desirable  to  have  as  large  a  reve- 
nue? The  answer  will  be  found  in  the  amount  of 
annual  expenaituics  for  1845,  which  were  $29,- 


!  9fifl,20fi,  and  about  #200,000  more  than  the  entire 
I  receipts  from  customs,  public  lands,  and  all  mis- 
i  cellancous  sources.  It  is  true  that  $fi,58ft,1.57  of 
I  this  sum  was  applied  to  the  payment  of  the  public 
;  debt,  redemption  of  treasury  notes,  interest,  Ac. 
I  Tho  estimated  expenditures,  however,  for  thn  yeor 
j  ending  June  ,30,  IS46,  according'  to  tho  treasury 
I  report,  were  $29,627,051,  about  the  same  as  1845, 
I  with  less  than  $2,000,000  applied  to  the  redemp- 
I  tion  of  treasury  notes  and  interest  on  the  publii- 
!  debt.  But  as  ihe  public  debt  on  the  Ist  of  October 
'  last  was  $17,075,445,  the  interest  of  which  alone 
i  is  about  a  million  of  dollars,  it  is  e  irideni  that,  even 
i  without  the  expenditures  attendant  upon  the  war 
\  with  Mexico,  the  annual  revenues  of  the  Oovern- 
I  mcnt  cannot  be  diminished  for  years  to  come,  and 
;  all  the  engagements  of  thn  Oovernmcnt  honorably 
1  fulfilled. 

I      On  a  pence  establishment,  then,  it  would  not  be 

I  desirable  to  lessen  our  annual  rcveiiiio  from  im- 

!  porw  until  the  present  debt  is  paid.     And,accord- 

I  ing  to  old  and  established  notions,  the  duties  under 

!  thn  present  tariff  could  not  be  reduced  consislenlly 

;  with  'he  wants  and  the  honor  of  the  nation.  What 

I  said  tho  President  on  the  subject  of  the  national 

I  debt  in  his  annual  message  at  thn  commencement 

I  of  tho  present  Congress  ?    "  Should  the  slate  of 

1  '  the  country  permit,  and  especially  if  our  foreign 

'  relations  interpose  no  obstacle,  it  is  contemplated 

'  to  apply  all  the  moneys  in  the  treasury,  as  Ihcy 

'  acjirue  beyond  what  is  required  for  the  appropn- 

■  ations  by  Con!;i'ess,  to  its  liquidation.     I  cherish 

'  the  hope  of  soon  being  able  to  congratulate  the 

'  country  on  its  recovering  once  more  the  lot"ty 

'position    which   it  so    recently  occupied.      Our 

'  country,  which  exhibits  to  tho  world  the  benefits 

'  of  self-government  in  developing  all  tho  sources 

'of  national  prosperity,  owes  to  mankind  Ihe  pcr- 

'  manent  example  of  a  nation  free  from  the  blight- 

'  ing  influence  of  a  public  debt."     Consistently 

with   this  recommendation,   independent  of   the 

means  necessary  to  carry  on  the  war,  it  would  not 

bo  sound  policy  to  lessen  our  revenue. 

Since  the  introduction,  however,  of  the  prcsciil 
bill,  our  nation  has  unhoppily  become  involved  in 
war.  Whether  right  or  wrong,  men  and  money 
must  be  raised;  and  it  becomes  us,  as  Ihe  people's 
representatives,  to  devise  the  ways  and  means  not 
only  for  defraying  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the 
Governmeni,  but  for  meeting  with  promptitude  and 
fidelity  all  the  expenses  necessary  for  a  vigorous 
prosecution  and  speedy  and  successful  termination 
of  tho  war. 

The  President  sent  us  i\  message  on  the.  16th 
ultimo,  accompanied  with  estimates  of  the  Secre- 
taries of  War  anil  Navy,  and  a  report  from  rtie 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  based  upon  those  esti- 
mates, telling  us  how  Ihe  waj's  and  means  might 
be  raised  to  meet  those  expenditures.  The  Pres- 
ident in  that  message  says,  "  the  country  requires 
additional  revenue  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war;" 
that,  when  the  country  is  in  a  state  of  war,  "  no 
contingency  should  bo  permitted  to  occur  in  which 
there  would  be  a  deficiency  in  the  treasury  for  tho 
vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war;"  a  sentiment  up- 
proved  by  all  patriots.  The  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  tells  us:  "  It  appears  that  the  aggregate 
'  estimated  expenditures  of  the  War  and  Navy 
'  Departments  for  the  fiscal  years  terminating  on 
'  the  30th  of  June,  1846,  and  the  30th  of  June, 
'  1847,  amount  to  $23,952,904  over  and  above  the 
'  estimates  made  by  those  dcpartmenls  in  Deccm- 
'  ber  last."  I  have  shown,  from  the  Annual  Mes- 
sage and  reports,  that  at  least  $26,653,809  from  the 
customs  will  be  required  for  several  years  to  defray 
the  ordinary  expenses,  to  pay  up  the  interest,  and 
gradually  to  extinguish  the  existing  indebtedness 
of  tho  Government.  Now,  if  to  this  Ihe  expenses 
of  the  war  be  added,  there  will  be  required  for  the 
fiscal  year  terminating  June  .30, 1847,  $50,606,713, 
or,  in  round  numbers,  $.'')0,000,000.  Well,  the 
President  having  appealed  to  our  patriotism  to 
permit  no  deficiency  in  the  treasury  on  any  con- 
tingency in  a  state  of  war — having  portrayed  the 
blighting  influences  of  a  free  Government  running 
into  debt,  and  the  bright  example  of  such  a  Gov- 
ernment keeping  free  from  debt  and  redeeming  all 
its  obligations — it  was  natural  to  suppose  that  the 
measures  for  reducing  the  duties,  for  lessening  the 
price  of  the  public  lands,  and  for  establishing  the 
warehouse  system,  which  were  recommended  to 
raise  only  as  much  revenue  as  was  necessary  for 


an  economical  administration  of  the  Government 
in  a  state  of  peace,  would  be  withdrawn  as  iiiade- 
quato  to  thn  emergencirs  of  the  country;  and  ihat 
a  recommendation  would  have  been  made,  similar 
to  that  of  Ihe  President  during  the  war  of  1819,  in 
pursuance  of  which  the  act  was  passed  doubling 
all  tho  rfuiics  upon  imports;  or  that  at  least  a  rec- 
ommendation would  Ih:  inado  for  such  an  increase 
of  duties  as,  wilhoiit  being  loo  oppressive  to  tho 
people,  would  be  adequate  to  pay  ihc  ordinary  cx- 
jienses,  and  gradually  tocxlinguish  the  present  as 
well   as   accuinulaliiig  indciilcdness  of  the  war. 
Should  the  war  terminate  by  the  30th  of/June, 
1847,  or  should  the  expenses  of  the  whole  thr  not 
exceed  Iho  Sncrelnry's  estimates,  the  whole  debt 
might  be  paid  ofl"  in  five  years  by  increasing  the 
revenues  $9,000,000,  .so  as  to  make  them  $35,000,- 
000  per  annum.     But  what  are  the  measures  rec- 
ommended for  the  emergencies  of  llic  war?    The 
language    of  the   PrcHident  is:   "  Independently 
'  of  the  high  considerulions  which  induced  me  in 
'  my  Annual  Message  to  recommend  a  modifica- 
*  tion  and  reduction  of  tho  rates  of  duly  imposed 
I  '  by  the  act  of  1842,  lui  being  not  bnly  proper  in 
'  reference  to  a  smte  of  peace,  but  just  to  all  the 
!  '  great  interests  of  the  country,  the  necessity  of 
,  '  such  modification  and  reductioiiiis  a  war  measure 
I  'must  now  be  manifest."    The  reduction  in  the 
,  duties,  which  was  rvi  ommcnded  to  increase  the 
I  revenue  in  u  stale  of  peace,  with  Iho  additional 
I  revenue  which  may  bo  raised  by  imposing  duties 
on  the  free  list,  and  the  contingent  authority  to 
I  issue  treasury  notes  or  to  contract  a  loan,  are  the 
I  measures  gravely  recommended  by  the  President 
to  meet  the  ailditional  cx|)enditures  in  which  he 
I  has  involved  the  country.    Tho  peace  measures 
have  now  become  the  war  measures,  and  the  same 
bill  for  the  reduction  of  the  duties  reported  to  the 
:  House  for  a  stale  of  peace,  with  some  slight  alter- 
I  ations,  is  now  urged  upon  us,  and  we  arc  appealed 
,  to  us  patriots  to  pass  it  to  meet  and  provide  for  the 
I  contingencies  of  war. 

'      The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  tells  us  that,  after 
tt  most  careful  examination,  he  is  convinced  tho 
bill  of  (he  commiitee  will  produce  $26,000,000  of 
i  net  revenue,  and,  with  the  addition  of  duties  on  the 
,  free  list,  and  some  alterations  which  he  suggests 
in  schedule  A,  would  yield  $30,000,000.     I  will 
not  stop  to  notice  the  inconsistency  of  tho  Sec- 
retary's recummendini;  a  restoration  of  the  duty 
upon  twenty-seven  of  the  articles  in  this  schedule  A 
to  what  it  is  under  the  present  tarifl",  for  the  pur- 
pose of  raising  additional  revenue,  after  the  com- 
mittee had  recommended  a  reduction  upon  iheee 
'  same  articles  for  the  same  purpose.     But  I  appeal 
[  to  thesober  judgment  of  this  committee  and  of  this 
'  nation  to  say  whether  *30,000,000  can  be  raised 
1  under  the  present  bill,  after  adding  the  free  list, 
which    is    only  calculated   by  the    Secretary  at 
$4,000,000.    How  can  $26,000,000  be  raised  from 
the  duties  affixed  by  the  residue  of  Ihc  bill  ?    Is  it 
}  answered,  by  a  corresponding  increase  of  imports? 
1  If  the  average  of  duties  is  reduced  one-third,  to  col- 
I  lect  the  same  revenue  it  is  self-evident  the  imports 
I  must  bo  increased  one-third.    But  is  it  desirable 
I  or  practicable  to  do  this  ?  What !  to  make  an  nddi- 
j  tioii of $47,5.';3,302 to theonnualamountof imports! 
How  can  they  be  paid  for?    Tho  average  annual 
!  hnportalion  now  exceeds  the  exportation,  and  has 
I  for  the  last  twenty-five  years,  as  appears  from  the 
1  tables  accompanying  the  Secretory's  report.    The 
same  tables  also  show,  that  whenever  the  amount 
'  of  imports  for  any  one  year  very  largely  exceeded 
i  the  exports,  there  was  a  corresponding  diminution 
[  the  next  year;  and  the  history  of  the  country 
;  shows  that  derangement  of  the  currency,  diitrcss, 
j  bankruptcy,  and  ruin,  always  followed  very  largo 
I  and  excessive  importations.    The  ability  of  the 
country  is  only  able  to  pay  for  a  certain  amount 
I  of  manufactured  goods,  whether  made  at  hoine  or 
!  abroad,  and  all  beyond  that  must  produce  ruinous 
I  consequences.  The  dutiable  imports  lost  year  were 
as  great  as  they  have  ever  been,  except  in  1836, 
when  they  only  exceeded  it  about  $3,000,000.  But 
to  increase  them  now,  when  the  whole  free  list  is 
to  be  abolished,  sixty  or  seventy  millions  will  be 
required  to  raise  the  same  revenue;  and,admittins; 
it  could  be  done  in  one  year,  it  is  certain  that  it 
could  not  be  continued.  The  credit  of  the  country 
would  be  too  exhausted  to  stand  it  a  second  year. 
But  the  amount  of  duties  that  will  bo  realized  un- 
der the  bill,  with  the  prostrated  credit  of  the  coun- 


ifi 


1048 


APPENDIX  TO  TIlC  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


S9m  Cono liT  Sbii. 


The  Tariff—Mr.  A.  Smith. 


Ho.  or  Rcpi. 


Iry,  no  oiii'  niii  rnh'ulnlii.  Iiiili'penilciit  of  llin  itttal 
rodudiun  cif  nrcaciit  diilicN,  thr  lurtscn  ilml  wniilU 
Ik  (ustniiitil  noin  allrrini;  all  ii)ici'{fic  lo  ml  volnrrm 
ilulifH  I'Hiiniit  be  taliniiiU'd,  ll  is  the  cipiiiioii  nt 
many  financiers  lliat  the  wholu  Uulicfi  llnit  will 
Le  colliM'trd  under  the  •ymcin,  im'ltidlni;  tlia  nr- 
liuh'i  that  uie  now  Tree,  will  not  nnlii^  twenty 
mllliona  nl'  dnIlnrH. 

If  tlic  exiniialt'ii  of  the  SecTctnrirH  (if  War  and 
the  Nuvy  are  lut  eiiiijtctiiral  and  ii|>ci-nlaliv<t  an 
thoiie  of  the  StiTctnry  nf  lliu  Treiinniy,  the  ex-  ' 
pensea  of  the  wjir  for  the  year  eiutinj;  June  30,  ' 
1847,  may  he  diiuhled.  Itui,  nuppose  the  e»li- 
niatei  In  be  necurate,  and  tlial  the  iSecrclary  of  the 
Navy  will  at  lam  cive  an  n|ipi>rluni(y  In  the  k"'' 
lant  und  noble  Kpirila  whirh  adorn  that  braneh  of 
the  aerviee  to  euriperate  with  our  army  in  conduct- 
in:;  the  war  lo  a  i<|icedy  and  lionnmlile  tcrinina- 
tiiin,  wiial  will  be  the  indcbledneas  of  the  nation 
on  the  3Uih  of  June,  1847.'  W^iat  will  be  the  rc- 
ault  of  the  war  measureH  of  the  Preside:.;  for  rais- 
iiijt  revenue.'  When  will  hi.n  ehcriuhcd  Impea  be 
realized  of  beint;  able  to  eonijralnlate  the  wiunlry 
on  its  rccoverinj;  once  nioro  the  Infiy  position 
which  it  so  reeenlly  oerupird,  "  of  bein:;free  fioni 
debt?"  Or  when  will  "our  eounlry,  which  ex- 
'  hihils  to  the  world  the  benefll.i  of  scll-novernment, 
'indevclopingall  the  sources  of  oalioiinl  prosperity, 
■redeem  its  obligation  to  mankind  of  a  pcrnianent 
'  example  of  n  nation  free  frrun  the  bli|;hlinu;  in- 
'tluence  of  u  public  deblr"  I  «!;ree  with  the  Ohief 
Ma^strale  tnal  we,  as  the  people's  Ilcpresenio-  , 
lives,  should  so  legislate  "  when  the  country  is  in 
'»  state  of  war,  that  no  contingency  Nhould  be 
'  perinitied  to  bcenr  in  which  there  would  be  a  de- 
'  liciency  in  the  treasury  for  the  vij^oroua  prosecu- 
'  lion  of  the  war;"  and  so  believini;,  and  unwil- 
ling that  the  volunlecra,  who  have  so  gallantly  re-  \ 
sponded  lo  their  country's  uill,  or  that  the  valiant 
officers  and  soldiers  who  have  covered  tlicniHclves 


TIIK  TARU'l" 


with  glory  at  the  battles  of  Palo  Alto  and  Resaca 
de  la  Palma,  or  that  the  i;allant  olRcers  and  tars  of 
our  navy,  who  arc  pantinj;  for  a  participation  in 
the  war,  should  all  ilepcnd  upon  this  "  war  nieus- 
ure"  for  the  reward  of  iheir  services  and  the  peril 
of  their  lives,  I  shall  be  constrained  to  vote  against  ' 
this  bill.  I  also  a;i;rce  with  the  Chief  Ma!<:isiiate 
that  "  our  country,  exhibiting  to  the  world  the 
'  benefits  of  self-?oveniinent,  owes  to  inankiinl  the  i 
'  development  of  all  the  sources  of  our  national 
'prosperity."  1  have  no  doubt  that  the  Chief 
AVlagislrate  also  af;rees  with  me  that  those  ele- 
ments are  more  abundant  and  more  valuable  in 
this  country  than  in  any  other  on  the  face  of  the 
{;lobe.  Bui,  belicvin;;  this  bill  ealculalid  to  lock 
up,  rather  than  develop  these  sources  of  national 
greatness,  I  shall,  on  this  account  also,  be  com- 
pelled to  vote  njainst  it. 

Does  the  President  suppose  that  the  Democracy 
of  Pennsylvania,  who  iii.^cribed  upon  their  banners, 
"  Polk,  Oalla.s,  and  the  taritr  of  184^,"  will  con- 
sider the  principles  of  tliis  bill  identical  wilh  those 
expressed  in  the  Kane  letter?  Does  he  suppose  it 
will  satisfy  the  honest  yeomanry  of  our  country, 
for  wli..m  he  avows  such  tender  affection  and  pa- 
ternal regard  .'  Will  the  workers  of  the  iron  and 
coal  mines  of  Pennsylvania,  New  York, and  Maiy- 
land,  and  ihe  lead  diij^crs  and  copper  niiner.s  of 
II!inoi.«,  Missouri,  and  Michigan,  consider  it  cal- 
culated to  develop  all  their  sources  of  wealth  and 
prosperity  ?  Will  the  nmnufaciurers,  mechanics, 
and  laborers  be  satisfied  to  exchan.;;e  the  protection 
of  the  ])rescnt  tariff  for  Ihe  incidental  protection  of 
this  bill.' 

If  I  preferred  the  elevation  of  pnrly  lo  the 
honor  and  welfare  of  my  couniry,  I  would  desire 
a  trial  of  ihis  leading  measure  of  the  Administra- 
tion ;  confident  that,  lonif  ere  the  next  Presiden- 
tial election, derani;ed  currency, accumulated  public 
and  priva'e  indebtedness,  ruined  capital,  unmarket- 
able products,  poorly  requited  and  unemployed 
labor,  would  so  rffictually  prostrate  Ihe  political 
capital  of  the  Prc'ident  and  his  Cabinet,  that  they 
would  find  as  initch  dilUculty  in  converting  it  to 
any  valuable  purpose  as  the  manufacturers  had  in 
answering  the  riuestinn  of  the  Secretary,  "  in  what 
way  tli'-y  would  employ  their  capital  if  they  were 
compelled  lo  abandon  ihcir  business  r"  But,  hold- 
ing the  interests  of  my  country  above  all  earthly 
considerations,  and  believing  tliis  bill  destructive 
of  then),  I  sincerely  irnst  it  will  never  find  ii  place 
ill  the  American  statu '.e  book. 


SPEECH  OF  MR,  A.  SMITH, 

or  NEW   YORK, 

In  tiieIIouiie  or  ItErMriKNTATiTKi, 

July  I,  I84U. 

On  the  Bill  rcduciuK  the  duty  on  IniporU,  and  for 

other  purposes. 

Mr.  S.MITH  said,  that  in  I84'J  the  Congress  of 
the  United  Slates  hail  |ina.scd  n  law  to  regulale  du- 
ties on  imports.  'I'hat  law  hail  been  a  subject  of 
warm  discussion  from  Ihe  lime  of  its  passage  lo  llie 
present  hour.  Debate  hod  been  had  on  Iwo  points: 
first,  whether  Ihe  duties  then  enacted  were  consti- 
tutional; and,  secondly,  whether  they  weie  expe- 
dient. The  Denu)crals  elected  lo  the  last  Congress 
cinisiiiulcd  a  large  majority  of  the  House;  tlic 
l.'onnniilee  of  Ways  and  Means  then  reporied  a 
bill  modilyini;  the  tariff  of  184'j.  It  was  discus.sed 
for  three  (ir  (our  weeks  with  much  earneatneHS,  Ihe 
Whigs  opposing  and  the  Democrals  advocating  it. 
In  the  end,  however,  it  so  happened,  whether  from 
some  peculiar  features  in  the  bill,  or  from  some 
other  eau-'-e  growing  out  of  the  approaching  Presi- 
dential election,  that  enough  Democrats  had  united 
with  the  Whisrs  to  vote  il  down.  This  was  the 
posture  of  alVairs  when  the  two  parlies  went  into 
Ihe  campaign  of  1844.  So  for  as  Mr.  S.  knew, 
from  his  own  experience,  and  his  observation  else- 
where, the  Whig  party  everywhere  had  gone  in 
favor  of  sustaining  the  tariff  of  184^,  while  gentle- 
men on  the  opposite  side,  wilh  the  exception  of 
those  from  Pennsylvania,  had  ns  regularly  op- 
posed il.  The  law  was  denounced  from  every 
Democratic  stump  in  the  northern,  middle,  and 
southern  Stales.  The  leaders  of  the  two  great  par- 
ties had  been,  Henry  Clay  on  the  part  of  the 
Whigs,  and  James  K.  Polk  on  the  part  of  the 
Democrals.  These  two  prominent  men  were  sup- 
posed to  be  the  representatives  of  the  two  great 
parties  on  the  subject  of  the  tariff.  The  democ- 
racy triumphed.  They  beat  their  opponents  out 
oflhe  field,  electiuL'  not  only  their  chieftain  Pres'- 
dcnl,  but  Iwo  lo  one  oflhe  members  of  Congress, 
us  well  as  a  large  majority  of  the  Senate. 

Under  these  circumstances  Mr.  S.  should  not 
undertake  to  rearsue  the  question.  Hisconstitu- 
enls  understood  ti.?  i>"!.irc  and  effect  of  a  protect- 
ive tariff  law  quite  as  well  as  he  did.  They  knew 
perfectly  well  what  the  democracy  would  do  if  it 
had  the  power,  and  what  the  Whigs  would  do  in 
like  circumsiaices;  and  they  knew  another  thing, 
viz;  that  nothing  affected  their  interests  so  inju- 
riously as  the  eternal  agitation  of  this  question. 
And  now,  he  said  to  his  democratic  opponents, 
in  llie  name  of  those  constituenta,  if  you  liavc  been 
iKniesI  in  your  doctrine,  if  you  have  been  sincere 
in  professing  it,  if  you  were  not  conscious  of  hav- 
ing impo.sed  on  the  too  easy  ccnifidencc  and  cre- 
dulity of  yiair  couniry,  go  on  and  carry  out  your 
imasure.  [Many  voices:  "  We  will;"  "  we  mean 
to."]  But  if,  wilh  so  vast  a  majority,  and  with 
the  whole  power  of  the  Govei-nmcnt  in  your 
hands,  you  shall  fail  in  your  design,  and  the  tariff 
of  164a  is  not  repealed,  in  Heaven's  name  will  you 
not  let  ns  rest?  Will  you  not,  in  mercy,  grant  us 
a  little  repose?  Why  agiuitc  the  question  any 
longer?  What  more  do  you  expect  to  get? 
Have  you  not  power  enough  here  to  pass  your 
hill?  And,  if  it  passes,  have  you  not  a  very  wil- 
ling and  consenting  Executive,  standing  ready, 
with  pen  in  hand.  In  sign  the  bill?  And,  as  to 
Pennsylvania,  he,  Mr.  S.,  well  understood  how 
the  co'niest  was  carried  on  there,  and  by  what 
means  and  men  she  had  been  induced  lo  give  her 
vote  lo  Polk  and  Dallas.  With  his  Whig  friends 
in  that  Stale,  he  deplored  the  passage  of  this  bill; 
//ie«  at  least  were  not  responsible  for  the  result. 
But,  to  Ihe  "  Polk,  Dallas,  and  tariff  of  1842  "  Lo- 
cofocos  of  that  State,  and  Iheir  lepresenlatives  on 
Ihis  floor,  he  must  say  he  had  a  very  strong  dis- 
position "  to  laugh  at  their  calamities,  and  mock 
when  their  fear  cometh."  For  of  no  people  on 
the  face  of  the  earth  might  it  be  more  appropri- 
ately said,  "  Ye  leoiiH  be  dupes  and  victims,  and 
ye  ore."  Never  did  men  more  zealously  "kiss 
the  rod  that  smote  ihem."  And  Mr.  S.  hoped, 
in  common  humanity,  it  might,  after  all,  turn  out 
that  it  "  was  good  for  them  to  be  afflicted."  At 
least  he  hoped  it  mij;ht  induce  them  hereafter  to 


I  sianil  hy  their  own  and  their  cfuiniry's  interest, 
'  desnito  of  party  claims  and  iliclalion. 

llul  if  Ihis  i|ueation  is  not  seliled  at  this  lime,  ii 
it  again  lo  be  inoughl  upas  a  subject  of  dis''u».,iiiii| 
at  the  next  session?  Are  the  people  never  lo 
know  on  what  lo  calculate?  Are  tiiey  never  to 
arrive  nl  any  certainty  as  to  invisting  their  capi- 
tal? Are  Ihey  lo  be  kept  slill  in  suspense  at  iha 
next  session,  and  at  the  iieM,  and  the  next  >  Una 
gentleman  sjioke  of  coniesiirjg  this  inailer  iiina 
afler  time,  frmii  year  to  yi  ar,  fniui  Congress  to 
('ongress,  anil  all  ihis  in  im  rmuo  of  deiaoi  \;\ry. 
Was  that  the  apeeiesof  ilenioci,.iy  uliirliwe  witt 
to  expect?  To  have  one  part  of  the  Union  siill 
fighting  for  free  trade,  and  another  porlimi  cunlcnd- 
ing,  wilh  equal  obsiinacy,  for  proieciinii?  And 
both  democratic?  What  sort  of  deniocrai:v  must 
it  be  which  elected  Mr.  I'olk  as  o  free-trade  man 
at  the  South  and  as  a  prohclion  mnn  in  Pennsyl- 
vania? Mr.  S.  repeated  that  lie  was  not  uoing  lo 
argue  the  question  whether  it  was  eonsiiiiitional  or 
expedient  lo  impose  duties  fur  proieciioii,  nor 
Nhould  he  have  spoken  at  all  on  the  piesent  occa- 
sion, but  tnr  some  expressions  in  a  speech  made 
by  a  collcaguo  of  his,  [Mr.  Coilin',]  whom  he 
was  sorry  not  to  see  in  his  seal.  His  colleague 
had  taken  occasion,  when  ihe  House  had  under 
,  its  consideration  the  bill  making  improvements  on 
rivers  and  horbors,  to  deliver  a  speech  upon  the 
tariff,  not  an  off-hand  speech,  delivered  in  the  heat 
of  debate,  but  a  speech  well  and  nmiiirelv  con- 
sidered, and  rend  from  a  manuscript  previously  pre- 
pared and  brought  with  him.  In  such  a  speech  as 
'  this  the  gentleman  had  made  certain  slatementi, 
,  which  Mr.  S.  hardly  knew  how  to  cliaracierize, 
I  and  of  which  he  fell  il  dillicult  to  speak,  especially 
in  the  gentleman's  absence.  l!y  way  of  illustra- 
tion, he  would  quote  one  or  two  of  these  remarks: 

o  We,  loo,  liy  IliU  policy,  are  driven  iiitn  Mniianirnl  piir- 
Huitd,  anil  nur  nvrlculture  hiiiKiiMies.  Wiilihi  ilic  Imt  lew 
.veurv  ilnnieai<e  laniinnnilA  of  tlic  iinijcilllaral  piiputiiliiiii  of 
iho  HIate  (ifNcw  York  liave  lireii  m:ule  fugUivvH  lu  utiier 
cliinca  by  the  opcrnlloii  ol'ihcHR  lawi.o 

Now,  Mr.  S.  might  not  perhaps  understand  what 
his  colleague  meant  by  oilier  climes.  If  he  meant 
that  some  of  them  had  gone  lo  Texas,  because 
liiey  found  in  Texas  men  who  were  bone  of  their 
boiie  and  flesh  of  their  flesh,  he  could  not  say  that 
it  was  entirely  untrue;  but  it  had  been  his  own 
impression,  that  some  of  lliese  persons  had  gone 
there  in  consequence  of  olhn  laws  than  Ihe  tariff 
of  1842,  [a  laugh.]  Mr.  S.  was  led  into  this  sus- 
picion from  his  colleague's  use  oflhe  wrid  "fugi- 
tives," though  he  made  no  such  charge.  If,  on  ilie 
other  hand,  his  colleague  meant  to  say,  that  in  coii- 

.  sequence  of  the  passage  of  ilic  tariff  of  IH-W  thou- 
sands of  Ihe  citizens  of  New  Y'luk  had  become 
l\jgitives  into  any  clime  beyond  the  United  Slates, 
he  demanded  the  authority  on  which  such  an  asser- 
tion had  been  made;  il  was  not  true — the  fact  was 
not  so.     Without  doubt  large  numbers  of  the  peo- 

i  pie  of  New  York  had  gone  into  the  great  West — 
some  to  Michigan,  some  lo  Indiana,  some  to  llli- 

I  nois,  some  to  Iowa,  some  to  Missouri,  and  some 
perhaps  were  beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains;  but 
did  bis  colleasrue  mean  to  assert  that  these  emi- 
grants to  the  West  had  become  fugitives  to  foreign 
climes  because  of  our  tariff  laws?  Was  il  only 
since  1842  that  thii' western  emigralion  had  com- 
menced? His  colleague  knew  belter.  He  knew 
that  these  hardy  pioneers  had  gone  in  long  sucecv 

;  sinn,  for  many  years  past,  to  seek  mil  for  them- 
selves  homes  in  the  vast  and  fertile  bosom  of  the 
Mississippi  valley.  They  had  gone  there,  in  the 
spirit  of  American  enlcrprise  and  independence, 
to  become  snbducrs  of  the  wilderness  and  tillers  of 

'  the  soil,  and  by  honest  labor  to  obtain  for  them- 

'  selves  freeholds  and  homes.  He  would  leave  it  lo 
ihe  Representatives  of  Western  Stales  on  that  floor 
10  sav,  whether  these  hardy  sons  of  New  Y'ork, 

I  on  coming  into  that  new  country,  hud  demeaned 
themselves  like  "  fugitives." 

His  colleague  had  made  another  statement, 
which  Mr.  S.  was  equally  at  a  loss  to  account  for. 
He  regretted  the  gentleman  was  not  here;  it  might 
not  perhaps  be  Ihe  gentleman's  fault.  Mr.  S.  was 
sure  it  was  not  his,  for  he  had  expressly  given  hia 
colleague  notice  of  his  intention  to  speak,  and  in 
his  speech  to  reply  to  the  remarks  his  colleague 
had  made.     In  one  part  of  his  speech  his   col- 

,  league  hud  said,  us  Mr.  S.  supposed  by  way  of  a 

'  flourish: 


1846^     __^ 
29th  Cono.., 

••  Hnv  »'■  ■""  '"""' 
cninrlilallllinlllicliii 

,\,iii,  Africa,  nnd  Ami 
„„l  .o«i>  pui  la  r.(iul.l 
l,.||«cl  mil  ilcvl.f ,  Slid 
deunivllyesiiliclailuci 

,„.rvi  rfit  I"  'i»»'"  "I"  ' 
l,i.iir  III  iidviiinle.oal 
...ivc,  dial,  rniher  llm 
•liiy  waulil  prelir  tlinl 
„!,.  uverwlieliaiid  will 
l,U«id  /" 

Now,Mr.S.wo 

other  of  his  cnllei4 

whul  Wliilf  meinl) 

langnagc  like  this, 

li.id  beard  any  W 

sooner  tluui  see  Ih 

oen  our  cities  bur 

lAXalion,  and  our 

blood?     The  ass 

false.     Il  *»«  <>■  1' 

House.     Mr.S.> 

man   tliat  would 

guageokm  to  it. 

incnt  was  n  trait 

should  be  delive 

league  had  made 

any, and  had  m 

should   be  circul 

as  R  senlinient  u 

floor.     Southern 

would  everywhf 

C'on';ress  had   | 

fi,     er  see  ourci 

in  blood,  than  si 

it  been  a  mere  c 

gentleman  in  th 

niighl  be  some 

lion  well  consi 

published  lo  the 

Mr.  S.  was  not 

countries  shoul 

of  the  Anierici 

language.     Cei 

from  holding  oi 

llint  the  tarilV  I 

had  operated  f 

and  so  believir 

port;  but  God 

moment  feel, 

pillaged,   his 

sacked  and  bi 

blood  of  thei 

His  bosom  w 

ing. 

Mr.  S.  wnt 

his  colleague 

had  just  quol 

cupicd,  in  oil 

the  genllema 

ft  different  do 

but  met  the 

what  did  he 

olftili'ilacl 

tlie  .^Uanli"  « 

aad  of  hunia" 

Erie,  would  Ji 

make  law.<  der 

hetwcca  tlic  I 

gooil  policy  to 

otOliiol'ar  til 

policy,  Inaleli 

rivers,    iii.-'lc 

have." 

That  wni 

trine  held 

fairly  state 

distinction 

und  coniin 

cign  c.ouni 

to  protect 

They  woi 

labor  exai 

ers;  ond  i 

made  wni 

menl  had 

past.    Bi 

involved 

the  suppi 

?alion  to 
Inion  th 
n  free  c) 
chusells 
memberi 
this  Uni 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TQ  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1049 


SOth  Cono IsT  Sen. 


7%«  Tariff— Mr.  A.  Smith. 


Ho.  or  Rivt. 


"  HnvK  wi-  not  lirnrrt  dndni'il  fur  Ihi"  crwlll  of  "n  Am'rl- 
t'lintnrlll  nil  Hull  llli'liinrnull)  iirinililmiidi'Vlii'ilfh  P.iirnpe, 

A«ln,  Afrlon,  niid  Aruirli'n?    Km  II iiiiimiicH,  liiivi-  wn 

mil  .emi  |iui  III  ri'i|ul>lll<in  ill  ilii'  mpliMry  llml  liiiiiinii  In- 
iHlltcl  I'nii  dcvUn,  niid  all  Ilii'  niliri'iircxiiliilliin  llinl  hiiiiiiin 
duuriivllv  •nil  lir  IlidUiid  to  Ullil .'  Iliia  not  lilllll  lUeir  lii'i'M 
p,'CVrrl">l  I'l  linvii  Ihtt  weiilit  <il'  niUrliiKid  !  Dn  wv  mil  niiw 
ticnr  IIS  ndviirnic.  nnllilrt  niiorniid  I'lvi'wlicrt'  i'Riiri*M»  llii'ni- 
«,lvi»,  llml,  rnlliiT  llinil  lln'  ri'iMid  iil'  IIik  Inrlfl'  Inw  cif  IBW, 
lliey  wniild  priMiT  llml  iiur  rlili->  ■liniild  lie  hiiriiod,  iiiiriii'i' 
nlK  iiviirwlmliiiiid  wllh  uiuUiin,und  our  Hilda  drt'iirliud  In 
i.l„(,d?" 

Now,  Mr.  S.  would  nik  nf  thnl  KciUlcmiiii,  or  nny 
oilier  nl'  lii«  i;ollciij{iici  wliii  Wiuild  iiiinwcr  for  liiiii, 
whul  Wlii){  member  of  llml  Hounc  hrnl  ever  ii»fd 
!nii:;iitti!e  like  iIiih,  or  aiiylhiiiR  reacinliliiie  ll?  Who 
li.iil  liKurd  iiiiy  Wlii(j;  iiu'iiilier  of  llml  Mouse  ■oy, 
Kioiicr  lilllll  KB  lh«  uiriir  of  iWJ  lepcnled, In:  would 
Ben  iiiir  cilicn  biiriicd,  our  people  (,'roiiiiiiii;  under 
MXiiiioii,  niid  our  fair  flclds  covered  willi  liumnn 
Mood?  Tlie  ndiierlion  wim  false,  unblu»liiii|;iy 
fiilac.  It  waa  o  libel  on  llie  Wliii;  iiicmbera  of  llint 
liou«o.  Mr.  S.  would  be  the  fiiHt  to  denounce  the 
ninn  tliat  would  u»o  »uch  lanisuiiKc,  or  any  Ian- 
guBHe  akin  to  it.  The  man  who  lield  such  a  «cnti- 
inciil  waa  n  Irnitor,  and  deserved  that  Ilia  name 
should  be  delivered  over  to  infamy.  Yel  his  col- 
lea;;ue  had  made  that  assertion  in  the  open  face  of 
day,  and  lind  made  it  with  the  intention  tliat  it 
should  be  circulated  brnndeaat  all  over  the  south, 
as  a  senliinent  uticred  by  Whii;  fjentlcmcn  on  that 
floor.  Southern  men  and  enemies  of  the  tarilT 
would  everywhere  be  told  tlint  the  Willi's  of  tliia 
C'ivv;ress  had  boldly  declared,  that  thev  would 
rn  er  see  our  citiea  sacked, and  oiir  fields  urenched 
in  blood,  than  see  the  tariff  of  1842  repealed.  Had 
it  been  a  mere  casual  exprcsaion,  elicited  from  the 
{renlleman  in  the  lieut  and  ardor  of  debate,  there 
might  be  some  apology  for  it-,  but  it  was  an  asser- 
tion well  considered,  (uircfully  written  out,  and 
published  to  ihe  world  for  two  months  oast.  Now, 
Sir.  S.  was  not  willing  that  the  people  of  foreign 
countries  should  understand  that  Whig  members 
of  the  American  Congreaa  could  hold  any  such 
language.  Certainly  Mr.  S.  for  himself  was  for 
from  holding  any  such  aentimcnl.  He  did  belie'-e 
that  the  luriff  of  1842  had  been  a  t'ood  act,  that  it 
liad  operated  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  country, 
and  an  believing,  he  had  given  it  hia  cordial  sup- 
port; but  God  forbid  that  he  should  say,  or  for  u 
moment  feel,  that  he  had  rather  aee  his  country 
pillaged,  Ilia  countrymen  cut  down,  our  cities 
sacked  and  burned,  and  our  fields  drenched  in  the 
blood  of  their  inhabitants,  than  give  up  the  bill. 
His  bosom  was  an  utter  stranger  to  any  such  feel- 
ing. 

Mr.  S.  was  happy  to  aay,  tlint  nolwithatnnding 
his  colleague  had  seen  fit  lo  make  the  assertion  he 
had  just  quoted,  the  question  under  discussion  oc- 
cupied I  in  other  respects,  the  true  ground  on  which 
the  gentleman's  party  placed  it.  He  did  not  hold 
a  diflerent  doctrine  here  from  what  he  did  at  home, 
but  met  the  question  of  protection  fairly.  And 
what  did  he  say  of  it.> 

"  If  llic  dorliine  now  nrevnliing  i<  correet,  if  llic  »nvp»of 
the  .Mlanlii,'  would  JiKlily  tlila  lircikinnorUie  liina  iif  iinliire 
nnd  of  hiimnil  rlilllt,  then,  air,  llin  wnvea  iif  llie  Ohio  or  of 
Erie,  iviiiilil  jiKtily  llwl  aniiie  pulley.  If  it  ia  cnod  pulley  M 
iiLike  Inw.-i  ileniiieing  and  deatroyiiig  tliia  reciprocal  exelmiido 
licttvi  en  the  Uiiiled  Dtnlea  nnd  Greut  Ilriliiin,  It  la  equnlly 
grinrl  policy  to  deatroy  the  reciprocal  exeh)ini{e  nf  the  I'riliu 
of  Oiiio  for  the  jioods  of  MiwaacjHiaetU.  If  tliia  ia  to  be  our 
policy,  inalead  of  opi'iiliin,  olwtruel  the  chniinela  of  your 
rivers.  Inateiid  of  liuilding new  liarbora,  deiliotiah  Ihosc  you 
Imve." 

That  was  what  Mr.  S.  understood  to  be  the  doc- 
trine held  by  the  gentleman's  party,  nnd  it  was 
fairly  staled.  The  opponents  of  the  bill  made  no 
distinction  between  commeree  among  the  States 
and  coniiiicrce  between  the  United  Stales  nnd  for- 
eign countries.  They  would  have  no  distinct  law 
to  protect  our  people,  any  more  than  foreigners, 
'fhey  would  put  the  great  interest  of  American 
labor  exactly  on  a  par  with  Mie  labor  of  foreign- 
ers; and  it  was  this  doctrine  against  which  Mr.  S. 
made  war,  and  it  was  on  this  point  that  the  argu- 
ment had  turned  both  here  and  nt  home  for  years 


were  tnjoyed  by  our  own  jieop|«.    This  dximp-  | 
tion  from  commercial  rcalrictions  was  mutual,  nnd 
all  the  benefils  of  it  accrued  lo  Ihe  very  people  for 
whom  we  wrre  bound   to  legislate.     But,  would  ^ 
i;eiii|«men  mninUiin   that  we  were  to  alt  here  to 
legmliite  for  foreign  naliinia,  and  exercise  the  aanin  I 
wiuclifiil  care  for  the  welfare  of  their  labor  na  for 
\  our  own  i    Mr.  S.   had  supposed  that,  as  Itepre- 
aeiilalivea  of  the  American  people,  we  owed  spe-  | 
cini  duties  to  our  constituenia,  and  were  tlin  pecu-  \ 
liar  guardians  of  iheir  intereals;  bul,  according  to  i 
the  doctrine  of  his  colleague,  we  owed  to  our  con-  I 
atituenia  nothing  more  than  wo  owed  to  the  people 
of   Knijland,   Krnncc,   or  Russia.      Ho  regarded 
himself  as  an  American,  representing  on  this  floor  ^ 
Americans,  and  felt  bound,  as  well  from  duty  as 
from  choice,  to  promote  llie  American  intercsls.  | 
But  if  hia  colleague  owed  no  allegiance  to  thia 
country  more  than  to  any  other,  and  would  look 
to  the  welfare  of  the  peoiilu  of  (Jrcut  ilrilain  aa 
readily  as  he  would  to  the  interests  of  hia  nsvn 
constituents,  Mr.  S.  would  fain  believe  there  had 
'  been  a  mutual  misunderstanding  between  thatgen- 
j  tloman  and   his  con.ititiicnls,  or  they  had   njver 
sent  him  hero.     Now,  Mr,  S,  was  content  that  the 
I  argument  should  rest  on  one  great,  broad,  and  un- 
deniable fact.     Let  any  man  look  at  the  condition 
of  the  country  before  and  since  thia  tariff  had  been 
paaacd.     He  need  not  remind  any  man  what  had 
ucen  our  condition  immediately  before  its  enact- 
ment; he  appealed  to  every  man  to  say  whether 
the  course  of  the  country,  at  thia  moment,  wan  not 
onward  and  still  onward,  under  all  that  a  good 
Qovernment  could  do  for  a  good  people.    He  would 
put  this  fact  against  all  theories,  whether  the  forty- 
hale  theory,  or  that  of  Adam  Smith,  or  Say,  or 
Richards,  or  any  or  all  other  ihooriata,  from  now 
to  eternity.    Let  the  whole  question  be  put  to  the 
teat  of  experience.    If  gentlemen  thought  that  Mr. 
S.  was  wrong,  lei  them  paaa  their  bill,  and  see  ' 
what  would  be  the  result.     He  should  not  vote  for  | 
it;  but  if  on  a  fair  experiment  the  facts  should  sus-  i 
tain  the  theories  of  his  opponents,  he  would  not  | 
deny  it,  or  dodge  it,  or  seek  to  explain  it  awny,  I 
but  would  fairly  and  frankly  admit  it.   Ifheahould  I 
find  that,  under  a  reduced  tariff,  Ihe  country  waa  I 
making  progress  in  general   prosperity,  Mr.  S.  ' 
would  be  the  first  man  to  confess  it,  nnd  embrace  { 
the  doctrine  which  now  he  opposed;  and  he  here  j 
appealed  to  gentlemen  on  the  other  side,  as  fair  and  | 
honest  men,  to  do  the  same.  : 

Mr.  S.  had  been  much  amused  and  pleased  with 
another  speech  made  by  a  colleague  of  his,  [Mr.  | 
.Tenkini,]  last  evening.  He  agreed  with  the  speaker  j 
in  the  main,  and  yet  he  could  not  content  himself  | 
without  finding  some  little  fault  with  what  the  gen-  i 
tleman  had  said,  seemingly  as  a  salvo  provided  | 
against  a  future  slump  speech.    His  colleague  hnd 
spoken  of  the  odioua  and  flagrant  system  nf  mini- 
mums.   If  iWr.  S.  had  not  looked  upon  it  na  some- 
what impertinent,  he  would  have  asked  his  col- 
league to  point  him  to  a  aingle  instance  where  the 
minimum  system  of  duties  had  operated  injuriously 
or  oppressively  on  any  one  Americon  citizen.     If 
the  g-entleman  could  point  him  to  one  case,  he  had 
now"  an  opportunity  of  reply. 


tA  deep  silence, 
lut"' 


iut  Mr.  S.  would  not  go  into  the  details  of  the 
bill.  It  was  possible  there  i-ight  be  some  duties 
imposed  by  the  tariff  of  '42  ^N.iich  might  be  favor- 
ably changed;  but  that  was  not  the  question  here 
— that  was  not  what  gentlemen  were  after.  The 
friends  of  the  tariff  of  '42  were  in  fiivor  of  retain 


I  and  «n  ad  valorem  duty  nf  30  per  cent,  nn  all  other 
imported    wool.     Now,    from   thia   hia  colleague 
drew  one  nf  the  moat  aingular  concluniona  ever 
I  arrived  at  by  Ihe  mind  of  man.     He  said; 
1      "The  wnnl-irnwini  Interrat  la  now  lollerlni  U|>nn  Ihe 
I  pfrclplea  of  dealriiellon.     With  II,  the  liriflnnlna  "f  Iha  end 
'  lins  coininenci'd.  Tweniy-four  niilllnnaof  pniinda  nf  lotelgii 
ivoni  hnve  (leen  liii|Hirled  to  this  eniiiilry  ituiliiK  Ihii  piul 
i  yenr~iin  nnioiiiit  wllhlii  live  inllliona,  or  nt  flirttiei'i  ii-n  mil- 
;  lloiia  nl  (Hiiinda,  of  nil  the  wool  iiaed  liy  Ihe  iniinlll^tclnrers 
nf  llie  cniintry.    Of  the  Imlnnee  nfdnnieatle  weni,  three  inll- 
liona of  poiinda  hnve  heen  exported,  n  pfiriioiinaatwen  nfcd 
I  In  our  fniiilllea,  nnd  tlie  rinidtie  la  on  ilie  linnda  of  ihe  Rrnw- 
\  era.  or  la  In  ihe  atorehouaea  of  the  pnrehnaera.     Willi  tills 
aiirphia  on  hnnd— with  nn  nceiiiniiliiied  croiienniing  In  of  at 
lenat  foriy-flve  inllliona  nf  pnunda — and  Willi  n  prnlHihlo  ini- 
porlnllon  (nr  the  yenr  to  come  of  sniiie  Ihlrly  inllliona  of 
noiinih  of  foreian  wool— iinthliisenii  aave  the  wool  |r.nwln| 
I  Ini'llieas  from  deatriiellon,  na  u  lliarkelahle  buslneaa,  bul  tlla 
repenlorihe  Inrlflrnr  IMii." 

We  had  n  aurphia  on  hand  from  the  old  crop 
and  45,OUO,000  of  pounds  from  Ihe  new,  and  yel 
Ilia  colleague  was  for  letliiig  in  all  foreign  wool 
without  any  tax  at  all.  Mr.  S.  rather  thought  that 
when  the  wool-growers  came  lo  hear  of  lliia  they 
would  bo  very  upt  to  aay,  "auve  us  from  our 
I  frienda." 

!      It  waa  true  the  gentleman  aoid  ihot  by  the  repeal 
;  the  opportunity  would  be  opened  to  us  "  of  sel- 
ling o'lr  surplus  wool  to  the  English  nmrkel,  which 

I  required  an  annual  supply  nf  70,000,000  of  pounds 
!  of  foreign  wool,"  and  that  "  that  would  enable  ua 

lo  sell  them  our  wool  without  being  prohibited  by 
the  high  duties  now  imposed  upon  goods  we  must 

I I  necessarily  take  in  exchange."    Mr.  8.  would  like 
'  to  know  from  hia  colleague  what  iiae  we  ahould 

make  of  the  probable  import  of  "  30,000,000  of 
pounda  of  foreign  wool,"  if  we  txporUti  our  own 
and  received  foreign  goods  in  exchange?  Were 
we  to  be  imporleis  nnd  exporters  of  the  same  arti- 
cle nt  the  aome  time.'  A..j  if  we  received  foreign 
eoods  in  exchange  for  our  wool,  what  would  the 
foreigner  receive  in  exchange  from  ua  for  hia  wool 
sent  into  our  country.' 

Had  the  gentleman  estimated  Ihe  coat  in  in- 
surance and  transportation  in  sending  our  wool 
abroad  nnd  of  the  return  corgo  ?  Did  he  not  know 
that  if  we  odopted  such  a  policy  as  he  recommends, 
our  own  manufacturing  esiabliahmenis  must  go 
down  ?  And,  when  we  have  no  longer  these  eslal)- 
lishments  among  us,  what  assurance,  what  guar- 
anty has  he  of  the  price  our  wool  shall  bring  in 
the  foreign  market.'  And  when  competition  has 
censed  at  home,  nt  what  price  shall  we  obtain  our 
goods  of  the  foreigner.'  Did  he  not  know  that  we 
should  then  tje  at  the  mercy — yes,  the  mtrcij  of 
foreijners .' 

If  Mr.  S.  hnd  the  control  of  the  matter,  he  would 
not  only  retain  the  existing  duty,  but  would  add 
to  it,  so  as  to  reach  and  secure  this  crop  of  45,000,- 
000  of  pounds.  But  such  was  not  the  gentleman's 
doctrine.  The  gentleman  admitted  that  we  had  a 
large  surplus,  and  that  we  produced  all  the  wool 
we  wonted,  and  thereupon  he  would  proceed  at 
once  to  regienl  all  duties,  and  let  more  wool  into  the 
country.  This  duly  of  5  per  cent,  on  wool  cost- 
ing not  over  7  cents  was  no  novelty  in  debate.  It 
was  an  old  customer  in  that  House.  Mr.  S.  hnd 
heard  it  asserted  that  the  very  finest  wools  of  Cor- 
dova were  imported  under  that  duty,  being  pic- 
viously  mixed  with  so  much  dirt  and  foreign  mat- 
ter OS  reduced  their  value  to  7  cents.  All  Mr.  S. 
had  to  say  was  this,  that  if  that  statement  was  true, 
it  showed  that  our  revenue  officers  were  guilty  of 
malversation  in  office,  and  ought  to  be  punished. 
It  wos  not  the  fault  of  the  law.    The  law  was 


their  own  merits,  as  going  to  provide,  on  the  one 
bond,  nn  adequate  revenue  for  the  Government, 
j  and  on  the  other  adequate  prolcclion  fortheinr^us- 
tryof  the  people.  But  gentlemen  on  the  other  side 
'  were  for  reducing  duties  nt  all  events.  Mr.  S.  was 
not  certain  whether  it  was  with  n  view  of  gelling 
more  or  less  revenue,  for  it  had  been  prescribed  as 
n  panacea  for  both  purposes. 

But  his  colleague,  when  speaking  on  the  river 
past.  But  were  gentlemen  aware  of  the  principle  j'  and  harbor  bill,  had  said  another  thing  which  af- 
involvcd  in  this  orgument?     It  was  based  U(ion  jj  fected  the  interests  of  Mr.  S. 's  constituents.  They 


ing  the  great  nnd  prominent  features  of  that  bill  on  i    stringent  in  its  enactments.    No  matter  what  might 


the  supposition  that  wc  were  under  no  more  obli' 

fation  to  promote  the  interest  of  the  Slates  of  this 
Fnion  than  of  foreign  nations.  Our  laws  allowed 
a  free  exchange  of  commodities  between  Massa- 
chusetts and  Ohio,  for  example,  because  they  were 
members  of  the  same  Confederacy,  both  States  of; 
this  Union,  an'',  all  the  advantages  of  this  trade  1 


were,  to  some  extent,  growers  of  wool;  and  Mr. 
S.  must  be  pardoned  for  dwelling  a  few  nionicnis 
upon  n  subject  so  interesting  to  them,  and  so  vitally 
assailed  by  the  provisions  of  the  bill  on  your  table.  ' 
The  tariff' of  '42  provided  o  duty  of  5  per  cent,  on  .i 
coarse  wool,  costing,  where  it  was  produced,  not  {j 
over  7  cents;  nnd  a  specific  duty  of3  cents  a  pound,  ' 


be  the  value  of  the  wool  imported,  if  the  fine  wool 
waa  mixed  with  the  coarse,  for  the  purpose  of 
bringing  it  under  5  per  cent,  duty,  the  law  pro- 
vided that  the  whole  mass  should  be  considered 
as  fine  wool,  and  should  pay  duty  as  such. 

The  people  understood  that  the  low  duty  bn 
coarse  wool  was  intended  for  the  benefit  of  the 
South.  The  coarse  wool  of  South  America  was 
to  be  ndmilled  for  the  purpose  of  making  negro 
cloths  nnd  blankets,  and  as  such  it  was  granted  as 
n  boon  to  Ihe  South;  while  the  three  cents  and 
30  per  cent,  duty  was  intended  aa  a  protection  to 
the  wool-grower;  and  yet  his  colleague,  while 
complaining  of  the  import  of  foreign  wool,  was  in 
favor  of  taking  oft"  the  three  cents  and  30  per  cent, 
duty,  and  putting  all  wool  upon  o  par.  He  had 
not  believed  the  very  coarsest  shag-lock  wool  of 
South  America  was  to  be  brought  in  competition 


1050 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  1, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sbss. 


Tie  Tariff— Mr.  A.  Smith. 


Ho.  OP  Rbps. 


with  our  own.    Tliat  was  a  species  of  wool  we 
could  "ot  misc.     If  indeed  our  fiirmerH  sho.jd 
Icnrn  t   e  secret  of  keeping  Uieir  sheep  witliout  any 
expense,  they  mlKht   possibly  compele  with    it. 
But  there  ceitainly  was  not  a  farmer  in  the  Stale 
of  New  York  who  would  consent  to  occupy  his 
land  and  waste  his  lime  with  the  riiisini;  o*"  wool  i 
for  seven  cents  a  pound.     He  could  not  do  it.    lie  j 
could   not^innko  such  coarse  wool;  he  could  not  | 
raise  wool  that  would  not  be  vorth  more  than  that,  ; 
and  he  would  not,  if  he  could,  because  the  busi-  ; 
ncss  would  be  attended  with  no  pinfli.  \ 

As  to  the  ferocious  assault  on  the  tariff  of  1849,  ; 
which  protccleil  tlie  wool  raised  l)y  our  farmers,  \ 
it  Was  a  matter  those  fanners — at  least  so  far  an  j 
his  constituents  were  concerned — well  understood.  I 
His  colleague  professed  to  desire  to  protect  the 
wool-grower,  and  to  do  this,  instead  of  increasing' 
the  duty,  he  would   repeal  the  act  of  1842,  and 
adopt  McKay's   bill,  putting  all  wool  on  a  par 
under  a  duty  of  9.5  per  cent.     Mr.  S.  admitted 
that  there  would  be  an  increase  of  the  duly  on 
eoar.se  wool,  but  it  would  cut  down  and  destroy 
all  prolpctioii  on  such  as  was  grown  by  our  own  ' 
farmers.  Even  as  the  law  nrvw  stood,  some  450.000 
pounds  of  ^tif  foreign  wool  was  imported.     IIow 
iriL'ch  wo'.iil  there  be  if  all  protection  was  taken 
ofT,  and  foreigners  were  allowed  to  have  our  market 
at  their  own  disposal  ? 

But  Mr.  S.  would  examine  liricfly  Ibis  increase  ' 
of  duty  on  coarse  wool.  By  your  bill  you  pro- 
pose to  make  no  distinction  or  discrimination  be- 
tween fine  and  coarse  wool.  You  put  all  Itinds 
under  a  duty  of  25  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  You 
nowcomplninofihe  import  of  24,000,000  of  pounds 
of  seven  cent  per  pound  wool,  and  propose  n  rluty 
of  25  per  cent.  The  present  diiiv  isenual  to  three  ' 
mills,  and  the  proposed  duly  v  Mild  be  equal  to 
lificcn  mills,  or  one  and  a  ball  .ent  per  pound; 
making  your  f.ireign  wool,  ibus  imported,  cost 
eight  and  a  half  cents  per  pound  instead  of  seven 
cents  three  mills;  and  this,  too,  wllhont  onyjiro- 
lisioii  to  prevciu  fine  wool  being  imported  as  co.«t- 
ing  seven  cents  and  under.  Docs  mil  this  utterly 
annibilnle  all  protection  to  our  wool  ?  If,  under 
the  w->ll-guMrded  enactments  of  ilic  law  of  1842, 
fine  wool,  worth  say  from  25  to  40  reins  per  pound, 
was  imporled  as  coarse  w-ool,  and  paid  duly  ac- 
cordln;:ly,\vill  iiol  the  .same  thing  be  done  when  ' 
the  duly  is  only  Increased  twelve  mills,  and  no 
provision  of  law  exists  to  prevent  it?  For  lil'u- 
s.lf.'Mr.  S.  said,  be  believed  ibe  proposed  repeal 
of  the  spe.  ific  duly  of  three  cents  per  pound  and 
30  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  wilri  the  forei^'H  valua- 
tion, would  allow  nii;(  kind  of  wool  to  be  impo  led 
at  a  price  or  valuation,  and  paying  a  duly  againsl 
wbii'li  tlic  wool-growers  odliis  country  would  find 
it  usili'ss  to  contend.  The  business,  wlieiber  n.s 
prinelpHi  or  incidental,  would  soon  have  to  be 
iibandiiiied,  or  your  propo.sed  law  repealed,  and  . 
even  higher  specific  diilies  with  discriminations 
for  prolection  restored  nirain. 

On  tliis  subject  Mr.  S.  would  content  bimsrl'" 
Willi  s.iyini.' lo  genilrnien,  that  the  .Vmerican  f  i- 
1  loiilil  know  how  to  answer  them.    Hu' .mw 

.^l..  .S.  invited  gentlrnion  I  action;  for  himself  he 
was  ready  to  vote.  'Icdiu  not  feel  ihc  least  sha- 
ken in  opinion  by  the  inulliiiide  of  speeehrs  lie 
had  lieaid.  He  lhoui;lit  wc  bad  had  <|uile  ciioiigli 
of  it.  ll  was  now  tune  to  act.  Some  of  ilicir 
frilow-citi/ins  hoped  for,  ard  others  as  greatly 
lire. "led,  till-  action  of  'lis  Congress.  He  chnrsed 
g"iillenit'ii  to  be  consistent,  and  to  carry  out  here 
what  tbey  bad  told  the  peojile  at  lioine,  or  hence- 
forili  let  llie  Inw  of  1849  remain  unrepealed. 

And  now,  in  in.iuilion  of  the  example  of  the 
honorable  gentleman  from  Georgia,  [Mr.  .Tovks,] 
l.e  would  |inicecd  to  say  somclliingabout  ibe  .Mex- 
ican war.  He  did  noi  'mean  to  discuss  tlinl  subject 
at  much  lengih,  but  he  niiisi  say  some  little  about 
it.  Mr.  S.  bad  voud  lor  irenllemen's  bill,  whi'h 
assumed  Ihe  existence  of  a  slate  of  war,  and 
nilribuled  that  to  the  Mexieans  which  bad,  in 
fiu'l,  been  the  act  of  our  own  ICxeciitive.  He  could 
not  quite  go  that  assertion.  Therefore,  lliongh  be 
bad  voted  the  bill,  ho  had  voled  it  under  prolesl. 
Texas  was  now  annexed,  and  he  for  one  was  noi 
going  to  re-agitate  llie  riuestion  of  annexation.  He 
hail  opposed  il  at  ilu'  tune;  bin  now  the  deed  vi'ns 
done,  and  he  was  ii  luctanlly  compell-d  lo  yield 
to  ii,  It  happened,  however,  thai  u  pari  of  the 
bojiidary  of  the  new  'olate  was  left  undefined,  and 


n  provision  was  inserted  in  the  annexing  resolu- 
tion that  the  Executive  was  to  settle  that  question 
of  boundary  by  negotiation.     This  was  provided 
in  exprcsd  terms.     Well,  we  had  sent  a  minister 
to  Mexico,  and  what  for.'    What  was  the  object 
of  sending  a  ministler,  if  it  was  not  to  settle  this 
very  question  of  boundar;  ?    Tl  ere  were,  indeed, 
othe'  questions  pending  between  the  two  nations, 
but  no  man  here  was  so  stupid  as  not  to  know  Ij 
that  the  main  question  which  took  Mr.  Slidell  out  | 
had  been  the  sclllement  of  the  southern  boundary  i! 
of  Texas.     Mr.  Slidell  had  failed,  and  here  came  i 
the  point.     Atler  the  Executive  had  failed  in  ami-   j 
cably  settling  the  question  that  had  been  reserveif,  i 
what  was  his  next  duty  ?    Was  he  bound,  either 
by  law  or  the  (Jonstilulion,  to  assume  out  of  his  j 
own  head,  what  the  true  boundary  was,  and  lo  : 
take  military  possession  of  the  country  up  to  that  i 
line.'    Mr.  S.  believed  there  was  no  man   who  | 
would  be  so  foolhardy  as  to  say  eo.     At  this  point  ; 
Mr.  S.  complained  of  the  conduct  of  Ihc  Execu-   ■ 
live,  luid  he  never  should  cease  to  condemn  it. 

Mr.  S.  could  not  but  regard  this  condncl  of  the  :| 
Executive  as  unparalleled  in  Ihe  history  of  this  1 
country,  and  nilirely  indefensible.    The  Congress  Jj 
ahme  possessed   t!ie  powr  of  declaring   war,   a  i; 
power  of  transcendent  import  for  weal  or  wo.  and  ii 
to  be  exercised  only  upon  the  mosturgcni  ncces-   i 
sity  and  clearest  right.     What,  he  would  ask,  be-  1 
came  of  this  high  eonslitulional  prerogative  of  Con-  I, 
grrss,  if  the  Executive  may,  with  impnnitv,  and  ' 
of  his  own  mere  will  as  conmander-in-chief  of  the 
.iriny.  send  our  troops,  far  beyond  our  actual  ju-: 
risdiclion,  into  the  country  of  a  neighboring  na- 
tion,underanypretencewhalevcr,  and  thus  "bring 
on  war?"    It  was  idle   to  pretend  that  the  Rio 
Grande  was  ever  agreed  upon,  by  coinpelent  an-   , 
ihoriiy,  as  the  southern  boundary  of  Texas.     It   ' 
was  equally  idle  lo  say  that  Texas,  as  a  nation, 
ever  had  actual  possession  of  the  north   bank  of 
that  river,  or  any  point  nearer  to  it  than  the  Nuc-  ,i 
ces,  some  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles. 

The  honorable  member  from  Texas,  [Mr.  Kauf- 
man,] in  allusion  to  a  certain  arrangement  made 
by  Santa  Ana,  while  a  prisoner  in  Texas,  a -rce-  | 
ing  to  the  Rio  Grande  as  the  boundary  of  Texas,  : 
said   that  the  "  vfllidily  of  this  treaty  had  been  > 
cjdied  in  question.'*  And,  insiead  of  conlroverting  ' 
the  objections  by  authority  from  the  law  of  na-  I 
lions,  was  pleased   to  refer  to  some  case  at  law 
where  a  person  under  arrest  gave  a  bond  for  his  1 
release,  and  was  held  liable  on   bis  bond.     Now,  j 
with  all  deference  lo   the  gentlem.oi's  Icira!  abili- 
ties, Mr.  >S.  must  say,  that  lb. nigh  bis  text  may  be 
very  good,  it  was  .soiiL'liI  to   be  applied  where  it 
bad  no  applicability — none  wli:'.*ever.     And,  while 
upon   this  point,  Mr.  S.  would  rifer  that  lionora-  i 
lilc  nieiiibcr,  and  all  others  who  claimed  up  to  the 
Rio  Grande,  lo  an  nutborily  entitled  to  some  little 
coiisideraiion  among  iialions  that  cherish  a  proper  i 
resard    for   Ibe  rights   of  their   nei'zhbors,  while  i 
mainlaiiiiiij  llieir  own.     Vatlel,  in  bii.  Law  of  Na-  ' 
tioiis,  page  4.'io,  says: 

''  Till'  i-nplivi*  ,»iiver''ljlii  inav  Iiiiii«flrn*'C"iti»H'  the  pcnec. 
anil  iiniinii^ '  wliiil  iieisoMalK  ilrpi'iitls  on  liiiii ;  Init  Ihe  Iri'ilty 
iloi'ri  nnt  lii'cniiii'  nhliuiunrs'  (pii  tlic  niilinn  1)11  r.ilincil  liy 
IH  r^<'it'.  or  hy  nio.-e  uhn  .-if  iiivi-sli-d  uiih  the  piihhi-aulhnr-  < 
\\\  ilnritm  tlie  I'rinceV  captivity  ;  or,  liiially.by  tliecovereinn 
hiin-cir.  iUtiT  h\^  ri'tea^i*.*' 

It  was  unnecessary  to  remind  Ihe  flouse  that 
the  Mexican  nali<in  refused  lo  agree  lo,  or  in  any 
way  ratify,  this  treaty  nriangement  entered  into 
by  Sania  Ana  in  resard  lo  ibe  lioiindary  of  Texas,  ' 
lor  was  it  ever  raiificd  by  Santa  Ana  himself,  afier 
Ills  release  and  restoralion  lo  power.  No  treaty 
was  obligalory  upon  a  nation  unless  it  had  the 
free  assent  ol  the  sovereign  power;  how,  then, 
eoiild  a  captive  soverciirn,  much  less  a  commend- 
ing general,  cede  away  a  portion  of  the  .Slate? 

Mr.  S.  would  put  »  '  a.<' ,  by  way  of  illnslration. 
During  the  last  war,  I  •  asked  pardon,  dining  llie^ 
war  of  1^12,  llie  Rniish  army  uot  possession  of 
this  Caiiilol.  Well,  if  they  had  at  the  same  time 
taken  Piisideiit  Madison  prisoner,  would  any  iiiaii 
seriously  mainlain  that  Mr.  Madison  could  have 
made  a  trcaly  ceding  the  Slate  of  New  York,  (ir 
any  other  portion  of  the  Union,  to  the  British 
crown,  even  if  it  were  competent  for  our  Execu- 
tive lo  make  treaties  without  the  advice  and  con- 
sent of  the  Senate  r  And  yet  the  doctrine  of  the 
gentleman  from  Texas,  as  explained  in  his  law 
case,  would  go  that  length. 
.1      But  Mr.  S.  went  further  on  this  question  of  ce- 


ding populated  territory,  as  applied  lo  republics, 
ami  he  mninljiined  that  Ihe  sovereign  or  treaty- 
making  power  had  no  authority  to  cede  away  to 
a  foreign  power  any  portion  of  the  nation,  inhab- 
ited at  ;hc  time,  without  the  assent  of  the  inhab- 
itants in  some  form  expressed. 
"The  Execulivc,  in  his  message  communicating 

10  us  the  "  existing  stale  of  war,"  as  if  conscious 
of  the  unjiistncss  of  oiir  claim  to  the  Rio  Grande, 
and  in  apology  for  sending  our  army  into  the  lUs- 
fluted  teriitory,  (to  say  the  least  of  it,)  and  plant- 
ing our  guns  w  iiin  range  of  a  Mexican  ciiy,  was 
pleased  to  recapiiiilato  the  various  dinVrences  exist- 
ing betwern  the  two  nations,  and  which,  if  nnnil 
justed,  might  be  causes  of  war.  Sir,  said  Mr.  S,, 
to  iriy  mind  these  causes  of  war  would  have  been 
in  place  in  a  mes.sage  to  r!ongresa  recommending 
a  ueclnralion  of  war,  but  are  sadly  nut  of  place 
when  offered  as  an  apology  for  Ihe  Executive,  in 
praeefulhj  sending  our  army  to  the  Rio  Grande  to 
preserve  i)e«Cf.  If  the  Executive  knew  of  these 
causes  of  war,  he  sho'.ild  have  done  no  act  in  the 
least  likely  to  bring  on  war  without  the  consent  of 
Ciuigress.  Congress  alone,  and  not  the  President, 
is  the  constilutional  judge  of  the  causes  and  ncces- 
silv  of  war. 

How  strangely,  said  Mr.  S.,  did  the  conduct  of 
the  Executive,  in  this  Mexican  aflliir,  contrast 
with  his  cour.se  towards  England  Jn  the  Oregon 
matter.  And  more  strangely  still  had  he  illustra- 
ted th  -t  national  maxim,  reafiirmed  by  him  in  his 
annua!  message,  ",1sk  nolhiiif;  that  u  noi  right,  atul 
stthmit  to  nolhing  that  is  tcrnng. " 

We  were  told  of  the  peaceful  acquisition  of  Tex- 
as, and  much  praise  was  taken  to  the  Administra- 
tion for  the  peaceful,  bloodless  accomplishment  of 
the  "  great  measure  of  annexation.''  Audio!  be- 
fore one  session  of  Congress  had  passed,  this  same 
Executive  has  brought  the  nation  into  war,  as  if 
intent,  also,  upon  the  pe.-ccfiil  acipiisition  of  other 
Mexican  Slates.  And  he  informed  us,  also,  that 
our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  was  "  clear  and 
unquestionable,"  and  that  our  til'  had  been  made 
out  by  "  irrefragable  facia  and  arguments;"  that 
notice  to  Icrminale  the  joint  occupancy  must  1)0 
given;  and,  at  the  end  of  the  year,  "our  rights 
must  be  firmly  niai.ilained."  When  distracted, 
down-trodden,  feeble  Mexico  showed  symptoms 
(f  n'sislance  to  dismemberment,  our  valiant  and 
heroic  Execulivc  could  not  slop  to  consult  Con- 
gress, although  in  session,  but  forthwith  adopting 
that  other  inaxim  that  "  might  makes  right,"  takes 
military  posses;  ion  of  what  never  did  belong  'o 
us,  and  shoots  i.own  ihc  miserable  inhnbiiants  liir 
daring  to  sand  by  .  ...graves  of  their  fathers,  their 
firesides,  and  their  lomes. 

And  what,  meani  me,  iiecamc  of  our  irrefraga- 
ble claim  lo  Ihe  whole  of  Oir^on— "  all  or  none?" 
I  No  sooner  did  the  Brilish  lion  show  his  teeth,  than 
our  I'.xecutive,  apparently  tiembling  in  his  shoes, 
bics  him  lo  the  Senate  fur  mlvicr,  snaps  at  the  first 
ofl'cr;  and  what  became  of  our  cfnimiiiff  nothing  biii 
what  was  right,  and  firmly  maintaining  our  title 
now?     Why,  your 

"  llliimerini!  lailliloii'd lordly  m'nw  I 
Ihw  sunk  lo  u  puppy's  pIninUvc  linwi." 

Fifty-four-forly  had  tumbled  down  loforty-nine, 
carrying  with  it  the  IJalliiuore  resolution,  irrelVa- 
gabl'e  fads,  argnments,  and  all ! 

Now,  sir,  sniil  Mr.  S.,  reverse  these  cases;  give 
Mexico  the  power  of  Ell^land,  and  England  that 
of  Mexico,  would  any  gentleman  here,  for  one 
.Tiomenl,  maintain  that  ihe  Executive  would  have 
marched  our  army  lo  the  Rio  Grande  wilhoiii  the 
authority  of  Congress?  No,  sir;  he  would  have 
done  no  such  thing.  But  he  (Mr.  S.)  was  not 
quite  sure  but  England,  with  no  more  sirenglh 
llinn  Mexico,  miijbl  slili  have  brought  this  Ad- 
minislri'linn  to  selllc  upon  4'.!'-'. 

"  All  Oregon,"  as  a  political  baulc-cry,  did  ex- 
ceedi.igly  'A'ell — it  served  its  purpose;  but  when 
the  virlo'rv  hid  been  won,  ".'//( Oregon"  was  so 
far  II'mI  llial  Ihe  Executive  vision  could  scarcely 
reach  it;  and  while  dallying  with  the  "  dark-haireil 
naiden"of  the  Soiil/i,  our  Executive  seemed  lo 
have  but  one  care  or  feeling  or  sentiment,  which, 
if  it  had  f.iuud  utterance,  winild  doubtless  have 
Iteen,  "  A  few  more  of  the  same  sort !" 

But  iheic  were  gentlemen  who  said  that  Ibis  was 
not  the  lime  to  complain  about  a  violniion  of  the 
Consliliition.   The  country  was  at  war,  she  needed 

11  uU  her  resources,  and  ll  wiisir.  proper  now  to  go 


|EHS. 

llHiblics, 
ireiuy- 

nway  lo 
inlinl). 
iiilmii- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1051 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Barringer. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


Induct  of 

tniilmst 

Oregon 

illiistm- 

ni  in  hi« 

•glilt  a'ul 


into  qiiestiona  nbout  vinlnting  the  Constitution. 
Mr.  S.  told  them  now  was  the  time,  and  most  em- 

Fhatically  the  time,  to  eo  into  such  an  inquiry, 
f  we  waited  till  we  had  seen  n  repetition  of  such 
glorius  national  victories  licyond  the  Rio  Grande 
ns  we  had  witnessed  on  this  side  of  it,  the  man 
knew  little  of  our  countrymen  who  did  not  know 
that  those  victories  and  the  glory  with  which  they 
were  surrounded,  would  be  held  up  before  their 
eyes  like  a  bright  star;  and  that  while  all  eyes 
were  gazinc;  upon  this,  and  shouting  paians  to  the 
bravery  of  our  arms,  the  wounded  and  bleeding 
and  writhing  Constitution  would  be  lost  sight  of 
and  forgollcn.  If  a  man  raised  a  constitutional 
objection  tlien.hc  would  be  immediately  put  down 
by  the  inquiry,  "  Why  didn't  you  think  of  this 
sooner?"  "  Why  bring  >ip  this  objection  now?" 
••  You  sliould  have  urged  it  at  the  time,  but  now  it 
is  wholly  out  of  place."  Let  our  arms  but  be 
crowned  with  victory  after  victory,  as  Mr.  S. 
doubted  not  they  would  be,  and  no  man  would 
■■ojoice  more  at  such  a  result  than  he,  and  in  the 
I)l:i7.e  of  that  glory  all  else  would  be  fiirgntlen. 
The  man  who  preached  about  the  Constitution 
would  be  looked  upon  as  a  croaker.  His  coun- 
trymen would  scarce  have  patience  to  hear  him. 
The  remonstrance  would  meet  him  on  every  side, 
"  Oh  !  what's  the  use  of  that?  Don't  you  sec  we 
have  got  California  ?  Have  you  no  heart  for  the 
glory  of  your  country  ?  What  nonsense  to  talk 
about  the  Constitution  now  !" 

"  Wlipii  golden  fortune  pniilcfi  propitiously  on  crime, 
Then  crime  hecouies  a  virtue." 

He  would,  therefore,  say  to  gentlemen,  if  you 
lOiian  to  raise  your  Vfiices  against  the  most  flagi- 
tious nnil  most  ignoble  violation  of  the  Constitu- 
tion of  your  counti-y,  the  time  is  now — now. 

But  while  Mr.  S.  would  hold  the  Executive  to  a 
strict  accountability  for  his  violation  of  the  Consti- 
tution in  bringing  the  country  into  war,  he  was 
the  last  man  who  would  offer  any  impediment  to 
the  successful  and  s|)eedy  termination  of  the  con- 
troversy ''ongross  had  ailnptcd  the  war,  as  well 
from  nr  y  ns  from  choice,  and  he  held  it  to  be 
the  duty  of  all  gtnid  citizens  to  aid  in  its  ni'osccu- 
tion.  On  its  successful  termination,  Mr.  S.  had  no 
doubts.  No  man  doubted  the  ability  of  this  coun- 
try to  contend  successfully  with  "'exico:  or,  if  he 
did, he  paid  buta  sorry  compliment  to  thebravery 
and  resources  of  his  country.  But  let  not  the 
Kxeciilive  lay  the  "  flattering  unction  to  his  soul" 
that  while  we  vote  him  men  and  money  to  carry 
on  this  war,  thus  wanloidy  commenced,  we  are  to 
be  ill  the  least  deterred  from  speaking  of  his  acts 
in  the  spirit  of  freemen. 


••(  HE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  D.  M.  JiARRINGER, 

OF  NOUTH  CAROLINA,  ; 

In  the  House  oi'  RKrnv.i-E.VTATivKS, 
Jiili)  1,  IHtt). 

On  the  Bill,  modify  the  I 'hICs  on  Imports,  and 
for  other  pui  |io..'Cn. 
Mr.  BARRINitl'.R  said  llii.i  he  wnii  at  all  times 
very  averse  to  enter  uiion  the  arena  of  regular  de- 
bate in  this  House,  llis  expiM'icncc  here  had  sat- 
isfied him  that  tlmse  who  are  most  frequently  desi- 
rous ofoccupyin':;  the  floor  were  not  iegHr<le(l  as  the 
most  useful  or  inflKcnlinl  njernliers  of  this  body. 
Hi:  was  especially  reluctant  to  address  the  commit- 
tee at  this  sta:;e  of  an  exbausled  deluite.  But  the 
subject  was  one  of  the  i;ravesl  importance;  it  was 
called  by  some  the  gifn)  (iiimlinn  of  the  daj'.  He 
h.'id  some  views  on  this  sul'jecl,  which  is  regarded 
ns  so  di'cply  iuleresling  to  every  section  of  the 
Uniini,  and  every  class  of  the  people  of  this  great 
nation,  which  lie  desired  to  present  to  this  com- 
niitlee  and  to  llie  public.  Hc^  was  not  in  the  un- 
forlunntp  position  of  the  gentleiniiii  who  had  just 
nddiesscd  the  committee,  [!\fr.  Stanton,  of  Ten- 
nessee,! and  who  seemed  so  greatly  embarrassed 
in  the  efl'ort  to  reconcile  the  ditierencea  of  his  Dem- 
ocratic friends  in  this  House.  He  had  nothing  to 
say  to  their  quarrels,  which  seem  to  thie.iten  such 
serious  collisions  in  their  ranks,  but  which  lie  was 
satisfied  would  be  healed  by  the  proper  elloits  and 
appliances,  if  it  be  necessary  to  pass  this  bill.  He 
was  well  aware  of  the  facilities  his  Democratic 


friends  always  possessed  in  reconciling  their  ap- 
parent and  sometimes  real  difrerences;   and   he 
counted  nothing  as  to  the  fate  of  the  bill  before  the 
committee  fVom  the  exciting  collisions  of  opinion 
which,  on  the  surface  only,  indicate  such  violent 
disruption  among  the  members  of  the  party  on  the 
final  vote  on  this  great  measure.     He  had  no  such 
unpleasant  task  to  perform  on  his  side  of  the  House. 
He  had  no  conflicts  of  opinion  to  reconcile.     On 
this  side  we  shall  present  very  nearly  an  unbroken 
phalanx  on  the  final  vote.     But  he  did  not  mean 
to  make  a  party  speech;  and  though  his  views  on  I 
this  question  diflt'red  materially  from  those  held  i' 
by  a  majority  of  the  Democratic  party  in  this  I 
House,  ns  now  organized,  (he  wasirlafi  to  say  nol  by  j 
all  of  that  party,)  he  freely  recorded  to  gentlemen  p 
advocating  the  other  side  quite  as  much  honesty  ( 
in  their  convictions  and  purposes  ns  he  claimed  for  ;, 
himself.  i 

The  two  bills  now  before  the  committee,  Mr.  j 
Chairman,  as  well  that  commonly  called  McKay's  | 
bill   as   the  substitute   oflcred   by  th"  gentleman  j 
from     New   York,    (Mr.    HuNciERFonn,]     pro-  { 
pose  entire  changes  in  the  whole  fiscal  policy  of ' 
the  Government,  from  its  earliest  organization  to  I' 
the  present  time — changes  not  gradual,  but  immc-  |' 
diate,  sweeping,  radical.     For  :''lioiigli,  in  some  1 1 
slight  degree,  they  both  r.;.;ognise  t.  "  riri.--:p;..  ,,f  j 
protection  to  American  industry,  (and  this,  too,  i, 
wherever  it  is  done,  in  its  most  odious  form,)  yet  ' 
coming  to  us  ns  they  do  under  the  sanction  of  the  I' 
Executive  message  of  December  last,  and  the  ofli-  ' 
cial  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  '•'. 
Imsed  as  they  are  on  the  doctrines  of  that  famous  | 
report,  which  has  received  such  consideration  both  i 
in  this  country  and  England,   especially   in  the  j 
House  of  Lords,  from  whom  it  received  the  unu-  ; 
.sual  complimentof  having  been  pn'ntoifnrtheir  use, 
both  these  measures,  especially  the  former  from  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  amount  to  a  vir-  ' 
tual  and  total  abandonment  of  the  whole  protective 
policy.     Indeed,  sir,  that  object  is  distinctly  avow- 
ed on  this  floor.     I  assert,  without  the  fear  of  suc- 
cessful contradiction,  that  the  policy  which  is  now 
supported  by  the  opponents  of  this  bill  to  repeal 
the  art  of  1842,  h.as  been  m.iinlained  since  the 
foundation  of  our  Government  to  the  present  time. 
We  should  always  hesitate  long  to  disturb  a  policy 
!  which  has  received  the  constant  approbation  of  the 
i  nation.     To  the  principles  and  practice  of  our  rev-  ' 
1  nlutionary  slatesmen,  who  were  conversant  with 
;  the  early  wants  of  our  country,  and  established  the  | 
'  cnnslitutioiml   forms  of  free    government    under  , 
which  we  have  so  long  lived  and  prospered,  do  we  ' 
oweauespecialdefercnceand respect.  Themoslim- 
j  perative  reasons,  founded  on  consideraiions  of  ab-  , 
!  solute  national  independence,  dcmimalrnted  the  ne- 
1  cessily  of  an  early  adoption  of  the  principle  of  a 
'  fitir  and  reasonable  encouragement  to  domestic  in- 
dustry.   The  preamble  of  the  second  act  passed 
by  the  first  Congress,  declared  lliat  "  whereas  it 
'  IS  necessary  for  the  support  of  the  Government, 
'  for  the  discharge  of  the  debts  of  tlieUni*''d  S'.mcs, 
;  '  and  the  encouragement  and  [iroiection  of  mnnii- 
'  factures,  that  duties  be  laid  on  goods,  wares,  and 
1  'merchandise  impiu'ted,"  A-c.    This  act  was  ap- 
proved and   sifcncd  on  the  4th  of  July,   1789,  by 
:  George  Washington,  the  Fnllier  of  bis  Country, 
and  voted  for  by  James  Madison,  the  ablest  and 
best  cx|)Oundcr  of  our  Constitution,     On  theSiliof 
.Tanuary,  1790,  General  Wasliingtim  ustd  the  fol- 
lowing language  in  his  first  niinuai  address  to  Ci^n- 
gress:  "The  safety  and  intercs!  of  the  people  re- 
i  '  quire   that  they  should    proiiiolc  such  manufiic- 
'  lures  as  lend  to  render  them  indcpenilent  of  others 
.'  '  for  essential,  especially  military  supplies."    And 
j  in  his  last  address  on  ihe  7tli  of  December,  1796, 
General  Washington,  in  continuation  of  the  same 
policy  he  had  always  supported  and  urged  before 
Congress,  used  the  follnwinir  l.inguage:  "  Congress 
*  has  repeaiedlv',and  not  without  success,  directed 
'  their  attention  lo  the  encourngement  of  maimfitc- 
'  lures.     The  object  is  of  too  much  consequence 
'  not  to  ensure  a  continuance  of  their  efi'orts  in 
'  '  every  way  which  shall  appear  eligible." 
I       The  following  is  an  extract  from  the  message  of 
Mr.  Jefferson  to  Congress  on  the  15th  December, 
'1  IHOQ: 

!  "  To  caltivntc  pence,  rnnintnin  coinniercp  nnil  niiviRnlion 
I  ill  their  liuvfal  rntcrprises;  to  footer  iiiir  llrtheries  ns  iiiirse- 
rii's  for  nnviantion,  nnd  for  the  tiurlurr  of  niiiii,  nnd  to  jrro- 
!  tcrt  the  maniil'iictiircs  ndnpled  to  our  circurnftnuci's  ;  to  pre- 
'  nerve  the  fhith  of  the  nation  by  an  exact  dischurgc  of  its 


dehu  nnd  conlriict«;  expend  the  public  money  with  Ihe 
same  cnre  And  eennomy  we  would  practise  with  our  own, 
and  impose  on  our  citizens  no  untiece^sHry  burdens ;  to  Iteep 
in  all  thiiiKs  within  our  couiiiiiutlonnl  powers,  nnd  clicriHli 
till!  Federal  Union  ns  l\w  only  rnelt  of  Hnfuty  :  these,  li>llow- 
cttizriis,  are  the  bindinnrks  by  wtlicli  we  are  to  guide  our- 
selves in  all  our  proceedings," 

In  his  message  on  tlie  5th  November,  1811,  Mr. 
Madison  says: 

"Although  other  objects  will  press  more^in'.medintcly  on 
your  delibcrntinns,  a  portion  of  them  cannot  but  Iwwoll  lie- 
stflwed  on  the  just  nnd  foniid  policy  of  serurins  to  our  mnmi- 
fitciitrea  the  Huecess  th^y  have  attniiicd,  and  still  nre  ntUiinins, 
under  the  iiiijiulse  of  enures  tint  periiiniatiit,niiil  to  our  iinvi- 
gntinii,  the  fntr  extent  of  which  i<  nl  tiri.'.eat  nbridged  by  the 
unei|unl  regulntiniis  of  foreign  Governments,  DcsidliH  the 
rensonnhleness  of  meing  our  iniinu/ititureit  from  SAoiificcs 
wbicti  a  ehnuan  of  eirenmstnjices  might  bring  upon  Vheiit, 
the  nationni  interest; renuires  tlint,  with  respect' lo  sueb  inn- 
lorinls  nt  lenst  ns  tielong  to  our  defence  nnd  priawry  w  nnis, 
we  should  not  be  left  iii  u  state  of  un!iece>..ary  depcndftue 
on  crlcrnitl  supplies.'* 

Mr,  Madison  never  failed  to  enforce  similar  sen- 
timents on  'he  Tiiisideration  of  Congress  nnd  the 
couii.iy. ..  i.onevcr  a  fit  oppo-lunity  presented  itself, 
I  shnll  not  detain  the  committee  by  further  extrncts 
from  that  distinguished  source.  Mr,  Monroe,  di.s- 
tinguished  for  his  devotion  to  the  best  iiitere.  's  of 
Ills  country,  in  his  inaugural  address  expresses 
himself  thus: 

*'  Our  maiiufnctures  will  likewise  require  the  systenintic 
nnd  fostering  cnre  of  Government.  Posses-iiip,  as  we  do,  nil 
the  raw  innterials,  the  fruit  of  nur  own  soil  nnd  iiidu.-try,  wo 
(Uiglit  not  to  dc|)Ciid,  ill  the  degree  we  hnvc  done,  nn  ^up- 
[illes  from  other  countries;  while  we  are  thus  de|ictideiit, 
the  sudden  evfMit  nf  wnr,  tlliMUlellt  nnd  tniexpectcd,  cniniot 
fail  to  plunge  US  into  the  ino>t  serious  dinieuhies.  It  is  iin- 
porunit,  too,  thnt  the  cnpilnl  which  iiourii.|.'is  our  mnuiiniC' 
tares  should  he  ifomcstic  in  its  iuflaeuce,  ns  its  influence  in 
timt  case,  instead  of  exilnustiag,  nn  it  iiiny  d't  in  /otTi.:n 
bnnds,  w(nild  be  A'lladvaiitngcoualy  in  agriculture  and  every 
other  branch  of  industry," 

On  the  ."id  December,  1817,  in  his  message  lo 
Congress,  Mr.  Monroe  said: 

*'  tliir  manilfilctnrea  will  rciinirc  the  constnnt  attention  of 
Congress.  The  cnpind  employed  in  them  is  consiilernhlc, 
,  nnd  the  knowledge  required  in  the  ni.icbinery  and  fabrie  of 
nil  the  nmst  ttseful  innnulncture,-.  is  of  great  vntue.  Tliejr 
,.'rrscrec/ion,  which  depends  on  <tiic  cnronr«j>emctit,  is  cmi- 
iieeted  with  the  Mfh  inlncsh  of  the  nation," 

In  llis  second  annual  message  he  uses  this  lan- 
guage: 

"  It  cannot  he  doubted  timt  the  more  complete  our  inter- 
nal resources,  and  the  least  de[ieiident  we  are  on  foreign 
rowers  for  everv  nntionni  ns  well  ns  ■lome^tie  purpose,  the 
i  greater  nnd  more  stable  will  he  our  pnlilic  phnty.  Ilytho 
'  iticrense  of  our  dnuieslic  nmnuRietures  will  Ihe  demand  for 
the  raw  mnlerinl  hi;  incronsed  ;  and  thus  will  the  dependence 
of  the  sevcrnl  parts  of  the  tJuion  on  each  other,  nnd  the 
strength  nf  the  Union  itself,  be  propnrlinniibly  augmented." 

Again,  in  his  message  on  the  3d  December,  1822, 

'  he  says; 

"  .Snti-ified  I  am,  wbntevcr  may  be  the  abstract  doctrines 

,  in  favor  of  unrei-tricted  connneree,  (pnivided  nil  tmtioni 
wcnild  eonciir  in  it,  nnd  it  was  not  likely  to  be  iiilerruptert 
by  war,  wllirh  hns  ticeer  nccnrred.  nnd  cimmt  lie  eTi>cfte<l,) 
there  nre  other  strong  ren^ons  npplicable  to  our  siluntinn  and 
retnlinns  with  other  countries  which  impose  on  us  the  oMi- 
gnlion  to  cAeriuAotir  matiufacturrs.'' 

General  Jackson  repeatedly  recognised  and  en- 
forced the  same  suggestions  of  public  policy.  In 
ilia  message  of  I'.e  7th   December,  is;il),  he  ein- 

'  ploys  the  folic  A'ing  emphatic  and  unanswerable 
argument: 

"The  power  to  impose  duties  on  impnria  oriiiinnlly  be- 
Innced  Intbefevernl  Stales.    'I'lie  rigid  lo  adjust  tlie« '.Inlhs, 

'  with  a  view  10  the  ejlcoumseinnit  of  domestic  hrnnrhr^  <'.f"^- 
ilmtni,  Is  so  eoniplelely  ineiilentnl  In  thnt  power,  ibal  it  Is 
ililbeull  to  siipiiose  the  exMeneenllhi' one  withiai' the  other. 
Till'  Stnli's  hnvc  delegnteii  their  w  hole  nnthority  oviT  ini|inrls 

I  to  the  (ienernl  <ir>verinuenl,  tri7A.ni/  limitathtt  or  revtj  iVtion, 
siiving  the  very  ineonsldernhle  reservntimi  relntive  to  the 
inspection  laws.  This  nulhoriiy  having  ihiisennrely  pa-sed 
iVnn,  the  Sinles,  the  right  to  exercise  it  liir  the  purpose  of 
protceiinn  does  not  exist  in  Ihcin  ;  nnd,  eonsequeiitly,  if  it 
he  no)  possessed  hv  the  GenernI  Goveniment.it  must  be  ex- 
nnct.  (Inr  imlltbiil  system  voiild thus  present  the  nniunaly 
of  n  people  sirlpiied  of  iheir  rigot  to  pronet  their  own  iiidus- 
Iry,  and  locounternet  the  most  sellish  nnd  destructive  imliey 
whieli  might  he  nilopted  by  foreimi  nnticuis.  This  snri'ly  cna- 
not  be  the  case.  This  indlspetisnide  power,  tlilis  "urrcliderrd 
by  the  States,  must  be  within  Ibe  scope  of  the  authority,  on 
the  subject.  expri'Ssly  delegnted  In  Congress.  In  this  eon- 
clnsion  I  iini  eonfli  mcdiis  well  by  the  npiiiinns  of  Presidents 
Wnsliinsti'ii,  Je'ltersim,  Mndiso'n,  and  Monroe,  who  hnvc 

.  each  repentedly  reenmniendcd  the  exereiss  nf  this  right 
under  the  Constilnlion,  ns  by  the  imijhrin  pran.'-c  of  (.'on- 

1    gress,  the  ronliuurd  (tctiiiicsrmrr  of  tlie  Stales,  and  the  gen 

I    cral  Htu/iTsti/nrfing  oftkepevple.''' 

}l      I  will  not  refer  to  the  voles  of  General  Jackson 

i   and  oilier  of  the  leading  alatesmcu  of  the  opposite 

'!  parly  in  favor  of  Ihe  act  of  18'J4;  nor  to  his  ivinarU- 

\''  able  letter  of  April  5i3,  1824,  on  this  subject,  to 

j  Dr,  Coleman,  of  my  own  native  ':<<Mc.  1  could 
cite  line  upon  line,  and  extract  upon  extract,  from 


■}'m 


■,  '    ; 


'  •   .  -    i 


'ml. 


1052 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  I, 


1846.] 


29th  COiVo 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff^Mr.  Barringer. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


the  solemnly  recorded  and  expressed  opinions  of 
the  grent  stiitesmcii  of  nil  pnrtiea  in  our  counlrVi 
and  Ht  [vll  times  in  our  history,  to  show  bolh  the 
right  and  duty  of  Congress,  in  proper  chscs,  to  give 
n  fair  and  rcusnnable  encnurngemcnt  to  American 
labor.  The  sentimctits  I  have  quoted  are  the  opin- 
ions of  those  who  have  had  the  fullest  confidence 
of  the  country,  and  especially  of  the  South.  The 
truth  is,  Mr.  Chiiirmnn,  that  no  President  or  par- 
ty, Whig  or  Deniocriitic,  Federal  or  Uepublican, 
liad  omitted  whcji  in  power  to  nmintain  bn>h  the  i 
constitutionality  nnd  expediency  of  the  doctrine  j 
contended  for  by  our  side  of  the  House.  It  was  a  | 
chief  element  of  success  in  the  election  of  General  I 
Jackson.  It  had  never  been  disputed  in  a  presi- 
cl<intinl  message  until  the  annual  comitiunication  of 
the  present  incumbent  in  December  last.  Even 
Mr.  Polk  admitted  it,  or  at  least  desired  it  to  be 
understood  that  he  was  in  favor  of  the  doctrine  up 
to  that  period.  You  all  remember,  sir,  his  cele- j 
brnted  Kane  letter,  which  was  made  to  assume  all 
the  hues  of  the  chameleon,  and  which  lias  been  so 
severely  commenleU  on  in  this  debate.  Every  gen- 
tlem.m  from  the  great  Democratic  State  of  Pinn- 
sylvan' .  who  has  yet  taken  part  in  this  discussion, 
has  admitted  that  Mr.  Polk  could  not  have  gotten 
tlie  vote  of  that  State  but  for  the  belief  produced  by 
that  letter  that  he  was  in  favor  of  the  tariff,  antl 
was  even  a  "  better  tariff  man  than  Mr.  Clay."  I 
will  not  allude,  sir,  to  the  bitter  fruits  which  I  fear 
that  great  State  is  destined  to  reap  from  the  decep- 
tion whiith  has  been  so  skilfully  practised  upon 
her  confiding  people. 

The  gentleman  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Tibbatts] 
has  here  publicly  admitted  thiit  Mr.  Folk  could 
not  have  received  the  votes  of  the  viestern  Stales 
except  for  the  belief  that  he  recognised  the  con.^ti- 
tutjonaliiy  and  expediency  of  incidental  protection 
within  the  revenue  .-ange,  and  of  discrimination  to 
protect  all  the  gieat  interests  of  the  country.  Even 
in  the  inaugural  address  of  the  President  on  the 
4th  of  March,  1845,  we  have  the  strongest  recog- 
rition  of  the  power  to  legislate  with  a  view  to  the 
encouiiigemcnt  of  the  great  industrial  pursuits  of  , 
the  couiilry.     He  said: 

''  Til-?  pf.wcr  [to  Iny  jind  collprt  tnxc.»,  duties,  inipnst.<, 
riiU  eti'ise?]  waa  ail  iiifji^pi'iisablc  oin'  to  tiu  curifiTrcd  on 
tlit>  F<  ilniii]  Gi>vi'riiinent,  wliich,  witlioiit  it,  would  po^Bl;B!l 
no  iiieiiiH  ol'  provnfii.R  lor  it-  own  support.  In  executing 
lliis  powiT,  liy  Ievjin:i  ,1  tariff  of  diitits  fur  tlie  iiupport  of 
G'lveriimeiit.  th<'  rni-iiiq  of  reirttue  >houltl  be  tin:  oltject. 
niid  ifrotection  the  iiicidt  lit.  To  nversp  tliis  prinr'ipte,  nnd 
in  ike  protection  the  otijtct  nnd  rrvcniif  ttn-  incidiMit.  would 
Ih'  ti  inflict  ni:inifeiit  injn!*iicf  upon  nil  oiliir  tliaii  the  prn- 
l 'Cted  iritere-LH.  In  levyinc  diiiien  for  revenue,  it  is  doiiht- 
loss  prop.T  to  ninke  (.ufti  dibcriiniriationn,  wiUiiii  the  reve- 
nue [irinciplr,  ns  will  aflord  incidtnt-il  protertioii  to  our 
hoine  iiitcrcnt-s.  Within  the  revenue  limit  iher"  is  n  dis- 
cretion todiM^riiniiiiite;  lieyond  llinl  limit  Uic  rigtuful  exer- 
cii'e  of  the  [wwer  ja  not  eunceded." 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  shall  not  multiply,  as  I  could, 
authorities  on  this  subject.  It  would  be  an  anom- 
aly, if  the  Government  did  not  have  this  iiidis- 
pcnsnMe  power.  It  would  be  suicidal.  Withoiit 
Its  just  exerci.'e,  we  should  not  be  an  independent 
people.  It  was  one  of  the  eliief  ohjecls  of  our  ' 
sepantioii  from  the  mother  country,  whose  policy  , 
had  been  so  inimical  to  the  d'-.ilopment  ofour  re- 
fiourec,  and  who  desired  ic  restrain  us  from  the 
power  to  manufacture  even  a  hobnail  in  the  colo- 
nies. It  was  incorporated  in  our  Feileral  Consti- 
tution, niul  has  iiccii  sanctioned  by  the  practice  of 
every  Administration,  under  every  diversity  of 
parly.  Even  now  a  Inr^re  portion  of  the  ascendant 
party  in  this  House  -vill  not  admit  that  it  is,  in  any 
sense,  the  te.st  of  party  nllesiancc;  and  on  this,  ex- 
press their  ninnzemenl  at  the  theories  of  those  who 
hold  political  coriinuinion  with  them  on  other  sub. 
jecta.  And  yet,  Mr.  Cliainiinn, after  all  this  weight 
of  iirsriimcnt  and  precedent  and  practice,  genllcmcn 
throughout  this  debate,  on  the  other  .side,  have 
been  horrified  nnd  startled  at  the  idia  of  the  least 
discrimination,  even  within  the  revenue  range,  in 
favor  of  the  esuntinl  interests  of  the  nation.  It  is 
represented,  tspeoinlly  by  some  of  our  opponents 
fiiiin  Virsriiiia  and  Alaliumn,  as  a  modern  Mnlnlinn 
iif  the  plainest  provisions  of  the  Constitution.  It 
is  no  new  thing,  sir,  to  legislate  for  the  protection  ; 
of  particular  interests,  when  their  preservation  and 
ndvnnermeiit  are  coniicrteil  with  the  ueneinl  wel- 
fare of  the  iiatiiin.  By  what  aiitliority  have  our 
iMiviirntion  Inws  been  passed  ?  What  right  linil  we 
to  give  a  prefeirnce,  in  the  whole  coasting  trade,  to 
.imtricoii  shipping,  without  regard 'u  the  rates  of  , 


transportation  offered  by  foreign  vessels .'  The 
constitutionality  or  wisdom  of  the.-ip  laws  has 
never  been  questioned.  Is  not  this  a  violation  of 
the  principles  so  zealously  urged  by  gentlemen 
here?  Is  this  "  buying  where  we  couUf  buy  cheap- 
est?" Or  is  it  not,  on  your  principles,  an  "odious, 
grinding  monopoly,  in  favor  of  a  set  of  bloated 
purse-proud  American  mniii'/nfdirtrs '!" 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  do  not  desire  to  be  misunder- 
stood. I  am  not  in  favor  of  n  "  high  protective  tariff." 
I  am  not  for  a  tariff  for  "profcciloii  mrrelij."  Ido 
not  contend  for  that  system  of"  IcKnlized  plunder 
and  robbery"  that  gentlemen  so  eloquently  declaim 
about  in  this  hall.  What  I  insist  upon,  and  what 
I  think  the  highest  interests  of  the  country  demand, 
is  such  a  tariff  as  has  been  the  subject  of  good 
sound  Whig  doctrine  from  the  beginning,  sanc- 
tioned by  the  principles  nnd  practice  of  the  fnthers 
of  the  true  republican  faith;  such  n  tariff  as  has 
been  recommended,  over  and  over  again,  in  the 
messnircs  of  our  best  Presidents, and  advocated  and 
virtually  promised  in  the  inaugural  address  of  Mr. 
Polk  himself,  viz;  a  tariff  which,  while  it  imposes 
duties  on  foieign  imports  for  the  necess;iry  rev- 
enue to  support  an  economical  administration  of 
the  Government  as  its  pi'imf  ohjtrl,  shall  be  so  ar- 
ranged and  adjusted  in  its  details  as  to  afford  a 
just  and  reasonable  encouragement  in  favor  of  all 
the  great  interests  of  agriculture,  commerce,  man- 
ufactures, nnd  the  mechanic  arts.  While  revenue 
should  be  the  object,  discrimination  should  be  the 
incident.  Sir,  you  never  will  conduct  the  affairs 
of  this  great  nation  siiccpssfully  on  any  contrary 
doctrine.  This  is  the  well-established  revolution- 
ary principle  for  which  our  forefathers  contended; 
this  is  necessary  for  the  prosperity  of  the  great  in- 
terests of  the  people,  and  inaispensable  to  us  as  a 
free  and  independent  nation.  Alariff  of  some  sort 
we  must  have.  The  Government  must  be  sup- 
ported. No  influential  American  statesman  has 
ever  seriously  declared  himself  in  favor  of  dirert 
taxes  as  a  pennnnenl  system  of  revenue  in  (imc  of 
peace.  We  cannot  rely  on  loans  or  treasury  notes 
for  a  permanent  revenue.  The  objections  to  these 
are  obvious.  A  tariff  of  duties  on'foreign  imports 
must  therefore  be  laid.  Such  duties  have  been  laid 
from  1789  to  this  day;  and, sir,  I  predict  that,  what- 
ever may  be  the  fate  of  this  bill,  proposing  a  revo- 
lution in  the  whole  financial  system  of  our  country, 
e.xpcrience  will  continue  to  point  out  the  beaten 
track  of  our  fathers  as  the  uist  course  for  us  to 
pursue.  Vie  shall  soon  get  tired  of  this  untried 
experiment.  1  am  not  for  any  hot-house  stimulus 
to  industry,  and  I  admit  that  true  policy  requires 
that  Icjislative  protection  should  be  confined,  in  a 
wise  discrimination,  to  such  productions  as  our 
siuintion,  capital,  and  resources  enable  us  to  innke 
successfully  to  supply  the  wants  of  the  country. 

On  the  30th  of  August,  1842,  Congress  passed  a 
tariff  law  now  in  force.  This  bill  proposes  to  re- 
peal it.  Is  this  proposed  change  right.'  Nothing 
can  be  more  pernicious  to  the  labor  and  capital  of 
the  country  llinn  this  vacillating  policy — this  con- 
stant fluctunlion  bolh  in  the  trade  of  the  country 
and  the  revenues  of  the  Government.  I  do  not 
pretend  to  say  llint  the  not  of  1843  is  perfect;  or  ' 
that  it  shoiilil  be,  like  the  laws  of  the  Medes  and 
Persians,  unaliernble.  If  it  be  imperfect,  as  it 
doubtless  is,  let  it  be  amenileil  in  such  particulars 
as  experience  inay  have  indicated  ns  necessary. 
Let  it  be  amended  m  a  proper  way  and  on  thorough 
examination,  and  not  at  tlie  instance  and  upon  the 
statements  of  llrilish  imiiorters  and  their  agents. 
The  regulation  of  n  taiill  of  duties  is  nece.'sarily 
complicated  and  one  of  great  dilliiiilty.  It  is  a* 
question  of  /urh  nnd  Jrlnih,  rnmifying  ihcm.selve.s 
through  every  iiiteiesl  of  .sorieiy.  Wc  never  have, 
and,  in  a  country  like  ouis,  of  su'  h  diversified 
piiisuits  nnd  interesls,  we  never  can  iinss  any  gen- 
eral tariff  law  which  wiH  give  satisfiu'lhin  to  all.  , 
The  thing  is  impossible.  Our  true  course  is  to 
come  ns  near  this  end  ns  possiblr.  I  have  freely 
iidinilled  thai  the  (Nislitig  linv  might  be  wi.sely 
amended.  I  should  like  to  .see  that  indisj'nisalile 
niressnry  of  life,  sail,  made  duty  free.  The  du- 
ties and  minimunis  on  coarse  domestics  might  be 
lowered,  if  not  entirely  abolished;  and  on  raw  col- 
ton,  tl  n  duty,  wliieli  was  onie  iiiipiutant  but  now 
useless,  niiglil  be  well  ulioli.shed  nliogcilier.  Hy 
ibis  course  we  slioul.l  wrest  from  the  bunds  of 
demagogues  instruinenls  by  which  tlK^vaie  eon- 
stuntly  trying  to  deceive  the  peojilc.     I'licie  are 


other  instances  in  which  the  act  of  1842  might 
well  h'.  amended  nnd  the  free  list  might  be  de- 
creased. But,  in  the  main,  that  law  had  operated 
well ;  and,  after  all, experience  was  the  best  tenclier: 
it  is  worth  all  your  theories.  The  act  of  1842  had 
completely  refuted  the  predictions  of  its  enemies 
nnd  fully  realized  the  best  hopes  of  its  friends. 
Under  its  operation  the  country  was  prosperous. 
Under  what  circumstances  had  that  act  been 
passed.'  I  need  not  dwell  on  what  all  must  so 
well  remember.  The  objects  of  that  law  were  to 
raise  u  sinking  revenue;  to  restore  the  public  credit; 
to  pay  the  public  debt  and  liabilities;  nnd  Inst, 
though  not  lensl,  to  give  incidental  protection  to 
interests  essential  to  our  national  welfare  and  inde- 
pendence. Towards  the  close  of  the  operaiion  of 
the  celebrated  Compromise  act  of  1833,  the  expen- 
ditures constantly  exceeded  our  income.  Even 
before  the  reduction  had  reached  the  lowest  point 
of  twenty  per  cent,  it  hud  utterly  failed  to  produce 
the  necessary  revenue.  This  fact  i.s  udmiited  by 
the  mo.iit  ultra  free-trade  men.  Yet  gcntleiiien  are 
for  ri^tiirning,  not  gi'ii(/iia%,  but  sudilenly  to  the 
same  system.  Who  can  believe  that  the  bill  be- 
fore us  will  raise  sufficient  revenue  for  the  wants 
of  the  Government.'  Curtail  your  expen.ses;  aban- 
don your  magnificent  scheme  of  internal  improve- 
ments passed  by  this  Democratic  House,  uiiilcr  the 
nameof  the  harbor  and  river  bill;  reduce  youran- 
nuid  expenditures  to  seventeen  millions,  nnd  per- 
haps then  an  average  rate  of  twenty-five  10  thirty  per 
cent,  ad  valorem  may  prove  suflicicnt.  l!ui,8ir, 
does  any  one  herebelfeve  that  this  reduction  will  be 
brought  about .'  We  mu.st  legislate  for  an  existing 
state  of  things.  The  expenditures  of  the  Govern- 
ment, instead  of  being  restricted  by  economy  to 
seventeen  millions  a  year,  amounted  on  an  average 
to  near  twenty-six  millions.  It  has  stood  nl  that 
rate  for  years  past.  It  will  be  increased.  The  ac- 
quisition of  Texas  nnd  the  establishment  of  new 
territorial  governments,  the  most  expensive  ap- 
pendages of  your  Government,  and  the  necessary 
enlargement  of  your  army  and  navy,  will  enhance 
your  expenditures.  They  will  be  from  twenty-eight 
to  thirty  millions  per  annum.  I  do  not  speak  of  a 
state  of  war,  but  of  a  peace  establishment.  The 
gentleman  from  New  York  [Mr.  Hi^ngf.rford] 
has  demonstrated,  by  a  most  searching  analysis, 
thnt  this  bill  will  not  produce  more  than  seventeen 
millions  net  revenue  in  a  time  of  pence,  and  less  in 
time  of  war.  How  shall  we  supply  the  deficit.' 
Shall  we  resort  to  loans  or  treasury  notes.'  I  fear 
they  will  soon  again  become  fashionable.  With 
the  niilof  the  "  Little  Tariff  Bill,"  as  it  was  called, 
passed  in  1841,  which  my  colleague,  now  before 
nic,  [Mr.  Graham,]  well  remembeis,  the  Com- 
piomise  net  still  failed  to  raise  the  necessary  in- 
come. It  sank  to  less  than  thirteen  millions  a 
year.  The  treasury  was  empty,  the  Govern- 
ment bankrupt,  and  general  ruin  stared  us  in  the 
face;  Experience  spoke  with  a  voice  that  could 
not  be  mistaken.  The  Compromise  act  emptied 
the  treasury;  the  tariff  of  1842  filled  it.  The  Com- 
promise net  prostrated  the  credit  of  the  Govern- 
ment; the  act  of  1842  restored  it.  Who  does  not 
remember  with  n  blush  of  patriotic  shame  the  low 
point  to  which  the  credit  of  our  nation  had  been 
brought ?  How yourGovernmcntscripwashnwked 
and  peddled  about  in  every  money  market  of  the 
world  wilhonl  a  bidder.'  The  Congress  of  1842 
had  of  necessity  to  revise  the  whole  revenue  sys- 
tem. Hut  gentlemen  .say  the  raie^  of  that  law  weie 
too  high,  because  they  are  above  the  revenue 
standai'd.  "The  rereniie  slamlard!"  What  do 
gentlemen  mean  by  these  cabalistic  phrases?  Is  it 
til"  nmoiint  neeiletl  for  revenue — a  fixed  qiiunlily  .' 
Or  does  it  not  fliiituate  with  the  state  of  the  nation 
nnd  the  necessities  if  our  public  affaiis .'  It  must 
necessarily  depend  on  the  state  of  trade  nnd  the 
public  exigencies.  We  want  one  amount  in  pence, 
another  in  time  of  war.  There  is,  therefore,  no 
siieh  thing  ns  a  fixcil  revenue  slaiiihiril.  Mr.  Scc- 
retiirv  Walker  asserts  that  it  is  20  per  cent.  We 
have'lried  that,  or  at  least  we  hail  appioaclicd  it, 
at  a  time,  too,  w  hen  our  impintntions  wei'e  very 
large,  and  our  experiment  had  proved  that  when 
we  got  down  in  tlii'  scale  ns  far  ns  2,5  per  cent,  the 
revenue  failed,  and  the  Governnient  was  placed  in 
the  most  trying  mid  |ierilous  crisis.  Under  the  net 
of  lM4'i  till'  aiinuid  average  net  revenue  is  from 
twenty-six  to  twenty-seven  millions  of  dnllais — 
ubout  sufficient  to  answer  the  wunls  of  llic  Gov- 


29th  Cong. 

ernment  in  ordini 
it  is  objected  to  ih 
is  most  injurious 
community,  espec 
interests;  thnt  it  i 
hnve  to  buy,  and 
to  sell;  that  it  is  i 
nnd  that  it  puts  ii 
luiers  two  dolint 
treasury— fifty-ff 
only  twenty-scvt 
This  representat! 
Inmntion  opposei 
on  the  idea  that 
a  tax,  and  that 
consumer.    Nov 
It  may  be  true 
has  tiiany  cxce 
where  it  is  dec 
those  articles  fri 
part  of  our  revel 
and  WHS  not  a  t 
enough  of  the  f 
demands  of  co 
foreign   supply 
duced  nnd  lowc 
not  made  at  ho 
our  demands,  t 
the  consumer  t 
case  ihe  foreif 
for  llie  privilc" 
we  do  not  mat 
was  strictly  o 
Prices  depend 
mnnd,and  on 
But,  sir,  I  will 
body  knows  t 
of  consiimpiii 
before  the  pas 
mitted  fiict. 
improved  mm 
improved   rnn 
mnnufaclurin 
In  regard  t 
especially  of 
known  that  t 
[Mr.  Bini 
My  hoi 
lYiislttUen. 
fully  admi 
in  the  Sou 
of  divert  in:, 
some  other 
obtnineil  o 
been  said 
tariff,  we  : 
ricultural  1 
which  are 
be  realize 
aboliiion  < 
the  news; 
as  to  nffoi 
surplus;  I 
greguteng 
ed  in  valii 
lions  of  d 
about  on 
our  own 
ket.     Ai 
Undoubt 
consumpi 
duce,  wh 
w'linic  nn 
ninety-n 
average 
of  coitoi 
sixty  mi 
make  u| 
balance, 
made  u] 
is,  sir,  ' 
side  ont 
of    our 
ns  we  < 
We   in 
wool,  I 
of  imp 
nicrcc, 
except 
tioneil. 
never ' 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1053 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff- — Mr.  Barringer. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


ernmenl  in  ordinary  times.  But,  Mr.  Chairman, 
it  is  objected  to  the  existing  law  tliat  its  operation 
'mi  most  injurious  to  the  consuming  portion  of  the 
community,  especially  to  the  furnung  and  planting 
intcrrsis;  that  it  raises  the  price  of  all  the  people 
hiivc  to  huy,  and  lowers  the  pricp  of  nil  they  have 
to  sell;  that  it  is  a  system  of  i>l under  and  injustice; 
and  that  it  puis  into  the  porlu  ts  of  the  manufac- 
lurcra  two  dollars  for  every  one  it  places  in  the 
treasury — fifty-four  millions  to  enrich  them,  and  j 
only  twenty-seven  millions  in  the  national  coffers  ! 
This  representation,  which,  in  truth,  is  mere  dec- 
lamation opposed  10  the  facts  of  the  case,  is  based 
on  the  idea  that  every  tariff  of  duties  is  necessarily 
a  tax,  and  that  in  all  cases  this  tax  is  paid  by  the 
consumer.  Now,  sir,  I  utterly  deny  this  position. 
It  may  be  true  as  a  general  rule,  but  it  iim  only 
has  rhnny  exceptions,  but  there  arc  liumy  cases 
where  it  is  decidedly  opposed  to  the  irulli.  On 
those  articles  from  which  we  derived  the  greatest 
part  of  our  revenue  the  duty  did  not  raise  the  price, 
anil  was  not  a  tax  to  the  consumer,  because  nearly 
enough  of  the  articles  were  produced  to  meet  the 
demands  of  consumption  without  resort  to  the 
foreign  simply.  Domestic  competition  was  in- 
duced and  lowered  the  price.  When  (he  article  is 
not  made  at  home  in  sufficient  quantities  to  answer 
our  demands,  the  duty  was  often  divided  between 
the  consiiiTier  and  producer  or  importer,  in  which 
case  ilie  foreign  importer  pays  a  part  of  the  tax 
for  the  privilege  of  selling  in  our  mnrlccls.  Where  i 
we  do  not  make  the  article  at  all,  'be  whole  duty  , 
was  strictly  a  tax,  and  paid  by  the  consumer. 
Prices  depend  on  the  great  laws  of  supply  and  dc-  I 
mand.and  on  the  ability  of  the  people  to  consume. 
But,  sir,  I  will  not  enlarge  on  this  subject.  Every-  [ 
body  knows  that  the  prices  of  the  leading  articles  ' 
of  consumption  are  lower  than  they  were  at  and  i 
before  the  passage  of  the  act  of  1842.  It  's  an  ad- 
mitted fact.  But  gentlemen  say  this  is  (.>ving  to 
improved  machinery  and  other  causes.  What  has 
improved  machinery,  and  given  new  impulse  to 
manufacturing  skill,  but  the  policy  we  advocate?    ; 

In  regard  to  the  ])rices  of  agricultural  produce, 
especially  of  that  great  staple  cotton,  it  was  well 
known  that  there  was  a  great  over-production.         I 
[Mr.  Ri'RT  said  he  thought  not.]  I 

My  honoral)le  friend  from  South  Carolina  is  : 
mistaken.  This  fact  was  so  well  known,  and  so 
fully  admitted,  that  n  convention  had  been  called  } 
in  the  South  to  take  into  consideration  the  means  : 
of  diverting  labor  from  the  culture  of  cotton  into  ' 
some  other  channel,  that  a  belter  price  might  be 
obtained  on  the  residue  which  was  raised.  It  has 
been  said  that  if  we  would  consent  to  reduce  the  | 
tariff,  we  should  find  a  niniket  for  our  surplus  og- 
riculliiral  productions.  I  wish,  sir,  thai  the  hopes 
which  are  so  fondly  indulscd  on  this  subject  could 
bo  realized.  Miicli  has  been  promised  from  the 
aliolition  of  the  British  corn  laws.  It  is  possible  that 
the  new  system  of  Brili-sh  legislation  may  so  work 
as  to  afford  us  a  market  for  a  small  portion  of  that 
Biirplus;  biit.sir,  even  this  I  greatly  doubt.  Tlicag- 
giegiile  agricultural  prndiii'ls  of  the  country  a  mount- 
ed 111  value  to  between  eight  and  nine  hundred  mil- 
lions of  dollars  per  aiinuin.  Of  this  vast  amount, 
about  one-half  was  consumed  by  the  producers, 
our  own  population;  the  other  half  sought  a  mar- 
ket. And  where  was  that  market  to  Tie  found  ? 
Undoubtedly  the  chief  market  was  at  home,  in  the 
consumption  by  noii-produccrs  of  agricultural  pro- 
duce, who  arc  engaged  in  other  pursuits.  The 
whole  amount  of  our  exports  last  year  was  alinut 
ninety-nine  millions  of  dollars.  This  is  about  the 
average  per  annum.  Of  these,  the  staple  articles 
of  cotton,  tobacco,  and  rice,  constitute  more  than 
sixty  millions  of  dollars,  and  manufiictured  articles 
make  up  another  sum  of  thirteen  millions.  The 
balance,  of  little  more  than  twenty-five  millions,  is 
made  up  of  every  other  article  exported.  The  fact 
is,  sir,  we  do  not  export  to  all  foreign  niarketa  for 
sale  one-hcenl'ulh  part  of  the  surplus  productions 
of  our  I'ariners.  Wc  import  almost  as  much 
as  we  export,  notwithstanding  our  vast  surplus. 
We  import  even  cotton,  as  well  as  beef,  hams, 
wool,  piitntoes,  lie.  But,  sir,  this  small  aiiiount 
of  import  is  the  mere  iiuident  of  trade  and  com- 
merce, as  isoiir  expiu'tof  the  produce  of  mir  farms, 
except  of  the  three  great  articles  which  1  have  men- 
Itoneil.  The  I'oreign  has  never  yet  been,  and  I  fear 
never  will  be,  our  true  market  for  bicadslotTs  and 
provisions.    It  Is  preposterous  to  suppose  that  for- 


eign countries,  situated  bb  they  are,  can  ever  fur- 
nish an  outlet  for  the  four  hundred  millions  surplus 
of  our  agricultural  productions.  We  must  legislate 
in  reference  to  the  world  as  it  is,  and  not  as  wc 
would  have  it  to  be.  There  is  no  such  thing  as 
free  trade,  and  never  will  be,  as  long  as  mankind 
remain  selfish,  and  Governments  require  to  be  sun- 

Eortcd  by  money.     Free  trade,  sir,  is  n  mere  buu- 
le;  it  is  not  to  be  found  on  earth,  except  among 
our  own  sovereign  Slates  of  this  Union,  in  that 
I  beautiful,  but  combined  and  complicated  system, 
of  "  many  in  one,"  which  is  so  mticn  the  admiration 
of  the  world. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  suppose  our  surplus  produce 
went  into  the  English  ports,  here  held  up  as  our 
great  and  best  markets:  was  it  sure  of  finding  pur- 
chasers there,'  DocsGrcat  Britain, so muchubused 
here  for  some  purposes,  and  lauded  by  the  same 
persons  for  others,  does  she  look  to  the  United 
Slates  for  her  wheat  and  flour  and  grain  of  every 
description?  Is  no  wheat  grown  in  Germany? 
None  in  Prussia?  None  in  the  Russian  domin- 
ions? None  in  the  provinces  of  Turkey  ?  Will 
not  the  wheat  from  the  Baltic  and  the  Black  Sea 
meet  our  wheat  in  that  market,  and  would  not  they 
undersell  us  ?  To  say  nothing  of  the  distance  and 
cost  of  freight,  until  our  labor  in  this  free  and 
happy  Republic  shall  be  brought  down  to  a  level ! 
with  the  labor  of  Russian  serfs,  it  was  impossible 
to  compete  with  them  in  the  English  markets.  Un- 
til our  people  were  as  poorly  fed,  clothed,  and 
paid  as  the  starving  millions  of  the  monarchies  of 
Europe,  living  on  a  bare  subsistence,  we  could  not 
expect  this  boon,  so  much  desired  by  some  gen- 
tlemen, of  selling  the  products  of  our  American 
labor  in  foreign  markets  on  equal  terms  of  compe- 
tition with  them.  What  does  it  cost  to  make  a 
bushel  of  wheat  in  Illinois,  for  instance? 

[Mr.  Douglass  said  about  thirty  cents.] 

The  gentleman  from  Illinois  says  thirty  rents. 
That  is  alow  price:  but,  even  then,  it  will  take  at 
least  twenty-five  cents  to  get  it  to  New  York,  and 
fifteen  cents  for  transportation  to  Liverpool.  When 
deposited  on  the  wharf  at  Liverpool  it  costs  the 
shipper  at  least  seventy  cents.  And  now,  sir, 
everybody  knows  that  a  bushel  of  wheat  from  the 
great  grani-growing  country  of  the  Baltic  can  be 
laid  down  on  that  same  wharf  at  Liverpool  for 
forty  cents.  Wheat  was  now  selling  in  the  Liv- 
erpool market,  at  a  time  when  great  scarcity  cre- 
ated a  demand,  at  fifty  cents  per  bu.shel.  Arc  gen- 
tlemen so  demented  as  to  hope  to  compete  in  the 
British  or  any  other  foreign  market  with  men  who 
were  compelled,  from  the  necessities  of  their  posi- 
tion, to  laljor  for  sixpence  a  day  ?  It  is  absurd;  so 
obviou.^lv  so,  that  I  can  scarcely  bring  myself  to 
believe  that  sentlemen  are  serious  in  the  declara- 
tions of  their  hopes  about  these  foreign  markets  for 
our  farming  productions.  However  this  may  be,  I 
hope  never  to  see  the  day  when  waives  in  this  ft*ec 
country  shall  come  down  to  thai  level.  We  arc 
a  totally  different  people  from  those  who  inhaliit 
the  shores  of  the  Baltic  and  Black  Seas.  Our  pol- 
icy is  to  elcvnir.  the  laboring  classes.  Here  we 
have  perfect  political  equality.  The  men  who  toil 
in  our  fields  and  workshops  are  not  debased  and 
ignorant  slaves,  but  wi'll-infornied  and  high-spirit- 
ed freemen,  who  constituted,  each  man  for  himself, 
a  portion  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  land.  God  for- 
bid that  their  industry  should  be  placed  on  the 
same  level,  by  any  force  of  circiimsianci  s,  with 
the  pauper  labor  of  men  who  work  barely  to  live, 
and  live  but  to  be  degraded  !  The  contact  would 
be  destructive  to  American  industry,  and  fatal  to 
the  s)iirit  of  liberty  itself. 

Mr.  Clinirman,  it  is  argued  that  we  must  reduce 
our  tariff  because  England  is  reducing  hers.  It  is 
true  that  on  some  articles  she  is  lowering  and  on 
some  taking  off  her  duties.  But,  sir,  is  any  fair 
reciprocity  proposed  by  England  to  us  ?  And  with 
what  view  has  her  recent  policy  been  dictated  ? 
AVIiy  had  the  duty  been  taken  off  of  cotton  ?  Only 
for  the  purpose  of  benefitini;  her  manufacturers. 
There  was  a  time  when  England  struggled  with 
an  abiding  hope  to  sup|ily  herself  with  raw  cotton 
independently  of  our  aid.  She  had  made  stren- 
uous efforts  to  grow  cotton  in  her  own  East  India 
possessions,  and  entertained  .sanguine  hopes  of 
gutting  it  in  Egypt.  Both  projects  failed.  For  a 
long  time  she  imposed  high  duties  on  the  raw  ma- 
terial and  prohibitory  duties  on  the  manufactured 
article  from  this  country.     But  she  has  discovered 


thai  she  cannot  do  without  American  cotton.  She 
has  discovered  that  instead  of  being  subsidiary 
and  dependent  for  the  manufacture  of  our  own 
ra  material,  we  had  become  wholly  independent 
of  her;  and  from  the  subordinate  condition  of  a 
colonial  dependent,  wc  hixvc  risen  into  the  rank  of 
n  competitor,  and  have  in  fact  become  her  most 
formiilabic  rival.  In  the  mouufacture  of  coarse 
cottons,  built  up  under  the  policy  we  have  pur- 
sued, we  can  compete  with  her  in  the  markets  of 
the  world.  By  the  abolition  of  the  duly  she  has 
extended  protection  to  her  own  manufacture  in 
this  contest.  And  so  as  to  her  reduction  of  the 
duty  on  breadatuffs  and  provisions.  Is  any  man 
so  simple  as  to  suppose  England  has  done  this 
merely  to  benefit  us,  or  in  consequence  of  any  wild 
theories  of  free  trade  ?  Let  us  not  cherish  so  great 
and  fatal  a  delusion.  All  nations  arc  essentially 
selfish,  and  of  all  nations  in  the  world  Engla'id  is 
and  always  has  been  the  most  so.  She  has  taken 
off  her  duties  on  provisions,  only  because  she  was 
compelled  to  do  it  by  the  necessities  of  her  starv- 
ing population,  and  that  her  mamifacturers  might 
continue  to  draw  the  health  of  life.  The  same 
policy  will  induce  her  to  put  them  on  again  when- 
ever /ifrin/ere.?(  requires  it.  Besides  nil  these  con- 
siderations of  self-interest,  England  is  in  most 
respects  much  in  advance  of  other  nations  in  man- 
ufacturing skill  and  capital,  and  she  is  in  the  fortu- 
nate position  of  being  able  to  invite  others  into 
rivalry  with  her  without  injury  to  her  inleresin. 
Her  policy  has  always  heretofore  been  restrictive, 
but  she  would  be  willing  tomorrow  to  enter  the 
list  in  the  impracticable  scheme  of  free  trade  with 
the  world,  if  other  nations  would  consent,  simply 
because  her  past  policy  has  prepared  her/or  ti  with- 
;  out  the  fear  of  detriment  from  others. 

•  And  again,  sir,  the  financial  system  of  Great 
!  Britain  is  essentially  dir»rcnt  from  and  inapplica- 
ble to  ours.  We  derive  our  income  chiefly,  if  not 
olmost  entirely,  from  ci  -sloiTis;  she  obtains  but 
about  one-half^  of  hers  from  that  source.  The 
average  annual  revenue  of  England  is  about  iC50,- 

I  000,000:  of  this  sum  she  derived,  in  18-12,  from 
:  eirises  .f  14,.'500,000,  from  stamp  duties  .f  7,000,000, 
and  from  land  lax  .f4,700,000,   making  a  fraction 
j  more  than  the  half  of  the  whole  sum.     Are  we  to 
'  imitate  her  example  in  these  odious  taxes  ?    From 
tea  and  coffee,  which  we  admit  free,  she  exacts 
about  .f5,000,000;  from  sugar  alone  4'5,100,000; 
and  from  tob.acco  .f,3,.'500,000;  and  from  manufac- 
tured goods  the  whole  sum  of  the  customs  dues 
in  England  does  not  amount  to  a  half  per  cent., 
;  while  we  collect  the  largest  part  of  our  revenue 
from  that  source.     Let  gentlemen  look  into  the 
facts  before  they  call  on  us  to  follow  in  the  foot- 
steps of  a  nation   that  always  legislates,  not  to 
benefit  others,  but  to  promote  and  secure  her  own 
selfish  policy  and  interests. 

As  to  the  importance  of  the  home  market,  of 
which  so  much  has  been  said  in  this  debate,  I  do 
not  att.ach  so  much  value  to  it  as  some  of  my 
friends  here,  but  still  it  is  a  matter  not  to  be  over- 
looked. How,  sir,  can  a  producer  of  cotton  (to 
say  nothing  of  the  vast  home  consumption  of  pro- 
visions and  breadstuffs!  consider  the  home  market 
of  small  conscquciKC,  when  between  four  and  five 
hundred  thousand  bales  of  every  cotton  crop  aro 
consumed  here?  At  least  one-sixth  of  the  whole 
product  found  a  market  on  our  own  shores. 

[Mr.  BunT,  of  South  Carolina,  said  he  believed 
this  estimate  was  loo  large.] 

My  honorable  friend  from  South  Carolina  is 
mistaken,  as  he  will  find  on  examination. 

I  have  said,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  this  bill  pro- 

*  poses  a  great  and  radical  cnange  by  a  virtual  aban- 
donment of  all  incidental  protection.  But  it  pro- 
poses another  equally  material  alteration  in  our 
policy,  by  the  adopiiou  of  the  ad  ralornn  principle 
and  the  «irogn(inn  of  all  specific  duties  in  liic  mode 
of  their  collection.  The  duties  are  to  be  levied  and 
as.sessed  on  the  foreign  valuation  of  the  goods, 
wares,  and  merchandise  imported.  This  -system 
will  inevitably  lead  to  enormous  frauds  on  the 
revenue  by  false  invoices;  it  will  lead  to  a  ruinous 
reduction  in  the  revenue;  and  it  will  work  a  most 
serious  injury  to  honest  American  importers  and 
American  commerce,  by  throwing,  eventually,  the 
whole  import  trade  in  the  hands  and  under  the 
control  of  foreigners.  It  will  destroy  that  uniformity 
in  the  assessment  of  duties  which  is  expressly  re- 
quired by  the  Constitution.     The  same  kind  and 


^ 


'  •    .1 


'xi. 


10S4 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 


[July  I, 


2^H  Cong Ist  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Barringer. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


quality  of  goods  will  lie  vnlued  at  one   rate   in 
Charleston,  and  at  another  in  New  York  and  Bos-  , 
ton  and  New  Orleans.    The  assessment  will  neces- 
sarily depend  on  the  various  judgments  of  the  dif-  i 
ferent  appraisers.     It  is  liable,  loo,  to  this  great 
olijection,  that,  when  the  article  is  most  in  demand  1 
luid  the  price  highest,  the  duty  will  be  the  most  | 
heavy  and  oppressive.   When  the  article  imported 
is  cheapest  and  least  in  demand,  the  duty  will  he  \ 
the  lowest;  the  leas  the  people  were  alilc  to  con-  i 
some,  the  higher  the  duty  rose;  and,  when  our  : 
industry  of  all  kinds  most  needed  protection,  they  j 
would  tfct  the  least;  and,  when  they  least  needed  | 
it,  they  would  get  the  most.     I  am  entirely  op-  ' 
posed  to  this  ad  ralorcm  principle  as  a  general  sys- 
tem.    It  would  well  apply  to  many  articles,  but  is 
wholly  wrong  as  applied  to  others.     Besides,  it  is 
a  new  system,  and  I  am  opposed  to  experiments, 
tinless  I  B'>i  sure  it  will  work  ri{;ht  in  p.-ncticc.     It 
has  been  lierelofore  repudiated  by  our  own  Gov- 
eriunent,  and  never  adopted  as  an  exclusive  system 
by  any  wise  Government  on  the  fare  of  the  globe. 
It  was  not  the  system  of  England  or  Prance,  or  of ' 
the   Zoll-Verein,  which  is  so  ropiJly  extending 
itself  over  all  the  north  of  Europe.     Our  whole 
American  commercial  community  have  expressed 
their  opposition  to  it,  and  our  wisest  stiitosmen 
have  always  rejected  it.     Mr.  Buihanan  himself, 
in  his  great  speech  on  the  bill  of  1842,  for  which  j 
he  voted,  ihenpronounrtd  the  most  emphatic  con- 
demnation of  it  as  unwise  and  impracticable.  That 
system  had  always  operated  best  which  contained 
a  mixture  of  nil  ralorems  and  specifies;  and  to  that  ' 
I  am  for  adhering  until  I  am  convinced  that  a  safer 
and  better  plan  can  be  adopted. 

This  new  tariff,  graduated  on  a  revenue  stand- 1 
nrd,  is  proposed  as  a  peace  measure,  and  l)y  gen- 
tlemen who  profess  great  nnd  constant  regard  for  I 
the  poor,  and  opposition  to  nn  increose  of  the  price  ; 
of  the  necessaries  of  life;  vet  it  contains  a  duty  on  j 
tea  and  coffee,  indispensnljle  necessaries,  not  as  a 
war  measure,  for  that  duty  was  recommended  and 
inserted  in  the  bill  hefure  the  existence  of  the  war 
with  Mexico.     These  articles  are  now  free;  and, 
not  being  made  in  our  country  at  all,  a  duly  on 
them  is  a  pure  tax  on  the  consumers.    If  an  indis- 
pensable necessity  were  clearly  shown  to  exist  in  i 
time  of  war  for  this  lax,  I  would  be  willing  to  vote 
for  it;  and  even  then  it  should  be  light.      It  is  not 
ncce-isary  now;  and  as  a  precedent  in  the  mode 
now  proposed  is  highly  dangerous.     What  is  th.it 
mode,  sir.'    There  is  a  mostextmordinary  feature 
in  this  bill.     The  I're.oident  is  directed  to  have  this 
t;ix  colltcled  by  pror/ri»io(inn.     Gentlemen  seem  lo 
shrink  from  the  responsibility  of  imposinsr  it  them- 
selves and   direct'.y.     Whenever  a  deficiency  oc- 
oirs  (as  it  certainly  will)  in  the  revenue,  the  Pres- 
iilent  is  to  have  the  prerogative  of  ordering  this 
diilv  to  be  levied. 

The  ancient  Anglo-S.ixon  principle  was  lo  re- 
serve to  the  Ueprrsenlatives  of  the  people  the  ex- 
clusive power  (tf  taxiition  and  of  holdin;;  the  purse 
of  the  nation.  Thisduly  will,  I  suspect,  be  stricken 
from  ihe  bill.     You  cannot  pass  it  here  wilh  this 

firovision  included.  But,  sir,  its  insertion  in  ihe  ' 
lill  has  exhibited  llie  disposition  of  those  having 
the  nuijnrily  in  ihis  I  lnuse  to  impose  Ihis  uncalled- 
for  burden  on  the  people,  even  in  time  of  pence; 
and  it  further  demonstrates,  conclusively,  the  be- 
lief of  the  framers  of  this  bill,  and  of  the  Admin- 
isiraiion  in  power,  ihat  the  scheme  of  revenue  now 
insisted  upon  by  lliem  will  prove  in.«i//icitnt  lo 
meet  the  fiscal  wanis  of  the  Government. 

There  cannot  be  a  question  of  this  resu''.  even 
in  time  of  peace.  You  cannot  meet  the  ordinary 
expenses  of  the  rfuvcrninent  under  its  operation, 
much  less  the  exiraoiclinary  Kiirns  whicli  will  lie 
required  for  the  eiu  riretic  prosecininn  of  the  .Mexi- 
can war.  I  have  vnted  for  the  diclnration  of  the 
existence  of  war  with  the  Republic  nf  .Mexico, 
and  I  expect  to  vole  for  every  proper  measure  and 
all  necessary  moneys  lo  bring  that  war  to  a  speedy, 
siicccKsfiil,  and  honorable  termination.  I  will  not 
now  inquire  into  the  causes  of  that  war:  it  is  sudi- 
cieiil  for  me  to  know  Ihnt  i(  fxisis,  and  that  our 
honor  and  interest  rc<piire  its  early  termination.  I 
have  felt  proud  of  the  gallant  spirit  which  our  peo- 
ple have,  wilhinit  disliiirtion  of  party,  manifested 
in  (Icfenrc  of  their  cuuntry,  and  of  none  more  so 
than  the  cheerful  proniptituile  wilh  which  the  citi- 
zens of  my  own  patriotic  and  noble  State  have  met 
the  iet|uisitiung  on  their  patriotism,     I  fuel  capc- 


ciiUly  proud  of  the  gallantry  of  my  own  district, 
the  first  ill  the  State  to  tender  the  services  of  an 
organized  company  of  volunteers.  But,  sir,  whether 
this  war  is  to  be  a  long  or  a  short  one,  it  will  be  a  very 
expensive  one.  We  shall  have  a  heavy  bill  to  foot 
up-  The  expenses  of  the  Florida  war  will  be  small 
in  comparison  with  the  inevitable  costs  of  this  war. 
Now,  sir,  I  prefer  that,  if  additional  means  are 
wanted  for  the  prosecution  of  this  contest  with 
Mexico,  they  should  be  provided  in  a  separate 
war  bill  of  duties,  and  limited  in  its  duration  to 
the  continuance  of  the  war.  A  peace  policy  ought 
lo  be  permanent.  But  the  folly  of  reducing  exist-  ' 
ing  duties  and  curtailing  the  sources  of  your  rev- 
enue at  a  time  when  your  jiatriotism  demands 
more,  is,  to  me,  most  extreme  and  uniustiliable. 
What,  sir,  will  be  the  end  of  this  absurdity.'  You 
will  be  compelled  to  resort  again  to  the  indirect 
and  most  odious  form  of  n  loan,  in  the  shape  nf 
treasury  notes.  I  predict  that  in  less  than  ten  days 
the  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means  will  present  a  bill  for  the  issue  of  from  ten 
lo  fifteen  millions  of  Ireasury  notes.  This,  loo, 
sir,  will  be  d(Uie  at  the  same  lime  lhat  you  arc  des- 
canting nn  the  beauties  of  a  /inrd-Hionci/  ciotciic;;, 
and  in  the  act  of  passing  that  most  objectionable 
nnd  oft.  rejected  measure  of  the  snbtrcasury,  re- 
quirimrall  pavnienls  to  the  Government  to  bo  made 
in  gold  and  silver.  What  wonderful  consistency! 
These  trea.sury  notes  are  intended  to  furnish  a  pa- 
per eirtilaling  medium.  Besides,  sir,  at  this  very 
lime  I  suspect  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  either 
has  or  is  about  to  issue  a  Government  currency, 
entering  into  the  common  circulation,  in  the  shape 
of  checks  on  your  depositories,  for  sums  of  a  hun- 
dred dollars  and  fifiy  dollars,  in  the  way  of  pay- 
ments to  the  Government  creditors.  In  advance, 
I  pronounce  my  decided  and  emphatic  condemna- 
tion of  this  course  of  proceeding  as  most  danger- 
ous, nnd  a  gross  violation  oi  ihe  powers  vested  in 
the  Treasury  Department. 

There  is  one  contingency  in  which  I  will  vote 
for  these  ireasury  notes,  that  I  have  no  doubt  will 
be  asked  for  fnnn  Congress,  and  ihat  is,  that  they 
shall  be  shown  to  be  indispensably  necessary  to 
meet  our  expenses  in  time  of  war;  and  even  then 
1  would  prefer  the  good  old-fashioned  and  honest 
method  of  a  loan.  Both  modes  create  a  public 
debt;  but  the  one  is  open  and  easily  understood  by 
Ihe  great  body  of  the  people,  while  the  other  is 
disguised  and  deceptive.  But,  sir,  I  again  ask  this 
House  and  the  country,  what  can  exceed  the  folly 
and  impolicy  of  reducing  your  income  while  your 
expenses  are  increased.'  What,  sir,  woiilil  be 
ihoushi  of  the  wisdom  orforecasl  of  nn  individual, 
in  any  avocation  in  life,  who  should  at  the  same 
moment  increase  his  expenses  and  diminish  his 
means  of  discharging  them  .' 

But  gentlemen  deny  ihis  consequence,  nnd  in- 
sist that  the  means  nf  the  Government  will  be  in- 
creased by  a  reilucticni  of  the  duties.  Some  most 
remiirkable  and  miraculous  virtues  are  atiribuled 
to  this  bill.  When  the  law  of  1S42  was  enacted, 
one  of  the  great  objections  urged  against  it  was, 
that  it  would  not  produce  enough  revenue,  and 
would  diminish  the  importations.  When  the  pre- 
diction was  falsified  by  actual  results  at  the  treas- 
ury and  cuslo»;-,-housc,  it  was  then  oiijecleil  against 
the  law  because  it  raised  too  mueh  revenue.  If  a 
system  of  imports  realizes  a  permanent  surplus  in 
time  of  pence,  and  when  the  country  is  nut  of  debt, 
it  certainly  vyould  require  a  modification  by  a  re- 
duction of  the  dulies.  Rut,  sir,  what  wonderful 
jiroperties  are  iliscovered  in  ihis  new  scheme  nf 
finiince  and  revenue!  The  pi'ofniind  slalcsnmnship 
tif  the  Secretary  nf  the  Treasury  presents  the  same 
measure  lo  suit  every  continciency  of  the  necessi- 
ties of  the  Governnieiil.  It  answers  both  llie  pur- 
poses nf  peace  and  of  war.  The  same  anjiimenis 
iiave  been  applied  lo  both  eondilions.  His  phi- 
losophy teaches  that  when  there  is  a  surplus,  re- 
duce the  duties,  and  when  there  is  a  deficit,  still 
reduce  Ihe  dulies,  nnd  all  will  be  right!  When 
we  have  loo  much  money  in  the  treasury,  low 
duties  are  the  panacea  lo  reduce  the  ]>lelhora  of  llie 
system,  but  when  we  want  more  money,  low  dulies 
are  still  the  nostrum  by  which  the  aileries  of  the 
Goiernment  are  to  be  replenished  wilh  the  sl.eain 
of  life!  This  policy  is  like  Ihe  noslruin  of  a  quack, 
which  operates  eipially  well  in  diriclly  ofiposile 
conditions  of  the  system.  .Sir,  ihis  was  not  ihe 
wisdom  of  jur  predecessors.    In  the  lost  war  wit! 


Great  Britain,  without  the  aid  of  recent  lights,  our 
aUitesmen  ilotibkil  all  the  duties  on  imports,  lo  in- 
crease the  revenue.  But  we  are  to  have  an  increase 
of  the  imiiortations  to  increase  the  means  of  the 
treasury.  Do  you  expect,  air,  to  enlarge  the 
ability  of  the  people  to  consume  foreign'gonda 
by  the  passage  of  this  bill .'  Will  you  not  rather 
lessen  it,  by  crippling  the  resources  of  the  country 
and  destroying  the  prosperity  of  the  people.'  But 
suppose  by  this  measure  you  stimulate  importa- 
tions, and  we  bring  in  more  goods  than  we  are 
able  lo  pay  for  by  our  own  native  products,  a  child 
might  sec  that,  to  meet  the  balance  of  trade  thus 
thrown  against  us,  s))ccie  must  go  out  of  the  coun- 
try, the  facilitiesof  our  local  biuiks  lo  discount  will 
be  impaired,  and  a  general  distress  prevail  in  the 
land.  The  evils  of  excessive  iinporlatioiis  are  ob- 
vious. Our  whole  experience  has  taught  us,  ili.it 
when  the  balance  of  trade  continued  long  agninst 
us,  nnd  our  specie  was  drained  from  the  cunnlry 
lo  go  abroad,  a  financial  and  commercial  revulsion 
was  llie  inevitable  conseiiuence,  followed  by  a  gen- 
eral prostration  of  the  industrial  resources  aniTeii- 
ergies  of  the  great  body  of  the  people.  The  man 
whiwe  expenditure  constantly  exceeds  his  income, 
must  fail;  and  similar  indiscretion  must  asbuicdly 
bring  like  disaster  upon  nations.  Al  pieseiii,  nur 
imports  average  about  one  hundred  and  one  millions, 
while  our  exports  reach  within  a  fraction  of  one 
hundred  millions.  The  balance  is  well  adjusted.  It 
is  a  good  rule  to  "let  well  enough  alone."  Why 
disturb  materially  an  act  which  |irovidcsus  with  llie 
requisite  revenue  for  the  wants  of  the  Government, 
and  under  which  the  country  is  generally  pros- 
perous? Why,  loo,  I  ask,  make  this  great  clian™ 
in  the  midst  of  a  war?  Cut,  air,  we  live  in  remark- 
able times.  This  is  said  to  be  the  age  of  progress. 
Take  rare  that  we  do  not  "progress  backwuids!" 
There  are  kindred  measures  on  your  table,  as 
parts  of  the  great  Eicciitire  sclieine,  which  we 
are  urged  lo  pass,  because,  among  oilier  reasons 
pressed  on  the  consideration  of  llie  Representa- 
tives of  a  free  people,  they  are  the  )iif(i,siiif.i  of  the 
.hlimnislralion  !  Sir,  is  the  spirit  of  freedom  lied 
from  this  Hall?  Shall  Executive  influence  pre- 
dominate over  and  govern  the  judgments  and  con- 
duct of  the  immediate  n  prescntalives  of  the  line 
sovereignly  of  the  land  !  We  are  asked  to  reduce 
and  graduate  the  price  of  the  public  lands,  and  to 
establish  Ihe  warehousing  system.  And  it  is  said 
that  each  of  these  measures' will  increase  the  rev- 
enue. I  do  not  believe  that  such  a  result  will  be 
produced  by  either.  In  regard  to  the  first,  you 
cannot  com'pel  the  people  to  buy  more  land  than 
they  need,  and  experience,  in  ordinary  times,  has 
shown  that  amount  not  to  exceed  about  two  mil- 
lions of  acres.  I  will  say  nothing  of  the  gross  in- 
justice done  to  the  old  Stales  of  this  Union  by  such 
a  bill  as  is  propo.'icd,  which  will  operate  as  a  vir- 
tual cession  of  the  public  domain  to  the  Stales  in 
which  they  lie.  I  only  mean  to  say  lhat  ihe  rev- 
enue will  not  be  increased,  but  reduced  by  it.  The 
warehousing  bill,  without  any  expression  of  an 
opinion  on  its  general  merits,  will  have  the  same 
tendency.  It  is,  in  fact,  an  e.rlensioii  nf  crtdil  lo 
the  importer,  giving  him  the  privilege  of  storing 
his  goods  lo  await  luiy  and  the  most  favorable  coii- 
dilion  of  the  market',  or  wiihdraw  llicm  at  his 
pleasure  within  the  three  years.  By  the  very  bill 
now  before  us,  it  is  provided  that  goods  imported 
before  the  2d  December,  1846,  and  then  in  the  cus- 
tom-house, may  be  entered  .subject  only  to  the 
[  duties  under  the  new  law.  Who  does  not  see  that 
its  operation,  al  least  for  the  next  half  year,  must 
decrease  the  income  of  llie  Governmeiil  ? 
j  But,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  not  longer,  even  if 
I  my  hour  permitled  me,  detain  the  coinmillee,  lo 
whom  I  am  so  iiinch  indebted  for  llieir  kind  alien- 
lion.  This  bill,  I  believe,  will  pass.  Ifso,  Iliope, 
for  the  sake  of  the  ttenernl  good,  that  my  worst 
fears  may  not  be  ri'alized,  from  the  desliuction  of 
a  policy  under  which  we  liave  thus  far  prospered, 
and  the  adoplion  of  one  which  may  injure  us  much, 
nnd  will  cerliiinly  place,  lo  a  most  uaiigeroiis  ex- 
leiil,  the  disiiiiy  of  our  industry  and  trade  under 
the  cmilrol  of  foreign  labor,  ciipilal,  mid  legisla- 
j  lion.  I  Iriisl  llial  the  resulls  of  a  luiler  exiierieiiee 
!  will  not  be  required  to  teach  ns  wisdom  wlieii  ii  is 
too  lale.  For  one,  if  ihis  liill  beciniie  a  law,  I  am 
willing  lo  give  il  a /(lir /ri«/,  and  let  il  lie  ap|iroved 
',  ••rroiidemned  by  ils  ariiial  fruits.  Whaleverniay 
iis  fule,   the  "good  old  Nortli  Slate,"  from 


I 
I 


1846.1 
29th  Cono.. 


which  I  come,  wi 
f,nin  this  or  any  o 
shall  bind  faster  t 
the  blessings  of  libi 
of  the  people. 


SPEECH  O 
In  the  Ho 

On  the  Bill  reduc 

Mr.  FlCKLir 

lows: 

Mr.  CiiAiBMAi 

much."    Thiss- 

suns  or  things,  | 

than  it  is  forcibb 

'the  constant,  the 

I'ain  absolute  di 

pc;kets,and  pel 

pose,  statutes nr 

that  the  mullilui 

Roman  empero 

laws  written  in 

so  high  up  that 

them.    Our  law 

n  different  metli 

They  concciilei 

words,  and  cov 

so  effectually,  I 

their  import. 

stitutc  a  part  o 

fur  that  purpos 

What  is  am 

est  amount  p< 

act  of  1842  as 

and  mischievo 

to  cotton  fabri 

of  cases,  to  wi 

imums  as  app 

in  whole  or  i 

mums  applicr 

law  provides 

than  'JU cents 

have  cost  "D 


aln 
Ic 


nl 


al 


cent,  ad 
coarsi!  artic 
yard  in  En 
cisely  the  s 
costing  20 
aiiicle  pay 
ils  value  as 
which   ap 
alike  unju 
cent,  ad 
that  act 
pared  by  a 
<>On  nil  II 
cninpiiin'iil 
fTcrfiliiii.'  in 
III  -JU  ri'rih  p 
;til  per  cent. 
Milliire  Viirii 
■  '  On  all  (n 
prinU'ct.  or 

Vllllie  mi  ei 

ami  '111  that 
wliicti  iunoii 
•nin  vilv 
wliich  enltii 
liy  ntippinir 

vllllie  ;t-'i  CI' 
mill  imllinl 

Wllii'll 

roiuHi  IV 

risn'iii!  I' 
mill  pi-r  pi 
Ci'lll.  (Il'  c 

On  liic  s 
i.'i  i-ellL.*  in 
cenh  per  p 
iiiit.  (-JJ  I 

The  ilill 
liiiini^  in  I 


lill'  (Ml 

Sl'lllilll 

ncic. ;« 
Now 

in  that  i 
WIm 

all  arlii 

yard,  o 


■Iv 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1055 


^H  our 

^B  iii- 

^^■eiise 

^m  iiic 

^H  iho 

^H»)(la 

■tUicr 

^■llll'V 

■i, 

^M  lint 

'4 

^■U'lll- 

i 

^V  am 

\ 

^Klljlll 

Hduia 

f 

Hon  11- 

^ 

Hi  will 

B  the 

H)  oil* 

H  iiidt 

Hmn.st 

Hiitry 

H'KIuJI 

■  geji- 

■d  Cll- 

Ininn 

■oiiic, 

Bciily 

|>  mw 

tiOMS, 

one 

K 

d.  It 

^i'-' 

Why 

f 

il  Llic 

,*■• 

llPlIt, 

^ 

iros- 

'? 

nuiijo 
n:irk- 

•£ 

V' 

P'ess. 

IS 

(Is!" 

.* 

tc,  tif) 

* 

li   we 

*, 

IS01I3 

'i 

29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


TTic  Tariff— Mr.  Ficklin. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


wliii'li  I  come,  will  continue  to  desire  no  efTect 
fjnin  this  or  any  other  net  of  legislation  but  what 
sliall  bind  rnslBr  the  bonds  of  the  Union,  add  to 
the  blessings  of  liberty,  and  promote  the  happiness 

of  the  people. 

.    '        THE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  0.  Yi.  FICKLIN, 

OF  ILLINOIS, 

In  the  Housi:  of  Ukprksentatives, 

Jw/i/  1,  184«. 

On  the  Bill  reducing  the  duty  on  Imports,  and  for 

oilier  purposes. 

Mr.  FICKLIN  addressed  the  committee  oa  fol- 
lows: 

Mr.  CiiAinMAN:  "The  world  is  governed  too 
mui'h."  This  sentiment,  whether  applied  to  pcr- 
iMis  or  things,  politics  or  reliijion,  is  no  less  true 


thereof,  that  is  a  specific  duty.  For  instance:  silk 
fiibrics,  used  for  dresses,  pay  ft2  50  per  pound, 
whether  tliejr  be  coarse  or  fine,  cheap  or  dear;  thus 
the  coarse  silk  dress  pays  as  much  duly  as  the  fine 
one  costing  five  times  as  much.  The  sume  remark 
applies  to  brown  and  loaf  sugar  and  molasses,  on 
which  a  fixed  and  invariable  specific  duty  is  laid 
without  reference  to  their  real  cost  or  value.  Is 
this  just,  or  is  it  right?  Againf  the  tariff  act  of 
1842  discriminates  in  favor  of  the  rich  and  against 
the  poor.  Here  I  will  give  a  few  instances.  The 
farmers  pay  from  30  to  150  per  cent,  on  their  iron 
and  implements  made  of  iron,  about  100  per  cent, 
on  coarse  flannel,  from  65  to  190  per  cent,  on  sugar, 
35  to  170  per  cent,  on  molasses,  and  from  lOG  to 
170  on  salt;  while  fine  flannel  is  taxed  about  40 
per  cent.,  rich  silk  for  dresses  SJ2  per  cent.,  gold 
watches,  diamonds,  and  gems,  7^  per  cent.  The 
reason  assigned  for  the  low  tax  on  jewelry  is  the 
facility  with  which  it  can  be  smuggled  into  the 
country. 

It  was  charged  from  the  first,  that  the  odious 


tlinn  it  is  forcibly  and  beautifully  expressed.    Itis^ 

the  constant,  the  unceasing  strusgle  of  the  few,  to  '■   tariff  of  1842  \viis  framed  by  o  delegation  of  manu-  I 

gain  absolute  dominion  over  the  coiisciences,  the  |l  facturcrs.  who  visited  Washington, and  hung  about  i 


pi'^kcls.aiid  persons  of  ihe  ninny.  For  this  pur- 
pose, slalntes  are  sometimes  so  written  and  framed 
ilial  the  multitude  cannot  understand  them.  The 
Uomaii  emperor  adopted  the  plan  of  having  Ihe 
laws  written  in  small  lellers  and  placed  nn  a  pillar 
so  high  up  that  the  common  penrile  could  not  read 
them.  Our  lawmakers  efl'ected  the  same  object  by 
n  different  method  in  framing  thctarifl'nct  of  1842. 
They  concealed  their  ideas,  their  meaning,  willi 
words,  and  covered  ihein  up  wiih  Icchnical  terms 
so  elTcclually,  that  the  masses  cannot  understand 
their  import.  Minininm  and  specific  duties  con- 
stitute a  part  of  the  machinery  cunningly  devised 
for  that  purpose. 

What  is  a  minimum  duty  ?  It  means  the  small- 
est amount  possible;  ond  is  adopted  in  the  taiiff 
act  of  1842  ns  a  fal.se  valuation,  used  for  deceptive 
and  mischievous  purposes.     It  is  made  to  apply 


the  Capitol  till  they  secured  its  success;  and  there  I 
are,  indeed,  strong  inherent  marks  in  the  bill  itself 
to  prove  that  such  was  the  fact;  for  ils  discrimina- 
tions and  ils  leanings  are  against  the  farmer.  i 

Take  the  following  articles,  for  instance:  All  : 
berries,  nuts,  and  vegetables  used  in  dying;  all  ; 
dye-woods,  barilla,  Brazil  wood,  kelp,  lac  dye, 
madder,  madder-root,  crude  saltpetre,  shellac, 
sumach,  and  tumerice,  are  admltlcd  duty  free, 
because  it  benefits  anil  encourages  the  manufac- 
turer. 

Further  to  encourage  the  manufacturer,  and  to 
prejudice  the  sheep-grower  in  this  country,  the 
cheap-priced  wool  which  comes  in  competition 
with  our  wool,  is  admilled  at  a  duly  of  5  per  cent, 
ad  valorem;  flax  is  admitted  at  about  8  per  cent., 
when  reduced  to  ad  valorem  rates;  raw  hides  at  5 
per  cent,  ad  valorem;  linseed  5  per  cent.   All  these 


to  cotton  fabrics  and  yarns  in  the  following  class  ,i  articles— wool,  flax,  raw  hides,  and  linseed — come 


of  cases,  to  wit:  20,  30,  and  .35  cents,  are  the  min 
imums  ns  applied  to  those  which  are  cotton  fabrics 
in  whole  or  in  part;  60  and  75  are  the  two  mini- 
nuinis  applied  liy  that  act  to  cotton  yarns.     That 
law  provides  that  all  cotton  cloths,  costing  less  ' 
than  20 cents  per  square  yard,  shall  be  assumed  to  ' 
have  cost  fO  cents  a  yard,  and  a  duly  of  30  per 
cent,  ad  valorem  is  levied  accordingly.     Take  a  I 
coarse  article  of  cotton  goods,  costing  4  cents  per  \ 
yard  in  England,  and  the  tax  imposed  on  it  is  pre- ; 
cisely  the  same  as  that  levied  on  the  fine   article 
costing  20  cents  per  yard,  thus  making  the  coarse 
article  pay  five  times  as  much  tax  in  proportion  to  ! 
ils  value  as  the  fine  article.     So  on  the  niinimums  ' 
which   apply   to  cotton   yarns.    The   duties  arc  I 
alike  unjust;  and  a  lax  ningingfrom  30  to  150  per 
cent,  ail  valorem  is  iin]insed  under  the  disguises  of 
that  act.     I  give  ycai  the  following  expose  pre-  ! 
pared  by  nn  able  hand:  I 

*'  Oil  all  niiiiiuriictiiri's  of  cotton,  or  of  wliirh  cnttnii  i<i  a  , 
cnin|)iiiif-iit  I'iirt,  luit  lived,  colnri'il,  |)rinteil,  or  ."tnini-il,  not 
exfi'cdirti  in  value  -JO  crntji  per  sifunrc  .\'aril,  nhitll  I?  ro/iicf 
at  'JU  ccHfci  per  yani;"  anil  on  that  iH^uineil  value  a  iluly  of 
'M  per  cent,  is  iiiipuui'il,  wiiicli  aiuiaillt^  to  (i  cents  on  every 
siiuiire  yanl. 

'•  On  all  fahrics  of  tlie  ?aine  ilet^eriplion,  if  ilyi'il,  coloreil,  ' 
priiiled,  or  Ktaiiieil,  in  whole  or  in  iiarl,  imt  cxrepiliitg  in 
\iiiiii!  ;ltl  i-eiil.-j,  shall  be  valued  at  'M  iritts  llio  square  yard  ;'*  i 
aail  on  tiint  iirti^uiiied  value  a  duty  of  :il)  per  cent,  in  iiiipiMed, 
wiiieti  niiionnis  to  y  cents  mi  every  siiuiirc  yard.  ' 

"  On  vi'lveta,  cords,  moleskins,  in^liaiis,  llatl'alo  cloths, of 
whieti  cottnii  is  a  eonipoiient  part,  or  (foods  ninnilfuetureil  ! 
hy  liiipjiiiiir  or  rnisiiig,  eiiltiim  or  sliearinn,  not  ciccetlhis  in  ' 
Vidile  :l.')  eeiilii  per  sipiare  yard,  stiull  l,e  i-utueil  at  'JC}  cents ;'' 
anil  on  thai  nssinned  value  ti  duty  of  .11)  per  cent,  is  imposed, ' 
\|  liieli  a lint,  to  10  eenls  .'i  mills  pe    Mpiare  yard.  i 

t'nllon  twist,  yarn, and  thread,  iinlileiiehed  and  uneoloreil,  i 
f  M/iiii;  tcsi  than  HO  cents  per  pound,  gti>iU  le  vahtct  at  liO  1 
le/di  per  pound ;  and  on  tliat  ftnintiiiei  value  a  duly  of  :iO  per  J 
cent.  (IH  cents  per  pnniiil)  Is  imijnsed. 

On  the  sniiie  artieles. Iiteaclied  or  colored,  ciysfin^trxsthnn  i 
7.'i  cents  and  over  HO  eenls  (M'r  pound,  sliitll  be  ralueil  „t  7.'i 
cviils  per  pound  ;  mid  on  lliat  itctiimed  value  a  duly  of  :iu  per 
i-eiil,  c^-J  cents  .^(  niills  per  poiiiidl  is  iniposeil. 

The  iliiiii's  netiially  paid  on  Importaiions  under  ilie  minl- 
mnin-  ill  Itie  present  tiiritf,  reduced  to  real  (irfen/orern  dalles, 
ratiL'e  1.1IIII  ;io  lo  Ki'J  per  cent.,  as  appear.^  hy  the  reisirl  of 
the  I  'niriiniitee  of  \Va>s  and  Means  ot  the  Ifon-e  of  Kepre- 
■  diiriii!;  the  ist  session  of  the  titilli  Congn-ss,  hein^f 


though  I  shall  have  occasion  to  quote  frequently 
from  the  speeches  of  Mr.  Webster,  on  this  subject, 

I  it  is  wilh  no  view  to  disparage  him,  but  to  estab- 
lish facts  and  elucidate  principles  on  which  his 
great  mind  has  shed  so  much  light.     Thus,  it  wiU 

j  he  seen  that  Mr.  Webster  in  e  lew  words  exposed 
Ihe  deception  which  the  friends  of  the  nrotectivc 
policy  aimed  to  impose  on  the  country,  by  giving 

.  their  favorite  measure  a  fiilse  name.  So  fur  from 
being  American,  the  prohibitory  policy  was  rc- 

'  sorted  to  by  the  most  ignorant  and  unenlightened 
nations  of  tfie  world  centuries  ago — as,  for  instance, 

I  China,  Japan,  and  others — while  the  protective 
policy  has  beenndopled  for  centuries,  by  England, 

!  France,  and  most  of  the  crowned  heads  of  Eu- 
rope. 

From  the  early  ages  of  that  monarchy,  England 
has  fostered  her  woollen  manufactures.  There 
arc  provisions  in  "  black-lctlered  statutes,"  passed 
(luring  the  reigns  of  the  Edwards  and  the  Henrys, 
designed  to  aid  and  support  them.  They  went  so 
far  as  lo  make  it  the  law  of  the  land  that  each  cof- 
fin should  be  lined  with  woollen,  and  that  each 
person  should  be  buried  in  a  woollen  shroud,  not  • 
for  the  purpose  of  keejiing  him  warm  in  the  dark, 
cold  grave,  to  which  he  was  consigned — not  to 
prevent  the  worms  from  "  keeping  their  revels' 
upon  the  corpse,  but  for  the  purpose  of  collecii  ^ 
a  tax  for  the  benefit  of  the  woollen  mamilaclurer. 

Nor  is  this  all:  the  clergy  were  rc(|iiired  to  read 
the  act  of  pains  and  penalties  to  their  congregation 
ns  part  of^  the  service;  and  they,  under  the  cor- 
rupt union  of  Church  and  Slate  in  that  country, 
shared  in  the  spoils,  growing  out  of  the  violations 
of  the  law.  Tnis  is  the  system,  sir,  that  is  fraud- 
ulently called  the  "American  policy." 

Setting  out  with  a  fraudulent  name,  we  shall  sec 
as  we  progress  if  the  whole  scheme  is  not  conceiv- 
ed in  fraud. 

The  friends  of  protection  seem  to  understand 
the  "  magic  of  n  name,"  and,  throughout  its  whole 
progress,  they  have  selected  liouseliold  words  with 
which  to  Iry  and  endear  the  system  to  the  people. 
"  Encourage  and  protect  American  labor  and  in- 
dustry"— these  are  mere  catch-words,  designed  lo 
deceive.  The  most  of  the  niaiiul'ncturing  estab- 
lishments are  incorporated  as  our  banks  are;  they 
are  generally  owned  by  wealthy  capitalists,  and 


in  competition  with  those  which  the  farmer  pro- 
duces for  market.     If  it  were  deemed  necessary,  I 
this  catalogue  of  discriminations  for  Ihe  benefit  of  I 
the  manufacturer,  and  against  the  farmer,  might  be 
multiplied  loan  indefinite  extent;  but  the  instances  || 
enumerated  sufficiently  prove  and  establish  the  fact  j 
that  the  tariff  of  1842  is  emphatically  the  manu- ' 
facturcrs'  bill — taxing  other  industrial  interests  for 
their  benefit — and  should,  therefore,  be  repealed. 

So  odious  and  hideous  is  this  protective  policy 
in  ils  naked  condition,  before  it  has  been  arrayed 

in  its  rich  drapery,  that  its  friends  seek  to  give  it  a  .  ,  •  ,^     .■     , 

popular,  but  false  name,  to  cover  up  ils  deformity.  •'  PCs  may  be  taken  from  the  factories  in  England 
The  principle  itself  is  the  personification  of  the  ';  brought  to  this  country,  and  be  placed  in  the  Low 
Veiled  Prophet,  and  is  permitted  to  pass  through  \i  e'l.  factories  in  less  than   twenty  (lays   time;  yd 
the  world  only  when  it  is  masked.  .i..~  .-    a™„ 

The  distinguished  Kentucky  sUxtesman  [Mr. 
Clay]  zealously  and  nbly  supported  the  tariff  of 
1824,  and  sought,  in  the  course  of  his  remarks,  to 


the  stocks  are  sold  daily  in  the  Boston  market  as 
bank,  railroad,  or  otlnjr  slocks  are.  Now,  there 
is  nothing  to  prevent  the  English  capitalist  from 
owning  as  many  shares  ns  he  chooses.  He  may 
have  jrart  or  all  of  these  factories,  and  he  may  send 
over  British  money  to  defray  expenses,  and 
British  operatives  to  do  the  work.     Even  the  pau- 


bttptise  it  ns  the  American  policy;  and  Mr.  Web- 
ster, of  Massachusetts,  who  was  then  opposed  to 
that  tariff  bill,  indignantly  repudiated  the  eflort.  ■ 
111  his  speech  on  the  tarilf  of  1824,  Mr.  Welistcr,  i 
in  reply  to  Mr.  Clay,  who  was  then  Speaker  of  the  i   '  feel,  of  a  more  general 
T  J     I   '      -  ,  ^ '  '  ■ ,  cr's  observations. 

rlouse,  Saul :  ;i      "  He  seems  to  mc  lo  argue  ttie  ijiiestion  ns  if  all  dnniestir 

And  (hlow  inc,  sir,  in  Ihe  first  place,  to  state  my  reitret,  |j  ipdiistrv  were  eontined  to  the  produelion  nf  iiiaiiuliielired 

-'""•- '^" '*  -*■>'"  ■    ar(ji'lesV-iwif  the  eiii|iloymeiit  of.i^iir  own  cajiital  and  our 


this  is  American  labor,  and  must  be  encouraged, 
to  the  prejudice  of  the  native-born  citizen  here, 
who,  wilh  his  own  hands,  jiloughs  his  corn,  cul- 
tivates his  fields,  and  attends  to  and  takes  care  of 
his  stock.  Out  upon  all  such  humbuggci-y .'  It  is 
a  fraud  upon  the  people.  What  says  Air.  Web- 
ster upon  the  subject.' 

I  will  now  procved,  sir,  to  BInle  some  objections  which 
II  nature,  lo  tile  course  of  .Mr.  Siieuk- 


sentali\' 
Doe.  :lOn 

.\ow  lot  US  examine  the  ."t/ifciTici/ufi/ incorporated  1 
in  thai  ael.  ] 

Where  the  .same  amount  of  tax  isiiiipiwed  upon  i 
all  artieles  iif  the  Raine   kind,  per  gallon,  biislicl, 
yard,  or  ton,  without  reference  to  the  value  or  cost 


if,  initeeil,  1  ought  not  to  express  a  warmer  sentiment,  at  tho  i 
names,  or  desiitnations,  which  Mr.  S[)eakcr  has  seen  fit  to  ' 
nilopt,  for  the  pllr|Hisn  of  descrihiiig  Ihe  ndvnenlesnnd  the  I 
opposers  of  till!  present  hill.  It  is  n  (inestion,  he  says,  he-  | 
Ivveeii  the  friends  of  an  <  American  policy,' anil  Itio.e  of  a  ; 
foreiirn  policy.  This,  sir,  is  nn  assumption  vvhieli  I  take  the 
liberty  iiiosi  directly  to  deny." 

»  *  r  *  *  *  * 

'*  Indeed,  sir,  it  is  a  little  nstonishinc,  ifit  seemed  cniive- 
liieiil  to  Air.  Speaker,  for  the  pnriioses  of  distinction,  to 
make  use  of  the  terms  '  American  jHiticy.'  and  '  foreign 
policy.'  tliat  he  should  not  have  applied  Ihem  in  a  manner 
1  ieeisel.\'  the  reverse  of  that  in  wliieli  he  has  irvfaet  used 
ttiein.  Ifniiniesare  thniiglit  necessary,  it  would  he  well 
enough,  one  would  Ihink.  that  the  naiiiRshonld  lie'.'in  some 
measure,  dcscri[itive  of  ttie  thing;  nnd  since  Mr.  Speaker 
denominates  the  policy  wliicli  he  reeomineiiils  '  a  new  pol- 
icy in  this  country  ;'  since  he  speakn  of  the  present  meas- 
ure as  a  new  era  in  our  legislatinii ;  since  he  professes 
to  invite  ns  to  depart  from  our  ncensloined  course,  to  in- 
struct ourselves  hy  the  wisdoin  of  otliers,  inil  to  adopt  Ihe 
policy  of  liie  mostdistingnisiieit/orri'ii  .S/,i/es,  one  is  a  little 
eiirions  to  know  witti  what  propriety  of  speech  this  iiiiila- 
lion  of  other  nations  is  denoinlnated  an  '  American  policy.' 
while,  on  the  contrary,  a  preference  foroiirovvii  estnlilisheil 
system,  as  il  now  uctniilly  exists,  and  always  has  existed, 
is  called  a  '  foreign  poliev.' '' — See  l\rst  volinne  Webster's 
Hpeeehes,  pp.  'JCkl  and  26B. 
Hero  I  may  be  permitted  to  remark,  that  at- 


own  lU^r'ill  the  oeciipalions  ol^rflrtyiinerce  and  navigation 
were  riot  Iw  "emphatically  dom/^lc  indnslry  as  any  other 
I  neciipnlion.    Some  otiier  cenlteiiien,  in  tlie  course  of  the 
I  deliate,  have'ppoken  of  tlie  price  paid  for  every  foreign  inanu- 
faelnred  article  as  so  inneti  given  tiir  the  enenurajfi'inent  of 
foreign  lalinr  to-lhe  prejudice  of  our  own.     Ilnl  is  not  every 
I  such  article  the  prnihiet  of  onr  own  labor  as  truly  ns  if  wo 
1  had  ninnnfactnred  il  ourselves.''    Our  labor  has  earned  it, 
i  ami  paid  the  price  for  it.     It  is  so  iiineh  adiled  to  the  stock 
of  national  nealtli.    If  ttie  coininoilily  were  dollars,  nobody 
•  would  doubt  the  initli  of  this  reinarli ;  and  it  Is  precLiely  as 
'  correct  in  its  application  to  any  other  comnindity  n»  to  sil- 
ver. *  tlie  iiian  makes  a  yard  of  cloth  nl  lioiiic,  another  raises 
\  ngricultnral  products,  and  buys  a  yard  of  imported  cloth. 
'  Itoth  these  are  ei|iially  ttie  carnintfs  of  domestic  industry, 
'  and  the  only  qaeslions  that  arise  in  the  case  are  two :  the 
.  first  is,  wliicli  is  the  best  mode,  itmler  all  the  circumstances, 
j  of  obtaining  the  article ;  the  secoiiil  is,  /loie  far  Ibvi  first 
I  mention  is  }rroi>pr  lo  be  deriilat  ly  Gorerniiien/,  anil  boir/iir  it 
in  irroiier  to  hp  left  to  initiriiliinl  dinerctioii." — (See  Isl  vol. 
:  Webster's  Speeches,  p.  aSU,  290.) 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  Mr.  AVebstcr  exposes 
i  this   deception — this    false  cry   about    Amerieaii 

labor. 
I      "  Protect  us  against  the  pauper  labor  of  Great 
1  Britain."    This  fallacy  1  propose  to  refute  next. 


"'.  i 


I'M 


M 


I  .ft 


1056 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  I, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  FicJelin. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


I  n.uiniain  there  is  but  little  difference  between 
tJie  wages  paid  to  the  laborer  in  the  New  England 
and  the  British  factory,  and  that  cotton  goods  can 
be  made  cheaper  here  ilitin  there,  aa  the  tncla  of  the 
case  will  show.  Here  let  me  state  a  fact  perhopa 
not  generally  known.  Our  machinery  is  equa',  if 
not  superior,  to  that  across  the  Atlantic.  Indeed, 
it  is  tlie  fact  that  most  of  the  machinery  used  at 
this  time  in  the  British  factories  is  of  Yankee  in- 
vention. 

Thus  (lands  the  account:  We  have  the  machin- 
ery, we  raise  the  cotton,  and  have  less  taxes  to 
nay.     They  purchase  the  cotton  here,  take  it  to  | 
England,  and  pay  fieighls  and  taxes  upon  it;  have  | 
it  manufactured,  and  then  pay  freight  on  it  back 
here,  besides  connnissions,  insurance,  and  other  { 
incidental   expenses.     Thus  it   is   most  palpalilc  : 
that  wc  can  undersell  the  British  in  this  market, 
unaided  by  a  tariff.     I  will  here  present  a  detailed  ! 
slniement,  which   has  already  been  spread  before 
the  public,  and  which  most  fully  proves  the  fact 
that  not  only  in  our  market,  but  also  in  foreign 
markets,  can  ours  successfully  compete  with  the  ; 
British  manufacturers: 

"  ITow  the  /.icl  i<  that  Uirre  ia  but  ver)'  lililr  diffpfcnrc  in 
the  iViifiet  paid  to  tlie  Brilioll  (iptrntiveanil  tiio^c  paid  In  the 
Aiiii^ricaii.  TiK-y  diiler  hut  little  in  nominal  iiiiionnt ;  and, 
wlieii  we  Inke  into  cnnaidiftsUiin  Ule  loot  that  llie  Aini'ricaii 
operative  toib  inure  lioura,  niul  protlnceii  inure  ctoth,  yarn, 
or  wli.itever  it  may  he,  than  the  Brilish,  the  halam-e  will  ! 
Incline  in  ruvor  of  the  Diitinh  operative  and  a^iiiiift  the 
American— :igaiiibt  the  BriUi,h  inaiiulai-turer,and  in  lavorol' 
the  Aniericnn.  I 

"1  will  now  refer  to  fici-i  to  i>nitt:iin  my  assertions.    The  * 
following  are  the  nitea  of  wage^  per  week  paid  to  the  .npcni-  ; 
liveii  ill  the  Lancashire  enlton   laetnileM  in   Enfiland,  B»  ' 
drawn  up  by  the  Chaniher  of  ODminerce  at  MHiu-lieater,and 
are  nearly  an  average  for  tlie  whole  kingdom,  viz :  , 

Sterting 

CTOTftin/. 

X.  ft.      f.  d. 

Spiiinera— men 20  0  to  2i  0 

Do        women Ill  0  to  13  0 

Biretehers io    t"9u  0 

Piereer^  (boys  and  girU) .  •  ■  •  •  4  7  to    7  0 

/.*  tke  card  room — 

Mn 14610  17  0 

Young  women 9  0  to    9  6 

<,'hi!dren 6  0  to    7  0 

Thro»lle-«plnner« !i  0  to    9  fi 

Heeler "Oto    9  0 

Wiavert  ly  potrer — 

Men mo  to  16  10 


per      day. 


Beaver  haimakera $7^5  to  $7  90  avemge  per  week. 

Boot  and  ahoemaker 4tii>ia    7  30 

'  Uilk  weavers,  plain  work..  S  68  to 
I  tiilk  wenveii,  luiicy  work.  3  60  to 

I  Bricklnyers 96  to 

I  Millwrighuand  inachlniata  1  3U  to 
'  Moaoiis I  '.M  to 

HhiliwrlghU I  iiU  to 

l^niltllK 

IVeavera  and  dyers 0  7i]  to 

Tailor 


43] 
S04 
1  30 
I  68 
1  59 
I4t 
144 
9  4U 
0  I'J 


per       hour. 


This  will  suffice  for  the  rates  of  wages  in  England , 
We  hear  much  of  the  distress  and  suffering  of 


0:cupationM. 


Eqiiiralertt  in 
Federal  money. 

,?4  8fl  lose  00 
9  411  to    :l  60 
B  00  to    6  94  ' 
1  10  to    1  68 

3  49  to  4  OS 

9  IH  to  2  -.e 

1  44  to  1  6t^ 

1  goto  1  28 

1  6d  to  3  16 


Women !•  0  to  12  0 

It^euieii  h)f  pO'.rer — 

Dri'ssira  (men) 58  0  to  .10  0 

Wind  Ts  and  warp'-rs HOtoll  0 

Median  cs 24  Oto  26  0 

P(-oini«riiOus  0(-cu)iatioiix — 

Maehlie  iiiakerit  (men) 91  0  to  30  0 

Ir.iil  ;ouiiders do 28  0  to  30  0 

TH:lora do 1 8  0  to  90  0 

:50jiiiakers do I.i0  to  18  0 

Wililesniilhs do Qijui„3|  0 

Sawvers d.i 21  oto 98  0 

C.irp.nterH do 2(1  0  to  23  U 

Briiklnveri do 17  0  to  20  0 


3  19  to  4  03 

I  ii9  to  3  76 

6  72  to  7  90 

1  li2  lo  2  64 

R  76  10  6  24 


6  24  to 
6  7?  lo 

4  33  lo 

3  80  to 
.1  2S  lo 

5  7li  10 

4  80IO 


7  20 
7  20 
4  HO 

4  .12 

5  76 

6  7J 
6  0(1 


4  08  10    4  8(1 

In  Sheffield,  the  <;rent  scat  of  the  manufacture  of 
cutlery,  wages  vary  from  Qo>.  (%6)  to  35s.  (§8  4U) 
per  week;  ami  workmen  in  ihe  skilled  dcpartineiits 
eel  40s.  (^9  60)  per  week.  The  nuthority  on  wliieli 
I  rely  in  ihe  sluiemcntof  wnsjes  which  1  hnvesiveii 
above,  is  Symon's  Arts  .md  Artisans,  pp.  2  and  3. 
See  also  Wade's  History  of  the  Middle  iinil  Work- 
in'^  Clnsscs,  pp.  670-4;  and  Ure's  Philosophy  of 
Manufjolurcs,  p.  4'i6. 

So  far,  I  have  cited  I3iiti.sh  nullmrs  only.  I  will 
now  refer  to  a  few  American  niilhoiitics,  and  to 
one  which  will  be  deemed  reliable  by  the  friends 
of  the  prolectlvc  system.  In  a  document  sent  to 
the  Seiiali!  on  the  laih  of  January,  1842,  by  ihe 
Hon.  Daniel  Webster,  then  Secretary  of  State, 
communieaiing  ccriaiii  consular  returns,  I  find  u 
full  smiement  of  wn^cs  paid  to  operatives  and  arti- 
sans in  Glas^ov' 


the  manufacturing  classes  in  England.     They  arc 
never  distressed,  except  when  they  are  thrown  out 
of  employment  by  great  commercial  revulsions; 
then,   from    their    numbers,  and    their  wniit  of 
means,  they  sutler  immensely.     In  a  few  genera- 
tions we  shall  witness  the  same  scenes  of  distress 
and  suffering  in  the  large  niaiiulacturing  communi- 
ties of  this  country;  but  not  so  long  as  the  oppress- ; 
ed  working  man  bus  cheap  new  land  lo  flee  to,  on 
which  he  ran  plant  himsell'  and  become  independ- 1 
ent — which  land  the  Government  should  makeififj . 
cheaper,  A  luxurious  growth  of  men  and  women —  i 
of  indcpendenl  freemen — is  fur  more  valuable  to  I 
the  State  than  a  paltry  revenue,  gleaned  from  the  I 
sales  of  its  domains.     Hut  to  return.  I 

In  this  country  the  data  in  relation  to  these  facts 
arc  not  so  copious  and  full  as  in  England;  yet  I 
have  some  Whig  nuthority  to  show  the  umounl 
paid  to  theoperativcsin  the  United  Slates.  I  have  i 
ijcl'orc  me  on  extract  from  a  leller  wrilien  by  the 
Hon.  Robert  C.  Winihrop,  member  of  Congress 
from  Boston,  dated  August  8,  1844,  in  which  he 
gives  the  following  as  the  "  net  wages  paid  to 
gnis after  paying  their  board,"  (j>l  2o,)  in  the  fol- 
lowing factories  in  New  Hampshire,  to  wil: 
Jackson  Company,  May,  1844,  $1  80  per  week. 
Nassau  "  "  1  tl3         "  ! 

Anioskcag     "  "  2  (13        "  I 

Stark  Mills    "  "  1  «j         "  I 

This  Idler  of  Mr.  Wiiithrop  was  written  for 
eleoiionecriiig  purposes,  and  thercfure,  it  is  to  be 
presumed,  he  made  out  as  fair  n  case  for  the  fac- 
tory proprietors  as  the  truth  would  warrant. 

1  have,  from  anuiher  and  more  authentic  source 
— the  rclurns  of  the  factories  themselves — the  nv- 
eroge  wages  per  week  paid  to  the  operatives  at 
Lowell  during  the  years  1833  and  1844,  which  are 
as  follows,  viz: 

IS.^S.       1844.         Decrease. 
Wages  of  females,     $2  00       $1  "5  25  cents. 

Wages  of  males,  7  50         6  70  80     " 

The  wa^cs  of  the  females  are  clear  of  board. 
The  males  board  themselves.  Deducting  the  price 
charged  in  Lowell  for  the  boftrding  men,  (<jl  75,) 
and  tiieir  wngcs  per  week  would  be  5ji4  1)5. 

Ill  making  a  comparison  between  the  wages  paid 
to  factory  operatives  in  this  counlry  and  England, 
other  circumstances  are  also  to  be  taken  into  consid- 
eration. In  England  the  operatives  aie  required  to 
work  but  69  hours  each  week.  At  Lowell  Ihcy 
are  required  to  work  74  hours;  and  at  Manches- 
ter, N.  11.,  70;  hours,  ns  appears  by  the  following 


table: 


Himrs.  Ill 

III  J.'iniinrv 

11  U-1 

ill  Fi'bruiiry.. . 

\'i 

In  Miirt'h 

11  5Q 

In  April 

13  :(i 

13  5.) 

13  4.-. 

tract,  in  order  i 
with  the  rale 
whose  works  \ 
Occupiitioiyl. 

liootinak'Tit 

Boi>kbiii(h-rs 

Cliiiin  and  anchor  maker* 

Halters 

Tailors 

Bneklnyers 

Cuttoii  spinner*- 

Power  loom  wtav 


.lland;  n  few  of  which  I  ex- 
w  their  general  concurrence 
.  from  the  British  authors  to 
referred : 

•^trr/iii*  enrreney.  Feii  .ei/. 

16  loaij *3^-.  (04304 

-iltoot 4  1-0  to    3  73 

y5to:i0 0  00  to    7  9u 

3ilo  13 8  40  10  10  eo 

13  10  90 3  60  10    4  fU 

•.■Olol-iS 4  811  to    3  32 

16  to  94 38110    576 

to    9 I  6810    9  16 


IIOC'RS  or  LABOR  AT  LOWRI.l,. 

Hniirs.  m. 

In  July 12  13 

;  In  AniJUMl 19  -13 

I  In  Sepienilier 12  43 

In  October 1-i  16 

I  In  Novenilier 11  46 

I  In  Deeeniliir II  24 

HOLRS  or  I-ABOn  AT  man<  io:hter. 

Hours,  m- 

In  July 13 

In  Autiust 13 

In  Sepit'inher 13 

InDct'iher 13 

In  N.iveinher il 

In  December 13 


Hours,  in 

In  January 11  3(1 

In  Fehruiuy 12 

lliiManh 12 

In  April 13  .10 

III  May 13 

In  June 13 


Cirpet  weaver 15  to  18  6....  3  60  to    3  96 

In  the  consular  returns  communicated  to  the 
House  of  Representatives  by  Mr.  Cnlhoun,  Sec- 
retary of  Slate,  March  3,  1845,  the  following  rates 
of  wages  are  given  for  London,  viz: 


In  this  counlry  the  female  operatives  tend  more 
looms  than  the  some  class  of  opcraiivcs  do  in  Eng- 
land. Those  two  considerations — viz:  the  greater 
number  of  the  hours  of  labor  mid  tending  more 
looms — much  more  than  cniinlerbalaiice  the  nomi- 
iinl  difl'ercnee  in  the  rales  of  w.iges  in  the  two  coun- 
tries, which  is  not  more  than  10  per  cent. 

Thus  il  appears  //ml  chtnpntssoflnborisaclmilly 
on  Ihe  sideojihe  .Imericanmaniifuclurer. 

I  hove  been  copious  in  my  fuels  touching  this 
point,  because  I  desired  to  put  at  rest  forever  the 
falsehood  ihatthe  wages  of  labor  are  much,  if  any, 
lower  in  England  than  in  this  country;  and  that  a 


high  prohibitory  tariff  is  necessary,  in  order  to 
protect  the  American  manufacturer  against  his 
rival  in  England — in  the  catch-phrase  of  the  day, 
the  "  pauper  labor  of  Europe." 

I  shall  now  proceed  to  show  that  the  .Imerican 
manxifaeturer  can  produce  all  the  coarser  descriptions 
of  fabrics  cheaper  (nan  the  British  manufacturer  can 
produce  litem,  and  that  the  fmner  docs  undersell  the 
latter  in  the  markets  of  the  world. 

The  advantages  which  the  American  manufac- 
turer has  over  Tiis  British  rival  are  as  follows,  viz: 

1.  In  freight.  It  costs  the  British  manufacturer, 
as  appears  by  Hunt's  Magazine,  Oeiober,  1845, 
about  one  cent  per  pound  for  freight  upon  his  col- 
ton  from  New  Orleans  or  Mobile  to  Liverpool; 
while  it  costs  the  American  manufacturer  less  than 
half  a  cent  for  freight  from  New  Orleans  or  .Mobile 
to  New  York  or  Boston.  This  is  equal  to  C  per 
cent,  on  the  raw  material  in  favor  of  the  American 
manufacturer.  Supposing  the  cotton  to  be  worth 
eight  cents  per  pound,  on  the  400,000  bales  con- 
sumed by  the  American  manufacturers  ihey  save 
at  least  )-;S00,000  in  freight,  which  their  British 
rivals  have  to  pay. 

2.  The  American  manufacturer  generally  buys 
his  cotton  iinmedinlely  from  the  proilucer,  and  thus 
saves  a  commission  to  the  cotton  importer,  which 
the  British  manufuclurer  is  compelled  to  pay,  and 
which  is  equal  to  five  per  ceiil.  more.  Tliua,  on 
the  ilem  of  coltonahnie,  the  American  mnnufiicuirer 
saves  nt  least  11  per  cent.,  which  his  Brilish  rival 
is  obliged  to  pay. 

3.  In  the  cost  of  flour,  used  in  bleaching  and 
sizing.  The  American  cotton  manul'acluiers  use 
about  30,000  barrels  of  flour  per  annum  in  bleach- 
ing and  sizing.  In  consequence  of  the  high  duties 
on  flour,  the  same  quantity  would  cost  the  British 
manuraclnrcr  about  j>3  more  per  barrel  than  it 
costs  ihe  American  manufacturer.  Here  is  another 
item  of  SJ90,000  in  favor  of  the  latter  on  that  quan- 
tity of  flour. 

4.  In  the  greater  cheapness  of  water-power  used 
by  the  American  manufacturer,  as  compared  with 
steam,  used  by  his  British  rival. 

5.  The  Aniericnn  mnmifacturer  has  not  yet  been 
troubled  so  much  with  combinations  and  turn-outs 
among  the  operatives  as  the  British  manufacturer 
has  been. 

G.  In  the  greater  cheapness  of  provisions  in  this 
country,  as  compared  with  their  prices  in  England. 
To  show  the  adv.iningewliich  the  American  iiianu- 
faclurer  has  over  his  Brilish  rivul  in  iliis  particular, 
I  again  copy  from  Synioii  'a  Arts  and  Arlisans,  p.  70: 
*'7r/iV'cso/;-roiiAiotis.  Price,  f'cil'l  money. 

Ilreail,26  pounds  weisht 5  « .ei  -20 

Itneoii,  [ler  piiniid 9(/ 0  18 

I'otatoes,  pel  hli-hel 2^ 0  48 

Tea  or  collee,  per  pound 3s' 1  20 

Sugar,  p'r  pound 8<l 0  15 

Buuer,  per  pound 1<.  2d. . .   0  2S 

(.'hee.-c,  per  pound !)rf 0  18 

Under  this  head  may  also  be  classed  the  greater 
clicnpncss  of  fuel,  oil,  and  candles. 

7.  The  heavy  laxntion  to  which  the  Brilish  man- 
ufacturer is  subject,  and  from  which  the  Aniericnn 
is  exempt.  In  nddiliuii  to  the  heavy  taxes  on  Ins 
buililini;s,  fixtuie.-i,  &c.,  the  British  manufacturer 
is  obliged  to  pny  a  si:imp-tax  on  every  bill,  receipt, 
promissory  note,  mid  oilier  jinpcr,  which  he  may 
give  in  the  tiniisaciion  of  his  business. 

All  these  circumslanees  operate  greatly  in  favor 
of  the  American  manufacturer,  anil  give  him  great 
advantage  over  his  British  rival,  enabling  him  be- 
yond all  qucHiion  to  produce  his  fabrics  at  a  much 
less  cost  than  the  British  manufocturcr  con  possi- 
bly produce  his. 

I  have  before  nic  the  estimate  of  an  American 
manufactuier,  (a  Mr.  Kemptoii,)  furnished  a  few 
years  since  lo  the  conimitlee  of  the  British  Parlin- 
ment  appointed  to  investigate  the  faclory  system 
of  that  counlry,  (for  which  see  Euciory  ('onnnis- 
sion  Report,  Part  1 — Evidence  by  Cciilrul  Board, 
pages  23  and  24,)  showing  conclusively  iliat  the 
American  miimifactuier  can  produce  his  fabrics  at 
a  cheaper  rale  than  the  British.     It  follows: 

Vnite.l  Stiitcs.     KiiiUmd, 

Interest  on  dressine  nmehine £-i  Ms £i  I2j. 

Interear  on  12  puwrr  looinri H    6 4  lo 

t'u^t  per  aniiiini  of  one-horse  power. .     4  Id 12  10 

Cost  "fdie-Miii;  3,730  pieces 211    9 46  18 

Cosl  of  weaving 1-J3    4 136  10 

163  00  22-2  00 

'   Cost  of  innnufnelnring  in  America,  per  piece.  lOid. 
Cosl  uf  tiiaiinlaetnring  in  England,  per  piece,  is.  2^d. 


\ 


[^ly  1, 

[REpg, 

fn  order  to 
Saiiist  his 
of  llie  day, 

'Imerican 

iltsctiplioni 

\f<iclurer  can 

undersell  llu 

[11  mQiiufiic- 
followa,  viz: 
Jiiufiictiirer, 
fi)l)cr,  1845, 
||'"ii  Ilia  cot- 
Li  vei-jiool; 
ricsa  limn 
(iHoriMobile 

jUllI    to    6  |I(T 

lie  Amenciiti 
Ito  be  woi-lli 

lO  Ijlllcs  COD- 

lis  lliey  Biivo 
Iheir  Uritish 

nernlly  liuys 
f'cr,  and  ilmo 
firlfr,  wliicit 
I  to  pay,  and 
Tims,  on 
hinniiliiciiirer 
iHrilish  rival 

leaching  nnJ 
f'uctuM'rs  use 
iin  in  bleaoli- 
|e  high  diitiea 
It  the  British 
|anel  than  it 
^re  isanoilior 
in  that  quan- 

fr-po«er  used 
iinjiared  with 

not  yet  been 
and  turn-outs 
manulacturer 

visions  in  this 
s  in  ICnglnnd. 
lei-ican  mnnu- 
lis  particular, 
rtisans,p,  711: 
•f!.  FciVt  money. 

t .»!  -JO 

0  18 

0  •)(( 

i  ao 

U  10 

ai...  0  m 

0  18 


1646.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE- 


1057 


29th  Cong 1st  Srss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Ficklln. 


New  Series No.  67. 


d  the 


greater 


Rritish  man- 
ic American 
taxes  on  hia 
inriutacturer 
bill,  receipt, 
lich  lie  may 

tly  in  favor 
e  liim  great 
iiig  him  be- 
5  ut  n  much 
r  can  possi- 

Amcricnn 
slied  a  few 

lish  Parlia- 
)ry  system 
Y  Oommis- 
rul  Hoard, 
ly  ihat  the 
9  fabrics  at 
)Wa: 


m 


i 


I  will  show,  liy  cxtmew  from  lelterc  written  by 
Kngliahmen,  residing  at  dili'ercnt  places  nbroatl, 
which  I  copy  from  Dr.  lire's  History  of  the  Cot- 
ton Mnnufaclure  of  Great  liritain,  that,  even  go  far 
Imck  as  1834,  the  American  manufacturer  snccess- 
fully  competed  with  the  British  manufacturer  in 
the  markets  of  the  world. 

Mr.  Georic  Wilson,  of  Rio  .Taneiro,  writes; 
"  We  finr  that  we  shall  be  under  the  necessity  of 
'  resliipping  to  Rio  all  the  domestics  we  brought 
'  down  wiili  ns,  as  the  market  of  I'oit  Allcgre  is 
'  completely  overdrawn  by  the  Americans  in  this 
'  article." 

.Mr.  W.  P.  Patton  reports  that  there  were  in  the 
Manilla  market  "  3"),940  pieces  of  ,'IG  inches  wide, 
'  and  7,UU0  pieces  of  28  inches  wide,  gray,  of 
'  American  manufacture,  while  of  the  Hrilish  man- 
'  iifacture  for  the  same  period  tliero  were  oiilv 
'  l,ftJ2  pieces." 

Mr.  Gibson,  of  Aux  Caye.=,  writes,  in  I8.')4, 
"That  in  the  unbleached  domestics,  a  class  of 
poods  of  great  imnorlaiice,  trie  Americans  were 
cutting  not  the  Rriiish." 

Mr.  John  Heugh,  of  Malta,  writes,  "That  the 
Americana  had,  in  a  great  measure,  driven  tlie  Brit- 
ish article  (cmion  don\e3tirs)  fnmi  ihi'  \iiarUet." 

Mr.  Atkinson,  of  .Smyrna,  writes,  "  Ddinestiea 
fire  a  very  riirrent  iirili'h'  of  consumpiinn,  imt 
almost  2(1,000  piecis  liaveaiTivcd,  principally  from 
America.", 

'I'hua  ten  years  asro  the  .\merican  manufacturer 
was  a  successful  rival  of  the  British  in  the  markets 
of  tlie  world  in  the  article  of  driniesiic  cottons. 
And  at  the  present  moment  he  is  still  more  so. 
He  undcrsclla  his  British  competitor  in  all  the 
markets  of  Asia  as  well  as  of  South  .Vmerica.  The 
fabrics  of  the  Stark  Mills,  in  Manchester,  New 
Hampshire,  have  even  been  exported  to  Kngland, 
and  sold  at  a  lower  rate  than  ilie  British  manufac- 
turer could  sell  tlie  same  article  of  like  quality  for 
at  his  own  door. 

The  fact  i'f.the  .\merican  manufacturer  can  pro- 
duce his  fabrics  cheaper  than  tlicy  can  lie  produced 
in  any  other  portion  of  the  world.  And  f  have  it 
from  the  best  authority — a  leading  nianufacturer 
of  New  England — that  the  American  woollen  man- 
ufacturer produces  a  better  article  of  cloth,  and  at 
a  cheaper  rate,  than  the  British,  excejit  in  the  item 
of  dressing  and  finishing,  in  which  the  latter  ex- 
cels the  former. 

To  sustain  the  assertion  that  the  American  man- 
ufacturer can  successfully  compete  with  his  British 
rival  in  the  markets  of  the  world,  I  have  the  best 
possible  Whig  authority,  it  lieing  no  less  than  the 
editor  of  the  iSfew  York  Tribune.     He  says: 

'•  Two  i»r  three  of  tlie  Lowell  conipiuiicti  which  made 
linnft  (Uvid'MidH  In^t  year  farncd  tlicrii  ;illiii!cther  hy  niaiiil- 
fiictarjris  f»ir  foreign  tiiarkcl^.  where  their"  prnihictH  cjinie 
in  direct  cnaiifi'iiiioa  with  the  che.ip  Ihliricti  ot'Eiiy'-uid."— 
Triluite,  Wio:K./  1-1. 

How  idle,  then,  it  is  to  talk  of  the  necessity  of  n 
prohibitory  tarifl'  to  protect  a  cla.^s  of  men  who  are 
able  til  compete  with  the  whole  worhl  in  iheirjiecu- 
liar  businc.-^s?  .And  should  such  men  be  favored 
with  "protection,"  which  enables  ihciii  to  nnmop- 
ob/,e  the  boinc  market,  and  thus  to  compel  their 
eomilrymen  to  pay  for  the  same  article  of  maiui- 
facture  101)  per  cent,  mine  than  the  people  of  Kng- 
land pay,  wliile  they  sell  the  same  to  foreigners  for 
a  little  more  than  oi.e-balf  of  what  they  charge 
iheir  own  countrymen  - 

Are  laws  whidi  favor  such  practices  founded 
upon  the  great  and  unchanging  principles  of  truth, 
justice,  and  equity?  And  is  such  legislation  to  be 
lolcralcd  in  a  republican  government,  which  repu- 
iliales  the  idea  of  favored  classes  and  exclusive 
jirivilet^es  ?     Let  the  .'\merican  peo(>le  respond. 

It  is  true  that  Great  Britain  can  beat  us  in  man- 
ufacturing paupers,  but  it  is  not  true  that  slii:  can 
iinderscll  us  in  cotton  fabrics  in  tlie  American  mar- 
ket. The  tariif,  thcretore,  on  coltmi  tabrics  works 
liadiv  in  two  respects:  it  irritates  Great  Britain  that 
we  should  shut  her  out  iif  the  market  by  prohilii- 
tory  dtilies,  and  it  enables  the  manufacturers  licre 
to  combine  and  demiuid  Iiii:h  prices,  because  the 
whole  market  is  in  their  own  hand; . 

If  the  pauper  labiu'  of  Ijigland  were  so  desirable, 
there  is  no  dillicully  in  the  world  (such  are  the  fa- 
cilities of  the  stcanirbips)  of  bringing  them  from 
Leeds,  Biriniiigham,  Manchester,  and  other  manu- 
facturing towns,  and  placing  them  in  the  shops  in 
Lowell.' 


67 


'!  But  this  cry  id  deceptive,  and  without  just  eaniie.  i[ 
I  Should  we  desire  native  American  pauper  labor,  it '' 
will  be  mnnufaclured  to  our  hands  by  these  lord- 
linga  who  own  the  factories,  and  out  of  the  opera-  j 
lives  who  conduct  them.  What  degrades  human  i 
beings  more  than  to  have  them  dependent  for  their  1 
daily  bread  upon  a  wealthy  employer  ?  If  you  con-  , 
trot  a  man's  bread  you  control  hi»  will;  and  though  ' 
you  may  not  call  him  a  vassal,  a  serf,  or  a  slave,  j 
yet  he  is  governed  by  his  employer,  j 

What  is  the  effect  of  this  system  upon  the   fair 
sex  .'    Thousands  of  these  girls   are   taken   from 
their  homes  and  families  and  pent  up  in  thcje  shops; 
and  are  classed  and  denominated  "  factory  girls." 
What  could  be  more  manifestly  contrary  to  the  dc-  ; 
siiina  of  Providence,  or  to  the  true  inlercsts  of  our 
wide-spread  country,  than  to  have  a  large  jiropor- 
tion  of  the  females  of  this  land  confined  through 
lite  to  shops  and   factories? — doomed   to   be  old  i 
maids,  and  to  live  without  an  object  or  an  aim  be- 
yond their  mere  animal  wants. 
Another  view  may  be  taken  of  this  pauper  labor. 
'   If  it  were  true,  ns  idleged  by  the  manufacturirs, 
i   that  the  goods  proiliiced  in   Eiiilaiid   by  pauper 
j   labor  would  be  brought  here  a.ul  sold  to  us  for  a 
[  le.os  price  than  the  makers  of  our  fabrics  would  sell 
them  to  us  for,  then  the  proposition  would    be  to 
all  who  are  not  manufirliircrs   to  tax  themselves 
for  the  benefit  of  the  manufacturer  here — to  pass  a 
law  imposing  high  duties  on  goods  the  product  of 
pauper  labor,  so  as  to  prevent  ourselves  bv  law 
from  buying  where  we  can  buy  cheapest,  and  there-  ., 
by  compelling  us  to  buy  nt  home  at  hiL'her  prices.  'I 
Stripped  .if  its  mask,  this  is  the  proposition.     Do  ■' 
.   you,  who  are  not  manufacturers,  pay  those  of  us 
who  are,  two  prices  for  our  goods  from  pure  feel-    . 
ings  of  patriotism.     This  modest  re(|iie.'<t  is  now   ' 
unblushingly  mnile,  and  a  clamor  is  raised  if  it  is 
not  comiilicil   with.     While  a  nation  possessing 
paupers  iiears  all  the  odium  of  hiiviiig  made  them 
so,  other  countries  trading  there  arc  tieiiefiii  tl  Iiy 
that  pauper  labor  in  the  greater  cheajiness  of  price 
of  the  inanufictured  article.  i[ 

"  Protect  your  infant  inaiiufrtcturcs."    Thislins   ; 
been  the  cry  for  the  last  thirty  years,  and  wl'.at 
these  infants  asked  as  a  boon  in  181(>  is  demanded 
ns  a  right  in  184(1.     These  infants,  it  would  seem, 
are  never  to  become  of  age  and  commence  house- 
keeping on  their  own  hook.     The  age  of  twenty-   ' 
one  has  long  since  passed  over  their  beads,  and  yet 
they  rely  upon  the  plea  of  infancy,  and  insist  upon  ;' 
,  Government    patronage    and    protection.     Away' 
with  such  infants;  they  shoidd  oe  weaned, and  the 
Government  should  no  longer  act  the  jiart  of  nurse 
\   to  them.  I: 

I  A  home  market  is  another  one  of  the  delusive  ■ 
'.  promises  held  out  by  the  advocates  of  the  protect-  1 
j    ive  policy;  and  vhn-li  is  wholly  fanciful.     To  re- 

I  concile  the  farmers  to  this  monstrous  doctrine  of 
paying  two  dollars  when  they  should  pay  but  one 
for  an  article,  they  promise  to  purcha.se  (he  coir, 
wheat,  beef,  pork.&c,  of  the  farmer,  giving  good 
prices  and  thereby  producing  good  times,  'fliis 
promise  is  ns  false  us  the  protective  policy  is  un- 
pist. 

A  moment's  reflection  and  examination  in  regard 
to   the   agricultural  products  of  the  country  will 
prove  that  the  promise  is  preposterous  upon  its 
very  face,  and  of  necessity  ismadebiitlobe  broken. 
That  ihc  manufacturing  establishments  in  the  east- 
ern States  are  beneficial  to  the  farmer  on  a  small 
scale,  and  to  those  who   have  gardens  and  raise 
vegetables,  for  such   establishments,  is  doubtless    ' 
true;  but  they  are  mainly  supplied  by  the  agricul-   ' 
turists  in  the  immediate  vicinity,  and  the  amount  '] 
they  consume   is  scarcely  perceived  in  the  great'! 
provision-growing  rcLMona  of  the  country;  like  a 
drop  in  the  ocean,  its  influence  is  unseen  and  un-   , 
fell.     A  few  figures  will  show  the  absurdity  of  this 
proinise  of  a  home   market  beyond   all  qiiesiion.  . 
In  the  west  one  hand  will  cultivate  twenty-live  ' 
acres  of  land  in  corn,  which,  at  a  very  low   esti- 
miite,  will   yield  thirty  bushels  per  acre — making 
"SO  bushels.     In  Kurope  the  estimate  is  about  five 
bushels  of  grain  to  the  man  |ier  year;  but  as  we  ! 
feed  better  in  this  country,  idlow  ten  to  the  head,  [ 
and  one  man  would  produce  sufficient  rorn  for 
seventy-five  persons.     So  that  seventy-tour  out  of 
every  seventy-five  would  have  to  abandon  farminff,  , 
and  go  to  manufacturing,  or  something  else,  in  i 
order  to  give  us  a  home  market. 

II  I  will  here  present  another  view  of  thin  question,  i 


exhibited  hy  facts  and  figures  prepared  by  a  com- 
petent Innd,  which  totally  explodes  this  home- 
market  humbug. 

dumber  of  persona  engaged  in  the  four  leadijig  manti- 
facturea. 

Iron  manufacture 30,349 

Hardware  and  cutlery  manufacture. .     !),i'i2 

Woollen  manufacture 21 ,342 

Cotton  maiiufactuie 72,119 

129,000 
In  1839,  ther"  were  raised  in  the  middle  States — 

Wheat bushels,     84,628,272 

CV.  n 377,f)3l ,87.'> 

Rye 18,645..';67 

Number  of  neat  cattle I4,!l71,.'i8(i 

Swine a«,301,aU3 

Allowing  for  the  consumption  of  each  person  six 
bushels  of  wheat  and  six  of  corn  and  rye,  (which 
is  nearly  twice  as  much  as  each  person  consumes,) 
and  to  each  family  two  swine  and  one  beef,  (which 
is  much  more  than  they  actually  consume,)  and 
the  result  is  as  follows: 

Whole  number  of  bushels  of  wheat 84,823,372 

Wlinleqiiaiitilvconsumedbytheman- (     .  ,.,00-11 

ufacturers.  ; \    •«.t'53.0,2 

Surplus Hi).  170,3(111 

Whole  number  of  bushels  corn  and  rye  3i)(i,17(i,4  12 

Uiiantily  consumed 4,(1.'>3,072 

Surplus :i!(l,.Vj;i,310 

Whole  number  of  swine 2G,3(I1,'.;93 

Number  consumed 2.58,504 

Surplus 2t>,042,7c'!l 

Whole  number  of  neat  cattle 14,971, ."i*!! 

Number  consumed 12i),';.'i2 

Surplus I4.84;.',334 

Thus  I  think  it  is  shown  by  facts  and  figures 
most  clearly  that  the  promise  of  a  home  market 
is  an  idle  humbug. 

This  whole  land,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific, 
from  the  .St.  Lawrence  to  the  Rio  Grande,  would 
have  to  presi  nt  unbroken  lines  of  workshops  and 
factories  before  their  inmates  could  consume  the 
grain  and  other  provisions  raised  by  the  farmer. 

This  preposterous  argument  in  favor  of  a  lioma 
market  may  be  exposed  in  another  way.  It  is  es- 
timated that  there  nre  foiirteeii  times  ns  many  per- 
sons engaged  in  agriculture  as  in  the  protected 
branches  of  manufacture,  to  wit:  3,719,607  persons 
in  agriculture,  and  284,.3.')1  in  the  protected  manu- 
facturing and  mechanic  clas.ses. 

Now,  before  a  home  market  could  be  furnished, 
the  whole  business  pursuits  of  life  in  this  country 
would  have  to  be  reversed,  and  fourteen  times  aa 
many  people  would  have  to  embark  in  ninnufac- 
tures  as  were  engaaed  in  ngricukure,  n  thing  to- 
tally out  of  the  question.  These  fmcifiil  promises 
and  fine-snun  theories  of  the  inanufaetiirer  are  hol- 
low and  baseless,  and  the  farmer  should  no  longer 
permit  himself  to  be  taxed  to  support  any  branch 
of  business  that  will  not  support  ilself. 

The  next  humbug  to  be  noticed,  and  perhaps  it 
is  one  of  the  most  barefaced  and  impudent  con- 
nected with  tliis  protective  ])o|icy,  is  that  "  high 
duties  produce  low  price.-^.  "  'i'lie  story  of  the  mil- 
ler and  his  toll,  which  oiigiimted  in  Illinois,  and 
went  the  rounds  of  the  papers  in  1844,  shows  up 
this  heresy  in  its  true  light.  It  is  this:  A  demo- 
cratic miller  enlarged  bis  toll-dish,  and  on  apply- 
ing it  to  the  grain  of  his  Whig  customers  taken  to 
him  to  be  ground,  some  of  them  complained,  and 
he  produced  AVliig  speeches  to  prove  to  tlicin  that 
the  lilgbcr  the  duty  the  lower  the  price,  and  con- 
sequently the  greater  the  toll  taken  by  the  miller 
the  more  meal  the  customer  would  get.  If  speeches 
from  their  own  partisans  would  not  convince  them 
of  the  truth  of  such  a  monstrous  absurdity,  of 
course  nothing  else  would. 

This  whole  absurd  theory  of  high  duties  pro- 
ducing low  prices  has  been  so  completely  explo- 
ded by  the  venerable  member  from  Massachusetts, 
[Mr.  ,T.  Q.  AoAMs,]  that  I  cannot  forbear  intro- 
ducing what  he  has  said;  and  I  may  .tdd  that  he 
doubtless  eiitcrlnina  the  same  opinions  still,  for  I 
i  never  heard  of  his  changing  or  retracting  them  in 
!  the  slightest  degree. 


'''Ms.  'I 


1058 


APPtNDiX  TO  THiE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  1, 


29th  CoNa....l8T  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  FickUn. 


Ho.  OF  Reps, 


Mr.  Adnmi  from  the  Co)nmittee  on  Mnnuftic- 
tnres,  Miiy  93,  1833,  mndo  the  report  from  which 
those  extracts  are  taken: 

"  The  ilnctrint'  Umt  Hntit^s  of  import  rhfnpon  thp  prirp  of 
Itf  nrtirli'H  n|inn  which  they  nri:  Invivd,  wrfnis  to  cniitljri 
Willi  ttx^  flrst  tlicliilei*  of  cttiiuiioil  sriinH,    Hut  iu  fupporttTrt 
flr»l  npiH'nl  Willi  I'liiilliliiict-  ti>  l)»'  Hut,  tlllil  moat  of  llii'  nr- 
iii'U's  uiton  whh'li  iidiliiii'iml  iliitifH  wore  IiivU'il  hy  tlic  mrilf 
of  If'-i^,  hnvt'  since  lire  tinu-  fiillcn  conHidonltly  in  prii'f, 
And  then  theynmue  tit  .t  it  iiiil-<t  t)R  no  hy  tlicexoitenttint  of 
t-oinpi'tttioii  ill  the  in.i;i..'l.     It  IK  t'lTtiiiiily  coiitriiry  to  tin- 
ii:itur:il  coiirx'  of  tlmik!-'  tliiit  iiti  mldiiion  to  tli*-  cost  .slionlil 
hi-  n  reJiK'tioii  to  the  price  of  uii  iirti(-l(>.    True  it  is  tliiit  the  ! 
ihily  Rives  a  npiir  In  the  pro<tiietion  o''  the  nrliele  iit  lioine.  ' 
The  price  of  any  iirticle  in  the  n-.)irltet  niimt  nlwny-s  ili-penil  I 
upon  tlie  reliilivi-  eontlition  of  llie  ileinnnd  anil  Kuppiy  tit  the  I 
tun*!  niul  place  of  nale.    Hut  vi  ry  i>liulit  variation,'  of  line-  i 
or  place  nlTei-t  olieii  In  a  very  qreal  i-xteiit  lla-  rilative  pro-  I 
portion  of  ttie  iteninnd  and  tti>-  i<up|)ly:  and  ronneiiiiently,  | 
the  price  r,f  ttie  artich-.    No  Male  eoiu'liNion  etin  he  drawn  ; 
from  the  fact,  that  .ilibsequent  lo  Uielanlfof  l^'*^,  the  pric.-.i  , 
of  ihe  nrtieleii  up  >ii  wliii-li  the  guiles  w>'rn  llieo  iiicreaiied  1 
have  fallen,  iiiilei*!*  from  ihe  cireiini-'tattet-s  it  ran  be  shown  , 
that  the  increase  of  tin-  duty  wan  tin-  cause  of  the  fall  in 
price;  nor  will  ilhj  slillieieiit  lo  prove  so  strnnfle  njiaradox 
to  account  for  it  hy  Ihi-  exi-iieiiielil  of  coinpelitioii.    VVIiur-  • 
ever  there  is  a  protitaMe  market  there  will  h,-  compelition. 
Had  the  tarilfof  l':.'H  ni-v,  r  hei  n  enact-d,  the  compelition  ' 
in  our  markets  wuiiid  have  liei-n  as  pruat,  and  would  have 
heeii  as  effeeliial,  lo  reduce  the  prices,  ns  it  haji  het-n  Willi 
the  iiggravaiion  of  duties. 

"Ill  that  compelition  our  own  manufactures  miifht  not  ' 
indec-d  have  shared,  hut  ii  would  have  existed  in  all  itsforei- 
iH-tween  tlioso  whti  fini^i-hed  the  Mipply,  and  could  not 
have  failed  to  reduce  tin-  prices  to  Ihr  level  of  the  nn-tler.tle  1 
jirolil  necessary  to  the  existence  of  thi-  trade.''  1 

A^ain: 

*'  The  iiicnU  :it:il  efl".  et  of  competition  in  the  mnrki  t,  ex 
cited  on  tile  part  of  the  domestic  maiiiifiicturer  liy  the  aa 
(favatiim  of  duty  U|ion  llio  correspondinu  arti.-le  iinp'-rted  ' 
frim  abroitd  to  redine  llii'  price  of  the  artiele,  nill-t  t-i-  triift 
»ii'nt  and  iiiouientarv.    The  eeitcnil  and  p,-rin.'inent  ellVci 
must  he  lo  increase  the  price  of  thi-  article  to  the  extent  of 
the  addilhinni  duty,  and  it  is  then  paid  hv  the  conMinn  r:  il 
it  were  not  so — if  the  cem-r.-ilein-cto!  adiiini!  lo  a  iliily  wer- 
to  make  tlie  price  of  the  article  upon  wliieh  it  is  levird 
Ji-ss— tile  converse  of  the  propo-itiou  woulil  al>o  hi-  trite ;  t 
nnd  the  operation  for  increa-inR  the  price  of  the  done  stic 
article  would  lie  to  repeal  the  duly  upon  tin:  same  artieli- 
imiHirted^4iii  experiment  which  Ihe  triends  of  ,air  intf-rnal 
industry  will  not  he  desirous  of  making." 

Ab  further  proof  thai  the  duly  enlrr.s  into  the 
price  of  an  nrticle,  anil  ilmt  it  is,  ns  a  Kciicnil  rule, 
paiil  by  llie  cnnsiiiiiev,  I  may  be  permitleil  to  qiinle 
from  the  speeches  of  Mr.  Clay: 

*'  The  exporter  of  an  artii  le,  if  he  invests  its  procci-ds  in 
n  foreign  market,  lakes  care  to  maketlii  investiin-iji  in  $ueli 
merchandise  as,  when  broni;lit  home,  he  ran  (.-ell  with  a 
fair  profit ;  and,  consi-nuently,  the  f^u\^umFr  ri-iulA  tuiy  the 
OTimnalcost,  atiii  lA.irci'*.  niirf  ;,rort/*." — (\'ol.  o,  ;i.  .W.'l.ife 
nnd  .Speeehes  of  )|i  nrj  (lay,  puldished  hv  iiiei  ley  &  .Mc- 
Elr,lth,  1^41.) 

Aijain: 

"  If  tliere  is  any  truth  in  political  ecnnoinv.  it  cannot  hn 
that  re.-ult  « ill  aurec  with  the  preilietloii ;'  for  e  c  iirc  in- 
atTiietrdhi  all  exyimrnf  that  the  eonsiunption  of  any  artiele 
is  in  proportion  lo  llic  reilueiinn  of  iis  price,  and  Ihal,  in 
(leneral,  it  nia>  be  lak-n  as  a  rule  Ihnl  Ihe  i!ii(\i  on  an  ml'.rtr 
Jorym  a  ])OTtiunoJ  jts  jiri-c." — i.s^aiih-  volume,  preje  111.) 

It  is  most  true  that  the  piice  nf  iiiitliv  mnnufac- 
tureil  nrlicles  lia.s  fallen  .since  the  pa.-isaL'e  of  the 
tariff  act  of  184i;  nnd  it  is  also  true  that  the  price 
of  articles  not  protecteil  Imsfnllcn.  Tlii.s  is  owin^'  ' 
to  niany  very  potential  causes  unconnected  wilii 
nnd  imlcpcndent  of  the  tariff.  The  iniprovenients 
in  m.nchinery,  the  fall  in  the  price  of  raw  cotton, 
reduction  in  the  price  of  wiiRi-s,  and  ii  .-^--iircitv  of 
money,  each  and  all  contriluite  to  cheapen  the  ]i:ice 
of  the  cotton  faliiics;  and  it  is  idle  to  .•■ay  that  the 
tariff  has  done  il,  for  no  opinion  conld  he  more 
erroneous.  Our  legislation  should  he  .■■■o  shaped 
on  this  subject  as  to  eipialize  the  burdens  on  the 
people  as  far  as  possible,  nnd  to  open  lo  us  the 
markets  of  other  countries,  in  order  ilmt  we  m!f;ht 
sell  trhtre  ire  roiiW  ^(11  diarrsl,  unit  hiiii  vhirr  \rc 
could  buy  chfaptfl.  The  freneral  rule  in  polilical 
economy,  with  but  few  exceptions,  is,  ihat  the 
consumer  here  pays  the  whole  of  the  duly  levied 
upon  articles  not  produced  in  this  cniinlry — as,  for 
instance,  a  duty  of  2,5  or  'M  per  ceifl.  lin  French 
silks  and  wines  not  manufactured  here,  or  on  te.i, 
coffee,  nnd  spices,  would  all  be  paid  by  tlie  consu- 
mer, and  would  go  into  the  treasury  in  the  shape  of 
revenue. 

When  the  duty  is  so  hijh  as  to  exclude  the  for- 
eijn  article  allo^'eiher— as,  fur  insinnce,  I.IO  per 
cent,  on  coarse  domestics— it  U  not  protended  that 
the  duty  enters  into  the  price  of  the  article,  but  iho 
market  is  tliereliy  wholly  secured  to  domestic 
manufacturers;  nnd  the  oiily  hope  which  the  pur- 
chaser has  of  (jetting'  the  article  at  n  fair  price  la  in 
the  home  compelition  in  its  production. 


When  the  duly  is  not  sufficiently  high  to  ex 
elude  the  foreign  article,  as  in  the  ease  of  iron, 
sui;ar,  fine  prints  nnd  cloths,  the  consumer  pays 
the  wliiile  or  the  duty  on  the  imported  article;  or  if 
he  purchase  its  rival,  the  domestic,  nrliclc,  then  liu 
pays,  in  the  enhanced  price  to  the  manufacturer, 
an  amount  e(|uivnlent  to  the  duty. 

To  illuHtrnie:  we  pay  on  brown  suc^ar  2J  cents 
per  pound  specific  duty;  nnd  wo  do  not  <!row  suf- 
ficient for   consumplion  by  115,664,840  pounds, 
I  which  last  amount  we  imported  in  184,1.    Say  that 
!  we  wish  to  purchase  onenundrcd  dollars  worth  of 
1  an  article  of  sui;ar  on   which  the  duty  is  40  per 
cent.;  there  nre  two  houses — one  selliin;  iho  for- 
eij;n  article,  and  the  other  the  domestic  article.     If 
we  buy  the  foreign  nrticle,  :J4U  of  the  9100  will  go 
into  the  treasury  as  the  duty,     if  we  buy  Ihe  do- 
[  meslic  nrticle,  the  sup;nr  planter  sjcts  the  §40  in  the 
increased  price  ns  encournijemi lit  to  hi.s  industry, 
and  Ihe  tieasury  does  not,  in  Ihe  latter  instance, 
receive  nnything.     Rut  in  both  rases  the  fanner 
pays  $100  for  the  same  number  of  pounds  of  su- 
trar  which   he  could  have  purchased  for  $G0  but 
for  Ihe  duty.     That  I  may  not  mislead  you,  or  be 
misunderstood  myself,  I  would  stale  that  the  avrr- 
a|.'e  of  duties  under  the  tarilTlaw  of  ll^4'J  is  sonie- 
'  thini;  over  .'11  per  cent.,  thereby  makiii!;  you  pay 
the  enormous  sum  of  fl.'il  out  of  every  ;UUOfor  the 
l^oods  you  purchase,  either  to  the  importer  or  innn- 
ufaeturer,  as  the  case  may  be. 

A  few  monients  may  be  well  spent  in   examin- 
ing' the-  nitielc  of  iron,  which   has  nn  enormous 
duty,  and  vet  we  do  not  make  sullicient  lo  .supply 
the  home  deinatid.    We  imnortcil  last  year  2,U,'3I,- 
4(JI  cwt.,  nnd  manufactured  in   this  coiiii'ty  about 
4,-0,00(1  tons  of  iron;  thus  proving  clearly  that  the 
I  consumer  is  taxed,  whether  he  piir -base  the  home 
I  or  the  foreieii  article.  Mr.  Webster,  in  the  speech 
I  above  referred   to,  at  pa|;es'Jil9  ami  ,"500,  Sj^icnks 
I  thus  of  that  branch  of  business: 

"  The  true  ic-asoii,  .<ir,  why  it  i.s  not  our  policy  to  compel 
oni  eiti.'.ens  to  rnaiMilJulnre  our  invii  iron,  is.  tli.it  they  nre 
far  ttt-tirr  einpl  lyed.  It  is  an  nnpr-idnetiie  hii.^iness.  and 
lli'-v  are  not  |,..or  eiiOiii.'h  to  he  ohliaed  lo  follow  it.  If  we 
had  ni-irc  of  poverty,  more  ot'  nii'i-ry,  ami  soinething  of  s--r- 
vitnile — il"  wi-  had  an  iijnoniai,  iille,  starving  population — 
w.-  iniL'tit  s,-l  ii|i  for  iron  makers  anaiiist  tin-  world." 

When  any  piven  branch  of  business  cannot  sup-  ' 
;  port  ilsi  If,  it  should  be  abandoned  at  once;  oilii  r-  ' 
(  wise  it  becomes  a  chji]--. 
1  State,  lint  iijum  tl 


,  charge,  nut  upon  a  cminly  or 
le  CieiK-ral  tiovernnu-nl — a  bur- 


den upon  the  whole  people,  and  .ill  tin-  ollii-r  in- 
diislrial  puisiiils.  Not  beinj  aide  to  live  without  ' 
ta.\inu-  its  nei^'hliors  for  its  support,  the  inanuf.ic-  ' 
iMrin.T  busiiic'is  is  Ihe  personification  of  a  pauper 
or  vni;raiit;  nnd  havin-.;  no  visible  nientis  nf  siib- 
sistince,  it  should  be  dealt  with  acciirdiniily.  Sii]i- 
posc  that  the  people  uf  the  Wist  should  take  it 
into  their  brads  to  enter  lari;e!y  into  tin-  culture  of 
tea,  of  suiiar,  and  of  coife-e,  by  aid  of  hot-houses 
and  other  forced  nnd  utinalural  appliances,  and 
should  ijo  to  the  manufacturers  and  s.-iy  to  thein, 
Prole.-i  us  aL'ainst  the  pauper  labor  of  Ciiina,  ,Tava, 
Cuba,  ;ind  oilier  countries  prodneinir  these  articles; 
oivetis  two  prii-es  for  our  pnobicis  forthe  "encnur- 
iiLrenii-nt  of  American  industry,'"  ,-oid  t-i  prevent 
us  from  payin'4  tribute  in  ether  imiinns,  AVould 
they  consent  lodoiir  "Could  they  screw  their 
couraLTc  t(,  the  sticking:  Jiointr"  Or  would  they 
brill::  their  lilicrality  to  the  paying  point  ■  All  of 
ihcni  would  answer  in  the  np2aiive:  and  yet  llie 
principle  is  the  same  as  that  contended  for  by  the 
manufaetiin-r.s;  and  il  a]iplies  with  iinerrini;  truth 
and  certainty  to  every  kind  of  business  wlii(-li  d.ies 
not  sujiport  itself.  If  the  case  put  tibnve  exposes 
the  di-fonnity  of  the  p.rineiplr,  nnd  illustrates  its 
injuniee,  il  will  do  so  in  all  other  cases,  thniii:li  in 
ditlereni(le;;rccs,wlien  "proiection  for  protection's 
sake"  is  S(ni'_'ht  to  be  enforced  by'  law.  i 

Nation  after  nnlion   lias  tried  in  vain  to  slimu-  - 
late,  by  artificial   means,  the  culture  of  crops  un-  , 
suited   to  their  climali-,  and   the  matiufacliire  of 
articles  not  adapted  to  the   tastes,  haliiis,  or  ititer- 
j  esis  of  ilieir  ]i(ople,  but  it  is  in  vain;  though  they 
I  have  iireiilly  niiililnted  the  face  of  nature,  yet  they 
have  not  been   able  lo  reverse  lirr  laws.     .Spain 
not  only  exhausted  herinceniiily,  but  her  treasury  ! 
and  the  enercies  of  her  people  in  devisim;  laws  nf 
prohiliilion,  of  reslriciion,  and  of  frovernment  mo- 
nnpolies.     I   will  ncaiti    invoke   the   aid   of  Mr. 
Webster  to    show    the   fallai-y  of   {rovernnientnl 
interference  with  the  pursuits  of  men.     iTii  pnj;es  , 
291  and  992,  same  volume  as  almve,  ho  says: 


**  Mr.  Speaker  hn*  i .  rcrred  lo  the  Into  Emperor  Napoleon, 

ns  having  nUemph-d  lo  ntitiirnliKu  the  inniiiilai-tiire  of  cotton 

!  In  France,    lie  did  not  cite  a  more  extravnennt  part  of  flio 

]  projects  of  that  ruler— thai  Is,  his  attempt  tu  iiaturah/,i-  the 

growth  of  that  plant  itself  In  France;  whereas,  vve  have 

uailerstooil  Unit  cor.4ideinhle  districts  in  the  soiilli  of  France, 

and  ill  Italy,  of  rich  and  productive  lands,  wen-  nt  one  ihno 

,  withdrawn' from  iirotllahle  ii-cs,  and  ilevol*;d  lo  nii-iiiu,  at 

.  ftreat  expi-nse,  n  llltl.!  Iiad  cotton.    Nor  have  wi-  be-en  reler- 

'  red  to  the  iltteinpts,  under  the  same  sysleni,  lo  make  siinar 

nnd  coifee  from  common  ciilitinry  vcKetabh-s;  atteni|its  which 

flervinl  to  mi  the  print  shops  of  Eiiroiie,  audio  show  u:.  bow 

easy  is  the  transition  from  v.liul  some  think  snlilime,  to  tliat 

which  all  admit  to  he  ridiculous.    The  lolly  of -ome  of  these 

projects  has  not  been  surpassed,  nor  hardly  eipialbd,  uide^s 

:|  it  be  by  the  philosopher  in  one  of  the  satires  of  Hwit-t,  who 

i  so  lonR  lalMired  to  extract  siiiilieaiiiH  from  cueniiihers.    lie- 

i  says: 

I  o*  The  first  man  I  saw  was  of  a  meaijre  aspect,  Willi  sooty 
;|  hands  and  fact-.  Ills  hair  and  lieani  loni;,  raiu'ed,  and  miilii  if 
;!  in  several  places.  His  clothes,  shirt,  and  skin,  were  all  nf 
','  Ihesmnu  color  lie  had  tn-en  ei,:lit  yujr«  upon  a  project  for 
],  eviraeiiii!:  sunbeanis  out  of  eiii-iinitM:rM,  which  wen-  lo  ho 
I  put  into  phi:ils  hermetically  scaled,  and  lei  out  to  warm  tlie 
I.  air  in  raw 'iinl  inch  nient  vunnncrs.  He  told  loe  hi- did  rot 
doubt,  in  etiihl  ye:irs  more,  he  Klinntd  he  able  to  ^llpply  the 
'[  irovernor's  cardens  with  sunshine  at  a  rea>oiialih;  rate';  lait 
;  he  coinplainerl  that  his  slock  w-as  low,  and  eiitrenled  me  lo 
j;  give  him  somt-thiiiijns  an  eneoaraireinenlio  iii|,niiily,  espe- 
r  cially  as  this  had  in-ell  nile;ir  season  for  eiielnnb'rs.'  " 

'I      This  is  n  case  ncrdin;;  protection  nnd  encour- 
;  ngenienl. 

■      Hetalialion  was  another  ar:;nmciil  of  the  ]irotec- 
'  lionisi.s — that  i.s-,  1  I'caiise  (.irenl  Drilain  taxed  her 
'    subjects  who  purchased  the  proilin-ts  nf  this  coiiii- 
'    try,  we  must  tax  our  citizens  who  imrcluise  the  (>ro. 
■    duels  of  that  country.     If  A  whins  his  children,  I', 
should  ^o  home  and  whip  his  nlso  ijy  way  of  re- 
taliatinn;  this   is  the   iir:;iinienl.     iN'uw,   if  fireiit 
Hritain  could  tax  ourcitiw-ns,  then  it  wiuild  be  re- 
taliation  fm-  us  to  tax  her  subjects;  but  no  such 
pnwer  exists  in  «-illier  Govf-mnteiit;   each  mie  in 
confined  in  the  t;ixini;  powr-r  to  ils  own  jitople,  11.-9 
^    it  rightfully  shoiiM  be. 

'i      This  arjrumeni  nf  relalialion,  however  spei-inna, 

p  is  now  swcfit  awav.     Cireal   r,rit;iin  has  rtduced 

i    the  duty  on  all  the  cnmnnnlities  except    tobacco, 

which  we  send  to  that  country,  luid  we  should  jair- 

suealike  liberal  and  enliL^hlened  policy.     Mr.  .lef- 

fersoii   was  of  opinion    tiial   so  iicnn   as  a  siiu;le 

|:  nation  would   tender  lo  us  fiee  trade,  we  shonlil 

h  accept  it.     I  !;ive  his  words.     In  a  report  made  by 

Mr.  .Telferson  on  the   Mill  of  necenil  er,  17!);),  ho 

used  the  following'  lan','ii:u:e:  "WniiM  even  a  siii^^le 

'nation  be:.'in  with  the  ''oiled  Si:ite:)  this  sy>'-eiu 

'  nf  free  coinmi  ri-e,  it  woild  be  advisable  to  In-ein 

'  it  Willi  that  initinn;  since  it  is  one  by  one  only  that 

'  il  can  be  exteiuhd  to  all.     AVhen  the   cireum- 

'  stances  of  either  party  render  it  expedient  lo  levy 

'a  revenue   by  w;iy  of  impost   on    cnniineice,  its 

'  freedom  mii;ht  In-  modified  in  that  particular,  hy 

'  mutual    and   eiiuivalent   measures,  preservini;  it 

'  eiitiie  in  all  others." 

lAiurtcrn-fifleentlis  of  the  people  of  this  country 
are  and  must  continue  to  be  farmers  and  planters; 
fniir-lifths  of  the  whole  exports,  wliieh  average 
about  one  buiulred  millions,  are  nL'rieultinal  pro- 
ducts, which  will  appear  from  the  following;  table: 


Year.               Whole  aiiininit  of 

nf  witieh  w-(  re  the  pro 

evports. 

iliK'Isot  ;icricnltnri;. 

i.-iii .4ii:i.-'...-.,i;;ii... 

.wii.).,vi-,.:t;i!i 

i-n iik'>.:i^;.v.'.>.. 

,-^:i.M7.'.'l7 

IS-lj ll'.IllllM'ia'... 

7:i.iiss.ii:i 

Im:i..(I)  months)..     77.7!l.-|,".s:i. . 

(ii.Hi;7.i7i 

li>ll.(last  returns)      SW.TI  j.ini.. 

7U.s.-,(l,llll 

.«--i!'ii.77ii,:ii  1  .'s:i'Jl,ri7s,!isi) 

Hence  it  is  shown  that  the  niriciilliiral  is  the  par- 
amount iiileresi  in  this  cnnntry.  It  is  the  slronsrest 
at  the  b:iIlot-box  by  more  than  ten  lo  one;  it  has 
the  power  in  its  own  baiiils,  and  yet  it  h:is  been 
bcLrijid  and  co:ixed,  not  to  .-.ay  cheated  and  ilu|ied, 
into  the  support  of  nniniifacturers,  when  the  tnoiiey 
to  do  il  with  was  taken  out  of  the  pockets  of  the 
farmers. 

Ill  l<-'4.'i,  there  was  exported  from  this  country 
H(i.T,rilfi..')71  pounds  of  coiion,  which  were  sohl  for 
<*.')l,7,'i'.),(i4.'i;  somethiu!?  like  five-sixlhs  of  tlio 
whole  crop  of  collon  is  exported,  and  most  of  it 
so!d  lo  Great  liriiuin.  At  least  one-half  nf  the 
whole  exports  from  this  couiilry  is  ils  collon;  and 
yet  the  present  tarilV  cripples  the  sab;  in  foreii;ii 
countries  by  taxing'  enorinously  hi^h  the  articles 
received  in  exclnini_'e  for  it. 

How  is  it  Willi  the  irreal  staples  of  the  West? 
Not  a  siii;:le  arlicle  firoduced  ill  Illiiinis  n-ceives 
one  cent  of  benefit  from  the  protective  tarilf;  and 
yet  the  fnreitrn  market  is  almost  closed  to  us,  be- 
cause we  havi-  wellni:;h  taxed  those  tialions  out  of 


I 


la-ie.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1059 


'«J9rH  CoNo 1st  Skss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Ficklin. 


flo.  riF  Reps. 


fncli 

IlliiW 

llliiit 


nlv 
I'll 

■ill  -r 

'Imi 
<  tli.> 
t  IM.I 
■  111.- 
liKC 
111'  In 


Kiir- 

her 
'iiii- 
irii- 
>,  I! 
ri'- 
it.it 


i 


our  mnrkcl,  who  wnnld  olhcrwicft  pliully  PxnhfiMq:n  i 
llioir  ronimmlitii^fi  for  ouph.     TIiur  wo  not  only,  t 
hy  tluH  Hlinrt-sifijlitcil   policy,  rnmprl  onpfiflvoH  t<» 
pay  two  piires  for  the  nrliclew  mnHc  lion?,  Iml  hy 
vostrirlive,  prntmivr*,  nnd,  in  aome  instaiK'fT*,  jirn- 
Iiiliilory  ilutips,  wo  keen  out  of  our  niarkrts  iUimc  : 
natiodft  wlio  wonlii  williiiirly  «;iv«  us  tlirir  suit, 
irnti,  fluirnr,  niiil  clolhinn:,  for  our  cotton,  rnrn, 
wluiU,  brrf,  pdik,  Arc     The  South   has  hithrrtd 
ron»)"iniinMl  innst  hitlorly  (»f  ihcsn  prntcclivc  tiirilTs;  1 
IhK  tlifir  hand  jh  laid  most  heavily  \i|H)h  \hv.  We.st.  ! 
Thf!  South  ran  always  ncll  her  raw  nittnii  at  sonic  ' 
jn'ii'c,  hreausft  Great  fJritain  rannot  oljtaiu  it  eUn- 
U'licrc.    Not  go  with  our  Nlaph-a.    Slio  can  lio  sup- 
plied at  liiijii  pri'M  from  the  mutitifnt  of  Kuropi* 
witli  her  pirtvisHins.    A  new  era  lias  dnwnrd  upon 
the  ai;ricul»ural   States  in   ro<;ard  to  iIijh  quention. 
Tliry  now  proHnnt   an  unlirokeii  phalanx  a^^^illMt 
tln!  iirolfoiivc  jiolicy,  and  they  Have  only  to  will  , 
ilfl  (fcBtniciion  in  order  to  acliifve  it.     **  Let  us  i 
alone,'*  is  the  only  petition  that  the  farmer  and 
planlor  need  send  Ui  thn  Uovernnirnt. 

When  Alexander  tho  Groat  ralloil  uponDioifcnp.s 
to  know  '*  what  he  rouhl  do  for  liini,*'  Dioj^f-nrH 
requested   Alexander  **  to  atiMid   out  of  his' sun-  ; 
shine.''*     It    is  ro  with   the  ni^rieuliurisi.     If  the  ; 
Government  will  only  let  them  ahoM — not  tinker  : 
with   tlw   individual    pursuits  of  tm-n,   hut   leave 
every  braiieh  of  laisiness  open  to  honoral'le  roni-  , 
petition — deal  out  jii.viii'c  to  all  and  favors  to  n(»ne, 
then  we  fihould  avoid  tliese  revulsions  and  panics 
jjrowinj;  nut  at'  larilf  laws. 

I  will  heix;  j:ivr  tv, o  .short  rxtrnet.<^  from  Mr. 
Wriister's  sjX'ceh  in  ivijard  to  free  trade,  dcrlivored 
in  the  House  of  U(?pre»tint.ilives,  April,  ]t^*J4: 

'■  In  ^llOrt,  Hr,  llie  si-imtjiI  (*eii>('  of  thi^i  imc  set--,  with  (i 
utrciric  ciiriiTtt.  ii)  f.ivor  of  ric.ili.iii  of  ciHniuiTcial  inter 
iMinrHc  mill  niiredlriiipii'd  indiviilaal  iietion.  Mm  yield  ii|> 
llif'ir  notiiuirt  of  iiiuriopiily  iniil  ov-lrii'iiiiri  .is  they  yjclil  u|) 
olli.-r  |irejii'Iii-<'f»,  slowly  iiid  ndiirtjuitly ;  Imt  tliL'y  cannot 
willi.'4lniiil  till-  f;uiK-r:tl  tiile  nf  ofiiniuii." 

Aijain: 

".Mr.  ChairniaM,  llir-  liPfil  apnlney  fnr  I.iws  of  prohiliition 
mill  linvs  of  ini>n'i|)o!y  u  ill  t»i'  liiiind  iu  Ih.ii  stall'  of  >o<'i(iy 
not  only  unciiliulitriied,  but  diiCL'isli.  in  wli'cli  tliey  arc  ' 
most  RpTHTJilly  c^tahlisheil.  Priv;ite  irtdiisijy  in  xliatu':  dayn 
required  stroriLi  [>r(»vnf!iti vi's,  which  cnvcriiTin'iits  w«rt'  Hcek- 
iri'ftn  ndiiMnir>Ti-r  Ipj- iliriic  irirans.  SotiM-tlijiic:  wu'4  Wiuilfd 
tn  iii-UiAtt?  and  f:|iiiiit);\l<>  in<-ri,  ami  tlir  |irn^|)<-('is  nf  Pticli 
proHf!!  as  woiitd,  in  our  linirs.  e\rii(>  iinlioiiriiled  cotnpelillon 
wniitd  hatiiiy  movi'  tlnj  sloth  of  f  »rrn'  r  n<x*'^-  la  noine  in 
flaiM'e^,  nil  donhl,  tli-'sc  hiws  prodnced  un  fircci  which,  in 
that  p  rind,  wniild  not  hnvo  taken  pliicf  withoiii  thfni.  Kiit 
our  iigf*  in  whn;l\'  of  a  diir-rfiiiohnrneior,  mid  it.s  If^n.-tatioii 
fakes  a  difli'rcin  turn.  Hociety  i.-^  full  '»f  cxeiteiiH'ni ;  foni- 
pclitinii  <  onii'^  in  plat  e  of  iiMiiinpoly  ;  and  IntelliL't-nre  and 
iaihisiry  ask  only  lor  tair  play  mid  an  open  tield.  I'roflis, 
iniheil,  in  sHfli  n  Male  of  tlniifrs  wjij  |)e  »-ittalt,  hut  lliey  will 
he  exlen^vely  dilViised.  piiecK  will  he  low,  nnU  Un-  great 
liody  id'the  peopU'  projiperoiiH  and  lin[ipy.'' 

The  followini!;  beautiful  sentiment,  so  fiaui^lit 
with  sound  philosophy  and  liherul  pliilanihropy, 
has  not,  thouirh  utter<:d  centuries  since  hy  one  of 
England's  wi-sc-^t  monarchs,  been  properly  heeded 
or  sulfieiently  pursued  either  by  tiiat  or  (his  coun- 
try. Me  Haid  to  the  commissioner  who  was 
rharjred  with  the  uei;;otiation  of  a  treaty  with  Na- 
ples that — 

'•  Tlie  i-ailh  h'ins  t!ie  coniinon  inothrr  ofin  all,  wlint  can 
he  nmri'  di'-n;iliti'  or  priii-ewnrilij  than  tiy  ineaiis  of  'join- 
inerci'  to  ronnauiiiriiti-  her  various  produeiiDHH  to  all  her 
ehililren.'*— Wnr/m-i,  /».  .'Ulf. 

The  Chinese  will  exchanire  his  silks  and  tens — 
the  IN>rtUi!;uese  the  vieh  wines  of  Oporto  at.d  IVIa- 
dt'irn — the  Krenehmau  the  silks  of  Provence — the  | 
Malay  the  spices  of  Handa  and  Anihoynn.,  ofTer- 
nata  and  Tidore — the  Arab  l!ie  eotVec  of  iVIoclm — 
the  Mindoo  the  muslins  of  IJncea — the  Kniiiislunan  '. 
the  broadcloth,  tiie  cotton  floods,  and  cutlery  of 
Slutlieid,  Li'eds,  Manchester,  and  r>irniiniihani — 
the  Spaniard  liis  .<;n!xar,  ffrowu  in  Cuba — the  Por- 
luiruese  ills  Turk's  Island  salt,  for  nriieh-s  of  tratlie 
und  i;onimercL'  which  we  have  to  spare.  i 

The  Creator  of  ilie  universe,  in  i^ivinj^to  various 
ronntries  various  climalea  and  various  susceptibil- 
ities in  their  prodnclinns,  ban  furnished  bonds  hy 
which  to  draw  man  to  man,  and  nation  to  nation, 
find   unite  theru   toiijetlier  l)y  ties  of  l)roiherhood. 
He   is  no   phih)so|»!ier  or  statesman  who  would 
throw  a  C'ninese   wall  around   eadi  nation,  and  * 
cinnpel   each   one  to  jirow  or  manufacture  evcry- 
tliini;   that   it  consunuMJ.     Trade   and   commerce,  i 
like  reliiijion,  should  be  left  tree  and  unfettered  by 
liuman  laws.     ''The  wind  liloweth  where  it  list- 
eth,**  and  commerce,  equally  free,  sho\iId  be  wafted  , 
by  it,  untaxed  and  uncontrolletl,  to  any  port  on  ' 


finr\\\  to  which  it  is  invited  by  the  lirst  market. 
The  tide  of  public  opinion  in  this  cnlifjhtened  aije 
sets  stronirly  in  favor  of  frt'v  trade.  Talve  CJreat 
nritniir  Ulunderin;!  on  iu  Iciriaiativo  resirictions, 
she,  in  common  with  Spain,  h' ranee,  and  I'nrmiriil, 
forbade,  under  lieavy  jiennlties,  the  e\)iort  of  y;ohl 
and  «ilv(  I-  from  the  kinudom.  In  in.")0,  she  pus.-*)  d 
an  act  fixiiii;:  ihi'  prie.ti  of  labor;  at  another  time  she 
L'-ranlod  to  corporations  the  exclusive  privib  ;j;t*  of 
sellinir,  not  only  the  wiiojlen  ir'^odsof  the  rcnlm,  hut 
also  the  very  IiecpRsnries  of  life.  Another  morle 
of  interfcreucr  wi'^'  her  Hub(ei'ts  was  tlie  law  of 
appreniieeshi|is,l)\  which  everyone  was  prohibit- 
ed makino;  cloth,  nnless  he  had  served  as  an  np- 
prenlice  to  the  business  for  llie  term  of  seven  years. 
Yet  another  modeof  Ie<ri8lative  interference  isfoinid 
in  the  Hrilish  corn  laws,  now  ii;  existenct;  over  two 
iiimdred  ve;irs,  by  which  2H,0II0,(I01)  of  people  are 
compelled  to  eat  dear  bread  in  onh-r  to  swell  ibe 
rent-rolls  of  landlords.  The  hunt  of  l-jiiiland  is 
owned  by  an  aristoeracv  of  thirty-two  tlnuisand 
persons,  who  have  it  cultivated  by  pour  tenants, 
and  who  have  mnnaired  for  the  Inst  two  centuries 
tn  keep  un  the  corn  tax  for  ibeir  peculiar  benefit. 
Great  Britain  now  sees  tin*  folly  of  her  system  of 
lejriHlative  tinkerin^r  in  favor  of  one  cIups  of  her 
Rubj.eis  over  another;  and  she  is  disposed  to  re- 
trace her  steps  alowlv,  but  certainly.  To  susiniu 
this  position,  I  will  here  irive  an  ex(ra''t  from  the 
specfh  of  Mr.  rioidbnrn  in  the  Ih-itish  rMrlinment, 
published  in  tlie  Kronomist  of  7vtay  .'10,  IMC}: 

*' Mr.  ftoiiMmrn  then  )ia<sed  In  a  teneral  review  or  sam- 
iniim  lip  of  Uii' evpern^ncc  nf  Ilie  ciiiniui  on  all  the  nieas- 
nn'-iwhieli  III"!  heeii  introduced  >^iii'i'  l^l■.^  In  1H.|>.  dnlii-!* 
were  rediieid  or  rrp'aled  nti  dtr  hnvfrfl  i/tirf  ci  'l,li,  two  arfi 
clc<;  in  f-'l.'l.  on  'iet-m  arfi'de^:  hi  IHi't.  on  four  ariieles; 
and  in  IH-I.'t.  ^'■eIl/l(  one  arti'-les  WIT''  ndiireil,  niirl  \m  four 
hinuhe'f  inuf  fortji-ei-jht  nrticles*  Ih'-  diitie-*  were  repeah  d.  In 
llio  prcsrnt  year,  the  mea-iire;  wliieli  have  aln-aily  p'i«-^^ed 
Tile  IInii-;r  nf  romumns  rediiee  the  duties  nii  on'-  hwuWfd 
nrx'T'c^iT  artiidet.  and  repeal  the  diitii'*!  on  7?''"  fo"r  nrli- 
cle-i.  In  the  n-hoh'  period  in  (p|esiinii~in  the  »i\e  s-eti-inn*t 
heiFiiiniiii!  with  l^'IO.  and  enihuL'  wall  llie  present— llie  dii- 
tie-j  on  spicii  htiuilrcii  tnul  t  -rvt'i  'rrm  nrfir|e«  have  hct.'n  r"- 
diinerl.  mid  thn^e  nil  fire  htinifrnf  rm'  our  arlielea  have  Imen 
entirely  repealed  -nrticles.tnn.uhieh  hnvo  nearl\  all.  thniinfi 
pniiie  to  n  lev^tT  and  other-*  in  a  crealer  deyree,  nlVeeli'd  the 
rondiUnn  nf  the  greal  ma-^«es  of  th'-  people,  fither  in  their 
f(>nd  or  clothtiiL'.  nr  in  the  stniply  of  tlm-^e  crent  Ptapli-  arti- 
cles nf  raw  tnnierinl  which  are  -n  e^aential  tn  the  mnnufac- 
lurea.  and  coti-eijuently  tn  the  imlnsiry  nf  the  eninU'V. 

'♦ron-^ideiint,'  the  ureal  rediieiiniis  ihiH  nmde  in  the  ^•n^-- 
tniiK  and  e\ei.;e  dulii"-.  Mr.  H  iidhnrn  was  nnxtims  to  >hiiu' 
Ihal  the  evperinientJ  whieh  tlie  Govi-rnnieut  h,n<!  mnde  in 
thi-i  wise  nnd  eiihshtened  rnnrse  nf  finaneinl  leL'islatinn.  hy 
whieh  coniineree  and  industry  had  heen  >jo  much  henefited, 
had  not,  in  anv  deyree,  iiiipnired  the  neneral  stale  of  our 
fiimnee>».  nr  arlded  to  the  pernmneni  deht  nf  tin- eounlrv. 
Oil  the  cnjitrarv.  tlii'sni-eews  of  the-;e  free-trade  cvpiriinentj* 
had  heen  so  creat  that,  notwithstaniliii!!  the  crent  lednrtious, 
every  lest  wliieh  could  he  iak"n  of  the  finnnenl  condition 
of  the  country  shoued  that  itiiad  rather  been  ini[>rovedthaa 
hn  paired.'' 

A  fuftlier  proof  is  also  found  in  the  repeal  of 
the  riritish  corn  laws. 

Take  another  instance  of  the  injurious  efTt'Cta  of 
the  restriefive,  and  the  tendeney  to  n  liberal  policy, 
wliirh  i.^  found  In  the  mannfaettire  of  silks,  whicli, 
hy-the-by,  is  wholly  artificial  in  Great  Britain, 
and  was  commenced  na  early  as  the  rei'/n  of  P!d- 
ward  in.  Various  laws  \\rro,  from  time  to  time, 
enacted  for  the  nrotection  of  this  branch  of  indus- 
try, nnd  in  17(1.5  the  importation  of  silk  i^oodq 
manufacttired  in  other  countries  was  eiUirelv  and 
stiietlv  prohibited,  whicli  efave  to  the  uianuf letu- 
rers  of  this  article  the  exclusive  control  of  the 
home  market.  This  system  continued  till  1804, 
at  whicli  tone  if  was  wholly  cliauired,  and  tiie  in'irh 
duty  of  four  shillinu'«  per  pound  on  raw  silk  was 
reduced  to  three  pence,  and  the  enormous  duty  of 
fourteen  sliil!ini:;s  and  eii^ht  pence  per  i^niuid  upon 
thrown  silk  was  reduced  to  seven  shiilin'j-s  nnd 
six  pence.  It  may  appear  5!tran2"e,  hut  it  is  no 
less  strange  than  true,  that  for  the  next  twelve 
years  succcedin*;  this  rapid  reduction  in  duty,  the 
fpiatUily  of  raw  and  thrown  r-ilk  used  liy  the  man- 
ufacturers wa<5  increased  over  10(1  percent.;  which  ' 
is  accounted  fiir  in  the  spur  with  which  competi- 
tion was  driven'  forward,  and  the  consequent  re- 
duction of  price,  which  enabled  the  common  peopln 
to  wear  silk  ^oods,  whieli  had  befiu-e  been  used 
only  tiy  ttu'  wealthy. — (Sec  1st  vol.  Porter's  Pro-  : 
jress,  pnire  9r>;t.)  i 

The  then  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  (Mr. 
Robinson,)   on    the   2'3d    of  February,    1834,   in  ■ 
pressini]:   this  measure,   delivered  a  speech,  from  ; 
which  1  will  make  a  very  fow  extracts.     lie  said:  i 

<'  Far  ioam  yoori  past  there  haj  certainty  prevailed  in  thin 


I'  rntnilry,  Kninnv  lt-4  nMe-ft  fdntexinen  and  our  mont  eminent 

1    writers— I  fhoiild  r.a>,  iiiileed.  aiiiona  all  men  nf  »*ent»e  mid 
|i  relleciioii— u  decided  cfniMciioii   tliiit  the  ninintenaiict!  t»f 
thi^  prnhlhitory  wy-teni  in  cxceedliiBly  ini|KiliUc." 

Ai.nun,  he  says: 
j  "Tliere  never  was  tm  favorahic  an  op|iortiiiiit\'  dfi  thn 
pre-<eiit  litr  c:irr>iiii!  oor  principlcH  into  ellert,  and  for  iini- 
tinu  loreimi  Towers  to  nei  in  aecnrdiinee  uiih  llieiii.  lt<t 
as  uiviie  ilieii)  to  Join  wiili  us  ni  eiillinu  lh<'  cnrdM  tliia  lie 
dovt  n  ron.nieri-e  to  the  emtli,  Unit  it  may  houj*  ulotl  iincun- 
lliicil  anil  unre^trieied.    [llriir,  licur.'^J 

I        Ami  aL'aiu: 

"  I  thi'refori'  hope  that  the  Ifou^e  will  think  It  fall  linie  to 
throw  down  this  hidlow.  milled,  and  di^ti>rted  idol  nf  inui(ii- 
nary  priiK."  iiou  ;  to  hurl  it  fimo  K-  lia-e.  and  io  chlahliiili  on 

i    the  wiMiie  foundation  tin?  well  propm-iinnHl   plaUU'  of  cuiii- 

.    inereiiil  litieily.     [Hear,  neai.'*J 

'  By  Hiruini;  to  the  ilcbales  in  the  British  Parh'n- 
ineni,  in  May,  Jh'JO,  it  will  l>e  found  that  Lord 
Liuisihiwne,  Lord  Klk'nborou*;h,  luai  Lord  Liver- 
pool deplored  (heir  system  of  eomniercial  prohibi- 
tions and  resiriclinns,  nnd  'jA'atly  desiird  a  i;;radual 
return  to  free  tiade,  to  cmumercial  emancipation. 
Lord  Laii.sdowne  expressed  tlii.s  beautiful  seuli- 

,   inenl: 

1  "  No  a\i(nn  was  more  true  than  thl^;  that  It  wnn  hyqrnw- 
inc  what  the  terrilojy  Ota  cmitiiry  could  L'ri<wt)io<<l  ehenplVf 
and  hy  reci-ivini;  iiom  otfier  i-oniiliie-  what  it  eniild  not  pio- 
iliK  r  e\ii  pt  ,it  I'll'  nieitt  ail  e>|ieii-e.  ih;it  Uii-  yreiitent  ileprcc 
nl'tiapjuni  ^^  wa»  to  1h>  coniuiuiiiealed  to  the  greiUc'^t  extent 
of  |rfi|itdalion." 

.\(  ed  I  .say  to  y<ui  that  even  Massnchusettfl,now 
so  iibused  id*  her  sisters  for  lier  protective  and  plun- 
derini;:  priqiensities,  was  uri'^inatly  opposed  Xo  the 
sy:-tcui,  Ijccnnse  her  interest  was  loiiml  in  the  ship- 
(■iHiT,  roiiimercial,  and  f  .■nIuiij;  enqiloyments,  and 
liiai  shu  warned  the  friends  of  jirotection  und  piiv- 
ilei^e  against  its  evils? 

I  here  i;ive  the  resolutions  of  the  Boston  mect- 
ife-^  witli  an  extract  of  Mr.  Webster's  remarks 
upon  them: 

0<  ronEK  3,  lfiOO.-OF\KnAr*  .MEKTfXO. 

Vej-lerday  an  adjourn' d  inienna  on  the  snijeet  of  the 
prnpnse<lt(uifl*was  liehl  nt  raiieiiil  Hall.  Hon.  VVilliain  (irny, 
chairman,  and  VVilliam  Foster,  jr.,  sci  letiiry. 

A  loiiir  and  tun  re^ithm  report  was  lead  Ironi  the  retapectn- 
Ide  eoiiiiiiittee  appointid  at  a  lornier  ineeliiif;,  which  coii- 
chideil  with  llic  to]lov\iiiu  |-e.>oUc>: 

Uf.  HctotiCify  TUntwo  have  recanted  with  pleasure  the. 
O'tntili-hnieiit  and  sncceets  of  iiinniifaetine-  nnioni,'  as,  and 
con-ider  llieir  L'rowth,  when  nauiral  and  ^p<l|ltaneous,  and 
no)  the  elV'Ct  of  u  )-y>tein  of  I'liuiiUes  and  piotection,  us  an 
cvi'h  nee  nf^ieiieral  >\ealili  and  pro-  perity. 

■Jd.  That,  ri  lyiiiL'  on  the  iniieniiiiy.  enterprise,  and  skill  of 
onr  fellow  cilizeiis,  we  (tctievi-  thai  nil  iiianntSicnires  adapt- 
f(i  to  oar  clniraeter.s  mid  circinn^iaiices  will  he  inirodiiecd 
and  e\ieiideil  as  fonn  and  us  fin^t  as  will  piomntc  (he  public 
interest,  wUhoiit  any  (utther  ptotcction  than  they  now  re- 
ceive. 

.'hi.  'I'hat  no  nhjectinn  oufht  ever  to  he  nindc  to  any 
I  aiiioaiit  Id'  laxcit  equally  appoitinned,  nnd  imposetl  for  the 
piirpiKc  o|■rai^illu  revi  nae  necessary  tor  the  .-npportid'Gov- 
emiiieiit.  hilt  that  taxc>  tinpor^ed  on  the  people  for  the  snln 
hcnetit  of  any  niie  cla^s  nf  an-a  are  eiiualty  ineonsistent 
witii  the  priueiple-4  ui'  our  Constitution,  and  with  (<ound 
piili'-y. 

till.  That  the  Fiipp'isiiioM  thai,  until  the  proposed  tariff, 
or  Home  siniilarnieasiire  he  iidiiptcd,  wc  are,  nnd  shall  he, 
itepeiidciu  on  foreiuners  for  the  nicnns  nf -iih-i(itciicc  nnd 
deliMice,  is,  in  fiarnpinion,alio2ethert'a!lacioufl»nd  fanciftd, 
nnd  deroiiatory  to  the  chiiraeter  of  the  nation. 

.'iili.  That  hif!h  hiiiinlie-*  on  mich  do?ne^tie  mnniifactiire^ 
HH  arc  princijially  henetited  )iy  ttiat  tarilf.  favor  [ireat  capital- 
ists rallnT  than  personal  iiulu>try.  or  llie  owners  of  nninll 
cnpiliils,  ami  therefore'  that  w«  do"  not  perceive  ilrf  tendency 
to  promote  national  indn.-try. 

fitli.  'I'hat  we  are  cipi:i!ly  ineapahlc  of  dipcnverinu  ita 
heneficial  etri  ets  on  aarieiiltiirc.  ^ince  the  nhvions  caiiM>- 
(pienec  la'  its  niloption  would  he  that  the  tanner  must  ^ivc 
more  ihnii  he  now  does  tor  alt  hchuys.  and  recuivr  Uma  for 
all  h.>  sells. 

7th.  That  tlie  iniposiiion  of  dinie«  which  nre  cnoinanis, 
and  deemed  hy  a  larue  po'-tion  of  the  people  to  he  Miiequnl 
and  unjust,  is  dangerous,  us  it  ciicoiiia^e':i  Itiu  prnclice  of 
sinaLielihg. 

Htii.  'I'hat,  in  nnr  npininn,  the  prnpnsed  tnrifl",  nnd  the 
principles  INI  which  it  is  avowedly  fourded.  would,  if  adopt- 
ed, have  a  tendeney,  however  ilitierent  may  he  tlie  notionii 
of  those  who  r<  eoinniemiei]  them,  lodiiiii;ii.-Jli  the  imhtotry, 
inipeile  the  prosperiiv,  and  corrupt  ttie  murals  of  the  puo- 
pie. 

.lames  T.  Aii«lin,  E^ii  ,  and  the  honnrahlc  Daniel  Weh- 
sler  aildrcRseil  llieir  ff  llow-eiti/ens  in  favor  of  the  report  and 
resolves,  in  speeches  which  were  distininiished  for  closeness 
o]'ari!niiienl,  varit  ly  id'ilhislrationi^,  nnd  ahaiidnnee  of  fact. 

The  ri  port  was  then  ncerptcd,  and  the  repolvcB  recom- 
mended hv  till'  coimiiiitet^  unaniinnnsly  passed. 

A  vote  of  timnkrt  to  the  hrmorahlc  Mr.  (His,  of  thePennte, 
nnd  to  those  inemhers  from  this  Hiate  in  llie  House  of  Iteprr- 
seiuatives  of  the  l.'nited  Stales  who  opposed  the  new  turifl', 
W((H  iinaniiaoiiisly  agreed  to. 

Here  is  wholesome  truth  ploinly  and  cogently 
spoken.  It  reads  strangely  by  the  side  of  the  re- 
cent Lawrence  letters  anil  tho  subsequent  speeches 
and  votes  of  Mr.  Webster. 

Hut  let  us  see  on  what  groutuh  tliese  free-tnulo 


;\;T#i 


'm\ 


m^^i 


Hi 


'II 


-■^T 


1060 


APPEIVDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 


[July  1, 


29th  Cong Ibt  Skss. 


TAe  Tariff— Mr.  Ficklin. 


Ho.  or  KcpH. 


roflnUitioMN  wcrfi  tlif  n  roinnuiuli  d  to  the  nnnnimoxin 
jiuii;mcnl  of  llip  gnoil  |ieii|ile  of  llnstoii.  line  in 
a  p)i.s.s.ie;e  from  tlifi  ttrirmmnt  ul'  \\\v.  mnBtt  r-sjiirit 
of  the  oirraHJon.  In  mliln  Hsiiii;  ilmt  l''uiM>tiil  IliiU 
moctingr,  tiie  *Jtl  Ot  tober,  iPtJiK-Mr.  U'l  l-storeiud: 
*'  Th'-rv  ifl  n  iwi«  rr  in  imini'H;  nni)  Mmsi'  wh"  liiiil  [irrHft'il 
l)ii>  iiiritroii  l*<iiii.*ri->K.  iintl  <iii  ilic  r<xiritrv,  lin>t  r'  prcocnlnl 
ji  iH  Miuni-itiniHy,  hihI  ti!iii(>-i  r^<'ln-n<  Jy.  loiuifrifd  Hitli 
il<>inr-ti<'  iiulusiry  iiitil  niitinimt  iiiil-'pi'iiili'tirc.  in  hlit  of  iti- 
i  lit,  no  mt'iiMurt'  coitjil  yrove  inoic  in  Utint'*  tn  llu-  inrfr.i/ii/  of 
I  !♦■  rjvntr-t,  lliul  linllilMu  Wiw  limir  r.iiintul  lliiui  III'-  u)Hniiiii 
tint  iiiitiori.il  iiitifp'-nitriiri'  miilrrcJ  fiifli  H  riM  n-iiri-  ncci)'  ■ 
r\r\.  fir  ccrtninly  /^^iicA/  it  inicA/  Ar  doultid  ufipfbrr  f'oii- 
frc^t  voul'l  not  f-r  iirtin-' n&ineirhut  n-'uimt  Uif  ^linl  tnul  in- 
tcn'ion  of  the  Cofi>-tittitinn  in  cxririfinu  a  (xi'mt  t.t  runfrot 
runiliitUti  the  puri'iiils  nud  lu-ciijntioiH  ni*  iiiitividiiitU  i-i 
tln'ir  [liiviitp  rciii.Tr'.t ;  »  |imvi'r  I"  tnrcc  j;n'iit  imrl  .-nihlcii 
rhniitfi'^,  IkkIi  nt Occi  |  iitiou  iirul  prn)nTl,v,  u|hmi  iii(Jivittiiiil>, 
wif  iin  inciilout.il  (.>  the  CTricn'  of  ciii/  (i//n'r  j».("it,  Ir.t  un  ii 
miUt.inli'il  imdilifCrt  jiji/vr.  Jl'  niirli  I'lmiiilf-*  j'-cjr  in-nn'jht 
inififiit-il'yoiitii.itrul  trncthr  niritn.ni  iou*ci}urnir  of  swh 
imi'o^t  :i  t\inii:rt'aa,  fnr  the  Ic.idiua  ;»Hr/HHf  oj  refetuie.  s/idu/f/ 
etuut,  thm  thcffoiiiil  uol  he  rmiiiiltiucit  of.  hui  he  d.iuf'lf(1 
whether  Vott^iirsi  fuii  hi  ik>\«r»vr''  the  /»-.»-i'r  oflurnini:  tin'  in- 
eiiieiit  into  the  firin'ifi'.it;  iirul.  iiHt^ail  oi'  |i"n\iint  iimiiiiiii''- 
IlirPH  ("  llM'  prirt'Ttiiiri  n('  -ilrli  Iiiwh  iih  shmiVi)  lir  pil>-i'il 
Willi  it  pniiiiiry  r*'.'.';ii(l  In  n  vnim*,  nlMiiirlltiii  l.uv-*  with  ihi' 
nv(KVL*4l  »bji-ji  of  iri\im;  apnrin'iicc  ttnuirii.nlir  miiiiiHiir- 
liiri'-i,  witli  an  I'liiirr  ill-ill';:  ir>l  (o  iid  ilh-  I'nn-i.l.  riiiiiui--  ot' 
rfvrniic.  Iirul,  iiisu-ail  ui"  l.iviiij  sui-li  iiuim-l-'  ii-  wniild  hi>t 
nii-^wi-r  till'  imriHisc  ni'  r.iiMiia  rcvnnic  with  Iln'  Icji-i  hnr- 
ilrii  on  Uic  piililic,  rarniii::  V.w  iiiii'"-'  I'n  rrri:iiii  iirtirlc-  iri 
n  Iptinli'i.-iiiiii' i'\r(->«,"\\  nil  n  full  Kimwli'ilur  llmt  tli.-  in- 
crtNi?«i'  iil'ihiiy  uili  iliiniiii-<li  lli«'  iini<>iiiiti<rn'vciiii('  ii(i>i'>t." 

IC further  pro. if  wlmt  dosirctl  on  ihi^  pniht.  ii  \^ 
fonnd  ill  tlip  sprech  of  Mr.  Webster  on  the  tarilf 
of]p-J9.     He  says; 

'•  \-'\v  I!iiclunit.  Mr,  hnn  imt  hern  n  l^nrli  r  irt  tliw  [uliiM-. 
On  til"'  (M.nirary,  i*!!"'  lu-I-l  li;ifk  licrni-lf.  and  iri' <l  m  Im.I-I 
ot'H'D^  hiK'k  fr"tn  ii.lVnni  ttn'  lulopiinii  of  tin-  t'ori''triiiiii'n  In 
l-'M.  rpto  l"'M  >lir  \v:\<  ncni-icil  ot'  «Hti!-lfr  nn.l  «i-lrislt 
ll(\i!.'iis.  f'VCiiuse  *he  dixnuwlcntt.n  e.l  the  ;m>;ir^i  oj  thin  juH 
€y."—{\\*\.  I,  pnci'iUiT,  Wi'lwHT'rt  t^pi'ci'ln's.^ 

Afrain,  in  his  <'o)t'lirairil  Hprccii  on  Foot's  rcso- 
huious,  Jan.  :2Uih,  IKiO,  hr  says: 

*' Sir,  I  lii'a  ji'iivc  (ri  fiiy  ill  rrganl  fn  thf  F-Vki,  tlint  tlif 
misinnl  policy  iM'  Uio  irinii'  is  nol  luT'',  wiii-llrr  it  l»-  wi-c 
or  iniui'f.  \ew  Knglund  is  not  iL*  nutlior.'*— (l'iti,'f  'A\--*. 
■Diiii'  vi>lnint>.) 

With  the  oxreption  of  tlif  solitarv  nrticlr  of  to- 
bact'o,  t)ie  duty  h'vied  l>y  Great  Uritain  on  nur 
staple  prudncU  is  men  Iv  noniiii;d,  and  she  is  otir 
be.st  customer.  I  propose  to  snbn»it  a  lahh'  of  ini- 
p.irr.s  and  exports,  slmwiii^  that  the  baianro  of 
trade  is  in  our  favor,  and  thiit  ylie  pundiasts  nioie 
of  Ui)  tiian  we  do  of  lier: 

''  Kut  let  u^  l'W)k  n  nuiincnt  tn  firl.^,  nndsee  how  thin  hnl- 
■ni'i'  of  tradif  prartit  ally  (p|(t'ratt'H.  I  tjnd,  on  ri-cMrriiiir  tn 
Hiiiit*ii  Mn2:i/,iin-  lor  Si-jHenilnT.  ii^A't,  paie  --ir^l,  a  tahb'  ex- 
hibitni^  l!it-'  halaii'.'f  t'nr  and  :i:;aiiisr  us  vMtli  ail  fimriinfy; 
from  which  I  (pi:ife  (he  balaiio.-  a(:iin!<t  ns.  nrwl  in  lavot  of 
Spain,  Uraieil,  nndCtiina,  for  tlivyiiirii,  Itt-i*^,  1&-1U,  ami  1^4, 
vn: 


i(*-i-i  ;^.'%">;i,','»j;i  ^t.;H7.:n-j  .*;t,i!»».'.'i-'  >ii-,',ri!;n.c.vi 

ip^iacumo.)!      :j,02fi,?*i(i    'j,i.v..;j7.i|    i.yai.tw-i     T.i-if'iT'H 

1«W  7,0->a,t)4oi    4.(j(;."*,.w(|    .).l74,;tll'    M.-JtEf.^O- 


'  Ifere  i-H  n  larcf?  balance  oi'  (mile— iMiiountiiii'  in  the  at:- 
(En-iate,  lortlie  two  yrari*  and  nirii!  nmntlis, 'o  tl.--  :-mni  ut" 
9;t4.li);ijll>— af!ain>t  |]il>  ('nitfd  States, and  in  lavirof  iIim> 
natiuna  ixwrte.<sini:,  eonip:irativrly.  Iml  little  lOr-'iirn  rom- 
nieri'c.  Now.  how  ihd  rlie  CniO'd  Stale's  urt  the  nii-an<(  to 
pay  this  d<-trt -^  It  whs  by  stdhne  to  other  naiinns  rnniiL'h 
inori>  than  ftiu  took  af  them  to  pay  ilic  dihts  wIim-Ii  >lii> 
ow' d  to  lh'>*e  of  whi'li  j*h<*  bonant  tnorc  than  *Iif  "iM  i,. 
tlieiri.  hiiririL'  the  -ano'  p'Ti.M!.  ilif  lial;inc<  ■*  oi"  Hm'  I'luiftl 
Btati.'rt  au.un^t  Kntjland  and  her  dt>peiid<-nra>s  were  as  lo|- 
litwti,  vi/.: 

nalanr^e  ncainsi  Kncland.  ami 

Year.  in  lavor  of  the  Itnii-d  Siatc.-*. 

!M> .*i:u;t:i,':i); 

l>^i;t  (nine  inontlH) lT.'^>:{,xj;,;t 

104 1 Hi, -i;j.;.;4 


will  of  ilflolf  ftin)i.-«h  ninple  protertion  for  tdl  ten-' 
Nonnlde  pnrpoNet*.      Let  tin  do  so  that  pearr,  har- 
inoiiVt  and  frirndHliipniay  once  more  cxial  between 
the  fiirnu-rnnd  ninnidnetnrrr. 

Tlie  pioleeiion  which  a  revrnue  tnrifTwotdd  fur- 
nish, wilhnjrly  rorieeded  by  ilie  othrr  industrial 
interenlH  of  the  e(Mintry — Idottinff  out  all  jealousies 
and  hearil'urniiiirs  heretoftirr  engendered,  l>iniliiiic 
tip  the  liniiseN  and  woniuli)  which  thiN  net  has  in- 
dieted,  securiufflo  tlie  inannfartiirer  the  ijood  will 
ami  syntpalliy  of  the  ni;neulturiHt,niHJ  InHl,thoutfh 
not  least,  <;ivini:  perninueiiey  to  the  luws  on  ibis 
^nlijc-l  — would  be  infinitely  prrfernldo  to  tlte  ore- 
went  art,  for  there  enn  he  no  peaee,  (piict,  or  Iiar- 
innnv,  while  it  lives  npou  our  Rlntnte  hooU.  'riiis 
war  l>elweeii  the  farmei  and  tlie  niatuifarlurer  '\h  nn 
uiMiMiural  one,  forced  u[M)n  them  by  niisj^uidi'd  and 
inisjiuli^ini;  poiiiieians. 

A  'renty  of  pt'aee  and  amity  should  be  eonelnded 
between  the  parlies,  and  the  nmnufartnrer  should 
besaiisfied,  if  the  fanner  i-i  so,  with  the  proteeiion 
ineidrni  to  n  revenue  taritV.  To  tiie  su^ar  jdanter 
I  would  say,  if  you  cannot  prn.fper  under  n  reve- 
nue larid',  then  it  is  e\ident  tliat  snL'ar  is  not  the 
nriii'le  for  you  to  eultivnle,  and  voiir  lands  arc 
eminently  nthipted  to  the  eulture  o|*  cotton;  tiiere- 
fore  turn  your  ailrntion  to  jjrowini^  it. 

To  the  ii'omuasier  and  eoalmoiiirer  f  would 
sav,  that  if  your  business  ennnot  bo  .sustained  and 
will  not  Hupport  ii.<!r)f  nndrr  a  revenue  tarilT,  it 
slii-nld  lie  ai)andnne(l:  lenvr  it  tor  the  present;  the 
eoal  and  the  iron  ore  will  not  travel  awav  from 
your  nujuntains,  Imt  will  patiently  await  till  it  is 
profitable  for  yon  to  work  them. 

Coniim:,  as  I  do,  iVoin  one  of  the  most  derided 
f  orn-j^rowiui;  reyions  of  tlie  Union,  and  re[)ie.sent- 
iiii;  a  people  who  bow  not  tn  the  beliests  and  enni- 
munds  of  superinlendents  either  in  factories  or  fur- 
na-'es,  it  will  be  experied  tt\'  me  to  f;ive  inv  views 
as  to  ihe  elTcet  of  the  repeal  of  t!ie  corn  laws  in 
(irrat  Hritain  upon  that  imerrst  in  this  country.  I 
will  premise  that  I  reiranl  it  ns  of  the  utmost  ini- 
portani'c  to  the  farineis  of  the  West.  Tlie  rapid 
increase  of  popnlatiiui  in  Great  IJriiain,  and  the 
comparative  slow  increase,  not  to  sav  perfect  stand 
still,  of  the  neiirhliorint:  countries  in  Europe,  favors 
the  proposition  that  they  are  not  likely  to  be  fed 
from  those  counlries.  The  boundless  extent  of 
our  territory,  and  the  rapidly  inci-ensin^  nninber 
of  our  population,  speak  in;j  I  he  samelani:uai;e  with 
thems)  Ives,  point  us  out  to  ilritisli  statesmen  as 
their  best  eustomers  for  all  that  they  may  jiave  to 
sell.  Ueciprociiy  of  trade,  now  tendered  by  Great 
Hrilain,if  met  in  a  jirojicr  spirit,  will  icive  us  a  mar- 
ket for  tlie  surplus  productions  of  the  western 
farmer.  (.Jreat  Itriiain  will  purchase  of  those  who 
j>nn'hase  of  her,  and  she  ran  clothe  us,  and  we  can 
feed  lier,  to  the  mutual  benefit  of  eaeh  nation. 

To  prove  that  Grt^at  IJritain  is  our  bestcustomer 
for  farm  firoducts,  1  give  the  following  stntislicnl 
.staleinent: 

T'l'-h'  sho'ting  the  nmnunt  nf  il'iur  ajul  TtitUun  mm  eTpnrtni 
fiom  thin  rotnilni  to  firr>it    Hrilain  nml  her  tohnies  tlurim; 

Ificrointncreiul  ycnrof  1^10, 


Flo 

iir. 

Intliim 

Corn. 

Vntite. 

huthch. 

r.iliir. 

Kiiuhini) 

fi(i:p.77»''e:i,;iin.a!i.| 

101,9* 

.«.'i!l.9-i3 

Hc<itl:ui(l 

1.1,111! 

77,04!) 

Ir.hiiiil 

- 

. 

a.'jii.-. 

1,fi4n 

I!riii>)i  (jiiiann 

;     a,:«-, 

K.WJ' 

2,ao:i 

1,'IIU 

Ki<t  Iiiilic^ 

:      •I..W.I 

ai.;iin 

U'i-1  In.liP'' 

a.•^3,:l•w 

l,94fi.»81 

I44.flO 

Ba,.-ti6 

('n|ipof(;riod  Kopo. 

,       2,(KI7 

ii.;tfO 

.Miiiiritjitx 

i         en 

MO 

Aii-lriil.iKin 

'        I..VH 

7,t«i 

HritJ'^h    AiiHTicnii  } 

I  4:fi,:ufl 

a.ia4,«i 

1.10,717 

79.4.'-|.1 

rntunii'l* \ 

.»i7.h;!),r.i4 


''ThrHrlnrchalnnoosncaincl  rnslnnd  nniililcil  iht'  rnitr-d 
Pl.ltcs  l-i  |i:i>  lln-  h.tiJUid'^  wliH-i.  ,*hi'  ovvi'il  lo  S|,:iiti.  Ilrazil. 
t'tiina,  tiriil  •tthcr  <-<niiitrii  h.  Iin':it  ItiMiiiii.  iti  hi-r  iiini.  :m'- 
cuiitiilat 'd  t)alaiici-fi  a^ainxt  (ithiT  riaiinji^i;  atwl  llii].,  iii  llii. 
cin  li*  of  iraili'.  nil  nations  riiak'*  an  i-\r)iany<-  t)i'i-iiujva|t-nt;<. 
Kai-ti,  jti  ihf  Inni:  run,  Ui-rri  riorliiiiLr;  anil  I'arli  is  pitrii'tiril 
by  III.'  aiii'Mitil  iiritn  luuiual  iiiilu..itry  liej'iiiit  lilt  fO:il  ul'  ils 
annual  <.iiiiriunipiiun." 

I  wnulil  sny  tn  niir  I'rPlliron   in  nil  jNirls  nf  lliis 
T'ninn,  wiili  ilie  kiiiil!i<'sl  fciliii'.'s,  "  rnino  anil  li;l 
u«  ri';isiiii  tiii.'cilnM-;"  li't  u<  nw  lireihrcn  nmiliry  the  , 
tarill'unrt  reduce  it  to  tlie  revenue  Htandaid,  Wliioli  1 


I.-J',l7.1lli|.e<].l'l',l,.ill:    ilfl.lill  .■5-iJ7,7:.7 

Wlinli'iinantitvnrilniiri'Tpiirl- )    ti>irrch.  Vithtp. 

Ill  rrnin  111"  I'llili'il  Stall's  Im  [   l,W7..-,m  910,l'),'l.lil5 

all  I'liiinlrii'i  in  li^lll i 

Of  ^^'lli<  li  (;ri':it  llritain  anil  liiT 

ciiliinii's  pnri'hasi'il 1.2!I7,II!)  St  pniil  r,,PID,,'il'l 


SaiNI.IOI 


1,1'avini!  fiir  nil  other  cniiiiirii's        Rno.MM'J 

Or  U'lis  titnn  niiL'-tliiril  in  i|iiaiitity  ami  value, 
i/ii'/i.'(., 

fniliaii  enrn  rxpnrli'tl G7'J,'249 

Of  u'liirli  Gri'nt   llritain   piir- 
clia>tU a«l,nil  and  pnid  iH 


V„l,ic. 


MI'.'.fillH 


.'='IOI..'-.7l) 


Shall  llie  wrslern  fnrmers  louk  to  ihe  two  liun- 
drcil  nnd  imkIiIv  four  llinufinnd  lliiee  liundrnl  nnd 
fil'ly-nno  innnufiiilurei'ii  (ilic  csiiiniited  niinilier  of 
llin  |iriileclrd  oliisni's)  an  rnrniMliiU!;  n  ninrkel  lor 
tlie  niMiieii.ie  »ur|ilu.'<iirfiiiii,liei'r,  |>iul(,nnd  oilier 
nrtirlesof  llie  tUnil,  riillicr  lluvn  Imili  lo  ihe  twenlv- 
ci^'lit  inillioim  nf  hiiiiIh  in  (iieiit  liiitniii,  who  lire 
inviting  ufl  lo  uiifi'ller  eoininirie,  nnd  imei  tliem 
u|iiin  the  juHt,  equitable,  and  siieitd  |iriiii'i)iU'.>i  tif 
I'lee  trndef 

Great  Uriliiiii  enn  furnish  u»  a  mnilict  if  .nhe 
will;  our  mmiiirni'liirei'n  cniinot  If  liiey  wnulil;  the 
fiiiiuer  is  |)rai'lii'ulile,  llie  liiller  is  iiii|ins>iili|i',  \ 
few  eoiinlirs  in  niii'  nf  the  new  Stiile.i  wnulil  prn- 
duee  provi'Sions  suiru'ieiit  to  feed  the  whole  nf  ihe 
nianufaetniei'.H  of  lliin  eounliy,  Alilhons  of  dol- 
lars woi'tli  nf  ttii'm  |>rniliiels  |iKrisli  nnnually  in  the 
West  fnr  want  of  a  niarkil.  Wheal  reniiiiiis  iin- 
thr»sheil,eorn  iincalhered,  ealtle  and  hoi;s  unfni- 
Icued,  heiau.se  the  eliannelN  of  trade  are  lilorked 
ii|i  hv  the  resirieliye  larilVnf  lH4l!. 

We  laiinni  .shut  imr  eyes  to  the  fuel,  for  it  ia  n 
fixed  aNiiint  in  pnlitieal  eronnuiy,  that  the  eom- 
nieree  hetween  naliniiH  uuiHt  be  inuliial  in  order  lo 
be  eonliiiiU'd,and  it  is  equally  true  that  Cireal  Drii- 
nin,  well  iindersinndini;  her  best  iuleresiH,  will 
trade  with  the  nation  that  baa  llie  ability  and  ihe 
will  lo  trade  willi  her,  Tlieeomniereial  system  of 
norihcm  Kurope  (wlinw  wheat  eould  alone  ronie 
in  eoiiipelitimi  wilh  ours)  issnrenlrielive,  aruounl- 
inj  almo.st  lo  prohiliilinn,  that  they  eould  not  suc- 
ees.sfiilly  ennijiele  wiili  us  in  that  Inule. 

We  are  tnid  that  iln  rrj^iniis  borderins;  on  llie 
Raltie  and  Mlaek  .'^ea  are  lo  be  our  sui'i'issful  ri- 
vals. Their  pnpulalioii  i.s  t^enenilly  nt  a  slauil  siill, 
while  that  of  b'n!;laiid  is  iiierenKiinjaiiiiuiilly  at  llie 
rate  of  four  hiiiulred  llioii.'mnd;  their  eoniineire  it 
ineonsideroble,  ns  will  be  seen  by  referenee  tn  the 
atatisiieal  tables;  their  larilla  tliseourfi:re  exehanije 
nml  barter  nf  eonimndities,  nnd  llic  wheat  triiiin 
must  eniMi'  to  our  bemfu,  if  we  shape  our  enurse 
prnperly.  Ill  enrrobnmtion  nf  my  views  aa  tn  the 
nUKmeiilntinn  nf  iinpuliition,nniI  the  inereasin^'  de- 
mniid  for  whent  in  Kii>;laiid,  I  sive  an  extract  from 
the  renmrks  nf  Sir  Uohcrl  Peel  nn  this  aiibjeel: 

*'  Till'  ailililiiin  made  to  the  tiiliiiher  iif  the  popnialinn  n| 
this  I'litiiilry  I'ViTv  year,  wai  i«iii'h  ih  hmuIiI  ri'iinire  frnii'i 
lIKI.OOU  III  -..■00,00(1  acres  In  lie  laken  illtii  Cllllivalinn  for 
ivlieat  lo  ini'i  t  the  wniils  nf  the  iiiereaKi'd  popnlatiuii.  In 
.sili'h  a  slair  nf  tliiiiu^,  ynu  naii-t  he  ahlc  tn  iiilil  alliintit  uit 
adililionul  counl\j  under  ctillivntioll  every  year.'' 

In  ihc  same  debate,  Sir  O.  Clerk,  the  Viro 
President  of  the  Bonrd  of  Trade,  snid: 

''  V\'ithin  the  In^t  live  yenr^,  there  has  heen  iinpnrii'd 
into  tliiscnnntry  ten  inilltnns  nf  ituarters  n<  enrii,  nr  tun 
niilhiins  nnnually.  The  experience  nf  the  Inr-I  thirty  years 
priived  that  the  rate  nf  iiiipulallnii  nilvnnceil  ninre  raiiid- 
ly  than  the  rale  nf  prnihii'Unii,  anil  that  lliis  was  true  was 
attested  hy  the  fai  t  that  fnr  a  Iniiif  feries  of  years  we 
had  everyyear  heen  eniiii«'lli'il  to  incrense  niir  ini|inrfa- 
tjniis  of  Ihreiyn  enrii  in  prnpiirtmn  ns  we  approached  ninre 
closely  to  till.'  pri'seiil  tiiiie;  anil  liearinc  in  iiillid  this  faei, 
the  tr'illll  of  which  «:is  tint  to  he  eoiitepled,  he  eniild  tint 
iii'lp  ihinkint; — no  nialter  linw  vteorniisly,  nn  innller  hnw 
scieiilillcally  the  arts  of  iiLnienlllire  mitilil  lie  applied  In 
the  I  iiriehnieiit  nf  llie  snil— tor  the  ncM  ten  years  we 
wnnlil  he  eniiipelled  In  import  ,'l,l)OO,l!O0  nf  quarters  of  corn 
nnnually  instead  of  two." 

Great  I'rllain  now  imports  nnnunlly  nn  nveraire 
of  about  1'1,0U(I,()IIII  nf  bushels  nf  wheal,  ninsi  of 
it  from  l)niil/.ie,  in  Piiiissin,  ami  OdesMi,  in  Jius- 
aia;  and  I  jiropose  now  in  j;ive  snnie  I'urllier  fuels 
ns  In  the  impcdimeuis  nf  ilial  trade,  bnlh  in  rei;ard 
to  the  i'aliie  ami  lilack  seas.  Mr.  PlatI,  in  his 
treatise  t^w  the  enrn  laws,  says: 

"The  corn  crnwiiic  ■  iiitriesin  the  soulheast  of  Kiirope, 
nnd  ill  *Iii'  ciiiiutnes  I..  ,.;,  riini  the  Hlaik  Sea,  export  lln  ir 
I'rndilee  hy  the  Dnii.  ilie  Dnieper,  the  Dtiiesler,  nml  lite 
Daiiuhc.  nr  hy  laud  earri;ice  In  f  lilessa.  for  sliipiucnl  lo  for- 
eimi  countries;  nnd  llial  purl  slnnils  in  the  same  relation  lo 
the  south  of  Fairn|H' as  I)ant7.ic  does  lo  the  northeiii  part. 
The  principal  sujiply,  linwevrr,  is  hroii^ht  to  llie  town  ill 
carts,  ilrawn  hy  iiviu,  iVnni  distances  var\  inn  finni  one  In 
fnur  hundred  luiles.  The  voyaije  In  Fnuiaud  is  I'lint,  anil 
there  is  (treat  ri-k  of  the  nraiii  heaiinir.  ami  the  eviieiise  nt 
illipi>rlin<t  ainnlinl-'  to  1,'is'.  nr  lliv.,  or  even  *JOt.  the  ipiarler, 
or  00  eenis  the  husliel,  .Mr.  Jaeohs's  acconitt  of  the  man- 
ner in  \\  liieh  enrn  is  tr:ilis[iorted  lo  Oilissa,  shows  tlie  phys- 
ical iiutio-sihility  of  this  cnniiietilioii  het'oiuiiig  a  mailer  of 
anxiety  in  tile  most  timid  auricnttnrist." 

I  will  now  furnish  snnie  further  fads  in  >-e£rnrd 
tn  Ihe  wheat  sliired  at  Dnnlzic,  tnnding  to  show 
the  clnirs  that  are  upon  that  trade: 

"  The  lareest  sii|iplies  of  yraill  ilnpnrtcil  intoftrent  Rrifaiii 
have  L'euenillv  come  frnm  lian'zic.  The  uraiii  is  ehielly 
hroiiiiht  I'riiin  the  inteiinr  on  llie  river  lo  \  istula.  IIul'.  \e., 
in  tiatbotils  of  the  riidesi  enii-irnclinn,  npen  to  tlieeili  els  nf 
the  wealliiT  nnd  the  liiiml  nf  the  |iilferer.  Diiriua  the  pns- 
fcjige,   which  Inula  several  weeks,  nnd  even  nionlhs,  the 


P 


1H46.] 

•^})th  Cono 1st  SK99. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  CmilE. 

~  The  Tariff— Mr.  DUon. 


1061 


Ho.  or  Hkps. 


A 

■rii- 
Tihc 

Illie 
lin- 
fni- 


fiir<tulitii{  nt'tlic  wlirnt  nil  tho  lop  rnrni"  n  llilrk  nint,  nnil 
iiiiil  ('uiij.iinwf'*  II  InliMiiltli!  i-ftviTlnix  1  r  tht>  liiillt.  Tin' 
liiiilH  I'arry  IViiiM  IkHIiiU  II  qii.irli'rx  (llioiip  t.lilKl  l>ii^lii  h) 
iifwlifnt ;'  nri'  niiv'iuii1*'il  Iiv  Ax  nr  ^i-vi'ti  mrn,  Willi  «  kimiiU 
Imhi  III  ixiiiiiil  Hlii'Kil,  to  IIihI  IIii'  ^lllllllltl  kImiiiI'  i  iim'  linikrll 
li|i  mill  tllii  llilihTlill.*  Milil  III  IXiiil/.ic.  'I'll'' Mlniil  (fill  lull 
(iii>  urown  niirliii-i*)  i*  tlinavH  mil  tl|ii>ii  (li<-  fli'Mii  nii<l  tirli-il, 

II  nt  tlu-ii  i-(iir<-il  III  wiiri'liiiiivi'  ,  tlip  Vkli'ili'  III  vv, licit  uri;  cii- 
(iiilili'  iil'liiililini  ,'i(lll.ll'KI  qiinrliTi.  ( I.I.'IVI.OIUI  IiiikIiiIk.)  Tin! 
Hwripi' iMct  nt'  llir  iiiliiliil  l'rf|i(lit,  iiirliiililiii  Wll-^li-,  in  H*. 
■  ml  (i.f.  por  i|ii:irli-r,  riiiiiil  to 'I'l  i-i'iit-i  piT  Ini^lii'l.  'I'Imm'x- 
p  'll^i;  (>l'lJr>ilil(,  I'Irilllllllf.  lllliJ  U'iirfllilUdllitf,  at  DllllUtic.  i* 
*Ji.  iiKiri*,  iiri>ix  d'litM  pi-r  ItliHlii'l.'^ 

t'tmn  1S35  to  1845,  llie  nvpinsic  price  of  wlii'nt 

III  Hiii;lanil  was  §1  ''•>  pei'buxlul;  llie  i'X(h(ins;fi  \v 
piii'i'iilly  uhoiit  iiiii".  per  iciil.,  wliirh  would,  to 
(JiiiicxiuMl,  favor lliccxporliilinn,  shnwiii!; thereby 
riinsl  oiinclusivcly,  llml  our  fiirnicra  can  drive  a 
l-iriintitlilo  liiiHliicKit  in  the  whi'iit  Iniilr. 

I  lirrc  fi'ive  a  ahort  cxlvact  fniiii  a  table  of  ex- 
|iorts: 

'I  Till'  plfcrt  nf  llir  rnrn  Itiw  in  millrtpniinn  merely  in  the 
I'itv  III'  Nl'W  Ynik  (tn  cxpiiflK  in  iw  folliuvs  ;  I 

I' Jan.  1,1.1  June  :«.     IHIH.       I.^I.V 

t'lirii,  (ImMiflM) JJI,6D7    ".'l,--1ii;  (Ttinieia«oreai.) 

rnriini-'iil,  (in  burreh).  jt,i^7     l:t,.'>(i;  ( 1^  (iiiii-,i  n.<i  jtreiit.) 

I.nril,  (kc^^) :il,;:iT    4i,!.Kn  (iiniirly  dnnlili'.)         ' 

Whmt .■«,H-'H     1 1  iM  (•;0lliiiiesii»  nilicll.)  ' 

riiiiir,  (wheal) 4l4.l)T.'i  l<l.'l.l!l,'i  (I  iiiiii'm  ni  miirli.)    I 

ll)eniiur li.-WI      a.rOi  (MlliiniKaHiiiuvli.)  i 

Hiilti'r 1U,UJ7    l.'i.Mil  (IJ  iiiiH'Ma:.  niurh. 

There  is  vet  iinother  stnpli^  nrlioln  of  the  Went, 
niul  lliiti  is  liiilinii  mrn,  or  maize,  iih  it  is  onlleit  in  ^ 
Kiii;lan(l,  in  tho  export  of  wiiloh  my  coiisiiiuentd  j; 
«ic  mure  interested  thnn  in  nhnimtnny  oilier.  The  jj 
Wnbiish  rnnnin:;  the  wlnilc  extent  of  my  district,  ;' 
(like  ancient  H!;y|it,)  is  fumed  far  and  near  for  its  !| 
abundant  production  of  this  article.  ji 

Indian  wini  is  not  prown  in  Kiiglnnd,  except  ns  j 
nn  iirnanienlal  plant  in  their  t;ardciiK,  nor  is  it  pi'o-  h 
cliiced  for  exporliition  to  much  exicnt  iiinnycoun-  i| 
try  but  in  ouis.  In  this  article,  as  in  those  of  i 
loluicco  and  cotton,  we  eiiii  enjoy  very  nearly  a  ! 
iiiiiniipiily  of  the  ilrilish  market.  1 

There  is  at  this  time  n  aireat, revolution  in  public 
opinion  proiijres.sinjy  in  that  country  on  this  subject, 
iind  II  is  all  im|Hirlant  ilint  the  sveslcrn  farmer  shall 
look  ill  his  interest  in  inis  imrticular. 

Inimeiise  quKntllles  of  Indi.nii  corn  may  be  con- 
sumed in  that  cnuiilry  for  the  purpose  of  fattenim; 
cattle  alone.     On  this  subject  I  bes  It.'vc  tn  refer  to 
ilic  speech  of  Sir  Robert  I'eel,  delivered  .  n  January  ; 
last: 

**  I  propose,  tlieri'fiirc,  that  an  arttplc  of  (riiiiii    vliii'li  I 
lii-lievt;  imtfiit  lie  apphoil  to  Itic  liiuriiinitnrciitlli-  ^liai:  licrc-  ; 
«I>er  III' iiiipnncil  limy  ircf.    [t.'iici'rs.J    it  i.i  an  iiriii."  of' 
imiiii'iisi!  iiiiporlaucL'— tiiaizi',  iir  iiiiliaii  rnrn.     [Chrcrs.j    [  1 
)ir(>pii-e  that  till' duly  upQii  it  dtiall  lie  hercal'tiT  ami  iiniu,  ■  I 
(llati'ly  miHiliial.    (Ilrar.]    I  (In  iint  cnii>itlcr  that,  hy  the  . 
rciiiDial  nniie  ilul)  on  liiilizi',  I  aiii  licpriviiig  nitricuiliiri'  nf  t 
any   prntcclinii.     I   iindcri'taiiii   that  in   the  l.'nilcil  Slatt'M  ] 
niai/.i'  iH  ii>i'il  panlyas  liniiiaii  f(in(l,aii(l  that  in  thi^cniinlry 
itH  iilility  ns  liuinnn  liiiHl  i^  Inn  inucli  ilii^recariii'il.    [Hear,  , 
hear. J     in  >nnie  parte  ol' the  eiinllnt'iit  it  is  held  tn  iiiiikefx-  '; 
ei'lli.'iit  fund,  anil  it  iniittil  he  nilvaiilaLn'iiiisly  npplii-d  in  the  ; 
Kuini'  way  in  Great  Itritaiii.    'i'o  pmiiinte  the  fm;  iiiipnrt  nf 
iiiaizi!  sei'iiiH  lu  inc  Ml  fur  frnin  ilniiiit  iiLTiciiltiiri'  a  ilHscr- 
vice,  it  will  tie  dninit  it  a  hiaielit,  by  pnininUng  the  iinuri.^h^ 
liieiit  and  latl(.'iitni{  iilentth'."  ^ 

It  is  only  wilhlu  the  last  few  months  that  corn 
meal  has  been  admitted  into  (ireat  liritaiii  at  one 
shilling  duly,  and  no  article  of  food  has  heretofore 
{,>riiwn  iiiii)  favor  with  such  rapidity,  and  that,  loo, 
with  all  classes.  No  nation  can  comiiele  with  us; 
and  the  time  is  at  band  when  the  tniliii»  millions 
of  that  couniry  will  look  to  the  West  I'or  bread  as 
fully  and  entirely  as  liieir  manulacturei-snow  look 
to  the  South  for  their  coiton.  The  cheapness  and 
abundance  of  the  articles  are  fully  illiisiraled  by 
the  liillowiii?  table  prepared  by  the  Commissioner 
of  I'.itcnls,  showiii'.'  the  amount  of  wheat  and  corn 
raised  in  the  United  States  last  year: 


H'hr.l. 

ronncciicut Ill.lMin 

Vermont t~.')4,llUI) 

New  .Tiisey l.ll.'ill.lllHI 

Delaware IIO.OIIO 

(icoriiia l,.'):  1,11(11) 

.Mnbama H'^b.lilMI 

Mississippi :)7H,llllll 

Missouri l„''ir.','),(IIHI 

Arkansas U,4-i7,UUO 

Florida 

Wisconsin mi.litlO 

Iowa ';!i:i,lllll) 

District  of  Columbia....  I,"i,IIIH) 


f'mn. 

2,fi4!i,nno 

1,7^1,(1(1(1 

*,;iit,(i(ii) 
,''>ii;,ii(i() 

2,7 1, '<,(!(  Id 
]li,li.'>(l,(IIMI 

2,(1(17  ,(IIHI 

l.'i,(|-.'.'),()(IM 
H,2.'i(l,(IIIO 

7:i:t,(i(iii 
(;7^',(i(ii) 

2,0V'H,(KII) 

:i,';,(i()o 


lU(;,.">4H,(|ill)       41-,H!)!I,(I(I() 


Cini. 

Ohio i:i,r)7;),(i()(i  .'•.7,(i(i(i,(ino 

I'ennsvlvania 12„W(),0U()  ]7,IU(;,(ll)U 

liHJinna 7,041,(1(10  :iO,(i:i'),(JOO 

llhiniis 4„'.(i:MUI0  2r.„")M.l,(MI0 

ISi'W  York 1(),'J(I0,000  l;t,2.i(l,(H)0 

Vii'inia 11,,-H.-),(I(I0  27,272,000 

Teiincs.sce H,:i4(l,(l()0  70,(i2,'>,000 

Iveiiuicky 4,7(l'.l,(100  .'i4,(12.'i,000 

lMicbi"an 7,0(11,(10(1  4,;Hr),(IOO 

Maryland 4,SM4,00()  ;i,27:i,000 

JSorili  faioliiia l,!l(i!l,0()O  14,Hf<7,000 

Siiulh  Carolina l,l(iK.000  H,1H4,000 

Maine .Wi.OOO  1,!)12,0U0 

New  Hampshire (147,000  1,^28,000 

Massachusetts 241,000  3,00.-1,000 

Rhode  Island 5,000  731,000 


Of  the  above  nmnnnt  at  least  one-half  can  be 
spared  I'or  exporlntioii,  and  we  are  capable  at  ibis 
time  of  ptoducin;;  a  surplus  supply  ol  breadHliitrs 
sullicieiit  to  feed  the  whole  |,opiilallii!i  of  (jical 
llritain.  I  will  here  present  a  table  showing  llie 
increased  demand  for  our  nrnducis  since  the  niodid- 
calioii  of  the  Itritish  larill.  Thefnllowin:^  amounts 
were  received  in  two  or  three  days  initnediaii^ly 
prccediii!,'  the  Clh  of  .May  last  at  the  pons  of  Lull- 
dun  and  Liverpool  from  the  t'nited  Slates: 
24,0(10  bills.  of  Hour, 

3,0110  bushels      nf  wheal, 
3,'J3'.I  bushels     of  Indian  corn, 
1,1.').')  sacks        of     do.      do. 
2,717  bbls.  of     do.      do. 

2,0(1(1  packajjcs  of  beef, 
.5114        do.      of  iMuk, 
l.'il        do.      of  bai'ou  and  hdins, 
4,3(JO        do.      of  lard, 
I  4        do.      of  toiiL'ues,  I 

100        do.      of  bread, 
I  101        do.      of  cloversoed,  j 

l,07i)       do.      of  oilseed  cake,  an  article  used 
]  in  laKeiiiii;;  swine, 

;  10  hampers  or|iotatoes,and  numerous  other 

articles  not  particulari/.ed. 

As  an  article  of  tbod,  u  very  larpe  quantity  can 
be  annually  consumed  by  the  labori.in;  classes. 
I  Ireland  alone  would  consume  very  large  (|uaiitilies 
of  it,  and  her  iiopiilation  is  beKiiimng  to  learn  the 
dill'erciice  in  nutritive  qualities  between  corn  bi'ead 
and  the  Irish  potato.  Ueri'  I  will  read  a  shortex- 
iraet  from  the  speech  of  Sir  UoberlPeel,  delivered 
i  in  April  last; 

"  IbcHcvc  Unit  n  iirctil  rcroluHoii  ii  fukiw^  plrrc  in  I,  eland 
hi/thn  hJfdiludion  of  mc<tt  iii'irfc  of  Imti,  n  lOfii;  and  that 
there  h(a  heencrculea  a  nea- taste  fir  a  l<ettrr  aiul  m.nc  i^eiui- 
oi«  ileseiiiilion  offood.  We  liiiit,  finni  llie  c\iiiii[ih!  nl'wnik- 
liieii  ml  ruihvayn,  wlin  an;  rfiili.  i>lni}i  liir  tin;  liri-t  lime  nii 
an  article  of  liiri'i|;ii  prodncc,  on  \\  Inch  tlicy  liail  never  he- 
fiirc  liecii  accll.-toniuil  to  live,  that  they  are  iilile  to  work 
iiincli  loimcr,  arc  iiineli  heller  than  when  lhc>  !,nli.^i.Tt('il  on 
that  wateiy  liind,  the  piitaln.  [L'hecrs.J  .\ot»illi.-taiMlill:;llie 
prejinhce.s  which  have  e.\i>teil  a(;.iiii^l  llll^  iinal,  but  wlm-li 
are  III  the  eniir^e  uf  removal,  there  i^  an  iiiiliieii.-n.'  deinaml 
for  till'  pilbhealinn  poiiiliic.'  out  the  way  in  wlileli  the  meal 
can  le'  cooked  and  (Irc.-ccil  in  the  iiin.-t  approved  maiiner  in 
Irelatiil.  Indian  com,  hnwever,  Im  innv  ailniiueil  b>'  .i  sort 
of  .Milleraiice,  uiiiliT  an  o:  der  nrthe  treasury —whal  is  waiili  d 
I,  the  d'.eision  idl'iirlianicnt.    [Cheers. ]    II  Would,  sir. '^ivc 

increa-ed  ( lideiiec  In  the  iinporlers,  if  tin.'  I.iw  were  .-.'i- 

tied,  ami  il  those  ennaited  in  these  sp-enhilions  in  the  I'nited 
Blales  could  have  the  u'.iaranlci.'  olaii  act  ol  I'arlniinuitt,  iii- 
sle.iil  nfnii  order  oflln;  treasiir).'' 

We  are  asked  if  Indian  corn  can  be  imported 
into  Ureal  liriiain  to  the  mutual  beia  lil  of  both 
[lartiesjwliy  it  has  not  been  done  herelotore:  The 
rejily  is  at  luuul.  Corn  laws,  and  stringent  com- 
mercial rcslrieliuiis  have  fettered  that  Oiaiicli  of 
coiiimerce.  AL'ain,  it  has  not  been  herelol'oie  fa- 
vored bv  the  Ministry  ns  it  is  now.  He  lia.'j  read 
the  debates  ill  llie  British  Parliament  for  the  last 
twelve  moinlis  to  but  little  purpose,  who  does  uul 
clearly  see  a  scllled  delerinination  on  the  paitif 
Sir  Kobert  Peel,  Lord  John  llusscll,  and  oihers  of 
the  niosl  distinguished  men  in  tireat  IJrilaiL,  to 
modify  and  liberalize  their  tarili'  policy,  and  to 
aujrment  by  all  lioiiorable  means  their  commerce 
with  lliis country.  They,  in  lliis  measure,  are  but 
lowinii;  the  dictates  of  a  well-informed  judgment 


foil 

as  10  their  true  interest.  Pernianenl  peace  and  un- 
restricted commerce  between  Great  liriiain  and 
this  country,  the  two  jrrealest  nations  on  the  ^'lobe, 
would  give  a  new  spriiis;  to  the  prosperity  of  each, 
and  would  set  an  example  to  the  rest  of  the  world 
which  would  be  in  a  great  dcfiree  ibllowed.  The 
cause  of  hnuiaiiity,  of  Chrisiianily,  and  the  B;eii- 
;  eral  prosperity  of  mankind,  would  be  essciiliully 
.  promoted  by  free  commerce,  uiid  fro  [ueiil  iiitcr- 


'  cnurse  helwrrn  llie  nntions  of  the  (jlnlip,  brin;:ing 
tiiL'cibi'i'  as  brolliersaiid  IViends  those  wlio  are  sc[i- 
iirali'd  by  seas  and  by  cntitinciils.  All  hiinian  laws 
iciidiii'.;  to  limit  and  f'siricl  ibis  freedom,  are  but 
so  iiiiiiiyclii'^s  mill  fellers  on  ihe  baiipinens  of  man, 
and  fiiriiiNh  addiiioii  il  proofs  "  tliat  llic  world  is 
;,'ovcriied  too  much." 


Tiu;TARiri''. 
SPEECH  or  JTli.  j.  dixon, 

DF'  CO.N.NP.CTICIT, 

In  riiu  HoLKi:  ur  Kepresentitivcii 
JaniSO,  1H4(!. 
On  the  bill  proposine:  lo  reduce  tlie  duties  on  Im- 
ports, and  fur  other  purposes. 
Mr.  DIXON  addressed  the  coiiiiniltee  ns  fol- 
lows: 

Mr.f'iniHM»v:  The  siibjcci  under  consideration 
is  of  siillieieiil  iiiipiirlaine  and  of  sii!lici<iit  iiilicreiil 
dillieiiliy,  lo  lax  all  llie  powen  which  may  be 
broii'.',lil  lo  its  disciisMinii.  It  demands  caret'ul  and 
dose  oliM  rvaiion,  deep  invesli;;alioii,  a  strict  anal- 
ysis nf  fads,  and  ih''  calmness  of  judicial  consid- 
iralion.  It  is  a  subject  peculiarly  worthy  lo  oc- 
cupy the  dclibiralioiis  of  a  body  of  men  like  this, 
reprcseiiliiii;all  the  iiilcreslsof  ibis  !;ieat  Ucpublic, 
and  Icrislaliiij;  for  twcnly  millions  of  frecnicn. 
Such  nil  11.  it  is  to  be  prcMiined,  will  scarcely  be 
infliieiiccd  by  pnssionnii'  appeals,  much  less  by 
violent  and  abusive  laii:;oaL;e.  I  feel  qiiile  sure, 
therefore,  that  il  is  unnecessary  lo  occupy  much  of 
your  lime  in  reiilyin^-  In  iliose  ^'eiillcincn  who  have 
char::cd  lie'  lulvoealcs  of  proicclion  with  a  selfish 
desiiT  lo  advance  llicir  own  sceiional  inlcresls  at 
the  expen^ic  of  a  porlinn  of  ihcir  brelliren,  and 
Imvesli'.'nialized  the  prnleclive  policy  as  n  gii:nnlic 
svslcin  of  robbery.  While  the  debate  on  this 
qiics'tiiin  has  thus  i'ar  been  coiidiietcd  for  the  most 
part  wiili  courtesy,  as  well  as  with  ability  of  Ihe 
liiLjIie.'^l  order,  llie  ^'cntleineii  lo  whom  I  alludo 
iiavi'  been  lavish  in  llic  application  of  iipprobrions 
epilhels,  and  unsparini;  in  the  impiilation  of  selfish 
moiivcs  to  the  friends  of  the  existing;  larilK  A 
brief  hislory  of  our  lef;islnlion  on  the  subjei.i  nf 
prnlccliiin  will  niVord  the  best  answer  to  arguments 
of  this  description. 

I  do  not  propose  tn  detain  the  comniitlee  by  a 
mi'Hile  delail  of  our  early  laws  for  raisin?  revenue 
by  the  iniposiiion  of  diiiies  upon  imporls.  Nor 
will  my  lime  permit  nic  to  dwell  on  the  condilioii 
in  wliieli  the  conniry  found  itself  at  the  elo.sc  of 
the  war  of  the  lle'voliilion— a  condition  whieli 
caused  siu'h  slronij-hearled,  clear-headed  men  as 
Wasliinijliiii,  to  fear  that  we  had  won  our  inde- 
pendence ill  vain.  We  were  deluded  with  British 
Sooils;  ibe  manufactures  which  had  come  into  cx- 
Tslence  by  llie  proleclion  ad'oided  by  the  war,  were 
at  once  dcslroyed;  our  specie  was  exiiauslcd;  the 
value  of  real  estate  fell  so  low  ns  lo  ruin  all  who 
liadl)oii','lit  land  upon  credit;  asricullural  products 
were  willmut  a  market,  and  universal  distress  per- 
vaded the  cininlry.  This  slate  of  things  il  was 
lliat  h'd  to  the  I'or'maiion  of  the  Federal  Constitii- 
lion.  ruder  the  old  Confederation,  as  is  well 
known,  Coii;;rcss  had  no  power  lo  alVord  protec- 
I  lion  lo  our  labor.  Some  of  the  Stales  altempied 
'  lo  protect  their  own  indiislry  by  levying  duties  on 
forei'.'ii  coods,  but  their  laws  were  defeated  by  the 
refusal  of  ibc  olhcr  .Slates  lo  concur  in  their  pro- 
vi.siims.  'While  Massacliusctls  and  Connecticut 
were  wiHinir  lo  unile  lor  this  |iiirpo.se,  Rhode  Isl- 
and persisied  in  niakiiiL;  Newport  a  free  port  of 
entry,  whereby  the  cmnmercial  business  of  that 
ciiy  was  ^-rciify  increased  at  the  expense  of  Boston 
nnil  oihei"  neighboring  ports.  To  remedy  the  evil, 
llic  '^onil  people  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut 
scriiiiisly  proposed  to  annex  Rhode  Island  to  their 
own  11  riil'iry — a  policy  to  which  she  would  not 
very  readily  have  siibi'oitled.  The  laws  of  New 
York  aiiil  Prnnsylvaiiin  were  also  rendered  una- 
vailing by  the  refusal  of  New  Jersey  to  adopt  sim- 
ilar Iclrislalion:  Perth  Aniboy  was  made  a  free 
port,  and  at  one  lime  had  an  extensive  cominerce. 
These  collisions  between  rival  States  resulted  in 
the  abandonment  of  all  attempts  to  protect  Ameri- 
can labor  under  the  Confederation.  The  advan- 
tage which  would  be  likely  to  result  to  their  own 
I  mminfaclures,  did  not  escape  the  attention  of  tho 
I!  British  statesmen  of  that  day,  who  ■were  quite  aa 


U' 


..-%!, 


mi 


■ii 


1063 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIOIVAr.  GLOBE. 


[June  .10, 


'JihH  CoNO lnT  Sku». 


niiii'li  (i|ipii(in(l  to  the  iirnlrrii m  cpf  Aniiiiiiui  in- 
(liiHiry  ii«  till'  |iii  wni  I  liiiini'  iil'  l.nril".  Kuril  SIk  1'- 
I'li'lil,  in  lii"  I'  mm  k«  1111  iIh'i'ihiiiii'  nr  nf  ilir  rriiiiil 
Hl.lCin,  CXliiiiil'"  lilt  Wl.iln  "llllll  |.ci|li-y  nl'  ilii:  l!iai«li 
UiiMriiiiHiil  nil  llii"  Hiiliicrl,  im  t'nllnwH; 

"11  r-iTrtlllli  lllill   llli'  rol I   tin'  AllllTic  nil  !'lilli'« 

run   hmv  niilv  liiiil  l.iriii<>'lv<-<.     'I'lii>i  HUM  piiy  l'.iirii|>r  til 
111'-  h  "1  iMHiiii'  r  Ihi  1  <"iii  liT  clnllnni/,  unit  limiix  iirltfh-  inr 
iHiii'li  llii>  lire-  mil  hki  I)  to  hiiv  IIm  rinlM  llii'i   iiiul  u  hill'  ' 
111  iiiiirc  ^cliit'il  .in  iiiM-liiiifr-.  Il  line  nr  iiiit.'  .'*iiii-  -  flii'util 

jiriiliii'it  llM'  iiiiii'icii-liir film  imilifiiliir  rniinlri .  iln  > 

Bill  llllil  tli'lr  H  IV  111  Hum  Iliimijll  nlli.  r  fliiHii  li\  ii ll« 

nivnil'*.     Tlir  ililhriijlv  «|U  mih   miii'  lln-  (irli'i-  nil  lln n 

HIIIIIIT;*  III  till'  Suil't  IVlllTi'  (111'  nilli  I'-  nil-  |1  MJniilliii.  riir 
Urilli»ll  inrtnl|.ii''tilr''-  IIhiihI  llnir  \\  :n  liiln  i  vi  ry  j'.irl  nl  ll'i' 
rniililr>  itilrinj  il  iiumI  r.llnnr'i'M  wnr.  iliiil  tlir  inn-t  "ti-  mi' 
mil  Aiii'Tirnn  iiiiiiiilMrliiriT-'  iiiliiiit  lliiil  ii"  liiipn-l  nr  i-m-im* 
liiwn  will  (iir  u  liiiiu  tiiiii' III'  r(-:i:ir>tril  in  Aimrii  ii.  In  tin' 
Hipnii  liiini,  nrilniii  nil!  hiiM'  nnlliinu  In  np|iri'ln'iiil.  Tin' 
I'niti'il   SmIi'9  mil  hanlli    iiili'r  inli   H'al   liiilililii'fi  iMIli 

(iri'ill  llril.iln       llrll.i '"  il  iml  i|iniiM'l   »llll  II I  nil  I 

hill  nlliMllil  I'lllliT  lin|i|ii'll.  *inii*  sl.iiit  /rifn^'l,  I'llll-ini!  In'- 
livi'rii  ll.iliitn  iiiiil  III  riiiinli. mill  hi  mi'<-ii  llii'lnltiT  .'iml  llii' 
Itillliliiiiii.  wniilil  rnliijili'lrlj'  ciiiiiiiiiiliil  Itii'  t'liliilni  rn'  nt' 
till'*  inlijlil}  t'linlllirllt/' 

Tlii'sc  a-ji'c'oiililp  iuiiii'i|ialioii«  nf  liia  Irinl.'lii|i 
were  ii'il  iiiiirr  wailly  (ItHiipiKiiiitnl  liy  nir  iinMil 
Tii'.ioi'itH  in  llio  l.i.ii  war,  lli.iii  liv  till'  |in.ii  III  ^-inii' 
of  our  niiiiiufac'.uri':!  iiiiiU'r  the  jmliry  iif  iirulct'- 
lioii. 

Tlic  siiile  iif  ihiiiEs  wliirji  cxifliil  nl  Ihe  time  of 
wliirli  I  H|iiiik  iiiiilil  lull  Imiu'  I'l"  I'liiliirid.  Tlio 
present  ripiistitutini)  wjw  nt  lenirili  ruriiiiil,  .mil 
one  ol'  tliu  tirst  iu'Ls  uI'  llir  tir.-*i  t'iiii;;iiHa  of  the 
Uiiiltd  Stiiti  s,  wtiit'li  iisHriiililt'l  iiiiiler  its  pnivin- 
ioliH,  expressly  nsseileil  the  priin'ipje  of  levying 
(liilieii  fur  the  prnlcclinn  of  Aiiierii-aii  iiiilii»ti'y. 
It  \vn«  iiileiiileil,  lis  w.is  ihrjiiriil  in  its  preninl'le, 
•'  to  proviile  r'veiiiie  tor  tlie  support  nl*  the  Gnvi  rii- 
'  ment,  the  pnymeiit  of  the  ui-lns  nf  the  I'liileil 
'  States,  awl  fur  the  tucountgimtiit  of^lmcrh'un  iiKiii- 
'  iiftirluns/* 

It  was  on  the  4th  dny  of  .Tuly,  ITSO,  thnt  lliia 
Inw  was  enai'Ieil — n  law  whieh  was  in  itself  n  ' 
dei'lnration  nf  iiiilepcnileiiie,  sia'-iely  le>s  iinpoi- 
tniit  than  that  whiih  hail  I."  in  sent  forth  lliiiieeii 
yenra  liefore  liy  the  patriots  nl'ihe  Revnliiiinn.  It 
was  sifjned  Ky  Cicnr^je  Washiii;;tiiii,  I'ri  siihiil  nf  , 
the  Uniteil  Stalls,  who  was  liitnai  If  a  imiiiliir  nf 
the  Cninenlinn  whiih  fraiinil  Ihe  (.'nnstiliilnin. 
The  followiii;.'  iiuiiil.ers  nf  ('iih','re.-<s  whn  voiiil  fur 
the  bill  were  also  intiiil  ers  of  tin  saineCoineiiii'iii, 
\izi  Oliver  Kllsworlh,  Rn^'er  Murmati,  William 
Snitiuel  Jnlinsnii,  Calili  Siron;;,  l'jlliriil;;r  ( ii  uy, 
Nicholas  Ciilniiiii,  John  '...imihui,  William  I'aler- 
»on,  Thomas  l''il/.siiiiniis,  Uohert  Morris,  liiihanl 
Bnsscit,  Genrire  Itead,  James  Mndi£Oii,  Alirahani 
Baldwin, and  William  Fell.  These  men  lerlainly 
were  rapable  of  Jndsin:,'  whether  the  C'onstiiuiion  , 
they  had  just  fraiiii  d  eiiipnwered  them  to  pass  .siieh 
BU  uet.aiid  their  dcci.')init,')eiii;,'  a  eoiitemponiiieoiis 
expo.<<iliun  of  the  Constitution,  should  be  licid  eon-  ' 
elusive. 

The  protection  nfTorded  to  manufaniires  by  this 
act  proved  iiisulll'nent;  hut  diiriii'^  the  war  in  whieh 
nil  Eiirn|)e  was  so  Inn;;  invnheil,  wi'  beeame  tlie 
curriers  of  the  world,  and  on  the  whole  we  enjnyed 
nil  unextiei'led  dei^rieof  jirnsperity.  Coiiin'ess,at 
diflVrenl  times,  raised  the  rati.'  nf  duties,  so  as  to 
Rfibrd  some  slii;ht  ilei^ree  of  prnierti'iir,  but  the  im- 
pression jjenerally  prevailed  that  we  were  not  |ire- 
Jmred  to  eiii;aze  extensively  in  inaniilailiiri  ."■.  In 
1789-9t,and  '!)",  small  additional  duties  were  laid. 
In  IHtK)  an  i.icrease  of  *J]  per  ei-iit.  was  made,  and 
nfjaiii  in  1804,  an  addition  ol"  2i  pereent.to  the 
ad  valorem  duti'S  then  exisliiiL'.  for  the  piirpnse  of 
raisinsr  what  was  railed  '*  the  .Mediterrane.-iii  fund," 
■whieh  was  set  apart  fur  e.irryin;;  on  the  war  with 
Tripoli.     This  duty  eia.sed  in  IHW. 

At  the  noiiinieiaemenl  nf  our  seeoiid  wnr  with 
Great  Britain,  our  nuiniifaeluies  were  fniind  In  be 
in  an  extremely  low  rnndition.  AVe  had  been  en- 
pis>!d  extensively  in  eoniinerre,  and  while  almnst 
the  whole  civilized  world  had  bern  involved  in  war, 
we  hail  obtained  siilfuieiit  and  prnlitable  occupa- 
tion ir  supplying  them  with  fond.  The  second 
war  v.ilh  Great  Hrilain  s^ave  prnlectioii  to  our 
manifactures,  and  they  Honrislied,  of  necessity, 
so  lout'  lus  that  war  eoiitiniied.  .'\t  its  elose,  ano- 
ther influx  of  forejj»n  {;ood3  deliiijrd  the  eountrv, 
am*,  ihou.sands  were  irretrievably  ruined.  The 
distresses  of  thnt  day  are  within  the  recollection 
of  many  now  liviiii;.  Although  the  return  of 
peace  had  been  !.'rceled  tlirnui;hoiil  the  Union  with 
every  mniiifesintion  of  joy,  the  revulsions  which 
f'jllowed  aiused  an  aniounl  of  sufTtring  whicli  the 


The  THriff—Mr.  1)1  u,n. 

hormrs  of  war  had  seareily  prodnrcdi  With  i 
Ihe  hope  of  p  lieviii;;,  in  sniiicile:;ri'e,  this  dislrfM, 
the  tiiriO' nf  |n|K  was  eiiactiil.  And  here  I  ask 
the  atlenli'iii  of  the  coniniitlce  lo  a  few  fiicl.i  eiin- 
necti'il  with  thai  iiieasiire,  which  slmw  with  what 
jiKlice  i!ie  North  bus  been  accusid  of  nilvocalin^ 
a  syilem  "I"  rnlibery  In  .iniipnrlins  ihe  proieclivu 
policy.  It  will  iip'piar  that  sontbern  stall  siiieii 
were  lliiii  the  slronuesl  nilvncati.i  nf  iimleclliin — 
Ihe  siiiiii'  men  who  niiH  ibny  In  (  undress  the 
power  to  levy  a  proleelive  dm  v.  They  bad  then 
no  loiisiiinli'niial  scruples,  No  visimK  of  Inrilly 
nianntai'Oirer'i  then  liaiintrd  their  inia'/inations. 
No  fainnil  excrss  of  northern  pmspriity  ihen 
filled  llieir  liparis  with  envy  and  inalice;  nor  wprn 
they  ilelerrrd  by  the  eoiisiiler:ilinn  lli.il  the  iiiieresis 
nf  i'oiiiini  ree  (ibnli  ihiii  were  tlie  iiiiereslN  of 
Ne.v  l''.n'.,'laiid)  wnnid  be  placed  in  jenpardy  by 
the  proticiion  of  iiinnnfactuies.  The  ijreat  leader 
of  the  fill  sent  fri  e-trade  parly  was  then  the  most 
p.iwerfnl  ilianipinn  of  protei  imii.  lie  ib  livered  a 
siicech  111  support  of  the  prnli  i  live  system,  whieh 
has  never  since  been  sill pa.ssi  d  in  titiility;  and  the 
arunmiiiiN  by  which  he  sustained  bis  opinions,  all 
the  powers  nf  his  own  iiiiL'hiy  inlellicl,  inatiired 
by  liiiic  and  slreimlhencd  by  afiphcaiion  and  exer- 
cise, bavc  never  Inn  iililc  to  rtfiue.  I  ulludr  to 
Jell".'  i'.  Cai  iiiifv. 

And  here  hi  me  refer,  in  passinij.  to  timl  (rrent 
inslruini  ill  by  which,  if  we  are  lo  I clii  ve  the  free 
traders  nf  tile  present  day,  ninnopoliMM  oppres.s 
the  snireiiiiL'  peoplf — I  nn  .'in  the  "  niiiiinnim  prin- 
ciple," ill  deiioiiiiciiii,'  wlii'li  so  many  Henincratic 
orators  have  iiiiiieil.  The  Journals  of  ('nii:;i'ess 
slinw  tliat  tills  iiiiiiiniuin  is  no  new  invention.  It 
foiiiid  a  place  in  the  'irilVof  1810,  wliidi  imposed 
a  duly  of  2")  [ler  rent,  nn  entinii  elntbs,  with  n 
proviso  ibal  enitons  cnsiins;  le^s  than  Iwenly-five 
rents  per  sqiiiire  vard,.*/i"ii/(/  In  lult  n  lt>  htvr  cost  thitl 

sio/i,  and  sliould  lie  charged  u  iili  dnly  a riliii',;ly. 

A  niniioii  was  made  to  .strike  out  ibis  "  inininiiiin 
proviso;'^  ami,  on  examination  of  the  Joiimnl,  it 
appears  that  six  members  from  South  ('niolinn 
viiteij  a'/ainst  siriliiiiff  il  out — ninonu' whom  were 
William  Lowndes  and  Jons-  ('.  ('ai,miii-\  ! 

I  have  spolicn  of  lln  ^.-reai  speech  ill  favor  of 
protection,  ilclivereii  by  .Mr.  I'allionn  in  the  year 
If'Hi,  while  the  larilf  act  nf  that  year  was  under 
consideration  in  ihe  llniisi'  of  lieprcsent.'iiives. 
,\  i'vK  evtracls  IVnm  tl:at  speech  will  show  how 
arilently  lie  was  then  attacbeil  to  the  ilneirine  nf 
proieciinii.  He  and  his  tbllowers  now  denounce 
as  plunderers  those  who  have  adapted  theni."*elv(  ■ 
to  the  b",'islatioii  originated  liy  hiinsclf,  and  they 
have  even  thrisilened,  by  nnllifyinir  the  laws  of 
Coiii^ress  and  a  ilissnluiinn  nf  the  Union,  to  ovir- 
llifiiw  till  system,  wlinse  fiiindalion  was  laid  by 
his  own  bands,  lint  the  record  of  bis  speech  still 
remains,  and  cannot  be  effaced.  I'crniil  me  to  rend 
n  \\'\\'  passni'es: 

"  N'eillliT  iiiiriciilnirc.liiiinlirai  tiiren.nor  eoiiiirierce.  (piiiil 

Mr   Call 11. 1  liikrii  sepanitily.  no.  llie  can t  wealrti:  II 

ll-iw.s  ti'ilii  (lii'iii  eiiinliiiieil,  iiml  caiiiml  cxel  witllinil  lacli. 
'I'llc  W'caltti  III  aii\  >i|iiule  iiiiliiiii  nr  niiionlicil.  II  I-  Iriic, 
lino  inil  III-  iliriv.il  frnm  the  llnce.  Inn  il  iilivax-.  [irc-ii|t|i(i. 
>!'..  tin-  I  xeli'iicc  nrilii'  lliri'i'  sniircc-.  tliuimli  tlerlved  rriiiii 
mil'  nr  lull  III  lliiiii  iinlv.     'I'akinni  it-  inn-l  I'lilartjeil  mii-.  , 

w  ilji.iiil  I niicri'e.  lliilil'.lrv  wnillil  liavi-  iiu  vliinillil.*  i  willi- 

iiill  nianillili'tiirc..,  il  wi  iitil  lie  wilhmil  tlic  liiciili-  nf  [irn. 
ilii'lnia  ;  imil  Milliinit  iiL'rl<'illliiri'.  iii'irlicr  nf  llic  ntlicr^ 
cmilil  I'M-I.  W'licti  M'liaialril  i  iitirily  iiiiil  |ii'iiiialiriirly, 
llicy  niii-i  |)i  ri-li.  War  in  lln-  ciinlry  iirmtin  i-i,  to  aari  at 
i\li  111.  Iltiit  -.  iiaraliiiil ;  .'iinl  licnci'  tin'  L'li'.'it  einiiJirras.-inciit 
wliii'li  fiilliMVs  in  IH  iraili.  Tin'  failure  nf  tin- wciiltli  iiiiil 
risiiiirci'.!  nf  a  cnlmlrv  in'ce-«:iilly  llivnlyc-  tin'  ruin  nf  Its 
tin.'iiiec-  ami  II-  cnrii'iicy .  it  i-aiiinitl.-il.  I'.i  Ilic  nin-l  ftren- 
iimi-  ailvD'-ati'-  mi  the  miier  -nln,  lliiit  nn  cmnitrl  iiieilit  tn 
III'  ill  pi'inli'lil  nil  niiiillicr  liir  il-.  liii-aiH  III  il-'fcncc  ;  Unit  at 
Ic.i-t  iiiir  nni-ki'ls  iiinl  liaynliils.  inir  eaiilnin  unit  hall,  niiglit 
M  h.'  m  ilmti'Stic  laaiilifacturc.  Itill  wlnil  i-  iiiiilc  iicei'.-i.ary 
111  tin'  (,'iivi  iiiiiii'iit  of  it  i-iiiinlry  tliiiii  \\<  currency  anil 
(inaiiei-.^  I'lreiiin-erlli.'d  a«  niir  emiiilry  iii.  ciiii  tln'.«i'  !.t.iiiil 
Ihe  ihii'-k  nf  war.'  llilinhl  tlic  etri'cls  iif  Ilic  hiti'  war  nn 
tin  III !  When  iiiir  iimniilaciiiri's  are  ltowii  in  a  certain  per- 
f'Tlimi— .Id  tlicy  sncin  wiil,inii?cr  the  lo'-triiiin  ftrv  tij  znv- 
rininnit— we  will  nn  liilli:i'r  e^pcrii'llce  Ihi'.-e  evils.  The 
fiitwrr  vill  tiiirf  .1  renthi  nuirl^rt  Jm  his  ooji/io.  anil,  w  hal  in 
II,'  nlllin-t  equal  eiiM-cqiienei',  "ii  cirlaiii  filiil  cii  .;ip  ilip|ily 
of  all  his  wants,  [lis  prnsprnty  will  illirnsc  It-rif  In  cvltv 
pan  nf  Ihe  t liinnlly." 

After  spcakini;  of  llic  efec'  of  the  wnr  upon  the 
currency,  and  the  drain  of  specie  resulting  from 
t  the  impnrtation  of  iiiaiinfacture:i,  lie  said: 

••  'I'll  ihifi  ilistri'««iiiit  state  nf  ihiiias  ilicre  are  two  reme- 
(11'.-.  mill  mily  two;  niii.  In  niir  jsiiver  iniiiii'iliately,  the 
iiilli'r  ri'iiiniiiia  iniicli  nine  anil  i  xcrtinii ;  Inn  linlll  ciinsliln- 

titi'i.  In  ill-  .i|iiiiimi,Ihi'  I  S'.i  nlial  pnliey  of  this  i niry.    lie 

incanltlii'  navy — niiWi/amclir  mioiiOinOiri's.  Ilv  Ihe  tiirnicr, 
we  cijulJ  open  Uiu  way  tn  our  aiiirkets;  liy  tlic  hitier,  we 


llo.  or  Kr.pH. 


I  brtni  thpin  frnm  li«yniid  Ui«  nrmn,  nnd  iimuriill<«  Uirm  In 

nurtiwil  i-nit.'' 

lie  added   further! 

'•  Hill  it  will  nil  ilmiht  lM»  snlil,  If  iiinniirhetureii  nr*'  no  flir 

I  >laMi-hcit."  (In   llif   war.]  "unit  it  ihe  niniiitinii  nf  ilti, 

eniinlry  i'  tilVnrillili*  In  Ilieir  fflinvili,  win  le  I  ,  the  inTi'Mhlly 

nf  iillnrilinu  tlli'in  |lTnti  ellini .'     //  l*  tn  jint   Mem  tuyiin^ttitt 

1  reith  11/  roiilin^inni.* 

"  Il  liim  Is'cn  liirllier  nmierteil  (•nlil  Vr.  CalhiMiii)  ilial 
nniiiulacliireK  are  the  riimlnl  eannc  of  |i»ii|H'ri-nii  ami 
Kniftntiil  has  Fs'iii  relern  il  to  lis  fiirnlitilnii  i  niu<lii.-ivt.  eyi . 

ill  II I  (tie  lad.     Kiir  hli  part,  he  i  until  eiiiieciH'  nn  aneli 

leiirti'nev  III  llii-in.  fsit  It 4iict  cnntrary.  itit  they  linnl-li 

new  stimuli  In  iialll-tiy,  niiil   liienilH  nf  Mill- '-ti  nee  in  iln, 

Inliiirliitf  class  nl  the  em unity.     U'e  niiutil  nut  (-Nhl  .Mr. 

(V)  tn  tniik  (11  the  entti'll  mill  Wnnllell  esl.itilishlii.ails  nf 
flrenl  Itrllalli  tin  the  prniii||lnn«  liaiiilicr  of  her  pnnr.  t'iiii-1'4 
llllieli  irinru  ellicielil  eAI-I."  " 'I'lle  plnli  elive  nymein  (iln 
aillli'll)  pniillK  e.  an  Inli  rest  strietly  Ainerleail— ilii  innrli  h> 
as    llinlelllllire.      In   lliln    It    h.lll    the    it' eideil    ailMllltllue    of 

cnniinerce  anil  iinvii.'iitimi."  "  .Xiiniii.  (-mil  >!r.  t'..)  a  h 
ealriitnd'l  In  html  lii'^elher  liinfe  eln-i  ly  iiiir  iiiile  -prriiil 
Ri'piililic.     It  will  itreally  men  as"  mir  iniiliiiil  ilcpemteni-u 

itiiil  iiiliTeniirse.  ami  Mill,  as  a  mrcs  aiy  cniiseiini'i ,,  s- 

cile  an  iiicrcaseil  iillrllllnii  In  Inn  rniil  llii|iTnvi-iiieltt— a  -ilti- 
li'cl  every  way  tnriiinili  ly  enniicclell  wiltl  Ihe  llllilniilc  [It- 
iaininciit  nf  ii'.itinniil  slii'iiulh  ami  the  pi  rtietmn  nf niir  po. 
lilical  iinlitiilimis.  Ke  rci'iinteil  the  tail,  llial  it  iiniild  niakn 
till*  parts  ailhcre  nimt.  clinely,  llinl  ll  Wlinlil  li'rill  a  new 
mill  iiinst  iiiiuerliit  CI  iiieiit,  IIS  far  rMitneiyhintf  any  pnlilicul 
nbjeciions  ttiat  miitlil  tie  nriiitl  iiirainsl  ihe  sisieiii."  fce. 

Such  wns  the  l,iiisun;;e  of  Mr.  Calhiiin  in  Hlli. 
The  system  which  he  then  ndvocaied  Willi  no  iniicli 
zeal  ii'iid  ability,  was  the  same  proteclive,  Aiiieri- 
ran  system,  which  the  friends  of  the  present  liiriir 
would  jiei'peliiaie.  That  .Mr.  t.'aiboiin  has  since 
cliaiii^ed  Ills  opinions,  I  make  no  i,n-ound  nf  cmn- 
plaint',  but  I  ask  the  !.'entleiiirn  who  liiue  been  so 
yioli  III  in  their  deiiiiiicialiiins,  to  remeniber  who 
oriL'inated  the  (;ii;milie  system  of  robliery,  by 
which  lliey  s  ly  the  Smith  is  now  oppris.sed  aiiU 
plundered.  I.el  tin  in,  if  they  eaii,  relate  the  nrijii- 
ineiiis  of  their  own  favorite  slalesni.m — 1\  i.isl; 
which  they  will  find  niiicli  nmre  dilheuU  lliaii 
vii^iie  ehariri  s  and  ireneral  deiiiincialinn. 

The  bill  iinw  iindir  cnnsideralinii  proposes  nn 
entire  ebanue  in  niir  policy  in  re^'ard  lo  proiecimn. 
While  the  cnnnlry  i-s  in  a  slate  nf  tiniisiml  pma- 
|ierily,  mainly  caiised,  as   I  lielie\e,  by  ihc  beiie- 

licial'  iiperali f  the   tarilfiif  lf42 — while  labor 

funis  full  employment,  and  nil  ndnpiale  reward — 
while  every  branch  of  business  is  iloiirisliiiiL'  un- 
derits  itilhii'iici',  and  the  revenue  derived  from  it  is 
more  than  sulhcieiit  for  all  the  ordinary  expenses 
of  the  Uovenmieiit — iliis  radical  ehaii!:e  is  prii- 
pnseil  to  be  iiinde — n  ehnn^'e  that  will  deprive  labnr 
f  il.s  eniploymenl,  din  t  Intsiness  inlo  new  cliaii- 
■  '  '  tire   revnliiiinn   in 

pursuits  01  ine  nation.  In  the 
iniilst  of  n  wnr,  the  duration  of  which  no  man 
presumes  lo  cahulate,  the  hill  before  us  proposes 
lo  reduce  the  rates  of  duties  on  imports  to  such  ii 
ilei;rec  ns  will  iini|itesliiinnbly  result  in  a  ^'renlly 
diminished  revenue.  Tliirly-fnur  years  a;,'o— on 
the  1st  dav  of  July,  IHl'i— while  we  were  prepn- 
riiin;  for  the  hostiliiies  which  soon  ensued  with 
(ileal  Mrifiiii,  a  precisely  opposite  policy  wan 
adopted.  The  dunes  were  then  increased  100  per 
cut.  on  every  article,  for  the  fiurpose  nf  increasiiif; 
I'.e  ri'veniie.  Nnw,  under  similar  circumstances, 
vc  :.rc  to  diminish  the  r.tte  of  duties  for  the  same 
pni'pose.  I''nr  such  a  ehaiiire  a'j  this,  irreat  nnd 
Hi'i<,'lily  ren.siins  sliniild  be  l'Ivcii.  The  ar!;iimeiitM 
a!id  estimates  cnniained  ill  the  report  nf  the  .Sn-rc- 
tary  of  the  'I'leasiiiy,  on  which  smne  reliance  was 
placed  on  their  firs'  ap|iparaiice,  have  been  .so 
ihnronshly  exposed,  not  only  by  inenibers  on  this 
side  of  the  House,  but  by  llie  honniiible  sreiilleinaii 
from  New  York,  (.Mr.  JlfNOKKFnKii,]  thai  I  shall 
spend  no  time  in  iheir  examination.  That  report 
seems  to  have  been  abniidoned  to  its  fnle  by  the 
Secretary's  own  political  friends',  nnd  its  errors 
nnd  nbsurdilies,  finilins  no  coiuileiiance  here,  have 
Inkeii  rpfii','e  in  their  appropriate  and  eoii;;enial 
sphere — the  I'.ritish  House  nf  Lords,  ftii  the  au- 
thority of  this  report,  nbontidiiif;,  ns  it  does,  in 
ncknowled^ed  errors,  nnd  displaying;  the  most  pro- 
found lijnornncc  of  the  true  principles  of  political 
economy,  ns  well  ns  an  entire  want  of  praciical 
ncipinintance  with  business — the  re.sull,  in  short, 
of  a  clnset-driamer's  reveries — we  are  called  upon, 
nt  this  time,  under  the  peculiar  eireunistanres  by 
I  which  we  are  surrounded,  to  ninko  this  entire 
I  chnnpe  in  n  iiio.st  iinpnrtnnt  imrl  of  our  national 
policy. 

The  avowed  objert  of  the  hill  under  consiilera- 

tioii  is  to  increase  the  revenue  by  an  iiiercnsed  ini- 

■  porttttioii  of  foreign  goods.     Wliile  some  sligiit 


...        I,.T       .      ...|....    ,     ....      ..., -• 

liels;  and,  ill  sliorl,  work   aiienti 
nil  Ihc  indiistrtal    pursuits  of  the 


leach. 


taken  viewf 

iii'e'nidices,  i 
hit  while  tl 
nie  deiiiiunc 
labor  of  thi 
can  eili/etis 
tiiaii  J,  ami  I 
on  the  nion 
Uuuen  Khz 
ican  iieopli 
tion.     One 
important, 
of  idl.lhe 
which,  I'o 
inimeiise 
not  fail 
this  anbj 
nltemptiii 

tilUH    of 

our  delib 
look  wi 
and  wic 
teclive 
It  is  fo 
would  s| 
periiy  I 
(Utstry  I 
lis.    1  til 
lalitii; 
such. 
(Sled  i 
of  prole 
nor  for 
diniatii: 
silicd  fi 
iMiuntr; 
I'oreii; 
friiiii 
tbrou'.: 
the  pei 
is  tin 
iticre, 
r.ui 
[Mr 

OW  II  I 

fere  b 

chain 

to 

nnw  I 

UK'-  I 

or  f" 

by  1 

nort 

inlo 

liun 

dill'i 

the 

this 


iBir..] 

ySh-H  CoNo 1st  Sks§. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONORESSIONAI.  GLOBE. 


loes 


ill 


111' 


jiri'liiaiori  mimt  ntfcunarily  In-  iifrcpnlnd  to  AiiH-ri-  \ 
I'llii  lalnir  Ity  ilN  jiriiviHlDiiH,  ilH  policy  ih  rcvt;iHti*, 
■  ml  iiriitui'tidli.     Til  irir.ri'UHi:  iiii|i(ii'luti.ii)ii — In  ili'.-  i 
|ii.'ii(l  I'lir  iimiiiirnotuiril  iiilicliM  nl'  |iriiiiH  iii'i'iiiHity 
on  Inri'i^ii  roiiiitrit'd — to  NiiliNlitiilu  lor  tlip  |irodijtMM 
nrAirR'rii'iin  iriilustiy  tlmat  iit'Kiii'o|>('Miilitljor,liiilt-  I 
I'til  Mini  ill-|iitiil  iiH  ll  in  kliinvii  In  l>R — tliiMi!  iiri!  lli<!  ' 
oliji.'C(H  wlinJi  tilt:  mlvoriili'H  thiu  bill  ili'rlnn:  tlii.ni- 
nclvt'H  (liniroUH  oriici'oiniili.fliiiii,'.     Wliiil,  tlitii,  in 
till:  t;i'enti|iirH(ion  now  to  lie  iliM'iiti'd?   In  it,  as  tlie  i 
Ki'iitlt^niaii  iVoiii  Indiana  liiui  ar^'iiuil,  ii  (|ui'Hiion  of 
|irivili(,'i!  and  nioiio|,oly  HijaiiiHt  common  rii;lit?  In 
It  a  (|iiiHtion  of  laxnli'in  or  no  taxatioiii'     No,  tiir. 
Hiri|i|Kd  of  all  yloHHi'H  and  roiiriialnKni'l,  tlii'  line 
<|iii.«lloii  lii'l'ori\  iiH  ia  this,  Sliall  llii;  liilior  iiocrs- 
Miiry  to  mi|i|i|y  tlii'  wiinls  of  iIiIm  nation  lie  pcr- 
l"iiiniil  liy  our  own  riti/.iii..  or  liy  those  of  a  for- 
(ii;!!   iiHtiini.'    >Sliall  onr  workNliojiM  III.'  Iirrc  or  in 
Unrofief     Wiiali'vi'i'  popular  pii'tcxiH  may  lie  ad-  ' 
viiiirid  liy  drniaf;o(;ni'M,  iImh  ia  llic,  wIioIm  ijiie.Hlion, 
'i'lir  liiil  iiniirr  coiiiidi.'rrition  piopoxcM  to  '■  )<iil)Hti- 
luti;"  lor  our  own  donn-Hlic  lalior  lliat  of  oiIht 
coiintricH.     Tlio  proiuctive  lanlf  of  \fVi,  on  tin: 
contrary,  civia  »  picl'i'iiiu'C  to  Ilic  pi'oiliiriionH  of 
Anirricaii  lal.or,  and  k  iliHtitiitiH  iliiin  for  arliclrs 
of  lorii;,Ni  ninmifar.tini'.     Viiwed   in  this  lif^lit,  it 
would  Kicin  that  liltliMlill'i'mHi' of  opinion  conlil 
fXiHt  anion;;  ihf  pi'imju  with  rc;;anl  to  a  policy  tin) 
nlijict  and  ilTiMrt  of  which  ia   to  (;ive  Aniciican 
labor  full  <inp!nynienl  and  fair  coinpi.'iiHalion.  Yut 
wi!  find  thai  ninny  of  onr  citizens  arc  in  the  liijjh-  < 
rut  dL'i,'rc'i'  ho.itili;  to  the  jiolicy  which  has  in  view 
thin  olijcct.     Their  motives  1  do  not  winli  to  im-  ' 
pi  lull.     Many  are  iicliiated,  iniilonliledly,  hy  mis- 
tiiken  views  of  8oll-inlore.st,  and   many  liy  parly 


Iii'ejndiees,  which  arealwaya  dlllir.iilt  to  overcome. 
Jot  while  Ihe  opponentH  of  protection  on  tliLs  floor 
me  denouncing;  tin'  pnitoclive  policy  an  a  lax  on  the 


hilior  of  the  country — while  they  deny  to  Ameri- 
can citizeiiH  the  protection  they  Imvu  n  rit;hl  In  de- 
nmnd,nnd  j;ive  them  inntead  historical  di.-iijiisiiions 
on  the  moiio|iolie.s  of  the  diiya  of  Henry  VIII.  and 
Ciueen  Klizaljuth,  there  is  one  portion  of  the  Ainer- 
iciiii  people  who  |ierfeclly  undeistnnd  this  iiues- 
tion.  One  f;real  cla.s.sof  onr  populatinn — the  most 
importani,  the  most  powerful,  the  most  rusptctalile 
(if  all,  the  ^rcat  LAUuniNU  ANn  pHouiiciNn  class, 
which,  I'oriumitely  for  our  country,  includes  an 
immense  proportion  of  our  eiitiio  population — can- 
not fail  ultimutfly  to  come  to  a  correct  decision  on 
this  siilijeut.  While  their  pretended  friinda  are 
attemptiiii;  to  jiersnade  them  thai  they  are  the  vic- 
tims of  luxation,  they  are  nwaitinj;  the  result  of 
our  delilieralions  with  intense  anxiety,  and  they 
look  with  Hcorii  and  contempt  on  the  weakness 
and  wickedness  of  those  who  denounce  the  pro- 
tective polii'y  as  an  oppressive  system  of  taxation. 
It  is  for  this  i;reat  ela.ss  of  our  population  that  I 
would  speak;  and  it  is  because  I  believe  (/isir  pros- 
perity depends  on  the  protection  of  American  in- 
dustry that  I  am  opjiosul  to  the  bill  now  before 
us.  I  utterly  rejucl  and  repudiate  the  idea  of  legis- 
latini;  solely  lor  the  benefit  of  manufacturers,  as 
such.  If  it  were  true  that  they  alone  were  inter- 
ested in  this  ipii  slioii,  I  would  say,  let  the  system 
of  protection  be  abandoned.  Not  lor  manufactures, 
nor  for  capitalisis  of  any  description,  is  pioiection 
demnnded.  It  is  Amerirnn  labor,  in  nil  its  diver- 
aificd  forms,  |ierfornicd  by  free  ciiizens,  in  our  own 
couiury,  which  the  protective  policy  defends  from 
foiei;;n  conipclitlon;  and  if  capilal  is  thus  drawn 
from  its  cankerin;;  rusting  hoard,  and  dilliised, 
tlirou;;li  (;vory  channel  of  buainissand  trade, nmona; 
the  people,  who  would  complain  that  the  capitalist 
is  ihereliy  benefited,  and  the  wealth  of  the  nation 
increased .' 

I5ut  we  are  told  by  the  j;entlemnn  from  Vin;inia 
[Mr.  SijiiHiv]  that  lalior  must  be  left  to  find  its 
own  eiiiploynnnt,  and  that  any  attempt  to  inter- 
fere by  le;;ishilioii  is  only  forcing  it  into  unnatural 
channel.-'.  I  admit  the  correctness  of  this  doctrine 
to  a  ceilain  extent.  It  would  certainly  be  very  1 
unwise  to  ntlempt  by  protective  duties  to  encour- 
(i);e  the  f;rowtli  of  tro|iical  fruits  in  New  En;;laiid, 
or  for  the  people  of  India  to  cngniic  in  making  ice 
by  eheinical  means,  instead  <if  procuring  it  from  a 
northern  climate.  This  would  be  forcing  industry 
into  unnatural  channels,  and  would  be  a  waste  of 
human  labor.  Far  otherwise  is  the  case  when  the 
dill'erence  in  the  expense  of  production  is  only  in 
the  money  cost  of  the  article.  The  true  rule  on 
this  subject  I  believe  to  be  this,  viz:  Every  nation 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Dixon. 

Hiniiild,  as  far  ns  practicable,  produce  for  the  sup-    { 
ply  of  its  own   wants  every  article  which  can   be    I 
iiroduced   by  the  same,  or  v«ry  nearly  the  Haiin,',    | 
amount  of  labor  as  ilsewhcre.     The  cohI  of  the    , 
article  in  money  is  of  little  coiis<'i|ueiice  in  deciding  ,; 
the  (piention  whilher  its  iirodin'iion  is  a  profilalile 
em|iloyniciit  of  labor.     The   value,  of  money  va- 
ries in   ditrreni  counlricM,  and   is  airicnd  by  n 
thousand  ilisturbiii'.;  caiisis.    The  true  i|uesiioii  m, 
what  amount  of  labor  is  rei|iiired   to  produie  a 
given  arlicli'f     If  broailcjnih  costs  no  more  lulmr 
in  I'i'mi»ylvaiii,>  ihun  in  Wiihs,  llnre  is  cvldiiitly 
no  loss  of  prodin.iiie  indiisiry  in  prndncing  these 
and  other  arlicles  lure  so  Ion:;  as  there  is  no  iialii- 
ral  inipeiliiin  nl  in  llie  way.    Ii  is  not  an  uiinalural 
eniployment  of  labor.    And  here  lies  the  fallacy  of 
those  advocali  s  of  free  trade  who  talk  of  a!;rirul- 
ture  as  the  naluiid  occupalion  of  the  people  of  this 
ciiunlry.     That  enifiloynii  nt  is  no  more  niiluriil 
than  the  mechanic  arts;  yet,  according  to  ilnir  rea- 
soning, we  should   raise  wliiat  to  export  in  pay- 
ment for  every  nrtirhi  which  can  be  riiamifaclorcd 
at  a  cheaper  money  price   in   England  than   hen  . 
Their  argument  would  prove,  also,  that  we  ought 
I  to  import  our  IneadslulTi  whenever  they  can  be  ' 
^  produced  at  a  cheaper  price  from  the  sliores  of  the 
ISiiliic  llinn  from  Illinois,  iniikini;  the  eniployment 
of  hunian  labor  hi  re  depend  wholly  on  tlie  i|ui  s- 
I  tion   whether  a  dollar  will  buy  an  mindi   in  this 

country  as  in  Europe.   Grant  tlial  it  will  not,  shall  j 
I  our  whole  po[iulatlon  be  idle  because  we  can  buy 
I  at  a  cheaper  nmiiry  rale  in  a  country  where  labor  is 
;  nlinoHt  entirely  unrewarded  ilian  here,  where  it  ile-  ' 
[  mands  a  reward  sullicienl  for  the  support  of  fne-  ' 
i  men?    Yet  the  sanie  reason  which  should  induce 
us  to  buy  our  broadcloth  where  we  can  buy  cheap- 
est will  apply  to  every  other  product  ol  human  ] 
I  labor,  including  even  ngriculiural  products. 
j      History   teiicheH   us  a  lesson   on   this   subject.  '. 
I  There  was  a  lime  when  the  desert  which  surrounds  ' 
I  Home  was  highly  cultivated  and  productive.     But  ! 
'  it  was  found   that  wheat  could  be  brought  from 
I  Egypt  cheaper — that  is,  for  less  money — ilmn  the 
,  cost  of  raising  it  at  home.     The  people  of  Rome 
bought  where  they  could  buy  cheapest,  and  aban- 
doned the  cultivation  of  their  own  soil.     The  con- 
sequtncK  is  well  known.     Their  fertile  land  be- 
came a  desert,  which  is  ."till  brooded  over  by  the 
;  deadly  malaria.     Such  would  be  the  fate  of  any  ] 
[  country  which  should  abandon  ils  own  industry  ; 
,  under  the  false  idea  that  it  is  true  economy  for  a 
nation  to  buy  where  it  can  buy  for  the  leaat  mo- 
ney, without  reg.nrd  to  tlie  cost  in  labor. 

To  enc.oui'iigc,  I'.n, -eforc,  and  fo.Nter  every  branch 

of  hunian  Indus  ryi'  -.vliich  labor  can  produce  the 

same  results  here  as  elsewhere,  I   hold  to  be  our 

true  policy;  lUid  for  this  purpose  the  )irolcclive  , 

duties  of  the  existing  tarilf  should  bo  continued.      , 

This  law  has  fully  answered  every  purpose  for  i 

^  which  it  was  enacted.     It  has  provided  an  ample  ' 

:  revenue,  and,  at  the  same  time,  has  proved  highly  j 

protective.     The  wisdom  of  its  authors  has  In  en  \ 

siu'iially  vindicated  by  its  remarkable  combination 

of  revenue  and  protective  duties.  j 

;      And  here  I  wish  to  examine  for  a  single  moment  ! 

i  an  idea  advanced  the  other  day  by  a  gentleman  ■ 

from  New  York,  who  advocnted  a  higher  rale  of  j 

duty  on  wool  than  is  iinpo.sed  by  the  present  bill. 

Though  in  gcncralndverse  to  the  protective  policy,  | 

'.  he  was  extremely  anxious  to  protect  wool,  (hat 

j  being  a  product  of  his  own  district,  and  he  informed 

us  that  lie  wished   to  do  this  by  a  irrciiiif  duty. 

lie  wnB,  he  said,  a  revenue-tariff  man.     I  have 

I  known,  in  repealed  instances,  men  who  were  un-  ; 

willing  to  avow  open,  decided  hostility  to  the  pro- 

'  tective  policy,  who  shielded  themselves  under  a 

,  similar  pretence.     To  show  the  operation  of  a  ; 

larilV  made  solely  for  revenue,  and  the  extent  of; 

protection  to  be  obtained  under  it,  let  me  suppo.se  ' 

a  practical  case  which  may  be  of  frequent  occur-  ; 

I  rence.     Suppose  the  duly  on  hats,  for  example,  to  ' 

i  beonedollarperhat.  Under thisduly, probably, no  | 

hats  would  bo  imported.     The  duty  is  protective,  | 

I  perhaps  prohibitory.   The  object  of  the  law,  which 

'■  uy  the  supposition,  is  revenue,  is  of  course  entirely  ' 

defeated;  and  to  obt.iin  revenue,  which  can  only 

(  be  by  encouingine  importation,  the  duly  ia  reduced  , 

to  fifty  cents.     Under  this  rale  of  duly  the  import- 

I  ation  of  halB  may  commence;  but  the  duty  is  still  i 

:  protective,  and  prevents,  to  a  certain  degree,  ini-  r 

j  portation.     Let  the  duty  be  slill  further  reduced  to  j 

twenty-five  cents  per  hat,  ami  now  the  iiuporlalion  ' 


Ho.  or  Kcrt. 


of  lialH  is  no  far  increased  ns  to  fiirniiihull  the  rev- 
rniiu  desired  from  ilint  article,  and  u  full  nu/ijiJi/  of 
/urcdfii  hills  fur  llic  mi'iArl.  The  ((:\emie  duly  is  at 
n  rate  whicli  will  cause  the  greatest  im|iortntiiin  of 
the  merchandise  fVom  which  the  revenue  in  tn  be 
derived;  of  coiirNo  it  is  utterly  incompatible  with 
proleclion,  which  supposes,  to  a  certain  extent, 
the  exclusion  of  the  foreign  article,  fur  the  benefit 
of  the  domestic. 

And  this  furnishes  nn  answer  ti  Ihose  pretended 
friends  of  American  industry  who  sny,  tliat  as  we 
shall  be  under  the  nece,-.siiy,  for  years  to  ctune,  of 
raining  about  twenty-five  millions  of  revenue  forthn 
ordinary  expeii.ses  of  the  Hovcrmiient,  Huincieiit 
protection  will  thereby  be  nec-ssarlly  furnishi d. 
So  long  as  this  sum  is  to  be  r  lised  by  duties  laid 
solely  for  revenue,  it  is  nianifist  that  very  lilllii 
protection  will  iisult.  The  revenue  can  only  bo 
raised  by  iniporlation,  and  ils  amount  depends  on 
the  amount  of  imports.  The  grealer  these  may 
be,  the  larger  the  sum  received  by  the  Oovernmeiit; 
and  the  imported  article,  when  it  enters  into  ihn 
consumption  of  ihe  country,  of  course  takes  the 
place  of  the  donnstlc  fabric,  and  drives  it  from  the 
market.  It  is  easy,  then,  to  perceive  that  the  ad- 
vantages risiihing  to  our  industry  from  a  revenue 
larillare  very  sli''hl,  and  that  the  twenty-five  mil- 
lions which  may  be  collected  under  its  provisions, 
will  inly  prove  what  an  immense  amount  of  for- 
eign merchandise  of  every  description  lias  been 
thrown  upon  the  American  market,  withjwhich 
American  labor  must  struggle,  vainly  pi -haps,  to 
compete. 

Tne  advocates  of  ihe  free-trade  policy  assure  us 
that  they  can  buy  inaniifactuied  arlicles  in  Eng- 
land chcapi  r  than  in  this  country.  If  so,  what 
causes  the  dilTerence  ?  Many  of  the  expenses  of 
production  arc  much  less  here  than  there,  as,  for 
example,  water  power,  land,  and  food  of  every 
description.  The  dilTerence  consists  in  the  rale  of 
wages,  which  is  much  higher  in  this  country  than 
in  any  other;  and  hence  the  necessity  of  prolec- 
lion. A  reduction  of  the  duties  on  foreign  goods 
will  compel  the  nianufncturer  cither  to  abandon 
his  business  or  to  reduce  wages.  Tree  trade  must 
necessarily  ecpializc  the  rate  of  wages  all  over  the 
world.  It  is  perfectly  manifest  that  the  American 
manuflicturer  or  mechanic  cannot  compete  with  the 
foreiijner  on  equal  ground,  so  long  as  the  wages 
paid  by  the  former  are  fifty  per  cent,  greater  thin 
those  paid  by  the  latter.  He  must  be  driven  from  th  •. 
market,  or  pay  less  fur  his  labor  under  a  system 
of  free  trade.  This  point  is  tuo  clear  to  be  ques- 
tioned. 

Hut  how  does  a  protective  tariff  increase  the  rate 
of  wages  ?  Not  by  changing  the  nature  of  man — 
not  by  rendering  employers  more  liberal.  They 
will,  of  course,  so  long  as  luinian  nature  remains 
what  it  is,  obtain  labor  at  the  cheapest  rate  at  which 
it  is  ofl'ered.  While  we  may  wish  it  were  other- 
wise, it  is  useless  to  indulge  in  vain  regrets,  that 
man  is  so  constituted  that  he  will,  as  a  general 
thing,  oblaiii  everything,  including  the  labor  of  his 
fellow  man,  at  the  lowest  possible  price.  The  ruto 
of  wiiires,  like  everything  else  for  which  a  price  is 
paid,  ilepends  on  the  demand  and  supply.  In- 
crease, then,  the  demand  for  labor;  multiply  aid 
diversify  employments;  build  factories;  construct 
machinery;  manufacture  everything  which  tho 
circumstances  in  whichyou  are  jilaced  will  permit; 
pursue  every  branch  of  the  mechanic  arts;  bring 
forth  the  coal  and  iron  which  lie  dead  and  useless 
in  your  mountains;  diversify  your  agricultural 
pursuits;  nnd  in  this  way  you  create  a  demand  for 
tabor.  You  cliange  the  relative  position  of  tho 
employer  and  the  employed,  as  it  exists  in  the  Old 
Worltl,  and  you  enable  labor,  to  a  reasonable  ex- 
tent, to  extort  its  own  terms.  Competition  is  in 
its  favor,  not  again.sl  it.  Ils  reward  is  consequent- 
ly increased,  and  reaches  the  highest  point  which 
the  profitable  employment  of  capilal  will  permit. 
Thus  it  is  that  the  rate  of  wages  i.s  increased  by  a 
protective  tariff.  Foreign  productions  of  every 
description  give  place  to  those  of  our  own  labor. 
The  immense  competition  which  exists  among 
employers,  created  by  protective  duties,  causes  the 
demand  for  labor  which  I  have  described.  But  let 
us  reverse  the  picture.  Reduce  the  duties,  and  let 
in,  as  a  conseq-jencj,  a  deluge  of  foreign  goods, 
perhaps  the  lelusc  of  the  European  market.  Our 
own  manufacturing  establishments  are  obliged  to 
Buspenti,  or  at  least  greatly  to  curtail  llieir  ,pera- 


.»M  ; 


■v 


10G4 


AI'PENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 


[June  30, 


29th  Cong 1st  Siss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Dixon. 


Hu.  or  Reps. 


1846.1^ 
29th  Cono., 


lions.  The  building  conncctcil  witii  manuraoiuring 
censes;  nincliincry  is  no  longer  in  Jomanil;  the 
nieohanic  arts  ISni,'iiish;  (he  coal  nntl  iron,  which 
cnniiot  coiniwte  with  that  of  En;h\nil  iinil  Nova 
Scoiiu,  sliimuiT  in  undisinrbeil  repose  in  Ihoir  an- 
cient reatin^  place;  the  unemployed  Inlior  ot'other 
Hvocniiunti  is  concenlrated  upon  agriculture,  which 
bei'iiint's,  if  not  llie  only, the  |>rin''ipalcniploymenl; 
nnd,  as  an  inevitable  conscipience,  the  rale  of 
v<a;,'cs  »iiiks  lo  iiu  lowest  level.  The  Liborer  no 
lon^^cr  .iianUs  on  the  vantiifje-sjround  he  before 
occupied,  but,  instead  of  cxlortin;^  his  own  terms, 
finds  his  labor  brought  to  a  glutted  market,  and  is 
ohli^'cj  to  Nubiuit  to  ihc  !;reat  law  which  lusscns 
the  price  as  the  supply  is  increa.sed. 

That  thi  Must  be  the  elfecl  of  the  reduction  of 
duties,  is  admuied  by  the  reasonins;  of  the  advo- 
cates of  ihc  bill  before  us.  They  say  it  will  in- 
crease importations,  and  of  course  substitue  these 
iiiiporiations  for  the  products  of  American  labor. 
Of  course,  this  labor  must,  so  far  as  this  result 
lakes  place,  be  deprived  of  eniploymcnl,  and  must 
seek  occupation  in  the  pursuils  which  remaiji, 
sending  down  the  rate  of  wajes  to  a  ruinous  point, 
and  sjivin^  employers  a  selection  of  the  best  labor 
which  is  offered,  at  their  own  prices 

And  yet,  sir,  we  are  told  llint  this  system  of 
protect!  )n,  which  £;ive3to  our  own  |ieoplc  the  labor 
required  lo  supply  the  wants  of  our  nation,  is  a 
sysie;n  of  taxation,  to  escape  from  which  il.  pro- 
ductions of  the  world  must  be  snbsli  uied  for  those 
of  our  own  country.  Our  indusiry  must  be  left 
unemployed,  and  its  occu|Kitijn  ^iven  lo  the  in- 
habiiuni.i  of  another  country,  to  shield  the  indns- 
liious  classes  here  from  taxation.  I  know  noi, 
iMr.  Chn  inn,  what  portion  of  the  people  of  this 
co'iniry  can  !«■  deceived  by  this  hypocril. 'nl  pre- 
tence, lint  I  rejoice  thai  it  canimt  delude  my  own 
consiiiuenls  fen'  a  single  moincni.  .Actual  obse:- 
vaiion  and  experience  of  the  workin;;  of  ihe  pro- 
tective syaieiiamonj;  themselves,  has  satisfied  their 
minds  on  tnis  subject. 

Permit  me,  sir,  to  illustrate  the  etTcci  of  tlii.4  sys- 
tem upon  the  rate  of  wajes,  by  referring  lo  a  branch 
of  maiuifactur  s,  now exiejisively  cnrrud  on  in  the 
dinlrict  which  I  have  llic  honor  lo  represent.  1 
allude  to  the  majuifaciure  of  carp -tini!;.  The  num- 
ber of  per.s'Uis  employed  in  this  nmnnl'iclure,  in 
llie  Uniled  .Slates,  is  ito.OIK);  to  whom  is  [laiil,  as 
wa2es,the  sum  of  >!a,i;)t<,'.187  |ier  year.  Tlie  whole 
value  of  the  carpelin;;  produced  is  Sli..")H.1,t<flO. 
From  this  it  appcirs  ihat  nearly  one-half  ihe  en- 
tire co.-t  of  carpeting  consists  in  ihe  single  item  of 
\y.ine,<.  It  is  evideni,  Ihen,  ihat  if  foreign  compi'- 
lition  is  lo  he  permillcd  lo  inlerfVre  with  lliis  arlii  le, 
the  expense  of  producini;  il  in  this  connirv  must  he 
diminished,  or  the  iruunifacture  must  I.eenlirdy 
aljanduned.  If  the  t'ormer  course  is  pur.sucd  by 
anufactnrers,  how  can  t-n  great  an  ingredient  i', 
t.ie  ci,st,ns  v.-a^^es,  escape  reibiciion  r  If  ihe  laltc  ■, 
a  still  greater  i  vil  will  ensue,  and  ihonsands  v.  ill 
be  thrown  out  of  ect  |i|o\".ieiii  eiuiiely.  .\l  ihis 
time  ,iie  rale  ol  wngct,  paid  in  Ihis  Inisiness  is  oO 
pi-r  ceni.  jjreatcr  lliiiii  is  paid  for  ihe  hanie  hihor  in 
Kurope,  and  still  the  nniarkable  fact  appeiirs  lliiit 
llie  price  of  carpetins;  is  nmrc  tlin.i  id  pir  cent, 
less,  than  before  the  passan-e  ''f  the  t.".nlV  act  of 
lt-49. 

Now,  suppose  this  business  is  abandoned,  or  ihe 
rale  of  wages  greatly  reduced — what  will  he  the 
eil'-t  on  ;he  market  for  labor  in  llie  neighborhood, 
and  ii|ir,ii  ih.""  value  of  agiiculliiral  produce.-  Is  it 
noi  evident  that  agriculuintl  Inhor  will  he  the  gen- 
eral ii's.irl,  aril  that  fin-irrs  will  find  llieir  bepi 
cusionicis  changed  le  rivals  -  Il  i."  in  this  way,  by 
cliFuigingc  finsnioer.<  into  producers,  thai  lliose  who 
oppose  the  protective  polii'v,  and  advocate  free 
trade  for  the  heiw'fil  of  Ihe  farmer,  prfipose  to  raise 
the  price  of  agriciillurni  produce! 

I  ain  by  no  means  difl)toHed  to  uiiderriiie  the  im- 
poriance  of  agriculture;  I  iielieve  it  a  pursuit  more 
conducive  10  happiness  and  virtue  than  any  other; 
bill  il  cannot  be  tile  "ninloyiTienl  of  all.  li  should 
receive  fromllieGoven  rncnt  everyeiicoiuagemenl, 
nnd  I  know  of  no  bciter  means  of  protci  iin^  agri- 
euliure,  ih.in  by  stinmlaling  ihe  lirowth  of  manu- 
factures and  ihe  mechinhc  aris,  in  every  pari  of  ilie 
eounlry.  Mr.  J' Iferson ':<  idea  of  "  placing  the 
inainifnciurer  by  the  side  of  the  farmer,"  should 
be  hierallycarried  iiUo  exriulii.n.  The  great  vinnt 
of  Ihe  fanner  is  a  market;  nnd,  in  many  instances, 
u  liuinc  market  is  the  only  one  in  which  he  can  dis- 


pose of  his  products.  Many  are  too  perishable 
lo  endure,  or  too  bulky  to  afford  a  distant  trai.s- 
porlatlon,  and  must  be  sold  in  a  .short  time  nnd 
near  home,  or  Ihey  cjimiot  be  sold  at  all.  Kvery 
ariicle  which  Ihe  tanner  has  to  sell  depends,  in  a 
great  measure,  lor  its  value  upon  ihe  nearness  of 

'  the  market.  The  opening  of  all  the  ports  in  the 
world  to  his  prodiictiinis,  will  nut  conipeii.iate  for 
the  inconvenience  and.  cpcii.se  ofdislniil  transport- 
ation. Every  bushel  of  wheal  ■  arrii'l  from  Illinois 
lo  London  is  taxed  more  than  two-Miiids  iis  value 
il  the  cost  of  (ransporlalion,  and  this  la.x  is  de- 
ducted from  the  price.  In  oilier  words,  ihe  farmer 
in  Illinois  receives  for  his  wheat  the  value  of  ihe 
article  in  London,  less  the  cost  of  carrying  iliere. 
This  cost,  from  the  centre  of  Illinois,  cannot  be  less 
than  seventy-live  cents,  leaving  for  the  wheat- 
grower  pcriiapa  thirty  cents  per  buslnl.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  cost  of  carrying  a  yard  of  broad- 
cloth lo  Illinois  from  Liverpool  is  a  mere  trifle, 
perhaps  {'we  per  cent.;  so  that  the  maniifacliirer 
at  Manchester  has  yreaiiy  the  advanlage  of  the 
wheat  i;rower  here.  Tliere  is  no  remedy  for  this 
but  to  eslaldish  nianufiictiire<  in  ihe  midst  of  every 
gniin-growini;  country.     The  fanner  reaps  from 

I  liii.>  :i  double  advantage;  first,  from  the  convenient 
market  vhich  is  therciiy  firiiislied;  and,  secondly, 
by  divertii.g  labor  from  his  own  pursuit  into  oilier 
channels,  nnd  lesseniii!»  the  competition  with  w  hich 
lie  is  now  compelled  lo  contend. 

The  auior.nt  of  the  ngriculuirni  produce  of  this 
eounlry  is  ininiensc.  The  wheat  market  is  glin- 
ted, nnd  the  grent  staple  of  the  South,  eotion,  is 
deprived  of  its  fair  value  by  ils  own  exceso  in 
f|uanlily.  The  change  in  the  employ  nienl  of  labor, 
which  will  result  from  the  passage  of  the  bill  be- 
Ibre  the  coinniiltce,  must  grealiy  nggra\alc  these 
evils.  The  vast  amount  of  labor  which  will  be 
driven  from  niiinniacturing  lo  agrieulniie,  will  jiour 

'  upon  an  already  ovcrslockcd  market  a  greally  in- 
creased supplv.  The  conse(|uence  \v  ill  be  seen  in 
prices  ruinously  low.  What  the  firmer  lunv 
v.uits,  in  addition  lo  a  home;  market,  is  freedom 
from  excessive  compclition.  Me  waiils  no  in- 
crease in  the  great  army  of  prfidncers,  who  now 
are  so  over-almndaiitlv  snpiilying  ihe  wants  of' 
the  world,  as  lo  give  rise  to  ihat  complaint  which 
we  heard  the  other  day  iVoni  a  western  member, 
that  the  people  of  his  Stale  were  s/nrrin/r,  for  want 
of  a  iiinrket  for  a  surplus  of  5,000,000  bushels  of 
wheal. 

The  low  price  of  collon  is  to  be  ntlributed  to  a 
similar  cause.  Cieiillemen  from  the  South  com- 
plain here  that  Ihey  are  obliged  to  sell  this  article 
at  low  prices,  while  they  persist  in  producing  a 
su|iply  loo  great  for  the  wants  of  the  world.  The 
evil  of  which  lliey  roniplain  must  be  ereally  in-  ■ 
creased  by  this  bill,  if  its  results  should  be  to  con- 
vert ihe  sugar  plnntntions  of  Lonisinnn  and  Texas 
iiiio  collon  fields.  \  diversity  of  employmenls, 
and  n  variety  of  products,  can  alone  raise  the  price 
of  llie  sniithi  ni  slaple.  Far  better  would  it  be  I'lr 
ll>e  collon  planters  to  burn  their  surplus — as  Ihe 
l>uich  buriil  iheir  surplus  lens — rather  than  force 
it  iin  a  niarkrl  already  depressed  by  a  supply  im- 
Miensely  exceeding  the  demand.  Their  most  able 
men  begin  lo  ailribnie  their  ditlicullies  in  this  e- 
spect  lo  the  inie  cnn.sc — an  excessive  supply — and 
have  ceased  10  lay  the  fnult  on  the  proteclive  pol- 
icy, Tliis  nnicliabused  system  is  at  nis  moment 
onerating  gniitly  for  the  benefit  of  the  (Souili. 
Their  collon  is  increased  in  price  a*,  least  one  cent 
per  pound,  by  the  demand  for  the  article  nt  the 
Norlli.  .And  while  Ihey  are  railing  at  our  people, 
and  denouncing  iliem  as  roiibers,  for  pursuing  a 
pohcv  coi.iinenced  by  ihemsrlves,  iheir  great  sla- 
pli-,  in  1  onsi-ipience  .if  ihis  policy,  is  wnrlli,  in 
New  Vork  and  Huston,  from  one-sixth  lo  onc- 
eighlli  more  than  in  Liverpool. 

nut  I  pass  on  lo  oilier  considerations.  I  wish 
lo  examine  briefly  the  oh;eclion  that  a  protective 
dniv  is  a  lax.  If  il  were  such,  I  should  still  be  of 
oii'iiion  that  it  i  wise  and  beneficial,  giving  ein- 
nloymeiit  as  il  ocs  lo  American  labor,  nm  I 
contend  that  a  proleclive  duly,  when  il  siininln.'.s 
lo  a  sulHcient  prodiii'lion  li''re,  is  not  n  lax  on  the 
consum.  r.  And  I  contend,  further,  nnd  shall  al- 
lempt  li  .diow,  lliat  a  rcvc'iuc  duly,  advocated  by 
those  V  ho  are  so  averec  to  tax;  .n,  is  a  ta.x  on  the 
ccnsuivi"". 

The  I'octrine  of  fret  trade  Is,  that  whenever  « 
duty  is  imposed,  the  amount  of  tho  duty  ii  added 


to  the  price,  nol  only  of  the  forcip:n  article,  hut  of 
a  similar  article  nianufiietured  i:.  Ihis  conntry.  lint 
this  theory  isconlrndicted  by  facis  which  fall  daily 
under  our  observation.  A  great  v  ariety  of  nrlicles 
of  American  manufacture  Inn  't  only  fnllen  in 
price  since  the  pn.ssage  of  lli.  lariff  art  of  1843, 
but  are  now  sold  for  less  than  ihe  amniinl  of  iliu 
duly.  This  is  Inie  of  coarse  collon  clolh,  nails, 
gliis,v,  pins,  and  many  other  articles.  Of  cnnr.so 
ihe  duty  is  nm,  in  these  inslances,  added  In  iha 
jirice,  for  Ihe  duly  exceeds  the  price.  Indeed  ihu 
famous  "  Forty  liale  Theory"  of  .Mr.  .McDullie  is 
direcily  opposed  lo  the  docirine  that  Ihe  duly  is 
added  lo,  and  becomes  a  part  of  ilic  price.  That 
theory  proceeded  im  the  expres'.  ground  llinl  ihe 
price  was  not  nicr"ascd  by  the  duly  at  all,  but  (hat 
It  was  paid  wholly  liy  the  iinporler,  who  was,  in 
the  case  supposed  by  Mr.  i\lelhi(lip,  ihe  collon- 
prower  himself,  who  look  I'rilish  ^onds  in  ex- 
change for  his  collon,  and  broufjht  them  here  for 
sale. 

The  error  of  ihose  who  mr.inlain  Ihat  the  duty 
must  necessarily  be  added  lo  ihe  price,  is  in  over- 
looking (he  great  law  of  supply  nnd  demand— a 
law  which  inexorably  regnlaies  the  market  price 
of  evei-y  commodity.  A  ))roleclive  duly  can  have 
no  effect  whatever  on  ihe  ninrket  for  an  article 
which  is  abundantly  suppliei'  vithiii  the  eounlry. 
Even  direct,  express  prohibiliim  of  auch  an  nrlicio 
would  not  rai.se  ils  price,  much  less  a  duly  not 
prohibiioiy.  ,Su[)posc  ihe  proliihiiinn  was  by  n 
nalural  law  of  Hade.  For  example,  nalure  prn- 
liibils  llie  imporlaiion  of  raw  cm  ..in  into  ihis  coun- 
try from  India:  the  imporiatioli  of  ice  from  Green- 
land; llie  impnrtalion  of  newspapers  from  London, 
10  supply  us  daily  w  ilh  news.  Il  is  obvious  ihat 
Ib's  does  not  increase  the  price  of  raw  cnl  Ion,  or  ice, 
or  ncwpspnpers  here;  nnd  the  lesiill  is  (he  same 
when  (lie  proliihiiinn  is  by  legislalinn,  instead  of 
,aii  eilici  of  nalure.  .Sii|iposu  our  (arilP  law  prohin- 
iled  (he  imporlaiion  of  raw  collon,  would  that  raise 
ils  price  here.'  (If  course  it  would  not;  andwhy? 
liecause  the  supply  of  collon  rai.sed  in  this  coun- 
try exceeds  the  demand,  .^o  ofeveiy  oilier  article 
of  which  we  can  pniduie  a  .snilicient  supply.  It 
Viiay  not  be  supplied  al  all  wilhoiii  a  protective 
ilnty,  Out  the  moinem  liiis  duly  is  laid,  .'\mcricnii 
compeiiiioii,  skill,  and  iiigenniiy,  will  bring  down 
ihe  article  to  the  owesl  point  nt  which  a  profit 
can  be  made.  It  is  ullerly  impossible  to  keep  up 
llie  jii'iee  o^nny  article  umeasonaldy  fornny  lengtli 
of  lime.  v. 'ompeiitinn  will  not  permit  it.  The  mo- 
ment 11  is  discovered  that  any  branch  of  business 
i.s  extremely  ]irofiiable,  c:  pilal  rushes  in,  nml 
conlnuies  lo  rush,  sir,  ike  wnter  seeking  ils 
level,  till  an  eqnihbrinm  is  esiored.  Even  i'rilish 
capilal  would  he  invested  in  manuiaclurcs  here, 
if  exorbilant  profits  were  lo  be  niadi .  It  cannot 
be,  s.'*.  l-'very  law  of  trade  forbids  11,  nnd  every 
man'.-i  common  sense  lells  him,  that  llie  gain  of 
nnybreiili  of  business  which  is  lice  lo  all  will 
be'slnirt'd  by  all,  ilii  ihe  prolils  are  reduced  to 
a  reasonable  point.  .So  well  is  this  understood, 
llinl  soon  afler  llie  eleelion  of  Mr.  Polk,  the  .-vent 
was  hailed  by  Mr.  [luchaniin  ihe  present  S.  ere- 
tery  of  .Stale,  ns  n  forlunale  i(  ^ull  for  ihose  en- 
gaged in  manufacturing,  il  liavii  g  saved  them  from 
llie  conipelilion  which,  in  llie  i-iciit  of  Mr.  Clny'.i 
election,  would  have  reduced  iheir  )  1  ices  nnd  de- 
stroyed (heir  piofi(s.  .And  (here  cniinot  be  ii 
doubi,sir,  that  (he  pr.  sent  .•■■la(e  of  things — I  menu 
(he  nnceriniiily  winch  nt  this  moment  exisis  wiih 
regard  lo  llie  Inrill' — could  It  etnilinne,  would  bo 
the  best  which  ctuld  exist  for  (he  inlere.sl  of  (hos 
now  engaged  in  mMtinlaclnrrs,  provided  (he  prr  . 
lection  turnished  by  our  present  law  could  niso 
ronlinne.  This  uncerlninly,  wl  ich  keeps  out 
conipelilion,  gives  ili-ni  a  kind  of  monopoly,  while 
Ml  (he  same  lime  lln  tariff  gives  ihem  prolcclioii. 
If  the  prices  of  manufactured  nrlicles  are  now  so 
far  reduc-d  as  greaily  lo  benefit  ihc  consumer,  how 
much  greater  vouhi  be  the  redurlion,  could  the 
.sclilement  of  tiie  .,  leslicm  (jive  a.S8urnnce  of  ihe 
stability  ot  Ihe  proleclive  policy. 

Hut,  sir.  while  a  proie-'ive  dniy  is  not  a  (n.\ 
upon  the  cimsnmer,  whenever  ihe  article  on  which 
lln;  duly  is  laid  can  be  maimfacinred,  nnd  is  manu- 
faclnreil  in  Ihis  cininlry,  in  n  (lunnlily  sufficient  (o 
supply  (he  demand,  it  '^  t-ue,  ns  I  hnve  nlready 
sail!,  (hat  a  revenue  duly  is  in  ninny  cases  a  l«.t, 
nnd  adds  (o  (he  price  of  (he  ardcle.  In  my  dislinc- 
(ion  bctwcsii  a  revenue  and  n  protective  duty,  I 


liiive  no  reference 

only  to  its  ,<'l'.i.'"=l  ; 

icciive,  and  slimul 

nalatax,  however 

rndainlcfleclislor 

,.ver  small  its  amou 

solely  a  revenue  d 

levied;  PS  no  amm 

ihe  production  of  tl 

siichadutywoidd 

else,  why  the  rept 

of  this  House  to  I 

fore  ns  by  the  chai 

iuid  Means?     Ev 

result  would  be  to 

If  the  articles  cc 

same  labor  as  nb 

teclive,  domestic 

them  cheaper  tha 

cannot  thus  be  re 

nuity,  and  tiled 

is  enhanced,  nnd 

sir,  a  protective 

domestic  supply 

nol  a  tax  o"  the  ( 

B  revenue  duty 

domestic  supply 

ar  icle.doea  enh 

coii^vmcr. 

Bu.  it  is  as\ 
raise  the  price 
is  it  wanted  ?    ' 
cstly  put,  and 
Siy  that  the  nil 
to  increase  hi: 
him  the  Amei 
American  com 
reduce  his  pri; 
home  compel! 
knows  what  ii 
render  him  Iin 
by  the  refuse 
world,  and  1 
unequal  conn 
cheaper  than 
all  times  at  tl 
to  be  driven  I 
Suppose  tl 
try  to  amoui 
and  that  of 
suppose, 
lariff,  we 
or  even  c 
are  w"ll 
low  as  in  L 
But  some  v 
abandon 
lure  ns 
world;  the 
picssive  ta 
ulmiidoned 
what  is 
turers,  al 
that  bcs!  ' 
surplus 
What  shi 
home,  or 
duce  pric 
They  de: 
wiiliout 
destroy 
They  fei 
o''duty. 
The  am 
value,  i 
having  I 

lU'SS. 

finds  h 
has  bee 
Me  can 
he  is  c( 
»•"'  is 
faeture 
of,  mill 
open  1 

lil'iy  ' 
increa 
than  I 

If 
delug 
the  d 
surpl 


ah 

ar 

chei 

su 


01 

ch' 

lie 

ta 

ed 

1  tl 

nl 

:sid 

o 


'-*•'■ 


1816.] 


4^ 
APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1065 


Ml 
I'- 

I., 

■■'0 

Inn 


hnt 
fhe 

■  ill 


jx- 

ifor 


n 

fro- 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Dkon. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


hiive  no  reference  to  I'.'.e  nmount  of  the  duty,  but  ' 
only  to  itH  object  and  efl'ect.     If  it  is  really  pro-  : 
iciuivc,  and  stimnli\tes  to  n  sufficient  supply,  it  is 
nit  11  tnx,  iiowever  ln:;;e  it  miiy  be;  and  if  its  only 
end  and  efle.-.t  is  to  produce  revenue,  it  is  a  tax,  how- 
ever small  its  amount.     A  duly  on  tea  and  cofl'ee  is   '< 
HiiMy  a  revenue  duty,  at  whatever  rale  it  may  be  i 
li'vied;  cs  no  amount  of  duly  can  at  present  cause  ■' 
the  production  of  those  articles  here.    TheetTcclof 
Niirha  duty  would  certainly  be  to  enhance  the  price;  I 
else,  why  the  repuf;nance  maiiifeaied  by  members  ;i 
nf  this  House  to  the  duty  proposed  in  the  bill  be-  ; 
fore  us  by  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways 
iind  Means?     Every  man  here  believes  that  the 
ri  suit  would  be  to  raise  the  price  of  lea  and  coffee. 
If  the  articles  c -uld  be  produced  here  with  the 
same  labor  as  abroad,  and  if  the  duty  were  pro-  i 
te>:tive,  domestic  competition  would  soon  furnish  ]i 
litem  cheaper  than  Java  or  Drazil.    But  since  they  >'' 
cannot  thus  be  reduced  in  price  by  American  inge-  i 
nuily,  and  the  duty  is  for  revenue  only,  the  price 
is  enhanced,  and  the  consumer  is  taxed.    In  short, ' 
sir,  a  protective  duty,  "vlien  it  causes  a  sufficient 
domestic  supply,  does  not  raise  the  price,  and  is 
iiota  tax  on  the  consumer;  and,  on  the  other  hand, 
B  revenue  duty  not  increasing  in  any  degree  the  I 
domestic  supply,  but  only  operating  on  the  foreign 
ar  icle.does  enhance  the  price,  and  is  a  tax  on  the  || 
coi.ri'mer. 

i3u.  it  is  asked,  if  a  productive  duty  does  not  I 
raise  the  price  o'  the  domestic  manufacture,  why 
is  it  wanted.'    This  is  a  fair  question,  often  hon- 
estly put,  and  it  demands  an  answer.     In  reply,  I 
Sdy  that  the  manufaclurer  docs  not  ask  legislation   . 
to  increase  his  prices.     He  oiily  asks  us  to  give  ' 
him  the  American  market.     Give  him  this,  and  ; 
American  competion,  as  I  have  already  said,  will   . 
ri -luce  his  pri-.'es  to  the  lowest  living  point.   With  '■} 
home  competition  he  is  willing  to  compete.    He 
.knows  what  it  is,  and  can  calculate  its  effect;  but 
render  him  liable  to  be  overwhelmed  periodically, 
by  the  refuse  of  the  crowded  markets  of  the  old 
world,  and  he  cannot  fail  to  be  prostrated  in  the 
unequal  coniest.     Even  if  he  could  manufacture  i 
cheaper  than  his  European  rivals,  he  would  be  at  1; 
nil  times  at  their  mtrcy,  and  liable  at  any  moment  'i 
to  be  driven  by  them  from  his  own  markets.  1 

Suppose  the  maiiut'acturin^  capital  of  this  coun-  < 
try  to  amount  to  one  hundred  millions  of  dollars, 
and  ihat  cf  England  to  five  h'-'u'ved  millions;  and  |' 
suppose,  also,  lhat  unde'  our  present  protective  P 
tariff,  we  are  eble  to  mnnufattnre  at  the  same  rale, 
or  even  cheopcr,  than  the  English.  Our  markets  1 
are  W'^ll  supplied,  prices  of  manufaclures  areas 
low  as  in  Euinpe,  and  our  people  are  flourisl  ng. 
But  some  visiunary  free-trade  ti.eorist  propoE"s  to  \ 
abandon  our  iirotective  policy;  we  can  manufac- 
ture as  cheap,  he  declares,  as  any  penp'^;  in  the 
world;  the  duty  is  not  needed;  it  i.s  oi  ly  an  op- 
pressive tax,  uilerly  usele.ss  at  the  be?''.;  let  it  be  i 
iibaiidoned.  It  is  accordingly  repeale'';  and  now,  I 
what  is  the  oonsequenoe.'  The  I'.itish  manufac- 
turers, at  the  close  of  the  year's  business,  find 
that  besides  their  reasonable  profits,  they  have  a 
surplus  on  hand  of  (say)  iwcnly-five  millions. 
What  shall  they  do  with  this  surplus  ?  To  sell  at 
hcune,  or  in  their  fiieign  inarkels,  would  only  re- 
duce pricis,  and  injure  the  noxt  year's  liusiiiess. 
They  dcsin;  two  things — to  dispose  of  tiii.s  .iiirplus 
wiihout  injuring  their  own  inarkels,  and  also  in 
destroy  'he  rival  manufaiMires  of  this  country. 
They  send  Ibis  surplus  ;,ere.  It  ii.  ailmilled  free 
o''duty,  and  Is  sold  at'uiciion  at  what  it  will  bring. 
The  auiiuiiit  receive';,  though  less  than  the  actual 
value,  is  .siill  elciir  profit,  the  goods  already  sold 
having  paid  all  the  expenses  of  the  year's  busi- 
ness. Meanwhile,  'he  American  manufacturer 
finds  his  own  eood.s  unsaleable.  A  ffu'eign  article 
has  been  siiiisliuued  for  lhat  supplied  by  himself. 
He  can  make  no  sales,  hispaymenls  must  be  met, 
he  is  compelled  to  sacrifice  his  goods  at  any  price, 
H"'l  is  ruined.  The  next  year,  the  Driiish  manu- 
facturers .'nd  iheir  American  competitors  disposed 
of,  and  in.<lcad  of  a  market  for  their  surplus,  nn 
open  clear  market,  with  full  demand  for  nerhans 
fifty  millions;  and,  as  a  naliirai  consequence,  this 
increased  demand  raises  the  price  to  a  point  higher 
than  before. 

If  any  gentlemen  donlit   lhat  this   prore.is  of 
deluging  our  inarkels  would  be  gone  through,  fur  ' 
the  double  purpose  of  disposing  of  a  trnnblcsome 
surplus,  and  of  breaking  down  our  manufacturers, 


let  them  give  their  attention  for  a  single  moment  i 
to  the  following  extract  from  a  speech  of  Lord 
Brougham,  in  the  British  Parliament.  Aftcrspeak- 
ing  of  the  excessive  exportation  of  English  goods 
to  every  part  of  the  continent  of  Europe,  afcr  the 
peace  of  1814,  he  said: 

"  The  peace  with  America  produced  somewhnf  of  n  simi- 
lar result,  thouzli  I  nm  very  fnr  from  plneins  the  viift  exports 
which  it  oceaflinned  upon  the  anmc  fonliiiit  with  those  to 
the  Eiiropenn  iniirltet  the  year  hnfore,  hoih  liecaus*o  iilti- 
iimtuly  the  Aineric  >"  will  p.ly,  which  the  exhausted  bXaig 
of  the  continent  ,  let?  very  unlikely,  niid  hectmc  it  vat 
vcHvnrlh  v}hite  to  i,.  ur  n  lost  ujxm  the  fir.t  er/jort.i/ion,  in 
ordcTt  bif  tfie  gfii/,  t,i  sHJte  in  the  crn/ile  thmc  ri'dnic  mamtj'tc- 
turti  in'the  United  StatCi  which  the  wiir  Imd  forced  into  ex- 
islence,  contrary  to  the  natural  course  of  Ulingij." 

There  are  [gentlemen  who  sneer  nt  the  idea  that 
our  manufaclures  would  be  overwhelmed  by  im- 
portations thrown  upon  the  market  for  the  express 
purpose  of  breakinz  them  down  at  any  cost,  and 
who  tell  us  with  entire  confidence,  that  there  is  no 
danger  of  the  British  giving  away   their  goods; 
that  they  will  always  have  suflicient  repaid  for 
their  own   interest  to  demand  a  high  price,  &c. 
This  extract  from  Lord  Brougham's  speech,    I  | 
trust,  will  satisfy  these  men  that  the  British  man-  1 
ufacturers  are  willing  "  (n  incur  o  loss  on  the  first  \ 
importation,  in  order  to  stifle  in  the  cradle  the  rising 
manufactures  in  the  United  Slates."    To  believe 
they  would  not  make  great  sacrifices  to  effect  nn 
object  so  desirable  to  them,  would  be  to  suppose 
them  blinded  to  their  own  interests,  and  weak  in 
the  extreme.     It  is  well  known  that  this  has  al- 
ways been  their  policy.     After  the  late  war  with 
England,  British  goods  were  offered  inthiscountry 
"  pound  for  poitnrf,"  lhat  is,  goods  which  copt  in  i 
England  a  pound   sterling,   (about  fj4.84,)  were  | 
sold  in  New  York  for  fi3  33.     It  is  easy  to  per-  ' 
ceivR  that  this  was  wise  policy.    It  had  the  desired 
effect  to  break  dowi.    our  manufactures,  and  it  ', 
would  undoubtedly  be  repeated,  should  an  oppor- 
tunity be  afforded,  until  our  manufacturers  were 
f'estioyed;   when   British  producers  would   take 
are  to  demand  a  price  for  tneir  merchandise,  suffi- 
cient to  make  up  all  losses  incurred  in  obtaining 
possession  of  our  market. 

But,  sir,  if  weudmitihat  the  duty 'raises  the  price 
of  the  imported  and  domestic  article,  still  I  con- 
tend it  is  for  the  interest  of  all,  that  everything  ; 
which  can  be  produced  by  the  same  amount  of  i 
human  industry  ns  elsewhere,  should  be  produce! 
in  our  own  country.  It  is  of  li'tle  consequence 
what  the  cost  in  dollars  and  cents  may  be,  provided 
we  can  pay  for  the  arlicle  liy  the  products  nf  our 
own  labor.  The  farmer,  in  whose  neishliorhood 
is  a  manufacturing  establishment  which  raises  ihe 
value  of  his  land,  and  rurnishes  a  market  for  his 
pfoduce  of  every  description,  will  not  complain 
that  he  cannot  buy  its  cloth  ns  cheap  as  a  similar 
article  in  Manchester.  The  blnck.smllh  who  forces 
its  iron;  the  mason  who  builds  its  walls;  the  tailor, 
the  shoemaker,  the  trader,  who  receive  a  large 
portion  of  the  money  it  scatters  among  the  com- 
niunilv,  will  never  be  convinced  thatils  prosperity 
diminishes  their  own.  On  the  contrary,  they 
know  that  a  system  which  diversifies  emplov- 
ments,  and  creates  a  demand  for  hibor,  is  the  true 
system  fnr  a  rf  publican  people. 

The  lei;i.slniion  which  is  proposed  by  Ihe  Sec- 
r''i.iry  of  the  Treanury,  and  Ihe  chairman  of  the 
C'ommillee  of  Ways  mv]  Means,  is  bosed  on  the 
idea,  that  nn  increa.sed  revenue  is  to  be  obtained 
by  increased  imporlalioiis,  at  a  low  rale  of  duties. 
While  our  own  artisans  see  in  this  the  certain  loss 
of  the  constant  and  profilable  employment  which 
they  now  enjoy,  the  chanse  to  be  made  is  hiiiled 
with  deligbi  by  a  class  of  men  who  are  eajerly  i 
watchins  the  progress  of  the  present  bill  throiisli 
the  forms  of  lecislnlion  here.  The  manufacturers 
of  Great  Britain  rejoice  at  the  work  we  are  alxuit 
to  perform.  Thousand.^  of  our  own  mcchani'S 
and  artisans  may  mourn,  but  Ihe  gains  of  the  lorrlly 
manufacinrera  ncro.ss  ihi  Atlantic  will  be  swelled, 
and  their  bloaleil  prosperiiy  excites  no  envy  in  the 
hearts  of  those  who  cannot  look  with  complacency 
on  the  success  of  their  own  brelhien.  Can  it  be, 
sir,  lint  the  change  In  be  produced  by  this  bill  will 
be  beneficial  both  to  the  Enslish  manufacturer  and 
our  own  workmen  ?  Is  it  I'or  the  good  of  our  pen- 
/ifethattlie  foreign  inanufacinrerand  importer  wish 
us  to  reduce  our  larilV,  and  look  to  them  for  sup- 
plies? For  whom  are  we  legislating?  If  our  con- 
'  Btituents  were  across  the  woter,  we  should  be  car- 


rying out  their  wishes;  but  is  it  not  lime  to  pause, 
when  we  find  that  the  policy  we  are  about  to  pur- 
sue is  that  which  the  inlerest  of  a  foreign  n.nlion 
requires  us  to  adopt?  Had  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  consulted  the 
House  of  Lords,  they  would  have  given,  he  may 
,  rest  assured,  their  most  unqualified  approbation  to 

■  the  bill  he  asks  us  to  adopt.  If  the  news  of  the 
Oregon  treaty  has  been  received  with  rrj—icings  in 
London  and  Liverpool,  with  still  louder  acclama- 
tions will  the  intelligence  be  there  greeted,  thattha 
Americ.in  Congress  have  abandoned  the  protection 
of  American  -ndustry.  And  well  may  British 
manufacturers  rejoice,  when,  on  the  first  day  of 
December,  1846,  this  bill  shall  go  into  operation, 

•  should  it  finally  [iiiss.   A  new  morket  will  be  open- 
ed for  the  productions  of  their  looms.  What  though 
i  the  industry  of  our  own  citizens  may  be  deprived  of 
•■  half  its  value — what  though  the  approaching  win- 
ter shall  find  many  a  manly  heart  overwhelmed 
!  with  gloom,  and  sadness  and  despondency  perva- 
ding every  breast?    Not  the  less  will  the' foreign 
!  producer  exuli,as  he  counts  his  gains  in  Manchcs- 
!  ter  and  Birmingham;  and  not  less  will  be  his  grat- 
'  itudc  to  his  benefactors,  who  on  this  floor  give 

■  their  votes  for  this  measure,  which  adds  to  his 
enormous  wealth,  ond  paralyzes  the  arm  of  bis 

t  American  rival, 

Mr.  Chairman,  there  are  fuels  connected  with 
this  subject  which  no  assurance  can  deny,  and  no 
'  ingenuity  conceal.  That  the  tariff  of  184*2  has  been 
fraught  with  bcnefiis  to  every  industrious  man — 
that  it  is  now  diffusing  blessings  unnumbcrcii 
throughout  the  community — thut  it  brings  plenty 
to  thousands  of  happy  firesides — lhat  it  enables 
the  strong  arm  of  manhood,  and  the  more  deliculo 
skill  nf  female  labor,  to  sustain  and  support  de- 
crepid  and  lielpless  old  age,  and  ihe  weakness  of 
tender  childhood — these  are  truths  undeniable.  At 
whose  command  is  this  protective  tariff  to  be  aban- 
doned ?  Where  are  the  petitions  which  ask  us  to 
crush  American  industry,  and  give  to  the  European 
laborer  the  employment  which  our  own  citizens 
demand?  Do  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of  Amer- 
ican freemen,  who  at  this  moment  are  engaged  in 
the  pursuits  to  which  this  tariff  has  given  birth, 
ask  of  you  its  repeal  ?  Do  they  request  you  to 
"  si'BSTiTUTE,"  for  the  productions  of  their  labor, 
those  of  another  country,  as  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  recommends?  Sir,  if  there  is  any  tem- 
poral blessing  for  which  they  have  rett.son  to  thank 
God.  it  is,  that  there  is  a  mode  by  which  th.'y  can 
make  their  wishes  known  and  respected  in  this 
Hall — if  not  this  day,  at  some  future  period,  not 
far  distant! 

I  have  endeavored  to  show  that  one  effect  of  nn 
abandonment  of  the  protective  policy  must  be  a 
reduction  of  the  waies  of  labor.  While  I  grenlly 
fear  this  will  be  the  result  of  the  present  bill,  I 
would,  if  possible,  cherish  the  hope  that  it  may  bo 
avoided.  The  American  woikingman  holds  in  his 
hands  the  destinies  of  this  Republic.  Upon  his 
inlcllin-cnce,  his  patriotism,  his  virtue,  and  inde- 
pendence, must  rest  all  our  hopes  for  the  stability 
of  our  insliiutions.  And  what  shall  he  be?  Wiil 
you  de^'r.ide  him  to  a  level  with  the  unfortunala 
beings  who,  in  the  Old  World,  wearouta  life  of  toil 
in  n  desperate  struggle  for  the  means  of  subsist- 
ence? Shall  the  products  of  tlieir  labor  be  brought 
to  the  same  mnrket?  As  a  representative  of  a 
portion  of  the  industry  of  this  country,  I  cannot 
ennsrnt  to  this.  Rather  let  ua  elevate  labor  by  in- 
creasing its  rewards.  If  there  is  a  policy  wliich 
Mill  dignify  and  ennoble  the  daily  mil  of  our  coun- 
Irymcii,  aiid  insure  to  it  >■  compensation  sufficient 
fnr  the  wnnl.,  of  a  freeman;  /,  on  llie  other  hand, 
there  is  a  policy  which  will  reduce  wages  am! 
lessen  the  demand  for  labor  by  exposing  it  to  a 
dciradiiig  competition,  can  we  hesilate  which  to 
pursue?  "  Something  more  than  a  bare  siil)sistcnce 
IS  required  by  our  people.  They  have  duties  to 
perform  ns  freemen,  rights  lo  priplect  ns  citizens. 
They  have  wants  unknown  lo  the  great  nuiss  nf 
the  population  of  other  countries.  They  have 
families  to  support  in  comfort,  and  their  children 
must  bo  educalfd.  They  are  placed  by  the  Provi- 
dence of  God  in  a  land  abounding  with  ev-ry  ele- 
ment of  wealth,  where  human  labor  should  never 
lack  employment,  nor  receive  an  inadequate  re- 
ward. Every  riety  of  climate,  and  a  soil  of 
'  inexhaustible  I  ility,  invite  them  to  aijriculture — 
while  unfailing  rivere  furnish   abundant  waler- 


>•■;:  ■>: 


''Sii\ 


1066 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  ], 


1846.1 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Woodruff. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


•29th  Cong. 


power  for  mnmifncturins;,  nnd  cheap  means  of 
convoyniicc  for  liie  products  of  every  spet'iea  of 
lrtl)or.  It  would  seem  tliat  niiture  luid  desi^jned 
tliis  country  for  tlic  residence  of  an  independent 
people — not  politically  alone — but  as  contuinini; 
•.villiin  its  own  bordcrsevery  clement  of  prosperity 
and  linppiness.  Notliin;;  is  now  wantiin;  to  de- 
velop its  greatness  but  human  IiiImu'.  Inixhauaii- 
Me  mines  of  wealth — far  mure  oreci(  its  than  {jold 

■silver — are  awaitini;  the  hanil  of  industry,  and 
1-  ;y  to  pour  out  their  reward.  No  liuinan  arm 
need  be  uniniployed.  liut,  looking'  on  such  a 
scene,  what  says  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ? 
He  complains  that  r(V>mrs/jc  manufaelnrea  are  dri- 
vinj  out  the  pmduclions  of  fortinn  labor.  He 
wishes  this  state  of  tliiiiiis  reversed.  The  dotnes- 
tic  article  must  <;ive  way  to  the  forciun.  Labcu- 
nuist  cease,  nnd  production  must  be  brought  to  an 
end,  that  a  iireaicr  revenue  may  be  secured  from 
increased  importations!  ' 

Mr.  Chairman,  1  am  confident  that  this  bill,  if 
adopted,  will  prove  highly  injurious  to  my  own 
immediate  consliluent.s,  and  to  ihe  country  at  laii.'e. 
liven  as  a  rcvinne  measure,  it  will,  in  all  pruba-  | 
bility,  fail  of  accomplishinir  the  purpose  of  its  con- 
trivers. Unless  I  am  greatly  mistaken,  it  will 
not  only  bo  destniclive  of  the  great  producini;  in- 
terests of  the  c(MiMtrv,  but  will  prove  a  specimen 
of  financial  folly,  such  as  has  rarely  been  witness- 
ed. Trauds  of  ihe  grossest  character  will  be  com- 
mitted in  the  collect'on  of  duties  i.nder  the  (ul  r«- 
iorfiii  principle.  Tnc  foreign  importer  will  have  a 
prcat  uihaiitage  over  the  American;  and  while 
importations  may  be  actually  increased,  lo'  the  ^ 
great  injury  of  our  own  industry,  the  revenue  will,  ' 
III  the  end,  be  diminithcd.  Hut  Imwevir  it  may 
result  as  a  financial  scheme,  it  cannot  liut  indict 
iiicalenlalde  injury  upon  the  inleresis  of  my  own 
immediate  constituents.  They  arc,  to  a  great  ex- 
tent, producers.  Their  inihistry  has  been  fostered 
by  the  existing  turid",  and  they  desire  no  change. 
No  soplli^lry  can  convince  them  that  they  arc 
taxed  by  a  sysiem  which,  to  a  cerlain  extent, 
shuts  out  from  our  markets  lorcignnitiihs similar 
to  those  produced  liy  tin  insclvcs.  The  cloths, 
carpetings,  cottons,  furniture,  hals,  ..its,  and  all 
the  variety  of  articles  which  they  produce,  give 
full  employment  to  labor,  and  a  I'niirket  to  every 
kind  o'"  igricoliurai  produce.  If  the  ellcct  of  the 
bill  belore  us  shall  be  to  substitute  the  priKliU'lioiis 
of  other  countries  for  their  own,  as  its  friends  de- 
sire ami  expect,  there  will  be  but  one  parly  on  this 
subject  one  yearl'nmi  tiie  day  of  its  pas.sage.  And, 
wliile  such  an  t  llect  would  be  dcplcu'able  in  tlie 
mannl'.ictoriiig  ."^tiiies,  it  would  prove  doubly  in-  ' 
jnriniis  to  those  sections  of  the  country  now  rep- 
resented by  gentlemen  wlin  hail  tliis  imiisure  as 
jicculi.irly  bencficiiil  to  their  own  constituents, 
riie  West  and  the  South  will,  after  all,  be  ll.c-hief 
BullVrers.  Then-  gieat  :  ,aples  will  t'eel  the  elfect 
of  ilie  blow  aimid  at  the  free  labor  id"  the  No    '  . 

W'hatcvi  rcouise  of  policy  this  Go\erninei.  ,nay 
pursue,  1  rejoice  in  the  belief  that,  in  spile  of  un- 
wise legislaiioii,a  high  '1  •.-ree  of  prosperity  awails 
lis.  The  individual  ..nic-ing  which  may  ensue 
cannot  slay  the  onward  march  of  the  iialion.  We 
enj  ly  advantages  wliii:h  party  hgislaiion  cannot 
rea-h.  Let  igiiiirniice  a;id  malice  do  tin  ir  worst, 
iilill  the  energy  and  enterprise  of  onr  |H'ople  will 
fin;  lly  win  competence  and  cuinforl  from  the  most 
adverse  circumstances.  Tin  y  «sk  no  i  xemption 
fnnn  labor;  theyciaini,  rather,  ihe  privilege  ol  pcr- 
foi  iniiig  their  own  labor  williin  their  own  borders. 
Loiik,  sir,  at  the  country  they  iiihalnt.  Moun- 
tains of  coal  andiron;  rivers,  canals,  and  railroads, 
piercing  the  rennitest  valleys,  and  bringing  them 
eontigtioiis  .0  the  ocean;  niillions  of  le-res  of  the 
most  fertile  land,  at  a  [iri<  e  inerely  nominal;  and  a 
pei'ple,  wliose  iiuiustry  and  cner;:y  are  as  unhinit- 
cd  as  the  resources  of  the  country  they  inliabit — 
with  such  a  eoiinlry  and  Hiic.h  a  peo))le,  what  but 
our  own  fcdly  and  wickedness  can  more  than  tem- 
porarily cheek  onr  piosperily  r  Theoretical  states- 
ine'i  may,  by  their  \i.--ioiiary  pngeels,  create  indi- 
vidual sulfering;  but  the  evil  cannot  be  perinaneiit. 
The  hand  of  labor  must  nnd  will  have  employ- 
liieiit,  and  the  vain  attempt  which  is  now  making 
to  substitute  forei:^n  productions  for  those  of  onr 
industry  will  prove  nnavailing.  What  want  of 
man  cannot  be  supplied  by  the  labor  of  our  own 
uamtry  '  Why  look  abroad  for  what  thousands  , 
of  luody  hands  allioiiie  are  ready  to  provide  us  ?     i 


I  The  protective  policy  is  founded  in  truth  nni! 
must  ultimately  prevail.  Its  oliject  is  to  elevate 
labor  above  the  ci>;-'''ioii  to  which  it  is  depressed  i 
■by  tyranny  and  oppression  throughout  the  world,  j 
It  would  give  a  prelerence  In  the  American  citi- 
zen, and  enable  him  to  demand  a  reward  for  Iiis 
iiulustry  sufficient  for  iiis  wants.  It  recognises 
him  as  n  being  higher  and  nobler  than  the  unfor- 
tunate men,  with  whose  labor  his  own  would  be 
brought  into  coinpetition  under  n  system  of  free 
trade.  Under  the  inlluence  of  the  protective  ays-  j 
tem,  comfort  and  inde|)eiidencc  will  bo  insured  to 
every  indusirioiis  citizen,  and  h'isure  will  be  nrt'ord- 
ed  fm-  the  mental  culture  without  which  he  cannot  ; 
rightly  discharge  his  duties  as  a  freeman.  I  rejoice  in 
the  glorious  prospect  which  our  physical  advantages 
permit  ns  to  anticipate,  but  I  look  with  far  greater 
delight  on  what  we  may  hope  from  the  ciwiracler 
of  our  peopl.'.  Ivir  as  we  are  frmn  perfection,  it 
is  no  itile  boast  to  say  that  such  a  population  as  ours 
has  never  blessed  any  country  on  the  face  of  the 
globe.  The  system  which  guards  the  labor  of 
such  a  people  must  finally  triiiin|>h.  Tlie  fallacies 
and  fidlies  of  designing  politiciiiiis  may  prevail  lor 
a  lime,  but  reason  will  again  resume  its  sway,  and 
the  legislatio!^  under  which  we  now  prosper  will 
be  speedily  restored.  This  bill  may  become  the 
law  of  the  land — but  the  day  is  not  far  distant 
when  the  priiicipl,^s  which  are  now  overbtirne  Ijy 
tile  forc-i  of  nnmliers  in  tins  Hall  will  be  triumph- 
antly vindicated  by  the  American  )>eople,  and  tlio 
industry  of  the  country  will  protect  itself. 


THE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  WX.  T.  M.  WOODRUFF, 

OF  NEW  YORK, 
In  the  HofsE  OF  Ukphesen'tvtives, 
JnUj  1,  IHJti. 
On  the  Hill  proposing  to  reduce  the  duties  on  Im- 
ports, and  for  other  purposes. 

Mr.  WOODRUFF  said: 

Mr.  CiiAinMAv:  I  have  a  few  words,  aid  Init  a 
(i'w^  to  say  to  this  commitfee  upon  the  important 
subject  embraced  in  the  bill  now  pending  before 
it;  and,  were  I  to  consult  my  jH-rsonal  interests,  at 
least  ns  far  ns  my  geni'rnl  health  m  p'lysical  ability 
are  cimcej'iied,  I  should  have  re'ainrd  my  .scat,  and 
declined  entering  into  this  disciuision.  lam  not 
alloL'i  tlier  at  liberty  to  roiisnlt  merely  my  own 
feelings,  and,  in  view  of  what  is  due  to  mv  con- 
stituency— no  man,  I  presume,  can  boast  a  better, 
one  most  emphatically  made  up  of  the  patriotic, 
intelliL'ent,  and  devoted  of  oiircitizens — and  when, 
ill  ad  btioii  to  tliis,  I  consider  the  vast  interest.^  of 
our  almost  unsurpassed  metropolis,  the  extensive 
resources  of  our  F.mpire  Slate,  her  nnbiainiU'd 
agricultural  productions,  her  (lonrishiiig  manufac- 
turing eslablislimeiits,  her  po)>ulaliim,  and  her 
wealih — all  serving  as  so  many  indices  on  which  to 
lihee  our  eyes  when  in  these  Halls  we  legislate  on 
fiscal  o|ieration  or  national  rcn"w'ii — I  s;iy,  sir,  in 
view  of  all  this,  and  inaiiy  other  considerations 
which  I  tnii'lit  mention,  I  cannot  Ibr  a  moment 
sulfer  myself  to  falter  in  the  course'  I  should  pur- 
sue, nntlcr  all  my  disadvania:res.  Nor  am  I  in- 
dnceil  to  present  my  poiyr  o[)inion  so  much  bei'ause 
I  can  be  brought,  by  any  means  whatever,  to  be- 
lieve that  anything  which  I  may  say  will  materi- 
ally assist  or  govern  gentlemen  in  making  up  their 
decisiinis,  or  direct  llieir  inilividnal  votes;  yi'l,  if 
by  my  humble  exertions  one  sliiule  vole  can  be 
secure  d,  in  lieu  of  beiiiir  lost,  I  shall  be  more  than 
compensated.  The  boast,  sir,  of  the  opponents  to 
the  ( rl.Wiiig  law,  is,  that  it  was  carried  only  b^  ;; 
single  vote.  The  jircsinl  hill  has  been  reportetf  to 
this  committee  by  a  majority  of  oiif  rnlr.  I  will 
not  stop  to  inquire  whetlier  the  honorable  chair- 
man of  the  fV.minittee  of  Ways  and  Means  voted 
early  enonsrh  at  this  very  intereslin!'  point  of  time 
not  to  make  that  casting  vole  liis  own,  or  to  re- 
mind tliis  body  that  it  was  mlii  oiir  rule  (origina- 
ting, ns  was  then  said,  from  iheuiijiistifialile  slaugh- 
ter of  a  piL')  which  settled  in  these  Halls  Ihe  ipies- 
tion  of  diclaring  war  against  Kngland  in  IHiy.  Sir, 
I  may  not  hope  even  to  assist  in  averting  tlie  fate 
which  S(  ems  lo  ihreaten  one  of  the  most  impnrlnnt 
)iolicies  now  existing  In  the  country — Ihe  national, 
the  protective  policy  of  the  present  day— the  tnrilf 


I  of  '42.  It  Is  not  with  such  feelings  that  I  nsk  tb- 
I  attention  of  gcntiemcn  on  this  lloor.and  solicit  f,  ,■ 
j  my  eonstiluency  nnd  my.selfa  hearing  on  a  matter, 
!  the  interest  in  'vhicli  is  so  deeply  felt  lliruu"-lioiit 
I  the  length  and  breadth  of  our  laml,  as  scarcely 
I  to  necil  a  demonstration  at  my  lianda.  /  shall 
i  vote,  sir,  to  sustain  this  policy.  And  I  am 
;  anxious  that  my  vote  upon  this  bill  shall  be  sus- 
tained by  the  full  and  fair  expression  of  my  sen- 
;  timents,  nnd  that  it  ehall  stand  upon  the  record 

i  afier  Siieh  expression,  where  every   Ainerican 

',  every  native .Imerkan — citizen  should  most  unhcs- 

I  itntingly  place  it,  upon  the  side  of  his  eiciicoaii(/i;, 

'  its  interests,  its  prosperity,  glory  and  indepenii- 

cnce. 

•      Sir,  I  say  his  oipiv  counlrij ;  for  the  most  casual 

.  observer  cannot  but  liave  discovi^red,  among  gen- 

;  tlcinen  upon  this  floor,  a  most  unnatural  ini:iinii- 

I  tioii  to  place  themselves  antagonist ical  to  this  pusi- 

'  tion,  exhibiting,  what  I  must  be  permitted  to  call 

I  a  proneness  to  legislate   foi    the  benefit  of  other 

,  people,  and  the  greatness  and  glory  of  other  guv- 

ernments,  rather  than  our  own.   No  question  ever 

so  renuitely  connected   with  onr  foreign  relations 

can  be  mooted  in  this  Hall,  but  we  find  gi  i;' ■■• 

ready  to  ask — "What  will  France  th'.jKof  itr" 
"  What  will  Kngland  dor"  ■' How  will  Eiiro|;ii 
like  this?"  Why,  sir,  when  in  Ihe  early  part  of  the 
session  the  resolutions  of  tlie  State  of  Mas.suchu- 
setts  drew  out  a  debate  upon  l'\e  naturalization 
laws,  there  were  those  on  both  sides  of  this  House 
who  seemed  to  bo  envious  of  the  successful  com- 
petition in  which  each  other  hugged  in  their  eni- 
[iraces  he  cinsumers  of  rerchtrej/s  and  IwhnuUs. 
Upon  such  ilb(slriou.i  s(i-i(iigcr.s  enlngies  loud  and 
long  were  lavished,  their  superior  virtues  were  ex- 
alted, their  prowess  magnified,  and  but  a  solitcrv 
few  seemed  to  yield  a  preference  to  Americans — to 
their  Washinglim — to  the  achievements  and  glory 
I  of  their  sires!  Oh,  how  I  sickened  at  the  sight! 
and  in  my  heart  I  loathe  the  recidlection  still. 
'  Why,  sir,  much  as  1  wasoppnsed  to  the  inedi!  by 
,  which  Texas  was  annexed — (for  it  was  tlu  mode, 
and  not  the  principle;  I  would  annex  tli ;  world  on 
proper  terms) — much,  I  repeat,  as  1  w  .s  oppiLscd 
to  the  mode  of  annexation,  and  pro.iiplly  as  I 
voted  agai'ist  i:  ■  consiiivnnaiion,  still  it  was  with 
unfeigned  .iorrow  that  I  found  loynelf  compelled 
•o  listen  •  >  the  mortifying  inquiry — "Will  not 
England  interfere.'" 
!  Again,  when  the  nfl'air  of  Oregon  was  convulsing 
'  this  Capitol  and  the  nation, and  l!uncombe  speeches 
were  ever  and  anon  noured  forth,  to  make  the 
wounds  of  commerce  bleed  afresh,  and  grace  the 
hustiiiL'S,  then:  were  those  who  magnified  the  force 
of  Hrilain,  and  even  our  Minister  nt  St.  James's 
court  was  told  by  bis  Executive  to  ask  the  I'ro 
inier,  of  noted  iiieininy,  for  what  /lis  lects  were 
Jius  |ireparing,  and  if  they  were  iiite  .  ed  fiir  our 
shores?  So,  also,  when  hoslilitits  broke  out  be- 
tween our  poor  distracted  sister  republic  (Mexico) 
and  onrsel'.es,  there  were  tho.-e  who  stopped  to 
,  settle  all  the  censure,  all  the  blame,  on  our  Chief 
Magistrate,  liefore  they  would  move  hand  or  foot 
to  wreak  llieir  vengeance  on  a  dastard  foe,  who 
had  shed  the  blood  of  freemen  and  of  brolbcrs. 
;  'ies,  air,  there  were  men  al  that  nice  point  of  time, 
j  *♦  i\ow  lit  cply  il  iiniicd  ii-i  laicilcr," 

who  most  mnoiiirfilht  m^tnttd  /'arct/cs,  and  called  for 
curses  ini  the  land  lliiit  i::vvc  them  birth  1 

All  Ibis  was  seen  and  heard;  and  now,  when  nil 
is  }>iist  and  done,  and  we  are  .sinking  back  into  the 
somewhat  peaceful  condition  of  our  nature,  last, 
but  not  least,  we  nr<:  called  upon  n  'ar  train 

I  (d' progressive  calculations  to  endorse.  ..ni,  to  vote 
a  bill — a  bill  uncalled  for  and  unson-ht.  In  which 
somefewgreat  minds  fioiirish — abillbrmight  with- 
I  out  inslrueiimis  from  the  ccmniiiltee  room  into  this 
assembled  House,  by  a  majority  of  one — a  bill,  ori- 
ginating frimi  n  most  unlearned  essay,  v;ritten,  not 
by  a  Diogenes  in  his  tub,  but  by  a  most  unphilo- 
.sophical  jdiilosopher  in  his  ofiice — a  production 
which,  neitwithstanding  all  its  hoasted  American 
'  merits,  must  be  with  hot  hasle  despatched  for  the 
most  gracious  approval  of  Kngland 's  Lords  and 
Peers,  before  it  could  be  siibmilled  lo  tlie  grave 
consideration  of  an  American  Senate,  orllic  Rep- 
resentulives  of  a  nation  of  freemen.* 

'[From  Ihe  letMi:  ■  nrlile  nf  Ihe  "  ir.o»ifit.')i>  Dnilu 
r^iI'al,"  Ft'f'iu  fri('ja,  n*  in.  njieakhig  of  the  ittteUieeriec  Arotii-Al 
Rv  thr  *-(t,imt'ri<l*'  nf  Fehwini  ■!.] 

'  "  It  (die  A'.  V.  Sun)  refers,  iiioreover,  to  the  e  uu  ji  l.iinry 


Was  this  a  boon- 

ncnsc  the  growing  w 
Vcre   Americans   tc 
cnaichingspn'i'e'-'"" 
to  lick  tlie  heel  of  r 
tion  is  a  libel  on  our 
finne  of  our  anceati 
live  in.     The  worlt 
Yes,  sir,  I  ablior  it 
tlic  diicb,  and  the  i 
,nv  qui'  us,  yet  on 
,li;..     I  'vill  never  I 
glory  in  her  slinme 
i\lr.  Chairman, 
bring  mysef  for  r 
scssanyoftheelei 
power,  so  requisili 
lis  to  lead  nic  to  ai 
reasonable  trial  of 
u.inll  now  be,  us 
(l,c  hmior  of  a  set 
brielly  as  nossibit 
liments  of  n  phii 
gratify  in  prosper 
shall  with  pleasu! 
the  honors  whicl 
nie— not  worse, 
pcneral  questions 
the  land,  I  shall 
and  leave  with  n 
interminable  nri 
the  people  are, 
nmv  be  excusei' 
deii'cd.     H'lt.  >^i 
arises — when  lli 
niitional   prosp« 
unrooted — wlie 
^j  lo  be  wilhdii' 
the  serf  hire  o 
i)/ii/vic(d  slaver) 
sacrificed,   its 
worse  than  ust 
(b'populated,oi 
into  idleness  ni 
trv  is  to  becoij 
pcrs,  but  the| 
other  climc! 
to   us  in  >•' 
American  pi 
7tinrf  l/iaii  ; 
myself  to  lo 
perl  of  ibii 
cidcuhited  ' 
is  propose! 
not  ]ii\use! 
bility  fi'o'n 
cannot  sit  hi 
this  "  wri  ( 
world"  of 
of  tlicpasi 
of  the   pre 
th.     ,Vm(c 
.■      ,— lie 


nil;  ■■■'  >'  ■ 

tall  .1'       ' 

which 

confidenc 

the  objiH 

honor  to 

were  I  to 

poriHiiity 

solemn  I 

eiiosidere 

inleUigeii 

meiii, 

liazardoi 

Bideralio 

the   repi 

Ihe  "ti' 

never  fc 

you  gav 

its  cmi' 

.he  .b> 

III  tnc  I 

•/.oiied 

clectim 

aii'l  iail 
M  Mr 
in  "Ml 
I'nrliiui 


I 


•«i^>- 


'»!? 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


J  067 


•29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff'— Mr.  Woodruff. 


Ho.  OF  J(eP9. 


illN- 
CJl- 

jml 

■n — 

Ik  .^- 

I'V/, 
liid- 

PUal 
P'"" 
(i.sj. 

Icill 

|lK:r 

)V- 

I'Vri' 

nils 


e  \'  - 


Was  this  n  boon — n  propiliiilory  sacrifice  to  ap-  1 
niase  the  f^rowinj;  wrath  of  Kiis;lan(l'3 Queen?   Or  ' 
were   Americans   to    play   the  sycnpliant,    and, 
crouching spaniel-hke,  lie  made  miisi imperceptibly 
to  hi'lt  tlie  heel  of  nioimrchy  ?    Sir,  such  legisla- ! 
liiiii  is  a  liliel  on  our  institutions,  a  hlot  on  tlic  fair 
fiune,  of  our  ancestors,  a  disgrace  to  the  laml  we 
live  in.     The  world  must  see  it,  and  I  ahhor  it.  i 
Yes,  sir,  I  ablior  it;  and  th'ini;h  my  dcath-hed  he 
the  diti  I,,  and  the  stiletto  of  the  traitor  bring  me 


my  quii 
die.     I  ' 


come  disgusted,  and  heard  it  harped  on  until  my 
patience  has  become  exhausled. 

Sir,  what  do  the  ma.sses  know  about  this  /on.//', 
tariff',  tariff,  that  is  and  has  been  rung  ■■•..rnaliy 
upon  their  ears  at  the  hustings  for  these  twenty 
years  past.'  I  will  not  undertake  the  intelligence 
of  my  countrymen;  I  will  not  attribute  it  to  tlieir 
ijnorance;  but  inay  it  not  be  possible,  that  s<ime- 
liow  or  somewhere,  some  gentlemen's  constituents 
may  think  the  tariff  is  something  good  to  eat;  n 


yet  on  my  country's  side  I'll  live  or  j|  delicious  morsel,  to  be  served  up  by  skilful  liaiids 
never  participate  in  her  dishonor,  nor  ![  nt  our  table  cl'lwte  ?     I  have  heard,  sir,  of  a  nuni 


glory  in  her  shame.  i 

i\fr.  ('hairnnui,  I  never  have,  nor  can  I  now 
bring  myscf  for  a  mmncnt  to  believe,  that  1  pos- 
sess any  of  the  elements,  either  of  menial  or  moral  ; 
power,  so  requisite  in  the  making  up  of  great  men, 
as  to  lead  me  to  ainmy  this  eoininittee  with  an  un- 
rciisonable  trial  of  their  patience,  My  pretensions 
siiall  now  be,  as  they  have  been  since  1  have  hiul 
tin:  honor  of  a  sent  upon  this  floor,  to  express  as 
britlly  as  possilile,  luid  in  plain  language,  the  sen- 
timents or  n  plaiiL  man.  I  have  no  ambition  to 
gratify  in  prospect  of  the  approaching  hustings.  I 
Hliall  with  pleasure,  at  the  proper  time,  hand  back 
the  honors  which  my  frieiuls  have  bestowed  upon 
me — not  worse,  1  trust,  for  the  wearing.  On  all 
general  questions  which  concern  this  Congress  and 
the  land,  1  shall  be  content  to  give  an  honest  vote, 
and  leave  with  men  of  more  prolific  speech  tho.se 
iiuenniiiable  nrgninents  anil  debates,  with  which 
the  people  are,  as  we  all  know — and  as  I  trust  I 
may  be  excused  in  saying — now  cursed  and  bur- 
dened. Hut,  sir,  when  a  crisis  like  llie  present 
arises — when  the  great  base  and  foutulation  of  our 
naiional  prosperity  is  to  be  rudely  assailed  and 
oiiruiited — wlicn  protection  to  American  industry 
.=1  lo  be  witlidrawn,  American  labor  siipplanled  by 
the  serf  hire  of  Kurope,  the  land  of  mtiital  and 
physical  slavery — when  American  capital  is  to  be 
sacrificed,  its  investments  prostrated  or  rendered 
worse  than  useless — when  whole  villasies  are  to  be 
depopulate'!,  or  their  once  thrifty  inhaiiilanis  forced 
into  ulleness  atid  vagrancy — when  ourwhole  coun- 
try is  to  liecomc  the  depot,  not  only  for  the  pau- 
pers, but  the  manufactures  and  productions  of 
oilier  climes,  lo  the  depreciation  of  all  that  is  dear 
to  lis  in  eoniicxion  with  our  independence  as  an 
American  people — 1  say,  sir,  when  all  tliis,  and 
ninif  than  ::'.'.  this,  is  proposed,  (for  1  dare  not  trust 
myself  to  look  upon  the  secret  and  forbidding  as- 
pect of  things  which  this  liill  is  in  its  very  nature 
calculated  to  pri  duce) — I  repeat,  sir,  when  all  this 
is  propn.sed,  a  point  is  presented  at  which  1  dare 
not  pause  I — an  issue  1  cannot  avoid — a  responsi- 
bility f'rcun  which  I  cannot,  will  i.ot  shrink.  I 
cannot  sit  here  quietly  in  my  seat,  and  look  upon 
this  "  wreck  of  matter,  and  the  crush  of  such  a 
world"  of  intcre«t.  The  huniiliating  recollection 
of  tliejiiisi  forbids  it — the  uupreccileiiud  prosperily 
of  ihe  pres'nl — the  niiticipalinns  of  the  future 
th  .         -  -    .  


-tb. 


9  of  our  fathers — the  love  of  our  chil- 
es 'iius  of  posterity — the  sandily  of  re- 
ii. .  p  .I.'  lanuanity  of  our  nature — our  altars  and 
f  ,.'f  '1  It-— the  wailing  of  poverty — the  iiidem- 
nii.  >•>  "  eiib  — all,  all,  forbid  so  horrible  a  devas- 
taliiii  Ai  ■  I  flioulj  be  recreant  to  the  princijiles 
wliiih  "  c  aciuated  me  from  my  youth,  to  the 
eoiilidence  rc|  ■  <ed  in  me  by  inv  constituency,  and 
the  objects  of  the  parly  which  in  jiarl  I  have  the 
honor  to  represent  in  the  councils  of  the  nation, 
were  I  to  permit  this  first,  and  perhaps  only,  op- 
porluiiily  to  piis.s,  without  raising  my  voice  in 
fiolcnin  protest  ii"  <'"'•■'  ibis  overllirow  of  whni  is 
considered  on  cvei  _\  i,Harler,  by  the  lar-steing  ani 
inn  !hgeiil,  the  sale  and  sure  policy  of  our  Govern- 
ment, and  against  the  as.-^uinption  of  the  most 
ha/.iU'dous  expcriiiK^nt  ever  presented  for  the  eon- 
Klderailon  of  a  I'nited  >Slates  Coii:j:ress — I  mean 
the  repealing  of  the  tariff  of  1c!4'.'.  1  have  said 
the  "tarilV."  Sir,  I  wish  that  word  "tariff"  hiu\ 
never  found  its  place  upon  our  staluie  books.  If 
you  gaze  on  it,  it  is  as  forbidding  as  llio  basilisk; 
Its  contact  is  contagion;  its  effects  destructive  as 
ilie  liolioo  upas:  as  a  title,  it  is  a  catchword  flung 
lo  tne  bri^CRe  upcni  your  banners;  a  motto  enibla 
•/.oned  upon  your  handliills  at  every  returning 
election.     1  have  seen  it  displayed  until  I  have  bc- 


nnii  JrHlet'ij  tnipreceitcnicil  coiiipliniciit  which  hai4  liei-ti  pniil 
til  .Mr.  Wiilkcr's  trcii>iirj  rcjiMrt  in  the  House  of  ('oiiiinotlK, 
in  onl'  riiai  it  tu  lie  |>tliiti'(i  fur  tliu  usQ  ul  tile  iiicmlierii  ul' 
I'lirliiuaciit." 


she  has  kept  lier  eyes  on  her  domestic  interests, 

and  protection  lo  her  maimfaetures  has  alway.'i 

been  her  first  and  darling  objeci.     And  if  her  rent 

rolls  arc  to  be  diminished — if  her  porib  .ire  now 

to  be  opened  to  the  world,  it  is  to  lie  ascribed  mora 

to  that  spirit  of  lilicrly  which  is  lighting  up  the 

minds  of  her  peasaiiiry,  for  the  first  time  causing 

I  royally  itself  to  stoop  lo  their  condition,  and  meek- 

',  ly  visit  the  cottages  of  the  poor;  or  from  the  dis- 

,  position  of  her  Government  to  treat  us  te  the  enter- 

ji  tninmentof  the  stork  in  the  fiilile,  out  of  flat  dishes 

h  that  she  herself  may  lap  up  llie  luxiirinus  repast 

j  to  our  discomfiture.     Sir,  I  adhere,  I  have  always 

'  adhered,  to  the  former  of  these  sentimenis,  and  it 

'  must  be  a  strange  contingency  whii  h  can  arise 

'   having  sufficient  influence  to  alter  my  imprcssimis. 

:]  Although  just  passing  to  the  shady  side  of  life,  I 

'!  have  seen  something  of  the  world.     l''roni  the  age 

I  of  thirteen,   I   have  been  classed  amon:;  ibt  pro- 

duceis  of  the  land,  arquainlcd  with  the  workshop, 

and  famili.ir  with  the  wanls  of  the  poor.     A  tin  - 

chanic  iiiy-self,   I  am  proud   to  assert   upon    tlii.-? 

floor,  that  if  I  can   pmller  my  hand  to  one  man 

more  readily  than  another,  it  is  lo  that  man  who 

knows   how  to  iiinfrc  snmilhini;.     Sir,  it  won't  '' 

to  tell  such  men  that  free  trade  makes  cheap  good? ; 

they  would  laugh  you  to  very  scorn,  and  uiisiru.-t 

1  you  as  one  who  wished  to  snatch  the  last  mor.scl 


.■ho  lielieved  that  the  first  steam  engine  that 
cnmc  whizzing  along  his  direction  of  country  was 
that  self-.sainc  tariff!  So  true  it  is,  that  the  masses 
of  our  land  arc  bentupoi  the  turning  of  the  al-  ' 
mighty  dollar — the  accumulation  of  wealth,  and 
the  go-alieaditiveness  of  the  times,  are  so  promi- 
nent in  every  movement  made  in  our  coiumuniliis, 
that  the  people  liav.  hcrelolbrc  left  these  nice  ilis-  i 
tinctions  of  phrascoloiiy,  and  all  other  political 
ambiguities  to  the  particular  guardinnshi|>  of  their 
senators,  represeiitaiives,  and  legislators.  Sir, 
the  word  tariff  has  on  one  hand  been  held  up,  as 
the  Romans  did  their  cnglcs,  that  the  |i|cbcian  and 
the  patrician  miuht  both  follow  after  it  lo  victory; 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  it  has  been  made  a  per- 
fect bugbear  to  frighten  the  nation  from  its  pro 

priety;  attractively  tinselled  over  by  the  one,  and  1  from  their  lips.  Sir,  1  adhere  to  these  p' iiici|il 
exhiiiited  as  a  tatterdemalion  by  the  other,  it  has 
been  invested  with  the  deepest  mystery,  the  most 
profound  importance,  such  as  only  those  who  stand 
with  n  the  veil  can  gaze  on;  a  value,  such  ns  only 
gentlemen  whose  vast  retentive  faculty  digests  vol- 
umes of  statistics,  |iripared,  (not  by  themselves,) 
can  venture  to  determine. 

The  fact  is,  this  fixed  principle  of  our  Govern- 
ment has  been  too  much,  if  not  entirely,  mixed  up 

with   parly  spirit — a  perfect  shuttlecock,   to   be 

daahecl  hither  and  thither  in  the  strife  of  politics, 

until  the  last  remnant  of  interest  wiili  which  it  was 

invested  seems  to  have  disappeared. 

I  purpose,  sir,  to  strip  it  of  its  plumaie,  to  con- 
,  sider  it  in  its  jiroper  character,  and  atlix  lo  it  its 

legitimate  cognomen.    Let  us  call  this  thins  I'y  ils 

right  name;  let  us  call  it,  wlial  it  is,  a  rale  ofitiilirs 
,  levied  aivordiug  lo  law  on  f 'icign  nierchandisi', 

for  the  support  of  Governmeiu.    This  is  what  the 

odious  tariff  is, — this  "  law  of  abominations,"  us  it 
.  has  been  termed. 

Well,  sir,  we  all  know  that  tVnm  the  origin  of  the 

Government  this  has  been  our  favorite  policy,  as 

to  revenue,  and  no  other  mod'  of  taxation  for  the 

same  purpose  has  been,  or  ■  .aild  be,  tolerated. 

On  the  propriety,  then,  of  levying  duties  on  im- 
ports for  the  expenditure  of  Government,  gei   le- 

men  on  all  aides  will  agree.     Every  child   in  ihc 

country  can  understand  it.  This  is  the  plain  solu- 
tion of  this"  black  tariff."  What  then,  in  the  name 

of  all  that  is  trood,  is  this  present  issue?    Simply 

Ihi.s — that  some  of  us  think  ihia  duly  should  be 

levied  with  a  suitable  discrimination  for  the  pro- 
tection of  our  do'  '     'c  interests — not  one,  but  n(/ 

our  domestic  interc.-iis — not  the  interests  of  n/iie 

favorite  men,  a  few  favorite  localities,  or  protluc- 
1  lions,  but  n((  men,  all  localities,  all  aiiicles  and 
*    proiluctlons.     While  some,  on  the    other  hand, 

believe,  or  rather  try  lo  believe,  that  there  shoulil 

be  no  such  discriminnlioii  for  such  purposes,  niaii- 

ufartures  must  take  care  of  lliemselvcs,  domrslics 

want  no  protection — revenue,  revenue,  is  all  wc 
;    want,  and  that  the  nearer  we  approach  even  free 

trade  the  lielter.  Well,  then,  sir,  the  expediency 
I'  or  inexpediency  of  protection   lo  oursehes  is  the 

point  on  which  we  dilVer— is  it  not?    All  are  for 

the  good  of  the  country,  or  at  least  profe.'S  to  be 

so.     But  what  is  the  good  of  the  country,  is  the 

tpiestion.  "  That's  Ihc  nib."  I  will  ask,  where 
'  is  ihe  comparative  diflcreiire  lietween  the  good  of 
:   a  single  family,  and  the  good  of  a  whole  I'oiiiury  ? 

Must  m.ta  family,  who  buys  r rrn///iiiig  and  makes 
j  »io//iiiig,  not  only  have  a  long  pur.'=c,  but  some- 
j    body  slandiinr  ready  with   annllier  one,  to  keep 

tlien'i  from  absolute  poverty  and  tlarvntiiui?  While 
[   that  which  makes  all   it  wanls,  and   sells  what  it 

does  not  consume,  cannot  fail  of  being  prosperous 

and  wealthy.  Sir,  we  know  it  cannot  be  ollier- 
'  wise  with  nations.  What  gave  lo  Kngland  her 
[  vaunled  prosperity — v  Imt  coiislitutcs  her  now  tlie^ 

mistress  of  commcrc.-,  as  once  she  was  mistf  's  of 

the  seas?  Why,  iir,  from  the  very  dawn  of  her 
I  empire,  iuuii  her  movements  here  and  elsewhere. 


upon  the  ground  that  the  proteclive  policy  ot  tin 
I  present  day  is  a  IJemticratie  intasure.  Such  it 
I  always  has  been,  and  1  desire  to  see  it  once  more 
I  regarded  in  that,  its  true  light.  If  the  policy  had 
]|  never  been  abandoned  by  the  Democratic  party, 
I  the  Whigs  would  not  this  day  have  been  obliged 
''[  lo  stand   under  the  accusation  of  maintaining  a 

"liritish   policy."  They  would  never  liave  been 

called  Uriiish  Whigs.    For  the  proof  of  tins  being 
.  Deinocralic  policy,  let  me   first  give  an   extraci 

from  the  mes.sage  of  Andrew  .lackson,  proceeding 
!  downward,  aswe  would  <ay — the  message  of  l.'^'JI). 

In  speaking  of  the  united  imeresis  of  agriculture, 
I  commerce,  and   manufactures,   Jackson  uses  the 

following  language,  which  1  rctiucst  the  Clerk  lo 

read: 
!      •'  To  promote  eijimllj-  thcjc  three  ciirdin.nl  inlercfJlfi  is  one 
'  of  11 til  (lillicatt  t:i^ks  ot"  L'.o.  rii lit.  aial  il  may  ho 

itiiiclt''(l  that  tiie  ci'iiipiieai.  (I  tcsliiilioii,..  wliieh  now  en - 

Ikut!1.-s  llie  intercourse  of  iiali^'ii-,  emild  not  hy  i'oii'iiioa 

■  CI. 1181  lit  he  Ilhotitilleit,  hut  wr  inll.-t  ever  e\|ieit  81  lli.-h  hue- 
liilion  in  olliiT  lialioii8,iiiiil  an*  then  I'ojc  eoni|iclIcil  tointiiiit 

i  our  own  to  llii'ir  rcitnhitioas  in  a  iiiaiiiK  i  lie>l  cnlcMtiih  <1  to 
avoirl  serious  iMjiiiic..',  aial  to  haniioin/  ihe  iTOfiyiu/iio:  iii- 
/C|T^^^  of  our  ai:iicutniri'.  coniiiu  ri-e.  and  niauufactiiri^. 

^.'i'hc  izeiieial  rule  lo  he  aiiplied  ill  uiiiiluutii.t;  tlio  duties 

upon  ill  lidos  of  forciitiiuiowni  oriiinnuliu-liire.  is  lliiit  which 

wiil  pliicc  our  own  ill  fair  eoiiipeliiion  with  oilier  eountiirs  ; 

niid  the  iadilcciiicnte  to  ailMiiiec  uiic  step  hejiij.il  this  puinl, 

.    are  connollilin  when  ii|ipli((l  lo  liaise  utlicli-.s  wliii:li  are  of 

'  prime  neec.ssily  ill  lime  ofid.r. 

'•  When  we  rctleet  on  the  (liliiciilty  ami  delicacy  of  ihiri 

'    operation,  il  is  impiirtaiit  that  il  shoiild  never  he  ailciol.teil 

hut  with  the  utmost  catilioii.!i8frii|iieiiI  leitislalioa  iiiieutiKl 

hi  any  liranch  of  industry  ntiieliiia  if  \ahie,  nial  hy  w  l.ii  li 

its  capilal  iii.iy  he  transferred  lo  new  eliaiini  ls,iuUil  utwajrf 

I  he  prndliclive  of  llazimlmis  spcciilaliou  and  his>. 

o  All  allciiipts  to  connect  ihcm  watli  Ilic  [ruly  conllicis  of 

■  the  d.iy  lire  necessarily  injurious,  umi  shouiu  lie  ditcouiitc- 
j  naiiecii." 

I      What  dots  Mr.  Monroe  say  on  the  same  subject? 
:  Hear  the  laiiguai;e  lie  employs  in  his  message  of 

;;  Uecember  J,  lS:;2i; 

"  rroai  the  hesl  inliirniatioii  lliat  I  have  liceii  nhle  in  oh- 
laiii,  il  apjieais  that  our  mamiliiciiircs.  thoimli  ilcprcsseil 
ininiecline  IV  iilliT  llie  |ieaee.  fine  eon.-idi  rahly  ii.cr  a-cil, 
and  arc  -lill  iiiereii..iiiL',  under  the  eicouraiicincnl  (tivui 
them  hi  Ihe  lioilf  of  l^lli.  and  hj  slil': .  ipieni  laws. 

•' t^.ili^fn  (1  I  am.  whiili  \er  ma-  lie  Ihe  ah.-lnict  doclriiie 
ill  favor  of  iiiiii'sliieted  e.tmiiie  ce.  piovided  nil  niiiioiui 
would  eoin  iir  111  il.  ami  it  was  lint  lialilc  lohe  intciri'i.lcd  hj 
inir.  which  has  aever  and  eiinnol  he  e.v|,eiieil,lhiil  lie  re  aie 
oilier  stionit  rca.-oiis  applieiildc  lo  oiirsiuialion  anil  reiati'ins 
with  oilier  i'ouiilrii-s,  w  hieh  iuipjuc  upon  us  lUi:  ohli-utioit  to 
cheii-h  and  nisliiin  oar  niamilaeiun.s. 

"  I^alislied,  however,  1  am,  likewise,  that  the  interests  of 
e\erv  jialt  of  our  Union,  cs.ai  those  iienclilrd  llie  iiio.-t  hy 
manlllacrures,  reijilires  lllattllis  Mlhjeet  shoiitd  he  loucln  d 
Willi  the  ureiilesl  caalioii,  and  a  criticnl  knowledge  of  tin: 
ellet  I  to  he  produectl  hy  the  sliiihlcst  clinit;ie. 

•'  ( In  lull  (OioiihTi./ioii  of  the  suhjeet  in  all  ils  rciutioiis.  I 

■  am  persiaided  ihiit  afaillier  anitmeiitiaioii  iitiiy  now  he  miiijii 
of  lie  illlltes  on  cerlaill  lori  i<.'li  lirlieles  ill  favor  of  our  UWII, 
uillioiit  iiircetini;  iujuiiiiUsly  any  oilier  iulerest." 

!  Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  not  only  that  I  believe  it  lo 
be  democratic,  or  that  lam  sustained  in  that  be- 
lief by  the  most  eminent  and  patriotic  of  our  own 
American  statesmen,  that  I  incline  lo  sentiments 
like  those  I  have  advanced.  No,  sir;  I  look  far 
beyond  parties  in  my  contemplation  of  this  most 
important  subject,  and  1  shall  vote  upon  it  not  as 


m'i 


i';  "•^•r.-^ 


-•■  ';VT 'I 


^;li 


"^rfh- 


,  ^  ;'^=i  -J 


'$:Jf   ; 


■■•»■. 


■'^f^' 


1068 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


fJuly  1, 


29tii  Cono 1st  Sess. 


TTlc  Tariff— Mr.  fVoodniff. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


a,  Democrat,  not  as  a  Whig,  but  as  one  who  loves 
Ilia  rounlry  niid  its  intervst  bcilor  than  ull  the 
xvdi'ld  bi'slde;  belitving,  as  I  do,  tlmt  it  is  the  only 
tnic  policy  by  which  wc  can  reiilly  advance  the 
true  nitcrcsits  of  the  agriculUirist.  It  is  on  this 
point  partirulurly,  sir,  1  desire  to  take  my  stand, 
und,  on  thu  hazard  ol'  snch  die,  I  will  not  hesi- 
tate to  stake  all  that  I  possess  of  j)oliticul  repu- 
tation. 

Why,  sir,  of  all  American  interests,  the  agricul- 
tural are  paramnunt;  and  so  they  arc  wisely  and 
justly  regarded  by  all  inlclhjcnt  men.  If  I  want- 
ed afioihurargiMnent  in  addition  to  those  which  I 
hsve  already  advanced,  I  would  find  it  in  the  con- 
slant  but  must  contradictory  asseverations  of  the 
enemies  of  this  law,  thai  all  their  clVoris  are  intend- 
ed to  benefit  the  agriculturists  of  the  country. 
•Sir,  there  was  a  time  when  our  agriculturists  might 
be  duped;  but  that  time  has  passed  away.  Every 
class  of  our  citizens  are  now  accustomed  to  think 
for  ;hciriacivc.s,  and  are  rapidly  increasing  in  inul- 
ligencc.  Though  much  learning  does  not  make 
them  mad,  much  study  and  observation  have  made 
lliem  wiser.  And,  let  me  add,  that  if  geinlenicn, 
ijcnt  here  to  represent  these  men,  neglect  to  dis- 
charge these  duties — if  they  deni  out  false  policy — 
if  they  exhibit  unsonnd  princi|)les,  in  the  hope  of 
nitractiiig  votes  at  the  next  election,  they  moy  rest 
assured  that  the  day  of  reckoning  approaches, 
when  they  will  be  convinced  of  their  error  by  the 
community  whose  intelligence  they  have  insulted. 
The  men  whom  they  have  thus  deluded,  will  find 
some  of  their  own  number  to  come  to  these  halls 
with  their  brown  coats,  gray  pants,  broad-bripi- 
ined  hata,  and  thick-soled  shoes,  who  will  more 
worthily  occupy  these  seals,  and  legislate  for  the 
interests  of  the  couiury  without  the  agency  of 
these  g-tiK/eincii  who  now  play  the  fawning  syco- 
phant. It  is  all  a  delusion  that  these  men,  of 
whom  I  have  been  speaking,  are  seeking  the  inter- 
esis  of  the  agriculturists  of  the  country.  It  is 
worse  than  a  delusion.  It  is  a  mo.st  damnable 
humbu<:.  What,  let  me  ask,  can  be  really  done 
to  benefit  the  agriculturists.'  I-'ind  home  markets 
for  them!  Where.-  Will  gentlemen  pretend  to 
say,  that  although  the  pons  may  be  opened,  there 
will  be  a  market  sutficient  to  satisfy  the  wants  of 
n  longing  community  of  agriculturists.'  Sir,  let 
me  put  these  men  on  their  guard  in  time.  Let 
representatives  of  the  people  open  the  eyes  of  their 
coiistituenis  to  this  delusion.  Let  them  sound  the 
note  of  warning.  Lit  them  convince  the  agricul- 
turist that  all  such  hopes  are  fallacious — that  they 
con  never  lie  realized.  Here  let  me  ask  the  atten- 
tion of  the  House,  and,  through  it,  of  the  cmui- 
try,  to  an  instructive  Uible,  showing  the  formida- 
ble competition  which  the  American  agriculturist 
itiusl  encounter  in  the  Uritish  market. 
Cjmjiftfntife  s/.ifnnpn/  of  Mr  yiM,i/i7i<'s  ofvhcut  imported  into 
the  Cnited  Kingdom  duri'ifi  the  i/eari  Iti^Jl  to  1810. 


slight  duty — the  United  States  imported  only 
73,755  quarters,  whilst  Prussia  alono  imported 
800,508  quarters.  Where,  1  ask,  in  the  name  of 
common  sense,  can  the  United  States,  in  such  a 
state  of  the  market,  expect  to  get  a  considerable 
iniporuilion  even  edgewise  into  the  ports  of  Great 
Britain  ? 

But  we  have  still  stronger  testimony  on  this  point 
in  the  following  table; 

Tuhle  of  mean  qitantiHe^  of  frrain  whiih  can  he  furnished  from 
]       the  ditfereiU   itorti  of  Knrttpe^  iit  itnswcr  to  ijiicries  aent  to 
certain  corifuu,  resident  iit  tkc  places  named  helow. 


Whi'at.  ,    Kyc.      Diirioy. 


St.  Pi'tersburir. 

Riaa 

Lit-tinu 

Oili-ssn 

Wnrsiiw 

StncklHiIni .... 

D.int/.ic 

Knaii:>b('rg — 

.<tftli 

Mpniol 

Klsihore 

Iliinitiiiru 

ItoltiTilum 

.Aiilwi-rp 

Palermo 


(}ri,      I     (Jr«.     I 

iw.rioo  j  i-3->,.-i(X) ; 
(iuin!inv       1) 

so.oM  I  iTo.onn 

l.'>0,n)0  i   (linnn 

ann.ooa  1  ato.niw 


Oats. 


l.all) 

g.iura 

3l.'i.(KI0 

10.1,00.1 

n."i.iion 

100,000 

a,-in,non 

-10,000 

.'i.mi 

45,-;.'.9 

17.1.MU 

_ 

MS.DUO 

97,000 

(l!iaii 

lily       1 

(Itinn  lily       i 

aoD.ixio 

Qr«.  ]  Qri. 
47,000  jai.'i.OOO 
ot  sla  li'il- 
■JOO.OOO  I  fiU.OOO 
Iv  nnl  slfUiMl. 
I7,.W0  I  17.-I00 
10,000  I  I'J.OIIO 
■t-3,0iK)  I  10,.Vrt 
20,000   I  40.000 

:to.ooo  I  20,000 

l.i,4titii  I  20.0-MJ 
•27.i,000   ,2-i.i,00U 

ia.'>,700  :i.w,7oo 

nl       8ta  Icil. 
ot      sta  ted. 


Tcital •J,a3-3,1G4  :  91-3,250  i<,V3,.Te01  808,714J 


WtiPiipp  im- 
ported. 

1631. 

leaa. 

1833. 

1834. 

1833. 

Prus.-ia 

aa-.r.i' 

ll9.;^3o 

S7.!'0.l 

20.-36 

3.-338 

t'.t'tiiiany 

919,7.: 

43,l)4(i 

49,121 

42,7  :o 

Il,.,77 

Holland 

:)i.-jii) 

- 

276 

- 

8 

Ilily 

2.i;t.0j'.l 

2,301 

n 

1 

1 

Ilti-sm 

464. 9  J4 

91,290 

l«,(^,i;) 

D'-iiiK.-uk 

o.i,'JtiO 

33,MI- 

7,0i- 

11.733 

9,738 

Jritioh   .North 

Aiuirica... 

190,7% 

89,.)16 

79,416 

44.907 

14,3iM 

IJnind  ,«lntis 

o  AmiTica. 

4?,7,l!) 

6,S8fl 

Jill,  louiilrk-s 

3S0,447 

6,107 

4,53J 

3,Mr. 

3,722 

i.pses.'j 

391.417 

a4c,i7i 

131,091 

42,li-38 

WllPiiceim- 
pofled. 

16M, 

10M,!«I0 

l>'37. 
31-.,l-.'l 

lesf. 

1833. 

lf40. 

['rti*Mii 

,v,o.f  >ii 

710.213 

tiOO.M-! 

5I..H-! 

I'7.I>1.', 

312,442 

40!l,72'l 

3li4„i.VJ 

H"llariil 

a,!  Ml 

10,741 

P2,0ll 

1  I6,4P0 

,50,612 

Ilalv 

4 

4,4''.l 

W.M 

;i:i.->.6i-3 

1  I9,:«S 

Kil-<ia 

1,0,TH 

11,! 14 

41,:tl9 

;ri.R9:i 

2W.2  ;3 

DPniiisirIt 

10,-i-|8 

lh,2IO 

111,499 

196,730 

1,50,3">1 

Briii'li   Nnrtli 

Ailiprii  a  . .. 

- 

- 

- 

97 

8,199 

t'liiti'd    rit;iti'S 

of  ArtiPflPa. 

- 

- 

,55'. 

3.760 

73,755 

OUl.  cuulitriPH 

1,604 

8,;177 

102,S2.5 

460.:il6 

127,Kl:l 

IHtl,fi4i' 

4.'>'-),h7I 

1.2:11,461 

ifiM  Kit; 

1 .9«;),405 

Let  these  facts  be  studied.  Here  the  American 
agricnliurist  finds,  that  out  of  the  ennrmons  (|nan- 
tiiy  of  grain  imported  into  Great  Uritain,  and  that 
under  the  most  favorable  circumstances — with  a 


From  this  auihenti         ifpienl,  it  will  be  per- 
ceived, that,  of  wheat  a.^    e  n  be  obtained 
from  the  places  mentions'  inous  amount 
of  •J,i?32,464  quarters  annua              ,ht  bushels  to 
the  quarter,  and  sixty  pounds  n-      e  bushel — ma- 
kin;  17,77!1,T12  bushels  in  all.     Why,  sir,  it  does 
appear  to  me  so  palpalilc  n  delusion  that  the  Brit- 
i.-sh  market  aflordsan  adequate  outlet  for  onr  grain 
products,  that  no  inicllisrent  man  can  hesitate  for  a 
moment  in  rejecting  it.   If  I  were  a  Whig — a  strong 
party  Whi; — and  were  I  desirous  of  prostrating 
the  iDemocralic  party,  so  that  it  could  never  recover 
its  lost  position,  I  would  desire  no  bctier  fact  to  aid 
in  the  accomplishment  of  my  purpose;  I  would  de- 
sire no  lipavier  millstone  to  hang  round  their  necks 
than  the  pais.isc  of  the  v."ry  bill  proposed  by  the 
chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means, 
or  the  amendment  otTeied  by  my  friend  from  New 
Yr,:l,.    And  I  tell  gentlemen  here  in  my  place,  that 
they  have  nothinsr  to  do  but  to  pass  this  l>i!l  before 
them,  if  they  desire  to  experience  one  of  the  most 
overwhelming  revulsions  in  political  life  to  which 
,  any  party  has  ever  been  subjected.     Pass  the  bill, 
then,  ccnttcmen,  pass  your  bill,  and  let  but  one 
year  p.tss  over  your  heads — one  short  year;  allow 
your  airicnitnriats  to  make  but  one  shipment  to 
the  ports  of  Britain,  nnd  both  you  and  they  will 
lie   fully  convinced   of  your  disastrous    mistake. 
i  Their  grain  sliipfied  to  tiie  Brilisli  inaiket  will  rot 
at  the  wharves,  or  be  sold  in  a  mercantile  transac- 
tion  on  account  of  profit  and  loss,  at  a  ruinous 
sacrifice.     Let  us  suppose  the  case  of  the  Illinois 
farmer.    We  will  set  down  his  wheat  at  fil'iy  cents 
per  bushel:  and,  1  believe,  he  not  unfretpirntly  i.'ets 
one  dollar  for  it  in  New  Vink.    Its  carria2:e  to  New 
'1  York  will  cost  twenty-five  rents,  its  (Vriiht  across 
j'  the  .-Vtlaniir  twenty -fi vi- rcnisadiliiioiml,  and,  when 
he  lands  the  cargo,  five  per  crni.  more  is  to  be  ad- 
ded for  commission:  or,  if  he  sells  it  himself  at  onr 
wharves,  he  must  dispose  of  it  at  a  corresponding 
deduction.     His  wheat,  ihus  imported,  will  slnnd 
him  nt  U):"i  cenis  per  bushel,  nnd  he  will  then  find 
millions  and    inillion.s  of  bushels  already  in   the 
•  market,  at  prices  wilh  which  he  cannot  attempt  to 
compete.     At   this  very  nionient,  sir,  more  wheat 
,  is  oli'crcd  ill  the  ports  of  Britain  at  J'lfiij  cents  per 

bu.shel  than  ran  find  purchasers. 
I       It  is  not,  then,  the  po.ssession  of  foreit'O  markets 
;  that  can  give  cinnpetencv  nnd  prosperity,  or  even 
a  fair  reniuneralion  for  their  labor,  to  the  iigricul- 
:  turists  nf  the  country.     Wr  prist  then  create  for 
i  our  I'armei'H  markets  at   home — a  renily  and  con- 
1]  slant  demand  at  their  own  dmirs.     We  mtist  pie- 
jj  serve  a  protective  policy  towards  our  nmnufiictu- 
i  ring  establishments,  and  carry  out  a  discriminating 
system   of  duties,  even  lliongh,  in  many  cases,  it 
should  amount  to  direct  protei-lion,  fin-  the  purpose 
,    of  creatiiiif,  at  p'linls  iif  near  apprrmch,  Intine  mar- 
kets for  ii:rric,iiltural  products,  which  will  consume 
all  but  the  redundancy  of  the  Hup|>ly,nnd  thus  per- 
mit that  iinly  to  be  sent  abroad  fin'  which  there  is 
'    no  demand  at  home.  This  is  our  best  policy — this 


is  the  only  true  ai"'.  safe  policy— this  is  the  Amer- 
ican policy. 

But  there  is  a  constitutional  objection  raised  on 
this  tloor  to  these  views.  It  is  seriously,  very  se- 
riously objected  here,  that  this  Congress  has  no 
right,  under  the  Constitution,  to  enact  laws  upon 
the  subject  of  the  regulation  of  commerce,  and  the 
imposition  of  duties  for  the  protection  of  our  own 
interests.  My  learned  friend  from  Virginia,  [Mr. 
B.wLV,]  whose  presence  in  his  seat,  let  me  add, 
would  give  mo  infinite  pleasure,  occupied  the  at- 
tention of  this  House  extensively  in  the  effort  to 
|irove  the  unconstitutionality  of  any  such  proce- 
dure on  the  part  of  the  Government,  and,  in  order 
to  sustain  himself,  minted  a  resolution  oll'ered  by 
James  Madison  in  the  Convenliini  'for  the  forma- 
tion of  the  Constitution.  True,  sir,  that  reso- 
lution was  oflered,  but  the  gentleman  forgot  to 
say  whether  it  was  ever  adopted.  It  has  not  been 
in  my  power  to  lay  my  hand  on  the  document  to 
which  he  alluded,  having  been  so  closely  occupied 
in  endeavoring  to  obtain  the  floor  on  this  occasion; 
but  my  convictioii  is,  that  that  resolution  was  not 
adopted;  for  we  find  that,  notwithstanding  the  ob- 
jection of  that  distinguished  statesman,  .Mr.  Madi- 
son, the  present  Conslitution  of  the  United  Suites 
was  adopted.  Nay,  the  policy  of  Virginia  lierscll', 
at  that  very  time,  was  absolutely  opposed  to  the 
sentiments  expressed  in  the  resolution  olfered  iiy 
Mr.  Madison.  It  is  a  well-known  fact,  that  Mr. 
Madison,  on  that  occasion,  discaidcd  the  instruc- 
tions of  his  Legislature,  niitl  acted  in  opposition  to 
its  views.  It  is  a  tact,  that  the  conduct  of  certain 
gentlemen,  representing  the  interests  of  Virginia  in 
that  Convention,  was  the  subject  of  resolutions  of 
censure,  which  are  yet  extant,  and  that  olliers 
were  appointed  in  their  room  to  represent  the 
views  and  wishes  of  the  people  of  that  State.  Sir, 
Virginia  is  not  what  she  was.  I  feor  Virginia 
never  will  be  what  she  ought  to  be. 

Even  in  the  days  of  her  colonial  dependence, 
Virginia  recorded  hersentiments  in  favor  of  aH'oid- 
ing  protection  to  her  domestic  industry  by  legisla- 
tive enacttnenls.  At  the  convention  of  delegates 
from  the  various  sections  of  the  colony,  which  as- 
semliled  in  the  yi^ar  1775,  a  series  of  resolutions 
were  adopted  on  the  27th  of  >'arch,  to  which  the 
following  preamble  was  appended: 

"  WliiTca*,  it  liiith  licpii  iuilsjpil  necessarv  for  thp  pre^er- 

vatiiin  of  the  ju-t  ripht-J  anil  lihprtles  nf  .\iiieriea.  lirinly  to 

associate  Bgaill^t  iniport.tlioii!' ;  aiiil  nn  the  frecdnm,  liiipin- 

np.««,  anil  prospiiily  of  a  State  Brcatly  ilcppiid  on  prnviiliiig 

i  within  ilHi-lf  a  supply  of  artiele^  necessary  for  sntisislenc-,', 

cioihiiiL',  and  dPlpncc!  and  wlierias  it  is  jiiileed  P!.s"iilial, 

at  tins  erilical  juncture,  to  finni  u  proper  plan  lor  cinp'oiiin^ 

'  Iheriillcrent  inliMlaiils  nf  this  enloliy,  providlnftfor  the  p^inr 

:  and  ie-trnininff  vauraiits  and  the  disnnlcrly  pco-ons  who  are 

i  nuisances  tn  every  sociPt> .  a  ri-irard  for  niir  ennntry,  as  well 

as  ronininn  prudence,  call  iipoii  nstopiipnurasc  (iffrtrHt/urc, 

'  ininm/iicturcs,  rcjiiomy,  and  the  ntmost  i'utmtryi  tliereluro," 

i  Slc. 

And  then  they  proceed  to  pass  twenty-three  res- 
olutions for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  the  object 
set  forth  in  this  [neamble;  umongst  which  are  the 
following: 

**  Resolved,  iinnnimotalv,  I'hat  aH  salt  iff  ft  daily  and  indin- 
pcnsahli!  neeu-isary  of  litV,  and  ttie  ntal<in&  of  it  ainonijst 
ourselves  must  hcdi'eined  a  valiiiihlcai'ijiiisition.  it  is  ihcp. 
.  tore  rpcnmmended  that  lint  litinnsi  enileavors  be  used  10 
establisli  salt  works,  and  that  pr^ippr  eneniiraiMiiient  \ia 
iziven  to  Mr.  James  Tait,  wlio  halli  made  propo>alK,  and 
otrercd  a  srlicnie  to  llie  puhhc.  for  so  desirable  a  pnrpo.-e ; 

'•That  the  niuniO'ictiiring  of  iron  inin  nails  and  wire,  and 
other  nee.-sary  :irntles.  he  reeoinineniled  ; 

"Til  11  the  innkiti!:  of  steel  oimlit  to  he  encouraged,  as 
th'Ti'  will  be  a  ureal  dent.'ind  Inr  Ihisnniele; 

"That  the  niaKiii^  ol  (hlferent  kinds  nl  paper  nitiilit  to  be 
I'liecniraL'ed,  nnd  as  the  sneeiss  nf  this  hranell  dep''nds  nn 
a -apply  nf  old  linen  and  Honllen  ra^'s,  iin.  inhahitants  of 
this  cninny  are  dolred,  ill  their  re^pl■etlve  families,  to  pre- 
ser\''  tiiese  arliele.-.; 

"  That  whereas  woiil  poiiil)s,  cotlnn  and  wool  card-,  hemp 

and  lllV  keekles  liavp  been  forsnnietiuiP  maih-  toaiiv.uililJH 

in  soin,'  of  llip  iiemhbnrlnc  enlonies,  and  are  neee-sary  for 
carr.Miiir  on  lini'n  and  woollen  nianufactnres,  the  establisli- 
iiik!  of  such  inanufa, 'lures  III'  reennimi'inled  ; 

•- That  the  ereelinif  fulhiit:  mills,  and  noils  for  breaking, 
swinclinii.  and  sofleninit  lteiii|i  and  tla\,  and  also  that  the 
makini.'  Brind-slones  lie  reeninmi'udi-d  ; 

"Thai  the  brcwlnii  malt  linuor  in  tills  colony  would  lend 
In  render  the  cnusninplion  of  foreiun  liiiuors  unneeessaiy.it 

Is  ihereliire  reeninn led  thai  prnper  attenUon  be  paid  to 

the  etitlivation  of  hops  and  harb'y: 
"Tint  it  tie  reeominendf-d  to  all  tile  inhal)Jlnnts  of  this 
I  cnloiiv.  that  they  use.  as  the  eonvenlion  enuaiteth  to  do, oar 
I  otea  i»ifoii(/<i(/arey,  and  those  ol'ot/icr  cotonies,  in  prclereiicu 

to  all  nlhers. 
;      o  The  members  of  the  eonvenlion,  then,  ill  order  to  eii- 
'  couraue  ,Mr.  James  Tait,  who  is  al.,iiil  lo  erect  salt  works, 
!  illidertnnk,  for  their  respective  cue.  :iei,  tu  pay  ttle  t,uni  uf 
"  ten  pounds  I'ur  hill  urn.'." 


29th  Cono.... 

Such  were  the  enl 

6„,niciou«  Pot'7 _f, 

(,.„lv  period  of  her  1 

'  \Vhilsl  mi  this  su 

of  the  House  to  tin 

illustrious  of  the  si 

j;|,e  will  surely  nei 

will  surely  vcnevttti 

pO  the  most  disting 

in  honoring  whost 

hope,  to  cmnpete  e 

message  on  "  ln'< 

18-i'.J,  touching  the 

,|ucstioii,  Mr.  Mo 

o  Thia  view  is  supi 
marked  charuoter,l.r< 
lution-    .^s  early  a« 
,  ,„  llie  !<tau-s  to  vp 
'„,„„    „f  live  per  c. 

rnunU  es    into   Uie   I 

vears  In  1783  this 
il,,.  kindofdulies,  a 
five  years,  was  rep 
1784,  it  wa-  r.coinn 
grsslolindutut,"" 
,i,m  of  goods  finmlj 
tilte.n  years.  In  i' 
lesilined,  and  a  prii^ 
an  address  to  the  ■ 
wbielniBtaator  It 

indispeioa"!''-    la 

ofdelcRntPsfrmnt 

on  tlieir  report,  a  i 

,l,oehfUioi!year,li 

weareimleblPdIo 

u'Vtie  laisclael  i 

not  be  exerei-ed 

"ndtlicobji'ctwai 

sense  in  wlncb  d 

the  Btates,  was  ii 

ioilipU"it«'S"" 

branelies  ol  llils  g 

the  flr-t  two  iVonl 

be  taken  ot  the  > 

tribes,  is  Ida uau 

well  ioiowu  lo  ' 

indepelulenlP"" 

lateli  by  dimes  t 

Blat.-s  before  Ih. 

rc.peet  to  each  ' 

nnd  vessels  pinp 

rp'Ollatinn.     II  ' 

impose  such  I  u 

and  to  prevent 

only  l""^'''' """ 
o  If  we  recur 

nf  this  Coiisia 
from  tlie  ">«>"'' 
the  iidvaiiuiues 
Comircss,  wei' 
Instead  of  acni 
Plates,  individ 
nil  lacli  oilier 
proinnled  at 
duties  on  llic 
lervail  Uie  re 
t»liue»  iml'"' 
their  ports- 1" 
other  t»lates  J 
traoted  i>oli' 
by  nlhers. 
nierce  liy  Jlv 
state  of  altal 
which  was  t 
nf  reali7.ina 
the  lilorious  1 
From  this  •' 
were  liaiipi 
>>  Amona 
revoliition. 
policy.    Til 
tion.astoc' 
to  loreiaa  i 
were  ailnl»ti 
The  duties 
n,errhand|' 
tliefmted 
themselVPi 
bptwpen  d 
HtalP  ■■ 

Sir,  1 

of  this  q' 

it  in  ale 

and  he  < 

are  con 

have  jn 

the  gent 

Fame  di 

Both  en 

I'.ut  I 

was  ihi 

of  ibc 

possibl 

drawi" 
inarke! 
sylvan 
li'ients 


il 


ti 


P 


», 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAf.  GLOBE. 


1069 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Woodruff. 


Ho.  OP  Reps. 


■  Illri- 

III  on 
i^  no 


Ml. 

Hiuc- 
|i)n  ((> 
trt.iiri 

liii  in 
fn.'i  of 

flllcl'S 

|t  tlie 
Sir, 
finiii 


Sucli  were  the  enli;litcncd  views,  nnd  such  the 
sniKininus  policy  of  the  people  of  Virginia  ul  the  , 
finly  period  of  iter  history. 

U'hilst  on  this  suljeet,  let  me  cnll  the  nllcntion 
of  the  Mouse  to  the  opinions  of  one  of  ilie  most 
illustrious  i»f  the  sons  of  Viri^iniii  on  this  suhjeet. 
She  will  surely  never  disown  her  jMonikif..  She 
ttill  surely  venerate  the  opinions  advanced  liy  one 
(It'  the  most  distinguished  of  her  pulilic  men,  nnd 
in  honoring  whose  memory  I  may  he  allowed,  I 
hope,  to  compete  even  with  them.  In  his  special 
me.ssuiie  on  "  Internal  Improvements,"  May  4, 
18:20,  touching  the  constitutional  view  of  this  very 
(jucstion,  Mr.  Monroe  says: 

'*  This  view  is  supported  t>y  a  .siti  t  mf'n("are«».  all  of  a 
marked  churiu'tcr,  precodirig  llie  [id>>|)niui  of  thi*  CoTi-tini- 
tiitinii.  .\-t  early  as  the  year  17^1,  Congress  reeiirniiieniled 
ii  to  the  t>taleji  to  vest  inlhe  l.'riin  d  StiileH  a  powt-r  lo  levy 
a  duty  of  five  pereent.  on  all  goods  imported  from  lorei<>n 
rninitrics  into  the  Uoited  Hiales,  for  tlit!  tena  of  nitet-ii 
yi'iirs.  In  l'>^  this  recoinnicndatioa,  with  alterations  a-^  to 
till'  kind  of  duties,  and  aa  extunsioo  of  this  terai  to  Iweiity- 
five  years,  was  repeated,  and  more  earnestly  uri{ed.  in 
178-1,  it  wa-i  rreounnemltjd  to  the  Biati's  to  author  i/.e  Toa- 
gr.'ss  to  prohihll,  under  certJiia  aiodilreatioris,  the  iaiporta- 
ri;)n  offjoods  frrnu  foreigir  Powers  rnto  tiic  United  States  lor 
tiltci-ll  years,  la  178.')  the  coii.'.idi'ralion  of  the  suliject  was 
rrHiniied,  and  a  iiropositioii  prescitted  in  a  new  Ibrui,  with 
nil  addri'S^j  to  the  Slates  cvjilainilit;  fully  the  principles  on 
which  a  er.'tiit  of  the  power  lo  re<rulale  trade  was  deemed 
iiuli^-pen^able.  la  lltfti,  a  lueetiau  took  place  in  Annaj)Oli«, 
oI'dtHcgntes  frnu)  several  of  tlin  Stales,  on  this  siibj<>et,  and, 
on  IlK-ir  report,  n  enaveiitioii  was  I'orua'd  at  I'liilaile-lphia, 
the  ciisuini:  year,froai  all  the  States,  to  wlio.e  deliheralions 
we  are  indebted  for  the  present  Constitntion." 

o  'I'lie  niiseliiere(unp1ained  of  was,  thai  this  power  could 
not  he  exerei,-ed  with  advantage  by  the  individual  States, 
and  the  (dijecl  was  to  trausler  it  to  the  United  States.  'I'lu' 
sense  in  wliicli  the  power  was  iniderstood  and  exercised  by 
the  States,  was  doalitless  that  in  which  it  was  transferred 
lo  the  United  States.  Tlie  pttlicy  was  the  same  as  to  three 
liraneltes  of  this  grant,  mid  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  sep.irate 
the  lirst  two  IVoin  eaeli  of  the  other,  in  any  view  wliieh  may 
be  taken  of  the  subject.  Tile  last,  relating  to  the  Indian 
tribes,  is  ofa  nature  distinct  from  the  others,  for  reasons  too 
well  known  to  require  explanation.  Commerce  between 
iadependent  Fowits,  or  communities,  is  univen'ally  regu-  , 
lated  liy  duties  aad  imposts.  It  was  so  regulated  by  the 
Mtates  liel'orc  the  ailoplion  of  this  Coiistitntiou,  eipmlly  in 
respect  to  each  other  and  to  foreign  Powers.  The  goods 
and  vessels  eniployi.d  in  tile  trade  are  tlie  only  subjects  of 
ri-iinlatioii.  It  can  act  oa  none  other.  A  power,  then,  to 
impose  such  I'utiesand  impo>ts,  in  regard  totiireign  nalioiiH, 
and  to  prevent  any  on  the  trade  between  the  Slates,  was  the 
oaly  tiuwer  granted, 

**  If  we  n'cnr  to  the  causes  which  pniduocd  ihe  adoption 
nf  tills  Cunslitutioii,  we  shall  find  that  injuries,  resiilliiig 
from  the  reuulalion  of  trade  by  the  States  respectively,  and 
the  advanuiges  anticipated  t'roin  the  transfer  of  the  power  t<i 
Congress,  were  among  those  which  had  the  most  weight. 
Instead  of  acting  as  a  nation  in  regard  In  foreign  Powers, tlie 
States,  individually,  had  eommeneed  a  system  of  restraint 
oa  each  olher,  whereby  Ihe  interests  of  loreign  Powers  were 
promoted  at  tliinr  expensi...  Jf  one  Slate  imposed  liigli 
duties  on  the  goods  or  vessels  of  a  liireigii  Power,  to  coun- 
tervail the  regulations  of  such  Power,  ilic  next  ailjoltiing 
States  imposed  lower  duties,  to  invite  tliosu  articles  into 
their  imrts,  tiiat  they  might  he  Iranslerred  thence  into  the 
otiicr  Slates,  securing  tlie  duties  to  liieinselveB.  This  con- 
tracted (Kiliey  in  some  of  the  States  was  soon  counteracled 
by  others.  Kestrainls  were  iininediately  laid  on  such  ciiiii- 
nieree  by  tin;  snllitriiig  Stales,  and  thus  liad  grown  up  a 
stale  of  titfiiirs  disorderly  and  uniuitnial,  tiie  teiiileiicy  of 
wliieli  was  to  destroy  the  Union  it^eir.  and  with  it  all  linpu 
nf  realizing  those  hbvsings  which  we  lui't  iiinieipated  from 
the glnri'ins  revolulion  which  li-ul  been  so  reeently  aehievid. 
From  this  deplorable  dilemma,  or  rather  certain  ruin,  we 
were  happily  rescued  liy  Ihe  ailoption  of  the  C'onslitiition. 

"  Among  the  lirsl  and  most  iniporlnnt  elfects  of  this  great 

revolution,  was  tli uiiplete  abolition  of  this  pernieions 

policy.  The  Slates  wcie  brought  togella  i  by  the  Consliln- 
tioii.  as  to  eomnierce,  into  one  ciiiiitiiunily,enuidly  in  regard 
to  tiireigii  nations  and  each  other.  The  regniatioiis  that 
were  ailopted,  regarded  us,  in  holli  respects  as  one  peoplt-. 
Tile  dalles  and  imposis  tliat  were  laid  on  the  vessels  and 
merchnndise  orilin-ign  nations,  were  all  uniform  tlironghont 
the  Uiiileil  States, and  in  ttie  intercourse  lieiwci-n  the  Slates 
litemselves  no  duties  of  any  iviiid  were  Imposed,  other  than 
hetween  dillerent  ports  and  coinilies  within  tlie  same 
State.-' 

Sir,  I  have  now  done  wit  i  the  eonstitutionality 
of  this  question.  I  have  no  prelciisioits  to  treat  lif 
it  ill  a  lepal  capacity.  The  freiilleman  is  a  lawyer, 
nnd  he  ou^ht  to  understaivl  the  law.  If  hi.s  views 
nie  correct,  then  the  etii  tient  authority  which  I 
hnvc  just  qiioleil  must  li''  in  the  wi'diiu;.  I  leave 
the  gentleman  nnd  his  ;Vi,  ods,  who  advocate  the 
Name  doctrine,  to  take  either  horn  of  the  dilemma, 
liolh  eanniit  lie  right. 

r.iit  I  .said  that  the  creation  of  a  home  market 
was  ihe  proper  mode  of  fnsK  ring  the  ngricullttrisls 
of  the  country.  I  will  endeavor,  ns  lirielly  na 
possible — for  I  perceive  thnt  my  nlloited  time  is 
di-awing  rapidly  to  n  close — in  show  where  sncli  a 
market  may  lie  found.  The  geiilleinaii  iVom  I'enn- 
Bylvnttin  [Mr.  Wilmot)  stated  that,  a  few  mo-  j 
ineiils  Ijeforo  he  ohiaineil  the  lloor,  the  genilcmnn  I 


from  Ohio  had  Informed  them  thnt  Ohio  was  able 
to  produce  ns  much  wheat  ns  would  more  than 
supply  the  demand  of  nil  Mas.snr huseiis.  He 
osked  what  would  he  done  with  the  balance  of 
wheat  raised  elsewhere.'  I  would  ask  both  gentle- 
men, has  Ohio  no  manufactures?  Has  she  no 
operatives.'  Does  she  need  no  wheat  for  home 
consumption?  Do  her  people  starve  themselves, 
or  live  on  vanity,  sending  nbronil  every  dollar's 
worth  thnt  they  produce  from  the  soil  ?  Or,  do 
the  gentlemen  mean  to  sny  that  Ohio  had  a  balance  ' 
sufficient  to  supply  Ma.isaehusetis,  after  satisfying 
her  own  demands?  If  Ohio  had  no  manufactures,  | 
which  he  did  not  believe,  for  he  knew  that  she 
had  some,  of  n  most  interesting  nnd  prosperous 
chi.rncter,  certainly  she  ought  to  hnve  them,  with  I 
such  nbundant  pi-oducts.  That  wns  the  very  lo-  : 
cality  for  manufactures.  Her  immense  wnter- 
nower,  her  fertile  valleys,  her  motinlainnus  regions. 
Iter  flocks  and  herds,  her  teemitig  harvests,  bright- 
ening her  broad  lands,  nil  point  out  Ohio  as  the 
nppropriale  seat  of  flourishing  manufactures.  And 
here  let  me  ask  gentlemen  to  recur  to  the  past 
history  of  Massachusetts  herself:  was  there  not  a 
period  when  the  good  "Old  Bay  Slate"  was  the 
very  ngricultnral  community  that  Ohio  is  now 
represented  to  be?  What  was  the  cry  before  the 
establishment  of  manufactures  in  Massachusetts? 
Was  it  not  that  everybody  were  farmers?  Did 
not  the  sons  of  the  pilgrims  leave  the  mansions  of 
their  sires,  armed  with  rifle  and  with  axe,  becoming 
pioneers,  nnd  seeking  the  remotest  quarters  of  our 
Union,  settling  in  this  very  Ohio,  nnd  the  regions 
further  west,  in  order  to  give  place  to  the  accumu- 
lated efl'orts  of  agriculturists  in  their  parent  Slate? 
Whnt  the  gentleman  alluded  to  ns  being  of  n  tran- 
sient character  with  regard  lo  favoring  the  produc- 
tions of  the  country,  nnd  finding  a  maiket  for  the 
agriculturist,  is  the  very  nigument  in  favor  of  ex- 
tending fosteiing  protection  to  our  manufacturers 
for  the  hcnrfit  of  tlie  aj;rieull\irisls  themselves. 

In  this  state  of  things  to  which  I  have  just  allu- 
ded, in  Massachusetts,  with  everybndy  cultivating 
the  soil,  building  grnnnries,  nnd  filling  them  with  the 
fruits  nf  the  earth  which  stood  in  each  other's  way, 
the  wenlth  of  the  community  inciensed,  and  that 
wenlth  found  new  mid  nalurid  channels  in  the  es- 
tablishment of  manufactures.  Men  of  intelligence, 
possessed  of  means,  erected  mills,  and,  setting  in 
motion  their  spindles  and  looms,  commenced  the 
mnnufacture  of  native  fabrics.  I  well  recollect,  in 
this  interesting  period  in  the  history  of  the  coun- 
try, that  the  first  man  who  had  the  courage  and 
enterprise  to  open  whnt  wns  called  "  a  domestic 
dry  goods  estnl)lishment,"  was  sneered  and  scort'ed 
at,  nnd  regarded  as  a  man  altogether  deficient  in 
common  sense.  Commercial  men  within  the  sound 
of  my  voice,  acquainted  with  the  history  of  our 
domestic  trade,  know  to  whom  I  refer,  and  it  is 
hardly  necessary  for  me  to  mention  the  name  of 
Zephaniah  Griswold.  Sir,  Massachusetts  has 
nobly  done  her  duty.  She  tlid  so  in  the  Revolu- 
tion. Wiibin  her  bounds  stands  Bunker  Flill,  and 
the  conseciiitcd  fields  of  Lexington  and  Concord. 
There  the  sons  of  New  England  shed  their  best 
blood  in  the  (lefence  of  civil  and  religious  liberty. 
And  there,  too,  in  later  days,  we  have  seen  the 
peaceful  triumphs  of  native  industry  and  skill  in 
the  production  of  manufactures  which  vie  wilh  tlic 
choicest  fabrics  of  the  looms  of  Europe.  It  was 
the  commencement  of  n  new  era,  of  a  second  rev- 
olution, not  inferior,  perhaps,  in  the  importance 
and  value  of  its  result,  to  the  first,  when  she  drew 
from  the  .soil  part  and  parcel  of  her  capital,  nnd 
entered  fearlessly  into  competition  with  European 
manufacturers,  and  that  with  triumphant  success, 
which  has  far  exceeded  the  most  sanguine  expecta- 
tions of  her  friends. 

But  it  has  been  stated  in  various  directions  on 
this  floor,  and  has  been  a  standing  objection  to  a 
proleclive  policy,  that  such  a  system  is  calculated 
"  lo  make  the  rich  richer  and  the  poor  jioorer." 
Sir,  they  who  hazard  such  an  assertion  must  have 
formed  a  low  estimate  of  the  inielligcnce  and  com- 
mon 'sense  of  the  American  people.  "The  riih 
richer,"  sir?  In  the  name  of  Heaven,  is  it  in  this 
free  land  of  ours  a  crime  to  be  rich  ?  Is  it  a  fiiult 
by  the  sweat  of  our  brow  to  accumulate  wealth  ? 
Has  it  come  to  this,  that  Americans  nre  to  be 
taunted  nnd  denouncrti,  because  from  the  exercise 
of  their  intellect,  skill,  and  industry,  from  the  em- 
ployment of  their  capital  and  their  strict  attention 


to  husiitcss,  they  hnve  become  rich .'  Sir,  my  ac- 
quaintance with  the  wealthier  classes  may  have 
been  moie  limiled  than  thnt  of  many  gentlemen  on 
this  floor,  but  I  have  known  some  members  of 
these  classes.  I  have  conversed  with  them.  I 
have  written  to  them.  I  have  received  communi- 
cations from  them.  !  have  held  social  intereonrso 
with  them,  and  parlicipnled  in  their  hospitnlities, 
nnd  ns  far  as  I  know  these  individunis — I  mean 
the  proprietors  and  capitalists  of  those  establish- 
menfs  on  which  it  is  the  custom  of  some  to  cost  so 
much  opprobrium — I  hazaid  nothing  in  saying 
thai  for  philanthropy,  frankness,  honorable  feel- 
ing, and  all  the  virtues  which  makeup  the  charac- 
ter of  a  just  man  and  n  good  citizen,  iliey  contrast 
favorably  with  any  other  class  of  the  cominitnily. 

But  I  deny  entirely,  and  without  hesitation,  the 
broad  assertion  that  the  creation  of  home  markets, 
of  the  erection  of  manufaciuring  estalilishments, 
makes  the  "rich  richer."  As  a  general  rule,  the 
opernlion  is  exactly  the  other  way.  Men  who 
years  ngo  possessed  large  fortunes,  and  entered 
into  this  business,  hnve,  as  Mr.  Walker  himself 
tells  us  in  his  report,  sacrificed  their  property,  sold 
out  for  less  thnn  the  sum  originally  invested,  leav- 
ing their  successors  to  pn.ss  through  the  same 
disastrous  course,  unprotected  nnd  unsiistained, 
opposed  at  every  step  by  legislation  renilering 
everything  unsafe  and  unstable.  Thus,  to  many 
of  those  ensacred  in  manufacturing,  the  business 
has  been  nolhiitg  but  a  train  of  disaster,  disap- 
pointment, and  loss. 

A  cursory  examination  of  Ihe  principle  on  which 
these  manufacturing  establishments  are  usually 
conducted,  will  discover  at  once  that  the  assertion 
that  they  make  "  the  rich  richer  and  ihe  poor  poor- 
er" is  (in  unfounded  nnd  impudent  n.s3umplion. 
The  capitalist,  after  he  has  erected  his  buildinss 
and  machinery,  ns  the  next  step  to  the  ndvanre- 
mentof  his  business,  and  the  successful  prosecution 
of  his  enterprise,  seeks  the  etfioient  aid  of  eompt^ 
tent  prnctical  men.  Thus  the  chief  of  the  engi- 
neer's room  comes  to  have  his  five  shares  in  the 
establishment — the  foreman  of  the  spinning  de- 
partment has  his  ten  shares — the  superintendent 
of  the  looms  has  his  ten  shares — nay,  as  fast  ns 
the  operatives  themselves  accumulate  the  means, 
(nnd  that  they  are  nble  to  do  .so  rapidly,  if  th'  ■  be 
industrious  nnd  sober,)  they  can  invest  their  earn- 
ings in  the  stock  nfwhichthe  principal  hands  nre  now 
shareholders  wilh  the  principal.  Thus  they  can 
snnd  at  once  the  operative  and  the  proprietor.  Is 
this  making  "  the  rich  richer  and  the  poor  poorer?" 
Who  is  not  benefited  in  nil  the  extended  arrange- 
ments of  these  gi-cat  manufaciuring  establishment! 
How  many  smiling  faces  of  a  Saturday's  eve  nre 
turned  towards  home,  confident  nnd  happy  in  the 
slow,  gradual,  but  sure  approach  to  comparative 
nflluence!  How  mnny  eyes  of  n  Sabbath  morn, 
in  the  sanctuary  of  the  living  God,  are  directetl 
heavenward  in  devout  gratitude  to  the  Author  of  all 
good  for  the  facility  with  which  they  obtain  their 
daily  bread,  and  the  means  of  maintaining  n  re- 
spectable position  in  that  community  of  which 
they  are  the  main  support  and  stay — the  pillars  of 
the  republic! 

Away,  then,  wilh  Ihe  silly  sophistry  which 
spenks  of  the  evil  tendency  "f  nitr  system  of  do- 
mestic manufacture  in  making  the  rich  richer  and 
the  poor  poorer!  It  is  n  dream — an  idle  dream. 
It  deserves  not  a  moment's  serious  consideration. 

What  if  this  system  shoiild  make  the  "rich 
richer:"  is  not  the  wealth  still  here,  nnd  is  it  not 
dilTiiscd  amongst  the  community?  I  have  yet  to 
learn  that  my  countrymen  are  misers.  I  hnve  yet 
to  learn  that  the  ncciimulntion  of  wealth  by  honest 
industry  and  enierpiise  should  be  regarded  na  a 
national  cnlamily. 

Adopt  whnt  is  called  the  revenue  standard  of  Mr. 
Walker — and  we  are  exhorted  to  look  lo  his  report 
ns  the  soui-ce  of  the  profnundest  political  wisdom — 
how  vast  the  difl'ercnce  !  Well,  I  can  only  say 
for  myself,  that  had  I  been  Ihe  most  zealous  advo- 
cate of  free  trade,  that  very  document  would  have 
so  shaken  my  faith  that  I  would,  of  necessity, 
have  advocated  the  opposite  views.  It  is  impossi- 
ble, after  reading  the  document,  to  avoid  the  con- 
clusion that  the  present  condition  of  things  is 
prosperous  nnd  promising  in  the  highest  de;;ree, 
anil  thnt  the  duty  of  CJovermnent  is  to  cherish, 
)io(  to  destroy,  that  prosper  itv.  Adopt  the  revenue 
standard  of  Sir  Robert  Walker,  nnd  n  vast  difl'er- 


■>  *;  -.,•'■ 

■i 
iij? 


1070 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGT? ASSIGN AL  GLOBE. 


[Julyl, 


2^H  Cong 1st  Sess. 


7%e  Tariff— Mr.  Perry. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


ence  will  be  soon  enoueli  exhibited  in  llie  nmomit 
of  niuional  and  individual  wenllli.     Who  wants 
to  see  such  n  condition  nf  thint^^s  as  that  (Vom 
which  the  present  law  gave  lis  deliverance  ?    Who,  Ij 
even   the  most   inveterate  enemy  of  the  present  jj 
system,  desires  to  feast  his  eyes  with  such  n  sight  | 
as  that  which  once  met  mine  in  the  eiiv  wlilcli  I  ' 
luivc  the  honor  in  port  to  represent?     Who  wislies  Ij 
to  see  some  six  thousand  of  the  bone  and  sinew  of  ,i 
the  land — the   men  to  whom  we  look  in   time  of ; 
danger — the  men  ainonRst  whom  viiine  delights  to   ; 
dwell,  and  true  philosophy  is  most  likely  to  be  j 
learned — walking  in  solid   phalanx   throiiijh    the  jj 
ihickly-lincd  streets  of  our  great  nie^rnpoli.s,  with  | 
their  hands  in  their  empty  piukels — friendless — 
without  employment — returning  to  their    homes  > 
only  to  meet  the  agonizing  looks  of  their  famished  ! 
families?     Who  desires  to  see,  as  I  saw  then,  hun- : 
dreds  of  the  renideiices  of  our  citizens  in  i»roi"ess 
of  erection  shut  up  and  aliamloned,  the  contracts 
suspended,   and    tlionsnnds   of  workingmcn    dis- 
charged ?     Who  desires  to  see  the  plelhoni  of  tlic    • 
market,  which  invariably  fullrnvs   the  almiition  of 
nileipiale  dulies — the  n'vulsion — the  loss  of  credit —   ' 
the  suspension  of  trade,  and  all   the  mcLinclioly   ' 
results  which   experience   has  sadly  vcrilicti,  as:[ 
flowing  fr<mt   the  policy  now  sought  to  be  eslab-  i; 
lislied  ?     Let  another  suspension  of  the  banks  take 
place,  and  the  same  melancholy  results  which  we 
have    seen    heretofore   will   follow.      Kvery   old 
woman   in  tlie  country,  with  her  long-cherished 
tr'MSMre  lied  up  in  a  stocking — every  girl  and  boy 
with  their  Christmas  hoard,  accumulaied  for  years 
perhaps,  will  be  found   carrying   their  specie  to 
the  cities  for  sale  on  premium;  only  to  be  boxed 
up  and   exported  for  the  benefit  of  the  friends — 
forsooth,  the  self-styled  friends — of  the  .7mcrica» 
a^rinilturist.  ! 

But  it  is  urged  that  the  protection  of  liome  in- 
dustry is  calculated  to  reduce  the  wages  of  onr 
people  to  the  wrf-hire  of  Europe.  That  is  impos- 
sllile.  I  know  the  laboring  pi-ople  of  this  land  too 
well  to  have  any  apprehensions  of  the  coming  of 
that  day  whi-n  their  wages  can  be  reduced  to  the 
serf-hire  of  Europe.  The  character  of  our  insliiii- 
ti'Mis — the  freedom  we  enjoy — the  character  of  onr 
people — forbid  the  occurrence  of  such  an  event.  |' 
So  hmg  as  the  American  character  remains — so 
long  as  llie  rolling  prairies  of  the  West  invite  the 
hand  of  industry — so  long  as  our  institutions 
maintain  their  integrity — so  Imig  will  wc  be  pre- 
serveil  iVom  such  a  wol'iil  spectacle  as  the  reduc- 
tion of  wages  here  to  the  serf-hire  of  Europe. 

But  I  have  done  with  such  small  game.     It  is 
not  profitable  to  waste  time  in  re|>lying  to  such 
puerile  arguments.     1  desire  to  see  my  native  c.iun-  ■ 
try  what  she  i     'gned  to  be — truly  great  and 

independent.  1  u  .e  her  not  to  follow,  siibnii.s- 
sively,  the  example  of  liueign  Governnients.  I 
seek  no  closer  intimacy  with  other  countries  than 
kind  feelings  and  the  reciprocal  interch.iiige  of 
friendly  diplomatic  inter,  oursc.  Let  us  contrast 
in  this  view  the  conilili<ni  of  this  country  with 
regaiil  to  its  mamifaciurcs  at  the  time  of  the  war 
wiib  Great  Britain  in  iMli,  and  what  is  presented 
to  onr  view  at  the  )iresi  lit  Imur.  At  the  period  to 
to  wiiicii  I  refer,  the  mainifaclures  of  the  country 
had  not  known  the  fostering  care  of  the  Govern- 
ment, as  they  merited  and  deserved.  Xolhing 
re.-eived  encouragement;  and  the  aspect  of  the 
whole  scene  was  embarrassing  in  ihe  extreme. 
And  what  was  the  conseipieiice?  Why,  sir,  so 
feeble,  so  entirely  helpless,  wns  the  American 
nianuraciuring  interest  at  that  time,  that  it  was  ini- 
possililc  to  find  a  contraclor  who  could  undertake 
to  supply  the  troops  wiili  clothing!  The  only 
alierjiaiive  was  to  smuggle  the  goods  from  Canada, 
and  the  individual  who  finally  accepted  the  con- 
tract, on  the  condition  I  am  about  to  mention,  and 
whose  name  is  in  my  possession,  aclnally  received 
a  pledge  from  the  Government  that  his  sniuggling 
operations  would  be  winked  at,  and  no  inipiiry  . 
take  place.  What  a  spectacle  was  this  I  And 
behold  the  contrast.  We  are  now  at  war — a  war 
which  disturbs  not  our  repose  for  a  moment,  ami 
of  which  we  but  seldom  think — and  one  American 
inanufactiirer  has  received  ond  executed  uii  order 
for  eighty  thousand  yards  of  broadcloth,  for  the 
clothing  of  our  gallaiit  army  of  vidiinteers.  This 
is  but  an  isolated  inslaiice  of  the  strength  and  ex- 
tent of  our  manufactures,  the  strengtli  and  extent 
lo  which  they  have  attained,  becaui*  they  have. 


experienced  just  ond  adequate  Hupiiort  and  en-  , 
coiiragement  from  the  hands  of  the  Govcrmncnl. 

Sir,  I  find  that  my  time  is  almost  exhausted.     I  | 
must  hasten  to  a  close.      I  am  opposed  both  to  the  | 
bill  and  lo  the  amendment  of  my  colleague,  [Mr. 
Hi'Nr.F.RPonn.]     I  am  in  favor  of,  and  shall  vote 
for,  the  mainten.mce  of  the  tariirof '4'J;  becansf, 
although  in  some  of  its  provisions  there  may  b. 
on  honest  difl'erence  of  opinion  amongst  its  frieiids; 
yet  it  is  inllnitely  superior  to  the  proposed  substi-  | 
tutes,  because  it  is  toiindcd  on   true  principles  of  i 
wise  legislation.     I  am  in  I'avorof  the  present  law,  | 
because  it  is  baaed  upon  n  principle  of  prolectiuii;  i 
because  it  iifTords  not  only  an  adequate  revenue, 
but  also  a  most   needful  and  salutary  protection 
to  great  American  interests;  because  it  is  not,  like 
the  opposite  principle,  replete  with  frauds.     And, 
sir [Here  Mr.  W.  'a  hour  expired.] 


THE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  T.  PERRY,    j 

OF  MARYLAND,  I 

In  the  House  of  Representativej,  1 

Jii/i/ H84().  I 

On  the  Bill  reducing  the  duty  on  Imports,  and  for  , 

other  purposes.  | 

Mr.  PERRY  spoke  in  substance  as  follows: 

Though  reluctant  to  occupy  the  time  of  the  eom- 
miilee,  I  considered  it  a  duty  I  owed  to  myself 
and  those  whom  I  have  the  honor  to  represent,  to 
explain  the  position  I  shall  take  on  the  present 
o(M:asion.  I  am  aware  that  a  tarilf  S|>eech  is  always 
subject  to  much  criticism,  and  too  frequently  to 
unjust  and  illiberal  misrepresentation;  and  yet  1 
am  not  willing  that  it  should  be  said  1  had  ob- 
served silence  iii>oii  a  subjciU  that  so  much  con- 
cerned those  I  represent,  and  which  might  be  ' 
construed  into  an  unwillingness  to  assume  that  in- 
dependent positiim  which  becomes  a  Representative 
upon  this  floor.  I  have  great  anxiety  to  cast  my 
vote  on  that  side  of  the  question  which  approached 
the  nearest  to  the  will  of  a  majoriiy  of  my  constit- 
uents, and  would  be  derelict  in  my  duty,  if  by  my 
vote  I  should  support  a  measure  that  I  believe 
would  be  destructive  of  their  interest.  i 

1  do  not  wish  myself  to  be  regarded  by  those  of 
ihe  l>i'mocratic  party,  who  are  in  favor  of  sustain- 
ing the  "  act  of  184'2"  as  acting  with  them  in  sup- 
port of  that  hill.     Nor  do  I  wish  the  advocates  of 
"  I'ree  trade,"  those  who  m  .' itain  that  the  only 
true  policy  of  Government  is  a    '  tarilf  for  rev- 
enue,     without   "discrimination  for  protection," 
to  consider  me  identified  with  tliem  in  support  of 
their  jiolicy.    With  the  one  side  is  found  Peunsyl-   : 
v.iiiia,  a  Suite  occupying  an  enviable  posiliini  in 
the   Democratic  party,  with  hiffh  tariff  princiitles; 
with  the  other  side,  Virginia  and  her  doctrines  of  j 
free  trade  "  without  discrimination  for  protection" 
— each  with  zeal  and  ability  advocating  their  re- 
spective creeils,  and  both  claiming  to  be  members 
of  the  "great  Democratic  party:"  the  one  con- I 
tending  that  our  domestic  policy  should  be  sus-  | 
laincd,  desiring  permanency  in  the  legislation  of 
the  cinintrv,  and   insisting  that  the  Government 
has  ill  etfict  pledged  itself  to  continue  the  protec- 
lioii  of  our  manuiactures  against  competition  from 
aliroad — that  having  made  investments  confidiiig  in 
the  doctrine  of  protection,  they  trusted  that  Con-  ; 
gre.ss  will  not  now  be  vacillating  in  their  enact-  , 
menis  upon  this  most  important  subject;  the  other, 
equally  iirgint,  insist  that  the  duties  imposed  uii-  : 
der  the  "  act  of  184:i"  are  oppressive,  and  that  the 
nation   has   pledged   itself,  in  the  ele-.tion  of  the  ^ 
present   Executive,  to  make  the  change  contem- 
plated in  the  bill  now  under  discussion.  ' 

Believing  that  the  passoge  or  rejection  of  the 
present  bill  will  leave  the  taritr  question  open  for 
'  agitation  by  political  aspirants,  and  believing  that  . 
nothing  so  much  requires  |)erinanency  as  ou;  do- 
mestic policy,  involving,  in  a  great  degree,  the  in- 
dustry of  the  country,  and  believing,  further,  that 
a  large  portion  of  my  constituents  desire  repose 
upon  this  subject,  can  I  not  hope  that  a  spirit  of 
compromise  will  characterize  the  deliberations  of 
this   House,  and  some  mode  he  devised  of  recon- 
ciling cimrticting  interests?    It  is  plain  that  on  this  | 
subject  there  exists  in  the  ranks  of  the  Democratic  i 
.  parly  a  dilTereiice  of  lenlinicnt  in  regard  to  the  i 


propriety,  of  a  protective  or  revenue  tarilT,  which 
there  is  no  rational  hope  of  wholly  removing  with- 
out a  mutual  surrender  of  something  on  both  sides. 
Some  of  my  Democratic  friends  of  the  Smith  con- 
tend that  tliu  party  has  passed  the  Rubicon,  and 
could  not  now  stop  short  of  free  trade;  otlicra 
of  the  North  say  the  same  thing  in  regard  to  pro- 
tection. Now,  1  would  say  to  both,  (I  speak  to 
the  Democratic,  for  let  the  Whigs  take  their  own 
course,)  if  they  would  agree  together  to  adopt  u 
tjiriir  for  revenue,  so  framed  ns  lo  alTord  by  dis- 
criminating duties  a  reasonable  degree  of  protec- 
tion to  our  own  indii.tlry,  this  vexed  question,  the 
"  tarilf,"  might  now  be  settled  for  twenty  years  to 
come. 

No  one  can  doubt  that  the  arrangements  of  duties 
on  imports  has  been  a  subject  of  much  einliarra.ss- 
ment,  and  has  at  all  limes  exerted  a  fatal  influence 
upon  politicians  of  both  parties.  We  are  told  that 
once  Massachusetts  formed  a  iiart  of  what  are  now 
called  the  "  free-trade  party.  The  disiiiiguislu'd 
gentleman  [Mr.  Apams]  in  this  House,  and  anotlicr 
no  less  known  to  fame,  [Mr.  Webster,]  had  openly 
advocated  its  principles.  In  1812  it  was  the  Sontli 
that  constituted  the  great  mass  of  Ihe  piotectivo 
party  of  the  country;  but  time,  which  changes  so 
many  things,  had  brought  about  a  revolution  in 
the  condition  of  parties  on  that  question,  and  with 
the  change  of  parties  no  less  than  thnty-lwo 
general  and  special  laws  had  been  passed  lo  regu- 
late duties  upon  foreign  importations.  Where 
there  has  been  so  many  changes,  and  there  is  such 
a  conflict  of  opinion  upmi  this  subject,  it  is  doubt- 
less the  safes',  to  look  for  a  guide  to  the  history  of 
our  great  ciuimiercial  and  iiidusirial  interests,  in 
connexion  with  the  real  wants  and  the  actual  ciui- 
diiion  and  re.'iourccs  of  our  country.  Let  ns  also 
call  to  our  aid  the  statesmen  and  patriots  who  have 
been  emincnily  instrumental  in  bringing  our  coun- 
try 10  its  present  high  position  in  wealth  and  pow- 
er. Allow  mo  lo  quote  their  sentiments  upon  thia 
subject. 

The  following  is  an  extract  of  the  message  of 
Mr.  Jcflerson  to  Congress  on  the  15th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1803: 

"  To  ciiliiv.itc  pence,  innlntnin  commerce  and  nnviRntion 
ill  llii'ir  IhwI'iiI  enterprises;  tn  lii^tcrfMir  liahtiiics  uh  iiiiri«<'- 
rii'H  tor  tiuvig.lttnn,  anil  tor  the  inirlure  nf  iiiaii,  niul  lo  i<ro- 
tC't  the  mamttUctiircs  ilitapti'd  to  our  circlnn.^t!Uir,->4;  tu  pri'- 
Kcrvu  tlic  l^iitli  of  the  lialion  liy  nil  exact  (liHrh:ir;:e  of  iH 
ilcliH  and  coiilnicts  ;  to  e.vpi-lul  the  pilltlic  innrii'y  willi  llie 
same  c.irc  ami  ccnaomy  wr  would  prst-ti^c  Willi  tair  own, 
aiiti  Uiipoiii'  on  our  citi/.ciis  nn  uniiecci'sary  tiiirdi-n^  ;  In  l\i-f  p 
iiiHll  ttnaus  wiltiin  our  eoiirililiitinniti  pnwcrs,  mid  ctn-rifili 
III.'  Federal  Utiioa  ;is  lllc  only  rock  orsnlet)  :  tilcse,  leUow- 
cili/.rii«.  arc  tile  l.iadaiiirltH'lty  wliicJi  we  arc  lo  guide  our- 
sclvcH  ill  nil  mir  procccdoiRs." 

In  his  message  of  the  5th  November,  1811,  Mr. 
Madison  says: 

".\lihoti2li  other  olijcct.*  will  press  more  innnedinlcly  on 
your  dcIihiTaliiiiis,  a  portion  nt'tlii'iii  cnniiot  Iml  tic  well  lic- 
stowcd  oil  till'  jil>t  and  soiii.,;  policy  of  sccuWrt:;  looiir  frurna- 
fttrtures  the  siiccctis  lliey  have  nttiiiacd,  and  Htill  arc  nltaiiiiliR, 
inidcr  the  inipillsi'  of  ciiiiscs  not  pennnneiit,  and  lo  our  iiavi- 
^uion,  llie  fnir  cvlciit  of  whii'li  is  nt  present  nbridccd  tiy  the 
iineiju.'il  rcculnlioiis  ol"  forr-ifln  Governments.  'Hcsides  ilm 
ri'iisiaialdciii'ss  of  faring  our  mauiifiu-turcs  from  sncriltccs 
whicii  a  chnn2c  nf  rfrciimilnnccs  mi;(l.t  brinttnpon  ihem, 
the  nntinnnl  inien-st  requires  that,  with  respect  lo  ^ucli  iiin- 
tcrinls  nt  Icnsl  ns  helrniji  tn  our  doffncc  and  prinmry  wnnis, 
we  shoulil  not  III'  Ict^  ill  a  stale  of  imiiecCB»ary  dcpeiutcme 
on  c-tertu:t  stijiptirs.-^ 

On  the  Hd  December,  1817,  in  his  message  to 
Congress,  Mr.  Monroe  said: 

'•  Our  mnniifacmrcs  will  reipiire  the  conslant  attention  of 
I  Con^^c^H.  The  cupilnl  employed  in  them  is  con^idiTiihli', 
and  till!  kllowlL'(I}ie  retiuired  in  Ihe  niacliincry  and  luliri.'  of 
all  the  most  usclnl  iininufnclilres,  is  of  tircat  viitiic.  'I'iicir 
/*rc?(Tn(tioji.  which  dcpt'nd.s  on  thic  encottra^cnunt,  is  i-on- 
ni'cti'd  Willi  the  /((j^A  interests  of  the  iinlion.*' 

In  his  second  annual  message  he  uses  this  lan- 
gi'  ige : 

»•  ft  cnnnot  lie  doahtcd  tluit  Ihe  more  complpte  our  intcr- 
nnl  rcsonrres,  and  the  least  dependent  we  arc  on  forcimi 
INnvrrs  for  every  nnlioiinl  ns  well  as  dnmeslic  pur|Kisi>.  tiio 
lircatcr  and  more  slalile  will  he  our  piitdic  plenty.  Ily  the 
increase  of  nnr  domestic  nnimilhctureH  will  Ihe  demand  for 
the  rude  matcrinl  be  increnscd  ;  and  ttins  will  the  di'pi'iitlcnc 
of  tile  sevemi  ptirt*  of  the  Union  on  encli  other,  nnd  ttiu 
strcnirtliof  the  i;nion  itself,  tic  proportionalilyniiftnicnted." 

Again,  in  his  message  of  the  3d  December,  1833, 
he  says: 

'■  SnlisHi'd  I  nin,  wlintevcr  may  lie  the  nhmrnct  doctrines 

in  fiivor  of  iinreslricliMl  coinnierce,  (provided  nil  nations 

would  concur  in  it,  nnd  it  wns  not  likely  to  he  iiitcrruptril 

hy  war,  wliicli  has  ncrrr  ocrnrred,  niul  rnnnot  he  ejm'rtcd,) 

'  there  lire  other  .-troim  reasons  appticnliletoonrsiluntlon  nnd 

'  reliiiions  Willi  oihi-r  conntricB  wiiicli  impose  on  us  the  obii- 

'  gatioii  to  chfriiftour  miiwu/ucdifM." 


l9i6.T_ 
29th  Cono Is 

General  Jackson  rep 

f, reed  the  8:,me8ngKes^ 
his  message  of  the  (ii 
,l,c  following  iirgumen 

..The  power  to  hiCliwc  l 
,„,,„i.,l  to theseveral  suites, 
wiliavicwtothuencoiiro) 

.'iilii.iilttosaPI'"'"'""". 
T    ■il'.tcsh'ivedelc!,.ilcdl 

,„ilic<).iprnl(ioveriuuen 

'"vina  the  very  Inconsidi 

frmi  tlicl  suites,  tlie  rial 

o.a..Hondoc.iiotexlj 

.  not  iiossesscrt  l.y  the  G. 

net.    tlurpolitli'i'lsyslci 

•uico|doslri|ip.'delthel 

iry.audtocouiilcriioilic 

,!dchmi«litbcnih.|itedli 

..lliclhecas...     This  Hid 

l,v  the  SuileH,  must  lie  w 

iho  subject,  ujpressly  de 

'lu-ion  lamroadiMcdai 

Wiishlmilon,  Jdlcrson, 

,..,,.|i  rrp.'atedly  rcc'ouii 

,„„lcr  the  LMnslitulion, 

tri'ss,  tlic  roiiliiil'"'  ";f 

tr.il  un.hTs(an"'"'<  "J  ""' 

At  Wasliington  c 

wrote  as  follows: 

..  Heaven  I'milcd  upor 

,.,„■,;.    Tliiitsiiulcl'iovi 

„fii;uii.n:iliiidep.-ndiiic 

,,.  ,.|„,,.MU-e«icslits 

.,rv..  not  the  coiiliniiaii 

nioanlains  and  onr  ph 

nii,l  .oppi r-aiid  iiivcu 

oihciii|innd  wool.    II 

nnlional  dell  nci,  they 

m,.,lf  .,«d  /Mr  ,OTl«lll 

,is  may  lie  Ilia  ed  inn 

i,n,l  llial  w.:  nny  Iciv.: 

I  iidiiiuniid  iinponanl 

ilMolorc,  my  opinion, 

wnnfd  to  j,..y  our  iini 

o,  lli;il  defence  WitilU 

,MiiiiIrMlcp.nds;aiid 

ili.lriliulion  to  our  In 

lMuliuppiin.'«'ihid>pci 

A  committee  o 
Slate  of  Indiana, 
Biiren    and    ollic 
among  them  the  t 
or  opposed  to,  tl 
Van  Buren  answ 
"  Mv  views  ill  I'lj 
for  liytlie  stiioc , : 
A  conviciion  Hint 
lions,  Willi  a  view 
IS  iciMin  (ftcMiiil 
occasion  distiitcti 
V,e  suine  lime  den 
a  mrxaiur  euUnl't 
iois,  or  to  atlrnu-' 
tkeerveuieof  mi" 
thi.  dutv  of  thnsi' 
of  Ihe  Kcdcrnl  t.f 
manlier  licsl  culcl 
liurd.'us  and  lilc; 
p  oiil.'  IliiTcol. 
,.n\  viiws,  1  sil'jL- 
Ihn  Uiiveruuieni 
whicli  I  believe 
ricil  iiiMfnir  clli 
o  More  Ibilll  t. 
cntioii  wns  mad 
of  III.,  rnilcd  :* 
nvow.'.liy  iiiipose 
doni 'Stic  iiiniiul 
to  111.'  provi-i'.n 
biased  sciiliiiiviii 
silih  circuiiislnl 
npoii  this  siilij.'c 
lU  •  pro:!r.'ss  ol 
briilly  expo 
v.iiliou.  11/. 
only,  mid  "liic 

diw'f".* 

•iO/'"ii:cnie 

nodowl-     I'.'l" 
llli'in  hii^  exi-l. 

1 u,  ic'i  '■;"'i 

whicli  I- 1  '  1 

With  til 

should  paus 

nbnndon  ih 

ri^asoning 

who  may  a 

1    have  i|iH 

priatc  iiilb'.' 

uv.iidii'g  th 

hand, .audi 

lit  i.ncc  fo 

nnd  til.'  I'o 

1  am  ill 

1S42,  yi-t 


II 

'  tl 

i'l 

y 
ilwi 


•jFjr--- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1071 


■  nil 


J  '" 
^Vll 

It   II 


IliC 

i  t(i 


I  so 


■  of 
ill 


20th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


Tlic  Tariff— Mr.  Perry. 


Ho.  OP  Ueps. 


ill 


OciicrnI  Jaqkson  repeatedly  recognised  nnd  eii- 
fiirccil  the  9;imo  sn^sesiinna  of  public  policy.  In 
his  niessngo  of  the  7ili  December,  1830,  lie  used 
llie  following  iirijuincnl: 

*'TIit!  powi^r  I'l  iiiiMiwi!  (luiics  on  imporlH  oriijlnnlly  hc- 
h;lL'nt  III  till!  sl-vr^rnl  Ntnlri4.  'I'lli!  riplit  tn  ailjllst  tticfli>  illltii>i«, 
with  a  vUiwtii  till!  piu-oiinictir.etit  oj  iloint-siii:  hrmu-hes  oj'in- 
dii\trilr  H  Mt  ci>iii|ili>trly  iilfiilk-iil  to  that  {ioui;r,  that  it  if* 
ihthc'iilt  to  mipiinni'  Ihi-  oxifitriicr  ul'lhi!  unu  without  the  nlhlT. 
Thi'  HliilcH  liavi!  ilfli'mitcil  ihrtr  wlioh;  authority  over  import-i 
to  III!'  (ii-i(iTa!  <fovorntiiotit,  irlthoul  timilitlion  orrfitrictloii, 
navinil  tiie  vrry  liicoiiriiiti'mlilo  rcHrrvalioii  rrhitive  to  the 
iti-|ii^'ti[iii  InW').  Tlii.-i  aiitliiifity  liiiviiiK  tlMiHi.'iitiriily  piifKnl 
tViiiii  till)  i^ttltuH,  till!  xl^ht  to  exfrcinc  it  liir  thii  piir|>or:e  of 
nn'H.''-tiiin  (Io«:»  not  exi.-t  in  tlii-ni ;  anil,  iMinKi'inii'iitly,  if  it 
Ur  not  po^Hcs.ii'it  hy  iUc  Grni'rnl  (>ovi-r[iniriit,it  must  tin  rx- 
titici.  t>nr  polltlnil  sytiii-in  would  ttnis  pri-.«rnt  the  aiimnaly 
iil'apf'oplustrippi-il  of  tln-ir  riitlit  to  priiln-t  ihuir  own  inilim- 
try,  amllociiHiiturat'tllu'  most  si'Ui.sli  iinil  ili-.-tructivr  policy 
which  iiiidht  be  nilojitcii  tty  Inrcliili  nalioii!i.  Tliln  surely  ran - 
not  III'  tin:  cn.-i'.  This  inili^iionsalili'  power,  tliiis  siirri'iiiliTcil 
liv  thn  titaten,  niust  lie  within  the  ncopii  of  tliu  nuthoiity,  on 
tin:  hulijcct,  expr(iti.<ly  (leietflitcil  to  t;oni;ri>iiH.  In  tliiH  con- 
L-iikion  1  mil  ron/OTFiciliiH  wrll  hy  till'  opinions  of  rrisiili-nui 
tVii^liinutnn,  Ji'"lfcr(*nn,  Mailifiin,  niiil  Monroo,  who  Imve 
carh  ri'p.'ntedly  ri'i-nninienilcil  tin*  cvorrisn  of  this  riaht 
iiiidcr  till)  Uon>tituUon,  an  by  the  umform  jn-itdkc  of  (Joii- 
(.Trsn,  till!  contiinted  nnpiicsiciifc  of  tliu  Blute.-i,  unit  Uiu  i^en- 
cr>j/  itwlrrstiin^linii  oj'thcj.coiilc.^* 

At  W««liiiii5ti)ii  city,  in  1824,  General  Jackson 
wrote  i\e  follows: 

'■  lli-nvon  sniili'd  upon  and  gavii  u-i  liherty  and  indi'pcnd- 
iMii'c.  Tliilt  »aiiii>  I'roviileiici-  llati  lili'sscil  ii'  with  tlli>  nicaiiH 
i>f  natinnal  iiiilfp"n<li  tire  niiil  natioi  al  dcit'iicc.  If  wc  ninit 
i.r  r 'lii.-r  to  it-i!  till!  ^i:t-(wliicli  III'  hiisixti'iidi'd  tou".  wi-do- 
MTVi>  not  the  t-oiiiinuaiii-eof  lii.i  bli>n.on)(.  lie  has  llllcd  our 
iiiiiuiitaiiiH  nnd  our  plains  with  iiiiiicriili*— witli  U>ail,  iron, 
aihl  riijipi  r — and  jjivcn  ii.s  a  cliinalc  iiiul  soil  for  tin'  yrowiiij* 
ollii'iii|i  mid  wool.  TlM'si!  Iii-Jng  the  great  inaterial-i  of  our 
iiatioiml  defniet',  tiley  ou<;ht  to  litivii  extended  to  tlnnii  tvle- 
yiM/c  uwt  fiiir  j*ro(fc/ioii,  Uiat  our  niaiint'iictnri'rs  luiil  labor- 
I'l's  limy  be  pla  ed  ill  a  liiir  i;ouiprtitioii  with  those  ofEurope, 
iiiiil  iliat  Wii  to  ly  liav.i  within  our  country  n  supply  of  those 
I  ailing  and  important  articles  fo  essential  In  war."  '•  H  Iw, 
tin-refore,  my  opinion,  that  a  rurefttl  loirf  a  jiitHciotta  titriJj'iA 
wiinii'il  I'l  ii.:y  our  mUijiml  tltli^  and  to  alfunl  Ui  the  iiieuns 
o.  (ii:it  del'eiK'c  williin  iinrselves  on  wlliell  tile  safety  of  our 
e'iiiiitr>  depends  ;  and  last,  llioii[,'ii  iinl  least,  togive  a  proper 
lU'triliution  to  our  laliors,  wllicll  must  prove  iieiietieial  to 

tiieliappincss,  indipuiidt.'nee,and  wealth  ot'tlie  c niunity. 

"A,\Ulii;VV  JACKSON." 

A  coinmillee  of  tlie  Demnernlic  party  of  the 
Sinte  of  Indiniiii,  in  lH3fi,  uddressed  to  Mr.  Van 
Hiiien  nnd  otlier.s  rertiiiii  interrnijntories,  nnd 
nmonp;  them  the  following:  "Are  yon  in  favor  of, 
iir  opiiosod  to,  the  protective  turill'r"  And  Mr. 
Vol!  iJuren  un.swers: 

o  My  views  in  r.dalion  to  tlle  proteclife  ^•tem  were  called 
for  by  the  Slioi  v  i  ?*priims  ineetiiiifin  IKi'J,aliilfreely^iveii. 
A  iNinvii'tiiin  that  the  esiahlishlni-iit  of  euiniiiurciiil  re^ulu- 
tiiins.  Willi  a  view  lo  lA;'  eii((0(riii:t7ii(»»i/  of  ifotnc^tir  iiitctc^t'<, 
IV  irttMn  the  cointiittti-iwJ  yourr  of  <A>iiprcvs.  was  on  that 
oeen-ioli  distiiietiv  avowed.  Hut  lloldtnu  this  npinioii,  /  iit 
t'iC  ,*;(iiie  lime  itvnic'l  llicprojirictij  of  ixcnisin^  Ihis  p  'U-cr  in 
(I  Kiiiiiiur  c^.L-iil.!lcil  lo  oitj.ri'ss  loiy  iiortiiii  oj  my  JcUoit^citi- 
-ens,  or  to  nitr  ijiff  the  iitlirc^t  of  one  scclion  f.fttte  U)iion  at 
thv  erpntsc  of  another.  I,  on  tlle  eontlary,  allinned  it  to  be 
the  diitv  of  those  who  are  intrusted  with  the  adininistralioii 
otilie  Feileral  t;overiimeiit.  to  direct  its  operations  in  the 
manner  best  caleiilat'il  to  ilistrilillle  as  cijitnllntts  potfiblp,  its 
burileiH  and  lilessiiiL's  aniotlit  the  several  Htales  and  the 
)i  iiple  thereof.     In  addition  to  the  ileelarationot' these  p-ii- 

eral  views,  I  su({i;ested  more  s[ ilic  rules  for  the  iielioii  of 

till!  (joverninent  in  this  pavtieular,  by  the  oliservanee  of 
wlliell  I  believe  those  views  would  be  most  likely  to  be'  Car- 
ried into  fair  ell'eet. 

o  More  than  ten  years  have  elapsed  sinen  that  eoniiniini- 
c'ttioii  was  inaile  ;  and  diiriiif!  that  entire  period  the  (leople 
o;  till'  I'liite'il  Stales  have  p:iiil  larue  aniiiunts  ol' duties, 
nviiw  'lily  imposed  I'm  ttie  enciiura'^emeiu  and  proteetion  of 
doiii  -stie  mamifaetures,  with  trradiial  reilneiions  aeeoriliiii! 
to  till'  provisinns  ot  the  tloinpromise  aet  of  1KI:I,  'I'lie  nil- 
biased  sentiinenl  of  the  country  in  respect  to  wlialis,  iiniler 
siieli  eiremiistanees,  the  proper  rule  tor  leyi^lative  netinii 
li|iiin  this  subject,  lias.  I  tliiiik,  liy  the  course  of  events  and 
til  ■  progress  of  opinion,  been  liroiii>lit  to  the  eniicliisinn 
lull  tlv  expressed  III  one  of  ttie  resnlutions  of  your  conven- 
V.  iitioii.  \i/:  '.'\  diseriininatint:  taritf  liir  re\eiiiie  purposes 
oiilv,  and  wlliell  will  ineldeiitally  protect  Jlmerieuu  in- 
rfiiv/ii,.' 

^<()f  the  eon^lilnlionttt pon'cr  to  mnl.ettisrfiinin(ttioiis,  I liitvr 
noiioiil.  Kipiidly  clear  it  is  that  the  praetice  ni'  iir-kinu 
lliein  la- existed  from  the  comuieneeinent  of  the  (Jot  'rn- 

1 t,  Miiil  enuslitnles  a  feature  in  e\->  rv  [irincipnt  tarili'btll 

wlliell  1-  t.i  be  liiund  on  iiiir  statute  iMoks." 

With  till'  li:5lit  of  their  experience  before  us,  we 
fIiouUI  pause  nnd  rellect  before  we  Hhmild  wholly 
nlmndon  their   policy.      I   would   not   reject   the  j 
reiiKiiiiin:;  of  eminent  stnle.snien  of  the  present  diiy  i 
who  may  ndvocate  opposite  opitiioiis  from  those  ! 
I    have  (itioled;  but,  yielding  to  each  nn  appro- 
priate inlliicncc,  n  settled  policy  could  be  adopted,  ; 
nviiidii'u;  the  extreme  of  hiL'h  proteetion  on  the  one 
li;ind,  null  no  proteclion  on  the  other,  which  should 
nt  oiiee  foster  the  ciinimetcial,  the  nianufucturing,  ! 
nnd  the  fiirminK  interests  of  the  country.        _         j 

I  i\tn  in  frtvor  of  n  modification  of  the  tnrilT  of 
tHi'i,  yet  I  do  not  like  the  bill  now  now  under  i 


discussion.  In  n  portion  of  the  district  I  represont, 
there  is  invested  in  the  mnnnfncturcof  iron  several 
millions  of  dollars,  and  it  is  due  to  those  who  are 
in  their  employ,  that  I  should  show  a  due  regard 
for  their  interest,  iinil  not  sanction,  by  my  vote,  a 
measure  which  will,  as  I  believe,  seriously  injure, 
if  not  destroy,  those  enirnged  in  its  manufticture. 
In  the  bill  now  under  coiisidcrntion,  iron  is  sub- 
ject to  a  duly  of  30  per  cent,  nil  ralorem;  but  ac- 
cording to  the  language  of  the  Union  of  .lune  24, 
lS4fi,  tlioui^h  the  larilf  on  iron  is  nominidly  30  per 
rent.,  still  in  clfect  it  is  nearly  equivalent  to  the 
20  per  cent,  ad  valorem  on  the  home  market  price 
under  the  Compromise  net  of  1833.  The  article  to 
which  1  refer  is  as  follows; 

0  As  to  tnoN,  the  duty  iiropnspd  by  Mr.  Walker  is  not 
llijlli.  It  is  .'ID  i»er  cent,  ad  vatorein  on  the  forcitin  mnrlict 
viilne,  whicli  is  nearly  eitnivalent  to  the  20  iier  cent,  ad  va- 
lorem on  Ibelinine  market  price  under  tlle  Conipronilsu  aet 
ofMareli,  lK't:i.  The  duty  is  rediieed  nearly  one- half,  and 
is  not  proposed  for  '  the  benefit  of  the  iron  mmfers,'  but  for 
necessary  revenue  to  support  the  Government,  end  Is  Iidow 
that  lowest  rate  wliiidi  would  produce  tlie  liirgesi  ainount 
of  revenue,  as  a  reference  to  the  tables  and  estinmtes  clear- 
ly deinnnstrtile.  Every  duty  proposed  in  Mr.  Walker's  bill 
was  a  Ktriellif  revenue  duty,  because  It  never  exceeded,  on 
any  ftrtiele,  that  lowest  riite  of  duty  which  would  produce 
tlle  largest  amount  of  revenue." 

1  am  assured  by  gentlemen  of  both  political  par- 
ties, that  the  reduction  of  duties  on  iron  as  pro- 
posetl  by  the  present  bill  will  destroy  that  impor- 
tant interest,  nnd  cause  iM.ilerinI  rediirlion  in  the 
price  of  libor.  I  know  that  sonie  gentlenien  will 
not  believe  this,  but,  on  the  contrary,  are  under 
the  impression  that  large  profits  are  realized  by  the 
proprietors  of  idl  iron  e.stalilishmenls.  1  have  no 
doubt  many  do  make  ton  large  profits  on  the  capi- 
tal invested;  and  yet,  without  authentic  tulvice 
upon  the  subject,  my  Democratic  fiiends  may  do 
great  injustice  in  their  elforls  to  advance  the  inter- 
est of  the  country.  Many  false  stntemenis  have 
been  made,  one  of  which  I  am  aware  of.  1  read 
in  the  "Union"  a  statement  asserting  that  large 
dividends  were  made  by  a  certain  luanufacturiiig 
establishment  in  Maryland,  the  "  Mount  Savage 
CoiTipany;"  but  I  know,  personally,  that  such  an 
ns.scrtion  is  uiitrui^  So  far  IVom  the  Mount  Sav- 
age Company  reaUzinn  large  profits  in  their  busi- 
ness, not  one  dollar  has  yet  ueen  made  by  those 
who  have  invcstetl  their  rapilal  in  that  enterprise, 
fiislead  of  fnllilling  the  exfiecliilions  of  tho.se  large- 
ly interested  in  the  work,  by  declaring  heavy  divi- 
(lends  to  compensate  them  for  their  investments, 
the  company  is  deeply  involved,  and  judginents 
have  been  obtained  by  its  creditors  to  secure  their 
debts  by  a  lien  upon  its  property.  I  am  in  a  siui- 
ation  to  know  that  .such  is  the  case,  and  yet  1  have 
no  doubt  many  such  nssertions  have  been  made  to 
magnify  the  profits  of  manut'nciuring  establish- 
meiils.  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  such  is  not 
true  in  regard  to  the  company  to  which  I  have 
alluded.  If  the  duty  on  iron  is  tn  be  merely  equal 
to  20  per  cent,  on  the  home  inarkct  value  under 
the  Compromise  act  of  1833,  as  is  asserted  by  the 
Union,  is  it  not  our  duty  to  examine  the  efl'ects  of 
Ihat  act,  and  be  admonished  by  its  con.sequences.> 
Does  not  wisdom  suggest  to  us  the  propriety  of 
judging  "  the  future  by  the  past,"  and  profiling  by 
the  exjierience  of  our  former  legislation,  and  avoid 
the  causes  whicli  have  been  subversive  of  the  best 
interests  of  the  nation.^  It  is  urged  that  we  now 
close  our  eyes  to  the  disastrous  consequences  which 
resulted  from  the  act  of  1S,')3:  that  the  Government 
was  reduced  to  the  humiliating  condition  of  a  men- 
dicant in  the  market,  soliciting  means  to  ciu'ry  on 
the  ordinary  afliiirs  of  the  country;  thiit  agents 
were  appointed  to  negotiate  n  loan  in  Europe,  nnd 
indeed  that  so  severe  a  blow  had  public  credit  sus- 
taineil,  that  to  avoid  bankruptcy,  we  were  driven 
to  the  dreadful  necessity  of  making  disgraceful 
sacrifices;  and  that  the  credit  of  Government  in- 
stead of  standing  upon  elevated  ground,  was  then 
at  a  ruinous  depreciation.  If  such  were  the  cnn- 
sequene'-s  that  resulted frotn  the  act  of  Irtt3,  (which 
I  leave  t  House  to  deride,)  is  it  asking  too  much 
of  this  Hojsc  so  to  amend  this  bill  as  to  guard  us 
from  evils  which  have  happened  from  legislation 
of  a  similar  character,  and  relieve  the  community 
from  the  anxiety  which  the  knowledge  of  such  a 
fact  would  be  calculated  to  excite.' 

If  those  who  depended  upon  the  manufacture  of 
iron  at  that  day  for  a  support  were  subjected  to 
want  and  deprived  of  employment,  as  fias  been 
with  much  earnestness  alleged,  does  it  require  n 


prophet  to  predict  that  such  will  again  be  the  con- 
sequence, unless  the  bill  now  under  discussion  bo 
i".aterially  amended  as  to  the  duty  upon  that  arti- 
cle .' 

For  the  purpose  of  showing  the  effect  of  the  ex- 
isting tariff,  and  the  probable  effect  of  the  proposed 
one,  I  read  nn  extract  frotn  a  lable,  made  at  the 
Treasury  Department,  exhibiting  ihe  rate  of  duties 
imposed  upon  the  principal  articles  of  iron  under 
the  law  of  1842: 

S'nme  of  itrtirlc,  Speeijle,  JItl  valorem. 

Irnn,.iii  bars  or  bolts,  wholly 

or  ill  partiuanufaeiiinMlby 

rolliiiK §o.',  per  ton,e(|iinl  to  7"  per  rent. 

Itailroud  Iron ;?,'i     "  »     77      »' 

I'iBlroi U      "  "     7-2      " 

Itiiuiid  or  sipiiire  iron,  ,ir  brn- 

r.iers'rods,of:i-l6  lo  III  IB 

of  an  iiii'li  ilinineter,  two 

nndahnlfcentsper  pound.  85      " 

\ail  nnd  spike  rods,  two  and 

n  half  cents  per  pound...  5T      " 

The  average  ad  valorem  duty  on  these  five  dif- 
ferent kinds  of  iron  is  73  per  cent.     Other  arlieles 
of  iron  vary  from  these  in  amount  of  duty — some 
being  higher  and  some  lower.     In  the  liill  now 
nniler  discussion,  the  duty  jircgrribed  on  all  iron 
imported  is  reduced  to  the  horizontal  :irate  of  21) 
percent.     When  it  is  considered  that,  tinder  the 
present  high  rate  of  duties,  the  amount  of  iron  im- 
ported  is  quite   large,   what,  I  a.sk,  will   lie  the 
amount  when,  upon  the  above  duties,  it  shall  lie 
reduced  tVotn   nu  average  duty  of  73  to  30  per 
cent.?     Is  the  iron   interest  prepared  for  siirli  n 
.  sudden  and  unexpected  change.'   Will  the  inlerest 
of  the  community  at  large,  connected  as  it  is  with 
'  this  im|iortant  branch  of  business,  be  promoted  by 
1  so  sudden  a  trnnsiiion  from  the  extreme  of  proiec- 
j  tion  into  the  arms  of  free  trade.'    Will  the  prns- 
i  perity  of  the  country  nt  large  be  promoted  by  the 
'  absolute  abandonment  of  the  old  democratic  and 
I  common-sense  doctrine  of  n  revrnue  larill',  with  a 
moderaie  di.scriminnlion  in  favor  of  domestic  in- 
!  diislry,  and    the  niloption   of  a  tnrilF  which  sub- 
stantially rejects  nil  (liscriminalinn  for  protection  .' 
Let  the  unerring  test  of  sober  experience  answer. 
I  have  another  and  a  more  controlling  rea.soii 
why   I  cannot  approve  the  bill   reported   by  the 
chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  anil  Means — 
a  reason  that,  perhaps,  would   iniluence  but  few 
upon  this  floor.    There  are  but  four  or  five  gen- 
tlemen in  this  Hotisc  who  feel   theinselves  pecu- 
liarly itilerestcd  in  the  coal  trade,  and   fur  that 
reason   the  great  liody  of  the  members  may  not 
appreciate   my  situation   upon   that  subject.     So 
much  is  to  be  hazarded  by  the  passage  of  the  bill 
in  its  present  shape,  that  I  trust  members,  when 
they  lenrn  its  ellect  as  to  that  Irade,  will  pause 
ere  they  lend  their  aid  to  the  sacrifice.     In  one  of 
the  counties  of  my  district,  s.n-eral  millions  of  dol- 
lars are  itivesled  In  the  business,  nnd  I  feel  ns  if  I 
sliould  be  grossly  derelict  in  the  discharge  of  my 
duty  did  1  not  express  the  fenr.^  I  indulge  as  to  the 
etlect  of  the  passage  of  the  present  bill  upon  that 
peculiar  branch  of  business.     The  duty  under  the 
bill  is  so  nuich  reduced  as  to  leove  us  .subject  to  an 
importation  of  coal  from  abroad,  that  must  operate 
to  a  total  destruction  of  the  domestic  traile. 
1  The  Glasgow  coal,  on  board  of  ves.scls,  is  esli- 
'      mated  toheworth,perton, from    #1  17  to  jjl  33 
Freight  for  trensporlation,  fiom. .      1  55  to     177 
Tlie  duty  of  30  per  cent,   under 

thejproposcd  bill  will  average. .         ,37  .37 

#3  O'J        $3  47 


But  in  order  to  avoid  any  error  in 
calculation,  suppose  we  add  to 
each  ton,  for  contingencies. . . . 


50 


50 


S3  .50       «,:(  97 


By  this  it  willl  be  seen  that  the  average  of  the 
coal  to  the  foreign  importer  in  our  market  will  be 
about  $3  78  per  ton.  By  reference  to  the  report 
of  the  committee  appointed  by  the  Iron  nnd  Coal 
As.socialion  of  Pennsylvania,  "  we  are  advised 
'  that  the  Nova  Scotia  and  New  Brunswick  coal 
'  fields,  unlike  ours,  are  accessible  by  woter,  and 
'  the  coal  of  which  may  be  transported  at  n  small 
'  cost  to  every  part  of  our  Atlantic  coast.  Our  coal 
'  fi(  Ids,  although  unsurpassed  in  richness  and  ex- 
'  tent,  are  in  the  interior  of  the  country;  and  al- 
'  though  capital  and  enterprise  have  furnished  ua, 
<  as  we  have  said,  every  tbcility  uf  transportatiuii 


I.   ! 

II 

,  -■ 

t*'^ 

^'1 

*i 

M 

i^V^'''! 


1973 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  1, 


1846.1 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Perry. 


Ho.  OF  Rrps. 


'  to  bring  these  vnat  nnd  inexliniistible  resources 
'  to  our  Atlnnlif.  border,  yet  the  trnnsporlntion 
'  bIoiic  isequil  to  the  cost  of  A'urn  Scolia  con/,  (81  50 
'  i>tr  ton,)  delivcreil  into  the  vessel,  to  wliich,  if  the 
•  duties  of  thirty  per  cent,  be  added,  we  lutve  $1  95 
'as  the  cost." 

Wo  nre  further  informed  by  thecentlcmnn  from 
Pennsylvania,  [Mr.  Ramsav,)  who  represents  a 
section  of  his  State  that  is  deeply  interested  in  llie 
roi\l  trade,  nnd  who  has  doubtless  furnished  him- 
self with  much  valuable  information  on  this  sub- 
ject, "that  ill  Nova  Scotia  coal  is  found  in  four 
'  independent  coal  fu'lds,  viz:  1st.  The  Pictou,onc 
'  hundred  square  miles,  eiiihtcen  veins,  the  first 
'  thirty-seven  feet  thick.  2tl.  Cumberland,  eiiflit 
'  veins.  .SJ.  Sydney,  one  hundred  and  twenty 
'  square  miles,  fourteen  veins,  none  under  three 
'feel,  and  most  eleven  feet  thick;  Spanish  river, 
'  fifteen  veins,  four  workable,  six  feet  veins.  4th. 
'  Albion  vein  of  coal,  fifty  feet  thick.  The  Albion 
'  mines  are  accessilde  by  water,  have  one  of  the 
'  best  harbors  in  the  world,  and  are  not  surpassed 
'  either  in  the  facility  of  entrance,  good  anchorage, 
'  or  eencrnl  safely,  by  Halifax. 

"  The  passage  from  these  mines  lo  Boston  is 
'  made  in  from  three  to  six  days,  nnd  to  New 
'  York  from  four  to  eight  days;  freight  is  seldom 
'  more  from  there  than  it  is  from  Philadelphia  to 
'  either  of  these  ports,  and  the  coal  can  be  put  on 
'  board  vesseU  for  $1  HO  per  Ion,  or  from  <tl  50  to 
'  fii  less  than  it  can  be  put  on  board  at  Philadel- 
'  pliia;  and  the  freisht  thence  to  either  Boston  or 
'  New  York,  varies  from  SI  50  to  i^Q  per  ton." 

Bv  reference  to  the  statement  of  imports  in 
1844-'45,  we  further  find,  that  there  was  brought 
into  our  ports  from  foreign  countries  two  millions 
four  hundred  and  one  thousand  five  hundred  and 
twenty-eight  bushels  of  coal,  (lieing  85,776  tons.) 
This  I'mportation  was  made  subject  to  the  duty  im- 
posed under  the  act  of  1842,  and  as  so  large  an 
amount  was  brought  into  our  market  when  the 
importer  was  compelled  to  pay  $1  75  per  ton, 
what  amount  can  and  will  be 'brought  into  this 
country  under  the  present  bill,  which  makes  the 
reduction  from  91  75  lo  30  or  ,^0  cents  per  ton — 
two-thirds  less  than  the  act  of  1842?  All,  I  am 
sure,  call  eaiiniate  the  result — all  can  see  the  dis- 
astrous effect  of  such  a  reduction  upon  the  coal  in- 
terest of  my  State — the  ruinous  effects  upon  o  re- 
gion where  nature  has  been  prodiiral  of  her  bountv 
— where  every  mountain  abounds  with  veins  (if 
conl  nnd  iron  unsurpassed  in  richness  and  extent. 

The  coal  of  my  district  is  far  in  the  interior,  and 
already  many  of  my  constituents,  with  n  laudal)le 
spirit  and  enterprise,  have  provided  facilities  for 
its  transportation  to  the  Atlantic  market;  and  the 
lowest  estimate  I  have  ever  known  made,  at  which 
the  coal  can  be  sold  in  New  York,  averages  from 
$4  67  to  Ju">  a  ton.  This  calculation  is  based  on 
the  anticipated  cost  of  transportation  by  loe  Ches- 
apeake and  Ohio  Canal,  which  is  yet  unfinished. 
This  may  be  a  low  estimate-  certainly  the  cost  of 
transportation  may  be  higher,  and  cannot  be  less. 
But  if  we  adopt  the  cost  of  transportation  and 
other  items  of  expense  by  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railroad,  we  will  find  that  the  coal  taken  by  that 
route  largely  exceeds  that  estimated  by  the  canal. 
I  have  oliiained  from  a  gentleman  who  has  been 
furni.shins  coal  to  purchasers  in  New  York,  a 
statement  of  its  cost  delivered  in  that  place,  which 
is  as  follows: 
The  coal  in  the  mine  is  worth,  per  ton       28  cents. 

Minini  and  loading  car 40     " 

Freieht  to  Cumberland 44     " 

Freight  from  Cumberland  to  Baltimore  ^3  00 
Transportatirm  from    cars   to    vessel, 

and  other  e.vnenscs  in  Baltimore.. .       35     " 
Freight  from  Baltimore  to  New  York    1  75 

Thus  proving  the  price  which  the  coal  dealer  of 
mv  district  must  obtain  in  the  market,  or  other- 
wise all  efforts  to  make  the  business  profitable  will 
prove  fruitless. 

If,  as  I  have  before  shown.  Nova  Scotia  coal  is 
estimated  at  <tl  50  per  ton,  and  when  the  duty  is 
added,  according  to  the  rules  of  the  present  bill, 
will  increase  the  price  to  only  Jl  '.t5  in  the  foreign 
market;  and  considering  the  cheapness  of  sea 
transportation,  nnd  that  we  cannot  transport  by 
the  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal  to  the  tide-water, 
and  from  thence  to  New  York.ut  a  price  less  than 


{  :$4  67  to  )^5,  can  it  then  be  doubted  that  the  pres- 
ent bill  will  not  only  endansrer,  but  will  work  the 

:  total  destruction  of  the  coal    trade  of  Maryland? 

I  Sir,  Aiarylniid  has  too  large  an  interest  in  this  min- 
eral, and  particularly  the  district  I  rcjiresent,  to 
submit  to  such  a  sacrifice. 

I      There  nre  other  reasons  why  Congress  should 
not  pass  a  bill  having  so  injurious  an  operation  on 
the  great  coal  inlerist  of  Maryland.     In  1824  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  subscribed  one 
million  of  dollars  towards  completing  the  Chesa-  ' 
peake  and  Ohio  Canal.     Maryland  subscribed  a 
like  sum,  and  Virginia  half  a  million.     During  the 
presidential  term  of  the  venerable  gentleman  from  ' 
Massachusells,  [.Mr.  Ad*ms,]  that  great  work  was 
commenced;  but  owing  lo  the  miscalculations, nnd 
the  manner  in  which  it  was  conducted,  it  was  soon  , 
ascertained  that  the  money  subscribed  would  fall 

i  far  short  of  what  was  hoped  nnd  believed  to  be 
requisite  for  its  completion.  The  canal  fund  thus 
subscribed  by  Maryland  was  exhausted,  nnd  both 
the  Government  and  State  of  Virsinia  preferred 
sacrificing  what  they  had  already  advanced,  than 
to  involve  themselves  more  deeply;  the  work  was 
likely  to  be  abandoned;  but  at  this  crisis  the  State 
of  Maryland  patriotically  subscribed  two  millions 
more,  and  at  subsequent  periods  continued  to  ex- 
tend her  i.id,  until  at  length  her  debt  on  account  of 
this  work  amounted  to  over  seven  millions  of  dol- 
lars. Now,  if  the  coal  trade,  which  is  the  great 
hope  of  future  State  revenue,  be  cut  off,  how  can 
Maryland  ever  be  relieved  from  debt?  Is  there 
any  mode  known  to  her  citizens  by  which  her 
taxes  could  be  lessened  ?  Can  any  one  devise  a 
scheme  of  relief  other  than  the  revenue  from  this 

I  work?     I  assure  gentlemen  that  the  citizens  of  my 

}  State  are  tired  of  the  demands  of  the  tax-gatherer, 
who  absorb  the  hard  earnings  of  their  honest  in- 
dustry. Let  us  not,  then,  by  our  enactments, 
deprive  them  of  their  only  hope  of  relief,  by  de- 
stroying the  anticipated  revenue  from  their  grfol 
Stale  irorfc,  the  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal. 

I  ask  gentlemen  to  say,  whether  it  is  fair  now  to 
legislate  to  the  injury  of  Maryland  in  matters  re- 
lating to  the  Chesapeake  nnd  pi.io  Canal  ?  The 
Government  of  the  United  States  by  her  subscrip- 
tion no  doubt  stimulated  the  State  to  embark  more 

j  laraely  in  that  work  than  her  means  would  justify. 

I  And  now,  when  he,  people  arc  taxed  to  pay  the 
debt  which  the  Government  in  part  induced  by 
uniting  in  the  project,  would  not  common  honesty  | 
demand  some  iiesitation  before  this  great  work  was 
sacrificed?     Maryland  is  already  taxed  most  op- 

i  pijssively,  but  her  people  will  struggle  and  pay 
her  honest  obligation.  Let  us  not,  then,  by  ruin- 
,  ous  legislation,  add  to  the  ditficullies  with  which 
she  is  already  surrounded.  The  determination 
which  has  been  manifested  by  her  citizens  to  ex- 
tricate her  from  debt  is  worthy  of  all  praise;  she 
deserves  aid,  and  her  manly  exertions  well  merit 
the  fostering  care  of  Government. 

In  addition  to  the  indebtedness  of  my  State, 
caused  by  her  endeavors  to  complete  the  Chesa- 
peake and  Ohio  canal,  that  company  is  greatly 
indebted  to  a  large  portion  of  my  constituents. 
;  Not  only  the  merchant  and  the  contractor  hold 
their  obligations,  but  the  laboring  man  also,  whose 
only  resource  is  the  reward  of  honest  labor,  and 
many  of  whom  now  hold  evidence  of  debt  of  that 
company  in  their  hands,  much  depreciated  in  value, 
expecting   to   be   compensated    oy   its    revenues. 
'   The  liability  of  lliis  company  in  the  form  of  ac- 
ceptances, and  what  is  commonly  called  "  scrip," 
is  estimated  to  exceed  a  half  million  of  dollars; 
and  the  only  reasonable  hope  in  which  they  can 
[i  ever  indulge  of  being  paid,  is  by  the  coal  trade  of 
I  this  canal.     Without  that  trade,  all  expectation  of 
'!  relief  will  be  forever  cut  off.  and  they  must  nban- 
:  don  as  lost  their  hard-eariud   claims.     The  canal 
,  company  is  now  in  a  condition  wliich  forbids  their 
',\  paying  anything  to  their  creditors,  and  Feeing  that 
I  so  much  is  at  slake  wiih  a  large  and  meritorious 
piution  of  my  cnnstiiuenis,  am  I  asking  too  much 
of  the  memliers  of  this  Hou.ie  when  I  desire  them 
to  unile  with  nie  in  increasing  the  duly  on  coal, 

■  and  not  leave  the  laborer,  contractor,  nnd  mer- 
chant, without  prospect  of  imyincnt  at  some  distant 

!  day. 

1      1  trust  that  1  have  already  satisfactorily  shown 

■  why  I  should  not  vote  for  the  bill;  and  yet,  though 
I  have  alluded  to  reasons  that  may  lie  considered 

II  oa  rather  local,  I  cannot  forbear  adverting  to  the 


j  act  passed  by  the  Legislature  of  Maryland,  in  ihn 

I  year  1845,  by  which  the  State  relinquislird  her 
liens  upon  the  revenues  of  the  canal,  which  the 

I  company  had  secured  to  the  Slate  on  account  of 
jirevioiis  appropriations   to  complele    the   work. 

,  riie  object  of  the  relinquishment  wns  to  enable  the 

I  company  lo  borrow  money  lo  finish  ihe  caiinl  to 

i  the   coal  fields  of  the  western  part  of  the  Sinle. 

I  Within  the  last  year,  eflorls  have  been  made  i.i 
raise  ftinds  upon  bonds  pledging  the  tolls  of  the 

I  canal  for  the  payment  of  the  ainouiu  loaned,  ami 
I  fear  nothing  can  be  done  towards  ihat  object  if 
this  bill   becomes  a  law,  as  capitalists,  who  ain 

;  always  watchful  of  their  interest,  if  they  see  a  blow 
aimed  at  the  coal  trade,  the  great  source  of  ex- 
pected profits  upon  Ihe  work,  will  withhold  the  aid 
which  my  constituents  have  been  anxiously  look- 
ing for. 

If  my  judgment  is  not  greatly  nt  fault,  I  can  see 
nothing  in  this  pi. ijcct  but  forebodings  of  evil  to 
the  coal  interest  "f  my  district,  and  consequently 

'  to  the  prosperity  of  that  canal.  I  cannot  ace  llnit 
this  was  one  of  the  questions  settled  at  the  ballot- 
box;  that  the  i.isue  was  fairly  made  and  decided 
that  I  should  vote  for  this  bill,  without  reference 
to  those  important  interests  which,  in  my  disirict, 
would  seriously  suffer  by  its  provisions.  I  hope, 
if  Ihe  bill  should  become  a  law,  I  may  be  in  error; 
that  the  fears  I  entertain  may  not  be  realized,  and 
that  every  good  expected  and  hoped  for  by  iis  most 

I  sanguine  supporters  may  take  place;  but  believing 
Ihat  this  bill  will  prostinte  the  long-cherished  wishes 
of  a  large  portion  of  the  people  of  Maryland,  1 
should  be  recreant  lo  every  feeling  of  gratitude, 
and  unworthy  of  a  scat  on  this  floor,  if  1  were  not 
willing  to  risk  the  comments  of  such  as  may  mis- 
take my  motives,  and  fearlessly  submit  the  rea- 
sons which  influence  my  vole  to  the  cool  and  un- 

'  biassed  judgment  of  this  House  and  my  constit- 
uents. 

It  may  be  asked  how  I  intend  to  vote;  my  an- 
swer is,  that  rather  than  have  no  compromise  at 
all,  I  am  prepared  to  vote  for  the  bill  of  the  gen- 
tleman from  New  York,  [Mr.  Hi'mgerforu,] 
when  amended,  as  I  believe  it  will  be.  A  very 
distinguished  leader  of  the  Democratic  party  in  the 
North,  (Mr.  Wright,)  made  a  speech  during  the 

;  presidential  canvass;  I  will  take  the  liberty  to  read 

'  an  extract: 

,      "Tlierc  is  a  dei»cri(ition   invoiced  nhrond  as  cnglisR  ni.i 

'  innrcltmn  p^cven  CGMt«  wliich  pn.VHsdijty  of  flvucent<  on  Itie 
dollar  ill  value,  n  |>rnctical  duly  ot' three  iiiilldon  ttie  pound  ot' 
wnul.  It  is  i4nid  llii0  wool  don't  cnnie  in  coni[ieUtioii  wilti 
nurd.  We  f^rnw  no  woni  worth  Kf^ven  cents  it  in  truo  ;  Inn 
our  fiuini'r<>  do  rni-^e  wool  Ulflt  will  nnswer  tlie  very  sanie 
piirpoRc  that  this  docs  to  every  prticiical  extent.  U'ltli  aiy 
own  eyes,  on  my  journey  I'rniii  \Vasliinglon  in  lite  nionlh  nl' 
June,  1  saw  in  Venrionld  iiininifiiclory.  >iirrniind''(l  liy  \^'nol- 
growcrs,ein ployed  biiRily  and  exohiKively  in  wnrking  ihe  wool 
orHinyrna,  which  paid  live  ccnIRdnty  on  the  doll.ir,  or  three 
mil|.(  on  tlie  pniind.  Arinther  Ihelory  across  the  sireet  wns 
woikilis  Ainericun  wmil.  Bntli  make  the  sann'  giKids— snl- 
incl!'— fur  the  New  York  inarkel.  How  stooii  IhcHe  inaMinan 
tnreawithiercrencetoprnteclioii?  Precisely  alike.  The  cloth 
nride  by  eadi  is  proteclfd  liy  a  duly  of  forty  cents  on  Ihe 
dollar.  Dut  tlie  wool  nmnuraclured  hv  one  is  protcclcd  hy  n 
duly  of  forty  cents  on  Itic  dollar,  and  by  the  nlhcr  with  live 
cents  on  the  dollar.  Is  Ihe  'jroleclicin  ei|iial  here?  |i  is  a 
priiteclinn  to  the  nianuractnrer — equal  in  Iioth  cases.  Hut 
if  Ihe  coar.'e  wool  was  ctiarged  with  as  much  duty  as  the 
nrte.  would  I  liave  I'cuimt  one  factory  work ini;  tlie  wool  of 
Smyrna?  \o.  It  is  ri;>ht  lo  protect  ihe  iiiaiintiieturer;  ills 
riiiht  10  protect  the  fanner  also,  niiil  to  the  ^allll>  e'xtent. 
This  is  one  defect.    Tliere  are  a  vast  many  others." 

There  is  one  feature  in  Mr.  Hungerford's  bill 
with  which  1  am  pleased;  his  bill  looks  more  to  the 
interest  of  the  farmer.  His  bill,  with  slighl  amend- 
ments, will  carry  out  the  principles  advocated  by 
the  Democratic  party  and  Mr.  Wright,  so  far  n's 
relates  to  them.  They  are  a  class  of  our  citizens 
upon  whom  the  prosperity  of  the  couniry  mainly 
depends,  and  should  receive  every  aid  which  a  dis- 
creet exercise  of  our  legislative  powei  s  will  permit 

I  have  no  desire  that  the  tariff  of  1842  should 
continue  lo  be  the  law  of  the  land.  1  consider  it 
possessed  of  provisions  opposed  lo  the  iiiteiest  of 
a  large  portion  of  the  conimuniiy,  and  lo  none 
more  than  the  fanner.  And  I  trust  that  no  geiule- 
men  on  this  floor  will  entertain  the  opinion,  ihat 
because  I  cannot  lend  my  aid  to  the  bill  in  its 
present  shape,  I  am  averse  lo  an  alterniion  in  the 
act  of  1842.  I  believe  ihere  is  a  niajorily  of  the 
House  ill  favor  of  a  change.  1  know  nmny  in  the 
same  situation  with  myself,  who  indul^'c  great 
doubl.s  as  lo  some  of  tlio  provisions  in  the  bill  re- 
ported by  the  chairman  of  ihe  Comniilice  of  Ways 
i'  and  Means.     Soma  have  evinced  a  good  deal  of 


I 


29tii  Cong.., 

uncertainty  and  sol 

ought  to  pursue— w 

as  friends  or  enemii 

For  myself,  I  m'" 

concealment  in  my 

fer  that  the  bill  sho 

Histent  with  the  inlt 

able  to  stand  the  t 

runce  of  permancii 

for  all  wcll-governi 

I  have  been  told 

charged  with   beii 

iind  made  hollow 

farmer.     1   have  1 

Whigs  would  vol 

ing  Inrilf  act.     1  i 

prepared   to  pass 

farmers  in  the  gri 

they  will  suhUuii 

leave  them  u   (>re 

norted  from  otlu 

to  know  from  ih 

they  are  preparet 

creiLsed  duty  on  ' 

tiemen,  and  wist 

perceive  they  wi 

now  aill  on  the  i 

they  possess,  an 

friend  of  the  agri 

make  such  anie 

that  part  of  our 

tlie  products  of  t 

the  ruinous  con 

suit  from  the  h 

sent  bill. 

i  have  heard 
ccutive,  while  t 
eration,  that  In 
tain  applieanis 
lind  more  than 
tronoge — that  p 
my  Slate  shoii 
supplied  by  iin 
Slates.     I  am  1 
the  great   mea 
stand  ready  lo 
urcs;  and  the 
10  my  consiiti 
110  difference 
district,  I  can 
their  effort 
were  not  indi 
ijectation  of  ( 
higher  and 
mocratic  caui 
the  reward 
ccive  from  i 
lion,  1  have 
who  were 
could  form  i 
ardent  and 
notwithstam 
feel   no  unit 
count,  and 
if  the  citi/.e 
they  now  1 
ollice  holdc 
cling  with 
giving  cans 
they  seen 
llness  of  cli 
can    eilizei 
anxiety — i 
bliug;"  to 
being  a  bl 
1  iiavi' 
men  were 
iient  cu- 
our  foreie 
keep  the 
which  to 
To  till 
be  to  scp 
death— V 
could  ci 
tliey  an 
obscurii 
but  exir 
feel  iliaj 
pronioli 
eiunmii 
liniial  a 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1073 


29711  Cong I»t  Srbs. 


TTle  Tariff— Mr.  Root. 


New  Skbies No.  68, 


4-' 


uncrrlainty  and  Nolicituilc  an  In  wliiit  rniirHO  tlicy 
oiisht  til  piii'suR — whether  they  should  he  rcKiirded 
aa  triciidij  nr  rneinicH  np  tha  bill  an  it  now  Hinnda. 
For  myself,  I  miiHt  frankly  sny,  thiit  I  make  no 
concealment  in  my  npp  sition.  I  would  much  pre- 
fer that  the  bill  Hhoiild  jc  ao  amended  us  to  be  con- 
nistcntwilh  the  intcrixtNof  my  conalitiienta;  bettor 
able  to  stand  the  lost  of  time,  and  t;ivc  that  nssu- 
runee  of  permanejii^y  whiidi  sound  pulii^y  reqiiirea 
for  all  wcll-s;(iverncd  nations, 

I  have  been  told  tliat  the  Democrnts  have  been 
charged  with   being  unfriendly  to  the  inechanie, 
nnd  made  hollow  pnifesHioiifl  of  partiality  to  the 
farmer.     I  have  been  further  informed,  that  the 
Whigs  would  vole  for  no  alteration  in  the  exist- 
ing turilf  act.     I  ask  gentlemen  whether  they  are 
prepared   to  puss  a  bill,  which  will   protect  our  j 
farmers  in  the  growth  of  their  wool,  anil  whether 
they  will  sustain  such  a  proposition  as  will  not  I 
leave  them  a   (irey  to  the  immense  qiittntitics  im-  ] 
ported  from  other  countries?     1  will  also  he  glad  i 
to  know  from  the  Whigs  of  this  House,  whether  | 
lliey  are  prepared  lo  vote  in  committee  for  an  in-  j 
creased  duty  on  wool  ?     I  put  this  i|ue8iion  to  gen- 
tlemen, and  wish  a  reply.     [Voices:  Try  us.]     I 
perceive  they  will  not  move  in  the  matter;  and  I 
now  aill  Oil  the  denmcratic  parly  to  use  the  power 
ihey  po.ssesH,  and  prove  themselves  not  only  the 
friend  of  the  agriciillurisi,  but  the  mechanic,  anil 
make  such  aniendmenis  to  the  bill  as  will  place 
that  part  of  our  country  in  a  condition  by  which 
the  products  of  their  labor  will  be  exempted  from 
the  ruinous  compeiiiioii  that  will  necessarily  re- 
sult from  the  low  duties  as  proposed  by  the  pre- 
sent bill. 

I  have  heard  complaints  made  against  the  Ex- 
ecutive, while  the  present  bill  was  under  consid- 
eration, that  he  did  not  confer  olHce  upon  cer- 
tain ttpplicanis,  and  that  the  State  of  Maryland 
Imd  more  than  her  quota  of  the  Government  pa- 
tronage— that  persons  in  public  employmenis  from 
my  Slate  should  be  dismissed,  and  their  places 
supplied  by  importunalc  office  seekers  from  other 
Slates.  I  am  for  supporting  ihc  Executive  in  lUI 
the  great  nn^asurcs  of  his  AdininLstration,  and 
stand  ready  to  aid  him  in  carrying  out  those  meas- 
ures; and  the  President's  inability  to  give  offices 
lo  my  constituents  when  they  apply,  would  make 
no  diflerencc  with  me.  Of  the  Democrats  in  my 
district,  i  can  say,  with  pride  and  exultation,  that 
their  cITorU;  in  the  political  contests  of  the  country 
were  not  induced  by  a  desire  of  oIKce,  or  an  ex- 

Iiectation  of  Government  palronage;  they  occupied 
ligher  and  more  Jovated  grnund — it  was  the  de- 
mocratic cause  which  ensured  their  fidelity,  not 
the  reward  of  office  which  they  expected  to  re- 
ceive from  a  democratic  triumph.  Since  my  elec- 
tion, 1  have  found  but  two  or  three  in  my  district 
who  were  desirous  of  securing  'places,  and  if  I 
could  form  an  opinion,  each  of  these  arc  siill  as 
ardent  and  zealous  in  support  of  the  Executive, 
nulwilhsuuiding  their  disappointment.  Indeed,  I 
feel  no  unkindne.ss  to  the  Executi"  on  that  ac- 
count, and  I  believe  a  victory  will  he  accomplished 
if  the  citizens  of  my  State  can  still  retain  the  offices 
they  now  hold.  [A  laugh.]  1  view  some  of  the 
office  holders  in  this  city  in  no  enviable  light;  they 
cling  with  tenacity  to  place,  and  are  so  fearful  of 
giving  cause  for  removal,  that  in  many  instances 
they  seem  to  huvs  lost  that  independence  and  mnn- 
liiiess  of  characler  which  should  become  an  Ameri- 
can citizen.  They  are  in  continual  dread  and 
anxiety — they  eiit  their  bread  in  "  fear  and  trem- 
bling;" to  hold  oOice  by  such  a  tenure,  instead  of 
being  a  blessing,  is  a  curse. 

1  have  also  heard  it  charged,  that  some  gentle- 
men were  not  sincere  in  their  wish  to  see  a  perma- 
nent or  settled  poi'-.y  prevail  upon  the  subject  of 
our  foreign  importu  ions,  because  they  desired  to 
keep  the  ([ucsiion  i.pen  for  jiolilical  capital  on 
which  to  trade,  in  orc'er  to  attain  place  and  power. 
To  those  the  sritlcnieiit  of  the  tarilT  Question  would 
be  to  separate  the  soul  from  the  body — a  political 
death — would  leave  them  nothing  by  which  Ihey 
could  continue  in  importrnt  stations.  With  it, 
they  are  everylbing;  without  it,  they  sink  into 
obsciuily.  From  such,  nothing  can  be  expected 
but  extreme  measures.  Rut  to  those  who  uo  not 
feel  (lisjiosed  lo  keep  the  matter  alive  for  political 
proniolion,  and  look  more  to  the  interest  of  the 
communily,  I  am  sure  they  can  see  that  by  a  con- 
tinual lujitation  of  this  question  no  good  can  result 

68 


7  ■     ■ 

cess  of  the  Democralie  party,  all  admonish  us  to 
an  adjustment  of  this  important  subject.  We 
should  surrender  something;  we  should  compro- 
mise. It  is  in  this  spirit  confidence  is  engendered; 
it  was  in  this  spirit  the  Constitution  was  adopted; 
and,  without  it,  the  varied  nnd  conflicting  interests 
of  different  parts  of  the  Union  cannot  Im  admin- 
istered with  sntisfaction  to  the  great  mass  of  our 
citizens,  and  the  perpetuation  of  our  free  institu- 
tions. 

1  have  thus  briefly  endeavored  to  give  my  views 
to  the  House;  and  1  know  those  who  are  most  in- 
terested in  my  course  will  do  me  justice.  What  I 
have  said,  and  intend  to  do,  has  been  said  and  will 
be  done  from  my  convictions  of  right.  These  con- 
victions have  resulted  from  a  patient  examination 
of  the  subject  and  a  respectful  attention  to  the  or- 
eumenta  on  both  sides  of  this  great  question. 
Whatever  may  bo  the  decision  of  our  national 
legislature  at  this  juncture,  the  reflection  that  time 
must  and  will  ultimately  disclose  the  true  policy 
of  this  republic,  and  demonstrate,  as  I  think,  the 
soundness  of  my  positions,  imparls  to  me  the 
strength  and  the  courage  to  resist  ihe  temptations 
of  momentary  applause  for  Ihc  more  worthy  con- 
.solation  of  faithfully  repi-esenling  iho  interests  of 
my  constituents  antl  the  country. 


THE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  M.  ROOT, 

OF  OHIO, 

In  the  House  of  Representatives, 

July  1,  184G. 

On  the  Bill  to  modify  the  Duties  on  Imports,  nnd 

for  other  purposes. 

Mr.  ROOT  said: 

Mr.  Chairman:  It  was  not  until  I  had  Icnrnrd 
that  no  other  Whig  member  from  my  Slate  intend-  '• 
ed  to  address  the  committee  on  the  bill  now  under  ] 
consideration,  that  I  resolved  to  do  so;  and  now,  ' 
after  trying  faithfully  for  the  floor  two  days,  (which  j 
I  understand  is  about  the  ordinary  term  of  proba- 
tion for  a  new  member,)  through  your  kindness  I 
have  obtained  it. 

I  do  not  appear  here  as  theadvocue  of  the  "  lords 
of  the  loom,"  of  whom  we  have  heard  so  much  in  j 
this  debate,  for  two  reasons;  First,  bcinuse  they  i 
can  take  care  of  themselves;  and,  second,  because  j 
none  of  them  are  my  conslituenis.    There  are,  it  i 
is  true,  some  small  mnnufiicturing  estnhliahmens  ! 
in  my  district,  owned  by  men  who  work  in  them 
themselves,  who  buy  their  materials  and  provisions 
i  of  their  neighbors,  and  sell  their  manufactures  at 
home,  conferring  as  well  as  receiving  benefit  by 
the  trade  that  they  thus  create.     It  sounds  strange 
and  absurd  to  me  to  hear  such  men  denounced  as 
aristocrats.     Aristocrats,  indeed  !    Why,  sir,  they 
are  as  genuine  republicans  as  ever  breathed — hon- 
est in  their  dealings,  industrious  in  their  habits, 
nnd  economical  in  their  expenses.     They  assume 
no  superiority  over  any  one;  but  if  you  were  to  go 
among  them  and  discuss  your  free-trade  doctrines 
with  them,  they  would  soon  convince  you  that 
they  might  justly  claim  it  over  some  follrs,--!!"  "Ugh 
the  greater  part  of  their  lives  have  been  ■■  -..t  in 
toil. 

But,  although  very  few  of  my  constituents  have 
any  direct  interest  in  manufiicturcs,  they  have  a 
deep  interest  in  the  protection  of  American  labor. 
Some  of  them  are  engaged  in  navigation,  olliers  in 
trade  and  the  mechanic  arts;  but  by  far  the  great- 
est number  in  agriculture.     They  differ  in  opinion 
as  to  the  degree  and  manner  in  which  their  indus- 
]  try  shoulcT  be  ]notectcd,  but  very  lew  of  I'lem 
\  would  subscribe  to  your  doctrine  of  a  tarift  for 
j  revenue  merely.     They  t  ■",  for  a  tariff  that  will 
!  afford  sufficient  revenue,  Vkiih  discriminations  for 
i  the  protection  of  all  brancl-.cs  of  American  indus- 
try.    They  ask  no  exclusive  privileges;  "  live  and 
;  let  live"  is  their  motto,  as  it  is  mine.    Whilst  can- 
vassing for  my  seat,  I  avowed  these  principles  to 
the  electors  of  my  district  to  be  my  own,  and  when 
they  elected  me  they  kncv/  that  I  would  act  up  to 
tliein  on  this  floor.    Mr.  Polk  got  his  party  vote 
in  my  district,  not  because  any  of  my  constituents 
supposed  that  he  was  in  favor  of  protection — they 
knew  better  than  that;  but  because  he  was  the 
candidate  of  the  Locofuco  party.    The  most  of 


those  who  voted  for  him  would  have  done  ho  a 
good  deal  more  cordially,  if  ho  had  been  in  favor 
of  protection  and  opposed  to  the  annexation  of 
Texas;  but  they  resolved  to  vote  fVir  him  and  then 
save  the  tarifl",  and  keep  Texas  out  of  the  Union 
if  they  could.  The  deceptive  cry  of  "  the  whole 
of  Oregon"  had  some  influence  in  his  favor  iin- 
nuestionably.  But  his  friends  were  rtiirly  warned 
tliat  this  was  a  mere  political  swindle,  and  now 
they  know  it. 

There  was  anntherargnment  that  induced  many 
a  tender-fooled  Locofoco  to  adhere  to  Mr.  Polk, 
and  many  an  anti-slavery  man  to  withhold  his  vole 
from  Mr.  Clay  in  the  northern  Slates.  It  was  put 
forth  by  Mr.  Hinicy,  the  "liberty"  candidate. 
He  .^aiil  that  Mr.  CIny,  being  a  slaveholder,  must 
needs  be  in  favor  of  the  aiinexatior.  ofTexns;  iiinl 
being  astolesman  of  consummate  ability,  he  would, 
if  elected,  surely  bring  about  anncxalion;  whilst 
Mr.  Polk  was  siich  a  poor  slick  that  he  could  not 
do  it  if  he  were  elected.  And  to  this  very  argu- 
ment, so  little  flattering  to  the  President,  I  believe 
he  is  indebted  for  his  election,  and  you  for  the  an- 
nexation of  Texas,  and  al'  of  us  for  the  war  with 
Mexico;  though  1  frankly  admit  that  no  such  evil 
conseriiiences'were  designed  by  it.  I  have  no 
other  desire,  in  referring  to  ihcsc  old  matters,  than 
to  let  you  know  that  the  "  liberty  men,"  whom 
you  assail  so  often  and  so  bitterly  on  this  floor, 
are  they  by  whose  breath  you  live,  and  without 
whose  indirect  aid  you  would  not  be  here  now, 
threatening  destruction  to  the  industry  of  the  coun- 
try. 

Gentlemen  from  Pennsylvania,  New  York,  and 
Maryland,  assure  us  that  their  constituents  voteil 
for  Mr.  Polk  believing  him  to  be  as  good  a  IViend 
to  protection  as  Mr.  Clay.  Well,  sir,  it  may  be 
so,  indeed,  it  must  be  so,  because  they  say  so, 
and  confess  that,  relying  on  the  Kane  letter,  they 
told  their  constituents  so  from  the  stump.  Still,  I 
seriously  doubt  whether  the  greatestdunce  ineither 
of  those  States  would  sell  a  hoi-se  and  take  in  pay- 
ment the  note  of  his  most  responsible  neighbor, 
drawn  with  as  many  conditions  and  provisos,  and 
bearing  on  its  face  as  many  unmisUikeublc  signs 
of  humbuggcry  as  that  same  Kane  letter.  That 
wns  a  great  letter.  Why,  Kane  has  recently  been 
appointed  to  a  judgeship,  just  for  receivii";  it,  nnd 
it  is  said  that  another  of  Pennsylvania's  sons— her 
favorite  son — is  lobe  another  and  abetter  judge- 
ship for  expounding  i.  The  reward  of  the  Pa- 
triarch Joseph  for  interpreting  Pharaoh's  dream 
was  hardly  greater  than  -s  to  be  Mr.  Buchanan's 
fordoing  the  Kane  lei'.r  into  the  vernacular  of 
Pennsylvania  "as  he  understood  it." 

In  Ohio,  the  Whigs  did  not  let  the  Locofocos 
dodge  Ihe  tarifl"  question.  We  held  them  to  it. 
But  they  were  animated  by  the  hope  of  spoils, 
and  they  fought  desperately.  They  did  all  that 
unflinching  Locofocos  could  do;  tliey  went  the 
ticket  blind;  but  nothing  could  withstand  the 
Buckeye  Whigs,  when  they  closed  in  with  their 
enemies  for  the  death-grapple.  We  gave  the  vote 
of  the  Stale  to  Harry  Clay  by  a  handsome  major- 
ity, and  then  looked  to  Pennsylvania  and  New 
York  to  finish  the  work;  but  they  went  over  to 
the  enemy,  nnd  all  wns  lost.  From  that  day  to 
this  I  have  never  doubted  that  the  tariff  law  of 
1842  would  be  repealed,  and  that  the  country  for 
n  time  would  bo  cursed  with  the  wild,  impractica- 
ble, and  anti-American  doctrines  office  trade  and 
exclusively  revenue  tarifls.  So,  sir,  you  may  do 
your  worst,  and  not  disappoint  -ne.  Nor  do  1  be- 
lieve that  anything  that  you  cm  do,  will  very 
much  astonish  my  constituents,  for  I  have  endeav- 
ored to  keep  tbeni  tolerably  well  advised  of  the 
character  of  their  rulers,  as  it  has  developed  itself 
since  1  have  been  here. 

Some  of  my  friends  on  this  floor,  when  they 
heard  my  colleague  (Mr.  Brinkerhoff]  on  yes- 
terday, whilst  professing  to  speak  not  only  for 
himself,  but  for  all  the  Locofoco  part  of  our  dele- 
gation, denounce  this  bill,  the  organ,  aiid  even  Ihe 
Administration,  began  to  hope  that  the  tariffmight 
be  spared  yet  a  little  longer.  That  he  was  autho- 
rized to  say  what  he  did  by  our  Locofoco  col- 
leagues, was  apparent  from  the  f^ict  that,  though 
Ihey  were  present,  .lOt  one  of  them,  at  the  time, 
dissented  from  any  part  of  his  speech;  but,  on  the 
contrary,  they  all  appeared  highly  pleased  with  it. 
But,  sir,  I  had  seen  too  much  of  Ohio  locofocoism 
to  found  any  hopes  of  saving  tlie  tariff  upon  this 


1074 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  I, 


29th  Cono l8T  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Root. 


Ho,  OK    UkPR. 


"  plnin  Uilk."    I  hnd  not  fnrt;oUen  how  ihia  aame  i 
toirlcsn  Uepresentntivo  of  the  intcre«l3  of  the  free  '' 
Stiitrs  had,  in  the  last  ConiKresa,  denounced  the 
nnncxniinn  of  Tcxnsiw  "  Houlhern,  seotionni,  nnd 
»ii|ircmely  sclfiah,"  nnil  then  VDled  fur  it,  nllhmn,'h 
he  hiid  siiiil  he  "    /oiild  riilher  lio  i\  do?  nnd  hay 
the  moon"  ihnn  doit.     Nor  coidd  1  forsct  Ihnt  | 
when  we  hnd  iho  inlhmoiiH  Mexienn  wnr  hill  be- 
fore us,  ihnt  Rcnllemnn  hnd  pushed  tho  chiiirinnn 
of  the  Con\niittee  on  Mililniy  Allaiis  aside,  nnd 
otfii-inted  ns  the  orijan  of  ihi.'  Administi'ntion  on 
this  floor,  fDJIowinf;  ill)  the  hill  with  ihe  previous 
question  all  dny.     Iiinenl,  he  miijlit  hnvo  hcen  ^ 
seen  slnndinj  in  front  of  liie  iSprnker'a  i-linir  wilh  ; 
the  previous  cpiestion  linn^'inij  onl  of  his  mouth, 
with  his  eyes  protnidin;;  from  llieir  soekels,  nnd  [ 
his  body  bent  forward,  ready  to  yell  onl,  "  Mr. 
Speaker,"  the  monuMit  that  the  question  dhoulil  he 
Btnted  from  the  elinir. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  think  that  not  only  my  friends 
hut  yours  allfiehed  enlirely  too  nuirh  iinportnnre 
to  this  lilllft  oull>rej\k  of  pnirioiic  fervor  on  the  part 
of  my  eollencues.  'I'lify  looked  upon  it  ns  a  re- 
bellion— I  ns  a  mere  sirike  for  hiiilier  wnjes.  I 
hive  before  snid  tlint  Ihe  Locofocosof  Ohio  fou!.'hl  i 
the  Inxt  Presidential  lintllemoro  for  spoils  than  any-  , 
thill:;  else;  and  henre  you  may  ahvays  exiirrt  to 
find  them  very  scnsilivi.'  on  this  sul>|eol.  If  they 
oll'end  in  the  too  pn^jer  pursuit  of  ilie  spoils  of  n 
victory  that  they  did  not  conMilnile  mueh  to  enin, 
1  bc^  you  lo  wmrnibei  that  they  have  done  yon 
pood  service  in  nnoihrr  way.  'i'hey  so  diKtricud 
ourSuue,ilmt  thoiia;li  in  n  imnorily  oi'.sixihousand, 
they  hnve  sent  thirteen  Locofocos  out  of  twm- 
ty-one  Hepresentntivcn  to  Congress.  Jnnt  bear 
tliis  in  mind,  and  if  you  ami  your  friemls  hnve 
henrta  of  flesh,  you  will,  you  must  relent.  If  Ihls 
fact  cannot  be  plead  in  bar,  I  should  iliink  th:it  It 
might  at  lenst  be  received  in  niiii<rnllon  of  furllier 
punishment.  I  say  fiirlher  punishment,  beranse 
the  iientlemnn  from  Indiana,  [Mr.  Wick,)  who 
seems  lo  he  the  sclf-nppoinled  instrument  of  ihe 
chivalry  for  administerin:;  pniiishmenl  to  the 
doui^hmccry  of  this  Hoii.sc,  has  already  "  pum- 
melled" my  Locofococollrajiues  to  his  henrt's  con- 
tent. The  clinstisement  was  none  the  less  severe 
for  bcinj  accompanied  by  (he  oryan  pinyinu'  ils 
fnvoritc  nirs  of—"  If  I  hail  a  donkey  and  he  trnuldn't 
fan"  and  "  H'fcj)  ihe  de'il  dinna  tje  march  fonvard  in 
order.'"  I  doubt  not  that  it  has  had  n  .sahilnry 
cfiect  on  my  colleagues,  for  I  see  none  of  them 
here,  nnd  I  guest  they  are  by  themselves  somo- 
where,  expunging  the  oflensivc  resolution  that 
they  adopted  at  a  formt*r  mectini;. 

Since  I  have  undertaken  to  speak  n  good  word 
for  my  colleagues,  lam  unwilling  lo  do  my  work  by 
hHlves,and  therefore  must  beg  leave  to  remind  you 
of  some  other  things  that  they  have  done  nnd  suf- 
fered in  your  service.  You  know  ns  well  as  I 
do  that  nt  the  commencement  of  the  present  ses- 
sion  they  invested  every  cent  of  poliiiral  cnpii.il 
they  could  raise  in  fifly-fow-forly  .stoili.  For  a 
while  it  was  quite  buoyant,  and  nt  one  time  came 
tn  be  rated  a  prclly  good  "  fancy,"  but  then,  nil 
owing  to  your  nlaying  "  bear"  in  ihe  market.  It 
took  a  downward  tendency,  and  fell  so  low  that 
nobody  would  touch  it.  Tho  bubble  burst,  and 
my  colleagues  were  cjinslrnined  lo  limp  away  from 
the  board  the  lamest  kind  of  dacks.  They  got  so 
badly  bitten  in  this  business,  that  they  arc  rather 
shy  of  your  Mexican  stock. 

Again,  they  wanted  war — they  helped  to  "pre- 
pare the  hearts  of  the  people  for  war, "and  to  make 
"  war  inevitable."  You  gnve  them  wnr,  it  is  true, 
but  not  such  a  wnr  as  they  wanted,  nor  where 
they  wanted  it.  But  for  you  they  might  have  had 
war  with  the  "  liritish  lion,"  instead  of  the  "  Mexi- 
can hyena."  liut  for  you,  they  might  have  had 
war  at  their  own  doors,  insteail  of  being  obliged  to 
go  all  the  way  to  the  Rio  Grande,  or  even  farther, 
for  it. 

The  gentleman  from  Virginia  [Mr.  Iiayi.tI  seem- 
ed to  think  that  my  collengue  from  the  Richland 
district,  [Mr.  Brinkeriioff,]  helil  heretir.nl  opin- 
ions on  the  subject  of  the  spoils,  denying  their 
nniional  character;  but  I  am  happy  to  inform  you, 
that  the  gentleman  fVom  Virginia  was  mistaken. 
I  will  state  facts  which  will  prove  incontestably 
that  my  e.olleas^ue  is  right  on  this  Hubicct. 

Tho  term  of  olfico  of  the  Intc  collector  of  cus- 
toms at  Sandusky,  in  my  district,  expired  not  long 
since     Ha  woa  dcsiroiu  to  bo  reappointed,  und 


thnufth  a  Lorofoco,  ho  is  entirely  competent  to  din- 
chnrgn  tho  duties  of  tho  olRee,  nnd  is  n  genii  cnian 
in  tho  beat  sense  of  iho  word.     I  took  no  part  in 
the  business  of  course,  but  ihrough  his  friends  he 
made  his  wishes  known  to  the  I'risideiit  before  his 
term  of  office  expired;  but  he  was  too  late — my  j 
colleague  had  been  before  h'm,  nnd  got  tho  olRcc  I 
for  one  of  his  constituents  who  rciideii  some  sixty  , 
miles  from  Sandusky.     In  my  ignorance  of  pro-  1 
gressivc  deniocmcy,  I  thought  this  was  wrong  in 
my  colleague,  bccaiise  in  his  diHlrii'tlhe  Lmcilbcos 
disposo  of  nil  the  otticcs,  whilst  in  mine  it  is  not 
quite  80  easy  for  a  Locofoco  to  get  nn  eleclive  | 
office.    There  were  other  Locofocos  in  my  dislriot  , 
who  wnnteil  the  office,  and  there  arc  as  good  Loco-  j 
focos  in  my  district  as  there  are  in  my  colleague's,  j 
I  can  show  choice  specimens  of  every  kind,  from  j 
the  real  upper  crust  down  to  the  [primitive  forma-  i 
lions,  so  ilint  it  cannot  be  said  that  my  colleague's 
constituent  was  appointed  because  none  of  mine 
were  fit  to  be  appointed.  1 

I  menlion  these  facts  merely  lo  show  that  my 
collengue  is  perfectly  orthodox  on  the  subject  of  j 
spoils — that,  like  the  rest  of  you,  he  regard.-  iliem 
as  national  in  their  character,  nml  is  rendy  to  tnke 
them  wherever,  whenever,  and  however  he  cnii 
Iny  hold  of  them. 

I  trust,  Mr.  Cliairmnn,  that  I  hnve  pretty  eflect-  , 
imlly  vindicated  my  Locofoco  colleagues,  nnd  espe- 
cially my   colleague  from  the   Uichland   ilislricl,  ' 
from  the  charges  that  hnve   been   made   against 
iliem.     I  have  done  no  more  than  n  simple  act  of  ' 
duty,  and  neilher  expert  nor  desire  thanks  for  il.    i 

Mr.  Chn'mian,  I  will  not  any  thai  the  inrill'law 
of  I.H.|a  is  perfect.     It  would  he  slrnnge  indeed,  if| 
four  yenrs  experience  did  not  point  out  scmiedel'ecia  J 
in  it;  but  this  I  will  say,  that  in  the  main  it  is  not  | 
only  Just  and  fair  as  a  proleelive  measure,  but  that 
it  works  admirably  as  a  revenue  syslein,  yielding 
enough,  and  yet  not  too  iiuieh,  for  the  orilinary  ex- 
penses of  the  Government.     Il  should  seem  tn  be 
Ihe  part  of  wisdom  not  to  repeal  such  a  law,  hut  if 
it  have  defects  lo  remove  ihcm  by  amendment,  nnd 
certainly  not  to  deslroy  it  until  something  heller 
shall  be  proposed  in  ils  stead.     Is  this  n  time  to  ] 
abandon  n  system  efficient  for  revenue,  ns  nil  ad- 
mit, to  venture  upon  an  untried  experiment?  Will 
you  do  it  now,  when  you  hnve  n  war  upon  your 
hands  that  costs  you  n  hnlf  million  nday,  and  j 
when  your  treasury  is  so  poor  that  you  hnve  to  | 
strangle  the  river  and  liabor  bill  lo  death  in  the  | 
Senate  for  want  of  fluids  to  pay  ihc  appropriations?  i 
What  is  proposed  in  lieu  of  the   jucsent   larilT?  I 
Why,  n  bill  which  is  utterly  worthless  ns  n  protect 


:■  noiessnry.     I  do  not  believe 


bushel  more  than  : 
it  will  bo  done. 

The  nrgumeiit  of  the  gold  chain  of  thn  nrislocmt 
nnd  the  iron  chnin  of  the  fnrmer,  Ih  it  I  hnve  heniil 
so  often  in  Ohio,  and  which  was  urged  wilh  so 
much  eiirneslness  the  other  day  by  tlit!  genlleinnii 
from  Oenrgin,  [Mr.  TewNii,]  seinis  not  lo  hnvo 
been  losl  upon  the  Sccrctnry.  Hy  the  bill,  innnii- 
fnctures  of  gold  nro  to  bo  churgeil  with  a  duly  of 
.ID  per  cent.,  whilst  mnnufaclures  of  iron  me  to 
be  charged  with  only  a  duly  of  "JO  per  eeni.  Now 
1  suppose  that  all  hard-nuuiey  men,  anil  the  Sec- 
retary is  one  of  them,  will  admil,  that  it  is  not 
good  policy  lo  imnosc  n  duty  (Ui  gold  as  such,  but 
Ihnt  we  should  miner  encnnrnge  its  im|iortation  by 
mnking  it  free  of  duty.  Well,  what  proporlion  of 
the  value  of  n  gold  chain  rruisisis  in  the  guld  work- 
ed up  in  il  ?  Not  less  ihan  70  per  cent,,  whilst  Iho 
labor  bestowed  upon  it  eoiislllutes  not  more  than 
HO  per  cent,  of  ils  value.  In  other  words,  if  a 
golil  chain  worth  a  hundred  dollars  were  lo  bo 
melted  down  into  bullion,  it  would  still  be  worili 
seventy  dollars.  Wlnit  proportion  of  the  value  of 
an  iron  chain  consists  in  Ihe  labor  bestowed  npcm 
it?  The  iron  mnnufacuirer  nnd  tho  blaeksmiili 
will  inform  you  Ihnt  it  is  at  least  70  per  eenl.,  tho 
other  .10  per  cent.,  roiisisiiiig  in  the  ore  out  of 
which  il  is  made,  nnd  the  inleresi  on  the  cniiiial 
employed  in  mnking  il,  both  of  which  in  my  opin- 
ion ought  to  be  proleeltd  ngainst  Ibreign  ore  luat 
foreign  capital.  But  we  will  suppose  the  whole 
duty  lo  operate  ns  n  protection  lo  the  labor  niniie; 
and  what  does  itnmonnl  lo?  Not  quite  iRI  per  ceni. 
So  Ihnt  the  bill  gives  Ihe  worker  ingold,whoniinis- 
Icrs  to  the  luxury  and  extravagance  of  the  nrislorml, 
nproteciivediily  onhis  labor  of  1(10  per  cent.,  whilst 
lo  the  labor  of  the  worker  in  iron,  who  toilsforthn 
farmer,  it  gives  not  quite  'J9.  Here  is  more  wis- 
dom nnd  stulesmaiiship  for  you.  Ihit  we  may  bo 
told  Ihnt  these  duties  nre  to  be  imposed  for  rcvenuo 
merely,  and  not  at  all  for  protectimi.  Then  let  us 
examine  ihcin  in  that  view.  Mamifaclures  of  iron 
nre  not  easily  smuggled,  and  making  due  allow- 
ances for  false  invoices,  such  a  duly  as  you  lay 
upon  them  you  will  be  able  lo  collect;  but  manu- 
factures of  gold  may  be  smuggled  wilh  great  faril- 
ity  and  litlle  risk  of  deleetion,  nnd  they  will  i:n 
smuggled  whenever  Ihe  duly  uiion  ihein  shall  bo 
high  enmigh  to  oiler  fiireign'  importers  a  tcmpla- 
tion  lo  do  so.  Indeed,  every  man  who  has  any 
knowledge  of  the  subject,  knows  that  for  precisely 
this  reason,  less  revenue  will  be  collecled  on  this 
kind  of  imports,  by  a  duty  of  ;)0  per  cent.,  than 
is  now  collected  by  a  duty  of  one  iiuartcr  that 


ivp  measure,  nnd  will  prove  inefficient  ns  n  revenue  i;  amount. 

sy.slem.     I  will  venliirc  to  predict  ihnl  it  will  not  ■;      More  clamor  hna  been  rniscd  in  the  North  ngainst 

yield  twenty  millions  pernnnum.    It  is  understood  I   the  present  UirilV  on  nccounl  of  ils  alleged  wnnt  of 


lo  be  the  fVuit  of  the  labors  of  the  Sccreinry  of  the 
Treasury,  assisted  hy  a  bevy  of  custom-honsa 
officers  that  he  called  to  his  council  in  the  cnrly 
part  of  the  present  se.isicui  of  Congress.  I  hnve 
not  time  to  give  the  bill  the  thorough  examination 
that  n  proposition  of  so  much  importance  deserves; 
but  by  way  of  showing  the  wisdiuu  and  states- 
manship that  chnracicrize  it,  I  will  allude  to  one 
or  two  of  ils  features,  nnd  then  pass  on. 

The  duly  proposed  by  the  bill  to  lie  levied  on 

salt  is  20  per  cent,  nil  valorem;  by  the  present  law 

it  is  speeiltc,  eight  rents  a  biisliel,  equal  lo  07  per 

I  cent.       Wo    ronsiinie   about  sixteen    millions   of 

bushels  annually,   worth  about  one  million   six 

hundred  thousand  dollars.     Aboutonc-half  of  this 

■  we  mnnufnctMre  nt  home,  the  residue  we  import 

'  from  nbrond.     The  revenue  collected  on  the  im- 


prolccti  -n  to  the  wool-grower  than  for  any  "ther 
cause,  or  perhaps  for  all  oilier  caiL^es,   nut  to- 
gether.   The  law,  if  fairly  executed,  would  all'ord 
ample   protection   to  the   wool-growing    interest, 
for  it  givers  a  specific  duty  of  three  cents  n  pound, 
;  nnd  HO  percent,  ad  valorem  on  all  wool  c.o.-i,  .r 
over  seven  cents  a  pound;  on  wool  costing      it 
'  more  than  seven  cents  n  pound,  the  duty  is  only 
!  five  per  cent.;  but  such  wool  dcies  not  come  in 
I  com]ietiiion  wilh  any  produced   in   this  couiilrv. 
j  But  it  is  .said,  and  I  suppose  truly,  thai  the  pro- 
visions of  the   law  are  evaded  by  fraud;  that  by 
false  invoices  and  piijury,  wool  worth  more  than 
seven  cents  a  pound  in  any  market,  indeed  the 
very  best  kind  of  wool,  having  dirt  mixed  with 
i  il,  IS  imported  as  costing  less  than  seven  ceiils  a 
!  pound.     To  prever.t  such  frauds  I  should  be  glad 


ports  by  the  present  law  is  about  six  hundred  and    I  lo  have  the  specific  duty  extended  to  all  kinds  of 
forty  thousand  dollnrs.     The  amount  that  would  i!  wool. 


he  collected  by  the  bill  on  the  same  amount  of  im 
ports  would  be  about  one  hiindicd  and  ninety 
thousand  dollars,  leaving  a  deficiency  of  revenue 
of  four  hundred  and  fil>y  thousand  dollars.  How 
is  this  deficii  ncy  lo  be  made  up  ?  Tho  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  says  by  an  increase  of  imports. 
Well,  how  much  must  the  imports  be  increased 
for  that  purpose?  Why,  about  nineteen  millions 
of  bushels,  more  by  three  millions  than  we  con- 
Biime;  and,  when  added  to  the  amount  that  we  now 
import,  making  twenty-seven  millions  of  bushels, 
more  by  eleven  millinna  than  we  consume;  so  that 
to  make  the  Secretary's  calculations  hold  good,  we 
must  not  only  discontinue  all  our  own  mannfnc- 

lures  of  sidt,  but  every  mun,  womnn,  nnd  child  in  ,   „    , 

the  country  must  consume  something  above  a  hull' ''  country  is  about  twenty-five  cenls  per  pound.    1  ho 


But  what  kind  of  protection  lo  the  wool-growers 
docs  Ihe  bill  jiroposc  ?  It  provides  for  an  ad  valo- 
rem duly  of  25  per  cent,  on  all  wool  iniported.  If 
the  importers  can  under  the  present  larifl'  law  get 
in  good  wool  as  costing  not  more  than  seven  cenls 
a  pound,  cannot  they  do  the  same  under  this  bill? 
What  is  to  prevent  them  from  nlmsiiig  the  ad  va- 
lorem principle  in  this  bill  any  more  than  in  Iho 
law  as  It  now  st.ands  ?  It  can  be  much  easier  done, 
for  the  law  lays  specific  duties  on  all  kinds  of  wool 
but  one;  this  bill  propo.sea  none  but  nil  valoiem 
duties.  Suppose,  however,  that  no  frauds  will  bo 
committed,  how  will  the  bill  then  compare  with 
Ihe  Inw  as  n  protective  measure  to  the  wool-grow- 
ers ?    The  average  price  of  the  wool  grown  in  litis 


cnmppii 
markets, 
cheaper 
The  wii 
farther 
should  I 
tjlioiicd 
Their  , 
went  into 
able  to  I 
power, 
instead  ' 
lie  had  ' 
brought 

the  bill  r 

trying 

of  a  rci. 

interest 

I  admi 

ily  wis 

no  sooi 

vanlau 

to  yield 

"  great 

benefiti 

all  that 

access 

for  1101 

stale  0 

Union 

surplu 

sell  it 

leas  t 

buys 

Bends 

probii 

corn 

colon 

bush 

Stall 

ccnii 

of  it 

ubol 


1H46.) 


ai)Tii  Cot'o 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GhORK. 

3%e  Tariff— Mr.  Miller. 


1075 


Ho,  or  Hkpi. 


liill  would  KiVR  n  iliity  of  six  cenl«  nn  n  pnund;  the 
liiw  i^ivea  Arm  tlie  Kin-rilic  duly  iil'llirue  c'imiW,  tlivii 
tlin  lid  viiliircm  duly  nf  ,'l()  ("f  njit.,  cuiial  tci  xiivcn 
And  u  hiiirc'i'JitH,miiki'ii;  in  nil  |{  n  iiiid  n  Imlf  ccnln 
(in  II  pound.  Your  li.ii,  air,  will,  if  il  bccninii  n 
liiw,  Htriku  a  dnidly  I  low  nt  our  of  ilic  most  iin- 
jMirlant  IntcrcniH  of  my  r.DnxtiluiMilH.  Until  tho 
year  in«3,  they  had  no  market  fur  their  wool,  and 
therefore  tli.y  fjrew  lit  lu  more  timn  they  worked  uii 
in  their  own  .lotmex;  'lut  in  that  year  tliey  could  sell 
nil  they  had  ti/  Hpnre,  at  low  prncH  il  is  Iriii',  hut 
Htill  auch  an  they  deemed  reiiiuniintive.  The  next 
yeor  they  produced  more  and  cot  hiirher  priccn. 
In  1>H5,  HO  mui'li  wiih  produecd  all  over  the  eoun- 
try,  that  prieeR  fell  Noiiiewhal,  liut  »iill  there  wan 
Rold  hy  tlie  fanncrii  of  my  iliKlrii.t  not  lesH  than 
half  n  million  of  poundH,  at  uii  averaife  price  of 
ahout  twenty-five  ceiita  n  pound,  lirin(;iii(j;  them 
nno  hundred  and  twenty-five  ihoiiiiaiid  dollars  for 
nil  article  (hat  three  years  before  iliey  had  no  market 
fur.  And  Ihi^  too  in  a  part  of  the  roiiiitiy  ho  new, 
Ihut  the  HliimpN  of  th;,  first  in  es  lliiit  were  felled 
by  the  Rctiler  have  not  yet  nil  disappeared. 

A  ^reat  deal  has  been  said  of  the  inimeiiHC  nd- 
vanla^en  that  the  );niiii-|;rowei  of  thin  iinintry 
would  derive  IViun  the  repeal  of  the  liritish  corn 
laws,  and  our  Administration  would  have  us  be- 
lieve that  they  have  produced  this  change  in  the 
Urilish  tiiriir,  wliieh,  they  say,  will  prove  so  bene- 
ficial to  our  fiirmers.  This  suldeit  has  been  so 
nlily  treated,  and  the  ar!;unieiit  of  the  frce-lraders 


npon  it  so  completely  n.fuled  by  my  friend  from 
■'     "  ;    ■       ■       J    .  per- 

haps, to  be^'  pardon  of  the  committee  for  alluding 


Alassiichuaetts, 


IrnsoN,]  that  I  oui;ht,  i 


to  it  at  all.  ISiil  it  is  so  intercHiing  to  my  cnnsiii- 
»icnt«  that  I  will  venture  to  make  a  brief  remark 
concerning  it. 

This  chaii;;e  in  thepolioy  of  the  nrilish  Govern- 
ment (if  clmiif;e  it  may  be  called,  fur  it  is  not  to 
lake  ctfect  until  the  expiration  of  three  years,  and 
may  lie  done  away  with  before  that  time  shall  have 
elapsed)  is  not  a  concession  to  this  country,  but  to 
the  maiiufacturiiii;  interest  at  the  exm^iiiii^  of  the 
landed  interest  of  Great  Diitain.  The  llrltish  nwin- 
ufiiclurers  have  great  wealth,  contribule  much  to 
the  support  of  their  Governnieni,  and  possess  no 
little  influ'-ncc  in  Parliament.  Finding;  that  the 
nianufactui'iis  of  this  and  other  eoiiiiiries  were 
improving  so  rapidly  that  they  were  brou^jht  into 
competition  with  their  own  in  some  of  their  best 
niarketH,  they  saw  that  they  must  manufacture 
cheaper,  or  give  up  s'lme  part  of  their  liminesa. 
The  wages  of  their  operatives  would  not  bear  any 
farther  reduction,  unless  the  price  of  breailslufla 
should  also  be  redui'ed;  and,  accordin:;Iy  they  pe- 
titioned Parliament  for  a  repeal  of  the  corn  laws. 
Their  prayer  was  not  granted  nt  first,  and  they 
went  into  the  anli-corii-law  lcau;ue,  and  were  soon 
nble  to  make  so  formidable  ndeuicmstratiiin  fif  their 
jiower,  that  the  Prime  Minister  concluded  that, 
instead  of  berating  them  as  "lords  of  the  loom," 
he  had  better  make  terms  with  them;  and  Innco  he 
brought  forward  iind  carried  through  Parliament 
the  bill  fiir  the  repeal  of  tho  corn  laws,  anil  is  now 
trying  to  pacify  the  landed  interest,  by  promises 
of  a  rci'.uctinn  of  taxes.  In  all  this  he  acted  for  the 
interest  of  his  own  country  exclusively.  Though 
1  admire  Sir  Robert  Peel  for  his  ability,  and  heart- 
ily wish  that  our  Sir  Robert  had  as  nuicli,  I  should 
no  sooner  expect  him  to  concede  a  coinnuTcial  ad- 
vunuige  to  this  country  than  1  should  e.vpect  him 
to  yield  up  to  us  "the  whole  of  Oreson."  His 
"great  measure,"  as  it  has  been  called,  instead  of 
benefiting  this  country,  will  do  a  posiiive  injury  to 
all  that  part  of  it  borilering  upon,  or  having  eheaj) 
access  to,  the  great  northern  lakes.  I  can  s)ieaK 
for  northern  Ohio,  and  do  not  doubt  that  the  .same 
stale  of  things  exists  in  the  other  portions  of  tlie 
Union  to  which  I  have  referred.  We  make  a  large 
.surplus  of  wheal  annually,  and  though  we  cannot 
sell  it  all  in  the  Canada  market,  we  send  more  or 
less  there  every  year.  The  Cana'lian  merclmnt 
buys  our  wheat  to  work  up  into  flour,  and  then 
sends  it  to  Great  Britain  as  colonial  produce.  You 
probably  are  oware  of  the  foct,  that,  by  the  British 
corn  laws,  there  is  a  dilTciTntial  duty  in  favor  of 
colonial  wheat  and  flour  of  about  thirty  cents  o 
bushel.  The  duly  on  wheat  sent  from  the  United 
Slates  hito  Canada  is,  as  t  am  informed,  about  six 
cents  a  bushel;  so  that  the  dilTerentinl  duty  in  favor 
of  it,  if  shipped  from  Canada  to  Great  Britain,  is 
about  twenty-four  cents  a  bushel.     With  all  this 


diicriminatinn  in  hiit  favor,  thoCanmlinn  morchnnt  f 
eiinnol  always  ■<i.'nd  our  wheal,  norciven  that  grown 
in  (Vanillin,  to  ihe  Biiu.sb  inarkit,  because  wheal 
grown  in  Ihe  iinrlli  of  l'',uro|ie  is  sold  there  lower 
than  he  can  aH'ird  il;  Imt  he  can  send  our  wheat 
there  and  make  a  hanil-uiiiie  fnnni  on  il,  when  not 
a  biisliel  I'an  be  sent  from  the:  ITniied  .Sliites  ilirect. 
By  an  olRcial  iloeuineiit  ri'cenlly  piililished  by  nr-  I 
der  of  Congiens,  it  appears  that,  in  ihe  year  iHl.'i, 
we  expoitiwl  diriMt  to  linal  Biiiain,  of  wheal  and 
flour,  17H,7H.)  biisliel.i,aiid  to  Canada, \i'.,  l,;^i;t,-  ; 
1>H7  biislii'ls — ilie  amiiiiiit  sent  to  the  laller  lieiiig 
more  than  ten  linn^s  as  large  as  iliat  seiii  to  the  for- 
mer coimlry.  'I'liis  imporiaiit  Iraile  will  be  lust  to 
lis,  when  the  Brilisli  coi  ii  liiws  cease  to  be  in  force. 
If  iho  corn  laws  are  n  pcaliil,  mir  wheat  cannot 
com|iele  in  the  Brili.Hh  in  irket  with  that  grown  in 
the  countries  on  the  Baltic,  unless  there  Is  a  gen- 
eral scarcity  in  l£iiro|ii".  and  then,  by  the  very 
terms  of  the  corn  laws,  the  duties  must  cease,  or 
descend  to  a  mere  nominal  puinl. 

The  genllenian  iVoin  Maiyland,  who  immediate- 
ly preceded  ine,  [Mr.  Pk«»v,1  avoweil  liimsilf  in 
favor  of  tho  protective  policy,  aiel,  as  I  tlioiiirlu, 
took  more  pains  to  show  that  il  was  what  be  ciiltcd 
Democratic,  than  that  it  was  right.  He  oIiJccIimI 
to  the  tarilf  of  lH4d,  wilboiit,  liuwever,  informing 
us  why,  and  said  he  was  in  fiivor  of  conipioinise.  , 
He  was  for  thi;  aniendinent  proposed  by  the  gen-  j 
lleman  frcnii  New  York,  [.Mr.  FleNOKuniiin.) 
Several  gentlemen  from  New  York  ond  New  Jer- 
sey, IIS  well  as  all  my  leicofncii  colleagiii-s,  have 
also  expressed  their  willingness  to  vole  for  tluit 
amendment.  A  pro|Misitioii  that  meets  with  so 
much  fiivor  is  entiilctl  to  some  consideration. 
What  is  it.'  In  the  main,  it  isa  mere  traiisiript  of 
the  bill  reported  by  thi;  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Meal's,  with  iid  valorem  duties  in  soini!  cises  a 
little  biL'her  than  those  provided  for  by  the  bill; 
I  it  provides,  however,  for  specific  duties  on  sail, 
{  iron,  coal,  and  sugar;  thai  on  salt  is  equal  to  34 
per  cent.,  on  iron  tlie  average  is  about  45  percent,, 
!  on  coal  it  is  40  per  eeiu.,  and  on  sugar  about  33 
per  cent.  I  am  in  faviu-  of  specific  diilies.  ( 
Ihink  that  they  are  tin;  only  duties  to  be  icliiid  on, 
cither  fiir  proleclion  or  leviMiiie;  and  one  would 
suppose  that  these  comproinisiiig  geni|(;men  have 
no  insuperable  objection  to  them,  if  laid  fur  the 
protection  of  their  favcirile,  interests.  How  came 
the  specific  duty  on  salt  in  this  proposition?  I 
need  not  luk,  for  the  jaoposiiion  itself  came  from 
New  York.  Who  looked  out  so  sharp  for  tho 
iron  makers?  I  see  enoiigli  around  me  from  New 
Jersey  and  Peiin.sylvaiiia  to  do  that.  Who  took 
care  of  the  coal  interest  ?  Can  the  gentleman  from 
Maryland  tell  ? 

[Mr.  PeaiiY.  Yes;  I  tried  to  have  the  specific 
duty  on  coal  still  highi  r  than  is  proposed.] 

I'do  not  doubt  it,  sir;  and  yet  I  suppose  that, 
for  the  sake  of  compromise,  you  would  take  up 
with  a  dollar  a  Ion. 

How  sugar  came  to  be  put  in  the  list  of  specific 
duties,  1  cannot  tell;  unices,  being  a  sweet  thing, 
it  was  put  there  for  a  bait. 

It  is  a  little  reninrkable  that  so  many  who  are 
loud  in  their  coniplaiiiis  against  the  tarilT  of  lS4iJ 
for  its  specific,  duties,  are  unwilling  to  trust  their 
own  immediate  inleresis  to  ad  valorem  duties. 
There  is  really  less  to'cd  of  specific  duties  on  salt, 
iron,  coal,  and  sugar,  than  on  most  other  articles, 
because  their  values  in  any  market  arc  better 
known  than  those  of  most  other  articles.  Still  I 
nm  in  favor  of  specific  duties,  but  let  us  have  ihcin 
fairly  and  iin{.arlially  laid. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  tell  these  gentlemen  that  if  they 
think,  by  putting  their  beads  together,  to  get  up  a 
scheme  for  protecting  their  own  particular  interi^sls 
and  for  letting  all  otiieis  take  care  of  themselves, 
call  it  compromise,  and  get  me  to  support  it  for  the 
sak;'  of  peace,  they  rci'kon  without  their  host.  1 
will  do  no  sueii  ihing.  And  I  tell  them  more:  if 
any  protectionist  in  tliis  House,  be  ho  Whig  or 
Locofoco,  shall  on  thisipiestion  desert  his  friends, 
go  into  the  enemy's  camp,  and  seek  to  make  terms 
for  saving  some  particular  interest  from  the  gene- 
ral wreck,  my  eliort  shall  not  be  wanting  to  hand 
him  and  his  darling  interest  over  to  the  tender 
mercies  of  tlie  free  iraders.  We  who  are  for  the 
protective  policy  are  all  in  the  same  bout,  and  we 
must  sink  or  swim  touatlicr. 

And  now  one  word  to  the  free  traders,  or  strictly 
rcvenuc-tarifl'  men,  or  aiui-protectionists,  or  what- 


ever elie  you  plenie  In  enti  ynunelvei.  I  am 
utterly  opposed  to  your  princiides  and  policy.  I 
belie .e  they  are  all  wrong,  and  fraught  with  mil- 
eliief  to  the  couiitrv.  But  if  you  will  priicliso 
what  you  preach — if  you  will  carry  out  the  prin- 
ciples ihat  yon  profess,  I  sball  think  you  are  sin- 
cere. If,  ini  the  eonlniry,  fiir  the  sake  of  breakinK 
down  the  larilfof  1H4'J,  ynii  put  one:  article  in  tho 
free  list,  and  lay  a  duly  loo  high  lor  revenue  on 
niioilier;  and,  above  all,  if  yiai  siie^le  out  somu 
two  or  three  bnini'lics  of  industry  lo  bi;  protected, 
whilst  nil  others  are  to  be  destroyed,  bow  can  you 
ever  havir  the  flee  lo  talk  of  priiici|ile  afterwards? 
Upon  which  of  your  principles  will  you  spare  tho 
fishing  bounties  to  the  men  of  Maine,  while  you 
will  not  so  much  as  repair  harbors  on  tbe  iiorlhiTU 
lakis  to  give  my  constituents  who  are  engaged  in 
nuvigaling  those  waters  a  chance  for  tliinr  lives? 
Remember,  that  I  ask  no /(irers  of  yoii,  I  nm 
only  ri'iniiidiiig  you  of  the  priiici|iles  that  yuu 
profess. 

Theri^  is  running  through  this  bill  one  principle 
that  will  disappoint  all  your  expeciaiiona  of  a  suf- 
fic.ieiil  revenue:  I  mean  that  of  ad  valorem  duties 
on  Inieign  valuations,  rraiids  ami  perinries  in- 
numerable will  be  cipiumiited  under  il.  "I'hc  Oov- 
ernment  will  be  constantly  cheated.  The  greatest 
r.iscal  will  be  tin:  most  successful  trader,  and  the 
importing  business  will,  if  your  system  coiitinuo 
long,  all  fill  into  the  bands  of  uinirinciplcd  for- 
eigners, who  will  come  here  to  plunder  our  [h;o[i1c, 
and  then  return  home  with  the  spoils. 

After  nil,  the  great  question  between  us  is  this — 
Shall  labor  be  elevated  or  degraded  in  this  free 
eoniitry  ?  We  sincerely  believe  that  the  protective 
policy  only  can  give  to  labor  steady  employnietlt 
and  a  just  reward.  That  only  by  iirotecling  Ameri- 
can lalior  can  we  lift  it  up  and  separate  it  from 
povert;',  ignorance,  vice,  anil  desjiair,  and  bring  it 
into  the  companionship  and  council  of  plenty, 
knowledge,  virtue,  and  hope.  Can  a  statesman  or 
patriot  labor  lor  a  nobler  end?  We  believe  that 
much  has  already  been  done  to  gain  it,  though 
mori!  remains  to  (to.  We  believe  that  our  policy 
has  already  given  to  labor  a  voice  which  will  cro 
long  make  itself  heard  and  respected  in  this  House. 
But  if  we  are  deceived;  if  American  labor  cannot 
or  will  not  assert  its  riL'his;  if,  in  spite  of  all  that 
can  be  done,  it  must  sink  down  under  tho  weight 
of  all  the  acciimnlated  ills  and  wrongs  that  de- 
grade the  labor  of  other  countries,  llien  not  only 
our  revenue  law*,  but  our  whole  system  of  Gov- 
ernment must  be  changed,  and  adapted  to  such  a 
state  of  things;  and  then,  but  not  till  then,  moy 
your  political  creed  be  established  in  this  country. 
When  I  cnmmeiired  speaking,  I  intended  to 
leave  as  murli  us  one-third  of  my  hour  lo  those 
who  may  follow  me.  Tho  clock  admonishes  mo 
that  I  have  Irnnseendcd  the  limit  '11111  1  prescribed 
tor  myself,  though  1  iiin  yet  within  that  fixed  by 
the  rule. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  thank  you  for  the  floor,  nnd 
Ihe  committee  for  their  attention;  nnd  that  the 
next  trial  for  the  floor  may  be  a  fiiir  one,  I  give  nil 
competitors  notice  that  I  have  done. 


THE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  W.  S.  MILLER, 

OP  NEW  YORK, 

In  thi:  House  of  Representatives, 

July  1,  184G. 

On  tho  Bill  reducing  the  duty  on  Imports,  nnd  for 

other  jpurjioscs. 

Mr.  MILLER  addressed  tho  committee  ns  fol- 
lows: 

Mr.  CiiAinMAN:  It  has  been  the  lot  of  our  body 
politic,  within  a  few  years,  to  pass  through  a  series 
of  trying  experiments.  Prominent  among  them 
was  the  experiment  upon  the  currency.  In  tho 
ruthless  prosecution  of  the  measures  which  were 
to  bring  about  the  moneyed  millennium,  the  agri- 
cultural, trading,  nnd  laboring  classes  of  the  coun- 
try were  involved  in  disasters  and  distress  the 
most  idle  and  wanton  that  can  be  imagined,  for 
they  were  the  foretold  and  inevitable  consequen- 
ces of  tho  financial  policy  of  the  Administration, 
These  measures  were  the  work  of  politicians; 
they  were  never  demanded  by  the  country.  The 
people  were  the  victims  merely;  they  were  sac- 


.Wi 


1070 


APPFIVDIX  TO  THE  CONGRKSSIOiVAL  GIXIBK. 


r-lnly  I, 


SOrH  CoNO 1>T  Srii. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Mill, 


Ho,  or  Ur.PH. 


riliidli  llint  llio  Mpiril  iif  nniliilinii  or  vrri^'iiniT, 
llio  lunt  <if  faniii  or  of  powrr  nl'  pi)lilinil  Icjiilii.t, 
niiillil  lie  ^'rntificil,  fur  ll  nrciii"  llii'y  mil  iii^H'r  lir 
KaliHIrd.  Uiiin  ovcrKpri ml  llic  l.iiidi  iiii  rcliniilH 
faili'il;  mcdmnicii  witc  ihniwn  milnf  i  iiiplMviiienli 
ninnnfiii'torirrt  wrrr  cln.srd;  htilf  the  fiiniin  in  the 
roiiiury  I'linn^'oil  Imiiiln;  nirpiiriillniiM  rxplixli"!; 
iiiivrrri;»n  Mliilin  n>piiillitlr(l',  unci  llic  rxpiriniciil 
upon  (he  ciirrt'iiry  rcNnllcd  in  Hwcllini;  tlir  opii- 
Iriii-o  of  (lie  rii'li,  in  mill  (o  ihnnKiiiKl:!,  anil  in 
milking  (lip  noin-  ili-nliliili'.  Tin"  nlnlr  of  iJiinnH 
riiiiliinic'd  (ill  iIh"  dr.iniiad'  ri'inrily  i<(  llin  liaiik- 
riip(  a<'(  l)ron<;li(  ri'lirl  (o  (hr  HiilIVrorH,  and  iin(il, 
liy  (lir  Ipincliiial  opernlion  of  (lie  (.iiilfcif  IHl-J,  llir 
rminlry  wan  rc-invrHicd  wiili  ihc  iiiilnicinpnlji  (i> 
cnlBriiriHo  anil  ihr  (^Iciiii'iils  of  prospirily,  v.liii'li 
had  lintn  rlipikicl  liy  (he  ;;nidnal  withilrawal  of 
IcL^iiilalivc  protci-tion  in  Ihr  firH(  instancr,  and 
fin.illy  promraic'd  liy  tlio  experiment  of  polilioiaim 
upon  (he  I'urrency. 

I(  was  my  hope,  Mr.  (Chairman,  iin  n  mereluuK 
nnd  n  lepre.si'niiitivo  of  coinnii'roial  iniercHiH,  lli:i( 
the  coundy,  in  llin  li!;h(  of  i(M  n'ciiil  cxpcrii'iice, 
would  linvr  licen  niiared  Ihenrdeal  of  any  new  ex- 
prriinen(.'<,  l^ii(  ol  llie  ronfiiKion  and  dcNlrnrtion 
inio  wliii'li  Imd  li i;i>ilalioii  hnil  pri ri|iliiiii'd  im,  uu 
had  happily  enicriri'd;  the  iialivi^  rneijjii'H  of  our 
pinpic  had  wroii!;lil  oii(  ihcirinvn  rcdrinpinni.  In 
fill  seetions  cutrnirinr  is  rnroura<;«'d  li»  inovf. 
whose  province  it  i.i  to  g'wr  employniiiK  lo  luhor; 
mid  it  is  liy  their  union  niiil  harnionioiiH  iniipira- 
tioii  that  prndiK'tion  is  Nlinnilaii'd,  that  wi'mIiIi  i.i 
drawn  from  the  ma  and  the  mines  and  the  soil; 
nnd  the  re.sull  is  universal  nhuiidanrc  and  roin-' 
pamlively  imiverHal  wealth.  ('on.».'e\|Uciit  upon 
thin  fltate  of  tliini;fl,nnd  necessarily  atteiuliii:;  it,  are  , 
the  High  lensfM  wiiieli  the  necessity  for  lahorers  and 
rompe(i(ion  amon;;  emnloyers  must  produce,  and 
the  loxe  prkei  which  follow  of  course  the  iieceiaity 
of  sale  and  competition  nmon^  si  Hers. 

Our  |ieople  at  the  present  moment  are  lietter  paid, 
better  clntl,  better  fed,  than  they  have  been  at  any 
period  of  our  history,  and  there  is  no  reason  to 
fear  that  their  conduion  of  prosperity  will  he  dis- 
turbed, except  by  ourselves.  And  are  they  ilis 
satisfied  with  this  slate  of  thinsH.>  Arc  they  dis- 
rontenled  with  waives  and  prices.'  Do  they  call 
for  a  ehansre  in  the  existini;  revenue  laws.>  Do 
they  ask  yon  to  break  up  the  established  system, 
nnil  to  set  us  loose  upon  a  sea  of  speculation  .'  I 
do  not  so  uiidcrst/inii  them;  nor  have  I  seen  here  or  , 
elsewhere  any  evidence  to  Ihut  e.'l'eci.  And  why,  i 
then,  does  the  Seerelnry  of  the  Treasury  cjill  upon 
lis  to  break  down  everythiie,'  that  is  i  stablished, 
and  to  jilay  nch  tricks  with  the  happiness  and 
prosperity   ■.  ihc  American  people.' 

Mr.  Chairman,  this  outcry  aliout  llie  tnritf  i.s  ail 
the  work  of  puliliciaiis.  It  is  our  iwtiliciniis  who 
nre  strivinj;  to  persuade  the  people  that  tliey  are 
prievonsly  oppressed  nnd  taxed,  anil  propose  to 
lake  yreat  credit  to  thcmselvis  for  the  /.eai  whi'h 
they  exhibit  in  their  efforts  to  rescue  the  people 
from  their  desperate  nnd  miserable  condition.  It 
is  our  politicians  who  would  paint  tlie  tantf  as  a 
nionsterthat  they  may  claim  with  (heir  coi,  .ituents 
the  merit  of  killins;  it;  nnd  with  no  other  possible 
motive  that  I  can  conceive,  and  with  no  possible  re- 
sponse from  (he  feojtle,  as  far  as  I  can  discover. 

I  do  not  say,  sir,  there  is  any  man  on  this  floor 
who  ever  willingly  deceived  his  eonstiliii-nts  or  the 
jieople;  but  I  believe  there  are  those  here  who  have 
told  them  that  the  tJirilT  was  not  jeoparded  by  tiie 
rlc.ctioii  of  Mr.  I'olk;  that  Mr.  I'olk  was  a  better 
Inrifrmnn  than  .Mr.  Clay,  and  thai  the  i;ieat  Uein- 
ncratic  party  would  upl  old  domestic  industry,  as 
ihcy  were  tlie  jrent  and  exclusive  iriciids  of  the 
laborinK  classes. 

Mr.  Chnirmnn,  this  is  not  nnd  oucht  not  to  be 
n  party  question.  We  should  not  sutler  the  Kreat 
intercsLi  of  i.aiior  to  become  the  mere  football  of 
politicians.  I  am  one  of  those,  sir,  who  think  that 
the  wa£;ca  of  Inbor  cannot  be  too  hi^h;  and  I  never 
want  to  see  them  reduced,  by  returnini;  to  the  cur- 
rency of  barbarous  nations,  nor  by  the  introduc- 
tion of  an  unlimited  competition  vvith  the  pauper 
labor  of  other  countries.  I  nm  opposed  to  any 
disturbance  of  the  existing  revenue  laws,  because 
1  see  under  them  labor  flourishes,  nnil  is  will 
rewarded.  And  labor  cannot  flourish  without  im- 
parting prosperity  (o  (he  c,apitalis(-,  nor  can  you 
tax  and  oppre.ss  the  capitalis(  wi(hout  uUimutely 
taxing  the  labor  of  the  country. 


i      Why,  sir,  we  had  n  notable  project  of  inxniion 
introiliiccil  here  the  other  day  by  (he  KcnMemnii 
from  'I'l  niicHsee,  who  annonnced   i(  as  an  aniend- 
inciK  he  slioiilil  iitlcriK  (he  proper  (ime  (o  this  rev. 
eiiiie  bill.      He  had  i(  read  for  our  sober  rcrteclion, 
and  if  llie  gentleman  is  to  be  jiidi;ed  by  the  charac- 
j  Icr  of  Ills  i'i'si>hitioii,  be  inusi  be  a  very  liberal  and 
I  ni:i;,'naiiiinoiis  and  an   excee'ilii^ly  piUriotie  man. 
Me  votes  liiri  coiintfy  into  n  war,  aid  would  ilirn 
shrink  fioin  his  share  of  tiie  burdens  it  necessnrily 
I  imposes.     Sir,  I  commcod  I.Ih  j.iiiriotism  (o   (he 
I  eonsideralion  of  his  cioisi.iueiits. 
'      Anioiii;  other  items  for  excessive  taxation,  he 
was   ill   favor  of  (axinj;  Kold  and   silver  ware,  of 
which  he  estimati's  (here  are  «i|lll),IMHI,IHH)  wnrlli 
in  the  counlrv,  tin  prr  rnil,  prr  iiiiiiiiiii.    Well, sir, 
where  would  that  (ax  fall.'     A(  lcas(  sixty  milliiuis 
'  of  that  ine  hunilri'il  millions  rejiresent  (he/<i/iortluit 
has  been  expended  in  convertniK  t;old  and  silver 
into  these  wares.     Millions  are  now  paid  annually 
ill  lliis  country  in  iciijfi'i  lo  workmen  in  u'old  and 
silver.     A  tax  of  leu  |ier  cent,  would  of  course  stop 
tins  species  of  maiiiifai  tiiie  imnieilinlely,  and  lead 
I  to  the  disposal  or  exportation  lo  some  more  civil* 
izecl  rcLrion  of  all  the  plate  in  the  connlry;  for,  not 
bein;;  an  article  of  necessity,  it  would   he  readily 
disiiensed  with,     ll  would   throw  out  of  employ 
^  anil  reduce  to  want  Ininilrcils  and  thousands  of  the 
'  very  iniliviilnals  whose  liilinr  has  been  incorporated 
in  tlie  plate  and  gold  and  silver  ware  of  the  conn- 
lry, and  conslitiiles  nearly  two-thirds  of  its  value. 
Such,  sir,  is  demairoguisni  everywhere,  and  such 
its  IViendship  and  sviupatliy  for  the  poor. 
I      Mr.  Chairman,  wealth  is  ihe  result  of  human  j 
labor.     Yiiil  cannot  lax  or  oppress  il  without  tnx- 
ing  and  oppressing  lalior.     Capital  and  industry  | 
must  go  together  and   work    together,  and   lliey 
■  flourish   in    comiiion    prosperity.     When   a   man  j 
'  upon  this  floor  or  upon  the  stiiinp  talks  of  taxing 
!  the   rich,  and  making  the  rich  pay  Ihe  expenses 
I  of  the  Mexican  war,  there  might  be  some  Justice 
I  in  it,  if  he  could  show  llinl  the  rich   brniight   it  j 
'  nboiil,  or  that  il  was  waged  for  their  benefit.     Hut  i 
consume  the  wealth  of  Ihc  rich,  waste  it  in  expe-  | 
ditions  of  war  and  blooilshed,  si|uaiidei'  it  in  nn- 
connied  millions  in  raiding  and  eipiipping  armies  ] 
'  and  sup|iorlin','  them  in  those  labors  which  produce  j 
[  misery  and  distress  alone,  and  where  does  the  lax  j 
fall  bcnviest  in  the  end  !     Vou  may  snip  the  rich 
iiKin,  but  the  poor  man  yon  both  strip  and  starve. 
You  have  taken  from  him  that  had,  and  have  not 
given  In  him  that  had  not. 
I      Sir,  I  believe  the  honest  and  intelligent  people 
,  of  the  ITiiited  States,  of  all  classes,  have  too  mneli 
patriotism  to  shrink  from  any  burdens  necessary 
to  sustain  the  honor  of  the  Government  or  Ihc  iii- 
;  tcrests  of  the  counlrv,  and  that  the  poor  man  will 
contribute  to  this  end  as  cheerfully  from  his  pover- 
I  tv  as  Ihe  rich  man  from  his  abniidance.     I'.veii  if 
'  'hey  disapprove  the  war  with   Mexico,  ihey  will 
coiiperule  wiih  the  Administration  to  raise  all  ihe 

I  means  that  may  be  necessary  to  effect  its  honnra- 
il  ble  tennination,  and  nscrve  for  another  period  the 
:    discussion  of  the  rcs|iunsibililicH  that  may  attach 

to  it;4  authors. 
;        lint,  Mr.  Chairman,  if  wears  to  he  experimcnl- 
,1  ed  upon,  let  us  not  be  altogether  victimized.     If 

*  we  are  to  abandon  llie  principle  of  protecting  Amer- 
ican industry,  let  us  not  at  the  snmc  time  abandon  i 

'  the  protection  of  the  treasury,  or  cneouiage  and 
i  facilitate  the  frauds  of  foreigners  upon  the  custom-  ■ 

I I  house.  I  do  not  blame  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
'  urv  for  being  the  dupe  of  the  foreign  agents  who 

have  been  about  him  for  the  last  twelve  months. 
1  It  could  not  well  be  otherwise,  for  the  Secretary 
j  has  no  great  experience  in  commercial  nfliiirs,  and 
H  it  would  hardly  be  expected  llmt  one  so  little  in- 
I  formed  on  such  subjects  should  not  be  something 
'  swindled.  But  I  beg  this  House,  with  the  belter 
I  lights  they  must  have  before  them,  not  to  become 

•  the  'ools  and  dupes  of  such  absiirdilies. 

•j  For  instance,  the  Secretary  tells  us  n  great  deal 
i'  about  nd  ralnrcm  duties,  by  which  I  suppose  he 
l|  means  levying  duties  on  goods  nccnrdiiig  to  what 

I  they  nre  worth.  Now,  this  is  the  most  uncertain 
"  of  all  possible  standards.     A  thing  is  worth  what 

i  it  will  bring.     It  is  worth  one  price  at  Liverpool, 

and  another  nt  New  York,  and  another  price  still 

'    at  (Charleston  or  Nev/  Orleans.      Where,  then,  are 

yiiu   lo  a.ssiune  the  value  that  is  to  be  llie  I  nsis  of 

■  taxation.'  Abrnnd.'  Then  you  hnvc  false  invoices 
"  and  hard  swearing,  and  duties  on  articled  varying 


with  every  shipment.  Allionir'  Then  you  linve 
one  prire  taxed  III  llnston  and  another  a(  New 
Orleans,  acconling  lo  the  stale  of  the  market,  ihn 
jiiilgineiil  of  appraisers,  or  the  skill  anil  cniininv 
of  llie  inipoiiers,  iin.l  the  family  of  maniiging  men 
and  appearanci  s.  So  dillereiil  is  the  jiidgmeiil  of 
otficers  in  these  matters,  that  I  have  Known  iiier- 
cliaiiilise  passed  duty  free  at  one  porl,a'iil  pre- 
cisely similar  merchandise,  invoiced  and  ilcs.ribed 
in  the  same  maiincr  in  every  respect,  charg'  d  .111 
per  ci'iil,  nt  niiollier.  Then  what  In  comes  of  tlm 
constitutional  provisions  that  all  duties  sliall  be 
nniforni.' 

If  ihn  tnrifl'  must  lie  reduced,  why  should  nnr 
w  hole  syslein  be  levoliitioiiized  ?  Why  not  aillnre 
lothe  sytetii  of  specific  duties,  which  can  be  riiulilv 
and  certainly  deferinined,  ailjiiHted  wilhoul  diflj- 
ecilly  lo  every  variety  of  articles — which  is  a  con- 
venient system  for  the  importer  and  purchaser,  n 
safe  one  for  the  Uovernment,  nnd  has  hillierlo 
been  sniisfaclory  lo  all  parties.  Why,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, this  is  change  for  the  sake  of  change  merely, 
or  why  all  these  changes  nt  once.' 

How,  ill  Heaven's  name,  iliil  Mr.  Walker  pick 
up  among  his  law  books  in  IViiiisylvanin,  or  ill 
his  spi'ciilalions  in  Mississippi,  the  fund  of  cum- 
mercial  wisdom  he  niit;ht  to  possess  betbre  he  tliiui 
venliircs  upon  subverting  established  and  well- 
tested  systems  •  The  Secielary  of  the  Treasury  linn 
givin  us  ll  dociiinenl  of  marly  n  ihonsanil  pages, 
under  the  title  of  "  Kinaiice  Keport  for  |H.)(i,"  of 
which  much  the  larger  [lorlioii  is  all  "  leather  anil 
prunella,"  neither  enliglileiiing  himself  nor  anv- 
Ipoily  else,  and  of  no  uset'iil  purpose  to  anybody 
bill  ihe(i//iri»/  printer.  And, alter  all,  I  would  now 
plai'c  the  opinion  of  n  single  practical  meiTlianI, 
who  is  aci|iiainteil  with  the  subject,  and  whose  ob- 
ser\alioiis  have  been  direited  to  it  in  his  daily 
walks,  against  that  of  the  Secretary  and  all  the 
array  of  clerks  who  have  been  employed  in  figii- 
riiigdiit  his  h'lire  volumes.  Sir,  I  hold  in  my  liaiiil 
a  paper  signed  by  over  fifty  inercantile  firms,  any 
one  of  whom  is  better  able  to  judge  of  this  qui  slioii 
than  the  Secretary  of  llii!  Treasury,  because  they 
have  all  some  knowledge  of  it,  and  he  has  none. 
Mr.  Walker  niiglit  investigate  n  point  of  law  more 
saiisfai  torily  llinii  nny  one  of  them,  because  he  is  a 
lawyer  and  they  are  not;  and  they  are  better  able 
to  decide  upon  a  iiractiial  conimeiciiil  question  than 
he  is.  111  cause  lliey  are  incrchants,  and  he  is  not. 
This  pa|ier  is  the  petition  from  the  impnrtei-^  of 
silk  goods  in  the  city  of  New  York,  eirrorncing 
nearly  all  the  men  hauls  embarked  in  lint  particu- 
lar busines-i,  foreign  as  well  as  Americi.n.  All  of 
lliein  I  know  by  reputation,  and  many  of  them 
|iersonally;  and  I  know  that  they  only  wish  to  be 
permitted  to  pursue  a  fair  and  liononibli  trade,  and 
that  Ctovernment  should  not  legisliile  for  the  inter- 
ests of  foreign  dealers.  The  petition  is  short,  and 
I  will  read  il; 

"7b  Ihe  hon-jT<ihli'  tUf.  Iloitsr  of  Rrinrfndativa  of  the  United 
tildtn : 

"  We,  the  liliilcrf^imii'il.  iiiiTcliiillts  niirf  ilil|Mirlerw  of  llie  city 
nf  N'l  w  York,  vvonlit  o>>[it  elliitlv  reiiioii^tnili-  RuailiNt  ltl;it 
IHiitinii  nf  itic  tnriir  lull  tinvv  liilnre  >iiiir  liiiiioriilile  lioiiy 
cliaiiiriiiu  Itie  (tali''..*  on  iiiiiiiiilin-liireil  i^ilks  Ijiiiii  \^miJiP  to 
tid  vAlortm.  'i'h.il,  iii  our  i>|jiliiiai.  Die  |irii|Ni.ieil  clittiiiie  is 
iiin>t  injiKliciiiiis,  a..<  (iiit-iiieil  itie  way  to  Irauitn  iijmiii  llie 
ri  vi'iiiie,  llii-rcliv'  iiijiiriiii.'  llii!  Ii(iiii'i.|  iiiiisirlerx,  ti.'«  writ  as 
Itoilll!  rlHC  In  i-iiil|i>>s  iliseili'Hiiilid  lielwei-il  tile  (■nveniliielil 
iijil'niiHers  iiimI  ltli.>  iiii-rclialilt>,  iiIkO  ,iulijeeling  ttio  Uovmi- 

lllfllt  III  JllCI'htl.'lIll  lillijiltllllltl." 

I      In  this  connexion  I  will  introduce  extracts  from 

a  letter  received  from  another  of  my  conslitiienls, 

[  a  merchant  of  great  experience  and  intelligence, 

who  will   pardon  the  public  use  of  a  eominunicu- 

'  tion  intended  only  for  private  perusal: 

I      (t  'I'lii-rc  Is <  ti'iitiire  111  llie  new  tiiritfliill  wllich  strikes 

I  liir  wilt  ill-  loiiiiil  ill  (loiiiice  n  very  i(|(^cit// one  In  si't  nn  ;  il 

is  this  ;  lieri'inlnftlie  \\  i-il'iiii  nrt'nnijrfss  liu.4  Ih'Cii  iiivnkiil 

,  In  exteliit  on-  siivciftc  i/ii/i/  ilti  Tiir  as  praelicalile,  tciivilii;  iiH 

!  lew  arliclis  as  prrirlieiilile  In  cniin:  uinler  Itie  ad  nitor'in 

i  i«ysli>iii.     .Mr.  Walker  iihiiiiitnii!*  nil  UiIh,  anil   llirnws   llie 

wlliile    lilitlir   the   ml    vatnreiii   »iyslriii,    liul  lines   lint  ^.iiy 

wliellitr  vdliii'  >tiiilt  lie  li.xeil  fure  nr  nlirond;  nnil  Hint  will 

he  a  )ia/./.ti-r~//.i'm/ iiuiiinst^ifr/.     Il'ltie  liniiie  viitiialinii  is 

I  iKeil  nil.  til IIK-'s  lllr  i-nii-litliliniilil  itillielllly  nt'  llillkiliL; 

'  iitl  viilili'S  alike  ill  nil  jfiirt.-,  sn  lliiil  duties  hhllll  lie  llie  siiiin-. 
!  Ciia  llii>  lii'ilniif^  'I'tirii  Ifwi'tiiki!  values  iiHjii'orii/odi'roiK/, 
j  »vill  lley  all  lie  alike  .'  Will  iinl  sonic  I'on-iiiiiers  swciir  a 
:  litil,'  liiti^rr  than  iialivcs.'  Il'iin,  ilieii  we  shall  see  the  tuil- 
niice  nt  nllr  Inrtlt'll  Irilile  ellliri'ly  ill  the  hlllllls  nl  rnri-i|.'lltTs, 
'  who  *  ride  lii'o-'  ;'s  nui'ins  ol'  tiireiiia  lioi|.ies. '  at  siajtlr  aii- 
'  cliiir.' anil  ilii  iirlni  >  iintilia  nnr  jury  iliily.  iiiiil  jiiiy  nn  taxes, 
'  aailsnine  nr»'ti"i  '  ire  nn  iiinrealHiiili  ticiitiii|{  ^  Ihcrnhntlly 
I  yuitkre  (;.i»-nTiip  ,. '  than  a  cul  eiires  Inr  llie  repiilatiun  nV 
'  its  in'iiiiihiitliiT. 
I      "  Make  (lull  .s  iperiftc,  ilicn.    Every  tiling  which  can  lie 


„,.|l(liiilnrni<u<iir>i 

h,  HI  enllir".     Anil  I  I 

,  mill  »!■"  '"'  I'oinn'' 

■lie  lllieH<l-  111  K  "I" 

lllldnfcl.lll,  wiiel. 

1_  .  UitemU  la  «  «il 

niidcraiilii«".)»"|n 

«.  iiir  lis  i.nicliciilile 

All  valnreai  Ihlian' 

,.r'.  id  111,  siiil  '  I'll' 

..lli'liil  the  l"l  V"l"' 

•air  lin|Hirliii»  liilsli 

•  tall^  lfvilllliisi"e 

ni  Fli«ld«ir».'  •I'V*  ' 

In  the  sweiiriim  "I 

■  days.    Knr  illie,  I 

|„nii)s  ol  thnie  wll 

lueiilnr  mcnrllyi 

I  know  (hut  lloilh 

.•lllllril  h"  liws'ds 


market 
rope — a 
by  ever; 
uiid  tint 
scarciiy 
of  the  I 
prove  0 
cm  price 
It   w° 
new  11;, 
land  lo  I 
Willi  rcl 
siiy. 
esUs — tl 
land's 
the  coi 
Riisi 
discovi 
nnd  ar 
iiig  Ibei 
Kuglis 
eheup  I 
rapiilly 


ion 
APPENDIX  TO  THB  CON«KKSS,<>NA.,  "'"""W^^^^^^^^^,^ 


,7|,,iiy  f"ii"ii''l 


I 


il.wiinl.  ■■""""1  V"','il„-i'  IMII  I'l' 


;,„,,.l  .,r  even  ;"';'^^";    ,,    U    'Ut  »l.e  will  ..'.t  !■" 

„,„„„  ,„min.um<,  "'  ''''' T  wl '.le  wi..-r,u-e  i^.m^ 

.   „  wnril  or  two  t<>  """■,■•',  „,,,,,..Hf   n  I'Xiluilmt,' 
I    from  c,nr  nvnk.l  tW-^^'V,";;;,;;,.,,,,  k,„.lH<.t  in>| 


iiilini  iii"">  "'•■;',:,,, ^  ,,,n  iw  11  H'uuii  "■  "   .,  ,1,,.  v,..     r,iiiimi"i"i""''  ■•  ■     '  „.i',,„,.  rr,i(ii  »  umi  »«■   r-.- 


an  npimrluuity  >•<   •'«''-,":  ,  ,„l  sviilnml  wl.";l>   , 

wl>icl.  I  Jo  ..;."  IT,,  n  m  prnnonnnn..  np""  H'-^ 
1  „|,m,l.l  n"t  lr.\  saliHh  ti  "M  j    j^.,,  ffoni   H. 

U.nefiu.  wl.i.f  «':  !  ^''J'^o    ^v   ich  Ir..  .nulc  Ims 

I'.nnln.f  t'.  I "^;  "'"k,  ,,r.  HPniiy  »'"! ''''""'''''1. 

w,;  ore  wlJ,  1"'H  .'^  *;,,,i^  „„t  UH  ni.  ex..iin|.l« 
.vl,..t  una  Hour,  »»'"'"',,  f,..c  tm.lc  «Uul. 
.,,■  cnli(;lit.;n..l  >7t^  '"'""'Ly,  e  of  u»  In^vr,  fu.w.t- 

U,,   tlu,  ln"'"l''">'/.  ""    "     n.r   >.!  «re»i  rcsullM   I 


ive  to  llio  oyr,  lli"."«"  '  "'      tl.r   lunclmHcr,  .mil 


i,HeinU.eextr.<no'" 

„„„„„.•   nunc  nn.l.-       « 

„  ,VyHMn>  llnu,  1 1...  "'•=;„,;„    .,!•  ,rv«nnc  .r..m 

,,,„/„„„■,.(■.  rint  OnH  ™' ,  '  ,,u,l,. S.TrcHuy, 
v,.„l,ollnr-|-n.l.>'."nH  «^"J  ;,,^  ^,,„,,,,  ,  „  ,,, 
mi  Itie  Hircii«lli  "t   *   ,       i,,vir.Mno,<xpornninl». 

!„,.„  .t.«  vM'y  '•''•,":',,"    I  ,   1  .lo  wctl.al'l  will 

IsiurinUy  to  I  "'  ';'','',    a  mir  .ii.Meln.nlHK-'   " 
,„!  ,„  our  miuill  '"I'l"    ■;'"; "  ^  ,,„i  „,  drorly,  muiii- 

,-,«i/  l)f  on.'  llimu,     '"^-r.Yi,^,  .,f  a.,U..rH,  nor  a 

nmnot.of  ilulf,  '"'''.,"",';  ,1  nrvtr  will;  t,>^» 

,i,ii'lf  J"ll'"-."'  "".'  "^       ,  1,?  ti,.'  rocnlft""-  "'  """ 
'    !t..»t,  oon«nni,..,,.n  .nn     1         ,J„^    ,i,,,.  i„  o.jr 

.„;,.,„lion,aiul  'lH'7,f'  ''';     :,,,„U«lc  tin'  revenue-. 


;,,..y  wunUl  only   "■'i;ir;;     „;,  „nU.„i..i"l  p.o^  ',';,;,  d  nm  be  •'"H'' tl^'enZ" M'tion,  «}» 

"";i?bHy-.nror..i— «,;^-r;;rpff 

,„iHpart  of  ll.c  1'"' '-y  n,  ^,„  ,a  leaHtitwill  ;o 
1  „f  the  HI-e<'ifi''  '>•"."■''•  i"  .f  ,.mi.y-l»'i"S  •^■J"""/ 
,  e  itiile-l  to  ll.e  P>;",sc  "  ';"'(!j,i„v,e  tl.c  fran.l« 
;    well  ™l,uln.e.l  tin on ^'"^     'j  ^„  j     ,ivc  our  osvn 

•f<^'™«V"'";"lSo.;.ion.       „..„.,. 


,„„1  nnlil  .11  "01  '»■';;;■""",■,,,,,,„  eonHumption,  «•»> 
„.„,  is  to  ineieaxe  ""''"'  ',„,„,,„  „f  payment  for 
a.  tl-  -'e  "»'•="';,;'  ,'utlk  abo.lt  "iW  adding 
tliiH  inereiise,  it  ii  'ony 

niiVll.ins,'  I"  >'"'  ''^V'"-"''.!,,,.  i\ie  Secretary  of  tliP 
t  is  u.  l'«  l'"l"='  ■  r"',       neonrafielhcp-"-'^!'""" 
Trcasuiy  .loeH  not m Um  I     monu ^_^^  __^.^,_^  ^ 

„f  moiT.  gocala  l'"'"  *',;,,, ,  wo  refiinrc     1'" 

1  Hompti-  "V""";„f,:rw  li         >"«  .,Uvay»  lookef 
litlonKH  to  the  Hiliool  *;'','' ,„„ri,ui„nH  i\nd  over- 


1  ll^S;  wines  are  made  mj;r.^. ;;;:;.,       ,,„^ 

!     Ivervlilll'"'"'''-     ^''  -      ?„,er    to  wl'"-''  ''"'V 
i"  ,:urH    dissolvcMl  .»;•....  ^,;,,,,,,,,  will,  a 

live  taste  n.-d  '-l"'"^'",',!";  ,  iuico  of  the  Kr'M'e- 

^,c,„veop«ll.i«  dose  "«;;',      „  ,„,d,  do  not  .'Ost 

\  Some  oftlieMevile  n.'Xtn  „,,,h„u,i,»1  liasis 

!  more  tl.an  two  <■<="'"  '\';"i,,i  them  in  on  an  «<1 

;  f.„.  m.  ml  -"''"TMo^    V  will  he  flooded  with  tliesc 
1  ,v.(orH.^«"dtheeo  »  ry  w|    ^^^^^j  ,;,„ 

1  poisons,  wl>)'-''  ^^','^'1  cities;  and,  l."""""  "% 
1   tinii  rooms  in  onr  l'»S^,^'[  '    '  ...ehaseil  instead  of 
';„„  he  horn^ht  -^^"Jf^X'^'^'ost  more,  and  bemnc  1,  ; 
i  the  real  wines,  w'"'  ''.^\  '  ,,„  .loins  away  with  the 
1  less  profilabl'-.     S"  with  thejionv  ,  ^  _,^,,^,  ^,„„„,e  ^ 


?;;i;:rpci;;d  in  which  vvoapinvvx^-;;;^^ 

;,„  lere  ""'"'''    'vli'sLppi"''"'""'  """?',:; 

I'  nt  1  oVe  States  arc  l"-'";, 'f ,  .!"fj,'.!  ,„  manufactu- 
ln".ard  little  in  saying  '        ^  ^,  "f^^^lier  seeuritie* 
rer  will  hardly  he  ™"«     '  '^/^  „vc  liouidated.       . 
,7 this  sort,  vintil  'I'-'j'^     rcj't,, ali these  expert- 
Mr.  Chairman,  lai^>  "  1  '^"^       ,  i„|,or,  pwiieu- 
mems  on  trade,  ""J  '^^peri  of  being  expo^"^ 

rL:ST^»3;;!!„^r^;i:u'';« 


,„crous,  eontciittd,  an         u  j^ 
imporiei"  .-   ■  -,         „    ^„s  mnKoii;  ..  ""i;; ,;  ,,,  \\  sec  mc  peof-  ncrsuaded  that  't  "" 

^,  „„r  ,„„, , j,j,3  n  „ttcr.     ">'  ,^(1  one  day  at  system,     ''",!"-' c,,.),  a  state  of  thinga 

giifiilitaslilliiiiiiii^ 
igSiliiiiilSi!=-'"^. 

'!;."li'*^  ., =i>o„ld  bci  "nevare.'  ,     ._  .     ,.: 


liii 


is=ipiss:iiiiiiii 

jioBO  of  bruia'i'g 


;ns  i.y  •"- 

*■'"'''■  „  ,  Mr  Chairman,  thalwc  shonm  lie 

It  is  amusinS.  "r-^,*"''r*.t,,,ie  policy  of  Eng- 
eulled  upon  t..  "'''','';■;'-'  ,H..l  her  bcmndh'ss 
Umd,  a  coiinlry  ^^  '  ,  ."  "^.teiion  of  all  her  -rea 
wealth  l'y'''^"'":,l  fZ/f'  r.  OK,  at;ri.nltnral,  and 
,,,f,sh  i"^«»-^;;";  ;tme.;.m's  relax  her  pohcy 
commercial.  Mn-  '  „f  ji,,,  corn  laws,  but 
,.liulc,n»novvnaln.case.  ^^_^,,,^^_  > 

why  is  "•,  '"       ,,r,fthe  doctrine  that  charity 

From  '^ny  al«""'''"'J'^    ;^„i^'   ic  desire,  like  that 
.     _:..„  nt   inine,  anil  any  >.*>"",    ,  ., n  ii,,,  nnor 


OF  NUlli"  ^ 

lSTHEll0U»B0rU«H.SBNTAT.VE„ 

lo    .eB.,lrcducinto.e'X''on  Imports,  andfo. 
1  On  Iho  13m  rcuu  ^^^^  purpoaea. 

Mr.  DANIEL  said:  accordance  with 

,      Mr  CiMUMAs:  T  r  »«";'''«,  ^.^  whom  1  reprc- 

S'e  ''  ,  ,  „„„  ,,,  „nv.  _   ,      ,  .„.„aurc  of 


1078 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  I, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sr.ss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  L  :.ucl. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


ns  it  (I008,  hII  llic  intpresis  of  doriply,  annie  divrr- 
sity  of  opinion  na  10  llio  liclnils  of  the  bill,  nniong 
those  (Icsinnis  of  modifyiiis;  the  existing  liirili"  law, 
was  to  tie  expeited;  l>m  I  tninl  mid  Ijrlicve  (hut 
diversity  of  o|iiiiioii  is  not  irici'oiirilnlilp.  I  Imve 
never  bclitved  so;  niid  to  Tiiy  eorrispondenls, 
whenever  I  liiid  occasion  to  do  so,  I  hi>vccx|iri  sscil 
the  oninion  tliut  the  rxistin;;  titrilf  hiw  would  bo 
iniidiKed  diirin;  the  present  session. 

When  the  Whij,'s  cmne  into  power,  by  the  riec. 
tlon  of  1840,  tliere  was  much  cnntrniielvofopijiion 
ninnng  iheni  on  lliis  siilijccl.     Tlio  Wlii;;s  ol' the 
South  generally  professed   lo  be  in  favor  of  the 
Compromise  «c|.     Tliose  of  the  northern  i\iid  mid- 
dle Stiitcs  were  avowed  advocaleit  of  the  prof  .  tive 
policy.    They  have  harmoni/ed.     Whe|l'.,'r  those 
of  tbo  South,  liy  lendinj;  their  aid  to  the  protective 
policy,  have  consulted  the  interest  of  (lieir  con- 
stituents, tliey  must  determine.     They  have  cer- 
tainly piincd  a  sreat  party  ndvantH'je  by  so  (loin;;, 
in  carrying  out  their  nieasmes  w1ie;i  in  power. 
Let  us  imiLtt/  their  example,  by  harmonizing;  and  j! 
t«kin<;  our  stand,   whether   from   the    .Siaiih   or  ■ 
North,  East  or  West,  upon  the  philform  of  .Telfer- 
aoninn  republicanism.     If  we  will  do  that,  and  ; 
pass  this  bill,  looking  to  a  system  of  revenue  dii-  1 
lies,  v/e  sliall  Imve  done  much  to  wipe  aivny  tlic  j; 
reproach  wliicl'  has  been  cast  upon  us,  that,  as  a  ;! 
party,  we  can  aijree  upon  nothin;,'.  [ 

My  greatest  apprehension  for  tlie  fate  of  this  ; 
measure,  a',  the  present  session,  lias  arisen   from  '' 
the  gUite  of  our  forcijjn  relations.     It  was  ea.<y  to  |j 
perceive  that  a  war  wiihCireal  I'ritiiin,  on  account  ' 
of  the  Orepni   lerricry,  would   riiider  almost  ni- ' 
operative  any  action  of  ours  on  the  titrill",  by  tlie  ; 
interruption  to  mir  forci;;n  cmnnierce  it  would  oc-  ; 
casion.     It  was  also  to  iie  fenr-d,  that  the  outbreak  j 
of  hostilities  with  Mexico  would  have  some  influ-  ij 
cnce — not  so  much  on  account  of  the  inlerrnption    i 
to  commerce,  as  the  expenditures  to  which  ii  would  'j 
give  rise;  and  that  some,  rcv;artiing  the  increased    ! 
reve  t,   .    der  the  exisliii;;  law,  would  doulit  the  |j 
pol     .  1      i  stuibing  it.     l!ut 'our  dilficuliir  1  with  ]■ 
Gr,  1    Ii/ 1  i'.i  luivc  been  seltUd;  and  although  war  \l 
has   i    .  i.'  ,1  out  with  .Mexico,  it  is  probalilc  our  I' 
jicacelul  relations  with  ah  other  nations  will   be  :' 
prosei'ved,  and  our  foreii^n  commerce  midcri^o  but 
slight   interruption — our  trade  with  -Mexico  being 
inconsiderable.     Indeed,  if  the  bill  under  i  .^^:der-    ' 
ation  should  become  a  law,  with  such  amendments 
as  arc  likely  lo  be  made  at  tlie  proper  time,  our 
foreign  commerce  will  be  izreatly  enhu\'cd,  in  con- 
se'|uence  of  llie   repeal  of  the  corn  laws  by  the 
Uritish   Parliament,  to  say  i.othing  of  incriased  . 
consinnptlon  arising  from  the  annexutiuji  of  Te.xius 
nnd  increase  of  population. 

Tliere  are  so  many  ■  auses  which  afleet  trade 
thronshout  its  various  .inifications,  that  it  is  im- 
|x)ssiblc  to  esliniate  Willi  precision  the  aiuoiiiit  of 
revenue  to  be  derived  from  any  system  of  impost 
duties,  h  must  rest,  to  some  cMimt,  upon  con- 
jecture, lint  if  this  enbti'geiii'jnt  ol'our  commerce 
be  looked  to,  and  proper  all.iwancr  bo  made  for 
the  revenue  derived  1'  :  .  arti.  Ii  .c,  ce,  or  paying 
less  than  2(1  per  cent,  nd  valorem  under  the  Oom- 
pnmiis ;  net  of  1^3^,  and  tlie  ic.  if  lH.3->,  but  sub- 
jected 1/  the  a'-t  of  18-ia  le  duties  ranjiinj:,  wilh  a 
few  unimportant  exeejition?,  f,  "■r;  'J5  to  nearly  50 

{)ercent.,  ibcre  will  be  but  le  .e  leason  to  appre- 
lend  any  diminution  of  the  revenue  from  the  pas- 
sage of  the  bill  before  us.  13y  the  (,'iimpromise 
net,  manufactures  of  f1:ix,or  linen  goods,  worsted 

Htutf  goods,  and  manufartures  of  silk  fr this  side 

the  Cape  of  (juod  Hope,  except  sewing  silk,  were 
admitted  to  entry  free  of  duty;  bin,  by  the  act  of 
Sttptember  i  I ,  l!-41, these,  with  •■  iny  oilier  articles 
then  free,  or  paying  I'ss  llian  ^0  per  cent.,  were 
taxed  SO  per  CI  lit.  And  I  y  the  act  nf  b->|o,  now 
in  force,  the  articles  taxed  by  the  net  of  ISJl,  and 
some  ttl  that  time  nmonc  the  free  arliclis,  were 
subjected  to  duties  riiiigi  m,  vllh  a  few  uiiiiiipor- 
tant  exceptions,  as  bcf  ire  obser mI,  from  'Jo  to 
nearly  50  per  1 1  iit.  ad  val^'evi. 

From  sUiicmeiit  C,  accompanying  the  report  of 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  of  tlie  third  of  De- 
ecmbir  last. 

Muruifttcturesof  (lax  yielded >ikl,',>;tn,!)0:i  2.') 

Miimil'acluri  H  ofsilK  yielded 'J,W,V>.;i-J->  a.i 

Worsted  stulf  goods  yielded 5m1,4:)o  70  | 

Making »4,8;rt,C.'iis  20  j 


The  duty  paid  on  silk  from  beyond  the  Cape  .f 
Good  Hope  '{!>  not  distinguished  in  the  slntcment, 
but  is  belie»-*''l  to  have  been  iticonsiilemble.  That 
paid  lai  sewing  silK  was  only  }|il64,l)!):2  20. 

In  statement  I'M'",  of  the  same  report,  the  revenue 
since  .Tnnuary  I,  1843,  is  iriven  as  follows: 
Prom  .Innuary  1  lo  .Iiiiie  ;)0.  1843. .  .fS.'i.tiOa.O.IS  07 
Prom.Tune30,  I843,to.Tiinc:iO,l'^44,-.'.'),7.58,4(Hi  23 
From  Jitie30,  |S44,lo.Iiiiie:tO,  184r),;;(i,fi6(i„374  50 
For  the  three  yeiiis  inmiedinlely  preceding,  the 
reveime  is  given  as  follows; 

For  the  year  18(2 <412,780,173  44 

For  the  veir  1841 15,51fi..58<)  3fi 

For  the  ye-ir  1840 10,1.'-.!>„'I,S!)  44 

What  amount  nf  dni.cs  was  jmid  upon  other  ar- 
ticles five,  or  piiyinir  less  than  20  jiercent.  under 
the  acts  of  1832  lind  1833,  I  have  not  been  able  lo 
ascertain;  but  I  think  it  probable  tliiit  ihe  amount, 
adiled  to  what  was  paid  upon  linen  irooils,  manu- 
factures of  silk,  and  worsieil  sliilf  goods,  would 
not  fall  fiir  short  of  the  diirerenrc  in  the  annual 
average  of  duties  since,  mill  for  the  three  years  im- 
mediately precedimr,  llii'  1  ci  of  I84-}.  It  should  be 
borne  in  niiiiii  that  the  bicnial  reiluelion  of  one- 
tenth  of  the  excess  upon  arlici,..' paviniT  more  than 
21)  percent,  ad  vciortm,  citniinencinn  DeccniberSl, 
\>*33,  reduced  the  excess  of  all  dutie.-.  above  2(1  per 
cent,  four-tenths  from  and  iiftcr  December  31,  18,31); 
and  1)11  the  3lst  of  neceiiibcr,  1841,  me-half  of  the 
excess  then  remaining,  or  lliree-teinhs  more,  were 
dcdiicled;  and  on  the  3(li!i  "f  Jiire,  11S42.  the  other 
lialf  of  the  excess,  or  rcinainini;  tiiree-ttMilhs,  were 
deducteii:  brinirin'.!:  down  all  diitie.*  above  *>()  jier 
c.eiit.  bv  llie  ('ompromi^'c  o'-l,  and  that  of  18.32,  lo 
20  per  cent,  a  !  Miloi-em.  The  act  of  September 
11,  1841,  did  tint  raise  any  duties  above  20  per 
cat.,  but  imposed  a  2t)  per  cent.  i",.ty  inum  some 
j  articles  before  frff,  or  payiiiir  less  than  20  percent. 
During  the  three  years  iiiiiuediately  |iiecediii;' 
I  the  act  of  1842,  it  shoulil  be  further  recollected 
I  that  the  currency  was  ijiratly  deranged,  and  the 
(  country  very  much  einbairas.'sed,  in  eonsenuence 
of  excessive  bankiiiir  and  the  snsiiension  1  '  spe- 
I  eie  payments  in  18,37,  ."ml  18,3<,l,  opcratint;  verv 
Miiifavorablv  upmi  conyiiiMMiion  in  1840,  '41,  an. 1 
'42;  but,  since  the  ait  of  H 12,  the  banks  and  cur- 
rency linv  been  in  a  i;n:)d  condilinii,  and  the 
country  enniparalively  uiiembairassi'd,  leaviii:; 
•inihin;;  tc  -^strain  the  importation  of  goods  but 
the  duties  now  in  force. 

There  are  other  considerations  bearing  upon 
this  view  of  the  case. 

According  to  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  at  page  3,  "  the  receipts  for  the  first 
'ciuarter  of  this  year  are  le.ss  by  S2,0I1,«85  !)0 

*  tnaii  the  receipts  nf  the  same  qnarler  last  year. 

*  Anioni;  the  causes  of  decrease  is  the  proixressivc 
'diminution  of  the  iniporiation  of  many  lii;;lily 
'  jirotected  articles,  and   llie  siibsliinlion   of  rival 

*  dome.^iic  products.  l*^or  the  nine  months  eiid- 
'  ing  June  .30,  1843,  since  the  preseiii  tnriir,  the 
'  average  of  duties  upon  duliatde  imports  was 
'  eipial  to  37.84  1-10  per  ci  111.;  for  the  year  ending 
'June  .'to,  1844,  .'13.K')  0  10  per  cent.;  showing  a 
'  irreal  ilimiiiulion  in  the  aviiai.'e  per  ceiila','e,owltig 
'  in  part  to  increised  inipnriatinn  of  s.tine  articles 
'  be.Triiii:  the  li'.;hter  duties,  and  decreasr"!  'oipor- 

■  '  talion  of  others  bearitiL:  'Ui-  higher  duty." 

"The  reveni:e  from  an  valorem  ilnties  last  year 
'exceeded  that  realized  fr  .111  spcific  duties,  al- 
'  Ihoii^'li  ihe  average  of  the  ad  valorem  daties  was 
'  only  2**. 57  percent.,  nnd  llie  averai:e<jf  I  he  specific 
'  duties  '1.311  per  cent.;  pr.setitiiifr  another  strong 
'  proof  Ihat  lower  diiliis  increase  the  revcu  le." 

That  the  iinpnrlatioii  uflri-hlylaxed  articles  has 
decreased  siiui:  the  act  of  l"<42,  tin-  tables  accom- 
panying the  treasury  report  .abundanlly  prove. 

From  slalement  X,  it  ii|.p'  ars  lhat  the  nt;gre;n;e 
value  of  several  lii:;hlyliiV' d  articles  for  ihe  three 
years  since  and  immediately  preceding  the  net  of 
1842,  was  as  follows: 


Nniaesnrnr-I     Hilly  iiii|icwiil. 

AiiLTiL'nt*' 

AtrcrcKiKe 

ticlen.        j 

Mitiii  iiil.s|:i. 

v.-itiiciniSlll, 

1 

'H,  .iiiil  'l.'i. 

'II.  mill  'l>.>. 

X^iniitic'       Itjiiiiiiiie  111  iii"-i 

tares  of  iriif  cii-"-tr'iMiii|avnrtf- 

mill  ^tel.•l.        iif  ■HMm  llis.M   |i.i 

ceiil 

.*7.'13:.938 

lJ19,fi(n,(MI 

Ilciiip  and     :«?."■  iiml  su.'.i.'ltu 

enritm;!'.          H.'l.liJ  |icr  ei'lit 

848,0  IS 

l,BS.',fl7;i 

Hlipir 61 .4i  tn  m.Tt  per 

Iceiit 

I4..'-.(I9.4'!9 

ao.fST,  tt'i 

And  "  the  di.'v  on  cotton  bagging,"  snyii  the 
Secretary  of  the  IVeasiiry,  "  is  equivalent  lo  55.20 
per  cent,  nd  valorem  on  Scotch  bagging,  nnd  to 
123.11  per  rent,  on  the  gunny  bag;  and  yet  the 
whole  revenue  on  these  duties  has  fallen  to  ftG6,- 
0(14  .-iO." 

These  considerations  dispel  the  apprehension 
that  the  p;issni;e  of  the  bill  will  diminish  the  reve- 
nue, and  go  to  sLstaln  the  opinion  advanced  by  iho 
sentlfiiian  from  Virsinia,  [Mr.  Hunteh,]  lhat  the 
bill,  excluding  ten  and  eotlce,  will,  if  passed  into  n 
law,  realize  in  five  vears  a  greater  nmount  of  reve- 
nue tliati  coil'. I  lie  rcilized  under  the  ncl  of  1842; 
(iir  it  will  be  admit  ed,  I  pi-esnme,  on  nil  hniiils, 
that  the  duties  iinpo.s"d  by  Ihe  bill,  embrneing,  ns 
it  dues,  a  gri, Iter  anioint  of  dutiable  articles  thnit 
the  act  of  1.842,  will  raise  morn  revpime  from  a 
given  amount  of  imports  than  the  reduced  duties 
of  1840,  '41     .11(1  '42. 

We  are  i  liberty,  then,  to  look  lo  the  eflects  of 
Ihe  dutic^  proposed  by  the  bill  upon  the  great  in- 
dnstri.il  pursiiils  of  ihe'eountry,  and  conlrHslthem 
wilh  tlio  e  arising  from  the  duties  now  in  force. 

iN'eilher  of  theyreal  parlies  of  the  country  desire 
10  collect  llie  revcmte  of  ihe  I'l'dernl  tioyernmeiit 
by  a  system  of  direct  taxation.  The  Pemocrntic 
party,  as  n  party,  arc  in  favor  of  eolleeting  the 
revenue  that  may  be  necessary  to  an  economical 
atlministration  of  the  Government,  by  a  system  of 
duties  that  will  shackle  commerce  as  little  as  pos- 
sible. Such  a  .system,  by  the  influence  which 
duties  imposed  for  revenue  will  have  u|)on  prices, 
will  enable  the  manufactories  of  the  country,  lhat 
are  judiciously  enndiicted,  to  compete  with  rival 
articles  from  abroad,  subjeeled,  as  they  niusi  be, 
to  freight,  insurance,  and  commissions,  in  ndditinii 
to  Ihe  duty.  Those  who  advorate  the.  protective 
policy  assert  lhat  our  mnnufncturers  cannot  com- 
pete wit'i  forei^'ii  manufacturers  in  the  home  mar- 
ket under  a  system  of  mere  revenue  duties,  nnii 
Insist  that  such  duties  be  imposed  ns  will  enable 
them  to  contend  successfully  wilh  foreign  fabrics. 
The  system  of  duties  r.ow  in  forci'  is  In  accordance 
with  the  views  of  the  advocntcs  of  protectiim.  Thu 
bill  under  coiisidcralion,  allhoiurh  it  proposes,  in 
some  instances,  lii;;lier  (liilies  than  I  could  wMi, 
approximates  a  system  of  mere  revenue  dutlis, 
and  will,  if  it  beco'ine  n  law,  greatly  alleviate  the 
burdens  to  which  we  are  now  subjected.  All  the 
reasons,  then  lore.  In  favor  of  the  protective  noli- 
cy,  npply  in  favor  of  the  existing  law;  while  those 
In  favor  of  a  system  of  revenue  duties  urge  the 
adoption  of  the  bill  u.ider  consideration. 

I  will  first  consider  some  of  the  arguments  urged 
In  favor  of  llie  proiectivi  policy 

It  iseonlended  that  liiEili  pro  .ecli\c  duties  reduce 
the  prices  of  iimiiiitactured  nriicles,  by  the  compe- 
tition which  they  encoura:;e.  If  such  duties  eti- 
connii;e  home  conipelilion,  they  certainly  tend  to 
exclude  foreign  ennip  :ition,  which,  if  the  manii- 
faclnrers  are  10  lie  li.  ileveil,  if  not  restrained  by 
liisli  duties,  would  deslroy  all  their  establishments. 
if  it  be  true  that  high  duties  reduce  prices  by  eii- 
cciurairin;:  home  competition,  the  inference  is  nnn- 
voidnbic  that  the  fcreign  competition  excluded  by 
such  dut'es  would  reduce  th(  m  sllll  more. 

To  sustain  the  aifrument,  present  prices  nf  vari- 
ous articles  have  been  referred  to,  and  contrasted 
with  prices  at  foiiuer  |ierlods;  but  the  prices  of 
similar  articles    In   the   n.anufaciuriiig    countries 

road  have  not  been  given  They  would.  In  all 
probability,  be  found  to  be  from  ten  to  fifty  per 
cent,  lower  In  nine  cases  out  of  ten;  and  in 
some  cases  |00  per  cent.  Tln^  Inith  in,  other  great 
cnuses  have  operiited  to  reduce  ;  . '  vs,  nntwith- 
slanding  the  tendency  of  hii;h  dull-  1  ke."p  them 
tip.     Since  the  cessation  of  hostil'  onsef|iteiit 

upon  the  '^rcnch  Kcvolution,  'he  [.ii,.-<ical  force  of 
the  eivili/ed  Aorld,  with  but  lutle  iiilerriiplioii,  has 
turned  to  the  pursuits  of  peace.  The  arts  nnd 
sciences  have  rnj  idly  advanced;  au'ricnilnre  hn."f 
been  extended  mil  greatly  improved  rheapenlng 
the  means  of  livlii!;,  nnd  the  rio"  iiir.'  rials  upon 
which  niniiulactiirliu,'  skill  nnd  '  mr  are  employed; 
labor-saviii!,'  Inventions  and  niachinery  have  been 
niiilllplied,  and  retnlered  more  successful;  the  ele- 
ments of siiam  and  electricity  have  been  subjeeleil 
In  tlie  useful  purposes  of  life,  annihilating  space  hi 
the  liniisml:  sion  of  intelligence,  nnd  in  expediting, 
facilitating,  and  clieiipenim'  inlerconrse  nnd  Irans- 
porlallon  between  difVerent  eoiinlries  nnd  dill'ereiit 
parts  of  the  same  country.    These  're  some  of  tho 


■  i 


1816.) 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1079 


Sih'H  CoNO. 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Daniel. 


IIo.  OF  Reps. 


great  cniises  wliicli  have  operated  tn  dimiiiiBli  the 
cost  of  production,  and  reduce  prices,  in  all  the 
rnunlries  which  h  ve  made  any  respectable  prog- 
ress ir.  modern  improvcmcnta.  They  have  been 
down  inmost  •' ri.irr.!!  of  the  manufacturing  coun- 
tries, rnucli  lower  than  they  are  in  this;  where 
they  wouli!  have  been  reduced  much  lower  than 
iheir  present  level,  but  for  the  tendency  of  high 
duties  to  keep  them  up. 

The  trade  in  foreign  goods,  the  importation  of 
which  has  been  prohibited  or  restrained,  m,y  be 
resumed  if  the  staple  agricultural  products  fail  so 
low  in  the  home  market  as  to  allow  the  importing 
merchant  nn  increased  margin  for  profit,  that  will 
r.ovcr  the  loss  he  may  susutm  between  tlie  cost  of 
the  foreign  goods,  with  the  duty  upon  them,  and 
tlie  price  for  whicli  they  may  be  sold  in  the  homo 
market;  or  if  the  price  of  the  rival  manufactured 
article  should  be  rai  cd  suIKciently  high  to  cover 
the  increased  coat  of  the  competing  foreign  article, 
iiriaingfrom  the  high  duty,  the  pricAj  of  the  article 
in  the  country  of  Ua  production,  and  of  our  agri- 
cultural staples,  remaining  the  same;  or  if  the  for- 
eign article  haa  been  sold  in  the  foreign  market  at 
a  price  which  will  admit  of  reduction  to  m  level 
which  will  be  equal  'o  the  increased  duty,  the  price 
of  the  home  article  and  our  sta|>le  productiona  re- 
maining the  aamc.     iiut  the  very  causes  insiatt-'i 
upon  as  the  groundwork  of  the  protective  policy — 
abundance  of  capital,  low  rate  of  interest,  and 
dense  population  in  the  manufacturing  countries 
abroad — repel  the  idea  that  manufactured  ^oods 
are  usually  sold  at  a  price  beyond  the  cost  ol  pro- 
duction alid  a  niodemto  living  profit.     If  greater 
profitij  should  be  aH'orded  in  any  branch  of  busi- 
ness, the  immense  capital,  seeking  investment  at 
moderate  interest,  and   the  crowded   population, 
would  produce  competition  that  would  bring  down 
the  profits  to  the  usual  level.     It  may  b>    -afely 
assumed,  then,  that  high  duties  rarely,  i.'cvcr, 
Ijring  down  the  price  of  goods  in  the  manufactu- 
ring countries  abroad  in  wl  'ch  they  are  produced; 
and,  if  at  all,  probably  never  to  that  point  which 
will  cover  the  difl'erence  between  a  duty  which  will 
admit  of  their  regular  importation,  and  a  duly  j 
that  will  exclude,  or  greatly  restrain  it;  the  prices 
of  the  rival  domestic  fabrics  and  the  products  of 
agricultural    labor   remaining  the  same.     It  niuat  i 
follow,  then,  that  under  a  system  of  high  dulica,  | 
the  inipoiiution  of  highly-taxed  articles  can  only  j 
be  ciuried  on,  or  resumed  when  prohibited  or  re-  i 
Fitrained,  by  the  inciease  of  the  |)rice  of  the  inanu-  ' 
fuctured  article:!  in  the  home  market,  or  the  fall  of  : 
price  of  our  itgricultural  staples.     Statistical  facts  i 
go  to  auslain  these  views  of  the  cll'uct  of  high  ' 
duties. 

In  addition  to  the  decrease  in  the  average  per  | 
centage  of  the  duties  since  the  act  of  la42,  the 
amount  of  importations — the  inciciiso  of  popula- 
tion anil  improved  state  of  the  currency,  and  pc-  ' 
cuniiu'y  condition  of  the  country,  being  considered 
— allows  the  restraining  elfect  of  the  system  upon  ' 
importations.  I 

Mcrnhaiidi.se  imported,  according  to  the  Trcas- ! 
iiry  report,  Irom  1840  to  ld45,  inclusive,  was  as 
follows ;  I 


.lunr  7,  l&IU.  June  7, 1 444. 

Beef,  mess,  per  barrel %H  25. . .  .$5  35 

Pork,  mess,  per  barrel 15  00. ...  8  5<) 

Hams, smoked, per  pound..  UO  lUj...  U  U5 
Prices  of  cotton  at  Mobile  in  October  in  the  fol- 
lowing years: 
In  183  ',  16    to  20    cents  per  pound. 
In  1842,    7^  to    85  cents  per  pounri.     ' 
In  1844,    6    to    8    cents  |icr  pouii':. 
In  1845,    5^  to    Ci  cents  per  pound. 
I  take  the  price  of  tobacco  from  the  statement  of 
the    gentleman  from   Virginia,    [Mr.   Hubaiiu,] 
founiled,  as  I  understand,  upon  tables  prepared  at 
the  Treasury  Department.      From  1832  to  1842, 
inclusivCi  the  average  price  was  jfTO  per  hogshead. 
From  1S43  to  1845,  inclusive,  the  average  price 
was  $50  ?0  per  hogshead. 

On  tie  other  hand,  while  our  agricultural  pro- 
ducts have  been  declining,  manufactured  gooda 


at  Cien  Fuegos,  Cuba,  $1  72i  to  »2  21}  per  100 
pounds.    Miilassef,  )<i5  per  hngahend  of  1 10  gallons. 

liar  iron — In  London,  Great  Uritain,  ^4  per 
ton— in  Glasgow,  Scotland,  $20  to  $27  77. 

But,  to  reconcile  the  laboring  and  agricultural 
portion  of  the  community  to  this  price-sustaining 
system,  as  far  as  manufactures  arc  concerned — a 
system  which  (a.\ea  ua  to  an  unnecessary  extent  in 
tne  aalt  that  acasons  our  food,  the  sugar  that 
sweetens  our  beverage,  the  shoes,  hats,  and  cloth- 
ing wc  wear;  in  a  word,  in  all  the  necessaries  of 
life,  with  but  few  exceptions — we  are  told  that  it 
creates,  in  the  establishments  which  it  brings  into 
existence  and  sustains,  an  extensive  home  market 
for  our  agricultural  staples,  and  increases  the 
wages  of  labor.  Mr.  Chairman,  thia  specious  and 
deceptive  argument,  intended  by  many,  no  doubt, 
to  delude  those  who  have  not  the  time  or  capacity 
to  examine  it,  is,  like  the  argument  that  high  du- 
ties make  low  prices,  totally  at  variance  with  the 


have  visen,  as  will  appear  from  the  following  table,  1  „,3un,,,tion  which  constitutes  the  groundwork  of 


prepared  by  a  highly  intelligent  commercial  gen 
tlcinan  of  Boston,  and  published  in  the  Union  of 
the  30lh  of  March  last;  which  gives,  also,  (he 
profits  of  the  Mcirimac  Company  at  Lowell: 


Murks  and  deiicription  of  tlio 
goodd. 


80[).  Biifliilk  lir.m  II  coltDii  dril- 

lin^^,  per  yard 

IMC.  liiiwri'DCe  tirowii  bliuct- 

liiirs,  peryiinl 

*  MMflt.      Mt-Triiimek  liniwii 

tilieetiiis,  pc!r  yard 

(All  the  aliDvo   iin:    iii.ide  ut 

I.ovvt'll,  Miu'i.sachiisiitb.) 
ACA.  Amo3k(!!ig  lipd  tickins-. 

C'oclieco  priiiK^il  calicdee 

(Two  Inst  iianif'dnianiitucturod 

in  Now  Uiiiiip-liire.) 
1  Allun'ri  (;in;?le-col()rt:d  printed 

!     oo!t  ins 

]  l*rnvidi^noeprilitiiilirlotll,60l)y 

64  threads  tn  u  sqiiari!  jiich . . 
(Two  lust  Rhode  />/aiut  iiiuiiu- 

filPtllrf.) 
Ilticky  Gliii  nillla,  72    hy  64 

thrrnds  

New  York  niitid,  Innii  clmli  ur 

yurd-wido  bleached  sliirUni;.. 


Pricea. 


1843. 


Cents. 
a.2 

7.a 


6.'! 

4; 


1844. 


Calls. 

Hi 
7J 
l?.3 

16 


0.2 
6 


184.i. 


Vents. 

'i 
8.3 


6J 


ifi.a 
u.a 


Fit*'  iif     rnyiiijj 
diny.        iliily. 


(jnisit 
diiliud. 


bullion. 


lKiiil:,7,i;Ki.'>iii  1:1.11  i;,,:ii 5  1(i7,mi,',!'j  i.'i.iiii.viin.fi;!  h,(<(<2,ki:) 

lH4l|Mli.lllil,-,.il  ill,'i-!i;,nii'l-;7,!H6.i77|ia,!)lll,4B2.17    4,!lf-',l'*' 

iKia[:«i,r.-.';,iNii;:i.-.;M.(im  iiiii,iiw,iM  io,iiihi,7ii;.H'i|  4,007,016 

llH;(:i.'i..'.71,.',R-l  ■-'!l.l7'.l,-i|:i    (l-t,7:"';),7i)l)  lll,-2nt.,l)lll).4J*'  ■i:.i0,.O."i 

lB-11  Jl,',^,|■l.^t<l  Ki/ii;-,!  ,4!|iiH.;.r.,(i:i.)-.';),o;i!i,r.7.:iH|  i  :m.i2ii ' 
ini.Vi.'j,!  r,,-^iii;i;..iiiii.T'ii,ir.,-j.'.i,."iiii:i(i,!).v.viifi,-jil  4.o7ii>JW  \ 

. . j 

NoTK.— Thi!  iiii|iorUiiinii  wiu  lower  in  IS4II  than  in  eitJicr , 

of  till'  prceedini!  emiii  years.  ] 

Till!  year  1643  iiieludes  nine  ninntliH  only.  j 

The  large  amount  of  specie  and  small  amount  of 
goods  imported  in  1H43  show  the  paralyzing  ell'ect 
of  the  Uiriir  Iwv  of  1842  upon  the  sale  of  produce, 
and  open  to  t  ur  view  the  cause  of  the  great  down- ; 
fall  ill  the  price  of  cotton,  and  other  staple  produc- 
tions of  the  counl.-y.     When  the  prices  of  inanu- 
ilicturca  had  rifen  sufficiently  high,  and  prices  of 
cotton  mil'  other      aplcs  had  fallen  to  a  sullicient  ( 
level  to  lull     .  of  it,  .niporla  seem  gradually  to  have  1 
increased,  though  ni  t  to  the  extent  to  which  they  \ 
niiu'il.     The  following,  from  a  table  in  the  New 
Yiuk  Journal  of  CiMincrce, shows  the  downward 
Ijiiiluiicy  of  pricea  of  several  of  our  stajilc  arlicica 
in  that  market: 


The  following  prices  of  some  leading  articles  are  ! 
taken   from   a   report  made  by  the  Secretary  of  , 
Stiite  at  the  2d  ses.-iion  of  the  last  (28th)  Congress, 
in  pursuance  of  a  resolution  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives of  March  3,  1843.    It  is  founded  upon 
the  information  of  several  American   consuls  in 
various  ports  of  foreign  countries,  and  is  to  be 
found  in  Ex.   Docs.  2d  scss.  aSth  Cong.,  vol.  3,  , 
being  document  No.  73; 

Broailclolhs,  at  Sedan,  in  France,  famous  for  the 
excellent  quality  of  its  manufactui/s,  from  Sep- 
tember 1,  1842,  to  July  31,  1843,  sold  as  follows: 
5,284  yards  of  black  cloth  and  cassiniercs,  coating 
$1(),560,  averaged  $3  13j  per  yard. 
26  yards  black  cloth  averaged  jf4  lOpcryard. 
"       ■  do  do        3  40      do 

black  cttssimcru   do        2  10      do 
do  do        1  92      do 

do  do        1  84       do 

do  do        1  37      do 

fancy  cassimcrcs  do        2  13      do 
do  do        1  55      do 

At  Havre — Broadcloths,  (lilvery  or  Louvicrs,) 
assorted  colors,  $1  48  to  $4  94  per  yard;  black  or 
blue,  $1  64  to  «i«  23. 

At  Paris — Broadcloths,  $2  0  to  $5  19  per  yard; 
cassimeres,  $1  21  to  $1  73)ieryard. 

Col/on  hogging — At  Bremen,  >!,3  16  to  $3  96  per 
piece  of  50  yards. 

Glass  tcnre — At  Bremen,  half  pint  tumblers,  19 
to  31  cent.s  per  dozen. 

Halt — At  Belfast,  Ireland,  40  cents  per  sack — in 
Turk's  Island,  Scents  per  bushel — \l  Palermo,  $6 
per  100  bushels— at  Curacoa,  26  to  36  cents  per 
barrel  of  3  i  bushels. 

Sugar — In  Manilla,  Philippine  Islands,  $3  37j 
to  83  62J  per  picul  of  140  jHuinds — in  Malanziis, 
in  September,  1842,  from  1  i  to  2  cents  per  pound; 
in  July,  1843,  from  1  ;S  to  2  7-8  cents  per  pound  ; 


24 

do 

158 

do 

.52 

do 

52 

do 

108 

do 

432 

do 

124 

do 

*  DIvisinii  of  prortu  of  (ho  Merriiimck  Coiiiimiiy  at  Lowell 
— ca|iital  two  iiidliiilis  of  dollars ; 
For  the  yenr  1S43, 16  per  eciii.,  or  «;HO,IK)0. 
Fur  Ilie  year  iH  11,  00  per  cent.,  or  ilOO.dill). 
For  the  year  ISl.'i,  ;10  per  cem.,  or  .>f»«II.O(KI. 
Ue;^idu9  rclaiiiiag  n  large  t^uin  as  a  reserved  I'lind. 


the  protective  policy.    It  may  be  true  that  a  given 
number  of  persons  engaged  in  manufacturing  pur- 
suits at  home,  will  create  the  same  demand  for 
various  products  of  the  farm,  orchard,  garden,  and 
dairy, as  the  like  numberabroad;butnotwith8tnnd- 
ing,  if  the  main  argument  in  favor  of  the  protective 
policy  be  well  founded,  that  from  the  greiuer  abun- 
dance of  capital,  low  rate  of  interest,  dense  popu- 
lation, and  cheap  labor,  manufactures  can  be  ]iro- 
duced  at  less  cost  and  sold  for  Icfs  abroad  than  in 
the  home  market,  the  value  of  our  staple  produc- 
tions must  become  impaired  and  pricea  depressed 
in  consequence  of  the  loss  of  the  foreign  trade.   The 
products  of  our  industry  must  not  be  measured  so 
much  by  the  market  |irice  in  cash,  as  the  quantity 
of  manufactured  good.s  of  like  quality  for  which 
they  may  bo  exchaiiu;ed.     If  cloth  of  a  imrticular 
deacrii>tion  could  not  be  had  at  the  New  England 
factories  for  less  than  Si  50  per  yard,  but  could  be 
readily  purchased  in  Manchester  for  $1  per  yard, 
1  less  by  the  freight  and  insurance  to  tliis  country, 
I  a  cargo  of  cotton,  llour,  or  tobacco,  bearing  tho 
I  same  cash  )irice  at  those  places  respectively,  would 
j  be  worth  50  per  cent,  more  in  Manchester  than  in 
;  New  England,  inasmuch  as  it  could  be  exchanged 
for  more  cloth  in  the  former  than  in  the  latter  place 
I  by  .50  per  cent.     If  the  duly  to  be  paid  at  the  cus- 
;  tom-house  be  not  so  higli  ns  to  disturb  the  trade 
I  by  restraining  importations,  it  will  not  affect  the 
comparative  value  of  tin;  two  markets,  especially 
under   a  judicious  warehousing  system,   for   tho 
duty  and  profit  ujioii  it  always  constitute  a  por- 
tion of  the  price  paid  by  the  consumer. 
i      Although  our  domestic  manufactories,  there- 
i  fore,  may  alVord  a  ready  market  for  the  surplus 
{  of  the  poultry-yards,  dairies,  orchards,  and  farms, 
I  in  their  immediate  vicinities — diminishing  in  their 
I  benefits  as  the  distance  from  them  increases,  until 
]  they  cease  to  bo  felt— they  are  not  merely  trifling 
I  and  unimportant  in  regard  to  the  great  moas  of 
1  our  ataple  productions,  but  of  positive  injury  when 
'  wc  are  forced,  by  high  duties,  to  resort  to  thern. 
!  But  if  the  duty  bo  so  high  as  to  prevent  or  restrain 
'  the  importation  of  any  articles,  our  surplus  pro- 
ductions must  be  exchanged,  ns  for  aa  supply 
1  and  demand  will  juatify,  for  such  only  aa  will  re- 
1  pay  in  the  home  inarket  the  cost  and  duty,  with 
the  usual  profit,  and  for  cash.     To  the  extent  to 
I  which  the  importation  of  the  highly-taxed  articles 
^  is  restrained,  in  the  amount  of  the  exchangtablo 
I  producta  with  win,  h  ""-  ..ur)  Uis  is  purchased  in 
''  the  foreign   Market  virtually   diminished.      All, 
!  therefore,  beyond  what   may  bo  exchanged  for 
i  articles  not  too  highly  taxed  Air  importation,  and 
filling  up,  as  usual,  tlicir  ppnropriate  channels  of 
trade,  must  be  sold  for  cash.    The  demand  for 
the  products  of  our  labor  in  the  foreign  market  is 
tiiiia  diminished,  and  their  value  impaired.    Much 
of  it  which  was  before  exchanged  lor  such  goods 
as  went  to  supidy  the  channels  of  trade,  which  tho 
high  duties  were  intended  to  secure  to  tho  manu- 
facturers, must  be  disposed  of  for  cosh,  and  at  re- 
!  duced  pricea.      But  the  importing  merchant,  in 
imrchnsing  a  cargo  of  cotton,  tobacco,  flour,  rice, 
or  anything  else  for  the  foreign  market,  must  look 
to  iis  condition,  and   be  governed  by  it  in  the 
prices  which  he  oflVrs.     He  must  nurchaae  at 
prices  which,  deducting  the  costs  or  insurance, 
freight,  &c.,  will  allow  him  at  least  a  living  profit; 
otherwise  ho  cannot  continue  his  businesa.     De- 
cline of  price  in  the  home  market  must,  therefore, 


%-^ 


i   -it:  ■ 


1080 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  1, 


2})th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


'rhe  Tariff— Mr.  Daniel. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


follow  the  fall  in  price  of  our  staple  productions  in 
the  foreign  market.  At  the  siuiic  lime,  the  price 
of  munulfactures  is  enhanced  by  excluding  or  re- 
Klriiining  the  importation  of  the  hii;hly-taxed  rival 
articles.  The  protective  policy,  tlien,  so  far  from 
(living  us  a  market  for  our  surplus  produce,  in  the 
proper  scnne  of  the  phrase,  impairs  its  value  at 
home  OS  well  as  abroad,  and  thereby  enables  the 
manufacturers  not  only  to  sell  their  goods  at  high- 
er prices,  but  to  obtain  the  products  of  agricultu- 
ral labor  ond  industry  (except  in  the  iinincdiate 
vicinities  of  the  manufactories)  iit  lower  prices. 

Let  us  contemplate,  from  the  view  already  pre- 
sented, liic  effect  of  the  system  upon  labor.  It  is 
true  that  a  system  which  greatly  incrraaes  the 
profits  of  tlie  manufacturers  puts  it  in  their  power 
to  pay  their  operatives  better,  if  they  have  thewill 
to  do  so.  Hut  the  manufacturers,  by  concert 
among  themselves,  have  it  in  their  power  to  keep 
down  the  wages  of  their  operatives,  notwithstand- 
ing the  increase  of  their  profits,  and  the  rise  in 
value  of  their  manufacturing  slock.  The  slriktt 
which  have  sometimes  been  made  for  higher  wa- 
ges have  generally,  if  not  invariably,  proved  abor- 
tive. The  truth  is,  after  becoming  well-filled  for 
the  purposes  of  the  manulacturcrs,  the  operatives 
are  less  qualified  for  other  pursuits,  and  arc  under 
the  necessity,  to  a  very  great  extent,  of  submitting 
to  what  the  proprietors  of  the  factories  may  think 
pro|ier  to  allow  them.  The  very  tendency  of  the 
system  to  impair  the  value  of  agricultural  products, 
uiid  depress  other  pursuits,  strengthens  the  control 
of  the  manufacturers  over  the  wages  of  their  oper- 
atives, by  diminishing  theability  of  agriculturists, 
and  all  others,  to  pay  liberal  wiu^es. 

The  following  prices,  in  several  New  Hampshire 
factories,  are  given  upon  the  authority  of  an  elec- 
ticmcering  letter,  written  in  1844,  by  the  Hon. 
R.  C.  Winlhiop,  of  Boston,  and  must  ue  supposed 
to  be  OS  favorable  as  the  truth  would  warmiit: 

Jackson  Company per  week  §1  80 

Nassau  Company 1  83 

Aninskea!;  Company 2  03 

Stark  Mills  Company 185 

The  following  is  the  average  of  prices  paid  to 
operatives  of  the  Lowell  factories  in  1833  and  1844, 
according  to  theretuiiisof  the  factories  themselves: 

1833.  1844. 

"  Wages  of  females «,2  00  <11  75 

"  Wages  of  mules 7  50  (i  70 

"The  wages  of  females  are  clear  of  board;  the 
males  board  themselves." 

In  a  communication  of  the  Union  of  May  29,  of 
the  current  year,  prepared  by  the  intelligent  gen- 
tleman  of  Boston   before  alluded   to,  conversant 
with  both  the  import  trade  and  the  business  of  the 
inHniif'acturing  establishments,  the  fulluwing  prius 
of  labor  in  the  manufactories,  in  1845,  are  given: 
Females,  Ji2  00  and  board,       ijil  25  per  week. 
Males,        4  50  and  board,  say  2  00        " 
The  remote  but  sure  effects  of  such  a  system  are 
«s  unfavorable  to  labor  as  to  all  other  intcresls. 

In  agriculture  many,  from  the  qnality  of  ihe  soil 
they  cultivate,  or  one  cau.«e  or  other,  are  barely 
able  to  sulisist  by  the  fruils  of  their  indiistrv,  un- 
der the  most  favorable  state  of  things.  If  high 
duties  be  imposed  upon  all  the  necessaries  of  life, 
to  enhance  and  sustain  the  prices  of  manufactured 
goods,  wliii'h  by  neces.sary  cim.scquence  reduce  at 
Ihe  some  lime  the  value  of  all  ihc  products  of  the 
farm,  the  labors  of  each  year  will  be  insufficient  to 
eovir  the  increased  cost  of  living,  and  all  such 
men,  by  su<:eessivc  balances  against  them,  will  be- 
I  omc  involved  in  debt,  which  will  ultimately  sweep 
away  the  little  property  left  them  by  their  ances- 
tors, (U'  previously  anpiired ,  and  reduce  them  to  the 
tdniiilion  of  common  laborers.  These  must  then 
urek  employment  in  the  several  pursuiis  which 
laborers  iLsuully  follow.  The  system,  then,  not 
only  affects  the  price  of  labor  unfavorably,  by  di- 
inmishirig  the  ability  of  farmers,  who  can  stand 
lip  under  the  burdens  it  imposes,  to  give  liheriil 
wages,  but  il  multiplies  laborers,  and  iiy  ronipe- 
tilKiii  among  them  lends  to  reduce  the  price  of 
liilior,  first  in  all  other  piirsiiiis,  ond  ullimalely  in 
the  inanut'acliiring  esUiUishmenls.  At  the  same 
time  il  lends  to  concemiate  small  and  unprofitable 
csUiles  in  the  hands  of  those  who  can  accinmilate 
Nomclhmg  in  despite  of  the  burdens  imposed  upon 
tlieiii,  or  in  the  hands  of  ihe  manufacturing  capi- 
talists who  chouse  to  nuike  such    investments. 


This  tendency  of  the  system  is  at  war  with  that 

republican  equality  and  diffusion  of  property  which 

it  IS  the  object  of  our  Governmem,  "nd  might  to 

be  the  policy  of  our  laws,  to  encourage,     x  \.^X  the 

protective  j>olicy  has  had  some  tendency  tu  eon- 1 

centrate  properly  in  the  hands  of  the  landed  oris-  I 

tocraey  in  England,  where  the  system   has  been  1 

thoroughly  tried,  there  can  be  no  doubt.    The  i 

feudal  system,  when  abolished,  did,  to  be  sure,  | 

leave  the  landed  property  of  the  kingdom  chiefly  { 

in  the  hands  of  the  nobility.     But  that  the  laws  j 

for  the  protection  of  various  branches  of  innmifac- 

tui-es  in  their  infancy,  by  depressing  ngricnllurc, 

I  tended  to  enlarge  landed  cstnlcs,  by  forcing  such  \ 

\\  as  were  unprofitable  to  change  owners,  there  can  ' 

\\  be  no  doubt;  for  at  first  in  England,  as  here,  mnn- 

i !  ufaclures  were  the  objects  of  their  protective  laws. 

'I  After  depressing  agriculture,  and  the  landed  prop- 

I   erly  became  enlarged  in  the  hands  of  the  wealthy 

and  powerful,  the  toot  was  changed ;  manufactures 

I  were  left  to  shift  for  themselves,  ond  the  inleresis 
of  agriculture  became  the  legislative  pet.   The  com 

ij  laws  followed,  which  in  their  turn  have  been  aban- 
i   doned,  under  the  lead  of  ine  of  the  most  enlight- 
I'  encd  etntesmcn  of  the  6f,e,  from  a  thorough  con-  ' 
ji  viclion  of  their  impolicy.  i 

Ij      The  obstacles  arising  from  the  system  to  the  ' 

II  increase  of  our  national  wealth  are  immeii.se.  If  a  | 
Y  moderate  system  of  revenue  duties  be  imposed — 
j,  duties  that  will  raise  the  requisite  amount  of  rcv- 
'•■',  enue  for  an  economical  administration  of  the  Gov- 
i  crnmcnt  without  sensibly  diminishing  in  themselves 
J!  the  importntionof  any  article — competition  among 
• !  importers  and  merchants  would  soon  regulate  the 
I  market  price  of  the  various  articles,  according  to 
j'  their  cost,  including  Ihe  duty,  with  a  reasonalje 
I'  profit  added;  and  manufactured  goods,  under  'mA 
ji  a  system,  would  be  governed  by  the  price  of  similar 
i.  imported  articles.     Such  a  state  of  trade  would 

I  enable   farmers,  and  everybody  else,   to  obtain 

I I  manufactured  and  imported  goods  on  the  best 
\\  terms  on  which  they  could  be  afforded,  and  the 
ij  best  prices  would  be  given  for  our  staple  produc- 
'  tions,  at  home  and  abroad,  and,  as  a  necessary 
■  i  consequence,  for  labor  generally.     But  if  the  duties 

be  raised  to  protect  home  manufacturers,  prices  of 
imiiorted  and  manufactured  articles  mus.  ise,  and 
prices  of  agricultural  staples  fall,  as  I  have  attempt- 
id  to  show.  Now,  the  difference  between  the 
amount  that  consumers  would  pay  under  the  two 
syK'ems  of  impost  duties,  and  the  loss  in  the  sale 
of  ihe  productions  of  the  farm,  would  be  the  extent 
to  which  the  labor  and  capiUil  of  the  country  (ex- 
cept that  employed  in  manufactures)  would  be 
neutralized,  and  our  advancement  in  national  wealth 
retarded. 

Let  me  attempt  an  illustration.  A  and  B  have 
on  equal  amount  of  capital,  and  A  purchases  an 
estate  possessing  rare  advantaires  for  maiiuractu- 
';  ring,iuul  B  an  estate  equally  favorable  for  agricul-  ; 
tuir;  and  they  embark  extensively,  the  former  In 
manufacturing,  the  latter  in  osricultiiral  pursuits. 
Boih,  1  will  suppose,  trade  with  each  other  to  the 
amount  of  J8,000  |>er  annum  in  their  products, 
respectively,  and  clear  each,  annually,  ^20,000. 
They  continue  in  their  respective  ocru|iatiinis,  say 
for  twenty  years — making  a  net  |)rofit  o""  ^400,000 
each;  when  A  diverts  a  portion  of  his  capital  and 
labor  to  nKriculture,  and  raises  all  that  lie  was  in 
llic  habit  of  purchasing  of  li,  but  at  a  cost  of  .W 
per  cent,  more,  making  the  articles  which  he  pur- 
chased of  B  for  «;8,0(MI  cost  him  $12,000  per  annum; 
and  B  diverts  a  portion  of  his  capital  and  labor 
from  airriruliure,  and  manufactures  the  goods  he 
was  in  the  habit  of  receiving  from  A  in  evi  lounge 
for  the  products  of  his  farm,  but  nt  a  cost  ol':'iOpcr 
cent,  more  than  he  was  ill  the  habit  of  paving  to 
A:  mnkin-*l2,000,  instead  of  $8,000.  Supposing 
A  and  li  to  make  the  same  ipiantity  of  manulVc- 
tures  and  produce  of  the  farm  as  before  this  inju- 
dicious (livcrsicm  of  their  capital  and  labor,  and  to 
sustain  no  further  loss  tin  n  in  rai^i.ig  and  manu- 
facturing for  themselves:  Ivt!.,  in  tlie  opinion  of 
many,  mi^ht  seem  to  proij  er,  but  at  the  end  of 
the  next  twenty  years,  insli  a  i  of  realizing  JI'IOO,- 
OtK)  each,  they  would  realize  only  fi.'t20,000 — less, 
by  $80,000,  than  in  the  former  period — resuliinir 
from  tliis  injudicious  direction  of  their  capital  and 
labor. 

Now  A  and  B  may  well  represent  Orcot  Brilnin 
and  the  United  Stales,  regarding  the  action  of  iheir 
respective  legislatures  as  the  individual  will  of  A 


■  \  and  B.    Great  Britain  has  had  the  sagacity,  oflcr 
j  years  of  experience,  to  see  the  impolicy  and  inju- 
I;  rious  effect  of  her  corn  laws  upon  the  advan'ce- 
jl  ment  of  national  wealth;  ond  I  trust  the  people  of 
r  the  United  Slates  are  becoming  scisible  of  the  lu- 
ll jurious  effect  of  the  protective  policy.     That  both 
li  nations,  no  matter  what  their  inrixxso  of  wealth 
may  have  been,  would  have  been  more  wealthy, 
by  hundreds  of  millions,  if  the  capital  and  labor  of 
each  had  been  left  free  to  engage  in  such  pursuits 
as  might  have  been  deemed  must  profiiable,  I  have 
no  doubt. 

This  view  of  the  case  loses  none  of  its  force 
when  considered  in  connexion  with  the  main  ar- 
gument of  the  manufacturers,  that,  but  for  the 
protective  policy,   the    mamilacturing    eslnbllnh- 
menis  could  not  exist.     If  such  be  the  fact,  we 
should  persist    in   such   injudicious  direction  of 
capital  and  labor  no  longer,  but  should  discontinue 
it  by  basing  our  system  of  impost  duties  upon 
principles  of  revenue;  letting  such  cstoblishmenia 
go  down  as  are  so  unfovorably  situated ,  or  improv- 
idently  managed  that  they  cannot  exist,  if  there  be 
any  such.    That  those  estnblislimenis  which  are 
favorably  situated  and  well  managed,  would  be 
profitable  under  a  revenue  system  of  duties,  I  nm 
fully  satisfied.     And  should  any  of  the  existing 
establishments  go  down,  the  greater  abundance  of 
capital  which  would  result  from  the  advantages  of 
such  a  system  would  soon  supply  their  places  with 
others,  backed  by  larger  means,  and  possessing 
greater  advantages.     Indeed,  if  we  had  never  re- 
sorted to  the  protective  policy,  but  had  adhered  to 
a  system  of  revenue  duties,  the  greater  amount  of 
aggregate  wealth  which  we  should  have  acquired, 
would  have  bought  into  existence  gmdiially,  as 
I  many, and  perhaps  better  manu lactones,  than  have 
resulted  from  the  hot-bed  syslem  we  have  unwise- 
ly  pursued.     This  opinion  is  supported  by  the 
j  statistics  collected  by  Tench  Coxe,  under  the  ini- 
I  thority  of  the  Treasury  Department,  and  published 
',  in  1814.    In  taking  the  census  of  1810,  efforts  were 
made,  as  in  1840,  to  collect  statistical  information 
i  as  to  the  wealth  and  condition  of  the  country. 
'  From  ,in  apprehension   which  prevailed  to  some 
I  extent,  that  the  information  sought  to  be  collected 
'  was  preparatory  to  a  syslem  of  excises,  or  direct 
'  taxation,  the  collections  were  imperfect;  and  Mr. 
Tench  Coxe,  under  the  authority  of  Ihe  Treasury 
Department,  (Mr.  Gallatin  being  then  nt  the  head 
of  II,)  was  directed  to  collect  additional  informa- 
tion  nci'essnry  to  present  a  just  view  of  Ihe  arts  and 
I  mnniifactiirf  of  the  country.   Mr.  Coxe  was  some 
'  time  engaged  in  eollerling  information,  digesting 
that  obtained,  and  furnished  by  the  census  lakers, 
and  pieparinghis  tables  and  remarlis,  all  of  which 
were  published  in   1814.     In  the  remarks  acconi- 
'  panying  his  tables,  these  ob.servalions  occur:  "  In 
I  '  the  course  of  the  numerous  and  diversified  opero- 
'  linns  occa.sioned  by  the  deliberate  execution  of 
'  this  digest  and  ataieinent,c(uislant  and  very  close 
'attention  has  been  applied  In  Ihosr  facts  which 
'  have  occurred  throughout  the  I'ljion  since  the 
I  '  autumn  of  the  year  1810,  from  which  a  judgment 
I  '  of  the  condition  of  the  manufactures  of  the  Uiiiled 
!  '  States,  in  the  current  year  1HI3,  might  be  safely 
,  '  formed.     It  has  resulted  in  a  thormigh  rouvictiou 
i  '  that,  after  allowing  for  the  inlirriiptions  for  the 
'  importations  of  certiiin  raw  nialerials,  the  sivejiil 
1  '  branches  of  manufactures  |  in]  the  Stales  and  Tcr- 
:  '  rilories,  and  Districts,  have  advaiK  cd,  upon  a  nic- 
I  'dium,at  the  full  rale  of  20  per  centum;  which 
■  '  would  give  an  aggregate,  for  this  year  of  <>207,- 
\  '315,211.        »        »        •        »        •         liiiias  It 
I  '  is  best  to  make  ample  allowances  for  some  maiii- 
I  '  fest  repetition  of  articles,  which  arc  inexlricably 
'  involved  in  the  subordinate  returns,  a  siiicci;,  and 
'  well-reflerted  final  opinion  is  nspii'tf^illy  olfenil, 
'  thai  the  whole  people  of  the  United  .Slate^ ,  taken  in 
'  1813  at  8,000,00!'  of  persons,  will  lu'tnrliy  make 
'within  this   year,   [1HI3,)   maiiuliiciur  d  goods 
'  (exclusive  of  the  doubllul)   to  the  full  value  of 
'  <^2()0,OIIO,000,  or  45,000,000   pounds   sterling!" 
'■  Tills  opinion  of  Mr.  Coxe  is  based  upon  facts  in- 
;  dependent  of  the  war  that  had  then  co.nnunced 
'  between  this  country  and  Great  Britain,  and  is 
'  uninfluenced  by  it.     Il  is  the  opinion  of  a  highly 
intelligent  and  zealous  friend  of  maiiufactures,  after 
an  examination  of  some  two  or  three  years,  of  iho 
i  mass  of  sliitisticol  informnlioii  afl'nrdril  by  the  cen- 
sus-takers of  1810,  and  eollecled  by  himself,  of  tlio 
i  progress  and  condilic'i  of  manulttcluies  iinilcr  a 


1846.1 

'29th  Cong li 

system  of  modcnitv.  re' 

„3  were  imposed  in  \Tt 

From  the  census  of 

country  amounted  to  li 

ncrsons;  and  the  value 

onuntry  has  been  com| 

The  hot-bed  system  o 

18lfi,  and,  with  the  e: 

(lapsed  between  June 

now  in  force,  has  bee 

Yet  in  1840,  although 

ti  V  had  more  than  doi 

lures,  under  the  most 

iloubled;  so  that  it  op 

upon  the  statistics  o 

have  advanced  ot  a 

revenue  duties,  than 

nrotcc.tion.     Eslimat 

col  facts,  go  to  corrol 

of  those  who  odvoco 

us  far  as  mere  reveni 

beyond  all  qucstior 

manufacturing  estab 

<ro  down  under  a  syi 

founded.    Thfcsyst 

sary  to  enable  them 

proprietors  of  such 

it.s,  which  they  arc  1 

Il  system  of  mere 

inrers,  lUiaclass,  w 

Every  principle  of 

then,  lo  induce  ust 

been  thoroughly  tri 

ened    and    keen-si 

wlobe,  and  found  U 

and  labor,  as  far  ot 

us  to  do  so,  free  to 

be  deemed  motjt  ad 

TH 

i 

I        SPEECH  OF 
]  o 

In  the  Ho 

On  the  Bill  reduc 


Mr.  HOUSTC 
Mr.  Chairmai 

the  floor  at  an  ei 
have  ft^lt  dispose 
sideration  of  the 
at  present.     B"' 
and  as  1  enlirel) 
vo;i  made  n  sho 
ilo  wdl  to  coudt 
t-ible,  in  order  i 
speak,  I  «1"»11 
and  will  leave 
ftirlher  o'lservii 
mil  me  tc  make 
The  henonil 
PKnav,",  who 
and  will  base 
mated  a.ipeivl 
he  has  u  ged  1 
inns  which  iiu 
and  to  unite  o 
he  conceives 
the  inrilfof  \' 
marks,  to  a  ci 
to  have  takiii 
the  House,  ill 
accord  not  on 
bill,    but    to 
which  might 
lished  by  ihi 
ineiiiber  vcr 
soon  »'.  he 
But    '.   can 
allho  igli  lif 
mode  liy  wli 
side  of  the  1 
Whigs  are' 
to  Ibis  bill, 
niicr  which 
result,  how 
among  then 
with  the  W 


a 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1081 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  J.  fV.  Houston. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


uyalcm  of  moderati,  revenue  duties— mainly  such 
us  were  imposed  in  1789. 

From  tlie  census  of  1840,  the  population  of  the 
country  umouuted  to  little  upwards  of  17,000,000 
(icrsonsj  and  the  value  of  the  manufactures  of  the 
lountry  has  been  computed  at  about  J400,('')0,000. 
The  hot-bed  system  of  protection  coniiTienced  in 
1816)  and,  with  the  exception  of  the  tim?  which 
elapsed  between  June  30,  1842,  and  the  tariff  act 
now  in  force,  has  been  persevered  in  ever  since. 
Yet  in  1840,  although  the  population  of  the  coun- 
try had  more  than  doubled,  tlie  value  of  manufac- 
tures, under  the  most  favorable  view,  had  but  just 
(loublcd;  so  that  it  appears,  from  estimates  hosed 
upon  the  statistics  of  the  country,  manufactures 
have  advanced  at  a  greater  rale  under  moderate 
revenue  duties,  than  under  this  hot-bed  system  of 
protection.  Estimates,  then,  based  tipon  stntisli- 
cal  facts,  go  to  corroborate  and  sustain  the  views 
of  those  who  advocate  the  principles  of  free  trade, 
ub  far  as  mere  revenue  duties  will  admit,  and  prove 
beyond  all  question  that  the  argument,  that  the 
manufacturing  establishments  of  the  country  must 
■ro  down  under  a  system  of  revenue  dutien,  is  un- 
founded. The  system  of  protection  is  not  iieces-  !l 
sary  to  enable  them  to  exist;  but  it  secures  to  the 
proprietors  of  such  establishments  enormous  prof- 
its, which  they  are  unwilling  to  relinquish.  Under 
11  system  of  mere  revenue  duties,  the  manufac- 
iiirers,  as  a  class,  would  do  better  tlian  any  others. 
Every  principle  of  policy  and  of  justice  concurs, 
then,  to  induce  us  to  abandon  a  system  which  has 
been  thoroughly  tried  by  one  of  the  most  cnlight- 


strenuously  opposed  to  the  entire  scheme  of  reduc- 
tion now  proposed ,  as  alike  fatal  in  its  operation  to 
the  revenues  of  the  Govcrnmc  •  and  the  prosperity 
of  the  people;  and  actuated  by  that  patriotic  and 
prudential  spirit  which  has  ever  chiuactcrized  them 
as  a  parly,  they  have  arrayed  theirselves,  without 
concert  and  without  any  previous  consultation  for 
that  purpose,  unanimously,  1  believe,  against  it. 
For  my  own  part  I  can  say,  so  far  as  I  am  indi- 
vidually concerned  in  this  matter,  that  I  have  had 
no  occasion  to  take  counsel  of  any  one  here  as  to 
I  the  course  which  I  should  pursue  in  this  critical 
t  and  responsible  emergency.     I  have  a  better  and 
a  brighter  light  to  guide  my  steps  on  this  occasion, 
'  and  that  is  the  light  which  breaks  on  my  mind 
I  fVom  another  region,  -.vhere  I  read  in  letters  and 
characters  too  plain  to  ben.isun.lerstood,the  views, 
the  wishes,  and  interests  (.f  my  cnnstiuients  on 
this  subject;  and  with  these  unerring  guides  and 
solemn  tests  before  me,  I  could  not  do  otherwise 
than  oppose  this  bill.    Other  gentlemen  are  placed 
I  in  the  same  category  with  me,  and  are  doubtless 
controlled  by  the  like  considerations;  and  the  hon- 
orable gentleman   may  appeol  to  his  party  and 
i  fi-iends,  end  may  deprecate  in  strong  terms  the  di- 
visions which  are  known  to  exist  in  their  ranks; 


he  may  exhort  them  to  union  and  harmony,  and 
may  exert  himself  to  the  utmost  to  reconcile  the 
conflicting  views  and  discordant  opinions  which 
now  divide  and  distract  them,  in  order  to  uiiite 
them  upon  some  intermediate  and  more  temperate 
line  of  policy;  but  whether  he  will  be  able  to  nro- 

^    ,  „         duce  the  like  concord  and  unity  of  purpose  on  their 

cned  and  keen-sighteu  governments  upon  the  !|  part  which  exisl.4  upon  ours,  remains  to  be  seen, 
globe,  and  found  to  be  injurious,  and  leave  capital  ]|  Sir,  I  was  very  sensibly  impressed  with  the  ardent 
and  labor,  as  faras  mercrevenueduties  will  enable  ij  zeal  which  seemed  to  clow  in  the  eflbrts  of  the 


us  to  do  so,  free  to  embark  in  such  pursuits  as  may 
be  deemed  mo^it  advantageous. 


THE   TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  W.  HOUSTON, 

OF  DELAWARE, 

In  the  House  ok  Representatives, 

July  2,  1846. 

On  the  Bill  reducing  the  duty  on  Imports,  and  for 

other  purposes. 

Mr.  HOUSTON  said: 

Mr.  Chairman:  Had  I  succeeded  in     olaining 
the  floor  at  im  earlier  period  in  this  debate,  I  might 
have  felt  disposed  to  enter  more  fully  into  the  ron- 
sidcratioii  of  the  (|ueslion  now  before  us  than  I  do 
at  present.     liut  as  the  evening  is  far  advanced, 
and  as  I  entirely  approve  of  the  suggestion  which 
yo;i  made  a  short  time  since,  that  gentlemen  would 
do  wtU  to  condense  their  remarks  ns  much  as  pos- 1 
cible,  ir.  order  to  alford  others  an  opportunity  to  ] 
apeak,  I  shall  endeavor  to  be  as  brief  as  possible,  I 
and  will  leave  it  to  another  occasion  to  add  some 
furlher  o')servHtions,  which  time  will  not  now  ner- 
luit  me  tc  make. 

The  hcnoriible  gentleman  from  Maryland,  [Mr.  '< 
Pehry,',  who  has  just  addressed  the  committee,  j 
and  will  has  entertained  us  with  a  warm  and 


honorable  gentleman  when  dwelling  upon  this  in 
teresting  branch  of  his  subject.  And  in  a  better 
cause,  I  could  have  wished  him  all  the  success 
which  such  efforts  would  deserve  to  comnmnd. 
But  although  I  admire  the  fervor  of  his  feelings, 
and  can  appreciate  the  motives  by  'vhich  he  lias 
been  governed,  I  have  no  mediatorial  services  to 
oflisr  him  in  his  work  of  accommodation,  and, 
therefore,  I  must  leave  him  and  his  party  to  recon- 
cile their  family  quarrels  as  they  best  can,  which, 
I  have  no  doubt,  they  will  be  able  to  do  in  due 
lime. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I,  for  one,  am  utterly  opposed 
to  any  modification  in  the  existing  tariff,  and  least 
of  all  such  11  modification  as  it  is  proposed  to  make 
at  the  present  moment.  It  has  worked  wi  II  during 
the  short  period  for  which  it  has  been  in  c|ii'ralioii, 
and  I  for  one  can  see  no  occasion  for  thi'  iilteialion 
or  repeal  of  it.  It  wasadopieil,  iis  ycpii  .ireaware, 
at  a  period  of  unpiTcedeni'  '  nnssiipii  in  the 
business  operations  of  this  .  when  all  the 

pursuits  and  orcunalioiis  ol  i-  ciilier  crip- 

pled or  suspended;  when  laijin  sciH'iring  for 

the  wantof  employment;  when  prnpi  r'v  was  wilh- 
outvalue,  and  men  were  without  ninm  y.  when  iIh 
I  national  revenue  was  rapidly  decliiing,  iiimI  \':,i- 
1  public  credit  was  at  the  loAcst  ebl).  It  weiii  iiiin 
efl'ect,  and  almost  instantly  the  whole  aspect  of 
;  affairs  was  changed.  I'ublic  confidence  was  im- 
i  mediately  resloied,  the  drooping  and  desponding 
energies  of  the  people  revived,  the  languid  nerves 


I'Ul-  .       . 

milled  a^opeal  to  his  party  and  friends,  in  which  j  of  domestic  industry  at  once  observed  and  felt  its 
he  has  u  geil  ihem  to  renounce  the  extreme  op  n-  quickening  spirit,  and  her  prostrate  powers  rose 
inns  which  mniiy  of  them  are  known  to  entf  rl^in,  '■  from  the  dust, 
and  to  unite  on  some  common  ground  against  what 
he  conreives  to  be  the  unjust  discriminations  of 
the  tariff  of  1841.',  alluded,  in  the  course  of  his  rc- 
inarks,  to  a  certain  consultation  which  is  supposed 
to  have  takin  place  among  the  Whig  nienilMrs  of 
the  House,  in  which  they  had  determined  with  one 
accord  not  only  to  resist  the  |mssiige  of  the  present 
bill,  but  to  oppose  any  and  every  amendment 
which  might  be  propo,sed,  reducing  the  rales  estab- 
lished by  that  art.  It  is  true  that  the  honorable 
niiiiiber  very  frankly  reiracled  the  statement  as 
soon  o:,  lie  was  inl'mnieil  that  it  was  incorrect. 
Iiiil  '.  can  ac-'ire  ihf  hcinorable  member,  that 
alllio  u;h  he  iiiis  been  in 


mode  liy  which  that  result  has  been  ntiaiiied  on  lliis 
side  cif  the  House,  it  i'.  nevertheless  true  that  the 
Whigs  arc  united  to  :i  man,  I  believe,  in  opposition 
to  this  bill,  and  to  every  ainenclinent  of  the  ehar- 
ac.ler  which  In;  has  named.  That  union  is  not  the 
ri'.'ciill,  however,  of  any  preconcerted  arrangement 
among  them,  so  far  as  1  am  informed.  In  common 
with  the  Whigs  of  the  whole  country,  they  arc 


'Ad  by  u  Btroki?  of  tlic!  enciiaiitcr's  wiuul." 
The  general  paralysis  of  llie  nation  was  now 
over;  the  "winter  of  our  discontent"  had  now 
passed  .iway;  and  the  blasts  ofoiir  forges,  the  luun 
of  our  ftic.tories,  the  soiiihIn  of  tin!  worknliop  and 
Ihe  hamn  er,  and  the  tlioiisanil  happy  note  i  of  lui.iy 
lif\!  siarlin.'  into  new  vigor  and  increasing  activity, 
resounded  like  tl'.j  merry  and  vivifying  echoes  of 
a  reluming  spring  in  every  direction  throiicrhout 
the  land.  Under  the  beneficial  operalion  of  this 
iniprcived  and  improving  stale  of  things,  the  wants 
of  the  treasury  were  soon  abundantly  supplied, 
the  credit  and  fiiiani:e8  of  Ihe  Ooverinncnt  were 
rreclly  informed  as  to  the  ')  relieved  of  all  theii  embiirriuisniiMUs,  and  every- 


(  thing  around  us  seemed  to  allbid  ample  prninisc 

I  that  the  genial  dawn,  which  had  suddenly  diffused 
itself  over  llic  whole  face  of  the  country,  would 

'  go  on  increasing  and  brightening  to  a  more  full 
and  perfect  day,  until  everybody  would  become 
satisfied  that  tlie  only  true  cour.sc  for  the  Govern- 
ment to  pursue  would  be  to  abandon  all  its  vision- 

'  ary  und  theoretical  notions  in  regard  to  free  trade, 


and  to  rely  with  implicit  confidence  on  the  wisdom 
and  policy  of  the  ttiriffof  1842.  But  it  seems  that, 
in  this  calculation,  we  have  been  mistaken,  and 
that  all  this  extroordinary  resuscilalion  of  our 
national  prosperity  after  nil  is  not  destined  to  be  a 
resurrection  unto  life.  It  is  again,  it  seems,  to  be 
stricken  down.  Strong  men  and  bold  have  con- 
spired against  it;  and  neither  the  entreaties  of  con- 
sistent friends,  nor  the  melancholy  tears  of  delu- 
ded and  relenting  foes,  can  possibly  save  it  fVom 
the  fatal  and  premeditated  stroke.  Its  doom  is 
sealed,  and  on  the  altar  of  an  irresistible  and  im- 
placable majority  it  is  soon  to  be  sacrificed  to  the 
demon  of  party,  and  the  country  is  again  to  bo 
plunged  into  all  the  difficulty,  suffering,  and  dis- 
tress, from  which  we  have  justemeri;ed,  in  order 
that  the  friends  of  the  present  Administration  may 
have  an  opportunity  of  testing  Ihe  validity  of  a 
favorite  theory,  which  they  have  long  entertained, 
as  to  the  proper  mode  of  raising  revenue,  and  re- 
lieving the  people  of  the  fictitious  burdens  imposed 
upon  them  nyiliscriminating  and  protective  duties. 
It  is  against  this  fatal  and  hazardous  experiment 
that  I  have  arisen,  for  the  purpose  of  entering  my 
solemn  protest,  and  not  with  the  hope  or  expecta- 
tion that  I  can  do  anything  to  avert  or  prevent  it. 
I  can,  however,  record  my  vote  against  it;  and 
this  I  shall  do  with  Ihe  utmost  pleasure,  and  wilh 
the  full  assurance  that  future  circunislimccs  will 
justify  the  truth  of  what  I  have  said,  and  vindi- 
cate the  course  which  I  have  taken  in  relation  lo 
it.  And  here  I  will  take  occasion  at  once  lo  say, 
that  my  only  confidence  is  in  the  wisdom  and  pol- 
icy of  the  act  of  1842,  and  that  this  Government 
can  in  no  case  safely  depart  from  the  general  prin- 
ciples incorporated  in  it — that  of  revenue,  wilh 
fair  and  ndeqiinle  protection  lo  our  domestic  indus- 
try. I  shall  therefore  adhere  In  the  law  as  it  is; 
and  shall  vote,  not  only  against  this  bill,  butngaimt 
all  the  amendments  which  are  likely  to  be  pro- 
po.sed  to  it. 

[Mr.  Ramsey:    "  Is  the  entire  delegation  from 
Delaware  united  on  that  point?"] 

Mr.  HoesroN.    Yes,  sir.     In  reply  to  the  face- 
tious inquiry  of  my  honorable  friend  from  Penn- 
sylvania, I  have  the  pleasure  to  inlbrm   him  that 
the  delegation  from  Delaware   is  enlirehi  united 
upon  this  question — quite  as  much  so,  i  believe, 
as  the  delegation  fiom  his  own  State;  and  what  is 
more,  if  I  am  notmistaken,  the  people  of  the  sover- 
eign district  to  which  he  has  alluded,  arc  quite  as 
unanimous  at  home  as  her  delegation   is  united 
here  upon  this  question.     There  is  but  one  con- 
!  scienlioiis  cmiviclion  there,  among  the  men  of  all 
';  parlies,   ujicui  this  subject;  and  that  opinion  is, 
h  that  il  wcuild  be  infinitely  better  for  the  interests 
'  of  the  country  if  the  provisions  and  policy  of  the 
I   liiriff  of  1842  could  remain  undisturbed.     They  arc 
i   satisfied  wilh  the  operations  of  it,  and  they  Itnow 
ihai  il  would  be  belter  lo  ailhc^rc  ■  ■  what  their  own 
obscrvaiion  and  expericnc'   has  upproved,  than  to 
t  venuire  ujcon  a  new  and   iiaznrclous  experiinoiil, 
which  cannot  p^.^.-cibly  iticprnve  Ihe  ccmdilion  of 
ihinis,    and   wliwli    may    lead   lo    coiisccpiencci 
highly  prejudicial;  in  the  best  iiiicresis  of  iheconn- 
Iry.     'I'heie  are  clnublless  ihose  among  lliein  who 
will  feel  compelled,  from  ilic  ccunse  which   llicir 
party  has  adopted  here,  t    ■  iinlicaic  and  defend  llie 
passage  of  tills  bill.     Hn      if  I  inny  jndir'' of  ihc?  fu- 
ture by  ih*  |i,ist,  i(  i,.cn  incii.^uri'  and  a  re  .^jitinsibilily 
which  will  not  even  be  coveted  by  thciii.     It  is  an 
issue  111  i'    s  not  desired  there.     I  was  freqiienlly 
reminded  in  ihe  late  political  contest,  when  canvas- 
sing for  a  scat  u|ion  this  floor,  that  the  tarifl'  was 
no  parly  qucsiiun,  and  that  it  should  not  be  suf- 
fered lobe  madeMii  h  in  the  stubborn  conflict  then 
irning  on  iliriMii,'h        the  rnuntry.     Rut  you  have 
now  mail'    t  y  ipiesticin  beyond  all   dispute, 

and  on  il  •*  of  llie  measure  which  yon  now 

propose.  Ill    ill  iiiocracy  of  llie  Soulh,  itappears,  is 
willing  to  risk  its  all  as  a  party  in  Ibis  vrnmiry. 
Well,  be  it  .so.     I,  for  one,  am  willing  to  accept 
the  issue;  and,  in  the  great  trial  which  is  again  lo 
come  off  before  the  American  pciiple,  we  shall  see 
<  who  will  be  able  the  next  time  lo  curry  the  day — 
;  whether   Ihe   imaginary  interests   of  the   colton- 
;  growing  Slates,  or  the  substantial  pursuits  of  our 
agricultural,  manufacturing,  and  mechanical  class- 
es, throughout  the  various  sections  of  Ihe  Union, 
!  must  go  to  Ihe  wall.     The  issue  is  now  fairly  made 
up,  and  no  flilso  testimony  or  misrepresenlation  will 
I  be  able  to  control  the  judgment  or  to  defeat  the 


:M 


■A 


m 


1082 


APPF-NDIX  TO  THE  CONGUESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


fJuly  2, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


3%c  Tariff— Mr.  J.  W.  Houstmi. 


Ho.  OP  Reps. 


1846.1 
09th  Cono. 


.l! 


purposes  of  truth  nnd  justice  on  the  new  trini  H 
which  is  now  to  lie  hiid.     Dut  let  me  not  be  mis-  < 
understood  in  whnt  I  hnve  said.    I  do  not  resnrd 
this  ns  R  sectional  question,  nlthouj^h  it  has  ficen 
treated  as  such  l<y  several  who  have  preceded  nic 
in  the  deliatc.     IVluch  has  been  said,  m  the  coiirHc   i 
of  the  debate,  about  "  moneyed  aristocracies,"  tlu;  : 
'•  lords  of  the  loom  and  the  spindle,"  "  chartered 
monoplies,"  and  sundry  other  fanciful  conceits, 
which  I  hold  to  be  no  less  at  war  with  the  real 
facts  of  the  rase,  as  they  exist,  than  all  true  ]ioct- 
ical  taste.  And  if  we  were  to  credit  the  half  ihat  has 
been  said  by  those  who  are  inclined  to  induce  in  ' 
the  use  of  these  harsh  and  intemperate  expressions,  ' 
we  might  readily  conclude  that  this  was,  nO^r  all,  a 
mere  question  of  dollars  and  cenis,  or  profit  and 
loss,  between  the  manufacturers  of  the  northern  and 
middle  States,  and  those  who  mi),'lit,  'nrliaps  with 
equal  propriety,  lie  denominated,  by  ^\\r\,  ns  are 
disposed  to  indul:;c  in  a  spirit  of  iccriniination  and 
abuse,  as  the  cotton  barons  of  the  South,  in  which 
the  great  mas.i  of  the  people  have  no  interest,  ex- 
cept to  rc.iist  the  establishment  of  the  nieasuiu  as 
an  unjust  and  oppressive  tax  upon  the  consump- 
tion of  the  country.     Hut  ijentlcnuMi  would  do  well  ; 
to  reflect,  that  whatever  forceor  m.;anin.'^  may  have  ' 
once  Iwen  atinchcd  to  these  cant  phr.we.s  and  np- 
iiniliiious  epithets,  they  have  sufl'eicd  much  fioni  ' 
hard  usaire,  and  have  Ions;  since  lost  their  popular 
elfect.      tesides,  the  iieople  of  this  ciuntry  now 
see  and  understand  this  matter  in  its  true  lisht. 
They  no   longer  consider  it  a  local  or  sectional 
question,  but  a  ^reat  national  (pieslion,  which  lies  i 
;il  the  foundation  of  all  their  prosperity  nnd 'the 
actual  independence  of  the  country  iisclf.     Gentle- ' 
men  may  denounce  the  system  of  protection,  and 
may  declaim  against  it  with  all  the  vehemence  and 
power  which  tlieir  indi;;nant  feelin.'s  can  find  laii- 
gu:u;c  to  express;  but  of  one  thini  they  may  rest 
nssiired,  that,  so  lonu'  ns  the  manul'attuiers,  me- 
ciiaiiica,  and   workmen  of   Rurope   are   able,   by 
means  of  their  cheap  labor  nnd  R''anly  sulisistence, 
to  undei-sell  our  own  people  in  their  own  markets, 
they  will  not  be  able  to  arrest  the  £:rowin<;  popu- 
larity of  this  measure,  or  to  convince   them  that 
they  are  injured  and  oppres.sed  by  protectiiii^  tlieir 
own  labor  and  iiuluslry  nixaiiist  this  fatal  and  de- 
strui'tive  cniiipctiiion  from  abroad      And  this  is 
not  a  question,  as  some  sjenlleincn  seem  to  tliink, 
which  concerns  the  heavy  manufacturer  alone.    It 
ad'eels   all   the    inechanical    tnulcs    and    pursuits 
amonjjst  u.s;  and  it  would  be  impossible  to  tinil  any 
branch  of  business,  except  that  of  ihc  impurtinc 
lucirhant  perha|is,  Ahich   is  not  immediately  or 
indirectly  benefi'.cd  by  i,;  for  the  experience  oi'  all 
classes  has  cl-.aily  denK.nstraled  the  fact  that  the 
whole  theory  of  I'rce   traue  is  deceptive  and  falla- 
einus,  and  that  no  part  of  the  country  can  jiros- 
pcr  under  a  syslcni  of  low  duties,  or  in  tin;  absence 
of  •.  sound,  (liscriminating,  and  pr'iieclive  larilV. 
'I'nat  policy  has  taken  deep  root  in  the  hearts  and 
(lli'ciions  of  the  peo|ile  of  this  country,  and  rests 
(Ml  a  basis  us  firm  as  Hie  first  law  of  our  nature; 
for  it  is  to  them  the  principle  of  Belf-|-.rCKervatioii, 
:intl  it  cannot  be  succe.s.sfuliy  subverted  end  over- 
thr'iwn.     You  may  succeed  for  the  present  in  dis- 
cardini;  that  princi|>le,  and  in  reducing  ilie  duties  to 
what  IS  ternif  d  llie  minimum  revenue  standard;  but 
it  cannot  stand.     A  sulTi  rinjr  and  indignant  people 
will  not  be  able  to  c  ndure  it  ;  and  they  will  soon 
be  driven,  in  the  pliiensy  of  their  desjieiation,  to 
fonrit  all   parly  distinctions,  and  to  rise  in  their 
tnajcsty  and  nii(;bl,  and  to  hurl  the  aulliors  of  it 
from   posts  of  confi'lence   and   power.     The  pro- 
tei'iive  policy  will  then  rise  nu'iiin,  and,  by  virtue 
of  its  own  inherent  nnd  increasin;;  strenirtli,  it  will 
uliiin  iiely  prevail  over  all  your  ell'uris  to  eradicate 
ai>''  abolish  it. 

I  have  said,  Mr.  f'hairman,  that  I  am  opposed 
to  any  allcriilion  in  ihe  present  tiuilT,  by  which  I 
mean  any  alteralioti  reducinjj  the  rates  of  duty  es- 
taldished  by  it.  I'or  if  the  eoimniltee  believe  that 
a  reas'OiaMc  diitv  upon  lea  and  coffee,  as  well  as 
oilier  article^  einfi'*.\cMl  in  the  free  list,  is  necesHary 
fir  the  vi2;oroiis  prosecution  and  speedy  terinina- 
tion  of  the  evislinj;  war  with  Mexico,  and  will 
proprise  it  in  the  form  of  an  explicit  and  positive 
f  iiacinient,  and  not  refer  it  to  the  discretion  of  ihe 
I'nsidenI,  as  i.s  propoHcd  in  tlic  fourth  section  of 
tliis  bill,  I  am  prepared  to  trive  it  my  support.  1 
(.'o  f'r  prolectin;;  the  whole  interests  of  the  eoun- 
tr)  ,  ill   wliutever  situation   they  may  be  placed. 


whether  assailed  by  an  open  foe,  or  endangered  I  trade  in  this  country,  It  cannot  be  done  in  nnv 
by  the  competition  of  a  foreign  rival;  lind  na  that  '|  such  manner;  the  whole  idea  is  false  and  illusory; 
war  now  exist.'*,  although  1  hold  that  Congress  is  ||  and  it  will  be  found  to  be  so,  whenever  you  attempt 

to  rjirry  it  into  practice.     You  must  consequently 


in  no  degree  responsiiile  for  it,  I  feel  it  to  be  an 
imperative  duty  resting  upon  me  as  one  of  the  rep- 
resentatives of  the  American  people,  to  vindicate 
the  honor  of  the  country,  so  far  as  it  is  committed 
to  my  charge,  nnd  to  vote  every  dollar  which  may 
bo  necessary  to  bring  it  to  a  speedy  and  succes",";!! 
issue. 

Hut  even  supposing  it  were  desirable  to  dimin- 
ish our  duties  upon  impor'n,  is  this  an  auspicious 
moment  for  making  that  nduction,  with  a  foreign 
war  upon  .air  hands,  and  thi  expenditures  of  the 
Government  swelling  to  doi  ble  and   treble  their 


.  .  consequently 

fail,  then,  to  obtain  under  the  operations  of  this 
bill  the  amount  of  revenue  which  you  will  require 
to  defray  the  ordinary  expenditures  of  the  Qovern- 
nient.  Uut,  ns  I  have  before  said,  it  is  a  mistake 
to  suppose  that  we  ciin  increase  the  aggregate 
amount  of  our  imports  in  proportion  as  we  reduce 
the  duties  upon  them.  It  depends  upon  no  .such 
arbitrary  and  artificial  rule  as  this.  !i  is  governed 
by  a  more  sulislantial  nnd  inflexible  princiiilc,  (he 
principle  of  supply  nnd  demand,  nnd  the  iibiliiyof 
ihc  people  to  buy  nnd  consume  them.     It  i,  irne 


ordinary  amount.'     From  fifty  to  sixty  millions  of  i  that  you  may,  by  adopting  an  unwise  and  unsomid 


lollars,  at  the  least  calculation,  will  be  required  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  the  Government   at   the 
close  of  the  current  year;  nnd  what  is  the  plan 
now  pro|iosed   to  meet  these  increased  demands 
U|ion  the  public  purser    Instead  of  a  recommenda- 
tion to  ii  crease  the  duiies,  as  the  most  natural  and 
efl'ectual  way  of   accomplishing  that  object,  we 
have  a    imposition  to  reduce   the   tariff,  with  a 
view  to  increase  importations,  and  thus,  it  is  said, 
to  increase  the  revenue  derivable  from  that  source. 
But  do  we  run  no  risk  in  making  this  experiment; 
ami  is  it  rerttvin  that  we  shall  increase  the  revenue 
by  adopting  this  course.'   We  b we  had,  i  believe, 
some  experience  on  this  subject,  and  if  gentlemen 
will  recur  to  the  period  to  which  1  refer,  I  think 
they  will  find  that  the  readiest  way  to  increase  the 
levemic  is  not  by  reducine  the  duties  upon  im- 
pi.rt!!.     1  allude  to  the  period  of  1842,  before  the 
present  act  went  into  efTect.     We  had  at  that  time,   ' 
under  the  operations  of  the  Compromise  act,  a  i 
tarilfof  duties  avemging  about  twenty-three  per  ' 
cent.,  with  a  net  revenue  of  thirteen  millions  nnd  a 
half.     I  have  heard  no  one  estimate  the  averairc 
rate   under  the   present  bill  above  that  amount, 
while  many,   I   believe,  estimate   il   at  still  les.'. 
And  yet  it  is  expected  to  renii:-.  •  a  net  revenue  of 
twenty-six  or  seven  millions  of  dollars  tVom  it,  the 
amount  raised  under  the  present  law.    .'  am  aware 
that  it  will  be  denied  ih.it  the  aggregate  amount  of  ■ 
the   importations   of   that   year,  and    the    small  : 
amount  of  revenue  collected  from  tliem,cons'ititc 
any  true  criterion  by  wliicli  we  may  jink-e  iif  the    ■ 
probable  eflect  and  operation  of  this  bill.     The  '' 
f  ict  that  imports  did  not  increase  with  the  rediic-    i 
tion  of  tlic  duiies  during  that  year,  will   be  ac- 
counted for  on  thesround  of  thescarcity  of  money, 
and   the  consequent  slasnalion  of  trade,  and  the 
ceneral  derangement  which  prevailed  in  the  busi- 
ness of  the  country  at  toe  time.     lint  siraniing  lliat 
this  is  all  true,  what  evidence   have  we  that  lliis 
will  not  again  be  Ihe  condition  of  things  under 
the  operations  of  this  bill,  if  it  becomes  a  law? 
What   caused    nil    the   monetary   disorders  nnd 
commercial  embarrassments  of  that  year,  but  \.\,.: 
heavy  nnd  exorlnlaiit  imporlaiions  of  preceding 
years,  and  the  great  indebtedness  which  the  coun- 
iry  had  in  the  meantime  contracted  abroad  ?    And 
if  such  was  the  case  then,  what  assurance  have  we 
that  the  same  causes  will  not  again  lead  to  the  same  , 
results  ?     For  if  this  bill  is  to  have  the  rtlect  which  , 
seems  to  be  contemplated  and  desijneil  liy  tin  fra-  i 
mers  of  it,  to  stimulate  our  foreign  trade  so  as  to  | 
lend  to  excessive  importations,  or  to  importations  ' 
nialeriidly  bevoi  d   the  amount  of  what  we  now 
import,  it  is  manifest  that  the  same  disorders  and 
revulsions  which  existed  in  IHIOnui.st  occur  a^'ain. 
Hut,  ill  liiv  judgment,  it  is  nlto:;ellier  erroni  lai.s  to 
suppose,  that  the  reduction  proposed  by  this  liill  is 
iroiiig  to  increase  our  imfiorts  to  the  'extent  which 
will  be  necessary,  in  order  to  nflord  the  amount  of 
revenue  required,  at  the   rates  eftaldished  by  it. 
We  imported   last  year  one  hundred  and  fifnen 
millions  of  dollars'  worth  of  foods,  and  the  unilbrm 
experience  of  the  coiuilry  has  proved,  that  we  can- 
not import  over  n  liunilred  and  twenty  millions  . 
wilhoiit  distiirbins  the  balance  of  trade  between  us 
nnd  foreii;n  countries,  which  never  fails  to  oparalc 
iniuriously  upon  onr  domestic  interests,  and  to  cor- 
rect itself  by  a  subsequent  diminution  of  inqiorts 


system  of  public  measures,  bring  about  an  excited 
nnd  unnatural  ."ttnte  of  trade,  such  as  existed  in 
18.-  :,  when  our  imports  ran  up  to  the  enormous 
nmount  of  one  hundred  nnd  eighty  millions;  but  a 
s.id  and  disastrous  revulsion  never  fails  to  follow 
such  imprudent  exces.ses,  and  things  must  soon 
come  down  again  to  the  sovereign  rule  of  .sup[ily 
and  demand,  and  the  reasonable  nnd  legitimate 
wants  of  the  community,  when  in  a  sound  and 
healthy  slate.     Hy  protecting  and  promoting  lliu 
labor  and  in'iut'ry  of  the  country,  you  not  only 
increase  in    .  sal.?  nnd  salutary  wi.y  the  demand 
for  the  neccsaries  and  conifortsof  life  produced  at 
home,  but  such  also  as  are  produced  abroad;  be- 
cause, by  e'^irding  Ihe  people  regular  and  profiiablo 
employment  and   f.iir  prices   for  what  1,7  grown 
among  us,  you  increase  their  nbilitv  to  iiay  for 
them,  and   accordingly  we  always  find  that  the 
consumption  of  the  country  is  greatest  when  busi- 
ness of  all  kinds  is  the  most  lively,  and  the  ]ieiip|e 
are  in  the  enjoyment  of  good  wages,  fair  profits, 
and  reaaonabic  reinuncratini;  prices  for  their  pro- 
ductions.    They  then  have  the  ability  to  buy,  and 
to  live  well,  and  to  consume  freely;  and  they  will 
do  it,  upon  the  same  principle  that  the  man  who 
has  money  will  spend  more  than  the  man  who  has 
none;  for  everybody  knows,  who  has  any  knowl- 
cilirc  of  the  character  of  our  countrymen,  that  to 
live  well  is  regarded  as  one  of  the  iiialiciialile  rights 
of  an  American  freeman:  it  is  the  primary  mean- 
ing which  he  atlnclies  to  that  fundamental  principle 
alluded  to  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  term- 
ed "the  pursuit  of  happiness."     He  cannot  live 
like  your  pauper  laborer,  or  meagre  and  oppressed 
mechanic,  or  miserable  peasant  of  the  countries  of 
Eu-ope.     He  feels  that  he  has  the  soul  of  a  free- 
man to  sustain,  nnd  he  cannot  brook  the  nlinient 
of  a  serf  or  a  slave;  and,  accordingly,  you  will  find 
that  wlia'  are  retrardcd  here  as  the  essential  eoni- 
fin-ts  and   indispensable  necessaries  of  life,  would 
b"    eirarded  there  as  rank  luxuries  by  the  co.tc- 
aidlng  classes  of  the  people;  and  unless  we  are 
illinir  to  red  uce  him  to  the  same  level ,  we  should  iiit 
seek  to  put  bis  labor  on  a  par  with  the  cheap  labcr 
of  Europe,  or  aclopi  a  policy  which  mu.st  sulijec, 
him,  ill  ilic  end,  to  the  like  poverty  and  wrctcl'ird- 
,  ness  ill  this  country. 

Sir,  I  hold  it  to  he  a  Self-evident  proposi.io'i, 
which  it  requires  no  elfort  of  argument  'o  dem  m- 
streie  and  prove,  that  the  Amen.'an  laboinr,  i.rii- 
saii,  and  mechanic,  is  eiuicicu  tr  the  supply  or  lii.i 
own  iiiiirket;  nnd  let  tli '""  v.  lio  profess  to  be  the 
wnrkini;nian's  pe-uliar  friends  show  how  it  is 
possible  10  give  him  ihis,  in  the  present  conditinii 
and  pricis  of  labor  in  this  and  other  eonnirics, 
unless  you  ndbrd  linn  fiiir  and  adequate  protection 
nnd  cncourngemeiu.  it  was  for  this  purpose,  in 
part,  that  this  Government  was  oriL'iiially  rslali- 
iishcd;  and  vain  iiulicil  would  have  been  all  the 
battles  that  have  bee  11  fought,  and  all  the  blond 
that  has  been  shed,  if  this  principle  is  now  to  be 
discarded,  and  we  are  again  to  be  reduced  to  a 
colonial  dependence  upon  the  mother  connlry. 
We  have  been  reminded,  a^ain  and  again,  during 
the  present  discussion,  that  the  second  law  ever 
passed  by  an  America  '  'onzn  ss  was  an  act  passed, 
among  other  things,  ■  'r  the  protection  and  in- 
eouragenient  of  doiin  atic  manufactures,"  nol,as 
some  seem   to   suppose,  for  the   protection   and 


i  llow,  then,  nro  we  permanently  to  increase  ihem  ''\  encouragement  alone  of  tnc  large  and  extensive 


to  the  nmount  which  we  require  by  the  adoption 
of  this  mcnsiiri',  unless  we  could,  at  the  same  time, 
increase  our  exports  in  a  enrri  spoiiding  ralio,  to 
pay  for  them  r  For  it  is  well  kiiov.-n  thai  we  can- 
not pay  for  any  coiisideralde  portion  of  them  in 
'  money,  without  deranging  the  whole  operations  of 


cstablisliiiieiits  wliic  II  now  exist  amonsrst  us — for 
there  were  none  such  at  that  day — but  for  the  pro- 
icclion  and  ein 'nirau'ement  ol' our  artisans,  and 
mechanics,  ninl  inaiiiifaclurers,  of  small  iniriiis 
and  limited  capital,  who  still  stand  more  in  nei'il 
of  It  than  yov.r  men  of  large  capital,  and  who  will 


te  the  first  to  sink  and 

j„»  influences  of  free  I 

ftlie  principle  and  po 

Bui  I  was  saying,  b 

ai"ression,that,by  pr( 

Jior  and  industry  o 

the  ability  of  Ihe  peopl 

I  a'  tlie  products  ot  th 

„„ly  of  their  own   ci 

roiiittries;  nnd  the  vc 

,wtcd  It.     Kilt  I  •'"  1 

pralection  increases  o' 

Incan  to  say  is,  that  v 

Oir.and  consumption 

,1  does  not  nccessnrili 

„»,-regatc  amount  of  e 

„"may  lend  to  the  pm 

,1,111  of  some  articles 

v\{\\  the  labor  and  p 

liV,  yet  we  find,  fror 

|,ericncc,  that  what  \ 

rilly  made  up  in  the 

;viuillier;  and  this  is 

amount  of  our  impo 

l.flow  a  safe  and  ] 

inflnrnec  of  a  protcc 

l,„rts  of  -he  country 

ner  since    he  pres. 

„nd  they  were  fiftcc 

8„ii  than  tl.ey  wen 

fillen   to  23   r,«''  ' 

occasion   for   the   1 

ffcquently  expresst 

•  id  industry  ol  tin 

„r  diminishing  our 

destroy  the  rcvet.u 

ilicied  by  the  fram 

would  produce  to 

„f  twenty-seven  r 

i,nd  it  is  a  remarki 

ilie  revelation  of 

never  yet  failed  to 

And  although  1  a 

ni-opliet,norancn 

iirv  cither,  1  wil 

il  idone,  that  it  dr 

short  of  that  sum 

prudence  of  this  1 

Iv  exemplified  ii 

reduce  the  Rggre< 

(lie  safe  and  les 

nnd  exports  of  t 

to  restrict  or  exc 

ns  we  can  make 

(iiubles  us  to 

iiilerests  and 

Ibis  which  giv 

mid  promotes 

ionoiigst  us,  nti 

producers,  lead 

and  physical  " 

power  of  the 

virtue  nnd  Imi 

verse  the  princ 

is  the  elTect  > 

soon  ha>e  ho 

iinplovment, 

West,"  where 

vide  ;•   idcn^ty 

eppressed,"ni 

ly  have  ample 

lical  benefits 

the  wildernes! 

of  a  "squat' 

laboring  men 

relaiy  of  tlic 

price  of  the 

Older  that  tin 

inducement 

burdens  imp 

faciurers  of 

rnnoie  wilds 

1  do  not  ove 

Ihat  they  nri 

themselves; 

eimseiit  to  It 

be  very  reii 

trouble  on  t 

Hut  this  I 

7.ens  who  w 

Ibis  policy 

\\  ill  be  moi 


pr< 

col 

■es 

n 


# 


1846.1 
'iOxH  CoNo 1st  Skss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1083 


The  Tariff— Mr.  J.  W.  Houston. 


.  or  Reps. 


'  llii.H 

|(|uiin 

Ivorri- 

Isliiko 

chilli'. 

iliire 

■Hiinli 

iiicil 

,    III!' 

iiy(>f 

Iriio 

nuncl 

■■itril 

oil  ill 

moils 

Jnitii 

"oIIdw 

ROOM 
U|.,,:y 
iMnilltc; 

III  iiml 
1?  tlio 
"Illy 
iniiiiil 
ced  lit 
'I;  lie- 

fillllllc 

fi-mvii 
\y  fill- 
lit  Iho 
I  liiisi- 

ir.ifiN, 

r  |.n,- 

y,  iiiiil 

•y  will 

n  will) 

o  luis 

iniiwl- 
tliiil  III 

rislilH 
■  nifiiii- 
•iiiciple 
i.lerin- 
int  live 
ii'c'sscd 
Irics  iif 

11  flTC- 

iliiiioiit 

ill  find 

I  roni- 

winild 

I'o.-rc- 

ivf  lire 

ildii'it 

ilalji.r 

uiijec, 

icl'icd- 


lie  ihn  first  to  sink  and  txplrc  beneath  the  lili^ht- 
jiij  iiilluencns  of  free  trade,  nnd  the  nlmiidnnmcnt 
(if  llif  nrini'.ipio  nnd  policy  of  protection. 

Dill  I  wiiH  snying,  before  I  whh  led  off  by  this 
iliiirsNion,  thiit,  by  prolectin';  nnd  cncourtigins;  the 
lilior  nnd  iiidiiHtry  of  the  coiintrvi  you  incrense 
thi'iiliility  of 'he  people  to  buy  nml  consume  more 
ol' llie  prodiicls  of  their  own  country;  nnd  not 
(inly  of  their  own  country,  but  niao  of  foreign 
roiiiitrics;  nnd  the  vchsoii  Tor  this  I  e^nve  when  I 
sliilod  it.  Itut  I  do  not  menn  to  any  by  this  timt 
|iiiilcrlion  iiicrcnses  our  imports;  far  from  it;  nil  I 
moan  to  sny  is,  llml  while  it  iiicrenses  the  demand 
fur, nnd  consumption  of,  our  domestic,  productions, 
il iliii'S  not  ncoessiuily  leiwl  In  a  reduction  of  the 
n;!;r<snle  amount  of  ourimportatlons;  for  nllhouKh 
11  may  lend  to  the  partial  rcfllrictlon  or  totnl  exclu- 
sion of  some  nrliclcs  which  come  in  competition 
wilh  the  labor  and  productions  of  our  own  couii- 
11  y,  yet  we  find,  from  actual  observation  and  cx- 
|ierirncc,  that  wlint  we  lose  in  one  article  is  gene- 
rally made  up  in  the  purchase  and  consumption  of 
aimllicr;  nnd  this  is  the  reason  why  the  asf;rc};utc 
iimount  of  our  imports  has  never  sensibly  declined 
lirlow  a  sni'e  and  jirudent  maximum,  under  the 
inlluriice  of  n  protective  larifT.  1  ru-  nKKrejjnlc  im- 
imrt."  of  'he  country  hnve  been  );rnduni|y  i'.icrcnsiii,.j 
ivcr  since  he  present  Inrifl"  went  i"'  ■  :.|ieration, 
and  lliey  viere  fifteen  millions  more  .his  iiast  sen- 
sun  than  they  were  in  1H42,  wlici.  the  duty  had 
f'lllcn  to  i)3  per  cent.  There  is,  therefore,  no 
iiraision  for  the  nnprehenaion  which  hns  been 
frequently  expressed,  that,  by  protecting  the  labor 
■id  industry  of  the  country,  we  stand  in  janf^er 
of  dimiiiisliini!;  nur  imports  to  such  an  extent  as  to 
destroy  the  revcMie.  It  was  calculated  nnd  pre- 
iliiied  by  the  framcrs  of  the  present  tnrifT,  that  il 
would  produce  to  the  Government  a  net  revenue 
of  twenty-seven  millions  of  dollars  per  annum; 
iind  it  is  a  remarkable  fact,  remarkable,  indetJ,  as 
ilin  revelation  of  a  prophetic  truth,  that  it  lina 
never  yet  failed  to  produce  just  about  that  amount. 
And  although  I  nin  no  prophet,  nor  the  son  of  a 
prophet,  nor  an  enlij^litened  iSecretnry  of  the  Trens- 
iiry  either,  I  will  venture  to  predict,  if  you  will  let 
il  iilonc,  that  it  does  not  fall  a  million  of  dollars 
.short  of  that  sum  next  year.  Hut  the  wisdom  and 
prudence  of  this  principle  of  nroteclion  is  striking 
ly  exemplified  ill  the  fact,  lliat  while  it  does  not 
iiiluce  the  Rggrcntc  amount  of  our  imports  below 
the  safe  nnd  leiiitimnte  standard  wliirn  the  trade 
nnd  exports  of  the  country  will  justify,  it  suffices 
to  restrict  or  exclude  such  articles  and  productions 
as  we  can  niiikc  and  produce  at  home,  and  thus 
I'luibles  us  to  protect  our  own  interests  against  the 
iiilcrests  and  i-,oinpetitinn  of  other  cmintrics.  It  is 
this  which  gives  employment  lu  our  people,  fosters 
mid  promotes  all  the  branches  of  useful  industry 
amongst  us,  afi'ordi  a  market  to  our  farmers  nnd 
producers,  lends  t.i  llie  development  of  our  nntural 
and  physical  renoiii-es,  inireascs  the  wenlth  and 
power  of  the  nii  jon,  nnd  diffuses  the  blessings  of 
virtue  and  hat  piness  in  every  quarter.  But,  re- 
veisc  the  princi.'li';  abandon  this  policy:  and  what 
i.<  the  elfect.'  Wi.y,  in  ihe  first  place,  we  shall 
soon  lane  hundreds  .mil  tlioiisand.s  tliiowii  out  of 
employment,  with  noihiitg  to  do  Imi  "to  go  to  the 
West,"  where  Mr.  W  nlker  kindly  inlcnda  to  pro- 
vide :'  plenty  of  chcnp  land  "  for  the  poor  and 
opprt^a»eil,"aiid  whe;c,if  they  go,  they  will  certain- 
ly have  ample  opiioitunilies  of  studying  the  prnc- 
iiinl  liimefils  of  f;ce  trade  among  the  savages  of 
the  wilderness  and  in  all  the  glorious  independence 
of  a  "scpint'.er's"  life.  Sir,  the  mechanics  and 
laboring  men  of  my  Sinte  will  not  thank  the  Sec- 
reliuy  of  the  Treiisiiry  lor  his  suggestion  that  the 
price  of  the  public  lands  should  be  reduced,  in 
order  that  they  may  hnve  an  opportunity  and  nn 
iiiduocnieiil  to  esca]ie  from  the  oppressions  and 
liiirdens  imposed  upon  them  by  the  lordly  inanu- 
fiK'liii-era  of  the  nnitliern  nnd  middle  States  to  the 
remoiewilda  nfihc  "Far  West."  I  am  sure  that 
I  ilo  not  overnite  their  aliilities,  when  Insaiirnhini 
that  they  are  perfectly  cnpiible  of  taking  care  oi' 
themselves;  and  I  have  no  doulii,  if  lie  will  only 
i-iiii.siiit  to  let  things  remain  as  lliey  nre,  they  will 
he  very  rendy  nnd  willing  to  relieve  liim  of  all 
tronlile  on  that  score. 

Hut  this  is  not  the  only  class  of  our  fcMow-citi- 
7.rns  who  will  be  injured  by  the  nhnndoiiineiit  of 
this  policy.  Every  class  and  description  of  people 
will  be  more  or  less  oiiprcwcd  nnd  injured  by  it. 


A  great  many  profitable  nnd  useful  bmnches  of  do- 
mestic industry  will  bo  immediately  arrested  by 
it;  the  country  will  be  flooded  with  an  influx  of 
foreign  goods  coming  into  direct  nnd  successful 
competition  with  the  labor  and  productions  of  our 
own  country;  our  own  men  will  be  driven  from 
their  accustomed  pursuits  nnd  employments;  pov- 
erty will  increase;  the  consumption  of  the  country 
will  he  diminished;  the  markets  for  our  own  pro- 
duce will  be  impaired;  the  currency  will  bo  disor- 
dered and  contracted;  trade  of  all  kinds  will  decline 
and  languish;  we  shall  have  something  like  free 
trade,  but  no  money;  everything  to  buy,  nnd  noth- 
ing to  pay  for  it  with;  nnd  such  a  loud  and  uni- 
versal complaint  about  "  hard  times"  as  perhaps 
was  never  liefore  heard  even  in  this  ill-fated  and 
misgoverned  land  of  ours  M^ill  soon  be  heard  from 
every  section  and  neighborhood  of  it.  Sir,  bold 
and  gloomy  as  this  description  is,  it  is  no  fancy 
sketch  or  overdrawn  picture.  Time  will  l\ilfil  to 
the  last  syllable  and  letter  the  truth  of  everything 
which  I  have  said  in  regard  to  it,  nnd  the  period  ia 
not  distant  when  you  and  I  will  see  and  behold  it. 
But  suppose  I  nm  mistaken  n  the  opinion  which 
I  have  expressed,  that  the  result  of  this  measure 
will  not  be  to  increase  the  impf.'ts  of  the  country 
to  the  amount  which  will  be  loquiied  to  aflbrd 
sufficient  revenue  to  defray  the  o'dinnry  expenses 
of  the  Qovcrnment  nt  the  reduced  rates  established 
by  it,  but  on  the  contrary,  this  bill  should  have 
the  effect  contended  for  by  its  friends,  that  ia,  to 
increase  the  imjiorts  in  the  ratio  of  the  reduction 
projiosed :  what  must  be  the  extent  of  that  incrense 
to  fiirnish  the  nmount  of  revenue  required }  I  fenr 
it  is  vain  to  talk  of  defraying  the  ordinary  ex- 
penses of  the  Government,  as  now  administered, 
wilh  less  than  Iwenly-.seven  millions  of  dollars 
per  annum;  nnd  to  whnl  extent  must  you  incrense 
the  imports  to  rnisc  thnt  nmount  under  the  rnles 
fixed  by  this  bill  ?  I  do  not  propo.se  to  enter  into 
a  minute  calculation  in  order  to  solve  ihis  ques- 
tion, but  1  have  made  some  rough  estimates  which 
may  be  considered  as  approximating  towards  that 
result.  We  imported  last  year  ninely-fivc  millions 
of  dollars  worth  of  dutiable  goods,  which,  at  an 
average  rate  of  duty  of  about  30  per  cent.,  yielded 
us  n  net  revenue  of  the  amount  which  I  have 
already  mentioned.  And  ns  the  principal  articles 
of  import  which  are  free  under  the  present  tnrilT 
will  probably  remain  free  under  this  bill,  1  think  it 
will  be  found  necessa-y,  upon  n  clo.se  examination, 
to  increase  the  aggregate  amount  of  our  imports  to 
something  upwards  of  n  hundred  nnd  fifty  millions 
of  dollnis  n  year,  in  order  to  aflord  Ihe  same  rev- 
enue which  we  derive  from  the  present  law.  I 
have  not  the  slighfsl  idea  that  we  can  possibly  in- 
crease our  importations  to  that  amount,  liut  sup- 
pose thnt  the  reduction  of  the  duties  should  produce 
that  result,  what  is  the  eircct  which  it  is  to  have 
upon  the  trade  and  commerce  and  prosperity  of 
the  country.'  It  would  soon  engender  such  a  heavy 
bnlnncc  of  trndc  ngainst  us  thnt  it  would  prostrnte 
every  useful  pursuit  and  occupation  nmongns,  nnd 
paralyze  the  whole  energiesof  the  nation.  We  ex- 
port annually  upon  nn  average  one  hundred  mil- 
lions of  dollars  worth  of  goods.  Nobody,  I  be- 
lieve, pretends  that  this  bill  will  hnve  the  ellect  to 
increase  our  exports.  Indeed,  such  a  result  could 
not  possibly  be  nnlicipnied  from  it;  for,  instead  of 
increasing,  it  much  ncce.s.snrily  diminish,  our  ex- 
ports, innsmiich  as  it  will  throw  our  own  people 
out  of  employment,  and  will  break  down  the  labor 
and  industry  of  the  country.  This  would,  there- 
fore, leave  an  nniiiinl  bnlaiice  of  trade  of  fifty  inil- 
liona  of  dollars  nnd  upwards  ngainst  us,  which 
would,  of  course,  have  to  be  paid  in  money,  which, 
if  permitted  to  cniitiniic,  would  in  less  thnn  three 
years  lime  drain  us  of  every  dollar  of  specie  in  Ihe 
country.  Itut  such  would  not  be  the  case,  fVir  the 
banks  would  soon  be  compelled  again  to  suspend 
under  the  operation  of  it,  nnd  this  the  people  would 
demnnd  of  them,  ns  the  only  wnv  of  warding  olf 
thisfrighllVil  calamity,  and  alleviating  the  universal 
ruin  and  distress  which  would  be  produced  by  it. 
Hut  il  ia  not  necessary  thai  I  should  pursue  this 
inquiry  any  further,  or  thnt  I  should  stop  to  re- 
count all  the  evils  and  disasters  which  would  be 
sure  to  attend  such  an  unfortiinnlc  stale  of  nfl'aiia 
in  this  country.  Some  conception  of  their  ruinous 
extent  and  aggravated  chnractcr  may  be  formed  by 
recurring  to  the  general  embnrmssnicnt  and  distress 
which  prevailed  up  to  the  period  of  1^42,  when 


the  present  net  was  passed,  and  we  were  httn_ 
redeemed  from  the  further  continuation  of^  thi's 
gloomy  state  of  things. 

Hut  it  seems  to  be  thought  by  some  who  advo- 
cate the  passage  of  this  bill,  and  who  appreciate 
the  serious  difficulties  which  will  result  from  a 
material  increase  in  our  iuiportalions,  unless  we 
can  at  the  same  time  contrive  to  increase  our  ex- 
ports so  as  to  counteract  the  evil  consequences 
which  would  otherwise  flow  from  il,  that  we  are 
nbout  to  derive  important  advantages  from  the  re- 
cent changes  introduced  in  the  prohibitory  policy 
of  Great  Hritain,  and  that  under  the  relaxation  of 
her  corn-law  system  the  exportation  of  brendstufTii 
will  bo  greai'v  increased  f^i'om  this  to  that  cotin- 
try. 

Many  gentlemen  evidently  nttnch  much  import- 
nnco  to  this  fact,  and  not  a  few  have  presented  it 
in  such  a  prominent  point  of  view  in  the  course  of 
their  remarks,  as  to  merit  a  serious  attention  in  the 
coiiaiderntion  of  this  question.  I  propose  to  give 
It  that  attention  for  n  few  mnmcnls,  while  I  en- 
deavor to  ascertain,  by  n  review  of  a  (nvi  simple 
facts  and  figures,  what  ground  they  have  fiir  enter- 
taining that  opinion.  I  know  that  the  proposed 
modification  in  the  corn  laws  of  Great  Urilain  wns 
hailed  here  n  few  months  ago  as  the  dawn  of  a  new 
and  more  auspicious  era  in  thejtrnde  and  commerce 
of  the  two  countries,  and  that  a  grent  ninny  per- 
sons have  been  deceived  by  the  idea  that  we  were 
about  to  derive  very  iinportunt  benefits  from  it,  I 
wns  therefore  induced,  at  an  early  period,  to  turn 
my  attention  to  the  subject,  to  see  how  far  these 
hopes  nnd  nnticipntions  were  well  founded;  and  I 
nm  compelled  to  stale,  nfier  n  careful  and  deliber- 
ate investigation  of  the  matter,  that  I  consider  them 
entirely  groundless.  1  was  induced  to  enter  upon 
ihis  examination  from  the  fict,  that  agriculuiro 
constitutes  the  principal  employment  of  my  coii- 
stituenla,  and  I  at  once  foresaw,  that  if  the  people 
of  thi*  country  were  likely  to  derive  any  maierial 
ndvartage  from  this  change  in  the  policy  of  the 
Britisi  Government,  situated  ns  they  are  direcily 
upon  the  seaboard,  and  convenient  to  our  own 
princ  pal  markets,  they  could  not  fail  to  pariicipale 
large' y  in  the  immediate  benefits  resulting  from  it. 
Tliere  is  but  one  manufacturing  district  of  any 
considerable  extent  in  my  State,  nnd  thai  is  located 
in  aw-ild  and  romantic  region,  which  nature  seems 
to  have  designed  especially  for  that  purpose.  Sil- 
uated  in  a  spot  rcmurknbly  rugged  nnd  bnrren  by 
nature,  it  hns  been  so  far  redeemed,  by  the  intro- 
duction of  mnnufni'tures  into  it,  that  it  hns  now 
become  one  of  thcTiiiest  and  most  fertile  sections  of 
the  Slate.  I  refer  to  the  Brandywine — n  locality 
which  hns  long  since  become  illustrious  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  country  as  the  scene  of  one  of  the  most 
memorable  battles  of  the  revolutionary  war.  At 
that  day  it  was,  for  the  most  part,  but  n  rude  im- 
petuous stream,  which  poured  its  hoarse  and  un- 
Inmed  wnters  freely  along,  alike  indilVcicnt  to  tlio 
victory  which  was  lost  and  won  upon  its  banks, 
and  lo  the  blood  of  the  brave  that  mingled  wilh  its 
crimson  tide.  But,  thanks  to  the  genius  of  a  wi.so 
and  liberal  form  of  government,  and  the  patriotic 
policy  which  has  hitherto  prevailed  in  the  better 
days  of  the  Itcpublic,  it  has  since  become  subser- 
vient to  the  arts  of  industry  and  peace,  and  in  no 
small  degree  tributary  to  the  wealth  and  glory  of 
the  State.  Here  you  will  find  no  such  miserable, 
abject,  and  servile  creatures,  ns  some  frce-tiailo 
gentlemen  would  have  us  believe  are  generally 
found  inhabiting  the  iiianiifiicturiiig  districts  of  this 
and  other  countries,  but  an  intelligent,  hilmrioua, 
and  virtuous  population,  who  nic  justly  entitled  to 
as  much  of  our  i-egaid  nnd  respect  ns  any  other 
class  of  our  fellow-cilis'.ens. 

This,  as  I  hnve  already  said,  is  the  only  manu- 
facturing district  of  any  considerable  importance 
within  the  limits  of  my  State;  and,  as  you  pnss 
from  thence  towards  the  ocean,  throughout  the 
entire  length  of  it,  you  will  find  that  ngriciilti.ro 
constitutes  the  principal  and  almost  exclusive  em- 
ployment of  the  people.  It  is  therefore  natural 
that,  born  nnd  bred  as  I  have  been,  among  this 
class  of  persons,  and  honored  ns  1  nm  with  a  scat 
upon  this  floor,cliiefly  by  the  sull'rages  of  farmers, 
I  should  feel  a  warm  and  lively  inicresi  in  any- 
thing which  is  calculated  to  promote  their  prospects. 
.And  1  am,  therefore,  free  to  say,  that  if,  upon  a 
cjilin  and  dispassionate  examination  of  this  subject, 
I  had  been  led  to  the  conclusion  that  it  would  coii- 


]0m  ■■ 


'(£i 


h 


1064 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  a, 


29tm  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  J.  IV.HouMon. 


Ho.  OF  Heps. 


duce  to  their  intereats  to  nbnndon  the  protective 
policy  of  thia  country,  in  view  of  the  recent  changes 
which  have  been  introduced  in  Englnnd,  I  should 
feel  it  to  be  my  duty  to  avow  and  advocate  it. 
flut,  as  1  atill  Mieve  that  their  best  and  surest  in- 
terests depend  upon  the  rigid  maintenance  of  that 
policy,  I  am  as  much  opposed  ns  ever  to  the  re- 
nunciation of  it.  And  now  for  the  facts  and  figures 
which  have  led  mv  mind  to  that  conclusion. 

No  attentive  observer  who  has  read  the  late 
speech  of  Sir  Robert  Peel,  on  the  introduction  of 
bis  scheme  for  the  reduction  of  duties  in  the  British 
Parliament,  could  have  failed  to  observe  the  fact 
that  he  nowhere  intimates  an  opinion  that  the  ex- 
]iortatiun  of  wheat  and  tinur  will  be  increased  from 
this  country  to  Great  Britain  in  consequence  of  the 
relaxation  of  her  corn-law  system ;  for  he  knew  too 
well  the  difference  between  the  average  prices  of 
wheat  in  the  principal  pons  of  this  country,  and 
in  the  grain-growing  countries  of  Europe,  even  to 
suggest  any  such  idea.  He  knew  that,  with  wheat 
averaging  from  a  dollar  to  n  dollar  and  twelve  cents 
a  bushel — as  it  has  for  the  last  twenty  years  in  the 
ports  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  while  it  has 
averaged,  during  the  sante  period,  only  about  eighty 
cents  a  bushel  at  Hamburg  and  Dantzic — there 
could  be  no  reasonable  prospect  that  when  the 
iluty  came  down  on  all  foreign  wheat  alike,  that 
ours  would  be  able  to  compete  with  the  German 
and  Polish  wheat  in  the  British  markets.  The 
wheat  from  the  Mediterranean  is  still  cheaficr, 
although  inferior  in  quality  to  the  wheat  from  the 
Baltic,  ami  the  prireof  it  will  not  be  fiuind  to  have 
averaged  over  sixty  cents  n  bushel  at  OdesNa,  on 
the  BlackSea, during  the  time  which  I  have  already 
specified. 

All  of  these  countries  lie  more  convenient  and 
adjacent  to  Great  Briuiin  than  this  country,  and, 
timsequonlly,  can  take  advantage  of  any  favorable 
change  which  takes  place  in  the  price  or  demand 
there,  and  can  anticipate  us  in  trie  English  mar- 
kei.i.  This  fact,  coupled  with  their  ability  to  un- 
dersell ns  at  all  times,  except  in  seasons  of  great 
and  unusual  scarciiy,  will  etreruially  exclude  us 
hereafter,  a.s  it  has  done  heretofore,  from  export- 
ing any  considerable  quantities  of  wheat  and  flour 
to  Great  Britain.  I  was  about  to  say  that  it  is  a 
singular  fact,  but  it  is  not  at  nil  remarkable,  when 
we  take  into  consideration  the  facts  which  I  have 
just  slated,  that  of  the  1,145,9516  quarters  (aquartcr 
being  eight  bushels)  of  foieiirn  wheat  and  fionr 
imported  into  the  kingdom  of  Great  Britain  during 
the  year  ending  the  .5ili  of  January,  1845,  only 
y,4;ii  quarters  of  wheat,  and  3(i,'.l50  hundred 
weight  of  flcmr  were  imported  from  this  country. 
Neither  of  these  estimates  include  the  quantity  ini- 
lorted  from  the  Canadian  provinces.  It  is  well 
<nnwii  that  considerable  quantities  of  wheat  grown 
in  our  nnrtlnvestern  Slates  finds  its  way  to  Eng- 
land through  these  provinces.  The  whole  quanti- 
ty iif  wheat  and  Hour,  including  tbreign  anil  colo- 
nic, ini|miied  into  Ori'at  Britain  durinir  that  year, 
was  l,3r)l,y77  (piarlcrs,  of  which  •J,4"J1  quarters 
of  wheat  and  30,S).">I1  litindred  weight  of  flour  wire 
imported  direct  from  this  country,  and  50,1.')!) 
quarters  of  wheat  and  Hrt"i,"2Pl  hundred  weight  of 
flour  were  imported  from  <  amda.  And  yit  we 
find  this  remarkable  dillereuce  existing  hilweeii 
the  comparalivel"  .    qiianliiy   of  wheat  and 

flour  imported  ..mi;  Mat  yrar  from  Canada,  and 
the  great  amount  imported  from  the  wheat-grow- 
ing lounlries  of  Europe,  nolwithslnnding  the  form- 
er ha.'i  been  subject  to  a  duty  of  only  four  shilliiig.s 
per  quarter,  while  the  latter  has  been  paying,  under 
the  operations  of  their  sliding  scale,  an  average 
duty  of  upwards  of  seventeen  shillings  per  quarter. 
V'hat  advantage  our  norlhweslern  fanners — who 
have  luretoforc  enjoyed  the  lienelit  of  a  C.  .laili.iii 
(•hrislening  for  their  produce,  by  transporting  it 
tliroiigh  the  piovinrc) — will  derive  from  the  lunili- 
ficaiiiiii  of  (lie  British  corn  Inw.s,  after  the  Ist  of 
February,  1H4!),  when  the  duty  upon  nil  wheat 
and  flour,  foreign  and  colonial,  Russian,  PoliHli, 
(iiM'inan,  American,  and  Canadian,  is  to  come 
down  alike  to  one  uniform  and  hori/.ontal  duly  of 
I  lie  shilling  per  bushel  on  wheat,  and  I'our-and-a- 
oolf  pence  per  hundred  weight  on  flour,  I  leave 
them  U)  dttermine.  These  facts  also  serve  to 
show  what  (iiospect  we  have  for  an  increased  ex- 
portation of  wheat  and  flmir  from  this  coiiiiiiy 
generally  to  Great  llriuiin,  in  consequence  of  the 
reduction  of  her  duties.  That  reduction  will  doubl- 


i: 


less  inure  to  the  benefit  of  certain  foreign  produ- 
cers; but  it  will  not  be  to  the  benefit  Of  the  wheat- 
growers  and  flour-grinders  of  this  country,  for  the 
obvious  reasons  which  1  have  already  mentioned. 
The  jiroduction  of  wheat  can  be  indefinitely  ex- 
tended in  the  grain-growing  regions  of  Russia, 
Prussia,  Poland,  and  Germany,  at  prices  greatly 
below  what  we  shall  be  able  to  ship  it  for  in  ordi- 
nary seasons  from  this  country,  and  the  growth 
and  production  of  it  will  doubtless  be  stimulated  in 
those  countries  in  proportion  as  the  foreign  de- 
mand increases  for  it.  As  we  have  seen  from  the 
statistics  which  I  have  just  quoted  upon  this  sub- 
ject, they  already  supply  the  English  market  with 
nearly  all  the  foreign  wheat  that  is  demanded;  and 
we  may  rest  assured  that  tliey  will  still  continue 
to  supply  it  under  the  reduction  and  modification 
of  her  duties. 

But  although,  as  I  have  already  stated.  Sir  Rob 
ert  Peel  has  nowhere  expressed  tlie  opinion,  in  the 
speech  to  which  1  have  alluded,  that  the  exporta- 
tion of  wheat  would  be  increased  from  this  coun- 
try to  Great  Britain  in  consequence  of  the  reduc- 
tion of  their  duties  upon  foreign  grain,  he  has  very 
gravely  suggested  the  idea  that  an  increased  expor- 
tation of  Indian  corn  might  reasonably  be  expect- 
ed to  follow  that  event,  with  jiroper  efforts  on  the 
part  of  the  agriculturists  and  farmers  of  the  king- 
dom to  introduce  it  into  general  use,  as  an  article 
for  feeding  and  fattening  cattle.  It  is  true  that  the 
right  honorable  baronet,  who  does  not  profess  to 
have  any  practical  knowledge  upon  this  subject, 
modestly  informed  the  House  of  Commons,  on 
that  occasion,  that  he  had  been  credibly  informed 
ihnt  Indian  meal  could  be  made  into  right  good 
bread;  and  Lord  Morpeth,  I  perceive,  who  seiins 
to  have  taken  his  cue  from  the  ministry,  luid  ap- 
pears resolved  to  maintain  what  Sir  Robert  Peel 
lias  said,  has  recently  taken  occasion,  in  one  of 
the  northern  shires,  (Yorkshire,  I  believe,)  to  pro- 
nounce a  public  eulogy  upon  johnnifcttke.  Such 
observations  as  these  are  well  calculated  to  pro- 
voke a  smile  among  the  "  corn-crackers"  of  this 
country.  But  they  go  to  prove  one  important 
fact,  and  that  is,  that  our  becf-ealing  kinsmen  on 
the  other  side  of  the  water  have  a  great  deal  to 
learn  upon  the  subject  of  corn  bread;  for  to  begin 
with  johnny-cake  is  very  much  like  beginning  with 
the  a,  b,  c  of  the  matter,  and  ilie  first  and  simplesit 
rudiments  of  the  science.  But  notwithstanding 
we  may  conclude  from  this  fact,  that  minislers 
and  noblemen  may  have  very  little  practical  know- 
ledge upon  this  subject,  1  np|)i'cliend  that  the  farm- 
ers of  England  do  not  require  to  be  informed  from 
any  such  elevated  source  what  is  the  cheapest  and 
best  feed  either  for  fattening  cattle  or  maintaining 
themselves.  They  ire  an  exceedingly  sagacious 
and  intelligent  class  of  men,  in  regard  to  cvery- 
ibiiig  which  pertains  to  their  own  domestic  com- 
fort and  economy,  and  have  doubtless  come  nearer 
to  reducing  all  the  operations  of  agriculture  to  an 
exact  and  practical  science  than  any  other  farmers 
in  the  world.  The  circumstances  of  their  situa- 
tion, the  powerful  (!oinpetitiini  to  which  they  arc 
exposed  bolh  at  limne  and  from  abroad,  and  the 
heavy  burdens  to  which  lands  are  subject  in  that 
coiiniry,  have  compelled  them  to  stuily — and  to 
study  closely,  too — not  only  how  to  improve  and 
develop  their  utmost  resources,  but  also  how  to 
retrench  their  expeuditurt's  to  the  last  farthing, 
while  engaged  in  that  pursuit.  The  conseinicnce 
is,  that  they  perfectly  understand  the  whole  minii- 
tia;  and  economy  of  their  own  business.  They 
know,  from  actual  observation  mid  experiment, 
the  precise  and  exact  value  of  every  kind  of  grain 
which  is  grown  or  iinporled  into  that  country, 
and  which  can  be  used  either  for  the  fattening  of 
cattle  or  for  carrying  on  any  of  the  oilier  ordinary 
oporaiions  of  a  farmer's  occupations.  Any  gen- 
tleman, who  is  at  all  familiar  with  the  great  vari- 
ety of  useful  inlurmation  to  be  found  embodied  in 
the  agricultural  publicjitinns  of '.hat  kingdom,  can- 
not have  failed  to  discover  this  fact;  and  I  presume 
1  do  not  go  too  far  when  I  say  that  there  is  scarce- 
ly u  tnanufailurer  at  Manchester,  liirminghuin,  or 
Leeil.s,  who  is  more  accurately  and  thoroughly 
acquainted  with  the  cost  and  profits  of  his  estab- 
lishment, than  this  class  of  people  in  England  are 
acipiainted  with  llie  relative  value  and  usefulness 
of  every  kind  of  grain  which  enters  into  the  growth 
or  consumption  of  a  farmer's  life.  Men  of  this 
cliorncter,  therefore,  could  not  long  have  remained 


ignorant  of  the  value  and  profiUiblencss  of  Indian 
corn,  as  compared  with  the  value  of  other  grains, 
of  which  they  import  largely  from  other  countries, 
if  it  be  so  desirable  as  Sir  Robert  Peel  seems  to 
apprehend.  And  yet  it  is  a  singular  fact,  that  the 
quantity  of  Indian  corn  annually  imported  into  the 
kingdom  is  so  very  inconsiderable  it  scarcely  ile-  g, 
serves  to  be  named.  This  cannot  bo  owing  to  tlio  ^' 
fuct  that  it  has  heretofore  been  encumbered  wilh  a  4 
heavy  duty;  for,  under  their  late  UtritT  of  duties,  k' 
Indian  corn  has  been  subject  to  the  lowest  duty  ?' 
imposed  upon  any  kinds  of  foreign  gmin.  »• 

England  has  imported  annually,  for  a  great  many     f:' 
years  past,  large  quantities  of  wheat,  oats,  bettiii<,     ', 
peas,  and    barley,  but  a  very   small   portion  of 
maize  or  Indian  corn,  as  I  have  already  sUttcd,  at     ■ 
a  duty  oveiaging,  under  the  peculiar  structure  of 
her  sliding-scalc,  about  seventeen  shillings  a  quar-      '. 
ter  on  wheat,  and  from  five  to  si.\  shillings  a  ciuarter      ^ 
on  the  other  grains.     This  latter  duty  has  already 
been  reduced  to  a  nominal  duty  of  one  shilling  per 
quarter  on  Indian  corn,  and  sixpence  per  hundred      v ' 
weight  on'cornmeal,  which  are  hereafter  to  remain      v 
fixed  at  those  respective  sums.     The  duty  has  also      |- 
been  reduced  to  what  will  probably  average  about      £ 
eight  shillings  per  (inarter  on  wheat,  which  is  siill      ^ 
further  to  be  reduced,  under  the  provisions  of  their      | 
late  act,  on  the  1st  day  of  February,  1849,  to  the      |' 
same  nominal  and  fixed  duty  of  one  shilling  per      f 
quarter  which  is  now  levied  upon  Indian  corn,  wilh      f 
this  singular  exception  in  favor  of  the  former,  that,      t 
instead  of  a  duly  of  sixpence  per  hundred  weight,       t 
as  now  levied  upon   Indian  meal,  there  is  to  be  a       ';■ 
duty  of  only  four  and  a  half  pence  per  hundred       ( 
weight  imposed  on  flour  from  and  after  that  period.       f; 
So  that  Indian   meal,  after  that  time  is  to  pay  a       \ 
heavier  duty  in  the  English  market  than  wheat       ^ 
flour,  while  the  two  grains  from  which  they  arc 
nianufaciured  are  to  be  admitted  upon  precisely  the 
same  terms.     This  duty  of  four  and  a  half  pence        '^ 
per  hundred  weight,  which  I  have  last  meulioncd, 
is  also  the  duty  which  is  to  be  paid,  from  and  afiir 
the  time  before  stated,  on  barley  meal,  oat  meal, 
rye   meal,  pea  meal,  ond   bean  meal,  while  the 
grains  from  which  they  are  respectively  produced 
arc  to  pay  the  same  duty  of  one  shilling  per  quar- 
ter now  levied  upon  Indian  corn;  and  in  the  nieaii- 
time  they  are  to  pay  a  duty  averaging  about  tlirci! 
shillings  per  quarter,  until  the  final  and  fixed  n- 
duction  takes  place  on  the  1st  of  February,  184!». 
Now,  in  Older  to  nsceruiiii  what  chance   Indian 
corn  will  stand    to  compete   with  these   favorite 
grains  of  the  English  farmers  ond  consumers,  when 
the  duty  is  reduced  to  one  dead  level  on  all  alike, 
with  the  exception  which  I  have  already  noted  of 
Iiiilian  meal,  which  is  to  pay  a  higher  duty,  us  you 
will  perceive,  after  that  time,  by  one  and  a  lialf 
pence  per  hundred  weight,  than  any  other  kind  of 
meal,  or  even  flour  it.self,  let  us  see  how  the  im- 
ports of  this  arliclc  compare  with  the  imports  of 
those  other  grains,  when  it  enjoyed  the  advantage 
of  paying  a  .smaller  duty  than  any  of  the  rest.     In 
the  year  ending  the  5ili  of  .lanuary,  1845,  there 
was  imported  into  the  Kingdom  of  Great  BriUiin 
from  foreign  countries — 

Per  ijtKirli-r, 
1.1  l.l.nsniiiinriirior  ivhcnt,  at  an  nvernge  duty  of  17<.  iM. 
I,nii.-,.:ill        .'  liiirley,  "  "         •!«. 

3!»"i,:iH.l        "  iiat.-i,  "  "         li». 

'  M.HII)        "  rye,  "  "         li«.  7./. 

!i.'iH,r>a.'i         "  liciirisand  liens, "  "  Ks.dil. 

1        "  Iiiiliun  corn,     "  "         !»■ 

I  have  drawn  these  statistics  from  "  Abstracis 
of  Parliamentary  Documents,"  as  they  areentiilcil, 
contained  in  a  work  called  the  "  British  Compan- 
ion for  184U,"  published  in  London  during  the  ha- 
ter part  of  the  last  year,  and  as  these  statcnienis 
are  compiled  from  otHcial  returns  made  to  Govern- 
ment, I  s-.ippose  they  may  be  relied  upon  as  being 
entirely  correct.  Aiid  from  this  table  we  perceive 
that  while  England  was  importing  large  quantities 
of  wheat,  barley,  oats,  beans,  and  pens,  only  one 
iniarlcr  or  eight  bushels  of  Indian  corn  is  given  as 
the  amount  of  the  import  of  this  great  staple  of 
ours  during  that  year.  The  average  price  of  wheat 
during  that  year  was  51.1.  '.id.  per  quarter,  barley 
33s.  Hii..  oats  aOs.  7d.,  rye  33.1.  lid.,  beans  343.  5i/., 

;  111  ,1  of  peas  '.'^s.  Hit.     The  price  of  Indian  corn  is 

'  not  given,  fioiK  which,  1  suppose,  we  may  infer 
that  the  eight  budiels  which  were  imported  that 
year  must  either  i  ave  been  given  away  or  were 

I  Ijrought  back. 

I     Now  what  is  thi  only  Icgitimalo  conclusion 


1846.]^ 
^{)thCono Is 

,,'hich  wc  can  derive  fr 
of  facts?  And  what  m 
„f  the  Atlantic  docs  m 
,e,ly  nugatory  and  viu 

1,V  Air  Robert  Peel,  ll 
upon  brciulstuffs  in  ti 
,1  c  exportation  of  Intl 
,0 Great  Britain?    I'oi 

,„.,  yet  51».  :W.  per  < 
nj.al.,  England  impi 
,,„„rter8,  to  one  tiuarl 
.'f-ls.  only,  need  1  ask 
chance  Indian  corn  i 
irtaiWtijrwitblbcwh 
lllnck  Sea,  when  the 
duty  of  one  shilling  p 
what  possible  chance 
lirought  into  compel 
sixpence  per  huudrei 
only  a  duty  of  four « 
ttcigbt  on  the  Uittci 
siaiid  in  the  mean  tir 
which  has  already  Ui 
a(.  to  about  8.'.  pert 
wheat  has  already  b( 
corn,  and  with  the 
given'  to  it  there  ov 
mediately  and  eftecti 
kcts.    And  when  all 
grains,  which  1  hav 
uniform  rate  which 
lion  if  such  a  thing  I 
pound  of  corn  meal 
the  British  marketi 
any  man  reasonably 
an    ■.•tide  of  feed 
grains  of  v  'hich  the 
largely,  with  the  i 
favwofcornonev 
rcption  of  barley,  1 
place,  and  the  dut) 
But  this  is  1.  tall; 
already  seen,  the  d 
ally  be  greater  thai 
It  IS  a  well-known 
as  a  general  thing 
seas   in  its  natur 
be  ground  into 
meal,  and  thif 
which  it  can 
Great  Briuun. 
to  the  payment  o 
already  expl"''- 
rior  quality 
cooked  before 
But  it  is  not 
upon  ibis  br. 
siuip'y  been  . 
consideration 
that,  notwithsta 
to  increase  the 
very  material 
foreign   trade 
creased  expo 
try.    IKiring 
and  com  lo  tl 
lily   augnieiUi 
and  almost  u'. 
last  season  i 
rontiiieiil,  wl 
eiice  upon  the 
which  would 
|,ut   for  the  11 
iiiiestiini,  whi 
tlie  peace  of  I 
injuriously   u 
li'ul   such   CO 
crops  in  tlio 
rence,  and  tli 
in  seasons  o 
liiui  of  their 
monstialcd  I 
From  these 
Inilliant  ami 
held  out  to  ( 
|,e  derived 
delusive  am 
afier  all  is  > 
niiirkel  iipi 
When  lliat 
tliey  will  hi 
iiieiiL  abroi 


4  is 

I  lie 

,w 

It   0 

ilainei 
of  ll 
it 
n 
incl 
to  < 

01 


Mb 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1085 


aJh-H  CoNo IsT  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  J.  W.  Hmuton. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


IdiiiM  "^  which  we  can  ilnrive  from  this  cxtrasritinary  stale 
liiiiN,  "\  orfocts?  And  what  intelligent  fhrmcr  oil  tliia side 
nf  llic  Atlantic  does  not  at  once  perceive  linw  ut- 
icily  niigiitnry  and  vnin  is  the  idea  held  out  to  us 
by  Sir  ilolicrl  Peel,  that  the  reduction  of  dutiea 
upon  liroadslufls  in  England  is  going  to  increase 
ilic  cx|>oi'lation  of  Indian  corn  from  thia  country 
111  Great  liritain  ?  For  if,  while  the  price  of  wheal 
WHS  yet  .51s.  'Ad.  per  quarter,  and  tlie  duty  on  it 
\',s.  2(1.,  England  imported  from  abroad  1,145,986 
(innrtcrs,  to  one  tiuarter  of  Indian  corn,  at  a  duty 
(if  .'i.s'.  only,  need  1  ask  the  question,  what  possible 
rliaiice  Indian  corn  will  stand  to  compete  as  a 
Jrfuiisdijrwiili  the  wheat  from  the  IJallic  and  the 
Ulnck  Sea,  when  the  rales  are  reduced  to  a  fixed 
duty  of  one  shilling  per  quarter  on  both  alike;  and 
what  possible  chance  will  Indian  meal  stand  when 
lirniighl  into  competition  with  flour,  at  a  d  ity  'if 
sixpence  per  hundred  weight  on  the  forme,-,  and 
only  a  duty  of  four  and  a  half  pence  per  hundred 
wciglit  on  the  latter.'  And  what  chance  will  it 
siaiid  in  the  mean  time  with  the  reduction  of  duty 
which  has  already  taken  |>lace  on  wheat,  from  Vis. 
iid.  lo  about  Hs.  per  quarter?  The  reduction  upon 
wheat  has  already  been  very  great  a^  well  as  upon 
corn,  ond  with  the  marked  preference  which  is 
given'  to  it  there  over  corn,  it  must  and  will  im- 
mediately and  cfl'ectually  exclude  it  from  their  mar- 
kets. And  whenall  their  dutiesupon  these  various 
grains,  which  I  have  enumerated,  fall  to  the  one 
uniform  rate  which  is  lo  take  elTecl  in  1849, 1  ques- 
tion if  audi  a  thing  as  a  bushel  of  Indian  corn  or  a 
pound  of  corn  meal  will  ever  be  heard  of  again  in 
the  lirilish  markets.  For  what  competition  can 
liny  man  rea.ionably  expect  it  to  maintain,  even  as 
an  -.•ticic  of  feed  for  cattle,  against  these  other 
grnins  of  vliich  they  have  long  been  importing  so 
largely,  with  the  ilitl'erence  of  duty  decidedly  in 
fiivor  of  corn  on  every  one  of  these,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  bnrley,  perhafis,  when  that  event  lakes 
place,  and  the  duty  becomes  the  some  on  all  alike  ? 
Hut  tills  is  1,  <t  all;  for  after  thai  time,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  the  duty  upon  this  article  will  aclu- 
nlly  be  greater  than  upon  any  of  these  other  grains. 
It  isa  well-known  fact,  that  the  commodity  will  not, 
us  a  general  thing,  bear  transportation  beyond  the 
fleas  in  its  natural  state.  It  has,  therefore,  to 
be  ground  into  what  is  termed  Itiln-dried  corn 
meal,  and  this  is  the  only  safe  and  secure  form  in 
which  it  can  be  exported,  if  exported  at  nil,  to 
Ureal  Hritain,  whicli  would,  of  couisr,  subjecl  it 
to  the  payment  of  the  higher  duty,  which  1  have 
already  explained,  to  say  nothing  of  the  very  infe- 
rior quality  of  bread  which  it  makes  when  it  is 
cooked  bouire  it  is  ground. 

Uiit  it  is  not  my  purpose  to  protract  my  remarks 
upon  this  brinch  of  the  subji^cl.     My  object  has 
simji'y  been  to  collect  together  a  few  facts,  for  the 
consideration  of  tlio.se  who  entertain  the  opinion 
that,  notwithstanding  the  ed'ect  of  this  bill  will  be 
to  increase  the  importations  of  the  country  lo  a 
very  material  extent,  yet  the  equililiriuni  of  our 
foiTign   trade  is  going  to  be  preserved  by  the  in- 
eieased  exportaiion  of  breadstufl'a  from  this  coun- 
try.   During  the  present  year  our  exports  of  wheal 
and  coin  lo  that  country  havc^becn  very  considera- 
bly auKincnied   in  consequence  of  the  extensive  j 
and  almost  niiexampled  failure  of  the  crops  of  the  ■ 
Inst  seaHon  in   Kiiglaiid  and   Ireland,  anil  on  the  ! 
eoiitinenl,  which   has  had  a  very  beneficial  inllii-  I 
eiice  upon  the  prices  of  grain  in  this  country,  and 
which  would   liiive  undoubtedly  risen  still  higher 
but  for  the  unl'oituniite  ugiiatiun  of  the  Oregon 
(iiicstioi),  which  seriously   threatened  for  a  lime  i 
tli(^  peace  of  the  Iwii  counlries,  and  operated  very  j 
iiijuriiuisly   U|ioii    the  commerce   between   them,  j 
Hut   such  cdinplete   and  general   failures  of  the  \ 
crops  in  those  countries  are  of  very  rare  occur- 
rence, and  ihat  we  havenoadvainagc  to  anticipate,  I 
in  si'ii.soiis  of  ordinary  plenty,  from  the  modifica-  I 
tiiin  of  their  corn  laws,  I  think  I  have  clcorly  de- 
inoii.stiatcd  by   the  fads  which  I  have  exhibited. 
I'roni  these  I  think   it  will  appear,  llial  however 
lirilliant  and    fiattering  may  have  been   the  hopes 
111  III  out  to  oiir  farmirs  as  lo  the  great  biMiefils  lo 
be  derived  from  this  source,  iliey  i;re  nltogelher 
delusive  and  unsound,  and  Ihat  the  home  market 
nl'ier  nil  is  slill  the  principal  and  alniosl  the  only 
iniirket   upon    which    they    niiisl    licrcal^er   rely. 
When  Ihat  fails  them,  Ihcy  iiiiiy  rest  n.ssftrid  thai 
they  will  have  no  other  worthy  of  their  encouriige- 
iiieiit  abroad,     ll  would  be  easy  to  .show,  had  I 


time,  the  great  value  and  importance  of  this  home 
market  lo  our  agriculturists,  and  that  the  best  and 
most  effectual  way  of  improving  it  is  by  encour- 
aging the  growth  and  extension  of  manufactures 
among  us.     I  might  point  to  the  example  and  slii- 
tisticsof  New  England,  which  annually  purchases, 
beyond  what  is  grown  within  her  own  limits, over 
seven  millions  of  bushels  of  grain  of  her  sister 
Slates,  and  could  readily  show  that  this  is  infinitely 
beyond  the  whole  amount  which  we  sell  lo  all  the 
rest  of  the  world.     I  could  also  show  that  this 
market  in  New  England  in  created  and  sustained 
by  her  manufacturing  interests  alone,  and  that  if 
she  is  driven  from  these  pursuits  by  free  and  un- 
restricted competition  from  abroad,  she  must  and 
will  feed  herself,  either  by  improving  her  soil,  or 
by  sending  her  surplus  population  lo  cultivate  the 
new  and  more  productive  liuids  of  the  West.    All 
this  I  could  show,  and  more,  to  convince  the  farm- 
ers of  this  country  that,  by  protecting  and  encour- 
aging our  domestic  manufactures,  ihcy  encoumge 
and  promote  our  agricultural  intercsia  likewise, 
by  the  most  certain,  efficient,  and  salutary  mode 
which  they  could  possibly  devise.     Bui  1  let  all  1 
this  pass,  and  much  more,  which  might  bo  said  in  | 
this  connexion,  in  order  to  illustrate  the  necessity 
and  im|)ortancc  of  diversifying  the  labor  and  em-  1 
ployments  of  the  country,  which  is  the  surest  road 
to   national   wealth   and    national    respectability.  I 
For  no  nation  was  ever  yet  truly  great  or  truly  . 
prosperous  whose  people  were  exclusively  devoted  j 
to  one  business,  or  that  great  and  primitive  pursuit  i 
of  man,  the  cultivation  of  the  earth.     It  is  the  di-  ' 
vision  and  dilTusion  of  labor,  and  the  multiplicn-  ' 
lion  of  varied  occupations,  which  constitutes  the  | 
substantial   glory  and    permanenl    advantage  of  j 
every  people.    TiVithoiit  this  there  can  be  no  real  I 
and  abiding  prosperity.  j 

But  we  have  been  freciuently  told,  in  the  course  i 
of  the  de      .•,  that  as  England,  the  great  parent 
and  author  of  the  protective  system,  is  now  abnui  i 
til    iliandon  that  policy,  we  ought  to  follow  her 
exiiiiiple,  and  open  our  ports  lo  the  free  adinissirin 
of  her  manufactures.      But  is  it  true  that  England 
has  really  manifested  an/  such  intciiti? '  '    Ami  i 
has  she,  by  the  course  of  measures  whicn    l.e  h  is  ' 
lately  ailopled,  receded  the  tittle  of  a  hair  froi..  the 
invariable  policy  which  she  has  heretofore  pursued, 
of  encouraging  and  protecting  her  own  manufac-  : 
lures?     It  is  true  that  she  has  reduced  her  duties  ' 
somewhat  upon  the  importation  of  certain  kiids  of  i 
manufactures,  but  it  is  only  on  such  as  cannot  be  i 
endangered  by  a  foreign  competition  ,  while  the  ' 
reduction   made   upon  the  importation  of  bread- 
stuirs,  which  is  regarded  in  England  as  the  only  I 
material  part  of  this  new  system,  is  nothing  more 
nor   less   than   a   tardy  and   reluctant  concession 
wrung  from  the  agricultural  by  the  maiinfiicturiiii 
interests.     Gentlemen  who  make  this  remark,  and  i 
advance  this  opinion,  would  do  well  to  reflect  upon  , 
the  coniplele  contrast  which  exists  between  the  I 
condition  of  things  in  this  country,  and  the  condi-  I 
lion  of  things  in  Great  Britain.     In  that  country, 
in  consequence  of  the  abundance  of  capital,  the 
low  price  of  labor,  the  long  and  continued  protec- 
tion which  they  have  enjoyed,  and  the  superior  I 
skill  and  knowledge  which  they  have  acquired,  i 
the  mnnufiiclurer  can  defy  the  competition  of  the  ' 
world   in   his  own  markets,  and  he  consequently  : 
requires  litlle  or  no  proleciioii   lo  enable  him  lo 
keep  pos.session  of  il.     But  it  is  otherwise  with 
the  ngriciiltiirisis  and  the  farmers.     There  lands 
are  exorbitantly  high,  taxes  heavy,  and   the  ex- 
pen.ses  of  improving  and  cultivating  the  soil  out  of 
all  proportion  lo  the  ixpeiisits  of  nianufiicluring, 
and   the  coiise(|uen(!e  is,   that  this  class  requires  I 
proleclion  ill  their  own  market  ni;ainst  the  bread- 
stiillsof  llieNorlli  of  Europe,  where  il  can  be  pro- 
duced iiiucli  cheaper;  and  this  they  have  enjoyed 
until  recenlly  in  the  highest  degree.   But  the  inaiiii- 
faclurers  of  Great  Britain  are  not  content  with  the  : 
supply  of  their  own  market.     They  are  ambitious 
to  be,  what  they  have  long  been  called,  "  the  work-  ' 
shop"  of  the  world;  they  wish  lo  supply  all  other 
nations  with  their  manufacliires,  iinil,  if  possible, 
lo  drive  every  other  people  from  the  business,  so  i 
that  they  may  have  it  all   lo  theniselves.     This  > 
they  had  almost  atluined   for  a  lime,  until  other  : 
niilions  began  to  liuii  llieir  attenlloii  to  nianiifac- 
tiiring  also,  and   began  iifier  a  while,  by  nie.ins  of 
protecting  their  own  induslry,  as  she  had  done, 
und  by  the  uc(|ui»itioii  of  skill  and  a  more  thorough  ' 


knowledge  of  the  business,  first  to  exclude  their 
manufactures  from  their  own  markets,  and  after- 
wards to  compete  siiccesHfully  with  them  in  iho 
other  markets  of  the  world.  France,  Holland, 
Germany,  and  the  United  Slates,  have  at  length 
liecome  t'orniidable  comiietitors  and  rivals  of  Great 
Britain,  not  only  in  their  own  markets,  but  in 
most  of  the  foreign  markets,  many  of  which  she 
has  heretofore  almost  exclusively  enjoyed.  This 
has  given  just  alarm  not  only  to  the  manufactur- 
ers, but  the  statesmen  of  England,  for  they  know 
that  manufacturing  is  not  only  essential  to  the 
prosperity,  but  lo  tiie  very  existence  of  Great  Brit- 
ain. Something  must,  therefore,  be  done  to  coun- 
teract lliis  unfortunate  tendency  of  things  from 
abroad,  and  to  enable  them  to  maintain  their  su- 

firemacy  in  the  fiircign  markets  of  the  world.  And 
low  was  this  to  be  accomplished?  Not  by  pro- 
lection  at  home,  for  they  were  already  secure  in 
the  possession  of  their  own  markets,  but  by  sonio 
meltiod  which  cheapen  the  cost  of  manufacturing, 
and  enable  them  to  sell  abroad  at  lower  prices. 
And  there  was  but  one  way  in  which  that  could  be 
done,  and  that  was,  by  striking  off  the  duty  upon 
foreign  grain,  so  as  to  cheapen  the  price  of  bread- 
stuffs,  and,  of  course,  the  means  of  living  in  the 
kingdom.  The  project,  therefore,  was  no  sooner 
conceived  than  it  was  announced,  first  by  the  niami- 
facturers  and  those  residinp;  in  the  manufacturing 
districts,  and  afterwards  by  others  who  were  not 
immediately  interested  in  the  maintenance  of  tlic 
corn  laws.  For  a  long  time  the  conflict  waged 
between  the  landed  and  manufacturing  inlcresison 
this  question,  was  inveterate  and  severe  in  the 
highest  degree.  Associations  were  formed  with 
ramifications  extending  throughout  the  entire  king- 
dom. On  both  sides  orators  harangued,  and  pub- 
lic speeches  were  made;  and  strange  to  say,  the 
landed  interest  appealed  directly  to  the  ojieialivn 
classes  with  the  argument,  that  the  object  of  the 
manufacturers  was  to  reduce  the  wages  of  labor  by 
reducing  the  price  of  bmiil,  iiiid  the  con.seqiience 
was,  for  a  long  lime  many  of  this  class  hung  iloubt- 
fi.l  between  the  two  contending  pnrliis  mi  this 
;ioint,  until  at  length  the  disastrous  and  iiiiprece- 
licntcd  failure  of  the  crops  of  last  year  intervened, 
and  gave  the  finishing  stroke,  the  coup  ilef;rucc, 
to  the  landed  interests  and  the  advocates  of  the 
corn  laws.  The  prospect  of  starvation  occurred 
most  opportunely  for  ilie  other  side,  and  overrode, 
for  the  time  being,  every  other  consideration.  Il 
completely  obliteri :'ed  the  doubtful  alleriialivc  of 
low  wages  and  cheap  bread;  and  the  consequence 
was,  that  hundreds  and  thousands  went  over  tn 
the  other  side,  and  Sir  Robert  Peel  among  the  rest. 
And  this  fact,  lo  which  I  have  just  adverted,  ex- 
plains the  following  statemenl  contained  in  his 
speech,  to  which  I  have  before  referred: 

"Them  is  bclwceii  the  iniwlcr  iimnliriicturcrs and  the  op- 
('rnliVH  clnKscK  ii  cdiiiiiKin  cniivictiiin  Hint  did  iiiil  prevnil 
in  \f-iQ.  nr  nt  ii  fiiriiicr  period,  tlint  it  will  lie  liir  Uic  piililii? 
lulvniiliuro  that  tiicsi?  I-uvs  (corn  laws)  sliolild  liu  repealed." 

And,  fiirlher,  he  again  observes; 

"  nccaiise  this  is  a  time  (if  ponce  ;  tiecnlise  IJicre  is  a  per- 
Tecl  cnliii,  except  so  tUr  ns  nil  tiuitntion  niiiniig  tlio  prineiptil 
innniithctiirers  niny  iiili'rrii[it  it ;  hccnlisc  yea  lire  not  siihjei.t 
1(1  niiv  coereidii  wiintever,  I  entreat  you  to  lienr  in  mind  Hint 
tlic  n^jiccl  ot'nll'nirs  iimv  eiinniie  ;  Hint  we  iiiny  have  tii  cdii- 
tend  with  n  worse  linrvest  Hinn  that  of  tliis  yenr;  and  Hint 
it  may  lie  wise  to  nvnil  ourselves  of  tin;  present  movement 
lo  eHeet  Jin  ndjnslnient  which  eould  not  lona  Ik;  delnyed 
without  eimeiKlerini;  feeliiias  (irnniiiiosity  hetwecii  ditVereiil 
cin.iscs  of  iier  Majesty's  slilijects." 

The  difl'erent  classes  of  her  Majesty's  subjcels, 
to  which  he  here  refers,  were  llie  nianiifacliiring 
iind  ngriciillurnl  classes;  and  as  the  measure  pro- 
posed by  the  Premier  prevailed  on  that  occasion, 
the.se  passages  fully  sustain  me,  I  think,  in  the 
declaration  which  I  have  made,  tliat  the  corn  laws 
were  modified,  not  with  a  view  cf  restoring  free 
trade  in  Great  liritain,  but,  on  the  contrary,  lo 
benefit  and  promote  the  nmnufacturing  interests  of 
thai  kingdom. 

Such,  then,  as  I  have  briefly  detailed  them,  was 
the  posture  of  alliiirs,  and  of  jiublic  interests  in 
Great  Britain,  when  this  great  question  was  intro- 
duced. But  what  do  we  find  lo  be  the  condition  of 
things  in  this  country  ?  Why,  just  the  reverse  of 
what  they  were,  and  still  are,  in  that  country 
There  it  was  agriculture,  and  not  mamifiiclures, 
which  required  encouragement  and  protection 
against  foreign  competition  in  their  own  markets; 
but  here  it  is  manufactures  and  the  mechnnicaj 
trades,  and  nut  agriculiure,  which  demand  the  fus- 


m  ■ 


rj 


;4l 


'■V 


'■■i::-^ 


1086 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  2, 


29rH  Cong 1st  3ess. 


3He  Tariff— Mr.  Gentry. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


18460^ 
■29th  Cono.. 


.1 


teringrnrennd  Triendly  codperation  ofthe  Oovem- 
ment,  in  onler  to  ennble  them  to  maintain  and 
sustain  themaelvGS  at  home.  Here  we  reiHe  morit 
ernin  than  we  can  consume;  there  thcjr  raise  less 
than  they  want.  There  manufhcturea  were  de- 
pressed by  protecting  agriculture;  but  here  agri- 
culture is  promoted  by  encouraging  nmnufncturcs. 
There  the  two  great  intercsia  were  antnijonistical; 
but  here  they  arc  porfectly  liarmnnioua  and  recon- 
cilable, and,  flourishing  side  by  aide  in  peace  and 
love  with  each  other,  contribule  to  the  mutual  sup- 
port and  maintenance  of  each,  and  rejoice  in  the 
great  American  motto  of"  union  and  prosperity." 
And  yet  gentlemen,  without  paying  regard  to  these 
wide  and  manifeat  differences  in  the  internal  nfTairs 
and  situation  ofthe  two  countries,  in  the  first  place 
fall  into  the  egregious  blunder  of  auppoaing  that 
the  repeal  of  the  Uritish  corn  laws  was  designed 
ns  a  conceaaion  to  the  principle  of  free  trade,  and 
in  the  next  place  fnlacly  conclude,  that  bccuuae 
they  have  aecn  proper  to  reduce  their  duties  upon 
corn  for  the  benefit  of  manul^icturca,  we  ought  to 
do  something  to  imitate  their  example,  and  reduce 
our  duties  upon  manufactures,  for  the  benefit  of 
what .'    Of  nothing. 

That  a  majority  of  the  enlightened  fVeemen  of 
this  country  will  consent  to  do  so,  I  have  no  idea. 
You  may  defeat  their  wishes  and  diaappoint  their 
hopes  fur  the  present.  You  may  pass,  and  prob- 
ably will  pass,  thia  bill,  and  may  visit  upon  the 
country,  by  means  of  ita  destructive  provisions,  an 
anti-protective  .spirit, all  the  sorrows  and  sufferings, 
distress  and  desolation,  which  it  is  inevitably  cal- 
culated to  entail  upon  it.  , 

You  may  embarrass  the  public  finances,  and  bank- 
rupt the  treaaury  by  it,  and  yet  so  far  incre.ise  the 
imports,  particula'-ly  ofthe  protected  articles,  as  to 
prostrate  every  one  of  our  manufactures,  and  in- 
volve the  whole  country  in  ruin  and  difficulty  with- 
out benefiting  the  Government  by  it.  You  who  have 
the  management  of  the  ship  i,.  State,  and  control 
the  helm,  may  persist  in  your  infniu.  tion,and  drive 
the  gallant  bark,  as  you  seem  resolvid  to  do,  full 
on  the  rocks  which  he  before  you,  and  we  will  all 
go  down,  for  a  time  at  least,  together.  But,  amid 
all  this  foreshadowing  of  gloom  and  despondency, 
I  have  one  liriglit  and  cheering  hope  which  con- 
soles and  Hustains  me,  and  that  is,  that  the  period 
of  our  final  redemption  from  the  political  heresies 
which  are  about  to  involve  us  in  all  this  mischief 
is  not  far  distant.  For, as  I  said  in  the  beginning, 
I  have  no  doubt,  whatever  may  be  the  result  of 
our  present  proceedings,  although  it  may  accom- 
plish the  overthrow  of  the  present  tariff,  that  we 
.shall  ultimately  see  it  restored  asain,  and  the  pro- 
tective policy  reestablished,  by  the  common,  and 
I  had  almost  aaid  unanimous,  consent  of  the  people, 
u|)(in  u  firm  ami  substantial  basia.  When  that  day 
arrives,  I  truat  that  we  shall  all  lie  prepared  to  do 
proper  honors  to  the  memory  of  a  respectable  but 
exploded  popular  error,  and  that,  deeply  penitent 
for  the  folMcs  and  misfortunes  into  which  we  h.ive 
been  led  by  it,  we  may  all  feci  disposed  to  unite, 
with  a  becoming  spirit,  in  dropping  the  further 
agitation  of  thia  question,  and  in  burying  the  hack- 
ed and  rusty  hatchet  of  free  trade  forever. 


support.  If  any  gentleman  doubts  my  facta,  he  ia 
welcrme  to  disprove  them;  if  he  questions  my 
conclusions,  let  him  show  their  fallacy.  Without 
wishing  to  say  anything  that  can  be  construed  to 
imply  a  want  of  proper  respect  for  thoae  whosup- 
;  ort  thu  bill  now  before  the  committee,  I  am  con- 
Bi  ained  to  express  the  conviction  that,  but  for  pre- 
committals,  made  for  mere  party  purposes,  no 
gentleman  on  this  floor  would,  umtr  exUtinf;  cir- 
ciinuianeei,  advocate  the  repeal,  at  |A«  prtsent  lime, 
ofthe  tarifl'actof  1843,  with  the  exception,  per- 
haps, of  thoae  gentlemen  from  South  Carolina  and 
Virginia,  who  have  dreamed  of  the  blessings  of 
n-eo  trade  until  they  are  so  far  derannid,  on  that 
particular  subject,  as  to  believe  thot  the  repeol  of 
the  tariff  of  1842  will  restore  their  worn-out  lands 
to  primitive  fertility,  and  their  incomes  to  what 
they  were  before  the  new  and  rich  lands  of  the 
Miasissippi  valley  had,  by  over-production,  re- 
duced the  price  nf'^ their  staplea,  cotton  and  tobacco, 
to  one-third  of  their  former  value.  What,  sir,  ore 
the  circumstances  alluded  to,  which  so  powerl\jlly 
forbid  the  repeal,  at  the  present  lime,  of  the  tariff 
act  of  1842?  Wc  are  nt  war  with  Mexico;  we 
have  already  authorized  an  army  of  sixty  thousand 
men  for  the  prosecution  of  that  war;  we  have  voted 
an  appropriation  of  ten  millions  of  dollars  to  de- 
fray the  expenses  of  the  war;  we  arc  notified  that 
other  large  appropriations,  for  the  same  purpose, 
will  be  asked  of  us:  and  that  we  will  be  called 
upon  to  authorize  a  loan,  and  the  issue  of  treasury 
notes  to  a  large  amount.  No  man  can  predict  the 
duration  of  the  war — none  can  foresee  ita  end.  All 
may  hope  that  it  will  be  of  abort  duration,  but  no 
one  can  have  an  assurance  of  that  fact.  Every 
man  must  know,  that  to  carry  invasion  into  the 
heart  of  a  country  so  remote  as  Mexico,  even  a 
short  war  will  demand  large  expenditures — a  long 
war,  expenditures  to  an  amount  almost  incalcu- 
lable. 

Under  these  circumstances,  we  are  called  upon 
to  pass  the  bill  now  under  consideration,  and  to 
repeal  the  tariff  act  of  18*2.  We  are  called  upon 
to  repeal  the  tariff  of  1842,  which  has  brought  into 
the  treasury  an  average  annual  net  revenue  of  more 
than  twenty-six  millions  of  dollars,  and  to  paas  -. ,  „  .,  , 
the  bill  now  before  the  committee,  which  the  gen-  '  their  constituents  to  nominate  Mr.  Van  Buren  as 


by  the  executive,  and  so  seriously  entertained  by 
the  legialative,  branch  of  the  Qovernment  ?  Why 
are  wo  importuned,  by  argument  and  entreaty,  to 
abandon  the  exiatin^  law,  which,  as  a  revenue 
meaaurc,  has  proved  itself  a  rock  of  aiifety,  to  ad- 
venture upon  the  doubtful  quicksands  of  wild  ex- 
periment, that  present  themselves  in  the  bill  now 
under  consideration  f  But  one  answer  can  b« 
given  to  this  question.  It  ia  because  party  has  ao 
decreed.  Shall  the  decrees  of  tliat  monster  nulliiy 
the  obligations  of  patriotism,  and  extinguish  the 
lights  of  wisdom?  { 

The  gentleman  from  Georgia,  (Mr.  Jones,]  a  i 
member  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means, 
who,  it  seems,  was  selected  to  open  the  debate  and 
commend  the  bill  to  the  fhvorable  consideration  of 
this  committee,  placed  foremost  in  his  array  of  ar- 
guments the  fact  ihat  the  Baltimore  Convention, 
which  nominated  Mr.  Polk  as  a  candidate  for  the 
Presidency,  passed  a  resolution  declaring  that  tlic 
tariff  act  of  1842  ought  to  bo  rejiealed.  And  many 
gentlemen  who  succeeded  him  in  the  debate  on  the 
same  side  ofthe  question  have  urged  the  same  ar- 
gument. If  this  IS  a  valid  argument,  the  conclu- 
sion would  seem  to  follow,  that  hereafter  the  only 
duty  which  will  devolve  upon  <h-  "^ongresa  ofthe 
United  States  will  be,  not  to  delioeratc  and  debate 
with  a  view  to  wise  legislation — not  to  look  to 
our  own  independent  convictions,  nor  yet  to  the 
will  of  our  constituents,  to  ascertain  our  public 
duty,  but  merely  to  inform  ourselves  ofthe  action 
of  a  political  convention  which  nssemhles  once  in 
four  years,  and  without  hesitation  carry  into  efl'uct 
its  decrees.  Without  stopping  to  show  how  much 
such  a  principle  ia  in  conflict  with  the  genius  of 
our  Government,  and  how  subversive  it  is  of  every- 
thing valuable  in  our  institutions,  1  will,  for  the 
sake  of  argument,  grant  the  principle,  and  yit  con- 
tend that  the  particular  convention  referred  to  is 
entitled  to  no  such  respect.  To  establish  this  posi- 
tion I  will  not  inquire  how  many  of  the  members 
of  that  convention  were  self-constituted,  claiming 
to  be  rejiresentatives  of  the  people,  yet  having  no 
constituents;  but  I  discredit  their  proceedings  with 
the  fact,  (which  cannot  be  conlroveitcd,)  that  a 
very  large  majority  of  them  were  instructed  by 


THE  TARIFF. 


tleman  from  New  York,  [Mr.  HiiNRr.nroRD,]  n 
leading  supporter  of  the  present  Administration,  i 
has  demonstrated  will  not  bring  into  the  treasury 
a  revenue  of  eighteen  millions  of  dollars — a  sum 
far  below  the  annual  ordinary  expenditures  of  our 
Government.    At  a  time  when  the  nation  is  sur- 
rounded by  difficulties,  which  ought  to  inspire  its  : 
rulers  with  a  patriotic  solicitude  to  adopt  all  meas- 
ures necessary  to  guard  its  honor  and  interests  by  [ 
maintaining  its  credit  unimpaired,  the  American  i 
patriot  is  subjected  to  the  mortifying  humiliation  ! 
of  seeing  the   Executive   Administration    of  his 
country  seek  a  tempomiy  clap-trap  popularity  by  j 
recommending  the  enactment  of  a  law  "  reduciofj 
the  duty  on  imports;"  and  the  yet  more  painful 
j  humiliation  of  seeing  that  recommendation  gravely  i 
I  and  seriously  entertained  by  an  Americjin  Con- 
gress.    Are  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  '< 
his  Cabinet  ignorant  ofthe  importance  of  prcaerv- 
ing  the  national  credit  at  all  times,  but  more  espe- 
cially in  a  conjuncture  like  the  present  ?    !?  j  they 
not  know  that  there  is  a  close  relationship  and  in- 
'  liinate  sympathy  between  public  and  private  credit 


a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  and  that  when  they 
assembled,  one  of  their  first  acts  was  to  adopt  a 
rule  which  rcnuired  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  the  <;on- 
vention  to  maKo  a  nomination.  The  object  of  this 
rule  was  to  prevent  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Van 
liuron,  and  it  p  .ced  that  result.  That  object 
being  acx!omplisni:(l,  the  convention  proceeded  to 
uomTnntc  Mr.  Polk,  who  had  never,  so  fur  as  I 
know,  been  thought  of  or  mentioned  by  any  man, 
woman,  or  child  in  America,  as  a  candidate  for  that 
high  office.  Upon  what  ground  can  the  respect  of 
a  Democratic  Congress  be  claimed  for  the  proceed- 
ings of  a  convention  which  thus  trampled  under 
foot  the  expressed  will  of  the  party  which  it  pro- 
fessed to  represent  ?  Need  I  tell  this  Democratic 
House  of  Representatives  that  this  was  a  palpable 
violation  of  a  fundamental  principle  of  Democracy } 
Is  it  not  the  doctrine  of  Democracy  that  the  will 
of  the  people  ought  always  to  control?  Is  it 
not  the  doctrine  of  Democracy  that  the  voice  of 
the  people  is  the  supremo  law  ?  And  was  not 
this  a  palpable  substitution  of  the  will  of  a  lew — 
interested,  intiiL;uing  politicians — for  the  will  of 


onr'V'nil    rkf    lUD     HT      T>     rTWTDV         innniesympauiy  ueiwecn  puiiiicaimiinvaic  creoiir   ,  •■■•>-''■"■■■'  •■,■■- n   i ,    . 

SPELCH    Oh    JVIK.   JNl.    F.  t.il.JN  IKY,       no  they  not  know  that  the  destruction  of  the  one   I  the  people?    It  may  bo  urged,  m  answer  to 

rti?  -ri? (uvnoo  pr'  li; i..„~  .1 :..  »r  .u..  ».!.....  a      A — ^  .1 : ^*  , i  iiirprrnanlnries.  tbat    circumstjllices    had    OC( 


OF  TENNESSEE, 

In  the  House  of  REPntsENTATivEs, 

July  2,  1846. 

On  the  Bill  to  reduce  the  Duty  on  Imports,  and  for 

other  purposes. 

Mr.  GENTRY  uddrcs.sed  the  Committee  as 
follows: 

Mr.  Ciiaibman;  I  do  nnt  rise  to  attempt  a  phi- 
losophi(;al  examination  uf  the  questions  of  iiolitical 
economy  which  grow  out  of  the  measure  now  un- 
der consideration;  nor  to  make  an  urgumentntive 
reply  to  the  speculative  theories  which  have  been 
advanced  during  this  debate,  by  those  who  sup- 
port the  bill.  Sline  shall  be  the  humble  task  of 
grouping  a  few  facts  which  are,  I  think,  entitled 
to  some  consideration  in  the  determination  of  the 
question  before  the  cnnimitlee,  and  which  arc  too 
well  known  to  require  proof;  and  to  express  some 
conclusions  which  ire,  in  my  judgment,  so  ob- 
viously true,  as  to  require  no  argument  in  their 


nvolvea  the  ruin  of  the  other  ?  Are  they  ignorant 
of  the  evils  and  embarrassments  which  never  fail 
to  beset  a  Qovcrnnient  when  its  credit  is  stricken 
down  ?  Do  they  not  know  that  it  will  be  impos- 
sibli:  to  negotiate  loans  upon  ndvant.geous  terms, 
or  maintain  treasury  notes  nt  par,  when  the  rev- 
enue of  the  Government  shall  be  reduced  many 
millions  below  the  amount  necessary  to  pay  il.-j 
ordinary  annual  expenditures?  Have  they  lieen 
unobservant  of  the  truth,  which  experience  tenches, 
that  when  a  nation  is  embarrassed  by  such  financial 
difficulties  as  result  from  a  destniction  of  its  credit, 
I  its  people  cannot  prosper?  Are  the  representatives 
j  ofthe  people,  in  the  legislative  branch  ofthe  Gov- 
ernment, ignorant  of  these  truths?  It  would  be 
an  unpardonable  reflection  upon  the  American 
pc  pic  to  believe  that  they  have  placed  in  authority, 
either  in  the  executive  or  legislative  branch  of  the 
Government,  men  who  have  not  investigated  and 
understood  these  well-settled  questions.  Why, 
I  then,  is  it  that  this  measure  is  so  earnestly  urged 


interrogatories,  that  circumstances  had  occurred 
after  the  appointment  of  the  members  of  that  con- 
vention, which  absolved  them  from  their  instiiic- 
tions,  and  authorized  them  to  exercise  a  discretion 
in  regard  to  the  selection  of  a  candidate.  I  meet 
this  argument,  by  contending  that  circumstances 
now  exist  which  absolve  the  Democratic  members 
of  tliis  House  from  any  obligation  which  may  have 
been  supposed  to  exist,  requiring  them  to  obey  the 
dictates  of  the  BallimoiC  Convention.  The  gen- 
tleman from  Pennsylvania,  [Mr.  Thompson,]  him- 
self a  Democrat,  has  informed  us  that  the  resolution 
relating  to  the  tarilf  was  adopted  when  one-third  of 
the  members  of  that  convention  had  left  for  their 
homes,  without  a  moment  of  deliberation  or  a  word 
of  debate;  and  hence  he  deduces  the  conclusion 
that  it  ought  not  to  be  regarded  as  Aindiiig'  upon 
CongrfM.  Is  it  thus  thi '  the  great  interests  of  this 
Republic  are  to  be  determined  ?  Is  it  not  worse 
than  ridiculous— ia  it  not  contemptible,  in  view  of 
such  facta,  to  refer  to  the  proceedings  of  lliiit  con- 


vention a«  an  nrpum^ 
liolbre  this  committee 
has  already  decided  i 
fonventiim  are  entitli 
and  disregard,     l/e' 
upon  the  Oregon  qu. 
vcntion  paascd  a  resoi 
ii,g  that  our  title  to  tl 
nnd  unquestionable,  11 
rc-occupied  or  re-ann 
nnd  am  not  certain 
When  that  question' 
Senate,  a  distinguish 
Haywood,  of  North 
nrgument  that  Conj 
by  the  decrees  of  \t\e 
tlinl "  the  llnltimore 
faction  and  controlle 
Was  not  that  a  gi 
iryman  Healy,  the 
„ow  adorn  the  rotiin 
a  truer  portrait.    C 
the  sentiment.     By 
tion,  it  has  nuUiiie 
Cmivention,  and  di 
whole  of  Oregon  IS  I 
and  by  that  decision 
lins  been  preservct 
which  would  have 
iiaiionnl  interests, 
cnesofthntconvci 
will,  1  believe,  lik 
evils,  not  equal  u 
lime  were  likely  t( 
(ulty,  but  evils  of 
probable  occurren; 
ily,nnd  bring  to  ti 
yr,.ss.     But  1  wan 
siderations,  and, 
which  I  have  ast 
which  arc  unansw 
lion.    1  affirm  It  I 
presented  by  the  U 
lean  people  were 
of  thalconventioi 
ocmtic  party,  an 
Union,  with  but 
Una,  tacitly  acqi 
that  to  this  fact 
Presidency.  Th 
the  conclusion, 
have  no  right  to 
more  Couventio 
this  committee, 
occupation  of  th 
of  the  tariff  of  1 
adopted  by  tha 
a  resolution,  dc 
to  be  n  Democ! 
mcnt,  it  was  ve 
Slates  of  New 
cooperate  in  tl 
change  of  the  I 
convention;  at 
out  the  coiipc 
liopo  for  n  Dci 
It  was,    th 
should  be  doi 
wheel  into  liiv 
racy  of  New 
Kiilijectof  rc-r 
of  repealing  t 
was  resorted 
tbieatciicd  the 
the   lialliniiii 
New  York  r 
that  the  rc-:n 
involved  in 
n.s3U ranee  do 
date    for  Gi 
whose  opiiiii 
were  known 
Biiren,  and 
United  Stat 
piiMticiaiis  0 
ihe  people 
the  merit  » 
1842;  and  di 
was  not  an 
tial  clcclini 
cli-ctiini  of 
New  Vork 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1097 


•29th  Cono IsT  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Oentry. 


Ho.  or  Rep8. 


vcntion  a»  an  nrpument  for  ranging  ihe  bill  now 
hcfore  this  cnmmittee?  Mr.  Chnirmnn,  Congreai 
hiiH  Blreaijy  deciiled  that  the  proceedings  of  thai 
ronventicin  are  entitled  to  nothing  but  contennpt 
mid  disreRBrd.  1  refer  to  the  action  of  Congreaa 
upon  Ihe  Oregon  'question.  The  Daltimoro  Con- 
vention passed  a  resolution  on  that  subject,  nffirm- 
jiiff  ihiit  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  was  clear 
and  un(|Ucstionable,  and  that  the  same  ought  to  be 
rc-occupied  or  re-anncxed — I  speak  from  memory, 
and  am  not  certain  which  word  was  employed. 
When  that  question  was  under  consideration  in  Ihe 
Senate,  a  distinguished  Democratic  Senator,  [Mr. 
Haywood,  of  North  Carolina,]  in  answering  the 
argument  that  Congress  was  bound  to  bo  guided 
by  the  decrees  of  (hat  convention,  said  in  his  place 
that  "the  Baltimore  Convention  was  organized  by 
faction  and  controlled  by  demagogues. '"^ 

WiiN  not  that  a  graphic  description  ?  Our  cotin- 
trymaii  Healy,  the  productions  of  whoso  genius 
now  adorn  the  rotundo  of  this  Capiiol,  cannot  paint 
a  truer  portrait.  Congress  seems  to  linve  adopted 
the  sentiment.  By  its  action  on  the  Oregon  ques- 
tion, it  has  nullified  the  decree  of  the  Baltimore 
Convention,  and  determined  that  our  title  to  the 
whole  of  Oregon  is  not  "clear  and  unquestionable;" 
and  by  that  decision ,  happily  for  our  country,  peace 
has  been  preserved,  and  a  war  has  been  avoided, 
which  would  have  been  most  disastrous  to  all  our 
naiioniil  interests.  A  similar  disregard  of  the  de- 
crees of  that  convention,  on  the  subject  of  the  tariff, 
will,  I  believe,  likewise  shield  our  country  from 
evils,  not  equal  in  degree  to  those  vhich  at  one 
lime  were  likely  to  result  from  the  Oregon  diffi- 
eully,  but  evils  of  such  magnitude  as  that  their 
probable  occurrence  will,  I  hope,  wake  into  activ- 
ity, and  bring  to  the  rescue,  the  patriotism  of  Con- 
gress. But  fwaive  all  these  minor  facts  and  con- 
xidtratioiis,  and,  for  the  support  of  the  position 
which  I  liavo  assumed,  throw  myself  up^<n  facts 
which  are  unanswerably  conclusive  upon  this  ques- 
tion. I  affirm  it  to  be  true,  that  the  political  issues 
presented  by  the  Bultimore  Convention  to  the  Amer- 
ican people  were  modified,  after  the  adjournment 
of  that  convention,  by  the  leading  men  of  the  Dem- 
ocratic party,  and  that  the  party  throughout  the 
Union,  with  but  a  few  exceptions  in  South  Caro- 
lina, tacitly  acquiesced  in  that  modification;  and 
that  to  this  fact  Mr.  Polk  owes  his  election  to  the 
Presidency.  This  fact  being  established,  I  deduce 
the  conclusion,  that  the  friends  of  the  President 
have  no  right  to  urge  the  resolutions  of  the  Balti- 
more Convention  in  support  of  the  bill  now  before 
this  committee.  The  resolution  relating  to  the  re- 
iiccupation  of  the  whole  of  Oregon,  and  Ihe  repeal 
of  the  tariff  of  1842,  were  not  the  only  resolutions 
adopted  by  that  notorious  assembly.  It  adopted 
a  resolution,  declaring  the  re-annexation  of  Texas 
to  Ijc  n  Democratic  measure.  After  its  adjourn- 
ment, it  was  very  soon  discovered  that  the  great 
Stales  of  New  \ork  and  Pennsylvania  would  not 
r()o|ienUe  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Polk,  without  a 
change  of  Ihe  political  issues,  as  presented  by  that 
cnnvenlion;  and  it  was  obvious  to  all,  that,  with- 
out the  cooperation  of  those  States,  it  was  idle  to 
hope  fiir  a  Uemocratic  triumph. 

it  was,  therefore,  necessary  that  something 
phoulil  be  done  to  make  these  two  groat  States 
wheel  into  line.  It  was  perceived  that  the  Democ- 
inc  y  of  New  York  was  not  a  little  restive  on  the 
Kiiliject  of  re-nnnexiiig  Texas,  and  upon  the  subject 
(if  repealing  the  tarirt' act  of  JH42.  What  remedy 
was  resorted  to  for  the  cure  of  this  disease,  which 
tlireatened  the  death  of  democracy  by  the  defeat  of 
the  Hallimoro  nominalions?  The  Democracy  of 
New  York  met  together,  anil  solemnly  declared 
that  the  rc-amiexation  of  Texas  was  not  an  issue 
involveil  in  the  pending  election!  But,  to  make 
axaurance  doubly  sure,  they  nominated,  as  a  candi- 
(late  for  Governor  of  that  State,  Silas  Wright, 
whoscopinions  on  the  subject  of  rf-oiiiifiinjr Texas 
were  known  to  be  identical  with  those  of  IVlr.  Van 
Bnren,  and  who  bad  voted  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  Suites  for  the  taiitf  of  1842.  Thus  the 
politicians  of  the  State  of  New  York  went  before 
the  people  of  that  State,  claiming  for  Mr.  Wright 
Ihe  Hicril  of  havivg pusseil,  by  his  vole,  Ihe  larig'  of 
184!];  and  declaring  that  llie  rc-nnncxation  of  Texas 
was  not  an  issue  involved  in  the  pending  Presiden- 
tial election.  By  these  means  they  secured  the 
elwIiiHi  of  Mr.  Wright  as  Governor  of  the  State  of 
New  York,  and  the  vole  of  that  State  for  Mr.  Polk 


as  President  of  the  United  States.  Texas  is  now 
annexed  to  the  United  States,  and,  in  fblfilment  of 
the  prediction!  made  by  the  nnpnnenta  of  that 
meosure,  the  nation  is  involved  in  a  war  with 
Mexico  as  a  consequence  of  that  annexation. 
When  the  bill  now  under  consideration  shall  be 
passed  into  a  law,  the  people  o'^'-iw  York  will  be 
very  stupid,  indeed,  if  they  do  not  awake  to  the 
fhct  that  they  have  been  deceived,  cheated,  and 
betrayed.  What  shall  be  the  mode  and  measure 
of  their  redress,  themselves  may  determine.  Tra- 
cing this  deliberately  organized  system  of  false- 
hoed,  fVaud,  and  rarfidy,  we  shall  And  that  it  be- 
comes yet  more  glaring  and  palpable  in  relation  to 
Ihe  State  of  Pennsylvania.  I  rcmem1)er  to  have 
read  in  the  newspapers,  very  soon  after  the  ad- 
journment of  the  Baltimore  Convention,  that  a 
prominent  citizen  of  Tennessee,  a  near  neighbor 
and  eonJiiUntiat  friend  of  Mr.  Polk's,  had  assured 
the  Pennsylvanians  that  Mr.  Polk  was  not  hostile 
to  the  protective  policy;  and  that  he  was  particu- 
larly in  fhvor  of  giving  ample  protection  to  iron 
and  coal,  the  great  interests  of  Pennsylvania.  It 
would  shed  much  light  on  the  subject  which  I  nm 
discussing,  if  we  could  know  who  it  was  that  made 
this  assurance  on  liehalf  of  Mr.  Polk.  If  I  might 
be  permitted  to  indulge  in  the  Yankee  privilege 
of  guessing,  1  think  I  could  identify  him;  but  I 
choose  to  Ileal  in  facts  which  cannot  be  questioned. 
The  assurance  referred  to,  though  it  probably  qui- 
eted in  some  degree,  did  not  satisfy  the  anxiety  of 
the  Pennsylvanians,  for  we  find  that  Mr.  John  K. 
Kane,  of  that  State,  addressed  a  letter  to  Mr. 
Polk,  soliciting  a  declaration  of  his  principles  on 
Ihe  subjeei  of  giving  protection  to  American  manu- 
factures. 1  will  not  deUiin  this  committee  by  read- 
ing Mr.  Polk's  reply,  which  has  become  so  noto- 
rious in  the  politics  of  the  time.  That  letter  will 
stand  forever,  as  the  unimpeachable  witneiis  of  the 
most  diabolical  conspiracy  to  defraud  a  trusting 
people  of  their  suflrages,  which  hasi  ever  disgraced 
the  political  annals  of  our  country.  It  will  stand 
forever,  "  to  damn  to  everlasting  flimc"  the  un- 
principled authors  of  a  most  atrocious  fraud.  Eve- 
ry gentleman  who  hears  me  is  familiar  with  its 
contents.  After  referring  to  various  acts  of  his 
public  life,  by  which  he  had  sanctioned  "  such 
moderate  discriminating  duties  as  would  afford  rea- 
sonable incidcnttd  protection  to  our  Aoine  tn(<iul)'!/," 
Mr.  Polk  proceeds  in  that  letter  to  say:  " /nmi/ 
'  jwlgment  U  is  the  duty  of '^Goveintment  to  extend,  as 
'far  as  it  may  be  practicable  to  do  so  by  its  revenue 
'  laws,  and  all  other  means  within  its  jwwer,  r  Ain  and 
'  JUST  PROTECTION  to  all  the  great  interests  of  the 
'  whole  C/nion,  embracing  agriculture,  manvfactures, 
'the  mechanic  arts,  cominercc,  and  narigalion." 
What  more  could  have  been  desired  of  him  by  the 
most  zealous  advocate  of  a  protective  tarifl"?  This 
letter  was  immediately  published  throughout  the 
length  and  breadth  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the  poli- 
ticians of  the  Democratic  party  in  that  Slate  claim- 
ed it  as  conclusive  proof  that  the  interests  of  that 
Stale  would  be  safe  under  the  policy  of  Mr.  Polk's 
Administration,  in  the  event  of  his  election  to  the 
Presidency;  and,  with  this  assurance  to  the  peo- 
ple, they  successfully  invoked  them  to  confer  upon 
nim  their  suffrages.  Foremost  among  those  who 
engaged  zealously  and  ellcetively  in  this  work  of 
deception  and  fi;"d,  was  James  Buchanan,  the 
present  Secretary  of  State.  I  have  lately  read  in 
the  newspapers  that  Mr.  John  K.  Kane  has  been 
appointed  by  the  President  to  a  lucrative  and  high- 
ly honorable  office.  This  appointment  no  doubt 
reconciles  him  to  the  seeming  inconsistency  of  the 
President's  opinions  as  presented  in  his  letter,  and 
as  embodied  in  the  bill  now  under  consideration; 
and  the  high  and  dignified  position  which  Mr. 
Buchanan  occupies  in  the  President's  Cabinet,  no 
doubt  saves  him  from  those  gnawings  of  "onscience 
which  would  otherwise  disturb  liim  "icn  his 
memory  reverted  to  the  part  which  he  played  in 
the  false  and  perfidious  transaction  which  I  am 
describing. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  secret  history  of  this  cele- 
brated Kane  letter  has  never  been,  and  perhaps 
never  will,  be  made  public.  If  the  same  facility 
existed  for  obtaining  access  to  the  private  corre- 
spondence of  certain  citizens  of  Pennsylvania  and 
Tennessee,  which  seems  to  exist  with  respect  to 
the  confidential  records  of  the  State  Department, 
relating  to  the  expenditure  of  the  secret-service 
fund,  f  apprehend  that  a  flood  of  light  would  bu 


shed  upon  the  interesting  per'od  of  political  hialo- 
ry  which  I  am  now  dlscjssii.?,  and  I  think  it 
would  be  made  manifest  that  M,:  Polk's  Kant  let- 
ttr  uas  written  to  order—  that  it  wa;  the  result  of  an 
understanding  between  >fr.  Polk  and  crtain  leading 
politician  of  Pennsi''Tar,ia—lhal  they  stveht  it  for 
the  purpose  of  deer' oing  the  people  of  thai  Slalt,  and 
that  he  wrote  it  w'.n  a  full  knowledge  rf  their  purpose, 
and  with  Ihe  i:.ienlion  that  this  Itller  should  be  used 
for  the  accomyliskment  of  that  nefarious  design.  When 
it  wa8nub!ished  in  Tennessee,  where  it  was  known 
that  Mr.  Polk  had  been  uniformly  opposed  to  the 
policy  '.f  proteciing  "  home  industry,"  and  where 
nis  sujiporters  were  daily  striving  to  win  the  peo- 
ple to  his  support  upon  the  ground  of  his  opposi- 
tion tu  that  policy,  the  Whig  parly  of  that  Siato 
were  mspired  with  astonishment  and  indignation, 
that  a  fiaad  so  bold  and  barefaced  should  be  at- 
tempted, i.nd  they  determined  to  expose  it.  Tlicy 
fbrwardcd  ;o  Pennsylvania  Mr.  Polk's  speeches 
and  circulars,  containing  conclusive  proofs  of  his 
uniform  invet'ratc  hostility  to  the  protective  poli- 
cy, as  that  policy  was  known  to  be  understood  by 
the  people  of  tiat  Stale.  The  Democratic  politi- 
cians or  Pennsylvania  met  these  proofs  by  assu- 
ring the  people  thil  they  were  Whig  inventions — 
Whig  fUIschoods.  The  people  believed,  and  shout- 
ed huzza  for  Polk  and  the  tariff  of  1842.  Tho 
Democratic  leaders  in  that  Slate  emblazoned  upon 
their  bannero  in  close  iuxtaposition,  Polk  and  the 
Tabifp  of  1842;  anif  wiln  these  wor'la  for  ilieT 
motto,  they  marched  on  "  conquering  and  to  con- 
quer." The  Whigs  of  Tennessee  were  not  con- 
lent  with  merely  forwnidin^  to  Pennsylvania  tho 
proofs  of  Mr.  Folk's  opinions,  lo  which  I  havo 
referred.  Public  meetings  were  .'ailed  at  different 
places  in  that  Stale,  in  which  many  of  the  most 
prominent  citizens  participated,  at  which  resolu- 
tions were  passed  propounding  to  Mr.  Polk  inter- 
rogatories calculated  to  elicit  from  him  a  more  spe- 
cific declaration  of  his  opinions  upon  the  subject  of 
Ihe  t.iriff,  and  to  relieve  his  Kane  letter  from  ambi- 
guity, and  from  the  possibility  of  misconstruction. 
Cominitlees  of  highly  respectable  gentlemen  were 
appointed  to  communicate  those  interrogatories  to 
Mr.  Polk,  and  ask  a  response.  They  performed 
in  rcspectfVil  terms  the  task  assigned  tnein.  Upon 
various  pretences  he  postponed  and  evaded  a  le- 
ji  sponso  lo  those  interrogatories.  He  was  as  silent 
;;  as  the  grave.  He  perceived  that  he  could  not 
'''[  reach  the  Prcsidenlial  chair  without  the  supimrtof 
j  the  tariff  men  of  the  North  and  the  nnti-tarilf  men 
of  the  South.  Hence  it  was  not  his  interest  to  bo 
,  distinctly  understood  on  that  subject.  He  choso 
!  to  be  suijportcd  as  a  tariff  man  in  New  York  and 
Pennsylvania,  and  as  an  anli-tnritT  man  at  tho 
South,  where  the  free-trade  doctrine  prevails;  and 
':  thus,  obtaining  the  Presidency, deceive  and  bcUny 
j  ihe  one  interest  or  the  other. 

Whilst  Mr.  Polk  was  playing  this  perfidious 
j  game  in  Tennessee,  hia  co-conapiralor  in  Pennsyl- 
I  vania  was   not  idle.     On   the  contrary,  he  was 
actively  engaged   in   canvassing   that  Stale;  and 
I  with  the  Kane  letter  in  his  hand,  he  argued  to  tho 
j  people,  and  convinced  them,  that  the  protective 
1  tariff  policy,  to  which  they  were  so  much  devoted, 
j  would   bo   as  safe  under  the  -.vise  and  patriotic 
i  guardianship  of  Mr.  Polk  as  President,  as  under 
\  that  of  Mr.  Clay,  whose  eminent  talents,  as  every- 
body knows,  have  been  constantly  and  zealously 
devoted  to  the  mKintenance  of  that  policy  through  u 
I  long  life  of  distinguished  public  service.     Mr.  Bu- 
!  chanan  was  the  favorite  son  of  Pennsylvania.    Tho 
I  people  of  that  State  had  repeatedly  conferred  upon 
[  him  high  honors  and  distinctions.     He  had  been 
1  their  favorite  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  and  they 
had,  through  their  representatives  in  the  Baltinioio 
Convention,  zcalou.sly  pressed  his  claims  upon  tho 
consideration  of  that  body  for  a  nomination  ns  the 
Democratic  candidate  for  that  high  office.     He  had 
been  long  acquainted  with  Mr.  Polk,  and  had  been 
associated  with  him  in  the  public  service  for  years 
as  a  member  of  this  House.     He  was,  therefore, 
naturally  presumed   lo  know   the  opinions  and 
principles  of  Mr.  Polk;  and  it  is  not  therefore 
at  all  surprising  that  the  honest  and  confiding  peo- 
j  pie  of  Pennsylvania  believed  his  r.ssertinna,  and 
j  under  his  advice  gave  the  vole  of  that  great  State 
I  lo  Mr.  Polk  for  President  of  the  United  Slates. 
I  Bound  to  them  ns  he  was  by  a  thousand  lies  of 
I  gratitude,  for  honors  generously  conferred,  1  sup- 
^  pose  it  did  not  enter  into  the  mind  of  the  most 


i» 


1088 


APraNDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  2, 


29rH  CoNo IsT  Seii. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Gentry. 


Hu.  or  Rep8. 


■uspicioui  man  nninng  them  to  ennceive  it  to  be 
poMible  tliHt  he  whnm  they  hnd  no  lont;  hnnnred 
nntt  trimlnil  could  he  ao  bnie  ns  to  deceive  Ihcm 
jnln  the  Humwri  of  n  mnii  for  the  I'reaidcncy,  the 
influence  of  whoae  Administration  would  be  di- 
rerlcd  to  the  deatruction  of  n  policy  which  they 
believed  essential  to  their  wclfars,  and  which  there- 
fore they  deaircd  to  maintain  and  perpetuate.    The 
iie()uel  is  now  rovealing  to  them  a  new  chapter  in 
(hohiatory  of  human baaeneaa  and  perfldv.    What 
do  they  now  behold }   Thia  wtme  Jamea  Uuchanan, 
whom  they  have  trusted  and  honored  ao  much, 
ond  whoac  aaaurnncx!  to  them  that  the  nrntcctivu 
tariff  policy  would  be  aafcr  under  the  Auminiatra-  I 
tion  of  Mr.  Polk,  induced  them  to  elect  him  the  | 
President  of  the  United  States,  ia  now  a  member  | 
nf  Mr.  Polk's  Cabinet,  and  giving  the  influence 
of  hia  name,  his  tnlenia,  nnd   rimracler,  to  the  ! 
measures  of  hia  AdniiniHtration!!    What  ia  the 
policy  of  that  Administration  on  the  aubject  of  the  | 
tiiritP    It  ia  embodied  am'  ..-xpreaaed  in  the  report  | 
of  the  Secretary  nf  the  Treasury,  and  in  the  bill 
now  before  the  committee. 

When  the  report'of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treaa-  ' 
ury  was   read   at   the    beginning  of  the   preaent 
session  of  Congress,  an  honorable  member  from 
Alubfima   [Mr.   Patnk]    rose  in   his  place,  and  ' 
moved  the  printing  of  a  large  number  of  extra 
rupics   for  distribution    among   the   people,  and  : 
hailed  it  in  most  enthusinHtic  terms  as  the  first  | 
free-lrade  document  tJiat  had  ever  emanated  from 
the  Executive  branch  of  this  Government.     And 
the  gentleman  from  Qenrgia,  who  opened  this  de- 
bate, labored  to  commend  the  bill  to  the  favor  of  ' 
this  committee  upon  the  express  ground   that  it  \ 
repudiated  the  principle  of  "uro/rc/iiif  Aoine  im/tu-  j 
Irj/."     The  Dcmocrntic  members  from  Pennsylva- 
nia rise  in  their  places  here,  and  in  wnful  strains 
tell  the  committee  how  the  Knno  letter  induced 
them  to  believe  that  the  protective  tariff  policy 
would   be  safe  under  the  Administration  of  Mr. 
Polk;  how  they  read  that  letter  to  the  people  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  made  them  believe  the  same 
thing;  and  they  entreat  their  Democratic  brethren 
to  lake  into  consideration  their  peculiar  position, 
and  implore  them  nut  to  pass  trie  .'M/iitiiisfrn/ion  ' 
uiriuiire  now  under  consideration.    What  response 
do  ihey  receive?    They  have  been  repeatedly  reg- 
ularly  rend   out  of    the   Democratic   parly,  and 
denounced  for  cherishing  what  is  called  a  bastard 
Democracy.     Without  venturing  to  express  any  , 
opinion  upon  so  delicate  a  question  ns  the  relative 
claims  to  orthodoxy  and  respectability  of  the  legit-  i 
iinale   and   bastard   branches  of  the   Democratic  ' 
family,  I  proceed  with   the  question  which  I  am  j 
examining.     Mr.  Buchanan  is,  I   repeat,  a  mem-  ! 
l>er  of  the  Administration  which  is  employing  all 
its  influence  to  puss  this  free-trade  measure;  and 
this  fact  precludes  the  nos.sibility  of  the  conclusion  ■ 
that  he  was  himself  deceived  by  the  Kane  letter, 
and  thus  became  the  innocent  end  unwitting  instru- 
ment uf  deceiving  the  Slate  to  which  he  owed  so  ; 
large  a  debt  of  gratitude.     If  this  had  been  true,  ' 
when  Mr.  Polk  developed  his  IVee-lrade  policy, 
he  would  have  resigned   his  place  in  the  Calnnet 
with  inuigna!ion,  saying  to  Mr.  Polk,  "  you  in- 
duced   mc   to   believe   that    the    protective    tariff 
policy  would  be  fostered   and   guarded  by  your 
Administration.     Under  that  Ijelief,  I  made  nssu- 
ranris   to    the    peo|ile    of    Pennsylvania,   which 
induced  them  to  make  you  the  President  of  the 
United  States.     You  have  deceived  me,  and  made 
ine  the  instrument  of  deceiving  those  who  con- 
fided in  me,  and  to  whom  I  am  indebted  for  all 
that  I  am.     Therefore,  self-respect,  honor,  patri- 
otism— eviiy  high  motive  which  ought  to  control 
the   conduct  of  man — compel  me  to  cut  myself 
loose  from  your  Administration,  nnd  cooperate, 
rs  best   I    may,  with    my  deceived   and   injnn'd 
frienda  in  rcdiessing  our  common  wrongs."     But 
where  is  he?     What  is  he  doing?     He  is,  as  I 
before  remarked,  a  member  of  that  Administra- 
tion which  is   em|)loying  its  whole  influence  to 
abolish  the  policy  which  Mr.  Buchanan  made  the  ; 
people  of  Pennsylvania  believe  would  be  safe  in  \ 
lis   keeping.     He   is   dancing  attendance  at  the  i 
White  House,  where  he  can"  lick  absurd  pomp,  j 
'  and  crook  the.  pregnant  hinges  of  the  knee,  that  j 
'  tbrifl  may   follow    fawning."      He    is    literally: 


may 
lend.  <;  the  strength  of  his  arm  to  aid  the  feebler 
arm  v-i  his  master  in  Miriking  down  the  interests 
of  the  people  of  Peniisylvuiiia.     Therefore,  it  is 


impoaaibia  for  the  moat  Chriatian  charity  to  be- 
lieve that  he  waa  not  knowingly  and  wilf\illy  a 
party  to  the  foul  and  atrocious  fraud  that  haa 
been  practised  upon  the  American  people,  but 
moie  eapecially  upon  those  of  New  York  and 
Pennsylvania.  The  Presidcntof  the  United  States 
cannot  eaeape  the  aamo  dMinning  imputation  by 
referring  to  the  ;cn«rii<i(ir.<  of  hia  Kane  letter.  If 
he  had  not  intended  that  letter  to  do  a  work  of 
fraud  and  deception,  ho  would  have  responded  to 
the  intcrrogatoriea  profiounded  to  him  by  the  pub- 
lic mcetinga  in  Tennessee,  to  which  I  have  refer- 
red, thereby  relieving  himself  fVom  tlie  possibility 
of  being  miaunderatood. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  do  not  underatand  the  casuistry 
which  makes  a  distinction  between  the  perfidy  of 
an  individual  and  that  of  a  public  man,  nnd  decides 
the  one  to  be  less  reprehensible  than  the  other.  If 
personal  disgrace  and  dishonor  were  the  penalties 
with  which  nublic  opinion  punished  political  |)er- 
fidy,  it  woulu  bo  impossible  to  conceive  of  a  lower 
deep  of  infamy  than  that  to  which  James  K.  Polk 
and  Jamea  Buchanan  would  be  condemned.  Who 
believes  that  James  K.  Polk  could  have  been  elected 
President  of  the  United  Suites  if  he  had  proclaimed 
to  the  American  people  the  political  doctrines  and 
measures  which  are  set  form  and  recommended  in 
the  report  of  tlio  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ?  Who 
believes  that  he  would  have  received  the  vote  of 
New  York  or  Pennsylvania  if  the  people  of  those 
Suites  had  known  that  the  infliiencoof  his  Admin- 
istration would  be  exerted  to  pass  suclt  a  measure 
OS  the  bill  now  before  this  committee? 

The  gentleman  from  Pcnnsylania,  [Mr.  Thomp- 
son,] when  addressing  this  committee  the  other 
day,  frankly  declared  that  neitiier  of  those  Suues 
would  have  voted  for  Mr.  Polk  if  Ihey  had  believed 
that  such  a  measure  would  have  been  urged  by  his 
Administration,  and  he  warned  his  political  breth- 
ren of  the  Democratic  party  that  political  power 
would  depart  from  them  in  those  Suites  if  this  bill 
becomes  a  law.  1  honor  the  Democratic  delega- 
tion from  the  Suite  of  Pennsylvania  for  the  7.eal, 
firmness,  and  ability,  with  which  they  have  resisted 
and  opposed  the  Administration  upon  the  question 
now  before  this  committee;  and  I  cannot  believe 
i  that  those  who  in  this  matter  have  been  so  faithful 
to  their  constituents,  so  firm  in  their  duty,  know- 
ingly cooperated  in  deceiving  their  constituents  into 
I  the  beliei  that  Mr.  Polk  was  as  much  devoted  to 
I  the  protective  policy  as  Mr.  Clay.  I  am  inclined 
\  1 1  believe  that  they  were  ihemselves  deceived  by 
'  iheir  confidence  in  Mr.  Buchanan,  nnd  were  thus 
]  made  the  innocent  instruments  of  misleading  their 
constituents.  Whilst  I  honor  them  for  the  fidelity 
with  which  they  risist  the  influence  of  the  Admin- 
stration  by  opposing  the  bill  now  under  consid- 
eration, I  must  confess  my  surprise  that  they  do 
!  not  give  voice  upon  this  floor  to  the  deep  indigna- 
tion which  their  deceived  and  betrayed  constitu- 
ents may  be  supposed  to  feel  against  those  who  have 
I  deceived  and  betrayed  them.  If  they  desire  to  free 
:  themselves  entirely  from  the  impuUition  of  having 
aided  in  cheating  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  into 
the  belief  that  Mr.  Polk  would  guard  and  foster  the 
policy  of  a  protective  tariff,  they  must  renounce 
their  loyalty  to  his  Administration,  and  denounce 
James  Buchanan  ns  false  and  lailhless  to  Pennsyl- 
vania. Mr.  Chairman,  the  facts  which  I  have 
brought  to  the  view  of  this  coinmitlee  establish 
clearly  the  position,  that  the  rcsohi.ions  of  the  Bal- 
timore Convention  on  the  subject  of  the  tariff  are 
!  entitled  to  no  weight  whatsoever  as  an  argument 
!  for  the  passage  of  the  bill  under  consideration,  in- 
asmuch ns  it  is  made  manifest  that  Mr.  Polk  and 
i  his  supporters  in  the  great  States  of  New  York 
'  and  Pennsylvania  repudiated  those  resolutions 
j  before  the  last  Presidential  election,  and  that  with- 
out such  repudiation  or  modification  of  the  tariff 
iHsne  he  could  not  have  been  elected  to  the  Prcsi- 
dcn.  y.  The  conclusion  would  therefore  seem  to 
follow  that  the  supporters  of  Mr.  Polk's  adminis- 
tration arc  morally  inhibited  friuu  passing  this  bill 
into  a  law,  for  no  fact  can  be  clearer  than  that  the 
will  of  the  American  people  was  declared  against 
'■  such  a  law  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Polk.  Congress 
'  will,  by  passing  the  bill  now  before  this  commit- 
tee, consuinmale  the  fraud  which  the  Executive 
branch  of  the  Uovcrnincnt  has  begun,  but  which 
it  has  as  yet  only  partially  compleled.  In  my  en- 
deavor to  esUiblish  these  conclusions,  I  have  loiind 
it  necessary  to  animadvurt  with  some  severity  upon 


the  conduct  of  high  public  functionaries.  I  have 
done  ao  in  the  perforninnco  of  what  I  conceive  to 
be  n  public  duty,  and  not  to  gratify  persoiml  or 
party  malignity.     It  is  certainly  the  right  of  a  free 

Ceople,  and  the  representatives  of  a  free  people 
oldly  to  canvass  the  public  acts  of  public  nieii.' 
Thoroughly  convincetl  that  a  considerable  piiriioii 
of  the  American  people  were  cheated  of  their  suf- 
frages in  the  last  Presidential  elecljon,  and  fiiiiliii"- 
the  verdict  which  they  then  rendered  relied  unoii 
here  to  force  through  Congriwa  a  measure  which 
they  condemn,  nnd  which  i  believe  Ui  bo  fiHiight 
with  mischief  to  the  public  welfare,  I  have  felt  it 
to  be  my  duty  to  expose  the  perfidy  which  has 
been  practised,  and  to  invoke  the  just  iiuligiialjnii 
of  the  people  u|ioii  the  authors,  great  and  small, 
of  that  perfidy.  Let  n  aeverc  but  just  retribulioii 
be  visited  upon  them,  as  a  warning  in  all  al\er 
times  to  ambitioua  and  unprincipled  aspiranls, 
teaching  them  to  know  that  the  |)cople,  ever  ready 
to  BusUiin  and  honor  those  who  arc  faithrul  to 
them,  possess  intelligence  to  delect,  and  virlumis 
resentment  to  punish,  those  who,  by  falsehood  nnd 
dissimulation  and  double-dealing,  win  their  cnnli- 
denco  ond  support  only  to  deceive  and  betray  them. 
Thus,  nnd  thua  only,  can  practical  eflcct  be  given 
to  the  principle,  which  ia  the  foiindotion  nf  our 
political  instituliona,  that  the  people  are  competent 
to  govern  themselves;  for  it  must  bo  obvious  to 
all,  thot  this  principle  will  become  ineflicicnt  nnd 
inoperative  wfien  it  shall  be  permitted  to  any  man 
to  go  "unwhipiwd  of  justice"  who  reaches  tlio 
Presidency  by  professing  himself  favorable  to  ii 
system  of  public  policy,  nnd,  when  safely  installed 
in  power,  employs  all  the  influence  of  his  high  sta- 
tion to  destroy  the  policy  which  he  was  elected  to 
maintain.  Upon  such  a  man,  and  all  hU  guilty  eo- 
mljuton,  the  people  of  the  United  Slates  owe  it  tu 
themselves,  to  honor,  truth,  and  justi<  e,  and  to  the 
principles  of  their  Government,  to  visit  a  blasting 
indignation;  and  I  hesitnte  not  to  say,  that  if  thcru 
is  yet  left  among  us  n  remnant  of  the  spirit  of  our 
fathers,  thia  duty  will  in  due  time  be  performed. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  occupied  so  much  of  tho 
hour  to  which  I  am  limited  by  a  rule  of  the  Houso 
in  refuting  the  argument  so  zealously  and  perse- 
veringly  urged — that  the  people,  by  electing  Mr. 
Polk,  ratified  the  decree  of  the  Baltimore  Conven- 
I  tion,  and  that  therefore  Congress  is  bound  to  pass 
I  the  bill  now  before  this  committee — ns  to  have  but 
I  a  few  minutes  \e(l  to  devole  to  an  examination  of 
its  probable  effects  upon  the  national  interests,  and 
contrast  the  same  wilh  the  actual  realized  operation 
of  the  torifiTact  of  1842,  which  this  bill  proposes  to 
repeal.  I  do  not  regret  that  I  am  thus  restricted, 
for  the  arguments  upon  which  the  supporters  of 
the  opposing  systems  of  policy  rely  to  sustain  their 
respective  theories  have  been  ably  inesented  du- 
ring this  debate,  and  on  many  former  occasions, 
insomuch  that  but  little  which  is  either  new  or 
original  can  now  be  said  on  cither  side  of  the  qncs- 
ion.  The  tnrilf  of  ISW  is  founded  upon  the  prin- 
'uiple  that  it  is  expedient  to  raise  by  duties  on  for- 
eign imports  a  sulHcicnt  amount  of  revenue  tu 
defray  the  necessary  expenses  of  Government,  and 
to  discriminate  in  laying  those  duties  so  as  to  ex- 
tend, in  the  language  of  Mr.  Polk,  when  he  was  a 
ctuididate  for  the  Presidency,  "  fair  and  just  pro- 
tection to  all  the  great  interests  of  tho  whole  Union, 
embracing  agriculture,  manufactures,  the  mechanic 
arts,  commerce,  ard  navigation;"  whereas  the  bill 
under  cunsideialion  is  founded  upon  the  tVcc-trnde 
theory  as  set  forth  by  Mr.  Pollt  in  bis  nicssngc 
since  his  election  to  the  Presidency,  and  by  his  Sei- 
retury  of  the  Treasury  in  his  annual  report  made 
at  the  commencement  of  the  present  session  of 
Congress. 

Thousands  of  political  agitators  have  constantly 
employed  their  talents,  for  mere  parly  piirpases,  in 
endeavoring  to  excite  the  passion,  and  prejudices 
of  the  people  against  the  tarift"act  of  lri4-'i  and  by 
conceding,  for  the  inostpart,  the  correcuii  ss  of  the 
general  principle  of  policy  upon  which  that  act  is 
founded,  nnd  attacking  it  in  its  details,  they  have, 
been  to  some  extent  successful.  To  acconipliHli 
this  object,  every  narrow  prejudice,  every  mean 
passion  of  the  human  heart  has  been  pcrseveringly 
appealed  to.  It  is  a  high  proof  of  tlie  intelligence 
of  the  American  people  that,  under  such  circoni- 
slanccs,  their  verdict  was  rendered  at  the  last  Pres- 
idential election,  as  I  have  conclusively  shown,  in 
Invor  uf  the  general  principle  of  policy  upon  which 


'i9TH  CoNO.i 

,li,,t  law  is  fcmndci 

opponent  of  that  In 

,niidor  will  cmnpc 

,iirruiii«  ii  has  adi 

„f  those  who  fnun 

llie   prcdiclioiiM  o 

was  under  rousiil 

liinl   law  was  und 

i„  |8lU,  its  oppon 

ihe  duties  which 

nridiibit  imporlati 

insnlficienl  as  a  r 

member  that  the 

States,  when  a  ca 

<if  TenneBsee,    c 

opinion  to  the  pe 

,,r  the  law,  on  tl 

lliior  that  the  dui 

tuHted  as  to  rnisi 

and  u'^y  fair  anil 

lion  to  Amiriiar 

[lorts  tVom  lUc  '1 

I  here  has  iiccru 

opcriilions  of  th 

of  more  than  tv 

the  proof  is  befi 

iifactnring  inler( 

country,  imined 

of  laiigiiishini;  il 

peritv.     When 

the  (iuaiiii'S  ol 

deplornlilc  and 

nf  profound  per 

liad  been  for  a 

III  fall  far  below 

nry  iioU'S  Imil^  I 

nppear.uicc  of 

test,  and  si:llin; 

A  loan  had  bet 

rriiment  dispa 

after   visiting 

contini'iit  of  I 

liiiniilliilin^   tl 

iSlalcs   were   \ 

borrow  a  dol 

to  raise  the  i 

the  ordinary 

to  pay  ihc  i 

(iiiiliorizcd,  I 

crnmt'iit;  to 

naymcnl  of 

ju»t  piotcctioi 

under  that  a 

ard"  provid 

sunk  almost 

for  which 

realized. 

tancously  re 

were  no  loi 

purchaser, 

private  cic 

the  business 

benllhful  in 

private  credi 

turing  inteii 

coiuinually 

enormous  ) 

of  Oovernr 

treasury;  a 

the  expend 

lated,  and  \ 

ury, the  pi 

discharged 

In  view 

say  that  th 

the  cnlcula 

financial  ii 

dieted    its 

expectnlio 

age  from  i 

proven  ilu 

repeal,  obi 

friciidsbii 

have  been 

been  pUui 

was  ill  so 

upon  tlie 

been  siici 

been  |>ro\ 

article.-*,  1 

cheaper | 

do  not  cij 


" 


tl 
T 


1846.] 


ii9TH  CnNH Iht  Sksi. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

7%e  Tariff— Mr.  J.  R.lnirfnoll. 


1069 


Nf.w  Skkik No.  ({}). 


Ihat  Inw  la  fi>ini(li'(l,  i  claiiii  (il'  llii^  niiiHt.  hitlvr 
n|i|ii>iien(  ortiiiil  )n\v  iIib  niliiiiMinii,  whicli  I  tliiiik 
iniiilor  will  C(iiii|i('l  him  t<i  niiikc,  tliiit  an  n  rrveniw, 
iiirnmre  il  liiut  ailiiiinilily  l'iilrilli:il  tlin  iirnilictinnfi 
iiI'lliDHi^  will)  rniiiiPil  It,  ami  moKl  iii;;iinlly  t'alHJncd 
llic  |>rc(lii'tii>iiN  nf  iIkihc!  wIiii  i>|i|i(inimI  it  wIkmi  it 
wan  iindiT  ninHiilcialiciri  in  thin  ilmiHc.  When 
dial  law  WHK  iimlrr  rnmiiclnmtiiin  In  IhlH  Ilmiw, 
in  IH'1'2,  ItH  <i|)|«im'iilH  arniii'il  ninxt /.(Milniixly  lliut 
(lie  iIiiiIm  wIiii^I)  il  lni|>OHi'il  wpii  no  Inch  ns  to 
ti  nrohibil  im|>i>i'latiunH,  and  lhat  it  would  Ih'  wholly 

yr  insniKi'iL'ni  iin  a  rcviimn  mfaMiirc;  nml  I  wnll  re- 

J,"  iminilwr  that  the  prrxnt  President  id'  lh«  United 

g{.  Statrn,  when  n  caiididato  lor  Governor  in  the  State 

of  'IVinieHHeu,  eoiindi'iilly  nniionni'xd  the  same 
opinion  to  the  pi'ii|ile  of  itiat  Stale.  The  frienda 
of  the  law,  <ni  the  other  hand,  contended  on  this 
llonr  that  tli«  diitioH  which  il  impoHed  were  ao  nd- 
iiiHicd  im  to  raise  isviiiiysix  millions  of  dollarw, 
niiU  i;ive  (air  and  just  eiieonriiiiemeiit  and  prntcc-  '• 
tion  to  American  inHmilailiireH,  The  oflieini  re- 
ports from  ihe  Treasury  Depnriineiit  show  lis  that  , 
there  has  aeenied  lo  the  Cioveriimeiit,  Crom  the 
cpcriitioiiH  of  lhat  law,  an  nnniial  average  revenue 
of  more  than  tweniy-six  niilliniis  of  dollarK;  and  , 
the  proof  is  liefore  us  in  many  forms  that  the  man- 
ufacturing interest,  and  every  other  interest  of  the 
country,  immediate  ly  Npruiii;  iipwuril  from  a  stale 
uf  lani;nisliini;  def)resMiiiM  to  one  of  healthful  pros- 
perity. When  that  law  was  passed  by  Coiiifresa 
llie  fiiiani'es  of  the  Unvernment  were  in  a  moat 
(leploraiile  and  disiiracefol  condition;  for,  in  n  time 
<if  profound  peace,  the  revenue  of  the  Government 
lind  been  for  a  period  of  years  permitted  annually 
lo  fall  far  below  the  anmml  expenditures.  Treas- 
ury iioiis  had  been  annnallv  i.ssued  to  keep  up  the 
tippeaiMiiee  of  solvency.  These  were  under  pro- 
test, and  sillin.,'  in  the  markets  at  a  large  discount. 
A  loan  had  Ih'cu  aiilhori/.ed,  and  an  ai^entof  Gov- 
<  rnmciit  dcspatdied  lo  Uurope  to  negotiate  it;  and 
after  visiiiiis  Kiiirlnnd,  and  perambulating  the 
conllnent  of  Kiirope,  lie  returned  lo  tell  lis  the 
biimillalina;  truth  that  the  bonds  of  the  United 
irilatrs  were  iinsaliable,  and  that  we  could  not 
borrow  a  dollar.  Coiiirre.ss  passed  the  act  of  1H42 
to  raise  the  amount  of  revenue  necessary  to  pay 
Ihe  ordinary  nininal  expenditures  of  (iovernmciit; 
to  pay  the  inlercst  on  the  loan  which  had  been 
aiitliori/.ed,  and  thus  restore  the  credit  of  iheGov- 
enimeiil;  to  provide  a  sinking  fund  for  the  final 
jiaymeni  of  the  iniblic  debt,  and  to  give  "  fair  and 
just  pnileelioii  to  American  manufacinres,"  which, 
under  that  aporoximation  to  the  "  revenue  sland- 
ord"  provided  for  by  the  Compromise  net,  had 
sunk  almost  into  a  stale  of  ruin.  All  the  purnoscs 
for  wliiili  the  law  was  pnsscil  were  immediately 
reuli/.ed.  Tlie  credit  of  the  Government  instan- 
taneously revived;  the  bonds  of  the  Government 
were  no  longer  hawked  about,  unable  to  find  a 
purchaser,  but  sold  readily  at  a  high  premium; 
private  credit  revived  with  public  credit,  and  all 
the  business  interesl.s  of  the  people  at  once  felt  the 
healthful  inllnenci!  which  an  unimpaired  public  and 
private  credit  never  fails  to  infuse.  The  inunufac- 
liiring  interests  revived  so  nineli  lhat  we  have  been 
eonlimially  sliinneil  with  a  hmil  outcry  about  the 
enormous  profits  of  that  interest;  the  expenditures 
of  Government  have  been  promptly  paid  at  the 
treasury;  and  but  for  the  Mexican  war,  requiring 
Ihe  expenditure  of  ihe  surplus  which  had  accumu- 
lated, and  was  annually  accumulating  in  the  treas- 
ury, the  public  debt  itiight  have  been  very  soon 
discharged. 

In  view  of  these  inconlrovcrtible  facts,  who  will 
say  that  the  tarill'  law  has  not  most  happily  realized 
the  calcniations  of  its  friends,  and  put  lo  shame  the 
finnni'ial  ignorance  uf  those  public  men  who  pre- 
dicted its  failure?  It  has  not  only  ftilfilled  the 
expectnli(nisof  lis  friends,  but  it  has  extorted  hom- 
age ftoiii  iiN  enemies;  for  I  think  I  have  already 
proven  ihal  the  Ailmlnislraliim,  which  is  urging  its 
repeal,  obtained  power  from  the  people  bv  feigning 
friendship  for  the  princijileof  lhat  law.  Its  details 
luivi^  been  attacked  belin'e  the  people,  and  it  lias 
been  |>lausibly  urged  that  its  imposition  of  duties 
was  in  some  ri'specis  unjust — bearing  oppressively 
upon  Ihe  peoiile,  I  think  these  objections  have 
been  successfully  met  ill  this  debate,  and  it  lias 
been  proven  lhat  consumers  are  purchasing  all  the 
articles,  about  whii'li  cinuplainl  has  hcen  made,  at 
ehcapi^r  prices  ihaii  at  any  former  period.  Yet  I 
do  not  conlend — no  man  on  tlii.s  floor  contends — 

69 


that  the  tariff  act  of  \>H'i  in  a  pfrfeet  mramrt;  and 
if  those  who  coinplnin  of  its  provisions  in  certain 
resuecli,  would  concede  the  eorreclncHR  of  the  prin- 
ciple upon  which  the  Inw  is  founded,  and  bring 
forwnril  n  proposition  to  nnieml  such  defects  as 
experience  may  li.ive  proven  to  exist,  this  side  of 
the  House  would  freely  cooperate  with  them.  Unt 
it  seems  that  nothing  short  of  the  absolute,  repeal 
of  the  tarilTor  1H43,  and  the  cnnetinent  iii  its  stead  i 
of  anew  law,  founded  im  iifio  ;irinci/i/f«,  will  satisfy 
the  majority  nii  this  floor;  and  accordingly  they 

Iicrlinnclnusly  urge  the  passage  of  the  liill  now 
lefore  the  rominillce.  The  time  which  yet  remains 
to  me  is  too  brief  for  me  to  attempt  a  discussion  of 
this  measure.  1  must  content  myself  by  referring 
to  the  suggestions  which  I  made  at  the  outset  of  my 
remarks,  as  to  its  insufficiency  as  a  revenue  meas- 
ure, and  by  warning  gentlemen  of  the  majority  | 
that  a  tremendous  rtsponsibilily  will  rest  upon 
them,  if,  when  the  nation  is  engaged  in  war — a  i 
war  of  unknown  duralion — n  war  which  will  draw 
upon  the  treasury  of  the  Qovcrnmcnt  lo  an  tin-  i 
known  amount — they  pass  an  act  which,  as  has  ; 
been  conclusively  shown  by  gemlemon  on  both  j 
sides  of  the  House,  will  not  raise  a  Sufficient  rev- 
enue to  pay  the  ordinary  expenditures  of  Govern-  | 
meiit  in  time  of  peace — thereby  striking  down  the 
national  credit,  and  with  it  private  credit,  involving 
the  Government  and  (icoplc  in  all  the  evils  from 
which  both  were  redeemed  by  the  tariff  act  of 
\H\J.  I  beg  gentlemen  to  heed  these  suggestions, 
and  give,  for  the  sake  of  the  country,  full  force  to  • 

t  Iho  promptings  of  patriotism,  disregarding  the  oh-  i 
ligations  of  party,  which  are  nullified  when  they  ' 
eounict  with  the  higher  obligations  of  patriotism. 

I  When  they  shall  see  their  country  plunged  into 
Ihe  evils  which  I  have  intimated  as  liltely  to  result 

I  from  the  mensiire  under  consideration,  they  will 
find  it  difllcnlt  to  appease  their  constiiucnis  or  their 
consciences,  by  the  assurance  that  they  are  meiclv* 
making  an  interesting  exiieriment  of  the  hitherto 

,  untried  theory  of  free  trade.  | 

This  theory  of  free  traile,  though  it  1ms  never  I 
been  carried  into  practical  efleet  by  this  Govern- 
ment, is  not  new.  It  developed  itself  in  the  first 
Congress  which  assembled  under  onr  Constitution. 
When  that  body  assembled  lo  put  iiilo  opcraliim 
the  form  of  government  which  the  people  of  the 
Uniieil  Stat.^s  had  adopted — to  make  the  freedom 
which  they  had  won  upon  the  baltle-fields  of  the 
Revolution  conduce  lo  the  permanent  welfare  and 
happiness  of  them.selves  and  their  posterity,  lliere 
were  eminent  and  talented  men  who  contended  tor 
this  theory;  but  they  failed  to  convince  a  miijnrily 
of  that  Congress  that  it  was  the  true  policy  of  the 
United  States  to  adopt  it.  And,  accordingly,  we 
find  that  among  the  first  acts  of  that  Congress  was 
a  law  laying  duties  on  imports.  And  that  the  pur- 
poses for  which  that  law  was  pn.ssed  might  never 
tic  questioned  or  mis\inderslo()d,  Ihe  wise  patriots 
and  statesmen  who  passed  it,  (irefixcd  a  preamble, 
which  is  in  the  following  words: 

"  Wlicrca:*  it  is  iicccsBary  lor  tlio  (nippnrt  of  the  finvern- 
inenl,  for  tlie  diRclmruc  of  the  lU-bUt  of  titi'  t^iiti-d  Stales, 
nnil  the  etu-ouraf!'iiient  itihl  yrotectiou  of  m'WufiirtitreXy  that 
diiiJcH  he  laid  on  gondii,  wares,  and  iiiereliaiidiiieti:  Be  il 

t'li(Icft'(/,''iVc. 

Since  that  time  it  has  been  the  uniform  policy  of 
this  Government,  in  laying  duties  for  revenue,  to 
discriminate  "for  tlie  oicoitrngemfnf  nnil  prulcrHim 
o/ Minnii/iicdirM."  This  policy  has  paiil  the  na- 
tional debt  which  was  contracted  in  the  achieve- 
ment of  independence,  and  for  the  proseculiim  of 
the  last  war  with  Great  Britain;  it  has  fortified 
our  coasts  and  seaports;  it  has  built  our  navy  and 
navy-yards;  it  has  built  our  armories;  it  has  sup- 
plied the  nation  with  arms  and  munitions  of  war 
for  ita  defence;  it  has  furnished  the  means  of  ex- 
tingnishing  the  Indian  title  to  a  vast  and  fertile  do- 
main; it  has  paid  the  debt  of  gratitude  which  we 
owed  lo  the  soldiers  of  the  Revolution;  in  short, 
it  has  supplied  the  Government  with  revenue  to 
ac.cimiplisli  all  the  purposes  for  which  it  was  iirsti- 
tiitcd,  without  subjecting  the  people  to  incehve- 
nience,  or  oneroiis'bnrdens:  and  it  lias  encoi, raged 
and  protected  American  manufactures,  until  lliey 
!  have  grown  to  a  sta'eof  malnrity  which  make.'  us 
'  independent  of  foreign  nations  for  all  that  we  ne'.d 
for  onr  eomtbrt  and  convenience  in  peace,  or  fir 
our  defence  ill  war;  and,  by  eiealing  home  mar- 
:  kels,  it  has  placed  the  welfare  and  prosperity  cC 
"  our  people  upon  a  more  stable  basis,  less  subject 


llniii  Inrmerly  lo  be  injurimisly  nll'ected  by  the  po- 
lilical  or  commercial  coiiviilHioiis  of  foreign  nations. 
All  the  sources  of  national  power  and  prosperity 
whieli  were  latent  when  this  policy  was  first 
adopted,  have  been  most  happily  developed,  and 
we  have  grown  as  no  nation  ever  liefore   grew. 

I  Why  should  we  discard  the  policy  of  tair  fathers 
which  has  produced  such  griuit  mid  glorious  re- 
sults, lo  follow  the  lend  of  Mr.  Tolk  into  the  un- 
tried experiment  of  fVee  trade?  Is  lie  wiser  or  mote 
patriotic  than  the  ilhistrioiis  men  of  ihe  first  Con- 

j  greas,  or  the  great  statesmen  of  all  political  parlies 
who  have  steadily  maintained  the  policy  wliicli 
was  then  commenced?  Shall  we  render  higher 
homiige  to  him  than  to  the  sages  of  onr  early 
liistory?    Let  us  rather  despise  the  connsels  of 

I  this  man  of  yesterday,  and  by  adhering  to  the  ex- 
amples of  our  fathers,  carry  our  country  forward 
wild  upward  lo  a  greater  prosperity  and  higher 
glory;  and  of  lhat  prosperity  and  glory,  erect  the 

:  only  inoiinmeiil  which  can  befttlingly  comiuenio- 

,   rate  their  wisdom  and  patriotism,  and  attest  our 

;   venerulioii  for  their  virtues. 


TIIU  TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  U.  INGERSOLL, 

OF  PENNSYLVANIA, 

In  the  Hoi-sk  of  Kkprksentative*, 

JiUij  2,  lS4fi. 

On  the  Bill  reducing  the  duly  on  Imports,  and  for 

other  purposes. 

Mr.  INGER.SOLLsaid: 

The  committee  has  been  regaled  with  personal 
expM. nation  and  personal  rebuke.  I  must  rejoice 
for  my  own  sake,  while  I  might  perhaps  regret  for 
yours,  lhat  1  have  no  such  highly  seasoned  food 
to  oiler.  My  business  is  mercdy  with  the  business 
of  the  country.  A  frank  appeal  lo  candor  and 
good  sense  can  scarcely  fail  occasionally  to  pro- 
duce ell'cel.  Dictates  of  reason  and  sound  policy 
arc  somewhere  to  be  found.  I  shall  be  excused 
for  gohig  in  pursuit  of  them  at  this  late  stam  of 
the  debate,  when  the  ardor  of  discussion  may  navo 
abaied,  and  the  zeal  and  fiefiiiess  of  preconceived 
opinion  have  lost  their  opporiunily  to  inflame. 

It  would  seem  to  be  an  insuperable  obiection  to 
the  scheme  before  us,  that  it  was  prein'ired  at  a 
time  and  under  cirenmslaiices  altogether  diflcrent 
from  those  which  now  exist.  Although  not  of 
ancient  date,  yet  its  age,  when  measured  by  the 
standard  of  events,  would  give  to  it  the  character 
and  the  ultributes  of  antiquity.  A  change  of  eir- 
eiimslances  has  deslroyeil  its  fitness  for  the  present 
time.  Vou  enjoyed,  until  very  lately,  a  condition 
of  rff  facto  peace.  All  the  estimates  of  Ihe  depart- 
nienls  were  founded  on  such  a  state  of  things. 
Calls  were  made  for  minimum  appropriations.  A 
I  surplus  of  money  almost  groaned  in  the  treasury, 
I  aim  the  luithentic  voice  of  the  proper  oflicer  nn- 
'  noimced  that  it  would  not  be  exhausted  during tha 
progress  of  the  present  and  the  approaching  fiscal 
year.  Sucli  was  the  condition  of  the  country  and 
the  treasury  through  the  whole  progress  of  incn- 
biition.  The  Secretary's  annual  report,  the  favor- 
ite, as  it  has  been  called,  of  foreign  legislation,  laid 
down  the  broad  basis  of  abstract  principles  of 
finance  on  the  :i(l  day  of  December.  His  own 
practical  exposition,  under  the  name  of  "  '.n  act 
reducing  the  duly  on  imports,  and  for  o'  icr  piir- 
po.ses,"  was  communicated  nt  an  early  day.  The 
bill  which  adopts  the  name,  the  principles,  and  fbr 
the  most  part  the  details  of  hat  scheme,  was 
reported  April  14.  At  that  peiiod  the  plan  was 
eomplele.  Supposing  it  to  have  been  also  faultless 
fur  tlie  occasion  which  then  presented  itself,  it  must 
for  that  very  reason  be  the  reverse  of  faultless  nt 
the  present  time.  Legislation,  and  especially  rev- 
enue legislation,  adapts  itself  to  the  exigencies  of 
iho  moment.  That  which  precisely  suits  a  state 
I'',  peace  is  unfit  for  a  state  of  war.  That  which 
applies  to  a  redundant  exchequer  is  not  suited  to 
'  one  laboring  under  exhaustion,  or  threatened  with 
it  Not  only  so.  When  finances  are  flourishing, 
and  revenues  abound,  one  argument  at  least  ia 
withdrawn  from  the  sum  of  objections  to  tamper- 
ing with  the  settled  policy  of  the  nation.  An  ex- 
periment may,  in  such  a  state  of  things,  be  in  a 
degree  less  pernicious.  The  errors  of  it  may  pos- 
'•  aibly  be  redeemed  before  they  have  fulfilietl  their 


■ .  :«f ' 


M: 


i'-m 


1000 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONORESSIONAL  OIX)nE. 


fJiiIy  9, 


'iOrn  CoNo  ....Ut  Srss. 


3%f  Tariff— Mr.  J.  H.  Infrcnolt. 


Ho.  or  Heps. 


piimoKra  o(  iniKchier.  Cnnlmat  the  r«c«ntljr  pniit 
Willi  tlin  nctiinlly  pri'sviit  rnmlilion  of  thfl  Unviirn- 
niriil.  War  rxiiitn.  It  liitii  l>Rrii  milcninly  pro- 
nouiti'rrf  nciw,  willi  r>-li\ii(<n  Imck  fur  ita  orii;iri  lo 
lliiU  iiKiiiiiiiiloriili' aorirn  nf  imnBiiri»  which,  with- 
out oiio  clfDrt  t»  c-dni'iliiite  nr  riiiii|iriimiHu  with  • 
friendly  nntii>ii,  idpiiliricd  (iiiini'lvrn  with  niindier 
with  which  dho  wiiH  lit  wi\r.  A  roiiiliiini)  nf  nrlivo 
hoatihtiua  ia  pliiii^ril  iiilii  witliDiitiiiiy  ofihosn  he- 
cnmiii);  prcimrntiniiH  mi  MHily  mii'lii,  which >  if  thny 
ilo  not,  m'corilinj  tn  the  aciuiiU  iimxim  of  Wiinh- 
intTl"'i,nvcri  thu  evil,  iit  Imat  iiiiii(;nlu  il«  iiiconvc- 
iiicncM iinil  ilimiiiiHh  iwoxtriiVii,'niicp.  The  |irc»- 
ent  PX|ien»t!  liia  Iuimi  viiiiiHuly  miimnlnd,  within 
dnnra  and  williout,  nl  fnim  one  liniidnil  iind  lil'iy 
thoutand  lo  half  n  million  of  dollnra  ii  d.iy.  I  do 
not  vouch  for  the  accuracy  of  the  cnlcnlntinn. 
Teking  the  lega  eatimnlo,  it  nmoiinli  to  lifiysix 
niilllona;  if  the  Krcnlrr,  it  would  he  lt4-j,,'i(NI,(HM)  n 
year.  The  Treasury  Drpnrlnient,  iifter  cm rcclinj 
n  former  crroncotu  cnlciilniion  of  fmir  luiilionn, 
(loclam  tlie  deficiency  tn  hit  Inrgc — c:illt  for  trcan- 
iiry  notes  and  a  lo.m,  and  ncknowledgrs  ihnt  llin 
n-w  plan  will  produce  a  less  iinioum  of  pciiiiunrni 
revenue  than  the  existin){  one  liv  nbonl  n  million 
of  dollnra — twenty-six  millimiH  inr  i\n  iivcrii^c  of 
twenty-seven  milIion»,  luicertiiincd  l>y  tliu  wdl- 
Iried  experience  of  three  successive  yenrfi.  It  cnn- 
not  1)0  doubted  th  ..  all  appliances  that  can  be 
briMight  to  bear  should  he  eiuncmly  resoridl  to. 
At  audi  n  lime,  especially  when  it  lollows  iiii  os- 
tensible course  of  fearfully  frui;al  policy  in  peace, 
no  alone  should  lie  left  iinturnid.  Wisdom  for- 
merly, in  the  better  democracy  of  Mr.  .Madison, 
in  the  outset  doubled  the  duties,  as  a  ncccssiiVy 
war  measure.  Onr  modern  ilicorisis  propose  in 
cut  them  down  about  one-half,  besides  exclndini; 
from  its  present  place  in  the  hill  (he  revenue  cioise 
taxing  lea  and  cotTce.  In  time  of  peace  mid  of  an 
overflowinjr  exchequer,  you  iinpivse  n  duly  upon 
neceHsnrica  of  lile,  and  you  strike  it  out  the  mo- 
ment war  with  ilSHttenJant  exaclions  arrive.i.nnd 
the  treasury  otficor  comes  liegt^iiiR  with  a  (lute  olw- 
lum  at  your  (lour.>!  There  is  more  in  this,  if  phi- 
losophy could  find  it  out.  The  stmlesy  of  piiriv 
may  advise,  uiihesitalinijly,  the  appearance  of  re- 
liiifpiisliing  tt  most  obvious  and  productive  source 
of  income,  but  the  wisdom  and  the  responsibilliies 
of  the  department  will  never  permit  the  reiilily.  I 
warn  the  Democracy  of  the  middle  Stales  that  this 
is  a  lure  for  voles.  Tea  and  coffee  are  popular 
favorites.  A  nmjorily  may  be  won  for  the  foreign 
bill  by  propiliatin.','  this  po'piilar  sentiment.  Once 
pass  the  bill  with  all  its  evils,  and  an  omission 
BO  palpable  will  speedily  be  supplied.  Necessities 
of  tlie  people  were  made  objects  of  impost  when 
an  experiment  was  in  the  course  of  preparation, 
because  it  was  ele.ir  that  the  experiment  must  fail 
lo  produce  even  peace  revenues.  This  was  a  leiris- 
lativecllbrt  rescmblins;  the  course  of  certain  philos- 
ophers, of  whom  it  has  been  well  wiid,  that  tliey 
regard  nun  in  their  experimenw  as  tluy  do  mice 
ill  an  oir  pump,  or  in  n  recipient  of  mephilic  gas. 
We  have  been  told  that  iron  also  is  a  neres.<ary  of 
life  I  The  difference  is,  simply,  that  iron  is  a  na- 
tive production,  ami  will  be  speedily,  if  it  be  not 
olraady,  for  most  of  its  uses,  obtained  letter  uiiil 
cheaper  at  home  than  from  abroad.  If  tea  and 
coffee  could,  by  measures  of  protcelioii,  be  iiinde 
to  grow  like  Ion?  .staj'le,  or  rice,  or  tobacco,  in  the 
American  soil,  wilh  a  happy  indopendencc  of  Pa- 
gan ;ands,  a  catholic  patriotism  would  rejoice  in 
the  encouragement  of  ihcin  by  wise  legislation. 

The  very  bill  which  is  pressed,  and  is  recom- 
mended up  to  the  present  moment  in  the  midst  of 
war — remote  and  expensive  war— is  styled  "  An 
act  reducing  the  duUea  on  imports."  'Such  was 
also  the  name  given  to  the  Triuisiiry  plan,  and  it  is 
ev€;n  now  tacitly  acquiesced  in  by  the  amendment 
offered  on  the  15tli  June.  An  Executive  message, 
of  June  ICtli,  communicates  the  Secretary's  report 
of  the  day  before,  and  this  report  still  adopts  "  as 
'a  basis,  the  bill  reducing  the  tariff  reported  by 
'  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  to  the  House 
•of  Representatives,  on  the  Utii  of  April  last." 
It  proposes,  however,  some  "  augmented  and  ad- 
ditional duties,"  which  are  esiimated  to  reach 
A.'>,S34,U57.  These  exhibit  a  singular  denarlure 
from  the  vital  nrinciple  of  the  annual  report,  which 
propounds  "  that  lower  duties  increase  the  icve- 
iiuc."  Schedule  A,  (of  June  Kith,)  incri^ases  all 
that  are  specified,  except  the  class  of  spirituous 


llqiiorss  anil  it  Ihii*  practically  ailniila  how  erro- 
nenua  was  the  theory  which  ia  violated  in  llio  day 
of  need.  Due  ciiniiot  l^iil  lo  be  slruck  wilh  the 
convenience  of  a  muialile  doctrine  which  finds  low 
diitiOH  or  lii)?h  duties  the  amircc  of  greater  revenue, 
according  to  the  existing  ih  sires  or  nereHsitieH  of 
the  Qovernmenl.  We  might  well  nsk,  in  the  lan- 
guage of  the  I'nnce  of  Wales,  in  the  midst  of  car- 
nnrge  on  the  field  of  Shrewsbury:  "  Is  it  a  time  to 
jeatnnd  dally  now?" 

A  cliango  of  cireuniHtances  so  absohile  nii;;ht 
aiilhorize  the  beliaf  that  it  would  be  followed  by  a 
conespimding  change  of  policy.  The  coiiiilry 
would  understand  and  appreciiii<>  ilic  inoiive.  If 
ueiitlemcn,  who  came  from  the jicople,  charged  as 
they  suppose  wilh  the  duly  of  opposing  what  ia 
cjilled  llie  larill'of  MS,  fear  to  disobey  the  siippoaed 

i  obligations  of  |iarty,  lot  them  remember  that  the 
neoessiiy  is  removed  witli  the  causes  which  produ- 
ced il.  tJven  upon  ihefield  of  battle,  where  rules  of 
iin)>licit  obedience  are  the  moat  gierii,  it  is  well 
esiabllsheil  that  an  order  sent  to  a  disicuice  must 
not  be  delivered,  if  before  it  arrives  the  stale  of 
alfairson  which  it  was  founded  has  |m.«s((l  away. 
It  is  well  rcmiukul  by  Mr.  Iboio,  tliat  our  situa- 
tion is  the   preceptor  of  our  duly.     'I'he  wariuesi 

current  of  parly  feeling  will  ( asioniilly  become 

cold.     You  Clime  here  under  ciivunistnnces  which 

]  have  no  longer  any  existence,  and  you  will  bo  jus- 
tified anil  apiilauded  if  you  act  in  conformity  to 
those  which  Inive  succeeded  to  tlieni. 

Hesidea  the  inlnnsic  unlitness  of  the  proposed 
scheme  to  the  belliserent  wants  and  duties  of  the 
country,  it  is  objectionable,  beeaiisi  every  new  rev- 
enue system  is  necessarily  experimental.  It  re- 
quires to  be  tested  in  practice  bi'lore  il  will  meet 
with  confidence  or  reliance.  You  are  about  to  call 
iiponcapiiili.^ls  for  a  loan  ofsevenil  millions.  Un- 
der the  present  tried  plan  they  would  gladly  furnish 
it.  Hut  no  m.ittcr  what  maybe  ihe  seeming  virtues 
of  an  untried  nrrangemenl,  its  abstract  merits  will 
tint  Milllce  to  oviironie  the  cliaiacleristic  caution 
of  money  lendi'is,  who  will  wait  to  see  its  practi- 
cal bearings  and  effects  before  they  place  their  funds 
at  risk. 
We  are  told  that  an  experiment  of  low  duties  is 

'  desired.  Will  not  one  fatal  experiment  already 
niaile,  and  yet  fresh  in  the  rceolleclioii  of  every- 
body, aiillice  ;  Il  ended  wilh  the  fulfilment  of  that 
ilisaslroiis conipromi.se  which  continued  to  exliioit 
ils  irradiial  but  terrible  developnunis  lor  ten  long 
years.  Aly  Deniocralic  colleagues  will  bear  in 
niinil  tliai  I'eiinsyknnia  had  no  connexion  with  il 
iVoiu  the  be;iniiing,  except  to  suller.  When  it 
was  under  discussion,  that  Slate  came  up  to  tin- 
N.itioiml  L'nislature  in  her  sovcreiLoi  capacity, 
and  with  ii  solemn  protest  declared  tliat  she  never 
would  bi'  liiHind  by  it.  Vet  the  peopli>  were  placed 
upon  the  rack,  and  there,  like  viciiins  of  tlie  in- 
qiii.sitioii  ill  the  dark  days  of  an  awl'ol  snpeislition, 
llieir  (lesli  was  Unn  (|uivering  from  llieiu  at  the  rale 
iiCM  per  cut.  a  year,  until  at  lenmli,  after  a  seriea 
of  convuLsiic  agonies,  they  suiik  into  inanilion. 
The  experiment  which  you  desire  to  repeal  having 
done  ils  mi  laiicholy  oliice,  lel'i  a  prosliale  and  once 
prosperous  nation  like  the  inhabiinnls  of  lliat  an- 
cient ca|iil:il  whii-li  was  desolated  liy  conspirators, 
to  cherish,  not  the  hope  of  safety,  but  the  consola- 
tion of  the  j:rave. 

.Satisliiil  for  the  moment  with  the  mi.schief  of 
experimental  le!;islatioii,a  new  system  under  better 
auspices  was  adopted,  on  llie30ln  of  'Vngual,  IS-iSi. 
.After  a  brief  trial  it  succeded  lo  a  miracle.  Lilile 
more  tliiin  four  motulis  previo'.sly, however,  an  act 
of  Congresswas  passed  (.\;.ril  14)  extending  the  pe- 
riod of  reimburse  meiit  oi  a  loan  of  twelve  millions, 
winch  had  been  authorized  July  21,  Iri41,  iVoin 
three  to  twenty  years,  and  providing  for  an  nddi- 
tioiial  one  of  iiv'e  millions  for  twenty  years  like- 
wise. Wliata  cominenlary  iioon  low  dulies  was 
this  succession  o""  loans  iLself,  in  u  time  of  profound 
peace,  in  ailililion  to  the  repeated  authority  to 
issue  and  re-issue  treasury  notes !  Besides  a  for- 
mal pledge  of  all  the  moneys  arising  from  duties 
for  payment  of  interest  anil  redemption  of  princi- 
pal, authority  was  neces.sarily  given  to  dispose  of 
the  slock  at  an  unlimited  discount  or  sacrifice,  after 
il  should  be  advertised,  and  proposals  should  be 
invited  for  a  reasonable  time.     At  any  sacrifice  it 

;  was  not  taken.  After  a  series  of  disappuintnicnis 
ot  hoine,n  special  agency  was  employed  lo  try  the 

'  foreign  money  inarket.  A  highly  rcsiiecluble  friend 


anil  fellow-townsman  of  the  then  Srcreliiry  of  ilm 
Treasury,  and  a  distingiiinliid  banker  of  I'liilaih  U 
pliin,  went  lo  KuropB,  ainl  there  kiioi  ked  in  \ui,i 
Ml  Ihe  doors  of  the  dMliri  nl  capitals.  l''nince, 
llidlnnil,  and  lanfland — old  and  loiieriiig  ns  soma 
of  us  are  in  the  lialiit  of  regarding  iheni^iiiilil 
command,  by  their  wellsuHiaincd  credit,  tlu  cnn- 
fideiicc  of  the  world.  This  yoiiiii;  country,  with 
resources  beyond  tliein  all  cunibiiit^d,  but  with  re- 
sources neglected  Mild  aliiised,  liernmi.  an  cil,Ject 
for  scorn  to  point  her  nImw  and  moving  finger  at. 
Her  commissioners  were  inii  nlile  in  nliiiijn  n  fiu- 
lliing  from  any  quarter.  They  riiiii'iied  empty- 
handed  lis  they  went,  and  llie  Adinmistialinn, 
bankrupt  and  dcspniriii'.',  was  lel'i  to  ninnrn  omt 
the  final  results  of  a  dis.isirous  expcrinicnt.  In 
the  meantime,  the  opcriiiions  of  the  new  tnnllliad 
l)ejtun  to  appenr.  In  ihe  opeiiiii!;of  1h;;(,  (Jan- 
iiary  .W,)  Mr.  Ward,  of  Niw  Vork,  aciin;;  I'.ir 
himself  and  others,  offered  to  supply  the  tn  \snry 
with  whatever  iiii','lit  be  theanioiint  of  the  dilicieii- 
ey,  iiiiilera  heavy  penalty.  Ilisnllcr  was  proiiipily 
accepted.  The  stock  iiiinii  iliiilely  be;an  In  rise, 
and  it  did  not  cease  to  do  so  until  It  nacheil  17  iier 
rent,  above  |iar.  It  hiis  served  as  a  uiii\ersal  iia- 
roineter,  indicntin;  the  briirlit  alinospliere  of  iliu 
country,  not  only  in  itn  fiscal,  but  us  poliiicnl, 
social,  mercantile,  n;;ricultiiial,  iiKchaniial,  and 
mamilncturing  eniicerns.  All  becnme  einiiienily 
prosperous.*  Nothing  can  ic'iiin  linriii  then,  luit 
their  own  exuberance  ns  to  some,  or  the  bli'.'liting 
neiilect  and  mismniiageinenl  of  the  fioveninietit  us 
to  all  of  lliein.  Contrast  the  present  condition  of 
the  nation  wilh  that  which  it  exhibited  f  mr  years 
ago.  Thai  resembled  the  remains  of  an  inimolalcd 
victim.  TTii'j  wears  the  beaming  aspect  and  the 
full  pronortions  of  a  ha|ipy  and  cniiliding  object 
loo  fatally  decked  and  destined  for  the  sacrifice. 

Wilh  Ihe  cup  of  prosperity  filkd  to  the  brim, 
we  nrn  about  to  dash  it  Irom  onr  lijps.  Tliioriea 
are  called  up  like  distnrbcil  spirits  of  llie  dead,  and 
these  plinnloms  are  put  in  array  against  establish- 
ed lacls  and  long-tried  experit e. 

Ho  much  controversy  has  existed  nsto  the  efiect 
of  nrolection  upon  prices,  whether  they  are  raised 
or  lowered  by  il,  that  little  will  be  uiireil  in  rela- 
tion to  it  hen',  f'oiuiction  must  he  clilliciill  if  not 
brought  about  by  the  conibineci  lights  of  reason 
and  experience,  which  have  shown  upon  the  sub- 
ject for  nearly  sixty  veins.  Compelition  oppo.sed 
to  monopoly,  and  ihe  ascertainment  by  iietiud 
ninniifictine  of  what  ought  lo  be  Ihe  price  of  an 
article,  opposed  to  ignorance  in  relation  to  it,  while 
it  is  sold  nt  arbitrary  rates,  are  the  bniad  basis  oil 
which  these  conclusions  of  reason  and  experience 
are  built.  It  was  long  since  asserted  by  Alexan- 
der Hamilton,  "  ns  universally  Inie,"^  that  a  de- 
crease of  priccc  is  the  "  ultimate  ellect"  ol^  ngii la- 
lions  which  contnil  the  competition  of  fonign  wilh 
domestic  falirics,  in  ndalion  to  "  every  successful 
nmniifucliire."  This  doctrine,  winch  was  not 
new  in  the  earliest  days  of  the  Coiisiilnlion,  has 
been  confirmeil  and  illiisirnlcd  by  every  experi- 
ment. Possililv  they  who  are  reluctant  to  the 
principle,  nnl  blind  to  tin-  fact;  who  turn  a  deaf 
ear  lo  arguments,  and  refuse  to  be  infiiieiiccd  by 
precedents  which  have  llieir  origin  in  one  section 
of  the  eonnlrv,  may  not  be  insensilile  to  the  utier- 
ancc  of  n  voice  from  among  theiu.selves.  A  con- 
tingency like  this,  IS  well  as  an  unwillingne.ss 
upon  any  of  these  points  to  fall  into  a  repetition 
of  what  may  be  found  better  said  elsewhere,  in- 
duces me  to  refer  with  eiii]iliasis  to  a  book  which 
is  before  me.  In  one  of  ils  eiuliesl  pages  the  po- 
ailion  is  taken  that  "  every  pnidnelion,  the  result 
of  protcciiim  in  this  country,  bus  been  brought 
cheaper  and  better  into  the  ninrkel  ihnn  before 
such  protection."  Shall  I  be  told  thai  this  is  the 
slereoUmed  language  of  northern  maiinfacturers  ? 
The  ti'tlepnge  of  the  book  informs  us  that  it  is  the 

""^INi^.Tlfrci'^Ti'Tnliiro  .IvparliMcht  ef  liMHiicss  will 

-rrvensiui  iiuIcK  to  llie  iliiivcr-iil  mil "f  "le  «iM' 

h^iVlan'on  »■  Mi.     Til,,  iren  int.  rc.l  nf  P.  nii-ylvmim  was 

rnlcTd     AhirL.eiMVc,tincMti.an  eM.ploym.nt  ol  eiipiljil 

!,".,^,.     mm  IMU-Iicen  cftinilUcil  li.v..    iliilily  re.p.  cm  hie 

cnnii,  i  ICM.  .,r  llic  Iran  nml  C.m.I  .\.snci.ili..„  ot  P.MMsylv.i- 

:,;  ",',."47  per  ...M  lor  every  I- '■■:"';i;;'"  i;"  ^l"™"™: 

iiliieliired-ivliicli  won  il  lllve,  on   i-i.-MW  toim,  ,^i,.).M,™u , 

a  ml     .r  'vcrv    ton  or  Riilliracilc   pin  Inb  -S-Jn  pcr  Urn, 

*  ',75  Kit),  1  mKIci!  llie  „,nn  or  ,«tl,li«l,100  n.vcMHl  111  liir- 

nm  o»    loiie"iiice  IW'J.     L'lmM  Hie  wlMie  e-llinnte  aiillira- 

I         .    r,,,  nee»     rireviiMlslV  I"    1819,   prnlllicccl   \M»1    Ion-, 

'  tons,  with  a  ciijutal  of  U«,llW,Hw. 


sober  iiidRiTient  of 
•  '  Notes  on  I'olitjc 
the  Uiiiieil  Stales," 
nrc  replete  with  exn 
vindicate,  for  himsi 
ronsisleiicy.  Whi 
diatc  fellnw-eitir.eni 
after  hsviiiK  hierall 
triotic  devotion  to 
vBllc.emenI,  have  ll 
dnced  them,  he  hai 
doctrines  of  IrtHi- 
with  these  import! 
him.  The  steady 
|,e  now  what  it  w 
DUO,  and  I  warmly 
throughout  to  the 
neichhors.* 

'i'l-    first  Innff  I 

riepresenialives  \' 

17,  and  was  appre 

and  nays  were  n 

only  know  llisi  it 

laration  that  it  wn- 

"  the  encouragen' 

turea."    The  sec 

emphnlicdeclnrai 

of  lleprrsentalivr 

tn  fifteen  nays. 

sells  voted  ntrainf 

gallons  •>f  Virgin 

and  all  i  <  cpt  a 

lina,  cave  il  coiTil 

course  was  unan 

cd  until  yeslerdn 

the  end  of  her  hi 

she  will  he,  wil 

present  inoinenl 

which,  if  it  did  n 

largely  and  avow 

bits  a  majority 

Biipporlera  of  ili 

dcd.     I'.ven  in  1 

em  Slates  nre  (' 

to  i>ne,  a. Ill  l' 

and  Oeorria') 

A  wi.f>:   of 

aisc  ney  winch 

nf  y  IS*" 

soil  and    .'.vcte 

denied  altogeth 

th'-   sunny  Soi 

seek  In  rue  colli 

tiliiy  of  the  mil 

times  of  llieir  f 

and  were  at  ar 

the  coinniercc 

policy  insisted 

nf  Mnssachuat 

in  defiance  of  1 

ed  in  defeat. 

genmeii  of  the 

their  exploits 


F.aaliinil  to  worl 


2. 


1846.1 


APPEMMS  VO  THE  CONGRESSIOIVAL  GLOBE. 


1091 


89th  Cong Iit  Sen. 


The  Tarilf—Mf.  J.  H.  liiKcnoU. 


Ill),  ov  Ri'.pi. 


Iiiii 

llrl. 
luiil 
Ice, 


lilli 

ll'O- 
J<.T» 
■  lit. 

liir- 
lly. 
liii, 
|M  r 


I.I 
mil 


i'..r 

^■t 

iry 

m: 

lly 

B 

«,; 

^B. 

ll'T 

^Bii 

llfl- 

^K. 

lliu 

^H 

■,.l, 

H^' 

lly 

m 

Iiilinr   jiiilKiiicnt  iil' n  "MimiiIiciiI   I'laiilrr."     Mill 
•■  Niil»ii   on    i'liliiii'Kl    KitiiMiiiny   tin  nnpliciihlr  In 
the  Uiiiiril  StntKH,"  (ainh  in  (In  lillc  ol  (li«  wink,)  ! 
ore  replcln  wllli  rxiiclly  tlm«n  mi','ii;niiliiiiiii,  which  : 
viiiiiii'iiie,  for  hiiiiNi'lf  lit  Imiiii,  ii  cliilm  tii  HniilhTii   ; 
CiiiiiiJHIenry.     Whilr  the  (frnit  hiuly  of  liia  imiiif-   j 
dime  ri'llnw-dtirriii  hiive  chiiiii;i'il  ihrir  vli^wx,  itiid  ^i 
nAir  hfivliiK  litrrnlly  driven  tliv  Nnrth  iiilo  ii  |iii- 
Irinlic  drvotiiiii   Id  m^w  schciiirn  of  nnliiinnl   ltd-  ) 
vsncpmi'iil,  hiivc  tlii'm-ii'lvi<H  I'liiidcmnKd  niiil  Irii- 1 
liiicrd  Iheni,  ho  hn«  «iin|ily  rrilcniU'il  the  Hmilhcrn 
doclrini'"  of  IHKI.      Hi'iirPuly  n  topic   roiiiiixled  ij 
with  tlicKd  imporlnnl  inli'ri'iiis  In  niiilrveloped  by  |j 
liim.     The  stntily  pidicy  of  the  Soiitli  in  ahnwn  to  \\ 
lie  now  wimt  it  waa  dwiitred   to  he  thirty  yriim   , 
nso,  nod  I  wnrnily  commend  the  np);lected  volume  [| 
throii^lioiit  to  the  pnticnt  mtenlion  of  it«  nutlior'i  || 
neichliors.*  1' 

'■"'•  fliHl  InrilT  li\w  wnii  piifmed  in  the  Houiic  of 
riepreneninliveH  Mny  Ifi,  nnil  in  the  Scimte  Juni. 
17,  nnil  wan  nppioved  4lh  Jiilv,  17H0.  The  yens 
nnd  nnyn  were  not  tnken  in  lillur  Hoime.  We 
only  know  llinl  it  eonininid  the  memnriilile  iler. 
Inrntion  tlint  ilwiw  necenRiiry  llintdiitieH  he  Inid  for 
"the  eni'iinmijeinenl  nnil  pnitiMiion  of  ni'imifnr- 
tiircii."  The  second  tnrift  liiw,  renirirminir  this 
emphnllc  decjnrniion  of  th"  fiisl,  pnsaeil  the  Mouse 
of  Reprrsenliilives  July  |!),  |7!)0,  liy  forty  yens 
to  fifteen  niiys.  Kvcry  memlicr  from  MMHsnrliii- 
oells  voted  lis-ninsl  if,  while  Ihe  whole  of  ihe  dele- 
(jntions  .>f  Virsinin,  Norih  ('iiiolinn,  nnd  OcoruiH, 
nnd  nil  (  S' ept  a  sinKJc  individiinl  of  South  Cnro- 
linn,  ffitvc  it  comMned  support.  Pciinsylvnnin  of 
course  wnn  lumniinoiis  in  its  favor;  nnd  so  I  triisl- 
cil  until  yeslerdny,  she  would  continue  to  lie  until 
the  end  of  her  history,  nnd  so  I  venture  lo  predict 
she  will  he,  with  the  solitnry  exception  of  the 
present  inoineni.f  The  tnrilf  of  April  37,  IH16, 
which,  if  it  did  not  coiiinin  the  nnnie  of  protection, 
iiirjely nnd  nvowcdly  provided  fir  the  thinff,  exhi- 
bits n  miijoritv  of  the  South  ("^n'olinn  trieinliers 
supporters  nf  Its  policy,  and  MMsnchiisclfs  divi- 
ded. Even  in  1M34  MiiNsnchiiMlis  nnd  the  South- 
ern Stiites  nre  fmind  volinir  together — the  first  ten 
to  one,  nod  the  Inst  (North  unit  Smith  Cniolinn 
nnd  GeorriiO  in  solid  iioily  iipninst  the  system. 

A  wci.!  of  exjiluimtioii  ii)>on  the  sort  of  incon- 
sisi'  ney  wliich  is  imputed  for  blame  to  the  people 
of  .s'  :   tsells.     That  people,  with  n    rui';;eil 

soil  nnd  cvere  climnte,  livini;  in  n  Intiliide  which 
denied  nltop:etliPr  growth  to  the  iirodiiclions  of 
III''  sunny  Soulh,  nnd  even  compelled  ihein  to 
seek  liirire  contributions  from  the  niore  genial  fer- 
tility of  the  niidille  States,  availed  themselves  at  nil 
times  of  their  fine  bnrhora  and  linrily  population, 
nnd  were  at  an  enrly  day  the  chief  possessors  of 
the  commerce  of  the  country.  When  n  southern 
policy  insisted  on  ;))ol«Jion'contniry  to  the  wishes 
of  MnHsachusetts,  and  siicceeiled  in  estnblishine;  it 
in  defiance  of  her  efforts  and  her  will,  she  triumph- 
ed in  ilcfent.  While  her  fisheries  still  nursed  the 
seamen  of  the  country,  nnd  coniinued  to  realize  by 
their  exploits  the  splendid  imaijery  of  Mr.  Burke, 

*Tlic«n"nnic  note*  nf  n  <«  Hniitlicrn  Plnntero  atKiiinil  til 
other  musi'iitiiiim  Hiirthynriiiiiicc.     Ii  is  Willi  liini  ii  niiilti'r  ' 
of  Rliriirliie  tllilt  tile  pIniitiTH  of  tllin  cniiiitry  i«)iniilit  lie  tlie 
**stiiv«rt  t(i  Kiinliinil.  tier  hewers  of  wood  lind  ilniwi'rf  of  I' 
wnlcr."     "We  t'lll  iinil  sweat,  tnidnc  tliniiutli  mini  nml  , 
mire,  Hiinsliire  iiiiil  rain,  a  iMiriiliiff  ilclully  eliiiinte,  iiiiil  a  ;< 
frozen  /line,  all   In   |irniliicc   iiiviiliiiihle  raw  iniitcrlnl<4  for  ' 
Fiiiilaiiil  to  work  nil  aiiit  ri'a|i  a  harvest  frinii."  {pnee  184.) 
One  iniltlll  i'Oiiiparc  lllese  Rcrvjees  rcililereil  hy  U'*  with  tlic  ' 
IniiitUHltc  'iccasiiiiially  uscil  liy  litr  jniiriiats  in  Vetiirii.    Tlie 
Lnndiin  Morniim  l*tist  of  :4;\tiirilay,  Xur-iiilicr  II,  li^4-1,  lias 
nil  article  nii  Ihe  Miiti.jcct  of  AiiitTica  which  cniicluilcs  thus  : 
"  At  preneiit  we  arc  iliilihlfiil  whether  In  Innk  iipiin  iiiii  as  a 
horde  nf  harlmriaiis,u  giui;ur  hniidiitl,  or  a  eoniiiiuiiity  cf 
gouK<'ni." 

t  Blii.'e  the  rtlteiissliin  In  Ihe  Ilimne  nf  Repreiienlntlvefi,  it 
hn#  been  i^oiiiewliere  migiiestiMl  that  lie'  laiiir  of  M'i  was  a  ' 
"  nostiin  Hill."    Thai  it  reeeiveil  elllcient  siiiipnrt  friiiii  the  ' 
reprPBentnlives  nf  M;\Mnchu(ietlK  th-  re  isnoiiiitiht;  hie  the  ' 
hill,  in  its  iirinin,  tiiniintinti,  anil  iihjects,  was  ninre  espei  i- 
al  V  lilrt'cli'il  Id  Peiiiisylvnaia,  wliieli  stooit  most  in  need  af  ,  | 
n*  lirovisi'iiis.    Tlie  iiiaiinliictnres  nr  some  of  the  I^axtern    i 
Slates  hail  already  slint  ahead,  anil  were  not  in  eipial  iliin- 
ijer  from  a  destriielive  pulley.    Ttie  S  'cretarv  of  the  Treas-    ' 
tiry  who  jirepared  the  (irisiiinl  hill,  (Mr.  Forvvnrd.)  wasfrnai    ! 
I'tttshiir!!,  I'eniiflylviiiiia.     His  active  nnil  ilitetlifftaitcondjii. 
tiir  in  the  tusk  iviH  Mr.  Jilines  N.  Rnrker,  then  recently 
f'oiiiptniller,  and  liirinerlv  Ciillectnr  nf  ttie  port  nf  Philailel'- 
pliin.    Mr.  Itarker  attended  thrniiuhniit  ii)inii  the  ileliliem- 
tinlls  of  the  I'niiiiniltce  nf  Ways  and  Means,  hy  whniil  the  ' , 
tiill  was  acted  on  and  reported,  and  iniiiiint  whom  there  was    ; 
lint  one  ineinbiir  frnin  any  Slate  farther  north  than  N,-w  , ' 
Yni'k.    Atiill.in  many  respects  diflereiit.  nnd  less  prntcct-  i 
Ive  of  Pennsylvania  interests,  wiw  reported  hy  the  Cnminit-  ■ 
lee  of  Manufuctures,  but  set  oaldu  fur  Ihe  other. 


anil  while  her  commerce  did  not  erase  to  llmirish, 
a  new  sphere  of  enterprise  was  explored  and  suli- 
diieil,  A  poriioii  of  the  same  indiislry  and  intelli- 
!;enee  which  li.id  bei'ii  conspicuous  in  one  ele- 
ineiit,  beciiine  no  less  netive,  eiilerpnsinif,  nnd 
siii'cessftil  in  nnoiher.  If  n  deficiency  of  hnnili- 
ernft  existed  in  the  hardier  sex,  it  was  supplied  liy 
the  deliciite  and  perseverint:  Mssiiliiily  of  the  more 
(jentle.  Willi  ilie  policy  of  the  Hiiiilh,  were  adopt- 
ed nnd  idnniified  the  productions  of  I  he  South',  and 
the  eastern  States  have  become  by  reluctant  acrpii- 
escenco  llie  workshops  nf  three-qiinrters  of  the 
globe.  In  doiii>^  ibem  honor  for  a  practical  con- 
formity to  the  behests  of  the  le'^islation  of  the 
ITnion,  wfl  oii;rht  i  m  to  withhold  from  them  ap- 
plause for  a  patriotic  confoimity  to  principles, 
which  were  always  ns  authentic  in  their  sourcu  as 
they  nre  salutary  and  wise  in  their  exen  isc. 

If  the  price  of  commodities  siicces^fiilly  protected 
he  not  diinininhed  to  the  onsumer;  if,  in  other 
wor*!s,  the  producer  conliiii  .  to  receive  the  same 
aiooiit  of  eoinpensalion,  notwilhstnnilin^  the  nddi- 
tioiml  expense  of  briiiirini;  his  (roods  to  market, 
wliich  the  ibilv  imposes,  wlint  becomcK  of  the  nr- 
irumcnt  tlint  the  article  is  prohibited  or  interfered 
with  by  the  duty?  Kither  the  duty  rellects  its 
ima!»e  upon  the  foreign  mnniifaetuier,  or  his  sub- 
stitute, the  importer,  nnd  the  domestic  purchnser 
has  no  concern  with  ihe  additional  eliiirgi',  or  llie 
forpi'in  imporlation  is  not  impeded;  for  the  iiddi- 
tionnl  price,  cooRistiinr  exactly  of  the  nmoiint  of 
duty,  falls  upon  the  purchnser,  nnd  the  profit  to 
the  importer  and  his  indiiceini  nl  to  import  remain 
iinaltercd.  The  President  recommends,  in  his 
eominuiiicnlioii  of  the  Ifiili  of  June,  n  reduction  of 
'*  the  prohibitory  duties"  irnooscd  by  existiiiir 
Inws.  It  would  lie  dirticiilt  to  find  them.  Not  nn 
nrticle  is  prohibited,  in  fact,  by  the  diitv,  however 
it  mny  be  superseded  by  the  better  quality  nnd  re- 
duced price  of  the  domestic  nrticle,  which  a  pro- 
tective duly  has  fostered.  It  would  be  more  than 
ilitliciilt  to  reconcile  with  the  iilen  of  any  of  our 
duties  lieiii'^  prohibitory,  the  iiiiqiiestionnble  prin- 
ciple that,  if  nn  nrticle  be  wanted,  and  is  nt  the 
same  time  to  lie  lind,  n  duty,  thoiii;|i  high,  will  not 
exclude  it.  One  should  "thiiilc  that  tlie  P.rilish 
duties  on  tobacco  would  sufficicnlly  verify  this 
doctrine.  Twelve  hunilred  per  .'eiit.  of  impost 
does  not  prevent  the  nni^mented  imtiortation  nnd 
free  use  of  n  most  useless  and  pernicious  weed. 

The  truth  is,  that  in  the  proposed  scheme,  every- 
thing is  in  di'finneenf  practical  experience,  reason, 
and  common  sense.  It  opposes  to  these  cnrdinnl 
rnles  for  the  condnct  of  men,  nlislract  theory  nnd 
ill-founded  prejudice.  The  niinunl  report  of  the 
Trensury,  I  hope  to  prove,  is  a  combination  of 
mistaken  do£rin;is,  with  preferences  for  foreign 
interests  over  those  of  the  eiti/en;  tlint  it  loses 
sight  of  the  true  end  and  aim  of  government — the 
welfare  nf  the  people;  nnd  that  if  followed  out,  ns 
it  is  to  be  feared  it  will  be  from  unreflecting  nnd 
instinctive  cnnl'ormily,  it  will  produce  widespread 
nnd  long-enduring  calamity. 

The  floatins;  theory,  which  hns  found  no  resting 
place  for  the  soles  of  ila  feet — that  a  protective 
policy  is  contrnry  to  the  spirit  nf  the  Constitution — 
must  not  be  overlooked.  So  far  from  it,  com- 
merce and  maniifaeiiues  took  refuse  in  the  Consti- 
tution for  a  pi-oieclion  by  law,  which  neither  nn 
ill-jointed  Confederacy,  nor  disjointed  individiinl 
States,  had  the  menus  of  cxtendiii<r.  Mnssnchii- 
setts,  nmoiis  other  iiroiecting duties,  lind  provided, 
with  the  impost  levied  upon  foreign  hemp,  that  it 
should  not  go  into  the  general  fund,  but  should 
be  npplieil  ns  n  bounty  on  its  home  production. 
Sepurate  efforts  of  protection,  made  by  Stale  Legis- 
latures, proved  altosether  iinnvnilin'.:."  Other  Sinte 
Leffislntures  defeated  them  by  omitting  to  provide 
similar  enacimenis.and  the  protecting  duty  served 
ftnly  to  transfer  .so  much  foreign  trnde  to  a  neigh- 
boring Stale.  No  lime  was  lost,  after  Congress 
.tsaemhled  under  the  Consiitution,  to  vindicate  this 
power  of  protection,  wliich  was  one  of  its  primnry 
purposes.  It  is  not  without  interest  Ihnt  Mnssn- 
chtisetts  then  required  nnd  obtained  protection  for 
her  commerce,  just  ns  she  hns  more  recently  done 
for  her  mnnufactnres;  nnd  that  South  Carolina  led 
off  in  opposition  to  this  species  of  encouragement. 
Great  Britain  was  the  carrier,  to  a  large  extent,  of 
our  own  productions,  and  the  American  Congress, 
by  the  advice  of  Virginia,  eounteincted  her  advan- 
tage nnd  preferred  our  own  people.     Protecting 


duties  were  laid  on  toiiiiiige  on  the  'jDtli  July,  l7Hfl, 
by  a  bill  reiiortrd  l>y  Mr.  .VladiNon;  cli.  HI.,  p.  U5| 
Hniiis  r.f  doiiiestic  niaiiiifactiire  paying  six  lelilSt 
mill  iutporii'd  vessels,  to  wlioiiievcr  behiiigiiig, 
whethrr  cili/.cn  or  foi-ii'Jiiier,  |iiiviiig  llfly  eeiiis,  a 
loll,  What  was  the  consequence?  Sliip-liiiildiitg 
became  no  ileiiiir,  I  believe,  for  llie  heavy  duty 
laid  upon  the  foreign  article;  but  we  soon  foiina 
ourselves  in  posscssiiin  of  a  surplus  toiinnge,  which 
fEnve  us,  (luring  the  wars  of  tlie  I'Vench  UcVo4u* 
lion,  the  jiriiicipal  part  of  ihe  carrying  trade  nf  llM 
world.  Nut  less  remarkable  was  the  iliscriiniim- 
tint;  duly  upon  leas  for  the  sake  of  prolectiii(f 
domestic  sliipping.  If  iiiipuried  from  China  in 
.fiiirrican  I'Mirli,  the  duiiis  upon  the  .lilferent  kinds 
were  respeciively  6,  HI,  !JI),  and  13  ceiiis  per 
pound;  nnd  if  in  foreign  vessels,  {!>,  33,  4.'i,  and 
97;  eh.  II.,  pp.  23,  23.  Th's  lind  been  n  Penn- 
•vlvania  effort,  when  she  stood  nione  under  the 
ronfiderntlon.  Congress  i-endily  adopted  it  for 
the  whole  ITnion;  and  not  loni;  afterwards  pre- 
vented the  introduction  of  tens  from  any  couniry 
except  China,  even  in  ves.iels  of  the  tJniied  States, 
This  wns  protection  for  the  iinkn  of  protection. 
What  were  its  benign  consequences?  In  less  tlinn 
two  ycnrs  the  price  nf  tens  wns  reduced  one-linlf 
in  the  American  markets,  and  it  operated  so  an 
completely  to  prohibit  all  importationsof  tens,  ex- 
cept in  vessels  of  domestic  manufncturc.  A  tem- 
porary tax,  indeed,  was  inflicted,  which  was  found 
to  bear  upon  every  .State  except  Mnssnchnsettsj 
but  they  nil  cheerfully  suslniiied  llio  momentary 
evil  for  the  hope  of  prospective  and  permanent 
good. 

I(  will  be  recollected  that,  at  Ihe  time  these  ar- 
rauiremenis  were  made,  the  British  East  India 
Company,  that  stupendous  monopoly,  existed  in 
all  iis;;iinntic  power.  Not  greater,  perhaps,  in  ita 
influence  than  the  maiiiifaclurine  interest  of  the 
present  day;  hut  able,  like  that  manufaeluriiig  in- 
terest, lo  overwhelm  and  destroy  the  early  eflbrls 
of  a  young  country  in  either  or  nny  deiinrtnicnt  of 
its  nnsceni  prosperity,  unless  checked  by  politic 
reKirniiits  of  counteracting  legislation.  An  inler- 
fiu-eiice  so  disastrous  was  prevented  by  the  wisdom 
of  a  Congress  wliich  then  knew  little  of  mere  sec- 
tional jealousies,  nnd  wns  governed  chiefly  by  n 
desire  to  promote  the  '.'enerni  good.  There  was  a 
field  which  even  patriotic  lci;ialalion  could  not 
rea'-h,  nnil  there  the  baleful  influence  alluded  lo 
wii  <  exercised  with  full  nnd  dire  efl'ect.  Canada 
presented  nn  opening  for  the  carrying  trade  of 
American  East  Indinmcn,  nnd  thoy  enilirnccd  the 
opportunity  for  a  time  with  signal  success,  not- 
wiilisiandilig  the  regulations  of  foreign  custom- 
houses. The  East  India  Company  made  a  nice 
calculation  hov/  much  lea  Canada  could  consume; 
shipped  a  corresponding  quantily,  regardless  of 
iuevilnble  loss;  caused  the  whole  to  be  dispo.sed  of 
nl  nuclion,  nnd  broke  up  nt  once  the  trade  of  the 
merchants  of  the  United  Stntcs.  It  was  a  similar 
apparent  sacrifice,  but  actual  stroke  of  profitable 
policy,  which  Mr.  Brougham  recominen  Jed  when 
he  said,  that  "  it  wns  worth  while  to  incur  a  loss 
'  upon  the  first  exportation,  in  order,  by  Ihe  glut, 
'  to  stifle  in  the  cradle  those  rising  manul^ietures.in 
'  the  United  Stales,  wliich  the  war  had  forced  into 
'  existence  contrnry  to  I  he  natural  cour.iC  of  things." 
Take  off  duties— tliose  even  which  are  deemed  un- 
ne,-cs8ary  now;  destroy,  that  is,  the  preference 
wliich  they  afford  to  the  young  manufactures  of 
the  country  over  the  deep-rooted  establishments, 
the  great  capitals,  nnd  the  surplus  productions  of 
the  Old  World,  nnd  you  endanger  a  competition  of 
capital  in  which  it  is  easy  to  determine  who  will 
be  the  sufferers.  Willingly  would  they  give  away 
their  superfluities  to  our  detriment — Buperfluities 
which  were  once  characterized  ns  "  old  ahopkeep- 
er.'i,  rotten  hnlierdashery,  refuse  fubrica,  which 
cannot  be  sold  at  home,  or  those  rejected  from 
stains,  blotches,  rents,  and  gouts,  or  from  being 
under  measure,  or  too  narrow,  tender  from  lime, 
alkalies,  nr  acids,  decayed  in  fibre  or  otherwise 
defective."  But  when  the  owners  and  shippcni 
miif^t  pay  heavily  for  the  introduction  into  our 
pori-i  of  these  miserable  wares — not  merely  the 
chenpstorage  which  tt  contemplated  warehouaesys- 
tern  would  make  beneficial  lo  the  foreign  owner, 
who  has  (I  ni  already  deposited  somewhere,  per- 
haps nt  greater  cost,  liut  a  just  discriminating  duty 
besides — it  would  be  a  bad  economy,  nnd  it  could 
scarcely  last  long  enough  to  effect  ita  purpose*. 


f  *i.. 


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1092 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  3, 


1846.1 


29th  Cono 1st  Skss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  J.  R.  Ingcrsall. 


Ho.  OF  Rki's. 


A  cooi]  cxam|)le  wna  onoe  fumialiPtl  in  the  his-  ' 
tnry  ot"  Norwiiy,  i>f  thii  |H'vil  iiml  suHVriii!;  ihiu 
nirtV  arise  t'rom  nt'^lect  of  thiit  sort  ot'  niitioonl  in-  . 
ilfiwiiilehci'  which  onnsisis  ot'  nhilily  to  Hike  inie 
ot'itsplC.  Thnt  roiinlrv  wiis  siiirveil  into  siihniis- 
iiion  to  the  diolntps  of  oppression,  hy  having  her 
ports  elosril  by  ii  t'oieis;n  iiit-  nl  force. 

A  sohemo  siworiiii  of  cMiiine  proteelion  was 
onee  sii^ljesti  J  liy  Mr.  Gulhitin,  whose  ii.lvooney 
of  free  trade  ia  not  unknown.  In  n  ii  mrt  to  'he 
Mouse  of  Kepre.'ieniativea,  .\pril  17,  IJ'IO,  he  thus 
expresses  himself:  "  Since,  however,  llie  eoniparn- 
'  live  want  of  eapilal  is  the  prineipal  obstacle  to 
'  tl\e    inlroiluclioM   niiil  ailvanconient  of  niaiintac- 

*  tores  in  America,  it  seems  that  the  most  cfHcient 
'  anil  nii>st  tiesiratde  remedy  would  consist  ill  sup- 
'  plyin<;  tliat  capital."  "The  United  States  nii;.;iit 
'create  i;  cireiilaliu!;  slock,  lienrins  "  1>'W  f'"'-'  "' 
'  iiiiere.sl,  and  lend  it  at  par  to  ntamifacliircrs  on 
'  princijiles  somewhat  similar  to  that  formerly 
'  adopted  by  the  Stales  of  New  York  and  Penii- 
'  sylvnnia,  in  their  (uaii  ejfirrs  .'     It  is  believed  that 

*  a  plan  niii^ht  be  devised  by  which  five  millions  of 

*  dollars  a  year,  but   not  exceediiv;  in   the  whole 

*  twenty  millions,  mi^lil  be  lima  lent  with  nit  any 
'  m;Uerlal  risk  of  iiliiniatc  loss,  and  witlioiit  raxiii;: 
'  or  injuring  any  other  |)art  of  the  coinriuniiy." 
( .\meri-  an  State  Papers,  Finance,  vol.  •_',  pa^re  i'ii). ) 
This  too  was  protection  for  the  mik'  oi  protection, 
from  a  source  clearly  orthoilnv 

I  will  not  occupy  time  '■.  .ne  repetition  of  nr^u- 
ments  which  are  re"  '.i.y  to  be  found  elswhere,  to 
prove  how  eti'ect'.ially  some  other  branches  of  in- 
terest not  yet  particularly  adven  .  .  .,  have  received 
liberal  encouni;;ement  i'rom  the  IVderal  Gov  .n- 
ineiit.  A  letter  from  Mr. . John  P.  Kennedy,  to  his 
ronstituuma,  published  October  2.'),  1843,  pre«''i'...s 
n  satisl'ai'tory  recapitulation  bearini;  directly  upon 
^his  branch  of  the  subject.  His  position  is,  (pasre 
28,)  that  III  truth,  the  cotton  interest,  '•  notwitli- 

*  standing  thv  exasperated  tone  of  those  concerned 

*  with  il  astaii  .st  the  prolective  pi.licy,  may  iie  -^aid 

*  to  be  almost  the  only  one  in  the  circle  of  our  do- 
'  mestic  indus.irv  which  has  received  the  steady, 
'  perseverins:,  and  constant  protection  of  the  tVoV- 
'  ernmeni."  "  That  interest,  he  mainlaiiii  "has 
'  alone  r  maincd  in  the  l\ill  oossessioii  of  all  the 
'  direct  piolection  it  was  in  the  power  of  the  Gov- 

*  ernnieiu  to  coiit'er  ujion  it."  (n  a  previous  pai;c 
(•JR)  he  endeavora  in  like  iiiai)"cr  to  show  how 
"  Rgriculinre  lia.s  been  protected  by  du;ies,  liy 
'  grants  i>f  land,   and  evnensive  experinienLs,  by 

*  treaties    securing   I'avoraole   conditions  of  trade, 

*  by  coiiMiervailing  re'T'ilations,  and  by  the  creation 
'  of  markets  I'or  it  both  at  hon-c  anil  abroad."  \n 
arsumeni  with  like  lindencies,  of  great  ability, 
and  as  I  think  conclusive  to  the  point,  was  pre- 
sented to  the  conntry  in  the  annual  report  of  1^•.2T, 
from  the  Treasury  Deparinieut,  by  Mr.  Secretary 
Rusii;  Dncuineiii  4,  Deccmljcr  rt.  1  will  not  repeat 
its  deinoiisirations  of  almost  mathematical  accu- 
racy, which  are  accessible  to  everybody.  It  is 
extraordinary  that  it  should  be  neces.sary  to  re- 
assert their  eonclusions  now,  and  it  is  doiie  only 
in  reply  to  perpetually  renewed  as-iaiilis  upon  the 
protective  policy  of  the  conntry,  iiulgated  by  a 
notion  that  it  is  confined  lo  the  niniufacturing  in- 
terest alor° 

In  the  estim.ate  of  ingredients  of  public  pros- 
perity no  invidious  comparisons  should  be  made 
against,  or  in  favor  of,  any  particular  inteiesi. 
All  are  entitled  to  support.  Upon  the  triple  alli- 
anec  depends  the  welfare  of  the  republic.  Hut  as 
population  is  the  elixir  of  national  sliTiigih,  and 
as  manufactures  invite  and  encourage  it  in  an  es- 
pecial degree,  none  but  a  shortsighted  policy 
would  fail  to  foster  them.  A  needful  cooperation 
which  the  establishment  of  them  often  implies,  -i 
division  of  labor  in  giving  perfection  to  many  ob- 
jects of  art,  and  a  market  within  immediate  reach 
from  which  ready  returns  can  be  procured  for  ih,. 
hard  earningsof  humble  and  honest  iiidusir',  point 
lo  populous  places  as  their  chosen  alioile.  Na- 
tions, ^.trely agricultural,  seldom  have  been  power- 
ful, ft  is  from  masses  that  vigor  is  derived.  Nor 
is  the  danger  of  vice  and  misery  increased  by  den-  ' 
Bity  of  popnlalion,  unless  idleness  "oes  with  il. 
Alihouph  in  Paris,  according  to  .Mr.  Alison,  in  his 
work  on  Population,  livery  third  birth  is  illegiii- 
ni:ite,  anil  (uie-sixili  of  the  whole  poppl'ilion  die  , 
in  hospitals,  yet  on  the  margin  of  the  Lake  of  Zu-  i 
rich,  wlitrc  there  is  a  remarkably  dense,  though  ' 


i  not  a  city  population,  the  comfort  and  well-being 
of  the  peasantry,  according  to   the  same  ^vriler, 

!  exceed  that  of  any  spol  on  the  habilable  globe. 
Man  was  born  for  society.  It  is  his  natural  coii- 
dilion,  for  social  dependence  constiUiles  the  chain 
of  his  being. 

If  this  protective  principle  be  conaiitiiiional,  and 

'  that  it  is  all  parts  ot  the  country  have  in  turn  an- 
nounced willi  loud  acclaim,  we  must  be  a  strange 

I  and  a  singular  natiini  not  to  adhere  lo  il.  Tiie 
ancients,  could  tli  y  have  wilnesiied  this  vacillnliiig 
leiideiicy,  this  change  of  systems  willunit  an  ob- 
ject and  without  a  cause,  this  perpetual  recurrence 
lo  ex  'rimciit  after  the  t'ull  eslablishment  and 
pnictical  conformation  of  a  soniul  hvptUhesis, 
would  have  said  that  the  Gods  were  making  jday- 
ihiiiirs  of  the  children  of  men.     They  would  have 

'  applied,  with  emphasis,  the  line  of  Planlns, 
"  l-:niaivcie.  l)i  iios  qiiasi  ailiis  llniniiics  hub.'iil." 
If  precepts  arc  thrown  away,  if  reason  be  uller- 
ed  10  inattentive  ears,  and  ihe  sad  lessons  of  a  dis- 
astrous and  jvtinfnl  experience  are  lost  upon  us, 
if  patriolisin  speaks  trunipel-tonirued,  and  wisdom 
whispers  her  admonitions  in  vain,  il  i.i  cMraorili- 
nary  that  the  mere  contagion  of  vivid  evample 
should  fail  to  involve  ns  in  iia  attractive  iiitluence, 
Indeed,  an  awkward  altempt  is  urircd  to  adopt  ihe 
new  policy  of  another  iialion,  wliei.-  llie  circum- 
stances of  the  two  eonniries  are  altogether  dill'er- 
ent,  and  the  incentives  of  public  sentiment  and 
wise  forbearance  which  are  rinised  by  an  irresist- 
ible im[nilse  in  the  one,  have  no  similar  int»tive  or 
object  in  the  other.  Where  lliere  is  an  absence  of 
pariicularpronipliinr,  ilial  imitaiive  tendency  of  ihe 

;  iuimiin  race  is  llie  insliiiclive  indiiccmciit  lo  all  ol' 
our  habits  ijid  most  of  our  principles.  Hut  where 
Ihe  motive  is  both  u'cnerons  and  just,  lil'c-preserv- 
ins:  to  ourselves,  and  a  duly  to  posicrily,  it  is,  il 
seems,  counteraclcd  and  more  than  neutralized  by 
a  vacuo  dream  of  iniairinary  wnnigs,  to  one  iior- 
tioii  of  the  people,  tiiKi  pret'erences  of  anotlier, 
when  in  truth  all  are  t  jiiatly  and  alike  cmitiMU- 
plaled,  and  none  are,  even  in  accidental  ri'siilts, 
(Miiilted,  but  tluise  who  refuse  to  participate  in  tin 
ipporlunilies  everywhere  alforded  and  iiowiiert 
denied.  Ihirdens  and  lilessings  bear  eipially  upon 
all  whoclioo.se  lo  share  tliein  when  tliey  are  iiro- 
vided  by  ireneral  law.  Xotliiin;  but  a  miraculous 
exempiion.  like  that  wl  icb  llie  poelsnscribc  lo  the 
altars  of  Venus  in  the  island  of  ('ypress,  on  which 
the  rain  is  said  to  abslain  from  I'alling,  will  suit 
the  morbid  sensibilities  of  an  irritated  and  jealous, 
but  really  i:nclligent  and  honorable  community. 

Look  ai  the  comluct  of  all  prosperous  nalions, 
and  say  which  of  them  has  not  at  snilable  times 
|irolecied  its  domesiic  policy,  and  |irolecled  it  with 
the  best  resulls.  Will  you  look  to  Ciii  at  Urilain  ■ 
Kven  at  this  day,  when,  in  most  ri'specis,  ibe 
irreat  ends  have  been  .■iltained,  her  disiiinjiiislied 
prime  minister,  as  it  has  been  juslly  said  upon  the 
spol,  is  too  prudent  to  sirain  protection  so  as  lo 
break  it  down;  but  he  is  convinced  **  of  that  fiin- 
damenlal  Irnili  that  there  can  be  no  safely,  much 
less  prosperity,  t'or  any  connlry,  but  in  the  enconr- 
a^jcnieui  and  dcvelopuicnl  ot'  lis  own  resources." 
Such  has  been  the  avowed  doclrine  of  his  coiiiilry 
for  nearly  two  hundreil  years,    '*  ,'\  new  nisciairse 

'  of  Trade,  by  .Sir  Josiali  Child,"  was  oriu'inally 
published  about  llie  year  Il»7t).  The  edition  of 
ITTfi  has  upon  its  title  pnije  ibis  inscription;  *  The 
'  Trade  and  Navijration  of  Great  Hritain  consider- 

I  *eil:  showintr  that  the  surest  way  for  a  nation  to  in- 
'  crease  in  riches  is  li.  prevent  the  importation  of 
'such  foreiiTii  commodities  as  may  be  raised  dt 
'  home;  that  this  kingdom  is  cnpabli!  of  raising 
'within  ilself  and  its  colonies  materials  for  em- 
'  ployin«:  all  cnir  poor  in  those  mannfaclures  which 
'  we  now  import  fivun  such  of  onr  neighbors  who 

'  '  ret'usc  the  admission  of  ours." 

This  was  followed  bv  a  ealaloijne  of  others  of 
like  import.  The  lit'ih  edition  of  lln^  once  well 
known  publicalioii  of  .Joshua  (lee  bears  dale  IT.Ml. 
It  was  emulated  in  17(i7,  by  the  publication  anoiiy- 
;uoiislv  of  "  The  pre-Jciil  stale  of  (Jreal  Hritain  and 
North  America  with  reiard  lo  Airriciiliuie,  Popuhi- 
tio.i.  Trade,  and  iM:,iiiifiiciiires;"  and,  in  177-.',  by 
"  Political  ICssays  concerning  the  pres, 'lit  stale  of  llie 
Hrilish  JMiiftire."  That  connlry  has  ii.'ver  ceased, 
by  these  and  oilier  means,  to  develop  her  resources, 
and  lo  prolecl  her  especial  ell'nis.  She  has  never 
abated  in  ardent  and  sirennous  exertions  for  llie 
purpose,  except,  when  satisfied  that  her  own  lueaa- 


ure  of  proteelion  was  full,  she  could  well  spare  of 
her  abundance  lo  relieve  hiaself,  and,  by  the  force 
of  an  aiiraclive  e\aiuple,  to  check  the' rivalry  of 
other  nalions. 

Or  will  yon  look  to  the  great  continental  league, 
the  commercial  '/oll-Veivin,  the  ('usioms-llinon, 
which  now  embraces  eighl-and-twenly  niillioiis  i>f 
people,  and  is  in  progress  of  iingmenialion  ?  The 
IciidiiiL;  oniiciples  of  that  wise  confederacy  ar; 
ideiililicd  Willi  those  which  have  long  disiins;n'ished 
Ihe  proleclionists  of  these  United  Slates.  Oar 
infinite  ndvaimiito  consists  in  the  comlniialiini  of 
political  and  social  wilh  mercaniile  and  inanufac- 
luriiig  allinity.  Hoth  alike  einleavor  lo  promote  « 
eompetitioii  of  the  Innue  with  ''orei;;ii  imhislry,  by 
nieansof  protective  duties  for  lue  support  of  ilu'firi'. 
mcr.  'nifiiaimalfaciliialin:;  by  e.greemeni  wliai  irc 
accom|ili.s1i  hy  consliliilional  law— interior  liaih — 
in  the  removal  of  cusloms  bciween  ihe  .'<lales;  and 
/i(i//i  n.sire,  ,iiid  lliiii  have  allained,  the  free  imporla- 
liini  of  raw  materials  for  the  domesiic  manufacture. 

Thus,  oilier  nalions  liavi'  gone  on  to  prosper  by 
means  so  obvious  and  l*ull  ot'  benefits,  or  they  are 
now  ell'ectually  slnviiig  lo  redeem  their  time.  In 
a  recent  speech  in  the  Hrili.-sh  House  of  Peers, 
Lord  Slauley  enunierales.  in  ]>roud  encomium,  the 
countrii's  (iiichnlini;  all  lliat  have  had  tiie  ability 
to  avail  themselves  of  il)  where  protection  has 
been  wisely  and  beneficially  resorled  lo.  How 
soon  it  may  be  our  lot  lo  fori'eit  lliis  applause,  ihis 
ilav 'siloing  may  l';il;illy  demonstrate.  It  is  now 
asserted  here  as  a  principle,  that  no  duty  is  lo  be 
laid  for  proiection — in  terms  "  that  no  duly  be  uii- 
'  posed  on  any  arlicle  above  the  lowest  raie  '.iliich 
'  will  yield  the  largest  amount  of  revenue,"  and 
that  only  "below  such  rate  discriniinalion  may 
be  made,"*  iS:c..  If  political  economy  were  like 
mathematics,  an  exact  science,  we  might  possibly 
ascertain  that  lowest  dejith  bej'ond  which  a  lower 
deep  is  to  be  found.  If  supply  and  demand  are 
both  literally  inexhaustible,  the  more  ycai  can  im- 
port at  (III!/  rale  of  duly,  however  low,  the  larger 
will  be  the  amount  of  revenue.  If  eilber  supply 
or  deinaiid  be  limiicd,  as  in  the  nalinc  of  things 
they  must  be,  however  wide  the  limit  of  each,  voii 
caunol  possibly  determine  "the  lowest  rate  which 
will  yielil  llie  larjesl  amount  of  revenue."  li  ile- 
pciiibi  u|ion  tlu^  wauls  of  the  inip(M'linir  connlry, 
and  the  power  of  ihe  exporliiig  connlry,  lo  meet 
them;  and  these  not  only  perpelually  vary,  from 
causes  as  irrc;;ular  as  il:e  caprices  of  liishion,  but 
by  till'  rediiiidanciis  of  one  seu.^on  pioiluce  d.'fi- 
ciencica  at  die  uesl,  and  ricf  I'ci'.'iii.  Your  princi- 
ple is  therefore  absolutely  impracticable.  Von 
cannot  approach  ila  exercise,  except  by  f  amiug  a 
new  larilf  mice  a  nioiilh;  ami  then  you  uoisl  lie 
guided  by  viii;iie  and  wild  conjecture. t  What  is 
"the  lowest  r.ite  which  will  yield  the  lar!,'est 
amount  of  revenue  •"  It  cannot  be  ascerlaiiied  in 
fi;rures.  Il  is  menly  speculative.  I'esides,  it 
cannot,  under  any  circumstances,  operate  prolecl- 
iveiy.  I'rolrctiiui  and  llie  Imml  ri'i'iniif  /i»ii(  are 
correlative  terms.  Di.si'riminatioii,  ill  the  well- 
uinlerslood  mean iiig  of  llie  word,  cannot  be  applied 
to  the  lowest  rale  of  reviiiuc  duly.  The  descend- 
ing scale  is  already  eyhausleil.  No  room  is  left 
for  a  lower  gradnaliini.  The  vocabulary  of  mini 
tiers  airords  no  approprialc  term,  111  the  aulhori- 
tative  avowal,  llieri'foie,  that  ili.-icriniiiiatioii  in 
favor  of  the  ma-mfaeiurers  should  not  be  made  by 
diiiies  above  ihe  lowest  levi'iine  limit,  (Treasury 
report,  p.  Ill,)  it  is  aniionnced  that  no  di.scrimiim- 
tioii  whalever,  iiieideiilal  or  oilier,  will  be  made  in 
their  behalf.  It  is  impossible  that  il  shniild  be, 
according  lo  these  dou'inas;  for  llie  moment  the 
least  possible  faMuable  ell'i'Cl  is  produced  by  a 
dLscrimimiting  duty,  il  censes  to  he  at  the  lowest 

*  Ainneil  lejiiirl  at  llie  .tccrcmry  of  IIh'  Treiimiry,  piiiie  4. 

I  See  ilii'  "  lli'iinrl  111  a  Ciiiiiliiillre  m  the  Iniii  aiiil  t'niil 

A-siicial Il    llic  .■'lull'  of  relili''JlMUilil,"'  l'liil.'iili'l|illin, 

isiii.  iiiiu'c  III;  ".■^lieeilieidilii'Klin'lfl b  clii'ck  which  HI' 

'  hiive  iniiiii  liiuiil  iiiiil  pirjiirv,     .Aliiiiiihui  Ihiiii,  anil  ym. 

•  hllve  illcellllllb  liro-llilli'd  Ihe  Iniile.  lUliI  |illici'il  IH  ililne 

'  Iv  III  Ihi'  hllliil"  111  llli-iTM|illliilH  lnreliilii'r«.      Itlll  lei  'li  -ee' 

•  lliov  thi»  ml  viiliiiiiii  iliilv  will  wiirk:  hi  .lime,  Is-M.  hiu 
'  Iriiii  ill  lliii'liiiiil  «M«  £~  the  Inn.  anil  in  Jniiiiiiry,  IsM',.  ilie 
,1 ivv-  ill   li.r  I. ,11,  null    II   fell   Ihe  ^Mllli'  yeiir  In  i.'lll. 

•  Itl  ls-':i  llllil  l-;r.  Ihe  hi.jhi'-t  l|llnl,-innn  WIIH  .I'll.  Hhlle  III 
1  [>■:>!  II  1.  II  111  A' I  l,'.i.  Ill  .liliie.  ISII,  Ihe  price  WHS  A'ti,  In 
■   \|inl.  L'!ll,K..,hill  iT  l,V.,inMlilil)e|iihir  A'S  l.-i,,.,  Dii'i'iii- 

'  hir  i.'la.     'I'lins  11  "ill  I"'  ■" Ilnil'  ni  l^'W,  '■"<  \<"'  cent, 

'  iliilv  wniilil  liiivc  iiniili I  ■sii  SI  |,cr  mil.  while  In  lliciiii 

(  her.  IS'll.  il  wiailit  tliivt!  heeii  4l-i  -til.  iiiiil  ill  Jdllllinv,  IHV>,'i, 

'li'Hi  Hi." 


29tii  Cono...' 

fevenuc  liit.it,  and  i 

tiling  might  have.  1 

(ewer  words.    Tliif 

o,ui  be  accounted  to 

theories  which,  rel'u 

lion  of  fa<''«i  i""^'" 

posilioii   that  wage 

''by  any  ratio  wh 

(pages,)     It  were 

fixiy-eight  interro 

meiit,  one  had  beei 

replies  to  No.  14  c 

they   are  pe.rmiltei 

111  all  other  emplo; 

than  in  those  of 

HO  elo,se  at  lian'l 

easily  lie  aBccrtaiii 

lias  been  received 

me  reli'ginusly  bel 

verified,  that  wag 

greatly  augmenle 

report  'isclainis  I 

dice;  bill  who  do 

last  to  acknowled 

ihiK  foe  to  arguni' 

iruib,  who  are  in 

to  account,  by  di 

ibe  raw  malerial 

i-ipial  rates  of  tin 

liiniself  into  an 

shell  as  the  large! 

told,   bad  an   av 

Asiatics  conside 

il  has  been  callei 

of  Persia  ileiiiei 

the  l''rcncli  had 

lis  Holland  had 

Krance  in  the  G 

When  Rcouii 

il  is  siiming  a'. 

she  does  not  de 

the  omis.sion  e 

heiided  of  coiil 

Switzerland   is 

(be  owners  are 

explore,  lest   t 

should  be  eiida 

of  Itrazil  prob 

diamond  beds 

found  which  W' 

of  the  crown. 

extent  and  va 

within  itself  a 

there  ia  no  a| 

slumber  over  I 

regions  which 

let  the  Goveri 

steady  and   li' 

the  fiitnre,  as 

Willi  every  s| 

them  to  supi'l 

For  the  sake 

regions,   wbe 

every  baud  i 

for  mastery  i 

inipedinien's 

will  eiiliance 

llucliiatiiig  a 

eiicoura;;eim 

by  extending 

u'oii,  and  yoi 

est  dreams  o 

I  will 1 

have  been  lu 
in  the  olnm 
even  ihe  m 
niiisl  ackiio' 
perishable  c 

,s(f(Il/l/  flM!l'" 

glorious  III! 
cultivating, 
practical  e! 

•'I'hr  inulc 
Kullcri'il  ciiile 
lies  111  IKlsii 
Uii'  ilnly  "a  1 
li.isi'il  hy  the 
ipnuiuly  "1  a 

lllillis  .Il   I'CMI 

ili'Ipliia  WHS 
liaeiaii  eiml 
,,,.,11  111  nmtl 
the  price  111 
Hiid  llie  liirci 


1346.) 


aOrn  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Tariff— Mr.  J.  R.  Inffcmoll. 


If  93 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


i)r>, 
I  of 
I'll. 
Iiii'^ 
liP'l 
|);ir 
m  of 
I'm  - 

1 1!   ,« 

Jl'V 

■lir. 
I  icr 

I'liiil 
li'iii- 
lirr. 

M'.v 

aip 
In 

IcrH, 
I  lie 

llilV 

lla^l 

low 
iIjik 


revenue  lirr.il,  mid  imiHt  lip  r(;[i('iilc(l.     Tlifl  nninfi  | 
lliiiiR  iiiitflil  hnv<^  lieeii  miiil  innrn  liilc'llii;il)lv  in  i 
(pwcr  words.    'I'liis  "  prini'i|ili,"  nn  il  in  cnllpd,  j 
run  l'«  tti'r.ountrd  for  only  hy  ii  iin't'.onciMvrd  w.l  of  j 
iliporie.s  wliicli,  rrfiii<in<;  to  yjriil  lo  llio  diMnonsirn- 
noii   of  farm,  incoriioialc   iiiiion;;  tlicnim'lvtM   llie 
pDHttion   lliiil  wdi^cH  nf  tiilior  wrri;  not   inrrcir^cd  j 
"  liy  miy  riKio  wimlrvnr"  liy  llir  liuill'  of  IHIU,  | 
(|m(;e  8.)     It  wiTc  lo  bi;  wi.slud  lliiit,  iinioii);  ilic 
Hixly-ciftlit  intcrroi^atorirs   i.^^.tofil   liy  tlir   l)i'|i!irt-  ; 
iiiL-nt,  one  luid  liccii  diri.'itlcd  to  thin  jioinr,     'I'lit;  { 
ri'pli™  lo  No.  14  roinc  iih  near  to  tin-  olijiM't  i>h  ] 
llicy   an;  {innilttc  (I   to  do,  and  show   llial   wa^cs 
Ml  all  otlit'r  ('in|iloynii'nlH  in  tin;  iMniittry  iin^  lower  , 
than   in   iIioho  of  iiiainifuctiirin!;;.      hiforniation  in 
Nil  clo.M'  at  hand  almosi  ovi'rywhciT,  that  it  can  l 
I'asily  In"  iiHci'iianii'd  wiu'thi'r  llin  asHiiranci'  wliirli  i 
has  liccii  reri'ivt'd  from  varioiiH  iiuartrr.i,  and  in  l»y 
iiiti  r('li<;ionsly  hrlifvrd,  nii'^hl   not    lir   iiiiivcrNaMy 
vrnfii'd,  that  wa;;i's,  in  nlnriiiu;  tiiilh,  havr  lii'fii 
sjicatly  anjjnicMUid   by  Ihr   larilP  of  lSld.»     'I'lic 
report  'iselniiiiH  for  itself  the    iiillnenie  of  prejn- 
illee;  bill  who  does    not   know  llial    lliey  ari^   the 
lasl  lo  acl<imwli'd»c^  or  to  perei'ive  the  llnaldoni  of 
tills  foe  lo  arsiiinieni,  reason,  and  the  iliseoverv  of 
trnih,  who  are  iix  lillnde.xt  vietinis.*     It  \x  diHienll 

10  aeeonnt,  by  deduelioiiH  from  reason,  for  |  iaeina; 
llie  raw  niiilerial  and  the  mainifaeiiiied  arliele  at 
equal  rates  of  duly.  The  snail  does  not  reason 
bnnself  into  an  iimt'  letive  saMst'iictiitn  widi  bin 
shell  as  tiic  lar^^esl  of  paliK'es,  Ijoiiis  XIV,  we.  are 
told,  had  ail  aversion  lo  u  rose;  whiU*  eerlain 
AsialicH  eiinNJiler  mrafiliilii  (llic  stcrcus  ilialiiili,na 
it  has  been  ealled)  ti  delirious  perfiune.  The  Kin^ 
of  I'ersia  lienied  ibc  possibility  of  ihn  fael  thai 
the  Kteneli  had  gained  a  victory  over  the  Diiteli, 
as  Holland  had  lei|  veH.sels  to  one  for  those  of 
l-'raiii-e  in  the  IJiilf  ,>f  Ornnis. 

When  H  eomilry  is  po.-iseHsed  nf  rieli  resources, 

11  is  simiiinr  ai;.inist  the  deerees  of  I'rovidenee  if 
ulie  does  not  develop  llieni.  Nolliiiii;  can  exeiise 
tilt:  omi.'-.sion  exeepl  a  d«ni;er  soinetinieK  apiire- 
liended  of  I'liiillieling;  with  a  pnramonnl  poliey. 
Switzerland  iu  said  to  have,  mines  of  i;old,  wliieli 
the  owners  are  forbidden,  by  Hitmpinary  laws,  to 
explore,  lest  the  simple  hiiliils  of  Ihi:  Repiiblie 
should  be  endaniiered.  The  Imperial  (lovernment 
of  Itra/.il  pi'ohildls  a  seareb  into  eerlain  supposed 
diamond  Ijcda,  because  ii  bri^liler  j;eni  ini^'ht  be. 
found  which  wiailil  eclipse  the  yet  unrivalled  jeweJH 
of  ihe  crown.  In  our  favored  land,  which,  liy  the 
4'Xtenl  and  variety  ol'  ils  resources,  may  become 
within  itself  an  independent  and  a  teeniim^  world, 
there  is  no  apolo^'y  for  an  iiifalnalion  ihiil  winild 
fliinilier  over  llieni.  Kor  the  sake  of  ibose  fertile 
rei;lonH  which  abound  in  prodiielions  of  the  soil, 
lei  the  Governmenl  eonlinne  lis  uniform  course  of 
Hteady  and  liberal  eneonra^einenl.  Aid  them  in 
the  Intiire,  as  you  have  done  w'i.sely  in  the  past, 
willi  every  species  of  leirislalion  that  may  enable 
llieni  lo  supply  Ihe  markets  of  the  liabiiable  i;lol)e. 
l''or  the  sake  of  those  less  prolific,  but  still  happy 
rei:ions,  where  every  slone  is  iron,  and  where 
every  liaiiil  is  ready  lo  be  liardejied  by  .•■■iniiri:liii}; 
for  inasnry  ovi'r  the  seeii!'."^'  but  not  i  isiipeiable 
iiiiiiedimeiiis  of  naluie,  and  «  here  unwearied  labor 
will  niliaiice  iier  jiifls  ti  ihou.'iand  fold,  stay  your 
(Incliiatini':  and  ejipncious  course  of  laws,  aive 
eiieournuemeni  lo  hope  and  eonlid"iire  lo  exertion, 
by  exieiidin;;  pernianence  mid  stability  lo  protec- 
tion, and  you  will  perpeinale  in  reality  ilie  briglit- 
esl  dreams  of  national  felieiiv. 

I  will  nol  pursue  lUliir  familiar  nr'_'innenis  which 
have  been  ur:;ed  a  ihousaiid  liiiies.  'I'iiey  are  found 
iu  the  oliMous  ailvtiiila!;e.s  of  a  limnr  iiiiiiliil,  which 
even  ihe  inosi  devoled  discjphs  of  Adam  .Smiih 
inusl  acknowledge  to  be,  especially  for  heavy  and 
perishable  coiumodilies.  Ih  Iter  lliaii  all  others;  of 
slfuilij  fnifihtftiiif  III  and  /ir^'-'<  wuixi'^:  ot'  sLmiilaliie.;  a 
glorious  tmutittitni  in  all  tin;  usifitl  arh  ot'  lifi-;  of 
iiillivatitif;,  by  means  id'iiii'r/t<nuciif  industry,  the 
practical   exercise  of  UrjivMiritn  iiiiiicijilis;  of  af- 

*'l'lii'  iriiilcia  coiU.  biicH  llic  report  iihciuly  citeil,  iiiijjt;  ^o, 
suttcri'il  ciirlter  tlniii  llic  iron  triule  liy  Ihe  redlletjun  ofdii- 
IIC!)  Ill  |S:iH  Ilial  IH:KI.  iiikI  Wiir'll.'i  )iI\  alti  iMr-iliil  a  time  when 
the  tiuly  on  loreiua  ro.il  witn  iniicli  hiiilicr  Ihiiii  thtil  jiro- 
lio^f'd  liy  llic  lull  how  rcpoilcil  lo  r')nure>H.  In  I^IO  llii! 
ijiiiiiitily  111  iiiitliriieilc  eoiil  licnl  lo  niiirkcl  I'roni  all  Ihe  rc- 
uioii-i  ot  rcnnsylMiniii  imim  S'i.'i, II I  iimh;  itic  price  III  Phihi- 
ilcliitiia  wiiN  0",  .'ill;  Hu^es  were  .■$.',  to  .*ii  per  week,  iind  the 
loieiiiii  eiiiil  oiipoiled  llt>i,(lt{7  Ions,  la  IH-I.'i,  iht>  ipinntily 
hcnl  111  laiifkcl  I'roni  tlie  runic  ri-iiiiiiiM  wim '.Ml-ilinn  Ioih; 
llic  price  ill  I'liiliidclphin  ,<t:i  .VI ;  wii'.'c«  *s  f)  ijlU  per  week, 
Had  liii.'  I'orclijn  cual  iaipottuil  tVi,T7li  Diii', 


fordinjj  opportunity  to  every  nprrirs  nf  emj)loiinuut 
ai'cordina;  to  the  Insles  and  tendeneieN  of  men;  of  j 
Kivinp  boundless  scope  lo  f|i«n/f;ifcii'.?(i/'offii;m(ion,  1 
j  as  alrendy  liiinely  exhiliili'd  in  the  use  nf  freights  j 
I  for  Irmisporiiiif;  Jainrslic  »iniiii7'«f(ii>'f.'i  to  fmriian  '. 
I  jwrh,  and  in  the  mi//i»ii.i  ofliimi  nfcmtslen  employ- 
;  ed  in  ihe  runt  trade  alone.      In  a  word,  lliese  argil-  1 
j  meiilN  are  found  over  ibe  whole  surface  of  a  smi-  i 
ling  hind,  which   Americans  may  prouilly  exhibit  \ 
I  as  a  living   proof  of  l!ie  benelils  of  a   proleelive 
I  policy — aslliefellow-citizensof  Loren/ode  Medici,  i 
in  gratefol  reineinbranee  of  him,  declared  all  I'lor-  j 
;  eiice  to  \tr,  his  monnnieni.  ' 

Then!  i.s  one  fiindamenlal  error  in  ihe  proposed 
selienie,  which   reipiires  deliberate   alleiilion.      If,  < 
according  to  the  nolioii.s  of  the  most  fiicelimis  for- 
eign  iinlilieation  of  liie   day,  ink  eoiild   lilusli,   it  , 
wonlil  find  its  dark   mirrace   reddening  at   the   ex- 
i  liibilion  at  this  lime  of  an  enure  syslein  of  wl  ml-  j 
'  /eiYmdulicH.     There  is  nothing  in  the  wide  world 
I  like  it.      Il  has  certainly  llie  charm  of  singularily. 
:  Il  will  not  probably  be  i^oiiig  loo  far  lo  say,  that 
j  »it  ralnre.in  iluliesnrn  coiidemned  by  the  experienci! 
and  judgment  of  every  disitiieresled  practical  man. 
If  a  merchant  can  be  found  of  any  polilical  parly 
j  who  does  not  hold  up  his   hand  against  them,  he 
i  will  be  llie  first  lliiil  it  liiiH  been  iiiy  fortune  lo  meet 
j  al'ler  much  iiii|iiiry. 

I      With  wliioii  did   the  deparlment  consult  for  the 
j  benefit   of   piaclical    inforiniilion  .'     The   answers 
I  annexed  to  ihe  annual  report  manifest  llie  prnprie- 
j  ty  of  .ipecifie  dutli.'s,  and   (he  iiiadeipiacy  lo   their 
purposes  of  those  of  a   did'erent  character.     U(!- 
Hpeelnble  gentlemen    from    the    ciistom-honse  are 
undeiHtood   to  have  bicii   conferred  with.     (If  all 
rcspiM'table   men,   this  class   is   tin?  via-y  last   that 
might  be  expecled  to  give  unbiassed  advice.     As 
the  law  usually  stands,  and  then  stood,  f/nj/are  Ihe 
informers,   who   sbaie    with    llie   (lovei-innent    in 
fines,  penalllcs,  and  forfeilures.     An  arlicli'  is  im- 
ported, woollen  clolb,  fin  example,  requiriiiggre'at 
'good   judgment  in  Ibe  ap|n'aiser,  invoiced  by  Ibe 
,  purchaser  at   ten   sliiM    'u^s   per   yard.     A. similar 
I  parcel  i.s  imporled  from  Hie  maker,  fiiirly  invoiced, 
\'  al  seven  shillings  the  yard.     The  Intler  is  siispect- 
'■  ed,  sei/cd,  and   valued  by  ibe   officer  al  len  sliil- 

■  lings.  If  ibe  ownio-  be  nol  conli'iiled,  he  calls  in 
\  appraisers,  who,  |irobiilily,  under  llie  circiimslau- 
I  ces,  will  atiopi  the  ollicers'  valuation.  To  the  leu 
I  Hbillhigs  vabialion  add  .5U  per  cent,  fin*  fiilse  in- 
,  voce,  mid  fifteen  shilliitirs   is  the  price  on  wliieli  a 

y  duty  is  paid,  instead  of  ten  sbillings,  Ihe  appraise- 
menl,  or  seven  Hliillings,  the  actual  cosi.     ()iie-lialf 

|i  of  Ihe  penally  belongs  ordinarily  to  llie  informer. 

';  It  is  true  thai  the  third  seciioii  ol'a  bill  iiitroilneed 
,  on  the  yotli  of  .lai.uary  last,  provides  that  no  por- 

:  lion  of  the  additional  duties  *'sball  be  deemed  ainte, 
*  penally,  or  forfeilure,  »'or  the  purpose  of  being 
'  dislribuled  to  any  olliecr  of  the  ciisloms;  but  the 

!  '  whole  amount  ll'.i'rcof,  when  received,  shall  be 
'  iniid   diri'cily   into    ihe    tri'asiiry."     y\t    least   as 

[   miieli  mischief  is  done,  and  lns.'j  siislaiiieil,  by  this 

■  repeal,  as  might  have  been  llire.ilened  bv  llie  re- 
'    jecled   law.      A  siiong  iniluceimnl  lo  vi^ilal.ce  on 

the  pari  of  the  ofiicer  is,  by  a  very  doubtful  policy, 

wilhdrawn.     Omissions  in  eMimine.  and  uiiKkilfiil, 

-careless,   or   even    corrupl   ajipraisemeiils,   where 

'  lliey  may  oceasinnally  be   resorli'd  lo,  will  be  the 

conseipience,  and   a  more  widely  spread    mi.schief 

and  loss  of  revenue  will  ensue.     S] iijc,  duiies  mi 

these  very  woollens  would  obviate  ibe  e\il.  ,Spc. 
cil'v  the  number  of  jiir.i  lo  the  scpnirc  inch,  for  the 
«ake  ol'tesling  the  fineness  of  lliir  ijitalilv,iind  then 
deleriniiie  the  weight,  and  yon  have  an  niiernng 
Niandard  fiir  ,'ipecilic  diilies,  varyuii;,  by  these  in- 
grcclienlM  of  qnaliiy  and  weight,  from  the  coaisesi 
baize  lotlie  finest  broadeloib. 

If  practical  men  have  comb  niiied  nd  valoreiii  du- 
ties, iiilclbgeiil  and  unprejudiced  heads  of  deparl- 
nieiils  I.ave  iiiixionsiy  com'urred  in  ihe  condemiia- 
tion.  Consiill  .a  siiccf^ssion  of  .Seen  laiies  of  ihe 
Treasury,  whose  political  fiiilli  will  nol  be  siis- 
piMled,  and  whose  elear-sigliiidiicKS  is  equally 
iinqueslionablc.  Mr.  tiallalin's  report  of  Di'cein- 
ber  Iri,  18U1,  (American  Klale  l'a|iris,  riiiame, 
vol.  I,  page  7(U,)  speaks  Ibiis:  ••  Wilhoiil  any 
'  view  bi  an  increase  of  revenue,  but  in  ordi  r  lo 
'guard,  as  far  as  possilde,  aoaiiist  the  value  of 
'  goods  being  inic'errated  in  the  invoices,  it  would 
'  be  eligible  to  lay  specific  duties  on  all  hucIi  arli- 
'  cles  MOW  paying  mi'ies  ail  riilorem  ii.s  may  be 
'  susceptible  oi"  tin.'  ulteralioii." 


In  like  manner  Mr.  Dnllns,  Kebrumy  IU,  IHIC, 
(American  tilnle  I'aperH,  vol.  .'),  page  !tl,)  reporls: 
"  Articles  imporled  toagreatHiiioiinlHliould  rather 
'  be  ehargeil  willi  specific  diilies  upon  their  wii^bt 
•  and  measure,  ill  order  to  guard  itgaiiiHl  i  v(isiom4 
'and  frauds,  limn  with  od  fn/omii  duties  on  their 
'  value." 

Mr.  Crawford,  January  20,    IHIH,  (American 

State   Papers,   vol.   ,'(,  Kinaiiee,  page   !J;)4,)  siiyH; 

"  It   is   eerlaiiily  priidenl   to  diininiNli,  as    far  iiH 

practicable,  the  lisl  of  iirliclea  paying  ml  ra/oicm 

tlulies."     He  then  furnishes  a  catahigne  of  vanou.i 

arlicles,  wliicli  he  reconimeiid!)  should  be  chaiiiied 

from  lilt  rii(oicmbiHpccifiecliiiies — .siicliiiH  bkinl.eiK, 

i  slockillg.s,   tinibrellas,  oils,   liailkeeliH,    nilliio^aliy , 

j  lealhiM-,  hats,  gloves,  drugs,  eolloii  lingging,  liaiid- 

1  kerchal'H,     iron    arlicles,   and    vessels,   Ac,    &e. 

;  About  a    Iwelvenioiiib   afterwards,  (l''eliruary    H, 

r  IKI'.I,  American  Stale  l'aper.s,  vol.  ,'i,  Kinaiice,  pagn 

[!  41,'i,)  Mr.  C^rawfiird,  in  obeclieiice  to  a  lesobilioii 

;  of  the  lloiixe  of  I!epri;seiiiative.s  of  ;.'lllh  of  April, 

I   |H|H,  submiLs  nmi|l-   .     isl  of  articles,  in  which  ho 

J  says,  "  the  pre^■    .i  «(/ ki/oiyiii  duties  arc  reduced  to 

a  specific,  fo     ,,  and  llir  s|iecific  duly  slaled,  which 

■  il  is  conceived  may  be  imposed  upon  iheiii  respee- 

livily,    e.oiisi.sleiitly    willi    the    pulilic    iiileresl."^ 

il  .\inoiig  Ihisn  me  caipeliiigs  and  silks,  in  ino«t  of 

I    llicir  varieties, 

'I  Ifany  circnmslKnees  had  occurred  since  the  dayn 
of  these  c.onimtinicalioiis  to  ea.sl  a  dilli  rent  light 
upon  till  subject  from  that  which  was  then  shed, 
!  by  precept  and  by  ilislinv:iiislied  names,  ihere  would 
be  some  excuse  for  aliruptly  selling  liolh  aside. 
Kvery  succeeding  year  has  opened  la-w  and  pow- 
erlid  Veaaons  for  abiding  iiy  lliem.  Al  the  lime  ihe 
rule  wan  laid  down  for  (Jongress,  which,  by  the. 
aeiion  of  this  House,  seems  about  to  be  implicilly 
oiieyed,  thai  "all  specKlc  duties  nIiouIiI  be  aboj- 
isi|id,niid  ad  valorem  duties  Hiibslilntcd  iu  their 
place,"  (lleport  of  .'Id  UecemlMir,  184;'),  page  4,) 
llii'  files  of  Ihe  dcparlinent  possessed  a  mars  of  au- 
Ihenlie.  evidence  confirming  the  judgment  of  huc- 
cessive  Secrelaries,  records  of  which  were  also 
within  immediate  reach.  Without  burileiiing  ihe 
car  with  many  of  ibise  recoideil  tcBlimonials, 
which  I  i-egret'lo  say  seem  lo  be  biile  known  ami 
1,'ss  valued,  although  nccessilde  lo  every  eye,  I 
will  stale,  by  way  of  example,  two  or  three  of 
tlieni.  A  gentlemaii,  |Mr.  David  LyoU;]  who /i»d 
hmi  formerly  twenly-five  years  deputy  naval  offi- 
cer, and  nine  years  deputy  collectm,  at  Ibe  port  of 
.New  York,  uniting,  iherefore,  the  bitiiefils  of  past 
experienci!  with  ii  tolal  exemption  from  exisiing 
bia.i,  bears  uneipiivocid  and  aulheiilic  eviiJenen. 
Having  given  an  unqualified  negative  to  the  inqui- 
ry, wbelher  il  was  po.ssible  to  levy  ad  vaiorcni 
'lulies  .so  H.s  lo  do  iipial  justice  to  all  descriplioiin 
of  importers,  ami  i;iiaril  al'aiiisl  evasions  and  frauds, 
be  is  asked,  "  What  iiasbeeii  the  cll'ect  of  our  sys- 
tem of  ad  vaiorcni  duties  iiiion  the  revenue  of  the 
Government  ami  llie  condiiion  of  Ameriian  incr- 
cliaiila  .'"  I  lis  annwer  is  siillicicnlly  iiupiessive  lo 
justify  ils  (|iiolalioii  lit  lenglli.  "  1  consider  (said 
'  he)  ibat  the  system  haa  induced  and  l"o.-(lered  the 
'  ciqudily  of  many  importers  systematically  lo  ini- 
'  ilervalue  the  cost  of  goodH  ill  their  invoices,  and 
'  Ibeieby  to  diminish  the  amount  of  revenue  in- 
•  lendedto  be  levied  by  our  laws.  The  eU'ect  upon 
'  American  iiierehaiil.s,  or,  iii  other  words,  which 
'  I  suppose  |o  be  your  meaning,  ihc  coii.seipicnce 
'  lo  ibe  honesl,  fiur,  ciinsciiiilions  merebaiils,  liaa 
'  been  to  drive  them  out  of  the  trade,  or  I'loiii  con- 
'  liniiiii:.'  to  be  impoilers  of  such  articles  as  the 
'  iiiiworihy  had  been  .successful  in  introducing  a'.ii 
'  valualioii  below  the  fiiir  foreign  value,  and  below 
'  wliat   llii;   liomsl   nicrclimil  could  proeuie  them 

1  (•,„. he  payiuu'  cash  on  the  delivery  of  the  goods 

'  al  Ihe  place  of  .shipment." 

He  proceeds  to  stale  his  belief  that  there  are  no 
safeL'iniids  against  friiudulenl  nndervaluiitions  that 
Wiiidd  be  piaclicalile  and  elt'ectiial  under  a  general 
ad  valorem  duly;  and  that  there  are  many  and  de- 
cided advanlages  in  favor  of  specific  over  ad  valo- 
ci  ni  dniies.  The  specific  mode  of  levying  duties, 
lie  iiifiirms  US,  insures  ilie  actual  revenue  iiileuded; 
it  destroys  the  iuceiilive  lo  fraud,  and  tak(;s  away 
Ihi:  adva'nlage  otherwise  loo  friqnenlly  gamed  iiy 
ihe  exercise  of  cuiuiiug  di.ssimulalion,  pievara;u- 
tion,  falsehood,  and  perjury.  It  OfieruleM  >i<i  ii  pre- 
veulive  lo  crime,  wlucli  is  morally  betlei  than  it.s 
,  detection;  mid  it  imluceH  the  importation  of  good 
lu  tides  instead  of  inferior  mid  worthless  ones. 


-m 


''■J' 


r.'if! 


1094 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  7, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Public  Linuh—Mr.  Dobbin. 


Ho.  OF  Keps. 


m6A 

29th  Cong. 


A  niemoiinl  lo  Congrcss,  from  "  i-eaiilent  Amcri-  i 
can  mi'rrliHiiis  in  I'mis,"  wns  sume  iiimu since I'nr-  | 
wni'fled,  nskins  for  Ihe  rsUiblisiinK-iii  of  ii  "  UirifT 
of  specific  dulics  similar  lo  lliose  of  Krancc,  Kn^- 
land,  or  Prrssiii."  They  suite  il  lo  lie  n  nolorioua 
facl,  and  well  known  to  ninny  of  ilic  nicMnoriulisis, 
that  houses  dealing  niosliy  in  iliyiioodn  arc  in  llie 
habit  of  8hi|>|iing  rases  of  fiiriiiiiire,  the  drawers 
andapertures  of  which  are  ofien  filled  with  wulclies, 
jewelry,  and  piece  miods,  timt  false  tickeis  are  at- 
tached to  the  goods,  and  true  ones  are  sent  forw  rd 
to  be  attached  in  the  wniehouse  of  the  importer. 
They  add,  that  they  are  informed  of  a  eoni|wny 
established  in  Paris  for  the  purpose  of  cither  smiij;- 
gling  or  passing  goods  into  the  United  States 
under  false  invoices,  for  which  servi<'ir  ihe  charges 
are  only  five  percent.;  and  they  call  tlie  attention 
of  Congress  to  the  fact  that  I'luropeim  maiuifie- 
turers  avail  tlicm.''clves  of  the  Anieriean  niarkcls 
by  shipments  of  surplus  inrnhandisc  invoiced 
much  below  the  real  value — a  fraud  that  couKi  not  1 
be  perpetrated  under  a  sy.stem  of  specific  duties, 
sucn  as  exists  in  most  of  thecoinnurcial  countries  j 
of  Europe. 

In  the  report  of  Mr.  Crnwftird,  already  referred  i 
to,  this  practice  is  dwelt  upon  of  sending  mer- 
chandise I'rom  Europe  on  account  of  the  foreign  | 
shipper,  in  a  mode  by  which  '•  the  honest  Amcri-  | 
can  merchant  is  driven  from  the  coniiietition,  and 
the  domestic  manufacturer  is  deprived  of  the  pro- 
tection which  was  intended  to  be  secured  by  the 
Legislature."     Mr.    Crawford   notices    the  l"ict, 
that,  with  the  mer<;liandise  sent  on  consignment, 
an  invoice  is  sent,  considerably  below  the  actual 
cost,  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  entry  and  se- 
curing  the  duties,  while  auoilicr  invoice,   :a  or 
above  the  natural  cost,  is  forwarded  to  a  dilferent  i 
person,  with  instnictioiis  to  take  and  sell  :!ie  goods  '■ 
by  it.     Nor  did  the  argument  used  at  this  day 
about  appraisements  and  the  utter  fniihty  of  them, 
escape  the  sagacitv  of  Sr"creiaries  of  the  Treasury 
then.     "In   those  cases,"  says   Mr.    Crawford, 
"  and  indeed  in  all  cases  where  the  rollector  shall 

•  suspect  that  the  invoices  are  fraudulent,  the  resort 
•to  appmisemenl,  aulhorized  by  law,  is  generally 
■  found  to  be  in  tavor  of  the  importer  and  ai;auist 
'  the  Government."  Nothing  is  mon^  vague  than 
whaliscalledau  appraisement.  "<;ioth.s  have  been 
•examined,"  says  an  experienced  person,  "in 
•open  court,  by  from  ten  to  twenty  witneiscs, 
'  each  conversant  with  the  value  of  the  goods,  and 
'  most  of  them  importers  of  similar  articles,  and 
'  yet  sc^ircely  any  two  have  agreed   in   their  esii- 

•  mate,  and  they  varied  from  three  to  ten  per  cent. 
'as  to  the  foreign  cost.  In  one  instance  they  va- 
'  ried  five  per  cent,  on  one  original  piece  of  cloth, 

•  which  had  been  cut  in  two  and  put  up  in  what 
'  arc  technically  culled  ends." 

I  may  state  lierc  that  the  opinions  of  Mr.  Galla- 
tin in  favor  of  specific  duties,  olFicially  pronounced 
five  and  forty  years  i-^o,  have  undergone  no  change. 
The  same  clear  inlellecl,  which,  in  its  meridian 
Btrcngth,  preferred  them  then,  in  iis  mellowed 
ripeness  approves  them  now.  While  he  has  very 
recently  said  that  he  was,  as  far  a.1  he  knows,  the  ' 
earliest  public  advocate  in  America  of  the  princi- 
ples of  free  Irade,  and  thai  he  has  seen  no  cause  to 
change  his  opinion,  he  will  not  couple  with  those 
principles,  ns  a  part  of  the  system,  a  prelVrci  ce, 
which  has  l^iund  favor  perliaps  lor  the  first  'iiiie 
now,  for  ad  valorem  duties.  On  the  contrar  ,  he 
declares  tImt  there  had  been,  lo  this  day, '.  con- 
Btant  eifort  on  the  part  of  Congress,  and  of  those 
who  ndministeiTil  llie  financial  department,  to  sub- 
stitute, whenever  it  was  pra-ticalile,  specific  duties 
for  ad  vahucpi.  Neither  invoices  nor  oaths  arc 
required  by  them,  and  all  attempt.^  to  defraud  ihc 
revenue,  unless  by  direct  siuuggliii!;,  becmnc  im- 
possible. They  arc  laid,  not  on  value,  bin  on 
quantity,  reipiirmg  for  a  faithful  exocutnni  nothing 
more  than  to  ascertain  tiie  amount,  weight,  or 
measurement  of  the  article,  an  oper.ition  eqaally 
easy  and  certain,  and  by  which  all  the  delays,  ex- 
penses, uifricullies,  and  litigations,  nliending  a  cor- 
rect valuation,  are  avoided,  l-'or  these  last  sug- 
gestions, and  others  no  less  valuable  on  <;ollat<:ral 
points,  I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness  and  wisdom 
of  Mr.  Gallatin. 

It  is  not  less  clear  that,  while  these  ad  vnloreni 
duties  open  wide  the  door  to  fraud,  and  thus  de- 
prive the  Gnvcrnmint  of  its  dues,  they  secure  n 
preference  to  the  foreigner  over  the  ciiizcn;  pro- 


duce needless  and  incnnveiiieiit  lluciuaiions  in  the 
receipts  nt  the  customhouse  upon  similar  extents 
of  importation;  hurtle  the  estimates  of  the  Depart- 
ment as  lo  coming  revenues;  greatly  increnso  the 
expense  of  the  revenue  systeiii;  introduce  an  infe- 
rior quality  of  goods,  anil  render  us  dependent 
upon  the  accidental  and  variable  prices  of  foreign 
markets  for  the  support  of  Government. 

It  needs  but  a  word  to  prove  the  advantage  given 
by  them,  even  to  the  honest  foreigner.  The  cost 
to  him  is  the  cost  of  manufaclure.  He  sells  to  an 
American,  who  purchases  for  iinpnrlaiion,  at  an 
eiilianccd  price.  Yet  the  two  come  together  into 
the  .\merican  market  on  terms  so  unequal  that  the 
citizen  must  abandon  the  lield;  for  the  foreigner 
who  has  sold  him  one  parcel  ol  goods  at  a  profit 
abroad,  undersells  him  with  iiiiolher  parcel  at  the 
same  dill'erence  here. 

If  the  most  recent  foreiirn  value  be  the  sum  on 
which  the  calculation  of  ad  valorem  ilnliesis  to  be 
made,  then  Mie  amount  of  duty  cbarsi'd  must  de- 
pend u|ion  the  caprices  of  a  foreign  market.  The 
wind  is  scarcely  more  variable.  Iron  which  sells 
at  Glasgow  ntilO  the  ton  Ihis  monih,  may  sell  for 
i'5  next  month.  Not  only  that,  when  the  price  is 
highest,  and  ii  should  iie  the  delight  of  ilie  Gov- 
ernment to  sol'ten  the  rigors  of  trade  by  making  thi' 
purchase  ns  easy  as  possible,  it  aL'gr.ivates  them  by 
an  enhancement  of  the  duty  and  the  price  together. 
These  Huetuaiions,  besides,  do  not  depend  upon 
the  intrinsic  value  of  the  ariicle,or  upon  imvalter- 
alicm  in  its  prime  cost,  but  upon  variaiions,  it 
may  be,  in  the  annual  crops  of  agricultural  pro- 
ducts, which  are  literally  governed  by  the  winds, 
or  other  incidenml  causes,  affecting  the  ratio  of 
supply  to  nciuhl  demand.  A  d'  ty  ad  valorem, 
thus  varying  with  those  lluciuaiions,  resembles  an 
inverse  aclimi  of  the  sliding'  scale  of  Ihe  British 
corn  law.  There  the  duly  becomes  less  as  the 
price  of  grain  is  L'r'ater.  Here  the  duly  ad  valo- 
rem on  any  article  becomes  more  and  more  ex- 
travagant and  burdensome,  as  goods,  nol  varying 
in  qualiiy  or  kind,  become  dearer.  In  proportion 
to  their  ilearmss  is  the  consumer  less  able  lo  pur- 
chase and  pay  for  them,  and  in  proportion  lo  his 
inability  to  pay  is  he  charged  by  iiis  own  Govern- 
ment wiih  a  higher  tax. 

An  estimate  of  future  proceeds  from  imports 
must  always  be  more  or  less  uncertain,  however 
neces-sary  a  coniputation.  By  comparim:  together 
the  wants  of  dill'erent  years,  and  the  supplies  ihnt 
have  been  found  to  meet  them,  a  proximate  e  ilcu- 
lalinn  can  fairly  be  made,  when  the  duly  bears  a 
fixed  proporlion  to  the  actual  extent  of  importa- 
tion. But  when  double  or  half  the  quantity  may 
be  imported  without  producing  the  slightest  effect 
upon  the  revenue,  or  when  the  jirecise  estimated 
quantity  shall  arrive,  and  yt  ihe  duties  shall  be 
one-half  or  double  the  amount  required  and  antici- 
pated, as  may  be  the  eases  when  ml  valorem  duties 
prevail,  everything  must  be  conf'usion  in  the  ex- 
clief|uer.  No  department  can  be  responsible  in 
such  case,  either  for  ihe  evils  of  a  redundant  treas- 
ury, or  ("or  the  scarcely  greater  ones,  of  inability  to 
meet  the  necessary  demands  upon  il. 

It  is  well  uniler.stood  that  the  practiie  of  valua- 
tion and  appraisement  liiis  become  greatly  more 
frerp,  than  formerly.  .At  a  period  when  llic 
rale  of  duly  was  low,  allhniigh  it  yielded  a  large 
proportionable  niuount  of  revenue,  as  prices  were 
ny  many  degrees  hi^'her  than  at  present,  ihere  was 
little  comparative  temptation  to  make  false  in- 
voii'es.  When  by  competition  denve.l  from  pro- 
tection jirices  tell,' the  rale  of  duty  was  necessarily 
irreater  in  orihr  lo  produce  the  same  revenue. 
Then  the  evil-disposed  importer,  by  lessening  his 
invoice  below  the  truth,  gained,  if  he  could  suc- 
ceed in  saving  duly.  Hence  the  nicfssity  of  viil- 
uations  nod  appraisements  as  inciilents  to  nil  valo- 
rem duties.  Compare  the  expenses  of  collection 
at  difTerent  peiiods,  and  the  reproach  for  extrava- 
gance iinpiiled  to  certain  administrations,  may  be 
mitigated  by  the  evidence  that  they  have  uri.scii, 
partially  at  least,  from  other  causes. 

Table  Vy  of  the  Treasury  Report,  p.  9.57,  ex- 
hibils  the  amount  of  duiics  for  fiveandlwenly 
successive  years,  the  expenses  of  collection,  and 
the  net  revenue  which  aimimlly  accrued.  The 
actual  expe  .ses  of  collection,  and  the  ratio  of  those 
expenses  to  the  revenue,  appear  to  have  more  than 
doubled  during  that  time. 

Take  an  annual  average  for  the  eight  iuccccding 


years  from  1822  to  1829,  and  compare  it  with  n 
similar  average  for  the  seven  p;id  a  half  suceccdin"- 
years  from  1838  to  1845,  and  the  result  will  be 
equally  striking  and  obvious. 


Average. 


li»jaiol83!l 
183810  liW 


Gross 
revenue. 


.•■j7.n:r;,(ioo 
"•.2i;ai;,ouu 


Net 
revenue. 


yJii 

-  '  =1?  =  = 


■i-JI,63T,0«Ui.SS-ir,l)(Hll(3  OB  M  84 
17,li:>4,UUtl|l,';ic,U0O|  7lj8l"9aj 


Every  descripiion  of  goods  is  susceptible  of  a 
specific  duty.     Some  arc  less  easily  nconciled  to 
it  than  others,  but  all  classes  may  be  brought  ad- 
vnnuigeously  within  it.     An  article  will  occasion- 
ally be  imiiorted  which  is  siii  ;;ciicra;  that  cannot, 
of  cour.se,   be  specifically  provided  for.     But  nil 
those  which  are  within  an  existing  course  of  trade, 
'  will  be  free  from  difficulty.      Urygoods  niipenr, 
i  from  the  great  variety  in  their  quafities,  to  present 
i  the  most  serious  impediment.     It  is,  however,  mily 
a  seeming  one.     Cottons,  for  example,  readily  aiU 
mit  the  rule  which  has  been  olrcady  suggested  with 
regard  b>  woollens.     Combine  Ihe  number  of  pus 
[  or  threads  to  the  square  inch,  with  the  number  of 
\  pounds  to  the  yard, and  make  a  given  adililion  for 
j  stained  or  jirintcd  goods,  and  you  have  a  never- 
failing  standard.      With  worsteds,  the  weft  and 
warp  in  the  square  inch,  and  the  weight  per  yard, 
will   allbrd   an  equally  available   rule.     Silks  are 
I  already,  with  entire  convenience,  arranged  by  law 
!  for  specific  duties.     If  the  amount  or  application  of 
]  them  be  in  any  particular  unacceptible,  the  details 
'  can  be  varied  without  alfecting  the  principle.     1 
speak  with  the  greater  confidence,  because  all  of 
these  exigencies  are  met  in  practice  at  the  custom- 
houses of  foreign  nations. 

Nothing  but  a  love  of  change,  excited  by  strong 
desires  to  overturn  the  work  of  political  opponents, 
can  account  for  a  tendency  so  fixed  towards  a  sys- 
tem which  reason,  experience,  the  judgmcnls  of 
wise  men,  and  the  strong  intuitive  perceptions  of 
practical  ones,  examples  of  legislation  in  all  other 
countries,  our  own  persevering  and  partially  suc- 
cessful efforts  in  the  past,  and  honesty,  economy, 
and  patriotism, unite  loudly  lo  condemn.  If  i.  iw  J 
been  merely  a  thingavoide'd  heretofore  by  ni.eclasj 
of  politicians  and  approved  by  another,  there  miglit 
be  simie  explanation  for  the  passionate  and  blind 
fondness  manifested  for  it  now.  It  has  been  re- 
jected by  all.  It  is  literally  spawned  at  this  day 
with  its  brood  of  evils,  in  the  same  ruthless  spirit 
whii'li  would  spread  a  pall  over  education  by  |)ro- 
hibitory  duties  upon  booKs;  and  would  blight  all 
induslrv,  ingenuiiy, enterprise, and  skill,  as  hateful 
excrescences  on  liie  f  rowth  and  prosperity  of  the 
country. 

THE  PUBLIC  LANDS. 

SPEECH  OF  Mil.   J.  C.    DOBBIN, 

OF  NORTH  r.vnoi.iNA, 

In  the  Hoi'SF,  OF   Rt;rRF.SEXTATIVES, 

.lulil  7,  1846. 
The  bill  to  graduate  the  price  of  the  Public  Lands 
being  under  consideration — 
!      Mr.  DOBBIN  said: 

Mr.  Cii.\ir>hn:  I  solicit  the  indulgence  of  the 
committee  while  1  briefly  submit  my  views  on  llie 
policy  of  the  Adiiiinistralion  in  reference  lo  the 
public  lands  and  the  tnrill'— blended  toirciher  as 
ihey  have  been,  particularly  in  the  grave  subject 
of  revenue  for  the  support  of  Ihe  Ciovernmcn.  - 
each,  perhaps,  exciting  a  more  intense  interest, 
and  occupying  a  larger  space  in  the  public  mind, 
tli.in  any  question  now  nKilating  onr  coiinli  ymi  n. 

Our  liovernment  presents  the  remarkable  spec- 
tacle of  a  wealthy  landholder— possessed  of  a  llioii- 
sand  millions  of  acres— periodically  convulsed  with 
excitement,  perplexed  with  dilficuliies,  embarrass- 
ed with  ennllicling  counsels,  ns  to  the  most  wise, 
most  equitable,  and  most  generous  mode  of  man- 
aging this  immense  domain. 

The  President,  recently  elevated  to  his  eminent 
station  by  the  sulTrages  of  Ihousauds  of  his  eoun-_ 
trynun,  has  informed  us,  in  the  Bolciim  form  of 


his  ofiicial  Message 

works  with  maiiile 

"  I'roiii  tlic  reennlH  • 

Ijinl,  (if  Uie  public  lu 

gliUO.1  «llil  Terrlt.irie.< 

Bcres  have  been  hi  tin 

iwciilv  venr* ;  4'.i,lilb,i 

73,071,IUW  acres  lor  l 

HL.ren  lor  niiire  tlinu 

of  ilicso  lands  will  ci 

mum  pi  M!  HI  wliicli  I 

nt  liir?e  tercitoriis  ol 

liortioris  have  mil  lici 

miirkct  liy  the  tJoveo 

BcUliiineul  of  Uie<e 

price  lie  snulinU-'il  iii 

rate— eoiihniny  the  f 

Hiiil  ciilUviilors  in  liii 

(luccil  ill  liiica  lor  a 

alter  the  e.v|iironou  i 

Icriii  to  lower  rales, 

purclinseH,  and  mm 

jiiiy  hiiilier  rnU'S,  coi 

their  fiiniilies.    11.V 

reiliiction  of  price,  I 

rcKl  v  line,  while  111 

from  the  iiiconveiiii 

sahjeclcct,  in  coasei 

to  own  liu-aii  ipiiui 

lionlirs,  not  liiihle  t 

((ovenimenlH." 

This  is  the  jii 

billing  in  its  cha 

of  Justice  to  the 

emijirent  and  ] 

home  i'   *.he  thn 

to  seek  .■.omiati 

and  verdant  hill 

Prudence  in  reii 

more  advantage 

taut  and  nncerl 

for  the  dignity 

which  should  i 

a  wasteful  pi  od 

erty,  nor  ussui 

cuhiting,  inisci 

the  profits — foi 

My  lumoral 

riiKNs,!  who  1 

expo.se  of  his 

graduation;  b 

one  dollar  an 

many  cases,  t 

soil  of  thcim 

rich  soil  of  ll. 

man  prolists 

tiou  as  not  < 

defective,  bee 

land  bus  beei 

the  gcnilcma 

impolitic.     & 

proposes,  ail 

is,  in  my  op 

praelica'.  slat 

chief,  totally 

species   of 

Hhould  be  v( 

that  the  vah 

price,    lllei 

ed,  that  uiii 

veyors  retu 

Mr.  Stki'II 

graduation 

would  it  be 

the  ireneral 

ploved,  urn 

luis  been  if 

nnd  speculi 

emigrant  i 

spiM'ulaior 

laud  whicl 

teen,  twen 

fair  and  ci 

high— iha 

the  purse 

with  ll";  ' 

chase  of  n 

Why   1 

policy — o 

tiiui,  and 

be  rejcde 

observnii 

thorough 

new  offic 

the   who 

with  swi 

or  laud  a| 


p, 


Ihn 

"be 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1095 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Public  Lands — Mr.  Dobbin, 


Ho.  OP  Reps. 


S4 

.'■» 

■2i 

ii 

f  U 

^ 

to 

^ 

ail- 

1 

on. 

lot, 

nil 

■  ? 

,(le, 

■f 

'HI-, 

?^ 

cut 
Illy 

* 

his  oiriciiil  Mcssiii;e,  lliat  the  present  land  system 
woi'kH  with  inuiiil'ctit  disadvuiitagu: 

"  Krcini  the  rociirilH  of  the  Goiienl  l.iiiiil  tlfflco  it  aiipeiirs, 
lliiii,  ol'  tilt'  public  laiulH  reinuining  uiihoUI  in  tlie  Heveriii 
BiHtus  and  Territ<irie.i  in  wliicli  tliey  nre  oituated.  :tU,lu5,&77 
luTHH  Itavu  bf  t'l)  in  tbc  market,  ftubjeca  to  entry,  more  tliiui 
tu'i'iitv  yi*ar^  ;  'llt,();ic*,(>'14  iirrrw  for  more  tlian  firteen  j-eara; 
;:l,ll7'>,liOU  aere.i  lor  more  limn  It'll  years ;  anil  liJA,176,Ulil 
H'Ti's  lor  more  than  live  yi'uri*.  Miieli  tlie  largest  portion 
or  itii'se  lands  will  rontinUM  In  be  linsiilealile  at  tile  mini- 
inltiii  pi  -e  at  wliicll  tlii'y  iiri*  p.'rmitli^il  1o  be  tiold,  ko  lonit 
as  lar<te  territories  ot'  land  from  tt'liicli  Mie  more  valunltle 
portions  have  not  been  seleeteil  are  anninilly  brouflllt  •:ito 
inarkt't  by  the  Cioverninent-  Willi  llic  vie<  /  to  the  r-iile  anil 
si'llleineot  ol'  these  inli'rior  lands,  I  reeoilimeoii  lliat  llie 
|irj''e  be  frrudiinted  and  ri'dileed  below  the  present  nilnliniiiii 
rate — eonlinini;  the  sales  at  the  reduced  priees  to  settlers 
and  enltivators  in  limited  (jiiantities.  If  firaduatod  and  re- 
ilueed  in  priee  lor  a  limited  term  to  one  dnlhir  per  acre,  and 
alter  the  expiration  ur  that  period  for  n  aceond  and  third 
ti-riii  to  Iniver  rates,  a  largif  portion  of  these  lands  would  be 
piirehased,  and  many  worthy  citizens,  who  are  unable  to 
pay  hiiiher  rates,  eoiihl  piirelnute  homes  for  themselves  and 
their  families.  Ily  ndoptiiii!  tlie  pnliey  of  i^raduation  and 
reduction  of  price,  these  Infi nor  lands  will  he  sold  Inr  their 
real  viliie,  while  the  Htates  in  which  they  lie  will  be  freed 
from  the  iiieonvenienee,  if  not  ininstiee,  I'o  which  they  are 
snhjerted,  in  conscipienee  of  the'l/nited  Htates  conlinuiitK  i 
to  own  larite  i|nantities  of  the  piiblie  laiidii  within  their 
liordiTs,  not  lialile  to  taxation  lor  tlie  support  of  tlleir  lociU 
Bovernineiiis." 

Tills  is  tlie  projet  of  the  Administration — com- 
biiiiiij;  in  il.s  rliaracler  tlie  cominendable  elements 
of  Justice  to  the  new  States;  Liberality  to  the  hardy 
emigrant  and   pioneer,  abandoiiiiif;  his  profitless 
home  i'   '.lie  thronged  cities  of  llie  older  setliements 
to  seek  .Miinpttciiey  and  I'.oiitentinent  in  the  fresh 
and  verdant  hills  and  valleys  in  the  "  Far  West;" 
i'liidence  in  realizinj,'  at  once  the  reasonable  price,  ■ 
more  advantageous  than  even  a  little  more  at  adis-  ! 
taut  and  uncerluin  future,  and  a  considerate  regard  •', 
for  the  dignity  and  reputation  of  the  Government,  |' 
which  should  neither  pursue  a  course  marked  with  ' 
u  wasteful  piodjgality  and  reckless  sacrifice  of  prop-  ■ 
cny,  nor  assume  the  undignified  attitude  of  a  cal- 
culating, miserly  land    speculator — thoughtful   of 
the  prolits — forgetful  of  the  people. 

My  honoraljle  friend  from  Georgia,  [Mr.  Ste-  Ij 
I'liK.Mii,]  who  has  just  enterlaincd  us  with  an  able  H 
expose  of  his  views,  frankly  admits  the  jiolicy  of 
giuilualion;  believes  that  the  present  niiiiimum.  of  i: 
one  dollar  and  twenty-fiie  cents  is  too  hip;li  in  ' 
many  cases,  too  low  in  others,  and  that  the  sterile  , 
soil  of  the  mountains  is  not  worth  as  much  ns  the 
rich  soil  of  tl.c  valleys.     But  the  honorable  gentle- 
man protests  ngaiiKst  the  proposed  mode  of  giadun- 
tion  as  not  only  wrong  in  principle,  but  totally  ; 
defective,  because  it  is  regulated  by  the  tiiii*  the  i 
land  has  been  in  the  market,  a  test  of  value  which  , 
the  gentleman  pronounces  unsafe  and  untrue  and 
impolitic.     Sir,  the  system  which  the  gentleman  i 
projiuses,  and  which.  1  have  heard  others  advocate, 
IS,  III  my  opinion,  mid  in  the  opinion  of  wiss  and 
joaciioal  slalcanien,  too,  fraught  with  infinite  mis- 
chief, totally  impracticable,  and  liable  to  the  worst  j 
species   of   fraud.     He    thinks   the   public   lands 
siioiild  lie  valued  by  surveyors  and  appraisers,  and  I 
that  the  value  ns  thus  reported  should  regulate  the 
price.    [Here  Mr.  Houston,  of  Alabama,  remark-  ' 
I'd,  that  under  the  present  sysiein,  the  public  sur- 
veyors returned   plats  and  reports  of  valuation. 
Mr.  Stkpiiens:  Then,  let  valuation   regulate  the 
graduation  of  the   price.]     Hut,  Mr.  Chairnian, 
would  it  be  possible  to  regulate  the  graduation  by 
the  ^Tiiernl  valuation  of  the  fi'W  oltieers  now  om- 
iiloyed,  uncontrolled  by  the  length  of  time  the  land 
lias  lii'i'ii  in  the  market,  and  rejeeipd  by  emi;;rants  ' 
and  spt'i'ulators  ns  worthless?     When  the  pioiiter 
eniiL'iant  and   the   sharp-sighted,   keen,  watchful 
spceulaior  refiise.i  to  purchase  at  present  prices 
land  which  has  been  oll'ered  in  the  market  for  fif- 
teen, twenty,  and  thirty  years,  is  thai  of  itself  not 
f'lir  and  convincing  evidence  that  the  price  is  too 
high — that  it  should  be  gradually  reduced  to  suit 
the  purse  of  the  poiner  laborer,  unable  to  compete 
with  the  more  independent  S|)eculator  in  the  pur- 1 
chase  of  more  choice  territory? 

Why  resort  to  the  policy — the  impracticable 
policy — of  valuing  each  territory,  district,  or  sec- 
tion, and  fiunrler  section?  If  the  test  of  (iiiit  is  to 
be  ii'jecleil,  and  the  policy  of  valuation  by  actual 
oliservaiion  adopted — in  order  to  make  the  reform 
thorough,  fair,  or  sensible — must  not  hordes  of 
new  otiicei's  necessarily  he  multiplied?  Will  not 
the  whole  western  country  be  literally  infested 
with  swarms  of  land  surveyors,  land  inspectors, 
or  land  appraisers,  penetrating  every  forest,  swump,  i 


district,  and  neighborliooil — too  often  ready  to  lend 
themselves  as  willing  instrumenis,  in  this  new-  : 
lauded  scheme,  to  regulate  their  valuations  tograt-  ; 
ify  the  wicked  suggestions  of  political  partisans, 
or  to  suit  the  purposes  of  friendship  or  enmity  ?  1 
Would  not  an  increase  of  Executive  patronage,  so 
often  the  theme  "f  political  orators,  bo  necessary 
to  carry  out  this  pii..i?     Is  not  our  land  system  at 
present  sutliciently  encumbered  with  oDicers  and 
with  expenses? 

Mr.  Chairman,  candid   iiivesligatlim,  and  a  sin-  i 
cere  desire  to  legislate  wisely  on  this  interesting 
subject,  have  brought  to  my  mind  a  thorough  con- 
viction, that  ii  rennmiithlc  graduation  of  the  price  of 
our  piililie  land  would  b.;  an  act  of  sheer  justice  to 
the  ri3W  Stales  who  now  have  not  the  benefit  of 
taxing  them — justice  to  the  old  States  in  cncoui- 
aging  sales  and  raising  revenue  to  support  the  Gen-  ' 
eral  Government — ;ju.stice  to  the  pioneer  setder, 
generally  from  the  old  States,  wlio,  by  toil  and 
industry,  aids   in   increasing   the   produce  of  the 
country,  adding  thus  to  our  exports,  which  cause 
in  return  additional  imports  to  benefit  the  country 
and  the  Irenstiri; — ^justice  to  the  laborer,  who  can 
thus,  with  the  modest  surplus  of  his  hard  earnings, 
buy  his  httle  farm — be  no  longer  the  victim  to  the 
merciless  changes  of  high  and   low  wages — feel, 
and  think,  ond  act  in  reality  the  part  of  an  inde- 
I  pendent  freeman,  and  become  far  more  elevated  in 
I  the  scale  of  society  and  genuine  independence  than 
i  the  cooperation   of  all    the  protective   taritfs   in 
Christendom  can  make  him,  aa  is  strangely  yet 
:  zealously  argued  by  the  fric  ids  of  protection. 
But,  sir,  cand  ir  compels   iic  to  state  that  there 
is  one  feature  In  this  bill  wh.ch  1  cannot  saiu  tiou. 
;  With  my  preseni  information,  I  am  opposed  to  t\w 
policy  of  ceding  ti  ese  litndu  to  Ae  States  in  which 
they  lie.     I  cannot  feel  that  this  e.,-urse  is  required, 
either  by  justice  to  those  Statca,  .'r  by  any  ot'ier 
consideration  of  sound  policv;  and  I  .\pneal  to  g.,n- 
tlemen  to  strike  this  feature  from  the  liill.     I  i.'ill 
not  stop  to  urgue  this  at  length.     II  wegrad.iate 
j  the  price,  (he  General  Government  can  i.  -;!oiate  as 
'  liberally  to  the  people  as  the  State  Leiii.slatnres 
can;  and  if  we  proclaim  solemnly  to  the  States 
:  that  all  this  magnificent  domain  shall  be  theirs,  if 
unsold  by  a  certain  lime,  we  literally  oiler  a  boun- 
ty to  tempt  the  States  to  ((iscoiirwgc  and  prevent 
sales,  while  we  profess  to  graduate  in  order  to  sell. 
And  while  I  concur  in  the  proprielj  of  graduating, 
in  justice  to  the  new  States  and  the  settler,  /  heliete 
that  o/nirregnni/or  BEVKMuf  isiiiic  (o  all  the  Stales. 
This  policy,  thus  carried  out,  will  make  gradua- 
tion more  just  than  the  doctrine  of  cession — more 
tuisf  l!        .  at  of  t/islndiilioii. 

Dut,  Mr.  Chairman,  this  debate  has  assumed  a 
wide  range.  Gentlemen  avail  themselves  of  the 
latitude  allowed  in  committee,  not  merely  to  de- 
nounce the  policy  of  the  Administnuion  in  the 
graduation  of  the  price  of  the  public  lands,  but  to 
condemn  and  protest  against  the  modification  of 
the  prescnl  tarilf  law  also.  With  my  settled  con- 
victions and  undisgui.-ied  sentiments  on  this  sub- 
ject, I  gladly  seize  the  occasion  to  reply  in  vindi- 
cntimi  of  the  policy  of  striking  from  the  statute 
book  the  odious  tarilVof  18-12. 

The  President  suggef  ,  in  his  message,  that  this 
present  tarilf  "  operates  as  protection  merely  to 
'  one  branch  of  domestic  industry  by  taxing  other 
'  branches;"  that  it  "  imposes  licavy  and  unjust 
'  burdens  on  the  farmer,  llie  planter,  the  commer- 
'  cial  man,  and  those  of  all  other  pursuits,  except 
'  the  capitalist,  who  has  made  his  investments  in 
'  m.iiiulaclures;  that  the  rales  of  duty  imposed 
'  by  it  on  some  articles  are  prohibitory,  and  on 
'  others  so  high  as  greatly  to  diminish  iniporlatlons 
'  and  to  produce  a  less  amount  of  revenue  than 
'  would  be  derived  from  lower  rates  I"  The  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury,  in  his  report,  conlenils  that 
"  at  least  Iwn-thiids  of  the  taxes  imposed  by  the 
'  present  tarilf  arc  paid,  no(  into  the  treasury,  but 
*  to  the  protected  classes.  The  revenue  from  im- 
'  ports  last  year  exceeded  twenty-seven  millions  of 
'  '  dollars.  This,  in  itself,  is  a  heavy  lax;  but  the 
'  whole  lax  imposed  on  the  people  by  ihe^ircsfnt  la- 
'  riff  is  not  less  than  tij^hlij-one  millionn  of  ilollms — 
'  of  which  only  twenty-seven  millions  arc  paid  to 
'  the  Government  upon  the  imports,  and  fifty-four 
'  millions  to  the  protected  classes,  in  enhanced 
'  prices  of  similar  domestic  articles!" 

Mr.  Chairman,  these  are  grave  propositions, 
calling  aloud  for  our  action,  zealously  pressed  upon 


our  deliberation  by  the  highest  functionaries  of  the 
land.  And  when  many  uf  these  suggestions  are 
cordially  responded  to  by  some  of  us  on  this  floor, 
and  a  remedy  for  these  alarming  evils  proposed, 
our  ears  are  almost  immediately  stunned  by  the 
loud  outbursts  of  warning  and  remonstrance  from 
others.  In  strains  of  impassioned  and  stirring 
eloquence,  one  gentleman,  deeply  penetra'ed  with 
u  conviction  of  impending  danger  to  his  constitu- 
ents, entreats  us  to  touch  not  this  tarilf  law;  it  is 
the  shield  of  our  protection — the  rampart  of  our 
defence  against  a  vigilant  foe  without,  whoso  tri- 
umph is  our  destruction.  He  invokoi  our  sym 
pathy — appeals  to  our  humanity — addresses  our 
sense  of  justice,  and  dcjiicls  in  such  vivid  colors 
the  widespread  havoc  and  desolation  and  distress 
which,  he  fancies,  inevitably  awaits  our  manufac- 
turers if  we  pass  our  bill  to  modify  the  tarilT,  that 
we  almost  imagine  we  hear  theshrieks  and  screams 
of  the  houseless  laborer  and  the  crash  of  falling 
factories;  like  my  friend  [Mr.  Thomfson]  from 
!  Pennsylvania,  who  thought  he  distinctly  heard  the 
beat  of  the  British  drum  when  elo»iuently  alluilc'd 
:  to  by  the  gentleman  [Mr.  Pkndleton]  fiom  Vir- 
ginia in  the  late  Oregon  debate. 

Another  gentleman,  thoughtful  of  the  interests 
of  his  Government,  hoping  that  this  chord  may 
be  touched  with  success,  appeals  to  our  patriotic 
regard  for  the  operation  of  Government;  assures 
us  that  he  can  prove,  by  figures,  that,  if  we  pass 
our  bill,  the  revenue  will  be  lust,  and  the  wheels  of 
Government,  if  nut  stopped,  will  be  most  shock- 
ingly cloggeij !  Another,  keenly  excited  by  his 
hopes,  and  agitated  by  iiis  fears,  with  credulous 
enthusiasm,  proclaims,  that,  if  this  tarift'  is  only 
spared  to  live  in  peace  a  few  more  brief  years,  its 
;  magic  inlluence  will  charm  into  being  the  great 
desideratum — the  home  market — diffuse  its  bles- 
sings most  especially  among  our  planters  and  farm- 
ers, make  us  i  .dependent  in  war  and  prosperous 
in  peace.  Another,  whose  burning  zeal  makes  his 
heart  to  expand  anil  grasp  in  its  all'ections  his  en- 
tire country,  with  unall'ecled  disinterestedness, 
assures  us  that  ^\:w  England  is  now  becoming 
quite  independent  of  the  turilf,  and  that  its  pro- 
tective blessings  are  designed  most  particularly  for 
the  South — for  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  and  the 
Curolinus,  whoso  infant  manufactures  need  more 
;  nursing  than  those  of  maturer  years  in  the  North. 
'  Another  points  to  the  restrictive  legislation  of  Eng- 
gluiid  and  Germany,  and  other  States,  preaches 
1  the  doctrine  of  remliation,  countervailing  duties, 
,  and  winds  Ujiwith  the  stereotyped  sentiment,  that 
"  free  trade  is  the  dream  of  a  visionary !" 

Mr.  Cliairmiui,  let  us  pause  a  little,  and  inquire 
inlo  the  facts.    Is  it  true,  sir,  that  the  rnodiiication 
■  of  the  tarilf,  as  proposed,  will  annihilate  our  manu- 
\  factures,  increase  the  price  of  goods,  enfeeble  our 
national  independence, obliterate  our  home  market, 
and  crush  the  laborer  and   the  mechanic'    Arc 
American  laborers  and  mechanics  so  deficient  in 
native  ingenuity  and  skill  and  enterprise,  so  iiifc- 
I  rior  10  those  of  other  nations,  that  their  existence 
and  success  ilepend  on  the  aid  of  governmental 
bounty  and  protection  ?    Let  the  history  of  our 
i  countrymen  from   1794,  when  Whitney's  genius 
i|  invented  the  cotton  gin,  down  to  this  period,  when 
every  workshop  in  America,  and  in  Lnglaiid,  too, 
is  filled  with  llie  labor-saving  machinery  of  our 
own  ini'cniioti,  respond.     Let  the  fact  that  Yankee 
shrewdness,  Yankee  ingenuity,  and  Yankee  enter- 
prise,   have  become  a   by-word   and   a   proverb 
throughout  the  world,  respond.      Let  the  fact  that 
a  London  journal,  of  recent  issue,  by  no  means 
predisposed  tocomplimentour  politics,  our  morals, 
'  or  our  genius,  admits  "  that  nearly  all  the  recent 
'  mechanical  contrivances  introduced  into  our  fac- 
'  lories  for  dispensing  with  human  labor,  are  of 
'  ^hntrican  invention,"  respond. 

Are  our  manufacturers  still  uninitiated  into  the 
art  and  mystery  of  the  trade  ?  Lei  the  magnificent 
exhibition  at  the  recent  National  Fair,  crowded 
with  splendid  testimonials  of  the  proficiency  at- 
tained by  our  countrymen  in  manufactures,  from 
the  rich  and  costly  fabrics  calculated  to  embel- 
lish the  palace  and  the  parlor,  to  the  stoutest  and 
coarsest  texlure  fitted  for  the  humbler  cottage,  re- 
spond. 

Do  our  inanufactntcrs  labor  under  disadvantages 
from  inconveniences  of  location,  and  the  scarcity 
and  cost  of  the  raw  material  ?  Is  it  not  an  incon- 
trovertible fact  that  they  have  millions  of  dollars 


lih'*' 


m 


w 

if.*-' 


1096 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  PMic  Lands — Mr.  Dobbin. 


(July  7, 


1846.1 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


worth  of  the  raw  rrmterial  nlmost  at  their  very 
doors,  without  the  expensive  diMidvBntage  under 
which  Rnghxnd  labors  from  the  rosl  nnd  delny  of 
inipoitation  ?  Are  provisions  for  the  laborer  scarce 
mill  cosily  ?  The  world  knows  of  the  siipembunil- 
anoe  of  cheap  food  with  which  the  exhaiislless 
granaries  of  the  llourishinf;  West  can  supply  the 
domestic  and  foreign  demand  at  prices  of  which 
none  can  complain;  nnd  llml  a  benificcnt  CreiMor 
has,  with  a  lavish  hand,  blessed  ns  with  fertile 
soil,  abundant  streams,  henltliful  climate,  and  the 
freest  institutions  on  enrlli. 

And  yet,  Mr.  Ohairnian,  in  defiance  of  these  in- 
disputable facts,  learned  membersof  Congress  em- 
ploy their  eloquence,  editors  their  presses,  polili- 
ciaiis  and  manufacturers  almost  every  other  means, 
to  alarm  and  persuade  tts  into  the  conviction  that  if 
we  touch  this  tariff  of  1S4'3,  the  otTspring  whose 
very  advent  was  accompanied  by  its  patrons  with 
the  avowal  that  it  was  unfit  lor  a  long  life,  "death's 
intvilable  hour  will  certainly  have  arrived  to  the 
manufacturers  of  this  couiUrv.  Their  days  will 
be  numl)ered,and  the  places  that  know  them  now 
will  soon  know  them  no  more  forever." 

Gentlemen  treat  the  bill  as  reported  by  the  Com- 
mittee of  Ways  and  Means  not  as  a  revenue  iiill, 
but  as  a  bill  of  indictment  against  the  mnnufacin- 
ring  establishments  of  the  country,  on  trial  for  life 
and  death,  and  doomed  to  instantaneous  execution 
80  soon  as  the  verdict  of  its  passaje  is  recorded. 
And  every  arguniejit  is  based  on  the  unwarranted 
as8um|itinn  that  it  is  sure  destruction  to  manufac- 
tures. Do  not  gentlemen,  with  apparently  studieil 
resistance  to  conviction,  shut  their  ears  against  the 
voice  of  experience  and  of  history,  at  home  and 
abroad,  tn  i  ^  Do  not  members  recollect  that,  pre- 
vious to  If  1'3  nnd  lyil),  our  larifl'  of  duties  never 
exceeded  from  five  to  fifteen  per  cent.;  nnd  that, 
under  the  opemtions  of  the  system  of  low  duliua, 
much  /oicfT  than  is  now  propo.sed,  manufaclurcs 
were  safely  and  steadily  e.stablished  under  the  most 
prosperous  auspices  ?  Have  they  perused  the  re- 
port of  Mr.  Coxe,  of  Philadelphia,  a  friend  to 
manufactures,  employed  by  Mr.  Gallatin,  in  1813, 
to  ascertain  the  cundition  of  manufactures  in  Ame- 
rica at  that  time,  tinilrr  low  ilutics  >  Does  he  not 
state,  in  his  return  of  his  research,  that  "  it  has  re- 
'  suited  in  a  thorough  cmiviction  that,  after  nllow- 
'  ing  for  the  intcrriiplions  to  the  importations  of 
'  certain  raw  materials,  the   several   branches  of 

*  manufactures  in  the  States,  Territories,  and  Dis- 
'  tricts,  have  advanced  upon  a  medium  al  llie  full 
'rule  of  iwenhj  per  cfii/iim,"  and  expres.ses  the 
opinion  "  that  the  whole  people  of  the  United 
'  Slates,  taken  in  ISl,'}  at  eight  millions,  will  actu- 

*  ally  make  within  this  year  manufactured  i;oods, 
'  (exclusively  of  the  doubtful,)  to  ihe  full  value  of 
'  two  hundred  millions  of  dollars  r"  In  that  inter- 
esting report,  made  prior  to  the  era  "f  protection, 
he  says:  "The  United  Slates  have  son:"  palpable 

*  and  great  advantages  over  their  '"oreifii  rivals  in 
'  the  cotton  manuficlure.  Those  of  Europe  de- 
'  pend  upon  foreign  agriculture  for  the  raw  mate- 
'  rial,  for  the  indign,  and,  in  a  considerable  degree, 

*  for  their  breadsliiirs. 

"  The  facililv  nf  retaining  and  steadily  exlend- 
'  ing  this  valuable  branch  ,  the  inainifucluring)  of 
'the  national   industry  is  manifested  by  iis  very 

*  early  and  spontaneous  comuiencement  in  every 
'  county  and  township,  and  by  its  nearly  sponta- 
'  neous  nnd  costli  ss  growth,  with  such  aids  only 

*  as  have  not  occasioned  any  material  expense  or 
'  sacrifice  to  agricniiure  or  commerce,  «iicf  lliey 
'  iccic  rhirjly  inriilenlal  to  nicesmrijrrretiur,  or  resiilt- 

*  ed  from  rmr  tlisvance  from  the  foreign  consunieri- 

*  rif  our  productiuns  and  niaiiufactnrer.^of  our  sup- 
'  plies."  Does  this  evidence  of  ihe  prosperity  of 
manulaclures  in  our  country  prior  to  the  eiiaciment 
of  high  proter'tivc  duties,  and  of  their  steady  ^1 
per  ci'niuin  incTease,  sustain  gentlemen  in  their 
aBsumpiion  that  the  proposed  reduction  cjf  duties 
will  work  liic  havoc  predicted  by  il-s  0[iponents  r 
Is  it  not  true,  also,  that  during  the  compromise,  be- 
between  IHIt.'l  nnd  IH  W,  when  the  whole  country 
knew  that  the  tarill'was  to  be  gradually  reduced 
below  the  present  proposed  rates,  when  Mr.  Clay 
himself  denounced  the  siiggesiion  of  unfaithfulness 
to  the  compromise,  ilinl  new  investmenls  were 
made  in  manufacturing — that  new  fuctorii  s  still 
multiplied  In  the  land  ?  Mas  not  the  gemlenian 
from  Virginia  [Mr.  D.^vi.v]  just  asserted  that  most 
of  these  eslnbllshmenta  sprang  up  in  Ins  .Slate 


n  during  the   compromise?      And  I  believe  many 
[|  cjime  into  existence,  through  the  enterprise  of  the 
!   people,  in  my  own  State  during  that  period. 
j       No  doubt,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  high  protective 
,   tariff  contributes  to  swell  the  profits  of  the  mniiu- 
!   factiirers,  and    to  encourage   their  growth;   but, 
i   under  the  influence  of  moderate  protection,  inci- 
i   dental  to  a  revenue  tariff,  manufacturers  can  and 
!   will  realize  those  profits  which  will   insure   their 
!   subsumlial  prosperity  and  steady  growth. 
!       Away,  then,  with  this  panic  cry  that  the  modifi- 
catiim  of  the  tarilV  is  desitruclion  to  our  manuftic- 
tures.    Is  It  not  a  libel  on  the  cnter|)iising  character 
'   of  our  people,  nnd  inconsistent  with  our  superior 
advantages  of  soil,  climate,  and  free  governinciii  ? 
Such  isllieeharacler,  such  the  skill  and  indomitable 
energy  of  our  people,  that  if  the  custom-houses 
were  all  abolished,  if  the  whole  tariff  system  were 
swept  from  the  statute-book,  and  a  new  yet  uiipro- 
poscd  scheme   for  raising  revenue  devified,  even 
then,  under  those  discoumging  signs,  I  do  not 
'   believe  the  predicted  tolal  destruction  of  the  busi- 
ness of  manufacturing  would  be  the  result.     Hut 
who  projioses  an  ai>andonment  of  the  present  sya- 
■    tem  of  revenue  from  customs?    Who   projioses 
even  to  rtdttce  the  tlnlirs  as  lotr  m  thnj  ipcre  when 
mnnufactiires  flourished  in  the  earlier  days  of  the 
Republic?    And,  sir,  is  not  the  propo.sed  bill,  so 
much  denounced  as  a  cruel  monster,  filled  with 
I   concessions  to  the  interest  of  maoufiiciurers  ?     Is 
oO  per  cent.,  wilh  the  cost  of  importation  added, 
no  protection  to  the  mamifaciurer  o'"  ?;>tton,  wool, 
!   iron,  lials,  and  a  variety  of  other  articles,  needless 
i   to  be  enunieraicd  ?     Is 'JO  jier  cenl.  no  prolectiini 
to  the  l''allier  inanufacturcr  and  the  hemp  grower  ! 
'    Hut  I  will  not  fatigue  the  committee  with  extracts 
from  the  pro|io.sed  bill.     Lei  itbeexainined.    And, 
in  illustration  of  thi.s  point,  hear  the  following  ex- 
tract from  a  memorial  of  a  number  of  merchants  in 
the  city  of  New  York,  presented  to  Congress  in 
August,  1841; 

**  Kreiii  inilcti  nliseriatimi  nni)  long  experience,  we  arc 
s.iti^rii'd  tliiit  twenty  per  ci-nt.  is  the  largest  duly  timt  it  is 
priidi'iil  loiin|)"-^e  on  tiny  article.  TA**  r  tteofduty  isa  i<ro- 
tC'tion  of  no  Ics'i  th'in  fovtti  ;n*r  cent,  to  ttomcslU-  mtinufurliirci; 
licixnt'-e,  ill  fuldilion  to  l/te  ittUij,  the  expcnxct  of  imjMrt'itioii 
i.rc  ^thoitt  spirit  itnit  H  tiiitf  vrr  cent.,  ojiit  ttic  jirotit  to  ttie  im- 
IiJlirr  is  iirohulili/  litioiU  tirclfC  and  a  tiatfper  cent. 

Hut,  sir,  let  lis  for  a  moment  turn  our  eye  to 
England,  where  the  restrictive  policy  has  prevailed 
in  all  its  ]ierfection,  and  learn  if  the  occasional 
relaxation  of  those  measures,  so  alarming  to  the 
manufacturers  there,  too,  ha.s  worked  such  fatal 
destruclion,  or  has  slimulnled  the  industry  of  the 
mechanic,  throiiirh  fear  of  the  competition  of  his 
rival  neighbor,  has  reduced  prices,  increased  con- 
sumption, and  aided  the  revenue.  I  have  before 
me  ■' I'orter'.s  Progress  of  the  Nation,"  a  recent 
work  iVom  the  British  press,  crowded  with  inler- 
.  esiing  tacts  and  c(nivincing  arguments  on  this  sub- 
ject. There,  too,  whenever  the  British  statesman, 
animated  with  a  sense  of  the  injustice  of  this  policy, 
became  bold  enoimh  to  propose  its  relaxation,  the 
same  tocsin  of  alarm  was  sounded  with  which  our 
ears  are  ipiite  familiar,  i  will  not  faligue  the  com- 
mittee with  many  references,  buta.sk  their  attention 
parlicuhuly  to  the  instructive  history  of  the  silk 
and  woollen  nianiifrtclures,  because  French  coin- 
petilinn  was  in  those  muck  dreaded,  and  protection 
airainsl  Eiench  imporlaliim  had  been  so  long  niid 
inflexibly  adhered  to,  that  the  suirgestions  of  relax- 
ation, )it'  rediicini;  the  protective  duties,  startled  the 
nation  into  convulsions  of  apprehended  ruin.  Hut 
mark  the  facts,  the  instructive  admonitions  of  his- 
trn-v. 

The  author  to  whom  I  have  referred — whose 
able  work  has  given  him  iniich  fame — informs  us 
that 

*■  The  uiipnrtniinii  of  tiillt  unnrtH  nmiinracnired  in  miIkt 
cniiMIri*'!*  \\:is  -Irlrily  pridiiliitcd  ill  ITti.'t,  iind  tills  bywlpin 
ciinlMiniil  in  IVtcc  diirilll  ll  InnjJ  scries  oC^ears. 

"  Itv  tills  priiliiliilnry  liiw  Ihe  f^iiifllKli  Ki[k  inaniitactiirera 
wen- ii'L'ally  secured  in  tliecxclilMive  [Hisse«iiiioii  oftlie  lininn 
mark*  t,  rnim  vvliicli,  in  Itic  then  iniiM'rt'ect  cniiditiim  (if  tiie 
MiaiMiracliire,  llicy  wntild  Imve  hee»  driven  hy  tlie  Nliperiiir 
lahrirs  ti(  liireijiii'lnniiis.  I'rnlectef!  iriidcH  are  almost  ilivii- 
ri.ilily  earned  on  wilhniil  that  ri'ui.rd  In  economy  in  llie  prn- 
('I  sses  wliieli  is  necessary  in  order  to  provide  ftir  their  exten- 
sHMi.  hy  lirincinc  the  protected  artich!  within  tlie  tench  ol'a 
larger  nniidn'r  of  coiisiiiners.  Hence  it  arose  llmt  silk  bihkIh 
came  to  he  looked  iipriii  as  mere  liixiirii^s,  the  use  of  whieli 
nnisl  hi'  rinilined  to  tlie  riclier  cimsen.  Heavy  diltins  were 
iliereliin'  iiiiim:*cil  ti[siii  lIic  importation  of  niw  nnd  thrown 
silk;  Itie  iriiuiutactiued  pnndH  made  of  n  material  Iherost 
cil'  wtiieli  wan  tliiiH  enhanced,  cniniliued  lieyoiid  the  reach 
(if  the  miilliliidc,  and  llie  iiiaiiiitacnirer«  were  eon8e(|uenlly 
liubti!  to  cuiiHiderahle  and  violent  vicissitudes  fruin  every 


dinni^eoriUsliioii.  tin  llie  other  hand,  llmsemamitacliircrs 
I'celing  llienisclvcs  secnre  in  their  Icital  nKniopoly  of  the' 
home  market,  were  withmit  ihe  necessary  slimuhis  tu  ipri- 
provt'iiiunt.^ 

"  In  IWI,  says  the  aiMlmr,  tliin  system  here  descrilied  was 
wholly  ehaneert.  Th"  hiirh  liiities  were  leilnccd  rudically 
and  tlie  prohihitioc  (»r  ll'e  ini|Hirtalit>ii  cif  ronjfjn  manlil'ac- 
tllred  poinjp.  u  as  n  pci.ii-d. 

"  The  high  diili's  oi'ls.  p,  r  pound  on  tnw  silk  and  I  (s.  Sf. 

per  pinind  oil  thn  wn  >ilk,  \v  -re  red:i I— the  luriner  lo  .Ul. 

Had  the  latter  to  ;..  i'ut.  jkt  po.-nd.  Tin  sc  rales  have  hcin 
Hiill  riirther  redi.cd  lii  1./.  and  :l«.  (si.,  and  pnihilittion  re 
moved,  so  as  to  .idlnit  Inreigtii  nilMiiiliicliired  silk  tionds 
liniler  a  scale  Ml"  dinies  adiipted. 

*  For  some  liiiic  hctVm;  and  alter  th«.  n|H'iiin{!  of  mir  mtii- 
kets  to  the  lahrics  ofrithcr  eonnlrics,  it  \,-iti  lirmly  heliived 
nnd  loudly  lisserlcd.  hy  iiiaiiv  pcrsuns  i;\,.  ricni.,.,!  [„  n„l 
trade,  that  such  a  iticasiirc  «oiild  liaia;  certain  ,.;•>,  ,ip,in 
Ihc  silk  maniiraettircrs  nf  i-:ii;4Uiiid.  who,  linmr  aeeii>tii„ji-d 
to  work  lor  only  the  hi^lc-r  ranks  of  society,  had  ciinslaatlv 
oxlM'rJcnecd  tlie  evils  altendaiit  iipiiii  a  hiiitlcd  niarkel.antl 
hnil  hecn  kt  pt  in  dread  of  i-oiiipclitinn  IViaii  wiilinnt. 

"  Tile  expcrieiM  e  nf  a  few  years  lia.;  scrV)  il  tn  sttnw  hnw 
grnmidlcss  were  the>e  ienrs  ;  llrat  hy  rednciiii.' Ihe  prices  n( 
their  uocds,  which  Ihcy  were  eaahleii  in  tin  tlirminh  Uie  re- 
diicliiiii  of  the  duly  and  the  improveiiit'iit.s  in  their  maetiin^ 
ery,  lite  llinrket  would  be  tin  ex'ended  as  tn  inclntle  luimat; 
their  eiistnmers  hy  tar  the  larm;r  part  of  the  pnpidalinn; 
and  tim!,  slininlatcd  liy  the  rivalry  nftiireiuii  maiiufaetnreis, 
such  imprnveincnts  wnllhl  he  ctlecled  in  lllc  ijiiallly  nf  nar 
fahrics  af  would  lit  tlieiii  fnr  stu'cessfiil  cninpetitiiui  Willi  the 
most  heniilirut  prndiieiinMs  nf  inrci;,'a  Inniiis. 

'•Since  Hie  year  lsi4,  vvhi'ii  the  sharklrs  wi^ri' removed 
from  the  trade,  the  silk  mamitaenirc,  in  ail  its  brandies,  lias 
spread  itself  into  various  districts. 

''  The  iiiimhtT nf  silk  mills  it)  till!  tiOMisiiips  nf  iManclics- 
ter  and  Salfnrd.  which  in  Isnfl  was  no  more  ttian  live,  hail 
increased,  in  IKftJ,  lo  sixtei'ii." 

Thus  it  appears  that  the  reduction  of  duties, 
which  produced  such  aniicipation  of  certain  ruin- 
ous conseiniences,  liiiil  no  such  ellect;  but,  on  the 
contrary,  the /fnr  of  foreign  competiiion  siimuliiled 
industry,  increa  '^d  nuuiufactures,  and  reduced 
prices,  which  encouraged  cnnsunifition  !  The  his- 
tory of  woollen  manufactures  is  equally  inslniclive 
anil  curioii,<i.  A  volume  niight  he  filled  with  the 
singular  nnd  remarkabl'/  slatules  of  proteclion  in 
this  department,  evincing  the  commercial  ideas  of 
other  times.  In  13!n  they  enacied  a  law  prohiliit- 
ing  the  wear  of  any  clolh  made  beyond  sea,  and 
intcrdicliiig  the  export  of  English  wool.  In  1()77 
their  zeal  grew  coiisiilcrnbly,and  they  even  enacted 
that  ail  persons  shooltl  he  buried  in  woollen 
shrouds,  and  that  collins  should  lie  lined  wilh 
woollen  clolh;  and  lo  ensure  the  rigid  enforccnienl 
of  this  patriotic  statute,  it  became  the  duty  of  the 
clergy  occasionally  on  the  Sabbath  to  read  it  lo 
their  flock,  as  Mfi/ received  the  benefit  of  all  for- 
feitures incurred  by  its  violaiion !  Hear  the  fol- 
lowiiig  extract  from  the  .same  author: 

"  I^nan  ii  very  early  period  the  v^-nnPeu  maiinlacttire  lias 
hccii  uu  nhjei't'of  llie  especial  piotcetinij  nf  Ihe  Knitlish 
tinvernmi'nl.  Orii^iiially,  Indeed,  the  freol  expnrtallMii  nf 
Mritish  wixil  was  nllowetl,  Inil  in  HMill  it  w.is  ,-lrictly  pro- 
liiliited ;  and  this  law  remained  in  fnrec  tiiitil  Is-J.',.  The 
proliiliilioii  wasiiroiintled  iipnii  tin-  lietief  thallhc  InnyHtuple 
or  comhing  wool  of  l-hiuland  is  su|M'rinr,  fnr  siaiic  man  '  .r- 
turiiut  plirposi  s,  to  that  of  any  other  <  nuiltry.  and  liial.  hy 
keepini!  the  raw  material  al  linme,  wcshniild  secure  toniir- 
selvt!s  the  e.\clu>ive  niannliieturc  nf  (Mrlam  fahrns.  The 
mistaken  policy  nf  this  selfish  sysiem  has  h-eii  rcndereil 
fully  appan-iit  suilc  ils  uhaiidnnmcni.  No  ;)ooner  were  Ihc 
l-'rench  maiiulacturers  ahle  to  poicure  ttie  comhini:  wnnl  nt 
Kilftland  than  they  set  thcii  iiiL'enuilv  tn  wnrk  lo  pMiIit  fully 
frnm  the  ecuiccs.iolt.  and  [iriidtK  ed  new  sliilis  from  Hlcili-li 
wool  su|M'rior  to  any  that  we  had  ever  iiroiliieeil  ni  Ihis 
country.  Thus  siimulaled, our  inanufacnirers  applied  Itlcin- 
selvesto  the  ili-envi'iy  nf  snperinr  pnicCHSCS,  and  in  the 
coursenfa  very  fcwyears  have  prodiici'd  merinos  and  oilier 
sliiIVs  in  every  resijcct  eipial  tn  the  fahrics  nf  Krnni'e." 

The  author  then  furnishes  n  tabic  exhibiting  the 
wonderful  increase  in  manufacture  and  exporls 
since  restriction  has  been  removed,  and  remarks 
upon  it  as  "  thus  I'lirnisliing  a  i^atisfaclory  answer 
to  those  peisons  who  predicleii,  as  a  necessary 
■  coiiseipience  of  a  dcpariure  from  a  reslriciivo 
:  policy,  the  absolulc  ruin  of  ihat  branch  of  our  ex- 
port trade."  As  a  ()iieslii")n  of  revenue,  ihis  work 
IS  full  of  the  most  striking  evidences  of  the  inllu- 
cnee  of  reduction  of  duties. 

The  vast  chanirc  in  the  rales  of  duties  on  the 

articles  of  tea,  coll'ee,  nnd  sugar,  was  far  from 

injuring  the  revenue;  and   indeed   I  have  heard  it 

repeatedly  admitled,  in  debate,  that  the  reduclioii 

I  of  the  English   tariff  had  by  no  i)ifn)i,»  diminished 

I  the  revenue  of  England,  but  had  pcrlbrnied  a  coii- 

;  trary  part. 

Ilear  the  following  extract  from  Her  Majesty's 
i  address  to  Parliunient  in  January  last: 

o  I  hnve  Imd  arent  Bntisfnction  in  flivlnif  my  assent  lo  the 

iiiensureH  which  ynii  have  presented  to  me.  frnm  lime  to 

time,  cftleiilatcd  to  extend  comnieree,  and  to  stiiiitllate  do- 

I  meslic  fkill  and  industry,  liy  the  rcpi  id  of  prohihilnry,  nnd 

'  the  relaKBllon  of  iirotoctive  duties,    Tlic  j»ro«f croiu  ilate  of 


\ 


gg-rH  CoNO.... 

,/„.  rci  ciiuP,  the  liicrensi: 
iiiinrnvement  which  has 
i„m  of  the  ciiiiniry,  nre 
course  you  hnvc  pursue 
i.  1  rccomaiend  yiai  i' 
whether  the  principles  n 

„,|vautasc  l>e  yet  lunre 
,„„v  not  lie  1"  )■"'"•  P"" 
isliiiK  dillics  upon  man 
l„„.  ,ii  other  eoiinlncs, 
rciuis'ion  as  may  leini 
l„.ni'flts  In  which  1  h 
enmniercial  iiilercours 
wilh  nther  pnwera." 

r,ut  gentlemen  w 
Imrnioiiy  assert,  w 
our  theories  of  rais 
l.lown    into   diacri 
under  the  operulii 
lb41,lcss  than  *U 
ports.    Thus  alio' 
)iinrl-«li/c  iifiioil  in 
controvert  all   tht 
British  cxperieiici 
the  world,  ond  all 
our  own  actual  hi 
nnd  the  people,  t( 
the  true  reasons- 
diminished  revem 
we  forgollcu  that 
niullipTicd  in  the 
flooded  with  bank 
gunce,  and  crowd 
took  place;  thatt 
panic,  distress,  f 
trade,  prejudicia' 
is  it  not  well  knt 
niense  amount  ol 
Ji(,  if  not  chiefli 
Will  not  that  cm 
erative  note,  bt 
goods  in  that  hil 
the  proposed  b 
how  palpably  tl 
name  siile  confl 
seek  lo  prove  ll 
turers,  they  do 
will  invite  such 
glut  the  market 
\Vhen,howevf 
lies  will  not  pr' 
their  position, 
create  a  muuh 
denounce  the 
Treasury  as  vi 
own  argument 
Hut,  we  an 
1H4'^?    What 
niaiiufacUuers 
what  harm  d 
Chairman,  I  i 
riches  the  inu 
regard  the  int' 
Itsii,  but  beet 
people  at  hue 
Sir,  it  iloes 
cannot  escape 
necessary  op 
prejudice,  to 
intercourse  b 
mcrce  now  i 
wonderful  a> 
naiious  are 
When    Engl 
claims  that  > 
out   the   paj 
United  Stall 
ing  duties,  i 
Will  as   in: 
wilh  the  sui 
Will  not  mi 
abandon   lb 
Hiid   seek    i 
while  Ihis  1 
agriciiUurii' 
will  it  nn' 
suits  of  coi 
sum-  ri"  of 
H>.;leir   im 
age  when  I 
cuhited  lo 
civilizing  I 
But  it  li 
pursuit  ol 
poinied  o 


'^IflJP*' 


m6.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1097 


aOTH  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Public  Lands — Mr.  Dobbin. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


iin 

lit' 
Ixlw 


llliu 

lii'd 
lily 
iiiU 

i"\v 


■oiti; 
fill  i 


tlif  rcrcriuc,  ihn  liit-rrnMiid  (li'iiiniid  fur  lulior,  and  tliugrnt-nU 
iiitprovi'iiirnt  whJrMi  hiH  liikf-n  plitcc  in  itu!  int^mnl  condi- 
linn  id'  the  country.  An?  Hirong  tt'stlmonioa  in  Oivnr  of  the 
ciinrse  ynn  huvc  iHirHiicd. 

'■  I  rei'oinniiuid  ym  lo  takn  into  your  t^arly  eonitideration 
\s  lictticr  thi>  prinri|il<':«  nil  whii-li )  iiu  liavi'  ac-lrd  may  not  witti 
nilvinttafti'  \h>  yi>t  ninro  ivxtiMir-ivrly  np[tlif!il,  and  wht>tlnT  it 
may  imt  Itis  in'yoitr  power,  al>pr  nVarulul  review  of  the  ex- 
l:iliiiK  duliuit  u[mii  many  arlirlm,  (III!  (iroilucu  or  iimnutiii'- 
ttiri'  iil'iitlii'r  cnnntrieti,  to  nialtf»iieli  iiirttlcr  riMJiietions  and 
ri'mi!i>ion  m  may  tend  in  liisnrettie  cinitiniiaiM'i'orilie  great 
I)''iif-t1li  to  wliii'ii  I  )mve  adverted,  and  by  enlargiliK  niir 
eojiiniereial  intereoiirrie,  to  htrenijtiiull  tllu  buiidti  of  amity 
Willi  otliur  nowiTii." 

lint  gnnlli!m«n  willi  one  iiccord  and  concerted 
liariiioiiy  assert,  willi  tip|inreiit  triumph,  that  nil 
niir  llieoricH  of  raisins;  ruvenuc  from  low  duties  are 
iiiowii  into  dixcredit  nml  destruction,  beciui.se, 
Milder  llie  iipcrnliini  of  tliat  ay.fteni  in  1840  and 
1b41,  less  than  >jH5,OUU,000  weie  produced  by  im- 
piMts.  TIhis  alldwiii^  the  occnrrenccH  of  that  re- 
vuirkuHe  period  in  the  liistiiry  of  the  country  to 
coiiti'nverl  ail  the  iiiferenceB  to  be  drawn  from 
Uritish  experience  as  aiitlieiilically  published  to 
the  world,  and  all  llic  admonitions  resultinj^  from 
our  own  actual  history.  Do  not  gentlemen  here, 
and  the  penpic,  too,  well  understand  the  reasons — 
the  true  reasons — which  combined  to  occasion  the 
diminished  revenue  at  the  period  referred  to.*  Have 
we  forgotten  that  in  1833  and  IHSfi,  State  banks 
multiplied  in  the  land,  that  the  whole  country  was 
Hooded  with  bank  paper;  thalover-tradinf?,extiavn- 
gaiK'e, and  ciowdiiif;  the  country  with  foreign  «roods 
took  place;  that  this  was  followed  by  ii  contraction, 
panic,  distress,  failures,  and  n  {general  checking  of 
trade,  prejudicial,  of  course,  to  the  leveinie  .'  And 
is  it  not  well  known  that,  under  (AnI  tarifl',  the  im- 
mense amount  ofgoods  admitted /rfc  of  duly,  greol- 
lij,  if  not  chiefly,  caused  a  diminished  revenue? 
Will  not  lliat  cmtse  of  the  deficiency  (/len,  be  inop- 
erative noir,  because  a  large  number  of  the  free 
goods  in  thai  bill  are  laied  for  rti'etiiie  piir/wses  in 
the  proposed  bill.'  But,  Mr.  Chairman,  mark 
how  palnably  the  arguments  of  centlcnien  on  the 
same  siue  I'oiiHict  with  each  other.  When  they 
seek  to  prove  that  this  bill  will  ruin  the  manufac- 
turers, lliey  do  BO  by  arguing  that  the  low  duties 
will  invite  such  an  influx  of  foreign  goods  as  to 
glut  the  market  and  prejudice  the  ilomeatic  sales. 
When,  however,  they  seek  to  prove  that  low  du- 
ties will  not  produce  enough  revenue,  they  change 
their  position,  and  ridicule  the  idea  that  they  will 
create  a  niu^i*  larger  importation  of  goods,  and 
denounce  the  argument  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  as  visionary — not  icniembcring  it  is  their 
uwn  argument  for  protection. 

IJul,  we  are  asked,  why  reduce  the  tariff  of 
lfl4'J?  What  if  it  does  swell  the  profits  of  the 
niiinufacturei'H.'  If  it  raises  the  reipiired  revenue, 
what  harm  does  it  work  to  the  country.'  Mr. 
Chairman,  I  would  not  alter  that  bill  bmiusc  it  en- 
riches the  nianufacturor — not  at  all;  not  becnnse  I 
regard  thcintt:rest  of  the  manufacturers,  as  a  class, 
tisn,  but  because  I  cherish  the  interests  of  the 
people  at  large  wioi'e. 

Sir,  it  doi^s  seem  to  nic  that  a  reflecting  mind 
cunnot  escape  the  conviction  thai  the  natural,  the 
necessary  operation  of  all  restrictive  duties  is  to 
prejudice,  to  contract,  to  embarrass  the  trade  and 
intercourse  between  nations,  and  to  diminish  com- 
merce now  destined  to  achieve  much  under  the 
wonderful  assistance  of  steam.  When  two  great 
nations  are  at  war,  trade  and  commerce  cease. 
When  Kngland  imposes  heavy  dniics,  and  pro- 
claims that  we  shall  not  sell  our  surplus  f/if  re  with- 
out the  payment  of  exorbitant  duties,  and  the 
Uniti.-d  Slates  passes  a  law  of  similar  ciiunt(Tvail- 
ing  (litlies,  must  nut  coinmeri'c  sull'cr  and  decline? 
Will  lis  many  vessels  plnmrh  ilie  ilcc|i,  freighted 
with  Ihe  surplus  commodiliiM  of  ihe  two  nations? 
Will  not  many  a  hardy  seaman  be  compelled  to 
abandon  itie  element  on  which  he  lovts  to  live, 
and  seek  competency  in  other  pursuits?  And 
while  this  protective  taritrmust  tempt  some  from 
agricultural  pursuits  to  embark  ill  inaiiul'actures, 
will  it  not  necessarily  force  others  IVmn  the  pur- 
suits of  commerce,  who  are  note  buyers  and  con- 
Kunr Ti-  of  the  products  of  ngriLullure  ?  Sir,  this 
H),;ieic  imposes  shackles  upon  commerce  in  an 
age  when  llie  wonderful  use  of  steam  power  is  cal- 
culated to  make  coinmeice  the  great  instrument  in 
eivili/ing  and  christianizing  the  world, 

lint  it  fixes  burdens  on  agriculture,  that  great 
pursuit  of  our  cinintry,  in  the  mode  precisely 
pointed  out  by  Mr.  'Wcbslur  himself,  in  his  fa- 


mous Boston  speech  in  1820,  when  he  declared 
I  that  it  compelletl  the  farmer  to  pay  more  for  what 
j  ho  had  to  uuy,  and  receive  leas  for  what  he  had 
to  sell. 

{      It  tends  to  provoke  a  spirit  of  retaliation  on  the 
part  of  other  Governments.      Il,   diminishes  the 
ability  of  England  to  buv  lire  surplus  products  of 
!  the  grain  growers  and  cotton  planters  of  America, 
j  becjiuse  its  heavy  duties  on  the  goods  of  British 
I  manufacture  check  the  importations  of  those  goods 
:  with  which  England  can  alone  pay  for  our  surplus. 
j  It  is  disfigured  with  the  odious  minimum  princi- 
ple— at  once  deceptive  and  oppressive.    It  is  niark- 
j  ed  with  glaring  and  unnecessary  partiality  to  par- 
ticular pursuits.     It  protects  one  species  of  home 
I  industry  at  the  expense  of,  and  against  the  repeat- 
ed remonstrances  of,  other  departments  of  home 
industry.     But  our  proposed  bill  is  free,  from  those 
[  obnoxious  features  that  disfigure  the  present  ta- 
rifl'.      The   minimum   principle   and   the   specific 
principle,  so  well  calculated  to  deceive  and  be  mis- 
understood, so  unfair  and  unequal   when  practi- 
cally carried  out,  are  stricken  out,  and  the  ud  talo- 
'  rem  principle  adopted;  by  which  the  rn/ue  of  the 
;  article  regulates  the  ta.\,  and  the  purchaser  of  the 
rich  and  costly  goods  pay  more  ta.x  lliun  the  pur- 
chaser of  the  plain  and  less  costly  article.     The 
'■  duty  on  iron  is  greatly  reduced;  the  duty  on  salt 
is  reduced  to  ^0  per  cent.     In  tlie  present  Uirifl' it 
I  langes/iom  CO  lo  120  per  cent.    The  duty  on  sugar 
;  is  reduced  to  30  per  cent.     In  the  present  taiilf  it 
(  ranges  from  50  to  70  per  cent. 
j      U  he  obstinate  and  di:terinined  adherence  to  the 
I  bill  of  1842 — neither  needed  for  the  protection  of 
inanufacture.i  nor  for  the  production  of  revenue 
for  the  Government — will  forever  foment  and  keep 
I  up  a  spirit  of  dissatisfaction  and  discontent  in  the 
'  land,  which  is  entitled  to  repose  on   this  vexed 
,  question.     Sir,   you  may   scatter  your   eloquent 
'  speeches — ingenious  declamation — well  gotten  up 
letters  from  disinlercshd  manufacturers,  broadcast 
throughout  the  whole  country — up  every  stream, 
over  every  hill,  and  into  every  log  cabin  from  the 
'  seaboard  to  the  mountains;  but  our  people,  who 
'  cherish  a  natural  and  instinctive  and  unconqucr- 
j  able  repugnance  to  a  system  conflicting  with  their 
i  perhaps  unlearned  but  true  ideas  of  free  goverii- 
j  ment,  w'ill  never  rest  in  quiet  content,  and  behold 
I  the  rude  hand  of  legislative  interference  impose 
'  fetters  on  commerce — burdens  on  agriculture — but 
:  dispense  bounties  to  other  classes,     I  trust  and 
believe  that  our  people  will  idways  be  a  law -loving 
and  law-abiding  people,  and  that  the  ballot-box 
j  will  ever  be  the  only  weapon  used  to  effect  change 
and  reformation;   but  you  cannot  easily  subdue 
\  the  .spirit  of  a  people  who,  in  infancy,  struggled 
I  against  op)iressive  laws  from  abroiul,  and  who,  in 
j  nialurer  years,  will  be  unquiet  under  those  enacted 
lit  home, 

Mr.  Chairman,  it  has  fallen  to  our  lot  to  become 
j  actors  on  the  theatre  of  public  life  at  a  most  re- 
markable era  in  the  history  of  the  world.  The 
human  mind,  evincing  its  mighty  and  mysterious 
capabilities,  is  achieving  triiniiphs  at  once  woiider- 
,  ful  and  subilnie.  The  elements  of  nature  are  play- 
things for  it  to  sport  with.  Earth,  ocean,  air, 
lightning,  yield  suliservient  in  the  hands  of  genius, 
to  minister  to  the  wants,  the  purjioses,  and  the 
pleasures  of  man.  Science  is  fast  developing  lo 
the  meanest  capacity  the  hidden  secrets  id' nature, 
hitherto  unexplored  in  the  researches  of  philoso- 
phy. Education  is  exerting  its  mild  and  reflning 
miluences  to  elevate  and  bless  the  people.  The 
contiid  of  electricity  is  astonishing  the  world.  The 
|)owerofsteam  is  annihilating  distance,  and  making 
remote  ciiies  and  towns  and  strangers  ut  <nice 
iiiii,'libois  and  friends.  Amid  these  inighly  move- 
mciiis  in  the  fields  of  science,  literature,  and  philos- 
ophy, the  liber..'  spirit  of  free  governmeiil,  in  its 
steady  and  onwan.  nrogress,  is  beginning  to  ac- 
complish much  for  ti  "  e'liclioratioii  of  the  condi- 
tion of  the  liiinian  I'aiin  ;■,  so  long  the  hope  of  the 
statesman  and  tli".  philaiiilirnpist.  The  illiberal 
mu.xims  of  bad  government — loo  long  supported 
from  false  reverence  for  their  antiquity — are  begin- 
ning to  give  place  to  the  enlightened  suggestions 
of  experience.  England,  the  birth-place,  is  pio- 
posing  to  become  the  grave,  of  commercial  restric- 
tion. In  that  land,  whose  political  doctrines  are 
so  often  the  theme  of  our  denunciation  and  .satire, 
with  all  the  artillery  of  landed  aristrocrncy,  as.so- 
ciutcd  wealth,  and  party  vindictiveness  levelled  ut 


him,  there  has  appeared  on  the  Bt.ige  a  learned,  a 
leading  premier.  Sir  Hnbert  Peel,  \vho,  blending 
in  his  character  much  of  the  philosnpiiy  of  Burke, 
the  bold  and  matchless  eloquence  of  CliHtham,  and 
the  patriotism  of  Hampden,  has  had  .he  moral 
courage  and  magnanimity  to  proclaim  that  he  can 
no  longer  resist  the  convictions  of  exiierience  and 
observation,  and  that  the  system  of  commercial 
restriction  and  high  protection  is  wrong,  oppres- 
sive, and  should  be  abandoned.  Already,  sir,  has 
much  been  done;  already  has  the  British  tarilf,  so 
long  pleaded  as  the  excuse  fur  ours,  been  radically 
reformed,  and  in  obedience  lo  the  persevering  de- 
mand of  an  outraged  iieopic,  we  hope  that  the  next 
gale  thatcros.ses  the  Atlantic  will  come  laden  with 
the  glorious  tidings  of  a  still  greater  triumph  in  the 
repeal  of  the  corn  laws,  so  oppressive  to  English- 
men and  injurious  to  Americans. 

And  shall  we  not  reciprucate  this  liberal  spirit? 
Shall  republican  America,  so  boastful  of  her  great- 
ness and  freedom,  be  onl.sliipped  in  her  career  in 
this  cause  of  human  rights  by  iiiunarchal  England ' 
No,  sir,  1  do  not,  cannot,  and  w  ill  not  believe  it. 
1  have  an  abiding  unshaken  faith  in  the  ultimate 
triumph  in  so  righteous  a  cause.  Mr.  Chairman, 
we  may  sur|m.ss  the  nations  of  the  earth  in  science, 
in  arms,  and  in  arts,  the  genius  of  our  people  may 
attract  the  admiration  of  mankind — may  cause 
"  beauty  luul  symmetry  to  live  on  canvass" — may 
almost  make  the  "  marble  from  the  quarry  to 
breathe  and  speak" — may  charm  the  world  with 
elegant  attainments  in  poetry  and  learning — but 
much,  very  much  will  still  be  unacioinplished;  the 
beauty  of  our  political  escutcheon  will  still  be 
marred  while  commerce  is  trainmelled,  and  agri- 
culture and  trade  depressed  by  bad  legislation. 

A  few  words  more,  Mr.  tlliaiimaii,  and  1  will 
cheerfully  yield  the  lloor  to  others.  An  honorable 
member  of  the  Whig  |iarly  has  this  morning  de- 
livered us  quite  a  homily  on  Ihe  importance  of  ad- 
journmcnl  at  an  early  day.  No  man  in  this  House 
is  mure  cordially  tired  of  the  noisy  scenes  of  po- 
litical excitement  daily  perpetrated  here  than  my- 
self, and  none  will  witli  more  sincere  willingness 
rejoice  to  make  the  exchange  for  the  more  quiet 
scenes  of  home.  But,  sir,  we  have  pledges  to  fulfil 
and  public  duties  to  perform  which  demand  the 
primary  consideration.  When  our  Whig  friends 
legislated  on  the  delii-ite  subject  of  the  tarilf  in 
1842,  TiiEV  found,  with  all  their  patriotic  desire  to 
economise  the  public  time,  that  it  was  either  incon- 
venient or  impossible  toailjourn  until  Ilie30lh  day 
of  August!  In  addition  to  questions  of  domestic 
policy,  vec  have  had  to  deliberate  upon  the  most 
delicate  and  embarrassing  questions  of  t'oreign 
policy.  The  present  majority  in  Congress  and  the 
present  Administration  have  now  the  opportunity 
and  the  /loircr  lo  achieve  much  for  the  good  of  the 
couiilrv — much  for  the  peace  of  the  world — much 
for  their  own  honor  and  fame.  Let  us  odjust,  now 
and  forever,  the  tariff  question,  so  long  the  cause  of 
aimry  sirife  and  dissatisfaction;  Ictus  tlioroui;lily 
perfect  the  final  adjustment  of  the  Oregon  qiieelion, 
for  the  promotion  of  the  |irosperity  and  guveni- 
menl  of  our  citizens  whose  daring  enteipri.se  has 
borne  litem  to  that  i-egion,  and  fur  the  permanent 
prevention  of  misapprehi.nsion  anil  war  with  a 
Pov  r  with  whom  the  world  is  concerned  that  we 
should  preserve  honorable  peace;  let  us  carry  out 
the  oft-repeated  pledges  to  establish  an  indepcn- 
dent-tieasiiry  system,  so  lauded  befin-e  the  people 
as  "  the  great  measiiie  of  deliverance  and  liberty;" 
let  ns  place  in  the  power  of  the  Execuiive  the 
means  of  prosecuting  wiih  vigor  to  n  .speedy  ter- 
mination the  war  with  Mexico — not  lo  luiuire 
terrilfirv,  but  "  tii  conquer  ))eace" — not  to  win 
laurels  in  military  achievements,  but  to ,/brfC  a  peo- 
ple to  do  us  justice  whom  reason  has  failed  to  per- 
suade. Let  us  act  Ihus,  or  Jail,  after  exertins  all 
honorable  ell'orts  lo  Huccced;  tlien,  and  not  lUl  then, 
ought  wo  to  adjourn. 

APPENDIX, 

Tlie  followinu  tables,  ctiietly  prepared  at  the  Treiwury 
l)c[iartinent,  will  arrcHt  the  aneiition  of  the  reader,  and  teiiii 
to  illustrate  the  eliaraL'ter  and  openition  of  the  tarilf  lty!^teln ; 

'I'able  A,  made  out  at  the  department,  (*liows  the  nnmlicr 
or  articles  iiaying  enorniou.''ly  high  duties  during  tlie  last 
tUeut  year. 

TnUit:  0  shows  the  average  Hiiniiat  imports  and  cxporta 
muter  Ihe  o[ieratiiin  of  lii};li  and  low  diitieo. 

'I'iible  C  exhibiti  tlie  amount  of  exports  (i>r  nevera1  years, 
wIkui  the  ilutin  were  'oie,  (nut  averaging  15  per  cent.,)  and 
tlie  pupulutiuii  eiuall. 


V-J , 


II 

,-':''^     ■.  ' 

■:K,     J 

1098 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


f</uly  16, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Mexican  War — Mr.  Foot. 


Ho.  OP  Reps. 


1  .ible  D  dliow  .rte  rffi'cl  of  pmtt'ctlvfi  tnrlffH  on  our  ex- 
portK)  1111(1.  I>y  t-ntnparing  tiiew  tHhleit,  nn  opinion  can  bo 
fiiriiieit  of  Uh!  iiilluuncti  ol'tlie  i*yfttt>iii  upoii  uxixiru. 

Tahti-  G,  pnparud  iil'^o  nt  tlio  (lipiiririimt,  U  inirn'Mtiritt, 
and  tiliovvM  the-  ininvnso  nnioiitil  of  fiomls  mlinlttcil  free  nl' 
riiity  iiridi-r  11)^  Cnmnnmit^e  net;  (H'caiiniiing,to  n  grcut  ex- 
lent,  ttii^  fulling  utf  o:  rfVftiim. 

Tliti  pxiruft  from  ih.'  ^p(H■cll  of  Mr.  Goultjurn,  dflivercd 
ill  tint  Driti>ti  Parli:iiii<-i,i,  :tOi)i  May  last.  »\\u\\*  ihf>  <>.\tt.-nt 
to  which  the  Uriuiih  laritt  ii^d  h«'L'n  reduced  at  that  time. 


•4  lid  of  all  nrticlca  piU/inQ  dittjf  the  tost  fincal  tjear;  alWy  the 
number  oj' Ikoac  liuyin^  duties  over''X>per  cetU. 

No. 

Artirle"*  nt   ;io  nnd  iinrtrr   SO  per  cent 61 

Articlcii  nt   50  und  under   7.>  per  cent AH   I 

Afiitl>!8Ht  ^.wuid  uiiikr  lOi*  percent tit    j 

Artieles  at  100  and  under  l'-C>  juTcent 4    | 

Arlieles  at  \'2'f  ami  under  150  percent y   j 

Arlit  IcB  111  150  !    d  over f,   I 

Articles  pnyinff  duty  at  and  above  35  percent loj   ' 

Arlit-lcd  pitying  duty  at  and  under  3j  p«r  cent 15 j  4 

Whole  number  paying  duty 307   : 

n.  ' 

.SpcT'i^e  a>mu>ii  import  and  cx^tortafrom  I8!li  to  \^^\  from    ; 

lAJHo  IKi-!,  .iiiJ/(-u(u  iiH4  (u  1615;  u'i7fti».Tc.rsc  "/sftourf 
ytiiiod  over  thf  fir^t,  atut  the  dmeiae  of  the  third  aa  cjm 
jiiired  with  the  <iccond. 


On  the  rontrnry,  the  iiuroeFii  of  lhe'<e  free-trade  oxperlments 
hud  been  ho  great  that,  notwitlMtanding  the  greats  eduction*, 
every  tent  which  eould  he  iitkeu  of  the  (luaucial  condition 
of  ihe  country  Kluiwed  that  it  liiid  rather  bcun  improved  than 
Impaired." 


First  perio'f. 
Averaue  I  mm 
18i.ft  l^iy,  un- 
der''ti^/i  duties. 


Imports, 

Evpiirt-. 


Second  perio-l. 

Average  from 

lw;(4to  184-.*,  u[i' 

der  rC'lticcd  du- 

lie-^, 


$8il.tiSe,.jlO 


7'Aiirf  period. 

Averayt!   Ironi 

IMI  to  IM5,  nn- 

ler  tmrcat^du- 

tief). 


ll:i.'JiJ,:MJ 


/iicrcasc  ul'  Micdii.l  pprind  over  f    Import* .*-t5,7I4.3.'9 

tirr-t  perind.  \   ExporUi 3:j,ytk),7yy 

Decrease  of  third  period  troin  ^   lm()orts glWv'Vi^.n'.n 

secojid  period.  \   £\portJi -liH^.O^tb 

C. 

Table  of  erporisfor  ievernl  yeurt  from  1791  to  1846 ;  also,  of 

the po}miiitijn  at  etich  j.eiiod. 


Yfar:*.                     Expnits.               Poputation. 

179] 

*19,0ia,041 

70,971,780 

108,343,150 

4,000,000 
5,300,000 
7,000,000 

latu) 

IS07 

Period  durnig  the  embargo  and  war  omitted. 


Vears.                      K.\(iortii. 

Pnl>i'l>>li«>n. 

IsiJO !  ^69,691,609 

1830 73,840,508 

1840 133,685,946 

1845 114,646,606 

9,638,000 
112,866,000 
17,069,453 
19.500  1100 

.Snrtuat  avrraje  ritlue  of  iinp.irlx  durins  periods  from  1825  M 
IKti,  /ro»n  1H;I4  /o  \^4%  nud  from  tfyWi  to  1^15;  (j/so, 
uiiT.i-'C  HMHU.(i  ru/ue  o/'tm/wcU /rco  ofdtUii;  rnn/ ..rn.c'r 
niiiiuiil  rate  jtcr  cent,  of  duty  vn  un'^retiiite  vidtie  of  imports 
tit  c>uh  [Criod. 


Yeari. 


Import". 


IK-'ttmated  aver- 
a:je  raii'  |)ereeiit. 
It'  ilul.v  oit  n^'ijre- 
'Mte  .'iiuoiiiit  (d' 
i;iip  >rl-i. 


Irti'i  l«  IKH  I  ^'<!t,t«>.S,;.10  ;    ^1-2,.'>W),'JJ>      3-1.03  per  cent. 
nJ3U<iiHi.i     i;Cj,;^i!,Hi9 !     6;(,ii'*.3:rj     in.ai  percent. 

,-*44  to  If-ia      IlJ,H44,7yO  '■       O.'J,4't7,:«0    ■  iHlbS  p-r  rent. 


'»  Mr.  (I'lulbnrn  then  pas-ed  to  a  uencral  review  or  sum- 
ming up  uf  tin*  txpenence  of  the  country  (lu  nil  tlii>  rnea^- 
ure>  wlu^li  hul  been  iiilmduced  sini-e  I^^IJ.  In  l^W, duties 
were  reihn-'d  ttr  rr[)eale(l  ou.rtrc  A-nWrcrf  and  ci  :htii  tifo  arti 
rlex:  in  1^43.  nti  'eren  nrtieh'n;  In  l^Ml,  on  fuur  arlicti-'>; 
Hud  in  \''\:i,t  rent  y  one  rirtnli-ft  w-re  reduced,  and  on/uur 
hundrrt  inut  firtif-cijtt  :iitiel<  s  the  iluties  were  n'peahd.  In 
the  prenijit  \e;ir.  tlh- mi'a'ure.j  H  liieh  have  nlrcady  pri-titcd 
tlie  l|(iri'4p  or"  C'lminnns  reduce  ilie  lUuirt^  mi  oi\r  fiundrr-d 
ni(/ (.(r/tr  attielen,  and  re|M'aI  (lie  dnli-'s  riti /i//i/ /o»r  tirti- 
rU'j«.  In  the  wlnde  prriiMi  Im  qut'>iioti— in  the  liCe  si  H-iiiits 
heainnina  ^vlilt  1*')-^,  and  ending  with  the  pr*  vnt— ih<'  iln- 
iMii*  on  icrcn  hundred  and  ti-ettt^f-^eieti  arti'-Ii'H  have  lte>'M  r''- 
du''ed,  nod  those  nn  five  hundred  tin^l  one  ariiele-  have  b''iii 
entir<4y  re pi*:i|e(|—;irticlei',  too,  whii-h  have  nearly  all.  tlion({li 
Houie  to  a  IC'ser  atid  ollier>  to  a  L'ri.ittr  dt-firee,  alfei  led  the 
eonitillun  of  the  great  iii:l^)<('x  of  the  piMtple,  either  in  tlH'ir 
food  or  clothing,  or  in  llie  supply  nf  ilm-^e  great  ^^taple  nrti- 
<'|e>«  of  raw  material  which  are  ^o  eF^nitinl  to  the  manufae- 
lurc'i,  and  eonwqnently  to  the  industry  of  the  eonntry. 

"  Cnn^ideiing  tho  great  redoetions  thnx  made  in  the  eti*- 
loms  and  exei-^e  dntie>',  Mr.  (J-mlhurn  was  anxinu-t  to  show 
that  the  eT[ierini<'nts  whii-h  thf  fJovernment  had  rnaih?  in 
tlo-i  wine  aad  enlightfU'-d  roiir-e  of  financial  leiii-Jniion.  by 
wliieli  eornnierci'  aiul  industry  had  been  ko  nnirh  benetiteil, 
had  not.  in  any  di^gree,  irnjiaired  tlie  peonrnl  stnti'  of  our 
fhiancei',  or  added  to  the  perinaneiit  debt  of  the  country. 


THE  MEXICAN  WAR. 

SPEECH  OrlkFR.   S.  FOOT, 
of  vkrmont, 
In  the  House  of  Representatives, 
JtUy  16,  1846. 
On  the  hill  niakinsr  npproprintiona  for  the  mipport 
of  volunlcers  luul  other  troops,  nuthorizt'l  to  lie 
cm)iloycd  ill  th«  prosecution  of  the  war  with 
Mexico 

Mr.  FOOT  nddrpsscd  the  cnmmitloe  ns  follows  : 
Mr.  Cihirman:  The  1)111  now  hcforc  us  propo.soa 
nn  nppiopriiition  of  iiboiil  twelve  millions  of  dol- 
lars to  meet  Ihe  extrnordinnry  expendiliirca  grow- 
ing  out  of  the  Mexican  wnr.  I  shall  nviiil  myself 
of  this  occiision,  ns  a  le<;itiniiite  nnd  approprinle 
one,  to  examine  soniewlmt  into  the  origin  and 
causes  of  this  wnr.  When  n  people  nrn  visiiod 
liy  any  great  national  calamity,  it  is  both  natural 
nnd  eminently  pro|ier  nnd  wise  to  inquire  into  the 
origin  and  ihe  causes  of  it.  It  liecoines  al.so  a  pre- 
eminent duty  tn  ttllevinic,  as  f  >r  as  it  may  be  done, 
its  severity;  to  arrest,  if  pttssibic,  iis  progress,  and 
to  guard,  ns  far  as  human  foresight  can  do  it, 
ngninal  ils  recurrence. 

The  Governnicnt  of  the  United  8tntes  is  now, 
for  the  first  time  in  more  than  thirty  years,  involved 
in  a  war  with  n  foreign  nniinn;  with  "a  neighhoi- 
ing  .sister  Republic."  And  who,  in  this  nge  and 
at  this  day,  is  prepared  to  .say  that  wnr  is  not  a 
national  cnlaniiiy,'  Any  war,  whether  just  or  un- 
just, aggressive  or  drfensive,  is  nevcrtheles.s  a 
calaniiiy,  and  one  which  is  never  to  be  incurred, 
and  never  to  he  justified,  except  in  cases  of  para- 
mount and  controlling  necessity.  But  wherefore 
has  this  war  been  brought  upon  us  i'  By  whose 
acts,  nnd  by  what  authority .'  These  nrc  questions 
of  grave  and  inomenlnus  interest.  I  put  them  in 
the  name  and  behalf  of  the  Americnn  people. 
.And  I  propose  to  nnswer  them,  candidly,  I  trust, 
but  at  the  same  time,  fearlessly,  end  according  to 
my  best  ability,  in  the  brief  hour  allotted  to  me 
for  Ibis  discussion.  But  here  I  beg  leave  lo  pre- 
mise, that  I  shall  exercise  the  privilesc  of  passing 
judgment  upon  the  acts  of  the  Adminislrnlion  con- 
nected with  this  war;  ussnining  the  equal  right  of 
condemning  what  I  mny  consider  to  be  wrong,  as 
of  approving  what  I  may  consider  lo  be  right.  I 
have  no  sympathy  with  the  sentiment  which  has 
been  uttered  upon  this  Hour,  that  we  ought  not  lo 
condemn  the  acts  of  the  Administration  relative  to 
the  war,  for  Ihe  reason  assigned  by  its  def(!nilers,  that 
"  its  tendency  will  be  lo  paralyze  ihc  armof  the  Ex- 
'  eculive  Government,  to  nraue  and  streuirthen 

'  our  enemies,  and  lo  dampen  the  enibusiasni  of  onr 
'  own  people. "  Sir,  I  repndialc  and  reject  the  scr- 
vil(!  nnd  infamous  senliment,  as  an  aliempt  lo  re- 
vive here  t!ie  anti-republican  and  odious  doctrine  of 
monarchies,  "  that  the  hingrnndo  no  wrong."  If 
the  President  of  the  United  States  shall  transcend 
his  conslilnlional  nnlhority,  nnd  causele.-rsly  in- 
volve his  cnniilry  in  the  calaniiiics  of  war,  nrc  we 
lo  be  told  thai  no  voice  of  warninir  or  rel)i,ke  nnist 
be  heard  ?  When  the  grent  hichpriest  of  our  politi- 
cal church  shall  be  rushing  to  the  temple  of  liberty 
with  blazing  torch  in  hand  to  fire  ils  sacred  nllars, 
nre  we  lo  be  told  thnt  no  nrm  must  he  rniscd  lo  slay 
the  impending  desecration.'  Go  with  such  doc- 
trines as  ihese  to  the  ci-awling  aixl  cringing  serfs  of 
the  rollen  .ind  crtmiltling  dc'-'polisnis  of  the  Old 
W<uld.  They  nre  unfit  lo  be  ullered  in  the  legit-'- 
lalive  halls  of  a  free  Republic.  They  arc  unfit  to 
be  addressed  lo  an  American  citizen,  claiming  the 
righlH  and  exercising  the  privih  ires,  nnd  siaiiding 
up  in  the  bearing  and  digiuiy  and  independence  of 
an  American  freeman.  I  hold  in  equal  conlimpt 
anil  defiance  thnt  dnslnrdly  spirit  of  deuuncinlion 
which  charges  as  enemies  of  their  own  country, 
nnd  ns  the  friends  nnd  allies  of  a  foreign  foe,  those 
who,  discarding  the  doctrine  of  the  "  divine  right 
of  kings,"  (hire  to  hold  up  to  public  reprobation 
the  unauthorized  and  iinconstiluiionnl  acts  of  our 
own  Federid  Executive.  And  what  inensure  of 
pity  is  due  to  thnt  iiicnrnble  slupiilily,  or  lo  that 
inveterate  blindness,  which  can  discern   nothing 


but  palpable  inconsistency  in  voting  supplies  of 
men  and  money  for  the  defence  of  ihe  cnimirv 
and  at  the  same  time  disapproving  iho,se  acts  which 
involved  the  necessity  of  such  defences;  wliich  can 
see  no  dirtereuce  between  resislance  to  Executive 
agcression,  and  opposition  to  the  counlrv  .' 

With  these  preliminniy  remark.i,  I  un'dcrlake  lo 
assert,  and  lo  show,  that  lliis  Mexican  war  has 
been  brought  upon  our  country  by  the  secret  and 
ill-advi.sed  act.s,  by  the  unauthorized  and  uiiconsii- 
liitioiml  acts,  of  the  Adminislralion.  Passin"  by 
then,  the  anterior  question  of  ihc  apnexniion  iif 
Texas;  passing  by  all  inquiry  into  the  necessiiy 
or  the  expediency  of  sending  the  naval  and  mili- 
tary force  of  the  country  to  Ihe  coast  nnd  IVoniiers 
of  Mexico  at  nil:  nnd  jmssing  by  the  queslion  of 
title  lo  thnt  portion  of  territory  lyi.ig  upon  llm 
right  bnnk  of  the  river  Nueces,  as  far  as  the  actual 
possession  and  settlement  of  Texns  extended;  fur 
tlie  purpose  of  my  present  argument,  I  will  con- 
cede to  Ihe  Executive  the  right  to  place  the  nrmy 
of  the  United  SlnteHntCorpusChrisii,ut  Ihe  request 
of  Texas,  for  the  purpose  of  repeil'iig  a  lliienlcoed 
invasion  from  Mexico,  in  the  event  ;hni  Texas 
nccepted  the  proflered  terms  of  annexniinn.  Such, 
at  any  rale,  was  the  ostensible  nnd  avowed  pur- 
pose for  which  Ihc  nrmy  was  placed  in  thai  posi- 
lion,  nnd  for  which  Texns  made  the  rcipicsl;  not 
but  that  she  was  then  ns  she  had  been  for  nine 
years  before,  fully  able  to  defend  herself  against 
any  invasion  from  Mexico,  but  becnn.se  she  chose 
that  the  United  States  should  assume  the  expense 
and  burden  of  her  defence.  Arcordingly,  on  the 
2.tih  of  June,  1845,  Ihe  United  Slates  troops,  under 
the  commnnd  of  GenernI  Tnylor,  were  directed  lo 
Inke  position  nt  Corpus  Chrisli,  on  the  right  bank 
of  Ihe  river  Nueces,  the  oriirirnl  geiigiapbical 
boundary  of  the  province  of  Texas;  niul,  in  the 
month  of  August  following,  they  were  encamped 
at  that  point.  This  pince  wns  recommended  by 
Mr.  Donelson,  our  charge  at  that  lime  in  Texns, 
ns  being  n  healthy  locnlion,  convenient  for  sup- 
plies, nnd  as  being  the  "  mostweslern  point  occu- 
pied hij  7'«(n."  It  wns  doublless,in  every  respeci, 
an  eligible  position  for  the  defence  of  Texas,  anil 
the  protectiim  of  her  citizens  from  Mexican  invn- 
aion.  Not  n  Texnn  or  nn  Americnn  citizen  was 
west  of  that  point;  nnd  between  ihem  and  the 
Mexican  ciiizeu.^,  upon  ihe  east  side  of  the  Rio 
Grniide,  a  vnst  uninhnliitnblc  monntnin  desert  in- 
tervened. Texas  coiihl  not  be  invaded,  nor  her 
citizens  molested  by  Mexico,  except  by  first  cro,ss- 
iiig  this  desert,  or  by  landing  from  the  const,  wbii  b 
was  giinnled  by  n  SIrong  naval  fiirce.  General 
Taylor  and  his  troops  remained  in  camp  nt  this 
point  from  August  until  Mnrch  last,  about  seven 
months.  During  all  this  time  they  were  never 
dislnrhed,  or  called  from  their  quarlers,  by  the 
approach  or  appearance  of  any  danger.  No  inva- 
.xion  was  made  or  nllem|ilcil  on  the  part  of  Mexi- 
co, ahbongh  the  nnncxniion  of  Texns,  in  ihe  menu 
time,  hnd  been  fully  cnnsummnted  by  her  ndinis- 
sion  as  n  Sinte  into  this  Union.  If  there  ever  hail 
been  nny  good  renson  to  npprchend  nn  invnsiiin 
from  Mexico,  thnt  time  had  now  passed  by.  The 
President  himself  shall  be  my  nnlhority  for  thi.s 
as.serlion.  In  his  Annual  Message  at  the  opening 
of  the  present  session  of  Congress,  on  the  second 
day  of  Ueccmber  Inst,  he  said:  "Our  nrmy  was 
'  ordered  to  Inke  position  in  the  country  belweeu 
'  the  Nueces  nnd  the  Del  Norte,  nnd  to  repel  any 
'  invasion  of  the  Texnn  territory  which  might  be 
'  ntlemplcd  by  the  Mexicnn  forces.  Onr  sqnndrnn 
'  in  ihc  gulf  was  ordered  to  cooperate  with  tin; 
'nrmy.  But,  tliongh  our  nrmy  nnd  nnvy  tiYie 
'  plarrd  ill  a  posilicn  to  drfi  ml  niir  own  and  lite  rip;lils 
*  of  TcxaXy  tliev  were  lu'dered  lo  commit  iki  net  of 
'  hostility  nL'aliist  Mexico,  unless  she  dcclan  d 
'  war,  or  wns  herself  the  aggressor  by  slrikmg  the 
'  first  blow.  The  remit  has  been  that  .Vcxieo  has 
'  made  nn  nggrrwire  iiiorfHini/,  nnd  onr  mililnry  nnil 
'  nnvnl  commnnders  have  executed  their  orders 
'  with  such  discretion,  that  the  pe.icc  of  the  two 
'  Republics  hns  not  been  dislnrhed."  And,  I  will 
ndil,  that  the  peace  of  the  two  Republics  would  not 
have  been  disturbed  lo  ibis  dny  hnd  our  Executive 
Government  here  ncied  with  linlf  the  di.'icrelioii 
whirli  they  commend  in  onr  nnvnl  nnd  military 
cominnnilers,  nnd  hnd  permillcd  the  nrmy  to  re- 
main at  Corpus  Chrisli,  where  the  President  him- 
self says  it  was  "  in  a  position  to  defend  our  own 
nnd  the  rights  of  Texas." 


1846^ 

aOTH  CONO... 

Mr.  Chairman, thi 

wns  in  ordering  lb 

Corpus  Chrisli  to  I 

That  this  wns  the  i 

iho  war,  ndinits  of 

This  removal  was  r 

on  the  13lhdayof  J 

nalurnlly  arises,  vv 

for  this  order.'     W 

ing  the  army  to  thi 

then  in  the  quiet  ill 

session  of  Mexico: 

for  the  purpose  of 

lion  to  protect  the 

by  Mexico,     lien 

it  was  nirendy  for 

alarm  about  an  in 

feared;  none  wa.s  < 

hostility  on   the   | 

ceased.     IfCorpu 

cm  frontier  of  tli 

eligilil^  position  I' 

any  reason  lo  app 

how  much  less  eli 

all  such  apprchcn 

was  already  "in 

the  rights  of  Texi 

sixtymilesbeyoni 

Sir,  you  must  loo 

for  tliis  removal  ( 

of  Texas.     Eor 

army   might  ha 

Texas.    There  i 

Mexico, nnd  ihei 

ihc  time  the  arm 

1  repeal  Ihe  que 

was  there  in  ordi 

lo  the  left  bank 

fleeting  mnn  in  I 

nnd  inevilnble  i 

lilitics,  to  excite 

try  in  war,  prcc 

cnnnol  hnvc  dis 

one  who  bad  u 

subject.     Sir,  tl 

is  too  thin  lo  c 

the  real  purnosf 

when  nctiial  h; 

armies.    The 

But  lei  us 
In  his  spei-ini 
lull  day  of  » 
for  orderiii,. 
Nueces  to  the 
that  he  wou' ' 
nature  of  the 
been  so  ofte 
floor,  that  ill 
of  speech;  ai 
repealed  wil' 
challenge  ih 
briefly,  tl"'i«; 
their  order. 
And  first 
'  concentraU 
'  ihere  until 
'  from  Mcx 
'  tain,  that  tl 
'  to  receive 
trine  in  the 
goveriimcnt 
surticienl  ca 
government 
lion  of  rect 
refusal   be 
new  mellioi 
with  this  A 
iiilo  the  chi 
while  we  n 
ing  to  re-o| 
Mr.  Chain 
one  of  the 
ngninst  rec 
fad  of  our 
ul  the  linn 
Iliac  n  mill 
generntc  1 
and  spirit 
such  a  des 
on  our  pi 
il.     liislei 
the  urmy 


M 


uld 


ih 


TTiW*^^ 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1009 


Siih-H  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


The  Mexican  War — Mr.  Foot. 


Ho.  OF  Rrps. 


Jiv, 
live 


pur- 
lisi- 


m- 


Mr.  Chuirmnn,  the  grand  and  reprehensible  error 
wn8  in  ordering  the  removal  of  llie  nrniy  from 
Corpus  C'lirisii  lo  llie  litmka  of  the  Kio  Urnndc. 
Tliiu  this  was  the  direct  iind  imnicdiiitv  rnusc  of 
the  wiir,  lulmitM  of  no  rntional  ground  of  deniol. 
This  removal  was  made  by  order  of  the  President, 
on  the  lllih  day  of  January  lost.  The  inquiry  most 
nalunilly  arises,  what  possible  reason  was  there 
for  this  order?  What  owasion  was  there  for  send- 
in};  tlic  army  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
then  in  the  quiet  and  peaceful  and  exclusive  pos- 
session of  Mexico?  It  surely  could  not  have  been 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a  more  elii;ible  posi- 
tion to  protect  the  ciiii'.cns  of  Texas  from  invasion 
by  Mexico.  It  could  be  in  no  better  position  than 
it  was  already  for  that  purpose.  There  was  no 
alarm  about  an  iniasion  at  tliis  time.  None  was 
feared;  none  was  expected.  All  demonstrations  of 
hostility  on  the  part  of  Mexico  had  loiu^  since 
ceased.  If  Corpus  Christi,  on  ihe  extreme  west- 
ern frontier  of  the  selilemeiitR  of  Texas,  was  an 
elii^ible  position  for  iier  defence,  while  there  was 
any  reason  toappiehend  an  invasion  from  Mexico, 
liow  much  less  eli!;ible  was  it  for  that  pmposc  after 
all  such  apprehensions  had  sulisideil?  ll'oiirariny 
was  already  "in  a  position  to  defend  our  own  anil 
the  rij^lils  of  Texas, "why  remove  it  a  hundred  and 
sixty  tniles  beyond  the  remotest  settlement  of  Texas? 
Sir,  you  must  look  for  some  other  cause  and  motive 
fur  this  removal  of  the  army  than  the  mere  defence 
of  Texas.  For  all  any  such  purpose  as  this,  the 
army  might  have  been  safely  withdrawn  from 
Texas.  'I'here  would  have  been  no  invasion  Ironi 
Mexico, atid  there  was  no  reasoji  to  apprehend  it  at 
the  time  the  army  was  ordered  to  the  ItioUrandc. 
I  repeat  the  tpiestion,  then,  what  possible  object 
was  there  in  orderinKGcneralTaylorand  his  troops 
to  the  left  bank  of  that  river?  Did  not  every  re- 
flecting man  in  the  country  consider  that  its  tlirect 
and  inevitable  tendency  must  be  to  provoke  hos- 
tilities, to  excite  collision,  and  to  involve  the  coun- 
try ill  war,  precisely  as  it  has  done?  The  result 
cannot  have  disappointed  the  anticipations  of  any 
Olio  who  had  understood  and  rellecled  upon  the 
snlyeot.  Sir,  the  veil  which  covers  this  movement 
is  too  thin  to  conceal  from  ordinary  discernment 
the  real  purpose  of  it.  That  purpose  was  answered 
when  actual  hpatilities  took  place  between  the  two 
armies.     The  country  has  yet  to  learn  the  sequel. 

But  let  us  hear  the  President  in  his  own  defence. 
In  his  special  message  which  he  sent  to  us  on  the 
lltli  day  of  May  last,  he  assigns  several  reasons 
for  ordering  the  removal  of  the  troops  from  the 
Nueces  to  tiie  Rio  Urande;  and  it  is  to  be  presumed 
that  he  would  give  the  best  reasons  of  which  the 
nature  of  the  case  would  admit;  and  they  have 
been  so  often  reiterated  by  his  fiieiids  upon  thi.s 
floor,  that  they  have  beciuiie  quite  familiar  forms 
of  speech;  and  in  some  instances,  they  have  been 
repealed  with  an  air  of  triuui|)li  that  seemed  to 
challenge  their  refutation.  I  purpose  lo  examine, 
briefly,  these  reasons  or  pleas  of  justification  in 
their  order. 

And  fust,  the  President  says:  "This  force  was 
'concentrated  at  Corpus  Christi,  and  renuiined 
'  there  until  aftei  1  had  received  such  inforiiialion 
'  from  Mexico  as  rendered  it  probable,  if  not  cer- 
'  tain,  that  the  Mexican  Government  would  refuse 
'  to  receive  our  envoy."  It  is  entirely  a  novel  doc- 
trine in  the  law  of  nations,  that  the  refusal  of  one 
government  to  receive  an  envoy  from  another  is 
siitHcient  cause  for  invading  the  territory  of  that 
government;  but  much  less  cause  is  it  if  the  ques- 
tion of  reception  be  still  pending,  and  the  ultimate 
refusal  be  only  "  piobalile."  Moreover,  it  is  a 
new  method  of  conciliation,  and  entirely  original 
with  this  Administration,  to  send  a  hostile  army 
into  the  claimed  territory  of  a  foreign  Government, 
while  we  are,  at  the  same  time,  [iiofesaedly  seek- 
ing to  re-open  friendly  diplomatic  relations.  Why, 
Mr.  Chairnum,  as  was  not  unnatural  to  suppose, 
one  of  the  chief  objections  which  Mexico  raised 
against  receiving  an  envoy  from  us,  was  the  very 
fact  of  our  armed  forces  hovering  upon  her  borders 
at  the  time,  as  if  we  would  ccmstiain  her  to  recog- 
nise a  minister  from  us  by  intimidation.  The  de- 
generate Mexican  has  yet  too  much  of  the  |)ride 
and  spirit  of  his  ancient  Castilian  race  tosub.iiit  to 
such  a  degradation  of  national  honor.  1'  ,  as  folly 
on  our  part  to  expert  it;  it  was  dishonorable  to  ask 
it.  Instead  of  ordering  an  advance  movement  of 
the  army,  then,  nut  only  ordhiury  national  cour- 


tesy, not  only  good  policy  and  good  sense,  but 
common  justice  and  propriety,  shimld  have  in- 
duced our  Kxecutive  government  to  have  with- 
drawn our  forces,  for  the  time  being  at  least,  from 
the  Mexican  borders.     Could  the  Administration 
suppose  that  Mexico  would  be  more  likely  to  re- 
ceive a  minister  from  us  by  placing  a  hostile  army 
upon  her  territory,  or  territory  which  she  claimed 
to  be  hers,  and  which  was  in  her  quiet,  and  peace- 
ful, and  exclusive  possession,  and  more  especially 
when  it  was  one  of  ilie  avowed  objects  of  ihe  mis- 
sion to  settle  and  adjust  the  question  of  claim  to 
this  very  territory  ?    The  circuuislnnce  of  there 
being  a  doubt  about  the  reception  of  our  Minister, 
instead  of  afTording  any  valid  reason  for  ordering 
an  advance  movement  of  the  army,  presented  one 
of  the  stnmgest  considerations  for  ordering  it  to 
recede.     liesidcs,  the  refusal  of  the  Gnvernment  of 
Herrera  to  receive  our  Minister  was  fii'^t  commu- 
nicated to  this  Government  by  Mr.  S    lell,  in  his 
letter  to  Mr.  Buchanan  of  the  27th  m  December 
last,  and  which  did  not  reach  here  until  the  23d  of 
January,  ten  days  after  the  order  for  the  removal 
of  the  traops  had  been  issued.     And  Mr.  Slidell's 
letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  of  the  17tli  of  De- 
cember, contains  the  first  intimation  of  a  doubt 
about  his  reception,  and  the  receipt  of  that  letter  is 
acknowledged  here  on  the  20lh  of  .January,  seven  j 
daysaftertbeorderof removal.  Whatothersources  | 
of  information  the  President  had,  which  rendered  ; 
it  "probable,  if  not  certain,  that  the  Mexican  Gov-  ' 
ernment  would  refuse  to  receive  our  envoy,"  we 
are  not  apprized.     It  is  not  lo  be  found  in  the  offi- 
cial correspondence  which  he  has  furnished  to  us. 
Moreovi^r,  General  Herrera  resigned  the  Presidency 
on  the  30lh  of  December  last,  aial  General  Paredes 
took  the  oath  of  office  on  the  4th  of  January  fol-  ; 
lowinir,  and,  in  conformity  with  his  instructions, 
Mr.  Slidell  re-submitted  the  question  of  liis  recog-  | 
nition  lo  the  new  government  on  the  Ist  of  March 
following;  and,  on  the  IQth  of  that  month,  Mr.  i 
Castillo,  the  Mexican  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  i 
informed  Mr.  Slidell  of  the  final  refusal  of  his  Gov- 1 
ernment  to  receive  him  in  the  capacity  of  Minister  : 
Plenipotentiary.     And,  in  the  same  note,  he  adds:  ] 
"This  warlike  display  with  which  the  American  '■ 
'  Union  presents  itself — by  sea,  with  her  squadrons  ; 
'  on  both  coasts;  by  land,  with  her  Invading  forces  ' 
'  advancing  by  the  northern  frontier — at  the  same 
'  time  that,  by  her  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  propo- 
'  sitions  are  made  for  conciliation  and  arcommoda- 
'  tion — would  be  a  sufficiently  powerful  reason  for 
'  not  listening  to  them,  so  long  as  all  threatening 
'  shall  not  be  withdrawn,  even  to  the  slightest  ap- 
'  pearance  of  hostility."     I  will  now  submit  it  to 
the  unbiassed  judgment  of  the  intelligence  of  the 
country  to  decide  how  far  the  President  can  be  jus- 
tified in  ordering  the  Army  of  Occupation  from  the 
Nueces  to  the  Rio  Grande,  on  the  13th  of  .laiiuary 
last,  under  the  pretext  tluu  it  was  then  "  probable, 
if  not  certain,  that  the  Mexican  Government  would 
refuse  to  receive  our  envoy;"  and  lo  dei'ide,  also, 
how  nuich  this  very  course  of  action  contributed 
■  to  defeat  the  proflcred  mission. 

But  suppose  that  Mexico,  without  reasonable 
cause,  and  before  the  order  for  the  removal  of  the 
troops  was  issued,   had  refused   lo   receive  Mr. 
1  .Slidell;  and,  if  you  please,  assume  that  lo  besuffi- 
'  cient  cause  of  war,  is  the  President  to  take  redress 
into  his  own  hands,  and  to  make  war  upon  a  na- 
tion with  which  we  are  at  peace;  or  place  the  mil- 
itary fiu'ce  of  the  connlry  in  a  position  which  must 
inevitably  provoke   hoslililirs  and   lenil   lo  war? 
Shall  he  do  this  without  notice  lo  Congress,  and 
while  Congress  is  in  session?   .Sir,  let  me  say, that 
if  such  lawless  and  highhanded  assumptions  of 
j  power  may  be  tolerated;  if  lliey  may  be  ]inssed  by 
unheeded  and  unrcbuked.  Congress  may  as  well 
disperse  at  once  and  go  himie,  and  leave  all  legis- 
lative as  well  as  executive  power  in  the  hands  of 
the  President.     To  this  end  we  arc  hastening  with 
rapid  and  fatal  step.     The  time  is  not  far  distant, 
we  r'ly  well  fear,  if  it  be  not  already  at  hand, 
,  vi'hen  the  Congress  of  the  tTiiiled  Stales  will  be- 
;  come  the  mere  register  of  Presidential  edicts. 
I      Again,  the  President  goes  on  to  say:    "  Mean- 
'  time  Texas,  by  the  final  action  of  our  Congress, 
'  had  become  an  integral  part  of  our  Union.    The 
'  Congress  of  Texas,  by  its  act  of  December  IS), 
'  183fi,  had   declared  the  Riti  del  Norte  to  be  the 
i  '  boundary  of  that   Republic."    Sir,  is  it  to   be 
seriously  contended  that  one  Government  may 


settle  and  establish  a  disputed  line  of  boundnry 
between  itself  and  another  Government  by  act  of 
legislation,  and  that  sucli  act  shall  be  eonctiiHive 
upon  both?  If  so,  we  might  have  saved  our.selves 
a  vast  amount  of  expense  and  trouble  in  reference 
lo  our  norlheastern  and  northwestern  boundaries. 
We  had  imly  to  pass  a  declaratory  act  defining  the 
boundary  between  ourselves  and  Great  Hritaiii, 
and,  according  to  the  logic  of  the  President,  tbu 
thing  was  done,  and  Kngland  was  concluded! 
Texas  might  as  well  have  enacted  that  the  Sierra 
MaUi.'  was  her  southwestern  boundary  as  the  Rio 
delNorlt.  In  either  ease,  it  would  be  equally  inop- 
erative ii|)on  the  rights  and  jurisdiction  of  Mexico. 
The  Pre  lident  again  says:  "  Its  juvisdiclion  had 
been  extended  and  exercised  beyond  the  Nueces." 
How  far,  I  ask,  beyond  the  Nueces  had  the  juris- 
diction of  Texas  been  exercised?  The  President 
is  careful  not  to  say,  in  terms,  lo  the  Del  Norte; 
but  such  is  the  si/ggf»(io  /li/.ii  of  the  statement.  The 
truth  is,  the  jurisdiction  of  Texas  had  never  been 
extended  or  exercised  beyond  the  Nueces,  except 
at  Corpus  Christi,  and  the  country  lying  imme- 
diately upon  the  right  bank  of  that  river.  It  was 
never  extended  beyond  Ihe  desert.  It  was  never 
exercised  over  any  portion  of  the  territory  or  peo- 
ple between  the  desert  ond  the  Del  Norte. 

Of  the  same  character  is  the  statement  which 
immediately  follows,  that  "  the  country  between 
'that  river  (Ihe  Nueces)  and  the  Del  Norte,  had 
'  been  represenled  in  the  Congress  and  in  the  Con- 
'venlion  of  Texas,  and  had  thus  taken  pan  in  iho 
'  act  of  annexation  itself,  and  is  now  inchided  within 
'  one  of  our  Congressiimal  districts."  The  question 
recurs  again — how  much  and  what  portion  of  the 
country  beltrcen  Ihe  Nueces  and  the  Del  Norte, 
had  been  represenled  in  llie  Congress  and  in  the 
(.'onvention  of  Texas?  The  answer  is.  Corpus 
Christi  and  the  country  lying  directly  upon  the 
west  bank  of  the  Nueces.  Is  it  possible  that  the 
President  means  to  be  understood,  as  asserting, 
that  the  country  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Del  Nmie; 
that  the  inhabitants  of  Brasos  Santiago  and  Laredo, 
or  any  portion  of  the  country  between  the  Del 
Norle  and  the  great  desert,  had  ever  been  repre- 
.sented  in  the  Congress  and  in  the  Convention  of 
Texas,  and  had  thus  taken  part  in  the  act  of  an- 
nexation ?  Does  he  mean  to  say  that  the  people  of 
this  territory  ever  consented  to  be  annexed,  or  even 
dreamed  that  they  were  lo  be  annexed,  lo  the  Uni- 
ted Slates?  This  is  the  meaning  of  his  language, 
if  it  means  anything.  It  admits  of  no  other  iiiler- 
i  pretalion,  inasmuch  as  he  adduces  it  as  an  nrgu- 
\  inent  in  justification  of  Inking  foicible  possession 
of  this  territory.  Whereas,  the  trulh  is,  ihal  no 
;  portion  of  the  vast  extent  of  territory  between  the 
'  great  desert  and  the  Del  Norte,  (and  which  is  conse- 
quently "  beheeen  the  Nueces  and  ihe  Del  Norte,") 
had  ever  been  represented  in  the  Congress  or  the 
Convention  of  Texas;  no  one  of  its  citizens  had 
ever  taken  part  in,  or  consented  to,  the  act  of  an- 
nexation. They  were  citizens  of  Mexico,  subject 
lo  her  jurisdiction  and  obedient  to  )ier  laws.  We 
might  "insist  with  equal  perspicuity  of  language 
and  force  of  argument,  that  Ihe  whole  connlry 
■  belwetn  the  Mississippi  river  and  the  Pacific.  Ocean 
was  represented  in  Ihe  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  because  Arkansas  and  Missouri  are  repre- 
sented here,  and  as  they  lie  upon  the  west  bank  of 
the  Mississippi,  ihey  consequently  lie  beliveen  that 
river  and  the  Pacific.  Hence  the  President  might 
have  adduced  as  strong  an  argument  in  favor  of 
taking  forcible  pnsses.sion  of  New  Mexico  and 
California,  as  of  Point  l.sabeland  the  country  upon 
the  east  side  of  the  Del  Norle.  As  lo  the  thcl  that 
Texas  had  seen  fit  to  embrace  this  territory  within 
one  of  her  congressional  districts,  it  has  the  same 
binding  force  upon  Mexico,  that  her  act  of  1830 
has,  declaring  the  Del  Norte  to  be  her  boindary; 
and  that  is  no  more  nor  less  than  none  at  all.  I 
would  like  to  ask  the  honorable  member  from 
Texas,  [.Mr.  Pii.i.snrnv,]  who  represents  ihatilis- 
Irirl,  how  many  votes  he  received  from  his  repub- 
lican constituency  in  that  section  of  territory;  how 
many  in  Santiago;  how  many  in  Laredo;  how 
many  in  San  Fernando;  how  many  in  Santa  Fe? 

Mr.  PiLi.BBiRT.  I  did  not  receive  any;  they 
were  given  to  my  opponent. 

Mr.  Foot.  Does  the  gentleman  intend  to  be 
understood  as  saying  that  his  opponent  received 
votes  there — that  any  votes  were  given  to  any 
Texan  candidate  for  Congress  ? 


t 


VBf 


li'*!,  ■ 


18  ■   • 


;,f !  i. 


noo 


29th  Cono IsT  Sess. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 
TTte  Mexican  War — Mr.  Foot. 


[■July  16, 


Ho.  or  Rr.ps. 


1846.] 
29th  Cqno. 


Mr.  PiLLiBVRT.  It  wna  our  intention  to  open 
the  polls  nt  Laredo,  but  the  troubles  came  on 
about  thnt  time,  nnd  it  wns  not  done. 

Mr.  Foot.  Notwilhsljindin?  the  evasion  of  the 
penllcmnn's  first  nnswer,  we  nave  now  the  nc- 
knnwledgment  fruni  him  of  what  we  nil  knew  be- 
fore, thnt  not  H  poll  wns  opened,  not  a  vole  received, 
in  all  timt  lerritury,  for  an  election  to  the  Ameri- 
can Consreas. 

The  President  further  snys:  "  Our  own  Con- 
'  press  lind,  moreover,  with  {rreat  unanimity,  by 
'  ihc  nrl  approved  December  31,  1H45,  rcrngnised 
'  the  country  beyond  the  JXucccs  as  n  part  of  our 
'  territory,  by  including  it  within  our  own  revenue 
'syslem;  nnd  n  rcviime  officer,  t.i  reside  wiiliin 

*  that  diHtricI,  hns  l)eeu  appointed,  by  nnd  with  the 

*  advice  nnd  consent  of  the  Seiintc."  Mow  much 
and  wha;  portion  of  the  "  coiin(ny  Ari/onil  the  Nu- 
eces" d'd  Coii;,'rcK.i  reciignisc  ns  n  |mrt  of  onr  ter- 
ritory by  tlie  act  referred  tor  How  much  nnd 
whni  portion  of  'lu;  •'  couii'ry  liryond  the  Nueces" 
did  Coi;j;ii;ss  recojiiise  ns  a  imt  of  our  territory 
by  the  act  referred  to?  Hrw  much  nnd  what 
portion  of  the  "country  kfj/ond  theNuecs"  did 
Cogress  include  "within  our  own  rev;nue  sys- 
tem" by  that  net?  I  nnswer,  ibn*  Conffrcss.by 
thnt  net,  simply  crented  n  collection  district  nnd 
established  a  custom-house  at  Corpus  Chrisli,  rijtlit 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Nueces,  wlicre  the  Aniericnn 
army  was  then  encamped;  and  the  President  niul 
Senate  nppointed  a  collector  to  reside  there.  And 
now  the  President  would  i^mvely  cinim,  thnt  the 
Congress  of  the  United  Sintes,  by  deliberate  nnd 
solemn  act,  had  recognised  the  tcAo/e  eoiinlnj  lir- 
tween  the  Nueces  nnd  the  Del  Norte  ns  a  part  of 
our  territory.  I  am  sure  that  nobody  less  than  a 
President  of  the  United  States  would  ever  hnve 
thought  of  giving  so  very  tcirfr  anrf  expnnsire  ncon- 
Nlniclion  to  that  net.  This  act  was  in  fact  passed 
without  any  reference  to  the  question  of  title  to  any 
portion  of  this  territory.  It  settles  no  question  of 
title.  It  could  not  be,  nnd  was  not,  intended  ns  a 
recognition  even  of  Corpus  Chrisli  itself,  much  less 
of  the  country  a  hundred  and  fifty  miles  beyond,  ns 
a  part  of  our  territory. 

"  The  President  then  adds:  "  It  became,  ihere- 
'  fore,  of  urgent  necessity  to  provide  for  the  defence 
'  of  that  portion  of  our  country.  Accordingly,  on 
'  the  13th  of  .January  last,  instructions  were  issued  , 
'  to  the  general  in  command  of  these  troops  to  oc-  ■ 
'cupy  the  left  bank  of  the  Del  Norte.  This  river,  I 
'  which  is  the  southwestern  boundary  of  the  Stnlcof 
'  Texas,  is  an  exposed  frontier;  from  this  quarter 
'  invasion  wns  threatened."  It  is  pertinent  to  in- 
(Hiire  whnt  new  cuv.uinstance  occurred  to  create 
tiie  "  urgent  neoessitv,"  of  which  the  President 
speaks,  of  providing  for  the  defence  of  what  ho  is 
pleased  to  call  "this  portion  of  our  country." 
Nunc  are  suggested  in  the  mes.^s^ige,  except  those 
I  have  already  citeu  from  it.  Texas  had  lieen  ad- 
mitted into  the  Union,  but  thnt  did  not  nfl'cct  the 
quesiiori  of  boiinilary.  (^onirress  had  c^^la^>lisllell 
n  collection  district  at  Corpus  Chrisli,  but  thnt  did 
not  alfect  the  question  of  title.  If  Corpus  Chrisli 
and  the  light  bank  of  the  Nueces  beloims  to  the 
Unite!  Smies,  it  belongs  to  us  not  by  virlu';  of 
that  act,  but  because  it  belonged  to  Texas  before 
her  admission  into  the  Union.  And  if  it  behuiged 
to  Texas  at  nil,  it  wns  by  virtue  of  conquest,  and 
her  orciipnlion  of  it — which  is  a  point  I  have  not 
made  in  the  present  discussion,  fhere  was  nolh- 
in<r,  then,  in  these  nets  to  create  the  "  iiru:enl  ne- 
cessity" to  provide  for  the  defence  of  "  this  por- 
tion of  our  couiury."  But  what  is  mennl  by  "  this 
portion  of  our  cniintry  ?"  It"  he  means  tlinl  portion 
"included  williiu  our  revenue  system,"  nnd  that 
portion  "  reprt  .-rented  in  the  Coiiirress  and  in  ihe 
Convciilion  of  Texas,"  he  is  still  liinitid  to  ilie 
immediate  inriks  of  tlif*  Nueces,  where  the  army 
was  alrcidy  encamped,  and  had  been  for  six 
ntonths;  hence  no  '*  urgent  necessity"  arose  to 
defend  "  that  portion  of  our  country"  which  was 
already  defended.  If  by  "  that  portion  of  our 
coiintrv  hftifinit  the  Nueces,"  he  means  the  terri- 
tory between  the  desert  and  the  Del  Norte,  I  need 
only  say  that  it  was  in  the  same  condition,  as  re- 
gards all  its  political  relations,  that  it  had  been  six 
mfuiths  or  six  years  before.  What  urgent  neces- 
sity was  there,  "  therefore,"  to  provide  for  the 
defence  of  "  this  portion  of  oiir  country  •"  It  re- 
quired noj  defence  against  Mexico.  It  was  then, 
ns  it  always  had  been,  in  the  exclusive  possession  ' 


'  of  Mexico.     Itg  inhnbitnnis  called  for  no  defence  , 
ngninst   Mexico.     They  were  themselves  Mexi- 
cans, nnd  recognised  no  other  government  nulhnr-  i 
ity  tlinn  thnt  of  Mexico.     Il'it  it  is  said,  "this  i 
'  river,  (the  Del  Norte,)  whici  .  i  the  southwestern 
'  boiindnry  of  the  Stnte  of  Texas,  is  nn  exposed  | 
'  frontier;  from  this  quarter  invasion  was  threat-  • 
'  ened."    To  sny  that  this  river  was  Ihc  boundary 
of  Texas,  or  the  frontier  of  Texas,  is  entirely  beg- 
ging the  question.     It  is  remnrknbly  characteristic  ' 
of  the  President's  nssertions,  in  this  official  com-  , 
municntion,  that  he  takes  for  grnnted  thnt  which  is 
not  cnnceded,  niid  nssuincs  to  lie  settled  that  which  ' 
j  constitutes  the  very  eround  of  controversy.     Uiit 
1  when  wns  invasion  tlireaiened  .'     Not  nslntenslhe 
j  M  dny  of  December  Inst,  when  the  President  in- 
fbrine'd  us  that  "  Mexico  had  made  no  aggressive 
!  movement."    I''rnin  that  time  till  after  the  order  of 
I  the  I3ili  of  .Tnniinry,  no  thrents  of  invnsion,  no 
i  hostile  demonstatiiuis  were  made  on  the  part  of  i 
Mexico.     Such  are  the  rcpresenialions  of  nil  the  ' 
I  otlicinl  despntchcs  from  that  quarter.     In  liici,  the 

first  indication  of  n  hostile  spirit  on  the  part  of  the  ; 
j  Mexicans,  as  we  lenrn  from  Genernl  Tnylor's  de-  I 
spntcli  of  the  21st  i>f  Mnrch  last,  wns  on  the  pre-  : 
ceding  dny,  nnd  when  he  had  advanced  110  miles 
from  his  eam]i,  had  crossed  the  desert,  wns  np-  ■ 
liroachins  the  Little  Coliu-ado,  nnd  was  nliont  en- 
tering the  Mexican  sclilements.     One  or  two  par- 
lies ]iresented   Ihem.selves   and    protested   against 
General  Tnylor's  advancing  further,  but  withmit 
ofl'ering  any  actual  resistance,  they  soon  retired  in 
the  direction  of  Malnmoios.  j 

The  truth  is,  which  all  must  admit,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, that  however  much  Mexico  may  have  threat- 
ened invnsion  or  wnr  peiidiii'j  the  (inestion  of'  the 
annexntion  of  Texas,  nnd  however  much  she  mny 
have  felt  herself  n?','rieved  by  the  consummation 
of  thnt  net,  she  had,  doubtless,  concluded  that, 
weak  nnd  distracted  ns  she  was  by  her  own  inter- 
nal dissensions,  it  would  he  the  moie  safe  nnd  pru- 
dent pnrt  for  her  peaceably  and  quietly  to  submit 
to  nn  alleged  wrong  which  she  hnd  not  the  nbility 
to  redress.  And  nt  no  time  was  this  disposition  on 
the  part  of  Mexico  more  nitinifest  thnn  in  .Inniinry 
last,  when  the  troops  were  ordered  from  the  Nue- 
ces to  the  Del  Norte;  nt  no  time  more  manifest 
than  nt  the  very  time  when  the  President  .says: 
"  It  became  of  urgent  necessity  to  provide  for  ihe 
defence  of  this  portion  of  our  country."  If  it  was 
deemed  necessary  to  send  the  United  States  troojis 
to  the  Nueces  in  .Tune  of  last  year,  when  Mexico 
was  actually  threatening  invasion  in  the  event  of 
the  annexntion  of  Texas,  how  ctuilrl  it  become, 
"  therefore,"  of  "  urgent  necessity"  to  send  them 
to  the  Del  Norte  in  .laniiary  hist,  after  the  event 
of  annexation,  nnd  after  it  had  been  ascertained 
that  Mi'xico  wns  making  "  no  acgie.ssive  inove- 
mciilr"  After  she  had  ceased  her  menaces,  nnd 
after  it  had  become  manifest  to  the  world  that  she 
would  ciuumit  no  hostile  invasion  of  our  territory, 
unless  we  should  devise  some  other  nnd  more 
stringent  incentive  to  provoke  her  to  it. 

Mr.  (Chairman,  I  repent,  that  the  removal  of  the 
army  from  Corpus  Chrisli  to  the  Del  Norte  w;is 
the  imniedinte  and  scde  cnnse  of  this  wnr;  and  for 
this  act  the  Admiiiisiriuion  are  responsible,  and 
cannot  be  exonerated  upon  their  own  showing. 
It  was  not  iieces.snry;  it  wns  not  called  fur  by  any 
new  iir  pressing  exijencies;  it  wns  not  culled  for 
by  nny  peculiar  condition  or  circumstance  of  either 
Government  at  the  time:  it  was  not  called  for  to 
repel  invasion,  for  none  was  then  oflered;  it  was 
not  called  for  to  "  protect  our  own  or  the  rights  of 
Texas,"  fur  it  was  already  in  the  nios*.  "eligible 
position"  for  that  pnrpo.se,  if  they  needed  protec- 
tion; it  was  not  called  for  to  proleit  any  ciiizeii  of 
the  tjnil'd  .Siales  upiui  the  Rio  Grande,  for  there 
were  none  theie.  I  challent'e  nny  friend  of  the 
Administration  to  the  investigatiini,  and  to  point 
out,  if  he  CMii,  a  single  ciicninstarice  which  could 
by  any  possibility  render  it  either  necessary  or 
experlienl  to  send  our  troops  to  ihc  Rio  Grande  at 
that  time.  It  wns  not  called  fm- by  any  consider- 
ations of  necessity  or  expediency;  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, every  dicUile  of  wisdom,  and  prudence,  and 
justice,  forbid  it.  It  could  nnswer  no  possible 
good  r.nil;  but,  on  the  contrary,  its  rliiect  tenden- 
cy, yen,  sir,  its  inevitnble  consequence,  if  not  its 
preniediinted  purpose,  was  to  prov(d<e  collisiim 
nnd  wnr.  It  accomplished  that  end;  nnd  this 
country  ia  at  war;  at  war  by  the  act  of  the  Adniiii- 


■  istrution;  a  wnr  commenced  without  the  nuthority 
or  consent,  or  even  the  knowledge  of  Congress 

I  The  glories  of  the  8th  nnd  9th  of  May  which  si<^i 

1  nnlizcd  the  triumph  of  the  Aniericnn  arms  uiuoi 
the  fields  of  Pnlo  Alto  and  the  Resnca  de  In  I'al- 

:  mn,  had  risen,  before  Congress  knew  the  country 

i  wns  at  war  with  a  foreign  nation,  niid  helore  It 
wns  cnlled  upon  to  recognise  Its  exisiciice.     Hut 

I  the  ciumtry  is  nl  wnr,  and  whether  by  the  wimI,- 

1  ness  or  wickedness,  the  folly  or  the  inailne.sy,  „f 
the  Adiniiiislrati(Ui,  or  whether  by  the  aiiihcu'ily 
of  Congress,  nnd  in  defence  of  our  nn'imml  rii^lu's 

I  nnd  our  nationni  Iioiku-,  I  hold  it  t<i  1,(.  eqnally'ilu! 
duty  of  every  good  citizen  niiil  patriot  to  ccmie  to 
her  rescue.  It  is  equally  onr  duty  to  apply,  if 
need  be,  all  the  resources  of  the  country,  thai  li 
may  be  prosecuted  with  efficiency  and  bi"ous;lil  in 

,  a  niost  speedy  and  successful  termination.  ^Tliis 
is  no  Ics.s  the  dictate  of  patriotism  than  of  linnian- 
ily.     Whatever  may  hnve   been  the  ncis   of  the 

;  Adniinistrntion,  our  army  must  be  protected  and 
snsiiiined.     They  were  ncting  in  obediiMice  to  the 

,  orders  of  their  siqieriors,  and  me   not  respiui.sililc 

I  to  the  country  fm-  the  consequences.     They  hud 

j  been  needlessly  and  wantonly  pushed  to  ihe  point 

!  of  extreme  peril  by  our  Iiixecntive  nntiiorities;  but 
thanks  to  God  nnd  their  own  vahu, they  weri!  cu- 
:ibled  to  rescue  themselves  from  danger  nnd  their 
country  from  disgrace.  However  nnjnsily  or  nii- 
constitnlionally  n  weak  or  n  corrupt"  Adininislr.n- 
tion  mny  involve  the  conntry  in  war,  onr  pen|i!o 

j  and  onr  soil  must  be  defended  and  protecled.    We 

j  mny  defend  our  soldiers  nnd  our  citizens;  we  may 
defend  our  country,  its  iiistiliiiions,  nnd  its  lilier- 
lies;  we  may  dcfenil  our  nltnrs  nnd  onr  firesides, 
without  defending  the  authors  of  onr  cnlaniilies. 
When  the  sacred  temple  is  wrapped  in  flames,  all 
hands  must  come  to  the  rescue,  tliough  Ihe  toich 
of  the  incendiary  may  hnve  been  npplied  by  the 
hand  of  the  Pontifex  Maximns  himself 

Mr.  Chairman,  !  am  proud  to  sny  thnt  in  the 
recent  victories  upon  the  Rio  Gruiide  my  own 
Stnte  bore  nn  honornble  nnd  distinguished  pnrt. 
Among  the  nccomplished  nnd  gallant  officers  of 
that  little  army,  Vermont  points  to  and  rejoices  in 
the  names  of  her  Scott,  nnd  Hitchcock,  and  Al- 
vnrd,nnd  Beumnn,  nnd  Daniels,  nnd  Stevens,  who 
distinguished  themselves,  nnd  did  honor  to  their 

!  profession  and  their  country  upon  the  field  of  battle. 
Hut  to  proceed  with  the  nies.snge.  The  Presi- 
dent a::ain  says:  "  Mexico  has  passed  the  bound- 
ary of  the  United  States,  has  invaded  onr  territory, 
and  shed  Aniericnn  ' ''xid  upon  Aniericnn  soil." 
Sir,  with  what  pr  . ./  nnd  with  what  justice  to 
truth  can  it  be  saiil  that  "  Mexico  had  passed  the 

,  bouniliiry  of  the  United  Slates  nnd  invndcd  our. 

!  terrilory'-"  What  were  the  fncts  ns  we  were  in- 
formed of  them  nt  the  time  this  comimiiiicntion 
was  sent  to  ns  ?  After  the  Amerienns  hnd  en- 
camped upon  the  east  bank  of  the  Del  Norte;  after 

,  erecting  a  fm-t,  pointing  its  gnus  to  the   city  of 

I  Matunoros  upon  the  opposite  side, and  within  four 

'  hundred  yards  of  it;  niter  exhibiting  all  this  mar- 
tial and  warlike  displny,  nnd  nrter  the  Mexicni, 
citizens  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  had  fled  from 
their  homes  and  dwellings  before  the  presence  of 
our  advancing  army,  a  small  detnchnienl  of  the 

I  Mexican  fiu'ces  nt  Matnmoros  crossed  the  river 
some  (listnnce  nliove  for  the  purpose.'*  of  observn- 
tion,  nnd  n  reconnoitring  party  from  the  American 
army  fell  in  with  tlicui,  nnd  nn  en^'igcincnt  en- 
sued, which  resulted  In  the  loss  of  thirteen  .Ameri- 
enns nnd  many  more  Mexicnns.  Hut  Mexico 
p:isspd  no  iiotindnry  which  had  been  recognised 
ns  the  boundary  of  the  United  Stales  or  iif  Texas; 

'I  she  invaded  no  territory  whii:li  had  been  recognised 
i  ns  our  leriii'iry  or  the  territory  of  Texas;   she. 

'!  passed  the  limits  of  no  terrilory  of  which  she  was 

not  in  tilt  aclniil  and   rightful  occnpatlon;  she  did 

;  nothing  which  is  iniplied    by  the    term  iiirraoii. 

'The  President  nilglil   have   said    with   more   prn- 

'  priety  thnt  the  United  States  had  passed  I  he  bound- 
ary of  Mexico  and  Invaded  her  terrilory.  This 
territory  had  nlwnys  been  in  her  exclusive  posses- 
sion. ^>lie  hnd  her  military  posts  there,  she  had 
her  custom-house  nnd  collectors  there,  she  hnd 
her  resident  citizens  there,  and  these  citizens  were 

i;  represented  in  the  Mexican  Congrea.s.  They  ac- 
knowledged nnd  owned  nllegiance  to  no  other  Gov- 
ernment.    To   sny   nothing,   however,  about  the 

,<  technical  cpiestlon  of  title  to  the  territory  upon  the 
'  cast  bank  of  iho  Rio  Grande,  it  is  enough  to  suy 


that  it  wns,  on  our 

lion— nn  unsettled  qi 

mid  of  proposed  iieg. 

in  possession,  but  th 

ico.    llndnolMexio 

l„  cross  the  river,  or 

be  there  nmong  l">f 

which  she  hnd  nevei 

no  citizens  of  nny  e 

came  there  to  dislui 

ns  good  ft  right  to  d 

nrmy  there,  where 

If  so,  with  what  c 

Mexico  for  doing  i 

at  nil  events,  she  hi 

we  hnd?  Sir, this d 

passed  our  boundai 

ull  n  bald  nnd  bar 

neath  the  ilignily  f 

position  of  n  Chief 

ihis  he  supeindds 

|iirnlion,tlint"An 

American  soil.      I 

ionn  people.     Let 

science.     That  bl 

can  or  upon  Me: 

h  wns  shed  in  gi 

his  usurped  nutln 

nndgnllnntmenc) 

ment  and  relribi 

And  so,  too,  lie 

blood  shed  upon 

fathers— upon  llu 

hnd  held  pencefi 

soil  whicli  wns  t 

the  Inborsof  her 

for  the   first  V.\ 

Texnn  nrmy— in 

Congress,  but  by 

loo,  in  lime  of)) 

national  rights  o 

or  ihreaiencd— i 

warrant. 

Tlie  Presidcn 
of  justificnlion  y 
'  ists,  nnd  notw 
•  tl,  ey'="ls  by  tl 
no  d( ...ire,  M 
respectful   le 


!ini 


^ 


iiHiion,  nnd  o*' 

bndy.     Bui  wl 

to  this  body,  n 

lion  and  author 

he  who  fears 

unqunlified  di 

service  to  bis  ( 

justice.    This 

lion  in  fncl,  bi 

reciud  of  the 

course  will 

signed,  to  mii 

1  have  nlrenil] 

ihc  nets  of  ' 

unwurrnninbl 

Is  there  nn  in 

try  who  will 

that  the  marc 

Corpus  t^hri 

nicnt   and  \v 

Betlleinenls,  i 

very  face  of 

sole  cause  of 

honestly  nni 

before  liim,t 

ble  lueiexl  f 

ul  nulbority 

cnll  out  the 

try  to  repel 

rize  lilni  to  i 

nienl,  willu 

that   Govci 

apidogists  I 

nnd    in:   ha 

point  he  ph 

ultogeiher 

thnt  this  w 

more  ri^ht 

of  Mexico 

shade  of  tit 

tlie    desert 

iliscussin 

■purposes 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1101 


2^11  Cqno 1st  Ses8. 


TAe  Mexican  War— Mr.  Cobb. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


timt  it  MRU,  on  our  pnri,  nt  Iciial,  nn  npcii  qucs- 
limi — nil  iiimctlleij  (|uimli<iii — a  ijuchi'iin  of  diii|>utG 
(ind  of  proposeil  iifj^otialion.    Wc  liitil  never  been 
ill  poH-sewiloni  but  the  hoIc  poRseHHifiii  wn.s  iit  Mex* 
ko.    Iltiil  not  Mexico,  then,  ut  least  ax  ^ooil  n  riglit  I 
In  I'roHs  tlic  river,  or  to  send  her  forces  ncross — to 
be  there  among  her  own  cilizenii,  upon  the  soil  of  ^ 
which  nhe  h»d  never  been  dispoaseaned,  disturbing 
no  eiiizenN  of  any  other  Uovernnient,  unleHH  they 
cuinc  there  tn  disturb  her — bad  sliu  not,  1  repeat,  ; 
OS  );ood  a  ris^bt  to  do  this  as  wo  bad  to  send  our 
army  there,  where  not  an  American  citizen  dwelt?  , 
If  80,  with  what  conHcicnec  run  wc  complain  of 
iVtexIco  for  doinj;  what  we  had  done,  and  which, 
at  all  events,  she  had  quite  as  <;ood  a  ri^ht  to  do  as 
we  had  ?  Sir,  this  decUiralion  about  Mexico  havin<; 
paused  our  boundary  and  invaded  our  territory  is 
all  a  bald  and  barefaced  assumption,  totally  be- 
neath the  dignity  and  unworthy  the  character  and 
position  of  a  Chief  Ma);islrate  of  the  nation.    To 
this  he  superadds  the  pathetic  and  startling  dec- 
laration, that "  American  blood  has  been  shed  upon 
American  soil."   Let  him  answer  that  to  the  Amer- 
ican people.     Let  him  answer  it  to  his  own  con- 
science.    That  blood,  whether  shed  upon  Ameri- 
can or  upon  Mexican  soil,  stands  to  bis  account. 
It  was  shed  in  Kii'i"f?  "t'edicnce  to  the  orders  of 
his  usurped  authority.     The  blood  of  these  brave 
Olid  e;allant  men  cries  out  from  the  ground  for  judg- 
ment  and  retribution  upon  the  lawless  usurper. 
And  so,  too,  he  iiiiifht  have  said,  was  Mexican 
blood  shed  upon  tiiut  soil — upon  the  soil  of  their 
fathers — upon  the  soil  of  which  to  that  time  she 
linil  held  jjcaeefiil  and  undisturbed  possession — n 
soil  which  was  then  wavinj;  with  the  harvests  of 
the  labors  of  her  own  citizens,  and  which  was  now, 
for  ihc   first   t'.ne,  invaded   by  an  American  or 
Texan  army — invaded,  not  untfer  any  authority  of 
Confess,  but  by  orders  of  the  President — invaded, 
too,  in  time  of  jieacc  and  (piiet — invaded  when  no 
iialinnal  rights  or  interests  were  there  endangered 
or  ilireaiened — invaded  without  cause  and  without 
warrant. 

Tlie  President  finally  conclii(les  his  several  pleas 
of  justification  with  the  declaration,  that  "  war  ex- 
'  i.sis,  and  notwillislanding  all  our  ellorts  to  avoid 
'  it,  ev't-ls  by  the  act  of  Mexico  herself."  I  have 
no  di.irc,  \lr.  Chairman,  to  speak  in  other  than 
res|)ectl'ul  terms  of  the  Chief  Magisirate  of  the 
iiaiion,  and  o>'  his  oiKcial  communications  to  thi.s 
body.  Hut  when  a  declaration  like  this  is  made 
to  this  body,  and  to  the  country,  under  the  sanc- 
tionaiul  authority  of  an  Executive  communication, 
lu!  who  fears  or  tails  to  meet  it  with  a  tlttt  and 
unqualifieil  denial  of  its  truth,  renders  but  a  poor 
service  to  bis  country  and  to  the  cause  of  public 
justice.  This  declaration  has  not  only  no  founda- 
tion in  fact,  but  it  stands  coiuradicled  by  ihe  whole 
record  of  the  history  uf  our  relalions  and  inter- 
course with  Mexico,  and  is  calculated,  if  not  de- 
signed, to  misguide  and  deceive  the  public  mind. 
I  have  already  shown  that  this  war  exists,  not  by 
the  acts  of  Mexico,  but  by  the  unnecessary  and 
unwarrantable  acts  of  our  own  Adiuinistratioii. 
Is  there  an  intelligent  and  honest  man  in  the  coun- 
try who  will  not  feel  himself  compelled  to  say, 
that  the  marching  of  the  United  Stales  Hoops  from 
Corpus  (^hrisli  to  the  Uio  Grande,  their  encamp- 
ment and  warlike  display  among  the  Mexican 
setilemeiitM,  among  her  military  posts,  and  in  the 
very  face  of  Malamoros,  was  not  the  direct  and 
sole  cause  of  this  war?  Is  there  a  man  who  can 
boneslly  and  truly  say,  with  the  record  of  facts 
befiu'e  him,  that  there  was  any  juKlifiable  or  plausi- 
ble preiext  for  this  movement?  The  constitution- 
al authority  of  the  President  of  the  United  St;ite  lo 
call  out  the  naval  ond  military  forces  of  the  coun- 
try to  repel  actual  invasion  even,  does  not  autho- 
rize him  lo  invade  ihe  territory  of  n  forego  Goverii- 
menl,  without  a  recognilion  of  a  stale  of  war  wilh 
that  Govcniminl  by  Congress.  Hut,  say  the 
apologists  of  the  President,  Ibis  was  our  territory, 
and  ill!  had  a  right  to  place  the  army  at  any 
point  he  pleased  wilhin  our  own  borders.  This  is 
ultogeiher  begging  the  (pie.stlon  again.  I  deny 
that  ibis  was  our  territory,  or  that  wc  had  any 
more  right  or  claim  to  it  than  we  had  to  the  city 
of  Mexico  ilself.  We  had  not  the  shadow  of  a 
shade  of  lille  to  any  porlioiiof  the  territory  between 
the  desert  and  river  Del  iN'orle.  liul,  W'ilbout 
discussing  Ihis  question,  it  is  enough,  for  the 
purposes  of  my  argument,  Ihut  this  territory  was 


in  disputo ;  or,  more   correctly  sjieaking,  Texas 
had  asserted  a  claim  to  it,     Tiie  United  Slates  had 
not  even  done  that.     At  most,  then,  Ihe  question 
of  title  was  n  pendiiif;  and  controverted  i|Ucstion, 
and  the  exclusive  possession  of  Mexico  gave  her 
the  superior  ri^ht.     Indeed,  for  all   national  and 
political  purposes,  hers  was  a  perfect  right,  in  the 
conleinplation  of  the  law  of  nations,  until  It  should 
be  Biinendered  by  treaty,  or  arrcsteil  from  her  by 
,  conquest.     If  the  question  of  boundary  were  not 
an  open  question;  if  our  title,  or  the  title  of  Texas, 
to  Ihe  Kio  Grande,  was  "clear  and  unquestiona- 
ble," why  was  it  loft  onen  for  future  aujuslment 
I  wilh  Mexico  in  the  resolutions  of  annexation?    If 
the  Rio  Grande  was  the  true  line  of  boundary, 
which  could  be  established  by  "  irrefras^ible  proofs 
and  arguments,"  why  were  repeated  assurances 
given  to  Mexico  that  the  question  of  boundary  be- 
I  Iween  her  and  Texas shmild  be  settled  "amicably, 
and   to  her  satisfaction?"     If  this  river  was  ihe 
i  "southwestern  boundary  of  the  Stale  of  Texas," 
as  the  President  assumes  and  asserts  that  it  was, 
why  was  ho  pressing  ujmn  Mexico  the  reception 
I  of  a  Minister  from  us,  in  order  to  adjust  this  very 
j  question  of  boundary  ?    Was  the  Congress  of  the 
!  United  States  acting  in  bad  faith  towards  Mexico, 
and  was  Ihe  Administration  holding  out  false  colors  ' 
and  false  assurances,  in  order  to  keep  Mexico  quiet 
during  the  progress  of  annexation,  intending,  when 
that  act  sliould   be  finally  consummnled,  to  take 
'  forcible   pos.session  of  whatever  territory  Texas 
might  happen  to  claim,  and  to  fix  the  line  of  bound- 
ary wherever  we  pleased,  without  regard  to  the 
rights  of  Mexico  ?    Sir,  if  wo  would  not  charge 
upon  Congress  or  the  Administration  a  motive  and 
design  so  ba.se  and  dishonorable  as  that,  we  cannot 
1  justify  the  President  in   taking  forcible  military 
^  occupation  of  this  disputed  territory.     Wo  cannot 
,  qualify  the  act  as  anytliing  less  than  a  high-handed 
;  and  unauthorized  outrage  upon  the  conceded  rights 
\  of  Mexico. 

I      But  it  is  said  that  she  refu.sed  to  r'ceive  our 
envoy,  and,  therefore,   refused  to  negotiate.      I 
,  have  not  time,  and  it  is  not  material,  to  examine 
j  the  question  of  the  sufficiency  or  in-sulficicncy  of 
j  the  rea.sons  assigned  by  Mexico  for  refusing  to  : 
receive  a  Minister  Plenipotentiary  from   us,  al-  i 
though  she  was  willing  to  receive  a  commissioner,  [ 
clothed  with  powers  ad  line,  lo  adjust  all  pending  j 
ditferences  in  relation  to  Texas,  including  the  ques-  '■ 
,  lion  of  boundary.    Mr.  Castillo,  in  his  note  already 
i  referred  to,  says,  in  relation  to  Ibis  question,  "nor 
I  '  could  the  Government  of  the  Republic  extend  lis 
j  '  engagement  beyond  this;  for,  to  admit  any  per-  ' 
'  son  sent  by  the  United  Slates  in  the  character 
'  simply  of  the  ordinary  agenls  between  friendly 
'  nations,  whilst  Ihe  grave  question  of  Texas  was  | 
'  still  pending — directly  and  immediately  ailccling,  | 
'as  it  docs,  llic  inlegrily  of  the  Mexican  territory, 
'  and  the  very  nationality  itself — would  be  eqiiiva-  , 
\  '  lent  to  an  acknowledgment  that  this  question  was 
'  at  on  end;  thus  prejudicing  it  without  even  touch- 
;  '  ing  il;  and  lo  a  recognition  that  the  relations  of 
'  friendship  and    harmony  between  the  two  na- 
'  lions  were  from  ilial  inomtiit  in  f.ict  reeslablish- 
1  'ed."   But  the  refusal  of  Mexico  to  receive  a  Min- 
,  ister  Plenipotentiary  from  us,  for  whatever  cause, 
j  could   not  invest  the  President  wilh  aulhority  lo 
I  settle  the  question  of  boundary  and  of  territory  by 
I  force  of  arms.      Whatever  wrongs  and  olfences 
Mexico  may  have  conimilted  towards  the  XJnited 
I  Slates,  il  belongs  not  to  the  President  to  lake  re- 
1  dress  into  hi.i  own  hands.     The  Constitution  has 
;  wisely  committed   ihe  war-making  power  to  the 
i  Repre.^cntalive  body  of  the  people.     If  the  rejec- 
I  lion  of  our  Minisler,  or  if  any  or  all  of  the  al- 
leged offences  of  Mexico  towards  Ihe  United  Stales 
aHiu'ded  a  siillicieiit  and  justifiable  cause  of  war,  in 
the  judgment  of  the  President,   his  duly  was  a 
plain  and  easy  one.     He  had  but  to  lay  the  siib- 
j(!cl  befcue  Congress,  and  to  call  upon  the  Repre- 
senlatives  of  the  people  to  decide  the  mode  and 
I  manner  of  redress,  or  if  need  be,  to  recommend  lo 
them  a  declaraiimi  of  war.     He  chose  not  lo  do 
,  so,  although  Congress  was  in  session  here  in  his 
presence.      Hut  wilhout  notice  lo  Congress,   he 
assumed    the   auiluu-ity  of  invading   Mexico  by 
sending  an  army  into   the  lerrilory  of  which  she 
was  in  ihe  peaceful  and  righlful  occupation.     Col- 
j  lision  and   bloodshed  ensued,  as  everybody  siip- 
1  posed  of  necessity  it  must.    Then,  indeed,  ho  hast- 
I  ens  to  inform  Congress  and  the  country  that  "  war 


exL^'s,  and  nolwithstanditig  all  our  efforts  to  avoid 
it,  exists  by  the  act  of  Mexico  herself."  This  in- 
formation would  have  been  more  correct  if  he  had 
said  thai  war  exists  with  Mexico  by  my  aela,and  in 
consequence  of  my  successful  efl'orls  lo  provoke  it. 

Hut  pray  let  us  know  wlml  "  efforts"  were  made 
lo  avoid  this  war?  Does  any  one  believe  that  if 
the  army  had  been  suflered  to  remain  at  Corpus 
Christi,  or  even  if  il  had  been  withdrawn  from 
Texas,  that  Mexico  would  have  made  war  upon 
us  ?  There  was  no  prospect  of  il  while  the  army 
remained  at  Corpus  Chrisii.  In  short,  there  won 
no  prospect  of  a  war  till  we  actually  sought  after 
it.  If,  by  sending  an  armed  force  IM  miles  among 
iho  |icaccful  settlemenla  of  Mexico,  causing  her 
citizens  to  flee  before  its  approach,  and,  in  some 
instances,  in  leave  their  dwellings  in  (lames;  if 
virtually  lo  blockade  one  of  her  principal  cities,  to 
block  up  its  river,  and  to  cut  olf  its  supplies;  if  lo 
do  all  this,  and  before  any  "aggressive  move- 
ment" was  made  on  the  part  of  Mexico,  be  what 
Ihe  President  means  by  "all  our  efl'orls  lo  avoid" 
war,  the  country  will  understand  very  well  how 
lo  appmciate  such  "efforts"  lopreservcand  main- 
'  lain  Its  peace  with  foreign  nations.  These  were 
the  kind  of  "efforts"  that  were  made;  and  they 
caused  what  the  feeblest  discernment  could  not 
have  failed  to  foresee.  These  were  Ihe  very  acts 
which  instigated  the  first  manifestation  of  hostili- 
ties on  the  part  of  Mexico,  and  plunged  the  two 
;  Governments  into  war.  We  had  only  lo  keep  our 
'  armies  away  from  Mexico,  and  Mexico  would 
have  kept  her  armies  away  from  us.  This  was 
all  the  "  efl'ort"  that  was  required  tn  "  avoid"  war 
I  with  her.  If  we  had  grievances  against  Mexico, 
for  which  she  refused  reparation,  the  constiiu- 
ticmal  power  is  with  Congress  alone  lo  aulhorizo 
and  direct  the  mode  of  redress.  If  il  shall  become, 
necessary  to  march  our  armies  lo  the  field  of  bat- 
tle, lo  meet  a  foreign  foe,  let  it  be  by  some  oilier 
way  than  over  the  prostrate  form  of  your  Constilii- 
lion.  If  the  President  may  assume  this  authority 
in  one  instance,  he  may  in  another.  If  he  may 
usurp  the  authorily  of  one  department  of  the  Gov- 
'  ernmenl,  he  may  of  all.  \  our  President  has  then 
;  become  a  supreme  and  irresponsible  ruler.  This 
is  what  we  have  more  occasion  to  fear  and  lo  dep- 
recate ihan  war  itself. 

War,  Mr.  Chairman,  with  all  its  train  of  evils- 
war  with  Mexico,  or  with  Eufjland,  or  wilh  nil 
the  powers  of  the  earth  besides,  is  not  so  much  U) 
be  feared  by  the  American  people  as  an  Execu- 
live  war  npim  the  great  charter  of  their  liberiies. 
'  If  the  liberties  of  this  counlry  are  destined  ever  to 
be  overihrown,  it  will  be  by  the  arm  of  no  fm-eiijn 
foe.  That  work  of  desecration  is  in  reserve  for 
the  ruthless  hand  of  some  domesiic  despot.  Guard 
,  well  this  bulwark  of  freedom  fnnn  domestic  inva- 
sion and  violence;  when  once  it  falls,  it  falls  to  be 
reared  no  more.  These  massive  walls,  and  ihcst^ 
solid  columns  which  surround  us,  may  crumble  lo 
the  ground,  but  the  hand  of  art  may  again  rejilace 
them.  The  devouring  fire  may  lay  in  ashes  your 
'  stately  cities  and  your  beaulii'ul  towns,  but  the  en- 
ergies of  a  free  and  mighlv  people  may  rebuild 
them  again.  The  Siroc's  blast  may  sweep  over 
this  land,  leaving  its  broad  surface  a  blank  and 
desolate  waste,  but  another  reluming  season,  witli 
its  showers  and  its  sunshine,  may  revive  iis  fruits 
and  flowers.  But  when  some  nmljitious  leader, 
some  "  eyeless  ginni,"  starling  from  the  "stag- 
nant pool  of  despotism, "shall  find  a  guide  to  place 
his  hand  upon  the  pillars  of  your  Constitulion, 
and  bring  down  to  Ihe  dusl  this  prcuidest  and  no- 
blest fabric  of  human  wisdom  the  world  has  ever 
seen,  who  shall  again  restore  it  in  all  its  fair  pro- 
portions of  beamy  and  of  grandeur? 


I  THE  MEXICAN  WAR. 

REAIARKS    OF    MR.  H.  COlJli, 

OF    GEORGIA, 
{  In  tiie  Holse  of  Representatives, 

I  July  16,  184G. 

!  On  the  bill  making  appropriations  for  the  support 

of  volunteers,  and  the  carrying  on  the  war  with 

Mexico. 
j      Mr.  COBB  addres.ied  the  committee  as  follows: 
1      Mr.  Chairman:    There  are  many  points  which 
>>  have  been  brought  into  this  discussion,  not  only 


1I08 


S9th  CoNa....l8T  Sc8s. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Mexican  War— Mr.  Cohh. 


(July  16, 


Ho.  or  Repi. 


in  tlii<  ileliule  tii  wlii<-li  we  h«rc  lintencil  Ici-dny, 
bill  III!  |iii'viniiii  iici'aKionii  wliril  iIiih  niilijert  WUH 
tiiiJcr  conalilvmlioii,  wliicli  I  will  nut  Inku  ii|i  a 
pDrliiMi  iifilin  lew  rcmiiinini;  momeiils  left  mc  m 
diiouiHii.  1  till  mil  ilei'm  it  iipot'imnry,  for  tlii'  |iur- 
piiH»  of  llir  Hi'^iiiiifnl  wlii'^h  1  |>ro|ioNe  to  Kiiljiiiil 
III  llir  cnniiMitii'i',  in  ini|iiirp  iniii  llu'liil)!  oI'Txmih, 
iir  iif  llie  Uiiili'il  Stales,  if  yi'H  plenne,  iii  lii'ins 
■ellli'il  liryoiiil  all  iliiipiiiH  niiij  qiicsliiiii  to  the  Uio 
Urnnilr.  It  will  Iw  Hiitlii-.init  t'lr  my  purpose  to 
take  llif>  tiiliiimstoii,  wliirli  we  have  liearil  on  ull 
hiiiiJs.  iilinoal  without  e\i'e]ilion — ei  rtainly  from 
my  '■ollensiiie,  [Mr.  StbI'IIKvh,)  (lo  who»e  reinarkn 
1  propose  principally  to  reply,)  when  aildnHsin;; 
the  eoinmiUee  a  lew  (Ittys  sini'e — thai  the  I'inleii 
iSlales  rlaiin  a  title  to  the  Ilin  del  Noile,  and  that 
(takiii:;  the  most  fnvoralilu  view  of  this  (piostlun 
which  i;<  iiilemen  on  the  opposite  side  ean  ask  us 
to  yield)  the  territory  lyni;;  beiween  the  iSiieies 
aiul  the  Itio  del  Noiie  is  u  di.ipiiled  territory.  If 
time  would  permit  me  to  enter  into  the  Bulijei't,  1 
would  dwell  somewhat  upon  the  I'act,  that  the 
whole  territory  of  Texii".  in  the  view  of  the  Me.v- 
ie.in  Uovernmenl,  is  a  ili.Hpiited  territory  between 
that  Uovernmeiit  and  our  own.  l!ui>  for  the  pur- 
pose of  my  ari^iimeni,  1  am  willim;  ui  take  only 
the  territory  lyiiii  between  the  Mueces  and  the 
Uio  del  Norte  ns  disputiul  territory — i;rantin;;  this 
niueli  for  the  purpose  uf  the  iirgument,  and  fur  that 
purpose  only. 

I  can  well  eoneeive,  Mr.  Chairnmn,  how  that 
pitriioii  of  the  I  loiisi  ,  who  have,  tVmn  th-.)  bet;in- 
nin^  to  the  end  of  the  eonsideratioii  of  the  aiiiiexa- 
lion  of  Texa.s  by  the  Ameriean  people,  denoiineed 
it  as  violative  of  the  (.'onslitution  of  the  United 
States — as  subversive  of  the  best  init-resis  ol'  the 
people — as  tending;  to  dis.solve  the  Union,  to  de- 
■iriiy  the  Qoverniuent,  to  impair  the  liuppineNs  and 
prosperity  of  the  eouiitiy, — I  ^-^^"^  well  coiu-eive 
liow  sueli  :;enlleinen  eaii  now  induce  in  the  pliilip- 
pies  we  have  heard  on  lliij  floor  a^Minst  the  I'resi- 
(lenl,  against  the  Uoverninent  of  the  United  Slates, 
their  own  I'ouiiiry,  for  the  prosecution  of  our  just 
ri^hls  in  the  Texan  territory.  Uut  1  confess  I 
have  bei;n  at  a  loss  to  conceive  the  reasmis  for  the 
course  of  those  who  have  professed  before  the 
country  to  aei|uiesi:c  in  the  annexation  of  Texas, 
who  have  ,'iveu  ti.eir  assent  to  the  lUil^uient  pro- 
nounced by  the  .\ineriran  people — mure  e.-speeially 
of  those  who  have  participated  in  brin;;itijr  abiuit 
this  ftiinexaiiiui.'  It  is  the  course  pursued  by  i;en- 
tlemcu  occupying  that  position  to  which  1  propose 
to  reply. 

The  President  is  denounced  ns  hnvina;  hrousht 
a!iout  nnneeess.irily  a  wanton  and  an  unholy  war. 
Ke  is  held  responsible  bel'ore  the  people  for  iiavini; 
involved  this  conmry  in  heavy  and  ex|iensive  out- 
lays of  money  for  the  proseciilion  of  this  war.  It 
is  held  that  it  is  the  result  of  the  condiict  of  the 
President  alone.  Sir,  I  take  Lssue  with  ijeiith'men 
in  this;  and  when  they  attempt  to  hold  the  I'lesi- 
dent  respon.siblc,  and  mdul^'e  in  a  courKe  id'  remark 
such  as  we  have  lieui-d  tVoin  tlu;  {gentleman  fi\nn 
Indiana  [.VIr.  C.  1!.  Smith]  this  morniiii;,  usin;; 
most  violent  and  deiiuneiatory  epithel.-i  in  re;;aril 
to  the  President,  my  mind  has  invarialily  imiuiied 
wilhni  it.sell",  and  1  would  propound  that  ipii.stiini 
to  1  hem:  W herein  has  ymirPretjidi  lit  broii'^'htaiiout 
tins  war.-  What  act  of  the  President  has  broui;ht 
iihoiit  this  war.'  What  porlion  of  his  conduct  do 
vou  deiiouncer  In  general  terms  you  spiak  of  it; 
we  ask  you  to  come  down  and  particularize  that 
porlion  of  llie  conduct  of  the  Kxi-cutive  which  you 
denounce — which  meets  with  your  censure,  and 
which  is  iiliimalely  to  rou.se  the'  indiijnatioii  of  the 
Americ.;in  people  to  Ntich  an  exii-nt. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  have li.stemil  fro.n  the becinninu; 
to  the  I  nd  of  the  debate,  and  if  there  il  but  one  at- 
la''k,  bill  cine  I'll  ir:,'e  of  iinprciper  conduct  mi  the 
pari  of  ihe  Prcsidiiil,  I  have  been  unable  to  coin- 
preliend  it.  Thai  one  has  been  broujrlit  forward  and 
nr_'cd  with  ccuisiderable  force  and  ingenuity  by  my 
ecllc.ctrue.  It  was  llie  cliarj;e  thai  the  President 
broii;,'ht  about  this  war  by  the  removal  of  our  trcio]>s 
ficnii  ('or|ius  Christi  to  the  Uio  del  None.  Sir,  if 
tlKil  be  not  trill — if  that  chaiL;o  be  iinfoiindcd— if 
that  ennduct  on  the  part  of  your  ICxccutive  did  not 
involve  you  in  war,  I  ap|irclieiid  it  will  be  adiiiit- 
led  by  my  colleai;ne,and  by  others  occnpyiiii;  his 
positfoii,  that  the  President  is  not  responsible  lor 
it — that  his  course  of  policy  on  this  matter  bus  not 
brought  about  thm  war. 


Mr.  Oliairman,  cenlleinen  in  this  iiiTesiinnlion 
lose  siithl  of  the  previons  slnle  of  relalionship  e\- 
islinj;  between  .Mexico  and  Ihe  United  Stales;  ilo  v 
have  fori;ollen  all  Ihe  causes  of  ilitliciiltv  which 
have  existed  fur  the  last  ten  years,  and  wliich,  in 
the  Inii'^iinie  and  spirit  of  ihe  messaircs  of  your 
Presidents,  wcnild  have  authorized  a  declaration  of 
wnrii'iinst  that  Uoverninent.  All  these  things 
have  passed  from  llieir  memory;  so  Ireacherous 
has  it  been,  that  they  have  forjntlen  everylhiii',' 
ibnie  by  the  Mexican  Onvernment,  every  pnhlica-  , 
lion  of  her  ininislers  here,  and  every  piiblica- 
linn  and  act  nf  hcrlfivernment  at  home,  anil  else- 
where, when  they  lake  the  pnsiliiui  that  the  eon-  '' 
duet  of  llie  PresiilcMiI  in  the  removal  of  our  troops 
has  bron'.;ht  nbont  this  war.  They  have  foru'otlen 
that  when  Ihe  annexalimi  of  Texas  was  the  snli- 
ject-matter  nf  disfinte  here,  a  few  years  n<:o,  when 
Ihe  voice  of  both  hranelie.s  nf  ron^res*  was  pro- 
nounced in  its  favor,  the  minister  of  the  .Mexican 
Uepublic  nt  vonr  seal  of  (iovernnieni,  declared 
thai  il  was  virlnally  a  declaration  of  war  ncjainsl 
Mexico;  they  have  foriollen  that  from  that  lime 
In  Ihe  present  luoineiil  within  the  Oovernment  nf 
Mexico,  aninntjher  people,  il  has  been  a  qiieslion 
coiisianlly  nrousinj;  tlie  passions  and  excitin;;  the 
ill-feel inc.rs  of  llial  people  towards  ns-.  that  they 
have  declared  thai  the  annexniion  of  Texas  would 
he  cood  irronnd  of  war,  and  oiiirht  to  he,  and 
would  be,  resented  by  the  Mexican  Oovernment; 
they  have  forijolle:)  everylhin;  that  has  Iransiiir- 
eil  '.vilh  reference  to  lliis  subject,  until  lliev  come 
down  Ic)  the  change  tliev  make  upcm  t!ie  Kxecii- 
tive  of  a  Infer  day — that  it  is  his  pcdicy,  which  has 
been  |>nrsned  within  the  last  six  nicoiths,  that  has 
occasioned  all  this  diHiciilly  with  Mexico.  Not 
only  so,  bill  their  mi'inory  will  not  allow  them  to 
carry  alonu'  in  their  rcenlleclions  the  ncis  of  the 
Mexican  Government,  which  transpired  at  the 
very  lime  to  which  they  allude.  Is  there  an  iiuli- 
vichial  who  can  i-ocdly  and  deliberalely  examine 
this  (picslion,  and  allow  his  mind  to  come  to  the  , 
conclusion  that,  at  the  lime  the  army  nf  the  United 
.'Elates  was  marched  from  Corpus  Christi  to  the 
Hio  del  Norte,  there  was  presented  before  ns  a 
prospect  of  peace  and  frieiully  relations  wifh  the 
Mexican  Government?  Sir,  your  President  sent 
a  minisler  to  the  court  ofAtcxico.  What  was  the 
reception  of  that  minisler?  What  was  the  spirit 
of  your  rxeeulive  ?  What  spirit  did  Ihe  Mexican 
Government  manifest  towards  the  reenncilialicm  of 
the  pendins;  diirerences  between  the  lwc>  countries  ' 
Did  she  seek  for  peace?  Was  not  our  peace  cif- 
ferinir,  on  the  contrary,  rejectetl  indignantly? — 
and  thai,  loo,  before  any  action  look  pime  on  the 
part  of  our  Government,  which  gentlemen  now 
chariie  to  have  been  the  cau.se  of  this  war?  I  de- 
sire them  particularly  to  bear  in  mind  the  fact  that 
this  action  on  the  part  of  our  Government  look 
place  after  onr  minisler  was  rejected  by  the  Mex- 
'  ican  Governmenl — rejecied  because  Ilerrera's  ad- 
ministration was  apprehensive  it  would  toller  and 
fill  if  it  manifested  Ihe  least  friendly  fceliii;;  to- 
wards the  United  Slates.  She  had  previously 
manifested  a  ilicipnsition  to  receive  our  minisler. 
The  jiassicms  of  the  people  had  been  armisiil,  ancl 
Herrcra  was  indined  to  believe  that  his  ailminis- 
tratioii  would  not  be  sustained  if  he  entcrlaincd 
these  friendly  feelinL's  towards  the  American  Gov- 
ernment. IFc  was  ri^'ht.  His  apprehensions  vi-ere 
well  lonnded;  for  in  a  few  days  Parndes's  admin- 
islration  was  established  on  the  downfall  of  [[cr- 
rcra's.  What  was  the  cause  of  this  indignniion 
on  the  part  of  the  people  of  Mexico,  which  In- 
duced them  to  hurl  from  i>ower  the  one  and  put 
the  other  in  his  stead?  Was  it  not  Ihe  quesiion 
of  war  or  no  war  with  the  United  Stales?  Was 
not  thai  the  moviiis  prilii'iplc? 

Was  not  that  the  spirit,  everything  which  actu- 
ated Ihe  M  xican  Government  in  ihiis  revolution- 
izin;,'  the  existing  state  of  IhiiiKS,  and  phicinn;  Pa- 
redes  in  power?  When  did  ithappen?  Towards 
the  close  of  Decemlier,  184.'i.  All  this  liad  trans- 
pired on  the  pari  of  the  Mexican  Government; 
here  was  the  issue  presented  to  the  people  of  Mex- 
'  ico — war  or  no  war  with  the  United  States — peace 
or  war  with  this  Government,  in  relation  to  your 
Texan  dillirnhies.  They  hud  manifested,  by  siis- 
tainincr  the  revolutionary  movement  of  Paredes, 
that  the  pacific  disposition  of  the  previous  i^overn- 
ment  and  of  Herrera  met  with  no  response  on  the 
'  part  of  the  people.     Now,  sir,  with  these  facts 


brouijhl  ilenrlynnd  distinctly  before  mir  minds, 
can  il  be  tlioii^lil — can  the  opinion  he  enlerlniiieil, 
fnr  a  moment,  that  a  movement  on  the  |)artof  yoiir 
troops,  which  took  place  three  monihs  llieiiafiir, 
caused  the  war  between  Mexico  and  llie  Uiiiieil 
Slates?  When  Ih'  ipieslion  had  thus  been  scilled 
by  that  people-  wlwii  their  delerminalion  had  hreii 
published  In  Ihe  world — when  they  had  iivciweil 
their  intentions  in  the  most  formal  niiiinier  in 
which  A  people  can  avow  them,  by  Ihe  overllirnw 
of  the  exisliin;  i.'overiimenl,  and  the  siibsliiniinn 
of  another  in  its  place — the  American  people  nrn 
now  to  be  told  that  all  these  lliini,'s  produced  no 
elfect  whatever — that  the  Mexican  (lovcnnnent 
was  pacific  ill  Us  inlentioiis,  inclined  lowaids  peace, 
and  that  it  was  the  fault  nf  onr  Unvernnieiit  ih.it 
these  relaliims  were  disturbed? 

iM  I-,  I  liairmaii,  from  the  commencement  of  this 
Adnotnsiralion,  in  eoimexion  with  onr  Mexican 
dilhciillies,  what  has  Is'eii  the  policy  of  the  Kxccu- 
live,  ns  indicaled  in  ihe  messaires  coinnniiiicaieil  in 
this  1  louse,  and  ill  the  despalclies  to  inir  iii;eiiis  a' 
Mexico  and  In  that  (iovernment  ilself?  Ibis  ir 
been  to  brint;  about  a  war  wilh  Mexico?  Ihi  the 
contrary,  has  he  not  avowed  on  every  occasinn 
not  only  his  disposilion,  but  his  stroniiand  iirticiit 
desire,  for  n  pacific  seltlement  nf  llie  exisiiii^' 
Irinibles  between  that  (jovernmenl  and  niir  own  ? 
Why,  sir,  he  sent  a  minisler  cinthed  wilh  full 
powers  to  the  Mexican  Onvernmenl  (to  which  I 
have  already  alluded.)  What  wiis  the  motive  that, 
induced  this  missiim?  Nn  credit  is  lo  be  civeii  to 
his  declarations  or  actions;  with  all  the  anxiely 
Ihe  Kxeciitive  has  manifested  on  this  siibjcc  i,  all 
approvini;  voice  from  the  other  side  has  been  wiili- 
heiil.  There  is,  perhaps,  one  exiepiion  to  ihs 
sialemcni.  I  have  before  me  n  speech  of  a  ilis- 
liniuished  crenllcinan  from  Massachii.si  lis,  on  the 
oilier  side  of  'his  (]uestion,  where  he  expresses 
what  he  c"'  ■  s  to  be  an  act  of  justice  in  liiiii  lo 

say  that  i'  iinistralion,  in  seniliii'.'  a  ininisier 

lo  the  M<  \  1  Government,  dollied  wilh  full 
powers  tosciiic:  iliese  dilliciillies,  and  in  expressim; 
with  il  its  slronir  desire  that  amicable  relalionship 
shall  still  subsist  between  tlie.se  two  tjovernmenis, 
deserves  the  Iribiile  of  jiislice  which  he  has  paid 
it.  I  will  read  it  for  the  inlormalion  of  those  who 
have  endeavored  lo  create  the  impression  on  ihe 
public  mind  that  the  Execiilive,  in  the  pursuance 
of  his  policy,  from  the  be>;innini;  to  llie  end  of  this 
controversy,  inslendof  desiriii'.;  a  pacific  selllement, 
has  sim'.;lil  to  brinj:  about  the  very  sinle  of  thinfrs 
in  which  we  nrenciw  unhap|iily  involved.  I  read, 
sir,  from  a  speech  delivered  by  Mr.  Wintiihop, 
i  of  MaBsachnsetts,  .Tune  ','5,  184G: 

"  Sir,  I  will  (In  the  .^cliniMi^tmticlli  llie  jil«tice  to  icay.  Unci 

la  lav  jiiilL'iaciit,  il  ihIii|)Ii-iI  »  liialilj  hononlil cl  ci.iicil- 

Nllory  ciiiirsc  in  |ir(i|ni.-inK  Ici  «enil,  anil  in  acnially  kciuIiii);, 
a  .Miicislcr  lo  .Mccocci.  I  saiil  this  |>rivulel> ,  \v  lien  tile  tiict 
was  lirst  HlMnnliiceiliii  the  rresnleiit's  Aiiiillill  .Mc-icsiiac,niiil 
i  will  licit  liesltatc  tci  siiy  ,cci  piililicly  now.  Ami  I  ilci  net 
ihiiik  that  Mcxieci  >tamls"jii-litie(l  ii|k)ii  the  n-ccird  lor  the 
I'cjc-c'lioh  cil'  lliiil  .Miiii'^lcT.  Ttic-rc  IS  liiii'-h  in  the  piililishcil 
cccrrcsiioliclc'lice  til  warralil  the-  idci  that  her  (li-liiicli<iii  hc- 
tvvceii  a  .MiiiisnT  and  a  (-'ciiciiiii-^iccncr  was  n  mere  allc-i- 
thciiiithl,  inlcndi'd  mily  Ici  com  r  a  vlitiial  retcst  Iniin  her 

iijcr cut  I"  enter  upon  aejscinalicias.o 

Now,  I  ask,  if  this  sentiment  be  cnrrect,  (and 
•  wilh  il  I  fully  accord,  niu-  will  the  ilociimeiils  be- 
fore me  justify  c;eiitl( men  in  coiniiii;  in  any  other 
conclusion,)  it  llie  Administration  Iuih  pursued  a 
"  ccnicilialory  ecnirse;"  if,  in  proposing;  to  send, 
and  in  actually  sciidini;,  a  Minister  to  that  tiov- 
ernmenl,  the  .\diniiiistration  has  shown  a  [iroper,  a 
{list — in  the  Inniruiige  of  the  c.'eiitlenian  from  Mas- 
sacluiselis — a  "  coiieiliatnry"  spirit,  I  nsk,  how 
stands  this  jucli;inenl  of  condemnation  which  the 
]inliticnl  associates  of  the  creniteinan  from  Massa- 
ehusetla  are  now  seeking  to  pass  upon  the  conduct 
of  Ihe  Presid-nt? 

Sir,  adopung  the  idea  of  the  gentleman  from 
.Ma.ssachiisells,  that  the  refusal  lo  accept  a  .Minis-^ 
ler  was  a  mere  subtcrfiiKe,  "  an  afiertlioiij;lit,"  if 
your  Government  had  sent  originally  a  mere  coni- 
missinner,  we  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  the 
Mexican  Govermuent  would  have  exc-epted  to 
such  a  course;  would  have  declared  it  dln-cspect- 
fiil  to  that  Government;  that  she  was  enlilled  at 
least  to  the  respect  of  a  full  Minister  at  onr  hands. 
I  ask  Kenllemcn,  then,  if  the  Mexican  Govcrmneiit 
adopted  this  as  a  mere  "aflerlhniii;hl,"  if  she  re- 
jecied Ihe  oilers  of  our  Executive,  if  she  mani- 
i  festeii  in  bolh  Administrations— in  the  latter  pnr- 
■  tioii  of  Ilerrera's  and  in  Pttiede»'.s,  which  was 


1846.1 

a9TH  CoNOm 

fleuiled  lo  power 
ilisposilion  nol  to  > 
„f  ihese  alfuirs.  Is 
,.|.|itiNe  should  bee 
nilopteil.iii'l  to  w 
111,11,  wilh  ll"'-  '"^'1 
oiher  pcdicy  ihan 
name  sourc-ii  be  w 
conilemnca  than  ^ 

tiue. 

Mr.  Chairman, 

army  fi"'"  ''"'I' 

until  nrter  he   wi 

would  not  be  reel 

ed  Ihal  ihe  pros 

rouhl  not  liini!;er 

able  expeclaUon 

duty  reipiire  bir 

now  up  to  ll'c  pi 

Kxeculive  waa  si 

nol  be  received, 

amicably  seltled, 

by   concession    I 

Wliiil,  111'-"'  *' 

lyiiiK  between  t 

was  so  much  a  i 

tins  Governmcn 

the  duty  of  the 

would  place  it  i 

to  defend  that  d 

we  have  arrivcil 

is  inforined  ilia 

Minister  will  m 

obtained,  tlml  ' 

Mexican  froiili 

which  you  NiiJ 

iind  nncpiettlion 

Kiich  u  title  nil 

endeavor  to  en 

able  means.) 

iilive.wilb  his 

and  polii^y  <>l 

ipiielly  and  Im 

to  lake  possesi 

out  raisinp;  ' 

u  sinslc  ^" 

Mr.  Sri;i'iii 

there  bad  bee 

tlie  part  of 

crimieul  befm 

Mr.  CoiiD. 

course  of  the 

sell'  clearly 

have  been  foi 

that  i|Uestic 

tile  demonsir 

the  Mexica 

ininislraticu 

nnd  in  il"  sli 

power  phals; 

Hubsisliie.;   I 

and  (Mir  owi 

Mr.SrKi' 

gat  Ibe  .:vid 

I'aredcs's  C 

the   l:Jih    .M 

under   Pan-^ 

dell   that  P 

sellliiii;  the 

Uoverniiici 

Mr.  Coll 

i;ei\lh'iH(Mi  c 

dupliciiy,  a 

is  reipiireil 

see  its  ri^li 

,  lyiin;  upon 

^  lions  ol   a 

with  the  tr 

liiil  I  hi 

17lh  Mure 

eriimeiit,  i 

which  be 

of  the  fact 

to  the  (ha 

we  were  i 

isliii'j  dilli 

jiisl  inach' 

'ii^raph  IV 

"  Piin-ly 
lliat  ilic-  11 
Hint  It  «i 
iicivci'iniic: 


i'  tir 


III 


184«.] 


iiih-ii  CoNO IsT  Skrs. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  l*ul)lk  Ijitmh — Mr.  Slrplaun. 


1103 


Ilo.  (IK  UkPI. 


rleiiitoil  to  piiwcr  <iri  Ihiit  very  i;r(miiil — ii  utroiiK 
diN|inHitii)ii  licit  til  hiiImiiIi  to  iiiiy  |iiiririr  uil  jiiNlinclit 
III'  tliCHi:  uiruirH,  in  it  JiiHt,  ia  it  riKliti  llnti  tlu'  Kx- 
riMilivi^  hIiimiIiI  lie  ('iiniltniiii:il  rnr  lliit  imliry  \u:  Iiiih 
n>lii|ili:ili  unci  III  will!  Ii   I  will  iiiiw  lall  vmir  iilliiii- 

I ,  Willi  llir  liulirt'  llint  it'  III!  Iiiiil  iiilii|itril  uny 

oiIht  piiliry  lliaii  tliiil  liu  Iiiih  puiiiird,  tViini  llie 
Hiiiiin  Hiiiiirit  liii  would  liiivi!  Iirrii  iiiiirc  iiid^nunlly 
iiiridriiiiicd  tliiui  lit  pi'i'Hviit  fill'  tliu  uiiu  lie  diii  pur- 
mi". 

Mr.  Chuirmtin,  tliu  PrtHidi'iitdid  nnt  oriliT  your 
iiriiiy  fi'i'iii  <''»rpiiH  CliriHli  to  tliu  llio  del  Noric 
until  iirti^r  111!  wan  inrnriiifd  lliiit  yimr  Miiiihlc^r 
would  not  lio  rn'i'ivid.  Al'itr  In'  liud  lici'ii  iiil'ciriii- 
I'll  lliiit  tliu  proMpei't  of  III!  niiiii'alili'  mljuHliiiiiit 
coulil  not  loii;;i:r  liii  fiiU'rUiiiK  d  willi  iiiiy  iciikom- 
iililr  I'xpccliiliiiii  of  Hiiiili  It  iTsiilt,  wliiil  I'liiiiMU  did 
duly  rtipiire  liini  In  piu'Nuc  ilicii  ?  I  I'liiii^  you 
now  up  to  llie  period,  Ilii;  vi  ry  iiiomnn,  whiii  llic 
KxtM'utive  wub  Hiilisficd  lliiit  your  MiiiiwIim' would 
not  lin  rm'.civc'd,  llml  yoiii-  ilisinilfs  <  niild  not  be 
muiiiilily  Hi'lllcd,  tliiil  priii-ei'oiild  not  lie  purelmHcd 
liV  i'oiiiT8sioii  rriiiii  the  Mexii  lui  Uoveriiiiii'iit. 
VVlml,  llieii,  wan  IiIm  duty?  Sir,  il"  llie  lirrilory 
lyiiiK  between  llie  Nueees  and  llie  Itio  del  Nolle 
wuH  so  niueli  a  diNpiiled  leriilory  hh  io  aulliorize 
tliiH  Uovernnieiit  lo  hi.'I  up  a  claim  to  il,  wax  it  iioi 
llic  duly  of  tlie  Piefiident  to  adopt  su^  li  apoliey  an  | 
woiilil  pliiec  it  in  llic  power  of  your  (iovernuient  I 
to  defend  tluit  disputed  lirrilory  ?  Maikyou,  sir, 
we  have  arrived  at  the  period  when  thi;  Kxeeulive 
iH  iiif.irined  that  Mexieo  will  nut  treiii,  that  your 
JVIiiiixli  r  will  not  be  lei  eived,  that  jieaee  eaniiiit  be 
oblained,  iliat  your  lerrilnry  lies  exposed  on  the 
Mexieuii  friiiilier — leriilory  whieli  you  elaiin,  to 
wliieli  you  say  you  have  a  lille,  (whether  a  elear 
iind  uucpii'stionalile  lille  or  not,  is  iiiiuiaierial;  il  is 
Kueli  a  tille  an  ijeulleuieu  on  the  opposite  side  will 
endeavor  lo  eiiliiree  liy  all  reasonable  and  hoiior- 
iilile  means.)  W.is  il  then  the  duty  of  the  Kxee- 
iiiive,  Willi  his  niiiiil  ihiiseiiuvieted  of  theiniciiliou 
anil  polii;y  of  ihe  Mexiejin  tJoverunient,  to  sit 
ipiielly  and  tamely  by  and  allow  that  Uoverinnenl 
lo  lake  possessioii  of  llie  disputed  territory,  with- 
out  rnisiiii;  a  siii^'le  voice  of  coniplaiiil,  or  plaiitiiif; 
u  single  soldier  on  that  territory  lo  defend  it? 

Mr.  SrKi'iiKNH  inltrposed,  ami  asked   whether 
there  had  been  any  hostile  demonstralion  made  on  i 
the  part  of  the  Mexieiui  Uovenuueiit  lo  this  Oov- 
crmiienl  before  the  l.'lili  January? 

iMr.  CoiiB.     Hir,  I  have  been  uufortnnale  in  the 
riMii'se  of  the  renmrkH  I  have  made,  in  making'  niy- 
seli  clearly  iiiiderslood,  or  my  enlleaguo  would  not 
liave  been  forced  to  the  necessity  of  prii|iouiidin>; 
Ihat  i|uestion.    Talk  about  hostile  iiiviuion  !  "  ho.s-  j 
tile  demoiisiration  '."  when  we  have  just  seen  that  : 
the  Mexican  Clovernmeul  have  ovcrlhrowii  an  ad- 
liiiiiislralioii  disposed  to  deal  pacilically  with  you, 
and  in  ils  sli  iid  erected  one  whiidi   had  ^;oiie   into  | 
jiiiwer  pledfTeil  n^'aiiist  a  pacific  settlement  of  the  • 
Hulisislin^  dillicnliies   between   that  Ciuvcrnmeiit 
and  onr  own  !  ; 

Mr.  Stki'iikns  again  inipiired  where liis colleague 

fit  the  evidence  of  any  such  noliey  on  the  part  of 
'aredis's  tJovirimieui?  And  whellier,  so  lale  as 
the  I  Jill  .March,  ihe  Minister  of  lMirei;;u  AlVaira 
under  I'aredes  did  not  I'Xpiessly  state  to  Mr.  Sli- 
dell  thai  I'aredes's  Uovernminl  wan  desiroiiH  of' 
Kt'ttbni;  ibe  mailers  of  dilfereuce  between  the  two 
Uiiveriiiiieiils  pacifically  ? 

Mr.  Coiiji  (resuming.)     Yes;  mid  one  moment 
i;enl!eui(ui  of  ihe   olher  side  charge  Mexico  with 
duplicity,  and   llie   next  inniueiii  this  Qui ernmcnt 
is  reipiireil  to  tie  ils  bauds  and  sit  ipiietly  by,  and 
see  ils  rights  invaded  without  resistauee  at  all,  re- 
lyiii'g  u|ioii  the  represi'Ulations  of  the  pacific  inlen- 
tiiiiis  of  a  Gnvernmenl  whose  every  act  is  al  war 
with  the  Iriith  and  sincerity  of  such  representation. 
liiit  I  have  here  the  despatch  of  Mr.  yiidell,  of 
17lh  March,  l.S4(),  directed   to  ihe  Mexican  (iov-^ 
enimeiit,  iincler  the  admiiiislralion   of  Piiredes,  in  i 
\\  hich  lie  calls  llieir  atlentioii  lo  the  consideration 
ol' the  facts  to  which  I  have  been  alluiliiig  in  reply  ! 
Ill  llie  charire  preferred  agaiiiHl  us  by  Mexico,  that : 
we  were  indisposed  lo  a  pacific  atljiisijiient  of  ex- 
ist iiej  dillli'ullies.      It  so  fully  responiis  to  the  point  : 
just  made  by  my  colleague,  iliat  I  will  read  a  par- 
agraph from  il: 

"  Puri'lv  il  eiinnnl  he  ni'ee^^Hiiry  lo  n'tnind  yniir  Kxeplleney 
licit  till'  tiieimi't's  of  war  have  till  prneeeili'il  IVoiii  Me.xicn ; 
mill  II  wniitit  ...ii'iii  thai  till*  i'Ii'V.'Ukiii  i-i  innver  ef  il.v  aruiiil 
Giivei'iiiiii'tit  wim  tuu  reciMit  ID  liuve  lurorded  > our  Cxcelleiiey  ' 


Ullie  lo  lurifi'l  Ihe  tHti'ii<i|lili'  ri'llditllii  fur  wllii-ll  llllll  whlrlt 
preri'ili'd  II  wiw  iivirllininii.  'I'lie  erliiic  hiiiiiilril  In  the 
taea  fri'MitliiMi '  II  i-niiie  Mil  (iitiiiuN  nN  to  jiiHiity  Iim  liiri'tlile 
eKIilllNliiii  Iriilii  tlie  preHldeliry,  In  wllli-ll  he  liliil  liriii  I. in  u 
lew  iiiniilliM  |iri'VliMl.4  eli'i'ti'il  wilh  uii|iiirillli-li'it  iiiiiihilMll\ , 
llllll  ill  III  I'lirilillli-e  with  nil  till'  liirili^  nf  tlie  ('(iii>titiitlii|i~ 
WIIK  llllll  ol*  lint  hitvlli!!  |irii"i'i'llleil  Ihe  war  ili^ililMI 'remit, 
or  In  filller  wiirilM  iitiiUnnt  the  llinled  HtllIrN— ii  rrline  ill' I 
which  the  I'liiiriiiilv  wn-i  iiiiuriiviileil  In  h  (cMliiltl  ili'sree,  Ity 
Inn  liilvlllK  iicei'iili'il  the  [iropiimil  ol'  the  Ihilleil  HliileN  In 

leitfillillle.     'I'll  mipji Ihlll    Ihe  pfeni'lil  (JnviTinili'lil   hlH 

not  nlivnyH  liitiinili'il,  mill  ilee^  iinl  hIiII  inlenil,  vltiiiniiiHly 
til  priitueiitii  nil  iilli'iiMlve  unr  iiuiiiiihi  the   I'liiii-ij  Hiiiii'm, 
wolitit  he  to  iiiMlniiHle  Ihe  ihiiriuliim  I'liiirKe  nriiiiikiiiu  (h'c 
liiriilliiliM  \\  lileli  it  illil  Mill  ili-Miijii  III  I'lilil,  with  the  llliwerthy  ' 
niiilive  III  Hiipjihiiilniit  II  rival." 

Sir,  in  there  a  mall  who  will  lieiiilnte  to  admit 
before  the  coiinlrv  Ihat  llie  Mexican  Ooveriiinent, 
the  inoineiit  that  I'ari^des  went  into  power,  llinl  he 
wn-i  firmly  sealed  in  the  e\ei'ulive  cimir,  was  de- 
li i  mined  lu  oppose  the  poluy  which  had  liieii  in- 
dilated  by  the  preceding' government  of  Ilerieia, 
anil  llie  (lisappi'obatiiin  of  which  by  Ihe  Mexican 
people  had  brought  about  itM  overthrow  and  down- 
fall ? 

Hut  I  wish  to  sayaword  ortwo  upon  the  course 
of  ai'giniient  (  was  piirsuing  when  my  colleague  iii- 
lerrupled  me.  I  say,  willi  lliesr  lads  existing, 
with  a  full  knowledge  on  the  part  of  the  Kxeeiilive 
of  all  lite  facts  to  which  I  have  alluded,  wiiiild  he 
not  have  been  held  reprehensible  by  the  American 
people  if  lie  had  al|i".veil  your  army  lo  oei'upy  any 
posilioii  where  the  lerrilory  you  claim  could  lint 
liave  been  suceessfnlly  defended?  Tliat  is  the 
point  which  1  present. 

Mr.  Chairman,  my  mind  cannot  doiilit  as  to  the 
fact  that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  Mexican  Oov- 
ernniiiit  to  bring  nhiuil  a  stale  of  war  (as  she 
evenUiiilly  did)  between  that  Uovernment  and  our 
own.  Well,  sir,  if  these  I'acts,  thus  developed,  so 
inflnenced  my  own  judgmeiil,  I  cinniit  liesitale  to 
believe  thai  the  Kxeenlive,  with  a  full  pn.'isi'ssiiin 
of  all  these  facts,  of  their  inllnence  in  the  history 
of  llio  long-pending  dilHcullies  between  the  two 
Ooveruments,  wilh  the  very  recent  development 
on  the  part  of  ilia'  UoveniinenI  of  its  inieiition  lo 
avoid  a  pacific  adjustment  of  our  troubles  and  dilli- 
culties,  1  cannot  hesitate  to  believe  that  the  Execu- 
tive felt  it  to  be  his  duly  to  place  your  army  in  a 
position  not  lo  invade  the  lerrilory  of  Mexico,  but 
to  defend  our  own.  Ifgenllcmen  assert  that  there 
was  no  territory  beyond  the  Nueces  and  belwecn 
that  and  the  llio  del  Norte  which  is  disputed  !er- 
ritnry,  and  which  ought  lo  be  defended,  this  1  con- 
reive  might  be  some  point  in  the  argiiineiU,  if  there 
were  not  other  facts  which  come  in  lo  di  slroy  the 
whole  force  of  the  charge  they  make  on  the  t'.x- 
eculive.  I  will  allude  to  these  fuels  for  u  single 
I  moment.' 

I  Sir,  this  is  called  a  presidential  war.  It  is 
charged  ihat  the  I'resiileut  nmdc  a  waiilon  war — 
that  be  did  il  wilhout  aulhorily  of  Congress,  and 
In  violation  of  Ihe  wishes  of  llic  people.  Wherein 
has  he  done  it?  Wherein  has  he  violated  the  Coii- 
sliliiiion?  Give  us  your  first  sjiecifiration.  It  is 
not  to  be  found  on  record.  \onr  pleadings  are 
made  lip,  and  yet  there  is  no  specilicalioii  lo  carry 
out  till;  charge  mwe  the  one  to  which  1  have  allu- 
ded— save  the  removal  of  yournrmy  from  Corpus 
Chrisli  lo  the  Uio  Grande,  and  to  which  1  have 
fully  replied,  in  my  humble  judgment. 

liiit  the  Executive  at  the  ciiinmeiiceincnt  of  this 
session  fully  infnrnis  you  that  your  troops  are  to 
be  removed.  He  comnuinicaled  this  infoinialion; 
no  olijectiou  was  made,  no  exception  was  taken 
to  it;  Congress,  ihe  connlry,  ami  the  world,  wilh 
the  exi'cpliou  of  the  Mexuan  Government,  ac- 
(piiesced  in  the  deteriiiination.  AVhy  was  no 
ell'ort  made  lo  stay  the,  hand  of  this  usurping  Ex- 
eciitive  at  llie  lime  when  ihere  would  have  been 
rea.son  and  propriety  in  il,  if  gentlemen  iire  sincere 
ill  the  lb  mincialiotiH  which  they  now  so  freely  in- 
dulge. Sir,  I  would  call  upon  tbe  lionorable  gen- 
lleui'iii  from  Massachusetts  to  apply  lo  his  politi- 
cal as.socialcs  the  senliinent  which  he  has  so  very 
properly  attributed  to  the  Mexican  (joveriimeni: 
it  was  an  "  aflerlhonglil"  in  them  to  |iursuc  the 
course  they  have  taken  and  to  base  it  on  such 
grounds.  If  your  ir.xceutive  had  allmved  your 
Hoops  lo  remain  at  Corpus  Cliristi — if  that  terri- 
tory had  been  invaded— if  defeat  liail  come  upon 
your  arms — if  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
Iiad  Inst  any  portion  of  her  territory  in  con.seipience 
of  such  a  course  of  policy  on  llie  part  of  the  Exec- 
utive, the  denunciations  uii  the  opjiusitc  side  would 


have  rniiK  loud  and  lonn;  tluou)(hoiii  ihis  counlry 
against  all  impolenl,  imbecile,  timid,  Mexican- 
fearing  I'rf'Hiih'iit  Hut  lie  liasdi.silutrKed  Ins  duty; 
he  bus  inaintaiui  d  the  rights  of  ihu  ciiiinliy.  No 
charge  can  be  exhibited  iig'iinHt  him.  He  is  borne 
out  by  all  thedocuineiilHin  the  jiislice  of  thecoursn 
lie  lias  pursued. 

Uenllemen  now  (for  what  purjiose  I  will  not 
stop  to  inipiire)  seek  to  make  (Ins  an  l^xeculivn 
war,  a  I'lesideiitiul  war,  and  lo  raise  a  hue  anil 
I  lainor  ihroiighout  the  country.  Mr.  (^Iiairnian, 
t  I'liuld  bear  il  with  more  patience  if  tin  y  hiid  wait- 
ed till  your  war  had  teniimatad;  till  ine  Giivern- 
inent  liail  relieved  itself  from  the  dillicullies  in 
which  she  is  al  present  iiiMilved;  till  you  have 
I'ompiered  peaee,  and  secined  the  objeclH  for  which 
Ihe  war  was  gone  into.  It  might  tiieii  be  atinbii- 
teil  lo  that  parly  feeling  wliiih  is  sometimes  to  bo 
tolerated,  which  will  seize  on  any  opiinrluiiily  lo 
friiNiraie  ibe  growing  power  and  pnpuliirily  ol  the 
opposite  party.  Itiil,  in  the  inidst  of  the  war, 
when  money  Iiiih  been  voted,  when  snppliiH  have 
been  granted,  when  the  whole  connlry  is  alive 
with  patriotism,  and  is  riiKhlng  lo  the  defence  in 
greater  minibers  than  are  reipured,  I  put  it  to  ilm 
i;ood  sense  of  the  House  and  the  inuniry  win  iher 
il  is  consistent  wilh  well-judged  palriotism  for 
genllemeii  to  utter  and  send  forth  to  llie  world 
these  long  and  labored  specflies  denuncinlory  of 
the  war,  and  inlendrd  lo  impiess  the  public  mind 
— the  niiiid  of  those  very  voliiiiteeis  on  whose 
strong  arm  yon  must  rely  fur  the  defence  of  the 
rights  anil  honor  of  your  country — with  the  belief 
that  they  are  engai'id  in  an  unjust,  unholy,  un- 
righteous cause.  I  will  mil  charge,  sir,  a  waul  of 
patriotism;  1  will  not  (|iieslion  the  iiinlives  of  geii- 
tleinen;  I  wU\  not  deny  lo  them  the  right  of  iisin;; 
this  weapon,  evil  as  it  is,  lo  strike  at  the  populari- 
ty of  that  Execiilive  whose  coiiduei  in  this  miiller 
is  ineeling  with  a  hearty  respnnse  from  all  por- 
tions of  the  country.  Mill  I  may  be  |ierniitled  lo 
say  lo  these  genllenien,  as  llu!  strong  conviction 
of  my  own  jiidgnient,  that  their  eilorls  will  prove 
vain,  and  they  will  not  enjoy  llie  eoiisolalion  of 
kiiiiwing  that  their  course  lias  received  the  oppro- 
bation  of  any  considerable  portion  of  the  American 
people. 

I  THE  PUBLIC  LANDS. 

SPEECH  OF  MR.T  II.'sTEPHENS, 

OF  (iEOKC;iA, 
Ix  TlIK  IIot'SK  OF  Ilr.PHKSUNTATIVES, 

j  ./ii/y  7,  ism;. 

The  Bill  to  gradiniii  the  price  of  the  Public  Lands 
being  under  eonsideralion — 
Mr.  STEPHENS  said: 

Mr.  Chairman:  I  am  well  aware  of  tlie  great 
indisposition  on  the  part  of  a  majorilv  of  this 
House  to  hear  anything  Ihat  may  be  said  against 
the  provisions  of  this  bill.  I''i'iiin  what  fell  from 
several  gentlemen  this  morning  upon  the  resolution 
to  bring  the  session  to  a  close  at  an  early  day,  it 
seems  that  this  is  one  of  a  si  i  ii  s  of  measures  whieli 
must  be  piMsed  before  the  adjnitrnmenl.  A  parly 
fwl  lo  this  efl'ect  has  gone  lorlh,  and  ils  reipiiri- 
nienls  must  be  oheyid.     I   lane   very   little    rea- 

I  son,  therefore,  to  flaiter  myself  with  the  hope  of 
changing  the  opinion,  far  less  ihe  vote,  of  any  gen- 
lleman,  by  anything  I  may  say  upon  the  quesiion. 
The  minds  of  all  appear  io  be  made  up;  and  the 
behests  of  the  liallimore  Convention  will  dnulillcFS 

'  be  duly  executed  at  the  |iroper  time.  This,  at  least, 
ia  what  my  (lasl  experience  warrants  me  in  coiielu- 
ding,  and  this  is  wliat  I  am  [irepareil  to  expect. 
Neverllieless,  as  the  representative  of  a  portion  of 
the  American  people,  who  have  a  deep  interest  in 
Ihe  subject-matter,  I  am  not  dispo.sed  lo  permit  n 
measureof  so  miieli  magnitude  lo  pass  without  sla- 
ting my  object  ions,  and  entering  my  deciiled  prole:  t 
ii';ainsi  the  whole  system  which  it  cmbodiep.  it 
was  well  remarkeil  fiy  the  genllemai  from  Ohie, 
[.Mr.  Vinton,]  when  a  motion  was  made  to  cm 
oil' all  debate  upon  the  bill  to-day  al  two  o'clock, 
ihatoiif  llnmsmid  miltio7is  trere  n(  .?(n/.'f  .'  1  regard 
the  question  in  the  same  light.  The  entire  system 
of  our  land  sales,  which  was  adopted  in  the  early 
days  of  our  history,  is  about  to  be  changed.  Ties 
is  the  beginning  of  a  new  policy,  in  regard  to  il  e 

'I  whole  of  the  public  domain,  by  which  that  rich 


i' , 


ri 


I 

'!i»i 

m 


1 1 


'*' 


Ii;-' 


t;  ff 


'■', 
i.i 


1104 


!li9TH  CONO 1«T  Sr.ss. 


APPENDIX  TO  THK  fONGRKSSIONAI.  (JLOHR. 

TTir  Public  Lnnih — Mr.  Sitphins. 


[July  7, 


Ho.  or  Ukph. 


iiihi  riliiticr,  lii-qiirnlliril  \\m  l>y  llii'  lirnvcry  mill  i 
IxMiiity  iil'iiiir  fallu'rHiis  tii  \»i  niirrriiiliri'il,  waHlril, 
Hixl  Niiutiiiilt^nMl,  iiiilfMH  (hf*  Mtlrntinii  ot*  llic  )it'i>|il(' 
lie  K|iicilily  (liri'i'ii'il  i(>  ii,  iiiid  iIh  t°iirili(r  prciMiii- 
liiiii  111"  iirri'slid,  lic'tnrc  it  wurkn  IihiiiiIit  iiiIhi  liii  t'. 
'riiiil  ilii^  iiiiiy  111'  tlit>  ciiHi",  I  ciirnrfilly  Ii(i|h'  ;  and 
\(  llii'ic  IH  iiiiyiliiii!;  I  I'lii  (III  III'  Niiy,  rilliir  lirir  nr 
•'Istwhrip,  III  iiriiiidf  niiil  iiwnkrn  piililii'  iiiti'iiiiun 
to  (he  Riitijrrt  hrtbrr  it  in  Inn  liid',  tliiN  llniiKr  iiiity 
lii>  iiNNiiiril  ii  will  111'  (liiiic;  I'm'  I  raiiiiiil  liiliivr 
lliiil  i«  iii.ijiirily  iif  llir  pcMpIr  III'  iliin  I'lmiilry  iiir 
piT|>iiicil,  Willi  II  lull  iiiidriHliiiiilIni:  nfllir  niiillir, 
to  »ahi'tiiiii  till'  |>i'iiM'i|i|i'N  oI'lliiM  new  |iiiljry. 
Tlic  liill,  Mr.  (hiiirniaii,  |>im|iii(iih — 
'■'ril.il  nil  or  till  liiiiiN  iif  Ihi'  riilli'il  l<uiti«  ulnoh  "lliill 
Imvi'  In  I'll  III  iniirki-t  ItT  Irii  nr  iiiori'  lliiiii  tfii  >iiir-  iMii-r  in 
Itli'  tlliif  nr  li|i|ilit'allnil  tn  iiilrr  llli'  vuliii'  llllili'r  Ihf  prnVH 
I'liw  nl  ilii4  ml,  Mini  ulill  ri'iiiiiiriiiiK  iiili«nlil,  ^liull  lir  ^iilij'i'l 
In  'iili-  III  till'  prlri'  nl'  nin'  ili'lliir  |n  r  iiiTr.  Anil  nil  m  llii' 
liiitlit  nl'ihi'  I'lilli'il  Hiiiini  ivliirh  Hlinll  liiivi-  l»  i-n  iii  iiiiiiki'l 
tnr  llili'i'ii  nr  iimri*  thiiii  (llu'i'ii  ynnr-,  nn  nrnn-Kiuil,  ninl  »lltl 
ri'iiinhiliiii  iiiixnlil,  Hhall  lir  HUhii'i'l  lit  riili-  al  llif   prii'i'  nl' 

'I'Viily  llv Ml.  iiir  iKTi'.     Anil  nil  nl'  llii'  I U  m  llir 

riiil.  il  ^^lIlll•»^lilll■ll  >linll  IniH' I n irki-l  I'nr  imiilj 

nr  innrf  llinii  Iwi'iilv  vi'nr^,  mi  nt'n^l'^nlll,  iinil  -nil  riiiinlniiii,' 

iiii-nlil,  Mlinll  III'  Miiliji-t'i  to  i.n|i'  nl  Itii-  pri I  llllv  ri'iil*  iht 

Hi'ip.     Anil  all  nl  llii'  liiiMh  nl  llir  I 'mini  Hinli'i  wliirli  >lnill 

linVf  Ih'I'II  111  Ilinrkl'I  I'nt  nwiily  \\\t'  nr  llinrr    than    lUTIlll 

livf  VI  nr*,  n-*  nrnri'-aiil.  ninl  tii||  ri-iniuiniiL'  iiii^nhl,  mIiiiII  in- 
tniliici'l  In  fiali*  nl  Ilii-  priri' III'  iwi  niv  llvt'  i  I'liH  jiiT  ncri'. 
Anil  all  nl'  llii<  lanil-  nl  Mil'  I  iiiii'il  Si  iii'i  nlihli  •linll  linvi> 
lii'i'll  111  iiiuiki'l  nl  till'  |i.i4-iiui'  III  linn  ni'l,  in  an\  lilin-  lliiTr 
all.  r.  I'nr  any  piTinrl  nl  ilnrii  nr  iiinn  ilinii  lliiriv  \rar!..  anil 
rlill  rrnialnlnii  iiii-nlil.  <|i.ill  In',  ami  lln'  -aim'  ari'  lll'rl'll^. 
nrilril  ami  I'nr.'Vi  r  ali-nliilily  \t',|,  il  in  Ilii' Slali  v  ri'f|iirll\i' 
ly.  III  Minili  liny  It!'." 

I  liavc  eivin  llic  wlioli!  of  llie  ninin  frnliirea  nf 
tlip  liill,liormisp  i  inlind  lo  rxainiiir  llirin  nl  lnri.'C 
mid  ill  di'inil.  And  I  will  Ihti'  ri'iiiai'k,  llinl  a  HTV 
ditl'ri'iMil  rliisK  oriili|i>riiiiiis  ii|>|ily  1"  ilill'iri'iil  juirlM 
ol'  iis  priiviNioiis.  On  .snini>  of  ilinii,  iiniisiliin.i  of 
<'X|ii'ili('nry  and  priipririy  only  arisi",  wl'.ilr  on 
^llllr|■s,qllCHlinlls^rri^lll,  jiiHlii'i'-  and  iiinsliliilioiial 
powiT  prrst'iil  llii'iiisrlM  s. 

In  ollirr  words,  llir  liill  prnpnyns,  in  pari,  In  do  ' 
in  n  very  impropir  way,  and  upon  vitv  iin'orrcot 
and  irroiipoiiH  priin'ipli's,  wlial  lunilil' lie  ii  vi  ry 
di'Miraliln  lliins  in  ilsill",  if  a  dilTirciil  anil  n  in'oprr 
roiirKP  woi'i'  laki'ii  for  ilx  ai'roiii|ilisliini'iil:  I  niriin 
till'  irradiialiiiii  or  llii'  rr;.'iihilion  nl'  llie  priii-H  of 
till'  piiliiii-  lanila  ai'i-ordiii;;  In  llioir  valiir. 

And  II  prnpiisrs  also,  in   pail.  In  iln  w  hnl  in  my 
opinion  (JoiiKri.iH  lias  im  powrr  in  do;  I  inraii  lliV  , 
iiliiniiili>  ri'ssinn  of  a  Iiii'l'i' pnrlioii  of  iluso  lands  lo 
till'  Sinlcs  in  wlifrji  iliiy  lii'. 

In  nniioiiig  these  provisions,  1  slmll  lake  llieni  in 
this  oi'ili  r. 

And  firsi,  as  to  i;radiialioii  or  rejiilalimi  nf  price 
ai'i'oi'diii;.'  Ill  valiii'.  rpon  tins  p.. mi,  upon  wliirli 
Ml  iiiiii'li  lias  Inin  said,  I  w  isli  in  I  r  iindirsioini. 
I  slate  dislinrlly,  Ik  fori'  pron-idiiii:  willi  my  ari;ii- 
iiiini.tliMi  I  have  no  nlijeiMion  In  ihal  nlijri'l,  if  a 
rnnrit  and  feasilile  plan  for  ils  allaiiiinenl  ran  lie 
sulimitlid.  'I'lie  olijirl  of  llie  Unveriiiiienl,  of 
I'olirse,  sliould  lie  In  ilispnse  of  llie  piililie.  lands  as 
fasi  as  may  lie,  for  a  fair  priee,  and  noniore.  l-'rom 
llie  i;ri'al  exteiil  of  lerrilory  where  these  lands  are 
Hiiiialeil,  there  miisl  necessarily  lie  i.'real  varielies 
in  ipialilv,  and  irruit  ilill'eieiiees  in  the  eliarneler 
mill  lirlility  of  soil.  The  rii'h  alluvial  hoiioins  on  . 
the  rivers  miisi  he  worth  iiinre  llian  the  sandy 
jilaiiis  or  sieril  moiiiiiains.  This  is  loo  plain  lo 
adiiiil  nriinesliiin.  'J'lie  jiian  piirsned  thus  fur,  has 
heeii  liisl  to  oU'er  the  lands  al  piililie  sale  tn  the 
hiuhesl  hidiler,  with  a  fixed  niininiiiin  of  one  dnl- 
liir  and  twi  Illy-live  leiils,  helow  wliieli  iinne  are 
allnwi  il  lo  he  sold,  and  at  whieli  they  eaii  he  taken 
hy  private  entry,  afur  a  failure  lo  hriiii:  ninre  at 
piihlir  sale.  Great  [{iianiilics  of  these  lands,  wliii'h 
111  the  piihlie  Hales  dn  not  lirin;;  the  (oivernineiil 
iiiiiiiiiiiiin,  doiihiless  are  not  worlli  it.  And  it  is 
eipially  trill',  doiihiless,  that  other  lar^e  pnrlions 
are  nut  only  worili  ilial  sum,  Inil  even  inoie, 
iliniiLrh  tliiM'e  may  mil  have  lieeii  a  hiddir  fur  iheni. 
Tliat  snme  lowi  r  priees  should  he  fixed  upon  those 
really  worth  less  than  the  present  iniiiiniiim,  I  ad- 
mii.  The  only  dillirenee  heiween  inyselt'aiid  the 
iidvnrales  nt'  this  iiill  upon  this  [mini,  is  as  in  llii.' 
priiii'iple  nf  irraihiaiioii,  nr  the  st.-indaid  nf  value. 
They  adnfit  lime  as  Ihe  >o/f  slandari! — 1  iiiian  the 
leiiijlh  of  lime  they  have  heen  in  market  withniit  a 
piii'i'haser,  or  eniry  at  the  pre.si  nl  miiiiniiiin.  'I'liis, 
It  seems  lo  nie,  is  an  exri'i-diiiLdv  inenrreei  siaiid- 
nrd.  The  niily  true  lest  or  slandard  of  value  in 
SMI  h  eases  is  oiiahiy.  As  irnod  lands  mav  he. 
fniind  iijiuii  ihc  head  waters  nf  ihn  Missniiri,  upon 


Ihe  Yellow  Stone,  the  I'hitle,  and  the  KanimK,  R« 
iipiili  any  other  part  of  the  eonliiienl,  or  in  any 
other  pari  of  the  wnrldi  and  yet,  if  ihev  were  iinw 
lirm  L;lit  iiiln  inarkel,  woiilil  iini  luiiii;  live  i  eiilH  an 
nere,  and  perhapM  i'nr  furl y  years  In  eome,  eoiild 
not  In  sold  for  thai  Hiiiall  ainoiinl.  That,  sir,  is  no 
eiidi 'lee  nl*  their  lieintr  worthless  or  valueless. 
They  a,e  as  yet  in  a  wilderness.  Iliil  when  llie 
advaiaiiiu'  iide  of  eini'.'raiion,  popiilalion,  and  set- 
lleinenl,  wliii'h  has  heen  pinm'essiii!;  sn  steadily 
and  rapidly  for  years  in  that  direi-lion,  shall  reaeli 
them,  as  it  will  <lo,  then,  and  iinl  till  then,  enii 
their  value  he  reali/i  il  nr  niiiile  availahle.  And  If 
the  <  fiivirinneiil  eniiiiniies  In  hold  lliiiii,  as  il  niinlil 
In  iht,  iiiilil  lliat  lime,  lliey  will  then  sell  as  rradily 
as  the  liiir  lands  in  Dliio,  liidiaiia,  and  llliiiois,  do 
now.  The  priee  of  land,  Mr.  ('hairman,  as  the 
priee  of  everylliiii\'  else,  ilepenils  very  imieli,  if  mil 
iiiaiiily,  upon  the  demand  and  supply. 

I,anils  iiiav  he  ever  so  rieli  and  fertile,  equal  lo 
the  hanks  of  llie  ,N'ile  and  haiphi  ales,  and  yet  willi- 
out  pnpiihiiiiiii,  i-apital,  and  eiitei'iii'ise,  r  ihe  ele- 
ments of  deniaiid,)  iliey  will  remain  forever  eoni- 
paralivi'ly  valueless.  And  when  the  deinand  is 
fully  supplied,  as  is  ihe  ease  in  oiir  mMrki'l,iiiid  as 
il  will  I'linliniii'  In  he  (iit  many  Imi;;  years  in  iniiie, 
il  Is  wnrse  than  folly,  il  is  even  /.rerfefdci/,  lo  at- 
li'Uipl  lo  fiiri'e  sales  hy  ridiieini;  prii'es  helnvv  a 
fair  value.  If  it  is  desil'lil.le  In  dis|inse  nf  the  illfe- 
rinr  laiiils,  wliii'h  in  some  ipiarlers  are  iint  nnw 
anil  iii'ohaMy  never  will  he  worth  our  ilnllar  and  a 
qiiarler  ail  ai  re,  let  the  iriadiiation  he  made  upon 
the  priiieiple  if  i|iiiilily.  I.ei  your  siirvryors  relnrn 
Ihe  lands  in  uradi  s  or  elasses  of  first,  seeniid,  ihiril, 
fniirth  qiialilv,  and  so  on,  and  lei  the  pin'es  lie  re^- 

iilnled  ai rdiiiirlv.     I  dn  not  sav  what  the  precise 

piiee  fnr  the  diU'irenl  ■:r'iili's  should  he,  I  only 
sii^i;esl  the  prineiple;  it  is  in  my  opinion  the  only 
enrreel  one 

And,  sir,  I  would  eo  further.  For  Ihc  conve- 
nienee  and  aeenmnindalion  of  those  who  have  nut 
the  means  to  enter  a  full  quarter  sieiinn,  or  1(10 
neres,  I  would  make  smaller  divisions,  and  allow 
p,'ireel.^  or  Irai'ls  of  HII  and  10  acres  lo  he  taken,  In 
suit  the  means  and  eniivenience  of  purchasers.  I 
would  also,  if  necessary,  allow  time  fnr  |iaymeiil, 
Rnnie  ffenlli'ineii  have  ailvncatrd  this  hill  on  llie 
t'riiiind  thai  il  will  he  for  the  lienefil  nf  the  pimr 
man.  who,  they  say,  caniint  now,  with  his  siiiall 
eapilal,  purchase  lands  at  the  rale  of  a  dollar  and 
Iwentv-five  cents  an  acre,  hut  who  could  lake  up 
till  se  inferior  lands  al  Iweiily-five  ccnis  an  acre. 
Now,  sir,  this  IS  ihe  last  way  in  the  world  I  wniilil 
set  ahiiiil  henefitiii;  a  poor  man — that  is,  hy  piil- 
timr  nil'  pnnr  land  iipnn  him.  Willi  fifiv  ilnllars, 
it  is  true,  he  niiirht  purchase  iwn  hundred  acres  of 
land  worth  no  mnre  than  twenty-five  cents  an  acre. 
Ihil,  with  the  same  mnney,  he  would  do  miieli 
heller  liiisiness  hy  lakiiii;  forty  acres  of  irood  land 
at  a  dollar  and  a  ipiarter  an  acre — which  would  he 
quite  as  much  as  nne  man  cniilil  eiilti^ale,  and 
which  would  ahiindaiitly  repay  him  fnr  his  lalmr, 
toil,  and  indiisiry,  and  enahle  him  soon  In  ilnnhle 
his  capital.  This  plan  wniild  meet  that  view  nf 
the  ca.<e,  and  in  a  much  more  eireciual  way,  as  I 
conceive,  than  the  nne  hefore  us;  for  I  do  not  hesi- 
tate to  afllrni  that  it  would  he  far  heller  never  to 
allempi  any  scheme  of  irradualion,  than  lo  adopt 
the  sysleiii  iinw  proposed.  This  is  what  il  is  my 
ohject  to  show.  Tn  dn  il,  I  appeal  In  ev|ierience 
— tn  the  histnry  of  our  land  sales  frnin  ihe  heijiii- 
iiin^'.  If  llie  principles  upon  which  this  hill  rests 
he  true  and  eorrecl  as  a  measure  nf  griKltiiilinii,  il 
must  follow,  as  a  mnllcr  of  course,  that  all  lauds 
which  remain  in  market  for  thirty  years  without 
a  purchaser  are  refuse  and  worlhless.  Itut,  sir,  in 
Ihe  State  nfOhin,  the  olilesl  of  the  Slates  in  which 
there  are  piihlic  lands,  f.iovernmeiit  lands  are  now 
selhiiir  readily  at  the  (iovernineiil  price  of  a  dollar 
and  twenty-five  cents  an  acre,  iIioul'Ii  they  have 
heeii  in  iii'irkei  for  upwards  nf  fuly  years!  This 
I  am  )irepared  in  slinw.  And,  in  my  nplnioii,  it 
eiiiirelv  overthrows  the  whole  |iiinciple  upon  which 
this  hill  is  founded. 

IJiit,  hefnre  proeeedinir,  I  niiiRl  advert  to  the  sin- 
irnlar  and  very  remaikahle  fact,  that  the  cnminillee 
wliii  inlrndiiced  this  iTieasiire  have  ^i\'en  us  nn 
repnri;  they  have  u'iven  lis  nn  fails,  they  have 
fiirnished  us  willi  nn  slaiislics;  they  have  nll'ci'id 
IIS  no  rea.son  for  this  chaiiL^e;  they  have  not  slinun 
lis  that  in  any  land  district  In  this  cniinlry,  for  llie 
last  fifty  years,  (he  beet  lands  were  .sold  rir  entered 


i  during  the  first  ten  yenrs  after  (hey  ranio  into  in«f 
ket.  They  have  tint  shnwii  us  thai  in  a  siiinln 
land  dislrici,  alter  Iwenly-five  years,  ihere  was  nu 
:;ood  land  Icfi,  or  none  worth  more  than  Iweiiiy- 
live  cents  an  acre.  Why  ihey  have  asked  iis  in 
adopt  lliis  new  syslein  williniit  any  nf  ihis  iniporl- 
aiit  informaiiiiii,  seeniH  tn  me  Niraii!,'|i.  Hm  ii,,, 
Mouse  is  called  upon  to  act  wholly  m  |||,.  ,1;,||( 
We    have  not  even    In  en    I'lirmshcil    with    tallies 

showini;  llie  miiuher  of  acres  which  have  I n  iu 

market  for  each  of  the  respective  periods  of  (en 
litlcin,  tirnilij,  lin  nhj-lirf,  aiiil  lliirlii  viai-n,  ami 
upon  which  the  diU'ereut  provisions  of  ihc  liiH,  if 
pas.sed,  will  immi'dialely  act.  (Iii<„'lii  ih,.  ||inisi< 
lo  he  asked  In  adopt  this  new  syslein  wiilioiil  ilus 
iiifnriiialiiiii '  It  was  an  easy  nailer  for  llie  cnui- 
iniitie  In  have  priiciii'eil  all  ihesi'  I'acis  fimu  Ihe 
(jeiieral  Land  Otlli'i';  and  the  fii'i'siiinplinn  is  Ihev 
wnnld  have  dniie  sn,  if  ihe  dlschisni'e  wniilij  have 

heen  favnrahle  tn  their  pnsilinii.     The  alisci if 

such  informalion,  iherelore,  is  ilself  a  sironi;  ai';;ii- 
nieiit  against  the  lull. 

(  Here  Mr.  .Met  'i  KUNAnn,  chairman  of  the  Com- 
niiilee  on  I'uhlic  l.aiids,  inlerrupled  Mr.  H.,  ami 
said  that  the  comiiiillee  deemed  a  report  iie'icces- 
sary,  as  the  sulqeci  had  heen  hefnre  ('nni;rcssa 
niiiiiliernf  years,  and  an  alile  report  had  hecii  iiiaih' 
two  ye'irs  a;;n;  and  all  the  necessary  facts  and 
tallies  were  In  he  fnnnil  in  the  rcpnii  of  ihc  Cniu- 
missioncr  of  the  (ieiieral  Laud  llllice  this  sissioii.] 
Mr.  !S.  coniiiiiicd.  I  have,  Mr.  ('hairman,  hoih 
the  reports  lo  wlih  11  the  t'eiilleman  alludes  hefnre 
me,  and  I  inteiided  lo  use  ihcni  preseiiily;  hut  iiei- 
thernf  them  coiiiains  llie  infiiiinalion  I  iiiuv  speak 
of,  and  which  hears  directly  iipiui  the  iiienls  nl  iliis 
qiiesiinn,  and  which  niu^lii  In  coiiirol  it,  I  know, 
also,  that  this  .siihject  has  heen  liefnre  Cnliiiicss  for 
a  iiiimherof  years.  The  ijeiilleuiaii  need  iiol  have 
reminded  us  i)f  llial;  hnl  as  he  has,  I  will  relurii 
the  favnr  liy  ri'inindin:;  him,  atsn,  lliat  it  has  liere- 
Infnre  lieeii  iinifoi'inly  rejecled.  This,  linwi  ver,  i.s 
the  first  lime  il  has  heeii  hronuht  hirward  in  such 
array,  and  made  one  of  llie  leading'  measures  of  an 
Admiiiislralion. 

And  we  are  now  railed  upon  to  say  and  estah- 
lish  the  principle,  as  an  ascertained  (act,  that  llie 
hest  lands  are  always  taken  up  wiihiii  the  first  ten 
years  after  lliey  ennie  iiiln  market,  and   the   next 

j  liest  within  fifieen  years;  and  sn  nn  of  twenty  and 
twenly-five  years;  and  that  efier  thirty  years  none 
arc  lift  hut  the  refuse  and  worthless.  And  if  this  he 
true,  I  say  the  reliirns  of  sales  in  lliedeiieral  Land 
OHice  woiihl  showil.  The  tallies  lo  which  ihe  i;eu- 
llemaii  alludes  do  not  exhihil  such  returns.  It  is 
true  that,  from  fads  slaled  in  these  reports,  llie 
converse  of  the  priipnsilinii  laii  he  made  iiiosi  cnii- 
ohisively  lo  appear.  These  facts  t  shall  exhiliiL 
presenily;  liiil,  hefore  ilniiii,'  sn,  I  will  siale  m  the 
llniise  that  I  have  put  myself  In  some  pains  and 
Iroiihle  to  inqiiiie  into  this  inatter,  and  I  venture 
lo  assert  that  experiiiicr,  t'oiiuded  nu  tli(^  acliial 
riliirns  of  past  sales  in  ahnnst  every  land  district 
v\'ln're  they  have  heen  in  market  so  lonn;,  shows 
that  lari;e  qiiaiiliiies  of  jjooil  land  remain  iinsnld, 
even  ahove  thirty  years.  We,  then,  have  reason 
and  expericiife — iwn  very  safe  !,'iiides  in  such 
eases — linth  decidedly  ai^ainst  the  whole  sysiem, 

I  have  a  lalile,  \\'hicli  was  procured  hy  a  nieni- 
lier  of  the  cnminillee,  (ihe  f,'emleman  t'nim  Ver- 
mniil,  ,Mr.  f^iii.i.AMEii,)  frnni  the  (leneral  Land 
Otliec,  which  fully  snsiains  this  pnsitinn.  I  call 
the  atletition  of  the  Mouse  lo  it.  It  is  n  "  stalr- 
meiil  of  the  nmiilifr  nf  nrns  of  Imul  stitil  fit  llii'  ttinil 
(llfires  nf'Zini(si'i//c,  i'h'ilHrnlhi-  y  Mnr'n  llit^  kif^kitsK'nt. 
iDiil   SlKiiniirlinvn,  friim  ISIIU    Iu  1KI7,  iiicla'i'irf." 

I  My  lime  will  not  permit  me  to  stale  the  sales  in 
( ,'ich  district  fnr  each  year.  Nor  is  it  necessary, 
(leneral  results  are  siilllcicnt  for  niv  |iiii'[)os'e.  And 
from  llli.-'  stall  iiienl  it  appears  ihal  iheanmial  aver- 
age of  sales  in  the  /anesville  dislrici,  fnr  ihe  first 
leu  years  after  the  lands  were  pnl  in  luark'el,  was 
4'J,4(iO  acres  [ler  aiiiiiim;  fnr  the  secimd  ten  years, 

i  .')4,H,'i();    fnr   the    third,    .lO.'.MIO;   and    fnr   the    pe- 

I  rind  iriven  of  the  finirlli,  that  is,  aficr  the  laiiilH 
had  liceii  |iiit  in  market  upwards  nf  thirty  years, 
the  aniiiial  averane  nf  sales  was  0  l.-l'lli  acres;  hi  iie.; 
irrealer  than  at  any  niher  jn'riod;  and  when,  ac- 
eiirdin;,'  lo  this  hill,  all  the  lands  in  lliiil  district 
were  worthless.  Similar  results  appear  frnm  the 
('hillicothe  dislrici:  the  aniiiial  avcraie  for  the 
first  ten  years  in  thai  dislrici  was  ,51, Mill  leies; 
and   lor  the  period  t;iven  of  the  lasl  ten,  ihni   is. 


39th  Cono.i 

(t(^iT  lliey  li»<l  heei 
yenr»,  the  iwortieB 
arrea.  In  ths  Ma 
n«o  for  llie  lirai  i 
iinil  titf  (he  ptiriod 
lieon  Ihirly  years 
wa>  35,183.  Tin 
from  Itie  rcliirn  f'n 
il)  the  fnco  of  tlieii 
jniida  which  hnvo 
of  lliiriy  yuars,  at 
doneiW  Or,  lUal 
srn  worth  more 
wo  »t<!  the  larsesl 
nn  aero  tvflcr  thoy 
tiiitn? 

N«y>  mnr(>,  sir 

(lie  romiiiiltec,  m 

|;enlloniiiii  Mludei 

show  llio  same  rt 

Wooster,  in  (ho  ! 

lirouRlit  in  marki 

thnlthrro  remain 

resented  to  ho  "j 

in  nnnrkel   tor  ii 

«nm«  disirirt.at 

ins  unsold  40,66 

<!\iltiviilion.     An 

it  appowrs  from 

Ihe  11>9,2.'>(I  ncn-i 

40,G(!U  which  liii 

fit  for  cuUivntioi 

received  pmfii 

(he  principle  no 

worthless !     I  c: 

of  time  lands  nn 

is  no  correct  It 

other  land  disti 

aaiiie.    Maiietti 

than  30(1,0(10  ac 

nnd  100,000  ticn 

in  inarkct  also 

were  bul  83,74« 

ins  unsold  !    T 

ket  in  1804.     I 

acres  unsold, 

1840,  there  wer 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIOiMAL  ULOBE. 


1105 


'i9TH  Coi«o.....lvr  Sum. 


New  Seriri No.  70. 


aflar  (h«y  had  bxii  in  markat  upwnrda  of  thirty 
yt'nri,  the  avaraeo  \Kt  aiiimm  ur  iiiInN  wai  GU,8(H) 
arre*.  In  ihn  iVlHrirlla  (liatricl,  the  niiniinl  avpr- 
AKo  fur  Iho  timt  leii  ycnn  wan  only  !l,(i'IO  ucrm; 
und  fitr  th«  ptirlnd  K>v«n  nf  ihn  liiil,  ul'tcr  ihcy  hnci 
licen  thirty  ycnr*  i:  iimrkct,  the  aiimml  nvomga 
waa  35,703.  The  aomn  ^piinritl  reiiilm  nppcar 
from  tho  return  fnrthdiihcrdiiiiricH.  How.llicn, 
in  the  fnro  nl'  Ihmn  fui'm,  rmi  wR  auy  that  nil  the 
Iniiila  which  hnvn  now  been  in  ninrkct  fur  upwnrda 
of  thirty  yenra,  are  valuelrna,  and  aliould  lie  tdmn- 
dnned !  Or,  tliat  aDvr  twenty-five  yciirs  liu  Innda 
nro  worth  more  thnn  35  ronla  nn  ucrn,  whi:n 
wo  aee  thn  larsji'st  aiiira  have  hern  tnadu  at  ftl  35 
nn  nere  iiftcr  they  hnv>'  hecn  in  uiurkct  nhiiw  thiit 
lime? 

Nuy,  more,  air — I  come  now  lo  llio  report  nl' 
the  rommitiKe,  made  two  ycara  ii;;(i,  to  wliirh  the 
i;entlenmn  alludca,  and  from  that  very  paper  I  will 
allow  the  anme  rpsuUs.  1  will  tnhu  iho  clialrict  of 
Woostcr,  in  the  State  of  Ohio.  These  liinda  were 
)irniif;lit  in  market  in  18(10;  end,  in  1838,  it  appears 
that  there  remained  in  itunmild  129,35(1  acres,  rep- 
reaenlcd  to  he  "Jirilralelanit,"  thoMi;li  it  had  hecn 
in  market  for  nearly  thirty  yenra!  And  in  the 
•nme  diatriet,at  ;lio  same  lime,  there  were  remnin- 
inK  nnaold  4U,660  aerei,  reproHonied  to  lin  unfit  for 
lAiltivniion.  And  yel.in  1840,  twelve  years  after, 
it  appoiirs  from  the  anme  report  tlint  the  lehale  of 
the  I3<),3.')0  ncrea  had  hcen  aold,  and  .18,703  nf  tho 
40,6(iO  which  had  licen  represented  m  1828  as  "un- 
fit for  cullivntiim;"  and  the  Government  realized  or 
received  (^9,930  from  Innda  which,  accordin?  lo 
the  principle  now  soitglit  to  be  established,  wore 
worililesa  !  1  cxliiliit  this  to  ahov^'  that  the  length 
of  time  landa  may  remain  in  market  wilhoiit  entry 
is  no  coiTcct  test  of  their  value.  K.ilher  of  the 
other  land  districts  in  thia  report  will  show  the 
anme.  MaiieUn,  for  instance,  linci,  in  1828,  no  less 
thnn  30(i,IIOU  ocrca,  set  down  na  "  fnat  into  land;" 
nnd  100,000  nctea  unfit  for  cultivation.  Tlievonme 
in  market  also  in  1800.  And  yet,  in  184(j,  there 
were  but  82,748  acres  in  the  whole  district  remain- 
in;;  unsold  !  The  Zanesville  district  came  in  mar- 
ket in  1804.  In  1838  there  remained  in  it  (id, 934 
nrrcs  unsold.  Ami  twelve  years  nflerwarda,  in 
184U,  there  were  remaining  still  unsold  only  10,017 
ucrea.  All  the  rest,  that  is  to  any  f)51,9S7  uciea, 
hnd  been  sold  nt  a  dollar  and  a  cpinrter  an  acre, 
Bl^er  it  hud  b<;?'i  In  market  above  twenty -five  yenra, 
and  the  Government  received  upwards  of  eijrlit 
hui'idred  thousand  dullnra  for  the  same.  And  the 
other  di«i.ricl8  of  that  Stale  show  similnr  results. 
And  I  am  informed  that  fust  rate  lands  nie  now 
selliii!;  in  Ohio  at  one  doll. ir  and  a  qiinrler  nn  acre, 
which  liavfc  been  in  market  for  upwards  of  forly 
yenra !  I  do  not  wish  to  detain  the  House  with 
these  facts;  they  could  be  multiplied  to  an  indefi- 
nite extent.     No  man  can  deny  them. 

But,  sir,  I  will  offer  one  other  view  upon   this 

finint.  If  the  principle  be  correct  that  all  the  good 
ands,  or  those  which  are  worth  a  dollar  and 
B  quarter  an  acre,  are  tiikcn  up  within  the  first 
ten  yenra  after  they  come  into  market,  then,  of 
course,  the  sales  would  be  larger  in  the  new  dis- 
tricla  than  in  llie  old,  where  the  quantities  ofl'ered 
were  equal.  IIow,  then,  are  the  facts  upon  this 
gitbjccl  ?  1  refer  now  to  the  report  of  the  Commia- 
aioner  of  Public  Lands  to  this  seasion  of  Congress. 
I  will  take  the  Siatea  of  Ohio,  Michigan,  Missis- 
sippi, and  Florida^^nc  containing  some  of  the 
oldest  land  districts,  and  the  others  comparatively 
new  ones.  From  thia  report  it  appears  that  Ohio 
lias  now  only  885,767  acres  in  ninrkct.  All  the 
balance  of  her  ciiiire  area,  amounting  to  35,361,593 
acres,  has  been  disposed  of.  Most  of  what  now 
remains  has  been  in  market  nearly  forty  years. 
Michigan  lias  in  market  14,611,524  acres — Missia- 
aippi  has  10,409,034— and  Florida  lias  10,317,954 
acres.  Each  of  these  comparatively  new  Slates 
has  above  ten  times  as  much  in  market  as  Ohio, 
nnd,  of  course,  according  lo  the  principle  of  this 
bill,  the  sales  in  each  of  them  ought  greatly  to  ex 
ceed  the  sales  in  Ohio,  But  the  fact  is  the  other 
way.  The  sales  in  Ohio  last  year  amounted  to 
$42,459  92— in  Michigan  to  #28,734  57— in  Mis- 
gisaippi  to  $38,046  68— nnd  in  Florida  to  bul 
il8,640  13.  These,  Mr.  Chairman,  1  say,  are 
facta  which  bear  directly  upon  tho  merits  of  this 
dnestion — they  are  facts  which  ought  to  control 
it,  and  which  no  man  can  gainsay. 
_a  But,  sir,  I  must  hasten  to  other  facta  which  the 

70 


T%f.  Public  Lnndi — Mr.  Sttphtni. 

committee  have  fhlled  to  submit,  nnd  which  nre<|walara  in  quiet  aolltiidt,  aa  thay  hava  dona  for 
equally  necmsary  to  be  considered  in  passing  a  bill  '  coutitleaa  ages  past;  but  where,  ev«n  to  th«  remotest 


of  thia  imiiorlnnce — I  mean  the  qiinntily  of  land 
falling  wiiliin  each  perioil  of  claHHifiration,  and 
which  will  bo  subject  lu  thn  opcrntinn  of  Ibn  dif- 
ferent and  roapectivo  proviaions  of  the  bill.  They 
have  given  na  no  information  upon  this  point, ~Ihii, 
upon  examination,  I  find  (and  thia  1  gel  from  the 


limits  and  iiimoal  verge,  civilization  ia  destined 
yet  to  extend.  And  new  Hlalis  and  new  empires, 
It  may  be,  are  destined  hereafter  to  arise,  which 
are  a.i  yet  only  in  ilic  womb  of  existence.  Thfio 
embryo   States  and   people,   by  the   philosophii: 


alalesman  surveying  this  wide  cdert  of  country, 
(Commissioner's  report)  that  there  arc  no  less  than     and  looking  down  the  long  vista  of  a  distant  lu- 
Iwenty-lhrcH  millions  four  hundred  nnd  thirty-five     '  •"    -" 
thousand  nine  hundred  and  fifty-six  ncrca,  which 
will  bo  immedinlely  subject  to  entry  nt  one  dollar 
perncre.    And  (en  millions  five  hundred  nnil  thirty- 
three  thousand  nnd  sixty-seven  acres  at  seventy- 
five  cents.     Twenty-one  millions  one  hundred  and 

eighlv-flvn  thousand  five  hundreil  and  ninety-six  j  conMcqiienccs,  is  .  ..       _ 

nrrcaat  fifty  cents  an  acre.  And  fifteen  millions!!"'"'  "'""I-  "l">f""!:h  considerntion.  And  I  repeat 
one  hundred  and  seventy-eight  ihmisand  eight  hun-  ,  '"  •I'""'"""'-  'V  wl""  "'««."»  ""J  '"  *'","  *".y,  *?" 
dred  and  iwenty-five  acres  will  be  subject  lo  entry  ""x  immense  domain  acquired  ?  Hy  what  title  do 
at  twenty-five  cenia  per  acre.  And  llie  number  of  I,  «''^  ''"I''."'  '""'•'•'  wlmi^obligationa,  and  for  what 
acres  that  will  pass  immediately  to  tho  .Sinlea  in 


tore,  are  aeon, 
I. Ike  Hiiirx  wliiwe  beaini  (lave  n<''i'r  yet  rcneliril  our  worlil, 
'rtiouuli  Mclcncf  iiiCftM  tlK'in  iiiiilwiiy  In  hciivea 
With  pryinff  ojiiicx;  wcIbIis  thcnt  In  her  RcnliM, 
Mi'iKiinn  ilicir  iirh-,  iinil  coliuhiini  llieir  ruunm." 

Tlieaiilijeci,  llieii,conaidoriiig  its  magnitude  and 
mincntly  belllling  tlio  calmest 


1  which  they  lie,  is  two  millions  six  hundred  nnd 
j  twenty-five  thoiiannd  aeven  hundred  anil  Iwenty- 
:  two.  In  five  years,  the  whole  of  what  will  be  left 
'  of  tho  fifteen  millions  in  the  fourth  class  will  pnss 

in  the  anme  wny. 
[Here  Mr.  Vinton  interrupted  nnd  said, an  he  was 
I  understood  by  the  reporter,  that  in  ten  years  thirty 
I  millions  would  bo  vested  in  the  Slates.]       • 
I     Mr.  STr.riir.Nii  continued.  Yes,  sir — and  in  a  short 
,  lime  the  whole  of  the  balance  will  follow;  for  this  is 

bul  the  beginning.     If  this  bill  pnas,  I  should  not  be 
I  aurpriaed  to  ace,  in  leas  llinn  five  yenra,  a  piopo- 
I  sition  brought  forward  to  cede  the  whole  of  the 
I  public  Innda  lo  thn  Slates  in  which  they  lie,  imme- 
diately and  absolutely.    A  proposition  is  already 

in  the'  Senate  thua  to  give  up  nnd  surrender  all  that 

may  remain  unsold  in  18,')9.     This  is  the  point  wo 

are  rapidly  coming  to,  I  have  seen  it  in  the  dis- 
i  lance  for  some  time,  and  I  have  so  proclaimed  to 

the  people  of  my  Slate.  Bul  there,  when  the  qiies- 
i  lion  of  distribution  was  before  the  country,  nnd  a 
i  voice  was  raised  for  an  equal  participation  in  this 

fund,  it  woa  aaid  that  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of 

the  public  lands  must  be  kept  in  the  treasury — to 

bear  part  of  tho  expeiiaca  of  the  Government — to 

keep  down  the  larifT — that  "motnfni»i  htmtnthm, 

infornu,  iiigtiu,  ciii  lumen  ndtmnlum,"  which  lina 
I  nlwaya  been  held  up  beforo   tiin  people  by  pol- 

iticinns,  when  it  suits  their  purposes,  na  tho  moat 

lerriblo  of  all  evils,  nnd  the  worst  of^  all  oppres- 
sions.    But,  sir,  I  saw  then  that  the  real  question 

was  not  belveen  tho  Treasury  and  the  Siales,  bul 

between  the  new  Stntcf.  nnd  the  old — liotwcen  n 

lolnl  abandonment  of  the  public  domain  by  Coii- 

■  gross,  and  on  equitable  distribution  of  its  proceeds 
j  amongst  all  the  parlies  interested.  This  is  viitu- 
I  ally  the  question  which  wo  ore  now  called   upon 

for  the  first  time  openly  lo  meet,  nnd  1  meet  it  at 
I  tho  threshold — and  I  deny  tho  right  or  power  of 
I  Congress  to  make  any  such  disposition  of  this  joint 
;  or  eominon  property  of  the  nation. 
\  ,  This,  Mr.  Chairman,  brings  me  to  the  second 

branch  of  the  subject  I  promised  to  notice — that 
I  is,  the  power  of  Congress  to  adopt  that  provision 

■  of  the  bill  which  contemplates  the  ultimate  cession 
>  of  such  lands  as  remain  unsold,  after  n  given  pe- 
'  riod,  lo  the  Stales  in  which  they  lie. 
j  And  here  it  may  not  be  improper  .or  out  of 
I  place  lo  inquire  somewhat  into  the  character  and 
'  extent  of  these  public  lands,  and  the  nature  of  the 

tenure  by  which  we  hold  them.  It  seems  to  mo 
{  thet  gentlemen  do  not  suflficiently  consider  the  vnsl 
I  '.iteiesis  involved  in  this mensure — intercstsnotoiily 

of  our  dny  nnd  generation,  but  of  generations  that 

are  to  come  after  us.     No  people,  either  ancient  or 

modern,  ever  possessed   so  largo  and  extensive  a 

public  domain  aa  wc  do.    The  Secretary  of  the 

Treasury  informs  us  that   there   are  now  ready 

for  survey,  with  what  is  alreody  subject  to  entry, 

two   hundred   and  forty-tvi'o  milhons  of  ocres. 

This  is  exclusive  of  the  unnumbered  nnd  unascer- 
tained millions  which  lie  within  our  limits  in  the 

Far  'West  nnd  to  which  the  Indian  title  is  not  yet 

extinguished — a  tfritory  sufficient  to  sustain  one 

hundred  millions  r '  people,  including  an  area  of 

hundreds  of  tho  ■  ;  'ids  of  square  miles,  embra- 
cing every  variety  of  climate  and  productions,  and 

extending  to  distontparta  where  tho  gloomy  shades  ,,        . 

of  primeval  forests  have  never  yet  been  penetrated  !   1786,  and  her  commissioners  used  language  very 

by  civilized  man;  where  majestic  rivers,  issuing  i^  similar  to  that  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachu- 

from  unknown  sources,  continue  lo  roll  their  silent  i.  sella.    It  is  in  the  following  worda; 


uses  and  purposes  I  These  vast  and  magnificent 
possessions,  air,  I  may  be  permitted  to  any,  do  not 
belong  lo  Congress  to  dispose  of  aa  they  plense— 
ill  donations,  Imunlirs,  and  gratuities,  lo  particular 
.Stales  or  iuilividiials;  they  are  the  common  prop- 
erly of  all  the  iStutea  of  this  Republic.     A  large 

I  portion  of  them  was  ceded  by  several  of  the  old 
tliirteeii  Stales,  who  achieved  then  by  their  valor 
— ceded  liy  them  for  specific  purposes  and  objects. 
Those  cessions  were  received  by  this  Quvernmont 

I  upon  her  plighted  faith  for  the  fulfilment  of  these 
engagemenls.     All  the  rest  and  residue  were  pur- 

]  chased  oiitof  the  c(mmion  treasury,  for  the  common 
use  and  benefit  of  nil  the  parlies.  And  1  deny  tho 
right  of  Congress  lo  give  away  either  class  of  lliesn 
lands,  wilh'iut  a  fair  di,ilriliution  nmougat  all  who 
contributed  to  their  acquisition.     They  all  consti- 

i  tuie  a  nnlional  pio|U'Hy,  held  in  trust  for  tho  States 

I  of  ihis  Union.  So  far  as  it  rtincerns  those  landa 
which  were  ndcd  by  parliiihir  Slates,  there  can 
be  no  question  of  tlii.^  position.  These  were  the 
very  term?  upon  which  they  were  assigned  to  thia 

'  Government. 

I  The  Slates  that  made  these  assignments  or  cessions 
were  New  York,  Virginia,  Massachusetts,  Connec- 
ticut, South  Carolina,  North  Carolina,  nnd  Georgia. 
By  fnr  the  larger  portion  was  ceded  by  Virginin. 
She  gave  up  nearly  all  of  what  now  constitutes  Ihe 
States  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  tho  Territory 
of  Wisconsin.  Georgia  was  the  next  largest  con- 
tributor. 1  have  all  these  cesaions  before  nie,  and 
intend  !o  refer  to  each  one  separately,  to  ahow  the 
terms  and  conditions  upon  which  we  hold  these 
lands,  and  what  nro  our  dutiea  and  obligations  in 
regard  lo  them. 

The  first  cession  was  made  hy  New  York,  the 
lOtli  April,  1780,  and  contains  this  language: 

*'  .^iwl  lie  It  further  ruiicled  /i,/  lite  ntttlioritu  ajhre^tild,  That 
tlie  territory  wlilcli  miiy  In;  ceiled  ar  rrllmiuiiiheil  by  .virtue 
oithis  net,  either  wltli  roH|«iet  to  Ihe  jurimiiction.as  well  us 
the  rfithior  pretlinptinn  nl'iinilfOr  die  riylit  or  preffnipiinn  of 
pnti  niilv,  Hhnll  he  and  iiairo  for  Ihe  line  and  benetii  el'  piieh 
of  the  itnllert  8tnle»  na  fhnll  beciiine  menihers  oltlie  Federal 
Alliance  of  Ihe  >ulcl  Sluten,  nnd  lor  no  utiicr  use  or  purpoae 
Whalmiever." 

The  next  cession  came  from  Virginia,  on  the  let 
day  of  March,  1784,  and  contains  the  following 
liiuitaliou: 

"  TImt  all  the  Innils  wiihin  the  territory  bo  ceded  to  the 
ITaiieil  HiateB,  and  not  reserved  lor,  or  iipprnprinled  to,  any 

1  oftheherore-nicntloned  purposeii,  or  diniHised  of  la  bmintles 
to  the  ollieers  niiil  solcliern  ol'  llie  Aniericnn  army,  shall  bi) 

I  considered  n.-*  n  enniinou  Ihiiil  for  the  une  niid  benetltof  audi 
nf  the  I  :iiileil  SinteH  uh  have  lie<'Oine,  ornhull  beeoiiie,  mein- 
hers  of  the  Conrederiitlon  or  Fedennl  Allian<'e  of  Ihe  said 
Platen,  Virginin  inelnsive,  aecordiiiB  to  their  iisunl  resis-etivH 

'  proportions  in  llie  ttrneral  clmrt;i>  nnd  expenditure,  and  shall 
lie  thitlifully  and  ljon>t  ,^Vr  diiu<iMed  of  for  Unit  purpose,  anil 

:  for  no  other  um'  or  pur'iiose  nTinlj.never.'* 

Massncliuactts  ceded  her  interest  in  these  lands 
on  the  13th  September,  1786,  and  her  commission- 
ers, appointed  for  this  purpose,  used  the  following; 
language: 

**  Then  we  do,  by  these  preaents,  by  virtue  of  the  power 
and  natliohly  atbresiiiil,  in  the  niiine  und  behutr  of  the  said 
ConMiionvveitltli  of  Miissnehunett-*,  tninsfer,  nuit-ehitin,  cede* 
and  convey,  lo  the  tliiited  Sliites  of  America,  for  their  bene- 
til,  MussHchuaetlH  ineliisive,  all  riijlit,  title, nnd  estate,  orunit 
in,  as  well  the  soil  as  the  jurisdiction,  which  the  said  Coni- 
nionncnlih  liatli  to  the  territory  or  tract  wiUiiii  the  llniiu  of 
the  Massuehuseits  charter,  situate  nnd  lying  west  of  ttie  fol- 
lowing line,"  Ike. 

The  next  cession,  in  order  of  time,  was  from 
Connecticut.    Hers  was  on  tho  ]4lh  September, 


H 


•i.    <$ 


^"-1 


:^ 


'f ' 

'4 


1106 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  7, 


29tu  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Public  Lands — Mr.  Stephms. 


Ho.  OF  Keps. 


"  Now,  IbcreAuo,  know  yc,  Uint  we,  Uie  «ai<l  Willlnim 
BaDiuel  Jnlinson  and  JonsUian  Sturiifa,  by  virtuo  of  th« 
power  and  authority  to  us  cominiited  hy  (he  mid  act  of  tlie 


Oc'neral  AuMunbly  of  Ciniiici^tlrut  beforu  recited,  in  tau 
name,  an^  Tor  and  on  bclmlf  o^  the  Hnjil  State  of  (Connecti- 
cut, du,  by  Utest;  prmci.ts,  nssign,  transtV>r,  quit-elniiii,  cede, 
and  convey,  »n  tho  '  nft'-d  Bintt'a  ofAiniTico,  (or  tlicir  beiiu- 
llt,  Connaoi'^'t  inclusive,  all  Uu>  ri^lit,  tiUe,  interest,  Jurii^ 
(liction,  ani  claim,  which  tiia  said  Stale  of  (;<ninecticut  bath 
In  and  to  .  q  before-nientionc^d  and  described  territory  or 
tract  of  conntry,aH  Uiosanie  is  i.  >iindcdand  descrihed  inthc 
anid  aotof  Aaaeinbly,for  the  usesi.^  die  sjid  net  of  Assembly 
declared." 

The  uses  in  se-l  act  declared,  were — "  for  the 
(»>mmon  use  aiid  benefit  or  said  States,  Connecti- 
cut inclusive." 

South  Carolina  was  the  next  State,  in  order  of 
time,  that  made  a  relinquishment  of  her  interest  in 
western  lands.  Her  cession  was  on  the  9tli  Au- 
gust, 1787,  pjid  is  in  these  words: 

(( 
and 

I  by  the  said  net  of  (lie  Genenil  As.-'cni'il) 
South  Cnnilina  before  recited,  in  the  name,  and  for  and  in 
behalf  iiftlie  St3te  of  i^outh  Carolina,  ito  by  these  presents 
aisign,  tr.insler^  quit  claim,  cede,  anil  i.jnvcy  (o  the  United 
HIates  of  Anicnca,  fur  their  benefit,  (South  (Carolina  incln- 
aive,)  all  the  right,  title,  interests,  jnri'cliclion,  unil  eluiin 
whieli  the  Suiti.  of  South  Carolinahnlli  in  and  lo  the  befon' 
mentioned  mid  descrilit-d  territory  or  (nic*  of  country,  a?  the 
same  is  hounded  and  deseiihed  ir  (he  faiii  net  of  Assembly, 
fbr  the  ucaa  In  the  said  recited  act  of  assembly  disclosed." 

North  Carolina  followed  in  1790.  Her  deed  of 
cession  bears  date  the  2d  of  April  of  tlial  year, 
and  contains  tlie  iollowing,  amongst  other  limitii- 
tion.1  and  restrictionii: 

<'Tliini;y.  Th't  all  t!:o  lands  inte  Jed  to  be  ceil 'd  by  vir- 
tue of  this  act  to  the  United  States  of  America,  and  not  «|i 


the  Union,  "  and  for  no  other  we  or  purpose  tehal- 
ever,"  to  give  them  up,  surrender  thenx,  and  vest 
them  absolutely  in  the  States  in  which  they  lie? 
There  arc  some  questions,  Mr.  Chairman,  too 
plain  to  be  argued;  and  some  trutlis  that  lose  their 
force  by  an  attempt  at  illustration.  Tliis,  s.c,  is 
one  of  them.  I  hold  in  my  hand  the  solemn  en- 
gagement you  entered  into  with  my  State.  The 
words  are  clear  and  free  from  all  ofasourity.  No 
sophistry  can  change  or  torture  their  impoi  t,  tnd 
nothing  that  I  can  say  could  add  to  their  n  .oe. 
They  spcal;  a  language  that  none  can  misunder- 
stand. And  ill  the  name  and  bclinlf  of  that  Stnto, 
as  well  as  the  others  standing  in  the  sninc  poi  i'i  m, 
I  demand  to  know  by  what  right  Congresi  can 
pass  this  bill.-  I  ask  of  its  ndvocntcs  wlieiu  they 
get  their  authority  !  Are  these  ancient  rccnrda  to 
,  „        ^     ,      ^  .  ,  be  I'oi^otten,  and  the  sacred  obligation  wh:  ■' !hey 

:i^;^^)!^ZJ:iX:;::i:^S:'nZ^'^     Tr"^  \'-  "P-^-'y  violnted  and  dineg..rded? 
I  commitled  by  the  said  net  of  Mie  Genenil  Aa-'cni'il,  of  '  And  IS  it  in  this  way  the  plighted  f.ilth  of  this  ,■  -inn- 


try  is  to  be  ftilfiilcd  ?  If  so,  talk  no  more  to  nie  of 
repudiation!  "Judgment,"  indeed,  will  have 
"  fled  to  brutish  beasts,  and  men  have  lost  their 
reason !" 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  rights  and  interests  of  the 
old  States  in  these  lands  have  long  since  been  over- 
looked und  neglected.  But,  in.stcad  of  making 
amends  fur  the  past,  this  bill  prupusea  virtually  to 
abnniion  Ihem  forever. 

Sir,  I  do  not  wiuii  to  appear  selfi.ih,  but  it  is 
nothing  but  lightto  insist  upon  what  is  one'sown. 
It  is  one  thing  to  bo  liberal  and  another  to  be  just. 

».u a.-.  >u  u,«  „,„oo  ^uiiesui  «,neric,.,  ,„ui  no.  «p.  ,.  A'''' '  ^^''"'f'  j"  connexion  witli  this  view  of  the  snb- 

propriated  as  before  mentioned,  shall  be  cniisi<lered  ub  a  L  J"^"^?!  'o  <■'"'  "'<'  iitteiilion  of  the  House  to  the  past 


action  of  Congress  in  relation  to  the  public  lands, 
which,  in  my  opinion,  has  been  manifestly  unjust 
to  a  lar^e  pnition  of  the  people  of  this  country, 
I  and  particularly  to  tlie  peojile  of  that  .Siutc  which  I 
I  have  the  honor  in  paitlo  lepiesent.     Already  largo 
giiints  und  donations  have  been  made  to  all  the 
;  new  Slates  fur  education,  works  of  internal  im- 
provement, and  other  objects.  I  have  a  statement, 
which  has  been  I'lirnishetl  me  at  my  request  by  the 
Commis.sioner  of  Public  Lands,  which  exhibits 
Blow  to  give  up  this  vast  and  valuable  territorvs '' ''"^'^^  appropriations,  and    the  objects  lur  vhich 
and  her  coiisent  to  l.n.,  surrender  was  not  obtained      '"-"^Y  '•^."S'^  '""'J'"-     '  submit  it  to  the  consideration 


common  Aind  lor  the  U:ie  and  benefit  of  the  Uiitetl  Ktites  of  | 
America,  North  Caroliua  inclu,..ive,  necordinit  to  ilieir  rc- 
■pecUve  and  usual  proportion  in  tta  general  ciiarjse  iiiiit  ex- 
penditure, and  eball  lie  faithfully  disposed  of  for  that  use 
■ad  purpose,  and  for  no  other  tiso  or  purpose  wlintever."      ! 
The  last  State  in  the  Union,  sir,  to  surrender  I 
her  western  territory  was  Georgia.    Next  to  Vir-  ' 
ginia,  she  owned  the  ^eatest  extent.     Her  limits 
stretched  to  the  Mississippi  river,  and  included 
nearly  the  whole  of  the  present  new  and  flourish-  ! 
ing  States  of  Mississippi  and  Alabama.     She  was 


until  1802.  Her  deed  of  cession  bears  date  the 
24th  of  April  of  that  year,  it  seems  to  have  been 
drawn  with  great  care  and  caution,  and  was  well 
guarded  in  every  point;  and,  after  settin';  forth 
■everol  stipulations,  it  provide  ■■: 

"Thirdly.  That  all  thii  lands  ceded  by  this  Kgri'ement  to 
the  United  States  shall,  after  ^alisiyinff  the  above  ineiinoo' 
cd  payment  of  .«l,a50,000  to  t'le  Slate  of  (Jeorpi .,  incl  the 
grants  n^co^M'.isicI  i>v  ttie  preee  lini;  condiiimis,  lie  coosiiler. 
ed  us  a  coinuMii  Imiil  for  the  Usc  and  lienefit  of  the  United 
States,  (feorgia  iiuluilcid,  and  shall  i>e  faithfully  disposed  of 
for  that  u»t  and  purpose,  and  for  no  oiher  use  niiil  purimse 
whatci  r." 

I  have,  Mr.  Chairman,  referred  to  all  iheso 
deeds  of  cession,  not  only  lo  show  by  wnat  title 

we  hold  the  lands  therein  embraced,  jut  for  what      

uses  and   trusta.     The   same  opirit  runs  lliniugh  i:  iiiloois... 

the  while  of  them,  and  the  same  object  was  ivi-  1   *"  "  "" 

den:'y  intended  by  each.     The  war  of  the  Revo-  j 

lulion   was  a  common  slrumjli-.     .Several   nf  the  I 

Slates  had  no  public  lands.    Their  blood  and  tisas-  ' 

uro,  however,  were  spent  in  the  urhievenietil  of  a  i 

common  independence.     Those  Slates,  therefore,  j 

who  held  these  immense  tracU  of  Western  teiri-  | 

tory,  came  forward  magnanimously  and  patrioti-  I 

cally,and  transferred  theni  to  the  General  Govern-  ! 

ment,  to  hold  as  a  common  fund,  in  trust  fir  liie 

common   and  equal  benefit  of  all;  to  be  fmlliJ'uUy '■ 

and  bonn,fide  applied  to  ihat  «.«f .  and  to  no  other  use 

or  piir/wse  whatsoever.     C   I'at  '  uiguagc  jc  plainer 

or  more  explicit?    Under  these  terms,  and  these  ' 

conditions,  und  for  these  objects,  all  the  cessions 

were  made.     And  these  trusts,  with  nil  thr  sanc- 

tiiy  of  legal  and  moral  obligation,  were  as.sumed 

by  this  G.  vtrnmcnl.     Is  it  neccsnary  to  make  un 

argument  to  an  intelligent  mind  m  show  tha',  u;i-      Indiana,  in  all,  has  re 


of  the  House. 

rai/'"/iotc(Ti:;  thr  cfon/J  tnoi/c  lolhr  ^rrcntl  Sli'tcsfor  inter- 
rut.'  imjiTOi  cmnil^,  stilinct,  jtnhHc  tr.ti!iti,i^^^  aititscals  ofnov- 
eriwnco/j  r.'llf::i:i  tiiid  scminarie.^,  and  Ihc'antount  icscrecd 
for  iiuhttc  Si  hoots. 


(o- 

V 

ii '  i 

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£ 

Is  i  i 

0.; 

1  = 

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ta 

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<iiiii> 

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7n4,4«8 

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Ituliiina... 

i.fin9,(i<j;i 

2:1,11-111 

a,r.flo  Hi  ,0-0 

B.-iO.:n7 

a,'i:ti  ,6'.io 

Iltlnoi!*... 

.■HHI.i.lhl 

lil  IWSI 

a,.vio  to.iiKO 

(17C.7.V) 

l,li49.0>4 

Mis  .iiri.. 

.^lO.DOII 

•Ifi.lHO 

ii,4'll)4«.(l«l,l.l!l'.l,i;f.l 

l,7U;i,llM 

Aliilmmn. . 

.MiO.O'JC 

aa.wc 

l,(W0  4n,.-,BU:    !«l2.;Ti    1 ,47:i.!)!)4 

Mi-H)r(si|).. 

50,1,  llf 

ijSeniB.nBfl!  M7..>4  i.:i>4,!iii 

1 40(11. SI  aim. 

iion.ooi 

. 

-      4«,08fll    7«i.(lt4    I.:VH.1U1 

Mirliivan . 

300,(Mlll 

4(i,0>m 

in.g  n47,Wri,Oil7,:N7    l,074,5!ll: 

Arknii^nii . 

.■>oO,0(KI 

4ii/mt 

lli,tiOO  IH.Ot«     ««,48a    l,'k'9,JiM 

Wi-coitri:! 

171,840 

- 

-    iii.owi      -         oi7,n:o 

Iowa 

- 

- 

fi  in  4fi,ii(in'      _           411,7^11 

Florida... 

.WOiOIW 

- 

.•.,9t«92,ll)l)     «50,1B5    ly'Vill.OaS 

'■          1                 16,795,1!« 

ber  these  deeds,  Co'i;,'reas  has  no  ri^ii'  or  power 
to  give  away  any  portion  of  these  laiiils  to  paru^u- 
Jar  States?  Or  that  thcv  can  make  no  ilisihisilion 
of  them  which  will  not  inure  equally  to  ihi-  benefit 
of  all  the  Stau-3?  Is  it  not  so  expresNly  "  nomi- 
nated in  the  bonil?"  Would  these  lands  have 
ever  been  relinquished  by  the  States  to  wbiih  the  • 
belong  Ujwn  any  other  condition?  Will  any  ma?i 
have  the  bold  hardi'  hs  to  sianil  up  und  luuiend 
that  it  is  for  the  con  mon  Ijenofit  of  nil  the  .States  in 


OsNERAi,  I.tSD  Orrirs,  June  4,  1846. 

'  From  this  it  appears  tliat  Ohio  has  received  for 
woik.i  of  iiitcrnni  iiii|irovrri.piu,  by  wi  v  of  dona- 
lion,  fioin  this  jimil  fund  which  Virginia  assigned 

1  for  t'lc  eomnion  benefit  of  all  the  Stales,  upwards 
of  one  million  uf  acres  of  land,  worth  upwards  of 
01'  niiliiiin  and  a  i|uarlrr  of  ilollnrH:  and  for  cmr- 
mon  schools  ihi;  same  Stole  has  received,  ns  a  free 

fif\,  upw.Js  of  seven  liiiiidred  tlniiisafi  acres, 
ndiana,  in  all,  has  received  more  ihiiti  two  nill- 
lio'iH  of  acres.  .Mabnnm  and  Mississippi  Itnvr 
each  received  '  ir.ks  of  internal  improvements, 
five  hitndrcc  inil  nc  its,  and  lars:ely  over  a 

half  million  i  u  iv  piirpiwes  of  ediieaiior;  and 
cai.h  1)1'  tile  ,iew  Kinles  iias  received  larg^  ,y  over 
a  million  olncr-.'s.  And  where,  sir,  i..  flit  .rslorre  ' 
that  either  of  the  old  States  has  ever  neivcd? 
The  ni,'-,'rcgale  of  what  nil  the  new  Slates  have  re- 
'  ceiveil  issij'd  I:  inillioiVisnintivr.ilredanduintliifire  i 
>  lliounmid  one  liutulred  and  severJy-lwo  nctt$  !    And,  | 


I  aak,  is  this  just  to  these  Stales  which  surrendered 
these  lands  ?  Is  IhU  faithfiUiy  and  bm\a  fide  dupo- 
aing  of  them  for  the  common  use  und  benefit  of  all  the 
States,  and  for  no  other  nsf,  and  pu,poae  whalsoeter  ' 
Have  not  New  York,  Massachusetis,  Connecli- 
CMt,  Virgin!'',  the  two  Cnrolinns,  and  Georgia,  a 
right  to  complain  ?  If  it  is  important  to  make  a 
work  of  improvement  to  open  up  communications 
between  distant  places  in  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  llli. 
.lois,  or  in  Alabama  or  Misaipsippi,  is  it  not  equal- 
ly important  lo  make  similar  improvements  in  Vir- 
ginia, Norlli  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia, 
and  Tennessee?  And  if  lands  are  given  ij  ilie 
former  States  for  this  purfioso,  why  should  ihcy 
not  be  lo  the  latter  ?  Are  we  to  be  told  lhat  it  i.s 
unconstitutional  for  us  to  receive  our  pcition  of 
lhat  which  was  assigned  cxiircssly  for  the  common 
benefit  of  each  and  all;  or,  tliatitishumiliaiingand 
corrupting  for  all  the  Slntcv  lo  share  equally  toid 
justly,  wiien  some  of  t!  em  l:ave  already  received 
such  lnr;^e  quantities,  and  mo  now  nliout  lo  get  a 
great  deal  more?  Ujion  a  fair  distribution  of  the 
sales  of  Inst  year,  Georgia  would  have  received 
seventy-one  thousand  dollars.  This  amount  an- 
nually received  would  relieve  h.er  citizens  from  one- 
third  of  their  taxet;  or,  if  applied  lo  education, 
would  pay  for  the  schooling  of  fiv  thousand  chil- 
dren. And  is  it  hidf  so  unconstitutional  for  her  to 
I  get  a  part,  ns  for  other  Stales  to  gel  all  ?  Did  she 
not  cxjiressly  provide,  in  her  deed  of  cession,  that 
I  she  should  be  included  in  whatever  benefits  arose 
!  from  the  lands  she  surrendered  ?  And  is  ihcic 
:  anything  wrong,  much  less  unconstitnti mid  or 
[  humiliating,  in  her  now  insisting  upon  a  fulfilment 
i  of  the  compact? 

j  But,  sir,  this  is  not  all.  Independent  of  grants 
I  and  donations  of  land.  Congress  has  given  the 
'  new  Stales  certain  percentages  on  the  sales  within 
j  their  respective  limits,  known  as  the  three  and  five 
per  cent.  fund.  I  have  another  staiemcnt,obuiincd 
[  from  lh3  same  authentic  source,  showing  the 
i  nmounis  in  money  thus  given  lo  the  new  Stales, 
I  in  addition  lo  the  lands  referred  to  before.  This  I 
also  submit: 

Oenkral  Land  Ofhicb,  June  4,  I&IO. 
Sir  :  In  accordance  with  your  rei|iiesl  of  yesierdny,  I  have 
I  the  honor  to  enclose  berewilh  a  slalenieitt,  sbowhig  tlie 
grants  made  to  the  several  States  for  iiiteniiil  iiiiiiiovenients, 
;  salaries,  pulitie  hnililinjjs,  and  scats  uf  ftoverntiient,  colii-^es 
,  and  seminaties.  ond  the  amount  reserved  liir  coiuinoii 
;  schools, 
I      llie  fiiltowina  arc  Uie  amounts  paid  to  the  several  States 

on  account  of  die  three  and  five  per  cent,  funds,  viz  : 
I  Ohio Jii.'iOI„'tlR  81 

Illinois 4:i7  ft'i7  ea 

Michijian 174.1,^)1  17 

MIsflssippi 577:»7  98 

.'Xrkansas 68  9;0  m 

Indiana 51'i.i)fl7  SI 

Missouri i2«."i,(Ki;i  91 

Alabama .'r.fliUUl  :n 

Louisiana 199,791!  W 

This  ollico  is  not  ailviseil  of  (lie  nniotint  for  which  tho 
lands  were  sold  that  have  been  pranted  lo  the  Slates. 
Very  resiiccUiillv,  your  obedient  ser^'ant, 

JAMES  If    Vll'Ha,  .tclinn  ainmiMinn'. 
Hon.  A.  n.  Stkciikss, 

Koiuc  o/.'icjireicit'iififcii. 

From  this  it  appi  nis  tiint,  besides  the  land  re- 
ceived by  Alabama,  she  has  had  given  to  her  in 
money,  mil  of  lhe.se  lands,  ^1,576,924;  and  Missis- 
sinpi  S.'>77i907;  upwards  of  a  million  of  dollars  be- 
tween ihem.     I  allude  to  these  States  in  particular, 
I  because  these  donmions  have  been   made  out  of 
j  that   territory  which  once  belonged   lo  my  own 
I  Stale,  and  which  was  conveyed  lo  this  Government 
!  upon  the  express  terms  nnil  conditions  I  have  just 
rend;  and  I  wish  t.i  know  upon  what  principle  of 
right  and  justice  tin  policy  can  be  ilefcnded  in  ihn 
face  of  thai  nj;reeinentr     Was  siieli  a  dispoEitiou 
of  these  lands,  I  ask  again,  tifiiilhful  and  Iwnafiilr 
a])idiealion  if  Ihetn  for  the  oominon  use  and  beiiefit 
of  all  tho  States,  Gc mgia  included  ?    Where,  sir, 
is  her  part  or  sliar;  ' 

[Here  Mr,  Tiio,mpbon,  of  Mississippi,  intornint- 
ed,  and  said  ihal  (ieorgia  had  been  paid  In  full  fur 
her  lands.  The  General  Government  had  given 
her  one  million  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
dollars,  and  had  extinguished  the  Indian  title  to  o 
large  portion  of  lands  led  within  her  limits  which 
had  cost  millions  mure.] 

Mr.  .SrKi'iiKvsconlinued:  Not  quite  in/-i(/,  Mr. 
fbnirman.  It  is  true,  according  to  the  compnel 
nr  I'eil  of  cession,  she  was  to  receive  twcl  e  hiiii- 
dr  'd  and  fifty  Ihuiiminil  dollars,  which  has  been 
received,  tuid  she  was  also  to  have  the  Indian  tilit 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1107 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Davis, 


Senate. 


surrendered 
^tifiile  dispo- 
^Jifofallllie 
tohttlsoever  ? 
IS,  Coniiccli- 
1  Georgia,  a 
*  to  ninkc  a 
"nuiiicntioiis 
inn,  and  llli. 
|h  not  equnl- 
inVir- 


6nt  of  grants 
!,'iven  tho 
nl'-s  williiii 
iiec  and  five 
lent,  obtained 
sliowing  the 
new  SinteH, 
lore.    This  I 


June  4,  laio. 


'oslcnliiy,  I  Ijnvo 
It,  eliunijig  III,, 
i  Pin|ii'ivi'im'ni«, 
rmhi-nl,TOll.)j(.B 
^(i    lor  cuniinun 

;  Bcvornl  SlniiM 
lllcl",  viy, : 
S'.WI.Itie  81 

4.'17  R>7  68 

174.151  17 

577  «7  98 
(i8  0;0  M 

s]iAy.n  ai 
a)!"),(jfi;)  Di 
.'>'.(i,<js(  ;(7 
iw,;'m  68  - 
I'T  Which  tho 
B  tJiatiis, 

^innlittonn: 


'lie  land  re- 
I'li  to  her  ill 
and  Missis- 
f  ddllnra  be- 
fi  rn"i''iilnr, 
iiade  (lilt  of 

10  my  own 
jnvei-niiient 

I  liave  just 
priiirijile  iif 
iided  111  tlin 

'llK|l()6itioi| 

nd  hunafiilr 
mid  lici'icfii 
iVlieie,  sir, 

,  intrrriiDt- 
iii  full  hir 

bud    ffivcM 

'  lliniianiid 

11  title  to  (I 
nits  wliieli 

i/-i«,Mr. 
'  eom|met 
el  e  liiiii- 
lins  liien 
idinii  til]* 


extinguished  in  all  the  other  lands  within  her 
limits,  where  it  existed,  at  the  expense  of  the  Qen- 
cral  Government.  And  this,  too,  has  liccn  done. 
But  nil  this  was  independent  of  her  ratrvti  inUrtal, 
in  common  with  all  the  other  States,  tit  all  the  bul- 
anet  of  these  lands,  afler  discharging  these  objects. 
And  I  have  before  me  a  statement  from  the  Land 
Office,  made  in  1844,  in  House  Doc.  No.  457,  page 
48,  of  tin  lat  session  of  the  38lh  Congress,  which 
shows  the  number  of  acres  of  land  ceded  by 
Georgia;  iilc  number  of  acres  winch  had  been  sold 
up  to  that  time;  the  amount  of  money  which  the 
General  Government  had  received  from  them;  the 
number  of  acres  still  unsold;  and  the  whole  of  the 
expense  attending  the  extinguishment  of  Indian 
title.     I  ask  the  attention  of  the  gentleman  to  it: 


Entire  area. 

AmU  purchnsp 
money  rec'il. 

Acres  unft'ld. 

Alabama,  N.  31" 
Miasisslppi,  do... 

Total 

31,240,-05  e 
97,605,870/ 

917,178,095  .■,« 
13,039,839  37 

13,811,943  5 
9,400,70li  g 

53,846,595 

«30,31B,834  93 

2o,ai7,IM9 

•  Cost  of  exU»||uisliiMB  Indian  litlp,  SI  1,628,130  41.  Tlie 
co.«t  ofcxtinfilliiiliinff  the  Inilinn  title  ht!ri.  chitrffcd  fimtirncea 
the  Bum  or .$3,398,940  58,  which  it  ciisl  the  Gdveriinieiit  to 
exIinifuiBh  the  Iii<li»ii  title  within  tho  Rtiito  orGtorKin. 

e  Includes  liinda  iirnntcd  for  militiuy  hnnntics  and  Oliick- 
Hsaw  cession  in  .AInh;iinH. 

/  Includes  Cllicknsnw  cession  in  Mississippi. 

g  Excludes  Chickayaw  cession. 

Prom  this  it  will  be  seen  whether  the  United 
States  have  been  loser  or  gainer  in  that  bargain. 
Tiie  Government  has  already  received  thirty  mil- 
lions of  dollars,  and  have  upwards  of  twenty-five 
millions  of  ncies  left,  and  have  only  been  at  the 
expense  of  §11,828,130  41,  leavinsa  clear  balance 
of  eighteen  millions  three  hundred  and  ninety 
thousand  six  hundred  and  ninety-four  dollars  and 
fifty-two  cents,  besides  having  nearly  half  the  land 
on  hand  yet  unsold. 

These,  sir,  are  facts,  and  in  referring  to  them  I 
will  say  again,  in  conclusion,  as  I  have  but  a  few 
moments  of  time  left,  that  I  do  not  wish  to  be  mis- 
understood. I  do  so  from  no  feelings  of  opposition 
or  unkindness  to  these  States.  They  have  my  best 
wishes  for  their  highest  career  of  prosperity  and 
happiness.  1  v  ould  do  or  say  nothing,  if  I  could, 
to  retard  them  in  their  progress.  Neither  do  I 
oppose  this  bill  from  any  opposition  lo  the  We.st. 
I  rejoice  to  see  the  rapid  development  of  her  vast 
resources  of  wealth,  power,  and  greatness.  No 
one  takes  morn  pleasure  in  reviewing  her  history, 
or  contemplating  her  destiny,  than  I  do.  {  have 
no  sectional  hostility  in  this  matter.  It  is  true,  I 
know  1  am  not  free  from  the  common  influences  of 
nature,  I  do  not  profess  to  be  devoid  of  sectional 
feeling.    To  every  one,  doubtless, 

"  Tttcrc  Is  a  spot  of  earth  supremely  Iilost, 
A  dearer,  nearer  place  titan  all  the  rest.'' 

Thitt  place,  to  every  one,  is  home.  All  the  asso- 
ciations and  endearments  of  life  cluster  around  it. 
No  man  with  a  proper  heart  can  be  divested  of  it. 
Nor  is  it  ri;;ht  tlmt  he  should  be.  The  feeling  is 
natural.  It  is  the  source  of  many  virtues,  and  is 
the  foul'  lation  of  patriotism  itself.  And  I  nni  free 
to  admit  that  I  have  as  strong  local  attaeliments  us 
any  one.  Gut,  sir,  I  can  sny  with  equal  truth  that 
I  have  no  sectional  hostility  or  local  prejudices.  I 
have  no  antipathy  against  any  State  in  this  Union, 
or  any  part  or  parcel  of  this  wide-spread  Republic. 
I  look  upon  the  whole  of  it  as  my  country.  And 
these  are  the  fe.-lings  and  scntimeiitB  I  wi.ih  eve*' 
to  be  enabled  to  cultivate  and  cherish.  I  do  not, 
therefore,  eompliiin  of  the  amounts  which  these  or 
nny  other  States  jiave  received,  either  in  money  or 
land.  I  only  complain  of  the  policy  which  gives 
to  them  but  withholds  from  my  own  and  other 
Stales.  I  do  not  say  that  Alabama  or  Mississipiii 
liM:.  received  too  muoh,  but  that  Georgia  hns're- 
ccivcd  none.  Has  she  no  rivers  to  open;  no  im- 
provements to  make;  no  roails  to  construct;  no 
mountains  to  scale;  no  schools  to  foster;  no  col- 
leges lo  1)1  Id;  and  no  children  to  educate?  And  is 
she  in  silence  now  to  sit  by  and  peVmit  all  these 
lands,  which  were  once  her  own,  to  be  abandoned 
and  'riven  up  in  totol  disregard  of  the  express  terms 
of  the  contrr  t  by  which  she  parted  with  them.' 
If,  sir,  the  M,>irit»of  those  departed  fithcrs  of  the 
Uepublic,  who  entered  into  these  agreements,  sign- 
ed them  with  their  hands,  and  sealed  them  with 
their  seals,  ai.d  placed  them  amongst  the  archives 
6f  the  country  to  be  n  perpetual  memorial  of  what 


was  done,  were  permitted  to  look  down  upon  our 
acts  to-day,  with  what  feelings,  think  you,  they 
would  behold  the  outrage  about  to  be  perpetrated 
upon  their  solemn  compacts?  Or,  were  they  per- 
mitted again  to  assume  bodily  form  and  shape,  and 
appear  amongst  us,  is  there  a  man  here  who  could 
look  them  in  the  face  and  vote  for  this  bill? 


THE   TARIFF. 


SPEECH    OF  MR.   DAVIS, 

OF  MASSACHUSETTS, 

In  Sen.*te,,/iiJ!/  16  and  17,  1846. 

On  the  Bill  for  the  reduction  of  duties  on  Imports, 

and  for  other  purposes. 

Mr.  DAVIS  addressed  the  Senate  substiintially 
as  follows: 

Mr.  President:  The  question  now  pending  he- 
fore  the  Senate,  and  upon  which  we  are  required 
to  act  at  this  late  day  of  a  lonir  session,  is  one  of 
g-rcat  and  excitin?  interest.  It  has  for  more  than 
twenty  years,  with  occasional  brief  intermissions, 
been  the  question  of  all  others  which  has  most 
agitated  the  public  mind,  by  exciting,  universally, 
the  most  profound  and  intense  anxiety.  It  has  at 
all  times  attracted  the  ciifntion  of  the  greatest 
statesmen,  the  most  pr  i.iid  debatera,  and  the 
deepest  thinkers.  The  w'ri  iie  subject  has  been  ex- 
plored, and  re-explorcil,  until  it  seems  lo  be  ex- 
hausted— until  it  is  often  proclaimed  to  be  stale 
and  threadbare — and  vet  it  loses  none  of  its  inter- 
est, none  of  the  anxiety  abates,  nor  lins  the  pulMic 
mind  ever  been  pervaded  by  a  more  earnest,  in- 
tense sensibility,  than  at  this  moment. 

In  all  this  there  is  nothing  unnaluinl   or  facti-  n  ,  ■„,„■■  ^  ,     m 

tious,  for  the  people  are  suddenly  arou.^ed  from  a  1;  "'";""'l   '"'^P'"''  °^  "'«  Secretary  of  tho  T.easury, 
state  of  incredulity  to  a  belief  that  a  great  and  dis-  ii  ""^  ^'^V" 


the  highest  luithority,  it  will  not  be  difficult  to 
prove  that  the  main  object  is  to  reverse  the  ancient 
policy  of  the  country,  under  which  we  have  long 
prospered  in  a  manner  unsurpassed,  and  to  enact 
a  law  intended  to  discourage  American  labor  and 
enterprise,  while  it  encourages  that  of  foreign  coun- 
tries— intended  to  extinguiih  our  fires  and  shut  up 
our  shops,  while  it  will  li^ht  up  fires  and  open 
sliops  upon  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic. 

The  exigencies  of  the  country  demand  all  the 
revenue  which  can  be  reasonably  assessed ;  they 
require  an  increase,  and  yet  it  is  not  disguised  that 
this  measure  will  diminisii  the  amount  derivable 
under  the  present  hisv. 

The  nd  valorem   principle,   too,   pervades  the 

[  whole  bill,  nil  specific  duties  being  abolished;  and 

this  is  done  in  the  face  of  the  experience  of  all 

I  commercial  nations,  that  frauds  always  have  been 

i  and  will  be  perpetrated, wliichwill  not  only  dimin- 

\  isli   the  revenue,   but  will  encourage  knaves  by 

^  stimulating  their  apjielites  for  gain,  and  dishearten 

I  honest  men  by  placing  them  upon  n  footing  of  ine- 

1  quality.    The  nonus  thus  bestowed  upon  the  un- 

,  sfiupulous,  has  everywhere  worked  outsuch  injury 

to  revenue,  and  such  wrong  upon  the  fair  dealer, 

\  that  sound  policy  has  forced  commercial  nations  to 

levy  duties,  as  far  os  possible,  by  weight,  measure, 

or  quantity.    The  Zoll  Verein  has  no  od  valorem 

'  duties.     Rus  '.::  has  few  or  none.     England  has 

j  few  upon  uiiicles  which  arc  relied  upon  for  rev- 

l  enue.     But  the  inexpediency  of  such  a  course  has 

;  been  so  fully  and  clearly  demonstrated,  that  I  deem 

\  it  unnecessary  to  comment  upon  it,  except  to  ob- 

i  serve,  that  it  belrujs  a  singular  indilTL'ience  to  the 

j  security  of  the  revenue,  and  justifies  llie  inference 

i  that  other  objects  arc  aimed  at  which  it  favors. 

But  the  key  to  "  other  iiurposes"  is  found  in  the 


nstrous  revolution  in   their  affairs   is  meditated 
They  had  heard  murmurs  against  the  l.iw  ofli^49; 
they  had  seen  men.ices  lo  overthrow  it  from  high 
sources;  they  had  heard  of  a  plan  of  rcdueinj  du- 
ties; but  when  they  saw  the  country  involved  in  a 
war,  requiring  appropriations  vastly  greater  than 
any  revenue  which  can  be  realized  from  the  net  of 
1842,  they  did  not  believe  that  a  reduction  of  reve- 
nue could,  under  such  circumstances,  be  medita- 
I  led,  because  they  were  unwilling  to  believe  that 
their  Government  could  abandon  its  duty  to  pro- 
!  vide  funds  to  meet  its  liabilities,  in  order  to  enable 
'  it  to  assail  great  and  vital  interests,  and  brinsthcm 
i  into  jcopnrtlv.     But,  when  lliey  saw  the  F.xecu- 
I  five  policy  followed  up  by  n  great  and  decisive 
j  blow  in  the  other  chamber  of  tlie  Capitol,  they 
i  were  aroused  from  the  fal.se  security  in  which  they 
had  reposed,  and  they  r.ow  press  upon  us  to  avert 
•  the  threatened  calamity. 

I  I'liow,  Mr.  President,  that  the  friends  of  the 
Administration  are  impatient  to  reach  the  issue — 
to  take  the  vote — and   have  intimated  their  deter- 
mir.ition  not  to  enter  into  the  debate;  but  I  do  not  ■ 
fci'l   at  liberty  to  pass  upon   so  great  a  question, 
affecting,  as  it  may,  in  n  very  serious  manner,  ] 
irent  interests,  wiinout  remouslrating  against  the  ; 
experiment  as  unneces.sary  and   perilous;  and  I  [ 
feel  quite  as.^urcd  that  the  friends  of  this  bill  can-  \ 
not  expect  less  from  us  who  represent  those  at  ! 
whom  the  blow  is  aimed.  | 

The  title  of  this  bill  is  "  A  bill  to  reduce  duties,  , 
and  for  other  purposes."  It  is  Riifficiently  sitrnifi-  ; 
can!  of  both  the  cliaiacler  and  purpo.ie  of  the 
measure.  If  is  not  a  bill  ta  raise  or  to  in-rease 
revenue,  but  to  reduce  duties  in  time  of  war,  when 
it  isadiniltril  that  the  expenditure  must  transcend 
the  revenue  twenty-three  millions  of  dollars. 

Now,  sir,  it  is  no  part  of  my  purpose  to  di-scnss 
the  financial  question,  as  that  has  been  done  in  a 
very  able  and  conclusive  manner  liy  the  Senator 
fiom  Maine,  [Mr.  Evans.]     I  shall  rest  satisfied  ' 
wiih  his  exposition  until  1  see  it  drawn  into  doubt  ; 
or  refuted.  ! 

I  shall  prove,  sir,  that  however  important  rev- 
enue  is  at  this  tima,  and   however  necessary  to  . 
meet  the  public  exigencies,  it  is  not  the  lending,  i 
but  quite  a  secondary  object — an  object  entirely 
subordinate  to  filher  projects  of  n  more  vital  and 
revolutionary  character.     "To  reduce  duties  and 
for  other  purposes,"  is  the  phraseology.     "  Other  i 
purposes"  is  the  index  lo  the  primary  objects,  and  i 
if  I  do  not  mistake  the  bearing  of  the  provisions 
coupled  with  the  sentiments  avowed  by  and  through 


The  ilnttes  for  the  quarter  ending  the  30th  September, 
1844,  yielc"  ■!  ,'}-2,011,8ai  90  more  of  revenue  than  the  qimi- 
tcr ending'  oOtli  Septcnihcr,  l^l.'i;  showing  a  very  conslder- 
nliie  decline  of  the  revenue,  ginwiiiit  out  of  a  diminished 
importation  of  tlie  hislily  protected  articles  and  lUr.  profjrcs- 
.-ivf!  siihslilntion  of  the' domestic  rivals.  Indeed,  many  of 
till'  diilies  are  hccominii  dead  letters,  except  for  the  purpose 
of  |irohil)ition,  and,  if  not  reduced,  will  ultimately  compel 
their  advnr'atcs  to  resort  lo  direct  ta.x»tion  to  fUipport  the 
tiovcrnment.  In  tho  event  of  war,  nearly  all  the  Inch  du- 
ties would  become  prohilutory,  from  the  iiicren.sed  i'isk  and 
cost  of  importation^  ;  and  iftiicrc  be,  indecil,  iii  the  opinion 
of  any,  a  serious  danjzer  of  >iich  an  occurrence,  it  njipenls 
most  strongly  to  their  patriotism  to  impose  tlie  lowest  rev- 
enue duties  on  all  arli.'Ies,  as  tlie  only  means  of  sccininp,  at 
sucli  a  period,  any  considerable  incuine  from  the  tariff." 

Tlici  ievenuc  has  fallen  oil";  importation  is  dimin- 
ished; and  how  diminished  ?  By  the  substitution 
of  the  domestic  rivals.  Many  of  the  duties  are 
becoming  dead  letters;  and  why  ?  Because  there 
is  a  substitutign  of  the  domestic  rivals  for  the  im- 
ported merchandise.  If  this  course  is  not  correct- 
ed, we  shall  be  compelled  to  resort  to  direct  taxa- 
tion. In  the  event  of  n  war,  nearly  all  the  high 
duties  will  become  prohibitory,  and  im  appeal  is 
made  to  our  patriotism  to  impose,  in  such  an 
emcrffcncy,  not  low,  but  the  lowest  revenue  duties 
on  nil  orticles.  We  are  solemnly  warned,  what- 
ever may  be  the  necessities  of  the  Government,  in 
time  of  war,  not  to  resort  to  the  ordinary  course  of 
increasing  revenue  by  increaping  duties,  but  to  di- 
minish them,  lest  they  should  become  prohibitory. 
The  fact  that  American  labor  and  enterprise  is,  by 
its  activity,  causing  a  progressive  substitution  of 
our  own  productions  for  the  foreign  rivals,  has  evi- 
dently iilled  the  mind  of  the  Sccretai'j'  with  alarm, 
lie  looks  upon  it  as  an  evil  which  demands  Con- 
itressional  interfereu.'e,  aud  oppeals  to  our  patriot- 
ism not  to  forget  this  duty,  even  in  time  of  war. 
If  war  should  come,  we  must  redure  these  duties 
lest  they  should  become  prohibitory,  and  the  do- 
mestic rival  should  supplant  the  imported  merchan- 
dise. War  has  come,  and  this  bill  is  introduced 
to  carry  out  this  advice — to  cut  down  American 
industry,  lest  it  should  expand  and  fill  a  larger 
space.  We  are  to  reduce  duties  to  prevent  the 
progressive  sulistitution  of  the  domestic  rival — to 
countervoil  and  hold  in  check  our  mnnufacturera 
and  mechanics — to  stop  their  hammers  and  wheels, 
and  to  put  those  of  foreign  artisans  in  motion. 

This  single  pni'agra)ih  unfolds  the  whole  policy, 
and  reveals  the  purpose  for  which  duties  are  to  be 
reduced.  Low  duties  are  to  be  enforced,  whether 
we  need  much  revenue  or  little,  and  have  a  signifi- 
cant meaning  above  and  beyond  nny  question  of 
revenue.    Tlicy,  together  with  the  duties  upon 


:l.^i 


K-ii 


1108 


% 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  16  fa  n. 


S9tu  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  DavU. 


Senate. 


rnwVtiniRrial*,  are  the  menus  which  ore  lo  be  cni- 
ploynl  to  niuirish  and  strengihcn  forebn  labor, 
anil  yivc  to  it  aurccBS  a^inst  our  nun.  These  arc 
rcliec^upon  to  prevent  the  progropsive  sitbstitiition 
of  domestic  productions  for  loreigti,  and  1  think  it 
will  appcitr  that  tlicy  me  relied  upon  to  diHpliice 
our  productions  by  liie  substitution  of  the  foreign 
rival.     The  Secretary  Says: 

"Thr  true  )uo»iioM  is,  whothor  fJie  fhrtnnrniid  planter 
■tinll,  to  n  great  cxlt-nt,  8up|ily  nnr  prapic  with  i-licup  iiiin)- 
ulaclureH,  parchiued  nbronit  with  (heir  n^rinilltiml  pro- 
ducts; or  wlietlier  Ihid  exchange  ^hnll  ho  forliiiltleii  by  hiith 
dutiet*  on  such  innniukcturcs,  and  llicir  supply  thmwii,  as  n 
nioniipoly,  at  large  priens,  by  liigll  tarilU,  into  the  Inuidd  ot' 
our  own  niiuuiliit'turer'i." 

The  tendency  of  these  observations  cannot  be 
misunderalood.  The  farmers  and  the  planters  are 
ftC^rieved  by  the  duties  which  sustain  ou-  labor. 
They  constitute  it  rionopoly  which  ought  to  be 
suppressed  ty  legislation;  and  the  farmer  and  plant- 
er sliouhl  purchase  to  a  great  extent  their  supplies 
in  othtr  countries.  I  read  this  passage  not  for  the 
purpose  of  exposing  the  fallacious  statement  which 
It  coiuiiins,  but  to  prove  that  the  overthrow  of 
American  industry  is  meditated  Ijy  the  reforms 

froposed  to  be  introduced  into  the  revenue  system. 
I  is  quite  certain  that  if  the  goods  now  supplied  by 
our  laborers  are  to  be  imported,  their  empioymenls 
will  be  suspended.     Again,  says  the  Secreiiiry: 

"The  nutnlrr  of  mnnnlactnrins  cnpilali'ls  \\]\n  derive 
the  liei\elil  fnun  iJle  heavy  (axes  exlrneted  by  the  tarilt'iVtiia 
Iweitly  niilliniis  oC  pteopli?,  does  not  pxeevd  ten  thon>aniI. 
The  wliole  ntuillier  [inehldin!;  tiie  wnrkinc  ehisses  engslii'd 
in  our  maniitUctllre^  deriving  any  Iwnetil  IVdiii  the  larilt, 
does  not  excoeil  .100,000,  nt*  wilnni  not  more  than  40,01)0 
llave  heim  hronglu  into  this  pnrsuit  hy  llie  lost  Inriff. ,  i(nl 
tliis  snmlt  nuniher  of  JO.Oflfl  would  still  have  bee:!  in  llic 
country,  cnnsuinint;  our  afirietillnral  jirodnels;  and  in  the 
attempt  to  seenre  tJleni  ns  pnrchai'ers,  ^o  ?inall  in  ninnber, 
and  nnt  eotn^uniing  one  half  the  snpjtly  of  niiuiy  eoinuie.^, 
the  farmer  nrul  planter  ore  asketl  to  saerifiee  iln-  ninrket.i  of 
the  MMrhl.  <«nlinnini(  a  popniatinn  "f  eishl  Inindreil  mil 
lions,  disabled  from  pnrt<ha>ing  onr  prmlueis  by  our  hieh 
duucfl  (in  all  they  would  sell  m  exehange.  The  iarmer  and 
planter  hav<'  n  hmne  nmrki't  witlumi  n  tnrlir;  niid  tliey 
would  hav<;  the  ftirf  ign  innrket  aUo,  lit  a  nnieli  greau-r  ev- 
tenl,  but  lor  (he  total  or  partial  pttihiliition  of  the  last  tariff'.** 

In  regard  to  this  ottempt  to  dispniai;e  the  mini- 
ber  of  persons  dependent  upon  liie  hibor  of  the 
artisans  of  lhi.s  country,  I  shall  make  no  coniiiien'. 
at  present,  but  before  I  close  these  reiu.irltt!  I  will 
show  how  for  we  are  ilependcnt  on  thctn  for  on;* 
prosperily,  and  of  l-.ow  little  consideriiiioii  this 
foreifn  market  of  eight  hundred  millions  is  to  tlit 
farmer.  I  sh.'ill,  as  I  believe,  be  able  lo  prove  by 
fai-ts,  which  lite  Secretary  will  uoi  r]uestion,  lli.d 
no  foreign  maiket  ever  has  been  discovered  w*hi(h, 
in  its  iinnorlance  to  the  farmer,  bem-s  any  eoiupnr- 
ih'on  with  the  hoine  market,  ;ini|  that  iio  pi-nlia- 
bilily  exists  of  any  such  ever  being  diacovci*ed. 

Bi'i,  sir,  Ijcfore  I  consider  these  poinls,  I  wish 
to  say  a  word  upon  some  of  the  ccneral  features 
of  this  bill.  We  need  not  go  f.ir  back  into  our 
history  to  find  statesmen  contendiinr  for  n  system 
of  bori'/.ontnl  duties,  wliieh  stmie  !\t  least  ihought 
ought  to  spread  over  all  imports  without  reference 
lo  financial  or  political  coti.siderations. 

The  Secretary  condemnH  this  system  as  tinex- 
iimpled  and  tnmlatestnanlik",  and  I  ccuicur  with 
him,  though  probably  for  dilT'erent  icasons. 

I  disapprove  of  such  a  system  because  it  is  un- 
just in  Its  financial  oneraiioti;  as  no  proposition 
can  be  plainer  than  that  some  commodities  can 
well  boar  heavier  duties  lliati  olhers.  But  I  chi(  (ly 
object  to  il,  because  I  maintain  that  discrimina- 
tion is  highly  useful,  and  greatly  promotes  the 
prosperity  of  the  cmintry,  and  therefore  cannot  be 
omitied  without  doing  injustice  to  important  in- 
terests. What  reason  can  be  .-issigncd  tor  pulling: 
articles  which  we  do  not  proditce  upon  the  same 
footing  as  those  whirh  we  do  |>roduce,  unless  we 
are  studious  to  avoid  legialaiion  which  will  pro- 
mote our  own  industry  ?  Wh.tt  motive  can  we 
have  to  tax  materials,  n.sed  by  our  artisans  in  their 
employments,  to  the  same  extent  as  luxuries,  or 
as  articles  coming  into  direct  eompclilion  with  thrir 
producm,  unless  we  desire  to  discour.i<re  their  piii- 
suitsr  1  am  persuaded  we  can  have  none.  And, 
as  I  can  see  no  reas'in  for  pursuin":  such  n  ciurse, 
except  that  avowed  by  the  ailvocates  ^.f  thja  hill, 
of  placing  our  indusliyon  a  fooling  which  will 
favor  imports,  that  they  may  force  the  domestic 
rivals  out  of  the  markci,  I  am  opposed  to  it  ua  un- 
wise, unj'isi,  and  hiirhli  iiiJiiriouH. 

This  bill  iloes  not  CO  'arm  to  the  horizontal  doc- 
trine; but  its  framers  disavow  the  doctrine  of  pro- 


teclion.  They  have  reduced  duties  to  prevent  the 
substitution  of  domestic  for  foreign  goods;  and 
while  they  have  done  this,  they  have  raised  the 
duties  on  raw  materials,  anci  thus  assailed  and  un- 
dermined the  protection  which  the  law  of  1842  af 
forded  in  a  twofold  manner.  It  is  not  a  discrimi- 
nation in  favor  of  industry,  but  against  it  in  boft 
ways.  These  features  so  far  pervade  the  bill  that 
the  inquiry  may  with  propriety  be  made,  whether 
the  study  has  not  been  to  frame  a  bill  as  unfavor- 
able to  tlie  labor  of  the  country,  as,  under  all  the 
circumstances,  they  dared  to  do.  How  else  can  we 
account  for  the  fact  that  revenue  is  at  this  crisis  n 
secondary  consideration,  while  the  paramount  ob- 
ject seems  to  be  to  check  ani)  suppress  the  substi- 
tution of  domestic  goods  Ibr  their  foreign  rivals. 

Reducing  duties,  the  Secretary  nflirma,  will  iii- 
creass  revenue;  but  how?  How  is  subtraction 
turned  into  multiplication?  In  but  oneway;  the 
quantity  imported  must  be  increased,  and  so  rea- 
sons the  Secretary.  Wc  arc  to  have  more  sugar, 
more  woollens,  ond,  as  the  member  from  South 
Carolina  stales,  ten  millions  more  of  cottons  im- 
ported. Now,  sir,  no  one  does  or  can  suppose 
that  consumption  is  to  be  increased  in  this  riUio; 
but  the  imporls  are  to  displace  the  domestic  pro- 
duction; 10  lake  the  business  out  of  the  hands  of 
our  citizens;  lo  embarrass  their  operations,  and  to 
frustrate  their  plans;  in  n  word,  to  diy  up  our  re- 
sources, and  force  our  labor  into  other  empioy- 
menls. 

We  are  also  to  be  8  ibjected  to  all  the  paralyzing 
evils  of  excessive  im(  ortalioiis.  They  have  uni 
formly  proved  ili.snslrcus;  they  load  us  with  dcl)t; 
di*nin  us  of  our  specif;  reduce  the  prices  of  our 
(iroducls;  embarrass  our  business;  make  bnnk- 
riipis,  and  creale  just  that  stall  of  things  which  we 
have  repeatedly  wit  lessed  within  the  Inst  ihirly 
years.  No  more  i,nport3  can  benefieially  come 
into  the  country  ihr.n  we  can  pay  for  with  exporls; 
and  any  undue  exrilcmenl  of  the  trade  will  bring 
with  it'thc  cnliimii.es  of  ISlfi,  1825,  and  1830. 

Having  now  no  iced  some  of  the  groniuls  upon 
wliieh  this  plan  of  free  iriide  is  su|iikisc(I  lo  rest, 
I  will  show  thai  ih  •  plan  is  neilhcr  novel  nor  un- 
tried, and  ihiU  it  is  subslanlially  a  revival  of  the 
principles  of  irnde  which  prevailed, and  were  forced 
upon  us,  when  wc  were  colonics.  The  plan  which 
meets  with  great  favor  in  Enirland,  and  is  respond- 
ed lo  by  the  advocates  of  this  (lolicy  is,  tluit  she 
will  clothe  us  and  be  fed  by  us;  we  are  to  be  per- 
mitted to  HCHil  lo  her  our  provisions  and  iji*aiii,  and 
she,  in  turn,  is  to  supply  us  willi  niaiiiilmtiires  of 
all  sorl.s.  The  plan  limits  this  reciprocal  trade,  as 
it  is  styled,  to  l-ji;:laiid,  as  there  is  no  symptom 
of  any  change  of  policy  or  relaxation  of  commer- 
cial regulalions  in  any  other  quarter. 

Wc  have  '_'ono  lhrou!xli  with  this  experiment 
under  more  favorable  lircumstances  tlian  any 
which  can  heri-afler  exist,  and  discovered,  by 
grievous  and  oppressive  experimeni,  that  there 
was  no  reciprocity  in  such  an  arrangement,  bul  the 
benefits  were  all  on  one  side.  We  were  enlonies, 
ami  as  such  had  the  full  enjoynient  itf  I'.nglish 
markets  for  agricullurnl  products,  while  independ- 
ent Slates  were  excluded,  as  they  always  have 
been,  or  permitted  to  enjoy  the  same  privilege 
under  heavy  diifei'ential  duties. 

I  cannot  enler  inio  the  iiislructivehislory  of  this 
period,"  which  warns  us,  in  emphatic  terms,  to 
ticwnre  of  the  snare  sit  for  us,  beyond  calling  the 
attention  of  the  Senate  to  a  few  well-authcnticnled 
faeis.  Not  a  shop  or  a  mill  sprung  up,  not  a  mine 
was  explored,  or  a  mamifaclured  article  exported, 
from  one  colony  lo  another,  that  the  vigilant  eye 
of  Rnslnnd  did  not  see  its  progress;  and  the  eveiil 
was  deprecaled  as  prejudicial  lo  the  trade  and  com- 
merce of  the  mother  eonntrv.  I  cannot  beiler 
illustrate  her  policy  of  compelling  the  colonists  to 
earn  their  bread  by  cullivaling  the  soil,  than  by 
reading  a  passacc  or  Iwo  from  Pitkin's  .Statistics, 
a  book  of  undoubled  nnthorily, 

"  .\o  sooner  (.says  ihis  wriier)  had  they  (the 
'  colonists)  commenced  some  eoarae  woollen  (itbrii  a 
'  for  Ihemselves,  llmii  the  jealmisy  of  English 
'  manufacturers  of  the  same  kind  of  fabrics,  was 
'  exciied,  lest  ihey  should   not  only  Nup[dy  llieni- 

*  selves  with  woollens,  but  also  foreign  ntitioii.-;; 
'  and,  usearlyas  Ifi'J!),  Parliament  declared  '  that  no 

*  wool,  yarn,  or  woollen  nmnnfacliires  of  iheir 
'  American  plantations  should  be  shipped  there,  or 
'  even  laden,  in  order  lo  be  Irnnsporied  from  thence 


'  to  any  place  whatever.' "  Notwithstanding  thi.i 
act  of  prohibition,  complaints  were  made  that 
manufactures  were  growing  up,  and,  in  1731,  ihe, 
IloanI  of  Trade  were  directed  to  inquire  into,  and 
report  upon,  the  subject.  The  Senate  will  under- 
stand the  character  of  this  investigation  if  1  rend 
one  of  the  concluding  paragraphs  in  this  report: 

"From  the  forogning,  il  is  observnldn  that  there  are  ninro 
trades  carried  on,  and  mnnnfacuircs  Ket  up,  in  ili^  pmvinees 
on  the  coidincnt  of  America,  to  tl:n  nortliwnnt  of  Vir- 

£inin,  pri'jndiclal  Ip  the  tnule  and  manulhcinrea  of  Great 
Irilain,  partieulnrly  in  New  England,  than  tn  any  otlier  ftf 
the  Kritish  colonies ;  vhirh  in  not  in  lie  wandet  e  t  .i/,  /dt  their 
toilj  e'iimtttf  imd  pr/jrflice,  hein^  pretty  nearly  the  i..me  with 
Oliri,  thetj  hurt  no  »tiijj/e  commodities  of  tftei'r  ov-n  ^owlh  to 
exchmii^ifor  onr  mimnfoctu/cSf  tohiih  jjittg  tlvm  iiiuler  gr*!.,'Vi 
ncccssf/i/,  a*  well  08  wiiter  greater  tem^otionSy  f{jr  prbi'itii'ni. 
for  themtelvtt  at  home.'' 

Compare  this  account  of  the  limes  more  than  a 
century  ago,   with  our  pre.scnt  condition.     Our 
soil,  and  climate,  and  productions,  were  nearly  the 
same  as  those  of  England.     We  had  then  no  sta- 
ple commodity  which  could  be  exchanged  for  man- 
ufactures, and  this  putuB  under  great  necessity,  as 
well  ns  great  temptation,  to  provide  for  ourselves. 
Is  not  this  an  apt  description  of  our  present  condi- 
tion ?    Wc  had   then  grain  and   provitiions,   but 
they  could  not  be  exchanged   for  manufaciures, 
and  we  were  forced  to  provide  for  ourselves.  What 
I  have  we  now  which  can  be  sent  to  Enirland  to  buy 
i  manufactures  ?    I  would  thank  any  friend  of  the 
bill  to  point  out  and  to  prove  to  us  w*hat  product 
i  of  Ihe  soil  we  can  .send  across  the  Atlantic  which 
i  will  return  to  the  producer  in  New  England  a  liv- 
}  ing  profit? 

j      Rut  let  us  pursue  the  stdijeet.     A  few  inconsid- 

,  erabic  shops  for  the  manufaciurc  of  liaLs  sprang 

I  u|) — nothing  which  could  have  attracted  the  atlen- 

j  tion  of  any  one  but  a  people  tenacious  of  iheir 

monopoly.     But  the  Company  of  Hatlers  in  Lon- 

i  do,;  made  complaint,  and,  in  1739,  Parliament,  by 

I  a  statute,  forbade  the  exporlation  of  hats  out  of  any 

i  colony  in  America,  under  penallics;  and  no  pei- 

;  son    was  allowed    lo  make  hats,  unless   he  had 

served  an  apprcnticCBhip  of  seven  years;  and  lest 

hatters  under  all  these  obstacles,  should  muUi]ily 

too  rapidly,  they  forbade  any  hatter  to   employ 

more  tnan  two  apprentices  at  the  same  lime. 

Laws  even  more  stringent  were  made  in  regard 
to  irtm.    Divine  Providence  had  provided  ihe  most 
bounliful  supply  of  ore,  and  with  the  most  ampin 
mcons  for  turning  ii  into  iron,  which,  as  we  all 
know,  is  an  article  of  prime  necessity,  and  caniint 
be  dispensed  with.     In  17;>0,  Parliament  made  a 
!  law  prohibiting  the  erection  or  conlinunnce  of  any 
mill  or  engine  for  .slitling  or  rolling  iron,  or  any 
plaiting  forge  lo  work  with  a  tilt-hammer,  or  any 
furnaee  for  niakini;  steel;  and  every  such  mill  or 
engine  was  declared  a  cmmnon  nuisance,  and  the 
governors  were  ouihorizcd,  on  informotiou  front 
two   witnesses,  without  trial,  lo  iiliete  'he  Same  ; 
and  if  ihe  owner  did  not  discontinue  williin  tnirty 
days,  he  forfeited  ■laoi}.    Such  arc  some  of  the 
despotic,  selfish,  and  cruel  measures  adopted  in 
,  England   to  suppress  the  labor,  break  down  the 
enterprise,  and  compel  the  colonists  to  be  farmers, 
thoutrh   till  y  were  admilted   to   be  under  great  ne- 
!  cessiiy  and  temptation  to  provide   for  tlieni'^elves. 
I  England   insisted   then,  ns  she  now  does,  that  it 
!  was  privilege  enough  to  feed  her,  though  she  could 
nol  ipiile  comprehend  how  it  was  to  be  done.    She 
knew  that  she  required  impossibilities  of  ihc  nortli- 
i  erii  cidimisls  at  least,  and  yet  persevered  in   li"r 
'  nreposlerous  policy.     That  followed  which  must 
Miave   been  foreseen.     The  colonists,  under  sui*Ii 
h  arbitrary   reslrainls,  were  forced  inlo  illicit  com- 
merce; and  ihey  carried  on,  by  such  means  as  lay 
in  their   power,  ciuilrabaud   trade  upon' forbidden 
ground. 

Then  came  a  host  of  custom-house  regulations 

and   penal   laws,  designed  lo  enfiu'ce  obedience  to 

I  Ihe  pidicy  adopted;  and  it  was  dui-ing  the  diseiis- 

'!  sion  of  these  measures  lluit  the  eliliu*  Pitt  made  li:s 

;    C'debrated  declanaion,  that  the  colonies  ought  not 

I  to  be  iiermitled  to  make  a  h(d)-nail.     These  were 

'.'  followed  by  writs  of  a^sislance,  or  senrch-warranls, 

:|  authorizing  domiciliary  vi.sils,  and  seaiches  of  llie 

premises  of  private  individuals  upon  the  slighlist 

pretexts,  for  BmuKgletl    sjoods.      These  acls    h*^ 

rus.sed,  vexed,  irritated,  and  enibillered  the  feeliiiffi 

of  the  public,  and  did  more  to  create  thai  rescduto, 

i  determinale  resistfuice  to  o|>pre.«sion,  which  ended' 

!i  inopen  rebellior,  than  all  otlier  causes  combined. 

They  look  their  stand,  it  :»  true,  upon  taxation  HI 


nrinciple;  but  there 

^^:^^  felt  as  a  ayalemal 

while  writs  of  assista 

vindiclive  purposes. 

hear  much;  but  wlie 

bread,  they  will  lesis 

rises  its  power  to  tak 

hition  came,  and  the  f 

And  wl^it  was  the  c 

to  1789?    There  wn 

trade — an  stscnce  ol 

tion — a  period  of  tl 

country  sank  prostro 

in  ovcrwhelmhig  (|V 

and  tt  period  of  frigh 

cicdit  was  utterly  o 

pressure  of  debt  lliati 

aletling  people,  an  ii 

were  organized,  and 

shut  against  the  cou 

ccutions.     For  this 

amedy  was  anximr 

zcus;  and  the  Consi 

and  became  the  ot 

evils  were  great  and 

constitutional  Govei 

and  remedial  measu 

the  men,  who  came 

deraiood  and  repre 

i;.ssuage  and  milign 

Two  things  first  en; 

toration  of  public  i 

industry.     The  iiel 

and  records  of  thii 

entreated  Congress 

protect  the  proatrai 

whelmed  by  the  gi 

labor  of  Europe — i 

trade. 

Cimgress  knew  I 
existing  everywhe 
having  provided  fi 
Government,  the) 
their  second  act  h: 
or  I 


J  846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE.       t 


1109 


aSh-H  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


TJie  Tariff— Mr.  Davis. 


Senate. 


n  principle;  but  there  wns  nolhins;  in  this  which 
w  :is  felt  IIS  n  ayittemiitir.  persecution  of  individuals, 
while  writs  of  assistance  were  employed  for  thcsS 
vindictive  purposes.  The  people  ciin  uenr  and  for- 
licnr  much;  but  when  it  comes  to  a  question  of 
brciid,  they  will  resist  any  government  that  exer- 
cises its  power  to  take  it  from  them.  The  Revo- 
lution came,  and  the  slruai^le  ended  in  a  separation. 
And  wlMJt  was  the  condition  of  things  from  1783 
10  1789T  There  was  a  period  of  practical  free 
trade — an  absence  of  general  commercial  re(»u!a- 
lion — a  period  of  the  let-alone  system — and  the 
i-iiuntry  sank  prostrate  under  it.  tniporls  came  in 
ill  ovcrwhelmni";  quantities,  debts  were  created, 
and  a  period  of  frighlful  distress  followed.  Public 
credit  was  utterly  overthrown,  and  such  was  the 
pressure  of  dcl>t  that  in  Massachusetts,  amonr:a  law- 
ali'ding  people,  an  insurrection  broke  out;  armies 
were  organized,  and  the  doors  of  the  eourt-houses 
.shut  against  the  courts  to  prevent  the  issue  of  ex- 
ccutiiins.  For  this  appalling  state  of  things  a 
remedy  was  anxiously  sought  by  all  patriotic  citi- 
zens; and  the  Constitution  at  length  was  adopted, 
and  became  the  organic  law  of  the  land.  The 
evils  were  great  and  pressing,  and  the  form  of  our 
constitutional  Government  being  adopted  as  a  great 
and  remedial  measure,  it  is  important  to  learn  what 
the  men,  who  came  from  the  people,  and  both  un- 
derstood and  represented  their  opinions,  did  to 
,;ssuagc  and  mitigate  the  pressure  of  the  times. 
Two  things  first  engaged  their  attention — the  res- 
toration of  public  credit  and  the  resuscitation  of 
industry.  The  petitions  of  the  people,  as  the  files 
and  records  of  tliis  Capitol  will  prove,  earnestly 
entreated  Congress  for  commercial  resulations  to 
protect  the  prostrate  industi-y  which  had  been  over- 
whelmed by  the  greater  skill,  capital,  and  cheaper 
labor  of  Europe — ii.  a  word,  by  the  action  of  free 
trade. 

Congress  knew  the  truth  of  this.  The  evidence 
existing  everywhere  was  not  to  be  mistaken;  and 
having  provided  first  for  the  organization  of  the 
Government,  they  proceeded  to  the  work,  and 
their  second  act  has  this  preamble:  "  Whereas  it 
'  IS  necessary  for  the  support  of  Government,  for 
'  the  discharge  of  the  debts  of  the  United  States, 
'  and  the  encouragement  and  protection  of  maiiu- 
'  factures,  that  duties  be  laid  on  goods,  wares,  and 
'  merchaniiises,  imported." 

This  and  other  acts  in  favor  of  credit,  coinmerce, 
navigation,  and  manufactures,  put  a  new  face  upon 
,ie  whole  country.  Under  the  discriminations  in 
their  favor,  the  laborers  of  all  classes  returned  with 
courage  to  their  employments,  and  industry,  which 
lias  a  power  of  redemption  vastly  greater  than  all 
other  resources,  overcame  at  once  the  embarrass- 
ments which  beset  the  Republic,  and  forced  her  to 
the  brink  of  the  precipice.  They  built  and  sailed 
tlieir  own  ships,  and  thus  laid  the  foundation  of 
our  ;'r^  It  commercial  maime;  they  lighted  p  the 
fires  and  set  in  motion  the  engines  of  the  snops, 
and  this  is  the  foundation  of  the  subsequent  pros- 
perity of  manufacturing  and  mechanic  arts.  They 
turned,  in  a  wonl,  upon  the  great  resources  which 
I'rovidiiv-e  had  bestowed  upon  them;  redeemed 
the  coiintry  from  the  desolating,  disheartening 
blight  which  free,  unregulated  trade  had  brought 
upmi  it;  and  from  that  day  to  this  its  growth  and 
pros)ierity,  checked  by  occasional  adversity,  has 
Leen  unpHrallelcd  in  the  annals  of  mankind. 

Sucli  was  our  experiment  of  free  tmde  as  col- 
onists, unci  such  the  fatal  result  from  the  peace  of 
1783  ti)  1789,  during  which  time  no  adequate 
power  existed  in  the  Confederacy  to  regulate  for- 
eign intercourse.  Such,  too,  was  the  remedy  and 
Its  triumphant  success.  Are  we  too  wise  to  be 
instructed  by  this  bnig  and  fatal  experience.'  Do 
we  desire  to  renew  the  experiment?  To  return 
to  these  days  of  desolation,  and  place  ourselves 
in  a  practical  stale  of  colonial  dependence  and  sub- 
serviency from  which  the  blood  of  our  fathers  re 
deemed  us  }  JS^onc  but  hasty,  inconsiderate,  rash 
loiinsels  can  advise  such  a  course. 

Hut  we  have  other  proofs  on  this  head.  I  ask 
you,  sir,  and  the  Senate  to  turn  their  eyo  upon 
the  British  North  American  provinces — to  look 
over  the  imaginary  line  which  separates  us,  into 
Canada,  a  healthful,  fertile  region,  capable  of  sus- 
tui.iing  a  great  popuiatiint,  and  containing  great 
trails  of  lands  inviting  settlevs.  L  ■;  us  remember 
that  ni.r  free  trade  is  to  be  with  England,  and  that 
Canada,  as  well  as  the  other  provinces,  has  at  all 


times  enjoyed  in  a  degree  far  surpassing  anything 
protTered   to  us,  this  inestimable  boon,  which  is  I 
made  the  pretext  for  changing  the  policy  under  j 
which  wc  nave  lived  and  flourished.    Canada,  has  ' 
been  permitted  to  feed  England,  and  to  take  her  j 
maniifactures  ujion  the  most  advantageous  terms. 
She  has  had  free  access  to  her  markets,  while  | 
foreign  countries  could  only  approach  them  over  | 
duties  almost  insurmountable  under  any  eircum-  | 
j  stances.     If  grain  and  provisions  have  lieen  dear  l 
I  in  that  country,  Canada  has  had  the  full  benefit  I 
\  of  it,  and  been  profiting  by  such  a  monopoly  for  j 
i  her  agricultural  products  and  her  timber.     Com-  i 
I  pare,  Mr.  President,  Canada,  thus  doubly  bless- 
ed in  selling  and  buying,  with  our  own  down-  ; 
:  trodden,  oppressed  country,  burdened,  if  we  can  i 
'  confide  in  the  arguments  operators  and  statesmen,  : 

with   overwhelming    taxes   to   sustain    protected 
,  I  Ia.?ses.     Compare  tlieir  growth  and  relative  pros- 
perity.    Look  along  the  frontiers,  the  line  which  , 
separates  them,  and  contrast  the  progress  on  each 
side — the  numbers,  the  wealth,  the  advancement, 
;  and  all  the  elements  which  constitute  prosperity — 
and  then  ask  yourself,  if  any  one  can  liesilate  how 
to  decide  the  inquiry  .'     Sir,  there  is  but  one  opiii- 
i  ion  on  this  point,  and  it  is  a  singular  fact  t!iat 
[  Canada,  with  all  these  advantages,  and  superadded 
!  to  them  a  gra'uitous  grant  of  lands  to  is  settlers, 
1  cannot  retain  thc'u.   They  flee  from  free  trade,  free 
j  lands,  and  ogien  markets,  to  this  oppressed  and 
I  tax-ridden  country. 

mj)  But,  sir,  I  can  give  another  fact  tha'meilisa 
Tinoinent'.'i  thought.  Canada,  it  may  oe  said,  is 
f  fardistont  from  England,  and  the  profts  upon  ng-  ! 
:  ricultural  products  are  absorbed  in  the  expen.ses  of' 
j  transportation.  We  have  the  same  object  to  aur- 
I  mount,  but  Ireland  has  not.  She  is  one  of  the 
j  United  Kingdoms,  and  in  juxtaposition.  Siatisti- 
I  cal  authority  declares  that  about  7U  per  cent,  of 
I  her  population  is  agricultural.  They  have  forcen- 
j  luries  had  the  privilege  of  selling  their  products  in 
\  the  markets  of  England,  secured  to  them  against 
all  foreign  competition.  They  have  had  the  full 
I  benefit  of  feeding  the  English,'  and  being  clothed 
1  by  them;  and  what  is  the  result.'  Sir  Robert  Peel 
i  declared,  in  a  late  speech  in  the  House  of  Com- 
i  mons,  that  more  than  four  millions  of  this  popula- 
tion, or  one-half,  lived  upon  potatoes  alone,  and 
were  threatened  with  starvation  by  a  partial  failure 
;  of  the  crop.  Mr.  O'Connell  bore  testimony  to  the 
'  fact  in  stronger  terms,  alleging  that  their  diet  was 
!  potatoes  and  water.  This  is  the  result  of  the 
j  feeding  and  clothing  system.  It  has  been  pursued 
by  these  wretched  and  impoverished  agriculturists 
!  til!  they  have  neither  food  nor  raiment.  What  an 
j  appalling  exhibition  !  Here  are  millions  cultiva- 
;  ting  the  land,  and  enjoying  in  the  fullest  and  most 
'  ample  manner  the  markets  which  we  covet,  and 
can  spare  nothing  from  their  toil  for  their  own 
j  physical  comfort'  bi.t  potatoes.  They  dig  in  a 
i  productive  soil,  among  the  most  fertile  Known, 
and  raise  a  diversity  of  crops,  but  sell  all  except 
\  the  potatoes. 

Such  is  the  condition  in  which  we  find  those 

who  have  had  the  most  ample  scope  of  free  trade 

with  England,  under  privileges  vastly  greater  than 

any  which  have  or  will   be  tendered  to  us,  and 

!  such  is  our  condition  omparcd  with  theirs;  al- 

;  though   in  the  opinion  of  the  advocates   of  this 

measure  we  have  been  oppressed  with  taxes  and 

debarred  access  to  this  best  of  all  sources  of  trade, 

:  by  our  obdurate  folly. 

\      The  plan  is  to  make  us  all  fanners  and  plaiit- 
1  frs — the  producers  and  exporters  of  raw  products. 

I  This  ia  exactly  the  policy  of  England  towards  her 
colonics — it  is'the  policy  which  we  resisted  before 

'  and  during  the  Revolution,  because  it  was  not  le- 
j  ciprocal  in  advantages,  hut  profitable  to  the  one 
'  and  ruinous  to  the  other — it  is  the  policy  which 
;  makes  all  the  colonies  of  Great  Britain  poor,  and 
'centres  in   the  United  Kingdom  masses  of  wealth 
unequalled  in  the  bislory  of  mankind.     This  fur- 
nishing agr'"ullural  protlucis,  and  receiving  manu- 
factures in  icturn,  leaves  the  profits  of  labor  in  the 
mother  cmintry.    That  the  fact  is  so  is  undeniable, 
and  the  reasons  are  obvious. 

Mr.  President,  I  some  time  since  read  i.i  a  lead- 
ing London  paper  a  very  able  and  ingenious  essay 
jj  upon  the  question  of  tree  trade  betwein  us  and 
'Ireat  Britain,  and   the  writer,  after  pointing  out 

II  many  of  what  lie  considered  to  be  advantages, 
i'  concluded  by  declaring,  in  emphatic  language,  that 


if  free  trade  could  be  established,  it  would,  for  all 
practical  commercial  purposes,  restore  the  colonial 
relation,  and  we  should  be  to  them  precisely  what 
we  should  have  been  if  no  separation  had  occur- 
red. 

We  should,  in  other  worfg,  be  what  the  Cana- 
dians and  other  provincials  are.  We  should,  as 
hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water,  be  made 
to  labor  for  her  prosperit  /  and  greatness,  instead  of 
our  own.  Of  this  priviicgB  I  am  not  ambitions.  I 
am  not  desirous  of  being  a  colonist,  or  in  the  con- 
dition of  a  colonist,  when  I  see  a  higher,  happier, 
and  more  auspicious  destiny  before  us.  if  wc  hava 
only  the  sagacity  to  understand  our  own  interests. 

But,  sir,  in  illustrating  free  trade  by  past  and 
present  history,  I  have  wandered  from  the  point  I 
was  considering,  which  was  the  purposes  to  bo 
accomplished  by  passing  this  bill.  I  have  said 
that  revenue  was  a  secondary  object;  :hat  the  pri- 
mary intent  in  bringing  it  forward  ia  to  revolution- 
ize the  policy  of  the  lountry,  to  change  our  habits 
aial  our  business.  Tlie  abandonment  of  protec- 
tion implies  Ibis — the  reduction  of  duties,  regard- 
less of  till  elU'ct  upon  revenue  ill  time  of  war, 
proves  it;  but  I  caiMiot  forbear  to  notice  some  of 
the  arguments  ol  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
designed  to  reconcile  us  to  such  u  change.  Kfe 
says; 

"  .Aariciiliure  is  otirclilcf  cniploynicnt ;  it  is  bppt  nilapled 
tn  niir  t-jnnilioii,  and,  it'  not  dejireued  hy  the  turijl\  woiud  be 
t/w  ino^^  itrolUab'.e."  * 

We  have,  then,  mistaken  our  arse  and  ourin- 
ten;.Ht.  Best  adajiled  and  most  |  rofitable,  if  tha 
tarilf  were  out  of  the  wm  y.  The  oecreiary  intends 
Congress  shall  put  it  out  of  the  way;  and  those 
crushed  in  the  operation  have  his  assurance  that 
they  are  best  adapted  to  agriculture,  and  will  find 
it  nirst  profitable;  but  I  ask  him,  and  all  who  con- 
cur with  him,  how  did  the  scheme  work  before  the 
P evolution  ;  how  does  it  work  now  in  the  provin- 
ces ;  Nay,  I  go  further,  and  ask  liim  to  name  the 
nation  which  has  ever  been  able  to  transport  pro- 
visions and  grain  from  three  to  five  thousand  miles, 
and  secure  to  the  producer  a  fair  profit.  It  is  at 
times  done  when  crops  are  short,  or  markets  are 
opened  from  unusual  causes;  but  when  and  where 
has  it  been  successfully  done,  in  an  ordinary  course 
of  trade,  in  time  of  peace  .'  And  yet  the  Secretary 
exclaims,  in  triumph,  "  we  would  feed  the  hungry 
and  c(o(/ie  the  poor  of  our  fellow-mer." 

Ill  the  view  of  the  Stcretary,  the  only  obstacle 
to  all  this  is  the  tnrifl'.  We  are  our  own  worst 
enemies,  turning  away  frmi  the  sources  of  pros- 
perity which  obtrude  them  selves  upon  us. 

The  home  market  Cor  lli.^  farmer  he  declares  to 
be  wholly  inadequate;  that  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illi- 
nois, are  capable  of  more  thin  supplying  it;  ond 
yet  with  all  this  pressure  upo.i  farming,  this  over- 
.stock  of  supply  beyond  deman  1,  agriculture  is  best 
adapted  to  our  situation.  Andvhyr  Ourcountry 
certainly  abounds  in  the  choicest  blessings  of  a 
kind  Providence.  We  have,  t  is  true,  a  vast 
range  of  climate,  ca)iable  of  a  gi°at  range  of  pro- 
duction; but  the  earth  is  |nolific  in  minerals;  our 
mountains  are  filled  with  coal  anl  iron;  we  have 
the  ricliest  mines  of  lead,  copper,  a  id  other  metals. 
These  are  all  under  our  feet,  and  within  our  reach; 
and  yet  we  are  lo  reject  these  bountiful  provisions 
of  nature,  and  supply  our  wants  from  the  mines  of 
Europe. 

We  are  to  neglect  the  great  storehouse  of  our 
own  country,  alid  seek  abroad  those  necessaries, 
without  which  civilization  cannot  be  niauilniiied. 
We  a-ie  to  sacrifice  our  independence  by  throwing 
ourselves  upon  tlicconti.igencies  of  commerce,  and 
trusting  to  others  for  supplies.  But  this  is  not  the 
most  objectionalile  feature  of  the  plan.  Instead  of 
relieving  agriculture,  which  is  now  overloaded 
with  labor  and  capital,  by  detaching  labor  and  cap- 
ital into  other  employments,  we  are  to  assail  other 
occupations,  and  force  those  engaged  in  them,  as  a 
lust  resource,  into  farming  and  planting. 

Coiton  is  depressed,  and  agricultural  produce  is 
unreasonably  low;  but  both  will  be  lower  if  we  a!" 
become  farmers  and  planters.  Farmers  and  plant- 
ers, instead  of  clinging  with  deadly  tenacity  to  a 
few  articles,  should  produce  many.  We  have  of 
late  wool,  because  it  is  manufactured;  but  the  pro- 
gress of  production  has  been  alow,  though  the  man- 
ufactures have  taken  the  lead.  It  would  be  a  great 
and  lasting  relief 'o  these  inlercsla.  if  we  produced 
the  hemp,  flax,  1      ,  and  many  other  mticles  which 


»5  f  I 


mtimmammmm 


nio 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  16  &  17, 


29th  Cong 1st  Srss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Davis. 


Senate. 


29th  Cono.... 


we  ronsume;  but  thoy  will  nnl  becnme  fixpd  nnd 
permnnenl  olijects  of  pursuit  iiiitU  they  nre  munu- 
fuctured— until  there  la  a  rcgiilar  and  unnmnnt  de- 
mand for  them  in  nur  own  innrkiu.  In  ii  word, 
the  produrtion  of  the  rnwmnlcriiil,  and  the  mnnu- 
facture  of  it,  must  advance  to;rether.  TliiH  will  tie 
fciid  the  only  etfectttal  remedy  fur  the  ahuiidunt 
productions  of  agriculture,  which  opprcsa  the 
farmer. 

The  Secretary,  howfiver,  cnterlnins  n  diflVrent 
o;iinlon.  lie  ailmiia  that  these  interests,  especial- 
ly, labor  under  great  inconvenience  for  the  want  of 
a  market,  but  assures  us  that  it  can  be  found  in 
Europe  if  the  tarifl*  can  be  prostrated , 

1  propose  now,  Mr.  President,  to  examine  this 
opinion,  and  test  its  soundness.  i 

And  first,  I  remark,  in  regard  to  fnrniins,  tlinl  j 
all  nations  adopt,  as  n  fundiinirnml  principle,  the  I 
expediency  of  providing  thcinselics,  from  their  ! 
own  resources,  with  a  compeU'iit  supply  of  bread  j 
and  provisions.  It  is  .t  high  inii>erative  duty,  nnd  j 
can  neither  be  neglected  nor  disrcsjarded,  imlesa  n 
nation  is  willing  to  forfeit  all  claim  to  independ- 
ence. 

1  know  of  no  nation,  of  i.nj;  consideration,  that 
neglects  this  primary  principle.  England  may,  I 
,  perhaps,  to  a  limited  extent,  cdiislitulc  nn  cxccp-  j 
tion,  as  her  population,  owini;  to  obvious  causes,  | 
has  outgrown  her  agricultural  production;  but  even  i 
she  has  struggled  to  the  last  to  provide  for  herself,  i 
and  falls,  asVill  appear,  little  short  of  it.  She  has  ! 
short  crops,  and  so  have  we.  We  have  been  ! 
obliged  to  import  in  the  midst  of  all  ourprofu.sion.  | 
But,  sir,  I  shall  ask  the  atlcntinn  of  the  SeiAttc  j 
to  some  facts,  which  will  enable  us  to  understand  ! 
this  foreisn  market,  which,  the  Secretary  u.'<siires  j 
us,  will  absorb  all  the  surplus  commodities  of  our  ; 
fanners.  It  is  all-imporLtnt  to  undersland  its  ex-  i 
tent  and  character;  and  these  points  I  shall  portray  j 
in  a  few  words. 

The  first  startling  fact  is,  that  hitherto,  whatever  ' 
may  h  ivc  been  the  necessities  of  Europe,  we  have  ' 
derived   little  benefit  from  them.     Inconsiderable 
quantities  of  our  produce,  cheap  as  it  is,  have  found 
tneir  way  thither.     The  reason  is  obvious.     For 
the  last  fourteen  years  the  average  price  of  wheat, 
by  the  boshel,  up  the  Ualtic,  is  91  i  cents;  and   I  i 
have  advices  from  merchants  in  New  York,  well 
acqaaintcd  wiih  the  trade,  that,  after  all  allowances 
for  dilVcrciice  in  exchange,  and  all  other  cimrges, 
wheat  I'fom  Odessa,  on  the  Black  Sea,  ran  be  laid  j 
down  this  day  in  England  at  96  cents  the  bushel.  | 
In  New  York,  during  this  same  period  of  fourteen  ; 
years,  the  average  price  has  been  jjl  iio  a  bushel.  ■ 
It  appears,  therefore,  that  the  average  price  in  Eu-  t 
rope  has  been  below  the  average  of  New  York.  ! 
It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that  we  had,  1 
diiring  that  time,  two    years  of  scarcity,  which  '< 
raise  the  average,  but  not  enough  to  vary  mate-  | 
rially  the  question.  h 

The  Secretary  thinks  we  can  force  our  way  into  r 
Europe  with  our  produci,s,  but  I  apprehend  he  i 
would  find  up-hill  work  of  it,  against  these  [ 
price.s.  Tiiere  are,  I  admit,  destitute  people  enough  , 
who  would  be  comforted  by  a  belter  supply  iifi 
bread,  but  they  are  in  the  condition  of  the  Irish,  ; 
unable  to  buy  oreven  to  eat  the  products  raised  by 
their  own  hands.  It  is  in  vain  to  hope  for  con-  , 
sumption  from  that  quarter,  unless  the  bread  is  , 
bestowed  as  a  gratuity.  t 

But,  sir,  there  is  another  fact  of  still  greater  in- 
terest in  lis  tendency  to  illustrate  the  probability 
of  our  supplying  thj  markets  of  England  with 
breadatufls. 

In  order  to  secure  bread  without  interfering  with 
the  corn  laws,  or  the  general  system  of  excluding 
foreign  grain,  except  in  pressiiic  emergencies.  Par- 
liament passed  a  law  authnri2.iii:;  the  introduction 
of  flour  nnd  provisions  made   iiid  packed  in  the 
colonics  upon  the  same  terms  .\s  colonial  produce,  , 
though  the  erain  and  the  m-    i  misht  be  the  pro- 
duct of  a  foreign  country.     Tlie  objeot  was  to  let  i! 
in  the  wheat,  the  beef,  and  the  pork  of  the  United 
States,  through  Canada,  on  the  same  terms  as  the 
produce  of  Canada.     In  a  word,  our  products  were 
made  colonial  products,  and  entitled  to  nil  privi-  ; 
leges  as  such.     Under  these  circumslnncea,  when  i 
the  duty  on  wheat  direct  from  the  United  States  : 
was  fifteen    or   sixteen    shillings   a   quarter,  that  [ 
passing  throuih  Canada  was  four  shillinss,  making  ' 
adilTcrenre  in  its  favor  of  about  fifty  cents  a  bushcK 
In  reference  to  the  auccesa  of  thuplan  of  aftbrding  >i 


a  supply.  Lord  A.shburton  remarked,  during  the  i  are  gathered  from  the  commercial  tables  of  the 
present  session  of  Parliament,  that  not  one-tenth  y  treaaury,  and  what  a  commentary  the  statement 
of  the  supply  came  from  Canada,  but  it  came,  not-  |,  of  them  is  upon  the  annual  report  of  the  Sccro- 
withstanding  the  dilference  in  duly  against  other  I 
wheat  from  the  Baltic.  Now,  sir,  il'  our  wheat,  ' 
wilh  this  advantage  in  its  favor,  cannot  maintain 
the  competition,  how  shall  wo  succeed  when  the 
corn  laws  arc  repealed,  and  the  market  opened  to 
nil  countries  upon  an  equal  footing? 

We  have  cheap  land  against  cheap  labor.  And 
that  the  Senate  may  see  what  we  have  to  contend 
with  in  this  respect,  I  will  refer  them  to  the  Re- 
port from  the  Patent  Office,  laid  upon  our  tables  at 
this  session.  The  Comniissioner  states  that  an 
able  man  wilh  n  family  in  England  is  paid  $1  ()3 
lor  a  week's  labor;  in  France  ftl  04;  in  Prussia, 
66  cents;  in  Germany,  t)l  02;  in  Holland  and  Bel- 
!;iuni,  $1  30;  in  Italy  and  the  Austrian  Stages,  tjl 
15,  for  the  same  time,  nnd  find  themselves.  This 
is  the  value  of  agricultural  labor;  and  the  sameau 


tarv. 

The  corn  laws  arc  now  without  doubt  repealed 
and  with  a  full  knowledge  of  the  certainly  of  this 
event,  when  has  flour  ranged  lower  in  our  markets 
than  at  this  moment? 

But,  sir,  in  connexion  with  the«e  fact^  I  will 
state  another,  which  will  illustrate  the  chaiitcter  of 
this  great  European  market,  which  coMtitutes  the 
basis  of  I  he  Secretary 's  reasoning. 

The  whole  export  of  the  produce  of  farmers  in 
1S4S  to  all  countries,  consisting  of  flour,  grain 
provisions,  butter,  cheese,  vegetables,  dtc,  is  val- 
ued at  1^13,823,446.  The  whole  amount  sent  to 
Europe  is  valued  at  $3,963,003,  and  the  whole 
amount  sent  to  England  is  valued  at  ^1,996,334. 
This  is  the  result  of  all  the  trade  in  the  produce  of 
the  farmer  which    has   been  emblazoned   in  the 


tbority  gives  the  price  of  bread  as  follows:  In  i  new.spapers  for  the  year  past.  The  cry  in  favor 
France,  two  cenis  two  mills  a  pound;  in  Prussia,  '[  of  this  vast  European  market  has  been  kept  upso 
one  cent  eight  mills;  in  Germany,  two  cents  three  ;  long  and  so  loud,  it  has  been  kept  so  constantly 
mills;  in  Holliind  nnd  ncli:iuni,-two  cents;  and  in  i;  before  the  public,  and  been  so  magnified,  that  pub- 
Italy  and  the  .'\ustrian  Stales,  two  cents  one  mill  a  ■    lie  credulity  has  been  singularly  imposed  upon. 


pound.  These  facts  will  siilficieiilly  indicate  the 
comparative  expense  of  working  land  in  this  and 
other  countries,  and  the  modoiale  prices  at  which 
bread  can  be  hod  in  continental  Europe  by  all  who 
have  the  means  to  pay  for  it. 

Oiir  countrv,  the  Secretary  contends,  is  great  and 
fertile,  and  can  furnish  a  vast  surplus  of  prn(luce.ifc'i"''7"'>'«>  i'  '»  of  some  importance  to  ascertain  what 


and  we   have  been   in  danger  of  mistaking  the 
shadow  for  the  substance. 

But  the  Secretaiy  promises,  if  the  tariff  is  cut 
down,  that  fifteen  millions  more  iinports  shall  come 
into  the  country, nnd  be  paid  for  by  fifteen  millions 
of  exjjort-'.     As  this  allurement  is  held  out  to  the 


No  one  will  anin.ony  or  question  this.  Rut  it  is  not 
n  question  of  abilitv.  It  is  not  a  question  as  to 
what  we  could  do  if  l!ic  way  were  open  for  our 
enterprise;  but  whnt  we  can  do,  taking  facts  and 
circumstances  na  they  are.  i 

Can  we  supply  llie  coniinentof  Europe,  when  it 
produces  enough  to  meet  its  own  wants?    Can  we  ' 
force  wheat  or  flour  into  that  region,  when  it  is  ; 
bought  and  sold  there  as  low  as  upon  our  Atlantic 
coast  ? 

Can  we  supply  England  in  nn  open  competition 
with  the  continent?    Let  the  average  prices  in  New 
York  and  the  north  of  Europe  answer  the  ques- 
tion.    It  is  snpiioscd,  however,  tliat  the  repeal  of 
the  corn  laws  will  cause  an  increased  consumption 
in  England,  and  this  is  probable?     But  who  will 
supply  it?     The  British  Government  has  already  ; 
consiilcird  this  point.     It  ban  caused  inquiry  to  be  | 
made,  throuih  its  consuls,  whether  nn   increased  j 
supply  c.nn  be  furnished  fnun  the  north  of  Europe;  ! 
and  the  answer  is,  ibnt  it  ca  i  be;  and  no  doubt  is 
enterlained  of  the  ability  of  that  part  of  Europe  to 
supply  all  that  will  be  required. 

Leavimr.  then,  the  conliiieiital  market  in  the  pos- 
session of  its  own  farmers,  hi  us  turn  our  attention 
for  a  moment  to  the  macrnituileof  this  English  mar- 
ket, which  is  supposed  to  be  adequate  to  take  up 
the  vast  surplus  of  our  farmers. 

From  1R41  to  1843,  inclusive.  Great  Britain  im- 
ported 57,276,228  bushels  of  wheat.  We  supplied 
of  this  quantity  3,0.')3,278  bushels,  or  one  in  nine-  j 
teen,  or  about  a  million  of  bushels  a  year;  while 
theStnte  of  Massachnsetis,  in  1H45,  imported  from 
other  States  nearly  a  million  bnrrcia  of  flour,  eqaal  ; 
to  five  millions  bushels  of  wheat. 

These  farts  prove  indisputably  that  our  share  in  i 
this  jrreat  market, -which  is  to  lake  up  oursurplus,  i 
has  hitherto  been  not  only  small,  but  too  inconsid-  i 
enible  to  have  its  influence  felt.  |i 

Another  consideration  has  always  been  connect-  j 
ed  wilh   it.     The  tables  disclose  the  fact,  that  it  ; 
irreatlv  fluctuates  and  is  not  to  be  relied  unon,  , 
beini  dependent  upon  the  crops.    In  1H42,  24,000,- 
000   bushels  were   imported;   in   18.15,   only  960 
bushels.     At  other  times,  there  have  been  tonsid-  . 
erable  exports.     We  can  judge  of  our  success  in 
the  cnmnelilion    by   the   facts.     In    1843,  of  the 
24,000.000  importe'il,  we  supplied  1,195,8.37  bush- 
els.    Such  has  hern   this  English   niarkel,  which  ',. 
the  Secretary  believes  will  absorb  our  surplus  pro- 
duce; and  ll:it  we  may  judge  of  its  capacity  for 
this  purpose,  let  us  turn  onrallentiou  to  the  annual 
amount  of  wheat  produced  in  the  United  States. 

The  crop  for  the  past  year  has  been  estimated, 
ns  compared  with  the  crops  of  other  years,  at  106  J 
millions  of  bushels.  Of  this,  England  received  in 
flour  and  grain  176,725  bushels,  or  less  than  (Uic 
buslirl  in  6110.  All  Europe,  including  England, 
received  245,.'itJ0  bushels,  or  about  one  bushel  to 
every  433.    These  facts,  in  regard  to  the  exporls,  .i 


their  share  will  be  in  this  new  acquisition  of  trade, 
if  it  should  be  realiited. 

If  we  distribute  the  exports  which  are  to  pur- 
chase these  fifteen  millions  of  imports  in  the  same 
ratio  between  the  farmers  and  planters  as  exports 
are  now  distributed ,  the  boon  will  amount  to  about 
two  millions  of  dollars.  We  now  export  about 
one  hundred  millions  of  produce,  of  which  the  far- 
mers furnish  about  thirteen  millions.  If  we  should 
hereafter  send  out  one  hundred  nnd  fifteen  millions' 
worth,  they  would  in  the  same  ratio  furnish  about 
fifteen  irtillions  in  value  of  it.  Such  being  our  for- 
eign trade  in  the  produce  of  fanners,  anil  such  the 
wants  of  the  foreign  market,  we  can  estimate  its 
importance  and  the  probability  of  its  takim;  up  our 
surplus  products,  by  ascertaining  their  amount  and 
value. 

I  regret  that  we  have  no  means  of  attaining  ex- 
actness on  this  head;  we  can,  however,  approxi- 
mate towards  it  sufficiently  to  test  the  fallacy  of 
'<  the  arguments  which  have  been  employed  to  delude 
I  the  unthinking  into  a  belief  that  their  interests  will 
!  be  promoted  by  diverting  persons,  now  otherwise 
:  employed,  frorn  their  occupations, and  thus  dimin- 
ishing the  value  of  the  home  market,  by  adding  to 
;  the  number  of  farmers,  and  increasing  its  cmliar- 

rnssmenls. 
:      If  we  nre  to  import  fifteen  additional  millions' 
j  worth  of  goods  because  we  reduce  protective  duties, 
it  is  too  certain  to  admit  of  doubt,  that  the.  Secre- 
tary anticipates  a  direct  interference  wilh   home 


productions,  and  a  displacement  of  them  by  the 
introduclioii  of  foreign.  The  operation  whicli  ac- 
c,ouipli.shes  this  will  necessarily  drive  from  their 
employmnnis  a  large  number  of  laborers,  who  are 
to  find  n  refuge  in  farmiiu;.  Thi.s  must  necessarily 
curtail  the  home  market  for  ngriculturarproducts, 
and  increase  the  eniljnrrossments  of  farmers. 

But  to  return  to  the  point  of  inquiry.  Tlie  sta- 
tistics which  we  have,  justify  the'infeience  ibat  the 
quantity  of  grain  of  nil  sorts  produced  during  the 
la.st  year,  is  not  leas  than  seven  hundred  and  thirty 
millions  of  bushels,  and  may  be  valued  at  three 
hundred  nnd  fifty  millions  dollars.  If  we  add  all 
other  products,  exclusive  of  cotton,  rice,  tobacco, 
and  sugar,  and  inc'uf  ive  of  the  produce  of  animals, 
the  entire  value  cannot  fiill  short  of  seven  hun- 
dred and  fifty  inilbonH  of  doli.us.  If  we  allow 
to  the  farmers,  for  then-  own  uj^i  nnd  consumption, 
two-thirds  of  the  whole,  there  will  remain  two 
hundred  nnd  fifty  millions,  from  which  deduct  the 
exports,  thirteen  millions,  and  ihe  iinlance  will  be 
two  hundred  and  thirty  six  millions  of  dollars,  to 
be  taken  up  and  eon«iumcd  in  ih<  home  market. 
The  foreim  to  ihe  hame  market  i.s,  therefore,  as 
thirteen  to  two  hundfwl  and  thirty-six;  and  if  wo 
Loiiii  fifteen  millions  of  exports,  liv  reducing  the 
tiuilT,  it  will  be,  upon  the  thcorv  of  the  Hecrciary 
of  Ihe  Treasury,  as  fifteen  lo  two  hundred  and 
thirty-four  millions.    The  first  reflecUon  whioh 


J  846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


nil 


•29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Davis. 


Senate. 


strikes  thn  minil  iii,  how  insignificant  is  the  rore|o;n 
in  the  home  market;  and  the  farmer  Is  ready  to 
rxclnim,  and  is  this  all  which  we  are  to  realize 
from  free  trade?  Is  this  the  lioon  vrhich  has  offl- 
'.aied  'lie  wlisle  country  ?  And  this  all  of  the  sur- 
pliis  vvhiclnia  to  be  absorbed  by  the  change?  It  is 
10(1  insignificant  to  merit  consideration,  and  is 
wholly  unworthy  of  an  experiment  upon  tlie  home 
markcL,^  Thn' hazard  in  pullins;  down  the  tarilT, 
fkr  '/iiweighs  all  prospcclive  advnntage. 

And,  a'lti  this  opinion  will  be  strengthened  when 
he  learns  that  the  small  State  of  Massachusetts, 
during;  the  last  year,  imported  products  of  other 
States  to  the  value  of  forty  millions  of  dollars — 
three  times  the  amount  of  the  exports  of  farmer's 
pi'odnce,  to  all  parts  of  the  world.  [Mr.  D.  was 
uskcd  if  cotton  was  included  in  the  amount;  and  he 
answered  yes,  to  the  value  of  about  four  millions 
of  dollars.]  Amon^  the  articlci  was  nearly  a  mil- 
lion barrels  of  flour,  large  quantities  of  Indian  corn, 
oats,  hams,  pork,  beef,  lard,  butter,  cheese,  &c. 

But  the  Senrolary,  in  a  very  cool  manner,  ob- 
serves, that  the  farmers  and  planters  have  posses- 
sion of  the  home  market  now,  and  intimates  that 
little  regard  should  be  paid  to  the  policy  of  strength- 
ening and  enlarging  it. 

But,  sir,  is  he  sure  of  keeping  it  without  a  dis- 
ciiminaling  tariff?    Must  not  two  things  occur  to 
make  a  home  market  for  grain  and  provisions? 
Must  there  not  be  a  class  who  are  not  larniers,  and 
who  are  able  to  buy  and  consume  their  produce? 
Is  it  not  founded  on  a  diversion  of  labor  to  olhtiu 
pursuits;  and  will  it  not  be  greater  or  less,  just  in* 
proportion  to  the  extent  of  other  pursuits  ?     Is  not  ! 
all  this  obvious;  and  is  it  not  equally  obvious,  that  : 
if  you  break  djwn,  diminish,  impair,  or  discourage  ; 
other  pursuits,  and  turn  men  back,  as  the  Secre- 
tary proiioses,  to  farming,  that  this  market  will  bo  ; 
impaired  ?    The  Secretary  may  say  that  the  farm- 
ers and  planters  have  the  liome  market,  but  will  he 
venture  to  say  that,  under  his  proposed  policy, 
they  can  keep  it  unimpaired?    Can  ho  devise  a 
plan  by  which  farmers  can  live  upon  one  another;  ' 
or  'an  he  dispose  of  two  hundred  and  thirty-six 
millions  worth  of  produce  annually,  without  a  divi- 
uiou  of  labor?    His  system  is  designed  to  encour-  j 
age  importation,  and  thus  not  only  to  discourage  a  i 
division  of  labor,  but  to  diminish  the  ability  to 
consume. 

But,  sir,  there  is  another  aspect  in  wV.ich  this 
question  presents  itself,  of  more  pervading  inleiest, 
manifesting  more  distinctly  the  injustice  of  the  free- 
trade  planters,  and  the  groundlessness  of  llicir  , 
complaints.  They  ex[iort  cotton  and  rice  to  the 
amount  of.sixty  or  seventy  millions  of  dollars  an-  | 
luially;  and  they  put  themselves  before  the  coun- 
try as  the  great  exporting  interest,  inaintaining  j 
that  with  their  products  imports  to  a  like  amouiit  j 
are  purchased  and  brought  into  the  country.  Our 
whole  imports  for  the  use  of  the  country  amount  I 
to  about  one  hundred  millions  annually;  and  their 
staples,  according  to  this  view,  bring  in  from  six 
to  seven-tenths  of  the  whole  amount.  Now,  sir,  I 
have  a  plain  question,  intended  in  no  ofl'ensive 
8pn.se,  to  propose  to  my  I'ricnds,  the  free-trade 
planters.  Do  you  consume  the  amount  of  iniiiorts 
which  you  claim  to  bring  into  the  country  ?  There 
are  about  six  Slates  which  are  chiefly  intcresteil 
in  the  production  of  these  staples,  and  they  have  a 
population  of  about  three  millions,  half  of  which 
IS  slaves.  I  s  idle  to  contend  that  this  poiiula- 
tjoii  consuni  ■  uoin  six  to  seven-tenth.s  of  all  the 
imports  whi'  !■  -upply  twenty  milli'ms.  The  com- 
plaint is,  not  thai  any  oljstructioii  is  interposed 
against  exportation,  for  this  is  free  as  air,  but  all 
lliis  ex  Mlenicn;  '  mi  agitation  which  pervades  the 
.mn'ry  is  abouL  importation  and  the  right  to  the 
nai'  el.  This  miilion  and  a  half  offrco  people  are 
not  content  with  seven-tenths  of  the  whole  trade,  j 
iiut  demand  a  cliansic  of  policy  which  will  give 
them  a  greater  proportion.  It  is  not  that  they  can 
eat,  drink,  or  wear  tlir  value  of  seventy  millions; 
far  fnun  •  Inttlicyare  dissatisfied  that  we  pro- 
vide to  ;i  considerable  extent  for  ourselves,  and 
they  insist  im  legislating  iis  into  a  state  of  things 
miller  the  guise  of  tVcc  trade,  which  will  lake  away 
this  privilege,  and  trnnslVr  to  them  the  right  to 
supply  us  fiiim  foreign  shops.  They  may  now 
brinu'  into  lin'  country  as  many  goods  as  they 
please,  lint  this  is  of  no  avail  unless  purcha.sers 
can  be  fouiid;  and  the  lUcl  that  we  provide  for  our 
Reives  is  a  serious  obstacle  to  the  sale  of  imports. 


I  repeat,  sir,  that  the  whole  controversy  which 
agitates  the  country,  stands  upon  no  better  founda- 
tion than  this;  that  this  is  the  length,  breadth,  and 
dejitli  of  the  injustice  inflicted  upon  the  planters. 
We  find  it  necessary  now,  as  our  fathers  did  be- 
fore the  Revolution,  to  provide  for  ourselves,  as 
we  then  had,  and  now  have,  no  staple  of  agricul- 
ture to  export.   The  Knglish  then  condemned,  and 
forbid,  under  penalties,  the  obedience  which  was 
yielded  to  the  law  of  necessity;  and  the  planters 
now  maintain  the  same  doctrine  to  the  extent  of 
their  power.  What  was  Ihen  called  arbitrary,  des- 
potic power,  is  now  styled  free  trade.     The  Eng- 
lish insisted,  regardless  of  all  considerations,  that 
they   would   supply   us  with   manufactures — the 
free-trade  planters,  in  eflect,  do   the   same  now. 
They  are  not  content  with  the  lion's  share,  but  in- 
sist upon  regulating  commerce  in  a  nnanner  that 
will  bring  us  all  into  subservience  to  their  will. 
Now.  sir,  I  protest  against  any  arrangement  so 
selfish  and  sectional — so  watchful  over  a  few,  and 
so  regardless  of  the  many.     North  of  this  river, 
and  on  this  side  of  the  Alleghanics,are  more  than 
seven  millions  of  free  population,  who  have  very 
great  interests  at  stake  upon  the  pending  tpiestion, 
and  they  will  inquire  how  it  is  that  the  powers  of 
this  Government  are  to  be  exercised  chiefly  to  sus- 
tain the  planting  interest — how  is  it  that  they  are 
made  to  subserve  the  QXact  purposes  of  that  in- 
terest, and  urn  found  inodequato  to  sustain  others  ? 
Congress,  it  is  admitted  by  all,  has  an  express 
authority  by  the  Constitution  to  regulate  commerce 
between  us  and  foreign  nations.     The  means  to 
be  employed  for  such  regulation  are  not  prescribed, 
but  left  to  the  judgment  and  the  discretion  of  the 
Legislature,   tlow  has  this  power  been  exercised  ? 
What  has  been  dour  for  commercial  .inleicnuisc? 
We  have  treaties  with  foreign  Powers  defining  our 
rights  and  privileges ;   wc  have  laws  regulating 
shipping  and  defining  the  character,  privileges,  and 
lights  of  American  vessels,  wo  have  diplomatic 
agents  and  consuls  to  watch  over  our  interests;  we 
have  light-houses,  beacons,  buoys,  and  harbors, 
;  maintained  and  improved  by  law;  we  have  a  navy, 
j  of  which  a  portion  is  always  in  commission  to  pro- 
1  tect  our  trade.     All  this,  and  much  more,  is  done 
to  regulate  and  protect  foreign  ci.mmerce,  and  the 
i  free  traders  generally  approve  and  sanction  most 
i  of  these  measures   as  expedient  and   necessary. 
'  Ay,  they  go  further,  and  exact  as  a  duty  of  this 
'  Government  that  it  shall  resist  and  jmnish  aggres- 
sion; and  when  reparation  for  injuries  are  denied, 
that  we  shall  with  all  our  strength  and  resources 
wage  war  upon  those  who  invade  this  commei  re. 
All  this  is  held  to  be  a  high  imperative  duty,  and 
yet  it  all  relates  to  commerce,  and  is  a  regulation  of 
It,  direct  or  indirect.     It  happens  to  suit  the  pur- 
poses of  the  free  trader  that  regulation  should  ex- 
tend exactly  so  far,  but  no  farther,  because  then  it 
would  pass  the  ideal  bound.arv  of  free  trade.     It  Is 
quite  lawful  and  constitutiona'l  to  regulate  through 
[  tlie  agency  of  war  or  )>cace — through  the  civil  or 
I  military  power  in  all  these  (larticulars — all,  thus 
far,  is  in  harmony  with  the  Constitution;  but  the 
;  taxing  power  musi  not  be  employed  as  a  regulator 
1  of  trade,  as  that  would  be  a  violation  of  the  fun- 
(  dairieiital  !aw.     In  a  word,  the  means  employed 
I  foi  retulation  which  suit  the  free-trade  planting  ' 
;  interest  are  lawful,  wliile  those  employed  to  sus- 
tain the  great  iiidiiHtrial  classes  engaged  in  manii-  , 
'  facturing  and  the  mcrbanic  arts  arc  unlawful.   We 
ccn  regulate  just  as  far  as  suits  the  convenience  of 
'  certain  theorists,  but  there  wc  must  stop.     Now. 
I  sir,  the  Constitution  was  made  for  no  such  partial, 
I  selfish,   sectional   pur)>oses.      1   have  show'i  what 
:  exigencies  of  the  country  brouirht  it  into  cvistencc, 
I  anil  that  among  Ihcsi:',  the  chief  obje.-i  w.as  to  re-  ' 
I  susritate  t|ic  languishing  industry  h\   ;iving  it  pro-  | 
j  lection  through  'he  taxing  power.    1  have  proved,  ; 
I  that  in  obedience  to  this  puulic  -   ;iiion.  Congress, 
by  its  first  public  act,  distinctU  .uowed  'he  policy,  | 
and  employed  taxing  power  as  the  public  intended  ' 
it  slioulil  be,  tor  the  twol'old  purpose  of  revenue 
and  proiiotiiin.   The  admit  policy  ot' making  regu- 
'  lation  for  one  iiilorcst  lawful,  and  for  another  un-  | 
'  lawful,  is  the  conception  of  a  later  day.  and  is  in  1 
!  spirit  and  design  vastly  more  monopolizii -r  than  I 
I  any  claim  to   protection  which  has  ever  Wen  set 
!  i  up.      The  advocates  of  it  imagine  that  ihcy  stand  i 
'  on  firm  ground,  because  their  plan  of  operatioii  is  ' 
!  carried  on  without  the  employment  of  the  taxing  j 
I'  power;  but  if  the  laborer  of  the  Middle  and  the 


East  is  place'  by  legislation  in  a  condition  which 
frustrates  all  tno  benefits  intended  to  he  secured  by 
the  Constitution*  it  matters  little  to  him  whether  it 
be  through  the  taxing  power  or  by  any  other 
means,  and  he  will  measure  the  wrong  by  no  su^h 
rule. 

The  planters  of  cotton  and  rice  produce,  an- 
nually, a  crop  which  may  be  valued  at  Bomething 
more  than  seventy  millions  of  dollars.  The  other 
interests  create  annual  productions  which  may  hn 
valued  at  more  than  a  thousand  millions  of  dollars. 
The  planters  now  enjoy  nearly  seven-tenths  of  the 
foreign  trade,  and  aim  at  a  greater  and  more  com- 
plete control  over  it.  The  other  interests  enjoy 
the  residue  and  share  the  home  market  in  common 
with  the  planters.  Which  is  the  greatest  monop- 
olist? Which  seeks  to  arrogate  to  itself  the  great- 
est mass  of  exclusive  privilege,  and  which  is  the 
most  selfish? 

Tlie  plan  of  free  trade  answers  the  purposes  of 
the  free-trade  planters,  because  it  gives  nearly  «U 
to  them,  and  substantially  nothing  to  others.  Pro- 
tection creates  division  of  labor,  and  gives  to  others 
a  more  equal  and  just  participation  in  the  privileges 
intended  to  be  secured  by  the  Constitution.  The 
planters  aim  at  making  protection  odious,  because 
it  is  attained  through  the  taxing  power,  and  they 
reason  upon  the  subject  as  if  taxes  were  imposed 
for  the  benefit  of  certain  classes.  This  is  a  false 
and  unjust  view  of  the  subject.  Duties  are  not 
imposed  for  any  such  purpose,  but  wholly  to  sup- 
ply revenue  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  the  Govern- 
ment. All  the  revenue  now  imposed  by  the  act 
of  1842,  and  much  more,  is  required  to  sustain 
public  cretlit.  We  are  not,  therefore,  now  con- 
sidering a  proposition  to  reduce  duties  because  we 
have  a  surplus  of  revenue,  but  because  these  duties 
are  supposed  to  favor  our  industry,  and  the  object 
is  to  place  that  industry  upon  a  more  unfavorable 
footing,  to  the  end  that  its  efforts  may  be  slacken- 
ed, and  that  it  may  give  way  to  make  room  for 
imports — in  a  word,  it  is  a  regulation  intended  for 
the  benefit  of  the  cotton  planters. 

Now,  sir,  the  advocates  of  a  division  of  labor  go 
no  further  than  to  contend  that,  in  levying  revenue, 
it  shall  be  so  done  as  to  advance  the  interests  of 
laljor  by  giving  to  it  support  and  encouragement, 
and  they  believe  this  not  only  to  be  constitutional, 
but  one  of  the  greatest,  if  not  the  greatest,  motive 
for  entering  into  the  Federal  compact;  and  they  be- 
lieve it  is  not  only  a  perversion  of  their  rights,  but 
(I  violation  of  the  spirit  of  the  compact  to  regulate 
commerce  in  a  manner  to  deprive  them  of  this 
privilege.  When,  therefore,  free  trade  is  imposed 
upon  us  in  order  to  give  to  the  planters  a  monop- 
oly of  the  importing  trade  by  discouraging  and 
brcakin;  down  the  business  of  other  classes,  it 
becomes  free  trade  to  a  privileged  class,  and  next 
to  no  trade  to  the  residue.  Names  cannot  alter 
tilings,  or  make  that  just  which  is  unjust,  or  that 
equal  which  is  unequal. 

The  people  arj  not  so  dull  as  to  misunderstand 
this  cry  of  free  trade  and  monopoly.  A  plmisible 
name  will  neither  disguise  nor  render  palatable  ft 
partial,  oppressive  measure;  nor  will  a  harsh  un- 
just epithet  shake  their  confidence  in  a  system 
'which  has  been  a))proved  by  long  experience. 
Tlicy  have  become  accustomed  to  the  terms  rob- 
ber, plunderer,  and  pirate,  heaped  upon  them  not 
be.  auKc  they  realize  any  booty,  but  because  they 
resist  the  determined  spirit  of  encroachment  which, 
like  that  of  the  Knglish  monopolists  before  the 
K.  volution,  aims  to  put  them  in  a  condition  v/hero 
they  will  be  constrained  to  consume  foreign  pro- 
ductions. 

If  the  v'-  '  r  in  repiv  to  thir  reasoning  conteivis 
that  h<-  V  >ild  consunii  lore  foreign  products  if  he 
were  not  supplied  by  •  ;•■  manufacturers  and  me 
chanics  of  our  own  c  .niry,  I  answer  that  thia 
grows  out  of  a  trade  which  is  add  ional  to  «h«  ex- 
ports to  t'orrign  countries;  that  such  comWv\htii.s 
go  to  pay  for  the  products  of  their  j^t^wlions. 
The  amount  of  cotton  consumed  by  »W  nvUt  of 
this  ountry  cannot  be  ascertained  w"it)i  precision, 
but  it  may  "be  fairly  e.'timaled  in  vahie  at  not  less 
than  twelve  millions  of  dollars  annually.  The 
ipiantity  of  rice,  sugar,  and  other  articles,  is  very 
large;  and  this  is  the  manner  in  which  goods  taken 
from  American  shops  ami  mills  are  paid  for — a 
trade  highly  beneficial  ^>  tlic  planters,  and  useftil, 
not  only  as  it  sunp>>«s  mutual  wants,  but  as  it 
creates  a  consumjiuon  for  producta  in  the  market. 


$ 


1112 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  16  &  17, 


29th  Cono IsT  Sess. 


The  Toriff-^Mr.  Davis. 


Sgnatg. 


I  «m  advised  by  peninns  of  intolliKence,  engnged 
in  planting,  that  tlie  compelition  or  llio  Ameiicnn 
purcliascrs  against  tlie  foreign,  advances  cotton 
from  one  to  two  cents  a  pound;  and  I  find  this 
opinion  confirmed  in  a  worlc  recently  published 
upon  political  economy  by  a  planter. 

But,  sir,  \  have  dwelt  too  long  ufion  this  point, 
and  must  pass  to  another  dogma  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury.    He  remarks: 

"  At  leSAt  two-thirds  of  the  tnxc»  impiMPil  by  the  prodctit 
tariff  are  |viid,  not  into  the  treasury,  hut  tn  Ute  protcctocl 
cla^seii.  The  rcvcnuv  rrnm  iinimrt^  la-sl  year  excucdod 
twenty-ievcn  mlllioiiBOf  dollnm.  This,  in  luclf,  ia  a  Heavy 
tax;  but  the  whnlo  tux  inipo^^fd  u|>0)i  the  people  by  tile 
present  tniitf  is  not  irsrt  than  eighty-nncndllinnsoi'doilars — 
or  wlilcli  twenty-seven  millions  are  puid  to  the  Government 
upon  the  import*,  and  fllty-fnur  ntillions  to  the  protected 
classes,  In  enhanced  prices  m'  similar  donieslle  nrlieles. 
Vhts  cstitnate  is  based  n|>on  tlie  position  that  the  duly  is 
added  to  ilie  price  of  the  import,  and  also  of  its  dnuiei^tic 
rival ;  if  the  import  is  enhanord  in  price  by  the  duty,  an 
must  be  the  domestic  rival ;  for  bcinz  lilie  articles,  their 
price  must  be  the  same  in  the  same  market." 

This  statement  presrnt.s  two  conclusions  for 
consideration.  The  first  is,  that  the  duty  being 
added  to  tlie  price  of  the  import,  becomes  a  tax  to 
the  extent  nf  its  amount;  and,  second,  if  the  import 
is  enhanced  in  price  by  the  addition  of  the  duty,  so 
must  be  the  domestic  rival. 

The  whole  tax  thus  imposed  ia  estimated  nl 
eighty-one  millions  of  dollars,  one-third  of  which 

foes  into  the  treasur)',  and  two-thirds  to  the  bcnc- 
t  of  the  protected  classes.  The  theory  is  fnmillnr, 
for  it  is  in  the  mouth  of  every  free  trader;  but  the 
Secretary  must  have  the  credit  of  discovering  the 
proportion  in  which  the  division  is  mad<!,  und 
also  the  amount  assignable  to  the  protected  labnu. 
This  being  believed  to  be  a  cry  wliich  will  excite 
popular  alarm,  is  at  all  times  put  forward  by  those 
who  desire  to  bring  odium  upon  any  system  of 
revenue  which  is  adopted.  If  the  tu.\  was  im- 
posed for  the  benefit  of  the  laborer,  there  miifht  be 
some  plausibility  in  the  theory;  but  we  all  know 
that  it  is  levied  to  supjiiy  funds  for  the  Govern- 
ment, and  that  any  interest  which  the  labor  of  the 
country  has  in  it  ia  incidental.  In  other  words,  ns 
the  Government  can,  in  levying  its  necessary  rev- 
enue, encourage  labor  without  injury  to  itself  or 
the  public,  it  is  its  duty  so  to  do.  What,  then, 
is  the  general  import  of  the  theo»y  ■  Does  it  not 
prov^Wiore  than  the  Secretary  is  willing  to  admit  ? 
Does  it  not  prove  that  a  tax  upon  imports  must  be 
also  indirectly  a  tax  upon  domestic  production, 
and  that  this  mode  of  laxation  cannot  be  employed 
by  any  commerc'  I  jmntry  without  imposing 
sacrifices  upon  itseT  t  '  mnsneiidlng  the  amount 
of  revenue  raised  ?  Tiie  ea'-rifiip  under  the  act  of 
184'J,  accordiii;;  lo  the  « r-iiinale  of  the  Secretary, 
IS  two  dollars  for  one  of  k  irnuc.  What  nuist  it 
be  in  France,  •'<t,tal  Britain,  and  places  in  Nimihir 
condition,  in  wiiicli  the  imporls  ta.xcd  generally 
have,  in  the  language  of  the  Secretary,  domestic, 
rivals?  How  dull  and  stupid  nil  statesmen  have 
been,  and  how  incompreliensiljly  blind  all  na- 
tions have  I'  til  to  their  own  interest."),  to  impose 
taxes  in  this  fonii,  loading  tl'enisclves  with  mani- 
fold unnecessary  burdens  !  And  yet  iliis  mode  of 
raising  revenue  has  been  con.sidered,  by  the  com- 
mon consent  of  mankind,  the  Ica.st  ol)ie(iionnble 
of  any.  But  why,  allow  me  to  ask,  if  it  be  such 
a  shameful,  profligate,  and  wasteful  mode,  does 
the  Secretary  recommend  its  coniinnance  in  any 
form,  now  tiiat  he  has  discovered  its  waslinij  in- 
fluence.' He  Neems,  nr>twilhstnnding  this  odious 
feature  of  imposus,  to  deprecate  a  resort  to  direct 
taxes  as  more  odious  even  than  impost.s.  If  he 
had  finished  his  denuix  iation  of  the  baneful  efl'ecta 
of  impo.sts,  by  proposing  to  abolish  instead  of 
maintaining  ihem  in  a  modified  form,  he  would  at 
least  littve  eanxd  a  reputation  for  consistency. 

But  this  i.s  iii»eriious  ilienry,  pressed  upon  the 
public  in  jjlausible  terms  to  make  il  realize  the  ex- 
lalcnir.  oi  burdens  which  it  cannot  f<el.  The  con 
sumer  pays,  the  consumer  is  wrOM  'd,  the  coil 
aumer  is  oppressed,  and  the  <on.iunier  must  be 
made  unlitippy,  whetlier  he  is  conscious  of  the 
wrong  or  not  Mr.  president,  we  can  deal  beat 
with  theory  by  an  appeal  to  facts.  I  fear  that  ex- 
perience passes  fur  nothing  with  the  Secretary. 
We  came,  under  tlie  Compromise  act,  down  lo  20 
percent,  diitici,  niid  to  alioiit  lliirleen  millions  of 
revenue  from  the  cnsioins  in  1840  and  jH41.  This 
is  a  period  in  which  we  nii^'lit  hope  to  find  proofs 
of  great  relief  from  the  burdens  of  taxation,  and 


consequentlygreat  prosperity  in  the  country.  But,  j 
sir,  how  utterly  refuted  is  tho  theory  bjr  (ho  fact.  ! 
Those  years  are  a  dark  period  in  our  history.  ! 
Business  was  prostrate,  complaint  universal,  and  j 
all  eyes  were  tuftied  upon  Congress,  looking  earn-  | 
estly  for  measures  which  would  reinstate  public  i 
credit,  discharge  the  public  debt,  and   reanimate 
the  languishing  business.     The  act  of  1B43,  which  I 
has  been  greatly  stigmatized  as  unjust  and  oppres- 
sive, was  passed;  anil  can  any  one  hesitate  for  a  j 
moment  to  .idmit  that  it  produced  a  wonderful  and  | 
salutary   change?     It    not    only   replenished   the 
treasury,  but  revived  the  drooping  spirits  of  men, 
dissipated   the  gloom,  restored    confidence,  nnd  ' 

?uickened  the  pulse  of  labor  from  one  end  of  the  ! 
Tiiion  to  the  other.  We  have  seldom  seen  a  pe-  j 
riod  of  more  vigorous  and  healthy  prosperity  than  i 
that  wliich  followed.  Can  any  one  hesitate  in  de-  ! 
ciding  which  period  has  been  most  useful  to  the 
people— which  has  been  most  promotive  of  the  ! 
best  interests  of  nil?  j 

But,  sir,  the  Secretary,  and  those  who  reason  : 
with  him,  seem  not  only  to  reject  the  general  re-  i 
suits  of  experience,  but  in  dealing  with  this  subject 
they  wholly  omit  to  notice  those  facts  and  circum-  ■ 
stances  which  all  statcHmeii  admit  have  a  most  \ 
material  bearing  upon  the  subject.  •  They  take  the  j 
naked  fact  of  price  in  our  own  and  the  foreign 
market,  without  inquiring  into  the  r  uises  which  | 
have  produced  it,  or  the  efl'ects  which  would  fol-  ' 
low  if  domestic  production  should  cease.  j 

They  leave  out  of  sight  the  fundamental  princi-  1 
pie  that  demand  governs  the  price  of  supplies.  It  | 
cannot  be  denied  that  if  the  supply  of  an  article  | 
increases  more  rapidly  than  the  demand,  the  price 
will  fall;  and  if  the  demand  advances  upon  the  sup-  j 
ply,  the  price  will  rise.  A  short  crop  of  cotton  or  I 
wheat  raises  the  price — a  plentiful  one,  on  the  other  i 
hand,  depresses  it. 

In  pursuing  manufacturing,  we  bring  new  capi-  ' 
tal  and  fresh  labor  to  bear  upon  production.     We 
add  the  results  of  our  operations  to  what  is  brought  | 
into  the  market  from  all  other  sources,  and  thus  in- 
crease the  supply;  nnd  the  tendency  of  price,  under 
the  influence  of  this  course,  is  downward.   In  proof 
of  this,  I  will  hazard  the  assertion,  that  the  whole. ^ 
history  of  manufacturing  in  the  United  Stales  will 
show  that  no  article  has  been  extensively  produced  i 
which  hns  not  become  cheaper  under  the  process,  j 
beeause  the  supply  is  thus  increased. 

This  is  the  immutable  law  of  trade  and  produc-  ! 
tion,  and  no  other  result  can  follow  from  such  a  ! 
cause.  I 

Take,  for  example,  the  manufacture  of  cotton  in 
the  United  Slates  in  1845;  about  one  hundred  and 
sixty  millions  of  pounds  were  spun,  being  about  ; 
one-sixth  of  the  entire  crop  of  one  thousand  mil-  j 
lions  of  pound.s;  about  five  hundred  and  twenty- j 
five  millions  of  yards  of  cloth  were  made,  worth, 
perhaps,  from  fifty  to  sixty  tttillions  of  dollars. 
Is  it  not  entirelynpparentto  the  most  obtuse  mind, 
that  such  a  vast  ipiantity  of  goods  can  neither  he  ; 
brought  into  or  taken  out  of  the  market  without 
materially  nftceiing  the  price  of  colton&?     But  our  I 
labor  has  added  all  this  to  the  production  of  the  ' 
rest  of  the  world;  it  is  a  creation  of  our  own,  sup-  j 
plcmcnlal  to  the  work  of  all  others;  und  the  con-  i 
ae(|ucnce  has  been  a  great  reduction  in  prices  hero  ■ 
nnd  everywhere  else.     This  powerful  competition  > 
has  forced   the  price  downward  until  a  yard  of, 
goiids  can  bo  bought  for  a  third  of  the  money 
which  it  formerly  cost  to  weave  it.     Other  causes 
have  had  an  inlUu  nee  in  this  matter,  but  none  of 
them  are  so  palpable  and  decisive  as  the  active  en- 
cr;;y  of  our  labor  in  piling  products  upon  the  top 
of  the  labor  of  others.     No  one  can  deny  that,  if 
our  mills  should  stop  and  our  hands  should  cease 
to  work,  the  price  of  goods  would  immediately 
advance,  and  the  price  of  cotton  fall.     The  efl'ect 
of  our  operations,  ihereftne,  ia  lo  keep  down  the 

(uiee  of  goods  and  to  keep  up  the  price  of  cotton.   - 
lul,  ill  proving  the  blighting  inlluenres  of  taxation, 
it  is  coilvi  iiienl  to  overlook  all  this,  although  it  is 
as  applicable  lo  all  other  branches  of  tnanufactu-  j 
rinjjT  ns  to  cotton.  > 

iVow,  sir,  while  I  do  not  stand  here  lo  deny  Ihot 
a  duty  may  increase  the  price  of  an  article  import- 
ed, us  that  depends  upon  the  fuels  and  circum-  : 
stances  which  siirrounii  it,  I  may.neverthelesi,  be  : 
permitted   lo  n.s.sert,  that   when   our  .    niiielllion 
with  foreign  production  becomes  grcni,  and  in  the  ' 
struggle  which  necessarily  ensues  for  tlis  market, 


prices  are  carried  down  more  than  th;  amount  of 
the  duty,  the  country  not  only  censes  to  he  taxed, 
but  American  labor  becomes  a  benefactor  to  al 
who  profit  by  the  reduction;  and,  sir,  I  must  beg 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  when  he  makes 
out  Ills  tax  list  of  revenue  paid  to  the  protected 
classes,  that  he  will  hereafter,  in  all  siffli  cases, 
give  them  credit  to  the  extent  of  the  reduction. 

It  is  not  quite  fair  or  just  to  our  li^ior,  when  it 
has,  by  its  competition,  reduced  the  value  of  fiottcin 
goods  or  any  other  article  in  the  foreign  ipnrket  to 
one-half  or  one-third  of  its  former  value,  to  assume 
that  reduced  value  as  proof  of  whot  the  article 
would  be  worth  if  American  production  were  sup- 
pressed, when  no  one  can  fail  to  see,  that,  in  such 
an  event,  the  price  would  rise.  If  we  keep  it  down, 
let  us  have  the,  merit  which  belongs  to  the  fact. 

Let  our  competition,  Mr.  President,  and  its  in- 
fluence upon  the  market,  have  a  fair  und  just  con- 
sideration. If,  by  its  energy  and  ])erseverunce,  it 
bus  borne  down  and  kept  down  prices,  that  fact 
should  not  be  smothered,  and  the  result  of  our  ac- 
tion be  turned  into  an  accusation  against  us  by  a 
cry  of  taxation,  when  we  have  crippled  foreign 
exaction,  and  bound  it  down  to  terms  most  bciie- 
licial  to  all  customers.  What,  allow  me  to  inquire, 
makes  foreigners  so  anxious  to  enlighten  us  on  this 
point?  Why  are  they  here  within  these  walls 
teaching  us  our  duty,  and  furnishing  argimienis  to 
prove  the  expediency  of  suppressing  our  nianufnc- 
ttiring  industry  ?  Because  they  feci  its  force  anil 
energy;  because  it  presses  upon  their  interests,  and 
♦rces  down  the  value  of  their  products.  This  is 
tho  tender  point.  They  are  earnest  in  selfishness, 
but  insensible  to  nil  other  considerations.  They 
aim  at  the  control  of  the  market;  they  hone  first  to 
crush  our  industrial  classes,  to  remove  all  compe- 
tition, and  then  to  luxuriate  in  the  market  in  their 
own  way.  They  no  doubt  believe  themselves 
much  nnre  capnfde  of  regulating  our  atlaiis  than 
we  are.  They  aflect  to  have  great  sympathy  for 
our  taxed  and  oppressed  people;  butgive  the  power 
to  them — transfer  the  business  to  their  shops;  let. 
them  regulate  your  supplies  and  prices,  and  they 
will  teach  us  a  lesson  which  will  not  soon  be  for- 
gotten. Their  first  and  great  object  is  lo  break 
down  our  industry — to  get  rid  of  this  troublesome 
competition — this  obstacle  to  profit — this  overruling 
power  in  the  market.  This  done,  we  are  at  their 
mercy,  nnd  we  have  felt  its  mercenary,  merciless 
chorucler.  We  should  take  heed  in  season,  before 
the  rider  puts  the  bit  in  the  mouth,  and  mounts 
upon  the  back. 

Mr.  President,  it  is  always  difficult  to  combat 
theory  nnd  theorists,  but  as  it  is  niostsneccssfully 
done  by  acknowledged  facts,  I  will  now  select  some 
of  the  protected  articles  which  are  best  known,  and 
in  most  general  ii.se,  to  test  this  doctrine  of  twofold 
taxation.  The  Secretary  has  not  informed  us  what 
articles  he  places  in  this  category,  but  it  probably 
embraces  brown  sugar,  which  is  extensively  made 
in  the  United  States.  The  import  for  consumption, 
in  1845,  was  100,758,315  lbs.;  the  gro.ss  duty  upon 
which,  at  2j  cents  a  pound,  is  $2,518,947.  The 
value  in  the  foreign  market  was  $4,015,289,  or  a 
small  fraction  short  of  four  cents  a  pound.  The 
first  inquiry,  is  how  hos  American  production 
aftected  the  price  in  the  foreign  market  ?  What  is 
it  now  compared  with  what  it  hns  been  ?  The 
irice  current  will  answer  this  question.  It  may 
c  found  at  jmges  720  nnd  721,  of  Doc.  6,  from  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury;  and  I  will  sta'e  enough 
to  show  Its  character.  In  IHIB,  it  ranged  from  14} 
to  16;  cents  a  pound.  In  1820,  84  to  12J  cents. 
In  1825,7.;  to  10  cents.  In  18,11,  5  In  7  cents.  In 
183fi,  fi  cents.  In  1839-40,  3i  lo  4  cents.  In 
|844-'5,  33  to  4'  ernis  a  pound.  These  prices 
mark  the  descent  under  American  compelition:  but 
the  effect  is  still  inore  manifest  whenever  a  short 
crop  has  oceuned.  In  l834-'5,  the  crop  of  Loui- 
siana was  110,000  hogsheads,  nnd  the  price  5}  to 
fi  cents.  In  1835-'(j,  the  crop  was  36,000  hogs- 
heads, and  the  price  rose  till  it  reached  10  to  11 
cents,  in-  nearly  doubled.  In  1842- '3,  the  crop 
was  140,000  hogsheads,  and  the  price  3 J  to  4  cenl^. 
In  the  year  following,  100,000  hogsheads,  and  the 
price  iiise  lo  5|  and  fij  cents.  In  the  year  follow- 
ing, which  was  1844- '5,  the  crop  was  204,000 
hogsheads,  nnd  the  price  wns  3a  to  45  cents. 
From  these  facts  it  is  manifest  that  American  pro- 
duction has  n  great  influence  in  rnliiig  the  ninrket, 
and  that  the  people  arc  dependent  on  the  success 


i:, 


1846.1 

'i9TH  Cong.. 

of  the  crop  for  che 

difficult,  by  any 

strength   ta  these 

i,flnorU^d   brown 

was,  in  1845,  four 

upon  the  plantali 

'rhese  facts  arc  ill 

from  the  Trcasur 

evidence  see^nsch 

reduced  by  horn 

dear,  ihpi  if  we 

price  would  adva 

Can  the  duty,  u 

in  any  just  sens 

Secretary  insists 

foreign  productii 

of  the  import,  an 

consumption  of^ 

is  estimated  al  ' 

100,000,000  poui 

pounds  arc  the  ; 

tho  duty  of  two 

upon  this  dome! 

received,  last  y 

torted  I'roin  the 

not  answer  enc 

from  oIRcIaI  d( 

production  was 

cost  of  sugar  ii 

ing  established, 

the  doctrine  te 

upon  domestic 

into  requisition 

Salt  IS  also  I 

sumption.    Tl 

527  bushels— t 

a  half  cents  n 

July  is  eight  c 

to  many  pat! 

ground  ot   its 

heavy, cheap 

ill  the  expeui 

crage  price  o 

over  30  cents 

I  cannot  St 

United   State 

much  from  t 

New  York  g 

000   bushels 

and  I  learn.  I 

at  the  works 

cxlusiveof  tl 

cisely  the  sai 

cd  article  ii 

brought.     1 

cost about  Ih 

considorablj 

The  ques' 

six  millions 

any  inllueni 

it  has  ?     1  e 

the  fact  by 

have  not  at 

The  ues 

American 

10   the  dui 

^480,000  w 

when  theii 

^600,000. 

(iion  to  re 

anything  r 

than  the 

iit  lis  low 

by  the  car 

dence  faih 

I  am  quit' 

tluence. 

I  Nails  a 

upon  wbi 

und  no  di 

articles  oi 

from   luc 

which   p 

cheaper 

import  ( 

921,412] 

!ij63,456, 

returns 

1845  37, 

juonwe.n 

pound ; 

ion,  wh 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1113 


'i9TH  Cong Iht  Sesb. 


TAc  Tariff— Mr.  Davis. 


Senate. 


of  the  crop  for  cheap  sugnr.    Mr.  Prpaidcnl,  u  ia 
ditflcult,  by  any  process  of  reasoning,  to  add  j 
strength   tg  tlicse   fni'.ls.     The  average   price   of  j 
imported    brown    nw^nt  in   the    foreign    market 
WHS,  ill  ltJ45,  four  cents,  while  that  of  Louisiana,  j 
upon   the  phmtalion,  wm  three  cents  eight  mills. 
'1  hese  fuels  arc  disclosed  by  the  evidence  derived  I 
from  the  Treasury  Drparlment.    To  my  mind  ihe 
evidence  see^s  clear  that  tliu  value  has  been  greatly 
reduced  by  honib  comiietition;  and  it  is  equally  [ 
clear,  thpt  if  we  shoulil  cease  to  produce  it,  the  1 
price  would  advance  nearly,  if  not  quite,  twofold. 
Cum  the  duty,  under  such  circumstunccs,  be  said,  : 
in  ony  just  sense,  to  operate  ns  a  tax?    But  the 
Secretary  insists,  that  when  u  duty  is  laid  upon  a  i 
foreign  production,  "  the  duty  is  added  to  the  price  ; 
of  the  import,  and  also  to  its  (lome.stic  rival."    The  ' 
consumption  of  brown  sugar  in  the  United  Slates  ! 
is  estimated  at  .')50,001),OOU  pounds.     We  import 
1UU,00(),1)U0  pounds,  and  nonsef|ucntly '.i;>0,OU0,000 
pminds  are  the  jiroduct  of  ihe   United  Slutcs.     If  : 
the  duly  of  two  and  a  hulf  cents  a  pound  is  a  tax  ! 
upon  this  domestic  rival,  then  the  sugar  producers  1 
received,  last  year,  us  a  bounty,  $6,^50,000,  ex-  : 
torted  from  the  pockets  of  the  people.     But  is  it  | 
not  answer  enough  to  this  theory  when  I  prove,  I 
from  oliicial  documents,  that  'J(J4,OUU,000  of  this  ' 
production  was  sold  at  an  average  price  below  the  ' 
cost  of  sugar  in  foreign  countries.'    This  fact  be-  I 
ing  established,  I  shall  leave  it  for  Ihe  advocates  of  j 
the  doctrine  to  maintain  this  theory  of  taxation 
upon  domestic  proihiction,  and  I  think  it  will  put 
into  re(]uisition  all  tlicir  ingenuity. 

Salt  IS  also  art  article  of  equally  extensive  con- 
Bumntion.  The  imports  of  1845  amount  to  8,543,- 
627  uushcis— the  value  was  $898,663,  or  ten  and 
a  half  cents  a  bushel  in  the  foreign  market.  The 
duty  is  eight  cents  a  bushel,  which  has  given  birth 
to  many  pathetic  and  eloquent  appeals,  on  the 
ground  ot  its  being  an  onerous  tax.  Salt  is  n 
heavy,  cheap  article,  and  most  of  its  value  consista 
in  the  expense  of  transportation.  Hence  the  av- 
erage nrice  on  the  seaboard  of  Turk's  Island  is 
over  30  cents  the  bushel. 

I  cannot  slate  the  precise  amount  made  in  the 
Uniied  States,  but  it  is  believed  not  to  vary 
much  from  6,0UU,00U  bushels.  The  return  from 
New  York  gives  the  amount,  in  1845,  at  3,762,- 

000  bushels  made  at  the  works  in  that  Stale; 
and  I  learn,  (rom  authentic  sources,  that  the  price 
at  the  works  in  that  Slate  is  ten  and  a  half  cents, 
exlusive  of  the  duly  impOiSed  by  the  Slate,  or  pre- 
cisely the  same  as  the  average  value  of  the  im[iort- 
ed  article  in  the  countries  from  whence  it  was 
brought.  That  made  in  Ihe  West  is  believed  lo 
cosf  about  Ihe  same,  and  that  upon  the  Atlantic  coast 
considerably  more. 

The  question  is,  first,  whether  the  production  of 
six  millions  of  bushels  in  the  United  Slates  has 
any  inlluencc  upon  price;  and  who  can  doubt  that 
it  haul  I  entertain  the  belief  llint  I  could eslalilish 
the  fact  by  recurrence  to  the  price  current,  but  I 
have  not  at  hand  the  means  of  reference. 

The  next  question  is,  does  the  consumer  of 
American  salt  pay  un  enhanced  price  equivalent 
to  the  duty?  If  such  is  the  fact,  a  bonus  of 
!ji480,()00  was  paid  in  1845,  to  the  maiuifaclurcrs, 
when  their  whole  manufacture  is  valued  at  only 
^600,000.  Bui,  Mr.  President,  is  there  any  occa- 
sion to  reason  upon  the  facts  as  disclosed?  Can 
anything  make  the  proposition  more  preposterous 
than  the  fact  that  the  Aineiicun  aiiiclc  is  sold 
at  as  low  a  price  as  the  average  of  the  import 
l>y  the  cargo  in  the  foreign  markel?  If  this  evi- 
dence fails  to  satisfy  the  advocates  Jof  the  theory, 

1  am  quite  sure  that  reasoning  will  have  little  in- 
fluence. 

Nails  are  anollier  article  of  general  consumption, 
upon  which  f'lcie  is  a  duty  of  three  eenlsa  pound, 
and  no  doubt  fall  within  tlie  category  of  protected 
articles  or  rival  pinrtnris.  i  have  bel'iiie  me  letters 
from  merchants  of  undoubted  good  cluirarler, 
which  proves  coiiclnsivcly  lh«t  they  are  made 
cheaper  in  this  C(  unlry  ilian  in  any  other.  The 
import  for  1845,  of  cut  and  wrought  nails,  was 
921,412  pounds,  w  hich  cost,  in  the  foreign  market, 
5J(i3,4.56,  or  7  rents  t\  pound.  We  have  authentic 
reiuniM  fniin  Mussachusclls,  whii  h  slate,  thai  in 
1845  37,11)2,400  pounrls  wire  nuule  in  that  Com- 
monwealih,  valued  at  >jil ,.502,27.'),  or  four  cents  a 
pound;  and  I  have  also  ihn  price  current  of  Bos- 
ton, which  states  tliat  aasovtcd  sizes  arc  now  sell- 


ing, on  six  months'  credit,  from  four  to  four  and  a 
half  cents. 

I  have  seen  in  n  respectable  publication  a  report 
from  gentlemen  acquainled  with  this  business,  in 

',  which  they  slate  their  belief  fromihe  facts  in  their 
possession,  that  the  annual  manufacture  in  the 

,  United   Slates   umoimis  to    150,000,000  pounds. 

,  Now,  sir,  if  the  foreign  article  costs  seven  cenis 
in  the  foreign  market,  and  we  sell  the  rival  product 
for  four  cents,  can  the  Secretary  prove  that  tlic  price  1 

',  of  the  home  munufucture  is  enhanced  by  Ihe  duty?  , 
And  can  he  establish  upon  these  fuels  his  theory  j 

)  lliat  a  tax  of  three  cenls  upon  every  pound  of 

nails  ia  paid  to  the  manufacturers?  j 

Again:  lend  is  protected  by  a  duly  of  four  cenls  j 

n  pound,  and  the  domeslic  or  rival  product  is  said  | 

10  equal   50,000,000  pounds   in    1845,    of  which  I 

'  10,188,002  pounds  were  exported,  being  valued  at  j 
$342,646,  or  three  cents  a  pound.     Mere  the  rival  i 
production  falls  below  the  duty,  and  the  producers 
of  lead  may  claim  a  discount  of  one  cent  on  the  ', 
pound  from  the  tax.  j 

Cotton  goods  are  raftked  among  the  protected  , 
articles,  and  come  in  for  their  sluuc  of  the  bounty 

I  paid  for  protection.     The  Sc^cretary  aniicipatcs  by 
1 1  a  reduction  of  the  duties  to  increase  the  ininortsof 

I  cottons  to  the  amount  of  ^5,000,000;  and  tlie  Sen- 
'i  ator  from  South  Carolina  [.Mr.  McDiffie]  ex-  > 
\\  pressed  his  belief  that  it  would  go  to  <J10,000,000.  ' 
!  The  average  duty,  as  nearly  as  I  remember  the  t 
li  estimates  of  the  Secretary,  amounts  to  not  less  , 
*   than  thirty-five  percent.     If  we  manufacture,  as 
1 1  wo  probably  do,  about  1(160,000,000  worth  in  a 
■]  year,  the  lax  for  this  prolecled  class  amounts  to 
!:  $19,000,000.     It  cannot  be  neces.sary  to  go  further 
Ij  in  Ihe  details  of  this  article.     All  the  eounlry  is 
!   well  acquainted  wilh  Ihe  fact  that  the  success  has 

I I  been  signal,  and  prices  have  been  reduced  far  be- 
J  yond  the  most  sanguine  calculations. 

I  It  is  enough  for  me  to  stale,  in  the  first  place, 
that  the  English  spinners  represented  two  years 

,  ago  to  Parliament,  in  order  to  obtain  a  repeal  of 
the  duty  on  cotton,  their  inabilily  to  send  plain 

!   goods  into  the  market  at  ns  cheap  a  rate  as  the  . 

i;  American  goods  were  offered;  and  Parliament  re-  j 
leased  a  duly  yielding  an  annual  revenue  of  three 

1|  millions  of  dollars  to  enable  them  to  sustain  the 

1   competition.     And,  in  the  second  place,  that  large 

t'  quantities  have  been  exported  for  a  succession  of  j 
years,  and  laid  down  in  foreign  markets  beside  j 
the  goods  of  England  and  all  other  places,  and  i 

ii  bought  in  preference.     We  sent  out  of  the  Uniied  , 
States,   in    1845,  cottons    valued  at    $4,327,928. 
Now,  Mr.  Presiilcnl,  the  slalement  of  the  .Secre-  , 
tary  of  the  Treasury  is,  "  if  the  import  is  enhanced 
in   price  by  ihe  duty,  so  must  be  the  domeslic 
rival."    I  lake  it  for  granted  that  '.lie  import  is 
believed  to  be  enhaired  in  value,  ns  the  bill  pro- 
|ioses  to  reduce  the  duty,  and  the  .Secretary  anti- 
cipates an  increased  import  in  conseiiuenceof  that 
step  of  cottons  to  the  value  of  $5,000,000.     If  ihe 
price  of  the  import  is  increased,  so  is  that  of  the 
domestic  rival — ihat  is  the  statenienl.     Whoever, 
therefore,  pays  the  current  price  of  the  domestic 
article,  must  share  the  burden  of  this  lux.     Now, 
sir,  I  beg  to  be  informed  whether  the  foreign  pur-  ■ 
chasers  of  ihese  exports  arc  laxcd  for  this  domes- 
tic rival.     Tlicy  get   their  goods   at  sulisfoctory 
pric( ».     They  take  them  in  preference  to  the  pro-  ; 
duels  of  other  ■■  'onlries,  bui  still  they  pay  some-  - 
iningmore  iliii<    "ur  own  ciiizens;  and  if  plunder 
is  extorted  fiL  h  ilie  one,  is  it  not  alike  exlorted 
from  the  other  ? 

Bui,  Mr.  President,  llie  annual  report  upon  com- 
merce and  navigalion  for  1845,  furnishes  a  lung 
list  of  exports,  consisting  not  only  of  cottons,  but 
of  many  other  prolecled  nrticlcj — boots  and  shoes, 
lials,  furnilnrc,  manufactures  of  iron,  itc,  valued 
at  $ll/i45,279.  The.^e  articles  were  laid  down  and 
sold  in  futvizn  fountries  open  to  the  trade  of  other 
nations.  WIkii  the  Secretary  can  eslablish  the 
fact  that  the  punhaseiH  arc  taxed,  because  the 
priie  of  these  articles  is  enhanced  by  the  duty 
levied  upon  similar  iioporla,  he  will  be  able  to 
prove  that  the  domestic  consumer  also  pays  a  tax, 
and  not  before. 

Mr.  Presidciii,  I  could  greatly  multiply  the  list 
of  domestic  iirodiicts  to  which  the  course  of  rea- 
soning which  I  have  adopted  is  applicable,  bui  I 
forbear — ns  ilic  articles  which  1  have  enumcrted 
explain  the  prticiiral  opeialion  of  protecting  our 
industry.    1  ought,  perhaps,  to  observe,  that  1 


have  selected  these  branches  of  business,  not  be- 
cause they  exhibit   more   favorable   rcsnils  than 
others,  but  becjiusc  they  are  familiar  to  the  public. 
The  SecreUiry  errs  in  overlooking  Ihe  fuel,  that 
competition  necessarily  tends  totted uce  prices;  and 
that  the  more  extensive  ihe  operations  of  bnsincas, 
the  greater  and  more  beneficial  the  results  to  the 
consumer.     It  may  be  assumed  as  a  fact,  estab- 
lished by  expcrienSe,  lhat  in  whatever  branch  of 
manufacturing  industry  we  produce  extensively, 
Ihe  price  in  ihe  foreign  market  is  reduced.     In 
other  words,  those  who  send  their  goods  into  the 
'  United  States,  ure  constrained  lo  lake  upon  thcm- 
I  selves  a  portion  or  all  the  burden  of  llio  duty  ttc- 
j  cording  to  the  sirenglh  and  success  of  the  compo- 
i  tition  against  them.     This  is  signally  true  in  re- 
j  gard  to  cottons,  woollens,  iron,  and  a  mullitudo 
of  articles   which    we   produce.      This   explains 
Ihe  reason  why   prices  go  down,  and  are  kept 
down,  in  foreign  markets.     It  also  explains  tho 
reu.sons  why  foreigners  complain  of  the  larilF,  and 
seek  its  overthrow.     They  know  and  appreciate 
tho  advanlages  which  will  result  from  being  re- 
leased from  this  coirtpeliiion. 

Mr.  President,  we  neither  ask  nor  seek  any- 
thing beyond  a  fair  impartial  consideration  of  this 
subject.  Wo  desire  that  experiertce  may  have  its 
due  and  just  weightjn  settling  great  questions,  and 
we  insist  that  great  and  important  facts  shall  not 
be  left  out  of  sight  and  out  of  mind. 

We  insist,  also,  that  in  reasoning  upon  this  sub- 
ject, it  is  neither  fair  nor  jiist  to  assume  lhat  taxes 
levied  for  revenue  are  taxes  impo.ied  for  the  bene- 
1  fit  of  the  industrial  classes.  Let  the  fact  stand  as 
I  it  is,  the  Government  needs  inoney ,  and  must  have 
I  it,  and  taxes  are  imposed  lo  supply  this  necessity, 
!  and  for  no  other  reason.  They  are  not  levied  for 
'  the  benefit  of  any  class;  all  we  contend  for  is  a 
j  discrimination  in  favor  of  labor,  when  the  levy  is 
made:  and  this  we  hold  to  be  both  just  and  rea- 
I  sonable. 

I  These  are  the  grounds  on  which  we  stand.  It 
is  the  basis  of  the  act  of  1789,  and  we  sliail  main- 
tain it. 

But,  sir,  1  anticipate  the  reply  to  all  this.  I 
shall  be  charged  wilh  proving  too  much.  It  will 
be  said,  if  the  conclusions  which  I  have  reached 
arc  just,  there  can  be  no  need  of  protective  duties. 
But,  in  my  judgment,  no  such  inference  is  fairly 
deducible  from  the  premises. 

Every  nation,  which  seeks  to  promote  and  en- 
courage its  industry,  examines  into  the  condition 
ill  which  it  is  placed,  considers  Ihe  cmbarrass- 
menls  wilh  which  it  has  to  contend,  and  provides 
ineasurap  accordingly.  What  may  be  a  wise  policy 
for  one  people  may  be  unwise  for  another.  The 
object  lo  be  attained  is  a  continued  prosperity,  and 
the  means  which  may  be  \v<^  adapted  lo  the  end 
in  one  case,  may,  if  applied  lo  luiother,  wholly 
fail.  Labor  is  the  greatest  and  most  efficient  of  all 
capital,  and  its  protection  and  encouragement  a 
high  and  imperative  public  duty. 

Ill  every  propo.sed  change  of  a  rcveime  system 
which  afl'ecis  industry,  these  matters  are  or  should 
be  considered.  A  jicople  who  are  beginning  lo 
manufacture,  or  are  eiilering  upon  new  employ- 
ments, are  destitute  of  the  skill  and  experience 
acquired  by  those  who  have  been  trained  to  them; 
and  for  that  reason,  if  no  oilier,  cannot  sustain  a 
conlc?!l  without  assistance  of  some  kind. 

England  has  hitherto  entrenched  her  labor  be- 
hind protective  duties — thus  making  her  revenue 
system  subservient  to  other  interests-,  but  she  has 
by  this  lime  jirobubly  modified  her  laws,  and  en- 
tered upon  a  dilfcrent  policy.  When  the  speech 
of  Ihe  Premier  reached  Ibis  country,  I  rtad  it  wilh 
care,  lo  satisfy  myself  of  the  grounds  of  this 
change,  believing  lhat  none  would  be  made  unless 
Parliament  was  convinced  that  the  industry  of  Ihe 
country  would  be  placed  on  a  firmer  footing  by  it; 
for,  whatever  may  be  Ihe  purpose  of  adopting  free 
trade  here,  I  felt  .sure  it  would  find  no  countenance 
in  England,  if  Ihe^rcal  manufacturing  interests 
were  placed  in  peril  by  it.  Mr.  President,  Sir 
Robert  Peel  is  clear  and  distinct  on  this  point. 
His  conclusions  are,  that  the  English  artisans  and 
capitalists  will  retain  the  home  market  against  the 
world;  and,  if  other  eounlries  will  adopt  her  ex- 
ample, Ihe  trade  of  England  will  be  extended,  and 
she  will  find  a  new  vent  for  her  productions  in  the 
competition  with  others  for  their  markets. 
The  basis  on  whicli  lie  rests  these  opinions  is 


i*:f^'' 


li 


1114 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  16  k  17, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


TTie  Tariff— Mr.  Davis. 


Senate. 


Btiperjor  akill  and  capitnl.  In  Ihean  ho  believes 
'KnglAnd  linii  no  rival  that  can  maintnin  n  auccesa- 
Ail  cnmpeiilinn.  She  can,  he  aaya,  beat  nil  nthors. 
"  Beat"  18  the  word  employed  to  expreaa  ^^is  aijj- 
nificant  meaning.  •Well  may  she  throw  down  the 
barrier,  if  this  be  true,  for  it  haa  c^naeil  to  be  of 
any  importance.  Well  may  alie  open  her  porta, 
when  none  r«n  enter  them.  The  akill  and  capital, 
in  her  opinion,  makes  her  condition  as  aecurc  as 
any  tariff  of  duties.  But  if  her  condition  was 
dili'erenl,  if  her  skill  and  capital  were  infrrior  to 
that  of  her  neighbors,  if  the  clmnffe  of  policy  let 
them  into  her  market  with  the  aliility  iiiid  means 
to  tiike  it  from  her  citizens,  what  wniild  he  'eer  de- 
cision? Does  any  one  believe  that  the  change  \ 
could  be  effected?  Does  any  one  believe  that  a 
voicji  would  be  raised  in  favor  of  it  ?  The  Minis- 
ter haa  not  ventured  to  place  the  question  on  any 
such  ground,  but  is  the  advocate  of  free  trade  just 
to  the  extent  that  he  believes  the  English  can 
irhimph  over  others. 

It  is  said  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  that  being  \i 
asked  if  he  would  give  counteiian'-e  to  a  system  of  i 
free  trade,  he  replied:  "We  nri  tifly  years  behind  |' 
England.    Give  me  herakill  and  experience — place 
me  upon  an  "jual  fooling — and  I  will  try  the  ex- 1! 
periment."    This,  Mr.  President,  embraces   the    ! 
whole  argument;  and,  air,  can  it  be  denied  that  to 
enter  upon  u  competition  which  must  end  in  de- 
pressing or  ruining  the  industrial  classes,  is  proof 
not  only  of  folly,  but  of  blind  infatuation;  and  is  it  |! 
not  equally  unwise  to  expose  them  to  unnecessary  !! 
jieril?  r 

But  the  same  prudence  and  caution  which  in-! 
fluences  Sir  Robert  Peel  guides  the  co  i  cils  of.. 
other  nations,  who  are  possessed  of  great  expcri-  |; 
ence  and  skill.  The  continental  Powers  walch  ,| 
over  their  industry,  aiul  adhere  to  the  policy  of ; ! 
protecting  it.  And  why  ?  Becnuse  they  are  of  \ 
opinion  that  the  trial  may  be  injurious,  and  that' 
tliere  is  no  adequate  moiive  for  entering  into  a.' 
contest  for  their  own  markets. 

Russia,  some  twenty  years  ago,  ventured  upon  '; 
the  experiment,  and  was  overwhelmed  with  defeat. 
Her  works  and  her  industrial  classes  were  pms-  ; 
trated,  and  she  was  compelled  to  resort  lo  proteo-  |; 
tion  to  restore  the  empire  to  its  accustomed  pros-  |i 
perity. 

If  these  nations,  where  labor  is  very  cheap,  and  ' 
where  production  in  many  thinjs  will  stand  any 
competition,  cannot  safrly  expose  their  markets  to   i 
the  unlimiteil  action  of  English  trade,  pressed  upon 
lliem  to  cripple  them  down,  is  it  siafe  for  us,  Mho  I 
have  experience  in  some  thinis  and  arc  noviciates 
in  many,  to  risk  such  a  conlcsl  >     No  onrA-nn  be 
ignorant  of  the  fact  that,  aside  from  nil  combined 
plans  til  press  upon  llie  market  and   embnrinss 
our  industry,  commercial  crises  arise  w lien  trreat 
sacrifices  are  made  upon  joods;  and  what  good  rea-   i 
son  can  be  assigned  for  invitim;  such  sacrifices  to 
be  made  in  our  market,  when  they  cannot  fail  to  ! 
embarrass  and  bankrupt  our  citizens?  1 

Without  multiplying  or  dwelllnj  upon  these  .: 
considerations,  it  is  obvious  to  me  that  the  dntv  is 
necessary  to  protect  the  weak  and  the  sironjairainst  '• 
such  inundations  of  tjnods.  It  is  needed  constantly,  i 
not  only  lo  protect  the  spread  and  enlargement  of  '■ 
business  into  new  branches,  as  from  coar.se  to  fine  i 
goods;  and  it  is  needed  to  sustain  and  encourage  ! 
those  who  have  entered  upon  untried  paths,  and  i 
are  explorina  their  way  as  new  beginners.  ! 

If  our  skill  and  experience  in  many  important  ' 
bi-anches  have  gone  forw.ird  with  success  until  we  ji 
have  become  exporters,  still  it  would  be  folly  to  'j 
throw  ourselves  into  nn  unnecessnry  competition  j 
to  try  our  strength  njainst  the  greatest  skill  and  cap-  ! 
ital  in  Christendom.  But  is  it  not  a  snftlcicru  rca-  :| 
son  for  retaining  the  duty  that  it  d«es  no  harm  lo  i 
let  it  stand  .'  No  one  can  be  injured  by  that  course,  i 
while  inconvenienc*,  if  not  injury,  may  ensue  from  ' 
the  opposite  policy.  We  need  the  ic> roue  which 
arises  from  the  impost,  and  it  would  be  but  an  in-  '. 
considerate  experinent  to  take  away  the  duly  lo  ' 
make  trial  of  the  slrenglli  and  powers  of  the  laborer  I 
of  the  country.  ! 

lint  the  Secretary,  in  commending  his  system  to  ! 
our  consideration  remarks,  "  it  is  generally  con- ' 
ceded  that  reciprocal  free  trade  among  nations  ' 
would  liesl  advance  the  interest  of  all."  Perhaps  -. 
it  would;  hut  what  is  a  reciprocal  trade  ?  Opening  j 
port"!  tor  unrestmincd  ingress  and  egress  may  con-  I 
stitute  a  free  trade,  if  it  cunsists  in  an  extsmption  i 


from  taxes;  but  ia  such  a  Inido  reciprocal?    That 
depends  on  other  facts.     The  parties  must  bo  so 
situated  as  to  derive  from  it  mutual  advantages, 
ond  there  must  be  something  like  an  equality  of 
circumstances.    There  can  ho  no  reciprocity  where 
tho  advantages  are  all,  or  chiefly,  on  one  aide. 
There  was  none  between  the  colony  of  Massnchii- 
selts  and  the  mother  counlry,  for  Massnchusells 
had  no  commodity  to  exchange  for  the  merchan- 
dise of  England,  ihc  market  being  too  distant  to 
justify  the  transportation  of  her  products.     So,  if 
the  profits  of  tho  trade  are  left  in  the  hands  of  one 
of  the  parties,  there  ia  no  nuituidity  in  the  arrange- 
ment.    T!io  Secretary  tells  us  in  nia  report,  "at 
'  present  price-  ci'r  cotton  crop  will  yield  nn  annu- 
'  al  product  ot  |li79.n(l(),000,  and  the  manufactured 
<  fabric  ^,504,000,0(10,  furnishing  profits  abroiul  to 
'  thousands  of  rnpitnlisls,  and  wa;;es  to  hundreds 
'  of  thousands  of  ihc  working  classes."    That  ia, 
American  labor  and  capitnl  is  lo  enjoy  in  tho  pro- 
cess 72  parts,  while  foreign  capital  and  labor  is  to 
have  504  parts.     This  is  the.  reciprocity  which  the 
Secretary  aspires  to — foreigners  are  to  divide  with  j 
the  planters  and  take  ten  dollars  to  one.     Now,  ' 
sir,  IS  it  not  heller  policy,  not  only  to  raise  the 
cotton,  but  to  bestow  upon  it  as  much  labor  as  we 
profilaldy  can,  and  retain  in  the  country  as  Inrire  n  ij 
jiortion  as  possible  of  the  .')04,000,000,  to  add  to  |j 
the  wealth  and  comfort  of  our  own  citizens,  in-  J 
stead  of  throwing  nine-tenlhs  of  it  into  fiu'cign  [[ 
hands?     It  should  be  a  general  principle  with  ns  ; 
to  make  whatever  is  exported  as  valuable  by  our 
labor  as  good  economy  ran  justify.  i 

But  is  it  not  apparent  lliat  our  farmers,  who 
under  this  new  arrangement  are  to  find  in  Europe 
a  market  for  their  surplus  produce,  are  placed  upon  i 
a  most  unequal  footing?    Their  products  are  bulky,  ' 
and  beingcomparatively  of  little  value,  arc  charged 
with  an  onerous  freight.     There  is  little  liinVrcnce  ' 
between  the  expense  of  trinsportinir  a  ton  of  flour 
or  provisions,  and  n  Ion  of  silks.     And  how  does   ' 
the  value  compare  ?     A  Ion  of  flour  may  be  worth 
fifty  dollars,  while  the  purchaser  of  fifty  dollars' 
worth  of  goods  may  often  put  them  in  his  pocket,  ii 
I   leave,  Mr.  President,  every  one  to  estimate  for 
himself  Ihc  difiV'rencc  in  the  expense  of  transport-  ' 
ing  the  products  of  the  different  kinds  of  labor;  but  : 
it  is  manifest  that  any  given  nmnnnt  of  farming 
labor  pays  a  notch   girater   freight   than  a  like 
amount  in  value  nf  the  labor  of  manufacturers,  and 
the  greater  the  distance,  the  greater  this  inequality 
becomes.     It  falls,  loo,  u]ioii  the  product  trans- 
ported, and   impairs  the  profit.     Tlence,  a  long 
transportation  of  heavy  cheap  articles  generally 
proves  an  insuperable  obstacle.     Is  not  this  veri- 
fied by  results?     Is  it  not  now  obvious  that  this 
system,  so  earnestly  recommended,   has  kept  the 
colonies  of  England  poor,  and  made  her  rich? 

The  circumstances  which  surround  a  trade  in 
Tffricultunil  prpducts,  are  so  different  from  those 
which  surround  miinurnctiired  articles,  and  the 
expenses  of  transportation  bear  with  so  much 
greater  proportionate  weight,  that  it  creates  a  irreat 
inequ.alityin  the  trade  which  may,  and  often  does, 
increase,  until  it  amounts  lo  ftn  effectual  prohilri- 
tion.  Rut,  Mr.  President,  I  have  no  time  to  di.s- 
ciiKS  this  topic,  and  with  tbe.'!e  suggestions  will 
dismiss  it,  feeling  assured  thot  the  people  of  this 
country  will  soon  lenrn  that  free  trade  may  beany- 
thing  but  a  trade  of  reciprocal  advantages.  I  am 
sure,  also,  that  they  will  soon  lenrn  that  ifi»hey 
undertake  to  force  produce  into  Europe,  and  re- 
ceive goods  in  payment,  ilieir  share  of  the  profits 
will  eventually  make  them  as  poor  as  the  people 
oflrelainl. 

-Mr.  President,  I  have  spoken  of  some  of  the  ! 
leading  characteristics  of  the  proposed  bill,  and 
have  frequently  adverted  to  the  positions  assumed 
by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  as  the  vindica- 
tion of  the  measure  rests  upon  his  report;  but  I 
entertain  for  that  officer  no  unkind  feelings,  and 
have  nn  purpose  in  examining  this  report  beyond 
testing  its  sonndness  by  fair  arjrumenl. 

ll  cannot  be  denied   that  nil  Ihc  revenue  which 
can  be  raised  under  the  present  law  is  indispensa- 
ble to  sustain  the  credit  of  the  Government.     A  ! 
reduction  of  duties  cannot,  therefore,  bejnstified, 
becau.se  we  have  n  surplus  of  revenue,  or  more 
tliHi)  is  necesstiry.     The  object  in  view  cannot  be 
disguised,  if  there  were  a  disposition  to  do  it.     It  '■ 
is  lo  change  the  policy  of  the  country — lo  try  nn  ■ 
experiment  upon  its  industry — lo  diminish  duties  I 


that  an  increase  of  imports  may  ftillow,  wlialevcr 
may  be  Ihe  hazard  of  crippling  down  our  nie. 
ehiinics  and  artisans,  or  of  deranging  huHiness. 
Tho  tendency  of  tho  mensurn  is  lo  embarrass  Inlinr 
and  diminish  produclion — lo  introduce  foreign  pro- 
ducts  in  Ihc  place  of  our  own;  and  I  look  upon  it 
as  most  grievously  injurious,  I  had  intended  to 
examine  its  parts  in  deUiil,  and  lo  point  out  the 
many  startling  provisions  wliieli  cnnnM  full  to  in- 
volve branches  of  industry  in  great  peril.  What 
possible  occasion  is  there  to  resort  lo  raw  material 
for  taxation  ?  Why  is  the  (axing  power  employed 
lo  injure  instead  of  increasing  labor?  Is  it  thn 
purfKise  to  make  a  hill  containing  the  most  unfa- 
vorable provisions  in  regard  to  American  interests  ? 
Is  it  the  purpose  to  imploy  legislative  discriniina- 
lion  lo  do  mischief?  To  put  down  our  own  inter- 
ests? To  assist  foreign  labor  and  prejudice  our 
own  ?  I  hope  not,  sir;  but  such  is  the  effect  of 
many  of  the  provisiona  of  (ho  act  which  I  have  not 
time  (o  specify.  I  must,  however,  bo  nlloweil  to 
notice  some  of  the  items,  which  will  serve  to  illiis- 
tralo  its  clnimcter.  Under  Ihe  net  of  1843,  wool 
costing  not  exceeding  seven  cents  a  pound,  may 
be  imported  by  paying  a  duty  of  5  per  cent.  Un- 
der this,  and  previous  provisions  of  n  like  eharai:- 
ter,  an  extensive  mnnufuctnring  of  carpets,  hock- 
ing, baizes,  bhnkets,  Ac.,  has  sprung  up,  which 
required  in  1845  nn  importation  of  twenly-thice 
millions  of  pounds  of  this  cheap  wool.  This  bill 
imposes  a  duty  of  30  percent,  on  all  wool,  making 

0  difference  ngnin.sl  the  manufacturers  of  35  per 
cent,  on  Ihe  material,  while  the  duly  on  carpets 
has  been  reduced  lo  ,10  per  cent.,  and  on  blankets 
to 20  per  rent.;  and  this  is  done  with  a  full  knowl- 
edge that  this  kind  of  wool  is  imported  into  Eng- 
land free. 

Now,  sir,  the  question  arises,  whether  these 
manufactures  can  succeed  against  the  obstacles 
thrown  in  their  way?  If  they  should  not  he  able 
to  maintnin  themselves,  who  will  reap  benefit  from 
the  sacrifice  ?  Not  the  wo(d  growers  of  the  United 
States.  If  the  duty  is  rui.seil  for  their  benefit,  it  ia 
delusive,  unless  the  duty  on  goods  is  high  enough 
to  enable  the  mnnunicturcrs  to  pursue  their  busi- 
ness with  American  wool.  If  il  fails  of  this,  the 
business  will  be  transferred  to  England.  Is  it  any 
pmt  of  the  design  lo  cut  down  these  estnblishinent.s  ? 
If  not,  why  is  the  duty  nn  the  goods  reduced,  niul 
thai  upon  the  raw  nnucrial  raised  ?  I.'!  il  the  pur- 
pose to  protect  the  farmer?  If  so,  why  put  into 
jeopardy  those  alone  who  can  make  the  protection 
iisctnl  ?  Why  cut  down  the  pmicction  lo  tho 
mantifaclurer,  and  make  his  position  doubtful?  I 
make  no  objection  to  any  actual  encouragement 
to  the  growers  of  wool,  lull  they  cannot  be  bene- 
fited by  encouragement  w  hich  throws  the  business 
into  England. 

Copper  Imported  is  subject  to  n  duly  of  five 

per  cent.,  while  .sheathing  is  admitted  free.     Is  it 

the  design  lo  embarrass  the  manufnclure?     Paint- 

,  ings  and  slalunry,  if  Imported  as  objects  of  laste, 

j  are  free.     The  rich  may  fill  their  houses  with  these 

embellishments,  but  it  seems  as  If  ihere  was  u 

studied  purpose  to  tax  the  raw  material  In  a  mnl- 

liiudc  of  pursuits,  which  cannot  fail  to  be  prejudl- 

'  cial  to  a  great  class  of  mechanics  and  manufuclu- 

rers,  and  eventually  to  the  country. 

1  At  the  same  time,  while  revenue  is  carefully 
'■  imposed  upon  such  ol)jecls,it  is  taken  from  others 

to  weaken  the  protcciion.  What  advantage,  for 
example,  does  the  Government  propose  to  it.self 
by  reducing  from  50  lo  30  per  cent,  the  duty  on 
ready-made  clothing?  Is  il  lo  try  the  experiincm, 
lo  see  whether  the  wages  of  a  large  class  of  poor 
industricnis  females  will  bear  reiluclion,  and  still 
keep  them  from  starving  ?  Why  is  the  same  policy 
practised  upon  llic  .shocmakei-s?  The  revenue  is 
needed.  You  arc  now  borrowing  money,  and  yet 
you  reduce  these  duties.  I  can  see  no  object  in 
view,  unless  it  is  intended  to  experiment  in  all 
such  cases  upon  the  wages  of  labor,  to  see  whether 
the  laborer  can  live  upon  less,  or  be  driven  from 
his  business,  and  imports  substituted  for  his  pro- 
dnclions.  I  cannot  help  feeling,  when  I  rtin  my 
eye  over  these,  and  numerous  similar  provisions, 
that  this  bill  is  throughout  hostile  to  the  best  in- 
terests of  labor,  and  intended  to  dishearten  and 
break  It  down. 

But,  Mr.  President,  I  must  leave  to  othcis  the 

examination  of  these  details,  and  1  hope  it  will  be 

I  Bcarcliingly  done.    I  have  engaged  the  attention 


1846.1 ^ 

29th  Cono 

of  the  Senate  mm 
like  olher»,in  di 
jecl,  which  cover 
ment,  1  am  at  ft 
pass  unnoticed, 
justice  to  all  inie 
fore,  content  in 
against  this  bill 
law.    Anil, 

I  do  protest  a 
a.  secondary  obj 
quire  that  it  sho 
iay  bo  mainuii 
be  avoided; 

Rccnuae  the  c 
introduced  will 
country,  wBBUn 
ing  enterprise, 
prosperity ; 

Becnuse  ft  p« 

increase  of  im) 

productions,  d 

specie  from  th 

Because  its  I 

the  nllcrnativc 

working  for 

means,  that  tV 

be  transfcrreil 

Because  it  i 

Atlantic  as  an 

to  cherish  am 

flee  of  our  o\\ 

Because  th 

our  employn 

thus  overloat 

of  business  r 

of  capital   al 

lieved,  unles 

plqyinenla; 

Because  it 

that  be  will 

prices  for  al 

there  is  no 

such  result; 

Because  i 

to  regulate  I 

to  transfer  i 

to  one  inter 

sacrifice  of 

Because, 

diminish  tl 

as  well  as 

twofold  pr 

condition. 

Mr.  Da' 

to  read  sot 

the  moral 

of  laborer! 

peo|ile  of 

the  frigbtl 

fering  wb 

which  are 

togelher. 

of^hc  apl 

sulijected 

but  ho  m 

leave  it  f< 

this  bill  1 

reclion— 

fying  inf 

ilischaru 

Goveinr 

Becaii 

that  it 

inous. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1115 


S9th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


77le  Mexican  War— Mr.  C.  B.  Smith. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 

_  .J _.  -.-_ 


of  the  Hennte  much  longer  than  I  antiftipaled;  but, 
like  otheri,  in  iliacuaaini;  this  comprehensive  sub- 
ject, which  covers  the  whole  policy  of  the  Qovern- 
ment,  1  um  at  a  loss  what  to  select  and  what  to 
pass  unnoticeil.  It  is  in  vain  to  attempt  to  do 
justice  to  all  interests  in  n  speech.  I  shall,  there- 
fore, content  myself  with  entering  mv  protest 
against  this  bill,  which  is  probably  to  uetome  a 
law.     Anii, 

I  do  protest  against  it,  because  revenue  is  made 
a  secondary  olijuct,  when  the  public  exigencies  re- 
quire that  it  should  be  the  first,  that  public  credit 
may  be  maintained,  and  an  accumulation  of  debt 
be  avoided; 

Because  the  change  of  policy  proposed  cannot  be 
introduced  without  deranging  tllo  business  of  the 
country,  wasting  the  property  ofindividuitls,  check- 
ing enterprise,  and  unnecessarily  impairing  public 
prosperity  j 

Because  a  principal  object  is  to  encourage  a  large 
increase  of  imports,  which  will  displace  our  own 
productions,  diminish  our  business,  and  drain  the 
specie  from  the  country; 

Because  its  tendency  is  to  force  the  laborer  upon 
the  alternative  of  aliivadoning  his  employments  or 
working  for  less  wages,  and  living  upon  less 
means,  that  the  advantages  which  he  enjoys  may 
be  transferred  to  foreigners; 

Because  it  is  welcomed  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Atlantic  as  anti-Amnrican  in  its  spirit,  and  adapted 
to  cherish  and  promote  interests  there  to  the  sacri- 
fice of  our  owii; 


ico,  a  studied  effort  has  been  made  by  the  majority  |' 
in  this  House  to  prevent  any  discussion  of  the, 
causes  which  have  induced  it.  Every  eHort  which  I 
has  been  made  to  give  to  the  country  correct  in- 1 
formation  in  regard  to  the  cause  of  the  war,  has  ! 
been  met  by  violent  denunciation  from  the  other 
side  of  the  House.  To  doubt  the  justice  of  the  i 
war,  or  to  question  the  conduct  of  the  President,  | 
is  denounced  as  treason  to  the  country.  The  pa- 
triotism of  members  of  this  House  in  measured  by  l 
the  zeal  and  vehemence  with  which  they  support 
the  acts  of  the  Executive;  and  he  who  doubts  or  ' 
questions  the  propriety  of  his  conduct  is  assailed  | 
ns  an  enemy  of  the  country.  This  course,  if  suc- 
cessful, might  accomplish  the  object  which  the  I 
friends  of  the  Administration  desire.  If  the  rep- 1 
resentatives  of  the  people  can  bo  awed  by  menace  I 
and  denunciation  into  a  tacit  acquiescence  and  sup- ! 
port  of  nil  the  opinions  and  recommendations  of  the  | 
President,  his  conduct  may  escape  censure,  and  j 
the  people  may  be  kept  in  ignorance  of  his  flagrant  j 
abuse  of  the  power  which  they  have  confided  to  j 
him. 

I  shall  avail  myself,  Mr.  Chairman,  of  this  op- 
portunity of  expressing  my  opinions  of  the  Mexi-  j 
can  war,  and  the  manner  in  which  it  was  com- 1 
menced.  My  consiituenls  desire  information  in  i 
relation  to  this  interesting  subject.  They  desire 
to  know  how  and  for  what  purpose  this  war  wns  , 
commenced.  They  wish  to  be  informed  of  the  ' 
objects  which  are  to  be  attained  by  its  prosecu-  | 
tion.     They  wish  to  learn  what  advanloge  is  to 


Because  the  avowed  object  is  to  turn  us  from  !|  result  to  the  country,  as  a  return  fnr  the  vast  ex 
our  employmenls  into  planters  and  farmers,  and  |i  pense  of  blood  and  treasure  at  which  the  war  is 


thus  overload,  with  increased  production,  branches 
of  business  now  greatly  depressed  by  an  excess 
of  capital  and  labor,  and  incapable  of  being  re- 
lieved, unless  by  a  diversion  of  both  to  other  em- 
ployments; 

Because  it  holds  out  to  the  farmer  delusive  hones 
that  he  will  find  a  market  at  fair  remunerating 
prices  for  all  his  surplus  products  in  Europe,  when 
there  is  no  rational  prospect  of  his  realizing  any 
such  result; 

Because  it  aims,  by  a  systematic  arrangement, 
to  regulate  foreign  commerce  in  such  x  manner  ns 
to  transfer  all  udvantuges  derived  from  that  source 
to  one  interest,  to  strengthen  and  build  it  up  at  the 
sacrifice  of  others; 

liecaUH",  if  it  reduces  the  wages  of  labor,  it  will 
diminish  the  means  of  moral  and  menl.il  I'ultnre, 
as  well  as  impair  physical  comfort;  and,  ly  this 
twofold  process,  degrade  instead  of  ele' uing  our 
cundiiinn. 

Mr.  Davis  here  remarked  that  he  had  intended 
to  read  some  passages  from  an  official  report  upon 
the  moral  and  physical  condition  of  certain  classes 
of  laborers  in  England,  and  to  make  known  to  the 
people  of  this  count'-y,  from  this  authentic  source, 
the  frightful  state  of  degraded  ignorance  and  suf- 
fering which  is  produced  by  low  wages — wages 
whicli  are  scarcely  adequate  to  hold  soul  and  body 
together.  Thi.1  book  furni.shed  the  fullest  evidence 
of  the  appalling  sacrifii'cs  to  which  the  laborer  was 
subjected  in  the  competition  to  make  cheap  goods, 
but  he  must  forbear  entering  upon  the  subject,  and 
leave  it  for  others;  but,  he  added,  I  protest  against 
this  bill  because  its  tendencies  arc  in  the  same  di- 
rection— depressing  instead  of  elevating — liisqunli- 
fying  instead  of  preparing  men  to  live  under,  and 
discharge  the  duties  which  citizens  owe  to,  a  free 
Government;  and,  finally, 

Because  it  is  unjust,  unequal,  and,  to  the  extent 
that  it  shall  accomplish  the  objects  in  view,  ru- 
inous. 


THE  MEXICAN  WAR. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  C.  B.  SMITH, 

OF  INDIANA, 

In  thb  House  of  Repkesentativeb, 

July  16,  1846 


prosecuted.     So  far  as  it  is  in  my  power,  I  intend 
to  give  them  this  information,  even  though  I  do  it 

j  at  the  hazard  of  incurring  n  portion  of  that  vilu-  | 
peration  which  has  been  so  liberally  heaped  upon  [ 

I  others.  | 

1  recognise,  in  its  full  force,  the  obligation  which 

fmtriotism  imposes  upon  every  citizen  to  defend 
lis  country.     Whei.  a  foreign  foe  shall  invade  our 
i  soil,  it  will  be  the  duty  of  every  citizen  to  rush  to 
j  the  rescue,  without  stopping  to  inquire  into  the 
I  Justice  of  the  invasion.     But,  sir,  this  is  not  our 
j  condition  now.     No  foreign  armies  are  seen  upon 
I  our  soil.     No  hostile  fleets  are  hovering  upon  our 
coasts.     Within  our  borders  all  is  peace  and  tran- 
quillity.    And  yet,  sir,'wB  are  engaied  in  war;  but  ! 
I  it  is  a  war  of  invasion,  and  not  of  defence.     The 
'  armies  of  the  United  States  are  at  this  time  dis- 
:  phiying  the  stars  and  stripes  in  a  foreign  land. 
!       And  what,  too,  is  most  rcmarknl)lr,  is  the  fact 
'  that  this  invasion  of  a  sister  rcpnlilic  has  been 
I  made  liy  the  President  upon  his  own  responsibil- 
1  ity.  without  the  consent  or  sanction  of  Congress,  ' 
and  without  the  knowledge  of  the  people.     If  the 
President  in*violnlion  of  the  Constitution  makes 
j  war  upon  a  foreign  hountry,  does  patriotism  re- 
:  quire  that  the  people  or  their  representatives  shall 
I  withhold   any  expression  of  censure  or  rebuke, 
I  until  he  may  see  proper  to  bring  the  wnr  to  a  close .'  J 
I  I  think  not,  sir.     The  President  is  not  the  country,  i 
I  There  is  a  vast  distinction  between  the  country 
j  and  those  who  are  intrusted  with  the  administra-  ' 
'  tion  of  the  Government.     Patriotism  requires  us 
to  cherish  and  defend  our  country,  while  at  the 
same  time  it  imposes  upon  us  the  duly  of  exposing 
and  denouncing  the  wickedness  of  her  rulers.  j 

;  The  highest  duty  of  a  representative  is  to  ex-  , 
:  pose  and  resist  the  encroachments  of  power;  and  i 
:  he  who  shrinks  from  ihe  discharge  of  that  duty  is 
[  recreant  to  his  high  trust,  and  unfit  to  be  the  rep- 
■  rcsentative  of  a  f^ice  people.  The  patriotism  of 
:  those  who  fearlessly  discharge  this  duty  is  more  to 
be  relied  upon  than  that  of  the  cringing,  fawning 
sycophants  of  power,  who  can  see  no  wrong  in 
:  anytning  which  is  done  by  an  Executive  who  has 
'  patronoge  to  dispense.  •  i 

j      The  power  and  influence  of  the  Executive  de- 
I  parlment    of    the  Government    has   become   tlie 
r  greatest  evil  in  our  political  system.     He  who  has  | 
not  witnessed  the  rapid  and  alarming  increase  of 


mi     Ti-ii  _  ]■  •.•<•.!.  .    ,  !i  the  influence  of  that  department  in  the  last  sixteen 

^^^  ,^''   "'"'"""."'^["•"'•""""r''  ^"l*^^,  support  of  i  „,„,,  have  been  an  inattentive  observer  of 


volunteers  and  others,  employed  in  the  war  with  , 
Mexico,  being  under  consideration —  \ 

Mr.  CALEB  B.  SMITH  addressed  the  com- 1 
mitlee  as  follows:  j 

Mr.  Ciiamiman:  Ever  since  the  commencement 
of  the  unfortunate,  and,  in  my  opinion,  unjustifi- 
oble  war  in  which  we  are  now  engaged  with  Mex- 


years,  must  have  been  an  inattentive  observer  of 
passing  events.  The  independence  of  the  legisla- 
tive department  is  alrendy  destroyed  bv  its  blind 
and  implicit  devotion  to  the  will  of  the  Executive. 
The  doctrine  is  boldly  advanced,  that  the  j)eoplc, 
by  electing  a  President,  have  decided  in  favor  of 
all  his  opinions,  and  Congress  is  therefore  bound 
to  carry  out  all  the  measures  which  he  recom- 


mends. But  we  have  witnessed  during  Ihe  present 
session  of  Congress  n  View  expedient  resorted  to 
for  the  purpose  of  procuring  the  legislative  sanc- 
tion to  an  executive  measure,  JVhen  the  Execu- 
tive recommendations  in  the  nHiial  message,  and 
the  long,  dull,  prosy  lectures  in  the  columns  of  the 
"Organ,"  pieemed  scarcely  sulficient  to  carry 
through  the  House  n  favorite  Executive  measure — 
when,  after  a  protracted  striiirgle,  the  friends  and 
the  opponents  of  the  measure  appeared  to  be  in  a 
stale  of  equipoise — we  have  seen  the  members  of 
the  President's  Cabinet  mingling  with  the  mem- 
bers of  the  House  upon  this  floor,  and  exerting 
their  influence  to  carry  the  doubtful  measure.  If 
no  legislation  is  to  bo  adopted  except  such  as  ac- 
cords with  the  views  of  the  President,  we  might  as 
well  dispense  with  Congress,  ond  surrender  at 
once  the  whole  powers  of  the  Government  into  the 
hands  of  the  Executive, 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  without  consuming  further 
time  by  enlarging  upon  this  subject,  I  wish  to  ex- 
amine the  question  of  the  Mexican  war,  and  the 
causes  which  have  led  to  it;  and  1  shall  endeavor 
to  do  it  fairly  and  candidly. 

The  President  in  his  war  message,  communica- 
ted to  Congress  on  the  IStli  of  May,  has  attem[)led 
to  explain  the  causes  which  produced  the  war, 
an)l  to  furnish  a  justification  for  his  own  conduct. 
The  causes  assigned  by  the  President  in  this  mes- 
sage are  three,  and  1  propose  to  notice  them  in  the 
onler  in  which  they  are  set  out.  The  first  is  a  re- 
cital of  the  wrongs  and  injuries  committed  by  the 
Mexican  Government  upon  the  persons  and  [iro- 
perty  of  cili/.iiis  of  the  United  Stales,  which  are 
depicted  in  L'Iciwing  terms,  apparently  with  a  view 
of  exciting  I'celings  of  hostility  against  Mexico, 

It  is  true,  sir,  tlint  injuries  to  a  considerable  ex- 
tent have  been  committed  by  Mexico  upon  citizens 
of  the  United  States,  which  remain  unatoncd  for. 
But  I  deny  that  those  injuries  have  produced  this 
wnr.  And  I  deny  inost  emphatically  that  Micro  is 
anything  in  the  relations  of  the  two  countries, 
growing  out  of  these  injuries,  which  would  justify 
n  declaration  of  war.  It  has  not  been  contendeif, 
and  will  not  be  contended  by  any  friend  of  the  Ad- 
ministration here,  that  war  would  be  justifiable 
upon  this  ground. 

Let  us  for  a  few  moments  examine  the  history 
of  ihesc  claims,  and  the  negotiations  which  have 
taken  place  in  relation  to  them.  On  the  11th 
April,  1839,  a  treaty  was  concluded  between  the 
United  States  and  Mexico,  by  which  it  was  stipu- 
lated, that  a  board  of  commissioners  should  bo 
appointed  by  the  two  Governments  to  investigate 
the  claims  of  American  citizens  against  the  Qov- 
ernment  of  Mexico.  Where  the  commissioners 
could  not  agree,  the  final  decision  was  to  be  made 
by  a  disinterested  umpire.  Under  this  commis- 
sion, claims  were  established  and  allowed,  in  favor 
of  American  citizens,  to  the  nmountof  ^,2,026,139, 
68.  By  the  terms  of  the  miginal  treaty,  Mexico 
was  bound  to  pay  the  amount  awarded  by  the 
commissioners,  in  cash  or  treasury  notes,  at  her 
option.  But  a  subseipient  agreement  was  made 
between  the  two  Governments,  by  which  it  was 
provided  that  the  amount  should  be  paid  in  twenty 
quarterly  instalments,  in  cash.  The  first  three 
instalments  were  paid  in  .specie,  which  was  brought 
to  this  country,  and  divided  among  the  claimants. 
For  the  next  two  instnlincnis,  an  ogent  of  the 
United  States  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  authorized  by 
our  Government  to  receive  the  money  and  receipt 
for  it,  gave  to  the  Government  of  Mexico  a  full  ac- 
quittance, in  which  the  receipt  of  the  two  instal- 
ments by  him  was  acknowledged.  The  Govern- 
ment of  Mexico  contends  that  those  two  instalmenli 
have  been  paid,  and  produces  the  receipt  of  our 
authorized  agent  ns  evidence  of  the  payment.  The 
agent,  although  he  admits  the  receipt,  denies  the 
payment  of  the  money,  but  alleges  that  he  received 
from  the  Mexican  Government  drafts  upon  her 
customhouses,  which  have  not  been  paid.  Thus 
stands  the  matter  in  relation  to  the  first  five  instal- 
ments of  the  indemnities  due  fVom  Mexico.  The 
residue  of  the  instalments  remain  unpaid.  After 
the  annexation  of  Texas,  Mexico  withdrew  her 
minister,  and  suspended  all  diplomatic  intercourse 
with  us. 

And  now,  sir,  I  ask  the  question,  which  I  would 
be  pleosed  to  hear  any  fiiendof  the  Administration 
answer:  Is  the  non-payment  of  those  instalments, 
thus  provided  for  by  treaty,  a  cause  of  war?  Will 


1116 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  16, 


29th  Cono 1st  Sebs. 


The  Mexican  War— Mr.  C.  B.  &nilh. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


fi:«ntlemeii  nitempt  In  And  nn  pxciiw  or  nn  npolncy  I 
(hr  lliia  wnr  in  ihe  (Tfuml  nf  Mexico  to  pny  thia  ^ 
mniiryf  Sir,  if  iho  rffiisal  f>f  n  ({"vfrnmciit  to  piiy 
in«M«y  whii-h  it  nwu  niiould  nt  all  times  lie  regnrd- 
ed  nn  a  raiiso  of  vVi  tliem  nro  aevcriil  n{  iIir  nov- 
erei;;n  Sditea  of  ihia  Confedornry,  wliiili,  I  (eny,  ' 
would  be  in  ijnminent  dniij;cr  of  wnr.   How  many  ] 
States  of  this  Union,  with  rcsnurrcn  nuicli  beyond 
those  which  Mexii-o  can  contnil,  have,  for  many 
years  past,  refused  to  |my  even  tlio  inlcrvnt  whieh 
Mas  accrued  upon   Imuds  executed  hv  them   for  i 
money  which  tliey  have  borrowed  }    'this  should  i 
nl  least  admonish  us  of  the  necessity  of  exerri.sini;  | 
forbearance  towardu  a  Government  indebted  to  us,  i 

But  muoJt  stress  is  laid  by  the  President,  in  his  { 
messa!;e,  upon  the  fact  that  there  are  numerous 
claims  of  American  citizens  which  werc>  not  exam-  ' 
ined  under  the  commission  provided  for  by  the 
convention  of  1839,  and  which  the  Government  of 
Mexico  has  not  since  paid.  If  the  President  had 
seen  proper  to  furnish  us  with  a  hiHinry  of  the  ne- 
puiation  upon  this  subject,  it  would  be  found  that 
there  is  nothing  in  this  matter  to  furnish  any  cause  ' 
of  war.  On  the  20th  November,  1843,  a  third  eon-  ■■ 
vention  between  the  two  Govenimcnls  was  execu- 
ted, which  was  desisjned  to  make  a  fidl  settlement 
of  all  claims  held  by  American  citizens  ajjainst  the  ' 
Government  of  Mexico.  By  this  convention,  it 
was  provided  that  a  bo,ird  of  commissioners,  to 
consist  of  persons  to  be  appointed  by  the  two  Gov- 
ernments respectively,  should  sit  at  the  city  of 
Mexico,  for  the  purpose  of  examining  and  deciding 
upon  these  claims.  Where  a  majority  of  the  com- 
missioners could  not  agree,  the  final  decision  was 
to  be  made  by  an  umpire.  The  privilejeofselectins 
the  umpire  was  conceded  to  the  United  Slates,  and, 
in  return  for  that  concession,  the  board  was  to  hold 
its  meetings  in  thecity  of  Mexico.  This  convention  j 
was  submitted  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  Slates, 
and  that  body  amended  it  in  two  important  and 
essential  particulars.  The  firstamendment  required 
the  board  to  sit  at  the  city  of  Wiiahmglnn,  in  the 
United  States,  instead  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  as 
provided  in  the  convention.  The  second  amend- 
ment struck  from  the  convention  a  provision  which 
BUthorizeTl  the  Ooverimient  of  Mexico  to  present 
to  the  board  any  claims  which  she  misjht  have 
against  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  The 
convention  was  returned  to  Mexico  with  those 
amendments,  and  that  Government  has  hitherto 
failed  to  ratify  it.  It  is  unneces.snry  to  discuss  the 
propriety  of  the  amendments  which  were  made  by 
the  Senate.  I  will  only  observe,  that  they  seem 
to  have  been  made  in  the  spirit  of  reiptiiintj  every 
point  in  the  contract  to  be  in  our  f.ivor.  •The 
unportant  privilege  of  selecting  the  umpire,  who 
would  in  cITect  have  the  decision  of  the  claims, 
which  was  conceded  to  us,  was  certainly  a  pretty 
fair  e(juivalent  for  nllowinj  the  board  to  hold  its  • 
meetings  in  Ihe  city  of  Mexico.  Besides,  the  fact  i 
that  the  evidence,  upon  which  the  claim.<i  of  our  ] 
citizens  could  alone  be  decided,  was  all  in  Mexico, 
furnished  no  inconsiderable  argument  in  favor  of 
the  propriety  of  the  board  holding  its  sessions 
there.  I  do  not  suppose  (hat  it  was  possible  for 
Mexico  to  establish  any  claims  against  the  United 
Stales.  And  yet  it  could  have  resulted  in  ro  in- 
jury to  allow  her  the  poor  privilege  of  presenting 
any  claim  she  might  have  supposed  herself  to  pos- 
sess, for  the  decision  of  a  board,  the  decision  of 
which  was  in  the  persons  to  be  appoinied  by  our 
own  Government.  This,  sir,  {  believe,  is  a  fair 
history  of  the  negotiations  between  Ihe  two  Gov- 
ernments in  relation  to  the  claims  of  our  citizens 
for  injuries  done  them  by  .Mexico,  and  such  is  the  ' 
present  position  of  those  claims.  Surely  this  pre-  ' 
•enls  nothing  which  would  Justify  a  resort  to  wnr, 
or  which  can  be  urged  as  a  pretext  or  excuse  for 
the  war  in  which  we  are  engaged. 

The  second  point  urped  by  the  President  in  his 
array  of  the  causes  of  Ihe  war,  is  the  fact  that  the 
Government  refused  to  receive  Mr.  Slidell,  who 
was  sent  there  in  November  last,  as  a  minister 
plenipotentiary  and  envoy  extraordinary.  How- 
ever discourteous  and  against  the  usage  of  civilized 
nations  might  have  been  the  conduct  of  Mexico  in 
refusing  to  receive  our  Minister,  it  is  very  clear 
that  it  furnished  no  cause  of  war.  Mexico  was  a 
sovereign  and  independent  nation.  She  had  a  right 
to  keep  up  diplomatic  relations  with  our  Govern- 
ment or  not,  as  she  chose.  This  is  a  right  belong- 
ing to  every  nation.     Had  the  wish  expressed  by 


the  Mexican  Government,  that  a  eommMnntr, 
s;ieeially  authorized  to  setlle  the  diffleultien  grow- 
ing out  of  the  annexalion  of  Texas,  should  be  sent 
there,  instead  of  a  minister  with  full  diplomatic 
powers,  been  gratified,  it  is  very  probable  thai  Ihia 
war  might  have  been  avoided,  and  the  dilltruliies 
between  the  two  Governments  have  been  amicably 
adjusted. 

But  I  come  now,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  consider  the 
Inst  and  most  important  ground  presented  by  the 
President  as  the  reason  of  Ihe  war.  He  caps  the 
climax  in  his  recital  of  Mexican  wrongs  and  out- 
rage, by  the  assertion  that  "»Hrxiro  /nu  pasud  the 
hounilar]!  of  Iht  UnUtd  Stain,  hin  inriuM  our  Itrrl- 
lonj,  and  ihrd  .Imrriran  blonil  upon  the  ^Imeriran  »oiJ." 
This  statement  is  nuide  upon  Ihe  assumption  that 
ihe  Rio  Grande  is  the  boundary  between  ihc  Uni- 
ted Slates  and  Mexico.  It  was  u|ion  the  left  bank 
of  that  river  thai  "Jhnfriran  blond  u-m  shed,"  in  Ihe 
collision  between  American  and  Mexican  troops; 
and  the  President  asserts  that  to  be  ".Imenenn  soil. " 

This  collision  of  the  armies  of  the  Iwo  countries 
upon  the  Rio  Grande,  was,  in  faci,  the  commence- 
ment of  Ihc  war.  The  President,  by  sending  our 
army  there,  brought  on  Ihe  collision.  This  no  one 
will  deny.  Had  our  troops  been  sufl'ered  to  remain 
nt  Corpus  Chrisli,  on  the  western  frontier  of  Texas, 
the  peace  of  the  Iwo  countries  would  have  remained 
'.indislurbed.  It  bee  mes,  then,  important  to  in- 
quire into  Ihe  propriety,  as  well  as  the  necessity, 
of  this  step  on  Ihe  part  ol^  the  President,  which  has 
been  attended  with  such  impoiiani  consequences. 
During  the  summer  of  1H4.'>,  nflerTexns  had  given 
her  assent  to  the  proposition  of  annexalion  made 
'by  the  United  .Slates,  the  President,  at  her  request, 
ordered  a  portion  of  the  army  of  the  United  Stales, 
under  Ihe  command  of  General  Taylor,  to  be  sla- 
tioried  at  Corpus  Chrisli,on  the  western  bank  of 
Ihe  Nueces,  which  was  the  extreme  wettern  fron- 
tier of  Texas.  The  object  in  sending  our  troops 
to  that  point,  as  alleged  by  the  President,  was  to 
resist  any  invasion  ofTexas  by  Mexico,  which  was 
then  threatened.  The  troops  remained  at  that  point 
during  the  summer  and  fall,  and  until  the  winter 
following,  when,  by  the  ordr'r  of  the  President, 
made  on  the  l.llh  January  last,  they  were  removed 
from  Corpus  Chrisii  to  the  east  bank  of  the  Rio 
Grande.  It  is  important  here  to  notice  the  fact,  that 
the  setllemcnl  nl  Corpus  Chrisii  is  the  only  settle- 
ment which  Texas  has  west  of  the  Nueces  river. 
The  country  between  that  point  and  the  Rio  Grande 
is  the  vast  uninhabited  desert,  until  you  approach 
the  banks  of  llie  river,  which  is  thickly  srilled  with 
a  Mexican  population.  The  disiancc  between  the 
two  rivi  rs  upon  a  slrai:ht  line  is  but  little  short  of 
one  hundred  miles.  Near  the  mouth  of  the  Uio 
(irnnde  is  the  town  of  Point  Isabel,  a  Mexican 
lown,  and  which,  when  our  army  wefit  there,  hnd 
a  custom-house,  with  its  otficcrs  "appoinied  by  the 
Mexican  Government.  The  army,  under  the  com- 
mand of  the  President,  passed  over  this  desert,  and, 
after  taking  possession  of  Point  Isabel,  pitched  their 
camp  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  opposite 
Malnmoros,  a  Mexicnii  lown,  containing  a  popu- 
lation of  several  thousands.  The  Mexican  army 
held  its  head(|uai'lers  al  Malamoros.  As  must  have 
been  foreseen,  a  collision  look  place  between  the 
hostile  forces,  and  actual  war  was  commenced. 

And  now,  air,  the  question  is  presented,  by  what 
authority  and  for  what  piir|>ose  did  the  President 
send  our  army  from  Corpus  Chrisii  to  the  Rio 
Grande.'  This  is  a  question  to  which  the  Ameri- 
can people  will  demand  an  answer  from  this  Ad- 
ministration. It  was  this  which  produced  Ihe  war. 
What  excuse  can  be  rendcrifl  for  an  act  which  has 
resulted  in  such  serious  consequences  ? 

It  is  urged,  in  juslilicalion  of  the  Adininislrnlion, 
that  by  the  annexation  of  Texiis  we  acquired  a  title 
ti^he  country  as  far  west  ns  the  Rio  Grande.  The 
ground  upon  which  this  assumption  is  made  is,  that 
the  Congress  of  Texas  passed  an  act  in  IH.'JI],  in 
which  they  defined  the  western  boundary  of  that 
republic  to  be  the  Rio  Grande.  This  proves  only 
that  a  claim  was  set  up  by  Texas  to  the  territory, 
but  it  proves  no  title.  As  well  misht  we  contend 
that  we  could  acquire  a  title  to  the  Canadas  by 
passing  a  legislative  act  declaring  them  to  be  ours. 
While  Texas  was  a  province  of  Mexico  her  west- 
ern boundary  was  Ihe  Nueces  river.  This  is  so 
universally  known  to  be  true  that  no  one  will  deny 
it.  Between  the  Nueces  and  the  Uio  Grande  is  a 
tract  of  country  some  hundred  miles  in  extent. 


With  Ihe  exception  of  the  setli'ment  at  Corpus 
Chriali,  upon  the  western  bank  of  Ihe  Ntieces,and 
those  upon  Ihe  eastern  banks  of  the  Rio  Graiiilc, 
the    whole  country    is   unsettled — a    vast  desen 
waste,  unapproprialed  lo  Ihe  purposes  of  eiviliza- 
lion.     When  Texas  separated  from  the  Mexican 
Re|)ublic,  and  ileclnred  her  independence,  she  could 
by  iio  pnssibllily  acquire  a  title  to  any  more  terri- 
tory than  was  in  her  actual  possession.     She  hnd 
no  aetllementa  beyond  Ihe  Nueces,  which  was  her 
wealern   boundary.     She  exercised  no  autluuily 
or  control  over  the  people  living  upon  Ihe  eastern 
side  of  the  Rio  Grande.     The  seltlemenls  and  the 
towns  there  were  Mexican  settleinents  and  Mcxi- 
''  can  towns.     Home  of  them  contain  n  populaiiiui  of 
I  several  thousands.      The   entire  population  wui 
!  made  lip  of  Mexican  citizens,  acknowledging  llio 
j  authority  of  the  Mexican  Government,  and  living 
I  under  Mexican  lawi.   Texas  might  as  easily  have 
acquired  a  right  lo  the  city  of  Mexico  by  an  act  of 
her  legLslnture,  as  lo  thus  acquire  a  right  lo  ilie 
j  country  washed  by  the  Rio  Grande,     So  clear  and 
I  palpable  wns  all   this,  and  so  well  wiis  it  under- 
:  Klood  in  this  country,  that  in  all  Ihe  eOorts  wliicli 
I  have  been  made  for  Ihe  annexalion  of  Texas,  it 
'■  has  been  expressly  slipulaled    that   Ihe    wcBtern 
,  bnund.iry  should  remain  open  and  undefined,  to 
be  settled  by  negoiiution    with    Mexico.     When 
I  Mr.  Tyler,  in  1844,  negotiated  a  treaty  for  iheun- 
j  ncxaticui  of  Texas,  ihe  boundary  wns  lell  without 
!  specification.   This  wns  done  lor  Ihe  very  purpose 
of  avoiding  a  collisicm  with  Mexico.     I  beg  leave 
here  to  quote  an  extract  from  the  letter  of  Mr.  Cal- 
;  houn,  WHO  was  then  Secretary  of  Stale,  and  nego- 
;  liated  the   treaty   of  annexation,  written  to  ^Ir. 
I  Green,  charge  oflhe  Uniieil  States  at  Mexico,  dated 
l'.)lh  April,  1844.     This  Iriier  was  writlen  for  the 
purpose  of  dispelling  any  fears  which  might  have 
lieen  entertained   that  it  was  the  inlenlion  of  our 
Government  to  claim   the   country   to    the    Riu 

I  Grande.     It  is  as  follows: 

i  "  Ynu  are  enjoined,  hIho.  hy  Ihe  Prc^lilr-nt  ti»  assure  itiu 
i  Mcxicnn  (Jnveriuneitt  that  fl  m  liis  dctilru  lo  tteule  all  qiiri- 
M  tiiMiK  between  the  two  cinintrio  tvlijcti  iriay  firowiHitnl'ltiil 
It  Ircaty,  nr  uiiy  ntlier  cniD'e,  on  the  ino.-t  lilicrilt  nnd  tintitirac- 
'I  tnry  Icrnin,  includiltji  llint  of  houilflnry. 

»'  II  h  H  taken  every  precnnlion  to  mnke  Ihe  terms  of  the 

tr(!nly  lix  llllh^  nhjcctinimhli'  ni«  po^tfihli* ;  iirul,  nnnniK  nUii.Tff, 
,  I  hn-(  Id't  the  hnnndnry  of  IV.tiih  wilhnul  ti|M>citicntinii ;  su 
li  that  what  the  lini-  of  hnnintiuy  phntild  he  iniiiht  Ih>  an  open 
!|  f|ucHtJon,  to  he  fairly  nnd  I'nily  ili.4cu^8rd  and  Hcltted  nceord- 

iiig  tn  itu!  riahts  iit'ciich,  nnd  the  nuitn.-il  interests  nnd  oecu- 

rily  of  ihe  iwo  ciiuntriea." 

The  treaty  of  annexalion  was  not  ratified.     Al 
j  Ihc  next  session  of  Congress,  the  friends  of  thy 
measure    succeeded    in    carrying    through    both 
f  louses  a  joint  resolution  proposing  to  the  Repub- 
lic of  Texas  annexation  upon  terms  which  are  spe- 
cilied  in  ihc  resolutiim.     It  is  important  In  exani- 
;  ine  this  resolution,  as  it  has  an  impnitant  bearing 
'  upon  this  question.     I  will  here  quote  so  much  of 
it  as  relates  to  the  question  of  boundary  of  Texas: 

"  JOINT  ItESOI.UTION  rnriuincjing  Texas  to  UiC  United 
!  smii's. 

I  '*  Rfunlvcd  ft;/  the  Sennte  itnd  Ilotise  of  Rcpresetitiitifr*  of 
;  ttie  Uutlcil  Stiilct  of  •AtiierU-ii  in  Couffresi  ussein/ttetfy  'J'lial 
i  CunifrcHM  dolh  cnni'ent  that  llie  lerlltnry  properly  inclndcd 
within,  and  riuhtlnlly  hclonirins  to,  the'Republic  of  'IVxas, 
i  inny  be  erected  into  a  new  Slulc,  to  be  cnlled  tlip  Hmie  ol^ 
;  TL'xai*,wilh  a  repnldicnn  tnrinnfgovenniM'nt^to  be  adopted 
■/■  hy  the  pi!ople  111' Ihe  wnid  Kcjsitilic,  hy  dcpntief  in  eoiiven- 
j'  linn  nsgunihled.  with  tlie  consent  of  the  cxitilln(tu;overnnient, 
:  in  order  tlint  llie  same  inny  he  ndniitted  as  one  of  Ihe  SlalcA 
'I  nf  this  Union. 

j  2.  *4ii(l6c  i(/i(W/(errcjo/rerf,  ThnI  the  foregoing  cntisenlof 
;  Congresji  is  given  ii[inn  the  following  condition.-',  and  with 
,1  tile  liillnwin^  guarantees,  tn  w-it:  First,  ^nid  Hiale  to  hi; 
':  formed  sut>j''el  lo  Ihe  ailjuslment  by  Ibis  Oovernnient  of  nil 

I I  qnesiions  of  buuiidury  that  niny  arise  wiUi  other  ijovern- 
I  nirnts,''  fice. 

jl      ".^ppro^c■d  Mnreli  Isl,  18-15." 

From  this  resolution,  it  is  shown  that  when 
;i  Congress  proposed  to  annex  Texas  to  this  coun- 
1  try,  the  proposition  wns  made  upon  the  express 
!  condition  that  the  boundary  of  Texas  should  bo 
'  adjusted  by  this  Government.  To  what  boundni'V 
:;  did  that  stipulation  apply?  Why,  srr,  to  Ihe  bound- 
ary between  Texas  and  Mexico.  Every  other 
ij  boundary  line  of  Texas  wns  clearly  defined,  and 
;  could  by  no  possibility  givo  rise  to  any  r.onliovor- 
I  sy.  The  act  of  the  Texan  Congress,  fixing  the 
;  western  boundary  of  Texas  at  the  Rio  Grande, 
j  hid  been  passed  many  years  before  that,  and  was 
1  well  understood  in  this  country.  It  was  well 
known,  however,  by  Ihe  Congress  which  pn.ssed 
■;  the  resolutions  of  annexation,  that  Texas  had  no 
' '  right  to  the  counUy  upon  tlie  Rio  Grande.     It  was 


are. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAT.  GIX)BE. 


1117 


U9th  Cono IsT  Scis. 


The  Mexican  War— Mr.  C.  B.  Smith. 


^p.  or  Rsrs. 


well  knnwn  tlint  nn  nimnrtinn  tn  lillo  nn  our  pnrt, 
or  nil  iiuninpt  tn  tnkc  pnmieiiiiinn  of  (liat  piirtiiin  of 
the  cniiiitiy,  wnnlil  Incvitalil)'  iiiviilvo  im  in  ii  wiir 
with  MexK'd,  And  it  wiin  fur  tho  rxpronn  piir- 
)ii>iie  a(  nvniiling  thi.4  dilVionllyr  tlitit  Ihi;  rmnlutinn 
of  Biinexiilion  ri'Berved  to  ihin  Uovnrnmniit  the 
rii;ht  of  ndjuiitiiig  tlio  boundary.  The  d'dmtcH 
which  occurred  upon  the  reHoUitinii,  in  both 
liriuichlH  of  CongrtHn,  prove  that  mirh  wan  the 
united  opinion  of  uinmiicrn.  Mud  it  tlicn  l>eeii  uii- 
demtooif  tliiit,  by  niincxiiiK  Tcxim,  wo  should  hiive 
been  committed  to  tiiko  ponHciiHion  of  ilin  whole 
country  u^i  to  the  Hio  Qriindc,  the  nrojert  would 
have  lieen  voted  down.  Well,  sir,  Texas  throu«;h 
lier  Coii°roNs  agreed  to  nnnexntion  upon  the  terms 
mill  roiiuilions  of  tho  icsoluiimi  of  the  Con^reiis  of 
tho  United  8tntea.  This,  llicn,  conxtituted  n  clear 
and  exprnsM  compact  between  the  two  Oovern- 
meiits,  that  the  boundary  between  Texas  mid  Mex- 
ico should  lie  adjusted  uy  the  Govemincnt  of  the 
United  .Stales.  Adjusted  how?  Why,  by  fair 
find  honorable  ne<;otintion  with  Mexico. 

As  an  additional  evidence  that  it  was  well  un- 
dcrnlund  that  the  country  upon  tliu  Rio  Grande 
belonged  to  Mexico,  I  would  ank  p;rntlcmen  to 
look  at  nn  net  passed  by  the  same  CongreNs  which 
passed  the  resolutions  to  annex  Texas,  which  re- 
cugiiised  it  ns  Mexican  territory.  The  net  to 
which  I  refer  wan  approved  3d  March,  1845,  after 
the  pa8Kn{;o  of  the  resolution  of  annexation,  and 
bears  the  following  tide: 

".'id  act  iiHo'ring  itrn'ihadiHipou  forrtun  merchanA'tte ex' 
porlcit  in  the  ori^Uhtl  jiitckiiei't  t )  Ohitiim/imi  inul  Santit  /V, 
III  .Hi'j/rj,  tiiiil  1 1  the  Itritivi  Surth  Jlmcrirun  ProrinceSj  (ut- 
joining  the  tJnited  S(u(».'' 

Sania  FC-  is  within  the  country  now  claimed  by 
tho  United  States,  upon  the  east  side  o(  tho  Kio 
Orando. 

It  contains  a  Mexican  population  of  some  six 
thousand  souls.  The  Mexican  laws  arcre!;ularly 
administered  there.  All  the  olficcrs  are  appointed 
by  the  Mexican  Government.  Texas  never  had 
nny  more  control  over  it  than  Great  Hritain  lias. 
And  yet  the  President  tells  us  that  it  is  ours,  be- 
cause Texas,  in  183li,  passed  a  law  which  declared 
it  to  belong  to  that  l{i!|aiblic. 

The  President,  in  his  mes-sagc  of  ]3lh  of  May, 
attempts  to  assign  reasons  for  sending  the  army  to 
the  Rio  Grande.  Let  us  hear  wliat  those  reasons 
arc.     He  "ays: 

"  It  hiM'iuiic  IhtToforfi  of  iiriiont  imcpssily  to  prnvide  for 
the  (I'fi'nce  iiflhnt  portinn  of  our  country.  Arronliiitily,  on 
the  I3tl)  nl'  Jiiim.iry  liitit,  iii>lrii<Tioiis  were  i^.-ilcil  to  the 
g^iitral  ill  fDiiiiiijinit  urilii-Ki'  trnnps  tn  ori-iipy  the  left  bank 
oflho  Ili'l  Norli'  (Uio  (irllnlll^)  This  rivi^r,  wliioli  i»  the 
Hotithwc.-icrii  hoiinilary  oCilin  8tateot*Ti'\nH,  M  iin  exposed 
frnriliiT.     From  this  qiinrter  inviuion  was  llirimteni'd." 

It  seems,  then,  from  the  President's  messnjje, 
that  it  was  necessary  that  our  troo]>H  sliould  he 
sent  to  the  Rio  Graiiile  "for  the.  tltfencr  oflhul  por- 
tion of  our  country."  Docs  tho  PiCNidcnt  mean 
that  there  were  American  citizens  upon  the  Rio 
Grande,  whom  it  was  necessary  to  defend  by  send- 
ing our  troops  there.'  He  well  knew,  anil  every 
member  of  iliis  House  knows,  that  there  were  no 
American  citizens  there — that  the  only  population 
there  was  a  Mexican  population,  living  under  the 
protection  of  the  laws  and  Government  of  Mexico, 
riie  extreme  verge  of  the  frontier  of  Texas,  und 
the  uliiiost  limiLs  of  its  Kctilements  hud  been  reach- 
ed by  our  troops,  when  they  were  stationed  at 
Corpus  Chrisil.  IJetween  them  and  the  Mexican 
setllemenls  ujion  the  Rio  Grande,  intervened  the 
vast  desert  waste  wliicli  occupies  the  greater  pnrt 
of  the  region  between  tho  Nueces  and  the  Rio 
Graiiile.  And  yet  our  troops  wcie  ordered  to 
march  acroN.ilhat  desert  and  station  themselves  in 
the  midst  of  a  Mexican  population,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  defending  American  liizons,  whom  they 
liod  left  one  hundred  miles   n  ih'ii  rt.ir. 

The  President  urges  am  ilierrciisoi  for  sending 
the  troops  to  the  Rio  Griinii' ,  in  the  ivscrlion,  that 
they  were  sent  there  to  resis  an  iiivv  on  of  Texas, 
which  was  threatened  from  il'at  ,i  arter.  Ever 
since  the  battle  of  San  JnciiiU.,  wMcl  occurred  ten 
years  ago,  Mexico  has  been  coi.iiiKially  threaten- 
ing an  invasion  of  Texas.  Yet  that  invasion  has 
never  been  made.  If  Mexico,  during  a  period  of 
ten  years,  and  while  Texas  was  compelled  to  rely 
upon  licr  own  means  of  deleiue,  dare  not  attempt 
nn  invasion,  although  constantly  threatening  it, 
can  we  be  induced  lo  believe  that  she  would  se- 
riously attempt  it,  when  by  the  act  of  annexation 


iho  whole  power  of  ihc  United  Slated  wns  pledged 
for  lier  defence?  Why,  sir,  it  is  ridiculous  and 
absurd  lo  suppose  it.  These  threat.')  of  invasion 
were  but  the  idle  gasconade  which  has  clinracier- 
ized  \?exican  warfare,  and  Mexl^ -in  diplomacy, 
ever  since  tho  existence  of  that  naiioo.  tlowever 
much  they  may  have  ninrined  the  President,  they 
produced  no  fears  elsewhere.  The  reasons  nlleged  i 
liy  the  President  for  this  moveineiit  are  shown  In 
be  utterly  futile.  There  was  in  no  posnible  view 
nf  the  case  any  necessity  for  such  a  movement, 
even  if  no  question  of  title  or  boundary  eyisled. 

Hut  iho  most  extraordinary  and  alarming  feature 
in  the  proceedings  of  llio  President,  is,  the  arbi- 
trary and  unlawful  assumption  of  power  in  ossu- 
ming  to  settle  tlii^  question  of  boiiiidary  between 
Texas  and  Mexico.  I  have  shown  that,  in  the 
compact  nf  annexation,  the  right  of  ndjiisling  the 
boundary  was  exinessly  reserved  to  the  Goverii- 
I   nient  of  llie  United  States.    Texas  yielded  ell  coii- 

I  trol  over  the  question,  and  bound  herself  lo  submit 
ji  to  any  boundary  which  the  United  Slates  might 
I,  agree  upon  by  treaty  willi  Mexico.     This  is  so 

I  clear  that  no  one  will  deny  it.  Ii  has  not  been 
(!  denied — it  will  not  be  denied.     How  should  this 

I I  boundary  have  been  adjusted?  Pty  ncgoliatinn 
[1  with  Mexico.  The  President,  in  Noveinber  last, 
I  sent  a  minister  to  Mexico;  but  without  waiting  to 
!  know  the  result  of  that  mission — willioul  even  | 
I  waiting  until  it  was  certainly  knnwn  whether  Ihe 
1  minister  sent  by  him  would  be  received  by  the 
I  Oovernment  of  Mexico,  lie  assumes  lo  fix  the 
\   boundary  upon  Ihe  Rio  Grande,  and  sends  an  army 

to  take  fiircible  military  possession  of  the  couiiM  y; 
nsif  v/itli  the  deliherale  purpose  of  at  once  pulling 
a  slop  to  all  negotiation,  and  of  preventing  nny 
amicable  ndjusimem  of  this  irritating  question,  he 
nent  nn  army  inln  the  Mexican  territory — into  the 
very  heart  of  a  Mexican  population.  This  was 
it.ielf  an  net  of  war.  And  yet,  at  the  very  time 
thnt  this  war  was  thus  commenced,  Congress,  the 
only  power  under  the  Cnnstilulion  which  is  au- 
thorized to  declare  war,  was  in  session,  but  was 
not  even  advised  of  what  the  President  was  doing. 

This  war,  then,  Mr.  Chairman,  does  not  exist, 
ns  is  slated  by  tho  President,  "  Inj  the  act  of  .Mexico 
herself."  It  exisis  by  the  lawless  anil  unauthorized 
act  of  the  President  of  the  United  Stales.  He  has 
made  war  upon  Mexico  by  sending  a  hostile  nrniy 
into  her  territories — into  the  midst  of  her  people. 
He  lias  done  this  in  iitler  disregard  of  the  cmn- 
pnct  of  annexalion  between  this  Government  nnd 
Texas — in  the  face  of  an  act  of  Congress,  express- 
ly recognising  the  territory  he  has  invaileu  as  a 
part  nf  Mexicn,  and  in  npen  and  shameless  viola-  ' 
tion  of  tho  Constitution  which  he  has  sworn  to 
support.    •     ^ 

The  friends  of  the  President  have  labored  nssid- 
uouiily  lo  find  some  excuse  for  his  conduct,  and  to 
shield  him  from  condemnation.  But  in  doing  this 
they  are  only  able  to  make  the  broad  assertion  that 
the  territory  intn  which  our  troops  were  sent  be- 
longed to  Ihe  United  Stixies.  They  furnish  no 
proof  to  sustain  their  n.^serlion,  for  they  know  thnt 
none  exi.ils. 

But  the  most  extraordinary  effort,  in  defence  of 
the  course  of  the  President,  is  to  be  found  in  a 
voluminous  report  from  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Affairs  of  tliis  House.  This  report  was  drawn 
nnd  presented  to  the  House  by  the  gentleman 
from  Pennsylvania,  [Mr.  C.  .T.  iW.F.nsoi.i.,]  who 
is  the  chairman  of  that  committee.  As  I  have  the 
honor  nf  being  a  member  of  that  commillee,  I  wish 
to  refer  to  the  report  for  the  purpose  of  noticing 
some  of  its  sintcmenis,  in  which^he  honoridile 
chairman  has  drawn  quite  largely  upon  hi.s  imagi- 
nation for  his  facts,  as  well  ns  for  the  purpose  of 
slating  that  the  report  was  made  without  my  sanc- 
tion, and  'hat  I  dissent  from  it  in  (o(o.  The  report 
purports  lo  present  to  the  country  a  history  of  the 
causes  of  the  Mexican  war,  but  is,  in  fact,  n  labo- 
rious elTort  lo  whitewash  the  Administration,  and 
to  furnish  some  apology  or  excuse  for  its  invasion 
of  Mexico.  The  chairman  in  this  report  asserts 
thnt  the  territory  in  which  hostilities  commenced 
was  ".Imerican  groimiJ. "  I  will  detain  the  com- 
mittee to  read  n  short  extrncl  from  it.     He  snys: 

"  y'o  the  rest  ot'lhe  i"Or/rf,  (o/ii/iinVy,  and  toour  own  i-oun- 
tnjinm.  tre  arc  iihte  to  itttow,  thnt,  as' these  oilionf  hostititics 
have  tiot  l}e en  pro I'lyhed  hi  our  Government  or pcoplej  so  netttier 
tveretheii  Itcsun  ivhere  our  forces  had  no  rinhito  ftc,  nor  hegun 
Ity  them  anyivhere  ;  hut  tlt'at  Mexico  ttrwk  Ihe  first  ft/orr,  and 
struck  it  on  .tmeriean  ground.** 


I  wish  now  lo  compare  the  opinion  of  the  hon- 
orable chairman,  expressed  in  the  above  extrmct 
from  his  report,  with  an  opintnn  expressed  by  illo 
aaine  eenllemnn  about  eighteen  months  ago. 

'  In  I'ebruary,  IH45,  the  joint  resolution  for  the 
annexation  o)  Texas  was  pending  in  this  House. 

,  Tho  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  C.  J. 
Inukrioi.!,]  was  then,  as  he  now  is,  the  chnirman 
of  the  Committee  on  l'"oreiL;n  Aflhirs.  He  made 
a  speech  in  favor  ofannexi 'ion.  In  Ihe  course  of 
that  speech  he  used  ihc  foll<  .wing  Innguugo,  in  rela- 
tion lo  tho  boundary  between  Texas  nnd  Mexico: 
"  The  ituiirndotia  dcerls  t^eiu'ren  Ihe  Sue  es  uiul  Ihavo  [Rto 
(hnnde]  rirern  are  Ihe  oiitural  lioundai  tss  tttlweat  the  Jlnglo- 
Stt.r'm  ami  Ihe  Maurilanlan  races.  Thnc  tnds  ths  vaUey  of 
the  lyest.     Tliere  Mexico  hegim.     It'/,itt  peace  li  cherithcit 

;  that,  boiindarif  iiitt  he  sacretl.  Kot  liil  the  spirit  of  conquest 
r'l'i«'l,  II  ill  the  people  on  either  si'le  molest  or  mix  uith  eaets 
other.** 

Milt  eighteen  months  hnvo  elapsed  since  the  gen- 
tleman assured  this  House  anil  the  country  that 

\  "  the  ntufiendoxa  iletertt  lielireen  Ihe  .Vuecea  unit  Ihe 

;  Hio  Granite"  constituted  Iho  boundary  between 
Texas  and  Mexico.  Then  wo  were  assured  by 
him,  that  Ihnt  boundary  would  be  sacred,  until  the 
spirit  of  conquest  should  rage.  Now  tho  same 
gentleman  has  transferred  that  boundary  far  over 

\  those  "  .«liijirniliiu.i  ileserlii,"  and  established  ii  in 
the  midst  of  the  Mexican  settlcinenls.  The  "  spirit 
ofcomiutsl,"  which,  in  the  opinion  of  tho  genlle- 

]  man,  could  alone  induce  us  to  pass  that  boundiiry, 
and  molest  the  people  upon  Ihe  other  side  of  it,  liaii 
seized  upon  the  cmintry  sooner  tliun  he  anticipa- 
ted. The  same  spirit  seems  to  have  seized  upon 
him,  for  be  is  now  willing  tn  lend  the  influence  of 
his  name  and  nlficial  station  to  excuse  and  justify 
the  President  fin-  doing  that  which  he  says  lould 
only  be  done  under  the  influence  of  tho  "  spirit  of 
coniivesl."  I  leave  It,  sir,  for  tho  commillee  and 
the  country  to  determine,  how  much  reliante 
should  be  placed  upon  the  assertion,  cnnlalned  in 
that  repnrt,  tliat  the  country  upon  the  Rio  Grande, 
where  bnstillties  were  first  cnminenced,  is  "  .tmrr- 

'  icon  groioii/,"  when  that  assertion  stands  expressly 

I  denied,   in  a  speech    made  upon   tlil»   floor,  only 
tighteen  moniha  ago,  by  the  same  gem  eman  who 
wrote  the  report. 
But  I  must  pass  to  another  portion  of  this  mont 

,  extraordinary  report.      In  another  part  of  it  ho 

[  says: 

'•  If-'hether  the  territonj  between  the  Nueces  rnsdthe  hrm-o 
WHS  .•Imerican  eroundj  lite  President  had  no  rigtU  or  power  lo 
determine.** 

.Sir,  this  is  the  very  point  in  which  wo  charge  the 
President  with  a  usurpation  nf  power.  I  admit 
that  he  "  had  no  Wg/ii  or  poKtr  lo  ileternxine"  this 
'  question  nf  boundary,  and  it  is  because  liedid,  wilb- 
,1  out  "  right  orporrer,"  determine  it,  and  involve  the 
country  in  war,  that  he  deserves  tho  severest  rep- 
rehension of  every  American  citizen. 

The  honorable  .chairman  scema  determined  lo 
prove  Ihe   country  upon  the  Uio  Grande   lo  bn 
I  "  .^nicricrtii  groTnid,"  at  least  so  far  ns  brnud  unit 
general  nsserlinns  will  prove  it.     It  is  necessary  to 
prove  this  to  make  out  a  justiflcation  for  the  Pres- 
ident.    But  as  he  lias  not  attempted  to  furnisli  nny 
j  evidence  to  sustnin  the  position,  I  presume  he  ex- 
i  peels  his  own  a.sscrtlons  to  bo  taken  as  evidence  of 
I  the  fuel.     Ho  snys: 

!  '•  Several  arts  of  O-imrress  had  made  it  his  [Ihe  President*s] 
I  duty  to  consider  it  .American.  .'Ill  his  predecessors,  from  the 
vnrrhasc  of  laaisiana.  tn  IHIII,  deemed  the  Uravo  Ihcooundarsi 
I  '.etween  the  United  States  and  Mexico.  The  Texas  declara- 
tion of  independence  awl  a  Texan  law  in  1P.'I6  exprcssh/ usserl- 
i  cd  it.  Treaties  letween  Texas  and  Mexico  tiltewisi  as  ex- 
i  jircMfi/." 

I      Sir,  I  deny,  in  positive  terms,  the  slutoment  here 

I  made,  that  "  several  acts  of  Congress  had  made  it  his 

rfiifi/  lo  conniiler  it  Jlmerican,"     If  any  net  of  Con- 

1  gross  exists,  which  recognises  the  clnim  now  set 

'  up  to  the  country  upon  the  Rio  Grande,  I  call 

',  upon  the  chairman  of  the  Committeo  on  Foreign 

!  Affairs,  who  has  made  this  assertion,  to  produce 

;,  it.     It  cannot  be  produced,  for  no  such  nctof  Con- 

J  gross  is  in  existence.     On  the  contrary,  I  have 

I  shown  the  act  of  Congress  which  was  passed  after 

the  i-csolution  to  annex  Texas,  which  expressly 

/  recognises  thol  country  as  a  part  of  Mexico.     All 

the  predecessors  of  tho  President,  "from  the  pur- 

I  chase    of  Louisiana,   in    1803,"  could    not  linvo 

"  "  deemid  llie  Bruvo  Ihe  houndc—i !  etween  the  United 

Slates  and  .Mexico,"  because,  by  the  treaty  with 

Spain  in  1819,  before  Mexico  became  independent, 

the  boundary  was  fixed  at  the  Sabine. 


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Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WBT  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N./.  M580 

( 7    .\    972-4503 


V  €p. 


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1118 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GIJOBE: 


[July  16, 


29rH  C0N<%....lST  Se88. 


TTte  Tariff— Mr.  R.  Johmon. 


Senate. 


But  the  chairman  says,  that  "  the  Texas  deelara- 
ration  of  iiufapeiuintot  and  a  Vexati  Ime  in  1836  ex- 
pnnt^  aatrtea"  (lie  boundary  to  be  the  Rio  Orande, 
True,  they  did;  and  were  not  that  Texan  declara- 
tion and  Texan  law  in  existence  eighteen  months 
a^o,  when  the  honorable  chairman  declared  that 
Texas  did  not  extend  beyond  "  the  ttupendous  des- 
trti  wMch  ii<  hetvoetn  the  Jil'aecea  and  the  Rio  Oramte  f" 
These  assertions  then,  in  the  opinion  of  the  chair- 
man, furnished  no  evideitce  of  title  to  the  Rio 
Orande.  They  certainly  furnish  no  better  evi- 
dence now.  But  as  the  last  and  finishini;  sti-nke, 
the  honorable  cl\airman  says,  that  "treaties betioeen 
Texas  and  Mexico  a« expressly' '  eatabFish  the  bound- 
ary at  the  Rio  Orande.  This  statement,  as  re- 
markable as  it  ia,  can  scarcely  excite  more  aston- 
ishment tha  I  what  precedes  it  in  the  report.  The 
country  will  doubtless  be  surprised  when  they 
learn,  through  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  For- 
eign Affairs^  that  this  question  of  boundary  has 
been  expressly  settled  by  treaties  between  Mexico 
and  Texas,  But  they  will  doubtless  be  more  sur- 
prised when  they  learn  that  this  statement  is  made 
without  any  foundation  in  fact.  I  call  upon  the 
chairman  to  stale  when  and  where  those  treaties 
were  made,  and  where  they  are  to  be  found.  No 
such  treaty,  much  less  "  treaties,"  ever  had  on  ex- 
istence. The  only  agreement  which  it  has  ever 
been  pretended  by  any  friend  of  the  President  was 
made  between  Texas  and  Mexico  in  relation  to 
this  matter,  was  the  agreement  entered  into  be- 
tween Santa  Ana,  while  a  prisoner  of  war  after 
the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  and  General  Houston, 
President  of  Texas.  Santa  Ana  then  agreed  to 
remove  his  army  west  of  the  Hio  Grande,  as  a  con- 
sideration for  his  restoration  to  liberty,  and  also 
agreed  to  use  his  influence  with  the  Mexican  Gov- 
ernment to  procure  a  recognition  of  the  independ- 
eyica  of  Texas.  Whatever  agreement  he  might 
have  made  could  have  had  nouinding  elTect  upon 
the  Government  of  Mexico.  The  agreement  which 
he  mode  was  never  ratified,  and  of  course  settled 
nothing.  To  dignify  such  an  agreement  as  this  by 
the  apitellation  of  a  treaty,  is  a  gross  perversion  of 
]  anguage. 

i  have  pointed  out,  Mr.  Chairman,  some  of  the 
gross  inaccuracies  with  which  this  report  from  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  abounds.  It  is  a 
labored  production,  which  has  been  gotten  up  for 
the  purpose  of  furnishing  something  like  an  excuse 
for  the  conduct  of  the  Administration.  He  who 
relies  upon  its  conclusions  will  be  as  far  from  the 
truth  as  are  many  of  the  statements  which  it  con- 
tains. The  cause  must  be  bad  which  its  friends 
find  necessary  to  defend  by  nucli  means. 

I  have  endeavored  to  show  the  manner  in  which 
this  war  was  commenced,  and  the  causes  whieh 
led  to  it.  The  question  now  becomes  important, 
for  what  purpoue  and  with  what  view  was  it  com- 
menced? This  is  a  question,  to  which  the  peo- 
ple will  yet  demand  an  answer  from  those  who 
administer  the  Government.  The  friends  of  the 
Administration  disclaim  any  intention  of  dismem- 
bering or  conquerinsr  Mexico.  1  would  not  wish 
to  judge  the  Administration  uncharitably,  nnd  yet 
I  am  (breed  to  the  belief  that  the  war  has  been 
commenced  with  the  deliberate  desio;n  of  acquiring 
Californin,  and  perhaps  other  provinces  of  Mexi- 
co. Tne  President  professes  a  willingness  to  make 
a  treaty  of  pence  with  Me.xico,  as  soon  as  she 
manifests  a  willingness  to  treat.  At  the  same  time 
the  ground  is  assumed  by  the  friends  of  the  Pi-e.si- 
dent,  that  when  we  do  make  peace,  Mexico  must 
pay  the  expenses  of  the  war.  Tlio  expenses  of 
the  war  will  very  shortly  reach  forty  or  fifty  mil- 
lions of  dollars,  and  if  it  is  niotracted  much  longer 
they  will  greatly  exceed  that  amount.  How  is 
Mexico  tcr  pay  tliis  sum  ?  That  she  cannot  pay 
it  in  money  is  perfectly  clear.  When  the  war 
shall  be  enaed,  California  and  other  northern  prov- 
inces will  be  in  the  |iosses8ion  of  our  armies.  If 
she  cannot  pay  the  money,  our  Governnicni  will 
demand  a  cession  of  her  tcrritc-y  as  an  equivalent, 
and  the  possession  will  be  retained  by  force  until 
she  shall  agree  by  treaty  to  cede  it.  Thus  will  the 
Government,  while  disclaiming  all  intention  of 
conquest,  become  possesDcd  of  some  of  the  best 
provinces  of  Mexico,  by  coercing  her  into  a  sur- 
render of  them.  1  ask  gentlemen  to  mark  the 
result,  and  sec  if  it  does  not  justify  the  prediction 
I  make,  I  will  ask  attention  to  a  letter  from  the 
Secretary  of  War,  written  in  June,  and  which  haa 


just  been  pifblished  upon  a  eall  of  the  Senate. 
This  letter  foreshadows  the  course  of  the  Adniin- 
istration,  and  proves  conclusively  that  designs  of 
conquest  lie  at  the  bottom  of  the  war::' 

"  War  Department,  ITiuUnslmi,  Jww  36, 1846, 

"  Sir  :  Tho  fri^aidcnt  having  detutmined  to  send  a  rezi- 
mont  of  volunttiord  around  Cape  Horn  to  the  Pacific,  to  be 
employed  In  prniK^cutlnii  lin.-ttililios  in  som*)  province  or  Mex- 
ico, probably  in  Upper  Calitbrnia,  has  authorized  ine  to  say, 
that  if  you  will  nrnanize  one  on  the  conditions  liereinafter 
specifted,  and  tender  its  services,  it  will  be  accepted, 

"  it  ia  proper  it  should  ba  done  with  the  approbalion  of 
tlie  Governor  of  New  York. 

"The  Preaidcnl  eiprots,  and  indeed  requires,  that  great 
care  should  he  taken  to  have  it  composed  of  suitable  persons, 
1  mean  persons  of  good  hnb^,  as  far  as  prueticablo  of  va- 
rious ptirsuiLH,  and  such  as  would  be  likely  to  desire  to  remain 
at  th-.;  end  of  ihe  war,  either  in  Oregon,  or  any  territorif  in 
thitt  region  of  the  i^lohe  which  may  be  then  a  pari  of  the  United 
State).  The  act  of  13th  May  last  aiithoriies  the  acceptance 
of  volunteers  for  twelve  months,  or  during  the  war  with 
Mexico,  The  condition  of  the  acceptance  in  this  case  must 
be  a  tender  of  services  during  the  war,  and  it  must  be  ex- 
plicitly understood  that  they  may  be  di^tcbarged  without  a 
claim  for  returning  home  wherever  they  may  be  serving  at 
the  termination  of  the  war,  provided  it  is  in  the  then  territory 
of  the  United  Slates,  or  may  be  taken  to  the  nearest  or  most 
ennvenlcnt  territory  belonging  to  the  United  States,  and  tiien 
discharged. 

''  Tho  men  must  be  apprised  expressly  that  their  term  of 
service  is  for  the  war ;  that  they  are  to  bo  disrharged  as 
above  specified,  and  that  they  are  to  be  employed  on  a  dis- 
tant service.  //  is,  however,  very  dcmalfte  ihiU  it  nhoutd  not 
Ite  puhUcty  hnotvn  or  proclaimed  that  theii  are  to  go  to  ani/prr- 
ticular  province  of  Mexico.  On  this  point  great  caution  is 
enjoined.  The  communications  to  the  officers  and  men 
must  go  so  far  as  to  remove  all  Jnstground  of  complaint  that 
they  have  been  deceived  in  the  nature  nnd  place  of  the  ser- 
vice. 

"  It  is  expected  that  the  regiment  will  be  in  readiness  to 
embark  as  early  ns  the  1st  of  August  next,  if  practicable, 
Sfrps  will  be  immediately  taken  to  provide  for  transporta- 
tion, &c. 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  W.  L.  MARCy,  S«cr«ary  of  War. 

"Col.  J,  D,  BTBVEasoN,  Aiiiii  Y^rk  city." 

This  letter  authorizes  Colonel  Stevenson  to  raise 
a  regiment  of  volunteers,  to  be  composed  of  such 
men  "  as  wotUtl  be  likely  to  desire  to  remain,  at  Ihe 
end  of  the  war,  either  ^n  Oregon  or  any  territory  in 
that  rr^n  of  the  glooe  which  may  be  then  a  pari  of 
the  United  Stales.^'  The  only  inference  which  can 
be  drawn  from  this  language  is,  that  it  is  the  de- 
sign and  the  expectation  of  the  Administration  to 
attach  to  the  United  States  territory  in  the  region 
of  Oregon  to  which  we  have  now  no  claim.  In 
other  words,  they  intend  and  expect  to  conquer 
California,  The  truth  is,  then,  that  we  are  en- 
gaged in  a  war  or  conquest — a  wor  prosecuted  for 
the  purpose  of  .  .smcmbering  a  sister  Republic, 
and  stripping  her  of  a  portion  of  her  territory. 

The  country  cannot  be  deceived  by  the  shallow 
pretence  which  has  been  set  up  by  the  Administra- 
tion, that  the  war  is  one  of  defence  on  our  part. 

The  Administration  is  a  southerij  one.  Its  par- 
tiality for  southern  men  and  southern  interests  has 
already  been  so  strongly  manifested,  as  to  excite 
loud  and  open  murmurs  from  many  of  its  friends. 
The  acquisition  of  California  is  desired  as  a  means 
of  extending  and  perpetuating  the  power  and  in- 
fluence of  the  South,  The  successful  manner  in 
which  the  iniquitous  scheme  of  annexing  Texas 
has  been  consummated,  has  but  sharpened  the 
appetite  of  those  who  desire  the  acquisition  of 
southern  territory.  While  we  see  the  Administra- 
I  tion,  with  a  degree  of  tnmeness  and  submission 
somewhat  remarkable,  when  we  reinember  their 
vainglorious  boast  that  "  our  title  to  the  whole  of 
Oregon  was  clear  and  unquestionable,"  surrender- 
ing one-half  of  that  territory  to  Great  Britain,  we 
sec  them  on  the  other  hand  grasping  at  territory 
in  a  more  snnlhcrn  latitude,  to  which  we  have  no 
title,  in  viola^n  of  every  principle  of  right. 

When  tlie™)ill  which  appropriated  ten  millions 
of  dollars  and  authorized  the  President  to  call  fcr 
volunteers  to  prosecute  the  war,  was  under  con- 
sideration, I  v'oa  confined  to  my  room  bv  indispo- 
sition, and  was  therefore  unable  to  vote  upon  it. 
Had  I  been  present,  I  should  have  voted  for  the 
bill.  .However  much  I  respect  the  motives  of  the 
fourteen  gentlemen  who  voted  against  it,  I  could 
not  have  concurred  with  them  in  t'.ie  votes  which 
they  gave.  At  that  time  our  little  army  was  in  a 
hostile  country,  surrounded  by  an  enemy  of  greatly 
superior  numbers.  Every  mai'l  was  looked  for  with 
intense  anxiety,  and  intelligence  of  defeat  and  dis- 
aster was  feared  by  many.  It  was  net  then  the 
time  to  stop  to  inquire  whether  our  army  was  there 
rightfully  or  not.  They  were  there,  exposed  to 
the  most  imminent  peril,  and  it  waa  Ihe  impera- 


tive duty  of  Congress  to  adopt  the  means  neces- 
sary to  extricate  them  from  that  danger.  If  the 
President,  by  an  iinauthorized  act,  had  sent  our 
troops  into  a  foreign  country,  and  involved  us 
in  war,  it  was  still  our  duty  to  adopt  the  neces- 
sary means  to  secure  their  safety.  It  is  true, 
the  majority  in  this  House,  by  an  act  of  unex- 
ampled party  tyranny,  attached  to  the  bill  the  as- 
sertion that  the  war  existed  by  the  act  of  Mexico. 
This  was  done  for  the  purpose  of  compelling  the 
Whigs  to  sanction  this  statement  by  their  votes, 
and  thus  furnish  some  excuse  for  the  Administra- 
tion; or,  by  voting  against  the  bill,  render  them- 
selves obnoxious  to  the  charge  of  voting  against 
granting  the  supplies  necessary  to  extricate  our 
army  from  their  (langerous  position.  I  believe  the 
statement  contained  m  the  bill,  that  the  war  exist- 
ed by  the  act  of  Mexico,  was  false.  Still  I  thould 
have  voted  for  the  bill,  protesting  at  the  same  time 
(as  did  those  Whigs  who  voted  for  it)  against  this 
falsehood ,  and  protesting  against  the  tyranny  of 
the  majority,  which  refused  to  us  the  privilege  of 
voting  upon  the  two  propositions  separately.  It 
is  not  the  desire  of  tne  Whigs  in  this  House  to 
embarrass  the  Administration,  by  withholding  the 
supplies  necessary  to  bring  the  war  to  a  close. 
Wanton  and  unjustifiable  as  they  view  the  war, 
still  we  are  engaged  in  it,  and  our  army  must  be 
sustained. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  Administration  has 
been  furnished  with  all  the  supplies  and  means  for 
which  it  has  asked .  The  President  has  commenced 
the  war,  ind  Ihe  manner  and  extent  of  its  prosecu- 
tion rests  with  him.  How  far  and  how  long  does 
he  intend  to  prosecute  it.'  This  is  an  important 
inquiry,  and  one  which  is  now  upon  every  tongue. 
And  yet,  sir,  we  get  no  answer  to  it.  Extensive 
preparations  are  in  progress  for  its  prosecution. 
Our  army  has  already  penetrated  into  the  interior 
of  Mexico,  and  circumstances  indicate  an  inten- 
tion to  march  upon  the  capital. 

Sir,  I  do  not  believe  that  the  people  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  desire  this  war  to  be  prosecuted  with 
ambitious  views  of  conquest.  I  do  not  believe  that 
the  public  mind  sympathizes  with  the  Administra- 
tion in  its  ambitious  designs.  The  moment  of  ex- 
citement occasioned  by  the  outbreak  of  hostilities 
will  be  succeeded  by  cool  reflection,  which  will 
result  in  condemnation  of  the  Executive.  The 
fair  fame  of  the  country  has  already  received  a 
stain,  which  all  the  glory  of  Palo  Alto  and  Resaca 
de  la  Palma  cannot  remove.  The  desire  for  pence 
is  extending  with  every  day.  The  interest  tma 
honor  of  the  country  demands  that  these  odious 
hostilities  with  a  neighboring  Republic  should 
cease,  and  that  peace  should  be  restored. 


THE  TARIFF, 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  JOHNSON, 

OF  MAIIYLAND, 
In  the  Shnate,  July  18,  1846, 
On  the  Bill  for  the  reduction  of  duties  on  Imports, 
and  for  other.purposes, 
Mr,  JOHNSON  addressed  the  Senate  as  follows: 
Mr,  President:  But  for  tho  very  imporlant 
character  of  the  measure  now  submitted  to  the 
judgment  of  the  Senate,  I  should  not  venture  to 
participate  in  the  debate.  If  the  subject  was  of 
ordinary  character  and  interest,  embracing  but  few 
topics,  and  admitting  but  few  illustrations,  I  should 
have  been  restrained,  as  well  by  respect  for  myself 
ns  for  the  Senate,  from  taxing  its  time  and  nalience 
further;  for  nil  must  be  conscious  who  had  the 
pleasure  of  hearing  the  honombtc  Senators  from 
Maine  and  Massachv;setts,  [Mr,  Evans  nnd  Mr, 
Davis,]  who  have  preceded  me,  that,  as  far  ns  tho 
particular  questions  they  have  spoken  to  are  con- 
cerned, the  whole  matter  has  been  exliausted. 
Bringing  to  Ihe  discussion  great  aci.racy  and  ful- 
ness of  knowledge,  and  applying  It  with  the  moat 
consummate  ability,  whoever  undertakes  to  follow 
them  may  well  despair  enforcing  anything  they 
have  said. 

It  ia  my  purpose,  therefore,  to  avoid  altogether, 
as  far  as  I  may  be  able^  Ihe  ground  thus  nbly  oc- 
cupied. In  what  I  am  about  to  offer,  I  propose  to 
do  by  considering  under  three  distinct  heads  the 
eflecu  of  tlie  bill  now  before  us— 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGR¥:SSIONAL  JLOBE. 


1119 


29tu  Cong 1st  Sess 


The  Tariff— Mr.  R.  Johnson. 


Sknate. 


1.  I  ahall,  in  the  first  place,  inquire  into  the  prin- 
ciple of  the  bill. 

3.  I  shall  proceed' to  show,  in  a  way  which  has 
not  yet  beer  attempted,  the  practical  efl'ect  of  the 
bill  on  tl,e  ''"meslic  industy  and  on  the  laborers  of 
thecouitiy. 

3.  A  4  I  shall,  in  the  third  and  last  place,  bring 
forwnrb  some  facts  not  yet  presented,  to  show  that, 
assuming  as  correct  the  estimates  submitted  to  us 
at  diflercnt  times  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
from  the  beginning  down  to  that  which  he  sent  us 
yesterday,  or  udoptine;  those  which  the  chairman 
of  the  Committpe  of  Finance  laid  before  the  Sen- 
ale,  or  those  which  I  understand  have  been  sub- 
mitted by  the  chairman  of  the  corresponding 
committee  in  the  other  House,  the  bill  will  no 
produce  an  amount  of  revenue  sufficient  to  meet 
the  WEiiits  of  the  country. 

In  tlie  first  place,  then,  I  propose  to  inquire  in  .o 
the  fundamental  principle  of  the  bill.  I  und.-r- 
sund  it  to  be  founded  on  the  opipion  maintai  led 
and  laid  before  Congress  and  the  country  by  tlie 
President  of  the  United  States,  in  his  aimuul  incs- 
sage  at  the  commencement  of  the  present  session, 
and  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  his  an- 
nual report — that  Congress  possesses  no  constitu- 
tional power  to  protect  the  domestic  industry  of 
the  United  States,  either  dirfilly,  by  the  taxing 
power,  or  by  any  other  power  through  the  exer- 
cise of  the  taxing  power.  It  is  very  true,  Mr. 
President,  that  the  present  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Foreign  Relations,  the  distinguished  gen- 
tleman from  South  Carolina,  [Mr.  McDuFriE,] 
said  yesterday  that,  reither  in  this  debate,  nor  at 
any  other  time  on  this  floor  during  this  session, 
had  the  question  been  mooted  or  the  power  de- 
nied; yet  I  am  sure  that  I  should  be  doing  that 
honorable  gentleman  great  injustice,  and  the  other 
friends  of  the  bill  equal  injustice,  if  I  should  as- 
sume that  this  declaration  was  intended  to  be  un- 
derstood as  a  concession,  on  his  or  on  their  part, 
that  such  a  power  did  exist.  But  however  that 
may  be,  both  the  President  and  the  Secretary  of  j 
the  Treasury,  in  the  discharge  of  their  respective 
duties  to  the  nation,  have  recommended  to  us  a 
bill  even  more  objectionable  than  the  present,  on 
the  very  ground,  amongst  others,  that  there  is  not 
in  the  Constitution  any  authority,  expressed  or 
implied,  under  which  the  industry  of  the  country 
can  be  protected,  in  whole  or  in  part,  cither  direct- 
ly by  the  taxing  power,  or  by  any  other  power  to 
be  exerted  by  means  of  the  taxing  power. 

Now,  Mr.  President,  it  does  appear  to  me  poss- 
ing  strange  that,  at  this  period  of  our  national  ex- 
istence, in  the  year  1846,  fifty-seven  years  since 
the  Constitution  was  adopted,  it  should  'je  offi- 
cially declared  by  two  such  high  officers  of  this 
Government  that  it  possesses  no  authority  to  pro- 
tect our  own  labor — the  industry  of  our  own  citi- 
zens— against  restrictions  imposed  by  foreign  legis- 
lation, and  imposed  to  injure  it;  that  we  have  no 
power  to  defend  our  own  industry  against  the 
•  ounlervailing  duties  of  other  nations,  no  nialter 
how  destructive  they  arc  found  in  their  practical 
results,  nor  how  clear  it  may  be  that  they  were 
levied  lor  that  very  end. 

Mr.  President,  if  this  opinion  be  wr'  founded, 
then  there  is  no  such  protective  powe.  anywhere 
within  the  limits  of  the  United  States;  for,  if  it  be 
not  in  the  General  Government,  we  are  entirely 
wiiliout  it.  So  fur  as  my  reading  and  my  knowl- 
edge extends,  the  value  of  any  nation's  industry 
cim  ;  protected  ngoinst  the  rival  industry  of  other 
nations  only  by  the  exercise  of  this  very  taxing 
power;  and  the  result  is,  that,  notwithstanding 
the  power  which  has  been  exerted  and  is  now 
exerted  by  all  t!>e  other  Governments  of  the  world' 
for  the  encouragement  and  protection  of  their  own 
commerce  and  of  every  variety  of  their  own  in- 
dustry, and  however  efl'ective  and  advantageous 
such  protection  may  have  proved,  we,  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  arc  in  possesaion  of  no  such 
power,  cither  in  our  General  Government  or  in 
onr  respective  Sinte  Governments.  That  is  the 
clear  and  undeniable  conclusion;  and  if  it  be  so, 
then  it  is  equally  clear  that  we  are  independent 
but  in  name;  if  it  be  so,  then  are  we  in  n  slate  of 
rnlonial  vassalage,  laboring  under  all  the  evils  o' 
thai  condition,  but  without  any  of  ils  countervail- 
ing benefits,  if  there  be  any;  if  it  be  so,  then  I 
aver  that  we  are  still  colonics,  and  colonies  of 
England,  without  enjoying  the  advantages  of  such 


assistanct  as  a  mother  government  might,  in  her 
generosity  or  by  her  interest,  be  disposed  to  confer 
upon  us. 

But  is  it  fo,  Mr.  President?  Are  we  without  a 
Government,  so  far  as  relates  to  that  most  impor- 
tant of  all  other  powers — the  power  of  protectiug 
ourselves  against  the  legislation  and  the  rival  laboi  i 
of  other  nations  of  the  world?  A  glance  (and  it 
shall  be  but  a  glance)  at  the  condition  of  thingb 
subsequent  to  tlie  Declaration  of  Independence  and 
prior  to  the  adoption  of  the  present  Constitution, 
and  for  some  time  immediately  succeeding  it,  will 
bring  us  to  a  correct  result. 

So  long  as  we  were  colonies,  our  industry  could 
be  most  eflectually  protected,  either  by  the  power 
of  the  British  Parliament  o  enact  countervailing 
laws  for  the  benefit  of  their  colonies,  or  by  enact- 
ing laws  authorizing  the  colonial  governments  to 
pass  such  countervailing  laws.  This  power  was  ex- 
ercised from  time  to  time, and  advantageously.  But 
we  passed  from  the  colonial  slate;  we  declared  bur- 
selves  independent;  we  achieved  our  independence 
in  many  a  well-fought  batUe  field,  and  a  sevrn 
years'  war  ended  in  the  recognition  by  the  motlier 
country  of  these  United  States  as  a  free  and  inde- 
pendent nation.  The  war  of  arms  was  thus  caused 
to  terminate.  In  that  war  of  arms  we  came  off 
victorious,  and  in  the  joy  of  our  hearts  and  in  the 
glow  of  our  patriotism  thought  that  we  had  con- 
quered for  ourselves  independence  in  fact  as  well 
as  in  name.  But  what  at  once  succeeded  ?  Great 
Britain,  who  had  failed  to  subdue  us  by  force, 
commenced  upon  us  a  war  of  commercial  regula- 
tions— regulations  which  weie  intended  to  secure 
to  her  own  subjects  advantages  over  and  to  the 
injury  of  the  j^eople  of  the  United  States  in  all  the 
various  pursuits  of  human  industry.  What  was 
the  effect?  Our  trade  languished;  our  public  and 
individual  credit  rapidly  declined;  our  national  and 
individual  debts  largely  increased,  and  we  found,  to 
our  amazement  and  dismay,  that,  so  for  from  enjoy- 
ing the  happiness,  the  plenty,  and  the  wealth  wliich 
we  had  promised  ourselves  in  tlie  peaceful  employ- 
ment of  our  own  labor,  under  the  protection  of  a 
free  and  independent  government  of  our  own 
choice,  we  were  even  worse  ofiT,  in  these  particu- 
lars, than  we  had  been  before  our  independence 
was  accomplished. 

From  the  date  of  the  treaty  of  peace  down  to 
the  year  1789,  the  state  of  the  country  became  ab- 
solutely insufferable.  How  was  this  attempted  to 
be  corrected  ?  The  States  of  the  Confederacy,  in 
the  exercise  of  their  sovereignty,  first,  each  State 
for  itself,  and  secondly,  by  the  combination  of  sev- 
eral States,  attempted,  by  a  system  of  countervail- 
ing imposts  and  other  commercial  regulations,  to 
redeem  the  dilapidated  condition  of  the  industry  of 
the  country,  to  revive  its  credit,  and  to  restore  its 
general  prosperity.  Vir|:inia  thus  interfered ;  Ma- 
ryland thus  interfered;  Delaware  thus  interfered; 
other  States  thus  interfered.  But  what  was  still 
the  practical  result  ?  Each  of  these  States  having 
authority  only  over  its  own  ports,  could  not  pre- 
vent free  importations  of  goods  into  the  pons  of 
the  other  Slates;  and  goods  thus  imported  duty 
free  would,  in  spite  of  every  attempt  to  prevent  it, 
find  tlieir  way  into  the  consumption  of  those  States 
where  these  same  goods  had  to  pay  duty.  Thus  the 
attempt  to  which  portions  of  the  country,  under 
distress  and  emergency,  hud  vainly  resorted,  utterly 
failed;  and  it  failed  not  because  the  means  which 
they  employed  were  not  in  their  own  nature  suf- 
ficient, and  would  not,  if  universally  employed, 
have  cfi'ected  all  that  was  hoped  ''-r  and  all  that 
waa  needed,  but  precisely  for  tin  «:ant  of  power 
to  make  their  operation  universal.*!  speak,  sir, 
but  the  truth  of  history  when  I  say  that  it  was  this 
very  difliculty,  this  very  imbecility  to  which  I  have 
just  referred,  that  brought  the  Federal  Constitution 
into  existence.  The  new  Federal  Government, 
among  other  great  and  wholesome  powers  confer- 
red upon  it,  was  endowed  with  the  power  to  regulate 
commerce  and  to  lay  duties  and  impoita;  and  at  once, 
and  by  the  exercise  of  these  two  important  pre- 
rogatives, it  was  enabled  to  accomplish  that  which 
the  power  of  the  States  had  been  inadequate  to 
elfect.  The  Constitution  so  came  into  being,  ami, 
at  the  time  of  its  birth,  the  entire  South,  the  Mid- 
dle Stoles,  and  the  Northern  States,  all  held  the 
san.e  opinion,  not  only  as  to  the  existence  of  fto 
power  m  Congress  to  encourage  and  protect  by 
taxation  American  labor  and  American  industry. 


but  as  to  the  absolute  necessity  for  the  exercise 
of  the  power. 

In  proof  of  this  unanimity  of  sentiment,  lufier 
me,  Mr.  ^'resident,  to  read  one  of  five  memorials 
pr.-'seiited  to  the  first  Congress  of  the  United  States 
from  Boston,  from  New  York,  from  Philadelphia, 
and  from  Charleston.  I  will  re?d,  air,  from  a  me- 
morial signed  by  eight  hundred  and  twenty-six 
inhabitants  of  Baltimore: 

To  the  President  snit  Can<rna  of  the  United  Blatoi,  the 

pcUtioii  of  the  trndetineii,  iiieclianio,  and  others,  ul'  the 

town  III'  Caltiinorr,  humbly  ■howeth : 

That  since  tlie  clone  of  the  late  war,  and  tlie  completion 

of  the  ItuvDiiilifiii,  your  {teiitioiierii  have  otwrrvud  Willi 

iicrinus  ri^nret,  the  iitaniiraeturiDjf  iiiid  trudiii^  interests  01'  Uie 

couittry  rapidly  duclining,  while  the  weaUh  of  ihu  people 

litltii  been   prudij<ully  t-zpendud  in  tlie   purchtue  uf  IbOKO 

nrticlL-ti,  t'rniii  fbrtjijitcrii,  .viiieii  Q,ur  eiliKt:ii8,  if  properly  uii- 

couriit>ed,  wen;  fully  compi^ient  to  furnish. 

To  check  this  i^'fowing  evil,  opplicutions  were  made  by 
pelitions,  tu  some  of  the  State  Le^ii-iatureit ;  these  guardians 
of  tile  people,  in  several  of  Uie  BuitL-s,  iiiterfioscd  tlicir 
authority ;  laws  were  by  tlieni  ciiactt-d  with  the  view  (tf  sub- 
duing, or  at  least  dimilli^tlil^f  the  rniie  for  foreign,  and  eii- 
couniKing  domestic  iiianul'nr>tiire!) ;  hut  Uie  event  hath  clearly 
deinonstrnted  lo  all  ranktiof  ii)eii,that  no  elfedual  proviMoii 
could  reawinably  bu  expected,  until  one  unilorui  cfHcielit 
govornuiuiit  sliould  pervade  tills  wide  extended  eouniry. 

The  liitppy  period  having  now  arrived,  wiien  the  United 
Btatcs  are  placed  in  a  new  situation,  wiieti  the  ailopiioii  of 
the  General  Government  fiives  one  sovereign  legislature  the 
solo  and  excluaivo  |iower  of  laying  dutiei  u|H>n  iniporu  ; 
your  peiitUincrs  rejoice  at  the  pros|ii;ct  this  alliirus  theiir, 
that  Aiiieriea,  fl'eed  from  the  coinnierchU  shackles  wiiich 
iiave  so  long  hound  her,  will  see  and  pursue  her  true  interei-t, 
bceoniing  itideiienilent  in  fact  as  well  as  in  name ;  and  they 
confidently  hope,  that  the  encouragement  and  protecUnn  of 
American  nianufnctiires  will  claim  Uie  earliest  atlention  of 
the  supreme  Lcgii>Iaiure  of  the  iiiition ;  as  it  is  an  univeri  ally 
acknowledged  Uuth,  that  Uie  United  States  contaiu  wiUiill 
tliuir  limit.-t,  resources  amply  sultieient  to  unable  Uielu  to 
bjconie  a  great  inaiiufuciuriiig  country,  and  only  want  tlie 
patronage  niid  support  of  a  wise  eiiergeiii;  government. 

Your  peiiUoner.s  conceive  it  unnecessary  to  mulUply  argu- 
ments to  so  enlightened  a  body  as  ihe  one  they  have  now 
thu  honor  of  luidrcssing,  to  convince  Uiem  of  the  pioprie'ty 
and  imporlaiice  of  attending  to  inea.-ures  so  obviously  neces- 
sary, and,  indeed,  indi»<peiisntile ;  as  ever}'  iiieniber  must 
have  otiscrved  and  lamented  the  present  melancholyttatcof 
his  country,  the  number  of  her  iioor  increasing  for  want  of 
employment :  foreign  delils  aceiiiiiulaUni^  ;  lluuscs  and  Injida 
depreelatin^  in  value ;  trade  and  luanuliicturcs  biiiguishing 
and  expiring.  This  being  a  faint  skeicti  of  the  gloomy  pic- 
ture tbis  country  exhibits,  it  is  to  the  supreme  Legislature 
of  the  United  States,  as  the  guardians  of  lite  whole  empire, 
that  every  eye  is  now  directed ;  from  Uieir  united  wisdom, 
their  patriotism,  tlieir  ardent  love  of  Hieir  country,  your  pell- 
tioncra  expect  to  derive  ihnt  aid  and  assistance  wliich  alone 
can  dissipate  Uicir  just  apprehensions,  and  animate  tliem 
wiUl  hopes  of  success  in  future,  by  im|iosing  on  all  foreiui 
articles  wiiieli  can  bo  made  in  America,  such  duties  us  wnl 
give  a  just  and  decided  preference  to  their  labors,  and  tliere- 
liy  di&countenanciiig  tiiat  trade  wliich  tends  so  niateriniiy  to 
injure  Uieiii,and  impoverisii  their  countiy;  and  which  may, 
also,  ill  tlieir  consequences,  contril.ute  lo  tile  discharge  of 
the  iiaiionai  debt,  and  the  due  support  of  Government. 

'V'our  petiUoners  take  the  liberty  to  annex  a  list  of  such 
articles  as  are,  or  can  be  manufactured  in  this  ploce^  on 
moflerate  terms ;  and  Uiey  humbly  trust  that  you  will  fully 
consider  their  request,  and  grant  Uiem,  in  common  with  tlie 
other  mechanics  and  manufacturers  of  the  United  States, 
that  relief  which,  in  your  wisdom,  may  appear  proper. 

I  will  not  read  the  others,  but  they  all  hold  sub- 
stantially the  same  language.  The  memorial  from 
Charleston  wos  directed  more  particularly  to  the 
subject  of  encouraging  and  protecting  ship-build- 
ing, and  all  the  manujticturing  industry  employed 
in  ship-building.  These  it  prayed  should  be  en- 
couraged by  the  action  of  the  General  Government. 
Accordingly,  by  one  of  the  first  acts  of  Congrecs, 
manufactures  arc  mentioned  in  association  with 
other  things,  as  objects  which  it  was  intended  to 
protect  by  the  passage  of  that  act;  this  appears  in 
the  very  preamble  of  the  law  itself.  It  is  in  these 
words:  "  Whereas  it  is  necessary  for  the  support 
'  of  government,  for  the  discharge  of  the  debts  of 
■  the  United  States,  and  the  us'couaAGEHENT  and 
'  PROTECTION  OF  MANUFACTURES,  lliat  duties  be  laid 
'  on  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise  imported." 

No  man  then  doubted  either  the  power,  or  the 
expediency,  or  the  absolute  necessity  of  exercising 
it.  The  ellect  proved,  and  at  once,  the  wisdom  and 
the  patriotism  of  the  men  at  that  day.  The  re- 
sources of  the  country  were  developed)  public 
and  individual  credit  ^^ere  restored,  our  drooping 
energies  revived,  and  we  started  at  once  on  a  ca- 
reer of  unexampled  prosperity,  which  astonished 
the  world.  From  that  day  until  a  comparatively 
recent  period,  although  act  after  act  was  passed  by 
Congress  for  the  self-same  purposes  which  were 
avowed  in  the  act  of  '89,  none,  no  not  one,  was 
found,  with  reputation,  or  without  reputation,  to 
breathe  so  much  us  a  doubt,  fur  less  to  deny  the 
I  power  of  Congress,  to  grant  such  protection,  or  the 


iiao 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  18, 


29rH  CoNO 1st  Sesb. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  R.  Johnson. 


Senate. 


29th  Cong, 


propriety  of  framing  it.  And  aeain  I  speak  bu 
the  truth  or  history  when  I  any,  that  in  proportion 
to  the  encouragement  and  defence  extended  by 
these  laws  to  the  industry  of  the  country,  was  tlie 
improvement  of  the  country.  These  protective 
acta  continued  to  be  passed  without  dispute  or 
question,  from  1789  down  to  1633.  Some  little 
doubt  was  then,  and  for  the  first  time,  intimated  in 
the  State  of  Massachusetts,  (at  that  period  exten- 
sively, and  almost  exclusively,  engaged  in  com- 
merce,) a*  to  the  power.  But  there  was  not  so 
much  as  a  whisper  of  any  such  opinion  from  the 
South,  where  unfortunately,  as  I  smcerely  believu, 
for  themselves,  aa  well  us  tlie  whole  country,  such 


I  their  proprietors,  but  almost  to  the  starvation  of 
'  the  operatives  to  wh  m  they  had  given  bread.    It 
j  was  under  this  condition  of  things  that  the  act  of 
I  '43,  which  the  Senate  is  now  invoked  to  destroy, 
I  came  into  existence.    The  act  was  founded  on  the 
I  principle  that  the  labor  of  the  country  was  to  be 
protected,  and  as  a  means  to  this,  that  the  capital- 
ists were  also   to   be  protected;  without  whose 
money  the  labor  of  the  country  could  not  be  made 
to  flourish.     The  law  was  passed,  and  what  has 
been  the  result?    From  '43  to  the  present  period, 
!  when  the  manufacturing  portion  of  our  commu- 
nity is  thrown  into  general  consternation,  by  the 
fear  that  your  new  bill  shall  pass,  what  has  been 


protection  is  now  held  by  a  portion  of  the  people  :  the  state  of  the  nation?    1  leave  it  to  you.  who  are 


to  be  not  merely  unconstitutional,  but  positively 
rnjust'and  tyrannical.  I  do  not  deny  that  this 
ciiange  in  the  opinion  of  the  South  is  the  result  of 
honest  conviction,  but  still  the  fii'ct  remains  that  it 
■a  a  change,  a  very  great  change,  an  utter  and  rad- 
ical change,  of  opinions  Ion";  and  patriotically  main- 
tained, and  long  and  berieflclally  carried  out. 

I  shall  not  go  ito  a  history  of  the  troubles 
which  have  grow:,  out  of  this  difference  of  opin- 
ion, from  the  time  it  first  manifested  itself  in  the 


asking  us  to  destroy  this  law,  to  say  v.'l.ether  the 
business  of  this  country  ever  knew  a  happier  or 
more  prosperous  period.  When  was  peraonal 
wealth  ueli«r  ac  '.urcd;  private  labor  better  reward- 
ed, and  individual  and  public  credit  occupying  a 
higher  position?  Let  any  man  point  me  to  a 
bri«;htcr  period  in  our  history. 

And,  Mr.  President,  is  nut  the  nation  taken  by 
surprise,  when  it  finds  that  you  are  in  earnest  in 
an  attempt  to  repeal  this  law?    I  know  that  it  is 


had  written  to  Pennsylvonio,  avowing  that,  should 
^°.^''°?}°  ?'■",';''"'  ?*■  ""  UiiiteJ  States,  the 
tariff  of  '43  should  not  he  suffered  to  stand  a  single 
session  of  Congress,  he  would,  to  this  hour,  have 
retrmined  James  K.  Polk.  Well  may  the  people 
of  Pennsylvania  sny,  in  their  memorials,  that  thev 
are  astonished— that  they  have  been  betrayed,  and 
shamefully  defrauded;  and  well  mny  they  sav 
that  their  only  ray  of  hope  is  found  here  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  Slates;  and  with  no  less 
truth  moy  they  add,  that  that  ray  of  hope  proceeds 
from  the  Whig  members  of  this  body,  and  almost 
from  them  alone.  In  the  entire  history  of  our 
parly  struggles— in  all  the  agitations  of  the  political 
elements— in  all  our  conflicts  for  power,  durinc 
every  former  period  of  the  Government— never 
has  there  existed  such  absolute,  open,  and  vile  de- 
ception, as  hos  been  practised  by  •  Democratic 
leaders  and  politicians  on  confiding  Pennsylvania. 
I  hear,  or  at  least  I  sec  it  said  in  some  Whig 
papers,  that  Whigs  have  no  sympathy  for  her 
That,  sir,  is  not  my  case.  I  have  sympathy,  deep 
sympathy,  for  her.  The  people  of  Pennsylvania 
I  arc  an  honest,  upright  people,  simple-hearted  and 
.  .  confiding,  and  they  have  been  belrayeil.    Thev 

South,  down  to  the  time  when  it  proved  so  fruitfiil  N  easy  for  gentlemen  in  the  South  to  say  that  they  |  trusted,  and  they  have  been  deceived.  They  were 
a  source  of  controversy,  discontent,  public  agitn-  !|  would  have  been  surprised  if  such  a  bill  had  not  :;  prosperous  and  happy,  and  they  are  to  be  impov- 

lion  and  alarm.     Its  effect  has  been  to  disturb  all  jl  been  recommended;  but  if  they  will  be  as  candid  ji  erished.    And  all  forwhat? for  what?    Why  to 

the  elemenu  of  our  national  industry.  Congress  [j  as  their  nature  prompts  them  to  be  in  all  other  carry  out  "  the  revenue  standard"  of  duties !  All 
has  protected  that  industry  one  day,  and  refused  to  tj  things,  must  they  not,  one  and  all,  admit  that  the  |  because  you  have  become  suddenly  enamored  of 
protect  it  the  next.  One  day  it  has  been  eiicour- ij  supportersof  the  present  Chief  Mngislinte  in  other  |l  the  principles  of  I'ree  trade.  All  promises  made 
aged,  the  next  day  stricken  down.  At  length  our  i  poriionsof  the  country  have  been  equally  surprised  n  to  Pennsylvania,  whether  express  or  implied  are 
domestic  horizon  was  darkened  by  those  lowering  i  that  such  a  bill  as  this  has  found  its  way  into  these  !  to  bo  broken,  scattered  to  the  wind.  Those  prom- 
clouds  which  nroso  previous  to  the  Compromise  ^NHalls  under  his  recommendation?  Must  they  not,  iaes  were  to  be  found  in  every  hamlet  and  log-cabin 
act,  and  threatened  us  with  the  horrors  of  civil  ;;  as  honest  men,  admit,  one  and  all,  that,  if  Mr.     ju  Pennsylvania,  in  the  shape  of  a  letter  written 

by  the  Democratic  candidate,  if  not  written   to 
deceive,  at  least  deceiving.    That  letter,  with  all 
its  soft  and  specious  language,  is  now  to  be  kept 
in  the  back  ground;  and  when  those  who  read  and 
fondly  believed  it,  now  come  here  exercising  their 
sacred  iirivilegc  as  freemen,  and  lay  their  com- 
plaints before  the  Senate,  that  the  protective  sys- 
tem is  about  to  bo  destroyed,  and  their  daily  bread 
taken  from  them,  they  are  contemptuously  told, 
in  the  columns  of  iheGovernmenf  organ,  that  they 
;  could  not  have  been  deceived;  that  no  man  op 
I  common  sense  ever  supposed  that,  if  Mr.  Polk 
j  proved  successful  in  the  contest,  he   would  not 
j  adopt  the  principle.^  of  free  trade  as  the  leading 
'  principles  of  his  Administration. 

Hear  what  is  said  in  the  organ  of  the  17th  in- 

'  slant.     Commenting  upon  some  remarks  o)  the 

.Senator  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr.  Webster,]  tlio 

diiy  before,  it  says; 

"  Mr.  VVboster  li'Ils  us  Hint  the  present  Adininistnttion 

I  are  the  most  accninplislieil  '  panic  makers'  in  tlio  rnunlry. 

'  8lrniiR<^  nsacninii,  itulopd,  and  it  has  nn  other  tbtindafion 

I  thill)  ihis;  thni  tlie  Administrnlion  n:id  its  real  friGiidg,  iind 

j  the  rcitt  friuiu's  of  I'le  eoimtry,  are  cnrryiiiit  out  n  rrfnrm 

t  wiiifii  has  long  been  dirmnnded  by  a  Ritfferint;  people,  which 

I  Afr.  PjVt  has  promited,  and  irhirh  it  wnt  known  to  every  mai( 

j  OF  SENaEisTiiE  COMMUNITY  I'-Jiittt he carrifd  oiU  by  thtDem- 

Otrativ  parly  the  momenl  they  came  into  pouer.'* 


war.     A  distinguished  Senator  from    Kentucky,  : 
(Mr.  Clay,)  contrary  to  the  Judgment  of  many,  j 
but  as  the  country  admitted,  from  the  purest  patri- 
'  otism,  recommended  the  passage  of  that  celebrated 
law,  and  succeeded  in  carrying  it  through  both  i 
Houses.     It  was  then,  and  has  ever  since  been,  { 
denominated   the  Compromise  act — but  of  what  i 
was  it  a  compromise  ?  Not  of  the  protective  princi-  i 
pie,  not  by  surrendering  that  principle,  or  admit-  ' 
ting  that  the  power  to  protect  did  not  exist,  but  by  \ 
determining,  from  a  sincere  conviction  that  such  a 
course  would  be  best  for  the  manufacturing  interest 
itself,  while  at  the  same  time  it  would  avoid  the 
awful  calamities  of  civil  war,  that  the  practical 
exercise  of  the  power  should  not  in  the  then  con-  i 
dition  of  the  country,  be  carried  beyond  a  defined  \ 
limit. 

The  voice  of  pacification  was  heard  from  these  ^ 
walls;  the  warlike  sounds  which  threatened  the 
shedding  of  fraternal   blood  were  hushed.     The 
North  breathed  freer,  the  men  of  the  Middle  States  i ' 
ceased  to  be  dismayed,  and  the  men  of  the  South 
rejoiced,  and  all  had  cause  to  rejoice.     Foritisiny    i 
sincere  belief  that  if  this  Compromise  law  had  not  : 
passed,  and  South  Carolina  had  not  been  satisfied,  '| 
and  if  we  had  attempted  by  force  to  execute  upon    ' 
her  the  laws  of  the  Union,  as  would  have  been    j 
done,  the  end  of  this  Government  and  of  our  happy 
Confederacy  would  have  been. 

And  now  let  us  inquire  what  was  the  practical 
operation  of  that  far-famed  and  patriotic  Compro-  ! 
mise  set.     It  resulted  precisely  os  had  l^een  pre- 1 
dieted  by  some,  in  this  unvoryiii"  fact,  that  just 
in  proportion  as  the  rate  of  duties  descended  in  the  ' 
•cnle,  did  the  general  prosperity  of  the  country  fall 
and  sink  with  them;  and  when  these  duties  had 
re.iched  their  lowest  point,  every  man  acquainted 
with  the  history  of  that  day,  must  admit  that  a  | 
scene  of  universal  distress  in  the  South  as  well  as  !l 
at  the  North,  in  the  West  as  well  as  at  the  East,  |; 
overspread  the  entire  country,  to  an  extent  never  j 
before  seen.  j' 

And  what  were  we  to  do  ?  What  did  the  patriotic   ' 
statesmen  of  that  day  resolve  to  do?     The  credit  p 
of  the  Government  was  gone;  its  accredited  ageiils 
who  went  to  Kiigland  to  borrow  money  were,  in   ' 
London,  and  to  The  disgrace  of  the  United  States, 
almost  driven  from   'change;  we  could  not  have 
borrowed  at  the  rate  of  sixty  in  a  hundred;  and  :: 
while  the  public  credit  was  thus  prostrate,  our  in-  i 
dividual  credit  failed  even  in  a  greater  proportion. 
Establishments   which   had  cost  millions,  which 
had  added  tens  of  millions  to  the  public  wealth, 
which  had  employed  hundreds  of  thousands  of  in- 
dustrious hands,  spread  domestic  comfort  and  pri-  i| 
Tate  happiness  all  around  them,  were  sacrificed  :l 
under  ttis  hammar,  not  only  to  tha  utter  ruin  of  l! 


Polk,  when  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  with 
the  frankness  and  manly  independence  which  be- 
came him,  had  declared,  in  aiivunce,  that  such  a 
bill  as  this  should,  if  he  succeeded,  be  passed  under 
his  sanction,  and  by  his  influence,  that  he  never 
would  have  been  President  of  the  United  States? 
The  Senator  from  Alassuchusctls  took  occasion 
this  morning  to  say  that,  when  in  Pennsylvania, 
during  the  Inst  Presidential  canvass,  he  saw  means 
resorted  to  (whether  ignoranlly  or  designedly)  to 
mislead  the  honest  and  confiding  Democracy  of 
Pennsylvania,  i  will  here  add  my  testimony  to 
the  same  eil'cct.  I  have  been  myself  witness  once, 
if  not  ofteiier,  to  the  same  disgraceful  exhibition. 
On  my  way  to  add.ess  a  muss  ineciing  at  Lancas- 
ter, in  that  State,  1  stopped  at  the  town  of  Colum- 
bia, and  went  into  wiiut  I  was  told  was  a  Demo- 
cratic taver'i.  On  the  wall  of  the  bar-room  I  saw 
u  handbill,  on  which  wan  printed,  in  large  capitals, 
"The  Tariff  Act  of  '43,  to  be  preserved  only  by 
electing  James  K.  Polk."  I  wanted  to  get  pos- 
session of  one  of  the  bills  to  make  use  of  it  where 
I  was  going,  and  I  purchased  one. 

[Mr.  Haywood.     What  did  you  give  for  it?] 
Mr.  Johnson.     I  think  1  gave  u  quarter  of  a 
dollar,  [u  laugh,]  but  it  was  worth  more  tlitui  that 
to  Mr.  Polk.     It,  mid  tricks  like  it,  served  to  make 
him  what  he  is — the  President. 

[Mr.  Dallas,     I  never  saw  the  handbill.] 
Mr.  Johnson.     If  you  never  saw  that  one,  sir, 
you  must  huve  seen  several  very  like  it  during  the 
canvims.    This  handbill  proclaimed  to  those  whom 
some  of  our  friends  on  the  other  side  of  the  cham- 
ber are  fond  of  speaking  of  us  "  the  hurd-tisted 
Democracy  of  the  country,"  that  there  would  be 
a  meeting  at  Columbia  u  few  days  afterwards,  and 
urging  them  to  come  out  in  their  strength  to  hear  | 
the  best  men  of  the  Democracy  explain  the  Demo-  j 
cralic  tariff  of  '43;  to  hear  that  tariff  vindicated 
from  the  mouths  of  men  on  whose  integrity  they 
could  tely-^en  who  were  incapable  of  deception 


right,  the  present  Secretary  of  Stale.  lie  was 
one  of  those  who  was  to  dcinonstralc  to  the  confi- 
ding Democracy  of  PciiiiBylvaiiia  that  the  tariff  of 
'43  was  a  Democratic  measure;  that  the  Whigs 
had  attempted  to  defeat  it,  but  could  not,  and  who 
culled  upon  them  to  elect  James  K.  ("oik,  that 
they  might  ensure  the  continuance  of  the  tarift' of 
'43,  "  without  the  alteration  of  a  letter." 

Now,  I  do  not  say  that  any  honest  man  was 
engaged  in  such  deception,  and  I  have  only  men- 
tioned these  facts  to  show  that  the  jieople  were 
deceived — grossly,  shamelessly,  Uegmdedly  de- 
Ceived — and  I  hazard  the  assertion  that  no  dele- 
gate from  Pennsylvania  will  deny  that  if,  with  the 
candor  and  manlinaaa  which  became  him,  Mr,  Polk 


I  should  not  refer  to  the  language  of  this  editor, 
unless  it  had  the  stamp  of  at  least  aijiiiui  Presiden- 
tial authority;  and  I  think  my  friend  from  New 
York  over  the  way  [Me.  Dickinson]  will  agree 
with  me  that  Ihis  paper  is  at  least  "n  quasi  public 
document."    [A  laugh.] 

It  was  known,  says  the  organ,  to  every  man  of 
sense  that  Mr.  Polk  was  no  protective  man,  but, 
on  the  contrary,  that  he  was  a  free-trade  man. 
This  '..,  .'tiiltifying,  at  one  blow,  all  Democratic. 
Pc'insylvania.  That  is  all  they  get  for  working 
nij.iit  and  day  in  the  good  old  Democratic  cause. 
And  when  her  Senator  comes  here  and  presents  the 
memorial  of  hundreds  on  hundreds  of  his  Demo- 


Among  those  "best  men"   was,  if  I  remember '  i  crati- constituents,  complaining  of  broken  faith  and 


;  violated  pledges,  nil  he  gets  in  reply  is  to  lie  tolil, 
'  almost  in  words,  upon  the  President's  authority, 
that  he  and  they  were  fools. 

But  to  iiroceed.  I  carried  that  purchase  of  mine 
to  a  mixed  meeting  elscwiiere,  and  I  iluiught  if  I 
produced  it  there  it  would  be  a  takiiij'  thing.  Ac- 
cordingly, I  spread  it  out  upon  the  hustings,  and 
told  the  people  that  I  got  it  in  Pennsylvania;  but  I 
found  it  10  be  of  no  use  at  all.  It  ninile  nn  impres- 
sion; and  why?  The  Democracy  were  induced  to 
believe  that  "  it  was  a  Whig  trick;"  "  that  it  had 
been  gotten  up  to  deceive  the  Democrats!" 

And  now,  what  is  the  condition  we  are  in?  I 
would  not  speak  words  of  provocation;  I  do  not 
speak  in  any  offensive  aenae,  but  only  aa  the  Sen- 


1646.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1121 


29th  Cong 1st  Sf.rs. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  R.  Johnson. 


New  Series No.  71. 


ntor  from  MissiHaippi  [Mr.  Speight]  said  a  few- 
days  since,  in  "  a  legal  sense."    [A  laugli.l 

if  this  tarilTbill  shall  bo  passed,  how  will  it  be 
done?  The  bill  came  In  us  last  Monday  week. 
A  proposition  was  introduced  to  pursue  the  usual 
course  in  this  Chamber  by  referring  the  bill,  but 
that  motion  was  voted  down.  First,  because  the 
Finance  Committee  was  not  full,  (though  it  could 
have  been  made  full  in  five  minutes;)  and  second, 
because  t1io  committee  wouhl  not  have  sufficient 
time  10  exainine  it — meaning,  of  course,  tliat  the 
Senate  would.  What  else?  A  week  elapses;  the 
chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Finance  at  length 
appears  and  debates  the  bill  with  his  usual  ability 
and  courtesy;  and  what  was  the  ground  he  ns- 
tsu  ed?  Simply  this,  to  show  that  it  would  raise 
8uflicient  money,  and  that  the  adoption  of  the  ad 
valartm  principle  would  prevent  frauds,  and  would 
put  an  end  to  the  injustice  perpetrated  under  the 
former  system;  or,  to  use  his  own  words,  would 
♦'  get  clear  of  the  unjust,  unrighteous,  and  villain- 
ous principle  which  marked  the  tariff  of  1842,  and 
every  other  tariff  law;"  thus  slandering,  virtually, 
all  previous  Congresses,  Whig  and  Democrat,  from 
the _dttys  of  Washington  down.  The  honorable! 
chairman,  however,  touched  only  on  the  capacity  ' 
of  this  bill  to  raise  sufficient  i-evenue,  and  said  ho  ! 
would  leave  all  the  other  topics  connected  with  it  i 
to  be  discussed  by  his  friends  on  tliat  side  of  the  | 
chamber.  I  had  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina  ! 
[Mr.  McDuffie]  in  my  eye.  He  entertains  the 
opinion,  and  I  know  most  sincerely,  that  the  con- 
stitutional question  is  the  main  question  involve<) 
in  the  bill,  and  I  wanted  to  hear  him  discuss  it.  If 
I  could  have  got  the  floor,  I  meant  to  provoke  him 
to  defend  it.    I  wanted  to  hear  him  aay''  -    this 

Erinciple  of  free  trade  had  been  distinctly  ...owed 
y  his  own  favorite  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 
He  had  heard  a  speech  made  on  our  side  of  the  i 
chamber,  and  made  with  distinguished  ability,  in  :' 
which  the  Senator  from  Maine  [Mr.  Evans]  tore  i 
to  atoms  all  the  estimates  of  the  Chairman  of  the  | ' 
Finance  Committee,  so  that  he  was  compelled  to  j 
admit  that  he  had  been  in  error  to  the  amount  of  I 
some  two  or  three  millions.  (Gut,  in  these  days, 
that's  a  small  concern.)  The  Chairman  said  in-  '; 
deed  it  was  a  matter  of  little  consequence;  nor  did  ■ 
it  make  mn'-h  difference  whether  the  bill  would  \\ 
raise  much  money  or  none  ot  all;  that,  according  j 
to  the  modern  doctrine,  is  a  question  for  the  Art-  jj 
ministration  alone — that's  their  affair,  not  ours,  |i 
nor  the  country'.?.  My  friend  from  Maine,  after  i 
two  days  of  scathing  scrutiny,  propounded  certain 
questions  to  gentlemen  on  the  other  side;  but  no  i 
one  on  the  other  side  would,  it  was  said,  debate  the 
bill  but  one  honorable  Senator.  We  adjourned. 
And  when  we  met  again  that  "one"  was  not  ready. 
Then  came  the  Senator  fiom  Massachusetts,  [Mr. 
Davis,]  and  he  seemed  to  me  to  have  annihilated 
every  vestige  of  the  bill.  He  pressed  them  again 
to  diacusH  it,  but  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina 
[Mr.  McDdffie]  appealed  to  the  courtesy  of  his 
own  side  of  the  Senate  to  give  me  leave  to  go  on 
to-day.  Then  I  was  forced  to  infer  that  it  was  not 
their  purpose  to  debate  it  at  all.  Is  not  this  most 
e^itraordinury  ?  A  bill  which  remoddles  the  whole 
financial  system  of  the  country,  which  strikes 
down  the  prices  of  all  Americon  labor;  a  bill  which 
will  carry  dismay  to  the  hearts  of  thousands  and 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  men  through  nil  the  mid- 
dle and  the  northern  Slates;  a  bill  which  is  exciting  J!  not  makes  no  difference  to  anybody  but  Mr, 
the  fearlVil  apprehensions  of  tens  of  thousands  of  i  Polk  and  his  SecrcWry,  Mr.  Walker;  they,  pos- 
thnse  who  agree  in  political  sentiments  with  the  jj  sibly,  may  be  somewhat  eniborrassed  should  the 
majority  here;  such  a  bill  to  be  suffered  to  pass  j|  system  work  badly,  but  nobody  else  has  anything 
witnout  a  word   of  explanalion   or  vindication.  :i  to  do,  or  say,  or  care  in  the  matter.     If  these  gen- 


ihe  honorable  Senator  is  a  little  mistaken  as  to  the  ^ 
principle  of  the  bill  being  so  very  clear.    But  there  ^ 
IS  a  position  taken  by  the  Government  organ  con-  i 
cerning  the  operation  of  the  bill,  which  is  still  j 
more  startling  than  the  bill  itself,  and  that  is,  that 
it  is  a  matter  of  no  consequence  how  much  revenue 
it  will  raise — whether  one  million  or  fifteen  millions, 
or  thirty  millions,  or  not  a  dollar — to  anybody  in 
the  world  but  President  Polk  and  his  Cabinet.    The 
paper  of  yesterday  holds  this  language: 

"  TliB  B<«l  nnil  biirdpn  of  the  whole  iitlnck  upon  the  new 
tariff  bill  liilhertn  iti  suiniiieil  up  in  Ihe  generni  and  ewecp'    | 
iiig  nHHcrtioii  that  the  Adiiiiiiiftrntinit,  in  bringing  torward  ! 
tlilM  bill,  U  not  taking  )trofier  cure  of  itself.    The  bill,  it  iri  ; 

'."'if  .'."."'fu""'  I''"™'"  fiil'ly  adiiiinistered,  will  leave  a  ll  would  be  a»  much  «o  as  a  duty  imposed  for  a  «imilHr'pur- 
deflcit  in  the  n-venuej  and,  in  the  second  place,  list  it  ,  p,„„.  The  power  is  'to  lay  and  coUcct  taies,  dulles,  Im- 
cannot  be  fairly  aduiiiMsttrcjl;  and  m  that  defloit  will  bo  ij  '  ,  „„j  excises.'  A  duty  must  bo  laid  only  that  it  m«y 
enlarged  by  frauds.    N|»v,  in  reply  to  this,  we  urge  that  \\  |,e  wltotol;  and  if  it  is  so  imjiosed  thatiteani.olbe  oollcct- 

Uiese  are  matters  in  »  hieh  the  opposinon  may.  as  wo  think,  | ;  ,,,,  j,,  whole  or  in  iMrt,  it  vi tes  Ihe  deelan^d  object  of  the 

very  priipcrly  leave  the  Administration  to  lo,>k  out  for  it.-  j  ,^,,        .^.^     .p^  ,,     „„  j,,,!,,,  ,„  ,,;  ,,  ,i|„,  „„„„  of  tliein 

own  inipresij  and  take  care  of  itsrM.  II  thedovernnient  ,i  could  he  collected,  would  bu  a  p-ohibltorv  tariff.  Tolaya 
niea..urc  is  about  to  injure  the  country-lo  break  up  tlio  ,,  Unty  on  any  one  article  so  high  Ihac  it  cnuld  notbe  collect- 
Im^ines.i  of  men  and  throw  thcrnftaira  into  contusion— or,  ;  ed,  would  be  a  prohibitory  tariff  upon  that  artiele.  Ifaduty 
f  ngiun,  the  measure  proposed  by  the  Oovcmmenl  is  in  \\  of  one  hundred  pir  cent.  w<r.' imposed  upon  all  '>r  upon  a 
itscll  oppressive,  or  unjust,  or  unequal,  or  if  the  country  i  number  of  articles,  so  as  to  distinguish  the  rev-iun  upon 
want  a  tariff  lor  protection,  In.l.ad  ol  n  tantTfor  revenue--  l|  „i|  „,  „„y  „,-,hcm,  It  would  operen..  n.»  a  partial  prohibiUon, 
then  It  IS  very  proper  for  an  opposlKm,  speaking  in  beliidf  i  -  a  partial  and  n  touil  prohibition  are  alike  in  violation  of  the 
ol  the  country,  to  demonstrate  such  to  be  the  case.  But  i  ,rue  object  of  the  tt.ting  power.  They  onlv  differ  in  de- 
our  opposition  seems  to  have  a  most  parenud  and  Buardinn  .,^,.  „„a  not  in  principlo.  If  the  revenue  limit  may  be  ex- 
arixiety  lest  the  AdunnistraMon,  if  left  to  ijself,  should  here-  1 1  laeAoA  one  p,T  cent.,  It  may  be  exceeded  one  hundred.    If 


attention  of  the  Senate  to  the  new  theory  broached 
by  the  President  and  his  fiscal  officers,  that  Con- 
gress has  the  power  of  protection  only  up  io  the 
pointofa"  revenue  standard."  A  revenue  stand- 
ard ?  What  is  a  revenue  standard  ?  I  do  not  like 
to  attempt  its  definition,  and  perhaps  the  only  way 
to  get  at  one  will  be  to  use  the  very  words  of  the 
distinguished  Secretary  of  the  'Treasury.  He 
says: 

"  The  whole  power  to  collect  taxc.i,  whether  dirert  or  in- 
direct, is  conferred  by  the  same  (rtaiisc  of  the  Constitution. 
Tile  words  arc,  <  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and 
collect  taxes,  duUes,  imposts  and  excises.'  A  direct  tax  or 
excise,  not  for  revenue,  but  for  protection,  dearly  woaM 
not  be  witliin  the  legitimate  object  of  taxation ;  and  yet  it 


I  alter  llnd  itself  eiaharras.^ted  by  the  want  of  itimls.  JVIiaiiinir 
,  no  disrespiici  to  any  Wlii;;  gcnilemeu,  we  think  tliey  miglit 
I  spare  themselves  this  anxiety  till  the  Administration  shall 
I  have  proved  itself  incapable  offraming  a  measure  to  raise  a 
suitable  revenue,  and  shall  ap[dy  to  Uieni  for  their  aid  and 
I  counsel, 

"  When  the  chancellor  of  the  exchequer  In  England,  or 
!  the  minister  of  the  interior  in  France,  brings  forward  Ins 
!  budget,  it  is  not  usual  for  opposition  members  and  deputies 
j  to  get  lip  and  say  that  tin  taxes  proposed  are  ton  low,  and 
I  that  they  will  leave  a  deficit  in  ttio  revenue.  On  the  con- 
I  trnry,  tlie  point  which  the  opposition  in  those  cases  feel 
.  bound  mainly  to  prcs.i,  and  the  charge  whicli  it  brings, 
i  usually  is,  that  the  <(U-es  are  too  AtjA,  and  that  tlie  people  are 
I  unneeejsurily  burdened. 

I  "  But  Willi  lis  the  opiKisition  sees  fit  to  manage  very  dif- 
I  ferenlly.  Tile  ijecrelory  of  the  Treasury,  acting  under  the 
>  direction  of  the  Executive,  frames  a  bill,  whiei),  according 
\  to  ills  estimate,  will  give  to  tiie  trensnry  a  suitable  revenue. 
i  The  chairman  of  tlio  Committee  of  Vvays  and  Means  re- 
vL^es  these  estimates,  makes  some  alterations  in  tlie  bill 
which  lie  thinks  are  ileniandcd  by  the  interests  of  the  lev- 
ci;uc,  and  reports  tlie  measure  to  the_House.    It  passes  that 


I  it  may  be  exceeded  upon  any  one  article,  it  may  be  exceed- 
ed on  all ;  and  there  is  no  escape  from  this  conclusion,  InH 

I  in  contending  that  Congress  may  lay  duties  oirall  articles 
1  i  so  high  lis  to  collect  no  revenue  and  operate  oa  a  total  pro- 
S  hibiiion." 

i       The  Ptesidcnt  is  a  little  more  explicit.     He  telli 

':  us: 

,  i  "  The  attention  of  Congress  Is  Invited  to  the  importance 
of  making  suitable  moditications  and  reductions  of  the 
rates  of  duty  ini|K)8ed  by  onr  present  tariff  laws.  The  object 
of  imposing  duties  on  imports,  Kliotild  be  to  raise  revenue 

,  to  pay  the  neci'ssary  expenses  of  Government.  Congress 
may,  undoubtedly,  in  the  cxerciseof  a  sound  discretion,  dis- 

''  criminate  in  arranging  tile  rales  of  duty  on  diflerent  articles ; 

'  '■  but  ttic  (liscriininulions  should  be  within  the  revenue  ttand- 

I ;  nr/',  and  be  made  with  Uie  view  to  raise  money  for  the  sup- 
port of  Government. 
"It  becomes  important  to  understand  distinctly,  what  it 

'!  meant  byurcvenue  standard,  the  maximum  of  which  should 

i  I  not  be  exceeded  in  the  rates  of  duty  imposed.    It  is  con- 

'  ceded,  and  experience  proves,  that  duties  may  tie  laid  so 
liigh  as  to  diminish,  or  prohibit  altogether,  the  imporudion 


body,  and  is  ilien  brought  up  In  the  Senate,  without  further  i.  of  any  given  article,  and  tlicrehv  lessen  or  destroy  the 

aniendnicnt,  by  the  chairman  of  the  Coinniittee  on  Finnuce.    '  ■'  '         ■  •  '  '^  ■      -—.---.  « ..- 

It  really  appears  somewhat  strange  that  the  op^iosition 
should  in  this  htate  of  things  rallyupon  the  position  that  the 
bill  does  not  tax  the  people  heavily  enough,  and  that  the 
AJiiiiiiistration  is  not  collecting  money  enough  to  curry  on 
the  Governmsnt ! 

<Mt  is  surely  no  answer  to  this  to  any  ttiat  an  issue  of 
treasury  notes  is  about  to  be  anliiorized  to  meet  the  expen- 
si  B  of  the  war.  The  new  tarifi'looks  to  a  permanent,  pmcc 
revenue,  ll  should  nKiniiestly,in  its  permanent  provisions, 
look  to  nothing  else.  And  Uic  creation  of  a  suflicient  amount 
of  such  revenue  is  suri-lya  matter  in  uliioh  ttte  Jtiiminislru- 
tion  is  abuntianttu  interrsle.t  to  take  vare  of  itsc'f.     It  is  odd 


tlinl  the  opposition  should  be  found  crying  out  for  heavier 
taxes  on  the  peop|..>,  in  or'*cr  tliat  the  Administration  may 
have  niorefnioncy  to  spcnu  than  itself  sees  fit  to  raise. 

"Tlie  charge  that  the  revi'uuc  will  be  defrauded  under  the 
new  bill,  is  of  the  same  character.  I'tie  first  ctleet  of  siieli 
fraud  will  be  to  embarrass  the  Administration.  It  is  a  mat- 
ter for  tlie  Administration  to  tjok  to,  and  to  gucird  ai^ainst, 
Tlie  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  will  spare  no  pains  to  obuiin 
in  every  port  the  nio.«t  competent  and  honest  assessors.  Ii 
is,  to  say  the  least,  siijtertiuou*  and  gratuitowi  kindiniss  on 
the  part  of  the  opiKisition  10  argue  nt  great  length  against  Ihe 
Government  revenue  measure,  tliat  it  will  cheat  the  Gov- 
ernment out  of  revepiie.  Have  the  Tr-  lury  Dupartnient 
and  tlie  Committees  of  Ways  and  Means  and  Finance 
shown  themselves  so  incompetent  to  do  their  own  business, 
that  tliey  should  thus  summarily  be  put  under  gunrdian- 
ship?" 

Whether,  then,  the  bill  will  lead  to  frauds  or 


Are  gentlemen  dissatishcd  with  the  details  of  the 
bill  ?     Do  they  apprehend  that  if  it  shall  be  dis-  I 
cussed  they  may  be  forced  to  admit  that  it  is  so  j 
bad  and  imperfect  that  it  should  not  pass  ?    What 
else  keeps  them  from  speaking  ?     It  is  not  that  they  j 
have  objections  to  speaking  in  this  chamber;  my  ] 
friend  over  there  from  Arkansas  [Mr.  Sevieu]  I 
know  has  no  backwardness  in   that  particular. 

Are  we  not  to  hear  from  him?    Why  this  extra- |  ._,  , .  _      _     

ordinary  and  unexampled  silence!    "There  can  be  i!  effects  of  the  measure;  and  whether  it  will  or  will 
but  one  reason — the  bill  cannot  be  vindicated,  ] 

[Mr.  McDuffie.    It  vindicates  itself'.]  j 

Yes,  it  vindicates  itself^,  niid  in  two  ways:  it  os-  | 
tablishcs  two  positions,  it  vindicates  the  principle  I 
on  which  it  is  founded,  and  on  its  own  face  I  sup-  I 
pose;  it  proven,  also  on  its  face,  how  much  money,  | 
to  a  dollar,  will  bo  raised  under  it.    But  Lthink 

71  * 


revenue  which,  at  lower  rates,  would  be  derived  fVom  its 
importation.    Bueli  duties  exceed  tlie  revenue  rates,  and 
are  not  impo.scd  to  raise  money  for  the  supiiortof  Govcrn- 
;  ment.    If  Congress  levy  a  duty  for  revenue  of  one  per  cent. 
on  a  given  article,  it  will  prmluce  a  given  amount  of  money 
to  the  treasury,  and  will  iiieidentally  and  necessarily  afford 
protection  or  advantage  to  the  amount  of  one  per  cent,  to 
the  home  mannfiieturer  of  a  similar  or  like  article  ov  ;r  tlie 
importer.     If  tlie  duty  be  raised  to  10  per  cent.,  it  will  pro- 
duce n  greater  amount  of  money,  and  afford  greater  protec- 
tion.   If  it  be  still  rniscil  to  20, 25,  or  30  per  cent.,  and  if,  as 
it  is  raised,  the  revenue  derived  from  it  is  found  to  be  in- 
,  creased,  the  protection  or  advantage  will  also  be  inercased ; 
but  if  it  be  raised  to  :il  per  cent.,  imd  it  is  found  Uiat  the 
revenue  produced  at  tiiat  rate  is  less  than  at  yo  per  cent.,  it 
'  cen-cs  to  be  a  revenue  duty.    The  precise  point  in  the  as- 
,  cending  scale  of  duties,  at  which  it  is  asccrtiiined  from  ex- 
!  pericnee  th.it  the  revenue  is  greatest,  is  the  niaximuin  rate  of 
i  duty,  whieh  can  be  laid  for  the  lioiia  fide  purpose  of  collect- 
j  ill?  money  for  the  support  of  Government.    To  raise  the 
'  duties  higher  tlinn  that  point,  and  thereby  diminish  the 
nniount  collccUul,  is  to  levy  them  for  protection  merely,  and 
not  for  revenue.    As  long,  then,  as  Congress  may  gradually 
increase  the  rate  of  duty  on  a  given  article,  and  tlic  revt  niie 
is  increased  by  such  increase  of  duty,  they  are  within  the 
revenue  standard.    Wlicn  they  go  beyond  that  point,  and  aa 
I  they  increase  ilie  duties,  Uie  revenue  is  dimuiished  or  de- 
stroyed !  tlie  act  ceases  to  linve  for  its  object  the  raising 
of  money  to  support  Govcniment,  but  is  for  protection 
j  merely." 

See  how  this  doctrine  breaks  down  the  whole 
domestic  industry  of  the  country.  The  President 
snys,  ho  has  always  been  in  (nvor  of  incidental 
protection,  and  he  understands  that  to  be  the  pro- 
'  tcction  which  a  tax  imposed  exclusively  for  reve- 
nue gives  to  the  manufacturer.  Now,  what  is 
that  lax  ?  It  is,  they  tell  us,  a  tax  to  be  limited 
to  the.  wonts  of  the  Government,  and  you  are 
to  look  and  see  how  much  tax  any  particular  ar- 
ticle will  bear,  so  as  to  yield  the  largest  practi- 
calile  amount  of  revenue.  That  is  the  principle. 
Well,  if  it  is  a  sound  principle,  if  it  is  the  on.y 


tlemen  mean,  and  are  able  to  make  good  to  the 
treasury  all  the  losses  it  may  sustain  by  fraud , 
then  1  can  understand  why,  perhaps,  they  alone 
have  reason  to  concern  themselves  with  the  opera- 
tion of  the  bill.  But  if  it  is  the  nation  who  must 
make  up  the  losses  and   endure  all  the   consc- 

([uences,  the  ruinous  consequences,  of  a  want  of ;  constitutional  principle,  it  will  be  as  sound  and 
revenue,  then  it  would  seem  to  bo  the  duty  of !  |  constitutional  ten  years  hence  as  it  is  now.  It  is 
Congress  io  inquire  what  will  be  the  probable  |j  n  principle  which  is  always  to limitthe  fiscallegis- 
effects  of  the  measure;  and  whether  it  will  or  will  '  lation  of  Congress.  Now,  let  us  look  at  its  prac- 
not  produce  the  adequate  amount  of  revenue,  i' tical  operation  upon  the  domestic  industry  of  the 
Who  says  that  it  will  ?  Who  has  asserted  that  it  i j  country.  It  seems  to  me,  that  its  inevitable  elTect 
will?  Nobody,  but  the  i-hairinan  of  the  Commit-  jj  must  be  to  strike  it  all  down.  In  illustration  of 
tee  on  Finance.     He  said  so,  though  rather  doubt- j!  this,  take  any  taxable  article,  coarse  cottons,  for 


in^ly,  and  with  several  important  admissions  of 
mistake. 
But  to  proceed.    Mr.  President,  lei  me  ask  the 


,  example      I  will  assume  that  we  have  now  no  tax 

on  coarse  cottons,  tliat  they  are  free  from  duty, 

'  and  that  there  is  no  competition  here  of  a  horns 


1133 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29rH  CoNQ 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  R.  Johnson. 


Senate. 


ftbric,  how  are  we  to  proceed  that  we  may  raise 
the  largest  practicable  amount  of  revenue  on  its 
importation.  What  is  to  be  ascertained  ?  First — 
what  is  the  amount  of  their  consumption  in  the 
United  States.  V'hen  we  have  ascertained  this, 
then  how  much  tax  they  will  bear  without  dimin- 
ishing the  present  eonsumplion.  These  being 
found,  we  lay  our  tax,  say  thirty  per  cent,  ad  va- 
lorem. The  people  of  New  England,  famous  os 
we  all  admit  them  to  be  tor  industry,  enterprise, 
and  shrewdness,  take  it  into  their  heads  thnt  they 
could  make  the  name  article,  with  the  protection  in 
the  home  market,  which  n  tax  of  thirty  per  cent. 
on  the  foreign  articles  would  ^ive  them;  nccord- 
inglv  they  proceed  to  establish  tncir  factories;  they 
proauce  an  article  as  good,  if  not  better  than  the 
imported,  and  they  make  a  heavy  profit,  [)erhaps 
more  than  the  ordmary  average  profit  of  business 
men  around  them;  meanwhile,  the  population  of 
the  country  increases,  the  quantity  of  cotton  con- 
mimed  increases  with  it,  and  the  annexation  of 
Texas  increases  the  demand  still  further.  As  de- 
mand increases,  factories  are  mullinlicd,  until  they 
have  gone  on  and  invested  a  hundred  millions  of 
dollars  in  these  esutblishments;  thousands  and  tens 
of  thousands  of  operatives  find  good  wages  and 
constant  employment;  the  consumption  of  the 
country  is  supplied  to  the  whole  extent  that  these 
factories  "ftn  make;  and  the  domestic  article  vies 
with  the  foreign,  and  is  fast  getting  nhend  of  it. 
What  happens?  The  Government  gels  into  a  situa- 
tion in  which  it  needs  more  money;  and  what  docs 
the  President  say  i  I  want  a  hundred  millions  of 
dollars,  and  we  cannot  raise  it,  without  making 
as  much  out  of  foreign  cottons  imported  as  we  can 
possibly  get.  Experience  shows  that,  under  the 
tax  of  thirty  per  cent.,  foreigners  do  not  supply 
our  market,  that  it  discourages  the  importation; 
we  must  diminish  our  tax,  wc  must  tax  foreign 
cottons  to  the  revenue  standard  only;  and  what  is 
that?  Why,  the  Secretary  says,  it  is  the  lowest 
tax  that  will  raise  the  greatest  revenue;  tliirty  per 
cent,  is  too  high,  it  keens  out  the  foreign  article; 
BS  lon^  as  we  keep  on  that  tax,  American  facto- 
ries will  continue  to  rise.  Millions  of  dollars  nre 
invested;  thousands  of  families  have  dedicated 
themselves  and  capital  to  that  branch  of  business,  i 
and  they  are  contented  and  happy,  and  they  are  j 
supplying  the  demand.  This  will  never  do,'siiys  I 
the  President  and  his  Secretary;  we  must  bring  in  | 
more  foreign  goods,  we  must  reduce  tlie  tax  so  | 
low  thot  the  foreign  manufacturer  can  supply  the  : 
whole  demand;  no  sooner  said  than  done;  down 
goes  the  tax,  and  what  is  the  result?  Down  go 
the  factories;  down  goes  the  price  of  labor;  down  ! 
falls  the  laborer  and  his  dependents  upon  his  labor;  | 
down  goes  the  agriculture  of  those  who  supply 
their  various  wants;  and  down  goes  the  wcaltli  nnd 
prosperity  of  the  nation.  And  why  nil  this .'  Why, 
forsooth,  because  the  only  constitutional  mode  of 
laying  taxes  is  to  make  the  tax  the  very  lowest, 
which  will  bring  the  highest  amount  of  revenue. 

Now,  let  us  take  another  cxamgile.  Let  us  toke 
iron.  Under  the  toriff  of  '42,  the  iron  manufac- 
tures of  the  United  States  have  grown  up  into  a 
flourishing  condition,  accumulating  for  tlieir  pro- 
prietors wealth,  and  spreading  around  them  cxien- 
■ive  benefits  to  the  country  in  all  directions.  Mil- 
lions have  been  invested  on  the  faith  of  the  tacit 
pledge  that  the  system  of  protection  was  to  con- 
tinue. The  tarili  on  this  article  was  laid,  I  will 
assume,  to  produce  revenue,  but  the  enterprise 
and  skill  of  ourpeoplc,  availing  itself  of  the  pro- 
tection thus  afforded,  make  a  better  nnd  a  cheaper 
article  than  that  imported,  and  an  article  which, 
in  consequence  of  its  low  price  and  good  quality, 
is  driving  out  the  foreign  article  from  the  Ameri- 
can market.  Well,  what  does  the  President  say? 
He  wants  a  larger  amount  of  revenue  from  iron. 
And  how  is  he  to  get  it?  Congress,  he  suy.s,  has 
no  constitutional  power  to  protect  it  directly  by  a 
duty,  or  even  designedly  to  nflbrd  it  incidental 
protection.  It  can  lay  a  duty  for  the  single  pur- 
pose of  raising  money,  and  in  exerting  that  power 
Congress  is  only  to  inquire  what  money  the  Gov- 
ernment wants,  and  how  the  amount  can  best  be 
raised.  The  only  question,  therefore,  thnt  they 
can  legitimately  look  nt  is  this:  What  amount  of 
tax  will  increase  importation  to  such  an  extent  that 
we  shall  get  the  amount  of  revenue  wo  want? 
The  duty  must  not  prevent  importation  in  the 
Vlighteat  degree,  for  the  Secretary's  doctrine  is. 


that  a  duty  is  equally  unconstitutional  whether  it 
prevents  importation  in  whole  or  in  part,  because 
either  way  it  is  contrary  to  the  revenue  standard. 
Well,  the  Secretary  exerts  his  arithmetic,  and 
figures  it  out.  He  finds  that  a  tax  on  iron  of  50 
per  cent,  brings  him  in  but  three  millions  of  reve- 
nue. He  needs  six  millions.  He  can't  get  it  by 
a  tax  of  50  per  cent.,  because  that  tax  keeps 
foreign  iron  out  of  the  American  market,  and  just 
so  far  as  it  does  this,  the  tax  is  unconstitutional. 
What,  then,  is  he  to  do?  Why,  he  will  try  a  tax 
of  40  per  cent,  ii"  'le  finds  that  this  brings  him 
the  revenue  required,  he  lets  it  stand  at  forty,  ijut 
if  that  still  leaves  a  part  of  the  American  market  to 
competition,  and  prevents  to  that  extent  importa- 
tion, he  lowers  his  duty  to  S20  per  cent.,  and  so 
downwards  till  ho  finds  the  point  where  he  ge'.8 
the  largest  revenue,  and  that  is  when  the  foreigner 
is  able  to  supply  the  whole  American  market. 
Then  the  Secretary  cries — Eureka!  I  have  got  it! 
1  have  found  the  revenue  standard. 

But  what  becomes  of  the  American  manufac- 
ture?   It  is  prostrated,  destroyed.    Tliis  is   the 
new  Executive  doctrine,  and  thisisitsconscquence. 
The  President  and  Secretary  oppose  a  duty  whir  It 
has  been  laid  by  every  wise  Go\(ernmoiit  in  the 
world,  to  protect  the  industry  of  its  own  citizens. 
Isolating  himself,  like  Tiberius  in  bis  islands,  the 
Secretary's  sole  inquiry  is.  How  much   money 
will  the  law  bring  me?    If  it  supplies  me  with 
revenue,  I  carenot  what  falls  or  what  stands;  what 
American  interest  prospers  or  is  annihilated;  what 
American  labor  flourishes  or  is  destroyed.     The 
,  same  illustration  might  be  applied  with  propor- 
i  tional  force  to  all  the  articles  of  consumption  or 
I  use  which  wc  can  make,  and  which  arc  protec'cd 
i  by  the  existing  toi'ift". 

I      It  behooves  us,  Mr.  President,  to  look  nt  the  thing 
,  practically.     When  we  are  asked  to  pass  a  new 
i  low,  the  first  question  with  every  wise  legislator  is, 
I  How  will  it  operate?    Now,  the  favorite  theory  of 
I  the  Government  is,  that  every  man  knows  his  own 
I  business  best;  that  sclf-inUTcat  is  the  most  cll'ectual 
I  application  of  all  others  to  sharpen  men's  wits; 
;  thnt,  whatever  men  may  think,  or  how  they  may 
differ  on  general  subjects,  each  man  knows  what 
'  hurts  himself;  and  odmits  the  general  truth  of  the 
.  principle — nnd  now  what  do  we  see?    Memorials 
;  coming  up  from  the  people  from  day  to  day,  ini-  \< 
i  ploring  Congress  to  pass  no  bill  which  shall  oper-  |' 
'  rate  to   destroy  our  own   inilustry.     Gentlemen  I! 
make  no  answer.     They  say  it  is  n  misup|)rehen-   | 
sion;  that  the  people  suppose  that  proieeiion  en-  | 
riches  them,  but  ;liat  thnt  is  all  a  mistake,  for,  on  | 
the  contrary,  it  really  iiijurcK  them.     Lut  I  turn  ji 

Siitlemen's  doctrine  upon  themselves,  and  ask,  ;' 
o  not  the  people  know  their  own  business  better  i 
j  than  political  theorists?  This  bill  deals  with  labor,  || 
I  with  the  labor  that  is  employed  on  iron.  It  d.als  :; 
'  with  those  whom  their  professed  friends  arc  con-  ■! 

tinually  talking  about  as  the  "  honest  democracy." 
I  It  comes  among  these  men  like  a  pestilence,  bring- 
'  ing  famine  in  its  train.     It  carries  ruin  to  the  fur- 
nace, to  the  coal-field,  to  the  machine  shop,  to  the 
'  cotton-factory,  to  the  tailor,  the  shoemaker,  the 
'  hitter — to  all  forms  nnd  varietiesrof  human  indus- 
I  try.     Gentlemen  say  that  it  will  injure  none   but 
'  the  cajiitaliBt.     Indeed?     If  you  prostrate  the  cap- 
italist, do  you  not  in  the  same  blow,  strike  down 
I  all  who  are  dependent  on  him  for  einph)yment? 
I  The  blow  touches  the  capitalist  first,  but  it  ex- 
pends its  desolating  and  uestructivc  force  on  the 
laborers  of  the  country.     It  strikes  nt  wages.     If 
it  lets  him  live  at  all,  it  degrades  him  to  the  level 
of  the  serf  labor  of  England,  or  the  still  lower  labor 
of  some  other  parts  of  the  worid.     It  reduces  free 
industrious  American  citizens  to  one  meal  a  day — 
to  abject  poverty — and  when  a  man  is  brought  to 
the  lowest  poverty;  when  the  comfort  of  home  is 
lost;  when  liis  happy  Sabbaths  are  gone;  when  his 
hnlf-clothcd  chiletien  enter  the  Sunday  school  no 
mere — how  long  wMl  it  be  before  degradation  will 
be  followed  by  vice  ?     If  it  were  the  mere  destruc- 
tion of  property,  the  havoc  would  then  be  great 
and  fearl\il,  but  it  might  be  borne.     But  it  docs  not 
stop  there.    It  degrades  men,  and  by  degrading,  it 
demoralizes  them;  nnd  to  demoralize  republican 
citizens  is  to  write  the  nation's  doom.    Ihe  very 
life-blood  of  a  free  government  lies  in  the  indepen- 
dence and  virtue  of  its  people. 

I   have  before  me  a  modern   volume  of  high 
authority,  which  details  the  wretched  and  itarv- 


ine  condition  of  poor  laborers  in  other  countries. 
There  is  no  time  to  read  it  here,  but  let  any  gen- 
tleman cast  his  eye  on  the  descriptions  it  contains 
of  the  squalid  poverty,  and  abject  degradation  of 
those  foreigners  who  labor  each  day  for  the  food  of 
that  day,  and  scarce  get  enough  to  su.stain  life. 
Are  laborers  like  these  fit  constituents  of  honor- 
able gentlemen  ?  Have  these  men  the  requisite  in- 
telligence to  elect  a  Chief  Magistrate  of  this  great 
and  powerful  republic?  Are  they  fit  to  sustain  and 
carry  forward  our  system  of  republican  institu- 
tions? Are  they  the  men  to  whom  we  may  safely 
look  to  secure  the  blessings  of  freedom  to  us,  and 
to  our  children?  On  the  contrary,  does  it  not  ne- 
cessarily follow,  that  if  your  legislation  reduces 
Ihe  laborers  of  this  country  to  such  a  level,  you 
thereby  sap  the  only  foundation  on  which  tlio  lib- 
erties of  this  land  can  rest. 

Look  at  Pennsylvania;  in  that  great  nnd  powerful 
Slate,  every  department  of  human  industry  is  filled 
up,  is  occupied  to  the  full  with  the  exception  of 
manufactures.  Agriculture  is  striving  to  nmke  fi)r 
itself  a  market.  The  profits  of  the  fanners  are 
moderate.  Where  will  be  the  constituency  of  the 
Senator  from  Pennsylvania,  if  this  bill  shall  pa;  s? 
I  have  before  mo  statistical  tables  showing  the 
number  of  hands  who  are  engaged  in  the  various 
manufacturing  establishments  of  the  Stale.  This 
bill  goes  directly  to  injure  every  man  of  tlicni; 
while  it  destroys  the  wealth  of  the  capitalists  in- 
vested in  these  establishments,  it  impoverishes  and 
destroys  the  laborers  by  thousands.  We  talk  of 
war,  and  talk  truly  of  the  havoc  it  makes  of  human 
life,  and  the  desolation  and  misery  which  it  brin.'js 
into  the  bosom  or  flimilies;  but  1  say  with  all  sin- 
cerity, that  Ihe  troubles  growing  out  of  ourpresent 
war,  are  as  nothing,  when  compared  with  the  in- 
dividual and  national  losses  nnd  distresses,  which 
musf  inevitably  follow  the  passage  of  this  bill.  It 
is  an  easy  thing  for  gentlemen  holding  seats  in  the 
halls  of  Congress,  and  who  are  in  jiossession  of  all 
the  comforts  and  luxuries  of  life,  who  going  from 
this  city — the  fanner,  to  his  farm;  the  merchant, 
to  his  business;  the.  lawyer,  to  his  occupation — it 
is  easy  for  such  to  talk  with  great  calmness,  about 
theories  of  policy,  and  doctrines  of  political  econ- 
omy. We  have  enough !  No  squalid  poverty  in- 
vades our  homes,  no  cry  of  want  is  heard  in  our 
dwellings — they  are  full  of  happiness;  but  let  us 
reflect  on  the  condition  of  the  Inboring  populiuion, 
who  arc  to  be  afl'ected  by  what  we  do.  Let  us 
ask  ourselves  what  is  to  become  of  the  eight  hun- 
dred thousand  citizens  immediately  engaged  in  the 
various  branches  of  manulhctuiTs,  niul  those  four 
or  five  millions  of  others  who  are  dependant  upon 
their  labor.  They  come  here  to  the  doors  of  the 
Senate,  and  entreat  you  to  save  them  from  the  de- 
structive cft'ects  of  a  measure,  whose  ed'ects  they 
well  understand:  a  niensuie  restingon  theory  alone, 
uncalled  for,  and  unnecessary,  nnd  fraught  only 
with  mischief.  Remember  thnt  these  Inborein, 
many  of  whom  are  now  your  petitioners,  with  their 
fnmilies,  equal  in  number  the  v/hole  population  of 
this  country  nt  the  time  our  independence  wns  de- 
cla.ed.  Why  sliall  we,  without  necessity,  nnd 
against  necessity,  perpelrale  an  act  which  must 
annihilate  thnt  national  industry,  to  which  they 
owe  all  tlieir  comforts,  their  happiness,  their  very 
existence  itself. 

And  what  is  nil  this  ruin  to  be  caused  for?  It  is 
because,  as  is  allepied,  the  tax  which  encourages 
our  own  labor  obliires  some  of  our  citizens  to  give 
more  for  commodities  which  they  do  not  make — 
the  tax  being  always  added  to  the  price  of  the  com- 
modity, nnd  falling  upon  the  consumer. 

Such  is  the  plea.    In  Ihe  first  place,  it  is  not  true. 
The  tax  neither  falls  wholly  on  the  consumer,  nor 
wholly  on  the  prrduccr.     'rhe  cotton  )planter  tells 
1  you  thnt  the  tax  you  levy  on  fabrics  made  out  of 
his  cotton,  when  worked  up,  is  equal  to  a  lax  on  his 
:  cotton;  it  is  equivalent  to  an  export  tax.    Well,  if 
it  is  an  export  tax,  then  certninly  it  does  not  fall 
on  the  consumer.     It  can't  fall  on  the  consumer 
and  the  producer  both.     Let  me  illustrate:  Eng- 
land imposes  a  tax  on  tabacco  of  four  or  five  hun- 
dred per  cent.     Who  pays  that  tax  ?     Does  the 
growerof  the  tobacco  pny  it?  or  docs  the  consumer 
pay  it?    They  can't  both  pay  the  tax.     K  every 
man  who  uses  tobacco  in  Englanil  is  forced  to  pny 
{  four  or  five  hundred  per  ecni.  on  the  price  of  the 
1  article,  because  of  the  impost,  then  clearly  the  lax 
'  does  lyt  fall  upon  the  grower;  and  if,  on  the  other 


hand,  the  grower 

a  price  less  the  ai 

clear  that  the  con 

truth  is,  that  neit 

lis  amount  is  at  f 

and  consumer;  a 

is  concerned,  con 

it  would  have  be 

And  now  let  n 

to  what  the  Sec 

we  do  with  the 

with  the  cotton  ' 

why  he  prefers  B 

ufactured  at  hon 

"  At  Brononl  nric 
product  of  »73,6l)0 
1)00,000,  ruRifiiiiiK 

C»P1TAI.1STB,  A>lt 
THt    WORKING   CI.J 

Jiireil  liy  any  distu 
the  direct  anit  ndet 

Who  gets  Ihr 
material  worth 
process  of  mat 
says  the  Secre 
lions.  If  that 
England  gets  tl 
were  all  done  1" 
the  benefit,    T 


<'  At  present  pi 
product  of  .*72,1> 
flOO.OOa,  riiRNiHii 

CAFITAMSTil,  AS 
THE  WORKINO  CI 


That  is  the  ne 
ard,  that  is  I> 
Could  there  b 
can  policy  ? 
of  cotton  wot 
being  made  w 
How  is  it  to 


,»"','W**«t'"JMIJIIW!(l.iL  iM.ii.WilJWUWfipjPBPPTWr^ 


tilUilil'WWi 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1183 


29th  Cono I  AT  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  R.  Johnson. 


Senate. 


hand,  the  ;n'nwer  gets  hia  tnhnccn  into  England  at 
a  price  lens  the  amount  of  the  impost,  it  is  equally 
clear  that  the  consumer  does  not  nay  it.  But  the 
truth  is,  that  neither  of  them,  exclusively,  pays  it. 
lis  amount  is  at  first  shared  between  the  producer 
and  consumer;  and,  in  the  end,  as  far  ns  the  price 
is  concerned,  competition  brings  it  down  to  what 
it  would  have  been  without  the  tax. 

And  now  let  me  call  the  attention  of  the  Senate 
to  what  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  says  that 
we  do  with  the  cotton  we  send  abroad,  and  what 
with  the  cotton  we  sell  at  home,  and  then  let  us  see 
why  he  prefers  sending  it  abroad  to  having  it  iiian- 
ufactured  at  home.     1  quote  from  his  report: 

"  At  priMPiit  prlcM,  our  ™tton  crop  will  yield  sn  annual 
prmliirt  nr  973,000,(X)0,  nnd  the  mnnufiielurpil  rnhric  ^ruM,- 

000,000,  rURNlHHlNn  PRnriTII  AnsnAD  to  TfinuSANDtl  OP 
CAPITALISTS,  ANF    WAflBB  TO  HUNDREDS  OP  TIIOUMANDR  OF 

Tin:  woRKiNO  ci.ANsEB  {  nil  of  wtioni  would  b(!  deeply  in- 
jured by  nny  di.^turlmnei*,  i{r(i\rini{  out  or  a  state  of  war,  to 
the  direct  and  adequate  supply  of  the  raw  material." 

Who  gets  the  benefit?  We  send  abroad  the  raw 
material  worth  seventy-two  millions,  and,  by  the 
process  of  manufacturing,  its  value  is  enhanced. 
Bays  the  Secretary,  to  five  hundred  nnd  fiiur  mil- 
lions. If  that  is  done  in  England,  somebody  in 
England  gets  the  benefit  of  the  operation;  but  if  it 
were  all  done  here,  then  somebody  here  would  get 
the  benefiu  Now,  who  is  it  that  the  Secretary 
wants  to  get  this  difference  in  value?  Hear  what 
he  says— 1  give  you  his  own  words: 

"  At  present  prices,  our  cfntton  crop  will  yield  an  annual 
product  of  .»7a,noo,noO,  and  the  inanufnemred  ftliric  l)SI»,- 

flOO.OOO,  PIIRNISHrNn  PRoriTS  abroad  to  THntlSANDS  OP 
CAPITALIBTS,  AND  WAOEB  TO  HDNOREDB  OP  THOUSANDS  OP 
THE  WORKINO  CLASSES." 

Now  you  have,  the  country  will  see,  what  it  is 
the  Secrelury  wants  to  do.    He  wants  that  these 
profits  shall  be  shared  by  the  thousands  abroad. 
That  is  the  new  theory,  that  is  the  revenue  stand- 
ard, that  is  Dcmocratfc  in  his  view  of  the  matter. 
Could  there  be  a  more  clear,  obvious,  anti-Ameri-  j 
can  policy  ?    We,  in  the  United  States,  raise  a  crop  I 
of  cotton  worth  seventy-two  millions,  capable  of  I 
being  made  worth  five  hundred  and  four  millions.  1 
How  is  it  to  be  made  five  hundred  nnd  four  mil-  i 
lions?    By  the  process  of  being  manufactured,  j 
And  how  is  that  to  be  done  ?    The  first  thing  is  to 
vest  caniinl   in    the  requisite  buildings   and   ma-  j 
chinery,  the  next  to  employ  laborers.    Here,  then,  ] 
is  the  employment  of  foreign  capital  and  foreign 
labor,  nnd  the  fruit  is  to  increase  seventy-two  mil- 
lions to  five  hundred  nnd  four  millions — an  excess 
of  four  hundred  and  thirty-two  millions.    Who 
gets  it?     The  American  lalmrer?  the  American 
capitalist?    No,  no;  according  to  Mr.  Walker's 
own  statement,  that  profit  is  furnished,  ami  should 
be  furnished,  to  "  thousands  abroad." 

Is  that  Democratic?  Yes,  that  is  Democratic; 
that  is  the  essence  of  Democratic  wisdom;  that  is 
the  quintessence  of  political  economy ;  that  is  the 
l>enefit  we  are  to  derive  from  progressive  Democ- 
racy— that  progressive  Democracy  which  goes  be- 
yond the  United  Stales,  not  confining  itself  to  the 
limits  of  our  own  country.     [A  laugh.] 

Mr.  President,  I  do  not  see  how  it  is  possible 
there  can  be  two  opinions  as  to  the  anti-national 
spirit  and  influence  of  such  a  system  as  this.  We 
are  Americans;  wo  have  capital  here;  we  have  la- 
borers here.  This  American  capital  and  American 
labor  could  Just  as  well  convert  those  seventy-two 
millions  into  five  hundred  and  four  millions  as 
English  capital  and  English  labor.  Whoever  docs 
this,  enjoys  the  whole  benefit  of  the  difference. 
Let  that  seventy-two  millions  go  alirnHd,and  hun- 
dreds of  thousands  of  foreign  laborcrsare  supported 
by  those  seventy-two  millions  of  American  cotton. 
The  Secretary's  philanthropic  spirit  is  so  enlarged 
and  sublimated  that  it  takes  in  the  whole  world, 
and  quite  forgets  home. 

(Here  Mr.  McDuffie  said  something,  not  heard 
by  the  Reporter,  about  Southern  industry  not  be- 
ing involved  in  the  value  of  cotton.] 

Mr.  Johnson.  I  presume,  if  you  raise  cotton 
at  the  South,  that  somebody  must  labor.  The  cot- 
ton, I  take  it  for  granted,  does  not  hoe  itself,  nor 
pick  itself,  nor  go  to  market  by  il.sclf. 

I  say,  again,  that  the  spirit  of  this  comprehensive 
philanthropy,  which  seems  to  rejoice  so  much  in 
the  profit  that  British  capitalists  and  their  army  of 
British  laborers  arc  to  make  out  of  a  cropof  Ameri- 
can cotton,  is,  after  all,  restricted  in  its  energies  to 
men  beyond  the  Atlantic,  and  icems  to  feel  no  re- 


luctance or  remorse  at  inflictingutter  ruin  on  Amer- 
ican capitalists  and  American  laborers.  Now,  I 
submit,  Mr.  President,  that  an  American  Secretary 
of  the  "Treasury  would  net  somewhat  more  'n  char- 
ac'er,  if  he  turned  his  benevolent  gaze  a  little  more 
on  I'.  -  own  fellow-citizens,  and  would  bethink  him 
somewhat  how  ho  might  multiply  the  comforts  nnd 
secure  the  prosperity  of  the  hundreds  nnd  thou- 
sands of  American  laborers  from  whom  his  scheme 
will  lake  their  doily  bread. 

But  let  us  follow  the  Secretary  a  step  further. 
His  plan  is  to  give  to  foreign  labor  the  uiidiRpulcd 

Knsseasion  of  the  American  market.  To  this  end, 
e  iays  a  duty  on  foreign  commodities  the  lowest 
that  he  possibly  can  consistent  with  revenue. 
What  becomes  of  that  duty  ?  Docs  it  not  go  into 
the  English  Ironsiirv?  Does  it  not  contribute  to 
support  the  British  Government;  to  add  to  its  rev- 
enue; to  increase  its  strength;  to  support  its  aris- 
tocracy; to  give  splendor  to  its  throne,  nnd  make 
England  one  of  the  foremost  nations  of  the  world? 
The  whole  tendency  of  the  Secretary's  scheme  is 
to  add  to  the  wealth  of  Enslish  capitalists,  and  to 
increase  the  prosperity  of  Enilish  industry.  Now, 
sir,  if  the  tax  is  to  be  paid  either  by  the  producer 
or  the  consumer,  (I  speuk  of  the  wKnlc  extent  of 
the  tax,)  I  think,  if  we  arc  to  buy  British  goods, 
increased  in  price  by  the  whole  amount  of  the  tax, 
it  would  be  better  policy  for  us  to  save  Ihnt  tax  for 
our  own  Government,  and  have  it  go  into  our  own 
treasury,  rather  than  the  treasury  of  Great  Britain. 
In  my  poor  apprehension,  sir,  it  would  be  infinitely 
better  to  pursue  a  policy  which  would  enure  to  our 
own  strength,  our  own  honor,  our  own  credit,  our 
own  prosperity,  our  own  wealth,  and  our  own  in- 
dustry, rather  than  one  which  makes  us  tributary 
to  those  who  have  no  common  interest  nnd  no  com- 
mon feeling  with  ourselves,  at  all  times  our  rivals 
and  competitors,  and  who  may,  at  nny  time,  bu 
thrown  into  open  conflict  and  hostility  with  us.  i 
The  Secretary  says,  "  If  our  manufacturers  con-  I 
'  stime  four  hundred  thousand  hnica,  it  trotild  coal  thtm  | 
'  TWELVE  MILLION  noLLAHB,  whilst  scllin?  the  man- 
'  ufnctured  fhbric  for  eighty-four  million  dollars."  | 
If  we  send  them  twelve  millions  of  our  cotton,  i 
and  they  work  it  up  into  the  value  of  eighty-four  I 
millions,  as  here  sllesed,  it  is,  in  part,  as  is  said, 
because  we  impose  a  duly  which  is  ndded  to  the 
price.  Does  not  the  Secretary  see  that,  if  I  buy 
an  English  fabric,  and  his  own  theory  be  right,  I 
am  not  only  i  aying  our  own  lax,  hut  the  lax  also 
which  the  Bi.ti.sh  Government  may  have  imposed 
on  the  fibii'  ?  He  says  that  the  tax  goes  into  the 
price.  Shi. II  wo  not,  then,  rather  pay  the  tax  to 
our  own  Government  th.in  to  a  foreign  Govern- 
ment, which  may  be  as  far  npart  from  ours  in  its 
doctrines  as  the  poles  are  wide  asunder? 

False  ns  this  scheme  is  in  principle,  it  is  still 
worse  in  practice.  While  it  raises  the  price  of 
every  commodity  which  is  produced  by  foreign 
labor,  it,  at  the  same  time,  depresses  and  demoral- 
izes the  loborers  of  our  own  country.  Notwith- 
slandinijnll  the  fancied  new  lights  of  mod  "n  times, 
it  is  still  admitted,  I  believe,  as  a  maxim  of  politi- 
i  ctti  ecoiipmy,  of  universal  truth,  that  every  nation 
Rhould,'if  it  can,  provide  its  own  food,  its  own 
i  clothing,  its  own  hnhilationa,  nnd  its  own  defence. 
Wars  will  continue  to  occur  so  Ion?  as  men  con- 
tinue to  he  what  they  nrc  now,  and  until,  by  some 
happy  and  superior  influence,  their  present  natures 
shall  be  changed.  And  ore  we  to  he  told  that  the 
twenty  millions  which  now  conslilute  the  people 
of  the  United  Stntcs,  nnd  destined  to  increase 
(unless  mislaken  lea:islntion  shall  strike  down  their 
prosperity)  in  a  greater  ratio  than  any  people  ever  | 
multiplied  before,  and  living  under  aGovernment 
which  secures  Iheir  rights  better  than  nny  form  of 
Government  that  ever  existed,  must  abandon  the 
policy  under  which  they  have  thus  become  great, 
and  put  to  hazard  their  ability  to  feed,  to  clothe, 
to  shelter  themselves,  and  to  vindicate  their  rights, 
on  the  sen  and  on  the  land  ?  It  is  a  great  mistake 
to  suppose  that  this  is  a  question  which  deals  with 
the  manufaclurera  only.  Amongst  the  very  first 
acts  imposing  duties  under  this  Government  was 
the  one  passed  on  the  Charleston  memorial.  Our 
navigation  laws  protect,  by  heavy  discriminating 
duties,  the  manufacture  of  American  shipping;  but, 
does  one  man,  or  one  class  of  men,  make  a  ship? 
Reflect  on  the  various  materials  which  are  com- 
bined in  that  wonderful  production  of  human  in- 
genuity, induitry,  and  skUI.    One  let  of  men  cut 


down  and  shape  the  timber;  n  different  Ml  of  men 
prepare  the  cable  and  the  cordage;  another  elabo- 
rate the  iron  work;  another  weave  the  canvaM; 
another  make  the  sails;  and  yet  another  roll  out 
the  copper  by  which  ahe  ii  protected  from  the 
waves.  Are  these  all  capitalists  ?  Ara  these  over- 
grown aristocrats  ?  Are  these  purse-prowl  nianu- 
faciurers?  Are  these  lords  of  ihe  loom,  or  are  they 
laborers,  whose  prosperity  grows  out  of  their  labor, 
and  whose  labor,  with  all  the  pros|)crity  and  hap- 
piness which  that  labor  creates,  is  protected  and 
encouraged  by  the  existing  laws?  Do  gentlemen 
forget  tlie  hundreds  and  Ihe  thousands  who  find 
employment  in  the  construction  and  the  navigation 
of  our  commercial  marine  ? 

The  Secretary's  theory  says  that  it  is  unconstitu- 
tional lor  Congress  to  lay  any  duty  whatever,  the 
direct  purpose  of  which  is  to  protect  American 
industry  in  preference  to  foreign,  and  he  holds  it 
to  be  a  right,  and  the  only  sound  policy,  that  all 
shall  !«  allowed  to  buy  where  they  can  buy  cheap- 
est.   Now  1  nsk  genilcincn  are  they  prepared  to 
repeal  the  navigation  laws  ?    Let  them  answer  ay 
or  nny.     I  presuume  no  mon  could  answer  in  the 
alTirmative — but  why  not?    You  toy  it  ii  the  right 
of  the  American  citizen  to  buy  in  the  market  where 
he  can  buy  cheapest.    This  is  the  cardinal  title 
which  is  to  shape  and  govern  all  tutf  policy  in 
relation  to  trade  and  manufactures.  iVhis  is  pro- 
claimed as  the  Democratic  principle.    Now,  you 
all  know  full  well  that  you  can  get  ships  to  trans- 
port your  cotton  to  Liverpool  cheaper  a  great  deal 
than  you  are  forced  to  pay  for  employing  Anieri- 
can  vessels.    Why  not,  then,  employ  foreign? 
Why  keep  up  your  navigation  laws  and  maintain 
an  odiotu  monopoly  in  favor  qf  .American  ihip  build- 
ing ?    The  southern  planter  wants  to  send  out  hia 
cotton  as  cheap  as  he  can,  his  object  is  to  get  as 
much  .money  for  it  as  he  can,  but  your  system  of 
discriminating  duties  compels  him  to  employ  an 
American  ship,  and  to  pay  a  higher  freight.    This 
must  be  all  wrong,  if  the  President  and  Secretary 
are  right.    Our  navigation  acts  are  most  wicked 
laws,  a  disgrace  to  the  statute  book,  and  never 
should  have  been  passed.     The  South  did  not 
always  think  so.    Look  at  the  memorial  I  referred 
to,  addressed  by  the  city  of  Charleston  to  the  first 
Congress.    At  the  time  of  that  memorial  there 
wns  no  Government  which  had  power  to  extend 
protection  to  our  own  navigation.    We  had  no 
discriminating  duty,  and  the  consequence  was  that 
we  were  driven  from  the  sea.    On  all  the  broad 
expanse  of  the  ocean  the  stars  and  stripes  were 
rarely  seen — the  fruits  of  American  agriculture 
went  abroad  under  the  protection  of  foreign  flags. 
But  how  is  it  now  ?    Why  is  it  that  our  star- 
spangled  banner  is  seen  antl  known  and  respected 
in  every  sea?    What  remote  part  of  tlie  ocean  is 
not  visited  by  our  gallant  seamen  ?    How  comes  it 
that  our  ships  of  war  nnd  our  fine  commercial 
marine  are  enabled  to  traverse  the  pathless  ocean, 
and  to  bid  defiance  to  the  world  ?    How  happened 
it  that  in  the  war  of  1812  the  heart  of  this  nation 
beat  fast  and  high  with  patriotic  delight  when  it 
beheld  American  skill  and  bravery  proving  them- 
selves a  inatch  for  the  then  mistress  of  the  seas  i 
We  owelhis,  wc  owe  all  of  it,  to  our  navigation 
laws,  and  to  the  principle  of  direct  and  exclusive 
protection,  which  they  gave  and  intended  to  give 
to  American  capital  and  American  labor.    Has 
this  operated  injuriously  at  the  South?    Or  have 
they  not  participated  largely  and  joyously  in  all 
the  national  glory  which  thus  came  to  be  inscribed 
upon  our  naval  annnis?    No  hearU  beat  higher 
than  southern  hearts  at  the  news  of  our  naval  vic- 
tories.   "The  men  of  the  South  in  those  days  did 
not  stop  and  calculate  how  much  cent  percent  these 
victories  had  cost  them.    These  are  calculations  of 
modern  times.    A  change  hos  come  over  the  spirit 
of  their  dream.    Now  the  principle  of  protection 
is  nil  wrong— all  this  has  been  done  by  the  taxing 
power— it  is  all  the  result  of  exclusive  protection  to 
American  manufactures,  and  the  South  has,  it  now 
fancies,  most  of  the  tax  to  pay,  because  it  has  the 
most  produce  to  send  abroad.    Why  not,  then, 
repeal  these  navigation  laws  ?    How  comes  it  that 
Mr.  Polk  and  Mr.  Walker  have  sent  us  no  recom- 
mendation to  repeal  them,  or  to  reduce  them  too 
to  a  revenue  standard  ?    How  is  it  that  those  dis- 
criminating  duties  were  laid,  and  laid  avowedly  for 
protection  ?    The  Constitution  says  nothing  about 
navigation  laws  any  more  than  about  a  protective 


1124 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  1, 


29rH  C/Oso IsT  Sess. 


Independent  Treiuury — Mr.  Daniel. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


Uunff.  Why,  then,  ore  not  the  one  «■  unconstitu- 
tional as  the  other?  The  nnvi^tion  laws  have 
been  passed  under  the  constitutional  por/er  to  reg- 
ulate commerce.  In  the  execution  of  tlini  power 
you  have  improved  your  navigation,  and  the  Su- 

{>reme  Court  has  declared  that  the  power  to  regu- 
ate  commerce  includes  a  |H>wer  to  regulate  the 
vehicle  of  commerce,  and  not  only  so,  but  com- 
merce itself.     But  if  your  doctrine  it  right,  then  I 
■ay  again,  you  must,  to  be  conaistont,  rnpeni  the 
navigation  laws.    They  operate,  according  to  your 
theory,  most  oppressively;  they  keep  out  nWtiah 
and  other  foreign  ship-builders.    Thuy  have  no 
regard  to  the  revenue  st.'indard;  and  they  forbid 
us  to  buy  where  we  can  buy  cheapest.    Let  us, 
then,  at  once,  subject  them  to  the  revenue  standard. 
And  what  is  that?    Mr.  Walker  says  a  duty  of 
onepercent.jif  that  will  yield  the  most  revenue. 
And  how  are  we  to  find  out  whether  it  will  or  not? 
Why  just  by  lowering  the  discriminating  duty, 
and  trying  whether  all  the  shipping  of  the  world  j 
cannot  be  encouraged  to  come  into  tlie  ports  of  the  ;  i 
United  States.    When  this  great  national  object  is  ;' 
attained,  Mr.  President,  where  is  the  American  :| 
marine?  where  the  American  ship-builder?  where  M 
the  American'scainan  ?  where  the  means  of  glad- !  j 
dening  the  Americcui  heart  on  the  ocean  by  the  '! 
siglit  of  the  American  dug?    Gone,  sir,  gone  for-  j 
ever;  gonfifcy  this  newly-invented  and  fulsely-  | 
denominat^^  American    doctrine.      Destroy   the  ! 
lAvigation  laws,  and  your  days  of  naval  glory  are  ,  1 
ended.  1 

How  did  you  get  your  present  immense  coast-  l 
ing  trade  ?    By  the  exercise  of  the  same  protect-  i 
ive  power — the  power  to  regulate  commerce  by 
taxing  foreign  shipping  in  favor  of  American  ship- 
ping; you  got  it  by  making  that  protection  cxclu-  , 
sive  Srid  aibsolute.      Yet,  according  to  the  new  '"■ 
theory,  who  is  it  that  suffers  under  this  process?  i 
My  constituents,  your  constituents.    According  to  I 
the  Secretary's  philosophy,  you  have  made  lliein    : 
pay  the  whole  tax  laid  for  the  protection  of  Amer-   | 
lean  shipping.     Suppose  it  were  now  proposed  lo  ;  i 
us  to  ofwn  the  whole  coasting  trade  lo  the  vessels  j  j 
of  every  nation:  who  would  go  for  the  mensuic?  I 
None,  not  one.    But  why  not?    To  lay  taxes  for  ,! 
protection  is  seiid  to  be  an  unconstitutional  exercise   ■ 
of  a  power  given  to  raise  revenue.     Every  cent  of ' 
tax  which  diminishes  revenue  is  said  to  be  uncon-  |: 
■titutional.    All  taxes  laid  to  protect  the  things   i 
taxed  by  keeping  out  the  foreign  article,  are  un- 
constitutional.   Wc  must  not  then  prohibit  foreign  ' 
vessels  from  engaging  in  our  coasting  trade.    Nor   : 
may  we,  as  we  now  do,  by  giving  privileges  to   ! 
American  shipping  almost  prohibit  foreign  vessels   I 
from  carrying  our  products  abroad.    Oh  no !    All 
these  things  are  unconstitutional.     Are  gentlemen  I 
willing  to  deprive  of  their  present  protection  all  the  U 
men  employed  in  ship-huilding  ?    Will  they  with-  • 
hold  the  protection  of  Government,  which  these  ;i 
laws  give,  from  the  various  and  useful  mechanic  |i 
arts  employed  in  this  great  branch  of  American  ;| 
manufactures?    No,  they  will  not  do  that.    Why, 'i 
then,  are  not  the  artisans  of  Pennsylvania  entitled    j 
to  the  same  regard  ? 

The  only  answer  to  this  auestion  must  be,  "It  is  ; 
not  so  provided  in  the  resolutions  of  thatBaltimore  I 
Convention." 

I  have  tables  before  me  showing  the  value  of,  'I 
and  number  of  hands  employed  in,  the  iron  nnil   j 
coal  trade  of  Maryland,  in  the  building  and  manu-   ! 
(hcture  of  shipping,  cordage,  &c.s  the  whole  value 
of  the  iron  and  coal  trade  of  Pennsylvania,  to-   [ 
gether  with  the  number  of  vessels  engaged  in  con- 
veying these  products  to  market,  the  number  of  i 
persons  employed  in  that  transportation,  and  the   ' 
still  larger  number  of  those  dependant  upon  their 
industry.    All  these  will  be  prostrated  and  ruined    i 
if  this  bill  shall  pass.      But  I  will  not  detain  the  I! 
Senate  with  these  statistics.  | 

Nor  shall  I  say  anything  on  the  second  head  of  ; 
the  plan  I  proposed;  and  as  I  have  occupied  so  i 
much  of  the  Sienate's  time,  I  will  content  myself  j 
■with  adding  a  word  or  two  upon  the  third  and  lost  ! 
branch  of  the  subject.  I 

Mr.  President:  I  want  to  show  to  the  Senate  and  Ij 
the  country  what  will  be  our  fiscal  wants.  J! 

I  have  said,  sir,  that  whether  we  assumed  as   i 
true  the  calculations  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury,  of  the  Committee  of  Finance,  or  the  honor-  'I 
able  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  H 
Means  in  the  other  House,  the  revenue  to  arise  " 


from  the  bill  now  proposed  will  fall  flir  short  of 
meeting  the  wants  of  the  treasury. 

Mr.  President,  we  have  already  appropriated 
$30,175,891.  The  bills  in  the  other  Honse  pro- 
posed, but  not  yet  acted  upon,  amount  to  )^46,590,- 
777— that  is  to  say,  the  amount  actually  appro- 
priated and  the  amount  proposed  to  be  appro-' 
priated,  make  the  sum  of  |6G,766,668. 

[Mr.  J.  here  gave  the  items,'] 

From  these  items,  it  is  evident  that  we  will  and 
must  appropriate  nt  least  Ji,13,fl78,298  more.    This, 
added  to  $30,175,891,  the  sum  already  appropria- 
ted, amounts  to,  appropriations  certain  nt  the  end 
of  the  year,  $54,0.'>4,189.    These  are  unavoidable  ■ 
appropriations;  and  there  are  others  whirh  may  | 
and  probably  wIM  be  passed,  and  which  will  swell  i 
the  whole  amount  to  ^66,766,668.     But,  however  I 
that  mny  be,  there  wi!l  be  the  certain  sum  of  $54,-  j 
054,189,  which  must  be  provided  for.  i 

Now,  sir,  what  does  our  chairman  of  the  Com-  j 
mittee  on  Finance  tell   us  this  bill  is  to  raise?' 
Twenty-seven   or    twenty-eight   millions.     The 
Secretary  says  it  will  raise  twenty-seven  millions.  ] 
Hut  say  it  will  raise  twenty-eight  millions.    Then 
I  have  shown  that  there  will  still  be  a  deficit  to  ' 
the  amount  of  the  differencp  between  twenty-eight ! 
and  fifly-fcnir  millions.    We  now  owe  seventeen  : 
millions,  this  amount,  therefore,  is  to  be  added;  ' 
and  BO  wc  sholl  certainly  owe,  at  the  end  of  the  , 
pr'scnt  fiscal  year,  a  debt  of  forty-three  millions,  i 
ar:,i  that  almost  certain  to  be  increased  half  n  mil- 
lion by  the  interest  on  the  treasury  notes  which  ! 
wc  have  authorized. 

,  Well,  we  are  to  have  n  "revenue  standard."  { 
But  why  not  lay  a  lax  upon  imports  sufficient  lo  ' 
meet  this  amount?  "It  will  not  answer  at  the  i 
South."  It  is  said  thnt  in  Iny  more  tax  would 
lessen  importations.  The  Secretary  says  in  his 
report,  (what  I  hove  tried  in  vain  lo  understand,)  ' 
that "  whilst  it  is  impossible  to  adopt  ony  hnrizon- 
'  tnl  scale  of  duties,  or  even  any  Brbitn<ry  max- 
'  imum,  experience  proves  that,  as  n  general  rule, 
'  a  duty  of  20  per  cent,  ad  vnlorrm  will  yield  the 
'  largest  revenue, "  What  in  the  name  of  common  , 
sense  does  this  mean  ?  He  cannot  mean  what  ho  ■ 
snvs,  for  we  have  no  experience  upon  the  .subject.  I 
What,  then,  does  he  mean?  Has  Nature  herself 
fixed  a  standard  of  revenue?  It  has  been  said, 
heretofore,  that  there  is  such  a  thing  as  "  a  natural 
rate  of  duty" — «  natural  rate  of  duties  for  all  rev- 
enue bills  everywhere,  in  all  nations,  and  at  all 
limes;  a  kind  of  physical  law;  a  law  established 
for  us  by  our  Creator,  npplicjible  lo  all  commodi- 
ties, under  all  circumstances,  and  all  times.  Per- 
haps this  is  what  he  means,  and  that  20  per  cent, 
is  the  cage  which  Providence  and  Nature  hove 
ordained.  At  nil  events  he  says  ihot  experience 
has  shown  that  this  is  the  exact  rate  whicii  yields 
the  greatest  amount  of  revenue.  It  is  plain  that 
the  clioirmon  of  the  Committee  on  Finance  does 
not  think  so,  for  he  has  gone  above  it  and  below  it, 
and  his  object  is  only  revenue.  He,  it  seems,  has 
ascertained,  that  by  laying  more  than  20  per  cent, 
or  less  tlmn  20  per  cent.,  he  con  get  more  revenue 
than  by  conforming  himself  to  that  sacred,  mysti- 
cal number,  20  per  cent,  I  have  tried  in  vain  to 
find  out  what  the  Secretary  intends,  I  do  not 
understand  him,  and  I  never  expect  lo  understand 
him. 

But  I  find  myself  forced  to  bring  these  remarks 
to  a  conclusion  without  saying  much  that  I  hod 
designed  and  wished  lo  ,<"ay.  And  I  add  only  a 
word  or  two  more. 

Air.  President,  if  I  know  myself,  and  I  hope  I 
mny  be  pardoned  for  the  remark,  I  would  not  fnr 
the  nccnmplishmcnt  of  mere  party  purposes,  ad- 
dress anything  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  Slates 
which  I  did  not  most  sincerely  believe;  and  such, 
I  am  persuaded,  is  the  sentiment  of  every  member 
of  this  body.  There  are  higher  duties  to  be  dis- 
charged here,  thnn  those  connected  with  mere  hon- 
est aliorhmenl  to  party,  and  Senators  on  the  other 
side,  I  nm  sure,  share  with  me  in  that  conviction. 
We  dider  only  in  the  mode  of  serving  our  com- 
mon country.  We  think  upon  this  side  of  the 
Chamber,  that  the  bill  upon  the  table  is  destruc- 
tive of  the  best  interests  of  the  country,  ns  regards 
both  the  wealth  and  the  laborers  engaged  in  our 
domestic  industry.  Senators  on  the  opposite  side 
think  diflferently,  or  otherwise  it  is  impossible  they 
would  pass  this  bill.  Now  the  remark  I  wish  lo 
make,  is  this:  that  if  I  could  not,  and  did  not  look 


beyond  party,  I  should  greatly  rejoice  in  the  pas- 
sage of  this  bill.  I  venture  to  soy,  though  not  in 
the  habit  of  making  predictions,  if  this  bifl  passes 
the  days  of  Denuicratic  progress,  forward,  up- 
ward, every  way  but  downward,  are  at  an  end. 
But  hoping,  as  I  do,  that  there  in  an  equally  solicit^ 
ous  desire  on  the  part  of  our  opponents,  to  pro- 
mote the  interests  of  our  common  country,  to 
secure  the  rights  in  which  we  all  share,  to  main- 
tain unsullied  the  honor  in  which  we  nil  partici- 
pate, it  Is  necessary  that  they  and  wc  should  im 
satisfied,  either  that  our  view  is  right,  or  that  theirs 
is  right.  So  far,  however,  we  hove  not  been  fa- 
vored, except  as  to  the  mere  fiscal  operation  of  the 
bill,  with  any  exposition  of  the  views  of  our  friends 
on  the  other  side.  We  arc  forced,  therefore,  to 
act  with  the  aid  only  of  such  lights  as  our  own 
experience  and  judgment  afford.  These  conduct 
us  to  the  conclusion  that,  if  this  bill  shall  becomn 
n  law,  it  will  ruin  not  only  the  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands engaged  in  the  labor  of  the  land,  but  the 
value  of  the  land  itself;  that  it  will  bring  ruin  to 
the  manuDiclurer,  ruin  to  the  agriculturist,  ruin 
to  the  planter,  ruin  to  public  credit,  ruin  lo  the 

Ceace,  comfort,  and  virtues  of  the  people.  Wc 
elieve  that  it  will  prostrate  nine-tenths  of  the  la- 
borers of  the  land;  that  it  will  destroy  those  wlio 
assist  us  in  paying  taxes,  in  building  school- 
houses,  in  erecting  churches,  and  insiislolning  the 
flag  and  honor  of  the  nation.  Plenty  will,  we 
think,  be  succeeded  by  want:  industry  and  virtue 
give  place  to  idleness  and  vice;  prosperous  villages 
be  made  desolate;  flourishing  establislinicnls  per- 
ish; public  and  individual  debts  increase.  I  appeni, 
then,  lo  the  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Chamber — I  appeal  lo  them  in  the  spirit  and  wis- 
dom of  their  ancestors — lo  forbear.  I  appeal  lo 
them  in  behalf  of  thousands  of  their  fellow-citi- 
zens, 10  forbear.  I  appeal  lo  them,  as  they  prefer 
industry  to  idleness,  happiness  to  misery,  virtue 
to  vice,  to  forbear.  Do,  I  implore  you,  them  and 
you,  Mr.  President,  leave  the  American  laborer  as 
you  behold  him,  peaceful  and  happy,  enjoying  the 
reward  of  honest  industry,  and  feeling  the  con- 
scious pride  that  he  is  contributing  to  his  coun- 
try's wealth  ond  power.  Drive  him  not,  I  be- 
seech you,  lo  want  and  madness.  Leave  him,  as 
you  find  him,  contented  and  a  good  citizen,  and 
we  shall  return  to  our  homes,  one  and  all,  with 
the  blessings  of  thousands  on  our  heads,  and  the 
blessings  of  Heaven  on  our  country. 


INDEPENDENT  TREASURY. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  R.  J.  DANIEL, 

OF  NORTH  CAROLINA, 
In  the  Hodse  or  Representatives, 

Jlpril  I,  I8i6. 
The  Bill  to  provide  for  the  better  organization  of 
the  Treasury,  and  for  the  collection,  safe-keep- 
ing, transfer,  and  disbursemciit  of  the  public 
revenue,  being  mider  consideration  in  Commit- 
tee of  the  Whole — 

Mr.  DANIEL  addressed  the  Committee  as  fol- 
lows: 

Mr.  Ciiaikman:  There  are  some  rules  applica- 
ble to  deliberative  bodies  of  such  obvious  propriety 
that  I  oni  at  all  times  anxious  lo  see  them  observ- 
ed. Among  them  are  such  ns  lend  to  ensure  free- 
dom of  debate.  I  was  gratified,  therofore,  that  it 
was  the  pleasure  of  the  House,  in  ndopjtiig  the 
resolution  of  my  friend  from  Virginia,  [Mr.  Drom- 
QooLE,]  lo  afford  ample  opportunity  for  discuss- 
ing the  bill  under  consideration.  The  principle  of 
the  bill  may  be  regarded  as  settled;  but  it  may  be 
of  advantage  to  have  the  details  fully  and  freely 
discussed.  To  this  end  I  was  disposed  to  give 
our  Whig  friends  ar.  opportunity  of  urging  their 
olijeclionc;  that,  if  deemed  valid,  they  might  b« 
obviated  by  amendment.  But,  sir,  as  yet  very 
little  has  been  said  about  the  details  of  the  meas- 
ure. And,  indeed,  so  feeble  has  been  the  oppo- 
sition in  spirit,  and  in  argument,  that  it  might  not 
be  rash  lo  conclude  that  internal  conviction  of  its 
necessity  has  paralyzed  the  efforts  even  of  its  for* 
mer  stcdfast  and  bitter  opponents. 

To  demonstrate  the  propriety  of  the  measure,  it 
will  be  necessary  in  the  first  place  to  bring  into 
view  some  provisions  of  the  Constitution,  and  the 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


ns6 


29th  Cono l8T  Sf.H8. 


Indejjendent  Treasury — Mr.  Daniel. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


wan  pn8ac(l,an(l  approved  April  30, 1616,  in  these 
words: 

"  Haolvett  hi  the  Senate  and  Home  of  Reprenentattvet  In 
Conerc»  tuiemhleit^  Tlint  Ihn  fli-prniftry  of  thfi  Trttni'iiry  be, 
niid  he  linn.-hv  ix,  recpiinMl  nnd  AirectcA  to  adopt  xiirh  iiifnH- 
iiren  nit  )ip  may  drniii  ncecHaiiry,  to  rtilii*fl,  na  fiiH>ii  m  may 
b[>,  nil  diiljr>,(,  tfixf'ft,  dohtn,  or  buiM!*  of  money,  accruing  or 
b4!coniJnu  pnynliln  to  the  United  SlnteH,  to  he  collected  and 
paid  in  the  letial  currency  of  the  United  Platen,  or  treiuury 
notcrt,  or  ooteH  or  the  Rank  of  the  United  Htiitci,  an  hy  law 
provided  and  declared,  or  In  nnteti  of  hniikfl  which  are 
paynhlij  and  paid  on  demand  in  the  fiaid  lesal  currenry  of 
the  United  t^tatef^;  and  that  from  and  after  the  twentieth 
day  of  February  next,  no  nuch  duties,  titxeH,  debts,  or  ititinit 
of  money,  accrnlog  or  becmniiiir  payable  to  the  United 
fitntcs,  at  nforenaid,  ought  to  be  collected  or  received  otlier- 
wise  than  'in  tlie  legal  currency  of  tlio  United  Htate^,  or 
treaxury  noten,  or  nnteitof  the  Dank  of  the  United  Htites,  or 
in  note:!  of  bnnkn  winch  are  payable  and  paid  ou  demand, 
in  the  said  legal  currency  of  the  United  States." 

The  bold  nnd  flHgrnnt  dcpnrtiirp  of  Atexnnder  i 


the  kind  of  money  in  which  the  dties  of  the  Gov- 
ernment should  be  collci  ted,  was  never  expressly  | 
sanctioned,  it  seems,  further  than  the  receipt  ofl 
the  notes  of  the  banks  chartered  by  Congress,  until  j 
the  resolution  of  the  30lh  of  April,  1816.  : 

The  prnctico  originating  in  the  treasury  order  of  | 
Alexander  Hamilton,  and   tacitly  acquiesced  in, 
having  thus  received  the  sanction  of  law,  the  pub'  i 
lie  revenue  continued  to  be  collected  in  notes  of  \ 


past  legislation  of  the  country  connected  with  the 
euhject. 

The  6lh  clause  of  section  9,  article  1,  of  theCon- 
atitution  declares,  "That  no  mviey  shall  be  drawn 
'  tVom  the  treasury  but  in  consequence  of  appro- 

*  priations  mode  by  law."  The  1st  clause  of  sec- 
tion 10  of  the  same  article  declares,  among  other 
things,  that  "  No  State  shall  coin  money,  emit  bills 
'  of  credit,  make  anything  but  gold  and  silver  a 

*  tender  in  payment  of  debts." 

The  first  recited  clause  contemplates  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  treasury  for  the  Qnvornment  created 
by  the  Constitution,  and  provides  that  the  pub- 
lic money  slioU  not  bo  "  drann  fiom  the  treasury 

*  but  in  conse(|ucnce  of  appiopriations  made  by 
*law."  The  second,  restrains  the  several  States 
of  the  Union  from  making  anything  but  gold  and 
silver  a  tender  in  payment  of  debts;  and,  in  cfl'cct, 
guaranties  to  every  citizen  the  right  to  demand 
apecio  in  the  payment  of  a  debt  due  to  him,  wheth- 
er owiiig  by  the  Government  or  an  individual. 
And  it  is  not  only  a  fair,  but  necessary  conclusion, 
that  the  money  to  be  drawn  from  the  treasury  by 
appropriations  made  by  law,  was  intended  to  be 
such  as  every  creditor  of  the  Government  would 
have  a  constitutional  right  to  demand. 

Upon  this  idea  of  a  Federal  treasury,  and  the 
kind  of  money  to  be  deposited  in,  and  drawn  from, 

it  by  appropi|iations  made  by  law,  was  based  the  .  ..^  ,^,^„.,^  w^,„.„i,i«u  ■.»  .<»  ..w..^^>vu  , v..  ^. 

early  legislation  of  Congress  concerning  the  Treas-  I  banks  payable  on  demond  in  specie;  and  after  the 
ury  Department,  and  the  collection  or  the  public  !  last  Rank  of  the  United  States  went  into  operation, 
revenue.  ! 

In  the  net  "  to  establish  the  Treasury  Depart- 
ment," passed  in  the  first  session  of  Congress  in  I 
1789,  it  is  declared  "  there  shall  be  a  Department  j 

*  of  Treasury,  in  which  thei-e  shall  be  the  following  j 
'  officers,  namely:  a  secretary  of  the  treasury,  to  i 
'  bo  deemed  head  of  the  department,  a  comptroller, 
'  an  auditor,  a  treasurer,  a  register,  and  an  assistant 
'to  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,"  [subsequently 
abolished,]  "  which  assistant  shall  be  appointed  by 
'  the  said  secretary."  It  is  further  declared  in  the 
said  act  "  that  it  shall  bo  the  duty  of  the  treasurer 
'  to  receive  and  keep  the  money  of  the  United 
'  States,  dnd  to  disburse  the  same  upon  warrants 
'  drawn  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  coun- 

*  tersigned  by  tlio  comptroller,  recorded  by  the 

*  register,  and  not  otherwise."  And  in  the  act "  to 

*  regulate  the  collection  of  duties  imposed  by  law 

*  on  the  tonnage  of  ships  or  vessels,  and  on  goods, 
'  wares,  and  merchandise  imported  into  the  United 
'  States,"  passed  at  the  same  session,  it  is  express- 
ly provided  in  section  30,  "  that  the  duties  and 
'  fees  to  be  collected  by  virtue  of  this  act  shall  be 
'  received  in  gold  and  silver  coin  only." 

Alexander  Hamilton  being  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  it  devolved  upon  him  to  superintend  the 
collection  of  the  revenue,  and  put  in  operation  the 
Treasury  Department,  as  authorized  by  law.  The 
injunction  to  collect  the  revenue  "in  gold  and  silver 
coin  only,"  was  construetj  to  mean  nothing  more 
than  a  prohibition  to  receive  notes  or  bills  of  credit 
issued  uy  the  State  governments;  and  only  thirty 
days  after  the  passage  of  the  act  requiring  the  rev- 
enue to  be  collected  "in  gold  and  silver  coin  only," 
a  treasury  order  was  issued,  authorizing  collectors 
to  receive  bank  notes  not  having  more  than  thirty 
days  to  run,  in  payment  of  public  dues.  This 
was  not  only  against  the  letter  of  the  act  regulating 
the  collection  of  the  public  revenue,  but  in  direct 
conflict  with  its  policy,  and  the  spirit  of  the  Con- 
stitution. 

The  lOlh  aectiort  of  the  act  creating  the  first 
Bank  of  the  United  States,  approved  February  25, 
1791,  authorized  the  notes  of  that  institution  to  be 
recived  in  payment  of  dues  to  the  Government,  in 
these  words:  "  That  the  bills  or  notes  of  the  said 


Congress  assembled  the  first  Monday  in  Sep- 
tember, 18.37,  and  the  President,  in  his  message, 
after  adverting  to  the  condition  of  the  public  funds, 
in  consequence  of  the  susjiension  of  the  deposito 
banks,  submitted  to  the  wisdom  and  deliberation 
of  the  representatives  of  the  people  and  tlie  States, 
whether  the  connexion  which  had  been  dissolved 
by  the  br:iks  themselves,  with  the  few  exception* 
I  nave  mentioned,  (for  the  act  of  June  33,  1836, 
made  their  discontinuance  as  deposiiorica  in  the 
event  which  had  happened ,  imperative  on  the  Treas- 
ury Department,)  should  again  be  renewed;  or 
some  plan  be  estitblished  by  law,  for  collecting  the 
revenue  in  specie,  and  keeping  it  until  disbursed 
by  odicers  appointed  by  law,  and  responsible  to 
the  Government,  so  aa  to  have  it  available  at  all 
times,  and  under  any  emergency,  to  meet  the  pub- 
lic exigencies.  It  was  deemed  advisable  by  tho 
Hamilton  from  the  spirit  of' the  Constitution,  and  |  friends  of  the  Administration  generally  to  adopt 
i  the  clear  and  explicit  direction  of  Congress,  ns  to  i   the  latter  policy;  and  the  bill  called  "  (At  iiidqien' 


dent  or  liih-trianmi  bill,"  was  attempted  to  bo 
passed.   Tt  failed,  however,  that  session,  but  was 

Sussed  subsequently,  nn<i  became  a  law  the  4th  of 
uly,  1840. 


Mr.  Chairman,  in  the  review  I  have  so  far  pre- 
sented of  our  legislation  on  this  subject,  it  cannot 
have  escaped  observation,  that  although  the  law 
authorized  the  appointment  of  the  necessary  officers 
for  managing  the  fiscal  concerns  of  (he  Govern- 
ment, it  did  not  create  n  tteastiry  in  fact,  or  desig- 
nale  tlu  place  or  places  tclure,  and  the  mamier  how, 
was  deposited  in  that  bank  and  its  branches — tho   .  the  public  money  should  be  kept  before  disburse- 
16th  section  of  the  charter  requirins  that  the  dc-  ]■  mcnt.    It  required  the  revenue  to  be  collected  in 
posites  of  the  money  of  the  United  States  "  shall  i    •'gnfif  and  ntiier  coin  onfi/,"  and  to  be  kept  by  the 
1)0  made  in  said  bank  or  branches  thereof,  unless  il  treasurer  until  disbursed  upon  "  warrants  drawn 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  slioll  otherwise  order  I ;  bv  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  countersigned  by 
anil  direct."  j    tlie  Conintroller,  and  recorded  by  the  Treasurer,'' 

The  report  of  the  Government  directors  appoint-  i  but  it  IciT  the  keeping  of  it,  as  to  place  and  tnantur, 
ed  by  the  President,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  ['  to  the  discretion  of  the  Treasurer,  under  the  direc- 


1  consent  of  the  Senate,  to  watch  over  and  protect   . 

the  interest  of  the  United  States,  the  Government  ,■ 

being  o  stockholder  in  the  institution  to  the  amount  n 
I  of  one-fifth  of  its  capital,  having  brought  to  light  [[ 
'  various  abu.^es  and  malpractices  of  the  bank — in  : 
I  applying  its  funds  to  tho  procurement  and  distri-  1 
j  bution  of  political  tracts,  and  in  accommodation  \' 
:  loans,  without  the  sanction  of  the  board  of  direct-  j 
;  ors,  as  required  by  the  charter,  to  tho  conductor  of  jl 

a  leading  newspaper  in  the  city  of  New  York,  || 
i  before  that  time  a  bitter  opponent  of  the  bank,  but 
I  afterwards  one  of    ila^strongest    advocates  and  i; 
;  warmest  eulogists,  fo'  the  j)urpose  of  influencing 
]  public  opinion  and  controlling  elections,  in  order  | 

to  obtain  a  renewal  of  its  charter — the  Secretary  of  i 
I  the  Treasury,  in  September,  1833,  took  measures  |; 
;  for  removing  the  public  money  from  the  bank  and  '  I 
'its  branches  to  other  depositories,  as  under  the  ij 
I  charter  he  had  a  right  to  do.  But  no  alteration  I 
\  was  made  as  to  the  medium  receivable  in  dues  to 
i  the  Government,  until  Jidy  11,  18.36,  when  n  cir-  I 
j  cular  letter  was  is.<iucd  by  the  Secretary  of  the  ] 
i  Treasury  to  the  receivers  of  public  money  and  to  ij 
!  the  depositc  banks,  of  which  the  foUowiug  is  an  {! 
j  extract:  , 

I     "The  President  of  tlie  United  Platephaa  given  directions,  ' 
I  and  you  are  hereby  instructed,  after  the  1,'ttli  day  of  Ancuf^t  j 
'  next,  to  receive  in  payment  of  the  public  lands  nothing  cx- 
\  cept  what  is  directed  by  the  existing  laws,  viz :  cotti  and  I 
I  siivor.nnd  in  the  propercases  Virginia  land  scrip:  Protnttcit, 

Tlnit  till  the  15th  of  December  next,  the  same  indulgence  : 
'  heretofore  extended  ns  to  the  kind  of  money  received.  m:iy 
i  be  conliiuied  for  any  quantity  <»f  land  not  exceeding  three  ' 
!  hundred  nnd  twenty  acres  lo  each  purchaser  who  is  an  ! 
i  actual  settler  or  Aona/uie  resident  in  tlic  State  wlierc  the  sales  \ 
j  are  made."  i 

I      This  order  was  induced  by  the  large  quantity  of , 
<  public  land  purchased  by  speculators,  and  the  ex-  ■ 
'  tended  circulation  and  liabilities  of  the  banks,  par- 
'  ticularly  in  the  northwestern  and  southwestern 


corporation,  originally  made  payable,  or  which  !   sections  of  the  Union,  compared  with  their  specie 


•  shall  have  become  payable,  on  demand  in  gold 

•  and  silver  coin,  shall  be  received  in  all  payments 
'  to  the  United  States."  This  section  was  repealed 
after  the  expiration  of  the  bank  charter,  by  oct  of 
March  19,  1812.  But  the  act  of  April  10,  1816, 
creating  the  late  Bank  of  the  United  States,  made 
the  notes  of  that  bank  also  receivable  in  payment 
of  public  dues — the  14lh  section  being  in  these 
words:  "  That  the  bills  or  notes  of  the  said  corpo- 
'  ration,  originally  made  payable  on  demand,  shall 
'  be  receivable  in  all  payments  to  the  United  States, 
'unless  otherwise  directed  by  act  of  Congress." 
At  the  same  session  "  a  resolution  relative  to  the 
more  efiectual  collection  of  the  public  revenue" 


funds.  It  was  a  precauiionary  step  to  protect  the 
treasury  from  the  consequences  of  bank  failures, 
should  they  occur;  nnd  the  suspension  of  specie 
payments  by  the  banks,  first  in  the  spring  of  1837, 
and  afterwards  in  1839,  proved  the  sagacity  and 
wisdom  of  the  measure. 

Tlie  banks  selected  as  public  depositories,  hav- 
ing suspended  as  well  as  the  rest,  with  some  four 
or  five  exceptions,  the  funds  of  the  Government 
which  had  been  deposited  with  them,  nmoi., nine  to 
many  millions,  became  unavailable;  and  Mr.  Van 
Buren  was  under  the  necessity  of  calling  an  extra 
session  of  Congress,  to  provide  means  to  meet  the 
public  engagements  and  carry  on  the  Government. 


tion  of  the  Secretary.  Although  I  regard  Mr. 
Hamilton's  construction  of  the  act  to  regulate  the 
collection  of  duties,  as  a  |ialpable  evasion,  and  the 
treasury  order  issued  by  him,  permitting  bank 
notes  to  be  received  in  payment  of  duties  to  the 
Government,  a  violation  of  law,  there  was,  I  am 
constrained  to  admit,  some  apology  for  the  recoursa 
he  had  to  the  then  existing  banks  as  public  depos- 
itories. Being  left  to  his  own  discretion  as  to  the 
places  and  manner  in  which  the  public  money 
should  be  kept,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  should  have  resorted  to  the 
Bank  of  North  America  at  Philadelphia,  the  Bank 
of  New  York  at  New  York,  the  Mosaachusctta 
Bank  at  Boston,  and  the  Bank  of  Maryland  at 
Baltimore,  for  the  safe^  keeping  of  the  public  mo- 
ney, as  he  would  probably  have  done  with  his 
own  private  funds.  This,  or  the  custody  of  the 
public  money  by  the  collecting  officers  and  receiv- 
ers of  the  revenue,  until  disbursed,  without  suffi- 
cient penal  sanctions,  as  might  have  been  supposed, 
to  prevent  its  misapplication,  were  the  only  alter- 
milivcs. 

Tho  difference  in  the  consequences  resulting 
from  the  receipt  of  the  revenue  in  bank  notes,  and 
dcposiling  it  with  banks  for  safe-keeping  unlil  dis- 
bursed; andittcoHecHiigi*  "  ingold  and  silver  only,' 
and  fteepl%  it  until  disbursed  by  proper  officers, 
though  somewhat  hidden,  is  most  importanL 
Receiving  bank  notes  from  public  debtors  was,  in 
elfect,  first,  merely  to  shift  the  liability  off  them 
for  that  of  the  banks,  whose  notes  were  received 
ill  puynieni;  and,  in  the  next  place,  depositing 
them  with  the  banks  receiving  and  holding  them 
for  the  Government,  was  to  shift  tlie  liability  oiT 
the  banks  issuing  the  notes  fbr  that  of  the  deposite 
banks;  the  money,  represented  by  the  bank  notes, 
remaining  in  use  of  the  banks,  and  the  Govern- 
ment taking  the  hazard  of  bank  failure  and  fhith- 
lessness,  in  both  cases,  unlil  disbursement.  It  is 
true,  that  if  the  money,  when  collected,  was  to  be 
deposited  with  banks,  the  effect  as  to  the  amount 
deposited  would  have  been  the  same,  whether  col- 
lected in  sjtecie  or  bank  notes,  which  the  deposite 
banks  would  consent  to  receive  and  hold  on  de- 
posit*; as,  in  either  case,  the  deposite  would  have 
liail  the  effect  to  substitute  the  liind  deposited  for 
the  liability  of  the  deposite  banks;  unless,  indeed, 
tiie  deposite  banks  would  have  consented  to  receive 
the  funds  on  special  deposite,  which,  as  they  were 
under  no  obligation,  and  had  no  interest  to  do, 
they  would  hordly  have  done.  But  as  to  the 
amount  thot  might  have  been  collected  and  dis- 


f 


WJ'^' 


1196 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[April  I, 


H&TH  CONO IST  SeSS. 


Inilependeni  Treasury — Mr.  Daniel 


Ho.  or  Rem. 


bunwd  without  being  pineed  in  bank  at  nil,  there 
would  have  been  an  mlvantage  in  cnllecling  it  in 
•pecie  a*  required  by  law,  na  nil  hazard  of  bank 
failure  would  have  iieeii  avnideil.  Another  con- 
■equence  Aowini;  rromthia  priiclire  was,  indirectly 
to  permit  the  defmuitti  bank"  to  have  the  u»e  of  the 
flindadepoalted  with  them,  altlion;;h  the  Constitu- 
tion and  laws  required  the  rerenne  to  be  collected 
■*  <n  goU  ami  tUttr  coin  ot%ly,"  ami  to  be  kepi  by  the 
trta$urer,  and  not  to  be  drmvnfrom  the  trraswyt  but 
<n  eonHqutnct  qf  approprialioiu  mmtc  by  laiB.  But 
if  the  revenue  had  l<^n  collected  in  inonr!/ in  its 
constitutional  sense,  that  is,  s;itcie,  and  not  iit  notes 
<(fb<mkSf  nniio  of  the  vicinpitiidea  to  which  banks 
are  liable  would  have  been  risked  by  the  Gnvcrn- 
inent;  but  its  funds  would  have  boon,  at  all  times, 
in  a  condition  to  meet  the  public  exigencies.  Nor 
would  the  UHe  of  the  public  money  by  banks,  or 
by  any  body,  have  been  indirectly  iicrmitted  by  j 
the  Treasury  Department.  ' 

It  is  a  little  remarkable,  that  a  nmcticc  orii^lna- 
ting  in  the  treasury  order  ofMr.  IIamiltnn,ngniMst 
law,  and  attended  with  conscqueiicrs  so  important, 
and  so  ditTurcnt  Trom  those  which  must  have 
flowed  from  that  indicated  by  the  Constitutinn, 
and  attempted  to  be  carried  out  by  law,  should  not 
only  not  have  met  with  nnimndversion,  but  should 
have  been  silently  acquiesced  in,  until  expressly 
■anctionerff  first,  in  the  chartei^  of  the  two  banks 
incorporated  by  Congress,  so  far  ns  their  notes  ; 
were  concerned,  and  anerwards  by  the  resolution 
of  the  30th  of  April,  1816. 

But  the  hazards  incident  to  the  practice  of  col- 
lecting the  revenue  in  bank  notes,  and  dcpoitiilng  \ 
It  with  bonks,  though  long  deferred,  were  at  length 
signally  realized   by  the  general  suspenaion   of ; 
■pecie  payments  by  the  banks  in  1837i  and  the 
independent  treasury  was  originated,  n#  the  beat  j 
plan  to  obviate  such  hazards  for  the  future.  I 

The  independent  treasury  act  had  for  its  object  ' 
a  return  to  the  ^>olicy  shadowed  forth  by  the  Con-  ! 
■Utution,  and  attempted  to  be  carried  into  cflect 
by  the  act  for  organizing  the' Treasury  Depart-  1 
mcnt,  and  the  section  or  the  act  to  regulate  the 
collection  of  duties,  to  which  I  have  had  occasion 
to  refer.    The  most  simple  and  obvious  way  to 
accomplish  this  was,  to  revive  the  injunction  to  i 
collect  the  revenue  "  in  gold  nml  silver  coin  only,"  i 
and  supply  the  defects  of  the  net  fur  organizing  the  \ 
Treasury  Department^  by  designating  xoliere,  and  ' 
how,  the  public  revenue  shoulil  be  kept  until  dis- 
bursed.    And,  accordingly,  the  ant  required  that,  ' 
until  a  given  period,  certain  portions,  and  after 
that  time,  the  whole  of  the  public  revenue,  should 
be  collected  in  apecie;  and  authorized  the  erection  ! 
of  suiutble  vaults  and  safes  at  this  and  other  suit-  ; 
able  places,  in  addition  to  tlie  Mint  at  Philadcl-  ' 
phia  and  the  Branch  Mint  at  Nev/  Orleans,  for  its 
safe-keeping.    Ah  the  agency  of  banks  was  to  be 
dispensed  with,  the  duties  of  the  Treasury  De|)ai't- 
ment  must  of  courxe  have  become  somewhat  en- 
larged; and  the  act  therefore  provided  for  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  few  additional  officers,  the  ugijregate 
of  whose  salaries  was  not  to  exceed  twenty-one 
thousand  dollars  per  annum,  and  was  in  fact 'much 
leas,  the  "salaries  of  receivers,"  (fec^and  "pay 
of  clerks,   watchmen,  and  porters, 'Weeing   but 
#14,177  67;  and  the  entire  expense  of  carryiiiff  the 
act  into  effect,  including  the  salaries  of  officers, 
the  "  construction  of  offices,  fire-proof  vaults,  and 
■afts,"  and  "  all  other  contingencies,"  being  only 
(19,499  90,  as  appear*  from  a  statement  made  at 
the  office  of  the  Register  of  the  Treasury,  bearing 
dale  July  1,  1841,  and  to  be  found  in   Doc.  33, 
Ex.  Doc.  1st  sens.  27th  Cong.    To  secure  the 
public  money  against  loss  or  misapplication,  not 
only  were  sufficient  bonds  with  good  security  re- 
i]uired  to  be  entered  into  by  those  intrusted  with 
it,  but  the  improper  use  or  enil)ezzlemcnt  of  it 
was  made  felony,  subject  to  criminal  prosecution, 
and  punishable  by  fine  and  imprisonment;  and  to 
prevent  the  drafts  necessory  to  be  drawn  in  trans- 
ferring and  disbursing  the  public   revenue  from 
being  improperly  used  as  a  kind  of  currency,  tlieir 
presentation  for  adjustment  and  cancellation  in 
reasonable  time  was  required. 

Such,  it  ii  belii^vcd,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  a  just 
riew  of  the  leading  features  of  the  Independent 
Treasury  act.  It  was  repealed  at  the  extra  session 
in  1841,  by  the  party  then  in  power,  and  the  con- 
nexion with  the  banks  again  renewed.  The  bill 
now  under  consideration  proposes  to  retetablish 


in  elTect  iht  act  rppenled  at  the  extra  lesilon,  and 

is  Hiibslnniially  the  siime  in  its  provisions. 

The  act  i,f  .Tuly  4,  1840,  was  permitted  to  con- 
tinue in  fiirce  little  more  timn  one  year.  Although 
some  lime  was  necessnrily  required  to  put  it  in 
operatiiui,  the  trial  which  was  made  of  it  has  left 
no  doubt  upon  the  minds  of  its  friends  of  its  com- 
plete ndnplnlion  to  the  end  proposed  to  be  accom- 
plished by  it — to  tniible  the  (loternment  to  meet  iti 
engngeinmlf,  at  all  timtn  and  under  all  emtrgenci'es,  in 
a  manner  conforming  In  the  Constitution,  andtotrhieh 
no  public  creiiilor)  icoutd hiire  a  right  loohjirt,  This, 
no  man  who  entertiiins  a  proper  regard  lor  national 
fltith  and  national  honor  will  gainaiiy. 

But  it  is  insisti.il  that  the  public  money  will  be 
insecure— much  more  so  than  in  the  custody  of 
bnnks.  The  friends  of  tlic  measure  believe  oilier- 
wise.  While  the  act  of  1840  was  in  force,  not  a 
single  dollar  was  misapplied.  Under  a  system  of 
finance  so  nrrnniiied  as  merely  to  cover  the  expenses 
ofanecoiiiiinical  administration  of  the  Govern  mcnt, 
the  revenue  will  be  paid  out  ns  fast, or  nearly  so, ns  it 
will  be  received;  sotlint  the  amount  that  will  be  in 
the  hands  of  collecting;  ond  rt.--iving  officers  will  at 
no  time  be  very  great;  and,  lii:iiig  divided  among  so 
many,  it  is  not  nrolmlilc  that  any  defalcation  or 
miaapplication  will  take  place,  beyond  the  amount 
of  the  bonds  llintwillbe  required,  and  that  maybe 
given  by  men  in  good  credit.  In  addition  to  this, 
the  bill  makes  the  eiiiSezzlement  or  misapplication 
of  the  public  money — as  did  the  art  of  1840— a  | 
highly  penal  felony,  punishable  by  fine  and  im- 
prisonment. It  is  dillicult  to  see  what  other  guards 
^:an  be  devised  for  tlic  safe-keeping  of  the  public  j 
money  than  those  eiiiitained  in  the  bill,  Wlietlier  ! 
banks  be  used  as  de|io.iitories,  or  the  public  money 
be  kept  by  puldic  officers  until  disbursed, the  money 
must,  in  both  casts,  be  collected  by  public  officers, 
and  to  that  extent  tlie  hazards  under  both  systems 
will  be  equal.  Such  disbursements  as  cniinot  be 
made  by  the  banks,  or  by  the  keepers  of  the  pub- 
lic money,  would  have  to  be  made  by  disbursing 
officers,  under  either  system,  and  to  that  extent 
also  will  the'  hazard  be  equal.  The  only  material 
inquiry,  therefore,  is,  whether  the  public  money 
deposited  with  officers  responsible  to  the  Govern- 
ment, under  heavy  bonds  and  heavy  penal  sanc- 
tions, in  case  of  misapplication,  will  be  as  safe  ns 
in  the  custody  o''  '  .mier  no  responsibility 

to  the  Governmen  Ic  to  all  the  vicissitudes 

attendant  upon  bi>  "rations?     I  doubt  not 

it  will  be  more  so.  k.  j  it  will  be  attended  with 
the  great  and  important  advantage  of  being  ready 
at  all  times  to  meet  the  public  exigencies,:it  is  en- 
titled to  di'cided  preference;  unless  its  evil  efl'ects 
in  augmenting  Executive  patronage,  or  upon  the 
business  and  trade  of  the  country,  will  more  than 
counterbalance  its  advantages,  as  is  urged  by  those 
opposed  to  it. 

Sir,  the  olijection  to  the  independent  treasury, 
on  the  score  of  Executive  patronage,  is  idle,  and 
merely  ad  captandum.  If  the  Executive  were  dis- 
posed to  exercise  his  powers,  and  abuse  the  advan- 
tages of  his  slnti(ni,  to  promote  his  own  ambitious 
views,  he  would  be  able  to  do  so  more  efTcctually 
through  the  depositc  banks,  than  through  the  small 
luiiaber  of  additional  officers  authorized  by  the  bill. 
Moreover,  I  hold  it  to  be  exceedingly  doubtful 
whether  the  power  of  appointment  to  office,  con- 
stituted as  our  Government  is,  increases  the  popu- 
larity or  power  of  the  Executive.  Where  one 
friend  is  gialified  by  its  exercise,  Un  arc  disap- 
pointed or  displeased,  and  many  of  them  not  un- 
frequently  converted  into  active  opponents. 

Will  the  proposed  system  exert  an  injurious  in 
fluence  upon  the  trf  de  and  business  of  the  country  ! 

So  (kr  from  that,  Mr.  Chairman,  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe  its  tendency  will  be  to  place  trade 
and  business  upon  a  better  foundation,  by  the  im- 
proved condition  of  the  currency  which  it  will  con- 
tribute to  bring  about.  The  evils  resulting  from 
bank  suspensions  and  failures  nt  dilTerent  periods, 
have  been  exceedingly  prejudicial  to  trade  and 
business  of  every  description;  but  I  think  I  hazard 
nothing  in  saying  that  the  ultiinntc  expansions  and 
contractions  of  the  currency  which  have  character- 
ized the  banking  operations  of  the  country  have 
been  far  more  so.  The  evils  both  of  suspension 
and  expansion  and  contraction,  will  be  mitigated 
by  the  proposed  measure;  and  if  seconded  by  suit- 
able legislation  on  the  part  of  the  several  States, 
may  be  so  far  reir.uved  as  scarcely  to  be  fell.    If 


banki  had  never  been  established,  the  quantity  of 
currency  could  not  be  enlarged  or  diminishril,  so 
as  Ic  contrid  the  price  of  property,  produce,  anil 
labor,at  the  picnsare  of  corporntions,  whose  inter- 
est it  is,  if  not  to  stimulate  upeculalldii  and  enter- 
prise at  one  time, and  curtail  theirncconunntlatiniia 
nt  another,  nt  least  to  loan  as  much  bank  pniier  as 
they  can,  on  account  of  the  interest  it  aHords. 
And  ifn  su|>erabundance  of  ImuL  paper  be  thrown 
into  circulation,  no  matter  from  whatever  motive, 
a  curlailnient  of  bank  accommodation  must  neces- 
sarily follow.  For  whenever  the  returns  or  state- 
ments of  the  condition  of  the  banks,  which  tliey 
are  compelled  to  make,  and  which  are  publialiciF, 
show  that  their  liabilities  have  become  greatly  dis- 
prnportioncd  to  their  specie  funds,  depositors,  and 
others  holding  their  paper,  will  make  runs  upon 
them,  to  meet  which  it  will  bo  necessary  to  con- 
tract their  accommodations,  and  call  in  their  debts. 
So  that  self-interest,  ihc  maiiisiiring  of  human 
action,  induces  a  course  of  coniluct  which  must 
necessarily  bring  about  nn  expansion,  and  the  ex- 
pansion necessarily  produces  a  coiilinclion,  as  cer- 
tainly as  great  and  unnatural  excitement  in  the 
human  system  is  followed  by  cidlupse. 

As  banks  have  become  so  interwoven  with  the 
policy  of  the  several  States,  that  they  will,  in  all 
probability,  continuer  to  exist  in  most  of  them, any 
measure  whichi  holds  out  a  reasonable  prospect  of 
slrengthcning  their  credit, and  rendering  their  oper- 
ations more  steady  and  uniform,  ought  to  meet 
with  general  favor.     Could  our  mixed  currency  be 
kept  lit  all  times  within  the  bounds  of  safely,  and 
be  so  regulated  ns  to  be  as  little  liable  to  expan- 
sions and  rontraeiions  as  a  metallic  currency,  it 
would  be  a  great  desideratum.     Price  of  property, 
I  produce,  and   labor,  would   then   assume    soma 
steadiness.     It  seems  to  me,  Mr.  Chairman,  there 
i  is  no  measure  within  the  range  of  our  constitutinnal 
'  power  better  calculated  to  bring  about  this  dcsira- 
i  nle  result  than  the  one  proposed  by  the  bill  now 
under  consideration.    It  may  not  elTcct  all  that 
could  be  wished,  but  its  tendency  will  be  thai  di- 
j  reclion. 

The  bill,  upon  the  presumption  that  the  banks 
j  have  been  sufficiently  nolifieil  by  the  late  elections 
of  the  probable,  if  not  certain,  rel'slablishmeiil  of 
the  independent  treasury,  and  are  in  as  good  con- 
I  dition  to  withstand  its  elTects  as  they  will  ever  be, 
proposes  to  have  the  whole  of  the  revenue  within 
a  short  lime,  collected  in  specie, and  not  gradually, 
in  given  proportions,  as  in  the  act  of  1840.     This' 
will  have  a  restraining  influence  upon  banks,  at 
and  near  the  points  nt  which  the  revenue  is  col- 
lected,and  tends  to  confine  their  issues  within  safe 
limits.     The  effect  will  bear  some  proportion  lo 
the  revenue  collected  at  the  several  points,     ihit 
the  importers  of  goods,  particularly  foreign  im- 
porters, understanding  this  provision  of  the  la,v, 
and  not  foreseeing  that  the  requisite  amount  jf 
specie  can  be  had  at  the  ports  of  entry,  lo  pay  tlio 
duties  on  their  cai^oes,  may,  not  unfrcquem'y, 
I  import  specie  for  that  purpose.     It  will  thus  tciul 
!|  to  draw  specie  from  abroad  to  the  ports  of  entry. 
■j  And  if  the  legislatures  of  the  Stales  in  which  bands 
I  exist,  will,  as  soon  as  ihcy  may,  make  the  private 
l|  properly  of  stockholders  liable  for  the  debts  of  the 
|i  banks,  and  prevent  gradually  the  circulation  of 
i!  small  notes;  say,  first,  all  under  five  dollars,  then 
!j  all  under  ten,  and,  ullimnlcly,  all  under  twenty 
'■;  dollars,  a  vacuum  in  the  circulation  of  bank  paper 
\'.  would  be  thereby  created,  to  be  filled  with  specie. 
The   specie   drawn   from  abroad  lo  the  ports  of 
i:  entry  would  thus  be  diifused  throughout  the  coun- 
I    try;  and  by  enlarging  the  specie  basis,  render  more 
I  secure  the'biisiness  operations  of  the  whole  eoun- 
I  try,  and  of  the  banks  themselves,  while  the  super- 
nifdcd  influence  of  the  individual-liability  principle 
j  would  restrain  bank  issues  at  all  times  within  the 
I  limits  of  safe  and  legitimate  banking.     The  desire 
!  of  enormous  profits,  pushed  too  often  to  excess  in 
1  bankinc,  would  be  checked,  and  bank  directors 
I  and  stockholders  would  find  it  to  be  their  inteicat 
to  content  themselves  with  moderate  but  certain 
profits.    Such  a  result  ought  not  to  be  objected  to 
even  by  stockholders  themselves. 

The  objection  to  the  system,  that,  to  retain  the 
public  money  in  the  custody  of  public  officers  un- 
til disbursed,  will  embarrass  and  injure,  the  trade 
ond  business  of  the  country,  is  founded  in  miscon- 
ception. Under  a  system  of  revenue  bringing  into 
the  treasury  no  more  tlian  will  meet  the  public  ex- 


poiiditurcH,  the  m 

nearly  so,  as  it  w 

most  instances  be 

public  debtors,  an 

will  be  immediiit 

and  may  find  its 

shape  of  private  i 

duo  to  the  banks. 

But,  Mr.  Chaii 

tho  bill  shall  nol 

nient,  what  mcti 

nIuiII  prevail  f   S' 

licnl  deposilorict 

tered  by  Congri 

ciituHlrophe  of  li 

Kiid  hazard  iiici 

has  shaken  publ 

lemleriiig  it  perl 

tedStatcH  Bank, 

iilfords  Hlioni{  i 

money  would  ii 

iiMtitution,  had 

gross.   For  it  w 

granted  by  the 

ferred  greater  v 

tliuii  under  tlu 

in  the  same  plij 

nt  the  cxpiratii^ 

ecrs  and  by-U' 

informed,  wcr 

charier  with  let 

have  averted  it 

that  tho  cxperi 

of  furincr  timi 

United  Slates 

establish  mcnt 

Bank  of  the  U 

of  General  Ja 

charter  was  m 

tics,  and  mai 

by  influencing 

tensive  loans 

renewal  of  its 

securing  a  mt 

rule  the  Exct 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1187 


i29TH  CoNO Ibt  Sebs. 


Drtaittrif  Note  Bill— Mr.  MiUer. 


Senate. 


Iwiiililiiri'Hi  lh«  mnney  will  bo  paid  nut  oa  (lut,  or 
iieni'tjr  ao,  uh  it  will  be  rccoivcil.  Snor.io  may  in 
irioHt  iiiBtiiiicea  lie  (ibtninvd  rruni  tho  uiinkH  bv  tlio 
public  dobtom,  and  paid  intn  tho  trcaiiury;  uiit  it 
will  be  itnmndiiitcly  pnid  out  to  public  rrcdilorii, 
mid  innv  find  its  wny  lo  tho  banks  again  in  the 
Mhapo  ui  privalo  dopuaileai  or  in  (layniant  of  debla 
duo  ti>  ih«  banks, 

Uut,  Mr,  Chairman,  if  tho  menmiro  propnacd  by 
Ilia  bill  shall  not  become  the  policy  of  llio  Qnvcrn- 
menl,  what  lucthod  of  keeping  the  public  money 
Nhall  jirevnil  ?    Shall  iho  pet  bunks  become  perina- 
iieiit  depositoricM  ?  or  shall  another  bank  bo  chnr- 
Icred  by  Con^riHs  for  that  iiurpose?    Thu  bank 
ciitdi'trophi.'  of  18,17  illustrated  too  forcibly  the  evils 
mid  hii/.ai'd  incident  to  the  pet-bank  syHtem,  and 
lias  Hluikcn  public  confidence  too  much,  (o  think  of 
ri'iidcrliiK  it  pernmni'iit.     And  the  fate  of  the  Uni- 
tiil  fSialc*  Uiink, under  the'charte>uf  Pennsylvania, 
iiU'ords  Nlron^  reason  to  believe  that  the   public 
money  would  not  have  been  more  secure  in  that 
institution,  had  its  charter  been  renewed  by  Con- 
gress,  For  it  wu.'  niaiter  of  boast,  that  the  charter 
granted  by  the  LegisbiiMre  of  Pennsylvania  con- 
ferred greater  privileges,  and  rcnduri-u  it  stronger, 
than  under  the  old  charter;  and  it  was  chartered 
in  the  same  plight  i.  id  condition  in  which  it  stood 
nt  the  cxpiralion  of  its  former  charter;  and  its  offi- 
cers and  by-laws  even,  if  I  have   been   rightly 
informed,  were  continued.     How,  then,  could  a 
charter  with  less  advantages,  granted  by  Congress, 
have  averted  its  fate ,'     But,  sir,  I  persuade  niysclf 
that  the  experience  of  tho  last  ten  years,  with  that 
of  former  times,  has  impressed  the  people  of  the 
United  States  with  opinions  utterly  averse  to  the 
tstablishinent  of  such  an   institution.    That  the 
Bank  of  the  United  Slates,  as  soon  as  the  opinion 
of  General  Jackson  in  regard  to  the  renewal  of  its 
charter  wn,s  made  known,  entered. the  field  of  poli- 
tics, and  mado  systematic  and  vigorous  efibrts, 
by  influencing  the  preps  nnd  elections,  and  by  ex- 
tensive loans  to  members  of  Congres-s,  to  obtain  a 
renewal  of  ils  charter,  by  defeating  his  election,  or 
securing  a  majority  in  Congress,  that  would  over- 
rule the  Executive  veto,  may,  I  think,  bo  regarded 
us  matter  of  history;  and  but  for  tho  strong  liold 
which  General  Jackson  had  upon  the  afTcclionR 
and  confidence  of  the  American  people,  on  account 
of  his  patriotic  and  important  services,  it  is  prob- 
able tho  bank  would  have  succeeded  in  defeating 
liim.   It  has  been  put  beyond  all  question  that  such 
an  institution  has  the  ability,  and  when  prompted 
by  interest  the  will,  to  exert  an  extensive  and  dan-  ! 
gerous  political  influehce.    Nor  is  it  less  clear  that  , 
the  bank,  during  its  existence,  so  far  from  render-  j 
ing  banking  operations  more  steady  and  uniform, 
generally  took  the  lead  in  the  great  expansions  and  l 
contractions  of  the  currency,  which  were  so  disas-  ' 
trous  during  its  existence,  and,  I  will  add,  in  that  ' 
which  expfoded  in  1837,     But  as  regards  tlio  ro-  1 
estiiblishmcnt  of  such  an  institution,  it  is  perhaps  \ 
a  still  more  important  fact,  that  tho  argument  upon 
which  the  constitutionality  of  tho  bani<  has  always 
been,  and  indeed  upon  which  only  it  can  be,  placed ,  : 
has  been  proved  to  bo  without  foundation,     Tlie  : 
urgument  is,  that  a  bank  chartered  by  Congress  is  ' 
■necessary  and  yroper  for  tho  successful  administrn- 
tion  of  the  Treasury  Department;  and,  as  a  sort  of 
niolte-wei^ht,  that  it  is  indispensably  necessary  lo  ' 
regulate  tlie  exchanges,  and  give  us  a  sound  cur- 
rency.   The  Bank  of  the  United  States  ceased  to  : 
be  a  public  depository  in  1833,  and  ceased  to  exist  '. 
as  a  national  institution  the  4lh  of  March,  1836; 
and  yet,  with  the  exception  of  tlio  difliculliea  arising  ' 
from  the  suspension  of  tho  deposite  banks,  from 
which  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  the  renewal 
of  its  charter  by  Congress  would  have  afforded  no 
exemption,  the  fisral  concerns  of  the  Government 
liavo  been  as  well  managed  as  they  ever  were. 
And  although  the  exchanges,  about  tho  time  it 
ceased   to  exist  as  a  national   institution,   were 
greatly  deranged,  and  the  currency  in  an  unsound 
condition,  bolli  the  exchanges  and  currency  have 
become  as  good  as  at  any  former  period  since  the 
pciieral  introduction  of  the  banking  system.    The 
improved  condition  of  the  currency  and  the  state 
of  the  exchanges,  unaided  by  a  national  bank, 
have  satisfied  many  honest  men  that  the  impres- 
sions they  have  herctofoi-e  entertained  were  erro- 
neous, and^  made  them  decidedly  hostile  to  the 
creation  of  such  an  institution.    Indeed,  a  national 
bank  is  likely  to  become,  if  it  has  not  already,  to 


UM  the  esprtuion  of  a  leading  Whig,  "anottobic 
idea." 

If,  then,  tho  pet-bank  ayalem  hiu  lieeti  tried  and 
(bund  wanting,  and  there  ia  no  pndinbility  that 
public  opinion  will  tnlorato  Ihn  creation  of  n  no- 
tional bank,  what  other  safe  and  judicious  mode  of 
keeping  and  disluirsliig  tho  public  revenue  can  be 
devised  but  that  proposed  by  tho  bill  >    None. 


TREASURY  NOTE  DILL, 
SPEECH  OF~MR.  MILLER, 

OP  NEW  JER8KV, 

In  the  Rrnate,  July  18,  1846, 

On  the  bill  to  authori/.e  an  isHUo  of  Tronsury  Notes, 

Mr,  MILLER  said:  This  bill  authorizes  tho 
President  lo  issue  treasury  nnlea  to  the  amount  of 
ton  millinna  of  dollars,  and  to  keep  them  out  by 
reissues  for  one  year,  at  a  rate  of  interest  not  higher 
than  six  per  cent,  per  annum, 

Tho  oliject  of  the  bill  ia  to  relievo  the  treasury 
against  a  deficiency  cccosioned  by  the  suddenly  in- 
creased oxponses  of  the  Government,  Treasury 
notes  may  bo  properly  resorted  to  as  n  temporary 
relief  to  meet  unexpected  ilemands,  to  he  used  in 
atiticipalion  of  exiiected  revenuca — revenues  pro- 
vided for  by  law,  out  not  yet  collected.  In  cases 
like  these  I  can  see  no  objection  lo  treasury  notes. 
They  have  then  something  lo  stand  upon,  and 
merely  anticipate  flinda,  lo  bo  realized  when  the 
notes  shall  become  due. 

If,  under  our  existing  revenue  laws,  there  be  an 
ascerti'.ined  or  an  apprehended  wantof  f\indsin  the 
treasury  to  meet  the  increased  expenditures  of  the 
Government  caused  by  the  war,  I  would  have  no 
objection  to  nn  issue  of  treasury  notes  to  meet  that 
emergency;  but  I  would  not  slop  with  merely  giv- 
ing the  power  to  Issue  the  notes,  Ilniiesty  and 
fair  dealing  require  that  wo  should  at  the  same 
time  provide  by  law  the  means  for  the  payment  of 
the  notes  when  due. 

Now,  my  objection  to  this  bill  is,  that  you  make 
no  such  provision,  but,  on  Iho  contrary,  you  are 
about  to  cut  down  the  revenue  of  the  Government 
to  tho  full  amount  of  tho  sum  proposed  lo  be 
borrowed  by  these  notes.  You  are,  in  fact,  re- 
sorting lo  a  loan  in  order  to  relievo  the  Execu- 
tive from  the  responsibility  of  levying  taxes  lo 
support  the  war.  Nay,  more;  you  are  actually 
reducing  duties  while  you  are  increasing  expenses. 
This  double  operation  will  reduce  your  means  at 
botli  ends  of  tho  account.  While  there  is  added 
ten  millions  of  loan  to  tho  debtor  side,  at  the  same 
time  there  is  a  deduction  of  ten  millions  of  reve- 
nue from  the  creditor  side.  This  will  leave,  at  the 
end  of  the  year,  a  deficiency  of  twenty  millions  to 
be  provided  for. 

What  would  be  said  of  an  individual  who,  with 
an  income  of  twenty  millions,  and  with  expenses 
to  the  same  amount,  should  go  into  tho  money 
market  with  his  note  for  ton  millions,  payable  in  b 
year,  in  one  hand,  and  a  statement  of  his  dlTairs  in 
the  other  hand,  showing  a  loss  on  his  income  of 
ten  millions,  and  an  increase  upon  his  expendi- 
tures? Who,  I  ask,  would  take  the  loan  upon 
such  an  exposure  of  ways  and  means  .>  Yet  this 
is  the  precise  position  in  which  thin  Govern- 
ment will  stand  before  the  world  if  the  new  finan- 
cial system  proposed  by  the  Administration  should 
go  ftjfly  into  operation, 

Tho  treasury  note  bi.i  is  one  of  a  series  of  meas- 
ures making  up  tins  new  fiuancial  scheme.  It  has 
ils  appointed  place  in  that  scheme,  and,  under  the 
direction  of  the  honorable  chairman  of  the  Finance 
Committee,  it  is  to  be  drawn  in  its  order,  like  a 
number  in  a  lottery.  It  lakes  precedence  of  both 
the  tariff  and  the  subtrcnsury,  and  is  designed  to 
lend  a  helping  hand  to  each.  It  is  to  make  up  tho 
loss  of  revenue  on  the  one,  and  to  mollify  tho 
hard-money  currency  of  the  other, 

I  desire  lo  call  the  attention  of  tho  Senate  for  a 
few  moments  to  this  proposed  system  of  finance. 
It  consists  of  tho  followinfr  measures.  I  will  state 
them  in  the  order  in  which  they  have  been  pre- 
sented to  the  Senate: 

1.  A  reduction  in  the  price  of  tho  public  lands, 
called  the  graduation  bill. 

2.  The  warehouse  bill. 

3.  Treasury  notes. 

4.  Keduction  of  duties  on  foreign  impotta. 


5.  Th«  lubtreoiury, 

This  ii  certainly  n  moat  heterngenoui  ayitem  of 
menauroa.  Almost  every  menaure  conloina  a  con- 
tradiction to  iiaelf,  and  no  two  of  them  can  aland 
together  in  amity.  Let  ua  look  at  tliem,  Whyi 
air,  wn  have  here  a  propnaltion — 

1,  To  incrooae  revenue  by  decreasing  dutlci. 

3,  To  Bustain  caah  dutica  by  a  year's  credit. 

3,  To  maintain  n  hard-mnnoy  currency  by  • 
free  circulation  of  treasury  notes, 

4,  A  loan  without  any  proviaion  by  law  for  iu 
payment, 

5,  A  war  without  any  additional  toxea  lo  aui> 
lain  it. 

This  system  cannot  sustain  the  financea  or  tha 
credit  of  the  Government  even  in  time  of  peace, 
for  it  Birikoa  a  deiith-lilow  at  the  aourcea  of  all 
wealth,  national  and  iirivato.  It  will  cripple  tho 
labor,  it  will  disturb  the  capital,  and  deatroy  the 
credit,  of  tho  country.  These  are  the  great  aoitrcea 
from  which  nil  your  revenues  are  lo  be  derived. 
Destroy  these,  and  the  nation  is  bankrupt. 

It  is  also  a  system  in  which  American  labor 
ia  called  (by  the  author  of  the  ayalem)  a  rival  to 
British  labor,  and  therefore  lo  be  put  down.  It  ia 
a  syalem  first  suggested  by  the  necessiliea  of  Eng- 
land, and  accepted  by  our  Secretary,  to  the  great 
gratification,  as  we  learn  by  the  last  steamer,  of 
tho  English  Parliament.  It  ia  a  ayalem  anti- 
American  in  all  iu  bearings.  It  has  already  filled 
the  country  with  alarm  and  consternation.  Even 
tho  unltrrifitd  Democracy  of  Pennaylvania  are 
len-ifitd,  and  by  a  number  of  petitions  they  beg 
their  friends  here  lo  save  them  from  the  ruin  and 
destruction  which  these  meaaurca  will  bring  upon 
their  most  vital  interests. 

All  these  measures  were  proposed  by  the  PreeU 
dent  *n  his  Annual  Message  of  Decernber  laat, 
with  Iho  exception  of  the  treasury  note  bill.  They 
were  then  urged  upon  the  country  as  a  system  of 
finance  for  tho  ordinary  expenses  in  time  of  peace. 
These  expenses  were  then  estimated  by  the  Sec- 
retary at  ^25,518,813.  Since  then  we  have  been 
thrown  into  a  .war,  and  of  course  our  expensea 
are  greatly  increased.  The  additional  expen- 
ses for  the  year  occasioned  by  the  war  nave 
been  estimated  by  Iho  Secretary  at  #23,952,904, 
making  the  whole  expenditures  to  be  provided  for 
during  Iho  year  #49,471,717.  I  have  no  doubt, 
they  will  greatly  exceed  this  amount.  Now,  it  la 
remarkable  that  the  same  system  of  finance  which 
in  December  last  was  to  produce  only  $25,000,000, 
is  nov/  held  forth  us  capable  of  producing  double 
that  amount.  It  adapU  itself  to  a  stale  of  war  or 
of  peace;  to  high  or  low  expenditures,  at  the  mere 
will  of  the  Secretary. 

On  the  3d  of  Juno  last,  by  a  resolution  of  the 
Senate,  we  called  upon  tho  President  to  inform  ue 
what  additional  funds  would  bo  required  during 
the  year  for  the  support  of  the  Mexican  war,  and 
also  to  inform  us  how  ho  proposed  to  raise  those 
ftinds.  By  his  message  of  the  16th  of  June  both 
these  inquiries  are  answered.  The  additional 
means  required  are  stated  lo  be  jf23,952,904.  The  • 
manner  of  raising  this  amount  is  stated  in  the  ac- 
companying report. of  the  Secretary.  His  eali- 
mates  arte- 

1.  Net  revenue  to  bo  raised  from  duties 

levied  by  the  House  larifiT  bill $26,000,000 

2.  Duties  on  tcaand  coffee,  &c.,  as  pro- 
posed in  schedule  A,  accompanying 

the  report 4,084,067 

3.  Additional  duties  by  reason  of  ware- 
house bill 1,000,000 

4.  By  the  reduction  in  the  price  of  pub- 
liclands 500,000 

5.  Balance  in  the  treasury 4,332,441 

Total 36,866,508 


This  amount  of  estimated  revenue  is  to  meet  tho 
whole  annual  expenses  of  the  Government,  ordi- 
nary and  extraordinary,  amounting,  as  estimated 
by  Iho  Secretary,  to  the  sum  of  |>49,471,717.  This 
will  leave  a  balance  against  the  trea8ury,4o  be  pro- 
vided for,  of  $12,605,209.  To  meet  this  deficiency 
the  Secretary  asks  for  treasury  notes. 

Now,  Mr.  President,  I  undertake  to  say  that 
the  additional  means  relied  upon  by  the  Secretary 
ior  the  support  of  the  war  are  altogether  fallacious; 
indeed,  they  have  been  shown  to  be  ao  already. 
The  Senator  from  Maine  [Mr.  Evans]  has  demon- 


itlAI 


11»8 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


(July  19, 


S9rH  CoNfl l8T  SesB. 

■tmUd  ihnt  th«  n«w  larifTbill  «ill  not  produce  over 
1^,000,000.     Hera  there  if  it  luu  upon  the  Hecrc- 

tiiry'a  ratimstu  of (6,0U0,U00 

Diiliva  upon  ten  and  colTee,  &c.,  hove 
been  raruie*  by  the  IIuulc,  making 

nnnthcr  lomi  of. 4,084,067 

The  wnrehouae  bill  will  nnt,  by  the  ail- 
miMsinn  o(  the  Seiinlur  fiiini  New 
York,  [Mr.  HiX)]  odd  anything  to 
the  rovrnue  the  nrit  yenr.     Here  is 

another  jomof. 1,000,000 

The  land  hill  hni  not  piimied,  mid  will 
be  kilted  by  iti  frierule.  Thi«  ii  an- 
other luM  of .500,000 

MnkinjT  a  total  loa*  on  the  Secretary's 
estimute  of. 11, .584,067 

Add  thiti  to  the  deficiency  above  slated 
of ia,605,a)9 

And  we  have  a  deficiency  unprovided 
for  of. 34.189,276 

From  the  amount  of  appriipriatinns  already 
made,  it  is  manifest  that  the  deAcicncy  will  be 
nearly  double  the  amount  at  the  end  i>f  the  year. 
But  I  will  assume  it  to  be  the  sum  above  staled. 
And  now  I  beg  to  know  what  ore  the  means  left 
to  this  Administration,  under  its  ni'w  system  of 
finance,  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  war?  You 
gain  nothing  but  n  loss  by  your  new  revenue 
tariir.  The  Democracy  will  not  stiuid  a  lax  upon 
tea  and  coffee.  The  warehouse  bill  will  produce 
nothing.  The  land  bill  will  not  pnss.  -  What, 
then,  IS  there  lef\  of  the  Secretary's  scheme  flir 
uroviding  means  for  the  war?  Nothing — nothing 
out  l-'cantrt/  nolo.  Does  the  Executive  expect  tu 
carry  on  tliis  war  upon  trensury  notes  f 

You  are  also  about  to  pass  thc'subtrcaaiiry  bill. 
Do  you  expect  lo  exact  gold  and  silver  t'roni  the 
people  in  payment  for  taxes  imposed  upon  them, 
and  at  the  some  time  pay  your  soldiers  and  con- 
tractors in  treasury  notes  ?  Will  you  refuse  the 
note  of  a  specie-paying  bunk,  and  oX|)ect  the  pcojilc 
to  take  your  notes  payable  in  n  year?  Who  ever 
heard  before  of  a  wnr  without  taxes? — of  sustain- 
ing an  army  in  a  foreign  country  upon  treasury 
notes?  I  have  heard  of  office-holders  living  upon 
.  treasury  pap,  but  never  of  an  nrmy  being  fed  upon 
treasury  notes.  It  was  an  easy  matter  lo  get  the 
country  into  this  war:  it  was  done  in  u  few  hours, 
without  reflection,  without  counting  the  cost.  In 
such  haste  was  the  deed  consummated  that  the 
Senator  from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  CAi.iioiiN]  de- 
clared in  his  place  that  he  would  suffer  his  right 
arm  to  l)e  cut  off  rather  than  vote  for  the  measure 
under  the  circumstances  it  was  forced  upon  the 
%nate.  But  now,  when  we  are  into  the  war,  wiili 
thirty  thousand  men  in  the  field — now,  when 
money  is  to  be  raised,  when  taxes  are  to  be  levied, 
we  find  the  authors  of  this  war  relaxing  their  zciil 
and  resorting  to  all  kinds  of  sliifls  to  avoid  the 
responsibility  of  taxinsj  the  people  to  sustain  the 
war.  They  have  not  the  nerve  even  to  put  a  tox 
upon  tea  and  cotTce.  They  are  niVnid  to  coiiiract 
a  loan  without  covering  it  under  treasury  notes.  1 
am  opposed  to  all  tlicse  subterfuges,  (jf  this  war 
is  to  ue  carried  on,  let  us  meet  its  expenses  openly 
and  manfullvi  not  by  reducing  duties  on  foreign 
imports,  and  then  resorting  to  treasury  notes  to 
make  up  the  deficiency,  but  by  sustaining  the 
present  rates  of  duty,  and  if  they  do  not  produce 
enough,  then  by  levying  other  and  higher  rales. 

As  we  are  now  about  to  contract  ;Tie  first  debt 
to  sustain  the  war,  I  feel  it  due  to  my  constituenLt, 
who  are  ever  willing  to  sustain  the  Government  in 
the  prosecution  of  any  just  war,  to  nsk  the  ques- 
tion which  has  been  frequently  asked  here  and 
elsewhere,  "  What  are  the  objects  of  the  Execu- 
tive in  further  prosecuting  the  wur  in  Mexico?" 
Is  the  object  merely  to  procure  an  honorable  set- 
tlement of  the  matters  in  dispute  at  the  time  of  tlie 
commencement  of  the  war;  or  is  it  to  conquer 
Mexico,  or  a  portion  of  her  territory  ?  Judging 
from  what  I  see  and  hear  about  me — from  the  large 
war  appropriations,  from  the  number  of  troops 
called  into  service,  from  the  large  and  extensive 
scale  of  military  operations — it  is  quite  ceitaiji 
that  the  Executive  has  determined  upon  a  war  of 
conquest.  If  this  be  the  policy  of  the  Executive, 
it  is  due  to  the  country  that  the  President  should 
at  once  declare  his  intentions.    The  public  mind 


The  Ileiri  ofFultm—Mr.  J.  R.  t^ermU. 


Ho.  or  Rkp«. 


I  is  confused  upon  thii  lubJNl.    At  the  beginning 

of  the  war,  we  were  lold  that  its  only  object  was 

"  lo  conquer  a  peace." 
[Mr.  Pkahck  here  suggested  that  it  was  a  pl<c« 

of  Mexico.] 
i      I  think  my  fViend  from  Maryland  is  right.     It 
I  it  territory  that  we  are  after,  and  I  fenr  there  will 
I  be  no  peace  until  wi'  get  more  territory. 

I  do  hope  thai,  before  Congress  adjourns,  some 

friend  of  the  Admiiiistrntion,  soino  nmster-spirit 
,  who  luiiy  be  heard  at  hcudquarters,  will  cull  out 

the  views  of  the  Executive  upon  this  important 
:  question,  so  that  iho  country  may  he  informed, 
I  not  ill  oracular  expressions,  but  in  plain  English, 
'  what  lire  the  deHnile  objects  of  the  President  in  the 

further  prosecution  of  Iho  war  with  Mexico.  If 
!  we  are  to  have  a  wnr  of  conque:it,  let  the  people 

understand  it.  Their  blood  and  their  treasure 
i  alone  can  maintain  this  war  and  conduct  it  to  an 

honorable  conclusion;  they  have  a  right,  therefore, 

to   have  certuiii  and  true  information  upon   the 

subject. 

I  THE  HEIRS  OP  FULTON. 

REMARKS  OF  MuTj.  R.  INGJIRSOLL, 

OF  PE.NNSVI.VANIA, 

In  the  Hot'iE  or  Rkpresentativei, 
July  IS,  184C. 
On  the  Bill  for  the  relief  of  Robert  Fulton's  heirs. 
Mr.  JOSEPH  R.  INQERSOLL  observed  that 
;he  (irgument  was  not  well-founded,  which  sup- 
posed that  the  heirs  of  Robert  Fulton  rested  their 
claims  merely  upon  the  abslrnct  merits  of  their 
^'ifled  faiher.   It  was  true  that  he  was  an  ornament 
lo  the  country  and  to  the  age.     It  was  more  than 
true  that  he  had  been  the  visible  means  of  bringing 
I  into  use  the  great  agent  of  mechanic  power  which 
I  had  done  more  for  tlie  convenience  and  enjoyment 
of  mankind   than  any  discovery  since  the  art  of 
I  priming.     These  unquestioned  proofs  of  genius, 
,  and  the  application  of  it  to  the  ocst  uses  of  men, 
entitle  him  to  the  gratitude  of  his  count: ymen  and 
[  the  applause  of  the  world.    They  give,  too,  to  the 
^  just  claim,  which  is  happily  at  last  under  cnnsidcr- 
I  ation,  an  especial  rigiit  to  be  listened  to  with    <;- 
spcct.     It  has,  time  and  again,  been  pressed  ar    ^, 
:  by  caprice  or  accident,  until  hearts  have  sickened 
I  with  ileferrcd  hope,  and  the  very  want  of  due  and 
I  seasonable  attention  to  it  has  involved  the  affluent 
in  penury.    The  distinguished  merits  and  exalted 
'  genius  of  the  original  party  to  this  claim  should  at 
least  secure  for  it  in  the  hands  of  his  children  a 
palieiit  hearing.     Give  to  it  but  this  simple  boon, 
and  deny  to  it  if  you  can  a  result  which  it  has  in 
'  no  repining  temper  wailed  for  during  the  long  lapse 

of  more  than  thirty  years. 
I      Initiate  legislation  has  done  much  towards  de- 
'  monslrnting  ihc  validity  of  the  claim,  although  it 
has  never  been  perfected  into  complete  and  uvail- 
j  able  iiidcmnily.     It  has  met  favor  in  the  eyes  of 
I  various  conimitlecs  of  this  House,  and  once  at  least 
'.  it  has  pHH»cd  the  ordeal  of  a  final  vote  in  each 
j  branch  of  Congress,  although  not  in  such  connex- 
I  ion  ns  to  create  a  law.    It  bus  never  been  rejected. 
It  may  therefore  fairly  be  inferred  that  it  wants 
only  the  opportunity  of  a  hearing  for  the  atlain- 
I  meiit  of  enlirc  success.     In  1836  a  joint  resolution 
is  found  with  the  sanction  of  the  two  Presidential 
,  names,  one  subscribed  as  that  of  the  Speaker  of 
I  the  House,  and  the  other,  (jcnejral  Jackson's,  in  a|>- 
provttl  of  the  measure.-    This  resolution  wos  one 
i  of  reference  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  by  whom 
an  account  was  slated  and  a  balance  found  of  onn 
hundred  thousand  dollars  against  the  United  St.des, 
I  This  not  being  acted  on  finally,  was  followed  by  a 
succession  of  favorable  reports  of  commifiees  of 
the  House  of  Representatives — some  of  them  reach- 
ing the  amount  awarded  by  the  Secretory  of  the 
Navy,  and  none  of  them  falling  below  $75,000. 
For  the  last  few  years  an  occurate  and  detailed  ex- 
amination of  the  evidence  has  resulted  inaconcur- 
'  nince  of  judgment  which  the  present  bill  proposes 
I  10  carry  out.     A  balance  of  seventy-six  thousand 
I  three  hundred  dollars  is  sustained  by  proofs  and 
arguments  so  clear,  that  the  influence  of  them  can 
{  readily  be  anticipated. 

j  A  contract  was  made  by  the  Government  with 
I  Mr.  Fulton,  on  the  97th  of  December,  1814,  for 
I  the  purpose  of  employing  the  steamboata  Vesu* 


fins,  iGlna,  New  Orltani,  and  Natch«,nn  the 
Mississippi  river,  in  tmnsp<irting  troops  and  muni- 
tions of  war,  and  the  IlufTalo  slenmboat  on  tho 
Ohio,  The  war  almost  immediately  aHerwarda 
was  brought  to  a  close,  and  the  money  remained 
unexpended.  Hut  in  tiiu  inr.iuilinie,  and  for  dis- 
tinct ulijerls,  Mr.  Fullon  had  bccoine,  us  he  be- 
lieved, largely  the  creditor  of  the  Uoverninent,  and, 
instcail  of  returiiiiig  the  money,  he  reijuested  that 
suit  might  be  brought,  in  order  thai,  to  the  extent 
at  least  of  the  claim  against  him,  un  lu-iduiu  niight 
lie  ailjuslcil.  This  was  done,  and,  on  llie  irjal  of 
the  cause  lung  litter  his  death,  the  Uuvernineiit 
cl  im  was  shown  to  be  lai^rly  more  than  absorbed: 
"  The  jury  inquired  of  the  court  whether  they 
'  were  iicrmiltcd  to  certify  a  balance  in  favor  of  the 
'  delinidaiilH.  Judge  Van  Ness  charged  them  thai 
•such  proceodin^M  would  lie  iin'^ular;  that  they 
*  must  find  generally  for  the  dcl'enmuils,orinfavor 
'  of  the  United  Slates  for  such  sum  as  tliey  found 
■  to  be  due,  and  thereupon  the  jury  reluined  a  ver- 
'  diet  in  favor  of  the  defendants. "  This  appears  in 
the  evidence  reported  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy. 

There  are  three  items  that,  together,  cxiiiiguish 
the  claim  which  wos  mode  in  behalf  of  ilio  Govern- 
ment, and  leave  the  baloiiie  of  )^76,3U<)  in  favor  of 
the  claima'ils.  1.  Damages  for  llic  detention  of 
the  steamboat  Vesuvius,  fiom  December,  1814,  to 
March  1815,  at  (600  a  day.  It  will  be  recolleclej 
that  this  was  not  even  a  contract  entered  into  for 
the  use  of  a  new  boat — the  only  one  then  naviga- 
ting the  great  river  of  tho  West.  That  boat  was, 
by  the  irrcsislible  hand  of  military  power,  taken 
from  its  owner  and  impressed  into  the  public  ser- 
vice against  the  will  of  its  commander.  A  higher 
standard  of  indemnity  would  be  proper  than  any 
merely  applicable  \.rt  ordinary  circumstances.  Yet 
at  this  moment  it  appears  that  not  much  less  i» 
paid  for  probably  a  smaller  vessel,  the  owner  of 
which  receives  by  contract  $13,500  a  month.  The 
moment  was  critical;  the  necessity  nerliops  indis- 
pensable. Tho  celebrated  battle  of  the  8th  of  Jan- 
uary took  ploco  but  a  week  afterwards,  and  it  may 
be  that,  upon  the  possession  of  this  auxiliary  in- 
strument of  war,  the  commanding  general  relied  in 
his  anticipations  of  safety  to  the  city,  and  the  ac- 
complishment of  0  brilliant  victory.  2.  Another 
item  of  both  discharge  and  charge  consisted  of  the 
use  by  the  Qovernmcnt  of  Mr.  Fulton's  invention 
in  the  construction  of  steom  batteries.  It  is  a  mis- 
take to  treat  this  us  the  reward  for  a  discovery. 
Tlie  first  steps  at  least  were  taken  for  obtaining  a 
patent.  Mr.  Fulton,  on  the  15tli  of  March,  1814, 
deposited  in  tho  Patent  Oliice  n  drawing  and  de- 
scription of  a  floating  steam-battery.  On  tho  9th 
of  the  same  mouth  nn  act  was  approved,  under 
which  the  steam-frigate  Fulton  was  constructed. 
She  was  constructed  upon  n  new  plan,  consisting 
of  the  application  of  steam  power  to  a  vessel  of 
war.  She  was  to  bo  provided  with  a  locomotive 
power,  and  that  was  to  be  protected  fiom  all  in- 
jury by  an  enemy,  the  siden  being  impenetrable  to 
every  species  of  shot  and  weapon,  and  prepara- 
tions being  made  to  exchange  hot  shot  for  cold. 
This  was  the  invention.  But  the  moving  cause 
for  compcnsotion  to  the  inventor  was  his  forbcnr- 
nnce  to  assert  his  patent  right,  and  the  immediate 
use  of  it  by  the  Government.  The  evidence  is  all 
before  the  conimiitce,  and  the  verification  is  not  dif- 
ficult of  tlic  claim.  An  estimate  of  its  value  in 
money  is  not  difficult.  It  hos  been  repeatedly, 
and  the  amount  now  proposed  is  not  liir  from  the 
lowest  of  any  that  has  been  computed  by  the  agents 
and  organs  of  this  House.  3.  There  can  be  no 
difliculty  in  fixing  a  proper  compensation  for 
"  services  in  superintending  the  building  of  a  slenm 
frigate  at  New  York."  It  is  a  mere  per  cenlagc 
(of  five  per  cent.)  on  the  amount  expended.  It  is 
the  odontion  of  a  familiar  rule.  Tho  proof  of  ser- 
vice and  of  the  value  of  it  is  complete. 

Every  item  of  claim  i.'i  thus  made  out.  Nothing 
is  Icfl  but  to  establish  it  by  the  prompt  ond  une- 
quivocal acknowledgment  of  national  gratitude 
towards  tho  meritorious  benefactor  for  actual  ser- 
vices, and  of  proud  and  generous  applause  for  the 
honor  which  his  genius  has  conferred  upon  his 
country.  What  would  have  been  these  mighty 
rivers  of  the  West  without  him,  and  without  the 
compound  element  which  ho  first  subdued  to  the 
practical  purposes  of  life?  By  the  aid  of  steam 
li  alone  thai  fierce  current  is  subdued,  which,  rush- 


1846.1 

"2«)TH  CoNt) 

ing  downward  fo 

ellecl  rcsisdess  i 

Months  of  tedioi 

reduced  to  days. 

to  give  to  his  gr 

his  patriotic  mm 

loo  lillle  develop 

tercourse  to  inc 

compelled  to  nw. 

uxperiments  ubr 

iutellucl   hud   gi 

civilization  and 

great  liisloriaiis 

iiitcrcourse  will 

then  panicJ  for 

of  his  Norman 

another  succesi 

Napoleon  was 

by  un  agency  y 

ships,  place  hm 

aniijiossibly  in 

of  England. 

wise  to  disrega 

yet  loo    wary 

theory.     Ho 

endowed  Amei 

wise  men  tho  | 

desired  him   ti 

Fulton  was  inl 

dcrn  France — 

fully   soared  i 

schemes  chim 

pers  were  ret 

covntry,  and  t 

vast  enginery 

short  years,  ri 

the  world. 

While  no  cl 
upon  these  s 
dently  appeal 
the  cause  of , 
fasten  in^olh 
gather  arouni 
brilliancy  of  I 
simplicity  of 

REMARK 


In 

On  prcscntin 
and  dealer 
proposed  I 

Mr.  HU^ 

ed  to  pieseni 

manufacture 

land,  drawn 

pointed  for  I 

posed  reduc 

duty  on  pap 

Under  or 

should  hav( 

the  object  o 

to  the  upprc 

printed;  ou 

and  rcducii 

under  the  c 

mo  to  ndop 

tioii  to  this 

ferred  to,  r 

body, and 

Committee 

To  enable 

lure,  extei 

capital  ant 

lure  of  pe 

which  the 

not  entire 

rule  of  th< 

contents  c 

justice,  ill 

terests  of 

Senate  fc 

out,  may 

The  men 

and  is  loi 

petilionei 

in  proi)e 

firmness, 

and  a  fix 

use  the 


m 


I8i6.] 


iMth  Cono liT  Sbu. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

The  Tariff— Mr.  Huntington. 


Ilk9 


Sbnati. 


iiii;  ilownwnrd  for  two  thoumiid  niilcii  nppniei  in 
clli'r.t  rcmstlfNii  olinuicleii  to  every  utiinr  uj(t'iicy. 
Mcintlia  nf  tnilinui  iind  diiiiR«rouii  nuvigntioii  are 
rrditrcd  lu  duyii.  Wlii'ii  l-'ultcm  Aint  cudcuvnred 
tn  givu  to  liu  grciit  dinrovisry  (he  dirci'linn  which 
hi*  patriotic  mind  dcaired,  hi«  own  roiiiitry  wuit 
too  Imle  drvelnpcd  in  im  piirpniirH  nf  Irndcand  in- 
tiircoiirHe  tn  meet  the  nl>jiH'.t.  Hi:  thcrvl'urii  win 
Ciunpulled  tn  neuk  an  omHirltniity  Tor  hiu  first  prent 
uxperimenta  uhrnnd.  1  liero,  loo,  hia  lur-rcachinK 
intelluct  hud  cnne  hcyoiid  the  rcHch  ol'  rcHned 
civilizutinji  iinu  inatnii'd  philnsnphy.  One  ul'  the 
^'rciit  hiHioriaim  i<(  ihii  dny  reli>li:it  hiH  visit  nnd  his 
intvrcoursfl  with  the  I''irst  Cinisnl  ol'  Kruncc,  who 
llicn  pnnivd  for  Iho  ineniis  nf  emulntin^  tiie  )(loriiiH 
nf  hix  Norman  uneeator  in  the  nehievvinent  of 
iinulhcr  ancceasftil  inviiainn  of  the  llriliah  Islea, 
Niipnieon  wna  informed  Liy  (''ulton  thiit  hi  could, 
by  un  agency  yet  unemployed  in  the  prnpelliiiK  of 
shins,  place  lus  armies,  without  regarding  winds, 
nnd  iiossibly  indopendunt  of  storms,  on  the  shnrea 
of  England.  The  First  Consul  wits  always  loo 
wise  (o  disregard  the  suj;gestions  of  genina,  nnd 
yet  loo  wiiry  tn  be  tliu  victim  of  uncxainiiied 
theory.  Ho  Informed  the  modral  but  highly- 
endowed  American  that  ho  would  lubinit  to  lila 
wise  men  the  plana  which  he  hnd  mentioned,  and 
desired  him  to  uull  again.  At  this  second  cjill 
Fultnn  Wits  informed  tliat  the  philoaophy  of  mo- 
dern Prance — thut  philosophy  which  has  success- 
fully soared  among  llie  stura — |>ronouiiccd  his 
schemes  chimerical  and  exUnvngunt,  ond  his  pa- 
pers were  returned.  He  relumed  to  his  native 
country,  and  there  first  brought  into  exercise  the 
vast  enginery  which  has,  in  the  course  of  a  few 
short  yeurs,  revolutionized  (he  mechanic  power  of 
the  world. 

While  no  clitim  to  pecuniary  indemnity  is  rested 
upon  theae  aublimo  discoveries,  they  are  confi- 
dently appealed  to  as  almost  uacred  auxiliaries  in 
the  cause  of  justice.  They  serve  to  cement  and 
fasten  tn^'olher  the  living  proofs  of  merit  which  | 
gallicr  around  the  services  of  one  who  united  (he  ' 
Lrilliuncy  of  unsurpassed  genius  willi  (lie  practical 
simplicity  of  mechanic  life. 


REMARKS  OF  MP,   HUNTINGTON, 

OF    CONNECTICUT, 

In  the  Senate,  July  31,  1846. 

On  presenting  the  memorial  of  the  manufacturers 

nnd  dealers  in  paper,  remonstrating  against  the 

proposed  reduction  of  the  duties  on  paper. 

Mr.  HUNTINGTON  suid  lie  had  been  request- 
ed to  present  to  the  Senate  the  memorial  of  the 
manufacturers  and  dealers  in  paper  of  New  Eng- 
land, drawn  up  und  signed  by  (heir  committee,  ap- 
pointed for  that  purpose,  on  the  subject  of  the  pro- 
posed reduction  in  the  present  rates  and  amount  of 
duty  on  paper  and  books. 

Under  ordinary  circumstances  (said  Mr.  H.)  I 
should  have  contented  myself  with  meuly  stating 
(he  object  of  the  memorial,  and  asking  its  reference 
tn  the  upiiropriate  committee,  and  that  it  should  lie 
printed;  but  the  course  taken  with  the  bill  altering 
and  reducing  the  duties  on  imports,  which  is  now 
under  the  consideration  of  the  Senate,  has  induced 
me  to  adopt  a  dilicicnt  course  for  myself,  in  rela- 
tion to  this  memorial.  That  bill  has  not  been  re- 
ferred tiij  nor  examined  by,  any  committeo  of  this 
body,  and  all  memorials  are  to  be  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Printing  before  they  are  printed. 
To  enable  the  Senate,  therefore,  to  know  the  na- 
ture, extent,  nnd  importance  of  the  business,  the 
capital  and  the  labor  connected  with  the  manufac- 
ture of  paper  and  the  printing  of  books,  nil  of 
which  the  bill  before  us  will  materially  iiijurc,  if 
not  entirely  destroy,  1  shall  avail  myself  of  the 
rule  of  (he  Senate,  to  r.iake  a  brief  statement  of  (he 
contents  of  this  memorial,  that  its  appeal  to  the 
justice,  the  patriotism,  nnd  the  devotion  to  the  in- 
terests of  (he  country,  which  I  trnst  the  whole 
Senate  feel,  and  are  disposed  practically  to  carry 
out,  may  be  known,  understnod,  and  regarded. 
Tlie  memorial  is  drawn  up  in  the  spirit  of  candor, 
nnd  is  founded  on  facts;  and  while  the  views  of  the 
petitioners  are  expressed  with  proper  respect  and 
in  proper  terms,  they  are  set  forth  by  them  with 
firmness,  with  a  perfect  knowledge  of  their  rights, 
and  a  fixed  determination  to  maintain  them.  They 
USD  the  language  of  freemen  to  those  intrusted 


with  (he  legislation  of  thornun(ry.  They  commu- 
nicate (o  (lie  Senate  infornmiion  important  (o  be 
known  and  considered,  and  stale  reasons  for  (heir 
opinions  which  are  unanswerable,  nnd  exhibit  in 
alriMig  but  true  colors  Iho  disastrous  results  which 
will  follow  to  them,  nnd  to  the  country  genernlly, 
by  the  passHgo  of  the  proposed  taritr  bdl,  which 
so  vitally  nfl'ects  their  interests, 
!■  The  memorialists  atiUn  that  (ho  manufacture  of 
paper  .vaa  commenced  in  (he  Uniled  Slalea  abou( 
til  year  17(10,  In  ciinacqueni;e  of  its  importance, 
it  received  the  encouragement,  liy  grant  of  apecial 
privileges,  of  the  Colonial  Legislntures  of  Massa- 
chusetts and  Connecticut,  It  pro;,;rea.ed  slowly, 
although  high  prices  were  obtained  for  (li«  nrtirle, 
until  (ho  duties  imposed  on  iinpnr(od  paper  were 
such  as  enabled  (ho  mannfao(urcr  to  compete  suc- 
cessfully with  his  ftircign  rival.  Since  that  time, 
by  means  of  the  skill  and  labor  of  our  people,  by 
(he  inlroducdon  and  use  of  cosily  machinery,  and 
(ho  consequent  greu(  improvements  which  have 
been  made  in  the  msnurnrlure  of  paper,  the  follow- 
ing results  have  been  produced,  viz: 

1 ,  The  quantity  manufactured  haa  steadily  and 
rapidly  increnned, 

a.  The  nrices  of  the  article  have  steadily  de- 
clined, and,  if  reference  be  had  to  the  improved 
quality  of  the  diflcrent  kinds  of  paper,  these  prices 
have  mllen  at  least  one-half;  thiia  furnishing  another 
striking  illustrnlion  of  the  proposition,  that,  by 
reason  of  the  imposition  of  duties  which  liavo  call- 
ed for(h  (he  ingenuity  nnd  labor  of  our  own  peo- 
ple, which  have  given  such  nmpin  facilities  for  an 
abundant  supply  to  the  country  of  the  article,  nnd 
which  have  produced  such  nn  active  competition 
in  its  production,  (he  price  of  paper  has  been  gready 
lessened,  nnd  every  descripdnn  of  it  can  e  pur- 
chased at  n  very  low  price  to  the  consumer, 

3,  All  kinds  of  paper  cnn  now  be  manufactured 
as  well  here  as  in  any  part  of  the  world.  No  bel- 
ter paper  can  be  made  anywhere  ihan  is  made  in 
(he  United  Slates.  While  its  quality  is  verv  su- 
perior, i(s  price  is  very  reasonable. 

A  careful  examination  hns  been  made  in  regard 
to  the  amount  nf  capital  invested  in  this  great 
branch  of  American  business  and  American  indus- 
try. The  result  is,  that  i(  may  be  fairly  esdmated 
nt  tho  sum  of  eighteen  millions  of  dollars,  nnd  the 
annual  product  at  seventeen  millions  of  dollars. 

There  are  about  seven  hundred  mills,  scattered 
over  twenty-two  States  of  the  Union, 

The  number  of  persons  who  derive  their  support 
from  this  business  is  not  less  than  seventy-five 
thousand,  and  probably  amounts  to  one  hundred 
ihou.sand. 

It  employs  prrenl  numbers,  not  of  men  only,  but 
of  women  also,  who  derive  from  it  n  comfortable 
siihsistence. 

The  raw  material  principally  used  in  the  mnnu- 
rticlure  of  paper  is  in  itself  of  little  value,  but  by 
industry  and  skill  it  is  converted  into  nn  article 
highly  useful,  and  almost  indispensable  to  the 
whole  people. 

The  cimilal  employed  is  not  owned  by  wealthy 
individuals,  or  overgrown  corporations.  Hereto- 
fore, when  tho  subject  of  tho  t^iff  hns  been  intro- 
diiced,  much  has  been  said  about  the  rich  capitat- 
istii  of  the  North,  and  the  wealthy  corporations, 
who  hrtve  become  such  by  the  imposition  of  oxor- 
bitaiii  duties  on  imported  articles,  which  have 
swollen  their  income,  and  enabled  them  tn  realize 
great  profits,  and  make  large  dividends.  Although 
I  do  not  concur  in  the  justice  of  such  remarks,  I 
cnn  say,  as  these  mcmnriolisls  represent  to  the 
Senate,  that  as  to  (he  capital  of  the  manufacturers 
of  paper,  it  is,  with  a  few  exceptions,  furnished 
and  held  by  men  in  moderate  circumstances,  nnd 
generally  by  those  who  contribute  their  own  labor 
in  the  business,  and  are  themselves  workmen  in 
the  mills  which  belong  to  thorn. 

The  stock  used  in  these  paper  establishments, 
consists  of  rags,  cotton  waste,  bale  rope,  bagging, 
junk,  &c.  The  estimate  of  its  value  is  nearly  eight 
millionR  of  dollars.  About  one-tenth  part  of  it  is 
of  foreign  growth  or  origin.  The  remainder  is 
collected  from  almost  every  building  which  a  hu- 
man being  inhabits.  Hardly  a  hamlet  is  to  be 
found  which  does  not  contribute  something  to  add 
to  this  stock.  Hardly  a  house  is  inhabited,  even 
where  tho  pover(y  of  those  who  dwell  in  it  is  so 
great  as  to  ncggur  all  description,  which  does  not 
add  a  little  to  the  stock  of  the  paper-maker.    The 


I  collection  of  Ihia  malorinl  furnishei  employment, 
nnd  at  the  same  time  contribi  '  a  to  the  aupport  of 

ihouannds  of  tliu| r  people  nf  the  country -,  while 

its  intrinaic  value  ia  very  small — indeed,  while  it 
ia  n»,ilras  except  for  the  purpose  mentioned — nnd 
whilo  its  prico  is  so  lo<"  nnd  its  bulk  so  great  that 
It  cannot  and  will  not  be  collected  for  shipment 

t  from  the  United  Slates,  it  Is  quite  evident  that  if 
tho  lanuflicture  nf  paper  bo  illaeontinued,  (n*  it 
moat  probably  will  be,  or  nt  lenat  will  be  grenlljr 
reduced,  if  the  pnipoaed  Inritf  bill  pnaaea,)  tlio 
amount  of  thia  stock  thus  gathered  together  by  iha 
poor  in  ainnll  qnanlldca,  diese  inr  iifii  by  (he  indi- 
gent of  nearly  aeven  millions  of  dollars  in  value, 
will  be  ' 
country 


ly  s 
oily 


will  be   wholly  or  to  n  groat  extent  lost  to  the 


Large  qnnnliliea  nf  the  stock  used  In  (his  manu- 
facture, such  as  rags,  waste  coKon,  bale  rope,  and 
bugging,  are  collec(cd  at  (he  Soudi;  audit  is  bu- 
rcved  (ha(  all  (he  paper  used  in  (he  coKon-growing 
Sta(es,  (o(her  than  what  is  manufactured  in  (lioso 
S(a(es,)  is  |>aid  for  by  the  rnw  material  which  we 
obtain  from  them.  They  pay  nothing  for  the  arti- 
cle, except  in  (he  materia!  for  its  manufacture, 
which  we  at  the  North  purchase  o///i«ii. 

Other  nrlicles,  besides  those  which  have  been 
mentioned,  enter  into  or  are  consumed  in  tho  man- 
lifnclure  of  paper,  Tlicse  are  coni,  wood,  iron, 
(wrought  and  cast,)  leather,  sizing,  blenching  aalla, 
feldngs,  wire  and  wire  cloths,  smalts,  mid  other 
coloring  materials,  oMs,  nluiii,  lime,  sodu  ash,  pot- 
ashes, pearl  nsh's,  oil  of  vitriol,  aonp,  twine,  cord- 
age, &c.  They  amount  in  value  to  more  than  (wo 
millions  of  dollars. 

Tho  amount  paid  for  transportation  in  the  diver- 
sified branches  of  (his  truly  American  business,  is 
>  '  less  than  •^0,UOOaiiniially,  furnishing  income 
to  lb"  coasting  vessels,  the  railroads,  die  canals, 
the  vi'liicles  of  land  conveyance  of  llie  people  of 
the  United  States, 

This  employment  benefits  (he  agricultural  inter- 
est of  the  country.  That  interest  Airnishes  food 
for  r^.Trly  one  hundred  thousand  persons  engaged 
in  the  manufacture  of  paper,  who  depend  on  the 
farmer  for  the  necessary  supply  of  their  daily  food; 
ami  another  instance  is  thus  fiirnished  of  (he  mu- 
tual dependence  of  manufacturing  and  agricultural 
labor  on  each  other.  If  manufaciures  are  depress- 
ed, the  consumption  of  agricultural  products  is  ne- 
oessarily  lessened,  nnd  for  tho  obvious  reason  that 
(hereby  the  ability  to  purchase  is  crippled.  When 
tliey  flourish,  they  create  a  greater  demand  nnd 
belter  prices  for  (he  products  of  agriculture/  Each 
depends  on  (he  o(her,  and  each  therefore  requires 
aid  nnd  protection.  If  it  be  ufiorded,  the  amount 
nnd  value  of  the  labor  of  nil  is  increased. 

The  interest  of  the  manufacturers  of  paper  is  cm- 
phndcally  a  homt  interest.  It  extends  its  benign 
iinuence  over  the  entire  community;  its  beneficial 
results  are  enjoyed  by  the  whole  people.  By  the 
highes(  in  au(hority,  as  well  as  by  the  moat  hum- 
ble individual  in  the  land,  its  effects  are  fel(.  Its 
raw  material  is  collected  from  every  dwelling,  and 
its  products  are  in  daily  use  in  every  diversified 
form,  by  every  family,  ond  almost  every  individ- 
ual in  the  land. 

Such,  Mr,  President,  the  memorialists  represent 
to  be  the  nature,  extent,  importance,  and  beneficial 
cflccts  of  the  business  in  which  they  are  engaged. 
They  may  be  stated  summarily  as  follows: 

Tiie  capital  employed  is  eighteen  millions  of 
dollars; 

The  annual  product  is  seventeen  millions  of 
dollars; 

The  number  of  persons  supported  by  the  busi- 
ness is  from  seventy-five  thousand  to  one  hundred 
thousand,  including  both  men  and  women. 

The  raw  material  mainly  used  in  die  manufac- 
ture is  oflittle  or  no  value  in  itself,  bi(t  made  use- 
ful und  necessary  by  adding  skill  and  labor  to  it. 

The  capital  is  not  owned  by  rich  capitalists  or 
corporations,  but,  with  n  few  exceptions,  by  men 
of  moderate  means  and  resouroes,  who  work  in 
their  own  mills. 

The  value  of  the  stock  principally  used  in  these 
establishments  is  nearly  eight  millions  of  dollars, 
nine-tenths  of  which  are  collected  in  small  parcels 
from  almost  every  inhabited  dwelling  in  the  Union, 
giving  employment  and  furnishing  support  to  thou- 
sands of  poor  people,  all  or  most  of  wnich  will  be 
lost  if  the  manufacture  is  destroyed. 

Large  quantities  of  the  stock  are  obtained  from 


m 


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l|»,v. 


'M;  I 


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t:r 


m 


1130 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GIX)BE. 


[July  22, 


29tu  CoNo I  ST  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Cameron. 


Senate. 


the  South,  who  pay  for  the  pnpnr  they  u«e  (other 
tlian  what  they  tncinselvcii  manuractura)  in  the  raw 
inaterinl,  which  we  at  the  North  purchase  of  them. 

Other  nrtieles,  beside  the  principal  ones  men- 
tioned, lire  consumed  in  the  manufacture  of  paper, 
to  the  value  of  more  than  two  millions  of  dollars. 

The  amniint  paid  for  transportation  to  coasting 
vessels,  rallroaus,  cnnni  boats,  and  teamsters,  i,4 
not  less  than  live  hundred  and  filly  thousand  dol- 
lars. 

This  branch  of  business  promotes  the  interest 
of  the  agricultural  portion  or  the  community,  by 
giving  them  the  supply  of  the  daily  food  of  nearly 
one  hundred  tliousimd  persons. 

Thi.s  is  emphatically  n  koine  interest,  extending 
its  benign  influence  and  ils  beneficial  resulls  over 
tile  whole  community,  both  in  the  collection  of  the 
raw  material  and  in  the  diiily  use,  in  one  form  or 
unnllu'r,  of  the  nianufliclurcil  article. 

ThiNsc  are  the  statements  mode  to  the  Senate  by 
this  respectable  portion  of  our  fcllow-clti/.ens. 
And  now  lliey  nsk  yoii  whether  you  intend  to 
destroy  their  cupiuil;  paralyze  their  efforts;  cause 
their  labor  to  cease;  prostrate  their  industry;  and 
reduce  them  to  poverty  by  the  passage  of  the  larilV 
bill  now  under  your  consideration  ?  Whether  yon 
design  to  break'  down  establishments,  created  by 
your  legislation  and  guarantied  by  your  laws,  by 
withdrawing  from  them  that  protection  which, 
while  it  will  give  you  revenue  and  furnish  you 
with  a  cheap  and  perfect  article,  will  at  the  same 
time  enable  them  to  continue  their  business,  and 
receive  a  moderate  compensation  for  their  labor  ? 
These  are  the  questions  tbey  put  to  you;  and  they 
earnestly  appeal  to  your  justice,  your  patrioti.><ni, 
your  regaid  for  the  wclftire  of  the  people,  to  make 
such  modifications  of  the  bill  before  you  as  will 
secure  to  them  the  enjoyment  of  their  rights. 
They  state  that  if  this  bill  shall  become  a  law  their 
business  will  be  seriously  injured,  if  not  wholly 
i!.stroyed.  And  they  do'  not  rest  satisfied  wiili 
gi  neral  declarations  of  the  ruin  which  impends 
over  them  by  means  of  this  bill,  but  they  fwnisli 
you  with  reasons — substantial  reasons — for  the 
opinions  they  entertain  antl  the  views  thoy  express. 
These  I  am  now  about  to  repeat  to  the  Senate. 

By  the  act  of  1H42  the  duties  on  most  kinds  of 
paper  are  specific,  furnishing  reasonable  protection 
to  the  manufacturer.  This  bill  proposes  reduced 
duties,  in  the  form  of  ad  valorem  duties,  on  paper 
and  on  books.  The  proposed  rates  and  form  of 
duty,  the  petitioners  believe,  will  be  ruinous  to 
their  luisiness,  for  the  following  reasons: 

1.  ;'or  ten  years  last  past  the  average  price  of 
lab'H  In  the  paper  manufactories  of  the  Unidd 
States  has  been  from  si.t  dollars  to  nine  dollar.-) 
per  week. 

In  England,  when  the  workmen  are  the  best 
paid,  the  average  price  is  weekly  $2 .10.  In  France, 
Germany,  Sweden,  and  Norway,  ftl  .10.  In  Italy 
and  >S|iani,  much  Icsm. 

The  labor  constitutes  a  large  and  important  Item 
in  111'"  manufacture  of  paper,  especially  of  the  finer 
kinds;  and  our  nianufnciurers  cannot  compete 
upo.i  aiiytl'.ing  like  equal  terms  with  those  of 
Euroyio  in  tliis  br.mch  of  business  without  redu- 
cing' oiir  labor  to  the  price  |)aid  for  the  pauper  labor 
of  f.ircigu  countrifs.  And  ihe.sc  un'nuuialisls  in- 
quire respectfully,  but  earncslly,  wlicllicr  the  fV(  c 
labiir  of  llic  United  Siau^s  is  to  be  brought  down 
to  that  of  the  starving  operatives  of  the  Old  World? 

Tlic  only  title  foundiiiiiin  of  wealth  is  labor.  It 
is  llio  pinductive  iiidnslry  of  the  country  which 
sn.-^iiilns  it.  It  is  that  alone  which  creates  prop- 
iTiy  cir  ensures  periiinnent  prosperiiy.  And  the 
pciiuiiners  demand  that  the  power  of  Congress 
rdiould  be  applied  to  uphold  and  increase  national 
wealth  anil  pros|icrily,  l.y  siisialning  and  pro- 
iiuiiin;,  'I'wiabor  of  ils  own  citizens  in  all  the  vari- 
ous brai  dies  anil  divisions  if  their  industry. 

2.  In  loiLsequence  of  the  r  lieapiiess  of  lalior,  and 
the  small  amount  of  books  and  newspaper.'  prinled 
ill  oilier  countries  when  ciimfiared  with  our  own, 
the  price  of  the  raw  nittlrrial  is  much  lower  abroad 
than  ill  the  Unite'l  Sliiies.  By  some  nations  with 
which  we  have  'iilercnurse,  and  especially  by 
France,  the  exportation  of  paper  rags  is  prohibited. 
By  this  means  the  nianiifiiclure  is  prouiolcd,  by 
reducing  the  price  of  the  raw  mulerial  ton  veiy 
small  sum,  one  almost  nominal.  Oilier  Ooveni- 
ments,  like  that  of  Great  Britain,  which  has  be- 
come nominally  ix  free-tradt.  nation,  but  whose  defi- 


nition of  free  trade  is  now,  as  it  always  has  been-— 
securing  by  their  legislation  the  monopoly  of  their 
own  markets  for  their  own  manufactures,  and  pre- 
venting all  other  nations  from  nianufiicturing  for 
themselves — allows  a  bounty  on  the  exportation 
of  paper  and  books,  sometimes  amounting  to  a 
large  per  ecntnge  on  their  value.  Other  materials 
entering  into  the  manufacture  o*"  paper  are  pro- 
cured at  much  less  prices  than  ic  .'lis  country, and 
the  dilTerence  will  be  greatly  increased  if  the  pro- 
posed tariff  bill  shniild  become  a  law,  because 
duties  are  imposed  on  most  or  all  of  these  articles. 
Indeed,  it  would  seem  as  if  even  the  incidental 
prolfction  to  our  own  labor  was  to  bo  abolished.  | 
The  importer  of  raw  sugar  pays  a  duty  under  the 
proposed  law  of  30  per  cent.,  and  if  he  refints  it  he 
is  jirnttrUil  by  a  similar  duly  on  the  foreign  article, 
which  is  no  protection  at  all.  This  bill  will  prob- 
ably destroy  every  establishment  for  refining  sugar 
in  the  United  States. 

,S.  Most  of  the  European  mnjiufaclurers  of  paper 
are  large  capitalists,  who  are  'perfectly  satisfied  if 
the  income  of  their  business  amounts  to  four  or 
five  per  cent,  per  annum,  squeezed  out  of  the  hard 
earnings  and  the  low  wages  of  those  whom  they 
employ. 
4.  The  proposed  ad  valorem  duties  on  paper  and 

i  books  are  open  to  every  species  of  fraud.  This 
subject  has  been   fully  considered  by  gentlemen 

'  will)  have  participated  in  the  debate  on  the  bill 
which  provides  for  them.  I  shall  not  take  up  the 
lime  ,if  the  Senate  to  repeat  them.  It  is  well  known 
that  this  form  of  assessing  duties  is  liable  to  great 

,  frauds.  False  invoices  will  be  made,  and  detec- 
tion will  become  impossible.  1  have  recently  heard 
related  a  circumstance  showing  the  facility  with 
which  those  frauds  are  committed.  A  gentleman 
ordered  an  amount  cf  French  goods  to  be  imported 
for  him  of  the  value  of  six  thousand  francs.  They 
were  furnished, accompanied  with  an  invoice  nsof 
that  amount,  and  a  charge  of  the  duties  as  poid  on 
that  sum.  Some  months  afterwards  the  purchaser, 
entertaining  doubts  as  to  the  iionnyiiie  character  of 
the  transaction,  made  inquiry,  and  ascertained  that 
the  goods  were  entered  at  the  custom-house  on  an 
invoice  describing  them  to  be  of  the  value  of  five 
thousand  francs,  and  the  duties  were  paid  on  that 
amount.  It  is  confidently  believed  that  by  this 
form  of  duties,  as  well  ns  by  the  intrinsic  difficulty 
of  determining  the  diirerent  qualities  and  value  of 
iiiiporlcd  paper,  the  nominal  duty  of  30  per  cent. 

I  will  be  practically  reduced  to  a  duty  not  exceeding 
20  per  cent. 

fi.  The  proposed  duly  of  t:  i  per  .'ent.  ai".  valorem 
on  printed  books  will  also  have  a  de!'  icrious  eOect 
on  the  business  of  the  memorialists,  inasniucli  as 
it  will  greatly  reduce  the  demand  for  paper,  by 
reason  of  the  increased  importation  of  books  print- 
ed abroad  on  foreign  paper  of  an  inferior  quality. 
This  also  will  eventually  increase  tl  a  price  of 
books,  and  will  seriously  inleiiVrc  with  the  l.usi- 
ncss  of  our  publishers,  bookbinders,  type-founders, 
&c.  I  will  read  an  extract  from  a  lct:er  written  In 
lti42,  and  from  anolhcr  wrilten  in  the  present 
moiiili,  which  give  a  full  explanation  of  the  ellccis 
wliiili  would  be  produced  by  this  low  rate  of  duty 
on  books: 

''ThiTc  nl\V)iy.4  l«,  in  fiicIi  a  ninrkrt  a*  I.nnifnn,  ii  Inrc< 
qnaiil'lynr..toi'k,r1ijftlye(liliniiniil'>ltiniliiril  imllmrM,  fiirr<:<h' 
at  n  pricr  lliiu  will  Imrcly  cover  ro'i  iir|iii|ii>r  niul  print,  iimt 
(ifleli  niilcli  \i-r*9,  TlliH  hll|t|)ly  is  ilf'rivt'd  froiii  liiiHUcri>i«i.rul 
piiitioiiH  nii'l  i»'vi'ri*c«  ill  trnilo,  foiirccs  iiiU  likclv  to  fail.  I 
lioiislit  tlii^  siiiiiiiier  n  itrimt  many  orlnvo  ^   .  iincp,  and 

I  niiiftiiKil  litem  fitint'  hrilanci's  nrfUilioiifi  ril'^t'ii  i.ij  liuiidn-il 

I  vnliiiiiPH,  at  prici'H  nvcriiitiiiii  from -trf.  to  Qj.  cac'li ;  aiidil'it 
hull  mil  li'Tn  liir  the  duty,  I  coiilil  ii.ivo  Iimilcd  n  Bliip  with 
tlicni  IiiBrciit  nilvniitHjti'. 

'  "  Wlinlever  the  rale  of  duly  i«.  iid  viilnrcm,  yoti  will  hop 
tint  11  Ik  nf  no  HiTvice  an  proti'i'iiim.  It  it  lii>  mip  htniilri'd 
|K>r  ci'iil.,  iilHIi'.'iit  ririwi'Mly  |)iT  ci-iil.,  IIS  rolitciiiplHti'ii,  the 

.chciiii  clfixs  of  liiKik.*.  itir  niiiy  inii'fi  from  which  we  liiive 
iinylhinv  In  fear,  wniild  «'lill  lip'  itii|iorlpd  freply,  lo  the  ruin 
iif  niirniiiiiifiipliirprs.  Inih  i-tl.  tlii-rp  wrmid  lip  lint  very  fpw 
linnkH,  i'xcppt  Mi<-h  il-i  am  piip>ii:'ht  herf.  Hint  we  roiild 
print.  Another  ''irciim'tiliicMviiiph  would  Itplp  iIip  Rtiitli-li 
miniilfiu'tiirprti  In  furnish  niir  miirkpt  with  nil  hlaiidnrd  and 
^fhiiiil  ItookH  ii"i  of  a  Iop;i!  rlmrnpU'r,  in  llie  iircnt  ejitenl  of 
,tti>rpotypiM2,  Alino8t  nil  the  liistorinii)',  pnp|.«,  JLe.,  nnd 
Ipxicoii-i  nf  all  ln^ellnl^'H,  an*  utereolyppd  In  London,  nnd 
ilip  puhhi'liprM  iiri-  alwnyH  n-ndv  to  print  I'dilinnn  on  inferior 
pnppr,  nnd  (it  n  wninjl  ndvnnpp  on  pnpcr  nnd  prcnti  work,  for 
tiiir  niiirki't.  To  npp  iIip  Ptrpcl  of  this  opprnlion.  take  l>on- 
iiPiz.inV  l.i'xiron,  a  work  well  known  niiiiiiiKKt  iik,  nnd 
sliTpolvpi'd   ill   both  poniilripi*.    M'liiH  work  cnii  Iip  iniidp 

(I li)  ill  bondon  for  4<.  IWt.,  pi|unl  to  f  I  10.    Now,  add  lo 

thill  ten  per  ceiil.  (hr  profll,  niiil  twplily  per  cpiil.  lo  tlip 
wIioIp  for  dntlo, mill  the  eont  llpre  in  *l  .'p7.  Friiin  thialnke 
tlio  drawback  ufllif.  pet  pound  slluwed  hy  the  UrIUsh  Cuv- 


ernment— llvo  |xiiiiidii  at  3rf.,  l.",  cents — and  the  cant  licre 
will  lie  i$l  43.  Now,  the  Amcrlcnii  odition  of  the  sninn 
work  cannot  Iw  piiliM'hed  far  Ipih  than  $'i  3i,  allnwini  only 
a  inntlerate  «uin  liir  the  hm  of  nhiiuM.  Under  the  npei-ific 
duty  the  liook  ahovu  dprfcrihoii  would  piij-  iio  vinivi  per 
(Hiuiid,  or  ijl  SO  per  copy— a  suin  hut  a  litllp  more  limn  Hui- 
flcipiit  to  prevent  linportnlinn.  Thin  iH  notn  mronit  ense 
but  if  preeUcly  the  condition  of  nlniont  nil  staiidnrd  Kiiirliuli 
authors,  the  repnblicatioii  of  whieli  iimkPH  «o  ^rcnt  n  pro- 
perlioii  of  Uie  whole  piildiHiiinit  hiidiiiPHti  oftliiH  piiiuiir)'.') 

"  I  took  imlna  lo  e.xnmlne  limny  liiiokH  as  to  dulien  under 
both  ratCH,  and  I  nin  nnti^lipd  tlint,  if  Mr.  McKiiv*ih  hill  pn^n. 
81,  there  cannot  he  a  Bible  printed  in  lliin  couiitry  witlioiit 
loKM  mils  pnhliaher;  thiit  in,  if  the  ICniillHh  piililitliprii  know 
how  to  iiKO  the  advantages  ear  taritT  will  give  tliein," 

6.  The  proposed  reduction  of  duty  will  briii" 
into  our  inarkel  a  great  amount  of  foreign  pajicr, 
to  be  sold,  for  a  short  time  perhaps,  at  low  prices. 
But,  by  means  of  it,  the  paper-mills  of  the  United 
States  will  bo  closed,  the  machinery  will  decay, 
and  thousands  of  laborers  be  deprived  of  employ- 
ment. Finally,  when  our  establishments  are  bro- 
ken down,  the  foreigner  will  increase  his  prices, 
and  we  must  pay  what  he  asks  for  the  article;  and 
thus  the  result  will  be  ruin  to  our  own  people, 
without  any  adequate  coinpensution  to  the  coun- 
try in  general. 

Such,  Mr.  President,  are  the  reasons  slated  by 
the  memorialists  against  the  proposed  reduction 
ond  cliange  in  the  form  of  assessing  duties  on  pa- 
per prescribed  by  the  new  tnrilV  bill.  They  arc 
unanswerable,  and  are  presented  with  respect,  and 
urged  firmly  and  earnestly  upon  the  cunsiderallnn 
of  the  Senate.  I  suppose  this  bill — which,  in  ils 
results,  I  believe  will  prove  ruinous  to  the  free 
labor,  the  prosperiiy,  ond  the  business  of  the  coun- 
try generally — will  pass.  I  do  not  apprehend  ^lat 
it  is  to  receive  any  modifications.  But  I  have  done 
my  duty  to  these  petitioners.  I  have  staled  their 
case  lo  the  Senate.  They  will  suffer  with  the  o//itr 
industrial  pursuits  of  the  nation;  but  they  will  have 
at  least  the  consolation  of  believing  that  tlieperiocj 
is  HOC  distant  when  the  people  of  tlie  United  States 
will  come  to  the  rescue  of  their  essential  interesis; 
when  these  errors  of  legislation  will  be  corrected, 
and  when  measures  calculated,  in  their  opinion,  to 
sustain  their  labor  nnd  promote  their  interests,  will 
be  adopted,  by  giving  their  capital  and  industry 
that  protection  which  will  secure  an  adequate  rev- 
enue, maintain  the  industry  of  all  classes  in  the 
community,  nnd  pronjote  the  prosperity  of  the 
country  generally. 

I  present  the  petition,  nnd  move  that  it  be  print- 
ed, the  motion  lor  that  purpose  to  be  referred  to 
the  Committee  on  Printing. 


THE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH   OF  MR.  CAMERON, 

OF    PENNSYLVANIA, 
In  the  Senate,  July  22,  1846. 
On  the  Bill  for  the  reduction  of  duties  on  Imports, 
I  and  for  other  purposes. 

'      Mr.  President:  I  feel  no  little  reluctance  in  ad- 
dressing the  Senate  on  this  subject.     If  my  own 
j  feelings  were  consulted,  I  should  certainly  prefer 
I  to  be  silent,  and  to  leave  to  others  more  able,  nioru 
'  eloquent,  and  more  experienced  in  debate,  the  t.nsk 
of  exposing  the  inconsislencics  and  follies,  and  the 
ruinous  ellecls  of  the  measure  now  before  the  Sen- 
ate.    Enough  has  indeed  been  already  said  to  pre- 
I  vent  its  pa.ssuge,  if  truth  were  to  prevail;  and  1  uiii 
in  strong  hopes  that  it  will  yet  be  defeated;  for  it 
seems  now  so  poor  tlint  there  is  none  lo  do  it  re  - 
crence — not  one  to  rai.se  his  voice  in  its  favor.  But 
I  cannot  sulfer  a  vote  to  be  taken  till  I  liave  ex- 
pressed my  hostility  to  its  passage,  and  said  sonic- 
thing  in  defence  of  the  industry  of  my  Slate,  which 
j  it  is  calculated  to  ruin. 

1  I  come  beie  the  icpresenlativo  of  a  Stale  deeply 
interested  in  the  develo|micntof  her  rcsouircs,aiiil 
I  in  fostering  and  prolecung  the  indnslry  of  her  citl- 
;  z.ens;  a  State  which  has  expended  more  than  one 
'  hundred  and  fil^y  millions  of  dollars  in  making 
I  those  resources  available;  aStale  which  in  two  wms 
j  has  expended  more  blood  and  more  treasure  in  the 
!  common  defence  than  any  Slate  in  the  Union;  n 
State  which  has  never  asked  oiiy  favors  from  tlin 
1  Union,  and  which  has  received  as  little  benefit  fioni 
I  it  as  any  one  in  it;  even  the  fori  which  was  biult 
;  for  the  tlefence  of  her  city,  with  the  money  of  licr 
I  own  citizens,  has  been  suffered  lo  go  Ui  decay  by 
'  the  General  Oovernmcnt;  a  Slate  proverbial  for  the 


Democracy  of  he 
mocratie  Prcsidei 
vote;  nay,  one  w 
Democratic  candi 
believed  there  wi 
dearly  chtfished 
You  can,  then 
surprise  when  I 
wealth  charged  ; 
opposition  to  tliii 
domain  to  the  o 
fiil  to  show  that 
not  be  for  Ihfe  wi 
far  as  she  is  c.o 
evil  only. 

The  support 

labor  of  her  citi 

lesson  she  learn 

lie,  nnd  which  \ 

varying  consisu 

gona  have  not,  i 

recreant  to  the  v 

It  is  to  this  pra 

owes  her  presei 

Go  where  yo 

now  pervading 

has  grown  wit! 

her  strength;  a 

from  all  her  bf 

from  every  vaV 

sow  the  other 

Bcntcd  from  h( 

arc  under  grou 

•work-shop,  fro 

invoking  us  ti 

Every  Legislal 

resentKtivcs  li( 

and  no  man  I 

without  admit 

views  upon  ill 

dent,  too  betiiU 

against  her,  nc 

I  have  said 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1131 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Cameron. 


Senate. 


Democracy  of  her  nons — so  much  no  thnt  no  De- 
mocratic Frcsident  was  ever  elected  without  her 
vote;  nny,  one  which  never  pive  n  vote  againRt  a 
Democrfttic  cnndidute  for  the  Presidency,  until  she 
believed  there  wrs  a  settled  design  to  desert  her 
deurly  cherished  interests. 

You  can,  therefore,  Mr.  President,  imagine  my 
surprise  when  I  find  our  time-honored  Common- 
wealth charged  with  a  want  of  Democracy  in  her 
opposition  to  this  bill.  From  one  end  of  her  wide 
domain  to  the  other  she  does  oppose  it;  and  if  I 
fUil  to  show  that  she  has  abundant  cnusc,  it  will 
not  be  for  thb  want  of  defects  in  the  bill  itself.  So 
far  as  she  is  concerned,  it  can  produce  evil,  and 
evil  only. 

The  support  of  a  system  of  protection  for  the 
labor  of  her  citizens  is  with  her  not  new.  It  is  a 
lesson  she  learned  from  the  fathers  of  the  Repub- 
lic, and  which  was  practised  with  uniform  anil  >  n- 
varying  consistency  by  all  her  enrly  settlers.  Her 
sons  have  not,  and  I  trust  inQod  will  never  prove 
recreant  to  the  wholesome  lessons  of  thcirancestry. 
It  is  to  this  practice  and  to  these  lessons  that  she 
owes  her  present  prosperity  and  fame. 

Go  where  you  will,  there  is  but  one  sentiment 
now  pervading  the  public  mind  on  thii  subject.  It 
has  grown  with  her  growth,  and  strengthened  with 
her  strength;  and  there  is  a  cry  coming  up  now 
from  all  her  borders,  echoed  from  every  hill  and 
from  every  valley;  from  her  very  bowels,  as  you 
saw  the  other  day,  by  the  petition  whtcli  !  pre- 
sented from  her  hardy  miners,  whose  habitations 
are  underground:  from  every  village,  from  every 
work-shop,  from  every  farm-house  is  the  cry  heard, 
invoking  us  to  interpose  between  them  and  ruin. 
Every  Legislature  for  years  has  instructed  hrr  Rep- 
resentatives here  to  adhere  to  her  favoriie  policy; 
and  no  moji  has  ever  presumed  to  asfk  her  favor 
without  admitting  the  justice  and  propriety  of  her 
views  upon  this  subject;  and  I  may  add,  Mr.  Presi- 
dent, wo  htt'ide  the  man  who  raises  his  stticidal  hand 
against  Acr,  now  in  the^hour  of  her  extremity. 

I  have  said  lier  favor  was  never  asked  without  a 
pledge  to  support  her  views.  You  know,  sir,  how 
It  was  in  1844.  I  need  not  tell  you  that  you  would 
not  now  occupy  that  chair  but  for  the  aaau  ranges — 
the  oft-reiterated  assurances — that  her  policy  would 
not  be  disturbed.  You  and  I  remember  the  scenes 
of  that  day.  We  cannot  forget  the  fla:rs  and  ban- 
ners which  were  carried  in  the  proct^ssions  of  her 
deniocmcy,  pending  the  election  which  resulted  in 
the  trium}ih  of  our  party.  It  cannot,  and  ought 
not  to  be  disguised,  thot,'but  for  these  assurances 
to  which  I  have  alluded,  that  triumph  never  would 
have  been  obtained.  I  remember  the  anxiety  which 
pervaded  the  minds  of  the  politicians  until  tlie  pub- 
lication of  the  Kune  letter,  and  I  cannot  forget  the 
pains  that  were  taken  by  the  leading  mm  of  the 
parly  to  convince  the  people  that  it  way  evidence  of 
an  intention  to  protect  our  intcrosts.  Her  confi- 
ding ciiizLMis  gave  their  support  in  good  faith,  and 
they  expected  good  faith  in  return.  The  letter  was 
published  in  English  and  German,  in  every  Demo- 
cratic paner  in  the  State,  and  in  pampblcls  l>y  thou- 
sands. Kvery  Dcmocnu  pointed  to  it  as  a  satisfac- 
tory tarifl'  letter,  ajcl  no  Democrat  doubted  it.  It  is 
not  saying  too  much  to  ascribe  to  that  letter  mainly 
the  Democratic  majority  of  the  State.  Surely,  hon- 
orable men  will  not  now,  since  the  battle  has  been 
fouirht  ami  the  honors  won  by  it,  evade  its  respon- 
sibility, by  saying  that  too  liberal  a  construction 
was  put  upon  it.  If  it  was  wron^jly  applied,  there 
was  time  eiiouG;h  for  its  contradiction  between  the 
time  of  its  publication  and  theelectiot:.  The  party 
mtijority  in  this  hall  may  be  fairly  ait'-ibuted  to  that 
letter;  and  I  ask  honorable  Senators  'f  they  expect 
thnt  nmjnrity  cj»n  be  retained  if  tluM  bill  shall  be- 
come a  law?  I  warn  them  now  oftiie  sudden  and 
swift  destruction  which  awaits  tis,  if  Pun'c  faith  is 
to  govern  the  councils  of  the  Democ.atic  party. 
It  is  to  avert  what  I  believe  would  be  a  dire  calami- 
ty— the  prostration  of  Democraiir  principles — that 
I  raise  my  voice  to  arrest  the  furtlicr  progress  of 
this  bill. 

It  would  bo  needless  to  take  up  the  doctrine  of 
protection  to  defeiul  it,  if  it  were  not  for  the  dispo- 
sition recently  manifested  to  ape  everythint;  British, 
anil  to  shape  our  legislation  to  suit  the  aubjccla  of 
the  British  crown.  A  new  order  of  Democracy 
seems,  however,  to  i.  .ve arisen  in  these  latterdays; 
and  for  the  cHpecial  benefit  of  its  highpriests  I  will 
read  the  opinions  of  the  founders  of  the  Republic, 


who  participated  in  public  affairs  iVom  the  founda- 
tion of  the  Government — who  framed  its  fundamen- 
tal law — and  who  fought  its  battles  in  the  Revolu- 
tion and  the  last  war.  The  people  of  Pennsylva- 
nia still  have  confidence  in  the  democracy  of  those 
pure  and  great  men;  and  time  was  when  they  were 
considerc  1  as  the  piliars  of  the  democracy  of  the 
Union. 
Extract  of  a  speech  of  George  Washington^  President 

of  the  United  States^  to  Congress,  Jan,  8,  1790. 

"  A  frno  ppnple  ouslit  iH)t  only  to  bi;  iirmcil,  hut  ili»>cip- 
lincd:  to  wliieli  end  a  nnit'orm  nntl  well  (ligt^ctcd  pitui  is 
rnquiHite;  niid  tlirir  safely  nnd  interest  rpqiiirR  tlmi  they 
shotihl  pronioii!  nuch  mnriufbctorifjs  iis  tend  tn  render  them 
indR|K>ndent  of  oUicrii  Tor  essc'iititU,  paiticularly  military, 
BupplieH.'* 

"  Tho  ndvnncemeat  of  aKricullure,  commerce,  nnd  mnuu- 
fnrtureif  hf  all  proper  meattSf  will  tiof,  /  trtutf  need  rccom- 
mettdution." 

Extract  of  a  speech  of  George  Washington,  President 
of  the  United  States,  to  Congi'ess,  Dec.  7,  i796. 
« Cou(ir<'Bf«  hnvR  repentrdly,  nnd  not  withont  cneepRfi, 
directed  their  ntti^ntlnn  to  the  encotirnfiempnt  of  ninniitiic-  , 
UiTcn.    The  nlijent  iHorioomueli  conrteqiienee  not  toinsnrn  | 
n  rontlnimncK  of  thuir  clTcirts  in  every  Wiiy  which  tilmll  ap- 
pear eligihli." 

Extract  of  a  sjteech  of  John  *^(/rtHW,  President  of  tfic 
United  States,  to  Congress,  Mvembcr  22,  1800. 

"The  innnarnetiirr.  of  nrm«  within  the  ITnitrd  States  f>till 
invitee  (he  nttention  of  the  \ntionnl  IjegJHiiunrR.  At  a  ron- 
Pideralde  oxiM'n«e  to  the  puMic,  thfn  mantifiirtiire  hna  been 
brnnuiit  to  pucIi  n  Htiue  of  nmtnrity  n^y  wilti  eontiiniiM) 
encniiragenient,  will  snpersrdt;  tlie  nceC8(<ity  of  future  Ini- 
portiUions  fron»  foreign  coanirtrs." 

Extract  of  a  message  from  Thomas  Jeflerson,  President 
of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  Dec.  8,  1801. 
"Aariciiltnre,  mniiufacturpp,  commerce,  and  naviention, 
the  four  pillars  of  o:ir  prosperity,  are  then  most  thriving 
when  loft  niofl  free  :o  individual  enterprise.  Protection 
from  raswil  cmhiirratmnents,  however,  may  sometimes  be  sca- 
son'iblif  interiMsed.** 

Extract  of  a  message  frotn  Thomas  Jefferson*  President 

of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  Dec.  2, 180(5. 

"The  dntinn  romposing  the  Mediterranean  fnnd  will 
eease,  by  law,  at  the  ent!  of  the  pre>:i'nt  session.  Consider- 
ing, however,  that  they  aie  levied  eliiefiy  on  hixitrief,  and 
that  we  have  an  inipo^t  on  salt,  a  necessary  of  lift>,  the  free 
use  of  which  otherwise  is  fo  jni|)"rtant,  I  reeominend  to 
your  conAi  iteration  the  i<iippref:^ii)n  of  the  diillen  on  salt,  and 
tho  continuation  of  the  MeHMerranean  ftinrl  inflend  tlnreot', 
for  a  whort  time;  after  which,  thai  also  will  become  unne- 
ccpi'ary  for  any  pnrpo:4ft  now  within  eonteiriplatioti." 

"  When  Imih  of  these  branches  of  revenue  shall,  in  this 
way,  be  relinquished,  there  will  .-illl.  ere  loim.  be  an  accu- 
mulation of  ninneyF  in  the  treasury  beyond  the  Instalments 
of  public  debt,  whicli  we  are  perniittei)  by  contract  to  pay. 
They  cannot,  tlu-n,  without  a  modification,  aspcnled  to  by 
the  public  creditors,  be  applied  to  the  exilnguishmcnt  nf 
this  debt,  and  the  completi'  liberation  of  our  revenues,  the 
moM  desirable  of  alt  olijects;  nnr,  if  our  peace  continues, 
will  they  be  wanting  for  any  other  existing  puriKwe.  T!>c 
question,  thrrefore,  nov  comes  forirartl — To  what  other  ob- 
jects shall  these  surpluses  be  appropriatctl.  and  the  whole 
surplus  of  impost,  after  the  ejiire  discharge  nf  the  public 
debt,  nnd  during  those  intervals  when  the  pur|)Oses  of  war 
shall  not  call  for  them  ?  Shall  we  suppress  the  impost,  and 
give  that  advantage  to  foreign  over  domeslic  mnnufaclure.-i  ? 
On  a  fi'W  articles,  of  niore  genenil  and  necessary  use,  the 
suppression,  in  due  season,  will  doubtless  be  right ;  hut  the 
great  mass  of  the  articles  on  which  impost  is  jmid  are  for- 
eign luxuries,  purchased  by  those  only  who  are  rich  ennnsb 
in  ntlbrd  Ihemselves  the  use  of  them.  Their  patriotism 
would  certainly  prefer  its  continuance  and  application  to  the 
great  pnriHisesof  tlie  public  e<Iuenlion.  roads,  rivers,  canals, 
nmi  fntchol/ierohjertit  of  public  improvemetu  as  it  maybe 
thouuht  prn[»rr  to  add  to  the  constitutional  enumeration  of 
Fe<leral  powers." 
Extract  of  a  mnsagrfrom  Thomas  .fefferson,  Prestdrnt 

of  the  United  States, to  Congress,  >Vovemhrr  S,  180R. 

*' Under  tlie  acts  of  March  II  and  April  03,  respeciitig 
arms,  the  (MlHcnltynf  profiiring  them  fVnm  abroad,  (hirlnu 
the  present  situation  nnd  dt'posjiions  nf  Furopp,  iniiured  m 
tn  ttirert  our  irfiofe  efforts  to  the  mciins  of  iutemnl  supplti. 
The  public  faclories  have  therefore  tieen  enlaraed,  fidditionid 
machinery  erected,  and,  in  prnpnrtlou  as  arltflcers  eim  be 
fniHid  or  formed,  (heir  effect,  already  nmri'  than  doubled, 
may  be  increased,  so  as  to  keep  pace  with  the  yearly  increa-ie 
of  the  militia.  The  annual  sums  appropriated  by  the  latter 
act  have  been  directed  to  the  eneouragemcnt  of  pri\ii(t'  fae- 
lories  of  arms,  nnd  contracts  h;ive  been  entered  into  with 
individual  undertakers  to  nearly  the  amount  of  the  flr^t  year's 
appropriation. 

t'Tlie  suspension  of  our  foreiirn  commerce,  produced  by 
the  injustice  of  the  bclliaereut  Towers,  and  the  eonseqni'Ut 
losses  and  sacrifices  nf  our  etti/.ens.are  snb|ectsof  ju«l  con- 
cern. The  situation  Into  which  w*'.  have  thus  been  forced, 
has  impelled  us  to  apply  a  portion  of  our  indmttry  and  capi- 
tal to  Internal  manufactures  nnd  imprnvemenls.  The  ex- 
tent of  this  conversion  is  daily  increasing,  and  little  doubt 
remains  that  the  establishments  formed  and  forming  wi>t, 
under  the  auspices  of  cheaper  materials  and  subsistence,  the 
freedom  of  laltnr  from  taxation  with  us,  aiul  of  protecting; 
duties  nnd  prohibitions,  become  permanent. 

"  The  prolioble  aeeuumlnlhm  of  the  surpluses  "^f  revenue 
beyond  what  can  be  applied  to  the  payment  nf  the  public 
debt,  whenever  tlic  (Veedom  ami  safety  of  our  couunerce 
Bhftll  l>c  roHtored,  merits  the  con»ideratiou  of  Ounsresi. 


Shall  it  lie  unproduetive  in  the  public  vaults  ?  Shall  the  rev- 
eimu  be  reduced?  Or,  shall  it  not  rather  hr;  nppruprhUcd  to 
the  improvem.'iits  of  roads,  canals,  rivers,  education,  and 
other  great  InmuhiUoas  of  prosperity  and  union." 

Extract  of  a  message  from  James  Madison,  President 
of  the  United  Slates,  to  Congress,  May  ^,  1809. 
"Tlic  revision  of  our  commereial  laws,  proper  to  adapt 
them  to  the  arrangement  which  has  taken  place  with  Great 
nri  tain,  will  doubtless  engage  the  early  nttenliou  of  Congress. 
It  will  bo  wortliy,  at  the  Hame  time,  of  their  just  and  provi- 
dent cure,  to  make  mich  further  altt'rallons  ui  the  Iiiw<ias 
will  more  especially  protect  and /o«(cr  the  t^cveral  branehe* 
of  mnnufai'ture  whic'li  have  iKieu  recently  ini^tituted  or  ex- 
tended by  the  laudable  exertions  of  our  citizens.'* 

Extract  of  a  message  frotn  James  Madison,  President  of 
the  United  S^.ttes,  to  Congress,  ^*ovember^,  1809. 
"  The  face  of  our  coimtry  everywhere  prei^ents  the  evi- 
dence of  laudable  enterprise,  of  extensive  capital,  and  of 
durable  improvement.  In  a  cultivation  of  the  nniterials,  and 
the  exten^^inn  of  useful  manufactures,  more  especially  in  tho 
general  application  to  hour^ehob)  fabrics,  we  behold  a  rapid 
diminution  of  our  dependence  on  foreign  cupplics.  N'nr  Is 
it  unworthy  of  refleetion,  that  this  revolution  in  our  pursuits 
nnd  habiui  is  in  no  sliglit  degree  u  conpcquence  of  those  im- 
politic ami  arbitrary  edicts  by  which  coiuending  natiomi,  in 
endeavoririt;  cat  h  of  them  to  obstruct  our  trade  with  tho 
oIImt,  have  so  flir  abridged  Aur  meons  nf  procuring  tin*  pro- 
ductions and  inanufuctures  of  which  our  own  arc  now  taking 
the  place." 

Extract  of  a  message  from  James  Madison,  President 

of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  Dec.  5,  IHIO. 

"I  feel  particular  satisfaction  in  remarking  thai  an  inte- 
rior view  of  our  coimtry  presentji  us  with  grateful  nrooti*  of 
its  substaiuial  and  inere'aslng  prosperity.  To  n  tlirtving  ag- 
riculture, and  the  improvemonti  related  to  it,  is  added  a 
liiirhly  IntiTUsting  extension  of  usfdul  inanufHctures:  the 
cnnihined  product  of  professional  riccupatiomi  nnd  of  house- 
hold industry.  Buch, indeed,  is  theexpertencenf  eronomy, 
as  well  as  of  policy,  in  these  suhstitutes  foi  supplies  Imtc- 
tofore  obtained  by  Ibreign  commerce,  that,  in  a  national 
view,  the  change  is  justly  regarded  as  of  itself  nmre  than  a 
recmiipense  for  those  privations  and  losses,  resulting  iVoni 
foreign  injustice,  which  t'urnished  the;  general  impulse  re- 
quired for  itsaeenniplishment.  How  far  it  nuty  be  expedient 
to  guard  rlie  infancy  of  this  improvement,  in  tlie  distribution 
of  labor,  by  regulations  of  the  conunereial  taritV,  is  u  suhiect 
which  Ciirinot  fail  to  suggest  itself  to  your  patriotic  rellcc- 
tions." 
Extract  of  a  message  from  James  Madison,  President 

of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  A'ur.  5,  1811. 

*'  Although  other  subjects  will  jiress  more  immediately  on 
vnur  deliberations,  a  portion  of^  them  cannot  but  be  well 
lii>towcd  on  the  just  ami  sound  policy  of  securing  to  our 
nianutaclures  the  success  they  have  attained,  and  are  still 
attaining,  in  some  degree,  under  the  impulse  of  cnuscf)  net 
permanent. 

''  Besides  the  rciisonubleness  of  saving  our  mamifacturej* 
from  sacrifices  whieh  a  change  of  circumstances  might  bring 
on  them,  the  national  interest  requires  that,  with  respect  tn 
such  articles  at  least  as  belong  to  our  defence  nnd  our  pri- 
ntarij  wants,  we  should  not  bu  left  in  unneccMary  depunil- 
ance  on  external  supplies." 

Extract  of  a  message  from  James  Madison,  President 
of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  Dec.  7,  1813. 

*'  If  the  war  has  increased  the  interruptions  of  our  com- 
merce, it  has  at  the  saim*  time  cherished  and  multiphrd  our 
manuriieiuri's,  so  as  to  make  us  independent  of  nil  other 
countries  for  the  more  essential  branches,  for  which  wo 
<Hml:t  tn  be  dependent  on  none  ;  and  is  even  rapidly  giving 
them  an  extent  which  will  create  additiiunil  staples  in  our 
future  iuterconrj-e  with  foreign  nmrkets.'" 

£a/rac(  of  a  message  from  James  Madison,  President 
of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  December  5, 1815. 
"  !n  ndju^'tina  the  duties  on  imptirts  t()  the  object  of  rev- 
cmie,  the  influence  of  the  tarifl' on  m:inuf;ieiureswill  necfs- 
sahly  present  itself  for  consideration.  However  wise  the 
theorv  mav  be  which  leaves  to  the  sagncity  and  Interest  of 
individunrs  llie  applieatinu  of  their  indu^^try  and  resources. 
there  are  in  tlus,  as  in  other  cases,  exceptions  to  the  general 
rule.  He^ides  the  condition,  which  the  llicnry  itself  im- 
plies, nf  a  reciprocal  adoption  by  other  nations,  experieneo 
teaches  tiKit  so  many  circumstances  must  concur  in  inlro- 
dneirig  ami  maturing  nmnulhcturing  establishmcnls,  espe- 
cially of  Die  more  complicated  kinds,  that  a  country  may 
remain  long  without  them,  nllhouuh  KUtHciently  advanced, 
and  in  some  respects  even  peeulinrly  fitted  for  carrying 
them  on  with  success.  Und.'r  circumstances  givinif  a  p'ow- 
erfnl  impidsc  tn  mannfaeinring  tmlustry,  it  hah  made  among 
u^  a  progre^s,  ami  cxbrtiited  an  tffieiency  whicli  juslil'y  the 
iielief  that,  with  a  nrntcrthn  not  rjutrc  than  is  due  to  thcnUer- 
prisinn  ri'/jsen*  vhose  infercsfs  .tre  now  at  stake,  it  will  bo- 
cnme,  at  an  early  day,  not  only  safe  against  occasional  ctun- 
petitinns  from  abroact,  but  a  source  of  domestic  wealth,  ami 
even  nf  exrernal  cnminerce.  In  selecting  the  l)ranclies  nioro 
especially  eiilitled  in  the  public  patronage,  a  pri'ferencc  in 
obviniisly  claimed  by  such  as  will  relii-vc  thi!  UnitcMl  Htiiteg 
from  a  dependence  on  foreign  supplies,  ever  subject  to 
casual  failures,  I'or  articles  uccesijary  foi  the  piihlie  defence, 
or  eonm:eted  with  the  primary  wants  of  individuids.  H 
will  be  an  additional  recommendation  nf  particular  mnnn- 
faclurcs,  whero  the  materials  fnr  them  are  extensively 
drawn  from  our  agriculture,  nnd  consequently  impin-t  and 
insure  tnthatgreatfumi  nf  national  prosperity  and  indcpcnd- 
eiice  an  encouragement  which  cannot  fail  to  be  rewarded." 

I   8i»all  ahow,  l)y  the  connexion  between  the 
aq;ricultnral  and  manufiicturino;  interests  of  Penn- 
aylvania,  how  entirely  a(>plicable  this  view  is  to 
I  the  present  stale  of  iliing.<).  .  . ,, 


r- 


1132 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29rH  Cong 1st  Sess. 


Hie  Tariff— Mr.  Cameron. 


Senate. 


2^H  Cong... 


Extract  of  a  mesMge  from  James  Madv^on^  Prtnident 
:fthe  United  States,  to  Congress,  December'^,  1816. 
"  It  is  to  lie  p'sretted  that  a  depr'-fixinn  is  ex|H>rienced  by 
particular  brnnche^  ui'  our  iiianurHrtiirea,  and  by  a  portion 
tir  our  imvigatioii.  As  thn  llrst  prorerda,  in  nil  esfltMitial 
degree,  fit>ui  iin  exc<;ss  of  imported  lutTchnndii^t!,  which 
varriea  a  chrck  In  in  own  tendency,  the  cnnRts  in  its  priji<i>nt 
«xt!tiit,  cannot  be  ol'  very  long  dufalinn.  Tiie  evil  will  not, 
however,  be  viuwcd  by  Congrotia,  without  u  recollection 
thut  nianutaeturing  cstnUliahiucnt-t,  if  aultereit  to  sink  luo 
loi;',  or  hmguiiih  too  loti^,  may  not  revive  after  thi?  caused 
■tiiitl  have  cenacd;  and  thiit,  in  the  viciddltudeHof  l.unian 
ufTiir^,  ^ituationd  may  recur  in  which  a  depf  ndrncc  on  for- 
vign  sources  tor  indi.-'pifnsialilo  supplies  may  be  among  tlie 
most  merious  emburruiMuienttt.'* 

Extract  of  a  message  from  James  Monroe,  President  of 
the  United  Utates,  to  Congress,  December  U^  1817. 
»*  Our  manuracturie^  will  reipiire  the  continued  attention 
of  Coi)grc!s«.  The  capital  employed  in  itieiu  in  ^oconKider- 
aldJ,  and  the  knowledge  acquired  in  tJic  machinery  and 
rubric  ufuti  the  most  useful  manufactureN,  lit  of  qreat  value. 
Theif  vreicrvation,  u-hirh  ilepeiids  on  ihie  cnaiurngemeiU,  i$ 
co$ineaed  wUk  the  his.k  interests  of  the  nu/wii." 

Extract  of  a  message  from  James  Monroe,  President  of 
the  United  States,  to  Congress,  December  7, 1819. 
*'Tlie  groat  reduction  in  the  price  of  the  principal  arricle^ 

ordomeslic  growth,  which  has  occurred  during  the  present 

f^ear,  and  the  subsetpicnttidl  in  the  price  of  labor,  apparent- 
y  so  favorable  to  tliu  i»ucce»H  of  domestic  maniiracturcs, 
have  not  shielded  them  again.-t  other  causes  adverse  to  their 
prosperity.  The  p.'cuniary  etnbarrasKincnts  which  have  so 
deeply  afl'ected  Uie  commercial  interests  of  the  nation  have 
ht'cn  no  l,>s8  adverst-  lu  our  manufacturing  establishments 
in  several  aectioni  of  the  Unio^. 

'*  An  additional  cause  (hr  Ihr*  depression  of  these  establi:«h- 
luent:!  may  probably  be  found  in  the  pecuniary  embarrastf- 
inents  which  have  recently  afl'ected  those  countries  witli 
wiiich  our  commerce  has  b<feii  princip;dly  prosecuted. 

"  Their  ninnuractures,  for  Uie  want  of  a  ready  or  profit- 
able market  at  hopne,  have  bren  shipped  hv  the  nianulac-' 
turers  tti  the  United  States,  ami,  in  m:inv  instances,  «old  at 
u  price  b-jlow  their  current  value  at  the"  plhce  of  manufac- 
ture. Altliough  this  practice  may,  from  its  nature,  bii  con- 
sidered temfMirary  or  contingent,  it  is  not  on  that  accouii* 
less  injurious  in  its  elFecls.  Uniformitv  in  the  demand  and 
price  of  an  article  Is  highly  desirable  to  the  domestic  manu- 
fhcTurcr. 

"  //  if  deemed  of  t(rflfU  importafice  to  git*  encourusiement  to  ■ 
oar  tioincatic  tnauufactures.  fn  what  manner  the  evils  which 
have  bf'cn  adverted  to  may  be  remedied,  and  linw  far  it  may 
be  practicable,  in  other  reypertf,  to  afford  to  them  further 
encouragement,  paying  due  regard  to  the  other  great  in- 
terestsof  the  nation,  is  submitted  to  Uie  wisdom  of  Con- 
gress.*' 

Extractofa  message  from  James  Monroe,  President  of 

the  United  States, to  Congress,  Decembers,  1821. 

« ft  may  fairiy  be  presumed  tliat,  under  the  mofec/ion  ^iren 
to  domeflic  munu/ucfnres  by  tli'-  exis^ting  laws,  wc  shall 
become,  at  no  dii^tant  period,  a  manufacruiirig  country  on 
an  extensive  scale.  Possessing,  as  we  do,  the  raw  materials 
in  such  vast  amount,  with  a  capacity  to  augment  them  to 
an  indefinite  extent;  raising  within  the  country  aliment  of 
every  kind,  tn  an  amount  far  exceeding  the  demand  for 
home  consumption,  even  in  the  most  linl^ivnrable  years, 
and  10  be  ohtniiied  always  at  a  very  moderate  price  ;  skilled, 
also,  as  our  people  are,  in  the  mechanic  arts,  and  in  every 
improvement  calculated  ta  lessen  the  demand  for,  and  the 
price  of  labor,  it  is  manifest  that  their  success  in  every 
branch  of  domestic  indu.-try  njoy  and  will  be  carried,  ututer 
the  encourafeinnU  given  l-y  thr  presaii  rfiUiei,  to  an  extent  to 
ineel  any  demand  which,  undvr  a  fair  cunipetitiun,  may  be 
hi.idt-  u|Miii  it. 

"A  enii!<jdorable  incnase  of  dnmestic  mnniifactnns,  by 
diminishing  th*' tmporlafion  of  foreign,  will  probably  lend 
to  lessen  the  amount  of  the  public  revenue.  Aj*.  however, 
a  targe  pnipnrtioii  of  the  revenue  winch  is  dcriv.d,  from 
duties  is  larsH  fioni  other  ariichs  than  manufactures,  the 
demand  for  which  will  increase  with  our  population,  it  is 
believed  that  a  fund  will  still  he  raided  from  thai  source  ad- 
equate to  the  greater  part  of  the  public  ex|>enditures. 

"  It  caniiot  be  doubted  that  the  more  complete  our  inter- 
nal resources,  ami  the  less  depi-ndcnt  we  are  on  fonngn 
powers  for  every  national  as  well  as  domestic  pnr[H>se,  the 
greater  .ind  more  stable  will  ht;  the  public  ft'llcity.  Uy  the 
Increase  of  domestic  ntanuOiciurcs,  will  the  demand  lor  the 
rude  material?  at  home  he  increased  ;  and  thus  will  the  de- 
pendence of  tlie  Hcvural  parts  of  our  LTnion  on  each  other, 
Hud  the  strength  of  the  I 'nion  iLself,  be  proportionablv  oua- 
mented.  In  this  priH>GSM,  which  is  very  desirable,  aiid  in- 
evitiible  under  the  existing  duties,  the  resources  which  ob- 
viously prcsi-nt  themselves  to  supply  a  deficiency  in  the 
revenue,  flioiild  it  occur,  are  the  interests  which  m;.y  derive 
the  principal  lii-nefit  from  the  change." 

Extrart  of  a  message  from  Jamrs  Monroe,  Presidint 
of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  Dec.  3,  lwd2. 

•t  From  the  Itest  inforinalion  that  I  have  been  able  to  ob- 
tain, it  appears  that  niir  mannfactnre<>,i|)onKh  depressed  im- 
mcdiatelv  alter  the  iteace,  have  considerably  incri  ascd,  mid 
aiH  still  increafiinir,  under  tlie  encouragement  given  them 
^y  the  tarifl'of  If  Ifi,  and  hy  subf<c((Uent  laws. 

»•  Satisfied  I  am,  whatever  may  be  tlie  abstract  doctrine 
in  favor  of  unrestricted  commerce,  prnvided  all  nations 
would  concur  In  it,  and  it  was  not  liable  to  be  ijiti-rrupt"d 
by  war,  which  has  never  >H'curred,and  cannot  he  expeeted 
then  there  are  other  stronir  reasons  applicable  to  our  situa- 
tion, and  relations  with  other  countries,  which  lih|>ose  on 
UH  tlie  obligation  to  cheriHli  and  sustain  our  inantifaciures, 
Satisfied  however,  I  likewive  am,  that  the  inleresit  of  every 
part  of  our  I7nion,  even  of  thoHe  nioft  lientHied  by  iminufac-  i 
lures,  requires  that  Uii*  luhjecl  ihould  be  touched  with  the  ' ' 


greatest  caution,  and  a  criiictU  knowledge  of  the  effect  to  be  | 
produced  by  the  slifihteut  change.  On  lull  consideration  of  I 
the  subject,  in  all  Its  relations,  I  am  persuaded  that  a  thrther  j 
nugmentatinn  may  now  bi;  made  of  the  duties  on  certain  | 
tlireign  articles,  in  fhvor  of  our  own,  and  without  aflecling  i 
injuriously  any  other  interest."  j 

Extract  from  a  message  of  James  Monroe,  President  of\ 
the  United  States,  to  Congress,  December  %  1823.  { 
"  Having  communicated  my  views  to  Congress   at  the  | 

cntnmffhccipent  of  the  last  seshion,   respecting  the    en- 
couragement which  ought  to  be  given  to  our  ntaiiullictures,  | 

and  the  principle  on  which  it  should  be  founded,  I  have  | 

only  to  add  that  those  views  remain  unchanged;  and  that ; 

the  present  state  of  those  countries  with  which  we  have  the  j 

must  imuiediate  political  relations  and  greatest  commercial  i 

intercourse  tends  to  enntirm  them.    UilJIer  this  impression, 

I  recommend  a  review  of  the  tarifT,  for  the  purpose  of  af-  ] 

fording  such  additional  protection  to  those  articles  which  j 
I :  we  are  prepared  to  manufacture,  or  which  are  more  imme- 
;,  diately  connected  with  the  defence  and  independence  of  the  i 
;!  country."  I 

|i      These  words  were  the  last  remarks,  ^iven  as  a  ' 
:  legacy,  from  the  Inst  of  the  ftithcrs  of  the  Rcvohi- 1 

|,  tion;  and,  uctins  upotl  inis  wholesome  counsel,  ij  avoidserious  injury,  andto  harmonize  theconflictinginler- 
I ■  Consress,  at  that  session,  passed  the  bill  known  as  j l  l'sI'  of  cmr  agriculture,  our  comtnercc.  and  our  inanufiie 
\  the  tarifl'  of  1824.  •  i i  lUl*^!*.,  }!!!^*:lSli-^Lll]!yjFl^}^!}^*  '  invite  your  atlention  tt 

i  I  will  noweive  the  views  on  this  subject  of  one 
I'  who  is  confes.scdly  the  most  remarkable  man  of 
M  his  a^e;  one  who,  whatever  diftercnce  of  opinion 
;  may  be  entertained  with  regard  to  some  of  his 
■  measures,  is  admitted  by  all  to  have  brouglit  to  the 
I  administration  of  the  public  ntTairs  intrusted  to  his 


not  leapt,  give  a  proper  distribution  to  our  labor  which 
must  prove  beneficial  i„  the  happiness,  Independence,  and 
wealth  of  the  community.  '      " 

"  This  is  n  shnrt  niitlinu  of  my  opinions  generallv  on  thn 
subjeetof  your  inquiry ;  and  believing  them  correct  anil 
calculateil  to  further  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  mv 
country,  f  declare  to  you  I  would  not  barter  them  for  anv 
offiro  or  situatiofi  of  a  temporal  character  that  could  be  given 

Extract  of  a  message  from  JIndrew  Jackson,  President 
of  the  United  States,  to  Congj-ess,  Dec,  8, 1829. 

"  No  very  considerable  change  has  occurred  diirinn  the 
recess  of  Congressin  the  condition  of  either  our  ugriculture 
commnrce,  or  manufactiirct^.  ' 

"  To  regulate  its  conduct,  «a  ns  to  promote  equallv  the 
pros|Mrity  of  these  three  cm'  ii.i!  interests,  li  one  of  tho 
most  ditficult  tasks  of  gttvernment;  and  it  may  be  regretted 
that  tho  complicated  restrictions  which  now  embarrass  the 
intercourse  of  nations  could  not,  by  common  consent  be 
abnlishud,  and  commcree  allowed  to  flow  in  those  cham'eU 
to  which  individual  enterprise—always  ltd  surest  guide- 
might  direct  it.  But  we  mu^t  ever  expect  selflsli  hgislaiinn 
in  other  naUuns,  and  are  therefore  compelled  tn  adapt  nur 
own  to  their  regulations,  in  the  manner  bent  calenbited  to 


I  the  cxistiniciarifi',  believing  that  some  of  its  provisions  re- 
quin^  modilication. 

"  The  general  rule  to  he  applii.>d  in  graduating  the  duties 

upon  articles  of  foreign  growth  or  manufacture,  is  that  wliieh 

will  place  our  own  in  fair  competition  witli  those  of  other 

countries ;  and  the  inducements  to  advance  even  a  atep  he- 

i  ifond  thU  point  are  conlroUing  in  regard  to  tko»e  articlew 

,  _       i  t'hich  are  ofprim<tr)t  necevity  in  time  of  tvar,   VVhen  we  re- 

carc  as  much  purity  of  purpose,  and  as  strong  na-   !  ^^''^*-  "po"  ihc  diflkiilty  and  'delicacy  of  this  opmition,  it  is 


tri(Hic  feelings,  as  ever  characterized  any  public 
man;  and  if  is  notsnyinsftoo  much  to  add,  tliatno 
public  man,  save  only  the  fiither  of  his  country, 
enjoyed  in  a  more  remarkable  deijree  the  confi- 
dence and  regard  of  his  countrymen.  It  will  read- 
ily be  understood  that  I  allude  to  General  Jackson. 
In  1824  he  addressed  the  folio winji:  letter  to  several 
persons  who  had  written  him  on  this  subject: 
Extract  from  Gen.  Jackson^s  letter  to  Dr.  Coleman, 
'*  Vou  r.sk  mc  my  opinion  on  the  tariff.  I  answer,  that  I 
am  in  favor  of  a  judicious  examination  and  revision  of  it 


trnpnrtant  that  it  should  never  be  attempted  but  with  the 
utmost  cantiiMi.  Freqticnt legislation  in  regard  to  any  brunch 
o/indiuitni  nffvcting  Us  value,  and  6i/  irAtc^  tf«  capital  may  be 
tran-ifcrrcd  to  nctv  channels,  must  alway$  he  productive  of  haz- 
ardous speculation  and  loat. 

**  In  delihcrntlng,  therefore,  on  these  interesting  subjects, 
local  fectings  and  jirejudiccs  should  he  merged  in  the  patri- 
otic determination  to  promote  the  great  interests  of  the 
whole.  AH  attempts  to  connect  them  with  the  party  con- 
flicts of  the  day  are  neces!<arily  injurious,  and  should  be  dis- 
couritf'nanced.  Our  action  upon  them  should  he  under  thn 
control  of  hieherand  purer  motives.  Legishuion  subjected 
,  to  puch  influences  can  never  bi!  just;  and  will  not  Ions  re- 
i  tain  the  sanction  ot  a  people  whose  active  patriotism  is  not 


and  so  lar  as  the'tariffbill  belbre  us  embraces  the  design  of   '  t**'"""'***!  ^y  scctioiial  limits,  nor  insensible  to  that  spirit  of 
fnsteriig,  proteetine,  and  preserving  within  onrselvi^s  the    ^"^^rj'!!°P„°"i!T"?.t?I"^'^?.^^' '^^^^ 


means  of  national  defence  and  independence,  particularly  in 
a  rttaie  of  war,  I  would  advocate  and  support  it.  Tho  expe- 
rience of  the  late  war  ought  to  teach  us  a  lesson,  and  one 
never  to  be  forgotten.  If  our  liberty  and  republican  form  of 
government,  procured  for  us  by  our  revolutionary  fathers, 
are  worth  tlie  blood  and  troaxure  at  ivhich  they  were  ob- 
tained, it  suicly  is  our  duty  to  protect  and  defend  them. 
Can  there  be  an  American  patriot,  who  saw  the  privations, 
dangers,  and  ditTienlties  experirneed  for  the  want  of  proper 
means  of  defence  durinu  the  last  war,  who  would  be  willing 
asain  to  hazard  the  safety  of  our  couiitr>*,  ifembroiled;  or 
to  rest  it  for  defence  on  the  precarious  means  of  national 
resource  to  be  (!frived  from  coiiiinerce  in  a  state  of  war 
with  a  maritime  power,  who  niight  destroy  that  commerce 
to  prevent  us  nbtaininc  the  means  of  defence,  and  thereby 
Mil>dueus.'  I  hope  there  is  not ;  and  if  there  is,  I  am  sure 
ho  does  not  deserve  to  enjoy  the  hjessinics  of  freedom, 
llcHvnn  ^■miled  upon  and  gave  us  libertx  and  independence. 
Tlinl  same  Providencp  has  blessed  us  with  the  means  of 
national  independence  and  national  ilefenee.  If  we  omit 
01  refuse  to  use  the  gifts  which  he  has  extended  to  us,  we 
drscrvc  not  the  continuation  of  his  blerisings.  He  has  filled 
our  mountains  and  our  plains  with  minerals— with  lead, 
iron,  and  copper— and  given  un  climate  and  soil  fur  the 
crowing  of  hemp  and  wool.  These  heiii'g  the  cnind  mate 
rials  of  onr  national  defence,  they  uught  to  have  extended 
to  them  adequate  and  fair  prntection,  that  our  own  manu- 
factiiries  and  lahnrern  maybe  placed  cut  a  fhirconi|>etiiion 
with  those  of  Rnritpe,  and  that  we  may  have  within  our 
country  a  supply  of  Uiose  lendinc  and  im|>ortant  articles  so 
essential  in  war.  Ileyond  this  I  look  at  the  tariff  with  nn 
eve  to  the  prn|ier  distribution  of  labor,  and  to  revenue,  and 
with  n  view  to  discharge  our  national  debt.     I  am  one  of 

tbo.^e  who  do  not  believe  that  a  naiicmal  debt  is  a  mitinnal      -  -  -  —      a   -  - j— v  .....o^ 

ble^sins,  hut  rather  a  cur;*e  tn  a  Repuhlie,  inasmuch  as  it  (s     duties,   with  a  view   to  the  encouragement  of  dnmc»'tic 


I  compact,  and  still  sustains  it.     Discarding  all  calculations  of 

1  political  ascendency,  the  North,  the  South,  the  East,  and  Ihe 
West,  should   unite  in  diminlBhing  any  burden  of  wjiich 

:  either  may  justly  complain. 

*'  The  agricultural  interest  of  our  country  is  bo  essentially 

■  connected  with  every  other,  and  so  superior  in  importance 
to  them  all,  that  it  is  scarcely  tieces<sary  to  invite  to  it  your 
particular  attention.  If  (»  principally  na  manufactures'  and 
commerce  tend  to  fiicrcnsc  the  value  of  asriadtural  jtroduc- 
tioni,  and  to  eitend  their  application  to  the  wants  and  com- 

[forts  of  society,  that  they  deserve  the  fostering  care  of  Govern- 

'■  ment. 

"  Kookinc  forward  to  the  period,  not  fhr  dit^tant,  when  a 
sinking  futid  will  no  lonirer  be  required,  the  duties  on  tho.-e 
articles  of  importaUoi)  uhich  cannot  cotne  in  competition  with 
our  o\ni  productions,  arc  the  first  th.rt  should  "n^a^c  the  atten- 
tion of  t\in'j,ress  in  the  modification  of  Ihc  tiirij)'.  Of  these, 
tea  and  coffee  are  the  most  prominent :  they  enti-r  largely  into 
the  conBUuiption  of  the  country,  and  have  become  articles 
of  necef=8iiy  to  nil  classes." 

Extract  of  a  message  from  .Indrew  Jackson,  President 
of  the  United  Stite^,  to  Congress,  Dec.  7, 1830. 
*'  Amnne  the   numerous  causes  of  congratulation.  th« 
.  eondilitm  of  our  iinpn>i  revenue  deserves  special  mention, 
inasmuch  as  it  promi.-es  tlip   means  of  exiinguisbing  the 
public  debt  sooner  than  was  antieipited,and  furnishes  a 
strong  illustration  of  the  pracUcal  eflectanf  the  present  tariff 
upon  our  commercial  interests. 
I     *'  The  object  of  the  tariff  Is  objected  to  by  some  as  iincon- 
stituUonal ;  and  it  is  considered  by  almost  all  as  defective  in 
many  of  its  parts. 

"The  power  to  impose  duties  on  imimrLs  orisinally  be. 
lonaed  to  the  several  States.     The  right  to  adjust  tho.sj 

a>iiii>.i       urtlli     u     vtn»'     li\    tlin    cnnfiiiriiniiiiintit    ni*    .j •.— 


branches  of  industry  is  so  compleielv  tnci<lental  to  that 
power,  that  it  is  dillirult  to  suppose  the  existence  of  (he  ono 
without  the  other.  The  Stotes  have  delegated  ilmir  whole 
anihoriiy  over  import.s  to  the  General  Government,  without 
limilatitm  or  restricUon,  saving  the  very  inconsiderable 
reservation  relating  to  their  ins|H!ction  laws.  This  auUior- 
ity  havinu  thus  entirely  passed  from  the  States,  the  right  tn 
exercise  it  for  the  purpo.^e  of  protection  does  not  exi!"t  in 


calculalf  d  to  rai^e  arniiiul  the  Administration  a  innnevrd 
ari-tocraey,  dancerous  to  Ihe  liberties  of  the  country.  This 
tariff— I  mean  a  judicious  one- -possesses  more  fbnciful  than 
real  daniier.  I  will  ask,  what  Is  the  real  situation  of  the 
a-rrieuliurisi .»  Wbrre  has  the  American  farmer  a  market 
for  his  purpluo  product  ?  Ktcept  for  cotton,  he  has  neither 
a  foreiini  nor  home  market.  I>oes  not  this  clearly  prove 
when   there  is  no  market  eitlier  nl  home  or  abroad,  that 

there  i^  too  much  bilMir  employed  in  agriculture,  and  that  I  them  ;  and  conHcqucnily  if  i^ie  not  possessed  by  the  (»ene 
the  channels  for  labor  should  be  multiplied  .=>  Conmion  >  ''at  (iovcrnment,  it  must  he  extinct.  Our  political  system 
sense  piiints  out  at  once  Ihe  remedy.  Mraw  fnmi  agricul-  j  would  thus  present  the  anomaly  of  a  people  stripped  of  tho 
lure  this  snprrabuiidiintlatHir',  empjoy  it  in  meehanlsni  and  <  right  to  foster  their  own  industry,  and  to  cnimteract  the 
inannfaetures;  therebv  creatine  a  home  market  for  your  ]  most  selfif'h  and  destructive  policy  which  migbt  Im- adopted 
breadstuffs,  and  distributing  labor  to  the  niost  profitable  ac-  i  by  forcisn  nations.  This^Mirety  cannot  be  the  ca^c.  'J'his 
count,  and  benetUs  to  the  country  will  result.  Take  from  i  iiidispeuwible  (siwer,  Uiiis  surrendered  by  the  Hiates,  mn^t 
aHMculture  in  th"  I'liited  States  six  hundred  thousand  men,  I  he  within  Ihe  scope  of  the  authority,  on  Ihe  subject,  ex- 
women, and  cliildren,  andyoii  will  at  f)ncegiven  lionie  mar-  I    prcssly  deh^gnted  to  l-ongress.     In  this  cnncliision    I   am 


ket  for  more  breadstuffs  than  all  F.uropo  i\n\v  furnishes  us.  ' 
III  short,  ►ir,  we  have  been  too  bmg  subject  to  the  policy  of 
till  British  merchanls.  It  is  limc  Uiat  we  should  bei  nine  n  ' 
little  more»^m«ri>flniterf,  ond,ii-.sleadof  feeiling  the  paupers 
and  laborers  of  England,  feed  our  own  ;  or  else,  in  a  short  | 
time,  hy  continuing  our  present  policy,  we  shall  all  be  ren-  ; 
dered  paup<'rs  ourselves. 

«  It  is,  therefore,  my  opinion,  that  a  careful  and  ludlejniis 
tariff  is  much  wanted  to  pay  our  mtlifmal  debt,  and  afford  us 
the  means  of  that  defence  within  ourselves  on  which  th< 


confirmed  as  well  by  the  opinions  of  I'resirlent^  Washintrton, 
Jefferson,  Madison,  and  Monroe,  who  have  vncli  repeatedly 
recommended  the  exercise  of  this  right  under  the  t.'oiisti- 
tution,as  by  the  uniform  practice  of  Congress,  the  conlinned 
ac'piiescence  of  tti(!  States,  and  the  general  understanding 
of  the  people." 

"That  our  deliberations  on  this  interesting  subject  should 
be  unintiuenceu  by  those  partisan  conflicts  that  iire  incident 
to  free  institutions,  is  the  fervent  wish  of  my  heart.  To 
make  this  great  question,  which  unhappily  so  ninch  dividea 


safety  of  our  country  and  liberty  depends ;  ond  last,  though  ' '  und  exultes  the  public  mind,  BUbscrvicnt  to  Ihe  shortsighted 


1846.J 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1133 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Tfte  Tariff— Mr.  Camerm. 


Senate. 


views  of  fnctlon,  mu«t  rie«troy  all  linpA  of  uptUlng  It  sntls* 
factnrily  to  the  jtrful  hotly  of  thfi  pcopin,  and  for  the  gi^neral 
tntorest.  I  pannot,  tlierefore,  in  taklni;  leave  of  th;i  sub- 
ject, too  eBriie.Htly,  for  my  own  freliiiufi  or  thn  eomiiion 
good,  warn  you  againM  the  bliglitinn  coiisequencefl  of  Bueh  a 
eiiur»ie." 

Extract  of  a  tiutattgtfi-inn  .^luireio  Jtwkaon,  President 
of  Iht  United  States,  to  Congiess,  Dec.  6,  1831. 
"  Tlie  cnnfideneo  witli  wtiieh  tlie  extinguishnieot  of  the 
puhlle  deitt  may  he  anticipati^d  prefienis  an  opportunity  for 
carrying  into  efn-et  more  fully  the  poliey  in  relation  to  Ini- 
pi>rt  duties  which  tia^  hecu  reeoniniendi'd  In  my  flmner 
mescngt'H,  A  modification  of  the  tarllfwliich  phall  produce 
a  reduction  of  our  revenue  to  tht;  want*  of  tlie  GoveiniiK'nt, 
and  an  ailjustmcnt  of  the  duties  on  Imports  with  a  view  to 
equal  Justice  In  relation  to  oil  our  national  inlerefts.  and  to 
the  counteraction  of  foreign  ptdicy,  so  far  as  it  may  be  inju- 
rious to  thoiie  Interests,  is  d':emed  to  l>e  one  of  the  prinelptil 
objects  which  demand  the  con.-^lderntionof  the  present  Con- 
gress. In  the  exercise  of  Hint  spirit  of  concession  and  con- 
ciliation which  has  distinguished  the  friends  of  our  Union 
in  alt  great  emergencies,  it  is  believed  tiiat  this  otijcct  may 
be  eflected  without  injury  to  any  national  Interest." 

I  think,  Ml'.  Preaident,  I  hitve  clearly  cstalilished 
the  demncrntic  chnracter  of  n  tariif  for  protection  of 
American  industry,  by  proofs  of  the  most  convin- 
cing; chniacler.  The  authorities  from  wliich  I  have 
quote<i  have  all  been  regarded  as  the  lights  of  the 
republic,  and  I  envy  not  the  man  who  would  at- 
tempt to  lessen  the  weight  of  their  opinions. 

In  recommending  these  views  to  Congress  at 
different  times,  thcv  but  adopted  the  views  of  every 
nation  of  the  world  that  has  been  prosperous.  No 
nation  ever  flourished  that  did  not  take  care  of  its 
own  citizens,  and  develop  its  own  resources;  but 
our  modern  philosophers  .seem  to  be  "  wise  above 
what  is  written." 

In  the  olden  time,  Mr.  President,  when  Democ- 
racy was  certainly  not  less  pure  than  at  present, 
revenue  bills  originated  with  the  representatives  of 
the  people.  The  fathers  of  tlic  country  even 
thought  it  wise,  in  forniing  the  Constitution,  to 
restrict  their  origin  to  the  House  of  Repiesenla- 
tives.  Now,  the  representatives  of  the  peo|)le  are 
saved  all  the  trouble  of  reflecting  upon  the  difficult 
subject  of  revenue.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury, likethefirst  Lord  of  the  Treasury  in  England, 
makes  a  bill,  and  hands  it  to  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Finance  in  the  House.  Ciibiiiet 
ministers  bring  all  their  influence  to  bear,  and,  by 
the  aid  of  the  previous  question,  force  the  bill 
through. 

It  is  sent  to  the  Senate,  and  some  mysterious  in- 
fluence thci'o  prevents  the  bill  from  being  referred, 
and  Inking  the  ordinary  course  of  all  measures  of 
this  kind.  We  are  told  that  the  interests  of  the 
Democratic  party  requiie  its  immediate  passage'. 
Honorable  Senators  admit  that  it  is  not  a  good  bill, 
but  they  cannot  go  against  the  party  Such  sub- 
servience to  ministers  would  do  credit  to  u  Biilish 
House  of  L'lrds,  but  is,  in  my  opinion,  in  bad 
keeping  in  an  American  Senate.  I  am  proud  to 
call  myself  a  Democrat.  1  nm  the  son  of  a  Dem- 
ocrat. I  represent  ii  State  whose  Democracy  no 
one  will  doubt;  and,  for  one,  I  must  object  to  this 
mode  of  fixing  principles  on  the  putty.  I  was 
taught  in  early  life  to  believe  that  the  Democratic 
party  was  the  friend  of  the  poor — of  the  laboring 
classes;  that  its  principles  were  calculated  to  elevate 
the  ma.s.sc9;  but  the  principles  of  this  southern 
Democracy  would  rob  the  poor  man  of  his  labor, 
and  make  him  dependant  on  the  capitalists  of  Eng- 
land for  his  scanty  subsistence.  Such  was  not 
the  doctrine  of  such  Democrats  as  JelTcison,  Madi- 
son, Monroe,  or  .Tacksnn,  as  I  have  fully  shown. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  tai-ifV  of  1842  is  defect- 
ive in  many  of  its  details.  It  may  be;  but  if  so, 
why  do  not  gentlemen  point  out  these  ilefects  and 
suggest  retntdlcs,  without  entirely  destroying  the 
principles  upon  which  it  is  based?  That  law 
found  the  country  in  a  stole  of  unparalleled  dis- 
tress. Never,  in  a  time  of  profound  peace,  was 
there  such  utter  ruin  and  dismay  pervading  the 
whole  country.  Not  individuals  meiely,  not  com- 
munities only,  but  whole  States  were  involved  in 
the  general  bankruptcy:  even  the  General  Govern- 
ment ii.scif  wos  without  credit  and  without  the 
means  of  carrying  on  its  ordinary  functions.  From 
the  lime  the  Compromise  act,  whose  principles  are 
now  attempted  to  be  rcenacled,  began  to  lake  (illect, 
the  credit  of  the  country  began  to  sink.  Time  only 
added  to  these  diHicullies  instead  of  relieving  them, 
until,  at  the  end  of  Mr.  Van  Burcn's  Administra- 
titm,  the  Governinent  was  many  millions  in  debt. 
In  vain  did  her  fiscal  ollicers  try  to  replenish  the 
exhausted   treasury.    Her  creditors  received   in 


many  instances  only  "  promisee  to  pay;"  and  no 
one  had  courage  enough  to  invest  in  her  loans, 
even  at  a  discount. 

The  .memorable  rout  of  the  Democratic  party 
in  1840,  and  the  overthrow  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  8 
Administration,  was  the  consequence  of  this  state 
of  things. 

The  individual  casesof  distress  which  pervaded 

the  country  for  a  period  preceding  the  law  dT  1842 

were  absolutely  heartrending.    Rich  men  not  only 

lost  their  fortunes,  but  poor  men  lost  their  means 

I  of  living.    Our  furnaces  and  our  forges  and  our 

I  workshops  were  emptied;  our  merchants  were 

j  ruined,  and  ourfarmers,  our  substantial  yeomanry, 

I  many  of  them  with  abundance  of  products,  for 

I  want  of  a  market,  found  themselves  in  the  hands 

j  of  the  sheriff.    Not  a  section  of  the  whole  country 

I  but  afforded  abundant  evidence  of  the  truth  of  this 

I  melancholy  picture.    You  know,  Mr.  President, 

that  this  is  no  fancy  .sketch.    The  dockets  of  your 

courts  and  the  streets  of  your  own  city,  and  all  the 

business  avenues  of  that  noble  commerciit!  mart, 

could  be  appealed  to  for  its  truth. 

I  remember,  and  you  doubtless  know,  that  in 
the  organization  of  a  new  court  in  that  city  there 
were  over  five  hundred  applicants  for  the  place  of 
tipstaff.  Healthy,  vigorous  men  sought  this  sta- 
tion to  get  bread  for  their  families.  A  prominent 
Democrat  of  Pennsylvania,  alluding  to  the  subject, 
uses  the  following  language,  which  fully  corrobo- 
rates all  I  have  said : 

"All  will  recollect  the  condition  of  our  country  in  184U 
and  1641.  The  politleni  campaign,  and  the  causes  which 
contndled  it,  must  be  fresh  in  rememlirance.  Bucti  was  the 
condition  of  the  productive  classes,  tlint  an  al)Ie  statesman, 
though  aided  by  all  the  patronage  of  the  National  arul  most 
of  the  State  Governmet)L>*,  and  sustained  by  an  active  and 
powernn  party,  which  had  never  been  beaten,  wiuj  hurled 
i'rom  the  Presidential  chair  by  an  overwhelming  torrent. 
How  did  this  happen  ?  It  was  no  philosophical  utistrnetinn 
that  occupied  the  pnldie  mind.  The  people  of  the  United 
Suites  are  essentially  a  practical,  mauer-of  fact  people.  The 
free  trade  si/^tem  had  been  gradually  working  since  18;i3,  and 
was  being  "felt  in  all  its  charms  at  Ilie  time  of  that  election. 
A  deep  gloom  pervaded  our  land ;  it  was  visible  in  every 
countenance,  and  a  single  idea  controlled  and  delerniined 
the  event.  '  Our  coiwft/ion  can\  he  worse — let  tis  hare  a 
i7i(in!jr,'  was  im  the  lips  of  every  one.  Mr.  Van  Ilnren  had 
not  contributed  to  the  fcarAil  depression,  but  it  bad  nearly 
attained  its  climax  at  an  unlucky  day  for  him.  Congress 
found  the  country,  in  1843,  in  a  most  deplorable  condition  of 
distress  and  di'S|)ondeney.  Every  man  who  was  in  any  way 
connected  with  productive  industry  will  remember  what  a 
dark  cloud  preceded  their  action  on  the  tariff' in  that  year, 
and  we  all  know  how  soon  confLdence  revived  after  the  pas- 
sage of  the  law;  and  all  have  realized  the  growUi  and  im- 
provement of  every  pursuit  in  our  country  from  lliat  time 
to  this." 

Do  ffentlemen  desire  these  scenes  renewed.'  Will 
men  never  lenrn  wisdom  from  experience .'  How 
is  it  now  .'  How  changed  the  scene  I  If  a  magi- 
cian's wand  hud  been  waved  over  the  face  of  our 
country,  the  result  would  hmdly  have  appeared 
more  like  enchanti'ent  than  the  reality  now  before 
us.  No  man  is  idle  who  is  willing  to  work.  Con- 
tented, smiling  faces  are  everywhere  to  be  seen. 
The  busy  hum  of  industry  gladdens  the  ear  in  all 
directions.  Everybody  is  prosperous  and  evcry- 
!j  body  is  happy. 

|!  For  the  crop  of  the  last  year  the  fhrmeis  of  Penn- 
i   sylvaiiia  received  a  high  price.     The  prosperity  of 

I  your  city  will  be  seen  in  the  fact  that  a  city  has 
i  sprung  up,  as  if  by  magic,  alongside  of  you,  fur- 
ji  nishing  cmpliiyment  for  shipping  nearly  equal  in 
:    amount  to  nil  the  rest  of  your  tonnage.     At  this 

new  point  are  daily  seen  more  than  one  hundred 

ships  waiting  for  cargoes  of  eoiJ|    Our  canals  and 

[i  our  railroads  are  crowded  with  business,  and  new 

j   improvements  are  sjiringing  up  in  every  quarter. 

]  Nearly  all  the  States  have  restored  their  credit;  and 
[I  the  United  States  treasury  had,  when  the  ;n'csent 
[i  Congress  met,  a  surplus  of  many  millions.  What 
['  has  produced  all  this?  Shall  a  law  that  has  con- 
jj  ferred  all  these  benefits  on  the  country  be  hastily 
|i  thrown  aside,  and  one  adopted  in  its  place  which 

'  no  one  is  willing  to  father,  and  which  no  one  will 

II  defend? — which,  in  its  crude  principles  and  undi- 
||  gested  details,  shows  its  author  to  be  wholly  un- 
li  acquainted   with   the  commercial,  manufacturing, 

'  mechanical,  or  agricultural  resources  of  the  coun- 
try? 

I  have  already  intimated  what  I  believe  will  be 
the  ellccts  of  this  bill.  I  hope,  for  the  welfare  of 
my  country,  that  I  may  be  mistaken;  but  if  it  be 
true  that  the  "  history  of  the  past  is  ''Ut  the  pro- 
phecy of  the  future,  the  result  is  tor  clearly  fore- 
shadowed to  admit  of  a  doubt.     Pass  this  bill ,  and 


the  Democratic  party  must  again  be  defeated,  and 
our  opponents  again  triumph,  and  the  policy  of  the 
country  will  be  unsettled  for  years.  This,  how- 
ever, may  be  considered  a  minor  consideration, 
compared  with  its  disastroua  effects  upon  every 
branch  of  trade  and  business  in  the  country.  The 
lawyers  may  flourish  and  grow  rich,  for  they 
prosper  by  the  distresses  of  other  men.  They  may 
build  up  fortunes  upon  the  ruined  estates  of  their 
fellow-citizens,  and  the  hard-earned  savings  of  the 
laboring  man.  No  other  class  of  the  community 
can  derive  any  benefit  from  this  bill  of  abomina- 
tions. Now,  Mr.  President,  allow  me  to  nsk,  why 
shall  this  continual  interference  with  the  best  in- 
terests of  the  cotmtry  be  pursued  ?  And,  especially, 
why  shall  our  Commonwealth,  which  has  been  so 
true  to  the  country  and  to  the  Democratic  party, 
he  made  the  theatre  of  this  distress  and  ruin? 
What  is  there  in  her  trade,  her  business,  or  the 
choracter  of  her  people,  that  makes  these  repealed 
attacks  necessary  or  proper?  The  history  of  Iter 
trade  is  one  of  honest  industry  and  humble  thrift. 
With  the  indulgence  of  the  Senate,  I  will  go  into 
a  somev/hat  detailed  statement  of  the  leading 
branches  of  that  trade.  I  need  not  say,  that  in 
agriculture  she  has  stood  foremost  among  the 
States  of  the  Union;  that  her  land  is  amon^  the 
most  fertile,  and  that  it  has  been  the  most  highly 
cultivated;  that  her  farmers  are  proverbial  for  their 
virtue,  their  intelligence,  and  their  skill.  No- 
where has  more  attention  been  paid  to  agriculture 
as  a  pursuit  or  as  a  science,  and  nowhere  has  it 
been  crowned  with  greater  success.  Nowhere  in 
this  Union  is  the  eye  of  the  traveller  delighted  with 
such  substantial  evidencfs  of  comfort  tmd  happi- 
ness as  are  presented  in  her  beautifully  cultivated 
farms  and  their  neat  and  substantial  dwellings. 
And  yet,  Mr.  President,  notwithslandini:  all  we 
hear  within  these  walls  of  the  injury  sustained  by 
agriculture  in  supporting  manufactures,  this  whole 
population  have  been  united  as  one  man  in  sus- 
taining their  infant  manufiicturcs  and  developing 
the  resources  of  their  mines. 

Let  us  look  at  her  coal  trade,  and  if  I  cannot 
instruct  the  Senate  by  its  details,  I  shall  at  least 
astonish  them  by  the  rapidity  of  its  growth;  and  I 
I  trust  I  shall  induce  some  Senators  to  pause,  be- 
fore they  aid  in  the  entire  destruction  of  this  vast 
interest — an  interest  which  has  increased  more 
rapidly  than  any  branch  of  industry  in  the  coun- 
try. 

Tne  coal  trade  commenced  in  1820.  In  that 
year  only  365  tons  of  anthracite  coal  were  sent  to 
market. 

In  18-21 1,073  tons. 

1822 2,240    " 

182.5 33,(!99    " 

1830 174,737    " 

1835 •. 55(1,83.5    " 

1840 805,414    " 

1842 1,108,001    " 

1845 2,021,674    •' 

And  in  1846  it  will  fully  reach  2,500,000  tons. 

It  is  a  remarkable  fact,  that  in  proportion  to  the 
aid  extended  by  the  Government  to  this  important 
trade,  not  only  has  the  quantity  increased,  but  the 
price  has  been  reduced  to  the  citizens;  thus  coin- 
l)letely  destroying  the  free-trade  theory  of  the 
present  day.  Upon  the  same  principle,  the  price 
will  continue  to  full  ns  the  quantity  mined  rises,  to 
a  certain  extent;  for,  like  all  oiher  commercial 
transactions,  the  operator  makes  his  profits  from 
the  amount  of  business  he, does,  rather  than  the 
separate  items  of  it.  This  will  be  seen  by  th»! 
table  of  sales  in  Philadelphia,  New  York,  and 
Boston  for  the  last  si.v  years: 


Years. 
1840... 
1841... 
194'3..  . 
1843... 
1844... 
1S45... 


Pliiladelphia.    New  York. 


Iloston. 


per  ton*.')  50 ^8  (10 $9  00  to  .■ell  no 


5  IIU 
4  25 
3  .'•lO.... 
3  .t7.... 
3  fiO.... 


7  73 8  00  to 

6  .lO 6  00  to 

.^1  7.') 6  00  to 

.')  50 B  Oflto 

0  00 n  OOto 


9  00 
6  .'iO 
6  50 
0  50 
00 


In  1840  lobor  was  from  )f5  to  $6  a  week;  now  it 
commands  from  ^8  to  jJIO. 

Here  is  a  regular  decrease  for  five  years.  In  the 
;  present  year  there  is  a  slight  rise,  occasioned  by 
I  the  destruction  of  the  Schuylkill  canal,  and  the 
\  consequent  inability  of  the  miners  to  send  a  sufH- 
j  cient  quantity  to  market. 

I      Twenty  years    ago    good  wood   commanded, 
I  nearly  every  winter ,^in  me  Philadelphia  and  New 


it 


1134 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  22, 


2^H  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Cameron. 


Senate. 


York  markets,  ns  much  as  $8  nnd  ({110  a  cord,  nnd 
frequently,  in  extremely  cold  winters,  it  rose  much 
higher.  So  much  distress  was  there  often  in  Inr^e 
cities  Trom  the  wnnt  orfuel,  thnt  it  led,  as  n  matter 
of  necessity,  to  the  establishment  of  fuel-suving 
societies,  by  which  the  poor  man  could  protect 
himself  against  the  high  prices  in  the  winter  sen- 
son.  Now,  a  Ion  of  coal,  which  is  equal  to  a  cord 
nnd  a  half  of  hickory  wood,  can  be  purchased  in 
either  of  these  cities  for  what  was,  twenty  years 
ngo,  the  lowest  price  of  a  cord  of  wood.  The 
iniroduction  of  this  new  article  of  fuel,  which  hus 
been  fostered  and  encourojjed  into  use  by  our  rev- 
enue laws,  has  brought  down  the  price  of  this 
necessary  of  life,  nnd  hns  been  the  cause  of  more 
comfort  to  the  poor  man's  home  than  any  inven- 
tion of  the  age.  Thirty  years  ago  this  article  (I 
mean  the  anthracite  coal  of  Pennsylvania)  was. 
cnlirely  unknown;  now  it  gives  em|iloyment  to 
labor,  annually,  equal  to  five  millions  "of  days' 
work.  It  gives  employment  to  about  700  ships  of 
J60  tons  each,  and  il  affords  n  nursery  for  the  edu- 
cation of  about  5,000  seamen,  the  importance  of 
which  can  only  be  felt  in  case  of  a  war  with  a 
maritime  power.  Destroy  this  business,  and  you 
transfer  this  nursery  to  the  coal  minco  of  Great 
Britain.  It  hns  invested  in  it  more  than  fifty  mil- 
lions of  dollars,  and  it  sustains  a  population  in  its 
immediate  neighborhood  of  some  60,000  or  70,000 
people.  It  consumes  annually  more  timii  two  mil- 
lions of  dollars  worth  of  agricultural  products,  nnd 
more  than  three  and  a  half  millions  of  dollars  worth 
of  merchandise. 

The  oil  alone  consumed  in  the  anthracite  coal 
region  of  Pennsylvania,  in  one  year,  is  worth  over 

pio.ooo. 

The  rent  paid  by  the  miners  ;o  ho  owners  of 
land  amounts  to  an  annual  sum  oi'  i^fiOO.OOO,  and 
this  sum  is  produced  by  a  very  small  diariie  on 
each  ton  mined — not  more  than  thirty  or  forty  cents 
— all  the  remainder  being  expended  for  labor  in  one 
form  or  another;  and  the  land  for  which  this  rent 
is  paid  was,  until  recently,  a  barren  waste. 

The  effect  of  the  torifi*  upon  this  branch  of  our 
industry  is  illustrated  by  the  following  fact: 
In  1837,  the  amount  of  coni  sent  to 

market  was 881 ,000  tons. 

In  1842,  with  low  duties,  it  had  in- 
creased to  only 1,108,000  tons. 

Showing  nn  increase  of  237,000  tons  in  five  years. 
In  1846,  it  will  be  over  2,500,000  tons,  showing  an 
increase,  under  the  effects  of  the  tariff  of  1842,  in 
a  period  of  only  four  years,  of  1,392,000  tons. 

Among  the  striking  cff.'cts  of  the  introiliirtion  of 
this  article,  fostered  as  it  hns  been  by  our  tariff 
laws,  is  one  for  the  correctness  of  which  1  appeal 
to  the  Senators  of  Massachusetts:  the  completion 
of  the  Reading  Railroad,  one  of  the  avenues  by 
which  the  coal  reaches  market,  Vias  made  sui-h  a 
reduction  in  the  price  of  fuel  in  that  .Stale,  that  the 
amount  saved  annually  to  its  citizens  eipinls  the 
interest  on  her  whole  .Slate  dehl;  thus  vhlually 
abolishing  the  debt  itself.  1  take  this  .Si:iic  ns  n 
matter  of  convenience,  as  it  is  the  great  iiiarket  of 
of  the  East.  Its  effect  on  other  Slates,  pnitieularly 
New  York,  must  be  equally  striking.  And  yet,  if 
I  may  be  permitted  to  digress,  we  .see  public  men, 
professing  to  represent  t'le  interest  of  their  constit- 
uents, giving  their  aid  to  the  dostruction  of  this 
business,  so  important  to  those  interests. 

The  anthracite  coal  is  confined  to  the  eastern 
base  of  the  Allegany  Mountains.  On  the  western 
slope  is  found  only  bituniinou.s  coal,  and  almost 
every  western  county  of  Pfnnsylvniiin,  and  i.early 
every  one  of  the  western  Stales,  abounds  in  it.  I 
have  not  had  time  to  investigate  the  amount  of  bu- 
siness conneoted  with  it;  the  opeialions  of  it  have 
been  confined  to  local  sections;  but  it  has  ^reiuly 
increa.sed  since  the  tariff  of  1842  has  kept  the  firit- 
ish  roal  from  com|ieting  with  it  in  the  New  Orleans 
mnrket.  I  will,  however,  give  one  fact,  showing 
the  effect  of  the  trade  and  use  of  this  artirle  imon 
the  prosperity  of  the  country.  Tiie  eiiy  of  Pitts- 
burg, it  IS  known  to  all,  lies  in  a  basin  surronndcd 
with  coal  veins.  It  is  one  vast  workshop,  and  Its 
whole  growth  nnd  prosperity  is  derived  from  the 
coal  extracted  from  the  frownlni^  inountninN  which 
surround  it.  Every  one  of  its  citizens  lives,  directly 
or  indirectly,  (Vom  the  produce  of  the  ronl  mines. 

The  town  of  Pittsburg,  in  1813,  had  but  5,748 
inhabitants.  In  1840,  the  population  of  the  city 
proper  wag  91,166.     It  is  now  45,000— mors  than 


doubled  in  six  years.  I  have  not  the  data,  but  I 
presume  nearly  nil  this  increase  has  taken  place 
since  1842,  as  I  know,  for  some  years  preceding 
the  passage  of  the  tariff  bill,  business  was  almost 
entirely  suspended.  The  population  of  the  city 
nnd  surrounding  villages,  which  arc  actually  a  nart 
ofthec;ty,amounlsto  the  round  number  of  100,1)00, 
and  il^whole  prosperity  hns  its  origin  in  its  coal 
nnd  itAron,  and  the  manufactures  which  they  have 
brought  into  existence.  The  coal  now  used  by  our 
steamships  on  the  Gulf  is  furnished  from  the  Mo- 
nongaheln  coal  mines;  and  the  movements  of  our 
fleet  before  Vera  Cruz,  to  which  the  eyes  of  the 
nation  are  now  turned,  will  greatly  depend  on  an 
abundance  of  this  important  means  of  national  de- 
fence within  our  own  borders.  Destroy  the  trade 
produced  by  these  mines,  and  in  time  of  war  we 
might  have  to  depend  on  our  enemy  for  a  supply 
of  this  essential  element  in  modern  warfare. 

I  beg  Wt>3tern  Senn'ors  to  look  a'  the  picture 
which  Pittsburg  presents  to  them,  i;i-the  hope  that 
instead  of  aiding  to  destroy  the  tariff,  they  will  look 
to  the  many  points,  equally  well  situated,  with  coal 
and  iron  around  them,  upon  which  cities  may  be 
m.ade  to  grow  up,  nnd,  like  it,  become  a  market  for 
the  vast  agricultural  products  of  their  fertile  re- 
gions. 

The  next  most  important  product  of  Pennsylva- 
nia is  her  manufactures  of  iron. 

By  the  census  of  1840,  the  number  of  furnaces 
in  Pennsylvania  was  213.  Returns  were  procured 
in  1842  from"  a  large  number  of  them,  showing 
them  to  be  ejipable  of  producing  1,52,000  tons  of 
pig  metal.  The  tariff  of  1842  found  the  fires  of 
nearly  «ll  these  furnaces  extinguished,  their  work- 
men idle,  and  their  families  in  many  cases  without 
the  means  of  subsistence.  And  il  is  a  melancholy 
truth  that  many  debts  then  contracted  for  the  means 
of  living  are  still  unpaid  from  the  savings  of  years 
of  hnrd  labor.  Since  the  passage  of  the  bill  of  1842 
more  than  100  new  furnaces  have  been  built,  which 
produce  178,000  tons  of  metal — more  than  100  per 
cent,  of  an  increase. 

The  investment  of  capital  to  produce  one  ton  of 
charcoal  pig  met.il  is  estimated  at  $47,  and  for  an- 
thracite pig  metal  $25.  These  sums  multiplied  by 
the  amounts  of  clmrconl  and  anthracite  metal  an- 
nually produced  by  the  furnaces  thnt  have  been 
erected  since  1842,  shows  n  capilnl  of  J6,000,000 
invested  in  the  business  since  thnt  time.  This  and 
the  capital  previously  invested,  with  the  amount 
necessary  to  put  the  metal  into  castings, itc.,  makes 
the  whole  investment  about  :il20,000,000.  This  is 
wholly  independent  of  the  current  expenditures 
nei'fssary  to  produce  the  iron. 

The  metal  produced  by  th^se  furnaces  annually, 
in  its  raw  stale,  is  worth  $11,000,000.  If  one-half 
of  it,  which  is  probable,  is  converted  into  bar  or 
other  coarse  iron,  it  cannot  be  done  for  less  than  an 
expenditure  of  #9,000,000;  and  if  the  other  half  be 
put  into  castings,  it  will  cost  84,000,000.  Thus 
showing  an  actual  expenditure  of  24,000,000  of 
dollars  annually  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  fur- 
naces; the  greater  part  of  which  is  paid  to  the  far- 
mer, the  lal)orer,  and  the  mechanic,  of  the  sur- 
rounding country. 

A  cariful  estimate  shows  that  about  sevniteen 
f/io»"iiic7  men  are  necessary  to  produce  the  iron 
Miade  in  Pennsylvania  this  year,  in  the  capacity  of 
lnbcu'crs  and  mechanics,  in  connexion  with  its  im- 
meiliale  |irodnction.  Allowing  six  persons  to  n 
f imily,  nnd  we  hS^c  nrcr  a  Aimrfrfrf  Ihousanil  per- 
sons imiTicdintely  connected  with  the  labor  of  these 
furnaces.  The  labor  necessary  to  convert  this 
metal  into  bars,  hoops,  castings,  railway  iron,  Ac, 
would  fully  equal  another  hundred  thou.sand  per- 
sons. In  this  estimate  there  is  no  account  tnken 
of  the  thousands  upon  thousands  of  persons  en- 
gaged in  the  various  pursuits  growing  out  of,  and 
indirectly  connected  with,  the  manufacture  of  iron. 

I  have  given  here  a  statement  of  the  mnnufaclure 
of  iron  in  its  first  singes  only.  I  have  no  means  of 
estimating  the  number  of  persons  or  the  nmniint  of 
capital  employed  in  converting  it  Into  machinery, 
mechanical  uses,  nnd  the  endless  variety  of  fabrics 
into  which  it  enters. 

Kvery  village  in  the  Stale  has  one  or  more  found- 
ries; every  large  town  hns  its  machine  shop;  nnd 
the  sound  of  the  sleam-engine  greets  your  ear  at 
every  turn.  I  have  not  had  lime  to  pursue  this 
investigation  in  all  its  minor  detoils.  "There  is  no 
means  of  eitimating  the  variety  of  use  to  which  it 


is  destined  to  be  applied.  It  is  already  used  extcn- 
sively  iiyboats,  and  to  some  extent  in  ships  of  the 
largest  class;  and  it  is  the  only  mnlerini  of  which 
ships  engaged  in  the  commerce  of  the  gulf  can  ho 
made  proof  against  the  destructive  character  of  tlie 
marine  worms  of  that  region.* 

What  I  have  done  hns  been  with  a  view  of 

showing  the  great  importance  of  this  trade,  now 

threatened  with  destruction,  with  no  motive  that 

I  can  see,  unless  it  be  to  build  up  in  the  South  a 

lordly  aristocracy,  who  have  no  conception  of  Iho 

dignity  of  labor.    It  shall  not  be  said  hereafter 

that  this  calamity  was  brought  upon  the  laboring 

men  of  my  country  without  all  the  efforts  in  my 

power  to  prevent  it.    My  sympathies  are  with 

these  people.     I  come  from  among  the  children  of 

toil,nnd,  liy  constnnt  npplication  and  honest  labor, 

have  renched  the  prouil  position  I  occupy  to-day. 

The  best  legncy  I  could  (lesire  to  leave  my  children 

would  be  the  (act  that  I  had  contributed  to  defeat 

a  measure  fraught,  ns  I  believe  this  is,  with  calnm- 

ily  to  those  with  whom  I  hnve  mingled  nil  my  life. 

These  laboring  men  are  mostly  Democrats.    Their 

employers  ore  frequently  of  the  opposite  politics; 

yet,  with  the  freedom  and  independence  that  I  hope 

will  ever  chnrnclerize  the  yeomanry  of  this  land, 

they  vote  entirely  untrammelled.    They  will  be 

surprised  to  be  told  now  that  the  doctrine  of  a 

]  protective  tariff,  which  they  have  always  believed 

I  in  and  sustained,  is  not  Democratic. 

'      What  American  citizen  can  desire  to  see  his 

!  fellow-citizens  brought  down  to  a  level  with  the 

!  pauper  Inbor  of  Europe?    What  makes  our  coun- 

I  try  great  but  the  industry,  the  intelligence,  and 

I  honest   enterprise  of  the   men  whose  means  of 

!  living  are  to  be  tnken  from  them  by  this  bill .'    In 

I  what  other  country  under  heaven  has  the  man  who 

I  toils  fpr  his  daily  bread  the  right  to  sny  who  shnll 

■  mnke  and  administer  his  laws?    Where  else  is  the 

\  proud   spectacle   presented  ".if  the  laboring  man 

I  approaching  the  uallot-box  free,  and  without  re- 

1  sirnint?     In  whnt  other  country  can  the  journey- 

j  man  mechanic  reach  the  Senate  Chamber  ?    And 

!  yet  this  bill  .seems  to  have  no  other  contemplation 

1  of  the   lalioring   man   here,  than  as   the   pauper 

i  laborer  of  Europe.     But   how  diflcrent  is  their 

;  condition  !     At  one  iron  establishment  in  Wales, 

*  where  three  thousand  men  are  employed,  over  two 

'  thousand  of  them  get  but  12 j  cents  a  day;  others, 

j  from  16  to  20  cents  a  day,  and  board  themselves. 

In  this  country,  the  lowest  price  paid  is  a  dollar, 

:  nnd  others  receive  from  ^2  to  $4  n  uny. 

We  make  in  the  Union  about  480,000  tons  of 

iron  annually,  more  than  half  of  which  is  made  in 

Pennsylvania. 

i      The  product  of  British  iron  manufactured  is 

about  1,500,000  tons.     The  population  in  Great 

<  Britain  proper  exceeds  ours  by  about  7,000,000. 

;  In  1825,  their  duly  on  n  ton  of  bar  iron  was  $37  50. 

1  It  was  kept  at  that  until  the  facilities  for  making  it 

enabled  tlicm  to  make  it  cheaper  than  nny  other 

j  nation.     Our  facilities  for  mnking  it  nie  dnily  in- 

li  creasing;  nnd  the  day  is  not  distant  when  the  State 

j  of  Pennsylvania  will  be  able  to  compete  with  Eng- 

'  land,  if  her  furnaces  are  not  strangled  now  by  this 

:  bill. 

I      In  Fiance,  at  the  present  day,  there  is  a  duty  of 

1  441  75  on  rolled  iron,  nnd  $15  50  on  pig  metal. 

;  Russia  has  a  heavy  duty  nn  iron;  so  has  Sweden; 

and  indeed  every  nation  that  produces  it.     The 

'  con.secpience  niu.st   be  that  the  iron  of   England 

must  break  down  our  mnnufuclurers;  for,  having 

no  other  market,  she  will  at  any  price  flood  ours, 

'  until  our  furnuces  are  closed  and  our  capital  gone 

;  into  some  other  channel;  when,  having  noconine- 

litioii,  she  will  force  her  own  price  and  make  ner 

own  profits.     Why  should  not  this  trade  be  pre- 

'      *  A*  an  illimtrntinn  nf  the  vnliiu  nf  liiliiir  Dial  ii  put  upon 

it,  I  ffivc  to  the  curious  the  rollowing  liihle  : 
j      The  ()iiaiitiiy  ot  r>ist  iron  worth   £1  slerling  becomes 
I  worth  the  tolluwinir  Kiinis;  £    c. 

I  WlH-a  convnrtrii  iiitii  nrilln.iry  nmehinery 4    0 

Lnrfre  nrriftiiii'ntnl  unrk 4.')    0 

I  nilcklpw,  (Berlin  w.irlt) «liO    0 

I  NcckehHiiH 'c'HIl    0 

i  Shin  hultoiw 5,8116    0 

TlH!  i|iiiuiiiiy  of  hnr  iron  worth  £1  ilerliiig  bc- 
'  coiiit's,  wlieii  litrincil  into 

'  Hnr«i'-8lion  work »  10 

Kniven  (lalilp) •"«    0 

Neeilh'S 71     0 

Penkiiile  l)inilM f"?    0 

PnlixlH'd  bultoiiB  nnd  hiirkle> 897    0 

Baluncs  •prings  or  walchoi M,0(IO   0 


served  to  our  own 
of  union,  formed  I 
between  the  differ 
Union  is  worth  pi 
Btrcngthcn  the  coi 
mny  bo  almost  ( 
have  every  soil 
every  product  o( 
some  one  of  the 
just  protection  t( 
commerce,  and  t 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1135 


29th  Cong Ist  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Cameron. 


Senate. 


served  to  our  own  people  ?  Why  should  the  bonds 
of  vtninn,  formed  by  the  commerce  in  these  articles 
between  the  difTerent  Slnlca,  be  broker)  up?  If  the 
Union  is  worth  preserving,  why  not  by  nil  means 
■trengtiien  the  cords  \vhicb  bind  it  together?  We 
mny  lie  almost  a  world  within  ourse^yes.  Wc 
hnvc  every  soil  nnd  climnlc  under  the  aun,  nnd 
every  product  of  the  world  can  be  furnished  in 
some  one  of  the  States;  and,  while  we  are  giving 
just  protection  to  the  agriculture,  manufactures, 
commerce,  and  the  mechanic  arts  of  different  sec- 
tions, wc  are  contributing  to  the  comfort,  happi- 
ness, and  security  of  the  whole  Union.  It  is  idle 
to  expect  that  the  reduction  of  the  duties  on  these 
articles  will  reduce  the  price.  It  is  a  well  known 
fact  that  the  lessees  of  the  British  coal  mines  and 
tlie  iron  manufacturers  can  control  the  supply,  by 
an  nrmngoment  among  themselves.  They  now 
liave  quarterly  mcclings  to  cfiect  that  object,  and 
to  fix  the  prices;  and  no  more  is  produced  than  is 
necessary  to  command  a  particular  price.  If  this 
hill  is  passed,  we  shall  cj."  courao  have  to  comply 
with  tncir  terms. 

I  have  alluded  somewhat  at  length  to  some  of 
the  principal  branches  of  manufactures  and  com- 
merce in  my  State.  I  hiivedone  so  in  the  hope  of 
arresting;  the  attention  of  Senators,  and  of  inducing 
them  to  paH.^e  before  they  destroy  them.  There 
are  others  of  great  importance,  but  time  will  not 
permit  me  to  pursue  llicm  in  detail.  Her  collon 
and  woollen  manufactures  are  both  very  exten- 
sive, and  furnish  employment  to  many  Inousand 
people.  The  city  of  I'hiladclphia  itself  is  one  vast 
m:uiufactory,  in  which,  within  the  last  four  years, 
has  silently  sprung  up  some  of  the  largest  estab- 
lishments in  the  Union,  and  in  which  are  miule 
fabrics  equal  to  the  finest  productions  in  the  world. 
Her  locomotives  fly  over  the  railroads  of  various 
quarters  of  the  globe,  and  her  steum  engines  are 
used  in  every  Stale  of  the  Union.  Her  glass 
works  arc  cxlcn-sive  ami  prosperous,  and  rival  ilie 
best  priiil  lions  of  Europe.  New  woollen  and 
cotton  manufactories  are  springing  up  daily,  and 
now  scarcely  need  protection,  except  from  the 
frauds  which  will  most  certainly  bo  practised  un- 
der this  bill. 

The  manufacture  of  paper  in  the  State  employs 
about  fifti'i-n  hundred  persons,  in  aliout  one  hun- 
dred mills,  who  receive  annually  in  wages  about 
$300,000.  The  proiluct  of  these  iiiiIIm  amounts  to 
about  #1  ,"50,000.  This  article  is  produced  mainly 
from  a  r..alerial  which  is  otherwise  entirely  use- 
less.  The  amount  of  rags  consumed  is  equal  in 
value  to  )ii00O,OO0.  The  effect  of  tliis  manufacture 
upon  the  househuld  economy  of  every  family  must 
be  obvious  to  every  one  of  the  slightest  percep- 
tions. Other  nations,  wiser  it  would  seem  than 
us,  have  placed  a  proper  estimate  upon  its  impor- 
tance. Prance,  by  an  unusual  restricticni,  prohibits 
entirely  the  exportation  of  ra^'s  from  her  domin- 
ions. With  a  population  of  33,000,000  who  are 
j)roducers  of  rags,  not  more  thou  5,000,000  prob- 
ably are  consumers  of  paper.  Hags  arc,  therefore, 
furnished  to  their  mills  for  about  the  labor  of  col- 
lectiiii:  them.  iS'ot  more  than  a  cent  or  two,  at 
most,  is  paid  for  the  best  rags,  while  in  this  coun- 
trv  they  commiind  three  times  that  price.  This, 
with  the  low  price  of  labor,  enalilcs  them  to  send 
their  paper  here,  and  derive  a  profit  after  paying 
a  very  high  duty.  Destroy,  as  you  will  by  this 
bill,  the  entire  manufacture  of  many  kinds  of 
jiaperiu  this  count.       '  "1  suppose,  as  the  result — 

which,  however,  I  ili t  admit — that  the  |)rices 

will  be  reduced:  !  ask,  where  is  the  compensation 
for  the  immense  lorss  the  country  will  suiftr  in  the 
destrnctioM  of  the  domestic  market  for  her  ragsp 
Senator:!  will  be  surprised  whei.  I  tell  them  that 
the  waste  articles  from  which  paper  is  made  in  this 
country,  amoinit  to  eighty  thousand  tons  per  an- 
niun,and  that  they  are  worth  at  least  six  and  a 
hnlf  millions  of  dollars.  Let  it  be  remembered 
that  this  is  a  mere  saving  of  an  otherwise  useless 
article.  Experience  in  this  country  proves  that 
when  the  price  is  lower  than  now  paid,  the  supply 
of  liigs  greatly  diminishes.  Materials  of  this  kind, 
peculiar' to  tlie  southern  Slates,  pay  for  oil  the 
paper  used  there;  and  those  materials  would  be 
entirely  worthless  if  our  paper  establishments  were 
driven  out  of  existence. 

In  addition  to  the  vast  expenditure  by  individu- 
als, the  State  of  Pennsylvania  has  invested,  herself, 
over  forty  millions  of  dollars  to  create  avenue*  for 


carrying  these  manufactures  to  market.  The  toll 
paid  by  them  in  turn  enables  her  to  [lay  the  interest 
on  this  debt;  the  prosperity,  therefore,  of  these 
establishments,  is  vitally  important  to  the  welfare 
of  the  State  itself.  No  wonder,  then ,  at  the  anxie- 
ty of  all  her  citizens  on  this  subject.  With  an 
increased  tax  staring  them  in  the  face,  to  pay  the 
interest  on  their  State  debt,  and  a  direct  tax  to  sup- 
port the  General  Government,  which  is  sure  to 
follow  if  the  free-trade  notions  of  the  South  are 
carried  out,  I  pity  the  public  man,  Mr.  President, 
who  shall  tail  on  them  after  having  contributed  to 
this  result,  I  have  referred  to  the  internal  im- 
provements of  Pennsylvania  as  State  works.  They 
ure  in  truth  great  national  works,  made  at  the  cost 
of  a  single  Slate.  Three-fourths  of  the  States  of 
the  Union  derive  immense  ben'cfits  from  their  con- 
struction. The  National  Government  already,  in 
the  transportation  of  her  troops  and  munitions  of 
war  over  them,  has  saved  a  large  sum.  She  could 
now  transport  from  Philadelphia  to  Lake  Erie  one 
hundred  thousand  men  for  what  it  cost,  during  the 
last  war  with  England,  to  get  a  single  regiment 
there.  It  was  no  uncommon  price  then  to  pay 
§360  a  ton  for  freight  from  Pittsburg  to  Erie,  liy 
our  canals  a  ton  can  now  be  tronsporled  between 
those  points  for  five  dollars;  and  yet  the  General 
Government  would,  by  this  bill,  prevent  us  from 
paying  the  interest  upon  the  debt  contracted  fur 
them. 

The  advocates  of  this  bill  offer  us,  as  a  remedy 
for  all  the  evils  to  be  produced  by  the  destruction 
of  our  manufactories  and  our  mechanic  interests, 
an  increased  market  for  our  agricultural  products. 
Let  us  look  into  that.  The  hsnorable  SeiTetary 
of  the  Treasury,  who  should  be  good  aulhoriiy, 
in  his  celebrated  Texas  letter,  urges  the  annexa- 
tion mainly  upon  the  importance  of  securing  by  it 
a  home  market  for  our  agricultural  products.  In 
that  letter  occurs  the  following  important  passage: 

"  Tlic  foreign  conHUinptioii  ofoiir  products  ta^  lucre  drop 
in  tlie  bucltct  in  eoiupnrisuii  witli  that  of  the  lioiiie  iniirki  t. 
*•***"*  Our  exports  ot'dcinii'siic 
prndiictH,  Ity  tile  treasury  report  of  li:40,  iiinoiiiit  Ut  ^W.i,- 
.'>U-'J,8Jo;  di^ilui.-tin^  wliii-tl  Iruiii  nur  whole  proiluct,  (hy  the 
ceiiaiis  or  im'J,  .i.'j:>a,fillO,M5,)  would  leavo  ,-8ri(i,0Jti,WU  of 
our  products  (-on-  uiihmI  hi  tlint  year  l>y  our  pnpniaiioii  ot 
sevi-ntecu  uiillioiiR,  nnd  the  coiisuiuptinn  of  our  doriietitie 
products  liy  the  popuiaiioii  oi  U'c  world  only  ainiiuuts  to 
lj'l(W,.k)3,t!«i."  J 

This  view  taken  in  that  letter  added  greatly  to 
reconcile  the  people  of  the  North  to  the  annexa- 
tion; and  yet,  among  the  tiist  results  of  that  act, 
is  the  introduction  of  a  policy  wholly  adverse  lo 
the  argiimenls  upon  which  it  was  procured.  It  is 
well  known  that  without  Pennsylvania  the  annex- 
ation could  not  have  been  accomplished.  And 
now  we  sec  the  representatives  of  Texas  In  Con- 
gress uniting  in  a  measure  which  Pennsylvania 
deprecates  as  a  curse,  which  only  her  enemies 
ought  to  inflict.  Is  this  the  return  we  had  a  right 
to  expect.'  Well  may  she  exclaim,  "Save  me 
from  my  friends!"  IJut  to  return.  The  Secie- 
tary  was  correct  in  slating  that  we  must  look  at 
home  for  a  market.  The  small  amount  of  ex- 
ports— less  than  one-ninth  of  the  whole  amount 
produced  in  the  country — ought  to  be  sufficient  to 
satisfy  every  one  that  we  cannot  rely  on  a  foreign 
market. 

The  honorable  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Finance  has  undertaken  to  show  that  there  has 
been  a  'large  increase  in  our  exports  tor  the  last 
hnlf  year.  The  correctness  of  his  conclusions  are 
rendered  doubtful  from  the  very  partial  view  which 
he  has  taken  of  the  subject.  He  has  given  us  only 
the  expmts  from  the  porf  of  New  York.  It  will 
be  iTiidily  seen  llint  they  may  be  greatly  increased 
there ,'aud  yet  the  whole  amount  be  scarcely  vai  ied. 
Owing  to  the  restrictions  heretofore  imposed  upon 
our  trade  with  Great  Britain,  and  the  regulations 
of  their  colonial  system,  our  agricnllural  products 
were  taken  first  into  Canada,  and  exported  theme 
into  England.  The  recent  changes  in  her  corn 
laws,  while  they  have  materially  aflccted  the  in- 
terest of  their  Canadian  subjects,  have  had  no  bene- 
ficial efl'cct  upon  our  prices.  This  the  honiuablc 
chairman  has  kept  out  of  sight.  The  only  change 
has  been  to  export  this  pioduce  directly  lo  Eng- 
land instead  of  through  Canada,  withoutbencfiling 
in  the  slightest  degree  the  farmer  here. 

The  chairman  speaks  of  the  «ti(ici;ia(e({  repeal  of 
the  corn  laws,  lie  ought  to  have  known  that  this 
repeal  has  been  absolutt  for  some  months.    When 


Sir  Robert  Peel  introduced  his  new  corn  bill  into 
Parliament,  the  custom-house  oflicers  were  directed 
to  regulate  the  duties  by  its  provisions,  taking 
bonds  from  the  importer  for  the  difference  to  be 
paid  should  the  bill  not  become  a  law. 

It  is  probable  that  a  larger  amount  of  breadstuffs 
will  be  shipped  this  year  than  heretofore,  but  for 
reasons  very  different  from  those  aifsigned  by  the 
honorable  chiurman.  One  I  have  already  given. 
The  aniicipalion  of  the  new  British  tarifl*^ regula- 
tions gave  a  sudden  and  unwarranted  advance  to 
prices  here  las*,  fall.  Unusually  large  amounts 
were  purchased  by  speculators.  Their  expecta- 
tions \yere  not  reolized;  and,  after  holding  as  long 
as  their  means  and  credit  would  permit,  they  were 
compelled  to  sell  at  any  prices.  From  these  ruined 
speculators  it  went  into  the  hands  of  shippeia, 
who  have  sent  it  abroad,  I  should  like  lo  see  the 
first  farmer  who  has  received  the  slightest  benefit 
from  the  modification  of  the  English  corn  laws. 
It  is  an  indisputable  fact  that  we  never  havWand 
never  can  compete  with  northern  Europe  in  sup- 
plying England  with  breadslufl's.  The  laws  of 
nature  and  of  trade  render  it  utterly  impracticable. 
The  history  of  the  flour  business  of  this  counlry 
proves  that  when  it  is  at  the  lowest  price,  export- 
atioiis  are  largest.  When  the  farmer  sells  his 
flour  for  half  price,  when  the  dealer  and  miller  are 
ruined  all  over  the  country,  then,  nnd  then  only, 
do  the  British  buy  breadslufl's  from  us  in  large 
quantities;  at  no  other  lime  can  we  compete  with 
the  low-priced  wheat  and  rye  shipped  into  Eng- 
land from  the  Ilussiun  nnd  German  provinces — 
countries  where  literally  the  "  ox  is  muzzled  who 
treads  out  the  corn,"  and  where  the  laborer  who 
produces  the  grain  is  |ierniitted  only  to  cat  the  husks 
fiom  which  the  wheat  is  winnowed. 

We  arc  referred  to  the  recent  action  of  England 
upon  her  corn  laws,  as  a  reason  for  reducing  our 
tarifl'  upon  foreign  manufactures.  Who  is  so 
blind  as  not  to  see  that  there  is  no  parallel  between 
the  cases !  In  England  it  is  an  tfl'orl  of  the  labor- 
ing ncipniation  to  rid  themselves  of  the  ojipression 
of  tlie  landed  aristocracy,  by  which  they  are  de- 
prived of  their  bread.  Here,  it  is  an  efl'ort  of  the 
aristocracy  to  deprive  the  laboring  man  of  the 
means  of  earning  his  bread. 

The  great  market,  and  the  only  certain  market 
of  this  country,  i."!  thai  created  by  the  manufactur- 
ing interest  at  home.  Those  who  look  to  Europe  for 
consumers  of  the  products  of  our  soil  will  be  dis- 
appoinled;  and,  in  the  end,  the  surplus  population 
and  increased  capital  of  the  West  will  seek  manu- 
factures as  the  means  of  employment. 

In  proof  of  this  view  of  the  case,  I  need  only 
mention  the  fact  that  the  single  Stale  of  Massachu- 
setts took  last  year  from  the  other  States  one  mil- 
lion of  barrels  of  flour — more  than  the  whole  ex- 
port of  that  article  from  the  United  Stales  to  for- 
eign countries.  It  is  al.so  true  that  for  the  last 
twenty  years  the  home  market  has  generally  kept 
the  price  of  breadsuifl's  above  the  shipping  price. 
These  facts  ought  lo  settle  this  queslitui.  I  might 
ask,  in  conclusion,  what  beneficial  effect  can  the 
reduction  of  the  price  abroad  have  upon  our  |)ro- 
ducls  here.' 

The  objections  to  this  bill  itself  are  so  numerous, 
^  that  it  is  hard  lo  tell  wlicre  they  begin  or  where 
;  they  end.     I  am  glad  lo  he  able  lo  acquit  my  hon- 
1  oraiilc  and  able  friend,  the  chairman  of  the  Corfi- 
initteo  on  Finance,  from  all  participation  in  con- 
•  coding  a  scheme  so  well  calculated  to  do  mischief, 
so  bndly  adapted  to  the  legitimate  business  of  the 
;  country,  and  so  certain  to  fail  in  producing  a  suf- 
I  ficient  revenue  lo  meet  the  e.xpecuilions  of  the  Gov- 
'  ernmenl.     Its  chief  evil  on  the  business  of  the 
country  is  its  inefficient  provisions  to  detect  and 
punish  frauds  on  the  revenue.     Our  citizens  might 
111  time,  to  some  extent,  overcome  the  inadequacy 
of  its  protection;  but  there  is  no  method  by  which 
they  can  guard  against  the  frauds  that  will  be  prac- 
tised under  it.     My  friend  the  chairman  felicitates 
himself  upon  the  security  against  fraud  by  the  ab- 
sence of  motive.     He  produces  an  array  of  figures 
lo  show  that  the  gain  upon  an  Invoice  of  goods 
undervalued  15  per  cent,  would  produce  a  profit  of 
only  2J  per  cent.,  if  successful.     He  thinks  this  a 
very  small  matter;  nnd  to  the  large  southern  plant- 
er, accustomed  lo  estimate  wealth  by  his  immense 
cotton  and  rice  fields,  it  mny  be;  but  the  result  of 
i  his  own  figures  will  show  it  lo  be  no  inconsidera- 
I  blc  sum.    Let  ui  take  a  single  case,  which  ii  by 


■"I . 


1136 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29th  Cono....1st  Se88. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Cameron. 


[July  2a, 


Senate. 


no  mean!  uncommon:    A   Toreign  mnniifacturer 
Miidn  an  agent,  who  opens  a  counling-house  in 
New  York  oileniiiblyfor  the  purpose  ofimportine 
goods.     He  receives  on  consijjcnment   f^60O,U0O 
worth  iinnunlly,  upon  which  the  3^  per  cent,  gain, 
by  the  unilervuluation,  is  ^^20,000.    I  am  assured 
by  the  most  experienced  and  intelligent  merchants 
tiiat  it  would  lie  utterly  impossible  to  detect  an 
undervaluation  of  15  per  cent,  on  cloths.    I  ven- 
ture to  affirm  that  you  could  not  find  i  man  of  char- 
acter who  would  be  willing  to  put  his  judgment  in 
"the  scale  for  the  difference  of  15  per  cent,  in  valua- 
tion, when  the  sum  in  dispute  was  $1,00U    This 
beini^  the  case,  liow  unlikely  is  it  that  appraisers, 
appointed  as  they  are  for  tlicir  political  services, 
with  but  little  reference  to  their  business  qualifica-  , 
lions,  would  ever  detect  this  difference  in  the  valu-  j 
alion.     The  profits  of  large  mercantile  transactions 
are  generally  very  small  on  the  items.    Commis-  j 
sinn  houses,  doing  husine«n  to  the  amount  of  a  ' 
milli^^  of  dollars,  will  gicnranly  tlicir  sales  for  Sj  | 
per  cent.    When  the  consignment  is  very  large,  ' 
the  guarantee  is  frequently  given  for  1  j  or  2  per  | 
cent.  I 

Now  if  a  house  on  the  other  side  can  save  a 
amount  greater  than  tliey  would  have  to  pay  foi 
the  guarantee  of  the  whole  amount  of  their  con-  | 
signment,  I  ask,  is  there  not  motive  of  gain  suffi-  ! 
clent  to  induce  the  undervaluation? — particularly  \ 
where  the  morals  on  the  cubject  of  revenue  luws  * 
are  as  loose  as  in  England  and  Prance,  where  they 
avow  it  is  not  wrong  to  cheat  the  Government.     I  : 
am  assured  by  ji  very  respectable  merchant,  that  of  , 
the  large  number  of  foreign  agents  doing  business 
in  New  York  under  the  Compromi.ie  act,  scarcely  ! 
any  of  tlieni  are  now  fo  be  found  there.     Upon  the  ', 
passage  of  the  oct  of  1842,  they  closed  their  stores 
nnd  went  home,  because  they  could  no  longer  de- 
fraud the  Government  by  false  invoices.  ' 

Another  serious  objection  tothebillis  itsuniform 
discrimination  in  favor  of  the  foreign  mechanic  and  ' 
laborer  against  our  own.  This  principle — if  princi-  ' 
nieit  may  becnlled — abounds  throughout  the  whole 
Dill.     Every  class  of  mechanics  is  to  be  affected,  '■ 
nnd  the  business  of  many  of  them  to  be  destroyed 
by  it.     The  tailor,  the  hatter,  the  shoemaker,  the 
saddler,  the  tinman,  the  blacksmith,  and  all  othera, 
will  see  theii  towns  and  villogesfilled  with  the  work  , 
of  foreign  pauper  labor,  underselling  them  at  their 
own  doors,  to  pay  for  which  the  country  is  to  be 
drained  of  its  snecie.     To  exemplify  this,  I  will 
refer  to  a  few  only  of  the  many  glaring  instances  of 
this  character  in  the  bill.    There  are,  by  estimate,  ■ 
in  the  United  States,  about  5UU,000  men  emiiloycd  i 
in  making  clothes,  and  we  may  to  this  add  that 
number  of  women  engaged  in  the  same  pursuit, 
Ready-mni!i  clothes,  by  this  bill,  as  in  schedule  C,  I 
are  charged  30  per  cent.,  and  the  material  of  which 
most  of  them  are  made  is  in  the  same  schedule. 
All  know  that  the  labor  upon  clothes  in  Europe, 

fiarticulorly  France,  is  done  by  poor  women  and 
lalf-starvcd  men,  who  ent  meat  perhaps  once  a 
month,  who  give  no  education  to  their  children, 
and  who  never  expect  to  nee  them  elevated  aliove  , 
the  wretchedness  of  their  birth.  These  per,sons,  ' 
who  literally  work  for  a  shilling  a  day,  will  flood 
the  country  with  ready-made  clothes,  and  drive  out 
of  employment  this  intelligent  and  worthy  class  of 
our  people. 

"In  further  proof  I  will  cite  n  few  cases  of  smaller 
manufactures.  Take  the  case  of  ginger,  for  in- 
stance: the  raw  material  in  schedule  B,  paying  4U 
per  cent,  ad  valorem,  while  the  manufactured  arti- 
cle is,  in  schedule  C,  paying  30  percent.,  thus  giv- 
ing 10  per  cent,  of  a  premium  to  foreign  labor  over 
our  own. 

The  like  case  occurs  in  iron  to  be  converted  into  ! 
Weel.     The  raw  material  is,  in  schedule  C,  paying  i 
30  per  cent.,  and  the  steel  itself  is,  in  scheuule  F, 
payingonly  15  percent,.    Again,  we  have  the  case  ^ 
of  Peruvian  bark  to  be  converted  into  nuininc.  The  ■ 
raw  material  is  charged  15  percent.,  while  the  man- 
ufactured one  is  cliargcd  but  20;  making  only  5  per 
cent,  of  a  difference,  when  heretofore  there  has  been  i 
a  difference  of  20  per  cent,,  in  order  to  encourage  ! 
its  manufacture  in  this  country.     The  amount  of 
capital  invested  in  this  item,  apparently  so  unim- 
portant, is  very  large.     A  single  house  in  Phila- 
delphia has  in  its  manufacture  more  than  $100,000, 
This  branch  of  manufactures,  like  all  others,  adds   ' 
largely  io  the  commerce  and  navigation  of  the  conn-  '| 
try.    It  requires  thirty-five  pounds  of  bark  to  make  || 


one  of  quinine.  The  manufacturer  here  purchases 
the  cheap  domestic  fabrics  of  the  country, ohips 
them  to  tne  western  coast  of  South  America,  and 
barters  them  for  bark,  with  which  his  ships  return 
laden.  The  bark  is  made  into  quinine;  ana  its  great 
value  is  the  labor  which  is  here  put  upon  it.  Our 
great  competitors  in  this  manufacture  are  the  Eng- 
lish and  thn  French.  If  you  destroy  our  establish- 
ments, you  transfer  also  to  those  countries  the 
commerce  and  navigation  connected  with  them. 
Western  Senators  may  [lerhaps  not  be  aware  of  the 
great  importance  attached  to  this  article  through- 
out their  whole  country.  It  is  used  in  almost  every 
form  of  disease  that  presents  itself,  and  it  has  be- 
come thealmost  constant  companion  of  every  family 
there.  Will  they  not  only  aid  in  destroying  the 
labor  of  their  fcllow^itizens,  but  will  they  also  de- 
prive their  neighbors  of  the  poor  consolation  of 
procuring  a  rtmcdy  for  the  diseases  of  their  climate.' 
IS  there  no  motive  sacred  enough  to  arrest  this  un- 
holy crusade? 

Further  investigation  has  satisfied  me  that  what 
pretends  to  be  pruvisiojis  for  producing  revenue 
can  have  no  other  ett'ect  than  to  act  as  an  absolute 
prohibition,  preventing  entirely  the  importation  of 
many  articles  that  are  very  important  to  various  . 
branches  of  our  industry,  and  some  of  them  even  | 
necessary  to  our  national  welfare.     I  have  already  j 
trespassed  much  longer  upon  the  time  of  the  Sen- 1 
ate  ilinn  I  had  intended;  but,  to  show  the  incon- ' 
gruitics  of  this  measure,  and  that  it  is  unA'ise. 
considered  as  a  revenue  measure  alone,  let  me  give  '■ 
you  the  instance  of  cotton  goods,  which  arc  in  ; 
schedule  C,  and  charged  30  per  cent.    Just  as  ! 
many  of  these  goods  will  be  imported  nnd  used  if: 
the  duty  were  three  times  that  amount,  as  they  I 
will  at  that  rate;  fur  they  are  articles  used  gene-  | 
rally  by  the  wealthy,  and  are  purely  luxuries,  and  j 
none  of  them  mide  in  this  country.    They  are  ' 
cambrics,  jaconets,  mulls  of  various  kinds,  and  | 
very  fine  muslins,  generally  of  the  kind  known  I 
in  the  trade  as  white  goods.    A  wise  financier,  in  ' 
a  purely  revenue  bill,  would  collect  his  duties  from  ; 
the  articles  used  by  the  rich,  and,  so  far  as  he  j 
could,  leave  the  poor  untouched.    No  such  prin- 
ciple IB  in  this  bill.  j 

I  annex  a  rate  of  duties  upon  cotton  articles, 
which  I  am  assured  by  active  business  men  would  I 
produce  at  lea»t  50  per  cent,  more  revenue  than  the  I 
same  goods  will  under  the  House  bill,  and  at  the  \ 
same  time  protect  our  own  manufuctures,  and  oper-  [ 
ate  less  opj)ressively  on  the  poor:  | 

No.  1,  All  cotton  goods  under  44  picks  to  the  ' 
square  inch,  1^  cents  the  square  yard  duty.     No,  I 
2.  All  cotton  goods  under  56  picks  to  the  square 
inch,  3  cents  the  square  yard  duty.     No.  3.  All  j 
cotton  goods  under  60  picks  to  the  square  inch,  4  ' 
cents  the  square  yard  duty.    No.  4.  All  cotton 
goods  under  64  picks  to  the  square  inch,  5  cents  ' 
the  square  yard  duty.     No.  5.  All  cotton  goods 
under   72  picks  to  the  square  inch,  6  cents  the 
square  yard  duty.     No.  6.  All  cotton  goods  under  j 
100  picks  to  the  square  inch,  9  cents  the  square  ' 
yard  duty.  i 

No.  1  embraces  all  kinds  of  heavy  trown  and  ! 
bleached  cotton  sheetings  nnd  shirtings,  nnd  the  ' 
common  jirints  and  stripes  that  are  used  by  every- : 
body,  and  necessary  to  the  laboring  people;  and  ! 
the  duty  would  be  about  18  per  cent.  '< 

No.  2  covers  printing  cloths,  of  which  calicoes  [ 
are  made  that  sell  at  from  9  to  10  cents,  common  ' 
bleach  cottons  that  sell  from  10  to  11  cents;  and  j 
the  duty  would  not  avera^'C  over  30  per  cent.  I 

No.  3  embraces  fine  print  cloths,  fine  sheetings  i 
and  shirtings;  and  tlic  duty  would  average  about  j 
33  per  cent. 

No.  4,  same  kinds  of  goods,  finer  grades,  about 
35  per  cent. 

No.  5,  same  kinds  of  goods,  still  finer,  about  38 
per  cent. 

No,  6,  all  kinds  of  very  fine  "  white  goods," 
about  40  per  cent. 

1  have  said,  Mr.  President,  that  I  have  been  ut- 
terly ut  a  loss  for  the  motive  which  jirompted  the 
introduction  of  such  a  measure  at  this  time.  Its 
first  effect  must  inevitably  be  to  deprive  us  of  the 
means  of  paying  even  the  interest  upon  the  debt 
we  are  now  incurring;  and  the  consequence  will  be 
that  a  debt  will  be  entailed  on  the  nation,  embar- 
rassing all  its  operations  Ibr  years  to  come.  It  has 
been  the  policy  of  the  Democratic  party  to  avoid 
a  national  debt.     The  payment  of  the  national 


debt  under  the  Administration  of  General  Jackson 
caused  rejoicings  throu^rhout  the  country.  Now, 
as  if  forgetting  the  policy  of  our  fathers,  we  are, 
in  time  of  wiir,  when  our  expenses  are  necessarily 
greatly  increased,  entering  upon  an  untried  experi- 
ment, which,  it  is  admitted  on  all  sides,  will  greatly 
decrease  dtir  income.  Can  this  bo  done  for  the 
special  purpose  of  creating  the  necessity  of  direct 
taxes,  and  liereafter  the  entire  abolition  of  our  rev- 
enue lawal  Is  this  the  end  to  which  it  looks? 
That  section  of  the  Union  which  controls  this  bill 
can  control  any  other,  if  northern  men  will  crouch 
before  them.  It  will  be  found  very  convenient,  in 
laying  these  direct  taxes,  to  exempt  the  negro  popu- 
lation of  the  South,  and  lay  them  on  tlie  property 
and  labor  of  the  North,  Iflhis  be  so,  the  nullifica- 
tion of  which  we  have  heard  may  not  be  so  remote 
as  good  men  have  imagined. 

I  wisii  I  could  induce  my  southern  friends  to 
pause,  while  it  is  yet  not  too  late,  ere  they  strike  a 
blow  which  must  recoil  on  themselves.  They  can- 
not be  prosperous  if  we  are  prostrate.  It  is  a  great 
mistake  to  suppose  that  the  prosperity  of  the  North 
inflicts  an  injury  upon  them.  The  foundation  of 
the  evil  of  which  they  complain  will  be  found  in  the 
over-production  of  a  single  article.  In  1824,  cotton 
brought  twenty-one  cents  a  pound.  This  prodnce(l 
such  an  immense  profit,  that  men  went  in  debt  to 
buy  slaves,  and  every  southern  man  became  a  cot- 
ton jdanter.  This  increased  the  amount  from 
176,000,000  pounds  in  1824,  to  863,000,000  pounds 
in  1845,  and  reduced  the  price  to  six  cents  per 
pound.  We  are  told  there  is  never  a  surplus  stock 
on  hand,  as  an  argument  against  this  fact.  But 
that  is  accounted  for,  in  my  mind,  by  the  fact  that 
the  necessities  of  the  cotton-planter  compel  him  to 
push  his  cotton  crop  into  tlie  market  to  pay  his 
debts  already  made  in  anticipation  of  it.  A  little 
northern  thrift,  which  teaches  our  manufacturers 
to  live  within  their  means,  would  do  them  much 
service,  nnd  in  the,  end  c.ire  many  of  the  evils 
attributed  to  the  tariff  of  1842. 

Much  stress  is  laid  upon  the  cotton  crop  of  the 
South,  and  the  whole  legislation  of  this  country  is 
to  be  regulated  by  it.  1  do  not  wish  to  detract 
n-om  its  value,  but  I  will  show  how  small  it  is  in 
comparison  with  the  other  agricultural  products 
of  tlic  country.  The  entire  cotton  crop  of  the  last 
year  was  936,088,000  pounds,  which,  at  seven 
cents  per  pound,  amounts  to  $65,326,160.  My 
southern  friends  will  perhaps  hardly  credit  the 
fact,  that  the  value  of  the  hay  crop,  upon  which 
our  cattle  and  horses  are  fed,  is  more  than  100  per 
cent,  over  this;  amounting,  at  $10  a  ton,  to  $140,- 
065,000.  The  whole  value  of  the  tobacco  crop, 
nt  five  cents,  is  $9,.371, 100;  the  wheat  crop  alone, 
at  $1  a  bushel,  is  «;10fi,,584,000;  the  oats,  at  thirty 
cents,  is  worth  $48,962,400;  and  the  potato  crop, 
so  lightly  estimated,  is  worth  more  tiian  one-half 
the  entire  cotton  crop,  being  nt  forty  cents  a  bushel, 
$35,356,800.  Why  shoiild  all  the.9e  importwit 
products  be  lost  sight  of  in  our  commercial  regu- 
lations? 

It  is  said  that  letters  have  been  received  here 
from  my  own,  Slate,  approving  of  this  measure. 
It  cannot  be  possible.  Although  it  mny  pass  here 
as  a  political  measure,  not  a  Senator,  as  I  believe, 
would  be  willing  to  adopt  it  as  his  own;  and  I 
cannot,  therefore,  believe  that  any  business  man, 
anxious  for  the  welfare  of  the  country,  can  advise 
its  passage.  It  may  be  true  that  some  individuals 
in  that  good  State  are  mad  enough,  or  ignorant 
enough,  or  dishonest  enough,  to  flatter  what  they 
believe  to  be  the  inajority  here,  by  crying  hozan- 
nns  to  men  in  power.  If  such  letters  have  been 
received,  they  must  have  been  w^ritlen  by  men  who 
have  no  interest  in  common  with  their  fellow- 
c'tizens — men  who  would  barter  principle  for  office, 
and  see  the  whole  State  in  ruin,  if  they  could  only 
batten  upon  the  offuls  of  the  Government. 

We  are  told  out  of  the  House  that  this  bill  is  to 
become  a  law  by  the  casting  vote  of  the  Vice  Pres- 
ident. I  am  happy  to  say  that  I  have  seen  no  evi- 
dence of  such  intention;  nor  will  I  believe  that 
therr  is  such  a  design,  until  I  am  convinced  by  the 
ev'uence  of  my  own  senses.  To  alj,the  inquiries 
that  have  been  made  of  me,  I  have  said  that  it  can- 
not be — that  no  native  Pennsylvanian,  honored 
..rith  the  trust  nnd  confidence  of  his  fellow-citizens, 
could  prove  recreant  to  that  trust,  and  dishonor 
the  State  that  gave  him  birth.  His  honorable 
name,  and  the  connexion  of  his  ancestry  with  her 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1137 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


Fortifications  at  New  York — Mr.  Seaman. 


New  Serie8....No.  72. 


hiKtnry,  forbid  it;  his  own  ptiblic  acta  and  written 
nentimenta  rorbid  It.  ir,  as  l:a«  been  nnid,  this 
question  is  to  be  settled  by  the  costing  vote  of  the 
Vice  President,  he  will  not,  as  a  wise  man,  adopt 
a  bill  which  no  Sennlor  will  father,  but  will  rather, 
taking  advanta^  of  his  hi^h  and  honorable  posi- 
tion, make  one  which  slinll  contribute  to  the  nap- 
piness  of  our  people,  and  the  glory  of  our  common 
country.  Let  him  not  be  allured  by  the  voice  of 
flattery  from  the  sunny  South.  No  man  con  be 
strong  abroad  who  is  not  strong  at  home.  Before 
a  public  man  risks  a  desperate  leap,  he  should  re- 
member that  political  gratitude  is  prospective;  that 
deserlionof  home,  of  friends,  and  of  country,  may 
be  hailed  by  the  winning  pa<'^'  wlien  the  traitor  is 
carrying  in  the  flag  of  his  country;  but  when  the 
honors  of  the  nation  whom  he  has  served  ara  to  be 
disiributed,  none  are  given  to  him. 

Will  any  moii  believe  thot  n  son  of  South  Caro- 
lina-, occupying  that  chair,  elected  under  such  cir- 
cumstnnccB,  with  the  casting  vole  in  his  hntidij  on 
this  bill,  would  give  that  vole  contrary  to  the  al- 
most unanimous  wishes  of  his  own  State?  And 
shall  it  lio  snid  that  a  Pcnns ylvaninn  has  less  attach- 
ment for  his  Common  wealth  than  0  son  of  Carolina.' 
i  have  snid  that  I  will  not  believe  it;  and,  as  evi- 
dence tiiat  it  cannot  be  so,  1  give,  in  conclusion, 
the  following  eloquent  passoge  from  a  speech  of 
the  honorable  Geoi-ge  M.  Dallas,  when  occupying 
the  seat  1  now  hold,  on  n  question  precisely  simi- 
lar to  the  one  now  before  us: 
Extract  from  a  meech  of  Mr.  Dallat  on  the  tariff  of 
1832. 

"I  nm  inflexihip,  sir,  .11  10  nrtihinit  but  nrtcrnmlo  protee- 
tinn.  The  prorcxf)  of  iittatiiinfi  that  iiiiiy  umleriio  nny  iniitn- 
tinn.  Booiirt!  that  10  thn  Imme  lulMiroi' thin  country,  and  our 
npponcntu  Html!  Imvc,  lu  fat  m  my  viilcn  and  nutlrRtiu  can 
glvo  it  to  tllein,  a  *  carte  btattche*  wliereon  In  nettle  any  ar- 
rnnnfment  or  ndjusimRnt  tli(;ir  intellij(pncp  may  Huq^Crit.  It 
mlKlit  linvo  been  expected,  not  unreafioiifthly,  tlint  they 
wlio  denired  chango  sliould  tender  tlieir  projet;  tliat  they 
would  desifinatc  noxious  parliculara,  and  iniiinate  ilieir  rem- 
edicii;  tliat  tlley  would  iiivoicn  the  Hkill  and  asrtitilaTien  of 
practical  and  experienced  obiierverft  on  a  subject  wiili  wlileb 
fnwof  U9  are  familiar,  and  point  with  precision  to  such  parts 
of  tile  extensive  system  as  ean  he  inodilicd,  without  wealten- 
tng  or  endani{crin'|i  tlie  whole  structure.  They  have  forborne 
to  do  this.  Theytfeniand  an  entire  denioliiion.  Frre  tradk 
is  the  burden  of  their  eloquenrc ;  the  f^ohlen  fleece  of  their 
adventurous  enterprise;  the  goal,  short  of  wliich  they  will 
not  pause  even  to  iireatite.  I  cannot  join  their  expedilion 
for  sucli  uliject.    An  established  policy — coeval,  in  the  lan- 

guage  of  President  Jackson,  with  otir  Ooverninent — believed 
y  an  immense  majority  of  our  people  to  be  constitutional, 
wise,  and  expedient,  may  not  be  abruptly  abandoned  by  Con- 

Sress,  witimiit  n  treiirhcroun  ilepnrture  I'rom  duty,  a.fA(imc/M« 
ereltclion  of  saereil  trust  and  confidfflicc.    To  expect  it,  is 
both  extravagant  and  unkind." 


FORTIFICATIONS  AT  NEW  YORK. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  H.  I.  SEAMAN, 

OF  NEW  YORK, 

In  the  House  of  REPaESENTATivF.9, 

July  23,  1846. 

On  the  bill  to  provide  for  the  erection  and  repair  of 
certain  Fortifications. 

Mr.  SEAMAN  addressed  the  Committee,  and 
said: 

Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  not  my  intention  to  take 
lip  much  of  the  time  of  the  committee  in  support- 
ing the  bill  now  before  us.  1  will  endeavor  to 
make  my  remarks  as  brief  as  possible.  I  have 
very  little  of  my  own  to  offer  in  favor  of  that  por- 
tion of  the  bill  which  I  now  desire  to  advocate.  I 
shall  confine  rtTyself  mainly  to  official  reports  from 
the  War  Department.  Those  reports,  1  find,  are 
very  full  and  explicit  in  relation  to  that  portion  of 
the  bill  in  which  my  constituents  are  more  imme- 
diately interested,  and  I  feel  well  assured  that,  by 
referring  to  them,  I  shall  be  better  able  to  convince 
the  committee  of  the  great  importance  of  the  work 
to  which  they  related,  not  only  to  my  constitu- 
ents, but  to  the  whole  nation,  than  by  anything  I 
can  offerof  my  own. 

The  bill,  among  other  things,  provides  for  the 

fiurchase  from  the  State  of  New  York  of  the  lic- 
ensive  works  on  Staten  Island,  together  with  the 
land  bought  by  the  State  for  the  site  of  said  works, 
with  all  the  material  on  and  about  them,  and  (br 
repairs  of  said  works,  when  the  title  of  the  State  of 
New  York  shall  have  been  extinguished,  one  hun- 
dred thousand  dollars:  Provided,  that  the  Execu- 
tive be,  and  he  is  hereby,  authorized  t(.  dispose  of 

72 


the  site  and  materials  of  old  Fort  Qanaevoort,  and 
4o  apply  the  proceeds  of  such  sale  to  the  repair  of 
the  works  on  Staten  Island. 

The  land  referred  to  in  this  clause  of  the  bill  is 
situated  directly  on  the  point  of  the  Narrows,  on 
Staten  Island,  and  commands  the  entmnce  to  the 
harbor  of  New  York,  and  a  fort  erected  on  that 
point  might  very  appropriately  be  called  the  key 
to  that  important  harbor.  From  the  year  1794  to 
the  present  time,  this  point  has  been  the  property 
of  ihe  Slate  of  New  York,  and  she  has  expended 
upon  it  between  three  and  four  hundred  thousand 
dollars  in  the  construction  of  fortifications. 

As  early  as  1818,  an  act  was  passed  by  the  Le- 
gislature of  the  State  authorizing  the  Governor  to 
j  institute  negotiations  for  the  sale  of  these  fortifica- 
I  lions,  with  the  buildings  and  lands  connected  with  I 
i  them,  to  the  United  Slates.    A  commi-ssioner  was 
'  appointed  under  this  act,  but  nothing  definitive  has  I 
!  ever  been  done.      Subsequent  to  Ihit     ir.  April,  j 
j  1828,  the  State  ceded  to  the  Uniteil  Staies  one  acre  ! 
I  of  this  land  for  the  erection  of  a  light-liousc;  and 
I  at  a  still  later  date,  in  the  year  1842,  as  I  will 
!  presently  show  by  the  reports  of  the  Wnr  Depart- 
ment, the  United  Stales  obtained  the  consent  of 
the  Slate,  and  expended  Iho  sum  of  515,171  97 
"  in  bringing  into  condition  for  service  two  of  the  ■ 
batteries,"  which  are  situated  directly  on  the  beach,  1 
and  arc  called  water  batteries. 

Agreeably  to  the  recommendation  of  Governor  \ 
Mnrcy,  the  Legislature,  on  the  6th  of  February, 
1836,  pnsned  another  act  outhorizing  the  sa!-;  of 
this  land  and  the  fortifications  to  the  General  Gov- 
ernment, and  empowered  the  commissioners  of  the 
New  York  land  office  to  convey  it  upon  such  terms 
as  they  thought  proper,  which  act  remains  still 
in  force. 

It  appears  by  reference  to  the  proceedings  of 
these  commissioners  at  a  meeting  held  by  them  on 
the  17th  of  March,  1841,  the  following  proceedings 
were  had: 

*'  Application  having  been  made  by  the  Secretary  .)f  War, 
by  direction  of  tlie  President,  for  n  transfer  to  the  Unitetf 
States  of  tlie  forts  and  batteries  on  Htaten  Island,  culled 
Fort  Tompkins,  Fort  Richmond,  Battery  Hudson,  an.l  Hut- 
tery  Morton,  to  construct  and  ninintnin  proper  defences  for 
U16  protection  of  the  harbor  of  New  Vork— 

**  Reiolved,  That  the  commissioner  of  the  land  ofllco  will 
sell  n/id  convey  to  the  United  States  of  .'^erica.  pursuant 
to  authority  given  by  the  act  authoriKinjrtho  sale  to  tlie 
United  States  of  certain  lands  upon  Staten  Island,  passed 
Fcbrnary  6,  IBSt},  containing.  In  tlie  whole,  47|  acrett.  on 
receiving  from  the  United  States  the  consideiation  money 
paid  by  this  State  for  tlic  snid  land,  ond  interest  thereon, 
amounting  to  iho  sum  of  $33,381  87^." 

In  this  condition  the  matter  at  present  stands. 
The  State  is  disposed  to  carry  into  execution  the  : 
proposition  made  to  the  United  States  by  the  com-  : 
missioners  in  the  resolution  which  I  have  just  read,  i 
and  it  is  for  this  Congress  to  say  whether  the  Uni-  '. 
ted  States  will  comply  with  the  conditions,  and  I 
thus  become  pcsscssecf  of  this  important  point,  or 
whether  it  shall  bo  sold  under  the  hammer  to  the  | 
highest  bidder,  and  the  Government  forever  lose  j 
the  opportunity  of  acquiring  it  nt  anything  like  a  ! 
fair  price.  j 

I  am  confident,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  committee  ! 
cannot  be  aware  that  the  harbor  of  New  York  is  i 
but  little  better  defended  at  this  moment  than  it  had  | 
been  at  the  time  of  the  Revolution,  and  that  no  ! 
greater  impediment  existed  now  to  the  landing  of : 
a  hostile  army  at  Long  Island  than  existed  in  1778,  i 
when  the  English,  under  Howe,  landed  at  that  ! 
place.     In  this  defenceless  condition  the  harbor  ! 
must  remain  until  Sandy  Hook  shall  be  properly  [ 
fortified,  and  the  works  at  the  Narrows,  of  which  | 
I  have  just  spoken,  shall  be  placed  in  a  proper  con-  | 
diiion.    The  harbor  of  New  York  is  now  as  much  j 
exposed  to  blockade  as  at  any  period  of  our  his-  | 
tory.    There  is  nothing  to  prevent  an  enemy's  fleet 
from  taking  possession  of  the  lower  bay,  where  it 
could  obtain  perfectly  safe  onchorage,  and  there 
remain  until  expelled  by  a  superior  naval  force. 
To  some  this  might  appear  to  bo  an  extravagant 
statement,  but  it  rested  on  the  outhority  of  an  offi- 
cer high  in  the  confidence  of  the  Government. 

For  several  successive  years  the  attention  of 
Congress  has  been  called  to  the  defensive  works 
at  the  Narrows,  their  ^reat  importance  pointed  out, 
and  some  definite  action  urged.  The  subject  was 
before  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  during 
the  second  and  the  third  sessions  of  the  37th  Con- 

fress,  but  no  bill  was  reported.     Bills,  however, 
ad  been  reported  by  that  committee  at.  both  ses- 


■iona  of  the  last  Congreas.  I  have  carefully  ex- 
amined the  journals  of  this  House,  and  cannot 
discover  that  an  effort  had  ever  been  made  to  get 
these  bills  up  for  consideration.  They  were,  I 
auppnae,  allowed  to  die  a  natural  death,  notwith- 
atanding  the  repeated  efforts  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  Government  to  purcha.TO  the  land, 
the  expressed  willingness  of  the  State  to  make  the 
sale,  and  the  gren:  interest  felt  in  the  city  of  New 
York,  and  the  city  I  have  the  honor  to  represent, 
and  indeed  throughout  the  State,  to  have  tnat  har- 
bor perfectly  fortified. 

I  will  now  ask  the  attrition  of  the  committee  to 
some  of  the  many  recommendations  made  by  the 
General  Government,  through  the  Engineer  De- 
partment, in  relation  to  these  works.  In  1841, 
Colonel  Tolten,  Chief  Engineer,  in  his  report  to  the 
Secretary  of  War,  said  that  these  sites  on  Staten 
Island  belonged  to  the  State  of  New  York,  and 
while  that  ownership  continued  it  would  seem  that 
the  United  States  could  not  engage  in  their  repairs, 
nor  indeed  in  preparatory  operations  lending  there- 
to. The  Colonel  said  further,  that  he  brought  the 
subject  before  the  Secretary  in  order  that,  the  Gov- 
ernment concurring,  the  proper  measures  might  be 
taken  fora  transfer  of  the  works  to  the  United  States. 
The  importance  of  this  transfer,  he  went  on  to  say, 
had  often  been  stated  to  the  Government  in  reports 
on  the  defence  of  the  country. 

In  his  report  to  the  Secretory  of  War  in  1843, 
tlic  same  able  engineer  made  use  of  the  following 
language: 

"  The  great  vahin  of  this  position  In  tic  defensive  system 
of  tlie  ha>b{ir  of  New  Vork  will  justify  me  in  again  urging 
the  importance  of  the  purchase  of  this  |>osition  from  the 
Stale.  It  is  the  key  of  the  harbor;  its  proper  occupotion  by 
military  works  bi'ing  indispensabln  to  a  good  defence  of  tlio 
main  channel.  The  consent  of  Ihe  State  of  Niw  York 
having  been  obtained  thereto,  thn  sum  of  ,«I5,I7I  07  has 
been  expended  wiUiin  the  last  eiglitcen  months  in  bringing 
into  condition  for  service  two  ol  the  batteries.  Hiu  tliere 
y-t  remains  mucli  to  he  done.  Xi'c  water  battery,  very 
essential  to  the  defence,  is  in  ruins,  and  the  fort  on  tlic  hill, 
indispensable  to  guard  the  defences  from  being  turned  in  the 
rear  and  rendered  useless,  is  in  the  same  condition.  Appli- 
cutiori  has  several  times  been  made  for  an  appropriation  to 
purchase  Ihese  works  from  the  Smtn  nnd  commence  oper- 
ations, and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that,  for  reasons  heretofore 
urged,  this  authority  may  he  accorded." 

In  thcfolIowingyeortheChiof  Engineer  repeoted 
the  recommendation.  In  his  annual  report  to  the 
Secretary  of  War,  in  1844,  he  says: 

"  It  is  ngain  my  duty  to  invite  the  attention  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  the  necessity  of  obtaining  from  tiie  State  of  New 
York  the  title  to  tills  military  position  on  Staten  Island, and 
to  the  old  fortitieatioiis  crcclecl  by  the  State,  which  are  now 
ill  ruins,  with  tlie  exception  of  tlie  two  batteries  repaired  by 
the  United  Slates  with  Uie  consent  of  the  Slate.  I  would 
reconimend  that  Congress  be  urged  to  authorize  the  obtain- 
ing possession  of  the  position  in  the  way  the  Government 
shall  find  most  ndvnntngeoiis,  including,  if  necessary,  Uie 
exchange  or  sale  of  Port  Ganscvoort  and  its  site,  and  to 
grant  the  sum  of  one  huntrcd  thousand  doUan  to  supply  all 
funds  that  may  bo  required  in  tlie  transfer— the  remainder 
of  liie  sHin  being  applicable  to  repairs  of  Fort  Tompkins 
and  Fort  Richmond.  The  force  of  these  works  should  be 
ailded  uilhout  delay  to  the  defence  of  this  tlie  most  impor- 
tant pass  in  Uie  harbor.*' 

Again  does  the  Chief  Engineer,  in  his  annual  re- 
port accompanying  the  President's  Message  to  the 
present  Congress,  urge  our  action  in  relation  to 
these  important  works.  He  observes  that  Ihe 
possession  of  these  land^  by  the  United  States, 
and  the  commencement  of  the  projected  works  at 
this  point,  become  more  important  every  year. 
The  sum  required  for  the  purclmse  is  yearly  in- 
creased, and  the  delay  in  fortifying  this  important 
point  becomes  more  hazardous.  He  goes  on  to 
say: 

"  Should  the  defences  projected  at  Sandy  Hook  be  con- 
structed, ond  the  anchorages  in  the  lower  harlmr  shut  against 
an  enemy,  still  his  approaeb  to  the  city  of  New  York  cannot 
be  closed  without  the  fortilications  proposed  at  Ihe  Narrows. 
Steamships  and  vessels  of  war,  with  n  considerahle  draught 
of  water,  can  pass  beyond  gunsiiot  range  of  any  work  at 
Sandv  Hook  directly  to  the  Narrows.  At  this  point,  then, 
inlisl  be  the  contest.  Forts  Hamilton  and  Lalbyette  on  the 
Long  Island  side,  even  with  the  assistance  of  batteries  Hud- 
son and  Morion,  are  not  sutHcient  to  secure  the  channel. 
And  these  batteries,  in  their  present  unprotected  state,  could 
be  rendered  useless  by  the  possession  of  the  hills  in  their 
rear.  Tiio  defence  expected  from  these  batteries,  therefore, 
also  depends  upon  tlie  construction  of  other  works." 

In  his  annual  report  at  the  opening  of  the  pres- 
ent session,  in  alluding  to  our  maritime  defences, 
the  Secretary  of  War  made  use  of  the  following 
language: 

"New  fortifleationa  have  been  commenced  at  points 
clearly  indicsted  by  a  proper  regard  to  the  public  security, 
and  the  requisite  appropristions  are  asked  for  coniinuing 


1138 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  83, 


9^H  Cong.....  I  ST  Sess. 


ForlificatioM  at  New  York — Mr.  Seaman. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


Hm  eainmictloii  ofUiein.  A  nibrenc*  Id  Ui6  rapnrt  nf  Uie 
Vhief  JSngliMer  tbr  Mveral  aucoesHive  yean,  •lionta  that  a  few 
oUier  mw  worka  ani  deuniod  eaaontiol  to  our  ■ystein  nf  cx- 
Innial  di^rrnca.  The  flril  In  point  of  Importance  la  the  do- 
f 'Hre  nfilH*  Nnrrowa  at  Staton  lalniid,  In  (he  hnrhor  of  .Vt>w 
York.  Pnrtlfli'Mtiona  nt  thla  plncn  would  he  inorti  ptrectlvu, 
b<!yrMid  all  diKpuu>,  In  coverlni:  that  city,  tlian  ut  any  other 
which  hart  hui<n  sclectt^d.  The  projieraitea  for  anch, worka 
belong  nt  prearni  In  the  State  of  New  York.  It  la  rcrnin- 
mendud  that  authority  he  given  tn  elTect  a  purchaae  nf 
IJwni." 

Nor  were  iheae  recnnimendationn  confined  to 
the  Chief  Engineer  mid   the  Secretary  of  Wnr. 
Governor  Wright,  of  New  York,  in  a  communi- 
cation to  the  Le°;iBlature*of  that  State,  made  ntthe 
opening  of  the  last  session,  and  transmitting  the 
annual  report  of  the  Commissary  Qeneral,  had  ob- 
served that  the  importance  of  a  close  of  the  negoti- 
ation between  the  State  and  the  United  States  for 
the  sale  of  the  Stalen  Island  property  was  not  I 
overrated  by  the  commissary   eeneral.    It  was  | 
equally  the  plain  interest  of  botn  Governments  that  > 
the  sale  should  take  place  without  ftirther  delay,  in  i 
order  that  the  United  States  might  proceed  with  the  | 
works  necessary  for  the  defence  of  the  port  and  | 
harbor  of  New  York.    The  Governor  then  went  ■ 
on  to  express  the  opinion  that  those  long-pending 
negotiations,  and  the  completion  of  the  sale,  so  im-  | 
portant  to  the  public  interest,  would  be  brought  tn  | 
a  close  during  the  present  session  o(  Congress. 

I  will  here  apologize,  sir,  to  the  committee,  ond  I 
to  yourself,  for  these  frequent  references  to  public 
documents.  I  have  been  induced  to  run  the  risk 
of  becoming  tedious  in  these  lengthy  pxiracts,  be-  j 
cause  I  believetlic  weighty  authorities  I  have  refer- 
red to  will  have  more  influence  with  the  committee 
than  anything  I  can  offer  of  my  own.  I  will  close 
these  extracts  by  referring  to  what  has  been  said 
by  Mr.  Calhoun,  while  Secretary  of  War,  and  also 
by  Secretary  Borbour  and  by  Secretary  Bell.  | 

Speaking  in  relation  to  tncse  works,  Mr.  Cal-  1 
houn  had  said:      .  I 

"  The  board  of  engineera  has  reported  that  the  fortiflen-  | 
tiona  at  the  Narrowa,  in  New  Vnrk  liarbor,  belonging  (o  the  > 
State  of  New  York,  an;  indit^penaable  tn  tlie  plan  for  tJie  i 
defence  of  tiint  hnrhor.** 

And  Mr.  Secretary  Barbour  subsequently,  says:  ' 
"  I  And,  by  reference  to  the  report  of  the  lionrd  of  cnp-  i 
neera,  that  Uieae  worka  are  coniprthciided  In  the  gencrnl 

filan  of  maritime  fortiflcationa."   "  The  Department  of  W»r 
a  prepared  to  enter  into  a  negotiation  for  the  aciinlKltlnn  of  , 
Port  Tompkins,  and  Uie  neccesnry  portion  of  tlio  land  aronrnl 
it,  and  will^L'ceive  a  propoaition,**&c.  ' 

And  Mr.  Secretary  Bell,  in  answer  to  n  cnmmu-  ; 
nication  addressed  to  the  Secretory  of  War,  in 
March,  1841,  had  observed:  i 

"The  aanctinn  of  Con(jre«s  to  the  purchaae  Is  neceaaarv  ; 
before  an  aitretinient  can  be  entered  into  hy  tlie  Department';  i 
the  auUect  will  bo  presented  to  that  Imdy  and  reroinniendcd  i 
for  Its  mvorable  consideration  ;  and  no  doubt  ia  ontcrtHincd  i 
that  the  neccaaary  provision  will  be  maile.  In  the  mean  I 
time,  I  request  tlmt  authority  he  conferred  upon  the  degiart-  i 
ment  tn  take  pnaaeaaion  of  the  works  on  Staten  Island,  for  ' 
the  purpose  nf  repairing  tlieni  and  iniprovinn  their  effl-  ! 
ciency." 

I  presume,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  read  enough  J 
from  these  official  documents  to  satisfy  the  commit-  j 
tee  that  the  Government  has,  for  several  years  past,  ; 
been  desirous  of  possessing  itself  of  thi.<<  point  of  \ 
land  and  the  fortifications  erected  upon  it;  and  it  I 
is  equally  evident  that  there  is  s.  corresponding  j 
willingness  on  the  part  of  the  State  of  New  York 
to  dispose  of  it  at  the  price  named.  ' 

It  is  not  necessary  for  me  to  occupy  your  time, 
sir,  in  reference  to  the  further  various  negotiations 
which  have  taken  place  between  the  two  Govern-  j 
ments.  The  terms  on  which  such  a  transfer  can  ! 
be  effected  are  well  understood  on  both  sides;  they 
are  such  as  I  have  already  detailed,  anil  it  only 
requires  the  concurrent  action  of  the  present  Con- 
gress to  bring  this  long-pending  question  lo  n  defi- 
nite issue. 

The  State  of  New  York  is  becoming  impatieU 
at  the  delay.  The  offer  is  again  made  to  convey 
this  land  to  the  United  States,  at  a  sum  much  below 
its  value,  as  a  private  speculation.  She  only  nskcd 
to  be  reimbursed  the  actual  cost  of  the  land,  and 
u  willing  to  relinquish  the  large  sum,  amounting 
to  nearly  four  hundred  thousand  dollars,  expended 
by  her  in  the  construction  of  the  works.  I  am 
authorized  by  the  Commissary  General  to  state, 
(I  have  bis  letter  here,  sir,)  that  this  is  the  last  time 
the  offer  will  be  made  by  the  Suite.  If  the  United 
States  does  not  accede  to  the  proposal,  the  properly 
will  be  sold  to  private  individuals,  who  stand  ready 
to  give  double  the  sum  at  which  it  is  now  offered 


to  the  General  Government.  Sir,  I  apeak  from 
personal  knowledge  when  1  say  that  the  land  ia 
worth  double  the  sum  at  which  the  Statti  now 
offers  it. 

I  declare  to  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  it  Is  humiliating 
to  my  feelings,  as  a  Representative  of  the  State  of 
New  York,  that  my  State  should  have  to  come  to 
th'  i  Hall,  from  session  to  session,  begging  of  Con- 
gress that  which  she  has  a  perfect  right  to  demand 
— the  protection  of  one  of  the  most  valuable  har- 
bors in  the  world;  and,  in  order  to  procure  this 
defence,  of  which  she  stands  so  much  in  need,  and 
which,  in  the  officially  declared  opinion  of  suc- 
cessive Secretaries  of  War,  is  of  the  greatest 
importance,  not  only  to  the  cities  of  New  York 
and  Brooklyn,  but  to  the  whole  maritime  coast  of 
the  country,  she  has  to  hold  out  a  premium,  by 
ofivring  this  land  at  one-half  its  present  value,  and 
agreeing  to  relinquish  to  the  General  Government 
nearly  half  a  million  of  dollars,  which  slie  has 
expended  on  the  fortifications.  I  ask  the  members 
of  this  House  tn  remember  that  three-fourths  of 
the  revenue  of  the  country  is  annually  collected  in. 
the  city  of  New  York,  and  that  prn|ierty,  to  an 
immense  nmomit,  from  dilferent  and  distant  por- 
tions of  the  country,  and  belonging  to  citizens  of 
evck-y  State  in  the  Union,  is  continually  in  store 
there,  to  say  nothing  of  the  vast  amount  belonging 
to  her  own  citizens.  Sir,  ought,  n  city  like  tliis, 
the  commercial  emporium  of  the  whole  land,  to  be 
left  in  an  unprotected  defencelesscondition  >  Cer- 
tainly not.  Policy,  equally  with  Justice,  demands 
that  the  wishes  nf  her  citizens,  and  the  wishes  of 
the  citizens  of  Brooklyn  in  this  matter,  should  not 
•be  disregarded.  When  half  a  million  of  dollars 
are  asked,  for  llie  purpose  of  fittiiig  out  a  quixotic 
expedition  to  seize  upon  California,  not  a  word 
of  reluctance  or  objection  is  heard — supplies  are 
voted  forthwith.  Then  we  have  means  enough; 
but  when  our  great  commercial  cities,  in  which 
every  part  of  the  country  is  more  immediately  or 
remotely  interested,  osk  that  their  harbors  may  be 
defended  from  nn  invasion  of  the  enemy,  their 
representative-must  stand  up  here,  in  this  Hall, 
and  raise  the  voice  of  supplication,  and  even  make 
ofl'crs  of  pecuniary  sacrifice,  to  get  it  effected. 

Mr.  Chairman,  Viewed  as  a  matter  of  interest, 
the  Government  ought  to  indulge  no  Hirther  delay 
in  possessing  itself  af  this  all-important  point. 
The  works  are  rapidly  ;oing  to  decay,  and  require 
immediate  repair  to  prevent  their  entire  ruin. 
Should  Congress  refuse  to  make  the  appropriation 
indicated  by  this  bill,  the  offer  made  by  the  State 
must  of  necessity  be  rejected,  and  the  opportunity 
now  afforded  to  put  the  United  Slates  in  possession 
of  it,  Inst.  Should  it  then  become  privaie  property, 
and  from  its  contiguity  to  the  city,  and  its  unsur- 
passed prospect,  it  would  speedily  become  covered 
with  villas,  and  costly  cottages,  and  improved 
grounds;  and  should  it  then  become  necessary  for 
the  United  States  to  take  pos.seasion  of  it  for  pur- 
poses of  defence,  (as  it  cerUiinly  would,  inasmuch 
ns  the  harbor  cannot  be  efl'cctually  defended  from 
any  other  point,)  the  sum  necessary  to  purchase 
it  will  take  from  the  treasury  not  a  few  thousands, 
but  tens  of  thousands. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  citizens  ofNew  York,  Brook- 
lyn, and  the  county  of  Richmond,  in  which  this 
land  is  situated,  feel  a  deep  interest  in  the  passage 
of  this  bill.  I  dare  not  believe  that  they  are  lobe  dis- 
appointed. 1  read  not  long  shice,  in  a  Icadingjour- 
nal  published  in  the  city  of  New  York  nn  article 
on  this  subject.  As  it  exhiiiits  the  state  of  feeling 
which  exists  in  that  city  in  relation  to  this  matter, 
I  will  send  it  to  the  Clerk  to  bo  read  for  the  infor- 
mation of  the  committee;  it  is  as  follows: 

"  It  is  well  known  In  every  engineer  that  there  la  no  ppot 
where  Uie  city  can  he  so  well  defended  as  at  tin  Narrows, 
oil  Uie  Htnieii  lalaml  side ;  and  that,  whenever  a  hostile  (teet 
paasea  tlmt  |H)iiil,  the  city  iiiili't  lie  sllhjected  to  Uie  will  nf 
the  enemy,  and  ntty  he  homharded  or  destroyed.  During 
the  war  of  1819  Uie  State  of  New  York  expended  nearly  half 
a  million  of  dollars  '.o  erect  fortilieutions  near  the  telegraph. 
As  soon  as  peace  wa<i  deelBred  the  works  were  abandoned ; 
and  they  have  since  become  (except  materiuls)  utterly 
wortliless.  Not  a  single  gun  is  at  present  mounted  on  Uieni. 
The  ground  owned  by  the  State  has  now  become  very  val- 
uable Ihr  country  vIIIih.  The  Stale  has  long  since  agreed  to 
sell  all  Uieir  works  and  Etround  for  a  sum  far  less  than  innny 
Individuals  would  be  willing  to  pnyllir  Uie  land  without  the 
mal^rials.  Notwithstanding  the  pro|)er  otficera  have  agreed 
for  (he  sale  of  the  premises,  and  nolwithstnnding  (he  city  ia 
wholly  unprotected,  Congress  have  fliiled  from  year  to  year 
to  make  any  appropriation  for  the  purchase  of  the  propi;rty, 
or  to  put  the  fortlllcatioiis  In  a  state  of  defence.  We  believe 
every  Secretary  of  War,  and  eveiy  enguieer,  have  not  only 


recottimended,  but  praaied  the  aubject  nn  (he  earnea(  atten 
Hon  of  Congreaa  i  yet  nothing  haa  been  done.-  The  eom 
nilltec,  to  whom  the  aubject  haa  been  referreil  have  for  a 
■erica  of  yeiira,  recommended  the  action  of  trongreas  i'  and 
even  during  the  present  aeaslon,  an  apiwoprintlon  of  one 
hundred  thousand  dollars  has  been  recouiniendrd  ■  yet  the 
bill  stoiM  on  the  wide  of  the  House.  All  Uie  niilitu'r/nhuro- 
prlntions  have  been  passed  except  (his. 

"  In  the  uiirly  part  of  the  aesslon,  the  Common  Cmmcil 
pnaaed  a  aeries  of  resolutions  urging  the  action  of  Connreas 
and  yet  they  have  not  had  the  slightest  effect.  Prom  present 
a|)|M}nraiiceB  not  a  dollnrwiU  he  s|H>nt  for  fnriilVing  this  iiari 
of  our  harbor,  the  only  place  where  defence  will  he  of  iiiiv 
aviill.  It  la  the  opinion  of  many  well-informedjnen  (liauii 
■Ingle  Blonpof-.war could  paia  up  to  Uie  city  without  hlnil7r 
atice,  and  (IreInU)  it." 

I  nm  informed,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  appro- 
priation which  I  am  now  advocating  will  be  op- 
Eosed,  on  the  ground  that  the  Slate  of  New  York 
ad  already  ceded  the  land  and  fortifications  in 
qiiestion  to  the  United  States.  This,  it  will  be 
claimed,  was  done  ns  early  as  the  20th  of  Marchj 
1807.  It  is  true,  sir,  an  act  was  passed  by  the 
Legislature  of  the  State  on  that  day;  but  it  con- 
templated nothing  more  than  "  to  cede  the  j«i-i«- 
dUlion"  to  a  portion  of  this  land  to  the  United 
States,  and  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  litU  to  the 
property— o  larger  portion  of  it  did  not  belong  to 
the  State  at  that  time,  and  was  not  purchased  until 
1809,  two  years  after.  It  would  be  very  easy  to 
show,  to  the  satisfaction  of  this  committee,  that 
there  is  not  the  least  ground  for  this  claim,  should 
it  be  set  up  here.  I  will  very  briefly  revert  to  a 
report  I  have  here  on  this  subject.  In  order  to  get 
alegid  opinion  on  this  question.  Governor  Seward, 
in  1842,  requested  the  attorney  general  of  the  State 
of  New  York,  George  P.  Barker,  Esq.,  to  examine 
the  whole  subject,  and  report  to  him  "  whether, 
'  in  his  opinion,  the  legal  title  to  the  lands  and  for- 
'  lifications  in  question  had  become  vested  in  the 
'  Government  of  the  Uniu;d  Stales,  discharged  of 
'  all  claim  on  the  part  of  the  State  of  New  York." 
The  attorney  general,  on  the  2d  March,  1842, 
made  his  report  to  the  Governor.  It  is  an  able 
report,  sir,  and  goes  thoroughly  into  the  whole 
subject,  and  cannot  fail  to  carry  conviction  to  the 
mind  of  any  one  who  will  take  the  trouble  to  pe- 
ruse it.    The  report  concludes  as  follows: 

"  The  nttnmey  general  is  of  Uie  opinion  that  the  claim  on 
the  part  of  (he  tlnited  States  cannot  bo  sustained.  'J'liiit  Uie 
UUe  to  Uio  premises  in  question  is  nbsnliitf>  in  tlic  people  of 
the  State  of  New  York,  and  can  only  he  diveated  bv  a  com- 
pliance on  the  part  of  the  Federal  Government  with  the 
terms  proposed  by  the  comini.-<sloners  of  Uie  land  ofHce, 
contalneii  in  the  resolution  of  said  commissiniiers,  on  the 
17th  March,  1841.  The  attorney  general,  after  having  so 
fully  adverted  tn  the  facts  in  this  case,  caiinnt  consider  it 
necessary  to  make  a  more  extended  argument,  or  to  refer 
(o  the  nulliorities  which,  in  his  opinion,  sustain  the  conclu-- 
sioiis  ut  which  lie  has  arrived." 

Certainly,  Mr.  Chairman,  if  the  State  of  New 
York  had  dispossessed  herself  of  the  land  in  ques- 
tion, or  had  intended  so  to  do,  as  it  will  be  assert- 
ed here,  I  am  told,  she  had  done,  she  would  not 
have  made,  two  years  after,  a  further  purchase  nf 
twenty-two  and  a  half  acres,  and  subsequently 
expended  some  *400,000  in  the  construction  of 
fortifications.  All  the  documents  to  which  I  have 
referred,  to  say  nothing  of  the  very  able  report  of 
Mr.  Barker,  show,  most  conclusively,  that  both 
the  State  and  Federal  Government  have  regarded 
Ihcse  lands  and  fnrtifieatioiis  as  the  property  of 
the  Stale  of  New  York.  There  con  be  no  ques- 
tion about  it. 

I  will  ask  ihe  attention  of  the  committee  for  a 
moment  to  a  joint  resolution  in  relation  to  the  title 
to  property  when  purchased  by  the  Uni'ed  Slates 
for  public  works.  It  was  adopted  by  the  two 
Houses  of  Congress  on  the  llth*day  of  Septem- 
ber, 1841.  I  refer  to  this  to  show  to  the  commit- 
tee that  the  Federal  Government  incur  no  risk 
whatever,  even  should  there  be  some  ground 
(which  there  is  not)  for  the  opposition  to  the  bill, 
lo  which  I  have  reverted.  It  will  be  found,  sir, 
in  the  10th  volume  of  the  Laws  of  the  United 
States,  page  175,  and  is  as  follows: 

"  Reioli-cd,  That  no  public  money  slinll  be  expended  noon 
any  site  or  land  herealier  to  be  purchased  by  Uie  Ifnited 
States  for  Uie  purposes  aforesaid,  (Uiat  is,  for  the  erection 
of  public  works,)  until  the  written  opinion  of  the  Attorney 
(ieneral  shall  he  had  In  favor  of  the  validity  of  the  litle.nnd 
also  the  consent  of  the  Legislature  of  the  State  In  which  Uiu 
land  or  site  may  be,  shall  be  given  to  said  purchase." 

It  will  be  conceded,  I  presume,  that  this  affords 
the  Government  all  necessary  protection.  For  if 
it  should  be  decided  by  the  Attorney  General  that 
the  property  now  belongs  to  the  United  States, 
why  then,  sir,  of  course  the  State  of  New  York 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1139 


S9rH  CoNO IsT  Sess. 


J%e  Tariff— Mr.  tVebtter. 


Senate. 


will  not  receive  any  portion  of  the  appropriation 
contemplated  by  Ihii  bill,  and  the  whole  amount 
will  be  expended  in  the  conatruction  of  neceiiary 
defeniivs  wnrka.  Mjr  deiiro  ia  to  have  the  har- 
bor of  New  York  put  in  a  proper  atate  of  defence; 
certainly  not  to  vote  money  to  the  Sutte  of  New 
York  unleaa  ahe  ia  entitled  to  it.  But,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, the  facta  will  be  found  a«  I  have  ataled  them. 

A  few  words,  Mr.  Chairman,  aa  to  the  proviso 
in  the  bill  which  authorizes  the  President  to  dis- 
pose of  the  kite  and  materials  of  old  Fort  Ganse- 
voort,  and  to  apply  the  proceeds  of  such  sale  to 
the  repair  of  the  works  on  Staten  Island.  This 
fort  ia  no  longer  of  any  value  as  a  defence  to  the 
city.  It  is,  from  day  to  day,  becoming  more  and 
more  surrounded  by  houses,  by  the  extension  of 
the  city  into  the  river.  What  sum  will  be  realized 
from  tne  sale  of  this  now  useless  fortification,  and 
the  valuable  piece  of  eround  on  which  it  stands,  I 
am  unable  to  say.  f  have  no  daui  by  which  to 
estimate  its  value.  The  sale  has  been  recommend- 
ed by  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the  Chief  Engi- 
neer, and.  it  is,  no  iloubt,  the  best  thing  the  Qov- 
ernment  can  do  witli  a  work  which  is  rapidly  pass- 
ing into  decay,  and  which,  if  in  full  repair,  would 
be  of  no  essential  service  to  the  defence  of  the  city. 

In  concluding  my  remarks,  sir,  I  cannot  refrain 
from  expressing  my  thankfulness  to  a  kind,  over- 
ruling, and  protecting  Providence,  that  our  diffi 
Gulties  with  England  have  been  brought  to  a  close, 
and  that  all  apprehension  of  war  from  that  quarter 
is  now  happily  removed;  but  that  does  not  render 
it  less  the  duty  of  Congress  to  place  our  important 
harbors  in  u  proper  stale  of  defence.  I  fully  agree 
wicl)  the  President  of  the  United  States,  in  a  re- 
murk  embodied  in  a  messa^  to  the  Senate  on  the 
24lh  of  March  last,  wherein  he  mode  use  of  these 
words: 

"It  WBK  a  wise  maxiiii  of  Ihe  flithor  of  liis  country,  that 
tfl  be  prcpart'd  fur  war  in  one  of  tliu  most  efflcienl  nifniiii  o( 


fire^crviliK  pi'acu  ;  and  that,  avoidiiiK  occasions  of  cxpenae 
ly  cultivatini;  piMce,  we  slionid  roiiieniticr  ali«o  that  timely 
distiurdcinrntM  to  prepare  for  danger  frequently  prevent  much 


greater  dit«buri«cn)enti4  to  repel  iL 

Thia  language  was  worthy  of  Washington. 

I  hope  the  entire  New  York  delegation  will 
unite  their  efforts  to  secire  the  passage  of  this 
bill.  I  regret,  sir,  to  see  so  few  of  them  in  their 
seats.  I  •'ust  they  feel  an  interest  in  the  matter, 
and  that,  when  the  vote  shall  be  taken,  they  will 
give  an  undivided  support  in  favor  of  an  object 
which  has  been  suslaint'd  by  the  repeated  recom- 
mendations of  the  War  Department  for  a  series  of 
years,  as  well  as  by  the  action  of  the  Executive 
and  the  Legislature  of  the  Slate  of  New  York.  I 
trust,  Mr.  Chairman,  this  bill  will  pass.  The 
cities  of  New  York  and  Brooklyn ,  and  the  people 
of  Staten  Island,  expect  it.  They  feel  anxious 
about  it,  sir;  and  I  think  tliey  have  occupied  the 
position  of  suppliants  before  this  House  quite  long 
enough.  But,  sir,  let  its  fate  be  what  it  may,  when 
I  return  to  my  constituents  I  shall  carry  with  me 
the  consolation  of  knowing  that  I  exerted  the  best 
of  my  feeble  powers  to  secure  its  passage,  and 
that  It  was  not  allowed  to  lay  and  die  upon  the 
Speaker's  table. 


THE   TARIFF. 


SPEECH    OF    MR.   WEBSTER, 

OF  MASSACHUSETTS, 
In  the  Senate,  My  i5  and  27,  1846. 
On  the  bill  to  reduce  the  duties  on  Imports,  and  for 
other  purposes. 
Mr.  WEBSTER  said:  It  will  be  denied  by  none, 
Mr.  President,  that  this  subject  is  important  in  va- 
rious respects.  The  bill  before  the  Senate  is  one 
which  seriously  affects,  for  good  or  for  evil,  tlie 
revenue  of  the  country,  and  this  in  time  of  war,  It 
aUo  affects  the  interests,  occupations,  and  pursuits 
of  a  vast  number  of  the  people  of  the  United  States. 
I  may  add,  that  the  great  principle  on  which  it  is 
founiitd  as  a  revenue  bill,  that  is  to  say,  that  here- 
after all  duties  of  customs  shall  be  levied  by  an 
assessment  ad  valorem,  is  an  entirely  new  and  un- 
tried principle  in  this  Government.  I  may  say, 
too,  that  in  respect  to  the  principal  practical  meas- 
ure of  this  bill,  that  its  rates  of  imposition,  and  its 
distribution  of  duties  upon  the  several  articles  of 
import,  are  quite  n«w.   And  1  auppose  I  may  add, 


without  offence  to  any  gentleman  or  any  parly,  I' 
what  I  think  must  ap(iear  evident  to  all  who  will  | 
examine  the  bill,  that  it  is  not  drawn  with  rr-  | 
markable  care,  cither  for  the  purpose  of  securing  ; 
a  just  collection  of  the  revenue  itself,  or  for  a  | 
proper  distribution  of  taxes  and  assessinenta  on 
importations,  according  to  the  principle  of  the  bill  I 
iuielf. 

Mr.  President)  it  appears  strange,  but  after  all 
we  must  admit  the  fact,  that  the  appearance  of  this  | 
bill  in  the  Senate,  with  a  prospect  of  its  passage,  ; 
has  struck  the 'cnunlry  suddenly,  and  with  aur-   ! 
prise.     It  has  brought  about  no  small  degree  of 
alarm.    The  public  expectation  was  not  prepared 
foi    it.     I  do   not  say   that  there  hud   not   been    ; 
enough  of  previous  admonition  or  indication.     I  ' 
speak  of  the  fact,  and  I  think  it  must  be  the  con-  i 
victi(m  of  every  person  who  hears  me,  who  has  ! 
observed  the  development  of  publiclNcntiment  since  i 
the  appearance  of  this  measure,  that  the  cdimirv  is 
surprised,  greatly  surprised,  nt  any   prolmlillity  I 
that  it  should  receive  the  final  sanction  of  Con- j! 
gress  and  the  President.     Now,  sir,  it  seems  to  ! 
me,  that  in  this  state  of  things,  with  such  n  menit- 
ure  before  us,  at  this  advanced  season  of  the  year,  ' 
when  there  is  no  pressing  necessity  for  inunedinle 
action,  the  true  policy  is  to  postpone  its  further 
consideration.    If  this   were   a  measure  to  raise   , 
money  to  carry  on  a  war,  if  it  were  a  mensurn  of 
taxation,  for  the  contraction  of  loans,  of  the  issue 
of  treasury  notes,  or  any  other  measure  which  had  ' 
for  its  object  the  supply  of  means  to  meet  necessi- 
ties of  Government,  why  then  the  exigencies  of  the 
case  might  be  a  very  just  motive  for  proceeding  to 
its  immediate  consideration.     But  there  is  no  man  ; 
within  the  hearing  of  my  voice,  and  I  am  happy  | 
that  there  arc  some  within  its  hearing  who  are  not 
of  this  Chamber,  [leferringto  Mr.  Secrelnry  Walk- 
er, who  was  present,  occupying  the  seat  of  one  of  ! 
the  Democratic  Senators,]  who  will  say,  that  the 
treasury  will  not  be  as  competent,  the  ability  of 
the  Government  as  great,  its  arm  as  well  nerved  to  . 
prosecute  the  war  in  which  we  are  engnjed  three 
months  longer,  if  this  bill  should  not  pass,  as  if  it  : 
should.     Therefore,  it  seems  to  me  to  ben  ease  for 
further  consideration;  and,  nl  the  close  of  the  re- 
marks which  I  propose  to  sniimit  to  the  .Senate,  I  ' 
shall  move  the  postponement  of  the  measure  till  i 
next  session  of  Congress.  ! 

As  a  revenue  measure,  I  have  heretofore  stated  i 
shortly  my  opinion  of  it.     I  think  it  must  deceive 
the  hopes  of^  those  who  expect  to  derive  from  it 
that  measure  of  abundant  revenue  which  has  been 
stated.     There  can  be,  in  my  judgment,  no  such  ' 
extraordinary  increase  of  importations  as  the  Ex- 
ecutive government  seems  to  anticipate.    It  is  not  : 
in  the  nature  of  things.    The  treasury  cannot,  in  '■ 
my  opinion,  be  supplied  at  the  ratio  which  Iioh  : 
been  stated,  and  is  expected,  by  any  possible — I 
will  say  possible — augmentation  of  importations,  j 
But  then,  sir,  when  I  say  this,  I  am  met  by  very  ' 
extraordinary  language.   Those  who  arc  supposed  ] 
to  express  the  sentiments  of  the  Executive,  say, 
that  that  is  a  question  with  which  Congress  has 
nothing  to  do — nothing  at  all !     That  is  a  question  i 
which  the  Administration  alone  is  to  consider  I   If  e  ! 
need  give  ourselves  no  trouble! — the  Administra-  i 
tion  will  take  care  of  itself!    Hear  the  language  of . 
the  official  organ  of  the  government:  : 

"  Tile  opp<inenti4  of  Uie  Adminiiitration  eoinplaiti  that  tlu> 
law  cannot  lie  fairly  adininii'tered;  and  co  ttiat  deficit  will 
he  enlarKed  by  frauds.    Now,  in  reply  to  Uiic,  we  urf^e  that 
theiieare  matters  in  wliieli  the  opixisition  may,  as  we  tiiinlf,  ' 
^ery  properly  leave  tliu  Administration  to  look  out  for  its  ' 
own  iiuereHt),  and  lake  care  of  itself.    If  tht!  i!overnm«nt  ; 
measure  is  aliout  to  injure  the  country —to  break  up  the  bu.-i- 
ness  of  men,  and  throw  their  aflairs  into  confusion ;  or  if,  ' 
again,  the  incasure  proposed  l)y  the  s'ovcnunent  is  in  il.'<elf  ! 
opirresttfve,  or  unjust,  or  unequal ;  or  if  tile  eountry  want  a 
taritf  for  protection,  instead  of  a  tarilf  for  revenue — then,  it  , 
is  very  proper  for  an  opposition,  t-peaking  in  lH>half  ofthe  ; 
country,  to  demonstrate  such  to  be  the  cose,     flnt  our  np|H>-  | 
siUon  seems  to  have  a  most  parental  luid  guardian  aM.xiety  i 
lest  the  AdministraUon,  if  left  to  itself,  should  hereatlertind  | 
itself  cmbotrassed  by  the  want  uf  I'unils."  | 

Why,  sir,  why,  sir,  who  is  it  that  writes,  who  i 
is  it  (hat  dictates,  who  is  it  that  sanctions,  such  I 
presumption,  such  arrogance,  such  folly  as  thi^i? 
The  Congress  of  the  United  Stotes  nothing  to  do  : 
with  the  asse8snieu,t  and  collcrtion  ofthe  revenue,  I 
and  all  the  interests  connected  with  revenue  .>  That  i 
altogether  an  affair  of  the  Administration  ?  Sir,  1 
Congress,  it  seems,  has  approprinled  nt  this  session  | 
some  fifty  or  sixty  millions  of  dollars  for  military  I 


and  naval  and  other  purposes;  hut  it  ia  no  alTairnf 
Congress  whether  the  treaaury  shall  l>e  competent 
to  fulfil,  these  appropriationa  f  We  have  a  public 
debt;  we  have  iasued  treasury  notes;  but  it  is  no 
affair  of  Congress  whether  the  public  credit  shall 
lie  sustained,  its  obligations  redeemed,  or  theaa 
treasury  notes  paid;  that's  an  affair  of  the  Admin- 
istration only !  We  may  trust  to  the  Adminialra- 
tion  to  lake  care  of  all  these  things,  while  it  take* 
care  of  iuelf! 

Sir,  I  have  great  resiiect,  all  degree  of  personal 
respect,  and  pro|>er  otiicial  respect,  for  the  pcraons 
composing  the  Administration;  but  when  I  am 
asked,  whether  Ihc  great  interests  cnnneclad  with 
the  revenue  of  this  country;  the  security  of  the 
public  faith;  the  means  of  fulfilling  Ihc  appropria- 
liniis  of  Congress;  the  tnesns  of  maintaining  armies 
and  navies  in  time  of  wii'-,  shall  lie  properly  pro- 
vided for;  and  when  I  ant  asked  to  trust  nil  tnes« 
great  and  momentous  intrrfts  to  the  responsibility 
of  a  respectable  President  anu  s  reanectable  Secre- 
tary ofthe  Treasury,  I  pause;  I  f.jrl)rar,  from  that 
degree  of  conlideiiec  and  homage.  As  a  member 
nf  Cimgreas,  constituting  a  very  humble  part  of  the 
legislative  power,  but  intrusted,  constitutionally, 
with  a  participation  in  the  duty  of  levying  taxes  to 
pay  tlic  public  debt,  mninlain  the  army  and  navy, 
anil  til  provide  for  Ihc  general  defence,  I  must  bo 
permilteil  not  to  defer  my  consrienlious  discharge 
'if  that  duty  to  the  personal  and  political  rcsponsi- 
iiililv  of  the  members  of  the  Administration,  one 
or  nil,  however  respectable. 

Sir,  I  have  said  that,  in  my  opinion,  there  can 
be  no  such  augmented  ipeninc  from  importations 
as  is  relied  upon.  I  will  not  go  into  this  subject 
nt  Inrge.  It  has  lieeii  discussed  satisfactorily, ably, 
I  will  say  admirably,  liy  gentlemen  on  this  floor 
who  have  preceded  me.  I  refer  imrlicularly  ti  he 
iiicomparaide  speech  of  my  friend,  the  member  of 
the  Senate  from  the  .State  of  Maine,  [Mr.  Evans.] 
And  now,  Mr.  President,  since  iny  attention 
has  been  thus  called  to  that  speech,  and  since  the 
honorable  member  bus  reminded  us  that  the  pe- 
riod of  his  service  within  these  walls  is  about  to 
expire,  I  take  this  occasion,  even  in  the  Sennte, 
unci  in  his  own  presence,  to  «ny,  that  his  retire- 
ment will  be  a  serious  loss  to  this  Government  and 
this  country.  He  has  been  sixteen  or  eighteen 
years  in  the  public  service.  He  has  devoted  him- 
self especially  to  studying  and  comprehending  the 
revenue  and  the  finances  of  the  country;  and  he 
understands  that  subject  us  well  as  any  gentleman 
connected  with  the  Government,  since  the  days  of 
Crawford  and  Gallatin.  Nay,  as  well  as  either  of 
those  gentlemen  ever  understood  it.  I  hojie  he 
may  yet  be,  I  am  glod  to  know  that  he  will  be, 
with  us  one  session  more;  that  we  may  have  the 
benefit  of  his  advice  and  assistance  in  that  financial 
crisis  which,  in  my  judgment,  ia  sure  to  arise  if 
this  war  continues,  and  this  bill  should  pass.  And 
I  can  only  say,  that  retire  when  he  will,  he  will 
carry  with  him  the  good  wishes  of  every  member 
of  this  body,  the  general  esteem  and  rcgnril  of  the 
country,  and  (placing  his  hand  upon  his  heart  and 
bowing  to  Mr.  Evans)  the  cordial  attachment  of 

I  his  friends,  political  and  personal. 

Those  who  indulge  the  hope  of  an  augmentation 
to  the  extent  stated  from  increase  of  exportations, 
seem  to  forget,  to  forget  altogether,  what  is  as 
common  a  trutli  as  any  other,  that  there  can  be 

'  such  a  lhingaso»cr-|iroduction.  It  has  happeiied 
many  times  within  my  experience  in  public  life. 
Tlieio  may  be  produced  in  England  and  in  this 
country,  more  manufactured  articles  than  both 
countries,  together,  with  all  that  they  can  sell  to 
the  rest  of  the  world,  can  consume,  or  dispose  of, 
and  that  creates  what  is  commonly  called  a  "glut" 
in  the  market.  Such  insmnces  have  been  frequent. 
That  there  is  an  indefiiiile  power  of  consumption 
is  necessarily  assumed,  by  all  those  who  think 
that  nn  indefinite  extent  of  importation  may  be 
expected.  The  honorable  member  from  Maine 
stated  with  great  truth  and  propriety ,  that  the  aug- 
menUition  of  imports,  drawing  after  it,  or  sup- 
posing to  draw  alter  it,  an  augmenUition  of  ex- 
ports, went  upon  the  ground  of  an  augmented 
consumption  on  both  sides.  Now,  be  it  forever 
remembered,  that  there  is  a  limit  to  the  power  of 
consumption,  both  on  one  side  and  the  other. 
Over  production  has  happened  frequently.  It  may 
happen  again ,  and  therefore  it  is  that  I  hold  it  to 

I  be  exceedingly  uncertain  and  fallacious  to  rely  for 


I' 


1140 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29th  Cono IsT  Sesr. 


Tlie  Tariff— Mr.  mb$ttr. 


f  July  as, 


Senate. 


revrnuc,  in  time  or  wnr,  upon  a  mutter  so  theorat- 
icol,  Bs  that  we  ahnll  have  n  vnat  KUKmenlnlion  o( 
imnnrtntiona,  with  rnpnrily  to  pay  for  thnm,  nnil 
n  ileiire  lo  cnnmime  tliem.  1  think  that  iraiich  an 
importation  should  lake  place,  which  I  do  not  ex- 
pect and  cniinot  anticipate,  we  could  not  pay  for 
II.  Sir,  what  are  our  moans  of  paying  for  the  Im- 
portations of  foreign  manufactured  articles  in  this 
country  ?  They  are  two.  They  arc  our  exports, 
in  the  first  place,  and  they  are  ihe  eariilngs  of 
freight,  or  of  navigation,  in  the  second  place.  For 
carrying  out  our  cxportatlons,  we  earn  a  fVeigiit. 
For  bringing  foreiL;pi  commodities  home,  we  earn 
a  freight.  Our  ability  therefore  lo  discharge  for- 
eign debt  incurred  by  importations,  consiBls  in 
the  extent  of  our  exports,  and  of  our  earnings  of 
freight.  If  there  be  n  demand  for  means  beyond 
these,  it  must  be  met  by  n  drain  of  the  common 
currency  of  the  worhl,  specie,  to  the  extent  that 
we  pr.ssess  it,  or  so  fur  as  may  be  iiccrraary.  I 
take  that  to  ho  the  undoubted  truth.    Well,  now 


ty,  in  our  policy, 
the  Enclish  Pnrii 


I  will  say  a  word  upon  this  mailer  of  cxjicctrd  im- 

fiortalions,  although  I  do  not  intend  to  go  at  any 
englh  into  the  subjccl.     I  beg  Ihc  nllenlion  of  Ihe 


honorable  member  at  the  hcod  of  tlieCiiini.iltlcfion 
Finance,  and  nil  others,  to  a  consideration,  which  I 
hope  has  been  well  weighed.     Hiia  It  been  consid- 
ered, or  has  it  not — what  will  beilie  loss  of  revenue 
for  the  ensuing  quarter,  if  riiis  bill  pass,  by  deben- 
ture and  ret!x|iortallnn .'    There  is  in  the  country  a 
vast  quantity  of  merchandise,  imported  at  high  un- 
ties.   Aflcr  the  first  day  of  December  next,  if  tills 
bill  passes,  all  such  commodities  will  come  in  at  a 
greatly  reduced  duly.    It  is  now  nil  liable  to  reex- 
portation and  debenture.     Take  the  case  of  bran-  ; 
dies — and  there  are  many  others  in  a  mcmornndum  ; 
furnished  to  me  from  a  very  respectable  source  in 
New  York,  quite  friendly  to  the  Governmeni,  and 
wishing  it  all  nucce!<s — and  look  lo  probablliiies; 
brandies  now  pay  one  dollar  a  gallon;  having  been 
purchased  at  nfly  cents  per  gnllun;  by  the  present 
bill,  the  duty  is  reduced  to  100  per  cent,  ad  valo-   | 
rem;  lliat  is  to  say,  to  fifty  cents.     There  is  then  ,j 
fifty  cents  to  be  made  on  every  gallon  of  luandy    | 
in  the  United  States,  if  it  can  be  cnnicd  out  of  ihe    | 
country  now,  and  brought  in  on  the  first   of  Dc-  jj 
cember  next.  Is  there  not  ?  Sir,  it  will  go  to  Cuba,    j 
or  to  Canada,  or  elsewhere,  and  be  returned  when    i 
December  comes.    So  of  carpets,  and  ninny  other   ' 
articles.  I; 

Sir,  I  will  beg  to  ask,  whether  the  amount  of  : 
losses  on  these  articles  lo  be  Incurred  in  ibis  way,    . 
has  been  considered?     I  know  that  llierc  has  been    I 
a  general  estimate  of  Ihe  treasury,  as  to  what  will  .[ 
be  the  amount  of  revenue  under  this  bill,  and  under    , 
the  proposed  deductions  from  the  rates  of  the  bill    j 
of  1843;  but  I  will  ask,  whether  it  has  been  known,    \ 
and  is  now  known,  that  on  brnndlcs  and  on  spices,   : 
pimento  and  articles  of  that  sort,  a  losi)  of  two  or   j 
three  millions  a  year  will  occur  under  this  larifT.'   I 
Here  in  my  hand  is  a  calculation,  from  good  au- 
thority, showing  the  probability  of  such  a  loss. 
But  I  am  not  going  far  Into  that  branch  of  the  cndc.    I 
I  say  that  we  nave  no  means  of  paying  for  this   : 
expected  excess  of  importation,  except  by  exports   I 
and  freight.    Now,  now  are  we  to  Increase  our   j 
exports?     Not  In  manufactured  goods,  which  now  |j 
constitute  a  considerable  part  of  our  cxporlalions,  !{ 
because  this  bill  Is  an  axe  laid  to  the  root  of  that   j 
productive  tree.     It  seeks  to  strike  down,  at  once,  ■ 
the  main  interest  which  sustains  these  exportalinns. 
It  is  not,  therefore,  from  manufactured  goods  that   i 
we  can  expect  this  increase.     Well,  then,  from   ' 
what  can  we  expect  it  ?     Why,  we  have  sonic  iin-  :  I 
tional  articles  of  export — cotton,  tobacco,  and  some    i 
others  of  the  nature  of  raw  materials,  or  raw  prod-   ; 
ucls.    Now  does  anybody  suppose  that  twenty,   i 
thirty,  or  forty  millions  of  augmented  exportation    i 
of  cotton  anil  tobacco  can   possibly  take   place?   j 
Allow  me  to  put  the  question  to  those  concerned,  .1 
those  practically  concerned,  in  this  great  intcresi.  l| 
As  the  product  of  cotton  increases,  the  tendency  in  J 
the  price  is  downwards;  therefore,  noii  sci;i'i(iic,   ' 
that  if  we  produce  so  many  more  nillllniis  pounds 
of  cotton,  just  in  that  extent  do  our  means  of  im- 
portation increase.    The  question  is,  whether  there 
IB  any  reasonable  cxpecuilion,  (upon  the  face  of 
the  earth,)  that  we  shall  so  increase  our  exports  of 
cotton,  OS  that  the  value  of  the  coiion  exported 
shall  amount  to  twenty,  thirty,  or  forty  millions 
of  dollars  additional?     Does  any  man  believe  it? 

Wuare  falling  in,  ns  is  supposed,  to  a  conformi- 


in  nur  policy,  with  the  proposition  olfcrcd  in 
le  Enclisn  Parliament  for  the  repeal  of  iho  corn 
laws.  Wo  are  greatly  to  increase,  it  is  said;  our 
oxporlallon  of  wheat  and  Indian  corn  to  England, 
On  that  point  it  will  be  more  convenient  for  mo  to 
■peak  in  another  part  of  my  remarks.  But  now, 
1  as  to  the  iVelght,  which,  ns  I  have  said,  constitutes 
one  of  our  means  of  paying  for  foreign  conimodi- 
I  ties;  what  chance  is  thcrefor;he  increase  of  freight? 
Why,  the  elt'eet  of  this  bill  is  to  diminish  freights, 
and  lo  ntTecl  the  navigating  interests  of  the  United 
Slates  most  seriously,  most  deeply;  and  therefore 
it  is,  that  all  the  ship  owners  ot  the  United  Slates, 
without  an  exception  so  far  as  we  hear  from  them, 
oppose  the  bill.  It  is  said  to  bo  in  favor  of  free 
trade  and  against  monopoly.  But  every  man  con- 
nected with  lra-!e  is  against  it;  and  this  leads  me  to 
nsk,  and  I  ask  with  earnestness,  and  hope  to  re- 
ceive an  answtr, at  whose  riquesi, nt  whose  recom- 
niendailon,  for  the  promotion  of  what  interest,  is 
this  measure  Introtluced?  Is  It  for  the  importing 
inerclinnia?  They  all  reject  it,  lo  a  man.  Is  it  for 
Ihe  owners  of  the  navigation  of  the  country?  They 
remoiislrale  against  H.  The  whole  internal  indus- 
try of  the  couiilrv  opposes  it.  The  shipping  iiiter- 
est  opposes  it.  The  importing  interest  opposes  it. 
Who  Is  It  that  calls  for  It,  or  proposes  It?  Who 
asks  for  it?  Who?  Has  there  been  one  single 
pelitlon  presented  in  its  favor  from  any  quarter  of 
the  country  ?  Has  a  single  individual  In  the  Uni- 
ted Stales  come  up  here  and  told  you  that  his  inter- 
est would  be  protected,  promoted,  and  advanced, 
by  the  pns.sage  of  a  nieasiire  like  this  ?  Sir,  there 
is  an  impcraiive  unity  of  the  public  voice  the  other 
woy,  altogether  the  other  way.  And  when  we 
are  told  thai  the  public  requires  this,  and  lliat  the 
people  require  it,  we  uie  lo  understand,  by  the  pub- 
lic, certain  political  men,  who  have  adopted  the 
shibboleth  of  party,  for  the  public;  and  certain  per- 
sons, who  have  symbols,  ensigns,  and  party  flags, 
for  the  people;  and  that's  all.  I  aver,  sir,  that  is 
all.  I  call  upon  any  man  who  is  within  these  walls 
to  stand  up  and  tell  me  what  public  interest,  what 
portion  of  men  of  business,  who  amongst  all  those 
who  earn  their  living  on  the  sea  or  on  the  land,  in 
the  field  of  iigricullure  or  in  the  workshop  of  the 
artisan;  who  amongst  ihcni  all,  comes  up  lieic  and 
asks  for  Bucl^n  measure  as  this?  Not  a  man.  If 
there  are  any  persons  out-doors  in  favor  of  this 
bill,  why,  then,  sir,  I  can  only  say,  that  silence  is 
coiiiagiou.s,  and  lis  friends  outdoors  arc  as  mute 
us  Its  iVieiiils  in  doors. 

It  does  appear  to  me,  then,  that  we  are  to  make 
this  altemiion  in  our  whole  system  of  revenue,  we 
are  to  bring  ibis  great  change  over  all  the  depart- 
ments of  private  life,  we  arc  to  produce  unknown 
elTccts  on  all  the  Industrial  classes  of  the  commu- 
nity, upon  a  mere  theory — a  theory,  an  lussuiiip- 
tlon,  wliii'h  suggests  llint  all  the  interests  of  the 
country  are  severely  taxed  to  maintain  Ihe  manu- 
facturers. I  must  say,  sir,  that  the  notions  which 
prevail  in  the  Treasury  Department  and  in  the 
Executive  Government  appear  to  me  to  be  almost 
insane.  We  were  told,  at  the  early  part  of  the 
session,  that  the  taxed  portion  of  the  community 
paid  fiAy  millions  to  the  manufacturers;  it  has  now 
got  up  to  ninety-four  millions  !  Mr.  President,  if 
intelligent  men,  of  patriotic  purposes,  good  iiilen- 
tlons,  and  great  respeclabllity,  in  many  walks  of 
life,  private  and  public,  ever  were  seized  with  a 
monomania,  that  disease  has  taken  a  strong  hold 
of  those  who  come  to  us  with  such  statements  and 
sentiments  as  these.  How  else  can  we  account 
for  such  a  zeal  for  over-importation;  a  zeal  which 
looks  for  a  paradise  on  earth,  if  we  can  only  be 
surrounded  with  British  manufactures,  witnout 
stint  and  without  count  ?  The  love  of  importation 
has  become  a  sort  of  passion  with  those  at  the 
head  of  afiiilrs — an  unthinking,  headlong  passion. 
I  repeat,  sir,  there  Is  no  public  demand  or  public 
desire  manifested  for  this  bill.  Then,  since  it  is 
not  called  for  by  any  exigency  in  the  Government 
— for  nobody  will  deny  that  the  Government  will 
go  on  quite  as  well  without  it,  if  not  better — since 
It  is  not  called  for  by  any  demand  of  the  people, 
can  we  justify  ourselves,  by  any  one  single  factor 
consideration,  for  making  all  tlie  change  in  the 
revenue  of  the  country  and  the  business  of  the 
country,  which  this  bill  evidently  must  introduce? 
Now,  sir,  I  propose  to  consider  the  bill  as  a 
measure  for  making  all  duties  on  imported  goods 
ad  valorem  duties. 


Secondly,  to  consider  it*  effects  on  certain  inter- 
ests,  supposed  lo  be  protected  by  former  and  now 
existing  law*. 

Thifdly,  1  propose  lo  consider  lis  effect*  upon 
the  navigation  and  commercial  interests  of  the 
country— a  topic  of  very  deep  interest,  which  has 
not  a*  yet  been  fully  ciinsidered  in  this  discussion. 

Fourthly,  I  prnpoio  lo  consider  Its  effect  on  ih* 
great  industrial  employment*  and  labor  of  the  peo- 
ple. 

I  must  be  permitted  to  say,  with  j'l-eBl  respect 
for  gentlemen  on  tho  other  aide,  that  I  enter  upon 
this  diaruiaion  under  some  disadvantages,  Wn 
do  not  hear  from  them.  We  hear  no  defence  of 
this  bill.  An  honorable  member  from  South  Car- 
olina [Mr.  McDiipriE]  said  that  "tho  bill  vindi- 
cates itself."  That  la  so  far  true  as  this,  that  If  It 
do  not  vindicate  itself,  it  is  not  vindicated  at  all. 
Nobody  here  stands  sponsor  for  it.  Nobody  hero 
answers  tho  objections  which  are  urged  against  It. 
I  see  on  the  opposite  side,  sir,  gentlemen  of  ihn 
highest  character  in  this  country,  and  of  the  long- 
est exnsrienrc  In  this  Government — geiiilrmen  who 
have  debated  questions,  great  and  small,  for  thirty 
years — gentlemen  properly  considered  as  being 
amongst  those  from  wliom  selection  is  lo  be  made 
for  the  highest  honors  in  tho  gift  of  tho  people; 
and  yet  on  this  question — ns  important,  I  will  un- 
dertake to  say,  as  any  which  has  been  discussed 
in  Congress  from  the  formation  of  the  Consiilution 
— we  hear  from  those  gentlemen  not  a  word,  not 
one  single  word.  They  hear  us  patiently.  They 
appcor  to  bo  attentive  and  thouglilful.  But  lliejr 
have  "  charactered"  in  their  memories  at  least  one 
of  Ihe  precepts  of  Polonious — "  Give  thy  thoughts 
no  tongue!"  [Laughter.]  They  "give  their 
thoughts  no  tongue."  I  trust  tliey  will  rememlier 
the  next,  "nor  any  unproporlioncd  thought  his 
act."  [Renewed  laughler.l  They  are  obedient 
to  thu  iiislructlvo  adage,  "  Be  checked  for  silence, 
but  never  tnxe.d  for  speech."  Tliey  do  not  mean 
to  be  taxed  for  speech,  whatever  else  they  may 
bo.  taxed  for.     [Laughter.] 

Now,  it  is  not  for  me  to  put  it  to  those  gentle- 
men— it  Is  a  consideration  which,  if  it  arise  at  all, 
must  arise  in  their  own  bosoms,  whether  they  can 
slake  their  reputation  on  this  measure,  endorsed 
ns  it  is  by  them,  and  yet  make  no  defence  of  it? 
Are  they  willing  that  their  votes  should  go  forth 
without  their  reasons  ?  That,  they  must  decide 
for  themselves.  But  I  may  well  ask  this.  We 
are,  in  tho  contemplation  of  the  Constitution,  all 
hero  holding  common  counsel.  We  come  hither 
to  confer,  to  exchange  ideas,  to  be  instructed  and 
informed,  if  we  may,  by  an  interchange  of  senti- 
ment. But  we  have  no  consullatiun,  no  confer' 
ence,  no  exchange  of  ideas.  Our  friends  on  ili 
other  side  \x'\\\  neither  adopt  our  reasons,  nor  offer 
their  own.  We  speak,  but  they  remain  dumb. 
But  if  they  see  grounds  upon  which  they  can  vole 
for  this  bill  with  propriety  and  safety,  why  will 
they  not  state  those  grounds  to  us  ?  If  to  all  that 
is  urged  against  this  measure,  on  our  side,  answers 
arise  spontaneous  in  their  breasts,  why  not  give 
them  audible  expression  ?  We  state  our  reasons; 
we  ask  for  theirs;  we  get  no  reply.  We  say,  having 
offered  our  own  senlimenis: 

"  Hi  quill  novlHti  roctltis  istit), 
Candldus  imperii ;  si  noii,  liin  uture  ineciiiii," 

But  they  will  not  impart  their  clear  perceptions 
to  us.  The  superior  light  that  illuminates  their 
own  breasis,  and  enables  them  to  see  that  the  bill 
is  safe  for  the  country  and  proper  for  the  occasion, 
sheds  no  rays  upon  us.  They  are  as  silent  os  they 
will  be  fifty  years  hence. 

Mr.  President,  I  now  proceed  to  that  branch  of 
the  subject  to  which  I  propose  first  to  call  the  at- 
tention of  the  Senate.  The  proposillon  of  this  bill 
is  to  collect  all  duties  and  customs  by  an  universal 
ad  valorem  assessment — not  an  equal  assessment, 
it  is  true,  but  still  a  system  of  ad  valorem  duties, 
entirely.  Now  that  has  not  been  the  practice  of 
the  Government,  nt  any  time  since  its  organiza- 
tion. In  every  administration,  from  that  of  Wash- 
ington down,  a  contrary  system  has  always  pre- 
vailed. And  the  desire  of*^ those  who  have  suc- 
cessfully formed  and  administered  the  laws  in  this 
respect,  has  been,  uniformly,  to  carry  the  princl- 
pies  of  specific  duties  as  far  and  as  fast  as  circum- 
stances allowed.  That  I  take  to  have  been  the 
policy  of  the  Government  from  the  first;  and  it  ha* 
been  the  Bonliment  of  nil  connected  with  the  Gov- 


1946.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGUESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1141 


i29TH  CoNO IsT  Sbss. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Webiter. 


Senate. 


ernmenli  m  fkr  aa  I  know.  I  ouglit,  perh'vpi,  to 
make  an  exception  in  the  cane  ol'  Mr.  C'Iny.  1 
said  hero,  thn  other  duy,  thnt  1  had  never  lienrd  a 
mihlic  man  nilvncate  a  eyetem  iif  nittia/arcmdutiee. 
The  newepapers  luy,  (iwrhapa  correctly,)  timt  I 
wiia  niimuken;  that  Mr.  Cluy  hud  made  remarka 
taTortilile  to  that  idea,  in  the  year  1843.  I  wai  not 
in  thu  iSeniilc  at  thiu  time,  and  I  did  not  know  that 
aur.h  acnlinienta  had  ever  been  cxpreaacd  by  him; 
ond  if  they  are  correctly  reported,  I  nm  very  lorry 
that  luch  lentimenta  were  expresited  by  him. 

[Mr.  Chittenden  here  suid,  will  the  Menator 
pardon  mo  while  I  interrupt  him  for  a  moment,  in 
order  lo  offer  an  explanation?  Mr.  Clay'i  re- 
marka had  reference  solely  to  liomc  valuation.] 

Mr.  Webiter  proceeded.  Ah!  that  expluina 
the  whole  matter,  nnd  it  ia  a  great  relief  to  my 
mind.  1  am  very  much  obliged  to  the  hoiiorabfe 
Menatur.    Mr.  Clay'a  propiieition,  then,  wui,  "  If  ,| 

*  you  will  bring  the  artirlo  here,  and  value  it  here, 

*  Independent  of  the  foreign  invoice,  '^vhy  then  I 

*  will  lake  that  aystem  of  vuluation."    Well,  that  i 
and  this  are  wide  as  the  polea  apart.    That  quali-  | 
ilcation  of  the  principle  makes  it  sensible,  at  least, 
and  far  less  otijcctionuble,  lui  a  revenue  measure. 
A  home  valuation,  by  jud^eu  of  our  own  appoint-  i 
inoijt  here,  ia  one  thing;  but  a  valuation  founded  i 
on  foreign  invoices  und  the  atatemenia  of  foreign  l 
cost,  and  on  foreign  oaths,  is  another  and  quite  a  \ 
ditlerent  thing.     1  am  glad  to  find,  tliercfore,  that 
Mr.  Clay's  authority  stands  exactly  where  it  should 
atuiid  on  such  a  question  as  this — in  strict  con- 
formity with  his  knowledge,  his  experience,  and 
his  character. 

Sir,  in  tlic  same  year,  (1843,)  the  present  Secre- 
tary of  State,  ill  a  speech  in  the  Senate,  reasoned  : 
in  the  strongest  language  upon  the  entire  necessity, 
the  absolute  necessity,  of  carrying  the  principle  of  j 
apecilicatioii  in  luyiiig  duties  iis  fur  as  possible. 
Standing  here  in  his  place,  Mr.  Buchunaii  said: 

"  I  oiii  (ruild  Mr.  D.)  nut  only  nppoitd  to  any  unirorm 
•calu  of  rut  v'ltorem.  but  tt)  any  (tnd  nil  ail  vutorfni  tluilei 
whBibvrr,  cxcti|it  wiiore,  from  the  ntitiiru  of  tlin  urticle  ini- 
imrtud,  U  ia  lint  poiolliJc  to  fiilbjeet  it  lo  u  n|H'citlc  duty.  Our 
own  Huvere  cxpuritiiiru  hiu  taught  us  a  leHMon  on  lliis  iub-  > 
Ji'Cl  ivIiU'h  wu  ouplil  not  Kooii  lo  forgot.  I  ciiiinot  refrain  ! 
from  adverting  to  Homu  of  my  reiunii»  for  ilil^  opinion.  j 

**  Uur  ad  valorem  oyiiteui  liaa  produced  great  frauds  upon 
(he  ruvuuue,  'vhiUt  it  Uod  driven  tlie  regular  Ameriean  niur-  i 
cliant  from  the  biiainets  of  iniporUng,  and  plaeed  it  alinuat 
exclusively  in  the  handa  of  tiie  ugenta  of  Uritii^li  nmnufiic- 
turera.    The  American  imiHtrter  produces  liis  invoice  to  the 
collector,  containing  Uic  actual  price  at  which  the  imporia 
were  collected  ubroiitl,  nnd  he  iKiys  ihu  lair  und  reijulnrduty  : 
U|ion  this  Invoice.    Not  hO  the  Britiali  agent.    The  foreign  ' 
ninnufueiurer,  in  hismvoice.rcduceaUic  price  of  the  articles  | 
whicli  lie  intends  to  import  uilo  our  country  to  the  loweat 
poHttililo  standard  wideli  lie  thinks  will  enable  tliem  lo  pa^s 
(hroush  tlie  custom-house  witltonl  being  sel/.ed  for  fmiid. 
And  iTie  tiusint.-sa  haa  been  hitherto  managed  with  ao  much 
ingenuity  as  generally  to  escape  detection.     The  e<mse- 
ijuencu  ia,  that  tlic  British  agi'nt  passes  the  goods  of  his  , 
employer  tlirougli  tiie  ciisioni-house,  on  the  payment  of  a  ' 
flinch  lower  duty  tlian  the  fair  fi  tuericun  merchant  is  com- 
uelled  to  pay.    In  this  manner  he  is  uniiersold  in  the  mar- 
ket by  the  ihreigner,  and  thus  is  driven  from  the  competi- 
tion, whilst  the  pulilic  revenue  is  fraudulcnily  reduced. 

"Again  ;  nd  valorem  duUca  deprive  the  American  nianu- 
flicturer  of  nearly  all  the  henents  of  incidental  prntcciion  i 
where  it  is  most  required.  When  the  business  of  the  eoun-  I 
try  is  depressed,  ua  it  ia  at  present,  und  when  tlic  price  of  [ 
foreign  articles  sinks  to  far  less  ilinn  their  cost,  your  duty  I 
sinks  in  the  same  proiwrtion,  and  you  are  also  deprived  of 
revenue  at  the  time  when  it  ia  inosl  needed. 

*'  Our  own  experience,  therelbre,  ouglit  to  have  convinced  I 
us  that,  wlienever  it  is  possible,  from  the  nature  of  tlin  arti-  j 
cle,  we  oiigilt  to  aubalilute  apecidc  for  ad  valorem  duties.  ] 
Those  continue  lo  be  tlie  same  upon  Uie  same  articles,  not- 
withstanding the  constant  Hucliiations  in  prices.  They  af- 
ford a  steady  revenue  to  the  country,  and  an  equally  steady  ' 
jncidcntnl  protection.  When  cmTimodities  are  usually  sold  i 
by  weight  or  by  measure,  you  may  always  subject  tbein  to  a  \ 
■peciOc  duty  ;  and  tills  nugilt  always  to  be  done.  | 

*'  Let  us,  then,  abandon  the  idea  of  a  uniform  horizontal 
gcale  of  ad  valnrein  duUes;  and  whether  the  duties  be  high 
or  low,  let  us  return  lo  the  ancient  priwtice  of  the  Gnvern- 
nieiil.  Let  us  adopt  wise  diseriminaUons;  and,  whenever 
this  con  be  done,  impose  apecific  duties." 

Now  let  me  say,  sir,  that  it  is  proper  for  us,  be- 
fore we  CO  on  this  new  and  untried  system,  to 
consider  tne  opinions  of  practised  and  experienced 
men  who  hnvc  gone  before  us.  On  the  28lh  of 
February,  1817,  the  House  of  Representatives,  on 
motion  of  Mr.  Ingham,  of  Pennsylvania,  came  to 
this  resolution:  ' 

"  Fkbrbarv  98, 1R17 On  motion  by  Mr.  Ingham— 

"Hciolticiy,  That  Uie  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  be  direct- 
ed to  report  to  (Congress  at  the  next  sessiim,  kiicIi  measures 
aa  may  lie  necessary  for  Uie  more  etfectual  execution  of  the 
laws  ior  the  collection  of  Uie  duUea  on  imported  goods, 
wares,  and  inerchandiae." 

In  answer  to  this,  Mr.  Crawford,  the  then  Sec- 


retary of  the  Treasury,  after  havini;  recommended 
various  new  provisions  for  the  prevention  of  fraud, 
■aid: 

"  Whatever  may  be  thn  rrlianei  which  might  to  bo  ploerd 
In  the  eftieaey  of  Uio  foregoing  pro  isioiis,  ills  certainly  pru 
dent  lo  liiminish,  ns  tUrus  practicab.e,ihu  list  of  arUcles  pay- 
ing ad  valorem  duties. 

'*  Tile  liesl  examination  which  clrennisianeoe  have  per- 
milti'il.has  resulted  in  llie  conviction  tiint  llie  following  list 
of  articles,  now  paying  ud  valoreui  duties,  may  be  aulijuctud 
tn  specific  duties. " 

Then  follows  the  list,  amounting  to  seventy-one 
in  nil.  Here,  then,  in  answer  to  the  call  of  the 
House,  as  to  what  measures  ought  to  bo  odopted 
by  Congress  for  the  greater  security  of  the  public 
revenue,  Mr.  Crawford,  nt  the  end  of  a  series  of 
■uggeations,  amounting  1  think  to  twenty-two, 
adds:  "  Aller  all,  the  true  course  ia  to  go,  us  far  as 
possible,  on  the  line  of  s|iecific  duties."  At  the 
next  session  of  Congress,  having  received  thefore- 

foing  intimation  of  \fr.  Crawford's  opinion,  Mr. 
nghum  moved  another  resolution,  us  follows: 

"  April  '30th,  181)4 — On  inoUon  by  Mr.  Ingham, 

"Hfto/rfrf,  Tiiot  the  tiecretary  of  the  Treiwury  ho  direct- 
ed to  reiKirt  to  Congress,  at  llleir  next  kosnIoii,  wluit  further 
impniveitiont  it  m-iy  lie  prncticitttle  to  make  in  the  larill'of 
duties  upon  imported  gtHHis,  wares,  and  mercliandise,  liy 
charging  speciOc  diuies  n|ion  articiiiswhicli  aru  now  ciiujgi  d 
with  duties  ad  valoioin." 

"TrSASIIRV  DuPiRTMBNT,  >Vkniiri/  8,  1«1D. 

«  Hir:  In  ntiedience  to  a  resolution  of  the  lloiise  of  Ue|>. 
resonlatives  of  tlio  SUth  of  April,  IXIB,  directing  the  Hrrreta- 
ry  of  ttie  Treosury  *  lo  report  lo  C'ongntss  ut  its  next  session 
whatl'nrtlier  improvement  it  may  lie  priicticablu  to  make  in 
the  tarill'dillies  upon  imported  gomis,  wares,  and  merchan- 
dise, liy  charging  s[M!ciHc  duties  ujHin  Nrlieloa  which  are  now 
chargeil  Willi  dutit's  ad  valorem,'  I  have  Uiu  honor  lo  submit 
the  enclosed  list  of  articles,  exhibiting  tlie  original  cost,  itio 
freight,  insurance,  and  cnmniissions,  wliore  It  has  been  prac- 
ticable ;  the  prosont  ad  valorem  duly  reduced  lo  n  specinc 
form ;  and  the  speeiflc  duty  which  it  Is  conceived  may  bo 
Imposed  upon  thoiii,  r«s|icctively,  cniiBislent  with  thu  public 
Interest. 

"  It  is  pmhable  that  this  list  may  lie  considerably  extend- 
ed, should  the  suliject  receive  no  nnal  disposition  during  Uie 
present  session. 

*(  1  have  Uie  honor  to  be  your  most  obedient  sor^'nnt, 

"  W'M.  II.  CltAWFORD. 
"Tho  Hon.  die  Speaker  of  tlie  House  of  KepresentaUves.'f 

These  articles  amount  to  155  in  number.  [Sec 
Smic  Papers,  Finance,  vol.  3,  pages  415-'I6,  &c.] 

Following  the  suggestion  in  Mr.  Crawford's  let- 
ter, that  there  might  be  n  propriety  in  increasing  the 
list  of  specific  duties,  this  resolution  of  the  House, 
as  you  see,  sir,  cnlla  for  further  information,  nnd 
expression  of  opinion,  on  that  point.  And  here  is 
the  circular  which,  in  conseciuence  of  that,  Mr. 
Crawford  addressed  to  the  collectors: 
[Circular.]    "  Treasury  Departmkst,  aVA  *fiiy,  1818. 

*<  Sir  :  As  the  revenue  of  the  United  Stales  is  now  excllt- 
aively  derived  from  imports  and  tonnage,  and  from  llic  sale 
of  the  public  lands,  it  Is  extremely  in)|iortnnl  to  render  both 
tylrmi  as  fofcet  aa  the  nature  of  human  institutions  will 
permit. 

"  The  cnfolnl.v  with  whicli  specific  duties  are  collected 

give  them  n  deriitM  advantage  over  duties  laid  upon  the 

VALOR  of  tiie  nrlicle.    It  is  probable  that  the  most  important 

I  chnnne  which  can  be  made  in  llii^  system  will  be  the  tuhai- 

I  lullon  of  BPEciric  for  od  valorem  duties  upon  all  articles 

j  nucniliUt  of  llml  change. 

"  Sensible  of  Uio  Importance  of  Ulis  change^  Uie  House  of 
Representatives,  at  Uie  close  of  the  liuil  session,  adopted  a 
resolnlion  direcUng  the  Secretary  of  Hie  Treasury  to  '  re- 
part,'  ic. 

"  In  compiyi  ng  with  Uiis  resolution,  I  must  avail  myself  of 
the  experience  which  you  have  acquired  in  Uio  discharge  of 
your  official  duties. 

"  To  place  Uiis  department,  ns  well  as  the  House  of  Rep- 
resontaUves,  in  n  situation  to  Judge  of  the  propriety  of  ma- 
king the  change  upon  such  nrUcles  as  you  may  suppose  to 
ho  susceptible  of  it,  I  will  thank  you  to  present  them  in  lite 
form  of  Uio  stnlcnient  annexed  (not  preserved)  to  this  cnm- 
ninnicntion,  showing  the  original  cost  of  Uie  arUcle,  the  ex- 
pense of  freight,  commissions,  and  insurnnce,  Uio  rate  of 
ad  valorem  duty  now  paid,  ami  its  amniiiit  in  the  form  of  a 
BDCClRc  rfll/i/,  and  the  tnreific  duty  moMsed  lo  be  laid  n;)on  it. 

"lam,  fcc.,  (V.M.  H.  CRAWFORD. 

"P.  S.  Isit  practicable  to  subject  ctof/w  of  wool,  cotton, 
or  flax,  fcc,  to  spcciflc  duties,  by  combining  the  number  of 
threads,  in  a  given  extent,  with  tlic  weight  nf  ihe  cioili .'  It 
is  asserted  by  sonic  of  the  English  mniiutaetiirers  lo  he  en- 
tirely practicable  by  die  aid  of  magnil'ying  glasses  construct- 
ed for  that  object." 

rCiRouLAR.J  «  Tbeasorv  Department, 

^  JVoecmJcrll.lgn. 

"Sir:  The  House  of  RcprcsonlnUvcs  having,  by  resolu- 
tion, required  the  Secretary  oftho  Treasury  to  referto  Con- 
gress, ut  the  next  session,  such  measures  as  may  be  neces- 
sary for  Uie  more  effectual  execution  of  Uie  laws  for  the 
tollcction  of  tlie  duties  on  g<iods,  ware: ,  and  niercliandisi^, 
I  have  to  request  that  you  will  inform  nie  whether,  in  the 
discharge  of  youroflicinl  duUcs,  any  important  defects  have 
been  detected  in  the  existing  provisions. 

«  As  it  is  only  by  exitcricme  that  any  system  of  revenue 
can  be  brought  to  appioxinintc  lo  a  stale  of  perfi^ctioii,  it  ia 
iiniiorlant  to  collect  into  a  gencrnlia,M»  thn  practienl  exjic- 
rienee  of  the  intelligent  officers  employed  in  supctintendiiig 
Uie  iiniRattotc  execution  oj  tlie  si/ilem. 


"  Vou  will  therefore  have  the  goodness.  In  |iolntln|  out 
exi>ting  delects,  u>  present  to  the  departinonl  Uio  provlalnn* 
berl  ealeuliiieri,  in  your  opinion,  lo  elleei  Unt  object  coiitem- 
plated  by  llie  Nnlloniii  l.eglslaliire. 
"  An  early  niieniion  to  uils  subject  Is  requoaled. 
"  I  am,  teauecllully,  fcc, 

'■  W.M.  II.  CUAWKORn,"  fcc. 
Now,  sir,  what  is  tlie  great  fact  that  make*  ad  vo- 
(oreni  dutiea  unaafe  ns  a  general  principle  of  finance? 
I  must  confcas  my  utter  conrternation,  the  other 
day,  when  I  heard  thu  honorable  chairman  of  tho 
Coinmillce  of  Finance  [Mr.  LkiviiI  say,  that  he 
did  not  believe  thnt  n  case  of  fraudulent  under-val- 
uiition  had  ever  been  mailo  out!  Why  it  is  the 
notoriety  of  a  thousand  such  cases,  no  iirring  every 
year  in  this  Qoverinneiii,  and  in  nil  Qovernment* 
where  tho  system  iif  lul  valorim  duties  in  any  de- 
gree prevails,  and  the  value  is  ascertained  upon  llie 
invoices  or  proof  from  abroad;  it  is  tho  notoriety 
of  u  llioiisund  such  cases  of  fraud  that  hcu<  led  to 
tho  adoption  nf  thisgencrul  rule,  and  raised  it  even 
into  a  jirinciple,  us  1  have  nienlinnid.  My  honor- 
able friend  from  Maine  [Mr.  Evans]  must  have 
Biitisfied  the  honorable  chairman  nnd  the  Senate,  aa 
well  ns  everybody  else,  of  the  iiunilici'  und  the  no- 
toriety of  the  cases  of  fraudulent  undcr-valuntion, 
because  he  enumerated  instances,  and  hundreds  of 
iiistaiiccH,  in  which  goods  were  seized  and  forfeited 
for  undcr-vuluation.'  I  know  no  limit  to  that  list 
of  cases;  and,  sir,  since  this  subject  lias  come  up, 
and  since  persons  out  of  doors  have  heard  the  deu- 
larution  ot  the  honorable  chnirmun,  my  desk  has 
been  laboring  under  the  weight  of  casea  and  IVicts 
communicated  from  various  portions  of  the  com- 
mercial community.  I  will  state  only  n  few,  out 
of  hundreds.  Here  is  one,  and  here  is  tiie  proof: 
"  A  merchant  orders  goods  to  be  shipiied  from  France  and 
entered  nt  New  Orleans,  for  the  western  trade,  wlUl  the  uii- 
iletsiandini;  iluil  lie  is  lo  have  them  at  the  foreign  cost,  wiUi 
tho  duties  and  eiuirgcs  added. 
A  shipiuent  was  made  Willi  and  forwarded 

to  the  purchaser,  amounting  lo 0,890.93  francs. 

At  the  Hain%time  the  invoice  forwarded         * 
with  tiie  goods  to  Now  Orleans  was ... ,    S,9S8.0D  IVaiics. 

Dllference 1,571.93  francs. 

Or,  83ili  114  out  of  91,300  94. 

"  Tho  goods  were  valued  Uierefore,  In  the  entry,  at  $316  94 
less  than  tliey  were  to  Uie  pureiiaser,  and  the  purchaser  was 
niiualiy  ciiarged  for  the  duly  on  this  (311!  D4  as  paid  to  the 
Govorniiient,  amounUng  lo  ij9.'>  10.  Doih  tho  Government 
and  Uie  pureiiaser  were,  therefore,  chenled  out  of  that  sum. 

"  Ttiis  transaction  occurred  in  the  spring  of  Ib46,  and  I 
send  you  a  cony  of  tlie  correspondence  in  wliich  these  facts 
are  staled,  and  not  denied  ;  but  the  French  house  attempts 
a  roundabout  JusUllealloii  for  pulUng  the  foreign  cost  to 
Uie  piirchasers  at  a  greater  amount  Uian  the  entry  invoice. 

"J.  D." 

This  transaction  occurred  this  very  year.  And 
here,  sir,  is  another,  communicated  by  a  moathighly 
respectable  merchant  of  my  acquaintance.  Hear 
I  he  letter: 

"  Boston,  July  17, 1846. 

"Dear  sir:  I  nm  informed  that  a  respectable  house  in 
Ulis  city  received  on  invoice  of  European  goods  fioin  a  for- 
eign house,  the  amount  of  which  was  about  ^.2,000,  and  that, 
al'ier  entering  tlie  goods  at  tho  custoni-hmise  by  tho  invoices, 
they  received  nnoUier  invoice  valuing  the  same  goods  at 
about  IJ8,nuo,  with  a  letter  staUng  that  Uie  Arst  invoice  was 
to  levy  duties  by,  and  the  second  In  sell  by. 

"The  consignee  here,  who  is  also  an  importer,  not  being 
willing  to  bo  a  party  to  Ihe  fraud,  deposited  both  invoices  at 
tlie  euslnm-liouse,  where  lliey  were  yeslcrday. 

"  I  have  no  doubt  of  Uie  aiilhority  from  which  I  received 
this  inlorinniion,  but  I  do  not  wish  lo  be  quoted  for  it. 

"  I  have  ihnnghl  you  niiglit  be  pleased  to  know  Uiis  fact, 
as  Uie  fraud  is  so  great,  anil  thi:  per|ieUrutot  beyond  tho  reach 
of  any  penal  staluies  of  Uiis  country. 

"  Your  most  obedient  servant, 

"  Hon.  D.  Webster,  IKosAington. 

"  P.  B.  I  hear  Uint  Mr.  Lamaon  is  the  consignee." 

Sir,  one  case  more.  A  highly  respectable  firm 
in  Boston  (Messrs.  George  H.  Gray  &  Co.)  have 
been  dealers  many  years  in  hardware,  and  in  tlie 
linbit  of  making  importations  of  certain  articles 
from  the  North.  In  these  articles  they  found  them- 
selves constantly  undersold  by  the  dealers  in  New 
York.  "They  could  not  understand  the  reason  of 
this  for  a  long  time,  but  last  spring  tlie  secret  came 
to  light.  They  had  orderetl  a  small  amount  of 
hardware  to  be  sent  to  them,  nnd  in  due  time  tho 
goods  came,  nnd  (iro  invoices  came  with  them.  In 
one  invoice  the  cost  was  stated  at  958  thnlers,  in 
tho  olftf  rat  1,409.  And  the  letter  accompanying 
these  invoices  says:  "  You  find  herewith  duplicate 
'invoices  of  the  greatest  part  of  your  order,  &c. 
'  "The  original  I  send  by  Havre  packet.  You  also 
'fmil  hernrilh  an  invoice  made  up  in  Ihe  tnanner  like 
'  [tlint  which!  the  most  importers  of  your  country 
'  require — perhaps  to  save  some  duty." 

Now,  sir,  these  original  invoices,  the  false  and 


r;  > 


¥.    i 


1143 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  96, 


S9rH  CoNo I  IT  Sek. 


Tht  Tariff'— Mr.  Wtbrttr. 


Senate. 


the  Irup,  and  lh«  nrii;iniil  lellrr  whii-h  t  hnv«  rrnd, 
are  now  in  my  hiiiMl,nnil  iiny  i;riit|pinnn  wlionmy 
rrrldiajHiMil.mny  look  lit  ihciii.  OrcnuracMrmri. 
Urny  at  Ci>.  csrrietl  both  iiivoicei  tn  ihe  ciialom- 
liniiar,  Ifcniiie  tlicy  were  hoiinrnlile  merihiiiila, 
null  (lie  dutiea  wrrv  Haseaapd  on  llie  hif(hcr  iiivoiirp. 
And  by  thia  time  llirae  geiillrmen  were  nn  IniiKir 
III  a  loa^  to  iircount  for  (lin  low  prirn  nt  wliii'h  thia 
dracriptlon  o(  inerclmndiac  liiiil  bcuii  aolling  in  the 
city  of  New  York. 

But  now,  air,  tnke  not  n  Hingle  onae,  but  llie  rn- 
•iilts  of  Innz  experienre.  I  am  nlioiit  to  rrnd  n 
letter,  not  nilili'«a.H<-d  to  mr,  but  pliiurd  in  my  linndi, 
IVoin  a  gentlemnn  well  known,  I  pntniimv,  to  boili 
the  Seniilora  of  New  York,nnil  to  other  nieniliera. 
Thia  letter,  I  think,  will  HlnrlliMJic  honnriible  clinir- 
mnn.  It  muit  open  to  hia  mind  quite  n  new  view 
of  thinga. 

•'TanY,Jaiyl4,  IHIO. 

•*  La  OaAanCAaan<i.  K-tH.—t^ia;  Aitrpfiility  i«»  your  wiph, 
f  Avail  iiiyioU'  nf  lltii,  opimrluiiilv  t<i  givi*  yiiil  ttii)  Itftii'lU  nl 
iiiy  i<xt**'>'iP'i'*''  'i>  mi'n'nritHi'  niiil  iimniiflicturliiK  titiNlneHit, 
hniHiitf  It  limy  (end  to  nn  itnpntvi'iin'nt  til'  ttit-  liill,  now  |»<n(l' 
lni(  ill  IIm>  Hrniiti-,  for  thp  rnll**cliiiiinritiilii'n,  I  Imiit'  iiiein- 
Ihti  of  CiinareAi  will  tiavn  ttu>  fniiii-  \li'Wtf  of  tin*  prnhnblc 
rt'Kultji  whirli  I  nntiri|t»l*> ;  wIlU'll  nrt- ,  titnt  tin*  nycleiii  nl' 
ad  vulnri-in  itiitiei*  i1ih-m  give  tliu  l'fit«iiiii  iiii|Nir1cr  niifi  innnu 
f  irtllrr"  a  vury  linilui*  lulvniitnac  nvi-r  llin  AilM'rirnn  tinfHirt'T. 
Till*  will  tie  Hppnrciit  fniin  my  "W'li  riiM-'rldicf,  wlilrli  I 
live  ynil  iiniii'Xfil.  My  hrolliur  and  iiiyi(c)r  weri*  lirniinlit  tip 
HI  tlie  town  of  Mniirllfrtfr,  niiil  will  ari|iiiliii(i>(i  Willi  llii- 
nmiiurncturpri  niid  iiinnilftirllirlriR.  At  lliu  ngi!  nl'  iweiilv 
yoar*  It  nppt'nred  vitv  pvidi-nt  lo  liif  timl  wp  rnutd  Diiliiii 

rHiiU  und  liii|M)rt  gitmU  Into  N>-w  Vork  nhniil  ti'ii  |MT  pi-iit, 
nvnr  llinn  tlin  Aniprirnn  nii-n-liant :  mid  with  thU  cnnvlr- 
lion  I  Hfrpi'd  lo  cniiip  out  to  Nrw  York  mid  dinpo'tp  or  the 
good*,  and  lenvp  my  lirollipr  to  ilnUli  nnd  liirwiiril  tlii>  aondM. 
Tile  reniilt  wna  c<|iial  to  our  i-x(M>i'tattonii.  We  imiHirli'd 
our  ipMidii  ten  |Hjr  pent.  cIleniN'r  than  our  cnnifH'tltMrn,  and 
by  Ihn  nd  valorpni  dnliPH  wp  paiil  iicnrty  fivp  per  pi  ill.  jp-s 
dutip«;  MO  tlint,  in  twpnty-two  ypar.-',  wp  niiidp  nenrly  a  iriil. 
lion  dollurn.  wtiilit  iienrly  all  the  Aincrifnn  inprphnnix  fnlli'd. 
o  Nnw.  I  ri-a-'on,  what  liaii  bppii  will  he  ;  and  should  the 
prpupnt  lahtf  tiill  paso,  it  will  aivp  the  forpi|rn  nminifacturer 
a  depided  ndvaiitnap.  and  tend  lo  redtip,.'  the  rnti^  of  dullpn 
lower  thu  in  nntielnntrd.  And  I  cannot  avoid  eipi-P8iiini{ 
my  depidifll  opinion  in  favor  of  npi'dile  diilifla,  nn  tticn  tiip 
forplKil  inanntaclurer  would  pny  thp  iiniiip  diiliPK  nn  lite 
Anierlenn  Importer.  DBNJ.  MARSHALL." 

Can  any  man  );ainany  Ihe  truth  of  thif>.'  la 
there  a  merchant,  foreign  nr  American,  in  the  Uni- 
ted Staica,  who  will  cxpieaa  niiy  contrariety  of 
opinion?  Is  there  a  man,  high  or  low,  whodcnira 
it?  I  know  of  none;  1  have  heard  of  none.  Sir, 
it  haa  been  the  experience  of  thia  Qovernmeni, 
alwaya,  tlint  tlic  ad  ralortm  ayMlcin  ia  open  to  in- 
numerable frauda.  AVhat  is  the  case  with  Eng- 
land >  In  her  notions,  favorable  to  free  trade,  haa 
she  rushed  madly  into  n  achenie  of  iid  rn'oreiii 
duties .'  Sir,  a  system  of  ad  ralortm  dutiea  is  not 
free  trade, -but /raurfii/rnl  trade.  Has  Englnnd 
countenanced  this .'  Not  nl  nil;  not  at  all.  Sir,  on 
the  contrary,  on  every  occnaioii  of  a  revision  of 
the  taritr  of  England,  a  constant  effort  has  been 
made,  and  progress  attained  in  every  case,  to 
augment  the  number  of  specilic  duties,  and  reduce 
the  number  of  od  eaiortm  duties.  A  gentleman  in 
the  other  House  [Mr.  Seaman]  hna  taken  pnina — 
which  I  have  taken  also,  thiiugn  I  believe  not  quite 
■o  thoroughly  as  he  has — to  go  through  the  items 
of  the  British  tariff,  and  see  whot  proportion  of 
dutiea  in  that  tariff  are  arf  ralortm  and  what  nre 
specific.  Now,  sir,  the  result  of  that  examination 
snows,  that  at  this  day,  in  this  British  tariff,  out 
of  six  hundred  articles,  five  hundred  are  subject  to 
specific  duties.  Eve-ything  that  from  its  nature 
could  be  made  specific,  io  made  specific.  Nothing 
ia  |>laced  in  the  list  of  nd  raforem  duties  but  sucli 
OS  seem  to  be  incapable  of  assessment  in  any  other 
form.  Well,  sir,  how  do  we  stand,  then  ?  We 
hove  the  experience  of  our  own  Government;  we 
liave  the  juugment  of  those  most  distingui.shed  in 
the  administration  of  our  affairs;  we  have  the  pro- 
duction of  proof,  on  this  most  important  point,  in 
hundreds  and  hundreds  of  instances,  of  the  dnn;;er 
of  the  ad  talorem  mode  of  assessing  duties.  What 
is  produced  in  its  favor.'  Every  importer  of  the 
United  States,  without  exception,  is  against  it. 
Sir,  the  Administration  has  not  a  mercantile  friend 
from  here  to  Penobscot,  so  far  as  oppcars,  that 
will  come  forward  and  give  his  opinion  m  favor  of 
this  ayatem.  I  undertake  to  say  there  is  not  one. 
There  may  be  membera  of  the  "  little  Congress," 
to  which  the  honorable  member  fVom  Connecticut 
[Mr.  Nll-EiiJ  referred  some  days  ago — some  sub- 
ordinate ofhcers  aliout  the  custom-house,  influ- 
enced by  I  know  not  what  considerations — who 
may  be  found   ready  to  siutain  such  a  system. 


That  I  do  not  deny.  But  I  aay  that  no  reapenlable 
importing  mprrhnnt  ran  be  fimnd  between  I'enob- 
snit  and  Riihnioiul,  who  will  give  his  opinion  in 
fuvor  of  it.  If  ho  is  nn  hiiiieitt  man,  and  one  who 
gets  hia  living  by  Importation  himself.  Well, 
then,  how  are  we  to  decide?  Against  the  aulhnr- 
ily  of  our  own  expi'rlciii.e?  Against  ihe  authority 
ol*  these  thouaaiida of  aubslantinled  facts ?  Against 
Ihese  eaara  now  bliishlng  with  recent  fraud? 
Against  the  exiitiipic,  not  mily  nf  the  English 
(liivernment,  Imt  agninsi  that  of  all  the  continental 
Unvernmenia — for  the  Zoll  Verein  carrica  Its  ape- 
p|fle  duties  much  further  even  than  England? 
Againat  nil  this,  what  have  we' — what  havo  we? 
Why,  we  have  the  rpcoinmendalion  of  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Uniied  Stales  and  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury — highly  respectable  persons;  resperlable 
in  privule  life  ;  lespeclable,  and  I  may  say  eminent,  | 
In  aonio  walks  of  public  llfp;  but  I  must  add,  nei- 
ther of  them  Iniiiipd  in  the  knowledge  ofcommerce; 
iieilher  of  them  having  had  hnliiia  of  Inlereouse 
with  practical  men  of  the  cities,  or  men  of  mercan- 
tile liusiness.  And  yet  here,  in  the  first  year  of 
their  Ailmlnislratlon,  fresh  to  the  duties  thrown 
upon  tlipin,  they  come  out  witliaieconimcndation 
of  a  vast  change;  they  propose  a  new  system, 
ndversi  lo  nil  our  own  experience,  hostile  to 
everylluiig  that  we  have  ever  learned,  different 
from  the  experience  of  every  other  country  on  the 
face  of  the  eurlh,  and  which  stands  solely  on  the 
rcsponHliiillty  of  their  own  individual  opinions! 
I  do  not  ihink  tlip.t  this  is  a  fair  balance  ot^author- 
ily;  and  since  nobody  here  will  uphold  it,  since 
nobody  here  will  defend  it,  it  is  fair  enough  for 
nie  to  say,  with  entire  respect  to  the  hend  of  the 
Government  and  the  Dc|mrtment  of  the  Treasury, 
that  the  preponderance  of  authority  is  quite  over- 
whelming the  other  way. 

But  now,  Mr.  President,  I  come  tn  a  part  of  this 
act,  to  which  I  would  be  exceedingly  glad  to  call 
Ihe  nllciition,  the  serious  attention,  of  genilemen 
on  both  sides  of  the  Senate.  The  eighth  and 
ninth  sectinns  of  this  bill  appear  to  me  to  be  so 
extmoidinary  and  so  objectionable,  that  I  cannot 
persuade  myself  that  any  gentleman,  who  will 
tske  the  trouble  of  reading  and  studying  them, 
will  hazard  '.he  revenue  of  the  country  upon  such 
provisions.  In  the  first  place,  allow  me  to  read 
the  ninili  section  of  the  bill.  Let  me  premise  or 
repeal,  that  llie  danger  in  the  practical  operation 
of  the  ad  rulortm  system  arises  fVom  the  great 
probability  of  under-vulutttion,fraiidulentor  other- 
wise, in  the  foreign  market.  The  thing  to  bo 
guarded  againat,  therefore,  whe.'-ver  i.Ke  ad  valorem 
system  of  duly  prevails,  is  fraudulent  or  accident- 
al under-valiiiitlon;  and  therefore  the  law  nnw  in 
o|)eralion  provides  specific  and  adequate  penalties 
in  such  cases.  If  there  bo  any  fraudulent  under- 
valuation now,  nnd  it  be  detected,  there  is  a  pen- 
nlty,  there  is  redress.  But  if  I  understand  aright 
the  legal  effect  of  these  provisions,  tlmt^ffect  will 
be  (and  to  that  I  wish  to  call  the  attention  of  the 
legal  minds  of  the  Senate)  to  remove  all  penalties 
whatsoever  from  fraudulent  under-valuation;  be- 
cause, pcrhapa,  of  the  opinion  of  the  chairman, 
that  no  such  case  need  be  provided  for,  as  he  thinks 
none  such  ever  yet  happened  !  There  will  not  be, 
lis  it  stems  lo  me,  the  smallest  penally  on  earth, 
or  the  Iciuit  check  to  any  amount  of  under-valua- 
tion that  anybody  moy  choose  to  make.  Here  is 
the  9lh  section  of  the  bill: 

"  Hec.  9.  ^>uf  be  U  further  enartal,  Thai  if,  upon  ttie  ex- 
anjination  of  any  imreel,  |>acknge,  or  iinnntity  of  gomlx,  of 
which  entry  liax  lipiui  niaiic,  the  appnilHcrv  nf  liie  United 
Slaten  Hliall  be  of  opinion  that  llie  name  wan  nnder\'uluPd  by 
ttie  owner,  importer,  connijiitep,  or  ajfent,  ivitll  the  iiitenlion 
of  derrninliiig  the  revenue  of  the  United  tilnte?i,  itKlinll  be 
lawful  liir  ttie  collector,  within  wiiose  iliHtrict  the  name  may 
be  eiitiTPil,  the  i«aiietioii  of  the  Secretary  ol  Uie  Trensury 
being  fliM  obtained,  if,  in  his  opinion,  the  name  slittll  Ih* 
advisable,  to  take  ,«ncli  goods  for  the  ime  of  the  United 
t^uitefi.  v\nd  huch  collector  iiliall  caur-e  kiicIi  goods  to  Ih;  sold 
at  public  aiiclioii,  wiitiin  twpniy  days  from  the  lime  of  taking 
the  sam'>,  in  the  manner  pnscribeil  hy  law  flir  the  sale  of 
unclainied  goods ;  and  the  pmcpeds  of  such  sale  shnll  be 
plappd  tiinhwith  in  the  treasury  of  the  United  Hintes;  and 
such  colleptor  is  hereby  nnthori/.cd  lo  pay  out  nf  the  aceni- 
in^  revpiiue,  to  the  owner,  imiiorler,  consignee,  or  agent  nf 
the  goods  8o  taken,  the  vnine  thereof  as  declared  in  tile 
entry,  and  five  |H>r  centum  upon  rucIi  amount  in  addition 
thereto ;  and  Ihe  said  colleptor  shall  render  lo  the  Secretary 
of  Uie  Treasury,  with  his  accounts  of  the  customs,  a  state- 
ment, showing  the  amount  of  moneys  so  p.-lid,  the  nninunt 
of  duties  chargeable  on  the  goods  so  taken,  and  the  aninuni 
of  proceeds  paid  into  the  treasury ;  and  this  secUon  shall  be 
in  force  unUI  the  first  July,  eighteen  hundred  and  forty-elgtit, 
unless  otherwise  directed  by  Congress.'i 


Sir,  there  never  was  such  a  provision  as  that  on 
the  face  of  the  earth  !  I  pray  genilemrn  lo  look 
to  it.  Here  is  n  man  who  cnmca  witli  n/raiii/iWrnI 
intoict;  It  Is  proved  to  he  fVaiiduieni;  the  prpsent 
law  punishes  him  by  forfoitlnK  the  gmids;  but 
what  does  this  law  aay  <  It  says  that  the  collector 
may  lAke  the  goods,  sell  them,  put  the  prncceda 
into  the  tn^aaury,  but  shall  pay  him  the  cost,  and 
five  per  cent,  over!  Snihat  tke/raiidtitriil  linpnrter, 
if  found  out,  ahall  yet  be  made  anfe  against  loss  ! 
lie  may  yet  aell  hia  goods  to  the  Unllei!  Ntairs  for 
cost  and  five  per  cent,  profit.  Now,  I  nm  guilty 
of  no  inisrepreaeniatlon.  Here  are  the  written 
words.  It  Is  exactly  that.  He  conies  wllh  his 
gomla,  and  the  collector  charges  him  wllh  a  fraud- 
ulent invoice.  "  Very  well,"  he  anys,  "  if  you 
say  so,  take  the  goods  and  give  me  what  I  allege 
they  coat,  with  five  tier  cent,  nrofit.  Make  the 
most  nf  it!"  [Lnugnter.]  Whether  he  made  a 
good  iniporlntioii  nrabiul  one,  the  law  very  kindly 
provides  him  with  a  good  way  to  get  nd  of  his 
goods.    There  is  not  a  particle  of  penalty — not  n 

IHirlicle  nf  Inconvenience  to  be  siiflVred  by  him, 
I  Is  all  considerate  kindness  for  one  proved  guilty 
nf  a  fraud.  On  general  orinciples  thisisertlon  would 
seem  lo  suspersede  nnil  abrogate  all  previously  ex- 
isting provisions;  because  the  enactment  is  made 
in  relation  to  the  same  aubject  matter,  and  covers 
the  cases  covered  by  exlstiiijt  laws;  is  nowhere  snid 
to  be  additional,  or  cumulative:  but,  on  the  contra- 
ry, the  ISlh  section  declares  that  all  previous  laws, 
repugnant  lo  the  provisions  of  thia  act,  shall  be 
refiealcd. 

But  if  this  be  regarded  as  a  new  provision,  not 
intended  to  repeal  existing  laws,  but  designed 
merely  to  give  a  new  power  to  the  collector  or  the 
Secretary,  then  it  ia  still  more  olijeclionable,  be- 
cause, if  viewed  in  that  light  it  gives  a  dispensing 
power,  nr  an  uncontested  )iower  of  favoritism.  It 
enables  the  Secretary  to  excuse,  and  even  to  re- 
ward, one  frnudulenl  importer,  while  others,  not 
more  fraudulent,  forfeit  ilieir  gpoda.  It  seems  to 
be  thought  that  the  Secretary  may 'well  show  favor 
and  kindness,  in  particular  coses,  though  deliberate 
fraud  has  been  actually  perpetrated.  This  is  ex- 
actly in  the  spirit  nf  the  serving-man's  address  to 
Mr.  Justice  Shallow: 

"Igrant  your  worship  that  he  is  a  knave,  sir;  but  yet,  Ond 

forblir,  sir,  buta  knave  should  have  some  countPnance  at  his 

friend**  rei|uest.    An   linnest  man,  sir,  is  able  to  speak  f^ir 

himself,  when  a  knave  is  not.    1  have  served  your  worship, 

truly,  sir,  litis  eight  years,  and  if  I  cannot  once  or  twice  in  a 

I  quarter  bear  out  a  knave  against  an  honest  man,  I  have  but 

]  very  little  credit  with  your  wnrsliip.    The  knave  Is  mine 

I  hnnest  friend,  sir;  therefore,  I  beseech  your  worship,  let 

I  hiui  tw  countenanced." 

1      Mr.  Camkrun  here  rose,  and  was  understood  to 
say,  thot  he  really  could  hardly  suppose  that  such 
'  a  blunder  had  been  committed  in  passing  the  bill. 
He  wished  to  hear  the  section  again. 
Mr.  Webster.     I  will  read  it  again"  with dis- 
;  cretion  and  due  emphasis."    [A  laugh.]    Well, 
i  now,  (continued  Mr.  W.,  after  reading  the  aec- 
i  lion,)  the  fraudulent  importer  may  himself  pur- 
chase the  goods  at  auction.     He  may,  perhaps, 
buy  them  at  50  per  cent.,  and  make  the  Govern- 
ment pay  the  full  amount!    And  besides,  thus  he 
\  evades  the  duty  altogether.     He  geta  his  goods  in 
I  free,  ond  hus  a  certainly  oP  being  paid  all  that  he 
rates  them  nt,  and  five  per  cent,  besides.     Now, 
sir,  our  predecessors  did  not  leave  the  matter  in 
that  state.    The  provision  in  the  17th  section  of 
the  act  of  1842,  and  the  19lh  section  of  the  same 
,  act,  are  the  provisions  under  existing  lows  for 
prevention  of  under-valuation,  in  addition  to  the 
general  penalty  of  forfeiture,  when  invoiced  fraud- 
I  ulently. 

!  The  8th  section  of  the  bill  is  still  more  remork- 
oble.  I  do  not  meon  to  say  that  there  is  any  pur- 
pose in  the  Treasury  Deportment,  or  any  officer 
i  of  the  Government,  to  give  facilities  to  fraudulent 
;  importations.  They  are  not  capable  of  that,  yet 
'  I  say  that  this  8th  section  is  open  to  much  fraudu- 
\  lent  abuse.    See  what  it  is: 

i     11  Bee.  8.  JIvA  he  it  further  enaclal.  That  It  shall  be  law- 

j  ful  for  the  owner,  lonsignee,  or  agent  of  imports  which  have 

lieeii  actually  purchased,  on  entry  of  the  same,  to  make 

such  addition  in  tlie  entry  to  the  cost  or  value  given  in  the 

invoice,  as  ia  his  opinion  may  raise  the  same  to  the  true 

market  value  of  such  imports  in  the  principal  markets  of 

the  country  whence  the  iiniHirtalinn  shall  liave  been  made, 

or  in  which  the  goods  imported  sliall  have  been  originally 

I  manufactured  or  produced,  as  the  ease  may  U'^ ;  and  lo  add 

!  thereto  all  costs  and  clmrges  wliieli,  under  existing  laws, 

I  would  fomi  pari  of  the  true  value  at  the  port  where  Uie 


1846.] 


'^(h-H  CoNd I  NT  Seh. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 

77ie  Tariff— Mr.  tVebiter. 


1143 
8rnat>. 


"  1 


miliin  iiiity  ItA  I'lltart^il,  ll|H)n  wlllrti  lllit  ilulln*  vlioilld  hp  w- 
.i'mihI.  Anil  II  ihall  In'  llii'  iluly  iif  ihci  i-allocinr  wlihin 
wliiwn  ill.lrli'l  lllii  mlllin  lllliv  hii  Iiii|k>cI«I  or  I'lilcri'll,  lo 
tnil'ii  lh«  iliillilhlii  vnhiii  ol'  mirh  IiiiihhK  m  >»•  dmiviImiI, 
railiiiKlcil,  Hiiil  wi'rriiinril  In  aci'iirilHiici'  with  llm  iinnrlK- 

I il' I'llmlnii  liiwai  mill  11'  llir  ii|iprul«i'il  viilm-  Ihnrrnr 

ahiill  ">rr<'il  )>/  imi  pi'r  I'onliiiii  or  iiiiiri'  lli«  vnliin  •■>  ili'iln-  | 
ri'cl  1111  ilii>  iiilrv,  tlimi,  In  mlillllim  In  llii'  iliiili'"  ImiKwul  by  i 

liiw  nil  tlio  "11 ,  IhlTo  uhllll  111'  InHiiH,  rnlliicliil,  illid  |i»lil. 

n  limy  nriwrniy  (Hr  iiiiIiiim  iuI  VHlnniii  nn  •iii'li  ii|>pnil>«il 
valiiii  I  I'roMcil,  iii't  I'riln'lrii*,  llml  mill  ir  nn  I'lri'iiiimlnin'oii 
•liiill  till*  iliity  liH  n«)ii.Mi*il  tiiHiii  HII  iiiiiiimit  Ii*m  ilmii  thi<  In-  ' 
viilrii  viiliip,  iiiiy  Inn  n(  ('nniri'U  In  lli«  cuiilniry  nolwllh-  { 
■liuidlnK.'*  I 

Niiw,  oir,  nH  to  llie  lUlh  seclion  of  the  law  of  I 
184'J.  I  imiy  ymi  t"  br.nr  in  miiiil  timt,  by  «inlule  I 
(if  Ionic  NlandiiiK,  fmiiilulcnt  invoiccn  for  frttiiilu- J 
l(inluiidervnlimlion,Ac.,arciIei'l«rcd  Inlmgrouiiil*  ] 
of  forfeiture  of  tho  gooda.  Now,  tlia  IDtli  iioclion  j 
of  tlie  law  of  lhl4'.2  giwK  furlliBr,  niid  impotci  ii  por- 
Ronnl  |i«imlly.     Its  proviition  in  tliis:  | 

<"  rtiniiWn), «(«,  Tlinl  In  nil  rmn-invliin  llin  niMnnl  vnlun  I 

111-  niiiiritlmil,  c-iliiiiili'il,  mill  n>ri'rtiil I,  im  liiinliibiirnro  | 

Htnli'il,  or  nriy  kimhIn,  wnri'H,  nnil  iii'Tt  Imnillins  linimrleil  [ 
liiln  ilii!  ITnlii'il  Hinti'ii  mill  nulijiict  In  miy  nd.vnlnifiiii  duly, 
iir  wliiTi'iin  Ihn  duly  !■  ri'RiiliiIrd  hy,  nr  dlrecii'd  In  Ihi  Iiii- 
IHMi'd  nr  liivlnd  nn,  llii'  viiliin  nl  llii'  fii|lilirii  yard,  nr  nihiir 
liiiriM'l  nr  i|llllntlly  llliirrnl',  aliiill  pxi-cnt  by  li'll  |»r  I'lilltllln, 
nr  llinro,  Ihi'  Irivnlrn  v.ilni',  llii'i^  In  ndillllnn  In  llii^  duly  lin 

IHiHi'd  by  Iniv  mi  tli«  »ii ,  Ibrru  ■linll  bo  levli'd  mid  i-nlli'cl- 

rd  on  Ihn  mimn  innilv,  \vHr»ii,  nnd  iiii)rrlililidli.i.,  Illtv  per  | 
ci'iiliiiii  III'  Uiii  duly  liiiimn^d  nn  llm  imnt',  wlioii  fulrly  lii- 
vnlcuil.*^  1 

Now,  the  object  of  the  8lh  ncclion  in  this  liill 
appears  lo  bo  to  Hliield  tlio  lioncst  importer  from  | 
tlie  nennltiea  of  under  vuiuiuion  wlieic  lie  Iibh  iic- 
tnnlly  piirolmiied  tho  i;oodH  ut  a  price  below  tlie  | 
market  value,  and  permila  liim,  in  lila  entry,  to  i 
add  so  muc))  to  the  value  |;iven  in  llic  invoico  na, 
in  his  opinion,   vlll  raise  the  goods  to  the  market  . 
value  in  tho  t\   .niry  from  whence  they  were  im- 
ported.    Yet  Huu  how  open  to  abuse. 

If  iho  value  put  upon  the  goods  by  the  apprais- 
ers shall  exceed,  by  ten  per  cent.,  the  value  so 
declared  by  the  importer  in  the  entry,  then  tho 
i;oods  shall  bo  liable  to  an  additional  duty  of 
twenty  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

Now  this  in  a  provision  for  an  entry  of  goods  at 
n  valuation  which  ditfers  from  the  invoice.  It  pre- 
scribes no  oath,  fur  ihu  importer  to  take,  in  regard 
to  the  addition  which  he  proposes  to  make;  and  in 
nil  tiie  revenue  laws,  I  cnn  find  no  oath  which  a 
collector  is  authorized  lo  administer,  and  which 
is  applicable  to  such  a  case.  Now,  hero  is  opened 
a  door  for  fraud,  if  a  purpose  to  commit  fraud  ex- 
ists. An  importer  may  require  his  foreign  cor- 
respondents to  send  him  half  a  dozen  invoices  of 
the  same  goods,  graduated  all  along  down  to  sev- 
enty-five nor  cent,  below  their  voIubj  and  on  arri- 
val he  will  use  that  invoice  which  sliall  be  ten, 
twenty,  or  thirty  per  cent,,  or  more,  under  the 
true  value,  according  to  circumstances.  If  he  find 
the  appraisers  particularly  sharji,  as  to  such  arti- 
cles as  his,  he  will  add  something  to  tho  invoice^ 
and,  according  to  this  section,  if  ho  add  enough  to 
bring  the  goods  up  within  ten  per  cent,  of  the 
value  as  fixed  by  the  appraisers,  he  cscaiws  all 
punishment.  Suppose  tho  appraisers  find  that  the 
goods  are  undervalued  only  nine  per  cent.,  then 
Uiey  are  to  be  entered  at  their  value,  and  lie  escapes 
nil  risk.  At  the  same  time,  if  the  appraisers  let  it 
.  pass,  at  his  own  valuation,  he  saves  the  duty,  or 
nine  per  cent,  of  the  cost  of  tho  goods.  'Within 
the  limit,  therefore,  of  ten  per  cent.,  ho  can  play  a 
fraudulent  part  with  impunity. 

Under  existing  laws  he  must  swear  that  the  in- 
voice produced  is  that  under  which  the  goods  were 
{mrchased,  that  it  is  the  true  invoice,  and  that  he 
ms  no  other.  Buteven  now  a  fraudulent  importer 
has  great  facilities.  He  may  direct  his  correspond- 
ent abroad,  "  Send  out  such  an  invoice  ol  such 
goods  at  such  a  price."  Well,  with  that  he  goes 
to  the  custom-house.  There  are  no  sharper  eyes 
in  the  world  than  those  of  the  men  who  bring  in 
goods  with  fraudulent  intent.  A  man,  intending 
to  defraud  the  custom-house,  gets  n  invoice  of 
goods;  every  body  says,  nnd  tho  appraisers  say, 
"  Well,  this  is  enormous;  these  goods  could  not 
have  cost  so  liltle  as  that!"  And  the  collector 
meditates  a  seizure.  Well,  then,  tlie  moment  that 
this  is  apprehended,  the  importer  comes  again,  and 
says,  "Oh!  I  knew  how  it  must  have  been!  It 
is  all  tt  mistake!  Here  is  the  true  invoice.  My 
correspondent  in  Paris  mode  a  mistake;  lie  correct- 
ed it  the  very  next  week,  and  here  is  the  true  in- 
voice."   Such  cases  have  occurred;  and,  need  I 


•ny,  that  if  the  goods  had  not  been  arrested  in  their 
proKreas,  this  second  invoice  never  would  have  ap- 
peared. A  man  may  send  n  false  invoice  lo-<lay 
to  his  consignee  in  New  York,  and  the  New  York 
t  lerrhnnt  may  g'l  In  the  custom-house  and  swear 
that  Ihnt  is  a  tnn*  invoice,  nnd  ihnt  he  has  received 
no  other;  and  he  may  cnler  his  goods  and  get  a 
permir,  but,  liefore  the  sale  by  auction,  another 
invoice  arrivrs;  and  nn  according  to  the  case  in 
Boston  to  whii'ii  I  alluded,  there  is  one  invoice  to 
cnler  by,  and  iiiinihor  to  sell  by.  And  tho  import- 
er has  time  to  come  in  with  his  subsequent  in- 
voice, if  threnlened  with  seizure,  to  relieve  himself 
of  all  inronveiiiencK  from  having  made,  and  being 
shown  to  have  made,  a  fraudulent  under-valuu- 
tion. 

Now,  let  me  rccapiliilnte,  shortly,  how  this  mat- 
ter stands  under  the  eighth  section;  admitting  its 
purpose  to  be  honest.     [Mr.  W,  here  rernpiluln- 
tcd  his  renmrks  on  this  hniil,  and  added,  one  thing 
is  certain,  under  this  seriinn  a  fraudulent  importer 
has  a  ehttuce,  without  running  any  risk,  of  getting 
ill  his  goods  at  as  great  nn  iinder-valualion,  or 
nearly  so,  as  that  which  enabled  the  Messrs,  Mar-  I 
shall  to  make  tlieir  million  of  dollars,]    I  um  able  I 
now,  he  continued,  to  turn  lo  tho  speech  of  the  I 
honorable  menilier  of  the  oilier  House,  in  which 
lin  enumerates  the  specific  ad  viilureni  duties  in  the 

'  tarilTof  Sir  Hubert  Feci.     He  says: 

**  In  till'  Iflrlrt'nf  HIr  RnhnrI  Peel,  iif  nrvcn  hundred  nnd 
(liurtiH'u  eiiliinrrnlL'd  iirtlrlcii,  .U  tiliiidriMl  nnd  elKliI  nre 

I  ii|H'rlMc,  Hiid  niily  line  biiiidrpil  iiiiil  nix  nd  vnlnreiii.n— 
Sjirrch  of  the  lion.  II.  f,  Stitmini,  of  Xrw  York, 

\      I  have  many  other  cases  of  fraudulent  under- 
'  valuation,  but  I  will  not  trouble  the  Senate  with 
them.     But  no  fact  is  better  established,  than  the 
entire  want  of  safety  ngainst  losses  in  those  parts 
of  our  revenue  system  which  rely  on  ad  fo/orfin 
duties,     AVc  have   been  obliged  to  adopt  the  ad 
rn/orem  piinciple  lo  a  certain  extent,  from  noccs- 
siiy.    ■\Ve  suffer  by  it  daily.    The  number  of 
cases  tried  in  tho  courts  shows  this.    And  the  dif- 
ficulty of  conviction  is  great.     You  cannot  easily 
convince  o  jury  of  under-valunlion  in  the  cjise,  for 
instance,  of  broadcloths,  because  tho  subject  mat- 
'  ter  of  the  duty,  though  similar,  is  not  equal  in 
I  value.    It  is  not  easy  to  show  that  there  may  not 
'  bo  08  much  as  10  per  c«nt.  difl'erenco  in  value  in 
two  articles  which  appear  to  be  alike;  and  where 
Government  sues  for  a  penalty, a  conviction  is  nut 
easily  obtained. 

i      I  leave  this  part  of  the  case,  by  presenting  in  be- 
half, and  in  the  name,  of  the  whole  American  im- 
porting community,  foreign  and  domestic,  of  any 
reputation  ut  all,  in  behalf  of  every  American  im- 
porting merchant,  in  behalf  of  that  whole  body  of 
foreign  respectable  merchants,  French,  German, 
and  English,  who  come  and  reside  here,  und  ini- 
I  port  goods  from  their  respective  countries  and  elsc- 
!  where,  under  the  protection  of  our  lows;  in  their 
behalf,  and  in  behalf  of  every  man  of  them,  so  far 
as  I  have  heard,  I  present  their  opinions  against 
I  the  extension  of  the  ad  valorem  system.    And  I 
I  would  admonish  gentlemen,  most  seriously  ad- 
monish them,  to  consider  whether  ihe  objections 
which  I   have  now  urged    are  not  respectable; 
whether  tho  opinions  I  have  quoted  are  not  respecl- 
I  able;  and  whether,  after  all,  they  are  willing,  un- 
necessarily, suddei.ly,  with  no  other  recommenda- 
tion than  that  which  I  have  alluded  to,  to  take  a 
step  in  the  dark,  and  to  place  the  solo  income  and 
means  of  supplying  tho  treasury  upon  the  rnlried 
system  of  ad  valortm  duties. 

And  now,  sir,  with  the  leave  of  the  Senate,  I 
i  shall  proceed  to  consider  the  effects  of  this  bill 
;  upon  some  of  those  interests  which  hove  been  re- 
j  garded  as  protecteil  interests. 

I  shall  not  arguo  at  length  the  (juestion  whether 
j  the  Government  has  committed  itself  to  maintain 
interests  that  hove  grown  up  under  laws,  such  os 
,  have  been  passed  for  thirty  years  back.     I  will 
I  not  argue  tne  question,  whether,  looking  to  tliu 
policy  indicated  by  tho  laws  of  1789, 1817,  1824, 
1828,  1633,  and  1843,  there  has  been  ground  for 
the  industrious  and  enterprising  people  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  engaged  in  home  pursuits,  to  expect 
protection  from  theOnvernment  for  internal  indus- 
try.   The  question  is,  do  these  lows  or  do  they 
not,  fVcm  1789  till  the  present  time,   constantly 
show  and  preserve  a  purpose,  n  policy,  which 
might  naturally  and  really  induce  men  to  invest 
property  in  manulUcturing  undertakings  and  com- 


mit theniselvts  to  Ihrsa  pursuit*  in  life?  Without 
lengthenHd  argument  I  shall  tnko  this  for  granted. 
But,  sir,  before  I  proceed  nirther  with  tliis  pmrt 
of  the  case,  I  will  take  notice  of  what  apptsm  (o 
be  some  atlenipt,  latterly,  hy  the  rr;>ublicalion  of 
opinions  and  expressioiin,  nrgumenin  and  anserbsa 
of  mine,  at  an  earlier  and  later  period  of  life,  to 
place  me  in  n  condition  of  inconsistency,  nn  thii 
subject  of  the  protective  policy  of  tho  country. 
Mr.  President,  if  it  be  nn  incimsistency  to  hold  an 
opinion  upon  a  subject  of  public  policy  to-dny,  in 
one  state  of  circumstances,  and  to  hold  a  different 
opinion  upon  the  same  subject  of  public  policy  to- 
morrow, in  a  different  suite  of  circuinslancei,  if 
:  that  be  nn  inconsistency,  I  admit  iu  applicability 
I  to  mys<:lf.    Nay,  sir,  I  will  go  (\irllier;  and  in  re- 

Sard  to  questions  which,  from  their  nature,  do  not 
eiicnd  upon  circumstances  for  their  true  and  just 
'solution,!  menu  constitutional  (questions,  if  it  he 
nn  inconsistency  to  hold  an  opinion  to-day,  even 
upon  such  a  question,  and  on  that  same  question 
to  hold  n  different  opinion  a  quarter  of  o  century 
afterwards,  upon  o  more  comprehensive  view  of 
the  whole  subject,  with  a  more  thorou|erh  investiga- 
tion into  tho  original  purposes  and  objects  of  that 
I  constitution,  ana  especially  with  a  more  thorough 
I  expo.,ition  of  those  objects  and  purposes  by  those 
who  framed  it,  and  have  lieeii  trusted  to  administer 
it,  I  should  not  shrink  even  from  that  imputation. 
I  hope  I  know  more  of  the  Constitution  of  my 
:  country  than  I  did  when  I  was  twenty  years  oltl. 
I  I  hope  1  have  contemplated  its  great  objects  more 
;  broadly,    I  hope  I  have  read,  with  deeper  inter- 
{  est,  the  sentimcnls  of  the  f^rcal  men  who  framed 
I  it,     I  hope  I  hove  studied  with  more  care  the  cnn- 
\  dilioii  of  Ihe  country  when  the  convention  assem- 
'  bled  lo  form  it.     And  yet  I  do  not  know  that  I 
{  have  much,  sir,  to  retract  or  to  change  on  these 
points. 

But,  sir,  I  am  of  the  opinion  of  a  very  eminent 
I   person  who  had  occasion,  nut  long  since,  to  speak 
I,  of  this  topic  in  another  place.     Inconsistencies  of 
;  opinions,  arising  from  changes  of  circumstoncei, 
'  arc  often  justifiable.     But  there  is  one  sort  of  in- 
consistency which  is  culpable.     It  is  the  incnnsiat- 
I  ency  between  n  man's  conviction  and  his  vote; 
between  his  conscience  and  his  conduct.    No  man 
i  ahull  ever  charge  me  with  an  inconsistency  like 
that.     And  now,  sir,  allow  mo  to  say,  that  I  am 
(luite  indifl'erent,  or  rather  thankful,  lo  those  con- 
iluctors  of  the  public  press  who  think  they  cannot 
{  do  better  than  now  and  then  lo  spread  my  poor 
I  opinions  before  tho  public.     [A  laugh.] 
j      I  have  said  mony  times,  ond  it  is  true,  that  up 
I  to  tho  year  1834,  the  peonio  of  that  jmrt  of  the 
I  country  to  which  I  belong,  being  oddifted  to  com- 
I  merce,  having  been  successful  in  commerce,  their 
capital  being  very  much  engaged  in  commerce, 
I  were  adverse  to  entering  upon  a  system  of  manu- 
facturing operations.    Every  member  in  Congresi 
;  from  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  one,  I  think,  voted  against  tho  act  of  1834. 
I  But  what  were  we  to  do?    Were  we  not  bound, 
oAer  '17  and  '34,  to  consider  that  the  policy  of  the 
^  country  was  settled,  hod  become  settled,  as  a  poli- 
!  cy,  to  protect  tho  domestic  industry  of  the  country 
by  solemn  laws?    The  leading  speech  which  ush- 
ered in  the  act  of  "34  was  called  a  speech  for  nn 
i  "  American  System."    The  bill  was  carried  prin- 
j  cipally  by  tho  Middle  States,    Pennsylvania  and 
New  York  would  have  it  so;  and  what  were  we 
I  to  do  ?    Were  we  to  stand  aloof  from  the  occupa- 
tions which   others  were  pursuing  around    us? 
Were  we  to  pick  clean  teeth  on  a  constitutional 
doubt,  which  a  majority  in  the  councils  of  the  na- 
tion had  overruled?    No,  sir;  we  had  no  option. 
All  that  was  left  us  was  to  fall  in  with  the  settled 
policy  of  the  country;  because  if  anything  can 
1  ever  settle  the  policy  of  the  country,  or  if  anything 
'  can  ever  settle  the  practical  construction  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  country,  it  must  be  these  re- 
I  peated  decisions  of  Congress,  and  enactments  of 
I  successive  laws  conformable  to  these  decisions. 
i  New  England,  then,  did  fall  in.    She  went  into 
^  the  manufacturing  operations,  not  from  original 
I  choice,  but  from  the  necessity  of  the  circumstances 
in  which  the  public  councils  had  placed  her.  And 
I  for  one,  I  resolved  then,  ond  have  maintained  that 
;  resolution  ever  since,  that,  having  compelled  the 
!  Eastern  States  to  go  into  these  operations  for  a 
I  livelihood,  the  country  was  bound  to  fulfil  the  just 
I  expectations  which  it  hod  inspired. 


ill 


t: 


1144 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  25, 


29th  Cong Ut  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Webster. 


Senate. 


Now,  before  I  go  into  a  consideration  of  the  vn- 
rious  articleH  intended  to  be  protected ,  nnd  tl<e  eflect 
of  the  law  upon  the  intercuts  connected  with  these 
manufactures,  I  wisli  to  make  a  remark,  which  is 
little  more  than  a  re  etition,  in  general  t°rms,  of 
what  was  aaid  by  i.e  honornbre  member  from 
Connecticut  the  other  day.  It  is  the  slrangcst  nn- 
onialy  that  ever  was  seen  in  any  net  of  legislation, 
that  there  is  a  uniform  tendency,  1  assure  you  it  is 
«o,  in  this  measure,  to  lax  the  raw  material  higher 
'iian  the  manufactured  article,  it  allows  bringing 
in  cordage,  for  inrtance,  for  the  use  of  the  ship- 
ping interest  of  the  United  Slates,  at  a  less  rate  of 
duty  than  you  can  bring  in  the  raw  nmierinl.  Of 
course,  it  is  prohibitory  of  internal  labor.  It  is 
prohibitory  of  the  internal  manufacture;  and  not  in 
that  case  only,  bnt  in  a  great  many  otiiers,  us  1 
shall  show  you. 

There  seems  to  be  a  sedulous  purpose  of  pre- 
venting ine  manufacturing  iiueiests  from  having 
any  means  of  getting  along.  I  spcnk  of  the  tenor 
and  tendency,  and  the  general  spnii  of  this  bill.  It 
does  prefer,  by  its  enactments,  nnd  in  its  conse- 
quences, fiireign  labor  to  domestic  labor.  It  does 
encourage  the  labor  of  lureign  urtlsuns  over  and 
above,  and  in  preference  to,  the  labor  of  our  own 
aid  -^ps  here  m  the  United  Slatea.  I  nver  it,  nnd 
1  am  ^  jing  lo  prove  it.  Now,  if  that  ix  made  out, 
is  there  :•  •  i..  in  this  Chamber  who  will  vote  for 
this  bill  ?  .ind  yet  we  i".ie  told  fnmi  other  quar- 
ters, thu'.  this  is  a  bill  of  peace — that  it  will  settle  a 
vexed  question.  Depend  ui)on  it,  it  will  settle 
:. '.tiling.  It  is  calculated  to  raise  adegree-^-l  had 
annost  said  of  resentment — at  nil  rvciiLs,  of  sur- 
prii'e  and  mdignntion,  not  in  one  man's  breast,  but 
in  the  breasts  of  a  million  of  people,  now  earning 
their  bread,  as  they  think,  under  laws  nnd  as- 
surance.; that  these  laws  shall  be  continued,  which 
enable  them  to  import  the  raw  material  and  work 
upon  it,  and  brini;  their  labor  into  market,  as  ml 
vi.ntageously  as  the  labor  of  the  foreign  mechnm  . 
Call  you  that  a  bill  of  peace  which  disturbs  all 
these  expectations  ?  It  is  not  peace — it  is  anything 
but  peace. 

Sir,  there  is  an  article,  the  growth  of  which  is 
very  intereslin"  to  tlie  \Vestern  States,  being  well 
suited  to  the  f"rtility  of  their  soil.  It  is  hemp. 
The  manufactnre  of  that  article  inio  cordage  is  es- 
sential to  the  navigai'.ng  interests  of  the  United 
States.  Well,  sir,  this  constitutes  one  of  the  cases 
which  I  have  mentioned,  and,  with  reference  to 
which,  allow  me  to  read  several  letters  from  highly 
respectable  p;entlemen. 

The  first  letter  is  from  Mr.  Isaac  P.  Davis,  of 
Boston,  who  Jjns  been  a  rojie-maker  for  forty  years, 
nnd  whose  opinion,  on  this  and  other  subjects,  is 
authentic. 

"My  Dear  Sir  :  1  Bi-nd  you  n  |Niper,  wliicli  coniniiiK  nn 
article  on  Hoiii[>  and  Conlugi'.  Iiy  n  writer  wlio  upiieurs  to 
UDdftrhland  tlie  siiliject. 

*'  [  t'lKloM*  a  ctateiiifMit  (»f  the  avrmitc  cunt  of  lieiiip  and 
cordaiii;  in  RiiHsia  liir  the  la>t  Hvc  vear- ;  alito,  lln>  iri'itilit  to 
the  United  !<lale.i ;  Ihcrosl  oriVcl(ihl  for  a  Inn  orheui|i  frnin 
Mifvoilri,  KttnlncVj,  anil  Indiana.  Vou  will  iioi  tliu  advan- 
tages Ru-^fia  curdaj^u  will  Imve  in  our  market  over  our  own 
manufactnre. 

"  Foreign  conlagn  ali-o  lm>  tlie  advantage  of  ilrawhack  on 
•hipnient  to  aiicrther  niarkii.  VVu  also  ion«nmn  6,000  liar- 
rel»  of  LIT  in  Uie  inanul'artnri!.  Vnuri,  truly, 

"I.  f.  DAVIH. 

'•JcLY  lOrii." 

The  following  is  the  statement  allud  d  toubove: 

Cost  of  a  ton  of  hemp  in  ltU8.«ia.  Inrlinling  charges ^XW 

Freight  per  Ion la 

,?l,')a 

Tost  of  a  ton  <>,*  cordage ^i.">o 

Freight  per  ton H 

,?1M 

(Tlieahove  arc  the  average  prii'cs  for  live  year*.) 

Freight  of  a  ton  of  hemp  ftoui  Minnnuri,  jCenlurky,  or 
Indiana,  lo  Huston ^\ 

I  add  two  otlior  important  letters,  from  very  re- 
spectable persons  in  the  same  i-ity: 

'•  lioBTO-i,  ./idi)  !.■>,  IWB. 

"Hia:  We  Hi»h  to  cull  ymir  parlieular  alle'niinh  to  Iho 
inli  ;>-st  of  itieeordagi.'iniinnfaeliire  In  seining  the  larifrqni's-  I 
Icon  now  helort  the  Henute,  aa  the  hill,  as  |ia»»"d  liy  the 
lliiuie,  isdertriielive  lolhr  Inleresi  of  the  Ameriean,  and 
grants  a  bouniy  to  the  foreign  nmnulheiurer  of !»  or «  per 
cent.,  vix :  j 

Per  cmt. 

Tlic  diffcrenec  o(  duly  more  on  hemp  than  cordage 3  ' 

The  ditr*'rcnee  of  foreign  shipping  eharges 10 

The  dilTerenee  offreight  more,  Isiiig  charged  on  hemp,  on      i 

account  of  Its  bulk,  than  lurdago 10 

Making !)4  1 


"  And  the  foreign  mniiufnctiirer  has  another  advnntngc  over 
the  dOllle^Iic,  in  being  eimhled  to deposlto  in  warclKUisb,  and 
supply  Ihu  home  iiiurke*  when  Ihe  price  will  answer,  m  se- 
cure the  c.v|K)rt  dcmaiul,  by  selling  at  that  price.  We  wish 
to  have  Justice  at  ihe  hands  ol  iliu  Oovermnenl,  if  not  pro- 
tecli<m,  uiui  Uiinku  specillc  iluly  should  be  laid  on  eonluge 
thai  should  b«  equal  lo  at  least  JO  |>er  cent,  over  the  duty  of 
hemp,  hesidcs  tlie  extra  cpcust;  of  importing  hemp  over 
cordage. 
"  Aiid  we  further  think  it  decidedly  fhr  the  interest  of  the 
.  country,  and  of  Uie  growers  of  hemp  In  this  couni  ry. 

"A."  the  I'oroigner  will  supply  cordage  unde;  the  Ilruac 
I  bill,  which  will  prevent  the  produce  of  hemp  llnding  a  mar- 
'  kci  here,  as  the  expense  of  gciting  American  hemp  from  tlie 
j  place  of  raising  is  now  over  50  per  cent,  of  the  first  eo^t, 
I  while  cordage  can  be  brought  from  Russia,  exclusive  ot  duty, 
ai  from  5  lo  7  per  cent. 
"  We  think  Uie  domestic  manufacturer  should  he  allowed 
'  a  drawback  on  cordage  made  from  foreign  hemp  (which  has 
1  paid  a  duty)  when  e.viwrtcd  ;  or,  if  this  cannot  be  done,  the 
I  drawhaek  should  not  be  allowed  to  Ihe  importer  of  foreign 
cordage  on  exportaUon.    dolicitlug  your  altentiuu  hi  the 
furegning,  we  are,  very  rcspectfullv,  yvjiir  obedient  scrvauta, 
I  "SEWALL  &  UAY. 

••  Hon.  D.  Wbbster.'' 

■<  Boston,  July  17, 1846. 
"  lion.  llANiRi,  Webster  ;  Dear  Sir  ;  It  .ippears  to  nic 
:  so  exmumlimtry  that  so  many  of  our  legislniors  at  Woshing- 
!  ton  cnniu)t,orwilt  not,  see  the  injuriouseffects the  proposed 
'  larnf  will  have  throughout  our  country,  if  adopted,  that  I 
cannot  refmin  IVom  expressing  to  >oii  my  opinion  in  re- 
gard to  it.  and  imrtieularly  lo  Uie  western  sections  of  the 
ctmntry,  for  InMiauce,  where  so  much  hemp  is  produced.  If 
tins  all  valorem  tnritf  passes,  it  will  hring  Russia  again  in 
'  coTupctiiion  with  them ;  whereas,  at  the  present  time,  but 
very  little  Russian  hemp  is  wanted,  and  our  ro;:..-n.ukersnre 
now  using  the  American  hemp,  almost  entirely,  for  tarred 
cordage.  If  the  tariff  should  be  adopted  by  rongress,  we 
shall  be  able  to  im|K)rt  Russian  tarred  cordage  cheaper  than 
wj  can  import  the  same  weight  in  hemp,  inaBinuch  as  there 
is  ai,  export  duty  (m  hemp  in  Russia,  ami  many  expenses  In 
preparing  it  lo  pass  Insptctinn  ifimisut  >d,  when  on  cordage 
ili(;re  ,js  no  export  duty  of  any  conspcpience,  a  niv.re  trifle, 
and  the  yarns  are  spun  in  the  interior  in  winter  at  a  cheap 
rate,  of  mixed  qualities  of  tiemp,not  inspected,  sent  lo  mar- 
ket on  bobbins,  from  which  the  rO|)e-nuikers  take  the  yarns 
and  tar  and  twist  Ihem  into  ropes  of  various  sizes  for  ex- 
portation, and  eliea|>er  than  they  can  ship  Uie  same  weight 
in  hemp.  Thus  you  see,  that  this  tarilf  will  not  only  ad'ect 
the  wesiern  h"m*p-growers  very  injuriously,  but  it  will  in  a 
great  dcgi'ce  dcsiniy  the  inanufaclnre  of  hemp  in  this  coun- 
try. 

'•Tiiere  are  mony  other  articles  I  could  mention  that 
would  be  a  general  injury  lo  the  country  by  an  ad  valorem 
larift*.  but  you,  no  doubt,  are  tware  of  it,  and  therefore  I 
desist  fnmi  liirtlier  observaiions,  excepting  that  it  is  aston- 
ishing and  extraordinary  that  the  (lovernnient  at  Washingnm 
will  not  profit  by  the  experience  and  cx|M-Tiinenls  of  liic 
(fovernmcnts  of  Europe,  who  have  tried  ad  v.ilorem  tariffs^ 
and  liiid  they  do  not  answer  at  all ;  and  have  resorteuto 
spceiiic  larifls  on  almost  everj'thing  of  importance. 

'■  It  is  now  so  laic  in  the  season,  ami  your  duties  have 
been  so  arduous,  that  I  presume  you  will  not  call  tlie  anen- 
lion  of  ( ^mgress  to  the  injurious  rtlecl  ttlese  reri/irof  a/ treaties 
have  on  tin;  coniincrce  of  this  country. 
"  1  remain,  dear  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

"JAMES  HARRIS." 

What  answer  is  to  lie  made  to  all  this  ?  Is  it 
the  result  of  intention,  or  of  culpable  ignorapce,' 
Are  those  who  framed  this  bill  determined,  of  pur- 
pose, to  Ijfeak  down  the  manufacturers  of  the 
country,  or  are  tliey  only  indifl'erent  and  utterly 
reckless,  in  all  that  relates  to  them ) 

There  is,  sir,  another  nrlicle,  very  important  to 
the  shippi:ig  interest,  as  well  as  the  manufai  luring 
interest,  and  grown  into  its  importance  lately,  the 
f;ite  of  which  is  still  more  striking.  Formerly  it 
was  not  of  much  coiiHcqucnce,  but  lately  it  lins 
grown  into  considerable  importance.  It  is  the 
article  of  linseed,  and  of  linseed  oil.  Now,  this  is 
a  case  of  .^ly  great  interest.  So  important  is  it, 
that  I  shall  read  to  the  Senate  letters  from  mercon- 
tile  men,  who  sny,  if  this  bill  passes,  one-third  of 
nil  the  trade  nnd  shipping  between  the  United 
Stntps  nnd  Calcutta  is  cut  off  and  destroyed.  Let 
u.*!  .sec  how  that  stands.  Years  ago,  arid  when  I 
"ist  remember  to  have  been  conversant  with  com- 
mercial men,  and  was  living  in  the  mitistof  a  nav- 
igating people,  tin  i-e  was  a  cr.nsidcrnble  export  of 
the  article  of  (lax;iced  from  the  United  Slates  to 
Ireland  and  England.  It  is  well  known  that  Ire- 
land— a  great  seat  of  the  linen  manufacturers,  a 
country  that  raises  and  manufactures  so  much  flax — 
does  not  raise  itw  own  flaxseed;  and  tli'  .-ea.SMi  of 
that  is,  I  suppose,  thnt  the  flax  must  i'<  pulled  at 
a  period  of  its  growth  before  the  seed  has  ripened; 
if  not,  the  fibre  becomes  .•so  hard  that  it  does  not 
answer  the  purpose  of  fine  manufacti^re,  and  can 
be  used  only  for  the  coarser  fabrics.  In  our  mid- 
dle and  northern  States,  flax  is  raised  tor  both  pur- 
poses. It  is  suflered  to  ripen,  and  the  seed  is  saved 
and  exported  to  Ireland,  or  used  to  be,  whilst  the 
fibre  is  ninnufac.tured  into  those  coarse  goods  which 
answer  fur  household  purposes,  and  the  flax  was 
spun  by  our  mothers  and  sisters,  and  their  assist- 


ants, in  times  past.  But  now  this  is  greuily 
changed.  Linseed  oil  has  become  an  article  of 
great  imporlance  and  vastly  extensive  use.  It  is 
manufactured  in  this  country  chiefly  from  linseed 
imported  from  abroad,  iiid,  as  I  suppose,  mainly 
in  that  immature  state  in  which  it  would  not  vege- 
tate. But  here  it  is  used  for  the  tnanufacture  of 
linseed  oil,  and  has  become  a  very  important  mat- 
ter, not  only  to  the  manufacturers  of  Uie  article 
hero  who  have  invested  largo  sums  of  money  in 
the  erection  of  mills,  but  also  to  the  navigating 
interest,  as  touching  very  seriounly  the  employ- 
ment of  all  those  vessels  of  the  United  States  which 
carry  on  the  trade  between  u^-  and  India.  In  the 
first  place,  let  mc  give  you  a  .Matement  in  respect 
to  the  establishments  Ibr  the  manufacture  of  this 
article. 

At  the  last  census,  there  were  840  linseed  oil 
mills  in  Ihe  United  Suites,  ai!d  they  now  number 
from  1000  to  1200,  moved  by  water  or  steam. 

They  consume  from  20  bushels  of  secil  daily  up 
to  800,  accort|ing  to  their  capacity.  Taking  the 
daily  consumption  at  only  10  bushels  each,  and 
jl  they  will  consume  in  a  year  three  millions  ol' 
I'  bushels.  The  whole  numiol  export  of  flaxseed 
I,  does  not  exceed  30,000  bushels,  (that  is  the  nia- 
{  tured  seed  to  Ireland,)  '..  Iiich  is  only  one  bushel 
!|  out  of  every  Aundred  of  the  crop,  the  remaining 
jl  99  bu.ilipls  being  consumed  in  making  oil. 

Presi  )r  ,luty  on  linseed  nil,  per  gallon Qocents. 

Froposcit  duty  SO  |>creent.  ad  valorem,  or  only, 

per  gallon 7    " 

Being  a  rcdiiction  of IfcenL-. 

Prsscnt  iniimrt  of  linseed  oil  800,000  gallons, 

duty  •il  ci'iits $50,000 

Same  import,  ,\i  jiroposeil  rale  of  7  cents 1-1,000 

Loss  ill  duty .>;iti.ii(Ni 

It  will  require  an  increased  import  of  500,000 
gallons  of  oil  to  get  the  same  amount  of  duty  that 
we  now  do,  if  the  duly  is  reduced  as  proposed; 
and  this  can  only  be  done  by  destroying  our  own 
mills  and  stopping  the  growth  of  seed  in  this  coun- 
try. The  imports  of  linseed  are  about  400,001) 
bushels,  paying  a  freight  of  ^190,000  to  om  ships 
Thi  cake  is  shipped  to  England,  and  pays  a  freight 
of  $40,000  per  aimum  to  our  packet  ships. 

A  gentleman  engaged  in  this  manufacture  writes 
to  me  thus  : 

"From  our  own  mill  we  send  40,000  barrels  of  oaketr> 
London  yearly. 

"  England  impo  ,  3i  millions  of  bushels  of  Hiucat  cnHrrty 
I '  free  of  duty.  She  imposes  a  prol'ihiiory  dutv  on  linseed  nil, 
and  does  not  import  a  single  gallon.  She  iias  capital,  ma- 
chinery, coals,  and  wages  nmch  cheap<,'r  than  ourselves,  and 
her  iMllera  gel  double  Uic  price  fur  llrjir  nil  cake  tllat  ours 
do. 

"  We  ennsume  in  our  mill,  9^0  tons  of  coals  yearly. 

"  \ci  monopoly  Is  asked  or  eA,.t'eted  ;  "..u . ..  jr  opinion  Is, 
that  a  duty  of  l*2j  or  15  cents  a  gallon  nn  lal,  In  li.'u  of  the 
present  rate  of  25  cents,  with  seed  free  o  at  5  cents  duty, 
will  be  for  the  best  interests  of  our  farmers,  millers  nnd  con- 
suiiiers,  and  give  more  revenue  thuti  the  rates  pr(}{>osed  by 
.Mr.  McKay  in  bis  new  WU." 

Sec,  then,  with  what  care  (Mr.  W.  then  said) 
this  interest  Is  protected  by  the  hill  on  our  table! 
I  ..lay  not  stop  here.  I  have  alluded  to  the  eflect 
of  this  measure  upon  Lhe  commerce  and  the  freight 
of  the  country.  Here  is  a  letter  from  one  of  the 
most  respectable  merchants  in  Boston,  forinci'ly  a 
sen  capluiii. 

"  Boston,  July  VM,  1846. 

"  linn.  D.  Webster— Dear  Sif  :  This  will  inirnduco  lo 
ynn  .Mr.  N.  Stnrtevant,  a  respectable  merchantnf  this  place, 
largely  interested  in  the  manufacture  id'  nil  t'rom  linseed. 

"If  the  tai  ilT  passes  in  the  shape  11  came  from  the  House 
of  Representatives,  it  will  destroy  more  than  niie-thinl  of 
nur  Calcutta  trade.  With  great  respect,  your  obedient  ser- 
vant, BENJAMIN  RICH." 

And  here  is  another  letter,  from  a  mercnntila 
friend  of  mine,  in  the  same  city: 

"  ilosTos,  Jidy  \\ilh,  1R4B. 

"  llo'.i  Daniei.  Webster,  in  Waghinnton. — Hir:  I  beg 
leave  to  introduce  it.  your  acquaintance  the  hearer  of  the 
present,  Mr.  Noah  Stnrtevant,  one  of  our  largest  linseed  nil 
manufacturers,  and  who  proceeds  to  Washington  U|Kin  busi- 
ness ridating  In  the  new  lariir,  as  all'ccting  tlie  aiUcles  of  lin- 
seed* nnd  linseed  oil. 

"  Referring  to  Mr.  Sturlevanl  for  further  particulars,  I  re- 
main, sir,  with  much  respect,  jour  very  obedient  servant, 
"ROBERT  O.  SHAW.'' 

But,  Mr.  President,  there  is  a  curious  specimen 
of  legislative  histor  connected  with  the  duty  laid 
on  linseed  by  this  bill.     In  ihe  20  per  cent,  schcd- 

*  A  large  proporUon  of  the  tonnage  now  oinplnyed  In  the 
Calcuua  trade  with  Uils  country,  is  occupied  in  carrying  lin- 
seed. Willi  the  proposed  change  In  the  tariff  upon  tills 
article,  this  trade  would  be  broken  up. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1145 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Webster. 


Senate. 


ulc  is  **^(ix»eed;"  in  the  10  per  rent,  schedule  is 
*'  hempaeed,  linseed,  rapesecu.*'  Originally  it  stood 
flaxseed,  linseed,  hempsced,  rapeseed,  in  the  10 
per  cent,  schedule.  Opposition  was  made  to  this 
m  the  other  House,  on  the  irround  tliift  ^«xseed 
wns  not  fiufiiciently  piotcctetl.  •'  Flaxseed"  was 
therefore  carried  into  the  30  per  cent,  schedule, 
/caviujE^  its  synonyinc  '*  linseed"  behind,  in  the 
lower  schedule! 

1  proceed,  sir,  to  another  article,  in  regard  to 
which  the  advantage  is  given  against  the  m:inufac- 
turer.  It  is  copper.  I  niesented  this  subject  to 
the  consideration  of  the  Senate  the  other  day,  and 
will  do  no  more  now  than  to  read  the  statement  of 
persona  most  concerned  in  it,  in  the  United  States, 
as  embodied  in  their  petition  to  the  ScniUc: 

"  The  iindcrsii^ni'd.  iiiniiuCiicuireruof  i-oppi-r,  imd  others  ' 
irit(>rL'>tcd  in  Uiu  trmli'  (o  coiiiitrioM  wlif'iicu  iliiK  articif  is 
nhtained,  liiivliii;:  seen  that  a  hill  it!  now  hui'nro  Congrc-ss  im- 
p'Hinjj  ti  duty  o\  \vv.  jut  cinl.  on  niw  ('0|>|icr,  whJUl  c>0|i|)(.'r  i 
eiliRiithjng  in  10  he  adniilt-d  frei;,  hvfi  Umvf  Ut  submit  to  your  j 
citn^idcriilioii  ii  lew  roniirks  U|k}ii  Uie  ifTtiCt  and  impolicy  I 
of  the  prnpoi'ud  nicasiire.  ! 

<'Iii  order  tu  present  tlit>  Ruhjoct  inaclrnrnnd  intelligildo 
mnnniT,  we  nhall  .indi-avor  lo  show  the  origin  of  the  copper 
nxed  in  the  Uiiiu'd  Statect,  the  nninre  of  the  trade  by  whieh 
the  raw  ninteriat  is  ohtuiiMMl,  tlit;  eflfect  the  proposed  dtiry 
will  have  upon  this  trade,  and  its  di!(a>troii<<  eoniequonced 
upon  the  nianul'acturing  tntereftfl  of  the  country." 

Do  you  see  (said  Mr.  W.)  they  tux  the  raw  ma- 
tei;ial,  and  let  Endand  send  in  her  manufactured 
article  free?  Well,  this  presses  on  every  interest, 
I  have  said.  If  our  people  cannot  manufacture 
raw  copper,  they  cannot  import  it.  We  lose  the 
freight  o(  it  in  tliat  degree,  and  of  course  the  em- 
ployment of  our  ships.  This,  therefore,  aflects  the 
manufacturer  of  copper  here — ullects  ihe  exports, 
and  aflecLs  directly  ttie  employment  of  our  ships. 
For  wliat?  Foi'wlmt  purpose?  fciir,  for  what 
purpose?    The  petition  goes  on: 

"Tlie  consumption  of  coppt-r  in  the  United  Stntr^ii  is  about 
ttiirteen  milUoiis  of  pounds  annually.    It  is  oblained— 

Pounds. 

From  Chili,  in  pig^ fvOO.miO 

From  Btmlaml,  in  sheets 3,5:10,000 

Fron)KniilniHl,in  cakes .*)00,000 

From  mines  in  the  (Jniti^l  BtatcH 50O,0JO 

Old  copper,  from  variuuit '  ^-irces 1,500,000 

13,00.000 


In  all,  about. . 


<(  It  will  be  Aeen  that  nearly  all  the  pip  or  raw  copper  im* 
ported  is  obtained  from  Chili,  (erroncous^ty  oalU-d  Peruvian 
copper  in  this  country,)  and  that  England  supplies  us,  in  >- 
fined  copper  and  copper  sheathing,  wiUi  nmre  than  on^- 
fourth  ol  all  the  copptr  consumed  in  the  United  States. 

''  Tht!  trade  between  the  United  fStntcB  and  the  west  coast 
of  South  Amer'  embracing  Chili,  Bolivia,  and  Peru,  is  of 
the  annual  ..iiun  of  about  .<$!  ,500,0)0.  The  principal  arti- 
cles of  export  are  doineslie  cottons.  Of  these,  ti-n  or  twelve 
millions  of  ynrds  are  trut  annually,  ctutKtituting  more  tliaii 
half  the  entire  vtilue  of  all  our  exports  to  tliose  countries  ; 
and  as  the  value  of  tlie  raw  coppur  obtained  mi  return  bears 
Ihe  same  rehitivc  pro|H)riion  to  all  our  imports  thence,  it 
may  be  truly  said  that  wc  cxrA<itii;c,  in  our  trade  with  Chili, 
ten  or  twelve  millions  of  yards  of  cottons  )br  six  or  seven 
millions  of  pomids  uf  copper. 

'*  One  of  the  eiiUfes.  pTlinps  the  chief  cause,  enublin^  us 
lo  compete  with  tlie  English  cotton  maimf.K-iufeis  in  that 
nnirlict  has  been,  tliat  we  have  made  our  principal  returns 
in  copjier,  and  they  have  nmde  theirs  in  the  precious  inct'js, 
usually  the  least  pmlitahle  articles  of  cnimnerce,  as  Is  v.  ell 
known  to  all  practical  merchants.  Without  domc.xtle  cot- 
ti>na  for  outvvaril,  and  wlUiout  copper  for  return  carsotf , 
this  trade  must  he  nlmiuloned.  in  the  bill  refiTre<l  tu,  it  is 
pro|H):(rd  to  levy  ailuiy  of  five  per  cent,  on  iVw  copper,  and 
to  admit  copp<<r  sheathing  free.  'luler  Uie  present  law, 
where  hiith  are  fr<e  of  duty,  the  Ann  rican  nmnufacturer 
luLs  to  contend,  unaided  by  (lOverrHne  t,  against  the  low 
price  of  labor,  abnrulanee  of  capital,  and  chenpness  of  fuel, 
enjoyed  by  tlie  Knglish  and  Welsh  lunnufaelurer.  The 
large  im)K>rtfl  of  copper  fjieathing  from  Fjuglatnl  show  the 
eom|K>litioii  acninnt  which  we  contend,  tind  against  which 
we  have  hitherto  su-Iained  ourselves  without  niiy  protective 
duty  oil  this  important  article.  |)ut  if,  in  addition  to  tlu!  ad- 
vantages tilready  enjoyed  in  Englaiul  ;i;Hl  VViile><.  the  mv 
matenul  may  be  taxed  here,  and  cop)M-r  slicatliing  hn  admit- 
ted free,  we  are  in  elfcet  called  upon  to  pay  a  bounty  to  the 
forciiin  manufaciurer  equivalent  to  the  duty  levied  f hi  the 
raw  luiiierial.  England  nowsupphes  us  with  more  than  half 
the  copper  sheaUhng  we  reipiire  ;  hut  with  this  new  advan- 
tage of  rive  per  cent.,  she  will  furnish  all. 

"A  large  portion  of  the  copper  we  import  from  England  is 
made  from  ores  or  pig  copper  obLtined  in  Chill ;  and  if  the  pro- 
|Kir«ed  duly  on  raw  copper  be  exacted,  nearly  all  that  we  now 
(let  from  Chili  wilt  he  sent  to  En|flaiid,  aud,'beiiig  Uiere  man- 
ufuiiiired  into  sheathing,  will  be  sent  lo  the  United  States  ; 
(Ims  giving  to  English  vessels  the  hiuiclU  of  transporting, 
and  to  English  manufaelurers  the  profits  of  refining  and  roll- 
ing  (he  raw  material,  besides  depriving  us  of  our  best  mnr- 
ket  for  the  sale  or  e\chaiigi>  of  our  domeiiiie  cotton. 

*' It  1^4  estimated  Hint  the  capital  now  invested  in  copper 
manufactures  in  the  United  folates  is  about  one  and  a  half 
milliim  of  dollars,  embracing  five  refining  and  ndliiig  mills, 
and  employing  a  large  numli.T  of  workmen.  Hitherto  these 
estaYilishmenis  have  struggled,  unaided  by  (■overnment, 
ngainst  the  superior  advunhiges  of  English  and  Welsh  man- 
ufactures; and  we  now  only  ask  tur  tlieiu  a  cuntiuuatice  of 


the  inme  freedom  of  competition.    We  ask  no  privilegea  or  ' 
special  protection.    If  the  bill  referred  to  become  a  law, 
theso  must  be  closed,  or  continued  under  ruinous  disad- 
vantnaes.** 

"  The  navigating  interests  thank  you  for  competition,  but 
let  it  be  a  state  of  competition.  Do  not  proceed  in  carrying 
out  duties  in  such  sort  as  to  put  down  the  whole  American 
product,  using  none  but  the  manufactures  of  England  for 
tlie  slteatlilng  of  your  vessels." 

I  will  read  another  paragraph  fVom  the  petition: 
''  We  have  thus  shown  what  will  be  the  effects  of  the 

pro)K)sed  duty;  the  impolicy  of  the  principle  Involved  is  not 
[  less  obvious.  Without  entering  into  the  hackneyed  tucs- 
I  tioii  of  trea  trade  and  protective  duties,  wo  may  freely  aver 

that  it  is  not  the  intention  of  Congress  to  tax  the  cltiKeris  of 
I  the  United  States  for  the  benefit  of  foreigners ;  and  yet  »<uch 
j  is  the  operation  of  this  duty.  We  tax  a  raw  material,  which 
.  we  want  for  manufacturing  piir|K)!jes,  and  we  charge  our 

manufacturers  with  that  tax,  if  at  the  same  time  we  allow 
;  foreigners  to  manufacture  thnt  material  and  cend  It  to  us 

free  of  duty.  This  is  a  bounty  to  foreigners,  and  a  tax  upon 
,  ourselves.  What  would  be  said  of  the  policy  of  England, 
I  wore  she  to  tax  raw  cotton  and  admit  cotton  manufactures 
j  fVcoofduty.'" 

I  Well,  (asked  Mr.  W.,)  is  not  that  exactly  what 
I  we  are  doins:?  Are  we  not  performin';  that  very 
I  act,  which  were  we  to  see  an  EngHsh  Parliament 

I  performing,  we  should  pronounce  both  Lords  and 
Commons  eitlier  out  of  their  wits,  or  else  resolutely 
bent  on  destroying  the   cotton   manufactures  of 

I  England  ? 

There  is  another  article,  white  lead,  with  rTppc.t 
!  to  which  the  same  policy  is  observed;  i.iiu  on  tha^ 
;  suhject^l  have  received  the  following  letter  from  a 
I  very  intelligent  and  respectable  quarter  in  New 
York: 
i  "  Washinoton,  Ju/i/l3,  1846. 

I  "Hon.  Daniel  Webster— Dkar  Sir:  Kespeeting  the 
I ;  proposed  <iuty  on  white  lend,  I  had  the  honor  of  bringing  to 

I I  your  consideration  on  the  evening  of  last  Saturday,  as  you 
! ;  then  requested.    I  now  make  the  following  disjointed  sfate- 

i  iiients,  which,  when  you  conic  to  speak  on  the  tan fl,  may 
|{  l>c  matter  that  you  can  make  use  of  in  op(>osins  the  hill. 
ii      "The  capital  invested  in  the  manufacture  of  white  lead 
Ij  in  the  United  Stale.i,  ainouiiis  to  upwards  of  .*-9,.V)0.00;i. 

I  About  one  thousand  men  as  laborers  are  employed  in  the 
j|  business,  and  12,00l>,00()  pounds,  or  600,UOJ  pigs  lead,  all  of 
|i  which  it>  the  produce  of  the  Missouri  ami  Illinois  ninies,  in 

I I  (he  'hbric.    'l*hn  present  duty  is  4  cents  per  pound,  the  pro 

I  posed  duty  is  20  per  cent.,  which  will  be  equal  to  ime  cent, 
j  or,  at  mo»it,  to  1  1-5  cent  per  pound.  The  w.^ite  lead  manu- 
j  facturcd  in  the  United  States  is  not  inferior  to  that  of  any 
j  other  country,  and  has  attained  its  present  goodness  within 
I  the  hut  three  years,  owing  principally  to  the  encourncenient 
I  given  by  the  tarM*  of  184*3,  which  has  induced  tha  iiivest- 
I  meat  of  Inrav.  additional  capital  in  the  manufacture  of  the 
article, thereby  creating  greatcompetilion  amongst  the  mar- 
I  uthcturers. 

i  "The  price  of  pure  lead  inoU  in  1820,  at  which  time  there 
I  were  but  two  factories  in  the  country,  was  14  cents  per 
i  pound.  Since  that  time,  it  h:\B  been  gradually  declining  in 
I  price,  and  is  now  only  worth  6|  cents. 
i  "  Perhaps  there  is  no  article  imported  into  this  country  in 
:  favor  of  which  there  U  so  strong  a  prejudice  us  that  of  Eng- 
;  lish  white  lead;  for,  notwidislanding  the  duty  of  4  cents, 
i  considerable  quantitit>s  are  yenrty  im|K>rted  and  sold  at  a 
!  profit  to  the  English  mannfactnrer.  If,  with  the  present 
'  duly,  the  American  manufacturer  can  merely  sustain  him- 
I  sell*  against  Ihe  prejudice  existing  in  favor  of  the  foreign 
I  article,  should  the  duly  be  reduced  to  one  cent  per  pound, 
I  what  but  total  ruin  must  to  him  he  the  crmsequenci!. 

*'Wv  think  the  fon-gfiing  facts  could  not  have  been  known 
'  to  the  framers  of  the  bill  now  nefore  the  Senate,  and  that 
t  the  Senate  will  see  the  justice  of  transferring  it  to  the  sched- 
ule of  articles  under  the  fortif,  or  at  least,  ihi'  tfiirht  per 
cent.  duty.  '  JNO.  LAIDLAW." 

So  much  for  that  article. 

Mr.  President,  there  is  one  matmfncture,  just 
be»inninff  amongst  us,  of  such  an  interesting  cliar- 
HCler  to  the  labor  of  the  country,  and  the  agricul- 
tural intercuts,  that  I  beg  to  call  it  to  the  particular 

i  atti  nt  on  uf  ihe  Senate.  It  is  that  article  which 
Ihey  tall  t  r.ufsrline  ik  laincy  a  woollen  fabric  just 

;  rointntnce  '  ifi  thi.s  country,  and  ita  early  life  is  to 
be  crushed  '>y  this  bill.  It  has  been  a  matter  of 
imniense  import  for  some  years  past.  Now,  I 
wIhIi  to  state  the  facts  coimected  with  one  of  these 

i  cotnmeneing  establishments.     There  was  no  man- 

'  ufrtcture  of  this  article  before  the  tariff  of  1842. 
Alter  the  tariff  of  1849  wns  enacted,  in  several  of 
the  Middle  and  Eastern  Stales  it  began.  Among 
the  rest,  within  a  few  months,  or  at  least  within 

:  the  year,  a  manufactory  of  this  kind  has  been  at- 
tempted  to   be  established  ul  PJanchestcr,  New 

■  Hampshire,  near  the  residence  of  my  honorable 
IVicnu  from  that  State,  on  my  right,  [Mr.  Cih.ev.] 
It  proceeds  on  the  basis  of  a  large  rupital.  Those 
concerned  ask  for  no  new  protection.     They  can 

I  maintain    themselves    under    the  tftrilT   of    J  842. 

'  Now,  what  is  the  consequence,  if  this  mischievous 
measure  is  to  prevail }  I  have  a  statement  front 
the  agent  conducting  that  establishment,  an  intelli- 
gent and  respectable  gentleman,  every  way  worthy 

I  of  credit  and  reliance;  and  I  beg  tu  lay  it  before 


the  Senate,  for  the  especial  cnnsideratinn  of  the 
gentlemen  of  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania.  He  says  be- 
fore there  wns  any  expectation  that  this  bill  would 
pass,  they  had  sent  agents  into  Ohio  and  the  west- 
ern part  of  Pennsylvania  to  buy  wool;  that  they 
proposed  to  buy  annually  from  $300,000  to  ^00,- 
000  worth  of  wool  in  those  States,  and  perhaps  in 
the  western  part  of  New  York.  I  suppose  that  is 
of  some  importance  to  the  wool  growers  of  Ohio, 
Pennsylvania,  and  New  York.  '^When  the  news 
reached  New  Hampshire  thnt  this  bill,  as  it  no\y 
stands  here,  had  passed  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, these  agents  were  directed  not  to  buy  nnother 
ounce;  and  they  never  will  buy  nnother  ounce  until 
they  know  that  this  bill  cannot  pass.  This  is  an 
eminent  instance  in  which  home  manufnetures  aid 
agriculture.  It  well  deserves  the  attention  of  all 
wool  growers.  When  will  the  western  farmers  sell 
as  much  wheat, annually  to  Eiifflnnd,nsshaller|tml 
their  loss,  by  this  bill,  in  the  ariiclcof  wool  alone.' 

Mr.  President,  here  is  an<'ther  petition,  or  a 
paper  in  the  form  *'■•  ,  uon,  respeclinj.'-  another 
raw  material.  I  was  thinking  tlie  other  day  of 
asking  the  Senate  to  print  it,  for  I  know  that  papers 
cannot  be  printed  here  till  they  have  bad  a  pretty 
thorough  examination  by  a  committee.  This 
paper,  air,  reapects  brimstone.  [A  laugh.]  I  had 
some  idea  of  sending  it  lo  the  Committee  on  Print- 
'"^,  '  ■  -  •  f  hey  might  bring  it  to  the  judgttient  of  all 
appropriate  organs,  to  see  whether  it  ought  to  be 
printed  or  not.  [Laughter.]  This  is  nnother 
small,  but  yot  inappropriate,  exemplification  of 
the  bill.  Hear  what  the  persons  concerned  in  this 
manufacture  say: 

"  \mw  York,  Jnbf  VSIh,  IH46, 

"Hon.  Danikl  Webster— Dear  Sir:  The  Hiilittcrihcnr, 
mannfaciureni  of  brhnstnnc,  ri-s|icctfnl]y  ask  the  liberty  tu 
call  your  attention  to  the  lollovving  facts : 

"Alioiit  four  years  ago,  they  cominenecd  the  manufacture 
or  retining  of  brimstone.  Previous  ti>  that  time,  all  the 
brhn!<tone  u-^cd  in  making  gunpowder  and  for  othi>r  piirpot-ea 
in  tin:*  country,  wnn  imixirted  from  £urn{H',  chiefly  from 
France  niul  England,  and  the  price  wat*  about  A7.'>  a  ton. 

'•Since  the  introduction  of  Ihe  manufaclure  m  above 
mentioned,  the  price  has  been  very  much  reduced,  and  is 
now,  and  has  been  for  more  than  a  year  {lust,  a  frucUon  lest 
than  940  a  ton. 

"The  tJirilf  of  l«42  admits  crude  brimstone  free  of  duty, 
and  levies  a  duly  of 'J.')  percent,  upon  retincd.  Mr.  McKay's 
bill  lays  a  duty  of  l.")  per  cent,  on  crude,  and  only  20  [wr 
cent,  upon  refined,  brimstone. 

"The  quantity  of  crude  imported  into  the  country  is  not 
large,  and  the  amount  of  revenue  which  can  hej'aised  f;oin 
It  will  be  more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  increased  price 
which  (tovcrnment  will  be  obliged  to  pay  for  its  annual 
purchases  of  brimstone  for  the  Ordnance  and  \itvy  Depart- 
inentH. 

»'  Shouhl  McKay's  bill  become  a  law  without  amendment, 
the  nmnufacturo  in  this  country  mu^t  be  abandoned,  be- 
cause the  advantage  in  low  rate  of  wises,  interest,  &c.,&,c., 
enjoyed  by  the  Enrnpean  manui.tctnrer,  will  enable  him  to 
undersell  the  American  in  his  own  market. 

"  In  view  of  the  national  importance  of  the  manufacture 
of  this  indi!<pensable  munition  of  war,  the  und'-rsigned 
respectfully  and  earnestly  iiolicit  you  to  use  your  influence 
to  have  the  article  o/  crude  brim.-itone  taken  from  schedule 
E,  and  placed  on  sctiedule  11,  of  the  pro|K>sed  tariff,  so  a« 
to  he  ndmilted,  as  at  present,  iVi'e  of  duty. 

"  Very  respectfully,  vour  obedient  servants, 

"JEFFRIES  &  CATTERFIELD." 

Thii»  we  see  a  reduction  in  th',  price  of  this 
article  of  ^35  a  ton,  in  conseque  .ce  of  the  tariff  of 
M3,  and  the  manufacture  of  which  will  now  be 
totally  destroyed  by  this  bill. 

I  shall  rend  another  letter,  relating  to  an  article 
connected  with  that  topic,  wh'ch  was  alluded  to, 
and  very  handsomely  discussed,  yesterday,  by  my 
friend  fiom  Rhode  Island,  [Xfr.  Simmo'.s.]  It  is  a 
very  curious  specimen  of  legislation  with  reference 
to  an  article  of  aome  importance — sulphuric  ocid: 
"HosTON,  Ju/./U/A,  l&iB. 

''  Hon.  Pasiei,  Wrdbter— Sir  :  I  have  worlds  in  \cwton 
for  the  nmniifaetnre  of  sulphuric  aeid,  or  oil  of  vitriol— tjie 
most  extensive  works  of  the  kind  in  the  country— ind  know- 
ing you  would  wish  tr'  he  put  in  [wsncsslon  of  the  tearing  of 
the  proposed  tarifTof  Mr.  McKay  upon  thedifrercntlnterest.>« 
it  aflcets,  f  lake  the  liberty  of  showing  the  operation  of  it 
upon  the  article  ihnt  I  manufacture,  and  the  obvitnis  de^iign 
of  some  one  lo  strike  a  blow  at  this  business.  |ly  this  tariff, 
aeids  of  various  kinds,  such  as  muriatic,  nitric,  &e.,  used 
for  chemical  or  medicinal  purposes,  or  f<ir  mnnufncturing, 
nr  in  the  rtne  arts,  are  charged  with  a  duly  of  20  per  cent., 
unless  otherwise  provided  for. 

"As  an  e\ccpiinn  to  other  acids,  sulphurio  acid,  or  oil  of 
vitriol.  Is  pariieulnrly  specified,  and  is  charaed  with  a  duty 
of  10  per  cent.,  and  the  material  from  which  this  is  made— 
sulphur— whicli  has  been  heretofore  free,  is  charged  with  a 
duly  of  l.'t  pi.T  cent.  I  have  been  at  a  loss  to  know  the 
tensoM  for  sinrlins  out  this  acid  in  the  way  it  has  been,  for 
it  is  evident  thatit  has  been  particularly  dwelt  upon  in  con- 
structing this  tnritl';  nnd  for  Hie  want  of  anv  information  in 
Ihe  niMttcr,  F  cannot  avoid  the  »<uspicion  that  it  ii<is  been 
arranged  by  the  re|)reBentntlnn  of  those  specially  interested 
to  crush  the  manufacture  in  this  country. 


W  it 


1146 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  25, 


29th  Cono I  ST  Sess. 


I%e  Tariff— Mr.  Webtter. 


Senate. 


"  Durinz  Che  put  ynr  Uia  (apply  of  Met'tihlng  powder* 
liw  been  very  short,  ao  much  lo  u  to  irivA  vome  of  tlie 
bleachers  into  making  a  aubatitute,  called  bleaching  liquor ; 
and  I  Am  fnlbnned  that  the  suhptitute  Is  prefe.-i^i  ny  those 
who  have  naed  it  on  account  of  its  doing  the  (fork  fully  aa 
well.and  being  much  cheaper  than  the  powderi. 

"  The  nianulacUire  of  bleacblng  powders  bus  also  been 
carried  on  in  thiacounir}'  during  thp  last  ten  years  to  a  con- 
siderable e<tenl,  with  a  duty  of  oiie  cent  per  pound  on  the 
imported,  which  is  more  than  30  per  ct^nt.  And.  therefore, 
1  do  not  believe  the  article  has  yet  been  made  to  be  proltib- 
itable  to  manufltcturers,  yet  the  nmiiufarturc  in  this  country 
of  the  powders,  and  more  iNtrtinilnrly  of  the  liquor,  is  a 
cause  of  alarm  ^»  tlie  fbreign  ninniitticti^rcrs. 

**  Sulnburic  acid  enters  largely  into  the  cost  of  making 
bleachink  powders  and  bleaching  liquor ;  and  it  is  evident 
Uiat  tbe  foreign  maker  of  blenching  (M>wders  could  not  better 
attain  his  end  than  by  mttting  tbe  cost  of  making  suljiburic 
acid  in  this  c<>untry,  at  the  same  time  that  he  gets  a  reduc- 
tion of  duty  on  his  pou'der. 

't  As  I  have  formed  this  opinion,  I  have  thought  proper  to 
communicate  it. 

"  1  am,  sir,  with  high  respect,  vour  obedient  servant, 
"GEORGE  GARDNER." 

Here,  then,  on  one  hand,  the  foreign  agent 
prays  for  and  urg:es  the  pnssnge  of  Mr.  McKny's 
bill;  and,  on  the  other,  the  American  manufacturer 
imphires  us  to  stick  to  the  tariff  of  '42,  reject  Mr. 
McKay's  bill,  and  suffer  him  lo  go  on  and  get  an 
honest  living,  as  heretofore.  They  have  a  direct- 
ly opposite  inlerest;  and  as  it  is  no  matter  of  rev- 
enue of  any  cons!  jerable  amount,  how  are  we  to 
interpret  the  flict,  that  the  former  is  so  obviously 
protected  at  the  expense  of  the  latter?  How  is  it 
that,  in  this  contest,  the  foreign  manufacturer  ob- 
tains the  preference .'  Are  the  suspicions  of  this 
gentleman — whom  I  know  to  be  a  highly  respect- 
able man  of  business — entirely  unreasonable  ?  He 
says,  there  must  have  been  some  one  at  work, 
having  an  interest  foreign  and  hostile  to  the  inter- 
est of  I  e  American  producer  of  this  article,  and 
similar  articles;  and  judfe  you,  whether  that  be 
not  the  cftse.  It  is  plain  and  manifest,  it  is  an 
English  provision,  favorable  to  English  labor,  end 
prejudicial  to  American  Inbur. 

lam  admonished  that  it  is  high  time  to  leave 
these  various  articles — I  will  not  call  them  minor 
urticlea,  because  they  are  all  important.  There 
are  many  more  to  which  I  might  have  directed  the 
attention,  of  the  Senate;  there  are  the  articles  of 
skins  and  pells,  nf  which  we  hear  nothing  here, 
but  which  affect  a  great  many  hundred  persons 
employed.  The  same  thing  takes  place  in  regard 
to  them.  The  raw  material  is  taxed  higher  than 
the  manufactured  articles.  Now,  I  want  some- 
body to  show  if  the  result  of  this  bill  be  not  to 
benefit  the  foreign  manufacturer  and  laborer,  at  the 
sacrifice  of  our  own  manufacturer  and  laborer?  I 
wish  somebody  to  show  where  there  is  one  case 
in  which  discrimination  has  been  resorted  to,  and 
in  which  it  has  been  in  favor  of  the  American 
laborer  or  the  American  manufacturer.  Every- 
where it  is  the  other  way. 

Sir,  the  honorable  member  from  Connecticut 
spoke,  the  other  day,  of  a  "  petty  Congress"  of 
subordinate  persons,  brought  together  from  about 
the  custom-houses  and  the  great  marls  of  impor- 
tation, and  of  the  evident  prnofs  that  this  bill  was 
prepared  in  that  "  petty  Congress."  Mr.  Presi- 
dent, I  know  nothing  of  that;  but  1  nay,  not  wil- 
lingly, but  from  a  nense  of  duty,  that  the  long  se- 
ries of  provisions  contained  in  this  bill,  in  which 
discrimination  is  obviously  made  aenirwl  i\.e.  Amer- 
ican manufacturer,  and  in  favor  of  the  foreign  man- 
ufacturer, gives  rise  to  very  awkward  sHspicions. 
If  there  h,tsbeen,in  truth,  such  a  "  petty  Con- 
gross"  as  has  been  mentioned,  for  whose  benefit 
were  ita  deliberations  carried  on?  What  inleiesl, 
whose  interest,  was  its  "  petty  Senate,"  and  its 
"petty  House  of  Rcprescnintr  es,"  assiduously 
seeking  to  promote?     But  now — 

Paulo  majnra  canamiis. 
I  now  go  from  these  interests  to  articles  of  more 

rominence,  and  perhaps  greater  impoitimce;  and 
wish  to  say,  that  in  uiscuseing  the  effects  of  this 
tariff  \i\ion  the  industrial  labor  of  the  country, 
with  the  single  exceplion  which  I  have  named  in 
regard  to  the  new  manufacture  of  mou.tM/ine  rfc 
(ainei,  I  make  no  parliculxr  comment  on  Ihis  bill,  in 
regard  to  the  great  interests  of  that  part  of  the 
country  with  which  1  am  connected.  I  leave 
that  to  the  consideration  of  others.  I  may  not 
permit  myself  to  lje  supposed  to  bo  influenced, 
on  these  topics,  by  the  interests  of  inanufaclurers 
around  me,  and  amongst  whom  I  live,  and  for 
whose  prosperity  and  happiness  I  never  can  feel 
unconcemea.    Driv«ii  from  b«r  Qriginal  and  cho- 


sen pursuit,  lo  which  she  had  been  enthusiastically 
addicted — commerce — and  compelled  to  enter  npon 
the  field  of  manufactures  twenty-two  years  ago— 
if  it  be  now  the  pleasure  of  this  Oovernment — if  it 
be  the  sense  of  tne  American  people — if  the  South 
and  the  Middle  and  the  West  say  so — New  Eng- 
land can  jfo  iocA^,  anii  iliU  livt.  lou  can  distress 
her — you  can  cripple  her — you  can  cramn  her — 
but  you  cannot  annihilate  her  industry,  tier  self 
respect,  her  capacity  to  take  care  of  herself.  A 
country  of  working  men  who  are  able,  if  necessity 
colls  for  it,  to  work  fourteen  hours  a  day,  may  bid 
defiaiice  to  all  tariffs,  and  all  miserable,  false,  par- 
tial legislation.  They  stand  upon  the  strength  of 
their  own  character,  resolution,  and  capacity;  and 
by  this  strength  and  that  capacity,  they  maintain 
themselves,  tlo  what  you  please.  Not,  sir,  that 
there  is  one  house  in  New  England,  at  this  mo- 
ment, in  which  the  proceedings  of  this  day  are 
not  looked  for  with  intensest  interest.  No  man 
rises  in  the  morning  but  to  see  th«  newspaper. 
No  woman  retires  at  night  without  inquiring  of 
her  husband  the  progress  of  this  great  measure  in 
Washington.  They  nsk  about  it  in  the  streets. 
They  ask  about  in  the  schools.  They  ask  about 
it  in  the  shoemakers'  shops,  the  machine  shops, 
the  tailors'  shops,  the  saddlers'  shops,  and,  in 
short,  in  the  shops  of  all  artisans  and  handicrafts. 
They  ask  about  it  everywhere.  And  they  will 
take  whatever  answer  comce,  as  men  should  take 
it;  and  they  will  feel  as  men  should  feel  v/hen  they 
hear  it.  I  therefore  leave,  sir,  to  the  Senate,  all 
these  considerations.  I  will  not  suffer  myself  to 
be  subjected  lo  the  lemplalion  of  being  led  away 
by  causes  which  might  be  suppo.sed  to  influence 
me,  and  turning  from  them,  therefore,  I  proceed 
to  the  consideration  of  other  subjects,  in  which,  so 
far  as  New  England  is  concerned,  if  she  have  any 
interest  at  all,  it  is  in  favor  of  this  bill,  and  against 
protected  interests.  Does  she  mean  the  less  to  ex- 
ercise her  power,  little  or  great,  or  whatever  it  may 
be,  in  favor  of  those  whose  interests  are  menaced 
by  this  bill  ?    No,  sir;  no,  sir;  never. 

I  am  now  about  to  speak  of  the  iron  interest  and 
the  coal  interest.  Great  interests  in  which  several 
of  the  States  are  concerned,  but  which,  by  way  of 
eminence,  men  are  accustomed  to  obII  the  great 
Pennsylvanian  interests;  and  so  they  are.  Massa- 
chusetts is  a  purchaser  of  Pennsylvania  coal,  and 
she  is  a  purchaser  of  Pennsylvania  iron.  She  is 
one  of  the  best  purchasers  of  these  articles  from 
her  Pennsylvania  fViends.  She  will,  to  the  extent 
of  her  power,  maintain  a  just  system  for  the  pres- 
ervation of  these  great  interest-s,  precisely  as  if 
they  were  her  own.  And,  sir,  I  do  not  fear  that  I 
am  running  any  hazard  at  all  when  I  say,  that  this 
feeling  of  Massnchusett.s  towards  Pennsylvania  is 
entirely  reciprocated  by  Pennsylvania  towards 
Massachusetts.  I  hear  it  whispered  about  these 
Hulls,  that  there  might  come  some  sftcifit,  for  the 
case  of  Pennsylvania.  That  there  might  be  an 
amendment  moved  lo  soothe  her  on  the  subject  of 
iron  and  coal,  leaving  all  the  rest  of  the  country  to 
the  desolation  of  this  bill.  But,  sir,  no  such  thing 
can  lake  place.  Pennsylvania  would  not  degrade 
herself  by  accepting  such  a  boon.  Pennsylvania 
stands,  and  her  representatives  here  stand,  pledged 
and  instructed  to  the  tariff  of  '42.  But  I  take  this 
occasion  to  sav  for  myself,  that  I  am  now  arguing 
against  this  bill — this  particular  bill — and  I  have 
not  said,  and  I  shall  not  say  now,  what  other  pro- 
visions it  might  be  advisable  .for  the  Houses  of 
Congress  to  adopt.  But  I  have  not  the  least  fear 
in  the  world,  sir,  that  Pennsylvania  is  going  to 
bend  her  proud  neck,  to  take  a  boon  from  ijiose 
who  are  inflicting  Ihis  severe  measure  of  discom- 
fort and  distress  upon  the  country;  that  she  will 
just  lake  a  sop  to  herself  and  turn  her  back  up(in 
her  friends.  There  is  not  a  Pennsylvanian  who 
would  consent  to  such  a  degrading,  debasing,  dis- 
creditable act  of  selfishness.  Now,  let  us  proceed 
to  consider  these  important  subjects  of  tlie  iron 
trade  and  conl  trade  of  Pennsylvania. 

It  is  well  known  that  Pennsylvania  is  very  rich 
in  mineral  wealth.  Next  to  England,  Pennsylva- 
nia, considering  her  connexion  east  with  the  At- 
lantic, and  west  with  the  Mississippi,  and  then 
considering  lier  soil  and  mineral  productions,  is 
perhaps  the  richest  spot  on  the  face  of  the  globe. 
She  has  more  nieaus  of  supporting  population  than 
any  country  I  know  of  in  the  world,  except  it  be 
the  south  end  of  the  island  of  Qreot  Britain.    For 


thirly  years,  the  mt.king  of  iron  in  Pennsylvania 
has  been  a  ronsiderable  business.  The  present 
duty  on  iron,  by  the  law  of  1843,  a  (35  per  ton 
for  plain  bar  iron.  The  proposed  duty  is  30  per 
cent,  ad  valorem  on  the  imported  article.  Now, 
the  price  of  iron  at  Liverpool  at  this  moment  is  4Q, 
or  %Vi  per  ton.  The  amount  of  duty,  therefore, 
proposed  by  the  bill,  that  is  to  say,  a  duty  of  30 
per  cent,  ad  valorem,  would  be  f^l3  50,  or  one-half 
the  present  duty, 

I  will  read  the  clouse  of  the  bill  with  respect  to 
iron,  for  it  is  wortliy  of  being  read: 

"  Iron,  In  bars,  blorms,  holts,  loops,  pigs,  rods,  slabs,  or 
other  form,  not  otherwise  provided  fur,  30  per  cent." 

Here  we  see,  then,  that  the  same  ad  valorem 
duty  is  assessetl  on  iron  as  a  raw  material,  and  on 
all  Its  successive  stages  of  manufacture.   There  are 
proprietors  in  Pennsylvania  who  hold  great  estates 
in  iron  mountains,  which  are  called  "  royalties. " 
They  sell  the  ore  at  so  much  a  ton  in  the  cnrih. 
This,  as  a  raw  material,  is  protected  by  the  bill  by 
a  duty  of  30  per  cent,  ad  valorem.     But  the  duly, 
being  still  the  same  thirty  per  cent,  ad  v.ilorcni, 
only  rises  on  the  article  in  different  stages  of  its 
manufacture,  as  the  value  of  the  manufactured  arli- 
!  cle  progressively  rises.   American  labor,  therefore, 
gels  no  protection  over  foreign  labor.   As  the  innn- 
j  ul'ncture  of  iron  advances  from  one  degree  to  an- 
I  other,  it  calls,  in  each  successive  step,  for  a  higher 
i  degree  of  labor.     But  the  bill  makes  no  discrimi- 
nation in  favor  of  this  labor,  'English  labor,  in 
;  advancing  the  manufacture  of  its  higher  stages,  is 
!  as  much  regarded  and  protected  as  American  labor. 
'  But  as  labor  is  higher  here  than  in  England,  (and 
long  may  it  continue  so,)  if  there  be  not  a  discrim- 
i  inating  protection,  the  work  must  of  course  fall 
'  into  foreign  hands,  and  the  loss  fall  on  the  Ameri- 
i  can  laborers.   Thequestion, therefore, isone  which 
touches  the  interest  of  the  American  worker  in  iron 
to  the  quick;  and  it  will  be  understood  by  the  man 
i  who  works  at  the  furnace,  at  the  forge,  at  the  mill, 
I  and  in  all  the  still  more  advanced  and  finer  opera- 
tions. 
I      But  now  let  us  look  to  the  act  of  1842,  and  see 
.  its  careful  enumeration  and  specific  assessment  of 
;  duties  on  iron,  and  on  articles  of  iron  manufacture. 
I  It  reads  thus: 

!     "  On  iron  in  bars  or  bolts,  not  manufhemred  In  whole  or 
in  part  by  rolling,  ^17  {ler  ton ;  on  bar  or  bt.lt  iron,  made 
wholly  or  in  part  by  rolling,  ^5  per  ton :  Provutftl^  That  all 
iron  in  slal>»,  blooms,  loops,  or  other  form,  letis  finished  than 
iron  in  bars  or  bollix,  and  more  advanced  than  pig  iroii,  ex- 
cept castings,  shall  be  rated  ns  iron  in  bars  or  bolt!*,  and  pay 
a  duly  accordingly:  Proridcrf, olro,  That  iron  iinport'.'d  prior 
to  the  third  day  of  March,  eighteen  hundred  and  forty  three, 
in  bars  or  otherwise, for  railwaysor  inclined  ptnnes,  shall  be 
entitled  to  the  benefitn  of  the  provisions  of  exit-tiny  laws,  ex- 
empting it  from  the  payment  of  duty  on  proof  of  its  having 
been  actually  and  perninnently  laid  down  for  the  use  of  any 
railway  or  inclined  plane  r>rior  to  the  third  day  of  Mnreli, 
eighteen  hundred  and  foriy-lhrcc;  and  all  such  iron  import- 
ed from  and  alter  the  date  aforesaid,  shall  be  subject  to  and 
pay  Itiu  duty  on  rolled  iion. 
«  Second.  On  iron  in  pigs,  nine  dollars  per  ton ;  on  vessels 
]i  of  cast  iron,  not  otherwise  spi-eified,  one  cent  and  a  half  per 
|;  pound;  on  all  othercasUngsof  iron, not  otherwise  specified, 
'  one  cent  per  pound ;  on  glazed  or  tin  hollow  ware  and  ea.-'t- 
I  logs,  sad  irons  or  smoottdng  irons^  hatters' nnd  tailors*  press- 
,  ing  irons,  and  cost  iron  bulls  or  hinges,  two  and  a  half  cents 
;   per  pound ;  on  iron  or  steel  wire,  not  exceeding  No.  !4,  live 

I  cents  per  pound ;  and  over  No.  14,  and  not  exceeding  No. 

I I  il.5,  eiglil  cents  per  pound;  over  No.  2.1,  eleven  cents  per 
II  piMmd;  silvered  or  jilated  wire,  thirty  per  centum  ad  vido- 
j  j  rem ;  brass  or  eop|»er  wire,  twenty-five  per  centum  ad  valo- 

'  rem;  cap  or  bonnet  wire,  eovtTcd  witli  silk,  twelve  cents 

t !  per  pound ;  when  covered  with  cotton  tliread  or  other  mate- 

l  rial,  eiebt  cents  per  pound ;  on  round  or  square  iron,  or  bra- 

I   Biers'  rods,  of  tbree-sixteenlbs  to  ten-sixteenths  of  nn  inch 

1    ill  diiinietcr,  inclusive,  and  on  iron  in  nail  or  spike  rods,  or 

I    nail  plates,  slif ,  rolled,  or  linmtnered,  and  on  iron  in  sheets, 

'.   except  taggers'  iniii,  and  on  hoop  iron,  and  on  iron  slit, 

rolled  or  hammered  for  hand  iron,  scroll  iron,  or  casement 

■    rods,  iron  eahies  or  ctiains,  or  par's  thereof,  manufueuired  in 

whole  or  in  part,  of  whatever  iliametei,  the  links  being  of 

'i  the  form  peculiar  to  elinins  for  cables,  two  and  n  half  cents 

I    per  pound  ;  on  ai:  otller  eliains  of  iron,  not  other.vise  speei- 

'  lied,  the  links  hi'ing  eitlier  twisted  or  slraiglit,  and,  vlien 

'I  straight,  of  greater  tenglli  tiian  those  used  in  elinins  for  ea- 

:  bles,  tliirty  |»er  centum  ad  valorem ;  on  ancliors  or  parts  of 

anchors,  mnnilflielured  in  whole  or  in  part,  anvils,  black- 

.■•inilhs'  liammers  and  sledges,  two  and  a  half  centi  per 

(    pound ;  on  cut  or  wrought  iron  spikes,  three  cents  jier 

pound ;  and  on  cut  iron  nails,  three  cents  per  pound ;  and 

on  wrought  iron  nails,  on  axle-trees,  or  parts  thereof,  mill 

irons  and  mill  cranks  of  wrought  iron,  or  wrought  iron  Ihr 

I    ships,  loeotnolives,  and  stenin  engines,  or  iron  chains  otiier 

I  than  chain  cables,  and  on  mallealile  iron  or  eastings,  four 

>'  cents  |ier  iiound !  on  steam,  gns,  or  water  tubes,  or  plpis. 

'    made  of  band  or  rolled  iron,  five  cents  per  pound  i  on  null 

1   saws,   Toss-eut  saws,  and  (lit-saws,  one  dollar  each ;  on 

i   lucks,  -irads,  nnd  sprigs,  iiotexeeeding sixteen  ounces  to  tlio 

i   thonsnn'l,  five  cents  pur  thousand,  exceeding  sixHiit  ounces 

I  to  tlie  Uii.'isaiid,  live  cents  |ier  pound;  on  taggers'  iron, 

"  five  per  ceni''m  ad  valorem :  /»n>i)«e<l,  That  all  articles  per- 


¥*«^ 


tlally  nianiifticlured, 

the  same  rate  of  dm 

vUed,  aUo,  That  no 

rod,  fioop,  or  other  1 

than  is  eharceable  e 

in  whole.or  iniiart, 

weillhtorvaliie,  am 

on  tlie  cost  of  the  a 

■<  Tiiird.  On  all  o 

Mei,  That  nothini 

been  In  actual  use, 

all  pieces  bf  Iron, 

length,  or  of  suflii 

bolts,  shall  be  rati 

case  may  be,  and  j 

all  vessels  of  cast  1 

fyoni  the  mould,  bu 

or  with  handles,  ri 

iron,  shall  |i»y  the 

other  maiiiifacuire 

it  mat  sliail  lunoui 

oFourtii.  On  mi 

rifles,  two  dollari 

hoiehets,  plane  h 

knives,  cutting  k 

spades,  shovels,  s 

steel  saddlery  and 

lure  of  all  descrir 

fire  arms  other  Ihi 

tiiirly  per  centum 

manurnclure  of  si 

not  exceeding  the 

per  eeiitiini  ad  vii 

"  Fifih.  On  sere 

cents  per  imnnd ; 

Bed,  thirty  per  ee 

cents  per  pound ; 

pereentiiiii  ad  va 

ties,  twelve  cent! 

"  Sixtli.  On  ci 

dollar  and  flrty  ei 

and  on  all  other 

one  hundred  and 

all  other  pnckas 

pack  of  twelve  p 

proportion  for  a 

twentv  cents  pel 

netting,  and  kni 

of  twenty  peree 

Japanned  saddlei 

valorem." 


Furnaces  up  t< 


Furnaces  sine 


Increased  pro 
Iiicrcmied  pro 


(,'harcoal  ftii 
Antliracilc  I 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSldNAL  GLOBE. 


1147 


^29th  Cong 1st  §es9. 


I%c  Tariff— Mr.  Webster. 


Senate. 


tlally  niftniifttcturer),  not  ntherwlte  provided  rnr,  ihaJI  pay 
tlif!  Mine  Ttxte.  of  duty  as  if  wholly  manufnctured :  ^tuf  pro- 
vided. aUOj  ThHt  no  articles  inaniifhctiired  rroni  »teel,  fihect, 
rod,  iinop,  or  other  klndi  of  Irnn,  shnll  pny  n  \p.hb  rate  of  duty 
than  is  chargeable  on  the  material  of  which  it  is  coinpo«efl, 
in  wJKihf.iir  in  part,  pnyinfi  the  highest  rntu  of  duty  eitlior  by 
weiulu  or  vnliK!.  and  a  duty  of  tift<>en  per  centum  ad  valorem 
on  the  cost  of  the  article  (idded  thereto. 

"Third,  On  all  old  or  scrap  Iron,  tendnliartiperlfln:  Pro- 
vUeHy  Ttint  nothing  ihnll  be  deemed  old  iron  that  has  not 
been  In  actual  use,  and  tit  only  to  be  remnriiitiK  tured  ;  and 
all  pifces  bf  Iron,  except  old,  of  more  thiui  mx  inches  of 
length,  or  of  siimcient  length  to  he  mndu  into  spikes  and 
bolt«,  rihall  be  rated  as  bar,  bolt,  rod,  or  hoop  iron,  as  the 
case  may  be,  and  imyduty  iiceordltigly :  Frovided,  abo.  That 
all  vcHi^eJrt  of  cast  iron,  and  all  raKtiiigi4  of  iron  not  rough  as 
fyoiii  the  mould,  but  partially  maniilaeturrd  aIUt  the  envling, 
or  with  haridlep,  riiigx,  hoops,  or  other  addiitons  of  wrought 
iron,  Hhall  juy  the  aainu  rnteti  of  duty  herein  imposed  on  all 
other  maiinfactures  of  wrought  iron  not  lu'rein  enumerated, 
if  that  shall  mnount  to  more  than  the  duty  on  castings. 

<*  Fourth.  On  muakets,  one  dollar  and  fifly  cents  per  stand; 
rifles,  two  dollars  and  fifty  cents  each ;  on  axes,  adzes, 
hatchets,  plan'-  Irons,  socket  chisels  and  vices,  drnwiiri: 
knives,  cutting  knives,  sickles  or  reaping  hooks,  scythes, 
spades,  shovels,  squares  of  iron  or  steel,  plated  or  polislu-d 
steel  Kaddb'ry  and  brass  saddlery,  coach  and  harneBs  t\irni- 
ture  of  all  descriptions,  steelyards  nnd  seale  beams,  and  all 
Are  arms  other  than  niufkets  nnd  rifles,  nnd  all  sitte  aims, 
thirty  per  centum  ad  valorem ;  on  square  wire,  used  for  the 
manul'acture  of  Htretohers  for  unibreltao,  when  cut  in  pieces 
not  exceeding  the  length  suitable  tlierefnr,  twelve  and  a  jalf 
per  centum  ad  valorem. 

"  Fifth.  On  screws  ninde  nfiron  cnlird  wood  screws,  twelve 
cents  (H'r  )>onnd ;  and  on  all  other  screws  of  iron  not  speci- 
fied, thirty  p«'r  centum  ad  valorem ;  on  brass  screws  thirty 
cents  p<*r  pound ;  on  sheet  nnd  rolled  bra:«s,  a  duly  of  thirty 
per  eentuin  Hd  valorem ;  on  brass  battery,  or  hamnicred  ket- 
tles, twelve  cents  per  pound. 

*'  Sixth.  On  cast,  shear,  ond  German  steel  in  bars,  one 
dollar  and  fltty  cents  per  one  hundred  and  twelve  ^munds ; 
and  on  all  other  steel  in  bars,  two  dollars  and  flfty  r-en(i  per 
one  hundred  and  twelve  pounds ;  on  suHd  bended  pins, and 
all  other  package  pins,  not  exceeding  five  thousand  to  ttte 
pack  of  twelve  papers,  forty  cents  per  pack,  and  (nlhe  same 
proportion  for  a  greater  or  less  quantity;  on  pound  pins, 
twenty  cents  per  pound  ;  on  sewing,  tambouring,  darning, 
nettinff,  and  knitting,  nnd  all  other  kinds  of  neefllcs,  a  duty 
of  twenty  per  centum  ad  valorem;  on  common,  tinned,  and 
Japaunedsaddlery,  of  all  descriptiouS|  twenty  per  centum  ad 
valorem." 

Here  wc  aee  labor  protected.  The  duties  are 
Bpecific,  and  they  are  enhanced  more  and  more,  as 
labor  constitutes  more  and  more  of  the  value  of  the 
article.  This  is  the  spirit  of  the  act  of  1842.  No 
such  spirit  is  manifested  in  this  hill. 

Let  me  now,  Mr.  President,  after  reading  this 
long  legal  enactment,  direct  the  attention  of  the 
Senate  to  the  amount  of  capital  invested  in  the  iron 
interests  in  Pennsylvania: 

Tke  account  for  1846  stands  thus: 

Annual  product. 
Furnace,  up  ..18« \  SSSte*^. ■;.■.•.?""  'i?,'?^? 


Furnaces  since  1849. 


213  18»,8S6 

i  Charcoal ..  67 75,200 

!  Antliracile  % lOJ.UOO 


Increased  product  of  old  furnaces 37,971 

liicrcoiieU  product  of  new  furnaces 178,200 


216,171 

This  prodieious  increase  of  the  buslnens  has,  of 
course,  called  for  a  large  investment  and  employ- 
ment of  capital,  which,  after  much  reflection  and 
cxperiince,  is  estimated  at  i|47  per  ton  for  every 
ton  of  iharcoal  pig  metal  manufactured ;  this  would 
therefore  give,  on  75,200  tona,  ^3,534,400;  and 
for  every  ton  of  anthracite  pig  metal,  |25  per 
ton,  ^,5T5,0UO;  making  the  enormous  sum  of 
t6,lUy,4UU  invested  in  furnaces  alone  since  1843, 
riie  aggregate  capital,  therefore,  would  be  colcu- 
lated  upon  the  same  estimate: 

Totu.         Outiital. 
CharconI  nirnaci's  prcvinii9  to  1B49. . . .  173,360. .  .$8,I48,.'I43 
Antliracitc  furnaces  previous  to  1842. . .  16,487....    412,07.') 

8,960,418 

"«■»' jl(B,S  I  ■■«■'«'■■«» 

This  <|uuilllty  of  ;I68,0J6  368,050       14,U6l»jjl8 

tons,  at  .j;tO  per  ton, 

would  III;  worth f  II  ,040,680 

It  Is  prohnhlo  that  otic- 

half  of  this  metal    is 

convcrlcil     iiiio     har, 

hoop,     sheet,     boiler 

iron,  atid  nulls,  at  a 

cost  of  nt  least  .J.W  per 

ton  more B.aoi  ,400 

20,242,080  Capital  fiircnn- 
veision  nt$90 

per  tot 3,e80,!M0 

The  oilier  half  into  cast- 
ings nt  ijao  per  ton, ..  ;_3;680jfl60  Do  at  ,»10....  1,840,280 

2;i,!)22,640  20,190,658 


And  wHere  does  this  enormous  sum  of  monejr 
go,  and  how  is  it  expended?  All  in  labor  and 
Hgricullural  products.  For  of  what  material  is 
iron  composed ?  Coal,  limestone,  iron  ores,  sand 
and  fire-clay— almost  worthless  unless  converted 
into  iron.  The  number  of  men  employed  in  pro- 
ducing the  above  iron  would  be,  in  the  charcoal 
operations,  one  man  to  every  twenty  tons;  and, 
in  the  anthracite,  one  man  to  every  twenty-four 
tons  of  pi^-  metal.  This  includes  all  the  miner*  of 
coal  and  limestone,  wood  choppers,  &c.,  &c. 
Upon  this  estimate  there  would  be  employed,  in 
charcoal,  12,438,  anthracite,  4,978— in  all  17,406. 
Allowing  a  wife  and  four  children  as  sustained  by 
this  labor,  we  have  a  population  of  87,030.  To 
which,  if  we  add  the  labor  employed  in  its  con- 
version into  bars,  hoops,  sheets,  boilerplate,  nails, 
cttslines,  railway  iron,  &c.,  which  would  more 
than  double  those  directly  dependant,  we  should 
have,  upon  this  supposition,  174,060  men,  women, 
and  children.  But  when  we  look  still  further  at 
the  labor  created  by  this  business  in  railways, 
canals,  &c.,  who  can  estimate  it — both  the  labor 
of  man  and  horse? 

AVe  see  thus  what  l;^e  iron  interest  of  Pennsyl- 
vania is.  The  inquiry  now  is,  can  this  interest 
survive,  and  hope  to  enjoy  moderate  prosperity, 
under  the  provisions  of  this  bill  ?  The  people  of 
the  Slate  of  Pennsylvania  ask  the  Government  to 
suspend  execution  of  the  sentence  pronounced 
against  them,  till  the  question  shall  be  fairly  con- 
sidered. 

Notwithstanding  the  acknowledged  richness  of 
the'Pennsylvania  mines,  and  notwithstanding  the 
great  improvements  which  have  been  made  in  the 
State  in  the  means  of  transportation  for  heavy  ar- 
ticles, yet  there  are  disadvantages  of  a  serious 
nature  to  be  overcome.  Her  mountains  are  abun- 
dantly full  of  iron  ore,  but  then  they  are  in  the 
interior.  They  arc  remote  from  tide  water.  The 
i^.-gest  regions  of  iron  production  are  a  hundred 
and  fifty  miles  from  the  navigable  arms  of  tlie  sea. 
The  case  is  far  different  in  Wales  and  Scotland, 
the  furnaces  in  those  countries  being  almost  im- 
mediately contiguous  to  navigation.  Hence  their 
products  are  sent  all  over  the  world  at  less  cost. 
Welch  and  English  iron  may  be  brought  to  New 
York  and  Boston  at  one-half  the  cost  of  bringing 
iron  from  the  principal  iron  workn  in  Pennsylva- 
nia to  the  same  markets. 

Freight  on  iron  from  Wales  and  Scotland  to 
New  York  and  Boston  may  be  stated,  at  an  aver- 
age, from  one  dollar  and  fifty  cents  to  two  dollars 
and  fifty  cents  per  ton.  But  the  average  cost  of 
transporuilion  from  the  principal  establishments 
in  Pennsylvania  to  the  same  market  is  from  three 
dollars  to  five  dollars  and  a  half  per  ton.  When 
the  tariff  of  1842  went  into  operation,  the  English 
iron  was  uncommonly  low,  say  ,^4  lOs.  per  ton. 
With  an  ad  valorem  duty  of  30  per  cent.,  as  pro- 
posed by  this  act,  and  the  usiitil  freights,  the  arii- 
j  cle  could  have  been  offered  here  at  thirty-two  or 
thirty-three  dollars.  Could  Pennsylvania  iron 
have  stood  this  competition  ?  It  is  plain  that  she 
could  not,  and  that  her  iron  works  must  have 
stopped,  but  for  the  helping  hand  of  that  act.  I 
observe  in  the  English  Mining  Journal  of  January 
lust,  the  following  statement: 

"  It  will  he  rcmcnilicred  that  in  1842  the  amount  of  pig 
tnetal  exported  from  Glasgow  nlone  was  seventy  thoiiiinnd 
tons  ;  and  it  is  a  painful  niet,  that  since  1842  the  exportation 
of  pig  iron  has  all  but  ceased.  Under  these  circumstances, 
we  are  nt  a  loss  to  conceive  how  our  surplus  irnn  is  to  be 
disposed  of." 

On  this  English  statement,  an  intelligent  friend 
of  mine  remarks  thus: 

<'  Whnt  will  be  the  effect  of  this  overtrading  and  surplus 
stock  if  it  can  he  exported  here  under  a  tllirly  |)cr  cent,  ad 
vaIor(>in  duty  .'—which  is  no  duty  whatever— for  at  the  time 
it  is  most  needed  it  is  hti-egl.  Hfwieific  duties  are  tlie  only 
check  which  we  have  upon  fnmd  nnd  perjury.    Almn<lon 


them,  and  you  have  efleciually  prostrated  the  trade,  and 
pl'ici^d  us  entirely  in  the  hands  of  unscrupulous  foreigners. 
But  let  us  sec  how  ttiis  ad  valorem  duty  will  work.     In 


June.  1824,  bar  iron  in  England  was  £7  per  ton,  and 
January,  1895,  the  price  was  £14  per  ton,  and  it  fell  the 
same  year  to  £  10.  In  18-iH  nnd  1827,  the  highest  <i<>otntion 
was  £9,  while  in  )832it  fell  to  £4  l.'is.  Ill  June,  1844,  ilie 
price  was  £6i  in  April,  £9  15!j  July,  £7  l.'i!;  and  in  Octo- 
licr,  £8  !,')>;  December,  £10.  Thus  it  will  he  seen  thai  in 
1632  thirty  per  cent,  duty  would  have  produced  $6  84  per 
ton,  while  In  December,  1844,  it  would  have  been  $H  4U, 
and  in  January,  1824,  $^0  16." 

Sir,  in  my  opinion,  we  have  before  us  at  this 
moment  the  general  question,  shall  wo  give  eflicient 
protection  to  the  Ainerican  production  of  iron  i    If 


we  say  we  shall,  then  it  is  clear  this  bill  ought  not 
to  pass,  !f  it  should  pass,  leaving  iron  with  all  its 
manufactures  and  ramifications  at  30  percent.,  they 
might  just  a°  well  be  put  at  5  per  cent.  The  trade 
would  as  soon  have  it  so,  as  I  understand.  The 
manufacture  declined  under  the  old  "  Compromise 
act. "    It  rose  in  '4S,  and  the  labor  of  persons  em- 

E loved  rose  in  proportion.  That  law  was  certainly 
ailed  in  Pennsylvania  as  being  conformable  to  all 
her  views  and  opinions.  Now,  sir,  let  us  come  to 
a  conclusion.  Let  us  decide,  once  for  all.  I  am 
for  protecting  the  domestic  iron  interests  in  the 
United  Slates.  Are  you  I  If  you  are,  reject  this 
bill.  If  you  are  not,  say  so,  and  pass  the  bill;  anil 
let  every  nwtn  along  the  branches,  and  up  to  the 
sources  of  the  Susquehanna,  and  the  Schuylkill, 
and  every  man  beyond  the  Alleghany,  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, nnd  every  man  in  Maryland,  Tennessee, 
Virginia,  and  every  other  Stale  in  which  iron  is 
produced,  understand  you.  Let  us  have  no  more 
fighting  under  false  colors.  Enough  of  that.  If 
you  favor  the  domestic  manufacture  of  iron,  reject 
the  bill.  If  you  wish  to  destroy  that  domestic 
manufacture,  pass  the  bill. 

Closely  connected  with  the  iron  interest,  is  that 
of  coal;  and  therefoie  it  is  necessary  to  see  how 
that  great  interest  is  likely  to  fare. 

Pennsylvania  produces,  of  anthracite  coal  alone, 
2,500,000  tons  annually.  The  capital  invested  in 
these  anthracite  mines,  and  the  several  railroads 
connected  with  them,  in  all  the  coal  fields,  is  near 
140,000,000.  In  the  Schuylkill  region  alone,  inclu- 
ding the  coals  of  the  Readmg  railroad  and  Schuyl- 
kill canal,  the  investment  amounts  to  $26,800,000. 
The  increase  of  product  of  the  Schi\ylkill  region, 
under  the  Compromise  act,  from  1837  to  1842,  wtis 
only  32,000  tons.  In  the  succeeding  three  years, 
that  is  to  say,  from  1S42  to  1845,  that  increase 
amounted  to  no  less  than  560,000.  The  price  of 
labor,  ofcour.se,  became  greatly  adv  tnced;  but  the 
price  of  coal  fell  from  <)5  50  per  Ion  i  ♦tS  37.  A 
pretty  good  proof  this,  that  prices  may  fall  in  con- 
sequcnre  of  protection. 

And  here,  sir,  I  wish  to  advert  to  a  general  fact, 
worthy  to  be  recollected,  in  all  our  political  econo- 
my. The  increase  in  the  investments  of  capital, 
in  great  works  of  this  kind,  tends  to  reduce  the 
profits  on  that  capital .  That  is  a  necessary  result. 
But,  then,  it  has  exactly  the  reverse  aciion  upon 
labor;  for  the  more  that  capital  is  invested  in  these 
great  operations,  the  greater  is  the  call  for  labor, 
and  therefore  the  ratio  is  here  the  other  way,  and 
the  rales  of  labor  increose  as  the  profits  of  capital 
arc  diminished.  Well,  is  there  anything  undemo- 
cratic and  unpopular  in  such  a  system  as  that?  A 
system  that  causes  a  diminution  of  profits  to  the 
capitalist  and  an  increase  of  remuneration  to  the 
hand  of  labor. 

But  the  serious  inquiry  now  is,  whether  Penn- 
sylvania coal,  with  the  degree  of  protection  which 
this  bill  proposes,  can  maintain  competition  with 
the  coal  of  Nova  Scotia  and  New  BrunswiiA? 
That  is  a  matter  of  commercial  calculation  and  of 
figures.  The  present  duty  on  coal  is  p  75  per 
ton.  This  bill  puts  the  duty  at  30  per  cent,  ad  valo- 
rem, which  is  equal  to  42  cents  per  ton  ut  present 
prices;  that  is  to  say,  it  is  now  proposed  to  reduce 
the  duly  on  coal  by  the  difference  of  133  cents  in 
every  ton;  a  sum  almost  equal  to  the  price  of  coal 
in  Nova  Scotia. 

Nova  Scotia  coal,  free  on  board  the  vessel  in  tlie 
harbors  of  that  province,  costs  f|ll  50  per  ton.  If 
to  this  we  add  the  duty  at  30  per  cent.,  the  aggre- 
gnle  will  be  $1  95.  ConI,  therefore,  on  board  ves- 
sels in  Nova  Scotia,  costing  §1  95  per  ton,  is  free 
to  proceed  to  any  part  of  the  United  Slates. 

The  freight  of  coal  from  Nova  Scotia  to  Boston, 
I  nin  informed,  is  now  $2  35  per  ton.  So  that  the 
cost  of  a  ton  of  Nova  Scotia  coal  at  Boston,  duties 
included,  will  be  J|4  20. 

The  cost  of  coal  on  board  in  the  Delaware,  at 
Philadelphia,  is  said  to  be  ^3  50 — $3  being  the  price 
at  the  mines,  and  $1  50  the  cost  of  land  transporta- 
tion. Adding  freight  from  Philadelphia  to  Boston, 
at  j^l  75  per  ton,  the  Pennsylvania  coal  will  have 
cost,  in  I3oston,  i/^  25.  The  Nova  Scotia  coal  is 
cheaper,  therefore,  by  the  difference  betwen  fi  20 
and  #5  25.  This  difference  of  20  per  cent,  is  of 
course  a  serious  matter,  and  is  likely  to  be  entirely 
fatal'  to  the  home  article.  One  cannot  say  how 
soon  it  may  come  about,  but  there  would  seem  to 
be  no  doubt,  that,  in  the  end,  die  coal  from  the 


i:- 


1148 


APPENDIX  ib  THE  CONGRESSIONAI   iSLOBE. 


fJuly  37, 


29rH  CoNQ IsT  Scss. 


The  Tariff— M:  Webster. 


Senate. 


Provinces  munt  Mke  the  pince  of  Pcnnsylvnnin, 
under  auch  a  tarifTaa  this.  It  will  be  seen,  if  this 
■latement  of  coats  and  prices  be  accurate,  that  the 
rate  nrduty  propoacd  by  this  bill  ia  no  protection 
whatever.  The  foreieri  article  mi^ht  as  well  come 
in  fVee.  The  coal  of  Pennsylvania,  like  her  iron, 
is  far  in  the  interior,  and,  although  it  is  bmnght  to 
navipible  waters  by  one  of  the  noblest  works  for 
land  transportation,  yet  the  charge  is  heavy.  As 
will  be  seen  by  the  statements  which  I  have  already 
made,  the  freight  of  coal  from  Pottaville  to  the  ti(|e 
is  equal  to  the  cost  of  the  article  on  board  at  Nova 
Scotia.  Land  transportation  of  heavy  articles,  over 
long  distances,  ia  necpssarily  expensive,  notwith- 
standing the  means  of  conveyance  majibe  highly 
improved.  The  cheaper  transport  by  sea  is  seen 
in  many  strikin;;  instances. 

New  England  is  not  a  limestone  country.  There 
is  very  little  of  her  surface  that  can  be  culled  lime- 
stone land,  east  uf  the  Green  Mountains.  On  the 
other  hand,  great  portions  of  the  Middle  Stairs, 
and  some  portions  oi*  the  Southern  States,  have 
lime  in  abundance.  Yet  time  from  Maine  finds  iis 
way  to  the  cities  along  the  southern  coast,  and 
sometimes,  I  believe,  even  to  New  Orleans.  This 
ia  because,  although  Maine  is  not  a  limestone 
country,  she  yet  happens  to  have  one  vast  quarry 
upon  the  very  edge  of  salt  water. 

It  is  said  that  there  are  mines  at  Wilkesbarre, 
from  whicli  coal  may  be  placed  on  board  of  boats 
in  the  rivers  at  the  Nova  Scotia  price,  that  is  to 
Buy  SI  50  per  ton,  or  even  lower,  say  91.  And  in 
these  boats  it  may  reach  tide  water  by  inland  nav- 
igation. Yet  the  distance  is  s,'i"ea'i  <""!  ''>*  expense 
so  larsje,  that  the  article  only  holds  competition 
with  the  Pottaville  coal.  Distance  is  comporatively 
of  little  moment  in  conveyance  by  sea.  1  think  I 
hove  heard  it  stated  that  maniifaclures  of  iron,  such 
as  nails,  may  be  brought  from  Massachusetts  into 
Market  street,  Philadelphia,  for  less  cost  of  trans- 
|H<rt  than  the  same  arlicles  can  bo  brought  to  the 
city  from  works  ten  miles  off. 

For  all  practical  purposes,  therefore,  we  must 
consider  the  iron  mines  of  Wales  and  Scotland, 
and  the  coal  mir.es  of  Nova  Scotia,  as  being  close 
by  us.  And  if  we  mean  to  be  supplied  by  our  own 
products,  we  must  act  accordindy. 

Sir,  there  is  another  view  of  this  subject  not  un- 
interesting, and  very  fit  to  l  '  taken.  What  is  coal  ? 
A  coarse  and  raw  natural  product.  What  is  it 
which  has  created  its  value,  at  the  moment  it  comes 
to  be  consumed !  Clearly,  labor.  It  is  the  prod- 
uct of  human  labor;  and  that  labor,  while  giving 
value  to  coal,  has  called  for  contributions  from 
many  other  branches  ond  varieties  of  human  labor. 
Coal  undug,  and  still  in  the  mines  at  Pottsville,  is 
worth  twenty  cents  per  ton.  At  the  place  of  con- 
sumption, at  New  York  or  Boston,  it  is  worth  ^5  25 
per  ton.  The  difference  is  the  vnlue,  added  to  i\w 
original  material  by  the  hand  of  man;  and  to  the 
creation  of  this  value,  farmers,  merchants,  trades- 
men, mechanics,  ship-builders,  sailors,  ond  those 
employed  in  the  land  transportatior,  have  all  con- 
tribute. To  these,  therefore,  it  has  given  employ- 
ment. The  population  of  PollsviUe  is  said  to  con- 
sume a  million  of  dollars,  annually,  of  agricultural 
products;  ond  another  million,  probably,  in  manu- 
factured articles.  Thus  the  miners,  the  farmers, 
and  the  mechanics,  stand  side  by  side,  in  this  great 
interest.  Shall  they  be  protected  against  injurious 
foreign  competition,  or  shall  they  not? 

Sir,  the  calculations  which  1  have  siibmitled, 
have  been  made  from  data,  or  materials,  furnished 
from  authentic  sources,  and  I  believe  they  may  be 
relied  on. 

i*lr.  Johnson,  of  Maryland,  here  rose  and  said, 
that  it  was  now  lale  in  the  day,  and  if  the  Senator 
from  Massachusetts  would  yield  the  floor,  he 
would  move  that  the  Senate  adjourn. 

Mr.  Lf.wis  called  for  the  yeas  and  nays. 

Mr.  Webster,  (smiling.)     Come  on,  then. 

The  question  was  then  taken,  and  the  motion 
adopted  by  a  vote  of  27  to  W. 

The  Senate  then  adjourned  till  Mondoy. 

MovnAT,/u(!/27,  1846. 

The  Senate  having  resumed  the  consideration  of 
the  special  order  of  the  day,  the  new  tariff  bill — 

Mr.  Webster  rose,  and  thus  resumed  and  con- 
cluded his  remarks  in  opposition  to  the  bill:    ' 

It  is  a  circumstance  a  good  deal  characteristic, 
Mr.  President,  of  the  state  of  things  in  which  we 


find  ouraelves  placed,  and  strongly  indicative  of  { 
that  absorbing  interest  which  belongs  to  the^ues-  i 
tion  before  us,  that  I  hove  not  the  honor,  to-day,  i 
to  address  a  full  Senate.    Since  the  commence-  ! 
nieiit  of  my  observations  on  Sotunlay  morning, 
an  honorable   member  from  one  of  the  southern 
States  [Mr.  Haywood]  has  vocated   his  seat  in 
this  body.     We  perhaps  may  soon  hear  from  him 
the  reasons  which  led  him  to  ioave  the  situation, 
which  he  had  occupied  with  so  much  usefulness 
and   reputation.     1  nm  no  otherwise  acquainted 
with  those  reasons,  than  as  1  gather  them  from  a  | 
very  extraordinary  article  in  the  Government  paper  I 
of  this  morning,  or  rather  of  Saturday  evening.     I  ] 
infer  from  that,  that  the  honorable  member  left  hia  | 
seat  here,  from  on  inability  to  support  the  meas-  ! 
ureof  the  Administration  now  before  us,  ond  from 
a  great  unwillingness,  on  the  other  hand,  to  dis- 
oblige his  party  friends  and  connexions  by  voting 
against  it.     Sir,  as  he  has  gone,  I  inoy  speak  of  i 
him  as  a  man  of  chiiractcr  and  standing,  here  and  ' 
ot  home;  o  mon  of  learning  and  attainments,  of ' 
gieal  courtesy,  unsurpassed  industry  and  attention  { 
in  the  discharge  of  his  public  duties;  and,  as  we  [ 
oil  know,  OS  far  as  we  ciui  lodge  of  his  course  in  j 
the  Senate,  on  intelligent  ana  constant  friend  of  the  ' 
present  Administration.  \ 

Now,  sir,  1  confess  thot  I  am  ashamed  of  my  ; 
country  when  1  see  a  gentleman  of  that  character, 
on  his  retiring  from  this  place,  from  such  a  motive,  ! 
hunted,  abused,  defamed,  according  to  the  degree 
of  abuse  and  defo  nation  (which  some  writer  for 
the  Government,  in  the  paper  of  the  Government, 
ijeea  fit  tn  pour  out  ajjainst  him.     It  is  a  disgrace  ; 
to  the  civilization  of  the  age.     It  i.»  a  disgrace  to  ■ 
American    civilization.     It  is  a  disgrace   to  this 
Government.    It  is  a  disgrace  to  the  American 
press. 

Another  circumstonce  of  common  intelligence  is 
not  unworthy  of  notice,  before  I  proceed  to  the 
remaining  observations  which  I  intend  to  submit  j 
to   the  Senate.      If  we   may  believe  the  tui-'cnt 
reports  of  the  day,  the  Administration  of  thoov- 
ernment  is  now  in  possession  of  official  and  outhen-  I 
tic  information,  that  an  cxtraordinory  and  vigorous  | 
effort  is  moking   throughout  the  whole  Republic  i 
of  Mexico,  to  sustain  herself  in  the  war  now  car- ' 
ried  on  against  her  by  the  United  States.     I  sup-  I 
pose  the  Government  is  now  informed  that  Bravo  ! 
IS  oppointcd  President  of  Mexico  nd  interim,  ond  j 
that  Paredes,  with  such  forces  as  he  cjin  collect,  is  I 
marching  to  the  north;  and  that  there  is  a  spirit  of ' 
united   resistance,  united  action,  and  of  general 
contribution  toward  the  purpose   which  they  re- 
gard OS  the  defence  of  the  country,  such  os  wos  ! 
never  manifested  before.     That  the  clergy  contrib- 
nle,  that  the  provinces  contribute,  that  individuals 
contribute,  in  a  manner  oltogelher  unknown   in 
Mexico,  since  the  time  of  her  revolution.     I  sup- 
pose that   the  Government  is  at  this  moment  in 
possession  of  all  that  intelligence;  how  well-found- 
ed the  information  is,  they  are  to  judge;  but  that  i 
they  have  such  information  from  official  sources,  I  ; 
entertain  no  doubt  at  all.     And  I  use  it  now  only  ; 
for  this  end,  thot  in  this  state  of  things  a  new  rea-  j 
son  is  afforded  why  we  should  do  nothing  to  dis- 
turb t*ie  just  expeftntious  of  revenue,  or  to  dimin-  j 
ish  the  necessary  income  of  the  treasury. 

Now,  sir,  OS  connected  with  that  subject,  I  will 
rend  to  the  Senate  a  paper  which  I  had  not  strength 
to  read  on  Satuirioy,  and  I  will  make  no  comment  ;j 
on  it,  except  so  far  as  to  describe  the  character  of  [ 
the  gentleman  who  wrote  it,  and  the  character  of  ,i 
the  gentleman  tn  whom  it  was  addressed.     The  I' 
writer  is  EJwnrd  H.  Nicbol,  of  the  city  of  New  >■■ 
York,  a  merchant  of  very  high  character  in  that  ; 
city;  a  gentleman  every  way  friendly  to  the  prcs-  ; 
ent  Administration  of  the  Government,  and  to  the 
party  now  in  power;  a  gentleman  who  was  an    ^ 
Administration  candidate,  very  recently,  foraseat 
in  the  other  House  of  Congress.     The  letter  re-   * 
spects  the  effect  of  this  bill  on  six  articles  of  im-  . 
poristion — spirits,  pepper,  pimento,  cassia,  cloves,  ! 
and  sugar  and  molasses.     It  is  addressed  to  Isaac 
Townscnd,  Esq.,  another  highly  respectable  mur-   : 
chant,  ond  of  the  aoinepoliticol  ossocialionu.    And  !; 
I  will  venture  to  say,  that  if  the  gentlemen  con-  ''' 
nccted  with  the  administration  of  the  Government  I 
hod  sought  omongst  all  its  friends  of  the  mercan-  I 
tile  classes  throughout  the  whole  country,  for  the  i 
most  intelligent  and  competent  gentlemen  to  give  L 
them  tlieir  opinions  and  advice  on  the  subject  uf  " 


this  tariff  bill,  they  would  have  found  nobody  of 
superior  recommendations  for. that  office  to  Mr. 
Edword  H.  Nichol.  Having  said  so  much,  I  will 
read  this  letter,  and  submit  it  to  the  Senate  with- 
out another  remark: 
"  Isaac  Townsrwd,  Ew].: 

"UkarSii:  In  answer  to  your  note  under  dnto  nf  the 
13th  inxtant,  propouiiding  ccrtntn  quuatinns  an  n-gnnlii  thu 
present  tariff*,  and  ttie  oiiu  now  proposed  tiiid  under  discus- 
siiMi  ill  the  aennte,  I  answer  in  the  rollr)wiiit{  manner,  viz : 
Sjiirih.— The  duly  nccrnins on  splritnolnll  liinds,  under Iho 
present  tnrilf,  nt  M  to  90  cents  per  gnllon,  may  be  esli- 

mnlednt«l,400,00«to , «1,5U0,000 

The  iivi^iaxe  cost  nt  the  difTuronl  places  of  produc- 
tion niny  lie  estiiiinted  at  43  in  -IS  rents  per  gnl- 
lon, on  wliicli  the  nd  valorem  duty,  lis  now 
proiKised,  would  be  100  per  cent.,  and  citiinil- 
tinil  the  iinntml  iniporlntion  to  be  eqiinl  to  tliflt 
of  the  la-*t  lliree  or  four  yeari",  viz  :  1 ,500,000  to 
l,OUO,OOUgulloiis,  would  yield  about 7j0,000 

DilTerenco $780,000 

Pepper — The  nniiual  ronKUinplinn  of  pepper  may  bo  esii- 
iiinted  nt  3/iOO,000  pounds— present  duty,  S  eenta  per  lb., 

yieWlnit $175,000 

The  nvernKe  cost  at  the  place  of  produetion  is  91 
tn  3  cents  per  pound,  lind  proposed  duty  of  30 
per  cent,  ad  valorem,  would  yield 31,500 

Diirerence   §140,500 

Pimento. — Tile  annual  consumption  of  pimento  may  be  esii- 

tiiated  nt  L.'iOOtOOO  pounds— with  the  present  duty  of  5 

cents  per  pound,  would  yield $^5,000 

The  nvemne  cost  at  the  place  of  produetion,  3> 
to  4  cents  per  pound,  on  which  the  proposed 

duty  of  40  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  would  be  about  18,000 


Diflerence $57,000 

CostiVi.— The  nnniml  consumplion  of  cassia  is  about  1,000,- 
000  pounds— at  the  present  duly  of  5  cents  pel  pound, 

would  yield ^50,000 

The  averiige  cost  at  the  place  of  production,  is  7 
cents  per  pound,  and  the  proposed  duty  of  30 
per  cent,  ad  valorem,  would  yield 30,000 


DifTerencc $30,000 

The  annual  consumption  of  cloves  is  about  160.000  pounds, 

nt  8  CIS.  per  pound— the  present  duty  would  yield  $13,80 
The  cost  at  the  place  of  production  is  13  to  14 

ccnls  per  pound — at  30  per  cent,  od  valorem . . .  6.400 

Difl°erence .  $0,400 

SuKttrand  Molaste^. — The  annual  duty  necnifng under  tho 
present  tariff  of  8.Tto  OO  per  cent.,  ad  valorem,  may  be  es. 

ti  mated  nt  from  .53,000,000  to 3,500,000 

Whereas  the  proposed  duty,  30  per  cent  ad  valo- 
rem, would  yield 1,400,000 

Say,  difTercnce $-3,100,000 


Recapitulation. 


Bpirits 

Pepper  

Pimento 

Cassia 

(?loveb 

Sugar  and  molasses. . 


Present. 


$1,500,1100 

n.'i.ooo 

75,0110 
50,000 

ia,8oo 

3,')OO,0OO 


5,313,800 


Proposed. 


$730,000 

:i4,.')00 

18,000 

30,000 

H,40O 

1,400,000 


3,198,900 


DitTer'nce. 


$780,000 

110,500 

,57,000 

30,000 

6,400 

3,100,000 


3,113,900 


"  You  will  notice  by  this  hasty  sketch  that  I  now  hand 
you,  that  the  difference  between  tile  present  duly  and  that 
now  pro|iosed  is  about  three  millions  one  luindred  and  thir- 
teen Uiout^atiJt  nine  hundred  dollars  on  the  various  articles 
above  named,  but  it  is  to  be  presumed  that  Uiere  will  lie  a 
gradual  inerensi'  of  iniporlalions ;  yet  a  number  of  years  must 
elapse  before  it  will  make  up  the  (leAciency.  As  regarils  the 
exportnlions  of  foreign  inerchnnrtise,  should  the  proposed 
tariff  become  n  law.  it  is  difficult  to  arrive  at  any  definite 
conclusion.  It  is  to  be  presumed,  howeixr,  that  witii  the 
large  surplus  in  the  diffen-iit  warehouses,  now  in  the  Atlan- 
tic cities,  and  the  very  limited  demand  we  must  have  pre- 
vious to  the  1st  of  December,  as  no  jobber  or  vender  will 
buy  any  more  than  to  supply  his  daily  demands.  Conse- 
quently, tile  exporlations  probably  will  be  large,  exceeding 
the  oriiinnry  expeetnlions  under  fhe  present  tariff,  and  may 
make  draughts  on  ihe  viirious  custom-houses,  in  debi-nture, 
lo  the  extent  of  $800,000  to  $1,000,000  more  tlian  otherwise 
would  he. 

"The  importers,  should  ihepropoi.cd  tariff  become  n  low, 
will  very  soon  begin  to  ship  their  goods  out  of  (lie  country  j 
then  reimport  Ihem,  nnd  place  them  in  the  warehouses,  to 
remain  or  be  tiiken  out  in  detached  parcels  previous  to  the 
1st  of  llecember;  when  whatever  then  remains  will  be  sub- 
jeei  to  H  low  duty.  Ilow  much  better  nnd  more  just  would 
it  be  (ns  was  fhe  case  when  the  reduclinn  of  the  foriff  took 
plaei'  in  18.10  and  1831 )  f  let  all  merchandise  "  m.l  in  broken 
parcels"  go  to  the  custom  house  on  the  eve  of  the  Istof  De- 
ceniher,  nnd  remain,  rather  than  force  the  merchants  lo  the 
expense  of  shipping,  for  tho  purpose  of  evruting  the  present 
duties. 

"  You  must  be  nwnre,  as  well  m  myself.  Ihnt  the  Import- 
ntions  for  the  next  five  months  must  tie  extremely  limited, 
nnd  that  nil  the  goods  Ihat  are  Imported  for  the  next  llvo 
miinths  will  go  the  public  stores  for  Ihe  beneflt  of  llie  pro- 
posed ri^duetlonH.  Consequently,  the  Cinvernment  will 
derive  little  or  no  revenue  ttom  foreign  importations  for  that 
period. 

"  Ho  fhr  ns  my  experience  tenches  mo, !  have  ever  been 
in  fhvorof  siH-ciflc  fnsfead  of  ad  valorem  duties,  believing 
that  the  revenue  Is  more  securely  cnlleefed,  nnd  extending 
likewise  protection  to  every  honest  im|mrter.     You  will 


1946.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1149 


29th  Cong 1st  Sgss. 


7%c  Tariff— Mr.  Webster. 


Senate. 


notice  that  twn-thlniB  of  the  merclmndiffo  imported  mibjet'l 
to  ad  valorem  is  brought  into  our  city  by  forofgnerA.  Theso 
men  come  amonx  us  poDHea^tug  no  national  reelingH,  and 
little  or  no  rconrd  for  our  InwH  or  Inotitutions,  and  n  eua- 
tom-houRe  oath  U  l>ut  a  by-word  with  Uicm.  Tliey  locate 
themHolveB  in  liy-Mlreeti*  and  alleys,  Buhjort  to  no  military  or 
jury  duty,  and  pay  little  or  nri  tnxeii.  Tboy  have  a  branch 
ot'  their  bouHc  or  workshop  in  Europe,  and  however  intelli- 
gent or  adroit  our  appniitifra  may  he,  it  Is  almost  impossible 
to  detect  them  in  their  Oilrtifled  invoices. 

"  Should  the  proposed  tariff  become  a  law,  the  American 
merchants  will,  iVoni  ncccBxily,  ulmotit  ceane  to  be  import- 
ers, so  fltr  as  our  trade  is  concerned  with  Kurn|ic.  There- 
fore, Ift  our  duties  he  a!<certaincd  by  wciglil  and  mcafure, 
and  we  shall  at  leaxt  stand  a  fair  and  equal  chance  at  the 
custom-house  with  these  foreign  importers. 

*'  If  these  reinarks  should  be  .of  any  service  to  you,  1  shall 
be  pleased  and  giatihed,  and  remain,  rcspecifullv,  vours, 
"EDWARD  II.  NlC'ilOI.. 

"  New  York,  18*A  JuIj/,  1846." 

On  Saturday,  Mr.  President,  I  submitted  re- 
marks, estimates,  and  calculations  upon  the  sub- 
ject of  iron  and  coal,  and  I  founded  those  remarks 
and  e-^timates  on  the  iron  and  coal  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, for  tlie  sake  of  precision,  and  to  make  such  cal- 
culations an  example  of  the  rest.  I  have  now  only 
to  say,  m  that  respect,  that  there  is  iron  and  coal, 
also,  in  New  York,  in  Tennessee,  in  Georgia,  in 
VirjSfinia,  in  Maryland,  all  comini;  in,  share  and 
■hare  alike,  for  the  ifood  or  for  the  eyil  which  the 
new  system  will  produce. 

Now,  sir,  I  proceed  to  say  something  upon  the 
influence,  the  necessary  influence,  which  this  pro- 
posed change  in  our  system  will  exercise  upon  the 
commerce  and  navigation  of  the  country.  I  shall 
do  that  by  exhibiting  a  series  of  tables,  which  will 
speak  for  themselves;  which  I  know  have  been 
drawn  up  with  great  accuracy,  founded  on  the  last 
official  communication  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  so  far  as  revenue  is  concerned,  and  es-< 
timales  regarding  the  value  of  freights,  collect- 
ed from  the  first  mercantile  sources  in  the  coun- 
try. Now,  as  a  general  remark  on  these  vari- 
ous papers,  and  which  they  fully  confirni,  I  wish 
to  say,  what  would  naturally  be  expected  to  be 
true,  that  for  anme  years  past,  since  the  favor  and 
protection  of  the  Government  were  given  to  inter- 
i,al  manufactures  of  the  country,  the  foreign  trade 
of  the  country  has  conformed  to  that  stale  of 
things;  and  a  change  in  the  business  of  navigation 
Bnd  commerce,  and  freight,  consequent  upon  these 
internal  changes,  is  quite  as  striking  as  these  in- 
ternal changes  themselves;  and  the  great  element 
of  that  change  consists  in  a  change  in  the  nature  of 
the  main  articles  of  import,  showing  a  diminution 
of  articles  of  manufactured  character,  and  a  vast 
augmentation  of  articles  of  the  clmracter  of  raw 
material,  or  bulky  articles.  The  consequence  of 
which,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  tables  I  am  about  to 
exhibit,  is  a  large  actual  increase  of  the  earnings  of 
the  shipping  interest  on  imports.  Hecause  all 
know  that  freight  is  proportioned  to  the  bulk  of 
the  article,  and  not  to  its  cost.  It  is  the  space  that 
the  commodity  fills  in  the  ship,  and  not  its  value, 
which  re";ulates  the  rate  of  freight.  Therefore  it 
is,  that  though  the  importations  may  he  greatly 
augmented  in  value  from  being  composed  of  man- 
ufactured articles  chiefly,  yet  the  IVeight  is  not  in- 
creased in  the  same  ratio,  but  may  be  diminished. 
That  fact  is  notorious  to  all  those  acquainted  with 
the  commerce  of  the  country.  It  is  perfectly  un- 
derstood by  all  the  shin  owners  of^  tlic  ifnited 
Slates;  and  that  fact  is  of^  itself  sufficient  to  account 
for  the  great  and  important  truth,  that  the  naviga- 
ting interest  of  the  United  StjUes,  the  ship  owners, 
to  a  man,  oppose  this  change  of  system;  because 
the  existing  system  gives  more  employment  to  this 
navigation  than  the  system  now  alteinptcd  to  be 
substituted  for  it. 

Now,  sir.  a  heavy  mass  or  amount,  in  value  of 
manufiiclured  articles,  iia  is  well  known,  comes 
from  France  and  England.  Our  more  various 
comnindilies  and  our  importations  of  heavy  arti- 
cles, come  from  round  the  Capes,  and  from  Bi-azil, 
and  the  North  of  Europe.  The  tables  which  I 
propose  to  exhibit  to  the  Senate  will  show  the 
amount  of  these,  respectively,  and  the  change  pro- 
duced in  them  within  the  last  five  years.  Now, 
sir,  let  me  premise,  ilim  articles  of  import  into  the 
United  States  are  pmperly  divisible  into  three 
classes.  First,  those  iiriicles  which  come  here 
manufactured,  and  fit  fur  use  or  forsalc;  scconijly, 
articles  not  mnnufiictured,  brought  here  for  con- 
sumption as  imported,  without  any  manufacture 
after  they  arrive;  thirdly,  those  articles  which  are 
in  the  nature  of  raw  materials,  and  are  brought 


here  to  undereo  a  process  of  manufacture.  Let 
us,  then,  see  the  amount  of  freight  derived  IVom 
these  three  respective  classes  of  imports: 

Net  import;  in  1845,  offortign  mamifnctmed  arUela. 


Oompariton  ofovr  trade  wHK  place*  betfind  the  Oupe  of  Oood 
Hope  and  South  Jimerica. 


Articlks  op 

Value,  in 
dollars. 

Duties,  In 
dollars. 

Freights, 
in  dollars. 

Elilk 

10,840,100 

10,7.W,000 

13,.160,000 

4,893,000 

4,029,000 

1,000,000 

1,086,000 

3,690,000 

3.1'«,000 

1,108,000 

730,000 

848,000 

276,000 

102,000 

3,000,000 

9,968,000 

3,75.5,000 

4,908,000 

1,26.1.000 

1,607,000 

600,000 

,10.1,000 

688,000 

1,087,000 

449,000 

S.Vi,000 

212,000 

60,000 

.■sn.oflo 
aw.ooo 

36,100 

Wool 

80,625 

Cotton 

Flax 

133,.160 
48,9.10 

120,360 
96.000 

Railroad  iron 

Cignra 

25,000 

Brass  and  other  metals.. 
Earthen  and  glass  ware., 
nothing,  ready-nuide .... 

Hats  and  bonnets 

Leather,  boots,  and  shoes 
Paper 

."w.-WO 
3I8,.'>40 
11.080 
10.980 
12,720 
4,140 

1 ,5no 

Cotton  bagging 

Other  unenumerated .... 

75,000 

Total 

58,8>9,000 

18,449,000 

D20,8!i5 

foreign  artieletfor  consumption  at  imported. 


Articles. 


Value,  in 
dollars. 


ColTee 

Tea 

Sugar,  [proportion  of] 

Wines 

Spirits 

Fruits  and  spices 

Molasses,  [proportion  of] 

Salt 

Coal 

Fish 

Beer,  ale,  and  porter 

Other  unenumerated  arti. 
cleB 


5,;t80.0fl0 

4.800,000 

2,024,000 

1,493.000 

1.095,000 

i;480,iOO 

1.000,000 

883.000 

188,000 

.100,000 

90,000 

1,500,000 


Total 20,242.0(X)     S.^.ai.OIK)    2,98.i.0O,- 


Duties,  in 
dollars. 


Free, 

Free 
1,067,000 
1,29-2.01X1 
1A54,000 

.ifio.ono 

300.000 
678,000 
1.10,000 
.■iO.OOO 
19,000 

89,000 


Freights, 
in  dollars. 


94;)..''.80 
343,000 
375,000 
lll,!)25 
109,.-00 
124,000 
280.000 
247,0(10 
188,000 
30,000 
8,000 

225,000 


For  artixleafor  manufacture  in  the  Unitcil  States, 


Articles. 


Sugar,  [proportion  of]. 
Molasses,  [proportion  of] 
Iron,  [proportion  of],.., 

Steel 

Hides  and  furs 

Copper  and  liraBs 

Mahogany 

Wool. 

Rnga 

Saltpetre ,' 

Hemp 

Indigo 

DvestulTs,  fce ., 

Bristles 

Camphor 

Dye  woods 

Linseed 

Raw  silk 

pther  unenumerated  arti 
eles 


Volue,  in 
dollars. 


Puticj',  in  I  Freights, 
dollars,      in  dollars. 


S,02S,000; 

2,072,000| 

2,9fiB,OO0! 

7.10,000: 

4,700.0110 

1,951,000 

918,000 

1,667,000 

410,000 

486,000 

483,000 

768,000 

294.000 

178,000 

ii:i,ooo 

3.17.000 
36!l,000 
710,000 


2,000,000       100,000 


1,510,000 

.163„100 

.191,000 

4.10,000 

1,401,000 

4I,-),0(I0 

97,000 

25,000 

,131,000 

610,000 

Free. 

•     140,000 

40,000 

49,600 

123,000 

;wo,o.io 

27,000 

75.000 

Free, 

245.000 

173,000 

78,000 

.13,000 

15,000 

Free. 

190,000 

3,000 

4.000 

.15,000 

3,000 

Free, 

.10,000 

19,000 

205,000 

173,000 

12,000 

295,000 


Total 22,.169,000 1  4,677.000     .1.7,1-1,1.10 


RECAPITirLATION. 


Value,  in    Duties,  in 
dollars.        dollars. 

Freights, 
in  dollars. 

FttreiguuianulUcturcd  ar- 
ticles  

.18,829,000 
20,212,000 
22,,109,000 

18,494.000 
5,733,000 
4,677,000 

999,865 

2,985,005 
3,7.14,1,10 

Foreign  articles  for  con- 

Foreign  articles  for  man- 
ufacture in  Ibis  country. 

Aggregate 

101,640,000 

28,908,000 

7,I«J9,020 

NAHU  OP  PLACE!. 

Imports, 
value  in  dol- 
lars. 

Domestic  ex- 
ports, value 
hi  dollars. 

TonB  of  ship- 
ping employ- 
ed. 

In  1828- 
Dutch  East  Indies, 
British  East  Indies, 
Manilla 

911.1,000 

1,143,000 

60,000 

5,340,000 

317,000 
3,009,000 

1,004,000 

963,000 
5.1,000 
20,000 

230,000 

94,000 

1,605,000 

1,776,000 

1,454 

9,589 

829 

9,900 

1,363 
!!4,4tlii 

8,679 

China 

BuenoB  Ayres  and 
Montevideo 

Other  SouUi  Amer- 
ican ports 

Total 

919,986,000 

«3,7e;t,ooo 

49,291 

In  184.1— 
Dutch  East  Indies. 
British  East  Indies. 
Manilla .. 

935,000 
1,6.10,000 

725,000 
4,031,000 

lJi61,000 
6,883,000 

8,434,000 

98,000 

ais.ooo 

9->,000 
1,110,000 

640,000 
2,409,000 

9,,174,000 

4,900 
10,479 

6,6;l6 
15,0aj 

17,300 
48,.150 

19,717 

Buenos  Ayres  and 
Montevideo 

Brazils 

Other  South  Amer- 
ican 1)0  rts 

,$21,519,000 

.*7,257,000  1         122,647 

' 

This  double  increu.se  of  tonnage  employed  over 
the  increase  in  the  ralue  of  imports,  is  owing  to 
the  preaeitt  importation  of  the  coarse  and  bulky 
articles  for  manufacture,  instead  of  manufactured 
silk  and  cotton  goods  of  China,  Manilla,  and 
Calcutta. 

To  be  more  particular,  we  now  give  a  general 
description  of  the  goods  iinported  from  thoao 
places  in  the  year  1828,  viz; 

Value  in  dollars. 

Manufactured  cotton  goods. ..  .•• ],()4J,0flO 

Manufactured  silk  goods 2,627,000 

Indigo,  (which  was  imported  for  export)  1,030,000 

Hides 1,OJO,000 

Sugar 284,000 

Copper,  in  pigs  and  bars 650,000 

Tens 1,800,000 

Wool 18,000 

Coflce 1,700,000 

Specie 1,000,000 

Unenumerated  articles 1,096,000 


In  184S~viz: 


12,286,000 


Now,  sir,  1  linve  said  that  changes  have  taken 
place  in  the  foreign  trade  of  the  country  since  the 
enlargement  of  the  manufacturing  system  of  the 
United  States,  which  were  naturally  to  be  expect- 
ed. And  I  think  it  was  suggested  the  other  day 
by  my  friend  from  Vnrtnont,  near  me,  [Mr. 
Phelps,]  that  a  common  and. great  mistake  is, 
that  we  do  not  nccommodnte  our  legislation  to  the 
changing  circumstances  of  the  country;  and  that 
we  think  we  can  go  back  to  where  we  were  years 
ago,  without  disturbing  any  interests,  except  those 
immediately  aflocted;  whereas  such  is  the  connex- 
ion and  cohesion,  and  so  closely  are  all  these  in- 
terests united,  that  there  comeS  to  be  a  complexity 
and  mutual  dependence,  and  there  is  no  disturbing 
one  great  branch  of  the  system  without  injury  to 
all  the  rest.  Here  is  a  table  of  our  trade  with 
South  America,  and  beyond  the  Capes,  with  a 
comparison  of  that  trade,  in  the  year  1828  and  the 
present  year: 


Manufactured  cotton  goods 1,500 

Manufactured  silk  goods 150,000 

Indigo 660,000 

Hides 3,600,000 

Sugar 419,000 

Copper,  pigs  and  bars 365,000 

Teas 4,075.000 

Wool 563,000 

Coffee 6,600,000 

Saltpetre 500,000 

Linseed .300.000 

Gunny  bags 110,000 

Drugs  and  dye-stufis 150,000 

Ginger 40,000 

Cocoa 170,000 

Spices 15,000 

Hemp 248,000 

Specie 1,200,000 

nenumerated  articles 2,381,000 


Sp, 
Un 


Total 21,519,000 

It  is  thus  apparent  that  the  increased  employ- 
ment of  our  tonnage  of  ]50  percent,  in  this  distant 
transport,  has  been  from  tlie  importation  of  the 
raw  materials  for  monnfacture  in  our  country,  and 
of  the  increased  quantities  of  collee  and  teas,  and 
nn  doubt  increased  exfiortatinn  of  rur  domestic 
products  to  those  distant  places  has  been  promoted 
by  <his  increase  in  imports.  Those  domestic  pro- 
ducts were  manufactured  cotton  and  woollen  goods, 
lumber,  and  articles  of  furniture,  provisions  of  all 
kinds,  naval  stores,  cotton,  tobacco,  ice,  candles, 
&c.,(S:c. 

I  have  another  table,  Mr.  President,  exhibiting 
our  trade  with  the  North  of  Europe,  presenting 
the  some  general  result,  and  as  we  have  censed  to 
import  hemp  to  a  great  extent  from  Russia,  the 
increase  in  the  tonnage  h  principally  from  export- 
ations: 


:-M::1 


* 


IISO 


APPEffDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


29rH  Cong Ist  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  Wtbtter, 


[July  27, 


Senate. 


t 


Compariton  of  our  tradt  leUh  the  MrlH  tf  Europe, 
vix!  Rmtia,  Sweden,  Oemumy,  and  Holland,  ihoui- 
iug  afaUing  nffin  (Ac  imporU. 

Value  in  dollani. 

In  the  year  IhJH 11,314,000 

In  the  year  1845 4,059,000 

Decrease  of. 7,155,000 


And  an  increase  of  our  domestic  exports  of— 

In  the  year  1828 5,085,000 

In  the  year  1845 6,346,000 

Increase  of. ^ 1,961,000 


And  an  increase  in  the  tonnage  employed  of— 

In  1828 136,100  tons. 

In  1845 197,000  tons. 

Increase 60,900  tons. 


This  increase  is  from  the  transport  of  our  domes- 
tic exports  to  those  places.  * 

It  will  be  interesting  to  note  some  of  the  articles 
of  import  frr.m  those  places,  in  which  that  reduc- 
tion strikingly  appears. 


Articles  Imported. 

Inl8i»>. 
Value  in  dolli. 

In  1845. 
Value  in  dolls. 

Mnnurnclureg  ot'  cotton  aiit] 

rtax 

8,190,000 

165,500 

Mniiufticinres  of  iron   and 

9,904,000 
4.')8,0OD 

677,000 
128,000 

Manufacmrei'  of  ^Ini^s 

MftiuifacturpB  of  hmtlitit. . . . 

330.000 

9,100 

Mfimifrtc(urc0  of  sail  cloth.. 

34.'i.000 

186,000 

.Maniifncturt'S  of  linfieed  oil. 

130,000 

13.000 

Miiiiiilartureri  of  cordage.. . . 

14,->.0II0 

54,000 

I'liinanufactured  hemp 

SW.OOO 

911,000 

I'linmnufnclnred  flax 

37,000 

31,000 

Unriinnufiicnircd  wool 

97.000 

31,000 

Unmonnfactured  rags 

Total 

None. 

19,0u0 

e.ysn.ooo 

1.510,0110 

Thus  showing  a  reduction  in  the  manufactured 
goods,  hemp,  i&c,  imported  from  those  countries, 
of  more  Uian  three-fourths  of  the  whole  amount. 

These  facta  are  certainly  of  importance  in  con- 
sidering the  employment  of  our  shipping  in  the 
transport  of  raw  material,  such  as  cotton,  flax, 
hemp,  iron,  coal,  &c.;  coastwise  in  our  own 
country,  for  the  manufacture,  in  our  country,  of 
goods  which  have  taken  the  place  of  the  foreign 
manufactured  goods,  imparted  and  consumed  by 
us,  sixteen  years  ago. 

A  very  important  fact  in  connexion  with  this 
ran  oi'  me  subject  is,  that  this  distant  trade  is  in 
bur  own  vessels.  It  is  divided  by  none.  We 
know  that  in  the  trade  between  us  and  England, 
aliaut  a  third  of  the  navigation  is  in  the  hands  of 
England.  But  in  tVie  trade  with  the  north  of  Eu- 
iipe,  &c.,  the  tra'ie  is  un  the  American  account, 
and  to  our  adv>:ntage;  and  to  a  great  extent,  also, 
we  pay  for  'lie  importations  by  domestic  products. 
We  do  ^ot  now  hear  of  any  extraordinary  uinounls 
of  np'.cie  to  meet  the  demands  of  this  trade,  be- 
cause the  products  of  our  own  industry  and  our 
own  people,  in  a  manufactured  state,  are  carried 
out.  These  remarks  might  be  extended  to  other 
tables  showing  other  results;  but  I  am  quite  desi- 
rous of  setting  through  the  duty  which  remains  to 
be  iierformcd  by  inc  on  this  occasion,  and  I  shall, 
therefore,  pass  this  part  of  the  case  b»  a  very  few 
additional  observations. 

It  is  obvious,  sir,  that  for  the  same  reason  that 
the  raw  material  imported  for  the  manufacturer 
pays  a  large  proportion  of  freight,  articles  of  ex- 
poi't  of  like  nature  from  our  side  for  the  same  pur- 
pose pay  also  a  large  proportion,  as  everybody 
knows  is  the  case  with  cotton.  And  this  proves 
that,  in  every  measure  concerning  the  imeresis  of 
navigation,  we  should  consult  rutlier  the  great  and 
bulky  articles,  than  the  small,  where  the  value  is 
grei\t  and  the  bulk  diminished. 

Now,  be  pleased  to  notice  th  esults.  Fifty- 
eight  millions  of  dollars  of  mat'  ured  goods  ini- 
piirted,  yield  less  than  one  .  d  for  freight. 
Twenty-two  millions  of  dollu'  'ijlit  in  articles 
to  be  manufactured  here,  yielu  millions  and 
tliroe  quarters;  being,  very  neurl,  .o-half  of  all 
the  freight  earned  on  all  our  iinjroris.  Certainly, 
this  is  a  most  important  fact,  and  worthy  of  all  at- 
tention. 

We  propose,  then,  Mr.  President,  in  the  first 
place,  toim  dinish  and  discourage  labor  and  indus- 
try at  home,  by  taxing  the  raw  materials  which  are 
brought  into  the  country  fur  manufacture.     We 


propose,  in  the  second  place,  to  diminish  the  earn- 
ings of  frei^^ht  very  materially,  by  diminishing  the 
importation  of  bulky  articles,  always  brought  in 
our  own  ships.  We  propose,  in  the  third  place, 
to  diminish  the  amount  of  exporta  of  jur  own  do- 
mestic manufactured  goods,  by  refusing  to  take  in 
exchange  for  them  raw  materials,  the  products  of 
other  countries.  This  is  our  present  policy  I  This 
is  oui  notion  of  Free  Trade !  ^- .  .'y,  surely,  Mr. 
President,  this  enlightened  system  cannot  fail  to 
attract  the  admiration  of  the  world  ! 

Now,  sir,  one  cannot  say  to  what  extent  this 
change  of  system  may  affect  the  navigation  of  the 
country,  but  its  tenaency  is,  unquestionably,  to 
cripple  and  cramp  the  navigating  interest.     Its  ten- 
dency is  to  diminish  the  demand  for  tonnage,  for 
navigation,  for  the  carrying  trade.    And  I  Inink  I 
might  on  this  occasion,  without  impropriety,  call 
the  attention  of  the  Senator  from  Maine,  farthest 
from  me,  [Mr.  FAiariELD,]  a  gentleman  who  here 
,  represents  a  State,  if  not  first,  at  least  among  the 
very  first,  in  regard  to  the  amount  of  its  naviga- 
I  tion.    The  ships  of  Maine  arc  found   in  every 
I  quarter.     They  arc  round  the  Capes  and  in  the 
'  North  Sea.    They  bring  home  these  raw  materials; 
I  and  everything  that  diminishes  the  consumption 
!  of  these  raw  materials  in  our  own  country,  dimin- 
'  ishes  the  chances  of  employment  to  every  ship 
owner  in  the  State  of  Maine.     I  will  read  an  ex- 
j  tract  or  two  from  a  letter  which  I  have  received  on 
this  subject: 

"Daltimors.JiiIvSO,  1846. 
I  "  Sir  :  I  notice  ttiat  the  new  tariff  hill  han  In  Its  schcd- 
I  ulcs,  i«ilk,  mahocnny,  hides,  brazette  wnoil,  logwood,  ftislic. 
,Rio  Hanchewood,  i.irna  wood,  sandal  wood,  red  cedar,  piff 
'copper,  nitrate  of  soda,  or  the  i^al  so<ln  of  Peru,  snitiieire, 
]  Idork,  and  all  sorts  ofcrwic  woods,  and  manydrnirsol^bulk, 
I  all  more  or  less  diitiahle,  and  tea  and  coffee  left  free. 
1      "  This  Is  curious  free  tmdfi. 

"  These  are  the  articles  that  ffive  our  vessels  homeward 

freights,  r.nd  beinij  chiefly  cross  articles  of  great  hulk,  they 

appeal   moat  stronisly  to  he  classed  in  the  free  list.     You 

I  know  very  well  that  our  outward-lmund  vessels  to  the  Kng- 

;  lish  islands  can  get  no  sort  of  return  car^o  unless  tiiey  fio 

to  Cuba  or  to  I'nrtn  Itico  for  sugar  or  molasses,  or  else  to 

[  some  salt  port,  or  bring  home  some  sort  of  trooit  or  hides 

:  from  St.  Thomas,  or  the  Main.    I  speak  of  small  vessels 

I  that  trade  to  the  West  Indies  anil  tlie  Hpanish  Main. 

0  Gross,  cruite  artKin  of  this  jsiH-t,  aid  Hliippjni{  interests, 
and  a^si^'t  making  up  cargoes  to  Eurofte  of  various  <<nch  arti- 
cles if  /rre,  such  as  logwood  particularly,  and  nmziletto 

[  and  Rio  Hhnche  wood  in  cntton  shifM,  even  for  dunnage. 
I     **  I  call  free  trade  the  imlicy  that  lets  crude  articles  in  free, 

as  in  »»nld  times." 
j      *^  .\s  far  as  I  can  judge,  and  being  myself  engaged  in  ship- 
I  ping  interests,  I  think  this  bill  very*  untriendly  to  such  Inter- 
!  est;  and  as  to  being  a  free-trade  bill,  it  is  anything  else,  as 
I  understand  free  trade,  as  to  the  articles  nniiied. 
*'  I  am,  dear  sir,  your  friend  and  fellow-eitisen. 

"WILLIAM  MILES." 

1  now  come,  Mr.  President,  to  the  Inst  topic  on 
■  whirh  I  propose  to  trespass  on  the  patience  of  the 

Senate;  it  is  the  effect  of  the  change  proposed  by 
:  this  bill  upon  the  general  employment,  labor,  and 
industry  of  the  country.  And  1  would  beg,  sir,  in 
this  view,  to  ask  the  reading  of  a  petition  which 
has  been  lying  on  my  table  for  some  days,  but 
which  I  have  not  had  an  opportunity  to  present. 
It  is  a  very  short  petition  from  the  mechanics  and 
artisans  of  the  city  of  Boston.  [The  Clerk  then 
read  the  petition.]  Now,  sir,  these  petitioners  re- 
monstrate against  this  bill,  not  in  betialf  of  corpo- 
rations and  great  establishments,  not  in  behalf  of 
rich  manufacturers,  but  in  behalf  of  "  men  who 
labor  with  their  own  hands,"  whose  "  only  capital 
is  their  labor,  "and  "who  depend  on  that  labor  for 
their  support,  and  for  anything  they  may  be  able 
to  lay  up." 

Mr.  President,  he  who  is  the  most  large  and 
liberal  in  the  tone  of  his  sentiment  towards  ull  the 
interests  of  nil  parts  of  the  country;  he  who  most 
honestly  and  firmly  believes  that  these  interests, 
though  various,  are  consistent;  that  they  all  may 
well  be  protected,  preserved,  and  fostered  by  a 
wise  administration  of  law  under  the  existing  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  .States,;  and  he  who  is  the 
most  expansive  patriot, and  wishes  well  and  equally 
well,  to  every  part  of  the  country,  even  he  must 
udn  t,  to  a  great  extent,   there  is  a  marked 

div.  ..  and  difTnrence  between  the  planluiion 
States  of  the  South,  and  the  masses  in  the  agricul- 
tural and  innnufaMuring  States  of  tiie  North. 
There  is  a  diflcrence  growing  out  of  early  consti- 
tutions, early  laws  and  habits,  and  resulting  in  a 
different  description  of  labor;  and  to  some  extent, 
with  the  most  liberal  sentiments  and  feelings, every 
I  man  who  is  concerneil  in  enacting  laws  witli  can- 
1  dor,  justice,  and  intelligence,  must  pay  a  proper 


regard  to  that  distinction.  The  truth  is,  that  in 
ono  part  of  the  country  labor  is  a  thing  more  un- 
connected with  capital  than  in  the  other.  Labor, 
as  anearnin|»  principle,  or  as  an  element  of  society 
working  for  itself,  with  its  own  hope*  of  gain,  en- 
joyment and  competence,  is  a  different  thing  from 
that  labor  which  in  the  other  part  of  the  country 
attaches  to  capital,  rises  and  falls  with  capital,  and 
is  in  truth  a  part  of  capital.  Now,  sir,  in  consid- 
ering the  general  effect  of  the-change  sought  to  be 
brought  about,  or  likely  to  be  brought  about  by 
this  bill,  upon  the  employment  of  men  in  this 
country,  regard  is  properly  to  be  paid  to  this  dif- 
ference which  I  have  mentioned;  yet  it  is  at  the 
same  time  true,  that  there  are  forms  of  labor,  espe- 
cially along  the  aeacoast  and  along  the  rivers,  in 
all  the  southern  States,  which  are  to  be  affected  by 
this  hill  as  much  as  the  labor  of  any  portion  of  the 
middle  or  northern  States.  The  artisan  in  every 
State  has  just  the  same  interest — the  same  at  the 
South  as  at  the  North.  And  this  is  at  the  founda- 
tion of  all  our  laws,  from  1789  downward,  which 
have  in  view  the  protection  of  American  labor. 
The  first  purpose,  Ine  first  object  was,  the  full  pro- 
tection of  the  labor  of  these  artisans.  That  subject 
was  gone  o\er  the  other  day  by  my  friend  from 
Maryland,  [Mr.  .Tohnson,]  who  presented  to  the 
consideration  of  the  Senate  the  first  memorial  ever 
sent  to  Congress  on  the  subject  of  protection.  It 
was  from  the  city  of  Baltimore,  and  it  was  in  1789. 
And  from  that  day  to  this,  Baltimore  has  been 
more  earnest  and  steady  in  her  attachment  to  a 
system  of  law,  which  she  supposed  gave  encourage- 
ment to  her  artisans,  than  almost  any  other  city  of 
the  Union.  I  say  she  has  been  steady  and  earnest, 
sir.  If  she  lias  ever  faltered,  for  a  moment,  she 
will,  in  a  moment,  resume  her  attitude, and  pursue 
her  accustomed  course. 

Now,  sir,  taking  the  mass  of  men  as  they  exist 
amongst  us,  what  is  it  that  constitutes  their  pros- 
perity ?  Throughout  the  country,  perhaps  more 
especially  at  the  North,  from  early  laws  and  hab- 
its, there  is  a  distribution  of  all  the  property  accu- 
mulated in  one  generation,  among  the  whole  suc- 
cession of  sons  and  daughters  in  the  next.  Prop- 
erty is  everywhere  distributed  as  fast  as  it  is 
accumulated,  and  not  in  more  than  one  case  out  of 
a  hundred  is  there  an  accumulation  beyond  the 
earnings  of  one  or  two  generations.  The  conse- 
quence of  this  is,  a  great  division  of  property  into 
small  parcels,  and  a  considerable  equality  in  the 
condition  of  a  great  portion  of  the  people;  and  the 
next  consequence  is,  that  out  of  the  whole  mass, 
there  is  a  very  small  proportion,  hartlly  worthy  of 
being  named,  that  does  not  pursue  some  active 
business  for  a  living.  Who  is  there  that  lives  on 
his  income }  How  many,  out  of  millions  of  pros- 
perous people  between  this  place  and  the  British 
Provinces,  and  throughout  the  North  and  West, 
are  there,  who  live  without  being  engaged  in  active 
business?  None;  the  number  is  not  worth  naming. 
This  is,  therefore,  a  country  of  labor.  I  do  not 
mean  manual  labor  entirely.  There  is  a  great  deal 
of  that,  but  I  mean  some  sort  of  employment  that 
requires  personol  attention,  either  of  oversight  or 
manual  performance,  some  form  of  active  business. 
That  is  the  character  of  our  people,  iind  that  is  the 
condition  of  our  people.  Our  destiny  is  labor. 
Now,  what  is  the  first  great  cause  of  prosneiity 
with  such  a  people  ?  Simply,  emi)li)t/me»i(.  Why, 
we  have  cheap  food  and  cheap  clothing,  and  there 
is  no  sort  of  doubt  that  these  things  are  very  desi- 
rable to  all  persons  of  moderate  circuinslances, 
and  laborers.  But  they  are  not  the  first  requisites. 
The  first  requisile  is  that  which  enables  men  to 
buy  food  anil  clothing,  cheap  or  dear.  And  if  I 
were  to  illustrate  my  opinions  on  this  subject,  by 
example,  I  should  iiike,  of  all  the  instances  in  the 
world,  the  present  condition  of  Ireland. 

I  am  not  about  to  prescribe,  Mr.  President,  forms 
of  legislation  for  Ireland,  or  principles  to  the  Par- 
liament of  Great  Britain  for  the  goveriunent  of  Ire- 
land. I  am  not  about  to  suggest  any  remedy  for 
the  bad  state  of  things  which  exists  in  that  coun- 
try ;  but  what  that  state  of  things  is,  and  what  has 
produced  it,  is  just  as  plain  and  visible  to  my  view 
as  a  turnpike  road;  and  I  confess  that  I  am  aston- 
ished, that  learned  and  intelligent  men,  who  seem 
to  have  been  brought  up  under  certain  notions,  or 
systems,  which  appear  to  have  turned  their  eyes 
from  the  true  view  of  the  case,  have  been  unable 
to  solve  the  Iriah  problem.    Well,  now,  what  is  it? 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSJIONAL  GLibBE. 


1161 


39th  Cong 1st  Seas. 


T^e  Tariff"— Mr,  f^ebster. 


Senate. 


Ireland  is  an  over-peopled  country,  it  ii  aaid.  It 
has  eight  and  a  half  millinnR  of  neopio  on  an  area 
of  thirty-one  thouaand  eight  hundred  aquaro  miles. 
It  is,  liien,  n  very  dense  population;  perhaps  a 
thicker  population,  upon  the  whole,  than  England. 
But  why  arc  the  people  of  Ireland  not  prosperous, 
contented,  and  happy?  We  hear  of  a  potato  panic, 
nnd  a  population  in  Ireland  distressed  by  the  high 
jtrico  of  potatoes.  Why,  sir,  the  price  of  potatoes 
in  this  city  is  three  times  the  price  of  imUitoes  in 
Dublin;  nnd  at  this  moment  potatoes  arc  twice  as 
di'nr  throughout  the  United  States  as  throughout 
Ireland.  There  are  potatoes  enough,  or  food  of 
other  kinds,  but  the  people  are  not  able  to  buy  it. 
And  why?  That  is  the  stringent  question.  Why 
cannot  ine  people  of  Ireland  buy  potatoes  or  other 
food  ?  The  answer  to  this  question  solves  the  Irish 
case;  and  that  jinswer  is  simply  this,  the  people 
liuve  not  employment.  They  cannot  obtain  wages. 
They  cannot  cam  money.  The  sum  of  their  social 
misery  lies  in  these  few  words.  There  is  no  ade- 
quate demand  for  labor.  One-half,  or  less  thon 
one-half,  of  all  the  strong  and  hcallhy  laborers  of 
Ireland  are  quite  enough  to  t\iltill  all  demand,  and 
occupy  all  employmcins.  Does  not  this  admitted 
fact  exploit!  the  whole  caso  ?  If  but  half  the  labor- 
ers are  employed,  or  the  whole  employed  but  half 
the  time,  or  in  whatever  form  of  division  it  be 
stated;  if  the  result  is,  that  there  is,  in  so  thickly 
a  peopled  country,  only  half  enough  of  employ- 
ment for  labor  and  industry,  who  need  to  be  sur- 
prised to  find  poverty  nnd  want  the  consequence? 
And  who  r^n  be  surprised,  then,  that  other  evils, 
not  less  to  be  lamented,  should  also  be  found  to  ex- 
ist among  a  people  of  warm  temperament,  and  so- 


tity  of  land,  that  there  is  not  half  employment  for 
labor,  and  the  lands  ar«  cultivated  miserably  after 
all.     Mr.  MoCulloch  says  that  four-fifths  of  the 


eat  and  respectable  employment.  Employment 
f^eda,  and  clothes,  and  inatructs.  Employment 
gives  health,  sobriety,  and  morals.    Constant  bm- 


labor  of  Ireland  is  laid  out  upon  the  land.    There  l|  ployment  and  well-paid  lanor,  produce,  in  a  coun' 


is  no  other  source  of  employment  or  occupation 
Thia  land  being  undera  "rack-rent,"  is  frequently 
in  little  patches,  sometimes  of  not  more  than  a 
quarter  of  an  acre,  merely  to  raise  potatoes,  the 
cheapest  kind  of  food.  This  is  the  reason  why 
labor  is  nothing,  and  can  produce  nothing  but  mere 
physical  living,  until  the  system  shall  be  entirely 
1  changed.  This  constitutes  the  great  difference  be- 
tween the  state  of  things' in  Europe  and  America. 
In  Europe,  the  question  is,  how  men  can  live. 
With  us,  the  question  is,  how  well  they  can  live. 
Can  they  live  on  wholesome  food,  in  commodious 
and  comfortable  dwellings?     Can  they  be  well 


try  like  ours,  eeneral  prosperity,  content,  and 
cheerfulness.  Thus  happy  have  we  seen  the  coun- 
try. Thus  happy  may  we  long  continue  to  see  it. 
And  now,  sir,  with  avery  few  words  addressed 
to  particular  interests,  I  shall  relieve  the  Senate.  It 
has  appeared  to  me  particularly  strange  thut  our 
frond:!  from  the  grain-growing  stales  of  the  north- 
west do  not  lake  a  diflerciit  view  than  that  which 
they  now  entertain  of  their  ultimate  permanent  in- 
terest. They  are  p-ain  crowcrs.  They  entertain  the 
hope,  especially  s.nce  the  repeal  of  the  British  corn 
laws,  that  they  shall  be  able  to  produce  wheat  to 
a  still  larger  extent,  and  obtain  for  their  commodi- 


clothed,  and  be  able  to  educate  their  children?!;  ty  a  commensurate  price  abroad.  For  my«elf,  I 
Such  questions  do  not  arise  to  the  political  econo-  j  am  fully  of  opinion  that  there  will  be  a  great  dis- 
misls  of  Europe.  When  reasoning  on  such  cases  !{  appointment  in  tliis  respect.  I  do  admit,  for  I 
as  that  of  Ireland,  the  question  witli  them  is,  how  i;  always  believed  it,  that  with  the  British  ports  open 
physical  being  can  be  kept  from  death.    That  is  |  to  the  admission  of  Amerium   Indian  corn,  or 


all. 

Sir,  if  I  were  not  overwhelmed  with  topics,  nnd 
if  I  were  not  conscious  of  having  already  occupied 
the  attention  of  the  Senate  quite  too  long,  I  would 
turn  your  attention  to  the  contrasts,  produced  by 
the  very  causes  which  we  are  now  considering, 
between  Ireland  and  Scotland.  The  population  of 
Ireland  is  eight  millions  and  a  half,  on  an  area  of 
31,U00  square  miles.  Scotland  has  a  population 
leas  than  three  millions,  and  an  area  of  36,000  ; 
square  miles,  only  one-third  of  which  is  arable.  i 
But,  nevertheless,  the  tonnage  of  Scotland  is 
four  hundred  nnd   twenty-nine  thousand  tons  of 

cial  liabiTs  and  tendencies?    It  would  be  strange,  j'  shipping,  employing  twenty-eight  thousand  men; ; 

if  all  these  results  should  not  happen.  |  while  that  of  Ireland  is  only  one  hundred  and  forty  ; 

But,  then,  this  only  advances  the  inquiry  to  the  ij  thousand,  employing  eleven  or  twelve  thousand  j 


real  question— H'/ti;  are  the  laboring  people  of  1 
Ireland  so  destiiute  of  useful  and  profitable  em-  '. 
ployment?  This  is  a  question  of  the  deepest  in-  , 
terest  to  those  who  are  charged  with  the  duty  of  \ 
remedying  the  evil,  if  it  can  be  remedied.  But  it 
is  rather  beside  any  present  purpose  of  mine.  It 
may  be  said,  in  general,  that  Ireland  lias  been  un- 
fortunate, as  well  as  badly  governed.  In  the 
course  of  two  centuries,  much  the  greater  part  of 
the  soil  of  Ireland,  generally  supposed  as  much  as 
nine-tenths,  has  betn  forfeited  to  the  Crown;  and 
1)V  the  Crown  given  or  sold  to  persons  in  England, 
llie  heads  of  opulent  families  or  others.  These 
new  English  proprietors  are  known  as  absentee 
landlords.  They  own  a  vast  portion  of  the  island. 
The  absentee  landlord  is  not  a  man  whq  has 
Blown  up  in  Ireland,  and  has  gone  over  to  Eiig- 
laiid  to  spend  his  income.  He  may  be  a  man  who 
never  saw  Ireland  in  his  life.  1  have  heard  of 
families,  no  member  of  which  has  visited  its  Irish 
estates  for  half  a  century,  the  lands  being  all  the 
time  under  "ra'ik-rent,"  in  the  hands  of"  middle- 
men," and  all  pressing  the'^jeasuntiy  and  labor  to 
the  dust. 

There  is  a  strange  idea,  at  least  it  seems  strange 
to  me,  which  most  respectable  men  entertain  on 
this  subject    of   Ireland.      Mr.    McCullocli,    so 


maize,  there  will  be  a  great  deal  of  it  sent  to  Eu- 
rope, because  of  the  cheapness  of  the  article,  and 
because,  when  it  comes  to  be  known,  it  will  be,  I 
think,  well  received  among  the  laboring  classes. 
But  it  seems  to  me,  that  a  w  facts  may  be 
enough  to  satisfy  us  that  there  cannot  be  a  vast 
augmentation  of  western  and  aouthwcstern  ex- 
portations  of  wheat,  on  account  of  any  new  de- 
mand in  Europe.  In  the  first  place,  our  agricul- 
tural products  have  done  little  more  than  keep  pace 
with  the  increase  of  our  population.  In  the  next 
place,  the  agricultural  product  of  England  about 
Keeps  pace  with  her  augmenting  population,  from 
year  to  year.  But,  in  the  thira  place,  if  we  go 
back  to  the  list  of  prices,  we  shall  find  that  wheat 
is  at  this  moment,  after  all  we  have  heard  of  pan- 
ics and  fears  of  panics,  twenty  per  cent,  lower  than 
in  former  years;  and  I  see  by  Mr.  Brown 's  price  cur- 
rent of  the  3d  of  this  month,  that  prime  flour  was 
$3  28  per  barrel  in  Liverpool,  or,  rather,  yielded 
that  return  to  the  exporter  from  the  United  States. 
It  does  appear  to  me,  sir,  that  gentlemen  who  live 
on  these  fertile  lands  of  the  West,  among  the  most 
prosperous  and  most  favored  communities,  would 
do  exceedingly  well  to  consider  whether,  in  fact, 
they  gain  anything  by  a  supposed  augmentation  of 
exportations — whether  they  profit  anything  by  an 
products — raised  |1  extension  of  the  market  abroad,  whilst  wey  di- 
I  them  from  a  lower  to  a  higher  species  of  produc- 1  minish  the  demand  nt  home.  If  by  an  importation 
j  tion,  and  changed  the  whole  face  of  Scotland.  I  {  of  British  merchandise  we  increase  the  production 
I  will  not  pursue  this  Illustration  further.  It  is  of  that  merchandise  in  Europe,  by  putting  more 
I  enough  to  say,  that  Scotland  has  commerce,  man-  hands  upon  it,  and  bringing  the  goous  here  to  the 
t  ufuctures,  and  a  variety  of  employments  for  labor,  i  United  Slates,  is  that  not  certain  to  diminish  tlie 
:  In  Ireland  there  is  little  of  commerce  and  little  of  j  consumption  at  home  of  agricultural  products,  by 
I  manufactures— /ou)--ji///i»  of  the  whole  labor  of  the  diminishing  the  number  of  consumers?  So  that, 
I  countiij  (ifiiig  bestoiced  on  the  land.  These  facts  are  i  after  nil,  it  comes  to  this,  whether  it  is  better  for 
j  enough  to  show  why  Scotland  is  that  Scotland     an  agriculturist  to  have  a  home  market  than  to 

which  we  find  her,  and  Ireland  tliat  Ireland  which      ' 
I  we  fii.  1  her. 

I      Now,  sir,  no  man  can  deny,  that  the  course  of  I 

I  things  in  this  country,  for  the  last  twenty  or  thirty  : 

years,  has  had  a  wonderful  effect  in  producing  a 

variety  of  employments.    How  much  employment 


men.  With  regard  to  the  agriculture  of  Scotland, 
though  her  climate  is  not  so  good,  nor  her  soil  so 
rich  as  that  of  Ireland,  yet  Scotland  is  a  wheat- 
growing  country,  and  the  piices  are  high,  and  all 
agricultural  business  active.  Why,  sir,  how  has 
this  come  about?  This  great  reformation,  it  is 
said,  has  been  accomplished  within  sixty  or  seven- 
ty years;  and  respectable  authorities  say,  that  the 
growth  of  the  manufacturing  cities  of  Glasgow, 
Paisley,  and  Edinburgh,  and  the  rest,  by  llirnish 
ing  a  market  for  the  immediate  sale  of  agricultural 
products,   has    doubled    those 


highly  distinguished  an  authority,  for  example,  ||  has  been  furnished  by  the  canals  and  railroads,  in 
will  iiisi.st  upon  it,  that  there  is  no  evil  in  Irish  ab-  j  addition  to  the  great  amount  of  labor,  not  only  in 
scnteeism,    uecause   he    proceeds  on  the    theory    i  the  factories,  rendered  so  odious  in  some  quarters 


which,  he  says,  admits  of  no  exception — that  it  is 
best  for  tt  man  to  buy  where  he  can  buy  cheapest. 
Well,  that  is  undoubtedly  so,  if  he  have  the  means 
of  buying.  Now,  if  Irish  absenteeism  did  not  di- 
minish the  employment  of  the  people  of  Ireland, 
and  so  diminish  their  means  of  buying,  the  argu- 
ment would  hold.  But  who  docs  not  see,  that  if 
the  landlord  lived  in  Ireland,  consuming  fur  his 
family  and  retainers  the  products  of  Ireland,  ii 
would  augment  the  cmjiloyinent  of  Ireland?  It 
seems  clear  to  me  that  residence  would  not  only 
«;ive  general  countenance  and  encouragement  to  the 
laboring  cl:r:-,^.T,  and  benefit  both  landlord  and  ten- 
ant, by  dispensing  with  the  services  of  middle-men, 
but  that  it  would  also  do  positive  good,  by  pro- 
ducing new  demands  for  labor.  From  early  times 
the  English  Government  has  discouraged  in  Ire- 
land every  sort  of  manufacture,  except  the  linen 
nmimfuctured  in  the  north.  It  has,  on  the  other 
hand,  encouraged  agriculture.  It  has  given  boun- 
ties on  wheat  exported.  The  consequence  has 
come  to  be  this,  thut  the  surface  of  Ireland  is  cut 
up  into  so  many  tenements  and  hcldings,  that 
every  man  'a  labor  is  confined  to  such  a  small  quan- 


by  calling  them  monopolies  ond  close  corporations, 
but  in  the  workshops,  the  warehouses,  on  the  sen 
:  and  on  the  land,  and  in  every  department  of  busi- 
ness? There  is  a  great  gcncro!  activity,  and  a 
i  great  variety  in  the  employment  of  men  amongst 
.  us;  and  that  is  just  exactly  what  our  condition 
I  ought  to  be. 

I  The  interest  of  every  laboring  community  re- 
I  quires  diversity  of  occupations,  pursuits,  ana  ob- 
'  jects  of  industry.  The  more  that  diversity  is 
i  multiplied  or  extended,  the  better.  To  diversify 
j  employment,  is  to  increase  employment,  and  to 
I  enhance  wages.  And,  sir,  take  thi.s  great  truth; 
place  it  on  the  title  page  of  every  book  of  Political  ' 
I  Economy  intended  for  the  use  of  the  United  Stales; 
i  put  it  in  every  Farmers'  Almanac;  let  it  be  the 
I  ncading  of  the  column  in  every  Mechanics'  Maga- 
zine; proclaim  it  everywhere,  and  make  it  a  pro-  I 
verb,  that  where  there  is  work  for  the  hamb  of  men, 
I  there  will  he  work  for  their  teeth.  Where  there  is 
i  employment,  there  will  be  bread.  It  is  a  great 
;  blessing  to  the  poor  to  have  cheap  food ;  but  greater 
i  tiian  that,  prior  to  that,  and  of  still  higher  value, 
I  ia  the  blessing  of  being  able  tu  buy  food,  by  hon- ' 


have  a  foreign  market ! 

Well,  sir,  allow  me  to  say  a  word  on  this  sub- 
ject to  gentlemen  of  some  of  the  southern  Slates. 
They  will  allow  me  at  least  to  give  them  tables 
and  calculations.  I  will  not  undertake  to  instruct 
their  reason,  but  wish  to  draw  their  attention  to 
facts.  Now,  the  Slate  of  Massachusetts  is  a  great 
grain-purchasing  State.  I  have  here  a  table  of 
articles  of  grain,  &c.,  jiurchnsed  by  and  consumed 
ill  Miissachusetts  in  one  year,  and  it  strikes  me  to 
be  worlhy  of  attention: 

Flour,  630,000  bbls.,  at  ^6  .Wper  bbl.     |3,465,000 
Corn   and    other  grains,    3,100,000 

bushels,  at  54  cents ]  ,674,050 

Coal,  180,000  tons,  at  giS  50  per  ton .        1,035,000 
Wool,  7,200,000  lbs.,  at  33  cents  per 

pound 2„37G,000 

Lumber  of  all  kinds 4,100,000 

Lead 1,300,000 

Beef,  pork,  bacon,  and  lard 3,000,000 


$16,950,050 
The  corn  comes  chiefly  fl-om  the  eastern  shores 
of   Virginia,    North    Carolina,    and    Maryland. 
Where  else  can  these  States  expect  to  find  a  mar- 
ket like  this? 

Now,  sir,  what  is  the  advantage  to  these  corn- 
growing  Stales  of  turning  our  people,  the  consu- 
mers of  these  articles,  out  of  their  workshops,  and 
to  make  agricultural  producers  of  them  also  ?  This 
is  a  stronge  policy.  Where  men  have  already 
more  agricultural  products  than  they  can  find  a 
market  for,  increase  the  product !    On  the  otlier 


il 


1168 


APPENDIX  TO  THC:  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  27, 


39th  Cong Ibt  Bess. 


The  Tariff—!^.  Jamagin. 


Senate. 


hand,  whan  thera  are  mora  mouths  to  faad  than 
can  be  supplied,  increaae  the  number  of  mouthi ! 

The  iiorlhweaiem  Statu  are  destined  to  be  man- 
nfacturing  Statea.  They  have  iron  and  coal. 
They  have  a  people  of  iRborinua  habits,  Thev 
have  already  capital  enough  to  begin  works,  such 
as  belong  to  new  States  and  new  communitioa; 
and  when  th«  lime  comes,  and  it  cannot  but  come 
soon,  they  will  see  their  true  intrreat  to  be,  to  feed 
the  northern  and  eastern  niiinufncturers,  as  far  as 
they  may  be  fed,  and  in  tiic  mean  time  begin  to 
vary  their  own  occupations,  having  claaacs  of  men 
amongst  them  who  are  not  of  the  now  universal 
agricultural  population.     And  the  sooner  they  be- 

f;ni  this  work  tlic  better;  and  begin  it  they  will, 
lecause  they  arc  nil  iiilnlligent  niid  active  people, 
and  cannot  rail  to  see  in  what  direction  their  true 
interest  lies. 

Sir,  it  does  not  become  me  to  do  more  than 
suggest  in  what  appears  to  me  the  interest  of  otlier 
parts  of  the  country.  Men  more 'competent  to 
judge  will  decide,  and  I  do  not  wish  to  exempt 
them  from  an  exercise  of  their  judgment.  Hut 
now  in  rei^ard  to  this  manufacture  uf  cotton,  I  said 
the  other  day  that  1  should  not  take  up  the  r>iew 
England  case.  Slie  would  be  injured — injured,  to 
a  certain  extent,  unquealinnably;  but  nlic  would 
not  be  injured  so  much  as  the  new  isinbllshineiils 
of  the  South,  ti  nppenrs  In  me  the  plainest  prop- 
o.sitign  in  the  world,  thnt  tlirre  is  nulhing  which 
the  whole  Snulli  can  so  prnKialily  turn  its  attention 
to  HS  the  maimlncture  of  these  coarse  cotton  fabrics. 
Tlie  South  might  soon  cnnie  to  undersell  New 
England  altogether,  because  it  is  a  fabric  in  tiie 
\slue  of  which  the  raw  materiol  is  the  chief  ele- 
ment, and  lalKir  little.  As  labor,  therefore,  lurins 
but  a  small  portion  of  the  article  produced,  in  its 
manufactured  State,  why  then  it  re(|uire8  less 
capital  for  machinery,  and  expensive  establish- 
ments. The  raw  material  being  the  greater  ele- 
ment composing  the  value,  gives,  of  course,  an 
advantage  to  those  vho  raise  the  raw  material, 
and  who  manufacture  it  just  where  it  is  produced. 
Now  I  must  say,  looking  at  the  exhibition  here 
laat  month,  or  the  month  uefore,  nothing  appeared 
to  me  better  done  than  some  of  these  cheap  cotton 
fabrics  from  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  and  Qeor- 
gia;  and  1  believe,  as  strongly  as  I  may  venture 
to  believe  anything  against  the  opinion  of  men  of 
moie  local  knowledge,  that  these  manufUctures 
will  succeed  and  prosper,  if  we  let  them  alone,  in 
the  southern  States.  And  I  wish  them  to  prosper. 
They  have  arisen  in  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the 
southern  people  to  clothe   themselves  and  their 

feople  against  New  England  competition.  Well, 
desire  to  see  tliat;  and  it  strikes  me  that  the 
effort  ought  to  be  encouraged. 

It  is  lime  that  I  relieve  tiie  Senate  from  this  dis- 
cussion. I  certainly  feel  the  momentous  import- 
ance of  the  subject.  I  feel  that,  in  the  course  of 
my  public  life,  l  have  never  had  a  more  responsi- 
ble duty  to  perform,  and  certainly  I  never  looked 
forward  witn  more  interest  to  the  consequences. 
If  the  present  bystcm  of  things  be  deranged,  no 
man  can  tell  where  that  derangement  is  to  stop,  or 
what  are  to  be  the  ultimate  results.  This,  sir,  is 
a  proceeding  in  which  we  cannot  sec  the  end  from 
the  beginning.  But  again  I  come  back  to  the  great 
question  of  the  revenue.  I  hold  that  the  respon- 
sibility of  providing  revenue  for  the  Government 
rests  with  Congress.  I  hold  that  wc  are  not  at 
liberty  to  devolve  that  responsibility  upon  the  Ex- 
ecutive Government;  and  I  would  usk  the  Admin- 
istration itself,  with  all  respect,  if  now  that  there 
seems  less  prospect  than  we  had  hoped  of  an  early 
termination  of  this  war — if  now,  within  three  or 
four  months  of  the  commencement  of  the  next 
session  of  Congres.s — if  now,  with  the  tried  system 
which  we  ore  sure  of  for  the  produclion  of  ade- 
quate revenue,  so  far  as  we  may  expect  revenue  at 
all  from  duiioa  and  customs — if  it  would  not  feel 
safer  itself,  after  the  rejection  of  this  bill,  than  if 
it  had  passed  r 

Sir,  I  beseech  gentlemen  to  pause.  If  I  were  a 
friend  to  the  Administration — and  I  do  not  mean 
to  call  myself  its  enemy,  for  I  have  no  unfriendly 
feeling  to  it — I  would  beseech  it,  not  to  make  this 
leap  in  the  dark,  in  the  early  part  of  its  corccr,  un- 
necessarily, in  the  midst  of  a  war — a  war  of  which 
no  man  can  see  the  end,  and  of  which  no  man 
can  now  reckon  up  the  expense.  I  would  beseech 
it  to  stand  firm  on  established  ground^^on  the  sys- 


Icm  on  which  our  revenue  now  ilandi,  and  to  lay 
aside  all  propositions  for  extensive  and  elementary 
change. 

Having  said  this,  I  have  discharged  my  duty. 

I  leave  it  to  the  judgment  of  the  Senate.    I  am  not 

to  be  seduced,  on  the  one  hand,  by  any  disposition 

to  embarrass  the  Administmtion;  1  certainly  feel 

I  none;  I  hope  I  have  manifbatcd  none;  and, on  the 

I  other  hand,  I  am  not  to  be  deterred  by  clamor  in 

I  the  press  and  elsewhere,  against  those  who  consci- 

I  enliously,  in  matters  of  the  highest  interest,  fulfil 

their  duty.    And,  sir,  if  an  inilividual,  a  most  re> 

apeclttble  member  of  this  Senate,  has  been  made 

the  object  of  unmcHsured  opprobrium,  because  on 

a  great  question,  coniioclcd  with  the  credit  and 

;  honor  of  the  Government  and  its  revenues  in  time 

i  of  war,  he  could  not  bring  himself  to  think  with 

,  the  majority  of  his  fVicnds— even  the  consequences 

which  may  have  fallen  upon  liini  ahull  not  deter 

me  from  the  fearless  discharge  of  my  duty. 

I  indicated,  at  the  commencement  of  my  speech, 
that  I  should  conclude  it  with  a  motion  to  postpone 
the  consideration  of  this  bill  to  tlio  next  session  of 
I  Coiigre.48,     Upon  reflection,  I  deem  it  proper  to 
'  lay,  that  I  have  ao  far  changed  thnt  purpose,  ns 
tlint  I  shall  venture  upon  one  ainenilment,  to  see 
whether  u  disnoaition  exists  in  the  Senate  lo  take 
this  bill  exactly  na  it  is,  or  whether  in  the  particu- 
lar I  shall  mention,  in  the  judgment  of  the  Senate, 
it  ought  not  to  be  changed.     It  is  thnt  extraordi- 
nary provision  to  which  I  alluded  on  Saturday,  by 
.  which,  in  cases  of  under-valualion  with  intention 
to  defraud,  the  goods  arc  to  be  seized  and  sold, 
:  and  the  importer  to  be  paid  the  value  of  the  goods 
■oa  rated  in  his  invoice,  and  livc  per  rent.  over.     I 
:  now  move  that  that  provision  be  struck  out. 


THE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH    OF  MR.  JARNAGIN, 

OF  TENNESSEE, 

In  the  Senate,  July  37,  1846. 

On  the  bill  for  reducing  the  duty  on  Imports,  and 

for  other  purposes. 

Mr.  JARNAGIN  said: 

Mr.  President  :  It  was  on  the  6th  day  of  Julv, 
1846,  that  this  bill  first  came  into  tliis  House.  In 
the  other,  and  in  the  Treasury  pepartment,  it  had 
lain  some  seven  months,  to  be  hatched  forth  from 
that  surprising  length  of  incubation  an  unfledged 
thing,  a  hybrid  us  to  race,  and  as  destitute  of  form 
or  comeliness  as  of  character.  Certainly  one  may 
recognise  in  its  looks  a  Dentocratic  paternity,  anil, 
in  the  tenderness  with  which  its  deformities  have 
been  treated  here,  a  parental  partiality.  Nothing 
short  of  that  could  have  prompted  the  extreme  in- 
disposition to  have  its  faults  examined,  the  incli- 
nation to  take  each  defect  for  a  beauty,  which  has 
been  shown  here.  At  its  coming  before  us,  the 
usual  motion  to  refer  it  to  the  Finance  Committee 
wos  rejected  by  a  party  vote — an  early,  a  decisive, 
and  ail  extraordinary  indication  that  its  friends,  the 
Democratic  majority , were  iletcriiiined  that  it  should 
not  be  subjected  to  that  examination  of  its  details 
ill  committee  which  all  bills  should  undergo,  unless 
the  Senate  is  willing  to  have  its  legislation  per- 
formed for  it  by  the  other  House.  Nor  can  this 
refusal  to  meet  the  process  of  omendmcnt  be  jus- 
tified on  the  ground  that  even  a  majority  of  those 
thus  bent  on  passing  it  unaltered  approved  its  pro- 
visions in  deUiil.  On  the  contrary,  J  heartily 
believe  that  not  one-third  of  tliem  approve  those 
details.  The  motive,  then,  to  such  a  course,  is  too 
probably  a  fear  that  amendments  might  endiinger 
the  final  passage  of  the  bill,  and  defeat  a  party  tri- 
umph, ^fow,  while  the  country  at  largo  bus,  I 
imagine,  but  little  interest  in  such  a  triumph,  it 
surely  must  condemn  the  method  of  legislation  re- 
sorted to  for  obtaining  it.  Among  those  who  sup- 
port the  bill,  no  man  has  been  or  will  be  heard  to 
say  that  it  is  by  any  means  perfect,  or  that  it  could 
not  be  altered  greatly  fur  the  better;  and  all  change, 
all  amendment  is  refu.sed,  with  a  party  silence  and 
doggediiess  which  seems  to  me  to  bespeak  minds 
made  up  to  a  thing  ond  a  course  which  gentlemen 
can  justify  to  themselves,  but  not  to  others.  With 
what  butjtheir  plans  as  a  mere  (Kirty  the  necessary 
course  of  examining  a  measure  in  its  merits  is  in- 
consistent, I  am  at  a  loss  to  conceive.  Into  their 
motives,  however,  I  am  not  permitted,  nor  do  I 


desire  to  enter;  but  as,  on  account  of  aome  of  its 
principles,  I  am,  under  the  initrnctions  of  the  Lc- 
giilature  of  my  Stale,  probably  to  vote  for  the  bill 
on  ill  final  passage,  I  feel  '■:  a  duty  lo  amend  its 
details,  if  I  c^n,  without  altering  its  principles; 
'and  ahnll,  therefore,  vote  for  the  motion  of  the  Sen- 
ator from  Delaware.  I  may  the  better  do  so,  be- 
cause the  reference  itself  U  to  a  committee  on  which 
(he  friends  of  the  bill  have  a  majority;  so  that  the 
amendments  lo  which  it  shall  bo  subjected  will  still 
be  but  a  more  perfect  adaptation  to  their  own  prin- 
ciples and  the  present  wnnia  of  the  country. 

No  doubt  the  committee  will  find  sufKeieiit  reason 
for  prompt  action,  and  unnecessary  delay  is  not  nt 
all  to  be  apprehended.  I  think  it  pfobaule  we  will 
find  the  bill  returned  to  us  quite  as  aoon  as  we  am 
ready  to  act  upon  it.  I  have  reason  to  believe  this 
'  motion  will  prevail  by  my  vole;  and  now  one  word 
I  to  the  committee.  We  have  been  informed  by  high 
I  Domocrnlic  authority,  that  the  object  of  this  bill  Is 
to  fix  the  duties  upon  imports  at  the  true  revenue 
standard;  and  yet  tea  and  coifee  are  to  be  imported 
free  of  duty.  A  few  days  since,  the  distinguished 
Senator  from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  Calhoun]  said, 
though  unwilling  to  amend  this  bill,  that  tea  nnil 
colTee  ought  to  be  taxed;  and  no  Democrat  answer- 
ed "  no."  He  added,  that  he  hoped  a  scpaialB 
bill  would  be  forthwith  introduced  and  pas^ixl,  im- 
posing a  duty  upon  ten  and  coffee.  Wheihcr  this 
Democratic  suggcatinn  will  be  followed  or  not,  I 
have  no  meona  of  knowing;  but  1  will  take  this 
occasion  to  say,  that  it  will  ui  no  time  receive  my 
;  support.  Tea  and  cofleo  are  now  free,  and  I  wish 
:  them  to  remain  so,  and  hope  the  committee  will 
add  salt  to  the  fice  list.  Salt  is  taxed  twenty  per 
cent,  by  this  bill;  while  animak  imported  for  breed- 
ing, copper  ore,  cntlon,  felt,  garden  seeds,  guano, 
junk,  onkum,  imintinga,  and  statuary,  are  to  be 
imported  free  of  duly.  The  poor  man  is  luxcd  in 
this  Democratic  bill,  in  order  that  the  rich  may  be 
fHVored.  This  fact  I  wish  to  bring  lo  the  notice  of 
the  committee,  and  further  to  recommend  to  their 
attention  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury to  the  present  Congress,  where  be  says: 

"  In  one  of  liJH  nimiml  inegRBfinfi,  Mr.  JefTersoii  reenm- 
mriHlcd  to  CnnffreHH  the  HiipprcBHJnn  nftlic  ihiiieson  rail.  A 
iitrge  portion  nf  iliis  duty  Ik  uxliniistcd  in  lieavy  expenses  of 
mctuiirinit  snlt,  nnd  in  liirjie  stinis  pnid  for  fialiin?  hoiinties, 
Hurt  nllowanceH  In  lien  of  the  drnwt)nek  of  tlie  duty— hoih 
wliieli  exponditiirei*  wonid  fnl)  with  n  repcnl  of  Uie  dnty ; 
wlilch  repeal,  therefore,  enn  cause  no  eonstderHtdc  rertnellon 
of  the  revemio.  Halt  is  u  necessary  of  life,  and  should  be  as 
free  from  tax  as  air  or  water.  It  is  used  in  Inrsc  quantilien 
hy  the  fanner  and  planter ;  nnd  to  the  poor  tins  tax  operates 
most  oppressively,  not  only  in  lite  nsi-  of  the  article  itself, 
but  SB  combined  with  salte<i  provisions.'' 

I  ask  the  commitlen  if  they  will  retain  this  op- 
pressive tax  upon  the  poor  ?  I  hope  they  will  not; 
but,  as  to  them,  the  matter  is  submitted.  I  will 
not  at  present  pursue  it  further,  but  turn  to  another 
subject.  This  bill  is  to  pass,  with  or  without 
amendmenta.  I  understand  it  has  been  so  decreed, 
and,  but  for  the  peculiarity  of  the  situation  in 
which  I  find  myself,  I  should  refrain  from  troub- 
ling the  Senate  with  any  remarks  upon  its  general 
principles.  That  peculiarity  consists  in  this:  I 
apprehend  I  shall  find  myself  constrained  by  in- 
structions to  vote  for  a  measure  not  sanctioned  by 
my  indivi'lual  opinion,  and  one  to  which  my  judg- 
ment cannot  give  an  approving  assent.  But  1  feel 
and  know  I  am  not  here  to  give  my  opinions,  nnd 
to  carry  out  my  wishes  by  votes  upon  questions 
of  mere  expediency,  when  those  opinions  and 
wishes  may  happen  to  conflict  with  tlie  opinions 
and  wishes  of  those  I  have  the  honor  lo  represent. 
I  must  represent  them,  nnd  not  myself,  in  order  to 
be  faithful  to  the  trust  reposed  in  me.  Upon  this 
bill  I  am  not  at  liberty  to  disregard  their  will,  and 
that  will  I  think  I  know.  I  shall  enter  into  no  dis- 
cussion of  the  right  of  instruction,  or  the  duty  of 
obedience,  but  upon  them  content  myself  with  the 
single  remark  that  my  opinions  have  been  made 
known  to  my  constituents  again  and  again,  with 
the  reasons  for  them.  Those  reasons,  however, 
have  not  wrought  the  conviction  on  the  mind  of 

I  my  State  which  they  had  on  my  own.    Upon  the 

'■  subject  of  the  tariff  my  opinions  remain  unchanged ; 

j  but  I  have  not  the  pleasure  of  finding  them  con- 
curred ill  by  an  apparent  majority  of  my  constitu- 
ents. They  have  decided  upon  what  they  think 
best  for  themaelves;  have  expressed  to  me  their 
wishes;  and  I  feel  no  disposition  to  interpose  in 
the  form  of  a  vote  my  opinions,  either  to  set  at 

'  naught  their  instructions,  or  to  hinder  them  from 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


11C3 


29th  Cono IST  SeB8. 


receiving  thoae  or  experience.  When  I  ahnll  vote 
for  tliiH  fiill,  I  «hnll  only  ilnao  with  n  sincere  wish 
that  my  apprehensions  of  tlie  mischiefs  to  grow 
out  of  It  may  prove  grniindlesM,  and  tliiit  my  con- 
stituents shall  have  jml^eil  rij;htlyi  and  I  wrong. 
In  lhat«venl,a  parlici|)ntnr  in  (he  licnefiis ensuing, 
I  change  my  present  opinions.  Let  (he  Aiture, 
however,  bn  as  it  may,  just  now  their  will  must 
stand  for  mine;  ond,  in  tlio  vote  I  shall  give,  it 
shall  be  my  pur|ioKo  to  express  their  opinions  and 
wishes,  not  my  own.  If  my  vote  shall  [xuia  the 
bill,  I  disclaim  all  responsibility  for  the  conse- 
quences; that,  the  Lvgitilninrc  of  my  Slate  have 
assumed,  I  make  this  disclaimer,  because  I  fear 
(hat  if  (his  bill  pass  into  a  law  it  will  curtail  the 
revenue  of  the  country,  creating  n  nulional  debt, 
cither  to  remain  as  a  burden  upon  posterity,  or  to 
be  discharged  by  direct  inxes.  It  is  true,  we  are 
told  it  will  increase  the  revenue;  this  I  do  not  be- 
lieve: but  let  experience  decide  that  doubt.  lam 
«ure  it  will  very  needlessly  destroy  protection — a 
consummiitinn  not  desired  by  me;  nnd  that  it  will 
injure  the  mechanical  nnd  industrial  pursuits  of 
(he  country,  by  inviting  foreign  competiticin,  and 
rewarding  foreign  labor.  It  will  diminish  the  home 
market  for  a'riciiltiirnl  products,  ond  by  lessening 
(he  demand  diminish  ihe  price  of  all  that  the  farm- 
er's labor  is  directed  upon.  This  it  will  do,  too, 
without  any  cones(K)nding  benefit  to  othtr  hrapch- 
€8  of  industry,  throwing  nn  increased  burden  upon 
(he  diminished  means  of  nil  who  work.  This  is 
not  all:  it  will  do  more.  It'will  contract  the  labor 
of  the  country  into  fewer  pursuits,  and  mainly  into 
(hat  of  agriculture,  now  already  overdone.  The 
(ncclmnics  of  this  country  will,  by  the  necessity  of 
procuring  subsistence,  be  driven  from  their  shops 
(0  farms,  to  become  tenants  to  heartless  landlords; 
or  Ihey  must  seek  a  home  in  the  wilderness,  where 
lands  are  cheap.  Meantime,  the  domestic  arts, 
which  they  now  exercise,  are  to  ceose,  and  their 
places  to  l>c  supplied  by  those  of  the  occupants  of 
(he  workshops  of  Europe.  Our  niechnuics,  now 
producers  and  venders,  will  bo  mndc  consumers 
and  purchasers,  with  their  menus  of  purchase  token 
from  them,  and  with  the  cold  and  unwelcome  re- 
coinmeiK'ulion  to  change  their  pursuits.  Such  a 
course  of  policy  must  lend  to  diminish  national 
weallhi  by  cramping  individiuil  prosperity;  to  im- 
pair iiaUiMial  independence,  by  crcnMng  individual 
dependence  upon  foreign  labor  for  necessary  sup- 
plies. I  believe  such  will  be  some  of  the  effects 
of  the  bill  before  you;  but  in  this  my  Legislature 
has  told  me  that  1  am  wrong;  nnd  it  is  a  matter 
about  which  they  Imvo  a  right  to  judge.  In  this 
instance  they  may  be  right;  nnd  yet  I  presume  no 
one  will  deny  that  it  is  the  policy  of  every  well- 
regulated  society  to  stimulate  the  productive  in- 
dustry of  the  country.  How  is  this  best  done? 
Certainly  by  rewarding  labor.  How,  when,  and 
where  is  labor  best  rewarded  ?  Tlie  answer  is, 
when  nnd  where  there  is  a  proper  division  nnd  dis- 
distribution  of  it  to  the  dilfercnt  pursuits  of  life. 
This  division  is  now,  and  may  always  be,  encour- 
aged by  a  judicious  tarilT of  duties,  with  proper 
discriminations  within  a  suitable  revenue  limit. 
This  bill  does  not  tend  to  such  a  division,  but  to 
discourage  certain  pursuits  by  discriminations  not 
in  their  luvor  but  against  them,  such  as  taxing  the 
raw  material  higher  than  the  manufactured  nrli- 
cle.  In  such  cases  it  ia  manifest  that  not  the  ma- 
terial but  the  manufacture  will  be  imported,  and 
that  the  necessary  labor  will  be  performed  by  for- 
eigners— labor  for  which  we  must  pay,  and  sulTer 
our  own  to  be  put  out  of  employment.  Such  a 
course  must  necessarily  divert  and  contract  the 
labor  of  this  country,  and,  at  the  same  lime,  not  at 
all  lessen  the  burden  of  taxation  to  the  consumer: 
for,  if  he  buys  cheaper,  he  must  buy  more  to  make 
up  the  necessary  amount  of  revenue,  or  else  he 
must  bring  upon  himself  direct  taxes.  This 
increased  consumption  will  be  but  nn  increased 
demand  ond  employniejit  of  foreign  labor.  That 
will  increase  as  ours  diminishes;  niid  in  every  point 
of  view  the  balance  will  be  against  us.  As  the 
foreigner  grows  rich  we  must  grow  poor:  for  he 
produces  and  sells,  we  buy  nnd  consume;  and  I 
eave  it  to  others  to  decide  how  long  our  means 
for  all  this  will  last,  nnd  to  describe  our  condition 
when  they  are  gone. 

I  am  by  no  means  nmuitious  of  having  the  chor- 
ncter  of  a  prophet,  much  less  to  be  considered  an 
alarmist;  but  will  now  venture  the  prediction,  that 

73 


The  Tariff — Mr.  Jarnagin. 

after  thia  bill  pauei,  and  even  during;  (he  first  year 
of  its  fiscal  existence,  the  agrlcultu"al  products  of 
the  West,  and  among  them  wheat,  corn,  pork,  nnd 
beef,  notwithstanding  the  increased  demand  occa- 
sioned by  the  war  w'ith  Mexico,  will  hardly  be 
able  to  maintain  their  present  prices;  (ha(  store 
goods  will  be  had  on  nn  betterterms  than  at  present; 
and  that  wo  of  the  West  will  gain  nothing  by  the^ 
change  from  the  Northern  to  the  Sou(hcfn  system,' 
except,  probably,  increased  burdens  from  this  un- 
tried theory  and  visionary  experiment  of  the  South. 
We  liave  fiecn  told  to  beware  of  the  rich  manufac- 
turer of  the  North,  of  whom  we  hove  lieen  made 
somewhat  jealous ;  and  now  we  are  about  to  be 
hande<l  over  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the  cotton 
planters  of  our  own  country,  md  the  rich  manu- 
facturers of  Europe.  These  arc  now  to  fix  the 
value  of  our  agricultural  products.  Do  these  evils 
come  upon  us  for  n  want  of  power  in  Congress  to 
protect  nnd  encourage  home  labor  ?  Certainly  not. 
That  Congress  possesses  the  power  and  right  in 
laying  duties  upon  inipnrls,  to  protect  domestic 
manufactures  and  to  encourage  linme  industry,  I 
do  not  doubt.  The  power  has  been  surrendered 
by  the  States,  and  if  Congress  have  it  not  it  exists 


New  Series No.  73. 

tnn  much  Inlxir  emplnyid  In  nurlrulture,  nnd  IhnI  the  rlinn- 
nela  ftir  Istior  ihould  lio  iniilll|illed }  Cr>minnii  >eiue  pnlnia 
niit  at  niici-  ilin  rrmi'dy.  Draw  trnni  ngriciiltiiro  till*  >iiper- 
ablindnnt  Inlmr,  niiinlny  it  in  ineehlinUiii  aiitl  iiianurtictiircfs 
Ihrrt-by  cn^iuinR  n  linme  mnrket  for  yniir  hr('nil,«lii(l>,  niiri 
dlKlrttiuliliK  lalior  (o  (ho  m»i<(  prnlllsbln  ncrnunt,  nnd  ta-neflla 
to  tlif  rntin(ry  will  rcNiili.  'I'likc  Oniii  acririiltiirfl.  In  (lin 
(United  HtatcM,  nix  luiiMlrcd  thniimiid  inrn,  wonnm  nn4  rliH- 
drcn.  nnd  yon  will  nt  nnco  givn  a  homo  niarkct  (hr  ninre 
brondHliitrrt  tlian  all  Kiimpo  now  furiiUhrN  um.  Io  ohnrt,  ftIr, 
wi^  linvo  hccn  1ik»  long  nubjcct  to  (ho  Rritiith  merchants.  It 
ii*  titiiu  wo  Nhoidd  heronto  a  liltio  nioro  AinKrlc:iniX)>d;  and, 
fRHii-nd  fli'  focdjns  (ho  pnii|u'ri*  ni'  Knglaud,  ffod  our  own,ur 
elM>,  III  a  Hhor(  lliut-,  hy  conliiminiioiir  proient  policy,  w« 
■bnll  all  bu  roiidi^n'd  paupcra  outm-Ivch." 

Now,  let  mo  ask  if  (ho  tendency  of  the  bill  be- 
fore you  is  to  draw  from  ngricultiiro  any  portion 
of  Innor?  Or  dues  any  one  sup|>ose  such  will  be 
itsedecls?  No,  sir;  it  is  to  drive  labor  (o  it,  by 
encouraging  foreign  manufacturers — by  opening  to 
them  n  market  for  their  products,  and  by  displacing 
an  eipial  amount  of  our  own.  Will  not  such  a 
stain  of  things  increasn  our  dependence  upon 
British  merchants.'  Surely  it  will.  And  what 
arc  we  now  expected  to  do  ?  What  but  to  becomo 
Ainericnni?.ed  by  feeding  the  imupers  of  Kngland, 
and  making  paupers  of  our  own  people,  by  a 
;  direct  return  to  the  policy  condemned  by  Qcneral 


nowhere.    That  it  does  not  exist,  or  that  it  has   j  Jnckton  in  1824.'    Why  not  adhere,  for  the  pre 


been,  by  accident  or  design,  extinguished,  but 
few,  I  presume,  can  be  found  bold  enough  to  af- 
firm. I  believe  Congress  has  the  power,  and  that 
its  exercise  is  a  dutr.  Such  would  seem  to  have 
been  the  iininion  of  the  first  Congress  convened 
under  the  Federal  Constitution. 


sent,  to  our  present  tarifi"  system  ?  It  has  yielded 
us  an  i.bundaiit  revenue,  hainitimulated  the  produc- 
tive industry  of  our  country,  and  shown  itself 
safe  nnd  reliable.  Under  it  we  have  passed  from 
depression  and  wniil  to  national  prosperity  nnd 
happiness.     I  must  be  permittejl  liero  to  express 


In  the  preamble  to  the  first  tariff  act  passed,  the  |:  my  regret  that  it  hos  been  thought  necessary  or 
existenceof  the  power  is  avowed,  and  Us  exer(^ise  '  proper  now  to  interfere  with  it,  in  n  time  of  war, 
declared  to  bo  necessary,  in  the  following  words:  particularly  as  such  interference  has  been  made  to 
"ItimirMiinnirortlioi'iipponofihoOnvcrnincnt,  fortho  I  assume  a  p.nrty  character.  No  pirty  question 
diwlinrRo  of  tlK/dfbtft  of  ilic  United  PlalcH,  nnd  tlic  r»(conr-  i  should  ever  be  raised  upon  n  tariff  of  duties.  It 
afcment  and  prolcaim  of  muniirnctiire.,  IhnI  duties  bo  luid  ',  should  be  viewed  and  considered  as  it  is,  a  nation- 
al matter,  upon  which  none  but  national  questions 
should  arise.  Indeed,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  it 
cnn,  with  any  pmpriety,  bo  made  to  involve  any 
of  the  principles  or  measures  of  mere  party;  and 
.  yet  (he  present  is  truly  a  party  contest,  and  one 
li  into  which  I  do  not  intend  to  enter,  inasmuch  as 
" Congress  hn«  ripcntcdly, nnd  not  without  nuceesii, di-  I  do  not  inteiul  to  take  any  part  of  the  responsi- 
reclod  tlioir  attention  to iho mmiirnenncM*  ofninnnftiitiirrii.  ;  1,11;,,,  silll  ii  niov  iini  bp  out  nf  iihice  for  me  to 
The  ol>Jcct  f« of  (00  much  oonsMiurnro  imt  u>  diKcrvn  n  """>  •  '?""'  "■  ""'X  ""  »<"•  ""'  o"  P'"'^'^  ""  ""'  •" 
conliiuiiincc  of  Uicir  efforts  iu  every  wny  wliicli  shall  ap-  suggest  that  we  would  nil  do  well  to  take  counsel 
pear  eliglldc."  from  a  sense  of  nntionol  honor  and  interest  rather 

Now,  at  this  late  day,  perhaps  from  belter  lights  :   '!""<  "'«  expediency  of  mere  party  success, 
derived  from  the  improvementn  and  advances  of        •  ennnot  refrain  from  exprcssnig  my  most  de- 
the  age,  we  are  told  this  policy  is  all  wrong,  and  ■'  ''-"'e'l  conviction   that  it  would  have  been  wisest 


on  gnAdx,  wnrofl,  nnd  inorchandiHe  ini{K>rt(rd." 

To  this  1  yield  my  assent,  nnd  think  protection 
not  the  least  because  it  happens  to  be  the  last  enu-  , 
ineratcd.     Soon  nfler  this  Government  went  into  I 
operation,  in  one  of  his  communications.  General  j 
Washington  said: 


fe 


ought  to  be  abandoned,  and //in/,  not  for  n  nntionni 
but  a  sectional  reason.     Indeed,  a  reason  of  a  na- 
tional character  would  be  haid  to  find,  and  I  have  ; 
heard  none  such  assigned.    All  the  Presidents  we  i 
have  had,  with  the  exception  of  the  present,  nnd 
perhaps  one  other,  agreed  with  General  Washing-  ' 
ton.     In  183U  General  Jackson  said: 

"The  power  In  intpose  duties  oriirinndy  hrinnerd  10  the 
»cvernl  Sintcfl.    Tiie  riglit  to  adjust  dulii'«,"ui7/i  u  r-ieirlollic 
cnfoitrutiem<^nt  of  domcstir  trrttncltct  of  iinttislrii,  is  fin  com-  J  ■ 
pleloly  incident  to  Uint  i>nwf!r  that  it  ii  difticuU'to  suppose  , 
the  cxistonco  of  the  ono  vvitliout  tlie  otiicr." 

I  refer,  Mr.  President,  with  pleasure  to  your  _ 
testimony  on  this  subject,  nnd  in  favor  of  protec- 
tion.    In  1832  you  said  of  it,  in  this  Chamber: 

"Its  foundation  is  (lie  broad  and  iniprognahle  prinripte  of  ', 
nitional  inirprnilencc,  and  ils  ohjoct  and  tendency  nn'.  to  ' : 
give  to  tllo  American  people,  thn  entire  people,  tile  people  ■; 
as  a  mass  and  in  detail,  eniploynioiits  of  their  own,  slrengtll  1 
of  their  own.  and  iiappiness  of  (heir  own,  wliieli  cnitnnt  bo  | 
injuriously  afll-etcd  in  war  or  pence,  tlirongh  stralagcin  or 
design,  iiy  any  other  people."  | 

You  cited,  OS  proof,  a  declaration  mndc  in  ihc  , 
British  Parliament,  in  1711):  "That  the  creating  |: 
'manufactories  in  the  colonics  tended  to  lessen  ;i 
'  their  dependence  on  Great  Britain."  I  hope  you  ;' 
think  now  as  you  did  then,  nnd  that  party  alliances 
have  not  changed  your  opinions  upon  n  "broad  . 
and  impregnable  principle  of  national  independ- 
ence." In  what  you  then  said,  you  but  followed 
tholeadof  General  Jackson,  and  repented  the  prin-  : 
cinles  upon  which  he  came  into  power,  and  upon  ; 
wliich  he  was  so  zealously  supported  in  Pcnnsyl-  ' 
vania  and  in  the  West.  In  1824  he  told  us  it  was  i 
necessary  to  change  our  then  policy.  How  change  '  i 
it?  By  reducing  duties  on  imports,  nnd  intro-  j 
ducing free  trade.*  Not  at  all.  Such  were  not  his  |l 
views.    But  let  him  speak  for  himself.    He  said:   |; 


and  safest  to  let  the  tariff  of  1842,  with  all  its  ad- 
mitted defects,  (to  which  our  several  branches  of 
iiidusiry  hod  conformed,)  remain  undisturbed  for 
the  pi-esent.  Those  having  the  power  have  deter- 
mined otherwise;  nnd  we  ore  destined,  I  fear,  to 
be  put  upon,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  a  doubtful 
and  untried  experiment,  without  sufficient  cause, 
and  without  n  proper  regard  for  the  proboble  con- 
sc(|ueiicefi.  It  seems  we  hove  profited  so  little  by 
the  lessons  of  experience,  that  we  have  yet  to 
lenrn  that  "  frequent  legislation  in  regard  to  any 
'  branch  of  industry,  affecting  its  viiluc,  and  by 
'  which  its  capital  may  he  transferred  to  new  chnn- 
'  nels,  must  always  be  productive  of  hazardous 
'speculation  and  loss."  Such,  I  think,  will  be 
the  cfl'ects  of  this  bill,  if  pa.ssed  into  a  law  in  ils 
present  form. 

Such  are,  in  my  opinion,  the  legitimate  nnd 
natural  fruits  of  its  principles,  and  to  them  I  have 
purposely  confined  my  remarks,  although  I  nm 
persuaded  its  details  me,  in  many  particulars, 
liighlv  objectionable.  I  will  further  remark  that, 
in  adjilion  to  the  reasons  already  assigned,  (which 
would  nt  all  times,  when  left  at  liberty,  induce  me 
to  sustain  the  general  principles  of  policy  upon 
which  the  tniift'  of  1842  is  founded,)  I  nm  not 
i;:norant  of  the  present  financial  necessities  of  the 
Government,  growing  out  of  the  Mexican  wor. 
These,  if  my  opinions  be  well  founded,  ought  ttj 
be  conclusive  with  every  statesman  against  the 
measure  now  before  the  Senate;  but  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  Tennessee  Legisloture  have  no  con- 
dition, nor  do  they  look  to  any  contingencies  of 
time  or  circumstances.  They  arc  positive  and  im- 
perative; and,  if  now  forced  to  vote  upon  this  bill,  I 
shall  submit  my  individual  fate  to  their  influence, 
by  following  theirdirection,  and  casting  the  respon- 


"I  will  ask,  what  is  the  real  situation  of  our  ngricnlnir-  I'  sibility  upon  those  who  thought  proper  to  give  in- 
Ists  I    Where  has  the  American  fariner  a  niarkol  for  his  sur-  j  i  atnictions— whose  right  to  do  so  I  do  not  deny. 
Sor"a^rorn?i.,aS,'e"t!''D^,"r'th'i;f  Xru'prre,";';;?"  :l    ,  I  franldy  admit  tlfat,  if  left  at  liberty  to  fallow 
(tiers  in  no  market  either  at  home  or  abroad,  that  there  1«  H  the  convictions  of  my  own  mind,  I  should  not  vote 


ill 


1154 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  28, 


89rH  CoNO l8T  Sess. 


New  Pottage  Bill — Mr.  Thomation. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


for  nny  such  bill  aa  ihia;  but  it  haa  picaaod  the 
members  of  the  L«|^iilalure  or  my  Slate  not  lo  to 
Icnvo  me;  and  while  I  occupy  a  rcpreasnlntivo 
character,  I  aball  not  be  guilty  of  the  presump- 
tion, nnd  I  may  add  folly,  of  setliiif  up  my  opin- 
ion in  opposition  to  theirs,  formetl  u|H)n  mature 
dcliiwralion  on  facts  as  well  known  to  Ihem  as  to 
Die,  and  upon  a  question  only  of  policy  and  expe- 
diency; and  when  I  shall  S|H!ak  tneir  will,  I  hope 
they  will  not  hold  me  responsible  for  the  consc- 

auences  of  the  vole,  as  I  lake  none  of  the  merit  if 
le  measure  proves  good  nnd  salutary — that  vote 
having  been  K'vcn  under  their  instruction  nnd 
against  my  judgment. 

The  prmriplcs  of  the  meaBuro  now  before  you 
have  been  disciisned  in  Tennessee  for  more  than 
twenty  years,  with  varying  success;  they  have 
onlered  into  every  political  ciinvnss,  more  or  less, 
for  that  length  of  time;  and  one  would  suppose,  at 
this  day,  ought  to  be  well  understood:  whether  I 
understood  or  not,  I  may  Jafcly  any  that  the  re- 
spective opinions  of  pnrlie.i  nre  long  since  made 
up,  nnd  ciiii  bo  changed  only  by  the  liglils  of  ex-  i 
perience.     I    believe  such  experience   easenlinlly 
necessnry  to  bring  this  country  to  a  permanent  ! 
system  of  tariff  policy.     All  ndmit  that  the  public  | 
welfare   requires   it  ^oiild  be   permanent.     The 
principles  to  which  rerercnce  bus  been  made  enter-  | 
ed  largely  into  the  last  Presidential  contest.    The  i 
supporters  of  Mr.  Polk  opposed  protection,  and  | 
the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  advocated  it.    The  ques- 
tion was  candidly  made  nnd  fairly  discussed.  The 
people  of  Tennessee  were  ncitlier  deceived  nor  [ 
misled  by  the  Kane  letter,  aa  some  others  pretend 
they  were.     Mr.  Polk  was  known  to  be  opposed 
to  the  tariff  act  of  1842,  nnd  to  the  principle  of ; 
protection.    The  vote  of  Tennessee  was  cast  for  i 
Mr.  Clay  by  a  small  majority;  but  a  majorily  of  ,| 
the  American  people  decided  otherwise,  and  Mr.  ; 
Polk  was  elected  President  of  the  United  Slates,  to  1 1 
carry  out  the  principles  avowed  by  the  Baltimore  i ! 
Convention  which  nominated  him.    As  a  Senator  ij 
in  the  Congress  of  the  United  Stntcs,  I  shall  heai-  'I 
tftte  long  before  I  will  oppose  the  expressed  wishes  1' 
of  the  American  people  upon  a  question  of  policy  | 
and  expediency.     I  am  not  at  liberty  to  disregard, 
nor  win  I  now  or  at  any  other  time  disregai-d  those  , 
wishes,  so  long  as  this  remains  a  representative  ' 
Government  and  I  occupy  a  representative  charac-   ' 
ter.     The  force,  beauty,  nnd   excellence  of  our 
institiitions  consist  in  a  faithful  representation  of 
the  will  of  the  people,  who  are  seldom  wrong,  and  | 
never  for  a  great  length  of  time,  with  proper  means  | 
of  information  before  them.  1 1 

The  subject  now  under  discussion  is  by  no  jj 
means  new  to  the  people  I  represent.  They  have  , 
expressed  their  opinion  upon  it,  and  have  a  right  : 
to  expect  that  I  will  regard  such  expression.  In  | 
the  August  after  the  Preiidentinl  election,  the  State  ' 
elections  in  Tennessee  came  off,  and  in  them  the  | 
tariff  of  1842  was  discussed,  and  the  question  of  ' 
protection  or  no  protection  fVirther  than  as  n  con-  ! 
sequence  of  duties,  was  made.  The  result  was,  i 
that  the  Democrats  carried  a  majority  in  each  j 
branch  of  the  Legislature  equally  opposed  to  the  i 
principle  of  protection  nnd  to  the  tnrifi  of  1842.  As  j 
might  be  reasonably  expected,  Ihi.s  majority  was  } 
desirous  of  having  their  views  carried  out  in  Con-  . 
gress,  and  could  not,  or  did  not,  fail  to  turn  their  '• 
ntlention  to  one  of  the  great  questions  upon  which  ' 
they  came  into  power.  Speaking  for  the  Sinie  of 
Tennessee,  and  in  the  name  of  the  State,  to  their  ! 
Senators  in  Congress,  they  agreed  upon  the  fol-  I 
lowing  resolution,  expressing  the  opniion  of  the  ; 
Slate  they  represented,  and  transmitted  it  tome,  | 
BS  one  of  their  Senotors,  for  my  information  nnd 
guide: 

"  JlMu/rcrf,  Tlist  our  Si-nntors  in  CnnjresH  he  inalriictiri,  ; 
nnil  our  KcprfHontativct^  rp(|iii»slp(l,  to  ii«i' ttii-ir  briil  rxcr-  . 
lion«  m  to  modify  the  tnrirt'of  IMa  as  lo  riiliicf  tli(!  dullcH  ! 
it  impojod  lo  a  rsveniie  atandnrd,  and  lo  nkoli«h  ilie  mini- 
milins  and  FpeciHr  duties,  and  to  rtitahlifih  in  Ihrir  jilncf*  ad  i 
valorem  duuea,  a"  the  most  fair  and  ci|iiitnblc  mode  of  lay- 
ing K  lax  nn  iniporta." 

The  bill  now  before  you  is,  in  principle,  of  the 
character  described,  and  in  snch  principle  meets 
the  views  of  my  people,  if  they  were  faithfully  , 
represented  in  the  Legislature  of  my  State;  and 
that  I  am  not  nt  liberty  to  question  or  deny. 
Bound  tq  take  the  flict  as  represented,  I  will  not  be  i 
the  instrument  in  disappointing  their  wishes.    It   ; 
is  true  my  instriictionn  were  given  in  contempln-  |i 
tion  ofa  state  of  peace;  but  the  principles  involved  ^'' 


are  not  at  all  changed  by  a  ilala  of  war.  Their 
eorreclnesa  or  incorrectness  does  not  depend  upon 
nny  such  contingencies;  and  vet  I  do  not  f^el 
bound  to  lake  any  and  every  hill,  just  as  present- 
ed, containing  such  ernrral  principles,  without  any 
effort  to  amend;  and  shall  therefore  vote  for  tin- 
motion  of  the  Senator  from  Delaware,  satisfied,  as 
I  am,  if  this  bill  were  presented  to  the  people  of 
Tennessee,  their  patriotism  would  decide  that  I 
ought  lo  vote  BO  to  amend  it  as  to  raise  revenue 
enough  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  war,  to  preserve 
the  credit  of  the  Government,  and  to  pay  the  army 
and  navy.  If  I  fail  in  getting  the  amendments  I 
desire,  and  the  question  comes  between  the  prin- 
ciples of  this  bill  and  that  of  1H49, 1  shall  vote  for 
this  in  obedience  to  my  instriiciions.  The  leading 
men  of  all  political  parties  in  Tennessee  have  re- 
peatedly avowed,  sanctioned,  nnd  ncted  upon  the 
right  of  instruction,  nnd  have  nil  insiRted  upon  the 
duty  of  obedience  in  the  repreaentntive.  It  is  right 
in  Irsclf,  nside  from  such  high  sanction,  nnd  I  do 
not  think  this  the  proper  occasion,  if  it  be  possible 
for  snch  to  arise,  for  me  lo  nssnme  or  lanke  the 
experiment  of  a  new  principle  not  snnclioned  by 
any  parly  in  Tennessee.  With  Ibis  frniik  indica- 
tion of  my  ultimate  purpose,  I  shall  vote  for  the 
motion  now  made. 


NEW  POSTAQE  BILL. 
REMARKS  OF  IvTp.  THOMASSON, 

OP  KENTUCKY, 

In  the  HoimE  of  RErnESENTATivei, 

My  28,  184G. 

The  Bill  reported  liy  the  Committee  on  the  Post 

Office  and  Post  Ronrts  being  under  consideiation 

in  Committee  of  the  Whole — 

Mr.  THOMASSON  snid,  that,  ns  n  member  of 
the  Committee  on  the  Post  Office  nnd  Post  Roads, 
he  diffeivd  from  the  majority,  who  hnd  prepared 
and  reported  the  bill  now  under  r.on.-.idcration,  and 
had  draughted  what  he  intended,  at  the  p;oper 
time,  to  offer  as  a  substitute.  But  there  was  such 
noise  and  confusion  in  the  hall  when  his  proposi- 
tion was  received  and  ordered  to  he  printed,  thai 
the  Clerk  had  made  a  mistake,  and  entitled  it  a  bill 
reported  by  the  committee. 

In  the  conaiderniion  which  he  had  given  the  sub- 
ject, he  felt  that  it  was  important,  in  an  economi-, 
cal  point  of  view,  that  the  Post  Office  Department 
should  sustain  itself.     But  it  was  of  for  more  im- 
portance that  it  should  be  ninde  lo  give  salisfhclion 
in  mail  facilities,  and  that  it  should  be  made  the  ji 
means  ofdiffusing  information  generally  through  the  |l 
community,  even  though  it  should  require  appro-  h 
priations  from  the  treasury  for  a  lime  to  sustain  it.  i 

The  present  law  fails  to  give  the  satisfaction  so  li 
desirable.  "  We  of  the  West"  (said  Mr.  T.)  think 
the  discrimination  of  five  nnd  ten  cents  is  unequal, 
nnd,  consequently,  iiiiiuBl;  for,  fVom  the  interior 
points,  from  which  shipments  of  our  surplus  nre 
made  to  the  commercial  emporiums,  whence  they 
are  carried  for  foreign  exportation,  ihc  distance  is 
over  three  hundred  miles;  consequently,  we  nro 
taxed  ten  cents  postage  on  all  our  letters,  whilst 
our  fellow-citizens  east  of  the  mountains  nre  gen- 
ernlly  within  less  than  three  hundred  miles,  and 
pay  only  five  cents  postage. 

The  uniform  answer  nt  the  department  touching 
the  cost  of  iransporlntion  is,  that  the  distance  a  let- 
ter has  to  be  carrii^d  is  of  so  little  consequence  as 
not  to  be  included  in  an  estimate.     It  is  the  hand- 
ling, making  the  entries  in  the  book  and  wny-bill, 
nnd  hnmlling  ngain  on  delivery,  that  give  the  trou- 
ble, and  chiefly  for  which  postage  is  necessarily 
imposed.    It  is  of  little  consequence,  so  far  a.s  these 
operations  nre  concerned,  whether  a  letter  is  to  be 
carried  five  or  five  thousand  miles.     And  now,  in-  i 
stead  of  relieving  us  from   this  unequal  Uixation,  | 
the  committee  propose  a  bill  which  increases  the  '■ 
evil  fifty  per  cent.,  making  us  pay  fifteen  cents  post-  i 
age  on  letters  over  six  hundred  miles.  ; 

(Mr.  Hopkins   remarked  that,  by  direction  of! 
the  committee,  he  stiould  move  to  amend  the  bill 
by  striking  out  this  provision.] 

Mr.   T.   expressed   himself  gratified    that  Ihc  ' 
chairman  of  the  committee  intended  to  make  such  j 
a  motion,  for  it  would  be  seen,  by  glancing  over 
the  map,  that  the  limit  of  six  hunilred  miles  is  but 
A  span,  compared  with  the  length  of  the  river  Mis-  ' 


sisaippi  nnd  its  magnificent  Iribulnries.  It  would, 
indeed,  be  unwelcome  news  to  those  who  expect 
the  post  office  law  lo  be  amended  so  as  to  hare  one 
regular  mte  of  postage,  to  learn,  that  instead  of 
redressing  what  they  esteen,  a  itricvance,  it  was  to 
be  augmented  fifty  per  cent.  We  should  feel  that 
we  were  paying  three  times  ai  much  posinge  as  our 
eastern  brethren. 

In  speaking  thus  upon  the  subject  of  postage.  It 
has  been  said  that  we  in  the  West  shnultl  not  com- 
plain, because  the  western  Sinlcs  nro  generally  a 
lax  upon  the  departmiiit.  This  may  be  true  to 
some  extent;  and  yet  it  is  doubiful  whether  the 
Slates  cast  of  the  mountains  would,  if  cut  off  from 
all  communication  with  the  West,  have  the  same 
mail  facilities  they  now  enjoy,  at  the  present  rale 
of  postttgJ.  It  is,  however,  immaterial  how  this 
might  be,  for  it  was  evident  that  it  was  no  sec- 
tional or  clannish  feeling  that  prompted  the  pn»- 
sageof  the  present  law;  and  it  is  not  doubted  that 
the  meml)ers  from  the  old  Slates  would  be  as  ready 
lo  amend  as  those  of  the  West,  if  convinced  of  the 
inequnlilv. 

We  of  the  West  do  not  complain  that  they  who 
pay  liberally  to  sustain  the  mail,  should  enjoy 
every  possible  convenience  nnd  facility  from  it; 
nnd  It  IS  curious  to  one  located  here  to  observe  the 
liifTerence  between  the  East  nnd  the  West  in  point 
of  advantages.  There  are  two  mails  n  day  regu- 
larly from  this  city  lo  the  eastern  cities,  nnd  every 
city,  town,  linmlct,  cross-rond,  nnd  country  Hlore, 
wiih  few  exceptions,  hns  a  daily  mail,  and  if  a  few 
hours  pass  without  its  regular  delivery,  public  ex- 
pectation seems  lo  be  outraged,  nnd  refuses  lo  bo 
apiiensed  without  a  sufficient  reason  for  the  delay 
nnd  pninisc  of  reformation;  but  with  us  in  the 
West  your  post-coaches  (like  a  truant  schoolboy 
who  carries  in  his  pocket  the  -AriUMi  evidence  from 
his  parent  of  his  delinquenc)  )  move  slowly  nnd 
apparentV  grudgingly  on,  burdened  with  com- 
plaints of  irregularities  and  failures. 

From  the  time  the  intended  substitute  was  print- 
ed, it  hns  been  undergoinu;caref\il  examinalion  nnd 
amendment,  so  as  to  conform  ns  ncnr  ns  may  be  to 
the  better  opinion  of  members  of  the  House  and 
public  expectation.  And  it  is  proposed  to  coiilrasl 
the  substitute  willi  the  committee's  bill.  If  the 
latter  be  amended  na  suggested  by  the  chairman,  it 
will  leave  the  postage  on  letters  where  it  now  is, 
except  that  the  weight  of  letteis  subject  to  single 
postage  is  changed  to  one-fourth  of  an  ounce,  nnd 
to  double  postage  on  increased  weight  except 
where  it  is  a  single  sheet.  The  substitute  pro- 
poses five  cents  as  the  uniform  rate  of  postage, 
without  regard  to  distance,  nnd  for  the  quarter  of 
an  ounce  weight;  nnd  double  postage  for  double 
weight.  Now,  the  first  inquiry  with  gentlemen 
is,  Wilt  the  five  cent  postage  sustain  the  depart- 
ment? Some  of  the  best  informed  gentlemen  at- 
tached to  the  department,  and  who  have  been  years 
in  its  service,  are  of  opinion  that,  without  doubt, 
if  the  Government  shall  pay  J!i75,000  or  f  100,000 
per  quarter  for  the  free  matter  sent  through  the 
mail,  then  a  regular  postoge  of  five  cents,  if  pre- 
paid, would  be  amply  sufficient  lo  carry  on  the 
business  of  the  depnrtment  on  its  own  account, 
from  the  moment  it  may  be  adopted;  and  they 
incline  to  the  opinion  that  it  will  be  sufficient  in  a 
short  time  without  the  requirement  of  pre-pnyment. 
Some  speak  confidently  that  if  the  uniform  rate  of 
five  cents  is  now  adopted,  it  may  in  three  or  four 
years  be  reduced  lo  three  cents  upon  pre-payment, 
and  five  cents  on  delivery. 

The  following  stnlement,  which  hns  been  knidly 
fiirnished  at  the  department,  goes  far  to  strengthen 
these  opinions.  It  is  a  stulnment  of  the  actual 
proceeds  of  postage  for  three  nnnrlers,  under  the 
old  law,  the  latter  including  bold  the  share  to  po.st- 
masiers  allowed  as  extra  compi  r,.-iation,and  the  net 
share  to  the  Government  crcdilcd  as  revenue: 

Under  old  law — 
Third  quarter,  1814. . .  .«l712,0.W  2.5 


Fourth 
First 


do 
do 


1844. 
1845. 


792,074  29 
787,714  2.3 


Under  new  law — 
Third  quarter,  184.5. , 
Fourth     do       1845. 
First       do      1846. , 


52,221,845  77 


.  .4525,!I,S7  Ofi 
. .  542,2fi3  92 
. .  603,ti3«  27 


-|1 ,671,737  25 
$55()J0852 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1166 


S9th  CoNf) Ibt  Srss. 


ne  Tafiff—Mr.  J.  G.  Chnprnau. 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


The  dcrond  qnnrtrr  of  lfi46  in  not  cnmplote, 
which  nliine  in  tno  rrniinn  why  it  in  nut  sivrn;  liiit, 
from  •^■limatea,  it  in  hr^lieved  thnt  thn  AillinK  ofT  for 
the  yenr  under  the  new  Inw  would  not  exreed  nevrn 
hundred  Ihnusnnd  dniliira,  if  the  proi-red*  hnd  not 
<n  Ire  dirided  with  (he  |>n«tmn«teni.  Thia  in  n  most 
grntifyin);  result,  when  it  ia  recollected  whnt  wnn 
snid  hy  gentlemen  opposed  to  the  jreduction  of  post- 
Bee;  for  the  then  Posimaater  QenernI  himaelF  spoke 
or  (he  deRcit  as  one  nnd  n  half  milliona,  if  not  more, 
whilst  other  gentlemen  were  almoat  equally  dis- 
(ruatful  of  the  change. 

Now,  it  will  he  aeen  upon  cnlciifolion  thnt  the 
ncgregslo  gnin  of  the  Inst  two  given  qnnrlers  over  i 
the  first,  under  the  old  Inw,  is  f>85,674  03,  whilst 
the  Hggregaie  gnin  of  the  Isst  two  given  qunrlers  | 
over  the  first  under  the  new  law  is  #94,036  07,  a  ' 
difference  of  )^,352  05  in  flwnr  of  the  rcdnred  rate  j 
of  postage,  making  a  reasonnblo  nllownnce  for  the  I 
nnlurnl  inrrense  arising  from  increase  of  popula- 
tion; showing  much  to  encourage  the  friends  of 
low  postage  and  the  cheap  diffusion  of  gencrnl  in- 
fr >rmntion.     Indeed,  it  ia  looked  upon  ns  a  sure 
pesage  to  the  fid!  fruition  of  their  most  sangniife  i 
n»pes,  and  t»\\y  warrants  the  cnnchisions  of  the 
gentlemen  of  the  department.    At  the  Inst  lettinga  ' 
of  mail  service  of  two  out  of  the  six  divisions  into 
which  the  Union  is  divided  by  the  department,  the  1 
bids  were  a  third  less  than  nt  nny  former  period.  1 
If  this  deduction  simll  take  place  in  the  other  divis-  ] 
ions,   then   the   five   rents  |ioatnge,  without  any  i 
great  increase  in  the  number  of  letters,  will  besuf-  I 
ficicnt  to  sustain  the  department;  and  it.is  lielioed  i 
the  tnimber  of  letters  will  be  greatly  augmented. 
Tlie  Inll  of  the  committee  proposes  a  tax  of  one 
cent  postage  on  a  newspaper  for  one  hundred  miles, 
and  two  cents  for  nil  greater  distances.    The  aub- 
Blitute  as  amended  proposes  half  these  rates  for  the 
distances  mentioned.  I 

There  is  a  great  diversity  of  opinion,  upon  the  [ 
subject  of  postage  on  newspapers;  for  himself,  | 
(Mr.  T.  said,)  ns  far  as  practicable,  he  was  for  i 
having  them  carried  and  delivered  free  of  postage.  : 
The  strongest  reason  urged  against  it  was,  thnt 
the  postmasters  would  not  care  to  do  their  duty, 
as  there  would  be  no  compensation  for  its  perform- 
ance. Under  this  consideratiio,  and  with  the 
hope  to  make  the  substitute  more  ucceptnble,  the 
feature  for  carrying  and  delivering  newspupers  free 
trf  postage  within  thirty  miles  of  the  place  oi'  pub- 
lication, hue  been  changed  to  n  postage  of  one-h;-'f- 
cent,  equnl  to  twenty-six  cents  per  year  npon  a 
weekly  newspaper  for  one  hundred  miles  and  less. 
It  has  been  ohjerjed  thnt  nineteen  hundred  su- 
perficinl  square  mchci  is  near  the  largest  size  of 
paper  now  made;  and,  ns  the  tax  on  magazines 
and  periodicnls  generally  is  quite  low,  the  sheet 
should  be  somewhat  restricted  in  size.  On  the 
other  hnnd,  the  great  desire  to  encourage  a  general 
taste  for  rending,  seems  to  make  it  impolitic  to  put 
a  restriction  below  the  one  proposed. 

The  two  propositions  differ  essentially  upon  the 
franking  privilege.  Mr.  T.  snid  he  nt  one  time 
wns  opposed  to  the  extension  of  the  franking  priv. 
ilege,  pnrticularly  to  membcrsof  Congress,  but  an 
intelligent  constituent  hnd  in  a  few  words  con- 
vinced him  of  his  error;  nnd  years  of  experience 
now  enabled  him  the  more  clearly  to  sec  the  error. 
It  is  not  in  fact  the  privilege  of  the  member,  but  of 
the  constituency;  and  true  policy  requires  that  the 
channel  of  communication  between  the  represent- 
ative and  constituency  shall  not  be  in  the  least  ob- 
structed, that  there  may  be  no  apology  for  remiss- 
ness or  neglect  of  duty. 

It  is  ndmitlcd,  anil  by  many  much  regretted, 
thnt  the  lepenl  of  the  franking  privilege  to  deputy 
postmasters  has  driven  from  these  public  stations 
u  meritorious  nnd  responsible  cinss  of  men,  who<!C 
places,  in  many  instances,  have  been  supplied  by 
inexperienced  nnd  otherwise  unworthy  persons. 
The  gain  of  postage  to  the  Government  by  making 
deputy  postmasters  pay  since  llie  repeal  of  the 
frnnking  privilege,  must  of  course  be  entirely  con- 
jectural; bi!t,  nt  the  present  reduced  rates,  it  is 
thought  the  amount  from  that  source  does  not  ex- 
ceed, on  an  average,  two  dollars  for  each  post- 
master per  year;  and  some  believe  it  would  not 
exceed  one  dollar  from  each  per  year;  whilst,  under 
the  construction  given  by  the  Postmaster  General 
to  the  act  of  last  Congress,  there  has  been  paid  to 
deputy  postmasters,  for  the  three  first  quarters, 
under  the  new  law,  as  extra  compensation,  fi311,- 


0R4  4fi;  nnd  no  doubt  the  Inst  quarter  is  equnl  to 
either  of  the  three  preceding;  so  ibnt  to  gain  some 
twenty  or  thirty  thousand  dollars,  there  has  been 
paid  out  some  #380,000,  and  perhaps  more.  N/)W, 
the  substitute  corrects  thia  grrni  abuse,  by  resto- 
ring the  frnnking  [Privilege  nnd  fixing  the  commis- 
sions at  what  is  tliought  lobe  liliernl,  discnrding 
nny  extrn  pay  for  night  service.  The  privilege  of 
the  Diembors  of  Congress  to  frank  is  enlarged,  nnd 
it  is  extended  to  suit  changes  in  the  titles  of  some 
of  the  heads  of  the  subordiunle  departments,  and 
restored  to  the  Secrettiry  of  the  Senate  and  Clerk 
of  the  House,  with  aome  limit  as  compared  with 
the  former  grant. 

The  privilege  of  receiving  lellcrs  free  of  postage 
ia  propoacd  to  be  given  to  the  officers,  non-com- 
missioned officers,  musicians,  and  firivntes,  in  the 
nriny  and  navy.  Attention  was  called  to  this  sub- 
ject by  a  letter  from  a  young  nnd  esteemed  constit- 
uent. The  proposition  was  novel,  but  seemed  to 
be  just,  and,  upon  examination,  it  appears  that 
both  Knglnnd  nnd  Frnnce  have,  from  time  to  time, 
mnde  discriniinntions  in  fiivor  of  those  charged 
with  the  defence  of  their  Qovernmenls.  If  like 
favors  are  shown  in  other  countries  to  those  who 
risk  their  lives  and  their  all  only  for  choice  among 
men  which  shnll  rule  them  and  Ihnir  country,  why 
shall  not  our  citizen  eoldiery  (whose  only  superior 
aud  ruler  is  the  concentrated  judtrment  of  his  fel- 
low citizens)  receive  this  mark  of  our  kind  nlten- 
tion  nnd  regard  ?  The  pittnuce  lost  to  the  Gov- 
ernment would  be  counter  balanced  a  hundred  fold 
if  it  tended  to  inspire  the  soldier  with  love  of  coun- 
try, nnd  nerved  his  arm  to  strike  with  fiercer  blow 
the  assnilantof  his  country's  liberty. 

Mr.  T.,  in  conclusion,  said  that,  as  a  member  of 
the  committee,  he  had  devoted  much  time  nnd 
thought  to  the  business  of  llio  dcpnrtment,  and, 
lifter  calm  and  mature  deliberation,  he  was  satisfied 
thnt  low  postage  and  pre-payment  on  lelteri  a;id 
printed  matter,  except  newspapers  nnd  periodicals, 
were  the  true  policy  of  both  the  Government  and 
governed; and  thnt  regnlaity-publisbed  newspapers 
and  periodicals  should  go  from  pujdishers  to  reg- 
ular subscribers  free,  or  with  no  greater  tnx  as 
fiostage  than  will  ensure  the  safe  and  speedy  d"- 
ivery  of  the  publication;  but,  believing  thnt  neither 
public  sentiment  nor  the  judgments  of  the  members 
of  the  House  were  prepared  to  take  that  step,  ho 
had  draughted  the  substitute,  hoping  it  might 
lead  to  the  consnminnlionof  some  economicnl  plan, 
by  which  the  department  may  be  sustained  nnd 
made  the  vehicle  of  grcnt  good  to  the  whole  coun- 
ti''.  This  substitute  he  would  offer  at  the  proper 
tim^'  in  lieu  of  the  committee's  bill. 

Nm  '. — After  ttie  comniittec^jt  bill  was  (HfciiHReil  nnd 
nini'ndcu  to  smnic  extent,  tlie  romniittce  wno  fniind  to  ho 
without  ft  i|-lnrilin,  which  fact  ttic  chnirmnn  rcnnrtcd  tn  the 
UonsQ  t  whrreu)>nn,  nn  motion,  the  House  tti^ctinrscil  the 
committee  from  the  t'lirtlier  contiitl'Tntion  or  tlie  tiill ;  nnd  nt 
thnt  iiijittuit  Mr.  lIoPKivf.  offered  n  fftilHtitiitc  for  the  liill, 
which,  HA  chnirmnn  of  the  pomminee.  he  hnd  reported  to 
the  Hoiifte,  thcrehy  precluding  Mr.  T.  from  otferinp  the  HUh- 
stiliile  he  had  prepnred.  Mr.  II. 's  utib^tilute  wn«  rend,  put 
under  the  jicrew  of  the  previous  question,  (moved  by  Mr.  II. 
himaelf,)  aiilTlost  by  n  vole  of  the  Honse. 


THE  TARIFF. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  G.  CHAPMAN, 

OF    MAItTF.AND. 
In  the  IIotlSE  OF  REPnESENTATlVES, 

.'/wgii.il  1,  1846. 
The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole 
on  the  state  of  ihe  Union  upon  the  Wnrehouse 
bill- 
Mr.  CHAPMAN,  of  Maryland,  said:  I  will 
endeavor,  Mr.  Chnirinan,  to  repay  the  kindness 
of  the  committee  in  adjourning  over  for  me,  by 
consuming  as  small  a  portion  of  their  time  as  will 
enable  me  to  submit  my  views  tipon  the  revenue 
system  of  the  Government,  n  material  part  of 
which  is  now  under  the  consideration  of  the  com- 
mittee. This  bill,  sir,  is  part  and  parcel  of  the 
system  which  wus  projected  by  the  Secretary  of 
Ihe  Trensury.  It  met  the  npprobntion  of  the  Presi- 
dent, and  wna  digested  and  submitted  to  the  House 
by  the  constituted  organ.  U  is  said  that  the  sys- 
tem requires  all  its  parts  to  be  put  in  operation, 
and  that  the  bill,  which  ia  now  a  law,  to  reduce 
(iuties  upon  imports,  must  have  this  along  with  it. 
To  every  part  of  this  system  am  I  opposed,  and  I 


shnll  give  some  of  the  reasons  which  have  influ- 
enced my  opinion.  We  cun  judge  of  the  fuluro 
only  by  the  past,  nnd  we  mny  nnticipate  the  effect 
of  this  scheme  of  finance  by  looking  to  the  influ- 
ences of  a  aimilnr  system  that  has  once  been  tried. 
I  was  desirous,  sir,  when  the  bill  to  reduca  the 
duties  upon  imports  was  under  the  consideration 
of  Ihe  committee,  tn  have  given  my  views  upon 
this  system,  and  I  had  intended  tn  confine  my  re- 
marks tn  one  single  point,  the  subject  of  pricca; 
nnd  I  hnd  proposed  to  endeavor  to  demonstrate  the 
fnlsity  of  Ihe  principle  thnt  the  duty  adds  so  much 
to  the  price  of  the  foreign  article,  nnd,  what  scoma 
to  me  a  still  greater  absurdiiy,  that  the  duty  adds 
so  much  to  the  pries  of  the  home-produced  article. 
Hut,  sir,  Ihe  opportunity  wna  not  afforded  me. 
As  some  of  the  views  which  I  had  intended  to 
present  to  Ihe  cnnsidemtion  of  the  House  havo 
iicen  given  by  others,  nnd  not  wishing  to  travel 
over  ground  which  others  have  occupied,  I  shall 
vary  my  argument,  and  my  remarks  upon  the 
system  may  now  be  more  ilcnultory  than  1  wished 
or  intendetf  they  should  be. 

Permit  me,  sir,  to  t<ike  a  glance  at  the  condition 
of  the  country  and  the  finances  of  the  Government 
in  1843,  when  Ihe  tariff  was  enacted.  The  cur- 
rency of  the  country  was  ilernnged,  its  labor 
depressed,  every  branch  of  business  was  embar- 
rnsRcd,  all  its  pursuits  of  industry  had  Iwen  im- 
peded or  inlerrupled.  With  a  foreign  debt  of  near 
three  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  produced  by  ths 
immense  importation  of  foreign  goods  nnd  fabrics, 
the  country  wns  reduced  to  n  slate  bordering  on 
bankruptcy  nnd  ruin.  The  slate  of  the  national 
treasury  was  no  better;  the  balances  a',  ippropri- 
nlioiia  outstanding  on  the  4tli  March,  1841,  wera 
^3;t, 429,616  50,  ns  apnenrs  from  the  Treimury 
report  of  the  2d  June,  1841. 

Ilv  the  act  of  31st  July,  1841,  n  loan  of  #13,- 
000,000  was  authorized,  nnd  the  act  of  15th  April, 
1842,  extended  the  period  for  the  redemption  of 
that  loan,  and  authorized  nn  udditionni  loan  of 
$5,000,000.     1  need  not  remind  the  committee, 
sir,  that  that  lonn  could  not  bo  negotiated.     After 
unsucccnaful  efforts  at  home,  agents  were  sent  to 
Europe,  where  money  wns  abundant  at  three  or 
four  per  cent.,  but  they  relumed  without  borrow- 
;  ing  a  dollar.    The  credit  of  your  Government  waa 
'  gone;  no  one  was  willing  to  trust  it.    There  was 
I  no  system  of  revenue  upon  which  capitalists  could 
■  base  a  reasonable  expectation  of  payment,  aiid  the 
Government  wns  unable  to  meet  any  of  its  liabili- 
!  lies.     In  that  slate  of  things  the  tariff  was  passed 
in  August,  1843.    A  change  immediately  ensued; 
]  trade  revived;  business  was  resumed;  labor  foulW 
t  employment,  nnd  the  joyous  sound  of  industry 
~  wns  heard  throughout  the  country;  youi;  Govern- 
i  ment  loans  were  taken  by  your  own  citizens,  the 
i  net  imposing  duties  upon  imports  pledging  those 
duties  for  the  payment  of  lonns.    The  credit  of 
I  your  Government  wns  restored;  faith  in  Ihe  ener- 
i  gies  of  Ihe  people  and  the  resources  of  the  country 
justified  capitalists  to  loan  their  money  to  the  Oov- 
Icrnment,  when  they  looked  for  payment  from  the 
i  system  of  revenue  then  enacted;  the  credit  of  the 
I  Government  wns  restored,  nnd  the  country  and  ita 
'  business  has  from  thnt  time  been  pursuing  a  course 
'  of  rapid  nnd  unparalleled  prosperity.     Sir,  up  to 
I  the  meeting  of  the  present  Congress  the  revenues 
have  been  adequate  to   the  expenses.    The  de- 
!  mands  upon  the  treasury  for  the  current  year,  in-  , 
!  eluding  the  Mexican  wnr  debt,  which  I  shnll  not 
speak  of  at  this  time,  will  be  some  sixty  milliona 
'•  of  dollars.     I  cannot  slop  to  inquire  how  much 
I  this  new  system  will  produce,  but  I  take  leave  to 
'  predict  that  in  one  year  from  this  time  the  Gov- 
ernment will  be  in  debt  more  than  forty  millions  of 
dollars. 
,     Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  this  whole  system  of 
finance  is  to  be  overthrown;  this  bill,  now  under 
i  consideration,  is  the  finishing  blow  to  the  tariff  of 
i  1843;  nnd  why,  sir,  is  thnt  system  to  be  nbandon- 
'  ed  which  has  produced  such  beneficial  effects  upon 
the  revenues  of  the  Government,  nnd  the  industry 
i  and  Inbor  of  the  country  ?    Has  the  country  asked 
it.>    Have  the  peo-ple  applied,  by  memorial  or  pe- 
i  tition,  for  its  repeal?    Is  there  any  evidence  that 
1  nny  portion  of  this  country  requires  it?    No,  sir; 
although  no  one  claims  that  the  tariff  of  1842  is 
i  perfect  in  all  its  details,  yet  it  has  answered  the 
I  purposes  for  which  it  was  enacted,  and  the  expec- 
I  tations  of  those  who  passed  it  have  been  more  than 


llStf 


APPENDIX  'IX)  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  OLOnE. 


jiDrii  Cong Ivt  Seii. 


The  Tnriff—Mr.  J.  O.  Chapman. 


Ho.  or  Ucpi. 


rriiliced  by  in  rfTeeM  «por»  Iht  eounlry.    Why 
Iheiii  air.  in  it  to  b«  re|)«iM  i    !■  it  IwcniiH  lliti 
derree  went  fortli  from  llie  llnllimnre  Convrnlinn? 
Did  the  Domocriiiic  iwriy  exprci  that  tli '  ricciinn 
of  Mr.  Pnik  wmild  aetermina  the  exiaienrr  of  thnt  ij 
■yalem,  deemed  l>y  n  portion  of  ihnt  |mriy  no  vi- |i 
tally  important  to  tho  bcil  interentit  of  ilic  roun-   I 
try?     Did  the  plevalion   of  thn  pre«ent  iwrly  dc-   ; 
pend.in  Peiinsylvniiin,  or  New  Jnrftev.  or  iV'ew 
York,  on  the  ifcetruction  of  lUo  Inriir?     No,  lirj  ' 
throughout  thotie  SlKtes  every   piirly  hnnner  hure  n 
Ihe  nnmei  of  "Polk,  Unlliu,  niid   the  TarilF  uf 
1849." 

Hir,  I  do  not  m^an  to  dwell  upon  the  mcnna  of  i' 
delusion  prncliacd  in  ihoac  8litteii  to  Herore  llicir  | 
Totee  for  the  pretent  Kxecutive.     Ilul,  sir,  let  me 
fall  your  ntlention  to  a  few  inciilenln,  now  mattem  } 
of  party  hiilory.    Sir,  I  hold  in  my  hand  n  Uem-  [ 
nemtic  pa|>er,  jnililiahed  in   Pennsylvania  during 
the  cnnvnaa  of  1844,  with  a  at.indni!;  pnrii>;rnph, 
deolnring  in  lar^o  cnpilaU,  "that  Mr.  I'olk  was  j 
the  warm  friend  of  a  TARirr  to  photkct  the  far-  {; 
MCR  and  MKciMNic."    The  aninn  paper  rontnlns  ^ 
•n  account  of  a  larjjo  meeiins;  of  ihc  Ueniorrncy  of  |' 
Pennaylvnnio,  when  "  a  fliisr,  full  eighltiri  feel  in  |l 
ten^lh,  floated  in  the  hreczn,  with  thn  names  of] 
Pole,  Dallai,  avd  thk  TARirr  of  1842."    Ai  i 
that  meetine;  two  diatinijuiahed  gentlemen  of  the 
party  from  my  own  Slate  were  conanieuoua;  and 
one  of  them,  m  his  address  to  tho  rennaylvania 
Democracy,  ia  reporlrd  to  have  "  contrasted  Mr. 
Polk'a   views  with   those  of  Henry  Clay's,  and 

C roved  conclusively  that  James  K.  Polk  was  the 
etler  tariff  man  of  the  two."  What  powerliil 
eloquence,  or  what  perfect  delusion,  must  have 
been  used  on  thnt  occasion  ! 
The  Harrisliurg  Union  contained  this  parnijraph: 
**  II«  (Jnnieii  K.  Pi)lk)  in  llie  e^isTinl  IVieiiil  and  iiifvocnli^ 
of  the  ciml  and  irnn  inlercst,  lh(>.^«  lwi>  i^renl  iibjiicLn  ot'KnIi 
ciliiile  with  Penn«)lvnriiA;  and  ItelicviniE  ecKMAVKXCu  in 
iHir  law«  1(1  be  of  tncHlciiliihti*  vnlllc,  i«  olM-nxcu  to  -rut: 

DIITCRBAMCE    or    THE    rXI*Tl!«0    TARIFF.      The.»e    lin'ti   WC 

■lisle  lipnti  the  best  nilllinrily,  nilil  cnillion  the  Dniinrmrv 
of  IhU  grent  State  n|sliiii  listening  to  the  rt'iircucnlutiuns  ol 
Uie  conns."  :i 

What   say  tho    Democracy    of   Pennsylvania  \\ 
now .'     Is  llie  President  the  especial  friend  und  ad-   ' 
vocato  of  the  coal  and  iron  interest.'     I)o?h  he  be-  ■' 
licve  thnt  pcrmanen-ce  in  our  system  is  of  incal- 
culable value .'     Has  he  opposed  the  disturbance  of 
Ihe  existing  tariff.'    Truth,  indeed,  ia  more  strange 
than  fiction.     What  docs  the  coal  and  iion  inlcre.s; 
of  Pennsylvania  think  now.'     Arc  their  works  to 
be  abandoned;  Ihc  forges  to  slop;  llic  fires  lo  be 
put  out  in  her  furnaces,  and  her  wo  kshops  to  bo 
closed.'    Truly  the  especial  friend  ano  ulvocate  of 
tho.se  great  interests,  the  great  objects  of  solicitude 
with   Pennsylvania,  has  defended  those  inlcrrsls 
with  but  poor  success.     What  w.is  the  lamjuiujc 
used  by  the  leaders  of  ibc  party  in  New  Jersiiy .' 

Mr.  Lucius  <X.  C.  Elmer,  a  member  of  the  lusl 
Congress,  a  Democrat,  thus  wrote  to  a  fiieiid: 

•'  Hnppily,  the  contit.uanre  of  ihu  priMPiii  tinitr  in  iiowiice 
depends  upon  the  siiocer-s  or  defeat  or  any  party,  or  uf  any 
candidate  for  the  rresideiicy.*' 

Sir,  we  have,  as  yet,  no  a  count  of  Mr.  Elmer's 
opinions  since  the  attack  upon  the  tariff.  Wc  are 
not  informed  wiicihcr  he  still  labors  under  the  same 
delusion  or  not.  Time,  perhaps,  may  teach  him 
that  his  opinions  about  men  are  not  always  sound 
and  correct.  Hear  what  another  Jersey  Democrat 
aaid.  James  S.  Green,  Esq.,  who  is  now,  I  be- 
lieve, United  States  District  Attorney,  thus  wioio 
to  the  Democratic  Committee  of  Trenton: 

"  II  Is  mnnifL'St,  from  these  and  other  si(in»  of  the  times, 
that  there  is  a  settled  and  well-rouiidi'd  ocinvirliiin  in  Ihi' 
ptihiic  nliiul,  thnt  it  is  the  delerininntion  of  ihe  Whis  pony, 
should  they  succeed  in  Ihe  next  l*resTd?nii.il  eli-cilun,  to 
th^inge  the  preicnt  Democratic  tariff  of  lV4-2.'^ 

Another  specimen  is  afforded  by  one  of  the  as-  ji 
sociationa  at  Morristown,  New  Jersey,  viz:  ]! 

"  Rcio/t'crf,  Tlml  we  a«ree  with  our  candid.ites  for  the 
PrcKidency  and  Vice  Presidency,  that  tKe  preienl  tariff ou^ht 
not  to  tte  repealed. " 

Another  extract,  and  I  will  pass  from  this  .sub- 
ject.    The  Plebeii.'i,  a  leadins  party  paper  in  New    j 
"York,  in  noticing  thi:  proceedings  of  a  Democratic  j 
meeting,  has  this  pirngraph:  I 

"Gov.  Silas  Wright  ri'foli'd.  in  his  inaMerly  ninnner,  the  ' 
iMse  and  infninous  ehirg*;,  tKat  Gov.  Pol'iitoppoted  to  a  irro- 
tectiee  t,irlff."  '        ; 

Now,  sir,  I  carnot  lake  the  time  to  characterize 
iheae  sentimenia  and  these  proceedinga  in  ihe  terms 
that  they  dese'.-e.     Let  me  only  remark,  that  such  I 


fraud  iipcni  public  credulity  iiunpanilleledi  nn^no 
langinign  of  oppiobriuin  is  too  harsh  to  be  dealt 
out  upon  thoRc  who  wmild  be  eiiiliy  of  such  falae- 
hoQd  and  misrepresentation.  The  public  mind,  1 
have  no  doubt,  sir,  is  justly  informed  how  fiir "  the 
change  of  tho  tariff  of  1843"  depends  upon  the 
Whig  party. 

It  has  been  the  policy,  sir,  of  all  nations,  whose 
example  is  worlliy  of  imitation,  to  iirolcct  their 
own  labor  and  industry— lo  develop  their  own  re- 
sources, and  to  strciigihen  their  own  inatiluliona, 
so  as  to  bo  rirlified  against  the  course  and  policy 
ofothera.  Thia  policy  wo  are  nhriit  lo  abandon, 
and  it  would  seem,  frmn  the  recommendation  of  ihe 
Sccrelnry  of  the  Treasury,  that  the  bcnefils  of  sup- 
plying our  wants  may  inure  to  ihc  foreign  manu- 
facturer and  Aipilalisl.  On  the  sixth  page  of  the 
annual  report,  Ihe  Seorclary  s.iys:  "At  present 
'  prices,  our  coitnn  cropwiU  yieltl  an  annual  prnd- 
'  ucl  of  s7a,0(K),000,  and  the  manufactured  fabrics 
'  #504,()O0,0(l(),  furnishing  profits  abroad  lo  ihou- 
'  sanils  of  cnpiinlisis,  and  wages  lo  hundreds  of 
'  thousands  of  tho  working  classes."  Il  .seems  that 
the  cnpilnlists  and  working  classes  c.brnml  are  the 
peculiar  objicls  of  the  Secretary's  rare  and  consiil- 
eralion.  The  benefit  of  converting  the  raw  male- 
rial  into  fiibries  for  our  own  consumption  must  be 
given  to  litem;  our  citizens  arc  to  be  deprived  of 
those  advantages  for  the  exclusive  benefit  of  capi- 
tnlisis  and  laborers  abmail.  Sir,  is  this  sound 
political  economy.'  Ii  this  the  true  policy  of  this 
country  ?  Is  il  conaislcnl  with  our  interest  lo  be 
dependant  upon  foreign  liovcrnmcnta  for  our  siip- 
pties,  or  to  Iriinsl'er  the  profits  of  converting  the 
raw  mnlerinl  into  the  fi'bric  out  of  the  country?  It 
is  the  Secretary's  doctrine;  il  is  the  doctrine  "f  free 
trade.  If  it  be  true  in  regard  to  cnlion  fabrics,  il 
must  he  more  so  as  it  rcMpccta  all  oilier  comnnidi- 
ties  of  manufaclure.  To  what  winild  such  a  sys- 
tem lead  .'  To  einidoy  liirojgn  labor  instead  of  our 
own,  and  to  have  that  labor  fed  by  foreign  agricul- 
tiirisls,  while  it  is  employed  in  manufucluringnrti- 
cles  for  our  own  c<uis(niption.  Such  a  system 
would  lead  to  a  stale  of  dependence  more  abject  ; 
and  degrading  than  a  slate  of  vassalage.  It  would 
deprive  yi.nr  own  labor  of  cmnlnyment,  and  give 
to  the  farmer  abroad  ilie  privilege  of  feeding  the 
laborers  who  were  working  for  the  farmer  nl  home,  i 
while  the  productions  of  our  farmers  would  he  left  1 
to  rot  on  our  1  anils.  Such  is  not  tho  policy  of 
Great  Dritain.  Her  policy  has  been  lo  protect  her 
own  labor  and  indtisti'y;  to  stretch  out  the  strong 
arm  of  her  power  to  every  inlerest  which  required 
it;  to  throw  Ihe  broad  mantle  of  her  wise  system 
over  every  institution  which  could  increase  her 
resources  at  home,  or  give  her  additional  power 
among  the  great  family  of  nations.  And  well  does 
her  present  position,  and  that  which  she  has  long 
occupied,  repay  her  cai-e  and  sagacity.  In  looking 
at  ibn  causes  of  national  wealth  and  nationid  influ- 
ence, and  to  the  effects  and  operations  of  these  in- 
fluences upon  the  commercial  and  politicol  relations 
of  Ihe  world,  we  are  struck  by  Ibc  power  and  po- 
sition of  Kngland,  and  the  pidicy  wliich  has  given 
her  that  imposing  attitude;  and  the  incidents  con- 
nected with  her  cnur.<e,  even  during  the  present 
century,  clearly  illuslmic  the  wisdom  of  that  jmlicy 
which  has  made  her  resources  without  limit — 
which  has  enabled  her  to  subsidize  continental  Kii- 
rope  at  her  pleasure,  and  made  the  commercial 
world  tributary  to  her  power.  And  letmensk, 
sir,  to  what  does  she  owe  this  position  ?  How 
have  those  immense  resources  been  acquired  .'  By 
the  protection  afl'orded  to  her  own  labor  and  indus- 
try; by  taking  from  abroad  no  commodity  which 
she  could  supply  within  her  own  domain,  and 
by  supplying  the  rest  of  the  world  with  every  pro- 
duction which  she  could  induce  others  to  take  from 
her. 

Much  has  been  said,  and  large  expectations  have 
been  built  up,  upon  the  frec-irnde  system — the  lead- 
ing measure  of  the  late  administration  of  Sir  Rob- 
ert Peel;  bill,  sir,  is  the  change  of  her  system 
intended  lo  benefit  us,  or  to  protect  her  own  inter- 
ests.' Look  nl  the  causes  which  have  produced 
the  chanire,  ard  the  results  which  it  is  inlciided  to 
effect,  and  you  will  see  that  the  change  has  been 
made  by  a  new  suite  of  things  which  has  nri.sen — 
by  a  new  commercial  system  which  is  springing 
up  and  gaining  slrength,and  which  her  policy  can- 
not countervail.  It  is  no  departure  from  a  uniform 
adhcrenc*  to  a  course  which  looks  to  her  oUrn 


intrrealai  il  la  In  aeeninlane*  with  the  anmc  princi- 
ple of  protection  which  haa  ever  characterized  her 
policy.     RiVttla  have  grown  up  to  her  great  nianii- 
Kicturing  eslablismenia,  and  it  is  neceasnry  that 
I  those  rivala  ahould  be  lirokeii  down  or  defeated, 
:  or,  at  least,  thnt  her  main  interests  ahould  not  ba 
destroyed  by  tho  comnclition.     Wo  have  entered 
into  the  mnrkcla  with  lier,  our  fabrica  are  placed 
alongside  and   iii  coniiH-tition  with  those  of  her 
workshops,  and  one  of  the  two  must  ^ive  way. 
•  Sir,  already  we  arc  exporting  about  thirleen  mil- 
ji  liona  worth  of  prolccted  articlea  a  year,  of  which, 
about  five  inilliona  was  of  eoilon  goods,  which  lie- 
I'ceaaarily  diaolaco  Hrilish  goods  lo  Ihnt  amount 
j'  from  the  marlceta  of  the  woild.     The  Zoll  Verein 
1 1  treaty  of  llieOernianic  States,  to  piolect  their  own 
'  inlcresta,  has  also  brought  many  articles  into  com- 
[:  petition  with  tho  fabrics  of  Ctreat  liriluin.     Slio 
!  must  make  her  fabrics  cheaper,  at  leas  cost,  or  lose 
tho  markets  heretofore  open  to  her.     She  has  fcire- 
'  aeen  this;  her  stnleamen  have  discovered  that  a 
reduced   market  for  her  agricultural  products  is 
belter  than  no  market;  her  protective  policy  miisl 
bo  adhered  to,ns  far  as  circunistancra  will  permit; 
her  agriciillurists  arc  the  objects  of  her  especial 
bounty  and  proteeiion;  she   has  been  exporting 
near  one  hunilred  millions  of  dollars  worth  of  agri- 
cultural products  a  year,  not  in  the  raw  slate,  but 
worked  up — manipulnled  into  cloths,  cutlery,  and 
;  oilier  fabrics  and  nrliclca.     This  can  no  longer  ba 
the  case,  if  the  markets  of  the  world  are  supplied 
by  ourselves.     If  her  workshops  are  closed,  or  her 
manufiicliires  are   driven    from    the   market,    her 
1  agriculturist  finds  no  market  for  his  brendstuffs  or 
other  products,  and,  foreseeing  this,  she  may  well 
[  open  her  ports;  she  does  it  for  her  own  pieserva- 
tion.     Well  does  she  know  in  what  her  power 
consists,  and  she  has  not  been  known  lo  cbaiigs 
the  principle  upon  which  that  power  depends. 
'      Let  me  now  ask  what  is  to  be  the  efl'ect  upon  the 
finances  and  the  we.illh  of  the  eounlry  by  nban  Inn- 
ing the  system  of  1812,  and  adopting  a  system 
akin  to  free  trade.     How  is  the  necessary  aniount 
of  revenue  lo  be  raised?    The  expenses  of  tho 
Government  have  imt  been  less  than  from  twenty- 
five  to  thirty  millions  n  year;  and  I  need   not  nay 
that  our  expenses  are  likely  to  increase  with  ilie 
growth  and  population  of  the  eountrv.     If  soma 
twenty-five  millions  were  required  when  the  j)0|i- 
ulation  did  not  exceed  sevcniecn  millions,  and  the 
territory  wos  much  more  limited  than  il    now  is, 
I  how  much  more  will  be  rcriuircd  wIhu  the  limits 
anil  jurisdiction  shall  extend  to  the  I'ncifi.'  Ocean.' 
And  I  doubt  not,  sir,  that  some  chart  or  map  may 
he  found,  with  a  "  red  line"  drawn  from  tho  Gulf 
of  Mexico  to  the   Pacific,  designating  the  limiia 
and  jurisdiction  of  this  Government,  lo  which  we 
,  are  linsiening  by  progressive  DcmoiTiicy,  or  by 
ineviuible  destiny.     How,  sir,  is  the  revenue  to 
meet  Ihe  expenses  of  this  Government  to  lie  raised.' 
The  Secretary  tells  us,  by  low  duties — that  low 
duties  will  induce  a  larger  amount  of  impO:laiions, 
and  that  will  yield  the  adequate  amount  of  revo- 
ijiiue.     Time  will   not  allow  me   to  examine   the 
soundness  of  this  theory;  and,  for  the  sake  of  the 
nrsumeni,  I  will  admit  that  the  necessary  amount 
will,  be  raifii.t.     But  by  what  means,  and   what 
will  be  the  t'icc.  upon  the  wealth  of  the  country  ? 
Our  exp'>i;j  no',  e  amounted  to  about  one  hundred 
millions  iif  d(  '.Inrs'  worth  a  year;  the  imports  to 
near  one  h  'iidred  and  twciily  millions.     If  one 
!  hundred  nn>i  twenty  millions,  at  nn  average  rale  of 
;  duty  of  about  30  per  cent.,  which  has  been  about 
;  Ihe  overage  duly,  under  the  present  tariff,  hr.vo 
yielded  but  twenty-six  millions  of  revenue,  what 
'  amount  of  imports  will  be  required,  at  nn  average 
I  of  20  per  cent.,  to  yield  the  same  amount?     Onc- 
!  third  more,  sir.     And  if  our  exports  have  not  been 
I  equal  lo  our  imports,  how  is  the  excess  of  imports 
I — nnc-third  more — to  be  paid  for?    Sir,  the  debt 
of  the  country  will  agoin  accumulate  at  the  rnio  of 
'  fifty  millions  a  year;  and  how  lour  can  this  con- 
:  tinue?     For  n  year  or  two  you  may  get  revenue 
i  enough;  but  soon  you  will 'find  the  credit  of  the 
!  coun;ry  destroyed,  and  your  ticasury  without  a 
I  dollar.     How,  then,  will  you  replenish  it?     Will 
1  you  resort  to  an  income  tax,  or  direct  taxnlion? 
i  Which  of  the  many  interests  of  the  country  will 
best  bear  the  necessary  exactions  for  the  requisite 
revenue?  Your  manufacturing  establishments  will 
have  been  broken  up,  and  the  capital  now  em- 
ployed in  them  will  have  Boujjht  new  channels  of  . 


1840.] 


S9th  Cono IsT  Sets. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 
'jfiU  'Ihriff—Mr.J.  G.  Chapman. 


1167 


Ho.  or  Reps. 


cnlerpriM,  Knd  moat  nt  U  mity  h*v«  h««n  pUned 

licyonil  tlm  InxiiiK  power  of  tlii"  Oovtrnmf  ril.  Sir, 
thvre  IN  hut  one  iiilrri'it  mi  wliii'h  yiiur  Nynlcrn  will 
bit  liroii^'lil  i»  liimr;  il  in  tlio  Inncliil  iniiircbt— tlic 
ploiitiTs  iind  fnriiK'rx  nf  thf  rouiilry.  Upon  them 
will  till!  •yalRin  nr  I'rcu  Irndc — liciiuul'iil,  vininnury, 
ami  Uliipinn  un  it  In— t'lulen  ilii  iliiully  infliirnir, 
mill,  vunipirn  like,  ilmw  rrom  it  llie  vitnl  fluiiloriln 
«xitlciic«.  Utit,  nir,  wlint  in  In  ho  llifl  efl'ect  nf 
your  (iy»l«m  upon  the  wonllli  of  thn  country? 
Aiiil  liurq  I  am  lirn'ifrlit  tu  exniniiio  Kri  npluion  ex- 
pressed hy  my  friend  from  Virfimn,  [Mr.  Hun- 
TKn,]  whom  1  do  not  hco  in  liiii  Mat.  Sir,  ihiit 
gciillemnn'H  opinions,  na  n  slatesiiinn,  are  entitled 
to  grctit  ronHidnrtilion  nnd  re-apect^  but  the  alntiH- 
tiea  of  the  conuiierce  iind  the  rpvpnueaofthe  coun- 
try lead  uic  to  ponduaiona  different  from  the  opin- 
ions hero  expressed  by  him.  I  find,  in  the.  speech 
of  my  hoiioritbl"  friend,  the  following  sentenecs: 
"  Noiliin^  Clin  be  ilvHrer  thnn  the  pronl'a  nddured 
'  by  Sir  Ilobert  I'cel,  from  experniicc,  ihiit  tlio 
'  result  of  every  renmvnl  nr  miii{;Hlion  of  the  re- 

*  Blricliona  upon  eonuncrcc  hud  been  to  incrensc 
'  the  production  nnd   wenltli,  nnd  tu  enltirgii  tlte 

*  aourcea  of  taxniinn  of  the  connlry.     Krom  which 

*  propnaition  there  mciilnliy  (Iowa  the  corollnry, 
'  ihiit  every  increase  nf  duty  bc'yonrt  the   revenue 

*  atandnrd  for  protection  diminiahea  not  only  the 

*  wealth,  but  the  revenue  of  n  iintiun."  I  tnlte 
iasue,  sir,  wiili  thn  lenrned  {:enilcmnn,  my  honor- 
nble  friend  from  Virginin,  upon  the  truth  of  his 
corollary;  and  from  tlie  taldea  of  the  treasury,  tho 
revenue  alntiatira  of  tho  Oovernmcnl  will  show 
timt  li  contmry  cnroHnry  is  true.  Now,  sir,  let 
ua  look  to  the  effect  of  tho  tariff  for  revenue,  of 
1833,  upon  thn  importa  and  exports  of  the  country, 
nnd  ace  how  it  affected  the  revenue  nnd  wealth  of 
the  nnlion.    Talte  the  Inst  three  years  of  the  Com- 

tiromisfl  tariff,  and  wc  find  the  imports  to  have 
lecn,  viz: 

Of  which  waa  specie — 

For  )839.  .$109,093,139    For  1839. . .  .$5,59.5,176 

1840..   107,141,519  1840. ...  8,882,813 

1841..   137,940,177       •     1841....  4,988,633 


397,179.828 


19,466,022 


And  thff  exports  were — 

For  1839.. $121,028,416 

1840..  132,085,946 

1841..   121,851,803 


Of  which  waa  specie — 

For  1839 $8,766,743 

1840....  8,417,014 
1841.... 10,034,332 


374,960,165 


27,228,089 


r  Deduct  $27,228,089,  the  amount  of  specie  ex- 
ported, and  we  have  $347,738,070  of  domestic  and 
foreien  productions  exported  in  those  three  ycara, 
and  leaving  a  balance  of  $59,441,752  againat  the 
trade  nnd  wealth  of  the  counlry  in  that  period. 

Now,  sir,  let  us  look  to  the  imports  nnd  exports 
of  the  country  for  tho  three  years  next  nfter  the 
pnssnjtc  of  thn  tariff  of  1843,  or  rather,  air,  for 
two  years  and  n  half,  the  commencement  of  the 
fiacnl  year  of  1843  having  been  changed;  nnd  we 
■hnll  aee,  for  two  and  a  half  yeara  after  the  tnriff 
of  1842,  how  the  beneficial  effect  of  th.U  system 
was  felt,  in  relieving  the  indebtedness  nf  the  coun- 
try produced  by  the  operation  of  the  act  of  1833. 
For  tho  two  years  and  a  half  the  imports  were, 
vii;: 

Of  which  was  specie — 
For  1843. .  .$64,753,799    For  1843. .  .$22,3a0,.135 

1844. .  .108,4.15,.'i64  1844 5,830,429 

1845. . .  117,254,398  945 4,070,243 


nf  ihn  eovnlry  to  the  nnioiint  nf  A)ur  millinns  one 
hunilrrd  and  sixly-eiKht  tlioiiannil  ihree  hiiudrrd  | 
and  two  diillnra,  and  thn  wrullh  of  the  nnlion  wna 
increaNrd  In  tliul  amount  in  two  yenra  nnil  n  half;  j 
whereas,  for  the  Ihren  yean  Iirecrdiiig  ihe  pnaan^o  [ 
of  thu  tariff  iif  1H42,  the  bnlnncn  of  trude  ngniiiat 
the  country  wos  lifiy-ninn  milliona  four  hundred 
and  forly-ono  thoiiaaiid  seven  hundred  anil  fllty-  ' 
two  dollnrn,  nnd  the  weiilih  of  llin  country  wua  : 
conaeipienlly  diminiahed  to  that  amount. 

Look  l\irther  at  the  operation  of  the  two  sya- 
lemn.  Under  the  tnriff  of  IH33,  which  wna  rallid 
a  tariff  for  revenue,  there  wna  inipnrleil,  in  those 
three  yenra,  specie  to  Ihe  nmoiinl  of  $li),4()(i,li'J3, 
nnd  there  was  exported  in  apeiie  <i;i7.32H,(Wl, 
being  ail  excess  nf  exports  of  afieiic  oi' J7,76l,407 
in  those  three  yeara.  Look  at  tho  next  period, 
tho  two  years  and  a  half  after  Ihe  passage  of  Ihe 
tariff  of  IH49,  nnd  in  ihut  period  there  was  import- 
ed $3'2,9'2I,0()6  of  apecie,  nnd  exported  nf  specie 
$l.'i,.'i81,,'>0(V,  being  an  excesa  in  favor  of  imports 
of  specie  of  $16,639,5(16.  .So  thnt  ihelmliince  wna 
against  Ihe  country  in  the  first  period,  nnd  in  favor 
of  it  largely  in  ihe  second.  Now,  air,  look  nt  the 
comparative  effects  of  tho  two  systems  upon  Iho 
revenue  of  tho  cnunlrv  for  those  two  periods.  In 
tho  first,  the  revenue  from  imporia  was — 

For  1839 $30,.')60,4.19  90 

1840 I0,l,'>9,3,t9  44 

1841 12,780,173  64 

43,499,952  93 


niirmi  Ml4  liMCMnry  proteciinn  at 


And  in  the  second  |ieriod,  the  roveniin  wna — 

Fur  1843,  for  aix  months $5,603,033  07 

1844 35.7.58,416  32 

1845 26,053,809  86 


58,014,249  15 


$290,443,398 


$33,331,006 


And  the  exports  were — 

For  1843...  $84, 346,480 

1844...  II  1,200,1 14 

1845... 114,616,006 


Of  which  was  specie — 
For  1843.... $1,520,791 

1844 5,454,214 

1845 8,606,495 


$310,193,200 


$15,.581,.5fl0 


Deduct  $15,581  ,,500,  thn  amount  of  specie  ex- 
ported, and  we  have  $294,511,700  of  the  foreign 
and  domestic  productions  exported  during  thnt  pe- 
riod, and  being  $4,168,302  more  than  we  imported 
in  two  nnd  a  half  ycnrs,  nnd  the  actual  wealth  of 
the  nation  increased  to  thnt  amount.  So  that  under 
the  tnriff  of  1843,  which  is  denounced  as  being  too 
high  fur  revenue,  tho  balance  of  trade  was  in  favor 


Being  $14,514,290  17  in  two  yenra  and  a  half, 
under  the  tnriff  of  1843,  moro  thnn  it  wns  in  three 
yenrs  preceding  the  adoption  of  that  system.  Thus, 
while  the  Government  is  deriving  n  reveniio  from 
imports  ndecpinte  to  its  expenses,  the  bnlnnco  of 
tmdc  is  in  favor  of  tho  country,  and  the  wealth  of 
the  nation  is  increasinir  instend  nf  being  dimin- 
ished, as  it  wna  under  a  horizontal  tnriff  of  20  per 
cent.;  and  I  think,  sir,  the  corollary  of  my  lenrnetl 
friend  fVom  Virginia  ia  demonstrated  not  to  be 
correct. 

I  maintain,  Mr.  Chairman,  thnt  tho  wcnllh  of 
the  country  depends  more  upon  the  approxima- 
tion in  the  amount  of  its  exports  to  ila  importa 
thnn  it  does  upon  the  amount  of  its  imports.  No 
cnuntry  should  import  more  '.Ii,  n  its  exporia;  as 
an  individual  should  not  buy  '■  i  at  he  doea  not 
want;  or  whnt  he  cannot  pay  I'u,  ao  no  country 
should  lake  of  another  more  than  it  can  pay  for 
by  ila  nwn  prnductions.  This  isn  plain  principle 
of  domestic  economy,  equally  applicable  to  the 
economy  of  a  nation. 

Now,  Mr,  Chairman,  what  effect  hns  the  tnriff 
of  1842  had  upon  the  labor  nnd  industry  of  the 
country,  and  upon  the  prices  of  all  necessary  com- 
modities.' 

And,  first,  upon  prices: 

Tho  tnriff  of  1842  ia  denounced  ns  being  alto- 
gether protective  in  ils  operation — as  being  oppres- 
aive  upon  the  planter  and  farmer,  and  other  clns,ies 
of  citizens  who  consume  the  prodiicta  and  fabrics 
which  nre  tho  subjects  of  incidental  protection  for 
the  benefit  of  the  mnnufncturer.  Sir.  I  had  no 
agency  in  the  pnssngc  of  the  Inriff  of  1842,  and  ils 
friends  have  never  contended  that  it  wns  perfect  in 
nil  its  details.  What  finnneiol  system  is?  But, 
air,  hns  il  not  nnswcred  the  purpnses  nf  ils  enact- 
ment.' It  wna  ndopted  ns  n  revenue  measure,  ns 
hns  been  sufficiently  shown  during  the  debnie  upon 
the  present  system,  I  take  lenve  here  to  slate  my 
own  opinions  as  to  what  is  a  proper  tariff,  that  I 
may  not  be  misunderstood.  1  would  tax  nil  arti- 
cles of  luxury  >vhich  do  not  come  in  competition 
with  our  own  productions  to  the  highest  revenue 
point.  I  would  so  impose  duties  upon  such  for- 
eisn  productions  as  come  in  competition  with  the 
industry  nnd  labor  of  our  own  citizens  as  would 
afford  fair,  rensonable,  nnd  adequate  protection  to 
our  own  citizens;  nnd  where  Ihe  resources  of  our 
own  country  required  to  be  developed,  nnd  protec- 
tion wns  necessary  for  that  purpose,  I  would  im- 
pose duties  upon  similar  foieign  productions  so  as 


III  afford  ikn  remiirmi  MM  nttttmry  nn 
home.  I  woulil  in  nil  iiislnncva  give  the  prwlt'ienca 
III  our  own  cilixeiia,  nnd  the  protection  to  domestic 
labor  over  forciun,  Hiieh  I  conceive  to  be,  in  th« 
niiiin,  thu  opernlion  nf  the  tnriff  of  1849. 

Now,  Mr.  (.'haimian,  iatliulayatein  oppreaaiva? 
Ooea  it  incrcaao  the  prices  of  commndilira?  Is  it 
true  in  any  one  imrticular?  If  il  ia,  let  llioae  who 
make  ihoac  nsaerliona  prove  them — |irove  them  by 
fncia,  by  the  atntialiea  of  the  counil^.  One  ftict 
whieli  rommenilN  itaelfto  tho  aolierciunmc.i  aenaa 
of  Ihe  counlry  ia  worth  a  thouaand  lheorira;and  I 
challenge  ilioae  who  make  tliCKo  bold  and  broad 
nancrlioiia  to  prove  them  true  in  any  one  particu- 
lar. Hynll  tho  rules  of  argument  and  of  logic  they 
ale  bound  to  do  it,  or  In  yield  the  point;  and  they 
who  denimncn  proterlinii  in  any  slm|i«,  and  aaaert 
that  it  increases  the  burdens  of  tlie  cuunlry,  nrn 
liound  to  prove  the  truth  of  their  nasertiona;  and  if 
they  have  heretofore  fliiled,  and  continue  In  fail,  as 
they  must,  I  insist  upon  il  that  those  gentlemen 
who  arc  so  desirous  of  leasrningtlio  biirdennof  tho 
people  and  of  aUbrding  them  chca|icr  and  belter 
I'oninioililiea,  arc  bound  to  aiiatniii  that  ayatcm 
which  liaa  uniformly  had  this  effect.  Sir,  the  peo- 
ple understand  this  subject  prarllcally  aa  well  a« 
the  poliliciana.  I'liey  are  feeling  ita  operation,  nnd 
ihey  are  becoming  aatitfied  that  their  burdena  are 
lightened  by  it,  nnd  thnt,  ao  fhr  from  being  opprea- 
sive  to  thu  conaumer,  it  makes  them  more  inde- 
pendent by  Iho  supply  of  every  commodity,  tha 
reduction  of  prices  by  that  aupply,  ni  well  hy  ths 
home  market  which  the  aystcm  afforda,  and  tlie 
advantages  to  the  cnmmumty  by  the  operalion  of 
tho  system  upon  the  currency  and  exchangea  of 
the  counlry.  Sir,  I  rely  upon  tho  known  intelli- 
gence and  business  laipncities  nf  our  people  to  aua- 
tain  nnd  acknowledge  tho  truth  of  thoae  facta  upon 
which  the  wisdom  of  this  ayatein  ia  based.  If  tho 
duty  imposed  upon  the  foreign  article  is  added  to 
the  cost  of  production  of  the  home  manufactured 
article,  the  prices  which  have  ruled  in  the  market 
during  the  severnl  periods  of  high  tariffs  and  low 
tnriffa  will  show  il.  If  the  conaumer  of  the  home 
product  iina  to  pny  more  for  it  in  conaequence  of, 
and  in  proportion  to,  the  duty  imposed  upon  the 
foreign  similar  nrticic,  then  have  thoae  pricea  been 
higher  under  the  existing  tnriff  thnn  they  were  be- 
fore; or,  if  lint,  the  pricea  and  wngea  of  fobor  have 
been  reduced  to  enable  the  manufacturer  nt  homo 
to  reduce  the  cost  of  the  production  of  the  article. 
If  the  price  is  less  the  cost  of  production  mual  be 
leas;  and  labor  being  the  principal  ingredient  in  the 
coat  of  production,  tho  price  of  labor  muat  have 
been  reduced  if  the  anti-protcctivo  theory  be  true. 
Rut,  air,  I  aver  that  in  no  single  instance  can  a  sin- 
gle article  be  pointed  out,  which  has  had  the  neres- 
sary  protection  and  mnde  in  this  country,  which 
hna  been  enhanced  in  price;  and,  while  the  home 
production  is  afforded  at  lesacost,  there  has  been  a 
regular  increase  of  the  wages  of  labor. 

I  will  ntlcmpt,  in  the  course  of  my  argument,  to 
assign  the  true  causes  for  tho  reduction  in  the  prices 
of  nil  domestic  productions,  apart  from  the  advance 
in  the  wages  of  labor,  which  has  been  consequent 
upon  the  protective  system. 

In  the  consideration  of  this  branch  of  the  sub- 
ject, let  me  call  the  attention  of  tho  committee  to  a 
few  of  Ihe  many  paragraphs  in  the  Secretary's  re- 
port which  are  worthy  to  be  noticed.  In  pase  3 
ofihereport,document6,theSecrctnrysoys;  "The 
'  receipts  for  the  first  quarter  of  this  year  are  leaa, 
'  by  $2,001,885  90,  than  tho  receipts  for  tho  same 
'  quarter  last  year.  Among  the  causes  of  decrease 
'  is  the  progressive  diminution  of  the  importation 
'  of  many  highly  protected  articles,  and  the  subati- 
'  tution  of  rival  domestic  products."  And  yet,  sir, 
the  anme  tariff  bears  upon  those  articles  this  year 
as  it  did  the  last,  and,  under  ils  opcrnlinn,  the  im- 
portation diminishes,  and  rival  domestic  produc.a 
are  driving  the  foreign  article  from  the  market. 
And  why  so,  sir  ?  Why  are  fewer  foreign  articles 
of  the  description  referred  to  by  the  Secretary  im- 
ported this  year  than  in  the  same  space  of  time 
last  year  ?  Because  the  domestic  article  cnn  be  aold 
for  less  price  this  year  than  it  could  be  laat.  The 
price  is  coining  down  under  the  protection.  Rival 
q>t.iblishments  have  been  built  up  here  at  home. 
Competition  is  goingon.  The  supply  .has  increased, 
while  the  demand  is  stationary;  r.ii  1  that  has  given 
the  domestic  article  the  aacendeiioy.  The  foreign 
article  can  be  furnished  at  ths  same  cost  that  it 


1158 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


fAug.l, 


29vH  Cong 1st  Sess 


The  Tariff— Mr.  J.  G.  Chapman. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


could  last  year.  It  is  nubject  to  the  siime  duty  and 
resthctiona,  and  no  nii>re,  and  ia  admitted  under  the 
samo  circumstanci's.  There  inuNt,  then,  Iw  another 
cause  fur  the  subBliliiliun  o(  the  dnmeslic  nrliole 
which  (lid  not  exist  In  riie  snmc  rxiriit  last  year. 
There  is,  sir.  It  is  the  advance  of  yonr  system — 
the  addi'ional  supply  of  the  home  article.  The 
8up}>ly  produced  liy  eompelition  incveasiii};  fasler 
than  the  demand,  the  prieediniinifhesinnd  llic  fur- 
eign  artirle  ii.displnrcd,  Ii  i.s  the  certain  prii!;re.s8 
and  inevitable  cuiisrquencc  of  the  system  of  judi- 
ciou*  protection. 

This  admission  by  the  Secretary  is  cnoush  to 

Crove  my  |x)sition.  Certain  arlieles  are  proleeled 
y  the  act  of  1843.  In  the  first  (juarler  of  the  fiscal 
year  '44- '5,  under  thr  r\ieralion  of  the  protection 
nflurded  to  certain  articles,  a  larger  amount  of  jjooda 
were  importe'i.  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  ye:ir 
commencing  July  1,  1845,  and  ending  October  1, 
a  lesser  amount,  sufficient  to  raise  two  millions  of 
revenue,  of  the  same  articles  were  imported,  mid 
yet  the  price  of  those  articles  was  not  mcieaHcd — 
was  it?  If  it  was,  I  ask  that  those  articles  be  ape- 
cilcd,  that  the  country  may  delerminc  the  fact. 
And  why  was  Uic  amount  of  importations  ho  mm  h 
less?  The  Secretary  has  told  you,sir,  because  the 
forcijjn  orticle  wia  disnlitcct!  by  a  Nubstitulion  of 
the  rival  domestic  pixiunct.  Wouhl  it  have  been 
so,  if  the  domestic  product  could  not  undersell  the 
foreign?  No, sir.  And  yet  it  does  displace  it,  ami, 
therefore,  must  sell  for  less  than  it  sold  for  last  ye  «r. 
The  fact  of  a  smaller  importation  of  certain  articles 
which  our  own  pro<luctions  have  diaplneel,  while 
the  prices  have  not  increased,  is  snflicieni  proof 
that  the  duty  is  not  ndde<l  lo  the  cost  of  the  article; 
it  is  proof  of  the  ndv-  <•(!  of  our  mainifactnres,  and 
that  the  price  is  not  alfected  by  it.  The  prii-e  of 
ever)'  article  is  regulated  by  the  -lemand  and  the 
supply.  If  the  demand  exceeds  the  supply,  a  tax 
upon  the  article  w>.iild  incrtaw  llie  price  iif  it  pro 
tanto,andbc  mldfd  10  the  foal  of  Us  protluclion.  Iflhe 
supply  ia  equal  to  llic  .demand,  the  j)ricc  will  re- 
main steady  so  long  as  the  equilibrium  is  main- 
tained; and,  if  the  supply  exceeds  the  demand,  Ilie 
pricesarecorrespondiiiKly  diminished, and  the  price 
IS  not  aflt'cted  by  the  duly.  I  maiiuain  these  lo  be 
sound  principles  of  political  economy;  sound  in 
theory  and  true  in  fact.  The  o|HTatio'n  aiui  eflect 
of  protection  has  been,  and  ever  will  be,  lo  in- 
crease the  supply  by  creating  competition ;  aiul 
the  more  decided  the  protection,  and  the  more  uni- 
form and  permanent  it  is  believed  lo  be,  the  more 
certain  will  be  the  comnetilion  which  will  be  ere-  ' 
atcd.and  llie  supply  wliich  that  competition  will 
produce. 

I  will  not,  Mr.  Chairman,  fatigue  the  committee 
by  a  particular  analysis  of  the  prices  of  the  neces- 
sary commodities,  by  exhibiting  com|>aralive  tables 
of  the  pricer  of  diflerent  articles  at  such  periods  us  i 
would  ahov,-  the  operation  of  »  protective  policy.  ' 
That  prices  of  all  articles  which  have  receded  ade- 
quate protection  have  dcclini'ii,  no  o:.o  denies.  ' 
That  it  can  be  attiibulcd  0.  r»iiy  o:h',  cause  Ihan 
the  operation  of  that  system  which  ,;ive8  llie  pre- 
ference to  our  own  citizens  and  their  labor  I  think 
experience  has  fully  denit istrnled,  and  that  it  his 
resulted  from  the  working  of  those  principles  of 
political  economy  which  I  have  staled.  Winiit  j 
me  to  ask  your  attention  to  n  few  of  the  articles 
most  famihar  to  llic  country,  and  the  knowled;?c  of 
every  man  will  corroborate  the  su>icmenls  which  I 
make  as  to  the  conipai  uive  prices  of  those  articles.  ' 
To  give  to  the  country  c,  synopsis  of  the  diflirent 
varieties  of  cotton  fahricji  would  be  supeilluoiis. 
The  first  prnteclive  duly  levied  upon  cotton  fabrics 
by  the  larifi"  of  18>J4  was  equivalent  to  aboui  33 
percent,  of  its  then  value,  'i'he  price  very  soon 
came  down  to  the  amount  of  the  duly,  the  i|ualily 
of'the  article  greatly  improved,  and  the  duly  i  •loii 
coarse  cotton  fabrics  has  been  almost  prohibili,.-y, 
because  our  luanufactiirers  in  a  nIio,  i  time  after  tfiu 
protection  was  alTurded  were  enabled  to  make  and 
to  sell  ikem  at  about  one-third  of  ilie  cost  of  the  for- 
eign article.  The  cfl'cct  of  the  tarilV  upon  coarse 
woollens  has  been  as  Aivorable,  in  proportion  to 
the  lime  it  has  been  alTorded.  Upon  that  micle 
called  satinets,  or  as  it  is  more  cciminonly  colled 
cassineis  in  the  country,  before  the  first  ptotcctivp 
duly  was  laid  upon  thi-s  article,  it  sold  at  from  sev- 
enty-five rents  to  a  t'ollar  a  yard  for  the  e.ominonest 
article.  The  same  can  now  be  bought  fiO  per  cent, 
lesa.    Tlia  same  kaa  been  the  cue  with  all  coari«  <l 


I  cloths.    The  public  mind,  sir,  is  familiar  with 
;  these  facts. 

j      Upon  no  article  of  domestic  production  has  pro- 
,  tectiun  operated  more  favorably  than  upon  gloss. 
in  18:24  the  duty  u|ion  window  glass  was  ^  per 
lUU  feel,  and  ilie  price  was  ))1U  SU.     In  I8'J8  the 
I  same  duly,  and  the  price  was  j^(i  50.     Uy  the  tarilf 
'  of  184:2  the  duly  is  fj  per  lOU.  feet  for  the  same 
;  kind,  8  by  10;  on  glass  lU  by  ir  it  is  $2  50:  on 
glass  14  liy  16,  it  is  <)i3  50,  and  so  on  up  I."  #(i  |  er 
niindrcd  for  glass  above  ll^  by  i20  inches;  on  crown 
glass  it  is  fr,  u  33  to  50  per  cent.  more.     Now, 
sir,  glass,  and  particularly  the  plain  8  by  10,  which  11 
is  111  more  general  use,  can  be  bought  lor  a  little  j 
mure  than  the  duty,  fi  35,  and  all  oilier  kinds  in  || 
Iiroportion.  i 

On  all  the  varieties  of  the  manufacture  of  glass,  '^ 
nrotcclion  has  operalcd  with  the  sonic  results.  ' 
Upon  plain,  I'lessed,  cu',  and  colored  tumblers, 
vials,  bottles,  ;ind  demijohns,  it  is  all  the  same. 
The  price  has  comedown  by  the  domestic  supply,  ! 
and  it  is  now  furnished  at  ilie  mere  cost  of  produc-  |: 
lion,  simplified  and  reduced  by  skill,  experience,  {' 
and  science.  Let  mc  give  you  an  extract  from  a  ' 
cerlificaic  from  the  manui'ucturcrs  of  Wheeling,  i 
Virginia.     T!"-;'  say; 

•'  1)111  iici  Uie  yeiirs  ^t)  anil  i»nrt  of  '43,  our  flinl  glsps  man-  j 
ul'iii'torj  w.ii*  idle,  (iwiiiy  'it  ilit>  wmil  of  bufinu^M,  rchulliiig 
(mm  ttiu  rciliictioii  ,11'  tlif  uirnt'  iiix!  -'-  Ihc  ruiiiiinniiiNe  ucl,  i 
sit  Itic.t  our  IiiuhIh  were  idle  for  rituiie  t'i<;litucii  or  twenty  j 
iiiu.  iliK.    Ai'wr  ilu'  p.iA'.itieoi'iliu  miilVni  '.2,  wo  niiain  put  i 
nur  works  1,1  <>|i.'ratloi),  and  lliivc  b  m-ii  .-ince  iii;iking  nil  llic 
f•l.l^:,  our  f.iL'lury  i-  cap.iLji-  of  producing;  mid  we  :oe  now 
i-cilinn  ""■■  (|lii"»  at  -JSper  leiil.  Iccb  llinn  w.-  did  at  the  ftdop- 
linii  or  liie  itiriir  of  '4'i,  unit  we  believe  tlie  deduelluii  bos 
tiei;a  general  over  Ilie  couiiliy.*' 

I  learn  that  in  1833  there  were  seventeen  flint 
glass  factories  in  the  United  Slates.     As  the  tarilf 
\.08  reduifcd  the  number  of  factories  was  reduced, 
and  in  1843  tin  re   were   but  five.     Since  the  tariff 
of  184!2,  the  iiiiiiiber  has  increased  to  nineteen,  Ij 
which  consume  iMiiiiially  §800,000  worth  of  coal,  1 1 
wood,  limber,  iron,  straw,  litc,  besides  the  provis-  | 
ions  necessary  for  the  operatives,  and  afford  em 
ploynient  to  5,3t)3 'oils  of  shipping.     An  intelli- : 
gent  writer  on  this  subject,  says:  I 

'*  SUlce  11^42  llie  Jirice  ot  |;ln-H  Inn,  been  reduced  05  per  i 
cent.,  wbilr  tlie  w^tgen  of  lliu  liibiirt'is  have  been  increaM-4  : 
in  ntaiul  Uie  munn  jiruporuoii.  la  Itiis  ea.-e  il  in  evident 
ili.il  prutccUoii  lias  clienpitiii'tl  jttanii  t.i  tlie  cuiisuiiiers,  while 
il  Inia  iiicriased  llie  wn^n  s  nl  Die  makers— appnrenlly  n  par- 
adox ;  yi'l  such  nr>'  the  I'luU.  Aiiilwliy bIiiiiiIiI  il  iiolheiiu? 
W'lieii  toreiKu  iimiiutaeiure!)  liiive  killed  oil  twelve  out  of 
inirsevcntvcii  inctoricH,  tlie  way  in  prepared  to  inereibie  tbe 
jiriee  ufUK-irtclu-i^;  and  at  Hit-  Kami-  tluie  wlieii  gkLsn-aia-  | 
KcrH  eiiou;;,!  to  -upply  our  scvi'iiIith  laclorieH  ore  forced  to  1 
rely  for  work  u[Hin  only  five,  niid  tlicse  live  doirin  a  preca-  \ 
liouii  bufrinchp,  it  is  ccrtaiaty  readonnbli-  to  ^uppoKe  that  I 
llM.'y  caniio.  couiniaiid  lull  watjcti — reaf^niiable,  beeauie  lliey  I 
i-aanol  have  full  work.  Ttie  iVin-iga  aiaav  dealers  ore  now  { 
flalU!riiiiitlleiurt>'lvc8  Willi  attain  iirostralinii  Atie'rieaa  glass-  \ 
luaki-rs  by  ineuiis  of  Walker's  larill'.  I^aid  one  of  tiieni  re.  i 
ceiitly  lu  a  Vaiik<-e  gln>s.|imki'r,  '  Uive  us  Uiat  bill,  aud  we 
will  ^ooll ;  io[>yuur  liru'8  for  >uu 


No.  13  and    14 121  ccnbi  per  iHiuiid. 

Do.   1.',   and    16 M    do.  do. 

Do.    17 1,'i    do.  do. 

no.    18 16    do.  dn, 

l)o.   19 19    do.  do. 

Fine  wire  one  c.'iil  more  |mt  iiiuiiber  up  In  No.  no  Wire 
i.q  now  eelloi^  at  from  forty  lo  forly-Avu  per  cent.  i<  s^  Ulun 
Hie  nb4ive  prices,  from  the  innnuiaciurLrs. 

Ill  lft!8  tbe  liekct  prices  of  wire  were  *Voni  one  In  two 
cents  per  pound  higher  than  the  above  ticket  prices  of  184C 
.At  that  time  there  was  no  dlscnuiit  Irom  the  ticket  prices. 
At  llnil  lime  there  was  but  a  single  wire  factory  of  any  con- 
scouenec. 

Now  it  is  believed  by  tlios«  best  informed,  Ibnt  wire  enough 
to  supply  tills  country,  hi  the  above  prices  of  tH-tO,  is  nianii- 
factiired  in  tbe  (inited  HIntes;  that  the  weiptii  ol^  the  wire 
made  in  one  day  is  probably  Iwentv  tons,  of  which  about 
six  tons  p«'r  day  is  made  into  wooil  screws.  'Vliir  rew 
iimniifiu-lurc  hns  uatly  all  come  into  sxistenee  ti.ice  tlie 
tariitofl849. 

The  innnuniciureof  sheet  iron  en  inieneedin  thisconntrr 
aliniit  the  year  11^31.  None  of  any  i  nsequencc  was  made 
bi'fore  thnt  lime.  Now,  (with  Die  exception  of  Itussin  sheet 
iron,)  tlie  niaiiulhi-'lorers  of  this  country  can  supply  llie 
wliole  demand  of  the  ITiiited  Slates. 

TtU!  Rwiriit  (AcW  iron  ling  been  more  uniform  in  priee,  for 
the  laU  twentiijire  j/cnrs,  tfian  any  ottter  ironfabricj  ou-iti^  to 
there  being  no  competition. 

An  intelligent  correspondent  thus  writes  lo  me: 
*  "  I  have  not  tbe  Icasi  doubt  that  if  the  tnriirof  Secrclnry 
Walker  should  pass,  the  wire  and  the  s!  ?et-iron  tmde  would 
he  ruined,  and  ninny  tboitsands  of  iiersefs,  hucIi  ns  miners, 
l^rnuce  men,  and  nieehnnic.s,  engaged  in  Uie  bllsinc^s,  will 
bo  out  of  employ.    And  the  doubt  on  this  siilijer     has  siis- 

fiended  the  iiiveslmt-iit  rW several  bmidrml  thousand  doliars 
n  the  Anierienn  iron  bjsiness.  This  capital  is  waitini^  the 
result,  and  will  not  he  employed  in  the  iron  business  ii  Mr. 
Walker's  bill  should  be  passed,  f  have  been  engaged  in  the 
manllfaelure  of  iron  wire  since  18S-I,  in  Uie  United  Slates." 

Now,  sir,  we  will  pass  from  iron  to  siigi  ,  and 
1  wii  only  s>op  to  remind  the  committee  that  tne 
supply  of  Louisiana  sugar  has  increased  nlmo.sl 
one  hundred  per  cent,  under  Ihe  operation  of  the 
tariff  of  ]843,  while  the  price  hnn  diminished,  and 
particularly  f>.  the  inferior  qualities.  But,  sir,  il 
IS  upon  refined  sugar  (loaf  and  clarified)  that  pro- 
tection is  most  felt.  Such  sugars  ns  sold  in  1843 
at  jJ13  now  sell  at  ij^lO  50;  and  the  riualily  of  thoso 
sugars  has  been  greatly  improved,  as  well  as  a 
large  amount  of  brown  sugar  made  from  the  mo-, 
lasses  by  n  process  wlych  was  invented  by  Profes- 
sor Mapcs,  of  New  York,  n  gentlemaii  of  great 
science  and  intelligence.  Sugars  wl.ich  sold  for 
18  to  90  cents  n  pound  before  any  [protection  was 
afforded  to  refined  ot  loaf  sugars  now  sell  from  10^ 
to  11  cents. 

Pricct  of  Bag^in-^  ntwf  Bale  Rftpe^  oi  tovi^ritte^  from  Jun- 
uary  '..  1838,  to  ./unuahf  1,  1846. 


I'-: 


Ever   man,  Mr.  Chairman,  knows  how  greatly 
reduce  J  arc  the  prices  of  the  various  articles  of  the 
luanufactiire  of  iron,  from  a  cut-nail  to  the  most 
highly  finished  piece  of  cutlery.  It  would  cotisumc 
more  time  than  i.s  left  to  me  to  specify  the  articles, 
and  the  country  is  ton  familiar  with  the  prices  lo 
make  it  necessary.     There  are  few  who  hear  me 
lliat  do  not  know  that  iron  chains  of  every  kind 
have  been  reduced  50  per  cent.,  and  that  ns  soon  os 
protection   to  nails  of  five  cents  per  pound  was 
afforded,  it  amounted  to  a  prohibition  against  the 
foreign  article,  and  the  price  came  down  below  the  \ 
duly.     Axes  and  anvils,  hollow  ware,  nay,  evrry  I 
article,  has  been   reduced  since  the  tariff  of  1843,  ■ 
and  none  moic  than  that  species  of  iron  which  is 
protected  at  5<'i0  a  ton,  and  is  now  selling  at  from  j 
jji80  to  jj85.     Sir,  jl'  'here  was  any  semblance  of  i 
truth  or  plausibility  in  the  asserlijn  that  the  duty 
on  the  foreign  article  was  added  to  the  home  iiian- 
ufactiircd  article,  that  .species  of  iron  upon  which  j 
the  duly  ia  two  and  a  half  eriits  a  pound,  or  $^6  a 
ton,  to  wit,  iron  of  five-eighths  of  an  inch  and  less,  ■, 
would  sell  for  ^31  more  than  hammered  bur  iron,  | 
the  duty  on  which  is  535  pc  ton;  whereas  it  does 
not  self  for  any  more,  or  if'    docs,  but  a  dollar  or  | 
two.     !  am  credibly  informed  that  both  kinds  can 
be  had  at  {(85  per  tun.     Mere  is 

.i  titt  of  ti'ket  prices  of  Jlinerieitn  made  meichanl  iron-uire 
in  IH-bi,  (/  hich  bus  been  fumithrit  lo  me. 

From    OloNo.    fi 9  cents  per  ,i«iiind. 

Do.      7     do,       9 W    do.  do.       • 

Nos.    10  and     il 11    do.  do. 

Do.  isi , 114  do.  do. 


Date. 

Bagging,  per 
yard. 

Ilnlc  Rope, 
per  lb. 

1838,  January  I 

18    u    28 

7^8 

IKIC.  July  1 

17    a    19        61   n     8     I 

ICW,  January  1 

IKt),  Julv  1 

1840,  Jniiu  -y  1 

1840,  July 

IH41,  January  1 

1841   Jiilv  1 

19    a    21 
M    n    94 
a-J    a    B4 
22  11   a-4 
02    a    24 
«    a    27 
18    0   20 
!?     .    17 
11    a    12 
11    a    13 
11    a    12 
11    »    12 

7  a     8 

8  a     9 
7     a     8 

7  0     8 

8  n     9 
11     n    12 

8     a     9 
H    a     8i 
4J   «     .-iJ 
^   a     6 
.■U   a     4J 
4.      n      .'Vl 

184*J,  Jnimnry  I 

184"  Julv  t 

I8t.'l,  July  1 

1H44,  Janiinrv  1 

18-14,  July  1  * 

'  IHl.*,,  January  1 

9    a    10        3            41 
9|  «    lOj       3     .       4i 
H)  n     9i      .1      I     4 

If-lo,  July  1 

Thfi  vnrialion  in  phfop  nt  Uio  imiiip  iKrjwl  i.-t  pro<tiir'Ml  I 
a  ilittrrciicc  in  thi'  qinility  nt'  ttii  artit^h'j  ntul  the  lt>iiittli  of 
till'  croilit.  lMiti*<,  oil  ilir  U|  Ja;iimr>'t  I'^'^i  n  nicttium  i|unltty 
having  fntild  tic  bonjiht  iit  8^  criit«  ciisl.,  whil-;  a  Riipfrior 
fibric  would  rnnniiiiiid  9^  crntt  eiwh.  Tho  llrxl  would  hn 
snld  lit  9  rptiti  oc  ft  crrdit  of  nine  nmntliSj  »nd  itio  latter  aC 
10  rents  on  thn  sanir  r.rdil. 

In  1^*41  till!  roinppomlsi'  titrifrimd  nrnrty  rranhrd  tlir  low- 
est point  of  diH'Ifii.-'ion.  Durinn  thai  year  the  f.oiijrtiiilo 
MnniithcturJnK  Company  ennlmctcd  with  Ronu*  IimiiKiuna 
ptantt^n  to  i\m\M\  tlicm  with  hattKinff  Torflvi'  yo-.r^iatOO 
rrntH.  Tliist  pric«  wiis»  at  tlitr  limtt  coiiBidrrcd  wo  low  L.'it 
tilt*  Ktrtlcnii'n  who  i'lintraptrd  to  Iip  :^  .pplfcd  tl)ou|tht  thny 
hud  ntndf>  livery  cxcf^lli'iit  haranin.  In  tifftnihrin  rix  nionlhi 
after  the  tnrifl'  was  laid,  hiisgiiifi  was  Hold  at  hut  liltio  morn 
than  Imlf  Uiot  sum,  and  in  Uiree  ycttrs  after  at  lu«i  than 
hfiir. 

Why  emimenitc  loathe:,  ih  j  pricea  (if  which 
hftvc  also  declinod  h/  *':ie  cnrrpetilion  and  Diher 
causes  produced  by  the  tnriflf  of  1842?  or  boolSi  or 
shoca,  or  hnis?  The  smos  is  true  ns  to  them,  and 
*'  niany  other  nrticlea  too  tedioua  to  be  men- 
tioned.** 

II.  Prices  of  Ladur. 

We  will  now  inquire  into  the  opfirntn.'i  of  'hia 
aystein  unon  the  [irices  of  labor;  and  wcniUHl  In'ar 
in  mioii  tnat  the  price  of  labor  is  regulated  by  the 


'^ 


4 

1 


1)0. 

Do. 
Do. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1159 


¥ 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


The  Tariff— Mr.  J.  G.  Chapman. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


Rtcadineas  of  the  demand,  and  tlic  stability  of  that 
system  which  afTorda  it  cm[iloymcnt.  The  facts 
which  I  liuve  collected,  and  'ii  the  truth  of  which 
I  have  the  most  implicit  coplidencc,  because  of  the 
respectability  of  those  sources  from  which  I  have 
derived  them,  will  sustain  the  assertion  which  I 
liavo  made,  that  the  price  of  labor  has  not  been 
diminished  by  the  reduction  in  the  prices  of  pro- 
tected articles,  which  the  Secretary  tells  ua  have 
displaced  foreign  articles,  within  the  last  year,  to 
an  amount  sumcicnt  to  raise  more  than  tivo  mil- 
lions of  revenue.  Here  are  some  examples:  In  the 
Starke  mills  at  Manchester,  New  Hampshire,  the 
average  wages  of  all  the  girls  there  employed  (over 
and  above  their  beard)  was,  in  February,  1843, 
only  #1  46  per  week;  and  in  the  same  month  in 
184G,  #1  93  per  week — au  increase  r{  32  per 
cent. 

The  annexed  table  of  comparative  wages  at  the 
Amo>\cag  mill,  will  exhibit  a  similar  result,  viz: 

".4t'er«^c  tvai,cajinUlthf  oneratirrsin  the  ImotkfagtiewmiU, 
in  the  month  of  Jamtary  in  tack  yettr. 


Mill  No.  1,  Jan.,  1842.. 

61  SI 

$1  Xl 

m  61 

$^ao 

Do.       do.     I84;t.. 
llo.      jd.     1844.. 

1  5/ 

1  41 

1  74 

a  3() 

1  69 

1  ;i.^ 

a  02 

a  .V. 

1)0.       do.     181,').. 

1  m 

1  :« 

U  U9 

a  .'i6 

Do.       I'n.     1816. 
G»iii  In  four  yonra . . . . 

1  (H 

1  61 

2(i6 

a  78 

•Jl  p.  ct. 

ai  p.  It. 

OS  p.  ct. 

as  p.  ct. 

Average  roagca  of  the  female  oprrntivet  for  the  four  wecki 

ending  February  SI,  1840. 

MILL  \o.  I. 


Emplny- 
iiicnt. 


Cimling..., 
Spjniijnt;.,. 
Weaving ., 
Wrtrping... 
Dn^Hsing... 
Drawing  ill 


0  V 


=  »-si 


fi.io.oo 

I.119.!KI 

),746.a-> 

l.'>4.2.'i 
2B.'i..'>0 
100.75 


37.0B 
46.03 
7a.76 

e.4a 

11.06 

4.3<l 


.■jjiassfi 
Mr,  oiii 

10,W  Ml\ 

87  .tl; 

147  4.T 
63  361 


*1  T!l 

1  67 

2  37 
a  1 
2  OH 

a  .51 


AvcfRffC  ttm)Ugh 
the  mill. 


(ft  05 


MILL  No.  II. 


Curding.... 
Spinning... 
Wenving .. 
Wnrping... 
DresMing... 
iJmwingin, 


4.M.0O 

ia.08  :s<>339a 

fl  81 

i.iOR.a.') 

46.18 

513  41 

1  K 

i.fli.va.') 

67,  .TO 

!«8i)a 

a  35 

146.50 

6.10 

87  90 

3  35 

ao7.a.i 

8.63 

189  86 

a  51 

113.3.5 

4.72 

.59  40 

1  UO 

«ao3 


"  w.  AMOnV." 
*'  In  tlic  mills  ofUio  Lnwrcnce  Mnnurncluring  Coinjmny, 
botween  lllo  second  Halurday  in  November,  1843,  and  l\w 
Bccond  Sntnrdny  of  Fehruary,  1843,  tlic  runmlfl  Jiib-lielp  ro- 
f  eivi'd  nt  Mn;  rate  of  481  cents  n  day,  or  .^l  63  per  week, 
clear  ofbourrl.  In  Uie  ;iiillH  of  tlic  said  company,  between 
tlie  Keci  nd  Satnrday  of  November,  184.i,  luul  t.'lL  second 
Saturday  ofFiibruary,  18-16,  tlle  hunic  hands  received  at  the 
rate  of  .'')5  il-IO  cents  a  day.  ')r$3  05  per  wccli  clear  of  hoard. 
Tills  is  ccrtined  by  Joliii  Ailtiii,  agent  of  the  company.'^ 

He  also  states  that,  in  1843,  old  hands  were 
abundant  nt  Jil  50  per  week  and  board;  whereas 
now,  in  March,  184(i,  it  is  extremely  difficult  to 
get  tliem  at  ^  per  week  and  board. 

The  b.ioks  of  the  Merrimac  Company,  at 
Lowell,  exhibit  the  following  average  rate  of 
wages,  viz:  Males,  per  week,  in  184U,  (14  8U;  in 
im,  «4  93;  in  1843,  $5  U4;  in  1843,  #4  76;  in 
1844,  #5  23;  in  1845,  $5  40.  Females,  per  week, 
in  1840,  91  93;  in  1841,  $1  93;  in  1843,  $3  30;  in 
1843,  »2  16;  in  1844, J3  34;  in  1845,  *•?  2G. 

Ill  the  month  of  February,  1843,  the  average 
rale,  per  week,  was  ^1  99  6-10;  same  month,  in 
1846,  the  average  rate,  |ier  week,  was  ^  22  4-10. 

Wages  paid  by  the  Delaware  Coal  Company, 
viz:  r.liners' wages,  per  day,  in  1RH3,  $1;  in  1842, 
82i  cents;  in  1845,  ^1  1,'i;  in  1846,  $1  25  to  $1  50. 
Laborers,  per  day,  in  1832,  80  cents;  in  1343,  70 
cents;  in  1845,  £0  cents;  and  in  1846,  83  cents  to 
»1. 

The  prices  are  now  higher  than  undT  the  tariff 
of  1828.  Under  the  Compromise  act,  wages  d'  • 
dined  20  to  25  per  cci.t.;  under  the  act  of 'o42, 
the/  are  steadily  and  firmly  advancing.  Miners, 
in  many  instances,  make  at  the  rate  of  $1  50  to 
^1  75  a  da)  ,  and  some  of  them  ^  a  day.  \ 

At  the  JacKson  Manufacturing  Coiiipuny,  New 
Hampshire,  May  12,  1843:  j 

.irercgc  --iget  of  the  fiinale  oprralivn,  for  Ike  four  rveeki 

endinf  .4prU  15,  1843. 

MILL  NO.  I. 


GEORGE  K.  Ilf/JK,  !( 

FnrED.MIIND  PAIIKEU,  jJ"Ciii.       ' 
JICUON  ConNTY,  N.  H.,  Fclrruiiry  29,  1840. 

rAe  price  of  u-asct  vpt  iltiif  for  inaxona  antt  taliorcrs  in  the  1 1 
mouth  of  Mty  in  thefotioiiin^  yeara.  j  j 

18.12,  ninsons,  13  sliillings;     laborers,  7  sliitlings. 


1KI.5, 

do. 

1836," 

llo. 

18.17,- 

do. 

1838, 

do. 

mw.t 

rin. 

IMO, 

do. 

1841, 

do. 

1842, 

do. 

1B43, 

do. 

ie-14, 

do. 

184.5, 

do. 

14 
17 
15 
13 
13 

la 

13 
II 
18 
13 
14 


dii. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 


do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
dn. 
do. 
dn. 
do. 


do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
dn. 
dr.. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
dn. 


In  addilinn  to  the  rise  in  tht  wages  from  1843  to  1845,  there 
have  been  employed  froin  .50  to  73  per  cent,  more  men  tlum 
there  Wire  from  1838  to  18-12. 

JOSEPH  TirrKnn, 

Wri.I.lAM  TUCKER, 
JAMES  IIARHIOT, 
AMOS  WOODRUFF, 
JAMES  wEnn, 
SAMUEL  OLIVER, 


Mechanics  of 
the  city  of 
New  York. 


Einplry- 
nieiit. 


I'ardlng.... 
Bpiniiing.. . 
Weaving  . . 
Warping... 
Dressing... 

Drawing  in 


e  ° 


fiSJ.7.5 

«ji..5n 

1,72.1.00 
1.55..50 
184.J0 

9'..-,;' 


a8.:«  ,?,I04  1.5  .«1  43  At  41. 

37.98  I   ;i07  47]    I  37  Wenving, 

I  29  3lonins....,?l  29 


A\  srage  throngli 
the  mill. 


71.79 
6.48 
7.09 

4.11 


730  11 

n  K5| 

108  91 


1.56 
229 


49  08!   1  73 


4    do :21a 

a    do.  wide  1  67 
Others  per 
week 1  01 


MILL  NO.  II. 


l^nnHng. . . . 

,576.75 

24.(1.1  l$a.59  93!.«l  4.5  f          »1  47. 

.'^itinning... 
\veaving  . . 

788.7.5 

;W.87 

346  92    1  3!) 

1,. 536.75 

64.03 

080  06    140  Weaving. 

Warping... 

110.75 

4.61 

6447I  230  3lonms.....*l  67 

Dressing.. 

1.50.00 

6.3.5 

8.5  41    2  10  4     do 9  10 

Others  per 

Drawing  In 

85.45 

3.25 

39  23    177       week 132 

JAMES  A.  DIIPRE, 

For  EDMUND  PARKER,  Jlsent. 


Proofs  could  be  multiplied  to  nn  endless  extent, 
but  why  do  it?  The  fiict  is  known  to  the  coun- 
try, and  the  truth  of  my  theorems  depends  upon 
well  established  principles  of  political  economy.      1 

And  now,  sir,  I  assert,  witliout  ihe  fear  of  sue- ' 
cessful  contradiction,  that  the  price  of  labor  has 
increased,  while  the  demand    for  it  has  also  in-  ! 
creased  in  more  than  a  corresponding  ratio;  that  1 
the  ;;roteclivc  system  is  caU'iilaled  to  advance  the  j 
labor  of  the  counti'y,  and  to  plnrc  it  in  that  inde-  , 
pcridcnt  altitude  which  is  not  only  consistent  with  j 
'Jie  well  being,  but  necessary  for  the  perjietuity  of 
our  free  institutions.     The  quealion  of  protection 
is  a  question  of  labor.     It  is  a  question  whether 
we  are  to  be  furnished  with  a  large  portion  of  the 
neressarirs  mid  oomforls  of  life  by  American  Inboi', 
or  be  dependent  on  foreign  Inlinrfor  them.     Upon 
that  question  can  any  man   hesilnte.'     Sir,  that 
question  I  submit  to  the  consideration  of  the  Amer- 
ican people;  1  will  not  further  discuss  it. 

In  looking  .o.tllio  compiuntive  prices  of  labor  in 
this  country  and  in  the  ditfcrcnt  cnnntries  of  Eu- 
rope, we  are   lorcibly  struck  ny  the  advantages  ( 
which  that  class  of  our  population  enjoys.     Here 
that  class  is  respected  according  to  their  merit  and 
deportment.     All  the  comforts  and  conveni6nccs  , 
of  life  arc  within  their  reach;  the  door  of  honor 
and  advancement  is  alike  open  to  them  ns  to  the 
wealthy  and  high  born:  and  the  cottngo  of  the  la- 
borer may  be  decorated  and  embellished  with  as 
bright  flowers  ns  tlios.:  which  cluster  around  the 
portals  of  the  great.     The  smile  of  innocence  and 
beauty  may  there  be  as  captivntii'g,  and  his  home 
be  the  centre  of  as  many  attractions,  and  the  sanc- 
funry  of  the  purest  and  holiest  fcelirigs  of  our  na-  ; 
lure.     Sir,  your  anti-protective  system  'vould  close  ; 
the  door  to  advancement  against  all  those  who  are 
dependant  upon  their  labor  and  exertions,  and 
doom  them  to  remain  in  that  state  in  which  they  : 
coni:.icnce  life.  I 

I  think  now,  sir,  I  have  shown  that  the  duty  ', 
upon  any  foreign  article  docs  not  increase  the  price  1 
of  the  similar  domestic  production;  that  the  price 
will  be  regulated  by  the  demand  and  supply;  that  1 
the  supply  will  be  in  the  ratio  of  the  jirotection  ' 

'  After  Ihe  great  Are  in  the  city  of  New  York,  i 

t  Great  cxpaniion  of  the  currency.  ' 


and  encouragement  to  the  manufacturer,  and  the 
stability  of  the  protection,  and  the  competition 
which  the  stability  of  the  system  will  produce. 
This  is  also  true  as  to  the  wages  of  labor.  Tha 
price  of  labor  depends  upon  iTie  demand  for  tho 
products  of  that  labor,  and  tho  certainty  of  its  em- 
ployniont  not  being  interrupted.  Capital  must 
lintf  employment.  If  it  does  not  meet  with  it  in 
one  channel,  it  will  seek  itin  another.  If  itcannot 
be  employed  profitably  by  tho  employment  of  a 
large  amount  of  labcr,  it  can  find  other  invest- 
ments where  labor  is  nut  needed.  The  demand 
for  labor  must  vary  with  the  [irofits  which  are 
afibrded  to  the  invcstme.its  of  capital,  and  the  re- 
muneration of  labor  must  consequently  depend 
upon  the  corresponding  demand.  The  duty,  there- 
fore, which  is  imposed  upon  the  foreign  article  is 
not  a  bounty  to  tne  home  manufacturer,  even  if  it 
tended  to  increase  tlie  price  of  the  article  jtro  tanlo, 
which  it  docs  not.  If  it  i"  a  bounty  to  any  class, 
it  is  to  the  laborer — labor,  like  cvei'v  other  com- 
modity, being  regulated  by  the  law  of  demand  ond 
supply.  The  stability  which  fixed  and  uniform 
prices  by  a  protective  tarift'  aflTorda  induces  the 
investment  of  capital.  High  duties  create  compe- 
tition, and  that  competition  gives  employment  to 
labor,  creating  the  demand  for  labor;  and  in  a  coun- 
try like  this,  where  tho  field  is  so  wide,  and  tho 
prospects  of  wealth  held  out  by  the  fertile  prairies 
of  the  West  so  sure  and  ilattering,  there  is  no  ne- 
cessity for  our  laborers  to  beg  employment  in  fac- 
tories, or  to  enter  them  without  remunerating 
wiiges.  Thus  is  the  protection  to  the  'labor  and 
industry  of  the  country  more  than  to  its  capital. 

As  one  cause  for  the  reduction  of  prices  upon 
protected  articles,  the  Secretary  states  in  his  re- 
port that  wages  have  generally  diminished  under 
the  tarilT.  This  is  not  so.  It  is  impossible  that  it 
should  be.  There  has  been  nn  increase  in  the  de- 
mantl  for  labor,  and  its  employment  has  been  uni- 
form and  progressive;  and  it  is  true  that  tho  more 
it  is  wanted  the  more  wages  it  will  command. 
Wages  cannot  diminish  under  an  increased  de- 
mand, anil  when  there  is  so  much  comjietition  in 
the  various  pursuits  of  industry.  No,  sir,  the  re- 
duction of  the  prices  of  protected  articles  is  resolv- 
able in  the  axiom  that  the  supply  is  fully  equal  to 
the  demand;  and  the  producers  must  be  content 
with  receiving  for  the  articles  so  abundantly  sup- 
plied the  mere  cost  of  their  production.  I  may  be 
asked,  sir,  since  labor  in  this  country  commands 
so  much  higher  prices  than  in  Europe,  why  is  it 
that  our  products,  the  fruits  of  that  labor,  can  be 
afforded  at  less  cost  than  the  foreign  article*  Or 
why  do  the  fabrics  of  our  country  undersell  those 
of  Europe'  And  if  they  do,  where  the  neces- 
sity of  protection .'  Although  this  does  not  strictly 
belong  to  the  point  which  I  set  out  to  discuss,  I 
take  leave  to  say  a  word  on  this  subject.  It  would 
seem  reasonable,  sir,  that  the  price  of  an  article, 
would  be  regulated  by  the  price  of  the  labor  which 
is  employed  to  produce  it.  And  if  there  was  no 
other  interest  employed  or  invested  in  its  produc- 
tion, demand  and  supply  being  relatively  equal,  its 
price  would  depend  upon  the  labor  necessary  for 
ita  production.  But,  sir,  there  are  so  many  other 
circumstances  entering  into  and  forming  the  basis 
upon  which  tho  -.alue  and  cost  of  production  de- 
jieiids,  that  the  price  of  the  lobor  employed  is  only 
sccontlary.  The  capital  invested  is  also  to  be  re- 
munerated, ond  the  real  estate,  the  machinery,  the 
taxes  to  the  Government,  are  all  to  be  considered, 
and  the  cost  and  charges  of  all  these  are  i?be  entered 
ns  a  part  of  the  cost  of  tlie  article,  as  well  as  the 
nicie  labor  employed.  I  need  not  sny  that  the  dif- 
ference in  the  amount  of  taxes  in  this  country  and 
in  Europe  is  one  caus^  whyour  manufacturers  can 
undersell  those  of  Europe.  There,  and  particu- 
larly in  England,  everything  is  taxed — the  land, 
houses,  doors,  windows,  the  very  air  that  is  breath- 
ed, the  bread  that  feeds  her  halP-starvsd  popula- 
tion, is  taxed;  and  all  those  taxes  must  bo  paid  by 
adding  so  much  to  the  cost  of  tho  production  of 
those  articles  with  which  wo  compete,  free  of  all 
those  Uixes  and  exactions  which  are  there  so  op- 
pressive. The  capitalist,  or  the  landlord,  who 
pays  the  taxes,  must  add  it  nn  to  the  price  of  the 
luticle.  Sir,  there  is  anotli  reason:  here  ma- 
chinery has  superseded  hum  1  labor  to  a  greater 
extei(t  than  it  lias  in  tho.se  ci-iinlries  possessing  a 
redundant  population.  In  France,  particularly, 
human  labor,  which  is  cheaper  than  in  England, 


I 


1160 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRI^SSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Aug.  f, 


29rH  Cong 1st  Sess. 


7%e  Tariff— Mr.  J.  G.  Chapman. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


is  relied  upon  much  in  the  place  of  horse-power  i 
and  mnchinery;  nnd  in  some  of  the  ancient  Gothic  1 1 
cntliedmis  and  monasteries,  which  have  been  con-  ji 
veried  into  Ibclories,  a  strange  spectacle  is  exhib-  1 1 
ilcd  of  human  labor  bein^  employed  to  propel  ma- 
chinery;  and  the  attention  of  the  spectaior  is 
arrested  by  the  noise  and  din  attendant  upon  these 
operations,  where  no  longer  is  heard  the  solemn 
chant  of  the  matin  and  vesper  anthem. 

The  certainly  of  a  market,  which  protection  n( 
fords,  alsi  <i-a  confidence  in  business,  and  that 
very  confiili  1  invites  investments.  A  larger  sup- 
ply is  produced,  and  the  producer,  when  he  sells 
a  greater  amount,  can  sell  at  less  profit,  and  real- 
ize more  than  by  the  sale  ofaless  amount  at  great- 
er prices.  [ ; 

Bui,  with  the  advantages  which  we  possess  of;: 
cheap  living,  low  taxes,  and  improved  machinery,  M 
combiner!  with  superior  skill  and  energy  in  most  of  i  j 
Ihe  mechanical  and  manufhcturing  employ mcnis,  a  ij 
certain  market,  at  prices  that  will  pay  the  cost  of ; ' 
production,  is  necessary  to  ensure  conipetition  and   i 
produce  the  supply  sufficient  to  bring  down  prices 
to  the  mere  ;oat  of  production.    This  can  only  be 
attained  by  permanence  and  protection.    With-  j 
draw  it,  and  confidence  is  destroyed,  the  bnsiness  , 
declines,  and  the  foreign  capitalist  and  manufactu-  i 
rer  may,  at  periods  of  a  redundant  market  abroad, 
flood  our  country  with  their  fabrics,  which  they 
may  be  compelled  for  the  time  to  sell  much  below 
the  cost  of  production,  to  the  ruin  of  our  citizens 
who  are  engaged  in  similar  pursu'ts. 

ProJUt  on  Ihe  lnvest)iunls  ir.  Manufactories.     ■ 
But,  say  they  who  oppose  protection,  the  profits 
of  the  manufacturer  are  inordinate  and  enormous, 
and  those  large  profits  are  paid  by  the  consumer, 
by  the  fiirmer,  and  planter,  amounting  to  at  least 
twenty  per  cent,  upon  the  investment;  while  the 
ii  :?sti  iient  of  the  .tgriculturist,  particularly  in  those 
States  vhere  slave  labor  is  employed,  does  iiotpcy 
more  th.xn  two  or  three  per  cent.    Now,  sir,  I  take 
leave  to  say  that  there  is,  there  must  be  a  mistake 
in  such  statements,  and  thot  those  opinions,  hon- 
estly entertained  I  doubt  not  by  many  persons 
who  are  too  ingenuous  to  moke  statements  whic*- 
they  do  not  confide  in,  are  founded  in  error,  ai,^.   i 
are  based  upon  the  results  of  the  skill,  and  enter-  ji 
prise,  and  industry  embarked  in  those  manufactu-  J! 
ring  operations,  and  -.-pon  the  profits  derived  from  il 
that  combination,  aud  not  the  profits  of  the  orlicle  M 
manufactured.    Let  me  illustrate  this  point  by  a  1| 
case  of  ordinary  occurrence:  A  man  has  a  capital  {i 
of  $90,000;  this  he  invests  in  some  manufacturing   i 
establishment.     He  builds  his  mill,  erects  his  dams  ! ' 
or  fixtures  for  his  motive  power,  and  constructs  his 
machinery  adapted  to  the  purpose  and  manufac- 
ture  of  the  article  which  he  intends  to  supply  at  ,J 
the  smallest  cost,  and  which  is  to  be  thrown  mto 
the  market  to  compete  with  other  fabrics  of  n  sim- 
ilar character.     His  establishment,  for  ..istance,  is   ■ 
for  the  inanufacturc  of  woollens;  all  things  being 
ready,  his  cslablishmen!,   having  consumed    his' 
whole  ca);ital  of  $20,000,  is  ready  for  operation;  |! 
but  he  has  no  money  to  purchase  the  '"'ck  where- ' 
with  lo  commence.     He  goes  to  '.^..  York,  or 
Boston,  or  Baltimore,  nnd  there  he  makes  an  ar-  ; 
rangement  with  n  commission  house  to  accept  his 
bills,  he  sending  on  his  fabrics  ts  fast  as  they  can  .; 
be  prepared  for  market.    Thus  fortified,  he  pur-  j' 
chases  the  farmer's  wool  and  other  necessary  arli-  ! 
cles,  and  gives  bills  on  the  commission   house,  \ 
wliich  are  cashed.     The  cloths  are  made,  sent  in 
bales  or  packages  to  the  commiasion  merchant,  i 
and  by  him  sold.     This  goes  on,  and  is  repeated  '] 
with  as  much  rapidity  as  human  enci-gy  and  skill, 
aided  .'^y  the  most  improved  machinery,  will  en- 
able ihtm;  and  it  is  W()nd(rftil,sir,  to  what  perfec- 
tion  our   enterprising  countrymen   are   bringing  ' 
everjr  variey  of  mnchinery,  and  how  every  pro-  i' 
cess  is  simplified  and  its  cost  and  expense  dimin-  ' 
ished.     At  Ihe  end  of  the  year  there  is  a  srltle- 
ment,  a  reckoning  between  these  partners — this  i 
inanufncluier  and  his  coinml.ssion  house,  his  fac- ' 
(or,  broker,  hnd  banker;  and  it  appears  that  the   : 
year's  profils  have  been  $5,001',  twenty-five  per 
cent,  upon  the  $aO,nOO  invnsted  in  the  operalion.  ' 
This  seem.t  to  be  inordiiiale  gain.     But,  sir,  is  it  ' 
Ihe  profit  upon  the  $90,000  intesiment  alone !  Oh 
no,  sir.     To  produce  ihnt  $,'i,(MI0— to  make  llmt 
tweniy-fivp.  per  cent,  upon  the  $30.tl00  put  into  Ihe 
CBtubhshmcpi— «1UO,OUO  worth  of  goods  have  been 


manufactured  and  sold,  only  five  per  cent,  upon 
the  amount  of  sales  has  been  realized;  timt  is,'  the 
profit  upon  the  investment — unon  Ihe  labor  em- 
ployed— the  money  ond  credit  un^i.  —the  mind,  the 
skill,  the  energy,  the  thought,  the  intcll  ;t  that  has 
been  brought  into  the  business  that  has  directed 
and  controlled  it;  and  this  is  a  capital  as  worthy 
and  deserving  of  credit  us  the  world's  mere  dross, 
which  is  made  the  subject  matter  of  barter  and  ex- 
change. 

Does  the  law  of  the  country  give  you  remunera- 
ting interest  for  the  outlay  and  loan  of  your  money  f 
Does  it  authorize  a  fair  equivalent  for  the  product 
of  your  labor — nnd  shall  it  refuse  to  compensate 
you  for  the  fniils  of  the  mind's  employment.'  Tell 
me  not,  sir,  of  the  wisdom  or  justice  of  that  sys- 
tem which  aflfords  protection  to  the  wealth  of  the 
country,  and  withdraws  it  from  the  treasure  of 
mind;  which  spreads  its  broad  mantle  over  the 
property  of  iis  citizens,  and  withdraws  it  from  nnd 
leaves  exposed  the  fund  of  intellect  and  intelligence 
w!ii-.h  gives  force  and  vitality  to,  nnd  puts  into 
active  employment  that  moneyed  cnpilnl  which  of 
itself  is  without  value",  but  derives  its  sole  impor- 
tance and  usefulness  fVoii*  the  inind  and  intellect 
which  directs  it.  No,  sir;  the  skill,  the  ingenuity, 
the  talent,  and  mind  employed  in  any  business,  is 
as  much  the  capital  and  as  fully  entitled  to  remu- 
nc'  .ition  and  protection  ns  that  cash  capital  which 
is  the  basis  of  its  operations;  it  is  li'ne  the  vital 
spirit  whic'.i  is  rontiimed  in  the  human  frame,  and 
which  gives  lo  its  functions  its  power  and  activity. 
That  material  substance  which  endures  but  for  a 
day,  is  not  to  be  preferred  to  the  ethereal  essence 
upon  which  it  depends,  and  whose  existence  is 
eternal. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  nolenterf.l  into  a  discus- 
sion of  the  operation  of  the  tariiT'.if  1842  upon  the 
coal  interests  of  the  country,  or  'apon  the  develop- 
ment of  the  mineral  wealth,  in  building  up  fur- 
naces and  forges  for  the  manufacture  of  iron.  The 
large  interest  which  Maryland  has  in  ''  nsc  two 
articles,  representing  as  I  do  that  interest,  in  part, 
will  excuse  niy  devoting  the  remaining  portion  of 
the  time  allowed  me  to  the  subject  of  coal  and 
iron.  There  was  imported  last  year  $9,043,399 
worth  of  iron  and  its  manufactures.  Why  is  this 
necessary .'  Why  arc  we  to  continue  dependant 
upon  Europe,  and  mainly  upon  Great  Britain, 
for  iron,  when  wo  have  the  material  in  such 
abundance  lying  useless  and  worthless  in  ou> 
mountains,  and  requiring  only  labor  and  capital, 
nnd  the  protection  of  the  Government,  to  make 
those  mountains  mines  of  untold  gold  ?  I  will  not 
enter  into  a  comparison  of  the  cxtcntof  our  mines 
with  those  of  Great  Britain,  or  compare  the  facil- 
ities of  working  them.  But,  I  maybe  permitted 
to  say,  that  no  country  on  earth  possesses  greater 
advantages  for  the  manufacture  of  iron  than  this, 
greater  abundance  of  coal  and  iron  ore,  or  that 
which  is  more  easily  mined  and  converted  into  all 
the  VF      cies  of  the  manufactured  article. 

No,/,  sir,  look  at  the  progress  which  the  manu- 
facture of  iron  is  making  in  Pennsylvania  and 
Maryland. 

In  1842  there  were  but  four  anthracite  iron  fur- 
naces in  operation  in  the  whole  country;  there  are 
now  thirty-four  in  operation,  and  six  or  eight 
others  in  progress  of  erection,  capable  of  inanufac- 
turins  116,000  tons  of  iron  a  year,  which,  at  $2.'> 
or  $30  a  ton,  would  be  $3,348,000.  In  1842 there 
was  not  a  single  rolling  mill  fur  the  manufhcture  of 
railroad  iron  in  the  United  Slates;  there  are  now 
five  in  active  operation,  and  two  others  in  the 
course  of  construction;  and,  if  the  tariff" of  1842 
had  not  been  interrupted,  we  should  have  been 
able  10  supply  all  the  railroad  iron  required  in  Ihe 
United  States,  and  at  less  prices  than  we  paid  for 
Ihe  foreign  nriicle  in  1835  and  1836,  when  it  was 
imported  free  of  duty. 

Sir,  in  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey  there  are 
about  twenty-eight  rolling  mills  for  making  iron 
from  anthracilc  coal,  fifteen  of  which  have  been 
erected  since  1843.  These  rolling  mills  are  capa- 
ble of  making  about  120,000  lonsof  railroad-,  bar, 
and  boiler  iron  a  year,  which,  at  $70  a  ton,  would 
amount  to  $8,400,000.  The  amount  of  iron  row 
made  in  Ihe  United  Slates  a  year  is  estimated  to 
be  from  thirty-five  lo  forty  millions. 

There  are  neveral  iron  estahlijhmcnta  in  Mary- 
land, one  in  my  own  duirict,  owned  and  conduct- 
ed by  the  Messrs.  EUicott,  intelligent  and  enter-  ' 


prising  gentlemen,  who  make  pig  iron  from  the 
ore  in  tlie  neighborhood  of  their  fumncea,  which 
•  is  converted  into  bar  nnd  other  iron  at  the  Elk- 
ridge  forges.  There  is  also  a  furnace  in  Worcester 
county,  which  makes  pig  iron  from  hog  ore,  and 
sends  ii  in  this  stale  to  the  forges  on  the  Delaware 
and  other  places  to  be  manufactured. 

Bui,  sir,  in  Alleghany  county  we  are  to  look  for 
I  the  manufacture  of  iron,  if  encouragement  nnd  pro- 
j  teclion  could  be  continued  to  the  development  of 
'  the  resources  of  the  country.  These  large  and 
!  extensive  establishments,  erected  within  .i  few 
\  years,  are  capable  of  supplying  a  great  portion  of 
j  the  demand  of  the  country  for  iron  as  soon  as  the 
means  of  transportation  can  be  nff'orded,  wliich 
I  would  soon  be  done  if  the  system  of  1842  was  not 
interrupted.  Maryland  looks  with  anxiety  to  the 
I  finishing  of  the  Chesapeake  and.  Ohio  canal  to 
I  furnish  the  means  of  transporting  her  iron  and  coal 
'.  to  market.  But,  sir,  that  work  cannot  progress  to 
I  completion  if  your,  market  is  to  be  closed  lo  licr 
I  coal  and  iron  productions,  nnd  a  preference  is  to 
be  given  to  the  foreign  article,  as  designed  by  your 
I  new  revenue  system.* 

I      I  shall  devote  the  few  minutes  left  to  me  to  the 

'■  subject  of  coal.     Sir,  in  this  mineral  our  country 

i  is  rich — richer  than  any  other;  and  if  the  i.ictec- 

I  tion  alTorded  by  the  act  of  1842  is  continued  a  few 

years  longer,  we  shall  be  able  to  sup|)ly  the  whole 

demand  of  the  country  at  less  prices  than  ^  -ere 

I  paid  before  the  prole(  lion  was  afforded.     The  coal 

field  of  Alleghany  is  computed  at  ul)out  300  square 

miles,  and  some  of  th^  principal  strata  are  thus 

described : 

"  Near  the  level  of  tli  i  Potomne  Is  u  stratum  of  "fil  8 
feet  ttlick.  Iiaiiieilintely  nbove  it  is  n  rich  l>ed  itf  iron  ore, 
ao  fict  thieli.  .-Vt  a  hei«ht  of  100  feet  is  a  conl  hcd  ufs  feet 
tllickne^s;  and  ininiediately  above  it  is  a  flrntum  of  fire 
rliiy.  .\t  a  hetiilit  of  about  '1*>0  feet  in  a  conl  bed  nf  6  feet 
ttiiek.atid  above  it  iron  ore  of  5  feel.  From  aoO  to  40")  feet 
is  n  space  unexplored.  At  500  feel  licislu  is  a  eonl  vein  of 
7  feet ;  at  bOO  fttet,  iron  and  coal.  In  tVie  next  300  feet  nro 
several  layers  of  eonl  ond  iron,  but  partially  explored.  At 
the  height  of  HOO  feel  is  Ihe  great  vein  of  conl  before  de- 
scribed, here  17  fiiel  in  thickness  ;  and  shortly  below  it  nro 
bnllM  of  iron  ore,  ;in(l  nl  !H)0  feet  n  eonl  veMi  of  4  feet  in 
thiekncsa.  Mr.  Shepherd  cstimales  tlie  quantity  of  eonl 
iviitlia  the  limits  of  the  eslntcs  of  the  nbove-nftmeH  r'":;!- 
paiiv,  which  enibmces  n  tract  of  'iO,Ot)0  acres,  i.t  nboul 
infl,(X)0lon8  un  acre,  niakiiic  a,0(K),(K>(>,OJO  tons.,  or,  i"ieeUng 
one-half  for  wnslB  and  to  be  reservi^,!  as  pi  I  hi  rs  to  sUt'.port 
tlie  roof  in  mining,  nn  avniln'^lc  quantity  tor  use  of  a  thou- 
siind  millions '^  **.ons.  lie,  nipules  Itml,  within  the  same 
limiLs,  there  1,936  millions  of  cubic  yards  of  iron  ore, 

whic)i,whcn  smelted,  will  produce  as  luuiiy  tons  of  metallic 
iron. 

"There  am  ivithin  the  snine  space  large  quanliUes  of 
.iineslone,  hydmulie  lime,  and  fire  ciny.  This  esilininte  em- 
braces tlic  possessions  of  a  single  compnny,  oceupyinc  not 
more  Ihnu  >i  sixth  |>arl  of  die  kriown  area  of  the  conl  flelil. 
All  this  is  situated  above  the  level  of  the  prinelpnt  tributn- 
ries  of  that  river.  Tlie  supply  of  coal  nnd  iron,  therefore, 
may  be  safely  assumed  to  be  inexhaustible." 

Professor  Diicatel,  by  a  different  mode  of  calcu- 
lation, after  deducting  about  a  fifth  part  of  the 
area  of  the  coal  basin  for  those  portions  of  it  which 
arc  C4irried  away  in  the  formation  of  Ihe  valleys 
along  the    course    of  the  various    streams,   and 
making  a  much  larger  allowance  for  unavailable 
portions  of  the  strata,  computes   the   remaining 
portion  to  be  86,847  acres,  the  average  thickness 
of  the  available  beds  of  coal  at  45  ffcet,  and  that 
of  the  strata  of  iron  ore  at  15  feet.     These  data 
give  the  quantity  of  coal  6,305,000,000  cubic  yards, 
amounting  lo  about  that  number  of  Ions;  nnd  the 
'  quanlily  of  iron  ore  3,237,000,000  tois,  or  suffi- 
cient lo  produce  1,079,000,(100  tons  of  crude  ir^n. 
I      This  IS  a  quantity  more  than  ."qual  lo  the  present 
\  produce  of  tlic  kingdom  of  Great  Britain,  contin- 
I  ued  for  a  period  of  five  hundred  years,  without 
penetrating  below  the  level  of  the  Potomac.    Here 
I  IS  but  a  part  of  the  mineral  wealth  of  Maryland, 
being  not  less  than  six  Ihouaand  three  hunilied  nnd 
/we  millions  one  hundred  uitd  thirty-seven  thottsand 
two  hundred  rnd  rightijseren  tons  of  coal,  and  one 
thousand  and  jeventy-nine  millinns  one  hundred  aiul 
■  ninety-one  thousand  seven  hunilred  and  fourteen  tons 
of  crude  iron — nn  amount  inexhaustible  in  quantity, 
and  incalculable  in  amount  of  wealth. 


*Sinee  tills  speech  was  delivered,  I  have  been  informed 
that  the  Lonaeoniiig  iron  works,  in  Alleghany  eounly,  Mary- 
land, have  suspended  operations.  The  hands  wtlo  were 
employeil  tliere  will  seek  emplnyinent  no  donlit  at  the 
Mount  Havnge  works,  in  the  same  county.  This  must  re- 
duce tlie  wages  of  tliose  there  employed. 

I  have  also  learned  that  the  worthy  and  intelligei;t  proprl- 
eioniof  the  Paluxeiit  forges  have  been  •  imiielie.l  lo  rediico 
till'  wages  of  their  hands  flfly  cents  a  day  since  the  piusa;;e 
ufUie  Secretary's  tarllT  bilL 


1846.1 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


"1161 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


French  Spoliations — Mr.  J.  M.  Clayton.' 


Senate. 


ess  to 

her 

3  is  to 

'  your 


And)  air,  you  are  about  to  close  up  nil  those 
avenues  of  immense  wealth.  Will  Maryland  re- 
main blind  to  her  true  interest,  or  yield  to  your 
destructive  policy? 

One  of  the  principal  aiticles  upon  which  the 
wealth  of  England  depends,  has  been  coal.  It  is 
true,  that  in  this  article  she  hns  heretofore  had  no 
rival  who  could,  to  any  extent,  compete  with  her. 
Coal  has  been  .o  England  what  atoam  power  is  to 
mechanics:  ii  enters  into  all  her  operations.  It 
warms  lier  1  earth,  drives  hor  spindles,  keeps  in 
motion  her  vast  machinery,  ana  gives  life  and 
activity  to  all  her  energies,  great  and  momentous 
us  they  are.  And  where  is  her  coal,  and  what  are  j 
her  facilities  oPsupplying  it,  compared  to  ours? 

The  teal  of  England  'lies  deep  in  the  bowels  of 
the  earth,  and  it  is  dug  out  by  men  who  have  made 
for  themselves  the  little  dark  world  they  live  ini 
where  they  have  been  born  and  bred,  and  where 
their  wives  and  their  children  live  in  total  and 
interminable  darkness;  where  there  is  neither 
sun,  nor  moon,  nor  stars,  nor  flowers  of  the  field, 
tior  breeze  of  summer,  tii  gladden  or  cheer  them. 
The  coat  beds  of  England  are,  as  I  have  said, 
buried  deep  under  the  earth;  they  are  far  out  of 
flight,  and  their  extent  is  a  problem  and  a  mystery; 
and  yet  the  sturdy  Briton  treads  the  surface  with 
as  high  a  head,  and  as  proud  a  step,  as  if  her 
glory  and  her  coal  were  to  last  forever. 

Turn  your  eyes  to  your  country — to  Pennsylva- 
nia, to  my  own  State;  where  nature  has  piled  up 
in  the  mountains  of  Alleghany  wealth  in  uncounted 
millions;  it  lies  there  all  above  the  surface,  inviting 
you  to  come  and  carry  it  away;  and  yet,  sir,  you 
wo. lid  deny  that  protection  to  your  own  citizens 
^  ''"h,  so  fur,  since  it  has  been  extendad  to  them, 
r  nbled  them  to  supply  so  large  Wportion  of 
and  of  this  mineral  at  less  cost  than  the 
tueign  article  of  lesser  value  commanded  before 
this  protection  was  afforded.  The  true  and  bene- 
ficial operation  of  the  protective  policy  is  in  no 
article  better  exemplified  and  illustrated  than  by 
the  effect  sf  the  co-.l  trade  upon  the  country,  and 
the  supplies  which  our  own  country  have  yielded. 
Print  of  Coal. 
Under  the  Compromise  act,  when  the  lower  du- 
ties consequent  upon  the  graduating  scale  of  reduc- 
tion began  to  be  felt,  the  importation  of  foreign 
coal  ran  up  in  1837  to  153.000  tons,  from  about 
50,000  in  1835,  and  in  1839  to  181,000  tons,  while 
the  consumption  of  the  domestic  article  in  the  si;me 
period  diminished.  Look  now  at  the  immense  in- 
crease of  the  domestic  article  since  1843,  and  the 
consequent  diminulionnf  the  importation  of  foreign 
coal.  Here  is  a  table  of  foreign  and  domestic  coal, 
compiled  from  official  documents.  It  shows  an 
increase  in  the  last  two  years  of  758,000  tons  of 
American  anthi'L\cite  coal.  So  much  for  home 
protection. 

FOBElaV  COAL  TRADE. 
Thefotlowinfi  i  i.  «.  <in^nriiijofcotit  import ediTilothU  eoutUry 
from  Jitnc  :  i^i^,  (■*  Junr  :10,  184.'',,  bath  years  incliuive. 
in  tons  t^"  .tii  ti^M  iihcU,  ohtitincd  from  the  ojficial 
doewMru.  "  .?'•-;,(  )pe(Aer  with  the  qttttntUti  of  an- 
thracite ter        '  n  \  I  .'*inuatlif  during  the  lame  period : 


teeming  with  richeS  and  wealth,  the  people  are 
prosperous  and  happy. 

Let  us  see  what  has  been  the  effect  upon  the 
prices  of  coal-in  the  principal  marketsi 

Piiii.ADBi.pitiA.       New  York.    Boston. 
WlinleMilc.  R«liiil.  Rctijil. 


1839 

per  ton 

«,->  50 

average  SiS  00 

$9  to'lO  00 

1840 

5  no 

6  00 

0  to  11   00 

1811 

(1 

50O 

7  75 

8  to     9  00 

1843 

(1 

4  IK 

6  .-,0 

6  to    6  50 

1843 

ti 

3  M 

5  7.'i 

6  to    0  5<l 

1814 

tt 

3  371 

r,  ,T0 

8  to    8  .V) 

1843 

it 

3  50 

500 

6  to    6  50 

Year.. 

Fiireigi 

.-■  Ur-'   -.: 

!  Yenrs. 

Foreign 

.*iithr.icite 

conl. 

••"• 

colli. 

colli. 

1820 

_ 

3H:; 

1833 

99,4.32 

485,365 

1(H1 

99,133 

1,073 

1K)4 

71,830 

376,638 

i«ia 

31  ..IM 

8,940 

18:15 

4g,91i» 

f).1fl,8:i,5 

itaa 

30,433 

5,833 

1K» 

108,432 

6g6,5»i 

18-,>4 

7,338 

0,841 

1837 

153,4.10 

e74„5.T9 

1»M 

9^,«I5 

3:),(I99 

1KI« 

139,083 

733,8:« 

18W 

a-iiOBS 

48,115 

l^,'. 

1  -[..Vll 

817,ai9 

1627 

40.317 

8I,.)«7 

1,-1 

Iii3,8ii7 

865,114 

13'J8 

31,303 

77,413 

1841 

i,v>,:«4 

ai«,,TBri 

18J9 

4.'>,M3 

110,403 

1843 

141,.531 

1,108,001 

IS30 

58,138 

174,737 

1843 

41,163 

1,963..VW 

1831 

36,509 

176,83') 

1844 

87,073 

1,631,669 

1833 

73,978 

368,871 

1W.5 

80,770 

2,021,674 

Tbi'i  <s  the  amount  of  anthracite  cnal  from  the 
conl  -'on  of  Schuylkill,  in  Pennsylvania.  The 
err.  •■■'■  ,inn  of  bituminous  coal  from  western 
Pci.r.'  vf  i.ia,  Virginia,  Ohio,  and  other  places, 
may  l'>  qi'al  \o  ih  anthracite.  The  Inriff"  of 
1842  h.n  noted  like  magic  upon  this  article,  and 
upon  the  region  of  country  wliirli  supplies  it. 
Railroads  are  being  built,  towns  and  villages 
■nring  up  as  if  by  enchantment,  and  the  coal  re- 
gion of  Pennsylvania  hns  been  converted  from  an 
almost  hopeless  state  of  bankruptcy  and  ruin  to 
one  of  unparalleled  prosperity.    The  country  is 


but  twice  the  amount  of  the  duty  on  foreign  coal. 

While  protection  has  increased  the  supply  and  ; 
!  consumption  of  American  coaln'most  100  per  cent.,  ; 
I  it  has  enabled  the  miner  to  furnish  it  at  aO  percent.  \ 
I  less  cost  to  the  consumer,  while  the  whole  country  [ 
'  feels  tlie  benefit  and  influence,  and  that  influence  is 
I  more  sensibly  felt  by  the  iihorins;  community,  and  i 
\  the  agriculturist  in  the  neighboring  regions.  J 

I  Sir,  the  whole  country  has  been  advancing  in' : 
I  prosperity,  and  wealth,  and  happiness;  every  in-  , 
terest,  every  branch  of  industry,  is  and  hus  been 
improving,  and  now  this  whole  suite  of  things  is  to 
be  broken  up;  this  prospejity  is  to  be  arrested. 
The  tide  and  current  of  improvement  is  to  be  turned 
back  again.  What  good  will  this  change  operate  ? 
Sir,  it  will  result  in  a  ruined  commerce,  deranged 
currency, pnd  insufficient  revenue.  Manufactures 
will  be  lessened,  business  will  decline,  and  hun- 
dreds, now  in  active  and  profitable  employment, 
will  be  discharged;  wages  of  labor  must  be  re- 
duced, or  manufacturers  cease  their  operations,  if 
a  preference  is  to  be  given  tu  foreign  goods.  What 
good  is  to  grow  out  of  this  repeal  ?  Is  the  Gov- 
ernment to  oe  benefited,  or  the  interestof  the  coun- 
try to  be  ndvanccd  by  this  change?  Will  the 
revenue  be  increased  to  enable  the  President  to 
carry  on  his  war  of  conquestand  aggression  ?  Will 
i  the  prices  of  all  necessary  commodities  be  lessen- 
ed ?  Will  the  laboring  classes  receive  higher  wages, 
or  a  better  market  be  afforded  foi"  the  agricultiiral 
products  of  the  country  ?  Upon  this  Administra- 
tion, and  upon  the  party  in  power,  be  the  respon- 
sibility, and  the  country  and  the  world  will  hold 
them  to  the  account.  Think  not,  sir,  that  the 
people  are  to  be  blinded;  they  will  understand 
their  true  interest;  the  light  will  be  shown  to  them; 
it  will  be  shed  abroad  in  every  hamlet;  it  will 
spread  over  every  field;  it  will  reach  every  work- 
shop; it  will  blaze  upon  the  smith's  anvil,  as  he 
plies  his  hammer;  the  ploughman  as  h'-  turns  the 
furrow  will  reflect  upon  the  influence  of  the  sys- 
tem which  secured  him  a  market  for  his  products, 
and  gave  him  independence,  and  he  will  nai  fail  to 
see  the  hand  that  struck  the  blow. 

The  course  of  industry  is  not  long  to  be  pervert- 
ed or  arrested;  the  intelligence  of  this  people  is 
not  long  to  be  blinded ;  the  mind  of  the  country  is 
on  the  march  of  inquiry  af\er  its  true  interests,  and 
it  will  not  be  restrained  by  the  operation  of  party 
management;  a  revolution.  -a  and  progressive, 
is  moving  over  public  opu.  ..,  and  the  people  of 
this  nation  will  speak  in  1848  their  feelings  on  the 
subject  in  tones  not  to  be  misunderstood  or  disre- 
garded. 

FRENCH  SPOLIATIONS. 
SPEECH  OF  MrTj.  M.  CLAYTON, 

OF  DELAWARE, 
Is  THE  Senate,. 4ii^iu(  8,  1846. 
On  the  Mcssoge  of  the  President  of  the  United 
Slates,  returning  with  his  objections  the  bill  pro- 
viding iudemnity  for  French  spoliations  prior  to 
1800. 

Mr.  J.  M.  CLAYTON  said: 
The  presidenliai  veto  which  has  now  been  read 
may  challenge  the  ai.nals  of  this  Government  for 
a  porallel.  It  is  the  first  instance  in  the  history  of 
this  Republic  in  which  the  Executive  hns  so  far 
extended  the  Executive  power  as  to  defy  and  over- 
rule the  solemn  and  deliberate  opinion  of  both 
branches  of  Congress,  in  the  case  of  a  mere  pri- 
vate claim,  (involving  no  question  of  constitutional 
law,)  '-upon  the  ground  of  its  inexi  eJiency  alone." 
It  is  the  first  instance  in  wh',;h  the  Executive 
veto  was  ever  extended  to  wh„t  may  be  properly 
called  n  mere  privote  bil!,  on  anyground  whatever. 
Congress  has  never  before  been  denied  th  i  right  to 


pay  what  it  deemed  to  be  a  just  debt  to  any  "our 
ciilzens.  The  President  of  the  United  States,  after 
ttckntncleilging  his  want  of  nccuratc  or  minute  in- 
formation on  a  subject  involving  no  earthly  consid- 
eration but  a  mere  claim  for  money  due  from  the 
American  Government  to  American  citizens,  and 
deliberately  decided  by  an  American  Congress — 
after  plainly  confessing  that  he  had  not  "  extended 
'  his  examination  of  the  subject  into  its  minute  de- 
'  tails" — "^as  ventured  the  opinion  that  the  claims 
are  of  a  "doubtftil  character,"  and  the  bill  for  their 
relief  "a  questionable  measure;"  and  then,  after 
assigning  such  a  reason  for  his  action,  has  re- 
versed the  decision  of  Congress,  thus  rendering 
any  fitrther  appeal  by  the  claimants  to  the  justice 
of  the  country,  during  hia  whole  Administration 
absolutely  hopeless. 

It  opens  a  new  chapter  in  the  history  of  Execu- 
tive power.  1 1  is  the  beginning  of  a  new  volume  in 
the  history  of  Kxecutive  encroachment.  We  may 
nil  remember  with  what  indignation  the  friends  of 
General  Jackson,  during  the  early  part  of  his  Exe- 
cutive career,  denied  the  unfounded  rumor  that  he 
had  put  his  veto  upon  a  piivale  bill;  that  is,  on  a 
mere  claim  acknowledged  by  Congress  as  due  from 
thirj  Government  to  a  private  citizen. 

Sir,  every  man  must  readily  see,  that  if  the  ilep- 
resentatives  of  the  people  can  thus  be  deprived  of 
the  power  to  administer  justice  to  iinericnn  citi- 
zens, the  Executive  department  iiiny  resolve  itself 
into  one  of  the  grossest  tyranny.  The  claim  of 
every  American  on  his  own  Government  must  de- 
pend upon  the  arbitrary  decision  of  one  man,  from 
whom  no  appeal  ce  -<  be  had,  that  is  not  nominal 
instead  of  real  in  its  character. 

Mr.  President,  I  do  not  stand  up  here  to-day  for 
the  purpose  of  waging  indiscriminate  warfare 
against  any  and  every  exercise  of  the  veto  power. 
That  it  is  a  dangerous  power,  ai^j  one  very  liable 
to  abuse,  all  inlelligent  men  readily  agree.  The 
English  Revolution, carried  by  the  Whigs  of  1688, 
which  first  laid  a  solid  foundation  for-those  liber- 
ties which  Englishmen  enjoy,  virtually  expunged 
this  whole  principle  from  the  Constitution  of  the 
British  monorchy.  More  than  one  hundred  and 
fifty  years  have  elapsed  since  any  king  of  England 
hrs  dared  to  veto  an  act  of  Parliament.  And  how 
has  the  power  been  exercised  by  great  slutcsmen 
of  our  country?  General  Washington  w  i  most 
cautious  in  the  exercise  of  the  veto  power,  and 
kept  it  strictly  within  its  constitutional  limits. 
Thomas  Jefferson,  and  both  the  elder  and  younger 
Adams,  avoided  the  use  of  the  veto  altogether — not 
a  r  igle  instance  of  its  application  having  occurred 
within  their  administrations.  The  ancient  and 
legitimate  democracy  of  this  country  occupied  pre- 
cisely the  same  position  in  reference  to  tliis  whole 
subject  which  the  Whigs  are  now  resolved  to 
maintain.  So  strongly  was  Thomas  Jefferson  op- 
posed to  the  exercise  of  this  power,  that  he  refuicd 
to  apply  it  in  a  notable  case  where  his  ov/n  opin- 
ions, even  on  a  conslt(iiliona|  question,  had  been 
openly  expressed  in  opposition  to  the  legislative 
will;  and  he  yielded  up  his  own  cnnstiti,i'ionnl 
scruples  by  approving  a  supniemenlal  bill  to  the 
charter  of  the  bank  of  the  United  Slates.  It  was 
no  tenet  of  the  democracy  of  Aij  day  to  strengthen 
the  "  one  man  power;"  but  the  doctrines  which  he 
professed  (avowing  the  utmost  jealousy  o''Jixfcu- 
tive  encroarhment)havngoneoutof  fas'iioa.  Mr. 
Madison,  while  writing  on  this  subject,  declared 
that  "  the  primary  inducement  in  conferring  the 
•  veto  power  upon  the  Executive,  is  to  enable  him 
'  to  dffind  himself.  Indeed,  even  in  England,  where 
'  the  king  is  considered  a  part  of  the  parliament, 
'and,  therefore,  possessing  a  share  of  legislative 
'  power,  the  royal  negotive  would  only  be  permitted 
'  in  cases  where  encroachments  were  attempted 
'  upon  the  royal  prerogatives."  He  thence  infers, 
a  fortiori,  that  in  the  United  States,  where  the  Pres- 
ident is  expressly  excluded  from  any  share  in  the 
legislative  power,  the  President's  negative  would 
never  be  permitted  by  a  nation  of  freemen,  "  ex- 
'  cept  in  cases  where  manifest  encroachments  were 
'  attempted  upon  presidential  rights  and  duties,  nr 
'  where  the  negative  was  required  to  preserve  the 
'  Constitution  from  violation." 

TI  It  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  never  in- 
tendeii  that  any  President  should  apply  this  power 
to  a  case  like  that  before  us,  will  be  manifest  when 
we  reflect  how  utterly  impossible  it  must  he  for 
any  one  man,  while  discharging  all  the  Executive 


116» 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[Aug.  8, 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


French  S^oliatiom — Mr.  J,  M.  Clayton. 


Senate. 


duties  enjoined  on  him  by  the  Constitution,  to  su- 
peracid to  these  tlie  more  limn  herculean  task  of 
examining  into  the  expediency  and  sheer  justice  of 
every  net  of  Conpresa  involving  a  question  of  pri- 
vate right.  We  who  serve  in  these  Hull.^,  and  w'lo 
act  as  members  of  committees  in  Congress,  would 
laugh  at  the  folly  and  ridiculous  pretensions  of  any 
man  among  ua  who  should  assert  that  he  had  accu- 
rately examined  every  bill  of  this  character  which 
passed  Congress. 

We  know  that  we  have  to  divide  this  labor 
among  a  great  many  men  in  each  branch  of  Con- 
gress, and  that  instead  of  each  man  examining  the 
details  of  each  bill  in  regard  to  which  he  is  called 
upon  to  vote,  we  are  compelled  to  rely  on  the  re- 
ports of  our  committees;  No  one  member  of  Con- 
gress is  capable  of  investigating  one-half  the  ques- 
tions which  pass  before  us,  much  less  coulci  the 
President  be  expected  to  do  it,  encumbered  as  he 
is  with  so  many  other  and  even  more  onerous 
duties.  I  presume  the  President  would  readily 
admit  that  nc  knows  nothing — absolutely  nothing 
— of  the  justice  or  injustice,  the  expediency  or  in- 
e  ipediency,  of  many  of  ihe  private  laws  or  acts 
1.1  .olvih^  questions  of  private  or  personal  rights,  to 
which  he  has  aflixed  his  signature.  He  has  been 
compelled,  like  his  predecessors,  to  rely  on  Con- 
gress in  all  such  cases. 

With  what  propriety,  then,  can  he  claim  it  as 
any  part  of  his  duty  to  examine  the  details  of  any 
single  case  or  class  of  cases  of  this  description, 
while  he  daily  absolves  himself  from  the  obligation 
to  discharge  the  siuiie  duty  in  regarD  to  all  other 
cases  of  a  similar  character? 

It  will  also  readily  occur  to  every  one  that  while 
any  one  man  must  lack  the  ability  to  investigate 
all  those  coses  whi:h  occupy  the  time  and  exhaust 
the  energies  of  so  many  members  of  Congress,  he 
has  not  the  same  means  and  facilities  for  accurate 
investigation  which  they  possess.  He  has  not  the 
same  power  to  examine  witnesses  and  compel  their 
attemliince  which  Congress  confers  on  its  commit- 
tees. Neither  the  law  nor  the  Constitution  has 
conferred  on  him  the  powers  requisite  for  a  judge 
in  these  matters.  Wlien  a  bill  of  this  character  is 
presented  to  him,  none  of  these  documents,  none 
of  these  depositions,  none  of  that  evidence,  what- 
ever it  may  be,  goes  to  him  with  it.  The  naked 
bill  as  it  passed  Congress,  is  the  only  paper  deliv- 
ered to  hnn.  If  he  will  act  as  a  judge  in  appeal 
from  Congress  in  these  matters,  he  miu/  act  with- 
out the  evidence  upon  which  Congress  formed  its 
opinion.  He  sees  no  petition,  no  remonstrance  in 
these  cases.  In  the  very  one  before  us  he  has 
never  seen  any  of  the  petitions  of  those  who  claim 
redress  for  these  French  •spoliations.  This  bill 
was  kept  before  him  two  days  only,  and  yet  in  that 
brief  interval  of  time  he  has  overruled  the  deliber- 
ate action  of  both  Houscsof  Congress,  which  held 
it  under  consideration  for  a  period  uf  more  tlian 
seven  months. 

Let  us  now  briefly  examine  the  grounds  upon 
which  the  President  has  rested  his  objections  to  the 
bill. 

His  first  object'on  is,  in  entct.Tlmt  these  claims 
have  never  before  been  paid  by  i  s  Government, 
or  allowed  by  Congress,  although  ihe  subject  has 
been  from  time  to  time  presented  and  considered. 
He  says:  "  Since  1802  they  have  been  from  time 
'  to  time  before  Congress.  No  greater  necessity 
'  or  (propriety  exists  for  providing  for  these  claims 
*  at  this  time,  than  has  existed  for  near  half  a  ccii- 
'  tury,  during  all  which  period  this  questionable 
'  measure  has  never  until  now  received  the  favora- 
'  ble  consider.ition  of  Congress."  To  strengthen 
this  position,  he  afterwards  adds,  that  the  Govern- 
ment has  had  the  ability  to  jiav  these  claims  at 
several  different  periods,  to  which  he  •Jistincily  re- 
fers; one  of  which  was  in  1808,  during  the  adniin- 
i.stralinn  of  Mr.  Jeflerson;  the  other  in  the  year 
183G,  when  there  wa.>i  a  large  surplus  in  the  ticua- 
ury,  which  was  deposited  with  the  States.  Now, 
fir  the  sake  of  the  argument  merely,  let  us  admit 
all  this  to  be  true,  and  what  ia  such  an  objection 
worth  ? 

Pu  ;his  matter,  as  slated  by  the  President,  in 
the  shape  of  a  plea  in  bar  against  these  claims,  and 
what  docs  it  avail  ?  The  pica  admits  that  the  debts 
have  not  been  |uiid,  and  rests  the  Governinrnt's 
vindication  for  not  paying  them  now,  on  the  .single 
grniiiid  that  it  has,  during  two  brief  intervals  spe- 
cificd*  in  a  period  uf  more  limn  forty  years,  been 


able  to  pay,  but  did  not  pay.*  It  therefore  infers 
that  the  Government  had  good  reason  for  its  refu- 
sal or  omission  to  pay  I   How  would  all  this  appear, 
if  it  were  pleaded  in  a  private  suit  bttween  two  cit- 
izens?   A  debtor  rests  his  defence  against  a  claim 
which  accrued  against  him  forty  years  ago,  on  the 
ground  that  he  never  paid  the  money,  although  he 
was  twice  able  to  pay  it  in  all  his  lifetime,  and 
calls  upon  the  court  to  infer  that  he  never  owed  the 
money,  because,  by  recurrence  to  his  past  history, 
he  finds  that  he  was  able  to  pay  it  in  tnc  year  180B 
and  in  1836,  and  yet  did  not  pay  it !    Such  a  plea 
would  be  laughed  out  of  court  in  any  case  between 
private  individuals.     But  it  may  be  contended  by 
those  who  do  not  understand  the  true  character  of 
this  Government  in  its  dealings  with  our  own  citi- 
zens, that  the  Government  is  not  to  be  compared 
to  a  private  individual ,  and  that  the  presumption  is 
that  the  Government  always  pays  a  just  debt »  hen 
it  can  do  so.    Just  the  reverse  is  the  fact.    There 
is  no  Government  on  earth  that  has  treated  its  own 
citizen  creditors  with  more  injustice  than  ours.  To 
illustrate  the  manner  in  which  it  has  meted  out 
justice  to  American  claimants  whose  money  it  had 
iiarlercd  away  with  other  Governments,  I  hold  in 
my  hand  an  account  current,  charging  the  United 
States  with  the  amount  of  American  claims  which 
i  it  has  bartered  away,  or  released  to  France  and 
!  Spain  alone,  and  crediting  the  United  States  with 
1  every  dollar  of  those  claims,  which  it  has  ever  re- 
!  turned  to  the  American  citizens  who  owned  them. 
;  [Here  Mr.  C.  read  the  items  of  the       n   nt.l 
i      It  thus  appears  that  the  Governmci       i^     'i!i>">'d 
i  to  France  and  Spain,  claims  of  Atner    j 
amounting  to  J|43,275,000,  for  which  li. 
[  the  whole  consideration;  and  having  coUec  •  i 

^  amount  to  its  own  salisftiction,  has  paid  ovc.    lO 
the  owners  of  the  claims  the  sum  of  #8,750,000; 
I  thus,  in  effect,  retaining  the  cnornmus  sum  of  «34,- 
i  525,000 — to  indemnify  itself  for  the  expense  of  col- 
]  lection  under  the  name  of"  sidtage."  What  should 
I  we  think  of  a  guardian  or  trustee  who  should  c.ol- 
i  Icct  forly-threc  dollars  for  his  ward  or  ceftny  que 
trv.ll,  anil  then  charge  him  thirty-five  dollars  for 
'  the  expense  and  trouble  of  collecting  it  under  the 
!  name  o(  mirage?    The  lawyer  who  could  estab- 
lish a  usage  to  justify  the  charge  of  such  commis- 
j  sions  would  merit  from  his  brethren  of  the  pro- 
!  fcssion  a  .statue  of  gold. 

I      I  say,  therefore,  that  this  Government  has  not 

]  heretofore  treated  its  American  creditors  with  the 

j  same  justice  which  is  ordinarily  measured  out  by 

I  one  citizen  to  another  in  their  private  dealings;  and 

!  (recurring  again  to  the  President's  argument^  that 

I  would  much  sooner  infer  that  a  claim  against  a 

private  citizen  was  unjust  simply  because  he  had 

ueen  able  to  nay,  and  had  not  done  it,  than  I  would 

infer,  as  the  President  has  done,  that  these  claims 

for   French   spoliations  were  unjust  because  the 

Government  had  twice,  or  "  several  times,"  in  a 

period  of  forty  years,  been  able  to  pay  Ihem,  and  yet 

\  had  not  paid. 

!      If  we  recur  to  the  history  of  this  Government 
in  1808,  when  the  President  says  Mr.  Jefferson 
1  "  adverted  to  Ihe  large  surplus  then  in  the  treasury, 
and  itsprobalile  nccumulatinn,"  we  shall  find  from 
i  Mr.  Gallatin's  report  for  that  year  that  the  Gov- 
j  ernment  actually  owed  a  funded  debt  of  (i56,6l7,- 
603  27 1 — and  that  in  his  estimate  then   made  for 
:  Ihe  expenses  of  1809,  he  alarms  Congress  on  ac- 
;  count  of  the  deficiency  of  the  treasury,  by  showing 
'  ihem  abalance,  "Iraiing  asuritluicfontylliree  mil- 
lions of  ilollars  for  defraying  all  the  npensea  for  forti- 
'  ficatlons,  mililury  stores,  increase  of  the  army  and 
navy,  or  otherwise  incident  to  a  stale  of  actual  v/r.e, 
or  of  preiiaralions  for  war,"  then  confidently  antici- 
pated. Every  one  now  knows  that  Mr.  Jefferson's 
boast  in  his  message  of  1808  of  a  great  surplus  in  the 
treasury,  was  made  for  tlie  purpcise  of  making  a 
great  show  of  our  power  of  resistance  to  Kngland, 
(not   long  aft«r   the   attack   on    the   Chesapeake 
frigate,)  and  not  for  the  purpose  of  deceiving  his 
own  countrymen,  who,  indeed,  could  not  easily 
be  deceived  on  such  a  subject. 
j      The  truth  is,  as  I  have  on  a  former  occasion 
said  to  the  Senate,  there  was  no  period  from  1800 
'  to  1830  at  which  this  Government  could  possibly 
have  paid  these  claims  without  great  inconveni- 
ence, and  without  postponing  the  just  claims  of 
!  others  to  an  equal  amoiini.     And  when  at  length 
I  the  Government  became  alile  to  pay  them,  the  cry 
I  was  raised  against  lliem,  w>  :.'h  is  now  resumed 


by  the  President  as  a  ground  ht  liis  veto — that 
they  had  become  stale. 

But  the  inability  to  pay  .vi'hout  inconvenience 
was  not  the  only  reason  tor  delaying  the  payment. 
The  Government — as  I  have  on  a  former  occa- 
sion shown — kept  Ihe  evidence  on  which  the  jus- 
lice  of  the  claims  now  rests,  concealed  in  the  ar- 
chives of  Ihe  Department  of  State  until  ]82ti,  and 
then,  when  that  evidence  was  drogged  before  the 
world  by  a  resolution  of  the  Senate,  it  availed  itself 
of  the  lapse  of  lime  occasioned  by  its  own  wrong, 
to  cry  down  tlie  claims  as  antiquated  and  stale. 

The  President  refers  to  the  opinions  of  those 
who  were  contemporaneous  with  the  events  which 
gave  rise  to  these  claims.  That  is  an  unfortunate 
reference  for  him. 

I  say  this  reference  was  peculiarly  unfortunate 
for  the  President,  because  it  appears  from  the  pub- 
lished debates  in  Congress  for  the  year  1802,  when 
those  who  were  contemporaneous  with  the  events 
which  gave  rise  to  these  claims,  those  who  were 
the  chief  actors  in  the  political  scenes  of  that  day, 
did  acknowledge  the  justice  of  the  claims;  but 
while  they  admitted  that,  postponed  the  considera- 
tion of  them,  partly  because  the  treasury  was  not 
in  a  condition  to  pay  them  without  inconvenience, 
and  partly  because  only  a  portion  of  the  claims 
had  then  been  laid  before  Congress,  so  that  no  cor- 
rect judgment  could  be  formed  either  of  the  amount 
or  of  the  true  character  of  those  which  were  out- 
standing. It  is  true  that  a  doubt  was  expressed 
whether  France  would  have  paid  the  claims  in 
case  they  had  not  been  released ,  but  that  doubt 
was  f'ounded  entirely  on  the  fact  that  Great  Briwin 
had  failed  to  redeem  her  engagement  for  similar 
spoliation*  under  Mr.  Jay's  treaty,  which  we 
know  ahe'lhortly  after  paid  in  fiill.  B'rance,  after 
this,  paid  us  oil  other  claims  on  her.  Yet,  during 
the  whole  debate,  no  one  appears  to  have  express- 
ed the  slightest  doubt  that  these  claims  had  been 
released  to  France  by  our  Government;  and  it  was 
pressed  in  the  debate  "  that  these  claims  were  the 
'  more  just,  as  the  Government  of  the  United  Smtcs 
'  hod  received  an  ample  remunerotion  for  any  de- 
'  mands  which  it  might  satisfy,  in  the  abandon- 
'  ment  on  the  port  of  the  French  Government  of 
'  our  previous  guarantee  of  the  French  West  In- 
'  dia  possessions."  The  controversy  terminated 
in  the  postponement  of  the  claims  to  take  up  the 
order  of  the  day  for  the  repeal  of  the  internal  taxes, 
a  popular  measure,  to  which  the  Democratic  party, 
then  recenlly  seated  in  power,  stood  pledged  be- 
fore the  country.  [Note.  The  record  of  this 
debate,  as  published  at  the  time,  taken  from  the 
National  Intelligencer,  will  be  found  in  the  appen- 
dix, marked  B.J 

Sir,  the  Piesident  will  find,  on  fUrther  examina- 
tion, thot  all  those  who  were  contemporaneous 
with  the  events  which  gave  rise  to  these  claims, 
and  had  the  best  means  of  information  on  the  sub- 
ject, have  uniformly  acknowledged  their  justice.  I 
have  heretofore  referred  the  Senate  to  the  express- 
ed opinion  in  favor  of  the  claimants  of  John  Mar- 
shall, late  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States,  one  of 
Ihe  first  ministers  who  was  sent  to  France  to  ne- 
gotiate foi  the  payment  of  these  claims;  of  Timo- 
thy Pickering,  the  Secretary  of  State,  who  wrote 
the  instructions,  and  conducted  the  correspondence 
which  led  to  the  convention  of  1800;  of  Jomes 
Madison,  the  Secretary  of  State  at  the  very  lime 
of  the  ralificAlion  of  that  convention;  of  Napoleon 
Bonaparte,  the  First  Consul  of  the  French  Renub- 
llc,  who  signed  that  convention  in  behalf  of  tho 
French  Republic;  and,  indeed,  of  all  the  ininisteis 
who  were  in  any  way  concerned  in  the  negotiation, 
both  for  the  French  and  American  Governments. 
If  the  President  had  looked  into  the  overwhelming 
mass  of  evidence  of  the  opinions  of  those  who 
were  contemporaneous  with  the  events  which  gave 
rise  to  these  claims,  I  think  he  would  have  found 
it  impossible  to  doubt  whether  they  "  regarded  the 
'  claims  as  obligatory  upon  the  Government,  or  as 
'  constituting  an  equitable  demand  upon  the  treas- 
'  ury."  Yet  one  of  ihe  grounds  taken  by  him  in 
this  veto  message  is  thus  expressed: 

"  It  in  scnrccly  prolinlilc,  if  tliu  clnim  liail  liecii  rejarilcd 
««nliliii:itoryiipnii  nie  IJiivcninicnl.orconmltiiting  iin  ci|ui- 
mble  Uenmiiil  cm  tlie  lrca»liry.  tlmlthoicn  whn  were  ciiiilciii- 
iinmauous  with  Hue  eveitta  which  gnvo  riae  in  it,  should  nol, 
luiiR  since,  have  dcuic  Junllce  lo  Uic  clmmonu." 

Sir,  it  has  seemed  lo  me  matter  of  surprise  that 
all  the  public  men  who  wore  cognii;aiit  of  the  lead- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1163 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


French  Spoliations — Aff .  J.  M.  Clayton. 


Senate. 


ing  facts  connected  witn  the  negotiation  of  the  con- 
vention of  liJOO,  and  who  were  conlcmpornneous 
with  tliat  cnnventioni  should  have  concurred  in 
opinion  on  this  8ul)jectt  for  liowever  far  they  may 
have  diifered  on  otlier  questions,  they  all  agree 
that  by  the  convention  of  1800,  we  released  these 
claims  to  France  for  a  valuable  consideration  re- 
ceived by  our  Government.  And  it  is  still  more 
remarkable  that  this  opinion  prevailed  so  univer- 
sally at  the  time  that  no  one  ventured  to  doubt  the 
fact  of  the  liability  of  this  Government  to  the 
claimants,  during  that  whole  debate  in  the  House 
of  Representatives,  to  which  I  have  already  refer- 
red, which  occurred  only  about  six  months  after 
the  ratification  of  the  convention—  'ihough  the 
whole  mass  of  documentary  cvidei  (wn  which 
tlie  claimants  now  rest  their  case  wuh  concealed  at 
the  time  from  the  public,  and  remained  conceoled 
in  the  Department  of  State  for  nearly  a  quarter  of 
a  century  thereafter. 

The  question  made  by  the  President  why  these 
claims  were  not  paid  by  those  who  were  contempo- 
raneous with  the  events  out  of  which  they  arose, 
is,  in  my  judgment,  easily  answered  by  a  reference 
to  the  stale  of  our  finances  during  the  fifteen  years 
after  these  claims  had  been  assumed  by  this  Gov- 
ernment. In  Seybert's  Statistical  Annals,  page 
750,  is  a  statement  of  the  public  debt  of  the  United 
States  from  1791  to  1817  inclusive,  it  states  the 
debt  unprovided  for  thus,  viz: 

For  1802 $78,754,568  70 

1803 74,731,922  85 

1804 85,353,043  22 

1805 80,534,058  65 

1806 74,542,957  68 

imi 67,731,645  62 

1808 64,742,396  26 

1809 56,732,379  81 

1810 ,  53,156,532  64 

1811 47,855,070  50 

1812 45,035,123  70 

1813 55,907,452  23 

1814 80,986,291  65 

1815 99,824,410  70 

1816 123,016,375  09 

1817. .-...118,882,865  45 

This  public  debt,  unprovided  for,  remained  un- 
paid for  more  than  thirty  years  after  the  conven- 
tion of  1800,  and  during  all  that  period  there  was 
no  single  interval  of  time  at  which  many  of  the 
public  men  of  the  times  did  not  seek  to  postpone 
the  payment  of  these  claims,  amounting,  as  they 
certainly  did,  to  more  than  ten  millions  of  dollars, 
(probably  fifteen  millions,)  on  account  of  the  ex- 
isting national  debt;  yet,  even  under  these  circum- 
stances, the  justice  of  the  committees  of  Congress 
appointed  to  investigate  these  claims,  from  time 
to  time,  was  evinced  in  more  than  twenty  reports 
in  favor  of  the  claims,  one  of  ihc  moat  prominent 
of  which  was  made  by  the  old  revolutionary  hero. 
General  Marion,  of  South  Carolina. 

Before  the  ])ubIiciition  of  the  correspondence 
between  the  ministers  o"  the  two  Governments 
which  led  to  the  convention  of  1800,  three  rcporls 
were  made  against  the  claims.  Sit.ce  the  publica- 
tion of  thiH  evidence,  no  committee  of  cither  branch 
of  Congress  has  concurred  in  any  report  which 
has  not  been  strongly  favorable  to  the  petitioners. 
Th.is  we  see  that,  while  the  contemporaries  of 
the  convention  of  1800  acknowledged  the  jus- 
tice I'f  these  claims,  the  public  men  who  have  suc- 
ceeded them  have  been  unable  to  resist  the  weight 
of  eviOeiice  which  was  published  for  the  first  time 
in  182(i,  in  obedience  to  the  resolution  of  the  Sen- 
ate. Bui  until  the  present  session,  the  House  of 
Represenuitives  could  never  be  broiglu  to  any 
direct  vote  on  this  bill,  (although  the  Uenate  pass- 
ed it  in  1835,)  on  account  of  the  magnitude  of  the 
claims,  the  sUitc  of  iiie  public  finances,  and  the  out- 
cry which  ha.s  now  been  renewed  by  'he  President, 
that  Ihc  claims  had  become  stale,  and  deserved  no 
favor  because  they  had  not  been  allc  wed  before. 

The  President  makes  it  a  substantive  ground  of 
objection  that  there  is  no  surplus  in  the  treasury 
lo  pay  the  claims,  and  that  a  public  debt  of  several 
millions  of  dollars  hius  been  created  within  the  last 
few  years.  It  is  unfortunate  that  he  did  not  re- 
flect that  there  was  a  much  larger  debt  during  the 
thirty  years  first  succeeding  the  assumption  of  the 
claims,  and  that  he  did  not  also  reflect  that  the 
inere  want  of  money  to  pay  a  debt  is  no  just  ground 
for  its  repudiation.  ^..  ....... 


But,  in  f^t,  the  bill  did  not  propose  to  take 
money  from  the  Treasury.  The  land  scrip  in 
which  it  was  to  have  been  paid,  by  its  provisions, 
could  not  have  been  issued  for  more  than  two 
years  to  come,  and  after  the  commissioned  should 
nave  adjusted  the  relative  rights  of  the  claimants — 
aflbrding  two  intervening  sessions  of  Congress  to 
remedy  any  inconvenience  created  by  the  bill. 
The  President  knew  well  that  the  clause  for  pay- 
ing these  creditors  in  land  scrip  was  intended  to 
avoid  the  very  objection  thus  taken  in  his  veto. 

i'nother  objection  is  made  by  the  President  to 
this  mode  of  payment  in  land  scrip.  It  may  "  re- 
'  tard  (he  snys)  the  prosperity  and  growth  of  the 
'States  in  which  the  lands  are  situated."  It  is 
sufficient  to  say,  in  reply  to  this,  that  in  the'judg- 
ment  of  all  western  gentlemen,  with  whom  I  have 
conversed,  it  would  have  had  just  the  opposite 
cflect.  It  would  have  induced  many  of  the  claim- 
ants to  have  emigated  to  the  West,  and  settle  on 
the  remnants  of  the  fortunes  which  thpir  ancestors 
had  left  them. 

The  objection  made  by  the  President,  that  the 
claims,  if  paid  in  land  scrip,  "  are  made,  in  cfTcct, 
'  to  be  a  mortgage  upon  the  public  lands  in  the 
'  new  Slates, "does  not  deserve  a  serious  refutation. 
The  land  scrip  is  nothing  more  or  less  than  money 
created  by  Congress,  and  put  into  the  hands  of 
the  claimants  to  buy  public  lands;  and  he  might 
as  well  have  said  that  bank  notes,  or  treasury 
notes,  or  treasury  drafts,  put  in  their  hands  for 
the  same  purpose,  constituted  a  mortgage  on  the 
public  domoin. 

The  next  objection  taken  by  the  President  is 
inconsistent  with  all  the  rest.  After  denouncing 
the  claims  as  unworthy  of  his  approval,  he  com- 
plains that  the  bill  compels  the  claimants,  on  re- 
ceiving the  relief  which  it  provides,  to  -elease  the 
United  S  ates  from  all  other  an-'  '..,  il.dr  compen- 
sation. Every  man  who  "•  us  will  answer  this. 
If  the  claimants  are  satiuhed  with  the  relief  pio- 
vided  for  them,  what  ri^ht  has  the  President  to 
object  to  it.'  These  claimants,  like  most  others 
who  originally  held  claims  against  a.  foreign  Gov- 
ernment, would  be  compelled  to  receive  less  than 
was  due  them.  How  beautiful  this  objection  ap- 
pears when  coming  from  one  who  has  resolved 
that  they  shall  receive  nolAiti^.' 

Sir,  I  have  now  done  with  this  message.  In 
the  closing  sentence  of  it  the  President  has  written 
his  own  condemnation.  He  says:  "I  am  fullv 
'  sensible  that  it  should  be  an  extreme  case  wliicli 
'  would  make  it  the  duty  of  the  Executive  to  with- 
'  hold  his  approval  of  any  bill  passed  by  Congress 
'upon  tlic  ground  of  its  inexpediency  alone." 
Let  the  country  now  judge  whether  he  has  made 
out  such  nn  extreme  case  us  will  justify  his  repu- 
diation of  these  debts.  Neither  I  myself,  nor 
liny  friend  or  connexion  of  mine,  has  the  slightest 
interest  in  their  payment.  Hitherto  I  had  boldly 
stood  forth  as  the  advocate  of  a  class  of  citizens 
who  have  been  deeply  wronged  by  this  Govern- 
ment, and  who  are  too  weak  and  helpless  to  find 
favor  with  any  man  who  is  not  impelled  by  the 
convictions  of  his  own  conscience  and  by  a  deep 
sense  of  public  duty.  The  unhappy  claimants 
may  fall  beneath  the  blow  which  has  been  levelled 
at  them;  but  humble  as  they  are,  their  case  bos 
now  as.sumed  a  new  position,  which  must  attract 
the  attention  of  the  whole  country.  The  question 
is  no  longer  one  concerningthe  payment  of  money 
and  justice  long  withheld;  it  is  now  a  question 
which  touches  the  liberlies  of  the  people,  and  the 
rights  of  every  freeman  in  the  nation,  who  will 
be  driven  to  reflect  that  if  this  precedent  ia  lo  be 
tolerated,  his  own  most  sacred  rights,  or  those 
of  hia  children,  may  hereafter  become  a  football 
for  any  partisan  to  piny  wilh,  who  may  chance  to. 
occupy  the  presidential  chair.  To  submit  such 
rights  to  the  arbitrary  discielion  of  one  man,  will 
1)6  to  submit  to  what  Lord  Camden  called  "the 
law  of  tyrants."  In  the  best  men,  the  exercise 
of  such  a  discretionary  power  "  will  be  oftentimes 
'  caprice — in  the  worst.  It  will  be  every  vice,  folly, 
'  and  passion  to  which  human  nature  is  liable." 

APPENDIX— B. 

Extract  from  the  "Hlsloryaflhc  last  jejsi'on  of  Con 'pr en, 
vhich  commenced  on  Ific'ilh  liati  ofDeremher,  1801,  token 
from  the  NtttioniiUnteniecmer^hi  Smnuel  Hnrrwon  Smith," 
printcii  and  jmhtished  in  l&ii,  pa'^et  128, 133. 
On  tlie  .'itli  of  Fi'bruory  riHOa]  n  meinnriiil  wiw  precenteil 

from  sundry  merchants  or  Billiiuoru,  prnyini  relief  in  Uio 


ciise  of  niiiiierous  nnd  heavy  Ioshuh  ,iu8tHined  In  cnnacquence 
of  tlif*  ilh-fiBl  (.■)i|>tiire  and  coiideniiiBtion  of  their  pro[)erty 
under  the  aiahonty  of  the  French  Goveriinicnt,  prior  lo  the 
proinuldntion  of  ttit>  lato  convention  between  the  t^niled 
Suites  and  France,  in  Uie  provisiniiH  of  which  conipucl  the 
incinoriiili-^lri  discover  nn  nnqnalifiod  surrender  of  their 
elliiind,  inntead  of  the  redress  wtiich  they  exficcted  to  ohtuin. 
This  meniorinl,  wiUi  others  of  BHiinilar  nature,  were  relerred 
to  a  select  coiniiiitlee. 

On  the  llUi  uf  March,  Mr.  Griswold  laid  the  following 
motion  on  the  tubto : 

"  Rcaotted,  Tlint  it  iff  proper  lo  innlte  provision  by  low  to- 
wards indemnifyinft  the  increhnnts  of  tlie  United  Hlnles  lor 
losse.4  sustnined  by  thcin  fr<nii  French  spfdiation.^,lbe  claims 
for  wliicli  losses  have  been  renounced  by  the  tinal  ralidea- 
lion  of  the  convention  wiUi  France,  as  published  by  proclu- 
ination  of  the  President  of  the  Uiiili'd  gtati  s." 

On  the  cnsuini;  day,  a  motion  made  by  Mr.  Griswold  to 
take  up  this  motion  for  coiMlderaiion,  was  lost  without  de- 
bate :  yens  ,15,  nays  39. 

On  the  l.Mh,  the  order  of  the  day  on  the  bill  for  repcnlinff 
the  internal  taxes  havinft  been  called  for,  Mr.  Griswolii 
moved  its  pOHlponement  till  the  next  day,  for  the  puriKise  of 
previously  taking  np  the  above  resolution.  The  mtdion  of 
Mr.  Griswold  was  advocated  by  Mr.  Griswtdd  of  Connerti- 
ciit,  Mr.  Lowndes  of  SoiiUi  Canilina,  Mr.  John  C.  Smith 
of  Cunnc^ctieut,  Mr.  Dnim  of  Coinicc  licit,  Mr.  Bnynrd  of 
Oelnware,  and- Mr.  Rullciltfc  of  South  Carolina;  and  op- 
posed bv  Mr.  8.  Smith  of  Maryland,  Mr.  Mitchell  of  New 
York,  Mr.  Green  of  Pennsylvania,  Mr.  Euslis  of  Mlissa- 
chiisetls,  nnd  Mr.  Bacon  of  MossachusetU',  in  a  debate 
which  cotiliniied  until  the  usual  hour  of  adjournment. 

ThOFe  who  advocated  the  nuuion  observed  that  thou(;h  it 
was  nearly  two  months  since  the  select  committee  bad  been 
raised  to  whom  pelitiona  for  indemnity  had  been  referred, 
that  coinmiitee  had  not  ye'  me! ;  that  it  wus  full  time  to  at- 
tend to  a  subject  so  Interesling  as  that  involved  in  tbcni ; 
that  as  the  principle  of  indeinnily  was  of  a  iieneral  abstract 
nature,  it  was  not  so  proper  for  the  decision  of  a  select  com- 
mittee as  for  that  of  a  committi'e  of  the  wludc;  that  it  was 
important  before  a  decishm  was  bad  on  the  repi-al  of  the  in- 
t  'riinl  taxes,  that  liie  extent  of  the  indemnities  allowed  by 
the  Government  should  be  nscr>rtainert.  It  was  contended 
that  the  cliiims  of  the  luerchants  could  not  be  rejected,  as 
tlicy  were  too  just  to  be  disregarded.  The  sole  obiect  of  iho 
resolution  was  to  bring  the  nrinciple  of  indemnity  before  ihe 
House,  unfettered,  that  it:i  decisiim  might  not  be  einl>orrass- 
ed  by  detiiils ;  nnd  supposing  Uiat  there  might  be  nn  indis- 
position lo  pledge  tlie  nation  to  nn  unlimited  extent,  the 
words  used  were  "  inwards  indeiniijfylni;."  It  was,  there- 
fore, insisted  tbnt  gentlemen,  who  were  disposed  to  di)  any- 
thing, coulfl  feel  no  objection  to  u  resnlnUon  so  qunlilied  as 
to  extend  only  to  cases  where  losses  had  been  renounced  by 
Uie  treaty. 

It  was  said  to  be  cruel  at  once,  without  a  hearing,  to  de- 
cide against  the  claims  of  our  merchant^  ;  and  thai  it  waa 
evident  that  whoever  voted  for  taking  up  at  tliat  time  the 
bill  lor  the  repeal  of  the  internal  la.\es,  would  vote  not  only 
ag.iinst  indemnifying,  but  even  against  hearing ;  because,  by 
voting  for  n  repeal  of  Uie  internal  taxes,  he  would  vote  away 
all  means  of  indimmilicution.  The  repial  of  the  internal 
taxes  being  the  least  pressing  of  all  the  business  before  the 
House,  ought  to  be  postponed  to  the  last  period  of  the  ses- 
sion 1  iior  ought  it  to  be  then  adopted  without  the  nillest 
assurance  of  our  ability  to  dispense  wilh  the  product  of 
these  taxes.  How  was  it  pos.-ible,  in  the  existing  state  of 
things,  to  deternnne  this  point,  wlien  the  appropriations  re- 
quired for  the  year  had  not  been  made,  nnd  when  the  extent 
of  these  demands  had  imt  been  ascertained. 

With  regard  to  the  amount  of  the  claimed  reparation,  it 
was  alleged  that  that  was  n  cnnsiilenitinn  which  ought  to  he 
placed  altogether  out  of  the  qucstiim,  ns  common  honesty 
required  that  every  just  debt  should  he  paid,  wherever  an 
ability  to  pay  existed,  whether  it  was  one  dollar  or  one  hun- 
dred millions  of  dollars ;  and  it  was  added  that  tticse  claims 
were  the  more  just  as  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
had  received  nn  ample  remuneration  fornnydemamis  which 
it  might  satisfy  in  the  abandonment  on  the  part  of  theFieiieh. 
Government  of  our  previous  guarantee  of  the  Freneh  \Vest 
Inilia  possessions.  It  was  Hnally  declared  that  a  refusal  to 
lake  up  the  subject  at  Uiis  time  would  be  considered  ns  an 
ultimate  refusal  to  attend  to  it  at  all. 

Those  who  opposed  the  molinn  denied  the  assertion  made 
on  the  other  side  that  this  subject  had  been  negli  cteil.    The 
trulh  was,  that  the  first  pelilion  presented  had  been  imme- 
I  ^  dinti'ly  referred  to  a  coinmitlee,  to  whom  all  tlie  subsequent 
petitions  hud  likewise  been  referred.     That  eomnjittce  had 
(  niadi^  progress,  but  had  considered  it  improper  to  decide 
;  until   all  similar  petitions    expected  should  be  received. 
I ,  There  '.vas  no  doubt  hut  that,  as  the  subject  merited,  so  it 
"  would  receive,  a  measure  of  attention  coniinensurate  with 
I    its  importance.     But  the  present  resolution  offered  was  so 
'   broad  and  vague  as  entirely  to  defeat  its  avowed  end;  whern- 
■'  as  the  reference  which  had  been  already  made  was  the  most 
I  correct,  inasmuch  as  it  instructed  Uio  committee  to  examine 
all  the  diicuments  connected  with  the  suhjeel,  nnd  to  report 
I  their  opinion  upon  them;  on  receiving  which  opinion  Ihe 
I    House  would  be  sufficiently  informed  to  make  an  enlighten- 
ed decision  ;  while,  on  the  otht^r  hand,  the  present  profiosi- 
tion  went  to  eoinniit  ttie  House  on  the  whole  extent  of  tlio 
subject  without  the  least  examination  into  its  details. 

The  claims  maile  for  spoliated  properly  were  extremely 
various  anil  dissimilar;  nnd  though  it  inlaht  be  just  to  grant 
imlemnity  for  some,  there  were  other  claims  not  founded  on 
any  just  pretensions.  The  best  way  of  insuring  the  success 
of  just  claims  was  to  nvoid  all  precipitate  steps;  for  before 
any  claims  could  be  sanctioned,  it  wa.s  necessary  to  analyze 
and  classify,  on  nialure  eonsideraUon  and  full  examinntioit, 
the  various  descriptions  of  demands. 

It  was  observed  Unit  it  was  not  so  clear  ns  some  gentle- 
men inl'.utined,  that  our  merchants  had  been  deprived  of  vnl- 
tiable  rights  by  the  mode  in  which  the  French  convention 
had  been  ratified.  Gentlemen  were  cn!led  upon  to  recollect 
Ihe  mass  of  depredations  eommitted  by  Groat  Britain,  nnd 
her  engagements  under  Uie  treaty  to  make  rcparaUon.  Yet, 


n 


^1 


1164 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[July  31, 


29rH  CoNO IsT  Sess. 


The  Warehouse  Bill — Mr.  Trum<:.  Smith. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


to  that  dny  rcpnrntlon  had  been  evaded  tindor  n  variety  of 
pretext*.  Huppcne  ttie  Pri>iich  rniivcntinn  had  contnilied 
Uie  same  provirluii*  wiUi  the  nrUi.«h,  would  they  have  lii- 
■iired  payment?  No.  The  nperatinns  uiidei  one  treaty 
miKht  iiave  gone  on  In  tlie  same  manner  as  under  the  other, 
«ni<  tviih  like  elTcrl. 

With  n-giird  to  the  repeal  of  the  internal  taxed,  that  (brm- 
ed  a  subject  ofentirely  distinct  rnnnidcratinn.  Out  ir,  in  com- 
pliance witll  tlie  unequivocal  witihes  of  the  people,  they 
■hould  be  repealed,  no  prejudice  would  attach  to  the  Just  i 
claiini}  of  our  merchanut,  the  exainiimtion  of  which  would 
be  a  work  of  yearn,  and  which  woulil,  wiihiiut  douht,  be  in- 
demnified, even  If  it  Rhnuld  be  neceyeary  for  that  purpoae  to 
restore  the  refienled  taxex. 

General  8.  Smitli  closed  the  debate  In  a  speech  of  much 
energy,  the  latter  part  of  which  waa  couched  in  the  follow- 
ing terms : 

« It  is  not  my  iiurpose  (lald  he)  at  ihU  time  to  enter  Into 
a  diMUMdon  of  the  claims  of  oiy  merchants,  because  I  think 
this  is  not  the  proper  uceasion.     But  I  will  tell  fteiitleme  ,    j 
lh.1t  if  they  were  disposedtoUestroy  those  ctnims,  they  emila  i 
not  have  puivued  a  plan  more  etrectunllycalcnlati'd  to  doit.  | 
Had  such  been  my  intentiun,  I  would  have  offered  a  resolu- 
tion so  broad  and  vatnie,  as  to  alarm  the  whole  conimunity  ! 
«s  to  the  amount  of  the  indemnity.   I  would  have  endeavored  I 
to  throw  the  censure  attached  to  their  losses  on  the  present  > 
Administration.     I  would  have  opposed  ihr'ir  eliiiins  to  the  I 
wish  of  the  nation  to  repeal  the  internal  taxes.    All  these 
steps  I  would  have  taken  to  fi^istrate  any  indemnity;  and 
they  are  Just  the  steps  taken  hy  gentlemen  who  profess  so  ' 
etronit  a  reijard  tor  the  merchants.  Let  me  tell  tho.se  gentle- 
men, until  they  pursue  a  far  different  plan,  we  must  doubt 
whether  they  are  in  earnest  to  pay  the  merchants  for  tlieir  i 
losses,    [f  the  public  business  is  to  be  thus  perpetually  pro- 
crastinated, I  hope  tile  ftentlemen  with  whom  I  act  w'ill  be 
Arm  enough,  after  rejecting  this  motion,  to  pursue  tlio  other 
business  even  to  a  late  hour."  I 

The  question  waa  then  taken  oa  Mr.  Griswold's  motion,  ' 
■od  lost— yeas  33,  nays  54. 


THE  WAREHOUSE  BILL. 
SPEECH  OF  MR.  TRUMAN  SMITH, 

OF  CONNECTICUT, 

In  the  House  of  Representatives, 

JulyS\,  1846. 

The  House,  in  Commitlee  of  the  Whole  on  the 

state  of  the  Unioti,  having  uiider  consitleration 

the  Warehouse  Bill — 

Mr.  TRUMAN  SMITH  Biiid: 

Mr.  Chairman:  I  rise  for  the  purpose  of  ex- 
pressing the  sentiments  of  repugnance  and  opposi- 
tion which  1  feel  for  the  bill  now  on  your  table.  It 
is  one  of  a  series  of  measures  which  this  Adminis- 
tration has  been  urging  on  Congress  at  the  present 
session  with  all  the  blandishments  of  official  station, 
and  all  the  power  of  Executive  influence,  and 
which  must,  in  my  judj^ment,  within  a  brief  space, 
completely  overthrow  tlie  public  prosperity.  It  is 
not  enough  that  those  who  now  control  public 
affairs  have  carried  through  the  two  Houses  of 
Congress  an  anti -American  nnd  anti-protective  rev- 
enue bill — it  is  not  enough  '  '  •''■■'■y  have  thrown 
down  all  the  barriers  which  ti.-  ■'.  -om  of  our  pre- 
decessors had  enacted  to  guard  ine  prosperity, en- 
terprise, and  industry  of  this  country  against  a 
ruinous  competition  with  the  pauper  labor  nnd 
■tarvation  prices  of  Europe — it  is  not  enough  that 
they  have  wholly  repudiated  every  idea  of  protect- 
ing our  agriculture,  our  manufactures,  nnd  our 
mechanic  arts,  and  enacted  a  tariff  which  discritni- 
nates  for -revenue  only,  and  in  many  cases  against 
our  own  industry, — hut  by  this  bill  they  propose 
to  offer  new  and  extraordinary  facilities  for  the  in- 
tfo'Hiction  of  foieign  goods,  to  the  end  that  the 
country  may  be  flooded  with  such  products,  to  the 
Ereat  detriment,  if  not  ruin,  of  all  our  important 
interests.  In  short,  this  scheme  lakes  up  the  pol- 
icy of  the  destructive  tariff  bill  which  recently 
passed  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  at  the  point 
where  that  bill  stops,  and  pursues  the  same  policy 
much  further  in  the  same  direction,  that  is  to  say, 
by  enactments,  which  must  operate  extensively  m 
favor  of  the  products  of  foreign  capital  and  labor, 
and  against  those  of  our  own. 

It  will  be  found,  on  examination  of  the  bill, 
that  the  proposed  system  possesses  the  fullowitig 
features: 

1.  It  makes  no  distinction  whatever  between 
«u(.'i  products  as  do,  and  such  as  do  not,  compete 
with  our  own  industry;  but  all,  such  as  iron  and 
its  fabrics,  wool  nnd  woollens,  coal,  glass,  leather, 
bouts  and  shoes,  &c.,  of  the  one  class,  and  ten, 
coffee,  wines,  spices,  &c.,  of  the  other,  are  put 
exactly  on  the  same  footing,  j 

3.  It  extends  the  system  to  all  the  ports  of  the 


Union,  both  g.-'snt  and  small.  In  every  little  incon- 
siderable port  the  Government  will  be  obliged  to 
furnish  the  requisite  accommodations,  and  that, 
too,  though  the  revenue  of  such  port  is  wholly  in- 
adequate to  pay  the  expenses  of  collection.  In 
Europe,  it  is  believed,  the  prnetiie  is  to  limit  the 
privilege  to  a  few  designated  ports,  with  a  view,  I 
suppose,  to  a  rigid  supervision,  and  also  to  reduce 
the  expenses  of  the  system  as  much  ^s  possible, 

3.  It  grants  the  right  of  transferring  the  goods 
from  port  to  port,  without  payment  of  the  duties, 
or  of  re-warehousing  in  other  ports  or  places  than 
the  port  of  entry,  at  the  pleasure  of  the  owner. 

In  short,  it  is  an  universal  sweeping  warehouse 
system,  without  limitation  as  to  ports,  the  kind  of 
goods,  or  the  amount  to  be  put  into  the  public 
stores,  and  is  alike  unprecedented  and  unwise. 

To  this  measure  I  make  the  following  objec- 
tions: 

1,  It  will  augment  the  patronage  of  the  Govern- 
ment, and  increase  the  expense  of  collecting  the 
revenue.  It  is  not  at  all  probable  that  the  Gov- 
ernment will  get  an  indemnity  for  ils  outlay  for 
the  rent  of  stores,  and  salaries  of  the  additional 
officers  which  will  be  requited  in  the  form  of  sto- 
rage. If  it  does  so,  the  United  States  will  be 
much  more  lucky  than  usual, 

9,  The  introduction  of  the  system  at  this  lime 
is  exceedingly  inopportune.  We  have,  by  reason 
of  the  enormous  expenses  of  the  Mexican  war,  no 
revenue  to  spare,  and  yet  this  bill  will  (should  it 
become  a  law)  reduce  the  resources  of  the  Govern- 
ment, in  a  few  months,  by  several  millions  of  dol- 
li\rs.  The  warehouses  must  have  time  to  fill  up 
before  there  will  be  the  usual  continuous  flow  into 
the  treasury.  The  idea  of  the  honorable  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treiisurv,  as  expressed  in  one  of  his 
recent  communications  to  the  Senate,  that  this 
system  will,  the  first  year,  add  one  million  of  dol- 
lars to  the  national  treasury,  is  absurd;  as  well 
might  he  say,  if  a  dam  be  suddenly  thrown  across 
a  stream,  the  water  will  flow  over  before  the  pond 
fills  up! 

3.  Its  effect  will  be  to  build  up  one  or  two  large 
cities  at  the  expense  of  all  the  rest.  This  conse- 
quence is  attempted  to  be  obviated  by  authorizing 
transfers  from  port  to  port,  and  re-warehousing; 
but  this  will  prove  illusory.  No  doubt  New  York 
will  continue  to  be  the  principal  importing  city, 
nnd  when  southern  and  western  merchants  go 
there  to  purcha.se,  will  they  not  claim  an  inspec- 
tion of  the  goods.'  Will  they  not  require  to  have 
them  taken  out  of  the  original  boxes,  bales,  or 
packages?  Can  they  not  just  as  well  take  acrcdit 
with  the  importer  for  the  duties  as  with  the  Gov- 
ernment.' The  idea  that  such  cities  us  f.  rfolk, 
Charleston,  and  Savannah  can  obtain  a  share  tn 
our  foicign  commerce  at  second-hand  from  New 
York,  is  chimerical, 

4.  It  will  open  the  door  for  the  practice  of  innu- 
merable frauds.  To  appreciate  the  magnitude  of 
this  danger,  it  should  be  recollected  that  it  is  not 
a  plan  for  warehousing  a  few  articles,  like  tea  and 
coffee,  spices  and  wines,  but  everything  and  every- 
where. The  provision  authorizing  transfers  from 
point  to  point  seems  to  be  ingeniously  contrived  to 
facilitate  fraud  and  smug.^ling.  That  the  authors 
of  this  hill  were  apprehensive  of  danger  from  this 
source,  is  manifest  from  the  3d  section, 

5.  It  is  a  renewal  of  the  old  vicious  system  of 
giving  the  importer  n  credit  on  the  duties.  He  I 
can,  under  this  bill,  take  a  credit  for  one  year,  and 
secure  the  payment  of  the  duties  by  depositing  the 
goods  in  a  warehou.se.  No  provision  of  the  tariff 
of  '42  has  operated  so  beneficially  as  the  exaction 
of  duties  in  cash.  It  guards  against  over-trading, 
saves  us  from  losses  by  failures,  and  is  in  every 
respect  highly  conservative, 

6.  It  will  invite  into  our  principal  cities  large 
quantities  of  the  surplus  protlucta  of  foreign  coun- 
ti-iep.  These  will,  from  time  to  time,  accumulate 
in  the  warehouses,  and  will  lie  in  wait  for  the 
market.  Sometimes  they  will  be  throv/n  on  a 
rising  market,  often  on  a  falling  one — creating 
panics,  and  operating,  in  many  ways,  to  the  preju- 
dice of  our  home  industry. 

7.  I  regard  this  scheme  as  a  mere  experiment, 
founded  in  theory  only.  Is  not  the  existing  sys- 
tem operating  well  >  Are  not  commerce  and  nav- 
igation flourishing,  your  merchants  prosperous, 
and  your  revenues  readily  and  cheerfully  paid? 
Are  nut  foreign  goods  introduced  into  the  country 


as  easily  and  as  extensively  as  the  public  good  re- 
quires? Why  do  you  want  any  greater  facilities 
to  get  into  this  country  foreign  wool  nnd  woollens, 
foreign  cottons,  silks,  iron,  and  the  fabrics  of  iron? 
I  regard  this  as  one  of  the  numerous  progeny  ofa 
very  prolific  mother — at  least  in  these  liaya—fne 
trade  !  The  present  policy  of  the  Government 
tends  to  establish  the  most  intimate  relations  be- 
tween ilic  labor  of  starved  Europe  and  that  of  free 
Americii.  One  would  suppose  that  our  rulers  in- 
tended that  there  shoulil  not  be  in  Europe  one 
throb  of  distress,  nor  one  paroxysm  of  agony, 
which  is  not  felt  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  I 
have  no  idea  of  making  a  sort  of  Siamese  twins  of 
labor  here  and  labor  there!  I  am  confident  that 
our  stout-hearted  and  hard-fisted  mcclinnics  and 
yeomanry  will  never  submit  to  any  such  policy  as 
this. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  illustrate  the  true  char- 
acter of  the  measures  of  this  Administration,  as 
developed  hy  the  nnti-prolective  tariff  which  we 
have  passed,  and  this  novel  and  sweeping  scheme 
for  warehouses,  I  wish  to  consider  what  will  be 
their  effect  on  some  one  of  the  great  interests  of 
the  country;  and,  for  that  purpose,  I  have  selected 
the  article  of  wool.  The  question,  whether  we 
shall  grow  our  own  wool,  and  manufacture  our 
own  woollens,  is  of  no  small  importance  to  the 
American  people.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  a  pop- 
ulation of  hundreds  of  millions  must,  within  a 
period  comparatively  brief,  swarm  over  this  part 
of  North  America;  and  further,  that  much  of  the 
clothing  of  such  population  will,  by  reason  of  the 
coldness  of  our  climate,  be  composed  of  woollens, 
it  is  difficult  to  form  an  adequate  conception  of  the 
value  and  extent  of  this  interest,  present  and  pros- 
pective. 

No  part  of  the  tariff  of  '42  has  been  so  much 
misrepresented  as  the  duty  on  wool.  Efforts,  alike 
strenuous  and  insidious,  have  been  made  to  induce 
the  farmers  to  believe  that  the  provisions  of  that 
act  were  unjust  to  the  wool  growers — that  there 
»-as contained  in  itan  unjust  discrimination  against 
them  in  favor  of  the  manufacturers  of  woollens. 
On  the  contrary,  I  affirm,  it  was  the  purpose  of  the 
27th  Congress  to  do  justice  to,  and  to  reconcile 
both  interests;  that  the  fault  was  wholly  in  the 
execution  of  the  law,  and  if  it  had  been  carried 
out  according  to  the  manifest  intentions  of  Con- 
gress, both  would  have  prospered,  and  the  law 
would  have  vindicated  itself  to  the  country  as 
salutary  and  wise. 

There  is  always  a  difficulty  in  arranging  prop- 
erly a  duty  on  wool,  on  account  of  the  supposed 
conflict  between  the  wool-growing  interest  and 
that  of  woollens;  but  this  conflict  is  apimrenl  only, 
iTbt  real.  Wool  growing  in  this  country  depends 
wholly  on  the  success  of  our  manufactures  of  wool. 
No  con-iiderable  amount  of  American  wool  has 
been  exported,  nor  will  there  be  for  a  long  time. 
If  you  lay  the  duty  on  wool  so  high  as  to  break 
down  the  manufactures  of  wool,  yoij  thereby  strike 
a  fatal  blow  at  wool  growing.  It  is  just  as  inju- 
rious to  the  American  farmer  to  import  wool  in 
the  form  of  cloth  as  in  fleeces.  The  great  problem 
to  be  solved,  is  so  tn  arrange  the  duty  on  wool  nnd 
woollens  as  that  the  American  farmer  can  grow 
wool  and  that  the  American  manufacturer  can 
make  the  same  into  woollens.  If  you  lay  a  high 
duty  on  foreign  woollens  you  can  lay  a  iluty  cor- 
respondingly high  on  foreign  wool,  and  the  re- 
verse. The  tariff  of  1828,  for  which  ex-President 
Van  Buren  and  Governor  Wright  voted,  did  lay 
a  high  duly  on  woollens.  It  comprised  a  series 
of  minimums — the  act  providing  that  all  imported 
woollens,  with  certain  exceptions,  costing  fifty 
cents  per  square  yard  to  one  dollar,  should  be 
deemed  to  have  cost  one  dollar,  all  costing  from 
one  dollar  to  two  dollars  and  fifty  cents,  should  be 
deemed  to  have  cost  two  dollars  and  fifty  cents; 
and  all  from  two  dollars  and  fifly  cents  to  four 
dollars,  should  be  deemed  to  hr.ve  cost  four  dollars, 
and  that  foreign  woollens  should,  on  these  esti- 
mates, pay  forty  per  cent,  ad  valorem*  till  the  30th 
of  June,  1829,  nnd  thereafter  forty-five  per  cent. 
od  volorcm;  and  that  all  woollens  costing  over 
four  dollars  per  square  yard,  should  pay  forty-five 
per  cent,  ad  valorem  until  the  said  30lh  of  June, 


*  An  ad  valorem  duty  Is  a  certain  per  cent,  (m  the  value 
or  cost  of  the  article  in  the  foreign  country.  This  Is  ascer- 
tained by  the  invoice,  which  Is  produced  on  entry  of  the 
gauds,  and  la  sworn  to. 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE, 


1165 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Warehouse  Bill — Mr,  Truman  Smith. 


Ho.  OF  Reps. 


and  tlicrenfier  lirty  per  cent,  nd  valorem.  This 
was  certainly  stringent  protection  on  woollens — 
tliu  duty  on  imported  goods  ranging  rrol#  forty- 
five  to  near  one  hundred  and  nfty  per  cent,  nd 
valorem.  The  Slsl  Congrcsn,  having  thus  extend- 
ed efTectual  prolectioii  to  the  American  manufac- 
turer of  woollens,  could  take  good  cnre  of  the 
American  wool  grower.  They  enacted i  thol  all 
unmanufactured  wool  should,  when  imported,  pay 
B  duty  of  four  cents  per  pound  and  forty  per  cent. 
ad  valorem,  and  that  this  should  be  annually  in- 
creased five  per  cent,  until  it  amounted  to  Af^y  per 
cent,  od  valorem.  Thus  the  21st  Congress  deter- 
mined that  both  of  these  great  interests  should  be 
adequately  sustained  and  encnuraj^ed. 

If  the  policy  of  the  net  of  1828lind  remained  to 
this  day,  I  doubt  not  the  number  of  sheep  in  this 
country  would  have  been  more  than  double  what 
they  are  at  present;  we  should  have  manufactured 
most,  if  not  all,  the  woollens  consumed  by  our 
people,  should  doubtless  by  this  lime  have  been 
exporters  to  a.  considerable  amount  of  both  wool 
and  woollens,  and  the  country  would  have  been 
enriched  beyond  calculation.  But  nullification 
erected  its  miscreated  front;  sword  in  hand  it 
threatened  to  bring  on  us  all  the  horrors  of  a  civil 
war.  Hence,  it  was  deemed  expedient  by  the 
twenty-second  Congress  to  moderate  thu  tariff  of 
1828.  The  act  of  the  14ih  of  July,  1832,  abolished 
the  minimumsand  cut  down  the  duty  on  woollens 
to  fifty  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  and  the  duty  on  im- 
ported wool  to  four  cents  per  pound  and  forty  per 
cent,  ad  valorem,  letting  in  wool  costing  eight  cents 
per  pound  and  under,  free.  But  nullijicntion,  not- 
withstanding this  peace  olTering,  continued  to  dart 
its  forked  tongue — the  country  was  npporently  on 
the  brink  of  a  precipice,  when  the  noble-minded 
and  ever  patriotic  Henry  Clay  interposed  and 
saved  us  from  a  convulsion  bv  the  act  of  the  2d  of 
March,  1833,  commonly  called  the  Compromise 
net,  which  in  all  cases  where  the  duty  e.\ceeded 
20  per  cent,  by  a  biennial  reduction  of  one-tenth 
of  the  excess,  brought  down  on  the  30th  of  June, 
A.  D.  1842,  the  duty  on  wool  and  woollens  to  20 
per  cent,  ad  valorem.  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say, 
that  if  that  rate  of  duty  had  been  continued  to  this 
time,  the  effect  would  have  been  to  cut  the  throats 
of  at  leaot  Iwo-thinl.s  of  the  sheep  in  the  country, 
and  to  clothe  most  of  our  citizens  with  foreign 
woollens,  except  such  as  this  policy  would  have 
made  alike  coatless  and  shirtless.  Under  these 
circumstances,  the  much-abused  twenty-seventh 
Congress  took  up  the  subject  of  "  wool  and  wool- 
lens," being  hemmed  in  between  the  all-crushing 
power  uf  the  veto  on  the  one  hand,  (wielded  as  it 
was  by  consummate  treachery,  presumptuousness, 
and  folly,)  and  the  fanatical  opposition  of  the  vo- 
taries of  free  trade  on  the  other,  (on  whom  neither 
the  example  of  our  fathers,  the  lessons  of  experi- 
ence, nor  the  dictates  of  common  sense,  can  pro 
duce  the  least  elTcct;)  and  being  desirous  to  observe 
the  rule  of  moderation  in  arranging  the  scale  of 
duties,  tbi'y  concluded  it  would  not  do  to  levy  a 
higher  rate  on  woollens  than  40  per  cent,  ad  valo- 
rem, and  this  rate  is  by  the  tariflr  of  1842  imposed 
accordingly.  Having  thus  determined  what  rate 
could  be  afrorded  for  woollens,  the  next  thing  was 
to  determine  what  burdens  should  be  imposed  on 
foreign  wool,  or  rather,  what  degree  of  protection 
should  be  extended  to  domestic  wool  Having 
then  the  honor  to  represent,  as  I  do  now,  many 
citizens  engaged  in  that  business,  and  some  largely 
so,  my  ottcntion  was  strongly  attracted  to  the  sub- 
ject, a»  also  was  that  of  many  other  members, 
particularly  those  from  Vermont,  then  ns  now  the 
principal  wool-growing  State  of  the  Union.  The 
bill  then  pending  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
as  reported  by  ihe  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means, 
proposed  to  !<•  in  wool  costing  eight  lents  and 
under,  free,  and  ii  levy  on  all  other  wool  a  duly  of 
30  per  cent,  ad  vnl  irem.  It  was  deemed,  on  con- 
sultation, that  the  protection  for  American  wool 
as  it  stood  in  the  bill  was  quite  inadequate — a  con- 
certed movement  was  made — the  honorable  dele- 
gation from  Vermont  took  the  lead — many  of  the 
members  opposed  to  the  protective  policy  gener- 
ously cooperated,  and  ultimately  the  provisions 
of  the  bill  on  this  subject  were  modified,  and  now 
Bland  ill  the  tarill'of  1842  us  follows: 

"  On  coarse  wool,  uiUMnnunicturptl,  the  value  wliereof  nt 
Ihe  Inpt  port  or  pliice  wlmnci*  expnrtod  to  tJie  l^niipil  Statca, 
■lioll  be  levtu  cenl>  or  under  per  pound,  tliere  nhail  l>e  levied 


a  diuy  of  Ave  par  cent,  nd  valorem,  ond  on  all  other  unmanu- 
faciured  w(k>I  ihere  chnjl  be  leviril  a  duly  of  rltree  cenl»  per 
pound  and  ihirty  per  rent,  nd  valorem.  fl<]  iVot'M«(t,  when 
wonlofdifrrrentrjiinllliranriheHninehlnd  or  mm  In  Import- 
ed In  the  nniw.  bale,  hnir,  or  package,  andthe  nfrsrefiate  value 
of  Ihe  oonlrntjt  of  Ihe  hale,  has, or  nackiiae, shall  be  appraised 
by  Ihe  npprntsera  at  a  rnto  rxrepdlnR  sevrn  crnts  per  ikiiuhI, 
It  shall  borhariied  u-jlh  ndnty  Inrnnformitytn  such  appraisal, 
[ii.]  Tlinl  whi'n  wniil  nf  diircrenlqiinllties, anil  dllTerelit  kiijda 
or  sort*  is  itnpnrtrd  in  the  same  hnie,  baa,  nr  pnckage,  the  ron- 
lenls  of  the  hale,hatf,nr  nnekaae,slmll  h(!  appraised  at  Ihe  value 
of  the  flni'sl  or  mosi  vninahln  sort  or  kind,  nndadnly  cliarged 
llierenn  nceordinHly.  [X]  Provided fitrlhcr,  Thaiif  bales  of 
dilTerent  qualities  are  emhniced  in  the  same  iiivniee,  at  the 
same  prirp,  the  vnhie  nf  the  whole  shall  be  appraised  nc- 
conlinRtn  tile  value  of  the  bnk  of  Ihe  best  quality.  [4.]  Pro- 
vUcdf  further^  Tlial  if  any  wool  be  irnpnrled  hnvlnff  In  it 
dirt  or  any  material  or  impnritips  other  than  ilmse  naturally 
belonginit  to  tiie  tteepp,  and  thus  be  rpducpd  in  ralne  to  seven 
cents  per  (miind  or  undpr,  the  appraisers  shall  appraise  such 
wnnlatsncb  price  as  in  their  opinion  ilwnnlil  have  cost,  had 
it  not  hppn  so  mixed  witii  such  dirt  or  iinpuritips,  and  a  duty 
shall  bn  charged  tlipreon  In  eonforniity  to  suph  appraisal. 
Prni'idedf  itlso^  That  wool  iinimrtPil  on  tlip  skin  shall  be  esti- 
mated into  weight  and  value  as  other  wool." 

On  this  part  of  the  act  of  1842, 1  deem  it  proper 
to  submit  the  followine  remarks: 

1.  By  Ihe  toriff  of  1832,  cheap  wool,  or  that  cost- 
ing eight  cents  or  under,  was  ndniitlcd  entirely  free 
of  duty;  but  by  the  tariff  of  1842  there  was  im- 
posed on  wool,  costing  seven  cents  and  under,  n 
duty  of  five  per  cent,  nd  valorem.  This  slight 
duly  was  levied  partly  for  revenue,  and  partly  to 
insure  a  thorough  inspection  of  the  article,  and 
not  at  all  under  the  idea  of  protecting  the  Ameri- 
can wool  grower,  for  reasons  which  will  hereafter 
appear. 

3.  The  object  of  Congress  in  admitting,  by  the 
act  of  1832,  wool  costing  eight  cents  or  under  free, 
and  by  the  act  of  1842,  wool  costing  seven  cents 
or  under,  nt  the  low  rate  of  five  per  cent,  ad  valo- 
rem, was  to  encourage  the  manufacture  of  coarse 
woollens,  such  as  carpeting,  blankets,  and  negro 
cloths,  for  which  American  wool  cnnnot  bo  used  by 
reason  of  its  quality  and  cost.  The  only  effect  of 
levying  n  high  duiy  on  cheap  wool  would  be  to 
break  down  the  manufacture  of  these  coarse  fab- 
rics, which  so  far  from  benefiting  our  farmers 
would  seriously  injure  them  by  destroying  a  val- 
uable market  for  their  wheat,  flour,  corn,  beef, 
pork,  bacon,  biilter,  cheese,  and  other  agricultural 
products.  I  have  now  before  me  several  speci- 
mens of  tliis  cheap  wool,  imported  from  South 
America,  and  sent  to  me  byafriend  in  New  York. 
I  find  it  exceedingly  cnar.se — nearly  ns  much  saas 
the  hair  of  a  Newfoundland  dog,  and  the  importa- 
tion of  such  wool  does  no  more  litirt  to  the  Ameri- 
can wool  grower  than  the  introduction  of  sqjnuch 
swingling  tow. 

3.  It  was  nscertoined,  when  the  tariff  of  1842 
was  under  cnpsideration,  that  Ihere  was  consider- 
able danger  of  the  introduction  from  South  Amer- 
ica, under  the  provision  above  adverted  to,  of  wool 
that  might  (to  some  extent)  be  sold  in  competition 
with  our  domestic  wool,  mid  thus  inflict  a  serious 
injury  on  the  American  wool-grower.  On  exami- 
nation of  the  commercial  statistics,  we  find  there 
was  exported  from  this  country,  in  1837,  to  the 
Argentine  Republic,  300  sheep,  valued  at  jiG.OOO; 
and  in  18.38,  to  the  same  Republic,  408  sheep,  val- 
ued at  Ji8,144.  Several  other  small  parcels  were 
exported  about  the  same  time  to  different  countries 
in  South  America,  and  no  doubt  most,  if  not  all  of 
them,  were  fine  blooded  merino  bucks — Ihe  object 
being  to  improve  the  quality  of  the  cheap  South 
American  wool.  These  expoilations  were,  I  pre- 
sume, the  work  of  some  wool  speculator,  who  was 
actuated  by  motives  quite  the  reverse  of  patriotic. 
In  due  season  it  was  observed,  that  some  portion 
of  this  imported  wool  had  improved  in  quality; 
and  when  the  tariff  of  1842  was  enacted,  samples 
c.'such  wool  were  produced  in  the  House  to  illiis- 
liiile  and  prove  the  danger  to  the  American  wool- 
grower  fVom  this  source.  I  hove  now  before  me 
other  samples  furnished  by  the  gentleman  above 
alluded  to,  which  seems  to  me  to  be  of  the  quality 
of  quarter-blood»d  American  wool — it  is  called 
mestizo  wool,  i  der  such  circumstances,  it  was 
deemed  important ,.)  guard  our  farmers  against  Ihe 
hazards  of  competition  from  this  quarter,  and  sev- 
eral stringent  provisions  were  introduced  into  the 
tarifl"  of  1842  for  that  purpose. 

1.  The  minimum  of  eight  cents  contained  in  the 
•arilf  of  1832,  and  also  in  the  bill  reported  by  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  and  then  under 
consideration,  was,  on  motion,  cut  down  to  seven 
cent!,  the  effect*  of  which  was  to  bring  all  wool 


costing  eight  cents  down  to  seven  cents,  under  the 
operntion  of  the  high  duty  of  three  cent!  per  pound 
ar.d  30  per  cent.  aJ  valorem. 

2.  The  word  coarse,  which  never  before  appeared 
in  any  tariff  in  connexion  with  this  subject,  was  in- 
serted, the  Congress  intending  thereby  to  declare, 
that  no  wool  should  be  admitted  nt  5  per  cent., 
unless  it  was  truly  coarse  wool,  and  that  all  wool 
not  coarse,  or  which  could  compete  with  our  do- 
mestic wool,  should  pay  the  high  duty;  though 
costing  seven  cents  or  under. 

3,  A  variety  of  new  regulations  were  adopted  to 
prevent  and  guard  against  fraud,  which  will  be 
round  in  the  provisos  above  recited,  marked  1,  2, 
and  3. 

In  this  manner  the  Twenty-seventh  Congress 
sedulously  attempted  to  protect  the  wool  of  the 
American  farmer,  and  guard  his  interests. efl'ectu- 
ally  against  all  danger  of  competion  with  cheap 
South  American  wool.  1  do  not  hesitate  to  affirm 
that  this  object  would  have  been  accomplished,  if 
the  act  of  1842  had  been  executed  according  to  the 
manifest  intent  of  Congress.  Certain  it  is,  the  pro- 
visions of  that  act  as  ultimately  settled  were  highly 
satisfactory  to  those  members  who  more  immedl- 
ately  represented  the  wool-growing  interest. 

To  enable  the  committee  to  appreciate  the  true 
character  of  the  tariff*  of  1842,  so  far  as  it  deals 
with  this  subje<5, 1  invite  particular  attention  to  the 
table  which  Inow  introduce.  In  the  first  column 
you  will  find  the  cost  of  wool  in  the  foreign  coun- 
try from  five  cents  to  twenty-five  cents  per  pound; 
in  the  second,  the  rate  per  cent,  which  each  grade 
pays  according  to  the  true  meaning  of  the  act  of 
1842,  supposing  the  wools  costing  seven  cents  and 
under,  not  to  be  "coarse,"  antj  therefore  not  enti- 
tled to  admission  at  the  low  rate;  in  the  third,  the 
amount  of  duty  which  each  grade  must  pay  accord- 
ing to  the  iictof  1842;  and  in  the  fourth,  the  amount 
which  the  same  grades  will  pay  according  to  the 
bill  which  has  recently  passed  the  two  Houses 
of  Congress;  the  rate  of  duty  under  such  bill  be- 
ing on  all  wool  thirty  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  The 
specific  duty  of  three  cents  per  pound  is  wholly 
rejected. 
Jl  liible  of  the  cott  of  foreign  voot — •/  Ihe  rote  per  cent,  and 

umount  qfdutif  jhiyitble  under  Ihe  act  of  1842, and  uhich  uitl 

he  jmyithle  under  the  act  of  1846. 


Coslperlb. 

Rate  percent. 

Amnuntnnderthe 

Ainminl  un- 

by act  of  1843. 

same  act. 

der  act  le-IC. 

,'•. 

90 

4clt.  5  mi. 

1  eta.  5  me. 

6 

80 

4         8 

I        8 

7 

73  6  7 

5         1 

9        1 

8 

67  1  2 

5         4 

2        4 

a 

63  1  3 

5         7 

9        7 

10 

60 

6         0 

3       0 

11 

,"i7  3  11 

«         3 

3      a 

ij 

.« 

6         U 

3       6 

13 

531-13 

6         9 

3       9 

u 

513-7 

7         9 

4       3 

15 

!iO 

7         5 

4       5 

16 

48  3-4 

7         8 

4        8 

17 

47  11-17 

8         1 

5        1 

18 

40  3  3 

8         4 

.',       4 

ig 

45  1519 

8         7 

5       7 

20 

45 

9         0 

6       0 

at 

44  8  7 

9         3 

6       3 

S3 

43  7  11 

9         8 

6      n 

23 

4.31-23 

9         9 

6       9 

24 

43  1-a 

10         2 

7       3 

23 

42 

10         5 

7        5 

A  bare  inspection  of  this  table  is  enough  to  sat- 
isfy any  one  that  the  tariff  of  1842  confers  much 
greater  benefits  on  the  wool  growers  than  the  de- 
structive bill  which  has  passed  the  two  Houses  of 
Congress.  By  a  happy  combination  of  o  specific 
with  on  ad  valorem  duty,  the  rale  per  cent,  under 
the  act  of  1842  runs  up  as  the  price  of  the  article 
runs  down,  thus  guarding  the  farmer  against  com- 
petition with  low-priced  foreign  wools — his  great- 
est danger.  I  am  sensible  that  much  complaint 
has  been  made  of  the  enormous  quantity  of  wool 
which  has  been  imported  into  this  country  during 
the  two  past  years,  as  having  cost  seven  cents  per 
pound  and  under,  on  which  there  has  been  paid  a 
duty  of  only  five  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  The  im- 
portations of  wool  during  the  years  1844  and  1845 
will  appear  by  the  following  table: 

Wool  eostine  Wool  costing 

7  cts.  and  under.       Value,    over  7  cents.       Value. 

1844. ...  13,808,04'i  Ihs .«7.>l,441. . .  199,783  lbs.. .  .S97.019 

1845. .  ..33,389,097  lbs. . . .  1,653,789..  .450,943  lbs 136,005 

I  have  no  means  of  determining  what  part,  if 
any,  of  this  cheap  foreign  wool  has  superseded  the 
use  of  American  wool,  and  thus  injured  our  fhrm- 


1166 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GIX)BE. 


[July  31, 


29th  Cong..,..  1st  Sess. 


The  Warehouse  Bill — Mr.  Trvman  Smi(h. 


Ho.  OF  Rkps. 


em.  No  doubt  the  increased  imporlntion  is  to  be 
attributed  IVi  part  to  the  rapid  growth  and  flourisli 
ing  state  of  our  manufaclurcs  of  carpels  and  other 
coarse  woollens,  under  the  operation  of  the  benefi- 
cent lariffof  1849.  But  I  greatly  fear  much  wool 
has  been  introduced  into  the  country  in  violation  of 
the  act  of  Congress.  If  any  part  of  it  was  of  such 
tt  quality  that  it  could  compete  in  the  market  with 
our  domestic  wool  of  any  grade,  no  matter  how 
low,  it  was  not  truly  "  coarse  wool,"  within  the 
intent  and  meaning  of  the  act  of  M9.  It  should 
liave  paid  the  high  rate  of  duly.  If,  therefore,  any 
injury  has  been  done  to  wool  growers  from  this 
cause,  I  affirHti  it  is  owing  wholly  to  the  infidelity 
of  our  custom-house  otTicers — not  to  the  law  as  it 
appears  on  the  pages  of  your  statute  bonk.  This 
only  proves  that  it  is  of  little  use  to  make  a  tarifl" 
to  protect  farmers,  mechanics,  and  manufacturers, 
and  then  put  the  execution  of  the  law  into  hands 
hostile  to  Its  principle.  In  this  way  sad  havoc  has 
been  made  wuh  the  act  of  1842.  Besides,  if  a  real 
evil  is  to  be  found  in  this  quarter,  I  would  ask, 
what  is  the  remedy  which  you  have  adopted  ?  If 
wool  costing  seven  cents  and  under  can  be  brought 
from  So\ith  America,  and  here  sold  to  the  preju- 
dice of  American  wool  growers,  what  protection  is 
there  in  3U  per  cent,  ad  valorem  ?  It  will  be  found 
by  those  who  put  themselves  tg  the  trouble  of 
making  the  calculation,  that  the  cheap  wool  im- 
ported in  1844,  cost  on  an  average  5  cents  4  mills 
per  pound;  and  ia  1845,  6  cents  5  mills — the  duty 
on  the  former  at  30  per  cent,  being  1  cent  6  mills, 
and  on  the  latter  1  cent  9  mills  per  pound.  What 
a  mockery  is  it  to  tell  the  farmers  of  this  country 
that  this  cheap  wool — this  five,  six,  and  seven  cent 
wool,  can  really  ccJmpetc  with  their  wool;  and  at 
the  same  time  propose  to  protect  them  against  such 
an  evil  by  the  miserable  pittance  of  one  cent  duly, 
and  a  few  mills  more  or  less. '  To  enable  our  farm- 
ers to  compete  with  wool  of  this  character,  under 
so  slight  a  duly,  it  would  be  necessary  for  them  to 
bring  their  clip  into  market  at  12  or  15  cents  per 
pound.  The  truth  is,  that  ihe  30  |)er  cent,  ad  va- 
lorem which  ihe  lariff  of  184G  imposes  on  cheap 
foreign  wool,  is  a  mere  revenue  duly.  It  has  not 
even  the  merit  of  incidental  protection.  In  regard 
to  so  much  of  ihii.  foreign  wool  as  is  truly  course, 
the  farmer  needs  no  protection,  for  reasons  already 
adverted  to;  but  in  regard  to  mestizo  wool,  the 
fact  is  otherwise;  and  in  such  case  Ihe  boon 
which  the  new  tariff  offers  Ihem,  has  not  the  re- 
spectability of  a  shadow.  No;  the  true  policy  is  to 
reestablish  the  act  of  1849,  and  apply  rigidly  its 
provisions  to  all  these  cheap  wools.  No  one  can 
fail  to  delect  in  an  instant  such  wool  as  is  the  pro- 
duct of  a  cross  by  the  bucks  exported  in  1837  and 
1838  on  the  native  sheep  of  South  America.  In 
such  cjises,  Ihe  high  duty  of  3  cents  per  pound  and 
30  per  cent,  ad  valorem  should  be  exacted;  ond  I 
am  inclfped  to  think  it  will  be  expedient,  at  no 
distant  day,  lo  carry  the  duly  on  low  priced  wools 
much  above  the  rates  of  1842.  But  in  place  of 
slrcngthcning  the  hands  of  our  farmers,  lliis  Ad- 
ministration has  visited  them  with  the  evils  of  re- 
duction. Instead  of  enjoying  the  sulislantial  priv- 
Icges  of  the  act  of  1842,  ihey  are  turned  over  to  the 
beauties  of  a  chimerical  and  ridiculous  free  trade. 
What  the  result  of  the  experiment  will  be  on  this 
great  staple,  I  leave  others  lo  judge,  in  view  of  the 
probable  improvement  in  the  quality  of  South 
American  wool  by  the  process  which  has  already 
produced  so  perceptible  an  effect.  No  doubt  wool 
from  that  quarter  of  the  world  will  cominue  to 
grow  finer  ond  finer,  and  must,  nt  no  distant  day, 
under  ibe  lariff  of  184G,  break  down  wool  growing 
in  the  United  Slates. 

But  the  import  of  South  American  wool  is  by  no 
means  the  only  or  even  the  greatest  evil  which 
American  wool  growers  arc  obliged  to  encounter. 
They  are  now,  ond  long  hove  been,  compeling  with 
voM  qimnlities  of  Eumiiean  wool,  imported  in  tlie 
form  of  woollens.  There  was  imported  iind  con- 
sumed in  the  United  States,  in  1844,  woollen  goods 
to  the  amount  and  value  of  S''i442,l.'tS:  and  in 
1845,  to  lh(,  nninnnt  and  value  of  JilO,519,520,  as 
will  appear  by  the  following  tables,  the  rc-expor- 
talions  being  ileducled: 

1.  TaHe  of  tmjnrti  avtt  eounimjJton  of  forfiftt  nvottmt  in 
the  Cmttd  Sliitca,  in  the  yeur  Cfldfni;  the  IKIh  June,  im4. 

OloUiB  aiitt  cmtliilllPreR fii(4,777,9-JO 

Merino  MhawU iji>8,0.Vj 

Uluiikclft,  cusUng  nut  above  75  cents  each.      ...        300,136 


RIniikcn,  coaling  over  73  cenia  each 639,f!97 

Wor-le<l  milfli I,8IS,9M 

Hni.lFry,  nlovi  •,  inlK.  nnil  liiniling Ml  ,IM7 

WiHillen  and  wonteil  yarna 138,163 

Flanni'lp 37,71)3 

Dnlii'a H0,'1H 

Cnrpeling,  WIIMn  anil  Rnxnny 43,818 

Unrpi'ting,  RniHKola 096,377 

Cnr|ii'ting,  VonoUiiii  and  oUicr  Ingialii 17,9X0 

All  other  articira 394,173 

Total t9,i:a,i:iH 

3.  T*ihteofiinporttanilcotuumi4ioHof  foreign  wooUew  in  the 
Unilal  Sfu(ei,  in  Me  year  ending  Mc  301k  June,  1843. 

rinllia  and  riiaaimerea f5,380,D3n 

Mi^riim  alnwla ai4,lk<l 

HIniiketa,  ccniing  mil  above  73  rents  each a04,'J03 

HInnkeUt,  cnaDug  (iver  7.'i  cenIa  each 6yO,.'ii7 

VVomlfd  itulfa 1 ,840,6b9 

Hosiery,  ginvca,  mita,  sad  binding 738,7H7 

Woollen  and  wurt-tud  yarn* 187,973 

Flnnnela 7iJ,308 

DiiiziH ]oo,a;ja 

Cnr|teting,  Wiitnn  ami  Saxony t6,l6U 

Cnrpt'tjng,  llruaaih 310,174 

t'.ir|»'liiig,  Vpiieiian  and  oilMr  ingrain 31,931 

All  other  articloi 848,.V>3 

Total ^10,319^30 

Thus  it  appears  there  was  imported  and  con- 
sumed in  the  United  Slotes,  during  the  two  years 
ending  on  the  30th  of  June,  1845,  woollens  of  va- 
rious sorts  lo  the  amount  (according  to  the  cus- 
tom-house returns)  o"  |19,961,658,  But  it  is  be- 
lieved that  this  sum  is  Air  below  Ihe  true  cost  of 
such  imports;  for  it  is  notorious  that  the  goods 
are,  when  entered  for  the  payment  of  duties,  great- 
ly under-valued.  The  duties  on  flannels,  baizes, 
and  carpetings  arc,  by  the  act  of  1842,  mode  spe- 
cific. On  all  other  articles  of  wool  they  arc  levied 
on  the  ad  valorem  principle.  In  the  latter  case, 
the  temptation  to  undervalue  the  imports,  or  to 
make  false  invoices  is  very  great,  and  is  seldom 
resisted.  It  must  not  be  assumed,  therefore,  that 
the  country  in  1845  purchased  woollens  to  the 
amount  only  of  $10,519,520,  great  as  that  sum  is, 
I  hove  little  doubt  but  that  we' paid  in  fact,  in  that 
year  $15,000,000  for  foreign  woollens;  and  I  am 
satisfied,  on  inquiry,  that  in  every  dollar's  worth 
of  such  goods  w3  purchased  at  least  one  pound  of 
foreign  wool,  I  am  told  by  good  judges  that  not  far 
from  one-half  of  Ihe  purchase  money  for  foreign 
woollens  goes  to  pay  for  forcign^wool ,  and  the 
residue  we  know  pays  for  foreign  labor;  for  for- 
eign agriculturaLproducls,  other  ihaii  wool— such 
as  breads, uffs,  beef,  pork,  vegetables,  &c,,  con- 
sumetl  by  the  operatives;  for  the  use  of  foreign 
tools,  implemenis,  and  machinery;  and  for  proms 
on  the  capital  invested  by  foreign  manufacturers 
of  woollens,  .*  II  such  wool,  labor,  agricultural 
products,  and  oiher  elements  of  cost,  arc  brought 
into  this  country,  and,  in  the  shape  of  woollens, 
are  here  sold  in  compethion  with  the  correspond- 
ing American  articles.  If  to-the  twenly-four  mil- 
lions of  pounds  of  cheap  wool  imported  in  a  single 
yt  r  from  South  America  we  add  fifteen  millions 
introduced  in  the  same  year  from  Europe  in  the 
form  of  woollens,  we  have  the  enormous  aggre- 
gate of  thiriy-nine  milUons  of  pounds  of  foreign 
wool  thrown  upon  our  market,  and  operating  se- 
riously to  the  prejudice  of  the  American  wool- 
grower.  It  is  highly  important  that  our  farmers 
who  lake  an  interest  in  tnis  subject  should  watch 
closely  the  imports  of  woollens;"for  the  wool  com- 
prised in  most  of  them  is  |)recisely  the  sort  which 
we  ourselves  grow.  The  competition  in  this  form 
is  now  producing  a  very  injurious  effect  on  the 
domestic  wool-growing  interest,  and  must  ere  long, 
unless  sedulously  guarded  against,  prove  disas- 
trous in  a  high  degree, 

Bui  it  will  be  asked,  why  is' it  that,  under  the 
tariff  of  1849,  such  a  vast  amount  of  foreign  wool- 
lens has  been  introduced  into  the  country,  and 
why  have  American  wool-growcrs  been  sub- 
jected to  such  a  dangerous  competition  ?  The 
answer  shall  be  brief.  It  is  owing  to  the  imprac- 
ticability of  collecting  in  full  the  duties  imposed 
by  that  act.  We  have  already  seen  that  the  tariff 
ol  1828  gave  to  domestic  woollens  abundant  pro- 
tection in  the  form  of  a  series  of  minimums;  but 
Ihe  disturbances  in  South  Carolina,  unfortunately, 
induced  Congress,  in  1832,  todiscardthcminimums, 
and  to  substitute  an  ad  valorem  duty  of  50  per  cent. 
By  the  tariff  of  1848,  a  duty  of  40  per  cent,  only  is 
hud  on  most  woollens;  and  this,  for  the  reason 
above  allnded  to,  has  proved  wholly  inadequtc  to 


sustain  our  manufi^cturerg.  Many  believe  that  the 
Qoveiainenl  is  cheated  outof  one-hidf  of  Iheduty, 
and  orcourse  the  manufticturera  lose  so  much  pro- 
tection. The  frauds  in  this  respect  are  as  notori- 
ous as  ihat  there  is  such  a  place  as  Pearl  street  in 
New  York,  The  facility  for  perpetrating  them 
can  be  appreciated,  when  it  is  undcratooc)  that  the 
imports  are  mostly  consignments,  and  of  course 
the  owner  can  make  the  invoice  what  he  pleases; 
and  we  all  know  that  a  custom-house  oath  is  of 
little  worth.  I  have  not  the  least  belief  that  over 
25  per  cent,  is  collected  on  woollen  goods  subjected 
lo  40  per  cent,,  and  in  proportion  on  goods  liable 
lo  pay  a  lower  rale.  Owing  to  this  cause,  the 
manufacturers  of  woollens,  in  this  country,  are  in 
a  depressed  condition,  I  admit  that  40  per  cent, 
would  be,  if  collected,  abundant  protection  for 
woollens;  and  I  would  by  no  means  advocate  a 
return  lo  the  stringent  rales  of  1828.  But  the  ad 
valorem  principle  should,  in  its  application  to  wool- 
lens, be  discarded,  and  modi  rate  specific  duties 
imposed.  I  am  confident  ibnt  30  per  cent.,  put  in 
the  form  of  specifics,  would  be  much  better  for  our 
woollen  manufactures  than  Ihe  rates  of  1849.  Un- 
der such  a  system,  this  important  branch  of  na- 
tional industry  would  lake  a  new  start.  The 
pressure  of  foreign  wool,  in  the  shape  of  imported 
woollens,  on  the  market  would  be  in  some  measure 
relieved,  and  the  business  of  wool-growing  would 
soon  become  prosperous  throughout  the  country. 

But  what  remedy  has  this  Administration  adopt- 
ed for  the  ev  Is  which  have  embarrassed  the  wool- 
growing  interest,  and  which  might,  even  under  the 
act  of  'i2,  have  ultimately  overthrown  it  ?  Have 
they  manifested  a  disposition  to  lend  Ihe  former 
a  helping  hand  in  this  regard  ?  On  the  contrary, 
they  liave  introduced  ond  carried  through  Congress 
a  revenue  measure,  ingeniously  contrived  lo  break 
down  both  our  manufiiclures  of  wool  and  the  busi- 
ness of  wool  growing.  While,  on  the  one  hand, 
they  raise  the  duly  on  coarse  wool  from  five  to 
thirty  per  cent,,  (which  can  do  our  ftirmers  no 
good,  for  reasons  already  staled,)  on  the  other, 
they  cut  down  the  duty  on  such  wool  as  can  really 
compete  with  our  own  (ranging  from  forty-two  to 
ninety  per  cent.)  to  tliiriy  per  cent,  Bui,  what  is 
worse,  they  also  reduce  the  duly  imposed  by  the 
act  of  '42  on  the  principal  woollens  from  forty  to 
thirty  per  cent,,  ana  even  that  the  manufacturers, 
and,  through  them,  the  wool  growers,  are  not  to 
have  the  benefit  of,  beyond  fifteen  or  twenty  per 
cent,;  for,  whether  on  ad  valorem  duty  be  thirty  or 
forty  per  cent,,  the  frauds  committed  at  the  custom 
house  will  be  alike  ftequenl  and  proporlioimbly 
extensive.  While  ihey  impose  a  duty  of  thirty 
per  cent,  on  coarse  wool,  such  as  we  do  not  grow, 
they  levy  a  lower  rale  on  foreign  fabrics  of  wool 
of  like  quality.  Besides  this,  they  raise  the  duty 
on  indigo,  dyestuffa,  and  other  materials  used  in 
manufacturing  woollens,  in  violation  of  the  imme- 
morial practice  of  the  Government,  In  short,  a 
bill  hos  been  adopted  which  excludes  totally  the 
idea  of  protecting  wool  and  woollens — which  dis- 
criminates for  revenue,  and  against  these  important 
products  of  agriculture  and  the  arts — which  with- 
draws wholly  from  the  wool  of  the  farmer  the  fos- 
tering core  of  the  Government,  ond  turns  the  man- 
ufacturer of  the  some  over  to  o  fatal  competition 
with  the  cheaper  wool  and  low  wages  of  Europe, 

But  I  have  not  yet  introduced  into  the  picture  all 
the  lineaments  of  the  scheme,  which  in  its  consuni- 
mnlion,  must  inevilobly  overthrow  the  wool-grow- 
ing interest.  In  the  worehouse  bill,  now  before 
us,  we  have  another  potent  engine  of  hostility  lo 
domestic  wool  ond  woollens.  One  of  Ihe  greatest 
safeguards  which  the  lariff  of '49  threw  around  all 
the  great  interests  of  the  country  w-us  the  rigid  ex- 
aclir'n  of  the  duties  in  cash.  But  this  is  now  lo 
be  dispensed  with,  and  the  importers  of  woollens 
can,  by  depositing  their  goods  in  a  warehouse,  ob- 
tain a  crcnil  on  the  duties  for  one  year. 

One  would  suppose  that  this  Administration 
ought  lo  be  satisfied  with  cutting  down  the  duties 
on  wool  and  its  fabrics  lo  the  revenue  stondard, 
and  even,  as  it  is  believed,  much  below  it,  without 
urging  upon  us  this  warehouse  bill,  which  will 
greatly  facilitate  the  introduction  of  foreign  wool- 
lens into  this  country,  ond  thus  supersede,  with 
foreign  wool,  the  consumption  of  American  wool. 
Probably  this  warehouse  system  will  be  little  less 
disastrous  in  its  effect  on  domestic  wool  ond  wool- 
lens than  the  chimerical  free-trade  tariff  which  re- 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


Itflt 


29th  Cono 1st  Sess. 


jf^e  fVarehoute  Bill — Mr.  Truman  Smith, 


Ho.  OF  Kkps. 


ccntly  pnsaed  the  two  Houaea  of  Congress.  Will 
it  bn  nny  advanlnge  tn  our  farmers  to  hnvc  vast 
qnnniiticsof  foreign  woollens,  piled  up  in  the  ware- 
linuscH,  to  be  from  thence  thrown  into  auction 
rooms,  and  sold  at  greutly  reduced  prices,  thus 
producing  ruinous  fluctuation  nnd  insiaoility  in  the 
market  for  our  domestic  woe   and  woollens? 

Why  should  so  much  pains  be  taken  to  intro- 
duce, in  the  form  of  woollens,  such  vast  quantities 
of  foreign  wool  ?  Why  try  to  deprive  our  farincis 
of  the  privilege  of  clothing  with  wool,  by  the 
ngency  of  American  manufactures,  the  millions  of 
free  citizens  of  this  country  ?  Why  is  such  a  vast 
complication  of  machinery  got  up,  with  much  in- 
genuity, that  its  powers  may  be  directed  to  crush 
American  wool?  Is  it  because  the  ever-present 
hills  of  New  England,  the  boundles&prairies  of  the 
West,  and  the  vast  mountain  regions  of  the  South, 
nre  inadequate  to  produce  the  requisite  supply?  Is 
it  because  our  farmers  are  not  sufficiently  enter- 
prising and  industrious  to  grow  what  is  needed? 
In  the  efforts  of  this  Administration  to  put  down 
the  wool-growing  iniercst,  it  is  not  difficult  to  see 
the  spirit  which  seemed  at  one  lime  to  actuate  Mr. 
Kaniiolph,  when  he  said  ho  would  go,  at  any  lime, 
half  a  mile  to  kick  a  sheep. 

No  doubt  the  ca|)nl)ilitles  of  this  country  for 
raising  wool  arc  almost  infinite.  The  mountains 
of  the  South  nre  peculiarly  adapted  to  this  species 
of  culture;  where,  by  reason  of  a  genial  climate 
and  perennial  verdure,  wool  can  be  growivat  much 
less  cost  than  at  the  North.  The  noble  West  en- 
joys advantages  equally  decided,  in  the  cheapness 
and  vaslness  of  its  prairies — so  that  the  South  and 
West  can  enter  into  this  business  with  brilliant 
prospects,  and,  perhap.i,  in  a  great  degree,  super- 
sede the  North  and  East,  except  in  the  highest 
grades  of  wool.  These,  the  northern  farmers,  by 
reason  of  their  untiring  industry  and  superior  care 
and  skill,  will  bo  likely  to  retain;  and,  fbr  the  loss 
of  the  other  grades,  they  will  be  more  than  com- 

Jiensatcd  by  the  ndvnntnges  which  they  will  derive 
'rom  the  woollen  factories  in  their  midst,  provided 
"  wool  and  woollens"  are  properly  protected  and 
cared  for  by  our  Government. 

Cut  the  contrary  policy  has  unhappily  prevailed; 
and  I  now  predict,  if  the  system  of  low  duties, 
without  discrimination,  except  in  hostility  to  do- 
mestic interests,  is  to  stand  foi-  any  considerable 
period  of  time,  aided,  as  it  will  be,  in  its  work  of 
luin  by  this  warehousing  scheme,  the  effect  on 
American  wool  and  woollens  will  be  as  follows: 

1 .  It  will  stop,  in  a  great  decree,  perhaps  wholly, 
the  imports  of  coarse  wool,  Iiul  in  a  manner,  or 
rather  fi-om  a  cause,  that  wM!  prove  highly  disas- 
trous to  our  farmers;  for  it  will  destroy,  or  at  any 
rate  greatly  cripple,  our  mamifacturcs  of  carpeting 
and  other  coarse  woollens.  The  South  American 
wool  would,  in  such  cases,  be  taken  to  Europe, 
and  after  being  there  converted  into  carpeting  and 
oilier  cheap  woollens,  would  be  imported  into  this 
country,  and  in  that  form  be  sold  to  our  people, 
and  in  the  mean  time  tlie  farmers  would  have  the 
poor  consolation  of  knowing  they  had  lost,  in  t'  ' 
destruction  of  these  home  manufactures,  a  vnhuible 
market  for  breadstuffs,  beef,  pork,  butter,  cheese, 
corn,  outs,  hay,  and  agricultural  products  generally, 
other  than  wool. 

2.  It  will  affect  very  injuriously  the  manufac- 
tures of  woollens  all  over  the  country.  Mr. 
Walker  insists  that,  under  his  system,  the  imports 
will  be  greatly  increased,  and  at  the  same  lime  he 
tells  us  the  manufacturers  will  make  profits  equal 
to  the  average  earnings  of  other  employmenl.s  in 
the  Slate,  or,  in  other  words,  they  can  continue 
their  business  with  success.  How  can  this  be  in 
the  face  of  heavy  importations  ofv/oollens?  On 
the  contrary,  I  ntfirm,  that  a  vast  proportion  of 
these  eBtabliNhmcnts  will  be  L.'oken  up,  ulhers 
will  run  short  time,  and  a  few,  perhaps,  having 
great  resources,  will  be  able  to  maintain  themselves, 
and  even  to  make  moderate  prol  Is,  as  they  will 
get  wool  low  and  labor  cheap  by  reason  of  the 
multitudes  thrown  o«t  of  employment. 

3.  The  farmers  will  lose,  by  crippliiigor  breaking 
up  these  establishmcnls,  an  important  market  for 
agricultural  products  other  than  wool.  They 
should  incessantly  bear  in  mind  that,  in  purcha- 
sing foreign  woollens,  they  in  fhct  pay  for  all  the 
foreign  breadstufls,  licff,  pork,  &c.,  consumed  in 
manufacturing  such  goods  abroad,  and  that  in  the 
form  of  woollens  such  products  are  in  effect  sold 


here  in  competition  with  the  product!  of  our  own 
agriculture. 

4.  AVool  itself  must  be  greatly  reduced  in  price. 
This  must  result  inevitably — first,  fVom  increasing 
the  supply  of  wool,  by  the  importation  of  that  arti- 
cle to  an  immense  amount  in  tne  shape  of  woollens; 
and,  secondly,  from  diminishing  the  home  or  do- 
mestic demand  for  the  article.  There  will  be  fewer 
manufacturers  in  the  market  to  purchase,  and  these 
will  only  be  enabled  to  do  so  at  reduced  prices. 
Domestic  wool,  for  a  long  lime  past,  has  ranged  in 
our  market  from  twenty-five  to  sixty  cents  per 
pound;  and  where  is  the  wisdom,  by  breaking 
down  our  manufactures,  of  reducing  the  article  so 
low  thatit  can  be  taken  to  and  manufactured  in 
Europe,  and  then  brought  back  and  sold  to  our 
people  OS  woollens,  wo  losing  freight  and  charges 
to  and  from  Europe,  to  say  nothing  of  ^irofits  to 
the  foreign  manufacturer,  and  in  addition  a  valua- 
ble market  at  home  for  other  ogricultural  products  ? 

5.  The  farmer  will  find  it  extremely  difficult  to 
sell  his  wool  for  cash,  unless,  indeed,  at  a  ruinous 
sacrifice.  He  will  be  obliged  to  dispose  of  it  in 
barter;  and  how,  then,  can  he  get  money  to  pay 
his  taxes,  or  to  raise  a  mortgage  on  his  farm  ? 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  any,  that  these  causes 
must  give  a  very  injurious  check  to  the  wool- 
growing  business  all  over  the  Union,  and  particu- 
larly at  the  Souih  and  West.  We  nre  to  look  fbr 
no  increase  of  the  number  of  sheep  corresponding 
with  the  increase  of  our  population,  and  I  believe 


boon  of  only  40  per  cent,  and  under.  This  fhct 
expresses  the  true  character  of  the  act  of  1843.  It 
sedulously  cared  for  and  protected  our  ngriciiliurnl 
and  mechanical  interests;  and  whatever  prulecliun 
it  granted  tn  manufactures  was  mainly  with  a 
view  to  sustain  and  benefit  our  farmers,  mechan- 
ics, and  laborers. 

I  have  thus  given  a  full,  and  I  trust  a  just,  expo- 
sition of  the  subject  of  "  wool  and  woollens,"  and 
of  the  operation  of  the  tiirilT  of  1842  on  those  in- 
terests, and  the  certain  effect  of  the  new  measures 
on  the  same.  I  was  a  member  of  this  body  when 
the  tariff  tuf  1842  was  enacted,  and  cooperated 
anxiously  with  fi-iends  fVom  oil  sections  of  this  • 
Union  in  efforts,  under  circumstances  of  unexam- 
pled difficulty  and  embarrassment,  to  carry  the 
bill  through  the  House  of  Representatives.  1  must 
acknowledge  all  my  expectations  of  benefit  fi-om 
the  measure,  both  to  the  Government  and  the  peo- 
ple, have  been  more  than  realized.  I  have  wit- 
nessed its  effect  in  restoring,  as  by  magic,  public 
and  private  credit;  in  replenishing  an  empty  treas- 
ury; in  giving  life,  vigor,  and  activ-ty  to  all  branch- 
es of<national  industry;  and  in  .aising  them  lo  a 
pitch  of  prosperity,  such  as  has  existed  at  no  time 
since  the  organization  of  the  Government  under 
the  Constitution  in  1789. 

If  I  were  among  the  number  of  tho.se  whose  ex- 
pectations of  benefits  from  this  Government  are 
all  staked  on  the  hazard  of  the  political  die,  and 
whose  sole  mniive  in  taking  a  part  in  public  affairs 


a  large  proportion  of  those  in  existence  will  be  j  I  is  the  hope  of  sharing  in  "the  spoils  of  victory," 
consigned  to  the  shambles.  i   .         ..    .    .  ... 

Can  any  one  doubt  the  justice  of  this  exposition 
in  view  of  the  facts  and  considerations  which  I 
have  presented  ?  Let  it  be  remembered  I  have  left 
out  of  view  the  elfect  which  the  new  measures 
must  have  on  the  other  great  interests  of  the  coun- 
try. I  affirm  it  is  impossible  to  overthrow  any 
one  of  these  interesis  without  giving  a  great  shock 
to  all  the  rest.  What,  under  the  bystem  of  low 
anti-protective  duties,  will  become  of  iron  and  ils 


I  could  desire  no  other  consummation  than  the 
measures  which  have  been,  or  will  be,  adopted 
during  the  present  session  of  Congress.  But  linv- 
ing  the  honor  tn  represent  on  this  floor  (in  pnrt) 
the  people  of  a  State  who  have  little  or  no  interest 
in  thi.s  GovcrnmenI,  except  that  it  shall  be  justly, 
wisely,  and  properly  administered,  and  who  do 
not  wish  to  participate  in  the  fruits  of  a  gambling 
)ireHldenlial   election;   entertaining,  as   f  do,  an 


earnest  desire  for  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of 
fabrics,  of  the  manufactures  of  cotton,  of  sugar  .our  common  country,  and  possessing  a  heart,  as  I 
and  molasses,  refined  sugar,  coal,  glass,  leather  [l  hope,  sufficiently  liberal  and  comprehensive  to 
and  ita  fabrics,  and  nameless  other  interests  which  :   embrace  every  section  of  this  vast  Confederacy, 

and  all  its  great  and  paramount  interesis,  I  have 


have  sprung  up  under  the  protecrive  policy  since 
1816?  If  iheso  interests,  or  any  one  of  them, 
should  fail,  would  not  the  indirect  efl'ect  on  wool 
and  woollens  be  highly  injurious?  How  can 
those  engaged  in  other  employments  afford  to  buy 
such  goods  unless  their  business  is  prosperous? 

In  addition  we  must  look  to  the  probable  state 
of  the  currency,  under  these  measures,  to  enable 
us  to  realize  the  dangers  which  must  beset  Amer- 
ican wool.  While  the  Administration  utterly  re- 
pudiates the  protective  policy,  and  reduces  greatly 
the  duties  on  foreign  goods  of  every  description, 
they  avow  that  they  expect  an  immense  increose 
of  imports,  so  as  to  more  than  make  up  the  loss  of 
revenue  which  would  otherwise  occur.  Mr.  Walk- 
er ins  sts  that  the  revenue  under  his  onti-protective 
tariflr  will  be  several  millions  more  .than  under  the 
act  of  1842;  or,  in  other  words,  the  country  is  to 
be  flooded  with  foreign  manufactures.  How  are 
we  to  pay  for  such  an  immense  amount  of  goods  ? 
Will  not  the  balance  of  trade  be  turned  against  us, 
our  country  drained  of  the  precious  metals,  the 
banks  crippled  ?  and  must  there  not  be  a  great  re- 
duction of  the  currency,  if  not  a  complete  over- 
throw of  our  monetary  system?  Amidst  the  gen- 
eral ruin,  can  the  wool-grower  expect  to  escape? 
Let  experience,  as  folly  and  nmdness  have  resolved 
to  try  these  experiments,  test  the  truth  and  justice 
of  these  remarks. 

In  this  place  I  wish  to  recur  again  to'the  provis- 
ions of  the  act  of  1842  on  "  wool  and  woollens," 
for  the  purpose  of  rc|)elling  an  imputation  inces- 
santly cast  on  that  measure  by  (he  opponents  of 
protection.  It  is  said  that  the  tariff  of  1842  is  so 
arranged  as  to  protect  the  manufaclureT«  only,  and 
that,  loo,  at  the  expense  of  all  other  clu .  ^es — jiar- 
ticularly  farmers  and  mechanics,  I  have  already 
shown  that  the  duly  on  wool  ranges  from  42  to  90 
per  cent,  ad  valorem.     On  ready-made  clothing  it 


jl  felt  constrained  to  oppose  to  these  projects  of  evil 
1 1  all  the  resistance  in  my  power.  1  oppose  them 
;  ns  alike  injurious  to  the  North  •  -d  the  South,  to 
'  the  East  and  the  West — as  Su  .mg  a  fatal  blow 
!   at  agriculture,  commerce,  nianuftictures,  and  the 

I  mecTianic  arts — as  certain  to  deprive  the  Govern- 
'  ment  of  adequate  revenue,  and  to  >  ibvert  credit  in 
jl  every  .'orm,  particularly  the  currency — to  derange 

,  in  a  mischievous  manner  the  relation  of  debtor  and 
!  creditor,  to  grind  the  former  as  between  the  upper 
jiand   nether  millstone,  and  to  introduce  disorder 

I I  and  confusion  into  all  departments  of  business — 
jj  destroying  millions  o^gpital,  committing  thou- 
jj  sands  to  bankruptcy,  Tnd  opening  once  more  in 
\\  our  path  the  abyss  into  which  we  were  plunged  in 
ji  ]8,?7.     But  there  is  an  arbiter,  to  which  on  appeal 

j  will  not  be  made  in  vain — it  is  an  enlightened  and 
j  patriotic  public  sentimcrti,  which  settles  alike  the 
i  fale  of  public  men  and  public  measures.     Defore 
];  this  tribunal  I  fearlessly  place  the  just  and  liberal 
j!  policy  of  the  27th  Congress,  with  all  the  multiplied 
'I  Me      igs  which   have  resulted  therefrom;  and  I 
;  [  r.  ■    lerfeclty  willing  that  both  should  stand  in  con- 
H  ti-ast  with  llie  anti-American  measures  nowndopt- 
j'  ed,  (though  with  manifest  hesilatinn  and  reluc- 
!j  tnnce,)  in  conformity  with  the  behests  of  palron- 
ngc  and  power.     I  await  with  no  presump  uous 
coi.fidcnce  the  judgment  of  the  American  people 
on  the  two  sysiems  of  policy — by  their  fruits  they 
know  one,  and  will  soon  know   the  other — and 
then,  undeceived  and  aroused,  they  will  hold  the 
autho'  s  of  the  numberless  calamities  which  must 
ensue  to  a  dread  responsibility.    Then  Ihe  righls 
of  American  labor,  and  the  duty  of  Gnvermnent 
to  protect  it,   will   be    understood — the   barriers 
which  have  been  erected  to  guard  our  home  indus- 
try will  be  re-eslablished — all  the  great  interesis 
of'^lhe  .country  will  be  placed  under  the  guiudian- 


is  50  per  cent,  od  valorem,  but  on  the  principal  }i  ship  of  a  just,  liberal,  and  well-arri..iged  protective 
■■  '       "        " — ""  " '"  '"  —  — '   -  '  -   '-       system;  and   the  principles  and  policy  of  Wash 


articles  of  woollens  it  is  only  40  per  cent,  ad  vulO' 
rem,  and  on  other  fabrics  of^wool  the  rate  is  much 
lowci-  Thus,  while  the  farmer  got  a  protection  on 
his  wnl  of  from  42  to  90  per  cent,  ad  valorem, 
and  the  tailors  and  seamstresses  on  ready-made 
clothing  a  protection  of  50  per  cent.,  the  a^t  of 
lS42  conferred  on  the  manufacturers  of  woollens  a 


ington  and  his  successors  will  regiin  an  ascenden- 
cy in  this  Govcrnmeht,  and  will  be  re-established 
on  a  foundation  whii'h  neither  the  arts  of  dema- 
gogues can  undermine,  nor  the  presumptuousness 
of  political  empirics  can  subvert. 


1168 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[June  10, 


29Tn  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


77le  Oregon  Question, 


Senate. 


t 


IN  SENATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

Eiteulive  procftdinKf,  corrmpondtnce,  and  documenli, 
relating  <o  Ortgon,  from  \ehich  the  injunction  qf 
uertcy  hta  ftrcu  nmovtil. 

Wedneidat,  June  10,  1846. 

The  following  MexKngn  was  received  from  the 
President  of  ihe  United  Sta.es,  liy  Mr.  Walker,  hii 
Secretary. 
To  the  Senate  of  Ihe  United  Stalei: 

I  lay  before  the  Seiinle  h  proposal,  in  the  form 
of  a  convention,  presented  to  the  Secretary  of  Slntc 
on  the  sixth  instant,  liy  the  Envoy  Exiraordiniiry 
and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  her  Uritnnnic  Ma- 
jesty, for  Ihe  adjustment  of  the  Oregon  qiieHtion, 
together  with  a  protocol  of  this  proc.eedin};.  I 
submit  this  propoiuil  to  the  consideration  of  ihc 
Senate,  and  request  (heir  advice  a^  to  the  action 
which,  in  their  judgment,  it  may  be  pro])er  to  take 
in  reference  to  it. 

In  the  early  periods  of  the  Government,  the 
opinion  and  advice  of  the  Senate  were  often  Jiiken 
in  advance  upon  important  questions  of  our  fur- 
ciffn  policy.  General  Washington  repeatedly  lon- 
snlled  the  Senate,  and  asked  their  previous  advice 
upon  pending  negolialiona  with  foreign  Powers; 
and  the  Senate  iji  every  instance  responded  lu  his 
call  liy  piving  their  advice,  to  which  he  alwavs 
conformed  Iiis  action.  Tliia  practice,  though  rarely 
resorted  to  in  latter  times,  was,  in  my  judgment, 
eminently  wise,  and  may,  on  occasions  oV  great  im- 
lortance,  be  properly  revived.  The  Senate  are  a 
branch  of  the  treaty  making  power;  and,  by  con- 
sulting them  in  advance  of  Ills  own  action  upon 
important  measures  of  foreign  policy  which  may 
ulimtately  come  before  them  for  their  considera- 
tion, the  President  secures  hormony  of  action  be- 
tween that  body  and  himself.  Tlic  Senate  are, 
moreover,  a  branch  of  the  war-making  power, 
and  it  may  be  eminently  iiroper  for  the  Executive 
to  take  the  opiniiui  and  aavice  of  that  body  in  ad- 
vance upon  any  great  question  which  may  involve 
injils  decision  the  issue  of  peace  or  war.  On  the 
jiresent occasion  (he  magnitudeof  the  suiijcct would 
induce  me,  under  any  circumstances,  lo  desire  the 
previous  advice  of  the  Senate;  and  that  desire  is 
increased  by  the  recent  debates  and  proceedings  in 
Qongress,  which  render  it,  in  my  judgment,  not 
only  respectful  to  the  Senate,  but  necessary  and 
proper,  if  not  indispensable,  '.o  insure  harmonious 
aciion  between  that  body  and  the  Executive.  In 
conferring  on  the  Executive  the  authority  *.o  give 
the  notice  for  the  abrogation  of  Ihe  convention  of 
1827,  the  Senate  acted  publicly  so  large  a  part, 
that  a  decision  on  the  proposal  now  made  by  the 
British  Government,  without  a  definite  knowledge 
of  the  views  of  thot  body  in  reference  to  it,  might 
render  the  question  still  4hore  complicated  and 
difficult  of  adjustment.  For  these  reasons  1  inviic 
the  consideration  of  the  Senate  to  the  proposal  of 
the  Briti.«h  Government  for  the  settlement  of  the 
Oregon  question,  and  nslb  their  advice  un  the  sub- 
jectl 

My  opinions  and  my  action  on  the  Oregon  ques- 
tion were  fully  made  known  to  Congre.ss  in  my 
annual  Message  of  the  second  December  last;  and 
the  opinions  therein  e.xpressed  remain  unchanged. 

Should  the  Senate,  by  the  constitutional  major- 
ity required  for  the  ratification  of  treaties,  advise 
the  acceptance  of  this  proposition,  or lidvisc  it  wiih 
such  modifications  as  they  may,  upon  full  deliber- 
ation, deem  proper,  I  shall  conform  my  action  to 
their  advice.  Should  the  Senate, however,  decline 
by  such  constitutional  majority  to  give  such  advice, 
or  to  express  an  opinion  on  the  subject,  1  shall 
consider  it  my  duty  to  reject  the  oflTer. 

I  also  communicate  liercwith  an  extract  from  a 
despatch  of  the  Secretary  of  Suite  to  the  Minister 
of  the  United  Stales  at  London,  under  date  of  the 
twenty-eighth  of  April  last,  directing  liim,  in  ac- 
cordance wilh  Ihe  joint  resolution  of  Congress 
"  concerning  the  Oregon  Territory,"  to  deliver  the 
notice  to  the  Urilisli  Government  for  the  abroga- 
tion of  the  convention  of  the  6ih  of  August,  1827; 
and  also  a  copy  of  the  notice  transmitted  to  him 
for  that  purpose,  together  with  extracts  frfim  a 
despatch  of  tnut  Minister  to  the  Secretary  of  Slate, 
bearing  date  on  the  eighteenth  day  of  May  last. 
JAMES  K.  POLK. 

Waihikotok,  June  10,  1846. 


The  message  was  read. 

On  motion  by  Mr.  ALLEN,  that  thn  message  and 
documents  communicated  therewith  be  referred  lo 
the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  and  printed 

I  in  confiderco  for  the  use  of  the  Senate, 

{      A  division  of  the  question  wai  called  for  by  Mr. 
McDUFFIE;and 

I      On  the  question,  "that  the  message  and  docu- 
ments communicated   therewith  be  referred  to  the   I 

,  Commitlee  (ui  Foreign  Relations:" 

j      It  was  determined  in  the  negative:  Yeaa  9,  nays 
36. 

I      On  motion  by  Mr.  HANNEQAN, 

The  yeas  and  nays  being  desired  by  onefiAh  of 

,  the  Sennlors  prexenl, 

I      Those  wl'io  voted  in  the  affirmative  are, 

I      Mi'ttArrt.  Allen,  .\Nlil<>y,Ailu>rton,DreeKe,Ciiiifi,Dlcliinion, 

I  Fnirllt-IJ,  llnnnetiaii,  'J'Ufluy. 

I      Those  who  voted  in  the  negative  are, 

I  Mt-nRrK.  Arctier,  llHKby,  Bentini,  ilrrrlrn,  rallioun,  ChnI-  ! 
nii-rrf,  'rtioiiiiw  (;in>inn.  Cnlquiil,  Corn-in,  DiiviM,  liuyinn, 
Dix,  Greene,  lliiywixxl,  llou%tnii,  lliiniiiiKtuij,  Jiiriuiiiiii, 
Jolirmnii  (if  IM.irjItiiiil,  Jolln^on  iit'  Liiiii)iitui:i,  I.cwIn,  Me-  I 
Diiitie,  IMtniiiiini,  .MilliT.  Morchcnit,  NIIik,  Pcnrce,  I'eniiy- 
l):i(<kei,  IMii'liM.  Itiihk.Siiiiiiionii,  H|K!it;lit,  Upliiun,  VVebfter, 
VVeslriiU,  WiiiHlliridKi',  \uUv.  1 

So  the  motion  lo  refer  was  rejecled. 
!      On  the  question  to  itgrec  to  the  second  clause  of  j 

the  motion, 
I      On  motion  by  Mr.  TURNEY,  that  it  lie  on  the  { 
table,  I 

It  was  determined  in  the  affirmative:  Yean  27,  ' 
.  nays  21.  I 

:      On  motion  by  Mr.  HANNEQAN,  ' 

Tlio  yeas  anil  nays  being  desired  by  one-fiflli  of  | 
the  Senators  present,  | 

Those  who  voted  in  the  affirmative  are,  I 

Mcitvrit.  .Archer,  llciitnn,  Ucrricn,  C'tilhniin,  Cimlniers,  J. 
M.  Clinton,  t'nl(|uill,  Diiviii,   Daylnii,  (jrt-t'ite,   Hayn'outl, 
llountiiii,  lliintiiitflon,  Joliiiiton   nl'  Miirjl.-iiid,  JohiifOn  ol  . 
Liiuixianii,  LcU'iH,  McDiilTie,  .Maiijiuin,^  Klilli-r,  .Morehenft,  ' 
Peiuce,  Pi.-nnybacker,  riictp^,  Kuik,  Hiiejglit,  'I'urncy,  Up- 
tlKin. 

Those  who  voted  in  the  negative  arc,  | 

MesRri*.  Allen,  Ashley,  Atherlini,  Biiuliy,  Ilrecfie,  Cmn,  I 
tVirwhi,  Plekinhoii,   Dix,   Falrflelil,   lliniiii'can,  Jfirnneni, 
Jiimi'ii'),  Nikii,  Beinple,  Sevier,  Shiininns,  VVtbuter,  Wcsi- 
cotl,  Woodbriiigc,  \  ulee. 

On  motion  by  Mr.  HANNEGAN,  that  the  fur- 
ther consideration  of  the  message  and  accompany- 
ing documents  be  postponed  until  Monday  next, 
the  15lh  instant. 

It  was  determined  in  Uie  negative:   Yeas  13, 
nays  35. 
On  motion  by  Mr.  HANNEGAN, 
The  yeas  and  nays  being  desired  by  one-fifth  of 
the  Senators  present. 
Those  who  voted  in  the  affirmative  are,  | 

Ml  swru.  Alien.  .\llnTt»n.  Breese,  Ch«)i,  ('oIi|nllt,  Olckin- 
iinn.  KuirHvlil,  ilHiiin'gan,  Janiagin,  JeinieiJH,  Rti^):,  Se.iiple, 
\Ve»lcolt. 

Those  who  voted  in  the  negative  are,  j 

Messrs.  Areber.  A.-llley,  Bugby,  Benton,  Berrien,  Cal- 
hnuii,  (.^lialinerH,  Jobii  .M.  Clnyuin,  Cnrwtii,  Davin,  Dayton, 
Dix,  Greene,  Haywood,  Honstnn,  llunlinginn,  Jobntion  of 
Maryinnii,  Jobn,tiin  of  Louisiana,  Li-Wis,  MeDntfie,  Man-  | 
gum.  Miller,  Mnrehearf,  Nilys,  Pearec,  Pennybncker.  Phelps, 
Sevier,  Hlinnioiis,  Speight,  Tnrney,  Upbani,  Webster,  | 
\\'ondlirid.ie,  Yulee.  I 

;      So  the  motion  to  postpone  was  rejected. 

Thursday,  June  11,  1846. 
j      On  motion  by  Mr.  MANGUM, 

The  Senate  proceeded  to  consider  the  message 
,  of  the  President  of  the  United  Slates  of  the  10th  ■ 
instant,  communicating  a  proposal  for  the  adjust- 1 
men!  of  the  Oiegon  question;  and,  after  debate,       | 

Mr.  HAYWOOD  submitted  the  following  reso-  i 
lution  for  consideration:  i 

Resolved,  (two-thirds  of  the  Senators  present  1 
concurring,)  That  the  Picsident  of  the  United  i 
Stales  be,  and  he  is  hereby,  advised  to  accept  the 
nroposol  of  the  Ilritisli  Government,  accompany- 
ing his  mcs.sagc  In  the  Senate  dated  lOih  June, 
1846,  for  aconventii.il  to  settle  boundaries,  &c., 
between  the  United  3:ales  and  Great  Britain  west 
of  the  Rocky  or  Stony  ?'ountains. 

The  Senate,  by  unanimous  consent,  proceeded 
to  consider  the  said  resolution. 

On  motion  by  Mr.  NILES,  that  it  be  amended 
by  adding  thereto  the  following: 

With  the  following  proviso  at  the  end  of  the 
2d  article  of  the  proposed  convenlion,  to  wit; 
.     "  Provided,  That  the  rights  of  navigation  se- 
cured to  British  subjects  by  this  article  Tie  limited 


to  the  year  A.  D.  1850,  when  they  shall  cense  and 
determine." 

After  debate. 

On  motion  by  Mr.  BENTON, 

The  Senate  adjourned. 

Friday,  June  12,  1846. 

The  Senate  jiroccedcd  lo  consider  Ihe  resolution 
snbmittcd  by  Mr.  Haywood  on  Ihe  11th  instant, 
together  with  the  amendment  proposed  thereto  by 
Mr.  Nii.Ks:  and,  after  ileinue, 

Mr.  NILES,  by  unanimous  consent,  modified 
hii  jiroposed  amendment  to  read  as  follows: 

With  Ihe  following  proviso  at  the  end  of  Ihe  3d 
article  of  the  proposed  convention,  lo  wit: 

"  Prnvidid,  That  the  right  of  navigating  tho 
Columbia  river,  secured  to  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company,  and  to  all  British  subjects  trading  with 
the  same,  be  limited  to  the  year  A,  D,  1863,  when 
it  shall  cease  and  determine." 

On  the  queslion  to  agree  thereto: 

It  was  determined  in  the  negative:  Yeas  10, 
nays  31. 

On  motion  by  Mr.  NILES, 

The  yeas  and  nays  being  desired  by  one-fiflh  of 
the  Senators  present, 

Those  who  voted  in  the  affirmative  are, 

Mes.rs.  Anhtey,  Atlierton,  Bilsby,Dix,  Fairlleld,  Koustnn, 
JcniiL'SS,  Niles,  ijiiniiions,  \Vo(Mli>rldge. 

Those  who  voted  in  the  negalivo  are, 
Messrs.'  Archer,  Benton,  Berrii.'n,  Calhoun,  Oinliiiers, 
Thomas  Cluytini,  John  M.  Clayton,  Colijiiitt,  Uavix,  bay- 
ton,  kvans,  Greene,  HayvvoiHl,  lluiiiiiigtoti,  Jnhiihiui  ol' 
Maryiatid,  Jolinson  of  Lnui^laiia,  l.ewi'*,  MePnllle,  Man- 
gnin,  Miller,  Moreliead,  Peareo,  Peniiybat  ker,  Plieips,  Husk, 
Sevier,  Speight,  'rnriiey,  Uphaiii,  Welmier,  Ynieu. 

So  the  proposed  amendment  was  rejected. 

On  the  queslion  to  agree  to  the  resolution: 

It  was  tictermined  in  the  ailirmative:  Yeas  38, 
nays  12. 

On  motion. 

The  yeas  and  nays  being  desired  by  one-fifth  of 
the  Scimloij  present. 

Those  who  voted  in  the  affirmative  are, 

Mesiirs.  Archer,  Ashley,  Bngliy,  Beninn,  Ilerrion,  Calliniin, 
Chalmers,  Thnniax  Clayton,  John  M.  Cia>'ton,Coiquitl,  Da- 
vis, Dayton,  Dix,  Kvaii.,  G.-eene,  Haywood,  Houston,  fliin- 
liiigton',  Johnson  ol'  Mar>  land,  Jolnisnn  of  Lnui-tiaiia,  Lewis, 
McDillhc,  Mangnin,  .Miller,  Mnreiiead,  Niles,  Peaice,  Pcn- 
nyliacker,  Phelps,  Rnsk,  Sevier,  Simmons,  Hpeight,  Turney, 
tpiiam,  Webster,  Woodbridge,  Yntee. 

Those  who  voted  in  the  negative  are, 

Messrs.  Allen,  Atlierton,  Breese,  Cameron,  (^iss,  Dickin- 
son, PairHeld,  llniinegan,  Jurnagin,  JennesK,  Seinpic,  Stur- 
geon. 

So  it  was 

Resolved,  (iwo-thirds  of  the  Senotors  present 
concurring,)  Th,\t  the  Picsident  of  the  United 
States  be,  and  he  is  hereby,  ndvLscd  to  accept  the 
proposal  of  the  British  Government,  accompany- 
ing his  message  to  the  Senate  dated  lOih  June, 
1846,  for  a  conve-ition  to  settle  boundaries,  &c., 
between  the  Uniud  Stales  and  Great  Britain  west 
of  the  Rocky  or  Stony  Mountains. 

Ordered,  That  the  Secretary  lay  Ihe  said  resolu- 
tion before  the  President  of  the  United  Slates. 

Tt'ESDAY,  Jane  16,  184(i. 

The  following  message  was  received  from  the 
President  of  the  United  Slates,  by  Mr.  Walker, 
his  Secretary: 
To  the  Senate  of  the  United  Slatet; 

In  accordance  wilh  the  resolution  of  the  Senate  of 
the  12th  instant,  that  "  the  President  of  the  United 
States  be,  and  he  is  hereby,  advised  to  accept  iho 

firoposal  of  Ihe  British  Government,  accompanying 
lis  message  to  the  Senate,  dated  10th  June,  1846, 
for  a  convention  to  settle  boundaries, &c.,  between 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  weal  of  the 
Rocky  or  Stony  Mountains,"  a  convention  was 
concluded  and  signed  on  the  15lh  instant,  by  the. 
Secrelnry  of  Sle.ie  on  the  part  of  the  United  Slates, 
and  the  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Pleni- 
potentiary of  her  Britannic  ^Iajesty  on  the  part  of 
Great  Brilain. 

This  convention  I  now  lay  before  the  Senate  for 
their  consideration,  with  a  view  to  ils  ratification. 
JAMES  K.  POLK. 

Wasiiincton,  Jiitie  16,  1846. 

The  message  was  read. 

The  convention  between  the  United  States  of 
America  and  her  Majesty  the  Queen  of  the  United 
Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  concluded 


lo  10, 

|TB. 

Inai,'  and 


loliitinn 
liiainni, 
Veco  by 

lodiflcil 

'he  Sd 

I"?  "in 
I"  liny 
WS  wi'h 
f  I  when 

fns  10, 

Inrih  of 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


iiq^ 


29th  Coho !bt  SuitB, 


The  Oregon  ^tuition. 


New  Serig* No.  74. 


at  Waihington,  the  15th  day  of  Junsi  1846|  wea 

rend  a  firit  time. 

On  moticm  liy  Mr.  ALLICN,  that  the  convention 
and  the  metHnt^e  nnnimiiniontinK  the  convention, 
together  with  the  mfnaiicn  of  the,  jOlh  inatant,  com- 
mui'lciting  a  propoaal  Tor  the  i,(ljnalm<ilil  of  the 
Oregon  qtieition,  and  llie  dociiin'iiua  iiccompany- 
ing  the  N.\mn,  be  printed  in  cnni!Jenc«  for  the  use 
of  the  Scnnle; 

On  motion  by  iVii.  McDUFPIl';,  to  amend  the 
■aid  motion,  by  nddini;,  ifier  the  word  "aume," 
the  worda  "except  the  cornmunicAtion  IVom  Mr. 
Mcl.a,-i  to  Mr.  lluchennn:  ' 

A  deb  .ecnaued;  and,  on  .i^otinn, 

(Mereil,  That  the  further  cnnaidenttion  of  laid 
motion  lie  poatnonml  until  to-morrow. 

Mr.  HANNEQAN  submitted  the  following  res- 
olution for  conaiBeralion : 

Rt$olved,  That  the  I'reaident  be  requeated  to 
communicate  to  the  Senate  n  cony  of  all  the  corre- 
■nnndencc  which  has  taken  place  between  Jhis 
Government  and  that  of  Great  Britain  relative  to 
the  Oregon  treaty,  together  with  the  denpntcbes 
and  instructions  forwarded  to  nu'-  Mininter,  Mr. 
McLane;  and  a  full  and  complete  copy  of  his  dc- 
apatchcs  and  communications  to  thi*  Govornmont 
on  the  same  subject. 

Wednesdat,  Junt  17,  1846. 

The  Senate  proceeded  to  consider  the  resolution 
aubmittcd  by  Mr.  Hamnboah,  on  the  Kith  instant; 
which  was  modified  and  agreed  to,  as  follows: 

Rtaolvtd,  That  the  President  be  requested  to 
communicate  to  the  Senate  a  copy  of  all  the  cor- 
respondence which  has  taken  place  between  this 
Government  and  that  of  Great  Britain  relative  to 
the  Oregon  treaty,  together  with  the  despatches 
and  instructions  forwarded  to  our  Minister,  Mr. 
McLane;  and  a  full  and  complete  copy  of  his  de- 
flpatches  and  communicationa  to  this  Government 
on  the  same  subject,  not  heretofore  communicated 
to  the  Senate. 

Mr.  ATCHISON  submitted  the  following  reso- 
lution for  consideration: 

Retolveil,  That  the  President  be  requested  to 
Airnish  the  Senate  with  nil  the  information  in  his 
possession  in  relation  to  the  kind  and  extent  of 
claims  to  forms  and  lands  of  the  Pugei's  Sound 
Agricultural  Company,  in  the  territory  of  Oregon. 

On  motion  by  Mr.  AI^LEN, 

The  Senate  proceeded  to  consider  the  motion  of 
the  16th  instant,  to  print  the  convention  with  Great 
Britain,  and  the  messages  and  documents  relating 
thereto;  and, 

On  motion  by  Mr.  HAYWOOD, 

Ordered,  That  it  lie  on  the  table. 

On  motion  by  Mr.  BENTON,  that  the  conven- 
tion with  Great  Britain  be  referred  to  a  select  com- 
mittee of  five  members,  to  conaider  and  report 
thereon: 

On  motion  by  Mr.  ALLEN, 

Ordered,  That  said  motion  lie  on  the  table. 

On  motion  by  Mr.  ALLEN, 

The  Senate  proceeded  to  consider  the  motion  of 
the  16th  instant,  to  print  the  convention  with  Great 
Britain,  and  the  messages  and  documents  relating 
thereto:  and, 

On  the  question  to  agree  to  the  amendment  pro- 
posed to  the  motion  oy  Mr.  McDvpfie: 

It  was  determined  in  the  negative:  Yeas  31, 
nays  31. 

On  motion  by  Mr.  ALLEN, 

The  yeas  and  nays  being  desired  by  one-fifth  of 
the  Senators  present. 

Those  who  voted  in  the  aflirmative  are, 

Mesflfs.  Arclicr,  Bentnn,  Berrien,  Calhoun,  Chaliiiera, 
Colquiu,  Corwin,  Davis,  Daytcin,  Hiiy wood,  Hou<fton,  Jnlin- 
aoii  of  LouiBiniin,  Lewiit,  McDume,  Miller,  Moreliead, 
Ptinrre,  Pcnnyt)aclier,  RubIi,  Speiglu,  and  Yulee. 

Those  who  voted  in  the  negative  are, 
Mesflrs,  Allen,  Ashley,  Alclilsoii,  Athcrton,  Baghy,  Bar- 
row, BrncHH,  Briqhi,  Ciunernn,  Cnuft,  TliontnitClayton,  Crit- 
tenden, DiokinwiH,  Dix,  Bvnna,  Fairfield,  Grcune,  Hanne- 
gan,  Jarnntiin,  JenneiiK,  Jolmson  of  Maryland,  Manguni, 
Niles,  Ijeinple,  SeviiT,  Siinmona,  Sturgeon,  Turney,  Up- 
ham,  VVunbter,flnd  VVesicott. 

So  the  proposed  amendment  was  rejected. 

On  the  question  to  agree  to  the  motion  to  print. 

It  was  determined  in  the  affirmative. 

So  it  was 

Ordered,  That  the  convention  and  the  message 
communicating  the  convention,  together  with  the 
message  of  the  10th  instant  communicating  a  pro- 

74 


poial  for  the  adjustment  of  the  Oregon  queetion, 
and  the  documenui  accompanying  the  same,  be 
printed  in  confidence  for  the  use  or  the  Senate. 

TiiiiaaDAT,  June  18,  1846. 

The  Senate  proceeded  lo  conaider  the  resolution 
submitted  by  Mr.  ATCHISON  the  17tli  instant; 
which  was  modified  by  adding  thereto  the  follow- 
ing words: 

"  And  that  he  be  requested  to  commimicate  to 
the  Senate  acopy  of  the  act  incorporating  the  '  Pu- 
get'a  Sound  Agricultural  Company,"  or  of  the 
original  instrument  conntitutine  that  company." 

On  motion  by  Mr.  ALLEN,  to  amend  the  said 
resolution,  so  modified,  by  adding  thereto  the  fol- 
lowing: 

"  And  that  the  President  bo  requested  lo  lay  be- 
for  the  Senate  any  information  in  his  possession 
relative  to  the  kind,  character,  number,  and  extent 
of  the  possessory  rights  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
(Company,  and  of  all  British  subjects  who  may  be 
alrcaily  m  the  occupation  of  land  or  other  prop- 
erty in  the  Oregon  Territory  south  of  the  forty- 
ninth  parallel  of  north  latitude;  also,  the  number 
of  such  British  subjccu,  including  the  members, 
agents,  and  servants  of  said  company;  also,  the 
location,  number,  i(hd  extent  of  the  forts,  stations, 
and  scttlemenis  of  said  company  south  of  said 
parallel;  also,  the  means  of  attack  and  defence  in 
the  possession  of  anid  company  within  said  limits." 

After  debate, 

It  was  determined  in  the  affirmative:  Yeas  36, 
nays  15. 

On  motion  by  Mr.  ALLEN, 

The  yeas  and  nays  being  desired  by  one-fifth 
of  the  Senators  present,  those  who  voted  in  the 
alBrmalive  are, 

Mesar«.  Allen,  Afihley,  AtchiMon,  Athertnn,  Breeie,  Brluht, 
Calhoun,  Cameron,  Cubn,  Chalniertt,  (>t»lqnitt,  Corwin, 
Criucnden,  Davis,  Onytnn,  DiekinHoo,  Dix,  Fnirfleld,  llan- 
nrgan,  HouhIoh,  JnrnHgIn,  JifnniiM,  Johniton  nl'  Maryland, 
Joliohon  of  Loiil^iiinu,  MeDullle,  Mnnguni,  Miller,  Niles, 
Pennvlmcker,  Beinpte,  Sevier,  Slniniona,  Sturgeon,  VVesi- 
cott, VVomlbridgu,  Vuiee. 

Those  who  voted  in  the  negative  are, 

Messrs.  Arrher,  Bagby,  Berrien,  Thomas  Clayton,  John 

M.  Clayton,  Evans,  Grei^ne,  Haywood,  Lewis,  Morehead, 

Phelps,  Husk,  ISiK'iglii,  Turney,  Webster. 

So  the  amendment  was  agreed  to. 

The  resolution,  as  amended,  was  then  agreed 
to,  as  follows: 

Resohtd,  That  the  President  be  requested  to  fur- 
nish the  Senate  with  all  the  information  in  his  pos- 
session in  relation  to  the  kind  and  extent  of  claims 
to  farms  and  lands  of  the  Puget's  Sound  Agricul- 
tural Company,  in  the  Territory  of  Oregon;  and 
that  he  be  re(|Hested  to  communicate  to  the  Senate 
a  copy  of  the  act  incorporating  the  Puget's  Sound 
Agricultural  Company,  or  of  the  original  instru- 
ment constitutiiif;  that  company;  and  that  the 
President  be  requested  to  lay  before  the  Senate 
any  information  in  his  possession  relative  to  the 
kind,  character,  number,  and  extent  of  the  posses- 
sory rights  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  and 
of  all  British  subjects  who  may  be  already  in  the 
occupation  of  land  or  other  property  in  the  Oregon 
Territory  south  of  the  forty-ninth  parallel  of  north 
latitude;  also,  the  number  of  such  British  subjects, 
including  the  members,  agents,  and  servants  of 
said  company;  also,  the  location,  number,  and 
extent  of^  the  forts,  stations,  and  settlements  of 
said  company  south  of  said  parallel,  tUso,  the 
means  of  attack  and  defence  in  the  possession  of 
said  company  within  said  limits. 

Ordered,  "That  the  Secretary  lay  the  said  resolu- 
tion before  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

"The  Senate  propecded,  as  in  committee  of  the 
whole,  to  consider  the  treaty  between  the  United 
States  of  America  and  her  Majesty  the  CXueen  of 
the  United  Kingdoin  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland, 
concluded  at  Washington  the  15th  day  of  June, 
1846:  and  no  amendment  being  made  thereto,  it 
was  reported  to  tt"'  Senate. 

Mr.  McDUPFIE  submitted  the  following  reso- 
lution for  consideration: 

Reiolved,  (two-thirds  of  the  Senators  present  con- 
curring,) That  the  Senate  advise  and  consent  to 
the  ratification  of  the  treaty  between  the  United 
Statesof  Americaand  hejr Majesty  the  Clueenof  the 
United  Kin^om  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  con- 
cluded at  Washington  the  15th  day  of  June,  1846. 

The  Senate,  by  unanimous  consent,  proctieded 
to  consider  the  said  resolution. 


On  motion  by  Mr.  HANNEOAN,  lo  amend 
the  said  resolution  by  striking  out  all  after  the 
word  "  Hetolved,"  ana  inserting  the  fullnwing  in 
lieu  thereof : 

"  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be. 
and  he  is  hereby,  advised  by  tb* Senate  to  offer  lu 
the  Government  of  Great  Britain  aa  a  just,  fair, 
and  equitable  compromise  of  the  conflicting  claim* 
of  Ihe  two  Govorninenta  connected  with  the  coun- 
try lyinij  niond,  btiwaon  the  Rocky  Mounmins and 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  extending  from  the  parallel  of 
forty-two  degrees  to  fifty-four  degrees  and  forty 
minutes  north  latitude,  and  including  the  islands 
embraced  within  said  parallels  of  latitude  adjacent 
to  the  coast,  the  following,  aa  the  fundamental 
provisions  for  a  treaty  between  the  two  Govern- 
ments: 

"  Rrit.  The  Government  of  Great  Britain  shall 
acknowledge  the  right  of  soil  and  the  sovereignly 
to  exist  and  lie  with  the  United  States  to  the  wnole 
territory  above  deacrilied,  and  shall  abandon  to  the 
United  States  all  claim  which  shall  in  any  manner 
conflict  with  Ihe  paramount  jurisdiction  of  the 
United  States  therein. 

"  Second.  The  United  States  shall  guaranty  to 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  for  twenty  yeara 
from  the  date  of  such  treaty  the  most  perfect  secu- 
rity in  all  their  possessions,  and  the  ri^htlo  pursue 
their  business  of  hunting  and  trapping,  with  all 
the  immunities  which  pertain  thereto,  and  to  trade 
during  that  period  with  the  natives,  and  the  use 
during  that  time  of  the  ports,  rivers,  and  harlHjra 
within  said  territory,  w  itliout  charge  or  hinderance. 

"Third.  Within  twelve  months  from  the  date 
of  said  treaty,  commissioners  shall  be  selected,  by 
and  on  behalf  of  the  respective  Governments, 
whoso  duty  it  shall  be  to  assess  at  just  and  liberal 
prices  the  value  of  the  properly  of  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company  within  said  territory,  which 
amount,  when  ascertained,  shall  be  paid  by  the 
United  Slates  to  said  company,  in  such  manner 
and  at  such  time  as  shall  be  agreed  upon  between 
the  United  Slates  and  Great  Britain.' 

It  was  determined  in  the  negative:  Yeas  5,  iiaya 
43. 

On  motion  by  Mr.  SEVIER, 

The  yeas  anu  nays  being  desired  by  onc-fiAh  of 
the  Senators  present. 

Those  who  voted  in  the  affirmative  are, 

Mesarf.  Atchison,  Cnmoroa,  Hannegsii,  Bemple,  and 
Sturgeon. 

Those  who  voted  in  the  negative  are, 
Messrs.  Archer,  Astiley,  AUierlon,  DiiRhy,  Barrow,  Ben- 
ton, Berrien,  Ciilhoun, Chalmers,  Tliomas't'layfon,  Joint  M. 
Cl'iyton,  Colquitt,  Corwin,  Critlenden,  Davis,  Dayton,  Dix, 
Evans,  Greene,  Haywood,  Houston,  Huntington,  Jolinsoii 
of  Maryland,  Johnson  of  Louisiana,  Lewis,  MeDiifhe,  Mnn- 
guni,  MilIer,Morehead,Niles,Penrce,Penitybaeker,  Phelps, 
Rusk,  Sevier,  Simmons,  Speight,  Turney, Uphiui),  Webster, 
Woudbridgc,'and  Yulee. 

So  the  proposed  a"\endment  was  rejected. 

On  the  question  io  agree  to  the  resol'tion. 

It  was  aetermined  in  the  affirmative:  Yeas  41, 
nays  14. 

On  motion, 

The  yeas  and  nays  being  desired  by  one-fifUt  of 
the  Senators  present. 

Those  who  voted  in  the  affirmative  are, 

Messrs.  Archer,  Ashley,  Bogby,  Barrow,  Bantnn,  Berrien, 
Calhoun,  Ctialniers,  Tiionias  Clayton,  John  M.  Cfaytoni' 
Colquitt,  Corwin,  tjritteiiden,  Davis,  Dayton,  Dix,  Evnna, 
CJreene,  Haywood,  Houston,  Huntington,  Johnson  of  Mary- 
land, Johnson  of  Louisiana,  Lewis,  McDiitfie,  Miingtim, 
Miller,  Morehead,  Niles,  Pearce,  Pennyhaeker,  Plielfis, 
Rusk,  Sevier,  Simmons,  Speight,  Turney,  Upliam,  Webster, 
Woorlhridgc,  and  Yulee. 

Those  who  voted  in  the  negative  are, 
Messrs.  Allen,  Atchison,  Atherton,  Breeae,  Bright,  Cam- 
eron, Cass,  Dickinson,  FairAeld,  Honnegan,  Jenneaa,  Sem- 
ple.  Sturgeon,  and  Westcoit. 

So  it  was 

Resolved,  (two-thirds  of  the  Senators  present 
concurring,)  That  the  Senate  advise  and  consent 
to  the  raiincation  of  the  treaty  between  the  United 
Slates  of  America  and  her  Majesty  the  Clueen  of 
the  United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland, 
concluded  at  Washington  the  15th  day  of  June, 
1846. 

Ordered,  That  the  Secretary  lay  the  said  resolu- 
tion before  the  President  of  the  United  Slatea. 
Friday,  Jun«  19,  1846. 

Mr.  ALLEN  submitted  the  following  resolution 
for  consideration: 

Reiolved,  Tliat  the  injunction  of  secrecy  be  re- 


.    I 


4:1 


y7o 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


89th  Cono Ibt  Sk»», 


The  Oregon  ^tetlion 


[AuRUit  8, 
Sknatk. 


'.'^fSf-' 


ninrm)  fmm  the  nicnai;))  oC  ihn  Preaident  n{  tho 
lUlli  inainnt,rnnimiinii'Atiiif;n  prnpoiml  Tor  tho  ml-  i 
juatnisnt  of  the  OitiKitn  i|iwatli)ii,  nrid  tlic  diicu- 
niciiia  ncrnmpnnyinz  Iho  •iinic;  niao,  C'^tm  thn  ' 
ini^H«a«)  nf  (lis  loth  matnril  niul  ihn  tmniy  coiiiniu-  I 
nicniod  th>;r«wilhr*nd  fmm  the  proccadinpi  ufthe  I 
tjcimte  u|>un  and  relating  to  the  auhjort.  ;| 

PiiiDAT,  Ju/k  10,  lft4(!.  Ij 

Mr.  HANNEUAN  aiihmitted  ilia  rDllowing  rea-  !' 
olulioii  for  cnnaidernlioii:  ; 

heiolvcil,  That  tho  iiijunulioii  uf  aocrery  Uc  Turlh-  i 
with  nimuvcd  tVoni  th«  treaty  with  Urtir.t  Uritniii  I 
rrliiiive  to  tho  Oregon  Territory,  and  tho  corrr- 
apondonuo  which  iirconiiuiiliod  it,  iiiid  ull  the  |>ro-  i 
I'ocdings  thereon,  iiicludnig  tlie  spoechca  and  re-  | 
marks  111' Senntora.  i| 

TiiuRiDAT,  yiWy  16,  1H46.  1 1 

Mr.  HANNICaANaubmittcil  the  fullowingrei-  || 
ulntion  for  coiiaidcration: 

.  ResoUtH,  That  the  President  he  mqueated  to  in-  ,' 
form  the  Siennte  if  it  iahia  intention  to  comply  with  ,, 
two  resohitiona  of  tha  Honnte,  pnawd  on  the  ITth  i 
ultimo,  in  relulion  to  the  correspondrnco  ntlendiiii;  ' 
the  Orc(;on  treaty,  and  the  origm  of  tho  "  I'liget's  ] 
Sound  Agricultural  Company,"  with  Iho  nntnre  j 
and  cxtont  of  Iho  compnny'8  rlnima  and  poaiea-  i 
■lona  in  Oregon.  |! 

TurjDAT, /u/ySl,1846.  |j 

The  following  meMngcs  were  received  from  the  ' 
P-eaident  of  tho  United  States,  hy  Mr.  Walker,  i| 
'aa  Secretary:  ij 

To  tht  Smalt  (/tkt  Uniltd  Stales: 

I  herewith  tranamit,  in  compliance  with  the  re- 
quest of  the  Scimte  in  their  resuliitinn  of  the  17th 
of  June,  1846,  a  report  of  the  Sccrelnry  of  Stoie,  i 
together  with  a  copy  of  all  "  tho  despatches  niiil  : 
instructions"  "  relative  to  the  (Ircgon  treaty,"  j 
"  forwarded  to  our  minister,  Mr.  McLone,"  "  not  | 
heretofore  communicated  to  the  Henate,"  inclu-  | 
ding  a  statement  of  the  propositions  for  the  adjust-  ' 
ment  of  the  Oregon  queattou  previously  made  and 
rejected  by  the  resjicctive  Governments.  This 
Btatement  was  furnished  to  Mr.  McLane  before 
hia  departure  from  the  country,  and  is  dated  on 
the  I3th  July,  184S,  the  day  on  which  the  note 
was  addressed  by  the  Secretary  of  State  to  Mr.  | 
Pakeahom,  oAenng  to  settle  the  cnntrnvcrHy  liy  >hc  | 
49th  parallel  of  latitude,  which  was  rejected  by  ; 
that  minister  on  the  :29th  July  following.  '| 

The  Senate  will  perceive  that  exiracts  from  but  'I 
two  of  Mr  McLane'a  "  despatches  and  coipmuni- 
cations  to  this  Government     arc  transmitted;  and 
these  only  because  they  were  necessary  to  explain 
the  answers  given  to  them  by  the  Sccrcinry  of  State.  ' 

These  despatches  are  both  numerous  and  vo-  i 
luminous;  anil,  from  their  confidential  character,  ' 
their  publication,  it  is  Relieved,  would  be  highly  ', 
preiudicial  to  the  publi    interests. 

Public  consideratir.^..  alone  have  induced  me  to 
withhold  the  despatches  of  Mr.  McLanc  address- 
ed to  tho  Secretary  of  State.  I  concur  with  the 
Secretary  of  Stjite  in  the  views  presented  in  his 
report,  herewith  transmitted,  against  the  publica-  i 
tion  of  tiiese  despatches.  | 

Mr.  McLane  nas  performed  his  whole  duty  to 
hia  country;  and  I  am  not  only  willing,  but  anx-  | 
iouB,  that  every  Senator  who  may  desire  it  shall  ' 
have  an  opportunity  of  perusing  these  despatches 
at  the  Department  of  State.     The  SecreUiry  of 
State  has  neen  instructed  to  afford  every  facility  ' 
for  this  purpose.  JAMKS  K.  POLK.      \ 

Washinoton,  July  21,  1846.  ] 

7b  tht  Senatt  of  tht  Uniltd  Slalta:  | 

I  communicate,  herewith,  a  reportfrom  the  Sec- 
retary of  State,  in  answer  to  the  resolution  of  the 
Senate  of  the  18th  of  June,  1846,  culling  for  ccr-  i 
tain  information  in  relation  to  the  Oregon  Tcrri-  ■ 
tory.  JAMES  K.  POLK. 

Wabu'Kcton,  July  21,  1846.  I 

The  messages  were  read. 

On  motion  T)y  Mr.  ALLEN,  | 

Orilered,  That  the  message  relating  to  tite  Puget's  ; 
Sound  Agricultural  Company,  and  the  Hudson's  | 
Bay  Company,  and  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of 
State  oominunicnted  therewith,  bo  printed  in  con- 
fidence for  the  use  of  the  Senate. 

On  motion  by  Mr.  A^..LEN, 

Ordtrtd,  That  the  message  communicating  cer-  ' 
tain  correapoitdence  relative  to  the  Territory  of  I 


Oregon  hn  printed  in  ennAdeneo  for  the  use  of  the 
Senate. 

Wkuneiuat,  My  23,  1M46. 

On  motion  by  Mr.  BRREWE, 

That  the  Heiiatu  proceed  to  cdunider  the  reaolu- 
tlon  sulimitted  by  Mr.  Ai.i.kn  nn  tho  19th  Juno,  to 
remove  tho  injunction  of  aui  recy  from  tho  treaty, 
ducumcnla,  and  proccediiiga  rclalin;;  to  Oregon: 

It  wiui  determined  in  the  negative:  Yeas  OS, 
naya  30, 

On  motion  by  Mr.  ALLEN, 

The  ycaa  nnii  nays  being  desired  'jy  oi.r-Adh  of 
tho  Senators  prcaeiilj 

Those  who  voted  in  tho  ninrmiliTfl  nro, 

Mowrn.  Allen,  /.IcIiUnii,  Allir-riiit.,  Ildrnivv,  Hrnrtic. 
flrlullt,  tMtiifTitn,  ('iw«,  ('luiliiiiTK,  Joli,'  M,  t"lii\tnn,  I'rlt- 
tciidim,  DlfktiiMin,  Fiiirniilil,  llnniir'anii,  Ji)rniittrt,  Mnngum, 
Ruvli,  Hi'iiiple,  HIiiiiniinD,  HtllrRiMitt,  'I'tirni*)',  VVcHteotl. 

Those  who  voted  in  the  negative  are, 
Mc'wr«.  Archer,  Anliliy,  nnaliv.  Ili'ii.nii,  tlnrrlon,  Hnl- 
hiiiMi,  t'tlli'y,  Cn-wIn,  Iliivlnii,  DIx,  K\nnt<,  (Jn-eiii',  liny 
wnofi,  llrHtilon,  lliir)lliiin<in,  JiiIiiimdiioI'  MArvliinil,  Ji)llliiit)i) 
nf  l.ttuHlHim,  Ij,  WIN,  Miller,  Mnietienil,  \lles,  IVnree, 
l*eini>ttiicker,  IMlel|i,i,  Hevler,  H|H'iuht,  rplinni,  Wl'bliltT, 
VVtKHlhritltte,  Ylllee. 

TlillBII»AT,.'illgllIl/  6,  1H16. 

On  motion  by  Mr.  IIANM^UUN, 

The  Senate  proceeded  to  coiisiiler  tho  rcanliitinn 
aubmitted  by  him  on  the  lUlh  July  last,  to  remove 
the  injunction  of  sorrccy  from  the  treaty  with 
Great  Drllaiii  relative  to  the  Oregon  Territory,  and 
tho  correspondence  which  accompanied  it,  and  all 
the  proceedings  tlicrcon,  IneliulinK  tho  speechca 
and  remarks  of  Senators,  and  agreed  thereto. 
PainAT,  ^iigiul  7,  1846. 

Mr.  HANNF.GAN  submitted  tho  following 
resolution;  which  was  considered,  by  unanimous 
consent,  and  njreed  to: 

Rfiinhed,  That  the  injunction  of  secrecy  bo  re- 
moved from  all  the  correspondence  heretofore 
commnnicaled  to  the  Senate  in  Executive  session 
relative  to  the  Oregon  Territory. 

Satirdav,  WiiffiHl  H,  1846, 

Mr.  HANNEGAN  submitted  the  following 
resolution;  which  was  considered,  by  unanimous 
consent,  and  airreed  to: 

Remilvrd,  That  two  thousand  copies  of  the  jour- 
nal, cnrrespiindence,  and  documents  connected 
with  the  Oregon  treaty  be  printed  for  the  uae  of  tho 
Senate. 


rORRKSPIlNDENCEAND  noCTMENTS,  [■ 

Prom  trhirh  Iht  tnjiinrlinn  of  fecrtry  han  been  re-  I' 
morfd,  nnd  ordered  tn  be  yrinled  by  Iht  foregoing 
reiolution.  I 

MESSAGE  I 

FROM  TUB  PRRHIDF.Nr  OK  THE  rNITET)  STATER,   | 
Vommunitnliui  n  jiroparittnn  on  the  part  nf  the  fkiliih 
Ocremmrnt  for  the  tu^justmetit  of  the  Ortnon  ijueMtton. 
f'i'*<i<«  ineBufuie  IK  the  same  (u  tlint  publislieil  on  page  1168.]  i 

PROTOCOL.  I 

A  conference  was  held  at  the  Department  of  j 
State,  on  (bo  6th  of  June,  1840,  between  the  hon-  i 
ornble  James  Buchanan,  Secretary  of  State,  the  ! 
American  plenipotentiary,  and  the  right  honorable  , 
Richard   Pakenham,  the   British  plenipotentiary,  i 

hen  the  negotiation  resjiecting  the  Oregon  Terri-  [ 
lory  was  resumed.  Tho  British  plenipotentiary  j 
made  a  verbal  explanation  of  the  motives  which  , 
had  induced  her  Majesty's  Government  to  instruct  j 
him  to  make  anollier  proposition  to  the  Govern- 1 
mcnt  of  the  United  Slates  for  the  solulion  of  these  | 
long  existing  difficulties.  The  Secretary  of  State  i 
expressed  his  satisfaction  with  the  friendly  mn- 
tives  which  had  animated  the  British  Government 
in  this  endeavor. 

Whereupon  the  British  pleiiipotentiary  submit- 
ted to  the  Secretary  of  .State  the  draught  of  a  con- 
vention (marked  A)  settina:  forth  the  terms  which 
he  had  been  insirucieil  to  propose  to  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  for  the  settlement  of  the 
Oregon  question. 

JAMES  BUCHANAN. 
R.  PAKENHAM. 

f  Here  follows  n  rtmnchl  of  the  convention  Ruhinittcrt  to  the 
Bennte ;  anil  nn  evimct  from  llie  letter  of  Mr.  Rtiehftiina  to 
Mr,  McLsne,  ^ntcil  April  UH,  tIMti,  trnn^niilliiiK  the  ontice  i 
for  the  ftbrngstion  of  the  treaty  for  ttift  joint  occii|iancy  of  i 
Oregon.  Tlie  convention,  n«  r.iiifieil.  Mr.  Itrchaiiaii '« letter  i 
tmnsmUtlng  the  notice,  together  with  Uie  notice,  are  pub-  I 
liiheil  on  pales  1179,  1177,  anil  it 78.1  ! 


Mr.  MtLant  to  Mr.  Buehimnn. — tUlrurlt, 

L"NlinN,.V«!/  IH,  1H46. 

I  received  lato  in  Iho  day,  on  the'  lifteonlh  in- 
atanl,  (l<'riday,)  your  despatch  number  twenly- 
Boven,  dated  the  Iwenly-eiifhth  of  April,  eighteen 
hundrcil  anil  I'ortyaix,  transmitting  a  iiutice  lor  the 
abrogationoftheeonvenlionof  the  sixth  oC  August, 
eighteen  hundred  nnd  twenty-Neven,  between  the 
ITnited  .Slates  nnd  Great  Britain,  in  accordance 
with  the  terma  prescribed  in  the  second  article,  iii- 
alructing  me  to  deliver  the  notice  to  lirr  llriluimir 
Majesty  in  person,  or  to  her  Majesty's  Prineijial 
.Secretary  or  State  for  Poroign  Affairs,  as  will  lie 
most  agreeable  to  her  Majesty's  wishes,  and  at  tho 
same  time  leaving  tho  mode  of  tho  delivery  of  the 
notice  entirely  at  my  own  discretion. 

I  will  of  course  execute  your  instructions  at  tho 
earliest  practicable  mmnent.  Aif,  however,  I  could 
only  ascertain  her  Majesty's  wishes,  which  I  am 
directed  to  consult,  through  the  Principal  iScerc- 
tajy  of  State  for  Foreign  Alliiirs,  siillleient  tlino 
has  not  yet  been  afforded  for  that  purpose;  nnd  in 
tho  midat  of  the  preparnlion  of  my  ilespatelies  for 
tho  steamer  of  to-morrow,  nnd  of  mvciigiigiinenls 
at  the  Foreign  Office  connected  with'one  of  the 
topics  nf  this  letter,  it  has  not  been  in  my  power  to 
give  to  a  subject  of  so  much  importance  that  ilelili- 
eralion  which  I  am  sensible  a  pioperexerciseof  the 
discretion  confided  to  ni.  requires.  To-morrow, 
however,  I  propose  to  seek  an  inlerview  with  Lord 
Aberdeen  for  tlie  purpose,  nnd  without  loss  of  time 
finally  to  execute  your  instructions  in  the  modo 
that  may  be  deemed  most  effectual.  I  may  add, 
that  although  it  is  altogethar  probablo  that  tho 
presentation  o(  thu  notice  to  lierMojesly  in  person 
will  not  be  admissible,  and  that  where  n  treaty 
may  be  annulled  i.pon  notice  by  ono  party,  the 
mode  of  delivering  the  notice  need  not  be  depend- 
ant upon  the  assent  of  the  otheri  yet,  in  the  present 
instance,  I  do  not  apprehend  there  will  be  any  dif- 
ficulty in  giving  and  receiving  Iho  notice  in  a  mode 
mutually  satisfactory, and  in  conformity  with  usage 
in  such  cases. 

I  have  now  to  acquaint  you  that,  after  the  receipt 
of  your  despatches  on  the  fifleenlh  in.stant,  by  the 
"  Caledonia,"  1  had  n  lengthened  conference  with 
Lord  AlKTileen;  on  which  occasion  tho resiimptioii 
of  the  negotiation  for  an  amicable  settlement  of  the 
Oregon  question,  and  tho  nature  of  the  proposition 
he  contemplated  submitting  for  that  purpose,  form- 
ed the  subject  of  a  full  antl  free  conversation.  I 
have  now  to  state  that  inslructiona  will  be  trans- 
milted  to  Mr.  Pakenham  by  the  steamer  of  to-mor- 
row, to  submit  a  new  and  further  proposition  on 
tho  part  of  this  Government  for  a  partition  of  the 

:  territory  in  dispute. 

1      The  proposition  most  probably  will  offer,  sub- 

t  stantially, 

'  First.  To  divide  the  territory  by  Iho  extension 
of  the  line  on  the  parallel  of  forty-nine  to  the  sea; 

:  that  is  to  say,  to  the  arm  of  the  sea  called  Birch's 
bay;  thence  by  the  ciuml  De  Arro  and  Straits  of 
F'uca,  to  the  ocean;  and  confirming  to  tho  United 
States — what  indeed  they  would  possess  without 
any  special  confirmation — the  rignl  freely  to  use 
and  navigate  the  strait  throiiirhout  its  extent. 

I  Second.  To  secure  to  the  British  subjects  occu- 
pying lands,  forts,  and  stotions  anywhere  in  tho 

'  region  north  of  the  Columbia,  una  sftuth  of  the 
forty-ninth  parallel,  a  perpetual  title  to  all  their 
lantis  nnd  stations  of  wliicli  they  may  be  in  actual 
occupation;  liable,  however,  in  all  respects,  as  I 
understand,  to  tho  jurisdiction  and  sovereignty  of 
the  Unite<!  States  as  citizens  of  the  United  Stales. 
■Similar  privileges  will  bo  oft'ored  to  bo  extended 
to  citizens  of  the  United  Slates  who  may  have 

!  setllcmenta  north  of  the  forty-ninth  parallel;  though 

j  I  presume  it  is  pretty  well  understood  that  there 
arc  no  settlements  upon  which  this  nominal  mutti- 

I  ality  could  operate.     I  have  no  means  of  accu- 

!  rately  ascertaining  th^  extent  of  the  present  Brit- 

I  iah  aeltlementa   between   the  Columbia  and   the 

i  forty-ninth  parallel.  They  are  not  believed  by 
Lord  Aberdeen  to  be  numerous,  however;  con- 
sisting, as  he  supposes,  of  a  few  private  Ihrnis, 

i  anil  two  or  three  forts  and  stations.  I  have  al- 
ready,  in  a  previous  despatch,  taken  the  liberty  to 

'  remind  you  that,  by  their  charter,  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Compony  are  prohibited  from  acquiring  title 
to  lands,  and  that  the  occupations  to  be  affected  by 
this  reservation  have  been  made,  cither  by  the 


RU«t  8, 
tTK, 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAI.  OI.OBE. 


1171 


99rH  CoNo.M. '      Smi. 


The  OrffTon  (^ustion. 


SUNATB. 


,  Bub- 


■qiinllnri  of  ihnt  •       ,.>iiy,  or  l>y   Ihn   TuirRl'a  i 
Hoiinil  Lnnd  ('nmpniiy,  Inr  llm  |iiir|>iwi'.  urnvnilini;  ! 
till    |>ri>liiliilii)n  of   llii!    Ildiliioii'ii    liny   (^hnrlrr. 
They  iiri!  in  pi>inl  of  fiicl,  ulno,  npcorilinjj  to  Oiiji-  j 
b>iii  WilkeN'H  HCCdiiiit,  r.iiltiviitiul  iiiiil  iimtd  chiclty  j 
by  llie  pcri^oiin  i'in|iliiyf(l   nii  ilio  acrtii'U   of  the 
former  roiii|miiy.  iiiiil  nu  niixiiiary  to  llirir  genrrtl 
huainrHfi  of  liiiiiline  nnd  Irnpijin^;,  riithi^rthnn  will) 
n  vi(!W,  nil  it  haa  bcnn  Kuix^riilly  aiippoitetl,  of  culo- 
niTiini;,  or  of  peminnont  KotllnmRiii. 

/.niKj/.  Tliu  propniiitiuii  will  ilemniicl,  for  tlit^ 
Uudaon'H  lliiy  Compiiny,  tlm  rif(hl  of  freely  imv- 
iKaling  the  OultimUn  river.  It  will,  however,  aa 
I  iinderataiid,  diai'lnim  the  idea  of  Novereit;nty,  or 
of  llie  ri|;ht  uf  exerciNtn;;  iiuy  jiirindictioii  or  po- 
lice whntover  on  the  pnrt  of  thiH  Uovurnmeiit,  or 
nf  the  eompiiiiy,  nnd  will  Roiitnmplnto  oidy  the 
ri(;h'  nf  iiiiviKnllni;  the  river  upon  the  annie  fool- 
iiiK,  and  iiccordinfj  to  the  aiiin:*  rcifulnlionji,  ii»  miiy 
be  iippliciiblo  to  the  riiizend  of  the  IJnilid  HtntoM. 
I  hnvH  nirrndy  nri^iiiilntcd  yon  tlint  Lord  Aber- 
deen hna  very  poailivrly  (ind  explicitly  derlined  to 
Ireut  of  the  nnvi^nlion  of  the  St.  Liiwrencn  in 
connexion  with  that  of  the  Columbia;  and  thnt 
even  if  it  wen:  denimble  to  ua  to  propose  lo  otl'er 
one  for  the  other,  he  would  on  no  nreount  enter 
into  Huy  negotiation  in  regard  to  the  8t.  Law- 
rence I 

•  *  *  *  •  I  hnvo  aeen  no  rnuae  to  change 
the  opinion  that,  in  any  nllempl  to  divide  the  Ore- 
gon Territory,  the  obfictttion  fell  by  tliia  Oovern- 
nient  to  protect  the  riglila  of  their  aubjecta  which 
may  have  been  acquired  or  linvc  t;rown  up  during 
the  joint  occupation,  would  moat  probably  inter- 
pose the  greatest  difficulty  in  the  way  of  an  ami- 
cnblu  adiiisiment.    And  it  ia  now  obvnuia  that  the 

{iropoaeil  reacrvation  of  the  right  to  the  Hudson 'a 
Joy  Company  of  fteely  navigating  the  Columbia, 
nnd  that  in  favor  of  the  nritiah  occupanta  north  of 
the  river,  proceed  from  this  aourcej  although  it  is 
])robal)le  tlml  more  or  leas  pride  may  be  felt  at 
giving  up  now,  without  what  they  may  deem  an 
ivdcquate  equivalent,  what  haa  been  hitherto  ten- 
dered by  our  negotiators. 

In  fact,  except  in  the  aurrender  to  the  United 
Stoles  of  the  title  of  the  lands  not  occupied  by 
Uritiah  aubjecta  between  the  Columbia  and  the 
orly-r.iiith  parallel,  and  also  the  surrender  of  the 

risdiction  over  the  river  and  the  country  within 
.J  aame  limits,  I  am  afraid  it  may,  with  some  plau- 
sibility, be  contended  that  there  is  no  very  mate- 
rial difference  between  the  present  proposition  ond 
that  offered  to  Mr.  Oallatin  by  Messrs.  Addington 
and  Huakisson,  the  British  negotiators  in  1H27. 

It  is  scarcely  ntceaaary  for  mo  to  atate  that  the 
prnpoaition,  aa  now  submitted,  has  not  receivetl 
my  countenance.     •  •  •         •     I  have, 

therefore,  felt  it  my  duty  to  discourage  any  expec- 
tation that  it  woula  be  accepted  by  the  President; 
or,  if  aubmitted  to  that  body,  approved  by  the 
Senate. 

I  do  not  think  there  can  be  inuch  doubt,  how- 
ever, that  an  impression  has  been  produced  here 
that  the  Senate  would  accept  the  proposition  now 
offered,  at  least  without  any  material  modification, 
and  that  the  President  would  not  lake  the  respon- 
sibility of  rejecting  it  without  consulting  the  Sen- 
ate. If  there  be  any  reasonable  ground  to  enter- 
tain such  on  ijnpression,  however  erroneous,  an 
offer  less  objectionable,  in  the  first  instance,  ot 
least,  could  hardly  be  expected. 

It  may  be  considered  certain,  also,  in  my  opin- 
ion, that  the  offer  now  to  be  made  is  not  to  be  sul)- 
milted  as  an  ultimatum,  and  is  not  intended  as 
such,  though  I  have  reason  to  know  that  Mr. 
Pukcnham  will  not  be  authorized  to  accept  or  re- 
ject any  modification  that  may  be  jiroposed  on  our 
part;  but  that  he  will,  in  such  case,  l>e  instructed 
to  refer  the  modification  to  his  Government. 

It  is  not  to  be  disguised  that,  since  the  Presi- 
dent's annua'  Message,  and  the  public  discussion 
that  has  subsequently  taken  place  in  the  Senate,  it 
will  be  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  conduct  the 
negotiation  i:i  its  future  stages,  without  reference 
to  the  opinion  of  Senators,  or  free  from  specula- 
tion as  to  the  degree  of  control  they  may  exercise 
over  the  result.  Whatever,  therefore,  might  be 
prudent  and  regular  in  the  ordinary  course  of 
things,  I  think  it  of  the  utmost  importance,  upon 
the  present  occasion,  if  the  President  should  think 

Iiroper  to  propose  any  modification  of  the  offer  to 
)e  made  by  Mr.  Pakenhom,  that  the  modification 


ahoiiM  be  undcralnoij  aa  iiimRenHJug  llin  concurrence 
nf  the  I'ci-ordinair  brancii  of  the  Irialy  power. 

It  is  nut  easy  to  CMiiinrturi',  with  any  rerlainty, 
the  extent  to  which  this  Oovernment  might  be  in- 
duced  to   modify   the   nropoailion,  even   if  they 
should  be  as.Hurcd  ihnt  Ine  nenale,iii>  Ichn  than  the 
President,  demanded  it.     It  must  not  escape  nb- 
aervation  that,  during  the  preceding  adminisiralion 
of  our  ftdvornment,  the  extension  of  the  lino  on 
the  forty-ninth  parallel  to  the  Hirait  of  Fuca,  nn 
now  proposed  liy  LnnI  Aberdeen,  waa  artually 
suegesteu  by  my  immediate  predecessor  aa  one  he 
thought  Ilia  Qnvernininl  might  accept;  and  that, 
in  regard  to  those  Kngliah  .iiibjecls  who  would  bu  j 
left  within  American  Jurisdiction  by  adnpling  that  j 
boundary,  he  considered  the  proviMiona  of  the  sec-  I 
ond  orlicle  of  Jay'n  treaty  as  a  precedent  for  a  I 
convenient  mode  nf  dividing  with  them.     By  the 
second  article  of  Jay's  treaty,  however,  nritish 
sulijecis  would  not  luily  be  Hcciiri'd  in  the  absolnle  i 
title  lo  all  their  landa  and  effects  as  fully  as  by  [ 
Lord  Aberdeen's  proposition,  but  would  be  allow- 
ed the  opiiiui  In  continue  as  nritlNli  aubjrcis,  and 
wilhout  any  allegiancij  to  the  Oovernment  of  iho 
United   Slftes,   which,,  according  to  Lord  Alicr 
dcen's  offer,  as  I  understand   it,  lliey  would  not 
posscaa.     In  point  of  fact,  therci'oie,  the  substnn-  1 
tial  pniiUs  of  the  present  offer,  and   those  which 
may  be  expected  to  bo  regarded  as  most  objeclicui-  , 
able,  are  litlle  more  than  the  enil>iidiment  of  the 
various  offers  or  suggestions  which,  ot  different 
limes,  have,  in  some   form  or  other,  proceeded 
from  our  own  negotiators. 

I  have  myself  always  believed,  if  the  extension 
of  the  line  of  boundary  on  the  forty-ninth  parallel 
by  the  Strait  of  Fiica  to  the  sea  would  be  accept- 
able to  our  Qovernmect,  that  the  demand  of  a  right 
freely  to  navigate  the  Columbia  river  could  be 
compromised  upon  a  point  of  lime  by  conceding  it 
for  such  period  as  might  be  necessary  for  the  trade 
of  the  Hudson's  Hav  Company  noitlyir  south  of 
the  flirty-ninth  parallel.  Enterlaininllpgreat  con- 
fidence in  that  opinion,  nnd  deeming  it  only  rea- 
sonable, M  confess  that,  from  on  early  period,  I 
have  used  every  argument  ond  persunsinn  in  my 
power  to  reconcile  Lord  Aberdeen  to  sm  '  i  limit- 
ation; and,  although  I  am  nuitc  aware  in.ii,  with 
a  portion  of  the  Briti.ih  punlic,  on  immirlanco  it 
by  no  means  deserves  is  attached  to  tlie  naviga- 
tion of  the  Columbia  river,  and  that  in  others  it  is 
undeservedly  regarded  as  n  point  of  pride,  I  have 
been  disappointed  by  the  pertinacity  with  which  it 
has  been,  ot  so  much  risk,  insisted  upon.  Peel- 
ing very  sure,  however,  that  the  present  offer  is 
not  made  or  Iniended  as  an  idtimatiim,  I  think  it 
only  reasonable  to  infer  an  expectation  on  the  part 
of  those  who  are  offering  it,  not  only  that  modifi- 
cations may  be  suggested,  but  that  they  may  be 
reasonably  required.  And  therefore  I  still  enter- 
tain the  opinion,  that  although,  from  n  variety  of 
causes — in  part,  perhaps,  from  an  expectation  that 
in  the  United  Stales  this  point  may  not  be  abso- 
lutely insiated  upon,  and  in  port  from  deference  to 
interests  nnd  impressions  at  home — they  could  not 
be  induced  in  the  first  instance  to  make  an  offer 
with  such  a  qualification;  yet,  if  the  adjustment  of 
the  question  should  be  found  to  depend  upon  this 
point  only,  they  would  yield  the  denianil  to  the 
permanent  navigation  of  the  river,  and  be  content 
to  accept  it  for  such  a  number  of  years  aa  would 
afford  all  the  substantial  advantages  to  those  in- 
terests they  hove  particularly  in  view  that  could 
be  reasonably  desired.  If  the  only  question  itpcn 
which  the  adjustment  of  the  Oregon  question  de- 
pended should  bo  whether  the  navigation  of  the 
Columbia  river  should  be  granted  for  a  period  suf- 
ficient to  subserve  nil  the  purposes  of  British 
subjects  within  the  disputed  terriloiy,  or  whe- 
ther the  right  should  be  extended  indefinitely  to  a 
particular  class  of  British  subjects,  I  must  believe 
that  no  English  statesman,  in  the  fcj  of  his  de- 
nial of  a  similar  privilege  to  American  citizens  in 
regard  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  would  take  the  hazard 
upon  this  point  alone  ofdisturbing  the  peace  of  the 
world.  Indeed,  if  the  some  ministry  from  whom 
the  present  offer  proceeds  should  continue  masters 
of  their  own  proposition  by  remaining  in  office 
until  the  qualification  I  nm  advertin^to  would  have 
to  be  dealt  with,  I  shoulil  feel  entire  confidence  in 
the  belief  I  have  now  expressed. 

I  regret  to  say,  however,  that  I  have  not  the  least 
expectation  that  a  less  reservation  than  is  proposed 


In  favor  of  the  occupants  of  land  Isstween  the  Co- 
lumbia and  the  4!)ili  parallel  would  be  naaenled  to. 
I  may  repeat  my  conviciinn,  founded  upon  all  the 
diacuaaioiiN  in  which  I  have  been  (iigajged  here, 
that,  in  making  pailitliui  of  the  Ore(;oii  Territory, 
the  nroteution  nf  those  intaroati  which  have  grown 
up  iluring  the  joint  occupation,  ia  regarded  ua  an 
iiidiap<MiBBble  obligation  lui  the  score  of  honor,  and 
as  iinposaibic  to  be  neglected.  I  urn  quite  aura 
that  it  was  at  one  time  in  conlemiilution  to  inaiat 
upon  the  fVeo  navigation  nf  the  Columbia  river  for 
British  nubjects  nnd  Briiish  commerce  generally, 
and  that  it  has  been  ulliiniitely  I'nnfined  to  the 
lludaim'a  Bay  Company,  after  great  resistance, 
nnd,  in  the  end,  most  rulnctuntly.  Being  so  con- 
fined, however,  it  would  bo  only  reasonable  to 
limit  the  enjoyment  of  the  right  to  u  period  beyond 
which  the  company  might  have  no  great  object  to  , 
use  the  river  fur  the  purposes  of  their  trade.  But 
the  inlercsia  of  the  IliiliNh  subjei^ta  who  have  set- 
lied  upon,  and  are  occupying,  lands  north  of  the 
4!)lli,  are  considered  as  |icrmancnt,  and  entitled, 
when  passing  under  n  new  jiiriadiction,  to  have 
their  piissession  secured.  Tliia,  at  least,  is  the 
view  token  of  the  siiliject  by  this  Qovernment, 
and  not  at  all  likely  in  my  opinion  to  be  changed. 

I  may  add,  too,  that  I  liavc  not  the  leiist  reason 
to  suppose  it  would  ho  possible  to  obtain  the  ex- 
tension of  tlio  49lh  porallel  to  the  Bea,HO  as  to  give 
lliu  soiitliern  cape  of  Vancouver's  Island  to  the 
United  Stales, 

It  :nay  not  bo  amiss,  before  leaving  this  subject, 
to  coll  your  attention  to  the  position  of  the  present 
ministry.  The  success  of  liioir  meosures  respect- 
ing the  proposed  commercial  reloxations  is  quite 
certain;  and  the  corn  bill,  having  now  finally 
passed  the  House  of  Commons,  may  be  expected, 
at  no  remote  day,  to  pass  the  Lords  by  a  majority 
no  less  decisive.  From  that  time,  however,  the 
tie  which  has  hitherto  kept  the  Whig  party  in 
support  of  Sir  Robert  Peel  will  be  dissolved;  and 
tnc  detcrminolion  of  the  protectionist  party,  who 
auppposo  themselves  to  have  been  betrayed,  to 
drive  him  from  office,  has  lost  none  of  its  vigor  or 
power.  Indeed ,  it  is  confidently  reported ,  in  quar- 
ters entitled  to  groat  respect,  that  they  have  even 
offered  to  the  leader  of  the  Whig  party  to  select 
his  own  time,  ond  that,  when  he  is  ready,  they 
will  be  no  leas  prefiarcd  to  force  ministers  to  re- 
sign. I  have  reason  to  know  that,  at  present, 
ministers  themselves  believe  a  change  to  be  inev- 
itable, and  are  considering  only  the  mode  and  the 
time  in  which  it  wiM  most  likely  happen.  It  will 
not  be  long,  after  the  success  of  the  measures  for 
the  repeal  of  the  "  corn'laws,"  before  opportuni- 
ties enough  for  the  accomplishment  of  tbe  object 
will  occur.  The  "  factory  bill,"  regulating  the 
hours  of  labor,  will  afford  one,  and  most  probably 
that  on  which  the  change  will  take  place.  With  a 
knowledge  tliot  the  change,  sooner  or  later,  must 
be  unavoidable,  and  tliat  the  ofl'er  has  been  mode 
to  the  probable  head  of  a  v  ministry  to  select 
his  own  time,  may  it  not  be  e.v,  'ed  that,  instead 
of  waiting  quietly  to  allow  the  Whig  leader  to  se- 
lect the  time  of  coming  in,  the  present  preniier  will 
rather  select  his  own  time  and  mode  of  going  out, 
and,  with  his  usual  sogocity,  so  regulate  his  re- 
tirement OS  to  leave  as  few  obstacles  as  possible  to 
his  restoration  to  power  ?  In  that  case  it  is  not 
very  unlikely  he  would  prefer  going  out  upon  the 
"  fiictory  bill,"  before  taking  ground  upon  more 
important  measures;  and,  if  so,  it  will  not  surprise 
me  to  witness  the  coming  in  of  a  new  ministry  by 
the  end  of  June,  or  earlier.  With  a  knowledge  of 
the  proposition  now  to  be  made,  I  am  not  prepared 
to  soy  that  one  more  obioctionablo  might  hove 
been  apprehended  fi-om  a  Whig  ministry;  unless, 
indeed,  the  present  Government  may  be  supposed 
to  bo  prepared  to  accept  qualifications,  when  pro- 
posed by  the  President,  wiiich  it  waa  unwilling  at 
first  to  offer.  Upon  that  supposition,  it  might  be 
desirable  that  the  modifications  should  be  offered 
before  the  coming  in  of  a  new  minister,  who,  find- 
ing only  the  acts  of  his  predecessor,  without  a 
knowledge  of  his  intentions,  might  not  be  so  ready 
to  take  the  responsibility  of  assenting  to  a  change. 


1^: 


W' 


y 


Message  from  the  President  of  the  United  States,  com- 
miiiiicatiiig  a  conrenlion  Kith  Great  Britmn,  con- 
cluded at  Washington,  June  15,  184G. 
[This  mesaffge  is  the  same  aa  Uiat  publisbed  on  page  1168,] 


1172 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  OLOBfe. 


29th  Cong....! ST  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question. 


[August  8, 
Senate. 


1^46.1 


ConvtnlUn  belveen  the  United  Statu  o/^meriea  and 

her  Majesty  the  Queen  of  Iht  United  kingdom  of 

Oreat  Britain  and  Ireland,  conclxuUd  at  Watking- 

Ian,  the  15/*'  ofjnnt,  1846. 

The  United  SUitM  of  America  and  her  Majesty 
the  Q.ueen  of  the  United  Kingdom  of  Great  Drltain 
and  Ii-eland,  dcemine  it  to  be  desirable,  for  tlie 
future  welfnro  of  both  countries,  that  tbe  state  of 
doubt  and  uncertainty  which  has  hitlierlo  prevailed 
respecting  the  sovereignty  and  government  of  the 
territory  on  the  northwest  const  of  America,  lying 
wentward  of  the  Rocky  or  Stony  Mnunlains,  should 
be  finally  terminated  by  an  amicable  compromise 
of  tliu  rights  mutually  asserted  by  iho  two  parties 
over  the  said  territory,  have  respectively  named 
plenipotentiaries  to  treat  and  ogrco  concerning  tl-o 
terms  of  such  settlement;  that  ia  to  say,  the  Presi- 
dent of  tlie  United  Stales  of  America  has  on  his 
gart  furnished  with  full  powers  James  Duolmnan, 
ecretary  of  State  of  the  United  States;  and  her 
Majraty  the  Clueen  of  the  United  Kingdom  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland  has  on  her  part  appointed  the 
right  honorable  Richard  Pakcnham,  a  member  of 
her  Mnjcsty's  most  honorable  privy  council,  and 
her  Majesty's  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  to  tno  United  States;  who,  after 
having  communicated  to  each  other  their  respective 
full  powers,  found  in  good  and  due  form,  have 
agreed  upon  and  concluded  the  following  articles: 
AnTici.E  I. 

From  the  point  on  the  forly-nintlv  parallel  of 
north  latitude  where  the  boundary  Iniii  down  in 
existing  treaties  and  conventions  between  the  Uni- 
ted States  nnd  Great  Rriloin  terminates,  the  line 
of  boundary  between  the  territories  of  the  United 
States  and  those  of  her  Britannic  Majesty  shall  be 
continued  westward  along  the  anid  fi.'y-ninth  par- 
allel of  north  latitude  Jo  the  middle  of  ilie  channel 
which  separates  the  continent  from  Vnncoiiver's 
Island,  and  thence  southerly  through  the  middle 
of  the  said  channel  and  of  Fuca's  Slrails  to  the 
PttciSc  Or'  .1:  'Vori</«(/,  hoieerrr,  Tlinl  the  navi- 
gation of  .  '.  .1  of  ihe  said  channel  luid  slrails, 
south  of  i;-'  "';  ninth  parallel  of  north  latitude, 
remain  fret ;  'i  jpen  to  both  pi'-tic»!. 
Article  II. 

Prom  the  point  ot  which  ih&f.irty-iiinth  parallel 
of  north  latitude  shall  be  foimd  to  intersect  I'l  . 
greot  northern  bran.^h  of  the  Columbia  river,  the 
navigation  of  Ihe  said  branch  ahnll  be  free  nnd 
open  to  the  Hudson's  Bay  Con.pany  nnd  to  all 
British  subjects  trndir.;;  with  the  same,  to  the  point 
where  the  said  branch  jpeets  the  main  stream  of 
the  Columbia,  and  Ihenee  down  the  said  main 
stream  to  lii  occnn,  with  free  access  into  and 
through  th<  nnid  river  orTivirs;  it  bring  under- 
stood that  all  the  usual  porta;:  along  the  line  thus 
described  shall  in  like  manm  i  lie  free  nnd  open. 
In  navigating  the  said  river  or  rivers,  BriiiNh  sub- 
jects, with  their  J,  ods  and  produce,  sliall  be  Irented 
on  the  same  footing  as  citizens  of  the  Iiiiied  Stales; 
it  being,  however,  always  undcrsloc J  lliai  lothing 
in  this  article  shall  be  const-  as  |>  rvi  <  iig,  or 
intended  to  prevent,  the  Government  u!  \'.\r  United 
States  from  in  iking  any  regulatioi'i.  re^  .eeting  the 
navigation  of  fic  said  river  or  rivers,  not  inconsist- 
ent with  the  (resuiit  treaty. 

Abtule  III. 

In  the  future  appniprialion  of  the  territory  south 
of  the  forty -ninth  parallel  of  north  latitude,  na  pro- 
vided in  the  first  article  of  this  treaty,  the  posseS- 
Bory  rights  of  the  findson's  Boy  Company,  and 
of  oil  British  subjects  who  may  be  nheady  in  the 
occupation  of  land  or  other  property  lawfully  ac- 
quired within  the  said  territory,  shall  I"  respected. 
Article  IV. 

The  farms,  lands,  .nnd  other  froperly  of  every 
description,  belonging  to  the  Pu^'et  s  Sound  AtMi- 
cultural  Company,  on  the  north  side  of  the  Colum- 
bia river,  shall  be  confirmed  to  .ht  suid  c.impnny. 
In  r«ae,  however,  the  situation  of  those  ,.  .nis  nnd 
lands  should  be  considered  by  the  United  Slates  to 
be  t)f  public  and  political  importance,  and  liic  Uni- 
ted States  Government  should  signify  a  desire  to 
obtain'  nossessioM  of  the  whole  or  of  any  part 
'  I'liercof,  il'.e  properly  «o  rrfiuircd  Nliail  be  trans- 
ferred to  the  saiil  Oovcrnmenl,  at  a  proper  valua- 
tion to  be  agreed  upon  between  the  parlies. 
Aavici.K  V. 

The  present  treaty  shall  be  ratified  by  the  Frcs- 


idtnt  of  the  United  States,  by  and  with  the  advice 
and  tonsent  of  the  Senate  thereof,  and  by  her 
Britannic  Majesty;  nnd  the  ratifications  shall  be 
exchanged  <:'-  London  ..i  the  expiration  of  six 
months  from  the  date  hereof,  or  sooner  if  pos- 
sible. 

In  witness  whereof,  the  respective  plenipotenti- 
aries have  signed  the  same,  and  have  aflixcd  there- 
to the  seals  of  their  arms. 

Done  at  Washington  the  fifteenth  day  of  June, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  forty-six. 

fL.  8.]  JAMES  BUCHAiNAN. 

[L.  ».]  RICHARD  PAiCENHAM. 

Message  from  the  President  of  Ihe  United  Slates,  com- 
inuniro/ing  dnmnunts  not  hcrelnfore  commnniealed 
to  the  Senate  relative  to  the  Oregon  Terrilorii,  in 
annrer  to  Ihe  reielutiotu  of  the  Senate  of  lllh  June, 
1846. 
To  the  Senate  of  the  United  States: 
J      I   herewith  transmit,   in   compliance  with  the 
request  iif  the   Senate   in   their  resolution  of  the 
17lh  of  June,  1846,  a  report  of  ti,.    Secretary  of 
I  State,  together  with  a  cony  iif  all  "  the  despatches 
and  inslruclions"  "  relauve  to  the  Oregon  .reaty," 
"  forwarded  to  our  minister,  Mr.  McLane,"  "  not 
heretofore  commnnicated  to  the  Senate,"  iicluding 
a  statement  of  the  propositions  for  the  adjustment 
of  the  Oregon  question  previously  ri:<de  and  re- 
i  jected  by  the  respective  Governments,     This  state- 
I  nient  was  furnished  to  Mr.  McLnne  before  his 
j  deparlure  from  the  country,  and  is  dated  on  the 
I  iUlti  July,  1845,  Ihe  day  on  which  the  note  was 
I  addressed  by  the  Secretary  of  Slate  to  Mr.  Paken- 
I  ham,  oflerine  to  settle  the  controversy  hv the  49lh 
parallel  of  latitude,  which  was  rejecteil  by  that 
minister  on  the  20lh  July  following. 
i      The  Senate  will  perceive  that  extracts  from  but 
two  of  Mr.  McLane's  "dispatches  and  communi- 
cations to  Ais  Government"  are  Iransmill.  d;  and' 
^  the.sc  only  cecaune  they  were  necessary  to  explain 
Iho  answers  given  to  them  by  the  S^retary  of : 
I  Stale.  I 

These  despatches  arc  both  numerous  and  volu- 
minous,and,  from   lieireonfidenlinlchanicter, their 
1  publication,  it  is  uelieved,  would  be  highly  preju- 
dicial 10  the  public  interests. 
!      Publi.'  eonsiden     ons  alone  have  induced  me  to 
i  withhold  the  despatches  of  Mr.  McLane,  addressed 
to  Ihe  .See.relary  of  Slate.     I  concur  willi  the  Scc- 
reiary  of  Stale  in  ihe  views  presented  in  his  rcporl, 
herewilh    transmitled,  ngainst  the  publication  of  | 
these  despatches.  j 

Mr.  McLane  has  performed  his  whole  duty  to  i 
his  country;  nnd  I  am  not  only  willing,  but  nnx-  ! 
ious,  lliat  every  Sennlor  who  may  desire  it  shall  . 
have  an  opporlunily  of  perusing  these  despatches  | 
at  the  Deparlmeni  of  Slate.  The  Secretary  of 
Stale  has  been  instructed  to  afford  every  facility 
for  Ibis  purpose.  JAMES  K.  POLK. 

j        WASHlNGT0N,>fll/!/21,  1846. 

j  Tn  the  President  of  the  United  States: 

'      The  Secretary  of  Sinle,  to  whom  was  re,"?rred 
the  rcsohilion  of  the  Senate  of  the  17ih  ultimo, 
;  requesting  the  Presidcm  "  lo  communicale  lo  the 
I  '  Seiiafe  a  copy  of  all   Ihe  coriespiiudcnce  which 
I  '  has  taken  plarc  between  this  government  and 
1  '  that  of  Great  Britain  relative  to  the  Oregon  treaty, 
'  together  with    the  de8|mtches  and   instructions 
'  forwarded  to  our  minister,  Mr.  McLane,  and  a 
•  full  and  complete  copy  of  his  des]mlches  an" 
j    '  comnmnicationa  lo  this  Governnieni  on  the  same 
;    '  aubiecl,  not  heretofore  coinmuniculcd  to  the  Scn- 
'  nic,"  respectfully  reports  that  no  correspondence 
has  taken  place  between  this  Government  and  that 
of  Great  Britain,  relative  to  the  Or.'gon  treaty, 
which  has  not   heretofore  been  communirated  to 
the  Senate.     Tiie  Seciclary  of  Slate  here  vith  sub- 
mits to  the  President  copies  of  nil  "  the  deipatches 
•,iuid  instructions  forwarded  to  our  minister,  Mr. 
'  McLane,  and  also  a  full  nnd  cimiplele  copy  of 
'  his  despatches  nnd  eominunicjttions  to  this  Gov- 


'  ernment"  on  the  subject  of  the  Oregim  treaty, 

He 


"  not  heretofore  communicated  to  ('oneresM."  He 
oIno  siibmlisjhe  copy  of  a  note  from  Lord  Aber- 
deen to  Mr.  McLane,  dated  on  the  22d  of  May 


In  regur!  to  his  own  "  despatches  and   inslruc- 
tioni"  to  Mr.  A^^cLane,  the  Secretary  lu  not  awaro 


of  dny  puolic  consid<  ations  which  now  oppose 
their  transmission  to  thj  Senate,  On  the  contrary, 
he  deems  it  eminently  proper  that  entire  copies  of 
them  all  should  be  furnished  to  that  body  without 
further  delay. 

In  regard  lo  the  despatches  of  Mr.  McLane  to 
this  Government,  a  serioils  question  arises  as  to 
the  propriety  of  communicating  them  to  the  Senate, 
This  question  he  deems  it  proper  to  present  to  the 
President  for  his  determination;  because  its  decis- 
ion may  involve  consequences  for  all  future  time, 
essentially  aifecting  the  ability  of  the  Executive 
department  of  the  Gj'.crr.ment  to  conduct  our  in- 
tercourse with  foreign  nations  in  such  manner  as 
best  to  promote  the  public  interest. 

It  is  a  primary  duty  of  i.  foreign  minister  to 
communicate  freely  to  his  Government  all  that  ho 
sees  or  hears,  which  can  have  any  bearing  upon 
the  interest^  of  his  <•  luntry,  together  with  liis  own 
opinions  and  spr  ulations  upon  passing  events, 
both  at  home  or  "  oroad ,  connected  with  the  objects 
of  his  mission.  It  is  his  business  to  seek  informa- 
tion from  everv  source  within  his  reach,  and  to 
place  his  own  Government  in  possession  of  all 
that  he  acc^uires.  Such  infonnation  is  essential 
to  enable  this  Government  successfiilly  to  perform 
its  duties  to  the  country,  in  our  present  extended 
intercourse  with  foreign  nations.  Whatever,  there- 
fore, would  tend  to  cUise  up  the  sources  of  infor- 
mation against  our  diplomatic  agents  abroad,  or  to 
deter  them  from  freely  communicating  all  the  in- 
formation in  their  possession,  could  not  fail  to 
prove  seriously  detrimental  to  the  national  inte- 
rest. 

Mr.  McLane  has,  in  the  fullest  manner,  per- 
formed his  duty  in  this  respect.  His  despatches 
are  both  numerous  nnd  voluminous.  He  has  kept 
the  department  well  advised  of  all  that  u  was  ne- 
cessary for  it  to  know  in  relation  to  the  different 
and  varying  aspects  which  the  Oregon  question 
has  assumed  in  England.  No  person,  however, 
who  peruses  these  despatches  can  suppose  that, 
with  the  exception  of  very  small  portions  of  ihein, 
they  were  intended  for  publication,  or  that  the, 
probability  of  such  an  event  had  been  contempla- 
ted by  him. 

If,  under  such  circumstance8,'hia  conversations 
with  individuols  in  office  nnd  out  of  office,  which 
fi-oni  their  very  noture  were  confidential,  should  be 
published  to  the  world,  this  would  have  a  strong 
tendency  to  obstruct  every  avenue  of  information 
against  our  diplomatic  agents,  and  greatly  lo  im- 
pair their  usefulness;  and,  i.n  great  occnsions,  the 
possibility  of  a  candid  disclosure  to  them  of  the 
intentions  of  a  foreign  Government,  or  of  the  real 
motives  which  might  control  l.ie  actirn  of  its  min- 
isters would  be  entirely  out  of  the  question.  Per- 
sons intrusted  with  the  conduct  of  f  ireign  aflaira 
in  other  countries  would  feel  the  necessity  of  ob- 
serving towards  our  diplomf  ic  agents  a  guarded 
silence,  difl'crent  from  the  .ourse  which  might 
safely  be  pursued  towards  -the  ministers  of  oilier 
Powers,  The  private  nnd  confidential  intercourse 
between  ministers  of  diflcrent  countries,  whicb 
often  leads  to  the  mo.st  important  and  beneficial 
results,  would  cease  lo  exist  in  regard  to  the  niiii- 
islers  of  Ihe  United  Stales.  In  this  manner,  one 
ol^the  great  purposes  of  sending  ministers  abroad 
would  lie  defeated. 

Besides,  the  publication  of  such  communica- 
tions, f  ecially  if  coupled  with  the  minister's  un- 
rescrvcj  comments,  made  confidentially  to  his  own 
Governnieni,  would  place  him  in  a  position  to- 
wards those  whose  confidence  he  had  thus  been 
made  instniinenlnl  in  violaling,  which  n"  '■onor- 
able  man  would  desire  lo  occupy. 

The  publication  of  such  despatches  won  er- 

cise  an  unhappy  'nfluciice  upon  the  rondi.  j^  i  our 
diplomatic  agents.  In  order  to  shiciJ  themselves 
from  reproach,  they  might  then  be  induced  either 
to  communicate  imporlai  t  information,  with  their 
observnlions  upon  it,  in  p  ivnle  letters,  and  ib-ough 
other  channels  not  sulijccc  to  official  inspicii.  ,  or 
to  refrain  altogether  from  making  com  .inicai;oni« 
cxceitsuch  as  might  be  published  .i  the  world 
without  unplcnsunt  consequences  lo  themselves. 
In  Ihe  first  case,  that  information  which  ouslit  to 
exist  in  the  archives  of  the  department  for  the  use 
of  the  Government  in  ali  ftiture  time  would  be  eon- 
fined  to  n  few  individuals;  and  in  the  Inst,  the 
Qovv  -.ncnt  might  be  deprived  of  the  iiiformnlion 
necessary  to  avert  danger  from  the  country,  or  to 


1846.J 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1173 


29th  Coun 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question. 


Senate. 


to 
:ho 
ipon 
own 


nil 
ntial 


promote  the  best  interests  of  the  people  in  their 
intercourse  with  foreign  nations. 

The  Secretary  is  clr=ply  sensible  tlint,  from  the 
very  nature  of  our  ..latitutions,  the  grentpsl  pub- 
licity ougl  t  to  bo  c'  ■•;.n  to  the  conduct  of  all  public 
ugents.  1  here  sliould  be  no  exception  to  this  rule, 
unless  in  cnsrs  where  the  public  interest  impera- 
tively demands  it.  Whether  this  be  such  a  case, 
is  respectfully  presented  for  the  decision  of  the 
President. 

Public  considerations  alone  have  induced  iivj 
Secretary  of  Slate  to  make  these  suggestions.  In 
performniff  this  duty,  he  need  -scarcely  s,iy  that 
every  facility  for  this  purpose  will  most  cheerfully 
be  aflnrded  at  the  Department  of  State  to  any  Sen- 
ator who  may  desire  to  peruse  the  despatches  of 
Mr.  McLane. 

All  which  is  respectfViIly  submitted  by 

J-A  MES  BUCHANAN. 

Jtfr.  Buchanan  to  Mr.  McLntu. 

No.  2.]  DEPAaTMKNT  OF  StATE, 

fVashington,  July  13,  1845. 

Sir:  Although  the  President  does  not  intend  to 
transfer  the  Oregon  negotiiition  from  Waaliington 
to  London,  yet,  as  her  Britannic  Majesty's  Min- 
isters will  doubtless  afford  you  frequent  opportu- 
nities of  conversing  upon  the  subject,  it  is  proper 
that  you  should  be  well  informed  of  the  present 
state  of  the  question.  For  this  purpose  it  is  ne- 
cessary to  furnish  you  with  a  brief  historical 
ekutch  of  the  propositions  for  its  adjustment  which 
have  been  heretofore  made  and  rejected  by  the 
respective  Governments. 

TliB  first  negotiation  was  that  of  1818,  which 
terminated  in  the  convention  of  the  20th  October 
of  that  year.  It  was  conducted  by  Messrs.  Gal- 
latin and  Rush,  as  American  plenipotentiaries,  in 
obedience  to  instructions  from  Mr.  Adams,  the. 
Secretary  of  State  under  Mr.  Monroe's  Adminis- 
tration. Our  plenipotentiaries  inform  us  that  they 
did  not,  on  that  occasion,  "  assert  that  the  United 
Suites  hud  a  perfect  right  to  the  country;  but  in- 
sisted that  their  claim  was  at  least  good  against 
Great  Britain."  They,  therefore,  offered  to  com- 
promise by  adopting  the  parallel  of  49  degrees  as 
the  dividing  line  between  the  two  countries,  and 
by  surrendering  to  Great  Britain  the  free  naviga- 
tion of  the  rivers  (the  Columbia,  of  course,  inclu- 
ded,) which  might  be  intersected  by  this  line. 
The  British  plenipotentiaries,  (Messrs.  Robinson 
and  Goulburn,)  in  answer,  "  did  not  make  any 
'  formal  jwoposition  for  a  boundary,  but  intimated 
•  that  the  river  itself  was  the  most  convenient  that 
'  could  be  adopted,  and  that  they  would  not  agree 
'  to  anv  that  did  not  give  them  the  harbor  at  the 
'  mouth  of  the  river,  in  common  with  the  IJnited 
■States."  But  although  they  did  not  propose  a 
permanent  boundary,  they  did  make  a  most  extra- 
ordinary nroposition  to  the  American  plenipoten- 
tiaries, which  was  instantly  and  properly  i-ejecteil. 
This  W113  no  less  in  effect  than  that  the  United 
Sillies  should  surrender  to  Grer.c  Britain  the  ex- 
clusive sovereignty  over  the  whole  territory  north 
of  4!)  degrees;  whilst  that  portion  of  it  which  lies 
between  the  45lh  and  the  49th  parallels,  embracing 
the  mouth  and  nearly  the  whole  course  of  the  Co- 
lumbia river,  should  "  bo  free  and  open  to  the  s'..b- 
jects  and  citizens  of  the  two  States  respectively, 
for  the  purpose  of  trade  and  commerce."  reserving 
the  claims  of  the  respective  parties,  not  to  the 
whole  territory,  but  to  this  section  of  it  merely. 

This  negotiation  resulted  in  the  cdoption  of  the 
third  article  of  the  convention  of  tlio  20lh  October, 
1818,  under  which  the  United  States  so  far  yielded 
to  the  claims  of  Great  Britain  as  to  agree  that  ihe 
whole  territory  should  "  be  free  and  open,  for  the 
term  of  ten  years  from  the  date  of  the  signature  of 
the  present  convention,  lo  the  vessels,  citizens,  and 
subjects  of  the  two  Powers. " 

"The  second  negotiation  on  this  subject,  during 
the  Administration  of  Mr.  Monroe,  was  conduct- 
ed, in  1824,  by  Mr.  Rush  a-s  the  American  nleni- 
fotentittry,  under  the  instruciions  of  Mr.  Adams. 
11  the  mean  time  the  United  k^tales  had  acquired 
the  Spanish  title',  eml  rocing  t!  •>  whole  territory  in 
dispute,  under  the  .'"Ida  trtaty  of  the  22(1  of 
I''ebruttiy,  jH19;  and  Mr.  Monroe  had  made  his 
celebrated  declii.atinr'  tr  tlie  wo,!d,  that  the  Amer- 
ican c  jiitinent  jlioiild  no  longei  ')e  subject  to  colo- 
nization. Notwithstanding  this  chi<nge  in  the  rel- 
ative position  of  the  parties,  Mr.  Monroe,  anxious 


to  settle  the  conflicting  claims  of  Russia,  Great 
Britain,  and  the  United  States  to  the  territory  on 
the  northwest  coast  of  America,  and  knowing  that 
this  could  only  be  done  by  compromise,  autho- 
rized Mr.  Ruth,  through  the  instructions  from  Mr 
Adams,  dated  the  22d  July,  1823,  "  with  a  view  to 
'  draw  a  definite  line  of  demarcation  for  the  future, 
*  to  Btipidate  that  no  settlement  siiall  be  made  on 
'  the  norch  west  coast  or  on  any  of  the  islands  there- 
'  to  adjoining,  by  Russian  subjects,  south  of  lati- 
'  tude  55;  by  citizens  6f  the  United  States  north  of 
'  latitude  51  degrees,  or  by  British  subjects  either 
'  south  of  51  or  north  of  55.  I  mention  (says  Mr. 
'  Adama)  the  latitude  of  51  as  the  bound  within 
'  which  we  are  willing  to  limit  the  future  iicttle- 
'  mcnt  of  the  United  States,  because  it  is  not  to  lie 
'  doubted  that  the  Columbia  river  branches  as  far 
'  north  as  51."  "As,  however,  the  line  already 
'  runs,  in  latitude  49  degrees,  to  the.  Stony  Mouiit- 
'  ains,  should  it  be  earnestly  insisted  upon  by  Great 
'  Britain,  we  will  con.'icnt  to  carry  it  into  continu- 
'  ance  on  the  same  parallel  to  the  sea." 

Mr.  Rush,  with  great  ability,  attempted  to  exe- 
cute his  instructions.  He  first  proposed  51  dciriccs, 
and  afterwards  49  degrees,  but  in  vain.  These 
propositions  wore  severally  rejected  by  the  British 
1  lenipotentiaries,  [Messrs.  Huskisann  and  Strat- 
ford Canning,)  who  proposed  the  49th  parallel  as  a 
permanent  boundary  between  the  two  countries, 
until  it  should  strike  the  northcasternmost  branch 
of  the  Columbia  river,  (MoGillividy's,)  and  thence 
down  the  same  to  its  junction  with  the  ocean;  "  the 
navigation  of  the  whole  channel  being  perpetually 
free  to  the  subjects  and  citizens  of  both  parties." 
This  proposition  was  rejected  by  Mr.  Rush,  and 
here  the  negotiation  ended. 

The  third  negotiation  on  this  subject  took  place 
in  1826-'7,  during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams, 
and  was  conducted  by  Mr.  Gallatin,  as  American 
plenipotentiary,  undc"  instructions  from  Mr.  Clay, 
then  Secretary  of  State.  The  third  article  of  the 
convention  of  October,  18ia|>was  alio^t  lo  expire 
by  its  own  limitation;  and  a  most  formal  and  seri- 
ous effort  was  then  made  finally  to  adjust  this  v  exed 
question;  but  it  utterly  failed.  This  negotiation 
displays  great  research  and  ability  on  both  sides. 
Mr.  Gallatin,  in  behalf  of  the  United  States,  again 
offered  to  compromise  the  question,  by  adopting 
the  49th  parallel  of  latitude  as  the  dividhig  line  be- 
tween the  two  countries  west  of  the  Rocky  Mount- 
ains; and  to  agree  that  the  navigation  of  the  Co- 
lumbia should  "  bo  perpetually  free  lo  the  subjects 
of  Great  Britain  in  common  with  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States,"  Provided  this  line  should  strike  the 
northeasternmost  or  any  other  branch  of  that  river 
at  a  point  from  which  it  wns  navigable  for  lioats. 

This  offer  was  rejected  by  the  British  plenipo- 
tentiaries (Messrs.  Huskis-scn  and  Adiiinglon) 
in  very  strong  terms.  They  repented  the  offin- 
which  had  been  made  to  Mr.  Rush  on  the  part 
of  Great  Britain  in  1H34,  with  this  addition, 
that  they  were  willing  to  concede  to  the  United 
Stales  the  possession  of  Port  Discovery,  on  the 
southern  coa.st  of  Do  Fuca's  Inlet,  and  imnex 
thereto  "  all  thattractof  country  comprised  within 
'  a  line  to  be  drawn  from  Cape  riattciy,  nhmu;  Ihe 
I  '  southern  shore  of  De  Fiica's  Inlet,  to  Point  Wil- 
I  '  son,  at  the  norlliweste'ii  extremity  of  Admiralty 
'  Inlet;  from  thence,  along  the  western  shore  of 
'that  inlet, across  the  entrance  of  Hood's  Inlet, 
'  to  the  point  of  land  forming  the  northenstern  ex- 
'  tremity  of  the  said  inlet;  from  thence,  long  the 
'  astern  shore  of  that  ihlet,  to  the  .^■ouihern  ex- 
'  tremity  of  the  same;  frmn  thence,  j'iicct  lo  the 
'  southern  point  of  Gray's  Harbor:  from  thence, 
'  -doiig  the  shore  of  the  Pacific,  to  Cape  Flattery, 
'as  bolbrc  mentioned." 

This  fnoposition  was  rejected  by  Mr.  Gallatin, 
and  the  negotiation  terminated  in  the  convenlion 
of  August  6lh,  1827,  which  continuid  the  Ijiird 
article  of  the  convention  of  October,  1818,  until  it 
should  be  abrogated  by  the  one  party  or  the  other, 
by  giving  a  notice  of  twelve  months  to  that  effect. 
This  convention  has  ever  pince  remained  in  force; 
and  ever  since,  under  its  provisions,  the  Rubjccis 
of  Great  Britain  have  enjoyed  the  same  rights  over 
the  whole  territory  as  the  citizens  of  the  United 
Slates.  This  joint  occupation  has  continued  for 
more  than  a  quarter  of  a  icntury;  and  it  is  not  lo 
be  supposed  that  the  British  Government  will 
now  consent  by  negotiation  to  yield  to  us  the 
whole  territory  up  to  54°  40',  after  our  Govern- 


ment had  thrice  offered  to  divide  it  by  the  parallel 
of  49  degrees,  and  they  had  thrice  refused  this 
offer,  even  when  accompanied  by  a  grant  of  the 
fVee  navigation  of  the  Columbia. 

Th'.'.  next  notice  of  this  question  will  be  found 
under  the  Administration  or  General  Jackson.  It 
is  cnntjiincd  in  the  instructions  of  Mr.  Livingston 
to  Mr.  Van  Buren,  dated  on  the  1st  August,  1831, 
with  a  crfpy  of  which,  so  far  as  they  relate  to  this 
subject,  you  shall  be  fVirnislied.  From  this,  you 
vyilf  perceive  that  General  Jackson's  Administra- 
tion, so  far  from  objecting  to  the  occupation  of  the 
whole  territory  by  the  British  in  common  with 
ourselves,  were  entirely  satisfied  to  suffer  this 
this  state  of  things  to  continue.  These  instruc- 
tions do  not  proceed  upon  the  principle  of  claiming 
the  whole  teriitory  for  the  United  Slates,  although 
they  express  a  strong  opinion  in  favor  of  our 
right.  After  stating  that  the  term  of  joint  occupa- 
tion was  indefinitely  continued  for  the  purpose,  in 
the  Innguago  of  the  treaty,  "  of  giving  lime  to 
'  mature  measures  which  shall  have  for  their  ob- 
'jcct  a  more  definite  .settlement  of  the  claims  of 
'  each  party  to  the  said  territory,"  they  go  on  to 
!'  remark,  that  "  this  subject,  then,  iii  open  for  diu- 
11  'ciission;  and  until  the  rights  of  the  parties  Ciui 
■  be  settled  by  negotiation,  ours  can  suller  nothing 
'bv  delay." 

These  instructions  evidently  looked  to  a  scitle- 
ment  of  the  rights  of  the  respective  parties  by 
negotiation,  and  not  to  an  absolute  exclusion  of 
Great  Britain  lo  the  whole  territory. 

From  the  1st  of  August,  1831,  the  date  of  Mr. 
Livingston's  instructions  to  Mr.  Van  Buren,  un- 
til the'9lh  ofOctober,  1843,  no  further  notice  of  the 
Oregon  question  was  taken  in  any  instructions  from 
this  department.  On  that  day  Mr.  Upshur,  then 
the  Secreiary  of  State  under  Mr.  Tyler's  Admin- 
istialion,  addressed  inetructinns  to  Mr.  Everett  on 
the  subject.  Following  in  the  course  ofcompro- 
i.iisc  pointed  out  by  his  predecessors,  Mr.  Upshur 
says:  "  The  offer  of  the,  49lh  parallel  of  latitude, 
although  it  has  once  been  rejected,  may  be  again 
tendered,  together  with  the  right  of  navigating  the 
Columbia  upon  equitable  terms.  Beyond  this  the 
President  is  not  now  prepared  to  go.  Neverthe- 
less, you  may  propose  or  receive,  subject  to  the 
approval  of  this  Government,  any  other  terms  of 
compromise  which,  in  the  progress  of  your  discus- 
sions, may  appear  to  promise  a  satisfactory  ad- 
justment of  this  important  question. " 

Next  came  the  existing  negotiation  which  the 
President  found  pending  on  his  accession  to  office. 
This  negotiation,  like  all  which  had  preceded  it, 
was  based  tipon  the  principle  of  ..omproraising 
the  claims  of  the  parlies,  and  not  of  demanding  the 
whole  territory  for  the  United  Stales.  The  first 
protocol  signed  by  Messrs.  Calhoun  and  Paken- 
hani,  on  the  23d  Augu.st  last,  states  that  it  was  in- 
stituted "  to  treat  of  the  respective  claims  of  the 
two  countries  lo  the  Oregon  Territory,  with  the 
view  to  establish  a  permanent  boundary  between 
the  two  countries  westward  of  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tains lo  the  Pacific  ocean." 

The  President,  at  a  very  early  period  of  his  Ad- 
ministration, was  called  upon  to  decide  whether  he 
would  break  off  or  continue  this  negotiation. 
Placed  in  such  a  responsible  position,  he  first  in- 
'■  quired  whether  the  national  honor  required  that  he 
j  should  abruptly  lerminHie  it  by  de;„.  nding  the 
i  whole  territory  in  dispui..  War  before  .lishonor, 
1  is  a  maxim  deeply  cng.tiven  upon  the  hearts  of  the 
I  American  people;  and  this  maxim  eve'  shall  reg- 
I  ulale  his  conduct  towards  foreign  nations.  But  it 
I  was  impossible  for  him  to  conceive  that  there 
I  could  be  dishonor  in  pursuing  the  course  which  had 
I  been  adopted  by  Mr.  Monroe,  his  pe.lriot  revolu- 
I  lii^nary  predecessor,  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  cen- 
i  turyttgo,and  had  been  either  expressly  sanctioned 
j  oracquicsced  in  by  all  succeeding  Administrations. 
I  His  next  inquiry  was,  would  a  compromise  of 
,  the  claims  of  the  parlies,  by  adopting  the  parallel 
I  of  49  degrees,  materially  injure  the  interest  of  the 
United  States.'  The  entrance  oftheStniits  of  Fuca, 
j  Admiralty  Inlet,  Pugel's  Sound,  with  their  fine 
I  harbors  and  rich  surrounding  soil,  are  all  south  of 
i  thi&  parallel.  We  know  but  little  of  the  country 
}  north  of  it,  but,  from  all  the  information  we  have" 
I  obtained,  it  is,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  spots, 
I  wholly  unfit  for  agriculture,  and  incapable  of  sus- 
]  taining  any  considerable  population.  Its  chief, 
i  indeed  almost  its  only  value,  consists  in  the  furs 


! 


1174 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[August  8, 


29rH  CoNo 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question. 


Senate. 


which  may  yet  be  collected  upon  it;  and  even  in 
this  particular  it  is  not  of  much  importance. 

Arbitration  bein^  out  of  the  question,  the  alter- 
natives which  remained  were  either  to  compromise 
the  claims  of  the  parties  upon  terms  similar  to 
those  which  had  often  been  proposed  liy  the  Qov- 
ernment  of  the  United  Slates  and  rejected  by  that 
orCrf3>  Britain,  or  to  demand  the  exclusive  sov- 
ereignty over  the  whole  territory  in  diifute,  and 
thus  to  render  war  almost  inevitable.  In  the  pres- 
ent enlightened  and  Christian  age,  wnr  ought  to  be 
the  very  last  alternative  of  nations,  ana  should 
never  be  resorted  to  unless  for  a  cause  which  ren- 
ders it  imperatively  necessary.  To  rush  into  hos- 
tilities, if  this  can  be  honorably  avoided,  would 
subject  the  United  States  to  the  condemnation  of 
all  Christendom.  The  President  doubts  whether 
the  judgment  of  the  civilized  world  would  be  in 
our  favor  in  a  war  waged  for  a  comimrativcly 
worthless  territory  north  of  49  degrees,  which  his 
predecessors  had  over  and  over  ai^iin  olTcred  to 
surrender  to  Great  Britain,  provided  she  would 
yield  her  pretensions  to  the  country  south  of  that 
latitude.  Besides,  a  war  for  such  a  cause,  whilst  it 
would  doubtless  be  sustained  by  the  patriotism, 
might  not  meet  the  approbation,  of  a  large  portion 
of  our  own  fellow-ciiizens. 

On  the  other  hand,  suppose  the  American  prop- 
osition of  the  49lh  degree  of  lalilude  should  be 
again  made  by  tlie  United  Slates  and  ngnin  rejected 
by  Great  Britain, and  war  then  be  the  consequence, 
we  might  appeal  to  nil  mankind  for  the  justice 
and  moderation  of  our  demand.  The  voire  nf  nn 
impartial  world  would  pronounce  our  cause  to  be 
righteous,  and  our  own  citizens  would  lie  cniluisi- 
astically  united  in  sustaining  such  a  war.  Should 
the  negotiation  end  in  disappointment,  the  Presi- 
dent,  having  done  all  that  ran  be  required  of  him 
for  the  preservation  of  peace,  will  nflerwnnis  feel 
himself  perfectly  free  to  insist  upon  nur  rights  in 
their  full  extent,  up  to  the  Russian  line. 

Influenced  by  Uiese  important  considerations, 
you  will  nerceive  from  my  note  to  Mr.  Pnkenham, 
tt  copy  or  which  I  now  enclose  you,  tluit  the  Pres- 
ident nas  once  more  proposed  to  the  Government 
of  Great  Britain  that  the  territory  west  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  which  has  been,  under  existing 
treaties,  "  free  and  open"  to  the  occupnlion  of  l)0th 
nations  ever  since  ItilS,  shall  now  be  divided  be- 
tween them  by  the  49lh  parallel  of  north  latitude, 
offering  at  the  same  time  to  make  free  to  Great 
Britain  any  port  or  ports  on  Vancouver's  Island, 
south  of  this  parallel  which  the  British  Govern- 
ment may  desire. 

You  will  observe  that  the  proposition  is  silent 
in  regard  to  the  navigation  of  the  Columbia  river; 
a  privilege  which  has  heretofore  been  repeatedly 
offered  to  Great  Britain  in  (brmer  attempts  to  set- 
tle this  question.  Such  a  privilege  the  President 
cannot  concede,  although  he  is  well  aware  of  the 
serious,  if  not  insuperable,  obstacles  which  this 
may  present  to  the  .success  of  the  negnllmioii. 
The  tenacity  with  which  Great  Britain  will  ad- 
here to  the  free  navigation  of  the  Columbia,  whirli 
she  now  enjoys,  is  manifest  from  the  note  of  Mr. 
Pakenham  to  Mr.  Calhoun,  of  the  12tli  of  Septem- 
ber last,  with  a  copy  of  which  you  have  been  fur- 
nished. 

If  the  free  navigation  of  the  Columbia  were 
granted  to  Great  BriUtin,  this  would  be  a  i)erpctiml 
source  of  strife  and  cause  of  collision  between  the 
citizens  and  subjects  of  the  two  nations  in  those 
remote  regions.  It  would  be  almost  impoB.siliIe, 
by  any  vigilance  which  could  be  exerted,  to  exe- 
cute the  revenue  laws  of  the  respective  countries, 
and  prevent  smuggling  on  either  side  of  the  river. 
Besides,  there  arc  several  portages  around  ihc  falls 
and  rapids  of  this  river  and  its  branches,  the  use 
of  which  is  necessary  to  the  eiiinyment  of  its  frrc 
navigation.  This  would  introduce  the  subjects  of 
Great  Briuiin,  with  their  merchandise,  into  the 
heart  of  the  country,  and  thus  greatly  increase  the 
evil  beyond  what  it  would  be  if  they  were  confined 
to  the  channel  of  the  river.  The  President  is  de- 
sirous to  adjust  the  question  in  Huch  a  manner  as 
to  leave  no  source  behind  from  which  might  pro- 
ceed new  difficulties  and  new  dangers,  again  to  in- 
volve thfe  peace  of  the  tw.o  countries.  With  his 
present  impressions,  he  can  never  yield  to  Great 
Britain  the  free  navigation  of  the  Columbia. 

It  is  to  be  hoiicd  that  Great  BriUiin  may  view 
this  subject  in  tne  same  light,  especially  as  within 


the  last  few  years  rivers  have  been  explored  and 
resorted  to  north  of  the  parallel  of  49  degrees,  on 
which  her  trade  may  be  conducted  between  the 
interior  and  the  ocean,  without  the  use  of  ihe  Co- 
lumbia. 

Whilst  denying  this  privilege,  which  has  been 
hitherto  so  often  oflered,it  may  be  asked,  what 
rcniion  hnvewetobope  that  Great  Britain  mavnow 
accede  to  the  naked  parallel  of  49  degrees .'  Ther 
would  be  little  or  none,  unless  our  proposition  had 
contained  such  a  concession  in  some  other  particu- 
lar as  to  enable  her  to  retreat  with  honor  fVom  her 
former  demands.  This  will  be  found  in  our  offer 
to  make  free  to  Great  Britain  any  port  or  ports  on 
Vancouver's  Island,  south  of  49  degrees,  which  the 
British  Government  may  desire.  ,  It  is  true,  this  is 
liut  a  trifling  concession,  considering  the  small  por- 
tion of  the  cap  of  Vancouver's  island  which  lies 
south  of  that  parallel;  and,  although  no  equivalent, 
it  is  yet  something  which  may  be  n  refuge  for  Brit- 
ish pride,  whilst  surrendering  the  free  navigation 
of  the  Columl)ia.  Besides,  as  they  have  in  their 
last  proposition  so  far  gone  beyond  that  of  1827, 
ns  to  offer  to  make  free  to  the  Uiiitet'.  States  any 
port  or  ports  which  they  might  desire,  either  on 
the  main  land  or  Vancouver's  IsIbimI,  south  of  lat- 
itude 49  degrees,  our  offer  to  them  Or'free  ports  on 
the  southerii  cap  of  that  island  may  be  deemed  a 
reciprocal  concession. 

Had  this  been  a  new  question,  you  arc  fully 
aware  that  the  President  never  would  have  pre- 
sented such  a  |iroposilion;  bnt  it  must  not  be  for- 
gotten that  the  Anierican  Government  never  dies, 
although  the  agents  who  administer  it  are  perpet- 
ually clianging.  Its  course  of  policy  towards  for- 
eign nations  should  not  change  with  every  changing 
Adniinistrnlioii,  but  ought  to  be  uniform  and  con- 
sistent, unless  for  reasons  of  imperative  necessity. 

From  what  h;is  been  soid,  you  will  perceive  how 
wholly  impossililc  it  is  for  the  President  to  accept 
any  terms  of  compromise  which  would  bring  the 
British  south  of  the  wrallel  of  49  degrees;  and  this 
you  may  iminiale  t^lie  British  ministers  in  con- 
versation, should  you  deem  it  wi.se  under  all  the 
circumstunces.  The  only  exception  to  this  rule 
which  could  possibly  be  nuule  might  be  the  con- 
cession, for  ail  adequate  equivalent,  of  the  small 
cap  of  Vancouver's  Island  south  of  this  latitude, 
which  would  be  of  no  importance  to  the  United 
Stales,  whilst  it  is  of  considerable  value  to  Great 
Britain. 

You  will  enforce  our  proposition  upon  the  Brit- 
ish ministry  w  ib  a'!  the  enlightened  ability  of  which 
you  are  so  eminently  the  innslcr.  Should  it  be 
rejected,  the  Piesident  will  be  relieved  from  the 
embarrassment  in  which  he  has  been  involved  by 
tlie  acts,  oilers,  and  declarations  of  his  picdeces- 
.sors.  Afterwards,  if  the  difficulty  can  only  be  re- 
solved by  the  sword,  we  may  then  appeal,  with 
confidence,  to  the  world  for  the  equity  and  justice 
of  our  cause,  and  may  anticipate  the  smiles  of 
Heaven  upon  the  right.     I  am,  &C., 

JAMKS  BUCHANAN. 

Loi'is  McLane,  Esq.,  &c.,  &c.,  &c. 

Mr,  Buchanan  to  Mr,  McLant, 

[No.  9.]  DKPAnTMF.NT  OF  StATE, 

WnsAingfon,  September  1,'),  184(i. 

Sib:  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt 
of  your  despatches  of  the  l(!ih  and  18th  ultimo,  the 
former  of  which  was  placed  in  my  hands  by  the 
Hon.  Mr.  Ilhctt,of  South  Carolina,  and  to  trans- 
mit to  you,  herewith,  a'copy  of  my  Inst  nolo  to 
the  Right  Hon.  Richard  Pakenham,  her  Britannic 
Majesty's  Minister  at  Washington,  relative  to  the 
Oregon  question. 

I  am,  &c.,  JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

Hun.  Louis  McLane,  &c.,  &c.,  dc. 

Mr,  Buchanan  to  Mr,  McLane. 
[No.  13.]  Dkpaiitment  or  State, 

H'anhinglon ,  A'oremher  .'i,  184.'i. 

Sib:  Your  despatches  to  No.  16,  ii  clusiv,,  iiave 
been  duly  received. 

Since  the  receipt,  on  the  21st  uiti  n.i,  of  your 
No.  9,  I  have  held  several  conversations  with  Mr. 
Pakenham.  His  purpose,  doubtless,  was  to  ascer- 
Uiin  whether  the  President  would  not  take  back  his 
withdrawal  of  our  proposition  of  compromipe,and 
suffer  it  to  stand  as  the  basis  of  further  negotiation; 
and,  if  thif>  could  not  be  done,  to  obtain  some  as- 


surance in  advance  as  to  the  manner  in  which  a  new 
p.oposition  from  the  British  Government  would  be 
received.  He  did  not  accompUsh  either  object.  In 
these  conversations,  I  gave  him  distinctly  to  under- 
stand that  the  President  could  not  consent  to  recall 
Willi'  had  been  already  done,  nor  to  modify  in  any 
degree  the  withdrawafofour  offer.  Atthesa'metime, 
I  observed,  in  answer  to  a  question  propounded  by 
him,  that  if  the  British  Government  should  thipV 
proper  to  make  any  new  proposition  to  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  Slates  for  the  settlement  of 
the  Oregon  question,  it  would  be  respectfully  con- 
sidered by  the  President,  without,  however,  feeling 
himself  committed  in  any  degree  by  the  offerwhich 
had  been  already  made  and  rejected,  and  after- 
wards withdrawn. 

Mr.  Pakenham  urged  that  he  had  not  rejected 
our  proposition,  but  had  merely  refused  to  accept 
it;  and  endeavored  by  argument  to  impress  upon 
my  mind  the  distinction,  not  very  obvious,  be- 
tween the  refusal  to  accept  a  proposition  and  its 
rejection.  To  this  I  replien  by  referring  him  to  the 
subsequent  part  of  his  note,  in  which  ho  express- 
ed his  trust  that  "  I  would  be  prepared  to  offer 
some  further  proposal  for  the  settlement  of  the 
Oregon  question,  more  consistent  with  fairness 
and  equity,  and  with  the  reasonable  expectation 
of  the  British  Government."  This  language,  I 
observed,  necessarily  implied,  not  only  an  em- 
phatic rejection  of  our  offer,  but  n  condemnation  of 
its  character. 

In  consequence  of  my  communications  with  Mr. 
Pakenham,  the  President,  after  holding  two  cabi- 
net councils  on  the  present  state  of  the  Oregon  ne- 
gotiation, has  finally  determined  thai  he  will  not 
renew  his  former  offer,  nor  submit  any  other  prop- 
osition, and  it  must  remain  for  the  British  Gov- 
ernm-nt  to  decide  what  other  or  further  steps,  if 
ary,  they  may  think  proper  to  take  in  the  ncgo- 
iiation.  You  will  not  be  surprised  at  the  result, 
as  you  are  well  aware  that  nothing  but  deference 
for  the  repealed  action  of  his  predecessors,  and  for 
the  principle  of  compromise  on  which  the  negotia- 
tion had  been  commenced,  as  well  as  a  sincere  de- 
sire to  cultivate  the  most  friendly  rehitions  between 
the  two  countries,  could  have  induced  him  so  far  to 
depart  from  his  well-known  opinions  as  to  have 
directed  the  proposition  to  be  made  which  has 
been  rejected  and  withdrawn. 

Mr.  Pakenham 's  note  of  the  30th  of  July,  re- 
jecting our  proposition,  became,  immediately  after 
Its  receipt,  the  subject  of  grave  deliberation  by  the 
President.  Upon  a  full  consideration  of  the  whole 
question,  and  after  wailing  a  month  for  further  de- 
velopments, he  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  it 
was  a  duty  which  he  owed  his  country  to  with- 
draw the  proposition  which  he  had  submitted. 
This  was  accordingly  done  by  my  note  to  Mr. 
Pakenham  of  the  311th  of  August  last.  The  Presi- 
dent thus  took  his  ground,  from  which  he  will  not 
depart.  If  the  British  Government  have  any  new 
proposition  to  submit,  it  must  proceed  from  them 
voluntarily,  and  without  any  previous  invitation 
or  assurance  on  our  part;  and  then  such  a  propo- 
sition will  be  respectfully  considered  by  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States. 

This  is  the  posture  on  which  the  negotiation 
now  stands;  and,  unless  in  the  meantime  it  shiiiild 
be  changed  by  some  action  on  the  part  of  the  Brit- 
ish Government,  the  President  intends  to  lay  the 
whole  subject  before  Congress  for  their  considera- 
tion.    I  am,  &c., 

JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

LouiB  McLane,  Esq.,  &c.,&c.,&c. 

Mr.  MelMnt  to  Mr,  Buchanan. — Extracts, 
|\o.  24.]  LoNOUN,  Decemlier  1,  1845. 

Although  it  is  well  understood  here,  that,  in  the 
present  posture  of  the  Oregon  question,  my  con- 
nexion with  it  must  be  in  a  great  degree  informal, 
the  Eail  of  Aberdeen  occasionally  makes  it  a  sub- 
ject of  conversation. 

At  his  request  I  have  recently  had  an  interview 
with  him,  when  he  put  in  my  hand,  to  read,  two 
despatches  from  Mr.  Pnkenham:  .one,  in  explana- 
tion of  his  rejection,  witlinut  reference  to  his  Gov- 
ernment, of  the  President's  proposition;  the  other, 
containing  a  statement  of  his  subsequent  attempts 
to  induce  you  to  allow  the  President's  propo-silion 
to  stand  as  the  basis  of  further  negotiation,  or  to 
have  some  assurance  of  the  answer  which  a  new 


>*«r»«K'"4*>  P'  W" 


•/f 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1175 


29tu  Cong 1st  Sess. 


7%e  Oregon  Question. 


Senate. 


^ 
h^ 


propnaition  from  the  Britiah  Qovemment  would 
receive.  •«*•#• 
In  hia  first  letter,  Mr.  Pakenham,  among[  other 
things,  thought  his  treatment  of  the  President's 
proposition  justifiable  on  the  ground  of  his  in- 
structions, which,  in  his  opinion,  forbade  the  ex- 
pectation that  such  a  proposition  could,  und..  r  any 
circumstances,  receive  the  approbation  of  hia  Qov- 
ernment.     He  also  •  •  •  • 

•  «  •  •  •  •  • 

•  •  •  •  •  expressed 
his  belief  that  a  reference  of  the  proposition  to  his 
Government,  merely,  as  he  supposed,  to  be  reject- 
ed, would  not  have  avoided  the  embarrassment  in 
which  the  subject  has  been  by  that  step  involved. 

In  answer  to  these  views,  I  had  only  to  point 
out  the  clear  insufficiency  of  Mr.  Pakenham 's  ex- 
plnniitions;  and  to  defend  and  justify  the  with- 
drawal of  the  President's  proposition  upon  the 
obvious  grounds  on  which,  in  your  communica- 
tions, you  had  placed  it;  to  point  out  with  entire 
explicitness  the  attitude  the  President  had  deter- 
mined to  maintain,  and  the  course  it  was  hie  in- 
tention to  pursue,  in  conformity  with  the  statement 
in  your  despatch  No.  13,  dated  the  5th  November 
last. 

The  principal  object  of  Lord  Aberdeen  in  seek- 
ing the  interview  appeared  to  me  to  be,  to  point 
out  the  embarrassment  in  which  he  thought  the 
Persidcnt's  withdrawal  of  his  proposition  had 
placed  this  Government.  It  was  quite  evident— 
indeed,  he  expressly  said— thot  he  was  not  pre- 
pared to  accept  the  President's  proposition,  but 
desired  only  to  make  it  the  basis  of  further  nego- 
tiation and  modified  propositions  from  his  Gov- 
ernment, which  he  would  liave  done,  notwithstand- 
ing the  rejection  of  it  by  Mr.  Pakenham,  if  it  had 
not  been  withdrawn  by  the  dii-ection  of  the  Pres- 
ident. He  compliiined  of  the  withdrawal  of  the 
proposition  as  unusual,  if  not  unprecedented  in 
diplomacy;  and  seemed  to  consider  it  impossible, 
in  the  present  posture  of  the  affair,  to  submit  any 
proposition  for  a  partition  of  the  territory  in  dis- 
pute, unless  he  could  have  some  assurance  of  the 
treatment  which  any  proposition  he  might  uubmit 
for  that  purpose  would  receive. 

Under  these  circumstances,  he  could  only  regard 
the  negotiation  asAaving  been  terminated  by  the 
President;  and  the  door  to  further  attempts  at 
compromise  being  thus  closed,  this  Government 
had  no  alternative,  in  its  desire  to  preserve  the 
jieaccful  relations  of  the  two  countries,  [other] 
than  to  propose  arbitration,  and  abide  the  c(  .ae- 
ciuences.  Indeed,  I  understood  him  to  say,  very 
disiiiictly,  that  this  course  would  be  pursued.  It 
may  be  considered  Verlain,  therefore,  that  if  he 
hove  not  been  already,  Mr.  Pakenham  will,  by 
the  present  steamer,  be  instructed  to  propose  in 
ailjiiraMon;  and  that  according  to  the  answer  that 
proposition  may  receive,  the  ultimate  course  upon 
the  part  of  ihis  Government  will  be  defined. 

I  think  It  not  improbable  that  if  the  offer  be  de- 
clined upon  the  ground  upon  which  it  is  under- 
-lood  It  was  rc'uspd  by  Mr.  Calhoun,  to  wit:  that 
0  more  satisftti  lory  adjustment  might  bi^  obtained 
through  the  m.idium  of  negotiation,  this  Govern- 
ment would  then  submit  a  new  proposition,  and  so 
resume  the  niigotintion;  but  that  if  it  be  refused  on 
such  terms  us  to  warrant  them  in  assuming  that 
our  Oovernme  it  has  determined  to  insist  upon  the 
I'Xtreme  claim,  and  to  decline  both  negotiation  and 
arbitration,  this  Government  will  treat  the  offer  to 
nrbitrate  as  its  ultimatum,  and  abide  the  result. 
Of  course,  these  opinions  are  founded  upon  the 
observations  of  ihc  Earl  of  Aberdeen  in  the  con- 
versation to  which  I  have  already  alluded. 

Although  I  am  quite  sure  that  the  Eiul  of  Aber- 
deen has  no  idea  at  present  of  accrpling  the  com- 
promise contained  in  the  President's  proposition, 
It  would  not  surprise  me  if  an  arrangement  upon 
that  basi.s  should  prove  acceptable  to  large  and  im- 
portant classes  in  this  country — indeed  complained 
of  principally  by  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company, 
and  those  in  iia  interct'..  That  the  ministry  would 
find  it  ditlicult  and  hazardous  to  prefer  war  to  such 
u  settlement,  .nny  well  be  imagined;  although  you 
may  assume  it  to  bo  certain,  '.hot  when  war  he- 
comes  inevitable  it  will  recp:,'e  the  undivided  sup- 
port of  the  British  people. 

1  believe  the  Government  and  people  here  are 
niiite  prepared  for  the  reasscrtioii  in  the  message  of 
the  President's  opinions  expressed  in  his  inaugural 


address;  and,  perhaps,  for  a  recommendation  by 
him  to  terminate  the  joint  occupation  in  the  man- 
ner provided  by  the  existing  — eaty.  And  I  also 
think  that,  unless  the  recommendations  in  the  mes- ' 
sage  should  be  such  as  to  discourage  further  nego- 
tiation, and  to  manifest  a  determinition  to  insist 
upon  our  whole  right,  they  would  not  lead  to  any 
immediate  measures  upon  the  part  of  this  Govern- 
ment, or  materially  add  to  the  embarrassment  in 
which  the  relations  between  the  two  countries  ap- 
pear to  be  at  present  involved. 

Jlfr.  jBucAnnan  lo  Mr.  McLane. 
[No.  20.]  Department  of  Statk, 

Waahvigton,  December  13, 1845. 

Sir:  You  will  receive  by  the  Cambria  a  copy 
of  the  President's  message,  ,ind  the  documents  ac- 
companying it,  in  relation  to  Texas  and  Oregon. 
These  are  nil  which  have  yet  been  printed. 

You  will  observe  that  whilst  the  President  has 
recommended  that  the  necessary  notice  shall  be 
given  to  abrogate  the  convention,  he  has  carefully 
avoided  to  recommend  any  legislative  measure 
which  could ,  in  the  meantime,  conflict  with  its  pro- 
visions; and  it  is  not  apprehended  that  Congress 
will  adopt  nny  such  measure. 

The  message  has  been  well  received  throughout 
the  country,  and  its  doctrines  generally  will,  I 
think,  meet  the  approbation  of  Congress. 

The  President  sincerely  desires  to  preserve  our 
friendly  relations  with  Great  Britain.    His  policy 
with  that  and  all  other  nations  is  peace,  so  long  as 
this  can  be  maintained  consistently  with  the  na- 
tional rights  ond   honor.    The  Oregon  question 
is  now  approaching  a  crisis.     It  is  hordly  probable 
that  the  British  Government  will  suffer  it  to  re- 
main upon  its  present  basis;  and  it  is  clear  that,  if 
there  should  be  any  new  movement  towards  its 
adjustment,  tliis  must  originate  with  Great  Brit- 
ain.   Should  that  Government  take  any  further 
step  with  a  view  to   settle  the  controversy,  the 
President  would  judge  of  the  character  of  the  prop- 
osition when  macie;  and  if,  in  hi:,  opinion,  it  should 
be  such  as  to  justify  this,  he  would  feel  inclined  to 
submit  it  to  tiie  Senate  for  their  previous  advice, 
before  taking  any  other  action  upon  it.    As  the  1 
determination  on  any  such  proposition  might  in-  ! 
volve  the  issue  of  peace  or  war  between  the  two  1 
countries,  he  would  feel  it  to  be  his  duty  to  con-  j 
suit  his  constitutional  advisers  before  a  final  decis-  ! 
ion.    I  deem  it  necessary  to  give  you  this  infor-  j 
mation,  not  that  you  may  make  any  such  suci^es- 
tion  to  the  Briti-sh  Government,  but  to  enoble  ynu 
to  regulate  wisely  your  conversation  and  cnmliiii 
in   the  critiejil   position  in   which  you   ore   iiuw 
placed.    What  the  result  might  be  i"  the  Senate, 
I  cannot  anticipate.  | 

The  President  bos  received  iril  ,  from  a  ( 

variety  of  sources  which  he  cannot  di^n  rurd,  that  ■ 
Great  Britain  is  now  mnking  extensisf   M-nvlike  ^ 
preparations.    As  her  relations  with  all  iln   I'ow-  . 
ers  of  Europe  seem  at  present  to  be  of  a  j  caccfii] 
character,  the  prevailing  and  noti.ral  inference  hcri: 
IS,  that  these  prepointions  look  to  a  rupture  with 
the  United  States  on  the  Orecon  question.     It  is  of 
vast  importance  that  this  Government  should,  as  | 
eorly  as  possible,  ascertain  their  true  character.  [ 
You  ore,  therefore,  instructed  to  embrace  the  first  j 
opportunity  of  bringing  this  subject  to  the  notice  I 
r  f  the  Earl  of  Aberdeen  in  such  a  manner  as  you  i 
may  deem  most  expedient.     It  is  true,  that  on  i 
more  than  one  occasion  Mr.  Pakenham  has  in-  ; 
formed  me  in  conversation  that  these  warlike  prep- 1 
arations  had  been  commenced  some  time  before  ; 
the  existing  diliculties  between  the  two  countries 
had  assumed  th-iir  present  serious  aspect,  ond  h,  d 
no  connexion  wi'otever  with  the  Oregon  question; 
but  yet  it  would  be  fotisfactory  to  receive  such  on  ; 
nssuranco  in  a  moru  outhoritolive  and  authentic  ! 
form.     The  President  is  also  anxious  to  leorn  your  ; 
own  opinion  upon  this  subject  with  the  least  prac- 
ticable delay.     I  am,  &c.,  ' 
JAMES  BUCHANAN,      i 

Louis  McLi.vE,  Esq.,  &•■'.,  &c.,  &<:. 

Mr.  Buchanan  to  Mr.  Mcljine.  \ 

[No.  Ql.]  Df.partment  or  State, 

ffos/iiugfon,  December  29,  1845. 
Sir;  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  re- 
ceipt of  your  despatches  to  No.  24,  inclusive. 

The  Senate  having  unanimously,  as  I  am  in- 
formed, confirmed  your  appointment  as  Envoy 


Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the 
United  States  of  America  at  the  court  of  the  United 
Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  I  now 
tranamit  to  you  your  commission  in  that  character. 

You  were  correct  iii  supposing  that  the  British 
Government  would  again  offer  to  refer  the  Oregon 
question  to  some  friendly  Power.  On  Saturday 
last  Mr.  Pakenham  delivered  me  a  communication 
making  an  oft'er  to  refer  this  question,  of  which  I 
transmit  you  a  copy.  You  w'dl  not  fkil  to  observe 
that  he  does  not  propose  a  reference  of  the  title  to 
the  whole  question,  [territory,]  but  merely  the 
subject  of  "  an  equitable  division"  of  it  between 
the  parties.  It  ia  strange  that  such  a  proposition 
should  have  been  submitted  by  the  British  Gov- 
ernment, in  the  face  of  the  President's  claim  to  the 
whole  territory,  after  it  had  been  so  recently  en- 
forced in  the  most  solemn  manner  by  my  letter  of 
the  30th  of  August  last,  withdrawing  our  propo- 
sition for  a  compromise  by  the  49th  parallel  of  lat- 
itude. To  accept  the  proposition  under  such  cir- 
cumstances, would  be  for  the  President  to  admit 
that  he  had  committed  an  error  in  asserting  tlie 
American  title  to  the  whole  territory,  and  to  ac- 
knowledge, in  the  very  submission  q(  the  question 
to  the  arbitrator,  that  Great  Britain  had  a  right  to 
a  portion  of  it,  and  that  his  functions  should  be 
confined  to  an  ''  equitable  division"  of  it  between 
the  parties.  In  this  respect,  the  present  proposi- 
tion is  unlike  the  former  offer  of  the  British  Gov- 
ernment, which  was  a  general  proposition  to  arbi- 
trate. If  no  other  reason  existed  for  declining  the 
proposition,  this  would  be  deemed  sufficient  by 
the  Prtsii'o.nt.  You  may  therefore  consider  it  cer- 
tain that  It  will  be  rejected.  I  presume  that  the 
British  Government  could  not  have  anticipated  a 
different  result;  and,  frojn  my  conversation  upon 
the  subject  with  Mr.  Pakenham  on  Saturday  last, 
ho  will  doubtless  undeceive  them,  if  they  had  any 
expecUition  that  his  offer  would  be  accepted. 

I  om,  <fcc..         JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

Louis  McLane,  Esq.,  &c.,  &c.,  &o. 

[No.  33.]  Department  of  State, 

Washington,  Janttary  29,  1846. 

Sir:  Your  despatches  to  No.  31,  inclusive,  have 
been  duly  received  at  this  department.  Having 
already  communicated  to  you  a  copy  of  Mr.  Pa- 
kenham's  note  of  the  27th  of  December  last,  pro- 
posing to  arbitrate  the  Oregon  question,  I  now 
enclose,  herewith  a  transcript  of  my  reply  to  that 
note,  dated  on  the  3d  instant. 

On  the  17th  instant,  Mr.  Pakenh..  .o  called  at  the 
department,  and  delivered  mo  a  iiotc,  of  which  I 
transmit  yni'  u  copy,  renewing  hia  proposition  to 
arbitrate,  but  changing  the  terms.  This  note  has 
not  yet  been  answered.  This  delay  has  been  oc- 
casioned, not  by  any  doubt  as  to  the  propriety  of 
rejecting  the  proposition,  but  from  a  desire, before 
prep^iiuig  my  answer,  to  asceii;-  i  ih.  impression 
which  had  been  made  on  the  lin  ish  Ministry  and 
I'lople  by  the  President'.^  Messinre  and  the  accom- 
I  uiiiyin!?  conespondem '  1  had  anticipated  a  visit 
from  Mr.  Pukenhom  ;<  'ii  after  the  arrival  of  the 
"  Hii  .  mill;"  but  he  i.ii  not  since  called  at  the 
departiiicnt. 

Mr.  Pakenhani's  last  proposition  to  arbitrate  is 
liable  to  the  same  objection  win  was  prominently 
presentedinmy  answer  to  the  :  u.  It  is  true  that 
lie  now  propose  >  refer  to  iirbilnition  "  the  ques- 
tion of  title  in  liier  of  the  two  Powers  to  tlie 
whole  u:rritur>  but  yet,  annexed  to  this  offer, 
there  is  a  condition,  "  ihiit  if  neither  should  be 
found,  in  the  opinion  of  the  arbitrator,  to  possess 
a  complete  title  to  the  whole  territory,"  then  he 
shall  divide  it  between  ttn  'i  "  according  to  a  just 
appreciation  of  the  I  csp.  c  claims  of  each."  If 
the  Govcrnmeni   'I  iiited  States  should  con- 

sent to  an  arbitr.ui  ,'on  such  terms,  this  would 
be  construed  into  ..ii  iiiiimation,  if  not  a  direct  in- 
vitation, to  the  arbitrator  to  divide  the  territory 
between  the  parties.  Were  it  possible  for  this 
Government,  under  any  circumstances,  to  refer  the 

3uestion  to  arbitration,  the  title,  and  tho  title  alone, 
etachcd  from  every  other  consideration,  ought  to 
be  the  only  question  submitted.  If  not  confined 
to  this  single  point,  we  should  have  another  com-  ' 
promising  award  like  that  of  the  King  of  the  Neth- 
erlands. 

But  arbitration  in  any  form  is  out  of  the  ques- 
tion. 
The  title  of  the  United  States  to  the  vut  territory 


II 


P 


i 


1176 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


[August  8, 


2^H  CoNO 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Qy'stion. 


Senate. 


on  the  northwest  coast  of  Americn,  with  all  its 
commercial  advantages,  can  never  be  placed  in 
Jeopardy  by  referring  it  to  the  decision  of  any 
individuals,  whether  sovereigns,  citizens,  or  sub- 
jects. To  Qreat  Britain  it  would  be  a  distant  pos- 
session, of  comparatively  small  value,  and  which, 
from  the  nature  of  things,  she  cannot  very  long 
enjoy;  but  to  the  United  States  it  is  invaluable. 
Wh  list  arbitration  is,  therefore,  out  of  the  question , 
it  is  probable  that,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances 
of  the  cose,  and  from  an  anxious  desire  to  preserve 
peace,  the  Senate,  if  the  question  were  submitted 
to  them,  might  advise  the  President  not  to  insist 
upon  the  full  extent  of  our  rights;  but  we  could 
never  place  it  in  the  power  of  any  arbitrator  to 
deprive  us  of  a.  foot  of  the  soil  on  the  continent 
south  of  the  49th  parallel  of  latitude,  and  of  the  i 
valuable  harbors  of  Pugct's  Sound.  Such  is  the  1 
fixed  determination  of  the  President.  ' 

Again:  even  if  this  were  not  the  case,  and  a  ' 
treaty  should  be  submitted  to  the  Scnatn  for  iirbi- 
tration,  it  could  not,  by  any  possibility,  obtain  the  i 
necessary  majority  in  that  oodjr.  i 

Upon  the  whole,  the  pursuit  of  arbitration  by 
the  British  Government  can   produce  no  other  ' 
effect  than  to  involve  the  tiueslion  in  new  difficul-  ' 
ties,  and  perhaps,  by  the  uelay,  render  nil  amica- 
ble adjustment  of  it  impossible.    The  fact  is  not 
to  be  disguised,  that  the  feeling  of  the  country  is 
becomingdaily  more unanimousand  intense  in  favor 
of  asserting  our  right  to  the  whole  territory;  and 
the  debates  in  Congr&i,  and  their  delay  to  not  in 
accordance  with  the  r    jnimendationsof  the  Pres- 
ident, only  serve  to. increase  the  popular  excite-  < 
ment.    Resolutions  of  State  conventions  and  Sinte 
Legislatures  are  now  in  succession  being  adopted, 
in  favor  of  adhering  to  the  line  of  54°  40'.     If  the  ' 
British  Government  intend  to  make  a  proposition 
to  this  Government,  they  have  not  an  nour  to 
lose,  if  they  desire  a  peaceful  termination  of  the  j 
controversy.  [ 

Notwithstanding  all  you  may  hare  seen  in  the  ' 
public  papers,  the  notice,  unlee.'s  I  am  greatly  mis-  ! 
taken,  will  pass  Congress,  in  some  form  or  other, 
by  large  majorities  of  both  Houses,  as  well  ns  the 
other  measures  recommended  by  the  President.      | 

The  President  will  never  abandon  the  position  j 
he  has  taken  in  his  Message.    Clearly  convinced  '■ 
of  the  right  of  the  United  States  to  the  whole  ter-  ' 
ritory  in  dispute,  and  relieved,  by  the  refusal  of 
he  British  Government  to  accept  his  offer  of  com-  ' 
promise,  from  the  embarrassment  in  wlach  the  j 
acts  of  his  predecessors  had  placed  him,  he  would  I 
not  now  authorize  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  on 
that  basis.     But  the  Senate,  his  constitutional  ad- 
vi»ei!>,  are  now  in  session.     The  quc.'i'ion  of  pence 
or  war  may  be  involved  in  the  issue.     They  are 
a  branch  of  the  war-making  af  well  as  ot  the  treaty- 
making  power.     In  deferen'.c  to  the  Senute,  under 
these  circumstances,  he  would,  in  the  first  instance, 
feel  it  to  be  his  duty  to  submit  such  a  proposition 
for  thei  ■  previous  p.ivice.     It  is  manifest,  there- 
fore, t'lat  the  Brush  Government  should  ul  once 
present  their  uK'matum.    If  Mr.  Pnkenham  should 
offer  less,  in  tlie  hope  that,  having  thus  recom- 
menced the  negotiation,  he  mie;lit,  ii.  its  progress, 
induce  me  to  say  what  the  President  would  con- 
sent to  accept,  he  must  be  disappointed.     The 
President  will  accept  nothing  less  than  tlic  whole 
territory,  unless  the  Senate  should  otherwise  de-  i 
temiine.    The  only  question  which  he  will  decide  ; 
is,  whether  ihe  new  proposition,  should  any  such 
be  made,  be  of  a  character  to  justify  its  submission 
to  the  Senate  for  their  previous  advice.  ! 

Under  all  the  circumstances  by  which  vou  may  ! 
be  surrounded,  it  is  left  to  your  sound  discretion 
whether  any  such  communication  or  intimation  ■■' 
shall  be  macle  to  Lord  Aberdeen. 

Iam,&c.,  JAMKS  BUCHANAN. 

Louis  IVIcLane,  Esq.,  *c.,&c.,  &c. 

Mr.  McLant  to  Mr.  Bwhannn. — Kxtrael.  | 

[No.  34.]  London,  fcftninn/ 3,  1846.  ' 

Sin:         •  *  •  •  •  •  : 

Notwithstanding  these  difficulties,  I  still  enterUiin  I 

the  opinion  that  it  would  be  in  my  power,  without  [ 
any  improper  commitment  of  tne  President,  to 

lead  to  a  renewal  of  the  negotiation  by  this  Oov-  j 
ernment,  and  to  the  submission,  unless  another 

mode  would  be  more  de-sirable,  through  its  minister  ] 

at  Wanhington,  of  a  proposition  adopting  that  di-  ' 

reeled  by  the  President  on  the  13th  of  July  last,  I 


with  some  muuincations  not  inconsistent,  accord- 
ing to  the  sense  I  entertain  of  it,  with  our  national 
Jionor.  Of  this  I  should  feel  quite  certain,  if  I 
could  officially  know  tliot  the  proposition  would 
probably  be  acceptable  at  Washington;  and  I 
should  attempt  it  informally,  ond  upon  my  indi- 
vidual responsibility,  with  scarcely  less  confidence 
of  success,  if,  while  acting  in  that  way,  I  could 
encourage  a  liks  result. 

It  is  duo,  however,  to  my  own  position,  and  to 
those  with  whom  I  nm  brought  into  intercourse 
upon  this  subject,  to  state  that  the  opinions  I 
have  thus  expressed  are  not  founded  upon  any 
d'vect  communication  from  those  in  officini  station; 
Hit  are  rather  the  result  of  a  scries  of  fnits  and  in- 
ferences, entitled,  however,  in  my  judgment  at 
least,  to  not  less  weight, 

After  these  observations,  I  owe  it  more  particu- 
larly to  myself  to  state  that,  believing,  from  the 
history  of  our  previous  negotiations  as  to  the  Ore- 
»Mi  question,  that  it  may  now  be  sclllcd  upon  the 
uasis  of  compromise,  and  with  reference  to  inter- 
ests which  have  grown  up  during  the  joint  occupa- 
tion of  the  territory,  without  n  vinintion  of  any 
duty  which  a  public  man  owes  to  the  rights  and 
honor  of  his  country,  I  would  not  be  unwilling, 
taking  the  President's  proposition  of  the  12th  July 
as  a  basis,  to  urge  a  final  ndjualment  of  the  ques- 
tion according  to  th.rtt  proposition,  but  conceding 
to  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  a  continuance  of 
the  privileges  rf  joint  occupation,  including  the 
navigation  of  the  Columbia,  for  a  period  of  seven 
or  ten  years  Ir.nger;  and  I  hope  I  may  be  allowed 
to  add,  that  I  would  be  willing  to  assume  the  re- 
sponsibility of  a.ssenting  to  an  adjustment  by  ex- 
tending the  boundary  to  the  Pacific  by  the  49th 
pnmllel  and  the  Strait  of  Fuca,  with  free  ports  to 
both  nations;  or  by  extending  the  free  navigation 
of  the  Columbia  riverfor  a  longer  period,  prtivideii 
similar  advantages  upon  the  St.  Lawrence  could 
thercbv  be  secured  to  the  United  Slates. 

I  believe  that  upon  one  of  these  grounds,  per- 
haps upon  cither,  an  adjustment  niny  be  con- 
cluded; and  i,  have  a  strong  conviction  thai .' c 
mode  first  indicated  is  entirely  practicable. 

I  am,  however,  constrained  at  the  same  lime  to 
state,  from  all  that  has  come  to  my  knowledge 
here,  that  I  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  more 
favorable  terms  than  those  I  have  above  adverletl 
to  would,  under  any  circumstances,  be  consented 
to  by  this  Government. 

Mr.  BueA'>n(in  to  Mr.  McLane. — Extracts. 
[No.  23.]  Df.paktment  of  State, 

H'luAiiigfon,  Ffbniary  26,  1846. 

Sik:  Your  despatches  to  No.  34,  inclusive, have 
been  received,  and  l;iid  before  the  President. 

I  transmit,  herewith,  a  copy  of  my  answer,  un- 
der date  of  the  4th  instant,  to  Mr.  Pakenham's 
Inst  proposition  to  submit  the  Oregon  question  to 
arbitration. 

Independently  of  the  reason  pmniinently  pre- 
.scntrd  in  my  reply,  that  the  President  "  does  not 
'  believe  the  territorial  rights  of  this  nation  to  be  a 
'  proper  subject  for  arbitration,  '  there  are  other 
powerful  reasons  against  audi  a  cmir.«c,  which 
might  have  been  staled  had  it  been  deemed  proper 
in  a  communication  to  the  British  minister.  These 
you  ctm  u.se  as  occasion  may  require. 

In  the  first  place,  without  pretending  to  know 
the  opinions  of  individual  Senators,  1  hazard  but 
little  in  asserting  that  no  treaty  fo;  arbitration  could 
obtain  the  constitutional  majority  of  the  Senate 
necessary  to  its  ratification.  Several  of  the  Sen- 
ators who  might  assent  to  a  compromise  upon  the 
pniallel  of  forty-nine  degrees,  would  not  be  willing 
10  jeopard  liy  arbitration  the  pnaiession  of  the  har- 
bors on  Admiralty  Inlet  and  Pug«.''s  Sound  south 
of  that  parallel.  Indeed,  forcommenial  purposes, 
the  United  State?  might  almost  as  well  abandon  the 
whole  territory  as  consent  to  deprive  themselves 
of  these  h.irbors;  because,  south  of  them,  within 
its  limits,  no  good  harbor  exists.  The  rejection 
of  such  n  treaty  by  the  Senate  would  involve  the 
question  in  far  greater  embarrns.snients  than  exist 
at  present,  and  would  render  its  amicable  adjust- 
ment still  more  difficult. 

2.  But  even  if  such  a  treaty  v.'cre  now  ratified 
by  both  Powers,  the  process  towards  a  final  ter- 
mination of  the  controversy  would  be  exceedingly 
slow.  Experience  has  taught  us  this  truth.  The 
necessary  delay  in  selecting  the  arbitrators,  in  or- 


ganizing the  board,  in  submitting  the  proofs  and 
arguments  of  the  parties,  would  probably  postpone 
the  final  award  for  several  years.  Meanwhile  the 
tide  of  emigration  from  the  United  States  to  Ore- 
gon would  be  conitantly  swelling;  and  the  danger 
of  collisions  between  British  subjects  and  Ameri- 
can citizens  in  that  territory  would  bo  constantly 
increasing.  In  my  opinion,  in  order  to  secure  a 
peaceful,  there  must  be  a  prompt  settlement  of  this 
controversy.  There  never  was  a  question  in  which 
delay  wil!  jirove  more  dangerous. 

3.  I  shall  merely  advert  to  the  difficulty  of  select- 
ing suitable  arbitrators.  There  would  be  objec- 
tions to  any  of  the  sovereigns  of  Europe,  on  ac- 
count of  tlieir  intimate  connexion  with  Great 
Britain;  and  objections  equally  strong  against 
committing  such  vast  territorial  rights  to  the  ar- 
bitrament of  individuals. 

It  was  for  these  and  other  considerations  which 
might  be  stated,  that,  in  the  spirit  of  frankness  and 
friendship,  the  ii.  ention  of  the  President  to  decline 
the  proposition  of  arbitration,  should  it  be  offered, 
was  early  made  known  to  the  British  Government 
ill  unofficial  conversations  between  honl  Aberdeen 
and  yourself  at  London,  and  Mr.  Pakcnham  and 
myself  in  this  city.  That  Government  must  there- 
fore have  anti  "ipatcd  the  result  of  its  propositions 
to  arbitrate,  before  they  were  presented. 

It  appears  that  in  your  nte  -view  with  the  Earl 
of  Aberdeen,  on  the  29l!i  ult.mo,  his  Lordship 
complained  of  the  terms  and  'oanner  in  which  I 
had  declined  to  accept  Mr.  Pakenham's  first  prop- 
osition to  arbilmtc;  and  apprehended  that,  from 
'  the  nature  of  the  answer,  and  the  character  of  the 
'  recent  debate  in  the  House  of  Hepresentatives,  it 
>  would  be  difficult  to  prevent  the  conclusion  that 
'  the  President  had  determined  to  discourage  any 
'  new  proposition  on  the  basis  ofcompromi.se,  and 
'  to  concede  nothing  of  the  extreme  demand." 

The  view  of  this  subject  presented  by  you  to  his 
lordship  is  the  correct  one.  My  answer  was  not 
intended  either  to  encourage  or  to  discourage  a  re- 
newal of  the  negotiation.  The  President  has  at 
all  times  been  prepared  to  receive  and  to  treat  with 
the  utmost  respect  any  proposal  for  a  compromise 
which  mighteitianatefromtlie  British  Government. 
Wiiilst  he  has  not  deemed  it  proper  to  invite  such 
a  proposal,  he  has  ever  manifested  nn  anxious 
desire  :o  preserve  amicable  relations  wiil^jlrcat 
Briinin.  "To  accomplish  this  purpose  he  would 
sacrifice  every  consideration  except  the  national 
rights  and  the  national  honor.  Lord  Aberdeen  has 
drawn  an  inference  from  my  language,  of  which  it 
is  not,  in  my  opinion,  fairly  susceptible.  Of  this 
he  will  be  fiilly  sensible  upon  perusing  the  con- 
cluding paragraph  of  my  answer  to  the  second 
proposal  of  Mr.  Pakenham  for  arbiirnlion.  It  is 
there  declared  that  "  the  President  cordially  con- 
'  curs  with  the  ~  vernment  of  Great  Britain  in 
'  desiring  that  '  present  cnntrnveray  may  be  am- 
'  icably  adju  Of  this  he  has  givcii  the  strongest 

'  proof  before  ilic  whole  world.     He  believes  that, 

•  as  there  are  no  two  nations  on  the  earth  more 
'  closely  bound  togcthir  by  the  lies  of  commerce, 
'  so  there  me  none  who  iiughi  to  I  <■  more  able  or 
'  willing  to  do  each  other  justice,  without  theinter- 
'  position  of  any  miiilralor. " 

•  «  •    ,        »  »  » 

[This  omission  rdiiis  exclusively  to  a  portio  i  of 
a  previous  despaiih  ■>(  Mr.  McLnnc  iri.inve  to  a 
conversation  brtwt  i  n  lutn  an<l  Lord  Aberdeen  on 
the  subject  of  the  waililte  preparations  by  Great 
Britain.  Mr.  M(tLanc,  in  a  subsi  i|uent  di  spntch, 
states  that  the  Secretary  nf  .State  had  misunder- 
stood his  meaning,  and  therefore  the  p;ira!rri\ph, 
written  under  this  alleged  mistake,  i.s  n  it  commu- 
nicated, injustice  both  to  Lord  Abtrdcc  n  and  Mr. 
McLane,] 

You  strongly  express  the  opinion,  noiwithaland- 
ing  the  existing  difficulties,  "  that  it  would  be  in 
'  my  [your]  power,  without  any  improper  commit- 
'  mcnt  of  the  President,  to  lend  to  a  renewal  of  the 
'  negotiation  by  this  [the  British]  Go\  ■  nuncnt,  .md 
'  to  the  submission,  unless  another  nv  '..ould  be 
'  more  desirable,  through  its  ministii-.n  Washing- 
'  ton,  of  a  proposition  adopting  that  directed  by  the 

•  Presidenlon  the  12lh.Tuly  last,  with  mie  modifi- 
'  cations  not  inconsistent,  according  i     the  .sense  I 

•  [you]  enltrtnin  of  it,  with  onr  iiiuinnal  honor. 
'Of  this  I  [yon]  should  feel  quite  irriain.if  I  [you] 
'  could  officially  know  that  the  in. .position  would 
'  probably  be  acceptable  at  Wasliuigton." 


""•    'JWi..i|HJ|i|,)'WWP<l^jllHI.IIH|JUl|iui  I 


.HWi'^i'^"i|»  '  nmMi  m' 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


JlHtii 


1177 


29th  Cong 1st  Sess. 


The  Oregon  Question, 


Senate. 


The  cnncliiding  paragraph  of  my  deapatch  to 
you  of  the  39th  ultimo,  (No.  32,)  which  you  will 
have  received  aliortly  after  making  this  suggestion, 
is  perhaps  sufficient  to  indicate  the  course  which 
the  President  would  pursue,  in  case  such  an  nfler 
should  be  made  through  the  British  JMinister  at 
Wiishington. 

The  President,  since  the  date  of  his  message, 
has  seen  no  cause  tn  change  his  opinion  either  in 
regard  to  our  title  to  Oregon,  or  to  the  manner  in 
which  it  ought  to  be  asserted.  But  the  Federal 
Constitution  has  made  the  Senate,  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent, a  co-ordin-.ite  branch  of  the  trenty-making 
power.  Without  their  advice  and  consent,  no 
treaty  can  be  concluded.  This  power  could  not 
.^e  inti  listed  to  wiser  or  better  hands.  Besides,  in 
their  legislative  character  they  constitute  a  portion 
of  the  war-making,  as  in  their  executive  capacity 
they  compose  a  part  of  the  treaty-making  power. 
They  are  the  representatives  of  the  sovereign  States 
of  this  Union,  and  are  regarded  as  the  best  initcx 
of  the  opinion  of  their  constituents.  A  rejection 
of  the  British  ultimatum  might  probably  lead  to 
war;  and  as  a  branch  of  the  legislative  power,  it 
would  be  incumbent  upon  them  to  authorize  the 
necessary  preparations  to  render  th!«  war  success- 
ful. Under  tlieae  considerations,  the  Vresident,  ir 
deference  to  the  Senate,  and  to  the  tn;:  .iicory  of 
the  constit  ■ional  responsibilities  of  i  .e  different 
branches  of  the  Government,  will  fii-ego  his  own 
opinions,  so  far  as  to  submit  to  t'.iat  tody  any 
proposition  vhich  may  be  made  by  the  British 
Government,  iiot  in  his  Judgment  wholly  inconsist- 
ent with  the  ri,;hts  and  honor  of  the  country.  Nor 
is  'he  fact  to  be  disguised,  that,  from  the  speeches 
and  proceedings  in  the  Senate,  it  is  probable  that 
a  proposition  to  aojust  the  Oregon  question  on  the 
parallel  of  49  degrees  would  receive  tlieir  favorable 
consideration. 

But  it  is  necessary  to  be  more  explicit.  In  t  lur 
despatch,  you  have  presented  three  propositions, 
either  of  which  you  believe  the  British  Govern- 
ment would  be  willing  to  make  for  the  adjustment 
of  the  controversy;  and  you  express  "a  strong 
■  conviction  that  the  mode  first  indicated  is  cntire- 
'  ly  practicable."  The  first  would  offer  an  adjust- 
ment of  the  question  on  the  basis  of  the  President's 
proposition  of  the  12th  July  last;  "  but  conceding 
'  to  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  a  continuance  of 
'  the  privileges  of  joint  occupation,  including  the 
'  navigation  of  the  Columbia,  for  a  period  of  seven 
'  or  ten  years  longer."  The  proposition  made  by 
the  President,  to  which  you  refer,  was,  "that  the 
'  Oregon  Territory  shall  be  divided  between  the 
'  Iwi-  countries  Ijy  the  49il'  parnllel  of  north  Inli- 
'II'  ..om  the  Rocky  Mountains  to  the  Pacific 
'ccenn;  offering,  at  the  same  Mme.  lo  mnke  free 
'  to  Great  Britain  any  port  or  ports  on  Vancouvcr'a 
'  Island,  south  of  this  p'-.rnllcl,  which  the  British 
'  Govcniinent  may  dciirc.'" 

The  Piesident  woild  feel  no  hesitation  in  pre- 
senting to  the  Senat;,  for  their  previous  "advice 
and  consent,"  this-jroposition,  modified  according 
to  your  snggcslior. 

It  i.s  necessary,  i.-iwcvcr,  that  there  should  bo  a 
cleiii  understniming  of  'vliiil  is  meant  by  "n  coii- 
tinimnce  of  the  privilcg-s  of  joint  occupation." 
If  this  be  umlrrstood  ns  securing  to  the  Hud-snn's 
Bay  Company,  during  thr.t  limited  period,  no  more 
than  the  privilege  of  enjoying  all  their  existing 
establishments,  together  with  that  of  hunting,  fish- 
ing, and  trading  with  t!ie  Indians,  and  using  the 
harbors  and  rivers  south  of  ihe  parallel  of  49  de- 
grees, this  would  '.ot  prevent  the  President  from 
aubmittiiig  snch  i  proposition  to  the  Senate.  Of 
course,  siniilai  privileges  would  be  extended  to 
Amcricdii  cilii'jns  north  of  49  degrees,  if  there  be 
any  such  north  of  that  parallel,  wliich  is  doubtful. 
But  no  concession  cmild  be  made,  lo  this  company 
which  would,  in  the  meantime,  deprive  the  United 
Stales  of  the  power  to  establish  a  territorial  gov- 
ernment over  the  whole  country  south  of  49  de- 
grees, and  to  make  giants  of  land  south  of  this 
parallel.  The  President  cannot,  however,  antici- 
pate any  possible- change  of  circumsl '.nceA  which 
would  induce  him  to  submit  such  o  proposition,  if 
it  should  contain  a  surrender  tn  Great  Jiriiain  of 
the  perpetual  right  to  navigate  the  Columbia.  A 
grant  of  the  free  navigation  of  the  St.  Lawrence  to 
the  United  States  would  be  no  equivalent  for  such 
n  concession.  Indeed,  this  has  become  compara- 
tively voluelcis,  in  consequence  of  the  construc- 


tion of  the  railroads  and  canals  leading  to  the  har- 
bors of  New  York  and  Boston,  which  have 
rendered  these  the  great  channels  of  import  and 
export  for  the  region  within  the  United  States 
watered  by  the  St.  Lawrence  and  its  tributaries. 

The  President  is  desirous  so  to  adjust  the  Ore- 
gon question  as  not  to  leave  open  any  source  from 
which  might  proceed  new  difficulties  and  new  dan- 
gers, again  to  threaten  the  peace  of  the  two  coun- 
tries. If  the  free  navigation  of  the  Columbia  were 
granted  to  Great  Britain,  this  would  become  a  per- 
petual cause  of  strife  and  collision  between  the  citi- 
zens and  subjects  of  the  two  countries.  It  would 
be  almost  impossible,  by  any  vigilance  which  could 
be  exerted,  to  execute  their  respective  revenue 
laws  and  prevent  smuggling  on  either  side  of  the 
river.  Besides,  there  are  nexeral  portages  around 
the  falls  and  rapids  of  the  river  and  its  branches, 
the  use  of  which  would  be  necessary  to  the  enjoy- 
ment of  its  free  navigation.  This  would  introduce 
the  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  with  their  merchan- 
dise, into  the  heart  of  the  coun  ry.and  thus  "really 
increase  the  mischief  beyond  .vhut  it  would  be  if 
tliey  were  confined  to  the  chant  el  of  the  river.  To 
estimate  the  evils  which  would  attend  such  a  con- 
cession, we  liave  but  to  imagine  what  would  have 
been  the  consequences  had  Ihe  British  Govern- 
ment succeeded  in  securing  for  its  '  ubjects  the  free 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  from  its  source  to 
its  outlet  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

The  President  wC'Uld,  also,  consent,  though  with 
reluctance,  to  submit  to  the  Senate  the  second 
proposition  suggestjd  by  you,  dividing  the  terri- 
tory ill  dispute  between  the  two  countries,  "  by 
extending  the  boundary  to  the  Pacific  by  the  forty- 
ninth  parallel  and  ihe  Strait  of  Fuca,"  but  without 
the  superadded  words,  "  the  free  ports  to  both  na- 
tions." These  v/ords  are  indefinite,  and  hecannot 
infer  from  them  the  extent  of  your  meaning.  In 
case  the  first  proposition  to  which  you  refer  should 
be  made  by  tlie  British  Government,  the  President 
would  not  object  to  the  terms  of  his  offer  of  the 
12th  July  last,  "  to  make  free  to  Great  Britain 
'any  port  or  ports  on  V/incouver's  Island,  south 
'  of  this  parallel,  which  the  British  Government 
'  may  desire."  If  the  cap  of  this  island  should, 
however,  be  surrendered  to  Great  Britain,  as  would 
be  the  case  under  the  second  proposition,  then  he 
would  consider  tiie  question  iiv  regard  to  free  ports 
as  terminated.  1  need  not  enlarge  to  you  upon 
the  inconvenience,  not  to  say  impossibility,  under 
our  system  of  Government,  after  one  or  more  ! 
Slates  shall  have  been  established  in  Oregon,  (an  | 
event  not  far  dist.int,)  of  making  any  of  their  ports  | 
free  to  Great  Erilain,  or  any  other  nation.  Be- j 
sides,  our  system  of  drawbacks  secures  to  other  j 
nalic<':3  the  material  advantages  of  free  ports  with- 
out their  inconveniences. 

There  is  one  point  which  it  is  necessary  to  guard, 
whether  the  first  or  the  second  proposition  shouhl  1 
bo  submitted  by  the  British  Government.     The  ! 
Strait  of  Fuca  is  an  arm  of  the  sea,  and ,  under  the  i 
public  law,  idl  nations  would  possess  the  same  right  ; 
to  navigate  it  lliroughoutits  whole  extent,  ns  they  ! 
now  have  to  the  mivigation  of  the  liritish  channel.  1 
Still,  to  prevent  future  difficulties,  this  ought  to  be  | 
clearly  and  distinctly  understood.     It  is  rendered  ! 
the  more  necessary  when  we  recollect  that  the  [ 
Utissian  Government  not  ninny  years  ago  asserted  j 
a  claim  lo  the  exclu."iive  navigation  of  the  noithern 
Pacific  ocean  between  its  Asiatic  and  American  tpr- 
rilories,  on  the  principle  that  it  was  "  acl.ise  seu. " 

From'what  I  have  said,  you  will  perceive  that ! 
the  third  proposition  to  which  you  refer  will  not ! 
meet  the  approbation  of  the  President,  even  to  the 
extent  of  submitting  it  to  the  Senate. 

Thus  I  have  presented  a  frank  and  unreserved  ' 
exposition  of  Ihe  views  of  the  President  on  this  I 
important  subject.  To  what  extent  you  should  ; 
communicate  them  to  Lord  Alierdcen,  is  left  en- 1 
tirely  to  your  own  discretion.  The  President  relies 
with  implicit  confidence  on  your  sound  judgment,  | 
prudence,  and  patriotism. 

I  am,  sir,  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

JAMES  BUCHANAN.      ! 

Louis  McLane,  Esq.,  &c.,  i&c.,  &c.  i 

Mr.  Bitc/ittiian  to  Mr.  McLane. 

[No.  26.]         Department  or  State,  I 

lyaMnglon,  March  28,  1846.      j 

Sir:  Your  despatch.  No.  3S,  dated  on  the  3d,  i 

was  received  IhTs  21st  instant.  I 


My  despatch  No.  23,  of  the  26th  February  last, 
was  so  fiill  and  explicit  in  relation  to  the  Oregon 
question,  as  to  leave  nothing  for  me  to  say  upon 
that  subject,  except  merely  to  answer  some  orthe 
inquiries  contained  in  your  No.  35,  wliich  had  not 
been  anticipated. 

Y'.u  understand  Lord  Aberdeen  to  have  stated, 
thnt  if  no  sufficient  encouragement  to  renew  the 
negotiation  on  the  basis  of  compromis^should  be 
held  out  by  my  answer  to  the  laat  proposition  of 
the  British  Government  for  arbitration,  in  such  case 
one  of  the  alternatives  left  him  might  bo  to  offer  a 
proposition  through  yourself  to  this  Government. 
Should  the  contingency  occur,  his  lordshiji  may 
adopt  this  C'  se,  if  he  think  proper.  You  are 
authorized  U>  receive  and  transmit  to  this  depart- 
ment any  proposition  made  by  him,  but  in  no  event 
will  the  President  consent  to  transfer  the  negotia- 
tion to  London.  The  reasons  against  this  are,  in 
his  opinii.n,  conclusive,  and  wilF  readily  occur  lo 
your  own  mind. 

We  have  but  little  information  to  be  relied  upon 
in  regard  to  the  navigableness  of  the  Columbia 
river  and  its  branches  north  of  the  parallel  of  49 
degrees,  but  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  they 
are  navigable  for  boats  and  batteaus  of  a  few  tons 
burden.  We  understand  that  it  is  by  this  mode 
that  the  Hudson's  Bay  Comjiany  convey  furs  and 
other  articles  from  several  of  their  remote  stations 
to  their  general  depot  at  Port  Vancouver,  and  re- 
ceive their  supplies  from  thence. 

For  information  on  this  subject,  I  refer  you  to 
Senate  document  No.  39,  of  the  9d  session  of  the 
21st  Congress,  and  especially  to  the  repdrt  of 
Joshua  Pilcher  (a  highly  respectable  man)  lo  the 
Secretary  of  War,  (vol.  1,  January  25,  1831.) 
You  will  doubtless  find  this  volume  in  the  library 
of  your  legation;  but  lest  it  might  not  lie  there,  I 
shall  transcribe  a  few  sentences  from  that  report. 
He  says,  (page  10:)  "  I  set  out  from  Fort  Colville 
'  the  21  It  of  September,  1829,  in  company  with  six 
'  men  o '  the  post,  carrying  the  annual  express  or 
'  packet  across  the  continent.  Our  route  was  up  the 
'  main  iver  Columbia;  our  conveyance,  a  baiteau 
'  of  fou  ■  or  five  tons.  In  this  batteau  we  ascended 
'  the  ri  'cr  about  three  hundred  miles,  where  the 
'  river  divides  into  three  forks;  the  main  one  being 
'  still  navigable  to  its  head,  which  issues  from  a 
'  lake  in  the  Rocky  Mountains.  At  the  three  forks, 
■  which  is  called  the  Boat  Encampment,  because  it 
'  is  the  place  where  the  boats  are  left,  and  the  port- 
'  age  across  the  mountains  crn.imenced,  we  began 
'  our  overland  journey.  Wc  arrived  at  the  Boat 
'  Encampment  on  the  4tli  October,  and  remained 
'  there  until  the  2d  November,  waiting  for  thearri- 
'  val  of  u  party  from  Hudson's  Bay,"  &c.,&c, 
"  On  the  4th  we  set  out.  We  were  still  six  in 
'  company,  five  brides  myself,  all  on  horseback; 
'  ire  taking  the  horses  of  the  party  just  arrived,  and 
'  they  taking  the  batteau  in  which  wc  had  ascended 
'  the  river.  The  weather  was  still  mild,  no  appear- 
'  ance  of  ice,  and  the  river  reported  by  all  the  coni- 
'  pany  to  remain  open  the  winter  through,"  &c. 

In  the  second  volume  of  Cox's  "Columbia  Riv- 
er," chapter  viii,  pogc  162,  you  will  find  that  there 
are  a  number  of  portages  around  its  rapids. 
I  am,  &c., 

.TAMES  BUCHANAN. 

P.  S. — A  copy  of  the  Senate  document  from 
which  the  nbo\e  quotations  are  made  having  been 
procured,  it  is  herewith  transmitted. 

Jlfr.  Buchanan  to  Mr.  McLane. 
[No.  27.]  Department  of  State, 

fVttshington,  .Ipril  28,  1846. 

Sir:  Your  despatches  to  No.  38,  inclusive,  have 
been  duly  received. 

I  herewith  transmit  a  notice  for  the  abrogation 
of  the  convention  of  the  6th  August,  1827,  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  in  accordance 
with  the  terms  prescribed  in  its  second  article. 
This  paper  you  will  deliver  to  her  Britannic  Majes- 
ty in  person,  or  to  her  Majesty's  Principal  Secre- 
tary of  Stale  for  Foreign  Affairs,  after  you  shall 
have  ascertained  which  of  these  modes  of  pre- 
senting it  will  be  most  in  accordance  with  her 
Majesty 'swishes.  A  duplicate  of  ihe  sameis  trans- 
mitted, to  be  placed  on  file  in  the  archives  of  your 
legation. 

As  the  abrogation  of  ihis  convention  is  an  act  of 
an  important  and  solemn  character,  the  delivery  of 
the  notice  ought  to  be  attested  with  all  due  formal- 


i 


1178 


APPENDIX  Td  THE  OONGRElSSIONAL  GLOBB. 


29th  Cong Ist  Sess. 


The  Oregon,  Question. 


[August  8. 
Senate. 


ity.  The  mode  is  led  entirely  to  your  own  dis- 
cretion; but  I  would  suggest  tnat  it  might  be  made 
the  subject  of  a  protocol  In  triplicate— one  copy  of 
which  should  remain  with  the  British  Qovemment, 
another  with  the  legation  at  London,  and  the  third 
be  transmitted  to  this  department. 

In  the  remarks  which  you  may  have  occasion 
to  make  on  the  delivery  of  the  notice,  the  languaga 
of  the  preamble  to  the  "  joint  resolution  concern- 
ing the  OKgon  Territory"  must  necessarily  be 
vour  guide.    It  is  true  tnat  the  President  would 
nave  preferred  a  naked    resolution,  authorizing 
Iiim  to  give  the  notice;  and  he  believes  that  if  such  I 
a  resolution  had  been  adopted  by  Congress  during  ! 
the  month  of  December  Inst,  the  controversy  might 
have  been  adjusted,  both  more  speedily  and  on  , 
better  terms  for  the  United  States.    He  was  con-  i 
tent,  nevertheless,  with  the  resolution  as  it  origi-  ' 
nally  passed  the  House  of  Reprcseiitntives;  and  1 
in  the  form  finally  adopted,  he  considers  it  prefer-  j 
able  to  a  failure  of  the  mensurp.     However,  Con- 
gress have  spoken  their  will  upon  the  subject  in  ! 
their  joint  resolution,  and  to  this  it  is  his  and  your 
duly  to  conform. 

Upon  a  careful  review  of  my  despatch  to  you 
(No.  23)  of  the  26th  of  February  last,  the  Presi-  ! 
dent  finds  nothing  to  change.    It  will  still  contii.ue 
to  be  the  gui''.o  of  your  conduct.    In  that  despatch 
I  have  distinctly  declared  that  "  the  President  has,  . 
at  all  times,  been  prepared  to  receive  and  to  treat  | 
with  the  utmost  respect  any  proposal  for  a  com-  | 
promise  of  the  Oregon  questiuii  which  might  em-  i 
anate  from  the  British  Government.     Whilst  he 
has  not  deemed  it  proper  to  invite  such  a  proposul, 
he  has  ever  manifested  an  anxious  desire  to  prC' 
servo    omicable    relations   with    C 
These  sentiments  of  the  President  you  may  com- 
municate   to  Lord  Aberdeen  on  delivering   tlie 
notice. 

In  the  present  slate  of  the  negotiation,  it  is  clear 
that,  "  in  the  adoption  of  all  proper  measures  for  a 
speedy  and  amicable  adjustment  of  the  dlflercnces 
and  disputes  in  regard  to  said  territory,"  the  first 
proposal  ought  to  proceed  from  the  British  Gov- 
ernment. It  Is  deemed  unnecessary  to  enforce  so 
plain  a  proposition  by  arguments,  as  these  will 
readily  occur  to  your  own  mind  should  tills  be- 
come a  question;  which,  however,  ainnot  be  an- 
ticipated. I  am,  sir,  respectfully,  your  obedient 
servant,  JAMES  BUCHAjSAN. 

LoDin  McL^NC,  Esq.,  &c.,dE,c.,&c. 


tional  jurisdictions,  dangerous  to  the  cherished 
peace  and  good  understanding  of  the  two  coun- 
tries: 

*'  Wilhaa  view,  therefore,  that  steps  be  taken 
for  the  abrogation  of  the  said  convention  of  the 
sixth  of  August,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
twenty-seven,  in  the  mode  prescribed  in  its  second 
article,  and  that  the  attention  of  the  Governments 
of  both  countries  may  be  the  more  earnestly  di- 
rected to  the  adoption  of  all  proper  measures  for.a 
speedy  and  amicable  adjustment  of  tliexlilTcrences 
and  disputes  in  regard  to  the  said  territory; 

"  Reiolred  hij  the  Senate  ami  Ho\ue  of  Reprtttnla- 
tires  nf  the  United  Slalea  of  .Imerica  in  Congrta 
assembled,  That  the  President  of  Ihe  United  Slates 
be,  and  he  is  hereby,  authorized,  at  his  discretion, 
to  give  to  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  the 
notice  required  by  the  second  article  of  the  said 
convention  of  the  sixth  of  August,  eighteen  hun- 
dred and  twenty-seven,  for  the  abrogation  of  the 
same." 

Jlpproved  .3pHl  27, 1846. 

Now,  therefore,  after  a  careful  consideration  of 
the  premises,  I,  James  K.  Polk,  President  of  the 
I  United  States,  in  the  exercise  of  the  authority  and 
discretion  vested  in  me  by  Ihe  said  "  joint  resolu- 
:  lion  concerning  the  Oregon  Territory,"  and  in  pur- 
!  suance  of  the  second  article  of  the  convention  of 
■  the  6th  of  August,  1837,  therein  mentioned,  do 
j  hereby,  in  behalf  of  the  United  States,  give  notice 
I  to  her  Majesty  the  Queen  of  the  United  Kingdom 
I  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  that  at  the  end  of 
[  twelve  months  from  and  after  the  delivery  of  these 
'  presents  by  the  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Mlnis- 
ri     V  n  •,  •'    "  ''  ter  flenlpotenliary  of  the  United  Slates  at  London 
GreM    Uritain.     ;,  ,^  ^^^^  Britannic  Majesty,  or  her  Majesty's  Prin- 
cipal Secretary  of  Slate  for  Forclsrn  Artairs,  the 
said  convention  shall  be  entirely  annulled  and  ab- 
rosated . 

In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  caused  the  seal  of 

the  United  Slates  to  be  hereunto  affixed. 

*  Given  undermy  hand  at  the  city  of  Wash- 

[l.  8.]  inglon,  this  twenty  eighth  day  of  April, 

A.  D.  1846,  and  of  the  independence  of 

the  said  States  the  seventieth. 

JAMES  K.  POLK. 
By  the  President: 

Jamks  Buchanan,  Secretary  of  Slate. 


To  her  Majesty  YiCToniA,  Queenofthe  United  King- 
dom of  Great  Britain  and  Irelantl,  f(e., Sfe.,tfc. 
Whereas   the   Congress  of  Ihe  United   States 

have  adopted  a  "joint  resolution  conferning  the 

Oregon  Territory,"  of  which  the  following  is  a 

copy  ~ 


Jt/r.  lituhanan  to  Mr.  MclAint, 
[No.  33. J  Department  of  State, 

Washinglon,  June  6,  1846. 
Sih:  I  transmit  to  you,  herewith,  a  copy  of  Ihe 
prnjet  of  a  convention  delivered  to  nie  by  Mr.  Pa- 
kenliam  this  morning,  for  Ihe  adjustment  of  Ihe 
Oregon  question,  together  with  a  copy  of  the  pro- 
tocol of  the  procccdine.  This  being  the  regular 
;  I  day  ff  r  the  meeting  of  the  Cjibinel,  the  sulijeet  was 


JOINT  RESOLlTTIONcoiicemini!  the  Orcf-nn  Torritory.  1;  brought  before  ihcm  by  the  President.     The  result 

was  a  determination  on  his  part  to  submit  the  pro- 
jet  to  the  Senate  for  their  previous  advice.  This 
will  be  done  as  soon  as  the  proper  message  can  be 


'  Whereas,   by  the  convention  concluded    the  | 
twentieth  day  of  October,  eighteen  hundred  and  ' 
eia;'itcen,  between  the  UnilOT  States  of  America 
and  the  King  of  the  United  Kingdom  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  for  the  period  of  ten  years,  1 
and  afterwards  indefinilcly  extended  ami  continued 
in  force  by  another  convention  of  the  same  parlit.s, 
concluded  the  sixth  day  of  August,  in  the  year  of  , 
our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  twenty-  ', 
seven,  it  was  agreed  that  any  country  that  may  oe  | 
claimed  by  either  party  on  the  northwest  coa.  \.  of 
America,  westward  of  the  Sumy  or  Uc''"  Moun- 
tains, now  commonly  called  the  O"         ■    rrltnry,  ) 
should,  togetlier  with  Its  harbors,  uciys,  e.id  creeks,  ; 
and  the  navigation  of  all  rivers  witiiln  the  same, 
be  'free  and  o|ien'  to  the  vessels,  citizens,  and  j 
BubjecUi  of  the  two  Powers,  but  without  prejudice 
to  any  claim  which  either  of  the  parties  might  ; 
have  to  any  part  of  said  country;  and  with  this 
further  provision,  in  the  second  article  of  the  said 
convention  of  the  sirlh  of  August,  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  twenty-seven,  that  either  party 
might  abrogate  and  annul  said  convention  on  giv- 
ing duo  notice  of  twelve  mouths  to  the  other  con-  I 
trading  |Mirty:  | 

"  And  whereas  it  has  now  become  desirable 
that  the  respective  claims  of  Ihe  Unityd  Sutles  and 
Great  Britain  should  be  definitively  settled;  and 
thai  said  territory  iiay,  no  longer  lluiii  need  be, 
remain  subject  to  the  evil  consequences  of  ihe  di- 
vided tillegiancR  of  its  American  and  British  pop- 
ulation, and  of  tha  confusion  and  conflict  or  na- 


prepared,  and  Ihe  necessary  papers  copied. 
I  am,  &<■., 

JAMES  BUCHANAN. 
LoL'iB  McLane,  Esq.,  &c.,&c.,  &c. 

I  Mr.  Buchanan  to  Mr,  McLane. 

[No.  34.]  Department  of  State, 

W'o.»fci)iglon,  June  13,  1846. 
Sir;  The  Presidentcommuninaled  totheSen,.tc, 
on  the  10th  Instant,  a  confidential  messoge,  of 
which  I  transmit  you  a  copy,  asking  their  previ- 
ous advice  in  regard  to  the  projet  of  a  convention 
for  the  niljuaiinent  of  the  Oregon  question,  deliv- 
ered to  me  by  Mr.  Pakenham  on  the  6lh  Inslanl. 

On  yesterday  Ihe  Senate  adopted  the  following 
resoliilinn: 

I  "  Resolreil,  {two-third.s  of  the  Senators  present 
concurrii..;,)That  the  President  of  the  United  States 
be,  and  he  Is  hereby,  advised  lo  arrept  Ihe  propo- 
sal of  the  Hritiflh  Government  accompanying  his 
message  lo  the  Senate,  dated  lOlh  June,  1846,  for 

!  a  convention    lo  settle  bnunclnrirs,  &c.,  between 

■  the  United  Slates  and  Gretil  Britain,  west  of  the 
:  Rocky  or  Stony  Mountains." 

;      The  vote  of  Ihe  Senate  stood  37  to  19. 

1      I  have  learned  from  the  best  sources  that  the 

:  Senate  gave  this  ndvio!  under  the  conviction  that, 

■  by  the  true  construction  of  the  second  article  of  the 
'  projet,  the  right  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company 


to  navigate  the  Columbia  would  expire  with  the 
termination  of  their  preaent  license  to  trade  with 
the  Indians,  &c,,  on  the  northwest  coakt  of  Ameri- 
ca, on  the  SOlh  May,  18.59.  In  a  conversation  with 
Mr.  Pakenham  to-day,  I  communicated  tills  fact  to 
him,  and  requested  him  to  state  it  in  his  despatch 
to  Lord  Aberdeen. 

The  treaty  will  be  signed  and  s«nt  to  the  Senate 
on  Monday  next,  and  it  is  more  than  probable 
that  they  will,  in  some  form  or  other,  place  upon 
their  records  their  understanding  of  its  true  con- 
struction in  this  particular. 

I  am,  &c.,  JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

Lovii  McLane,  Esq.,&c.,  &c.,  &c. 

Mr.  Buchanan  to  Mr.  McLane. 
[No.  36.]  Department  of  State, 

Wttshinginn,  June  22,  1846. 

Sir:  The  Senate  having  given  its  constitutional 
advice  and  consent  to  tne  treaty  concluded  on 
the  15th  instant  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain  for  the  adjustment  of  the  Oregon 
question,  the  President  has  ratified  it  on  the  part 
of  the  Government  of  the  United  Stales,  and  I  now 
transmit  to  you  the  American  ratification,  to  be 
exchanged  against  that  of  her  Britannic  Majesty. 
You  will,  accordingly,  upon  the  receipt  of  this 
despatch.  Inform  her  IVIajesty 's  Principal  Secretory 
of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs  that  the  treaty  has  been 
ratified  on  our  part,  and  that  you  are,  as  you  will 
perceive  by  the  special  power  which  is  herewith 
enclosed,  authorized  to  exchange  the  ratifications 
with  such  person  as  may  be  duly  empowered  fur 
that  purpose  on  the  part  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment. As  no  difficulty  or  delay  in  this  oxchonge 
is  anticipated.  General  Armstrong,  who  carries  out 
the  treaty,  has  been  instructed  to  wait  for,  and 
take  charge  of,  the  English  ratification,  if,  in  your 
opinion,  thci-e  is  a  prospect  of  its  being  obtained  iu 
time  to  be  forwarded  by  tiie  steamer  of  the  19th 
July.  Should  the  exchange  copy  not  be  received 
until  after  that  date,  you  will  either  avail  yourself 
of  some  safe  private  conveyance  to  forward  it  to 
this  country,  or  to  send  it  to  General  Armstrong, 
at  Liverpool,  for  transmission. 

I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  ser- 
vant, JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

Lama  McLane,  Esq.,  &c.,  &c.,  &c. 

Lord  Jlberdeen  to  Mr.  MclAtnt. 

FoHEioN  Office,  May  22,  1846. 

The  undersigned,  her  Mojesty 's  Principal  Secre- 
tory of  State  for  Foreign  Allairs,  has  had  the  honor 
to  receive  the  note  of  Mr.  McLane,  Envoy  Extra- 
ordinary and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  of  America,  dated  the  20lh  and  delivered 
in  on  the  21st  instant,  enclosing  a  document,  dated 
the  28ih  day  of  Anril,  signed  by  the  President  of 
the  United  States' of  America,  and  countersigned 
by  the  Secretory  of  State,  in  which,  after  reciting 
a  joint  resolution  concerning  the  Oregon  Territory 
which  hos  been  adopted  by  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  Ihe  President,  In  conformity  with 
the  terms  of  thai  resolution,  gives  to  iier  Britannic 
Majesty's  Government  the  notice  reouired  by  the 
second  article  of  the  convention  of  the  Cih  of  Au- 
gust, 1827,  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
Stoles,  for  the  abrogation  of  the  same. 

The  undersigned  acknowledges,  accordingly,  on 
the  part  of  her  Majesty's  Government,  the  receipt 
of  llie  said  notice;  ana  declares  that,  in  conform- 
ity with  its  tenor,  her  Majesty's  Government  will 
consider  the  convention  of  the'6th  of  August,  1827, 
abrogated  accordingly  from  the  21st  day  of  May, 

The  undersigned  has  the  honor  to  renew  to  Mr. 
McLiuie  the  assurances  of  his  high  consideration. 
ABERDEEN. 
Louis  McLane,  Esq.,  &c.,  &c.,  &c. 


ADDRESS 

OF 

HON.  WILLIAM  H.  HAYWOOD,  JR., 

•  TO 

THE  PEOPLE  OP  NORTH  CAROLINA. 
I  HAVE,  never  appeared  before  the  public,  by 
myself  or  otherwise,  to  write  down  an  accusation 
against  me,  but  Imvt  aitherto  ,.»<osen  to  Sear  un- 
just rebuke  In  silence,  and  rely  upo.-'  time,  and  my 
manner  of  life,  to  consign  to  oblivion  'he  whisper- 
ings of  the  envious  and  the  calumnies  o'  the  molig- 


■uwi'BMy.T^N^^f* 


1846.] 


=6!?= 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRf^SSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1179 


re. 

itli  tho 
with 
Ameri- 
>n  with 
fact  to 
ispatcli 

Senate 
obabla 
upon 
le  con- 


29th  Cong tsT  Skss. 


Hon.  W.  H.  HaytoooiPt  Address. 


Senate. 


nunt.  I  do  not  aRiect  to  conceal,  that  a  departure 
from  thia  rule  gives  me  much  pain;  ey^  I  am  |)er- 
■uaded,  that  if  many  of  my  friends  did  not  think 
that  it  is  a  duty  I  owe  tn  the  people  not  to  remain 
silent  under  the  recent  censure  of  frenzied  partisans, 
I  should  leave  it,  as  far  as  it  concerns  nie,  to  my 
known  character,  and  the  self-denying  act  which 
has  provoked  it,  to  vindicate  the  patriotism  and 
purity  of  my  motives;  reposing  confidently  upon 
the  discernment  and  judgment  of  an  intelligent 
puUic,  in  view  of  the  simple  facts  as  they  occur- 
red; and  not  doubting,  that  so  soon  as  tlie  occasion 
had  passed  by,  and  there  was  no  longer  a  neces- 
sity for  overawing  others,  who,  it  might  have 
been  supposed,  were  more  timid  in  their  purpose, 
and  no  chance  to  deceive  the  people  at  the  North 
Carolina  elections,  by  unscrupulous  libels  against 
me,  my  assailants  would  cease  from  tiieir  "  dirty 
work,  and  bad  men,  who  measure  the  motives 
of  the  virtuous  by  a  standard  of  morals  which  vice 
lias  erected  in  iheir  own  bosoms,  would  go  hunt- 
ing after  some  ftvsh  victim  to  grolify  their  ignoble 
malice.  But  I  ctme  before  you  at  this  time  to 
speak  of  myself,  n^t  of  others,  and  to  defend  my 
own  faithfulness,  n  it  tn  expose  their  designs;  and  I 
think  myself  hap;jy  that  I  have  the  honest  people 
of  North  Caroli-.ia  to  judge  my  cause,  I  invoke 
no  sympathy,  1  ask  no  compassion,  and  '  thank 
Go:!  !  ;..^u  them  not.  But  with  the  proud  con- 
sciousness of  one  who  has  dared  to  do  liis  duly  as 
a  servant  of  the  Republic,  amidst  dangers  and  trials 
such  as,  I  trust,  are  not  to  grow  common  in  our 
Government,  I  stand  before  you  to  lay  claim  to 
the  confidence,  respect,  and  approbation  of  all  good 

,  men,  more  especially  of  those  belonging  to  the 
Democratic  party.  I  feel  and  know  this  day,  and 
I  will  prove  even  to  my  enemies,  that  in  my  sta- 
tion as  L  Senator,  and  in  retiring  from  it,  I  incur- 
red no  guilt — I  deceived  no  one — I  betrayed  no 
party — 1  made  no  sacrifice  of  your  interests,  and 
no  surrender  of  your  rights, — none  at  all,  directly 
nor  indirectly.  And  they  who  have  charged  the 
contrary,  with  all  who,  from  any  motive,  personal 
or  political,  have  ^iven  to  it  their  aid  aiui  counte- 
nance, did  "  bear  false  witness." 

It  is  true,  that  on  the  25th  of  July,  a  few  mo- 
ments before  the  vote  was  expected  to  have  been 
taken  on  the  new  tariff  bill  of  1846,  (improperly 
called  "iVlcKoy'a  bill,")  I  resigned  my  seat  as  a 
Senator  in  Congress,  into  the  hands  of  North 
Ciiroliiia,  to  whom  it  belonged;  believing  that  it 
was  my  duty  to  do  it,  sooner  than  cast  my  vote 
against  my  own  conscience,  for  a  law  that  I  could 
not  approve,  and  knowinfr  that  it  was  my  perfect 
light  to  do  it,  and  that  1  would  be  but  exercising 
that  right  in  precise  accordance  with  the  last  writ- 
ten doctrine  of  the  Legislature  and  of  the  party 
who  elected  me.  In  this  only  have  I  offended; 
and  in  manly  sincerity,  but  with  that  plainness  of 
speech  whioli  the  humblest  man  in  the  commu- 
nity will  be  able  to  understand  for  himself,  I  pro- 
ceed to  lay  before  you  my  explanation. 

The  subject  of  the  tariif,  and  the  sy.stcm  of  laws 
by  which  taxes  are  iinposed  and  collected  for  the 
use  of  the  General  Government  throughout  the 
Union,  is  one  of  deep  imtmrlance,  but  of  much 
intricacy  and  great  difliculty  in  its  judicious  ar- 

.  rangenient.  Soon  after  taking  my  seat  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  Swtcs,  (in  December,  1843,) 
I  for  one  felt  what  any  man  when  he  first  goes 
into  Congress  directly  from  private  life  will  be  apt 
to  experience,  and  that  was,  a  lack  of  necessary 
knowledge  and  information  upon  it.  With. an 
ambition  to  learn  my  duty  as  a  legislator  for  this 
greot  Republic,  and  a  fixed  determination  to  pur- 
sue it  afterwards,  I  immediately  gave  my  wnole 
mind  to  the  study  and  consideration  of  this  tariff 
system,  well  knowing  that  upon  it  depended,  in  a 
good  degro(\,  the  chief  operations  in  commerce, 
agriculture,  and  manufactures,  in  tho  other  Slates 
as  well  as  ours.  During  the  first  session  of  last 
Congress,  and  after  having  devoted  nearly  all  of 
my  time  for  some  months  ta  this  study,  I  hoped 
I  had  made  myself  qualified,  and  my  political  asso- 
ciates believed  mc  fit,  to  be  consulted  and  counsel- 
led with,  in  our  united  efforts  to  arrange  a  tariff 
with  justice  to  all  sections,  and  with  entire  safety 
to  the  business,  prosperity,  harmony,  peace,  and 
independence  of  the  Union.  To  admit  that  this 
could  not  be  d(ne,  was  to  declare  that  the  Union 
cannot  be  preserved,  and  the  cause  of  free  govern- 
ment hod  failed. 


The  Democratic  Senators  in  particular,  concurring 
as  we  did  thfcn,  and  do  now,  with  a  flew  excep- 
tions at  the  North,  in  a  sentiment  of  opposition  to 
the  tariff  of  1843,  desired  to  see  it  changed.  That 
act  was  believed  to  be  extreme  in  its  protective 
character,  and  therefore  unequal  and  unsatisfac- 
tory to  large  sections  of  the  Union;  and  our  aim 
was,  to  modify  it  by  the  nearest  possible  approach 
to  that  happy  mean  betwech  the  extreme  opinions 
of  such  as  demand  a  total  abandonment  of  all  pro- 
teclion  on  oae  hand,  and  of  those  who  insist  upon 

Krotection  as  a  primary  object,  on  the  other.  I 
ave  no  doubt  that  this  is  the  only  foundation 
upon  which  wise  and  just  legislation  can  be  ba&cd, 
when  interests  really  conflicting  are  to  be  affected 
by  the  action  of  the  General  Government,  Con- 
ferences with  each  other,  and  with  the  chairman  of 
the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  [Mr.  McKay,]  were  frequently 
held,  as  to  the  best  mode  of  altering  and  reform- 
ing the  tariff  o(  1843.  The  more  eminent  men  of 
the  Democratic  party  in  the  Senate,  and  leading 
statesmen  from  dfifferent  sertions  of  the  Union  in 
Congress,  took  part  in  the  deliberations  and  inves- 
tigations which  preceded  and  accompanied  the 
formation  of  what  was  then  called  and  known  as 
"McKay's  Bill  and  Report," viz:  in  March,  1844. 
In  the  councils  whence  that  bill  proceeded,  I  had 
the  honor  to  be  admitted  as  an  humble  and  unpre- 
tending participator,  so  that  I  knew,  and  it  cannot 
be  denied,  that  quite  all  the  Democratic  Senators 
from  the  South  and  West,  and  very  nearly  every 
one  from  the  North  and  East,  assented  to  or  ac- 
quiesced in  it.  It  formed  a  subject  of  congratula- 
tion, I  remember,  amongst  the  members  of  the 
party  from  all  sections  at  that  time,  (1844,)  that 
the  opinions  and  views  of  Democrats  in  the  Na- 
tional Councils  had  been  thus  brought  to  harmonize 
in  what  was  thought  to  be  a  reasonable,  prudent, 
practical,  mensw"  of  legislation  upon  this  subject, 
which  seemed  .-ivcly  to  put  at  rest  and  settle  the 
tariff  dispute.  Unfortunately,  it  did  not  pass  the 
House  "f  Representatives:  I  will  not  stop  to  state 
tho  caiisf.  But  notwithstanding  its  temporary 
defeat  in  that  body,  the  Demncratic  party  at  '^•ice 
put  themselves  before  the  people  of  the  Union  j)  'ii 
that  bill  as  a  common  platform,  and  it  was  promul- 
gated as  their  proposed  scheme  of  reforming  the 
toriff  act  of  1842.  "  McKay's  Report"  of  1844 
was  published  and  sent  forth  as  the  true  and  au- 
thentic interpretation  of  their  views  in  regard  to 
the  change  we  were  afterwards  to  insist  upon.  So 
I  understood  it  at  the  time,  and  ever  since,  and  so 
have  I  constantly  declared.  The  bill  was  named 
after  its  author  and  advocate,  [Mr.  McKay,]  a 
statesman  of  North  Carolina — a  Southern  man 
and  a  Democrat.  My  own  opinions  in  its  favor 
were  freely  expressed  in  nil  my  intercourse  with 
you,  and  they  were  not  unknown  in  any  quarter. 
The  Democratic  press  in  North  Carolina,  without 
exception,  applauded  it.  The  Democratic  party 
zealously  approved  of  it  throughout  our  limits,  if 
there  was  a  single  one  of,  them  who  did  not,  I  am 
yet  to  learn  the  fact.  Hnndreils,  if  not  thousands, 
of  the  other  party  in  our  Suite,  gave  their  approving 
voice  in  its  favor.  Our  elections  in  1844  and  in 
184.'),  all  of  them,  were  conducted  upon  that  basis, 
so  far  as  the  tariff  question  entered  into  them  at 
all.  Every  intelligent  man  in  the  nation  knows 
the  fact,  that  the  full  elections  of  1844,  and  those 
in  the  spring  of  1845,  throughout  the  United  States, 
for  members  to  the  present  Congress,  were  carried 
on,  if  not  upon  the  same  basis,  with  a  knowledge 
of  that  bill  and  report.  The  North  saw  in  it  a 
pledge  of  the  Sowlh  and  West,  that  we  did  not 
mean  to  oppress  and  break  down  the  labor  and  in- 
dustry of  the  North  and  East.  The  South  saw  in 
it  a  reasonable  concession  to  their  demand  for  prac- 
tical free  trade.  The  people  everywhere  saw  in  it 
the  hope  for  moderate  legislation,  and  the  prospect 
nf  a  permanent  arrangement  of  a  question  that  had 
been  ngitoting  the  nation  fora  quarter  of  a  century; 
and  if  your  memory  still  serves  you  with  a  recol- 
lection of  any  of  the  speeches  of  our  candidates 
for  the  last  Legislature  or  the  present  Congress, 
made  in  North  Carolina,  only  a  year  ago,  I  beg  to 
know  whether  it  was  not  uniformly  proclaimed, 
thot  all  true  Democrats  were  going  in  favor  of 
"  McKay's  BiH"of  1844!  Bear  in  mind,  that  the 
"  McKay  Bill"  of  1844  and  the  McKay  Bill  of 
184C7  agree  in  nothing  but  the  name,  as  I  will  show 
you  hereafter. 


And  what,  let  me  ask,  was  the  result  of  all  this? 
In  the  North,  as  well  as  in  the  South  and  Weit,  the 
elections  to  the  present  Congress  ended  favorably 
to  the  Democratic  party.  A  Democratic  mi\jority 
of  more  than  sixty  were  returned  to  the  House  of 
Representatives.  The  same  party  held  a  majority 
in  the  Senate,  And  a  Democratic  President,  nom- 
inated after  the  "McKay  Bill"  of  1844  had  been 
framed  and  approved  by  the  party,  was  elected  by 
the  votes  of  States  in  the  North  as  well  as  the  South ; 
a  southern  and  Western  President,  whom  we  could 
not  have  elected  without  the  votes  of  Northern 
States.  Of  course  I  cannot  undertake  to  affirm,  as 
a  fact,  that  the  Northern  States,  which  voted  for 
the  Democrotic  parly,  were  induced  to  do  it  by 
McKay'sbillandreponof  1844.  ButihisI  know, 
and  will  say,  that  it  was  put  forth  as  a  political 
peace-offering  upon  the  tariff,  and  that  the  North- 
ern people  at  once  rallied  to  the  support  of  the 
party,  in  numbers  largely  beyond  those  which  had 
theretofore  supported  it;  ond  that  it  was  expected 
by  us  when  that  offering  was  made,  that  it  would 
conciliate  the  Northern  Democrats;  and  I  have  no 
doubt  that  it  enlisted  the  support  of  thousands  who 
would  not  have  sustained  the  party  without  it. 
Now,  then,  I  put  it  to  the  conscience  of  the  people 
of  North  Carolina,  who  I  know  love  all  their  coun- 
try— North,  South,  East,  and  West — whether, 
under  such  circumstances,  I  was  bound  to  violate 
my  sense  of  duty,  and,  contrary  alike  to  this  party 
pledge  and  to  my  own  sober  judgment  as  a  Senator, 
to  assent  to  an  act  which  violated, out  and  out,  the 
"  McKay  Bill"of  1841,  when  there  was  no  public 
emergency  to  require  it,  and  no  national  exigency 
to  excuse  it,  and  that,  wheti  I  did  most  confidently 
believe  that  the  new  tariff  act  of  the  present  Con- 
gress was,  in  itself,  unwise,  and  fkill  of  mischief  to 
the  Republic  ?  Was  it  my  duly  to  you,  or  to  the 
Democratic  parly  of  North  Carolina,  to  have  done 
that?  And  had  I  no  right  to  resign  and  retire  from 
it  ?    Was  I  bound  to  hold  on  to  my  office,  and  put 

I  up  the  pretended  excuse  that  the  Democrats  of 
North  Carolina  had  changed  their  minds,  anil  ii- 
pu'l-  Med  "  McKay's  Bill"  of  1844,  for  a  new  and 
different  measure  in  1846;  or  that  the  people  de- 
ir'-d  me  to  pass  the  latter,  when,  forsooth,  I  did 
not  know  the  fact  to  be  so,  and  in  my  heart  I  did 
not  believe  it?  So  far  from  its  being  the  case,  I 
more  than  doubt  whether  thousands  of  you  have 
not  taken  it  for  granted,  or  been  led  to  believe, 
down  to  this  day,  that  t|je  "  McKay  bill"  of  1844 
was  the  same  thing  that  is  called  so  in  1846;  whereas 
the;' are  n.s  different  as  light  is  from  darkness.  No, 
my' constituents  never  required  such  a  thing  of 
me. 

Believe  me,  I  do  not  mean  to  bring  into  question 
the  course  of  other  Democratic  Senators  who  con- 
demned the  act,  and  yet  gave  it  their  vote.  It  is 
my  right  to  state  thai  there  were  not  a  few  of  themi 
who  did  that.  Neither  do  I  mean  by  this  to  assail 
my  friend,  Mr.  McKay.  Far  from  it.  They  are 
my  friends  personally  and  politically,  and  in  taking 
a  different  view  of  their  duty,  they  did  me  no 
wrong;  and  in  defending  my  own  conduct,  I  intend 
not  to  arraign  theirs.  Whilst  I  have  pursued  the 
light  of  my  conscience,  they  have  followed  theirs. 
Ill  questions  of  conscience,  it  must  be  conceded 
that  QoD  is  the  judge,  and  every  man  must  stond 
or  fall  according  as  each  believes  for  himself.  So 
that  not  unfrequenlly  there  are  cases  where  men 
in  the  same  circumstances  may  act  differently,  and 
yet  both  be  guiltless. 

But  what  I  have  said  upon  the  history  and  pur- 
pose of  the  "  McKay  bill"  of  184.4,  did  not  form 
all  of  my  objection  to  the  new  tariff  of  1846,  im- 

r  properly  named  "McKay's  Bill;"  and  which  I 
shall,  for  the  sake  of  discrimination,  more  properly 

I  call  the  "  Experimental  Tariff," 

My  opinions  shall  be  laid  before  you  without 
disguise,  and  you  shall  see  whether,  when  taken 
in  connexion  with  an  unnecessary  ar^d  improper 

I  abandonment  of  the  real  McKay  Bill  of  1844,  they 

I  do  not  show,  thai  in  my  hostilily  to  the  Experi- 
mental Tariff,  I  was  faithful  to  you  and  my  coun- 

;  try,  and  true  to  myself  and  my  parly. 

j      Poriunately  for  me,  those  opinions,  so  far  as  they 

I  looked  forward  to  its  ultimate  consequences,  on  the 
harmony  of  the  parly,  or  the  welfare  of  the  Re- 

I  public,  I  am  no  longer  under  the  necessity  of  aup- 

I  porting  by  labored  aigumenU.     For  good  or  evil, 
the  law  has  passed.     If  it  should  be  repealed  or 

I  modified  at  the  next  session,  that  will  be  of  itaelf 


1180 


apps:ndix  to  tiu:  gonoressional  globe. 


[August  10, 


29th  Cofio IsT  Sess. 

_jb 


//cm.  fV.  H.  HaywoocPi  Address. 


Senate. 


a  complete  vindication  of  my  oppoiiti""  'o  it  nt  the 
preMnl.  If  it  should  be  permitieil  lo  .emain  in 
force  in  the  form  that  I  wni  required  tu  vote  upon 
it,  then  time  will  aoon  determine  whether  my  opin- 
ion of  it  wan  right  or  wrong.  I  auide  the  result 
without  fear;  yet,  if  I  know  myself,  without  a  wish 
to  seo'evil  come  of  it,  merely  (or  the  soke  of  claim- 
ing hereafter,  on  my  part,  tiie  merit  of  political  la- 
gncity  for  my  resistance  to  it. 

These,  then,  were  my  opinions, as  they  are  now: 

First.  Our  country  is  involved  in  an  expensive 
war,  and  the  wisest  among  you  caimnt  foresee  its 
close.  We  have  n  large  army  invading  Mexico, 
and  a  lagc  navv  off  her  coasts,  aloiigtlie  Pacific 
Ocean  and  in  tlio  Gulf  of  Mexico.  The  sum  al- 
ready appropriated  by  Congi'css  for  the  Govern- 
ment expvnuitureH  of  the  fiscal  year,  exceeds  fifty 
MILLIONS  of  dollars.  Will  the  Rxperimental  Ta- 
ritr  raise  revenue  sufllcient  to  "pay  a?  we  go?" 
Cert<tiuiy  not.  Congress  knew  that,  and,  there- 
fore, authorized  a  loan  often  millions,  at  the  very 
time  we  were  passing  this  tariff ;  and  the  first  act 
of  the  next  session  will  probably  bo  one  for  ten 
millions  more !  Will  it  produce  revenue  enough 
to  pay  otu-Atti/ of  the  appropriations?  I  am  quite 
sure  it  will  not.  Its  advocates  did  not  assert  that  it 
will  do  much  more.  Wherefore,if  thisexpeiiment 
works  as  well  as  its  warmest  fi-lends  havu  predict- 
ed, the  Government  will  full  in  debt  twcnty-tive 
millions  this  (fiscal)  year.  So  loii^  ns  the  warlasis, 
and  for  such  a  period  of  time  after  it  as  tlie  war  cx- 
lienses  continue,  it  will  be  the  same  thing.  But  if 
the  cxpcriinciit  works  as  illy  us  its  more  violent 
opponents  have  said  of,it,  why  then  it  will  hardly 
go  at  all.  I  think  tJie  truth  lies  between  them.  It 
will  work,  but  it  will  work  badly,  and  work  you 
deeply  in  debt;  and  if  it  shoulu  Ijc  adhered  to, 
■*  without  alteration,"  the  public  debt  will  be  in- 
creased not  much  short  of  thirty  millions  the  fii-st 
year,  and  I  can  see  no  honest  way  to  prevent  its 
yearly,  increase,  except  by  a  resort  to  direct  taxes. 

Direct  tuxes  ought  to  be  our  very  Inst  resort — 
public  debt  is  an  evil  that  I  abhor,  more  than  ever, 
since  I  was  a  member  of  Congress;  and  therefore 
it  was  the  conclusion  of  my  mind,  that  this  'lu.'iT 
Experiment  ought  not  to  be  tried,  and  certainly 
not  nt  this  particular  time.  The  acts  of  a  Congress 
which  went  to  diminish  the  revenue,  but  to  in- 
crease the  expenditures,  did  not  seem  to  mc  to  be 
consistent  with  prudence  in  any  Government,  more 
especially  in  a  time  of  war.  The  tjirifT  system, 
according  to  my  judj^ment,  was  a  moat  unfit  sub- 
ject for  party  experiments;  and,  nt  the  time  of  n 
yearly  expenditure  of  fifty  millions  of  dollurs,  and 
of  a  foreign  war,  such  experiments  amounted  In 
party  rashness.  If  the  war  should  end  soon,  still 
the  Government  here,  we  knew,  expected  to  ter- 
minate it  by  a  treaty  for  peace  and  a  new  territory, 
viz:  California.  No  honest  country  would  take 
tiic  territory  without  payin;  the  owner  for  it,  and 
it'  we  would,  Mexico  cannot  yield  it  upon  any 
other  terms.  Hence  it  was  that  whether  we  were 
to  have  peace  or  war  with  Mexico,  we  needed 
much  more  inom^y  tn  carry  on  ilie  Government. 
When  the  plaincHt  rules  ofaritlimetlcand  common 
sense  thus  compelled  me  to  witiihold  my  support 
from  a  taiilT  experiment,  to  be  made  now,  at  the 
expense  of  the  nation's  credit,  how  could  1  liesi- 
tiie? 

Second.  The  tarifl'of  1842  ought  to  Imve  been 
modified,  but  not  by  an  act,  which  reduced  the 
duties  as  curly  as  the  1st  December. 

In  all  (jreat  alterations  of  the  tarilT  diminishing 
duties,  the  redttctiona  ought  to  be  made  upon  rea- 
soniible  notice  to  the  people,  whose  property  and 
business  will  be  utVected  by  them.  In  that  ca.se, 
there  may  be  inconvenience  to  some,  but  it  does 
not  bring  ruin  down  upon  so  many  innocent  peo- 
ple. Not  giving  time,  inlnnt  factories  are  destroyed 
by  the  hand  of  legislation,  and  the  older  and  more 
mature  establishinenW,  are  compelled  to  diminish 
their  operations  forthwith,  and  consequently  to 
discharge  a  number  of  their  laborers,  and  reduce 
the  waircs  of  all.  The  laborers  sutler  more  than 
the  owners,  beeause  they  are  less  able  to  bear  it. 
The  sudden  loss  of  work  will  be  to  many  of  thein 
and  their  families  a  loss  of  food  and  raiment;  and 
that  which  the  law-maker  is  commanded  to  pray 
for — his  "daily  bread" — he  would  be  thus  rudely 
taking  by  law  from  the  wurklngman  of  his  coun- 
try. And  the  experimental  tariff  act  was  the  more 
oujeciionable,  inasmuch  as  many  of  our  country- 


men— the  northern  laborers,  who  are  to  sufTer  un- 
der it — will  be  put  out  of  employment  in  the  begin- 
ning;^ of  winter,  when  other  employments  will  be 
obtained  with  greater  difficulty;  and  at  the  North, 
the  poor,  when  without  labor  and  wages,  encoun- 
ter a  degree  of  suffering,  in  that  inclement  season, 
which  we  have  no  just  conception  of  at  the  South. 
You  must  see  it,  before  you  am  fully  anpreciate 
it.  Also,  n  Hudden  alteration  of  the  torifi  must,  of 
necessity,  dis  'irb  the  home  market  o[  our  manu- 
facturers, coal-diggera,and  mechanics, and  involve 
hundreds  and  thousands — in  losses  to  some,  ruin 
to  others,  and  sufTcring  to  many. 

Even  a  bad  tariff  law,  then,  should  not  bo  re- 
pealed BO  as  to  fall  down  too  hastily,  when  its 
gradual  abrogation  would  create  less  inconvenience 
to  the  Government,  and  its  sudden  change  may 
oppress  the  |)Oor,  or  do  injustice  to  any  section. 
'I  he  Government  ought  to  have  compassion  on  all 
the  people,  and  particularly  upon  the  laboring 
classes'  The  manafacturera  at  the  North  arc  not 
nil  "Abbot  Lawrences,"  whose  fortune  has  been 
the  theme  of  so  many  tariff  speeches.  The  Com- 
promise tariff  act,  under  Genei-al  Jackson,  in  1893, 
reduced  the  duties  grudually  and  periodically  for 
nine  years.  /I  gave  nine  years'  notice.  Thia  Ex- 
ptrimentat  Tariff  will  reduce  all  the  duties  upon 
only  four  montiis'  notice !  The  latter  was  harsh, 
cruel,  unjust  legislation — harsh  to  the  wealthy, 
cruel  to  the  laborer,  and  unjust  to  both;  and  the 
general  welfare  did  not  require  it. 

Third.  The  independent  treasury,  of  itself  a 
great  change;  the  Warehousing  act,  another;  and 
the  ExnerimenUil  Tariff,  the  greatest  of  them  all — 
\yill,  wlien  taken  together,  work  an  entire  revolu- 
tion of  our  financial  system.  One  at  a  time  they 
might  have  been  introduced  more  safely,  some  of 
them  wisely.  But  by  being  so  nearly  united,  as 
they  will  be,  in  the  time  of  their  commencement, 
it  was  calculated  to  excite  apprehension  luid  alarm. 
To  put  them  into  simultaneous  operation,  was, 
indeed,  a  political  movement  of  party,  too  violent 
and  too  potent  for  good.  It  will  affect  all  the  busi- 
ness of  tlie  people  most  injuriously;  and,  with  a 
Government  expenditure  of  fifty  millions,  and  a 
revenue  under  twenty  millions,  the  Government 
itself  may  be  crushed  under  their  combined  opera- 
tion. To  attempt  it  when  the  nation  was  at  war 
abroad,  and  the  Government  was  in  the  money- 
market,  or  soon  expected  there,  as  a  borrower  at 
home,  clearly  appeared  to  my  mind  to  be  unwisely 
jeoparding  public  credit  and  private  confidence. 
Revolutions  arc  seldom  reforms,  and  certainly 
reforms  need  not  always  be  revolutions.  One 
must  reasonably  fear,  that,  without  a  miracle,  such 
strong  measures,  acting  with  their  combined  power 
against  the  existing  order  of  things  in  the  country, 
may  create  a  revulsion  in  trade,  pecuniary  dis'iess, 
hard  limes,  popular  excitmients,  and  sectional  agi- 
tations, preceding  another  conti'st  for  the  Presi- 
dency, and  do  nobody  any  good,  but  a  few  politi- 
cal asiitatois  and  rich  specululors.  I  thou[;ht  they 
would  go  very  far  towards  producing  an  over- 
throw of  the  Democratic  party,  if  they  did  not 
entirely  iKT.omplish  it.  These  consequences  were 
tim  natural  not  to  be  apprehended;  and  the  lust-' 
mentioned  ivsult  was  iiiicnly  predicted  by  some,  i 
and  probably  antieipatetl  by  others,  of  my  own 
politieal  friends,  who  yet  voted  for  the  experi- 
mental t:\rifrbill,  without  approving  of  it.  Unless 
it  should  be  repealed  or  materially  modified,  its 
consequences  now,  belong  u>  the  developments  of 
the  future;  so  I  need  not  illustrate  the  grounds  of 
my  conviction  by  minuter  statcmenls.  Lei  time 
tisl  its  correctness. 

Fourth.  In  none  of  the  InrifT  acts  of  the  United 
Slates  in  former  years  was  iheiiidustry  of  ourown 
country  burdened  by  discriminations  made  against 
home  manufailuies.  Their  policy  was  to  iiuild 
up,  and  not  to  destroy — to  protect,  and  not  to  op- 
press. Not  so  the  I'.xperimenlal  Tarifl".  And  is 
It  not  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  republican 
projilc  of  North  Carolina  were  ntany  lime  hostile 
to  those  nets  merely  because  they  were  "protect- 
ive 7"  Our  hostility  was  aimed  nt  the  extent  of  the 
thing,  not  the  thing  itself — at  extreme  nroteclion, 
not  protection  per  se.  With  here  and  there  an  in- 
dividual exception,  (for  Republicans  in  those  days 
were  allowed  to  diiVer,)  f  boldly  affirm  that  this 
was  the  Republican  doeirine  of  our  Stale;  and  the 
people  will  know  it  m  bo  true,  when  I  remind  them 
that  it  was  precisely  the  poii.t  of  oijr  dispute  with 


the  Notlifiers.  They  were  aniinst  protection  out 
and  onl.  We,  the  (Jackson)  Republican  party  of 
North  Carolina,  in  |>articular,  went  for  incidental 
protection — modtriite  protection,  by  a  "judicious 
tariff."  They  were  for  declaring  the  tariff  of  1828 
and  1833  unconstitutional,  and  nullifying  it,  be- 
cause it  protected  manufactures.  We  thought  it 
was  unjust,  because  the  protection  was  rxirriiit', 
but  not  unconstitutional,  and  that  the  "  Union 
must  bo  preserved."  What  (he  Republican  party 
of  North  Carolina  thought  then,  I  thought,  and 
spoke,  and  wrote. 

And  coining  down  to  more  recent  events,  let  me 
say,  that  McKay's  Bill  of  1844  was  a  Uirifl' of  inci- 
dental protection,  which  you  and  I,  and  all  the 
Democrats  in  Congress  from  North  Carolina,  ap- 
proved and  sustained,  and  the  people  of  our  party, 
in  North  Carolina,  nowhere  opposed  last  year,  and 
the  press  of  the  party  defended  up  to  the  inaugura- 
tion and  afterwards,  and  even  down  to  the  day  of 
the  report  from  the  present  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury. Careful  study,  longer  experience,  and  closer 
examination,  have  confirmed  me  in  the  faith  of 
those  times,  sanctioned,  ns  it  was,  by  the  authority 
of  the  administrations  of  Wushingtoii,  and  Jefferson, 
and  Madison,  and,.Weni'oc,  and  Jacluvn,  all  southern 
Republicans  and  southern  Presidents.  Is  consist- 
ency treason  ?  It  may  be  a  misfortune  to  me  that 
I  was  unable  to  change  with  the  times,  but  it  would 
be  a  crime  to  deny  iny  fUiih.  To  avoid  misrepre- 
sentotien,  I  give  you  tlie  words  of  those  wise  and 
eminent  and  patriotic  men.  Hear  Washington ! 
Extract  of  a  speech  of  George  IKiu/iing-lon,  President 

of  the  United  States,  to  CoiigrMs,  Jon.  8,  17i)U. 

"A  free  peupic  ouglit  nnt  only  to  be  nrineil,  hutdiielp- 
liiieil;  to  wltiell  end  a  llnit'i)riu  and  wull-dlgUi-led  pliiii  is 
reiiuisiie;  and  their  safety  mid  iiitereist  reijiiire  that  tliey 
should  proiiiotu  Burh  maiiuthetnheM  ns  tend  to  n-ndiT  theiii 
Independent  of  oUieri  for  essential,  particularly  iniliuir)', 
supplies." 

"  The  Hilvniicemcnt  of  ngricaltare,  eommeree,  and  manu- 
//r(urf«,  fpi  alt  projier  means,  wilt  not,  I  tru$i,  need  recom- 
mendation','' 

In  accordance  with  this  general  recommendation, 
the  House  of  Representntivespasscd  a  resolution, 
directing  the  Secretary  of  the  "rreasury  (Mr.  Ham- 
ilton) to  report  to  them  upon  the  subject  of  manu- 
factures, and  particularly  as  to  the  means  of  pro- 
moting such  as  would  tend  to  render  the  United 
Stales  independent  of  foreign  nations  for  military 
and  other  essential  supplies;  and  his  report  was 
submitted  in  December,  1791,  wherein  he  said: 

•'Tiifi  expediency  of  manufhctiircs  in  the  United  StuteH, 
whirh  was  nnt  lonj  shice  deemed  very  qiieatinnahle,  appears 
nt  Ihid  Unic  tn  be  pretty  generally  admitted."— P.  19^. 

And  again  he  said: 

"  A  question  has  lieeii  inadi*  eonee,  the  eonstinitional 

riRJil  «(  tlie  Government  of  the  tiniteu  ytnlea  In  apply  Uiia 
!ipeeieit  of  eiu-nurntrement.  [in  niniiulhelnri>!4,]  hnt  lliere  is 
certainly  no  ijood  fiiundatina  for  «uch  a  queelion."— P.  lyfi. 

And  again  he  said: 

"  It  is  nnt  uncnmmon  tn  meet  wiih  an  opinion,  that, 
thcmsh  the  prniiioling  nf  lunnufaelurcs  may  be  the  interest 
nf  a  part  nf  the  Union,  it  is  ennlrary  tn  tlint  nf  arinlher  part, 
'file  nurUiern  anil  soutliern  reginni  arc  sninelimcs  represent- 
ed as  liaving  .idverse  interesu  In  this  re.-pect.  Thosu  are 
called  niannlactilriiig,  these  asrienllurnl  Slates;  and  a  spe- 
eies  (if  op|)<>ailinH  is  imaillned  In  subsist  between  the  iiiaiiu- 
faelnririg  and  nBriciillurnl  inti^resti. 

'•  Ideas  nf  a  enmrnrielv  nf  interests  betvvi-en  the  nnrlherii 
and  snnihern  regi'ins  nf  the  Uninn  are,  In  the  main,  as  iin- 
f.iunded  as  they  are  mischii'vnus.  The  diversity  of  circum- 
stances on  wliich  such  eniitrarleiy  is  iisimlly  predicated, 
anlhr)ri/,es  a  directly  ecnitrarv  eonelnsinn.  Mlltnal  wants 
-nislilulc  one  of  the  stnmgesi  liims  of  pnlilieal  ecmilexicni ; 
anil  me  extent  of  these  bears  a  natural  proportion  tn  the 
diversity  in  tlin  means  nf  mutual  supply.  Sniigeslinns  of  an 
opposite  complexion  arc  ever  tn  hi!  deplored,  as  unlriendly 
tn  the  Heady  pursuit  nf  olKTRreal  eomnion  cause,  and  to  the 
p;>rfeit  harn'iony  nf  ull  its  pans."— P.  KM.  (See  Slate  Pa- 
pers, Finnnees.vol.  1,  pages  ]'J3, 134,  and  laO.) 

These  were  the  doctrines  of  Washington,  and 
of  Washington's  Administration.  And  now  hear 
Washington  again  I 

Extract  of  a  speech  of  George  Washington,  Presidenl 
j      of  the  United  littttes,to  Congress,  Dec.  7,  17i)6. 

"Coneress  have  repeatedly,  and  not  without  success, 
directed  their  ntuntion  to  the  encouragement  of  nuuiutac- 
tures.  The  object  is  of  too  much  ccniseipienec  not  to  insure 
a  eonlinuanco  nf  their  cll'orls  in  every  wuy  which  ahull  ap- 
pear eligible." 

Hear  Jefferson ! 
Extract  of  a  message  from  Thomas  Jeffirson,  Prrstdenl 
of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  Jt'ov.  8, 1808. 

"Till'  suspension  of  our  foreiaii  eomnieree,  produced  by  the 
llilustiee  of  the  bellliierent  Powers,  (of  Kuro|»',)  ami  tlie eoji- 
sennent  losses  and  sai^rillecs  of  our  eilizens,  are  sulijeels  of 
Justcnncern.  The  silualinn  inio  which  we  liav  thus  been 
forced,  has  impelled  us  to  apply  a  portion  of  our  iuduilry  and 


•irT?'r 


1846.] 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE. 


1181 


S9th  Cono IsT  Scss, 


Hon.  W,  H,  HaywootTs  Addreu, 


Senate. 


cnpltnt  ti»  Inleninl  innnuraotiireii  and  i  iiiprovrmeiiii.  The  ex- 
tent of  Ihlf)  fOiivrrKion  la  dnily  InrrciuinK.  nrul  little  ilouht 
rLMMain^  Miat  tliu  e>itabll<hnit'riiH  loritied  and  tbriiunK  will, 
uridf'r  the  aiiHiilceR  of  chi-npm  niiili>riiil)«an(lNnliHUtPiiL>(!,Uifi 
I'rci'dom  of  liiixir  I'rnni  ktxAtloii  with  unj  iiiid  of  proiecUng 
dutli'S  and  proliibjtlunit  become  permaiiuiit." 

Hear  Madison ! 
Extract  qf  a  messoge  from  Jmiea  MadUont  Prttidtnt 

of  the  Unittd  State$t  to  C(mgre$a^  Aov.  5,  1811. 

"  Although  other  ^Mbjccta  will  orcn  mnn*  i mm i>d lately  on 
yniir  di'libiTiititint.  H  pqftiiiri  of  tliom  rnniKit  but  ho  well 
DCBiowcd  on  thfl  Jiii*t  and  itnnnd  |H)llry  oi'  Nocuring  to  our 
iiiiinufucturL-B  ilie  »(ici!(*i<s  iliuy  havu  »ttain<-d.  and  are  itiill 
attaining,  In  some  dugrec'i  under  thti  InipubiH  of  cnuies  not 
perinani  nt. 

*■  Uutiidt*!4  thfl  rcaKonuldcncM  of  saving  our  inanurnctiires 
.Voni  Mucrilices  whifii  tiohnngu  of rircnnifimnrcH  niiKtit  hring 
on  thcut,  tint  imlionni  intentHt  ruquires  that,  witii  respect  to 
■uch  articlfs  at  Irnut  as  bidong  to  our  defence  and  nur  pri' 
marji  waiitM,  we  tihuuld  not  b«i  lell  in  unnucessary  depend- 
ence on  external  supplier." 

Extract  of  a  mestagefrom  JatMi  JVodison,  President 
of  the  United  States,  to  Congre$t,  Dec.  5, 1815. 
<*  In  adJu^tuiK  tlic  duties  on  imiH)rtJi  to  the  object  o'*  rev- 
enue, the  inlltit>iiCR  of  the  tariff  on  inanufarinrcH  will  neces- 
sarily preneiit  itself  ti)r  cnnHiderallon.  However  wise  the 
thi'ory  may  he  which  leaver  to  the  Bacacity  and  intereiit  of 
IndivtdnaU  the  a|)plieation  of  their  induttiry  and  resonrccH. 
there  ore  in  Uiis,  as  in  other  car<eti,  exceplionii  to  th<'  f;enenil 
rule,  llesidcs  the  condition,  which  the  theory  itxeli'  im- 
plies, of  A  rociprociil  adoption  by  oUicr  nations,  experience 
teaches  that  so  niiuiy  eircninslanees  mutit  concur  in  intro- 
dui-inff  and  maturing  timnufaciuring  eHtahliithmcntc,  eN|H>- 
cially  of  the  more  eomplieatcd  kindd,  that  a  country  may 
remain  long  without  them,  altlKMigh  suttieiently  advanced, 
and  in  some  re^iiccts  even  peculiarly  fitted  Icir  carrying 
tlioni  on  with  succuHt).  Under  circnmxtancna  giving  n  pow- 
erful impulse  to  manufacturing  imlutttry,  it  has  made  among 
us  a  progresH^and  exhibited  an  etiicieney,  which  lustily  the 
belief  that,  with  n  protection  not  more  than  Udue  U.  'hecnter- 
priti:^!;  cUizen-s  wlione  interetts  are  tioiv  at  sfaArc,  it  will  be- 
conu ,  nt  an  early  day,  not  only  i<afe  againit  occoBiiinnl  com- 
petitions from  abroad,  but  a  source  ot  domi'Ktic  wealth,  and 
even  uf  external  coiimiercc.  In  «ielerting  Uio  branches  more 
especially  entitled  to  the  public  luttronagc,  a  preference  is 
obvinuslv  claimed  by  such  as  will  relieve  Uie  United  Htates 
from  tt  dependence  on  foreign  HUp)ilies,  ever  subject  to 
casual  failures,  Itar  articles  necessary  lot  tlie  public  defence, 
€,r  connected  with  the  primary  wants  of  individuals.  !t 
will  be  an  ndiiitltmal  recommendiition  of  particular  manu- 
factures, where  the  materials  of  them  are  i-xtent^ively 
drawn  m>m  our  agriculture,  and  consequently  impart  and 
insure  to  that  gn^at  fond  of  national  prort|H>rity  and  independ- 
ence au  encouragement  which  cannot  fail  to  be  rewarded. " 

Hear  Monroe ! 
Extract  of  a  message  from  James  JSfonroe,  President 
,   of  the  thited  States,  to  Congress,  Dec.  7,  1819. 

"  It  it  deemcit  of  great  importance  to  give  enconra^ement  to 
our  Homcitie  manufacturers.  In  what  manner  the  evils 
which  have  been  acfverted  to  may  be  remedied,  ond  how  fiir 
it  inny  be  prnrticablc  in  otiter  res|tectj<  to  ntford  to  them 
further  encouragement,  paying  duo  regard  to  the  other  great 
interests  of  tlie  nation,  is  siibinitted  to  the  wisdom  of  Con- 
gress." 

Extract  of  a  message  from  Jarrus  Monroe,  President 
of  the  United  States,  to  Congi-ess,  Dec.  3,  1822. 
<*  From  the  best  information  that  I  have  lieen  able  to  ob- 
tain, it  api>ears  that  our  manufactures,  though  depressed 
imuiediotely  after  the  peace,  have  consjdcrnbly  increiucd, 
and  are  still  increasing,  under  the  eiiconraifttment  given 
them  by  tlie  tariff  of  1816,  luid  by  subsequent  laws.  Hatis- 
fled  I  nm,  whatever  nmy  be  the  alititractdnctrinc  in  favor  of 
imrestricted  comiiierci>,  provided  all  natiouit  would  concur 
in  it,  and  it  was  not  liable  to  be  inlerrupled  by  war,  which 
has  tifver  ocrurred,  and  cannot  be  expected,  ilml  iheie  are 
other  strong  rtafons  applicable  to  our  situation  and  relations 
with  f)ther  countries,  which  impose  on  us  tlie  oldigaiion  to 
cherish  aitd  nislain  our  manufactures,  tiatislicd,  however, 
I  likewise  nin,that  thi!  interes'ts  of  eviiry  part  of  our  Union, 
,  even  of  those  most  benclited  by  manufactures,  requirci*  that 
this  subji-et  should  he  fouctied  with  tlie  greitlest  caution, 
Olid  ncritiiul  knowledge  of  t\m  ejfcd  to  'je  produced  by  the 
$li^hlcst  rhatif;e.  On  full  eonsidcratinn  of  the  subject,  in  all 
its  relations,  I  am  persnnded  that  a  further  augmcntution 
may  now  i»e  made  of  the  duties  on  certain  Kireign  orticle-<, 
in  favor  of  our  owji,  and  without  lUfecting  injurioutily  any 
other  IntcreBt." 

Extract  ofamessage  from  James  Monroe,  President  of 
the  United  States,  to  Congress,  Dec.  3, 1823. 
•'Haviiiii  cnmnuinicated  my  views  to  Congress,  nt  the 
commenccirient  of  the  hist  session,  respecting  llie  encoiir- 
Bgeinent  vviiioli  ought  to  be  given  tn  our  manufactures,  and 
the  prit)eiple  4in  which  it  should  he  founded,  I  have  otdy  to 
add,  that  those  views  remain  unchanged;  and  that  the 
present  i^late  of  tlione  countries  with  which  we  have  the 
most  Immediate  political  relations  and  ureatt'st  commercial 
Intercourse,  tends  to  confirm  lliein.  Under  this  iinprcr  sinn, 
I  recommend  a  review  of  the /(irtf/,  lor  the  pur|>ose  of  afford- 
ing such  additional  jnroterlion  to  those  articles  which  we 
are  prepared  to  manufacture,  i>r  which  are  niorc  iuuiiedi- 
ately  coiinecied  with  Uiu  defencu  and  independence  of  the 
country." 

Hear  Jackson ! 
^xtractof  a  message  from  Jlndreio  Jackson,  President 

of  the  United  States,  to  Congi-ess,  Dec.  S,  1829. 

"  \o  very  considerable  chamie  has  oecurred,  during  the 
recess  of  Congress,  in  the  condition  of  either  our  agricul- 
ture, commerce,  or  manui^tures. 


<*  To  regulate  Its  conduct,  so  ai  to  proniott*  euually  the 
prosperity  nf  ihe^e  three  cardinal  InleresiA,  is  one  of  tlie  moHt 
dilfuMilt  laskH  of  government ;  and  it  may  be  rugreiied  tliat 
the  cnnipllcated  rentrieticns  which  now  embarrass  the  inter- 
cnurMe  of  nations  could  not,  by  common  ronsent,  bo  ahn|. 
Ished,  and  commerce  allowed  to  (low  in  thoije  channels  to 
which  individual  enterprise— always  its  suroHi  guide— might 
direct  it.  Rut  we  muft  ever  expect  selfiih  hgtshulon  in 
other  nations,  and  are  therediro  competle  adapt  oar  own 
to  their  iMulatlons,  in  the  manner  bent  euiculatcd  to  avoid 
serious  Injury,  luid  to  harmonise  tliu  conflicting  interests  of 
our    agriculture,  our  commerce,  aud  out    manufactures. 


Under  these  impreshlniis,  I  Invite  your  attention  to  the  ex 

ig  tariff,  belie 
inndrAeatioi), 


tsting  tariff,  believing  ihiU  some  of  its  provisions  require 


'The  general  rule  to  ho  applied  tn  graduating  the  duties 
Upon  articles  of  Direi^n  Krowih  c)r  manulhcture,  is  that  which 
will  placo  our  own  In  fhir  competition  with  thoxe  of  other 
countries ;  and  the  indnremrntt  to  advance  even  a  tteji  f>e- 
yond  this  jtoint  ure  con(ro/iittj(  in  regard  to  fho$e  artUlcM 
uhich  arc  of  primiiry  nvcessilif  in  time  of  war.  W  hen  We  re- 
flect upon  the  ditnuilly  and  iltUcacy  of  this  operation,  it  is 
important  that  It  should  never  bo  attempted  but  with  the 
Ulmo«>t  caution,  tyetptent IcgiJilatioH  in  rcaurd  to  auy  hramh 
of  industry  affecting  its  value,  and  by  uhich  Ht  capital  ttxj^'  be 
tramfcrrcd  to  new  chaunch,  muU  alu\tjfl  he  producHve  of  kaz- 
urdoHi  svccutiition  and  tost.  , 

*•>  In  deliberating,  therefore,  on  these  interesting  subjects,  | 
local  fu«lings  and  prejudices  should  he  merged  in  the  patri-  , 
otic  dcturiiiinatinn  to  promote  tlie  great  interests  of  the 
whole.  All  attempts  tn  connect  ihem  with  the  party  cnnfHcts 
'  of  the  day  are  necessarily  injurious,  and  should  be  discoun- 
tenanced. Our  action  upon  them  i^honhi  be  under  the  con- 
trol of  higher  and  purer  motives.  Legislaiitm  Kiibjeeted  to 
such  influences  can  never  1m;  Just,  and  will  not  long  retain 
the  sanction  of  a  people  whose  active  patriotism  is  not 
bounded  by  sectional  limits,  nor  insensible  to  that  spirit  of 
concession  and  forbearance  which  gave  life  to  our  pcditical 
compact,  and  still  sustains  it.  Discarding  all  calculations 
of  p4dilJcal  ascendency,  the  North,  the  Houth,  the  East,  and 
the  West,  should  unite  in  diminishing  any  burden  of  which 
either  may  junllv  complain. 

"  The  agricultural  interest  of  our  country  is  so  essentially 
connected  with  every  other,  and  s(»  su|»erior  In  importance 
to  them  all,  that  it  is  scarcely  necessary  to  invite  tn  it  your 
particular  attention.  /( is  jtrincimilly  as  manufactures  atut 
commerce  tend  to  inrrease  the  value  of  agricuitural  produc- 
tionty  and  to  exteiul  their  apjUicatlon  to  the  wants  ami  rom- 
forti  of  society,  that  they  deserve  the  fostering  care  of  Govern- 
ment. 

t*  Looking  fhr\v-ard  to  the  period,  not  far  distant,  when  a 
sinking  fund  will  no  longer  be  required,  the  duties  on  those 
articles  of  importation  uhich  cannot  come  in  competition  wUh 
our  oim  productions,  are  the  fir't  that  should  cnsn^e  the  atten- 
tion of  Von«Tess  in  the  motHftcaiion  of  the  tariff.  Of  these, 
ten  and  coffee  are  the  most  prominent :  they  enter  largely  into 
the  consumption  of  the  country,  and  have  become  articles 
of  necessity  to  all  classes." 

Extract  of  a  message  from  Jindrexo  Jackson,  PresiiUnt 
of  the  United  States,  to  Congress,  Dec.  7, 1830. 

"Among  the  numerous  causes  of  congratulation,  the  con- 
dition of  our  impost  revenue  deserves  special  meiiiiun, 
imuiinuch  as  it  promises  the  means  of  extingiiishinji  the 
public  debt  sooner  than  was  anticipated,  and  furnihiies  a 
strong  illustration  of  the  practical  effects  of  the  present 
tariff  upon  our  cominercinl  interests. 

"  The  object  of  the  tJiriff  is  objected  to  by  some  as  uncon- 
stitutional; and  it  is  considered  by  almost  all  as  detective 
in  many  of  ib«  parts. 

**  The  power  to  impose  duties  on  imports  originally 
behinged  to  tlie  several  States.  The  right  to  adjust  those 
duties,  with  a  view  to  the  mcoura'^cment  of  the  domes- 
tic tranches  of  industry,  is  so  comphiely  iiici(fcnial  to  that 
pow<>r,  that  it  is  dilhcultto  suppose  the  exintence  of  the  one 
without  the  other.  The  t^tutt^s  have  delegated  their  whole 
authority  over  imports  to  the  General  tiovernmeiit,  without 
limitation  or  restriction,  saving  the  very  inconsiderable  res- 
ervation relating  to  their  inspection  laws,  Tliis  autlioriiy 
having  t\\u^  entirely  passed  from  the  States,  the  right  to  ex- 
ercise it  (itr  the  purpose  of  protectitm  does  not  exist  in  them  ; 
and  consequently  If  it  be  not  |K)ssessed  by  the  tieucral  Gov- 
ernment, it  must  be  extinct.  Our  political  system  would 
thus  present  the  anomaly  of  a  people  stripped  of  the  right  to 
foster  their  own  industry,  and  to  counteract  the  most  sellish 
and  destructive  policy  which  might  be  adopted  by  foreign 
nations.  This  surely  cannot  I  -/  :lie  case.  1  his  innispen^a- 
bfe  power,  thus  surrendered  by  the  States,  nnist  be  withiir 
the  scope  of  the  authority  on  the  subject,  expressly  delegated 
to  Congress. 

"  In  this  conclusion  I  nm  confimied  as  well  by  the  opin- 
ions of  Presidents  Washington,  Jeireison,  Madison,  and 
Monroe,  who  have  each  repeatedly  recommended  the  exer- 
cise of  this  right  under  the  Coiistiiution,  as  by  the  unirorm 
practice  (»f  Congress,  the  continued  acquiescence  of  ijie 
States,  antl  the  general  understanding  of  the  people. 

*^  I'liiit  our  detjbcralions  on  this  interestingMdiJect  should 
he  uniujiuewcd  by  those  partiann  conjiicts  that  are  incident  to 
free  institutions,  is  the  fervent  u-ish  of  my  heart.  To  make 
this  great  question,  which  unhappily  so  much  divides  ir 
excites  tlie  public  mind,  subservient  to  the  short-sightei. 
views  of  faction,  must  destroy  all  hope  of  settling  it  satis- 
factorily to  the  great  liody  of  the  petiple,  and  I'or  the  general 
interest.  I  cannot,  tlM.TCIbre,  in  taking  leave  of  the  sub- 
ject, too  earnestly,  for  my  own  feelings  or  tlie  common 
good,  warn  you  against  the  blighting  consequences  of  such  a 
course." 

Extract  of  a  message  from  *1ndrcw  Jackson,  President 
of  the  United  Stales,  to  Congress,  Dec.  G,  1831. 
"The  eonliiience  with  which  the  cxlincuishnient  of  the  • 
public  debt  may  he  anlicipated  presents  an  opportunity  fur  j 
tarrying  into  effect  more  fully  the  policy  in  relation  to  im- ' 
port  duties  which  has  been  recommeiided  in  my  Ibrnier  | 
messages.    A  nv^ifieafion  of  the  tarifl' which  shall  produce 
a  reduction  ofour  revenue  to  the  want-j  of  tlie  Government,  ^ 


and  an  adjuttmenlof  tho  duties  on  'iu.-mns  wiili  n  vlaw  Ut 
«quaJ  justice  in  relation  to  all  our  .latioi  ul  Interests,  and  to 
the  rounteractinii  oi  Aireign  policy,  mo  lar  c»  it  uniy  i>e  liijii- 
rli>u«  ko  thoMO  tiitaraMa,  Is  ileeirit'd  in  be  one  ot'ihi-  pnnclptti 
ohJecU  whicli  demand  the  coiiH'dernilon  of  the  present  Con- 
gress.    In  the  exercisu  ofiha'  spirit  (U'conres»iuii  and  cnn- 

cillati'in  which  has  distingM>' I  the  friends  ol^  our  Unh<n 

in  all  great  cniergeMcics,  i'  is  brlie\,'il  that  ibis  ob^'ct  may 
be  elfi^eted  without  Injur,  to  any  national  intercHt." 

Now,  the  exp'';  .mental  turiflf,  Qfl  I  interpret  it, 
ruiidainentally  uo'uted  this  ductriikc.  U  diHcriini- 
nated,  but  it  did  aongaitiHiourdonicflticlaborj  nnU 
in  that  way,  and  li  that  extent,  it  made  war  upon 
the  vital  interests  oi'  the  North.  And  pray  what 
inducemerts  were  oilered  to  North  Carolina,  by 
this  oxpciiincnt,  that  her  Sckiutors  Hiiould  Jiuip  to 
carry  on  Jie  unnatural  conflict?  What,  but  the 
naked  deaire  fur  an  apparent  party  unity  where 
there  was  na'ly  no  party  concord.  For  Nortli' 
Carolina  had  .lo  local  or  State  interest  which  will 
lie  served  or  elevated  by  it.     None  wimlever. 

The  limits  of  this  address  will  not  allow  of  illua- 
Lrutiona  by  a  tedio'is  detail  ui'enumerated  articles. 
1  reserve  that  for  a  more  suitable  occasion,  only 
rcniarkingj,  for  the  n.-esenl,  that  if  any  should  be 
disingenuous  enoujL^n  ,'o  deny  this  charactcribtic  of 
the  new  tarifl',  no  one,  who  regards  his  reputation, 
will  venture  to  contradict  ihe  fact,  that  the  expovi- 
menlal  tarifl'  does  not  discritniimto  in  favor  of 
American  manufactures;  and  not  to  discriminate 
in  their  favor,  moderately  and  reasonably,  by  a 
"live  and  let  live"  law  ol  love  amongst  hrethten 
of  a  common  country,  is  the  same  thing  in  princi- 
ple, thouj^h  not  in  degree,  as  to  discriminate  against 
them.  Verily,  it  appeared  to  me  tliat  its  pussago 
would  he  substituting  tho  theories  c(  yesterday 
learned  in  the  law  office,  for  tho  experi<,ncc  of  fifty  . 
years  ofour  own  Government,  ft!!')  '.iie  practice  of 
alt  civilized  nations,  for  the  sake  of  perpeirating  an 
experiment  upon  the  people  of  the  Utiited  States. 

Fifth.  The  last  objection  I  whall  lronl)Ie  yoit 
with,  is  to  the  new  principle,  that  all  *'  duties  are 
to  be  laid  ad  valorem."  It  is  not  the  least  remark- 
able circnm.'^tance,  connected  with  the  passage  of 
the  act,  that  this  new  ml  vatorem  article  in  the  Dem- 
ocratic creed  was  supported  by  the  sanction  of  no 
distinguished  name  but  Henry  Clay's!  and  Mr. 
Clay's  friends  say,  that  even  he  has  been  misrep- 
resented, to  furnish  the  authority. 

Another  not  unimporlant  circumstance  is,  that 
the  peopie  of  my  State  have  been  commatided  to 
dishonor  me,  as  one  not  true  to  the  doctri:ie  of  u 
party  tariff  of  "ad  valorem  duties;"  and, //lerr/ore, 
treacherous  to  them;  when  I  put  it  to  your  con- 
sciences, that  theie  are  thousands  and  tens  of  thou- 
sands of  good  North  Carolina  Democrats,  who, 
so  far  from  having  adopted  it  in  their  political 
creed,  did  never  so  much  ns  hear  of  it  until  long 
since  my  election  to  the  Senate  I  Let  each  one  an- 
swer for  him.self— Did  you  ever  understand  it  be- 
fore.' In  sincerity,  I  defflare,  that  until  after  iny 
election  to  the  Senate,  I  did  not,  and  I  presume 
you  did  not.  But  1  think  I  understand  it  now, 
my  countrymen,  and  1  venture  to  guess,  that  the 
more  you  know  of  it,  and  the  longer  it  shall  be 
tried,  the  less  you  will  like  it. 

But  let  me  tell  you  what  it  is:  It  is  to  lay  duties 
or  taxes  tipon  goods  imported  from  foreign  coun- 
tries, according  to  the  value  of  the  goods  at  the 
market  from  whence  they  come— the  /mt>  fixing 
the  per  cent.,  and  the  coi(«/or  of  it  ascertaining  the 
foreign  value  of  whatever  is  taxed,  viz;  the  sum 
of  the  tax,  for  which  he  is  not  responsible  to  you, 
but  to  the  Treasury  Department.  And  a  specific 
duty  is  the  same  tax  imposed  upon  the  same  arti- 
cle— the  law  itself,  however,  uistinguishing  the 
values,  by  establishing  the  particular  sum  of  taxa- 
tion, and  leaving  nothing  for  the  collector  to  do  but 
to  weigh  or  measure  the  quantity;  wherein,  if  he 
be  guilty  of  fraud,  he  may  probably  be  convicted, 
or  if  disposed  to  oppress  the  merchant,  he  can  be 
prevented.  In  short,  where  the  tax  is  speri^c  the 
collector  only  weiirhs  or  measures  the  quantity; 
where  it  is  ad  valorem  he  not  only  measures  or 
weighs  the  quantity,  but  likewise  determines,  uporf*^  - 
hi.s  own  judgment,  the  foreign  value  of  the  things 
imported.  The  uniform  rule,  as  approved  by 
your  Government,  has  been  heretofore,  that  of 
making  all  the  duties  specific  which  can  be  made 
so,  anil  let  the  others  be  ad  valorem;  but  to  reduce 
the  list  of  ad  valorem  duties,  from  time  to  time,  by 
adding  to  the  list  of  specifics.  The  experimental 
tarifl* condemns  and  repudiates  this  policy  altogeth- 


i 


1189 


APPEWPI^  to  'j^  CqNqi6^toWAL  OLOBR 


[August  16, 


99va  Cone Ist  Sess. 


Hon.  fV.  H.  HayMoJ't  Aidrin. 


er,  and  preacribes  •  n«w  ona.  ot  havinc  all  tha 
dutieaadf valorem, an4iifMbrilH|inp«eiA.  With 
thia  explanation,  you  ean  haTe  mMneult*  iu  eofi- 
prahendinf  my  nbjocliuna  it;' the  new  principW  of 
the  experimental  tariff. 

It  wu  a  maxim  uf  the  Revolution,  that  "  repre- 
■enlalion  and  taxation  ahould  go  together. "  Now, 
thia  ia  a  great  principle  of  liberty,  never  to  be  cle- 
■piaed;  and  the  abrogation  of  it  oannut  be  neceaaary 
to  tlv  intereat  of  Ine  Reimblic.  But  it  meana 
nothing,  unleia  it  oreatea  tiie  duty  of  laying  laxea 
by  the  (aw,  and  not  by  the  offlitn  who  collect  itt 
ao  that  the  citizen  who  reads  the  Inw  may,  aa  fur 
aa  praeticable,  aee  what  it  laxea  him:  ofliccra,  too, 
wIlDn  the  people  have  no  agency  in  ap)x)inting, 
and  cannot  remove— officer*  who,  in  aaaeasing  val- 
ue*, exercioe  their  own  diacrction,and  whoae'indi- 
yidual  judgment,  in  lina  country,  aa  to  the  market 
i4lue  of  property  in  all  foreign  lands,  cannot  be 
auoceaafully  impeached,  becauie  the  witneasea  to 
do  it  live  abroad,  and  cannot  bo  got  here;  and  if 
th<]r  could  it  would  slill  be  almoat  '  ipowible  to 
convict  (he  officer  uf  intttUimal  falachuod.  It  must 
be  proved  that  lie  was  wrong,  and  knew  it  loo.  Ia 
not  thia  new  doctrine,  then,  more  than  a  alight  de- 
parture from  this  maxim  of  tha  Republic?  Shall 
it|be  appfOf  cd,  up>in  the  notion  tliat  this  great  prin- 
ciple or  •  repreuentntive  democracy  has  become 
impracticabls  ?  Sliiill  we  sanction  the  pretence, 
that  ike  people's  reprcsenuitives  will  chcut'iliem 
in  adopting  the  tftciju  duties,  and  assume  ot  the 
aame  time  that  custom-house  officers  will  be  more 
Bcrupuloua  and  more  just  to  you,  in  fixing  tlie  val- 
ues under  m  system  of  ad  raiorcm  duties!  Ought 
such  a  departure  IVom  a  great  and  IVindnmenuil 
doctrine  of  representative  government  to  be  tol- 
erated, much  less  irigraftcd  permunenlly  into  the 
laws  of  a  free  people,  without  unavoidable  neces- 
sity, and  sanctified  as  a  part  of  our  Democratic 
faith,  without  due  notice  to  the  people?  A  step 
or  two  ftirtlier,  and  we  shall  be  carried  to  a  point 
where  Congress  can  do  nothing  but  declare  the 
aggregate  revenues  which  may  do  levied  for  the 
Government,  and  leave  the  Treasury  Department 
to  collect  them  aa  may  seem  best  to  its  officers,  and 
according  to  its  rules. 

I  come  now  to  show  that  what  the  experimental 
tariff  makes  the  rvit  of  taxation,  the  ththers  of 
the  Republic  made  the  txerpltm.  What  llicy  de- 
clared was  a  fruitful  mother  of  frauds,  it  has  adopt- 
ed M  the  only  parent  of  our  revenues ! 

In  1795,  when  Wmhinglon  was  President,  Alex- 
ander Hamilton,  his  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in 
a  report  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  used  the 
following  words,  viz: 

«  According  10  Ute  present  laws,  imprwlng  duties  on  ar- 
ticlf*  iiDiHtrti'd  into  the  United  9lalt-i«,  not  much  Bhort  of 
one-tliird  ofthe  whole  Qmoiint  of  the  dutieH  is  derived  from 
sriicles  rated  ad  valornn. 

"In  other  natioiw,  wliereViis  branch  of  revenue,  aa  with 
ua,  IH  of  princitial,  or  very  ennfiderahle  eoniiequenee,  and 
where  no  pectilinrity  of  siluniion  has  tended  to  keep  the 
nitos  of  duly  low,  experlenee  has  led  to  contract  more 
and  more  the  number  of  artielesi  rated  ad  valorem,  and  of 
course  10  extend  llie  nillnber  of  tliot^e  lated  speeiflcully ; 
that  is,  according  to  weight,  measure,  or  other  rules  of 
quantity. 

"The  reason  of  this  is  obvious:  it  is  to  guard  against 
evasions,  which  infiillilily  hapiien  in  a  greater  or  U'tis  degree 
when  duties  an-  iiigh.  It  is  iinptisbible  for  the  merciiaiiis  of 
any  country  to  have  manifested  more  probity  than  those  of 
the  Uniled'Slates  on  this  subject  1  and  it  is  flrinly  believed 
thai  there  never  was  one  in  which  illieil  purctiases  to  the 
disadvantage  of  the  revenue  have  obinined  so  little  as  hiUi- 
erto  in  thia^  Yet  would  it  be  a  delusive  expectation,  that, 
with  duties  BO  considerable  as  those  which  now  exist,  a 
disposition  will  not  be  expi>riem-ed  in  some  individuals, 
who  carry  on  our  import  tradi;,  to  evade  the  payuient  of 
them,  and  ttiis  to  au  extent  sufiicient  10  make  it  iiruiient  to 
guard  with  cireumsp<-ction,  and  by  every  reasonable  pre- 
caution, againt'i  the  success  of  mrh  attempts.  It  is  need- 
less to  ri;peat,  that  this  will  contribute  as  much  to  the  inter- 
est of  the  fair  trwler  as  to  that  of  the  revenue. 

"  It  is  believed  ttiatin  our  system  the  method  of  rating  ad 
%'aiflrem  could  with  convenience  be  brought  within  a  much 
iiuTTtHrcr  compass,  and  it  is  evident  that  to  do  so  will  con- 
tribute malcnally  u  *he  lecuri/i/  of  the  reretme." — gee 
American  Htate  Papers,  Finance,  vol.  1,  page  'MH. 

In  1801,  under  Jefferson's  administration,  Al- 
bert Gallatin,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  a  re- 
port to  the  Senate,  saiil  that — 

"  In  order  to  guard,  as  t^r  as  possible,  against  the  value 
of  grHids  being  underrated  in  the  invoices,  it  would  t)e  eligi- 
ble to  \Ay  $ptcijk  duties  on  all  such  articles  now  imying  du- 
UM  ad  valorem,  as  may  he  susceptible  of  tiiat  alteration." 
—See  American  State  Papers,  Finance,  vol.  1,  page  702. 

In  1816,  under  Madison's  administration,  A.  J. 
Dallas,  the  Scci-e  try  of  the  Treasury,  in  a  report 
to  th«  House  of   Representatives,  and  in  answer 


■Aar  a 


to  a  raaoititioii  of  ika  pwaading 
thorough  wtamimlion,  said: 

«Thu  sitlelea  ImnnrMd  In  a  grest  amount  should  mlher 
be  eharged  with  nice^c  dullei  upon  llieir  wetftil  and  neasure. 
In  order  In  guard  agalnsi  evaaiona  aatl  fti"*',  ll)*n  wtUi  aa 
valnrcm  dultea  oa  their  value."— (Bs*  Amerleaa  Stale  Pa- 
para;  Dnonca,  vol.  3,  p.  91.) 

In  1818,  under  Monrt/e's  adminiatratiMi  Wil- 
liam H,  Crewlbrd,  the  Secretary  of  the  llMsury, 
in  anawer  to  a  reaohition  of  1817,  diracting  him  to 
report  auch  meaaurea  a*  might  b«  naocssary  fbr  the 
mora  effectual  execution  of  the  revenue  laws,  laidi 

"In  order  10  provide  an  adcqust*  remedy  aiainat  the 
ftauda  and  evaslona  which  already  eiist,  and  to  prevent 
tlisir  further  Incresse,  It  la  respscOUIIy  iubmltled,"  kc. 

And  then,  after  recommending  twenty-four  ad- 
ditional laws,  he  adds: 

"  Whatever  may  U^  the  reliance  that  ought  to  be  placed  in 
the  elttcucy  of  Uie  I'oregiilng  provisiuoa.  It  la  eertiunly  pru- 
dent lu  iMminM,  as  Iter  aa  practiculile,  the  list  of  articles 
paying  ad  ralornn  duties."— (Bee  American  Slate  Papers, 
vnl.  3,  p.  sail.) 

These  opinions,  of  the  great  and  eminent  men  of 
our  country, were  never  controverted,  sofhr  as  we 
know,  until  the  present  time;  and  upon  what  prin- 
ciple of  patriotism  or  of  democracy  was  I  exoect- 
eil  to  refuse  to  them  the  homage  of  my  confiiience 
and  support?  What  should  nave  induced  me  to 
forcijo  the  conclusions  of  my  own  judgment,  forti- 
fleil  by  such  authority  and  confirmed  by  the  expe- 
rience of  the  Government  for  half  a  century  ?  In 
all  my  conferences  with  Senators,  no  better  reason 
waa  given  to  me  for  it,  than  that  the  bill  would 
destroy  the  tariff  of  1843;  but  the  remedy  was  as 
l,iad,  if  not  worse,  than  the  disease,  end  the  opera- 
tion seemed  to  me  uliiiost  as  unwise  as  to  "  cut  off 
the  head  for  a  cure  of  the  toothache.'' 

I  have  now  exploined  to  you  the  origin,  and  re- 
minded you  of  the  chnrocter  of  McKay's  bill  of 
1844.  I  have  intimated  to  you  the  nature  of  those 
party,  not  to  say,  those  moral  obligations,  which 
were  contracted  antecedent  to  the  elections  of  1844; 
and  I  have  told  you  they  were  imposed  upon  me, 
as  one  of  your  Senators,  in  my  best  attempts  to 
sustain  the  Democratic  party  by  harmoniz.ing  the 
country  generally  upon  a  distracting  conflict  of 
local  interests.  1  hnve  also  shown  you  how  the 
tariff  bill  proposed  at  this  session  was  altogether  a 
diflerent  one,  and  every  way  objectionable  in  ils 
details,  and  its  principlea,  and  in  the  time  of  its 
operation,  and  I  might  have  added,  in  the  manner 
it  was  urged  upon  the  Senate,  and  how  utterly  im- 
possible It  Wfi  with  me,  on  account  of  all  these 
things,  to  v<te  for  the  bill  without  amendment, 
even  along  with  other  Democratic  Senators,  with 
our  mouth  cogged,  our  judgments  unconvinced, 
and  our  deliberations  forestalled,  upon  a  (|uestioii 
which  I  always  thought  lo  be  a  national  one, 
above  the  dominion  of  any  political  parly  what- 
ever. 

I  now  proceed  to  lay  before  you  an  unadorned 
narrative  of  my  party  conferences  in  connexion 
with  this  subject,  ami  leove  it  fbr  you  to  chorac- 
terize  as  it  deserves  the  injustice  that  has  been 
done  to  me  by  all  those  who  have  brought  into 
question  my  faithfulness  to  the  DtmotrMc  fiarty. 
Where  my  defamers  have  been  prompted  by  mal- 
ice, they  are  entitled  to  my  compassion;  where 
they  have  been  led  by  the  spirit  of  envy,  they  are 
more  worthy  of  their  own;  where  they  have  been 
stimulated  into  activity  by  a  vain  conceit,  or  the 
love  of  notoriety,  or  of  a  petty  political  eclat,  they 
arc  deserving  of  my  contempt,  and  richly  are  Oiey 
rewarded  with  it.  But  I  owe  it  to  hontti  men,  who 
may  have  been  misled  by  their  unfounded  accusa- 
tions, to  disabuse  their  minds,  so  far  as  I  can  do  it 
without  a  betrayal  of  that  confidence  which, 
amongst  gentlemen,  is  implied  in  privotc  conversa- 
tions, no  matter  what  may  be  their  subject,  and 
which  is  aeldom  betrayed  without  mi^repreaerita- 
tion.  If  necessary,  I  have  liberty  to  do  otherwise; 
but  I  shell  Lvoid  all  unnecessary  repetition  of  the 
declarations  of  others  to  me. 

When  the  tariff  bill  first  reached  the  Senate,  I 
WW  in  Raleigh,  and  then  communicated  to  an  in- 
timate political  friend  how  difficult  I  should  find  it 
to  support  it  without  important  amendments,  ex- 
pressing to  him  my  exceeding  anxiety  and  fears 
upon  the  subject.  Immediately  after  my  return 
to  this  city,  the  first  day  of  the  debate  in  the  Sen- 
ate, I  told  several  of  the  Senators  (Democrats)  with 
whom  I  was  most  intimate,  the  same  thing,  and, 
upon  a  conference,  suggested  to  two  of  them  lliot 


11"  III. 


SeifATc.' 


I  milht  have  to  raaort  to  a  resignation  1  but  they 
dM  not  afiee  with  me,  and  I  conienled  to  think 
Alflhet  mUmH^  It  had  b««n  voted  by  the  paity  to 
have  no  referMM«(aB4  *g^*ign  have  no  amend- 
ment to  the  bill.  Next  iliiy.fMH  a  long  and  con- 
fidential MMversation  with  the  PaasmaNT  o»  thb 
UNitBD  StATKi  himself  upon  thia  au^el,  and  in- 
formed him  gf  my  detsrmination  noi  to  vote  for 
the  bill;  but  left  it  to  hit  dltoreilM  Whether  lo  keep 
that  purpose  a  secret  or  not.  In  that  interview, 
auoh  was  my  anxiety  to  reconcile  my  duly  with 
the  wiahea  of  others,  that  I  consented  to  waive  my 
opposition,  and  vote  ft>r  the  bill,  however  reluc- 
tantly, provided  it  were  amended  so  that  the  new 
tariff  would  not  go  into  operation  before  4th  March, 
1847.  The  bill  would  tden  have  operated  aa  a  re- 
peal uf  the  lariflTact  of  1843,  and  so  far  I  was  wil- 
ling to  support  it.  But  I  desired  its  operation  to  be 
postponed  to  some  period  which  would  be  less  op- 
pressive to  existing  manufactures,  and  which  might 
allow  Congress  time  to  correct  its  errors,  and, 
afker  f\ill  deliberation,  to  amend  it  before  the  exist- 
ing system  had  been  destroyed — for  deliberation 
had  been  ref\ised,  and  amendments  excluded,  al- 
though the  one  wu  due  to  the  subject,  and  the 
others  were  admitted  to  be  necessary.  By  that 
time,  loo,  I  hoped  wa  might  have  peace  w  ith  Mex- 
ico, and,  indeed,  I  entertained  no  doubt  that  Con- 
gress would  see  the  necessity  for  modifying  the 
act  at  the  next  session.  I  knew  well  that  the  Sen- 
ate were  about  passing  tlie  bill,  contrary  to  the 
judgment  of  a  majority,  under  the  duress  of  a 
par^  d.'iU;  yit,  unwise  as  that  was,  my  feelings 
were  averse  to  going  against  the  course  of  my 
party  in  that  body,  ^hese  reasons  I  assigned  to 
the  PaEsinENT,  whose  name  is  not  used  without 
hit  express  ficttue.  Upon  my  return  to  the  Senate 
Chamber,  as  I  had  promised  to  do,  I  told  several 
Senators,  who  were  regarded  as  leaders  upon  this 
question,  that  I  could  not  vote  for  the  bill,  unless 
it  should  be  amended  as  above;  but,  if  it  were  so 
amended,  /would  give  if  my  tele.  Andlagain  pro- 
mised to  keep  my  objections  and  purposes  a  secret 
IVom  the  other  side,  until  my  own  party  had  been 
consulted,  and  unfit  I  should  bt  obliged  to  act.  The 
secret  was  kept  sacredly,  upon  my  part,  and  no 
Whig  Senator  knew  of  my  opposition  lo  the  bill. 
With  that  view  it  was,  that,  down  to  the  day  be- 
fore I  resigned,  I  had  no  conference  with  persons 
in  Washington,  and  out  of  the  Senate,  upon  this 
subject,  except  the  President  of  the  United  Suites 
himself,  and  one  of  his  Cabinet;  unless  it  may  be, 
that,  in  general  terms,  I  hinted  to  one  of  my  col- 
leagues in  the  House,  that  I  was  embarrassed;  but 
he  asked  no  interview,  and  I  sought  none.  On  the 
day  before  1  resigned,  I  went  into  the  country 
wilh  a  private  gentleman  and  personal  friend,  (a 
distinguished  Democrat,)  lo  consult  with  him  upon 
the  single  point  of  my  resigning,  or  of  making  re- 
sistance to  the  bill.  I  had  frequent  conversations 
with  Senators,  and  during  Wednesday  and  Thurs- 
day, l>efore  the  vote  was  taken  in  the  Senate,  I  also 
held  three  confidential  conferences  with  the  Pres- 
ident, by  his  request,  to  whom  my  determination 
to  vote  against  the  bill  waa  always  known.  It  is 
unnecessary  for  me  to  allude  to  our  intimate  per- 
sonal and  political  relations,  or  to  slate  the  partic- 
ular con  '/ersations  thi^t  occurred ,  if  it  were  possible 
torepeatsuch  conversations,  with  perfect  accuracy . 
Suffice  it  to  say,  that  the  President  knew  all  about 
my  determination,  except  my  intention  to  resign.  I 
was  not  willing  to  tell  him  of  my  intention  to  re- 
sign, when  there  could  have  been  no  motive  for  it, 
but  to  constrain  his  magnanimity  into  a  resistance 
of  my  °clf-sacrifice  to  his  Adininiatration.  He 
saw  tnat  my  mind  waa  made  up,  and  he  respected 
my  scruples,  though  he  waa  not  indifferent  to  their 
supposed  political  consequences  to  me,  or  to  his 
Ailininislration,     I  will  not  say  more. 

I  had  been  positively  informed,  before  my  laat 
interviews  with  the  President,  that  the  DeinociAtic 
Senators  could  not  unite,  or  would  not  agree,  upon 
the  nmepdment  which  1  had  suggested,  and  the  rea- 
son assigned  to  me  was,  that  it  would  jeopard  the 
bill  in  the  other  House  to  alter  it  in  a  word,  and 
the  opinion  was,  that  the  House  would  reject  it,  if 
it  went  back.  I  replied  to  this,  that  it  was  a  mis- 
taken calculation,  and  if  not,  then  the  bill  ought 
not  to  pass  with  the  people's  representatives  sgoinst 
it.  Tnewsequel  proved  that  I  was  right,  for  it  had 
to  be  returned  to  them,  in  consequence  of  another 
amendment,  and  yet  it  passed,  as  it  had  done  be- 


m 


"'^ 


ii  I  mjjpiBiii  I  ^^  .  I II lip    1 1  I 


'1846.] 


APPENIMX  TOTfOLCONORESSIONAL  t]LOB& 


99tn  CoNO IsT  Serb. 


PfttCOW 


lied 


Bk=X 


Hon.  ff.  H.  HaywooJ'i  Addrui, 


Senate.' 


for*.  Tha  Democralie  SonaUin  muit  haWNgiH- 
cd  any  effort  of  mine  to  amend  the  bill,  tmUtir^  to 
thtW  wii/Mi,  aitd  efter  sU  that  had  Mfied,  m  •  |(M* 
Mtr  nttaolc  upon  their  Ulii  and  perMM  Ihejr  woald 
hnvo  been  juittiAa^  that)  aad  therefor*  I  reaolrad 
not  to  move  an  amendment  niyielf.  A*  honor 
and  good  ^iili  toth*  party  required  of  ma  not  to 
atlempt*Bmending  the  bill  aKainat  their  will,  I  de- 
lormincd  to  let  my  oppniitinn  be,  in  all  reepecti, 
direct  and  atntt  mficiim.  80  I  woe  excoediiigly 
caret'ul  not  to  do  anytlunfi[  which  might  expoae  n>e 
to  cenaure,  or  interlcre  with  my  oonfidenlial  party 
relnlionn  with  Oemocrntic  Seiintom,  and  therefore 
resolved  not  to  be  put  in  array  against  tliem  at  all. 
until  I  woe  forced  to  the  wull,  when,  (oa  I  told 
them,)  I  would  be  "compelled  to  follow  the  dic- 
tates of  my  conscience,  pArtv  or  no  party,  and  leave 
the  cuDsequcnccs  with  Ood."  There  is  no  Sena- 
tor, I  Bin  sure,  who  ever  doubted  my  scruples,  or 
if  he  did,  hu  had  self-respect  enough  to  conceal  his 
Hi.Lpicion.  On  the  contrary,  the  leading  men  of 
that  body  on  the  Democralie  aide,  without  excep- 
tion, as  well  08  the  President  of  the  United  Slates, 
expressed  themselves  to  ine,  upon  all  occasions, 
anxiously,  but  most  confidingly — ell  of  them  con- 
curring in  tlie  wish  that  1  could  vote  for  the  bill; 
none  doubting  my  perfect  aincerity.  They  saw 
and  kifow  the  conflict  I  hnd  to  endure  betwixt  feel- 
ing and  duty,  but  which  I  am  not  ubie  to  describe 
to  you.  Tnerc  was  never  nn  hour  when  1  could 
not  have  altered  my  course,  without  any  abatement 
of  their  respect,  or  any  sacrifice  to  my  own  pride 
of  opinion,  if  I  could  have  reconciled  it  to  my  sense 
of  fluty,  and  my  conscience,  under  any  circum- 
stances, to  vote  for  the  'jill  a>  it  wai.  Yet  my  con- 
victions were  too  strong  for  thati  I  coold  not  do 
IT.  And  nothing  remained  for  me  but  to  continue 
in  my  place  and  vole  agmtui  my  party  friends,  or 
to  rtsign  my  seat,  ut  a  period  wnen  no  other  ques- 
tion was  nicely  to  be  afi'ected  by  it.  I  owe  it  to 
myself  to  stAte,  that  all  those  who  knew  before- 
hand of  my  Intention  to  resign,  with  one  voice,  dis- 
suaded me  from  it,  for  reasons  indicative  of  their 
confidence  and  attachment,  personal  and  political; 
nnd  after  my  reaignution  had  been  laid  upon  the 
table  of  the  Vice  President,  a  number  of  them,  with- 
out my  knowledge,  inlernosed  to  hijve  its  presenta- 
tion delayed  until  I  could  be  solicited  to  recall  it. 
But  my  own  uinnion  never  varied  upon  lliut  point, 
although  my  deterinin.itinn  occasionally  vacillated 
anterior  to  the  SStli  of  July,  out  of  deference  to 
others;  when,  having  done  ait  for  the  party  that  an 
hona!  man  could  do,  I  chose  to  resign.  And  now, 
after  a  calm  review  of  all  the  circumstances,  I  do 
not  hesitate  to  declare,  that  I  should  do  precisely 
the  same  thing,  were  it  to  be  done  over  again,  and 
these  are  my  reasons: 

Democratic  Senators,  numbering  twenty-seven, 
had  agreed  to  vote  for  the  cxperimenlul  tariff  bill; 
and  BO  had  Mr.  Jarnagin,  a  Whig  Senator  from 
Tennessee.  1  knew  that  Mr.  Jarimein  expected 
to  vote  for  it,  for  he  not  only  had  told  me  himself, 
but  I  also  hnd  reliable  inlormtttion  of  t)ie  fact, 
that  he  had  given  assurances  of  his  fixed  determi- 
nation to  do  so,  which  it  wns  hardly  possible  for 
him  or  any  man  to  violate;  and  I  hud  Knowledge, 
more  than  a  week  before  I  resigned,  that,  in  case 
of  a  tie,  the  Vice  President  meant  to  vote  in 
favor  of  it.  The  result  has  proved  that  I  was  not 
mistaken  in  my  facts.  From  these  facts,  it  may 
be  seen  that,  with  my  vote  or  without  it,  the  bill 
was  destined  to  pass  the  Senate.  If  I  had  kept 
iiiy  seat,  and  voted  for  the  bill,  it  would  have 
passed  by  a  vote  of  twenty-nine!  If  I  had  kept 
my  seat,  and  voted  against  it,  the  bill  would  have 
passed  by  the  casting  vote  of  the  Vice  President! 

Rut  why  resign,  as  my  vote  against  the  bill 
would  not  have  counted  in  the  result.'  It  wns  not 
to  be  expected  that  I  should  vote  against  my  party 
friends  without  defending  my  vote.  A  speech  in 
the  Scimlo  nt  that  lime  would  have  created  grcnt 
excitement,  nnd  no  doubt  the  same  persons  who 
now  complain  of  my  resigning  would  have  de- 
nounced me  for  holding  on  to  my  office,  merely 
for  the  sake  of  making  war  upon  my  party.  My 
friends  in  the  Senate,  who  had  resolved  not  to 
speak,  might  have  hud  reason  to  accuse  me  of 
selfishness,  and  probably  some  of  my  reasons, 
uttered  in  tlie  wnrn)tli  of  a  public  speech,  might 
have  appeared  as  much  like  arraigning  others  as 
defending  myself.  In  short,  I  deprecated  '.!...  pos- 
sibility of  an  open  rupture  with  those  I  loved,' but 


with  whom  I  dnred  not  act,  and  was  ever  ready 
to  sarriAce  much  mora  than  a  place  in  the  Haiiate 
to  avoid  it,  iinlcHH  my  duty  to  the  eouMlry  had  de- 
manded that  risk  at  my  hands — "  Country  before 
party,  but  parly  before  self,"  has  always  been  my 
principle  of  action.  If  my  ■elf-«icritic«  did  not 
secure  the  peace  it  was  intended  to  propitiate  out 
of  th*  Senate,  I  nm  abundantly  rewardeil  by  its 
effect!  in  the  Senate.  My  firm  intention  wrM 
ouietly  to  resign,  and  not  to  attack  a  measure  of 
tlie  Administration  af>er  it  had  passed  by  my  party 
friends,  even  for  my  own  vindication.  And  that 
determination  would  have  been  kept,  if  the  fully 
or  the  wickedness  of  others  had  not  forced  this 
explanation  from  me  in  lelf-dcfence. 

But  I  kept  my  intention  a  secret?  You  have 
seen,  that,  to  the  extent  that  this  was  true,  it  was 
an  act  of  party  oitdience  on  my  part,  which  a  par- 
tisan has  no  right  to  condemn;  nnd  that  it  was 
neither  more  nor  lens  than  an  unselfish  act  of  duty 
upon  the  facts  already  stated.  If  any  one  has 
been  inclined  to  question  the  policyof  the  conceal- 
ment beforehand ,  the  result  proved  hia  mistake, 
since  it  did  no  liann  to  the  party  or  the  bill;  and, 
if  it  had  turned  out  otherwise,  the  Ihult  would  not 
have  been  mine.  It  was  a  secret  of  the  party  at 
my  hazard,  and  instead  of  being  blamed  for  it,  I 
might  reasonably  put  in  a  claim  for  credit.  Hav- 
ing once  consented  nut  to  disclose  my  hostility  to 
the  bill,  it  became  a  point  of  personal  honor  with 
me,  and  a  prudent  man,  who  has  that  to  keep, 
cannot  be  too  cautious  in  selecting  the  politicians 
who  are  to  assist  him. 

But  I  resigned  without  a  right  to  do  so,  and  with- 
out the  leave  of  my  State  I  Is  that  true }  Let  us 
see.  Suppose  every  voter  in  the  Democratic  party 
had  commanded  me  to  vote  for  the  bill,  and  yet 
my  own  Judgment  hnd  prevailed,  as  it  did,  against 
the  joint  influence  of  my  feelings,  my  individual 
firiendahips,  and  my  personal  ambition;  is  there  a 
man  who  will  deny  that  I  still  had  a  perfect  right 
to  resign  my  station  and  save  my  conscience  ?  Did 
any  one  ever  suppose  before  that  party  had  the 
right  to  claim  dominion  over  the  man  who  served 
them,  as  well  as  the  office  they  had  bestowed — over 
the  soul  as  well  as  thettolionof  their  agent?  Never, 
never. 

But  in  my  case  there  is  no  room  for  new  theo- 
ries. The  Legislature  that  elected  me  passed  reso- 
lutions, declaratory  of  their  doctrine.  They  were 
passed  by  the  party  that  elected  me.  Whilst  the 
'"  voice  of  God  in  the  soul  of  man"  demanded  my 
opposition  to  the  experimental  tariff,  u  Democratic 
Suite  Legislature,  at  the  utmost  only  demanded  of 
me  to  do  otherwise  "  or  resign;"  and  for  obeying 
both  God  and  man,  as  I  have,  are  you  called  upon 
to  denounce  me  as  treacherous!  No  man  witii  a 
due  sense  of  honor  and  accountability  could  put 
himself  in  a  position  where  obedience  to  the  man- 
dates of  others  wus  both  imperative  and  unavoid- 
able; and  nobody  would  be  fit  to  serve  the  Republic 
who  could.  Upon  such  terms,  it  would  be  infa- 
mous to  serve  any  party. 

But  the  North  Carolina  resolutions,  of  themselves, 
constitute  at  onte  my  defence,  nnd  a  refutation  of 
the  absurd  notion,  that  Senators  who  cannot  obey 
have  no  right  to  resign  without  being  crimuial. 

They  are  here: 
«  Retolutiont  of  the  Genernl  Jlnemlty  of  Nortk  Carolina. 

"  ReioheH,  That  tlio  Lesislnture  of  tills  Smic  have  u  riglit 
toiiiHtnict  the  Hi-imturs  ol'ihiii  Htatc  in  CniigreKf,  wlieiifViT, 
ill  the  opinion  of  iliu  Legiiilntiire.  tlicy  ntieriprexent  tin: 
wishes  ofilin  Stnti',  or  tliu  nnmnituao  o(^  Uiu  nccnsinii  shall 
reiiuire  Rucli  instructions;  and  ihat  it  is  the  duty  of  tho 
Sennt4)rs  to  obey  tlie  insinictions  given, or  to  resion  tiikir 
BEATS  :  Provided,  The  inslriiriions  to  bo  given  and  olreyeil 
re(iuire  not  tlio  Senator  to  commit  a  vioiution  of  tlie  Cuiisli- 
tulion,  or  nil  net  of  niornl  tnrpitinlf!. 

"  Resolicd,  Tliut  wliilc  Ndrtli  Carolina,  In  the  opinion  of 
this  LrgiHlatnie,  will  in^vcr  oiijeet  to  any  amount  of  taxes, 
equally  apportioned,  and  imposed  lor  the  purpose  of  raising 
rnvenuo  to  support  j^ic  Goveriinient,  econoiuically  adininis- 
tercd,  yet  tills  Suite  will  never  consent  to  ilie  ini|>osiiiun  of 
taxes,  tile  dilsign  and  operation  oflvliicli  .ire  to  promote  tlio 
interests  of  parlieniar  occupations  nt  the  general  expenr^e. 

"Hwo/iM,  That  tlio  uiriH'lnw,  passe-lbythe  present  Con- 
gross,  [IS'l'-J,]  is  based  on  protective  principles,  operating  as 
a  bounty  to  ttie  manufncturing  interests ;  and  imposiot  un- 
just, unequal,  and  oppressive  burdens  upon  oUier  branches 
of  industry,  and  piirtieulariy  ilinse  |)eculiarto  tlie  soutlicrn 
IjtAies — and  that  such  being  the  eflV-cis  of  tliis  law,  it  is  un- 
wise in  policy,  dangerous  to  public  liberty,  and  a  jierversion 
of  tliat  fret.'  constituliiin  of  Government  wiiieh  was  framed 
nnd  adopted  for  the  protection  and  security  of  all,  and  which 
will  be  best  sustained  by  tlie  equal  operationof  its  laws, and 
Ihejiist  dispensation  ofits  benetits  to  every  Aineriean  citizen. 

"  Rctolvei,  That  Uiis  law  is  not  only  pioteetive  in  itschar- 


Mtiir,  8n4  OMHiAl  In  lu  niHiraileii.  Init  Uml  II  vialMes  iha 
cuiii|ironiU«  of  laia,  anjiuily  depriving  the  Houih  oflhe  b«n- 
cllu of  Uist  sot,|iM>«ly  SI  rilo  iKrliKl  whin  ilicy  wer«  m 
socnie  to  us,  iliil  Immedislely  nlli'r  we  hnd  pnllinily  and 
aSMoileany  endarrd  all  tu  hnnl'ns  1  nnd,  tberefiire.  In  iha 
iiMiie  of  honor.  Justice,  and  good  faith,  nt«  l.eglslnturs  of 
Nurtli  Cariillns  do  protwl  sgainsl  Ibis  law,  and  iiislsl  llist  It 
should  bo  niodiHad,  noas  to  place  II  un  Uie  basis  of  revenue 
dullei." 

"  Hmotved,  Thai  nur  Benslon  In  CongrsM  he,  and  they 
nre  iiereby  iMgTRUi  tso,  and  our  RflpresentAUves  requenleu, 
to  carry  Into  r.tkci  the  prlucipiei  lel  fbrtli  la  the  foregoing 
rflsoldtlnnii, 

"  HeioUiei,  Thai  tha  Onveninrnrihis  HIhIs  be  reqiilrMl  Is 
(brward  a  copy  of  these  revolulloitii  to  each  of  oar  Heaainm 
in  t'oiigresH,  Willi  liie  rei|iiest  that  they  lay  ihein  hefbre  tlio 
Hennir  oflhe  United  HInles. 

"  Itaillied  the  IMlh  day  of  January,  A.  D.  lfM.1. 

•■  OAI.VIN  URAVBH,  S.  H.  C, 
"  LOUIS  D.  VVII.eiON,  S.  a." 
Are  yon  instructionists  ?  Behold  here  is  a  com- 
plete exculpation  of  my  conduct.  The  Legislature 
says  that  to  "  resign"  is  not  only  the  right,  but  the 
"duty"  of  a  Senntur,  who  doei  not  prefer  to 
"obey"  their  instructions,  It  is  not  to"ob«y" 
without  any  other  alternative;  but  it  is  to  #bey  ' 
"or  resign" — either  one  or  the  other — according 
to  his  own  choice.  So  he  does  one  "or"  the  other, 
ho  is  lUithfiil,  Will  the  Democracy  of  North  Car- 
olina, who  have  been  forgetful  of  these  initruclioiii, 
Kervorsely  adhere  to  an  error,  by  whiah  they  may 
live  allowed  themselves  to  prejudge  one  who  has 
spent  the  best  part  of  his  life,  nnd  worn  out  his 
constitution,  as  I  have,  in  upholding  the  Demo- 
cratic party  in  North  Carolina,  ogninst  political 
foes  without  and  selfish  demagogues  within  its 
fold?  Will  that  be  hnnornble,  orjuat,  or  Demo- 
cratic?   I  leave  your  own  hearts  to  aiTiwer. 

Are  you  non-instructionists  ?  Then  remember, 
that  I  hod  it  not  in  my  power  to  sacrifice  myself 
to  the  country,  for  my  vole  could  not  have  pre- 
vented, no  more  than  it  could  have  secured,  the 
passage  of  the  tariflf  act.  With  or  without  my 
vote,  the  deed  would  have  been  done.  Remember, 
too,  that  these  resolutions  were  passed  by  my  own 
party,  in  the  Legislature  that  elected  me,  and  my 
acceptance  of  the  office,  in  the  view  of  some  hon- 
orable fViends,  might  have  been  held  to  create  an 
implied  pledge  lhat  I  would  "  resign,"  provided  I 
did  not  obey  ilieir  instructions,  and  therefore,  that, 
independent  of  any  political  "duly  to  obey  or  re- 
sign," I  had  come  under  a  personal  obligation  to 
do  the  same  thing.  Hence,  by  holding  on  to  my 
seat  and  resisting,  there  would  have  been  lome 
room  for  censure,  but  I  desired  to  have  no  adch 
controversy,  and  as  my  resistance  would  have  done 
no  good  to  the  Rep,ublic,  surely  all  will  agree  tliat 
it  wns  my  perfect  right  to  resign. 

It  must  Ije  confessed  that  these  resolutions  did 
not  positively  instruct  the  Senators  from  North 
Carolina  to  vole  fur  the  experimental  tarifl'by  that 
name,  nor  by  any  other  precise  description  of  it. 
It  is  more  than  probable  the  Legislature  had  not 
anticipated  the  invention  of  such  a  tariff;  and  I  am 
sure  I  had  not.  But  they  did  instruct  the^enators 
to  "  carry  into  effect  the  principles  declared  in  the 
foregoing  resolutions;"  and  a  plausible  argument, 
if  not  a  sound  one,  might  be  made  in  favor  of  the^ 
construction,  that  their  "principles,"  or  at  least 
some  of  them,  would  be  carried  into  efl'ect  by  the 
ex|>erimental  tariff,  and  therefore,  if  \  had  remained 
in  the  Senate  to  vote  ag^nst  the  tariff  bill,  it  might 
have  been  alleged,  and  it  would  have  been  charged, 
that  I  had  ifisotiei/ed  the  instructions  of  the  North 
Carolina  tiegislature  merely  for  the  sake  of  r ,y 
office.  And  what  could  I  have  answored?  Had 
I  tuld  you  that  the  resolutions  were  oliscure,  and 
that  therefore  I  had  not  been  able  to  obey,  my  ex- 
cuse would  have  been  a  false  one,  for  I  have  already 
shown  you  that  I  dared  not  vote  for  the  thing,  had 
the  instructions  been  given  in  the  eery  vords  of  the 
act,  when  the  alternative  of  resigning  was  express- 
ly conceded  to  be  both  my  right  and  my  o'uty. 
Had  I  told  you  that  a  higher  duty  imposed  upon 
me  the  obligation  of  dtfealin^  this  new,  unwi.se, 
and  sccf'onal  tarifi'  of  1846,  in  order  to  save  tlw 
Heni'blic  and  the  people  from  those  injurious  rie» 
suits  which,  according  to  my  judgment,  were  al- 
most unavoidable,  it  would  have  been  also  untrue 
ill  my  case,  for  as  I  have  already  stoted,  I  knevo  the 
I  ill  would  pass,  with  or  without  my  vote.  I  was 
inv'Apable  of  resorting  to  any  such  false  pretexts 
for  my  defence.  As  a  christian  and  a  gentleman, 
it  w  as  my  duty  to  assume,  ns  the  party  press  at 
ho-ne  woi^ld  seem  to  have  asserted  already,  that 


■v?^ 


1184 


-!20tii  Cono I8T  Scim. 


APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONGjESSrONAL  OLOBtT. 
Hon,  W,  II,  Ihi/wood's  Addrtu. 


[August  10'. 

SeNATK. 


til*  "  princi|ilr«"  of  Uiem  rean'u>ion«  were  "  rar- 
rieil  nut"  liy  thr  esp«rinirn(al  tahA°i  nnd  not  Iwini; 
able  Id  nlHty.  it  wa«  Iherefure  my  riKht  to  r«ai|;ii. 
Iflliorc  liiiil  lii't'iiniiy  Uoiilit  ahoiii  the  other  "  prin- 
ciples art  r»rtli  in  the  t'orc|(nin(  remiliitiona,"  Ihrre 
wiia  none  iiivin  the  principle  ofthe  Senntor'a  "  duly 
tn  rcal;;n;  nnil  hia  "  rieht"  tu  dii  that  wna  uii- 
quentioiird  niid  unmieatinnnblc. 

In  ail  riir  na  Iho  Legiiilature  intended  to  declare 
hoai-.liiy  to  the  larill'act  of  WUfi,  I  concurred  with 
them;  iiiid  I  ufrnin  re|)eiil  tlint  my  embarmaaincnla 
prew  altiigi'ilirr  out  oflhia:  thnl  the  act  by  which 
11  waa  proimard  lo  get  rid  oC  the  Uiriir  of  1849,  waa, 
under  the  circumamncca  ot'  its  preaenlaliun,  prii- 
({rau,  end  cnarlment,  uiid,  in  view  of  ull  ita  con- 
■eqiiencca  In  the  party  and  the  country,  na  bad  or 
wnrae  ihnn  the  act  of  1843',  and  n  support  of  it  by 
my  vote  waa  utterly  n:pii!;nant  lo  a  srnae  of  duty 
tomyBcIf,  and  of  feally  lo  North  Camlina  and  the 
Union;  no  I  retired  from  it  aa  I  would  from  a  poli- 
tical pealilence.  I  did  not  do  it  aooner,  for  llie 
rriaona  already  pveii;  and  for  the  nddilional  rea- 
■ort,  tl'.at  ih'^  Uovernor  of  ihe  Stale  being  n  Whig, 
it  wiia  impoaaibic  to  aurrendcrmy  ollii'c  tn  the  De- 
mocratic Jiarty  that  elected  ine;  oiid  it  wu»  cer- 
tainly my  riKbl,  to  poalpnne  it  aa  near  aa  pracii- 
cublu  until  the  Au);uhI  electiona,  and  that  right  I 
exercised  ibr  the  bcnelil  of  my  party,  whose  min- 
ions have  been  the  first  lo  denounce  ine  for  it!  The 
Ceopio  nP North  Cnrnlinn  will  nol,  they  cannot,  in 
niinr  ai.il  justice,  sive  ihvir  sanclinn  lo  such  abom- 
inable iniqnily.  T'hry  are  to''  just,  too  hniinrable, 
In  .ippriive  the  execrable  maxim,  thai  "  all's  fltir 
in  noliiics,'' 

It  may  be  reunrded  as  no  slight  evidence  of  the 
failhfulnesfl  wiili  which  I  adhered  to  my  pnrly  ob- 
ligations, that,  after  consenting,  under  ilic  pressure 
or  strong  feelings,  to  vote  for  the  experimenlal 
tarilT,  proviiled  it  could  be  amended  so  as  to  pnsl- 
pone  ita  takint;  effect  until  4ih  March  next,  1  had 
very  considerable  doubts  whether  I  had  nol  gone 
too  far.  Yet,  in  my  endeavors  to  avoid  complaint, 
I  adhered  lo  my  pledge,  and  nobody  was  sufl'ereu 
tn  know  of  my  repentance.  The  minute  iiefore  I 
resigned,  it  was  made  known  that  I  would  abide  fcy 
that  qfftr,  and  a  final  answer  waa  given  by  those 
com|ietcnt  to  reply,  that  Ilit  bill  xeould  cerloiniy 
pa.li  trilA  )ii<  my  vole,  and  any  atleralion  of  it  leoiWii 
(luiaii^er  its  passage  in  (Ac  other  Ilotise,  and  therefore 
no  amendment  would  be  voted  for.  This  was 
communicated  to  nie,  and  thereupon  my  reaigimlion 
was  handed  in  to  the  iSennte. 

Now,  my  friends  and  cnunlrymen,!  believe  I 
have  told  you  all,  and  1  submit  to  your  justice  and 
common  sense,  whether  ingenuity  and  malice  com- 
bined ran  make  out  more  against  my  conduct  with 
this  Adniinislralion,  upon  the  subject  of  the  larifl', 
than  an  honest  diflV'rencc  of  opinion  .'  Because  the 
President  recommends  a  lax  iuw,  must  your  Sen- 
ator therefore  approve  of  it,  without  crossing  a  ( 
or  (lotting  an  i .'  Kecause  the  Adminislnilioii 
wishes  to  carry  a  bill  for  revenues,  must  your  Sen- 
ator, against  his  own  judgment,  therefore  vole  for 
it  ?  Because  tiie  Treosury  Department  may  have 
become  commilled  to  a  new  experiment  on  the 
tarirt',  did  it  therefore  become  a  part  of  Ihc  creed  of 
Dcnmeracy,  and  bind  Senulors  who  were  chosen 
long  before  this  Administration  was  elected  ? 
When,  and  where,  and  how,  did  these  become  a 
part  of  the  political  faith  of  North  Carolina.'  Who 
indoclrinaleb  her  and  her  people.'  What  book 
tenclicait?  What  precedems  enforce  it.'  What 
age  illustrates  it?  The  Constitutiom  provides 
that  bills  for  raising  revenue  shall  originate  in  the 
House  of  Reprcsenlntivesi  but  here  is  a  new  doc- 
trine in  politics,  and  a  new  practice  in  carrying  ii 
out,  us  well  aa  a  new  principle  for  laying  dunes  ! 
And  will  you  proscribe  nie,  simply  because  I  re- 
signed sooner  than  give  my  vote  thus  to  revolu- 
tionize at  once,  and  without  lime  for  deliberalion, 
or  opportunity  lo  amend  the  act,  all  the  past  ex- 


perience of  the  Clovurnmeiii,  and  lo  scl  aside  III* 
cnunacia  of  H'athington,  J^rion,  .Undiisn,  .Von- 
rof,  and,/aik«Hi  / 

I  do  not  undertake  to  account,  for  the  present  a 
least,  for  ihe  extraordinary  outrage  that  wua  pcr- 
|ietralcd  upon  my  rights  na  a  man  and  a  tienalor, 
aa  aoon  as  I  had  resigned,  and  before  I  hnd  been 
either  asked  for  my  rnaaoiia  or  allowed  lime  to 
•peak  lo  you  tor  niyaell';  nor  to  remark  upon  the 
aervUe  spirit  of  some  in  our  own  iSlate,  who  wore 
quite  eager  to  follow  the  ignoble  lead.  There  is  a 
tun*  for  all  things.  Bui  lo  those  in  North  Carolina, 
of  every  (mrty,  who  aim  to  direct  public  opinion, 
I  beg  leave  In  say  a  word,  in  which  they  are  inter- 
esteu  as  much  as  I  can  lie.  How  happened  it  that 
another  Democmliu  Senator  openly  denounced  thia 
very  bill  as  absurd,  disgusting,  and  unfit  lo  be 
touched,  and  he  was  not  noticed  by  imrty  cen- 
sures .'  I  low  did  it  come  about  that  aniither  Demo- 
cratic Senator,  in  debate,  averred, (mDAolieoHy,  that 
the  omission  of  a  lax  upon  ten  mm  cotl'ee,  when 
Ihe  country  was  nt  war,  "  was  without  rx'cu«,"und 
nol  n  woril  of  couiplnint  wns  mndn  ngaimt  him? 
Whence  was  it  that  Democraia  of  yirginia  voted 
against  the  Administration  upon  the  res(dution  of 
notice  lo  tcrminalu  the  Oregon  convention,  and  no 
one  wns  heard  to  proi-lnim  tiikik  want  of  feally  to 
the  parly  or  the  Aitmiinstration .'  And  by  what 
inlUience  wns  it  that  South  Carolina  Democrats  did 
the  like,  and  rHer  wcntunreprnvod?  Whence  hap- 
pened it  thai  a  Democratic  Senator  refused  to  vote 
fur  thcMexiean  war,  and  still  iiK  waa  a  gnnd  parly 
man  and  Administralinn  man !  And  ihal  olher 
Democratic  Senators  voted  against  amendments  to 
,lhe  Independent  Treasury,  reportfd  upon  the  rec- 
ommendation of  the  Administration,  and  declared 
by  the  Secretary  lo  bt  indisptmable  lo  his  jeltinr 
along,  and  yet  iiikt  were  treated  as  true  and  lovar, 
without  any  open  reproaches?  And,  more  than 
all,  how  will  you  account  for  it,  that  ojhcr  Sena- 
tors have  denounced  the  President  for  the  Oregon 
treatv,  and  openly  charged  him  with/caurf,  deceit, 
and  kypoerisy,  and  still  thet  remained  "  very  ex- 
cellent friends"  of  this  Administration,  and  re- 
ceived no  censures?  But  a  Senator  from  Abrt/i 
Carofinn,  who  enjoyed  the  personal  confidence  of 
the  President  more  than  any  other,  supported  his 
I  Administration  more  zealously,  and,  I  may  say, 
mort  successfully,  than  any  other  single  Senator 
I  had  done — an  early,  intimate,  unflinching  friend, 
I  who  brought  lo  his  suiiport  his  heart  as  well  as 
!  his  head,  all  he  hnd  of  both — has  been  denounced 
I  and  slandered  ns  a  trailor  and  apostate,  merely 
I  because  he  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate  into  your 
I  hands,  sooner  llinn  violate  hi.s  conscience  by  voting 
for  a  single  measure  of  legislation,  or  disturb  hia 
I  Administration  friends  by  resisting  it.  Such  arc 
the  undeniable  facts;  look  ye  to  their  meaning. 
Your  friend  and  countryman, 

WILL.  H.  HAYWOOD,  Ja. 
Washington  City,  ,ilugust  1U,  1H46. 


APPENDIX. 

SENATOR  IIAYWOOD'8  1,>;TTEK  OF  ACCEPTANCE. 

To  the  General  Jt)t»embly  of  North  (farotinix  ; 

fiK!,Ti.i;MK.N  :  1  liDvu  liiiil  ttit!  Iioiior  to  rcceivc,  thrniigh 
your  8i»ciikfr!4,  otTicial  nniice  (if  my  ctectidii  m  a  ticnntdr 
in  thu  CongntsM  nf  ih(!  United  Mtnlci,  fmni  Nortli  Carolina, 
wiUl  n  rcqiieMt  llint  I  would  nccept  Ihc  finiiKs 

It  tins  become  vt  inucli  n  mHtte^ol'co1lr^(!  to  make  prnfet' 
siniifl  of  KrntitiKte  for  public  favor,  tbnl  I  am  not  witliom  ap- 
prehen,iioii  sncli  prufeiiHions  frotn  me  will  be  roKnrdcd  to,  n 
mere  form-  Rut  cnlled,  na  I  Imvc  been,  wiihoul  any  ((olici- 
tntioii  of  miTie.  lo  a8sum(t  the  res^ponHibiliiicH  of  so  di»tin- 
KniHlied  aKt.-ilio'n  in  the  Kerviee  of  North  Carolina,  it  h  but  u 
mint  exnresidun  of  my  feeliriipi  to  declare  that  I  iJiank  you, 
Willi  (ill  my  heart,  for  this  liiark  of  your  cnnfldcncr-  Thouith 
oppressed  by  n  painful  diHtniHl  of'my  ability  *.•  do  tile  li.V<f 
of  wtiat  my  afTeeliori  for  Ihe  Huite  would  p-.nnpt  me  to  un- 
dertake in  her  behalf,  still  I  htlieve  it  i>^  oiy  duty  not  to  de- 
cline your  nomination.  1  would  that  1  bad  more  e\pericne(! 
and  greater  capacity  Ibrtlie  patriolie  work.  Hueh  as  I  have, 
shall  be  brought  to  it  without  reserve.    Our  Suite  enjoys,  u 


,  111  snvlsblif  repuinitnn  fnr  honeiiy  and  ditln- 
Wraate<lD«w.  In  har  davoiinn  |u  lllK'rii  niid  ih«  I'lUon,  •tin 
bai  kaan  atfconil  in  none,  for  «MbiulHlo(itnluwl'iil  niitbor- 
lUfia  rtvsrenae  Itor  law  and  order,  nuii  a  aeneral  reuard  for 
Biramial  ri|liia,  I  do  bolieve  there  la  aoi  mcli  anotlier  peopln 

I  In  the  world.    Tbese  virii whila  thiy  dlailugnisb  the 

(  hararltir  ofllin  Stale,  do,  at  the  same  I ',  nirnish  slrong 

nioilveajhr  fallhAilneiw  in  lier  imblle  a(i  nia.  I  trust  ii  may 
he  In  myfaiwer  to  abow  my  own  apjin  i  imlaii  of  her  pir- 
tisllty,  by  always  roinirdlnii  the  sMilon  assisiied  m  ma  na  an 
Insiruiiieiii  to  lulvimee  her  welfare.  And  if.  in  Ihc  oriler  of 
l'ro\ldeneu,  it  ahonld  lie  inv  lot  lo  i<coioplialt  any  |ir(*Rt 
good,  or  lo  naaiat  o  liers  in  a<  rouiplisliiiitf  II— n,  prevuninny 
■erioiis  evils  to  our  coiiinion  country,  and  lo  North  llHrMlliia 
in  paiiieular,  or  in  aid  olliera  in  pruveiiting  ilieni,  I  aball 
hurcnflcr  rejoice  niora  Ihal  the  vma  work  wua  done,  than  I 
ahall  ibat  I  did  it,  and  iiiueh  niom  lliiin  I  now  can  Unit  f 
tinve  been  clioaen  hy  you  to  attempt  it. 

On  Ihe  other  hanil,  •lioilld  II  la)  my  inisforlilne  tn  fall  slln- 
aether,  and  In  lose  at  Ihe  olo*ie  tlie  contidence  whlali  baa 
been  so  Benerouslv  tH*stowe(l  In  the  outset,  my  friends  aliall 
not  And  a  n-nson  for  my  fliiliir*  In  Ibu  lack  of  teal  to  do  all 
my  duly  lo  NorUi  ('arolinat  nor  will  my  enemiea  be  aide  lo 
nitribulfl  11,  in  any  degree,  lo  a  violation  ol' yrevioui  jitett^ri ; 
foTt  hetfOnd  nirk  iit  tnirfrnou^i  jnlititnl  jnineliilet  Anir  iiulho- 
rlicA  ifiufiiirljt  !'>  in/d",  I  >*in  l>owut  /,j/  no  ptcitget  ti-h.ilerrr. 

I  1  do  not  alfecrto  he  ignorant  that  toy  eleeiion  to  Ihe  Hmiate 
wna  mnde  hy  the  llemocnitle  party  ;  and  I  should  spurn  the 
thoiigbi  of  deaeillngibu  principles  of  tliai  iwrly,  sIiit  having 

I  lieen  ehoaen  to  till  so  exnUed  a  |K>st  for  lllu  very  purpose  of 

I  beluiiii  to  Biiaiain  them.  I  am  myself  hearuly  and  e(uiscl- 
•  nllously  a  Vemacrat,  It  is  llie  common  lot  of  nilblie  iiieii 
to  encounter  cnlninny  and  inisrepreaenUillon.  'rhnt  would 
■fleni  lo  In,  a  tax  imposed  by  IVeedom  u|iun  imtriotlsni,  and 
I  nm  nol  so  vnhi  na  to  einecMn  go  (Veo.  May  I  nol,  tinw- 
ever,  be  |termlited,  on  tills  (a-casloa,  wIiIkhii  censure  from 
nny  (piarter,  to  nes)H'ak  the  candor  of  all  Jiiat  men  against 
thoae  auspleiona  which  are  so  emnmon,  but  ao  well  ealeii- 
lated  to  weaken  the  hands  of  a  rtjiresenlative?  I  do  It  mora 
lor  the  olllee  of  Htain  Hiniator,  tlinn  for  myself,  and  not  »> 
much  tn  proieel  my  own  feelings,  na  lo  lliriify  Uie  sinli(m  I 
ninat  occupy— snspieions,  I  menu,  of  the  political  inlegriiy 
ofn  repreaeiiialive,  lHi(elting  disirusi,  if  ho  fails,  on  all  oc- 
casions, to  range  himaeir,as  n  lervile  follower,  behind  sonin 
great  parly  cnplain;  and,  on  Ihe  oihei  baud,  causing  even 
respeetiihle  men,  lo  Uirlr  own  dishonor,  and  that  of  liurnnn 
nnlure,  to  think  (jf  enUeing  a  poliUcal  op|ioneot  I'nmi  Ihe 

fialh  of  reelltnde,  by  pretending  to  anticipate  bis  treachery, 
fever  h«  hap|H>ns  lo  separate  from  bis  own  party  leaders 
U|M>n  any  (lUeaUon  whatever.  The  dread  of  false  clamor, , 
hy  selrtsh  men  of  one's  own  side,  and  the  moriiiyingenlice- 
llienls  of  flaltery  fToin  the  other,  springing  alike  fnun  thia 
ureliaritnble  source,  consiltnie  serious  disoonragenienta  lo 
a  scrupulous  and  sensllivu  mind,  against  accepting  a  puldio 
odlco  J  whilst  to  venal  or  to  timid  men  in  olhee,  they  an'  |ieril- 
ous  templatloni  lo  swerve  from  the  manly  perfurmaiKn  of 
their  duly. 

It  must  needs  be  that  partiea  will  exist ;  and  perhaiw  it  is 
right  and  pro|ier  thnl  Ihey  ahonld.  I  am  not  in  be  under- 
ainud  aa  ri(  prccating  |>arly ;  but  only  the  mnlignani  Ingenuity 
with  which  it  strives  to  fasten  itself  unoii  all  and  any  and 
every  ((uestion  which  can  he  preaenled.  Thia  laMcr  spirit 
la  an  undeniable  evil.  It  makes  ua  slavea  tn  the  bad  |Hia- 
ainna,  not  only  of  ourselves,  but  of  others  also.  It  deslroya 
the  salutaryiuriueiieflof  aw(!ll-regulated  and  patriotic  party 
spirit,  having  for  its  object  the  happiness  of  the  peoplis  and 
looking  to  till-  welf;.rc  of  tile  country.  Honest  stalesmeii 
imve  always  be(^n  more  or  leas  party  men.  There  are,  how- 
ever, as  there  always  must  be,  some  ipiestlnns  wbleli  con- 
cern our  Government  above  the  rightful  control  of  mere 
pnrht— nuestions,  In  the  deurminalion  of  which,  upright 
minils,  though  altacbed  lo  the  sa'no  parly,  may  di/Ter  wiih- 
oul crime  in  either  i  and  legislators  for  the  Uuinn,  though 
belonging  to  opposite  |i«die«,  may  happen  to  concur  wilbout 
bad  fnith  in  cither— (lucationa  u|Km  which  it  were  asllictliras 
to  adhere  to  a  parly,  contrary  lo  the  cnnviellnna  of  one's  un- 
derstanding, aa  it  would  bi!  dishonorable  upon  others  of  a 
dill'creni  characKT,  to  desert  party,  -md  t.)  falsify  ihe  profes- 
sions, by  means  of  which  he  liaii  been  elevated  to  otHce. 
And  is  it  not  a  dlelutu  of  pnidence  In  the  |ieople  lo  multiply, 
rather  than  to  diminish,  tlie  number  of  lh(!se  iiuestlons,  as  it 
ainnild  be  a  principle  of  honor  among  tliosi!  who  nitn  to  give 
a  direction  to  the  popular  mind,  to  lUlnw  lo  their  represenui- 
tlve  that  there  are  Kinie  points  upon  which,  being  lell  to 
think  for  hiniself,  he  will  he  expected  to  net  independently 
according  to  hia  own  judgment,  wilhnul  thereby  exposing 
himself  to  he  claimed  as  an  idly  hy  his  enemies,  or  denumiced 
asn  trailor  hy  his  frienils?  'riiongh  a  party  man,  therefore, 
upon  inelisures  which  /fgilim<i/:/t/ connect  themselves  Willi 
the  acknowledged  prinelples  of  parly,  and  by  no  means  a|>- 
proving  the  hy|}ocrisy  of  slntesiiKin  or  iHdilicians  who  may 
feign  lo  live  aUo^elher  above  its  atuMHiphere,  I  dare  not  sur- 
remler  the  State  to  party,  did  fealty  to  the  luui!r  make  it 
necessary  lo  do  it  nor  will  I  everaacrilice  my  party  to  tvtf 
should  it  be  in  my  power  to  do  thnl. 

Relying  upon  the  blessing  of  (Jial  on  my  efTorls  to  serve 
North  Carolina,  and  aa  ker  Senator,  adhering  to  what  ia 
right  for  its  own  sake,  in  public  as  in  private  life,  1  shall 
HtriV(!  lo  deserve  nlike  the  confidence  of  Ihe  Htale,  and  of 
tlie  parly  by  whose  flivor  Ibis  high  trust  has  lM>en  condded  u> 
nie.    I  am  your  friend  (Uid  eoiiiitryman, 

WILLIAM  ll.llAVWOOn.Js. 

Ralbioh,  Jafuiary  16, 1B43. 


END  OF  THE  APPENDIX  TOR  THE  FIRST  SESSION  OP  THE  TWENTY-NINTH  CONGRESS. 


{jQ=  We  will  print  the  Congressional  Globe  and  Appendix  for  the  next  session  for  $1  each. 


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